Commentaries on the four last books of Moses arranged in the form of a harmony

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BS A85 .C168 1847 v. 7
Calvin, Jean, 1509-156A.
Commentaries . . .

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The Jolin ^I. Krebs Dunatioii.

COMMENTARIES

OH

THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

THOLUCK'S DISSERTATION.
OriNIONS AND TESTIMONIES.

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COMMENTARIES

THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

/

BY JOIINTALVIN.

TRANSLATED FROM THi: ORIGINAL LATIN, AND COLLATED WITH
THE FRENCH EDITION,

BY HENRY BEVERIDGE, ESQ.

PROFESSOR THOLUCK'S DISSERTATION

OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

OF FOREIGN AND BRITISH DIVINES AS TO THE
VALUE AND IMPORTANCE OF

CALVIN'S WRITINGS.

EDINBURGH:

PRINTED FOR THE CALVIN TEAN^SLATION SOCIETY,
M.DCCC.LIV.

" I AFFIllJI THAT HE (cALVIN) EXCELS BEYOND COMPARISON IN TUE INTER-
PRETATION OF SCRIPTURE, AND THAT HIS COMMENTARIES OUGHT TO BE MORE
HIGHLY VALUED THAN ALL THAT IS HANDED DOWN TO US BY THE LIBRARY OP

THE FATHERS." — Armhiius.

" THAT INCOMPARABLE CALVIN, TO WHOM MAINLY, AND NEXT TO GOD, THE
CHURCH OWES ITS REFORMATION, NOT ONLY IN FRANCE, BUT IN MANY OTHER

PARTS OF EUROPE." — Awyruut.

r®ntmD at ^tattonns' liijall.]

" CALVIN's COMMENTARIES REMAIN, AFTER THREE CENTURIES, UNPAl! ALLEIED
FOR FORCE OF MIND, JUSTNESS OP EXPOSITION, AND PRACTICAL VIEWS OP CHRISTI-
ANITY."— Bisliop of Calcutta, {Dr. Wilson.)

" Calvin's works contain nearly a complete commentary of the whole
bible, and that of inestimable value to every minister. a minister
without this is without one of the best commentaries on the scriptures,

AND A VALUABLE BODY OF DIVINITY." — lleV. E. Uickerstctk.

EDJNBUEGIi: rillNTED BY T. CONSTABLE, PRINTER TO IIKU MAJE.-TY.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

Tub Commentary on Joshua was the last literary labour
of its venerable Author. When he engaged in it, his consti-
tution, which had never been strong, was completely worn out
by excessive exertion, and almost every line of it must have
been dictated to his amanuensis during momentary intervals
of relief from severe bodily pain. On this point we possess
authentic documents which leave no room for doubt.

In a letter dated 30th November 1563, not quite six
months before his death, after alluding to the difficulty he
felt in continuing his studies, while both mind and body
were exhausted by sickness, he states that he had under-
taken a Commentary on Joshua, in compliance with the
wishes of his friends, but had not then been able to advance
beyond the third Chapter, though he had endeavoured to
be as brief as possible.

Little more than two months after this letter w^as written,
on 6th February 1564, he made his appearance in the
pulpit for the last time ; and on 10th March following,
the ^complication of diseases which too plainly indicated
that his earthly career was about to close, had become so
alarming as to cause an entry in the Register of Geneva in
the following terms : — " Arrete que chacun prie Dieu pour
la sante de M. Calvin, qui est indispose depuis longtemps,
ct memo en danger de mort :" — " Decreed that every one
pray to God for the health of Mr. Calvin, who has been in-
disposed for a long time, and even in danger of death."

Such are the circumstances in which this Commentary
was composed, and it is impossible, in reflecting on them,

VI TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.

not to admire tlio indomitable energy which Calvin dis-
played in proceeding with his task, and in meeting the
remonstrances of those who would have withdrawn him from
it, with the heroic exclamation, " Would you that the Lord,
when He comes, should find me idle I"

A Work written at such a time, and in such a spirit,
might justly claim exemption from criticism ; but it has no
need of indulgence, and can well afford to be judged by its
own intrinsic merits. Viewed merely as an intellectual
effort, it displays all the excellencies which characterize the
other Commentaries of its distinguished Author : viewed in
a higher and better light, it is his dying bequest to the
Church — a solemn ratification of the whole System of Doc-
trine which he had so long, so earnestly, and so successfully
promulgated.

As an appropriate conclusion both to the present Volume
and the others which have preceded it, a valuable Tract,
first published in this country in 1845, has been appended.
It contains a Preface by the Rev. William Pringle, its
original editor, an Essay from the German of Professor Tho-
luck, and a series of Extracts from Writers often differing
widely from each other, but all concurring in a united tes-
timony to the greatness of Calvin's talents, or the excel-
lence of his character. In the present reprint, the chief
change consists in the insertion of Additional Testimonies.

The list of Calvin's Writings, which completes the pre-
sent Volume, is in accordance with that furnished by his
greatest Biographer, Henri of Berlin, and will enable the
reader to comprehend at a single glance the amazing extent
of his literary labours.

H. B.

December 30, 1854.

CONTENTS.

TAGS

I. Commentaries on the Book of Joshua, . . 17

A New Tuanslation of Calvin's Version of the

Book of Joshua, . . . .184

Indices to the Commentaries on the Book of
Joshua, . . . . .325

II. Professor Tuoluck's Dissertation on Calvin as an

Interpreter of the Holy Scriptures, . 337

III. Opinions and Testimonies respecting the Writings

of John Calvin, . . . .376

IV. List of Calvin's Works, . . , , 465

T? P " TT n Tl '^

^^u

THSOLOGIC&Ii

CALVIN'S

ARGUMEST OF THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

As to tlie AUTHOR of this Book, it is better to suspend /
our judgment than to make random assertions. Those who
think that it was Joshua, because his name stands on the
title page, rest on weak and insufficient grounds. The name
of Samuel is inscribed on a part of the Sacred History con-
taining a narrative of events which happened after his death ;
and there cannot be a doubt that the book which imme-
diately follows the present is called Judges, not because it
was written by them, but because it recounts their exploits.
Joshua died before the taking of Hebron and Debir, and
yet an account of it is given in the 15th chapter of the
present Book. The probability is, that a summary of events
Avas framed by the high priest Eleazar, and furnislied the
materials out of which the Book of Joshua was composed.
It was a proper part of the high priest's duty not only to
give oral instruction to the people of his own time, but to
furnish posterity with a record of the goodness of God in
preserving the Church, and thus provide for the advance-
ment of true religion. And before the Levites became
degenerate, their order included a class of scribes or notaries
who embodied in a perpetual register everything in the history
of the Church which was worthy of being recorded. Let us
not hesitate, therefore, to pass over a matter which we are

B

<

XVIU CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF

unable to determine, or tlie knowledge of which is not very
necessary, while we are in no doubt as to the essential point
— that the doctrine herein contained was dictated by the
Holy Spirit for our use, and confers benefits of no ordinary
kind on those who attentively peruse it.^

Although the people had already gained signal victories,
and become the occupants of a commodious and tolerably
fertile tract of country, the Divine promise as to the land of
Canaan still remained suspended. Xay, the leading article
in the Covenant was unaccomplished, as if God, after coop-
ing up his people in a corner, had left his work in a shapeless

' This practical conclusion, Avliich is indeed the only one of real import-
ance, is founded partly on the general consent of the Church, e^-inced by
the place which the Book of Joshua has always held in the Sacred Canon,
and partly on the strong sanction given to it by the direct or indirect
references and quotations of the other inspired writers both of the Old
and the Xew Testament, e.g., 1 Kings xvi. 34 ; Psalms xliv. ; Ixviii. 12-14 ;
lxx\iii. 54, oo; cxiv. 4,5; Hab. iii. 11 ; Acts \\\. 45; Heb. iv. 8; xi. 30,
31 ; xiii. 5; and James ii. 25. The authorship, however, is so uncertain,
that there is scarcely a writer of eminence from the period of the history
itself down to the time of Ezra, for whom the honour has not been claimed.
Among others may be mentioned Phinehas, Samuel, and Isaiah. The
ob'v-ious inference is, that the question of authorship is one of those des-
tined only to be agitated but never satisfactorily determined. The opinion
above stated by CaMn is perhaps as plausible as any other, though he
scarcely appreciates the claims which may be urged in favour of Joshua
himself. It is, of course, impossible to attribute to him either the narrative
of his own death, or the references to one or two events which happened
subsequent to it. Such anachronisms, if they may be so called, only prove
what has never been denied, that some insertions or interpolations have
been made in the original work. But as the account of the death of Moses
in the last book of the Pentateuch is not allowed to cast any doubt on the
claim of Moses to have been the true author, it is not easy to see why
similar insertions should be supposed to have any stronger effect in regard
to the claim of Joshua. In addition to the evidence furnished by those
passages in which the writer speaks as an eye-witness, and an actor in the
events recorded, those who attribute the Book to Joshua find a strong
argument in the position which Joshua occupied. He was not only the
divinely appointed successor, but the ardent admirer and diligent imitator
of Moses. Is it reasonable to suppose, that while imitating him in tlie
general principles of his government, he forgot to imitate him in the use
of his pen, or that he was not as careful as Moses had been to draw up a
written narrative of the wonderful events which the Lord performed by his
hand? The important fact that Joshua did vjrite is distinctly stated in
chapter xxiv. 26 : and though the writing there referred to seems to have
been confined to the narrative of a special event, analogy goes far to jus-
tify the inference, that what he did on this occasion was in accordance
with his usual practice, and that the record which we now possess of his
eventful life, is, in substance at least, the production of his pen. — Ed.

THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. XIX

and mutilated form. This Book, then, shews how, when
the intolerable impiety of the people had interrupted the
course of deliverance, God, while inflicting punishment,
so tempered the severity of justice as ultimately to per-
form what he had promised concerning the inheritance of
Canaan.

This suggests the very useful reflection, that while men
are cut off by death, and fail in the middle of their career,
the faithfulness of God never fails. On the death of Moses
a sad change seemed impending ; the people were left like
a body with its head lopped off. While thus in danger of
dispersion, not only did the truth of God prove itself to be
immortal, but it was shewn in the person of Joshua as in a
bright mirror, that when God takes away those whom he
has adorned with special gifts, he has others in readiness to
supply their place, and that though he is pleased for a time
to give excellent gifts to some, his mighty power is not tied
down to them, but he is able, as often as seemeth to him
good, to find fit successors, nay, to raise up from the very
stones persons qualified to perform illustrious deeds.

First, we see how, when the wandering of forty years in
the wilderness had almost effaced the remembrance of the
passage of the Red Sea, the course of deliverance was proved
to have been uninterrupted by the repetition of the same
miracle in the passage of the Jordan. The renewal of circum-
cision was equivalent to a re-establishment of the Covenant
which had been buried in oblivion by the carelessness of the
people, or abandoned by them from despair. Xext, we see
how they were conducted by the hand of God into possession
of the promised land. The taking of the first city was an
earnest of the pei-petual aid which they might hope for from
heaven, since the walls of Jericho fell of their own accord,
shaken merely by the sound of trumpets. The nations,
however, were not completely routed by a single battle, nor
in one short campaign, but were gradually worn out and
destroyed by many laborious contests.

Here, it is to be observed, that "arduous difficulties were
thrown in the way of the people when the kings entered into
a league, and came forth to meet them with united forces,

XX CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF

because it became necessary not only to war with single
nations, but with an immense body which threatened to
overwhelm them by one great onset. Ultimately, however,
all these violent attempts liad no other effect than to make
the power of God more manifest, and give brighter displays
of mercy and faithfulness in the defence of his chosen people.
In fact, their uninterrupted course of success, and their many
unparalleled victories, sheAved the hand of God as it were
visibly stretched forth from heaven.

More especially, a signal proof that they were warring under
divine auspices was given when the sun was checked in his
course at the mere prayer of Joshua, as if the elements had
been armed for his assistance, and were waiting ready to
obey him. Again, while the delays which occurred in the
progress of the war were useful trials of the constancy of
the peoj)le, we must not lose sight of another admirable use
of which Moses, to prevent them from fainting in their minds,
had at an earlier period forewarned them, viz., that God was
unwilling to destroy the nations at once, lest the country,
from being converted into a kind of desert, might be over-
run by wild beasts.

But the provision which God had thus most graciously
made for their security, they wickedly perverted to their
own destruction : for having obtained what they deemed a
lai'ge enough space for commodious habitation, they turned
backwards to indulge in sloth and cowardice. This one
crime brought others along with it. For after they had
been enrolled under the banners of the Lord, they treacher-
ously and disobediently refused to fulfil their period of ser-
vice, in the very same way as deserters, regardless of the
military oath, basely quit their standards,^ The dominion
of the land, which had been divinely offered, they, with

1 The French here is, — " Car tout ahisi comme des gendarmes fuyars,
qui laissent vilainement leur enseigne, oublians le serment par lequel ils se
sont obligez, ils furent traitres et perjures a Dieu, sous lequel ils estoyont
enrollez pour servir tout le temps par luy ordonne ;" " For just like fugitive
soldiers, who villanously desert their standards, forgetting the oath by
which they have bound themselves, they became perjured traitors to God
under whom they were enlisted to serve for the whole period ordained by
him." — Ed.

THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. XXI

flagrant ingratitude, rejected, by taking possession of only
a part.

Moreover, tliougli tliey had been ordered to purge tlie
sacred territory of all pollutions, in order that no profanation
of the pure and legitimate worship might remain, they allowed
the impious superstitions which God abhorred to be practised
as before ; and though they also knew that the order had
been partly given as a security for their own safety, lest,
through intermixture with the nations, they might be en-
snared by their impostures and insidious arts, yet, as if they
had determined to court danger, they left them to furnish
the fuel of a dire conflagration.

Their obstinate incredulity betrays itself in their disregard
of the penalty denounced against such transgression. But
they at length learned by experience that God had not
threatened in vain, that those nations whom they had
wickedly! spared, would prove to them thorns and stings.
For they were harassed by constant incursions, pillaged by
rapine, and at length almost oppressed by tyrannical violence.
In short, it was not owing to any merit of theirs that the
truth of God did not utterly fail.^

On this point, indeed, a question may be raised : for if
the promise given to Abraham was founded on the mere
good pleasure of God,^ then, be the character of the people
what it might, it is absurd to say that it could be defeated
by their fault. How are we to reconcile the two things, —
that the people did not obtain the full and complete inherit-
ance promised to them, and that yet God was true ? I
answer, that so far was the faithfulness of God* from being
overthrown, or shaken, or in any way impaired, that we

' " Wickedly." Latin, " Male." French, " Centre leur devoir;" " Con-
trary to their duty." — Ed.

« "Did not utterly fail." Latin, " Irrita caderet." French, " Ne tom-
bast tout a plat sans avoir son eifet ;" " Did not fall quite flat without pro-
ducing its effect." — Ed.

' '• Was founded on the mere good pleasure of God." French, " A este
pureraent et simplement fondee au bon plaisir de Dieu, etnon ailleurs;"
" Was founded purely and simply on the good pleasure of God, and not on
anything else." — Ed.

* " Faitlifulness of God." Latin, '• Dei fides." French, " La certitude
de la proraesse de Dieu;" "The certainty of the promise of God." — Ed.

XXll CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF

here perceive more clearlj how wonderful are His workings,
who, in unsearchable wisdom, knows how to bring light out
of darkness.

It had been said to Abraham, (Gen. xv. 18,) To thy seed
will I give this land, from the river of Egypt to the great
river Euphrates. Joshua affirms that the event drew near,
and was actually at hand. But the Israelites, overcome by
sloth, do not reach those boundaries ; nay, in settling down
of their own accord within narrow limits, they in a manner
oppose barriers to the divine liberality. In this way the
covenant of God seemed to suffer a kind of eclipse.

And there is no doubt that pious minds were often filled
with anxiety when they saw His work cut short. But the
punishment inflicted on tlie j^eople for their wickedness was
so tempered, that what might otherwise have been a grievous
and perilous trial of faith, was converted into a powerful
support. The apparent failure reminded the children of God
that they were to look forward to a more excellent state,
where the divine favour would be more clearly displayed,
nay, M'ould be freed from every obstruction, and shine forth
in full splendour. Hence their thoughts were raised to
Christ, and it was made known to them that the complete
felicity of the Church depended on its Head. In arriving at
this conclusion, they were assisted by new prophecies. For
the rehearsal which Joshua here makes of the ancient cove-
nant is applied in the Psalms (Ps. Ixxii. and Ixxxix.) to the
Messiah's reign, unto which time, the Lord had, for the
purpose of rendering it more glorious, deferred the full
fruition of the promised land. The same thing was ex-
emplified in David, who bore a typical resemblance to
Christ, and in whom it was shewn that the divine pro-
mises were only established and confirmed in the hand of
a Mediator.

No longer, therefore, does it seem strange that the result
promised, after being retarded by the wickedness of the
people, was not fully accomplished till the state of the Church
was rightly arranged, seeing that in the person of David the
image of the Mediator, on whom the perfect felicity of the
Church depended, was visibly held forth to view. Mean-

THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. XX1H

while the moderate foretaste wliich believers received of the
divine favour, must have sufficed to sustain^ them, prepara-
tory to the more complete realization.

Nor, indeed, was the partition made by Joshua and the
heads of the tribes, to whom that duty was intrusted, elusory
or fallacious ; but the inheritance, in possession of which
God had placed them by His own hand, was truly and dis-
tinctly divided by His orders. In this respect, too, the
sacred observance of the covenant made with Abraham was
conspicuous. Jacob, when about to die, had destined certain
settlements to some of his children. Had each tribe received
its portion simply by the determination and suffrages of
men, it might have been thought that they had merely fol-
lowed the directions of the Patriarch. But when the lot,
than which nothing is deemed more fortuitous, confirmed the
prophecy, the stability of the donation 2 was as clearly
ratified as if God had visibly appeared. Accordingly,
after the sluggishness of the people put an end to the
w^ar, Joshua sent back the tribes of Reuben and Gad, with
the half tribe of Manasseh, as if their joeriod of service had
expired.

Next follows a remarkable narrative, clearly shewing how
zealous the Israelites who dwelt in the land of Canaan were
to maintain the pure worship of God. For when these two
tribes and half tribe had erected a monument of fraternal
alliance, the others, thinking that it was an altar intended
for sacrifice, and consequently an abomination, immediately
determine to declare war, and prepare sooner to destroy
their kindred^ than allow religion to be torn asunder by a
bastard worship. At the same time they are commended
for their moderation, in being so easily appeased on obtain-
ing satisfaction, after a sacred zeal had suddenly roused them
to arms.

' " Sustain." French, " Consoler et soustenir ;" " Comfort and sustain."
—Ed.

' " Stability of the donation. " Latin, " Donationis stabilitas." French,
" La verite de la prophetic ;" " The truth of the prophecy." — Ed.

' " Sooner to destroy their kindred." Latin, " Suos consanguineos potius
delere." French, " L)e plutost extemiiner leur cousins, c'est a dire ces
iignees-laquiestoyentdeleur sang;" "Sooner to exterminate their cousins,
(kindred,) that is to say, lineage wliich was of their own blood." — Ed.

XXIV CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

In tlie end of the book it is shewn liow anxious Joshua
was to advance the glory of God/ and liow diligently he
endeavoured to obviate the fickleness and treachery of the
people. With this view, not only the most impressive ex-
hortations, but protestations, were employed, and more espe-
cially the covenant was renewed in regular form with the
solemnity of an oath.2

' Latin, " Quantopere solicitus fuerit Josue de propaganda Dei gloria."
French, " Combien Josue a ete' songneux de procurer qu'apres sa mort
Dieu fust glorifie' ;" " How careful Joshua was to provide that God should
be glorified after his death." — Ed.

* In addition to the above excellent summary, it may be proper to men-
tion that the Book of Joshua extends over a period, estimated by Josephus
at twenty-five, and by other Jewish chronologists at twenty-seven, though
others attempt to reduce it to only seventeen years, and that its contents
are naturally divided into three great sections, — the first extending from
chapter i.-xii. inclusive, and giving a continuous narrative of Joshua's
conquests; the second from chapter xiii.-xxiii. inclusive, consisting chiefly
of a description more or less detailed of the division of the country among
the different tribes ; and the third occupying the remainder of the book,
principally with an account of the great convention of the tribes held at
Shechem, on Joshua's summons, and of the interesting and important pro-
ceedings which then took place. — Ed.

~x

A BRIEF COMMENTARY

THE BOOK OF JOSHUA

BY JOHN CALVIN,

A SHORT TIME BEFORE HIS DEATH.

CHAPTER I.

1. Now, after the death of Moses,
the servant of the Lord, it came to
pass, that the Lord spake imto
Joshua the son of Nun, Moses'
minister, saying,

2. Moses my servant is dead :
novr therefore arise, go over this
Jordan, thou, and all this people,
unto the land which I do give to
them, even to the children of Israel.

3. Every place that the sole of
yovu: foot shall tread upon, that have
I given mito you, as I said unto
Moses.

4. From the wilderness and this
Lebanon, even unto the great river,
the river Euphrates, all the land of
the Hittites, and unto the great sea,
toward the going down of the sim,
shall be your coast.

1. Now, after, &c. Here, first, we see tlie steadfastness
of God in watcliing over his people, and providing for their

' The copulative particle which commences the Book, and is usually
translated and, or, as in our English version, now, evidently connects it
with some previous writing, and seems to vindicate the place which it holds
in the Canon as a continuation of the Book of Deuteronomy. In this first
verse, Calvin's Latin version omits the epithets, " Servant of the Lord,"
and " Moses' minister," applied respectively to Joshua and Moses. The
Hebrew contains both, but the former is omitted by the ordinary text of
the Septuagint, though placed among its various readings. — Ed.

1 . Fuit autem post mortem Mosis,
ut Jehova alloqueretur Josue, di-
cendo,'

2. Moses servus mens mortuus
est : nunc ergo surge, trajice Jor-
danem istum tu, et omnis hie popu-
lus, ad terram quam ego do illis,
nempe filiis Israel.

3. Omnem locum quern calcaverit
planta pedis vestri vobis dedi ; quem-
admodum locutus sum Mosi.

4. A deserto et Libano isto usque
ad flumen magnum, flumen Euphra-
ten, tota terra Hittseorum usque ad
mare magnum ad occasum solis, erit
terminus vester.

26 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 2.

safety. The sanction given to Joshua's appointment, as new
leader by a renewed commission/ was intended to indicate
the continuance of his favour, and prevent the people from
thinking themselves forsaken in consequence of the death
of Moses. Joshua, indeed, had already been chosen to rule
the people ; and not only invested with the office, but also
endowed with spiritual gifts. But as the most valiant, how-
ever well provided, are apt to halt or waver when the period
for action arrives, the exhortation to Joshua to make ready
forthwith for the expedition was by no means superfluous.
Still, however, the call thus formally given was not so much
on his own account, as to inspire the people with full confi-
dence in following a leader whom they saw advancing step
by step in the path divinely marked out for him.^

2. Moses my servant, &c. A twofold meaning may be
extracted — the one, since Moses is dead, the whole burden
has now devolved upon thee, take the place of him to whom
thou hast been appointed successor ; the other, although
Moses is dead, do not desist, but go forward. I prefer the
former, as containing the inference that he should, by right
of succession, take up the office which Moses had left vacant.^
The epithet or surname of servant applied to Moses, has
respect to his government of the people and his exploits ;
for it ought to be accommodated to actual circumstances.*
The allusion here is not to the Law but to the leadership,
which had passed to Joshua by the decease of Moses, and
God thus acknowledges his servant, not so much with the
view of praising him, as of strengthening the authority of
Joshua, who had been substituted in his place. And as the
people might not have acquiesced sufficiently in a bare com-
mand, he promises, while ordering them to pass the Jordan,

' " A renewed commission." Latin, " Repetitis mandatis." French, "En
reiterant les articles de sa commission ;" " By reiterating the articles of his
commission." — Ed.

'^ Or rather, " Who they saw, did not advance a single step till the Lord
had preceded him." — Ed.

' " Which Moses had left vacant." Latin, " Ex qua decesserat Moses."
French, " De laquelle Moyse estoit sorti ayant fait son temps ;" " Which
Moses had left, having held his own time of it." — Ed.

* "To actual circumstances." Latin, " Ad circumstantiam loci." French
" A la circonstance du passage ;'' " To the circumstance of the passage."— Ed .

CHAP. I. 4, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 27

to give them peaceable possession of the whole country, and of
every spot of it on which tliey should plant their foot. For as
nothing tends more than distrust to make us sluggish and
useless, so when God holds forth a happy issue, confidence
inspires us with vigour for any attempt.

It may be added, that lie does now begin for the first time
to give them good hopes, by making a promise of which
they had not previously heard, but recalls to their remem-
brance what Moses had formerly testified. He says, there-
fore, that the time had now come for exhibiting and per-
forming that which he had promised to Moses. Should any
one object that the same thing had been said to Abraham long
before Moses was born, nay, that the perpetual covenant de-
posited with Abraham included everything which was heard
by Moses four hundred years after ;' I answer, that here no
notice is taken of the ancient promise which was everywhere
known and celebrated, and that Moses is produced as a wit-
ness whose memory was more recent, and by whose death
the confidence of the people might have been shaken, had
not God declared that the accomplishment of all which he
had said was at hand.

4. From the wilderness and this Lebanon, &c. How the
truth and fulfilment of this promise surmounted all the
obstacles interposed by the wickedness of the people, though
they did not obtain immediate possession of the whole terri-
tory, I have explained in the Argument. For although God
had unfolded the inestimable treasures of his beneficence by
constituting them lords of the country, it did not follow that
their misconduct was not to be chastised. Nay, there be-
hoved to be a fulfilment of the threatening which Moses had
denounced, viz., that if the nations doomed to destruction
were not destroyed, they would prove thorns and stings in
their eyes and sides. But as the promise was by no means

' The French here gives the same meaning in a paraphrastic form,
" Ou mesmes qu'a parler proprement, tout ce qui a este dit a Moyse de-
pendoit de I'alliance perpetuelle que Dieu avoit niise en garde entre les
mains d' Abraham quatre cens ans auparavant." " Or even, to speak
properly, all that was said to Moses depended on the perpetual covenant
Avhich God had deposited in the hands of Abraham four hundred years
before." — IJd.

28 COMMENTAEY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 4.

broken or rendered void by the delay of forty years, during
which they were led wandering through the desert, so the
entire possession, though long suspended, proved the faith-
fulness of the decree by which it had been adjudged.

The people had it in their power to obtain possession of
the prescribed boundaries in due time; they declined to do so.
For this they deserved to have been expelled altogether.^ But
the divine indulgence granted them an extent of territory
sufficient for their commodious habitation ; and although it
had been foretold that, in just punishment, the residue of
the nations whom they spared would prove pernicious to
them, still, they suifered no molestation, unless when they
provoked the Divine anger by their perfidy and almost
continual defection : for as often as their affairs became
prosperous, they turned aside to wantonness. Still, owing
to the wonderful goodness of God, when oppressed by the
violence of the enemy, and, as it were, thrust down to the
grave, they continued to live in death ; and not only so, but
every now and then deliverers arose, and, contrary to all
hope, retrieved them from ruin.^

The Great Sea means the Mediterranean, and to it the
land of the Hittites forms the opposite boundary ; in the
same way Lebanon is opposed to the Euphrates; but it must
be observed that under Lebanon the desert is comprehended,
as appears from another passage.^

' The two last sentences form only one in the French, which is as fol-
lows, " Le peuple pouvioit du premier coup, et des I'entree s'estendre
jusqu'aux bornes que Dieu lui mesme aiioit marquees ; il n'a pas voulu :
il cstoit bien digne d'en estre mis dehors, et du tout forclos." " The
people might at the first blow, and immediately on their entrance, have
extended themselves to the limits which God himself had marked ; they
would not : they well deserved to be put out and wholly foreclosed." — Ed.^

' Latin, " Qui prjcter spem rebus perditis succurrerent ;" French, " Qui
outre toute esperance venoyent a remedier aux affaires si fort deplorez, et
redresser aucunement I'estat du peuple ;" " Who, beyond all hope, came to
remedy the very deplorable affairs, and, in some degree, restore the con-
dition of the people." — Ed.

' Calvin's language here is not very clear, and seems to convey an errone-
ous impression. The desert or wilderness, instead of being comprehended
under Lebanon, is obviously contrasted with it, and forms the south, wliile
Lebanon forms the north frontier. We have thus three great natural
boundaries — Lebanon on the north, the desert of Sin on the south, and the
Mediterranean on the west. The eastern boundary occasions more diflli-
culty. According to some, the Euphrates is expressly mentioned as this

CHAP. I. O.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

29

5. Non consistet qmsquam contra
te cunctis diebus vitse tuse ; quia
sicuti fui cum Mose, ita ero tecum ;
non te deseram, neque derelinquam.

G. Confirmare, ergo, et roborare ;
quia tu in hsereditatem divides po-
pulo huic terram, de qua juravi pa-
tribus eorum me daturum illis.

7. Tantum confirmare et roborare
vehementer : ut custodias et facias
secundum totam legem quam prse-
cepit tibi Moses servus mens ; non
recedes ad dextrara vel ad sinistram
ut prudenter {yel prospere) agas in
omnibus.

8. Non recedat liber legis hujus
ab ore tuo ; sed mediteris in eo, die
et nocte, ut custodias et facias, se-
cundum id totum quod scriptum est
in eo. Tunc enim secundas reddes
vias tuas, et tunc prudenter ages.

5. There shall not any man be
able to stand before thee all the days
of thy life : as I was with Moses, so
I will be with thee ; I will not fail
thee, nor forsake thee.

6. Be strong, and of a good cour-
age ; for unto this people shalt thou
divide for an inheritance the land
Avhich I sware mito their fathers to
give them.

7. Only be thou strong, and very
coiu-ageous, that thou mayest ob-
serve to do according to all the law
which Moses my servant commanded
thee : turn not from it to the right
hand or to the left, that thou mayest
prosper whithersoever thou goest.

8. This book of the law shall not
depart out of thy mouth ; but thou
shalt meditate therein day and night,
that thou mayest observe to do ac-
cording to all that is written therein:
for then thou shalt make thy way
prosperous, and then thou shalt have
good success.

9. Have not I commanded thee ?
Be strong, and of a good courage ;
be not afraid, neither be thou dis-
mayed : for the Lord thy God is
with thee whithersoever thou goest.

5. There shall not any man, &c. As a contest was about to
be waged with numerous and warlike enemies, it was neces-
sary thus to inspire Joshua with special confidence. But
for this, the promise of delivering over the land which God

boundary, and an attempt is made to reconcile the vast difference between
the actual possession of the Israelites, even in the most prosperous period
of their history, and the tract of country thus bounded, by having recourse
to the explanation of St. Augustine, who, in his Commentary on Jos. xxi.,
gives it as his opinion that the country extending eastward beyond the
proper limits of Canaan was intended to be given not so much for posses-
sion as for tribute. This view receives some confirmation from the exten-
sive conquests which were made by David and Solomon. According to
other expositors, the Euphrates is intended to be taken in connection with
Lebanon so as to form, by one of its windings or branches, part of the
north boundary, while the east boimdary is left indefinite, or rather, was so
weU defined by the Jordan that it did not require to be separately men-
tioned. In this general uncertainty, there is much practical wisdom in
Calvin's suggestion in his Argiunent, that the indefiniteness of the bound-
aries assigned to the promised land, contrasted Avith its actual limits,
tended to elevate the minds of Old Testament believers, and carry them
beyond the present to a period when, under a new and more glorious dis-
pensation, the promise would be completely fulfilled. — Ed.

9. Nonne prsecepi tibi, ut te con-
firmes, et te robores ? Ne formides,
neque animo frangaris ; quoniara
tecum sum Jehova Deus tuus in om-
nibus ad quje tu pergis.

30 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 6.

had given, would ever and anon have become darkened ; for
how vast the enterprise to overthrow so many nations !
This objection therefore is removed. And the better to free
him from all doubt, he is reminded of the victories of Moses,
by which God had made it manifest that nothing was
easier for him than utterly to discomfit any host however
great and powerful. Joshua, therefore, is ordered to behold
in the assistance given to Moses the future issue of the wars
which he was to undertake under the same guidance and
protection. For the series of favours is continued without
interruption to the successor.

Wliat follows is to the same efiect, though it is more fully
expressed by the words, I will not fail thee, &c. Hence the
Apostle, (Heb. xiii. 5,) when wishing to draw off believers
from avarice, makes an application of these words for the
purpose of calming down all anxieties, and suppi'essing all
excessive fears. And in fact, the distrust which arises from
anxiety kindles in us such tumultuous feelings that on the
least appearance of danger, we turmoil and miserably torment
ourselves until we feel assured that God both will be with
us and more than suffice for our protection. And, indeed,
while he prescribes no other cure for our timidity, he re-
minds us that we ought to be satisfied with his present aid.

6. Be strong, &c. An exhortation to fortitude is added,
and indeed repeated, that it may make the deeper impres-
sion. At the same time the promise is introduced in differ-
ent words, in which Joshua is assured of his divine call, that
he might have no hesitation in undertaking the office which
had been divinely committed to him, nor begin to waver
midway on being obliged to contend with obstacles. It
would not have been enough for him diligently to begirt
himself at the outset without being well prepared to perse-
vere in the struggle.

Although it is the property of faith to animate us to
strenuous exertion, in the same way as unbelief manifests
itself by cowardice or cessation of effort, still we may infer
from this passage, that bare promises are not sufficiently
energetic without the additional stimulus of exhortation.
For if Joshua, who was always remarkable for alacrity, re-

CHAP. I. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 31

quired to be incited to the performance of duty, how much
more necessary must it be that we who Labour under so
much skiggishness shouhl be spurred forward.

We may add, that not once only or by one single expres-
sion are strength and constancy required of Joshua, but he
is confirmed repeatedly and in various terms, because he
was to be engaged in many and various contests. He is
told to be of strong and invincible courage. Although these
two epithets make it obvious that God was giving command-
ment concerning a most serious matter, still not contented
with this reduplication, he immediately after repeats the
sentence, and even amplifies it by the addition of the
adverb very.

From tliis passage, therefore, let us learn that we can
never be fit for executing difficult and arduous matters un-
less we exert our utmost endeavours, both because our
abilities are weak, and Satan rudely assails us, and there is
nothing we are more inclined to than to relax our efforts.^
But, as many exert their strength to no purpose in making
erroneous or desultory attempts, it is added as a true source
of fortitude that Joshua shall make it his constant study to
observe the Law. By this we are taught that the only way
in which we can become truly invincible is by striving to
yield a faithful obedience to God. Otherwise it were better
to lie indolent and effeminate than to be hurried on by head-
long audacity.

Moreover, God would not only have his servant to be
strong in keeping the Law, but enjoins him to contend man-
fully, so as not to faint under the burden of his laborious
oifice. But as he might become involved in doubt as to the
mode of disentangling himself in matters of perplexity, or as
to the course which he ought to adopt, he refers him to the
teaching of the Law, because by following it as a guide he
will be sufficiently fitted for all things. He says. You shall
act prudently in all things, provided you make the Law your
master ; although the Hebrew word ^"2^, means to act not

' French, " Et il ne faut qu'un rien poiir nous faire perdre courage ;"
" And a mere nothing is all that is necessary to make us lose courage." —
Ed.

82 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 8.

only prudently but successfully, because temerity usually
pays the penalty of failure.

Be this as it may, by submitting entirely to the teaching
of the Law he is more surely animated to hope for divine
assistance. For it is of great consequence, when our fears
are excited by impending dangers, to feel assured that we
have the approbation of God in whatever we do, inasmuch
as we have no other object in view than to obey his com-
mands. Moreover, as it would not be enough to obey God
in any kind of way,^ Joshua is exhorted to practise a
modesty and sobriety which may keep him within the
bounds of a simple obedience.

Many, while possessed of right intention, sometimes im-
agine themselves to be wiser than they ought, and hence
either overlook many things through carelessness, or mix up
their own counsels with the divine commands. The gen-
eral prohibition, therefore, contained in the Law, forbidding
all men to add to it or detract from it, God now specially
enforces on Joshua. For if private individuals in forming
their plan of life behove to submit themselves to God, much
more necessary must this be for those who hold rule among
the people. But if this great man needed this curb of
modesty that he might not overstep his limits, how intoler-
able the audacity if we, who fall so far short of him, arrogate
to ourselves greater license ? More especially, however, did
God prescribe the rule to his servant, in order that those
who excel in honour might know that they are as much
bound to obey it as the meanest of the people.

8. This hook of the Law, &c. Assiduous meditation on the
Law is also commanded ; because, whenever it is intermitted,
even for a short time, many errors readily creep in, and the
memory becomes rusted, so that many, after ceasing from the
continuous study of it, engage in practical business, as if
they were mere ignorant tyros. God therefore enjoins his
servant to make daily progress, and never cease, during the
whole course of his life, to profit in the Law. Hence it fol-

' The French adds, " Ou en quelques points ;" " Or in some points." —
Ed.

CHAP. I. 8. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. S3

lows that tliose who hold this study in disdain, are blinded
by intolerable arrogance.

But why does he forbid him to allow the Law to depart
from his mouth rather than from his eyes ? Some interpre-
ters understand that the mouth is here used by synecdoche
for face; but this is frigid. I have no doubt that the word
used is peculiarly applicable to a person who was bound to
prosecute the study in question, not only for himself indi-
vidually, but for the whole people placed under his rule.
He is enjoined, therefore, to attend to the teaching of the
Law, that in accordance with the office committed to him,
he may bring forward what he has learned for the common
benefit of the peoj^le. At the same time he is ordered to
make his own docility a pattern of obedience to others. For
many, by talking and discoursing, have the Law in their
mouth, but are very bad keepers of it. Both things, there-
fore, are commanded, that by teaching others, he may
make his own conduct and whole character conformable
to the same rule.

What follows in the second clause of the verse shews, that
everything which profane men endeavour to accomplish in
contempt of the word of God, must ultimately fail of success,
and that however prosperous the commencement may some-
times seem to be, the issue will be disastrous ; because
prosperous results can be hoped for only from the divine
favour, which is justly withheld from counsels rashly
adopted, and from all arrogance of which contempt of God
himself is the usual accompaniment. Let believers, there-
fore, in order that their affairs may turn out as they wish,
conciliate the divine blessing alike by diligence in learning
and by fidelity in obeying.

In the end of the verse, because the term used is ambi-
guous, as I have already observed, the sentence is repeated,
or a second promise is added. The latter is the view I take.
For it was most suitable, that after the promised success,
Joshua should be reminded that men never act skilfully and
regularly except in so far as they allow themselves to be
ruled by the word of God. Accordingly, the prudence which
believers learn from the word of God, is opposed to the con-

c

3-t COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 9.

fidence of those who deem their own sense sufficient to guide
them aright.^

9. Have not I commanded, &c. Although in Hebrew a
simple affirmation is often made in the form of a question,
and this phraseology is of very frequent occurrence, here,
however, the question is emphatic, to give an attestation to
what had previously been taught, while the Lord, by bring-
ing his own authority distinctly forward, relieves his servant
from care and hesitancy. He asks, Is it not I who have
commanded thee ? I too will be present with thee. Ob-
serve the emphasis : inasmuch as it is not lawful to resist
his command.^ This passage also teaches that nothing is
more eifectual to produce confidence than when trusting to
the call and the command of God, and feeling fully assured
of it in our own conscience, we follow whithersoever he is
pleased to lead.

10. Then Joshua commanded the 10. Tunc praecepit Josue pr^e-
officers of the people, saying, fectis populi dicendo,

11. Pass tln-ough the host, and 11. Transite per medium cas-
command the people, saying, Pre- tronuii et prsecipite populo, dicendo,
pare you victuals ; for within three Parate vobis annonam : quia post
days ye shall pass over this Jordan, tres dies transibitis Jordanem hvmc,
to go in to possess the land, which ut intretis et possideatis terram,
the Lord your God giveth you to quam Jehova Deus vester dat vobis
possess it. possidendam.

12. And to the Reubenites, and 12. Ad Reubenitas vero et Gadi-
to the Gadites, and to half the tribe tas et dimidiam tribum Manasse

ofManasseh, spake Joshua, saying, locutus est Josue, dicendo,

13. Remember the word which IS.Recordaminiverbiquodprgece-
Moses, the servant of the Lord, pit vobis Moses servus Jehovse, di-
commanded yovi, saying, The Lord cendo, Jehova Deus vester reddidit
your God hath given you rest, and vos quietos et dedit vobis terram
hath given you this land. hanc :

14. Your wives, your little ones, 14. Uxores vestrse, parvuli ves-
and your cattle, shall remain in the tri, et pecora vestra residebunt in

' The French paraphrases the whole sentence thus : " Ainsi la prudence
et sagesse que les fideles apprennent de la parole de Dieu, est opposee a
I'assurance de ceux auxquels il semble bien qu'ils se gouvernent assez dis-
cretement et sagement, quand ils besongnent selon leur propre sens;"
" Thus the prudence and wisdom which believers learn from the word of
God, is opposed to the assurance of those who think they govern themselves
discreetly and wisely enough, when they manage according to their own
sense." — Ed.

2 French, " C'est bien pour certain avec grande signifiance que ceci se
dit d'autant qu'il n'est pas question de resister a son commandement ;"
" It is certainly with great significancy that this is said, inasmuch as there
is no question of resisting his command." — Ed.

CHAP. I. 1 0.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

35

terra quam dedit vobis Moses trans
Jordanem ; vos autcm transibitis
armati ante fratres vestros, quicun-
que erunt viri bellicosi, juvabitis-
que eosj

15. Donee quietem prasstiterit
Jeliova fratribus vestris sicut vobis,
et possideant ipsi quoque terram
quam Jebova Deus vester dat eis :
et tunc redibitis ad terram hgeredi-
tatis vestrse, possidebitisque earn
quam dedit vobis Moses servus Je-
hovse ultra Jordanem ad exortum
soils.

16. Tunc responderunt, dicendo,
Omnia quas prtecepisti nobis facie-
mus, et ad omnia ad quse miseris
nos, ibimus.

17. Sicut in omnibus obedivimus
Mosi. sic obediemus tibi : tantum
sit Jehova Deus tuus tecum sicut
fuit cum Mose.

18. Quisquis fuerit qui rebella-
verit ore tuo, nee verbis tuis acquie-
verit in omnibus qufe ei mandaveris,
interficiatur. Tantum confirmare
et roborare.

land which Moses gave you on this
side Jordan ; but ye shall pass be-
fore your brethren armed, all the
mighty men of valour, and help
them ;

15. Until the Lord have given
your brethren rest, as he hath given
you, and they also have possessed
the land which the Lord yovir God
giveth them ; then ye shall return
unto the land of your possession,
and enjoy it, which Moses, the Lord's
servant, gave you on this side Jor-
dan, toward the sun-rising.

16. And they answered Joshua,
saying, All that thou commandesfc
us we will do, and whithersoever
thou sendest us we will go.

17. According as we heai^kened
unto Moses in all things, so will we
hearken unto thee : only the Lord
thy God be with thee, as he was with
Moses.

18. Whosoever he he that doth
rebel against thy commandment,
and will not hearken unto thy words,
in all that thou commandest liim,
he shall be put to death : only be
strong, and of a good coiu*age.

10. Then Joshua commanded^ &c. It may be doubted
whether or not this proclamation was made after the spies

' It is almost impossible to doubt that the view here taken is correct,
and in confirmation of it, it may be observed, that it receives more counte-
nance from the original than appears either from Calvin's or our
EngUsh version. They have both rendered the first word of the tenth
verse by " Then," as if meaning, " At that precise time ;" whereas the
Hebrew is simply the copulative 1, which only means " And," and is ac-
cordingly here rendered in the Septuagint by ««'. It implies, indeed,
that the order issued to the prefects by Joshua was given subsequently to
the gracious and encouraging message which he had received, but not that
it was given immediately/ or at that particular instant, and it thus leaves it
open for us to infer, that a period of less or greater length intervened
during which the spies were sent on their mission, and the proceedings
detailed in the second chapter took place. The sacred writer in thus
omitting to follow the order of time in his narrative, has only adopted a
method which is often convenient in itself, and which has been repeatedly
followed by the most celebrated historians, both of ancient and modern
times, and nothing can be more absurd than the inference attempted
to be drawn chiefly by some German Rationalists, from this and a few
similar apparent anachronisms, that the Book of Joshua is not so much a
continuous history as a patchwork of distinct or even contradictory narra-
tives by diflferent writers. — Ed.

S6 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 10

were sent, and of course on their return. And certainly I
think it not only probable, but I am fully convinced that it
was only after their report furnished him with the knowledge
he required, that he resolved to move his camp. It would
have been preposterous haste to hurry on an unknown path,
while he considered it expedient to be informed on many
points before setting foot on a hostile territory. Nor is there
anything novel in neglecting the order of time, and after-
wards interweaving wliat had been omitted. The second
chapter must therefore be regarded as a kind of interposed
parenthesis, explaining to the reader more fully what had
happened, when Joshua at length commanded the people
to collect their vessels.

After all necessary matters had been ascertained, he saw
it was high time to proceed, and issued a proclamation,
ordering the people to make ready for the campaign. With
the utmost confidence he declares that they will pass the
Jordan after the lapse of three days : this he never would
have ventured to do, without the suggestion of the Spirit.
No one had attempted the ford, nor did there seem to be
any hope that it could be done.' There was no means of
ci'ossing either by a bridge or by boats : and nothing could
be easier for the enemy than to prevent the passage. The
only thing, therefore, that remained was for God to transport
them miraculously. This Joshua hoped for not at random,
nor at his own hand, but as a matter which had been divinely
revealed. The faith of the people also was conspicuous in
the promptitude of their obedience : for, in the view of the
great difficulties wliich presented themselves, they never
would have complied so readily had they not cast their

' This must be taken with some qualification, since, according to the
view taken by Calvin himself, the river must, before this, have been forded
by the spies, both in going and returning ; and it is also obvious, from the
direction which their pursuers took, in endeavouring to overtake them,
that what are called " the fords," must have been understood to be practi-
cable, even during the season of overflow. Still a spot or two where an
individual might manage to cross was altogether unavailable for such a
body as the Israelites, and therefore Calvin's subsequent statement cannot
be disputed, that if they were to cross at all, human agency Avas unavailing,
and the only thing which remained was for God himself to transport them
miraculously. — Ed.

CHAP. I. 12. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 37

care upon God. It cannot be doubted that He inspired
tlieir minds with this ahxcrity, in order to remove all the
obstacles which might delay the fulfilment of the promise.

12. And to the Reuhenites, &c. An inheritance had been
granted them be3^ond the Jordan, on the condition that they
should continue to perform military service with their bre-
thren in expelling the nations of Canaan. Joshua therefore
now exhorts them to fulfil their promise, to leave their wives,
their children, and all their effects behind, to cross the Jor-
dan, and not desist from carrying on the war till they had
placed their brethren in peaceable possession. In urging
them so to act, he employs two arguments, the one drawn
from authority and the other from equity. He therefore
reminds them of the command given them by Moses, from
whose decision it was not lawful to deviate, since it was well
known to all that he uttered nothing of himself, but only
what God had dictated by his mouth. At the same time,
without actually asserting, Joshua indirectly insinuates,
that they are bound, by compact, inasmuch as they had en-
gaged to act in this manner.^ He next moves them by
motives of equity, that there might be no inequality in the
condition of those to whom the same inheritance had been
destined in common. It would be very incongruous, he says,
that your brethren should be incurring danger, or, at least,
toiling in carrying on war, and that you should be enjoying
all the comforts of a peaceful settlement.

When he orders them to precede or pass before, the mean-
ing is, not that they were to be the first to enter into conflict
with the enemy, and in all emergencies which might befall
them, were to bear more than their own share of the burden ;
he only in this way urges them to move with alacrity, as it
would have been a kind of tergiversation to keep in the I'ear
and follow slowly in the track of others. The expression,

' The agreement made with Moses was very explicit. As recorded in
the thirty-second chapter of Numbers, he distinctly stipulates that they
shall " go armed before the Lord to war," " armed over Jordan before the
Lord, until he hath driven out his enemies from before him, and the land
be subdued before the Lord;" and they answer, " As the Lord hath said
unto thy servants so will we do: we will pass over armed before the Lord,
into the land of Canaan, that the possession of our inheritance on this side
Jordan may be ours." — Ed.

88 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 1 6.

2Jass before your hrethren, tlicvefore, does not mean to stand
in the front of the battle, but simply to observe their ranks,
and thereby give proof of ready zeal. For it is certain that
as they were arranged in four divisions they advanced in
the same order. As he calls them men of war, we may infer,
as will elsewhere more clearly appear, that the aged, and
others not robust, were permitted to remain at home in
charge of the common welfare, or altogether relieved from
public duty, if in any way disabled from performing it.

16. And they answered, &c. They not only acquiesce,
but freely admit and explicitly detail the obedience which
they owe. Our obligations are duly discharged only when
we perform them cheerfully, and not in sadness, as Paul ex-
presses it. (2 Cor. ix. 7.) If it is objected that there is
little modesty in their boast of having been obedient to
Moses whom they had often contradicted, I answer, that
though they did not always follow with becoming ardour,
yet they were so much disposed to obey, that their modera-
tion was not only tolerable, but worthy of the highest praise,
when it is considered how proudly their fathers rebelled,
and how perversely they endeavoured to shake off a yoke
divinely imposed upon them. For the persons who speak
here were not those rebellious spirits of whom God complains
(Psalm xcv. 8-1]) that he was provoked by them, but per-
sons who, subdued by the examples of punishment, had
learned quietly to submit.-^

Indeed, it is not so much to herald their own virtues as
to extol the authority of Joshua, when they declare that they
will regard him in the same light in which they regarded
Moses. The eroundwork of their confidence is at the same
time expressed in their wish or prayer, that God may be
present to assist his servant Joshua as he assisted his ser-

* The objection taken to the modesty of the answer seems to be fovmded
on a misinterpretation of its true meaning. For the original, literally in-
terpreted, does not contain any assertion that they had obeyed Moses in
all things, as implied both in Calvin's Latin and in our English version, but
simply means, that " in everything," or, " according to everything," (?33,
kekol,) in which they had hearkened to Moses they would hearken to him :
in other words, that they wovdd hold his authority to be in every respect
equal to that of Moses. This meaning is retained by the Septuagint, which

renders KaT« -Tru-ira o<ra, nKovffay.iv Ma/un, u,Kou(r'o//.iSa (rov Ed.

CHAP. T. 1 (). COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 39

vant Moses, They intimate tliat they will be ready to war
under the auspices of their new leader, because they are
persuaded that he is armed with the power and hope that
lie will be victorious by the assistance of God, as they had
learned by experience how wonderfully God assisted them
by the hand of Moses. We may infer, moreover, that they
actually felt this confidence, both because they call to mind
their experiences of God's favour to animate themselves, and
because they regard Joshua as the successor of Moses in
regard to prosperous results.

The epithet thy GocP is not without weight, as it evidently
points to a continued course of divine favour. The form of
expression also is intermediate between the confidence of
faith and prayer.^ Accordingly, while they intimate that
they cherish good hope in their minds, they at the same
time have recourse to prayer, under a conviction of the ar-
duousness of the work. Immediately after, when they of
their own accord exhort him to constancy, they shew that
they are ready to follow and to imitate him in his confidence.
Here, it is to be observed, that though Joshua was a model
of courage, and animated all, both by deed and precept, he
was in his turn stimulated onwards, that his own alacrity
might be more effectual in arousing that of the people.

CHAPTER II.

1. And Joshua the son of Nun 1. Miscrat'autem JosuefiliusNun

' This emphasis is lost by the Septuagint, which renders not o et'os rov,
" Ihy God," but, " o etos -/ifiMv," " our God." — Ed.

" French, " Toutefois la maniere de parler qiu est ici mise, est moyenne,
et pent estre prise ou pour un glorifiement de la foy, ou pour un souhait;"
" However, the manner of speaking which is here used is of a middle kind,
and may be taken either for a glorying of faith, or for a wish." — Ed.

' Calvin's " miserat," " had sent," is in accordance with his opinion,
that the spies had been sent some time before the transactions with which
the first chapter conchides actually took place, but is not justified either
by the Hebrew or by the Septuagint, which has simply ktss-tsAsv. It is
worthy of remark, however, that Luther's German agrees with Calvin, and
renders " f)<itU jtucen funtfdjafter ficimltcf) aiit^gefanbt wn @ittim ;" " had sent
out two spies secretly from Sittim." The mention of the place, Sittim
or Shittim, occurs in the French version, but is omitted without expla-
nation in Cahdn's Latin. It was situated in the plains of Moab near the
left bank of the Jordan, and is particularly mentioned in Numbers xxv. as
the abode of the Israelites, when they allowed themselves to be seduced

40

COMMENTARy ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. II.

sent out of Shittim two men to spy
secretly, saying, Go view the land,
even Jericho. And they went, and
came into an harlot's house, named
Rahab, and lodged there.

2. And it was told the king of Je-
richo, saying, Behold, there came
men in hither to-night of the chil-
dren of Israel to search out the
country.

3. And the king of Jericho sent
unto Rahab, saying. Bring forth the
men that are come to thee, which
are entered into thine house: for
they be come to search out all the
country.

4. And the woman took the two
men, and hid them, and said thus,
There came men unto me, but I
wist not whence they were :

5. And it came to pass, about the
time of shutting of the gate, when it
Avas dark, that the men went out ;
whither the men went, I wot not:
pursue after them quicldy; for ye
shall overtake them.

6. But she had brought them up
to the roof of the house, and hid
them with the stalks of flax, which
she had laid in order upon the roof.

7. And the men pursued after them
the way to Jordan unto the fords :
and as soon as they which pursued
after them were gone out, they sluit
the gate.

8. And, before they were laid down,
she came up vmto them iipon the
roof;

9. And she said unto the men, I
know that the Lord hath given you
the land, and that your terror is
fallen upon us, and that all the in-
habitants of the land faint because
of you.

10. For we have heard how the

into gross idolatry by the daughters of Moab, and were in consequence
signally punished. — Ed.

' This word " clam" may refer either to the secrecy of Joshua in send-
ing the spies, or to the secrecy which they were to employ in making their
inquiries. Either meaning seems good. The latter is countenanced by
the Septuagint, which unites the secrecy and the spying in the single com-
pound word KKTct/TKO'sriva-ai ; but it is evident, both from the version and the
Commentary, that Calvin prefers the former. — Ed.

viros duos cxploratores clam,' di-
cendo : Ite, considerate terram et
Jericho. Profecti sunt igitur et
ingressi sunt domum mulieris mere-
tricis, cujus nomen erat Rahab, et
dormienmt iUic.

2. Dictum autem fuit regi Jericho,
Ecce venerunt hue viri nocte hac e
filiis Israel ad explorandum terram.

3. Tunc misit rex Jericho ad Ra-
hab, dicendo; Educ viros qui ingressi
sunt ad te, qui venerunt domum
tuam ; quia ad explorandam totam
terram venerunt.

4. Sumpserat autem mulier duos
viros, et absconderat eos : Tunc ait,
Venerunt quidem ad me viri, sed non
noveram undenam essent.

5. Fuit autem dum porta claude-
retur in tenebris, egressi stmt viri ;
nee cognovi quo abierint. Sequi-
mini cito eos, quia comprehendetis
eos.

6. Ipsa aufem ascendere fecerat
eos in tectum, et absconderat eos sub
culmis lini ab ea ordinatis super tec-
tum.

7. Viri autem persequuti sunt eos
itinere Jordanis usque ad vada : por-
tam vero clauserunt, simul ac egressi
sunt qui eos persequebantm*.

8. Antequam vero dormirent, ipsa
ascendit super tectum ad eos.

9. Et ait ad viros : Novi quod
Jehova dederit vobis terram, eo quod
cecidit terror vester super nos, et
quod defluxerunt omnes habitatores
terrse a facie vestra.

10. Audivimus enim quomodo are-

CHAP. II.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

41

Lord dried up the water of the Red
sea for you, when ye came out of
Egypt ; and what ye did unto the
two kings of the Amorites, that were
on the other side Jordan, Sihon and
Og, whom ye utterly destroyed.

11. And as soon as we had heard
iheie things, our hearts did melt, nei-
ther did there remain any more cour-
age in any man, because of you;
for the Lord your God, he is God in
heaven above, and in earth beneath.

12. Now therefore, I pray you,
swear unto me by the Lord, since
I have shewed you kindness, that ye
will also shew kindness unto my
father's house, and give me a true
token :

13. And t/mt ye will save alive my
father, and my mother, and my bre-
thren, and my sisters, and all that
they have, and deliver our lives from
death.

14. And the men answered her.
Our life for yours, if ye utter not
this our business. And it shall be,
when the Lord hath given us the
land, that we Avill deal kindly and
truly with thee.

15. Then she let them down by a
cord through the window ; for her
house was upon the town wall, and
she dwelt upon the wall.

16. And she said unto them, Get
you to the mountain, lest the pur-
suers meet you ; and hide yourselves
there three days, until the pursuers
be returned : and afterward may ye
go your way.

17. And the men said uiito her.
We will be blameless of tliis thine
oath which thou hast made us
swear:

18. Behold, when we come into
the land, thou shalt bind this line of
scarlet thread in the Avindow which
thou didst let us down by : and thou
shalt bring thy father, and thy mo-
ther, and thy brethren, and all thy
father's household, home unto thee.

19. And it shall be, that whoso-
ever shall go out of the doors of thy
house into the street, his blood shall
be upon his head, and we will be
guiltless; and whosoever shall be with

fecerit Jehova aquas maris Suph a
facie vestra dum exiistis ex iEgyp-
to; et quae fecistis duobus regibus
J^lmorrhsei, qui erant trans Jordan-
em : Sihon et Og quos interemistis.

11. Audivimus, et dissolutum est
cor nostrum, neque constitit ultra
spiritus a facie vestra. Jehova enim
iJeus vester Deus est in coelo sursum
et super terram deorsum.

12. Nunc ergo jurate mihi, quae-
so, per Jehovam (feci enim vobiscum
misericordiam) quod facietis etiam
vos cum domo patris mei misericor-
diam, et dabitis mihi signum verum,

13. Quod vivos servabitis fratrem
meum, et matrem meam, et fratres
nieos, et sorores meas, et omnes qui
sunt eorum, eruetisque animas nos-
tras a morte.

14. Dixerunt ei viri: Anima nostra
pro vobis ad moriendum : modo non
prodideris sermonera nostrum hunc:
tunc erit, ubi tradiderit Jehova nobis
terram, faciemus tecum misericor-
diam et veritatem.

15. Demisit itaqvie eos fune per
fenestram : domus enim ejus erat in
pariete muri, et in muro ipsa habita-
bat.

16. Dixit autem eis: Admontem
pergite, ne forte occurrant vobis qui
insequuntur, et latitate illic tribus
diebus, donee redeant qui insequun-
tur, et postea ibitis perviamvestram.

17. Tunc dixerunt ei viri, Luioxii
erimus a juramento tuo hoc quo nos
adjiurasti.

18. Ecce, quum ingreilienuu" ter-
ram, fmiiculum hunc tili coccinei
ligabis in fenestra, per quam demi-
seris nos: patrem vero tuum et
matrem tuam congregabis ad te in
domum, et omnem familiam patris
tui.

19. Erit autem, quicunque egres-
sus fuerit e valvis domus tuse foras,
sanguis ejus erit in caput ejus, nos
vero innoxii : qmcunque vero tecum
fuerit in domo, sanguis illius in caput

42

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. II. 1.

tliee in the house, his blood shall he
on our head, if any hand be upon
him.

20. And if thou utter this our
business, then we will be quit of
thine oath which thou hast made us
to swear.

21. And she said, According unto
your words, so he it. And she sent
them away, and they departed : and
she bound the scarlet line in the
window.

22. And they went, and came unto
the mountain, and abode there three
days, until the pursuers were return-
ed. And the pursuers sought them
throughout all the way, but found
them not.

23. So the two men returned, and
descended from the moimtain, and
passed over, and came to Joshua the
son of Nun, and told him all things
that befell them :

24. And they said unto Joshua,
Truly the Lord hath delivered into
our hands all the land : for even all
the inhabitants of the country do
faint because of us.

nostrimi, si manus injecta fuerit in
eum.

20. Si vero prodideris sermonem
himc nostrum, erimus innoxii a jura-
mento quo adjurasti nos.

21. Respondit ilia: Ut loquuti
estis, ita sit. Tunc dimisit eos, et
abierimt, ligavitque filum coccineuin
in fenestra.

22. Profecti venenmt ad montem,
et manserunt ibi tribus diebus, donee
reverterentur qui inseqirati fuerant,
qui qusesierunt per omnem viam,
nee invenerunt.

23. Keversi ergo duo illi, postqviam
descenderunt e monte, transierunt,
veneruntque ad Josue fiUum Nun,
et narraverunt ei qusecunque acci-
derant sibi.

24. Dixenmtque ad Josue, Tra-
didit Jehova in manus nostras totam
terram. Dissoluti enim sunt omnes
habitatores terra) a facie nostra.

1. And Joshua the son of Nun sent, &c. Tlie object of
the exploration now in question was different from the for-
mer one, when Joshua was sent with other eleven to survey
all the districts of the land, and bring back information to
the whole people concerning its position, nature, fertility,
and other properties, the magnitude and number of the
cities, the inhabitants, and their manners. The present
object was to disj)ose those who might be inclined to be
sluggish, to engage with more alacrity in the campaign.
And though it appears from the first chapter of Deuter-
onomy, (Deut. i. 22,) that Moses, at the request of the people,
sent chosen men to spy out the land, he elsewhere relates
(Numb. xiii. 4) that he did it by command from God. Those
twelve, therefore, set out divinely commissioned, and for a
somewhat different purpose, viz., to make a thorough survey
of the land, and be the heralds of its excellence to stir up
the courage of the people.

Now Joshua secretly sends two persons to ascertain whether

CHAP. II. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 43

or not a free passage may be had over tlie Jordan, whether
the citizens of Jericho were indulging in security, or whether
they were on the alert and prepared to resist. In short, he
sends spies on whose report he may provide against all
dangers. Wherefore a twofold question may be here raised
— Are we to approve of his prudence ? or are we to condemn
him for excessive anxiety, especially as he seems to have
trusted more than was right to his own prudence, when,
without consulting God, he was so careful in taking pre-
cautions against danger? But, inasmuch as it is not ex-
pressly said that he received a message from heaven to order
the people to collect their vessels and to publish his procla-
mation concerning the passage of the Jordan, although it is
perfectly obvious that he never would have thought of mov-
ing the camp unless God had ordered it, it is also probable
that in sending the spies he consulted God as to his pleasure
in the matter, or that God himself, knowing how much need
there was of this additional confirmation, had spontaneously
suggested it to the mind of his servant. Be this as it may,
while Joshua commands his messengers to spy out Jericho,
he is preparing to besiege it, and accordingly is desirous to
ascertain in what direction it may be most easily and safely
approached.

They came into a harlot's house, &c. Why some try
to avoid the name harlot, and interpret nJI? as meaning one
who keeps an inn, I see not, unless it be that they think it
disgraceful to be the guests of a courtezan, or wish to wipe
off a stigma from a woman who not only received the mes-
sengers kindly, but secured their safety by singular courage
and prudence. It is indeed a regular practice with the
Rabbins, when they would consult for the honour of their
nation, presumptuously to wrest Scripture and give a different
turn by their fictions to anything that seems not quite re-
putable.^ But the probability is, that while the messengers
Avere courting secrecy, and shunning observation and all
places of juiblic intercourse, they came to a woman who

' In the present instance they set no limits to their extravagance, and
gravely tell us, that instead of leading a life of infamy, she was merely an
innkeeper or " hostess," and was afterwards honoured to be the wife of
Joshua. — Ed.

44 COxMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 2.

dwelt in a retired spot. Her house was contiguous to the
wall of the city, nay, its outer side was actually situated in
the wall. From this we may infer that it was some obscure
corner remote from the public thoroughfare : just as persons
of her description usually live in narrow lanes and secret
places. It cannot be supposed with any consistency to have
been a common inn which was open to all indiscriminately,
because tliey could not have felt at liberty to indulge in
familiar intercourse, and it must have been difficult in such
circumstances to obtain concealment.

My conclusion therefore is, that they obtained admission
privily, and immediately betook themselves to a hiding-
place. Moreover, in the fact that a woman who had gained
a shameful livelihood by prostitution was shortly after ad-
mitted into the body of the chosen people, and became a
member of the Church, we are furnished with a striking
display of divine grace which could thus penetrate into a
place of shame, and draw forth from it not only Rahab, but
her father and the other members of her family. Most
assuredly while the term HilT, almost invariably means
harlot, there is nothing here to oblige us to depart from tlie
received meaning.

2. And it was told the king, &c. It is probable that watch-
men had been appointed to take notice of suspicious strangers,
as is wont to be done in doubtful emergencies, or during
an appreliension of war. The Israelites were nigh at hand;
they had openly declared to the Edomites and Moabites that
they were seeking a settlement in the land of Canaan ; they
were formidable for their number ; they had already made
a large conquest after slaying two neighbouring kings ; and
as we shall shortly perceive, their' famous passage of the
Red Sea had been noised abroad. It would therefore have
argued extreme supineness in such manifest danger to
allow any strangers whatever to pass freely through the
city of Jericho, situated as it was on the frontiers.

It is not wonderful, therefore, that men who were un-
known and who appeared from many circumstances to have
come with a hostile intention, were denounced to the king.
At the same time, however, we may infer that they were

CHAP. II. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 45

supernaturally blinded in not guarding their gates more
carefully ; for with the use of moderate diligence the mes-
sengers after they had once entered might easily have been
detained. Nay, a search ought forthwith to have been in-
stituted, and thus they would to a certainty have been caught.
The citizens of Jericho were in such trepidation and so
struck with judicial amazement, that they acted in every-
thing without method or counsel. Meanwhile the two
messengers were reduced to such extremities that they
seemed on the eve of being delivered up to punishment.
The king sends for them ; they are lurking in the house ;
their life hangs upon the tongue of a woman, just as if it were
hanging by a thread. Some have thought that there was
in this a punishment of the distrust of Joshua, who ought
to have boldly passed the Jordan, trusting to the divine
guidance. But the result would rather lead us to conclude
differently, that God by rescuing the messengers from ex-
treme danger gave new courage to the people ; for in that
manifestation of his power he plainly shewed that he was
watching over their safety, and providing for their happy
entrance into tlie promised land.

4. A7id the woman took the two men, &c. We may pre-
sume that before Rahab was ordered to bring them forth
the rumour of their arrival had been spread, and that thus
some little time had been given for concealing them.^ And
indeed on receiving the king's command, had not measures
for concealment been well taken, there would have been no
room for denial ; much less would she have dared to lie so
coolly. But after she had thus hidden her guests, as the
search would have been difficult, she comes boldly forward
and escapes by a crafty answer.

' Had the season of the year when these transactions took place not been
known from other sources, the mode of concealment to which Rahab re-
sorted would have gone far to fix it. The " stalks of flax" with which she
covered them, was evidently the crop of flax as it had been taken from the
ground after attaining maturity, and laid out in the open air to dry, agi-ee-
ably to a custom still practised, before it was subjected to the process of
skutching, for the purpose of being deprived of its woody fibre. The flax
sown about the end of September was pulled in the end of March or be-
ginning of April, which accordingly was the period when the Israelites
began to move their camp. — Ed.

46 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. 11. 4.

Now, the questions wliicli here arise are, first. Was
treachery to her country excusable ? Secondly, Could her
lie be free from fault ? We know that the love of our
country, which is as it were our common mother, has been
implanted in us by nature. When, therefore, Rahab knew
that the object intended was the overthrow of the city in
Avhich she had been born and brought up, it seems a detest-
able act of inhumanity to give her aid and counsel to the
spies. It is a puerile evasion to say, that they were not yet
avowed enemies, inasmuch as war had not been declared ;
since it is plain enough that they had conspired the destruc-
tion of her fellow-citizens.^ It was therefore only the
knowledge communicated to her mind by God which ex-
empted her from fault, as having been set free from the
common rule. Her faith is commended by two Apostles,
who at the same time declare, (Heb. xi. 31 ; James ii. 25,)
that the service which she rendered to the spies was accept-
able to God.

It is not wonderful, then, that when the Lord con-
descended to transfer a foreign female to his peoj^le, and to
ingraft her into the body of the Church, he separated her
from a profane and accursed nation. Therefore, although she
had been bound to her countrymen up to that very day, yet
when she was adopted into the body of the Church, her
new condition was a kind of manumission from the common
law by which citizens are bound toward each other. In
short, in order to pass by faith to a new people, she behoved
to renounce her countrymen. And as in this she only ac-
quiesced in the judgment of God, there was no criminality
in abandoning them.^

' It may either mean that " they " (the Israelites) " had conspired," as
here translated, or as the French has it, that " Rahab had conspired." —
Ed.

" Latin, " Nullum in proditione fuit crimen ;" literally, " there was no
crime in the treachery." French, " II n'y a point eu de crime de trahisou
en ce faict ;" " There was no crime of treachery in the act." Neither of
these properly conveys Calvin's meaning. From what follows it is evident
that he held all treachery to be criminal as implying a deviation from
truth ; while he also held, that under the special circumstances Rahab was
justified in withdrawing her allegiance from her countrymen and trans-
ferring it to the Israelites. He therefore only justifies the act without ap-
proving of the mode of it. This view appears to be accurately expressed

CHAP. TI. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 47

As to the falsehood, we must admit tliat though it was
(lone for a good purpose, it was not free from fault. For
those who hold what is called a dutiful lie^ to be altogether
excusable, do not sufficiently consider how precious truth is
in the sight of God. Therefore, although our purpose be to
assist our brethren, to consult for their safety and relieve
them, it never can be lawful to lie, because that cannot be
right which is contrary to the nature of God. And God is
truth. And still the act of Rahab is not devoid of the
praise of virtue, although it was not spotlessly pure. For it
often happens that while the saints study to hold the right
path, they deviate into circuitous courses.

Rebecca (Gen. xxviii.) in procuring the blessing to her
son Jacob, follows the prediction. In obedience of this
description a pious and praiseworthy zeal is perceived. But
it cannot be doubted that in substituting her son Jacob in
the place of Esau, she deviated from the path of duty. The
crafty proceeding, therefore, so far taints an act which was
laudable in itself And yet the particular fault does not
wholly deprive the deed of the merit of holy zeal ; for by the
kindness of God the fault is suppressed and not taken into
account. Rahab also does wrong when she falsely declares
that the messengers were gone, and yet the principal action
was agreeable to God, because the bad mixed up with the

by the term " abandoning," which has accordingly been substituted in the
translation. — Ed.

' Latin, " Mendacium officiosum." French, "liC mensonge qui tend au
profit du prochain;" "The lie which tends to our neighbour's profit."
The mendacium offirAostim is an expression of frequent use among the
Casuists, and properly means, " a lie which it may be an act of duty to
tell." One of the most common instances given is the case in which a
simple statement of the truth might essentially endanger the interest, or, it
may be, the life of an individual whom we are imder a natural or conven-
tional obhgation to defend from all injury. A son, for example, is pursued
by murderers ; he takes shelter imder the paternal roof ; his mother has
just succeeded in concealing him when the murderers arrive. Is she en-
titled to give a false answer to their interrogatories ? The question is one
of the most difficult and delicate that can be raised ; but Calvin has un-
doubtedly given the right decision when he lays down the broad principle,
that those who hold any lie to be excusable, " do not sufficiently consider
how precious truth is in the sight of God." Were anything necessary to
reconcile us to this decision, we may easily find it in the havoc which has
been made of all morality by acting on its opposite, as evinced particu-
larly in the case of Jesuit and other Romish casuists. — Ed.

48 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, CHAP. II. 7.

good was not imputed. On the whole, it was the will of
God that the spies should be delivered, but he did not ap-
prove of saving their life by falsehood.

7. And the men pursued, &c. Their great credulity shews
that God liad blinded them. Although Rahab had gained
much by deluding them, a new course of anxiety inter-
venes; for the gates being shut, the city like a prison ex-
cluded the hope of escape. They were therefore again
aroused by a serious trial to call upon God. For seeing
that this history was written on their report, it is impossible
they could have been ignorant of what was then going on,
especially as God, for the purpose of magnifying his grace,
purposely exposed them to a succession of dangers. And
now when they were informed that search was made for
them, we infer from the fact of their being still awake, that
they were in anxiety and alarm. Their trepidation must
have been in no small degree increased when it was told
them that their exit was precluded.

It appears, however, that Rahab was not at all dismayed,
since she bargains with so much presence of mind, and so
calmly, for her own safety and that of her family. And
in this composure and firmness her faith, which is elsewhere
commended, appears conspicuous. For on human principles
she never would have braved the fury of the king and
people, and become a suppliant to guests half dead with
terror. Many, indeed, think there is something ridiculous
in the eulogium bestowed upon her both by St. James and
the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, (James ii, 25 ;
Heb, xi, 31,) when they place her in the catalogue of the
faithful. But any one who will carefully weigh all the cir-
cumstances will easily perceive that she was endowed with
a lively faith.

First, If the tree is known by its fruits, we here see uo
ordinary effects, which are just so many evidences of faith.
Secondly, A principle of piety must have given origin to her
conviction that the neighbouring nations were already in a
manner vanquished and laid prostrate, since terror sent from
above had filled all minds with dismay. It is true that in
profane writers also we meet with similar expressions, which

CHAP. II. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 49

God has extorted from them that he miglit assert liis pov:er
to rule and turn tlie liearts of men in whatever way he
pleases. But while these writers prate like parrots, Rahab
declaring in sincerity of heart that God has destined tlie
land for the children of Israel, because all the inhabitants
have fainted away before them, claims for him a supreme
rule over the liearts of men, a rule which the pride of the
world denies.

For although the experience of all times has shewn that
more armies have fallen or been routed by sudden and un-
locked for terror than by the force and prowess of the
enemy, the impression of this truth has forthwith vanished
away, and hence conquerors have always extolled their own
yalour, and on any prosperous result gloried in their own
exertions and talents for war. They have felt, I admit,
that daring and courage are occasionally bestowed or with-
held by some extraneous cause, and accordingly men con-
fess that in war fortune does much or even reigns supreme.
Hence their common proverb with regard to panic terrors,
and their vows made as well to Pavor {Dread) as to Jupiter
Stator,^ But it never became a serious and deep-seated im-
pression in their minds, that every man is brave according
as God has inspired him with present courage, or cowardly
according as he has suppressed his daring. Rahab, how-
ever, recognises the operation of a divine hand in striking
the nations of Canaan with dismay, and thus making them
as it were by anticipation pronounce their own doom ; and
she infers that the terror which the children of Israel have
inspired is a presage of victory, because they fight under
God as their Leader.

' French, " Et y a eii im proverbe commun entre eux, poiir signifier les
frayeurs soudaines dont le cause n'apparoit point; (car ils les appeloyent
Epoiivantemens Paniqiies ;) aussi ils faisoyent voeus a un Jnppiter qu'Us
appeloyent Stator, c'est a dire Arrestant ; et a line deesse qu'ils nommoy-
ent Pavor, c'est a dire Peur afin que les armees tinssent bon, et ne s'en
fuissent de peur ;" " And there was a common proverb among them to de-
note the sudden alanns of which the cause does not appear ; for they
called them Panic Terrors ; in like manner they made vows to a Jupiter,
whom they called Stator, that is. Staying ; and to a goddess whom they
named Pavor, that is Fear, in order that armies might stand good, and
not flee from fear." — Ed.

50 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 10,

In the fact, that while the courage of all had thus melted
away, they however prepared to resist with the obstinacy of
despair; we see that when the wicked are brolvcn and crushed
by the hand of God, they are not so subdued as to receive
the yoke, but in their terror and anxiety become incapable
of being tamed. Here, too, we have to observe how in a
common fear believers differ from unbelievers, and how the
faith of Rahab displays itself. She herself was afraid like
any other of the people ; but when she reflects that she has
to do with God, she concludes that her only remedy is to
eschew evil by yielding humbly and placidly, as resistance
would be altogether unavailing. But what is the course
taken by all the wretched inhabitants of the country ? Al-
though terror-struck, so far is their perverseness from being
overcome that they stimulate each other to the conflict.

10. For we have heard how, &c. She mentions, as the
special cause of consternation, that the wide-spread rumour
of miracles, hitherto without example, had impressed it on
the minds of all that God was warring for the Israelites.
For it was impossible to doubt that the way through the
Red Sea had been miraculously opened up, as the water
would never have changed its nature and become piled up in
solid heaps, had not God, the author of nature, so ordered.
The transmutation of the element, therefore, plainly shewed
that God was on the side of the people, to whom he had
given a dry passage through the depths of the sea.

The signal victories also gained over Og and Bashan, were
justly regarded as testimonies of the divine favour towards
the Israelites. This latter conclusion, indeed, rested only
on conjecture, whereas the passage of the sea was a full and
irrefragable proof, as much so as if God had stretched forth
his hand from heaven. All minds, therefore, were seized
with a conviction that in the expedition of the Israelitish
people God was principal leader ;i hence their terror and
consternation. At the same time, it is probable that they were

' French, " Que Dieu estoit le principal conducteur de I'cntreprise du
peuple d'Israel, et qu'il marclioit avec ieeluy;" "That God was the prin-
cipal conductor of the enterprise of the people of Israel, and that he was
marching along with them." — Ed.

CHAP.II.ll. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 51

deceived by some vain imagination that the God of Israel
had proved superior in the contest to the gods of Egypt ;
just as the poets feign that every god has taken some nation
or other under his protection, and wars with others, and that
thus conflicts take place among the gods themselves while
they are protecting their favourites.

But the faith of Rahab takes a higher flight, while to the
God of Israel alone she ascribes supreme power and eternity.
These are the true attributes of Jehovah. She does not
dream, according to the vulgar notion, that some one, out of
a crowd of deities, is giving his assistance to the Israelites,
but she acknowledges that He whose favour they were
known to possess is the true and only God. We see, then,
how in a case where all received the same intelligence, she,
in the application of it, went far beyond her countrymen.

11. The Lord your Qod, he is God, &c. Here the image
of Raliab's faith appears, as if reflected in a mirror, when
casting down all idols she ascribes the government of heaven
and earth to the God of Israel alone. For it is perfectly
clear that when heaven and earth are declared subject to the
God of Israel, there is a repudiation of all the pagan fictions
by which the majesty, and power, and glory of God are por-
tioned out among diflerent deities ; and hence we see that it
is not without cause that two Apostles have honoured Rahab's
conduct with the title of faith. This is sneered at by some
proud and disdainful men, but I wish they would consider
what it is to distinguish the one true God from all fictitious
deities, and at the same time so to extol his power as to
declare that the whole world is governed at his pleasure.
Rahab does not speak hesitatingly, but declares, in absolute
terms, that whatever power exists resides in the God of
Israel alone, that he commands all the elements, that he
orders all things above and below, and determines human
affairs. Still I deny not that her faith was not fully de-
veloped, nay, I readily admit, that it was only a germ of
piety which, as yet, would have been insuflficient for her
eternal salvation. We must hold, nevertheless, that however
feeble and slender the knowledge of God which the woman
possessed may have been, still in surrendering herself to his

52 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 1 2.

power, she gives a proof of lier election, and that from that
seed a faith was germinating which afterwards attained its
full growth.

1 2. Now, therefore, I pray you, swear, &c. It is another
manifestation of faith that she places the sons of Abraham
in sure possession of the land of Canaan, founding on no
other argument than her having heard that it was divinely
promised to them. For she did not suppose that God was
favouring lawless intruders who were forcing their way
into the territories of others with unjust violence and un-
curbed licentiousness, but rather concluded that they were
coming into the land of Canaan, because God had assigned
them the dominion of it. It cannot be believed that when
they sought a passage from the Edomites and others, they
said nothing as to whither they were going. Nay, those
nations were acquainted with the promise which was made
to Abraham, and the memory of which had been again
renewed by the rejection of Esau.

Moreover, in the language of Rahab, we behold that cha-
racteristic property of faith described by the author of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, when he calls it a vision, or sight of
things not appearing. (Heb. xi. 1.) Rahab is dwelling
with her people in a fortified city : and yet she commits her
life to her terrified guests, just as if they had already gained
possession of the land, and had full power to save or destroy
as they pleased. This voluntary surrender was, in fact, the
very same as embracing the promise of God, and casting
herself on his protection. She, moreover, exacts an oatli,
because often, in the storming of cities, the heat and tumult
of the struggle shook off the remembrance of duty. In the
same way she mentions the kindness she had shewn to them,
that gratitude might stimulate them the more to perform
their promise. For although the obligation of the oath
ought of itself to have been effectual, it would have been
doubly base and inhumane not to shew gratitude to a hostess
to whom they owed deliverance. Rahab shews the kindliness
of her disposition, in her anxiety about her parents and
kindred. This is, indeed, natural ; but many are so devoted
to themselves, tliat children hesitate not to ransom their own

CHAP. II. 14. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 53

lives by the death of their parents, instead of exerting
courage and zeal to save them.

14. Ou7' life for yours, &c. They imprecate death upon
themselves, if they do not faithfully make it their business
to save Rahab. For the interpretation adopted by some,
We will pledge our lives, seems far-fetched, or too restricted,
since their intention was simply to bind themselves before
God. They constitute themselves, therefore, a kind of ex-
piatory victims, if any evil befalls Rahab through their
negligence. The expression, for yours, ought, doubtless, to
be extended to the parents, brothers, and sisters. They there-
fore render their own lives liable in such a sense, that blood
may be required of them, if the family of Rahab do not
remain safe. And herein consists the sanctity of an oath,
that though its violation may escape with impunity, so far
as men are concerned, yet God having been interposed as a
witness, will take account of the perfidy. In Hebrew, to do
mercy and truth, is equivalent to performing the office of
humanity faithfully, sincerely, and firmly.

A condition, however, is inserted, — provided Rahab do not
divulge what they have said. This was inserted, not on
account of distrust, as is usually expounded, but only to put
Rahab more upon her guard, on her own account. The
warning, therefore, was given in good faith, and flowed from
pure good will : for there was a danger that Rahab might
betray herself by a disclosure. In one word, they shew how
important it is that the matter should remain, as it were,
buried, lest the woman, by inconsiderately talking of the
compact, might expose herself to capital punishment. In
this they shew that they were sincerely anxious for her safety,
since they thus early caution her against doing anything
which might put it out of their power to render her a service.
In further distinctly stipulating, that no one should go out
of the house, or otherwise they should be held blameless, we
may draw the important inference, that in making oaths
soberness should be carefully attended to, that we may not
profane the name of God by making futile promises on any
subject.

The advice of Rahab, to turn aside into the mountain,

54 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 14.

and there remain quiet for three days, shews tliat there is
no repugnance between faith and the precautions which pro-
vide against manifest dangers. Tliere is no doubt that the
messengers crept off to the mountain in great fear, and yet
that confidence which they had conceived, from the remark-
able interference of God in their behalf, directed their steps,
and did not allow them to lose their presence of mind.

Some have raised the question, whether, seeing it is crimi-
nal to overleap walls, it could be lawful to get out of the
city by a window ? But it ought to be observed, first, that
the walls of cities were not everywhere sacred, because
every city had not a Romulus, who could make the overleap-
ing a pretext for slaying his brother -^ and secondly, That
law, as Cicero reminds us, was to be tempered by equity, in-
asmuch as he who should climb a wall for the purpose of
repelling an enemy, would be more deserving of reward
than punishment. The end of the law is to make the citi-
zens secure by the protection of the walls. He, therefore,
who should climb over the walls, neither from contempt nor
petulance, nor fraud, nor in a tumultuous manner, but under
the pressure of necessity, could not justly on that account be
charged with a capital ofience. Should it be objected that
the thing was of bad example, 1 admit it : but when the ob-
ject is to rescue one's life from injury, violence, or robbery,
provided it be done without offence or harm to any one,
necessity excuses it. It cannot be charged upon Paul as a
crime, that when in danger of his life at Damascus, he was
let down by a basket, seeing he was divinely permitted to
escape, without tumult, from the violence and cruelty of
wicked men.^

' This is an instance of the quiet and ahnost sly humour which occa-
sionally betrays itself in Calvin's other writings, and shews, that had it
comported with the general gravity of his character, he might easily have
added wit to the other weapons with which he fought the battles of the
faith. In private life, Avhen greater freedom was allowable, it appears,
according to Beza's statement, to have not unfrequently contributed to
the charm of his conversation. — Ed.

^ The whole objection, as to the overleaping of walls, is so ridiculous in
itself, and so very inapplicable to the circumstances of all parties at the
time, that it is difficult to xmderstand why Calvin should have conde-
scended to notice it at all, or, at least, given himself so much trouble to
refute it. If one might hazard a conjecture, it woidd be that some question

CHAP. II. 24. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 55"

24. A7id they said unto Joshua, &c. This passage shews
that Joshua was not mistaken in selecting his spies ; for their
language proves them to have been right-hearted men pos-
sessed of rare integrity. Others, perhaps, not recovered from
the terror into which they had once been thrown, would have
disturbed the whole camp, but these, while they reflect on
the wonderful kindness of God, displayed in their escape
from danger, and the happy issue of their expedition, exhort
Joshua and the people to go boldly forward. And although
the mere promise of possessing the land ought to have been
sufficient, yet the Lord is so very indulgent to their weak-
ness, that, for the sake of removing all doubt, he confirms
what he had promised by experience. That the Lord had
not spoken in vain, was proved by the consternation of the
nations, when it began already to put them to flight, and to
drive them out, as if hornets had been sent in upon them.
For they argue in the same way as Rahab had done, that
the land was given to them, as the inhabitants had almost
fainted away from fear. I have therefore used the illative
particleyo?', though the literal meaning is, and also. But it
is sufficiently plain, that in tiie other way there is a confir-
mation of what they had said. And, indeed, the courage of
all melted away, as if they felt themselves routed by the
hand of God.

CHAPTER IIL

1. AndJosliua rose early in the I. Surrexit aiitem Josue summo
morning- ; and they removed from mane, et profecti sunt e Sittim, ve-
Shittim, and came to Jordan, he nerantque usque ad Jordanem ipse
and all the children of Israel, and et omnes filii Israel, pernoctaverunt-
lodged there before they passed que illic antequam transirent.
over.

2. And it came to pass after three 2. Et fuit a fine trium dierum, ut
days, that the officers went through prsefecti transirent per medium cas-
the host ; trorum.

3. And they commanded the 3. Prsecipercntqiie populo, di-
people, saying-,|When ye see the ark cendo, Quum videritis arcam fcede-
of the covenant of the Lord your ris Jehovse Dei vestri, et sacerdotes
God, and the priests the Levites Levitas portantes eam, proficisce-
bearing it, then ye shall remove from mini e loco vestro, ibitisque post
your place, and go after it : illam.

of a similar nature had been raised in regard to the walls of Geneva, and
given a local interest to a discussion which otherwise seems somewhat out
of place. — Ed.

56

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. III.

4. Yet there shall be a space be-
tween you and it, about two thou-
sand cubits by measure : come not
near unto it ; that ye may Imow the
way by which ye must go : for ye
have not passed this way heretofore.

5. And Joshua said imto the
people, Sanctify yourselves : for to-
morrow the Lord will do wonders
among you.

6. And Joshua spake imto the
priests, saying. Take up the ark of
the covenant, and pass over before
the people. And they took up
the ark of the covenant, and went
before the people.

7. And the Lord said unto Jo-
shua, This day will I begin to mag-
nify thee in the sight of all Israel,
that they may know that, as I was
with Moses, so I will be with thee.

8. And thou shalt command the
priests that bear the ark of the co-
venant, saying. When ye are come
to the brink of the water of Jordan,
ye shall stand still in Jordan.

9. And Joshua said imto the
children of Israel, Come hither, and
hear the words of the Lord your
God.

10. And Joshua said, Hereby ye
shall know that the living God is
among you, and that he will with-
out fail drive out from before you
the Canaanites, and the Hittites,
and the Ilivites, and the Perizzites,
and the Girgashites, and the Amor-
ites, and the Jebusites.

11. Behold, the ark of the cove-
nant of the Lord of all the earth
passcth over before you into Jor-
dan.

12. Now therefore take you
twelve men out of the tribes of
Israel, out of every tribe a man.

13. And it shall come to pass, as
soon as the soles of the feet of the
priests that bear the ark of the Lord,
the Lord of all the earth, shall rest
in the waters of Jordan, tliat the
Avaters of Jordan shall be cut ofl'

from the waters that come down
from above ; and they shall stand
upon an heap.

4. Veruntamen interstitiimi erit
inter vos et.ipsam fere duorum mili-
um cubitorum in mensura : ne ap-
propinquetis ei, ut cognoscatis viam
per quam ambulaturi estis. Non
enim transiistis per viam illam heri
vel nudius tertius.

5. Dixerat autem Josue ad popu-
lum, sanctificate {prceparate) vos.
Cras enim faciet Jehova in medio
vestri mirabilia.

6. Loquutus autem est Josue ad
sacerdotes, dicendo, Tollite arcam
foederis, et transite ante populum.
Tulerunt itaque arcam foederis, et
ambularunt ante populmii.

7. Dixerat autem Jehova ad Jo-
suam, Ilodie incipiam magnificare te
in oculis totius Israel, ut, sciant,
quomodo fiii cum Mose, sic me fore
tecum.

8. Tu ergo pra;cipies sacerdoti-
bus portantibus arcam foederis, di-
cendo, Quum ingressi fueritis usque
ad extremum aquae Jordanis, in
Jordane stabitis.

9. Dixitque Josue ad filios Israel,
Accedite hue, et audite verba Je-
hov£e Dei vestri.

10. Dixit item Josue, In hoc cog-
noscetis quod Deus vivens est in
medio vestri, et quod expellendo ex-
pellet a facie vestra Chananreum,
liittliEeum, et Hivajum, et Pheri-
saeum, et Gergesasum, et Amor-
rhajum, et Jebusaeum,

11. Ecce area foederis Dominato-
ris universes terrse transibit ante vos
per Jordanem.

12. Nunc ergo tollite vobis duo-
decim viros e tribubus Israel, singa-
los per singulas tribus.

13. Quum autem quieverint plan-
taj pedum sacerdotum portantiura
arcam Jehov;ie Dominatoris univer-
s;c terra; in aquis Jordanis, aqua3
Jordanis intercidentur, et aquaj su-
perne (yel desuper, vel desursimi)
fluentes, consistent in acervo uno.

CHAP.III. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 57

1. And Joshua rose early, &c. Wc must remember, as I
formerly explained, that Joshua did not move liis camp till
the day after the spies had returned, but that after hearing
their report, he gave orders by the prefects that they should
collect their vessels, as three days after they were to cross
the Jordan.^ His rising in the morning, therefore, does not

^ This seems to be the proper place to insert a short account of the
Jordan, and more especially of that part of it in the neighbourhood of
which the Israehtes Avere now encamped. This becomes necessary, be-
cause Calvm has altogether omitted it, partly, as some expressions in his
Commentary would seem to indicate, from having unfortunately attached
little comparative importance to geographical details, and partly, as he
very modestly expresses it, from not having been very well acquainted
with them. Indeed, at the period when he wrote, the geography of the Holy
Land was very imperfectly known, but we have not the same excuse, as
numerous well-qualified travellers have since traversed it in all directions,
and published careful descriptions both of its general features and of almost
all the localities possessed of much historical interest. In a single note,
only a few leading points can be adverted to, but it seems not impossible,
in this way, to give a distinct idea of the nature of the passage Avliich the
Israelites were now preparing to make, and of the wonderful interposition
by which they were enabled to accomplish it.

The Jordan, then, by far the most important river of Palestine, is formed,
near its northern frontiers, by several streams which descend from the
moimtains of Lebanon, and after flowing nearly due south, for a direct
distance of about 175 miles, discharges its waters into the north side of the
Dead Sea. In the upper part of its coiu^se, before it reaches the lake of
Tiberius, more familiarly known by its usual scriptural name of the Sea of
Galilee, it has much of the character of an impetuous torrent, and is hem-
med closely in on both sides by lofty mountains, but on issuing from the
south side of the lake, it begins to flow in a valley, the most remarkable
circumstance connected with which, is its great depth beneath the level of
the ocean. Even the Sea of Galilee is 84 feet, and the Dead Sea, where
the Jordan falls into it, is 1337 feet beneath this level. The intervening
space between the two seas, forms what is properly called the valley of the
Jordan, and consists of a plain, about six miles across in its northern, but
much wider in its southern half, where it spreads out, on its east or left
bank, into the plains of Moab, and on its west or right bank, into the plains
of Jericho. This valley, throughout its whole length, is terminated on
either side by a mountain chain, which in many parts rises so rapidly
as soon to attain a height exceeding 2500. Within the valley thus termi-
nated, a minor valley is enclosed. It is about three quarters of a mile in
breadth, and consists, for the most part, of a low flat, bounded by sandy
slopes, and covered by trees or brushwood. Nearly in the centre of this
flat the river, almost concealed beneath its overhanging banks, pursues its
com-se, with few large windings, but with such a multipUcity of minute
tortuosities, that though the direct distance is not more than sixty-five,
the indirect distance or total length of the stream is estimated at not
less than two hundred miles. The river, in its ordinary state, within its
banks, has a width of from twenty to thu-ty yards, and a depth, varying from
nine to fifteen feet. The banks are there from twelve to foiu^teen feet high,
and immediately beyond them, the flat bears evident marks of being fre-

58 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 2.

refer simply to their return, but rather to the issuing of his
proclamation. When the three days were completed, the
prefects were again sent through the camp to acquaint the
people with the mode of passage. Although these things are
mentioned separately, it is easy to take up the thread of the
narrative. But before it was publicly intimated, by what
means he M'as to open a way for the people, the multitude
spread out on the bank of the river were exposed to some
degree of confusion.

It is true, there were fords by which the Jordan could be
passed. But the waters were then swollen, and had over-
flowed, so that they might easily prevent even men altoge-
ther without baggage from passing. Tliere was therefore no
hope, that women and children, with the animals, and the
rest of the baggage, could be transported to the further bank.
That, in such apparently desperate circumstances, they
calmly wait the issue, though doubtful, and to them incom-
prehensible, is an example of faithful obedience, proving how
unlike they were to their fathers, who, on the slightest occa-
sions, gave way to turbulence, and inveighed against the
Lord and against Moses. This change was not produced
without the special agency of the Holy Spirit.

2. And it came to pass after three days, &c. That is, three
days after their departure had been intimated. For they did
not halt at the bank longer than one niglit. But as the
period of three days had previously been fixed for crossing,
and they had no hope of being able to accomplish it, Joshua
now exhorts them to pay no more regard to obstacles and

quently inundated. These inundations take place in spring, and are caused
by the melted snow brought down, partly by the three principal tributaries
oi' the Jordan, the Jarmuch, or Shurat-el-Mandour, the Jabbok, or Zerka,
and the Arnon, or Wady Modjet, which all join it from the east, but chiefly
by the main stream, which is then copiously supplied from the snowy
heights of Lebanon. This rising of the waters, of course, begins as soon
as the thawing influence of the returning heat begins to be felt, but does
not attain its maximum till the impression has been fully made, or, in the
first weeks of April. Such was the state of the stream as the Israelites now
approached it, at a spot which cannot be exactly ascertained, but may be
safely assumed to have been from seven to twelve miles north of the Dead
Sea, and not far from the Bethabarah, where our Saviour, after condescend-
ing to receive baptism at the hands of his forerunner, went up from the
banks, while the heavens opened, and the Spirit of God descended like a
dove, and lighted upon him. — Ed,

CHAP. III. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 59

difficulties, and to attend to the power of God. For although
the form of the miracle is not yet explained, yet when the
ark of the covenant is brouglit forward like a banner to
guide the way, it was natural to infer that the Lord was pre-
paring something unusual. And while they are kept in sus-
pense, their faith is again proved by a serious trial ; for it
was an example of rare virtue to give implicit obedience to
the command, and thus follow the ark, while they were obvi-
ously uninformed as to the residt. This, indeed, is the special
characteristic of faith, not to inquire curiously what the
Lord is to do, nor to dispute subtlely as to how that which
he declares can possibly be done, but to cast all our anxious
cares upon his providence, and knowing that his power, on
which we may rest, is boundless, to raise our thoughts above
the world, and embrace by faith that which we cannot com-
prehend by reason.

4. Yet there shall be a space, &c. As the younger Levites,
whose province it was to carry the ark, (Numb. iv. 15,) were
strictly forbidden to touch it, or even to look at it, when
uncovered, it is not wonderful that the common people were
not allowed to approach within a considerable distance of it.
The dignity of the ark, therefore, is declared, when the
people are ordered to attest their veneration by leaving a
long interval between themselves and it. And we know
what happened to Uzzah, (2 Sam. vi.,) when seeing it shaken
by restive oxen, he with inconsiderate zeal put forth his hand
to support it. For although God invites ns familiarly to
himself, yet faithful trust so far from begetting security
and boldness, is, on the contrary, always coupled with fear.
In this way the ark of the covenant was, indeed, a strong
and pleasant pledge of the divine favour, but, at the same
time, had an awful majesty, well fitted to subdue carnal
pride. This humility and modesty, moreover, had the effect
of exercising their faith by preventing them from confining
the grace of God within too narrow limits, and reminding
them, that though they were far distant from the ark, the
divine power Avas ^er near.

In the end of the verse it is shewn how necessary it was
for them to be divinely guided by an unknown way ; that

GO COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 6.

anxiety and fear miglit keep them under the protection of
the ark.

5. And Joshua said, &c. Some unwonted manifestation
of divine power in bringing assistance behoved to be held
forth, lest the backwardness arising from hesitancy might
produce delay ; and yet, in order that the Israelites might
depend on the mere counsel of God, Joshua does not yet
plainly point out the special nature of the miracle, unless,
indeed, we choose to read what follows shortly after, as form-
ing part of one context. Herein lies the true test of faith,
to lean so on the counsel of God, as not to keep inquiring
too anxiously concerning the mode of action or the event.
As the word ^1p means sometimes to i^repare, and some-
times to sanctify, and either meaning is not inappropriate,
I thought it best to leave a free choice. For faith prepares
us to perceive the operation of God ; and in those times, when
God manifested himself to men more nearly, they consecrated
themselves by a solemn rite ; thus we see how Moses, on the
promulgation of the Law, sanctified the people as God had
commanded. The view taken by some expositors, that the
people were thus commanded to purge themselves from de-
filements, merely in order that nothing might impede the
passage of the Jordan, seems to be too confined.

6. And Joshua spake unto the p)riests, &c. It is probable
that the priests were informed why God wished the ark to
precede, that they might be more ready to execute the com-
mand, for the whole people arc immediately after made
acquainted with the intended division of the waters. As
the prefects had formerly published in the camp, that the
people were to follow the ark of the covenant, the priests
could not possibly be ignorant as to the ofiice which they
were to perform. For it had been distinctly declared that
they were to be leaders or standard-bearers. But when all
were in readiness, Joshua publicly unfolded the divine mes-
sage which he had received. For it would have been in-
congruous to make the divine favour more clearly manifest
to the common people than to them. It is added, however,
immediately after, that the people were made acquainted
with the miracle.

CHAP. III. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, (J 1

I conclude, therefore, that after the priests had for some
time been kept in suspense, along with the multitude, the
Lord, on ascertaining the obedience of all, publicly declared
what he was to do. First, then, it is related that the priests
were enjoined by Joshua to bear the ark before the people ;
and secondly, lest any one might think that he was making
the attempt at random, or at his own hand, mention is at
the same time made of the promise with which he had been
furnished as a means of ensuring his command. But although
it is not then distinctly said that the course of the Jordan
would be interrupted, yet, from the language which Joshua
used to the people, we may infer that the Lord spoke more
in detail, and explained more distinctly what he had deter-
mined to do. For Joshua did not mention anything which
he had not previously learned from the mouth of God him-
self Nay, before he makes any mention of the matter at
all, he tells them to hear the words of the Lord, and thus
premises that he has the authority of God for what he is
about to say.

10. Hereby ye shall know, &c. He makes the power of
the miracle extend further than to the entrance of the land,
and deservedly ; for merely to open up a passage into a
hostile territory, from which there was afterwards no retreat,
would have been nothing else than exposure to death. For
either entangled among straits, and in an unknown region,
they would easily have been destroyed, or they would have
perished, worn out by hunger and the absolute want of all
things. Joshua therefore declares before hand, that when
God would restore the river to its course, it would just be
as if he were stretching forth his hand to rout all the in-
habitants of the land ; and that the manifestation of his
power given in the passage of the Jordan, would be a sure
presage of the victory which they would obtain over all the
nations.

He says, Hence shall you know that the Lord is present
with you ; to what end ? Not only to plant your feet in
the land of Canaan, but also to give you full possession of
it. For surely when mention is made of the overthrow of
the nations, an ultimate, free, and peaceful possession is im-

62 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 11.

plied. Therefore, as the Lord by dividing the river clearly
shewed that his power resided with the Israelites, so the
people must on their part have conceived hopes of perpetual
assistance, as much as if they had already seen their enemies
worsted and lying prostrate before them.

For God does not abandon the work of liis hands midway,
leaving it maimed and unfinished. (Ps. cxxxviii. 8.) When
he leads his people unto the promised inheritance, he makes
a dry passage for them by cutting off the course of the
Jordan. How perverse then would it have been for the
Israelites to stop short at that momentary act, instead of
feeling confident in all time to come, until quiet possession
of the land were actually obtained ! Let us learn then from
this example, prudently to combine the different acts of
divine goodness relating to our final salvation, so that a
happy commencement may cherish and keep alive in our
minds the hope of an equally happy termination.

When Josliua says that the people will know the presence
of God from the miracle, he indirectly upbraids them with
their distrust, as the mere promise of God ought to have
sufficed for a full assurance, and our faith, unless founded
solely on this promise, must be continually wavering. But
although faith ought properly to recline on the truth of
God alone, it does not follow that experimental knowledge
may not act as a secondary support to its weakness, and
give subsidiary aid to its confirmation. For that which God
promises to us in word he seals by act, and as often as he
exhibits to us manifestations of his grace and might, he in-
tends them to be so many confirmations of what he has
spoken, and so many helps tending to suppress all our
doubts.

n. Behold the ark of the covenant, &c. First he says that
the ark of God will go before ; and secondly, he explains for
what purpose, namely, that Jordan may retire from its place,
trembling, so to speak, at the presence of the Lord, as is said
in the Psalms. (Ps. cxiv.) The narrative introduced con-
cerning the twelve men is parenthetical, as it only briefly
alludes to what it will afterwards deliver more fully and
clearly. At present let us merely understand, that while the

CHAP. III. 11.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

63

ark went before, God displayed liis power in guiding the
people. And in this way there was a confirmation of the
sanctity of the worship appointed by the Law, when the
Israelites perceived that it was no empty symbol of his pre-
sence that Grod had deposited with them. For Jordan was
compelled to yield obedience to God just as if it had beheld
his majesty.

Let us however remember, that the only reason which
induced the Lord to display his grace in the ark was because
he had placed the tables of his covenant within it. More-
over, as the thing could not be easily credited, Joshua directs
the mind of the people to the contemplation of the divine
power, which surmounts all difficulties. The title of Ruler
of the whole earth here applied to God is not insignificant,
but extols his power above all the elements of nature, in
order that the Israelites, considering how seas and rivers
are subject to his dominion, might have no doubt that the
waters, though naturally liquid, would become stable in
obedience to his word.

14. And it came to pass, when the
people removed from their tents, to
pass over Jordan, and the priests
bearing the ark of the covenant be-
fore the people ;

15. And as they that bare the ark
were come unto Jordan, and the feet
of the priests that bare the ark were
dipped in the brim of the water, (for
Jordan overflowetli all his banks all
the time of harvest,)

16. That the waters, which came
down from above, stood, and rose up
upon an heap, very far from the city
Adam, that is beside Zaretan : and
those that came down toward the
sea of the plain, even the salt sea,
failed, and were cut off; and the
people passed over right against
Jericho.

17. And the priests, that bare the
ark of the covenant of the Lord,
stood firm on dry ground in the
midst of Jordan, and all the Israel-
ites passed over on dry ground, un-
til all the people were passed clean
over Jordan.

14. Et fuit, quum proficisceretur
populus ad transeundum Jordanem,
sacerdotes qiu portabant arcam foe-
deris erant ante populum.

15. Postquam autem venerunt
qui portabant arcam usque ad Jor-
danem, et pedes sacerdotum por-
tantium arcam intincti fuerunt in
extremo aquarum (Jordanes autem
erat plenus ultra omnes suas ripas
toto tempore messis,)

16. Constiterunt aqufe quse de-
scendebant desuper, et assurexerunt
in acervum unum procul valde, ab
Adam urbe quse est ad latus Sarthan,
et quse descendebant ad mare soli-
tudinis, mare salis, consumptse sunt,
intercidenmt : populus autem tran-
sierunt e regione Jericho.

17. Stabant autem sacerdotes
portantes arcam foederis Jehovse in
sicco in medio Jordanis expediti,
{vel prseparati,) totus vero Israel
transibant per siccum donee finem
facerent universa gens transeundi
Jordanis.

6i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 1 5.

15. A7id as they that hare the ark, &c. The valour of the
priests in proceeding boldly beyond the bed into the water
itself, was deserving of no mean praise, since they might
have been afraid of being instantly drowned. For what
could they expect on putting in their feet, but immediately
to find a deep pool in which they would be ingulfed ? In
not being afraid on reaching the stream, and in continuing
to move firmly forward to the apjjointed place, they gave a
specimen of rare alacrity, founded on confidence.

To the general danger was added the special one, that
the Jordan had then overflowed its banks, as it is wont to
do at the commencement of every summer. As the plain was
covered, it was impossible to observe the line of the banks
or the ford, and the slime spread far and wide, increased their
fear and anxiety.^ God was pleased that his peoj)le, and
especially the priests, should contend with these obstacles, in
order that the victory of their faith and constancy might be
more illustrious. At the same time, the difficulty thus pre-
sented tended to magnify the glory of the miracle when the
waters, which had overflowed their banks, retired at the
divine command, and were gathered together into a solid
heap. First, Joshua explains the nature of the miracle for
the purpose of removing doubt, and preventing profane men
from denying the divine interposition by a subtle searching

' These remarks are made on the assumption that the waters had risen
so as not only to reach the highest edge of the banks, and make the usual
channel what may be called brim-full, but had spread themselves to some
distance over the plain. It may have been so, but there is no distinct
statement to this effect, and the concluding clause of the fifteenth verse
does not literally bear the meaning which Calvin and ovu- English transla-
tors have assigned to it. His rendering is, " Jordanes autem erat plenus
ultra omnes suas ripas ;" literally, " Now Jordan was full beyond all his
banks." The Enghsh rendering is, " For Jordan overfloweth all his
banks." The original only says that "Jordan fills up to (completely fills)
all his banks." The Septuagint, in like manner, says, "'o Tt lo^Savjj; ItXm-
gaura xxf oXjjv r«v xjtjir/Sa auTou ;" " Now the Jordan was filled as to all his
embankment." The same meaning is very exactly given by Luther, whose
version is " 2)cr Sovban aber tuar wtl an alkn feincn ufevn ;" " Now Jordan
was full on all his banks." The difference between the renderings is
slight, but it is of importance not to overlook it, because even such slight
differences have sometimes furnished the infidel with plausible grounds for
assailing the credit of the sacred narrative. In the present instance it has
been insinuated that the historian has exaggerated the extent of the inun-
dation in order to heighten the importance of the miracle. — Ed.

CHAP. III. J 5. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 65

for other causes. It is not, indeed, impossible that tho
flowing of the water might have been restrained for a short
time, and that some portion of the channel might thus have
appeared dry, or that the course might have changed and
taken some other direction. But it was certainly neither a
natural nor fortuitous event, when the waters stood gathered
up into a heap. It is therefore said that the waters which
previously flowed from the higher ground, seeking in their
descent a continuous outlet, stood still.

There cannot be a doubt that this wonderful sight must
have been received with feelings of fear, leading the Israel-
ites more distinctly to acknowledge that they were saved in
the midst of death. For what was that collected heap but
a grave in which the whole multitude would have been
buried, had the waters resumed their naturally liquid state ?^
Had they walked upon the waters their faith might have
served them as a kind of bridge. But now, while mountains
of water hung over their heads, it is just as if they Iiad
found an open and level path beneath them. The locality
is marked out as situated between two cities,^ that the re-
membrance of it might never be lost ; and, in like manner,
God ordered stones to be set up as a perpetual memorial,
that this distinguished mercy might be celebrated by pos-
terity in all ages.

' French, " Si les eaiix, selon Icur nature, eussent alors recommence a
couler ;" " Had the Matei-s then according to their nature begun again to
^ow."— Ed.

' This is not very explicit, and may have been left vague on purpose,
because the original itself, as it now stands, is obscure, and both translators
and commentators, instead of throwing any light upon it, have rather in-
creased the darkness. For Adam, the Vidgate substitutes Edom, and the
Septiiagint, the district of Kirjath-jearim {/j^-i^ov; Kaoixiia.^'ifi.') Two towns
near each other, and bearing the respective names of Adam and Zarethan,
are mentioned in Scripture as situated in the tribe of Manasseh, the one
on the right and the other on the left bank of the Jordan. Their distance
above the place at which the Israelites are presumed to have crossed is
about forty miles ; and the most natural meaning of the passage seems to
be, that when the waters stood, as it were, congealed in a heap, they re-
mained so long in that state, as to cause a kind of reflux tide, which was
perceptible as far back as Adam on the one hand, and Zareptan on the
<^\\\er.—Ed.

66

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. IV.

CHAPTER IV.

1. And it came to pass, when all
the people were clean passed over
Jordan, that the Lord spake unto
Joshua, saying,

2. Take you twelve men out of
the people, out of every tribe a
man;

3. And command ye them, saying,
Take you hence out of the midst of
Jordan, out of the place where the
priests' feet stood firm, twelve stones;
and ye shall carry them over with
you, and leave them in the lodging-
place where ye shall lodge this night.

4. Then Joshua called the twelve
men, whom he had prepared of tlie
children of Israel, out of every tribe
a man ;

5. And Joshua said unto them,
Pass over before the ark of the Lord
your God into the midst of Jordan,
and take you up every man of you a
stone upon his shoulder, according
unto the number of the tribes of the
children of Israel :

G. That this may be a sign among
you, that wlicn yom- children ask
their fathers in time to come, say-
ing. What mean ye by these stones ?

7. Then ye shall answer them.
That the waters of Jordan were cut
ofl' before the arlj of the covenant of
the Lord ; when it passed over Jor-
dan, the waters of Jordan were cut
off : and these stones shall be for a
memorial unto the children of Israel
for ever.

8. And the children of Israel did
so as Joshua commanded, and took
up twelve stones out of the midst of
Jordan, as the Lord spake unto
Joshua, according to the number of
the tribes of the children of Israel,
and carried them over with them
unto the place where they lodged,
and laid them down there.

9. And Joshua set up twelve
stones in the midst of Jordan, in the
place where the feet of the priests
Avhich bare the ark of the covenant
stood : and they are there unto this
day.

1 . Et fuit, postquara finem fecit
tota gens trajiciendi Jordanis ; quia
loquutus erat Jehova ad Josuam,
dicendo.

2. Tollite vobis e populo duode-
cim viros virum unum ex quaque
tribu.

3. Et prascipite illis dicendo :
TolUte vobis hinc e medio Jordanis
a loco ubi stant pedes sacerdotum
expeditorum, duodecim lapides quos
feretis vobiscum, et deponetis in
loco ubi hac nocte manebitis.

4. Tunc vocavit Josue duodecim
viros quos orduiavei'at e filiis Israel,
singulos ex quaque tribu.

5. Et dixit illis Josue, Transite
ante arcam Jehovse Dei vestri per
medium Jordanis, et tollat quisque
ex vobis lapidem unvun super hu-
merum suum pro numero tribuum
tiliorum Israel.

G. Ut sit hoc inter vos {vel, in
medio vestri) signum quum inter-
rogaverint filii vestri eras patres
suos, quid simt lapides isti apud vos ?

7. Time respondeatis eis, quod in-
terciste fuerunt aquse Jordanis ante
arcam foederis Jehovse, quum, in-
quam, transiret Jordanem, intercis?e
fuerunt aquse Jordanis, tunc facti
fuerunt lapides isti in monumentum
fiUis Israel perpetuo.

8. Fecerunt itaque filii Israel sicut
prajceperat Josue, et sustulerunt
duodecim lapides e medio Jordanis
sicut loquutus fuerat Jehova ad
Josuam pro numero tribuum fiho-
rum Israel, tuleruntque eos secum ad
locum ubi pernoctaverunt, et repo-
suerunt illic.

9. Duodecim quoque lapides
erexit Josue in medio Jordanis sub
statione pedum sacerdotmn qui por-
tabant arcam foederis, manseruntque
ibi usque in hunc diem.

CHAP. IV. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. " 67

1. And it came to j) ass, &c. The brief and obscure allu-
sion previously made witli regard to the twelve men he now
explains more at length. He had said that they were chosen
by the order of God, one each from his own tribe ; but
breaking off his discourse, he had not mentioned for what
purpose. He now says, that by command of Joshua^ they
took up twelve stones and placed them in Gilgal, that a
well marked memorial might exist among posterity. More-
over, as he only relates what was done after the jjassage of
the people, what is interposed should be inter^ireted as in
the pluperfect tense.^ It is also very obvious that the co-
pula is used instead of the rational particle.^ The substance
is, that before the priests moved their foot from the middle
of the river where they stood, the stones at their feet were
taken and placed in Gilga], to be perpetual witnesses of the
miracle, and that Joshua thus faithfully executed what God
had commanded. Joshua, therefore, called the men whom
he had previously chosen, but not without the command of
God, that through it he might have a stronger attestation
to his authority. For had Joshua raised up a trophy of that
kind of his ovvn accord, the piety which dictated it might
indeed have been laudable, but the admonition founded
only on the will of man might perhajDS have been desj)ised.
But now when God himself raises the sign, it is impious
to pass it carelessly by. He intimates, accordinglj'-, that
it was a monument deserving of the greatest attention
when he introduces the children asking, what mean these
stones ?

7. Then ye shall ansiuer them, &e. Although the stones
themselves cannot speak, yet the monument furnished the
parents with materials for speaking, and for making the
kindness of God known to their children. And here zealous

' "Joshua." Apparently a misprint for " Jehovah ;" as the French says
more accurately, " Le commandement de Dieu ;" " The command of God."
—Ed.

* French, " Par un temps passe plus que parfait (comme parlent les
Latins;)" " By a past time more than perfect, (as the Latins speak.)" —
Ed.

' French, " Et quant a ce mot Et, on pent aisement juger qu'il se prend
pour Car ;" " And as to this word And, we may easily judge that it is taken
for For."— Ed.

68 " COMMENTARY' ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 9.

endeavours to propagate piety are required of tlie aged,^
and they are enjoined to exert themselves in instructing
their children. For it was the will of God that tliis doctrine
should be handed down through every age ; that those who
were not then born being afterwards instructed by their
parents might become witnesses to it from hearing, though
they had not seen it with their eyes.

The stones were placed according to the number of the
tribes, that each might be incited to gratitude by its own
symbol. It is true that two tribes and a half tribe who had
obtained their inheritance be^'ond the Jordan, had not, when
considered apart from the others, any occasion for making
that passage. But as the land of Canaan was possessed by
the others for the common good of the whole race of Abra-
ham, so it behoved those who were all engaged in the same
or a common cause not to be separated from each other.
And although as yet mention had been made only of twelve
men, it is obvious from a short clause, that the divine com-
mand had been declared to the whole people ; for it is said
that the children of Israel obeyed the words of Joshua. Nay,
it is even probable that deputies were elected by suffrage to
carry the stones in the name of the whole people.

9. And Joshua set up twelve stones, &c. Apparently there
was no use of stones under the water, and it may therefore
seem to have been absurd to bury stones at a depth. The
others which were placed in Gilgal being publicly visible,
furnished occasion for inquiry; but stones hidden from the
eyes of men at the bottom of the water could have no effect
in inciting their minds. I admit that a monument alto-
gether buried in silence would have been useless.^ But
when they talked among themselves of the evidence of the
passage left there, the hearing even of what they did not
see, strongly tended to confirm their faith. The ark of the

^ French, " Or ce passage est pour monstrer, que les gens anciens cloivent
etre affectionnez a la piete;" "Ivlow this passage is to shew that the aged
ought to be attached to piety." — Fd.

' French, " Or je confesse bien que c'eust este un tesraoignage du tout
inutile, si on I'eust laisse' la comme enseveli sans en parler ;" " Now, I con-
fess, that it would have been an entirely useless testimony had they left it
there, as it were, buried without speaking of it." — Fd.

CHAR IV. 9.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

69

covenant was slmt up in the sanctuary and covered by a
veil placed over against it, and yet its hidden splendour was
not without benefit, when they learned from the Law that
the covenant of God was deposited in it. It might also
happen, that when the river was low, the tops of the heap
would sometimes appear. But what I have already said is
more probable, that though Joshua buried the stones in the
middle of the stream, he did a useful act by establishing
a testimon}^ in presence of the people, which would after-
wards become the subject of general conversation.

10. For the priests wliicli bare the
ark stood in the midst of Jordan,
until every thing was finished that
the Lord commanded Joshua to speak
unto the people, according to all that
Moses commanded Joshua : and the
people hasted and passed over.

11. And it came to pass, when all
the people were clean passed over,
that the ark of the Lord passed over,
and the priests, in the presence of
the people.

12. And the children of Reuben,
and the children of Gad, and half the
tribe of Manasseh, passed over armed
before the children of Israel, as Moses
spake unto them.

13. About forty thousand, prepared
for war, passed over before the Lord
luito battle, to the plains of Jericho.

14. On that day the Lord magni-
fied Joshua in the sight of all Israel :
and they feared him, as they feared
Moses, all the days of his life.

15. And the I..ord spake unto Jo-
shua, saying,

1 6 . Command the priests that bear
the ark of the testimony, that they
come up out of Jordan.

17. Joshua therefore commanded
the priests, saying. Come ye up out
of Jordan.

IS. And if fime to pass, when the
priests that b>,i .■ the ark of the cove-
nant of the Lord were come up out
of the midst of Jordan, and the soles
of the priests' feet were lifted up unto
the dry land, that the waters of Jor-

10. Sacerdotes autem portantes
arcam stabant in medio Jordanis
donee complereturomnis sermo quern
prteceijerat Jehova ad Josuam, ut
diceret populo : prorsus ut pra^ce-
perat Moses ipsi Josue: festinavit
autem populus transemido.

11. Quura vero transeundi finem
fecisset universus populus, transivit
area Jehova;, et sacerdotes coram
populo.

12. Transierunt quoque filii Reu-
ben, et filii Gad, et dimidia tribus
Manasse armati ante filios Israel:
quemadmodum loquiitus fuerat ad
eos Moses.

13. Quadraginta niillia armato-
runi transierunt coram Jehova ad
prselium ad campestria Jericho.

14. Eo die magniticavit Jehova
Josuam in oculis totius Israelis : et
timuerunt eum quemadmodum tim-
uerant Mosen omnibus diebus vitas
ejus.

15. Loqimtus est autem Jehova
ad Josuam, dicendo,

16. Praecipe sacerdotibus portan-
tibus arcam testimonii ut ascendant
e Jordane.

17. Et prsecepit Josue sacerdoti-
bus, dicendo, Ascendite ex Jordane.

18. Porro qvmm ascendissent sa-
cerdotes portantes arcam foederis
Jehovai e medio Jordane, et trans-
late essent plants pedum sacerdo-
tum in siccum, reversse sunt aqiue
Jordanis ad locum suuni, et fluxe-

70 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 12.

dan returned unto their pl.ace, and runt sicutlieri et nudius tertius, super

flowed over all bis banks, as they did omnes ripas ejus.

before.

1 0. For the priests tuhich hare, &c. If we are ordered to
halt while others are hastening, we know how easily a feel-
ing of irksoraeness is produced, because we seem to be occupy-
ing an inferior position. The priests, therefore, are justly
praised for their patience in calmly remaining alone at their
post, while the whole people were swiftly hurrying on to the
further bank. For they might have begun to feel doubtful
lest the heaps of water which were suspended over their
heads miglit suddenly melt away and ingulf them. They
therefore evinced their piety no less by remaining there
than by venturing to proceed into the ojiposing current.
Thus, in the first place, they displayed their ready obedience,
and in the second their constanc}'', making it manifest that
they had not obeyed from mere impulse. For their firmness
of purpose, which is praised, must liave had its origin in a
living principle. It was a proof of modesty that they at-
tempted nothing rashly, but regulated their whole procedure
as it were in strict conformity to the word of God.

Although it is probable that Joshua was instructed by a
new message from heaven as to what was necessary to he
done, he is, however, said to have followed what Moses had
commanded. By this I understand that Moses had carefully
enjoined him to hang on the lips of God, that he was
thoroughly obedient to the injunction, and accordingly was
always observant of what was pleasing to God. In short,
the command of Moses liere mentioned was general, but
God gave special injunctions to Joshua as each circumstance
arose.

12. And the children of Reuhen, &c. He makes mention
of the expedition of the two tribes and half tribe, as they
did not set out to engage in warfare on tlieir own private
account, but to assist their brethren, by whose valour their
own possession had been obtained in seizing the land of
Canaan. Moses had laid them under this obligation, and
they had bound themselves by oath that they would accom-
pany the rest of the people till all should have obtained a

CHAP. IV. 12. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 71

quiet settlement. They again made tlie same promise when
the camp was about to be moved as we saw in chapter i.
But from the narrative here we gather tliat only a part was
selected, for the number amounts only to forty thousand,
that is, a third, or about a third of the number ascertained
by the census taken shortly before. Now, as they are every-
where said to have performed their promise, it may be pro-
bably conjectured that it was not the intention of Moses
strictly to insist that all who had assented should leave their
wives and children, and do military service in the land of
Canaan till it was wholly subdued. And certainly it would
have been harsh and cruel to leave an unwarlike multitude
unprotected in the midst of many hostile nations. Nor
would the remains of the enemy, assisted by neighbouring-
nations, have long failed to take advantage of such an op-
portunity to avenge themselves by massacring the women
and children. It was necessary, therefore, in a country not
yet sufficiently pacified, permanently to retain a force suffi-
cient to prevent incursions. Moses was not of so stern a
nature as not to consult for the helpless. Nay, his prudence
and equity would never have allowed him to leave a territory
lately seized by arms unoccupied by a body of troops.

We may add, that such an immense concourse would have
impeded rather than assisted the acquisition of the land of
Canaan. All which Moses required, therefore, was simply
that the Reubenites and Gadites should not, while their
brethren M^ere engaged in carrying on the w^ar, remain in-
dolently at home and eat their food at ease without giving
any assistance to those to whom they were indebted for hav-
ing obtained the inheritance. And the good faith of the
forty thousand was approved by their not declining the
burdens, toils, and perils of warfare, while the remainder of
their own tribes were enjoying quiet. They might readily
have alleged that the}^ were as well entitled as the others
to exemption, but in proceeding with alacrity after the levy
was made, to obey the orders given them, without envying
the immunity given to their brethren, they show that they
were voluntarily and heartily disposed to do their duty. At
the same time, it is not doubtful that by accepting the

72 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 14.

flower of tlieir tribes, tlie handle for complaint and quarrel
was cut off. For it could not justly have been maintained
that not even the aged and worn out, or the young and
feeble, were to be spared. Some, perhaps, may be inclined
to conjecture that the army was raised not by choice but by
lot, though it rather seems to me that all who were most
robust and best able to bear fatigue were enrolled.

14. On that day the Lord magnified, &c. It was not in-
deed the principal end of the miracle to proclaim Joshua's
pre-eminence in power and authority, but as it greatly con-
cerned the public interest, that the government of Joshua
shoxild be firmly established, it is justly set down as an ad-
ditional instance of the divine favour, that he was, so to
speak, adorned with sacred insignia to render him venerable
in the eyes of the people, and prevent any one from presum-
ing to despise hira. For a promiscuous multitude, not ruled
by a head, breaks up and falls away of its own accord. The
Lord, therefore, to provide for the safety of his peoj)le,
distinguished Joshua by a special mark declaratory of his
vocation.

From this jDassage we may learn that God specially recom-
mends to us all those through whose hands he displays liis
excellent working, and requires us to give them due honour
and reverence. When it is said that the peoj^le feared
Joshua as they had feared Moses, should any one object that
the statement is refuted by the many seditions and tumults
which they stirred up against him, not only wantonly but
furiously, it is easy to answer, that it does not apj)ly to the
whole period from their departure out of Egypt, but only
refers to that when subdued by plagues and softened down,
they began to be duly obedient to Moses. For what is now
described is a tranquil government, as if they had laid aside
their ancient perverseness, more especially when the tur-
bulent parents were dead and a better race had succeeded.
Accordingly, we do not read that there was any difficulty
in ruling and turning them. I now only briefly advert to
what I have already explained. For when Joshua at the
outset exhorted them to obedience, they said that they would
be obedient as they had been to Moses.

CHAP. IV. IG. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 73

16. Command the priests, &c. Here it is shewn more
clearly how meeklj and calmly the priests yielded implicit
obedience to the divine command, for they did not move a
foot until Joshua ordered the signal to retire. But as it
was an instance of rare virtue to be thus modest and obe-
dient, so the fatherly kindness of God is conspicuous in this,
that he condescended to direct and govern almost every step
in their progress by his own voice, lest any perplexity might
occur to retard them.

Next follows a more conspicuous confirmation of the
miracle ; for as soon as they climbed the opposite bank, the
Jordan began again to flow as usual. Had it not returned to
its former state, and indeed, suddenly, many would have
imagined the cause of the change to be hidden but fortuitous.
But when God displays his power and favour at minute in-
tervals of time all doubt is removed. The moment the feet
of the priests were made wet the Jordan retired ; now on
their departure he recovers his free course, and that at the
very instant wlien they reached the bank. For the term
dry here means that part which was not covered by the over-
flow.^. Thus the river, though dumb,^ was the best of heralds,
proclaiming with a loud voice that heaven and earth are
subject to the God of Israel.

19. And the people came up out 19. Populus autem ascendit e
of Jordan on the tenth dai/ of the Jordane decima die prinii niensis, et
first month, and encamped in Gilgal, castrametati sunt in Gilgal ad pla-
in the east border of Jericho. gam orientalem Jericho.

20. And those twelve stones, which 20. Ac duodecim lapides quos tu-
they took out of Jordan, did Joshua lerant ex Jordane statuit Josue in
pitch in Gilgal. Gilgal.

' Calvin, still adhering to the view that part of the plain beyond the
immediate bank was overflowed, seems to think that the priests, after
climbing up the steep bank, continued to walk for some time among the
shallow water. The other view which supposes that the banks were only
fiUed and not overflowed, besides being more in accordance with the origi-
nal, as was formerly shewn, appears to derive additional confirmation from
the language here used. It is said the waters returned the moment the
priests touched the dry gromid with the soles of their feet ; in other words,
so long as they were climbing up the steep bank, and, of course, had no
Arm footing, the heap of waters continued, but it was immediately dissolved
as soon as they could set down their foot firmly in consequence of having
reached the flat. — Ud.

2 "Dumb." Latin, "mutus." French, " une creature insensible et
sans voix ;" " An inanimate creatiure without voice." — Ed.

74 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 19.

21. And he spake unto the chil- 21. Et loquutus est ad filios Is-
dren of Israel, saying, When your rael, dicendo : Quum interrogave-
children shall ask their fathers in rint eras filii vestri patres siios
time to come, saying, What mean dicendo, Qiud lapides isli ?

these stones ?

22. Then ye shall let your chil- 22. Indicabitis filiis vestris di-
dren know, saying, Israel came over cendo, Per aridam transivit Israel
this Jordan on dry land. Jordanem istum :

23. For the Lord your God dried 23. Quoniam sicca vit Jehova
lip the waters of Jordan from before Dens vester aquas Jordanis a facie
you, until ye were passed over, as vestra donee transiretis : quemad-
the Lord your God did to the Red modum fecit Jehova Deus vester
sea, which he dried up from before mari Suph, quod siccavit a facie
us, until we were gone over ; nostra donee transiremns.

24. That all the people of the 24. Ut cognoscant omnes populi
earth might know the hand of the terraj manum Jchovse, quod fortis
Lord, that it is mighty ; that ye sit : ut timeatis Jehovam Demn
might fear the Lord your God for vestrum cunctis diebus.

ever.

19, And the people came tip, &c. Why the day on which
they entered the land, and first encamped in it, is marked,
we shall see in next chapter. But the name of Gilgal is
given to the first station by anticipation, for this new name
was afterwards given to it by Joshua on tlie renewal of cir-
cumcision ; its etymology will be explained in its own place.
Moreover, the thing here principally treated of is the monu-
ment of twelve stones ; for though it was formerly mentioned,
a kind of solemn dedication is now related, namely, that
Joshua not only erected a mound, but called the attention of
the people to its use in enabling fathers to keep the memory
of the divine goodness alive among their children. From
his introducing the children asking, What mean these stones ?
we infer that they were arranged so as to attract the notice
of spectators. For had they been heaped together at random
without any order, it would never have come into tlie mind
of posterity to inquire concerning their meaning. There
must therefore have been something so remarkable in their
position as not to allow the sight to be overlooked.

Moreover, because the covenant by which God had adoi^ted
the race of Abraham was firm in an uninterrupted succession
for a thousand generations, the benefit which God had
bestowed on the deceased fathers is, on account of the unity
of the bod}^ transferred in common to their children who
were born long after. And tlie continuation must have more

CHAP. IV. 24. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 7o

strongly awakened their attention, inasmuch as posterity
were in this way reminded that what had long ago been
given to their ancestors belonged to them also. The answer
of the parents would have been coldly listened to had the
divine favour been confined to a single day. But when the
sons' sons hear that the waters of Jordan were dried up
many ages before they were born, they acknowledge them-
selves to be the very people towards whom that wonderful
act of divine favour had been manifested. The same account
is to be given of the drying up of the Red Sea, though the
event was not very ancient. It is certain that of those wlio
had come out of Egypt, Caleb and Joshua were tlie only
survivors, and yet he addresses the whole people as if they
had been eye-witnesses of the miracle. God dried up the
Red Sea before our face ; in other words, it was done in vir-
tue of the adoption which passed without interruption from
the fatliers to the chiklren. Moreover, it was worth while
to call the passage of the Red Sea to remembrance, not only
that the similarity of the miracle might cause belief, but that
on hearing the story of the Jordan, that former miracle
might be at the same time renewed, although no visible
symbol of it was present to the eye.

24. That all 11601316 of the earili might know, &c. He states
that God had put forth tliat manifestation of his power that
it might not only be proclaimed among his own people, but
that the form of it might spread far and wide among the
nations. For although it pleased him that his praise should
dwell in Zion, it pleased him also that his works should so
far be made known to strangers that they might be forced
to confess that he is the true God, and compelled unwillingly
to fear him whom they had willingly contemned, as it is said
in the song of Moses, (Deut. xxxii. 31,) "Our enemies are
judges." For he means that unbelievers, whether they will
or not, have this confession extorted from them by a know-
ledge of the works of God. But as it did not at all profit
them to know how great the might of God was, Joshua dis-
tinguishes them from the Israelites, to whom he attributes a
special knowledge, namely, that which begets serious fear of
God. That the nations may know, he says ; but that thou

76

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. IV. 24-.

mayest fear thy God. Therefore while unbelievers extin-
guish the light by their darkness, let us learn from consider-
ing the works of God to advance in his fear. He says all
days, because the favour here sj)oken of was diffused over
several generations.

CHAPTER V.

1. And it came to pass, when all
the kings of the Araorites, which
were on the side of Jordan west-
Avard, and all the kings of the Ca-
naanites, which ivcre by the sea,
heard that the Lord had dried np
the waters of Jordan from before
the children of Israel, until we were
passed over, that their heart melted ;
neither was there spirit in them any
more, because of the children of Is-
rael.

2. At that time the Lord said
unto Joshua, Make thee sharp
knives, and circumcise again the
children of Israel the second time.

3. And Joshua made him sharp
knives, and circumcised the children
of Israel at the hill of the foreskins.

4. And this is the cause why Jo-
shua did circumcise : All the people
that came out of Egypt, that were
males, even all the men of war, died
in the wilderness by the way, after
they came out of Egypt.

5. Now all the people that came
out were circumcised ; but all the
people tl)at icere born in the wilder-
ness by the way as they came forth
out of Egypt, them they had not
circumcised.

6. For the children of Israel
walked forty years in the wilderness,
till all the people that were men of
war, which came out of Egypt, were
consumed, because they obeyed not
the voice of the Lord : unto whom
the Ijord sware that he would not
shew them the land which the Lord
sware unto their fathers that he
would give us, a land that fioweth
with milk and honey.

1. Fuit autem quum audissent
omnes rcges ^morrhaei qui erant
trans Jordanem ad Occidentem, et
omnes reges Chananaii, qui juxta
mare, quod siccasset Jchova aquas
Jordanis a facie tiliorum Israel donee
transirent, liquefactura fuit cor eo-
rum, neque fuit amplius in ois,
Spiritus a facie filiorum Israel.

2. Eo tempore dixit Jehova ad
Josuam, Fac tibi cultros acutos, et
iterum circuncide filios Israel se-
cundo.

3. Et fecit sibi Josue cultros
acutos, circunciflitque filios Israel in
colle prteputiorum.

4. Htec autem est causa cur cir-
cunciderit Josue : Universus populus
qui egressus fuerat ex ^gypto,
masculi omnes viri bellatores mor-
tui erant in deserto in itinere pos-
teaquam egressi erant ex iEgypto.

5. Nam circuncisus fuerat totus
populus qui egressus est, at totum
populum, qui natus fuerat in deserto
in itinere, postquam egressi erant ex
iEgypto, non circunciderant.

6. Nam quadraginta annis am-
bulaverunt filii Israel per desertiun,
donee consumeretur universa gens
virorum bellatorum, qui egressi fue-
rant ex yEgypto, qui non audierant
vocem Jehovfe, quibus juraverat
Jehova quod non ostenderet terram
de qua juraverat Jehova pati-ibus
eorum, se daturum illis terram fluen-
tem lacte et melle.

CHAP. V. 2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 77

7. And their children, ivhom he 7. Filios itaque eorum quos sub-
raised lip in their stead, them Jo- stitiiit in locum ipsorum circuncidit
shua circumcised : for they were Josue, quia incirciincisi erant :
uncircumcised, because they had not neque enim eos circunciderat in
circumcised them by the way. itinere.

8. And it came to pass, when 8. Quum autem fuit circuncisus
they had done circumcising all the universiis popiilus, manserunt in loco
people, that they abode in their siio in castris donee sanarentur.
places in the camp till they were

whole.

9. And the Lord said unto Jo- 9. Dixit Jehova ad Josiiam, Ho-
shua, This day have I rolled away die devolvi opprobrium ^Egypti a
the reproach of Egypt from ofl" you : vobis. Et vocavit nomen loci illius
wherefore the name of the place is Gilgal, usque in hunc diem,
called Gilgal unto this day.

1. And it came to pass when, &c. The recognition of tlie
fearful power of God liacl snch an effect upon them that they
were astonished and fainted with terror, but it did not
incline their minds to seek a remedy for the evil. Their
lieart was melted inasmuch as destitute of counsel and
strength they did not bestir themselves, but in regard to
contumacy they remained as hard-hearted as before. We
have already seen elsewhere liow unbelievers, when smitten
with fear, cease not to wrestle with God, and even when they
fall, continue fiercely to assail heaven. Hence the dread
which oua'ht to have uro-ed them to caution had no other
effect than to hurry them on headlong. They were, how-
ever, terrified from above for the sake of the people, that
victory might be more easily obtained, and the Israelites
might be emboldened wlien the}' saw they had to do with an
enemy already broken and stricken with dismay. Thus God
spared their weakness, as if he had opened up the way by
removing obstacles, because they had already proved them-
selves to be otherwise more sluggish and cowardly tlian was
meet. The substance then is, that before the conflict com-
menced, the enemy were already routed by the terror which
the f:\me of the miracle had inspired.

2. At that time the Lord said, &c. It seems very strange
and almost monstrous, that circumcision had so long been
laid aside, especially as it became those who were receiving
daily admonitions to be more than usually careful to culti-
vate the exercises of piety. It was the symbol of the adojj-
tion to which they owed their freedom. And it is certain

78 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 2.

that when they were reduced to extremity and groaning
under tyranny, they always circumcised their children. We
know also how sternly God threatened to be an avenger
against anyone who should allow the eighth day to j)ass. Had
the observance been neglected in Egypt their carelessness
might have admitted of excuse, as at that time the covenant
of God appeared to have become in a manner obsolete. But
now when the divine faithfulness in establishing the cove-
nant is once more refulgent, what excuse could there be for
not testifying on their part that they are the people of God ?
The apology which commentators offer is altogether frivo-
lous. I admit that they were constantly under arms, and
always uncertain when they would require to move. But I
hold it erroneous to infer from tliis that they had not a day's
leisure, and that it would have been cruel to circumcise ten-
der infants when the camp must shortly after have been
moved. Nothing ought to have weighed so much with them
as to produce a contemptuous disregard of what had been
said to Abraham, (Gen. xvii. 14,) The soul that is not cir-
cumcised shall be cut off from the people. But if there was
risk of life in the circumcision, the best and only method
was to trust to the paternal providence of God, who certainly
would not have allowed his own precept to become fatal to
infants. In short, the omission from a fear of danger, could
not originate in any other cause than distrust. But even
had it been certain that infants would be brought into
danger, God ought nevertheless to have been obeyed, inas-
much as the seal of the covenant by which they were
received into the Church was more precious than a hundred
lives. Nor would Moses have suffered such cowardly pro-
cedure had he not been influenced by some different motive.
Moreover, though the point is doubtful, I presume that they
did not desist from circumcising their children, the very first
day after their departure, but only after they had been
obliged to retrace their steps through their own j)erverse-
ness. And in this way both the defection and the punish-
ment are accurately expressed. For it is not said that cir-
cumcision was resumed, because the constant change of place
during their wanderings made it previously impossible, but

CHAP. V. 2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 79

because forty years behoved to elapse until those wicked
apostates who had cut themselves oif from the promised in-
heritance were consumed.

Attention should be paid to the reason here given, namely,
that the children of Israel wandered through the desert till
the whole of the generation whicli had refused to follow God
was extinct ; from this we may, in my opinion, infer, that the
use of circumcision ceased during the whole of that period as
a sign of malediction or rejection. It is true, indeed, that the
penalty was inflicted on the innocent, but it was expedient
that the fathers should be chastised in their person, as if God
were repudiating them for the time to come. When they
saw that their offspring diftered in no respect from profane
persons and strangers, they had a plain demonstration of
Avhat they themselves deserved.

Here, however, an inconsistency seems to arise in respect,
first, that while they were condemned, their offspring were
immediately received into favour ; and secondly, that to
themselves also was left a hope of pardon ; and more espe-
cially, that they were not deprived of the other sacraments
of which they could not be partakers, except on the ground
of their being separated from profane nations.

The Lord, I admit, in rejecting them, declares at the same
time that he will bo propitious to their children, but to be-
hold in their offspring a sign of repudiation till they them-
selves all perished, was salutary chastisement. For God
withdrew the pledge of his favour only for a time, and kept
it, as it were, locked up until their death. This punishment,
therefore, was not properly inflicted on the children who
were afterwards born, but had the same effect as a suspen-
sion, just as if God were making it manifest that he had put
off circumcision for a time lest it should be profaned, but
was waiting for an opportunity of renewing it.

Should any one object that it was absurd to celebrate the
Passover in uncircumcision, I admit that it was so according
to the usual order. For none were admitted to the Passover
and the sacrifices save those who were initiated into the
worship of God ; just as in the present day the ordinance of
the Supper is common only to those who have been admitted

80 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 2.

into the Church hy baptism. But the Lord miglit choose
for a time to alter the ordinary rule, and allow those from
whom he had taken away circumcision to be partakers of
other sacred rites. Tlius the peoj^le were excommunicated
in one matter, and yet, in the meanwhile, furnished with fit
aids to prevent tliem from falling into despair; just as if a
father, offended with his son, were to raise his fist, appa-
rently to drive him away, and were at the same time to
detain him by his other hand, — were to frighten him by
threats and blows, and yet be unwilling to part with him.
This seems to me to have been the reason why God, while
depriving the people of the special pledge of adoption, was,
however, unwilling to deprive them of other ordinance.s.

Should it be objected tliat tlierc is a distinct assertion
that none were circumcised on the way after tlicy had set
out, I answer, that, with a view to brevity, all things are
not stated exactly, and yet that it may be gathered from the
context that none remained uncircumcised but those who
were born after the sedition. For it is said that their sons,
whom God substituted for them, were circumcised by Joshua.
From this it appears that a new people were then created to
supply the place of perverse rebels. It was, moreover, a sad
and severe trial that God did not choose to have the people
circumcised till they were hemmed in by enemies on every
side. It would, certainly, have been safer and more con-
venient to perform the rite before crossing the Jordan, in
the land of Bashan, which had been reduced to peace by the
overthrow of the inhabitants. The Lord waits till they are
shut up in the midst of enemies, and exposed to their lust
and violence, as if he were purposely exposing them to death ;
since all weakened by their wound must have given way at
once, and been slaughtered almost without resistance. For
if in similar circumstances (Gen. xxxiv.) two sons of Jacob
were able to force their way into the town of Sichem and
plunder it, after slaying its citizens, how much more easy
would it have been for the neighbouring nations to attack
the Israelites while thus wounded, and make a general
massacre of them.

This was, therefore, as I have said, a very harsh trial, and

CHAP. V. 9. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 81

hence the readiness with which it was submitted to is de-
serving of the greater praise. The phice itself, however,
appears to have been purposely selected by the divine wis-
dom, that they might be more disposed to obey. Had the
same command been given on tlie other side of the Jordan,
there was reason to fear that they might be cast into despon-
dency, and from the delay thus interposed might again
decline to enter the land. But now, when they had been
brought into possession under happy auspices, as if by the
hand of God, and conceived from the removal of this one
obstacle a sure hope of warring with success, it is not won-
derful if they obey more willingly than they might have
done if they had not been so singularly strengthened. The
very sight of the promised land must have furnished addi-
tional incentives, when they understood that they were again
consecrated to God, in order that their uncircumcision might
not pollute the holy land.

9. A^id the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. The disgrace of
Egypt is expounded by some as meaning that the want of
circumcision rendered them similar to the Egyptians, in
other words, profane and marked with a stigma ; as if it had
been said that they were again made the peculiar property
of God when they were anew stamped with this mark, to
distinguish them from the nations that were unclean.
Others understand it actively, as meaning that they would
no longer be scorned by the Egyptians, as if God had de-
ceived them. This I have no hesitation in rejecting as too
far fetched. Others understand that they would no longer
lie under the false imputation of worshipping the gods of
that nation. I rather understand the meaning to be, that
they were freed from an invidious charge, by which they
were otherwise overborne. It was disreputable to have
shaken off the yoke and revolted from the king under whose
government they lived. Moreover, as they gave out that
God was the avenger of unjust tyranny, it was easy to
upbraid them with using the name of God as a mere colour
for their conduct. They might, therefore, have been regarded
as deserters, had not the disgrace been wiped off by the
appeal to circumcision, by which the divine election was

82

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. V. 9.

sealed in their flesli before thej went down into Egypt, It
was accordingly made plain by the renewal of the ancient
covenant that they were not rebels against legitimate autho-
rity, nor had rashly gone off at their own hand, but that
their liberty was restored by God, who had long ago taken
them under his special protection.

From the removal of disgrace the place obtained its name.
For those who think that the prepuce cut off was called
Gilffal, because it was a kind of circle, abandon the literal
meaning, and have recourse to a very unnecessary fiction ;
while it is perfectly obvious that the place was called Rolling
Of, because God there rolled off from his people the disgrace
which unjustly attached to them. The interpretation of
liberty, adopted by Josephus, is vain and ridiculous, and
makes it aj^parent that he was as ignorant of the Hebrew
tongue as of jurisprudence.

10. And the children of Israel
encamped in Gilgal, and kept the
passover on the fourteenth day of
the month at even, in the plains of
Jericho.

11. And they did eat of the old
corn of the land on the morrow after
the passover, unleavened cakes, and
parched corn in the self-same day.

12. And the manna ceased on the
morrow after they had eaten of the
old corn of the land; neither had
the children of Israel manna any
more; but they did eat of the fruit
of the land of Canaan that year.

13. And it came to pass, when
Joshua was by Jericho, that he lifted
up his eyes and looked, and, behold,
tliere stood a man over against him,
Avith his sword drawn m his hand :
and Joshua went unto him, and said
unto him. Art thou for us, or for
our adversaries ?

14. And he said. Nay ; but 05
captain of the host of the Lord am
I now come. And Joshua fell on his
face to the earth, and did worship,
and said unto him, What saith my
Lord unto his servant ?

15. And the captain of the Lord's
liost said unto Joshua, Loose thy

10. Itaque castrametati sunt filii
Israel in Gilgal, et fecerunt Psesah
quartadecima die mensis ad vespe-
rum in campestrlbus Jericho.

11. Et comederunt e fructu terraj
postridie Ptesah infermentata, et
polentam ipsomet die.

12. Et cessavit man postridie post-
quam comederunt e frumento terrse :
neque fuit ultra fiUis Israel man, sed
comederunt e fructu terrte Chanaan

13. Contigit autem quum esset
Josue apud Jericho, ut levaret oculos
suos ac aspiceret : et ecce vir stabat
contra emn, in ciijus manu erat
gladius evaginatus : et ivit Josue ad
eum, dixitque illi. Ex nostris es? an
ex adversariis nostris ?

14. Et dixit, Non : sed sum
princeps exercitus Jehovse : nunc
veni. Et cecidit Josue in faciem
suam ad terram, et adoravit, dixit-
que ei : Quid Dominus mens loqui-
tur ad servum suum ?

15. Et dixit princeps exercitus
Jehovse ad Josuam : Solve calcea-

CHAP. V. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 83

shoe from off tliy foot : for the place mentum tuiim e pedibus tuis : quia
whereon thou standest is holy. And locus super quern stas, sanctitas est.
Joshua did so. Et ita fecit Josue.

] 0. ^ ncl the children of Israel . . . ke])t the Passover, &c.
Here it is stated that the Passover was celebrated on the
regular day, although there are some who think that the words
used imply that the practice was unusual. They hence infer
that, like circumcision, it had been interrupted for a period
of forty years, as it would have been absurd for persons un-
circumcised to take part in a sacred feast. To confirm this
view, they observe that we do not read of the Passover
having been observed after the beginning of the second year.
But it is not probable that that which God had lately ordered
to be perpetual, (Exod. xii. 42,) was suddenly cast aside. For
it had been said to them. It is a night to be observed by the
children of Israel in all their generations. IIow inconsistent,
then, would it have been had this practice, which was to be
observed throughout all ages, become obsolete in the course
of two years ! And again, how heartless it w^ould have been
to bury the memory of a recent favour within so short a
period !

But it is said that the want of circumcision must have
kept back a large proportion, that the mystery might not be
profaned ; for at its institution it had been declared. No
uncircumcised person shall eat of it. To this I have already
answered, that it was an extraordinary privilege ; as the
children of Israel were freed from the law.^ For it is certain
that they continued to use sacrifices, and to observe the
other parts of legal worship, although this was unlawful,
unless something of the form prescribed by the law had been
remitted by divine authority. It is certain that unclean
persons were prohibited from entering the court of the
tabernacle, and yet the children of Israel, while uncircum-
cised, offered sacrifices there, thus doing what was equiva-
lent to the slaying of the Passover. They were therefore

' "Freed from the law." Latin, "Lege soluti." French, "Oat este
exemptez et dispensez de ce a quoy la Loy les assujettissoit ;" " Have been
exempted and dispensed from that to which the law subjected them." —
Ed.

84? COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 11.

permitted, by sufferance, to do that wliieli It was not lawful
to do according to the rule of the law.

The mention made by Moses of the second celebration of
the Passover (Numb, ix.) is for a different purpose, namely,
for the purjDOse of indirectly censuring the carelessness and
sluggishness of the people, who would not have observed the
sacred anniversary at the end of the first year if they had
not been reminded of it. For although God had proclaimed
that they should through all ages annually renew the memory
of their deliverance, yet they had grown so oblivious before
the end of the year, that they had become remiss in the dis-
charge of the duty. It is not without cause they are urged
by a new intimation, as they were not sufficiently attentive
of their own accord. That passage, therefore, does not prove
that the use of the Passover was afterwards interru^jted ; on
the contrary, it may, Avithsome probability, be inferred from
it that it was annually observed ; as the Lord, towards the
end of the year, anticipates the observance, telling them to
make careful provision for it in future, and never deviate
from the command which had been given them.^

11. And they did eat of the old corn, &c. Whether they
then began first to eat wheaten bread is not very clear. For
they had dwelt in a country that was not uncultivated, and
was tolerably fertile. At least in the territories of the two
kings there was enough of corn to supply the inhabitants.
It does not seem reasonable to suppose that the children of
Israel allowed the corn which they found there to rot and

* These remarks place the view M'liich Calvin takes in its most favour-
able light; but, on the other hand, it is strongly argued, 1. That the
eating of the Passover by an uncircumcised person was expressly prohibited,
(Exod. xii. 48.) 2. That the observance of it during the wandering in
the desert is, by impHcation at least, dispensed with in the words, " And
it shall come to pass, when ye be come to the land which the Lord will
give you, according as he hath promised, that ye shall keep this service,"
(Exod. xii. 25.) 3. That the observance of the Passover at Mount Sinai
was in compliance with a special mandate, and would not have taken place
without it. 4. The assumption that sacrifices were offered in the desert is
questioned as inconsistent with Amos v. 25. It may be added, that the
order to circumcise, evidently intended as a preparation for the celebration
of the approaching Passover, seems to imply that there had previously
been a similar omission of both ordinances. It must also have been diffi-
cult, if not impossible, while in the wilderness, to obtain flour in sufficient
quantity to make unleavened Passover bread for a whole people. — Ed.

CHAP. V. 13. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 8o

perish by mere waste. And I have no doubt that they ate
the flesh which remained over of the sacrifices. It is quite
possible, therefore, that they did not wholly abstain from
wdieaten bread, and yet did not abandon their accustomed
food. For a country wliich was assigned to a tenth part
could not have furnished food sufficient for the whole multi-
tude, as there cannot be a doubt that a just estimate was
made when Moses settled in it only two tribes and a half
tribe. As yet, therefore, the twelve tribes had not found
sufficient food, more especially as the country had been de-
vastated by war, and the Israelites, who were not in safety
to leave the camp, could not devote their attention to agri-
culture. The manna was thus necessary to feed them until
a more abundant supply was obtained. This took place in
the land of Canaan, and then, accordingly, they returned to
common food. But Avhy they deferred it till that day is not
known, unless it be that after their wound was cured, some
days behoved to be spent in collecting corn, while religion
did not permit them to bake bread lest they should break
the Sabbath. But although that rest was sacred, we gather
from the circumstances that they made haste, as the flour
must have been previously prepared, seeing they could not
grind it and bake it in a single day.

Be this as it may, the Lord furnished them with provision
as long as their want required to be supplied. The failure
of the manna on a sudden, and at the very moment, must
have furnished an additional attestation to the kindness of
God, inasmuch as it was thence apparent that the manna
was a temporary resource, which had descended not so much
from the clouds as from a paternal providence. It is more-
over plain, that this is to be understood of the produce of
the former year, and it is needless to raise any question in
regard to it ; for it would have implied too much precipita-
tion to rush upon the produce of the present year when not
yet properly matured, and a whole month would scarcely
have sufficed to collect enough for the supply of so great a
multitude. I cannot see why expounders should give them-
selves so much trouble with so clear a matter.

13. And it came to j^ctss when Joshua, &c. Here we have

86 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 13.

the narrative of a remarkable vision, by which Joshua was
greatly encouraged and emboldened. For though he was
strenuously discharging his office, the application of an addi-
tional stimulus was not without its use. The angel, how-
ever, did not appear solely on his private account, but for
the confirmation of the whole people : nay, the Lord looked
further forward, that he might furnish posterity with
stronger proofs of a kindness which was never duly con-
sidered. For although they boasted in lofty terms of having
been planted by the hand of God in a holy land, they were
scarcely induced by all the miracles to acknowledge in good
earnest that they were placed there as God's vassals. This
vision, therefore, must have been beneficial to all ages, by
leaving no doubt as to the divine kindness bestowed. Its
being said that he lifted his eyes, tends to confirm the cer-
tainty of the vision, lest any one might suppose that his
eyesight had merely been dazzled by some evanescent
phantom.

The spectacle, when first presented, must have inspired
fear ; for it is probable that Joshua was then alone, whether
he had withdrawn from public view to engage in prayer, or
for the purpose of reconnoitring the city. I am rather in-
clined to think it was the latter, and that he had gone aside
to examine wliere the city ought to be attacked, lest the
difficulty might deter others. It appears certain that he
was without attendants, as he alone perceives the vision ;
and there can be no doubt that he was prepared to fight had
he fallen in with an enemy. But he puts his question as if
addressing a man, because it is only from the answer he
learns that it is an angel. This doubt gives more credibility
to the vision, while he is gradually led from the view of the
man whom he addresses to the recognition of an angel. The
words, at the same time, imply that it was not an ordinary
angel, but one of special excellence. For he calls himself
captain of the Lord's host, a term which may be understood
to comprehend not merely his chosen people, but angels
also.

The former view, however, is the more correct, as God
does not produce anything of an unwonted nature, but con-

CIIAP.V. 14. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 87

tinues that which wc previously read that he performed to
Moses. And Ave know that Moses himself preferred this
favour to all others ; and justly, for God there manifested
his own glory in an open and familiar manner. Accord-
ingly, he is indiscriminately called an angel, and distin-
guished by the title of the eternal God. Of this fact Paul
is a competent witness, who distinctly declares that it was
Christ. (1 Cor. x. 4.) And Moses himself embraced God as
present in the person of the Mediator. For when God de-
clares, after the making of the calf, (Ex. xxxii. 87,) that he
would no longer be the Leader of the people, he at the same
time promises that he will give one of his angels, but only
one, as it were taken out of the general body of the angelic
host.' This Moses earnestly deprecates, obviously because
he could have no hope that God w^ould be propitious if
the Mediator were removed. It was thus a special pledge
of the divine favour that the Captain and Head of the
Church, to whom Moses had been accustomed, was now pre-
sent to assist. And indeed the divine adoption could not be
ratified in any other way than in the hand of the Mediator.

14. A7id he said, Nay ; hut as captain, &c. Although
the denial applies equally to both parts of the question,
namely, that he was neither an Israelite nor a Canaanite,
and was thus equivalent to a denial of his being a morta-l
man, yet it seems to be more properly applicable to the
second, or to that part of the question in which Joshua
asked if he were one of the enemy. This, however, is a
matter of little moment ; the essential thing is to under-
stand that he had come to preside over the chosen people
whom he honourably styles the Lord's host. In his repre-
senting himself as different from God, a personal distinction
is denoted, but unity of essence is not destroj'ed.

Wc have said that in the books of Moses the name of
Jehovah^ is often attributed to the presiding Angel, who was
undoubtedly the only-begotten Son of God. He is indeed

' French, " Mais comme le premier qui se rencontrera ;" " But as it
were the first who may happen to present himself." — Ed.

^ The French adds, " Cost a dire d'Eternel ;" « That is to say of Eternal."
—Ed.

88 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 14.

verj God, and yet in the person of Mediator by dispensation,
he is inferior to God. I willingly receive what ancient
writers teach on this subject, — that when Christ anciently
appeared in human form, it was a prelude to the mystery
which was afterwards exhibited when God was manifested
in the flesh. We must beware, however, of imagining that
Christ at that time became incarnate, since, first, we no-
where read that God sent his Son in the flesh before the
fulness of the times ; and, secondly, Christ, in' so far as he
was a man, behoved to be the Son of David. But as is said
in Ezekiel, (chap, i.,) it was only a likeness of man.
Whether it Avas a substantial body or an outward form, it is
needless to discuss, as it seems wrong to insist on any par-
ticular view of the subject.^

The only remaining question is, how the Captain of the
Lord's host can speak of having now come, seeing he had
not deserted the people committed to his trust, and had
lately given a matchless display of his presence in the pas-
sage of the Jordan. But according to the common usage of
ScrijDture, God is said to come to us when Ave are actually
made sensible of his assistance, Avhich seems remote Avhen
not manifested by experience. It is therefore just as if he
were off'ering his assistance in the combats Avliich were
about to be Avaged, and promising by his arrival that the
Avar would have a happy issue. It cannot be inferred
Avith certainty from the worship Avhich he offered, whether

' Several modern commentators, among others Grotius, have maintained
that the personage who thus appeared was merely a created angel. In this
they have only followed in the steps of the Jewish Rabbins, who not satisfied
with holding that he was an angel, have gone the farther length of fixing
Avhat particular angel it was. With almost unanimous consent they de-
clare it to have been Michael, though they are unable to support their
opinion by anything stronger than the first verse of the twelfth cha^jter of
Daniel, in v/liich it is said, that " at that time shall Michael stand up, the
great prince wliich standeth for the children of thy people." The sounder
view here advocated by Calvin, and generally adopted by the early Chris-
tian Fathers, is well expressed by Origen, who says, in his Sixth Homily on
this Book, " Joshua knew not only that he was of God, but that he was
God. For he would not have worshipped, had he not recognised him to be
God. For who else is the Captain of the Lord's host but our Lord Jesus
Christ ?" It would make sad havoc with our ideas of divine worship to
admit that the homage which Joshua here pays could be lawfully received,
or rather could, so to sp?ak, be imperiously demanded by one creature from
another. — Ed.

CHAP. V. 15. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 89

Joshua paid divine lionour to Christ distinctly recognised
as such ; but by asking, What command does my Lord give
to his servant ? he attributes to him a power and authority
which belong to God alone.

15. Loose thy shoe from off thy foot, &,Q. To give additional
sanctity to the vision, the great Angel requires as a sign of
reverence and fear that Joshua put oif his shoes. Moses re-
lates, (Exod. iii. 5,) that the same command was given to
him on Mount Sinai, and for no other reason than that the
Lord there manifested his glory. For one place cannot
have a greater sanctity than another, except God deigns
specially to make it so. Thus Jacob exclaims, (Gen.
xxvi. 1 7,) that the place where he had known God more
nearly is the house of God, a dreadful place, and the gate
of heaven. Here, therefore, when God orders his holy
servant to take off his shoes, lie by this ceremony attests
the reality of his presence, and adds more weight to the
vision ; not that nakedness of feet is of itself of any value
in the worship of God, but because the weakness of men
requires to be aided by helps of this kind, that they may
the better excite and prepare themselves for veneration.
Moreover, as God by his presence sanctifies the places in
which he appears, I think it probable that the expression,
lioly ground, is in part commendatory of the excellence of
the land of Canaan, which God had chosen for his own
habitation and the seat of his pure worship. Hence in
various jjassages it is called ''his rest." (Ps. xcv. 11, and
cxxxii. 11.) In the end of the verse Joshua is praised for
his obedience, that posterity might learn by his example to
cultivate pure piety in that land. There seems thus to be
a kind of tacit comparison or antithesis, by which the land
of Canaan is extolled above all other countries.^

CHAPTER VL

1. Now Jericho was straitly sliut 1. Jericho autem erat clausa, et
up because of the children of Israel : claudebatur propter filios Israel, nee
none went out, and none came in. poterat quisquam egredi, vel in-

gredi.

1 The incident here recorded is one of the principal reasons for the
designation of the Holy Land usually applied to Palestine. — Ed.

90

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. VI.

2. And the Lord said unto Joshua,
See, I have given into thine hand
Jericho, and the king thereof, and
the mighty men of valour.

3. And ye shall compass the city,
all ye men of Avar, and go round
about the city once. Thus shalt
thou do six days.

4. And seven priests shall bear
before the ark seven trumpets of
rams' horns ; and the seventh day ye
shall compass the city seven times,
and the priests shall blow with the
trumpets.

5. And it shall come to pass, that
when they make a long blast with
the rams' horn, a7id when ye hear
the sound of the trumpet, all the
people shall shout with a great
shout ; and the wall of the city shall
fall down flat, and the people shall
ascend up, every man straight be-
fore him.

6. And Joshua the son of Nun
called the priests, and said mito
them. Take up the ark of the
covenant, and let seven priests bear
seven trumpets of rams' horns be-
fore the ark of the Lord.

7. And he said unto the people.
Pass on, and compass the city, and
let him that is armed pass on before
the ark of the Lord.

8. And it came to pass, Avhen
Joshua had spoken unto the people,
that the seven priests, bearing the
seven trumpets of rams' horus,
passed on before the Lord, and
blew with the trumpets ; and the
ark of the covenant of the Lord
followed them.

9. And the armed men went be-
fore the priests that blew with the
trumpets, and the rere-vi'ard came
after the ark, the priests going on,
and blowing with the trumpets.

10. And Joshua had commanded
the people, saying, Ye shall not
shout, nor make any noise with
your voice, neither shall any word
proceed out of your mouth, until the
day I bid you shout ; then shall ye
shout.

11. So the ark of the Lord com-
passed the city, going about it once :

2. Dixitque Jeliova ad Josuam,
Ecce tradidi in manum tuam Jeri-
cho, et regem ejus, et A'irtute prse-
stantes.

3. Circuibitis itaque urbem, omnes
viri bellatores, circundando eam
semel : sic fades sex diebus.

4. Porro septem sacerdotes ferent
septem cornua arietina ante arcam :
Die autem septima circuibitis urbem
septem vicibus, et sacerdotes ipsi
clangent ttibis.

5. Quum vero protraxerint soni-
tum cornu arietino : ubi primum au-
dieritis vocem tubae, vociferabitur
imiversus populus vociferatione mag-
na, et concidet murus urbis sub se :
populus vero ascendet quisque e
regione sua.

f). Vocavit ergo Josue fihus Nun
sacerdotes, et dixit eis, Tollite arcam
foederis, et septem sacerdotes ac-
cipicnt septem tubas arietinas coram
area Jehovje.

7. Dixit quoque ad populum,
Transite, et circuite urbem, et arma-
tus quisque prsecedat arcam Jehovse.

8. Et fuit postquam loquutus est
Josue ad populmn, tiderimt septem
sacerdotes septem tubas arietinas,
et transeuntes ante arcam Jehovse
clanxerunt tubis. Area autem
fanleris Jehovas seqnebatur ipsos.

9. Et armatus quisque prsecede-
bat sacerdotes clangentcs tubis, Et
qui cogebat agiiien sequebatur arcam
eundo et clangendo tubis.

10. Populo autem prseceperat
Josue, dicendo, Non vociferabimini,
nee facietis auchre vocem vestram,
ncque cgredietur ex ore vestro ver-
bum, usque ad diem quo dixero vobis,
vociferamini : tunc vociferabimini.

1 1 . Circuivit itaque area Jehovai
urbem, circundando semel, et re-

CHAP. VI. 1.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

91

and they came into the camp, and
lodged in the camp.

1 2 . And Joshua rose early in the
morning, and the priests took up the
ark of the Lord.

13. And seven priests, bearing
seven trumpets of rams' horns be-
fore the ark of the Lord, went on
continually, and blew with the trum-
pets : and the armed men went be-
fore them ; but the rere-ward came
after the ark of the Lord, the priests
going on, and blowing with the
trumpets.

14. And the second day they com-
passed the city once, and returned
into the camp : so they did six
days.

15. And it came to pass on the
seventh day, that they rose early,
about the dawning of the day, and
compassed the city after the same
manner seven times : only on that
day they compassed the city seven
times.

16. And it came to pass at the
seventh time, when the priests blew
with the trumpets, Joshua said unto
the people. Shout ; for the Lord hath
given you the city.

17. And the city shall be accursed,
even it, and all that are therein, to
the Lord: only Rahab the harlot
shall live, she and all that are with
her in the house, becaiise she hid
the messengers that we sent.

18. And ye, in any wise keep
^//ourselves from the accursed thiag,
lest ye make yourselves accvursed,
when ye take of the accursed thing,
and make the camp of Israel a curse,
and trouble it.

19. But all the silver, and gold,
and vessels of brass and iron, are
consecrated unto the Lord: they
shall come into the treasiu-y of the
Lord.

versi sunt in castra : manseruntque
illic.

12. Rursum surrexit Josue mane,
tuleruntque sacerdotes arcam Je-
hovaj.

13. Septem autem sacerdotes
ferentes septem tubas arietinas prae-
cedebant arcam Jehovse, eundo : et
clangebant tubis. Armatus vero
prpecedebat eos, et qui cogebat agmen
sequebatur arcam Jehovse, eundo,
et clangendo tubis.

14. Circuiverunt ei-go urbem die
secmido vice alia, reversique sunt ad
castra : sic fecerunt sex diebus.

15. Ubi autem advenit Septimus
dies, surrexerunt simid ac ascendit
aurora, et circuiverunt urbem se-
cundum eundem morem septem
vicibus : tantum die ilia circuiverunt
urbem septem vicibus.

16. Septima autem vice quum
clangerent sacerdotes tubis, dixit
Josue ad popvdum, vociferamini,
tradidit Jehova vobis urbem.

17. Erit autem urbs anathema,
ipsa et queecunque in ea sunt, Je-
hovse : tantum Rahab meretrix vivet,
ipsa et quicunque fuerint ciun ea
domi, quia abscondidit nuncios quos
misimus.

18. Veruntamen vos cavete ab
anathemate, ne forte contingatis
aliquid de anathemate, tollatisque de
anathemate, et ponatis castra Israel
anathema, et turbetis ea.

19. Omne autem argentum, et
aurum, et vasa serea et ferrea,
sanctitas enmt Jehovse : thesaurum
Jehovse ingredientur.

1. Noiu Jericho was straitly shut up, &c. Jericho is said
to be shut up, because the gates were not opened : as in
time of war cities are guarded with more than usual care.
It is added, by way of emphasis, that they were sealed, or

92 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. 3.

locked up/ as if it were said that the inhabitants were at-
tentive in watching, so as not to be taken by surprise.
Hence, as it could not be taken by stratagem, the only hope
of taking it was by open force. This tends to display tlie
goodness of God to the children of Israel, wlio would have
been worn out by a long and difficult siege, had not a sub-
stitute been early provided from heaven. Meanwhile there
was a danger, lest being forced into a corner, they might be
consumed by want and famine, as there was no means of
obtaining food and provender in a hostile region. The Lord,
therefore, that they might not sit down despondingly before
one city, assisted them by an extraordinary miracle, and
opened up an entrance to them by throwing down the walls,
that they might thereafter have the greater confidence in
attacking other cities.

We now see the connection between the two first verses,
in the one of wliich it is said, that Jericho was shut up, and
the children of Israel thus prevented from approaching
it, while in the otlier God promises that he will take it
for tliem. He makes this promise with the view of pre-
ventinjc them from tormentino- themselves with anxious
thoughts. In one word, God, by this easy victory at the out-
set, jDrovides against their giving way to despondency in
future. We, at the same time, perceive the stupidity of the
inhabitants, who place their walls and gates as obstacles to
the divine omnipotence ; as if it were more difficult to break
up or dissolve a few bars and beams than to dry up the
Jordan.

8. And ye shall compass the city, &c. Tiie promise was,
indeed, fit and sufficient of itself to give hope of victory, but
the method of acting was so strange, as almost to destroy its
credibility. God orders them to make one circuit round the
city daily until the seventh day, on which they are told to
go round it seven times, sounding trumpets, and shouting.
The whole looked like nothing else than child's play, and
yet was no improper test for trying their faith, as it proved
their acquiescence in the divine message, even when they

' The Septiiagint has in"yKiy.Xii<r//.ii:>i xa) ux.'Ji'-'f^'iv'), " completely closed and
made sm'e, by being barred or barricaded." — Ed.

CHAP. VI. 3. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 93

saw in the act itself notliing but mere disappointment.
With the same intention, the Lord often, for a time, con-
ceals his own might under weakness, and seems to sport with
mere trifles, that his weakness may at length appear stronger
than all might, and his folly superior to all wisdom.

While the Israelites thus abandon their own reason, and
depend implicitly on liis words, they gain much more by
trifling than they could have done by making a forcible
assault, and shaking the walls by numbers of the most power-
ful engines. Only it behoved them to play the fool for a
short time, and not display too much acuteness in making
anxious and subtle inquiries concerning the event : for that
would have been, in a manner, to obstruct the course of the
divine omnipotence. Meanwhile, though the circulatory
movement round the walls might have excited derision, it
was afterwards known, by its prosperous result, that God
commands nothing in vain.

There was another subject of care and doubt, which might
have crept into their minds. Should the inhabitants of the
city suddenly sally forth, the array would, without difficulty,
be put to the rout, while, in long straggling lines, it was pro-
ceeding round the city, without any regular arrangement
that might have enabled it to repel a hostile assault. But
here, also, whatever anxiety they might have felt, they be-
hoved to cast it upon God ; for sacred is the security which
reclines on his providence. There was an additional trial of
their faith, in the repetition of the circuit of the city during
seven da^'s. For what could seem less congruous than to
fatigue themselves with six unavailing circuits ? Then, of
what use was their silence,^ unless to betray their timidity,
and tempt the enemy to come out and attack besiegers who
seemed not to have spirit enough to meet them ? But as
profane men often, by rash intermeddling fervour, throw
everything into confusion, the only part which God here as-
signs to his people, is to remain calm and silent, that thus
they may the better accustom themselves simply to execute
his commands.

^ French, " De ne dire mot, ne faire aucun bruit ;" " Not to speak a
^vord, not to make any noise." — Ed.

94 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. l7

Here, too, it is worthy of remark, that tlie instruments
given to the priests to blow with, are not the silver trumpets
deposited in the sanctuary, but merely rams' horns. The
sound of the sacred trumpets would certainly have inspired
more confidence, but a better j^roof of obedience was given,
when they were contented with the vulgar symbol More-
over, their movements were so arranged, that the greater
number, by which is understood the ai'med, went before the
ark, while those who usually accompanied the baggage fol-
lowed. It was their part to take care that the rear did not
fall into confusion. As the term congregating, applied to
them, was obscure, I have rendered it by the corresponding
term usually employed by the Latins.^ Some think that the
tribe of Dan were thus employed, but this is uncertain, as
they were not then arranged in the manner usual on other
expeditions.

15. And it came to pass on the seventh day, &c. Here,
also, God seemed, by leading the people so often round the
city, not only to keep the matter in suspense, but purposely
to sport with the miseries of the people, who were fatiguing
themselves to no purpose. For why does he not order tliem
suddenly to attack the city ? Why does he keep them in
their former silence, even to weariness, and not open their
mouths to shout ? But the happy fruit of this endurance
teaches us, that there is nothing better than to leave the de-
cisive moments and opportunities of acting at his disposal,
and not, by our haste, anticipate his providence, in which, if we
acquiesce not, we obstruct the course of his agency. There-
fore, while the priests were sounding, God ordered a corre-
sponding shout to be raised by the people, that in this way
he might prove that he is not pleased with any impetuosity
which men manifest at their own hands, but above all things
requires a regulated zeal, of which the only rule is not to
move either tongue, or feet, or hands, till he order. Here
the rams' horns undoubtedly represented his authority.

17. And the city shall be accursed, &c. Although God

' French, " Mais je I'ay traduit par im terme plus accoustume ;i la
langue Fran^oise ;" " But here 1 have translated it by a term more com-
monly used in the French language." — Ed.

CHAP. VT.17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 95

had determined not only to enricli his people with spoil and
plunder, but also to settle them in cities which they had
not built, yet there was a peculiarity in the case of the first
city ; for it was right that it should be consecrated as a kind
of first fruits. Accordingly, he claims the buildings, as well
as all the moveable property, as his own, and prohibits the
application of any part of it to private uses. It may have
been an irksome and grievous task for the people volun-
tarily to pull down houses in which they might have com-
modiously dwelt, and to destroy articles which might have
been important for use. But as they had not been required
to fight, it behoved them to refrain, without grudging, from
touching the prey, and willingly yield up the rewards of the
victory to God, as it was solely by his nod that the walls of
the city had fallen, and the courage of the citizens had fallen
along with them. God was contented with this pledge of
gratitude, provided the people thereby quickl}^ learned that
everything they called their own was the gift of his free
liberality. For with equal right all the other cities might
have been doomed to destruction, had not God granted them
to his people for habitations.

As to the Hebrew word D'^H, I will now only briefly repeat
from other passages. When it refers to sacred oblations, it
becomes, in respect of men, equivalent to abolition, since
things devoted in this manner are renounced by them as
completely as if they were annihilated. The equivalent
Greek term is avdOrjixa, or dvd6efxa, meaning set apart, or as
it is properly expressed in French, interdicted. Hence the
exhortation to beware of what was under anathema, inas-
much as that which had been set apart for God alone had
perished, in so far as men were concerned. It is used in a
different sense in the following verse, where caution is given
not to place the camp of Israel in anathema. Here its
simple meaning is, excision, perdition, or death. Moreover,
God destined vessels made of metals for the use of the
sanctuary ; all other things he ordered to be consumed by
fire, or destroyed in other manners.

20. So the people shouted when 20. Itaqiie vociferatus est po-
tJie priests blew with the trumpets : pulus postquam clanxerunt tubis.
and it came to pass, when the people Quum enim audisset populus vocem

96

COMMENTARY ON" JOSHUA.

CHAP. VI. 20.

heard the sound of the trumpet, and
the people shouted with a great
shout, that the wall fell down flat,
so that the people went up into the
city, every man straight before him,
and they took the city.

21. And they utterly destroyed
all that was in the city, both man
and woman, young and old, and ox,
and sheep, and ass, with the edge of
the sword.

22. But Joshua had said unto
the two men that liad spied out the
country, Go into the harlot's house,
and bring out thence the woman,
and all that she hath, as ye sware
unto her.

23. And the young men that
were spies went in, and brought out
Rahab, and her father, and her
mother, and her brethren, and all
that she had; and they brought
out all her kindred, and left them
without the camp of Israel.

24. And they burnt the city with
fire, and all that was therein : only
the silver, and the gold, and the ves-
sels of brass and of iron, they put
into the treasury of the house of the
Lord.

25. And Joshua saved Rahab
the harlot alive, and her father's
household, and all that she had;
and she dwelleth in Israel even
unto this day ; because she hid the
messengers which Joshua sent to
spy out Jericho.

26. And Joshua adjured them at
that time, saying. Cursed be the
man before the Lord that riseth up
and buildeth this city Jericho : he
shall lay the foundation thereof in
his first-born, and in his youngest
son shall he set up the gates of it.

27. So the Lord was with Jo-
slnia; and his fame was noised
throughout all the country.

20. So the people shouted, &c. Here the people are praised
for obedience, and the faithfuhiess of God is, at the same
time, celebrated. They testified their fidelity by shouting,
because they were persuaded, that what God had com-
manded would not be in vain, and he, in not allowing them

tubarum, vociferatus est vocifera-
tione maxima, et cecidit murus sub-
tus, tum ascendit populus in urbem
quisque e regione sua, et ceperimt
eam.

21. Et perdiderunt omnia quse
erant in urbe, a viro usque ad mu-
lierem, a puero usque ad senem, ad
bovem, et ovem, et asiniun, acie
gladii.

22. Duobus autem viris qui ex-
ploraverant terram dixit Josue, In-
gredimini domum mulieris meretri-
cis, et inde educite eam, et qufecun-
que habet, quern admodum jurastis
ei.

23. Ingressi itaque exploratores
eduxerunt Rahab, et patrem ejus, et
matrem ejvis, et fratres ejus, et quse-
cunque habiibat, et totam cogna-
tionem ejus edvixerunt, ac locarunt
extra castra Israel.

24. Urbem vero succenderunt
igni, et qufecmique erant in ea:
tantummodo aurum et argentum,
vasa ierea et ferrea posuerunt in the-
sauro domus Jehovfe.

25. Itaque Rahab meretricem, et
domum patris ejus, et quajcunque
habebat vivere fecit Josue : habita-
vitque in medio Israel usque ad hunc
diem, quia absconderat nuntios quos
miserat Josue ad explorandum Je-
richo.

26. Adjuravit autem Josue tem-
pore illo, dicendo, Maledictus vir
coram Jehova qui surget ut edificet
m-bem istam Jericho. In primo-
genito suo fimdabit eam et in mi-
nore slio statuet portas ejus.

27. Fnit autem Jehova cum Jo-
sue, et fama ejus fuit in tota terra.

CHAP. VI. 20. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 97

to lose their labour, vindicated the truth of what he had
said. Another virtue of not inferior value was displayed
by the people, in despising unlawful gain, and cheerfully
suffering the loss of all the plunder. For there cannot be a
doubt, that in the minds of many the thought must have
risen, For what end does God please to destroy all the
wealth ? Why does he envy us that which he has given
into our hand ? Why does he not rather gladden us by
furnishing us with the materials of thanksgiving ? Dismiss-
ing these considerations, which might have interfered with
their duty, it was a proof of rare and excellent self-denial,
voluntarily to cast away the spoils which ^vere in their hands,
and the wealth of a Avhole city.

The indiscriminate and promiscuous slaughter, making no
distinction of age or sex, but including alike women and
children, the aged and decrepit, might seem an inhuman
massacre, had it not been executed by the command of
God. But as he, in whose hands are life and death, had
justly doomed those nations to destruction, this puts an end
to all discussion. We may add, that they had been borne
with for four hundred years, until their iniquity was com-
plete. Who wall now presume to complain of excessive
rigour, after God had so long delayed to execute judgment ?
If any one object that children, at least, wei'e still free from
fault, it is easy to answer, that they perished justly, as the*
race was accursed and reprobated. Here then it ought al-
ways to be remembered, that it would have been barbarous
and atrocious cruelty had the Israelites gratified their own
lust and rage, in slaughtering mothers and their children,
but that they are justly praised for their active piety and
holy zeal, in executing the command of God, who was
pleased in this way to purge the land of Canaan of the foul
and loathsome defilements by which it had long been pol-
luted.i

' In confii-niation of the views thus admirahly expressed, it is not out of
place to add those of the profoundest and most philosophical of English
theologians on the same subject. Bishop Butler, in his Analogy, Part ii.,
chap, iii., after saying that " it is that province of reason to judge of the
morality of Scripture ; i.e., not Avhether it contains things different from
what we should have expected from a wise, just, and good Being — hut

G

98 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. 22.

22. But Joshua had said unto the two men, &c. The good
faith of Joshua in keeping promises, and liis general integ-
rity, are apparent in the anxious care here taken. But as
the whole city had been placed under anathema, a question
might be raised as to this exception of one family. No
mortal man was at liberty to make any change on the deci-
sion of God. Still as it was only by the suggestion of the
Spirit that Rahab had bargained for her impunity, I con-
clude that Joshua, in preserving lier, did only what was
considerate and prudent.

We may add, that the messengers w^ere not yet under any
contrary obligation, as the complete destruction of the city
had not been declared .It is true, they had heard in gene-
ral, that all those nations were to be destroyed, but they
were still at liberty to make a compact with a single woman,

whether it contains things plainly contradictory to wisdom, justice, or good-
ness ; to what the light of nature teaches us of God," continues thus : " I
know nothing of this sort objected against Scripture, excepting such objec-
tions as are formed upon suppositions which would equally conclude, that
the constitution of nature is contradictory to wisdom, justice, or goodness :
which most certainly it is not. Indeed there are some particular precepts
in Scripture, given to particular persons, requiring actions, which would be
immoral and Adcious, were it not for such precepts. But it is easy to see,
that all these are of such a kind, as that the precept changes the whole
nature of the case and of the action : and both constitutes and shews that
not to be unjust or immoral, which, prior to the precept, must have ap-
peared, and really have been so : which well may be, since none of these
precepts are contrary to immutable morality. If it were commanded to
cultivate the principles, and act from the spirit of treachery, ingratitude,
cruelty ; the command would not alter the nature of the case, or of the
action, in any of these instances. But it is quite otherwise in precepts,
which require only the doing an external action : for instance, taldng
away the property or life of any. For men have no right to either life
or property, but what arises solely from the grant of God. When this
grant is revoked, they cease to have any right at all in either : and when
this revocation is made known, as surely it is possible it may be, it must
cease to be unjust to deprive them of either. And though a course of ex-
ternal acts, which, without command, would be immoral, must make an
immoral habit, yet a few detached commands have no svich natural ten-
dency. I thought proper to say thus much of the few Scripture precepts
which require, not vicious actions, but actions which would have been
vicious had it not been for such precepts : because they are sometimes
weakly urged as immoral, and great weight is laid upon objections drawn
from them. But to me there seems no difficulty at all in these precepts,
but what arises from their being offences ; i.e., from their being hable to
be perverted, as, indeed, they are, by wicked designing men, to serve the
most horrid purposes, and, perhaps, to mislead the weak and enthusiastic."
—Ed.

CHAP. VI. 2.3. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 99

who had voluntarily abandoned her countrymen. But we
shall afterwards meet with a far easier solution, namely,
that while the Israelites, by the divine command, exhorted
all whom they attacked, to surrender, by holding out the
hope of pardon, the blinded nations obstinately refused the
peace thus oifered, because God had decreed to destroy all
of them, But while all, in general, were hardened to their
destruction, it follows that Rahab was exempted by special
privilege, and might escape in safety, while the others
perished. Joshua, therefore, judged wisely, that a woman
who had voluntarily gone over to the Church, wiis rescued
thus early, not without the special grace of God. The case
of the father and the whole family is, indeed, different, but
seeing they all spontaneously abjure their former state, they
confirm the stipulation which Rahab had made for their
safety, by the promptitude of their obedience.

Moreover, let us learn from the example of Joshua, that
we do not sufficiently attest our probity, by refraining from
violating our promise intentionally and of set purpose, un-
less we also diligently exert ourselves to secure its perform-
ance. He not only allows Rahab to be delivered by her
guests, but is careful to guard against her sustaining any in-
jury in tlie first tumult ; and to make the messengers more
diligent in performing their office, he reminds them that
they had promised with the intervention of an oath.

23. And the young men that were spies went in, &c. God,
doubtless, wished those to be safe, whose minds he thus in-
clined to embrace deliverance. Had it been otherwise, they
would have rejected it not less proudly, and with no less
scorn than the two sons-in-law of Lot. But a still better
provision is made for them, when, by being placed without
the camp, they receive a strict injunction to abandon their
former cour.«e of life.l For had they been immediately ad-
mitted and allowed to mix indiscriminately with the people,
the thouglit of their impurity might never, perhaps, have

' French, " Car comblen qu'il y ait en cela de la severite', toutes fois
c'est un bon nioyen par leqiiel ils sont appelez a renoncer a leur vie prece-
dente ;" " For though there is severity in this, it is, however, a good method
of calling upon them to renounce their previous life." — Ed.

100 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. 2C.

occurred to them, and tliey might thus have continued to
indulge in it. Now when they are placed apart, tliat they
may not, by their infection, taint the flock, they are im-
pressed with a feeling of shame, which may urge them to
serious conversion.

It cannot be meant that they were thus set apart for
safety, lest any one in the crowd might have risen up vio-
lently against them : for they would have been received by
all with the greatest favour and gladness, whereas they
might have been attacked in a solitary place more easily,
and even with impunity. Their impurity, therefore, was
brought visibly before them, that they might not while pol-
luted come rashly forward into the holy meeting, but rather
might be accustomed by this rudimentary training to change
their mode of life. For it is added shortly after, that they
dwelt in the midst of the people ; in other words, having
been purged from their defilements, they began to be re-
garded in the very same light as if they had originally
belonged to the race of Abraham. In short, the meaning
is, that after they had made a confession of their previous
impurity, they were admitted indiscriminately along with
others. By this admission, Rahab gained one of the noblest
fruits of her faith.

26. And Joshua adjured them, he. This adjuration, then,
was not merely to have efiect for one day, but to warn pos-
terity through all ages that that city had been taken only
by divine power. He wished, therefore, that the ruins and
devastation should exist for ever as a kind of trophy ;
because the rebuilding of it would have been equivalent to
an erasure effacing the miracle. In order, therefore, that the
desolate appearance of the place might keep the remem-
brance of the divine power and favour alive among posterity,
Joshua pronounces a heavy curse upon any one who should
again build the ruined city. From this passage we gather
that the natural torpidity of men requires the aid of stimu-
lants to prevent them from burying the divine favours in
oblivion ; and hence this spectacle, wherein the divine agency
was made consj)icuous to the people, was a kind of indirect
censure of their inoratitudc.

CHAP. VI. 26. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. J 01

The substance of the imprecation is, tliat if any one ever
attemjjt to rebuild Jericho lie may be made sensible by the
unpropitious and mournful result that he had done a cursed
and abominable work. For to lay the foundations in his first-
born, were just as if he were to cast forth his son to perish,
crushed and buried beneath the mass of stones ; and to set
up the gates in his younger son, is the same thing as to plan
an edifice which could not be erected without causing the
death of a son. Thus he who should dare to make the in-
sane attempt is condemned in his own offspring. Nor did
Joshua utter this curse at his own suggestion ; he was only
the herald of celestial vengeance.

This makes it the more monstrous that among the people
of God a man should have been found, whom that fearful
curse, couched in formal terms, could not restrain from sacri-
legious temerity. In the time of Ahab (1 Kings xvi. 84)
arose Hiel, a citizen of Bethel, who dared, as it were avow-
edly, to challenge God in this matter ; but the Sacred His-
tory at the same time testifies, tliatthe denunciation which
God had pronounced by the moutli of Joshua did not fail of
its effect ; for Kiel founded the new Jericho in Abiram his
first-born, and set up its gates in his younger son Segub, and
thus learned in the destruction of his offspring what it is to
attempt anything against the will and in opposition to the
command of God,^

1 This rebuilding by Hiel on tlie very site of the ancient city, took place,
according to the ordinary clu-onology, 520 years after Joshua pronounced
the curse. It would seem, however, that another Jericho had been built
at a much earlier period, not actually on the former site which, while the
memory of the curse remained, was probably avoided, but at no great dis-
tance from it. Of this fact, the mention made of Jericho in Joshua xviii.
21, as one of the cities of Benjamin, is not decisive, because it may have
been intended to indicate merely a locality, and not an actually existing
city, nor is it absolutely certain that the " city of palm trees" which Eglor
captured, (Judges iii. 14,) was a rebuilt Jericho, though by that name
Jericho was generally known. Its existence, however, at least a century
before Hiel, is clearly estabhshed by the directions given to David's ambas-
sadors, after their insulting treatment by the king of Amnion, " to tarry at
Jericho." (Sam. x. 5.) It may be worth while briefly to glance at the
subsequent history of Iliel's sacrilegious city. As if the penalty of rebuild-
ing had been fully paid by the exemplary punishment inflicted on the
founder, the curse appears to have been withdrawn, and in the course of
about twenty years we learn tJiat it had not only been selected as a school
of the prophets, (2 Kings ii. 5,) but received a very important addition to

102

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. VII.

CHAPTER VII.

1. But the children of Israel
committed a trespass in the accursed
thing : for Achan, the son of Carmi,
the son of Zabdi, the son of Zerah,
of the tribe of Judah, took of the
acciu"sed thing : and the anger of
the Lord Avas kindled against the
children of Israel.

2. And Joshua sent men from
Jericho to Ai, which is beside Beth-
aven, on the east side of Beth-el,
and spake unto them, saying, Go up
and view the country. And the
men went up and viewed Ai.

3. And they returned to Joshua,
and said unto him. Let not all the
people go up ; but let about two or
three thousand men go up and smite
Ai ; and make not all the people to
labour thither ; for they are but few.

4. So there went up thither of
the people about three thousand
men ; and they fled before the men
of Ai.

1. Transgressi autem sunt trans-
gressione filii Israel in anathemate :
quia Achan, filius Chermi filii Zabdi,
filii Zerah de tribu Jehudse abstu-
lit de anathemate : et accensa est
excandescentia Jehovse contra filios
Israel.

2. Porro misit Josue viros e Je-
richo contra Hai, quae erat juxta
Bethaven ad orientem Bethel, et lo-
qmitus est cum iUis, dicendo, As-
cendite et explorate terrani. Ascen-
derunt itaque viri, et exploraverunt
Hai.

3. Qui reversi ad Josuam, dixe-
rmit ei, Ne ascendat totus populus ;
circiter duo miUia virorum aut cir-
citer tria milUa virorum ascendant,
et percutient Hai.'

4. Ascenderunt ergo illuc e po-
pulo fere tria millia virorum, et
fugerunt coram viris Hai.

its other attractions as a residence by the miraculous cure of its waters by
Elisha. (2 Kings ii. 19-22.) Its inhabitants, on the retimi from the
Babylonish captivity, are mentioned as having assisted in rebuilding the
walls of Jerusalem. (Neh. iii. 2.) At a later period Jericho was for-
tified by the Syrian general Bacchides, or rather received from him addi-
tions to its previously existing fortifications, (1 Maccabees ix. 50,) but does
not seem to have acquired very much importance till the time of Herod
the Great, who, after capturing and sacking it, rebuilt it in a much more
magnificent form, and erected in it a splendid palace, where he often re-
sided and idtimately died. It also became a favourite residence of his son
Archelaus. Our hSaviour himself not only honoured it by his presence,
but by the display of his miraculous agency. It appears in the latter
period of the Roman empire to have ranked as one of the chief cities of
Palestine. The general devastation of the country on the dissolution of
that empire effected its final ruin, and its site is now only doubtfully repre-
sented by a miserable village called Riha, containing from 200 to 300
souls. — Ed.

^ Calvin's Latin as well as the French version omit the concluding clause
of this verse, " Make not the whole people to labour thither : for they are
few." The omission, for which no reason is assigned, is the more remark-
able, as there appears to be no doubt as to the genuineness of the original
clause, and its meaning is very exactly given not only in the Septuagint
but other versions, such as Luther's, with which Calvin was well ac-
quainted.—£^o?.

CHAP. VII. 1.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

lo:

5. And the men of Ai smote of
them about thirty and six men : for
they chased them from before the
gate even imto Shebarim, and smote
them in the going down ; wherefore
the hearts of the people melted, and
became as water.

6. And Joshua rent his clothes,
and fell to the earth upon his face
before the ark of the Lord untU the
even-tide, he and the elders of Is-
rael, and put dust upon their heads.

7. And Joshua said, Alas, O Lord
God, wherefore hast thou at all
brought this people over Jordan, to
deliver us into the hand of the
Amorites, to destroy us ? would to
God we had been content, and dwelt
on the other side Jordan !

8. O Lord, what shall I say, when
Israel turneth their backs before
their enemies ?

9. For the Canaanites, and all
the inhabitants of the land, shall
liear of it, and shaU environ us
roimd, and cut off our name from
the earth : and what wilt thou do
unto thy great name ?

] . But the children of Israel committed, &c. Reference
is made to the crime, and indeed the secret crime, of one
individual, whose guilt is transferred to the whole people ;
and not only so, but punislnnent is at the same time exe-
cuted against several who were innocent. But it seems very-
unaccountable that a whole people should be condemned for
a private and hidden crime of which they had no knowledge.
I answer, that it is not new for the sin of one member to be
visited on the whole body. Should we be unable to discover
the reason, it ought to be more than enough for us that
transgression is imputed to the children of Israel, while the
guilt is confined to one individual. But as it very often
happens that those who are not wicked foster the sins of
their brethren by conniving at them, a part of the blame is
justly laid upon all those who by disguising become impli-
cated in it as partners. For this reason Paul, (1 Cor. v. 4-6,)
upbraids all the Corinthians with the private enormity of
one individual, and inveighs against their pride in presum-

5. Percusseruntque ex eis circiter
triginta et sex viros, et perscquuti
sunt eos a porta usque ad Sebarim,
et percusserunt eos in descensu :
atque ita liquefactura est cor popuh,
fuitque velut aqua.

6. Porro Josue scidit vestimenta
sua, prociditque in faciem suam in
terram coram area Jehovse usque ad
vesperam, ipse et seniores Israel, et
posuerunt pulverem super caput
smmi.

7. Dixit que Josue, Ah, ah, Do-
minator Jehova, ut quid traduxisti
populum hunc trans Jordanem, ut
traderes nos in manum Amorrhaei
qui perdat nos ? Atque utinam li-
buisset nobis manere in deserto trans
Jordanem !

8. O Domine quid dicam post-
quam vertit Israel cervicera coram
inimicis suis ?

9. Audientque Chananseus et om-
nes incolfe terra;, et vertent se contra
nos, disperdcntque nomen nostrum
e terra : quid vero facies nomini tuo
ma "-no ?

104 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 1.

ing to glory while such a stigma attached to them. But
here it is easy to object that all were ignorant of the theft,
and that therefore there is no room for the maxim, that lie
who allows a crime to be committed when he can prevent it
is its perpetrator. I certainly admit it not to be clear why
a private crime is imputed to the whole people, unless it be
that they had not previously been sufficiently careful to
punisli misdeeds, and that possibly owing to this, the person
actually guilty in the present instance had sinned witli
greater boldness. It is well known that weeds creep in
stealthily, grow apace and j)roduce noxious fruits, if not
speedily torn up. The reason, however, why God charges a
wliole people with a secret theft is deeper and more abstruse.
He wished by an extraordinary manifestation to remind
posterity that they might all be criminated by the act of an
individual, and thus induce them to give more diligent heed
to the prevention of crimes.

Nothing, therefore, is better than to keep our minds in
suspense until the books are opened, when the divine judg-
ments which are now obscured by our darkness will be made
perfectly clear. Let it suffice us that the whole peojile were
infected by a private stain ; for so it has been declared by
the Supreme Judge, before whom it becomes us to stand
dumb, as having one day to appear at his tribunal. The
stock from which Achan was descended is narrated for the
sake of increasing, and, as it were, propagating the igno-
miny ; just as if it were said, that he was the disgrace of his
family and all his race. For the writer of the history goes
up as far as the tribe of Judah. By this we are taught that
when any one connected with us behaves himself basely and
wickedly, a stigma is in a manner impressed upon us in liis
person tliat we may be humbled — not that it can be just to
insult over all the kindred of a wicked man, but first, that
all kindred may be more careful in apjilying mutual correc-
tion to each other, and secondly, that they may be led to
recognise that cither their connivance or their own faults
are punished.

A greater occasion of scandal, fitted to produce general
alarm, was offered by the fact of the crime liaving been

CHAP. VII. 2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 105

detected in the tribe of Judali, which was the flower and
glory of the whole nation. It was certainly owing to the
admirable counsel of God, that a pre-eminence which fos-
tered the hope of future dominion resided in that tribe.
But when near the very outset this honour was foully
stained by the act of an individual, the circumstance might
have occasioned no small disturbance to weak minds. The
severe punishment, however, wiped away the scandal whi^h
might otherwise have existed ; and hence we gather that
when occasion has been given to the Avicked to blaspheme,
the Church has no fitter means of removing the oppro-
brium than that of visiting offences with exemplary punish-
ment.

2. And Joshua sent men from Jericho, &c. To examine
the site of the city and reconnoitre all its approaches was an
act of prudence, that the}' might not, by hurrying on at ran-
dom through unknown places, fall into an ambuscade. But
when it would be necessary shortly after to advance with all
the forces, to send forward a small band with the view of
taking the city, seems to betray a want of military skill.
Hence it would not have been strange that two or three
thousand men, on a sudden sally were panic-struck and
turned their backs. And it was certainly expedient for the
whole body that twenty or thirty thousand should have
spread in all directions in foraging parties. We may add,
that even the act of slaying, though no resistance were
offered, was of itself sufficient to wear out a small body of
troops. Therefore, when the three thousand or thereabouts
were repulsed, it was only a just recompense for their confi-
dence and sloth. The Holy Spirit, however, declares that
fewness of numbers was not the cause of the discomfiture,
and ought not to bear the blame of it. The true cause was
the secret counsel of God, who meant to shew a sign of his
anger, but allowed the number to be small in order that the
loss might be less serious. And it was certainly a rare dis-
play of mercy to chastise the people gently and without any
great overthrow, with the view of arousing them to seek an
instant remedy for the evil. Perhaps, too, the inhabitants
of Ai would not have dared to make an attack upon the

106 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. GHAP.VII.

Israelites had they advanced against the city in full force.
The Lord therefore opened a way for his judgment, and yet
modified it so as only to detect the hidden crime under which
the people might otherwise have been consumed as by a
lingering disease.

But although there is nothing wonderful in the defeat of
the Israelites, who fought on disadvantageous terms on
lower ground, it was, however, perfectly obvious that they
were vanquished by fear and the failure of their courage
before they came to close quarters ; for by turning their
backs they gave up the higher ground and retired to the
slope of a valley. The enemy, on the other hand, shewed
how thorouglily they despised them by the confidence and
boldness with which they ventured to pursue the fugitives
at full speed in the direction of their camp. In the camp
itself, such was the trepidation that all hearts melted. I
admit, indeed, that there was cause for fear when, after hav-
ing gained so many victories as it were in sport, they saw
themselves so disgracefully defeated. In unwonted circum-
stances we are more easily disturbed. But it was a terror
from heaven which dismayed them more than the death of
thirty men and the flight of three thousand.

6. And Joshua rent his clothes, &c. Although it was
easy to throw the blame of the overthrow or disgrace which
had been sustained on others, and it was by no means be-
coming in a courageous leader to be so much cast down by
the loss of thirty men, especially when by increasing his
force a hundred-fold it would not have been difiicult to drive
back the enemy now weary with their exertions, it was not,
however, without cause that Joshua felt the deepest sorrow,
and gave way to feelings bordering on despair. The thought
that the events of war are doubtful — a thought which sus-
tains and reanimates the defeated — could not be entertained
by him, because Grod had promised that they would always
be victorious. Therefore when the success did not corre-
spond to his hopes, the only conclusion he could draw was,
that they had fought unsuccessfully merely because they
had been deprived of the promised assistance of God.

Accordingly, both he and the elders not only gave them-

CHAP. VII. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 107

selves up to sorrow and sadness, but engage in solemn
mourning, as used in the most calamitous circumstances, by
tearing their garments and throwing dust on their heads.
That mode of expressing grief was used also by the heathen,
but was specially appropriate in the pious Avorshippers of
God in suppliantly deprecating his wrath. The rending of
the garments and other accomjianying acts contained a pro-
fession of repentance, as may also be inferred from the an-
nexed prayer, which, however, is of a mixed nature, dictated
partly by faith and the pure spirit of piety, and partly by
excessive perturbation. In turning straightway to God and
acknowledging that in his hand, by which the wound was
inflicted, the cure was prepared, they are influenced by faith ;
but their excessive grief is evidently carried beyond all pro-
per bounds. Hence the freedom with which they ex-
postulate, and hence the preposterous wish. Would God we
had remained in the desert !'

It is not a new thing, however, for pious minds, when
they aspire to seek God with holy zeal, to obscure the light
of faith by the vehemence and impetuosity of their afi'ections.
And in this way all j^rayers would be vitiated did not the
Lord in his boundless indulgence pardon them, and wiping
away all their stains receive them as if they were jiure.
And yet while in thus freely expostulating, they cast their
cares upon God, though this blunt simj^licity needs pardon,
it is far more acceptable than the feigned modesty of hypo-
crites, who, while carefully restraining themselves to prevent
any confident exjoression from escaping their lij^s, inwardly
swell and almost burst with contumacy.

Joshua oversteps the bounds of moderation when he
challenges God for having brought the people out of the
desert ; but he proceeds to much greater intemj)erance when,
in opposition to the divine promise and decree, he utters the
turbulent wish. Would that we had never come out of the
desert ! That 'was to abrogate the divine covenant alto-
gether. But as his object was to maintain and assert the

^ French, " O que je voiidroye que nous eussions prins a plaisir de de-
meurer au dela du Jordain ;" " O how I wish that we had been pleased to
remain beyond the Jordan." — Ed.

108 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. OHAP. VII. 9.

divine g'lory, the vehemence which otherwise might have
justly provoked God was excused.

We are hence taught that saints, while they aim at the
right mark, often stumble and fall, and that this sometimes
hap2:)ens even in their prayers, in which purity of faith and
affections framed to obedience ought to be especially mani-
fested. That Joshua felt particvdarly concerned for the
divine glory, is apparent from the next verse, where he
undertakes the maintenance of it, which had been in a
manner assigned to him. What shall I say, he asks, when
it will be objected that the people turned their backs ? And
he justly complains that he is left without an answer, as
God had made him the witness and herald of his favoui',
whence there was ground to hope for an uninterrupted series
of victories. Accordingly, after having in the loftiest terms
extolled the divine omnipotence in fulfilment of the office
committed to him, it had now become necessary for liim,
from the adverse course of events, to remain ignominiously
silent. We thus see that nothing vexes him more than the
disgrace brought upon his calling. He is not concerned for
his own reputation, but fears lest the truth of God might be
endangered in the eyes of the world. ^ In short, as it was
only by the order of God that he had brought the people
into the land of Canaan, he now in adversity calls upon
him as author and avenger, just as if he had said, Since thou
hast brought me into these straits, and I am in danger of
seeming to be a deceiver, it is for thee to interfere and sup-
ply me with the means of defence.

9. For the Ganaanites and all the inhabitants, &c. He
mentions another ground of fear. All the neighbouring
nations, who, either subdued by calamities or terrified by
miracles, were quiet, will now resume their confidence and
make a sudden attack upon the people. It was indeed pro-
bable, that as the divine power had crushed their spirit and
filled them with dismay, they would come boldly forward to
battle as soon as they knew that God had become hostile to
the Israelites. He therefore appeals to God in regard to

' French, " Soit revoquee en doute, on moins estimee cievant le
nionde ;" " Be called in question, or less esteemed before the world." — Ed.

CHAP. VII. 9. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 109

the future danger, entreating him to make speedy provision
against it, as the occasion would be seized by the Canaanitcs,
who, though hitherto benumbed with terror, will now assume
the aggressive, and easily succeed in destroying a panic-
struck people.

It is manifest, however, from the last clause, that he is
not merely thinking of the safety of the people, but is con-
cerned above all for the honour of the divine name, that it
may remain inviolable, and not be trampled under foot by
the petulance of the wicked, as it would be if the people
were ejected from the inheritance so often promised. We
know the language which God himself employed, as recorded
in the song of Moses, (Deut. xxxii. 26, 27,) "I would scatter
them into corners, I would make the remembrance of them
cease among men ; were it not that I feared the wrath
(pride) of the enemy, lest their adversaries should behave
themselves strangely, and lest they should say. Our hand is
liigh, and the Lord hath not done all this." The very thing,
then, which God declares that he was, humanly speaking,
afraid of, Joshua wishes now to be timeously prevented ;
otherwise the enemy, elated by the defeat of the peoj)le,
will grow insolent and boast of triumphing over God himself

10. And the Lord said unto 10. Tunc dixit Jeliova ad Josu-
Joshua, Get thee up ; wherefore am, Surge. Ut quid tu ita pro-
liest thou thus upon thy face ? cidis super faciem tuam ?

11. Israel hath sinned, and they 11. Peccavit Israel, atque adeo
have also transgressed my covenant transgressi sunt pactum meum quod
which I commanded them : for they prascepi illis, atque etiam tulerunt
liave even taken of the accursed de anathemate, atque etiam furati
thing, and have also stolen, and dis- sunt, atque etiam mentiti, atque
sembled also, and they have put it etiam reposuerunt in vasa sua.
even among their own stuff.

12. Therefore the children of 12. Itaque non potuerunt filii
Israel could not stand before their Israel stare coram inimicis suis :
enemies, but turned their backs be- cervicem vertent coram inimicis
fore their enemies, because they were suis:' qma simt in anathema,

' The English version puts the verb in the past tense, and translates
" turned their backs ;" Calvin's, " vertent cervicem," " will turn their neck ;"
making the expression not a declaration of what had taken place, but a
denmiciation of what was still to take place, is truer to the original, and
has also the sanction of the Septuagint, which has «u;^;£va v7roffT^i\PoviTiv.
Luther even adds to the force of the expression by saying, " miiffen tr;vcn
Seturen ten 9iu(fcn fcf)icn;" " must tm-n the back on their enemies."
Calvin's punctuation of the same verse is peculiar. By making a colon at

no

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. VII. 10.

non perseverabo esse vobisciim,
nisi deleatis anathema e medio
vestri.

13. Surge, sanctifica populum et
dicas, Sanctificate vos in crastimmi :
sic enim dicit Jehova Deus Israel,
Anathema est in medio tui Israel:
non poteris stare coram inimicis tuis,
donee abstuleris anathema e medio
vestri.

14. Accedetis ergo mane per
tribus vestras, et tribus quam de-
prehendet Jehova accedet per do-
mos : et domus quam deprehendet
Jehova accedet per viros.

accursed ; neither will I be with you
any more, except you destroy the
accursed from among you.

13. Up, sanctify the people, and
say. Sanctify yourselves against to-
morrow ; for thus saith the Lord
God of Israel, There is an accursed
thing in the midst of thee, O Israel:
thou canst not stand before thine
enemies, until ye take away the
accursed thing from among you.

14. In the morning therefore ye shall
be brought according to your tribes;
and it shall be, that the tribe which
the Lord taketh shall come accord-
ing to the families thereof: and the
family which the Lord shall take
shall come by households ; and the
household which the Lord shall take
shall come man by man.

15. And it shall be, that he that
is taken with the accursed thing
shall be burnt with fire, he and all
that he hath : because he hath
transgressed the covenant of the
Lord, and because he hath wrought
folly in Israel.

16. So Joshua rose up early in
the morning, and brought Israel by
their tribes ; and the tribe of Judah
was taken :

17. And he brought the family of
Judah ; and he took the family of
the Zarhites : and he brought the
family of the Zarhites man by man ;
and Zabdi was taken :

IS. And he brought his house-
hold man by man ; and Achan, the
son of Carmi, the son of Zabdi, the
son of Zerah, of the tribe of Judah,
was taken.

10. And the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. God does not
reprimand Josliua absolutely for lying prostrate on the
ground and lamenting the overthrow of the peoiDle, since the
true method of obtaining pardon from God was to fall down
suppliantly before him ; but for giving himself up to exces-
sive sorrow. The censure, however, ought to be referred to

enemies, he separates the words " quia sunt in anathema," from the end of
the first, and makes it the beginning of the second clause, which accord-
ingly reads thus : " Because they are in anathema, (have taken of the ac-
cursed thing,) I will not continue to go with you," &c. — Ed.

1 5 . Qui autem deprehen sus fuerit
in anathemate,comburetur igni, ipse,
et omnia qufe ejus sunt : quod trans-
gressus fuerit pactum Jehovse, et
quod fecerit nefas in Israel.

16. Surrexit igitur Josue mane,
et accedere fecit Israelem per tribus
suas, et deprehensa est tribus Juda.

17. Tunc applicuit cognationes
Juda, et deprehendit cognalionem
Zari, applicuit deinde familiani Zari
per viros, et deprehensa est familia
Zabdi.

18. Et applicuit domiun ejus per
viros, et deprehensus est Achan
filius Carmi, fiJii Zabdi, filii Zera, de
tribu Juda.

CHAP. VII. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 11 1

the future ratlier than to tlic past ; for he tells him to put
an end to his wailing', just as if he had said, that he had
already lain too long prostrate, and that all sloth must now
be abandoned, as there was need of a different remedy. But
he first shews the cause of the evil, and then prescribes the
mode of removing it. He therefore informs him that the
issue of the battle was disastrous, because he was offended
with the wickedness of the people, and had cast off their
defence.

"We formerly explained why the punishment of a private
sacrilege is transferred to all ; because although they were
not held guilty in their own judgment or that of others, yet
the judgment of God, which involved them in the same con-
demnation, had hidden reasons into which, though it may
perhaps be lawful to inquire soberly, it is not lawful to
search with prying curiosity. At the same time we have a
rare example of clemency in the fact, that while the con-
demnation verbally extends to all, punishment is inflicted
only on a single family actually polluted by the crime.
"What follows tends to shew how enormous the crime was,
and accordingly the particle DJ is not repeated without
emphasis ; as they might otherwise have extenuated its
atrocity. Hence, when it is said that they have also trans-
gressed the covenant, the meaning is, that they had not
sinned slightly. The name of covenant is applied to the
prohibition which, as we saw, had been given ; because a
mutual stipulation had been made, assigning the spoils of
the whole land to the Israelites, provided He received the
first fruits. Here, then, he does not allude to the general
covenant, but complains that he was defrauded of what had
been specially set apart ; and he accordingly adds imme-
diately after, by way of explanation, that they had taken of
the devoted thing, and that not without sacrilege, inasmuch
as they had stolen that which he claimed as his own. The
term lying is here used, as in many other passages, for frus-
trating a hope entertained, or for deceiving. The last
thing mentioned, though many might at first sight think it
trivial, is set down, not without good cause, as the crowning
act of guilt, namely, that they had deposited the forbidden

112 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 13.

thing among their vessels. Persons who are otherwise not
wholly wicked are sometimes tempted by a love of gain ;
but in the act of hiding the thing, and laying it up among
other goods, a more obstinate perseverance in evil doing is
implied, as the party shews himself to be untouched by any
feelings of compunction. In the last part of the 12th verse,
the term anathema is used in a different sense for execra-
tion ; because it was on account of the stolen gold that the
children of Israel were cursed, and almost devoted to de-
struction.

13. Up, sanctify the people, &c. Although the word ^Hp
has a more extensive meaning, yet as the subject in question
is the expiation of the people, I have no doubt that it pre-
scribes a formal rite of sanctification. Tliose, therefore, who
interpret it generally as equivalent to p>repare, do not, in my
judgment, give it its full force. Nay, as they were now to
be in a manner brought into the divine presence, there was
need of purification that they might not come while unclean.
It is also to be observed in regard to the method of sancti-
fying, that Joshua intimates to the people a legal purgation.
But though the ceremony might be in itself of little conse-
quence, it had a powerful tendency to arouse a rude people.
The external offering must have turned their thoughts to
spiritual cleanness, while their abstinence from things
otherwise lawful reminded them of the very high and un-
blemished purity which was required. And they are fore-
warned of what is to take place, in order that each may be
more careful in examining himself. Nay, the Lord proceeds
step by step, as if he meant to give intervals for repentance;
for it is impossible to imagine any other reason for descend-
ing from tribe to family, and coming at length to the single
individual.

In all this we see the monstrous stupor of Achan. Over-
come perhaps by shame, he doubles his impudence, and put-
ting on a bold front, hesitates not to insult his Maker.
For why, when he sees himself discovered, docs he not
voluntarily come forward and confess the crime, instead of
persisting in his effrontery till he is dragged forward against
his will ? But such is the just recompense of those who

CHAP. VII. 14.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

113

allow themselves to be blinded by tlic devil. Then when
first by the talcing of his tribe and next by that of his
family, he plainly perceived that he was urged and held fast
by the hand of God, why does he not then at least spring-
forward, and by a voluntary surrender deprecate punisli-
ment ? It appears, then, that after he had hardened him-
self in his wickedness, his mind and all his senses were
charmed by the devil.

Though God does not bring all guilty actions to light at
the very moment, nor always employ the casting of lots for
this purpose, he has taught us by this example that there is
nothing so hidden as not to be revealed in its own time.
The form of disclosure will, indeed, be different ; but let
every one reflect for himself, that things which escape the
knowledge of the whole world are not concealed from God,
and that to make them public depends only on his pleasure.
For though a sin may seem as it were to have fallen asleep,
it is however awake before the door, and will beset the
miserable man till it overtake and crush him.

19. And Joshua said unto Achan,
My son, give, I pray thee, glory to
the Lord God of Israel, and make
confession unto him ; and tell me
now what thou hast done ; hide it
not from me.

20. And Achan answered Joshua,
and said, Indeed I have sinned against
the Lord God of Israel, and thus and
thus have I done :

21. When I saw among the spoils
a goodly Babylonish garment, and
two hundred shekels of silver, and
a wedge of gold of fifty shekels
weight, then I coveted them, and
took them ; and, behold, they are
hid in the earth in the midst of my
tent, and the silver under it.

22. So Joshua sent messengers,
and they ran unto the tent ; and,
behold, it was hid in his tent, and
the silver imder it.

23. And they took them out of
the midst of the tent, and brought
them unto Joshua, and unto all the
children of Israel, and laid them out
before the Lord.

19. Tunc dixit Josue ad Achan,
Fill mi, da nunc gloriam Jehovse Deo
Israel, et ede ei confessionem, atque
indica mihi quid feceris, ne ab-
scondas a me.

20. Respondit Achan ad Josuam,
et ait, Vere ego peccavi JchoviB Deo
Israel, et sic et sic feci.

21. Vidi inter spolia palliimi,
Babylonicum bonum, et ducentos
siclos argenteos, et ligulam auream
imam, cujus pondus erat quinqua-
ginta siclorum, qufe concupivi et ab-
stuli ; et ecce absconditasunt in terra,
in medio tabemaculi mei, et argen-
tum subtus.

22. Misit itaque Josue nmicios
qui currenmt ad tabernaculum; ccce
absconditum erat in tabernaculo ejus
et argentum sub eo.

23. Acceperuntque ea e medio
tabernaculi, et attulerunt ea ad Jo-
suam et ad omnes filios Israel, statu-
eruntque coram Jehova

114 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 19.

24. And Joshua, and all Israel 24. ToUensque igitur Josue Achan
with hun, took Achan the son of filium Zera, etargentuni. et pallium,
Zerah, and the silver, and the gar- et ligvdam auream, et filios ejus, et
ment, and the wedge of gold, and filias ejus, et boves ejus, et asinos
his sons, and his daughters, and his ejus, etpecudes ejus, et tabernaculum
oxen, and his asses, and his sheep, ejus, et omnia quje erant ejus, si-
and his tent, and all that he had ; mulque vmiversus Israel cum eo
and they brouglit them unto the deduxermit in vallem Achor.
valley of Achor.

25. And Joshua said, Why hast 25. Et dixit Josue, Cur turbasti
thou troubled us ? the Lord shall nos ? Turbet te Jehova hodie, et
trouble thee this day. And all obruerunt eum universus Israel la-
Israel stoned him with stones, and pidibus, combusseruntque eos igni
burned them with fire, after they postquam lapidaverunt eos lapidi-
had stoned them with stones. bus.

26. And they raised over him a 26. Et statuerunt super eum
great heap of stones unto this day. acervum lapidum magnum usque ad
So the Lord turned from the fierce- hunc diem, et aversus est Jehova ab
ness of his anger : wherefore the ira excandescentife suje ; ideo voca-
name of that place was called The runt nomen loci illius vallem Achor
vaUey of Achor, unto this day. usque in himc diem.

19. A7id Joshua said unto Achan, &c. Although only
by lot, which seems to fall out fortuitously, Achan is com-
pletely caught ; yet, as God has declared that he will point
out the *guilty party, as if with the finger, Joshua interro-
gates without having any doubt, and when the discovery is
made, urges Achan to confess it. It is probable, indeed,
that this was the usual form of adjuration, as we read in
John's Gospel, (John ix. 24,) that the scribes and priests
used the same words in adjuring the blind man whose sight
our Saviour had restored, to answer concerning the miracle.
But there was a special reason why Joshua exhorted Achan
to give God the glory, because by denying or equivocating
he might have imjjaired the credit of the decision. The
matter had already been determined by lot. Joshua, there-
fore, simj^ly orders him to subscribe to the divine sentence,
and not aggravate the crime by vain denials.

He calls him son, neither ironically nor hypocritically, but
truly and sincerely declares that he felt like a father toward
him whom he had already doomed to deatli. By this ex-
ami)le, judges are taught that, while the}^ punish crimes,
they ought so to temper their severity as not to lay aside
the feelings of humanity, and, on the other hand, that they
ought to be merciful without being reckless and remiss ;

CHAP. VII. 22. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 115

that, in short, they ought to be as jiarents to those they
condemn, without substituting undue mildness for the stern-
ness of justice. Many by fawning kindness throw wretched
criminals off their guard, pretending that they mean to par-
don them, and then, after a confession has been extracted,
suddenly liand them over to the executioner, while they were
flattering themselves with the liope of impunity. But Joshua,
satisfied with having cited tlie criminal before the tribunal
of God, does not at all flatter him with a vain hope of par-
don, and is thus more at liberty to pronounce the sentence
which God has dictated.

20. And Achan answered Joshiia, &c. As he was now
struck with astonishment, he neither employs subterfuge, nor
palliates the crime, nor endeavours to give any colouring to
it, but rather ingeniously details the whole matter. Thus
the sacred name of God was more efi'ectual in extorting a'
confession than any tortures could have been. Nor was the
simplicity he thus displayed a sure indication of repent-
ance ; being, as it were, overcome with terror, he openly
divulged what he would willingly have concealed. And it
is no new thing for the wicked, after they have endeavoured
for some time to escape, and have even grown hardened in
vice, to become voluntary witnesses against themselves, not
properly of their own accord, but because God drags them
against their will, and, in a manner, drives them headlong.
The open answer here given will condemn the hypocrisy of
many who obscure the clear light by their subterfuges. The
expression is emphatic — thus and thus did I ; meaning that
each jDart of the transaction was explained distinctly a,nd in
order. Nor does he only acknowledge the deed, but by re-
nouncing all defence, and throwing aside all pretext, he con-
demns'himself in regard to its atrocity. I have sinned, he
says ; this he would not have said had he not been conscious
of sacrilege, and hence it appears that he did not pretend
mistake or want of thought.

22. So Joshua sent messengers, &c. Although it is not
singular for messengers to prove their obedience by running
and making haste, yet the haste which is here mentioned,
shews how intent all were to have the work of expiation

116 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 24.

performed as speedily as possible, as they had been filled
with the greatest anxiety in consequence of the stern
denunciation — I will not be with you until you are purged
of the anathema. They therefore ran swiftly, not merely
to execute the commands of Joshua, but much more to ap-
pease the Lord. The things carried off by stealth, when
placed before their eyes, were more than sufficient to explain
the cause of the disgrace and overthrow which had befallen
them.

It had been said that they had turned their backs
on the enemy, because, being polluted with the accursed
thing, they were deprived of the wonted assistance of God ;
it is now easy to infer from the sight of the stolen articles,
that the Lord had deservedly become hostile to them. At the
same time, they were reminded how much importance God
attached to the delivery of the first-fruits of the whole land
of Canaan in an untainted state, in order that his liberality
might never perish from their memory. They also learned
that while the knowledge of God penetrates to the most
hidden recesses, it is in vain to employ concealments for
the purpose of eluding his judgment.^

24. A7id Joshua, and all Israel with him, &c. Achan is
led without the camp for two reasons ; first, that it might
not be tainted and polluted by the execution, (as God always
required that some trace of humanity should remain, even
in tlie infliction of legitimate punishments,) and secondly,
that no defilement might remain among the people. It was
customary to inflict punishment without the camp, that the
people might have a greater abhorrence at the shedding of
blood : but now, a rotten member is cut off from the body,
and the camp is purified from pollution. We see that the
example became memorable, as it gave its name to the spot.

If any one is disturbed and offended by the severity of the
punishment, he must always be brought back to this point,
that though our reason dissent from the judgments of God, we
must check our presumption by the curb of a pious modesty

' French, " C'est folie de chercher coiiverture et degiiiscment pour
eschapper son jugement et I'abuser ;" " It is folly to seek cover and disguise
in order to escape his judgment and deceive him." — Ed.

CHAP. VII. 24. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 117

and soberness, and not disapprove whatever does not j^lease
us. It seems harsli, nay, barbarous and inhuman, that
young children, without fault, should be liurried oif to cruel
execution, to be stoned and burned. That dumb animals
should be treated in the same manner is not so strange, as
they were created for the sake of men, and thus deservedly
follow the fate of their owners. Everything, therefore,
which Achan possessed perished with him as an accessary,
but still it seems a cruel vengeance to stone and burn
children for the crime of their father; and here God publicly
inflicts punishment on children for the sake of their parents,
contrary to what he dechires by Ezekiel. But how it is
that he destroys no one who is innocent, and visits the sins
of fathers ui)on children, I briefly explained when speaking
of the common destruction of the city of Jericho, and the
promiscuous slaughter of all ages. The infants and children
who then perished by the sword we bewail as unworthily
slain, as they had no apparent fault ; but if we consider how
much more deeply divine knowledge penetrates than human
intellect can possibly do, we will rather acquiesce in his de-
cree, than hurry ourselves to a precipice by giving way to
presumption and extravagant pride. It was certainly not
owing to reckless hatred that the sons of Achan were piti-
lessly slain. Not only were they the creatures of God's hand,
but circumcision, the infallible symbol of adoption, was en-
graven on their flesh ; and yet he adjudges them to death.
What here remains for us, but to acknowledge our weakness
and submit to his incomprehensible counsel ? It may be
that death proved to them a medicine ; but if they were
reprobate, then condemnation could not be premature.^

' These admirable remarks are well fitted to satisfy every candid mind,
not only as to the nature of this very remarkable execution, but also as to
its expediency and strict justice, notAvithstanding its admitted severity.
Several expositors, however, continue to be dissatisfied, and to bring it
more into accordance with their views, attempt to explain parts of it away
by means of a minute and forced criticism. On finding this process not
very successful, they endeavour to supply its deficiency by extraordinary
conjectures. First, with regard to the criticism, it is said that in the direc-
tions which the Lord gives to Joshua, (ver. 10-15,) he receives no authority
to put any person to death, except the one who should be foimd to have
actually committed the crime. When the words of the 15th verse, " he and
all that he hath," are quoted in opposition to tliis view, the answer is, that

118 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIT. 25.

It may be added, that the life which God has given he
may take away as often as pleases him, not more by disease
than by any other mode. A wild beast seizes an infant and
tears it to pieces ; a serpent destroys another by its venomous
bite ; one falls into the water, another into the fire, a third is
overlain by a nurse, a fourth is crushed by a falling stone ;
nay, some are not even permitted to open their eyes on the
light. It is certain that none of all these deaths happens
except by the will of God. But who will presume to call his
procedure in this respect in question ? Were any man so
insane as to do so, what would it avail ? We must hold,
indeed, that none perish by his command but those whom
he had doomed to death. From the enumeration of Achan's
oxen, asses, and sheep, we gather that he was sufficiently
rich, and that therefore it was not poverty that urged him to
the crime. It must therefore be regarded as a proof of his
insatiable cupidity, that he coveted stolen articles, not for
use but for luxury.

25. And Joshua said, &c. The invective seems excessively
harsh ; as if it had been his intention to drive the wretched
man to frantic madness, when he ought rather to have
exhorted him to patience. I have no doubt that he spake

the expression does not necessarily mean more than the man himself, his
cattle, and other property, and therefore may not have included his family,
properly so called, or the persons Avho formed his household. Another
criticism, still more extraordinary, would scarcely be deserving of notice
had it not received the countenance of so distinguished a name as that of
Grotius, -vvho insists that Achan was the only person who actually suffered
death, though his children were taken out to the place of execution and
compelled to witness it. This view' he attempts to support by the 25th
verse, in which it is said that " All Israel stoned him (Achan) with stones,
and burned them with fire;" i.e., as he explains, stoned Achan only, and
then burnt his dead body, and his cattle, and other efiects designated by
them. Such are specimens of the criticism which this transaction has
called forth, and it would almost be an insult to the reader to give a serious
refutation of them. The covjectures to which we have referred are equally
extravagant. One of them is given in the Cyclopredia of Biblical Litera-
ture, under the article Achan, and as the writer appears both to have
invented it, and to plume himself on the invention, it is but fair to give it
in his own words : — " We prefer the supposition that they (Achan's family)
were included in the doom by one of those sudden impulses of indiscrimi-
nate popular vengeance, to which the Jewish people were exceedingly
prone, and which, in this case, it would not have been in the power of
Joshua to control by any authority which he could, under such circum-
stances, exercise." — Ed.

CHAP. VII. 25. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 119

thus for the sake of the people, in order to furnish a useful
examjjle to all, and my conclusion, therefore, is, that he did
not wish to overwhelm Achan with despair, but only to shew
in his person how grievous a crime it is to disturb the Church
of God. It may be, however, that the haughty Achan com-
plained that his satisfaction, by which he thought that he
had sufficiently discharged himself, was not accepted,^ and
that Joshua inveighed thus bitterly against him with the
view of correcting or breaking his contumacy. The question
seems to imply that he was expostulating, and when he
appeals to God as judge, he seems to bo silencing an obsti-
nate man. The throwing of stones by the whole people was
a general sign of detestation, by which they declared that
they had no share in the crime which they thus avenged,
and that they held it in abhorrence. The heap of stones
was intended partly as a memorial to posterity, and partly
to prevent any one from imprudently gathering particles of
gold or silver on the spot, if it had remained unoccupied.
For although the Lord had previously ordered that the gold
of Jericho should be offered to him, he would not allow his
sanctuary to be polluted by the proceeds of theft.

CHAPTER VIII.

1. And the liord said unto Joshua, 1. Dixitque Jehova ad Josuam,
Fear not, neither be thou dismayed: Netimeas, nee formides, sume tecum
take all the people of war with thee, omnempopulumbellicosum,et surge,
and arise, go up to Ai : see, I have ascende in Hai. Vide, dedi in manu
given into thy hand the king of Ai, and tua regem Hai, ac populum ejus,
his people, and his city, and his land, urbem ejus, et terram ejus.

2. And thou shalt do to Ai and 2. Faciesque Hai, et regi ejus,
her king as thou didst unto Jericho quemadmodum fecisti Jericho, et
and her king: only the spoil thereof, regi ejus ; tanien spolia ejus, et ani-
and the cattle thereof, shall ye take malia ejus prredabimini vobis. Col-
for a prey unto yourselves : lay thee loca auteni insidias urbi a tergo
an ambush for the city behind it. ejus.

3. So Joshua arose, and all the 3. Surrexit itaque Josue, et om-
people of war, to go up against Ai : nis populus bellicosus, ut ascende-
and Joshua chose out thirty thousand rent in Hai, et elegit Josue triginta

^ French, " Combien qu'il so pent faire, qu'Achan estant tier se soit plaint
de ce qu'on ne se contentoit pas de la reparation, et payement qu'il avoit
fait, par lequel il pensoit s'estre bien acquitte, et avoir grand devoir ;" "Al-
though it may be that Achan complained of their^not being contented with
the reparation and payment which he had made, and by which he thought
that he had acquitted himself well, and performed a great duty." — Ed.

120

COMMENTAEY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. VIII.

mighty men of valour, and sent them
away by night.

4. And he commanded them, say-
ing, Behold, ye shall lie in wait
against the city, even behind the
city ; go not very far from the city,
but be ye all ready :

5. And I, and all the people that
are with me, will approach unto the
city ; and it shall come to pass, when
they come out against us, as at the
first, that we will flee before them,

6. (For they will come out after
us,) till we have drawn them from
the city ; for they will say, They flee
before us, as at the first : therefore
we will flee before them.

7. Then ye shall rise up from the
ambush, and seize upon the city : for
the Lord your God will deliver it
into your hand.

8. And it shall be, when ye have
taken the city, that ye shall set the
city on tire : according to the com-
mandment of the Lord shall ye do.
See, I have commanded you.

9. Joshua therefore sent them
forth : and they went to lie in am-
bush, and abode between Beth-el
and Ai, on the west side of Ai : but
Joshua lodged that night among the
people.

10. And Joshua rose up early in
the morning, and numbered the
people, and went up, he and the
elders of Israel, before the people
to Ai.

11. And aU the people, even the
people of war that were with him,
Avent up, and drew nigh, and came
before the city, and pitched on the
north side of Ai : now there was a
valley between them and Ai.

12. And he took about five thou-
sand men, and sent them to lie in
ambush between Beth-el and Ai, on
the west side of the city.

13. And when they had set the
people, even all the host that was on
the north of the city, and their liers
in wait on the west of the city,
Joshua went that night into the
midst of the valley.

14. And it came to pass, Avhen the
king of Ai saw it, that they hasted,

miUia virorum fortium robore, mi-
sitque eos nocte.

4. Ac praicepit eis, dicendo, At-
tendite vos, Insidiabimini urbi a
tergo ejus, nee removeatis vos ab ea
procul, sed estote omnes vos parati.

5. Et ego et omnis popiilus, qui
mecum est, accedemus ad urbem :
quum autem egredientur in occursum
nostrum, sicut prius, fugiemus ante
eos :

6. Time egredientur post nos,
donee avellamus eos ab vuhe : dicent
enim, Fugiunt ante nos, ut prius :
et fugiemus ante eos.

7. Vos autem surgetis ex insidiis,
et expelletis habitatores urbis, tra-
detque eam Jehova Deus vester in
manu vestra.

8. Quum ceperitis lu-bem, succen-
detis eam igni, secundum sermonem
Jehovaj facietis. Videte, prsecepi
vobis.

9. Misitque itaque eos Josue, et
perrexerimt ad insidias, manse-
runtque inter Bethel et Hai, ab oc-
cidente Hai. Mansit autem Josue
nocte ilia in medio populi.

10. Postea surrexit Josue summo
mane, recensuitque populum, atque
ascendit ipse et seniores Israel ante
populum versus Hai.

11. Omnisque populus bellicosus,
qui erat cum eo ascendenmt et ap-
propinquarunt, veneruntque e re-
gione urbis, et castrametati smit ab
aquilone Hai. Vallis autem erat
inter ipsum et Hai.

12. Tulitque prseterea circiter
quinque millia virorum, quos locavit
in insidiis inter Bethel et Hai ab
occidente urbi.

13. Et propius accessit popidus
tota castra quse erant ab aquilone
urbi, et insidise ejus ab occidente
ipsi lurbi, perrexitque Josue nocte
ilia in mediimi vaUis.

14. Porro quum videret rex Hai,
festinaverunt et mane surrexcrunt,

CHAP. VIII.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

121

and rose up early ; and the men of
the city went out against Israel to
battle, he and all his people, at a
time appointed, before the phain :
but he wist not that there tvere Hers
in ambush against him behind the
city.

15. And Joshua and all Israel
made as if they were beaten before
them, and fled by the way of the
wilderness.

16. And all the people that were
in Ai were called together to pursue
after them : and they pursued after
Joshua, and were drawn away from
the city.

17. And there was not a man left
in Ai or Beth-el that went not out
after Israel : and they left the city
open, and piu-sued after Israel.

18. And the Lord said unto Joshua,
Stretch out the spear that is in
thy hand toward Ai ; for I will give
it into thine hand. And Joshua
stretched out the spear that he had
in his hand toward the city.

19. And the ambush arose quickly
out of their place, and they ran as
soon as he had stretched out his
hand : and they entered into the city,
and took it, and hasted and set the
city on fire.

20. And when the men of Ai
looked behind them, they saw, and,
behold, the smoke of the city as-
cended up to heaven ; and they had
no power to flee this way or that
way : and the people that fled to the
wilderness turned back upon the
pursuers.

21. And when Joshua and all Is-
rael saw that the ambush had taken
the city, and that the smoke of the
city ascended, then they tiu-ned
again, and slew the men of Ai.

22. And the other issiied out of
the city against them ; so they
were in the midst of Israel, some on
this side, and some on that side : and
they smote them, so that they let
none of them remain or escape.

23. And the king of Ai they took
alive, and brought him to Joshua.

24. And it came to pass, when

atque egressi sunt homines urbis in
occursiuu Israel ad prieliuni, ipse
et universus populus ejus ad tempus
constitutimi ante campestria : ne-
sciebat autem quod insidiai sibi essent
a tergo urbis.

15. Et profligati stmt Josue, et
universus Israel ante eos, et fuge-
runt per viam deserti.

16. Et congregati sunt totus popu-
lus qui in urbe erat, ut persequere-
tur eos. Et persequuti sunt Josuam,
abstractique sunt ab urbe.

17 Neque remansit quisquam ex
Hai et Bethel, qui non egressus sit
post Israel, et reliquerunt urbem
apertam, et persequuti sunt Is-
raelem.

18. Dixit autem Jehova ad Jos-
uam, Eleva hastam quse est in manu
tua contra Hai, quia in manu tua
dabo eam. Et elevavit Josue has-
tam quae erat in manu sua contra
urbem.

19. Turn insidife surrexerunt re-
pente e loco suo, et cucurrerunt
quum elevasset manum suam, vene-
runtque ad urbem, et ceperimt eam,
et festinarunt urbem succendere
igni.

20. Vertentes autem sese viri Hai
viderunt, et ecce ascendebat furaus
urbis in ccelum, neque erant eis
spatia ad fugiendum hue et illuc.
Popidus autem qui fugerat in deser-
tum versus est contra persequentes.

21. Josue itaque et universus Is-
rael ubi viderunt quod insidise cepis-
sent lu-bem, ascendissetque fumus
m-bis, reversi sunt, et percusserunt
viros Hai.

22. Illi prajterea egressi sunt ex
urbe m occursum eorum, fueruntque
Israeli in medio, isti hinc, et ilh inde,
et percusserunt eos, donee nemo
remaneret eis superstes et evasor.

23. Regem quoque Hai ceperunt
vivum, et stiterunt eum coram Josue.

24. Quum autem finem fecisset

122

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. VIII. 1.

Israel csedencli omnes habitatores
Haiindesertoquo persequuti fuerant
eos, et cecidissent omnes ipsi acie
gladii donee consumerentar, reversus
est imiversus Israel ad Hai, et per-
cusseruut earn acie gladii.

Israel had made an end of slaying
all the inhabitants of Ai in the field,
in the wilderness wherein they chased
them, and when they were all fallen
on the edge of the sword, until they
were consumed, that all the Israelites
returned unto Ai, and smote it with
the edge of the sword.

25. And so it was, that all that
fell that day, both of men and wo-
men, were twelve thousand, even all
the men of Ai.

26. For Joshua drew not his hand
back, wherewith he stretched out
the spear, until he had utterly de-
stroyed all the inhabitants of Ai.

27. Only the cattle, and the spoil
of that city, Israel took for a prey
unto themselves, according unto the
word of the Lord which he com-
manded Joshua.

28. And Joshua burnt Ai, and
made it an heap for ever, even a
desolation unto this day.

29. And the king of Ai he hanged
on a tree until even-tide: and as
soon as the sun was down, Joshua
commanded that they should take
his carcase down from the tree, and
cast it at the entering of the gate of
the city, and raise thereon a great
heap of stones, that remaineth unto
this day.

1. A)id the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. It was of great
consequence to Joshua, as well as the peoiDle, to inspire new-
courage, that they might prepare with confidence to assault
the city of Ai, from which they had lately been repulsed
with loss and greater disgrace. God, therefore, to inspire
them with intrepidity on this expedition, promises that he
will give them the city. With the same view he enjoins
them to fight by stratagem more than open war, to entice
the enemy out, and to select a secret place for an ambuscade
which might take them by surprise. A few thousands
might without any diificulty have been overthrown by an
immense host attacking the city suddenly and unexpectedly.
But as we formerly saw that the hearts of all had melted away,
God consulted for their weakness by laying no greater bur-
den upon them than they were able to bear, until they had

25. Fuitque numerus omnium qui
ceciderunt die ilia a viro usque ad
mulierem circiter duodecim millia,
omnes viri Hai.

26. Porro Josue non reduxit nia-
num suam quam elevaverat ad lan-
ceam, donee interficeret omnes habi-
tatores Hai.

27. Tantum animalia et spolia
lu-bis ejus sibi preedati sunt filii Is-
rael secundum sermonem Jehovae,
quera prseceperat ipsi Josue.

28. Succendit igitur Josue Hai
et posuit earn acervum sempiternum
vastitatuin usque ad hunc diem.

29. Kegem vero Hai suspendit in
ligno usque ad tempus vespertinum:
cumque occubuisset sol, prjjecepit
Josue, et deposuerunt cadaver ejus e
ligno, et projecerunt illud ad introi-
tum portse urbis, et statuerunt super
illud acervimi lapidum grandem us-
que ad hmic diem.

CHAP. VIII. 13. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 123

recovered from their excessive panic, and could execute his
commands with alacrity.

It is true, indeed, that he now used their own exertion,
partly that they miglit not always keep loolcing for miracles,
and so give themselves up to laziness, and partly that in
different and unequal modes of acting they might neverthe-
less recognise that his power is the same. But care must be
taken not to omit the special reason, namely, that not having
yet recovered from their terror, they could scarcely have
been induced to engage in an open conflict, had they not
seen stratagem employed as a subsidiary aid. The first
l^lace, however, is due to the promise. Fear not, for I have
delivered it into thy hands : for although it is verbally di-
rected to Joshua, it belongs in common to the whole peoj)le,
as it was most necessary that all to a man should be freed from
anxiety and furnished with new confidence. The order to
burn the city like Jericho, appears to be a concession to the
popular feeling, the vengeance thus taken serving to wipe
out the remembrance of their disgrace. At the same time
that they may engage in the expedition more willingly, the
sj)oils are left to them as the reward of victory.

13. Joshua went that night, &c. It is not probable that
all were called out from the camp, but the army was com-
posed of those who were more accustomed to war. That it was
sufficiently numerous appears from the fact, that five thou-
sand were withdrawn from it for ambuscade. At first thirty-
five thousand appear to be enumerated, but it is clear from
the context that the number was not so great. I am rather
inclined to conjecture that thirty thousand were led out for
open fight, and that five thousand were specially set apart
for an ambuscade. Joshua hastens to execute the task
assigned to him, commencing his march in the morning, and
in this haste we see how effectual the promise had proved.
Had not the mind of all been freed from fear he never could
have found them so prompt to obey.

Apparently, indeed, little prudence is shewn in sending so
large a body to proceed by hidden paths to a place suitable
for ambuscade. For with whatever silence and composure
they might proceed, the mere movement of their feet must

124 COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 15.

have caused a considerable noise. Should any one saj that
there Avas nobody to meet them, as all the inhabitants of the
district had deserted the fields and taken refuge in the city, we
will find it mentioned shortly after, that before the Israelites
came near to the city their arrival was known by the king
of Ai ; and this could scarcely have been without scouts. But
granting that they met no one in the fields, it was certainly
a difficult matter to pass by, to select a suitable place during
night for an ambuscade, and to take possession of it without
giving some indication of their presence. With regard to the
procedure of Joshua, though lie might see that the business
could be accomplished by a smaller force, he seems to have
been compelled by the recent trepidation of the people to be
very careful not to engage them in any enterprise of danger.
For liad only a few of the army been despatched they would
perhaps have declined a part by which they were to be par-
ticularly exposed.

The Lord meanwhile displays the greatest indulgence to
his people in delivering up an enemy that was to be so
easily conquered. His wonderful favour especially appears
in blinding all of them, so that they have no suspicion of the
ambuscade. I have no doubt that when it is said they
knew not of it, the writer of the history means to draw
attention to the rare and extraordinary kindness of God
in so covering, as it were, with the shadow of his hand, first,
the thirty thousand who accompanied Joshua, and then the
five thousand, that they all escaped the notice of the enemy.
When mention is now made of five thousand, I do not under-
stand it to mean tliat Joshua furnished a new ambuscade, as
if the number, already excessive, were not sufiicient, but
that the writer now merely shews how the thirty-five thou-
sand whom Joshua had armed were distributed. For to
what end Avould so small a reinforcement have been given to
so great a multitude ? Besides, the place where they are
ordered to halt is the same as that which had been pre-
viously pointed out ; this could not apply to two sej^arate
bodies of troops.

15. And Joshua and all Israel made as if they were beaten,
&c. This is another stratagem. By pretending flight they

CHAP. VIII. 17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, 125

draw off the enemy to a distance, leaving tliem no retreat
afterwards into the city, which was in flames before they
suspected that any disaster was to be apprehended in their
rear. Hence, while the king of Ai pursues the Israelites as
vanquished, the part of the army which lay hid towards
Bethel had sufficient time to take the city, and make it too
late for the inhabitants to perceive that they were utterly
undone. For after they had been already repulsed, and were
everywhere slaughtered, they were overwhelmed with despair
on beholding the flames of the city, and so completely sur-
rounded that not an individual could escape.

The question here asked by some, as to whether it is law-
ful to overcome an enemy by wiles and stratagem, originates
in gross ignorance. First, it is certain that wars are carried on
not merely by striking blows ; for those are considered the
best commanders who accomplish more by art and counsel
than by mere violence ; and secondly, the longer any one has
served so as to acquire experience, the better soldier he
makes. If war, then, is lawful, it is beyond all controversy
that the usual methods of conquering may be lawfully
employed, provided always that there be no violation of faith
once pledged either by truce or in any other way.

17. And there was not a man left in Ai, &c. It will be
clear from the context that some were taken in the city and
slain, and therefore we must hold that the sally was not by
all universally, and that the old men and women and many
others unfit for war, did not rush forth into the fields ; the
meaning simply is, that no garrison was left to defend the
city. The same thing is said of Bethel, and hence we may
easily conjecture that Bethel, as it was a small unimportant
town, belonged to another power. The inhabitants, however,
from being unable to defend their own city, abandoned it,
and offered their whole force to the king of Ai, to whom
they were perhaps tributaries. It is uncertain whether they
went to the king of Ai before the arrival of the Israelites, to
unite their forces with his in the contest, Tjut the probability
is, that as they were unable to resist they had come by agree-
ment into a fortified and more populous city. They thought
that they could not possibly be safe unless they were pre-

12G COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 18.

served under the shadow of a neighbouring city superior to
their own.

18. And the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. This passage
shews, that owing either to the strong fortifications of the
city, or the valour of its inhabitants, or the trepidation of
the Israelites, the victory was difficult, since God promises
that he himself would take it by the lifting up of a spear.
Had success been beyond doubt, the symbol would havo
been superfluous ; their minds must therefore have been
anxious and perplexed, since the Lord, to prevent them from
fainting, raises up a banner of confidence in the hand of
Joshua. It is true, indeed, that shortly after a different
motive for raising the sjDoar is mentioned, when it is said,
that in this way a signal was given to the ambuscade, which
accordingly rushed forth. But if it really was so used as a
signal, it will scarcely do to regard the spear as a manifesta-
tion of the victorious power of God dispelling all doubt.
Still, however, as it is not expressly said that the spear was
the cause which brought forth the soldiers who had been
placed in ambuscade, the truth may be that they came forth
of their own accord, either because it was the suitable time,
or because the shouting and noise made them aware that the
battle had actually commenced. For it is scarcely possible
to believe that the spear was seen by them, when we consider
the long space which intervened, and more especially that
Joshua was standing in a valley. Moreover, if we hold that
the lifting up of the spear, though intended for a different
purpose, had also the effect of inspiring them with additional
courage, there will be no absurdity in it.

This much ought to be regarded as certain, first, that by
this solemn badge they were rendered more certain of the
happy issue of the battle ; and secondly, that Joshua had
no other intention than to incite his troops according to the
command of God. For it is at last added, that Joshua did
not draw back his hand until the city was taken, the enemy
everywhere destroyed, and the war itself terminated. Hence
it appears that he exhibited it in the middle of the conflict
as an ensign of triumph, that the Israelites might have no
doubt of success. For although he ordered them to engage

CHAP. VIII. 18. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. ' 127

and use their arms bravely, he at the same time distinctly
declared that they had already conquered.

The course of the battle is rendered somewhat obscure by
the same thing being told twice, but the substance is suflfi-
ciently plain. The children of Israel retreated feigning fear,
and the battle had not actually commenced before the inha-
bitants of Ai were precluded from returning and defending
their city. After the two armies had come to close quarters,
the ambuscade arose and made such haste that the flames of
the conflagration were rising from the city when the enemy
turned their backs. From this we may infer that the city
was in the possession of the Israelites, but that the chief
slaughter took place when those who were in the city came
forth to take part in the battle, because the inhabitants,
hemmed in on all sides, found resistance and flight equally
unavailing. They were thus seized with despair, and,
huddled together in a narrow space, were everywhere
cut down.

The statement, that the slaughter did not take place in
the city before those who had feigned flight returned, I un-
derstand to mean, that the whole troops uniting their forces
rushed in, seized the prey, and slew all who might have been
left. If any one objects that the city was burnt while the
battle was going on, I answer, that the fire was indeed
applied so as to let both armies know that the city was in
possession of the Israelites, but it was not actually destroyed
by fire. It was not practicable in a moment of time to seize
and carry off" the booty, nay, to bring the vessels and a large
part of the property without the walls ; and it would have
been absurd voluntarily to destroy spoils which God had
granted. We see, then, that the first fire was not kindled
for the purpose of destroying the whole city, but was merely
a partial conflagration giving intimation of its capture, and
that the Israelites entered at the open gates without blood-
shed or a struggle. This is confirmed shortly after, when the
burning is ascribed to Joshua himself, not only because it
was burnt under his command, but because he was careful,
after returning from the battle, to see that it was utterly
destroyed; as it is immediately added that he made it a

128 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 26-

heap of stones in order that it might be a perpetual desola-
tion.^

25. And so it was that all that fell that day, &c. The
meaning is not that all the slain were inhabitants of Ai, but
that all who dwelt in it were slain, that not one escaped.
It has already been seen that the inhabitants of Bethel were
mingled along with them ; and as no mention of that city
is afterwards made, it may be conjectured with some proba-
bility tliat they had abandoned their own town, which was
little fortified, and betaken themselves for greater safety to
one which they hoped could be easily defended. The words,
therefore, simply mean, that all who had come out of the
city and all who were found in it were slain to a man. If
any are rather disposed to think that this number of those
whose slaughter took place within the walls is confined to
the aged, the sick, the women and the children, I will not
dispute the matter. Still, if we consider that only a small
town was conjoined with a city of no great extent or popu-
lation, it is more probable that the number comprehends
those also who fell in battle.

26. For Joshua dreiu not his hand hack, &c. As by rais-
ing the spear he gave sign and pledge of hope as it were
from heaven, he did not cease to keep the minds of his fol-
lowers fixed upon it until they were masters of tlie city. By
thus persevering he sufficiently proved how far removed he
was from ambition ; how free from doing any tiling in the
way of vain ostentation. For it was just as if he had resigned

' Ai and its apparently tributary town Bethel, thus subjected to a fear-
ful destruction, were situated about twelve miles north from Jerusalem, and
seventeen miles west-north-west from Jericho, and had previously been
brought under the notice of the Israelites in very different circimistances.
For they had read in the interesting narrative of Moses how Abraham
had pitched his tent on a mountain, " having Bethel on the west and Hai
(Ai) on the east ; and there he built an altar unto the Lord, and called
upon the name of the Lord," (Gen. xii. 8 ; xiii. 3 ;) and how Bethel, for-
merly called Liiz, had changed its name, because Jacob, on awaking out
of his wonderful dream, had declared it to be " none other but the house of
God," and " the gate of heaven." (Gen. xxviii. 11-19.) Notwithstanding
of the doom pronounced and executed upon Ai, it appears to have been
rebuilt, was occupied by the Benjamites after their return from the capti-
vity, (Neh. vii. 32; xi. 32; Ezra ii. 28,) is mentioned by Josephus
under the name of Aina, and still exhibits some indications of its site.
—Ed.

CHAP. VIII. 29. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 129

the office of leader, and transferred the wliole praise of the
victory to God. How intrepid a warrior he was is plain
from other passages. He miglit now, too, have willingly-
discharged his military functions, and thus done what was
far better fitted to promote his reputation and glory. But
as if his hand had been fastened to the spear, he exhorts the
soldiers to look to God alone, to whom he resigns the success
of the battle. By thus standing aloof he profited more than
if he had in all directions, and by his own hand, struck down
heaps of the enemy : at the same time his remaining at ease
was more praiseworthy than any degree of agility could have
been,

29. And the king of Ai he hanged, &c. Though he
seems to have treated the king with great severity in order
to satisfy the hatred of the j^eople, I cannot doubt that he
studied faithfully to execute tlie divine judgment. Con-
querors, indeed, are wont to spare captive kings, because
their rank seems to carry something venerable along with
it, but the condition of kings was different among those
nations in which God wished particularly to shew how
greatly he detested the wickedness which he had so long
tolerated. For while all were doomed to destruction, the
divine vengeance justly displayed itself with greater sternness
and severity on the leaders, with whom the cause of destruc-
tion originated.

We may add, that the ignominious punishment inflicted
on the king rendered it still less necessary to deal leniently
with the common people, and thus prevented the Israelites
from indulging an unseasonable mercy, which might have
made them more sluggish or careless in executing the work
of universal extermination.

God purposely delivered the king alive into the hand of
Joshua, that his punishment might be more marked and
thus better adapted for an example Had he fallen in the
conflict promiscuously with others, he would have been
exempted from this special mark of infamy ; but now even
after his death, the divine vengeance pursues his corpse.
Nay, after being hung, he is thrown forth at the gate of the
city where he had sat on his throne in judgment, and a

I

130

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. VIII. 29.

monument is erected for the purpose of perpetuating his
ignominy to posterity. His burial, however, is mentioned
to let us know that nothing was done through tumultuous
impetuosity, as Joshua carefully observed what Moses had
prescribed in the Law, (Deut. xxi. 23,) namely, that those
hung on gibbets should be taken down before sunset, as a
spectacle of the kind was held in abomination. And, cer-
tainly, while it is humane to bury the dead under ground,
it is inhumanly cruel to cast them forth to be torn by wild
beasts or birds. Therefore, that the people might not be
accustomed to barbarity, God allowed criminals to be hung,
provided they did not hang unburied for more than one day.
And that the people might be more attentive to this duty,
which otherwise might readily have been neglected, Moses
declares that every one who hangs on a tree is accursed ; as
if he had said, that the earth is contaminated by that kind
of death, if the offensive object be not immediately taken
away.

30. Then Joshua built an altar
unto the Lord God of Israel in moimt
Ebal;

31. As Moses, the servant of the
Lord, commanded the children of
Israel, as it is written in the book
of the law of Moses, an altar of
whole stones, over which no man
hath lift up any iron ; and thej of-
fered thereon burnt-offerings unto
the Lord, and sacrificed peace-offer-
ings.

32. And he wrote there, upon the
stones, a copy of the law of Moses,
which he wrote in the presence of
Ihe children of Israel.

33. And all Israel, and their el-
ders, and officers, and their judges,
stood on this side the ark, and on
that side, before the priests the Le-
vites, which bare the ark of the
covenant of the Lord, as ivell the
stranger, as he that was born among
them ; half of them over against
mount Gerizim, and half of them
over against mount Ebal ; as Moses,
the servant of the Lord, had com-
manded before, that they should
bless the people of Israel.

30. Tunc sedificavit Josue altare
Jeliovse Deo Israel in monte Ebal,

31. Quemadmodum praiceperat
Moses servus Jehovse filiis Israel :
sicut scriptum est in libro legis
]\losis, altare ex lapidibus integris,
super quos non levaverant ferrum :
et immolaverunt super illud holo-
causta Jehovse, et sacrificaverunt
hostias prosperitatum.

32. Scripsit quoque ibi in lapidi-
bus repetitam legem Mosis, quam
scripsit coram filiis Israel.

33. Universus autem Israel, et
seniores ejus, et prEcfecti, et Judices
ejus stabant hinc et inde ad arcam
coram sacerdotibus Levitis portan-
tibus arcam foederis Jehovge, tam
peregrinus quam indigena : dimidia
pars ejus contra montem Garizin,
et dimidia pars ejus contra montem
Ebal : quemadmodum prseceperat
Moses servus Jehovse, ut benediceret
populo Israel primum.

CHAP. VIII. 30. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 131

34. And afterward he read all the 34. Et post hsec legit omnia ver-
words of the law, the blessings and ba legis, benedictionem et maledic-
cursings, according to all that is tionem, secundum id totum quod
written in the book of the law. scriptum est in libro legis.

35. There was not a word of all 35. Non fuit quidquam ex omni-
that Moses commanded, which Jo- bus quae prscceperat ]\Ioses quod non
shua read not before all the congre- legerit Josue coram universo coetu
gation of Israel, with the women, Israel, et mulieribus, et parvulis, et
and the httle ones, and the strangers peregrinis versantibus in medio ip-
that were conversant among them. sorum.

30. Then Joshua built an altar, &c, God had been pleased
that this shoukl be the first extraordinaiy sacrifice ofiered
to him in the land of Canaan, that thus the people might
attest their gratitude, and the land begin to be consecrated
in regular form. It was not possible for the people to do it
before freely and on their own soil, till thej had obtained
possession of some vacant region.^ Now, God had at the
same time given them two commands — first, that they should
erect an altar on Mount Ebal ; and secondly, that they should
set up two stones plastered over with lime, on which they
should write the Law, in order that every passer by might
be able to see it and read it. We now read that both were

^ The 29th verse concludes the account of the destruction of Ai, and the
30th opens abruptly with the building of an altar on Mount Ebal. The
distance between the two places is net less than twenty miles, Ai being
only twelve and Ebal thirty miles north from Jerusalem. The journey of
so many miles by the whole body of the Israelites, and through a country
which, at least up to the victory of Ai, was in undisputed possession of the
enemy, must have occupied a considerable time, and have been accom-
plished with no small labour and difficulty. How comes it that not one
word is said in regard to it, and that we are led at once from Ai to Ebal
just as if the two places, instead of being widely separated, had been ac-
tually contiguous to each other ? Were the incidents of the journey so
unimportant as not to require the slightest notice ? or is the narrative
contained in the Book of Joshua so very succinct that even transactions
which might occupy a large place in a more copious work have been pur-
posely excluded from it? If both these questions are answered in the
negative, and it would seem that they must be so answered, the only other
question is, Has the order of time been observed ? in other words, have
we not in the interesting account now about to be given of one of the most
wonderful national conventions on record, another instance of anticipation
of narrative similar to that which we have already seen in the first chap-
ter ? Assuming this to be the case, the continuation of the narrative is
to be looked for in the ninth chapter, while the account of the transactions
on Mounts Ebal and Gerizim is to be regarded in the light of an episode.
It is very remarkable that the whole episode is omitted by the Septuagint
at this place, and not introduced before giving the account of the league
of the Amorites, contained in the beginning of the ninth chapter. — Ed.

132 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII, 30

faitlifully performed. A tliird command related to the reci-
tation of blessings and cursings : this, too, Joshua performed
with no less care.

To begin with the altar, — it is said, that according to the
divine command, it was formed of unhewn stones. For entire
stones on which the masons' iron has not been employed, are
called rough and unworked.^ This is specially said in Deut.
xxvii., of the altar, of which mention is now made. But the
same thing had before been said in general of all others.
Some expounders, in searching for the reason, needlessly
have recourse to allegory, and allege that the hand and
industry of men are forbidden, because the moment we intro-
duce any devices of our own, the worship of God is vitiated.
This is indeed truly and wisely said, but it is out of place,
as the divine intention simply was to prohibit the perpetuity
of altars. For we know, that in order to sacrifice duly, it
was enjoined that all should have one common altar, in order
both to cherish mutual agreement, and to obviate all sources
of corruption from the introduction of an adventitious super-
stition ; in short, in order that religion might remain one
and simple, as a variety of altars would soon have led to
discord, thereby distracting the people and putting sincere
piety to flight.

Then it was not left to the choice of the people to select
a place, but God uniformly in the books of Moses claims this
for himself He therefore confines the exercises of piety to
that place where he may have put the remembrance of his
name. Moreover, as the divine will was not immediately
manifested, nor the place designated, that worship might
not in the mean time cease, it was permitted to build an
altar where the ark should happen to be stationed, but an
altar formed only of a rude pile of stones, or of turf, that it
might be only temporary.

Let the reader observe that an option was given to the

* French, " Car quand il est parle de pierres entieres sur lesquelles le
fer n'avoit point passe, cela signifie des pierres, telles qu'elles viennent de
la carriere, qui ne sont point polies ni accoustrees par artifice ;" " For
when mention is made of entire stones on which no tool had passed, it
means stones as they are when they come from the quarry, without having
been polished or hewn artificially." — Ed.

CHAP. VIII. 33. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 133

people to make it of rough stones, that its form might not
attract veneration, or of earth, whicli would crumble away of
its own accord. In one word, this arrangement tended to
give a pre-eminence to the perpetual altar, after God made
choice of Mount Zion for its locality. Hence it is said in
the Psalm, I was glad because our feet will stand in thy
courts, 0 Jerusalem ! (Ps. cxxii. 1, 2.) What other trans-
lators render peace-offerings, I have, not without cause, ren-
dered by sacrifices of prosperity, because they were offered
up either to solicit successful results, or to render thanks ;
and the Hebrew term is not unsuitable, as the reader will
find more fully explained in my commentaries on the books
of Moses.

32. And he wrote there upon the stones, &c. A different
rule is applicable to the stones Kere mentioned, on which God
wished that a memorial of his Law should always appear, in
order that a kind of barrier might be interposed to protect
the pure religion against the superstitions of Egypt. They
were therefore covered with lime, that they might be more
conspicuous, and the writing upon them more distinct. I
willingly subscribe to the opinion of those who understand
by the repeated Law a written form, or what is commonly
called a copy or duplicate. I cannot, however, believe that
the whole volume was traced upon it ; for no stones however
large could suffice to contain all the details. I therefore
think that by the term Law only its substance and sanc-
tions^ are denoted. This made it palpable even to strangers
entering the land what God was worshipped in it, and all
excuse for error was taken away, when the Law was not
treasured up in a book, but made manifest to the eyes of
all. In short, though the priests should have been dumb,
the stones themselves spoke clearly.

83. And all Israel, and their elders, &c. The third in-
stance of obedience was the placing all the tribes on Mount
Gerizim and Mount Ebal to stand in six rows each over
against each other. For they were so arranged that six
stood on Mount Ebal, and an equal number on the opposite

' French, " Le sommaire, et les defenses et commandemens ;" " The
summary, and the prohibitions and commands." — Ed.

134 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 33.

Mount Gerizim. The intervening space was occupied by
the Levites with the ark of the covenant, that the Lord
might be surrounded on all sides by his own people. It is
said that Joshua stood that he might first bless the people,
as it was the purpose of God to allure the people to himself
by sweetness and winning condescension. For although
Moses, to rebuke the obstinacy of the people, makes mention
of curses only, it is certain that these were in a manner
accidental, because the genuine method was to employ bless-
ings as a means of gaining over to obedience those who
might otherwise have proved refractory. But when humane
invitation proved unavailing, curses were added as a new
resource and remedy.

God had promised ample rewards to his servants who
should obey the Law. On the other hand, curses were
denounced in order to deter transgressors. Each is now
forced to subscribe his own condemnation, while an amen
is responded to every single sentence. For in this way they
not only hear themselves condemned by the mouth of God,
but as if they had been heralds sent by him, they denounce
the punishment which may await themselves. A similar
promulgation was made in the plain of Moab beyond the
Jordan, but now they are bound more solemnly, and acknow-
ledge on what condition they are to dwell in the land of
Canaan. It added no little weight to the whole, that the
children also were admitted as witnesses.

CHAPTER IX.

1 . And it came to pass, when all 1 . Quum autem audissent omnes
the kings which were on this side reges qai erant trans Jordanem in
Jordan, in the hills, and in the val- monte, et in planitie, _ et in totp
leys, and in all the coasts of the tractu maris ma gni e regione Libani,
great sea over against Lebanon, the Hitthreus, Amorrhseus, Chananaeus,
Hittite, and the Amorite, the Ca- Pherisseus, Hivseus, et Jebusseus,
naanite, the Perizzite, the Hivite,

and the Jebusite, heard thereof,

2. That they gathered themselves 2. Congregavermit se pariter ad
together, to fight with Joshua and pugnandmn cum Josue et Israel uno
with Israel, with one accord. consensu.

CHAP. IX.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

135

3. And when the inhabitants of
Gibeon heard Avhat Joshua had
done unto Jericho and to Ai,

4. They did work Avilily, and
went and made as if they had been
ambassadors, and took old sacks
upon their asses, and wine-bottles,
old, and rent, and bound up ;

5. And old shoes and clouted
upon their feet, and old garments
upon them ; and all the bread of
their provision was dry and mouldy.

6. And they went to Joshua unto
the camp at Gilgal, and said unto
him, and to the men of Israel, We
be come from a far country ; now
therefore make ye a league with us.

7. And the men of Israel said
unto the Hivites, Peradventure ye
dwell among us ; and how shall we
make a league with you ?

8. And they said unto Joshua,
We are thy servants. And Joshua
said imto them. Who are ye? and
from whence come ye ?

9- And they said unto him, From
a very far country thy servants are
come because of the name of the
Lord thy God : for we have heard
the fame of him, and all that he did
in Egypt,

10. And all that he did to the
two kings of the Amorites, that tuere
beyond Jordan, to Sihon king of
Heshbon, and to Og king of Bashan,
which ivas at Ashtaroth.

11. Wherefore our elders, and all
the inhabitants of our country, spake
to us, saying. Take victuals with
you for the journey, and go to meet
them, and say unto them. We are
your servants : therefore now make
ye a league with us.

12. This our bread we took hot
for our provision out of our houses
on the day we came forth to go unto
you ; but now, behold, it is dry, and
it is mouldy :

13. And these bottles of wine
which we filled were new ; and, be-
hold, they be rent : and these our
garments and our shoes are become
old by reason of the very long jour-
ney.

14. And the men took of their

3. Ilabitatores vero Gibeon au-
dientes quod fecerat Josue urbi Je-
richo et Hai,

4. Egerunt etiam ipsi caUide.
Nam abierunt et iinxerunt se lega-
tes esse, et tulenmt saccos vetustos,
in suis asinis, et utres vini vestustos,
et ruptos ac coUigatos,

5. Et calceamenta vetusta, et
resarta in pedibus suis, et vestes ve-
tustas super se, et totus panis vialici
eorum aridus ac mucidus.

6. Perrexerunt ergo ad Josuam in
castra in Gilgal, dixenintque ei et
viris Israel, E terra longinqua veni-
mus, itaque nunc percutite nobis-
cum fcedus.

7. Tunc responderunt viri Israel
ad Hivseum, Porte in medio mei tu
habitas, et quomodo percutiam te-
cum fcedus ?

8. At illi dixerunt ad Josuam,
Servi tui sumus. Quibus ait Josua,
Quinam estis, et imde venistis ?

9. Responderimt ei, E terra lon-
ginqua valde venerunt servi tui in
nomine Jehovse Dei tui. Audivimus
enim famam ejus, et qusecunque
fecit in .^gypto,

10. Qusecunque item fecit duobus
regibus Amorrheei, qui erant trans
Jordanem, Sihon regi Hesebon, et
Og regi Basan in Astaroth.

11. Dixeruntque nobis seniores
nostri, et emnes habitatores terrse
nostrse, ToUite in manu vestra es-
cam pro itinere, et ite in occursum
eorum, ac dicite illis, Servi vestri
sumus, et nunc percutite nobiscum
foedus.

12. Iste est panis noster, calidum
pro viatico paravimus e domibus
nostris quo die egressi sumus ut
veniremus ad vos, nunc autem aruit,
et siccus est.

13. Et isti sunt utres vini, quos
impleverimus novos, et ecce rupti
sunt. Et ista vestimenta nostra, et
calceamenta nostra vetustate attrita
sunt ob longum iter.

14. Sumpsenint ergo viri de via-

136 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 1.

victuals, and asked not counsel at tico eorum, et os Jehovse non inter-

the mouth of the Lord. rogaverunt.

15. And Joshua made peace with 15. Et fecit cum eis Josue pa-

them, and made a league with them, cem, et percussit cum eis foedus quod

to let them live : and the princes of sineret eos vivere, juraveruntque

the congregation sware unto them. eis principes congregationis.

1. And it came to pass tvhen all the Icings, &c. As the
arrival of the jDeople was Avell known to these kings from
the very first, it is certain tliat their minds were intoxicated
from above with security or lethargy, so that they did not
forthwith league together to oppose them. It implied ex-
cessive stupor not to provide for themselves till they were
violently roused to exertion by the overthrow of two cities.^
For as the war was common, it was a kind of voluntary sur-
render to send no aid to their neighbours, nay, to have no
army ready, which might make a powerful impression for
their defence. But in this way God spared the weakness of
his people, to whom the combined forces of so many nations
would have caused no small fear.

It is certain, then, that by the sloth and torpor of their
enemies, the Israelites were rendered more expeditious.
For an interval was, in the meanwhile, given them to com-
pose themselves, and thus those whom the mere name of
enemies might have alarmed, prepare leisurely to encounter
tliem.^ In the same way, although the reprobate are de-
sirous, by every possible device, to destroy the Church, God, to
take away their power of hurting her, scatters and con-
founds their counsels, nay, destroys their spirit.^ On the
other hand, these nations display their frantic audacity.
Instead of being overcome by manifest miracle, they con-
tinue to rage like wild beasts against the unassailable

' French, " Car c'estoit une stupidite par trop grande de ne se point
tenir siur ses gardes, jusqu'a tant qu'ils fussent resveiUez comme par force
de leur paresse oyans la ruine et le sac de deux ^'illes ;" " For it im-
plied excessive stupidity not to stand upon their guard, until they were
awakened, as if by force, from their indolence, on hearing of the ruin and
sacking of two towns." — Ed.

^ " To encounter them." Latin, " Ad eos excipiendos." French, " To
give them a good reception, and repulse them bravely." — Ed.

' French, " Dissippe et renverse leur conseils, entreprises, et machina-
tions : et mesme il leur oste le sens et I'entendement ;" " Dissipates and
overturns their counsels, enterprises, and macliinations ; and even de-
prives them of sense and understanding." — Ed.

CHAP, IX. 3. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 137

power of God. A report of tlie taking of Jericho had
reached them. Had it been overthrown by the counsel, or
the acting", or the prowess, or the engines of men ? Nay,
the walls had fallen of their own accord. With what con-
fidence then can they league to take up arms against
heaven ?

8. And tvhen the inhabitants of Gibeon heard, &c. The
inhabitants of Gibeon alone rejecting the proposal to make
war have recourse to fraud, and endeavour to obtain peace
by pretending to live at a great distance. To make such an
attempt was very odious to their neighbours, because it was,
in a manner, to make a schism among them, to open a door to
the Israelites, and weaken the strength of their allies. And
though blame is justly due to the foolish credulity of Joshua
and the rulers, who were under no obligation to bargain
rashly in regard to a matter not properly investigated, yet the
Lord, who is wont to bring light out of darkness, turned it
to the advantage of his people ; for it procured them an in-
terval of relaxation, while they halted in a tranquil district.

The Gibeonites, indeed, judged rightly and prudently,
when they resolved to bear anything sooner than provoke
God more against them, by a vain resistance. But the em-
ployment of fraud and illicit arts, to circumvent those whose
favour and protection they desired to enjoy, was no less
absurd and ridiculous than at variance with reason and
equity. For what could be the stability of a league which
Avas founded in nothing but gross fraud ? They pretend
that they are foreigners who had come from a far distant
country. Joshua, therefore, is bargaining with mere masks,
and contracts no obligation except in accordance with their
words. Hence the craft by wliich they insinuated themselves
ought not to have availed them. Still, as a great degree of
integrity yet existed among men, they deemed it enougli
to obtain an oath even extorted by fraud, feeling fully per-
suaded, that the people of Israel would not violate it.

The expression, that they too acted cunningly, is errone-
ously supposed by some to contain an allusion to the strata-
gem which Joshua had employed in deceiving the citizens
of Ai : no less inaccurately do others make it refer to the

138 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 3-

time of Jacob, whose sons, Simeon and Levi,^ had treacher-
ously destroyed the Sichemites. (Gen. xxxiv.) The anti-
thesis is merely between the hostile preparations of the kings
and the secret wiles with which the Gibeonites accosted Jo-
shua. Accordingly, after it is stated, that some had leagued
with the intention of trying the result of open war, the trick
of the Gibeonites is subjoined, and hence the meaning is,
that Joshua had to do not only with professed enemies, who
had gathered themselves together to battle, but with the
crafty dissimulation of one nation.

It is asked, however, why the Gibeonites laboured so
anxiously in a matter which was not at all necessary? For
we shall see elsewhere that the Israelites were ordered
to offer peace to all, that they might thereafter have a just
and legitimate cause for declaring war. But as it was every-
where rumoured, that they were seeking a permanent settle-
ment in the land of Canaan, (which they could not obtain
except by expelling the inhabitants,) the Gibeonites con-
clude that there is no means of binding them to mercy ex-
cept by imposing upon them in some "way or other ; as they
would never have spontaneously and knowingly allowed the
land which they had invaded to be occupied by others.
Nay, as it was known that they had been commanded to
destroy all, they had no alternative left but to have recourse
to fraud, as all hope of obtaining safety was otherwise taken
away. And for this reason they shortly after ask pardon
for a fraud wrung from them by necessity.

Here, however, a question arises ; as the Israelites object
that they are not at liberty to make any paction with the
nations of Canaan, but are bound to exterminate them
utterly. There is certainly a discrepancy between the two
things — to exhort to submission, and at the same time
refuse to admit suppliants and volunteers. But although
God required that the laws of war should be observed ac-
cording to use and wont, and that, therefore, peace should
be oifered on condition of submitting, he merely wished to
try the minds of those nations, that they might bring

' French, " Duqiiel les trois enfans, assavoir, Ruben, Levi et Simeon ;"
*• Whose three sons, Reuben, Levi, and Simeon." — Ed.

CHAP. IX. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 139

destruction upon themselves by their own obstinacy. At
the same time, it was intimated to the Israelitish people, that
they must destroy them ; and hence the conclusion neces-
sarily followed, that those who dwelt in the land of Canaan
could not be tolerated, and that it was unlawful to make a
covenant with them.

We shall afterwards find both things distinctly expressed,
viz., that all persisted in carrying on Avar, because it had
been the divine intention that their hearts should be hard-
ened, and that they should perish. It was, therefore, a
legitimate inference that those wdio were doomed to death
could not be preserved. If any one object that the Gibeon-
ites, who voluntarily applied for peace, were therefore ex-
cej^tions, I answer, that the Israelites were not at present
considering that formal custom which produced no result,
but are merely attending to the promise and the command
of God. Hence it is, that they allow no ho23e to remain,
because they had been simply and precisely commanded to
purge the land by putting every individual to death, and to
succeed to the place of those they had slain.

6. And thei/ went to Joshua, &c. I have said that in strict
law, a covenant of this description was null and void. For
when they obtain their prayer, what is stipulated but just
that they should be kejit safe, provided they come from
a distant and remote region of the globe ? And the oftener
they reiterate the same falsehood, the more do they annul a
compact elicited by fraud, since its true meaning only
amounts to this, that the Israelites will offer no molesta-
tion to a foreign people, living at a remote distance. This
is shewn to be more especially the meaning, from the fact,
that the Israelites exi)ressly exclude all the inhabitants of
the land of Canaan. They could not, therefore, gain any-
thing by the fraud. Nor are they more assisted by making
a fallacious pretext of the name of God, and thus throwing
a kind of mist over the mind of Joshua. They pretend that
they had come in the name of God ; as if they were profess-
ing to give glory to God, even the God of Israel ; inasmuch
as there is a tacit rejection of the superstitions to which
they had been accustomed. For if it is true, that they had

140 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 14.

come, moved by the faith of the miracles which had been
performed in Egypt, they concede supreme power to the God
of Israel, though to them a God unknown.

14. And the men took of their victuals, &c. Some com-
mentators here have recourse to the insipid fictions that they
ate the bread, to ascertain from the taste whether it were
stale from age, or that they confirmed the covenant by a
feast. The words rather, in my opinion, are an indirect
censure of their excessive credulity in having, on slight
grounds acquiesced in a fabulous narrative, and in having
attended merely to the bread, without considering that the
fiction was devoid of colour. And, certainly, had not their
senses been blunted, many things would have instantly
occurred to refute the Gibeonites.^ But as it sometimes
happens, that the most piercing eyes are dazzled by an
empty spectacle, they are more severely condemned for not
having ascertained the pleasure of God. The remedy was
at hand, had they attempted nothing without consulting the
oracle. It was a matter deserving of careful inquiry, and it
was therefore a sign of gross carelessness, when a priest was
ready to seek an answer from God, by means of Urim and
Thummim, to decide rashly in an obscure case, as if they had
no means of obtaining advice. Their rashness was the less
excusable, from being combined with such supine neglect of
the grace of God,

16. And it came to pass, at the 16. Post tres autem dies a foedere
end of three days after they had cum illis inito audierunt, quod pro-
made a league with them, that they pinqui essent ipsis, et in medio ipso-
heard that they were their neigh- rum habitareut.

hours, and that they dwelt among
them.

17. And the children of Israel 17. Profectique sunt filii Israel,

1 Nothing could be more gross than the imposition thus practised.
The capital of the Gibeonites was not above fourteen miles west from
Jericho, and scarcely half that distance south-west from Ai, where the
Israelites had recently gained so signal a victory, and it is therefore not
improbable that the Israelites, while pursuing the fugitives, had actually
been within the territory which their leaders now ignorantly believe to be
so very distant, as to be altogether beyond the limits of the promised land.
The compliments paid to their prowess so flattered their pride, and the
alliance of a powerful though distant nation held out the hope of so many
advantages in the further prosecution of their conquests, that they fell
at once into the snare, as if they had almost been willing to be deceived.
—Ed.

CHAP. IX.

COMMENTAKT ON JOSHUA.

141

journeyed, and came unto their
cities on the third day. Now their
cities were Gibeon, and Chephirah,
and Beeroth, and Kirjath-jearim.

18. And the children of Israel
smote them not, because the princes
of the congregation had sworn unto
them by the Lord God of Israel.
And all the congregation mmrmured
against the princes.

19. But aU the pruices said unto
all the congregation, We have sworn
unto them by the I^ord God of
Israel: now therefore we may not
touch them.

20. This we will do to them ; we
will even let them live, lest wrath
be upon us, because of the oath
which we sware unto them.

21. And the princes said unto
them, Let them live ; but let them
be hewers of wood, and drawers of
water, unto all the congregation ;
as the princes had promised them.

22. And Joshua called for them,
and he spake unto them, saying,
Wherefore have ye beguiled us, say-
ing. We are, very far from you ; when
ye dwell among us ?

23. Now therefore ye are cursed ;
and there shall none of you be freed
from being bond-men, and hewers
of wood, and drawers of water, for
the house of my God.

24. And they answered Joshua,
and said. Because it was certainly
told thy servants, how that the Lord
thy God commanded his servant
Moses to give you aU the land, and
to destroy all the inhabitants of
the land from before you, therefore
we were sore afraid of oiu: lives be-
cause of you, and have done this
thing.

25. And now, behold, we are in
thine hand : as it seemeth good
and right unto thee to do imto us,
do.

26. And so did he unto them, and
delivered them out of the hand of
the children of Israel, that they slew
them not.

27. And Joshua made them that
day hewers of wood, and drawers of
water, for the congregation, and for

et venerunt ad mrbes ipsorum die
tertio. Urbes autem eorum erant
Gibeon, Chephirat, Beeroth, Ciriat-
jearim.

18. Et non percussermat eos fihi
Israel, eo quod jurassent eis princi-
pes congregationis per Jehovam
Deum Israel: et miu-muravit tota
congregatio contra principes.

19. Tunc dixerunt omnes princi-
pes ad totam congregationem, Nos
juravimus eis per Jehovam Deum
Israel, ideo nmic non possumus at-
tingere eos.

20. Hoc faciemus eis, servabimus
eos vivos, ne sit contra nos ira prop-
ter jusjurandum quod juravimus
eis,

21. Dixerunt itaque illis princi-
pes, Vivant, et csedant ligna, et fo-
diant aquam toti congregationi,
quemadmodum loquuti simt eis
cuncti principes.

22. Vocavit itaque eos Josue, et
loquutus est ad eos, dicendo : Ut quid
decepistis nos, dicendo, Remoti su-
mus a vobis valde, cum in medio
nostri habitetis ?

23. Nunc ergo maledicti estis,
nee delebuntur ex vobis servi, et
csedentes ligna, et fodientes aquam
pro domo Dei mei.

24. Qui responderunt ad Josuam,
atque dixerunt. Cum renunciando
renunciatum fuit servis tuis quo-
modo prseceperat Jehova Deus tuus
Mosi servo suo ut daret vobis ter-
ram, et disperderet omnes habita-
tores terrte a facie vestra, timuimus
valde animabus nostris a facie vestra,
et fecimus istud.

25. Et nunc ecce sumus in manu
tua, sicut placet, et sicut rectum
est in oculis tuis, ut facias nobis, fa-
des,

26. Et fecit eis ita, liberavitque
eos de manu filiorum Israel, nee in-
terfecerunt eos.

27. Constituitque eos Josue eo
die csesores lignorum, et haustores
aquse congregationi, et altari Jehovse

142 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 1 6.

the altar of the Lord, even unto this usque in hunc diem in loco queni

day, in the place which he should elegerit.

choose.

16. And it came to pass, &jc. The chastisement of their
levity by the discovery of the fraud, three days after, must,
by the swiftness of the punishment, have made them more
sensible of the shame and disgrace. For it was thus known,
that through slotli and lethargy, they had very stupidly fallen
into error from not having taken the trouble to inquire into
a matter almost placed before their eyes. Their marching
quietly through that region, entering cities without trouble,
and finding free means of sustenance, was owing to the
paternal indulgence of God, who not only j)ardons their fault,
but causes that which might justly have been injurious to
turn out to their good. Here it is related that the children
of Israel did not act in a hostile manner in that region,
because the Gibeoniteshad received a promise of safety con-
firmed by an oath.

Now two questions arise — first, Whether the children of
Israel, who had no intention whatever to pledge their faith
to impostors, had contracted any. obligation ? and, secondly,
Whether it was not in the option of the people to rescind a
promise which their leaders had foolishly and erroneously
made ? In regard to the general position, the obligation of
an oath ought to be held in the greatest sacredness, so that
we may not, under the pretext of error, resile from pactions,
even from those in which we have been deceived, since the
sacred name of God is more precious than the wealth of a
whole world.^ Hence though a man may have sworn with

' Calvin was well qualified, by his legal education, to discuss the im-
portant question here raised, and it is impossible to dispute the soundness
of his general positions in regard to it, both here and in the previous
sections of the Commentary on this chapter. There is, however, an
appearance of inconsistency in some of the statements. In the section be-
ginning with the third verse, he says in Latin, " Cum larvis ergo paciscitur
Josue.nec quidquam obligationis contrahit, nisi secundum eorum verba ;" or
as it is in French, " Josue donques traitte alliance avec des masques ou
phantosmes et n'est nullement oblige', sinon suivant leurs paroles ;" "Joshua,
then, makes an alliance with masks or phantoms, and is in no way bound,
except according to their words." Again, in the section beginning with verse
the sixth, he says, " Dixi summo jure evanidum et irritum fuisse ejusmodi
fcedus," or as it is in French, " J'ay dit qu'a la rigueur de droit une telle
alliance estoit nuUe et cassc'e ;" " I have said, that in strict law such an

CHAP.IX. 16. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 143

little consideration, no loss or expense will free hitn from
performance. I have no doubt, that in this sense David
says, (Psalm xv. 4,) that the true worshippers of God, if
they have sworn to their hurt, change not, because they will
bear loss sooner than expose the name of God to contempt,
by retracting their promises.

I conclude, therefore, that if a private interest only is to
be affected, everything which we may have promised by
oath must be performed. And it is apparent from the words,
that the Israelites were afraid lest they should exjjose the
name of their God to disgrace among the nations of Canaan.
For I think there is an emphasis in the expression — because
they had sworn by the God of Israel. But a special reason
left the Israelites at liberty to recede from the deceitful
compact ; for they had not only given up their own right,
but improperly departed from the command of God, with
which it was not lawful to interfere in the smallest iota.
It was not in their power either to spare the vanquished or
enact laws of surrender, whereas they now transact as if
the business had been committed to them. We see, accord-
ingly, that they twice profaned the name of God, while,

alliance was null and void." And he gives the reason in the form of a
question, when he asks, " What do they (the Gibeonites) gain when
their request is granted, but just that they are to be kept safe, provided
they have come from a distant country ?" But if the Gibeonites did not
gain, or, in other words, were not entitled to demand anything, it is perfectly
obvious that the Israelites could not be bound to grant anything. They
were the two parties to a mutual contract, in which the claims of the one
party were exactly the counterpart or measure of the obligations of the
other. It might have been expected, therefore, that after Calvin had
decided that the Gibeonites had no claim, he would, of course, have
decided that the Israelites had incurred no obligation. Here, however,
when considering this latter point, he seems to change his ground, by
distinctly asserting, that we may not resile even from pactions in which we
have been deceived. The inconsistency, however, is only apparent. He
does not say that we are bound by such pactions, as if they were valid in
themselves, but he adverts to circumstances which may lay us under a
formal obligation to act as if we were bound by them. In other words,
he removes the case from a court of law into the court of conscience, and
thus brings it under the class of cases to which St. Paul referred, when he
drew a distinction between things lawful and things expedient. Joshua
and the elders had sworn rashly, but having by so doing put the honour
of the God of Israel, so to speak, in pledge, they were bound, at whatever
cost, to redeem it. — Ed.

1 44 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 22.

under pretence of tlie oath, they persevered in defending
what they had foolishly promised.

In the deference which the common people pay to their
leaders, by abstaining from all violence to the Gibeonites,
we behold the integrity of the age. Elsewhere it would
have readily occurred to elude the promise by asserting that
a whole people were not bound by the agreement of a few
individuals, as the Romans did, in repudiating the Caudine
peace, to which only the consuls, legates, and tribunes had
sworn without the orders of the senate and people. The
more praise, therefore, is due to that rude simplicity in
which the religious obligation prevailed more than the too
subtle arguments which the greater part of men in the
present day approve and applaud. The people are indeed
indignant that their leaders had taken more upon them
than they were entitled to do, but their moderation does
not allow them to proceed beyond murmur and noise.i

20. This we will do to them, &c. Although, according to
agreement, they give the Gibeonites their lives, they ratify
the whole covenant only in part. For while the Gibeonites
were entitled to be made perfectly secure, they are deprived
of liberty, which is dearer than life. From this we infer
that Joshua and the others had, as in a case of doubt and
perplexity, devised a kind of middle course, so as not to
make the oath altogether void. The principal object of this
device was to appease the multitude: at the same time,
while they were indignant at having been imposed upon by
the Gibeonites, they punished the fraud, and did not allow
impunity to increase their derision. It was a harsh condi-
tion, in this arrangement, that the Gibeonites were not only
doomed to servile labours but withdrawn from their homes,
to lead a vagrant and wandering life. The office of scullions
imposed on them was no less mean than laborious, but the
worst of all was to hew wood and draw water, wherever God
should be pleased to station the ark.

22. And Joshua called for them, &c. As he was to de-

' French, " Quand il ne passe point outre le niurmure, et qii'il se con-
tente de cela ;" " When they do not proceed beyond murmuring, and rest
contented with it." — Ed.

CHAP. IX. 27. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 145

liver a sad and severe sentence, lie jiremises that the resolution
involves no injustice, because nothing would be more unbe-
coming than to allow tricks and wiles to be profitable to
those who employ them. He therefore first expostulates
with them for having warded off danger by falsehood, and
then immediately pronounces them cursed. By this I un-
derstand that he throws the blame of their servitude ujjon
themselves, because they bear nothing worse than they have
deserved by their guile or jjerfidy ; as if he had said that
the ground of the condemnation which he pronounces is in
themselves. It is hard, indeed, that no end is assigned to
the labours to which they are doomed, for this is implied
in the words, Slaves shall never cease from among you : but
he declares that no injustice is done them, as they were
cursed of their own accord, or b^' their own fault. They,
indeed, extenuate the offence, by alleging the necessity which
compelled them, and yet they decline not the punishment,
which they acknowledge to be justly inflicted. It may in-
deed be, that overcome with fear, they refused nothing, nay,
calmly and flatteringly^ acquiesced in the terms imposed on
them. For what could the}' gain by disjjuting ? I have no
doubt, however, that as they were conscious of having done
wrong, and had no means of completely exculpating them-
selves, they considered themselves very humanely dealt with,
so long as their lives were saved.^

CHAPTER X.

1. Now it came to pass, when 1. Quum audisset Adoni-zedec

Adoni-zedek king of Jerusalem had rex Jerusalem quod cepisset Josue

heard how Joshua had taken Ai, Hai, et earn perdidisset (quemad-

and had utterly destroyed it ; as he modum fecerat Jericho, et regi ejus,

had done to Jericho and her king, quod sic fecisset Hai et regi ejus) et

so he had done to Ai and her king ; quod paceni fecissent habitatores

and how the inhabitants of Gibeon Gibeon cum Israel, et essent inter

had made peace with Israel, and i^jsos :
were among them ;

' Latin, " Nee sine assentatione ;" " Nor without flattery." French,
" Et sans flatterie ;" " And without flattery." — Ed.

"' Among the many pernicious consequences resulting from this arrange-
ment, was the formation of a degraded caste in the heart of the Israelitish
commonwealth, and the consequent introduction of domestic slavery, in
one of its worst forms. — Ed.

146

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. X.

2. That they feared greatly, be-
cause Gibeon was a great city, as
one of the royal cities, and because
it was greater than Ai, and all the
men thereof toere mighty.

3. Wherefore Adoni-zedek king
of Jerusalem sent unto Hoham king
of Hebron, and unto Piram king of
Jarmuth, and unto Japhia king of
Lachish, and unto Debir king of
Eglon, saying,

4. Come up unto me, and help
me, that we may smite Gibeon : for
it hath made peace with Joshua,
and with the children of Israel.

5. Therefore the five kings of the
Amorites, the king of Jerusalem, the
king of Hebron, the king of Jar-
muth, the king of Lachish, the king
of Eglon, gathered themselves to-
gether, and went up, they and all
their hosts, and encamped before
Gibeon, and made war against it.

6. And the men of Gibeon sent
unto Joshua to the camp to Gilgal,
saying, Slack not thy hand from
thy servants ; come up to us quickly,
and save us, and help us : for all the
kings of the Amorites, that dwell in
the mountains, are gathered toge-
ther against us.

7. So Joshua ascended from Gil-
gal, he, and all the people of war
with him, and all the mighty men of
valour.

8. And the Lord said unto Jo-
shua, Fear them not : for I have de-
livered them into thine hand ; there
shall not a man of them stand be-
fore thee.

9. Joshua therefore came unto
them suddenly, and went up from
Gilgal all night.

10. And the Lord discomfited
them before Israel, and slew them
with a great slaughter at Gibeon,
and chased them along the way that
goeth up to Beth-horon, and smote
them to Azekah, and unto Makke-
dah.

11. And it came to pass, as they
fled from before Israel, and were in
the going down to Beth-horon, that
the Lord cast down great stones
from heaven upon them unto Aze-

2. Tunc timuerunt valde, quod
civitas magna esset Gibeon tanquam
una e civitatibus regiis, quia major
erat quam Hai, omnesque viri ejus
fortes.

3. Propterea misit Adoni-zedec
rex Jerusalem ad Hoham regem
Hebron et ad Piram regem Jarmuth,
et ad Japhiam regem Lachis, et ad
Debir regem Eglon, dicendo,

4. Ascendite ad me et suppetias
ferte mihi, ut percutianius Gibeon
qui pacem fecit cum Josue et filiis
Israel.

5. Congregati sunt itaque, et as-
cenderimt quinque reges Amorrhsei,
rex Jerusalem, rex Hebron, rex Jar-
muth, rex Lachis, rex Eglon, ipsi et
omnes exercitus eorum, et castrarae-
tati sunt juxta Gibeon, pugnaverimt-
que ad vers us eam.

6. Miserunt ergo viri Gibeon ad
Josuam ad castra in Gilgal, dicendo,
Ne contrahas manus tuas a servis
tuis : ascende ad nos cito, et serva
nos, atque auxiliare nobis : congre-
gati enim sunt contra nos omnes
reges Amorrha}i habitantes in mon-
te.

7. Ascendit itaque Josue de Gil-
gal, ipse, et universus populus bel-
lator cum eo, omnes potentes viri-
bus.

8. Dixit autem Jehova ad Josue,
Ne timeas ab eis : in manum enim
tuam tradidi eos, nee consistet quis-
quam ex eis in conspectu tuo.

9. Et venit ad eos Josue repente :
tota enim nocte ascendit de Gilgal.

10. Et contrivit eos Jehova coram
Israel, percussitque eos plaga magna
in Gibeon, et perseqnutus est eos
per viam ascensus Beth-horon, et
percussit eos usque Azecah et usque
Makedah.

11. Dum autem fugerent a fa-
cie Israel, et essent in descensu
Beth-horon, Jehova demisit super
eos lapides magnos e coelo usque ad
Azecah, et mortui simt, plures mor-

CHAP. X. 1, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 147'

kah, and they died : they were more tui siuil lapidibus grandinis, quani

which died with hail-stones than quos interfecerunt filii Israel gla-

they whom the children of Israel dio.
slew with the sword.

12. Then spake Joshua to the 12. Tunc loquutus est Josue ad
Lord, in the day when the Lord de- Jehovam die qua tradidit Jehova
livered up the Amorites before the Amorrhseum coram filiis Israel. '
children of Israel, and he said in Dixitque in ociilis Israel, Sol in Gi-
the sight of Israel, Sun, stand thou beon expecta, et Luna in valle Aja-
still upon Gibeon ; and thou. Moon, Ion.

in the valley of Ajalon.

13. And the sun stood still, and 13. Et expectavit Sol, et luna
the moon stayed, until the people constitit donee ulcisceretur se gens
had avenged themselves upon their de inimicis suis. Annon hoc scrip-
enemies. Is not this written in the turn est in libro Jasar ? (j^el, recti)
book of Jasher ? So the sun stood Stetit ergo sol in medio coeli, nee
still in the midst of heaven, and festinavit occiunbere circiter die
hasted not to go down about a una Integra.

whole day.

14. And there was no day like 14. Et non fuit sicut dies ilia
that before it, or after it, that the ante eam nee post earn, qua exaudi-
Lord hearkened unto the voice of a vit Jehova vocem viri : Jehova enim
man : for the Lord fought for pugnabat pro Israel.

Israel.

], N'ow it came to jyass, &c. He had formerly briefly
glanced at, but now more fully details the conspiracy of the
kings, who dwelt both in the mountains and in the plain.
For after mentioning that they were struck with fear, and
leagued together to make common war, he had broken
off abruptly, and proceeded to speak of the Gibeonites.
But what he had previously said of the kings in general, he
now applies only to one individual ; not because Adoni-zedek
alone was afraid, but because he stirred up all the others,
and was the principal originator and leader in carrying on
the war against the Israelites. This is sufficiently expressed
by the plural number of the verb ; for it is said, When Ado-
ni-zedek had heard — they feared greatly. From this it
appears that they were all of the same mind, but that while
some of them held back from fear, he who possessed greater
authority, and was nearer the danger, invited the four
others to arms.^

^ An additional clause not found in the original, and excluded by the
common versions, is here inserted in the Septuagint in the following

terms, " rivlxa, truv'iT^i^iM avTnls sv Vaficci/), Kai cruviT^ilinirav d-ro T^ocriu'^ov viuv

iir^a-^k ;" « Whtn he crushed them in Gibecn, and they were crushed be-
fore the face of the children of Israel." — Ed.

' French, " Appela et suscita les autres a prendre les amies ;" " Called

148 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 6.

In the beginning of the chapter it is again told, how the
five kings formed an alliance to meet the Israelites, and
ward off the overthrow with which they were all threatened.
But as the Gibeonites had meanwhile surrendered, they first
turned their arms against them, both that by inflicting
punishment upon them, as the betrayers of their country,
they might make tliem an example to all tlieir neighbours,
and that by striking terror into those vanquished enemies,
they might also inspire their own soldiers with confidence.
They resolve, therefore, to attack the Gibeonites who, by
their embassy, had made a disruption and opened a passage
to the Israelites. They had, indeed, a fair pretext for war,
in resolving to punish the eifeminacy of those who had
chosen to give their sanction to strangers, about to lay the
whole country waste, rather than faithfully defend their
neighbours. And the Gibeonites experienced how useless
tlieir crafty counsel must have been, had they not been saved
in pity by the Israelites. Meanwhile the Lord allowed them
to be involved in danger, in order that, being twice freed, they
might more willingly and meekly submit to the yoke.

6. And the men of Gibeon sent unto Joshua, &c. The
course of the narrative is inverted; for the Gibeonites cer-
tainly did not wait till they were besieged, but on seeing
an army levied and prepared, and having no doubt that they
would have to sustain the first onset, as they had incurred
general hatred, they anticipate the attack, and hasten to
have recourse to the protection of Joshua.^ To desert those
to whom life had been given, would have been at once un-
lawful, unjust, and inhumane. Nay, as their surrender had
been consequent on the agreement, they v/ere entitled to be
defended against violence and injury. With justice, there-
upon, and stirred up the others to take up arms." Jerusalem was only
about five miles S.S.E. from Gibeon, while the other towns, situated
S.S.W., were at distances varying from twenty to thirty miles. — Ed.

' 'J he conjecture that the narrative is here inverted, seems somewhat
gratuitous. Lachish, the most remote of the towns, was ncit more than
thirty miles distant, and Jerusalem, as has been mentioned, was only five;
and, therefore, in so far as distance merely is concerned, there is nothing to
prevent us from holding in accordance with the literal purport of the nar-
rative, that the kings had suddenly advanced against Gibeon, and were
actually besieging it when the Gibeonites dispatched their embassy to
Joshua.

CHAP. X. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 149

fore, tliey implore the Israelites, under whose protection they
were ; and there is no hesitation on the part of Joshua,
who judges it to be his duty to defend those whose submis-
sion he had agreed to accept. They had deceived him, it is
true, but after the fraud had been detected, and they had
confessed it, interposing some palliating circumstances, they
had obtained pardon.

Equity and a sense of duty thus did not allow the Israel-
ites to abandon the Gibeonites to their fate. Still, Joshua is
entitled to praise for his promptitude in complying with the
request, and sending assistance without delay. He is said to
have marched during the wliole night, and thus could not
have proceeded with greater haste had the safety of the
whole people been at stake. Had the same sincerity always
been evinced by profane nations, they would rather have
assisted their allies in due time than avenged their disasters
after they had suffered them. Tlie term suddenly ought not,
however, to be confined to a single day, as if Joshua had
accomplished three days' journey in a single night, and made
his appearance among the Gibeonites next morning. All
that is meant to be expressed is his great speed, and his not
delajnng his departure till next day.^

Though the Israelites moved their camp from Ai or that
neighbourhood, it was the third day before they entered
the confines of the Gibeonites. Granting that they then
l^roceeded slowly in order of battle, Joshua was still at
some distance when application is made to him to assist the
Gibeonites. We have seen that Gilgal w-as the first station

' Here, again, apparently from exaggeratina: the distance, Calvin thinks
it necessary to resort to an ingenious explanation, and give a kind of co-
louring to the narrative. The distance from Gilgal to Gibeon was not
more than eighteen miles, and this might certainly be accomplished by
a forced march in the course of a single night. Calvin says we are not
to suppose that " Joshua accomplished three days' joiu-ney in a single
night." But it is nowhere said that Gibeon was three days' journey from
Gilgal. The words are, " The Israelites journeyed and came into the
cities on the third day." (Chap. ix. 17.) In other words, the Israelites,
on this particular occasion, employed three days, or rather, if we adopt the
common Hebrew mode of computation, part of a first, the whole of a second,
and part of a third day. Such a statement scarcely justifies the inference
that the avera,ge time of making the journey between the two places was
three days. — Ed.

150 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 8.

after crossing the Jordan, and therefore more remote than
Jericho. If any one deems it absurd, that after receiving
the submission of several cities, he should have turned back-
wards, and left an empty district, the recovery of which from
the enemy might again cost new labour, I answer, there was
no ground to fear that the enemy would come forward to
occupy it, and engage in an expedition attended with great
danger and difficulty. It is probable that when a body of
troops was selected to attack Jericho, the women, children,
and all others unfit for war remained in that quiet corner,
where they might have the protection of those of the Reu-
benites, Gadites, and half tribe of Manasseh, who had been
left on the opposite bank of the Jordan. For to what end
would they have carried with them into their battles chil-
dren and women heavy with child, or nursing babes at their
breasts ? How, during the incursions of the enemy, could
food be found for such a multitude, or water sufficient to
supply all their flocks and herds ? I conclude, therefore,
that Joshua and his soldiers returned to their tents that
they might refresh themselves for a little with their wives
and children, and there dej)Osit the spoils with which they
had been enriched.

8. And the Lord discomfited them, &c. It is uncertain
whether the Lord anticipated the movement, and armed
Joshua by his oracle, drawing him forth from Gilgal before
he had taken any step, or whether he only confirmed him
after he had made his preparations for setting out. It
seems to me more likely that Joshua did not rush forth as
soon as he was asked without consulting God, but at length,
after being informed of his will, took up arms boldly and
speedily. As he had lately been chastised for excessive
facility, it is at least a probable conjecture that in this case
of difficulty, he attempted nothing except in so far as he had
a divine command. The Lord, therefore, had respect to the
wretched Gibeonites when he did not allow them to remain
destitute without the assistance of his i^eople.

Joshua is made confident of victory in order that he may
succour them ; for God stimulates us more powerfully to tlie
performance of duty by promising than by ordering. That

CHAP. X. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 151

wjiicli is here promised to one belongs to all, but for the sake
of honouring Joshua, it is specially deposited with him that
he may afterwards be the bearer of it to his army. For God
does not speak from heaven indiscriminately to all sorts of
persons, but confers the honour only on excellent servants
and cliosen prophets.

It is moreover worthy of notice that Josliua did not abuse
the divine promise by making it an excuse for sluggishness,
but felt tlie more vehemently inflamed after he was assured
of a happy issue. Many, while they ostentatiously express
their faith, become lazy and slothful from perverse security.
Joshua hears that victory is in his hand, and that he may
gain it, runs swiftly to battle. For he knew that the happy
issue was revealed, not for the purpose of slackening his
pace or making him more remiss, but of making him exert
himself with greater zeal. Hence it was that lie took the
enemy by surprise.

10. And the Lord discomfited them, &c. In the first
slaughter the Lord exerted his own might, but used the
swords of the people. Hence we infer that whenever he
works by men, nothing is detracted from his glory, but what-
ever is done redounds to him alone. For when he employs
the co-operation of men, ho does not call in allies as a sub-
sidiary force, or borrow anything from them ; but as he is
able to accomplish whatever he pleases by a mere nod, he
uses men also as instruments to shew that they are ruled
by his hand and will. Meanwhile it is said with truth in
either way, that the enemy were routed and crushed by God,
or by the Israelites, inasmuch as God crushed them by the
instrumentality of the Israelites.

In the second slaughter the hand of God appeared more
clearly, when the enemy were destroyed by hail. And it is
distinctly stated that more were destroyed by hail than were
slain by tlie sword, that there might be no doubt of the vic-
tory having been obtained from heaven. Hence again it is
gathered that this was not common hail, such as is wont to
fall during storms. For, in the first place, more would have
been wounded or scattered and dispersed than suddenW
destroyed ; and secondly, had not God darted it directly, part

152 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 12.

would have fallen on the heads of the Israelites. Now,
when the one army is attacked separately, and the other,
hept free from injury, comes forward as it were to join
auxiliary troops, it becomes perfectly clear that God is
fighting from heaven. To the same effect it is said that
God threw down great stones of hail from heaven : for the
meaning is that they fell with extraordinary force, and were
far above the ordinary size. If at any time, in common
battles, a storm has suddenly arisen, and has proved useful
to one of the parties, God has seemed to give that party a
token of his favour, and hence the line, Dearly beloved of
heaven is he on whose side the elements are enlisted.-^
Here we have the account of a more distinguished miracle,
in which tlie omnipotence of God was openly displayed.

12. Then spake Joshua to the Lord, &c. Such is the literal
reading, but some expound it as meaning before Jehovah :
for to speak to God, who, as piety dictates, is to be supjoli-
antly petitioned, seems to be little in accordance with the
modesty of faith, and it is immediately subjoined that
Joshua addressed his words to the sun. I have no doubt
that by the former clause prayer or vow is denoted, and that
the latter is an expression of confidence after he was heard :
for to command the sun to stand if he had not previously
obtained 23ermission, would have been presumptuous and
arrogant. He first, then, consults God and asks : having
forthwith obtained an answer, he boldly commands the sun
to do what he knows is pleasing to God.

And such is the power and privilege of the faith which
Christ inspires, (Matt. xvii. 20 ; Luke xvii. 6,) that moun-
tains and seas are removed at its command. The more the
godly feel their own emptiness, the more liberally does God
transfer his power to them, and when faith is annexed to the
word, he in it demonstrates his own power. In short, faith
borrows the confidence of command from the word on wdiich
it is founded. Thus Elias, b}' tlie command of God, shut

' The passage here inserted is a quotation from the Latin poet Clau-
dian, who, in his panegyric on Theodosius, referring to a victory of that
emperor, in which the elements seem to war in his favour, exclaims —
O nimium dilecte Deo, tibi militat aither,
Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti ! — Ed.

CHAP. X. IS. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 153

and opened the heaven, and brought down fire from it ; thus
Christ furnished his disciples with heavenly power to make
the elements subject to them.

Caution, however, must be used, lest any one may at his
own hand presume to give forth rash commands. Joshua
did not attempt to delay and check the course of the sun
before he was well instructed as to the purpose of God. And
although, when he is said to have spoken with God, the
words do not sufficiently express the modesty and submission
which become the servant of God in giving utterance to his
prayers, let it suffice us briefly to understand as implied, that
Joshua besought God to grant what he desired, and on
obtaining his request, became the free and magnanimous
herald of an incredible miracle unlike any that had previ-
ously taken place. He never would have ventured in the
presence of all to command the sun so confidently, if he had
not been thoroughly conscious of his vocation. Had it been
otherwise, he would have exposed himself to a base and
shameful affront. When, without hesitation, he opens his
mouth and tells the sun and the moon to deviate from the
perpetual law of nature, it is just as if he had adjured them
by the boundless power of God vvith which he was invested.
Here, too, the Lord gives a bright display of his singular
favour toward his Church. As in kindness to the human
race he divides the day from the night by the daih^ course
of the sun, and constantly whirls the immense orb with
indefatigable swiftness, so he was pleased that it should halt
for a short time till the enemies of Israel were destroyed.^

IS. And the sun stood still, &c. The question how the
sun stood in Gibcon, is no less unseasonably raised by some
than unskilfully explained by others.^ For Joshua did not

^ One might almost suspect from this conduding sentence, that Calvin
■ivas a stranger to the Copernican system, and still continued to believe
that it was not the earth but the sun that revolved. As ^ve know, how-
ever, that he was before his age in many points, so we cannot believe that
he was behind it in this. — Ed.

' The rebuke here administered to those who attempt to explain the
miracle applies with double force to those who attempt to explain it away.
It is rather strange that among this number are some of the most dis-
tinguished Jewish rabbis as Levi-ben-Gerson and Maimonides, both of
whom mpintain that there was no miracle, but only something very like

15i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CIIAP.X.IS-

subtilely place the sun in any particular point, making it
necessary to feign that the battle was fought at the summer
solstice, but as it was turning towards the district of Ajalon
as far as the eye could discern, Joshua bids it sta}^ and rest
there, in other words, remain above what is called the hori-
zon. In short, the sun, which was already declining to the
west, is kept from setting.^

I do not give myself any great anxiety as to the number
of the hours ; because it is enough for me that the day was
continued through the whole night. Were histories of that
period extant, they would doubtless celebrate this great
miracle ; lest its credibility, however, should be questioned,
the writer of this book mentions that an account of it was
given elsewhere, though the work which he quotes has been
lost, and expounders are not well agreed as to the term
Jazar. Those who think Moses is meant, insist on referring
the example which is here given to general predictions. As
Moses applies this name to the chosen people, it is more
congruous to hold that commentaries on the events in their
history are meant. I, for my part, understand by it either
God or Israel, rather than the author of a history.^

one. Their chief mducement to adopt this very extraordinary view, is zeal
for the honour of Moses, which they think would be seriously impugned
by admitting that a miracle which he never performed was performed by
the instrumentality of his successor Joshua. — Ed.

' French, " En somme, le soleil remonte estant ja commence' a se
coucher ;" " In a word, the sun remounts after he had begun to set."
—Ed.

=* French, " Quant a moy, pour dire la verite, je le prends comrae s'il estoit
parle de Dieu ou du peuple d'Israel, plutost que de celuy qui a escrit I'his-
toire ;" " For my part, to tell the truth, I understand it as if it were spoken
of God, or of the people of Israel, rather than of him who wrote the
history." The view here adopted as to the meaning of Jasher has the
sanction of many expositors of eminence, both ancient and modern, who
consider it to have been some record in which an account of the leading
events in the history of the cliosen people was regularly inserted, and
which might thus come to be commonly spoken of as the Book of the
Just, very much in the same way as we are accustomed to speak of the
Book of Worthies, the Book of Martyrs, &c. The only other allusion to
the Book of Jasher is in 2 Sara. i. 18, where it is referred to as containing,
or at least in connection with David's lament over Saul and Jonathan.
Founding on this reference, De Wette and other rationalists argue that the
Book of Joshua is not of the early date usually ascribed to it, and must
have been written after the time of David. This argument assumes that
Jasher is the name of an author living in the time, or subsequently to the

CHAP. X. 14. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 155

14. And there was no day like that, &c. We read in
Isaiah and in the Sacred History, that the course of the sun
was afterwards changed as a favour to King Hezekiah. (Is.
xxxviii. 5-8.) For to assure him that his life was still to be
prolonged fifteen years, the shadow of the sun was carried
back over ten degrees on which it had gone down. It is not,
therefore, absolutely denied that anything similar had ever
been conceded to any other person, but the miracle is ex-
tolled as singular. The rendering of the word UDK^, by
obeyed, as adopted by some, I reject as too harsh. For
although it is said in the Psalm, that the Lord does accord-
ing to the desire of his servants, which may be held to be
equivalent to obeying, it is better to avoid anything which
seems to give a subordinate office to God.^ Simply, there-
fore, tlie excellence of the miracle is praised, as nothing like
it had been seen before or had liappened after. The second
clause of the verse celebrates the kindness and conde-
scension of God in hearing Joshua, as well as his pater-
nal favour towards the people, for whom he is said to have
fought.

15. And Joshua returned, and all 15. Reversus autem est Josue et
Israel with him, unto the camp to universus Israel cum eo ad castra in
Gilgal. Gil-al.

16. But these five kings fled, and 16. Fugerant vero ipsi reges, et
hid themselves in a cave at Makke- absconderant se in spelunca in Ma-
dah. keda.

17. And it was told Joshua, say- 17. Et nuntiatum est Josue his
ing, The five kings are found hid in verbis, Inventi sunt quinque reges
a cave at INIakkcdah. absconditi in spelunca in Makeda.

18. And Joshua said, Roll great 18. Tunc dixit Josue, Devolvite
stones upon the mouth of the cave, saxa magna ad os speluncse, et con-
and set men by it for to keep them ; stituite juxta earn viros ut custodi-

ant eos.

19. And stay ye not, hut pursue 19. Vos autem persequimini'
after your enemies, and smite the inimicos vestros, et caudam eorum
hindmost of them ; suffer them not csedite, nee sinatis eos ingredi urbes

time, of David, and, but for this assumption, for which no good grounds
are shewn, is utterly destitute of plausibility. — Ed.

' French, " Neantmoins si est-ce meilleur d'eviter toujours toutesfa^ons
de parler derogantes a la majcste de Dieu, comnie s'il estoit question de la
ranger;" "JSevertheless it is better to avoid all modes of speaking deroga-
tory to the majesty of God, as if it were intended to make him subordi-
nate."— Ed.

' The words "stay ye not," contained in the original, and in the Septua-
gint, the English, and other versions, are omitted in Calvin's Latin —£rf.

156

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. X.

to enter into their cities : for the Lord
your God hath deUvered them into
your hand.

20. And it came to pass, when
Joshua and the children of Israel
had made an end of slaying them
with a very great slaughter, till they
were consumed, that the rest which
remained of them entered into fenced
cities.

21. And all the people returned
to the camp to Joshua at Makke-
dali in peace : none moved his
tongue against any of the children
of Israel.

22. Then said Joshua, Open the
mouth of the cave, and bring out
those five Idngs unto me out of the
cave.

23. And they did so, and brought
forth those five kings unto him out
of the cave, the king of Jerusalem,
the king of Hebron, the king of
Jarmuth, the king of Lachish, and
the king of Eglon.

24. And it came to pass, when
they brought out those kings unto
Joshua, that Joshua called for all
the men of Israel, and said vmto the
captains of the men of war which
went with him, Come near, put your
feet upon the necks of these kings.
And they came near, and put their
feet upon the necks of them.

25. And Joshua said unto them,
Fear not, nor be dismayed ; be
strong, and of good courage : for
thus shall the Lord do to all your
enemies against whom ye fight.

2fi. And afterward Joshua smote
them, and slew them, and hanged
them on five trees : and they were
hanging upon the trees until the
evening.

27. And it came to pass at the
time of the going down of the sun,
that Joshua commanded, and they
took them down off the trees, and
cast them into the cave wherein
they had been hid, and laid great
stones in the cave's mouth, which
remain until this very day.

28. And that day Joshua took
Makkedah, and smote it with the
edge of the sword, and the king

suas : f radidit enim eos Jehova Deus
vester in nianum vestram.

20. Quum autem finem fecisset
Josue, et filii Israel percutiendi plaga
magna valde, donee consumerentur,
et superstites qui evaserant ex ipsis
ingressi esseut urbes munitas.

21 . Reversi sunt universus popu-
lus ad castra ad Josue in Makeda
in pace : non movit contra filios Is-
rael quisquam hnguam suam.

22. Tunc dixit Josue, Aperite os
speluncje, et adducite ad me quin-
que illos reges de spelunca.

23. Atque ita fecerunt, nempe
adduxerunt ad eum quinque illos
reges de spelunca, I'egem Jerusalem,
regem Hebron, regem Jarmuth, re-
gem Lachis, regem Eglon.

24 . Quumque eduxi ssent quinque
reges illos ad Josue, vocavit Josue
omnes viros Israel, dixitque ducibiis
virorum bellatorum, qui profecti
erant secum, Accedite, ponite pedes
vestros super coUa regum istorum.
Et accesserunt, posueruntque pedes
suos super colla ipsoruni.

25. Tunc dixit ad eos Josue, Ne
timeatis, et ne paveatis, fortes estote,
et roborate vos : sic enim faciet Je-
hova omnibus inimicis vestris contra
quos pugnatis.

26. Posthfec percussit eos Josue,
et interfecit eos, et suspendit in quin-
que lignis, fueruntque suspensi in
lignis usque ad vesperum.

27. Fuit prseterea tempore quo
occumbit sol prseccpit Josue, et de-
posuerunt eos e lignis, projecerunt-
que eos in speluncam in qua se
abscond erant, et posuerunt lapides
magnos ad os speluncje usque in
hunc diem.

28. Makedam vero cepit Josue
eo die, et percussit cam acie gladii,
et regem ejus occidit una cum illis.

CHAP. X. 18. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 157

thereof he utterly destroyed, them, et niiUam anhnam quse esset m ea

and all the souls that icere therein ; reliquit superstiteni, fecitque regi

he let none remain: and he did to Makeda quemadmodum feceratregi

the king of Makkedah as he did Jericho,
unto the king of Jericho.

15. And Joshua returned, &c. This verse is not inserted
in its proper pUice,^ for sliortlj after the end of the battle is
added, and the punishment inflicted on the kings, which was
subsequent to the battle. We are then told of the encamp-
ment in Makkedah, and at last, in the end of the chapter,
the return to Gilgal, which was introduced at the beginning
without regard to the order of time, is repeated. Hence
the narrative of the flight and concealment of the kings is
connected with the former transactions. For having been
informed during the heat of the battle that they were hiding
in a cave, Joshua, fearing that if he were to set about cap-
turing them, the others might escape, prudently contented
himself with ordering the mouth of the cave to be blocked
up with large stones, and setting sentinels over them, that
being thus shut up, as it were in prison, they might at a fit
time be brought forth and put to death. Hence, too, it
appears that the army of the enemy was very large, because
although the Israelites pressed closely upon them in their
flight, and the sun himself gave an additional period for
slaying them, it was impossible, notwithstanding, to prevent
numbers of them from escaping into fortified cities. The
divine assistance aflbrded to the Israelites was, however,
sufficiently attested by the fact that they continued till they
were wearied slaying at will all whom they met, and then
returned safe. For the expression, that no one dared to move
the tongue, implies that the Israelites gained a bloodless
victory,^ as if they had gone forth not to fight, but merely
to slay.

J8. And Joshua said, Roll, &c. The enemy having been
completely routed, Joshua is now free, and, as it were, at
leisure, to inflict punishment on the kings. In considering

^ It is altogether omitted in the Septuagint. — Ed.

- " A bloodless victory." Latin, " Incruenta -victoria." French, " De
la part des Israelites ils ont acquis la victoire sans qu'il leiur ait couste la
vie d'un seul homme ;" " On the part of the Israehtes they gained the vic-
tory without its having cost them the Hfe of a single man." — Ed.

158 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 18.

this, the divine command must al\va3's be kept in view.
But for this it would argue boundless arrogance and barbar-
ous atrocity to trample on the necks of kings, and hang up
their dead bodies on gibbets. It is certain that they had
lately been raised by divine agency to a sacred dignity, and
placed on a royal throne. It Avould therefore have been
contrary to the feelings of humanity to exult in their igno-
miny, had not God so ordered it. But as such was his
pleasure, it behoves us to acquiesce in his decision, without
presuming to inquire why he was so severe.

At the same time, we must recollect, as I formerly hinted,
first, that all from the least even to the greatest were deserv-
ing of death, because their iniquity had reached the highest
pitch, and the kings, as more criminal than the others,
deserved severer punishment ; and secondly, that it was
expedient to give an example of inexorable rigour in the
person of the kings, whom the people, from a perverse affec-
tation of clemency, might have been too much disposed to
pardon. It was the will of God that all should be destroyed,
and he had imposed the execution of this sentence on his
people. Had he not stimulated them strongly to the joer-
formance of it, they might have found specious pretexts for
giving pardon. But a mercy which impairs the authority of
God at the will of man, is detestable.'^ Now, however, when
regal honour is not spared, all handle for humanity to the
plebeians and common vulgar is cut off.

By this instance, the Lord shews us the great interest he
takes in his elect people ; for it was an instance of rare con-
descension to place kings under their feet, and allow them
to insult over their dignity, as if they had been petty rob-
bers ; as it is said in the Psalm, A two-edged sword is in
their hand to execute vengeance on the nations, to bind
their kings with fetters, and their nobles with chains of
iron; to execute the judgment written: this honour have
all the saints. (Ps. cxlix. 6-9.) That fearful sight had at

' French, " Or c'este ime misericorde qui merite d'estre detestee, quand
elle derogue a I'authorite de Dieu, et qu'clle la deniinue selon qu'il semble
bon aux hommes ;" " Now it is a mercy wliicli deserves to be detested,
when it derogates from the authority of God, and le.ssens it according as it
seems good to men." — Ed.

CHAP. X. 25. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 159

the same time the effect of striking terror, so as to prevent
the Israelites from imitating the manners of nations whose
crimes they had seen so severely punished. Accordingly,
we repeatedly meet in the books of Moses with this warning,
You have seen how God took vengeance on the nations who
were in the land of Canaan before you. Beware, therefore,
of provoking the wrath of your God by their perverse doings.
In one word, that God might be worshipped with greater
sanctity, he ordered the land to be purged of all pollutions,
and as the inhabitants liad been excessively wicked, he willed
that his curse should rest upon them in a new and unwonted
manner.

25. And Joshua said unto them, Fear not, &c. Joshua
now triumphs in the persons of the five kings over all the
others who remained. For he exhorts his own people to con-
fidence, just as if those who still stood unsubdued were
actually prostrate under their feet. Hence we gather, that
by the trampling down of a few, the whole people were so
elated, that they looked down with contempt on all the
others, as if they were already overthrown. And, certainly,
we have here a brighter display of the divine power, which
could thus inspire confidence for the future.

It is to be observed, however, that the kings were hung-
up, not for the purpose of exercising greater severity upon
them, but merely by way of ignominy, as they were alread}"-
slain. It was expedient that this memorable act of divine
vengeance should be openly displayed in the view of all.
Perhaps, also, it was the divine purpose to infuriate the
other nations by despair, and drive them to madness, that
they might bring down swifter destruction on themselves,
whetting the wrath of the Israelites by their obstinacy.
The same ignominy is inflicted on the king of Makkedah,
though he had not led out his forces, and a similar destruc-
tion is executed on the whole people, who had kept quiet
within their walls.^ It is probable, indeed, that they had
made some hostile attempt, but the special reason was, that

' French, " Tout le peuple qui n'estoit point sorti de la ville n'en a pas
eut meilleur conte ;" " All the people who had not come out from the town
did not get easier off." — Ed.

160

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. X. 25.

God had jaassed the same sentence upon all. Why the dead
bodies were thrown into the cave at evening, I have elsewhere
explained. Moreover, this whole history holds up to us as
in a mirror, how, when the Lord is seated on his tribunal,
all worldly splendour vanishes before him, and the glory of
those who seemed to excel is turned by his judgment into
the greatest disgrace.

29. Then Joshua passed from
Makkedah, and all Israel with him,
unto Libnah, and fought against
Libnah :

30. And the Lord delivered it
also, and the king thereof, into the
hand of Israel ; and he smote it
Avith the edge of the sword, and all
the souls that were therein : he let
none remain in it ; but did unto the
king thereof as he did unto the king
of Jericho.

31. And Joshua passed from Lib-
nah, and all Israel with him, unto
Laehish, and encamped against it,
and fought against it :

32. And the Lord delivered La-
ehish into the hand of Israel, which
took it on the second day, and smote
it with the edge of the sword, and
all the souls that were therein, ac-
cording to all that he had done to
Libnah.

33. Then Horam king of Gezer
came up to help Laehish ; and Jo-
shua smote him and his people, un-
til he had left him none remaining.

34. And from Laehish Joshua
passed unto Eglon, and all Israel
with him ; and they encamped against
it, and fought against it :

35. And they took it on that day,
and smote it with the edge of the
sword; and all the souls that xioere
therein he utterly destroyed that
day, according to all that he had
done to Laehish.

36. And Joshua went up from
Eglon, and all Israel with him,mito
Hebron ; and they fought against it :

37. And they took it, and smote
it with the edge of the sword, and
the king thereof, and all tlie cities
thereof, and all the souls that were

29. Transivit deinde Josue et
universus Israel cum eo de Makeda
in Libna, et oppugnavit Libna.

SO. Tradiditque Jehova illam
etiam in manum Israel, et regem ejus,
et pcrcussit cam acie gladii, omnem-
que animam quaj erat in ea : non re-
liquit in ea superstitem, fecitque
regi ejus qiiemadmodum fecerat regi
Jericho.

31 . Postea transivit Josue, et imi-
versus Israel cum eo de Libna in
Lachis, et castrametatus est juxta
earn, et oppugnavit earn.

32. Deditque Jehova Lachis in
manum Israel, et cepit earn die se-
cunda, et percussit eam acie gladii,
oninemque animam quae erat in ea
prorsus ut fecerat Libna.

33. Ascendit autem Horam rex
Geser ad openi ferendam Lachis, et
percussit eum Josue ac populum
ejus, ut non reliquerit ei superstitem.

34. Tranhivit insuper Josue et
universus Israel cum eo de Lachis
in Eglon, et castrametati sunt con-
tra eam, et oppugnaverunt eam.

35. Ceperuntque eam die iUo, et
percusserunt acie gladii, et omnem
animam qute illic erat, die ilia inter-
fecit prorsus ut fecerat Lachis.

36. Ascendit postea Josue et uni-
versus Israel cum eo ab Eglon in
Hebron, et oppugnaverunt eam.

37. Et ceperunt eam, et percus-
serunt acie gladii, et regem ejus, et
omnia oppida ejus, atque omnem
animam quai illic erat : non reliquit

CHAP. X, 29.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

161

therein ; he left none remaining,
according to all that he had done to
Eglon, but destroyed it utterly, and
all tlie souls that tccre therein.

38. And Joshua returned, and all
Israel with him, to Debir, and fought
against it :

39. And he took it, and the king
thereof, and all the cities thereof,
and they smote them with the edge
of the sword, and utterly destroyed
all the souls that were therein ; he
left none remaining : as he had done
to Hebron, so he did to Debir, and
to the king thereof ; as he had done
also to Libnah, and to her king.

40. So Joshua smote all the
country of the liills, and of the
south, and of the vale, and of the
springs, and all their kings : he left
none remaining, but utterly de-
stroyed all that breathed, as the
Lord God of Israel commanded.

41. And Joshua smote them from
Kadesh-barnea even unto Gaza, and
all the country of Goshen, even unto
Gibeon.

42. And all these kings, and their
land, did Joshua take at one time,
because the Lord God of Israel
fought for Israel.

43. And Joshua returned, and all
Israel with him, unto the camp to
Gilgal.

superstitem prorsus ut fecerat Eg-
lon. Perdidit ergo eam atque om-
nem animam quse illic erat.

38. Postea reversus est Josue, et
universus Israel cum. eo in Debir, et
oppugnavit eam.

39. Et ceperunt eam, et percus-
serunt acie gladii, et regem ejus, et
omnia oppida ejus, percusseruntque
eos acie gladii, atque interfecerimt
omnem animam quae illic erat. Non
reliquit superstitem, quemadmodum
fecerat Hebron, sic fecit Debir, et
regi ejus : et quemadmodum fecerat
Libna, et regi ejus.

40. Percussit itaque Josue om-
nem terram montanam, et meridia-
nam, et campestrem, descensus ac-
clives, et omnes reges earum : non
reliquit superstitem : et omnem
animam interfecit, quemadmodum
prfeceperat Jehova Deus Israel.

41. Percussit itaque Josue a Ca-
des Barne usque ad Asa, et univer-
sam terram Gosen usque ad Gibeon.

42. Cunctos vero reges istos, et
terram eorum cepit Josue simul:
quia Jehova Deus Israelis pugnabat
pro Israele.

43. Inde reversus est Josue et
universus Israel cum eo in castra in
Gilgal.

29. Then Joshua passed, &c. We have now a descriiDtion
of the taking of the cities, out of whicli the army of the
enemy had been raised ; and herein God displayed his
power no less wonderfully than in the open field, especially
when the rapidity is considered. For although those who
had fled hither in trepidation might have produced some
degree of panic, still, when the fear was allayed, they might
be useful for defence.^ The garrison had been increased by
their numbers. When, therefore, in a short period of time,
Joshua takes all the cities, and gains possession of the
smaller towns, the presence of God was conspicuously mani-
fested in a success no less incredible than unexpected. For

' French, " lis pourroyent servir de defense pour garder les villes ;"
" They might serve for defence to guard the towns." — Ed.

L

162 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 29.

had they, when attacked, only sliut their gates, as Joshua
had not brought either ladders by which he might scale the
walls, or engines by which he might throw them down, each
siege might have been attended with considerable fatigue
and delay. Therefore, when he takes one tlie following day,
and another the very day after attacking it, these continued,
easy, and rapid victories, are evidently beyond human agency
Not without cause, then, in the end of the chapter, is the
goodness of God expressly celebrated, as it had been made
manifest that he was fighting for Israel, when Joshua at
once took and vanquished so many kings, with their terri-
tories. Indeed, he could never, even in a course of inspec-
tion, have passed so quickly from city to city, had not a pas-
sage been divinely opened by the removal of obstacles. The
miracle was increased when the king of Geser, who had
come to the help of others, doubtless with full confidence in
the result, was suddenly put to rout, almost without an
effort, and did not even delay the advance of the Israelites.
Those who were slain in the cities represent, as in a miiror,
those whose punishment the Almighty holds suspended,
while he actually takes vengeance on others. For though
they plume themselves on the reprieve thus afforded them,
their condition is worse than if they were immediately
dragged to death.^ It looks as if it would have been a dire
calamity to fall in the field of battle ; and making their
escape, they seek safety within their walls. But what
awaited them there was much more dreadful. Their wives
and their children are butchered in their sight, and their
own death is more ignominious than if they had perished
sword in hand. Hence there is no reason to envy the repro-
bate the short time which the Lord sometimes grants them,
because when they have begun to promise themselves safety,
sudden destruction will come upon them. (2 Thess. v. 8.)
Meanwhile, let us learn not to abuse the patience of God
when ho defers to execute his judgment, and, instead of in-
dulging in self-complacency when we seem to have been

' Latin, " Quam si mox ad mortem traherentur." French, " Que s'ils
estoyent depeschez soudainement sur le champ;" "Than if they were de-
spatched suddenly on the spot." — Ed.

CHAP. X. 4-0. COMMENfARY ON JOSHUA. 163

delivered from any danger, or wlien means of escape from it
present themselves, let us reflect on the words of Jeremiah,
(Jer. xxiv. 2,) that while the basket of early figs^ had at
least some savour, the other was so sour that they could not
be eaten.

40. So Joshua smote all the country, &c. Here the divine
authority is again interposed in order completely to acquit
Joshua of any charge of cruelty. Had he proceeded of his
own accord to commit an indiscriminate massacre of women
and children, no excuse could have exculpated him from
the guilt of detestable cruelty, cruelty surpassing anything
of which we read as having been perpetrated by savage tribes
scarcely raised above the level of the brutes. But that at
which all would otherwise be justly horrified, it becomes
them to embrace with reverence, as proceeding from God.
Clemency is justly praised as one of the principal virtues ;
but it is the clemency of those who moderate their wrath
when they have been injured, and when they would have
been justified, as individuals, in shedding blood. But as
God had destined the swords of his people for the slaughter
of the Amorites, Joshua could do nothing else than obej" his
command.

By this fact, then, not only are all mouths stopped, but
all minds also are restrained from i^resuming to pass censure.
When any one hears it said that Joshua slew all who came
in his way without distinction, although they thiew down
their arms and suppliantly begged for mercy, the calmest
minds are aroused by the bare and simple statement, but
when it is added, that so God had commanded, there is no
more ground for obloquy against him, than there is against
those who pronounce sentence on ciiminals. Though, in our
judgment at least, the children and many of the women also
were without blame, let us remember that the judgment-seat
of heaven is not subject to our laws. Kny, rather when we
see how the green plants are thus burned, let us, who are
dry wood, fear a heavier judgment for ourselves. And cer-
tainly, any man who will thoroughly examine liimself, will

' Latin, " Ficus prcccoces." French, " Lcs figucs hastives ;"' "Preco-
cious i'igs, or figs too hastily ripened."— iiJ'/.

164 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 40.

find that lie is deserving of a hundred deaths. Why, then,
should not the Lord perceive just ground for one death in
any infant which has only passed from its mother's womb ?
In vain shall we murmur or make noisy complaint, that he
has doomed the whole offspring of an accursed race to the
same destruction ; the potter will nevertheless have absolute
power over his own vessels, or rather over his own clay.^

The last verse ^ confirms the observation already made,
that the fixed station of the whole people was in Gilgal ;
and that the soldiers who had gone out to war, returned
thither, both that they might rest from their fatigues, and
place their booty in safety. It would not have been proper
to allow them to be more widely scattered till the casting of
the lot had shewn where each was to have his permanent
abode.

CHAPTER XI.

1. And it came to pass, when Ja- 1. Quum autem Jabim rex Ha-
bin kinf^ of Hazor had heard those sor, niisit ad Jobab regem Madam,
^/u'^f/s, that he sent to Jobab king of et ad regem Simeron, et ad regem
Madon, and to the king of Shimron, Achsaph,

and to the king of Achshaph,

2. And to tlie kings that ivere on 2. Ad reges qiioque qui habita-
the north of the mountains, and of bant ab aquilone in montanis, et
the plains south of Chinneroth, and in planitie ad meridiem Cineroth,
in the valley, and in the borders of et in planitie in Naphoth-Dor ab
Dor on the west; occidente.

3. Jjtd to the Canaanite on the 3. Ad Chananjeum ab oriente et
east and on the west, and to the occidente, et Amorrhfeum, et Hit-
Amorite, and the Hittite, and the tha?um, et Pherisseuni, et Jelmsseum
Perizzite, and the Jebusite in the in montanis, et Hivffium sub lier-
mountains, and to the Hivite under mon in terra Mispath.

Hermon in the land of Mizpeh.

4. And they went out, they and 4. Et egressi sunt ipsi, et omnes
all their hosts Avith them, much exercitus eorum cum ipsis, populus
people, even as the sand that is upon multus tanquam arena qure est juxta
the sea-shore in multitude, with littus maris, prte multitudine, et
horses and chariots very many. cqui, et currus multi valde.

5. And when all these kings were 5. Congregati sunt omnes reges
met together, they came and pitched isti, et venientes castrametati sunt
together at the waters of Meroni, to pariter ad aquas Merom, ut pugna-
fight against Israel. rent cum Israele.

' French, " Car cela n'empeschera point que le potier n'ait puissance de
faire de ses pots tout ce qu'il luy plaira ;" " For that will not hinder the
potter from having power to make of his pots whatever he pleases." — Ed.

" This verse is also omitted by the Septuagint. — Ed.

CHAP. XL

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

165

6. And the Lord said unto Jo-
shua, Be not afraid because of
them ; for to-morrow, about this
time, Avill I dehver tliem up all slain
before Israel : thou shalt hough
their horses, and burn their chariots
with fire.

7. So Joshua came, and all the
people of war with him, against
them by the waters of Merom sud-
denly, and they fell upon them.

8. And the Lord delivered them
into the hand of Israel, who smote
them, and chased them unto great
Zidon, and unto Misrephoth-maim,
and unto the valley of Mizpeh east-
ward ; and they smote them, until
they left them none remaining.

9. And Joshua did unto them as
the Lord bade him : he houghed
their horses, and burnt their cha-
riots with fire.

10. And Joshua at that time
turned back, and took Hazor, and
smote the king thereof with the
sword : for Hazor beforetime was
the head of all those kingdoms.

n. And they smote all the souls
that were therein with the edge of
the sword, utterly destroying them, ;
there was not any left to breathe :
and he biu-nt Hazor with fire.

12. And all the cities of those
kings, and all the kings of them, did
Joshua take, and smote them with
the edge of the sword ; and he ut-
terly destroyed them, as Moses, the
servant of the Lord, commanded.

13. But as for the cities that
stood still in their strength, Israel
burned noiie of them, save Hazor
only; t/>at did Joshua burn.

14. And all the spoil of these
cities, and the cattle, the children
of Israel took for a prey unto them-
selves ; but every man they smote
with the edge of the sword, until
they had destroyed them, neither
left they any to breathe.

15. As the Lord commanded
Moses his sers'ant, so did Moses
command Joshua, and so did Jo-
shua : he left nothing undone of all
that the Lord commanded Moses,

6. Dixit autem Jehova ad Josuam,
Ne timeas a facie eorum : eras enim
hoc tempore tradam omnes istos
occisos coram Israele, equos eorum
subnervabis, et currus eorum com-
bures igni.

7. Venit itaque Josue, etcimctus
populus bellator cum eo adversus
ipsos ad aquam Merom repente, et
irrucrunt in eos.

8. Et tradidit eos Jehova in ma-
nura Israelis, percusseruntque eos,
et persequuti sunt usque ad Sido-
nem magnam, et usque ad fervores
aquarum, et usque ad campum
Mispe ad orientem : ac percusse-
runt eos donee non reliquerit eis
superstitem.

9. Feci! que eis Josue quemad-
modum dixerat eis Jehova, equos
eorum subnervavit, et currus eorum
conibussit igni.

10. Et reversus Josue eodem
tempore cepit Hasor, et regem ejus
percussit gladio, Hasor enim antea
fuerat caput omnium istorum reg-
norum.

1 1 . Percussenmt quoque omnem
animam quse illic erat, acie gladii
perdendo : non remansit ulla anima :
et Hasor combussit igni.

12. Omnes urbes regum istorum,
et universos reges earum cepit Jo-
sue, percussitque eos acie gladii,
perdendo eos sicuti prseceperat Mo-
ses servus Jehovte.

13. Tantummodo omnes urbes
qnre manebant in statu sue non
combussit Israel, prjeter Hasor so-
lani qixam combussit Josue.

14. Et onmia spolia urbium ista-
rum, et jumenta prsedati sunt sibi
fiUi Israel : veruntamen omnes ho-
mines percusserunt acie gladii quous-
que perderent eos : non reliquerunt
ullam animam.

15. Quemadmodum prfeceperat
Jehova Mosi servo suo : sic prjecepit
i\Ioses Josue, et Josue sic fecit, ut
non omitteret quidquam ex omni-
bus qufe prfeceperat Jehova Mosi.

166 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 1.

1. And it came to pass when Jabin, &c. In this new
league also we have a bright manifestation of the more than
paternal care of God, in warding off dangers from his people,
and also in assisting their weakness by kindness and in-
dulgence. Had Jabin, with the confederates of whom men-
tion is now made, openly declared himself the ally of the
neighbouring kings, a much more formidable war would have
broken out against the Israelites, and greater solicitude and
anxiety must have seized their minds. It would, indeed,
have been easy for the Lord, as well to put all their forces
at once to the rout, as to dissipate all fear and dread of
them. He was unwilling, however, to press beyond measure
his own people, who were otherwise feeble, lest the excessive
numbers of the enemy should strike them with terror, and
drive them to despair. He therefore kept the many nations,
whose interest it was to have rushed hastily to arms, in a
state of lethargy and amazement, until the chosen people
had been animated b}' signal victories, to carry on the wars
which still remained. They pillage and devastate a large
territory, and leave it destitute of inhabitants and stript of
resources. None of the neighbouring powers, who were
afterwards to act on the offensive, makes the least move-
ment. The Israelites revisit their wives and children in
safety. When they had gathered courage, and were ready
for a new war, suddenly a very large army appears, composed
of different nations, who had hitherto, by remaining quiet,
furnished opportunity for victory. Their coming thus for-
ward at a later period, was the same as if they had entered
into a truce. Thus God not only fought for his chosen people,
but by dividing the enemy, increased their strength manifold.

How formidable must the onset have been, had not the
Israelites been gradually trained to confidence in battle, and
at the same time experienced the manifest assistance of
God ? First, their numbers are compared to the sand of
the sea, and then they have horses and chariots. As the
Israelites were altogether destitute of cavalry, it is strange
that they were not teri'ified at this array. Therefore they
were gradually brought forward till they were able to bear it.
For, in their former battles, he had only exercised them bv

CHAT. XI. 6. CUMMENTAIIY ON JOSHUA. 167

a kind of pleasing preludes.^ It may be added, that the
Lord had, by several victories, ever and anon borne testi-
mony to his power, that they might not think more lightly
of it than was meet. Had all their enemies been routed at
once, they might, indeed, have magnificently celebrated the
praises of God, but they might also have easily lost the re-
membrance of them. It was necessary, therefore, that
repeated proofs distinct and apart from each other, should
be held forth to tlieir view, lest they might attribute one
victory to a stroke of fortune.

6. And the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. The greater the
labour and difficulty of destroying an army, so numerous
and so well equipped, the more necessary was it to inspire
them with new confidence. The Lord, therefore, appears to
his servant Joshua, and promises the same success as he had
previously given him on several occasions. It is to be carefully
observed, tliat as often as he reiterates his jiromises men are
reminded of their forgetfulness, or their sloth, or their fickle-
ness. For unless new nourishment is every now and then
given to faith, they forthwith faint and fall away.^ And
yet sucli is our perverse fastidiousness, that to hear the same
thing twice is usually felt to be irksome. Wherefore let us
learn, as often as we are called to engage in new contests, to
recall the remembrance of the divine promises, which may
correct our languor, or rouse us from our sloth. And espe-
cially let us make an application of that which is hero said
in general, to our daily practice ; as the Lord now intimates,
that that which he had declared concerning all nations would
be specially sure and stable on the present occasion.

We infer from the account of the time employed, that these
kings had marched a considerable distance, in order to attack
Joshua and the people in Gilgal. For immediately after the
divine intimation, mention is made of the expedition used
by Joshua.^ He is promised tlie victory on the following

' Latin, " Jucundis prffiludiis." French, " Escamiouches plaisantes ;"
" Pleasing skirmishes." — Ed.

' French, " EUe secoule et evanouist ; " It" (faith) " melts and vanishes."
— Ed.

* Latin, " Oraculo enim subnectitm" expeditio Josue." French, " Car
I'expedition de Josue est conjointe avec Tavertissement que Dieu luy

168 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XL 6.

day. Hence they were not far distant. And the lake of
Merom, where they had pitched their camp, is contiguous to
the Jordan, and much nearer to Gilgal than Gennesaret, from
which district some of the enemy had come.^ It is said that
this lake diminishes or increases according to the freezing of
the snow on the mountains, or to its melting. Moreover, the

donne;" "For the expedition of Joshua is conjoined with the intimation
which God gives him." — Ed.

' Latin, " Et lacus Merom, ubicastra locaverant, qui Jordani contiguus
est, longe propius accedit ad Gilgal quam Gennesara ex cujus tractu pars
hostium profecta erat." French, " Et le lac de Merom ou ils s'estoyent
campez, qui est contigu au Jourdain, approche beaucoup plus pres de Gil-
gal que ne fait Genesara, du rivage duquel une partie des ennemis s'estoit
levee ;" " And the lake of Merom, where they had encamped, which is
contiguous to the Jordan, approaches much nearer to Gilgal than Gennesa-
ret does, on the shores of which a part of the enemy had been raised."
The geographical details here given, and more especially those relating to
the lake of Merom, are both defective and inaccurate. The impression
left by the Commentary is, that after the kings, composing this formidable
league, had united their forces, they began to march southwards, and had
arrived within a moderate distance of Gilgal, where they probably expected
to come suddenly on Joshua, and take him by surprise. Meanwhile they
encamped by the lake of Merom, and Joshua having, in consequence of a
divine intimation, set out hastily with his army, gives them the surprise
which they expected to have given him. According to this view, the lake
of Merom was comparatively near to Gilgal, and hence this is distinctly
asserted in the Latin and French quotation which commences this note.
The French says plainly, that there was a shorter distance to Gilgal from
the lake of Merom than from that of Gennesaret. And the Latin, though
not free from ambiguity, says, either the same thing or something still
more inacurate, namely, that the lake of Merom was nearer to Gilgal
than to the lake of Gennesaret. On the contrary, it is now well known,
that the lake of Merom, the modern El Hule, is situated ten miles to
the north of the lake of Gennesaret, and consequently is exactly that
number of miles farther from Gilgal than the lake of Gennesaret is, the
distances of the lakes from Gilgal being respectively, for Merom, about
seventy-five, and for Gennesaret sixty-five miles. Such being the fact, it
is obvious that Joshua could not have been at Gilgal when he was
honoured with a divine communication, promising him the victory on the
following day. The true state of the case seems to be, that after Joshua
had conquered the central and southern parts of the country, a nvmiber of
kings or chiefs, whose territories extended over the whole of the north of
the promised land, entered into a common league, and appointed the lake
of Merom as their place of rendezvous. Joshua, well informed of th.e
league, and alive to its formidable nature, did not wait to give the enemy
time to mature their schemes, or remain inert till they were actually
within a day's march of his camp, but set out with a determination to act
on the offensive, and with this view had advanced far to the north, into
the very heart of the enemy's country, a\ hen any fears which their formidable
array might have produced, either in himself or his army, were completely
removed by the assurance of speedy and signal success. — Ed.

CHAP. XI. 8. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 169

command given to Joshua and tlie people, to cut the legs or
thighs of the liorses, and to burn the chariots, was undoubt-
edly intended to prevent them from adopting those more
studied modes of warfare which were in use among profane
nations. It was indeed necessary that they should serve as
soldiers, and fight strenuously with the enemy, but still they
were to depend only on the Lord, to consider themselves
strong only in his might, and to recline on him alone.

This could scarcely have been the case, if they had been
provided with cavalry, and an array of chariots. For we
know how such showy equipment dazzles the eye, and in-
toxicates the mind with overweening confidence. Moreover,
a law had been enacted, (Deut. xvii. 16,) that their kings
were not to provide themselves with horses and chariots,
obviously because they would have been extremely apt to
ascribe to their own military discipline that which God
claimed for himself. Hence the common saying, (Psalm xx.
7,) " Some trust in chariots and some in horses, but we will
remember the name of the Lord our Grod," God wished to
deprive them of all stimulants to audacity, in order that
they might live quietly contented with their own limits,
and not unjustly attack their neighbours. And experience
shewed, that when a bad ambition had impelled their kings
to buy horses, they engaged in wars not less rashly than un-
successfully. It was necessary, therefore, to render the
horses useless for war, by cutting their sinews, and to
destroy the chariots, in order that the Israelites might not
become accustomed to the practices of the heathen.

8. And the Lord delivered them, &c. The greatness of
the overthrow may be inferred from this, that the slaughter
continued as far as Sidon, which was far distant from the
lake of Merom. Sidon is called great, from its celebrity as a
commercial emporium and the great number of its inhabi-
tants. There is no comparison instituted between it and a
minor town of same name. The Hebrew noun Mozerephoth,
which some retain without change as a proper name, we have
preferred to translate " the boiling of the waters," because
it is probable that there were thermal springs there, which
boiled. Moreover, as the panic which hurried them away

170 COMMENTARY' ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XL 12.

into such a scattered fliglit, plainly shews that they were
di-iven headlong by the secret teiror of the Lord. So it is
certain that the Israelites who dared to follow the fugitives
through so many dangers were carried to a higher pitch of
valour than human by celestial agency.

Praise is bestowed on Joshua as well for his abstinence as
for his prompt obedience. Nor would he have submitted so
willingly to the loss of so many horses and chariots, had not
the fear of God overawed him. For such is our ingenuity
in devising pretexts, it would have been plausible to allege,
that though he could not fit them for military use, still their
value was by no means to be despised. But he tliought that
he had no riffht to take anvthing into consideration but the
pleasure of God. Then, as he had succeeded by his own
good conduct, in making the people willing and obedient, he,
as an individual, justly received the praise of what had been
performed generally by all.

12. And all the cities of those kings, &c. Having routed
the army, they began to plunder and lay waste the country,
and to take and demolish the towns. From its being said that
the cities which remained entire were not burned, it may be
inferred with some probability, that some were taken by foice
and assault, and so razed. Hazor, alone, after the siege was
over, and the heat of the struggle had cooled, was destroyed
by fire, because it had held forth the torch which enkindled
the war. But in accordance with the explanation already
given, it is repeatedly and more clearly stated in this passage,
that Joshua did not give loose reins to his passion, when he
slew all from the least to the greatest. For there is now a dis-
tinct statement of what had not yet been expressed, namely,
that Joshua faithfully performed his part, by fulfilling every-
thing which the Lord had enjoined by Moses. It is just as
if he had placed his hands at the disposal of God, when he
destroyed those nations according to his command. And so
ought we to hold that, though the whole world should
condemn us, it is sufficient to free us from all blame, that we
have the authority of God.^ Meanwhile, it becomes us pru-
' Latin, " Deum habere authorem." French, " Que nous ayons Dieu
pour garant et avitheur de cc que nous faisons ;" " That we have God as
guarantee and author for what we do." — Ed.

CHAF. XL 1 6.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

in

deiitly to consider, what each man's vocation requires, lest
any one, by giving license to his zeal, as wishing to imitate
Joshua, may be judged cruel and sanguinary, rather than a
strict servant of God.

16. So Joshua took all that land, the
hills, and all the south country, and all
the land of Goshen, and the valley, and
the plain, and the mountain of Israel,
and the valley of the same ;

17. Even from the mount Halak,
that goeth up to Seir, even unto Baal-
gad in the valley of Lebanon, under
moimt Hermon: and all their kings he
took, and smote them, and slew them.

IS. Joshua made war a long tiuie
with all those kings.

19. There '.vas not a city that made
peace with tlie children of Israel, save
the Hivites, the inh:ibitants of Gibeon :
all other they took in battle.

20. For it was of the Lord to harden
their hearts, that they should come
against Israel in battle, that he might
destroy them utterly, anri that they
might have no favour, but that he
might destroy them, as the Lord com-
manded ^Nloses.

21. And at that time came Joshua,
and cut ofi" the Anakims from the
mountains, fi-om Hebron, from Debir,
from A nab; and from all the mountains
of Judah, and from all the moun-
tains of Israel : Joshua destroyed them
uttely with their cities.

22. There was none of the Anakims
left in the land of the children of Israel :
only in Gaza, in Gath, and in Ashdod,
there remained.

23. So Joshua took the whole land,
according to all that the Lord said unto
Moses, and Joshua gave it for an in-
heritance unto Israel, according to their
divisions by their tribes. And the land
rested from war.

16. Et cepit Josue omnem ter-
ram istam montanam, et omnem
australem, omnemque Gosen et
planitiem atque campestria, mon-
temquoquelsraeletplanitiemejus.

17. A monte Lsvi qui assurgit
versus Seir usque ad Baalgad in
campo Libani sub monte Hermon:
omnes quoque reges eoruni cepit,
et percussit eos et interfecit.

18. Diebus multis gessit Josue
cum onmibus regibus istis helium.

19. Non fuit mrbs qu?e pacem
fecerit cum filiis Israel prseter
Hiv£eos habitatores Gibeon: om-
nes coeperunt prfelio.

20. Quia a Jehova fuit, ut
induraret cor eorum in occursum
belli cum Israel : ut deleret eos,
nee restaret illis misericordia : sed
ut disperderet eos, sicut prsece-
perat Jehova Mosi.

21. Venit autem Josue tempore
illo, et excidit Anakim e mon-
tanis : ex Hebron, ex Debir, ex
Anab, et ex omni monte Jehuda,
et ex omni monte Israel : una cum
urbibus eorum delevit eos Josue.

22. Xon remansit ex Anakim
in terra fiUorum Israel: tantum
in Gad et in Asdod residui fue-
runt.

23. Accepit itaque Josue totam
terram prorsus ut dixerat Jehova
IVIosi, et tradidit eam in hseredi-
tatem Israeli secundum divisiones
eorum per tribus suas : et terra
quievit a bello.

16. So Joshua took all that land, &c. In the uninterrupted
series of victories, when the land, of its own accord, spued
out its old inliabitants, to give free possession to the Israel-
ites, it was visibly manifest, as is said in the Psalm, (Ps.
xliv. 'S,) " They got not the laud in possession by their own

172 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 18.

sword, neither did tlieir own arm save them ; but thy right
hand, and thine arm, and the light of thy countenance,
because tliou hadst a favour unto them." Tlie design of
enumerating the places and districts is to let us know that
the work which God had begun he continued to carry on
without interrui:)tion. But it is a mistake to suppose, as
some do, that by the name Israel a certain mountain is
meant. For it will be plain, from the end of the chajjter,
(ver. 21,) that the term is applied indiscriminately to the
mountainous part of Israel and Judali. There is therefore
an enallage in the enumeration, because the mountains of
the ten tribes are tacitly compared with the mountains of
Judah. Accordingly, an antithesis is to be understood. In
the other mountain (ver. 17) the surname is ambiguous.
Some understand it to mean division, as if it had been cut
in two ;^ others to mean smooth, as it was destitute of trees,
just as a head is rendered smooth by baldness. As the point
is uncertain, and of little importance, the reader is at liberty
to make his choice.

18. Joshua made war a long time, &c. Before, he had in
a short time, and, as it were, with the swiftness of running,
seized possession of five kingdoms ; in the others the case
was different, not from hesitation, or weariness, or sloth, but
because the Lord exercised his people variously, that he
might give a brighter display of his manifold grace, which
usually loses its value in our eyes, if it is exhibited only in
one and the same way. Therefore, as the divine power had
formerly been signally manifested by incredible facility of
accomplishment, when the enemy were routed in an instant,
so a lingering warfare now furnished numerous proofs of
heavenly aid.^ Nor did this happen suddenly and unex-

' Latin, " Dissectus." French, " Conppee ou fendue ;" " Cut, or cleft."
—Ed.

^ According to Josephus, (Antiquit., v. 2.) the time Mhich Joshua spent
in his wars was five years ; others make it seven, and justify their estimate
by the following calculation: — In Joshua xiv. 7-10, Caleb says that he was
forty years old Mhen he was sent from Kadesh-Bamea to spy out the land,
and tliat since then to the present time (apparently that when the wars
had just terminated) forty-five years had elapsed. Of these forty-five years,
thirty-eight v.-ere spent in the desert, and consequently the remaining seven
constitute the whole period which had elapsed from the passage of the
Jordan up to the time when Caleb made his statement. — Ed.

CHAP. XI. 19. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 1 7-!>

pectedly ; for God had foretold by Moses that so it would
be, lest, if the land were at once converted into a desert, the
wild beasts might gain the ascendency. (Deut. vii. 22.) In
short, we here perceive, as in a mirror, that whatever the
Lord had promised by Moses was accomplished in reality,
and by no dubious event. But w^hile we recognise the
certainty of the promises of God, we ought also to medi-
tate on the favour confirmed towards his chosen people,
in that he acted as the provident head of a family, not
neglecting or omitting anything which tended to their ad-
vantage.

19. There ivas not a city that made peace, &c. This sen-
tence appears, at first sight, contradictory to what is every-
where said in the books of Moses, that the Israelites were
not to enter into any league with those nations, or make any
terms of peace with them, but, on the contrary, to destroy
them utterly, and wipe out their race and name. (Exod.
xxiii. 32 ; Deut. vii. 2.)i Seeing the nations were thus ex-
cluded from the means of making any paction, and would in
vain have made any proposals for peace, it seems absurd to
ascribe the destruction, which they had not even the means
of deprecating, to their obstinacy.

For, let us suppose that they had sent ambassadors before
them with olive branches in their hands, and had been
intent on pacific measures, Joshua would at once have
answered that he could not lawfully enter into any negotia-
tion, as the Lord had forbidden it. Wherefore, had they
made a hundred attempts to avoid war, they must, neverthe-
less, have perished. Why, then, are they blamed for not
having sought peace, as if they had not been driven by
necessity to fight, after they saw they had to do with an
implacable people ? But if it was not free to them to act
otherwise, it is unjust to lay any blame upon them when
they acted under compulsion in opposing the fury of their
enemy.

' The Septuagint, as if influenced by considerations similar to those here
mentioned, has evaded the apparent inconsistency, by rendering the 19th
verse as follows, " And there was not a city which Israel did not take :
they took aU in war." There is a various reading, however, which corre-
sponds almost verbatim with the common rendering. — Ed.

174 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 19.

To tills objection, I answer, that the Israelites, thougli
they were forbidden to shew them any mercy, were met in a
hostile manner, in order that the war might be just. And
it was wonderfully arranged by the secret providence of God,
that, being doomed to destruction, they should voluntarily
offer themselves to it, and by provoking the Israelites be the
cause of their own ruin. The Lord, therefore, besides order-
ing that pardon should be denied them, also incited them to
blind fury, that no room might be left for mercy. And it
behoved the people not to bo too wise or prying in this
matter. For while the Lord, on the one hand, interdicted
them from entering into any covenant, and, on the other,
was unwilling that they should take hostile measures without
being provoked, a too anxious discussion of the procedure
might have greatly unsettled their minds. Hence the only
way of freeing themselves from perplexity was to lay their
care on the bosom of God. And he in his incomprehensible
wisdom provided that when the time for action arrived, his
people should not be impeded in their course by any obstacle.
Thus the kings beyond the Jordan, as they had been the first
to take up arms, justly suffered the punishment of their
temerity. For the Israelites did not assail them with hostile
arms until they had been provoked. In the same way, also,
the citizens of Jericho, by having shut their gates, were the
first to declare war. The case is the same with the others,
who, by their obstinacy, furnished the Israelites with a
ground for prosecuting the war.

It now appears how perfectly consistent the two things
are. The Lord commanded Moses to destroy the nations
whom he had doomed to destruction ; and he accordingly
opened a way for his own decree when he hardened the re-
probate. In the first place, tiien, stands the will of God,
which must be regarded as the principal cause. For seeing
their iniquity had reached its height, he determined to
destroy them. This was the origin of the command given
to Moses, a command, however, which would have failed of
its effect had not the chosen people been armed to execute
the divine judgment, by the perverseness and obstinacy of
those who wei'e to be destroyed. God hardens them for this

CHAP. XI. 2o, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 1 7/5

veiy end, that tliey may shut themselves out from mercy.*
Hence that hardness is called liis work, because it secures
the accomplishment of his design. Should any attempt be
made to darken so clear a matter by those who imagine that
God only looks down from heaven to see what men will be
pleased to do, and who cannot bear to think that the hearts
of men are cui'bed b}" his secret agency, what else do tliey
display than their own presumption ? Tliey only allow God
a permissive power, and in this way make his counsel de-
pendent on the pleasure of men. But what saith the Sjiirit ?
That the hardening is from God, who thus precipitates those
whom he means to destroy.

21. And at that time came Joshua, &c. Of the sons of
Anak we have spoken elsewhere. They were a race of giants,
with the account of whose mighty stature the spies so ter-
rified the people, that they refused to proceed into the land
of Canaan. Therefore, seeing they Avere objects of so much
dread, it was of importance that they should be put out of
the way, and the people made more alert by their good hopes
of success. It would have been exceedingly injurious ^ to
keep objects which filled them with alarm and anxiety always
present before their minds, inasmuch as fear obscured the
glory ascribed to God for former victories, and overthrew
their faith, while they reflected that the most difficult of all
their contests still awaited them. Therefore, not M'ithout
cause is it mentioned among the other instances of divine
aid, that by purging the land of such monsters, it was ren-
dered a fit habitation for the people. The less credible it
seemed that they could be warred against with success, the
more illustriously was the divine power displayed.

23. So Joshua took the whole land,^ &c. Although it was

' French, " Dieu les endiircit, afin qu'ils se monstrent indigne de toute
pitie et compassion qu'on eust pen avoir d'eux ;" " God hardens them in
order that they may show themselves unworthy of all pity and compassion
which might have been felt for them." — Ud.

' Latin, "Pcrquam noxium," French, "Fort dangereuse ;" "Very
dangerous." — Ed.

' The Latin text of the 23d verse, beginning thus, "Accepit itaque
Josue totam terram prorsus ut dixerat Jehova Mosi;" "Joshua, therefore,
received the whole land entirely, as the Lord had said to Moses," removes
the apparent inaccuracy, but it is only by a sacrifice of the literal meaning,

176 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 23.

far from being true tliat Joshua had actually acquired the
whole land, yet he is truly said to have obtained it as God
had declared to Moses, the latter clause restricting the mean-
ing of the general sentence. For it had been expressly added
that the conquest which God had promised would be made
gradually, lest it should afterwards become necessary to war
with the ferocious wild beasts of the woods, if they pressed
forward into a desert waste. Therefore, we are at liberty to
say, that though the Lord had not yet placed his people in
possession of the promised land, yet he had virtually per-
formed what he had agreed to do, inasmuch as he gave a
commodious habitation, and one which was sufficient for the
present time. And the words used imply that other districts,
which had not yet come into their full and actual possession,
are included ; for it is said that that which they had acquired
was distributed according to families. And, in short, we
afterwards see in the division that the lands were divided
into lots which were not actually subdued by the people till
Joshua was dead, nay, till many ages after.^ The meaning
of the words, which is now plain, is simply this, that while
Joshua was still alive, a certain specimen of the promise was
exliibited, making him feel perfectly secure in dividing the
land by lot.^

which is perfectly rendered by the English version. " So (And) Joshua
took the whole land, according to all that the Lord said unto Moses."
This is certainly superior to the Latin, which endeavours to obtain by a
gloss that which the English equally well obtains by a literal rendering.
In the commentary, the words of the 23d verse, as quoted, are, Et cepit
Josue. This makes it not improbable that the Accepit of the text is only
a misprint for Et cepit. — Ed.

1 French, " Or en la division nous verrons puis apres, que les regions
qui furent assvijetties a I'empire du peuple apres la mort de Josue, voire
plusieurs siecles depuis, furent mises en sort pour voir a qui elles esclier-
royent ;" " Now, in the division, we shall afterwards see that the coun-
tries which were subjected to the dominion of the people after the death
of Joshua, nay, several ages after, were put into the lot, in order to see to
whom they should fall."

^ Latin, " Exhibitum fuisse certum specimen promissioiiis ut secure
licuerit terram sorte dividere." French, " La promesse fut tellement rati-
fiee, et si bien eprouvee par effect, qu'il leur fut loisible de diviser la terre
par sort ;" " The promise was so far ratified and proved by fact, that they
were able at leisure to divide the land by lot." — Ed.

CHAP. xri.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

177

CHAPTER XII.

1. Now these are the kings of the
land, which the children of Israel smote,
and possessed their land on the other
side Jordan, toward the rising of the
sun, from the river Arnon unto moimt
Hermon, and all the plain on the east :

2. Sihon king of the Amorites, who
dwelt in Ileshbon, and ruled from Aroer,
which is upon the bank of the river
Arnon, and from the middle of the
river, and from half Gilead, even unto
the river Jabbok, which is the border
of the children of Amnion :

3. And from the plain to the sea of
Chinneroth on the east, and mito the
sea of the plain, even the salt sea on
the east, the way to Beth-jeshimoth ;
and from the south, under Ashdoth-
pisgali :

4. And the coast of Og king of
Bashan, which vas of the remnant of
the giants, that dwelt at Ashtaroth and
at Edrei,

5. And reigned in mount Hermon,
and in Salcah, and in all Bashan, unto
the border of the Geshm-ites, and the
Maachathites, and half Gilead, the bor-
der of Sihon king of Heshbon :

6. Them did Moses, the servant of
the Lord, and the children of Israel,
smite : and Moses, the servant of the
Lord, gave it for a possession imto the
Reubenites, and the Gadites, and the
half-tribe of Manasseh.

7. And these are the kings of the
country which Joshua and the children
of Israel smote on this side Jordan on
the west, from Baal-gad in the valley
of Lebanon, even unto the mount
Halak, that goeth up to Seir; which
Joshua gave unto the tribes of Israel
for a possession, according to their
divisions :

8. In the mountains, and in the
valleys, and in the plains, and in the
springs, and in the wilderness, and in
the south country ; the Ilittites, the
Amorites, and the Canaanites, the
Perizzites, the Hivites, and the Jebu-
sites :

1. Hi sunt reges terras quos
percusserunt fihi Israel, et quorum
possederunt terram trans Jorda-
nem, ad ortimi soHs a torrente
Arnon usque ad montem Hermon,
et omnem planitiem orientalem,

2. Sihon rex ^morrhseus qui
habitabat in Hesbon, qui domina-
batur ab Aroer ad ripam torrentis
Arnon, et ad medium torrentis, et
ad mediam partem Gilead, usque
ad Jabbok torrentem, qui est ter-
minus filiorum Ammon.

3. Et a planitie usque ad mare
Cineroth ad orientem, et usque
ad mare deserti, mare salis ad
orientem per viam Beth-hagesi-
moth, et ab austro sub effusioni-
bus Pisga.

4. Terminus prseterea Og regis
Basan ex residuo Raphaim qui
habitabat in Astaroth, et in
Hedrei.

5. Qui dominabatur in monte
Hermon, et in Salchah, et in toto
Basan, usque ad terminum Ges-
siuri, et Maachati : et mediam
partem Gilead, terminus Sihon
regis Hesbon.

6. IMoses servus Jehovse, et filii
Israel percusserunt eos, et dedit
eam Moses servus Jehovse in pos-
sessionem Rubenitis, et Gaditis,
et dimidise tribui Manasse.

7. Isti autem sunt reges terrse
quos percussit Josue, et filii Israel
trans Jordanem ad occidentem, a
Baal-gad in campo Libani, usque
ad montem Ltevem qui assurgit
in Seir, et tradidit eam Josue
tribubus Israel in possessionem
secundum partes eorum.

8. In montanis, et in planitie,
et in campestribus, et in Asdoth,
et in deserto, et in austro : Hit-
thseus, ^morrhseus, Chananseus,
Pherisseus, Hivseus, et Jebusseus.

M

178

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XII. 1.

9. The king of Jericho, one ; the
king of Ai, which is beside Beth-el,
one;

10. The Icing of Jerusalem, one ; the
king of Hebron, one ;

11. The king of Jarmuth, one; the
king of Lachish, one ;

12. The king of Eglon, one; the
king of Gezer, one ;

13. The king of Debir, one; the
king of Geder, one ;

14. The king of Hormah, one ; the
king of Arad, one ;

15. The king of Libnah, one; the
king of Adullam, one ;

10. The king of Makkedah, one;
the king of Beth-el, one ;

17. The king of Tappuah, one ; the
king of Hepher, one ;

IS. The king of Aphek, one ; the
king of Lasharon, one ;

19. The king of Madon, one; the
king of Hazor, one ;

20. The king of Shimron-meron,
one ; the king of Aclishaph, one ;

21. The king of Taanach, one; the
king of Megiddo, one ;

22. The king of Kedesh, one; the
king of Jokncam of Carmel, one ;

23. The king of Dor, in the coast of
Dor, one; tlie Icing of the nations of
Gilgal, one ;

24. The king of Tirzah, one : all the
kings thirty and one.

9. Rex Jericho uniis, rex Ai,
qui erat e latere Bethel unus.

10. Rex Jerusalem imus, rex
Hebron unus.

11. Rex Jarmuth xmus, rex
Lachis unus.

12. Rex Eglon unus, rex Jeser
unus.

13. Rex Debir imus, rex Jedcr
imus.

14. Rex Hormah imus, rex
Arad unus.

1 5. Rex Libna unus, rex Adul-
lam unus.

16. Rex Makeda unus, rex
Beth-el unus.

17. Rex Tapua unus, rex Epher
unus.

18. Rex Aphek unus, rex La-
saron unus.

19. Rex Madon unus, rex Asor
unus.

20. Rex Simron-Meron imus,
rex Achsaph unus.

21. Rex Taanach unus, rex
Megiddo unus.

22. Rex Kedesch unus, rex Joc-
nam ad Carmelum unus.

23. Rex Dor ad Naphath-dor
uims, rex Goim in Gilgal unus.

24. Rex Thirsa unus: omnes
reges triginta et mius.

1. Now these are the kings, &c. This chapter does not
need a lengthened exposition, as it only enumerates the
kings of whose territories the Israelites gained possession.
Two of them are beyond the Jordan, Og and Sihon, whose
rule was extensive ; in the land of Canaan there are thirty
one. But though each of those now summarily mentioned
was previously given more in detail, there is very good
reason for here placing before our eyes as it were a living
picture of the goodness of God, proving that there had been
a comj^lete ratification and performance of the covenant
made with Abraham as given in the words, " Unto thy seed
will I give this land." (Gen. xii. 7 ; xiii. 15 ; xv. 18.) This
living image of the grace of God is here set before us as if

CHAP. XII. ]. COMMENTARY ON JOHHUA. 179

the reality were actually present.^ Joshua was eighty years
of age when he entered the land. In this aged man how
could there be so much vigour^ as to fit him for carrying on
so many wars and enduring the fatigues of warfare, had not
celestial virtue furnished him with more than mortal
strength? And were not his uninterrupted career of vic-
tory, his success luider all circumstances, the case, free from
doubt and uncertainty, with which he stormed cities, the
rapidity of his movements, and his inflexible firmness — were
not all these clear evidences of the hand of God, just as if
it had appeared from heaven ?

The object of defining the countries by their boundaries
was to give a better display of the divine power by setting
forth their extent ; but this of course was only for those to
whom their site was known. Hence, for any one not ac-
quainted Avith the geography to dwell upon the names,
would be vain and foolish curiosity. I admit, indeed, that
it is useful to pay attention to the places with which, from
their being often mentioned in Scripture, our knowledge
ought to be somewhat more familiar, as when the boundaries
are fixed by the brook Jabok, in the district of Lebanon and
the lake of Gennesaret, here called the Sea of Cincroth, and
elsewhere Cinereth. For a slight attention will help us to
understand the narrative. If we cannot go farther, let us
leave those who are better skilled to give a more searching
discussion of what is beyond our reach.^ But although the
dominions of these petty kings were narrow and not very
populous, we shall however see that many towns were
annexed to their principal cities ; their number may be
ascertained especially from what is said of the lot of the

* Latin, " Quam si nos Dens in rem prtesentem adduceret." French,
" Comma si Dieu nons mettoit presentement snr le faict, pour nous faire
voire la chose de nos yeiix ;" " As if God were putting iis actually upon the
spot to make us see the thing with our own eyes." — Ed.

' French, " Comment \m povre vieillard pouvoit-il estre si vigoureux ;"
" How could a poor old man be so vigorous." — Ed.

' It is evident from these remarks, that though in some other passages
Calvin seems to speak rather disparagingly of the elucidation which the
Scripture narrative may receive from geography, he did not so much
underrate its importance as lament its imperfection at the period when he
wrote. All complaint on tliis head has now been happily removed ; and
it may safely be affirmed, that nothing has done more to clear up obscuri-
ties in the Sacred Vokmie and triumphantly establish its strict and
literal accuracy, than the labours and discoveries of recent travellers.

180

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XIII.

Levites. On the other hand, if we reflect how one small
territory could receive and maintain old men, women, and
children, nay, a great part of the people with their domestic
animals, we cannot fail to admire the inestimable goodness
of God which prevented all things from being thrown into
complete and irremediable confusion.^

CHAPTER XIIL

1. Now Joshua was old and
stricken in years ; and the Lord
said unto him, Thou art old a^id
stricken in years, and there remain-
eth yet very much land to be pos-
sessed.

2. This is the land that yet re-
maineth ; all the borders of the
Philistines, and all Geshuri,

3. From 8ihor, which is before
Eg-ypt, even unto the borders of
Ekron northward, which is counted
to the Canaanite : five lords of the
Philistines ; the Gazathites, and the
Ashdothites, the Eshkalonites, the
Gittites, and the Ekronites; also
the Avites.

4. From the south, all the land
of the Canaanites, and Mearah that
is beside the Sidonians, unto Aphek,
to the borders of the Amorites ;

5. And the land of the Giblites, and
all Lebanon toward the sun-rising,
from Baal-gad under mount Hermon,
unto the entering into Ilamath :

6. All the inhabitants of the hill-
country, from Lebanon unto Mis-
rephoth-maim, and all the Sidon-
ians, them will I drive out from
before the children of Israel ; only
divide thou it by lot imto the Israel-
ites for an inheritance, as I have
commanded thee.

7. Now therefore divide this land
for an inheritance unto the nine
tribes, and the half-tribe of Ma-
nasseh ;

1. Quum autem senuisset Josue,
et venisset in dies, dixit ei Jehova, Tu
senuisti, venisti in dies, et midta
terra admodum superest ad possi-
dendum.

2. Hjec est terra quje residua
est, omnes liraites Philisthinorum,
et omnis Gessiu-i.

3. A Nilo qui est e regione
-^gypti usque ad terminum Ecron,
qui est ab aquiloue, quaj Cha-
naneaj reputatur, quinque princi-
patus Philisthinorum, Azathseus,
Asdodseus, Ascalonseus, Gitthseus et
Ekronseus et Ausei.

4. Ab austro universa teiTa Cha-
nana3i et Meara, qute est Sidoni-
orum usque ad Pfera, usque ad ter-
minum ^morrhsei.

5. Et terra Gibli, et totus Lib-
anus ad ortum solis a Baal-gad sub
monte Hermon, donee pervenias
Hemath.

6. Omnes habitatores montis a
Libano usque ad fervores aquarum :
omnes Sidonios ego expellam a facie
filiorum Israel : tantum jacias
sorteni, ut sit in hsereditatem Israeli,
sicut prajcepi tibi.

7. Nunc ergo divide terram istam
in hsereditatem novem tribubus, et
dimidise tribui Manasse.

' Latin, " Ne horribili confusione, omnia miscerentur." French, " Que
tout ne vint a estre brouille pesle mesle d'vuie confusion horrible ;" " That
every thing was not hurled pell-mell into horrible confusion." — Ed.

CHAP.XIII. 1.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

18J

8. With whom the Reubenites
and the Gadites have received their
inheritance, which Moses gave them,
beyond Jordan eastward, even as
Moses, the servant of the Lord, gave
them ;

9. From Aroer, that is npon the
bank of the river Arnon, and the
city that is in the midst of the river,
and all the plain of Medeba unto
Dibon ;

10. And all the cities of Sihon
king of the Amorites, which reigned
in Heshbon, unto the border of the
children of Amnion ;

11. And Gilead, and the border
of the Geshurites and Maachathites,
and all mount Hermon, and all
Bashan unto Salcah ;

12. All the kingdom of Og
in Bashan, which reigned in Ash-
taroth and in Edrei, who remained
of the remnant of the giants : for
these did Moses smite, and cast
them out.

13. Nevertheless the children of
Israel expelled not the Geshurites,
nor the Maachathites ; but the Ge-
shm'ites and the Maachathites dwell
among the Israelites until this day.

14. Only unto the tribe of Levi
he gave none inheritance ; the sacri-
fices of the Lord God of Israel made
by fire are their inheritance, as he
said unto them.

8. Prseter earn Rubenitse, et Ga-
ditse acceperunt partes suas, quas
dedit iis Moses trans Jordanem ad
orientem, sicut dedit eis Moses
servus Jehovse.

9. Ab Aroer quae est juxta ripam
fluminis Arnon, et lu-bem ipsam quae
est in medio valhs, et totam plani-
tiem Medeba usque ad Dibon.

10. Et omnes urbes Sihon regis
^morrhfei, qui regnabat in Hesbon,
usque ad terminum filiorum Am-
nion.

11. Et Gilead et terminum Ges-
suri, et Maachati, et totum niontem
Ilermon, et universum Basan usque
ad Salchah.

12. Universum regnum Og in
Basan, qui regnabat in Astaroth, et
in Edrei : hie supererat ex residuo
Rephaim, quos percussit Moses et
expidit.

13. Non expiderunt autem filii
Israel Gessuri et Maachati : prop-
terea habitavit Gessur et IVIaachat
in medio Israel usque ad hunc diem.

14. Tantum tribui Levi non dedit
lijereditatem, sacrificia Jehovge Dei
Israel stmt hereditas ejus, quemad-
modum loquutus est de ea.

1. Row Joshua was old, &c.i Since we liave seen above
that the land was pacified by the subjugation of thirty-one
kings, it is jorobable that some cessation now took place for
the purpose of resting from their fatigues, lest the people
should be worn out by continual service. Nor could that

* The words, " old and stricken in years," do not contain a tautology,
but accurately express the period of life according to a division which was
long familiar to the Jews, and may have been not unknown to them even
at this early period. According to this division, old age consisted of three
stages, — the Jirst extending from the sixtieth to the seventieth year, con-
stituting the commencement of old age properly so called ; the second ex-
tending from the seventieth to the eightieth year, and constituting v/hat
was called Iioary, or hoary-lieaded age ; and the tliird extending from the
eightieth year to the end of life, and constituting what was called advanced
age, and caused the person who had reached it to be described as one stricken
in years. At this closing stage Joshua had now arrived. — Ed.

182 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 1.

justly be blamed, provided they rested only for a time and
continued always intent on the goal set before tliem. But
lest that intermission which was given for the purpose of
recruiting new vigour might prove an occasion of sloth, the
Lord employs a new stimulus to urge them to proceed. For
he orders the whole inheritance to be divided into tribes,
and the whole line of the Mediterranean coast which was
possessed by the enemy to be put into the lot. A division
of this kind might indeed seem absurd and ludicrous, nay,
a complete mockery, seeing they were dealing among them-
selves with the property of others just as if it had been
their own. But the Lord so aj)pointed for the best of
reasons. First, they might have cast away the hope of the
promise and been contented with their present state. Nay,
although after the lot was cast they had security in full for
all that Grod had promised, they by their own cowardice, as
far as in them lay, destroyed the credit of his words. Nor
was it owing to any merit of theirs that his veracity did not
lie curtailed and mutilated. The allocation by lot must
therefore have been to them an earnest of certain possession
so as to keep them always in readiness for it. Secondly, Those
who happened to have their portion assigned in an enemy's
country, inasmuch as they were living in the meanwhile as
strangers on precarious hospitality beyond their own inheri-
tance, must have acted like a kind of task-masters spurring
on the others. And it surely implied excessive stupor to
neglect and abandon what had been divinely assigned to
them.

We now see to what intent the whole land behoved to be
divided by lot, and the seat of each tribe allocated. It was
also necessary that this should be done while Joshua was
alive, because after his death the Israelites would have been
less inclined to obedience, for none of his successors pos-
sessed authority sufficient for the execution of so difficult a
task. Moreover, as God had already by the mouth of Moses
commanded it to be done, had he not performed the busi-
ness thus committed to liim, the whole work might have
gone to wreck when the lawful minister was removed.
Although the exact time is not stated, still it is probable

CHAP.XIIL2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 183

tliat as tlicre was no hope that while Joshua continued alive
the peo2:>le would again take up arms with the view of giving
a wider extent to their boundaries, he then only attempted
to divide the land, as if he were proclaiming and promising,
by a solemn attestation, that the distribution would certainly
be carried into effect, because the truth of God could not fail
in consequence of the death of any man,

2. Tilts is the land, &c. The ancient boundaries long ago
fixed by God, are recalled to remembrance, in order that
Joshua and the people may feel fully persuaded that the
covenant made with Abraham would be fulfilled in every
part. Wherefore they are enjoined to make it their study
to acquire the j^arts still remaining to be possessed. The
inference will be appropriate if we make a practical applica-
tion of this perseverance to that which is required of us,
viz., to forget the things which are behind, and reach forth
unto those that are before, and press tov/ard the mark for
the prize of our high calling. (Phil. ii. 14.) For it would
be of no use to run in the race without endeavouring to
reach the goal.

The boundary commenced with a river separating Egypt
toward the sea from the Holy Land, and most probably
the river Nile, as we interpret it according to the received
opinion, or a sinall stream which flowed past the town of
Rhinocornea, believed by many to be Raphia or Raphane.^

' The opinion generally entertained in Calvin's time, that the river here
meant was the Nile, or at least one of its branches, was founded partly on
the meaning of the word silior, which is literally black, and was explained
by expositors as equivalent to turbid, a term strictly applicable to the
Nile ; and partly from a passage in Jeremiah, (ii. 18,) in Avliich the Pro-
phet asks, " What hast thou to do in the way of Egypt to drink the waters
of Sihor ?" — Sihor being here undoubtedly used as a proper name for the
Nile. The second opinion mentioned by Calvin is now almost universally
admitted to be the only one tenable. Even the description here given of
Sihor, (ver. 3,) as "before Egypt," is totally inapplicable to the Nile,
which, instead of being before Egypt, or on its frontiers, flows nearly
through its centre. The river meant and expressly referred to both by
Moses (Num. xxxiv. 5) and by Joshua (Josh. xv. 4) under the name of
the river of Egyj^t, is now called the Wady El-Arisch, from the town of
that name situated near its mouth, and not far from the site of the ancient
Rhinocolura, or perhaps more properly Riiinocorura. Calvin spells Rhino-
cornea, which if it had not been repeated by the French, might seem to
be a misprint. — Ed.

184 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 2.

It is indeed beyond dispute tliat the inheritance of the
people commencing in that quarter was contiguous to Egypt.
But although I have followed the opinion of the majority of
expositors, that the boundaries were not extended further
than to the less cultivated and in a manner desert land, lest
greater proximity might have been injurious by leading to
too close familiarity with the Egyptians, I by no means
repudiate a different opinion.

The third verse raises a question. After it is said that
the territories towards the sea-coast were five, a sixth is
added, namely, that of tlie Avites. Some think that it is
not counted among the five because it was an insignificant
province. But I would have my readers to consider whether
there may not be an indirect antithesis between a free people,
their own masters, and five territories ruled by sovereigns.
Hence the Avites being in different circumstances are men-
tioned separately, the plural number being used for the sake
of distinction. In the enumeration of the sovereignties they
arc not arranged in the order of their dignity or opulence,
but the first place is given to Aza because of its nearness to
Egypt, and the same remark applies to Ashdod and the
otliers.

The Septuagint translators, according to their usual cus-
tom, employ the Greek <y {gamma) to express the Hebrew
y {ain), and thus give the name of Gaza to that which in
Hebrew is Aza, in the same way as they convert Amorrha
into Gomorrha.'' This sufficiently exposes the mistake of
those who suppose that its name is Persian, and derived
from its resources^ in consequence of Cambyses, when about
to carry on war in Greece, having made it the depot of his
treasures. But as in the Acts, (viii. 26,) Luke speaks of a

' It is here assumed that the only genuine somid represented by the
Hebrew letter Ain is that of a. Is this the fact ? Gesenius, on the
contrary, while repudiating the modern Jewish pronunciation of it by the
nasal gn or nq as decidedly false, says that its hardest sound is that of a ^
rattled in the throat, and, very remarkably, illustrates his statement by
referring to Gaza and Gomorrha, the two words referred to by Calvin in
illustration of the contrary. See Gesenius's Hebrew Grammar. (Bag-
ster, 1852, p. 16.) .

' The French adds, " Et qu'il signifie Richesses ;" " And that it means

Riches." — Ed.

CHAP. XIII. 6. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 185

" Gaza which is desert/' it ai:)pears that a city of the same
name was erected near it, but on a different site. Ashdod
is the same as that which the Greeks called Azotus. The
whole of this tract, which is either on the sea-coast or verging
towards it, extends as far as Sidon. And there are some
who think that the Phoenicians were once masters both of
Gaza and Azotus. How far Lebanon extends is sufficiently
known.^ For it sometimes comprehends Mount Hermon; and
on account of its length part of it is surnamed Antilibanus.^
The reader will find the subject of Mount Hermon considered
in the fourth chapter of Deuteronomy, Towards the east is
Hamath, which is also Antioch of Syria.

6. All the inhabitants of the hill country, &c. Joshua is
again admonished, though the Israelites do not yet possess
those regions, not to defer the partition, but trust to the pro-
mise of God, because it would detract injuriously from his
honour if there were any doubt as to the event. It is ac-
cordingly said : Only do what is thy duty in the distribution
of the land ; nor let that which the enemy still hold securely
be exempted from the lot ; for it will be my care to fulfil
what I have promised. Hence let us learn in undertaking
any business, so to depend on the lips of God as that no
doubt can delay us. It is not ours, indeed, to fabricate vain
hopes for ourselves ; but when our confidence is founded on
the Lord, let us only obey his commands, and there is no
reason to fear that the event will disappoint us.

He afterwards assigns the land of Canaan to nine tribes
and a half tribe, because the portion of the Reubenites,
Gadites, and half tribe of Manasseh had already been
assigned beyond the Jordan. Though there is a seeming
tautology in the words. Which Moses gave them, as Moses
gave them, there is nothing superfluous, because in the
second clause the donation is confirmed ; as if God were

^ Frencli, " Quant an Liban, c'est une chose assez notoire quelle longeur
d'e'tendue il a ;" " As to Lebanon it is sufficiently well known what length
of extent it has."

' This is certainly incorrect. Antilibanus received its name, not from
its length, but from its being a mountain chain opposite and parallel to
Libanus or Lebanon proper, from which it is separated by the beautiful
valley known to the Greeks and Romans by the name of Coele-Syria, or
rather Koile' (Hollow) Syria, and watered by the Leontes. — Ed.

186 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 14.

ordering that which was done to be ratified, or saying, in
other words, As Moses gave them that land, so let them re-
main tranquil in the possession of it.^ For this reason also
he is distinguished by the title of servant of God, as if it
were said. Let no one interfere with that decree which a
faithful minister has pronounced on the authority of God.
It was certainly necessary to provide by anticipation against
the disputes which otherwise must have daily arisen.

14. O^ily unto the tribe of Levi, &c. This exception was
also necessary, lest the Levites might allege that they were
unjustly disinherited, and thus excite great commotions in
regard to their right. He therefore reminds them that
Moses was the author of this distinction, and, at the same
time, shews that they have no reason to complain of having
been in any way defrauded, because an excellent compensa-
tion was given them. For although the sacrifices were not
equally divided among the Levites, their subsistence was
sufficiently provided for by all the first-fruits and the tithes.
Moreover, as God allures them by hire to undertake the
charge of sacred things, so he exhorts the jieople in their
turn to be faithful in paying the sacred oblations by declar-
ing that their sacrifices are the maintenance of the Levites.^

15. And Moses gave unto the 15. Dedit ergo Moses tribiu fili-

tribe of the children of Reuben in- orum Ruben per fauiilias suas :
hcritance according to their famihes.

IG. And their coast was from 16. Fuitque ilhs terminus ab

Aroer, that is on the bank of the Aroer, qu?e est juxta ripam torrentis

river Arnon, and the city that is in Arnon, et urbs quse est in medio

the midst of the river, and all the vallis, et imiversa planities quae est

plain by Medeba ; juxta Medeba.

17. Ileshbon, and all her cities 17. Hesbon et omnes urbes ejus,

' The Septuagint avoids the appearance of tautology, both by abridg-
ing the verse and adopting a different punctuation, rendering it thus:
" To Reuben and Gad the Lord gave {an inheritance) on the other side
of the Jordan ; towards the sun-rising did Moses the servant of the I^ord
give it to them." This, however, is not the only alteration made by the
Septuagint version. For immediately before the verse now quoted, it in-
terpolates another in the following terms, "From the Jordan unto the Great
Sea on the west shalt thou give it : the Great Sea Avill be the boundary of
the two tribes and of the half tribe of Manasse." — Ed.

' To the end of this verse the Septuagint adds the foil owing, clause :

" Koi ovTo; 0 KaTdf/.tpitrf/.o; , ov xaTt[/,iptiri Muvtrtis toi; viols 'Iff^a/iX £v A^ccfiuS

M/aa/S Iv rf rri^av i-ov 'lo^atou Kccra. 'li^ix,^ ;" " And this is the division which
Moses divided to the children of Israel in Araboth-Moab beyond Jordan
opposite to Jericho." — Ed.

CHAP. XIII.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

187

that are in the plain; Dibon, and
Bamoth-baal, and Beth-baal-mcon,

18. And Jahaza, and Kcdemoth,
and Mephaath,

19. And Kirjathaim, and Sibmah,
and Zaretli-shaliar in the mount of
the valley,

20. And Beth-peor, and Ashdoth-
pisgah, and Beth-jeshimoth,

21. And all the cities of the plain,
and all the kingdom of Sibon king
of the Amorites, which reigned in
Heshbon, whom Moses smote with
the princes of Midian, Evi, and Re-
kem, and Zur, and Hiir, and Reba,
tvhicli ivere dukes of Sihon dwelling
in the country.

22. Balaam also the son of Beor,
the soothsayer, did the children of
Israel slay with the sword among
them that were slain by them.

23. And the border of the chil-
dren of Reviben was Jordan, and the
border thereof. This was the in-
heritance of the children of Reuben
after their families, the cities and
the villages thereof.

24. And Moses gave inJieritance
imto the tribe of Gad, even unto the
cliildren of Gad, according to their
families :

25. And their coast was Jazer,
and all the cities of Gilead, and half
the laud of the children of Ammon,
unto Aroer that is before Rabbah ;

2G. And from Heshbon imto Ra-
math-mizpeh, and Betonim; and
from Mahanaim unto the border of
Debir ;

27. And in the valley, Beth-aram,
and Beth-nimrah, and Succoth, and
Zaphon, the rest of the kingdom of
Sihon king of Heshbon, Jordan and
his border, even unto the edge of the
sea of Chinnereth, on the other side
Jordan eastward.

28. This is the inheritance of the
children of Gad after their families,
the cities, and their villages ,

21). And Moses gave inheritance
unto the half-tribe of Manasseh:
and this was the possession of the
half-tribe of the children of Ma-
nasseh by their families.

30. And their coast was from

quid erant in planitie : Dibon et
Bamoth-baal, et Beth-baalmeon.

18. Et Jahasah, et Cedemoth, et
Mephaath.

19. Et Ciriathaim, et Sibmah, et
Sereth-sahar in monte vallis.

20. Et Beth-peor, et Asdoth-
Pisgah, et Beth-jesimoth.

21. Et omnes urbes planitiei, et
universum regnum Sihon regis
^morrhaii, qui regnabat in Hesbon,
quern percussit Moses : et principes
Midian, Evi, et Rekem, et Sur, et
Hur, et Reba duces Sihon habita-
tores terraa.

22. Et Bileam filium Beor divina-
torem occiderunt filii Israel gladio
cum interfectis eorum.

23. Fuit autem terminus filiorum
Ruben, Jordaiies et terminus. Ha!C
est lifereditas filiorum Ruben per
familias suas, urbes et villas earura.

24. Deditque Moses tribui Gad,
filiis Gad per famiUas suas.

25. Et fuit eis terminus Jazer,
et omnes urbes Gilead, et dimidium
ten-a3 filiorum Ammon usque ad
Aroer, quai est coram Rabbah.

26. Et ab Hesbon usque ad Ra-
math ipsius Mispe, et Bethonim : et
a Mahanaim usque ad terminum
ipsius Debir.

27. Et in valle Beth-haram, et
Beth-nirarah, et Succoth, et Saphon:
residuum regni Sihon, regis Hesbon,
Jordanem, et confinium, usque ad
extremum maris Chinnereth, trans
Jordanem ad orientem.

28. Hajc est haereditas filiorum
Gad per familias suas, lu-bes et viUaj
earum.

29. Dedit prseterea Moses dimi-
di?e tribui Manasse: fuitque dimidise
tribui filiorum Manasse per familias
suas:

30. Fuit, inquam, terminus eo-

188 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 1 5.

Mahanaim, all Bashan, all the king- rum a Malianaim omnis Basan totius

dom of Og king of Bashan, and all regni Og regis Basan, et omnes Ha-

the towns of Jair, which are in Ba- voth- Jair, quse sunt in Basan, sexa-

shan, threescore cities ; ginta urbes.

31. And half Gilead, and Ash- 31. Et dimidium Gilead, et As-
taroth, and Edrei, cities of the taroth, et Edrei, urbcs regni Og in
kingdom of Og in Bashan, were Basan, filiorum Machir,filii Manasse,
'pertaining unto the children of dimidise parti filiorum Machir, per
Machir, the son of JVlanasseh, even farailias suas.

to the one half of the children of
Machir by their families.

32. These are </ie coim^nes which 32. Istse sunt hereditates quas tra-
Moses did distribute for inheritance didit Moses in campeslribus Moab a
in the plains of Moab, on the other transitu Jordanis ipsi Jericho ad
side Jordan, by Jericho, eastward. orientem.

33. But unto the tribe of Levi 33. Tribui autem Levi non dedit
Moses gave not any inheritance : Moses hsereditatem : Jehova Deus
the Lord God of Israel was their Israel ipse est hfereditas eorum,
inheritance, as he said unto them. quemadmodum dixit ilUs.

15. And Moses gave unto the tribe, &c. What lie seemed
to have said with sufficient clearness he now follows more
fully in detail, not only that the reading might incite the
people to gratitude, seeing the divine goodness recorded
in public documents, and, as it were, constantly before their
eyes, but also that each might enjoy liis inheritance without
molestation and quarrel. For we know how ingenious hu-
man cupidity is in devising pretexts for litigation, so that
no one can possess his right in safety unless a plain and
perspicuous definition of his right make it impossible to call
it in question. That countiy had been given without
casting lots. It was therefore open to others to object
that the just proportion had not been kept, and that the
inequality behoved to be corrected. Therefore, that no un-
seasonable dispute might ever disturb the public peace, tlie
boundaries are everywhere fixed by the authority of God,
and disputes of every kind are removed by setting up land-
marks. God does not by one single expression merely
adjudge the whole kingdom of Silion to the tribe of Reuben,
but lie traces their extreme limit from Aroer to the banks
of tbe Arnon, and thus, making an entire circuit, contracts
or widens their territory so as not to leave the possession of
a single acre ambiguous. Moreover, how useful this exact
delineation was may be learned from profane history, where

CHAP.XITI. 15. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 189

we everywhere meet, not only with invidious but pernicious
disijutes among neighbours as to their boundaries.

We may add tliat the care which the Lord condescended
to take in providing for his people, and in cherishing mu-
tual peace among them, demonstrates his truly paternal
love, since he omitted nothing that might conduce to their
tranquillity. And, indeed, had not provision been thus
early made, they might have been consumed by intestine
quarrels.^

I again beg my readers to excuse me if I do not labour
anxiously in describing the situation of towns, and am not
even curious in regard to names. Nay, I will readily allow
those names which it was thought proper to leave as proper
nouns in Hebrew to be used appellatively, and so far altered
as to give them a Latin form.^

It is worthy of notice, that when the land of the Midian-
ites is referred to, the princes who ruled over it are called
Satraps of Sihon, to let us know that they shared in the
same overthrow, because they had involved themselves in an
unjust war, and belonged to the government of Sihon, an
avowed enemy. And to make it still more clear that they
perished justly, it is told that among the slain was Balaam,
by whose tongue they had attempted to wound the Israelites
more grievously than by a thousand swords;^ just as if it had
been said that in that slaughter they found the hostile ban-
ner, by which they had declared themselves at open war with
the Israelites. When it is said that the Jordan was a boun-
dary, and a boundary, it will be proper, in order to prevent

' French, " Et de faict, s'il n'euste pourveu a cela de bonne heure, ils se
fussent mangez et consumez les uns les autres en debatant entre eux ;"
" And in fact, had not this been provided for in good time, they would
have eaten and consumed one another while debating among them-
selves."— Ed.

" French, " Qiu plus est, je suis contdnt qu'on traduise en d'autres lan-
gues certains noms, qu'il m'a semble bon de laisser ici en la langue
Hebraique comme noms propres ;" " Moreover, I am content that certain
words which I have thought good to leave here in the Hebrew tongue as
proper names be translated into other languages." — Ed.

' The curious contradictions in the behavioiu- of this remarkable man
whose fate is here recorded, and analogous exemphfications of them in
ordinary life, are admirably delineated by Bishop Butler in a sermon on the
subject. — Ed.

190 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CTIAP. XIII. 24.

useless repetition, to interpret that Jordan was a boundary
to tliem according to its limits.-^

24. And Moses gave inheritance unto the tribe of Gad, &c.
The observation made above applies also to the tribe of
Gad, namely, that their legitimate boundaries were carefully
defined in order to prevent disputes as to their possession.
Meanwhile God is extolled for his liberality in having expelled
nations of great celebrity, and substituted them in their stead.
This is expressed more clearly in regard to the half tribe of
Manasseh, when sixty cities are enumerated as included in
their inheritance. Hence, too, it is manifest that Moses was
not munificent through mistake, because it was well known
to God how many cities he was giving them out of his
boundless liberality. In a short clause the tribe of Levi is
again excluded, that the Levites might not be able at some
future period to pretend that the grant wliich the Reubenites,
Gadites, and half tribe of Manasseh had obtained without the
casting of lots, belonged in common to them also ; for they
are expressly forbidden to share with their brethren. This
made it easy for them to interpret shrewdly for their advan-
tao-e, that they were entitled to share with others. Here,
however, it is not the sacrifices, as a little before, but God
liimsclf that is said to be their inheritance ; if they are not
satisfied with it, they only convict themselves of excessive
pride and insufterable fastidiousness.^

CHAPTER XIV.

1. And these are the countries 1. Ilrec sunt quffi in lipereditatem
whicli the children of Israel inherited acceperunt filii Israel in terra Cha-
in the land of (Janaan, which Eleazar naan, qua; illis tradiderunt in hsere-
the priest, and Joshua the son of ditatem Eleazar sacerdos, et Josue
Nun, and the heads of the fathers of filius Nun, et capita tribuum filionnn
the tribes of the children of Israel, Israel.

distributed for inheritance to them.

2. By lot was their inheritance, 2. Per sortem hsereditatis eoruni,
as the Lord commanded by the hand sicut prseceperat Jehova per manum

' Latin, " Terminum illis fuisse Jordanem secundum suos fines."
French, " Que le Jordain estoit leur borne selon ses limites ;" " That the
Jordan was their boundary according to its Hmits." The repetition is
omitted by the Septuagint. — Ed.

The thirty-third verse is entirely omitted by the Septuagint. — Ed.

CHAP. XIV.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

191

of Moses, for the nine tribes, and/or
the halt-tribe.

3. For Moses had given the in-
heritance of two tribes and an half-
tribe on the other side Jordan ; but
unto the Levites he gave none in-
heritance among them.

4. For the children of Joseph
were two tribes, Manasseh and E-
phraim ; therefore they gave no part
unto the Levites in the land, save
cities to dwell in, with their suburbs
for their cattle and for their sub-
stance.

5. As the Lord commanded Moses,
so the children of Israel did, and
they divided the land.

6. Tlien the children of Judah
came unto Joshua in Gilgal : and
Caleb the son of Jephunneh the
Kenezite said unto him. Thou know-
est the thing that the Lord said unto
Moses, the man of God, concerning
me and thee, in Kadesh-barnea.

7. Forty years old was I when
Moses, the servant of the Lord, sent
me from Kadesh-barnea to espy out
the land ; and I brought him word
again as U was in mine heart.

8. Nevertheless my brethren that
went up with me made the heart of
the people melt : but I wholly fol-
lowed the Lord my God.

9. And Moses sware on that day,
saying, Siu-ely the land whereon thy
feet have trodden shall be tliine in-
heritance, and thy children's for ever,
because thou hast wholly followed
the Lord my God.

10. And now, behold, the Lord
hath kept me alive, as he said, these
forty and five years, even since the
Lord spake this word unto Moses,
■while tlie children q/'lsrael wandered
in the wilderness ; and now, lo, I am
this day fourscore and five years
old.

11. As yet T am as strong this
day as I was in the day that Moses
sent me : as my strength loas then,
even so is my strength now, for war,
both to go out, and to come in.

12. JNow therefore give me this
mountain, Avhereof the Lord spake
in that day : (for thou heardest in

Mosis, ut daret novera tribubus, ct
dimidiie tribui.

3. Dederat enim Moses duabus
tribubus, et diniidia; tribui citra
Jordanem : Levitis autem non de-
derat hsereditatem in medio eonun.

4. Fuerimt enim filii Joseph duse
tribus Manasse etEphraim: ideo non
dederunt partem Levitis in terra
prfeter urbes ad habitandum, et sub-
urbana earvmi pro armentis et gre-
gibus ipsorum.

5. Queniadmodum pra;ceperat
Moses sic fecerunt fihi Israel, et
diviserunt terram.

6. Accessermit autem filii Juda ad
Josuam in Gilgal, dixitque ad eum
Caleb filius Jephune Kenisaeus, Tu
nosti verbum quod loqnutus est Je-
hova ad Mosen virum Dei de me,
et de te, in Cades-barnea :

7. Quadragenarius eram quando
mLsit me Moses servus Jehovte de
Cades-barnea ad explorandam ter-
ram, et retuli ei rem sicuti erat in
coi'de nieo.

8. Et quum fratres mei qui des-
cenderant mecuni dissolverent cor
populi, ego perseveranter sequutus
sum Jehovam Demn meum.

9. Et juravit Moses illo die, di-
cendo. Si non terra quam calcavit
pes tuns, tua erit in hsereditatem et
filiis tuis in seternum, quia persever-
anter sequutus es Jehovam Deum
meum.

] 0. Nunc autem Jehova concessit
mihi vitam sicuti dixerat. Jam
quadraginta quinque anni svmt, ex
quo tempore pronunciavit Jehova
hanc rem Mosi, ex quo anibulavit
Israel per desertum : et nunc quidem
hodie sum quinque et octoginta an-
norum.

11. Et adhuc sum hodie vegetus
ut eo die, quo misit me Moses :
quantus erat tunc vigor meus, tan-
tus hodie est vigor meus ad prjelium,
et ad exetmdum,et ad ingrediendum :

12. Nunc ergo da mihi montem
istum, ut loqvnitus est Jehova eo die.
Tu enim audivisti eo die quod Ana-

192 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIV. I.

that day how the Anakims were kim sint ibi, et urbes magnse et

there, and that the cities were great nmnitse : forte Jehova erit mecum,

and fenced ;) if so be the Lord will et expellam eos queraadniodum dixit

he with me, then I shall be able to Jehova.
drive them out, as the Lord said.

13. And Joshua blessed him, and 13. Et benedixit ei Josue, dedit-
gave unto Caleb the son of Je- que Hebron ipsi Caleb filio Jephune
phimneh Hebron for an inheritance, in haereditatem.

14. Hebron therefore became the 14. Idcirco fuit Hebron ipsius
inheritance of Caleb the son of Caleb fihi Jephune Kenissei in hse-
Jephunneh the Kenezite unto this reditatem, usque ad diem hunc, eo
day, because that he wholly followed quod perseveranter sequutus est Je-
the Lord God of Israel. hovam Deum Israel.

15. And the name of Hebron be- 15. Nomen autem Hebron antea
fore was Kirjath-arba ; which Arba fiut Ciriath-arba, qui Arba homo
was a great man among the Ana- magnus inter Anakim fuit : et terra
kims. And the land had rest from quievit a bello.

war.

1. And these are the countries, &c. He now proceeds to
the land of Canaan, from wliicli nine tribes and a half were
to obtain their lots. And he will immediately break off the
thread of the narrative, as we shall see. Yet the transition
is seasonably made from that region whose situation was
different, to let the reader know that the discourse was to
be concerning the land of Canaan, which was to be divided
by lot. We have said that Joshua and Eleazar not only
divided what the Israelites had already acquired, but trust-
ing in the promise of God, confidently included whatever lie
had promised to his people, just as if they had been in actual
possession of it. We shall see, indeed, that the division was
not all at once made complete, but when the first lot turned
up in favour of Judah, the turns of the others were left in
hope.

Here a difficult question arises. How can it be said that the
distribution of the land was made by Joshua, Eleazar, and the
princes, if lots were cast ? For the lot is not regulated by
the opinion or the will or the authority of man. Should
any one answer, that they took charge and prevented any
fraud from being committed, the difficulty is not removed,
nay, this evasion will be refuted from the context. It is to
be known, therefore, that they were not selected simply to
divide the land by lot, but also afterwards to enlarge or re-
strict the boundaries of the tribes by giving to each its due
proportion. That this business could not be accomplished

CHAP. XTV.l. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 193

by a naked lot is very apparent. For while, according to
human ideas, nothing is more fortuitous than the result of a
lot, it was not known whether God might choose to place
the half tribe of Manasseh where the tribe of Judah obtained
its settlement, or whether Zebulun might not occupy the
place of Ephraim. Therefore they were not at liberty at the
outset to proceed farther than to divide the land into ten
districts or provinces. In this way, however, the space
belonging to each would remain indefinite. For had an
option been given to each, some would have chosen to fix
themselves in the centre, others would have preferred a quiet
locality, while others would have been guided in their choice
by the fertility of the soil, or the climate and beauty of the
scenery. But the lot placed the tribe of Judah, as it were,
at the head, while it sent that of Zebulun away to the sea-
shore, placed the tribe of Benjamin adjacent to that of Judah,
and removed that of Ephraim to a greater distance. In
short, the effect of the lot was that ten divisions fell out
from Egypt towards Syria, and from the north quarter to the
Mediterranean Sea, making some neighbours to thcEgyptians,
and giving to others maritime positions, to others hilly dis-
tricts, to others intervening valleys.

This being understood, the office remaining for the rulers
of the people was to trace out the boundaries on all sides
in accordance with the rules of equity. It remained, therefore,
for them to calculate how many thousand souls there were in
eveiy tribe, and to assign more or less space to each, accord-
ing to the greatness or the smallness of their numbers. For
in conformity to the divine command, a due proportion was
to be observed, and a larger or narrower district was to be
assigned, according as the census which was taken had ascer-
tained the numbers to be. (Num. xxvi.) To the judgment
of the princes was it in like manner left to shape the terri-
tories, regulating the length and breadth as circumstances
might require. It is necessary also to bear in mind what
is said in Numbers xxiv., that the ten who are here called
heads of families were appointed to execute this office, not
by the suffrages of men, but by the voice of God. Thus
each tribe had its own overseers to prevent either fraud or

N

194 COMMENTARY ON JOSHTJA. CHAP. XIV,

violence from being committed. Then it would have been
impious to have any suspicion of those who had been nomi-
nated by God. Such is the manner in which Joshua may
be said to have distributed the land, though it was portioned
out by lot.

4. They gave no part unto the Levites, &c. It is here re-
peated for the third time with regard to the Levites, that
they were not included in the number, so as to have the
portion of a tribe assigned to them ; but it is mentioned for
a different purpose, for it is immediately after added, that
the sons of Joseph were divided into two tribes, and were
thus privileged to obtain a double portion. Thus had
Jacob prophesied, (Gen. xlix.,) or rather, like an arbiter
appointed by God, he had in this matter preferred the sons
of Joseph to the others. God therefore assumed the Levites"
to liimself as a peculiar inheritance, and in their stead sub-
stituted one of the two families of Joseph.

6. Then the children of Judah came, &c. Here the
account which had been begun as to the partition of the
land is broken off to make way for the insertion of a narra-
tive, namely, that Caleb requested Mount Hebron to be
given to him as he had been promised by Moses. This hap-
pened a long time before the people had ceased from mak-
ing war, and it became necessary to cast lots. It is stated
to be the fiftli year since their entrance into the land, and
he does not ask for a locality to be given up to him which
was already subdued and cleared of the enemy, but in the
midst of the noise and heat of warfare, lie asks to be per-
mitted to acquire it by routing and slaying its giants. He
only seeks to provide, that when his valour has subdued the
giants, he is not to be defrauded of the reward of his labour.
The method of so ^jroviding, is to prevent its being included
in the common lot of a tribe. Accordingly, he does not put
forth the claim by himself alone, but the members of his
tribe, the sons of Judah also concur with him, because tlie
effect of conferring this extraordinary benefit on one family
was so far to make an addition to all. Hence though Caleb
alone speaks, all the tribe whose interest it was that his
request should be granted were present.

CHAP, XIV. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 195

I am not clear why tlie surname of Kenite was given to
Caleb. He is so called also in Numbers xxxii. I am not
unaware of the conjecture of some expositors, that he was so
surnamed from Kenas, because either he himself or some one
of his ancestors dwelt among the Kenites. But I see no
solid foundation for this. What if he gained this title by
some illustrious deed, just as victors sometimes assume a
surname from the nations they have subdued ? As the pro-
mise had not been inserted into any public record, and
Joshua was the only witness now surviving, he makes his
application to him. And it is probable that when the ten
spies made mention of the names of the Anakim, with the
view of terrifying tbe people, Caleb, to refute their dishonesty,
answered with truth, that when he beheld them on Mount
Plebron, they were so far from being terrible, that he would
attack them at his own hand, provided that on their expul-
sion he should succeed to their lands ; and that on these con-
ditions Moses ceded to him a habitation in that locality
which he should have acquired by his own prowess.

7. Forty years old was I, &c. He seems to talk of his
own virtue in rather loftier terms than becomes a pious and
modest man. But let us remember that, seeing the thing
was in itself invidious and liable to many objections, it stood
in need of special commendation as a means of suppressing
envy. He therefore mentions that he had acted in good
faith in bringing back an account of what he had learned
concerning the land. For the expression, " As it was in my
heart," evidently denotes sincerity, the heart being thus
opposed to deceitful words. It is a ridiculous fiction to
imagine that he had said it in his heart, because from fear of
being killed by his companions he had not ventured to men-
tion anything of the kind by the way. Nothing more is
meant than simply this, that he acted honestly according to
the command given him, without gloss or dissimulation. He
enlarges on the merit of his integrity, because though he
was opposed by all his colleagues, with the exception of
Joshua, he did not yield to their malice, nor was dispirited
by their iniquitous conspiracy, but steadfastly pursued his
purpose. The words taken in their most literal sense are, I

196 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIV. 9.

filled or fulfilled to go after thy God ; but the obvious meaning
is, that he was not seduced from a faithful discharge of his
duty by the wicked machination of ten men, however diffi-
cult it was to resist them, because he followed God with
inflexible perseverance, feeling perfectly assured that God
was the author of the expedition, from which those perfidious
men were endeavouring to draw off the people.

Let us learn from this passage, first, that unless the last
part corresponds to the first, good beginnings vanish away ;
secondly, that constancy is deserving of praise only when we
follow God.

9. And Moses siuare on that day, &c. Here, then, is one
fruit of the embassy honestly and faithfully performed — to
gain possession of an inheritance of which the whole people
is deprived. For although long life is justly accounted one
of the mercies of God, the end proposed by it is here added,
viz., that Caleb may obtain the inheritance which is denied
to others. This was no ordinary privilege. He next extols
the faithfulness of God in having prolonged his life, and not
only so, but supplied vigour and strength, so that though he
was now above eighty years of age, he was not a whit feebler
than when in the flower of his youth. Others, too, had a
green old age, but they were few in number, and then in
their case there was not added to the even tenor of their
days a manly vigour, remaining wholly unimpaired up to
their eighty-fifth year. For he lays claim not only to the
skill and valour of a leader, but also to the physical strength
of a soldier.

He next adds the other offices and actions of his life.
For to go out and in is equivalent in Hebrew to the obsei'-
vance and execution of all parts of our duty. ' And this
Caleb confirms by fact, when he demands it as his task to
assail and expel the giants. He is not, however, elated by
stolid pride to a confident assurance of victory, but hopes for
a prosperous event from the assistance of God. There
seems, indeed, to be an incongruous expression of doubt in
the word Perhaps, as if he were begirting himself fortui-
tously for the fight.' Those expositors who think that he is
' French, " II est vrai que ce mot Peut estre, qui est une marque ordi-

CnAP.XIV. 13. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 197

clistriLsting himself from a feeling- of modesty and considering
his own weakness, say something to the point, but do not say
the whole. They certainly omit Avhat is of principal import,
viz., that this Perhaps refers to the common feelings Avhich
men would entertain on taking a view of the actual state of
matters.

The first thing necessary is duly to consider what his
design is. Had he asked the gift of a mountain, which he
could have seized without any great exertion, it would have
been more difficult to obtain it. But now when the difficulty
of the task is plainly set forth, he gains the favour of Joshua
and the princes, because in assenting to his prayer, they grant
liim nothing but the certainty of an arduous, doubtful, and
perilous contest. Knowing, then, that the children of Israel
trembled and were in terror at the very name of the giants,
he speaks according to their opinion as of a matter attended
with doubt and uncertainty. As regards himself, the words
clearly demonstrate how far he was from viewing that which
had been said to him with a dubious or vacillating mind. I
shall drive them out, he says, as the Lord hath declared.
Shall we say that when he utters the declaration of God, he
is in doubt whether or not God will do what he jiromised ?
It is quite plain that he only reminded them how dangerous
the business was, in order that he might the more easily
obtain their assent. Although it is not uncommon in
Hebrew to employ this term to denote difficulty merely,
without meaning to imply that the mind is agitated by dis-
trust or disquietude. How very difficult it was to drive out
the giants from that fastness,^ may be inferred from the fact
that the death of Joshua took place before Caleb ventured
to attack them.

13. And Joshua blessed him, &c. He prayed thus earnestly
to shew the delight he felt. For it was expedient by way of
example to extol his valour, by which others might be in-

naire de doute, semble estre estrange et ne convenir point, comme s'il se
preparoit au combat a 1' adventure ;" " It is true, indeed, that this word
Perhaps, which is an ordinary mark of doubt, seems strange and unsuit-
able, as if he were preparing himself for the combat at hap-hazard." — Ed.
Latin, " Ea munitione." French, " Cette forteresse si bien munie ;"
" That stronghold so well fortified."— iJrf.

198 COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIV. 13.

cited to surmount all their fears. For it was just as if lie
had gained an eminence from which he could look down
upon the giants. The blessing of Caleb, therefore, includes
in it praise whicli may have the eifect of an exhortation to
the people. In the end of the chapter it is said, that the
name of Hebron was Ciriath-Arba, (Kirjath-Arba.) Here it
is to be observed, that it is not the mountain itself that is
meant, but the principal cit}'', of which there is frequent
mention in Scripture. It is said to have received the sur-
name from a giant famous for his stature. And this refutes
the imagination of those expositors who insist that it was so
called from having been the burial-place of four patriarchs
— Adam, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.

It is plain that Caleb, in making the request, had not
been looking to present ease or private advantage, since he
does not aspire to the place that had been given him till many
years after. Wherefore it was no less the interest of the
whole peoi^le than of one private family, that that which as
yet depended on the incomprehensible grace of God, and
was treasured up merely in hope, should be bestowed as a
special favour. A grant which could not take effect without
a wonderful manifestation of divine agency could scarcely
be invidious.

A qviestion, however, arises. Since Hebron not only be-
came the portion of the Levites, but was one of the cities of
refuge, how could the grant stand good ? If we say that
Caleb was contented with other towns, and resigned his
right to the Levites, it is obvious that the difficulty is not
solved, because Caleb is distinctly appointed owner of that
city. But if we reflect that the right of dwelling in the
cities was all that was granted to the Levites, there will be
no inconsistency. Meanwhile, no small praise is due to the
moderation of Caleb, who, in a locality made his own by
extraordinary' pi-ivilcge, did not refuse an hospitable reception
to the Levites.^

' According to the explanation here given, the liCvites held Hebron only
by a kind of precarious tenure, dependent on the good will of Caleb, who
gave them an hospitable reception, but might have declined it. It would
seem, however, from other passages, and more particularly from chaps.
XX. 7, and xxi. 9-lo, that their right to Hebron was as complete and ab-

CHAP. XV.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

199

CHAPTER XV.

1. This then Avas the lot of the
tribe of the children of Judah by
their families ; even to the border of
Edom, the wilderness of Zin, south-
ward, was the uttermost part of the
south coast.

2. And their south border was
from the shore of the salt sea, from
the bay that looketh southward :

3. And it went out to the south
side to Maaleli-acrabbim, and
passed along to Zin, and ascended
up on the south side unto Kadesh-
barnea, and passed along to Ilezron,
and went up to Adar, and fetched a
compass to Karkaa:

4. From thence it passed toward
Azmon, and went out unto the river
of Egj-pt ; and the goings out of
that coast were at the sea. This
shall be yom- south coast.

5. And the east border was the
salt sea, even unto the end of Jor-
dan : and their border in the north
quarter was from the bay of the
sea, at the uttermost part of Jordan.

6. And the border went up to
Beth-hogla, and passed along by
the north of Beth-arabah ; and the
border went up to the stone of Bo-
han the son of Reuben.

7. And the border went up to-
ward Debir, from the valley of
Achor, and so northward, looking
toward Gilgal, that is before the
going up to Adummim, which is on
the south side of the river : and the
border passed toward the waters of
En-shemesh, and the goings out
thereof were at En-rogel.

8. And the border went up by
the valley of the son of Hinnom unto
the south side of the Jebusite ; the
same is Jerusalem ; and the border
went up to the top of the momitain

1. Fuitque sors tribui filiorum
Jehuda per familias eorum juxta
terminiun Edom, et descrtum Sin ad
austrum ab extreme austri.

2. Fuitque ejus terminus nieri-
diei ab extreme maris sails, hoc est
a petra quaj respicit ad meridiem.

3. Et egreditur versus meridiem
Maale-acrabim, et illinc transit in
Sin : progrediens autem a meridie
in Cades-barnea transit illinc in Es-
ron, et rursum ascendit in Adar,
imde circuit in Carcaa.

4. Inde transit in Asmon, et egre-
ditur ad torrentem ^gypti : simt-
que egressus hujus termini ad occi-
clentem : iste erit vobis terminus ad
meridiem.

5. Terminus vero ad orientem,
est mare salis usque ad extreraita-
tem Jordanis, terminus autem an-
guli aquilonaris a petra maris ab
extreme Jordanis.

6. Ascenditque terminus iste in
Beth-hoglah, et transit ab aquilone
ad Betharaba, atque illinc ascendit
terminus iste ad lapidem Bohaa
filii Ruben.

7. Ascendit prteterea terminus
iste in Debir a valle Achor, et ver-
sus aquilonem respicit ad Gilgal,
qua; est e regione ascensus Adum-
mim, quffi quidem est ab austre tor-
renti : et transit terminus iste ad
aquas En-semes, suntque exitus ejus
ad En-rogel.

8. Et ascendit terminus iste ad
vallem filii Hinnom, ad latus Jebu-
sffii a meridie, ipsa est Jerusalem :
ascendit insuper terminus iste ad
verticem mentis qui est e regione

solute as that which they possessed to any of their other cities. Moreover,
as these cities Avere allocated by lot, or in other words, by divine arrange-
ment, no injustice was done to Caleb, and it would have been strangely
inconsistent with all that we have previously learned of his conduct and
character, had he on this occasion offered any remonstrance. — Ed.

200

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XV. 1.

that lieth before the valley of Hin-
nom westward, which is at the end
of the valley of the giants north-
ward.

9. And the border was drawn
from the top of the hill imto the
fountain of the water of Nephtoah,
and went out to the cities of mount
Ephron ; and the border was drawn
to Baalah, which is Kirjath-jearim.

10. And the border compassed
from Baalah westward unto mount
Seir, and passed along unto the side
of moimt Jearim, (which is Chesa-
lon,) on the north side, and went
down to Beth-shemesh, and passed
on to Timnah.

11. And the border went out
unto the side of Ekron northward :
and the border was drawn to Shi-
cron, and passed along to mount
Baalah, and went out unto Jabneel ;
and the goings out of the border
were at the sea.

12. And the west border was to
the great sea, and the coast thereof.
This is the coast of the children of
Judah round about, according to
their families.

13. And imto Caleb the son of
Jephunneh he gave a part among
the children of Judah, according to
the commandment of the Lord to
Joshua, even the city of Arba, the
father of Anak, which city is Hebron.

1. I have already premised, that I would not be very exact
in delineating the site of places, and in discussing names,
partly because I admit that I am not well acquainted with to-
pographical or chorographic science, and partly because great
labour would produce little fruit to the reader ;^ nay, per-

^ French, " Jai desia par ci devant adverti que je ne seroye point cu-
rieux a descrire ou peindre la situation des lieux, et a espulcher tous les
noms, en partie parce que je confesse franchement que je ne suis pas bien
exerce a faire descriptions de lieux ou de regions ; en partie d'autant que
d'un grand travail qu'il faudroit prendre, il n'en reviendroit que bien peu
de fruict aux lecteurs ;" " I have already before this intimated that I would
not be curious in describing or painting the situation of places, and in ex-
piscating all the names, partly because, I frankly confess, that I am not
much experienced in making descriptions of places or coimtries, partly be-
cause from the great laboiu" which it would be necessary to take, very little
benefit would redound to the reader." It may be added that these de-

vallis Hinnom ad occidentem, quse
quidem est in extremitate vallis
Itephaim ad aquiloncm.

9. Circuit autem terminus a ver-
tice ipsius montis, ad fontem aquae
Nephthoah, et egreditur ad urbes
montis Ephron, circuitque terminus
iste in Baala, ipsa est Cirjath-jea-
rim.

10. Et illinc gyrat terminus iste
a Baala ad occidentem ad montem
Seir, et illinc pertransit ad latus mon-
tis Jearim ab aquilone, ipsa est
Chesalon, descenditque in Beth-
semes, et pertransit in Timna.

11. Egrediturque terminus ad la-
tus Ecron ad Aquilonem, et circuit
terminus iste ad Sichron, pertran-
sitque ad montem Baala, et illinc
egreditur in Jabneel, suntque exitus
hujus termini ad mare.

12. Porro terminus occidetrtalis
ad mare magnum, et terminum, iste
est terminus filiorum Jehuda per
circuitum, per famihas suas.

13. Caleb autem filio Jephune
dedit partem in medio filiorum J e-
huda, secundum sermonem Jehovse
ad Josue, Cirjath-arba patris Anac,
ipsa est Hebron.

CHAP. XV. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. , 201

liaps the greater part of readers would toil and perplex
themselves without receiving any benefit. With regard to
the subject in hand, it is to be observed, that the lot of the
tribe of Judah not only falls on elevated ground, the very
elevation of the territory, indicating the dignity of the future
kingdom, but a similar presage is given by its being the first
lot that turns up. What had already been obtained by arms,
they begin to divide. The names of the ten tribes are cast
into the urn. Judah is preferred to all the others. Who
does not see that it is raised to the highest rank, in
order that the prophecy of Jacob may be fulfilled? Then
within the limits here laid down, it is well known that there
were rich pastures, and vineyards celebrated for their pro-
ductiveness and the excellence of their wines. In this way,
while the lot corresponds with the prophecy of Jacob, it is
perfectly clear that it did not so happen by chance ; the
holy patriarch had only uttered what was dictated by the
Spirit.

If any are better skilled in places, a more minute investi-
gation will be pleasant and useful to them. But lest those
who are less informed feel it irksome to read unknown
names, let them consider that they have obtained knowledge
of no small value, provided they bear in mind the facts to
which I have briefly and summarily adverted — that the
tribe of Judah was placed on elevated ground, that it might
be more conspicuous than the others, until the sceptre should
arise from it — and that a region of fruitful vineyards and
rich pastures was assigned to his posterity — and, finally, all
this was done, in order that the whole people might recog-
nise that there was nothing of the nature of chance in the
turning up of a lot, which had been foretold three centuries

scriptions of boundaries, how minutely soever they may be detailed, must,
from their very nature, leave a very vague impression on the mind of the
most careful reader, and are much less adapted for the ear than for the eye,
which, by a single glance at a map, furnishes information much more
vivid, distinct, and accurate than can be obtained from pages of descrip-
tion. At the same time it ought to be remembered, that accurate and
detailed descriptions of the boundaries of the different tribes were abso-
lutely indispensable to the Israelites themselves, to whom they formed a
kind of title-deeds, vindicating their right of possession, and securing them
against encroachment. — Ed.

202 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XV. 1,

before. Besides, it is easy for tlie unlearned to infer from
the long circuit described, that the territory thus allocated
to one tribe was of great extent.^ For although some dimi-
nution afterwards took place, its dominions always continued
to be the largest.

It is necessary, however, to bear in mind what I formerly
observed, that nothing else was determined by the lot than that
the boundary of the children of Judah was to be contiguous
to the land of Edom and the children of Sin, and that their
boundary, in another direction, was to be the river of Egypt
and the Mediterranean Sea — that those who had been se-
lected to divide the country proceeded according to the best
of their judgment, in proportioning the quantity of territory
allotted to the number of their people, without extending
their boundaries any farther — and tliat they followed the
same method in other cases, as vicinity or other circum-
stances demanded.

Any error into which they fell, did not at all affect the
general validity of their decision. For as they were not
ashamed partly to recall any ^^artition that might have been
made witliout sufficient consideration, so the people in their
turn, while they acknowledged that they had acted in the
matter with the strictest good faith and honesty, submitted
the more willingly to whatever they determined. Thus, not-
withstanding any particular error, their general arrange-
ments received full effect.

It will be worth while to make one remark on the city
Jebus, whose name was afterwards Jerusalem. Although it
had been already chosen, by the secret counsel of God, for his
sanctuary, and the seat of the future kingdom, it however
continued in the possession of the enemy down to the time of
David. In this long exclusion from the place on which the
sanctity, excellence, and glory of the rest of the land were
founded, there was a clear manifestation of the divine curse
inflicted to punish the people for their sluggishness : since it
was virtually the same as if the land had been deprived of its
principal dignity and ornament. But on the other hand, the

• As originally laid out, it contained nearly a Ihird of the whole Israel-
itish territory west of the Jordan. — Ed.

CHAP. XV. 1 3. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 203

woiitlerful goodness of God was conspicuous in this, that the
Jebusites who, from the long respite which had been given
them, seemed to have struck their roots most deeply, were at
length torn up, and driven forth from their secure position.

13. And unto Caleb the son of Jephunneh, &c. Were we
to judge from the actual state of matters, it would seem
ridiculous repeatedly to celebrate an imaginary grant from
which Caleb received no benefit while Joshua was alive.
But herein due praise is given both to the truth of God, and
to the faith of his saint in resting on his promise. There-
fore, although sneering men, and the inhabitants of the
place itself, if the rumour had readied them, might have
derided the vain solicitude of Caleb, and the empty liber-
ality of Joshua, the contempt thus expressed would only
liave proved them to be presumjjtuous scoffers. God at
length evinced the firmness of his decree by the result, and
Caleb, though he saw himself unable to obtain access to the
mountain, testified that he was contented with the mere
promise of God, the true exercise of faith, consisting in a
willingness to remain without the fruition of things which
have been promised till the period actually arrive. More-
over, this passage, and others similar to it, teach us that the
giants who are usually called Enakim, were so named after
their original progenitor, Enac, and that the word is hence of
Gentile origin. The time when Caleb routed the sons of
Enac we shall see in a short time. This passage also shews
us that Caleb, when he brought forward the name of Moses,
did not make a mere pretence, or utter anything that
was not strictly true ; for it is now plainly declared, that
Moses had so appointed, in conformity with the command of
God.

14. And Caleb drove thence the 14. Expuht inde Caleb tres filios
three sons of Anak, Sheshai, and Enac, Sezadi, et Ahiman, et Thal-
Ahiraan, and Talmai, the children of mai qui fuerunt filii Enac.

Anak,

15. And he went up thence to 15. Ascenditque inde ad habitato-
the inhabitants of Debir : and the res Debir, cujus nonien antea fuit
name of Debir before was Kirjath- Ciriath-sepher.

sepher.

16. And Caleb said, He that 16. Dixitque Caleb, qui percus-
sniiteth Kirjath-sepher, and taketh serit Ciriath-sepher, et ceperit earn,

201-

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XV.

it, to him will 1 give Achsah my
daughter to wife.

17. And Othiiiel the son of Kenaz,
the brother of Caleb, took it : and
he gave him Achsah his daughter
to wife.

18. And it came to pass, as she
came unto him, that she moved him
to ask of her father a field : and she
lighted off her ass ; and Caleb said
unto her. What wouldest thou ?

19. Who answered. Give me a
blessing : for thou hast given me a
south land ; give me also springs
of water. And he gave her the
upper springs, and the nether
springs.

20. This is the inheritance of the
tribe of the children of Judah, ac-
cording to their families.

21. And the uttermost cities of
the tribe of the children of Judah,
toward the coast of Edom, southward,
were Kabzeel, and Eder, and Jagur,

22. And Kinah, and Dimonah,
and Adadah,

23. And Kedesh, andllazor, and
Ithnan,

24. Ziph, and Telem, and Bea-
loth,

25. And Hazor, Hadattah, and
Kerioth, and Hezron, which is Ha-
zor,

26. Amam, and Shema, and Mo-
ladah,

27. And Hazar-gaddah, and Hesh-
mon, and Beth-palet,

28. And Hazar-shual, and Beer-
sheba, and Bizjothjah,

29. Baalah, and lim, and Azem,

30. And Eltolad, and Chesil, and
Hormah,

31. And Ziklag, and Madman-
nah, and Sansannah,

32. And Lebaoth, and Shilhim,
and Ain, and Rimmon : all the cities
are twenty and nine, with their vil-
lages.

33. And in the valley, Eshtaol,
and Zoreah, and Ashnah,

34. And Zanoah, and En-gannim,
Tappuah, and Enam,

35. Jarmuth, and AduUam, So-
coh, and Azekah,

36. And Sharaim, and Adithaim,

dabo ei Achsa filiam meam in uxo-
rem.

17. Cepit autem earn Othniel
filius Cenas fratris Caleb: deditque
ei Achsa filiam suam in uxorem.

18. Fuitque quum veniret ipsa
suasit illi, ut peteret a patre suo
agrum, et descendit de asino, dixit-
que ei Caleb, Quid tibi est ?

19. Ilia respondit. Da mihi bene-
dictionem : quandoquidem terrara
aridam dedisti mihi, da mihi fontes
aquarum. Et dedit ei fontes supe-
riores, et fontes inferiores.

20. Ista est hsereditas tribus fili-
orum Jehuda per famUias suas.

2 1 . Fuertmt autem urbes in extre-
mitate tribus filiorum Jehudse juxta
terminum Edom ad meridiem. Cab-
seel, et Eder, et Jagur.

22. Et Cina, et Dimona, et Ada-
da,

23. Et Cedes, et Hasor, et Ithnan,

24. Ziph, et Telem, et Bealoth,

25. Et Hasor in Hadatha, et Ce-
rioth, Hesron, ipsa est Hasor,

26. Amam, et Sema, et Molada,

27. Et Hasar-gadda, et Hesmon,
Beth-phelet,

28. Et Ilasar-sual, et Beerseba,
et Bizjotheja,

29. Baala, et lim, et Asem,

30. Et Eltholad, et Chesil, et
Horma,

31. Et Siclag, et Madmannah, et
Sensannah,

32. Et Lebaoth, et Silhim, et
Ain, et Rimon : omnes urbes viginti
et novem, et villae earum.

33. In planitie Esthaol, et Sora,
et Asnah,

34. Et Zanoah, et Engannim, et
Taphuah, et Enam,

35. Jarmuth, et Adulam, Socoh,
et Azecah,

36. Et Saaraira, et Adithaim, et

CHAP. XV.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

205

and Gederali, and Gederothaim :
foiirteen cities with their villages.

37. Zenan, and Hadashah, and
Migdal-gad,

38. And Dilean, and Mizpeh, and
Joktheel,

39. Lachish, and Bozkath, and
Eglon,

40. And Cabbon, and Lahmam,
and Kithlish,

41. And Gederoth, Beth-dagon,
and Naamah, and Makkedah : six-
teen cities with their villages.

42. Libnah, and Ether, and
Ash an,

43. And Jiphtah, and Ashnah,
and Nezib,

44. And Keilah, and Achzib, and
Mareshah : nine cities Avith their
villages.

45. Ekron, with her towns and
her villages.

46. From Ekron even unto the
sea, all that lay near Ashdod, with
their villages.

47. Ashdod with her towns and her
villages, Gaza with her towns and her
villages, unto the river of Egypt, and
the great sea, and the border thereof.

48. And in the moimtains, Sha-
mir, and Jattir, and Socoh,

49. And Dannah, and Kirjath-
sannah, which is Debir,

50. And Anab, and Eshtenioh,
and Anim,

51. And Goshen, and Holon, and
Giloh : eleven cities with their vil-
lages.

52. Arab, and Dumah, and
Eshean,

53. And Janum, and Beth-tap-
puah, and Aphekah,

54. And Humtah, and Kirjath-
arba, (which is Hebron,) and Zior:
nine cities with their villages.

55. Maon, Carmel, and Ziph, and
Juttah,

56. And Jezreel, and Jokdeam,
and Zanoah,

57. Cain, Gibeah, and Timnah:
ten cities with their villages.

58. Halhul, Beth-zur, and Gedor,

59. And Maarath, and Beth-
anoth, and Eltekon : six cities with
their villages.

Gederah, et Gederothaim : urbes
quatuordecim, et vill?e earum.

37. Senam, et Hadasa, et Mig-
dalgad,

38. Et Dilan, et Mispeh, et Joc-
teel,

39. Lachis, et Boscath, et Eg-
lon,

40. Et Chabbon, et Lahmam, et
Chithlis,

41. Et Gederoth, Beth-dagon, et
Naamah, et Makeda : urbes sexde-
cim, et viUie earum.

42. Libna, et Ether, et Asan,

43. Et Jeptha,et Asna, et Nesib,

44. Et Cheila, et Achzib, et Ma-
resah : urbes novem et villae earum.

45. Ecron, et oppida ejus et villse
ejus.

46. Ab Ecron, et ad mare, om-
nes quae sunt ad latus Asdod, et vil-
lse earum.

47. Asdod, oppida ejus, et villse
ejus : Azza, oppida ejus et villte ejus
usque ad torrentem iEgypti, et mare
magnum, et terminus,

48. Etinmonte, Samir, et Jathir,
et Sochoh,

49. Et Dannah, et Ciriath-san-
nah, ipsa est Debir,

50. Et Anab, et Eshtemoh, et
Anim,

51. Et Gosan, et Holon, et Giloh ;
urbes imdecim, et villse earum.

52. Arab, et Dumah, et Esan,

53. Et Janum, et Beth-thappuah,
et Aphecah,

54. Et Huntha, et Ciriath-arba,
ipsa est Hebron, et Sior: urbes no-
vem, et villse earum.

55. Mahon, Carmel, et Ziph, et
Juttah,

56. Et Jezrael, et Jocdean, et
Zaura,

57. Cain, Giba, et Thimna : lurbes
decem, et villse earum.

58. Hal-hul, et Beth-sur, et Gedor,
69. Et Maarath, et Bethanoth, et

Elthecon: urbes sex, et villse earum.

206 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XV.

60. Kirjath-baal, (which is Kir- 60. Ciriath-baal, ipsa est Ciriath-
jath-jearim,) and Rabbah : two cities jearim, et Rabba : urbes duae, et
with their villages. villaj earum.

61. In the wilderness, Beth-ara- 61. In deserto, Beth-arabah, Mid-
bah, Middin, and Secacah, din, et Sech-acha,

62. And Nibshan, and the city of 62. Et Nibsan, et iirbs salis, et
Salt, and En-gedi : six cities with Engedi : urbes sex, et villse earum.
their villages.

63. As for the Jebusites, the in- 63. Porro Jebusseos habitatores
habitants of Jerusalem, the children Jerusalem non potuerunt filii Je-
of Judah could not drive them out : huda expellere : itaque habitavit
but the Jebusites dwell with the Jebusgeus cum filiis Jehuda in Jeru-
children of Judah at Jerusalem unto salem usque ad diem banc.

this day.

Here we have a narrative of what phiinly appears from
the book of Joshua to have taken place subsequent to the
death of Joshua ; but lest a question might have been raised
by the novelty of the procedure, in giving a fertile and well
watered field as the patrimony of a woman, the writer of the
book thought proper to insert a history of that which after-
wards happened, in order that no ambiguity might remain
in regard to the lot of the tribe of Judah. First, Caleb is
said, after he had taken the city of Hebron, to have attacked
Debir or Ciriath-sepher, and to have declared, that the per-
son who should be the first to enter it, would be his son-
in-law. And it appears, that vvhen he held out this rare
prize to his fellow-soldiers for taking the city, no small
achievement was required. This confirms what formerly
seemed to be the case, that it was a dangerous and difficult
task which had been assigned him, when he obtained his
conditional grant. Accordingly, with the view of urging the
bravest to exert themselves, he promises his daughter in
marriage as a reward to the valour of the man who should
first scale the wall.

It is afterwards added that . Othniel who was his
nephew by a brother, gained the prize by his valour, I
know not how it has crept into the common translation that
lie was a younger brother of Caleb ; for nothing in the least
degree plausible can be said in defence of the blunder.
Hence some expositors perplex themselves very unneces-
sarily in endeavouring to explain how Othniel could have
married his niece, since such marriage was forbidden by the

CHAP. XV. 17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 207

law. It is easy to see that he was not the uncle, but the
cousin of his wife.

But here another question arises, How did Caleb presume
to bargain concerning his daughter until he was made ac-
quainted with her inclinations ?^ Although it is the office
of parents to settle their daughters in life, they are not per-
mitted to exercise tyrannical power and assign them to
whatever husbands they think fit without consulting them.
For while all contracts ought to be voluntary, freedom ought
to prevail especially in marriage that no one may pledge his
faith against his will. But Caleb was probably influenced
by the belief that his daughter would willingly give her con-
sent, as she could not modestly reject such honourable
terms f for the husband to be given her was no common
man, but one who should excel all others in warlike prowess.
It is quite possible, however, that Caleb in the heat of battle
inconsiderately proniised what it was not in his power to
perform. It seems to me, however, that according to com-
mon law, the agreement implied the daughter's consent, and
was only to take eifect if it was obtained.^ God certainly

' If we are to indulge in conjectures on the subject, this question might
be answered by another, How do we know that Caleb had not consulted
her inclinations, and instead of resting satisfied with the vague imaginings
here ascribed to him, actually obtained her consent to the proposal which
he was about to make ? It may not have been, as Calvin supposes, a sud-
den thought which struck him in the heat of battle, but a calm resolve
formed before he set out on his expedition against Debir, and intended to
reward the most valiant of those who had assisted him in his war against
the giants. And it is even not impossible that both he and his daughter,
to whom Othniel, from his near relationship, must have been well known,
had no doubt from the prowess he had jireviously exhibited, that he woidd
outstrip all his competitors and carry off the prize. These, of course, are
mere conjectures, but they are at least as plausible as those indulged in by
other expositors, who, after raising the question, appear to have given
themselves much unnecessary trouble in attempting to solve it. — Ed.

^ French, " Pource qu'un tel partie et condition si honorable ne pouvoit
estre refusee honnestement et sans impvidence ;" " Because such a party
and so honourable a condition could not be refused honestly (honourably)
and without impudence." — Ed.

' In other words, Caleb promises his daughter not absolutely to the man
who should take the city, laut to the man who, in addition to the prowess
exerted in taking it, should also have the address to gain the daughter's
consent. It is difficult to believe that the promise made was either so
meant by Caleb, or so interpreted by his followers. lie very probably and,
as the event shewed, justly judged that his influence as a parent would
either win or command his daughter's consent. — Ed.

208 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XV. 18,

heard the prayer of Caleb, when he gave him a son-in-law
exactly to his mind. For had the free choice been given
him, there was none whom he would have preferred.

18. And it came to pass as she came unto him, &c. Al-
though we may conjecture that the damsel Acsa was of
excellent morals and well brought up, as marriage with her
had been held forth as the special reward' of victory, yet
perverse cupidity on her part is here disclosed. She knew
that by the divine law women were specially excluded from
hereditary lands, but she nevertheless covets the possession
of them, and stimulates her husband by unjust expostulation.
In this way ambitious and covetous wives cease not to
molest their husbands until they force them to forget shame,
modesty, and equity. For although the avarice of men also
is insatiable, yet women are apt to be much more precipi-
tate. The more carefully ought husbands to be on their
guard against being set as it were on flame by the blast of
such importunate counsels.^

But a greater degree of intemperance is displayed when
she acquires additional boldness from the facilitj'- of her
husband and the indulgence of her father. Not contented
with the field given to her, she demands for herself a well-
watered district. And thus it is when a person has once
overleaped the bounds of rectitude and honesty, the fault is
forthwith followed up by impudence. Moreover, her father
in refusing her nothing gives proof of his singular affection
for her. But it does not therefore follow that the wicked
thirst of gain which blinds the mind and perverts right
judgment is the less hateful. In regard to Acsa's dismount-
ing from the ass, some interpreters ascribe it to dissimula-
tion and craft, as if she were pretending inability to retain

1 French, " Pour un salaire exquis et precieux ;" " As an exquisite and
precious recompense." — Ed.

° Latin, "Foeminje tanien magis prjecipitesferuntur." French, "Lesfem-
mes sont beaucoup plus bouillantes, et se laissent transporter plus aisement.
Et d'autant plus sogneusement les maris se doyvent donner garde, de peur
que par leurs conseils importims, qui sont comme des soufflets, ils ne soyent
embrasez ;" " Women are much more fervid, and allow themselves to be
more easdy carried away. And so much the more carefully should hus-
bands be on their guard, lest by their importunate counsels, which are like
bellows, they be blown into flame." — £Jd.

CHAP. XV. 63. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 209

her seat from grief. In tliis way lier dismounting or falling
oflF is made an indication of criminality and defective charac-
ter. It is more simple, however, to suppose that she jDlaced
herself at her father's feet with the view of accosting him
as a suppliant. Be this as it may, by her craft and flattery
she gained his consent, and in so far diminished the portion
of her brothers.^

20. This is the inheritance, &c. He had formerly, indeed,
traced out the boundaries of the children of Judah ; but it
is now shewn for a diiferent reason how large and fertile the
territory was which the Lord in his great liberality had be-
stowed upon them. One hundred and thirteen cities with their
towns and villages are enumerated. The number attests not
only the populousness, but also the fertility of the countrj'.
And there cannot be a doubt that by the divine blessing a
new degree of fertility was imparted to it. The goodness of
God was, however, manifested in the very nature of the land
selected for his people, a land abounding in all kinds of ad-
vantages. If we attend to the number of souls in the tribe,
we shall find that one half of the country would have been
amply sufficient for their habitation. For when eight hundred
were allocated in each of the cities, the remainder had the
towns and the villages. It is no doubt true that a portion was
afterwards withdrawn and given to the tribe of Simeon.
For in this was accomplished the dispersion of which Jacob
had prophesied, " I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter
them in Israel." (Gen. xlix. 7.) They were accordingly
admitted by the children of Judah as a kind of guests.

63. As for the Jebusites, &c. This furnishes no excuse for
the people, nor is it set down with that view ; for had
they exerted themselves to the full measure of their
strength, and failed of success, the dishonour would have

' French, " Quoy qu'il en soit, cette femme attira a soy par astiice et
flatteries le droit d'autruy, et par ce moyen, la part et portion de ses freres
en flit d'autant amoindrie ;" " Be this as it may, this woman attracted to
herself by craft and flattery the right of another, and by this means the
part and portion of her brothers was so far lessened." The censure here
passed upon Achsah is rather more severe than the circumstances seem to
warrant. It ought to be remembered, that in cases of succession the pre-
ference given to males is only conventional, and that by natural law her
brothel s' title was not a whit better than her own. — Ed.

210 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVI.

fallen on God himself, who had promised that he would con-
tinue with them as their leader until he should give them
full and free possession of the land, and that he would send
hornets to drive out the inhabitants. Therefore, it was
owing entirely to their own sluggishness that they did not
make themselves masters of the city of Jerusalem. This
they were not able to do ; but their own torpor, their
neglect of the divine command from a love of ease, were the
real obstacles.

Tliis passage is deserving of notice : we ought to learn
from it to make vigorous trial of our strength in attempting
to accomplish the commands of God, and not to omit any
opportunity, lest while we are idly resting the door may be
shut. A moderate delay might have been free from blame ;
but a long period of effeminate ease in a manner rejected
the blessing which God was ready to bestow.^

CHAPTER XVI.

1. And the lot of the children of 1. Egressa est autem sors filiis
Joseph fell from Jordan by Jericho, Joseph a Jordane Jericho, ad aquas
unto the water of Jericho on the Jericho ad orientem, ad desertum
east, to the Avilderness that goeth quod ascendit a Jericho in montem
up from Jericho, throughout mount Beth-el.

Beth-el,

2. And goeth out from Beth-el 2. Egrediturque a Beth-el in Luz,
to Luz, and passeth along unto the et hinc pertransit ad terminum
borders of Archi to Ataroth, Archi-Ataroth.

3. And goeth down westward to 3. Postea ascendit ad mare, ad
the coast of Japhleti, unto the coast terminum Japhleti usque ad ter-
of Belh-horon the nether, and to minum Beth-horon inferiorem et
Gezer : and the goings out thereof usque ad Gazer, suntque exitus ejus
are at the sea. ad mare.

4. So the children of Joseph, 4. Itaque h^ereditatem accepe-
Manasseh and Ephraim, took their runt filii Joseph, Manasses et Eph-
inheritance. raim.

5. And the border of the children 5. Fuit autem terminus filiorum
of Ephraim, according to their Ephraim per familias suas : fuit,

* Some of the Jewish expositors, unwilling to admit the cowardice and
sluggishness of their countrymen, fable that the Jcbusites were permitted
to remain in possession because they were descendants of Abimelech, and
in consequence of the covenant made between him and Abraham, (Gen.
xxi. 22, 32,) could not be lawfully expelled. — Ed.

OIIAP. XVI. 1.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

211

families, was thus : even the border
of their inheritance on the east side
was Ataroth-adar, unto Beth-horon
the upper ;

0. And the border went out to-
ward the sea to Miclmiethah on the
north side ; and the border went
about eastward unto Taanath-shiloh,
and passed by it on the east to
Janohah ;

7. And it went down from Ja-
nohah to Ataroth, and to Naarath,
and came to Jericho, and went out
at Jordan.

8. The border went out from
Tappuah westward unto the river
Kanali ; and the goings out thereof
were at tlie sea. This is the inheri-
tance of the tribe of {he children
of Kphraim by their families.

9. And the separate cities for the
children of Ephraim were among the
inheritance of tlie children of Ma-
nasseh, all the cities with their
villages.

10. And they drave not out the
O'-'nannites thnt dwelt in Gezer ; but
(h-^ '^anaanites dwell among the
Ephraimitt'S unto this day, and serve
under tribute.

inquam, terminus htereditatis eorum
ad orientem ab Atroh-Addar, usque
ad Beth-horon superiorem.

6. Et exit terminus ille ad mare,
ad Michmethah ab aquilone : et
circumit terminus ad orientem. ad
Thaanath-siloh, et transit illam ab
oriente ad Janoah.

7. Et descendit a Janoah in Ata-
roth, et Naarath, et pervenit in
Jericho, egrediturque ad Jordanem.

8. A Thappuah pergit terminus
ad mare ad torrentem arundinis,
suntque exitus ejus ad mare, haec
esthereditas tribus fiUorum Ephraim
per familias suas.

9. Et urbes separaf je filiis Eph-
raim in meiiio hsereditatis i"iliorum
Manasse, omnes urbes, et villse
earum.

10. Neqiie expulerunt Chanan-
feum habitantem in Gazer. Itaque
habitavit Chananreusin medio Eph-
raim usque ad diem hanc, et fuit
tributo serviens.

1. And the lot of the children of Joseph fell, &c. The
sacred writer first states what the lot was which fell to the
two children of Joseph, and then describes the lot of
Ephraim. It is strange, however, that when the half of the
tribe of Manasseh had already been settled beyond the
Jordan, more words are employed in describing the remain-
ing half than in describing the whole of the inheritance of
the tribe of Ephraim, though the latter was the more popu-
lous, and justly claimed for itself a larger territory. But
the longer detail given concerning the posterity of Manasseh
is owing to particular circumstances. First, the writer repeats
how a settlement had been given them without lot in the
country of Basan. Secondly, he mentions the ratification by
Joshua of the command which Moses had given by divine
authority in regard to the daughters of Selophead. Seeing,
then, there was no doubt in regard to the boundaries of

212 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVI. 10.

Ephraim, and there was no danger of dispute, their alloca-
tion is only briefly glanced at.

But here a new question arises. When the right of
primogeniture had passed from Manasseh to Ephraim, how
did the posterity of that tribe which had precedence in
rank obtain their cities among the children of Manasseh ?
For theirs seems in this way to have been the inferior con-
dition. My explanation is this, When the portion of Ma-
nasseh was too extensive in proportion to the amount of
population, a calculation was made, and certain cities were
deducted to complete the just share of the tribe of Ephraim ;
not that they were mixed up with the children of Manasseh,
to hold their dwellings among them by a precarious tenure,'
but their boundaries were merely extended in the direc-
tion of the Manassites whom a narrower possession might
suffice.

In the end of the chapter, Ephraim is severely censured
for his effeminacy in not having expelled the Canaanites
from Gezer. For had they proceeded in a manly and hearty
manner to make good their right to the land which had
fallen to them by lot, the victory was in their hands. There
would have been no temerity in the attempt, since the de-
cision of the lot was as valid as if the Lord himself had
stretched forth his hand from heaven. But their disgrace-
ful sloth is more clearly expressed and their culpability
greatly heightened by the fact, that they made tributaries
of those with whom it was not lawful to enter into an}'- kind
of arrangement. Seeing, then, God had distinctly for-
bidden his people to transact business of any kind with those
nations, and least of all to enter into pactions with them,
stipulating for their pardon and safety, theEphraimites sinned
much more grievously in exacting tribute than if they had
tolerated them without paction.^

1 Latin, " Quasi precario." French, " Comme par emprunt ou par
prieres ;" " As by loan or by entreaty." — Ed.

' A long clause is here added by the Septuagint, to the effect that the
Canaanite continued to dwell in Ephraim till Pharaoh, king of Egypt,
came up and took it, drove out the Canaanites, Perizzites, and dwellers in
Gezer, and gave it as a dowry to his daughter, (who had married Solo-
mon.)— Ed.

CHAP. xvir.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

213

CHAPTER XVIL

1. There was also a lot for the
tribe of Manasseh, (for he was the
first-born of Joseph,) to loit, for
Machir, the first-born of Manasseh,
the father of Gilead : because he
was a man of war, therefore he had
Gilead and Bashan.

2. There was also a lot for the
rest of the children of Manasseh by
their families; for the children of
Abiezer, and for the children of
Helek, and for the children of As-
riel, and for the children of She-
chem, and for the children of
Hepher, and for the children of
Shemida : these ioe7-e the male-
children of Manasseh the son of
Joseph by their families.

3. But Zelophehad, the son of
Hepher, the son of Gilead, the son
of Machir, the son of Manasseh, had
no sons, but daughters : and these
are the names of his daughters,
Mahlah, and IJoah, Hoglah, Milcah,
and Tirzah.

4. And they came near before
Eleazar the priest, and before
Joshua the son of Nun, and before
the princes, saying, The Lord com-
manded Moses to give us an inheri-
tance among oiu- brethren : there-
fore, according to the commandment
of the Lord, he gave them an in-
heritance among the brethren of
their father.

5. And there fell ten portions to
Manasseh, besides the land of Gilead
and Bashiin, which were on the other
side Jordan ;

6. Because the daughters of Ma-
nasseh had an inheritance among
his sons : and the rest of Manasseh's
sons had the land of Gilead.

7. And the coast of Manasseh
was from Asher to Michmethah,
that lieth before Shechem ; and the
border went along on the right
hand unto the inhabitants of En-
tappuah.

8. Now Manasseh had the land of
Tappuah : but Tappuah, on the

1. Fuit quoque sors tribui Ma-
nasse (ipse enim fuit primogenitus
Joseph) ipsi Machir primogenito
Manasse patri Gilead (ipse enim
fuit vir bellicosus), fuit inquam, ei
Gilead et Basan.

2. Fuit item filiis Manasse reli-
quis per faniilias suas, filiis Abiezer,
et filiis Helec, et filiis Asriel, et filiis
Sechem, et filiis Hepher, et filiis
Semida. Isti sunt filii Manasse,
filii Joseph mares per familias suas.

3. Porro Selophead filio Hepher,
filii Gilead, filii Machir, filii Ma-
nasse non fuerunt fihi sed filiae:
qviarum ista sunt nomina, Mahala,
et Noa, Hogla, Melcha, et Thirza.

4. Hfe accesserunt in conspectum
Eleazar sacerdotis, et in conspectum
Josue filii Nun, atque in conspec-
tum principum, dicendo, Jehova
prfGcepit Mosi ut daret nobis hfe-
reditatem in medio fratrura nostro-
rum. Itaque dedit eis juxta ser-
monem Jehovfe, hjereditatem in
medio fratrum patris earum.

5. Et ceciderunt hsereditates Ma-
nasse decem, prseter terrara Gilead
et Basan, quae erant trans Jorda-
nem.

6. Filise enim Manasse sortitae
sunt hereditatem in medio filiorum
ejus: terra autem Gilead fuit filiis
Manasse reliquis.

7. Fuit autem terminus Manasse
ab Aser ad Michmethah, quae est
coram Sechem, et pergit terminus
ad dextram ad habitatores En-
thappua.

8. Ipsius Manasse fuit terra
Thappua : ab Thappua quae erat ad

214 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVII. 1

border of Manasseh, belonged to the terminum Manasse, est filiorum Eph-

children of Epliraim ; raim.

9. And the coast descended unto 9. Descenditque terminus ad
the river Kanah, southward of the torrentem arundinis ad meridiem
river: these cities of Kphraim are ipsius torrentis : civitafes istie tribus
among the cities of Manasseh : the Ephraim sunt in medio civitatum
coast of Manasseli also was on the Manasse : at terminus Manasse
north side of the river, and the out- est ab aquilone ipsius torrentis,
goings of it were at the sea. suntque exitus ejus ad mare.

10. Southward it was Ephraim's, 10. Ad meridiem est ipsius Eph-
and northward it tvas Manasseh's, raim, et ad aquilonem iosius Ma-
and the sea is his border ; and thej nasse, estque terminus ejus, et in
met together in A si; er on the north, Aser occurrunt inter se ab aqui-
and in Issachar on the east. lone, et in Issachar ab oriente.

The historian returns to tlie tribe of Manasseh with the
view of confirming wliat we formerly saw witli regard to the
daughters of Selopliead. For though it was a novelty for
females to succeed indiscriminately with males, yet as five
of them had survived their father, tlicy proved it v^^ bo
equitable that they should be admitted to a poitiui;, ot
while he was innocent he should lie under the reproach of
having died childless. God had rejdied to Moses by his
oracle, that in regard to succession they should be counted
as one head. They now demand that the decision thus
given by the mouth of the Lord shall be carried into effect.
As to the name of first-born, still given to Manasseh, it
must be understood so as not to be at variance with the
prophecy of Jacob ; or rather his primogeniture is here in a
manner buried, and his dignity restricted to the past. Here,
however, it is to be observed, that men are so tenacious and
so much devoted to their own interests, that it seldom
occurs to them to give others their due. The daughters of
Selophead had obtained a portion by a heavenly decree ; nor
had any one dared to utter a word against it ; and yet
if they had remained silent no regard would have been paid
to them. Therefore, lest the delay should prove injurious to
them, they apply to Joshua and Eleazar, and insist that they
shall not be deprived of their legitimate succession. No
delay is interposed by Joshua to prevent their immediately
obtaining what is just, nor is there any murmuring on the
part of the i^eople. Hence we infer, that all Avere dis-
posed to act equitably; but every one is occupied with

CHAP. XVII. 5. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 215

his owii interest, and too apt carelessly to overlook that of
others.

5. And there fell ten portions to Manasseh, &c. The
children of Manasseh are in this passage classed under seven
stems. Machir, the first-born, is placed apart ; the other
six follow. Here the question arises. How was the inheri-
tance divided into ten parts ? Some exjjositors cunningly
disguise the diflSculty -^ others, because thc}^ are unable to
solve it, indulge in the merest trifling. It is certainly very
absurd that four portions should be given to five daughters ;
and it is not a whit more congruous that their share should
be doubled because their father was the first-born. It is
beyond all controversy, that Gilead, son of Machir, and
great-grandfather of the females of whom we are now
speaking, chose his settlement in mount Gilead and Bashan.
Therefore, seeing he had already obtained an inheritance by
privilege without lot, he ought not to have obtained one by
lot in the land of Canaan, unless perhaps he settled only a
part of his family beyond tlie Jordan. For Hepher was one
of his sons, but not the only one ; and likewise the offspring
of five other brothers miglit be distinguished into several
heads according to the number of which tlie allocation by
lot might be made. For it is not known in what degree
families whose portion fell in the land of Canaan were
taken. And all we read here is, that ten lots were cast
among the sons of Manasseh in addition to the country
which they had formerly acquired for themselves beyond the
Jordan. It is thus vain to dispute concerning the number,
which cannot be ascertained with certainty from the present
narrative, because the first thing necessary to be known is
the exact number of families to whom the divison was com-
mon. Nay, it is not impossible that the daughters of
Selophead obtained their patrimony there. They are said,
indeed, to have dwelt among the brethren of their father ;
but the place is not given. Be this as it may, I have no

' Latin, " Quidam astute lumc scnipulum dissimulant." French,
" Aucuns y vont a la tines.se ne faisans nuUe mention de ceste difficiilte ;"
" Some have recourse to finesse, making no mention of this difRculty." —
Ed.

216

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XVII.

doubt that mutual equity was observed, and that after pro-
vision was made for otliers, the land which had been sub-
mitted to lot was distributed among ten families whose
names are here omitted.

11. And Manasseli had in Issa-
char, and in Ashur, Beth-shean and
her towns, and Ibleam and her
towns, and the inhabitants of Dor
and her towns, and the inhabitants
of En-dor and her towns, and the
inhabitants of Taanach and her
towns, and the inhabitants of Me-
giddo and her towns, even three
countries.

12. Yet the children of Manasseh
could not drive out the inhabitants
of those cities; but the Canaanites
■would dwell in that land.

13. Yet it came to pass, when the
children of Israel were waxen strong,
that they put the Canaanites to
tribute ; but did not utterly drive
them out.

14. And the children of Joseph
spake unto Joshua, saying, Why hast
thou given me but one lot and one
portion to inherit, seeing I am a
great people, forasmuch as the Lord
hath blessed me hitherto ?

15. And Joshua answered them.
If thou be a great people, then get
thee up to the yvood-country, and
cut down for thyself there in the
land of the Perizzites, and of the
giants, if mount Ephraim be too nar-
row for thee.

16. And the children of Joseph
said. The hill is not enough for us :
and all the Canaanites that dwell in
the land of the valley have chariots
of iron, both they Avho are of Beth-
shean and her towns, and thej/ Avho
are of the valley of Jezreel.

17. And Joshua spake unto the
house of Joseph, even to Ephraim
and to Manasseh, saying, Thou
art a great people, and hast great
power ; thou shalt not have one lot
only:

18. But the mountain shall be
thine; for it is a wood, and thou
shalt cut it down ; and the outgoings

11. Fuitque ipsi Manasse in Issa-
char, et in Aser, Beth- scan, et oppida
ejus : et Ibleam, et oppida ejus : et
habitatores Dor, et oppida ejus : et
habitatores Endor, et oppida ejus :
et habitatores Thaanach, et oppida
ejus : et habitatores Magiddo, et
oppida ejus, tres regiones.

12. Et non potuenmt filii Ma-
nasse expellere habitatores urbium
istarum, sed coepit Chananseus habi-
tare in terra ipsa.

13. Quum autem roborati essent
filii Israel, posuerunt Chananseura
tributarium, nee expellendo expule-
runt eum.

14. Loquuti sunt autem filii
Joseph ad Josue, dicendo, Cur
dedisti mihi in hsereditatem sortem
unam, et hsereditatem unam, quum
ego sim populus multus, ita quod
hucusque benedixerit mihi Jehova ?

15. Dixitque ad eos Josue, Si
populus multus es, ascende in syl-
vam, et succide tibi illic in terra
Periztei, et Rephaim, si angustus est
tibi mons Ephraim.

16. Cui responderunt filii Joseph,
Non sufRciet nobis mons ille : et
currus ferrei sunt in omni Chananseo
qui habitat in terra vallis, et ei qui
habitat in Beth-sean et oppidis ejus,
et ei qui habitat in valle Jezrael.

17. Dixitque Josue ad domum
Joseph, nempe ad Ephraim et Ma-
nasse, dicendo, Populus multus es,
et fortitudo magna est tibi : non erit
tibi sors unica :

1 8. Mons enim erit tibi, quia sylva
est : succides ergo earn, et erunt tibi
exitus ejus : quia expelles Ghana-

CHAP. XVII. 1 1. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 2] 7

of it shall be thine: for thoii shalt noeum, quanquani currus ferrei siiit
drive out the Canaanites, though ei, quanquaui fortis sit.
they have iron chariots, and though
they be strong.

11. And Manasseh had in Issachar, &c. How they were
so mingled as to possess some cities in the lot of Asher and
Issachar, while the tribe of Ephraim dwelt between their
limits, it is not easy to divine, unless, perhaps, it was per-
ceived that a more commodious habitation would not be liable
to many complaints,^ or, perhaps, after the whole country
had become more certainly known, some change was made
on principles of equity in the former partition. This, there-
fore, seems to have been a new acquisition after it was dis-
covered that the children of Manasseh might occupy a wider
extent without loss to others. Nor was the habitation given
to them a subjugated one, which they might immediately
enjoy, but it was an inheritance treasured up in hope, and
founded more upon heavenly promise than on actual posses-
sion. And yet their not gaining possession of those cities
is attributed to their fault, because the lot assigning it to
them was an indubitable pledge of victory. The reason,
therefore, why they could not expel the inhabitants was,
because they were not fully persuaded in their minds that
God is true, and stifled his agency by their own sluggishness.
But another crime still less pardonable was committed when,
having it in their power easily to destroy all, they not only
were slothful in executing the command of God, but, induced
by filthy lucre,^ they preserved those alive whom God had
doomed to destruction. For persons, on whom we impose
tribute, we in a manner take under our faith and protec-
tion. God had appointed them the ministers of his ven-
geance, and he supplies them with strength to execute it :

' Latin, " Nisi quia forte perspectum est, nee habitatio commodior
obnoxia esset multis querimoniis." French, " Sinon possible qu'on vou-
lust avoir esgard que s'ils eussent este' plus a leur aise, cela eust engendre
des complaintes ;" " Unless it be possible that they were pleased to take
it into consideration that if they had been more at their ease, that might
have engendered complaints." — Ed.

' Latin, " Turpi lucro adducti." French, " Sous couleur de quelque
gain vilain et infanie;" "Under colour of some vile and infamous gain." —
£d.

218 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. UHAP. XVII. 1 4

tliey not only delay, but deprive themselves of the liberty of
acting rightly. It is not strange, therefore, that God severely
punished this perverse heartlessness, by making those
nations whom they had pardoned in the face of a clear pro-
hibition, to become like thorns to pierce their eyes and pricks
to gall their sides.

Here, again, a question arises, How were cities granted to
them in the tribe of Asher and Issachar, when the portions
of both were as yet unknown ? Here, therefore, that which
had not yet taken i^lace is related by way of anticipation.
Be this as it may, we gather that from ignorance of the
localities, single portions were not divided so exactly as not
to make it necessary afterwards to correct what had been
more or less decided.^ And we must hold in general, with
regard both to the tribe of Ephraim and the others, that
many of the cities which they gained were of no account
because of the devastation. I doubt not that many ruins
here lie buried. On the other hand, we must conclude that
in fertile spots, or spots possessed of other advantages, where
petty villages only existed, their famous cities were founded.
It is certain that Sichcm was of sufficient importance to hold
both a name and rank, and yet there is no mention of it
here. The same is the case with Samaria, which, as is well
known, belonged to the same tribe of Ephraim when it was
the metropolis of the kingdom of Israel. It is plain, there-
fore, that each tribe possessed several cities, which are here
passed over in silence.

14. And the children of Joseph spake unto Joshua, &c.
Although they clothe their complaint with some colour of
excuse, yet they dishonestly disguise the fact, that more was
comprehended in one lot than was proper for one tribe. I
know not, however, whether or not the lot was cast in-
definitely for the sons of Joseph : it certainly does not seem
congruous that it should be so. Joshua and the other
dividers were not unaware that Ephraim and Manasseh

' Tn the French this section of the commentary stops here, and all that
follows in the Latin is omitted. It only amounts, however, to a transpo-
sition, as the omitted paragraph is inserted under the section of verse 14,
at the place indicated by a note. — Ed.

CHAP. XVII. IK COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 219

formed two heads, or two stems : and it has repeatedly been
said before that the land was divided into ten tribes, which
number was not accurate, unless the tribe of Manasseh was
considered distinct from tliat of Ephraim. It is certain,
therefore, that they had not fallen into such a gross blunder
as to throw the two names into one lot. Now, to conceal
two tribes under the name of Joseph, in order to defraud
them of half their right, would have been intolerable injus-
tice. We may add, that the domain of each was distinctly
explained and described by its proper boundaries.^

We are therefore led to conclude, that when the lots were
cast for the two tribes, the admirable counsel of God ai--
ranged that the brothers, who had a common father, should
be contiguous and neighbours to each other. It is unworthy
in them, tberefore, to complain and plead that only one in-
heritance had been given to them, because Joshua i>;^'l neither
such heartlessness nor so much malice as to defraud them of
a clear right either through thoughtlessness or envy.^ But

' The omitted paragrai^h of the section of verse 11 is inserted here. —
Ed.

^ It is impossible, of course, to make any suppositions at variance with
the honour and integrity of Joshua, and it must tlierefore be hekl that in
whatever manner the lot was taken for the children of Joseph, the strictest
equity was obstrved. Is it necessary, however, to adopt one of the two
alternatives, — either that separate lots were taken for Ephraim and Ma-
nasseh, or that Joshua deceived them ? Though they counted as two
tribes, they had oidy one patriarch for their ancestor, and it may thei'e-
fore have been most expedient that, as they were brethren, their settle-
ments should be adjacent to eacli other. This might, perhaps, have been
obtained by taking separate lots, for we have already seen, on several
occasions, how the lot, though apparently fortuitous, was providentially
controlled, so as to give results at once contirmatory of ancient predictions,
and conducive to the public good; and we may therefore presume that even
if separate lots had been taken, the result might still have been to place
the two kindred tribes in juxtaposition. But this was only problematical,
and the only way of placing the matter beyond doubt was to make one lot
serve for both. And there was no necessary injustice in this, since, as has
been repeatedly observed, the lot only fixed the locality, without determin-
ing its precise limits, and thus left it open to enlarge or curtail them
according to the extent of the population. If injustice had been done to
the chikken of Joseph, it would not have been merely because the}' had
been placed in one lot, but because this lot, though really intended for two
tribes, had been left as small as if it had been intended only for one. The
unreasonableness and dishonesty of the complaint, therefore, lay, according
to this view, in their insisting on the fact that only one lot had been taken,
and at the same time keeping out of view the other equally important ftict,

220 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVII. 16.

herein lay the falsehood of their complaint concerning narrow
boundaries, that thej counted all that was yet to be acquired
by warlike prowess as nothing ; as if the lot had assigned
portions to the other tribes only in subjugated territory.
Joshua, accordingly, in a single sentence, refutes and dis-
poses of their plea, and retorts upon them a charge by which
they were trying to throw obloquy upon him. If your
resources and your numbers are so great, why, he asks, do
you not make an inroad on the enemy, whose country has
been given to you ? Nor will the event disappoint you, if,
trusting to the promise of God, you boldly proceed to the
inheritance which he has bestowed upon you. We see how,
although proper provision had been made for them, they
were so blinded by sloth as to complain that they were
straitened for room, because they were unwilling to move
their finger to seek the full possession of their inheritance.
Wherefore, this passage teaches us, that if at any time we
think less is performed for us than is due, we ought care-
fully to shake off all delays, and not rashly throw upon others
the blame which is inherent in ourselves.

16. And the children of Josejih said, &c. It is too appa-
rent that they were thinking only of themselves, because
they quibble as much as they can, in order to avoid following
the suggestion of Joshua, than which, however, nothing was
more reasonable. They object, that the mountain is rugged
and little better than a desert, and therefore, though it were
added to them, they would derive very little benefit from it.
In regard to the plain, which was cultivated and fertile, they

that in fixing its boundaries due allowance had been made for their num-
bers, and distinct settlements of sutticient magnitude given to each. That
only one lot had been taken is strongly confirmed by the whole tenor of
the narrative: First. When the children distinctly put the question to
Joshua, " Why hast thou given me but one lot and one portion to inherit ?"
he does not silence them at once by answering that tlie assertion which
they thus broadly made in the form of a question was not true. On the
contrary, the indirectness of his answer seems to imply that the truth of
the assertion could not be denied. Secondly, The narrative in chapter
xvi., in describing the allocations of Ephraim and Manasseh, speak of them
as forming only one lot. Thus, it is said, (ver. 1,) "The lot of the chil-
dren of Joseph fell from Jordan by Jericho, unto the water of Jericho on
the east ;" and, (ver. 4,) '• So the children of Joseph, Manasseh and
Ephraim, took their inheritance." — Ed.

CHAP. XVII. 16.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

221

object that tliey are shut out and debarred from it because of
the formidable array of tlie enemy. Accordingly, they make
mention of their iron chariots, as if they had not already
learned by experience that the Lord was able, without any
difficulty, to trample down both horses and chariots. Joshua,
however, by a simple and right-hearted answer, administers
due castigation, as well to their avarice as their effeminacy
and torpor. If the forest, as it now stands, is not sufficiently
productive, cut down the trees and convert it into good fields ;
provided you are not sparing of your labour, you will have no
reason to be dissatisfied with your habitation. Iron chariots,
moreover, cannot prevent the Lord from performing what he
has promised to you. The inheritance is yours ; do only
your part by entering with due confidence on the possession
of it.

CHAPTER XVIIL

1 . And the whole congregation of
the children of Israel assembled to-
gether at Shiloh, and set up the ta-
bernacle of the congregation there :
and the land was subdued before
them,

2. And there remained among the
children of Israel seven tribes, which
had not yet received their inherit-
ance.

3. And Joshua said unto the chil-
dren of Israel, How long are ye slack
to go to possess the land, which the
Lord God of your fathers hath given
you?

4. Give out from among you three
men for each tribe : and I will send
them, and they shall rise and go
through the land, and describe it,
according to the inheritance of them ;
and they shall come again to me.

5. And they shall divide it into
seven parts : Judah shall abide in
their coast on the south, and the
house of Joseph shall abide in their
coasts on the north.

6. Ye shall therefore describe the
land into seven parts, njid bring the

1 . Congregata est autem universa
multitudo filiorum Israel in Silo, et
collocavcrunt ibi tabernaculum con-
ventionis, postquam terra subjecta
erat coram eis.

2. Remanserunt autem e filiis
Israel quibus non diviserant hseredi-
tatem suam, septem tribus.

3. Dixitque Josue ad filios Israel,
Usquequo cessatis ingredi, ut pos-
sideatis terram quam dec! it vobis
Jehova Deus patrum vestrorum ?

4. Tradite ex vobis tres viros per
tribuni, quos mittara : .surgentque et
ambulabunt per terram, describent-
que eam juxta hsereditatem suam,
postea revertentur ad me.

5. Et partientur eam in septem
portiones : Judas stabit in finibus
suis a meridie : et familia Joseph
stabunt in finibus suis ab aquUone.

6. Vosque describatis terram in
septem partes, et afferatis ad me

222

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XVIII. 1.

description hither to me, that I may
cast lots for you here before the
Lord our God.

7. But the Levites have no part
among you; for the priesthood of
the Lord is tlieir inheritance : and
Gad, and Reuben, and half the tribe
of Manasseh, have received their
inheritance beyond Jordan on the
east, which Moses, the servant of the
Lord, gave them.

8. And the men arose, and went
away : and Josliua charged them
that went to describe the land, say-
ing, Go and walk through the land,
and describe it, and come again to
me, that I may here cast lots for you
before the Lord in Shiloh.

9- And the men went and passed
through the land, and described it
by cities into seven parts in a book,
and came again to Joshua to the
host at Shiloh.

10. And Joshua cast lots for them
in Shiloh before the Lord : and
there Joshua divided the land unto
the children of Israel, according to
their divisions.

hue : turn projiciam vobis sortem
hie coram Jehova Deo nostro.

7. Non est enim pars Levitis in
medio vestri, quia sacerdotium Je-
hovaj est hfereditas ejus : Gad autem
et Ruben, et dimidia tribus Manasse
acceperunt hrereditalem suam citra
Jordanem ad orientem, quani dedit
ei Moses servus Jehovaj.

8. Surrexeruntqvie viri illi, atque
abierunt, prjecepitque Josue istis qui
ibant, ut describerent terram, di-
cendo : Ite, et ambulate per terram,
ac describite eam : postea reverte-
mini ad me, et hie projiciam vobis
sortem coram Jehova in Silo.

9. Abierunt itaque viri, et tran-
sierunt per terram, atque descripse-
runt eam per urbes in septem partes,
in hbro : reversique sunt ad Josuam
ad caslra in Silo.

10. Misit autem eis Josua sor-
tem in Silo coram Jehova : parti-
tusque est ibi Josua terram iiliis
Israel secundum partes eorum.

1. And the whole congregation of the children of Israel, &c.
Here we liave a narrative of the celebrated convention
held in Shiloh, where it was deliberated, as to the casting of
the remaining lots. For although with pious zeal they had
attempted the casting of lots, yet the proceeding had been
interrupted, as if victory behoved to precede the distribution
which depended solely on the mouth of God, They assemble,
therefore, in Shiloh to determine what was necessary to be
done in future. And there is no doubt that Joshua sum-
moned this meeting in order to raise them from their
lethargy. For they do not come forward spontaneously
with any proposal, but he begins with upbraiding them with
having been sluggish and remiss in entering on the inherit-
ance which God had bestowed upon them. It is easy to
infer fi'om his speech that the}'- had shewn great alacrity at
the outset, but that there had been no perseverance.

And yet that obedience, which shortly after grew languid,
was honoured M'itli the approbation of the Holy Spirit. It

CHAP. XVIII. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 223

is to be observed that the people are blamed, not for neglect-
ing to proceed to the lot, but for not occupying the in-
lieritance divinely offered to tliera. And, certainly, as the
distribution by lot was a sign of confidence, so each district
which fell out to each was a sure and faithful pledge of
future possession ; for the Lord was by no means deluding
tliem in assigning to each his portion.

The word PIS"!, which I have translated " to cease,"
signifies also to be remiss or feeble. He charges them,
therefore, witli base heartlessness, in that while the full time
for routing the enemy had arrived, the}'' by their delays re-
tard and suspend the effect of the divine goodness. For
had they been contented with the bare lot, and faithfully em-
braced the results which it gave, they would doubtless have
been prompt and expeditious in carrying on tlie war, nay,
wouhl have hastened like conquerors to a triumph.

The ark is said to have been stationed at Shiloh,^ not only
that the consultation might be graver and more sacred, as held
in the presence of God, but because it was a completely sub-
jugated place, and safe from all external violence and injury.
For it behoved to be their special care to prevent its exposure
to sudden assault. No doubt the hand of God would have
been stretched to ward off attacks of the enemy from any
quarter ; still, however, though God dwelt among them,
they were to be regarded as its guardians and attendants.

But although a station for the ark was then chosen, it was
not a perpetual abode, but only a temporary lodging. For
it was not left to the will or suffrages of the people to fix
the seat where God should dwell, but they behoved to wait

'' Tliis place, which afterwards became so celebrated as the fixed station
of the ark and tabernacle during the remainder of Joshua's life and the
rule of the Judges, down to the tragical death of Eli, is described in Judges
xxi. 19, as " On the north side of Bethel, on the east side of the highway
that goeth up from Bethel to Shechem, and on the south of Lebonah."
This minute description corresponds with a place now called Seilun, which
is situated about twenty miles N.N. PL from Jerusalem, and has several
ruins indicative of an ancient site. If this was the place, it stood nearly
in the centre of the covmtry, and was thus the most convenient which could
have been selected. While its locality made it easily accessible from all
quarters, its site, in the heart of a basin completely enclosed by hills except
on the south, where a narrow valley opens into a plain, admirably adapted
it for the still and solemn performance of rehgious services. — Ed.

22-i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVIII. 4.

for tlie period so often referred to in the Law, when he was
to establish the memorial of his name elsewhere. This was
at length accomplished when Mount Zion was set apart for
the Temple. For this reason it is said in the Psalm, " Our
feet shall stand within thy gates, 0 Jerusalem." (Ps. cxxii.2,')
These words intimate that up to that time the ark was pil-
grimating. At last the ruin and devastation of Shiloh
shewed that no rank or dignity can screen those who corrupt
the blessings of God from his vengeance. Up to the death
of Eli, God allowed his sacred name to be worshipped there ;
but when all religion was polluted by the impiety of the
priests, and almost abolished by the ingratitude of the
jieople, that spot became to posterity a signal monument of
punishment. Accordingly, Jeremiah tells the inhabitants
of Jerusalem, who were proudly boasting of their Temple,
to turn their eyes to that example. Speiiking in the name
of the Lord, he says, " Go ye now unto my place which was
in Shiloh, where I set my name at the first, and see what
I did to it for the wickedness of my people Israel." (Jer.
vii. 12.)

4, Give out from among you three men, &c. Caleb and
Joshua had already surveyed those regions, and the people
had learned much by inquiry : Joshua, however, wishes the
land to be divided as if according to actual survey,^ and
orders three surveyors to be appointed for each of the seven
tribes, in order that by the mouth of two or three persons
every dispute may be settled. But nothing seems more
incongruous than to send twenty-one men, who were not
only to pass directly through a hostile country, but to
trace it through all its various windings and turnings, so
as not to leave a single corner unexamined, to calculate its
length and breadth, and even make due allowance for its
inequalities. Every person whom they happened to meet
must readily have suspected who they were, and for what
reason they had been employed on this expedition. In short,
no free return lay open for them except through a thou-
sand deaths. Assuredly they would not have encountered

' Latin, " Quasi ex prsesenti aspectu." French, " Conime s'ils eusseiit
este presens sur le lieu ;" " As if they had been present on the spot." — Ed.

CHAP. XVIII. 9. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, 225

SO much danger from blind and irrational impulse, nor would
Joshua have exposed them to such manifest danger had they
not been aware that all those nations, struck with terror from
heaven, desired nothing so much as peace. For although
they hated the children of Israel, still, having been subdued
by so many overthrows, they did not dare to move a finger
against them, and thus the surveyors proceeded in safety as
through a peaceful territory, under the pretext either of
trading, or at least of making a harmless visit.^ It is also
possible that they arranged themselves in different parties,
and thus made the journey more secretly. It is certain,
indeed, that there was only one source from which they could
have derived all this courage and confidence, from trusting
under the shadow of the wings of the Almighty, and thus
having no fear of blind and stupid men. Hence the praise
here bestowed on their ready will. For had they not been
persuaded that the hands of those nations were tied up by
supernal power, they would have had a just and honest cause
for refusing.^

9. And the men went and passed, &c. Here not only is
praise bestowed on the ready obedience by which their vir-
tue shone forth conspicuous, but the Lord gives a signal
manifestation of his favour by deigning to bestow remarkable
success on pious Joshua and the zeal of the people. Had
they crept along by subterranean burrows, they could scarcely

' Latin, " Innoxii hospites." French, " Estrangers innocens qui passent
leur chemin;" " Innocent strangers passing on their way." — Ed.

' These observations are made on the understanding that the survey
made on this occasion was very minute, embracing, as Calvin here expresses
it, all the " various windings and turnings," so as not to leave a single comer
unexamined, and extending with the same minuteness, not only to the
lands actually conquered, but to those still in the undisputed possession of
the original inhabitants. Assuming this to be the fact, the dangers to be
encountered by the surveyors are certainly not exaggerated in the very
graphical description of them here given, and nothing but a series of
miraculous interpositions coidd have saved them. It may be suggested,
however, that the object of the surveyors was only to obtain such a
general measurement as m.ight suffice, in the manner already explained,
for the taking of the lot, and that such a measurement might possibly
have been made without much danger of awakening the suspicion, or
rousing the hostility of the actual inhabitants. That the survey was more
cursory than minute seems to be indicated by the description given of it in
verse 9, " And the men went and passed through the land, and described
it by citxes."— Ed.

226 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVIII. 9.

have escaped innumerable dangers, but now, when they are
taking notes of the cities and their sites, of the fields, the
varying features of the districts, and all the coasts, and with-
out meeting with any adverse occurrence, return in safety to
their countrymen, who can doubt that their life had been
kept safe among a thousand deaths by a wonderful exertion
of divine power ? It is accordingly said emphatically, that
they returned to celebrate the grace of God, which is just
equivalent to saying that they were brought back by the
hand of God. This made the people proceed more willingly
to the casting of lots. For their minds would not yet have
been well purged of fastidiousness had they not perceived in
that journey a signal display of divine favour, j^romising
them that the final issue would be according to their wish.
Joshua is hence said to have divided according to the in-
heritance of each, as if he were sending them to enter on a
quiet possession, though the effect depended on the divine
presence, because it ought to have been enough for them
that the whole business was carried on by the authority of
God, who never deceives his people, even when he seems to
sport with them. In what sense the ark of the covenant is
called God, or the face of God, I have already explained in
many passages.

11. And the lot of the tribe of 11. Ascendit autem sors tribiis
the children of Benjamin came up filiorum Benjamin per familias suas,
according to their families : and the et exivit terminus sortis eorum in-
coast of their lot came forth between ter fihos Jehuda, et filios Joseph :
the children of Judah and the chil-
dren of Joseph.

12. And their border on the north 12. Fuitque eis terminus ad latus
side was from Jordan ; and the bor- Aquilonis a Jordane : et ascendit
der went up to the side of Jericho terminus ad latus Jericho ab Aquil-
on the north side, and went up one, ascenditqueinmontem ad mare,
through the mountains westward ; ac exitus ejus sunt ad dcsertum
and the goings out thereof were at Bethaven.

the wilderness of Bethaven.

13. And the border went over 13. Illinc autem pertransit ter-
from thence toward Luz, to the side minus in Luz ad latus Luz Australe,
of Luz, (which is Beth-el,) south- (ipsa est Beth-el,) et descendit ter-
ward; and the border descended to minus in Ateroth-Adar, juxta mon-
Ataroth-adar, near the hill that tem, qui est a meridie ipsi Beth-
lieth on the south side of the nether horon inferiori.

Beth-horon.

14. And the border was drawn 14. Et designatur terminus, cir-
thence, and compassed the corner of cuitque ad latus maris ad meridiem,

CHAP. XVIII.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

227

the sea southward, from the hill that
lieth before Beth-horon southward;
and the goings out thereof were at
Kirjath-baal, (which is Kirjath-
jearim,) a city of the children of
Judah. This teas the west quarter.

15. And the south quarter was
from the end of Kirjath-jearim, and
the border went out on the west, and
went out to the well of waters of
Nephtoah ;

16. And the border came down
to the end of the mountain that
lieth before the valley of the son of
riinnom, and which is in the valley
of the giants on the north, and
descended to the valley of Hinnom,
to the side of Jebusi on the south,
and descended to En-rogel,

17. And was drawn from the
north, and went forth to En-she-
mesh, and went forth toward Geli-
loth, which is over against the going
up of Adummim, and descended to
the stone of Bohan the son of
Reuben,

18. And passed along toward the
side over against Arabah northward,
and went down unto Arabah ;

19. And the border passed along
to the side of Beth-hoglah north-
ward : and the outgoings of the
border were at the north bay of the
salt sea, at the south end of Jordan.
This was the south coast.

20. And Jordan was the border
of it on the east side. This was
the inheritance of the children of
Benjamin, by the coasts thereof
round about, according to their fa-
milies.

21. Now the cities of the tribe of
the children of Benjamin, according
to their families, were Jericho, and
Beth-hoglah, and the valley of
Keziz ;

22. And Beth-arabah, and Ze-
maraim, and Beth-el,

23. And A vim, and Parah, and
Ophrah,

24. AndChephar-haammonai,and
Ophni, and Gaba: twelve cities with
their villages.

25. Gibeon, and Ramah, and
Beeroth,

a monte qui est e regione Beth-
horon ad meridiem : suntque exitus
ejus ad Cirjath-Baal, (ipsa est Cir-
jath- Jearim,) urbem filiorum Jehuda,
hoc est latus maris.

15. Latus autem ad meridiem,
ab extremo Cirjath- Jearim: itaque
exit terminus ad mare, exit, inquam,
ad fontem aquarum Nephthoah.

16. Et descendit terminus ad ex-
tremum montis, qui est e regione
vallis Benliinnom, quique est in valle
Rephaim ad aquilonem, descendit-
que ad vallem Hinnom ad latus
Jebusi, ad meridiem, et iUinc de-
scendit ad Enrogel.

17. Et circuit ab aquilone, et
exit ad En- semes, atque egreditur
ad Geliloth, quae est e regione con-
tra ascensum Adummim : et de-
scendit Eben Bohan hlii Ruben.

18. Illinc pertransit ad latus quod
est e regione planitiei ad aquilonem,
et descendit in Arabah.

19. Indepertransit terminus ad la-
tus Beth-hogla ad aquilonem: sunt-
que exitus termini ad limitem maris
salis ad aquilonem, ad extremum
Jordanis ad meridiem : iste est ter-
minus austri.

20. Et Jordanes terminat eum ad
latus orientis. Ista est htereditas
fihorum Benjamin per terminos suos
in circuitu per familias suas.

21. Fueruntque urbes istse tribus
filiorum Benjamin per familias suas,
Jericho, et Beth-hoglah, et vallisi
Cesis,

22. Et Beth-araba, et Semaraini,
et Beth-el,

23. Et Avim, et Parah, et Oph-
rah,

24. Et villa Haamonai, et Ophni,
et Gaba: civitates duodecim, et villse
earum.

25. Gibon, et Ramah, et Beeroth,

228 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP.XVIII.il.

26. And Mizpeh, and Chephirah, 26. Et Mispeh, et Chephirah, et
and Mozah, Mosah,

27. And Rekem, and Irpeel, and 27. EtRecem,etIrpeel,et Thara-
Taralah, lah.

28. And Zelah, Eleph, and Je- 28. Et Sela, Eleph, et Jebusi, (ipsa
busi, (which is Jerusalem,) Gibeath, est Jerusalem,) Gibath, Cirjath: civi-
and Kirjath : fourteen cities with tates quatuordecim, et villse earum.
their villages. This is the inherit- Ista est hsereditas filiorum Benjamin
ance of the children of Benjamin, per familias suas.

according to their families.

In the lot of Benjamin nothing occurs particularly deserv-
ing of notice, unless that a small tribe takes precedence of
the others. I admit, indeed, that its limits were narrowed
in proportion to the fewness of its numbers, because it
obtained onlj twenty-six cities ; but still an honour was
bestowed upon it in the mere circumstance of its receiving
its inheritance before more distinguished tribes. We may
add, that in this way they were conjoined and made neigh-
bor's to the other^ children of Joseph, with whom their
relationship was more immediate. For they were placed in
the mJddle between the children of Ephraim and Manasseh
on the one side, and those of Judah on the other. They
had also the distinguished honour of including Jerusalem
in their inheritance, though they afterwards granted it by
a kind of precarious tenure to the children of Judah for a
royal residence.^

It is strange, however, that having obtained such a quiet
locality, they did not live on peaceful and friendly terms
with their neighbours. But we possess the prophecy of
Jacob, " Benjamin shall raven as a wolf ; in the morning he
shall devour the prey, and at night he shall divide the spoil."
(Gen. xlix. 27.) They must, therefore, have been by nature

' Latin, " Reliquis filiis." French, " Des autres enfans ;" " The other
children," — an apparent oversight, as if Benjamin had been a son and not
a brother of Joseph. — Ed.

2 Latin, " Postea filiis Juda quasi precario sedem regiam concederent."
French, " Depuis ils la baillerent aux enfans de Juda comme par emprunt,
pour en faire le siege royal ;" " Afterwards they let it to the children of
Judah as by loan, to make it the royal residence." These words seem to
imply that at some time or other a regular agreement to this effect had
been made, but we nowhere find any mention of such an agreement. It
would rather seem from Josh. xv. 63, and Judges i. 8, 21, that the inhabi-
tants of Judah possessed Jerusalem in consequence of their having wrested
it from the Jebusi tes. — Ed.

CHAP. XIX. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 229

of a covetous and turbulent disposition, or from some neces-
sity not now known to us, they must have been impelled to live
upon plunder. In regard to the city of Luz, the other name
is added, (" the same is Bethel,") because then only did the
name given by Jacob come into common use. (Gen. xxviii.
19.) It was at no great distance from Beth- Avon, whose
name, as it was opprobrious and infamous, was transferred
to Bethel itself, after it was corrupted and polluted by impi-
ous superstitions.^ It is probable that Ciriath-Baal was
called Ciriath-Jeharim, to take away the name of the idol,
which would have been a stain on its true piety. For it
certainly would have been base and shameful that the lips
of the people should have been polluted by the name of a
jjrotector who was an enemy to the true God.

CHAPTER XIX.

1 . And the second lot came forth 1 . Egressa est autem sors secun-
to Simeon, even for the tribe of da ipsi Simeon, tribui filiorum Si-
the children of Simeon, according to nieon per familias siias : et fuit
their families : and their inheritance hiereditas eonmi in medio hseredita-
was within the inheritance of the tis filiorum Jehuda.

children of Judah.

2. And they had in their inheri- 2. Fuitque eis in hsereditate eo-
tance Beer-sheba, and Sheba, and rum Beer-seba, et Seba, et IMoladah,
Moladah,

3. And Plazar-shual, and Balah, 3. Et Hasar-sual, et Balah, et
and Azem, Asen,

4. And Eltolad, and Bethul, and 4. Et Eltholad, et Bethul, et Hor-
Hormah, mah,

5. And Ziklag, and Beth-marca- 5. Et Siclag, et Beth-Marcaboth,
both, and Hazar-susah, et Hasarsusa,

6. And Beth-lebaoth, and Sharu- 6. Et Beth-Lebaoth, et Saruhen :
hen : thirteen cities and their vil- urbes tredecim, et viUa; earum.
lages.

7. Ain, Remmon, and Ether, and 7. Aim, Rimmon, et Ether, et

' This refers to the setting up of the golden calves by Jeroboam, and
the idolatrous worship which thus impiously originated by hina was long
practised by his successors. See 1 Kings xii. 28-33 ; xiii. ; 2 Kings x.
29-31 ; xxiii. 15 ; Amos iv. 4 ; v. 5 ; Ilosea iv. 15 ; x. 5, 8. Bethel or
" the house of God," so called by Jacob the morning after he had risen
from his wonderful vision, having forfeited its name in consequence of the
abominations practised at it, became afterwards known by that of Beth-
aven, " the house of idols," or of vanity and iniquity. — Ed.

230 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIX.

Ashan : four cities and their vU- Asan : urbes quatuor, et villse

lages. earum.

8. And all the villages that were, 8. Et omnes villte quae erant per
round about these cities to Baalath- circuitus urbium istarum usque ad
beer, Ramath of the south. This Baalath-beer, Ramath Australem.
is the inheritance of the tribe of the Ista est hsereditas tribus filiorum
children of Simeon, according to Simeon per famUias suas.

their families.

9. Out of the portion of the chil- 9. De portione filiorum Jehuda
dren of Judah was the inheritance facta fuit hsereditas filiorum Simeon:
of the children of Simeon : for the erat enim portio filiorum Jehuda
part of the children of Judah Avas major ipsis ; itaque hsereditatem ac-
too much for them ; therefore the ceperunt filii Simeon in medio hse-
children of Simeon had their in- reditatis eorum.

heritance within the inheritance of
them.

Next followed the lot of the tribe of Simeon, not as a
mark of honour, but rather as a mark of disgrace. Jacob
had declared with regard to Simeon and Levi, " I will divide
them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel.'' (Gen. xlix. 7.)
The punishment of Levi, indeed, was not onl^^ mitigated,
but converted into an excellent dignity, inasmuch as his
posterity were placed on a kind of watch-towers to keep the
people in the paths of piety. In regard to Simeon, the dis-
persion of which Jacob prophesied, manifestly took place
when certain cities within the territory of Judah were
assigned to his posterity for their inheritance. For although
they were not sent off to great distances, yet they dwelt dis-
persed, and as strangers in a land properly belonging to
another. Therefore, on account of the slaughter which they
had perpetrated with no less perfidy than cruelty, they were
placed separately in different abodes. In this way the
guilt of the father was visited upon his children, and the
Lord ratified in fact that sentence which he had dictated
to his servant. The truth of the lot also was clearly proved.

In the circumstance of a certain portion being withdrawn
from the family of Judah, we again perceive tha.t though
the dividers had carefully endeavoured to observe equity,
they had fallen into error, which they were not ashamed to
correct as soon as it was discovered. And though they were
guided by the Spirit, there is nothing strange in their having
been partially mistaken, because God sometimes leaves his
servants destitute of the spirit of judgment, and suffers them

CHAP. XIX. 9. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 231

to act like men on different occasions, that they may not
plume themselves too much on their clear-sightedness. We
may add that the people were punished for their careless-
ness and confident haste, because they ought at the outset
to have ascertained more accurately how much land could
be properly assigned to each. This they neglected to do.
Through their unskilful procedure, the children of Judali
had received a disproportioned accumulation of territory, and
equity required that they should relinquish a part. It would
also have been better for themselves to have their limits
fixed with certainty at once than to be subjected to a galling
spoliation afterwards. Add that each tribe had indulged
the vain hope that its members would dwell far and wide, as
if the land had been of unlimited extent.

9. Out of the portion of the children of Judah, &c. The
praise of moderation is due to the tribe of Judah for not
contending that the abstraction of any part of the inheri-
tance already assigned to them was unjust. They might
easily have obtruded the name of God, and asserted that it
was only by his authority they had obtained that settlement.
But as it is decided by the common consent of all the tribes
that more has been given to them than they can possess
without loss and injury to the others, they immediately
desist from all pretext for disputing the matter. And it is
certain that if they had alleged the authority of God, it
would have been falsely and wickedly, inasmuch as though
their lot had been determined by him in regard to its situa-
tion, an error had taken place with regard to its extent,
their limits having been fixed by human judgment wider
than they ouglit. Therefore, acknowledging that it would
have been wrong to give them what wovdd occasion loss to
others, they willingly resign it, and give a welcome reception
to their brethren, who must otherwise have remained without
inheritance, nay, submit to go shares with them in that
which they supposed they had acquired beyond controversy.

10. And the third lot came up for 10. Ascendit autem sors tertia
the children of Zebnhin, according fihis Zabulon per faniilias suas : et
to their families ; and the border of fuit terminus hsereditatis eorum us-
their inheritance was imto Sarid. que ad Sarid.

11. And their border Avcnt lip to- 11. Ascenditque terminus eorum

232

COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XIX.

ward the sea, and Maralah, and
reached to Dabbasheth, and reached
to the river that is before Jokneam ;

12. And turned from Sarid east-
ward, toward the sun-rising, unto
the border of Chisloth-tabor, and
then goeth out to Dabereth, and
goeth up to Japhia,

13. And from thence passeth on
along on the east to Gittah-hepher,
to Ittah-kazin, and goeth out to
Remmon-methoar, to Neah ;

14. And the border compasseth
it on the north side to Hannathon ;
and the outgoings thereof are in the
valley of Jiphthah-el ;

15. And Kattath, and Nahallal,
and Shimron, and Idalah, and Beth-
lehem : twelve cities with their vil-

16. This is the inheritance of the
children of Zebulun, according to
their families, these cities with their
villages.

17. And the fourth lot came out
to Issachar, for the children of Is-
sachar, according to their families.

18. And their border was toward
Jezreel, and Chesulloth, and Shu-
nem,

- 19. And Haphraim, and Shihon,
and Anaharath,

20. And Rabbith, and Kishion,
and Abez,

21. And Remeth, and En-gannim,
and En-haddah, and Beth-pazzez ;

22. And the coast reacheth to
Tabor, and Shahazimah, and Beth-
shemesh ; and the outgoings of their
border were at Jordan : sixteen
cities with their villages.

23. This is the inheritance of the
tribe of the children of Issachar,
according to their families, the cities
and their villages.

24. And the fifth lot came out
for the tribe of the children of Asher,
according to their families.

25. And their border was Hel-
kath, and Hali, and Beten, and
Achshaph,

26. And Alammelech, and Amad,
and Misheal ; and reacheth to Car-
mel westward, and to Shihor-lib-
nath ;

ad mare : et Maralah, et pertingit
ad Dabbaseth : pervenitque ad flu-
men quod est e regione Jocneam.

12. Revertiturque a Sarid ad
orientem, id est, ad ortum solis, ad
terminum Chisloth-Thabor, et illinc
egreditur ad Dobrath, et ascendit in
Japhia.

13. Inde prseterea transit ad ori-
entem, ad ortum, ad Githah-Hepher,
et ad Ihtah-casin : et illinc exit in
Rimmon, et gyrat ad Neah :

14. Gyrat item idem terminus ab
aquilone ad Hannathon : suntque
egressus ejus ad vallem Iphthael.

15. Et Catthath, et Nahalal, et
Simron, et Idalah, et Bethlehem :
urbes duodecim, et villae earum.

16. Haic est hgereditas filiorum
Zabvdon per familias suas : urbes
istse, et villae earum.

17. Ipsi Issachar egressa est sors
quarta, filiis inquam, Issachar per
familias suas.

18. Et fvdt terminus eorum Jez-
rael, et Chesuloth, et Sunem,

19. Et Hapharaim, et Sion, et
Anaharath,

20. Et Rabbith, et Cicion, et
Abeth,

21. Et Remeth, et Engannin, et
Enhaddah, et Beth-passeth.

22. Et pervenit terminus in Tha-
bor, et Sahasima, et Beth-semes :
eruntque exitus termini eorum ad
Jordanem : urbes sedecim, et viUse
earum.

23. Hsec est hsereditas tribus fili-
orum Issachar per familias suas :
urbes et villae earum.

24. Egressa est autem sors quinta
tribui filiorum Aser per familias suas.

25. Fuitque terminus eorum Hel-
cath, et Hali, et Bethen, et Achsaph,

26. Et Alamelech, et Amad, et
Misal, et pervenit in Carmel ad mare,
et in Sihor Libnath.

CHAP. XIX. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 233

27. And turneth toward the sun- 27. Et revertitur ad ortum solis
rising to Beth-dagon, and reacheth in Beth-dagon, et pervenit in Zabu-
to Zebulun, and to the valley of Ion, et in vallem Iphtahel ad aqui-
Jiphthah-el, toward the north side lonem, et in Beth-emec, et Neel : et
of Beth-emek, and Neiel, and goeth exit ad Chabul a sinistra.

out to Cabul on the left hand ;

28. And Hebron, and Rehob, and 28. Et Ebron, et Rehob, et Ham-
Hammon, and Kanah, even unto mon, et Canah, usque ad Sidon
great Zidon ; magnam :

29. And tlien the coast turneth 29. Revertiturque terminus in
to Ramah, and to the strong city Rama, usque ad urbem niunitam
Tyre ; and the coast turneth to petrse : inde revertitur terminus in
Hosah ; and the outgoings thereof Hosah : suntque exitus ejus ad mare
are at the sea, from the coast to a funiculo Achzib,

Achzib :

30. Ummah also, and Aphek, 30. Et Ummah, et Aphec, et Re-
and Rehob : twenty and two cities hob : urbes viginti duse, et villse
with their callages. earum,

31. This is the inheritance of the 31. Hsec est hsereditas tribus
tribe of the chUdren of Asher, ac- filiorum Aser per familias suas : ur-
cording to their families, these cities bes istse, et villse earum.

with their villages.

10, And the third lot came up, &c. In the lot of Zebulun
there is a clear fulfilment of the prophecy of Jacob, which
had foretold that they would dwell on the sea-coast. An
old man, an exile who could not set a foot on his own land,l
assigned a maritime district to the posterity of his son Ze-
bulun. What could be more extravagant ? But now, M^hen
the lot assigns them a maritime region, no clearer confirma-
tion of his decision could be desired. It was just as if God
were twice thundering from heaven. The tribe of Zebulun,
therefore, do not occupy the shore of their own accord or by
human suffrage, but a divine arrangement fixes their habi-
tation contiguous to the sea. Thus, although men erred,
still the light was always seen shining brightly in the dark-
ness. Jacob goes farther, and makes a clear distinction
between Zebulun and Issachar. The former tribe will travel
far and wide, carrying on trade and commerce ; the latter
remaining in his tents, will cultivate ease and a sedentary
life. (Gen. xlix. 13-15.) Hence it is probable that the
sea-coast where Zebulun settled, was provided with harbours
and well adapted for the various forms of commercial inter-

' French, " Estant un vieillard, povre banni, qui n'avoit pas mi pied de
terre a luy ou il peust marcher ;" " Being an old man, a poor exile, who
had not a foot of land of his own on which he could walk." — Ed.

234 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIX. 10.

courseji whereas the children of Issachar were contented
with their own produce, and consumed the fruits which they
had raised by their own labour and culture at home.

Those who are thought to be well acquainted with these
countries, affirm that the land of the tribe of Asher was
fertile in corn.^ This is in complete accordance both with
the letter and the spirit of Jacob's prophecy. (Gen. xlix. 20.)
From the fact that only a small number of cities are desig-
nated by name, we may infer that there were then many
ruined cities which were not taken into account, and from
the other fact that the people dwelt commodiously, we may
also infer that they built many cities, with which it is plain
from other passages that the land was adorned. And it is
certainly apparent that only a summary of the division is
briefly glanced at, and that thus many things w^ere omitted
which no religious feeling forbids us to investigate, provided
we do not indulge in an excessive curiosity leading to no
beneficial result. There cannot be a doubt that those to
whom twenty or even only seventeen cities are attributed,
had more extensive territories. Therefore, all we have here
is a compendious descrij)tion of the division as it was taken
from the general and confused notes of the surveyors.

32. The sixth lot came out to 32. Filiis Nephtali exivit sors
the children of Naphtali, even for sexta, filiis inquam, Nephtali, per
the children of Naphtali, according farailias suas.

to their families.

33. And their coast was from 33. Fuitque terminus eorum ab
Heleph, from Allon to Zaanannim, Heleph, et ab Elon in Saanannim,
and Adami, Nekeb, and Jabneel, et Adami, Neceb, et Jabneel, usque
unto Lakum ; and the outgoings ad Lacum : simtque exitus ejus ad
thereof were at Jordan : Jordanem.

34. And then the coast tumeth 34. Postea revertitur terminus ad
westward to Aznoth-tabor, and go- mare ad Aznoth-thabor : et progre-

' The extent of coast possessed bj Zebulun was of very limited extent,
but included the large and beautiful bay of Acre, which commences in the
north at the promontory on which the town of Acre stands, and is termi-
nated magnificently in the south by the lofty heights of Mount Carmel. —
Ed.

' The greater part of it consisted of a rich and undulating plain, diver-
sified by gentle hills, well watered by the Leontes and other streams
which derived their supplies from the snowy heights of Lebanon, and
sloping gradually to that part of the sea-coast, on which were built the
famous cities of Tyre and Sidon. According to Clarke, the plain of Asher
and Zebulun bore a considerable resemblance to the southern districts of
England. — Ed.

CHAP. XIX.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

235

eth out from thence to Hukkok, and
reacheth to Zebiilun on the south
side, and reacheth to Asher on the
west side, and to Judah upon Jor-
dan toward the sun-rising.

35. And the fenced cities are
Ziddira, Zer, and Ham math, Rak-
kath, and Chinnereth,

36. And Adaniah, and Ramah,
and Hazor,

37. And Kedesh, and Edrei, and
En-hazor,

38. And Iron, and Migdal-el, Ho-
rem, and Beth-anath, and Beth-
shemesh : nineteen cities v/ith their
villages.

39. This is the inheritance of the
tribe of the children of Naphtali,
according to their families, the cities
and their villages.

40. And the seventh lot came out
for the tribe of the children of Dan,
according to their families.

41. And the coast of their inhe-
ritance was Zorah, and Eshtaol, and
Ir-shemesh,

4 "2. And Shaalabbin, and Ajalon,
and Jethlah,

43. And Elon, and Thimnathah,
and Ekron,

44. And Eltekeh, and Gibbethon,
and Baalath,

45. And Jehud, and Bene-berak,
and Gath-rimmon,

46. And Me-jarkon, and Rakkon,
with the border before Japho.

47. And the coast of the children
of Dan went out too little for them ;
therefore the children of Dan went
up to fight against Leshem, and took
it, and smote it with the edge of the
sword, and possessed it, and dwelt
therein, and called Leshem, Dan,
after the name of Dan their father.

48. This is the inheritance of the
tribe of the children of Dan, accord-
ing to their families, these cities
with their villages.

49. When they had made an end
of dividing the land for inheritance
by their coasts, the children of Is-
rael gave an inheritance to Joshua
the son of Nun among them :

50. According to the word of the
Lord, they gave him the city which

ditur illinc in Huccoc, et pervenit
ad Zabulon a meridie, et ad Aser
pervenit ab occidente, et ad Jehuda
in Jordanem, ad ortum solis.

35. Et urbes munitse, Siddim,
Ser, et Hammath, Raccath, et
Chinnereth.

36. Et Adamah, et Ramah, et
Hasor,

37. Et Cedes, et Hedrei, et En-
Hasor,

38. Et Iron, et Migdal-el, Ho-
rem, et Beth-anath, et Beth-semes :
urbes novemdecim, et villse earum.

39. Hsec est hgereditas tribus
filiorum Nephtali per familias suas,
urbes istge et villse earum.

40. Tribui filiorum Dan per fa-
mUias suas exivit sors septiraa.

41. Fuitque terminus hseredita-
tis eorum, Sorah, et Esthaol, et It-
semes,

42. Et Saalabbin, et Ajalon, et
Ithlah,

43. Et Elon, et Thimnathah, et
Ecron,

44. Et Elthece, et Gibbethon, et
Baalath,

45. Et Jehud, et Bene-berak, et
Gath-rimon,

46. Et Mehajarcon, et Raccon,
cum termino contra Japho.

47. Et exivit terminus filiorum
Dan ab eis, ascenderuntque filii
Dan, et pugnaverunt cum Lesem,
ceperuntque eam, ac percusserunt
eam acie gladii, et hsereditate acce-
perunt eam, habitaveruntque in ea:
et vocaverunt Lesem Dan, secun-
dum nomen Dan patris sui.

48. Hffic est ha;reditas tribus
filiorum Dan per familias suas, ci-
vitates istse, et villse earum.

49. Quum auteni finem fecissent
partiendi terram ut possiderent sin-
guli terminos suos, dederunt filii
Israel haereditatem ipsi Josue filio
Nun in medio sui.

50. Secundum sermonem Jehovae
dederunt ei urbera quam petivit,

236 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIX.

he asked, even Timnath-serah in Thininath-serah in nionte Ephraira,

mount Ephraim : and he built the et edificavit urbem, habitavitque in

city, and dwelt therein. ea.

51. These are the inheritances, 51. Istse sunt hsereditates quas

which Eleazar the priest, and Joshua tradiderunt possidendas Eleazar sa-

the son of Nim, and the heads of the cerdos, et Josue filius Nun, et prin-

fathers of the tribes of the children cipes patrum tribuum filiorum Israel

of Israel, divided for an inheritance per sortem in Silo coram Jeliova ad

by lot in Shiloh before the Lord, at ostiam tabernaculi conventionis, et

the door of the tabernacle of the finem fecerimt dividendi terram.
congregation. So they made an
end of dividing the country.

The next lot mentioned is that of Naphtali, and it seems
to correspond with the disposition and manners of that tribe.
For Jacob had testified, Naphtali is a hind let loose ; he
giveth goodly words. For this reason they seem to have been
contiguous on one side to the children of Judah, and to have
been surrounded on other sides by the enclosures of their
brethren.^ Indeed, in its being said that the tribe of Dan
took Lesen, there seems to be a tacit comparison, because
the children of Naphtali did not employ arms to force their
way into their inheritance, but kept themselves quietly in a
subdued territory, and thus enjoyed safety and tranquillity
under the faith, and, as it were, protection of Judah and
the other tribes. The capture of Lesen by the children of
Dan, in accordance with the divine grant which they had

' The tribe of Naphtali, as marked out by Joshua, Eleazar, and the
heads of the tribes, harmonizes well with the figurative description of it
given by Jacob, for both in scenery and fertility it is one of the fairest in
the Promised Land, but the locality assigned to it in the Commentary is
singularly inacciurate. In the Latin, it is said that the children of Naphtali
" Videntur contigui ab una parte fuisse filiis Juda : alibi autem cincti
fuisse fratrum suorum prsesidiis ;" and in the French, " II semble que d'un
coste ils estoyent contigus aux enfans de Juda; et d'autrepart qu'ils es-
toyent environnez du secours de leurs freres ;" " It seems that on one side
they were contiguous to the children of Judah, and on the other sides that
they were surroimded by the help of their brethren." The fact, however,
is, that Judah and Naphtali are at the opposite extremities of the country,
and so far from being contiguous to each other, are widely separated by
the intervention of no fewer than five tribes, which commencing on the fron-
tiers of Judah, and proceeding northwards, are, in succession, Benjamin,
Ephraim, Manasseh, Issachar, and Zebulun. Then, as it stretched from
the shores of the lake of Gennesaret, north to the roots of Lebanon, it
cannot well be said to have been surrounded on all sides by the enclosures
of other tribes. It certainly had Zebukui on the south-west, and Asher on
the west, but on the north and east, it formed the extreme frontiers of the
Promised Land, and, of course, bounded with foreign and hostile settle-
ments.— Ed.

CHAP. XIX. 49. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 237

received of it, did not take place till after the death of
Joshua. But the fact which is more fullj detailed in the
book of Judges is here mentioned in passing, because praise
was due to them for their boldness and activity in thus em-
bracing the right which God had bestowed upon them, and
so trusting in him as to go down bravely and defeat the
enemy.

49. When they had made an end of dividing, &c. We have
here, at length, an account of the gratitude of the people
towards Joshua. For although the partition of the land of
Canaan, among the posterity of Abraham, behoved to be
equitable, yet Joshua, by his excellent virtues, deserved
some honorary reward. Nor could any complain that a
single individual was enriched at their expense. For, first,
in the delay there was a striking proof of the moderation of
this holy servant of God. He does not give any heed to his
own interest till the commonweal has been secured. How
seldom do we find any who, after they have given one or
two specimens of valour, do not forthwith make haste to
the prey ? Not so Joshua, who thinks not of himself till
the land has been divided. In the reward itself also the
same temperance and frugality are conspicuous. The city
he asks to be given to himself and his family was a mere
heap of stones, either because it had been demolished and
converted into a heap of ruins, or because no city had yet
been built upon it.

It is conjectured with probability, that with the view of
making the grant as little invidious as possible, the city he
requested was of no great value. If any one thinks it strange
that he did not give his labour gratuitously, let him reflect
that Joshua liberally obeyed the divine call, and had no
mercenary feelings in undergoing so many labours, dangers,
and troubles ; but having spontaneously performed his duty,
he behoved not to repudiate a memorial of the favour of
God, unless he wished by perverse contempt to suppress his
glory. For the grant voted to him was nothing else than a
simple testimonial of the divine power, which had been
manifested through his hand. Truly no ambition can be
detected here, inasmuch as he desires nothing for himself,

238

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XX.

and does not rashly act from a feeling of covetousness, but
seeks in the popular consent a confirmation of the honour
which God had already bestowed upon him. To have been
silent in such a case, would have been more indicative of
heartlessness than of modesty. The statement in the con-
cluding verse of the chapter, that Joshua and Eleazar made
an end of dividing the land, points to the perpetuity of the
boundaries, which had been fixed, and warns the children of
Israel against moving in any way to unsettle an inviolable
decree.

CHAPTER XX.

1 . The Lord also spake unto Jo-
shua, saying,

2. Speak to the children of Israel,
saying, Appoint out for you cities of
refuge, whereof I spake unto you by
the hand of Moses ;

3. That the slayer that killeth
any person unawares, and unwit-
tingly, may flee thither : and they
shall he your refuge from the aven-
ger of blood.

4. And when he that doth flee
unto one of those cities shall stand
at the entering of the gate of the
city, and shall declare his cause in
the ears of the elders of that city,
they shall take him into the city
unto them, and give him a place,
that he may dwell among them.

5. And if the avenger of l)lood
pursue after him, then they shall
not dehver the slayer up into his
hand ; because he smote his neigh-
bour unwittingly, and hated him not
beforetime.

6. And he shall dwell in that city,
until he stand before the congrega-
tion for judgment, and until the
death of the high priest that shall
be in those days: then shall the
slayer return, and come unto his own
city, and unto his own house, unto
the city from whence he fled.

7. And they appointed Kedesh in
Galilee in mount Naphtali, and

1 . Loquutus est autem Jehova ad
Josue, dicendo,

2. Alloquere Alios Israel, his
verbis. Date urbes refugii, de quibus
loquutus smn ad vos per maniun
Mosis :

3. Ut fugiat illuc homicida qui
percusserit animam per errorem,
absque scientia : eruntque vobis in
refugium a propinquo sanguinis.

4. Et fugiet ad unam ex civitati-
bus istis, stabitque ad ostium portre
urbis, ac loquetiu- in auribus senio-
rum urbis ipsius verba sua, et recol-
ligent eum in urbem ad se, dabunt-
que ei locum, ac habitabit apud
eos.

5. Quuni autem persequutus fue-
rit eum propinquus sanguinis, non
tradent homicidam in manum ejus :
quia absque scientia percussit proxi-
mum suum, neque odio habuerat
eum ab heri et nudiustertius.

6. Et habitabit in ea civitate
donee stet ante ccetum ad judicium,
aut donee moriatur sacerdos mag-
nus qui erit in diebus illis : tunc
enim revertetur homicida venietque
ad m-bem suam, et ad domum suam,
ad urbem unde fngerat.

7. Et addixerunt Cedes in Galil
in monte Nephtali, et Sechem in

CHAP. XX. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 239

Shechem in mount Epliraim, and monteEphraim,et Cirjath-arba(ipsa

Kirjath-arba (which is Hebron) in est Hebron) in nionte Jehudse.
the mountain of Judah.

8. And on the other side Jordan, 8. De trans Jordane autem Jeri-
by Jericho eastward, they assigned cho, ad orientem dederunt Beser in
Bezer in the wilderness upon the deserto in planitie, de tribu Ruben :
plain out of the tribe of Reuben, et Ramoth in Gilead, de tribu Gadi:
and Ramoth in Gilead out of the et Golan in Basan, de tribu Ma-
tribe of Gad, and Golan in Bashan nasse.

out of the tribe of Manasseh.

9. These were the cities appointed 9. Istse fuenmt urbes conven-
for all the children of Israel, and for tionis omnibus flliis Israel, et pere-
the stranger that sojourneth among grino qui peregrinatur in medio
them, that whosoever killeth any eorum : ut fugeret Uluc quicunque
person at unawares might flee interfecisset aliquem per errorem,
thither, and not die by the hand of et non moreretur manu propinqui
the avenger of blood, until he stood sanguinis, donee stetisset coram
before the congregation. coetu.

1. The Lord also spake unto Joshua, &c. In the fact of
its not having occurred to their own minds, to designate the
cities of refuge, till they were again reminded of it, their
sluggislmess appears to be indirectly censured. The divine
command to that effect had been given beyond the Jordan.
When the reason for it remained always equally valid, why
do they wait ? Why do they not give full effect to that
which they had rightly begun ? We may add, how impor-
tant it was that there should be places of refuge for the in-
nocent, in order that the land might not be polluted with
blood. For if that remedy had not been provided, the
kindred of those who had been killed would have doubled
the evil, by j)i'oceeding without discrimination to avenge
their death. It certainly did not become the people to be
idle in guarding the land from stain and taint.^ Hence we
perceive how tardy men are, not only to perform their duty,
but to provide for their own safety, unless the Lord fre-
quently urge them, and prick them forward by the stimulus
of exhortation. But that they sinned only from thoughtless-
ness, is apparent from this, that they are forthwith ready

' Calvin is somewhat singular in holding that the message communi-
cated to Joshua was an indirect censure of the Israelites, for not having
previously of their own accord appointed cities of refuge. Other exposi-
tors think that till now the proper time of appointing them had not ar-
rived, as it could not well precede, but rather behoved to be subsequent to
the allocation of cities to the Levites, inasmuch as the nature of the case
required that every city of refuge should be Levitical. — Ed.

240 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XX. 7.

to obey, neither procrastinating nor creating obstacles or
delays to a necessary matter, by disputing the propriety
of it.

The nature of the asylum afforded by the cities of refuge
has been already explained. It gave no impunity to volun-
tary murder, but if any one, by mistake, had slain a man,
with whom he was not at enmity, he found a safe refuge
by fleeing to one of these cities destined for that purpose.
Thus God assisted the unfortunate, and prevented their
suffering the punishment of an atrocious deed, when they
had not been guilty of it. Meanwhile respect was so far
paid to the feelings of the brethren and kindred of the de-
ceased, that their sorrow was not increased by the constant
presence of the persons who had caused their bereavement.
Lastly, the people were accustomed to detest murder, since
homicide, even when not culpable, was followed by exile
from country and home, till the death of the high priest.
For that temporary exile clearly shewed how precious human
blood is in the sight of God. Thus the law was just,
equitable, and useful, as well in a public as in a private
point of view.^ But it is to be briefly observed, that every-
thing is not here mentioned in order. For one who had
accidentally killed a man might have remained in safety,
by sisting himself before the court to plead his cause, and
obtaining an acquittal, after due and thorough investigation,
as we explained more fully in the books of Moses, when
treating of this mat^ter.

7. And they appointed Kedesh, &c. The Hebrew word
Kedesh here used, signifies also to fit and consecrate. Ac-
cordingly, I interpret, that cities were selected according as
common use required.^ Hence it is inferred that matters
were well arranged so as to make private yield to public in-
terest. Moreover, we shall see in the next chapter, that

' It may be observed in passing, how strikingly the humanity and wis-
dom conspicuous in the appointment of the Mosaic cities of refuge con-
trast with the manifold abuses and abominations to which the numerous
asylums and sanctuaries of Popish countries have led. — Ed.

* Latin, " Prout communis usus ferebat." French, " Selon que le
profit et I'utilite commune le requeroit ;" " According as the common
profit and utility reqiured." — Ed.

CHAP. XX. 7.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

241

Ciriatli-Arbah, which was afterwards called Hebron, was
transferred to the Levites, though it had formerly been
the property of Caleb. Hence appeared the rare, nay,
the incomparable moderation of this aged saint, who readily
gave up to others both the city and suburbs, which he had
justly claimed as his right, the moment the lot shewed that
this was pleasing to God. It was necessary to advert briefly
to this change, because the Lord was pleased that asylums
should be found only in the Levitical cities, that their inno-
cence might be defended with greater fidelity and authority.

CHAPTER XXL

1. Then came near the heads of
the fathers of the Levites unto Ele-
azar the priest, and unto Joshua the
son of Nun, and unto the heads of
the fathers of the tribes of the chil-
dren of Israel ;

2. And they spake unto them at
Shiloh, in the land of Canaan, say-
ing, The liord commanded, by the
hand of Moses, to give us cities to
dwell in, with the suburbs thereof
for our cattle.

3. And the children of Israel gave
unto the Levites, out of their inhe-
ritance, at the commandment of the
Lord, these cities and their suburbs.

4. And the lot came out for the
families of the Kohathites : and the
children of Aaron the priest, which
were of the Levites, had by lot, out
of the tribe of Judah, and out of the
tribe of Simeon, and out of the tribe
of Benjamin, thirteen cities.

5. And the rest of the children of
Kohath had by lot, out of the fami-
lies of the tribe of Ephraim, and out
of the tribe of Dan, and out of the
half-tribe of Manasseh, ten cities.

6. And the children of Gershon
had by lot, out of the families of
the tribe of Issachar, and out of the
tribe of Asher, and out of the tribe
of NaphtaU, and out of the half-tribe
of Manasseh in Bashan, thirteen
cities.

1. Accesserunt autem principes
patrum Levitarum ad Eleazar sacer-
dotem, et ad Josue filium Nun, et ad
principes patrum tribuum filiorum
Israel.

2. Loquutique sunt ad eos in Silo
in terra Chanaan, dicendo, Jehova
prfecepit per manum Mosis ut da-
retis nobis urbes ad habitandum, et
suburbana earum pro animahbus
nostris.

3. Dederunt ergo filii Israel Le-
vitis de hsereditate sua, secundum
sermonem Jehovse, urbes istas et
suburbana earum.

4. Egressa est autem sors per fa-
milias Ceathitarum : fueruntque
filiis Aaron sacerdotis de Levitis, de
tribu Juda, et de tribu Simeon, et
detribu Benjamin per sorteni, urbes
tredecim.

5. Filiis autem Ceath reliquis, de
famihis tribus Ephraim, et de tribu
Dan, et de dimidia tribu Manasse,
per sortem, lu-bes decem.

6. FUiis vero Gerson de familiis
tribus Issachar, et de tribu Aser,
et de tribu NephthaU, et de di-
midia tribu Manasse in Basan per
sortem, urbes tredecim.

242

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XX r.

7. The children of Merari, by
then- famiUes, had out of the tribe of
Reuben, and out of the tribe of Gad,
and out of the tribe of Zebulun,
twelve cities.

8. And the children of Israel gave
by lot unto the Levites these cities
with their suburbs, as the Lord com-
manded by the hand of Moses.

9. And they gave, out of the tribe
of the children of Judah, and out of
the tribe of the children of Simeon,
these cities which are here mentioned
by name,

10. Which the children of Aaron,
beinff of the families of the Ko-
hathites, toho luere of the cliildren of
Levi, had : for theirs was the first
lot.

11. And they gave them the city
of Arba, the father of Anak, (which
city is Hebron,) in the hill country
of Judah, with the suburbs thereof
round about it.

12. But the fields of the city, and
the villages thereof, gave they to
Caleb the son of Jephunneh for his
possession.

13. Thus they gave to the chil-
dren of Aaron the priest, Hebron
with her suburbs, to he a city of
refuge for the slayer, and Libnah
with her suburbs,

14. And Jattir, with her subm-bs,
and Eshtemoa with her suburbs,

15. And Holon with her suburbs,
and Debir with her suburbs,

16. And Ain with her suburbs,
and Juttah with her suburbs, mid
Bethshemesh with her suburbs : nine
cities out of those two tribes.

17. And out of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, Gibeon with her suburbs,
Geba with her suburbs,

18. Anathoth with her subiu-bs,
and Almon with her suburbs : four
cities.

19. All the cities of the children
of Aaron, the priests, were thirteen
cities with their suburbs.

7. Filiis Merari per familias suas,
de tribu Ruben, et de tribu Gad, et
de tribu Zabidon, urbes duodccim.

8. Dederunt, inquam, fihi Israel
Levitis urbes has, et subvurbana
earum, sicut prteceperat Jehova per
manum Mosis, per sortem.

9. Dederimt ergo de tribu filiorum
Juda, et de tribu filiorum Simeon,
urbes istas quas vocavit nomine.

10. Fueruntque filiis Aaron de
familiis Ceath, de filiis Levi : illis
enim fuit sors prima.

11. Dederuntque eis Cii-iath-ar-
ba patris Anac (ipsa est Hebron) in
monte Juda, et suburbana ejus per
circuit um ejus.

12. Agrum vero ejus urbis et
villas ejus dederunt Caleb filio Je-
phune in possessionem ejus.

13. Filiis, inquam, Aaron sacerdo-
tis dederunt urbem refugii homicidge,
Hebron, et suburbana ejus, et Lib-
na et suburbana ejus.

14. Et Jathir et suburbana ejus,
et Esthemoa et suburbana ejus.

15. Holon et subiurbana ejus, et
Debir et suburbana ejus.

IG. Et Ain et suburbana ejus, et
Jutta et suburbana ejus : et Beth-
semes et suburbana ejus : urbes no-
vem de duabus tribubus istis.

17. De tribu vero Benjamin, Gi-
beon et suburbana ejus, et Geba et
suburbana ejus.

18. Anathoth et suburbana ejus,
Almon et suburbana ejus: urbes
quatuor.

19. O nines lu-bes filiorum Aaron
sacerdotimi, tredecim urbes et sub-
urbana earum.

1. Then came near the heads, &c. Here we have at a later
period a narrative of what ought to have i^receded. For no
cities of refuge were appointed before they had been assigned

CHAP. XXI. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 243

to the Levites, To this may be added what was formerly
said, that Joshua and Eleazar had made an end of dividing
the land. Now, the land was not truly divided till the
habitation of the Levites was fixed. We must understand,
tlierefore, that when the lot was cast in the name of the ten
tribes, a reservation was made of cities in the land of
Canaan for the habitation of the Levites. Beyond the
Jordan their portion had already been assigned to them.
But as the Levites come forward and request a ratification
of the divine grant, it is probable that they were neglected
till they pleaded their own cause. For so it is apt to
happen, every one being so attentive in looking after his
own affairs that even brethren are forgotten. It was cer-
tainly disgraceful to the people that they required to be
pulled by the ear, and put in mind of what the Lord had
clearly ordered respecting the Levites. But had they not
demanded a domicile for themselves, there was a risk of
their being left to lie in the open air ; although, at the same
time, we are permitted to infer that the people erred more
from carelessness and forgetfulness than from any intention
to deceive, as they make no delay as soon as they are ad-
monished ; nay, they are praised for their obedience in that
they did what was just and right according to the word of
the Lord.

4. And the lot came out for the families, &c. Here is first
described the number of cities of which we shall have to
speak by and bye. Secondly, it is distinctly said that the
lot fell out to the children of Aaron in the tribe of Judah.
This did not haiDpen fortuitously, because God in his ad-
mirable counsel placed them in that locality where he had
determined 'to choose a temple for himself Thirdly, the
narrative proceeds to give the exact names of the cities, of
which the first mentioned is Hebron, of which Caleb, with
great equanimity, allowed himself to be deprived. Should
any one object that the first city of all that ought to have
been given them was Jerusalem, where they were to have
their future station, it is easy to answer, that moderate
sized cities were delivered to them as their condition re-
quired. Moreover, Jerusalem was not then subjugated, as

244

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP.XXT.

it continued under the power of the Jebusites. In short, it
would have been absurd to assign a royal seat to priests.
And their religion and faith was the better proved by this,
that they migrated of their own accord from their native
soil to devote their attention to sacred things. For no
priest performed the office without becoming a stranger.
Their wetikness, hovvever, was so far indulged by giving
them a grant of neighbouring cities, that they might not
liave the fatigue of a long journey in going to perform their
function. Moreover, the giving of thirteen cities for a
habitation to one family, and that not very numerous, con-
firms what I have elsewhere said, that the other tribes pos-
sessed very many cities,' of which no mention is made ; in
a short time this will be more certainly confirmed.

20. And the families of the chil-
dren of Kohath, the Levites which
remained of the chiklren of Kohath,
even they had the cities of their lot
out of the tribe of Ephraim.

21. For they gave them Shechem
with her suburbs, in mount Ephraun,
to be a city of refuge for the slayer ;
and Gezer wath her suburbs,

22. And Kibzaim with her sub-
urbs, and Beth-horon with her sub-
urbs : foiu- cities.

23. And out of the tribe of Dan,
Eltekeh with her suburbs, Gibbe-
thon with her suburbs,

24. Aijalon with her suburbs,
Gath-rimmon with her suburbs :
four cities.

25. And out of the half-tribe of
ManassehjTaanach with her suburbs,
and Gath-rimmon with her suburbs :
two cities.

26. All the cities were ten, with
their suburbs, for the famihes of the
children of Kohath that remained.

27. And unto the children of
Gershon, of the famihes of the
Levites, out of the other half-tribe
of Manasseh, they gave Golan in

20. Familiis vero filiarum Cahath
Levitarum, qui residid erant de filiis
Cahath (fuerunt autem urbes sortis
eonim de tribu Ephraim.)

21. Dederunt, inquam, illis urbem
refugu homicida; Sechem, et subur-
bana ejus in monte Ephraim : et
Geser et subm-bana ejus.

22. Et Cibsaim et suburbana ejus :
et Beth-horon et subiu-bana ejus :
urbes quatuor.

23. De tribu vero Dan, Elthece
et subm-bana ejus : et Gibbethon et
suburbana ejus.

24. Et Ajalon et suburbana ejus,
et Gath-rimmon et suburbana ejus :
urbes quatuor.

25. J)e dimidia vero tribu Ma-
nasse Thaanach, et suburbana ejus :
Gathrimmon et suburbana ejus:
urbes duse.

2G. Onines urbes decem, et sub-
urbana earum, familiis filiorum Ca-
hath residuis.

27. Porro tiliis Gerson de familiis
Levitarum, de dimidia tribu Ma-
nasse urbem refugii homicidae,
Golan in Basan, et subiu-bana ejus.

' Latin, "Plurimis urbibus.
cities." — Ed.

French, "Plusieurs villes:" "Several

CHAP. XXI.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

245

Bashan with her suburbs, to he a city
of refuge for the slayer ; and Beesh-
terah with her suburbs : two cities.

28. And out of the tribe of Issa-
char, Kishon with her suburbs,
Dabareh with her suburbs,

29. Jarmuth with her suburbs,
En-gannim with her suburbs : four
cities.

30. And out of the tribe of Asher,
Mishal with her suburbs, Abdon
with her suburbs,

31. Helkath with her suburbs,
and Rehob with her suburbs : four
cities.

32. And out of thefribe of Naph-
tali, Kedesh in Galilee with her
suburbs, to he a city of refuge for
the slayer ; and Ilamoth-dor with
her suburbs, and Kartan with her
suburbs : three cities.

33. All the cities of the Gershon-
ites, according to their families, ivere
thirteen cities with their suburbs.

34. And imto the families of the
children of Merari, the rest of the
Levites, out of the tribe of Zebulun,
Jokneam with her suburbs, and
Kartah with her suburbs,

35. Dimnah with her suburbs,
Nahalal with her suburbs : four
cities.

36. And out of the tribe of Reu-
ben, Bezer with her suburbs, and
Jahazah with her suburbs,

37. Kedemoth with her suburbs,
and Mephaath with her suburbs :
four cities.

38. And out of the tribe of Gad,
Ramoth in Gilead with her sub-
urbs, to he a city of refuge for the
slayer : and Mahanaim with her
suburbs,

39. Heshbon with her suburbs,
Jazer with her suburbs : four cities
in all.

40. So all the cities for the
children of Merari, by their families,
which were remaining of the families
of the Levites, were, by their lot,
twelve cities.

41. All the cities of the Levites,
within the possession of the chil-
dren of Israel, wei'e forty and eight
cities with their suburbs.

Beesthera et suburbana ejus : urbes
duas.

28. De tribu Issachar, Cision ct
subiu-bana ejus : Dabrath et sub-
urbana ejus.

29. larmuth et suburbana ejus :
Engannim et suburbana ejus : urbes
quatuor.

30. De tribu autem Aser, Misal
et suburbana ejus: Abdon et sub-
urbana ejus.

31. Helcath et suburbana ejus, et
Rehob et suburbana ejus : lu-bes
quatuor.

32. De tribu veroNephthaliiu-bem
refugii homicidje, Cedes in Galil et
suburbana ejus : et Hamoth-dor et
suburbana ejus : et Carthan et sub-
urbana ejus : urbes tres.

33. Omnes iirbes Gersonitarum
per familias suas, tredecim urbes, et
suburbana eanmi.

34. Familiis autem filiorum Me-
rari Ijevitarum residuonmi, de tribu
Zabidon : Jocneam et subtirbana
ejus : Cartha et suburbana ejus.

35. Dimnah et suburbana ejus,
Nahalal et suburbana ejus : urbes
quatuor.

36. De tribu vero Ruben, Beser
ct suburbana ejus : et Jehasa et
suburbana ejus.

37. Cedemoth et suburbana ejus:
Mephaath et suburbana ejus : urbes
quatuor.

38. Et de tribu Gad, urbem re-
fugii homicidfe, Ramoth in Gileath
et suburbana ejus : et Mahanaim
et suburbana ejus.

39. Hesbon et suburbana ejus :
Jaazer et suburbana ejus : urbes
quatuor.

40. Omnes urbes filiorum Me-
rari per fnniilias suas qui residui
erant de familiis Levitarum, ut fuit
sors eorum, urbes duodecim.

41. Omnes urbes Levitarum, in
medio possessionis fiUorum Israel,
urbes quadraginta octo et subur-
bana earum.

246 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXI. 41 .

42. These cities were every one 42. Fuerunt urbes istfe singulsB, et
with their suburbs round about sxiburbana earum per circuitum
them ; thus were all these cities. ipsarum : sic omnibus lurbibus istis.

43. And the Lord gave unto 43. Decht itaque Jehova Israeli
Israel all the land which he sware to universam terram de qua juraverat
give imto their fathers ; and they se daturimi earn patribus eorum : et
possessed it, and dwelt therein. possederunt earn, habitaveruntque

in ea.

44. And the Lord gave them 44. Requiem quoque dedit eis
rest round about, according to all Jehova in circuitu prorsus ut ju-
that he sware unto their tathers : raverat Jehova patribus eorum :
and there stood not a man of all neque fuit quisquam qui resisteret
their enemies before them ; the illis ex omnibus mimicis eorum :
Lord delivered all their enemies omnes inimicos eorum tradidit Je-
into their hand. hova in manum eorum.

45. There failed not ought of any 45. Non cecidit ullum verbum
good thing which the Lord had ex omni bono quod loquutus fiierat
spoken unto the house of Israel ; all Jehova ad domura Israel, omnia
came to pass. evenerunt.

20. And the families of the cldldren of Kohath, &c. Why-
it was necessary that the Levites should be dispersed among
the diiFerent tribes, the reader may see in my Commentaries
on the Books of Moses. This dispersion had, indeed, been
imposed on their progenitor as a punishment for the cruelty
and perfidy of which he had been guilty toward the chiklren
of Shcchem, but the disgrace of it had been converted into
tlie liighest honour by their appointment as a kind of
guardians in every district to retain tlie people in the pure
worship of God. It is true, they were everywhere strangers ;
but still it was with the very high dignity of acting as
stewards for God, and preventing their countrymen from
revolting from piety. This is the reason for stating so care-
fully how many cities they obtained from each tribe ; they
were everywhere to keep watch, and preserve the purity of
sacred rites unimpaired.

41. All the cities of the Levites, &c. This passage more
especially shews what I have already more than once ad-
verted to, that the boundaries of the other tribes were not so
confined as not to comprehend a far larger number of cities
than is actually mentioned. It is perfectly well known that
Levi was the least numerous of all the tribes. With what
equity, then, could it have been allowed to expand itself
over four times tlie space allowed to the tribe of Zebulun,

CIIAr. XXI. 43. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 247'

wliicli, though more populous, is rnentioned as only possess-
ing twelve cities. Only sixteen are enumerated as belong-
ing to the tribe of Issachar, nineteen to tlic tribe of
Naphtali, and twenty -two to the tribe of Asher. It would
surely have been an unequal division to give the greater
number of cities for habitation to the smaller population.
Hence we infer, that not only the villages which are here set
down as accessories of the cities were fit for habitation, but
that other cities also, of which no mention is made, were
included. In short, the extent of the lot of Levi makes it
perfectly obvious how large and ample tlie territories of the
other tribes must have been.

43. And the Lord gave unto Israel, &c. Should any one
raise a question as to this rest, the answer is easy. Tlie
nations of Canaan were so completely overcome with fear,
that they thought they could not better consult their in-
terest than by servilely flattering the Israelites, and purchas-
ing peace from them on any terms.^ Plainly, therefore, the
country was subdued and rendered peaceful for habitation,
since no one gave any annoyance, or dared to entertain any
hostile intentions, since there were no threats, no snares, no
violence, no conspiracies.

A second point, however, raises some doubt,^ namely,
how the children of Israel can be said to have been settled
in the possession of the land promised to them, and to have
become masters of it, in such a sense that in regard to the
enjoyment of it, not one syllable of the promises of God had
failed. For we have already seen that many of the enemy
were intermingled with them. The divine intention was,
that not one of the enemy should be permitted to remain ;
on the other hand, the Israelites do not drive out many, but

' French, " lis penserent qu'il n'y avoit rien meilleur pour eux ni plus
expedient, qxie de racheter la paix avec les enfans d'Israel, en faisans les
cliiens couchans (comme Ton dit) devant eux, et leiu- gratifiant en toutcs
choses ;" " They thought there was nothing better for them, nor more ex-
pedient, than to purchase peace with the children of Israel by acting (so
to speak) like fawning dogs before them, and gratifying them in all
things." — Ed.

' Latin, " Vcrum de secundo arabigitur." French, " Mais il y a plus
grande difficulte siir le second poinct ;" " But there is greater ditficulty
'is to the second point." — Ed.

248 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXI. 43.

admit them as neighbours, as if the inheritance had been
common to tliem ; they even make pactions with them.
How then can these two things be reconciled, that God, as
he had promised, gave possession of the land to the people,
and yet they were excluded from some portion by the power
or obstinate resistance of the enemy ?

In order to remove this appearance of contradiction, it is
necessary to distinguish between the certain, clear, and
steadfast faithfulness of God in keeping his promises, and
between the effeminacy and sluggishness of the people, in
consequence of which the benefit of the divine goodness in
a manner slipped through their hands. Whatever war the
people undertook, in whatever direction they moved their
standards, victory was prepared ; nor was there any other
delay or obstacle to their exterminating all their enemies
than their own voluntary torpor. Wherefore, although they
did not rout them all so as to make their possession clear,
yet the truth of God came visibly forth, and was realized,
inasmuch as they might have obtained what was remaining
without any difficulty, had they been pleased to avail them-
selves of the victories offered to them. The whole comes to
this, that it was owing entirely to their own cowardice that
they did not enjoy the divine goodness in all its fulness and
integrity. This will be still clearer from the following
chaptei".

CHAPTER XXII.

1. Then Joshua called the Reu- 1. Tunc accersivitJosue Rubeni-
benites, and the Gadites, and the tas et Gaditas ac dimidiam tribum
half-tribe of Manasseh, Manasse,

2. And said unto them, Ye have 2. Dixitque ad eos, Vos custo-
kept all that Moses, the servant of distis omnia quae prsecepit vobis
the Lord, commanded you, and have Moses servus Jehovte, et obedistis
obeyed my voice in all that I com- voci mese in cunctis quse prsecepi
manded you : vobis.

3. Ye have not left your brethren 3. Non deserui«tis fratres vestros
these many days imto this day, but jam diebus multis usque ad diem
have kept the charge of the com- banc, sed custodistis cnstodiam prae-
mandment of the Lord your God. cepti Jehovse Dei vestri.

4. And now the Lord yom- God 4. Nunc autem requiem dedit
hath given rest unto your brethren, Jehova Deus vester fratribus ves-
as he promised them : therefore now tris, quemadmodum dixerat eis :

CHAP. XXII. 1.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

249

rekirn ye, and get you unto your
tents, and unto the land of your
possession, which Moses, the servant
of the Lord, gave you on the other
side Jordan.

5. But take diligent heed to do
the commandment, and the law,
which Moses, the servant of the
Lord, charged you, to love the Lord
your God, and to walk in all his
ways, and to keep his command-
ments, and to cleave imto him, and
to serve him with all your heart, and
with all yoiu- soul.

6. So Joshua blessed them, and
sent them away: and they Avent
unto their tents.

7. Now to the OHe half of the
tribe of Manasseh Moses had given
possession in Bashan ; but unto the
other half thereof gave Joshua
among their brethren on this side
Jordan westward. And when Joshua
sent them away also unto their tents,
then he blessed them ;

8. And he spake unto them, say-
ing. Return with much riches unto
your tents, and with very much
cattle, with silver, and with gold,
and with brass, and with iron, and
with very much raiment : divide tha
spoil of your enemies with your
brethren,

9. And the children of Reuben,
and the children of Gad, and the
half-tribe of Manasseh, returned,
and departed from the children of
Israel out of Shiloh, which is in
the land of Canaan, to go unto the
country of Gilead, to the land of
their possession, whereof they were
possessed, according to the word of
the Lord by the hand of Moses.

1. Then Joshua called the Reuhenites, &c. Here is related
the discharge of the two tribes and half-tribe, who had fol-
lowed the rest of the people, not that they might acquire
anything for themselves, but that, as they had already
obtained dwellings and lands without lot, they might carry
on war in common with their brethren, until they also should
have a quiet inheritance. Now, as they had been faithful
companions and helpers to their brethren, Joshua declares

nunc igitur revertimini, et proficis-
cimini ad tabernacula vestra, ad
terram possessionis vestrse, quam
dedit vobis Moses servus Jehovaj
trans Jordanem.

5. Tantum observate diligenter
utfaciatis prseceptum et legem quam
praicepit vobis Moses servus Jehovje,
ut diligatis Jehovam Deum ves-
trum, et ambuletis in omnibus viis
ejus, servetisque prsecepta ejus, et
adhrereatis ei, atque serviatis ei
toto corde vestro, et tota anima
vestra

6. Benedixitque eis Josue, ac
dimisit eos, abieruntque in taber-
nacula sua.

7. Dimidise autem tribui Ma-
nasse dederat Moses in Basan :
alteri autem ejus parti dedit Josue
cum fratribus suis trans Jordanem
ad occidentem. Et etiam quum
dimitteret eos Josue in tabernacula
sua, et benedixisset eis,

8. Tunc dixit ad eos, dicendo.
Cum divitiis multis revertimini ad
tabernacula vestra, et cum acquisi-
tione midta valde, cum argento, et
auro, et rore, et ferro, et vestibus
multis valde : dividite spolia inimi-
corum vestrorum cum fratribus
vestris.

9. Reversi sunt itaque, et abic-
runt filii Ruben, et filii Gad, et
dimidia tribus Manasse a filiis Israel
de Silo quse est in terra Chanaan,
ut irent ad terram Gilead, ad terram
possessionis suae, in qua possessionem
acceperunt secundum sermonem Je-
hovse per manum Mosis.

250 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXII. 5.

tliat tlicy were entitled to their discharge, and thus sends
them hack to their homes released and free. It is asked,
however, how he can consider them to have performed their
due measure of military service, while the enemy were still
in 2^ossession of part of the land, of which the sole possession
was to be the proper termination of the war ?^ But if we
bear in mind what I lately said, the knot will be loosed.
Had the Israelites followed the invitation of God, and
seconded his agency, nay, when he was stretching out his
hand to them, had they not basely drawn back,^ the remain-
ing part of the war would have been finished with no danger
and little trouble. From their own sloth, therefore, they
refused what God was ready to bestow. And thus it hap-
pened that the agreement by which the two tribes and half-
tribe had bound themselves, ceased to be binding. For the
only obligation they had undertaken was to accompany the
ten tribes, and contend for their inheritance as strenuously
as if their condition had been exactly the same. Now, when
they have pcrseveringly performed their part as faithful allies,
and the ten tribes contented with their present fortune, not
only do not demand, but rather tacitly repudiate their assist-
ance, a free return to their homes is justly allowed them.
They, indeed, deserve praise for their patient endurance, in
not allowing weariness of the service to make them request
their discharge, but in waiting quietly till Joshua of his own
accord sends for them.^

5. But take diligent heed, &c. He thus releases and frees
them from temporary service, that he may bind them for
ever to the authority of the one true God. He therefore
permits them to return home, but on the condition that

' Latin, " Cujus sola possessio justutn ilebuit bcllo imponere fineni."
French, " De laquelle il faloit qu'ils fiissent paisibles possesseurs avant qu'ils
peussent avoir licence de se desparter, et avant que finir la guerre ;" " Of
Avhich it was necessary that they should be peaceful possessors before they
could have license to depart, and before finishing the war." — Ed.

- French, " Ou pour niieuxdire, s'ils n'eussent vilainenient tourne' le dos
arriere, quand il leur tendoit la main;" "Or, to speak more properly, if
they had not villanously turned their back when he stretched out his hand
to them." — Ed.

•■' Jewish writers, founding on plausible data, calculate that the auxiliary
tribes who crossed the Jordan to assist their brethren, had been absent
from their homes for a period of fourteen years. — Ed.

CHAP. XXII. 8. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 251

wlierever they may be they are to bo tlic soldiers of God ;
and lie at the same time prescribes the mode, namely, the
observance of his Law. But since such is the vanity and
inconstancy of the human mind, that religion easily fades
a^s'ay from the heart, while carelessness and contempt creep
in, he requires of them zeal and diligence in executing the
Law. He calls it the Law of Moses, that they may not be
carried to and fro by airy speculations, but remain fixed in
the doctrine which they had learned from the faithful servant
of God. He touches also on the end and sum of the Law, love
to God, and adherence to him, because outward worship
would otherwise be of little value. He confirms the same
tiling by other words, by vdiich sincerity is denoted, namely,
serving the Lord with their whole heart and soul.

8. Return ivith much riches, &c. As it was formerly seen
tliat the greater part of the two tribes were left in their ter-
ritories beyond the Jordan, when the others passed over to
carry on the war, it was fair that, as they had lived in case
with their families, or been only occupied with domestic
concerns, they should be contented with their own livelihood
and the produce of their own labour. And they certainly
could not, without dishonesty, have demanded that any part
of the booty and spoil should be distributed among them,
when they had taken no share in all the toil and the danger.
Joshua, however, does not insist on the strictly legal view,
but exhorts the soldiers to deal liberally with their country-
men, by sharing the prey with them. Here some one may
unseasonably raise the question, Whether or not the booty
was common ? For Joshua does not decide absolutely that
it is their duty to do as he enjoins ; he admonishes them
that, after they have been enriched by the divine blessing,
it would betray a want of proper feeling not to be liberal and
kind towards their brethren, especially as it was not tlieir
fault that they did not take part in the same expedition.
Moreover, when he bids them divide, he does not demand an
equal partition, such as that which is usual among partners
and equals, but only to bestow something that may suffice
to remove all cause of envy and hatred.^
* The Septiiagint alters (lie tenor of the whole passage by substituting

252

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XXJI.

10. And v,'hen they came unto the
borders of Jordan, that are in the
land of Canaan, the children of Reu-
ben, and the children of Gad, and
the half-tribe of Manasseh, built
there an altar by Jordan, a great
altar to see to.

11. And the children of Israel
heard say. Behold, the children of
Reuben, and the children of Gad,
and the half-tribe of Manasseh, have
built an altar over against the land
of Canaan, in the borders of Jordan,
at the passage of the children of
Israel.

12. And when the children of
Israel heard of it, the whole con-
gregation of tiie children of Israel
gathered themselves together at
Shiloh, to go up to war against
them,

13. And the children of Israel
sent unto the children of Reuben,
and to the children of Gad, and to
the half-tribe of Manasseh, into the
land of Gilead, Phinehas the son of
Eleazar the priest,

14. And with him ten princes, of
each chief house a prince, through-
out all the tribes of Israel ; and each
one was an head of the house of
their fathers among the thousands
of Israel.

15. And they came imto the
children of Reuben, and to the
children of Gad, and to the half-
tribe of Manasseh, unto the land of
Gilead, and they spake with them,
saying,

IG. Thus saith the whole congre-
gation of the Lord, What trespass
is this that ye have committed
against the God of Israel, to turn
away this day from following the
Lord, in that ye have builded you
an altar, that ye might rebel this
day against the Lord ?

17. Is the iniquity of Poor too
little for us, from which we are not

10. Devenerunt autem ad limites
Jordanis qui erant in terra Chanaan,
et fedificaverunt filii Ruben, et filii
Gad, et dimidia tribus Manasse, ibi
altare jnxta Jordanem, altare mag-
num visu.

11. Audierunt autem filii Israel
dici, Ecce ajdificaverunt filii Ruben,
et filii Gad, et dimidia tribus Ma-
nasse, altare e regione terras Cha-
naan, in confinibus Jordanis in tran-
situ filiorum Israel.

12. Audierunt, inquam, filii Israel,
et convenerunt universus coitus fili-
orum Israel in Silo, ut ascenderent
contra eos ad pugnam.

13. Miserunt autem fiUi Israel ad
filios Ruben, et ad filios Gad, et ad
dimidiam tribum Manasse, ad ter-
ram Gilead, Phinees filium Eleazar
sacerdotis.

14. Et decem principes cum eo,
singulos prmcipes per singulas domos
avitas ex omnibus tribubus Israel :
singuli namque principes familiarum
patnim suorimi erant in millibus
Israel.

15. Venerunt ergo ad filios Ruben,
et ad filios Gad, et ad dimidiam tri-
bum Manasse, ad terram Gilead,
loquutique sunt cum eis, dicendo.

16. Sic dicunt universus ccetiis
Jehovse, Quse est pra^varicatio ista,
qua prsevaricati estis contra Deum
Israel, ut avertamini hodie ne eatis
post Jehovam adificando vobis altare,
ut rebelletis hodie contra Jehovam ?

17. An parum nobis est cum ini-
quitate Peor, a qua nee dum sumus

the past tense for the imperative, and making it read not as a part of
Joshua's address, but as the statement of a fact, " They departed with
much riches," &c., and "they divided the spoil of their enemies with their
brethren." — Ed.

CHAP. XXII. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 253

cleansed until this day, although mundati etiam hodie, et tamen fuit

there was a plague in the congrega- plaga in coetu Jehovse ?
tion of the Lord,

18. But that ye must turn away 18. Vos autem avertimini hodie
tliis day from following the Lord ? ne eatis post Jehovam, et erit, vos
and it will be, seeing ye rebel to-day rebellabitis hodie contra Jehovam,
against the Lord, that to-morrow he et eras in totum ccetum Israel iras-
will be wroth with the whole con- cetur.

gregation of Israel.

19. Notwithstanding, if the land 19. Et quidem si immunda est
of yoiur possession he imclean, then terra possessionis vestrse, transite ad
pass ye over unto the land of the terram possessionis Jehovje, in qua
possession of the Lord, wherein the habitat tabernaculura Jehovse, et
Lord's tabernacle dwelleth, and take possessiones accipite in medio nos-
possession among us : but rebel not trum, et contra Jehovam ne rebel-
against the Lord, nor rebel against letis : neque a nobis deficiatis, asdi-
us, in building you an altar, besides ficando vobis altare prseter altare
the altar of the Lord our God, Jehovse Dei nostri.

20. Did not Achan the sou of 20. Nonne Achan filius Zerah
Zerah commit a trespass in the prsevaricatus est prsevaricatione in
accursed thing, and wrath fell on anathemate, et contra omnem coe-
all the congregation of Israel ? and turn Israel fuit ira ? et ille vir unus
that man perished not alone in his non obiit propter iniquitatem suam.
iniquity.

JO. And when they came unto the borders, &c. The liis-
toiy here is particularly deserving of notice, when the two
tribes and half-tribe, intending to erect a memorial of
common faith and fraternal concord, allowed themselves
from inconsiderate zeal to adopt a method which was justly
suspected by their brethren. The ten tribes, thinking that
the worship of God was violated with impious audacity and
temerity, were inflamed with holy wrath, and took up arms
to use them against their own blood ; nor were they appeased
till they had received full satisfaction. Tlie motive for erect-
ing the altar was right in itself. For tlie object of the cliil-
dren of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh, was to testify tliat
though they were separated from their brethren by the in-
tervening stream, they were, however, united with them in
religion, and cherished a mutual agreement in the doctrine
of the Law. Nothing was farther from their intention than
to innovate in any respect in the worship of God. But tiiey
sinned not lightly in attempting a novelty, without paying
any regard to the high priest, or consulting their brethren,
and in a form which was very liable to be misconstrued.

We know how strictly the Law prohibited two altars.

254 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXII. 1 ] .

(Excel. XX, 24 ;) for the Lord wished to be worshipped in one
place only. Therefore, when on the very first blush of the
case, all were at once led to think that they were building a
second altar, who would not have judged them guilty of
sacrilege in framing a ritual of a degenerate description, at
variance with the Law of God ? Seeing, then, that the work
might be deemed vicious, they ought, at least, in so great
and so serious a matter, to have made their brethren sharers
in their counsel ; more especially were they in the wrong in
neglecting to consult the high priest, from whose lips the
divine will was to be ascertained. They were, therefore,
deserving of blame, because, as if they had been alone in the
world, they considered not what offence might arise from the
novelty of the example. Wherefore, let us learn to attempt
nothing rashly, even should it be free from blame, and let
us always give due heed to the admonition of St. Paul,
(1 Cor. vi. 12; x. 23,) that it is necessary to attend not
only to what is lawful, but to what is expedient ; more
especially let us sedulously beware of disturbing pious minds^
by the introduction of any kind of novelty.

11. And the children of Israel heard say, &c. There is no
doubt that they were inflamed with holy zeal, nor ought
their vehemence to seem excessive in taking up arms to
destroy their countrymen on account of a pile of stones. For
they truly and wisely judged that the lawful sanctuary of God
was polluted and his worship profaned, that sacred things
Avere violated, pious concord destroyed, and a door opened
for the license of suiDcrstitious practices, if in two places vic-
tims were offered to God, who had for these reasons so
solemnly bound the whole people to a single altar. Not
lashly, therefore, do the ten tribes, on hearing of a profane
altar, detest its sacrilegious audacity.

Here, then, we have an illustrious display of piety, teach-
ing us that if we see the pure worship of God corrupted, we
must be strenuous, to the utmost of our ability, in vindicating
it. The sword, indeed, has not been committed to the hands
of all ; but eveiy one must, according to his call and office,

^ Latin, "Pios animos." Frencli, " Les bonnes consciences;" "Good
consciences . " — Ed.

CHAP. XXII. 17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 255

studj manfully and firmly to maintain the purity of religion
against all corruptions. More especially deserving of the
highest praise was the zeal of the half-tribe of Manasseh,
who, setting aside all regard to the flesh, did not spare their
own family. I admit, however, that this zeal, though pious,
was not free from turbulent impetuosity, inasmuch as they
hasten to declare war before they inquired concerning the
mind of their brethren, and properly ascertained the state of
the case. War, I admit, was declared only under conditions ;
for they send ambassadors to bring back word after they had
carefully investigated the matter, and they move not a finger
in the way of inflicting punishment till they are certified of
the existence of the crime. Excuse, therefore, may be made
for the fervour of their passion, while they prepare for battle
in the event of any defection being discovered.'

16. Thus saith the whole congregation, &c. Just as if it
had been known that this second altar was opposed to the
one only altar of God, they begin with upbraiding them, and
that in a very harsh and severe manner. They thus assume
it as confessed, that the two tribes had built the altar with
a view of offering sacrifices upon it. In this they are mistaken,
as it was destined for a diff'erent use and purpose. More-
over, had the idea which they had conceived been correct,
all the expostulation which they employ would have been
just ; for it was a clear case of criminal revolt to make any
change in the Law of God, who values obedience more than
all sacrifices, (1 Sam. xv. 22 ;) and there would have been
perfect ground for condemning them as apostates, in with-
drawing from the one only altar.

1 7. Is the iniquity of Peor too little for us ? &c. They
represent the crime as more heinous, from their perverse ob-
stinacy in not ceasing ever and anon to provoke the Lord by
their abominations. They bring forward one signal example
of recent occurrence. While they were encircling the sanctu-
ary of God from the four cardinal points, like good watchmen
of God, and when they had received the form of due worship,
and were habituated to it by constant exercise, they had

' French, '• S'il se trouve que les autres se sojent revoltez de la reli-
gion;" "If it be found that the others have revolted from religion." — Ed.

256 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXII. 1 7.

allowed themselves, througli the seductive allurements of
harlots, to be polluted by foul superstitions, and had wor-
shipped Baal-Peor. As the whole people were implicated
in this crime, the ten ambassadors do not hesitate to admit,
that they were partners in the guilt. They therefore ask,
Is not the iniquity which we contracted in the matter of
Baal-Peor sufficient ? They add, that they were not yet
purified from it, just as if they had said, that the remem-
brance of it was not yet entirely buried, or that the
vengeance of God was not yet extinguished ; and hence
they infer, that the two tribes and the lialf tribe, while with
impious contumacy they turn aside from God, and shake off
his yoke, not only consult ill for themselves, but are calling
down similar destruction on the whole people, because God
will avenge the insult offered him to a wider extent. This
they confirm by the example of Achan, who, though he was
alone when he secretly stole of the accursed thing, did not
alone undergo the punishment of his sacrilege, but also
dragged others along with him, as it was seen that some
fell in the line of battle, while all were shamefuly put to
flight, because pollution attached to the people.

They reason from the less to the greater. If the anger of
God burnt against many for the clandestine misdeed of one
man, much less would he allow the people to escape if they
connived at manifest idolatry. A middle view, however, is
inserted, that if the two tribes and half tribe built up an
altar, and if their condition was worse from not dwelling in
the land of Canaan, let them rather come and obtain a set-
tlement also in the land of Canaan, but let them not pro-
voke God by a wicked rivalshijx^ Hence we infer, that they
were not .urged by some turgid impetus, since, even at their
own loss and expense, they are willing kindly to offer part-
nership to those who had demanded a settlement and
domicile for themselves elsewhere.

21. Then the children of Reuben, 21. Responderunt autem filii
and the children of Gad, and the Ruben, et filii Gad, et dimidia

' Latin, " Prava jemulatione." French, " Abusant en mal de ce
qu ils ont veu faire aux autres ;" '• Making a wicked abuse of what they
have seen others do." — Ed.

CHAP. XXII.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

257

half-tribe of Manassch, answered
and said unto the heads of the
thousands of Israel,

22. The Lord God of gods, the
Lord God of gods, he knoweth, and
Israel he shall know, if it be in re-
bellion, or if in transgression against
the Lord, (save us not this day,)

23. That we have built us an
altar to turn from following the
Lord, or if to offer thereon burnt-
offering or meat-offering, or if to
offer jjeace-offerings thereon, let the
Lord himself require it ;

24. And if we have not rather
done it for fear of this thing, saying,
In time to come yoiu* children might
speak mito oiu- children, saying,
What have ye to do with the Lord
God of Israel ?

25. For the Lord hath made Jor-
dan a border between us and you,
ye children of Reuben, and children
of Gad ; ye have no part in the
Lord : so shall your children make
our children cease from fearing the
Lord.

26. Therefore we said, Let us
now prepare to build us an altar,
not for biurnt-offering, nor for sacri-
fice :

2". But that it mai/ be a witness
between us and you, and om: gene-
rations after us, that we might do
the service of the Lord before him
■with our burnt- offerings, and with
our sacrifices, and with our peace-
ofierings ; that your children may
not say to our children in time to
come. Ye have no part in the Lord.

28. Therefore said we, that it
shall be, when they should so say to
us, or to our generations in time to
come, that we may say again, Be-
hold the pattern of tlie altar of the
Lord, which our fathers made, not
for bvu-nt-offerings, nor for sacri-
fices ; but it is a witness between us
and you.

29. God forbid that we should
rebel against the Lord, and turn
this day from following the Lord,
to build an altar for burnt-offerings.

tribus Manassc, loquutiqiie sunt cum
principibus milliuni Israel.

22. Deus deorum Jehova, Deus
deorum Jehova ipse novit, et Israel
cognoscet, si per rebellionem, et si
per prevaricationem in Jehovam, ne
serves nos die hac.

23. Si cogitavimus jedificare no-
bis altare, ut averteremur ne iremus
post Jehovam, et si ad immolandum
super illud holocausta et sacrificium,
et si ad faciendum super illud sacri-
ficia prosperitatum, Jehova ipse in-
quirat.

24. Et si non potius timore hu-
jusce rei fecimus hoc dicendo : Cras
dicent filii vestri filiis nostris di-
cendo : Quid vobis et Jehovse Deo
Israel ?

25. Nam terminum posuit Je-
hova inter nos et vos filii Ruben et
filii Gad, Jordanem : non est vobis
portio in Jehova : et cessare facient
filii vestri filios nostros, ut non time-
ant Jehovam.

20. Et diximus, Demus nunc
operam ut fedificemus altare, non
pro holocausto, nee pro sacrificio :

27. Sed ut testis sit inter nos et
vos, et inter generationes nostras
post nos, ut serviamus servitutem
Jehova? coram eo in holocaustis nos-
tris, et in sacrificiis nostris, et pros-
peritatibus nostris : et ne dicant
filii vestri cras filiis nostris, Non est
vobis pars in Jehova.

28. Diximus itaque, Et erit, si
dixerint nobis aut generationibus
nostris cras, tum dicemus, Videte
similitudinem altaris Jehov?e quod
fecerunt patres nostri, non pro ho-
locausto, neque pro sacrificio, sed ut
testis sit inter nos et vos.

29. Absit a nobis ut rebellemus
contra Jehovam, et avertamiu- hodie
ne eamus post Jehovam, ajdificando
altare pro holocausto, pro oblatione,

258

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XXII. 2 1 .

for meat-ofiferings, or for sacrifices,
besides the altar of the Lord oiir
God that is before his tabernacle.

30. And when Phinehas the
priest, and the princes of the con-
gregation, and heads of the thou-
sands of Israel which were with him,
heard the words that the children of
Reuben, and the children Gad, and
the children of Manasseh spake, it
pleased them.

31. And Phinehas the son of
Eleazar the priest said unto the
children of Reuben, and to the chil-
dren of Gad, and to the children of
Manasseh, This day we perceive
that the Lord is among us, because
ye have not committed this trespass
against the Lord: now ye have de-
livered the children of Israel out of
the hand of the Lord.

32. And Phinehas the son of
Eleazar the priest, and the princes,
returned from the children of Reu-
ben, and from the children of Gad,
out of the land of Gilead, unto the
land of Canaan, to the children of
Israel, and brought them word
again .

33. And the thing pleased the
children of Israel ; and the children
of Israel blessed God, and did not
intend to go up against them in
battle, to destroy the land wherein
the children of Reuben and Gad
dwelt.

34. And the children of Reuben,
and the children of Gad, called the
altar I^d : for it shall be a witness
between us that the Lord is God.

et pro sacrificio, ultra altare JehovsB
Dei nostri quod est ante tabernacu-
lum ejus. •

30. Porro quum audisset Phinees
sacerdos, et principes coetus, capita-
que millium Israel qui cum eo erant,
verba qujB loquuti fuerant filii Ru-
ben, et filii Gad, et filii Manasse,
placuit in oculis eorum.

31. Dixitque Phinees filius Ele-
azar sacerdoiis filiis Ruben, et fihis
Gad, et fihis Manasse, Hodie novi-
mus quod in medio nostri sit Je-
hova, quod non prsevaricati sitis
contra Jehovani prsevaricationem
istam : tunc liberastis filios Israel de
manu Jehovse.

32. Reversus est igitur Phinees
fihus Eleazar sacerdotis, et princi-
pes illi a filiis Ruben, et a filiis Gad,
de terra Gilead ad terram Chanaan
ad reliquos filios Israel, et retule-
runt eis rem.

33. Placuitque res in oculis fili-
orum Israel, atque benedixerunt
Deo filii Israel : neque decreverunt
ascendere contra eos ad pugnam, ut
disperderent terram in qua filii Ru-
ben et filii Gad habitabaut.

34. Vocaverunt autem fihi Ru-
ben et filii Gad altare Hed, dicendo :
Quia testis erit inter nos quod Je-
hova est Deus.

2]. Then the children of Reuben, &c. The state of tlie
case turns on the definition. For the children of Reuben,
Gad, and Manasseh, explain that they had a different in-
tention, and thus exculpate themselves from the charge,
inasmuch as the nature of the proceeding was quite differ-
ent from what the others supposed. In not making a dis-
turbance,! nor picking a quarrel for the injustice done to

' Latin, " Quod autem non tumultuantur." French, " Et en ce qu'ils
n'escarniouchent point ;" " And in not skirmishing." — Ed.

OHAP. XXII. 21, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 259

thC'ji tlicy give an example of rare modesty, which is held
forth TDV S)ur imitation ; so that if at any time anything we
have rightly done happen to he unjustly and falsely blamed
by those not acquainted with its nature, we may deem it
sufficient to refute the censure only so far as may be neces-
sary for clearing ourselves. Moreover, that the more credit
may be given to them, and that they may the better attest
their integrity, they, by a solemn protest, put far from them
the wickedness of which they were suspected. For there is
force and meaning in the reduplication. The Lord God of
gods, the Lord God of gods, by which they with vehemence
affirm, how faithfully they desire to persevere in the doc-
trine of the Law, and how greatly they abhor all contrary
superstitions. But as their intention was not patent to men,
and every one explained it variously, according to his own
sense, they appeal to the judgment of God, and offer to sub-
mit to punishment if he decide that they had attempted
anything wickedly. And to prove that they are not like
hypocrites who, with ahandoned wickedness, appeal to God
a hundred times as judge even when they are convicted in
their own minds, they not only bring forward conscience, but
at the same time declare, that the whole people will be wit-
ness ; as if they had said, that it will be made palpable hy the
fact itself, that they never had any intention of devising an}'^
new form of worship ; and they rightly explain, how the altar
would have been unlawful, namely, if they had built it for
the purpose of oifering sacrifice. For the Law did not con-
demn the mere raising of heaps of stones, but only enjoined
that sacrifices should be offered in one place, for the purpose
of retaining the people in one faith, lest religion should be
rent asunder, lest license should bo given to human pre-
sumjition, and thus every man might turn aside to follow
his own fictions. We thus sec how an explanation of the
nature of the deed removes the detestation which the ten
tribes had conceived of it.'

* Several Romish writers endeavour to make the most of this transac-
tion, and think they find in the apparent sanction which it gives to the
erection of an altar similar to the one on which sacrifices were offered,
though intended for a different purpose, an authority for their endless
forms of image worship. It is scarcely possible to treat such an argu-

260 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. OIIAP. XXII. 26.

It is not strictly correct, though appropriate enough, for
the rudeness of sense, to place our God above all gods. For
it is impossible to compare him with others, seeing that no
others actually exist. Hence, in order to avoid the apparent
absurdity, some interpreters substitute angels for gods ; this
meaning holds in some cases, though not in all. It ought
not, however, to seem harsh when he who is the one sole su-
preme being is called the God of gods, inasmuch as he has no
equal, standing forth conspicuous above all other height, and
so, by his glory, obscuring and annihilating all names of
deity which are celebrated in the M'orld. Hence this mode
of speaking ought to be viewed with reference to the com-
mon sense of the vulgar.

26. Therefore we said, &c. The gross impiety of which
they had been accused was now well refuted ; and yet they
seem not to have been in qv&y^ respect free from blame, be-
cause the Law forbids the erection of any hind of statues.
It is easy, however, to excuse this by saying, that no hind of
statues are condemned except those which are intended to
represent God. To erect a heap of stones as a trophy, or in
testimony of a miracle, or a memorial of some signal favour
of God, the Law has nowhere j^rohibited. (Exod. xx. 4 ;
Levit. xxvi. 1 ; Deut. v. 8.) Otherwise, Joshua and many
holy judges and kings after him, would have defiled them-
selves by profane innovation. But the only thing displeas-
ing to God was to see the minds of men drawn hither and
thither, so as to worship him in a gross and earthly man-
ner. The children of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh do all
that is required for their exculpation, when they declare
that they would use the altar only as a bond of brotherly
union ; and add a sufficient reason, namely, the danger there
was, lest, after a long course of time, the ten tribes might
exclude the others as strangers, because they did not inhabit

meiit seriously, but it is surely sufficient to answer, that Avliile the Reuben-
ites and their associates justified the erection of their altar, by declaring in
the most solemn manner, that they never intended, and were firmly deter-
mined never to employ it for religious service, the Komanists, on the other
hand, erect their images for the express purpose of so employing them, and
are continually extolling the imaginary benefits which this sacrilegious
employment of (hem confers. — Ed.

CHAP. XXII. 30. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 261

the same land. For as the country beyond the Jordan was
not at first comprehended in the covenant, a difference of
habitation might ultimately prove a cause of dissension.
They therefore consult timeously for their posterity, that
they may be able by means of the altar as a kind of public
document to defend their right, that they may mutually re-
cognise each other, and unite in common in serving one
God.

30. And luhen Phinehas the priest, &c. Phinehas and
the ambassadors rightly temper their zeal, when, instead of
harshly insisting and urging the prejudice which they had
conceived, they blandly and willingly admit the excuse.
Many persons, if once offended and exasperated by any
matter, cannot be appeased by any defence, and always find
something maliciously and unjustly to carp at, rather than
seem to yield to reason. The example here is worthy of
observation. It teaches us that if at any time we conceive
offence in regard to a matter not sufficiently known, we
must beware of obstinacy, and be ready instantly to take an
equitable view. Moreover, when the children of Reuben,
Gad, and Manasseh are found free from crime, Phinehas and
the ambassadors ascribe it to the grace of God. For by the
words. We know that Jehovah is in the midst of us, they in-
timate that God was propitious to them, and had taken care
of their safety.

This is to be carefully observed ; for we are able to infer
from it that we never revolt from God, or fall off to Impiety
unless he abandon us, and give us up when thus abandoned
to a reprobate mind. All idolatry, therefore, shews that God
has previously been alienated, and is about to punish us by
inflicting judicial blindness. Meanwhile, we must hold that
we persevere in piety only in so far as God is present to
sustain us by his hand, and confirm us in perseverance by
the agency of his Spirit. Phinehas and the ambassadors
speak as if they had been delivered by the children of Reu-
ben, Gad, and Manasseh, because there was no longer any
ground to fear the divine vengeance, when all suspicion
of criminality had been removed. At last similar equity
and humanity are displayed by the whole people, when

262

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XXIII.

accepting the defence of their brethren they gave tlianks to
God for having kept his people free from criminality.

Though they had been suddenly inflamed, they dejoart
with calm minds. In like manner the two tribes and the
half tribe carefully exert themselves to perform their duty
by giving a name to the altar, which, by explaining
its proper use, might draw off the people from all super-
stition.

CHAPTER XXIII.

1. And it came to pass, a long
time after that the Lord had given
rest imto Israel from all their ene-
mies romid about, that Joshua waxed
old and stricken ia age.

2. And Joshua called for all Is-
rael, and for their elders, and for
their heads, and for their judges, and
for their ofheers, and said imto them,
I am old and stricken in age :

3. And ye have seen all that the
Lord your God hath done unto all
these nations because of you : for
the Lord yoiu" God is he that hath
fought for you.

4. Behold, I have divided unto
you by lot these nations that remain,
to be an inheritance for your tribes,
from Jordan, with all the nations
that I have cut off, even unto the
great sea westward.

5. And the Lord your God, he
shall expel them from before you,
and drive them from out of your
sight ; and ye shall possess their land,
as the Lord your God hath promised
unto you.

6. Be ye therefore very courage-

1. Fuit autem post dies multos
postquam requiem dedit Jehova Is-
raeli ab omnibus inimicis eorum in
circuitu, Josue sennit, et venit in
dies :

2. Tunc vocavit Josue omnem Is-
rael, senioi-es ejus, et capita ejus, et
judices ejus, et prjefectos ejus, dixit-
que ad eos, Ego senui, et veni in
dies :

3. Vosque vidistis omnia quae fe-
cerit Jehova Deus vester omnibus
gentibiis istis in conspectui vestro,
quod Jehova Deus vester pugnaverit
pro vobis.

4. Videte, sorte distribui vobis
gentes istas residuas in ha^reditatem
per tribus vestras, a Jordane, atque
omnes gentes quas disperdidi usque
ad mare magnum ab occasu solis.

5. Jehova autem Deus vester ipse
propulsabit eas a facie vestra, et ex-
pellet eas a conspectu vestro, et jure
hsereditario possidebitis^ terram ear-
um, quemadmodum loquutus est Je-
hova Deus vester vobis.

6. Eoborate igitur vos valde, ut

' The original literally is " from before you," and is more exactly ren-
dered by Calvin's Latin " In conspectu vestro," than by the English ver-
sion " because of you." This English rendering is the more remarkable,
as in the 5th verse the very same Hebrew word is literally rendered " From
before you."

* Simply "Ye shall inherit," seems better than the English version,
" Ye shall possess," which is too weak, or than Calvin's Latin, •' Jure hajre-
ditario possi debit is," which is too strong. — Ed.

CHAP. XXIII.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

263

ous to keep and to do all that is
written in the book of the law of
Moses, that ye turn not aside there-
from to the right hand or to the left;

7. That ye come not among these
nations, these that remain among
you; neither make mention of the
name of their gods, nor cause to
swear h^ them, neither serve them,
nor bow yourselves unto them :

8. But cleave unto the Lord your
God, as ye have done unto this day.

9. For the Lord hath driven out
from before you great nations and
strong : but as for yow, no man hath
been able to stand before you unto
this day.

10. One man of you shall chase a
thousand : for the Lord your God,
lie it is that fighteth for you, as he
hath promised you,

11. Take good heed therefore unto
yourselves, that ye love the Lord
your God.

custodiatis, et faciatis quicquid scrip-
tum est in libro Tvegis Mosis, ut non
recedatis ab eo neque ad dextram,
neque ad sinistram.

7. Neque commisceamini gentibus
istis qufe remanent vobiscimi et no-
men deorum earum ne commeraoretis,
nee adjuretis. neque serviatis eis, ne-
que incurvetis vos eis.

8. Sed Jehovse Deo vestro ad-
hfereatis, sicut fecistis usque ad diem
hanc.

9. Propterea expidit a facie ves-
tra gentes magnaset fortes, nee stetit
quisquam in conspectu vestro usque
ad diem hanc.

10. Vir unus ex vobis persequutus
est miUe, quia Jehova Deus vester
est qui pugnat pro vobis sicut lo-
quutus fuerat vobis.

11. Custodite valde super anima-
bus vestris ut diligatis Jehovam
Deum vestrum.

Here we have a narrative of the solemn protestation which
Joshua used towards the time of his death, that he miglit
leave the pure worship of God surviving him. But altliough
the peace and quiet which the Israelites obtained among the
nations of Canaan is described as an excellent blessing from
God, it is necessary to keep in mind what I formerly taught,
that it was owing to their cowardice that they dwelt among
their enemies, whom it would not have been difficult to rout
and destroy. But thanks are justly rendered to God for his
goodness in pardoning their ingratitude.

The pious solicitude of Joshua is here also set forth, for
the imitation of all who are in authority. For as the father
of a family will not be considered sufficiently provident if he
thinks of his children only till the end of his own life, and
does not extend his care farther, studying as much as in him
lies to do them good even when he is dead ; so good magis-
trates and rulers ought carefully to provide that the well
arranged condition of affairs as they leave them, be confirmed
and prolonged to a distant period. For this reason Peter
writes, (2 Pet. i. 25,) that he will endeavour after he has

264 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIII.

departed out of the world to keep tlie Cliurch in remem-
brance of his admonitions, and able to derive benefit from
them.

From its being said that he invited all Israel, and its
being immediately after added that he invited their elders,
and heads, and judges, and prefects, I understand the mean-
ing to be that all were indeed permitted to come, but that
the summons was addressed specially to the heads and pre-
fects. And thus the last clause appears to me to be ex-
planatory of the former. And, indeed, it is not at all
credible that the whole people were invited ; for no such
meeting could possibly take place. The sense, therefore, in
which the people were invited was simply this, that the
elders, judges, and others were commanded to come, and
might bring as many persons as were disposed to come along
with them.

The speech of Joshua, as quoted, is double ; but it ap-
pears to me that the historian first, as is often done, gives a
brief summary of the whole speech, and then follows it out
more in detail, introducing the particulars which he had
omitted.' In the one which is first given, Joshua briefly
animates the people, and exhorts them to sure confidence

' According to this view, the details given in chapters xxiii. and xxiv.
refer only to one meeting. It may be so, but certainly the impression
produced by a simple perusal of the chapters is, that they refer to two dis-
tinct meetings, between which some interval of time must have elapsed.
It is only by means of laboiu'ed criticism, accompanied with a degree of
straining, that some expositors have arrived at a different conclusion.
But why should it be deemed necessary to employ criticism for such a
purpose ? There is sm-ely no antecedent improbability that Joshua, after
all the turmoils of war were over, should have more than once come forth
from his retirement, and called the heads of the people, or even the whole
body of them together to receive his counsels, when he felt that the time
of his departure was at hand. Observe, moreover, that each meeting is
ushered in by its own appropriate preamble, and has its own special busi-
ness. In the one, Joshua speaks in his own name, and delivers his own
message ; in the other, all the tribes are regularly assembled, and are said
to have " presented themselves before God," because, although Joshua was
still to be the speaker, he was no longer to speak in his own name, but
with the authority of a divine messenger, and in the very terms which had
been put into his mouth. Accordingly, the very first words he utters are,
" Thus saith the Lord God of Israel." The message thus formally and
solemnly announced in chap. xxiv. 2, is continued verbatim and without
interruption to the end of verse 13. — Ed.

CHAP. XXIII. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 265

in the continued and unwearying grace of God. For, seeing
they had exi:)ericnced that God is true in all things, they
could have no doubt for the future, that they might safely
hope for the same success in vanquishing and destroying
the enemy. The partition also by which he had distributed
the remainder of the land, he set before them as an earnest
or pledge of their undoubted fruition, because it was not at
random but by the order of God he had marked out the seat,
and fixed the boundaries of each tribe.

6. Be ye therefore very courageous, &c. He now shews
them the mode of conquering, — not to indulge gross security,
as too often happens, as a substitute for genuine confidence.
He affirms that God will be propitious to them, and promises
that whatever they attempt will turn out prosperously, pro-
vided they are stedfast in obeying tlie Law. However con-
fidently hypocrites may contemn and deride God, they would
wish, however, to have him astricted to them ; nay, they
often, with no small pomposity, boast of his promises. But
true faith, while it reclines upon God, keeps those who pos-
sess it in his fear. In short, those who would find God must
seek him sincerely, and if we desire to be regarded by him,
we must beware of turning our backs upon him. The ex-
pression, Be ye very courageous, as has elsewhere been said,
denotes serious study, because in the great weakness of our
nature no man will set about the thorough observance of the
Law, if he does not exert himself above his strength. Atten-
tion ought also to be paid to the definition of true obedience
which is here repeated from Moses, (Deut. v. 32,) and said
to consist in not turning either to the right hand or the left.

7. That ye come not among these nations, &c. He dis-
tinctly admonishes them that it will be imiDossible rightly
to discharge their duty if they be not carefully on their
guard against all sources of corruption. This it was very
necessary to enforce upon them. For they were surrounded
on all sides by the snares of Satan, and we know how great
their proneness to superstition was, or rather how headlong
their eagerness for it. First, then, he warns them that in-
timate intercourse with the nations may involve them in
fellowship in crime ; for the term mingling used in this pas-

266 COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXni.9.

sage is equivalent to what is termed by St. Paul, being yoked.
(2 Cor. vi. 14.) In short, he first removes the incitements or
allurements to idolatry, and then declares his detestation of
idolatry itself. It is to he observed, however, that he does
not expressly mention either bending of the knee, or sacri-
fices, or other rites, but designates all perverse modes of wor-
ship by the terms naming them and swearing by them.
Whence we infer that God is defrauded of his honour when-
ever any particle, however small, of all the things which he
claims for himself is transferred to idols. He accordingly
concludes that they are to adhere to God alone ; in other
words, they are to be bound to him out and out.

9. For the Lord hath driven out from before you, &c. He
intimates that so long as they do not themselves change,
there will certainly be no change on the part of God. There-
fore he asserts that, provided they conciliate the favour of
God, they shall have an uninterrupted course of victory. At
length he again exhorts them, as they value their life and
safety, to be careful in maintaining love to God. From this
source all true obedience springs ; for if we do not cling to
him with free and ardent affection, we shall study in vain to
frame our lives in accordance with the external form of the
Law.

12. Else, if ye do in any wise go 12. Quia si avertendo aversi fue-
back, and cleave unto the remnant ritis, et adhaeseritis residuis gentibus
of these nations, even these that re- istis, residuis, inquani, istis quse sunt
main among you, and shall make vobiscum : et affinitateni eontraxeri-
marriages with them, and go in unto tis cum eis, et misceatis vos cum eis,
them, and they to you : et ipsse vobiscum :

13. Know for a certainty, that 13. Jam nunc scitote quod post-
the Lord your God will no more hac Jehova Dens vester non expellet
drive out any of these nations from omnes gentes istas a facie vestra :
before you ; but they shall be snares sed potius enmt vobis in laqueum,
and traps unto you, and scourges in et offendiculum, et flagellum in late-
your sides, and thorns in your eyes, ribus vestris, et in spinas in oculis
until ye perish from off this good vestris, donee pereatis e terra optima
land which the Lord your God hath ista quam dedit vobis Jehova Deus
given you. vester.

14. And, behold, this day I am 14. En autem ego ingrcdior hodie
going the way of all the earth : and viam imiversse terrse : cognoscite
ye know in all your hearts, and in ergo toto corde vestro, et tota anima
all your souls, that not one thing vestra quod non cecidit verbum
hath failed of all the good things imum ex omnibus verbis optimis
which the Lord your God spake con- quai loquutus est Jehova Deus
ceming you; all are come to pass vester super vos: omnia evenerunt

CHAP. XXIII. 12. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 267

unto you, and not one thing liatli vobis, non cecidit ex eis verbum

failed thereof. imum.

15. Therefore it shall come to 15. Sicut ergo evenit vobis omne
pass, that as all good things are come verbum bonum quod loquutus est
upon you, which the Lord your God Jeliova Deus vester ad vos, sic ad-
promised you ; so shall the Lord ducet Jehova super vos omne ver-
bring upon you all evil tilings, imtil bum malum, donee disperdat vos e
he have destroyed you from ofl" this teiTa optima ista, quam dedit vobis
good land which the Lord your God Jehova Deus vester.

hath given you.

16. When ye have transgressed 16. Quum transgressi fueritis
the covenant of the Lord your God, pactum Jehovae Dei vestri quod prai-
wluch he commanded you, and have cepit vobis, et abieritis, et servieritis
gone and served other gods, and diis alienis, incurvaveritisque vos eis,
bowed yourselves to them ; then irascetur furor Jehovge contra vos,
shall the anger of the Lord be et peribitis cito e terra optima quam
kindled against you, and ye shall dedit vobis.

perish quickly from off the good
land which he hath given unto you.

12. Else if ye do in any wise go bach, &c. According to
the usual method observed in the Law, he adds threatenings,
in order that if thej are not sufficiently allured by the divine
goodness, they may be aroused by fear to the performance
of their duty. It is, indeed, disgraceful for men, when God
graciously condescends to invite them, not at once to run
forward and meet the invitation by promj^t and alert obe-
dience ; but such is the lethargy of the flesh, that it always
requires to be stimulated by threats. Joshua, therefore,
adopts the usual method of the Law, while he reminds the
Israelites of the terrors of the Lord, provided they do not
of their own accord embrace his offered favour. Moreover,
it is not once only that he sets before them the denunciation
that the nations of Canaan will be scourges to their sides
and thorns in their eyes if they become familiar with them.
First, inasmuch as God had consecrated the land to himself,
he wished it to be purged of all impurities; and secowrf/y,
inasmuch as he saw how prone the people were to be cor-
rupted by bad example, he wished also to provide a remedy
for this evil. Then, while on the one hand the people
counted it as nothing that the land should be contaminated
by impious superstitions, and that idols should be worshipped
in it instead of the true God, and on the other hand, eagerly
contracted contagion from their vices, it was only a just
punishment of this gross contempt that they should expe-

268 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIII. 14.

rience molestation and hostility from those whom they had
improperly^ spared.

That the threatenings which hoth Moses and Joshua thus
denounced were openly accomplished, is but too plain from
the Book of Judges. And yet this promulgation of the
divine vengeance was not altogether useless ; for after
Joshua was dead, they became courageous enough to engage
in war. Their ardour, however, proved evanescent,^ and
they shortly after were initiated in nefarious Gentile rites.
Hence, we perceive in the human mind an intemperate long-
ing for perverse worship, a longing which no curbs are able
to restrain.

It is now proper to consider how far this doctrine is appli-
cable to us. It is true a special command was given to the
ancient people to destroy the nations of Canaan, and keep
aloof from all profane defilements. To us, in the present day,
no certain region marks out our precise boundaries ; nor are we
armed with the sword to slay all the ungodly ; we have only
to beware of allowing ourselves to become involved in fellow-
ship with wickedness, by not keeping at a sufficient distance
from it. For it is almost impossible, if we mingle with it,
spontaneously to avoid receiving some spot or blemish. But
this point having been elsewhere expounded, I now merely
advert to it in passing.

14. And, behold, this day I am going, &c. As it has been
appointed unto all men once to die, (Heb. ix. 27,) Joshua
says that in regard to himself the common end of all is at
hand, inasmuch as he, too, was born mortal. These expres-
sions are evidently adapted to console the peoi^le, and pre-
vent them from feeling immoderate grief at the bereavement
when he should be taken from them. For there cannot be
a doubt that his loss filled the people with the deepest
regret, when they saw themselves reduced, as it were, to a
mutilated trunk, by being deprived of their head. He there-

' Latin, " Male." French, " A tort et contre leur devoir ;" "Wrongfully
and contrary to their duty." — Ed.

2 Latin, '' Verum evanidus fuit fervor ille." French, " Mais 9'a este un
feu de paille comme on dit : car leur ardeur n'a gueres dure ;" " But it
was a fire of straw, as it is called ; for their ardour was not durable."' —
Ed.

CHAP. XXIII. 1-i.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

269

fore admonishes them, that since tlie race of life is ended by
having reached the goal, they were not to ask that liis con-
dition should be different from that of the whole human
race. Meanwhile he does not intimate that the form of
dying is the same in all, because the believers of heavenly
doctrine are distinguished from unbelievers by an incor-
ruptible seed, not allowing them in lilce manner to perish,
but only adverts to that which is common, namely, departure
from the world after the course of life is ended. The sub-
stance of his whole address amounts to this, that as God had
proved himself true by his favours and the fulfilment of his
promises, so his threatenings would not be empty or vain,
and he would certainly avenge the profanation of his wor-
ship by their final destruction.^

CHAPTER XXIV.

1. And Joshua gathered all the
tribes of Israel to Shechem, and
called for the elders of Israel, and
for their heads, and for their judges,
and for their officers ; and they pre-
sented themselves before God.

2. And Joshua said unto all the
people, Thus saith the Lord God of
Israel, Your fothers dwelt on the
other side of the tlood in old time,
even Terah, the father of Abraham,
and the father of Nahor : and they
served other gods.

3. And 1 took your father Abra-
ham from the other side of the flood,
and led him throughout all the land
of Canaan, and multipUed his seed,
and gave him Isaac.

1. Congregavit itaque^ Josue cra-
nes tribus Israel in Sichem, vocavit-
que seniores Israel, et capita ejus,
judicesque ejus, ac prjjefectos ejus :
steteruntque coram Deo.

2. Dixitque Josue ad universum
populum, Sic dicit Jehova Deus
Israel, Trans flumen habitaverunt
patres vestri a seculo, ut Thare pater
Abraham, et pater Nachor, servie-
runtque diis alienis.

3. Et tuli palrem vestrum Abra-
ham e loco qui erat trans flumen,
et deduxi per universam terram
Chanaan : multiplicavique semen
ejus, et dedi ei Isaac.

' Latin, "Ultimo eorum interitu." French, " En les destruisant a toute
rigeur;" "By destroying them in all rigour," (without mercy.) — Ed.

^ The "itaque" is here inserted without authority, biit Calvin, as he
explains in the commentary on the verse, thinks it necessary, in order to
keep up the connection Avith the previous chapter, and shew, according to
his hypothesis, that both chapters contain the account of only one meet-
ing. On the contrary, as lias been observed in note, p. 264, the whole
tenor of the narrative here given seems to indicate that it refers not to a
continuation of the former meeting, but to one held on a subsequent occa-
sion, and for a still more solemn purpose. — Ed.

270

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XXIV.

4. And I gave unto Isaac Jacob
and Esau : and I gave unto Esau
mount Seir, to possess it ; but Jacob
and his children went down into
Egypt.

6. I sent Moses also and Aaron,
and I plagued Egypt, according to
that which I did among them ; and
afterward I brought you out.

0. And I brought your fathers
out of Egypt : and ye came unto the
sea ; and the Egyptians pursued
after your fathers with chariots and
horsemen unto the Red sea.

7. And when they cried unto the
Lord, he put darkness between you
and the Egyptians, and brought the
sea upon them, and covered them ;
and your eyes have seen what I have
done in Egypt : and ye dwelt in the
wilderness a long season.

8. And I brought you into the
land of the Amorites, which dwelt
on the other side Jordan ; and they
fought with you : and 1 gave them
into your hand, that ye might pos-
sess their land ; and I destroyed
them from before you.

9. Then Balak the son of Zippor,
king of Moab, arose, and warred
against Israel, and sent and called
Balaam the son of Beor to curse
you :

10. But I would not hearken unto
Balaam ; therefore he blessed you
still: so I delivered you out of his
hand.

11. And ye Avent over Jordan, and
came unto Jericho : and the men
of Jericho fought against you, the
Amorites, and the Perizzites, and
the Canaanites, and the Hittites, and
the Girgashites, the Hivites, and the
Jebusites ; and I delivered them
into your hand.

4. Pit dedi ipsi Isaac Jacob et
Esau : tradidique ipsi Esau montem
Seir, ut possideret eum : Jacob au-
tem et filii ejus descenderunt in
-iEgyptum.

5. Misique Mosen et Aharon, et
percussi ^gyptum, quemadmodum
feci in medio ejus, et postea eduxi
vos.

6. Et eduxi patres vcstros ex
^gypto, devenistisque ad mare, et
persequuti sunt ^gyptii patres ves-
tros cum curribus, et equitibus usque
ad mare rubrum.

7. Turn clamaverunt' ad Jeho-
vam, et posuit caliginem inter vos et
yEgyptios : induxitque super eum
mare, ac operuit eum : et viderunt
oculi vestri quae feci in ^gyjjto, et
habitastis in solitudine in diebus
multis.

8. Postea adduxi vos ad terram
iEmorrhsei habitantis trans Jorda-
nem : prpeliatique sunt vobiscum, et
tradidi eos in manum vestram : ])os-
sedistisque terram eorum, ac delevi
eos a facie vestra.

9. Surrexit aiitem Balac filius
Sippor rex Moab, et prseliatus est
cum Israel : misitque et vocavit
Bileam filium Beor, ut malediceret
vobis :

10. Et nolui audire Bileam, sed
benedixi benedicendo vobis, et liber-
avi vos e manu ejus.

11. Transistisque Jordanem, e(
venistis ad Jericho : pugnaverunt-
que contra vos viri Jericho, ^mor-
rh8eus,et Perizaeus, et Chananaeus, et
Hittceus, et Girgasseus, et Hivfeus,
et Jebusajus : tradidique cos in ma-
num vestram.

' There is here a very abrupt transition from the first to the thii'd per-
son in the verbs " they cried" — " he put" — " he brought" — " he covered,"
as if Joshua had ceased to deliver an actual message, and became merely
a narrator. The message, however, is immediately resumed, " Your eyes
have seen what 1 have done." The Septuagmt, at the commencement of
the verse, renders " avifiornrafnv," " we cried," and thei-eafter uses the nar-
rative form to the end of the 13th verse, saying, in the 8th verse, "he
brought," and in the 10th, "the Lord your God would not." — Ed.

CHAP. XXIV. J. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 271

12. And I sent the hornet before 12. Et misit ante vos crabrones,
you, which drave them out from be- qui expulerunt eos a facie A'estra,
fore you, even the two kings of the duos reges yEmorrhaii, non ghidio
Amorites ; but not M'ith thy sword, tuo, nee arcu tuo.

nor with thy bow.

13. And I have given you a land 13. Dcdique vobis terram in qua
for which ye did not laboiu*, and cities non laborastis, et urbes quas non
which ye built not, and ye dwell in sedificastis, ethabitastisin eis: vineas
them ; of the vineyards and olive- et oliveta quw non plantastis, come-
yards which ye planted not do ye detis.

eat.

14. Now therefore fear the Lord, 14. Nunc ergo tiniete Jehovam,
and serve him in sincei'ity and in et servite ei in perfectione, et veri-
truth : and put away the gods which tate, et auferte deos quibus servie-
your fathers served on the other side runt patres vestri trans fiumen, et
of the flood, and in Egypt ; and serve in ^gypto, et servite Jehovje.

ye the Lord.

1. And Joshua gathered all the tinhes, &c. He now, in
my opinion, explains more fully what lie before related more
briefly. For it would not have been suitable to bring out
the peojile twice to a strange place for the same cause.
Therefore by the repetition the course of the narrative is
continued. And he now states what he had not formerly
observed, that they were all standing before the Lord, an
expression which designates the more sacred dignity and
solemnity of the meeting. I have accordingly introduced
the expletive particle Therefore, to indicate that the narra-
tive which had been begun now proceeds. For there can-
not be a doubt that Joshua, in a regular and solemn manner,
invoked the name of Jehovah, and, as in his presence, address-
ed the people, so that each might consider for himself that
God was presiding over all the things which were done, and
that they were not there engaged in a private business, but
confirming a sacred and inviolable compact with God him-
self. We may add, as is shortly afterwards observed, that
there was his sanctuary. Hence it is probable that the ark
of the covenant was conveyed thither, not with the view of
changing its place, but that in so serious an action they
might sist themselves before the eartlily tribunal of God.^
For there was no religious obligation forbidding the ark to
be moved, and the situation of Sichem was not far distant.

' Latin, " Terrestre Dei tribunal." French, " Le siege judicial que Dieu
avoit en terre ;" " The judicial seat which God had on earth." — Ed.

272 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 2.

2. Your fathers dwelt on the other side, &c. He begins
his address by referring to their gratuitous adoption by
wliich God had anticij)ated any application on their part, so
tliat they could not boast of any peculiar excellence or merit.
For God had bound them to himself by a closer tie, having,
while they Avere no better than others, gathered them
together to be his peculiar people, from no resi^oct to any-
thing but his mere good pleasure. Moreover, to make it
clearly appear that there was nothing in which they could
glory, he leads them back to their origin, and reminds them
liow their fathers had dwelt in Chaldea, worshipping idols
in common with others, and differing in nothing from the
great body of their countrymen. Hence it is inferred that
Abraham, when he was plunged in idolatry, was raised up,
as it were, from the lowest deep.

The Jews, indeed, to give a false dignity to their race,
fabulously relate that Abraham became an exile from his
country because he refused to acknowledge the Chaldean
fire as God.^ But if we attend to the words of the inspired
writer, we shall see that he is no more exempted from the
guilt of the popular idolatry than Terah and Nachor. For
why is it said that the fathers of the people served strange
gods, and that Abraham was rescued from the country, but
just to shew how the free mercy of God was displayed in
their very origin ? Had Abraham been unlike the rest of
his countrymen, his own piety would distinguish him. The
opposite, however, is expressly mentioned to sliew that he
had no peculiar excellence of his own which could diminish
the grace bestowed upon him, and that therefore liis poste-
rity behoved to acknowledge that when he was lost, he was
raised up from death unto life.

It seems almost an incredible and monstrous thing, that
while Noah was yet alive, idolatry liad not only spread
everywhere over the world, but even j^enetrated into the

' One of the fables here alhided to is, tliat Terah was not only a wor-
shipper but a maker of idols, and that Abraham, convinced of the absurdity
of idolatrous worship, destroyed all his father's idols. After doing so lie
laboured to convince his father of the propriety of his conduct by a series
of arguments which are gravely recorded, but not having succeeded in his
pious endeavours, was forced to flee, and thus became a wanderer. — Ed.

CHAP. XXIV. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 273

family of Shem, in which at least, a purer religion ought to
have flourished. How insane and indomitable human infa-
tuation is in this respect, is proved by the fact that the holy
Patriarch, on whom the divine blessing had been specially
bestowed, was unable to curb his posterity, and prevent them
from abandoning the true God, and prostituting themselves
to superstition.

3. And I took your father Abraham, &c. This expression
gives additional confirmation to what I lately shewed, that
Abraham did not emerge from profound ignorance and the
abyss of error by his own virtue, but was drawn out by the
hand of God. For it is not said that he sought God of his
own accord, but that he was taken by God and transported
elsewhere. Joshua then enlarges on the divine kindness in
miraculously preserving Abraham safe during his long pil-
grimage. What follows, however, begets some doubt, namely,
that God multiplied the seed of Abraham, and yet gave him
only Isaac, because no mention is made of any but him.
But this comparison illustrates the singular grace of God
towards them in that, while the offspring of Abraham was
otherwise numerous, their ancestor alone held the place of
lawful heir. In the same sense it is immediately added, that
while Esau and Jacob were brothers and twins, one of the
two was retained and the other passed over. We see, there-
fore, why as well in the case of Ishmael and his brother as
in that of Esau, he loudly extols the divine mercy and good-
ness towards Jacob, just as if he were saying, that his race
did not excel others in any respect except in that of being
specially selected by God.

4. But Jacob and his children went down, &c. After
mentioning the rejection of Esau, he proceeds to state how
Jacob went down into Egypt, and though he confines him-
self to a single expression, it is one which indicates the large
and exuberant and clear manifestation of the paternal favour
of God. It cannot be doubted, that although the sacred his-
torian does not speak in lofty terms of each miracle per-
formed, Joshua gave the people such a summary exposition
of their deliverance as might suffice. First, he points to the
miracles performed in Egypt ; next, he celebrates the passage

s

27-i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 8.

of the Red Sea, where God gave them the aid of his inesti-
mable power ; and thirdly, he reminds them of the period
during which thej wandered in the desert.

8. And I brought you into the land, &c. He at 4ength
begins to discourse of the victories which opened a way for
the occupation of their settlements. For although the
country beyond the Jordan had not been promised as part of
the inheritance, yet, as God, by his decree, joined it to the
land of Canaan as a cumulative expression of his bounty,
Joshua, not without cause, connects it with the other in com-
mending the divine liberality towards the people, and
declares, not merely that trusting to divine aid, they had
proved superior in arms and strength, but had also been
protected from the fatal snares which Balak had laid for
them. For although the impostor Balaam was not able to
effect anything by his curses and imprecations, it was, how-
ever, very profitable to observe the admirable power of God
displayed in defeating his malice. For it was just as if he
had come to close quarters, and warred with everything that
could injure them.

The more firmly to persuade them that they had overcome
not merely by the guidance of God, but solely by his power,
he repeats what we read in the books of Moses, (Deut. vii.
20,) that hornets were sent to rout the enemy without human
liand. This was a more striking miracle than if they had
been routed, put to flight, and scattered in any other way.
For those who, contrary to expectation, gain a victory
without any difficulty, although they confess that the pros-
perous issue of the war is the gift of God, immediately allow
themselves to become blinded by pride, and transfer the
praise to their own wisdom, activity, and valour. But when
the thing is eff'ected by hornets, the divine agency is indu-
bitably asserted. Accordingly, the conclusion is, that the
people did not acquire the land by their own sword or bow,
a conclusion repeated in the 44th Psalm, and apparently
borrowed from the passage here. Lastly, after reminding
them that they ate the fruits provided by otlier men's
labours, he exhorts them to love God as his beneficence
deserves.

CHAP. XXIV.

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

275

15. And if it seem evil unto you
to serve the Lord, choose you this
day whom ye will serve ; whether
the gods which your fathers served,
that were on tlie other side of the
flood, or the gods of the Amorites,
in Avhose land ye dwell : but as for
me and my house, we will serve the
Lord.

16. And the people answered and
said, God forbid that we should
forsake the Lord, to serve other
gods;

17. For the Lord our God, he it
is that brought us up and our fathers
out of the land of Egypt, from the
house of bondage, and which did
those great signs in our sight, and
preserved us in all the way wherein
we went, and among all the people
through whom we passed :

18. And the Lord drave out from
before us all the people, even the
Amorites which dwelt in the land :
therefore will we also serve the Lord;
for he is our God.

19. And Joshua said unto the
people. Ye cannot serve the Lord :
for he is an holy God ; he is a jeal-
ous God; he will not forgive your
transgressions nor your sins.

20. If ye forsake the Lord, and
serve strange gods, then he will tiun
and do you hurt, and consume you,
after that he hath done you good.

21. And the people said unto
Joshua, Nay ; but we will serve the
Lord.

22. And Joshua said unto the
people. Ye are witnesses against
yourselves, that ye have chosen you
the Lord, to serve him. And they
said, We are witnesses.

23. Now therefore put away (said
he) the strange gods which are among
you, and incline your heart imto the
Lord God of Israel.

15. Quod si molestum est^ vobis
servire Jehovse, eligite vobis hodie
quos colatis : sive deos, quibus ser-
vierunt patres vestri, qui fuerunt
trans flumen, sive deos^morrhsei, in
quorum habitatis terra : ego vero,
et domus mea colemus Jehovam.

16. Cui respondit populus, dicens,
Absit a nobis ut derehnquamus Je-
hovam, serviendo diis alienis.

17. Jehova enim Deus noster ipse
est qui eduxit nos et patres nostros
e terra J^^gypti, e domo servorum,^ et
qui fecit in ocidis nostris signa ista
magna : servavitque nos in omni via
per quam ambulavimus, et in omni-
bus populis per quormn transivimus
medium.

18. Expulitque Jehova oranes
populos, atque adeo ^morrhaeum
liabitatorem terrse a facie nostra :
etiam nos serviemus Jehovse, quia
ipse est Deus noster.

19. Dixitque Josue ad populum,
Non poteritis servire Jehovse, quia
Deus sanctus est, Deus seniulator
est : non parcet sceleribus vestris,
atque peccatis vestris.

20. Si dereliqueritis Jehovam, et
servieritis deo alieno, convertet se,
et malefaciet vobis, consumetque vos,
postquam benefecerit vobis.

21. Cui respondit populus, Ne-
quaquam : sed Jehovse serviemus.

22. Dixitque Josue ad populum.
Testes estis contra vos quod vos ele-
geritis vobis Jehovam ut illi ser\iatis.
Et dixerunt. Testes.'

23. Nunc ergo auferte deos alie-
nos, qui simt in medio vestri, et in-
clinate cor vestrum ad Jehovam
Deimi Israel.

' Literally, " And if it be evil in your eyes." This differs little from the
English version, " And if it seem evil unto you," and is preferable both to
Calvin's Latin, "Quod si molestum est," "But if it is irksome;" and to the
Septuagint, e; Ss /ah dpia-xu iifi7v, " If it is not pleasing to you." The last is
exactly followed by Luther, " @cfal(t eS cud; abex mdjt." — Ed.

^ The Septuagint omits the words "from the house of bondage." — Ed.
The Septuagint omits the response of the people. — Ed.

276 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 15.

24. And the people said unto 24. Cui respondit populus, Je-
Josliua, The Lord our God Avill we hovse Deo nostro serviemus, et voci
serve, and his voice will we obey. ejus obediemus.

15. A7id if it seem evil unto you, &c. It seems here as if
Joshua were paying little regard to what becomes an honest
and right-hearted leader. If the people had forsaken God
and gone after idols, it was his duty to inflict punishment
on their impious and abominable revolt. But now, by giving
them the option to serve God or not, just as they choose, he
loosens the reins, and gives them license to rush audaciously
into sin. What follows is still more absurd, when he tells
them that they cannot serve the Lord, as if he were actually
desirous of set purpose to impel them to shake off the yoke.
But there is no doubt that his tongue was guided by the in-
spiration of the Spirit, in stirring up and disclosing their
feelings. For when the Lord brings men under his autho-
rity, they are usually willing enough to profess zeal for piety,
though they instantly fall away from it. Thus they build
without a foundation. This happens because they neither
distrust their own weakness so much as they ought, nor con-
sider how difficult it is to bind themselves wholly to the
Lord. There is need, therefore, of serious examination, lest
we be carried aloft by some giddy movement, and so fail of
success in our very first attempts.^ With this design, Joshua,
by way of probation, emancipates the Jews, making them,
as it were, their own masters, and free to choose what God
they are willing to serve, not with the view of withdrawing
them from the true religion, as tliey were already too much
inclined to do, but to prevent them from making incon-
siderate promises, which they would shortly after violate.
For the real object of Joshua was, as we shall see, to renew
and confirm the covenant which had already been made with
God. Not without cause, therefore, does he give them free-
dom of choice, that they may not afterwards pretend to have
been under compulsion, when they bound themselves by their

' Latin, " Atque ita inter primos conatus nos successus destituet."
French, " Et qu'ainsi enfre les premiers efforts nous nous trouvions
n'estre pas bien fournis pour rencontrer ainsi qu'il faut, et tenir bon ;"
" And that thus among the first efforts we may find ourselves not well fur-
nished for encountering as is meet, and standing firm." — Ed.

CHAP.XXIV. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 277

own consent. Meanwliile, to impress them with a feeling of
shame, he declares that he and his house will jjersevere in
the worship of God.

16. And the people answei'ed and said, &c. Here we see
lie had no reason to repent of the option given, when the
people, not swearing in the words of another, nor obse-
quiously submitting to extraneous dictation, declare that it
would be an impious thing to revolt from God. And thus
it tends, in no small degree, to confirm the covenant, when
the people voluntarily lay the law upon themselves. The
substance of the answer is, that since the Lord has, by a
wonderful redemption, purchased them for himself as a
peculiar peoj^le, has constantly lent them his aid, and shewn
that he is among them as their God, it would be detestable
ingratitude to reject him and revolt to other gods.

19. And JosJaia said unto the p)eople, &c. Here Joshua
seems to act altogether absurdly in crushing the prompt and
alert zeal of the people, by suggesting ground of alarm. For
to what end does he insist that they cannot serve the Lord,
unless it be to make them, from a sense of their utter power-
lessness, to give themselves up to despair, and thus neces-
sarily become estranged from the fear of God. It was
necessary, however, to employ this harsh mode of obtesta-
tion, in order to rouse a sluggish peoj)le, rendered more
lethargic by security. And we see that the exjiedient did
not fail to obtain, at least, a momentary success. Por they
neither despond nor become more slothful, but, surmounting
the obstacle, answer intrepidl}'' that they will be constant in
the performance of duty.

In short, Joshua does not deter them from serving God,
but only exi^lains how refractory and disobedient they are,
in order that they may learn to change their temper. So
Moses, in his song, (Dcut. xxxii.,) vrhen he seems to make a
divorce between God and the people, does nothing else than
prick and whet them, that they may hasten to change for the
better. Joshua, indeed, argues absolutely from the nature
of God ; but what he specially aims at is the perverse be-
haviour and untamed obstinacy of the people. He declares
that Jehovah is a holy and a jealous God. This, certainly,

278 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP, XXIV. 2o.

should not by any means prevent men from worshipping
him ; but it follows from it that impure, wicked, and profane
despisers, who have no religion, provoke his anger, and can
have no intercourse with him, for they will feel him to be
implacable. And when it is said that he will not sjiare their
wickedness, no general rule is laid down, but the discourse
is directed, as often elsewhere, against their disobedient
temper. It does not refer to faults in general, or to special
faults, but is confined to gross denial of God, as the next
verse demonstrates. The people, accordingly, answer the
more readily,^ that they will serve the Lord.

22. And Joshua said unto the peoi^le, &c. We now under-
stand what the object was at which Joshua had hitherto
aimed. It was not to terrify the people and make them fall
away from their religion, but to make the obligation more
sacred by their having of their own accord chosen his govern-
ment, and betaken themselves to his guidance, that they
might live under his protection. They acknowledge, there-
fore, that their own conscience will accuse them, and hold
them guilty of perfidy, if they prove unfaithful.^ But
although they were not insincere in declaring that they
Avould be witnesses to their own condemnation, still how
easily the remembrance of this promise faded away, is
obvious from the Book of Judges. For when the more aged
among them had died, they quickly turned aside to various
superstitions. By this example we are tauglit how multi-
farious are the fallacies which occui^y the senses of men,
and how tortuous the recesses in which they hide their
liypocrisy and folly, while they deceive themselves by vain
confidence.^

23. Now, therefore, put away the strange gods, &c. How

' Latin, " Liberius." French, " Plus liardiment et franchement ;" " More
boldly and frankly." — Ed.

2 French, " Leur propre conscience les redarguera comme coulpables et
conveincus de desloyaute, et d'avoir fausse leur foy, s'ils ne tiennent leur
proniesse ;" " Their own conscience will condemn them as guilty and con-
victed of disloyalty, and as having broken their faith, if they do not keep
their promise." — Ed.

' The French adds, " Comme s'il n'y avoit rien a redire en eux ;" '• As
if there was nothing to gainsay in them." — Ed.

CHAP. XXIV. 23. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 279

can it bo that those who were lately such stern avengers of
superstition, have themselves given admission to idols ? Yet
the words expressly enjoin that they are to put aAvay strange
gods from the midst of them. If we interpret that their own
liouses were still polluted by idols, we may see, as in a bright
mirror, how complacently the greater part of mankind can
indulge in vices Avhich they prosecute with inexorable
severity in others. But, as I do not think it probable that
they dared, after the execution of Achan, to pollute them-
selves with manifest sacrilege, I am inclined to think that re-
ference is made not to their practice but to their inclinations,
and that they are told to put all ideas of false gods far away
from them. For he liad previously exhorted them in this
same chapter to take away the gods whom their fathers had
served beyond the river and in Egypt. But nobody will
suppose that the idols of Chaldea were treasured up in their
repositories, or that they had brought impure deities with
them from Egypt, to be a cause of hostility between God and
themselves. The meaning, therefore, simply is, that they
are to renounce all idols, and clear themselves of all pro-
fanity, in order that they may purely worship God alone.^
This seems to be the purport of the clause, incline your heart
unto the Lord, which may be taken as equivalent to, rest in
him, and so give up your heart to the love of hiin, as to delight
and be contented only with him.

25. So Joshua made a covenant 25. Percussit itaque Josue foedus
with the people that day, and set euro populo in die ilia : et proposuit ei
them a statute and an ordinance in prpeceptuin et judicium in Sechem.^
Shechem.

26. And Joshua wrote these words 26. Scripsit Josue verba ista in
in the book of the law of God, and libro Legis Dei : tulit quoque lapi-
took a great stone, and set it up there dem magnum, statuitque eum ibi
under an oak that tvas by the sane- subter quercum, quae erat in sanctu-
tuary of the Lord. ario Jehovai.

' The words meaning literally, " The gods which are in the midst of you,'
Avould rather seem to indicate that even at this time some of the Israelites
were addicted to the secret practice of idolatry. — Ed.

- The Septuagint says, " In Shiloh, before the tabernacle of the God of
Israel;" and some expositors, induced by this and other considerations,
labour, though with little plausibility, to shew that the whole transaction
here recorded took place at Shiloh, and that the name of Shechem is not
here given to the town of that name, but to a district so large, that even
Shiloh Avas included in it. — Ed.

280

COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.

CHAP. XXIV. 25.

27 . And Joshua said unto all the
people, Behold, this stone shall be a
■witness unto us ; for it hath heard all
the words of the Lord which he spake
unto us : it shall be therefore a wit-
ness unto you, lest ye deny your
God.

28. So Joshua let the people de-
part, every man unto his inheri-
tance.

29. And it came to pass after
these things, that Joshua the son of
Nun, the servant of the Lord, died,
being an hundred and ten years old.

30. And they bm-ied him in the
border of his inheritance in Tim-
nath-serah, which is in mount Eph-
raim, on the north side of the hill of
Gaash.

31. And Israel served the Lord all
the days of Joshua, and all the days
of the elders that overlived Joshua,
and which had known all the works
of the Lord, that he had done for
Israel.

32. And the bones of Joseph,
which the children of Israel brought
up out of Egypt, buried they in
Shechem, in a parcel of groimd
■which Jacob bought of the sons of
Hamor, the father of Shechem, for
an hundred pieces of silver : and it
became the inheritance of the chil-
dren of Joseph.

33. And Eleazar the son of Aaron
died ; and they buried him in a hill
that pertained to Phinehas his son,
Avhich was given him in momit
Ephraim.

25. So Joshua made a covenant, &c. This passage demon-
strates the end for which the meeting had been called,
namely, to bind the people more completely and more
solemnly to God, by the renewal of the covenant. There-
fore, in this agreement, Joshua acted as if he had been

27. Dixitque Josue ad imiversum
populum, En lapis iste erit nobis in
testimoniiun : ipse enini audivit om-
nia verba Jehovte quse loquutus est
nobiscum, eritque contra vos in tes-
timonium, ne forte mentiamini con-
tra Deum vestrum.

28. Remisitque Josue populum,
quemlibet in hajreditatem suam.

29. His autem gestis, mortuus est
Josue filius Nun servus Jehovse cen-
tum et decem annorum.^

30. Sepeheruntque eum in ter-
mino hsereditatis ejus in Thimnat-
serah, quae est in nionte Ephraim ad
aquilonem montis Gaas.

31. Servivitque Israel Jehovse
cunctis diebus Josue, cunctisque tlie-
bus seniorum qui diu vixerunt post
Josue, quique noverant omne opus
Jehovse quod fecerat ipsi Israel.

32. Ossa autem Joseph qua; de-
tulerant filii Israel ex .^gypto, sepe-
lierunt in Sechem, in parte agri
quam acquisierat Jacob a filiis Ha-
mor patris Sechem centum nummis,
et fuerunt filiis Joseph in possessione

33. Porro Eleazar filius Aharon
mortuus est, et sepelierunt eum in
Gibeath Phinees filii ejus, qui datus
fuit illi in monte Ephraim.

' The Septuagint here transposes the 29th and 31st verses, and to the
end of the 29th verse, thus made its 31st, appends the singular statement
that they deposited, within the tomb which they erected for him there, the
stone knives with which he circumcised the children of Israel at Gilgal,
Avhcn he brought them out of Egypt, as the Lord commanded them; and
there they are at this day. — Ed.

CHAP. XXIV. 26. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 2S1

appointed on the part of God to receive in his name the
homage and obedience promised by the people. It is accord-
ingly added, exegetically, in the second clause, that he set
before them precept and judgment. For the meaning is cor-
rupted and wrested by some expositors, who explain it as
referring to some new si^eech of Joshua, whereas it ought
properly to be understood of the Law of Moses, as if it had
been said that Joshua made no other paction tlian that they
should remain steadfast in observing the Law, and that no
other heads of the covenant were brought forward ; they were
only confirmed in that doctrine which they had formerly
embraced and professed. In the same way, Malachi, to
keep them under the yoke of God, demands notliing more
than that they should remember the Law of Moses. (Mai.
iv. 4.)

26. And Joshua wrote these words, &c. Understand that
authentic volume which was kept near the ark of the cove-
nant, as if it contained public records deposited for perpetual
remembrance. And there is no doubt that when the Law
was read, the promulgation of this covenant was also added.
But as it often happens, that that which is written remains
concealed in unopened books,! another aid is given to the
memory, one which should always be exposed to the eye,
namely, the stone under the ark, near the sanctuary. Not
that the perpetual station of the ark was there, but because
it had been placed there, in order that they might appear in
the presence of God. Therefore, as often as they came into
his presence, the testimony or memorial of the covenant
which had been struck was in their view, that they might be
the better kept in the faith.

Joshua's exj^ression, that the stone heard the words, is
indeed hyperbolical, but is not inapt to express the efficacy
and power of the divine word, as if it had been said that it
pierces inanimate rocks and stones ; so that if men are deaf,
their condenmation is echoed in all the elements. To lie is
here used, as it frequently is elsewhere, for acting cunningly
and deceitfully, for frustrating and violating a promise that

' The French adds, " Et on le laisse la dormir ;" " And it is left to sleep
there." — Ed.

282 COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. o2.

has been given. Who woukl not suppose that a covenant so
well established would be firm and sacred to posterity for
many ages ? But all that Joshua gained by his very great
anxiety was to secure its rigorous observance for a few
years.

29. And it came to pass after these things, &c. The
honour of sepulture was a mark of reverence, which of itself
bore testimony to the aflectionate regard of the people. But
neither this reverence nor affection was deeply rooted. The
title by which Joshua is distinguished after his death, when
he is called the servant of the Lord, took away all excuse
from those miserable and abandoned men who shortly after
spurned the Lord, who had worked wonders among them.
Accordingly, attention is indirectly drawn to their incon-
stancy, when it is said that they served the Lord while
Joshua survived, and till the more aged had died out. For
there is a tacit antithesis, implying lapse and alienation,
when they were suddenly seized with a forgetfulness of the
Divine favours. It is not strange, therefore, if, in the pre-
sent day also, when God furnishes any of his servants with
distinguished and excellent gifts, their authority protects
and preserves the order and state of the Church ; but when
they are dead, sad havoc instantly commences, and hidden
impiety breaks forth with unbridled license.^

32. And the hones of Joseph, &c. The time when the
bones of Joseph were buried is not mentioned ; but it is easy
to infer that the Israelites had performed this duty after
they obtained a peaceful habitation in the city of Shechem.
For although he had not designated a particular place for a
sepulchre, they thought it a mark of respect to deposit his
bones in the field which Jacob had purchased. It may be,
however, that this is expressed as a censure on the sluggish-
ness of the people, to which it was owing, that Joseph could
not be buried with Abraham, that locality being still in the

' When these words were penned, the venerable writer, though it could
scarcely be said of him that he was, like Joshua, " old and stricken in
age," was, however, like him, visibly " going the way of all the earth." In
such circumstances, can we doubt, that these words contain a presentiment
of the fearful decline which, after his own death, was to take place in the
Church of Geneva ? — Ed.

CHAP. XXIV. 82. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 283

power of the enemy. Stephen (Acts vii.) mentions the bones
of the twelve patriarchs, and it is not impossible that the
other tribes, from feelings of emulation, gathered together
the ashes of their progenitors. It is there said that the field
was purchased by Abraham ; but obviously an error in the
name has crept in. With regard to sepulture, we must hold
in general, that the very frequent mention of it in Scripture
is owing to its being a symbol of the future Resurrection.

END OF THE COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

A TRANSLATION OF CALVIN'S VERSION

THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

CHAPTER I.

1. And it came to pass after the death of Moses, that Jehovah
addressed Joshua, saying, —

2. Moses my servant is dead : now therefore rise, pass over this
Jordan, thou, and all this people, to the land which I give to them,
namely, to the children of Israel.

3. Every place which the sole of your foot shall have trod upon,
I have given to you ; as I said to Moses,

4. From the desert and that Lebanon, even to the great sea,
the river Euphrates, the whole land of the Hittites, even to the
great sea toward the setting of the sun, will be your boundary.

5. No one shall stand before thee all the days of thy life ; be-
cause as I was with Moses, so will I be with thee : I will not
desert nor forsake thee.

6. Be firm therefore and strong ; for thou shalt divide to this
people as an inheritance the land which I swore to their fathers
that I would give them.

7. Only be firm and strong exceedingly ; that thou mayest keep
and do according to the whole law which Moses my servant com-
manded thee : thou shalt not draw back to the I'iglit hand or to
the left, that thou mayest act prudently [or prosperously) in all
things.

8. Let not the book of this law depart from thy mouth ; but
meditate in it day and night, that thou mayest keep and do accord-
ing to all which has been written in it. For then shalt thou render
thy ways prosperous, and then shalt thou act prudently.

9. Have not I commanded thee to make thyself firm and strong ?
Fear not, nor be dispirited ; since I, Jehovah thy God, am with
thee in all the places to which thou goest.

10. Then Joshua commanded the prefects of the people, say-
ing,—

11. Pass through the midst of the camp, and command the
people, saying. Make ready provision for yourselves ; for after three

CHAP. II. 1-7. NEW TRANSLATION OF JOSHUA. 285

clays shall ye pass over this Jordan, that ye may enter and possess
the laud, which Jehovah your God giveth you to possess.

12. And to the Reubenites, and Gadites, and half-tribe of Ma-
nasseli, spake Joshua, saying, —

13. Eemember the word which Moses, the servant of Jehovah,
commanded you, saying, Jehovah your God hath rendered you
quiet, and hath given you this land :

14. Your wives, your little ones, and your flocks will remain in
the land which Moses has given you beyond the Jordan ; but you,
as many of you as are men of war, will pass over armed before
your brethren, and assist them,

15. Until Jehovah shall have given rest to your brethren as to
you ; and they, too, possess the land which Jehovah your God
giveth to them ; and then shall ye return to the land of your in-
heritance, and possess that which Moses, the servant of Jehovah,
gave you beyond Jordan toward the rising of the sun.

16. Then they answered Joshua, saying. All things which thou
hast commanded us will we do, and to all places to which thou shalt
send us, will we go.

17. As in all things we obeyed Moses, so will we obey thee ;
only let Jehovah thy God be with thee as he was with Moses.

18. Whoever he shall be that shall rebel against thy mouth,
and shall not acquiesce in thy words in all the things which thou
shalt command him, let him be put to death. Only be thou firm
and strong.

CHAPTER II.

1. Now, Joshua, the son of Nun, had sent from Sittim two
men as spies secretly, saying : Go, examine the land and Jericho.
They accordingly set out and entered the house of a woman, a
harlot, whose name was Rahab, and slept there.

2. And it was told to the king of Jericho, Behold, men of the
children of Israel have come hither to-night to spy out the land.

3. Then the king of Jericho sent to Rahab, saying. Bring out
the men who have gone in to thee, who have come to thy house ;
for they have come to spy out the whole land.

4. Now the woman had taken the two men and hidden them.
Then she says. The men, indeed, came to me, but I knew not
whence they were.

5. And it was when the gate was shut in the darkness that the
men went out, and I know not whither they went. Follow them
quickly, for you shall apprehend them.

6. Now she had caused them to go up upon the roof, and had
hidden them under stalks of flax, arranged by her on the roof.

7. And the men pursued them by the way of the Jordan, even
to the fords ; they, moreover, shut the gate as soon as those who
pursued them went out.

286 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. II. 8-23.

8. But before they were asleep, she herself went up on the roof
to them.

9. And she says to the men, I know that Jehovah has given you
the land, inasmuch as your terror has fallen upon us, and all the
inhabitants of the land have melted at your presence.

10. For we heard how the Lord dried up the waters of the
sea of Suph (the Ked Sea) from before you when you went
out from Egypt ; and what things ye did to the two kings of
the Amorite, who were beyond Jordan, Sihon and Og, whom ye
slew.

11. We heard, and our heart was melted, neither had we any
more spirit before you. For Jehovah your God is God in heaven
above and on the earth beneath.

12. Now therefore swear unto me, I pray, by Jehovah, (for I
have dealt mercifully with you,) that you will also deal mercifully
with the house of my father, and give me a true sign,

13. That you will save alive my father, and my mother, and my
brothers, and my sisters, and all who are theirs, and will rescue
our souls from death.

14. The men said unto lier, Our life for you luito death ; only
you will not betray this our conversation ; then it will be that when
Jehovah shall have delivered the land to us, we will deal truly and
mercifully with you.

■15. She therefore let them down through the window by a rope ;
for her house was in the building of the wall, and she herself dwelt
on the wall.

16. And she said to them, Hasten to the mountain, lest per-
chance those who are pursuing fall in with you, and keep lurking
there for three days, till those who are pursuing return, and after-
wards you will go on your way.

17. Then the men said to her. We shall be blameless from this
your oath by which you have bound us.

18. Behold, Avhen we shall enter the land, you will bind this
line of purple thread in the window by which you have let us
down ; moreover, you will assemble in the house with you, your
father, and your mother, and all the family of your father.

19. And it shall be that whoever shall go outside beyond the
doors of the house, his blood shall be upon his head, but we shall
be blameless ; and whoever shall be with you, his blood shall be
upon our head, if a hand be laid upon him.

20. But if you shall betray this our conversation, we shall be
free from the oath by which you have bound us.

21. She answered. As you have spoken, so be it. Then she sent
them away, and they departed ; and she bound the scarlet thread
in the window.

22. Having set out, they came to the moxmtain, and remained
there three days, till the return of those who had pursued, who
searched over the wdiole way, and did not find them.

23. Those two, therefore, returning after they came down from

CHAP. III. 1-14. BOOK or JOSHUA. 287

tlie mountain, passed over and came to Joshua the son of Nun, and
related to him whatever things had happened to them.

24. And they said to Joshua, Jehovah has delivered the whole
land into our hands. For all the inhabitants of the land have be-
come melted before our face.

CHAPTER III.

1. And Joshua rose up very early in the morning, and he and all
the children of Isi-ael set out from Sittim, and came as far as
the Jordan, and passed the night there before crossing.

2. And it was at the end of three days, and the prefects passed
through the midst of the camp,

3. And commanded the people, saying, When you see the ark
of the covenant of Jehovah your God, and the priests bearing it,
you shall set out from your place, and go after it.

4. Nevertheless, between it and you there will be an interval
of about two thousand cubits in length : do not approach it that you
may know the way by which you are to go. For you have not
passed by that way yesterday or the day before yesterday.

5. Now Joshua had said to the people, Sanctify [or Prepare)
yourselves : for to-morrow Jehovah will do wonders in the midst
of you.

6. And Joshua spake to the priests, saying, Take up the ark of
the covenant, and pass before the people. They accordingly bare
the ark of the covenant, and walked before the people.

7. Now Jehovah had said to Joshua, To-day will I begin to
magnify thee in the eyes of all Israel, that they may know that in
the same way as I was with Moses will I be with thee.

8. Thou, therefore, wilt command the priests bearing the ark of
the covenant, saying. When ye shall have gone in as far as the
extremity (outer edge) of the water of the Jordan, ye shall stand in
the Jordan.

9. And Joshua said to the children of Israel, Come hither, and
hear the words of Jehovah your God.

10. Joshua likewise said. Hereby shall ye know that there is a
living God in the midst of you, and that he will thoroughly drive
out before you the Canaanite, the Hittite, and the Hivite, and the
Perizzite, and the Girgashite, and the Amorite, and the Jebusite.

] 1. Behold the ark of the covenant of the ruler of the whole
earth will pass before you through the Jordan.

12. Now, therefore, select for you twelve men from the tribes of
Israel, one for each tribe.

13. And when the soles of the feet of the priests bearing the ark
of Jehovah, the ruler of the whole earth, shall have rested in the
waters of the Jordan, the waters of the Jordan will be cut off, and
the waters flowing from above shall stand in one heap.

14. And it was that when the people set out to cross the Jordan,
the piiests who bore the ark of the covenant were before the people.

288 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. IV. 1-10.

15. And after those who bare the ark came even to the Jordan,
and the feet of the priests bearing the ark were dii)ped in the ex-
tremity of the waters, (now the Jordan was full beyond all his
banks the whole time of harvest,)

16. The waters which descended from above stood, and rose up
into one heap very far, from the city Adam which is at the side of
Sarthan, and those which descended to the sea of the desert, the
sea of salt, were consumed, were cut off: and the people crossed over
against Jericho.

17. And the priests bearing the ark of the covenant of the Lord
stood unencumbered [or prepared) on dry ground in the midst of
the Jordan, while all Israel crossed through dry ground, until the
whole people made an end of passing the Jordan.

CHAPTER IV.

1. And it was after the whole people made an end of passing the
Jordan ; because Jehovah had spoken to Joshua, saying,

2. Take for you from the people twelve men, one man from each
tribe ;

3. And command them, saying, Take for you hence out of the
midst of the Jordan, from the place where the feet of the unencum-
bered priests stand, twelve stones which ye shall carry with you,
and deposit in the place where you shall remain this night.

4. Then Joshua called the twelve men whom he had appointed
out of the children of Israel, one from each tribe.

5. And Joshua said to them, Pass before the ark of Jehovah
your God through the midst of the Jordan, and let every one of
you take up one stone upon his shoulder, according to the number
of the tribes of the children of Israel.

6. That it may be among you, [Hebrew^ in the midst of you,)
when your children shall to-morrow ask their fathers, What are
those stones beside you ?

7. Then ye may answer them. When the waters of the Jordan
were cut off before the ark of the covenant of Jehovah, when, I say,
it was crossing the Jordan, and the waters of the Jordan were cut
off, then were those stones made to be a memorial to the children
of Israel for ever.

8. The children of Israel accordingly did as Joshua had com-
manded, and took up twelve stones out of the middle of the Jordan,
as Jehovah had spoken to Joshua, according to the number of the
tribes of the children of Israel, and they brought them with them
to the place where they passed the night, and laid them down
there.

9. Joshua also erected twelve stones in the middle of the Jordan
under the station of the feet of the priests who were carrying the
ark of the covenant, and they have remained there even to this day.

10. And the priests, bearing the ark, kept standing in the midst

CHAP. V. I, BOOK OF JOSHUA. 289

of the Jordan, till all the speech which Jehovah had commanded
Joshua to speak to the people was finished ; exactly as Moses had
commanded Joshua himself : but the people made haste in passing.

11. And when the whole people had made an end of passing, the
ark of Jehovah passed, and the priests in presence of the people.

12. The children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the
half tribe of Manasseh also passed over armed before the children
of Israel ; in like manner as Moses had spoken to them.

13. Forty thousand armed men passed over in presence of Jeho-
vah to battle to the plains of Jericho.

14. On that day Jehovah magnified Joshua in the eyes of all
Israel, and they feared him just as they had feared Moses all the
days of his life.

15. And Jehovah spake unto Joshua, saying,

16. Command the priests bearing the ark of the testimony to
ascend from the Jordan.

17. And Joshua commanded the priests, saying, Ascend from the
Jordan.

18. Moreover, when the priests, bearing the ark of the covenant
of Jehovah, had ascended from the midst of the Jordan, and the
soles of the feet of the priests were transferred to the dry land, the
waters of the Jordan returned to their place, and they flowed as
yesterday and the day before yesterday above all its banks.

19. Now the people ascended from the Jordan on the tenth day
of the first month, and encamped in Gilgal in the east district of
Jericho.

20. And the twelve stones which they had brought out of the
Jordan, Joshua placed in Gilgal.

21. And he spake to the children of Israel, saying, When your
sons shall to-morrow ask their sons, saying, What mean those
stones ?

22. You shall explain to your sons, saying, Israel passed through
the dry land across that Jordan :

23. Since Jehovah your God dried the waters of Jordan from
before your face until you passed over ; in like manner as Jehovah
your God did to the Red Sea, which he dried up from before oiu-
face till we passed over;

24. That all the nations of the earth may recognise the hand of
Jehovah, how mighty he is ; that you may, during all days, fear
Jehovah your God.

CHAPTER V.

1. And it was when all the Amorite kings who were beyond
the Jordan, on the west, and all the Canaanitish kings who were
near the sea, had heard that Jehovah had dried up the waters of
the Jordan from before the children of Israel till they passed over,
their heart was melted, and there was no longer any spirit in them
before the children of Israel,

T

290 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. VI. 1.

2. At that time Jehovah said to Joshua, Make for thee sharp
knives, and again circumcise the children of Israel the second time.

3. And Joshua made himself sharp knives, and circumcised the
children of Israel on the hill of foreskins.

4. Now this is the reason why Joshua circumcised them. The
whole people who had come out from Egypt, all the males, men of
war, had died in the desert on the way after they had come out
from Egypt.

5. For the whole people who came out had been circumcised,
but the whole people who had been born in the desert on the way,
after they had come out from Egypt, they had not circumcised.

6. For the children of Israel walked through the desert till the
extinction of the whole race of the men of war, who had come
out from Egypt, who had not listened to the voice of Jehovah,
to whom Jehovah had sworn that he would not shew the land of
which he had sworn to their fathers that he would give them — a
land flowing with milk and honey.

7. Their sons accordingly whom he substituted in their place,
Joshua circumcised, because they were uncircumcised ; for they had
not circumcised them by the way.

8. And when the whole people were circumcised, they remained
in their place in the camp till they were healed.

9. Jehovah said to Joshua, This day have I rolled off the re-
proach of Egypt from you. And he called the name of that place
Gilgal even to this day.

10. The children of Israel therefore encamped in Gilgal, and
they kept the Passover on the fourteenth day of the month at even-
ing in the plains of Jericho.

11. And they ate unfermented bread of the produce of the land,
the day after the Passover, and cake on the very same day.

12. And the manna ceased the day after they ate of the corn of
the country, nor had the children of Israel manna any longer, but
they ate of the fruit of the land of Canaan that year.

13. And it happened when Joshua was at Jericho, that he lifted
up his eyes and looked, and behold a man stood over against him,
in whose hand was a drawn sword, and Joshua went to him, and
said to him, Art thou on our side ? or art thou on our enemies'
side ?

14. And he said, Nay, but I am prince of the army of Jehovah :
I have now come. And Joshua fell on his face to the ground, and
worshipped, and said to him. What saith my Lord to his servant ?

15. And the prince of the army of the Lord said to Joshua,
Loose thy shoe from thy feet : for the place on which thou standest
is holiness. And Joshua did so.

CHAPTEE VI.

1. And Jericho was closed, and was shut up because of the chil-
dren of Israel, nor could any one go out or come in.

CHAP. VI. 2-17. BOOK or JOSHUA. 291

2. And Jeliovah said to Joshua, Behold, I have delivered into
thy hand Jericho, and its king, and its men of valour.

3. Ye shall therefore compass the city, all the men of war, going
round it once : thus shalt thou do six days.

4. Moreover, seven priests shall bear seven rams' horns before
the ark : But on the seventh day ye shall compass the city seven
times, and let the priests themselves sound with the trumpets.

5. And when they shall have prolonged the sound with the ram's
horn, as soon as ye shall have heard the sound of the trumpet, the
whole people will shout with a great shout, and the wall of the city
will fall to pieces (under itself) : and the people will go up every
one from his own place.

6. Accordingly Joshua the son of Nun called the priests, and
said to them, Take up the ark of the covenant, and let seven
pi"iests take seven trumpets of rams' horns in front of the ark of
Jehovah.

7. He said also to the people, Pass over, and go round the city,
and let every man armed go before the ark of the Lord.

8. And it was after Joshua spake to the people, seven priests
bore seven trumpets of rams' horns, and passing over before the
ark of Jehovah sounded with the trumpets. And the ark of the
covenant of Jehovah followed them.

9. And every man armed went befcjre the priests sounding with
the trumpets ; and he who brought up the rear followed the ark
while going and sounding with the trumpets.

10. And Joshua had commanded the people, saying. Ye shall not
shout, neither will ye let your voice be heard, neither will a word
proceed from your mouth, until the day when I shall have said to
you, Shout : then shall ye shout.

11. The ark of Jehovah therefore compassed the city, going
round once, and they returned to the camp ; and they remained
there.

12. Joshua rose again in the morning, and the priests bore the
ark of Jehovah.

13. And seven priests bearing seven trumpets of ram's horn
preceded the ark of Jehovah in going ; and they sounded with the
trumpets. But he that was armed preceded them, and he who
brought up the rear followed the ark of Jehovah in going, and in
sounding with the trumpets.

14. They accordingly compassed the city on the second day an-
other time, and returned to the camp ; thus did they six days.

15. But when the seventh day arrived, they rose up as soon as
it was dawn, and they went round the city after the same manner
seven times ; only on that day they went round the city seven
times.

16. And on the seventh time when the priests sounded with the
trumpets, Joshua said to the people. Shout, Jehovah has delivered
you the city.

17. And the city will be anathema (set apart) to Jehovah, it and

292 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. VII. 1-3.

whatever things are in it ; only Rahab, the harlot, shall live, she
and all who shall be at home with her ; because she concealed the
messengers whom we sent.

18. Nevertheless, beware ye of the anathema, lest perhaps you
touch something of the anathema, and take away of the anathema,
and make the camp of Israel anathema, and trouble it.

19. But all the silver and gold, and the iron and brazen vessels,
will be holiness to Jehovah ; they will go into Jehovah's treasury.

20. The people accordingly shouted after they sounded with the
trumpets. For when the people had heard the noise of the
trumpets, they shouted with a very great shout, and the wall fell
down, and the people went up, every one from his place, and they
took it.

21. And they destroyed all things which were in the city, from
the man even to the woman, from the boy even to the old man, to
the ox, and the sheep, and the ass, by tlie edge of the sword.

22. But to the two men who had explored the land Joshua said,
Go into the house of the woman, the harlot, and thence lead out
her and whatever she hath, as ye have sworn to her.

23. The spies, therefore, having gone in, led out Rahab, and her
father, and her mother, and her brothers, and whatever she had,
and led out her whole kindred, and placed them Avithout the camp
of Israel.

24. But they consumed the city with fire, and every thing
therein ; only the gold and silver, the brazen and iron vessels, they
placed in the treasury of the house of Jehovah.

25. Therefore Rahab the harlot, and the house of her father,
and whatever she had, Joshua caused to live ; and she dwelt in
the midst of Israel even to this day, because she had concealed the
messengers whom Joshua had sent to spy out Jericho.

26. And Joshua made an adjuration at that time, saying.
Cursed before Jehovah be the man who shall rise to build that city
Jericho. In his first-born shall he found it, and in his younger son
shall he set up its gates.

27. And Jehovah was with Joshua, and his fame was in the
whole land.

CHAPTER VII.

1. Now the children of Israel transgressed with transgression
(grievously) in the anathema, inasmuch as Achan, son of Charmi,
son of Zabdi, son of Zerah, of the tribe of Judah, took of the
anathema ; and the wrath of Jehovah was kindled against the
children of Israel.

2. Moreover, Joshua sent men from Jericho against Hai, which
was near Bethaven to the east of Bethel, and he spake with them,
saying. Go up and explore the land. The men accordingly went
up and explored Hai.

3. And having returned to Joshua, they said to him, Let not the

CHAP. VII. 4-1 .9. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 293

whole people go up ; let about two thousand men, or about three
thousand men go up, and they shall smite Hai.

4. About three thousand men therefore went up from the people,
and they fled before the men of Hai.

5. And they smote about thirty-six men of them, and pursued
them from the gate even to Sebarim, and smote them in the de-
scent ; and thus the heart of the people was melted, and was like
water.

6. Moreover, Joshua rent his clothes, and fell on his face to the
ground before the ark of Jehovah even till evening, himself and the
elders of Israel, and they put dust upon their head.

7. And Joshua said, Ah, ah ! Sovereign Jehovah, how is it that
thou hast brought this people across the Jordan, that thou mightst
deliver us into the hand of the Amorite, who will destroy us? Would
that it had pleased us to remain in the desert beyond the Jordan !

8. 0 Lord, what shall I say after Israel turns his back before his
enemies ?

9. And tlie Canaanite and all the inhabitants of the land will
hear, and will turn against us, and will destroy our name from the
earth ; and what wilt thou do to thy great name ?

10. Then Jehovah said to Joshua, Arise. Why is it that thou
thus fallest upon thy face?

11. Israel hath sinned, and they have even transgressed my pac-
tion which I enjoined upon them, and they have also taken of the
anathema, and they have also stolen, and they have also lied, and
they have also deposited it among their vessels.

12. Therefore the children of Israel have not been able to stand
before their enemies ; they will turn their back before their
enemies ; because they are in anathema, I will not continue to be
with you, unless you destroy the anathema from the midst of you.

13. Arise, sanctify the people, and say, Sanctify yourselves
against to-morrow ; for thus saith Jehovah, God of Israel, there is
anathema in the midst of thee, Israel.

14. You shall therefore come near in the morning by your tribes ;
and the tribe which Jehovah shall detect will come near by families ;
and the family which Jehovah shall detect shall come near by
houses ; and the house which Jehovah shall detect will come near
by men.

15. And the man who shall be detected in the anathema, will be
burnt with fire, himself and all things which are his, because he has
transgressed the paction of Jehovah, and has done iniquity in Israel.

16. Joshua accordingly rose early in the morning, and caused Is-
rael to draw near by their tribes, and the tribe of Judah was taken.

17. Then he put in the kindreds of Judah, and took the kin-
dred of Zera ; then he put in the families of Zari by men, and the
family of Zabdi was taken.

18. And he took his house by men, and Achan, son of Charmi,
son of Zabdi, son of Zera, was taken.

19. Then said Joshua to Achan, My son, now give glory to

294 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. VIII. 1 -6

Jehovah, God of Israel, and make confession to him, and discover
to me what thou hast done ; do not conceal it from me.

20. Achan replied to Joshna and says, Truly I have sinned to
Jehovah God of Israel, and thus and thus have I done.

21. I saw among the spoils a good Babylonish cloak, and two
hundred shekels of silver, and one wedge of gold, whose weight
was fifty shekels, which I coveted and carried off; and, behold,
they are hidden in the ground, in the midst of my tent, and the
silver beneath.

22. Joshua therefore sent messengers, who ran to the tent ; be-
hold it was hid in his tent, and the silver under it.

23. And they took them from the midst of the tent, and they
brought them to Joshua, and to all the children of Israel, and
placed them before Jehovah.

24. Joshua, therefore, taking Achan, the son of Zera, and the
silver, and the cloak, and the golden wedge, and his sons, and his
daughters, and his oxen, and his asses, and his flocks, and his tent,
and all things which were his, and at the same time all Israel with
him, led them down into the valley of Achor.

25. And Joshua said, Why hast thou troubled us? Jehovah
trouble thee this day. And all Israel overwhelmed him with stones,
and burnt them with fire aftei' they stoned them with stones.

26. And they placed over him a great heap of stones, even to
this day, and Jehovah was turned fi'om his hot anger ; therefore
they called the name of that place The valley of Achor, even to this
day.

CHAPTER VIII.

1 . And Jehovah said to Joshua, Fear not, dread not ; take with
thee all the men of war, and arise, go up to Hai. See, I have
given into thy hand the king of Hai, and his people, his city, and
his land.

2. And thou shalt do to Hai and its king, as thou hast done
to Jericho and its king ; yet its spoil and animals you shall take
to yourselves as booty. But place an ambuscade for the city in its
rear.

3. Joshiia accordingly arose, and all the people of war, that
they might go up against Hai ; and Joshua selected thirty thousand
men of strength and valour, and sent them by night.

4. And he commanded them, saying. Give heed, you shall lay
an ambuscade for the city in its rear ; do not remove far from it,
but be all of you ready.

5. And I, and all the people who are with me, will draw near
to the city ; and when they will come out to encounter us as
formei'ly, we will flee before them.

6. Then they will come out after us, until we draw them away
from the city ; for they will say, They flee before us as before ;
and we will flee before them.

CHAP. VIII. 7-22. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 295

7. But you will rise from the ambush, and will drive out the in-
habitants of the city, and Jehovah your God will deliver it into
your hand.

8. When ye shall have taken the city, ye shall set it on fire ;
according to the word of Jehovah shall ye do. See, I have com-
manded you.

9. Joshua accordingly sent them, and they proceeded to the
ambush, and remained between Bethel and Hai, on the west of
Hai. But Joshua remained that night in the midst of the people.

10. Afterwards Joshua rose up very early, and reviewed the
people, and went up, he and the elders of Israel, before the people
toward Hai.

11. And all the men of war who were with him, went up and
drew near, and came opposite to the city, and encamped on the
north of Hai. And there was a valley between them and Hai.

12. And he brought besides about five thousand men, whom he
placed in ambush between Bethel and Hai, on the west of the city.

13. And the people approached nearer to the whole camp which
was on the north of the city, and their ambuscade was on the west
of the city itself ; and Joshua proceeded that night into the midst
of the valley.

14. Moreover, when the king of Hai saw, the men of the city
hastened, and rose up early, and came out to meet Israel in battle,
he and all his people, at the appointed time before the plains ; but
he knew not that there was an ambuscade for him behind the city.

15. And they routed Joshua and all Israel before them, who fled
by the way of the desert.

16. And the whole people who were in the city mustered to pur-
sue them. And they pursued Joshua, and were drawn away from
the city.

17. Nor did any one remain of Bethel and Hai who did not go
out after Israel ; and they left the city open, and pursued Israel.

18. And Jehovah said to Joshua, Lift up the spear which is in
thy hand against Hai, for I will give it into thy hand. And
Joshua lifted up the spear which was in his hand against the city.

19. Then those in ambush rose suddenly from their place, and
ran when he had lifted up his hand, and they came to the city, and
took it, and hastened to set fire to the city.

20. And the men of Hai turning, saw, and lo, the smoke of the
city was rising up to heaven, and they had no room to flee this
way or that. And the people who had fled turned against their
pursuers.

21. Joshua, therefore, and all Israel, when they saw that the
ambuscade had taken the city, and the smoke of the city had
ascended, returned and smote the men of Hai.

22. Those besides came out of the city to encounter them, and
they were in the middle between Israel, part of whom were on this
side and part on that. And they smote them, till not one remained
who had survived and escaped.

296 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. IX. 1-S.

23. They also took tlie king of Hai alive, and placed him before
Joshua.

24. And when the men of Israel had made an end of slaying all
the inhabitants of Hai in the desert Avhither they had pursued
them, and they had all fallen by the edge of the sword till they
were consumed, all Israel returned to Hai, and smote it with the
edge of the sword.

25. And the number of all who fell on that day, male and
female, was about twelve thousand, all people of Hai.

26. Moreover, Joshua did not draw back his hand which he had
raised to the spear, until he slew all the inhabitants of Hai.

27. Only the animals and the spoils of that city the children of
Israel took to themselves for booty, according to the word of
Jehovah, which Joshua had commanded them.

28. Joshua therefore burnt Hai, and made it an eternal heap, a
devastation even to this day.

29. And he hung the king of Hai on a gibbet even until the
time of evening ; and when the sun had gone down, Joshua com-
manded, and they took down his corpse from the gibbet, and cast
it forth at the entrance of the gate of the city, and placed over it a
great heap of stones, even to this day.

30. Then Joshua built an altar to Jehovah the God of Israel in
mount Ebal,

31. According as Moses, the servant of Jehovah, had commanded
the children of Israel ; as it is written in the book of the law of
Moses, an altar of entire stones, on which they had lifted an iron,
and they sacrificed upon it holocausts to Jehovah, and they sacri-
ficed victims of prosperity.

32. He also wrote there on stones a duplicate law of Moses,
which he wrote in presence of the children of Israel.

33. And the whole of Israel, and their elders and prefects, and
their judges, stood on this side and on that at the ark before the
priests the Levites, bearing the ark of the covenant of Jehovah, as
well the stranger as the native, half of them against mount Gari-
zin, and half of them against mount Ebal, as Moses, the servant of
Jehovah, had commanded, that he might first bless the people.

34. And after these things he read all the words of the law, bless-
ing and cursing according to all that Avhich is written in the book of
the law.

CHAPTER IX.

1. And when all the kings had heard, who were beyond Jordan
in the mountain, and in the plain, and in the whole coast of the
great sea from the region of Lebanon, the Hittite, Amorite, Canaan-
ite, Perizzite, Hivite, and Jebusite,

2. They assembled together to fight with Joshua and Israel with
one consent.

3. But the inhabitants of Gibeon hearing what Joshua had done
to the city of Jericho and to Hai,

CHAP. IX. 4-20. BOOK of josiiua. 297

4. They too acted craftily. For they went away, and pretended
that they were ambassadors, and brought old sacks on their asses,
and wine-bladders, old, and broken, and bound up ;

5. And old and patched shoes on their feet, and old clothes
upon them, and the whole bread for their journey was dry and
musty.

6. They proceeded therefore to Joshua to the camp in Gilgal,
and they said to him and to the men of Israel, We have come from
a far country, now therefore make a covenant with us.

7. Then the men of Israel replied to the Hivite, Perhaps thou
dwellest in the midst of me, and how shall I make a league with
thee?

8. But they said to Joshua, We are thy servants. And Joshua
says to them. Who are ye, and whence have ye come ?

9. They answered him. From a very far country have thy ser-
vants come in the name of Jehovah thy God. For we have heard
his fame, and what things he did in Egypt,

10. Likewise what things he did to the two Amorite kings, who
were beyond Jordan, Sihon, king of Hesbon, and Og, king of Ba-
san in Astaroth.

11. And our elders, and all the inhabitants of our land said to
us, Take in your hand food for the journey, and go to meet them,
and say to them, We are your servants, and now make a league
with us.

12. That is our bread ; we brought it warm from our houses
on the day on which we left to come to you, and now it is hard and
dry.

13. And those are the wine-bladders, which we filled when new,
and behold they are burst. And those our clothes, and our shoes
have become worn by reason of the long journey.

14. The men therefore took of their victuals, and did not inquire
at the mouth of Jehovah.

15. And Joshua made peace with them, and entered into a
league with them, that they would permit them to live, and the
princes of the congregation sware to them.

16. But three days after they had entered into covenant with
them, they heard that they were their neighbours, and dwelt in the
midst of them.

17. And the children of Israel set out and came to their cities
on the third day. And their cities were Gibeon, Chephirat, Bee-
roth, Ciriath-Jearim.

18. And the children of Israel did not smite them, because the
princes of the congregation had sworn to them by Jehovah God of
Israel ; and the whole congregation murmured against the princes.

19. Then all the princes said to all the congregation, We have
sworn to them by Jehovah God of Israel, therefore we cannot now
touch them.

20. This we will do to them, we will save them alive, lest wrath
be against us because of the oath which we have sworn to them.

298 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. X. 1-8.

21. Therefore the princes said to them, Let them live, and hew
wood, and dig water for the whole congregation, as all the princes
have spoken to them.

22. Joshua therefore called them, and spake unto them, saying.
How is it that you have deceived us, saying. We are very remote
from you, seeing you dwell in the midst of us.

23. Now, therefore, are you cursed, and there shall never cease
among you slaves, both hewing wood and digging water for the
house of my God.

24. And they answered Joshua and said. When it was distinctly
told (by telling it was told) to thy servants how Jehovah thy God
had commanded Moses his servant to give you the land, and utterly
destroy all the dwellers of the land from before you, we feared
greatly for our lives from before you, and did that thing.

25. And now, behold, we are in thy hand ; as it please th, and
as it is right in thy eyes to do to us, thou shalt do.

26. And he did to them thus, and delivered them in the hand
of the children of Israel, and they did not slay them.

27. And Joshua, on that day, appointed them to be hewers
of wood and drawers of water for the congregation, and for the altar
of Jehovah, even to this day, in the place which he shall have
chosen.

CHAPTER X.

1. When Adoni-zedec king of Jerusalem had heard that Joshua
had taken Hai and destroyed it, (that as he had done to Jericho and
its king, so had he done to Hai and its king,) and that the inhabit-
ants of Gibeon had made peace with Israel, and were among them ;

2. Then they feared greatly, because Gibeon was a large city,
(citizenship or territory,) as one of the Royal cities, inasmuch as it
was greater than Hai, and all its men brave.

3. Therefore Adoni-zedec king of Jerusalem sent to Hoham king
of Hebron, and to Piram king of Jarmuth, and to Japhiam king of
Lachis, and to Debir king of Eglon, saying,

4. Come up to me, and bring reinforcements to me, that we
may smite Gibeon who has made peace with Joshua, and the chil-
dren of Israel.

5. Accordingly, the five Amorite kings, — the king of Jerusalem,
the king of Hebron, the king of Jarmuth, the king of Lachis, the
king of Eglon, they and all their armies assembled, and went up
and encamped near Gibeon, and fought against it.

6. Therefore the men of Gibeon sent to Joshua to the camp in
Gilgal, saying. Do not keep back thy hands from thy servants ;
come up to us quickly, and save us, and assist us, for all the Amor-
ite kings, dwelling in the mountain, have assembled against us.

7. Joshua therefore came up from Gilgal, he and all the people
of war with him, all the men of might.

8. And Jehovah said to Joshua, Be not afraid of them ; for I

CHAP. X. 9-24. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 299

liave delivered them into thy hand, nor shall any one of them stand
in thy presence.

9. And Joshua came upon them suddenly ; for during the whole
night he went up from Gilgal.

10. And Jehovah crushed them before Israel, and smote them
with a great overthrow in Gibeon, and pursued them by the
way of the ascent of Beth-horon, and smote them even to Azeeah,
and even to Malzeda.

11. And when they were fleeing from the face of Israel, and were
on the descent of Beth-horon, Jehovah sent down upon them great
stones from heaven even to Azeeah, and they died ; more died by
the hailstones than those whom the children of Israel slew with
the sword.

12. Then Joshua spake to Jehovah on the day on which Jehovah
delivered up the Amorite before the children of Israel. And he
said in the eyes of Israel, Sun, wait in Gibeon, and Moon, in the
valley of Ajalon.

13. And the sun waited, and the moon stood until the people
avanged themselves on their enemies. Has this not been written
in the book of Jasar ? {or, of right.) The sun therefore stood in the
midst of heaven, and did not hasten to set for about one entire day.

14. And there was no day like that before it or after it, on which
Jehovah hearkened to the voice of a man ; for Jehovah was fight-
ing for Israel.

15. And Joshua and all Israel with him returned to the camp in
Gilgal.

16. But the kings themselves had fled, and hid themselves in a
cave in Malzeda.

17. And it was told to Joshua in these words, The fiv^e kings have
been found hidden in a cave in Malzeda.

18. Then Joshua said, Roll great stones to the mouth of the
cave, and set men near it to guard them,

19. But do you follow after your enemies, and cut off their
tail, {or, rear,) and allow them not to enter their cities; for
Jehovah your God hath delivered them into your hand.

20. And when Joshua and the children of Israel had made an
end of smiting them with a very great overthrow till they were
consumed, and the survivors who had escaped had entered into
fortified cities,

21. The whole people returned to the camp to Joshua in Malzeda
in peace ; no one moved his tongue against the children of Israel.

22. Then said Joshua, Open the mouth of the cave, and bring
me those five kings from the cave.

23. And they did so, namely, they brought to him those five
kings from the cave, the king of Jerusalem, the king of Hebron, the
king of Jarmuth, the king of Lachis, the king of Eglon.

24. And when they had brought out those five kings to Joshua,
Joshua called all the men of Israel, and he said to the leaders of
the men of war who had accompanied him, Come near, put your feet

300 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. X. 25-40.

upon the necks of tliose kings. And they came near and put their
feet upon their necks.

25. Then Joshua said to them, Fear not and dread not, be strong
and of good courage ; for Jehovah will do thus to all your enemies
against whom you fight.

26. After this Joshua smote them, and slew them, and hung
them on five gibbets ; and they were suspended on the gibbets till
evening.

27. Moreover, at the time when the sun goes down, Joshua
commanded, and they took them down from the gibbets, and cast
them into the cave in which they had hid themselves, and they
placed great stones at the mouth of the cave until this day.

28. But Joshua on that day took Malzeda, and smote it with
the edge of the sword, and slew their king along with them, and
left no soul which was in it surviving ; and did to the king Malzeda
as he had done to the king of Jericho,

29. Thereafter, Joshua, and all Israel with him, passed over
from Malzeda to Libna, and besieged Libna.

30. And Jehovah delivered it also, and its king, into the hand of
Israel, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and did not leave
surviving a single soul which was in it ; and did to its king in like
manner as he had done to the king of Jericho.

31. Joshua afterwards passed, and all Israel with him, from
Libna to Lachis, and encamped near it, and besieged it.

32. And Jehovah gave Lachis into the hand of Israel, and he
took it on the second day, and struck it with the edge of the sword,
and every soul which was in it, exactly as he had done to Libna.

33. And Horam king of Gezer, went up to give assistance to
Lachis, and Joshua smote him and his people, so that he did not
leave a survivor.

34. Joshua, moreover, and all Israel with him, passed from
Lachis to Eglon, and they encamped against it, and besieged it.

35. And they took it on that day and smote it with the edge of
the sword ; and every soul which was there Joshua slew on that
day exactly as he had done to Lachis.

36. Joshua thereafter went up, and all Israel with him, from
Eglon to Hebron, and besieged it.

37. And they took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword,
and its king, and all its towns, and he did not leave surviving a
single soul which was in it, exactly as he had done to Eglon. He
accordingly destroyed it, and every soul which was in it.

38. Afterwards Joshua returned, and all Israel with him, to
Debir, and besieged it.

39. And they took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword,
and its king and all its towns, and they smote them with the edge
of the sword, and slew every soul which was there ; he did not leave
a survivor ; as he had done to Hebron, so he did to Debir and its
king, as he had done to Libna and its king.

40. And thus Joshua smote all the land of the mountain, and

CKAP. XI. 1-13. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 301

the south, and the phxin, and the slopes, and all their kings ; he did
not leave a survivor ; he slew every soul, as Jehovah the God of
Israel had commanded.

41. Wherefore, Joshua smote from Cades-Barne even to Asa,
and the whole land of Gosen even to Gibeon.

42. And all those kings and their land Joshua took at the same
time, for Jehovah the God of Israel was fighting for Israel.

43. Thence Joshua, and all Israel with him, returned to the
camp in Gilgal.

CHAPTER XI.

1. And when Jahin king of Hasor had heard, he sent to Jobab
king of Madam, and to the king of Simerom, and to the king of
Aclisaph,

2. To the kings also who dwelt in the north among the moim-
tains and in the plain to the south of Cineroth, and in the plain in
Naphoth-Dor on the west.

3. To the Canaanite on the east and west, and to the Amorite
and Hittite, and Perizzite, and Jebusite among the mountains, and
to the Hivite under Hermon in the land of Mispah.

4. And they went out, themselves, and all their armies with
them, many people, like the sand which is near the sea-shore for
multitude, and horses and chariots very many.

5. All those kings assembled, and coming encamped together at
the waters of Merom, that they might fight with Israel.

6. And Jehovah said unto Joshua, Fear not before them ; for
to-morrow, at this time, I will deliver them all up slain before
Israel : their horses thou shalt hough, and their chariots thou
shalt burn with fire.

7. Joshua therefore came, and all the people of war with him,
against them to the waters of Merom suddenly, and they rushed
upon them.

8. And Jehovah delivered them into the hand of Israel, and
they smote them, and pursued them as far as great Sidon, and even
to the boiling springs, and even to the plain of Mispe on the east ;
and they smote them till he left none of them surviving.

9. And Joshua did to them as Jehovah had said to him ; he
houghed their horses, and burnt their chariots with fire.

10. And Joshua having returned, at the same time took Hasor,
and smote its king with the sword. For Hasor had formerly been
the head of all those kingdoms.

11. They also smote every soul which was therein, destroying
by the edge of the sword ; no soul remained ; and he burnt Hasor
with fire.

12. All the cities of those kings Joshua took, and smote them
with the edge of the sword, destroying them as Moses the servant
of Jehovah had commanded.

13. Only all the cities which remained in their state Joshua
burned not, except Hasor alone, which Joshua burnt.

302 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XIL 1-5.

14. And all the spoils of those cities, and the cattle, the children
of Israel took as booty to themselves ; nevertheless all the men
they smote with the edge of the sword, they did not leave any
soul.

15. As Jehovah had commanded Moses his servant, so Moses
commanded Joshua, and Joshua did so, that he might not omit any
one of all the things which Jehovah had commanded Moses.

16. And Joshua took all that mountain land, and all the south,
and all the land of Goshen, and the plain and level lands, the
mountain of Israel also, and its plain.

17. From the mountain of the left, which rises towards Seir, as
far as Baal-gad, in the plain of Ijcbanon under Mount Hermon ; also
all their kings he took, and smote and slew them.

18. Many days did Joshua carry on war with all those kings.

19. There was no city which made peace with the children of
Israel except the Hivites, the inhabitants of Gibeon ; they took
them all in battle.

20. Because it was from Jehovah to harden their heart to en-
counter Israel in war, that he might destroy them, and no pity
might remain for them; but that he might destroy them, as Jehovah
had commanded Moses.

21. And Joshua came at that time and cut off Analzim from
the mountains, from Hebron, from Debir, from Anab, and from all
the mountains of Juda, and from all the mountains of Israel; Joshua
destroyed them along with their cities.

22. There remained not of the Analzim in the land of the chil-
dren of Israel ; only in Gad and in Ashdod was there a residue.

23. Accordingly Joshua took all the land according as Jehovah
had said to Moses, and he gave it over as an inheritance to Israel
according to their divisions by their tribes ; and the land rested
from war.

CHAPTEE XII.

1. These are the kings of the land whom the children of Israel
smote, and whose land they possessed beyond the Jordan, towards
the rising of the sun, from the torrent Arnon even to Mount Her-
mon, and all the eastern plain.

2. Sehon the Amorite king, who dwelt in Hesbon, who ruled
from Aroer to the bank of the torrent Arnon, and to the middle of
the torrent, and to the middle part of Gilead, even to the torrent
Jabbolz, which is the boundary of the children of Ammon.

3. And from the plain even to the sea of Cineroth on the east,
and even to the sea of the desert, the sea of salt on the east, by the
way of Beth-hagesimoth, and from the south under the outpourings
(springs) of Pisgah.

4. The boundary besides of Og king of Basan, of the residue of
the Rephaim, who dwelt in Astaroth and Hedrei,

5. Who ruled in mount Hermon, and in Salchah, and in all

CHAP. XIII. 1-4. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 303

Basan, even to the border of Gessuri and Maachathi, and the middle
part of Gilead : (such was) the boundary of Sehon king of Basan.

6. Moses, the servant of Jehovah, and the children of Israel,
smote them, and Moses, the servant of Jehovah, gave it for a pos-
session to the Reubenites, and Gadites, and the half tribe of
Manasseh.

7. Now these are the kings whom Joshua and the children of
Israel smote beyond the Jordan on the west, from Baal-gad in the
plain of Lebanon even to the mountain Laevis which rises in Seir;
and Joshua delivered it to the tribes of Israel for a possession ac-
cording to their portions.

8. Among the mountains, and in the plain, and in the lowlands,
and in Asdoth, and in the desert, and in the south ; the Hittite,
the Amorite, the Canaanite, the Perizzite, the Hivite, and the
Jebusite :

9. The king of Jericho, one ; the king of Hai, who was on the
side of Bethel, one ;

10. The king of Jerusalem, one ; the king of Hebron, one ;

11. The king of Jarmath, one ; the king of Lachis, one ;

12. The king of Eglon, one ; the king of Jeser, one ;

13. The king of Debir, one ; the king Jeder, one ;

14. The king of Hormah, one ; the king of Arad, one ;

15. The king of Libna, one ; the king of Adulam, one ;

16. The king of Makeda, one ; the king of Bethel, one;

17. The king of Tapuah, one ; the king of Epher, one ;

18. The king of Aphek, one ; the king of Lasaron, one ;

19. The king of Madon, one ; the king of Asor, one ;

20. The king of Simron Meron, one ; the king of Achsaph, one ;

21. The king of Taanach, one ; the king of Megiddo, one ;

22. The king of Kedesch, one ; the king of Jocnam at Car-
mel, one ;

23. The king of Dor, at Naphath-dor, one ; the king of Grim
in Gilgal, one ;

24. The king of Thirsa, one ; all the kings thirty and one.

CHAPTER XIII.

1. And when Joshua had become old and stricken in years,
Jehovah said to him. Thou hast become old and stricken in years,
and very much land still remains to be possessed.

2. This is the land which remains : all the limits of the Philis-
tines, and all Gessuri,

3. From the Nile, which is in the direction of Egypt, even to
the border of Ekron, which is on the north, which is considered
part of Canaan : five princedoms of the Philistines, Azath, Asdod,
Askalon, Gittha, Ekron, and Avei.

4. From the south, the whole land of the Canaanite and Meara,
which belongs to the Sidonians, even to Paera, even to the border
of the Amorite ;

304 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XIII. 5-24

5. And the land of Gibli, and all Lebanon toward the sun-rising,
from Baal-gad under mount Hermon, until you come to Haemath.

6. All the inhabitants of the mountain, from Lebanon even to
the boiling springs, all the Sidonians will I drive out from before
the children of Israel ; only do thou cast the lot, that it may be for
an inheritance to Israel, as I have commanded thee.

7. Now, therefore, divide the land for an inheritance to the
nine tribes and the half tribe of Manasseh ;

8. Besides it the Reubenites, and Gadites have received their
portions, which Moses gave them beyond Jordan on the east, as
Moses, the servant of Jehovah, gave them ;

9. From Aroer, which is near the bank of the river Arnon, and
the city itself, which is in the midst of the valley, and the whole
plain of Medeba as far as Debon ;

10. And all the cities of Sihon, the Amorite king, who reigned
in Hesbon, even to the boundary of the children of Ammon ;

11. And Gilead, and the border of Gessuri, and Maachathi, and
the whole of mount Hermon, and all Basan as far as Salchah ;

12. The whole kingdom of Og in Basan, who reigned in Asta-
roth, and in Edrei ; the remains of the residue of the Eephaim,
whom Moses smote and expelled.

13. But the children of Israel did not expel the Geshiirites and
Maacathites ; therefore Geshur and Maachath have dwelt in the
midst of Israel even to this day.

14. Only to the tribe of Levi did he not give an inheritance :
the sacrifices of Jehovah the God of Israel are their inheritance, as
he spake concerning it.

15. Moses therefore gave to the tribe of Reuben by their
families :

16. And their border was from Aroer, which is near the bank of
the torrent Arnon, and the city which is in the midst of the valley,
and the whole plain which is neax Medeba.

17. Hesbon and all its cities which were in the plain ; Debon
and Bamoth-baal, and Beth-baalmeon,

18. And Jahasah, and Cedemoth, and Mephaath.

19. And Ciriathaim, and Sibmah, and Sereth-sahar in the moun-
tain of the valley,

20. And Beth-peor, and Asdoth-Pisgah, and Beth-Jesimoth.

21. And all the cities of the plain, and the whole kingdom of
Sihon the Amorite king, who reigned in Hesbon, whom Moses
slew : and the princes of Midian, Evi, and Rekem, and Sur, and
Hur, and Reba, leaders of Sihon, inhabitants of the land.

22. And Balaam son of Beor, the diviner, the children of Israel
slew with the sword among their slain.

23. And the boundary of the children of Israel was the Jordan
and its boundary. This is the inheritance of the children of Reuben
by their families, cities, and villages.

24. And Moses gave to the tribe of Gad, to the children of Gad
by their families :

CHAP. XIV. 1-7. BOOK OF JOSHUA. '305

25. And their boundary was Jazer, and all the cities of Gilead,
and the half of the land of the children of Ammon, even to Aroer
which is before Eabbah :

26. And from Hesbon even to Eamath of Mispe itself, and
Bethonim; and from Mahanaim even to the border of Debir itself;

27. And in the valley of Beth-haran, and Beth-nimrah, and Snc-
coth, and Saphon ; a remnant of the kingdom of Sihon king of Hes-
bon, the Jordan and its confines, even to the extremity of the Sea
of Chinnereth, beyond Jordan on the east.

28. This is the inheritance of the children of Gad, by their
families, their cities, and their villages.

29. Moses, moreover, gave to the half tribe of Manasse : and
there was to the half tribe of the children of Manasse by their fa-
milies,

30. Their border, I say, was from Mahanaim, all of Basan, the
whole kingdom of Og king of Basan, and all of Havoth-Jair which
are in Basan, sixty cities :

31. And the half of Gilead, and Astaroth, and Edrei, cities
of Og king of Basan, of the sons of Machir, the son of Manasse, to
the half part of the sons of Machir by their families.

32. Those are the inheritances which Moses delivered in the
plains of Moab, from the passage of Jordan to Jericho itself, on
the east.

33. But to the tribe of Levi Moses did not give an inheritance ;
Jehovah the God of Israel himself is their inheritance, as he said
to them (or concerning them.)

CHAPTEE XIV.

1. These are the territories which the children of Israel received
as an inheritance, in the land of Canaan, which Eleazar the priest
and Joshua the son of Nun, and the heads of the tribes of the chil-
dren of Israel, delivered to them, for an inheritance,

2. By the lot of their inheritance, as Jehovah had commanded by
the hand of Moses, to give to the nine tribes and the half tribe.

3. For Moses had given to the two tribes and to the half tribe
beyond the Jordan. But he had not given to the Levites an in-
heritance in the midst of them.

4. For the sons of Joseph were the two tribes of Manasse and
Ephraim : accordingly they did not give a portion to the Levites
in the land except cities to dwell in, and the suburbs of them for
their herds and flocks.

5. As Moses had commanded, so did the children of Israel, and
they divided the land.

6. And the children of Judah came near to Joshua in Gilgal,
and Caleb the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite said to him, Thou
knowest the word which Jehovah spake to Moses the man of God,
concerning me and concerning thee in Cades-barnea.

7. I was forty years old when Moses the servant of Jehovah sent

u

806 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XV. 1-6.

me from Cades-barnea to explore the land, and I reported tlie matter
to him as it was in my heart.

8. And when my brethren who had come down with me melted
the heart of the people, I perseveringly followed Jehovah my God.

9. And Moses sware on that day, saying, Surely the land which
thy foot has trod shall be thine for an inheritance, and to thy chil-
dren for ever, because thou hast perseveringly followed Jehovah my
God.

10. And now Jehovah has granted me life as he had said. Forty-
five years have elapsed since the time when the Lord declared this
matter to Moses, and since Israel has walked through the desert :
and now, indeed, this day am I eighty-five years of age.

11. And still am I this day vigorous as on that day on which
Moses sent me ; as great as my vigour was then, so great is my
vigour this day for battle, both for going out and coming in.

12. Now, therefore, give me that mountain, as Jehovah spake
on that day. For thou didst hear on that day that the Anakim are
there, and cities great and fortified : perhaps Jehovah will be with
me, and I shall drive them out, as Jehovah said.

13. And Joshua blessed him, and gave Hebron to Caleb himself
the son of Jephunneh for an inheritance.

14. Therefore has Hebron belonged to Caleb himself the son of
Jephunneh, the Kenezite for an inheritance imto this day, because
he perseveringly followed Jehovah, the God of Israel.

15. Now the name of Hebron was formerly Ciriath-arba, which
Arba was a great man among the Anakim, and the land rested from

CHAPTER XV.

1 . And there was a lot to the children of Judah by their families
near the border of Edom, and the desert of Sin towards the south,
from the extremity of the south.

2. And their south boundary was from the extremity of the salt
sea, that is, from the rock which looks towards the south.

3. And it goes out towards the south of Maale-acrabim, and
thence passes over into Sin : and proceeding from the south in
Cades-barnea, it passes over thence into Esron, and again goes up
in Adar, and makes a circuit in Carcaa.

4. Thence it passes into Asmon, and goes out to the torrent of
Egypt : and the outgoings of this boundary are toward the west :
that will be your boundary toward the south.

5. And the boundary toward the east is the salt sea, even to the
extremity of the Jordan '; and the boundary of the north corner is
from the rock of the sea, from the extremity of the Jordan,

6. And that boundary goeth up into Beth-hoglah, and passes
from the north to Beth-araba : and thence that boundary goeth up
to the stone of Boh an the son of Reuben.

GUAR XV. 7-2 ^■. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 307

7. That boundary, moreover, goeth up into Debir from the valley
of Achor, and towards the north looks to Gilgal, which is over
against the ascent of Adummim, which, indeed, is to the torrent on
the south : and that boundary passes to tlie waters of En-semes,
and its outgoings are at En-rogel.

8. And that boundary goeth up to the valley of the son of Hinnom,
to the side of the Jebusite on the south ; the same is Jerusalem :
that boundary, moreover, goeth up to the top of the mountain which
is over against the valley of Hinnom on the west, which valley is
at the extremity of the valley of Rephaim on the north.

9. And the boundary goes round from the top of the mountain, to
the" fountain of the water of Nephthoah, and goeth out to the cities
of mount Ephron, and that boundary maketh a circuit in Baala,
the same is Ciriath-Jearim.

10. And thence that boundary winds round from Baala on the
west to mount Seir, and thence passes through to the side of mount
Jearim on the north, the same is Chesalon, and it goeth down into
Beth-semes, and passeth over into Tirana.

11. And the boiuidary goeth out to the side of Ecron on the
north, and that boundary makes a circuit to Sichron, and passes
through even to mount Baala : and thence goes out into Jabneel :
and the outgoings of this boundary are at the sea.

12. Moreover, the west boundary is at the great sea and its
coast : that is the boundary of the children of Judali round about,
by their families.

13. And he gave to Caleb the son of Jephunneh in the midst of
the children of Judah, according to the woi'd of Jehovah to Joshua,
the portion of Ciriath-arba, the father of Anac, the same is Hebron.

14. Caleb drove thence the three sons of Anac, Sezadi, and Hai-
man, and Thalmai, who were sons of Anac.

15. And he went up from thence to the inhabitants of Debir,
whose name was formerly Ciriath-sepher.

16. And Caleb said. To him who shall smite Ciriath-sepher and
take it, will I give my daughter Achsa to wife.

17. And Othoniel the son of Cenas, the brother of Caleb, took it,
and he gave him Achsa his daiighter to wife.

18. And it was when she came, that she persuaded him to ask a
field of her father, and she dismounted from the ass, and Caleb said
to her. What wouldst thou '?

19. She answered. Give me a blessing ; since thou hast given
me an arid land, give me springs of water. And he gave her upper
springs and lower springs.

20. That is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Judah
by their families.

21. And the cities in the extremity of the tribe of Judah, near
the border of Edom on the south were Capsee, and Eder, and Jagur,

22. And Cina, and Dimona, and Adada,

23. And Cedes, and Hasor, and Ithnan,

24. Ziph, and Telem, and Bealot,

SOS NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XV. 25-61.

25. And Hazor, n Hadatha, and Ceriotli, Hesron, tlie same is
Hazor.

26. Amam, and Sema, and Molada,

27. And Hasar-Gadda, and Hesmon, and Beth-phelet,

28. And Hasar-sual, and Beerseba, and Biziotheia,

29. Baala, and Jim, and Asem,

30. And Eltliolad, and Chesil, and Hormah,

31. And Siclag, and Madmannah, and Sensannah,

32. And Lebaoth, and Silhim, and Ain, and Eimon : all the
cities twenty-nine, and their villages.

33. In the plain Esthaol, and Sora, and Asnah,

34. And Zanoah, and En-gannim, and Thaphuah, and Enara,

35. Jarmuth, and Adulam, Sochoch, and Azecah,

36. And Saaraim, and Adithaim, and Gederah, and Gedero-
thaim : fourteen cities and their villages.

37. Senam, and Hadasa, and Migdalgad,

38. And Dilan, and Mispeh, and Jocteel,

39. Lachis, and Boscath, and Eglon,

40. And Chabbon, and Lahmam, and Chithlis,

41. And Gederoth, Beth-dagon, and Naamah, Makeda: sixteen
cities and their villages.

42. Liona, and Ether, and Asan,

43. And Jephtha, and Asna, and Nesib,

44. And Cheila, and Achzib, and Marezah : nine cities and their
villages.

45. Ecron, and its towns and its villages.

46. From Ecron, and to the sea, all which are on the side of
Asdod, and their villages.

47. Asdod, its towns and its villages : Azza, its towns and its
villages, even to the torrent of Egypt, and the great sea ; and this
is its boundary.

48. And in the mountain, Samir and Jathur, and Sochoch,

49. And Dannah, and Ciriath-sannah, the same is Debir,

50. And Anab, and Estemoth, and Anim,

51. And Gosan, and Holon, and Giloh : eleven cities and their
villages.

52. Arab, and Dumah, and Esan,

53. And Janum, and Beth-thappuah, and Aphecah,

54. And Humtha, and Ciriath-Arba, the same is Hebron, and
Sior : nine cities and their villages.

55. Mahon, Carmel, and Ziph, and Juttah,

56. And Jezreel, and Jocdean, and Zaura,

57. Cain, Giba, and Thimna : ten cities and their villages.

58. Hal-hul, and Beth-sur, and Gedor,

59. And Maarath, and Bethanoth, and Elthecon : six cities and
their villages.

60. Ciriath-baal, the same is Ciriath-Jearim, and Rabba : two
cities and their villages.

61. In the desert Beth-arabah Middin, and Sech-acha,

CHAP. XVII. 1,2, BOOK OF JOSHUA. 309

62. And Nibscan, and the city of Salt, and En-gedi : six cities
and their vilhiges.

63. Moreover, the children of Judah were not able to expel the
Jebusites, the inhabitants of Jerusalem ; therefore the Jebusite
hath dwelt with the children of Judah in Jerusalem even to this
day.

CHAPTER XVI.

1. And the lot for the children of Joseph fell out from the Jor-
dan to Jericho, to the waters of Jericho on the east, to the desert
which goeth up from Jericho to mount Bethel.

2. And it goeth out from Bethel into Luz, and hence passeth
through to the boundary of Archi Atharoth.

3. It afterward goeth up to the sea, to the border of Japhletus,
even to the border of lower Beth-horon, and even to Gazer, and its
outgoings are at the sea.

4. And thus the children of Joseph, Manasseh, and Ephraim re-
ceived their inheritance.

5. And this was the boundary of the children of Ephraim by
their families ; the border of their inheritance was, I say, on the
east from Atroh-Addar, even to upper Beth-horon.

6. And that border goes out to the sea, to Michmethath on the
north ; and the boundary goes round to the east, to Thaanath-
Siloh, and crosses it from the east to Janoah.

7. And it descends from Janoah in Atharoth, and Maarath, and
reaches to Jericho, and goeth out to Jordan.

8. From Thappuah the boundary proceeds to the sea, to the tor-
rent of reeds, and its outgoings are at the sea ; this is the inheri-
tance of the tribe of the children of Ephraim by their families.

9. And cities were set apart for the children of Ephraim in the
midst of the inheritance of the children of Manasseh, all the cities
and their villages.

10. Nor did they expel the Canaanite dwelling in Gazer ;
wherefore the Canaanite hath dwelt in the middle of Ephraim to
this day, and been tributary to him.

CHAPTER XVII.

1. There was also a lot to the tribe of Manasseh, (for he was the
first-born of Joseph,) to Machir himself, the first-born of Manasseh,
the father of Gilead, (for he was a man of war,) to him, I say,
there was Gilead and Basan.

2. There was likewise to the other children of Manasseh by
their families, to the sons of Abiezer, and the sons of Helec, and
the sons of Asriel, and the sons of Sechem, and the sons of Hepher,
and the sons of Semida. These are the children of Manasseh, the
male children by their families.

810 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XVII.S-l 6.

3. Moreover, to Selopliead, the son of Heplier, the son of Gileacl,
the son of Machir, the son of Manasseh, there were no sons but
daughters whose names are these, Mahala, and Noa, Hogla, Milcha,
and Thirsa.

4. These came into the presence of Eleazar the priest, and into
the presence of Joshua, the son of Nun, and into the presence of
the princes, saying, Jehovah commanded Moses to give us an in-
heritance in the midst of our brethren. He therefore gave them
according to the word of Jehovah, an inheritance in the midst of
the brethren of their father.

5. And there fell to Manasseh ten inheritances, besides the land
of Gilead and Basan, which were beyond Jordan.

6. For the daughters of Manasseh obtained an inheritance in
the midst of the sons ; and the land of Gilead was to the other

* children of Manasseh.

7. And the boundary of Manasseh was from Aser to Michme-
thath, which is before Sechem, and the boundary proceedeth to the
right, to the inhabitants of En-thappua.

8. To Manasseh himself belonged the land of Thappua ; but the
Thappua which was at the border of Manasseh belongs to the chil-
dren of Ephraim.

9. And the boundary descends to the torrent of reeds, to the
south of the torrent itself; these cities in the midst of the cities of
Manasseh belong to the tribe of Epliraim ; but the boundary of
Manasseh is on the north of the torrent itself, and its outgoings are
at the sea.

10. On the south it belongs to Ephraim himself, and on the
north to Manasseh himself, and the sea is its boundary, and they
meet together in Aser on the north, and in Issachar on the east.

11. And it was to Manasseh himself in Issachar, and in Aser,
Beth-sean, and its towns ; and Ibleam and its towns ; and the in-
habitants of Dor and its towns ; and the inhabitants of Endor and
its towns, and the inhabitants of Thaanach, and its towns ; and the
inhabitants of Megiddo, three districts.

12. And the children of Manasseh were not able to expel the
inhabitants of those cities, but the Canaanite began to dwell in the
land itself.

13. But when the children of Israel had acquired strength, they
made the Canaanite tributary, and did not by expelling expel
(completely expel) him.

14. And the children of Joseph spake unto Joshua, saying. Why
hast thou given me one lot for an inheritance, and one inheritance,
seeing I am a numerous people, so hath Jehovah hitherto blessed
me?

15. And Joshua said unto them. If thou art a numerous people,
go up into the wood, and cut down for thyself there, in the land of
the Perizzite, and the Eephaim, if the mountain of Ephraim is
narrow for thee.

16. And the children of JofX'ph replied to him, Tliat mountain

CHAP. XVIJI. 1-11. BOOK OF JOSHUA. Sll

will not suffice us, and there are iron chariots to every Canaanite
who dwelleth in the land of the valley, and to him who dwelleth
in Beth-sean and its towns, and to him who dwelleth in the valley
of Jezrael,

17. And Joshna spake to the honse of Joseph, namely, to Ephraim
and Manasseh, saying, Thou art a numerous people, and hast great
courage : thou shalt not have (merely) a single lot.

18. For the mountain will be thine, inasmuch as it is a wood ;
thou shalt therefore cut it down, and its outgoing shall be thine ;
for thou shalt expel the Canaanite, though he have iron chariots,
and though he be brave.

CHAPTEE XVIII.

1. And the whole multitude of the children of Israel assembled
in Silo, and placed there the tabernacle of convention, after the
land was subdued before them.

2. And there had remained of the children of Israel, to whom
they had not divided their inheritance, seven tribes.

3. And Joshua said unto the children of Israel, How long do ye
delay to go in to possess the land which Jehovah the God of your
fathers hath given you ?

4. Each tribe of you give up three men whom I will send ; and
they shall rise and walk through the land, and shall describe it
according to its inheritance ; afterwards they shall return to me.

5. And they shall divide it into seven portions ; Judah will
stand in his confines on the south, and the families of Joseph will
stand in their confines on the north.

6. And do you describe the land in seven portions, and bring it
hither to me : then I will cast the lot here before Jehovah our God.

7. For there is no part to the Levites in the midst of you, because
the priesthood of Jehovah is their inheritance ; and Gad, and Reu-
ben, and the half tribe of Manasseh, have received their inheritance
beyond the Jordan on the east, which Moses the servant of Jehovah
gave to them.

8. And those men rose up, and went away ; and Joshua com-
manded those who went to describe the land, saying. Go and walk
through the land, and describe it ; afterwards you will return to
me, and I will cast the lot for you here in Silo.

9. The men therefore went away, and passed through the land,
and described it by cities in seven parts, in a book : and they re-
turned to Joshua, to the camp in Silo.

10. And Joshua cast a lot for them in Silo before the Lord ;
and there Joshua divided the land to the children of Israel accord-
ing to their portions.

11. And the lot of the tribe of the children of Benjamin by their
families came iip, and the boundary of their lot fell out between the
children of Judah and the children of Joseph.

812 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XVIII. 1 2-28.

12. And their boundary was on the side of the north by the Jor-
dan ; and their boundary went up to the side of Jericho on the
north, and went np to the mountain at the sea ; and their outgoings
are at the desert of Beth-aven.

13. And thence the boundary passes through into Luz to the
side of southern Luz, (the same is Bethel,) and the boundary de-
scends into Ateroth-Adar near the mountain which is on the south
of lower Beth -horon itself.

14. And the boundary is marked out, and goes round to the side
of the sea at the south, from the mountain which is over against
Beth-horon on the south ; and its outgoings are at Ciriath-Baal,
(the same is Ciriath-Jearim,) a city of the sons of Jvidah, that is,
the side of the sea.

15. And the side on the south is from the extremity of Ciriath-
Jearim ; accordingly the boundary goeth out to the sea, goeth out,
I say, to the fountain of the waters of Nephthoah.

16. And the boundary descends to the extremity of the moun-
tain which is over against the valley of Ben-Hinnom, and which is
in the valley of the Eephaim on the north, and it descends to the
valley of Hinnom to the side of the Jebusite on the south, and
thence descends to Eu-rogel.

17. And it makes a circuit from the north, and goes out to En-
semes, and proceeds outwards to Gehloth, which is over against the
acclivity of Adummim ; and descends to Eben of Bohan, the son

^of Eeuben.

18. Thence it passes through to the side which is over against
the plain on the north, and descends into Arabah.

19. Thence the boundary passes through to the side of Beth-
hogla on the north ; and the outgoings of its boundary are at the
limit of the salt sea on the north, at the extremity of the Jordan
on the south ; that is the south boundary.

20. And the Jordan bounds it on the east side. This is the in-
heritance of the children of Benjamin, by his boundaries round
about by his families.

21. And these were the cities of the tribe of the children of Ben-
jamin by their families, Jericho, and Beth-hoglah, and the valley
of Cesis.

22. And Beth-araba, and Semarain, and Bethel,

23. And Avim, and Parah, and Ophrah,

24. And Haamonai, and Ophni, and Gaba ; twelve cities and
their villages.

25. Gibon, and Eaamah, and Beeroth,

26. And Mispeh, and Chephirah, and Mosah,

27. And Recem, and Irpeel, and Tharalah.

28. And Sela Eleph, and Jebusi,. (the same is Jerusalem,) Gi-
bath, Ciriath, fourteen cities and their villages ; this is the inheri-
tance of the children of Benjamin by their families.

CHAP. XIX. 1-22. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 313

CHAPTER XIX.

1. And the second lot came out to Simeon, the tribe of the chil-
dren of Simeon by their families ; and tlieir inheritance was in the
midst of the inheritance of the children of Jiidah.

2. And they had for their inheritance Beer-seba, and Seba, and
Moladah,

3. And Hasar-Sual, and Balah, and Asen,

4. And Eltholad, and Betliul, and Hormah,

5. And Siclag, and Beth-Marcaboth, and Hasarsusa,

6. And Beth-Lebaoth, and Saruhen ; thirteen cities and their
villages.

7. Ain, Rimmon, and Ether, and Asan ; four cities and their
villages.

8. And all the villages which were around those cities even to
Baalath-beer, southern Ramath. This is the inheritance of the
tribe of the children of Simeon by their families.

9. Out of a portion of the children of Judah was made the inhe-
ritance of the children of Simeon : for the portion of the children of
Judah was too great for them, and thus the children of Simeon re-
ceived an inheritance in the midst of their inheritance.

10. And the third lot came up for the sons of Zabulon, by their
families, and the boundary of their inheritance was even to Sarid.

11. And their boundary goes up to the sea, and Maralah, and
reaches to Dabbaseth, and arrives at the river which is over
against Jocnea.

12. And returns from Sarid to the east, that is, to the sun-rising,
to the border of Chisloth-Thabor, and thence goes out to Dabrath,
and goes up to Japhia.

13. Thence, moreover, it passes to the east, at its rising, to
Githah-Hepher, and Ihtahcasin : and thence it goes out into Rim-
mon, and winds round to Neah.

14. The same boimdary likewise winds round from the north to
Hannathon : and its goings out are to the valley of Iphthael,

15. And Catthath, and Nahalal, and Simron, and Idalah, and
Bethlehem : twelve cities and their villages.

16. This is the inheritance of the children of Zabulon by their
families : these cities and their villages.

17. The fourth lot came oiit to Issachar, to the children of
Issachar, I say, by their families.

18. And their boundary was Jezrael, and Chesuloth, and
Sunem.

19. And Hapharaim, and Sion, and Ana-harat,

20. And Rabbith, and Cision, and Abeth,

21. And Remeth, and Engannim, and Enhaddad, and Beth-
passeth.

22. And their boundary reached to Thabor, and Sahasima, and
Beth-semes : and the outgoings of their boundary will be at the
Jordan : sixteen cities and their villasres.

SI 4 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XIX. 23-4' 7.

23. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Issachar
by their families, their cities and villages.

24. And the fifth lot came out for the tribe of the children of
Aser by their families.

25. And their boundary was Helcath, and Hali, and Bethen, and
Achsaph,

26. And Alamelech, and Amad, and Misal : and it reached to
Carmel at the sea, and to Sihor-libnath.

27. And it returns to the east in Beth-dagon, and reaches to
Zabulon, and to the valley of Iphtahel on the north, and to Beth-
emec, and Neel, and it goes out to Chabul on the left,

28. And Ebron, and Rehob, and Hammon, and Canah, even to
great Sidon :

29. And the boundary returns to Ramah, even to the fortified
city of the rock ; thence the boundary returns to Hosah, and its
outgoings are at the sea by the coast of Achzib ;

30. And Ummah, and Aphec, and Rehob : twenty-two cities and
their villages.

31. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Aser by
their families ; those cities and their villages.

32. To the sons of Naphtali the sixth lot came out, to the sons
of Naphtali, I say, by their families.

33. And their boundary was by Heleph, and by Elon in Saanan-
nim, and Adami, Neceb, and Jabneel, even to the lake, and its out-
goings are at the Jordan.

34. Afterwards the boundary returns to the sea at Aznoth-thabor,
and proceeds thence to Huccoc, and reaches to Zabulon on the
south, and reaches to Aser on the west, and to Judah on the Jordan
on the east.

35. And the fortified cities are Siddim, Ser, and Hammath,
Raccath, and Chinnereth,

36. And Adamah, and Ramah, and Hasor,

37. And Cedes,' and Hedrei, and En-Hasor,

38. And Iron, and Migdal-el, Horem, and Beth-anath, and
Beth-semes : nineteen cities and their villages.

39. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Naph-
tali, by their families, their cities, and their villages.

40. The seventh lot came out to the tribe of the children of Dan,
by their families.

41. And the boundary of their inheritance was Sorah, and
Esthaol, and Ir-semes,

42. And Saalabbin, and Ajalon, and Ithlali,

43. And Elon, and Thiranathah, and Ecron,

44. And Elthece, and Gibbethon, and Baalath,

45. And Jehud, and Bene-berac, and Gath-rimon,

46. And Mehaiarcon, and Raccon, with its boundary against
Japho.

47. And the boundary of the children of Dan went out from
them : and the childi'en of Dan went up and fought with Lesem,

CHAP. XX. 1-9. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 3i 5

and took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and received
it with their inheritance, and dwelt in it, and they called Lesem
Dan after the name of Dan their father.

48. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Dan,
by their families ; those cities and their towns.

49. And when they had made an end of dividing the land, as-
signing each their boundaries, the children of Israel gave an inhe-
ritance to Joshua himself the son of Nun, in the midst of them;

50. According to the word of Jehovah, they gave him the city
which he asked, Thimnath-serah in mount Ephraim ; and he built
a city and dwelt in it.

51. Those are the inheritances, possessi(m of which was delivered
by Eleazar the priest, and Joshua the son of Nun, and the chiefs
of the fathers of the tribes of the children of Israel, by lot, in Silo,
before Jehovah, at the door of the tabernacle of convention ; and
they made an end of dividing the land.

CHAPTER XX.

1. And Jehovah spake to Joshua, saying,

2. Address the children of Israel in these words, Give cities of
refuge of which I spake to you by the hand of Moses ;

3. That the homicide, who has taken away a life through mis-
take, not knowingly, may flee thither : and they will be to you for
a refuge from the kinsman of blood.

4. And he shall fly to one of those cities, and shall stand at the
door of the gate of the city, and speak his words in the ears of the
elders of the city itself, and they will receive him into the city,
and give him a place, and he shall dwell with them,

5. And when the kinsman of blood shall have pursued him, they
shall not deliver up the homicide into his hand ; because he smote
his neighbour unknowingly, and had no hatred to him in time past,
(yesterday and the day before yesterday.)

6. And he will dwell in that city until he stand before the as-
sembly for judgment, even until the high priest, who shall be in
those days, shall die : for then the homicide will return, and come
to his city, and to his house, to the city whence he had fled.

7. And they assigned Cedes in Galilee, in mount Naphtali, and
Sechem in mount Ephraim, and Ciriath-arba (the same is Hebron)
in mount Judah.

8. And from beyond the Jordan of Jericho on the east, they
gave Beser, in the desert in the plain, of the tribe of Eeuben : and
Eamoth in Gilead of the tribe of Gad ; and Golan in Basan, of the
tribe of Manasseh.

9. Those were the cities of convention to all the children of
Israel, and to the stranger sojourning in the midst of them, that
whosoever had slain any one by mistake might flee thither, and not
die by the hand of the kinsman of blood before he had stood before
the assembly.

316 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXI. 1-1 8,

CHAPTER XXI.

1. And the princes of the fathers of the Levites came near to
Eleazar the priest, and to Joshua the son of Nun, and to the princes
of the fathers of the tribes of the children of Israel.

2. And spake to them in Silo, in the land of Canaan, saying,
Jehovah commanded by the hand of Moses, that ye should give us
cities to dwell in, and their suburbs for our cattle.

3. Therefore the children of Israel gave to the Levites of their
inheritance, according to the word of Jehovah, those cities and their
suburbs.

4. And the lot fell out by the families of the Ceathites, and there
were to the children of Aaron the priest, of the Levites, of the
tribe of Judah, and of the tribe of Simeon, and of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, by lot, thirteen cities.

5. And to the remaining sons of Ceath, of the families of the
tribe of Ephraim, and of the tribe of Dan, and of the half tribe of
Manasseh, by lot, ten cities.

6. But to the sons of Gerson, of the families of the tribe of Is-
sachar, and of the tribe of Aser, and of the tribe of Naphtali, and
of the half tribe of Manasseh in Basan, by lot, thirteen cities.

7. To the children of Merari by their families, of the tribe of
Reuben, and of the tribe of Gad, and of the tribe of Zabulon,
twelve cities.

8. The children of Israel, I say, gave to the Levites those cities
and their suburbs, by lot, as Jehovah had commanded by the hand
of Moses.

9. They gave therefore of the tribe of the children of Judah, and
of the tribe of the children of Simeon, those cities which he called
by name.

10. And they were to the sons of Aaron, of the families of Ceath,
of the sons of Levi ; for theirs was the first lot :

11. And they gave to them Ciriath-arba of the father of Anac,
(the same is Hebron,) in mount Judah, and its suburbs round
about it.

12. But the field of that city and its villages they gave to Caleb
the son of Jephunneh, for his possession.

13. To the sons of Aaron the priest, I say, they gave the city of
refuge, for the homicide, Hebron and its suburbs, and Libna and
its suburbs.

14. And Jathir and its suburbs, and Esthemoa and its suburbs,

15. Holon and its suburbs, and Debir and its suburbs,

16. And Ain and its suburbs, and Juttah and its subiu-bs, and
Beth-semes and its suburbs : nine cities of those two tribes.

17. And of the tribe of Benjamin, Gibeon and its suburbs, and
Geba and its suburbs,

18. Anathoth and its suburbs, Almon and its suburbs : four
cities.

CHAP. XXI. 19-40. BOOK OF JOSHUA, SI 7

19. All the cities of tlie sons of Aaron, the priests, were thirteen
cities and their suburbs.

20. But to the families of the sons of Cahath, Levites who re-
mained of the sons of Cahath, (now the cities of their lot were of
the tribe of Ephraim.)

21. They gave to them, I say, as a city of refuge for the homi-
cide, Sechem and its suburbs, in mount Ephraim, and Geser and
its suburbs,

22. And Cibsaim and its suburbs, and Beth-horon and its sub-
urbs : four cities.

23. And of the tribe of Dan, Elthece and its suburbs, and
Gibbethon and its suburbs,

24. And Ajalon and its suburbs, and Gath-rimmon and its sub-
urbs : four cities.

25. And of the half tribe of Manasseh, Thaanach and its sub-
urbs, Gath-rimmon and its suburbs : two cities.

2G. All the ten cities and their suburbs, to the remaining fami-
lies of the sons of Cahath.

27. Moreover, to the sons of Gerson of the families of the Levites,
from the half tribe of Manasseh, as a city of refuge for the homicide,
Golan in Basan and its suburbs, Beesthera and its suburbs : two cities.

28. Of the tribe of Issachar, Cision and its suburbs, Dabrath and
its suburbs,

29. Jarmuth and its suburbs, Engannim and its suburbs : four
cities.

30. And of the tribe of Aser, Misal and its suburbs, Abdon and
its suburbs,

31. Helcath and its suburbs, and Rehob and its suburbs: four
cities.

32. And of the tribe of Naphtali, as a city of refuge for the
homicide. Cedes in Galilee and its suburbs, and Hamath-Dor and
its suburbs, and Carthan and its suburbs : three cities.

33. All the cities of the Gersonites, by their families, were
thirteen cities and their suburbs.

34. And to the families of the sons of Merari remaining of the
Levites, out of the tribe of Zabulon, Jocnea and its suburbs, Gar-
tha and its suburbs,

35. Dimnah and its suburbs, Nahalal and its suburbs : four cities.

36. And of the tribe of Eeuben, Beser and its suburbs, and
Jehasa and its suburbs,

37. Cedemoth and its suburbs, Mephaath and its suburbs : four
cities.

38. And of the tribe of Gad, as a city of refuge from the homi-
cide, Eamoth in Gileath and its suburbs,

39. Hesbon and its suburbs, Jazer and its suburbs : four
cities.

40. All the cities of the sons of Merari by their families which
remained of the families of the Levites, as was their lot, were
twelve cities.

318 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXII. 1-9.

41. All the cities of the Levites in the midst of the possession of
the children of Israel, were eighty-four cities and their suburbs.

42. Those were single cities, and their subiirbs were round
about them ; so was it with all those cities,

43. Jehovah, therefore, gave to Israel the whole land, of which
he had sworn that he would give it to their fathers ; and they
possessed it and dwelt in it,

44. Jehovah also gave them rest round about, exactly as Jehovah
had sworn to their fathers ; nor Wcts there any one of all their
enemies who could resist them ; Jehovah delivered all their enemies
into their hand.

45. Not a word failed of all the good word which Jehovah had
spoken to the house of Israel ; all things were fulfilled.

CHAPTER XXII,

1, Then Joshua called the Eeubenites and the Gadites, and the
half tribe of Manasseh,

2, And said to them, you have kept all things which Moses the
servant of Jehovah commanded you, and you have obeyed my
voice in all things which I have commanded you,

3, You have not deserted your brethren now for many days, even
to this day, but you have carefully observed the command of
Jehovah your God,

4, And now Jehovah your God has given rest to your brethren,
as he had said to them ; now, therefore, return and set out to your
tents, to the land of your possession, which Moses the servant of
Jehovah gave you beyond the Jordan,

5, Only observe carefully to do the commandment and the law,
which Moses the servant of Jehovah commanded you, to love
Jehovah your God, and walk in all his ways, and observe his pre-
cepts, and adhere to him, and serve him with all your heart and
all your soul,

6, And Joshua blessed them, and discharged them, and they
went away to their tents.

7, Now, to the half tribe of Manasseh Moses had given (an in-
heritance) in Basan ; and to the other half, Joshua gave (an
inheritance) with their brethren beyond Jordan on the west. And
also when Joshua was dismissing them to their tents, and had
blessed them,

8, Then he spake to them, saying, Eeturn with much riches to
your tents, and with very much property, with silver, and gold,
and brass, and iron, and very much raiment ; divide the spoils of
your enemies with your brethren.

9, Accordingly, both the children of Reuben and the children of
Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh returned, and went away from
the children of Israel, from Silo, which is in the land of Canaan,
to go to the land of Gilead, to the land of their possession, in which

CHAP. XXII. 10-23. BOOK OF JOSHUA.. 319

they had received a possession, according to the word of Jehovah,
by the hand of Moses.

10. And they came to the limits of the Jordan, which were in
the land of Canaan, and the children of Reuben, and the children
of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, built there an altar near
the Jordan, an altar of conspicuous appearance.

11. And the children of Israel heard it said. Behold, the children
of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh,
have built an altar over against the land of Canaan, on the con-
fines of the Jordan, at the crossing of the children of Israel.

12. The children of Israel, I say, heard, and the whole body of
the children of Israel assembled in Silo, to go up against them to
battle.

13. And the children of Israel sent to the children of Reuben,
and to the children of Gad, and to the half tribe of Manasseh, to
the land of Gilead, Phinehas, son of Eleazar the priest,

14. And ten princes with him, a single prince for each house,
selected from all tlie tribes of Israel ; for there were single princes
of the families of their fathers among the thousands of Israel.

15. They came, therefore, to the children of Reuben, and the
children of Gad, and to the half tribe of Manasseh, to the land of
Gilead, and spoke with them, saying,

16. Thus saith the whole congregation of Jehovah, What false-
hood is this which ye have devised against the God of Israel, in
turning away this day from going after Jehovah, by building an
altar for yourselves to rebel this day against Jehovah ?

17. Is it little for us to have been involved in the iniquity of
Peor, from which we are not yet cleansed even at the present day,
and yet there was a plague in the congregation of Jehovah ?

18. Now you are turning aside this day from going after
Jehovah, and it will be that you will rebel this day against
Jehovah, and to-morrow he will be wroth against the whole con-
gregation of Israel ;

19. And, indeed, if the land of your possession is impure, pass
over to the land of the possession of Jehovah, in which the taber-
nacle of Jehovah dwells, and receive possessions in the midst of
us, and rebel not against Jehovah, nor revolt from us by building
an altar for yourselves besides the altar of Jehovah our God. •

20. Did not Achan, the son of Zerah, sin grossly in the ana-
thema, and was (there not) anger against the whole congi-e-
gation of Israel ? That man did not die alone on account of his
iniquity.

21. And the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and
the half tribe of Manasseh answered and spake with the princes of
the thousands of Israel.

22. Jehovah, God of gods, Jehovah, God of gods, himself
knoweth, and Israel will know ; if it be through rebellion, if it be
through falsehood, against Jehovah, save us not this day.

23. If we have thought to build for us an altar, to turn away

320 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXII. 2-1-34.

from going after Jehovah ; if to sacrifice upon it burnt- offerings and
sacrifice'; and if to make upon it sacrifices of prosperity, let Jehovah
himself inquire :

24. And if we have not rather done it from a fear of this thing,
saying, Your children will to-morrow speak unto our children, say-
ing, What have you to do with Jehovah the God of Israel ?

25. For Jehovah has put the Jordan as a boundary between us
and you, ye children of Reuben and children of Gad ; ye have no
portion in Jehovah ; and your children will make our children desist
from fearing Jehovah.

26. And we said. Let us now give our endeavour to build an
altar, neither for burnt-offerings nor for sacrifice ;

27. But that it may be a witness betwixt us and you, and be-
tween our generations after us, that we may diligently serve
Jehovah before him in our burnt-offerings, and our sacrifices, and
our offerings of prosperity ; and lest your children may to-morrow
say to our children. You have no part in Jehovah.

28. We said therefore. And it shall be, if they say to us or to
our generations to-morrow, then shall we say, Ye see the like-
ness of an altar to Jehovah, which our fathers made, not for
burnt-offering, nor for sacrifice, but to be a witness between us
and you.

29. Far be it from us to rebel against Jehovah, and to turn
away this day from going after Jehovah, by building an altar for a
burnt-offering, for oblation, and for sacrifice, beyond the altar of
Jehovah our God, which is before his tabernacle.

30. Moreover, when Phinehas the priest, and the princes of the
congregation, and the heads of the thousands of Israel who were
with him, had heard the words which the children of Eeuben, and
the children of Gad, and the children of Manasseh had spoken, it
was pleasing in their eyes.

31. And Phinehas, the son of Eleazar the priest, said to the
children of Reuben, and to the children of Gad, and to the children
of Manasseh, This day we know that Jehovah is in the midst of us,
in that ye have not sinned that sin against Jehovah ; then you have
freed the children of Israel from the hand of Jehovah.

32. Therefore Phinehas, the son of Eleazar the priest, and
tfiose princes returned from the children of Reuben, and from the
children of Gad, from the land of Gilead to the land of Canaan, to
the other children of Israel, and reported the matter to them.

33. And the thing was pleasing in the eyes of the children of
Israel, and the sons of Israel blessed God, and did not determine
to go up against them to battle, to destroy the land in which the
children of Reuben and the children of Gad were dwelling.

34. And the children of Reuben and the children of Gad called
the altar Hed, saying. For it will be a witness between us that
Jehovah is God.

CHAP. XXIir. 1-15. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 321

CHAPTER XXIII.

1. And it was after many clays, after Jebovah gave rest to Israel
from all their enemies round about, that Joshua became old and
stricken in years.

2. Then Joshua called all Israel, their elders, their heads, and
their judges, and their prefects, and said to them, I am old and
stricken in years,

3. And you have seen all that .Jehovah yonr God has given to
all those nations in your sight, because Jehovah your God has
fought for you.

4. See that those remaining nations have been distributed to
you for an inheritance by your tribes, from the Jordan, and all the
nations which I have destroyed, even to the great sea towards the
setting of the sun.

5. And Jeliovah your God will himself drive them before you,
and will drive them out from your presence, and you shall possess
their land by hereditary right, as Jehovah your God spake to you.

6. Be very strong, therefore, to keep and do whatever is written
in the book of the law of Moses, not to recede from it, either to
the right hand or the left ;

7. Do not become mingled with those nations which remain with
you, and do not make mention of the name of their gods, nor swear
by them, nor serve them, nor bow yourselves to them ;

8. But cleave to Jehovah your God, as you have done even to
this day.

9. Therefore he lias driven out before you great nations and
strong, nor has any one stood in your presence even to this day.

10. One man of you has pursued a thousand, because Jehovah
your God is he who tighteth for you, as he had spoken to you.

11. Be very watchful over your souls in loving Jehovah your
God.

12. For if you shall turn and turn away, and adhere to those
remaining nations, those remaining nations, I say, which are with
you, and contract marriages with them, and mingle yourselves
with them, and they with you ;

13. Then know how that after this Jehovah your God will not
drive out all those nations from your face ; but they will be to you
for a snare, and an offence, and a scourge in your sides, and thorns
in your eyes, until you perish from that best land which Jehovah
your God has given you.

14. And lo, I am this day entering the way of all the earth ;
know, therefore, with your whole heart and your whole soul, that
not one word hath fallen of all the most excellent words which
Jehovah your God spake over you ; all things have haj^pened to
you ; not one word of them hath fallen.

15. Therefore, as every good word which Jehovah your God

X

322 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXIV. 1-12.

spake to you has been fulfilled, so Jehovah will bring upon you
every evil word, until he destroy you from that best land which
Jehovah your God hath given you.

16. When ye shall have transgressed the covenant of Jehovah
your God, which he commanded you, and shall have gone away
and served other gods, and bowed yourselves unto them, the wrath
of Jehovah will be kindled against you, and you will perish quickly
from the most excellent land which he hath given you.

CHAPTER XXIV.

1. And thus Joshua assembled all the tribes of Israel in Sichem,
and called the elders of Israel, and their heads, and their judges,
and their prefects ; and they stood before God.

2. And Joshua said unto the whole people. Thus saith Jehovah
the God of Israel, Tour fathers dwelt beyond the river at the be-
ginning, as Thare, the father of Abraham and father of Nachor,
and they served strange gods.

3. And I brought your father Abraham from the place which
was beyond the river, and I led him through the whole land of
Canaan, and I multiplied his seed and gave him Isaac.

4. And to Isaac I gave Jacob and Esau ; and to Esau I gave
mount Seir, that he might possess it ; but Jacob and his sons went
down into Egypt.

5. And I sent Moses and Aaron, and smote Egypt, as I did in
the midst of it, and I afterwards led you out.

6. And I led your fathers out of Egypt, and you came down to
the sea, and the Egyptians pursued your fathers with chariots and
horses even to the Red Sea.

7. Then they cried to Jehovah, and he placed darkness between
you and the Egyptians, and he brought the sea over him and
covered him ; and your eyes saw what I did in the desert, and ye
dwelt in the desert during many days.

8. Afterwards I brought you to the land of the Amorite, dwell-
ing beyond the Jordan ; and they fought with you, and I delivered
them into your hand ; and you possessed their land, and I destroyed
them before your face.

9. And Balac the son of Sippor, the king of Moab, rose up and
fought with Israel ; and he sent and called Bileara, the son of Beor,
to curse you.

10. And I refused to hear Bileam ; but blessing I blessed you,
and freed you from his hand.

11. And ye crossed the Jordan and came to Jericho, and the men
of Jericho, the Amorite, and the Perezite, and the Canaanite, and
the Hittite, atid the Girgashite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite
fought against you, and I delivered them into your hand.

12. And I sent before you hornets, who expelled them before

CHAP. XXIV, 1 3-28. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 323

your face, the two kings of the Amorite, not by thy sword nor by
thy bow.

13. And I gave to you a land in which you laboured not, and
cities which you built not, and you dwelt in them ; of vineyards
and oliveyards which ye planted not, ye eat.

14. Now therefore fear Jehovah, and serve him in perfection
and truth, and take away the gods which yoru* fathers served be-
yond the river and in Egypt, and serve Jehovah.

15. But if it is irksome to you to serve Jehovah, choose ye
this day whom ye are to worship ; whether the gods whom your
fathers who were beyond the river served, or the gods of the
Amorite, in whose land ye dwell ; but I and my house will wor-
ship Jehovah.

16. And the people answered him, saying. Far be it from us to
forsake Jehovah, by serving strange gods ;

17. For Jehovah our God is he who led us and our fathers out
of the land of Egypt, from the house of slaves, and who did in our
eyes those great signs : and he preserved us in all the way in which
we walked, and among all the nations through the midst of whom
we passed.

18. And Jehovah drove out all the nations, and also the Amorite,
the inhabitant of the land, from our face ; even will we serve
Jehovah, for he is our God.

19. And Joshua said unto the people. Ye will not be able to
serve Jehovah, inasmuch as he is a holy God, he is a jealous God ;
he will not spare your wickedness and your sins.

20. If ye shall forsake Jehovah, and serve a strange god, he will
turn, and do you evil, and consume you, after he hath done you good.

21. And the people answered him, By no means; but we will
serve Jehovah.

22. And Joshua said unto the people. Ye are witnesses against
yourselves, that ye have chosen Jehovah, to serve him ; and they
said, (We are) witnesses.

23. Now therefore take away the strange gods which are in the
midst of you, and incline your heart to Jehovah the God of Israel.

24. And the people answered, Jehovah our God will we serve,
and his voice will we obey.

25. Joshua therefore made a covenant with the people on that
day ; and held forth to them precept and judgment in Sichem.

26. Joshua wrote those words in the book of the law of God ;
he also brought a great stone, and placed it there beneath the oak
Avhich w^as in the sanctuary of Jehovah.

27. And Joshua said to all the people. Behold, that stone will
be for a testimony to you, for it has heard all the words of Jehovah
which he has spoken to us, and it will be for a testimony against
you, lest perchance ye lie against your God.

28. And Joshua sent back the people, every one to his own in-
heritance.

324? NEW TRANSLATION OF JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 29-o'3.

29. And these things having been done, Joshua the son of Nun,
the servant of Jehovah, died at the age of a hundred and ten years.

30. And they buried liim in the border of his inheritance in
Thimnat-serah, which is on mount Ephraim, to the north of mount
Gaas.

31. And Israel served Jehovah all the days of Joshua, and all the
days of the elders, who lived long after Joshua, and who had known
all the work of Jehovah, which he had done to Israel.

32. And the bones of Joseph, which the children of Israel had
brought out of Egypt, they buried in Sichem, in a part of the
field which Jacob had acquired from the children of Hamor, the
father of Sichem, for a hundred pieces of money, and the children
of Joseph had them in their possession.

33. Moreover, Eleazar the son of Aaron died, and they buried
him in Gibeath, belonging to Phinehas his son, which was given
liim in mount Ephraim.

THE END OF THE NEW TRANSLATION
OF THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

INDICES

COMMEKTARIES ON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.

II(DEX OF HEBREW WORDS EXPLAINED.

1, p. 25.
^iB', p. 31.
njIT, p. 43.

njir, p. 41.

B'-lp, p. 60, 112.

Din, p. 95.
03, p. 111.

yDK>, p. 155.

nai, p. 223.

INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO, QUOTED, OR
EXPLAINED.

GENESIS.

Chap. Ver.

Page

PSALMS.

LUKE.

vii. 2

173

Chap.

Ver.

Page

20

274

Chap. Ver.

Page

Chap. Ver.

Page

xii.

7

178

xvii. 16

169

XV. 4

143

xvii. 6

152

8

128

xxi. 23

130

XX. 7

169

xiii.

3

128

xxxii. 26,27

109

xliv. 3

171

15

178

31

75

274

JOHN.

XV.

18

22

277

Ixxii.

22

178

Ixxxix.

22

ix. 24

114

xvii.

14

78

JUDGES.

xcv. 8-11

38

xxi.

22,32

210

14

89

xxvii.

47

iii. 14

101

cxiv.

62

ACTS.

xxviii.

17

89

xxi 19

223

cxxii. 1, 2

133

11-19

128

cxxxii. 11

89

viii. 26

184

19

229

cxxxviii. 8

62

xxxiv.

80

1 SAMUEL

,.

cxlix. 6-9

158

xlix.

194

1 CORINTHIANS.

7

209

XV. 22

255

13,15

233

ISAIAH.

V. 4-6

103

27

228

vi. 12

254

2 SAMUEL

xxxviii. 5-8

155

X. 4

23

87
254

EXODUS.

i. 18

154

vi.

59

JEREMIAH.

iii.

5

89

X. 6

101

2 CORINTHIANS.

xii.

25,48

84

ii. 18

183

XX.

4

260

vii. 12

224

ix. 7

38

24

254

1 KINGS.

xviii. 3-6

164

xxiii.

32

173

xxi v. 2

163

xxxii.

34

87

xii. 28-33
xiii.

229
229

PHILIPPIANS.

xvi. 34

101

EZEKIEL.

iii. 14

183

LEVITICUS.

i.

88

xxvi.

1

260

2 KINGS.
ii. 5

101

HOSE A.

HEBREWS

NUIVIBERS

19-22

102

ix. 27

268

X. 29-31

229

iv. 15

229

xi. 1

52

iv.

15

59

xxiii. 15

229

X. 5,8

229

31

46

ix.

84

48

xiii.

4

42

xiii. 5

30

xxvi.

193

EZRA.

AMOS.

xxxiv.

5

183

193

ii. 28

128

iv. 4
v. 5

25

229

229

84

JAMES,
ii. 26

46

DEUT]

ERONO]

MY.

NEHEMIAH

[.

i.

22

42

iii. 2

102

MATTHEAV

2 PETER.

V.

8

260

vii. 32

128

32

265

xi. 32

128

xvii. 20

152

i. 12

263

GENERAL INDEX.

Abraham, the promise made to, 21,
27 ; the promise made to, known to
the Caiiaanites, 52 ; an idolater when
called to leave his country, 272 ;
fables of the Jews in regard to, 272,
273.

Achan, the sacrilege of, 111,112; mon-
strous stupor of, 112, 113 ; the con-
fusion of, 115; why the family of,
punished along witli him, 117 ; ex-
traordinary opinions on the subject,
118; apparent harshness of Joshua's
address to, 118,11 9.

Acsa, daughter of Caleb, the marriage
of, 206, 207 ; supposed craft and cu-
pidity of, 208, 209.

Adam, the town of, 65.

Affirmation often made in Hebrew by
a question, 34.

Age, different periods of, distinguished
by the Jews, 181.

Ai, overweening confidence displayed
in the attempt to take, 105 ; reasons
for the consternation into which
Joshua and the Israelites were
thrown by their defeat at, 106-
109 ; why stratagem rather than
open war used in the second attack
of, 122 ; number of troops employed
in the ambuscade against, 123, 124 ;
why ordered to be burnt like Jericho,
123 ; great blindness shewn by the
people of, 124 ; the course of the
battle at, 127 ; how said to be burnt
both by the ambuscade and after the
battle, 127; the rebuilding and sub-
sequent history of, 128 ; reasons of
the severe treatment of the king of,
129, 130 ; the burial of, why men-
tioned, 130.

Aina, subsequent name of Ai, 128.

Altar, the, erected by the two tribes
and half tribe, 23 ; the first erected
by Joshua in Canaan on Mount Ebal,

131 ; why erected of unhewn stones,

132 ; option given as to the form of,
132, 133 ; allowed to be built origi-
nally wherever ark was situated,
132 ; Mount Zion finally selected for
the fixed locality of, 1 33 ; more than
one why prohibited, 253, 254 ; ob-
ject of Reubenites, &c., in erecting
one, 25j-255.

Anachronisms in the Book of Joshua,

35, 36.
Anakim, terror of the Israelites for the,
195 ; difficulty of expelling, 197 ;
origin of tiie name of, 203.

Analog}', the, of Bishop Butler quoted,
97, 98.

Anathema, proper meaning of the term,
95.

Angel, the divine person Avho appeared
to Joshua, in what sense so called,
86.89.

Antiquities of Josephus referred to,
1 72.

Antilibauus, the origin of the name,
185.

Ark of the covenant, 59, 62, 63, wherein
its sacredness consisted, 63 ; a sym-
bol of the divine presence, 63.

Armies oftener defeated by sudden
terror than prowess, 49.

Arnon, the river, 188.

Ashdod or Azotus, 185.

Asher and Issachar, question as to the
allocation of territories to, 218; beau-
ty and fertility of the territory of the
tribe of Asher, 234.

Augustine refcri'ed to, 29.

Author of the book of Joshua, 17, 18.

328

GENERAL INDEX.

Authority, honour and reverence due
to persons invested with, 72.

Avites, probable government of tlie,
184.

Azotus or Ashdod, 185.

B

Baal-Peor, idolatry committed at, and
its punishment, 256.

Bacchides; the fortification of Jericho
by, 102.

Balaam, the death of, 189 ; his vain
attempts to injure the Israelites, 274.

Benjamites, Ai, after the Babylonish
captivity inhabited by the, 128 ; pe-
culiar feature in the character of the,
228 229.

Bethaven, meaning of the name of,
229.

Bethel, the inhabitants of, vuiited with
those of Ai, 125 ; and slaughtered
with them, 128 ; formerly called
Luz, 128 ; the situation of, 128 ; Ja-
cob's dream at, 128 ; the name of,
why chrinj;ed to Bethaven, 229.

Biblical Cyclopsedia quoted, 118.

Blessing and cursing, the respective
uses of, 1.54.

Book of Jdsher, what meant by the,
154.

Boundaries, importance of properly
defining, 188, 189, 190; boundaries
of the tribes, importance of accu-
rately defining the, 201.

Burial, humanity to be shewn even to
enemies in their, 130.

Butler, Bishop, quoted, 97, 98 ; refer-
red to, 189.

Calkb, Mount Hebi-on given to, 194 ;
why called a Kenite, 195 ; his cha-
racter and conduct, 195-198 ; his
conduct in promising to give his
daughter in marriage, 206, 207.

Cambyses, the Persian monarch, his
expedition against Greece, 184.

Canaan, divine promise as to, suspend-
ed, 18, 19 ; the whole land of, how
said to have been taken by Joshua,
1 76 ; the conqtiest of, why made gra-
dually, 172, 173, 176.

Canaanites, acquainted with the pro-
mise made to Abraham, 52 ; effect
produced by the passage of the Jor-
dan on the, 77 ; promiscuous slaugh-
ter of, how justifiable, 97 ; how
doomed to destruction, and yet offer-

ed peace on submission, ] 38, 1 39 ;
judicial blindness of the, 166.
Captain of the Lord's Host, a title of
Christ, the only-begotten Son ot
God, 87, 88.
Caudine jieace, crafty repudiation of,

by the Romans, 144.
Caution, the use of, not inconsistent

with genuine faith, 54.
Children, made to suffer by the sins of
their parents, 79 ; how punished for
the sins of their parents, 117 ; ad-
mitted as witnesses of the proceed-
ings on Ebal and Gerizim, 134.

Christ, liow the thoughts of the Israel-
ites were raised to, 22 ; the head of
the church, 22 ; David a type of, 22 ;
how very God, and yet said to be
inferior to God, 88 ; his appearance
in human form under the Old Tes-
tament, 88.

Church, history of the, originally drawn
up by the Levites, 17 ; Christ, head
of the, 22 ; divine grace displayed
in the admission of Rahab into the,
44 ; iChiist, head of the, 87 ; the
great crime of disturbing the, 119 ;
schemes of the reprobate against
the, how defeated, 130".

Cicero referred to, 54.

Circumcision, renewal of, 19 ; its na-
ture, 77 ; omission and revival of,
78, 79, 83 ; an initiatory rite prepa-
ratory to the Passover, 79,

Cities, question as to overleaping the
walls of, 54; cities of the Israelites,
the number of the, when the pro-
mised land was allotted, 209, 218.

Clarke, Dr. Edward, his travels refer-
red to, 234.

Claudian quoted, 152.

Clemency, genuine, the nature of, 163.

Coele Syria, the meaning of the name,
and the beautiful valley of, 1 85.

Command of God to destroy the Ca-
naanites, not inconsistent with offer-
ing them peace, 174, 175.

Computation, Hebrew mode of, 149.

Confessions of truth extorted from un-
b(^lievers, 75.

Confidence and distrust, their opposite
tendencies, 27, 34 ; confidence in
God should be unlimited, 185.

Constancy, how far commendable,
196.

Contracts, how far voided by fraud,
137, 139, 142-145.

Country, nature and extent of our ob-
ligation to our, 46.

Covenant with the Israelites, how ac-

GENERAL INDEX.

329

complished, 18, 19 ; re-establish-
ment of the, 1 9.

Crimes, private, how converted into
public, 103, 104, HI ; important
ends gained by this conversion of,
104.

Cursing and blessing, the respective
uses of, 1 34.

Cyclopaedia of Biblical literature quo-
ted, 1 1 8.

D

Danger of provoking the wrath of God,
159.

David, a type of Christ, 22 ; bounda-
ries of Palestine extended by, 29.

Dead Sea, its depth beneath the level
of the ocean, 57.

Death, even in its worst forms, and
when inflicted as puuislunent, may
be only a medicine, 117 ; death and
life, God the Sovei'eign Disposer of,
118.

Debir, 17.

Delay, danger of, in regard to the dis-
charge of duty, 210.

Distrust and confidence, their opposite
tendencies, 27, 34.

Dread, or Pavor, heathen deity so called,
49.

Duration of the wars of Joshua, 172.

Duty, our ingenuity in devising pi"e-
texts for evading, 170.

E

Ebal, the altar erected on Mount, 131 ;
order of narrative respecting it, 131.

Egypt, river of, 22 ; what meant by
the reproach of, 81 ; what meant by,
183.

Eleazar, probable author of the Book
of Joshua, 17.

El Hule, modern name of Lake Me-
rom, 168.

Elements of nature subject to God, G3.

Elijah, miracles performed by, 152, 153.

Elisha, miraculous cure of the waters
of Jericho by, 102.

Ephraim and Manasseh, the territories
of, how mixed up, 212-217 ; Eph-
raim, the improper conduct of, 212.

Euphrates, 22, 28.

Examination, the necessity of serious
self, 276.

Excommunication, a form of partial, 80.

Expediency, i-egard to be had to, 254.

Expedient and lawful, distinction be-
tween, 143.

Experimental knowledge, a help to

faith, 62.
Ezra, the Book of Joshua has been

ascribed to, 18.

Faith and unbelief contrasted, 30 ;
distinction between genuine and
spurious, 48-52 ; faith, genuine, not
inconsistent with the use of cau-
tion, 54 ; characteristic features of,
59, 60 ; aided by experimental
knowledge, 62 ; seals of, 62 ; dis-
play of, by the Israelites at Jericho,
97 ; the power and privilege of,
152, 153 ; the tendency of, to faint
and fall away, if not supplied with
new nourishment, 167.

Faithfulness, the Divine, never fails,
19 ; manifestations of, 20-22 ; Di-
vine, not frustrated by human
cowardice, 248.

Falsehood, never justifiable, 47 ; at-
tempted justification of, by Jesuits
and Romish casuists, 47.

Fathers, Christian, the opinion of the,
as to the angel who appeared under
the Old Testament, 88.

Figs, early, application of the simile
of, 163.

First fruits claimed by God in the
taking of Jericho, 95, 116.

Flax, stalks of, used by Rahab in con-
cealing the spies, 45.

Fraud, how far conti'acts are voided
by, 137, 139, 142-145.

G

Gad, the tribe of, 23.

Galilee, Sea of, its depth beneath the
level of the ocean, 57.

Gaza, origin of the name of, 184 ; its
proper site, 184, 185.

Geneva, presentiment of decline in the
Church of, 282.

Gennesaret or Cineroth Sea, 179.

Geography, biblical, importance of,
57 ; biblical, advantage to be de-
rived from a knowledge of, 179 ;
facilities for the study of biblical,
201.

Gerizim and Ebal, remarkable pro-
ceedings at, 131, 133, 134.

German rationalists referred to, 35 ;
translation of the Bible referred to,
39, 64.

Gesenius, the Hebi'ew Grammar of,
referred to, 184.

38C

GENERAL INDEX.

Giants, the race of, in Canaan, 175 •,
the subjugation of the, 17a.

Gibeon, the situation of, 149; stand-
ing of the sun in, 1. 52- 154.

Gibeonites, the, crafty proceedings of,
137 ; the league formed with, how
far binding, 137-139, 142, 143 ; si-
tuation of the capital of the, 140 ;
domestic slavery imposed on the,
144, 145; the combination of the
kings against, 148; order of narra-
tive respecting this combination,
148. 150.

Gilgal, monument of, crossing the Jor-
dan, erected at, 67, 68, 74; name of,
74, 82; situation of, 149, 150; per-
manent camp of the Israelites at,

150, 157, 164 ; locality of, 168.
God, how said to become present to

us, 8o ; how said to be above all
gods, 260.

Gods, heathen, favouritism and imagi-
nary wars of, 51.

Going out and. in, what meant by, in
Hebrew, 196.

Grace, special, exemplified in Rahab,
99.

Grief, modes of expressing, 107; car-
ried to a preposterous length by Jo-
shua and the elders, 107.

Grotius, the opinion of, as to the Angel
of the Covenant, 88; his attempt to
shew that the children of Aclian
were not put to death, 118.

Guilt, brought to light in its own time,
113; delay of the punishment of, no
signof final impunity, 113; personal
universal consciousness of, 164.

H

Hail, which destroyed the Canaanitish
kings, not common, but miraculous,

151, 152.

Hanging, why declared to be an abo-
mination, 1 30.

Hardening of the reprobate, 174, 175.

Head of the Church, Christ the, 87.

Hebrew, affirmative in, often made by
a question, 34; copulative particle,
25,35 ; modes of computation, 149 ;
the pronunciation of, 184; the mean-
ing of "going out and in" in, 196;
common nouns often used as proper
names, 189.

Hebron, 17; how granted to Caleb, and
yet made a Levitieal city, 198, 199.

Hiel, the rebuilding of Jericho by, 101.

High priest, duty of, to instruct both
orally and by writing, 17.

Holy ground, why the place where the
angel or captain of the Lord's host
stood, is called, 89; Holy Land, the
boundaries of, 183, 184.

Honour and reverence due to persons
invested with authority, 72 ; anxiety
of Joshua to maintain the Divine,
108, 109.

Horses of the Canaanites, why ordered
to be destroyed, 169.

Husbands, the duty of, to repress un-
reasonable demands by their wives,
208.

Hypocrites, the abandoned wickedness
of, in appealing to the Almighty,
259.

Idolaters and false worshippers, dan-
ger of intercourse with, 265, 266.

Idolatry, remarkably rapid progress
of, 272, 273 ; did the secret practice
of, exist among the Jews in the
time of Joshua'? 279.

Image-worship of Rome, not counte-
nanced by the altar of the Reuben-
ites, &c., 259, 260.

Impunity, fi])al, not proved by the sus-
pension of punishment, 1 62.

Isaiiih, the Book of Joshua has been
ascribed to, 1 8.

Israelites, misconduct of the, 20, 21 ;
punishment of the, 21, 27, 28; their
zeal for pure worship, 23; mercy
mingled with judgment in the treat-
ment of the, 28 ; improved charac-
ter of, under Joshua, 72; rash pro-
ceeding of the, in regard to the
Gibeonites, 140; why so easily im-
posed upon, 140.

Issachar and Asher, question as to the
allocation of territories to, 218.

Jabok, the brook of, 179.

Jacob, the prophecy of, 23 ; the re-
markable predictions of, 233, 234.

Jaslier, what meant by the Book of,
154.

Jehovah, the true attributes of, 51 ;
the name often given to a divine
angel, 87.

.Jericho, 19; the inhabitants of, judi-
cially blinded, 45 ; fears and dangers
of messengers sent to, 45-48; season
of the year when attack made on,
45 ; apparent inadequacy of the
means proposed for the capture of,

GENERAL INDEX.

331

92, 93 ; why a curse pronounced
on tlie rebuilding of, 101; tlie re-
building of, by Keil, 101; the subse-
quent history of, 101, 102.

Jerusalem or Jebus, long possession
of, by the Caraanites, 202, 203.

Jesuits, errors of, on the subject of
truth and falsehood, 47.

Jewish RabbinSj their opinions as to
the angel who appeared to Joshua,
88.

Jordan, passage of the, 19; fords of
the, 36 ; description of the river
and valley of the, 57 ; natural diflti-
culties of crossing the, 58, 64; the
spot where the Israelites crossed
the, 65 ; height of water in the,
when it was crossed, 64, 73.

Joseph, question as to the lot assigned
to the sons of, 218-220.

Josephus, an absurd interpretation by,
82; referred to, 128, 172.

Joshua, Book of, number of years
embraced by, and division of, 24; a
continuation of Deuteronomy, 25;
not necessarily author of the Book
bearing his name, 1 7; materials of
the Book of, how probably furnished,
1 7 ; doctrine of the Book of, dictated
by the Holy Spirit, 18 ; writing by,
18; important truths taught by the
divine dealings with, 19; sun stopped
by, 20; division of the land by, not
elusory, 23; though-a model of cour-
age, required to be stimulated, 39 ;
his appointment as leader, 26,
30 ; his implicit obedience to the
divine command, 68, 69; honour paid
to, 70-73 ; the remarkable vision
of, 86; his probable employment at
the time, 86; character of the divine
person who appeared to, 86-89-, his
valour, disinterestedness, and zeal
for the divine glory, 129 ; his con-
fidence in commanding the sun and
moon, on what founded, 152, 153;
his abstinence and prompt obedience
pi'aised, 170 ; did not act from pas-
sion in slaying the Canaanites, 170 ;
time occupied by the wai's of, 1 72 ;
the honorary patrimony of Timnath-
Serah assigned to, 237, 238; the
parting address of, a model to all in
authority, 263; apparent contradic-
tion in the parting address of, 276,
277; his written account of it, 281 ;
the burial of, "282.

Judah, its pre-eminence among the
tribes, 105; scandal inflicted by
Aehan on the tribe of, 105; prefer-

ence given to the tribe of, 201 ;
extent and fertility' of their terri-
tory, 201, 202; moderation dis-
played by the tribe of, 231.

Judges, the Book of, why so called, 17.

Judgment-seat of heaven, not subject
to our laws, 163.

Judgments, divine, to be soberly in-
quired, not curiously pried into, 111.

Judicial blindness of ihe Canaanites
inflicted out of favour to the Israel-
ites, 166, 167.

Jupiter Stator, vows made by hea-
thens to, 49.

K

Kenite, Caleb, why called a, 195.

Kings of Canaan, league of the, 19,
20; the sacred dignity of, and re-
verence due to, 158 ; in national
guilt more criminal than their sub-
jects, 158 ; reasons for the severe
punishment inflicted on the Ca-
naanitish, 158, 159.

Kirjath Arba, or Ciriath Arba, origin
of the name of, 198.

Lachish, the situation of, 148.

Law, necessity of studying and observ-
ing the, 31, 32; to be observed
simply without addition or diminu-
tion, 32; necessity of zeal and dili-
gence in executing the, 251; the
vanity of observing the external
form of, without true affection, 266.

Lawful and expedient distinction be-
tween, 143.

Lebanon, 28; the mountains of, 57 ;
inundations caused in the Jordan by
the melting of the snows of, 57, 58;
district of, 179; the extent of, 185.

Leontes, the valley of Ccele-Syria
watered by the, I 85.

Leshem, an anticipation of the order
of, narrative with reference to, 236,
237.

Levi, the punishmfent denounced
against the tribe of, converted into
an honourable distinction, 230, 246.

Levi-ben-Gerson referred to, 153.

Levites, orders of, originally employ-
ed in recording the history of the
Churcl), 17 ; the subsistence of the,
186, 190, 194.

Levitical cities, the appointment of,
243, 244 ; indulgence shewn in the
locahties selected, 244.

GENEKAL INDEX.

Lie, a particular form of, called Meti-
dacium Officiosum, considered, 47.

Life and death, God the sovereign
disposer of, 118 ; life, God the so-
vereign disposer of, 1 64.

Litigation, proneness of men to engage
in, 188.

Lord's Supper, analogy between the
Passover and the, 79, 80 ; usually
administered only to the baptized,
80.

Luther, his translation of the Bible
referred to, G4, 102, 109, 275.

Luz, the original name of Bethel, 128.

Lying, metaphorical use of the term,
'ill, 281.

M

Magistrates and persons in authority

bound to consult the interests of

posterity, 263, 264.
Maimonides referred to, 153.
Man, nature of Christ's appearance as

a, under the Old Testament, 88.
Manasseh, the half tribe of, 23 ; Eph-

raim and, the territories of, how

mixed up, 212 ; question as to the

children and descendants of, 215.
Manna, final cessation of, 85.
Massacre of the Canaanitish women

and children, how justified, 1 63, 1 64.
Mediator, divine promises confirmed in

the hand of a, 22 ; under the Old

Testament Christ the only, 87 ;

Christ as. by dispensation inferior

to God, 88.
Mediterranean or Great Sea, 28.
Mendacium officiosum, nature of the

lie so called, 47.
Mercy exercised contrai'y to divine

authority detestable, 158.
Merom, the nature and locality of lake

of, 168, 169 ; modern name of, 168;

battle fought at, 168.
Messiah, the reign of, 22.
Might divine, often concealed under

apparent weakness, 93.
Military discipline why discouraged

among the Israelites, 169.
Miracle of crossing the Jordan, 64, 65;

explained to priests and people be-
fore actually performed, 60, 61.
Miracle of hail which destroyed the
' Canaanitos, 1 5 1 , 1 52 ; of the sun and

moon standing still in Gibeon and

Ajalon, 152-154.
Moab, plains of, 57.
Modesty and sobriety, the importance

of, 32.

Monuments of, crossing the Jordan at
Gilgal, 67, 68; and in the Jordan
itself, 68, 69 ; use of the latter mo-
nument, 68, 69.

Moses, why called a servant of God,
26 ; nature of the promise made to,
27.

jNIount Zion set apart for the Temple,
224.

Mouth, metaphorical meaning of the
word, 33.

N

Naphtali, proper boundaries of the

tribe of, 236.
Narrative, anticipations of, in the book

of Joshua, 35, 36.
Nile, the river, meaning of the name,

183 ; was it one of the boundaries

of the promised land ? 183,
Novelties, danger of introducing, 254.

O

Oath, the exacted, by Rahab from the

spies, 52, 53.
Oaths, nature and solemn obligation of,

142, 143.
Obligations not fully discharged unless

performed cheerfully, 38.
Operations, divine, not left unfinished,

62.
Origen, the sixth homily of, referred

to, 88.

Palestine, boundaries of, 28, 29 ; ex-
tension of, by David and Solomon,
29 ; why left indefinite, 22, 29.

Parents punished in the persons of
their children, 79 ; power of, in re-
gard to the marriage of their chil-
dren, 207.

Particles, Hebi'ew, 55.

I'assover, under ordinary cii'cum-
stances, celebrated only by the cir-
cumcised, 79 ; deviation from this
ordinary rule, 79, 80, 83,84; ana-
logy between the Lord's Supper and
the, 79, 80.

Patience of God, the danger of abus-
ing, 162.

Pavor, or Dread, heathen deity so call-
ed, 49.

Peace, were the Israelites at liberty
to offer it to the Canaanites ? 173,
174.

People, deference paid to their leaders
by the, 144.

GENERAL INDEX.

Permissive power, absurdity of limit-
ing the agency of God to, 1 75.

Perseverance, in good beginnings, ne-
cessary, 196.

Phinehas, the book of Joshua has been
ascribed to, 18; his embassy to the
Reubenites, &.C., 255, 261.

Phoenicians, extent of territory be-
longing to the, 185.

Popish sanctuaries, contrast between
and the Jewish cities of refuge, 240.

Popular feeling, concession to, in the
burning of Ai, 123.

Power, permissive divine agency not
limited to, 1 75.

Prayer, howapt to be vitiated, 107, 108.

Presumption, human, manifested in
arrogating the honour due only to
God, 274.

Pretexts for evading divine commands,
ingenuity of man in devising, 170.

Priests, display of faith in crossing the
Jordan by the, 59, 64, 70.

Promised land, question as to the mode
of dividing the, 192, 193 ; no failure
of tlie divine predictions in regard
to the conquest of, 247, 248.

Promises, bare, not sufficient without
other stimulants, 30,31; promises
and oath, strict fidelity to be ob-
served in, 99; divine promises no
excuse for sluggishness, 151; pro-
mises of God, certain fulfilment of
the, 173.

Prosperitv, what meant by sacrifices
of, 133"

Punishment, suspended, no pi'oof of
final impunity, 162.

Purification, legal, occasions when re-
quired, 60; purification, external,
the objects served by, 1 12.

Q

Question, affirmative, fomn of, in He-
brew, 34.

R

Rauab, absurd fictions of the Rabbins
in regard to, 43; her admission into
the Church a display of divine grace,
44 ; questions raised as to the con-
duct of, 46; genuineness and strength
of the faith of, 4 8, 52 ; oath exacted
by, 52, 53 ; faithful fulfilment of the
promise made to, 99 ; an example
of special grace, 99 ; she and her
family, why placed ^vithout the
camp, 99, 100.

Rams' horns, why given to the priests
to blow with at Jericho, and not the
usual silver trumpets, 94 ; the divine
authority represented by, 94.

Reasons for dividing those parts of the
promised land not yet occupied by
the Israelites, 182.

Rebecca, the conduct of, in the case of
Jacob and Esau, 47.

Red Sea, passage of the, 1 9 ; famous
in Canaan, 44 ; Red Sea and Jordan,
similarity of the miracles performed
in crossing the, 75.

Refuge, the appointment of cities of,
239 ; was there undue delay in ap-
pointing them ? 239; important ends
secured by, 240.

Repentance, external manifestations
of, 107, 110, 111.

Reprobate, their devices against the
Church, how defeated, 136 ; infatua-
tion of the, 136; the hardening of
the, 175.

Resurrection, sepulture a symbol of
the, 283.

Reuben, the tribe of, 23 ; conditions on
■which an inheritance beyond the
Jordan was granted to the, 37.

Reubenites, Gadites, &c., discharge of
the, from lurther military service,
250, 251 ; erection of an altar by
the, 253.

Reward, the acceptance of, not incon-
sistent with disinterestedness, 237,
238.

Rhinocolura, or Rhinocorui-a, the site
of, 183.

Riha, a modern village supposed to be
upon the site of Jericho, 102.

Romans, crafty repudiation of the
Caudine peace by the, 144.

Romish, casuists' errors of, on the
subject of truth and falsehood, 47 ;
Romish imago worship, not counte-
nanced by the altar of the Reuben-
ites, &c., 259, 260.

Romulus, conduct of, in slaying his
brother, 54.

Sabbath, observance of the, 85.

Sacrifice, the first extraordinary, of-
fered in the land of Canaan, 1 31.

Sacrifices offered by the Israelites in
the desert, while uncircumcised,
83.

Saints, the imperfections of, not wholly
destructive of the good qualities of
their actions, 47.

SS4

GENERAL INDEX.

Salvation, right mode of prosecuting
our, 62.

Samuel, tlie Book of, narrates events
subsequent to Samuel's death, 1 7 ;
Book of Joshua sometimes ascribed
to, 18.

Sanctuaries, Popish, contrast between,
and the Jewish cities of refuge, 240.

Scripture, infidel attempts to impugn
the accuracy of, 64 ; light thrown
upon by modern travellers, 179.

Self-deception, liow easily men fall
into, 278 ; self-examination, the im-
portance of, 276 -, self-partiality, the
frequency of, 279.

Selfis-hness, proneness of mankind to,
214, 213.

Septuagint referred to, 25, 35, 38-
40,64,65, 92, 102, 109, 131, 147,
173, 251, 252, 270, 275, 279, 280 ;
mode of expressing Hebrew cha-
racters in, 1 84.

Sepulture, why so often and so honour-
ably mentioned in Scripture, 283.

Servant of God, what implied by the
designation, 26.

Servants of God, how special gifts are
bestowed upon, and fit successors
appointed to, 19.

Shiloh, celebrated convention at, 222 ;
the site of, 223 ; ark stationed at,
223.

Shoes, what implied in the order to
.Joshua to take off his, 89.

Sidon, why called great, 169.

Simeon, peculiar situation of the tribe
of, 209 ; the reason of it, 209.

Sins, private, sometimes punished na-
tionally, 256.

Sittim, or Shittim, where situated, 39.

Slaughter of Canaanites, how justifi-
able, 97.

Slaughters by Joshua, inflicted judi-
cially, under divine authority, and
not from passion, 170.

Slavery imposed on the Gibeonites,
144, 145.

Sluggishness, pernicious consequences
of, 217.

Spear of Joshua, why lifted up, 126.

Spies, object of sending, to Jericho,
42, 43 ; probably sent by divine
authority, 43 ; fears and dangers
of the, 4.5, 48 ; Joshua's wise selec-
tion of the, 55.

Spirit, Holy, guidance by the, not in-
consistent with partial mistakes,
230, 231.

Splendour, worldly, annihilated by the

Lord, when he sits on his tribunal,
160.

Stimulants necessary to rouse men
from their natural torpor, 100 ; ne-
cessary to secure the performance
of duty, 239.

Stones, a heap of, why placed over the
spot whei-e Achan was executed,
119; at Mount Ebal, the writing
inscribed on the, 133; purposes
served by the, l'd3.

Stratagem, whether justifiable in war,
125.

Sun, the standing still of the, a great
miracle, 153, 154 ; absurdity of at-
tempting to explain it, 154 ; simi-
larity of the miracle in the'case of
Hezekiah, 155.

Surveyors of the Promised Land, na-
ture of the task assigned to the, 224,
226.

Swearing to one's hurt, what meant
by, 143.

Sword of justice not committed to all
indiscriminately, 254, 255, 268.

Tables of the covenant deposited in
the ark, 63.

Tautology, instance of apparent, 185,
186.

Terah, fable of the Jews, in regard
to, 272.

Theodosius, panegyric of Claudian on,
152.

Threatenings, divine, never in vain,
21 ; how fulfilled, 27 ; and pro-
mises, both necessary to promote
religious progress, 267.

Tiberias, Lake of, 57.

Timnath-Serah, the honorary patri-
mony assigned to Joshua, 237, 238.

Travellers, modern, light thrown upon
the Scriptures by, 179.

Tribes of Israel left beyond the Jor-
dan, how protected, 71.

Tribunal, the Lord, when seated on
his, annihilates all worldly splen-
dour, 160.

Trumpets, silver, why substituted by
rams' horns at the taking of J ericho,
94.

Truth, precious in the sight of God, 47.

U

U.NBELiEVEES, confessioDS of truth ex-
torted frgpi, 75.

GENERAL INDEX.

335

Uzzahj the punishment of, 59.

V

Valley of the Jordan, 57.

Victories, continned, easy and rapid, of
Joshua, bespeak the presence of
divine agency, 162.

Victuals of the Gibeonites, what meant
by the I.sraelites taking of the, 140,

Vulgate, translation of the Bible re-
ferred to, 65.

scension to, 55 ; apparent, divine
might often concealed under, 93.

Wives, duty of husbands to, repress
unreasonable demands by, 208.

Word of God, necessity of strictly ob-
serving the, 3.3.

Works of God, utility of considering
the, 76.

Worship, divine, offered only to God,
88.

Wrath of God, danger of provoking
the, 159.

W

Walls of cities, question as to over-
leaping the, 54.

War, stratagem justifiable in, 125 ;
faith once pledged to be strictly
kept in, 125.

Warlike array, the intoxicating effects
of, 169.

Wars of Joshua, time occupied by the,
172.

Weakness, human, the divine conde-

Z

Zareptan, the town of, 65.

Zeal, only when duly regulated, is ap-
proved by God, 94 ; holy, how dis-
played, 254, 255.

Zelmlun, clear fulfilment of prophecy
in the allocation of the tribe of, 233 ;
beauty and fertility of its territory,
234.

Zelophehad, portion assigned to the
daughters of, 214, 215.

CALVIN

AS AN INTERPEETEB OF

THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.

TRANSLATED FROM TUE GERMAN OF

PROFESSOR THOLUCK OF HALLE,

BY

PROFESSOR WOODS OF ANDOVER.

TO WUICU ARE ADDED,

OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

OF FOREIGN AND BRITISH DIVINES AND SCHOLARS AS TO THE VALUE AND
IMPORTANCE OF THE WRITINGS OF

JOHN CALYIN.

" NON TAMEN OMNINO POTUIT MORS INVIDA TOTUM
TOLLERE CALVINUM TERRIS ; J£TERNA MANEBUNT
INGENir MONUMENTA TUI : ET LIVORIS INIQUI
LAKGUIDA PAULATIM CUM FLAMMA RESEUERIT, OMNKS
RELIGIO QUA PURA NITET SE FUNDET IN ORAS
FAMA TUI."

Buchaiiani Poemata.

PREFATORY NOTICFJ

Public attention has of late been earnestly directed to the
writings of John Calvin. Im2}ortant and vital questions,
involving: the fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith
and the very existence of the Church of Christ, had awakened
religious inquiry. Our older divines have been dragged forth
from their obscurity, and have laid open unexplored treasures
of piety, wisdom, and eloquence. Much care and industry
has been employed, and more is urgently needed, to examine
the claims of those authors, and to ascertain their compara-
tive value. When a mass of theological writings — prodigious
beyond what will easily be believed — shall have been thrown
into the crucible, and the dross carefully separated, the gold
obtained from them will exhibit very different proportions
from what had been previously conjectured. A verdict long
ago pronounced on the Greek and Latin Fathers, and indo-
lently approved by successive ages, is undergoing a review.
The result is not doubtful. Already they begin to take a
lower place, and will sink more deeply in general estimation.
Neither Chrysostom, nor Origen, nor Theodoret, nor Cyprian,
nor Augustine, will ever regain the lofty position which they
had been permitted to occupy.^ Placed side by side with

1 The Preface liere reprinted was written by the Rev. W. Pringle, to
whom the Calvin Society are indebted for several valuable translations, and
was prefixed to an edition of Tholuck's " Merits," which he superintended
in 1845, and accompanied M'ith various opinions and testimonies. To
these considerable additions have now been made.

^ John Daille (1594-1670) had led the way in this discussion by his
excellent work, " On the Right Use of the Fathers." One knows not
whether to admire most the learning, or the boldness, or the sound judg-
ment, or the vigorous and comprehensive views of that Author, who
reaped so rich a harvest, and left nothing more than a few gleanings to

340 PREFATORY NOTICE.

tlic giants of the Reformation, they are found not to surpass
them in talent and genius^ and not to equal them in learning
and judgment.

A different course of events had led to the same results
on the Continent of Europe. Neology, rejecting all that is
peculiar to the religion of Christ, was fighting, under false
colours, the battles of infidelity, and preparing for a holder
avowal of its most pernicious tenets, while strangely enough
it assumed the title of Rational Christiayiity. The high pre-
tensions of that school in philology, antiquities, and every
department of biblical learning, had struck disma}^ into the
liearts of their opponents, and threatened to produce wide
devastation. When the field appeared to be won, and little
more remained than to proclaim a triumph, they were sum-
moned to encounter a determined band, whom they at first
treated with affected derision, but by whom they will ere
long be overmatched. The tide of Avar is already turned,
and we trust that the hosts of the Lord will march forward
to possess the land. Yet we cannot disguise from ourselves,
that among the ranks of this noble army are heard sounds
that grate upon the ear, remnants of the language of Ash-
dod, that proclaim a less honourable descent, and painfully
contrast with the purer dialect of Canaan, to which they are
gradually approaching.

Though the religious aspect of our continental neiglibours
may not be viewed by us with unmingled satisfaction, we
hail with devout gratitude a new and auspicious era on
which they have entered. Having too long drunk the pol-
luted streams of Neology, they are repairing with delight to
the fountain of revealed truth. A voice has been heard,
proclaiming, Thus saitli the Lord, Stand ye in the ways and
see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and
walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your soids. (J or. vi.
16.) lievering the Word of God as the standard of ulti-
mate appeal, they begin to inquire what assistance may

the industry of later times. But his invahiuble services were, for a long
time, confined chiefly to the learned ; and it is only within a comparatively
recent period that the authority of the Fathers has become a question of
e:cneral interest.

PRKFATOKY NOTICE. o41

be derived from tlie once venerated Reformers in ascer-
taining the import of tlie Sacred Volume. The writings
of Luther, Camerarius, and Melanchthon, have been ex-
plored, and have awakened delighted surprise, not only by
tlie rich stores of knowledge which they contain, but by
a freshness and originality of illustration of which few
were aware.

Among the great men who adorned the age of the
Reformation, the superlative worth of Calvin is almost
universally acknowledged. He is pronounced to be the
ablest theologian, and safest guide to the interpretation of
Scripture. His Commentaries and Institutes are republished,
and widely circulated, in Germany in the original Latin.
His French treatises are presented to liis countrymen in
their native garb, and — in some instances at least — are com-
mitted to the care of Editors who are attracted chiefly by
their admirable style. Within our own country, The Calvin
Translation Society undertakes to present the writings of
Calvin in a modern dress not unworthy of their distin-
guished Author.'

So remarkable a concurrence of events appeared to the
Editor of this little Avork a proper occasion for investigating
the peculiar excellencies of the writings of Calvin. He is
not avA'are that they have ever been subjected to a critical
examination more full, judicious, and searching, than in
the Dissertation of Professor Tholuck, which appeared in
the " Literary Advertiser for Christian Theology^ and Ge-
neral Intelligince for 1831,"^ and a translation of which,
by Professor Woods of Andover — now reprinted without
alteration either in the text or notes — was contributed to
the (American) Biblical Repository, in the following year.

' In tlie Prospectus of The Calvin Society, it was proposed to re-
print such of the old Translations as were deemed worthy of being pre-
served ; and, accordingly, reprints of the Commentaries on the Epistle to
the Romans, translated by Rosclell, and of the Acts of the Apostles, trans-
lated by Fcthcrstone, were included in the issues of the first year. But
it Avould appear that the old Translations are now considered fo be im-
suitable to modern taste : for it has been formally announced by the
Council, that " (xU the subsequent issues iv ill be new and oruj'mal Trans-
lations."

' Literarischer Auzeiijcr fiir ChristUchc Tlieulogie und Wissenschaft.

S4)2 PREFATORY NOTICE.

In some points, and these not immaterial, tlie Editor is
compelled to dissent from that judgment ; for Dr. Tholuck —
though justly ranked among evangelical writers, and honoured
of God to defend precious truths against formidable assailants
— is not a Galvinist. He frankly avows the peculiarities of
his creed, and he does so under circumstances which did not
seem to render that avowal at all necessary. After having
exhibited, in a great variety of lights, the exegetical writings
of the Reformer, and bestowed on them high but discrimi-
nating praise, he expresses solicitude lest their diffusion may
aid the progress of what he is pleased to call " the partial
views of Calvinism."^ True, he describes Predestination
simply as an "extreme," acknowledges that "a profound
truth lies at the foundation of Calvinism," and denounces, in
no measured terms, " the iveakness of a carnal Pelagianism."
All this may encourage the belief that Tholuck is nearer to
Calvinism than he is aware ; that, under some modification
not satisfactorily explained to his own mind, he already
liolds the doctrine of Predestination ; and that, under the
guidance of the Divine Spirit which he unquestionably
enjoys, he will, at no distant period, give full admission to
the leading tenet of Cnlvinism as a portion of revealed truth.
But though his creed were at a still greater remove from the
standard of orthodoxy, his eulogy would only be the more
disinterested, and ought not to be supposed to be less cordial,
since Arminius^ himself has spoken of the Institutes, and
especially of the Commentaines, in language as unqualified
as it would be safe to employ in reference to a human pro-
duction !

Not less strongly does the Editor dissent from Tholuck's
approbation of some views entertained by Calvin. The
grand outline of Calvin's manner appears to him to be faith-
fully sketched, and filled up with the hand of a master ; but
there are a few strokes which, though intended to heighten,
served rather to deform the picture. In all that is said
about Calvin's candour and impartiality, and freedom from
the prejudices of his age, he fully agrees; but regrets to

' Page 375. * See page 388.

PREFATORY NOTICE. S43

find certain passages adduced in proof of those excellencies,
wliicli Calvin's warmest admirers in this country will unite
in regarding as unseemly spots, the aberrations of a judg-
ment which was rarely at fault. On minor details, where
there is room for great variety of opinion, it is unnecessary
to anticipate the decision of the public ; but the hope may
be indulged, that an estimate not lightly formed by one of
the ablest of biblical critics, will obtain from all classes a
respectful consideration.

To the Critical Dissertation of Tholuck are appended
Opinions and Testimonies of Foreign and British Divines
and Scholars, from Calvin's age to our own time. They
will serve to shew that, with a unanimity of which it would
be difficult to find another example, men who diifer widely
in matters of doctrine, worship, discipline, and government,
and whose talents and acquirements entitle them to be heard,
with attention, assign to Calvin the highest rank among
theologians. The learned Dr. Samuel Patrick gratified the
admirers of Homer by collecting from various sources the
tributes of homage which had been paid to his favourite
author.^ When the divisions which have existed among the
followers of Christ, and the tendency of those divisions to
detract from well-earned reputation, are taken into account,
the unbounded admiration with which Homer is regarded
throughout the civilized world, will appear to be hardly less
remarkable than the zeal with which Christians of every
name have disregarded their mutual differences, that they
might honour the memory of Calvin.

The Opinions and Testimonies have been arranged with
some attention to chronological order, but with a due ad-
mixture of the various classes of authors, whose singular
unanimity it was desirable to place in an advantageous light.
If this little work shall reach a Second Edition, that part of
it may be enlarged. Those who take an interest in this
object, and whose reading may supply them with Testimonies
which have not fallen under the Editor's observation, are
requested to forward them to the Editor, accompanied by a

^ A-^aria Elogia seu Testimonia de Homero, ex diversis Auctoribus, turn
antiquis, turn neotericis collecta.

844 PREFATORY NOTICE.

reference to the page of the work ia which the passage may
be found. Materials are abundant, and but for careful
selection, would swell to a considerable volume : for it has
been justly remarked, that "no man has perhaps ever re-
ceived so many or such high encomiums from writers of
every age, of every country, and of every denomination.''

W. P.

AuCHTERAIiDER,

8th March 1845.

CALYIN

INTERPRETER OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.'

The second centennial festival of the Reformation in
1817, wliicli was so rich in various blessings, called anew
the attention of theologians to the long-neglected but noble
monuments of our restored Church ; and the influence which
these began to exert upon the different departments of
modern theology was very soon visible. To Liicke belongs
the honour of having first referred, in the department of
exegesis, to Luther, Beza, Calvin, Camerarius, and many
other excellent interpreters of the period of the Reforma-
tion. He was followed by the writer of these pnges, in his
Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. Pointed as he
was, on the one hand, by Neander to the ancient Ecclesias-
tical Fathers, and on the other, by the newly awakened in-
terest in the period of the Reformation to the Fathers of the
Evangelical Church, he supposed he could do nothing more
useful for the exegesis of the New Testament, than to give
an antepast of these exegetical works to his more 3'outhful
contemporaries, in copious select extracts, and thus excite
an interest in these noble products of a sound Christian
spirit. And especially he found himself compelled duly to
acknowledge the great exegetical talent of Calvin, and to
recommend him as a model. That he attained his object is
proved by the exegetical works of Rheinwald, Gebser, Hcng-

' The following article is from Tholuck's " Literarisclier Aiizeiger" for
July 1831. It was written, as the reader will perceive, with particular
reference to a new edition of Calvin's Commentaries on the Pauline
Epistles; //f which the first volume had then just left the press. This
edition r.as undertaken at the suggestion of Professor Tholuck ; and some
of Jjio pious English friends furnished funds to aid in carrying it through
the press, so as to permit it to be sold at a very moderate price. — (Ameri-
can Editor.)

346 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

stenberg, Boelimcr, and Pelt, all of which are composed with
a faithful use of the treasures of exegetical literature con-
tained in the early fathers, and in those of the Reformation,
and more especially in the works of Calvin. Winer, too,
who did not even mention Calvin in the first edition of his
Commentary on the Galatians, gives the following testimony
in the third : " Calvin has displayed a sagacity in perceiving,
and a perspicuity in expounding the meaning of the Apostles,
which are truly wonderful."^

The acknowledgment of the extraordinary merits of
Calvin in the interpretation of the Scriptures will, without
doubt, become still more and more general, — especially now,
that his Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles are about to
be placed in the hands of all who love the thorough and
pious study of the New Testament. The first part of the
edition now in the course of publication at Halle, containing
Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians, and Galatians, is just
issued. And this new edition furnishes the writer of these
pages with a fit and welcome occasion, to offer a few words
designed to promote the just estimation of Calvin as an in-
terpreter. May they serve to attract still more to this new
work, that public attention and interest already excited in
other ways in its behalf !

It has been conceded by many candid and learned Lu-
theran theologians — Semler, for example — that the theology
of the Reformed Church has, from tlie first, done more than
that of the Lutheran, for the cause of an impartial, histori-
cal, and grammatical interpretation of the Holy Scriptures.
While the Lutheran commentators, as Luther himself, Me-
lanchthon, Musculus, ChytraBUS, Brentius, Bugenhagen, and
Balduin, made it their chief concern to prove the Loci com-
munes of the Lutheran system, and to shed additional light
upon them by doctrinal and practical digressions, the Re-
formed interpreters, Calvin, Beza, Zwingli, Bucer, and Mercer,
have from the first been characterized by a more severe
method. It has been their great object, by the aid of a
thorough knowledge of the original languages of the Bible,

' Calviiius rairam in pervidenda apostoli mente subtilitatem, in expo-
nenda perspicuitatem probavit.

OF THE HOLY SCKIPTUEES. 347

and of the antiquities, manners, customs, &c., of the ancient
world, to give a connected development of the real sense in
tlie mind of the sacred wiiters. With respect to Bullinger
only can it be said — and not with perfect justice even in re-
spect to him — that he rather follows the Lutheran metliod ;
as, on the other hand, it is affirmed of the writings of the
Lutheran Camerarius, who, however, was a philologist as
well as a theologian, that they ratlier approximated to the
method of Beza. It was from the Reformed Church, too,
that the groat exegetical geniuses of the Arruinian party,
Grotius, Ei)iscopius, and Clericus, proceeded; thougli it
must be acknowledged, that in their case tliis grammatical
and historical method appears in connection with a su2:ierficial
appreJiension of the doctrines of the Bible, and a perverse
tendency to reduce them down to a j^lain level.

Among the critical historians of exegesis, there are two
whose opinions are more particularly deserving of notice liere,
— the sagacious Richard Simon, and the industrious Gottlob
Wilhelm Meyer. The enlightened Catholic, Richard Simon,
although too unqualified in the censure which he pronounces,
as might indeed be expected from his hostility to the Evan-
gelical Church, has yet well apprehended the imperfections of
the Lutheran method, when he says respecting the commenta-
ries of Melanchthon : " We find there nothing but disputes,
either against the Catholics or against those of his own party.
His method is even very tiresome. It is necessary to read
a great deal, before one can find anything which relates to
the author whom he professes to intei-pret."^ On the co^i-
trary, he allows, as far as liis prejudices will permit, the most
distinguished exegetical merits to the Reformed theolo-
gians, and especially to Beza, altliough even here he is led,
by the animosity of party spirit, to the most unfounded and
perverse assertions. Thus he ascribes to the great Calvin
only a very moderate knowledge of Greek," and ventures to

' " On n'y voit que des disputes, soit centre les Catholiques, soit centre
ceux de son parti. Sa methode est meme tres ennuieuse. 11 faut lire
beaucoup, pour trouver quelque chose qui regarde I'auteur qu'il fait pro-
fession d'interpreter."

' Histoire Critique des Principaux Commentateurs du Nouveau Testa-
ment, p. 747.

S48 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

assert respecting his acquaintance with Hebrew,^ he kneiv
nothing more than the letter's ! It is indeed true, that Cal-
vin first began to study Hebrew with more attention when
he went to Basle ; but he was at that time only twenty-six
years old ; and every glance at his Commentary on the Old
Testament assures us, not only that he understood Hebrew,
but that he had a very thorough knowledge of this language.
On tliis point Meyer may be consulted. But after all tliis,
Simon finds himself compelled to confess respecting Calvin's
Commentaries, that if the " polemical declamations" con-
tained in them were taken away, it would he a work useful
to everybody}

As to Meyer, the critical rule by which lie estimates the
interpreters of ancient times, is, indeed, very inadequate. He
makes their greater or less adherence to established ortho-
doxy the chief standard by which he measures their great-
ness ; something as Fulirmann," in a doctrinal respect, makes
his bow just so njany degrees lovver to every modern theolo-
gian, in pro])ortion to the number of the dogmas of super-
naturalism which he has set aside. Still Meyer knew how
to value the knowledge of languages, and tliorough histori-
cal science ; and in this respect he treats Calvin and Beza
with special regard.

J. W. H. Ziegenbein, from whom we have (besides a trans-
lation of Senebier) a little book entitled, " The Works of
Calvin and Beza, arranged in Chronological order, w-ith criti-
cal and historical notes, Hamburgh, 1790," has never, to our
knowledge, fulfilled his promise to furnish a separate essay
on the spirit of the writings of these two Reformers. It
will not be amiss, in this place, to quote a general estimate
of Calvin from a man, who will be acknowledged to be an}'-
thing rather than a bigoted mystic. He ivas, says Bayle
respecting him, a man upon whom, God had conferred great
talents, a high degree of intelligence, an exquisite judgment, a
faithful memory, a pen instructive, eloquent, unwearied, great

' " II n'en connoissoit giieres que les caractercs !"' — Ilistoire Critique du
Vieux Testament, p. 455.

^ " II seroit un ouvrage utile a tout Ic mondo."

^ In liis book, Aufkclhingcn der neiiereii Qottcsgdchrtcn.

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Si9

knowledge, and a great zeal for the truth} And now the pra-
ters 0^ i\\e AUgemeine Kircheti-Zeitung, wlio liave never seen a
single leaf of Calvin, come forward, and would fain persuade
people, that the mystics praise Calvin merely because he
burnt Servetus ! But this is surely meant rather as a jest ;
although as such it is quite too coarse.

Witli tlie exception of the Books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel,
Kings, Nehemiah, Ezra, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Song of
Solomon, and the Apocalypse, Calvin commented on the
whole of the Holy Scriptures ; and numerous Latin and
French editions of his Commentaries have appeared. On
some of the boohs he has written Commentaries in the pro-
per sense ; others he has explained in Lectures, and others
still (as the First Booh of Samuel and Job) in Homilies.^
These exegetical worhs are not all of equal value. Among
his Commentaries on the New Testament, those on the
Epistles of Paul are by far the best ; that on the Acts also
deserves very high commendation ; the Harmony of the
Gospels contains fine passages, but is more difluse and bur-
dened with digressions ; and when Calvin says, in the noble
preface addressed to the Frankfort Senate, in quo co^nmen-
tario, qiiantojwre sudaveriin, longius referre niJiil attinet, he
is to be understood as speaking principally of the composi-
tion of the Harmony as such, — a work in which he must be
allowed to have exhibited very peculiar excellence.

With regard to Calvin's Commentaries on the Old Testa-
ment, we design to be very brief, and would here oifer only
the following remarks. First of all, then, they exhibit, like
the labours of the Reformed theologians in general, a free-
dom from an anxious adherence to the established system

" C'etoit nil homme a qui Dieu avoit confere de grands talens, beau-
coup d'esprit, unjugement exquis, un fidele memoire, une plume solide,
eloquente, indefatigable, un grand savoir, un grand zele pour la ve'rite'."

- A list of the different editions of Calvin may be found, e.g., in Walcli's
Bihl. Theol. Vol. IV. The iinest and most complete edition of the entire
works of Calvin is, as is well known, that published at Amsterdam, 1617,
Tom. I.-IX., in the 7th vol. of which his Commentaries on the New Tes-
tament Epistles are contained. Respecting the separate edition of the
Pauline Epistles, published in the year 1751, (others in the years 1748,
1756, and in French in the year 1760,) and which is now very rare, com-
pare Scliellhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten aus der Kirchenhistorie, Bd. XIII. St.
21, p. 2240.

350 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

of faith. He is by no means solicitous to insist, in all cases,
and with zeal, upon that meaning -which tends most to the
confirmation of Cliristian truths. Penetrated by the con-
viction, that the truths of Christianity would stand firm,
though one dictum prolans after another should fall away,
he makes it his great object to ascertain what sense is the
most probable. It is very possible that, in following this
direction of mind, he may have unnecessarily sacrificed this
and the other proof- text : still the principle ujoon which he
proceeded is in all cases to be approved. Respecting the
thrice-repeated Holi/, (Isa. vi. 3,) he remarks as follows :
" The ancients appeal to this passage, when they wish to
prove, in opposition to the Arians, that there are three per-
sons in one divine essence. The opinion of such persons I
no not indeed disapprove; but if I had to do with heretics,
I should prefer to rely upon more valid supports."! With
regard to HttV, branch, (Isa. iv. 2,) he is not disposed to con-
sider it as an appellation of the Messiah, though much may
be said in favour of such an interpretation ; but all things
considered, he does not hesitate to understand the branch of
God, and the fruit of the earth, as an abundant and unwonted
increase of favour, by which God refreshed the famishing in
Israel.^ In Psalm xxxiii. 6, and Isaiah xi. 4, he understands by
spiritus oris nothing more than sermo, and adds, that " in
proving the divinity of the Spirit against Sabellius, he should
not dare to rely on that evidence. Therefore, let it be suffi-
cient for us, that God so formed the heavens by his word,
that the eternal divinity of Christ may be hence proved."^

The same maxim, connected with a laudable aversion to
forced interpretation, and the fear of becoming, as He often
said, a laughing-stock to the Jew^s, prevented him from mak-

' " Veteres hoc testimoiiio usi sunt, qunm vellent adversus Arianos, tres
personas in una Dei essentia probare. Quorum ego sententiam non im-
probo ; sed si mihi res cum hsereticis esset, mallem firmioribus testimoniis
uti."

2 " Sed omnibus propius expensis non dubito, germen Dei et fructuni
terrse accipere pro copioso et insolito gratite proventu, qui famelicos re-
creavit."

^ " Ergo in probanda deitate Spiritus, hoc testimonio Sabelliuni urgere
non auderem. Quare nobis sufficiat, Deum verbo sue ita coelos formasse,
lit hinc probetur aeterna Christi divinitas."

■ OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 851

ing the tva 7r\ripco6rj of the New Testament, taken in its
strictest sense, tlie rule by which he explained the texts of
the Old Testament cited in the New ; and also from seeking
to find in them all direct prophecies. As tlie idea of fulfil-
ment is a complex one, and by it both the coming to pass of
a direct prediction, and the occurrence of something merely
analogous to a preceding event, or similar to it, are intended;
so the phrase iva irkr^pwOi] is taken by Calvin in a wider
and a narrower sense. In the Epistle to' the Hebrews, in
passages like Matt. ii. 15; John ii. 17; Rom. x., &c., he finds
in the citations from the Old Testament only the indication
of real analogies ; while in other places, where direct pro-
phecies occur, (even in Matt. i. 23,) ho endeavours to make
out the j^rophecy, though with great judgment, and with the
least possible violence to the text. Calvin's Commentary on
the Old Testament is also especially valuable, as being free
from doctrinal prejudice, and — what indeed stands closely
connected with this freedom — as furnishing an accurate de-
velopment of the logical connection and historical interpreta-
tion. It was this very doctrinal impartiality, however, which
obtained for him from the Lutherans the predicate of Judai-
zans. It was principally this excellence, too, which led
Scaliger, who was rarely pleased with anybody, to exclaim,
0 how successfidly does Galvin hit the meaning of the pro-
2)hecies ! None succeeds better?

The other excellence of Calvin's Commentaries on the Old
Testament which we shall notice, is the lively religious feel-
ing which they everywhere breathe, and which especially is
most beautifully evinced in his interpretation of the Psalms.
Here we have a man long practised and tried by internal
and external conflicts for the kingdom of God, to interpret
the elegiac and penitential Psalms of David ; and here, in-
deed, such an one only can be the successful interpreter. Of
this Calvin himself was conscious. In his preface to the Com-
mentary, he acknowledges on the one hand, that this labour
had been the means of spiritual profit to himself; and on
the other, that his own experience in the Christian warfare

^ " O quam Calvinus bene assequitur mentem prophetarum ! — nemo
melius."

352 CALVIN AS AN INTERPEETER

Lad rendered him in some respects peculiarly qualified for
tlie interpretation of David's Psalms. " If/' lie says in the
first place, " the perusal of my Commentaries confers as
much benefit on the church of God, as I myself have reaped
advantage from the com})osition of them, I shall liave no
cause to regret the work I have undertaken. " He then
adds : " But if the labour undertaken by me in these Com-
mentaries is profitable to my readers, let them know that,
by my own small experience in the conflicts with which the
Lord has exercised me, I have been not a little aided, both
in applying to present use whatever of instruction could be
gathered, and in penetrating more easily into the sense of
flie writer and of his Psalms."^ Here Calvin subjoins a
comparison of the course in wiiich he liad been led, and of
his own conflicts, with those of David, in which he takes
with heartfelt gratitude a survey of liis whole past life.

It is moreover remarkable, thougli easily explained from
the entire devotion of this Commentator to Christ, how
readily he always detects the religious element even in the
Old Testament ; and how well he succeeds in deriving gene-
ral religious truths from particular facts and observations.
Compare his remarks on the speech of Rabshakeh, Isa. xxxvi.
15 ; on Isa. ii. 1 ; on Micah iv. G, and many other places.
For example, on Isa. xxxvi. 15, he observes, "Nothing
is more easy than to lead away a people from their true
hope, by the offer of a present advantage. Our senses
always cling fast to the present state of things. Such,
then, is tlie argument of Rabshakeh. Hezekiah promises
you the aid of God, but it is not visible ; he makes jou de-
pendent upon an uncertain thing. But my King p)-omises
you advantages which are immediate." Again, on Micah
iv. 6, he remarks, " Although the Church at times differs
hardly at all from a man who is dead, or at least wounded,

' " Si tantum utilitatis afferat ecclesite Dei commentariorum meorum
lectio, quantum ego ex scriptione fructus perce])i, non erit ciu- me suscepti
laboris pocnit?at." " Cfeteruai si labor a me in his commentariis sumtus
lectoribas proclerit, sciant mediocri certaminum quibus me Dominus exer-
cuit experientia me non mediocri esse adjutum, non modo ut accommo-
darem ad presentem usum quidquid licuerat doctrinal colligere, sed ut ad
consilium scriptoris ejusqne Psalmorum intelligendum facilior pateret via."

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 353

yet God again raises up his own people. And this ought to
be carefully observed ; for no sooner does the Church cease
to be resplendent, than we begin to think it is wholly ex-
tinct. But, lo ! the Church is so preserved in the M'orld,
that it suddenly arises from the dead ; in short, the preser-
vation of tlie Church brings with it almost daily miracles.
Its life cannot continue without many resurrections.'' On
Isaiah xiii., where the predictions of the divine judgments
upon foreign nations begin, he says : " But few understand
that these things are determined by the counsel of God. For
there is nothing more difficult than to persuade men, that
this world is governed by the providence of God. Many
acknowledge it in words, hut very few have it deeply im-
pressed upon their hearts." Truly, the serious study of Cal-
vin's Commentaries on the Old Testament would tend to
arouse t1\e attention of many in our own times to the deep,
practical, religious imjiort of the Hebrew Scriptures.

As we are .principally concerned with the exegesis of the
New Testament, we shall only add here a few words from
Meyer respecting Calvin as an interpreter of the Old Testa-
ment. " Calvin, too," he says,' " as well as Zwingli, and
even still more than he, would have the best founded claims
upon our special estimation, even though he were less known
by some particular interpretations, which he first gave to
various controverted passages, and which have served as
models to his followers. Of this we may be convinced, espe-
cially from his interpretation of the Old Testament, which
commends itself to us in a very unusual degree, not only by
its great copiousness, and its extent over most of the Old
Testament Scriptures, but still more hy its very instructive
contents. By the natural, and for the most part successful
elucidation which he has given of the grammatical sense in
general, by the valuable philological remarks which he has
occasionally interspersed, and by the many peculiar expla-
nations which he has suggested, he has sufficiently proved
his capacity to apprehend the sense of the sacred records,
and fully justifies us in ascribing to him a better acquaint-
ance with the Hebrew language than K Simon is inclined

' Th. II. p. 450.

z

354 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

to allow liim. And his farther investigations respecting the
sense, after it had been thus grammatically explained, whe-
ther in the historic, the poetic, or the prophetic parts, shew
us everywhere a man who, not satisfied with the traditionary
Tneaning, seeks out the historical relations of his author, and
endeavours to penetrate more deeply into his spirit ; so far,
indeed, as his habits of thinking in theology, and his many
doctrinal prepossessions, would allow him to do this/'

We come now to Calvin's Exegetical Works on the New
Testament ; and tlie first thing in them which claims com-
mendation, so far as the form is concerned, is elegance of
diction, connected with conciseness of expression, attributes
which belong especially to his Prefaces. This elegance ap-
pears, however, rather as the general character of tlie whole,
than in a careful delectus verhorum. He is far from the
affected purity of a Bembo or Castalio, who supply the place
of appropriately Christian expressions with heathen terms,
in which no one ever recognises the Christian sense ; who
think it necessary, for example, to use respuhlica for eccle-
sia, genius for angelus, lotio for baptismus. He is even less
scrupulous in the use of language than Beza or Erasmus ;
or than Ernesti, Knapp, and Winer, in more modern times.
He writes po^nitentiam agite, where Beza thinks it necessary
to translate resipiscite. He speaks of a faith cujus sedes non
in cerebro sed in coi'de est, of an adoratio Dei pro capitis
cuj usque sensu. In general, he disdains those words with
which a heathenish idea is associated, which many but too
often substitute for the Christian meaning ; he makes use,
for example, of sanctimonia vitce instead of honestas ; of
conversio and regeneratio instead of emendatio morum ; of
viris Spiritu Dei plenis instead of viris probis. He employs
such terms as e converso, circumstantice, secundum litteram,
&c. It is not so much, therefore, from the particular choice
of words, that he may be called classical, as from the general
colour of his discourse, though even this is less Roman than
Erasmic. If, on the one hand, his style is frequently de-
ficient in tlie numerus, it is on the other hand free from that
oratorical diffuseness, that ambitus verborum, into which the
slavish imitators of Ciceronian Latinity, especially the theolo-

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 356'

gians of Holland, often fell. On the contrary, we everywhere
feel the heart of Calvin through his style ; and few indeed
liave been the ecclesiastical writers who have known so well
how to connect with a Roman Latinity so much exhibition of
Christian warmth, or so much affectus with so much gravitas.

Another excellence which belongs to his exegetical writ-
ings, when compared with those of his contemporaries, in
respect to their form, is their symmetry and freedom from
immoderate digressions. As has been already observed, the
Lutheran interpreters mostly employ the text for the sake
of illustrating the loci comviunes so important in their view,
rather than confine themselves strictly to the connected in-
terpretation of it. This is the case especially with Luther
and Melanchthon. Hence we often find, that Melanchthon
omits the explanation of really difficult texts, while he en-
larges on others which furnish him materials for his doctrinal
expositions. Calvin, indeed, has not kept himself entirely
free from the method of his times, and he often breaks out
unexpectedly into declamations against the Pope and monks.
This, howevei", is far less frequent with him than with others;
and considering the wants of the period at which he wrote,
such a species of polemics, connecting itself with exegesis,
and arising from the Scripture texts, cannot be altogether
condemned, and at that time may have been necessary. It
ought never, however, to be carried so far as to cause the
reader, in the meanwhile, wholly to lose sight of the original
text ; as is often the case with Luther and Melanchthon.

On this subject, this great man has himself expressed his
own views in his excellent preface to the Epistle to the
Romans, dedicated to his friend Grynseus. " I remember,''
he says, " that about three years since, when we were talk-
ing fjxmiliarly together respecting the best mode of interpret-
ing Scripture, the opinion which then was most pleasing to
you, was likewise approved by me above any other. We
both of us thought, that the principal excellence of the in-
preter consisted in pers2ncuous brevity. And, indeed, since
it is almost his whole business to lay open the mind of the
writer whom he undertakes to interpret, if he withdraws his
hearers from that, he so far turns aside from his main end,

356 CALVIiJ AS AN INTERPRETER

or at least wanders beyond his limits. We therefore wished
tliat there might be some one among those who at the present
day seek to benefit tlieology by this species of labour, who
would both aim at perspicuity, and at the same time be careful
not to detain the student too long by prolix Commentaries."
Passing now from the form to the nature of Calvin's Com-
mentaries on the New Testament, we notice in them the
following qualities, viz. : — I. Doctrinal impartiality. II. Ex-
egetical tact. III. Various learning. IV. Deep Christian
piety.

I. — DOCTRINAL IMPARTIALITY.

The doctrinal impartiality of an Interpreter consists, as
has been already remarked, in this, that while he cherishes
a liigh regard for what has been received in the Church from
the first as orthodox, he does not suffer himself to be com-
pelled by this to adopt an interpretation of a passage of
Scriptui'e, which is not founded in the context, or which
stands in opposition to the laws of language. A single indi-
vidual must naturally hesitate, before rejecting that sense of
a passage which the great majority of learned and pious in-
terpreters of different periods have adopted ; but, provided
that by so doing he overthrows no fundamental truth of
Christianity, he will not still forbear to reject that sense
whenever the context or the language make it necessary. If,
on the one hand, the Socinian exegesis, and more lately that
of the Neologians, have fallen into great error by neglecting
exegetical tradition;' the Lutheran exegesis of the seven-
teenth century was, on the other hand, in the greatest danger
of making, like tlie Catholic Church, tradition anew the
great principle of interpretation. Between these two ex-
tremes, Calvin maintains the just medium. On this subject
he has some excellent remarks in the preface already men-
tioned. " God has never," he says, " thought his servants
worthy of so great a benefit, as to confer upon any of them

' Respecting the importance of this in the Evangelical Church, vid.
Buddeus Isagoge, p. 1558, and Liicke in the "Berliner theol. Zeitschrift,"
Stes Heft.

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 857

a knowledge full and perfect in every part ; but has left
them in partial ignorance ; partly, no doubt, with the design
of keeping them humble, and partly to promote a disposition
for fraternal intercourse. Since, therefore, during the pre-
sent life, it is hardly to be hoped, though very much to be
desired, that there should be a constant agreement among us
in the sense we give to particular passages of Scripture ; let
us be allowed to dissent from the opinion of those who have
gone before us ; and at the same time let us guard against
doing it from any love of novelty, from any disposition to
ridicule others, from the instigation of hatred, or from the
enticement of ambition. On the contrary, let us dissent only
as we are compelled to do so by necessity, and uninfluenced
by any motive but that of doing good ; and, in fine, let this
license of opinion be rather used with regard to the exposi-
tion of the Scriptures, than with regard to the doctrines of
religion, where tlie Lord is more especially desirous that the
minds of his friends should be agreed, and where less liberty
should therefore be assumed."

In the department of New Testament criticism/ Calvin is
far from the luxurians ingenium of Luther, who, undervaluing
the firm basis of historic evidence, called in question the
genuineness of books of Scripture on no other ground thiin
his own subjective opinion. But Calvin was equally f;\r from
contending tenaciously for the apostolic origin of those Scrip-
tures to which the testimony of history is opposed. Still he
guards himself, with great moderation and wisdom, from
pronouncing a positive rejection even of those books which
have a majority of histoiical testimony against them. Tlius
he says, for example, in the argument prefixed to the Second
Epistle of Peter : " Since the majesty of the Spirit of Christ
is evinced in all parts of this Epistle, I have scruples about
rejecting it altogether, although I may not here recognise
the genuine phraseology of Peter."^ Respecting the Epistle

' Kriiik ; by wliicli is meant the investigation of the genuineness,
canonical authority, &c., of the books of Scripture, the correctness of
readings, &c. — Trans.

^ " Certe quum in omnibus epistolae partibus Spiritus Christi majestas
se exerat, eam prorsus repudiare mihi reHgio est, iitcunque genuinam Petri
phrasin hie non agnoscani."

358 CALVIN AS AN INTKRPRETER

of Jiide he says, " Althougli respecting this Epistle also there
were conflicting opinions among the ancients, still, as the
reading of it is useful, and it contains nothing inconsistent
with the purity of the apostolic doctrine, and has now for a
long time possessed authority with the best Christians, I
cheerfully enumerate it with the rest."^ Respecting the
Epistle to the Hebrews, he says, " I cannot be prevailed upon
to acknowledge Paul as the author ;"^ and he then proceeds
to establish his doubts with the greatest critical and philo-^
logical acumen.

In regard also to some particular texts, the authority of
which has been called in question on critical grounds, Calvin
exhibits the same freedom from prejudice, in connection with
the same moderation. Thus in respect to John viii. 3-11,
and 1 John v. 7, which he regards as probably si^urious,
though yet he does not go so far as to remove them from the
text, he adopted the reading ^eo9 in 1 Tim. iii. 16, with some-
what too much confidence, perhaps, though it is indeed capa-
ble of being defended ; and, on the other hand, with a haste
very unusual with him, he declared the two clauses with
eypa'y^ra in 1 John ii. ] 4, to be a gloss, because he thought
them superfluous ; while Pellicanus, explaining them more
correctly, remarks, repetam igitur nequeat elabi. In general
Calvin shews less fondness for critical investigations than
cither Erasmus or Beza. In verbal criticism, he is deficient
in accuracy. The various readings of less importance he for
the most part wholly neglects. His prevailing interest is
theological. And on this very account, we should naturally
expect to find him prejudiced, and anxious to bring together
all the proof-texts which could possibly be collected in behalf
of orthodox doctrines. Exactly the opposite of this, however,
is true of his Commentaries on the New Testament, as we
have already remarked with regard to those on the Old. On
John X. SO, he remarks : " The ancients perverted this pas-

' " Tametsi de hac quoqiie Epistola diversis sententiis inter veteres cer-
tatum fuit, quia tamen utilis est lectu, ncc qiiidquam a puritate apostolicse
doctrin?e alienum continet, jainque olim apud optimos quosque auctorita-
tem obtinuit, earn libenter aliis adnumero."

* " Ego ut Pallium agnoscam auctorem adduci nequeo.''

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 359

sage, that they might prove that Christ was o/moovaio'? (con-
substautial) with the Father. Christ does not here speak
concerning unity of essence, but rather concerning the agree-
ment (consensus) which he had with the Father ; so that
whatever is done by Christ will be confirmed by the power
of the Father." So on 1 John v. 7, " When it is said, that
three are one, reference is had, not so much to essence, as to
consent."^ In the interpretation of Matt. xvi. 18, he does
not resort, as we shall soon see, to the forced explanation of
Luther ; but rather concedes something to the Romish
Church. On Heb. xi. 21, he alludes to the deviation of the
LXX. from the pointing of the received text, and remarks
with great imjiartiality : " The apostle does not hesitate to
accommodate to his own purpose what was commonly re-
ceived. He wrote indeed to the Jews ; but to those who,
being dispersed through various countries, had exchanged
their national language for Greek. We know that, in such
a matter, the apostles were not very scrupulous. In the
thing itself, however, there is but little difference/'^ He
refuses to take iropyr], (Heb. xi. 81,) in the milder sense of
caicpona, and renders it, according to the sense of the He-
brew nJIT by meretrix.

We have already remarked with what freedom he judges
respecting the New Testament Iva 7r\7]p(o^rj, and the cita-
tions in the Epistle to the Hebrews. On this subject we will
quote a few passages. On Heb. iv. 4, he observes : " He
(the writer) now begins to embellish the passage which he
had cited from David. Before, he had treated it according
to the letter, as they say, i.e., in its genuine sense ; but now,
in embellishing it, he enlarges, and so rather alludes to the
words of David than interprets them. A similar e^epyaala is
found in Paul's Epistle to the Romans, (x. 6.)" And on this
passage in the Epistle to the Romans he remarks : " Moses

^ " Quod dicit tres esse unum, ad essentiam non refertur, sed ad con-
sensum potius."

' " Quod vulgo receptum erat, apostolus non dubitat sue instituto ac-
commodare. Judaeis quidem scribebat, sed qui in varias regiones dispersi,
patriam linguam Grseca mutaverant. Scimus autem hac in parte Apos-
tolos non adeo fuisse scrupulosos. Cseterum in re ipsa parum est dis-
criminis."

360 OALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

mentions heaven and the sea as places very remote, and dif-
ficult of access to man ; but Paul, as if some spiritual mean-
ing lay hid under these words, applies them to the death
/ and resurrection of Christ. And should any one allege, that
K. such an interpretation is too forced and subtle, let him con-
"^- sider that it was not the design of the apostle to explain
with anxious fidelity this passage of Moses, but merely to
apply it to the discussion of the subject in hand. He does
not therefore repeat, syllable for syllable, the words of Moses ;
but he makes use of that embellishment, by which he may
better adapt the testimony of Moses to his own purpose.
Moses had spohen of inaccessible places ; Paul mentions the
places which are most of all hidden from our view, but to
which our faitli is still to have regard. And so, if you will
understand these words as spoken by way of amplification
or embellishment, you cannot say that Paul put an improper
or violent construction upon the words of Moses ; but must
rather confess, that without any inj\uy to the sense, he ele-
gantly plays on the terms, heaven and Moses ; — eleganter ad
vocahula coeli et Mosis allusisse."

II. — EXEGETICAL TACT.

In connection with this freedom from doctrinal prejudice,
we find in Calvin a peculiarl}^ happy exegetical tact, which
makes it even impossible for him to adopt forced interpreta-
tions. How ver}'- averse he was to all force appears from the
fact, that he refused to drag John into the historic series of
the first three Evangelists, as the Lutheran tlieologianshave
mostly done. The same aversion to everything violent and
uncertain withheld him from commenting on the Apocalypse.
When the interpreter of our times meets with passages in
the New Testament, or even in the Old, where the conmion
orthodox view gives a sense too rigid and repulsive, let him
open Calvin, and he will couimonly find this rigid idea de-
veloped from the connection in a lively and attractive manner.
Calvin eminently deserves the title of an interpres facilis
et elegans. Examples in proof of what has been said may be
found everywhere : we suggest, particularly, the Epistles to

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 361

the Hebrews and to tlie Corinthians ; the reader may also
compare his Commentary on John i. 52; v. 31, 33; 2 Cor-
inthians xii. 7 ; especially his very spirited explanation of
1 Peter iii. 19. We shall here only give a few examples, in
which Calvin proves his happy tact, not only in developing
and establishing the common meaning, but in some inter-
pretations of his own, differing from the common. On Matt.
xi. 11, where, after tlie example of the ancients, Erasmus and
Luther, Melanchthon and Camerarius, and among the Re-
formed teachers, Zwingli and Pellicanus, and in general
by far the greater number of interpreters,^ have referred
6 /j,iKpdT€po<; to the Messiah in his state of humiliation, Calvin
came forward decidedly in behalf of an explanation which
has lately become almost universal, and elucidated it with
clearness. " John," he says, " was honoured by the Saviour
with such distinguished praise, that tlie Jews might be led
to regard more attentively the message which he brought.
Then the teachers who were soon to follow are preferred to
him, in order that the majesty of the Gospel might be con-
spicuous, both above the Law and above that intermediate
ministration."^ And after him Beza says : " That resplen-
dent light which shone from the preaching of Christ upon
the world, is contrasted with that spark, as it were, which
had shone until the time of John."

And in verse 1.9th of tlie same chapter, where Luther, Osi-
ander, Brentz, Hunnius, (Melanchthon wholi}^ omits this diffi-
cult passage,) give to Sikuiouv the classical sense of condemn,
which is wholly unusual in the New Testament ; Calvin, after
he has judiciously and spiritedly weighed many other opinions,
suggests the following, which is most natural, and to which
Calovius was obliged in the end to assent : " I have not yet,"
he says, "advanced that opinion which in my judgment suits
the best, and is the real one. In the first place, there is a
silent antithesis in the words of Christ between true sons and

' In modern times, Henmann, Kleuker, Fritzshe, have adopted the same
interpretation, only a little modified.

' " Tarn pr?eclaro elogio ornatur Johannes, nt attentius obscrvent Jiidtei
quam attulerat legationem. Deinde illi prjcferuntur, qui paulo post secu-
turi erant doctores, ut Evangelii majestas supra Legem et illud medium
prseconium emiiieat."

362 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

bastards, who display the empty title, without having the
thing itself. As if Christ had said, * Let those who proudly
boast themselves to be the sons of Wisdom, go on in their
own insolence. She wilJ, notwithstanding, maintain lier
credit and authority with her true sons.' Besides, this
sentiment suits better with the context, and answers to the
former member, where it was said, tliat God was justified by
the people. Therefore, although many apostates may sepa-
rate from the Church of God, still the faith of the gospel
will always remain inviolate among all the elect, who are
truly of the fold." Zwingli and Pellicanus interpret some-
what differently, though even they do not take hiKacovv in
the sense of condemn. Zwingli interprets as follows : "She
(Wisdom) is acquitted in the judgment of the Jews them-
selves. When they are condemned, they know, in their own
consciences, that it is not unjust, since, although drawn and
induced in so many ways, they still refuse to obey."' In the
interpretation of Matt. xvi. 18, while Luther, and after him
Calovius, Lyser, Lange, Rus, Hcumann, and many others,
had resorted to an explanation, which had before been given
by Catholic interpreters,^ referring the clause eirl ravTr) rrj
Trerpa to Christ Sei/cTt/cco?,^ Calvin declares himself for the
unquestionably natural reference of it to Peter himself, and
remarks, in allusion to the ver}?^ appropriate parallel text in
Eph. ii. 20, which had been also adduced by other Protes-
tant commentators : " Although this is extended to all the
faithful, all of whom are the temples of God, and being-
united together by faith, make one temple ; still it denotes
the pre-eminent excellence of Peter among the rest, since
each one receives more or less in his own order, according to
the measure of the grace of Christ."* Here Calvin concedes

1 " Liberata est propriis Judteorum sententiis : qiium damnantur, suis
coiiscientiis agnoscunt esse non iniquum, quiini tot viis ducti ot illecti
obtemperare noluerunt."

' Vid. Calovius' Bibl. Illustr. ad h. 1. _

' There is some salt in the witticism of Michaelis on this interpretation,
when he says, " This index-finger (pointing to Christ) is not that of Christ,
but of the polemic interpreters."

* " Quanquam hoc ad omnes fideles extenditur, quorum singuli sunt
Dei templa, et fide inter se conipacti unum templum simul efBciunt, exiniia

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 363

what, as we think, may justly be conceded to the Catholics,
that our Lord in this declaration had reference to the un-
common activity of Peter in the first establishment of the
Church at the feast of Pentecost, which first foundation of
the Church was laid by Peter.

The exegetical tact of Calvin a])pears eminently in the
method of his interpretation. Cautious and always clear, he
first unfolds the difficulties in the construction, and every-
where develops with acuteness the virep/Sara, dvavraTToSoTa,
eiravop'^coaec'; ; he then explains the words, and, at the same
time, the rhetorical figures — climax, paronomasia, antana-
clasis; he also notices the peculiarities in 23hraseology of the
different writers, Paid, John, &c. ;^ and, finally, he deduces
the sense in the most natural Wiiy, so that it seems to arise,
as it were of itself, to the reader ; as is always the case with
every good interpretation. What we miss most in his Com-
mentaries, is the illustration from parallel passages, with
which he is altogether too sparing.

We have observed, also, some instances of forced interpre-
tations, though these are very few. Examples of this kind
may be seen in 1 Cor. v. 13, where 6 irovTjpo'i, which plainly
denotes the offending person, is referred to Satan ; and in
James ii. 1, where he renders, with Erasmus, t?;? Sof?;?, ex
opinione, and refers it to the acceptio personarum.

III. — THE LEARNING OF CALVIN.

As to the learning of Calvin, this quality does not appear
so conspicuously in his exegetical works as in those of his
friend Beza. As we have before remarked, he is not always
accurate in the business of criticism, and pays no special
attention to the Codices. He very seldom quotes, and then
only in a general way, the ancient Greek interpreters;^ and
never suffers himself to go into that detailed criticism of

tamen Petri inter alios excellentia notatur, queniadmodum quisque suo
ordine pro donationis Christi mensiira plus vel minus accipit."

' Compare liis remarks on y-lxriios, (John xvi. 20,) on <raj|, (John iii, 6,)
on f^h yuoiro, (Rom. vi. 2.)

2 In some cases, ho-.vever, he passes judgment upon Erasmus, Origen,
and Chrysostoni; e.g., 1 Tim. v. 17; Rom. vi. G; vii. 14.

36 i CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETEIl

their interpretations, nor even of the translation of Erasmus
and the Vulgate, which we find in Beza. He occupies him-
/ self, too, far less with philological investigations ; and even
where he enters vipon them, he makes them very general.
It would be doing him great injustice, however, to conclude
from this, that he had not the requisite ability. Who would
draw a conclusion from Mclanchthon's Commentaries, re-
specting his knowledge of the Greek language ? As Calvin
himself informs us, it was his design to furnish a compen-
dium ; and this not merely for learned theologians, but also
— since at that time, high and low, old and young, kings,
civilians, physicians, and, in short, everybody, was irre-
sistibly attracted toward the newly revived study of the Bible
— for all educated classes, who devoted their attention to
the examination of the Scriptures. That the labours of
others were not rendered superfluous by his own, he himself
most deeply felt ; and indeed he was the principal means of
inducing Beza to publish his Commentaries.

But although exegetical learning is not so conspicuous in
Calvin's works as in Beza's, it is still obvious that his popular
interpretation is founded upon profound and learned studies.
Indeed, the Christians of that age were as far as possible
from undervaluing Christian learning. They saw clearly
that all human knowledge and power might and must be
made to promote the glory of Christian truth. On occasion
of the saying of Epimenides, quoted by Paul in Tit. i. 12,
Calvin makes an excellent observation, expressing his views
on this subject. "We gather from this passage, that those
are superstitious who never venture to quote anything from
profcine authors. Since all truth is from God, if anything
has been said aptly and truly even by wicked men, it ought
not to be rejected, because it proceeded from God. And
since all things are of God, why is it not lawful to turn to
liis glory whatever may be aptl}^ applied to this use? But
on this subject let the discourse of Basil be read, Trpof tou?
veou<; o7r&)9 av e| ix\. k. t. X."^ On 1 Cor. viii. 1, he makes

' " Ceterum collij,dmus ex hoc loco, superstitiosos esse, qui ex profanis
auctoribus nihil mutuari audeiit. Nam cum omnis Veritas ex Deo sit, si
quid scite et vere ab impiis dictum est, non debet repudiari, quia a Deo
est profectum. Deinde cum omnia Dei sint, cur fas non esset in ejus

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 3G5

the excellent observation : " Science is no more to be blamed
because it i)ufFs up, than a sword is wlien it falls into the
hands of a madman. This is said in reference to certain
fanatics, who violently exclaim against all arts and learning,
as if they were calculated only to inflate the mind, and were
not the most useful instruments both of piety and of common
life,'"' We are even tempted to believe, that the love of
science exerted too great influence upon Calvin, when we
remember how he resisted the entreaties of Farel to aid the
defenders of the truth in the work of the Lord at Geneva,
saying that he must study more ; and how he afterwards
endeavoured to invest himself with a professorship in addi-
tion to his clerical office. Compare the charming account of
this in Beza's Vita Calvini, a.d. 1 534.

That Calvin read the Roman classics, and indeed was very
familiar with them, is sufficientl}' obvious from his style.
Besides, lie makes frequent quotations from Gellius, Seneca,^
Horace, and especially Ovid, Cicero, and Quinctilian. He
did not indeed learn Greek before his residence in Bourges,
but he could not have been then, at most, more than twenty-
two years old ; and it is not therefore strange, that with his
resolute spirit he made himself complete master of it. We
have proof of his Greek scholarship in his frequent citations
from Greek authors, which were certainly derived from his
own reading. He quotes Plutarch, 1 Tim. v. 13 ; Col. ii.
29; Plato, 1 Cor. x. 20; xiv. 7; Eph. iv. 17; Col. ii. 18;
1 Tim. ii. 1 ; v. 19 ; Tit. i. 7, 12 ; ii. 6, &c. ; Polybius, 2 Cor.
ix. 4, &c. But this is still more obvious from the many just
verbal criticisms which he has given, and which here and there
refer back also to the Hebrew usage. .He, explains 2J^3J,
1 Cor. XV. 45 ; nnin, Heb. ix. 16; a»vh, Heb. vii. 17;
ri/D, Rom. ix. 28. He observes, on Phil. iii. 5, that his
friend Capito derived the name Pharisee, not, as is common

gloriam applicare quidqiiid in eum usum apte conferri potest ? Sed ea de
re, legatur Basilii oratio, ■r^o; tou; /lou; ovui av =| IxK- x. r. \."

' iScientia tamen nihil propterea (quod inflat) niagis vituperanda est
quam gladius si in raanus furiosi incidat. Hoc propter quosdam fanaticos
dictum sit, qui contra onines artes doctrinasque furiose clamitant, quasi
tantum ad inflandos homines valeant, ac non utilissima sint tarn pietatis
quam communis vitje instrumenta."

' His first work was a Commentary on Seneca de Clementiu.

366 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

from tlieir separateness, but from the accurate interpretation
of their Scriptures, and that lie himself preferred this. On
1 Pet. ii. 6, he remarks, that the Hebrew future often stands
for the imioerative. He explains utto/j-ovij, Rom. ii. 7, very
justly as meaning, not patientia, but perseverantia ; he
expLiins ofiolw^a., Rom. vi. 5, distinguishes between psalmus,
hyvinus, and oda, Col. iii. 16 ; 7rpoa€V)(^ac, Serjaei^, evrev^ea,
with reference to Plato, 1 Tim. i. 4 ; ^rj/xa and \oyo<i, John
i. 1 ; KUKta and irovijpia, Rom. i. 28 ; irpoTiOevai, Rom. iii.
25 ; op/j,-^, James iii. 4 ; vTroSeiy/j^a, Heb. viii. 4 ; (TKiaypa<p[a,
Heb. X. J. He interprets the difficult word Trapappvelv, Heb.
ii. ], which Luther, following the Vulgate, had first rendered
verfliessen, to flow away, and afterwards, still more indefi-
nitely, dahinfahren, to pass away. He notices the use of onto
for viro in passive constructions, Luke vii. oh. \\\ Acts
xxiv. 20, he renders, more correctly than either the Vulgate,
Erasmus, or Luther, the participle aravro^ as prceter. He
remarks the use of the epexegetical Kai,, Rom. viii. 3.

We must also notice here his incorrect interpretation {ira-
pep/M7]veia) of the clause, et? avrov ra iravra, 1 Cor. viii. 6.
Although he gave to et? in Rom. xi. 39, the meaning for,
denoting the end or p)urp)Ose of man, a meaning both gram-
matically correct and deeply religious,^ he yet regarded it
here as standing for ev, and referring to the preservation of
the world. He was led to this interpretation by the clause St
avTov, shortly following ; and this too he would explain as
referring to preservation.

It remains here to inquire, how much in these Commen-
taries is to bo attributed to Calvin himself, and for how
much he was indebted to others. He seldom quotes other
interpreters by name. Semler affirms," that Calvin is more
indebted to Pellicanus than to any other. Pellicanus is an
excellent interpreter of the Old and New Testaments, and of
the Apocrypha, who has much that is altogether original,
and who is not sufficiently known.^ But after an extensive
comparison among the exegetical works of these writers on

1 Augustin. Txifecisti nos ad Te, Domine. Winer understands it in
the same way.

'■^ Versucli einer freiern theoloj,aschen Lehrart.

' His works were published at Basle, 1538, in 7 vols. fol.

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. S67

the New Testament,- we have found Calvin dependent neitlier
on him nor on Zwinoli.

ly. — EXEGETICAL WRITINGS.

We now pass on to consider the excellencies of the exe-
getical writings of Calvin in a religious 7-espect. To what
degree faith in tlie Redeemer was an affair of the heart with
this sagacious and deeply learned man ; how mucli he sought
for the salvation and edification of his own soul in the way
of practical self-denial, may be seen by those M'ho are not
acquainted with his Institutes, his Epistles, and his Sermons,
from many of his noblo prefaces to his Commentaries, and
especially from the affecting dedication to Galleazzo Carrac-
cioli, which he has prefixed to the Epistles to the Corin-
thians. We cannot refrain from giving the conclusion of
this dedication, in which he thus consoles an Italian noble-
man, a nepliew of Pope Paul IV., who had forsaken riches,
honour, and family, for the sake of the gospel, and had fled
to Geneva.

" Among Christians it ought to be more than common and
usual to forsake not only estates, and castles, and princi-
palities, with cheerfulness of mind, if otherwise we cannot
follow Christ, but even, in comparison with him, readily and
willingly to despise whatever is most precious under heaven.
But how great is our backwardness, or rather sluggishness !
for while many coldly assent to the doctrines of tlie gospel,
scarcely one in a hundred will endure to be stripped of any,
even the smallest possession, for the sake of Christ ; —
scarcely one who can be brought with the greatest difficulty
to surrender the slightest comfort ; so far are they from
being ready, as they ought to be, to give up life itself I
could wish that, in respect to self-denial, which is the chief
of the virtues, all might resemble you. You are indeed the
best witness to men, as I also am to you, how little we are
pleased with the manner of those who, having forsaken their
country, bring liither the same affections which they exer-
cised there. But since it is better that many things should
be recollected by the reader, than expressed by me in words,

SG8 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

I now turn to pray that God, who has thus far animated
you with the wonderful virtues of his Spirit, would keep you
even to tlie end in unsubdued constancy. For I am not
ig-norant how great are the conflicts with which God has
exercised you ; from which you may, in your singular pru-
dence, draw the conclusion, that a hard and laborious warfare
yet remains before you. And since you have learned, by
many experiences, how necessary it is that a hand should be
stretched out to us from heaven, you will readily join with
me in seeking from tlience the gift of j)erseverance. My
prayer is, that Christ our King, to whom supreme power is
given by the Father, and in whom are hid all the treasures
of spiritual wisdom, may keep you long and safely for the
promotion of his kingdom, and may go on to triumph in you
over Satan and his faction."

A Christian, whose own internal life is so active, and who
seeks daily to make progress in the practical imitation of
Jesus, must necessarily read the Scriptures with an enlight-
ened eye, and be able to seize and develop their deeper reli-
gious contents. So far Calvin and the other Reformers stand
on the same level, except perhaps Beza and Camerarius, in
whose Commentaries the religious element is kept in the
back-ground. But it is one thing, with deep Christian feel-
ing to apprehend the fundamental New Testament ideas and
j)articular terms according to their internal import; and quite
another thing to interpret, with a 'psychology resting upon
Christian experience, the Holy Scriptures in their full connec-
tion. It is the latter which distinguishes Calvin from his
venerable contemporaries. The unity of the Spirit, which
binds together all the Reformers in one spiritual body, is very
delightfully prominent in Calvin in his explanation of those
I peculiar ideas which are fundiiiiiental to the Christian system.
j In harmony with Luther, and in opposition to Erasmus, Calvin
I explains the most important New Testament ideas : e.g.,
{ faith, in his excellent note on Heb. xi. 1 ; flesh and spirit,

compare his note on John iii. 6 ; the kingdom of God, and
regeneration, compare John iii. 3 ; the law, compare Rom.
iii. 20 ; righteousness by faith, compare Rom. iii. 21, &c.
But he does more than this. In the Pauline Epistles, he

OF THE UOLY SCRIPTURES. 369

merges himself in the spirit of tlie Apostle, and becoming
one with hira, as every one clearly feels, he deduces every-
where the explanation of that which is particular from that
which is general ; and is in this respect to be compared with
Chrysostom, whose rhetorical education, however, sometimes
exerted a bad influence upon him. The whole history of the
New Testament becomes in his hand alive and vivid. He
lives in every person who comes forward, either speaking or
acting, in the wicked as well as in the good, and explains
every discourse from the circumstances, and from the soul of
him who speaks. In the Acts of the Apostles, this his art
shews itself in a way worthy of admiration. He apprehends
admirably the exact state of mind of the person acting, and
lays it before the reader ; and especially, he interprets so
well the speeches of Paul, that in a perfectly natural way
they become at the same time a sermon for the reader. He
advances general and widely comprehensive religious re-
marks and observations ; though this is rarely done discur-
sively, but usually in natural and immediate connection with
the explanation of the text itself We wish to give a clear
view of his skill by a single example, and select for this pur-
pose the conversation between our Lord and Nicodemus.

John iii. 1. — In passing to the explanation of this section,
Calvin begins with the acute observation, that this passage
is intimately connected with the preceding. " Nicodemus,"
he says, " is given by the Evangelist as a specimen of the
class of people who had been spoken of in the last verse of
the preceding chapter, whose faith rested upon no other
basis than miracles.'" He causes it to be noted, that his de-
meanour furnishes us with a clear insight into the general
state of mind of the inhabitants of Jerusalem at that time.
" This Nicodemus was a distinguished man, and at the same
time upright, and yet ignorant and unenlightened with re-
gard to the facts of the internal spiritual world." In no-
ticing, however, these special and temporary ends of this
narration of the Evangelist, Calvin by no means loses sight of
its more religious aim. " The Evangelist," he says, " relates
this history in full, because it contains instruction respecting
the corrupt nature of the human race, and because it teaches

2 A

370 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

who has rightly entered into the school of Christ, and by
what beffinninffs it becomes us to form ourselves for advance-
ment in this heavenly doctrine. But the same reason which
justifies us in expecting from Nicodemus a more enlightened
knowledge, (viz., that lie is a Pharisee, and therefore ac-
quainted with the Scriptures, and also a ruler among the
Jews,) is, on the other hand, the very reason, as Calvin
remarks, which makes it difficult for him to possess and
exercise this just and pious disposition ; whence we are ad-
monished, that those who are eminent in this world are often
held entangled by the worst snares."

Verse 2. — " The learned scribe comes by night. He was
afraid : for the splendour of his own dignity had blinded his
eyes. Shame too was there : for he thought, like all ambi-
tious men, that it would be over with his reputation if he
once forsook the Sanhedrim. But how much soever he
might have been prepossessed with his own knowledge, there
was still in liim a seed of genuine godly fear. For when he
hears that a new prophet had appeared, he feels an awaken-
ing desire ; but where there is no fear of God, a desire of
such a kind cannot be supposed. Many, indeed, long for a
new doctrine, merely because it is new. It is easy to see,
however, that it was not curiosity which influenced Nicode-
mus, for he wished to be thorouglily instructed.'' In this
way, Calvin certainly apprehends the character of Nicode-
mus very justly. " The words of the address," Calvin con-
tinues, " express the following sense : Rabbi, we know that
thou art a teacher come from God. Nicodemus here recog-
nises the great principle upon which the office of teaching in
the Church is founded, viz., that God must have called. But
of this very thing enthusiastic spirits boast themselves the
most. Therefore Nicodemus wisely adds a reason, viz., that
Christ performed miracles. All miraculous power," he ar-
gues, " leads directly back to God. It is hence clear, that
God himself must have acted through Christ. Miracles have
the twofold object of exciting the first beginnings of faith,
and of confirming the faith produced by the word. The first
object we see fully attained in Nicodemus." Then follows an
observation respecting the apparent miracles of false prophets.

OF THE HOLY SCKIPTURES. 371

Verse 3. — " Christ begins liis discourse with a repeated
dfXT]v ; for he was about to say something of the highest im-
port, and wished to excite the listless spirit of his hearer to
attention ; for which purpose, Christ always in John makes
use of this double d/xriv. What Christ here answers, appears
at first sight longe petitum et pr-ope intempestivum. But it
is exactly what belongs to this place. The mind of Nico-
demus was a field grown over and over with tares ; it needed
to be first cleared and ploughed. This was the object of
the discourse respecting the new birth. This discourse
is so full of meaning, that each particular ex2:)ressiou
needs to be separately considered. To see the kingdom of
God, is as much as to enter into it, as the context shews.
The kingdorn of God is not, as many suppose, heaven ; but
rather that spiritual life, which is begun by faith in this
world, and daily increases, according to the continual ad-
vances of faith.^ The expression is general, and compre-
hends the whole human race. The oratio indefinita which
we here find, is equivalent to the oratio universalis : quicum-
que nonfuerii. Hence this text is a proof of the general
dej^ravity of the human race. Attention must also be jjaid
to the term horn again. It denotes the commencement of
a new existence in respect to the whole man. Consequently,
the corruption must pervade the whole man. Erasmus fol-
lows Cyril in rendering avcodev, a siipernis. It is true, this
term in Greek is ambiguous. But Nicodemus understands
it afterwards in the sense of iraXiv ; and the conversation
was in Hebrew, and in Hebrew there is no ambiguity."

Verse 4. — " The exact plirase, new birth, does not indeed
occur in the Old Testament, but we find instead of it the
term renewal. Had, therefore, Nicodemus read the Scrip-
tures diligently, he must have known this. But it was with
the later Jews, as with the Papists, — they speculated on
every possible subject, and in the meanwhile neglected the
study of the Scriptures.'"

Verse 5. — " This expression has been very differently un-
derstood. Some have supposed that regeneration itself was

^ " Cum potius spiritualem vitam significet, qufe fide in hoc mundo in-
choatur, niagisque in dies adolescit, secundum assiduos fidei progressus."

372 CALVIN AS AN INTERPEETER

divided into two parts ; that the water indicated tlie denial
of the old man, the negative side ; the spirit, the commu-
nication of new life, the positive side. Others have supposed
tliat here is a silent antithesis, and that water and spirit, as
the subtler elements, are opposed to the grosser earthly ele-
ments ; and that Christ meant to say, Ye must be spiritual,
like air and water, which seek to ascend. Both explanations
appear to me to be foreign to the intention of Christ. In
accordance Avith Chrysostom, most have referred the water
to the act of baptism ; and from this expression have con-
cluded the absolute necessity of baptism to salvation.
Granting now, that Christ did in reality speak of baptism,
he would not certainly have limited salvation to the exter-
nal sign. The mention of baptism appears to me, however,
not appropriate to this place. The object of Christ was
only to call the attention of Nicodemus to the fact, that he,
as long as he was inwardly uni'enewed, could not understand
the gospel. As therefore, in another place, mention is made
of the baptism with fire and the Spirit, where one designates
figuratively what the other does literally, so I understand
it here. The copula stands here, as often, epexegetically ;
and then afterwards the discourse is merely respecting the
baptism of the Spirit, and not of water : aqva nihil aliud est,
quam interior Spiritus Sancti purgatio et vegetatio."

Verse 6. — " Christ takes for granted the maxim, that only
the spiritually-minded can be citizens of the kingdom of
God. Is this decided ? then we do not belong by nature to the
kingdom of God. As Christ here speaks of the necessity of a
new birth, it is obvious from the very contrast, that Jlesh
liere denotes the whole natural man. Insulse papistce theolo-
gastri ad partem quam vacant sensualem restringunt. The
notion of being born teaches expressly an origin from some-
thino^ altogether new." Here follows the answer of two doc-
trinal doubts, viz., (I.) Whether it does not follow from this,
that the human soul is propagated with the body ? (2.)
As in this degenerate and vitiated nature there is some
remnant of the gifts of God, how can it be said that the
whole man is corrupt ?

Verses 7, 8. — " According to some, the sense of the words

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 873

is : Thou and those like thee cannot indeed understand
what is meant by regeneration, since ye are so contracted
in your views, that ye are unable to understand even the
objects of the material world. Others ingeniously, though
unnaturally, make the following the point of comparison :
The wind is the image of free power; the children of
God are those who are truly free, who move where and as
they please ; therefore it is with regeneration as with the
blowing of the wind. Chrysostom and Cyril have made the
point of comparison with more justice, as follows : As in the
wind the power is felt, though its origin is unknown, so it is
with regeneration. This explanation I prefer, but will at-
tempt to state it more j)lainly, with its reasons. I proceed
on the supposition, that Christ borrows a comparison from
the natural order of things. He wished to shew, that even
in the material world there are wonderful exertions of divine
power, whose cause is concealed. All inhale from the air
the spirit of life ; its motion every one feels ; but how it
originates, and where it goes, no one understands. After
this example of our Saviour, the Apostle reasons, 1 Cor. xv.
36. To the opponents of the doctrine of the resurrection, it
appears incredible that new life should be called up from
the dust. The Apostle alludes to the corn of wheat, which
must decay in order that the seed may spring up. How
limited, therefore, are the views of those who refuse to be
led even by the common course of nature to anything higher,
so as to recognise in the spiritual kingdom of Christ the far
more powerful hand of God I When Christ says, ' Marvel
not at this,' he does not of course forbid pious admiration,
but that doubting wonder which considers the thing as a
fable. Now, as to the particular point of comparison, a will
is ascribed to the wind, not in a literal sense, but because
its motion does not appear to be regulated by any fixed
laws. Were its motion as regular as that of the water, its
unrestrained freedom would be less conspicuous. In the
same way is the working of a higher than human, yea,
of a divine Spirit, visible in man, while the manner in which
it op^erates — its internal rule or law — is not capable of being
known."

374 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER

Verse 9. — " What hinders Nicodemus from believing is
plain. It is because he cannot see the how of this divine
operation. We may properly, indeed, inquire with modesty
into the how and the wherefore of the divine operations ;
but wo unto us if we would measure the infinity of the divine
power by the standard of our own reason \"

Verse 10. — " Christ greatly humbles the proud scribe, by
objecting against him the very thing in which he supposed
he had given the greatest j^roof of his sagacity. The em-
phasis lies upon ravra. Exactly that which is the foundation
of all true religion, and which the Scriptures insist upon
times without number, thou knovvest not."

Tliis connected extract will serve the purpose of giving to
those who have never met with Calvin an idea of his method,
and especially of that psychology, founded upon religious
experience, without which no one can be a good interpreter
of Scripture.

Let, then, this great teacher of a true and profound know-
ledge of the Scriptures, go forth anew into an age to which
he had become in a great measure a stranger. We know
with certainty he will find hundreds and thousands of
friends ; and only one consideration could make us at all
solicitous respecting this new circulation of his Com-
mentaries. This is the recollection, that his view of pre-
destination appears in all its sternness wherever an oppor-
tunity occurs. With an observation on this subject, we shall
bring our remarks to a close. We believe that even this
part of Calvin's Commentaries will do moi'e good than hurt.
As one extreme often serves to restrain and limit the other,
so we think it will turn out here. A profound truth lies
at the foundation of Calvinism ; and that very aspect of the
Divine Being and of human nature which our age is most
inclined to overlook, is made prominent in this system. If
it be so, that our age has been accustomed to set up man,
with numberless claims on God, as a Prometheus, in opposi-
tion to the Supreme Being, and that this mode of thinking
lias in any degree affected the views even of evangelical
theologians ; it may be, that the inexorable severity with
which Calvin takes everything from man, and gives every-

OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 875

thing to God, will exert a salutary influence upon many ;
while the strong current of the age, diametrically opposed
as it is, to this mode of thinking, may prove a sufficient se-
curity against the Calvinistic extreme. Should not this,
however, be the case ; should the consistency of Calvinism
compel from one and another an unconditional surrender, — so
be it ; thei'e is always something more noble and majestic in
the power inherent in the iron view of Calvinism, than in
the weakness of a carnal Pelagianism.

We feel the same composure with regard to the new edition
of Calvin's Institutes, which has been undertaken in Wiirtem-
berg. With joy we bid it welcome. And even if its tend-
ency should be to establish many theologians in the partial
views of Calvinism, it will not fail, at the same time, to
promote that unconquerable and fixed power of faith, wliich
has always been peculiar to strict Calvinism, and whicli,
more than anything else, is so necessary to our languid
aee.

OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

RESPECTING THE

WRITINGS OF JOHN CALVIN.

MARTIN BUCER.
(a.d. 1491-1551.)

Calvinus vere doctus mireque facundus vir, purioris Chris-
tianismi instaurator eximius.

Calvin is a truly learned and singularly eloquent man,
an illustrious restorer of a purer Christianity.

MARTIN LUTHER,
In a Letter to Bucei', 14th October 1539.

Saluta mihi Sturmium et Calvinum reverenter, quorum
libellos singulari cum voluptate legi.

Present my respectful salutations to Sturmius and Cal-
vin, whose books I have perused with singular pleasure.

PAPIRE MASSON,

A Roman Catholic.

(a.d. 1544-1611.)

Ingenio san^ et acuto erat, et ad questiones explicandas
difficiles natus, quas et citb et penitiis complectebatur. —
Scripsit nee pauciora nee minus bene quam segregum quis-
quam, si numerum, si acumen, si dictionem, si brevitatem,
si aculeos, si emphasin spectare volumus.

OPINIONS KESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 877

His mind was eminently acute, and adapted to the solu-
tion of difficult questions, of which he quickly and thoroughly
made himself master. Whether we consider the number,
the ingenuity, the expression, the conciseness, or the point
and energy of his writings, they are neither less numerous
nor less valuable than those of any of his contemporaries.

RICHAED SIMON",

A Roman Catholic, genei'ally known by the name of Father Simon.

(a.d. 1638-1712.)

Cum Calvinus sublimi ingenio polleret, in ejus Commen-
tariis statim occurrit quiddam quo animus rapitur ; cumque
hqminem intus et in cute pernosset, Ethicam mire placentem,
quani et ille quantum potest Textui Sacro conformem reddit.
Si minus prejudiciis laborasset, et Hereticarum partium ducis
et signiferi nomen minime ambivisset, utilem profecto Eccle-
siae Catholicse operam navare potuisset.

As Calvin was endued with a lofty genius, we are con-
stantly meeting with something in his Commentaries which
delights the mind ; and in consequence of his intimate and
perfect acquaintance with human nature, his Ethics are truly
charming, while he does his utmost to maintain their accord-
ance with the Sacred Text. Had he been less under the
influence of prejudice, and had he not been solicitous to be-
come the leader and standard-bearer of heresy, he might
have produced a work of the greatest usefulness to the Catho-
lic Church. — Critical History of the Old Testament.

The same passage, with additions, is in French as follows:

"L'on trouve dans sesCommentaires sur TEcriture un je ne
sais quoi qui plait d'abord et que comme il s'etait principale-
raent applique a connaitre I'liomme, il a rempli ses livres
d'une morale qui touche, et il tache meme de la rendre juste
et conforme a son texte. II n'y a gu^re d'auteur qui ait mieux
connu le neant de Thomme depuis le peche et il s'applique
surtout a marquer les defauts auxquels il est sujet et ainsi il
touche le coeur. Neanmoins il a ce defaut dans tous ses ouv-
rages d'avoir fait paraitre avec exc^s ce neant de Thomme et

378 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

de Tavoir lalsse clans ce nieme neant, sans avoir dgard a I'etafc
de la grace. II a I'adresse ou la malice de detourner le verit-
able sens de son texte pour raccommoder a ses prejuges ; 11
ne laisse passer aucune occasion de medire de I'Eglise Ro-
maine et ainsi une partie de ses Comraentaires est plus de
declamations inutiles, qui lui servaient cependant en ce temps
la pour soulever les peuples centre leur superieurs legitimes."
In another passage, lie says, " que Calvin fait paraitre plus
d'esprit et de jugement dans ses ouvrages que Luther, qu'il
est plus reserve que lui, et qu'il prend garde a ne se servir
pas de preuves faibles, d'oii ses adversaires puissent prendre
avantage sur lui. Calvin est trop subtil dans ses raisonne-
mens, ses Commentaires sent remplis de consequences tirees
avec adresse du texte qui sont capables de prevenir les
esprits des lectures qui ne savent pas a fond la religion.

"Calvin est plus exact dans ses Commentaires sur les Epitres
de St. Paul que dans les autres. II ne'st pas content du
travail de Melanchthon et de Bullinger dans ces epitres ni
meme de Bucer, parce qu'ils lui semblaient trop longs. II
faut avouer qu'il est modere dans son comment sur I'Epitre
aux Remains. On voit bien qu'il ne songeait alors qu'a se
concilier les esprits des diiferens partis."

There is something in his Commentaries on the Scrip-
tures which immediately pleases, and as he applied him-
self particularly to the knowledge of human nature, he has
filled his books with a pointed practical application, which
he also endeavours to make a legitimate and exact inference
from his text. There is no author who understood better
the utter inability of man in consequence of sin ; he applies
himself especially to point out the faults and defects to
which he is subject, and thus he afiects tlie heart. Never-
theless, he has the fault in all his works of giving too much
prominence to this inability, and of leaving man in it with-
out having respect to the state of grace. He has the address,
or malice, to twist the true meaning of his text to suit his
preconceived notions ; he lets no opportunity pass of slan-
dering the Romish Church, and thus a part of his Commen-
taries is rather useless declamations, which however served
his purpose at that time of stirring up the people against

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. S79

their lawful superiors. . . . He displays more genius and judg-
ment in his works than Luther ; he is more cautious, and
takes care not to make use of weak proofs, of which his ad-
versaries might take advantage. He is subtle to excess in
his reasoning, and his Commentaries are filled with infer-
ences skilfully drawn from the text — which are capable of
prepossessing the minds of those readers who are not pro-
foundly acquainted with religion.

He is more exact in his Commentaries on the Epistles of
St. Paul than in the rest. He is not content with the labours
of Melanchthon and Bullinger on these Epistles, nor even of
Bucer, because the}'^ appeared to him too long. It must
be allowed that he is moderate in his Commentaries on the
Epistles to the Romans. His desire evidently was to con-
ciliate the minds of different parties.

JOSEPH SCALIGEE,
(a.d. 1540-1609.)

Calvinus solidus theologus et doctus est ; styli sat pur-
gati et elegantioris quam theologum deceat. Excellentissimi
theologi duo nostris temporibus sunt Joannes Calvinus et
Petrus Martyr : quorum ille literas sanas tractavit ut trac-
tandse sunt, — vere, inquam, et pure, ac simpliciter, sine ullis
argutationibus scholasticis : et divino vir prseditus ingenio
multa divinavit, quae non nisi a linguae Hebraicas peritissimis
(cujusmodi tamen ipse non erat) divinari possint.

Calvin is an instructive and learned theologian, with a
higher purity and elegance of style than is expected from a
theologian. The two most eminent theologians of our times
are John Calvin and Peter Martyr ; the former of whom has
treated sound learning as it ought to be treated, with a truth,
and purity, and simplicity, remote from any of the refine-
ments of the schools. Endued with a divine genius, he
penetrated into many things which lie beyond the reach of
all who are not deeply skilled in the Hebrew language,
though he did not himself belong to that class.

In his Scaligeriana Secunda, he says, — 0 quam Calvinus
bene assequitur raentcm prophetariam ! nemo melius! Cal-

380 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

villus omnium op time in Danielem scripsit, sed omnia hausit
ex B. Hieronymo. 0 quara bonus liber sunt Institutiones !
Calvinus et Beza Pictavii ambo Juris studiis operam nava-
runt. Solus inter theologus Calvinus.

0 how well Calvin apprehends the meaning of the pro-
phets ! no one better. Calvin is the best of all writers on
Daniel, but he drew all his materials from St. Jerome. 0
what a good book is the Institutes ! Calvin and Beza of
Poitou both applied themselves to the study of the Law.
Calvin stands alone among theologians.

He elsewhere says, — He had never occasion to recant ;
which, considering how much he wrote, is a subject for
admiration. I leave you to judge whether he was not a
great man !

THOMAS STAPLETON,

A Roman Catholic.

(a.d. 1535-1598.)

Libri Institutionum (Calvini) in Anglia in tanto pretio
sunt, ut cum Anglic^ exactissimb versi in singulis Ecclesiis
a Parochis legend! appendantur, tum in utraque illic acade-
mia, cursu philosophico absoluto, futuris theologis hi primum
ante omnia prselegantur.

(Calvin's) Institutes are so highly valued in England, that
not only is a very exact English translation of them laid
down for perusal in every parish church ; but in both of its
Universities, as soon as the course of philosophy is com-
pleted, those who are intended to be theologians are first of
all enjoined to peruse these volumes.

Stapleton, according to Jurieu, also expressed himself
regarding Calvin's merits in the following terms : — Pour le
sens litteral il etait interprete exact, si moral, si eloquent,
si doux, que souvent les catholiques en le lisant ont bien de
la peine a se garantir de I'impurete de sa doctrine, parce
qu'elle est accompagnee d'une grande purete de diction, et
je les ai souvent oui souhaiter qu'on eut retranche de ses
Commentaires ce qui est contraire a I'eglise et a la foi.

For the literal meaning he was an exact interpreter, so
practical, eloquent, and pleasing, that Catholics in read-

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 381

ing him often find it difficult to guard themselves against tlie
impurity of his doctrine, because it is accompanied with
great purity of style, and I have often heard them express
a wish that that which is contrary to the Church and to the
faith were expunged from his Commentaries.

Stapleton is quoted by Bayle, as saying, — Tlie Institutions
of Calvin are so greatly esteemed, in England that the book
has been accurately translated into English, and is even
fixed in the parish churches for the people to read. More-
over, in each of the two Universities, after the students have
finished their circuit in philosophy, as many of them as are
designed for the ministry are lectured first of all on that
book.

JOHN COCHLiEUS,

A Roman Catholic,

(a.d. 1479-1552,)

Describes Calvin as

Hominera eloquentem et sacrarum literarum in diversis

linguis peritum. — Dedicatio ad Historiam Hussitarum.

An eloquent man, and skilled in sacred literature in vari-
ous languages.

SCHULTINGIUS,

A Roman Catholic, canon of the cathedral of Cologne, in the end of the six-
teenth century.

In Anglia, ejus (Calvini) Institutiones ipsis paene biblicis
scripturis pra3feruntur. Maiidant pseudoepiscopi omnibus
ministris ut paene ad verbum has ediscant, nee unquam de
manibus deponant. Collocantur in templis sublimi loco in
pulpito ; custodiuntur tanta diligentia acsi Sibyllina forent
oracula. — In Scotia omnes studiosi adolescentes, post suscep-
tum gradum magisterii, studium theologise ab his principiis,
nempe lectione Institutionum, inchoant. — Heidelbergge, Ge-
nevse, Herbornge, et in universitatibus Calvinistarum, vel
ipsEe Institutiones, vel earum compendia, public^ a doctoribus
studiosis theologise explicantur. — Hse Institutiones ab ipsis
in omnes linguas vertuntur, ut omnium nationum homines
hoc veneno pestifero inficere et corrumpere possint. In

882 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

Belgia, nullus est vcrbi Dei minister et prseoo, niillus senatorii
ordinis paullo latior, nullus prseses vel prsefectus, — breviter,
nullus sacrarum literarurn cupidus, (omnes autem j^aene sunt
in ejusmodi tlieologia Calviniana versati, a supremo conci-
liario usque ad infimum aurigam aut nautam,) qui non liasce
aureas, scilicet eorum judicio, nocturna verset manu, verset-
que diurna. Extrinsecus auro, purpura, oninique pretiosis-
simo ornatu, vestiiint et ornant tanquam pra3stantissimam
margaritam evangelicam, et quasi thesaurum coelitus delap-
sum: ex his libris omnes controversias decidunt et dijudicant.
In England, (Calvin's) Institutes are almost preferred to
the inspired writings themselves. The pretended bishojis
enjoin all ministers to learn them almost by heart, and never
to have them out of their hands. They are jilaced in their
churches, where an elevated situation in the pulj^it is as-
signed to them, and are j^reserved with as much care as if
they were the Sibylline oracles. — In Scotland, all young
students have no sooner taken their degree of Master of
Arts, than they commence their theological studies with
these principles, that is, with the reading of the Institutes.
— At Heidelberg, Geneva, Herborn, and in the Universities
of the Calvinists, either the Institutes themselves, or abridg-
ments of them, are publicly expounded by the professors to
students of theology. These Institutes are translated by
them into all languages, that they may be enabled to slay
and destroy the inhabitants of every nation by this deadly
poison. — In Switzerland, there is no minister or preacher of
the Word of God, no senator of any eminence, no public
officer or magistrate, in short ; no man devoted to sacred
literature, (and almost every person in that country is con-
versant with that description of theology which bears the
name of Calvin, from the most exalted counsellor, down to
the lowest carter or sailor,) by whom those golden Institutes,
as they deem them, are not perused by night and day.^

* The phraseology of the original Latin is obviously formed on Horace's
celebrated advice in his Art of Poetry : —

" Vos exemplaria Grseca
Nocturna versate manu, versate diurna."

" Peruse the Grecian models night and day."

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 383

Tlicy clothe and decorate tlicm witli gold, purple, and every
costly ornament, as the most precious jewel of the Gospel,
as if they were a treasure which had fallen from heaven ;
and from these books they decide and determine every con-
troversy.

JOHN STURMIUS.
(a.d. 1507-1589.)

Joannes Calvinus homo acutissimo judicio, summaque
doctrina, et egregia menioria pra)ditus est, et scriptor est
varius, copiosus, purus, cujus rei testimonium est Institutio

Christianre Religionis Neque scio an quicquani

hujus generis extet perfectius ad docendam religionem, ad
corrigendos mores et tollendos errores, et se optime insti-
tutum existimet, qui qute in eo volumine traduntur est asse-
cutus.

John Calvin was endued with a most acute judgment, the
highest learning, and a prodigious memory, and was distin-
guished as a writer by variety, copiousness, and purity, an
instance of which is to be found in the Institutes of the

Christian Religion I am not aware that there is

anything of this description in existence more completely
adapted to teach religion, to correct morals, and to remove
errors : so that we may look upon that man as well instructed
who has made himself master of all that is contained in
that book.

ETIENNE PASQUIEE.

Conseiller et Avocat General du Roy en la Chambi-e des Contes de Paris.

A Roman Catholic.

(1528-1615.)

Jean Calvin, natif de la ville de Noyon fit ses premieres
etudes dans Paris, puis a Orleans ; et de la il prit son vol
dans Geneve, oil il batit vne nouvelle Religion. Car com-
bien que Luther et luy fussent compagnons d'armes, en ce
qu'ils combattoyent d'vn commun voeu, I'autorite du Siege
de Rome, si ne symbolisoient-ils en tous les articles de foy ;
Calvin ayant ajoute, bien des amplifications, des retranche-

881 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

mens, a la doctrine de Luther. Et pour cette cause ils etabli-
rent deux Eglises ; I'vne a Augsbourg, ou le Lutheranisme
fut exerc^, et Tautre a Genc^ve, ou la Calvinisme. Et tout
ainsi que Luther attira a sa cordelle vne bonne partie d'Alle-
magne dont il etoit extrait, aussi Calvin s'etudia de faire le
semblable en notre France, lieu de sa nativite. II survequit
long-tems Luther, chose qui luy donna le loisir d'espandre
sa nouvelle doctrine au milieu de nous et en plusieurs autres
contrees. Car aussi etoit-il homme bien ecrivant tout en La-
tin que Fran9ois, et auquel notre langue Frangoise est gran-
dement redevable pour I'avoir enrichie d'vne infinite de beaux
traits ; et a la mienne volonte que e'eust ete sur meilleur su-
jet, Au demeurant homme merveileusement verse et noury
au Livres de la Sainte Ecriture, et tel que s'il eust tourne
son esprit a la bonne voye il pouvoit estre mis au paragon
des plus signalez Docteurs de I'Eglise. — Les Recherches de la
France, p. 769. Paris, 1 6S3.

John Calvin, a native of the town of Noyon, studied first
at Paris, afterwards in Orleans, and from thence removed to
Geneva, where he founded a new religion. For though Lu-
ther and he were fellows in arms in so far as they had one
common object in combating the authority of the Papal
chair, they did not concur in all their articles of faith, Calvin
having both added numerous amplifications, and made re-
trenchments of the doctrines of Luther. And therefore two
churches arose, the one at Augsburg, and the other at Ge-
neva, where Lutheranism and Calvinism respectively pre-
vailed. Whilst Luther then drew over to his side a large
I^art of Germany, the country of his birth, Calvin also in our
France, his native country, endeavoured to j)erform the same
achievement. He survived Luther a long time, a circum-
stance which gave him leisure to difi"use his new doctrines
throughout this and several other countries. He wrote
equally well both in Latin and Fi-ench, the latter of which
languages is greatly indebted to him for having enriched it
with an infinite number of fine passages, though I could have
wished that they had been written on a better subject. In
short, a man wonderfully conversant with, and attached to
the books of the Holy Scriptures, and such, that if he had

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 385

turned his mind in the proper direction, he might have been
ranked with the most distinguislied doctors of the church.

REV. WILLIAM FULKE,
Master of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, wlio died 1589.

That which Calvin speaketh of the spiritual liberty of a
Christian man's conscience, wliich must be kept wholly in
subjection unto God, how maliciously this lewd writer (Par-
sons the Jesuit, under the name of Howlet) draweth to make
seditious heresies, five hundred places in Calvin's works,
directly condemning all rebellion, sedition, and murmuring
against magistrates, and exacting obedience unto tliem, not
only for fear, but also for conscience sake, do most abun-
dantly demonstrate.

GERDES,
A Dutch divine of tlie last century.

Paucos esse libros qui vel sequiparari vel comparari que-
ant cum Joannis Calvini Institutione Religionis Christianse,
sive doctrinam spectemus, sive ratiocinandi viam, sive styli
et verborum elegantiam, etiam ii testantur, qui alia csete-
roquin in rebus sacris placita sequuntur. Tam utilis fuit
ejus opera ecclesiee Christi, ut nulla ferb Christian! orbis
regie inveniatur. qu£e non sit Calvini laboribus plena, nullse
fere hsereses fuerint subnatge, contra quas ille non feliciter
verbo Dei, ancipiti illo gladio pugnavit, nullum doctrinse
Christianse caput, quod ille non singularem in modum illus-
traverit. Cert^ ejus in Vetus ac Novum Testamentum Com-
mentaria omne ferunt punctum, ejus Conciones unctionem
spirant omnes, ejus Institutiones ad limam sunt compositae
et absolutse ; Tractatus dogmatic! soliditatem, Elenchtic! fer-
vorem et zelum, Practici virtutem et pietatem complectuntur;
Epistolse autera humanitatem, prudentiam, gravitatem atque
sapientiam prse se ferunt. — Historia Evangelii Renovati, iv.
41, &c.

That there are few books that can be equalled or com-
pared to the Institutes of the Christian Religion of John

2 B

386 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

Calvin, whether we consider tlie doctrine, or the method of
reasoning, or the elegance of the style and expression, is
attested even by those who in other respects take different
views of religion. His labours were so higldy useful to the
Church of Christ, that there is hardly any department of the
Christian world to be found that is not full of the labours of
Calvin, — hardly any heresy that has arisen which he has not
successfully encountered with that two-edged sword, the
word of God, — or a portion of Christian doctrine which he
has not illustrated in a remarkable manner. Certainly his
Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments are all that
could be desired ; every one of his sermons is full of unction ;
his Institutes bear the most complete and finished execu-
tion ; his doctrinal treatises are distinguished by solidity, his
critical works by warmth and fervour, his practical writings
by virtue and piety, and his letters by mildness, prudence,
gravity, and wisdom.

JEEOME ZANCHIUS,

lu a Letter to the Landgrave of Hesse.

(a.d. 1516-1590.)

Calvinus, honorificse memoriae homo (ut tota novit Europa)
non solum prsestanti pietate et maxima eruditione, sed etiam
singulari in rebus omnibus judicio clarissimus.

Calvin, whose memory is honoured, (as all Europe knows,)
was held in the highest estimation, not only for eminent
piety and the highest learning, but likewise for singularly
judicious views on every subject.

He also says in a letter to Bishop Grindal, — Calvin cer-
tainly thinks differently, and I respect his opinion far more
than that of many others ; for he truly has tlie Spirit of
God, and looks more to the edification of the churches than
to a certain vain-glorious pertinacity in our phrases, expres-
sions, and syllables. — Parker' Society Edit., p. 104.

RESPECTINQ THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 38/^

BISHOP JEWEL.
(a.d. 1522-1571.)

A reverend father, and worthy ornament of the Church
of God.

PRESIDENT DE THOU.
(a.d. 1553-1617.)

Jean Calvin de No^'on en Verinandois, personnage d'un
esprit vif et d'une grande eloquence, et parmi les Protestans
theologien de grande reputation, mourut le 20 Mai a Genc^ve,
oil il avoit enseigne vingt-trois ans, age de cinquante-six ans
presque accomplis. Ayant este travaille sept ans de diverses
maladies, neanmoins il n'en pas fut moins assidu dans sa
charge, et cela ne I'empecha jamais decrire.

John Calvin, of Noyon in Picardy, a person of lively wit
and of great eloquence, and a theologian of high reputation
among the Protestants, died on the 20th May, (1564,) at
Geneva, where he had taught for twenty-three years, being
nearly fifty-six years of age. Though he had laboured under
various diseases for seven years, this did not render him less
diligent in his office, and never hindered him from writing.

WALCHIUS.
A Lutheran divine of the last century.

Multa omnino in Calvini interpretationibus habentur, quai
eruditionem ac judicium ejus monstrant ; utiliter legenda
sunt ac laudari debent.

There are many of Calvin's interpretations that shew his
learning and judgment ; they may be perused with advan-
tage, and deserve commendation.

• MATTHEW POOLE.

(a.d. 1624-1679.)

Joannes Calvinus interpres est, vel adversariorum judicio,
acutus, doctus, et solidus. Commentaria non tam critica
sunt quam practica ; nee tam verba et phrases enucleant

388 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

quam materlas tlieologicas solide tractant, et ad praxin
accommodant.

John Calvin is acknowledged even by adversaries to be an
acute, learned, and instructive commentator. His commen-
taries deal less in critical than in practical matter, and are
less occupied with explaining words and phrases, than with
liandling theological subjects in an instructive manner, and
applying them to practice.

ARMINIUS.
(a.d. 1560-1609.)

Post Scripturse lectionem, quam vehcmenter inculco, ad
Calvini commentaries legendos adhortor, quem laudibus
majoribus extollo quam ipse Helmichius ; dice enim incom-
parabilem esse in interpretatione Scriptuise, et majoris
faciendos ipsius commentaries, quam quicquid patrum
bibliotheca nobis tradit ; adeo ut et spiritum aliquem pro-
phetise eximium illi prse aliis plerisque, imo et omnibus,
concedam. Institutiones ipsius, ad locos communes quod
attinet, addo legendas post catechesin tanquam pleniorem
explicationem. At hie addo c^im delectu, ut omnium homi-
num scripta legenda sunt.

Next to the perusal of the Scriptures, which I earnestly
inculcate, I exhort my pupils to peruse Calvin's Commen-
taries, which I extol in loftier terms than Helmich^ himself;
for I affirm that he excels beyond comparison in the interpre-
tation of Scripture, and that his commentaries ought to be
more highly valued than all that is handed down to tis by the
library of the fathers ; so that I acknowledge him to have
possessed above most others, or rather above all other men,
what may be called an eminent gift of prophecy. With .
respect to commonplaces, I add, that his Institutes ought to
be perused after the Catechism, as containin^a fuller exjjla-
nation. But here I add, that it should be with discrimina-
tion, for in that manner the writings of all men ought to be
perused.

* Werner Helmich, a Dutch Protestant divine, a.d. 1551-1608.

RESPECTING TtJE AVRITINGS OF CALVIN. 389

CHARLES DRElilNCOURT.

(a.d. 1595-1669.)

Dbs ma premiere jeunesse j'avois venere le nom de Calvin,
et j'avois leu ses doctes Ecrits avec uii tres-grand profit, et
un plaisir singulier, et encore aiijourdliuy en lisant les Com-
mentaires qu'ii a faits sur I'Ecriture Sainte, en un terns qu'il
ne faisoit que de sortir des ten^bres de Tignorance, oii il
avoit este noury et eleve, je suis ravy en une saint admira-
tion ; et il me semble que le mesme Esprit qui a dicte le
Texte, s'est en quelque sorte etendu et explique luy-mesme
en ces excellens Commentaires. En efFet, si vous excepted
quelque peu de lieus, oii Dieu a permis qu'il se rencontre
quelque defaut pour marque de I'infirmite humaine, et pour
distinguer les Ecrits des plus excellens serviteurs de Dieu,
d'avec ces des Saints Apostres, qui ont este inspirez imme-
diatement du Sainct Esprit, il n'y a rien en tons les livres
de ce grand Auteur qui ne soit dignc d'admiration et de
louange. Nous voyons bien en ce siecle des Auteurs qui
mettent au jour de gros et vastes Volumes : mais ce ne sent,
pour la pluspart, que des paroles, des amplifications, et des
redites. Mais en cette multitude prodigieuse de Livres que
Calvin a composez, vous ne voyez point de paroles perdues :
et il se pent dire qu'apres les Prophetes et les Apostres, per-
sonne n'a jamais dit tant de clioses distinctes en si peu de
mots, et en des mots si propres et si bien choisis.

From my earliest youth I venerated the name of Calvin,
and read his learned writings with very great advantage,
and with uncommon delight ; and even to this day, while I
peruse those commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, which he
wrote at a time when he bad just quitted the darkness of
ignorance in which he had been educated and brought up, I
am transported to a holy admiration, and imagine that the
same Spirit who dictated the text has, in some measure, en-
larged and explained himself in these excellent commenta-
ries. In fact, if you leave out some few passages in which
God permitted the existence of some defect as an indication
of human weakness, and to distinguish the writings of the
most excellent servants of God from those of the holy apos-

390 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

ties, who were immediately inspired b}' the Holy Spirit,
there is nothing in all the M^orks of this great author that is
not worthy of admiration and praise. We see many authors
in this age who publish large and bulky volumes ; but they
are, for the most part, words, enlargements, and repetitions.
But in that prodigious multitude of books which were com-
posed by Calvin, you see no words thrown away ; and since
the prophets and apostles, there never perhaps was a man
who conveyed so many distinct statements in so few words,
and in such appropriate and well-chosen tci-ms.

In another place he says, —

J'avais considere Calvin comme un grand liomme, mais je
ne I'ai jamais trouve si grand que lorsque je me suis mis a
en faire le portrait. Et cela a fait une telle impression en
mon ame que j'ai honte de moi-meme. Jamais la vie de
Calvin ne m'a paru plus pure ni plus innocente que depuis
que j'ai examine avec soin les calomnies diaboliques donton
I'a voulu difFamer, et consider^ toutes les louanges que ses
plus grands ennemis sont contraints de donner a sa memoire.

I had considered Calvin as a great nian, but I never found
him so great as when I set myself to draw his portrait. And
that has made such an impression on my mind that I feel
ashamed of myself. Never did Calvin's life appear to me
more pure or more innocent than after carefully examining
the diabolical calumnies with which some have endeavoured
to defame his charactei', and after considering all the praises
which his greatest enemies are constrained to bestow on his
memory.

HENRY DE BEAUVAL BASNAGE.

(a.d. 1659-1710.)

Author of a '• History of the Works of Learned IMeii."

Calvin avoit un esprit penetrant, un jugemeut solide, un
attachement pour I'etude qui ne fut interrompu ni par les
cruelles douleurs, ni par les longues et violentes maladies
dont il fut attaque pendant sa vie. On remarque dans son
Institution une grande puret^ de style et une noblesse d'ex-
pression qui repond a la grandeur des mystf^'res qu'il traite,

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 391

line theologie iiettc, un systeme parfaitemente lie, et une
connoissance profonde de rEcriturc, sur laquelle il appuye
tous ses dognies.

Calvin had a penetrating genius, a solid judgment, a de-
light in stud}'', which was not interrupted either by the
agonizing pains, or by the lingering and violent diseases to
which he was exposed during his life. In his Institutes we
discover an uncommon purity of style and a dignity of ex-
pression that is in unison with the sublime mysteries which
he handles, an exact theology, a system perfectly harmoni-
ous, and a profound knowledge of the Scriptui'es, on which
he rests all his doctrines.

BISHOP CAELETON.

AVho died 1628.

0 Calvin ! happy even by the testimony of thy adversa-
ries, since thy writings are so conformable to the Holy Scrip-
tures, that what a very famous Popish Doctor confesses he
took from the Scriptures other Papists imputed to the read-
ing of thy books.

RICHARD BAXTER.
(a.d. 1615-1691.)

1 know no man, since the Apostles' days, whom I value
and honour more than Calvin, and whose judgment in all
things, one with another, I more esteem and come nearer to.

BISHOP SANDERSON.
(a.d. 1587-1663.)

When I began to set myself to the study of Divinity as
my proper business, Calvin's Institutions were recommended
to me, as they generally were to all young scholars in those
times, as the best and most perfect system of Divinity, and
the fittest to be laid as a groundwork in the study of the
profession. And, indeed, my expectation was not at all ill-
deemed in the reading of those Institutions.

392 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

HAKEWELL,

PRINCE henry's chaplain.
In his answer to Dr. Benjamin Carier.

Your old master, Archbishop Whitgift, was of another
mind, — labouring always, when any occasion was oftered, to
countenance his own writings with Calvin's authority, and
esj)ecially out of that book which you most dislike, [the
Institutions,] yielding hira the title of "a famous and learned
man/'

PHILIP DODDRIDGE, D.D.
(a.d. 1702-1751.)
Calvin has a multitude of judicious thoughts.

JOHN LAWRENCE MOSHEIM, D.D.
(a.d. 1G95-1755.)

Calvin was a model for simplicity and clearness, being un-
tainted with that affectation of subtilty, and that scholastic
spirit which has eclipsed the merit of many a good genius,
more especially in his Institutes, a work remarkable for the
finest elegance of style, and the greatest ease and perspicuity
of expression. Calvin surpassed all the doctors of the age
in laborious application, constancy of mind, force of elo-
quence, and extent of genius. The first rank among the
interpreters of the age is deservedly assigned to John Calvin,
who endeavoured to expound nearly the whole of the Sacred
Volume.

ARCHIBALD MACLAINE, D.D.

(a.d. 1723-1804.)

Translator of "Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History."

Calvin, one of the most distinguished and remarkable
instruments of the Reformation — a man whose extensive
genius, flowing eloquence, immense learning, extraordinary
penetration, indefatigable industry, and fervent piet}^, placed
him at the head of the Reformers, all of whom he surpassed
at least in learning and parts.

I

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 393

JOHN ALPfiONSUS TURRETINE.
(a.d. 1671-1737.)

Vir benedicta3 in omne sevum memorise, Joannes Calvinus ;

. immensis laboribus non Genevensem modo ecclesi-

am, sed et totum Reformatum ovbem, erudivit et illustravit ;

adeo ut de ejus nomine Reformati quanti quanti sunt, non

raro adpellentur.

John Calvin was a man whose memory will be blessed to
the latest age, has instructed and adorned not only the
Church of Geneva, but the whole Reformed world, by his
vast labours ; insomuch that all the Reformed Churches arc
in the gross frequently called by his name.

BISHOP STILLINGPLEET.

(a.d. 1635-1699.)

None speaks more fully .... than that excellent
servant of God, as Bishop Downam often calls him, Calvin
doth.

JOHN ALBERT BENGEL.
A Lutheran,

(a.d. 1687-1752.)

Calvin's Institutions, which had been originally intended
to be presented to the King of France, as a Confession of
Faith on the part of the Reformed, is a most excellent work.

MONTESQUIEU".
(a.d. 1689-1755.)
The Genevese should bless the birth-day of Calvin.

BISHOP ANDREWS.

(a.d. 1555-1626.)

Calvin was an illustrious person, and never to be mentioned
without a preface of the highest honour.

394 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIE.S

PROFESSOR LIVELY.
(a.d. 1587.)
For understanding the Scriptures, Calvin was endued with
an admirable gift of judgment.

DANIEL FEATLY.
(a.d. 1582-1645.)
That bright burning taper of Geneva, as warm in liis de-
votions, as clear and lightsome in his disputes.

DAVID ANCILLON.
(a.d. 1617-1692.)

Albert Pighius, ay ant entrepris de refuter l' Institution de
Calvin devint Calviniste dans un des principaux dogmes de
la foi ; et la mesme chose arriva a Joan Paul Verger, Evesque
d'une ville d'ltalie appelee Capo d'Istrie, qui erabrassa la
creance des Reformez, ayant leu leurs ouvrages dans le des-
sein de montrer la faussete de leur doctrine. — Melange Cri-
tique de Lifterature recueilli des Conve?'sations de feu M.
A ncillon.

Albert Pighius, having undertaken to refute Calvin's In-
stitutions, became a Calvinist on one of the leading doctrines
of faith ; and the same thing happened to John Paul Verger,
Bishop of a town in Italy, called Capo d'Istria, who embraced
the creed of the Reformers, having read their works with the
view of pointing out the falsehood of their doctrine. — Cri-
tical Miscellany of Literature, collected from the Conversa-
tions of the late Mons. A ncillon.

In another passage he says — II eut ete a souhaiter et il
le serait encore que tous ceux qui ccrivent contre Calvin et
le dechirent par des satyres infames et injustes meditassent
bien ses ouvrages et que leur dessein fiit de decouvrir la verite.
Quelques-uns ont ete convertis en le combattant, Beus est in
illis et numen intus ostendunt, mais les uns Ic refutent par
une esp^ce de necessite dans la pensee qu'il est dangereux
que les ecrits d'un adversaire si fameux demeurent sans re-
ponse ; les autres par vanite, pretendans que par leurs sub-
tilites, il donneront de la vraisemblance a leurs raisonne-

■RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 8|)5

ments ; et remportevont une csp^ce de victoire sur ce eelebrc
Calvin ; les autres cnfin ne sont pas assez capables de la
refutcr, et ils egratignent cet illustve mort, "ut juxta prover-
biuni Leoni mortuo etiam lepores insultare et barbam velli-
carc audent, ita detuncto Calvino varii adversarii, surdo ma-
ledicere, alii aliis calumniis lacerare mortuum coeperuiit,
cujus supcrstitis ne conspectum quideni ferre potuissent,
magis quam olini Lutetiae impius ille Servetus ad alloquium,
quod se cum Calvino appetere simularat, condicto loco et
tenq)orc diutius quidem sed frustra ab illo expectatus, ferre
conspectum ejus non jiotuit." — Parceus, Galvimis ortko-
doi'ciis.

It was to liave been desired, and would be so still, that all
those who write against Calvin, and tear his character in
pieces by infamous and unjust satires, would consider well
his works, and that their purpose were to discover the truth.
Some have been converted in attacking him, Deus est in illis
et numen intus ostendunt, but some refute him by a kind of
necessity, under the idea that it is dangerous that the writ-
ings of so famous an adversary should remain without reply ;
others from vanity, presuming, that by their subtilties, they
will give probability to their reasonings, and will obtain a
sort of victory over this celebrated Calvin ; others lastly,
have not sufficient ability to refute him, and they mangle
the illustrious dead, "as according to the proverb, even hares
venture to insult and pull the beard of the dead lion, so do
his various adversaries act towards Calvin when dead ;
abusing a person that cannot hear ; others have begun to
attack the dead by other calumnies, who could not have
stood before the face of Calvin when living, more than for-
merly happened at Paris, when that impious Servetus, who
had pretended a wish for a conference with Calvin, was un-
able to stand his presence though he had been long waited
for by Calvin at the appointed place and time."

EDWARD WILLIAMS, D.D.

Calvin is in general a very able and judicious expositor ;
his method perspicuous, his manner popular, with a style
pure and pleasing.

396 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

BISHOP BILSON,
Who died in 1616.

Mr. Calvin is so well known to those who are learned and
wise, for his great pains and good labours in the Church of
God, that a few snarling friars cannot impeach his good
name.

JOHN AIKIN, M.D.,
A Unitarian,

The most eminent persons of his age, and since his time,
have joined in admiration of his extraordinary talents ; and
had not theological studies absorbed all his attention, it can-
not be doubted that he would have excelled in any of the
walks of polite literature.

ANDllEW THOMSON, D.D.

His memory is embalmed in the hearts of all the friends
of learning, liberty, and religion, and will descend with un-
fading honour to the latest generations. No man has perhaps
ever received so many or such high encomiums from writers
of every age, of every country, and of every denomination.
His Commentaries are distinguished by piety, sound sense,
clear illustration, and uncommon impartiality. Most of his
productions, indeed, are worthy of perusal ; for even where
the subject is of a local or occasional nature, he seldom fails
to edify the reader by general truths, or to please him by
acute reasoning.

MOSES AMYKAUT,
(a.d. 1596-1645.)

Cet incomparable Calvin, a qui principalement apr^s Dieu
TEglise doit sa Reformation, non pas seulement en France,
mais en plusieurs autres endroits de I'Europe.

Prsestantissimi viri virtutes, veritatis causa suscepti et
cxantlati labores plane herculei, et in Ecclesiam Domini
nostri Jesu insestimabilia superiore seculo merita, a nobis non
tam petere quam flagitare videntur, ut ejus memoriam a ca-

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 397

lumniis adversarlorum singular! studio vindicemus. — Doc-
trincB Jo. Calvini Defensio.

That incomparable Calvin, to whom mainly, next to God,
the Church owes its Reformation, not only in France, but in
many other parts of Europe.

The excellencies of a very distinguished man, his mani-
festly herculean toils undertaken and endured for the sake
of truth, and his invaluable services to the Church of our
Lord Jesus in the last century, appear not only to entreat
but to demand from us, that we shall protect his memory
with extraordinary zeal against the reproaches of adversaries.

THOMAS M'CRIE, D.D.
Life of Jolin Knox.

The Genevese Reformer (Calvin) surpassed Knox in the
extent of his theological learning, and in the unrivalled so-
lidity and clearness of his judgment.

In another passage he says, —

The name of Calvin was tlien known over all Europe by
his writings ; and by none was he held in greater esteem
than by the Protestants in England, who had corresponded
with him, at the desire of Archbishop Cranmer, respecting
the best method of promoting the Reformation.

ARCHBISHOP LAWRENCE.

In his Banipton Lectures. ^

Calvin was both a wise and a good man, inferior to none
of his contemporaries in general ability, and superior to
almost all in the art, as well as elegance, of composition, in
the perspicuity and arrangement of his ideas, the structure
of his periods, and the Latinity of his diction.

WILLIAM WOTTON, D.D.
(a.d. 1666-1726.)
Of Expositors, since the ancients, I know none to be com-
pared to Calvin, whose Commentaries are truly admirable.
Joseph Scaliger, who was a very competent judge, speaks
of them in the Scaligeriana with rapture.

398 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

CONVERSATIONS LEXICON.

As a theologian, Calvin was equal to any of his contem-
poraries in profound knowledge, acuteness of mind, and, as
lie himself boasts, in the art of making good a point in ques-
tion. As an author, he merits great praise.

REV. WILLAM ORME,
In his Bibliotheca, says :

Calvin's acquaintance with the Scriptures was extensive
and profound ; his knowledge of Hebrew was limited ; but
he was well acquainted with Greek, and capable of express-
ing the finest thoughts in the purest Latinity. His dogmata
prejudice many against his writings, who might derive profit
from sitting at the feet of the Genevese Reformer. His
peculiar sentiments, however, it ought to be remarked, are
by no means forced into his expository writings. He was
too judicious to do this. In systematic theology, the Insti-
tutions of Calvin, though not the first [of the Protestant
systems of divinity] in the order of time, carried off the palm
from all its predecessors, and has not yet been surjjassed by
any competitor. Diversity of opinion may exist respecting
some of the positions of the Genevese Reformer, and even
among those who hold his general views of Christian doctrine
there may not be an entire concurrence in every sentiment
or expression ; but while profound piety, masculine energy
of mind, acuteness and strength of argument, perspicuity of
statement, and purity of language, continue to be respected
among men, the "Christian Institutes" of John Calvin will
secure for tlieir author immortal honour.

REV. DR. DUFF.

That illustrious man, (Calvin,) than whom a brighter star
shone not among the morning stars of the Reformation ! —
the splendours of whose sanctified genius enkindled a cor-
responding flame in the bosom of our own great national
Reformer.

BESPEOTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 399

SENEBIEK.
Literary Histoi'y of Geneva.

Calvin etoit plein de genie. II eclairoit tous les sujets
qu'il traitoit. II savoit les mettre a la portee de coux qui
devoient s'en servlr. Ses ouvrages sont fortement penses et
eloquemment ecrits ; on le lit avec plaisir, on s'instruit en le
lisant. C'est surtout dans ses commentaires sur la Bible
qu'il fait brillcr la profondeur de son jugement, Tetendue de
ses connoissances, la sagesse de sa critique, et la cireonspec-
tion du vrai savoir ; ils font encore Tadmiration de ceux qui
les etudient, et fournissent des niateriaux excellens a tous
ceux qui veulent entendre I'Ecriture Sainte.

Calvin was full of genius. He threw light on every sub-
ject that lie handled, and could bring it within the reach of
those for whom it was intended. His Avorks are powerfully
thouglit and eloquently written. We read him with delight,
and while we read, we gain instruction. It is chiefly in his
Commentaries on the Bible that he displays his profound
judgment, his extensive information, his judicious criticism,
and the caution which belongs to true knowledge. They
continue to excite the admiration of those who study them,
and furnish excellent materials to all who wish to under-
stand the Holy Scriptures.

REV. J. J. CONYBEARE.
Bamptoii Lectures, 1824.

Luther had for his fellow-labourer in the great cause of
Scripture and of truth, one who, to equal learning and acute-
ness, joined a severer and more philosophic temper of mind.
Calvin was accustomed to subject not only the opinions and
arguments of his adversaries, but the whole body of Christian
doctrine, to the most rigorous and systematic examination.
His commentaries upon the Scriptures (comments which,
though, in the exercise of our Christian liberty, we may
freely question, and dissent from many points both of doc-
trine and of discipline, maintained by their illustrious author)
are yet never to be perused without admiration or instruc-
tion, or mentioned without respect and gratitude.

400 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

REV. ROBERT ROBINSON.
(a.d. 1735-1790.)

Scaliger's praise of Calvin is not at all outre. All this
and more is due to his merit. In his sensible dedication to
Grynseus, which is prefixed to his Comment on the Epistles,
he excellently describes the qualities of expositors, and the
benefits that arose from their various abilities. For his own
part, his aim was to give the sense of the writer in a method
clear and short. " For both of us thought that the principal
excellence of the interpreter consisted in perspicuous brevity."
There is no abridging this sententious commentator, and the
more I read him, the more does he become a favourite expo-
sitor with me.

REV. DR. STEBBING.
History of tbe Reformation.

A man who, for power of mind and vigour of character,
may be ranked in the highest class to which intellectual
endowments, chastened by lioliness, can exalt their pos-
sessor.

PELT.

On First Epistle to the Corinthians.

Qui, optimis omnium temporum interpretibus annumeran-
dus, mira sagacitate profundissimas quasque cogitationes
assequi, et inter diversas diversorum interpretationes felicis-
sime maxime probabilia eligere solet ; simulque ita est ele-
gans, ut non minore cum voluptate quam utilitate legatur.
— Pref, Gth Edit, p. xxix.

Calvin must be numbered among the best interpreters of
all ages — with wonderful sagacity laying open the most pro-
found thoughts, and selecting, with the happiest skill, from
a multitude of interpretations, that which commends itself
as most probable ; at the same time, expressing himself
with such elegance, that we derive as much pleasure as ad-
vantage from the perusal of his writings.

RESPECTING THE WHITINGS OF CALVIN. 401

REV, EICHARD HOOKER.

la his Preface to the Ecclesiastical Polity.

(a.d. 1554-1600.)

Whom, (Calvin,) for my own part, I think incomparably
the wisest man that ever the French Church did enjoy since
the hour it enjoyed him. His bringing up was in the study
of the civil law. Divine knowledge he gathered not by
hearing or reading so much as by teaching others. For,
though thousands were debtors to him, as toucliing know-
ledge of this kind, yet he to none, but only to God, the
Author of that most blessed fountain, the Book of Life, and
of the admirable dexterity of wit, together with the helps of

other learning, which were his guides. We should be

injurious unto virtue itself, if we did derogate from them
whom their industry hath made great. Tvvo things of prin-
cipal moment there are, which have deservedly procured him
honour throughout the world: the one, his exceeding pains
in composing the Institutions of the Christian Religion ; the
other, his no less industrious travails for exposition of Holy
Scripture, according unto the same Institutions.
Of what account the Master of Sentences was in the
Church of Rome ; the same and more, among the preachers
of Reformed Churches, Calvin had purchased, so that the
perfectest divines were judged they which were skilfulest in
Calvin's writings.

PROFESSOR STUART,

ANDOVER, U. S.

Calvin, Comm. (on the Epistle to the Romans ;) funda-
mental investigation of the logic and course of thought con-
tained in the Epistle ; very little verbal criticism. Many a
difficulty is solved, without any appearance of effort, or any
show of learning.

2c

402 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

JOHN PYE SMITH, D.D.

It is among the many encouraging signs of our time, that,
while in the Lutheran Church, a century and a half ago, the
name of Calvin was rarely mentioned without some accom-
paniment of reproach, such encomiums as the following are
now honourably given and favourably received. "In his
Exposition on the Epistle to the Romans are united pure
Latinity, a solid method of unfolding and interpreting,
founded on the principles of grammatical science and his-
torical knowledge, a deeply penetrating faculty of mind, and
vital j)iety/' — Tholuck's Exp. Ep. Rom., third ed., Berlin,
1831, p. '[^. — "John Calvin well merited the epithet, often
given to him, of the great divine. Independent, in the
highest degree, of other men, he most often discerns, with
piercing eye, the spiritual mind of Paul, and with his mas-
terly command of language makes it so clear, that both the
most learned student of theology and the plain affectionate
believer are equally benefited and satisfied." — Bohmer's (one
of the divinity professors in the University of Berlin) Intro-
duction to the Epistle to the Colossians. Berlin, 1829, p. 205.

History scarcely furnishes a more illustrious character

for piety, integrity, and labours almost incredible. Such
was the man, that to traduce his name has been found by
many a short road to celebrity.

Dr. Smith also speaks of Calvin as a writer " whose fine
judgment and noble impartiality as an expositor have drawn
the admiration of many who differ from some of his distin-
guishing sentiments."^

REV. W. FITZGERALD.
" Episcopacy, Traditions," &c.

The publication of Calvin's Institutes forms no unim-
portant epoch in the history of the Church. The rapidity
and permanence of the effect produced by it upon i)ubllc
opinion has been scarcely ever equalled. Its author rose at

' Four Discourses on Sacrifice and Priesthood of Clirist. 2d edit,
p. 320,

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 403

once into the very foremost rank of great men, in an age
prolific beyond parallel in genius. . . . Neither the
most bigoted Papist nor the laxcst Arminian can deny the
claims of John Calvin to intellectual eminence. To the classi-
cal elegance and cultivated taste of Melanchthon he added
the unwearied energy and dauntless courage, the unshaken
nerve, and the commanding spirit of Luther. His elo-
quence, too, held a middle place between the styles of the
good German Reformers. It is neither so impetuous as
Luther's, nor so equable and unimpassioned as Melanchthon s ;
but had all the latter's purity, with much of the former's
glowing fervour. In learning he must yield to some of his
contemporaries ; but even in those tasks where learning
might seem most requisite, his surprising acuteness and
unfailing ingenuity have enabled him to surpass men of
greater erudition but duller parts.

BISHOP HORSLEY.

Take especial care, before you aim your shafts at Cal-
vinism, that you know what is Calvinism, and wliat is not ;
that in the mass of doctrine which it is of late become the
fashion to abuse under the name of Calvinism, you can dis-
tinguish with certainty between that part of it which is
nothing better than Calvinism, and that which belongs to
our common Christianity, and the general faith of the Re-
formed Churches ; lest, when you mean only to fall foul of
Calvinism, you should unwarily attack something more sacred
and of a higher origin.^

BISHOP OF CALCUTTA (wiLSON.)
Sermon preached on the Death of the Rev. Basil Wood.

Calvin's Commentaries remain, after three centuries, un-
paralleled for force of mind, justness of exposition, and prac-
tical views of Christianity.

' See also at p. 404.

404 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

REV. THOMAS HARTWELL HORNES.
" Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures."

The biblical writings of John Calvin consist of Commen-
taries, Homilies, and Lectures, on almost the whole of the
Scriptures : they are to be found in the folio edition of his
works, printed at Amsterdam, in 1671, in nine volumes.
The Commentaries and other expository writings of this
great man have always been deservedly celebrated and ad-
mired ; though it has been the fashion with some modern
divines to depreciate them on account of those peculiar
dogmas which Calvin deduced from the Sacred Writings.
" Calvin's Commentaries," says the learned Matthew Poole,
in the preface to the Synopsis Criticorum Sacrorum, " abound
in solid discussions of theological subjects, and in practical
improvements of them. Subsequent writers have borrowed
most of their materials from Calvin ; and his interpretations
adorn the books even of those who repay their obligation by
reproaching their master." Nothing indeed can more satis-
factorily evince the higli estimation to which the Commen-
taries of Calvin are still entitled from the biblical student,
than the following eulogium of one of the moat learned pre-
lates that ever adorned the Anglican Church — Bishop Hors-
ley. / hold, says he, the memory q/Calvin in high veneration ;
his works have a place in my library ; and in the study of the
Holy Scriptures lie is one of the commentators whom I most
frequently consult} The writer of these pages has not often
had occasion to refer to the writings of Calvin in the prose-
cution of this work ; yet he has never consulted them but
with advantage and with pleasure.

CHRISTIAN OBSERVER.

March 1820.

This eminent Reformer (Calvin) has born the blame of
many an erroneous opinion, both doctrinal and practical,
which he spent his life in opposing ; and of which no con-
futation could be found, in the whole compass of theology,
more masterly than in his own Scriptural Commentaries.
' See also at p. 403.

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 405

REV. C. BRIDGES.

Christian Ministry.

Calvin's Commentaries are among the most valuable illus-
trations of tlie Sacred Volume. For the exegetical and
critical explanation necessary for the elucidation of Scriptural
difficulties, we must go to Calvin's Commentaries, Po'ole's
Synopsis, or Patrick, Lovvth, and Wliitby, &c.

MACKENZIE.
" Life of Calvin."

It requires but little penetration to perceive that the great
object of Calvin, in all his Commentaries, was the simple
illustration of the Sacred Text. Disavowing all authority
but that of the Scriptures, and calling no man Master on
earth, his investigations were conducted with that spirit of
free inquiry and independence, which is essential to the
character and excellence of the Commentator. Forming his
system from" the Bible, he felt no difficulty with regard to
apparently conflicting j)assages of Sacred Writ, which he was
not at all concerned to reconcile with a previously assured
system.

REV. EDWARD BICKERSTETH.
Christian Student.

Calvin is full of beautiful and original illustrations of God's
Word : he is more consistent, and accurate, and systematic,
than the other Reformers. — Calvin's works contain nearly a
complete commentary on the whole Bible, and that of in-
estimable value to every minister. — A minister without this
is without one of the best Commentaries on the Scriptures,
and a valuable body of divinity.

REV. THOMAS SCOTT.
Remarks on Bishop Tomlin's Refutation of Calvinism.

Calvin spent more years in studying the Scriptures, with
constant prayer for the promised teaching of the Holy Spirit,

406 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

than many who exclaim against liim have done months, nay
weeks! — It is gratifying* to hear his Lordship allow Calvin
to have been a man of piety.

JOHN M. MASON, D.D., NEW YORK.
Catholic Communion.

Among all the Reformers, no one stands forth a more con-
spicuous advocate than John Calvin — the Paul of

the Reformation. Had anything been wanting in his own
writings, in the opinion of his contemporaries, in his in-
fluence with the political and ecclesiastical cabinets of Pro-
testant EuroiJe, and in the dread and terror of the Papists —
to evince the greatness of this extraordinary man, it would
have been supplied by the rancorous malignity which assailed
him during his life, and which has been hardly, if at all,
abated by his death. His very name seems, at this day, to
blister the tribes of error in all its gradations ; and to form
a solitary exception to the reverence which the world enter-
tains for departed genius. More than two hundred and fifty
years have elapsed since he went to join the Apostle whom
he so much resembled, in the kingdom of God ; and there
is hardly an enemy to the truth, of whatever size, who does
not think it incumbent on him to derive importance from
" a gird," at the memory of Calvin. — His Institutes of the
Ohrnstian Religion, first published in 1536, and dedicated to
Francis the First of France, are a professed commentary upon
that little doctrinal abstract called " The Apostles' Creed."
It is plain from their histor}^, that they bear the richest and
ripest fruits which the mind of their author had cultivated.
Upon none of his productions did he bestow so much pains
and labour as upon this. It is in reality his chef-d'oeuvre ;
and so he himself considered it. He was, therefore, con-
tinually revising and retouching it, as it ran through various
editions, for the space of twenty-three years ; and it received
its finishing from his elegant pen in 1559, when he was fifty
years old, only five years before his death. — This very work,
as published in French and Latin, was drawn up in behalf
of the French Churches^ to shew what sort of doctrines they

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 40 7

believed and taught ; so that it is, in some measure, a work
o^ public authority/; and it obtained the unbounded apijlausc
and approbation of both the learned and religious world. It
was translated into Italian, German, Flemish, Spanish, and
English ; and so often republished in the original Latin, that
Mens. Masson, by a strong hyperbole, says, it was printed
" a thousand times." Calvin himself informs us, that it met
with the most encouraging reception from the Christian
public — " with such favour from almost all the pious," they
are his own words, " as he had not dared even to wish, far
less to ex23ect."

ADDITIONAL TESTIMONIES.

JOHN PHILPOT, AKCHDEACON OF WINCHESTER.
An English Martyr, 1555.

Which of you all is able to answer Calvin's Institutes,
who is minister of Geneva ? I am sure you blaspheme that
godly man, and that godly church where he is a minister ;
as it is your church's condition, when you cannot answer
men by learning, to oppress them with blasphemies and false
reports. — Parker Society, Publication for 1842.

SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA.
1540.

Extract from Letter, by the Syndics and Council of

Geneva, addressed, " Clarissimis potentissimisque

Principibus, Do. Consul! et Senatuiurbis Basiliensis

vel Argentinensis, aut Tigurinensis, Amicis nostris

integerrimis." — May 1540 or 1541.

Colendissimi Domini, vos Christi nomine rogamus, quate-

nus Ecclesiarum bonum et salutem quseritis'ut illustrissimos

Principes Argentinenses nostri gratia rogare, urgereque

dignemini, quo sua erga nos benevolentia non solum fratrera

nostrum Calvinum nobis reddant, qui maxime nobis sit

necessarius, et a populo nostro, tarn avide expetitur : verum

OPINIONS EESPBCTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 409

etiam ipsi ad banc siiscipiendam provinciam, et hue quam
brevissime Hcuerit venire, Calvinum urguere, et id ei per-
suadere dignentur. Nostris quidera quam necessarii sunt
nobis viri docti ac pii, qualem noviraus Calvinum et reliquos
pristinos pastores nostros, quum hie velut ostium Gallise
Italiseque simus, unde mira tedificatio aut ruina contingere
potest.

Most worshipful Lords, we beseecli you, in the name of
Christ, inasmuch as ye seek the welfare and safety of the
Church, that ye vouchsafe to request and uj-ge, for our sake,
the most illustrious men of Strasburg, that in their kindness
towards us, they not only restore to us our brother Calvin,
who is especially needful to us, and is as ardently desired
by our people, but that ye would also vouchsafe to urge and
persuade Calvin himself to undertake the spiritual charge
of this province, and come to us with as little delay as
possible. You are aware how necessary to us are pious
and learned men, such as we knoAv Calvin and our other old
pastors to be, at a timo when we form as it were the entrance
to France and Italy, a circumstance which may produce
either our extraordinary advancement or our ruin.

Letter by the Syndics and Council of Geneva, ad-
dressed, " Au Docteur Cauluin, Ministre Evange-
lique, nostre bon frfere et singulier amy."
Monsieur nostre bon frere et singulier amy, tres affectu-
eusement en vous nous recommandons pourceque sorames
entierement informes que notre desir n'est aultre synon a
laccroyssement et avancement de la gloyre et I'honneur
de Dieu et de sa sainte parolle, de la part de nostre petit
grand et general conseil (lesquels de cecy fere nous sent
grandement admonestes.) Vous pryons tres affectes vous
volloyz transportez par devers nous et en vostre pristine
place et ministere retourne. Et esperons en layde de Dieu
que ce seray ung grand bien et fruyct a I'augmentation de
la le Evangile. Voyeant que nostre peuple vous desire. Et
ferons avec vous de sort que aurez occasion vous eontenter.
A Geneve 22 Octobre 1540. — Vous bons amys.

LeS SyNDIQUES ET CoNSEIL DE GeNEVE,

410 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

To our worthy brother and attached friend, we commend
ourselves very affectionately to you, as we are wholly in-
formed that your desire is no other than the increase and
advancement of the glory and honour of God and of his
Holy Word, on the part of our little, great, and general coun-
cil (which have strongly urged us to take this step.) We
pray you earnestly that you would be pleased to transfer
yourself to us, and resume your former ministry. And we
hope, by the help of God, that this will be a great blessing,
and produce fruit for the advancement of the gospel : see-
ing that our people desire you. And we will behave towards
you in such a way, that you shall have cause to be satisfied.
Geneva, 22 Oct. 1540. — Your good friends.

The Syndics and Council of Geneva,

BISHOP GRINDAL.
1519-1583.

In a letter to Calvin, dated London, June 19, 1563, he says,
— " We are much indebted, most illustrious Master Calvin,
to your piety, and also to your whole church, for having so
long afforded us the services of the most learned Master

Gallasius I grieve from my heart that, at your age,

and with so slender a frame, you have been attacked, as
Gallasius informs me, with a fit of the gout. I have no
doubt, but that you have contracted this disorder by exces-
sive study and exertion. Henceforth, therefore, you must
relax somewhat of your former labours and unseasonable
lucubrations, lest, by not sparing yourself, you greatly in-
crease your disorder, and become of less benefit to the Church.
.... As you and Bullinger are almost the only chief pillars
remaining, we desire to enjoy you both, (if it please God,)
as long as possible."

The original of this letter is preserved at Geneva. —
Zurich Letters, Parker Society edit., pp. 96, 97.

DR. DONNE.
1573-1631.
St. Augustine, for sharp insight and conclusive judgment

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 411

in exposition of places of Scripture, which he always makes
so liquid and pervious, hath scarce been equalled therein by
any of all the writers in the church of God, except Calvin
may have that honoui-, for whom (when it concerns not points
in controversy) I see the Jesuits themselves, though they
dare not name him, have a high degree of reverence.

UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.

The opinion which the University entertained of Calvin
was incidentally expressed in 1695. The circumstances are
mentioned by Fuller, in his History of the University of
Cambridge since the Conquest, folio, 1655. He states,
(pp. 150, 151,) that one William Barnet, a fellow of Caius
College, 29th April 1595, " preached ad Clerum for his de-
gree of B.D., in St. Maryes, wherein he vented such doctrines,
for which he was summoned six daies after before the Con-
sistory of the Doctors, and there enjoy ned a Recantation."
In the last part of the Recantation he was made to say, —
" Last of all, I uttered these words rashly against Calvin, a
man that hath very well deserved of the Church of God ;
viz., that ho durst presume to lift up himself above the High
and Almighty God. By which words, I confess tliat I have
done great injury to that most learned and right godly man ;
and I do most humbly beseech you all to pardon this my
rashness."

FLORIMOND DE REMOND.
A Roman Catholic.
Conseiller du Roy au Parlement de Boui-deaux.

Calvin out les raoeurs mieux reglees et composees que N.
et fit montre des I'entro de sa jeunesse qu'il ne se laissoit
emporter aus plaisirs de la chair et du ventre, &c. Sous vn
corps sec et attenue il eut toujours vn esprit vert et vigorous ;
promj^t aus repars, hardy aus ataques, grand jeusneur, meme
en son jeune age ; Soit quil le fit pour sa sante et arreter les
fumees de la migraine qui Tafligeoit continuellement, soit
pour avoir I'esprit plus a delivre, afin d'ecrire etudier et
ameliorcr sa memoire. Calvin parloit peu ; ce n'estoit que

412 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

propos serieus et qui portoyent coup, jamais parrny les com-
pagnies et toujours retire, &c. A pene eiit Calvin son pareil ;
car pendant vint-trois ans, qu'il s'est maintenu en posses-
sion de I'Evesche de Geneve, il preschoit tons les jours, et
souvent deus fois les Dimanclies. Lisoit la Theologie trois
fois la semaine, et tous les Vendredis entroit en conference
qu'il nomma la Congregation. Ses autres lieures estoyent
pour composer et repondre aus lettres qui arrivoyent a luy
de toute la Cliretiente heretique, comme au Souveraine
Pontife. — L'Histoire de la Naissance, Progrez, et Decadence
de VHeresie de ce Siecle, liv. 7, cap. 10.

Calvin had morals better regulated and settled than N.,
and shewed from early youth that he did not allow himself
to he carried away by the pleasures of sense. With a shri-
velled and attenuated body, he possessed always a fresh and
vigorous intellect, ready in reply, bold in attack; even in his
youth a great faster, cither on account of his health, and to
allay the headaches with which he was continually afflicted,
or in order to have his mind more disencumbered for the
purposes of writing, studying, and improving his memory.
Calvin spoke little ; what he said was pertinent, serious, and
impressive, — he never appeared in company, but always led
a retired life.

Calvin had scarcely his equal, for during twenty-three
years that he retained possession of the bishopric of Geneva,
he preached every day, and often twice on Sundays. He
read letters on theology three times a-week ; and every
Friday he entered into a conference which he called the
Congregation. His remaining hours were employed in com-
position, and answering the letters which came to him as to
their sovereign pontiff from every part of heretical Chris-
tendom.

The same author describes Calvin as having " vne beaute
d'esprit, vne subtilite de jugement, vne grande memoire,
vn savoir eminent et la grace de bien mettre par ecrit ;"
then represents him, " comme vn esprit actif, vne forte me-
moire avec vne grande promptitude a recueillir les lemons et
les propos qui sortoient es disputes de la bouche de ses
maistres quMl couchoit apre par ecrit avec vne merueilleuse

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CILVIN. 413

facilite et beaute de langage." . . . . " Nul homme de tous
ceux qui I'ont devance ne Tout devance a bien ecrire ; et
peu depuis ont aproclie cette beaute et facilite de langage
qu'il avoit." — Ih. cap. viii. 9, 10.

Calvin had a brilliancy of intellect, a subtlety of judg-
ment, a great memory, an extensive erudition, and great

elegance of expression ; he possessed an

active mind, a retentive memory, with a great readiness
in taking down the lessons and discourses as they were de-
livered by his masters in their disputations, and which he
would afterwards re-arrange with a wonderful facility and
beauty of language. No man, of all those who have pre-
ceded him, have surpassed him in style, and few since have
attained that beauty and ease of expression which he pos-
sessed.

CYRILL,

Patriarch of Constantinople.

August 17, 1636.

L'A. est jalous du regno et de la gloire de notre Re-

dempteur et ne peut supporter sa grandeur et son avance-
ment. II fait peur aus simples du nom de Calvin, personnage
tres-saint et tres-sage, lequel jouit des felicitez du Ciel, et a
communication avec les saints qui sont tres-cher a leur
Redempteur. Nul de ses adversaires n'a fait les ceuvres
d'vne si excellent docteur, ni n'a connoissance de sa doc-
trine, lis ne laissent pas toutefois de crier centre luy et
d'epouvanter de son nom les simples et les ignorans. Mais
par la grace de Dieu ceus qui connoissent la verite s'y sont
opposez et ont dissipe les tenebres des esprits de plusieurs. —
Lettre a Seignieurie et aus Pasteurs de la Repuhlique et de
I'Eglise de Geneva.

A. is jealous of the reign and the glory of our Re-
deemer, and cannot endure his glory and exaltation. He
frightens the simple with the name of Calvin, a very holy
and very wise personage, who is now enjoying the felicities
of heaven, and communion with the saints who are dear to
their Saviour. None of his adversaries have produced works

414 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

equal to those of so admirable a doctor, nor have they know-
ledge of his doctrine. They do not fail, however, to declaim
against him, and to frighten the simple and ignorant with
his name. But, by the grace of God, those who know the
truth have combated these misrepresentations, and dispelled
the darkness which overhung some minds.

CARDINAL DU PERRON.
1556-1618.

Calvin etoit un grand esprit et ecrivoit blen en Latin et
en Fran9ois.

Calvin was a great genius, and wrote well in Latin and in
French.

FOCANUS,

In his dissertation " De Studiis," where he recommends
the reading of the Institutes, observes, — Qui liber non solum
abundat rebus optimis, sed et nitido, pure, gravi, magnifico
et latinissimo stylo conscriptus est.

A book which not only abounds with the most excellent
matter, but is written in a clear, pure, nervous, elegant, and
most excellent Latin style.

BISHOP HALL,
1574-1656.

Reverend Calvin, whose judgment I so much honour, that
I reckon him among the best interpreters of ScrijDture since
the Apostles left the earth. — Works, vol. viii. p. 516.

C REN I US.

Aprfes Muret et quelques autres, il n'y en a aucun de cette
nation qui ait ecrit avec plus d'eloquence ; il n'y a point de
theologien, qui ait fait des lettres si polies. Wendelin avoit
coutume de dire : Calviniis, si non alio nomine, saltem ob
stylum esset legendus.

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 415

After Muret and some others, there is not one of this
nation who has written with more eloquence ; there is no
theologian who has written in such a polished style. Wen-
delin was accustomed to say : Calvin deserves to be read,
were it only on account of his style.

DANIEL COLONIUS OF LEYDEN,

In a work on the Institutes, thus writes : —

Aureus hie liber est, hunc tu, studiosa juventus.
Si cupis optatam studiorum attingcre metam,
Noctes atque dies in succum verte legendo.

DAVID CLAUDE.
Pi'eface to Homilies on 1 Samuel.

Philippus Mel. et Mart. Bucer theologum eum vulgo no-
minabant non injudiciose, quod et ipsum ipsius adversarii
non ausi sunt inficiari. Quanta vis autem ipsius in docendo
fuerit adhuc ii meminerunt qui docentem audiverunt. Quan-
quam fateor ipsum neque docentem, neque scribentcm in
ornatu verborum et humana eloquentia eximium, sed in
rerum et sententiarum numero et pondere admirandum
fuisse.

Philippus Mel. et Mart. Bucer generally styled him a the-
ologian, not without reason, a circumstance which even his
adversaries did not venture to deny. How great was his
energy in teaching is still remembered by those who listened
to his instructions. Though I admit that neither as a teacher
nor an author was he distinguished by ornament in language
and human eloquence, he is to be admired for the extent
and solidity of his arguments and opinions.

GUY PATIN.
1601-1672.

Calvin, a I'age de 22 ans, etait le plus savant homme d'Eu-
rope, et Monluc, eveque de Valence, disait ordinairement que
Calvin avait etc le plus grand theologien du monde. En quoi

416 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

il temoignait etre d'un sentiment bien oppose a celui du Jesuite
Maimburg qui pretend que Calvin n'etait pas tlieologien.

Calvin, at the age of 22, was the most learned man in
Europe, and Monluc, bishop of Valence, was accustomed to
say tliat Calvin was the greatest theologian in the world.
In this he shewed that his opinion was very different from
that of the Jesuit Maimburg, who pretends that Calvin was
no theologian.

SIR EDWARD LEIGH.
1603-1671.

His works have been so profitable to the Church of God, that
they have been circulated in France, Germany, Italy, Spain,
Transylvania, Polonia, England, Scotland. His Institutions
and Commentaries upon almost all the Scripture, are generally
well esteemed. One writes tlius of his Institutions, —
Prseter Apostolicas post Christi tempera chartas
Huic peperere libro, secula nulla parem. —

Leigh, as above, p. 150.
He also quotes Travers to the following effect, —
John Calvin, one of the soundest divines, and of deepest
judgment in matters of religion, both of doctrine and of dis-
cipline that God gave to his Church this 1000 years. —

Fol. 1663, p. 149.
Dr. Hark well, also quoted by Leigh, says, —
I willingly acknowledge him to have been an excellent
instrument in the Church of God, and a man of a deep judg-
ment, specially in the exposition of Holy Scripture, (which
I think none condemn more than those who have read him
least,) not-with-all, I freely confess he had his errors. — Dr.
Harkwell, Apol. 1. 5, quoted as above, p. 150.

DR. JOHN HOYL,
Professor of Divinity in Trinity College, Dublin, in the reign of Charles I.

In a work entitled, A Rejoinder to Mr. Malone's (Jesuit's)
Reply concerning the Real Presence, and, dedicated to Arch-
bishop Usher, says, (p. 654,) —

RESPECTING THE WHITINGS OP CALVIN. 417

That quiet instrument of God's glory, John Calvin, a man
of whom I had ahnost said as once it was of Moses, there
arose not a Prophet since like him in Israel, nor since the
Apostles' days, was before him : His works shall praise him,
for wit, eloquence, fulness, and soundness of divinity, variety
and multitude, advanced amongst the highest ; a man of
incredible and most ready memo7^y, most e:s.cQ\\Qni judgment,
regardless of means and preferment even when offered, little
meat, almost no sleep. What shall I speak of his indefati-
gable industry, and even beyond all power of nature, that
paralleled with our loitering .? I fear it will exceed all credit,
and may be the truest object of admiration, how one lean,
worn, spent, wearied body could hold out. He read every
week of the year through, three divinity lectures ; every other
week, over and above, he preached evory day ; so that (as
Erasmus said of Chrysostom) I know not Avhether more to
admire his constancy, or theirs that heard him. Some have
reckoned his yearly lectures to be 186 ; his yearly sermons
286. Every Friday M'hen the ministers met in conference,
in expounding of hard texts, he made as good as a lecture.
Besides all this, there was scarce a day that exercised him
not in answering either by word of mouth, or writing, the
doubts and questions of divers churches and learned pastors;
yet did not a year pass, wherein over and above all these
former emplo^anents, some great volume in folio or other
came not forth ; so that in a few years (besides many gol-
den tractates, and exquisite answers, upon short warning,
to principal adversaries) his huge- explanations upon all
Moses, Joshua, Job, Psalms, Prophets, and New Testament,
yet larger in pithy sententious matter and paper, filled the
world. In his last sickness, got by intolerable labours, he
would scarce be compelled to intermit his daily task o^ preach-
ing and divinity lectures ; for what, said he to his friends,
will you have God find me idle ? — History of Popery, 2 vols.
4to. London, 1735-6, vol. ii. part v. pp. 347, 348.

2 D

418 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

BOSSUET.
(1627-1704.)

Je ne sais si le genie de Calvin se serait trouve aussi propre
a ecliauffer les esprits et a emouvoir les peuples que le fut
celui de Lutlier, mais apres les mouvements excites, il s'eleva
en beaucoup de pays, principalement en France, au dessus de
Lutlier meme, et se fit le chef d'un parti qui ne cede guere
a celui des Lutheriens. Par son esprit penetrant et par ses
decisions hardies il raffina sur tous ceux qui avaient voulu
en ce siecle la faire une Eglise nouvelle, et donna un nouveau
tour a la reforme pretendue. Variations P. 1, L. ix. p. i.

Cost une faiblesse de vouloir trouver quelque chose d'ex-
traordinaire dans la mort de telles gens ; Dieu ne donne
pas toujours de ces. exemples. Puisqu'il permet les heresies
pour Tepreuve des siens, il ne faut pas s'etonner que pour
achever cette epreuve, il laisse dominer en eux jusqu'a la
fin I'esprit de seduction avec toutes les belles apparences
dont il se couvre, et sans m'informer d'avantage de la vie
et de la mort de Calvin, e'en est assez d'avoir allume dans sa
patrie une flamme que tant de sang rejDandu n'a pu eteindre et
d'etre alle comparaitre devant le jugement deDieu sans aucun
remord d'un si grand crime. . . . Donnons lui (a Calvin) done,
puisqu'il le veut tant, cette gloire d'avoir aussi bien ecrit
qu'homme de son siecle, mettons le m^me, si Ton veut, au
dessus de Luther ; car encore que Luther eut quelque chose
de plus original et de plus vif, Calvin, inferieur par le genie,
semblait I'avoir emporte par I'etude. Luther triomphait de
vive voix, mais la plume de Calvin etait plus correcte, sur-
tout en Latin, et son stile qui etait plus triste etait aussi
beaucoup plus suivi, et plus chfitie. lis excellaient I'un et
I'autre a parler la langue de leur pays, I'un et I'autre etaient
d'une vehemence extraordinaire. L'un et I'autre par ses
talents se sent fait beaucoup de disciples et d'admirateurs.
L'un et Tautre enfles de ses succes ont cru pouvoir s'elever au
dessus des P^res, l'un et I'autre n'ont -pu soufFrir qu on les
contredit, et lour eloquence n'a ete en rien plus feconde qu'en
injures. Var. L. x p. 140.

I do not know if the eenius of Calvin would be found as

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 419

fitted to excite the imagination and stir up the populace as
was that of Luther, but after the movement had commenced,
he rose in many countries, more especially in France, above
Luther himself, and made himself head of a party which
hardly yields to that of the Lutherans. By his searching
intellect and his bold decisions, he improved upon all those
who had sought in this century to establish a new church,
and gave a new turn to the pretended reformation.

It is a weak feeling which makes us desirous to find
anything extraordinary in the deathbeds of these people.
God does not always bestow these examples. Since he per-
mits heresy for the trial of his people, it is not to be won-
dered at that to complete this trial he allows the spirit of
seduction to prevail in them even to the end, with all the
fair appearances by Avhich it is covered ; and without learning
more of the life and death of Calvin, it is enough to know
that he has kindled in his country a flame which not all the
bloodshed on its account has been able to extinguish, and
that he has gone to appear before the judgment of God with-
out feeling any remorse for a great crime. Let us grant him
(Calvin) then, since he wishes it so much, the glor}^ of having
written as well as any man of his age ; let us even place him,
if desired, above Luther ; for M'hilst the latter was in some
i-espects more original and liveh% Calvin, his inferior in ge-
nius, appears to have surpassed him in learning. Luther
triumplied in public, but the pen of Calvin was more correct,
especially in Latin, and his style, though heavier, was much
more consecutive and chaste. They equally excelled in
sjDeaking the language of their country, and both possessed
an extraordinary vehemence. Each by his talents has gained
many disciples and admirers. Each elated by success, has
fancied to raise himself above the Fathers ; neither could
bear contr?vdiction, and their eloquence abounds in nothing
more largely than virulent invective.

JUEIEU.
(1637-1713.)
On le (Calvin) depeignoit comme le plus scelerat des hommes

420 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

ivrogne, delicieux, debaiiclie, corrupteur des femmes, impos-
teur, faiseur de faux miracles — dans la Metliode du Cardinal
de Richelieu, mais par les soins de M. Drelincourt et Rivet,
Calvin est rehabilete et Maimburg reconnoit qu il fut infati-
gable au travail corarae il parait par la multitude de ses
ouvrages ; vigilant, extremement sobre, se contentant d'une
modique pension. II veut bien croire qu'il ne fut pas fustige
ct fleurdelize en sa jeunesse pour un crime infarae et detes-
table, et qu'il ne mourut point en blasphemant Dieu,

Calvin has been depicted as the most abandoned of men,
a drunkard, a voluptuary, a debauched person, a corrupter
of women, an impostor, an inventor of false miracles, in
the Method of Cardinal Richelieu ; but by the exertions of
M. Drelincourt and Rivet, Calvin has been re-established,
and Maimburg acknowledges that he was indefatigable in
labour, as appears from the multitude of his works, vigilant,
rigidly sober, and contenting himself with a moderate salary.
He readily believes that he was not punished and branded
in his youth for a flagitious and detestable crime, and that
he did not die blaspheming God. — (Defence of the Reforma-
tion against Maimburg.)

He also says in his Histoire du Papisme, Les Catholiques
Romains n'ont pas fait difficulte de copier plusieurs endroits
de ses ouvrages. Je puis assurer eomme temoin oculaire que
j'ai trouve dans les commentaires de Salmeron plusieurs pas-
sages entiers copies de Calvin sans aucun changement.

Roman Catholics have made no scruple of copying se-
veral parts of his writings. I can certify from personal in-
spection, that I have found in the Commentaries of Salmeron
several entire passages copied from Calvin without any
change.

BAYLE.

(1647-1706.)

Qu'un liomme qui s'etait acquis une si grande reputation
et une si grande autorite n'ait eu que cent ecus de gages et
n'en ait pas voulu avoir d'avantage et qu'apr^s avoir vecu
55 ans avec toute sorte de frugalite, il ne laissa a ses heritiers

RESPECTING THE AVRITINGS OF CALVIN. 421

J compris sa Bibliotheque que la valeur de 300 ecus est unc
chose si heroique qu'il faut etre ladre d'esprit pour ne la pas
admirer ; c'est une des plus rares victoires que la vertu et la
grandeur d'ame puissent remporter sur la nature, dans ceux
memo qui exercent le miuistere evangelique. Calvin a laisse
des imitateurs pour ce qui est de la vie active, zelee, affec-
tionnee au bicn du parti; ils employ ent leurs voix, leur plume,
leurs pas, leurs sollicitations a I'avancement du r^gne de
Dieu, mais ils ne s'oublient point eux-memes, et ils sent or-
dinairement parlant, un exemple que TEglise est une bonne
mere, au service de la quelle on ne perd rien.

That a man vvho had acquired so great a reputation and so
great an authority, should have had only a hundred crowns
of salary, and have desired no more, and that after having
lived fifty-five years with every sort of frugality, he only
left to his heirs the value of three hundred crowns, including
his library, is a circumstance so heroical, that one must be
devoid of feeling not to admire it, and one of the most sin-
gular victories which virtue and greatness of soul have been
able to achieve over nature, even among ministers of the
gospel. Calvin has left imitators in so far as regards activity
of life, zeal and aifection for the interest of his party ; they
employ their eloquence, their pens, their endeavours, their
solicitations in the advancement of the kingdom of God, but
they do not forget themselves, and they are, generally speak-
ing, an exemplification of the maxim that the church is a
good mother in whose service nothing is lost.

In another passage he says : — Les Catholiques ont et6
enfin obliges de renvoyer au pays des fables les calomnies
atroces que Ton avoit publiees centre les moeurs de Calvin :
leurs meilleurs plumes se retranchent maintenant a dire que
s'il a ete exempt des vices du corps, il ne I'a pas eto de ceux
de I'esprit, comme sent Torgueil, Temportement, la medisance.
Je sais que le Cardinal de Richelieu ou cette excellente
plume qui a publiee sous son nom, " la methode pour con-
vertir," ont adopte les sottises de Bolsec. Mais pour I'ordi-
naire les grands auteurs ne parlent plus de cela. La popu-
lace des auteurs n'y renonccront jamais. On trouve ces
calomnies dans le " systema decretorum dogmaticorum/'

422 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

publie a Avignon 1693 par Francois Porter. Ainsi le livrc
de Bolsec sera toujours cite tant qu'il y aura des Calvinistes
qui aiiront des adversaires, mais il suffira pour le convaincrc
^ternellement de calomnic qu'il y ait parmi les catholiques
un certain nombre d'auteurs graves qui n'adopteront point
ses contes.

The Catholics have been at last obliged to dismiss to the
region of fable the atrocious calumnies which they had utter-
ed against the moral chai'acter of Calviii ; their best authors
now restrict themselves to stating that if he was exempt
from the vices of the body, he has not been so from those of
the mind, such as pride, passion, and slander. I know that
the Cardinal de Richelieu, or that dexterous writer who
has published under his name " the method of conversion/'
had adopted the absurdities of Bolsec. But in general,
eminent autliors speak no more of that. The mob of authors
will never renounce it. These calumnies are to be found in
the " systema decretorum dogmaticorum," published at
Avignon in 1693, by Francis Porter. Thus the work of
Bolsec will be always cited as long as the Calvinists have ad-
versaries, but it will be sufficient to brand it eternally witli
calumny that there is among Catholics a certain number of
serious authors who will not adopt its fables.

Slli T. H. POPE BLOUNT.

Author of Catalogue of Celebrated Authors, &c.

(1649-1697.)

Autor sum ut Institutiones Calvini diligenter evolvas :
plures dari scio magni nominis Theologos, sed ille sit tibi
instar omnium. Quis enim eo doctius et solidius scripsit,
quis acrius veritatem tuetur ; validius errores et hsereses
profligat, confodit, jugulat ? Controversias tractat eruditius ?
Quis sophistarum strophas subtilius detegit, eludit, elevat ?
Nemo. Undo et a doctis censetur indoctus qui Calvinum
non legit : indoctior qui lectum contemnit ; indoctissimus
qui non sapit.

I recommend you to study diligently Calvin's Institutes,
I know that several theologians of great name are mentioned,

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 423

but let him occupy your attention as equal to all. For who
is more learned than he, and has written in a more solid
style, who defends the truth with more acuteness, who con-
futes, attacks, and more powerfully overturns errors and
heresies ? Who conducts controversy with greater learning- ?
who with greater subtlety detects, evades, and defeats the
wiles of sophists ? No one. Whence also a person is con-
sidered by the learned as illiterate if he has not read Calvin,
still more illiterate if he despises him after he has read him,
and most illiterate if he does not relish him.

SAMUEI; WERENFELS.
(1651-1740.)

Qua quidem in re, (i.e., in controversiis tractandis,) nun-
quam satis laudari potest Magni nostri Calvini judicium,
qui ad convincendos JudiBos, aliosque S. Trinitatis hostes
non quselibet ex S. Scriptura dicta, qua3 hue vulgo trahuntur,
arripienda censuit : sed solidissima banc ad rem argumenta
usque judicavit deligenda, atque ad adversaries retundendos
efRcacissima et maximo idonea. Ut unicum tantum hie ex-
emplum proferara : Ad ilium Seraphinorum apud Esaiam
hymnum, sapienter hsec notat Calvinus : Veteres, inquit, Jwc
testim.onio usi sunt, cum vellent adversus Arianos tres perso-
nas in una Dei essentia probare. Quorum ego sententiam
non rejicio. Quanquam si mihi res cum hcereticis esset,
mallem Jirmdoribus testimoniis uti. Nam redduntur pervi-
caciores et secum ipsi plaudunt, cum minus apertis testimo-
niis oppugnantur. Verissime sane et prudontissime. Qui
enim aliunde de S. Trinitate non sunt convicti, non magis,
hoc loco Trinitatem personarum probari credunt, quam tri-
nitatem terrse ex ilia Jercmise : Terra, terra, terra, audi :
aut trinitatem templi Hierosolyraitani ex altero ejusdem :
Templum Domini, templurn Domini, templum Domini. —
Dissertatio de Controversiis Theologicis rite tractandis. Opus-
cula, pp. 586, 587.

In this department of literature, [i.e., controversial writ-
ings,) the judgment of our great Calvin can never be sufR-
ciently praised, who held that to convince the Jews and other

424 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

enemies of tlie Holy Trinity, it was not proper to adduce
every passage of Scripture apparently bearing on the sub-
ject, but that the most solid arguments ought always to
be chosen for this purpose, and those which are most proper
and efficacious for confuting adversaries. I will produce
here a single instance : Referring to the hymn of the seraphs
in the Book of Isaiah, Calvin makes this judicious observa-
tion : " The ancients,'' he says, " used this testimony when
they wished to prove in opposition to the Arians the exist-
ence of three persons in one God — an opinion which I do
not reject ; although, for my own part, if I were arguing
with heretics, I should prefer to make use of more solid
evidence. For these persons are rendered more pertinacious,
and only feel the more complacently, when they are assailed
by less apparent kinds of proof. This they do with great
truth and very shrewdly. For those who are not convinced
on other grounds of the truth of the doctrine of the Holy
Trinity, will not believe tliat a trinity of persons is more
clearly proved by this passage, than the trinity of the earth
is by that in Jeremiah : ' 0 earth, earth, earth, hear tlie
word of the Lord," or a trinity of the temple of Jerusalem
from another passage in the same book : ' The temple of the
Lord, temple of the Lord, temple of the Lord.' "

ROGERS.

(1629.)

Calvin's writings will edify all men conthiually in the
time to come. — On the Thirty-nine Articles, p. 194.

VOLTAIRE.

(1694-1778.)

In his essay on Universal History, he says, —
Le fameux Calvin que nous regardons comme I'apotre de
Geneve s'erigea en Pape des Protestans. II savait du Latin
ct du Grec, et la mauvaise philosophic de son temps. II
ecrivait raieux que Luther, et parlait j^lus mal, tous deux
laborieux et austeres, mais durs ct cmportes.

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 425

The famous Calvin, whom wc regard as the apostle of the
Reformation, raised himself to the rank of Poi:)e of Protes-
tantism. He was acquainted with Latin and Greek, and
the bad philosophy of his time. He wrote better than
Lutlier, and spoke worse ; — both were laborious and austere,
but stern and enthusiastic.

d'alembert.

(1717-1783.)

Calvin jouissait avec justice d'une grande reputation,
homme de lettre du premier ordre, ecrivant, en Latin aussi
bien qu'on pent le faire dans une langue morte, et en
rran9ois avec une pureto singuli^re pour son temps. Cette
purete que nos habiles grammaricns admirent encore aujourd'-
liui rend ses ecrits bien superieurs a presque tons ceux du
meme siecle, comme les ouvrages de M. Port Rojal se dis-
tinguent encore aujourd'hui par la meme raison des rapso-
dies barbares de leurs adversaires, et de leurs contemporains.

Calvin justly enjoyed a great reputation — a literary man
of the first rank — writing in Latin as well as one could do
in a dead language, and in French with singular purety for
his time. This purety, which our able grammarians admire
even at this day, renders his writings far superior to almost
all those of the same age, as the works of the Port-Royalists
are distinguished even at the present day, for the same rea-
son, from the barbarous rhapsodies of their opponents and
cotemporaries.

MOEUS OF GENEVA.^

His (Calvin's) holy zeal was a righteous one, and it is our
drowsiness only which has provoked his Christian indigna-
tion,^ his tumultuous and stormy feeling of duty. And
what remains for the Christian if he will not use the sword ?
It is not by soft remedies that he could heal the wounds of

' Moms, 119,21, 22.

2 In reference to his painfnl controversy with Castellio, who liad re-
ceived tlie utmost kindness from Calvin, and after his apostasy, wrote
against him mider a feigned name.

426 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

Zion. He would not have gained his end, and it would have
been objected to him, " If you are not yourself convinced in
your whole soul, why do you disturb the existing order of
things 1"

Morus^ rightly observes that the most opposite virtues
were united in his character. With great zeal and vehe-
mence, there was combined a cheerful, even gay disposition,
the existence of which is denied by those only who judge
him according to the features of his pale face, and not ac-
cording to his M'ords and works. " However little we may
know of his agreeable conversation, and gentle, familiar
bearing, we know this, on the report of persons worthy of
credit, that he made no difficulty of amusing himself at a
game with messieurs our magistrates ; but it was the inno-
cent game called la clef, the aim of which consists in pushing
a certain number of keys as near as possible from one end to
the other of a long table."

HEYLTN.

(1600-1662.)

It cannot be denied that by the error of those times, the
reputation which Calvin had attained to in both universities,
and the extensive diligence of his followers for the better
carrying on of their own designs, there was a general ten-
dency unto his opinions.

Calvin's Book of Institutes was for the most part the
foundation on which the young Divines of these times (a.d.
1614) did build their studies. — Heylins Hist, and Miss.
Tract, p. 626.

SCHROECKH.
(1733-1803.)

Calvin starb in einem Alter von noch nicht vollig 50 Ja-
hren, cin hoher viel umfassender und sehr geschaftiger Geist,
strong gegen Andere, aber zuerst gegen sich selbst, zwar
gebieterisch und herschsuchtig, aber, wenigstens nach seiner
Ueberzeugung nur zum Dicnste der lieligion und der Tu-
» Moms, 115, 116.

nESPECTINQ THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 427

gend, ehrwiirdige Namen die nicht selten so viel als seine
eigenen Meinungen galten. Er war durch Wissenschaften und
feine Beredsamkeit, sehr wold ausgebildet worden. Zwar
hatte er nur eine geringe Kenntniss des Hebraischen und
aucli seine Griechische Sprachkunde war nicht ausnehmend
gross ; allein scharfsichtig wie er war und von richtigcr
Beurtlieilung, traf er meistens den Wortverstand der Bibel,
nach welchem er liauptsaclilicli forschte, reclit geschickt,
ohne freilich dem fast unvermeidlicben Fehler zu entgehen,
dass er ofters seinen Lehrbegriff in dieselbe hineintrug. Mit
seinen SclirifterklJirungen wusstc er auch eine einnehmendc
Sittenlehre zu verbinden, und wie nmsterhaft seine dogma-
tische Methode, im Ganzen genommen, gewesen sei, zeigt
die Zergliederung seines Hauptwerks.

Calvin died at the age of scarcely 50 years, a noble, com-
prehensive, and very active spirit, rigorous towards others,
but in the first place towards himself, dictatorial, indeed,
and fond of power, but at least according to his own convic-
tion, only in the cause of religion and virtue, honourable
names, which however were not unfrequently employed as
equivalent in meaning to his own peculiar oj)inions. He had
been well trained in science and a refined eloquence. His
knowledge of Hebrew was indeed slight, and he possessed but
an imperfect acquaintance with Greek, but his very acute and
correct judgment generally enabled him to gather with suc-
cess the meaning of the words in the Bible, without, however,
escaping the almost inevitable mistake of often mixing up
his system with them. With his expositions of Scripture he
knew also how to unite a comprehensive theory of morals,
and how admirable his dogmatic method was, taken as a
whole, is shewn by the arrangement of his principal Work.

Calvin, weniger geiibt als Zwingli und Q^^colampadius in
den Sprachen, obgleich keineswegs so unwissend im Hebrais-
chen als ihn Simon darstellt, iibertraf sie an Scharfsinn und
feinem Geschmack, die ihm oft mehr dienste leisteten als
Sprachkenntniss, sucht weniger wie sie typische, allegorischc
Deutungen' auf, priifte, beurtheilte weit freier gewohnliche
Erkliirungen, zeichnete sich durch eine mehr gebildetc
Schreibarfc aus.

428 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

Calvin, less j)roficient than Zwingle and QEcolampadius in
the languages, thougli by no means so ignorant of Hebrew
as Simon represents him, {Hist tom. i. p. 435,) surpassed
them in acuteness and refinement of taste, which often did
him more service than a knowledge of the language, exa-
mined less into the typical and allegorical meanings, judged
more freely of the common explanations, and was distin-
guished by a much more cultivated manner of writing. —
History of the Reformation,

JOHN YON MIJLLEK.
(1752-1809.)

Johann Calvin hatte den Geist eines alten Gesetzgebers,
ein Genie und Eigenschaften, welche ihm zum Theil unver-
kennbare Vorziige gaben, und Fehler, die nur das Uebermass
der Tugenden waren, vermittelst deren er sein Werk durch-
setzte. Audi er hatte (wie die andern Reformatoren) einen
unermiideten Fleiss in Standhafter Hinsicht auf einerlei
Zweck, eine unersclmtterliche Festigkeit in Grundsatzen und
Pflicht, in seinem Leben, und sterbend den Ernst und die
Wurde eines altromischen Censors. Zu der Freiheit seiner
Stadt, Genf, trug er ungemein viel bei, sein Ansehn gab den
oft uneinigen Vorstehern gleichen Sinn. Durch seine Lage
und Sprache trug er zur Beschleunigung der Fortschritte
des menschlichen Geistes vornehmlich, und mehr bei, als er
selbst voraussah. Denn unter den Genfern und in Frank-
reich wurde der Grundsatz freier Priifung, auf den er sich
anfano-s ffrlinden musste, und welchen zu beschriinken er
sich nachmals vergeblich bemiihte, weit fruchtbarer an
Folgen, als bei Nationen, die weniger inquisitiv als die
Genfer, und nicht so kiihn wie die Franzosen sind. Hieraus
entwickelten sich nach und nach philosophische Ideen, die,
wenn sie auch von den Leidenschaften und Absichten der
Urheber noch nicht rein genug sind, doch eine grosse Menge
finsterer und schadlicher Vorurtheile verbannt, und fur die
Zukunft Aussichten auf achte Lebensweisheit und besseres
Gluck croffnet haben. — (AUgemeine Geschichte, 3 Book, s. 14.)

John Calvin had the spirit of an ancient lawgiver, a

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 429

genius and characteristics which gave him in part unmistak-
able advantages, and failings which were only the excess of
virtues, by the assistance of which he carried through his
objects. He had also, like the other Reformers, an inde-
fatigable industry, with a fixed regard to a certain end,
an invincible perseverance in principles and duty during his
life, and at his death the courage and dignity of an ancient
Roman censor. He contributed greatly towards the free-
dom of his city, Geneva ; his authority often established
harmony among the discordant magistracy. By his jjosition
and language he contributed greatly to the develoj)ment
and advance of the human intellect, and more indeed than
lie himself foresaw. For among the Genevese and in France,
the principle of free inquiry, on which he was obliged at
first ,to found his system, and to curb which he after-
wards strove in vain, became more fruitful in consequences
than among nations which are less inquisitive than the
Genevese, and less daring than the French. From this
source were developed gradually philosophical ideas, which,
though they are not yet purified sufiiciently from the pas-
sions and views of their fouudeis, have yet banished a great
number of gloomy and pernicious prejudices, and have opened
up prospects of a pure practical wisdom, and better success
for the future.

AUGUSTUS TOPLADY.

(1740-1778.)

The late Lord B ke (viz., the celebrated infidel and

Tory) was one day reading in Calvin's Institutions ; a clergy-
man^ of his lordship's acquaintance coming on a visit, Lord
B. said to him, " You have caught me reading John Calvin.
He was, indeed, a man of great parts, profound sense, and
vast learning. He handles the doctrines of grace in a very
masterly manner," — " Doctrines of grace ! " rejilied the
clergyman, "the doctrines of grace have set all mankind
together by the ears." — " I am surprised to hear you say so/'
answered Lord B ; " you who profess to believe and to

' Mr, Churcli, who died curate of Baltersea.

430 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

preach Christianity. Those doctrines are certainly the doc-
trines of the Bible ; and if I believed the Bible, I must
believe them : and let me seriously tell you, that the greatest
miracle in the world is the subsistence of Christianity, and
its continued preservation as a religion, when the preaching
of it is committed to the care of such unchristian wretches
as you."

Told me, this day, at Bath, July 80, 1775, by Lady Hunt-
ingdon, who had it from Lord B 's own mouth. — {Top-
lady's Works, iv. p. 151.)

FREDERICK ANCILLON.

(1767-1837.)

Calvin etait non seulement un theologien profond, mais
encore un habile legislateur, la part qu'il eut aux lois civiles
et religicuses qui, pendant plusieurs siecles, ont fait le bon-
heur de la republique de Geneve, est peut-etre un plus beau
titre a la gloire que ses ouvrages theologiques, et cette repub-
lique, celebre malgre sa petitesse, qui sut allier les moeurs aux
lumieres, la richesse a la simplicite, la simplicite au gout, la
liberie a I'ordre, et qui a ete un foyer de talens et de vertus,
a prouve que Calvin connaissait les hommes et savait les
gouverner. — II ne faut pas s'etonner si M. Morus nous dit
dans un de ses harangues que Saumaise a solennellement
proteste qu'il croiroit avoir acquis plus de gloire, s'il avoit
ecrit le seul ouvrage de I'lnstitution, que tous les gros
volumes qui sent sortis des mains de Grotius, — {Tableaux des
Revolutions du Syst^me Politique de l' Europe.)

Calvin was not only a profound theologian, but likewise
an able legislator ; the share which he had in the framing
of the civil and religious laws which have produced for
several centuries the happiness of the Genevan republic, is
perhaps a fairer title to renown than his theological works ;
and this republic, celebrated notwithstanding its small size,
and which knew how to unite morals with intellect, riches
with simplicity, simplicity with taste, liberty with order,
and which has been a focus of talents and virtues, has
proved that Calvin knew men, and knew how to govern

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 431

them. — We must not be astonished if M. Morus tells us
in one of his harangues, that Saumaise has solemnly pro-
tested that he would think he had acquired more glory if he
had written the book of the Institutes alone, than all the
larffe tomes which have issued from the hands of Grotius.

PROFESSOR DUGALD STEWART.

(a.d. 1753-1828.)

The same freedom of thought (as that of Luther) on topics
not strictly theological, formed a prominent feature in the
character of Calvin. A curious instance of it occurs in one
of his letters, where he discusses an ethical question of no
small moment in the science of political economy, — "How
far is it consistent with morality to accept of interest for a
pecuniary loan?" On this question, which, even in Protes-
tant countries, continued, till a very recent period, to divide
the opinions both of divines and lawyers, Calvin treats the
authority of Aristotle and that of the Church with equal
disregard. To the former he opposes a close and logical
argument not unworthy of Mr. Bentham. To the latter he
replies, by shewing that the Mosaic law on this point was
not a moral but a municipal prohibition ; a prohibition not
to be judged of from any particular text of Scripture, but
upon the principles of natural equity. — {Frelinmiary Dis-
sertation to the Encyclopmdia Britannica.)

CHARLES GOTTLIEB BRETSCHNEIDER.
(1776-1848.)
Wenn wir weder von Luther nocli von Zwingli eine Schrift
haben wo sie ihren ganzen Glauben in ein System gebracht,
und dieses mit den nothigen Beweisen, und der damals uner-
lasslichen Polemik versehen batten, so verknupfte dagegen
Calvin schon friihzeitig die Wahrheiten der Reformation zu
einer systematischen Gestalt, stutzte sie uberall mit den fiir
seine Zeit starksten und auserlesensten Beweisen und schloss
sie polemisch gegen alle Gegensatze fest ab. Davon legt
seine mit Recht berlihmte Inst. Rel. Chr. voiles Zeuffniss ab,
die von den jetzigen Theologen, audi von den Lutherischen,

432 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

niclit so vernaclilassigt werden sollte, als sie es wivklicli
wird. Sie entliiilt eincn Schatz vortrefSicher Gedanken
scliarfsinniger Eiitwickelungen und feiiier Benierkungen,
und ist in einem eleganten lebliaften und beredten Style
geschrieben. Die Lutherische Kirclie hatte nur in Melancli-
tlions berlihmten locis theologicis etwas Aebnliclies, das aber
dock an innerem Zusammenhange, Gediegenbeit der Beweise,
Starke der Polemik und Vollstandigkeit des Systems, der
Schrift Calvins nicbt gleich kommt. — {Reformations Alma-
nac, p. ] 07.)

While we have no work by eitlier Lutlier or Zwingli, in
which they might have exhibited their whole doctrine re-
duced to a system, and accompanied by tlie necessary proofs,
and so might have furnished a defence against unnumbered
controversies, Calvin, on the contrary, at an early period,
connected the truths of the Reformation in a systematic
form ; defended every point with proofs, the strongest
and most excellent known at that time, and secured them
against all opposition. Of this his justly celebrated Insti-
tutes aiford ample testimony — a work which ought not to be
so neglected as it is by the theologians of our times — not
even by the Lutherans. It contains a treasure of admirable
tlioughts, of acute explications, and fine remarks ; and is
written in an elegant, lively, and eloquent style. The
Lutheran Church has only something similar in Melanch-
thon's famous " Locis Theologicis," which, however, is not to
be compared with Calvin's work for consecutiveness, solidity
of proof, strength of argument, and completeness of system.

F. A. KRUMMACHEK.

(1768-1845.)

Uebrigens war Joh. Calvin ein Menscli, menschlich von
dem Erwachen und Kampf seiner bewegten Zeit, aber viel
mehr noch gottlich ergriffen von dem, was holier ist denn
alle Zeit. Wie er selbst von Christo ergriffen, Christum
ergriffen habe und immcr mehr ergreifcn mochte, das stellet
or in seinem Werke dar mit menschlichen Worten, aber als
ein Meister und gewaltig in der Rede ; dabei wollte er nicht

RESPECTING THE WHITINGS OF CALVIN. 433

fur einen Ajiostel gelten, sondern glcicli unserer Kirche
kcinen anderen Grund erkennend, als den der gelegt ist, auf
diesen und auf das Zeugniss der Apostel und Proi)lieten
zuriiclvfuliren. — Mcige man ilin und sein Werk menschlicber
Mangel und Scliwachheiten zeilien, die er niclit unterlassen
hat an sich selber zu ricliten, nioge man ihm, wie oft
geschelien, zu weit getriebene Dialektik und Scbolastik,
Ueberscbatzung des Augustin, Klihnbeit in Erforscbung des
Unerforscblicben, und Bestimmung des llnbestimmbaren,
verzebrenden Eifer um das Hans Gottes gegen Irrtbum und
Irrlebre, dabei das ziirnende Wort und die Geissel seines
Mundes zum Yorwurf macben : — ieb bin nicbt gemeint mit
einzustimmen, nocb audi da den grossen Mann zu ricliten,
wo icli selbst mit ibm einstimmig zu denken und zu glauben
niclit vermag. Ist der Glaube die hocbste Stufe des gei-
stigen Lebens, viel liober denn alle Vernunft, so wird audi
das Licbtlebcn ira Glauben wie in dor Erkenntniss seine
Stufen baben. Steht nun Calvin auf einer solcben lioben
Glaubenstufe, wie wenig Auserwiibltc sie erreichen, und
erkennt man die Mtiglicbkeit und Wabrscbeinlicbkeit dieses
seines Standpunktes in eigener Selbsterkenntniss und Be-
scbeidenbeit ; so ist man wenigstens der Gefabr entnommen,
die wabre Rede und vcrnunftigen Worte einer boberii Weis-
beit, wie Festus, fur Tolllieit zu halten, und den tiefsinnigen
Vertbeidiger dor gottlicben Vorsebung der Raserei zu be-
scbuldigen. Eiii Kind ist mit der Uebersicbt des gestirnten
Himmels in kurzer Zeit fertig und so fort im Reinen ; anders
cin Keppler und Newton. Je bober der Stand, desto uner-
messlicber der Blick in die Tiefe. Luther sagt in seiner
Vorrede zum Romerbriefe: "Obne Leiden, Kreuz und Todes-
noth kann man die Vorsebung nicbt obne Schaden und
beimlichen Zorn gegen Gott handeln. Darum muss Adam
zuvor wohl todt sein, ehe er dies Ding leide, und den
starken Wein trinke. Darum siebe dicli vor, dass du nicbt
Weill trinkest, wenn du nocli ein Saiigling bist. Eine
jegliche Lebre bat ibr Maass, Zeit und Alter.'' Dass nun
gleichermaassen die Forschung eines solcben Hauptes so
tief in den Born und Abgrund der Schrift und OfFen-
barung cindringe, als viclleicht scitdcm nicbt geschchn,

2 E

434 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

ist eben so natiiilicli, als class die gemeine, Flaclie iind
unglaiibige Exegese ihn beim Herabsteigen ganz und gar
aus dem Gesichte verliert, und die Hande liber ihm zusam-
menklappt. Der Uebersetzer gestebt dass es ibm mebrmals
also gegangen, so mag sicb aucb mancber Loser darauf
gefasst macben.

For tbe rest, Jobn Calvin was a man, bumanly influenced
by tbe wakefulness and struggles of bis excited times,
but fully more wrougbt upon by tbat wbicb is liigber tban
all time. How first apprebended by Cbrist, be apprebended
Christ, and apprebended bim continually more and more, be
describes in bis work with human words, but as a master,
powerful in speech. Far from him was it to assume the
character of an apostle; but like our Church, recognis-
ing no other foundation than that which is laid, he sought
to lead men back to this, and to the testimony of the
Apostles and Prophets. Let us discover human failings and
weaknesses in him and his works — of these be has accused
himself without ceasing. Let us object to bim, as is often
done, that he has indulged too largely in dialectic and scho-
lastic subtleties, in an excessive admiration of Augustine, in
bold inquiries into the inscrutable, in defining that which is
indefinable, in fostering a consuming zeal for the house of
God, against error and false doctrine, and giving loose to
words of scorn and tbe scourge of his mouth — I cannot agree
with those who thus judge him, nor condemn so great a man,
even where I do not think or believe as he did. If faith is
tbe highest degree of spiritual life, much higher tban all un-
derstanding, the light of life will have its degrees in faith,
as in knowledge. Did Calvin attain now to such an emi-
nence of faith, as few even of the elect have reached ? And
do we recognise the possibility and probability of this his
position in a peculiar kind of self-knowledge and modesty ;
so are we, at least, free from the danger of regarding,
like Festus, the true discourse, and tbe significant words of
a higher wisdom as foolishness, and from that of charging
the profound advocate of divine Providence with madness.
A child is soon made familiar with the starry heavens, and
so forth, as to a mere surface of things ; but it is otherwise

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 485

with a Kepler and a Newton. The higher the position,
the more immeasurable is the view into the depth below.
Luther says, in his preface to the Epistle to the Romans,
" Without suffering, without the cross, and the necessity
of death, one can scarcely treat of Providence without
offence, and a secret anger against God. Therefore it
was necessary, perliaps, that Adam should die before he
could suffer this thing, and drink the strong wine. Take
heed, then, and drink not wine, if you be still a suckling.
Every doctrine has its measure, time, and age." That in-
quiries on such a topic should in like measure extend to the
heights and dejjths of Scripture and revelation, more perhaps
than they have since done, is as natural as that the common,
flat, and sceptical exposition should lose sight of him in its
descent, and clap the hands in triumph over him. The trans-
lator acknowledges that this has often occurred to him ; and
the reader may make himself sure of finding the same
thing.

TEECHSEL.

Die Protestantischen Antitrinitarier, 1839, s. 177.

This man (Calvin) descended from an ancient fiimily,
learned and profound as few are, superior to the fear of man,
seeking nothing for himself, and hoping nothing, but full of
ardour for the glory of God — became more and more the
soul of the Protestant cause, the instrument in the hand of
the Lord to give firmness, durability, and a steady direction
to the new church, and to settle its doctrine on the surest

principles of good sense and reason People have

often supposed that they were insulting Calvin's memory,
by calling him the Pope of Protestantism ! He was so,
but in the noblest sense of the expression, through the
spiritual and moral superiority with which the Lord of the
church had endowed him for its deliverance ; through his
unwearied, universal zeal for God's honour ; through his wise
care for the edifying of the kingdom of Christ ; in a word,
through all which can be comprehended in the idea of the
Papacy, of truth and honour. He had, indeed, two faults ;

'iS6 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

but they were either those of his time or sprung- from the
jieculiarities of his character, the greatness, and force, and
elevation of which our weak, degenerate race is unable to
comprehend in the whole ; and which, instead of contem-
plating it on the bright side, it can only judge of by the
few dark spots on the surface.

HENRY STEBBING, D.D.

1849.
Life and Times of John Calvin.

Independent of his fame as a theologian, Calvin is one of
the great historical characters of the sixteenth century.
We can form, indeed, no adequate idea of that period, if we
leave out of our consideration the labours and actions*of a
man, who so materially aided the development of the all-
important principles then in progress of formation.

PAUL HENRI, D.D., BERLIN.

Life and Times of Calvin, ] 849.

The genius and solid merits of this Reformer have rarely
been estimated according to their value. It is only of late
years that attention has been drawn to his talent as a com-
mentatoi'. We may also mention it as a singular fact, that
while the world is so ready to censure the ignorance of
former times, it should still have so generally retained its

prejudice against Calvin Where it is seen that

evangelical churches rest upon a very diiferent foundation to
that laid by the mere virtues of the Reformers, it becomes
possible to form an unprejudiced opinion of this man, and to
expect it from all religious parties, even from evangelically
minded Roman Catholics. We may now also look for justice
to be done to the greatness of his genius.

In the Epistles of Paul, he (Calvin) penetrates deeply
into the spirit of the Aj)ostle, and as it may be so easily per-
ceived, becoming one with it, he explains what is particular

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 437

from what is general ; and in this respect he resembles
Chrysostom, except that the latter allowed rhetoric to exer-
cise a prejudicial inflilence over his style. The whole New
Testament history becomes vital under Calvin's hand ; he
lives in every active, spealcing, individual character ; in the
wicked, as in the good, and he expounds every discourse from
the relations, and from the very souls of the speakers. In
the Acts of the Apostles especially, this his art and skill arc
exhibited in the most wonderful manner. He seizes with
admirable force the peculiar characteristics of the actors
mentioned in the history, and presents them to the reader.
In the same skilful manner he expounds the discourses of
St. Paul, and converts them, without violence, into a regular
and connected sermon.

BLOOMFIELD,

In his preface to the Greek Testament, says, (p. xxix,) —
The Editor would particularly specify Hyperius, whose Com-
mentary on the Epistles of St. Paul he considers next to
that of Calvin, (to which, for profundity of thought, and able
investigation of the logic or course of reasoning of the sacred
writers, — for spirituality of sentiment, and deep knowledge
of the "mind of the Spirit," must ever be assigned thej^rs^
place, " who, as he deserves to be ranked with the best in-
terpreters of all ages, usually follows out with astonishing
sagacity, any very deep trains of tliought, and among the
various interpretations of different authors, is very successful
in selecting those which are most probable, while his elegance
is such that he is read with equal pleasure and advantage,"
— Pelt's Pref. to Thess.,) the most valuable of all the earlier
expository works.

PROFESSOR MOSES STUART, OF ANDOVER, UNITED STATES.
Biblical Repository for June 1833, an American Periodical.
Among the old commentators with which I have any ac-
quaintance, I should say that none stands so pre-eminent for
logical commentary as Calvin. His merits at last are be-

438 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

ginning to be more generally acknowledged than tlicy have
been since the times in which he lived. The unhappy dis-
putes of the Lutheran church \vith his followers for a long
time kept them from paying him any deference. But time
and circumstances have mitigated the passion for dispute
with Calvinists, and the gigantic theologian and commenta-
tor is again beginning to take his proper place. Whoever
reads Calvin's Commentaries, and has extensively compared
them with those of other interpreters, will be able at once
to perceive that what I call the logic of commentary, i.e., the
reasoning, drift, scope, object of the writer's discourse, is
everywhere his main point. He has little of philology
displayed upon his pages : he had much in his head. That
he was a fine Greek and Hebrew scholar for the times in
which he lived, no one will doubt, who considers well the
results to which he has come in commenting on difficult pas-
sages of the Bible.

[The more weight is due to this opinion of Professor
Stuart from his differing from Calvin — as must be known to
those acquainted wuth his works — on some of the most im-
portant doctrines.]

EEV. JOHN DICK, D. D.,

Professor of Divinity to the United Secession Church,
In his Lectures on Theology, vol. iv. p. 220.

The name of Calvin ought always to be mentioned with
respect. He was one of the brightest ornaments of the Re-
formation, and in learning, genius, and zeal, had few equals,
and no superior.

EEV. DONALD FRASER, D.D.,

Minister of the Gospel, Kennoway, in his Notes to his Translation of
Witsius on the Apostle's Creed, vol. ii. p. 603.

His learning was varied and profound His

Institutes of the Christian Religion published in 1537, and
his excellent Commentaries on the Scriptures, as well as his

RI'SPECTING THE WKITINGS OF CALVIN. 439

other services in tlie cause of truth, entitle him to tlie last-
ing gratitude and esteem of the Christian church.

HISTORY OF POPERY.
Vol. ii. pp. 349, 350.
Whenever he (Calvin) was quoted in the press or in tlie
pulpit, it was done with epithets of honour ; as the learned,
the judicious, the pious Calvin. And I am more than con-
fident, there cannot be produced one wa-iter of credit in the
Established Church of Enoland that ever fell foul on Calvin
till about sixty or seventy years after his death, when the
tares of Arminius began to be sown and cherished among
us. — Quoted in Toplady's Historic Proof of the Doctrinal
Calvinism of the Church of England, Lecture xv.

REV. JOHN PYE SMITH, D.D., F.R.S.,
In his Four Discourses ou the Sacrifice and Priesthood of Jesus Christ, p. 320.

A similar justness of combination we find in the writings
of Calvin ; whose fiaie judgment and noble impartiality as
an expositor, have drawn the admiration of many who difl'er
from some of his distinguishing sentiments.

KITTO'S CYCLOPyEDIA OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE.
Vol. i. p. 456. 1845.
In all the higher qualifications of a commentator, Calvin
is pre-eminent. His knowledge of the original languages
was not so great as that of many later expositors, but in de-
veloping the meaning of the sacred writers he has few equals.
It has been well remarked that he chiefly attended to the
logic of commentary. He possessed singular acuteness, unit-
ed to a deep acquaintance with the human heart, a compre-
hension of mind by which he was able to survey revelation
in all its features, and an enlightened understanding compe-
tent to perceive sound excgetical principles, and resolute in
adhering to them. He can never be consulted without ad-
vantage, although all his opinions should not be followed.
His AYorks present specimens of exegesis that deserve to be
ranked among the best extant, because they are occupied

440 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

Avith the spiritual essence of the Bible — with the theology of
the inspired writers.

DR. SPALDING, OF AMERICA.
A Roman Catholic.

The most recent writer against the Reformation has been
constrained, amid all his bitter hostility to Calvin, to confess
respecting the Reformer and his system. The second branch
of the Reformation was that established at Greneva by John
Calvin. Of all the Reformers, he was, perhaps, the most
acute, learned, and talented ; and he has succeeded better
than any of them in impressing his own stern and morose
character on the sect he founded. Geneva was the centre
of his operations. Starting from Geneva, Calvinism soon
spread through Switzerland, and extended to France, Hol-
land, Scotland, and England ; and even on the soil of Ger-
many itself, it was soon able to dispute the supremacy with
the sect there established by Luther.

Calvin was the most subtle, the most untiring, and per-
haps the most able, enemy of the Catholic Church. He was
the founder of a sect more distinguished than any other,
perhaps, for its inveterate opposition to catholicity.'

REV. J. O. LORIMER.
The Old Orthodox Faith superior to Modern Opinions, &c., pp. 10-14. 1847.

It has been often imagined and asserted, by parties who
should know better, that the doctrines of Calvin had no exist-
ence till the age of that Reformer — that they originated with
him — and but for him might never have afflicted the church.
No mistake can be more ignorant. Tlie truth is, that a line
can be traced of the most illustrious advocates of evangelical
religion fi'om the days of Augustine to those of Calvin —
comprising such men as Gotteshulens, the Waldenses, Wick-
liffe, Jerome, Huss, the Bohemian Christians — who were all
Calvinists ages before the Reformer of Geneva was born. . , .
So far from Calvinism starting with the Genevan Reformer,
it would not be difficult to show that some of his predecessors
' History, &c. Reviewed, pp. 300, 323.

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 441

were more Ccxlvinistic in doctrine than he was himself; while
it would be no easy matter to shew that any previous to his
day, whether individuals or churches, distinguished for living
Christianity and successful service for Christ, entertained any
otlier sentiments. Calvin may have more formally arranged
and defended the truth as a system than others. He was
eminently at once the philosopher and divine of the Refor-
mation— but this is not all. The peculiarities of Calvin by
no means constitute the great burden of his writings. In
his celebrated work on the Institutes, out of eighty chapters,
only five are devoted to the peculiarities of his system ; in
his miscellaneous works of 800 pages, only fifty-five arc so
occupied

It is not necessary to say anything of Calvin personally.
However much misunderstood and vilified in more modern
times, his lofty qualities and attainments are well known to
all who have studied his character, services, or age. His
penetrating intellect, classical attainments, vast learning,
stern religious principles, with indefatigable labours for the
truth and cause of God — his humility and disinterestedness
— his generosity — his amiability — his services to his country
— to the universal church — to posterity — his reputation both
at home and abroad among the highest and most competent
judges, philosophers, scholars, theologians — his influence upor
his age and the world — might all, with many other kindre(
points, be appealed to, in proof of the eminence of one oi
the most extraordinary men, in an age remarkable for great
men

Though the doctrine of justification by free grace, through
faith alone, was the great doctrine of the Reformation, and.
the grand instrument in the hand of the Spirit of God of
rescuing Christendom from the domination of Rome, yet the
sources and higher aspects of this doctrine were not forgotten.
Election, particular redemption, efficacious grace, final per-
severance, all naturally came up for examination, and aftei
being sifted and explored, were substantially received into
the authoritative standards of all the reformed churches —
Helvetian, Belgic, French, German, Irish and Scottish alike.
Episcopal as well as Presbyterian.

442 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

All tlie most distinguished men of the Church of England
at the Reformation, and for many subsequent years, down
indeed to the days of Laud in the seventeenth century, were
Calvinists. No other system of doctrine in that period of
great men both in Church and State was ever dreamt of. All
the Archbishops previous to Laud were Calvinists ; indeed,
the leading men of the English Church accounted it an
honour to correspond with John Calvin, the Presbyterian
minister of Geneva, and to adopt suggestions from him, both
in regard to their Articles and Liturgy. British sovereigns
did him honour. The TJdrty-nine Articles, indeed, are not
so strongly Calvinistic as those of some other Churches ; still
every candid interpreter, especially considering the known
opinions of the men who drew them up, must regard them
as decided. Nowhere do they explicitly contradict any ar-
ticle of the Calvinistic system, and in all periods the most
resolute Calvinists have had no scruple in cordially sub-
scribing them.

We may safely say that John Calvin, single-handed, did
more to break the chains of intellectual, civil, and ecclesias-
tical despotism, and so to promote true freedom, than any
man of his age or of subsequent ages. It will be long before
modern opponents, single or combined, at their present rate
of progress, will deserve to be spoken of in the same connec-
tion. A writer who will not be suspected of partiality on
religious grounds, thus speaks of the services of one body of
British Calvinists to the cause of civil freedom : The Eng-
lish Puritans, the chief of men, whom it is the paltry fashion
of this day to decry, divided their vast inheritance between
them in the reign of Charles the First. One body remained
at home and established the English constitution : One
crossed the Atlantic and founded the American Republic —
the two greatest achievements of modern times. ^

REV. F. W. GOTCH, A.M., TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.^
The world-wide fame of Calvin rests principally, almost
exclusively, on the systematic form in which he arrayed the

1 Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1847.

'^ Journal of Sacred Literature, vol. iii. p. 222.

RESPECTING THE WlllTINQS OF CALVIN. 443

doctrines of the Christian religion. How few, comparatively,
amongst biblical students of tlie present day, know anything
of Calvin as a commentator, and how much smaller was even
that small number fifteen or twenty years ago ? Indeed,
until within that period it was scarcely possible that it
should be otherwise, at least in this country ! The works
of Calvin were rarely to be obtained except in a set of ex-
pensive folio volumes. The labours of an earlier generation
in rendering the commentaries of Calvin into English had
lost their effect, both on account of the scarcity of the trans-
lations themselves, and the obsoleteness of the style in wliich
they were written, . . .

On the whole, few commentators can be found more judi-
cious in the general mode of treating their subject.

EEV. W. CONYBEAEE.
Theological Lectures, 2d edit., p. 215.

It was the axiom of that most amiable and truly Christian
scholar, Melanchthon, that the Scriptures could not possibly
be theologically understood, until their grammatical sense
were first correctly ascertained. Luther expressed similar
opinions with his usual energy ; and the judgment of his
fellow-labourer in the great cause, Calvin, is sufKciently
exemplified in his elaborate volumes of commentaries upon
many portions of Scripture.

ARCHDEACON HARE.

Calvin's Commentaries, on the other hand, although they
too are almost entirely doctrinal and practical, taking little
note of critical and philosophical questions, keep much
closer to the text, and make it their one business to bring
out the meaning of the words of Scripture with fulness and
precision. This they do with the excellence of a master
richly endowed with the word of wisdom and with the word
of knowledge, and from the exemplary union of a severe
masculine understanding with a profound insight into the
scriptural depths of the Scriptures, they are especially cal-

444 OPINIUNS AND TESTIMONIES

culated to be useful in counteracting the erroneous tenden-
cies of an age, when we seem about to be inundated with all
that was fantastical and irrational in the exegetical mysti-
cism of the Fathers, and are bid to see divine power in all
allegorical cobwebs, and heavenly life in artificial flowers.
I do not mean to imply an adoption or approval of all Cal-
vin's views, M'hether on doctrinal or other questions. But
we may happily owe much gratitude and love, and the
deepest intellectual obligations, to those whom at the same
time we may deem to be mistaken on certain points ; and
perhaps it may be better for our frail human affections, that
there is no one who is not so ; else I know not how we
should be able to repress that proneness to idolatry, whicl*
led men to the worship of heroes in the heathen world, and
to the worship of saints in the corrupt ages of the Christian.
— {On the Mission of the Comforter, vol. ii. p. 449.)

REV. E. P. HUMPHEEY, D.D., '

Professor Elect in Princeton Tlieological Seminary, U. S. '

John Calvin was twenty years of age before lie was con-
verted from Rome to Christ. When, soon afterwards, our
theology struck its forces into his mind, it roused him to the
utmost stretch of thought. It was like a fire in his bones.
So vital was his new life within him, that at the age of
twenty-six he had deduced our entire system of doctrine
from the Word of God, adjusted its elements into a master-
piece of logical coherence, and published it to the world, in
his immortal Institutes. The twenty-eight years of his life
that remained to him, were laden with affliction both of
mind and body. Physical infirmities multiplied upon him,
until no less than seven distinct maladies laid siege to hif
attenuated frame. He suffered also every private grief, even
the domestic bereavement, which he styled " an acute and
burning wound." It is impossible to look without wonder
at the labours he prosecuted amidst all this weariness and

^ From sermon delivered at the opening of the General Assembly in
Charleston.

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 445

painfulness. The products of his pen exist in nine huge
folios of printed matter, besides several hundred letters, and
more than two thousand sermons and theological treatises
yet unpublished. He prepared a copious commentary on
most of the Scriptures ; he edited a French translation of
the Word of God ; he disputed by tongue and pen with Bol-
zec on the doctrine of predestination, with Westphal and
Heshius on the sacraments, with Witsius on the free will,
with Pighius on free grace, and Servetus on the Trinity.
He wrote against relics and astrology, the Anabaptists, the
Libertines, and the Pelagians. He employed his weapons
of wit and sarcasm in assailing the Sorbonne, his powers of
argumentation in confuting the Tridentine Decrees, and his
noble eloquence in behalf of the Emperor against the Pope.
He corresijonded incessantly with his contemporaries, Farel,
Viret, Beza, Melanchthon, Knox, Cranmer, and the kings of
Sweden, Poland, and Navarre — projecting, by his long and
masterly letters, his own intellectual and spiritual life into
the leading rniuds of Europe. With an asthmatical cough
upon him, he lectured three days in the week on theology,
and preached daily on every alternate week. He j^resided
at the court of morals, attended the frequent assemblies of
the clergy, assisted in settling the civil and ecclesiastical
affairs of Geneva. He founded there a seminary of liberal
learning, and when the city was threatened with a siege,
laboured at the fortifications. He educated preachers of the
gospel ; performed many journeys ; was consulted on all
important subjects ; occupied the pulpits of his brethren in
their absence ; and did not neglect pastoral labour in the
congregation. Besides all these things, he composed the
dissensions which perplexed the reformers, and the strifes
which afflicted the churches ; and aided in settling the
affairs of the Reformation in Poland, France, Germany,
Scotland, and England. At last, being compelled by mortal
disease to relinquish public duties, he received in his cham-
ber all who sought his advice, and wore out his amanuenses
by dictating to them his works and letters. When his
shortening breath and failing voice terminated these labours,
his kindling eye and heaving breast indicated tliat he was

446 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

in constant prayer. On a beautiful evening in May, seven
days later in the month than this, the day of our solemn
convocation, just as the setting sun was irradiating with its
purple light the waters of the Leman and the Rhone, the
Jura mountains, and the more distant glaciers of the Alps,
this great man rested from his labours. He gave directions
that his body should be buried without the slightest pomp,
and that his grave should be marked by neither monument
nor headstone. His commands were obeyed, and " no man
knoweth of liis sepulchre unto this day/'

BARANTE.

la Biogi'aphie Universeile, Article Calvin.

Apres avoir regie les moeurs et la doctrine, et donne a son
eglise une nouvelle liturgie et de nouvelles priferes, ses soins
se porterent a ameliorer la legislation civile des Genevais
et les formes de leur gouverneraent. II fut aide dans I'exe-
cution de ce projet par quelques refugies Fran9ais, et surtout
par Germain Colladon, jurisconsulte, trfes eclaire qu'il avait
autrefois connu a Bourges. II chercha aussi a faire fleurir
les bonnes etudes a Geneve, et c'est a lui qu'est du I'etab-
lissement de cette academic si heureusement dirigee par son
ami Theodore de Beze. Pour mieux repandre sa doctrine en
France, soit par la lecture des livres, soit par la predication
et Tenseignement des ministres qu'il y envoyait, il n'avait
pas seulement besoin d'excellentes ecoles pour y former de
nombreux disciples, il fallait encore qu'il eut a sa disposi-
tion un grand nombre de presses et de libraires. II encou-
ragea beaucoup de refugies Frangais qui avaient besoin, pour
vivre, de se livrer a quelque Industrie, a embrasser la profes-
sion de libraire ou d'imprimeur. Geneve, en devenant la
metropole du culte reforme, devint ainsi le centre d'un com-
merce immense de librairie, et Tun des lieux de toute
I'Europe oii I'enseignement des lettres et des sciences eut le
plus de succes. En lisant le detail de tout ce qu'a fait Calvin
pendant son sejour a Geneve, on ne pent comprendre com-
ment il put suffire a tant de travaux. II prechait presque
tous les jours, donnait trois IcQons de theologie par semaine,

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 447

assistait a toutes les deliberations du consistoire, a toutes
les assemblees de la compagnie des pasteiirs, etait Tame de
tous les conseils. Consulte presque aussi souvent comme
jurisconsulte que commc tlieologien, il repondait egalement
a tous. II contenait ou apaisait les troubles inseparables
d'un gouvernement naissant, et trouvait encore le temps de
suivre des negociations politiques au nom de la republique
de Geneve. Tant d'occupations ne ralentirent jamais la cor-
respondance qu'il entretenait dans toute I'Europe, et prin-
cipalement en France, oii il ne cessa de travailler, par toutes
sortes de moyens, a etendre les progres de la reforme. II
n'en publiait pas moins chaque annee des ouvrages pour I'iu-
teret de son parti, ou pour la defense de ses opinions, et ces
livres de contro^'ersc ou de circonstance ne ferment pourtant
que la moindre partie de ses ecrits. Les plus considerables
de tous sent ses commentaires sur I'Ecriture Sainte. II les
publia successivement par parties separees, raais presque
toujours en Latin et en Fran^ais tout a la fois. Outre ses
sermons imprimes, qui sont en tres grand nombre, la biblio-
theque de Geneve en possede deux mille vingt-cinq en
manuscrit. On j garde aussi plusieurs traites de theologie
qui ne sont pas imprimes. D'autres sont conserves de memo
dans la bibliotheque de Berne. Ce sont, a ce qu'il parait,
des copies faites par quelques uns de ses ecoliers, qui ecri-
vaient tout ce que Calvin pronon^ait a TEglise ou dans son
auditoire de theologie. Comme tlieologien Calvin fut au
premier rang des hommes de son siecle par ses profondes
connaissances, par sa sagacite, et comme il s'en vantait, par
I'art de presser un argument. Comme ecrivain, il merite de
grands eloges. Ca^lvin marchant constamment a son but
sans etre detourne par aucun evenement ni par aucun ob-
stacle, surmontant toutes les difficultes par la perseverance
et par Ic travail, parvint a des resultats semblables a ceux
qu'avait obtenus Luther, et s'est fait un nom egal au sien.

After having regulated the system of morals and doctrine,
and furnished his church with a new liturgy, and new forms
of prayer, he turned his attention to the amelioration of the
civil legislation of Geneva, and its form of government. He
was assisted in the execution of this project by some French

448 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

refugees, and especially by Germain Colladon, an eminent
jurisconsult whom he had formerly known at Bourges. He
endeavoured likewise to further the pursuit of liberal studies
at Geneva, and the establishment of the academy so happily
conducted by his friend Theodore de Beza, was owing
mainly to him. To diffuse his doctrines in France, either
by books or the lireaching and instruction of ministers, he
required not only excellent schools for the training of numer-
ous pupils, but likewise to have at his disposal a large
number of printing presses and booksellers. He encouraged
numerous French refugees, who were obliged for their sub-
sistence to apply themselves to some industrial pursuit, to
adopt the profession of booksellers or printers. Geneva, by
becoming the metropolis of the reformed religion, became
thus the centre of an immense publishing trade, and one of
the most flourishing places in Europe for the study of litera-
ture and science. In reading the details of all that Calvin
performed during his residence at Geneva, it is difficult to
understand how he managed to get through so much work.
He preached almost every day, gave lectures on theology
three times a-week, assisted at all the deliberations of the
consistory, at all the assemblies of the society of pastors, and
was the soul of all their councils. Consulted likewise as a
jurist almost as frequently as a theologian, he was equally
ready to answer all. He curbed or settled the commotions
inseparable from an infant government, and found still time
to conduct political negotiations in the name of the Genevan
republic. So many avocations never interfered with the
correspondence which he maintained throughout all Europe,
and especially in France, where he never ceased labouring
in every sort of way to extend the progress of the Reforma-
tion. He was no less assiduous in publishing every year
books to support the interest of his j^arty, or to defend his
pj^inions ; and these controversial or occasional writings form
but the least part of his works. The most important of all
these are his Commentaries on the Holy Scriptures. He
published them successively in separate parts, but almost
always in Latin and French at the same time. Besides his
printed sermons, which are very numerous, the library of

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 449

Geneva possesses two thousand and tvventj-five of them in
manuscript. There are also preserved there several theolo-
gical treatises which are not printed. Others are likewise
preserved in the library of Berne. These are apparently
copies made by some of his pupils, who wrote down all that
Calvin delivered in the church, or in ]iis theological lectures.
As a theologian, Calvin stood in the first rank of the men
of his age for his profound knowledge, his sagacity, and his
art, on which he used to pique himself, o^ pressing an argu-
ment. As an author he deserves great praise. Calvin, pro-
ceeding steadily to his object, without being turned aside
by any occurrence or any obstacle, surmounting all difficul-
ties by perseverance and labour, arrived at results similar to
those which Luther had reached, and has obtained for him-
self an equally illustrious name.

EEV. JOHN PYE SMITH, D.D., F.E.S.

In addition to the testimony of this venerable divine
before quoted, (p. 439,) the following appeared in some
English and Scotch periodical publications : —

We have on more than one occasion noticed the valuable
labours of this Society, and the benefit which is being con-
ferred upon the student of theology, by such a reprint of
the works of the great Genevese Reformer, as is at present
issuing from the press. With the hope of still further pro-
moting an extensive circulation of the works of Calvin, we
cheerfully publish the following letter, written a few months
since by that distinguished scholar and biblical critic, Dr,
Pye Smith, to the editor of one of the monthly magazines : —

" HoMERTON College, April 13.

'' I am induced to beg your admission of this letter by a
circumstance to me and to others of solemn interest. It was
the intention of one, whose devoted example should be ' had
in everlasting remembrance,' the late Rev. E. Bickersteth, to
avail himself of the opportunities which he calculated upon
having at the public meetings in May, for the describing and
recommending of the Calvin Translation Society. This
series was begun at Edinburgh in 1843.

2f

/

450 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

" In the first eighty years of the English Reformation, the
bishops and other high authorities held the works of Calvin
in great esteem. His Institutes (a body of Christian
divinity) and some of his Commentaries were translated
and published in English. But, in the present enterprise,
the nobly liberal promoter, we may call him editor, has not
contented himself with these old translations, but with vast
labour and expense he has made or procured new transla-
tions, adapted to the improved condition of our language,
by learned and competent clergymen and others, of Scotland
and the Church of England. He and the translators have
supplied historical and critical elucidations, with fac-simile
and other engravings, which greatly enhance the value.
Though I possess the Genevese editions of the principal
works, some in Latin and some in French, and have the use
of the College copy of the Amsterdam edition, (nine folio
volumes, 1671,) I folt it to be my duty, upon the public
grounds above mentioned, to subscribe, and I do not repent.
In the seven years elapsed, I have received 24 [28] octavo
vols., beautifully printed, each one of such a number of pages
as one usually gets for twelve or fifteen shillings. The
generous and indefatigable editor, Mr. Pitcairn, a gentleman
of the law, has expended more than three thousand pounds
in this enterprise ; it now languishes for want of support.
I have reason to believe that our vast metropolis furnishes
very few subscribers. The shame and disgrace would be
great indeed, if the work were to fail for want of the just
and reasonable countenance which it deserves. The sub-
scription is only twenty shillings a year ! I have learned
that new subscribers may obtain the whole upon the same
terms, taking them either by one payment or in convenient
sub-divisions. It is expected that the continuation will
reach through five years more.

" I am cut off from attending our great annual meetings,
for I cannot intelligibly hear any speaker, nor can I speak
with strength sufficient to be heard by fifty persons. Happy
shall I be if this feeble attempt to supply the want of Mr.
Bickeesteth's advocacy should be at all successful.

" John Pye Smith."

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OP CALVIN. 451

THE LATE REV. ROBERT ANDERSON, BRIGHTON.

With regard to Calvin, I am equally surprised and
thankful at your having been able to procure me these
three volumes. And it will be a comfort to you to know,
that Calvin's Commentary on St. John is peculiarly season-
able, as, in dependence on God's blessing, I am just now about
to commence tliat gospel as the subject of my afternoon lec-
tures. I shall have him, therefore, as my constant companion.

The more I read of him the less Calvinistic do I find him,
and the more 1 am delighted witli the devout and practical
character of his meditations.

REV. JOHN KELLY.

Lectures on great Protestant Divines — {John Calvin.)

A truly noble soul, largely replenished with grace ! As a
Christian man he had few equals, and perhaps no superior.
He was one of those choice instruments whom God occa-
sionally calls forth to do a great work, and who deserves to
be held in everlasting remembrance by the universal church.

Now, let me say a few words on him as a theologian.
With marvellous acuteness in the absence of any speculative
tendency — with a sobriety and soundness of judgment which
rarely erred, combined with a vigorous mental grasp that
seized the whole domain of truth, and was able to discern,
with almost intuitive sagacity, the affinities and relations of
its several parts, — with a clear perception of great principles,
joined with a rigid logic which conducted him safely to legi-
timate conclusions, — with a stern conscientiousness, which
prevented him from tampering with the statements of reve-
lation, associated with a fearlessness of consequences, which
never faltered in the enunciation of what he believed to be
true, and with a learning as profound as it was varied, no
man ever came to the study of the Word of God better pre-
pared than John Calvin to understand its testimony, and to
construct the several particulars of that testimony in a com-
pact and well-arranged system. It is not too much to say
that he honestly took the impression which the Word of

452 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

God was fitted to produco. The first work on theology of
any importance which he published was the Institutes ; and
when we reflect on the short time, comparatively, employed
in the composition of that work, it is impossible to avoid
regarding it as an astonishing effort of mental sagacity and
power. It seems to have been in the year 1528 that he first
became acquainted with the Bible. Before that period no
one could be more attached to the superstitions of the Romish
Church than he was. He speaks of himself as venerating
the rags of the system. In 1530 he joined the Protestants,
and in little more than four years after, the first edition of
the Institutes appeared in the French language. No doubt,
in subsequent editions, the work underwent considerable
enlargement, and was re-arranged in more logical order, but
all that was material appeared in the very first edition. Of
this celebrated worl^ it is hardly possible to speak too highly.
No one can peruse it with any degree of attention, even
though dissenting from the scheme of doctrine which it
unfolds, without benefit. There may be occasionally terms
and statements which we may deem objectionable, but the
elevated conceptions of the blessed God which it contains,
its clear and rigid views of the divine law, its enlarged
representations of the gospel, the seriousness and reverence
which it breathes, the fresh, vigorous, and lucid character of
its statements, sufficiently account for the high esteem in
which it has been held by nearly all who have made it the
subject of study.

Calvin, indeed, cannot be said to have been the first who
brought out that system of doctrines which bears his name.
Augustine long before held and expounded them, and nearly
all the Reformers substantially maintained them, but in the
hands of Calvin they were reduced to systematic order, with
a beauty and precision which can hardly be surpassed. The
Institutes of Calvin, more than any other work, may with
propriety be said to have given a character to the theology
of the Reformed Churches. Even the system of Arminius is
no exception to this remark ; for it deserves notice that that
system took its shape from its antagonism to the theology of
the Institutes. It is not so much what it would have been

RJiSPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 453

had it l)ccn drawn directly from tlie Bible, as what it was
compelled to be from its design, as an attempt to overthrow
the system to which it was opposed. Even had the Insti-
tutes been the only production of Calvin's pen, they would
have fully justified the strong eulogy of Scaliger — no mean
judge — " that Calvin stands alone among theologians." Sir
William Hamilton, confirming that testimony, tells us that,
" looking only to his learning and ability, Calvin was supe-
rior to all modern, perhaps to all ancient divines."' Another
equally competent authority, the late Mr. Orme, says, " In
systematic theology, the Institutions of Calvin, though not
the first in order of time, carried off the palm from all its
predecessors, and has not yet been surpassed by any com-
petitor. Diversity of opinion may exist respecting some of
the positions of the Genevese Reformer, and, even among
those who hold his general views of Christian doctrine, there
may not be an entire concurrence in every sentiment or
expression ; but while profound piety, masculine energy of
mind, acuteness and strength of argument, perspicuity of
statement, and purity of language, continue to be respected
among men, the Christian Institutes of John Calvin will
secure for their author immortal honour."

But it is not on the Institutes alone that his reputation
as a theologian rests, his Commentaries on the Scriptures, —
and they embrace the whole of the Word of God, with the
exception of a few of the least important books of the Old
Testament and the Apocalypse in the New, — are models of
what such writings ought to be. In this department he may
have been excelled by some in the amount of exegetical
learning brought into requisition, but he has no superior in
his honest dealing with the text of Scripture — in the sin-
gular tact and judgment with which he brings out the
meaning of the inspired writers — in his freedom from all
forced and allegorical interpretation.s, and in his terse and
comprehensive style. It is hardly possible to consult him
without advantage. You always find what is sober, just,
and pertinent to the subject. He has, in fact, impressed a
permanent character on this species of writing. Nearly all
who have followed him in the Reformed churches, not ex-

454 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

cepting tlio divines of the Arrainian party, have henefited by
his labours and followed in his wake. For a considerable
time his writings were little known in Germany. They
were viewed with prejudice. Latterly, liowever, tlu-ough the
influence of Professor Tholuck, they have come into great
favour, and are beginning sensibly to aiFect the productions
of the best writers of the evangelical school in that country.
Tholuck, who has edited his works, bestows great and de-
served praise on. him as a commentator, giving special pro-
minency to his doctrinal impartiality, his exegetical tact,
his profound learning, and his deep Christian piety ; and
even Winer says of him — " Calvin discovers wonderful sub-
tilty in apprehending the mind of the apostle, and perspi-
cuity in expounding his meaning.'' It is not saying too
much to affirm, that there is no theologian whose works arc
likely to confer greater benefit on the mind of Germany.
And it is a hopeful circumstance in our country, that his
writings are beginning to attract far more attention than
they have done. Nothing but good can be expected from
their study.

Critique of the Life aud Times of Joha Calvin, by Paul Ileury, D.D. ; Life by
Tlios. H. Dyer ; aud Life by M. Audin, &c. Vol. xiii., No. 25, May 1850.

As a Reformer, John Calvin was, both by nature and

training, rendered uncompromising and fearless. Full of the

idea that the truth of God is the only standard, and that

men cannot swerve from it without sin, he reckoned tlie

worldly, the prudent, the ambitious sinner, an ignoble being,

though crowned with a diadem, and wielding a sceptre. . . .

The Bible was to Calvin the exhaustless reservoir out of

which his resources flowed — the unchanging standard with

which thought, and word, and deed — dogma and duty — the

kingdoms of this world and the Church on earth — should

equally be made to quadrate As a Reformer,

however, there is one light in which we should specially

1 This and the subsequent critiques are inserted as a specimen of the
numerous reviews of the Society's publications which have appeared from
]843 to the present date.

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 455

study the character of Calvin — we mean nis love of
UNION. To A' Lasco, the Pole, he wrote: — "Fain would
I tliat all the Churches of Christ were so united, that the
angels might look down from heaven and add to our
glory with their harmony ;" — and that was the key-note of
his life. Sei)aration from all that dishonours God — union to
all who fear Him, was his watchword. He lamented every
schism, and rushed forward to heal it if he could. Is he
writing to Cranraer ? He projects a noble scheme of Catholic
combination, and would have welded into one the Churches
of France, Scotland, and Germany — so that " to Calvin pro-
perl}^ belongs the praise of having shewn the way by which
unity and entireness might have been attained. Unity in
the Holy Ghost was the cherished object of Calvin's will."^
To the same arch-prelate he says, in manifestation of his
zeal — " As far as I am concerned, if I can be of any use, I
will readily j^ass over ten seas to effect the object in view.
If the welfare of England were concerned, I should regard it
as a sufficient reason to act thus. But at present, when our
purpose is to unite the sentiments of all good and learned
men, and so, according to the rule of Scripture, to bring the
separated Churches into one, neither trouble nor labour of
any kind ought to be spared."" Or, is he conferring or cor-
responding with Melanchthon ? Union is still the burden of
his urgency. Is he addressing Bullinger at Zurich ? The
same topic is uppermost in his mind. Is he unbosoming to
his friends, Farell and Viret? The same subject is the
theme of many a letter and many a conversation — union,
not merely in abstract dogma, but in spirit, in love, and life,
was the object of his unceasing efforts and aspirations, and
swayed him Avith the force of a passion all his life. " He
readily suffered little variations, and insisted upon freedom
of opinion \" and in promoting these ends he laboured night
and day during the eight-and-twenty years of his ministry
at Geneva. Indeed, in pursuing that object, the Reformer
evinced an cvcr-restless activity. To-day he holds out his
liand to England — to-morrow to Austria — anon to Poland,

' Henry, vol. ii. p. 124. ' Ibid., vol. ii. p. 126.

456 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

to Denmark, to Sweden, as well as his native France and
his adopted Switzerland ; and when he saw the work of
uniting the divided prospering in his hands, his soul was
filled with joy. That, we repeat, was one master object of
his life ; and he could not see it retarded without grief, or
advanced without exulting. Even Melanchthon, whom he
loved and revered, did not escape unwarned when he seemed
to favour any measure that might impede the progress of
truth. " Vacillation in so great a man," exclaimed Calvin
to his friend, " is not to be tolerated. I would a hundred
times rather die with you than see you survive a doctrine
which you had betrayed."

As a Coirimentator and Theologian, Calvin ranks, beyond
all question, among the first and the profoundest that ever
lived. The severe simplicity of his writings in this character
constitutes their peculiar charm. On principle he avoided
all subtle speculations, and sought in all simplicity to elicit
the thought, the doctrine, or the lesson of his passage. His
sublime view of the Creator's majesty, and his profound
conviction of man's littleness as a sinner, form tlio basis of
his system ; and, guided by these as his two constant com-
panions, the glory of the Creator, the dependence of the
fallen creature, were the lessons which he uniformly pressed.
" Solus inter theologos Calvinus" was the exclamation of
Scaliger, and the eulogy is borne out by his Commentaries.
His Institutes, indeed, were burnt by order of the Sorbonne
at Paris, and his theological system has been keenly opposed
as too logical or severe by men of every age. But whenever
we learn to aim at exalting the only wise God, and abasing
man to his becoming place — the dust, we get hold of tlie
key which opens up all the wonders of the system. We
shall then cease to marvel that that work was translated into
French, Italian, Spanish, German, and English — into Dutch,
Hungarian, Greek, and even Arabic ; so that Calvin's mind
has exercised an influence over many millions, diverse in
habit, in language, and in clime.

As a Thinker, he was clear and intrejjid. A living faith
pervaded all tliat he wrote ; and he thus finds his way to the
heart of every earnest man. Krummacher's remark is true,

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 457

that he often wields " the scourge of the mouth" with stern
severity, and that appears even when commenting on the
Word of God ; but goaded as he was by jests against it, which
anticipated Voltaire himself, Calvin could ill brook that
mockery offered to the truth, and, in assaulting the sin, he
often aimed not less at the sinner. Hence much of his
acerbity, but hence also not a little of liis vigour and ascen-
dency. No man ever yet deeply stirred his fellow-men in
religion who did not feel as if himself were stirred or com-
missioned by heaven. Calvin sometimes speaks as if he felt
so, though he has nowhere announced it, and from that
inward stirring arose much of his impetuosity and fire.

As a Preacher, Calvin was as popular as his theology Avas
profound. The Gencvese have been known to gather round
his house, entreating him to repeat a sermon which had just
been preached. Yet his eloquence was not that of mere
language, but of ardent convictions, and profound discern-
ment at once of the power and the beauty of truth. He
could extemporize, when excited by opposition, with resist-
less power ; but he did not study rhetoric : he Avas too
honest, cordial, and single-eyed, to enlist much of its aid.
He was brief, like Seneca, rather than copious, like Cicero,
in his style. Tot verba tot pondera is a phrase that describes
it. Beza says — " He was a des2:)iser of great eloquence, and
sparing in Avords, and was thereby so good a writer that no
one at that time had written with more dignity, Avith greater
j)urity or acnteness." Practical in all things, he was spe-
cially so in his preaching. Taking Scripture for his model,
he incessantly urges men to action. In speaking, he often
paused to let his hearers ponder ; and instead of sweeping
them along — as his temperament might have led us to sup-
pose— by resistless appeals, he was deliberate and sIoav, that
all might be Aveighed. His, in short, Avas the ascendency
of truth, and not of oratory, yet his fame as an impressive
speaker accompanied him to the close of life, and the regis-
ters of the city sometimes carefully tell of the crowds that
listened as he spoke. As his practice at one jDeriod was to
preach every day, he thus acquired a prodigious ascendency,
for the pulpit Avas then in effect the daily press ; and when

458 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

others were flying from the ranks, he often seized the stan-
dard, and rallied them bj his sermons back to the fight.
Licentiousness was bridled, religion had free course ; and
whether it was to Cardinal Sadolet, or Luther, or Servetus,
or the magistrates of Geneva, or monarchs on their thrones,
or humble believers in Christ, one standard and one Lord
were ever held fortli by Calvin. All sjorang from the will
of a personal God — all was guided by a living faith, and
directed to a holy life ; and though his sermons have been
likened to hail-storms, rather than to falling dew, they found
their way to the conscience and the heart ; thousands in
many lands rose up to call that preacher blessed !

THE RECORD, Feb. 24, 1853.

No theologian will reckon his library complete without
the works of Calvin. Apart from those jioints of doctrine
on which that illustrious Reformer may be considered by
some as pronouncing with too much dogmatism, the judgment
of the judicious Hooker on his great and commanding abi-
lities, both as a writer and a divine, has been generally
acquiesced in by all competent judges. His merits as an
expositor of Scripture and a commentator stands unrivalled.

Critique on Tracts, Vol. III. Sept. 29, 1851.1
The publication of this volume is most seasonable, as it
contains, among other things, a most able exposure of the
Council of Trent, the last Council, called General, held by
the Church of Rome, and most jirobably the last that ever
will be held. That Council was the last development of
Popery ; it was the stereotype edition of it ; and there is
no probability that there will be any other.

The high and holy professions of the Council are most
strikingly contrasted with the character of its members and
with its unscriptural, heathenish, and persecuting acts ; so
that it is imjoossible for any reasonable man to regard it in

' Besides these i\\ o notices, several revicAvs of the various issues of the
Calvin Translation Society's Works a2)pearcd, from time to time, in that
excellent and influential Journal.

RESPECTING THE -WHITINGS OF CALVIN. 459

any other light than an assembly of unprincipled men, mak-
ing liigli professions and adopting scriptural language, for
no other purpose than that of deluding the world, and of
gaining credit to dogmas the most erroneous, and to
superstitions the most abominable. In no other instance,
jierhaps, have ministers of darkness ever made a more
strenuous attempt to appear as the angels of light. That
this was the impression of Calvin, there can be no doubt ;
and the whole history of the Council could have jiroduced
no other impression on any mind scripturally enlightened.

The Antidote is written very ably and very powerfully.
By Scripture history and plain reasoning, the Council is
made to appear in its true light, as one assembled to sanc-
tion the grossest errors, to confirm the most palpable suj^er-
stitions, and to establish the vilest tyranny over the minds
and consciences of men. Its members being well known,
they are treated as they deserve with no small measure of
severity : but what makes the writer most indignant are
their perversions of truth ; and on this account his remarks
are sometimes very cutting and severe ; and ridicule is also
at times used with great effect. The whole is written with
great judgment and with uncommon vigour, and is calculated
to be of great service in the present day.

But there is one point to which a special reference must
be made ; for the Antidote, or the Refutation, is pre-emi-
nently successful ; it is the doctrine of Justification. The
Fathers of the Council seem to have bestowed unusual labour
on this subject ; and it is amazing with what skill and dex-
terity they mingled truth and error together. No doubt
they had the assistance of their best divines in drawing up
their sentiments on this point. After having partially ad-
mitted the truth in one part, they afterwards mystified it,
and introduced what rendered it wholly nugatory. But
Calvin analyzes the whole subject, exposes their soj)histries,
denudes their inconsistencies, clears away the mist, and de-
monstrates their ignorance in such a way as must have made
them, if they had any modesty remaining, wholly ashamed
of themselves. The discrimination and clearness with Avhicli
this subject is handled cannot fail to be highly approved and

460 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

admired by every unprejudiced mind ; and tliose who find
themselves embarrassed on this great doctrine would do well
to read carefully this part of the Antidote.

BAPTIST MAGAZINE.
Review of Commentaries on the Romans. September 1 850.

The Society for the publication of translations of the works
of Calvin was brought before our readers two months ago, in
a letter bearing the names of Dr. Cox and Mr. Webb. This
is the last volume which that Society has issued, and we
have much pleasure in attesting that it is one of great value.
The epistle itself is of unequalled importance. Its chief
subject, in its earlier' chapters, is God's method of justifying
sinners ; " the righteousness of God," according to the ex-
planation of Calvin himself, who says, " I take the right-
eousness of God to mean that which is approved before his
tribunal ; as that, on the contrary, is usually called the right-
eousness of men, which is by men counted and suj^posed to be
lighteousness, though it be only vapour." After this, " Paul
passes on, according to' the best order, to shew how the life is
to be formed. If it be, that through the saving knowledge of
God and of Christ, the soul is, as it were, regenerated into a
celestial life, and that the life is in a manner formed and
regulated by holy exhortations and precepts, it is then in
vain that you shew a desire to form the life aright, except
you prove first, that the origin of all righteousness in men
is in God and Christ ; for this is to raise them from the
dead."' This epistle is, in fact, a systematic view of Chris-
tianity from an inspired pen ; most worthy therefore of
meditation and study. The assistance of a man so learned
and so judicious as Calvin, in interpreting its arguments, is
to be prized highly. Its value, however, is greatly enhanced
by the editor's notes. In Calvin's days the science of bibli-
cal criticism was but in its infancy. The want of verbal
criticism is therefore supplied by notes derived from more
modern writers, such as Beza, Parens, Hammond, Doddridge,
Scott, Chalmers, Haldane, Stuart, Barnes, and Tholuck,
We hope that the work will be extensively circulated, for it

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 461

is well suited to the present times, in this respect especially,
that Calvin, having continually before his mind the princi-
ples and practices of the Papal Church, writes in a manner
well adapted to counteract that Romanizing spirit whicli is
spreading among some classes of our countrymen.

BAPTIST PENNY MAGAZINE. July 1850.

It is through mere accident that the readers of " The
Church" have not before had their attention called to this
important Society. The most valuable works of Calvin
have, till lately, been attainable only through a knowledge
of Latin, or, in a few cases, through antiquated and imper-
fect English translations. In 1848, this Society began to
issue four well got up octavos, of 500 pages each, for £\
annual subscription, paid in advance, and has continued to
do so till the present time. My object is to urge it as
strongly as I can upon the readers of " The Church" to pro-
cure the past volumes while they may yet be had, and to
enrol themselves as subscribers for the remainder. I fear
that few have any idea of the value of Calvin's Commenta-
ries on the Scriptures. His style in the original is natural,
yet pithy, impressive and pungent ; and much of these qua-
lities is preserved in the translations. But his great merit
lies in his unsurpassed skill in developing the mind of the
Spirit in the most natural and unstrained manner. As a
commentator, (and I have used him much for twenty years,)
I hardly recollect a passage in which his theological system
appears to have biassed his interpretation ; while a fair
amount of learning, and amazing powers of logic, combined
with a beautiful tact for seizing the sacred penman's ideas
and train of thought, make him a model for expositors.
Nothing is needed but exjwsition conducted on his princi-
jjles, and applied to the circumstances of the present day, to
make that mode of instruction a delightful variety from the
monotony of our eternal sermonizing ; and not only far more
instructive than our discourses, but ultimately more accept-
able. My colleague. Dr. Acworth, wishes me to state, that
in anv recommendation of tliese volumes which I misfht ffive.

462 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES

however favourable, lie would most heartily concur. Infor-
mation as to tlie volumes published, and other particu-
lars, may be obtained from Mr. Robert Pitcairn, Secretary,
9, Northumberland Street, Edinburgh.

F. Clowes.

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN MAGAZINE.

Review of Commentary on Isaiah.

The Commentaries of Calvin were for the most part com-
pilations, if not transcripts, from short-hand reports of his
spoken expository lectures, delivered extemporaneously to
his students, in the Theological School of Geneva, to the
chair of which he was appointed in 1536. Two or three in-
dividuals were usually employed in securing the substance
of these prelections as they fell from Calvin's lips ; and, a
copy having been drawn up from a comparison of their
manuscripts, it was submitted to the Professor, who gave it
the benefit of his revision, before sending it forth with his
imprimatur. Similarly were those remarkable series of ser-
mons secured, which were delivered from the pulpit on the
Book of Deuteronomy, and the Epistles to the Galatians and
Ephesians, Timothy and Titus ; and which, in tlie old Eng-
lish dress, wherewith long ago the diligent hand of good
Arthur Golding clothed them, though very rare, are not
unknown amongst us. These sermons were spoken often-
times on successive days for weeks together ; as if to Calvin,
the public teaching which, with ordinary men, is the fruit of
exhausting toil, was but the by-play of his gigantic po^vers,
— an effort with which he contrived to relieve other and
more fatiguing occupations. That such sermons should
have been produced with so unexampled rapidity, gives one
a vivid idea of the powerful intellectual grasp of that won-
derful man — the extent of his genius — the exuberant wealth
"of his stores as a scholar and divine — the readiness with
which he could command them — his power of indefatigable
application — and the accuracy of his habits of thinking and
expression.

Whatever portion of the charm which belonged to the

RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 463

spoken expositions of the Genevan Reformer may liave dis-
appeared from his commentaries as they now stand, it can-
not be doubted tliat his Commentary on Isaiah possesses, in
a high degree, all the leading excellences which distinguish
him as an interpreter. Of his singular acuteness in per-
ceiving the scope and relations of a passage, amounting to
something like intuition — his commanding views of revela-
tion in its connection — his boldness and consistency in
unfolding the truths of Scripture — his perspicuous, natural,
and fluent style — his soundness of judgment — his freedom
from all love of paradox, affectation, and conceit — of all
these high qualities in which Calvin towers above other ex-
positors, we have abundant illustration in this portion of his
works. There is little of that minute grammatical analysis
and philological disquisition of which we have so plentiful
a supply in modern exegetical works — those especially of the
German school — but we have in every page the results of a
keen spiritual discernment, and the fruits, without the pa-
rade, of learning.

BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE. February 1842.

Calvin, the closest and most powerful reasoner, perhaps,
that ever lived.

FREE CHURCH MAGAZINE.

Review of Commentary on the Romans. New Translation. 1849.

In his commentaries, there are far fewer digressions, and
much less of what may be called sermonizing on particular
points, than in those of Luther and Melanchthon, and the
commentaries generally of the Reformation era. And not
only did the proper estimate he had formed of the inherent
value and primary design of scriptural expositions, save them
in great part from such excrescences, but it also tended to
keep them wonderfully free from doctrinal bias and con-
straint. While he was the most profound dogmatical writer
of his age, and in his dogmatical views the most logical and
systematic, he was, at the same time, in his interpretations

464; OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES OE WRITINGS OF CALVIN.

of Scripture tlie most free and natural. Those who are in
the liabit of consulting his commentaries, know how com-
monly, after some particular view has been mentioned, with
the support it may have in patristic authority, the remark
occurs, that nevertheless it does not seem sufficiently simple,
or it is too far-fetched, or against the fair construction of
the words. He pre-eminently deserves, as Tholuck has
remarked, the designation of a natural and elegant interpre-
ter ; and often declines pressing into the support of his
theological system passages of Scripture, which, however
commonly expounded in a manner directly favourable to its
leading tenets, appeared to his own mind incapable of such
an application.

This characteristic of Calvin's method of exposition, as
well as those previously noticed, were no doubt, to a large
extent, owing to that remarkable balance which obtained in
his mental constitution. Greatness of mind in him did not
manifest itself in the striking predominance of any one
mental faculty or endowment, casting by its excessive lustre
the exercise of his otlier powers into the shade ; but rather in
the singular equipoise and fine mutual adjustment of the
whole, which allowed each to have their projDor plaj'', and
kept them in their relative place. He was a giant from the
general completeness of his mental powers, not from the
transcendent growth or dazzling display of individual parts ;
and hence the merit of his commentaries consists much more
in their general excellence, than in the occasional exhibition
of anything in itself rare and extraordinary. But this
finely-balanced mind in Calvin, was further combined with
a profound and much exercised spiritual sense ; and the two
together saved him from many perplexities in interpretation,
which are apt to embarrass less gifted minds, and led him
often, we might almost say instinctively, to choose amid con-
flicting opinions the right and the true. They did for him,
as an interpreter of God's revealed will, much what practical
sagacity and experience do for those that have them in the
intricate affairs of life, enabling them with comparative ease
and safety to thread their way through snares and difficulties,
which are fraught to others with infinite peril or mischief

LIST OF CALVIN'S WORKS

FROM THE APrENDIX TO THE THIRD VOLUME OF THE LIFE OF

JOHN CALVIN, THE GREAT REFORMER, BY PAUL HENRY,

DOCTOR OF THEOLOGY, PREACHER AND SEMINARY

INSPECTOR AT BERLIN.

I. — L. Ann-ei Senec^e, Ronicani Senatorls, ac Pliilosojilii
clarissimi, libri duo de dementia, ad Neronem Cajsarem :
Joannis Caluini Nouiodunsei commentariis illustrati. Pa-
risiis, apud Ludouicum Cyaneum, sub duobus Gallis in via
Jacobasa, 1532, 4to. With a Prefatio ad sapientiss. Pra;-
sulem Claudium Ilangestium, Abbatem diui Elig'ii Nouio-
dunensis."

The Siimc work, under a separate title, is appended to Jo.
Calvini Tractatus Theologici : Geneva3 ap. Pet. Santandrea-
num, 1576 and 1597. Folio. Gen. typ., Stocr, 1612.

II. — PsYCHOPANNYCHiA, qua refellitur eorum error, qui
animas post iportem usque ad ultimum judicium dormirc
jiutant. Paris, (according- to Senebier) 1584, Svo. With a
Prefatio Joannis Calvini ad amicum quondam, dated, Aure-
Y\se, M.D.xxxiiL A second edition must liave appeared two
years after, as the Tract. Theol. contain a notice to the
reader, dated Basilca3, md.xxx.vi. At Strasburg, Calvin
l^roduced a new edition, under the title : Vivcre apud Chris-
tum, non dormire animis Sanctos, qui in fide Christi dece-
dunt, Assertio Joannis Calvini. Argentorati, per Wuendc-
linum Rihelium, 1542. Svo.

A French translation appeared in 1556, entitled : Traite
contre I'erreur de ceux qui pensent que les ames dorment
aprcs le trespas du corps jusqu'au dernier jugcracnt.

2 a

466 LIST OF Calvin's avorks.

III. — Latin Editions of the Institutes/^ — Three prin-
cipal forms of the text deserve to be distinguished, — that of
Basle, 1535, 1536— that of Strasburg, 1539— and that of
Geneva, 1559.

1. Christiante Religionis Institutio, totam fere pietatis
summam, et quicqnid est in doctrina salutis cognitu ne-
cessarium comj)lectens : omnibus pietatis studiosis lectu
dignissimum opus, ac recens editura. Prsefatio ad Christianis-
simum Regem Francife, qua hie ei liber pro confessione
fidei oifertur: Joanne Caluino, Nouioduncnsi, autore. Ba-
sile£e, M.D.xxxvi, At the end : Basilese, per Thomam Plat-
terum et Balthasarum Lasium, mense Martio, anno 1536,
small 8vo, 514 pp., exclusive of 5 pp. of index not counted.
On the back of the last leaf there is a figure of Minerva,
with the motto : Tu nihil invita facies diccsve Minerva.
The prefatio is dated x calendas Septembres (without a
year.)

This is the first known edition of the Institutes, in six
chapters, but it is maintained, among others, by Henry,
that the original was first jiublished in French the year
before.

2. Institutio Christians Religionis nunc vere demum
titulo suo respondens. Autore Joanne Caluino, Nouio-
duncnsi, cum indice locupletissirao. Habac I., Quousquc
Domino? Argentorati, per Vuendelinura Rihelium, mense
Augusto, anno m.d.xxxix., fol., 434 pp. Besides the dedi-
cation to Francis L, there is also an cj^istlc to tlie reader.
Some copies bear on tlie title, instead of Autore J. Caluino,
the remarkable alteration, Autore Alcuino. This second
edition is in seventeen chapters. A third and much im-
proved edition has the following title : Institutio Christianas
Religionis nunc vere demum titulo suo respondens. Authore
Joanne Caluino — Joannes Sturmius. Joannes Caiuinus homo
acutissimo iudicio summaque doctrina et egregia memoria
prffiditus est ; et scriptor est varius, copiosus, purus : cuius
rei testimonium est institutio Christians religionis quam

' For a Catalogue R<-(isonncc of the various editions of the Institutes
the reader is referred to the Introduction to vol. i. of the Society's Trans-
hition of the Institutes.

•LIST OF Calvin's wouks. 46' 7

primo inclioatam, deinde locupletatam, Jioc vero anno abso-
lutam, editam, ncque scio an quicquam liujus generis extct,
pcrfectius ad docendani rcHgioncm : ad corrigendos mores
et tollendos errores : et so optime institutum existimet,
qni qnffi in eo volumine traduntur, est assecutus. — Habacuc
I. Quousquc Domine ? Argentorati per Vucndelinum liilie-
liuni Mense Martio. Anno m.d.xliil foL, 505 pp. Among
the diiTerent reprints of the edition, tlie only one deserving
of particular notice is that printed by Robertus Stephanus,
M.D.Liii., fob, and bearing on its title his well known olive
tree.

3. Institutio Christianse Religionis, inlibros quatuor nunc
primuni digesta ccrtisque distincta capitibus, ad aptissimam
methodum : aucta etiam tarn magna accessionc, nt prope-
niodum opus novum haberi possit. Johanne Caluino authore
— (with tlie olive tree of Robertus Stephanus.) Geneva3,
MDLix. fob, 564 pp. At the end : Excudebat Robertus
Stephanus Genevse, anno m.d.lix. xvii. Cab Septembr.

This edition being the last which Calvin carefully revised,
is of course the only standard edition, and furnishes the text
of all editions since issued.

The titles of the numerous Translations of the Institutes
are : —

French. — Institution chrestiennc de Jean Calvin : seconde
edition, 4to. It is known only by the mention made of it
in the Catalogue dcs livres imprimes du Roy de France.
Theol. t. iii. p. 78, n. 715, where it is given without jilacc,
date and jirinter. As it is called a second edition, there
must have been one before it, perhaps the supposed French
original of 1535. A complete French edition, including all
the changes and improvements of the Latin of 1559, was
published in the course of the same year.

Italian. — Institutione della Religion Christiana di Messer
Giovanni Caluino, in volgare tradotta per Giulio Cesare P.
In Geneua, appresso Jacopo Burgese, Antonio Dauodeo, et
Francesco Jacchi, compagni. m.d.lvii. 4to. 754 pp.

Spanish. — Institution dc la Religion Christiana, compu-
esta en quatre libros, y dividida en Capitulos. Por Juan
Caluino. Y aliora nucvamente traduzida en Romance. Cas-

468 LIST OF Calvin's works.

tellano, per Cjpriano de Valcra. En casa dc Ricardo del
Campo 1597. 4to. 1032 pp.

English. — The Institution of Christian Religion, Avritten
in Latine by Maistre John Caluine, and translated into Eng-
lishe, according to the author's last edition by T. N. Where-
unto is added a table to find the principall matters entreated
of in thys boke, conteyning by order of common places, the
summc of the whole doctrine taught in the same. Cum pri-
vilegio solum. London, by Richard Harrison. 1562. Fob

The same title is found a year earlier, with a figure of the
Brazen Serpent, but both titles probably have been used for
one and the same edition. The translator was Thomas
Norton, who was named on the titles of later editions, and
also translated many other writings of the Reformers.

Dutch. — Institutie, ofte Ondcrvviisinge inde christelicke
Religie, in vier Boecken bcgrepen, door Joannem Calvi-
num ; vyt de Latijnsche endc Fransoysche sprake ghetrou-
Avelick verduytschet. Met den Sendtbrief des selven Calvini
aen den Coninck van Vranckrijcke. Daer is oock achter
aen gevoecht een schoene tafel Augustini Marlorati, inhou-
dende de voornaemste poincten der heyligen Schriftuere, de
welcke noyt te voren daer by en is gheweest. Oj) wen
nieu overghesien endc ghebetert. Noch van nieus liier
achter aen ghcvoecht een schoon stuexken vande Reformatio
der Christelicker Kercke in het Pausdom, ghemaeckt int
Latijn door denselven Autheur : Ende nu getrouwelick
overgheset in onse Nederduytsche sprake, Door Car. Ag-
ric. Leeraer der Ghemeynte tot Rynsburch. Amstelredam,
by Henderick Laurensz, 1610, (in folio, printed in black
letter.) The title also contains a portrait of Calvin. The
full name of the translator was Agricola.

German. — Institutio christianae religionis. Das ist
Vnderweisung inn Christlichor Religion inn vier Blichcr
verfasset. Durch Ilerrn Joannem Caluinum. Aus Latein-
ischer und Frantzosischer Sprach trewlich verteutscht. Sampt
der Vniuersitet Heydelberg Tlieologen und Kirchendiener
Vorred, audi H. Joliann Caluini Catechismo, und Register
der Hauptpuncten. Gedrucht in der Chuifiirstlichen Statt
Heydelberg, durch Joannem Meyer, 1572. fob Several

LIST OF Calvin's works. 469

other editions, probably only a reprint of the above, have
appeared. A new translation by Adolj^h Krummacher, El-
berfcld, 1823, contains only the first two books.

Hungarian. — Az Keresztyeni Rcligiora es igaz liitre valo
tanitas. Mellyet Deakiil irt Calvinus Janos. Es osztan
Franciai, Angliai, Bclgiai, Olasz, Nemet, Ozech es egyeb
nyelvekre forditottonac : Mostan pedig az Magyar nemzet-
nec Isteni Igassaghan valo epuletirc Magyar nyelvre fordi-
tott Molnar Albert, Hasznos es bovseges Registromockal
egj'eteniben. Nyomtattac Hanoviaban, Aubrius Daniel
s'David, es Sleikius Kelcmen Koltsegeckel, 1624. 4to.

A Greek translation of the Institutes seems to have been
published at Geneva in 1618 ; and a translation into Arabic
is said to have been made by J. H. Hettinger.

Different portions of the Institutes have appeared at va-
rious times under special names. Among others may be
mentioned a part of the Third Book, commencing with
chapter vi., and bearing the title, De Vita hominis Christi-
ani, Genevae, ap. Jo. Crispinum, 1550. 8vo. This extract
probably appeared at an earlier date, as we have an English
translation under the title : (Jo. Calvin) The Life or Conver-
sation of a Christen Man, translated by Thomas Brooke.
London, by John Day, 1549. 8vo.

Another extract appeared in German with the following
singular title : Summa der wahren Christlichen Religion die
man nu viel Jar her im Konigreich Frankreich mit Schwert
vnd Fewr, audi endtlicher verjagung vnder dem Namen der
Lutherischen Lehr jammerlich verfolgct hat, welcke der Teuf-
fel nun mehr Caluinisch nennet. Ausz den vier Biichern der
Institution Herrn Johann Caluini mit seinen eigenen Wor-
ten gezogen. Sarapt der Vorrede desz authoris an den
Grossmechtigen Kiinig in Frankreich, Franciscum den ers-
ten. Ausz Frantzusischer vnd Lateinischer Sprach trewlich
verteutscht. Gedrucht zu Herborn in der Grafschaft Nas-
saw Catzenelnbogen, &c., durch Christoff Raben. 1586.
4to. The English of the above title is : Sum of the true
Christian Religion which has now for many years been
cruelly persecuted in the kingdom of France with Sword and
Fire, and latterly has been hunted down under the name of

470 LIST OF Calvin's works.

tliG Lutheran Doctrine, which the devil now calls Calvinistic,
Extracted out of the Four Boohs of the Institutes of Master
John Calvin in his own words. Together with the Preface
of the Author to the Mighty King of Frtince, Francis I.
Truly translated out of the French and Latin tongues into
German, &c.

IV. The Catechism. — This work was originally published
in French in 1536, No copy of this original now exists, but
the fact of its publication is proved from several sources, and
more especially from the title of the first Latin edition,
which is as follows : Catechismus, sive Christianas religionis
institutio, commvmibus renata? nuper in Evangelio Gene-
vensis ecclesise suffragiis recepta, et vulgari quidem prius
idiomate, nunc vero Latine etiam, quo de fidei illius synce-
ritate passim aliis etiam ecclesiis constet, in lucem edita,
Joanne Calvino an tore. At the end : Basilea? in officina
Robert! Winter, anno 1538, mcnse Martio.

In 1541 Calvin gave in French a completely revised edi-
tion of the Catechism arranged in questions and answers, as
an elementary help in catechetical instruction. It was
divided into 65 chapters or Sundays (Dimanches.) A Latin
edition similarly revised, was published under the title ;
Catechismus ecclesias Genevensis, hoc est, formula erudiendi
pueros in doctrina Christi. Autore Jo. Calvino, with a de-
dication, Fidelibus Christi Ministris, qui per Frisiam Orien-
talem purjim Evangelii doctrinam annunciant. Gcnevpe 4
Cal. Decembris 1545.

Among the numerous reprints of tlie French or Latin
original, the following deserve notice, —

Le Catechisme de Geneve, &c. London, 1552. 8vo,
Catechisme de J. Calvin, Rob. Eticnne, 1553. 12mo. Le
Catechisme, c'est a dire Ic formulaire d'instruire les enfans
dans la Chrestiente : fait en maniere de Dialogue oil le
Ministre interroge ot I'enfant respond. 1562. 8vo. To this
edition is appended Les Demandes faites par les ministres
de I'cglise de Geneve aux enfans, qui se presentent pour
estre receus a la Saincte Cene. Catechismus Latino-Gallt-
cus. Le Catechisme Latin-Francois: C'est a dire le formu-
laire d'instruire les enfans en la Chrestiente. Auqucl est

LIST OF Calvin's works. 471

adjoustec la nianitTc d'adminlstrer les Sacremcns, et dc
cclebrer Ic mariagc : ct Ics priercs ccclcsiastiqucs et autres
oraisons chrestienncs. Lo tout Latin-Frau9ois. 156J. 8vo.
Catccliismus Ecclesia3 Gciicvensis. London. 1562. 16mo.
Tlie printer of this last edition was Rowland Hall, who, after
the death of Edward VI., long lived as a refugee in Geneva,
there published an English edition of the Bible, (1560, 4to,)
and after his return to England published English transla-
tions of several of Calvin's writings.

The Translations of the Catechism arc very numerous.

Italian. — The first ti'anslation, with the name of the
author, or the place of printing, appeared in 1545. 8vo.
Another bears the title : Catcchismo, cio c formulario per
amaestrare i fl\nciulli nella Christiana religione : fatto in
niodo di dialogo : one lo Ministro della chicsa dimanda, e'l
fanciullo rispondc. Composto in Latino et Francese per M.
Gioanni Caluino, et tradotto fedelmente in Italiano per G.
Domenico Gallo Caramagncse. In Geneva, Per Adamo et
Giouanni Riueriz, frategli 1551. 8vo. The title of another
edition is : II Catcchismo di Messer Giouan. Calvino. Con
una brieue dichiaratione et allegatione delle autorita della
Santa Scrittura e con vn breve sommario di quella dottrina
che si crcde sotto il Papato, Della stampa di Giovan. Bat-
tista Pinerolio. 1566. 12mo,

Spanish. — Catcchismo. A saber es Formulario para in-
struyr los mochachos en la Christiandad : Hecho a manera
de Dialogo, donde el Ministro de la Yglesia pregunta, y el
mochacho responde. Transladado de Frances en Espanol.
Eph. 2. El fundamento de la Yglesia es la doctrina de los
Prophetas y Apostolos. 1550. Svo.

English. — Calvin's Catechism found an immediate recep-
tion in England. The title of the first translation is : The
fourme of common prayers used in the churches of Geneua
(that is to saye) a fourme and manner to teache and instruct
the children : made in a manner of Dyalogue, where the
minister demandeth questions, and the chylde maketh
aunswcre. By John Caluine. At the end: Imprinted at
London by Edward Whitchurch, the 7 day of June 1550,
Svo. Another English translation appeared at Geneva, en-

472 LIST OF Calvin's works.

titled : The Catecliisme : or manner to teache, &c. Gen.
by J oil n Crespin. 1556. 8vo. Of numerous reprints, two
appeared at Edinburgh, printed by Thomas Bassandyne,
1575 and 1611. 8vo.

Dutch. — Catechismus van Job. Calvinus, uit Latyn ver-
taalt door van der Meer. Wormerveer, 1646. 12mo.

In the Basque, Polish and Hungarian tongues translations
appeared, though no special editions are known.

German. — The first translation of Calvin's Catechism ap-
peared along with the first edition of the Heidelberg Cate-
chism, 1563. 8vo. Another translation founded on an Italian
one by Balbani has the following title : Catechismus Herrn
Johannis Calvini Erkleret und mit Spriichen Heiliger Schrift
bewiesen, sampt kurtzem begrifF der lehr so im Bapsthumb
gefiihret wirdt durch Nicolaum Balbani weiland dienern der
Italianischen kirchen zu Genff. Itzt mit fleisz aus der
Italiilnischen in unsere Teutsche spracli ubergesetzt. Ged-
ruckt zu Cassel durch Wilhelm Wessel. 1606. Svo.

Greek. — This translation, made by Henry Stephen, is
entitled : ^rot.'^etcoac'; T779 Xptartavcov iricrreo)^. Rudimenta
fidei Christiana?. Libellus apj)rime utilis, nunc primum in
lucem editus — irapa 'Pco/Seproi 7w Xrec^dvu) eret acfiva (1551.)
12mo. It contains a Greek preface by the translator, and a
poetical address to the reader. It has been often reprinted
with variations of title, and some additional matters.

Hebrew. — A translation of the Catechism into tliis lan-
guage by Immanuel Tremellius, an Italian of Ferrara, is
entitled t 'n\ '''^.''113 "l-^T} 1SD, or fully as translated into La-
tin by Kocher : Liber institutionis electorum Dei, quem cora-
posuit Immanuel Tremellius, Ferrariensis Italus. Prodiit
apud Robertum Stephanum Galium anno eovx: minoris 314
(1554.) 12mo. It contains a preface by the translator
addressed to the Jews, and urging them to acquaint tliem-
sclves with the Christian religion.

A kind of polyglot of the Catechism in Hehrew, Greek,
and Latin was published at Leyden in 1591.

Commentaries explanatory of the Catechism have also
been published.

V. — Two Letters by Calvin, the one addressed to his

LIST OF Calvin's works. 473

friend Nicolaus Cliemin, and the other to Gerard RufFus,
appeared with the title : Joannis Calvini, sacrarum literarum
in Ecclesia Gencuensi professoris, Epistolas duse, de rebus
lioe sseculo cognitu apprime necessarijs. Prior, De fugiendis
impiorum illicitis sacris, et puritate Christiana3 religionis
obseruanda. Altera, De Christiani hominis officio in sacef-
dotijs Papalis ecclesia) uel administrandis, uel abjiciendis;
Basilea3, 1537. 4to. The French title, as given in the"
Opuscules, p. 65, is : Deux Epitres de J. Calvin contenantes
choses grandement necessaires de cognoistre pour le temps
present. La premiere, comment il faut eviter et fuir les
ceremonies et superstitions papales et de la pure observation
de la religion chretienne. La scconde, quel est I'officc de
I'homme chretien en administrant ou rejettant les benefices
de I'Egliso papale.

These letters were translated both into German and Bo-
hemian.

VI. — Jac. Sadoleti Romani Cardinalis Epistola ad
Senatum populumque Genevensem qua in obedientiam Ro-
man! Pontificis eos reducere conatur, Johannis Calvini
Responsio. Argentorati per Wendelinum Ptihelium mense
Septembri, a. 1539.

VIL — De la Cene du Seigneur, 1540, small 8vo. This
was the title of the 1st edition. The later editions, 1549
and 15G1, have the title : Petit Traicte de la Saincte Cene de
nostra Seigneur Jesus Christ. Auquel est demonstree la
vraye institution profit et utilite d'icelle. Ensemble la cause
pourquoj plusieurs dcs Modernes semblent en auoir escrit
diuversement 1549. 16nio.

VIIL — La Bible en laquelle sent contenus tons les livres
canoniques de la Saincte Escriture, tant du Vieux que du
Nouveau Testament, translatee en Francois. Geneve, 1540.
4to. This was an improved edition of Olivetan's translation
which appeared in 1535 at Neufchatel with Calvin's very
valuable prefaces.

IX. — Epinicium Christo Cantatum ab Joanne Calvino,
1541, The title of the French translation is : Chant de Vic-
toire Chante a Jesus Christ en vers Latin, par Jehan Calvin
I'an M.D.XLL, le premier jour de Januier, a la diete qui pour lors

474 LIST OF Calvin's woeks.

se tenoit a Wormes. Noiivellement (et depiiis) tradult en
ritlime (rime) Fran^oisc, en vers Alexandrins, par Conrad
Badiiis, de Paris; et imprime par iceluy 1555. 4to.

X. — Les Actes de la Journeb imperiale, tenus en la cite
de Regespouvg, aultrement dicte Ratispone I'an mil cinq
cens quarante et vn, sur les differens qui sont auiourdliuy
en la Religion. Desqnelz I'inuentoirc sera recite en la jiaige
suyuante.

It is clear from internal evidence, that this was a produc-
tion of Calvin, though there is no distinct notice of it in his
Avorhs. It is in 12mo, or small 8vo, not paged, but distinctly
printed on somewhat yellow paper. A copy of it is at Dres-
den, and another in the town library of Zurich. The latter
was described by Orelli in the Serapeum in 1840.

XL — Formes des Prieres Ecclesiastiques avec la maniere
d'administrcr les sacremens et celebrer Ic mariage ct la visi-
tation des malades, Geneve, 1541. The title of the Latin
translation is : Formula Sacramentorum administrandorum
in vsum Ecclesia) Geneucnsis conscripta, Dudum a Joanne
Calvino Gallice conscripta, nunc in Latinum conversa ab alio
quopiam, Genevse, 1552, (31 pp.) To the formula is added :
Ratio et forma publico orandi Dcum, atque administrandi
Sacramcnta, &c. In Anglorura ecclesiam, quse Geneuae
coUigitur, recepta : cum iudicio et comprobatione D. Joannes
Calvini. Geneva?, apud Joannem Crispinum, 1556. Svo.

XII. — Articuli a Facultate Sacrae Theologiaj Parisiensi
determinati super materiis fidei nostrae, hodie controversis.
Cum Antidote, per Joannem Calvinum, 1542. French :
Les Articles de la sacree faculte de Theologie de Paris con-
cernant notre foi, et religion Chrestienne et forme do prechcr.
Avec le remede centre la poison, 1543.

XIII. — Defensio sana3 et orthodoxa? doctrinse de servitute
et liberatione humani arbitrii adversus calumnias Albert!
Pighii Campensis. Authore Joanne Calvino, Genevse, per
Joannem Gerardum, 1543. 4to. With a Preface to Philip
Melanchthon, French : Reponse do Jean Calvin aux Calom-
nies d' Albert Pighius contenant la defense de la saine ct
saincte doctrine centre le franc arbitre des Papistes : par
laquclle est montreeque la volonte de I'homme est naturellc-

LIST OF Calvin's works. 475

riient serve et captive de peche ct aussi est tvaictee par quel
moyen elle vint a cstro affrancliie ct misc en libcrte : par
M. Jehau Calvin, 1560. 8vo.

Xiy. — SupPLEX EXHORTATio ad invictissimum CjBsarem
Carolum Quintum et illustrissimos principes aliosqiic ordines
Spira? nunc Imperii convcntum agentes, iit restituenda3 ec-
clesite curam serio velint suscipere. Eoruni omnium nomine
edita, qui Christum rcgnare cupiunt. Per Joann. Calvinum,

1543. 4to. Tlic title of the French is: Supplication et
Remontrance sur le fait de la Chretiente et de la Reforma-
tion de I'Eglise adrcssce a I'Empereur ct aux Etats de Spire.

1544. Svo.

XV. — Advertissement tres-utile du grand profit qui revi-
endroit a la Chrcstiente, s'il se faisoit invcntaire de tons les
coi'ps saincts et reliques, qui sent tant en Italic qu'en France,
Allemaigne, Espaignc et autres Royaumes et Pays. Par
Jean Calvin. Geneve. Jean Gerard 1543. Svo. This
work has been often reprinted both in the original and in
translations. Of the latter the title of the first in Eng-
lish is : A very profitable Treatise, made bj Maister John
Caluyne, declarynge what great profit might come to all
Ciiristendome, yf there were a register made of all Sainctes
bodies and others reliques, which are as well in Italy,
as in France, Dutchland, Spaine, and the other hingdomes
and countreys. Translated out of French into English by
Stephen Wythers. Printed at London by Rowland Hall,
1561. 16mo.

XVI. — Admonitio paterna Pauli III., Romani Pontificis
ad invictissimum Csesarem Carolum Quintum, qua eum cas-
tigat quod se Lutheranis praebuerit nimis facilem : deinde
quod turn in cogcndo synodo, tum in definiendis fidei con-
troversiis aliquid potestatis sibi sumpserit. Cum scholiis
Joannis Calvini, 1544.

XVII. — Briefve instruction pour armer tout bon fidtde
centre les erreurs de la secte commune des Anabaptistes, par
Jehau Calvin. Geneve, 1544. Svo. The title of the early
English translation is : A short instruction for to arme all
good Christian ])oople against the pestiferous errours of the
common secte of Anabaptistes. Compiled by Mayster John

476 LIST OF calvin's works.

Caluine. Imprinted at Londonj by Jolin Daje and William
Seres. 8vo.

XVIII. — AUX MINISTEES DE l'eGLISE DE NeUFCHASTEL

centre le secte fanatique et furieuse des Libertins qui se
nomment Si)irituelz. GeneA^e. 1544. 8vo.

XIX. — De vitandis superstitionibus, quae cmii sincera

fidei confessione pugnant. Libcllus Jo. Calvini. Ejusdem

Excusatio ad Pseiidonicodcmos qui de nimio rigore ejus que-

runtur. — Philippi Melanchthonis, Martini Buceri, Petri Mar-

tyris responsa de cadem re — Jo. Calvini ultimum responsum

cum appendicibus. Quibus accessit responsum Pastorum

TiguriuEe Ecclesiaj. Geneve, 1549. 4to. This, though the

most complete edition, was preceded by another, in 1545,

Avith the simpler title : De vitandis superstitionibus, una cum

Jo. Calv. excusatione ad Pseudo-Nicodemos, cum duabus

epistolis ad ministros Ecclesipe Tigurina?. There appears to

have been a French original of this work in 1544. It was

also translated into Ger^nan and English. The title of the

latter is : What a faithfull man, wliiche is instructe in the

word of God, ought to do, dwellinge amongst the Papistes,

translated by 11. G. (Richard Golding.) Ippysv/iche, by

J. Oswen. 8vo. Also two Epistles : one of Henry Bullin-

ger, with the consent of all the learned men of the churche

of Tygury : an other of Jolian Caluyne, whether it be lawful

for a Chrysten man to communicate or be partaker of the

Masse of the Papysts, without offending God and hys neygli-

bour, or not? London by Rob. Stoughton. 1548. 8vo.

XX. — Pro G. Farrello et Collegis ejus adversus Petri Ca-
roli Theologastri calumnias, defensio Nicolai Gallasii. 1545.
8vo. Traite sur la Divinite de Christ centre les Arriens.
Orleans, 1565, Svo, and Latin — Nicol Gallasius de divina
Christi essentia adversus Neoarianos. Aurelia3, 1566. 8vo.
Calvin himself states that he wrote this work against Caroli,
but published it under the name of Gallars.

XXI. — La somme de Theologie de Melanchthon 1546,,
Svo, with a Preface, Jehan Calvin aux lecteurs. Tliis pre-
face was, perhaps, the only part of the Avork executed by
Calvin, as he is nowhere said to be the translator. It is not
properly admitted into the list of his works.

LIST OF Calvin's works. 477

XXII. — CONTRE UN FRANCISOAIN, SGCtatCUr clcs ClTCUrs dcs

Libcrtins adrcssu a rcgliso tie Rouan, 20 Aout 1547. This
tract was written by Calvin, and ai)i:)ended to a reprint of
liis work against tlic Libertines, together with Une Epistre
de la Memo Matierc centre un certain Cordelier snppost dc
la dite secte, leqnel est prisonnier a Roan. Jean Calvin a
tous ceux qui craignent Dicu, en la villc de Roan. Dc
Geneve ce 20 Aonst, 1547.

XXIII. — Acta Synodi Tridentin^e cum Antidote per
Joannem Calvinum : Geneva), 1547. 8vo. Fi-ench — Les
Actes du Concile de Trente avec le Remede centre la poison.
Geneve, 154<S. 8vo. Cochleus made a very personal attack
on tliis work, and was answered by Gallars and Beza.

XXIV. — Apologia illustris D. Jacobi A. Burgundia, Fal-
lesii, Bredanique Domini, qua apud Imperatoriam Majesta-
teni inustas sibi criminationes diluit, Fideique suas confes-
sionem edit. Jes. 59. Concidit Veritas : et qui recessit a
male, prasdee patuit. 1548. 8vo. This work was written
by Calvin, and is appended to his Letters to Burgoyne.

XXV. — Interim Adultero-Germanum. Cui adjecta est :
Vera Christianse pacificationis, et Ecclesise reformandse ratio,
per Joannem Calvinum. Cavete a fermento Pharisseorum.
1549. 8vo. It appeared the same year in French under
the title: L'Intcrim, ou provision faite en quelques villes
d'Allemagne sur Ics diiferends de la Religion : avec la vraie
fai-on de reformer I'Eglise Chrestienne, par Jean Calvin.
1549. 8vo. There Avas also an early Italian translation,
entitled : II vero mode dc la pacificatione Christiana, e de la
informationc dc la Chiesa, composto da M. Gio. Cal. e noua-
mente tradotto in lingua voigare Italiana. Appresso Fran-
cesco Durone, 1561. 8vo.

XXVI. — Advertissement contre l'Astrologie qu'on ap-
pelle Judiciairc, et autres curiositez qui regnent aujourd'huy
dans Ic monde. Geneve, 1549. 8vo. An edition of the
same year, in 4to, contains on the title, in addition to the
above. Par M. Jean Calvin. A Latin translation appeared
the same ji^ear, with the title: Admonitio Joannis Calvini
adversus Astrologiam, quam judiciariam vocant : aliasquc
praiterea curiositates nonnullas, qua; hodic per universum

478 LIST OF Calvin's works.

fere orbem grassantur. E gallico sermoiie in Latinum con-
versa. Geneva), m.u.xltx, 4to.

The title of the old English translation is : An Admoni-
tion agaynst Astrology Judicial], and other curiosities that
raigne now in the world. Written in French by J. Caluine.
Englished by G. G. (Goddred Gylby.) Printed at London
by Rowland Hall, (no date.) ]6mo.

XXVII. — CONSENSIO MUTUA IN HE SACRAMENTAllIA niinis-

trorum Tigurinee ecclesise, ct D. Joannis Calvini ministri
Geneuensis ecclesia), jam nunc ab ipsis authoribus edita.
Tiguri ex officina Rodolphi Vuissenbachij, (no date.) ' An-
other edition appeared in 1551, and in the same year a
French translation, with the following title: Accord entrc
les Ministres dc Zurich et J. Calvin, touchant les Sacremens.
Geneve. Cresj)in, 1551. 8vo.

XXYIII. — De Scandalis, quibus hodio plerique abster-
rentur, nonnulli etiam alienantur a pui'a Evangelii doctrina,
Joannis Calvini libellus apprime utilis ad Laurentium Nor-
mandium, apud Crispinum, 1550. 4to. French : Des scan-
dales qui empeschent aujourd'huy beaucoup de gens dc
venir a la pure doctrine de I'Euangile, ct en desbauchent
d'autrcs. Traicte compose nouuellement par Jehan Cal-
uin. A Geneve. De I'imprimerie dc Jehan Crcspin. 1551.
16mo.

XXIX. — De zeterna pr.55destinatione et providentia,
1 550. This was probably only an extract from the Institutes.
A more complete work on the same subject has the following
title : De Jj^terna Dei Prajdestinationc, qua in salutem alios
ex hominibus elegit, alios suo exitio reliquit; item de provi-
dentia qua res humanas gubernat. Consensus Pastorum Ge-
neuensis Ecclesise a Jo. Calvino expositus. Genevas, 1552. Svo.
The French translation, published in the Opuscules, p. 1393,
is entitled : Traitte de la predestination eternelle do Dieu, par
laquelle les hommes sent cslus a salut, les autres laissez en
leur condamnation : aussi de la providence, par la quelle il
gouverne les clioses humaines — and has a preface : A nos
magnif et tres honorez seigneurs Mess, les Syndiques et le
Conseil de Geneve, les Ministres de la Parole de Dieu, tant
en la ville qu'aux villages depcndans d'icelle, desirent unc

LIST OF Calvin's works. 479

juste et sainctc conduitc a bicn gouvcincr, et lieureuse ad-
dressc et issue en bieu gouvcrnant.

XXX. — QuATRE Sermons dc M. Jean Calvin, traitant des
niatiercs fort utiles pour nostre temps, comme on pourra
voir par la preface, avec brieve exposition du Psoaume 87.
1552. 8vo. A Latin translation by Claudius Baduellus,
appeared the following year. The subjects of the sermons
are mentioned in the following English translations :

Foure godly sermons against the pollutions of idolatries,
comforting men in persecutions, and teaching tliem what
commodities they slial find in Christes Church, which were
preaclied in French by the famous clerke Jhon Caluyne, and
translated fyrst into Latine and afterward into English by
divers godly learned men. Psal. xvi. I will not take the
names of Idols in ray mouth. Printed at London by Row-
land Hall. 1561. ]6mo.

Foure sermons entreating of matters very profitable for
our time, with a briefe exposition of Psalme Ixxxvii. Trans-
lated out of Frenche by John Fielde. London, printed by
Thomas Dfiwson. 1579. 4to.

Two godly and Icai'ncd sermons (on Psalm xvi. 3, and
Heb. xiii. IS,) to flie idolatrie and to suffer persecution,
translated by llobert Home, Bishop of Winchester, and
published by Anthony Munday. London, for Henry Car.
J 584. 8vo.

XXXL — Defensio ORTnODOXiE fidei de Sacra Trinitate
contra prodigiosos errores Michaelis Servcti Hispani : ubi
ostenditur Ha^reticos jure gladii cocrcendos esse, ct nomina-
tim de homine hoc tam impio juste et merito sumptum
Geneva) fuissc supplicium. Per Joanncm Calvinum. It
has the olive tree of Robert Stephen. 1554. 8vo. It con-
, sists of 261 pp., and a page with the subscription of fifteen
preachers.

In the same year appeared a French original, entitled :
Declaration pour maintenir la vraye foy que tiennent tous
les Chretiens de la Trinite, des Personnes en un seul Dieu,
par J. Calvin, centre les errcurs detestables de Michel Ser-
vet, Espagnol : ou il est aussi montre qu'il est licite de
punir les herctiqucs ct qu'a bon droict ce meschant a este

480 LIST OF Calvin's works.

execute par justice en la ville cle Geneve, a Geneve clioz
Jean Crespin. 1554. 8vo.

XXXII. — Defensio sana3 ct orthodoxa) doctrinoe de Sac-
RAMENTis eorumque natura, vi, fine, usu et fructu : quam
Pastores etMinistri Tigurinoe ecclesire et Genevensis anteliac
brevi consensionis mutual formula complex! sunt : una cum
refutatione probrorum quibus eam indocti et clamosi homines
infamant. Joanne Calvino auctore, m.d.lv. Svo. With a
preface : Fidelibus Christi Ministris, Tigurina? Ecclesia),
Berncnsis, Basiliensis, SchaiFusianns, Curiensis et totius Khe-
ticaj, San Gallensis, Biellensis, Milhousina}, Ncocomensis,
Pastoribus, Symmistis, et fratribus integerrimis et vere co-
lendis. Genevan iiii. Calendas Deccmbris m.d.liv. The French
translation, which has a preface follov/ed by an Exposition
de la doctrine contenue aux articles ci-dessus couchez, is
entitled : Brieve resolution sur les disputes qui ont etc de
notre temps quant aux sacreraens, contenant I'approbation
de I'accord fait par ci-devant entre les ministres et pasteurs
des Eglises de Zurich et Geneve, touchant la nature, vertu,
fin, usage et fruict des sacremens : pour montrer que ccux
qui en mesdisent, sont gens escervclez qui ne chcrchent qu'a
obscurcir ou pervertir la bonne et saine doctrine.

XXXIII. — Secunda Defensio pia; et orthodoxa) de sacra-
MENTis fidei contra Joachimi Westphali calumnias. Joanne
Calvino auctore. Gen. 1566. 8vo.

XXXIV. — Reformation pour imposer silence a un certain
belitre nommu Anthoine Cathclan, jadis Cordelier d'Albigeois.
155G.

XXXV. — Ultima admonitio Joannis Calvini ad Joachi-
mura Westphalum, cui nisi obtemperet, eo mode (loco)'post-
hac habendus erit, quo pertinaces hsereticos haberi jubet
Paulus. Refutantur etiam hoc scripto superba) Magdebur-
gensium et aliorum censura), quibus coelum et terram obruere
conati sunt. Genev.,apud Joli. Crispinun. 1557. Svo.

XXXVI. — Brevis REsroNSio ad diluendas nebulonis cu-
jusdam calumnias, quibus doctrinam de reterna Dei prajdes-
tinatione fredare conatus est. 1554.

This is Calvin's first brief answer to Castcllio. It after-
wards formed the preface to his larger defence, entitled :

LIST OF Calvin's works. 481

Calumnifo ncbulonis cujusdam, quibus odio gi'avare conatus
est doctrinam J Calvini do occulta Dei providcntia, et
Jo. Calvini ad easdem responsio 1557 and also 1558. 8vo.
In the former year appeared a French edition, entitled :
Response do Jean Calvin aux calomnies et arguments, cVun
qui s'cftbrce par tons moyens do rcnverser la doctrine dc la
providence secrette de Dieu. •

XXXVII. — Joanis Calvini Responsum ad QUiESTiONES
Georgii Blandrata^. Genevse, 1559.

XXXVIII. — Responsum ad. fratres Polonos, quomodo
mediator sit Christus, ad refutandum Stancari errorem. Gen.
1560. 8vo.

XXXIX. — Gratulatio ad venerabilem presbyterum Do-
minum Gabrielem de Saconay, Praicentorem Ecclesia; Lug-
dunensis, de pulclira et eleganti Prsefatione quam libro
Regis Anglise inscripsit. Gen., 1560. The title of the
French translation in the Opuscules is : Congratulation a
venerable prestrc Messire Gabriel de Saconay touchant la
belle preface et mignonne dont il a rempare le livre du Roi
d'Anglcterre.

XL. — Joannis Calvini Responsio ad versipellem quondam
mediatorem, qui pacificandi specie rectum Evangelii cursum
in Gallia abrumpcre molitus est. Gen. 1561. 8vo. French,
in the Opuscules, p. 2175. Response a un cauteleux et ruse
moyenneur qui sous couleur d'appaiser les troubles touchant
le fait de la Religion a tente tous les moyens d'empcschcr et
rompre le cours de I'Evangile par la France. 1561. 8vo.

XLI. — Jo. Calvini adversus Valentinum Gentilem liis-
torica expositio. Gen. 1561, 8vo, and, Impletas Valentini
Gentilis brevi scripto detecta, et palam traducta, qui Chris-
tum non sine sacrilega blasphemia Deum essentiatum esse
fingit. 1561. 8vo. The title of the French translation in the
Opuscules, p. 2239, is : L'impiete de Valentin Gentil aper-
tement descouverte et descriee, lequel enseigne ce blaspheme
plein de Sacrilege, que Jesus Christ est un Dieu, qui a
jjrlns son essence d'ailleurs.

XLII. XLIII. — Dilucida explicatio sanse doctrince de
vera participatione carnis et sanguinis Christi in sacra
CffiNA ad discutiendas Hcshusii nebulas, authore Joanne

2 II

482 LIST or CALVIN S WORKS.

Calvino ; cui adjecta est Ratio ineundse concordise, si Veritas
extra contentionem quroritur ; item Respousuni ad fratres
Polonos, quomodo Christus sit mediator, ad refutandum
Stancari errorem. Geneva3. Excudebat Conr. Badius, 1561.
8vo. French title in the Opuscules, p. 1951 : Claire expo-
sition do la saine doctrine de la vraie particiimtion de la
chair et*du sang de Jesus Christ, pour rabbatre les fumees
de Heshusius ; and, Tres bon moyen d'entrer en accord si
Ton chcrche la veritc, hors mise toute contention.

XLiy. — Joannis Calvini Responsio ad Balduini Convicia.
Ad legos de transfugis, desertoribus, et emansoribus. Franc.
Balduini epistolaa qua3dam ad Joh. Calvinum pro commen-
tariis. Franc. Duareni J. C. ad alterum quondam Juris-
consultum Epistola de Francisco Balduino. Antonii J. C.
admonitio de falsis Constantini Legibus ad quemdam qui se
hoc tempore Juris-consultum Christianum profitetur. De
officio tum in religione, tum in scriptionibus retinendo epis-
tola ad Franc. Balduinum J. C. Ad liii. C. Impp. de Apos-
tatis Johannis Crispini Commentarius ad Juris-consultos.
Gen. 1562. 4to. The French title in the Opuscules, p.
2213, is : Response de Jean Calvin aux injures de Balduin.
And, Brieve epistre de M. Jean Ciilvin mise au devant de
la response de Theodore de Bezc aux injures de Franyois
Balduin, apostat.

XLV. — Response a un certain Ilollandois, lequcl, sous
I'ombrc de faire les Chrestiens Spirituels, leur pcrmet de
polluer leur corps en toute idolastrie. 1562, Latin: Cori-
futatio cujusdam HoUandi, qui speciose obtendens, Chris-
tianos a so prorsus spiritualcs redditum iri, concedit ut
corpora polluant quibusvis idololatriis : Scripta ad fratres
Belgas.

XL VI. — Confession de roi au nom des Eglises refor-
MBES du royaume de France, faite durant la guerre, pour
presenter a I'Empereur, aux princes, et etats d'Allemagne
en la journee de Francfort, la quelle depuis n'a pu venir
jusque la, d'autant que les passages etoient clos ; mainte-
nant j)ubliee pour I'utilite qui en pourra revenir et memo
pour ce que la necessite le requiert. 1562. Svo. Latin:
Confcssio fidei, nomine Ecclcsiarum Gallicarum vigonte bello

LIST OP Calvin's works. 483

scrlpta, ut coram S. C. M. ct illustriss. Principibus Ger-
maiiiae atque Ordinibus in Comitiis Francofurtensibus edorc-
tur, si per itinerum difiicultates ex Gallia turn eo perveniri
potuisset This tract appeared also in German, with the
followino; title : Confession von den Kirchcn so in Frankroich
nach dem lauteren Evangelio zu leben begeren. Kais.
Majestiit iiberg-eben. Heydelberg, 1562. 4to.

XLV^II. XL VIII. — Joannis Calvini Brevis admonitio ad
fratres Polonos, ne triplicera in Deo essentiam pro tribus
personis imaginando tres sibi Deos fabricent. 156.3.
This was followed by Jo. Calvini Epistola, qua fidem
admonitionis ab eo turn editai apud Polonos confirmat.
Continetur tertia refutatio tabula Gregorii Pauli de Trini-
tate. Basil. 1563. 8vo.

XLIX. — This head comprises a number of smaller writ-
ings which are considered genuine, though they have not
been admitted into the List of Calvin's Writings. Among
others are his Letters against Menno, and his Answer :
Ad qusestiones et objecta Judsei cujusdam. Calvin also had
an important part in drawing up the Laws of the State of
Geneva. He was likewise author of the DisciPLiNARr
Laws, and of the Regulations for the Academy.

L. — Collected Editions of the Minor Writings. — The
first edition is entitled Opuscula omnia Jo. Calvini in unum
Volumen collecta. Quibus accessit libellus nunc primum
editus de geterna Dei praedestinatione adversus Albertum
Pighium Campensem et Georgium Siculuni. Locorum sac-
rse ScriptursG in his opusculis obiter interpretatorum index.
Gen. ap. Jo. Gerardum, m.d.lii. Fol. The first complete
edition succeeded this in 1576, fob, and had a preface by
Beza.

The first French edition of the Opuscules appeared at
Geneva, 1553, fol. Another appeared in 1565, with a de-
dication by Beza to Renee, Duchess of Ferrara ; a still more
complete edition appeared in 1611.

LI. — Calvin's collected Letters. — Joannis Calvini
Epistola3 et Responsa. Quibus interjectse sunt insigniiim in
Ecclesia Dei virorum aliquot etiam Epistolee. Ejusdum J.
Calvini vita a Theodore Beza Gencvensis Ecclesise Ministro

484) LIST OF Calvin's works.

accurate descripta. Index rcium insigniorum. Omnia
nunc primura in lucem edita. Geneva3 apud Petruni San-
tandreanum, m.d.lxxv. Fol. The following year a second
edition appeared, with a few unimportant changes.

The best edition is that of 1576, 8vo, entitled : Joannis
Calvini Vigilantissimi Pastoris, et fideliss. Doctoris Eccle-
siffi Gencvensis, Epistolarum et Responsorum Editio secunda,
qu?e tum infinitis mendis est repurgata prseter eas quas in
calec operis norainatim excusabat Editio prior : tum singu-
las Epistolas offert temporis ordine digestas prout de die et
anno vel ex subscriptione authoris constabat, vel ex idoneis
conjecturis diligenti cura potuit elici. Imo et qusedam
prsetermissa, suis locis restituit. Interjectse sunt etiam
Insignium in Ecclcsia Dei virorum aliquot etiam Epistolas.
Ejusdem J. Calvini Vita a Theodore Beza Genevensis Eccle-
sia3 Ministro accurate descripta. Index rerura insigniorum.
Lausannse excudebat Franciscus le Preux Tllustriss. D.
Bernensium Typographus. Sumptibus Jo. de Serens,
M.D.LXXVI. Svo.

Important editions have been made to the collections of
Calvin's Letters within the last century. Among otliers
may be mentioned : Lettres de J. Calvin a Jacque de Bour-
gogne Seigneur de Falaio et de Bredam, et a son epouse
Jolande de Brederode. Imprimees sur les originaux a
Amsterdam chez J. Wetstein, 1744, Svo; and twenty-five
Letters of Calvin selected from MS, in the library of Gotha,
and by Bretschneider, published by himo n the celebration
of the Jubilee of the Reformation of Geneva, under the
title : Johannis Calvini, Thcod. Bcza), Henrici IV. Regis,
aliorumque litera) qusedam nondum edita?, &c. Lipsise, 1835.
Svo.

LII. — Practical Discourses. Sermons on the Old Tes-
tament

1. Trois Sermons sur le sacrifice d'Abraham. 1561. 8vo.

2. Dix-huit Sermons de Jean Calvin, aus quels, cntre
autrcs points I'histoire de Melchiscdcch ct la maticrc de la
justification sent deduitcs, avec Texposition de trois canti-
quos, a savoir de la vicrge Marie, de Zacharie et de Simeon,
(without place.) P. Anastase. 1560. Svo.

LIST OF Calvin's works. 485

3. Sermons de M. Jolian Calvin sur Ics dix commandemcns
de la Loy donnee de Dieu par Mojse, autrement appelcz le
Decalogue : Recueillis sur le champ, et mot a mot de ses
Predications lorsqu'il preschoit le Deuteronome, sans que
depuis y ait este rien adiousto ni diminue. 1562. 8vo.

4. Sermons sur le Deuteronome. Svo. Geneve, 1562.
Also : Sermons sur le v. livre de Moyse. Geneve, Courteau.
1568. Fol.

5. Joannis Calvini Homilia3 in i. librum Samuelis. Ex
gallicis latinas factse et nunc primum in luccm editfe. Gene-
VcG excudebat Gabriel Carterius. 1604. Fol.

6. Quatre Sermons de M. Jelian Calvin de matieres utiles
pour notre temps, avec exposition brieve du Ps. Ixxxvii.
1552. 8vo.

7. Vingt-deux Sermons de M. Jean Calvin, ausquels est
expose le Pseaume cent dixneufieme, con tenant parcil nom-
bre de huictains : a Geneve, par Fran9ois Estienne Anastase,
1562. Svo.

8. Three Notable Sermones made by the godly and famous
Gierke, Maister John Caluyn, on three several Sundaycs in
Maye, the yeare 1561, upon the Psalme 46. Teaching us
constantly to cleave unto God's truth in time of adversitie
and trouble, and never to shrinke for any rage of the wicked,
but to suffer all thynges in faith and hope in Jesus Christ.
Englished by William Warde. Printed at London by Row-
land Hall 1562. 16mo.

9. Sermons de M. Jean Calvin sur le liure de Job. Re-
cueillis fidelemcnt de sa bouche selon qu'il les preschoit.
Auec deux tables ; I'une des passages de I'Escriture qui y
sent exposez et alleguez : I'autre des principales matieres.
Geneve de Timprimerie de Francois Perrin. 1563 and 1569,
fol., with an Epistre a tous lecteurs debonnaires.

10. Conciones in Cantic. Regis Ezechise. It was also pub-
lished in French, and repeatedly in English under the title :
(Foure) Sermons of John Caluine upon the Songe that Ezc-
chias made after he had ben sicke and afflicted by the hand
of God, conteyned in the 38 chapiter of Esay. Translated
out of French into Englishe 1560. Newly set fourth. Ira-
printed at London by John Day 1561. Svo.

48() LIST OF Calvin's works,

11. XLVIII Sermons sur les Imit derniers cliapitres
d'Ezccliiel. La Rochelle, 1565. 8vo.

Sermons on the New Testament.

12, Two Godly and Notable Sermons preached by the
excellent and famous clarke, Master John Caluine, in the
year 1555. The one concernynge pacience in adversitie, the
other touchyng the most comfortable assurance of oure sal-
vation in Chryste Jesu, Translated out of Frenche into
Englishe. Printed at London for "William Ceres, (without
date.) 8vo.

18. Plusieurs Sermons de Jehan Caluin touchant la Di-
uinite, human ite et natiuite de nostre Seigneur Jesus
Christ ; Item touchant sa passion, mort, resurrection, ascen-
sion, et dernier aduenement : Puis touchant la descente du
S. Esprit sur les Apostres, et la premier predication de S.
Pierre, 1558,

14. Soixante-cinq Sermons de Jean Calvin sur I'Harmonie
ou concordance des trois Evangelistes, Sainct Matthieu, S.
Marc, et S. Luc, Recueillis fidelement par feu M, Denys
Ragueneau a mesure qu'on les preschoit, (Geneve) Conr,
Badius, 1562, 8vo,

15. Sermons sur la premiere Epistre aux Corinthiens.
Sur le 10 et 11 chap, de la 1 Ep, aux. Cor, Gen, 1558. 8vo,

16. Sur I'Epistre aux Ephesiens, Gen, 1562, 8vo,

17. Sur TEpistre aux Galates, 1563. 8vo. Also, Gen,
1552, 4to, Deux congregations proposes, par Jean Calvin,
du second chapitre de I'Epistre de Sainct Paul aux Galatiens
vers 11, Item, exposition du quarante-troisieme dimanche
du Catechisme, oil est exposee la derniere requeste de I'orai-
son de Notre Seigneur Jesus. 1563. 8vo.

18. Sermons de Jean Calvin sur les deux Epistrcs de S.
Paul ti Timothee et sur I'Epistre a Tite, — Imprime a Geneve,
par Jean Bonnefoy. 1563. 4to.

19. Congregation faicte en TEgllse de Geneve sur la Pro-
vidence et I'election eternelle. Geneve, 1562, 8vo.

20. Sermons sur divers sujets. Gen, 1558. 8vo, And,
Sermons de Jean Calvin. Geneve, 1566, 8vo,

LIST OF Calvin's works, 487

Liii.-Commcntaric0 on tlje €^ID Cc^tamcnt.

1. On the Books of Moses.

In pvimuni Moses librum, qui Genesis vocatur, Commen-
tarius Johannis Calvini. 1554, fol., with a Preface, Illustris-
simis principibus, &c., Ducibus Saxonise, Electoris filiis.
Geneva?, pvidic Calendas Augusti, 1554.

Commentarii Joannis Calvini in quinque libros Mosis.
Genesis seorsiim : reliqui quatuor in formam Harmonise
redacti. — Editio secunda priori longe emendatior ac locu-
pletior. Cum triplici indice, quorum primus, Genescos :
Alter, quatuor librorum in formam Harmonia? dispositorum
res notabiliores : tertius, singulorum Harmonia? capitum
versus sparsim explicates continet. Genevse, excudebat
Gasper de Hus. mdlxxiii. fol. Prasfatio : Illustrissimo
Principi Henrico Duci Vindocinensi, regni Navarra? liseredi,
Joannes Calvinus.

The French translation is entitled : Commcntaircs de
M. lean Caluin, sur les cinq livres de Moyse. Genese est
mis a part, les autres quatre livres sont disposez en forme
d'Harmonie. Avec cinq indices, dent les deux contenans
les passages allcguez et cxposez par Tautheur, sont adjous-
tez de Nouveau en cette traduction, A. Geneve. Imprime
par Francois Estienne. m.d.lxiiii. fol. It contains a dedi-
cation bv Calvin, " A tres illustre Prince, Henri Due de
Vendosmc Roi heritier do Nouarre."

An early English translation of the Commentary on Ge-
nesis is entitled : A Commentarie of John Caluine upon the
first booke of Moses, called Genesis : translated out of Latin
into English, by Thom. Tymme, Minister. Imprinted at
London, for lohn Harrison and George Bishop. 1578. 4to.
With dedication to " Ambrose Earle of Warwiclce."
2. On the Book of Joshua.

Joannis Calvini in librum Josue brcvis Commentarius,
quern paulo ante mortem absolvit. Addita sunt qua^dam
de ejusdem morbo et obitu. Cum indice. Geneva). Ex
officina Francsci Perrini. m.d.lxiiii. 8vo, and 1595, fol.

The French title is : Commcntaircs de M. Jean Calvin

488 LIST OF Calvin's works.

siir Ic livre de Josue. Avec une preface de Theodore de
Beszc, contenant en brief I'histoire de la vie et mort d'iceluy :
augmentee depuis la premiere edition, et deduite selon
Tordre du temps quasi d'an en an. II a aussi deux tables
Tune des matieres singiilieres contenues es ditsCommentaires,
I'autres des temoignages de TEscriture saincte alleguez et
projjrement appliquez par I'autheur. A Geneve, de Tim-
primerie do Fran9ois Perrin. m.d.lxv. Fol. Another edi-
tion in French, issued from the same press, in small 8vo,

There is also an old English translation entitled : Com-
mentarie upon the booke of Josue, translated by W. F., with
a table. London, by Th. Dawson for Geo. Bishop. 1578.
4to.

8. On the Psalms.
In librum Psalmorum, Joannis Calvini Commentarius. Ex-
cudebant Nicolaus Barberius et Thomas Courteau, m.d.xliiii.
8vo. Of subsequent Latin editions the most complete are
those of 1578 and 1610, of which the title is : Joan. Calvini
Commentarius in librum Psalmorum. In hac postrema edi-
tione praoter multos locos quos Caluini manu in ipsius ex-
emplaii emendates bona fide hie representauimus, Hebrseum
quoque contextum e regione Latinse interpretationis addidi-
mus. Cum indice locuplctissimo. Genevre. Apud Eusta-
thiura Vignon. 1578, fob, and 1610, fob This edition
was reprinted under the care of Tholuck, at Berlin, in 1835.
8vo.

The French title is : Commentaircs sur le livre de
Pseaumcs. Badius, 1561. Fob

Another and a better edition has the following title : —
Commentaires de M. lean Caluin sur le liure des Pseaumes.
Cestc tradvction est tellement reucue et si fidelement con-
feree sur le Latin, qu'on la puet juger estre nouuelle. Avec
vne Table des principaux points traittcz es Commentaires.
Imprimo par Francois Estienne. m.d.lxiil

The English title is : The Psalmes of Dauid and others.
With M. lohn Caluin's Commentaries. Anno Do. m.d.lxxi.
The translator was Arthur Golding, wlio dedicates " To the
Right Honourable and his verie good Lord, Edward de Verc,

LIST OF Calvin's works. 489

Erie of Oxinford, Lord Great Chamberlain of England, Lord
Bulbecko, Sec.

4, On the Book of Isaiah.

The^rs^ edition appeared in 1551, fol., with a Dedication :
Edwardo VL, Anglite Regi.

The second edition, which contains a new Dedication — Eli-
zabethan Anglorum Reginge — has the following title: — Joan-
nis Calvini Commentarii in Isaiam Prophetam. Nunc demum
ab ipso Authore recogniti, locupletati, magnoque labore et
cura cxpoliti. Additi sunt duo Indices : prior rerum et
sententiarum, posterior vero locorum utriusque Testamenti,
quos in his Commentariis aut ipse Aiithor interpretatur,
aut apposite ad sensum suurn accommodat. Genevse, apud
Jo. Crispinum, 1559. Fol. A third edition was published
in 1583, corrected from the author's MS.

It was translated into Fi^ench by Nicolas des Gallars from
the Latin of 1551, which was collated by the author. A
new French translation was printed at Geneva by Francois
Perrin in 1572.

The title of the English translation is : A Commentary
vpon the Prophecie of Isaiah, by lohn Calvin. Translated
ovt of French into English, by C[lement] C[ottovn.] At
London. Imprinted by Felix Kyngston, and arc to be sold
by William Cotton, dwelling in Pater-noster-Row, at the
sign of the Golden Lion. 1609. It is dedicated by him
" To the high and mightie Prince Ilenrie, Prince of Great
Brittaine, sonne and lieire apparent to our soveraigne Lord,
lames King of Great Brittaine, &c., and to the most noble
and vertvovs Princesse, the Lady Elizabeth's grace, his
Highnesse most deare sister."

5. On the Books or jeremiah and the Lamentations.

Joannis Calvini Prielectiones in librum Prophetiarum
Jeremia3, et Lamentationes. Joannis Budsei et Caroli
Jonuillsei labore et industria cxceptte. Cum duobus in-
dicibus, priore quideni rerum ac sententiarum maxime
insignium : postcriore vero locorum qui ex vetere et nouo
Testamento citantur et explicantur. Genevse, apud Jo.
Crispinum. 1 563. Fol. A French translation appeared in
1565: Le9ons ou Commentaircs et expositions de Jean

4.90 LIST OF Calvin's wouks.

Calvin sur Ics Reiielations que siir Ics Lamentations du Pro-
plicte Jeremie. Le tout fidelement recueilli, promiercment
en Latin, par lean Bude et Charles de lonuillier et depuis
translate nouuellement en Francois, &c. A Lyon. Par
Claude Sennetere. m d.lxv.

The old English translation has the following* title : (John
Calvin) Two and Twenty Lectvres vpon the five first chap-
ters of leremiah, with prayers annexed at the end of euerj'^
Lecture : By Master John Calvin. Which being faith fvlly
collected froni him as hee vttered them in Latino, in the
Schooles of Geneua, were afterwards translated into French.
At London. Imprinted by Felix Kingston, &c. Quarto.
1620.

6. On the Book or Ezekiel.

Joannis Calvini Prailectiones in Ezekielis Prophets viginti
capita priora, loannis Budaii et Caroli lonuillaBi labore et
industria exceptse. Cum praifatione Theodori Beza> ad gc-
nerosissimum Gasparem a Colignio, Gallifc Amiralium.
Additi sunt Indices duo copiosissimi, prior vcrborum ac sen-
tentiarum, posterior locorum qui citantur. Geneva) ex officina
Franc. Perrini. m.d.lxv. 8vo.

The French title is : Lemons ou Commentaires et Exposi-
tions de M. lean Caluin des Reuelations du Prophete sur
les vingt premieres chapitres d'Ezehiel, qui sent les derniers
Le9ons qu'il a faites auant sa mort. Le tout fidelement re-
cueilli par lean Bude et Charles de Jonuiller et depuis tra-
duit nouvellement en Francois avec une preface de Theodore
de Beze, &c. Geneue. Perrin : 1565. Fol.

7. On the Book of Daniel.
Pra)lectiones in librum Danielis, studio Joannis Buda3i

ct Caroli Jonvillnei. Genevse, 1561. Fol.

Another edition has the following title : Prailectiones
Joannis Calvini in librum i^rophetiarum Danielis, Joannis
Budici et Caroli JonuilIa3i labore et industria exceptas. Ad-
ditus est e regione versionis Latinae Hebraicus et Chaldaicus
textus. Apud Bartholompeum Vincentium. 1571. Fol.

French : Lemons do M. lean Calvin sur le livre des Pro-
pheties de Daniel, recueillies fidelement par Jean Bude et
Charles lonuillier, ses auditeurs, et translatees de Latin en

LIST OF Calvin's WORKS. 4.01

Francois, &c. A Geneve. De riniprimcrie de Francois
Perrin, 1 562. Fol. Another edition, from the same press,
was printed in 1569, with corrections.

English : Commentaries of tliat diuine, Caluine, upon the
prophet Daniell, translated into Englishe, especially for the
use of the family of the ryght honourable Earle of Hunting-
ton, to set forth as in a glasse, how one may profitably read
the Scriptures, by consideryng the text, meditatyng the sense
thereof, and by prayer. Daniell 12. The stone cut foortli of
the mountain without handes, shall break in peeces the
brass, &c. At London. Imprinted by John Daye. 1570.
4to. To this is added, an Address to the Reader by the
translator, (Arthur Golding.) Also, 2. Calvin's Address
to all Christians in France. Geneva, 14th Sept. 1561.
3. The Lectures and readyngs of John Calvine upon Daniell.
These are followed by Meditations upon the boolce of Daniell
the prophet, with certain prayers collected forth of the Les-
sons of that diuine, Caluine, rather for the comfort of the
conscience then orderly translated, in the two first chapters,
but afterward you have the whole Commentary. (It con-
tains only the first six chapters of Daniel.)
8. On the Book of Hosea.

In Hoseam Prophetam Jo. Caluini prajlectiones, a Joanne
Budseo, et sociis auditoribus assiduis bona fide exceptse.
Genevaa, excudebat Conradius Badiiis. 1557. 4to. (Cum
prajfatione Calvini et Budeei.)

French : Logons de Jehan Calvin sur le Prophete Hosee,
recueillies fidelement de mot a mot, par Jehan Bude, et
autres ses compaignons auditeurs. A Geneve. De I'impri-
merie de Conrad Badius. 1557. 8vo.

9. On the Minor Prophets.

Joannis Calvini Praelectiones in duodecim Prophetas
(quos vocant) minores. Genevse ap. Joannem Crispinum.
1559. Fol. With a Dedication to the King of Sweden:
Sereniss. et potentiss. Regi Gostavo Gothorum et Vanda-
lorum Regi Joannes Calvinus.

French : Lemons et Expositions Familieres de Jehan Calvin
sur les douze petits prophetes, assavoir, &c., traduites de
Latin en Frangois. Geneve, Barbier : 1560. Fol. A much

492 LIST OF Calvin's works.

fuller and more correct edition has this title : Lemons et Ex-
positions Familieres de Jean Calvin sur Ics Douze Prophetes
assavoir Hosee, loel, Amos, Abdias, lonas, Michee, Nahum,
Habacvc, Sophonias, Aggec, Zacharie, Malachie. Traduites
de Latin en Fran9ois, &c. A Lion, par Sebastien Honorati.
M.D.LXiii. This edition is very rare.

English : The Lectures or daily Sermons of that Reuerend
Diuine, M. Ihon Caluine, Pastor of the Churche of Grod in
Geneua, vppon the Prophet lonas. Whereunto is annexed
an excellent exposition of the two last Epistles of Sainct
Ihon, doen in Latine by that worthie Doctor, August. Mar-
lovate, an dEnglished by N.B. [Nathanael Baxter.] And
newly corrected and amended. Math. 12, 39 : An euill
and adulterous generation seketh a signe, but no signe shal-
be giuen vnto it, saue the signe of the Prophet lonas. Im-
printed at Londo by Edward White dwelling at the little
Northdoore of Paules, at the signe of the Gun. 1580.

Liv.— Commentaries on tl) e jSetx) Cestament

1. On the Four Evangelists.

Commcntarius in Evang. Joannis. ap. Rob. Stcphanum.
1 553, fol. French : Commentairc sur TEvang. scion St.
Jean, trad, du Latin. 1553. 8vo.

Harmonia ex tribus primis Evangelistis composita cum
commentariis ; accedit in Joannem cvangclistam comment.
ap. Rob. Stephanum. 1555. Fol.

French : La Concordance, Qv'on appelle Harmonic, com-
posec de trois Euangelistes, asgauoir, S. Mattieu, S. Marc,
et S. Luc. Item, L'Euagile selo S. leha. Le tout avec les
Commcntaires de M. lehan Caluin. m.d.lxiil Imprime par
Conrad Badius. Avec privilege.

Commcntaires de Jean Calvin sur la Concordance
qu'on appelle Harmonie, composee dcs quatre Evangelistes.
Gen. Conr. Badius. 1559, fol. Commcntaires de Jean
Calvin sur la Concordance ou la Harmonie composee de
trois Evangelistes, assavoir St. Matthieu, St, Marc, et St.
Luc. Item sur I'Evang. de St. Jean et sur Ic second livre

LIST or Calvin's works. 49,3

dc St. Luc, dit Ics Actcs dcs Aputrcs. Geneve, 1561.
8vo.

Another extremely scarce and curious edition, having a
similar title, having for device a scorpion carrying oli* a
death's-head, ornamented with a palm branch, and the
double motto — La mort engloutie en victoire and Par Christ
est salut et gloii^e. De I'lmprimerie de Michel Blanchier,

M.D.LXIIL

English. : A Harmonie vpon the Three Euangelistes, Mat-
thewe, Marke, and Luke, with the Commentarie of M. lohnc
Caluine : Faithfvdly translated out of Latin into English by
E. P. Whereunto is also added a Commentarie vpon the
Evangelist S. lohn, by the same authour. Londini, Im-
pensis Thorn. Adams, 1610. Another English edition pre-
viously aj^peared in J 584.

German : Harmonia, Das est Vergleichung und einstim-
mung der dreyen Euangelisten, S. Mattheus, S. Marcus, und
S. Lucas, mit Christliclier Auszlegung derselben, audi desz
Euangelisten S. Johannes, Erstlich durch den Gottseligen
und hocherleuchten Mann, Johannem Calvinum in Latein
gestellt. Jetzt aber Teutscher Nation zu guten, ausz dem
Latein ins Teutsch gebracht, Durch Ilerrn Wolffgang Hal-
lern, ChurfLirstlicher Pfalz Raht. Gedruckt in der Churfiirst-
lichen Stadt Heidelberg. Anno 1590. Fol.
2. On the Acts op the Apostles.

Commentariorum Joannis Caluini in Acta Apostolorum,
liber I. Ad screnlss. Danise regem. Gcnevse, ex officina
Joannis Crispini, 1552. Fol.

Commentariorum Joannis Caluini in Acta Apostolorum,
Liber posterior. Additus est vtriusque libri Index rerum ct
sentcntiarum. Ex officina Joannis Crispini, 1554, fol. A
later and more complete edition has the following title :
Joannis Calvini Commentarii integri in Acta Apostolorum
ab ipso authore recogniti et magna accessione locupletati.
Ilorum Commentariorum utilitatem commonstrabunt duo
Indices ad calcem operis adjecti : Prior rerum et verborum:
Posterior locorum utriusque Testamcnti, qnos author ajjpo-
sito ad sensum suai interpretationis accommodat. Genevse,
1573, also 1584. Fol.

494 LIST OF Calvin's wokks.

French: Lo premier Livre des commentaires de M, Jean
Calvin, sur les Actes des Apostres. Au Roy de Danemarch.
A Geneve, par Pliilbert Hanielin, 1552. 4to. Le second
Livre des Commentaires de M. Jean Calvin sur les Actes
des Apostres. A Geneve, par Pliilbert Hamelin, 1554. 4to.

German: Der Apostelgeschiclite diircli den lieiligen Euan-
gelisten Lucam beschrieben, &c. . . . Griindtlicli ausz-
geleget vnd erklaret, Durch Joannem Calvinum, Aber jetzt
dem gemeinen Mann, so der Lateinischen Spracli vnerfali-
ren, durch einen Gottliebenden vnd gelelirten, zu guteni
verteutscht. Gedruclit in fiirstlicher Pfaltz, zu Newstadt an
der Hardt. Durch Matthseum Harnisch, 1590, mit Kpfrn.
Fol.

English: The Commentaries of M. lolni Calvin vpon the
Actes of the Apostles. Faithfully transh\ted out of Latine
into English, for the great profite of our countriemen. By
Christopher Fetherstone, student in Diuinitie. Londini,
Impensis G. Bishop, 1585.

3. On the Epistles.

Joh. Calvini Commentarius in Epistolam ad Ilomanos.
Argentorati, [Strasbourg,] 1540. 8vo.

English : A Commentarie vpon the Epistle of Saint Paul
to the Romans, written in Liitine by M. John Caluin, and
newely translated into Englishe by Christopher Rosdell,
l^reacher, &c. Imprinted at London for lohn Harison and
George Bishop, 1583. This edition is extremely rare.

Joh. Calvini Commentarii in priorem Epistolam Pauli
ad Corinthios. Cum indice. Argentorati per Wendelinum
Rihelium, 1546, 8vo. The Commentary on the Second
Epistle appeared the same year, and a Frencli translation of
both the year after, with the following titles, — Commentaire
de M. Jean Calvin sur la premiere epistre aux Corinthiens,
traduit de Latin en Fran9ois ; and Commentaire de M. Jean
Calvin sur la Secondc Epistre aux Corinthiens, traduit de
Latin en Francois, 1547. 8vo.

Joannis Calvini Commentarii in quatuor Pauli Epistolas
ad Galatas, ad Ephcsios, ad Philippenses, ad Colossenses.
Genevse, par Joannem Girardum, 1548, 4to. French: Com-
mentaire de M. Jean Calvin sur quatrc Epistrcs de Sainct

LIST OF Calvin's avokks. 495

Paul : assavoir aux Calaticiis, Ephesicns, Pliilippiens, Col-
lossicns. A Geneve, cliez Jean Gerard, 1548, 8vo. English:
A Coninientarie of M. Caluinc vpon the Epistle to the Gala-
thians : and translated into English by R. V. [Robert
Vaughan.] Pray for the peace of liierusalem : they shall
pros])er that lone thee. Psal. cxxii. 6. At London, Imprinted
by Thomas Purfoote, and are to be soldo at his shop oucr
against S. Sepulchres Church, 1581. Dedicated to lohn my
Lorde the Bishop of London, the first of August 158J.
English : A Commentarie of M. lohn Caluine vpon the
Epistle to the Colossians : and translated into English by
R[obcrt] V [aughan]. Pray for the peace of Hierusalem :
they shall prosper that loue thee. Psal. cxxii. 6. At Lon-
don, Printed by Tliomas Purfoote, and are to be sold at his
shop ouer against S. Sepulchers Church. Without date, but
dedicated to Maester Noel, Deane of Poules, M. MuUius,
Archdeacon of London, Maester D. Walker, Archdeacon of
Essex, and Maester Towers, Professor of diuinity, his sin-
gvdar good friends and patrons. At High Easter, the first
of Nouember [1581 ?].

Commentarius in utramque cpistolam ad Thessalonienses.
Gen., 1550. French: Comnientaire sur deux Epistres aux
Thessaloniciens. Gen., 1550. Fol.

Commentarii in utramque cpistolam ad Timotheum.
Genev., 1548, 4to. The Epistle of Titus followed in 1549
in Latin and French. A later French edition is entitled
Comraentaire sur les deux Epistres a Timothee et I'Epistrc
a Tito. Geneve, 156'o. 4to.

Commentarii in Epistolam ad Hebrajos. Gen., 1 549, 8vo.
French : Commentaire sur I'Epistre aux Ebrieux, traduit du
Latin. A. Geneve, chez Jean Girard, 1549, 8vo. English:
A Commentarie on the whole Epistle to the Hebrewes. Bv
lohn Calvin. Translated ovt of French. The Lawe was
given by Moses, but grace and truth came by lesus Christ,
lohn i. 17. Imprinted at London by Felix Kingston for
Arthur lohnson, and are to be sold at his shop neere the
great north doore of Pauls, at the signe of the white Horse,
1605. This version was translated by Clement Cotton, and
was dedicated to his patron Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury.

496 LIST OF Calvin's avokks.

Joannis Calvini Commentarii in Ei:)istolas Canonicas,
Unara Petri, Unam Joannis, Unam Jacobi, Petri alteram,
Judse vnam. Ad Eduardum VI., Anglian Rcgcm. Additus
est sententiarum et locorum Index. Genevan, Ex officina
Joannis Crispini, 1551, fol., also 1554, fol., and 1565, 8vo.
English: Among others are the Commentaries of Maister Jhon
Caluine upon the first Epistle of Sainct Jhon, and upon the
Epistle of Jude, wherein, according to the trutlie of the
woordes of the Holie Gliost, he most excellently openeth
and cleareth the point of our justification with God and
sanctification by the Spirit of Christ, by the eff"ects that he
bringeth forth into the regeneration. Translated into Eng-
lish by W. H. Imprinted at London for Jhon Harrison the
younger, (no date,) Svo.

(John Calvin) A Commentarie upon the Epistle to the
PhilipjDians, translated by Becket. London, for Nicol. Lyng.
1584, 4to. A Commentarie upon the Epistle to the Colos-
sians, translated by R. V. Lend, by Thom. Purfoote (no
date).

4. Collective Editions of the Commentaries on the
Books of the New Testament.

Joannis Calvini in omnes D. Pauli Epistolas, at que etiam
in epistolam ad Hebraeos commentaria luculentissima. Ex
postrema authoris recognitione. Cum indice copiosissimo
sententiarum et locorum omnium. Genevse, apud Joann.
Gerardum, 1551, fol. This beautiful edition contains also,
but with a separate title-page, the commentaries on the
canonical ej)istles of Peter, John, Jude, and James. Of
several other editions, the one published in 1565, Svo, the
year after Calvin's death, deserves notice, as containing the
corrections and notes which he made on the margin of his
own copy.

Commentaires de Jehan Calvin sur la Concordance ou
Harmonie composee de trois Evangelistes assavoir S. Mat-
thieu, &c. Item sur TEvangile selon S. Jehan et sur lo
second livrc do S. Luc, diet les Actes des Apostres. Le tout
reveu diligemment et commc traduit de nouvoau, tant le
texte que la glosc, comme on pourra appcrcevoir en con-
fcrant les editions precedentes avec ceste-ci. It contains

LIST OF Calvin's \vork^\ 497

also, as a second part, Comrnentaires do M. Jelian Calvin siir
toutes les Epistres de I'Apostre S. Paul, et aussi sur I'Epistre
aux Hebrieux. Item, sur les Epistres Canoniques de S.
Pierre, &e., autrement appclees Catlioliques. Imprime par
Conrad Badius, m.d.lxi., 8vo. A still more complete collec-
tive edition of all the commentaries is entitled : Commen-
taire de M. Jeban Calvin sur le Vieux et Nouveau Testa-
ment a Geneve, par Fr. Estienne, 1564, fol., in vii. tomes.

More recently, a collected edition of the Commentaries on
the New Testament has been published at Berlin by Pro-
fessor Tholuck.

LV. Collective Editions of Calvin's Woeks.

1. Johannis Calvini opera omnia Theologica in septem
tomos digesta. Geneuae, apud Johannem Vignon, Petrum
et Jacobum Choust, 1617, fol,

2. Joh. Calvini Noviodunensis opera omnia in novem
tomos digesta. Editio omnium novissima, ad fidem emen-
datiorum Codicum quam accuratisslme recognita et indicibus
locupletissimis non sine maximo labore ct studio adornata.
Amstelodami, apud vidiiam Johannis Jacobi Schipper. The
first vol. is dated 1671 ; all the others 1667.

2 1

INDEX

OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES.

AiTKEN, John, M.D., Unitarian, 396.
Amyi'aut, Moses, 39(5.
Aucillon, David, 394.
Ancillon, Fredericlc, 430.
Andei'son, Rev. Robei't, 451.
Andrews, Bishop, 393.
Arrainius, 342, 388.

B

Balduin, 346.

Baptist Magazine, 4G0, 461.

Barante, 446.

Barnet, William, 411.

Basnage, Henry de Beauval, 390.

Baxter, Richard, 391.

Bayle, 348, 381, 420.

Bengel, John Albert, 393.

Beza, 338, 345, 346, 380, 448.

Bickersteth, Rev. Edward, 405, 449.

Bilson, Bishop, 396.

Blackwood's Magazine, 463.

Bloomfield, 437.

Blount, Sir T. H. Pope, 422.

Bcemer, 346.

Bolinbroke, Lord, 429.

Bossuet, Rom. Cath., 418.

Brentius, 346.

Bretschneider, C. G, 431.

Bridges, Rev. Charles, 405.

Bucer, Martin, 346, 376, 4 1 5.

Bugenhagen, 346.

BuUinger, 410.

Calcutta, Bishop of, (Wilson,) 403.

Caloviu.s, 362.

Cambridge, University of, 411.

Camerarius, 345, 347.

Carleton, Bishop, 391.

Christian Observer, 404.

Church, the, (Baptist,) 461.

Chytrteus, 346.

Claude, David, 415.

Clericus, 347.

Clowes, Rev. F., 462.

Cochlseus, John, Roman Catholic, 381.

Colonius, Daniel, 415.

Constantinople, Cyrill, Patriarch of,

413.
Conversations Lexicon, 398.
Conybeare, Rev. J. J., 399, 443.
Cranmer, Archbishop, 397.

Crenius, 414.
Cyrill, Pati-iarch of Constantinople,

413.

D

Daille, John, 339.
D'Alembert, 425.
Dick, John, D.D., 436.
D'lstria, Bishop of, 394.
Doddridge, Philip, D.D., 392.
Donne, Dr., 4 1 0.
Downam, Bishop, 393.
Drelincourt, Charles, 389, 420.
Duflf, Rev. Dr., 398.

INDEX TO OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES.

499

K

Episcopius, 347.

Kelly, Rev. John, 451.
Kitto, Dr., 439.
Krummaclier, F. A., 432.

FE.4TLY, Daniel, 394.

Fitzgerald, Rev. W., 402.

Focanus, 414.

Fraser, D., Translator of Witsius, 438.

Fi'ee Church Magazine, 4G3.

Fulke, Rev. Win., 385.

G

Gebser, 345.

Geneva, Syndics and Council of, 408.

Gerdes, 385.

Gotch, F. W., 442.

Grindal, Bishop, 386, 410.

Grotius, 347.

Gryncfius, 355, 400,

H

Hakewell, 392.
Hall, Bishop, 411.
Hare, Archdeacon, 443.
Harkwell, Dr., 416.
Helmichius, Werner, 388.
Hengstenberg, 346.
Henri, Paul, D.D., 436.
Heylin, 426.

Hooker, Rev. Richard, 401.
Home, Rev. Thos. Hartwell, 404.
Horsley, Bishop, 403, 404.
Hoyl, Dr. John, 416.
Humphrey, E. P., D.D., 444.

Lawrence, Archbishop, 397.
Leigh, Sir Edward, 416,
Lexicon, Conversations, 398.
Lively, Professor, 394.
Lorimer, J, G., D.D., 410.
Liicke, 345.
Luther, Martin, 345, 376.

M

Maimburg, Jesuit, 416, 420.
Mackenzie, (Life of Calvin,) 405.
Maclainc, Archibald, D.D., 392.
M'Crie, Thomas, D.D., 397.
Martyr, Peter, 379,
Mason, John M., D.D., Rom. Cath.

406.
Masson, Papire, 376, 407.
Mercer, 346.
Melanchthon, 346, 415.
Meyer, G. W., 347, 348, 353.
Monluc, Bishop of Valence, 416.
Montesquieu, 393.
Morus of Geneva, 425, 430.
Mosheim, John L., D.D., 392.
Muller, John von, 428.
Musculus, 346.

North British Review, 454.

O

Jewell, Bishop,
Jurieu, 380, 419.

!87.

Observer, Christian, 404.
CEcolampadius, 427.
Orme, Rev. W., 398.

500

INDEX TO OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES.

Parous, 395.

Pasquier, Stephen, Rom. Cath., 383.

Patin, Guy, 415.

Pellicanus, 358, 366.

Pelt, 34G, 400.

PeiTon, Cardinal du, 414.

Philpot, John, 408.

Pighius, Albert, 394.

Poole, Matthew, 387, 404.

Popery, History of, 439.

R

Stuart, Professor, 401, 437.
Sturmius, John, 376, 383.

T

Tholuck, Professor, 345, et passim.
Thomson, Andrew, D.D., 396.
Thou, President De, 387.
Tomlins, Bishop, 405.
Toplady, Augustus, 429.
Travers, 416.
Trechsel, 435.
Turretine, John Alph., 393.

Record, The, 458.

Remond, Florimond de, Rom. Cath.,

411.
Review, North British, 454.
Rheinwald, 345.
Rivet, 420.

Robinson, Rev. R., 400.
Rogers (on the Thirty-nine Articles),

424.

United Presbyterian Magazine, 462.

Valence, Monluc, Bishop of, 416.
Verger, Jean Paul, Bishop of Capo

d'Istria, 394.
Voltaire, 424.

Sabellius, 350.

Sanderson, Bishop, 391.

Scaliger, Joseph, 351, 379, 397, 400.

Schroeekh, 426.

Schultingius, Rom. Cath., 381.

Scott, Rev. Tiiomas, 405.

Semler, 346, 366.

Senebier, 399.

Simon, Richard, Rom. Cath., 347,

348, 377.
Smith, John Pye, D.D., 402, 439, 449.
Spalding, Dr., Rom. Cath., 440.
Stapleton, Thomas, Rom. Cath., 380.
Stebbing, Rev. Dr., 400, 436.
Stewart, Professor Dugald, 431.
Stillingfleet, Bishop, 393

W

Walchius, 387.
Wcndelin, 415.
Werenfels, Samuel, 423.
Whitgift, Archbishop, 392.
Williams, Edward, D.D., 395.
Wilson, D., Bishop of Calcutta, 40.'
Winer, 346.
Wotton, William, D.D., 397.

Zaxchius, Jerome, 386.
Zeigenbein, J. W. H., 348.
Zwingli, 346, 353, 427, 432.

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