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A 


COMMENTARY 
ON  THE  BIBLE 


EDITED  BY 

ARTHUR   S.    PEAKE,    M.A.,    D.D. 

RYLANDS    PROFESSOR   OF  BIBLICAL   EXEGESIS    IN  THE    UNIVERSITY 

OF  MANCHESTER;    PROFESSOR  IN  HARTLEY  COLLEGE,  MANCHESTER. 

SOMETIME  FELLOW  OF  MERTON    COLLEGE,  OXFORD 

WITH    THE    ASSISTANCE    FOR    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT    OF 

A.    J.    GRIEVE,    M.A.,    D.D. 

PRINCIPAL  OF  THE   CONGREGATIONAL  HALL 
EDINBURGH 

INTRODUCTION   BY 
MELANCTHON  WOOLSEY  STRYKER,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

FORMERLY    PRESIDENT    OF    HAMILTON     COLLEGE;    AUTHOR     OF 
"ENGLISH   BIBLE  VERSIONS  AND  ORIGINS,"   ETC. 


THOMAS    NELSON    &    SONS 

381-385  FOURTH  AVENUE,  NEW  YORK 

T.  C.  &  E.  C.  JACK,  LTD. 

LONDON 


COPYRIGHT,  1920, 

by 

THOMAS  NELSON  &  SONS 

NEW   YORK 


INTRODUCTION 

THIS  important  commentary  is  a  careful  and  candid  attempt  to  set  forth 
the  present  results  of  intensive  modern  Biblical  study. 
With    minute    paragraphic    analysis,    each    of    the    sixty-six    sundry 
portions    of    our    "divine    library"    is    here    considered    by    independent, 
reverent  and  constructive  scholars,  all  of  them  specialists  of  large  repute  and 
all    agreeing    to    seek    fact    and    to    foru-^ard    a    truer    ultimate    regard    for    the 
literar}^  basis  and  cumulative  appeal  of  the  book  of  books. 

Some  forty  essays,  dealing  with  particular  questions  of  salient  and  funda- 
mental importance,  make  a  various  and  acute  effort  to  effect  a  sympathetic 
comprehension  of  scriptures  which  to  us  merge  in  one  culminating  result. 
These  help  to  furnish  a  massive  digest  and  compendium  of  that  history  which 
through  eras  of  process  led  on  to  the  consummation  in  which  the  "Hope  of 
Israel"  became  the  hope  of  the  world. 

What  this  composite  book  actually  is  concerns  every  thoughtful  man.  No 
respectful  consideration  of  its  total  claim  can  be  too  urgent  or  too  keen.  All 
conjecture  and  inference  aside,  we  are  on  firm  ground  when  we  discern,  all 
along,  the  impulses  of  men  alive  with  the  purpose  to  describe  the  continuity 
of  God's  working  with  an  elect  people,  and  to  advance  the  sense  of  His 
deepening  approach,  through  this  people,  to  all  the  sons  of  man.  In  diverse 
portions  the  perpetual  message  was  given  and  put  to  record.  Numberless 
unknown  hands  wrought  sincerely  to  preserve  and  to  continue  the  great 
tradition  of  Israel.  Amazingly  various  mental  traits,  laboring  in  as  various 
ways,  were  fused  into  a  unity  whose  efficiency  is  providentially  immortal. 
W'hatever  the  woof,  the  warp  of  the  great  story  is  of  God. 

The  Bible  has  survived  many  theories  as  to  the  world  and  as  to  itself. 
It  is  enough  that  we  should  take  it  as  it  is, — its  continuous  precept  being  the 
reconciliation  of  man  to  the  Creator  and  Possessor  of  all  souls.  It  is 
co-ordinate  with  the  origin  and  purpose  of  the  Christian  Church.  The  first 
words  of  Genesis  are  a  chant  of  the  dawn, — a  poem  of  Creation,  putting  God 
before  all,  "in  whom  all  things  consist,"  and  leading  up  to  Man,  as  the  sphere 
and  subject  of  His  crowning  work.  Slowly  indeed  grew  the  recognition  of 
Him  who  by  man  revealed  Himself  for  man.  With  Abraham  begins  all  that 
we  can  call  history.  The  story  of  Israel  is  a  great  motion  picture,  with  so 
intense  a  claim  because  in  that  little  corner  of  the  world  the  seed  was  sown 
that  grew  toward  a  consummation  to  which  faith  in  a  Faithful  Creator  turns 
to  find  His  supreme  manifestation. 

The  collection  of  writings  which  we  call  the  Old  Testament  records  the 
processes  wherein  the  apprehension  of  God  was  developed  and  confirmed. 
Between  Egypt  and  Assyria  and  Rome,  Israel  survived  them  all  in  its  age-long 
contribution  and  influence.  The  scrutiny  of  this  august  and  singular  story 
cannot  be  too  precise.  The  books  must  tell  their  own  story;  for  they  are  our 
sources.  Long  before  Herodotus,  the  devoted  scribes  were  collating  and  editing 
and  preserving  the  monumental  tale.  The  tendency,  the  convergency,  of  such 
a  composite  record  could  not  be  fully  discerned  by  them.  But  they  searched 
after  a  significance  they  could  not  then  understand  and  we  believe  their  pens 
were  restrained  and  guided  by  a  wisdom  not  their  own.  Being  human,  they 
were  not  infallible :  but  they  were  heedful  and  were  honest.  Much  of  this 
transcript  outline  of  the  strange,  eventful  history  has  doubtless  been  irrecover- 


ably  lost:  but  what  we  retain  is  treasurable  indeed,  and  just  so  far  as  we  can 
we  are  to  disentangle  and  wind  the  precious   skein. 

We  honor  these  ancient  writings  not  by  imposing  upon  them  any  particu- 
laristic theory  of  their  transcript  or  their  transmission;  but  by  a  jealous  study 
which  begs  no  question  and  which  ever  seeks  the  true  axis  of  interpretation. 
Only  thus  can  we  refuse  to  jeopard  our  conviction  that  the  best  record  fallible 
man  could  make  of  such  an  "increasing  purpose"  and  its  human  answer  was 
a  part  of  the  inefifable  program  of  God.  Candor  must  turn  to  the  great 
chronicle  with  all  the  discernment  it  can  attain,  and  so  with  every  just  test 
discern  the  august  tendency  which  underlies  the  vocal  page.  Every  science  of 
interpretation   must    be    respected. 

If  there  be  discrepancies,  or  anachronisms,  or  composition  of  sources,  or 
"tendency"  editing,  or  uncertain  dates,  or  diverse  methods ;  none  the  less  the 
whole  urge  of  the  books  is  unitary  and  convincing.  The  breadth  of  the  story 
is  its  power.  Scribal  misunderstandings,  or  composite  authorship,  cannot  baulk 
the  appreciation  of  the  great  integral  and  divine  leadership,  nor  foil  our 
gratitude  to  those  who  felt  about  in  the  twilight  with  glimpses  of  the  hope 
which  prisoned,  even  while  it  grew  and  brightened  toward  the  life  and 
immortality  that,  far  away,  were  to  be  "brought  to  light  through  the  gospel" ! 

Marvellous  is  the  fidelity  of  this  biography  of  Israel.  The  lapses  of 
reverend  men — Abraham,  Jacob,  David — are  unfalteringly  told,  the  bitter 
annals  of  the  flagrant  idolatries  and  rebellions  of  the  chosen  people,  the 
martyrdoms  of  the  just,  the  caprices,  the  penalties,  the  humiliations. 

A  great  value  of  this  commentary,  wisely  used,  will  be  its  emphasis  upon 
what  is  known  as  "Introduction," — that  is,  the  explanation  of  each  book  as  a 
whole,  the  questions  of  time,  occasion,  authorship  and  purpose.  Too  much  have 
we  held  the  Bible  as  a  mass,  en  bloc,  and  made  it  but  a  repertoire  of  detachable 
texts  and  maxims.  But  the  serious  reader  does  not  deal  with  verses  and 
chapters :  but  with  individual  books  in  their  entirety.  Who  wrote  what,  and 
when  and  why?  are  indispensable  queries  to  those  who  would  intelligently  press 
these  ripe  clusters.  Sortilege  is  a  bad  corollary  of  casual  and  piecemeal 
approach  to  a  book  so  dishonored  by  superficial  attention. 

To  recover  the  absolute  chronological  order  of  the  sundry  books  in  either 
Testament  is  not  now  possible.  They  are  arranged  in  topical  classes.  But  this 
commentary  assists  us  toward  a  valuable  dating,  which  greatly  aids  us  to 
discern  environment  and  progress.  Each  part  has  a  time  record  which  bears 
upon  its  nexus  and  its  pertinency.  Heeding  this,  we  escape  the  obsession  of  a 
mere  amanuensis  notion  and  the  writings  palpitate  with  the  personality  of 
living  men  who  were  "moved  by  the  Holy  Spirit."  This  perception  is  indis- 
pensable. 

The  persistent  and  prefatory  movement  of  the  elder  scriptures,  the 
primitive  stages  of  development,  the  sifting  and  array  of  sources, — about  these 
and  many  such  like  points  of  understanding  there  has  sprung  up  a  vast 
literature.     Much  of  this  has  important  reference  here. 

Under  such  study  as  this  volume  olTers  many  remote  and  difficult  things 
are  much  illuminated.  These  limited  lines  cannot  purport  to  summarize  where 
so  much  is  valuable.  The  writer  is  helped  by  the  studies  of  the  temple  services 
and  the  institutions  of  Israel,  the  sacred  persons  and  places  and  seasons,  the 
family  and  home,  trade  and  arms,  the  suffused  ethical  impulse  of  the  prophets 
as  over  against  liturgy  and  priesthood,  the  triumph  of  a  pure  monotheism 
and  the  ever-crescent  apprehension  of  Israel's  calling.  The  article  on  Prophecy 
is  great. 


Samuel,  acolyte  and  prime  minister;  Nathan,  Elijah,  Micaiah ;  what  men 
were  these,  refusing  all  the  smooth  things  of  convention  and  time-serving! 
Jeremiah,  devoted  and  broken-hearted,  as  his  people  followed  their  evil  kings 
headlong  to  ruin;  the  heart  tragedy  of  Hosea;  the  sensitive,  glowing,  difficult 
door  of  Ezekiel ;  the  rapture  of  the  dual  Isaiah; — here  are  we  helped  to  draw 
clear  to  the  prophetic  period,  full  as  it  was  of  the  passion  of  an  intense  present. 
These  mighty  tones  of  rebuke  and  of  hope  utter  the  very  consciousness  and 
conscience  of  this  separated  race,  avatar  at  once  of  judgment  and   of   glory. 

Peculiarly  acute  is  the  analysis  of  that  great  drama — Job,  whose  twin 
problems  are  the  ethics  of  the  Rights  of  God  and  the  Inexplicable  Sufferings 
of  Good  Men.  Most  keen  perhaps  is  the  critique  upon  that  selection  of  Hebrew 
lyrics  which  we  call  the  Psalms.  These  beloved  songs  of  Israel,  in  so  many 
different  keys,  are  many  of  them,  or  most,  assigned  to  periods  far  later  than 
venerable  tradition  had  hitherto  said,  some  even  to  centuries  nearing  the 
Christian  era.  Many  dates  must  be  unascertainable.  Assuredly  such  as  we 
have  can  be  but  a  selection  and  remainder  from  many,  many,  more  like  musical 
devotions.  In  this  analysis  critics  cannot  be  infallible,  nor  do  they  claim  to 
be:  but  whatever  is  now  lost  the  remainders  are  invaluable.  The  intrinsic 
evidence  must  be  followed.  Blended  with  an  intense  nationalism,  with  a  pungent 
historical  sense  and  a  profound  recognition  of  the  wonders  of  His  world,  with 
its  uplifting  analogies,  are  such  a  yearning  toward  God  and  tender  confidence  in 
His  care  and  guidance,  such  a  bold  commitment  to  His  loving  will,  as  have 
made  these  chorales  of  faith  a  deathless  satisfaction  to  piety  and  have  given 
them  a  universal  leadership  in  liturgy.  If  any  view  and  survey  of  these  must 
be  changed,  still  their  value  endures.  They  lead  up  to  the  Magnificat  and  the 
In  Excelsis.  They  are  part  of  the  historical  approach  to  Him  whose  Gospel 
contradicts  some  of  their  fierce  maledictions.  For  He  who  was  the  Rock  of 
Israel  is  now  the  Rock  of  Ages. 

The  value  of  this  book  of  comment  and  explanation  lies  in  a  less  vague 
appreciation  of  how  God's  revelation  through  Israel  advanced  to  the  crisis  of 
the  Cross.  Minor  questions  of  text  and  time  retire  before  such  a  view  of  the 
divine  process.  Outlook  widens  thereby  and  insight  deepens.  The  spiritual 
posterity  of  Israel  discerns  in  the  apostles  of  the  first  century  the  succession 
of  that  great  prophetic  line  whose  leaders  were  hated,  mocked,  destroyed, 
counted  as  traitors :  but  whose  testimonies  to  their  own  times  survive  for  the 
admonition  of  all  after  ages. 

This  interpretation  is  positive  and  coherent,  and  under  it  the  canon  gains 
new  authority.  Under  the  pressure  of  God's  constant  Spirit  the  separate  items 
of  Hebrew  lore  become  an  evolutionary  unit  and  link  with  the  blessed  writings, 
which  under  the  first  flush  of  conviction  and  consecration  stamp  with  aposto- 
licity  the  twenty-seven  parts  of  the  New  Covenant  and  weld  them  as  the 
complement  of  the  elder  record.  In  this  connection  let  us  remember  W'estcott's 
"Christus  Consummator,"  and  Matheson's  "Spiritual  Development  of  the 
Apostle  Paul,"  speaking  also  most  gratefully  of  Edersheim's  "Life  of  Christ." 
(E.  was  a  Hebrew  believer  and  minute  scholar  in  all  that  connected  that 
present  with  its  past.)  Nor  can  we  forget  our  debt  to  that  great  exegete, 
H.  A.  W.  Meyer. 

In  the  New  Testament  also  we  must  distinguish  authors  and  dates.  If 
we  are  to  understand  the  diversity  of  Amos  and  Malachi,  we  are  equally  to 
reckon  the  variety  of  Peter  and  John.  Such  distinction  the  book  before  us 
helps  us  to  attain.  James  is  not  Luke,  nor  is  Jude,  Paul.  Each  "spake  as  he 
saw."  Exact  order  is  not  attainable,  but  we  may  be  sure  that  Mark's  was  the 
first  written  gospel,  that  John's  gospel  was  the  latest  book  of  the  New  Testa- 


ment,  and  that  the  epistles  were  prior  to  all  else.  Vastly  helpful,  herein,  are  the 
analytical  commentaries  upon  the  letter-treatises  of  the  Apostle  Paul,  inde- 
pendent studies  all  of  them,  but  matched  in  one  purpose  and  purport.  Fine  is 
the  discussion  of  the  anonymous  letter  to  the  Hebrews.  Clear  and  translucent 
is  the  essay  upon  "The  Life  and  Teachings  of  Jesus." 

In  this  Divine  Man  we  come  to  the  climax.  The  story  of  this  Messiah 
pervades  every  paragraph  of  the  hallowed  writings  of  the  first  century.  A.  D. 
dates  the  whole  hope  of  man.  With  calm,  eternal  eyes.  He  faced  the  exciting 
scenes  of  His  ministry.  Firm  and  gentle,  He  did  not  evade  the  certain  issue 
of  His  interpretation  of  God.  He  purposed  the  consummation  and  with  no 
evasion  advanced  to  the  inevitable  cross.  Under  that  mock  trial.  He  deliberately 
laid  down  His  life,  even  for  those  who  thus  attempted  to  be  rid  of  Him !  There 
He  draws  all  men  unto  Him.  The  Great  Kinsman  gave  Himself  as  the  final 
Lamb.  So  he  transfigured  death  and  the  ascendant  Dawn  banishes  the  clouds 
it  beautified.  We  re-read  the  Old  Testament  and  revise  our  estimate  of  it  in 
the  light  of  the  New.  "But  I  say"  both  fulfilled  and  reversed  its  antecedents. 
God's  self-discovery  to  man,  in  its  crescendo,  resolves  into  complete  harmony 
many  a  discord  of  its  earlier  progressions.  The  troubled  minors  go  by  in  the 
diapasoned  cadence.  Such  are  the  wonders  of  Almighty  Love, — "a  spectacle 
to  the  Universe" ! 

.  "Edgewise,    bladewise,   half-wise,    whole-wise ;    'tis    done ; 
Good  morrow,  Lord  Sun" ! 

This  commentary  enables  us  to  see  that  the  revelation  once  adolescent 
steadily  advanced,  as  grows  a  lithograph.  The  Messiah  is  at  once  the  blossom 
and  the  correction  of  Israel.  What  they  had  complicated.  He  simplified.  What 
they  had  antiquated  He  modernized.  He  gleams  against  the  background  of 
convention  and  tradition.  Still  must  He  correct  many  a  false  assumption  of 
our  fallible  philosophy.  Still  He  hears  the  bitter  cry  of  this  tragic  and 
barbaric  world.  Only  His  Spirit  can  alleviate  its  pangs  and  reverse  "the 
handwriting  that  w  as  against  us" ! 

Who  studies  this  commentary,  whose  suggestions  are  thus  but  faintly 
reflected,  must  be  grateful  for  the  devout  scholarship  which  makes  possible 
a  much  widened  view  of  the  records  which  Divine  Mercy  has  provided  for 
the  confirmation  of  intelligent  faith. 

M.   W.   Stryker. 


LIST  OF   CONTRIBUTORS, 


Author. 
ADDIS,  the  late  Rev.  William  E.,  M.A.,  formerly  Professor  of 

Old  Testament  Criticism  in  Manchester  College,  Oxford. 
ADENP^Y,  the  Rev.  Walter  F.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  formerly  Principal 

of  Lancashire  Independent  College,  Manchester. 
ANDREWS,  the   Rev.  Herbert   T.,  B.A.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 

New  Testament   Exegesis  in  New  and  Hackney  Colleges, 

University  of  London. 
BARTLET,  the  Rev.  James  Vernon,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 

Church  History  in  Mansfield  College,  Oxford. 

BEDALE,  the  late  Rev.  C.  L.,  M.A.,  Professor  in  Didsbury 
College,  and  Special  Lecturer  in  Assyriology  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Manchester. 

BENNETT,  the  Rev.  William  Henry,  M.A.,  Litt.D.,  D.D., 
Principal  of  Lancashire  Independent  College,  Manchester, 
sometime  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

BISSEKER,  the  Rev.  Harry,  M.A.,  Professor  in  Richmond 
College. 

BOX,  the  Rev.  George  H.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew 
and  Old  Testament  Exegesis  in  King's  College,  London  ; 
Hon.  Canon  of  St.  Albans. 

BROOK,  the  Rev.  R.,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Merton 
College,  Oxford. 

BROOKE,  the  Rev.  Alan  E.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the 
University  of  Cambridge  and  Canon  of  Ely. 

CANNEY,  Maurice  A.,  Professor  of  Semitic  Languages  and 
Literature  in  the  University  of  Manchester. 

CARPENTER,  the  Rev.  J.  Estlin,  M.A.,  D.Litt.,  formerly 
Principal  of  Manchester  College,  Oxford. 

COOKE,  the  Rev.  George  A.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Regius  Professor  of 
Hebrew  and  Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford  ;  sometime 
Fellow  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 

DAVIES,  the  Rev.  T.  Witton,  B.A.,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 
Semitic  Languages,  University  College  of  North  Wales, 
Bangor. 

DAVISON,   the   Rev.   William  T.,   M.A.,   D.D.,   Principal   of 

Richmond  College. 
DUFF,  the  Rev.  Archibald,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 

Hebrew  and  Old  Testament  Theology  in  the  United  College, 

Bradford. 


Subject. 
PSALMS. 

PHILIPPIANS.  ' 

APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE; 

DANIEL;    1   and   2   THESSALO- 

NIANS;   REVELATION. 
THE     RELIGIOUS      BACKGROUND 

OF    THE     NEW     TESTAMENT 

WRITINGS.      ' 
THE    NATIONS    CONTEMPORARY 

WITH  ISRAEL. 

1  and  2  SAMUEL. 


THE  PASTORAL  EPISTLES. 
HOSEA. 

2  PETER ;  JUDE. 

JOHN. 

AMOS. 

INTRODUCTION   TO   THE  PENTA- 
TEUCH. 

THE    LANGUAGES    OF    THE    OLD 
TESTAMENT. 

DEUTERONOMY. 

HEBREW  WISDOM. 
ESTHER;  LAMENTATIONS. 


LIST   OF   CONTRIBUTORS. 


Author. 
EMMET,  the  Rev.  C.  W.,  M.A.,  Vicar  of  West  Hendred. 

FINDLAY,  the  Rev.  George  G.,  D.D.,  Professor  in  New  Testa- 
ment Exegesis  and  Classics  at  Headingley  College. 

FOAKES-JACKSON,  the  Rev.  Frederick  J.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Fellow 
of  Jesus  College,  Cambridge,  Briggs  Professor  of  Christian 
Institutions  in  Union  Tlieological  Seminary,  New  York. 

FRANKS,  the  Rev.  Robert  S.,  M.A.,  B.Litt.,  Principal  of 
Western  College,  Bristol. 

GORDON,  the  Rev.  Alexander  R.,  D.Litt.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 
Hebrew  in  M'Gill  University  and  of  Old  Testament  Litera- 
ture and  Exegesis  in  tlie  Presbyterian  College,  Montreal. 

GRIEVE,  the  Rev.  Alexander  J.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Principal  and 
Professor  of  Systematic  Theology  in  the  Scottish  Congrega- 
tional Theological  Hall,  Edinburgh. 


GWATKIN,  the  late  Rev,  Henry  Melville,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Dixie 

Professor  of    Ecclesiastical   History    in    the    University   of 

Cainljridge,  Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College. 
HARFORD,  the  Rev.  George,  M.A.,  Hon.  Canon  of  Liverpool. 
HAVERFIELD,  Francis  John,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  D.Litt.,  F.B.A., 

Camden  Professor  of  Ancient  History  in  the  University  of 

Oxford. 

HOLMES,  the  Rev.  Samuel,  M.A.,  formerly  Lecturer  in 
Theology,  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 

HOOKE,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Henry,  M.A.,  B.D.,  Professor  of 
Oriental  Languages  and  Literature  in  Victoria  College, 
Toronto. 

HUDSON,  William  Henry,  Staff  Lecturer  in  English  Literature 
to  the  Extension  Board  of  London  University ;  formerly  Pro- 
fessor of  English  Literature,  Stanford  University,  California, 
and  Professorial  Lecturer  in  the  University  of  California. 

HUMPHRIES,  the  Rev.  Albert  Lewis,  M.A.,  Professor  of  New 
Testament  Greek  and  Exegesis  and  of  Systematic  Theology 
in  Hartley  Primitive  Methodist  College,  Manchester. 

JONES,  the  Rev.  E.  Griffith,  B.A.,  D.D.,  Principal  of  the 
United  College,  Bradford. 

JORDAN,  the  Rev.  W.  G.,  D.D.,  Professor  in  Queen's  Univer- 
sity, Kingston,  Ontario,  Canada. 

JOYCE,  the  Rev.  G.  C,  D.D.,  Principal  of  St.  David's  College, 
Lampeter. 

KENNEDY,  the  Rev.  Archibald  R.  S.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor 
of  Hebrew  and  Semitic  Languages  in  the  University  of 
Edinburgh. 

KENNEDY,  the  Rev.  H.  A.  A.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  D.Sc,  Professor 
of  New  Testament  Langxiage,  Literature,  and  Theology, 
New  College,  Edinburgh. 

KENNETT,  the  Rev.  Robert  Hatch,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Regius  Pro- 
fessor of  Hebrew  in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  Fellow 
of  Queen's  College,  and  Canon  of  Ely. 


SUB.IECT. 

THE  'APOSTOLIC   AGE   AND    THE 

LIFE  OF  PAUL. 
ROMANS. 

THE  HISTORICAL  BOOKS  OF  THE 
OLD  TESTAMENT;  1  and  2 
KINGS. 

JOB. 

NAHUM  ;  HABAKKUK  ;  ZEPHA- 
NIAH. 

ECCLESIASTES  ;  MALACHI  ;  THE 
CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  NEW 
TESTAMENT;  MATTHEW; 
LUKE;  THE  CATHOLIC  EPIS- 
TLES. 

JEWISH  HISTORY  FROM  THE 
MACCABEES  TO  THE  DE- 
STRUCTION OF  JERUSALEM. 

EXODUS. 

THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  IN  THE 
FIRST  CENTURY. 

JOSHUA. 

PROVERBS. 

THE  BIBLE  AS  LITERATURE. 
1  JOHN  ;  2  JOHN  ;   3  JOHN. 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS  MEANING   AND 

AIM. 
THE  RELIGION  OF  ISRAEL ;    THE 

SONG  OF  SONGS. 
OLD  TESTAMENT  PROPHECY. 

WEIGHTS,     MEASURES,     MONEY, 
AND  TIME. 

THE  PAULINE  THEOLOGY. 


HAGGAI;  ZECHARIAH. 


LIST   OF   CONTRIBUTORS. 


Author. 

LOFTHOUSE,  the  Rev.  William  Frederick,  M.A.,  Professor  in 
Old  Testament  Language  and  Literature  and  in  Philosopby 
at  Haudsworth  College. 

M'FADYEN,  the  Rev.  John  Edgar,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Old 
Testament  Language,  Literature,  and  Theology,  United 
Free  Church  College,  Glasgow. 

MACKINTOSH,  tlie  Rev.  Robert,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 
Christian  Ethics,  Apologetics,  and  Sociology  in  Lancashire 
Independent  College,  and  Lecturer  in  the  University  of 
Manchester. 

M'NEILE,  the  Rev.  A.  H.,  D.D.,  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity 
in  the  University  of  Dublin,  Fellow  of  Sidney  Sussex 
College,  Cambridge. 

MARTIN,  the  Rev.  G.  Currie,  M.A.,  B.D.,  Lecturer  in  con- 
nexion with  National  Council  of  Adult  Schools,  late  Profes- 
sor of  New  Testament  Theology  and  Patristics  iu  the  United 
College,  Bradford,  and  in  Lancashire  Independent  College. 

MASTERMAN,  E.  W.  Gurney,  M.D.,  F.R.C.S.,  F.R.G.S., 
D.P.H. 

MENZIES,  the  late  Rev.  Allan,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Divinity 
and  Biblical  Criticism,  St.  Mary's  College,  University  of 
St.  Andrews. 

MOFFATT,  the  Rev.  James,  M.A.,  D.D.,  D.Litt.,  Professor  of 
Church  History  in  the  United  Free  Church  College,  Glasgow. 

MONTEFIORE,  Claude  G.,  M.A. 

MOULTON,  the  late  Rev.  James  Hope,  D.Litt.,  D.D.,  D.C.L., 
D.Theol.,  Greenwood  Professor  of  Hellenistic  Greek  and 
Indo-European  Philology  in  the  University  of  Manchester, 
New  Testament  Professor  in  Didsbury  College. 

MOULTON,  the  Rev.  Wilfrid  J.,  il.A.,  B.D.,  Professor  of 
Systematic  Theology  iu  Headiugley  College. 

MURRAY,  George  Gilbert  Aime,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  D.Litt.,  F.B.A., 
Regius  Professor  of  Greek  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

MURRAY,  the  Rev.  John  Owen  Farquhar,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Master 
of  Selwyn  College,  Cambridge,  sometime  Fellow  of  Em- 
manuel College,  Hon.  Canon  of  Ely. 

OESTERLEY,  the  Rev.  W.  0.  E.,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Vicar  of  St. 

Alban's,  Bedford  Park,  London. 
PEAKE,    A.    S.,   M.A.,    D.D.,    Rylands   Professor  of  Biblical 

Exegesis  in  the  University  of  Manchester,  and  Professor  in 

Hartley  Primitive  Methodist  College,  sometime  Fellow  of 

Merton  College,  Oxford. 


Subject. 


LEVITICUS. 


EZEKIEL. 


GALATLANS. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  ISRAEL. 


1  PETER. 


THE  HOLY  LAND. 

ACTS. 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  NEW 
TESTAMENT  LITERATURE. 

CONTEMPORARY  JEWISH  RE- 
LIGION. 

THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  NEW 
TESTAMENT;  JAMES. 


THE  SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS  OF 
ISRAEL. 

PAGAN  RELIGION  AT  THE  COM- 
ING OF  CHRISTIANITY. 

THE  CANON  OF  THE  NEW  TESTA- 
MENT ;  THE  TEXT  AND 
TEXTUAL  CRITICISM  OF  THE 
NEW  TESTAMENT. 

1  and  2  CHRONICLES  ;  EZRA- 
NEHEMIAH. 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  OLD 
TESTAMENT  LITERATURE  ; 
THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE 
OLD  TESTAMENT;  GENESIS; 
THE  POETICAL  AND  WISDOM 
LITERATURE  ;  THE  PRO- 
PHETIC LITERATURE  ;  ISAIAH 
I-XXXIX  ;  JONAH  ;  ORGANI- 
SATION,  CHURCH  MEETINGS. 
DISCIPLINE,  SOCIAL  AND 
ETHICAL  PROBLEMS  ;  THE 
PAULINE  EPISTLES  ;  1  CO- 
RINTHIANS,  GENERAL 
BIBUOGRAPHIES. 


LIST   OF   CONTRIBUTORS. 


Author. 
RAWLINSON,  the  Rev.  A.  E.  J.,  M.A.,  Student  and  Tutor  of 

Christ  Church,  Oxford,  late  Tutor  of  Keble  College. 
ROBINSON,  the  Rev.  H.  Wheeler,  M.A.,  Professor  in  Rawdon 

College. 
SCOTT,  the   Rev.  C.  Anderson,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  the 

Language,  Literature,  and  Theology  of  the  New  Testament 

in  Westminster  College,  Cambridge. 

SCOTT,  the  Rev.  E.  F.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  New  Testament 
Literature  in  Queen's  University,  Kingston,  Canada. 

SKINNER,  the  Rev.  Jolin,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Principal  of  West- 
minster College,  Cambridge. 

STRAHAN,  the  Rev.  James,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew 
and  Biblical  Criticism  in  the  Magee  Presbyterian  College, 
Londonderry. 

STREETER,  the  Rev.  Burnett  H.,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Lecturer 
of  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  Canon  of  Hereford. 

WADE,  the  Rev.  George  Woosung,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 
Latin  and  Senior  Tutor  of  St.  David's  College,  Lampeter. 

WARDLE,  the  Rev.  William  Lansdell,  M.A.,  B.D.,  Professor 
of  Hebrew  and  English  in  Hartley  Primitive  Methodist 
College,  Manchester. 

WHITEHOUSE,  the  late  Rev.  Owen  C,  ]M.A.,  D.D.,  Professor 
in  Cheshunt  College,  Cambridge. 

WOOD,  Herbert  G.,  M.A.,  Warden  of  Woodbrooke  Settlement, 
sometime  Fellow  of  Jesus  College,  Cambridge. 


Subject. 

EPHESIANS ;  COLOSSIANS  ;  PHILE- 
MON. 

JEREiHAH;  OBADIAH ;   MICAH. 
2  CORINTHIANS. 


HEBREWS. 

CANON   AND  TEXT  OF  THE  OLD 
TESTAMENT. 

JUDGES;  RUTH. 


THE  SYNOPTIC  PROBLEM. 

NUMBERS. 

ISAIAH  XL-LXVI;  JOEL. 


THE    RELIGIOUS     INSTITUTIONS 

OF  ISRAEL. 
THE    LIFE    AND    TEACHING    OF 

JESUS;   MARK. 


PREFACE 

THE  present  work  is  designed  to  put  before  the  reader  in  a  simple  form,  without 
technicalities,    the    generally    accepted    results    of    Biblical    Criticism,    Interpretation, 

History,  and  Theology.  It  is  not  intended  to  be  homiletic  or  devotional,  but  to  convey 
with  precision,  and  yet  in  a  popular  and  interesting  way,  the  meaning  of  the  original 
writers,  and  reconstruct  the  conditions  in  which  they  worked  and  of  which  they  wrote. 
It  will  thus,  while  not  explicitly  devotional  or  practical,  provide  that  accurate  interpretation 
of  the  text  through  which  alone  the  sound  basis  for  devotional  use  and  practical  application 
can  be  laid.  It  has  been  the  desire  of  the  promoters  that  it  should  be  abreast  of  the  present 
position  of  scholarship,  and  yet  succeed  in  making  the  Scriptures  live  for  its  readers  with 
something  of  the  same  significance  and  power  that  they  possessed  for  those  to  whom  they 
were  originally  addressed.  While  it  is  intended  in  the  first  instance  for  the  layman,  and 
should  prove  specially  helpful  to  day  and  Sunday  school  teachers,  to  lay  preachers,  to  leaders 
of  men's  societies,  brotherhoods,  and  adult  Bible  classes,  and  to  Christian  workers  generally, 
it  should  also  be  of  considerable  use  to  clergymen  and  ministers,  and  in  particular  to 
theological  students. 

The  problem  of  the  Editor  was  to  use  the  space  at  his  disposal  to  the  best  advantage. 
It  was  necessary  to  explain  the  text,  but  also  to  provide  a  knowledge  of  the  background,  to 
sketch  the  social  and  political  conditions,  to  trace  the  historical  and  religious  development,  to 
reconstruct  the  environment,  to  arrange  the  writings  in  their  chronological  order.  A  series  of 
articles  was  accordingly  planned,  so  that  the  exposition  of  the  text  might  be  relieved,  but  also 
that  the  general  information  essential  to  serious  study  of  the  Bible  should  be  provided. 
Three  general  articles  deal  with  the  nature  and  significance  of  Scripture,  the  literary 
characteristics  of  the  Bible,  and  the  Holy  Land.  The  remaining  articles  are  so  arranged 
that  first  the  languages,  the  collection  of  the  books  into  a  sacred  canon,  the  restoration  of 
the  text,  the  historical  development  of  the  literature  are  described.  From  these  we  pass  to 
history,  not  only  of  Israel  or  of  the  Church,  but  of  the  world  in  which  they  were  placed. 
From  history  we  proceed  to  religion  and  religious  institutions,  and  then  to  social  institu- 
tions and  chronology.  Articles  are  also  prefixed  to  groups  of  books.  Taken  together, 
quite  apart  from  the  Commentary,  the  articles  form  a  fairly  complete  Companion  to  the 
Bible ;  taken  with  the  Commentary,  they  provide  a  background  for  the  more  detailed  study 
of  the  text. 

The  Commentary  is  based  on  the  text  (including,  of  course,  the  marginal  renderings)  of 
the  Revised  Version.  The  style  of  exposition  naturally  varies  to  some  extent  with  the 
type  of  text  to  be  explained.  As  a  general  principle,  contributors  were  asked  to  take  the 
paragraph  rather  than  the  verse  as  the  unit,  so  that  each  section  might  be  expounded  as 


xii  PREFACE. 

a  connected  whole  ratlier  than  treated  in  a  series  of  detached  and  snippety  notes.  But 
while  the  exegesis  of  details  was  to  be  worked  into  the  continuous  exposition,  it  was 
recognised  that  in  many  instances  separate  notes  would  need  to  be  added. 

The  contributors  were,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  left  free  to  express  their  own  views 
and  treat  the  sections  of  the  work  for  which  they  were  responsible  in  their  own  way, 
within  the  limits  imposed  by  the  general  plan  of  the  series.  But  the  editorial  work  has 
been  both  heavy  and  responsible.  In  addition  to  the  planning  of  the  work,  the  distribu- 
tion of  space,  and  the  securing  of  contributors,  the  articles  and  commentaries  were  read 
in  manuscript  and  at  every  stage  of  the  proofs,  and  in  several  instances  the  Editor  carried 
on  a  considerable  correspondence  with  the  authors  on  matters  that  called  for  reconsidera- 
tion, or  were  occasioned  by  indifference  to  the  limitations  of  time  and  space.  He  has 
devoted  much  time  to  cross-referencing  the  volume,  and  to  the  preparation  of  the  Index, 
which  he  hopes  will  add  greatly  to  the  usefulness  of  the  work.  He  has  also  made 
numerous  additions  to  the  work  of  other  contributox's.  This  has  been  due  in  some  measure 
to  the  necessity  for  co-ordination.  In  many  cases  a  note  would  be  equally  appropriate  in 
several  places,  and  contributors  working  independently  may  not  unnaturally  assume  that 
an  explanation  has  been  given  somewhere  in  the  volume  and  refrain  from  repetition.  The 
Editor  has  to  watch  that  it  is  not  omitted  altogether.  Where  practicable  he  has  worked 
matter  of  this  kind  into  his  own  contributions,  but  in  other  cases  it  has  been  necessary 
to  insert  it  elsewhere.  Other  additions  have  been  designed  to  put  an  alternative  view 
before  tlie  reader,  which  it  seemed  undesirable  to  ignore,  or  to  supply  interesting  informa- 
tion, or  to  give  help  to  those  whom  it  is  an  editor's  special  duty,  as  "occupying  the  place 
of  the  unlearned,"  to  keep  constantly  in  mind.  No  reflection  on  the  contributors  is  implied 
by  such  additions,  since  they  had  to  work  within  narrow  limits  of  space  and  in  ignorance 
of  each  other's  contributions.  Since  it  is  one  of  the  most  necessary  features  of  such  a 
book  that  the  reader  should  always  know  whose  work  he  is  reading,  all  editorial  additions, 
whether  by  the  Editor  himself  throughout  the  volume,  or  by  Dr.  Grieve  in  the  New 
Testament  part  of  it,  are  enclosed  in  square  brackets  and  initialled.  Editorial  work  on 
the  bibliographies,  which  has  sometimes  been  extensive  in  order  to  secure  some  uniformity 
of  scale,  has  of  course  not  been  indicated,  nor  yet  the  addition  of  numerous  references. 

The  apportionment  of  space  has  been  an  anxious  matter.  It. has  been  determined 
partly  by  the  nature  of  the  matter,  whether  lucid  or  obscure,  compact  or  diffuse ;  partly  by 
the  question  whether  it  deals  with  a  text  that  is  but  little  studied  or  that  is  widely  read. 

On  one  or  two  points  of  detail  it  may  be  desirable  to  say  a  few  words  liere,  referring 
the  reader  for  other  matters  to  the  explanations  and  suggestions  which  follow.  In  the 
Old  Testament  the  order  of  tlie  books  given  in  the  English  Bible  is  retained.  In  the  New 
Testament  Mark  is  placed  before  Matthew,  while  Colossians  and  Philemon  are  taken  with 
Ephesians.  The  former  rearrangement  needs  no  justification.  Study  of  the  Synoptic 
Gos[)els  ought  to  begin  with  the  earliest :  the  exposition  of  Matthew  should  be  adjusted  to 
that  of  Mark,  rather  than,  as  usually  happens,  Mark  be  constantly  explained  by  reference 
to  the  comments  on  Matthew.  By  giving  Mark  the  priority  in  treatment,  which  accords 
with  its  priority  in  time  and  its  employment  by  the  other  Synoptists,  the  student  is  helped 
to  grasp  more  firmly  the  earliest   literary  presentation    of    the    ministry  and   personality  of 


PREFACE.  xiii 

Jesus  now  accessible  to  us,  and  to  watch  how  this  was  moulded  in  the  later  sources.  Nor 
does  the  combination  of  Ephesians,  Colossians,  and  Philemon  call  for  any  defence. 

The  prefix  St.  (or  S.)  has  been  omitted  throughout  in  accordance  with  the  Editor's 
strongly  expressed  wish.  On  this  he  may  quote  from  a  communication  he  made  to  the 
contributors  :  "  Where  one  of  the  great  difficulties  with  which  teachers  of  the  Bible  have 
to  contend  is  the  sense  of  unreality  that  invests  so  much  of  the  Biblical  history,  the  use 
of  reverential  epithets  tends  to  interpose  a  veil  between  the  modern  reader  and  faces 
already  too  dim.  The  vivid  sense  of  actual  history,  the  i-ealisation  that  apostles  and 
evangelists  were  men  of  flesh  and  blood  like  our  own,  which  it  is  a  main  purpose  of  the 
Commentary  to  give,  is  likely  to  be  somewhat  blunted  by  bringing  into  our  interpretation 
of  the  record  the  attitude  of  a  later  age." 

In  his  editorial  work  on  the  New  Testament  section  of  the  volume  the  Editor  has  had 
the  assistance  of  Dr.  Grieve.  He,  too,  has  worked  through  the  contributions  in  manuscript 
and  in  proof,  and  done  much  of  the  cross-referencing ;  he  has  made  many  suggestions ; 
and  cordial  thanks  are  due  to  him  for  his  skill,  his  energy,  and  his  loyal  co-operation. 

The  ranks  of  the  contributors  have  been  thinned  by  death.  Professor  Driver  had 
undertaken  the  commentaries  on  Micah  and  Obadiah.  That  his  death  should  have  deprived 
the  volume  of  these  contributions,  and  of  the  distinction  his  inclusion  in  the  list  of  writers 
would  have  conferred,  is  to  be  deeply  regretted  ;  but  it  would  be  ungracious  to  dwell  on 
our  special  loss,  when  we  remember  in  how  many  ways  his  all-too-early  departure  has 
impoverished  us.  Professor  Wheeler  Robinson  has  kindly  supplied  the  commentaries 
Dr.  Driver  was  unable  to  write.  We  have  also  lost  Dr.  Whitehouse,  Mr.  Addis,  Professor 
J.  H.  Moulton,  Professor  Gwatkin,  Professor  Menzies,  and  Professor  Bedale — a  grievous  loss 
to  scholarship  in  every  case.  Each  had  sent  in  his  contribution  and  seen  proofs.  The 
Editor's  thanks  are  due  to  Miss  Lilian  Whitehouse  for  the  great  pains  she  spent  on  her 
father's  proofs,  and  to  Rev.  William  Edie  for  the  similar  service  he  rendered  to  those  of 
Dr.  Menzies.  Professor  Bedale's  proofs  had  been  finally  passed  for  press  before  his  death ; 
for  the  rest  the  Editor  assumed  responsibility.  He  has  also  to  thank  his  dear  friend  and 
colleague.  Professor  W.  L.  Wardle,  for  generously  reading  the  proofs  of  all  his  contribu- 
tions, for  checking  a  specially  difficult  set  of  references  in  a  commentary  by  another 
writer,  and  for  help  in  checking  the  Index.  Nor  can  he  forget  the  constant  interest  and 
cordial  co-operation  of  the  publishers  during  this  period  of  unprecedented  stress.  Above 
all,  his  gratitude  is  due  to  his  secretary  and  friend,  Miss  Elsie  Cann,  who  has  laboured 
with  unfailing  devotion  to  bring  the  enterprise  to  a  successful  issue.  It  is  a  pleasure  to 
acknowledge  the  service  she  has  so  freely  and  fully  rendered  during  more  than  fourteen 
years  of  happy  and  harmonious  co-operation,  and  especially  through  the  trying  and  exact- 
ing labours  of  the  past  six  years,  during  which,  next  to  his  professional  duties,  the 
preparation  of  this  work  has  been  his  main  occupation. 

It  was  hoped  when  the  task  was  undertaken  in  1913  that  the  volume  would  be  ready 
for  publication  in  1917.  The  Editor's  work  was  hampered  first  by  the  severe  and  prolonged 
illness  of  his  secretary  in  1914  and  later,  and  then  by  his  own  breakdown,  which  came 
near  to  proving  irreparable,  in  1915.  As  the  war  went  on,  the  difficulties  of  printing 
were  greatly  aggravated;   and   this   inevitably  postponed    the   preparation  and   checking  of 


xiv  PREFACE. 

the  Index,  which  has  proved  a  colossal  task.  No  one  regrets  the  delay  in  publication 
more  than  the  publishers  and  the  Editor,  but  it  has  been  unavoidable.  In  several  cases 
it  has  been  impossible  for  contributors  to  take  account  of  recently  published  literature, 
since  their  commentaries  or  articles  had  already  been  set  up  in  page ;  but  mention  of  it 
has  frequently  been  inserted  in  the  bibliographie.s.  It  is  most  regrettable  that  so  notable 
a  work  as  Sir  James  Frazer's  Folk-Lore  in  the  Old  Testament  did  not  appear  till  the 
whole  volume  had  been  long  passed  for  press.  In  taking  leave  of  the  task  which  has  so 
long  absorbed  his  attention,  the  Editor  thanks  all  the  contributors,  to  whose  share  in  it  its 
reputation  and  usefulness  will  be  so  largely  due,  for  the  invariable  and  generous  kindness 
with  which  they  have  treated  him,  and  trusts  that  in  the  amplest  measure  their  common 
aim  will  be  attained. 
May  1919. 


TABLE     OF     CONTENTS. 


THE    BIBLE:    ITS    MEANING    AND    AIM 

THE    BIBLE    AS    LITERATURE 

THE    HOLY    LAND    

THE    LANGUAGES    OF    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT       . 
CANON    AND    TEXT    OF    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT    . 
THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  LITERATURE 
THE    NATIONS    CONTEMPORARY    WITH    ISRAEL    , 

THE    HISTORY    OF    ISRAEL 

THE    RELIGION    OF    ISRAEL 

THE    RELIGIOUS    INSTITUTIONS    OF    ISRAEL 
THE    SOCIAL    INSTITUTIONS    OF    ISRAEL       . 
WEIGHTS,    MEASURES,    MONEY,    AND    TIME 
THE    CHRONOLOGY    OF    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT    . 
INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    PENTATEUCH 

GENESIS 

EXODUS  

LEVITICUS 

NUMBERS 

DEUTERONOMY 

THE    HISTORICAL    BOOKS    OF    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT    . 

JOSHUA 

JUDGES 

RUTH 

1  AND  2  SAMUEL 

1  AND  2  KINGS  . 

1  AND  2  CHRONICLES 

EZRA-NEHEMIAH 

ESTHER 

THE    POETICAL    AND    WISDOM    LITERATURE 

HEBREW    WISDOM 

JOB  .  .  .  .  

PSALMS 

PROVERBS         

ECCLESIASTES 

THE    SONG    OF    SONGS 

THE  .PROPHETIC    LITERATURE 


PAGE 

B.  GRIFFITH  JONES  .  1 
W.  H.  HUDSON         .  .       18 

E.  W.  G.  MASTERMAN  .  26 
G.  A.  COOKE.  .  .  34 
J.  SKINNER  .  .  .  37 
THE  EDITOR             .  .      44 

C.  L.  BEDALE  .  .  60 
A.  H.  M'NEILE  .  .  63 
W.  G.  JORDAN  .  .  81 
O.  C.  WHITEHOUSE  .  98 
W.  J.  MOULTON  .  .  108 
A.  R.  S.  KENNEDY.  .  115 
THE  EDITOR  .  .119 
J.  E.  CARPENTER  .  .  121 
THE  EDITOR  .  .133 
G.  HARFORD  .  .  168 
W.  F.  LOFTHOUSE  .  .196 
G.  W.  WADE  .  .  213 
T.  WITTON  DA  VIES  .     231 

F.  J.  FOAKES-JACKSON  .  244 
S.  HOLMES  .  .  .248 
J.  STRAHAN  .  .  .256 
J.  STRAHAN.  .  .  271 
W.  H.  BENNETT  .  .  273 
F.  J.  FOAKES-JACKSON  .  294 
W.  O.  E.  OESTERLEY  .  314 
W.  0.  E.  OESTERLEY  .  323 
A.  DUFF  .  .  .336 
THE  EDITOR  .  341 
W.  T.  DAVISON  .  .  343 
R.  S.  FRANKS  .  .  346 
W.  E.  ADDIS  .  .  366 
S.  H.  HOOKE  .  .  397 
A.  J.  GRIEVE  .  .411 
W.  G.  JORDAN  .  .  418 
THE  EDITOR              .  .     424 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 


OLD   TESTAMENT    PKOPHECY 

Al'OCALYPTIC    LITERATURE 

ISAIAH    I-XXXIX 

ISAIAH    XL-LXVI 

JEREMIAH 

LAMENTATIONS 

EZEKIEL 

DANIEL  . 

HOSEA    . 

JOEL 

AMOS       . 

OBADIAH 

JONAH    . 

MICAH    . 

NAHUM 


HABAKKUK      . 

ZEPHANIAH     . 

HAGGAI 

ZECHAKIAH      . 

MALACHI 

THE    LANGUAGE   OF 


NEW 


OF  THE    NEW  TESTAMENT  LITERA- 


THE   NEW    TESTAMENT 

THE   CANON    OF   THE   NEW    TESTAMENT       . 

THE    TEXT    AND    TEXTUAL    CRITICISM    OF    THE 
TESTAMENT 

THE  DEVELOPMENT 
TURE 

JEWISH     HISTORY     FROM     THE     MACCABEES     TO     THE 
DESTRUCTION   OF   JERUSALEM    . 

THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   IN   THE    FIRST    CENTURY 

CONTEMPORARY   JEWISH    RELIGION   . 

PAGAN    RELIGION   AT   THE   COMING    OF   CHRISTIANITY 

THE    RELIGIOUS    BACKGROUND    OF    THE    NEW    TESTA- 
MENT   WRITINGS 

ORGANISATION,  CHURCH  MEETINGS,  DISCIPLINE,  SOCIAL 
AND    ETHICAL   PROBLEMS  . 

THE   CHRONOLOGY    OF   THE   NEW    TESTAMENT 

THE    LIFE    AND   TEACHING    OF    JESUS 

THE    SY^NOPTIC    PROBLEM 

MARK      . 

MATTHEW 

LUKE       . 

JOHN 

THE   APOSTOLIC   AGE    AND   THE   LIFE    OF   PAUL 

ACTS 


FAQE 

G.  C.  JOYCE  .  .  .426 

H.  T.  ANDREWS  .  .431 

THE  EDITOR  .  .     4.36 

W.  L.  WARDLE  .  .     460 
H.    WHEELER  ROBINSON    474 

A.   DUFF          .  .  .     496 

J.  E.  M 'FAD YEN  .  .     501 

H.  T.  ANDREWS  .  .     522 

G.  H.  BOX      .  .  .534 

W.  L.  WARDLE  .  .     544 

M.  A.  CANNEY  .  .     547 
H.    WHEELER   ROBINSON    655 

THE    EDITOR  .  .     556 
H.    WHEELER    ROBINSON    5.-i9 

A.  R.  GORDON  .  .     564 

A.  R.  GORDON  .  .     566 

A.  R.  GORDON  .  .     569 

,R.  H.  KENNETT  .  .    572 

R.  H.  KENNETT  .  .    575 

A.  J.  GRIEVE  .  .     585 

J.  H.  MOULTON  .  .591 

J.  0.  F.  MURRAY  .  .     594 

J.  0.  F.  MURRAY     .  .     598 

J.  MOFFATT    .  .  .602 


H.  M.  GWATKIN 

F.  J.  HAVERFIELD 
C.  G.  MONTEFIORE 

G.  G.  A.  MURRAY 

J.  V.  BARTLET 

THE    EDITOR 

A.  J.  GRIEVE 
H.  G.  WOOD  . 

B.  H.  STREETER 
H.  G.  WOOD   . 

A.  J.  GRIEVE 
A.  J.  GRIEVE 
A.  E.  BROOKE 

C.  W.  EMMET 
A.  MENZIES    . 


612 
61S 
627 

636 

645 
652 
659 
672 
681 
700 
724 
743 
766 
776 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


THE  PAULINE  THEOLOGY 
THE  PAULINE  EPISTLES  . 
ROMANS  

1  CORINTHIANS  .... 

2  CORINTHIANS  .... 

GALATIANS 

EPHESIANS,    COLOSSIANS,    AND   PHILEMON 


H.  A.  A.  KENNEDY 

THE   EDITOR 

G.  G.  FINDLAY 

THE   EDITOR 

C.  A.  SCOTT    . 

R.  ^L\CKINTOSH 

A.  E.  J.  RAWLINSON 


PHILIPPIANS W.  F.  ADENEY 

1  AND  2  THESSALONIANS H.  T.  ANDREWS 

THE   PASTORAL   EPISTLES.  .  .  .  .  .  H.  BISSEKER 

HEBREWS ,  .  .  E.  F.  SCOTT    . 

THE    CATHOLIC   EPISTLES A.  J.  GRIEVE 

JAMES J.  H.  MOULTON 

1  PETER G.  CURRIE   MARTIN 

2  PETER R.  BROOK 

1  JOHN A.  L.  HUMPHRIES 

2  JOHN A.  L.  HUMPHRIES 

3  JOHN A.  L.  HUMPHRIES 

JUDE R.  BROOK 

REVELATION H.  T.  ANDREWS 

GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHIES THE  EDITOR 


xvu 

PAGE 

805 
814 
817 
8.32 
849 
657 
862 
872 
876 


901 
903 
908 
913 
916 
921 
922 
923 
926 
945 


ABBREVIATIONS 
INDEX     . 
MAPS       . 


XX 

947 
end 


EXPLANATIONS    AND    SUGGESTIONS. 

IT  is  assumed  that  those  who  study  this  volume  will  use  with  it  the  Revised  Version. 
Care  should  be  taken  to  secure  an  edition  in  which  the  marginal  renderings  are 
included,  since  these  are  frequently  to  be  preferred  and  constant  reference  is  made  to 
them  in  the  Commentary.  The  Revised  Version  has  been  chosen  since,  whatever  its 
merits  or  defects  in  other  respects  may  be,  it  is  undeniably  much  more  accurate  in  the 
main  than  the  Authorised  Version,  and  therefore  much  better  fitted  for  the  student's 
purpose. 

The  work  presupposes  the  modem  critical  view  of  the  Bible.  Those  who  are  un- 
familiar with  it  are  recommended  to  read  the  first  article  in  the  volume  for  a  summary 
statement  of  it.  Other  articles  furnish  more  detailed  information  on  special  branches  of 
the  subject. 

Those  who  wish  to  make  a  thorough  study  of  the  volume  would  do  well  to  work 
through  the  articles  prefixed  to  the  Old  Testament  portion  before  taking  up  the  Old 
Testament  commentaries,  and  similarly  with  the  New  Testament.  They  would  thus  gain 
that  knowledge  of  background  and  atmosphere  which  would  give  far  fuller  meaning  to  the 
study  of  the  different  books.  And  those  who  are  working  on  particular  books  would  find 
it  helpful  to  read  the  articles  or  sections  of  articles  relevant  to  them. 

In  accordance  with  the  principle  that  the  paragraph  rather  than  the  verse  is  the  unit 
of  exposition,  the  explanation  of  an  individual  verse  must  in  many  ca-ses  be  sought  in  the 
exposition  of  the  paragraph  in  which  it  occurs,  not  in  the  detached  notes  that  follow, 
though  further  information  or  discussion  may  be  found  in  these.  Owing  to  the  great 
difficulties  which  the  text  often  presents,  and  the  limitations  of  space,  it  has  been  im- 
possible to  explain  everything ;  in  these  cases  larger  works  must  be  consulted.  But 
great  labour  has  been  spent  on  the  cross-referencing,  and  students  are  earnestly  recom- 
mended to  avail  themselves  of  the  further  information  to  which  they  are  thus  directed. 
Reference  is  given  either  to  the  page  or  else  to  the  book,  chapter,  and  verse  in  the  note 
on  which  the  information  is  to  be  found.  In  the  latter  case  an  asterisk  follows  the 
chapter  and  verse  reference  :  thus  Jer.  82  *  means,  "  See  the  note  on  the  second  verse  of 
the  eighth  chapter  of  Jeremiah."  The  usual  notation  for  chapter  and  verse  is,  as  will  be 
seen  from  this  example,  a  large  Arabic  numeral  for  the  chapter,  a  small  Arabic  numeral 
for  the  verse.  When  clarendon  type  is  used  the  notation  is  large  Roman  numerals  for 
the  chapter,  large  Arabic  numerals  for  the  verse  (VI 11.  2).  In  the  references  printed  at 
the  top  of  the  page,  that  on  the  left-hand  page  indicates  the  point  at  which  the  page 
begins,  that  on  the  right-hand  page  the  point  where  it  ends. 


EXPLANATIONS   AND   SUGGESTIONS.  xix 

To  save  space  numerous  abbreviations  have  been  employed.  A  list  of  these,  with 
explanations,  is  given  on  page  xx. 

Immense  labour  has  been  spent  on  the  Index,  in  the  hope  that  students  will  be  able, 
not  merely  to  turn  up  references  quickly,  but  to  collect  the  information  on  any  particular 
subject  which  is  scattered  through  the  volume.  The  greatest  pains  have  been  taken  by 
the  Editor  and  his  secretary,  with  the  help  of  Professor  Wardle,  to  secure  accuracy  by 
checking  of  the  references  in  detail ;  but  in  such  a  multitude  of  figures  they  fear  that 
some  errors  may  have  escaped  detection. 

Much  attention  has  also  been  devoted  to  the  preparation  of  the  bibliographies.  These 
include  foreign  as  well  as  English  books,  since  the  needs  of  theological  students  have  been 
kept  in  mind,  and  it  is  hoped  that  their  teachers  may  find  the  lists  convenient  for  refer- 
ence in  lectures.  In  the  case  of  the  commentaries,  the  bibliographies  are  classified  as 
follows :  (a)  Commentaries  in  English  on  the  English  text ;  (6)  Commentaries  in  English 
on  the  original  text ;  (c)  Foreign  commentaries  (whei'e  these  have  been  translated  into 
English  an  asterisk  has  been  pi'efixed  to  the  author's  name) ;  (d)  Expository  or  devotional 
works.  Editions  are  indicated  by  the  addition  of  a  small  Arabic  numeral  at  the  right- 
hand  top  corner :  thus  Robertson  Smith,  RS",  means  the  second  edition  of  Robertson 
Smith's  Religion  of  the  Semites.  Clarendon  type  means  that  a  book  is  specially 
recommended. 

No  rigid  uniformity  has  been  enforced  in  the  spelling  of  proper  names,  since  the 
Editor  felt  it  desirable  to  leave  contributors  as  free  as  possible  in  this  matter.  Thus  side 
by  side  with  the  more  correct  form  Nebuchadrezzar,  the  more  popular  form  Nebuchadnezzar 
has  been  retained,  as  in  the  Revised  Version.  The  same  principle  has  been  observed  in 
transliteration  from  Hebrew. 


ABBREVIATIONS 


The  Books  of  the  Bible  arc  referred  to  as  follows  : 

Old  Testaitient.— den.,  Ex.,  Lev.,  Nu.,  Dt.,  Jos.,  Jg.,  Ru.,  1  S.,  2  S.,  1  K.,  2  K.,  i  Ch.,  2  Ch., 
Ezr.,  Neh.,  Est.,  Job,  Ps.,  Pr.,  Ec,  Ca.,  Is.,  Jor.,  Lam.,  Ezek.,  Dan.,  Hos.,  Jl.,  Am.,  Ob.,  Jon.,  Mi., 
Nah.,  Hab.,  Zeph.,  Hag.,  Zech.,  Mai. 

Apocrypha. — 1  Esd.,  2  Esd.,  Tob.,  Judith,  Ad.  Est.,  Wisd.,  Ecclus.,  Bar.,  Song  of  the  Three 
Children,  Sua.,  Bel,  Man.,  1  Mac.,  2  Mac. 

New  Testament.— Ut.,  Mk.,  Lk.,  Jn.,  Ac,  Rom.,  1  Cor.,  2  Cor.,  Gal.,  Eph.,  Phil.,  Col.,  1  Th., 
2  Th.,  1  Tim.,  2  Tim.,  Tit.,  Phm.,  Heb.,  Jas.,  1  P.,  2  P.,  1  Jn.,  2  Jn.,  3  Jn.,  Jude,  Rev. 

And  following  verses,  chapters,  or  pp. 

Greek. 

Hand-commeiUar  zttm  N.  T. 

Hastings'  Dictionary  of  (he  Bible. 

Hebrew. 

Hexateuch. 

Handkommentar  zum  A .  T. 

Lietzniann,  Handbuch  zum  N.  T. 

Hastings'  One  Volume  Dictionary  of 
the  Bible. 

International  Critical  Commentary. 

International  Handbooks  to  the  N.  T. 

Introduction  to  the  New  Testament. 

The  Interpreter. 

Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament. 

Journal  of  Theological  Studie-t. 

KuTzgefassten  exegetiaches  Handbuch. 

Kurzes  Handcommenfar. 

Kwzgtfasster  Kommentar  zn  dtn 
heiligen  Schrijien  Alien  tind  Neiien 
TedamenteK. 

literal,  literally. 

The  Septuagint. 

Meyer,  Kommentar  iiber  das  jV.  T, 

margin. 

Massoretic  Text. 

New  Testament. 

New  Testament  Theology. 

Old  Testament. 

7V/e  0.  T.  in  the  Jewish  Church. 

Old  Testament  Theology. 


ad  Inr    . 

.     on  the  pas.sage. 

fr. 

ANF 

.     AnteNiceue  Fathers. 

Gr.        . 

Aram.  . 

.     Aramaic. 

HC       . 

Assy.    . 

.     Ass3'rian. 

HDB    . 

AV 

.     Authorised  Version. 

Heb.     . 

Bab. 

.     Babylonian. 

Hex.     . 

BDB     . 

.     Brown,  Driver,  Briggs,  Hebrew  Lexi- 

HK      . 

con. 

HNT    . 

c. 

.     about. 

HSDB  . 

CB        . 

.      The  Cambridge  Bible. 

Cent.B 

.      The  Ctiitnry  Bible. 

ICC       . 

cf          . 

.     compare. 

IH        . 

CGT     . 

.     Gam})ridge  Greek  Testament. 

INT     . 

ch. 

.     chapter. 

Inter.    . 

CH       . 

.     Code  of  Hammurabi. 

lOT      . 

CQR 

.     Church  Quarterly  Review. 

JTh.S  . 

UAC 

.     Dictionary  of  the  Aj)Ostolic  Church. 

KEH    . 

DB 

X  .Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

KHC    . 

DCG 

r.     Dictionary  of  Christ  and  the  Oospels. 

KHS     . 

EB 

Encyclopcedia  Britannica. 

EBi 

EnrychjJtedin  Biblica. 

e.g. 

for  example. 

lit. 

EOT 

.     Expositor's  Greek  Testament. 

LXX. 

ERE 

.     Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  aud  Ethics. 

Mey. 

ET 

.      The  Expository  Times. 

mg. 

E.tr. 

.     English  translation. 

MT 

Eus. 

.     Eusebius  of  Cicsarca. 

NT 

EV 

English  Version. 

NTT 

Ex.B 

.     Expositor's  Bible. 

OT 

Exp. 

.     The  Expositor. 

OTJC 

f. 

.     And  following  verse,  chapter,  or  page. 

OTT 

ABBREVIATIONS. 


PC        .         .     Pulpit  Commentary. 

p.,  pp.  .     page,  pages. 

PSBA  .  .  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical 
Archa:olo(jy. 

R.  .         .     Redactor  or  editor. 

RS        .         .     The  Religion  of  the  Semites. 

RTP     .         .     Revieiv  of  Theology  and  Philosophy. 

RV       .         .     Revised  Version. 

RVm    .         .     Revised  Version  margin. 

Sam.      .         .     Samaritan. 

SAT      .         .     Die  Schriften  des  Alien  Testaments. 

SBOT  ( Eug . )  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
English  Translation  (The  Poly- 
chrome Bible). 

SBOT  (Heb. )  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  Old  Testament 
(Hebrew  Text). 

The  usual  symbols  for  documents,  J,  E,  JE,  D,  P,  H,  in  the  Hexateuch,  Q  in  the  Synoptists,  are 
employed.     See  for  an  explanation  of  these  the  articles  on  The  Pentateuch  and  The  Synoptic  Problem. 

Divisions  of  verses  are  indicated  by  the  addition  to  the  number  of  a  and  h.  Thus  i66  means  the 
aecond  half  of  verse  i6.     Occasionally  c  and  d  may  also  be  used. 


SDB     . 

.     Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

SNT     . 

.     J.  Weiss,  Die  Schriften  des  N.  T. 

Sp.       . 

.     Speaker's  Commentary. 

Syr.      . 

.     Syriac  Version. 

TR       . 

.     Textus  Receptus. 

v.,  vv., 

.     verse,  verses. 

VSS     . 

.     Versions. 

Vulg.    . 

.     Vulgate. 

West.C 

.     Westminster  Commentaries. 

WH      . 

.     Westcott  and  Hort,  The  New  Testa 

ment  in  Greek. 

WNT  . 

.      Westminster  Neiv  Testament. 

ZK       . 

.     Zahn,  Commentar  zum  Neuen  Testa- 

ment. 

ZNTW 

.     Zeitschrift  fiir   die    ncutestamentliche 

Wissenschaft. 

CORRIGENDA. 


Page  and     .  i,,e 
Column.     ^'"^• 

2906       52-54       For 


"will  be  due  to  confusion  with  Abigail,  wife  of  Nahash,  and 
perhaps  also,"  substitute  "may  perhaps  be  partly  due." 
5236  4  3  For  "the  man  and  the   he-goat,"  substitute  "the  ram  and  the 

he-goat." 
The  following  corrections  should  also  be  made: — 3066,  "5"  for  "5"  in  last  line 
but  one  from  bottom;  352a,  line  1,  "man's  life";  383f,  in  page  headings,  "Psalms 
LXI.  26" ;  509a,  line  23,  Ex.  B ;  524a,  line  13,  Onias  III.  ;  677a,  transpose  "Concern- 
ing Offences  "  and  "  Lost  Sheep  "  under  both  Luke's  Order  and  Matthew's  Order. 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS  MEANING  AND  AIM 


By  Principal  E.  GRIFFITH-JONES 


'  If  thou  art  merry,  here  are  airs, 
U  melancholy,  here  are  prayers  ; 
It  atudious,  here  are  those  thluga  writ 
Which  may  deserve  thy  ablest  wit ; 
If  hungry,  here  is  food  divine ; 
If  thirsty,  nectar,  heavenly  wine. 

Eead  then,  but  first  thyself  prepare 
To  read  with  zeal  and  mark  with  care : 
And  when  thou  read'st  what  here  is  writ. 
Let  thy  best  practice  second  it ; 
So  twice  each  precept  writ  should  be. 
First  hi  the  Book,  and  then  in  thee." 


If  Carlyle  s  dictum  be  true,  that  "  of  all  things  which 
men  do  make  here  below,  by  far  the  most  momentous, 
wonderful,  and  worthy  are  the  things  called  books," 
we  may  say  with  confidence  that  the  greatest  of 
human  achievements  is  the  Bible,  which,  in  virtue  of 
its  pre-eminence,  has  come  to  be  called  the  Book.  It 
was  written  thousands  of  years  ago  by  men  belonging 
to  an  alien  land  and  civihsation,  many  of  them  anony- 
mous, and  none  of  them  scholars  in  the  modem  sense 
of  the  term  ;  yet  is  its  message  still  vital,  its  words 
full  of  glow  and  power.  There  was  no  collusion  be- 
tween its  writers,  whose  lives  stretch  over  a  period 
of  a  thousand  years,  but  there  is  a  unity  of  purpose 
running  through  its  multifarious  contents  which  no 
reverent  reader  fails  to  grasp.  It  is  a  compendium  of 
the  literature  of  a  little  people,  obscure  in  origin, 
hmited  in  outlook,  often  questionable  in  morals,  but 
charged  with  a  mission  and  message  for  humanity  at 
large  whose  significance  has  deepened  with  the  lapse 
of  ages,  and  whose  influence  is  still  the  profoundest 
and  most  far-reaching  in  the  whole  world.  It  is 
circulated  more  widely,  read  more  eagerlj^  to-day  than 
ever  ;  and  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  the  ulti- 
mate destiny  of  the  race  will  be  vitally  affected  by 
its  attitude  to  the  Bible  in  the  ages  to  come.  Without 
aflirming  for  a  moment  that  this  Book  makes  other 
books  superfluous,  we  can  say  that  this  is  the  Book 
which  could  be  least  spared  of  all  that  have  challenged 
the  intellect,  subdued  the  heart,  and  inspired  the  will 
of  mankind  to  high  thinking  and  noble  doing.  It  is 
the  vade  mecum  of  pilgrim  man  on  his  journey  through 
time  into  eternity.  Therefore  it  is  a  book  to  be  read, 
marked,  learned,  and  inwardly  digested  by  all  who 
desire  to  hve  a  tnie  hfe,  and  who  are  lovers  of  their 
kind. 

I 

What  is  the  source  of  this  unique  influenoe  ?  The 
Becrct  is  manifold,  but  there  is  one  all-controlhng 
characteristic  that  may  be  put  into  a  sentence.  Im- 
plicitly or  exphcitly  it  always  and  everywhere  deals 
with  the  soul  of  man  in  its  relations  with  the  Living 
God.  It  registers  on  the  one  side  the  progressive 
outroaoh  of  the  soul  in  the  various  stages  and  moods 
of  its  search  for  God  ;  and  on  the  other,  it  unfolds 
the  gradual  self-manifestation  of  God  in  His  revealing 


and  redeeming  power  on  behalf  of  Man.  The  Bible 
is  a  record  of  the  process  by  which  formless  matter, 
energised  and  vitalised,  became  the  organism  of  the 
redeemed  soul,  filled  with  all  the  fullness  of  Christ. 
If  any  man  desires  to  know  his  own  heart  in  all  its 
possibilities  of  glorj'  and  shame,  if  he  desires  to  know 
God  in  all  the  grandeur  of  His  nature  and  the  far- 
reaching  grasp  of  His  love,  let  him  read  and  master 
this  book.  And  if  he  will  then  bring  together  into 
the  unity  of  his  own  hfe  what  he  here  learns  of 
himself,  and  what  he  learns  of  God,  it  will  make 
him  "  wise  unto  salvation." 

Let  us  consider  in  a  little  more  detail  this  twofold 
aspect  of  the  Bible.  It  reveals  man  to  himself  as  a 
seeker  after  God.  We  have  in  this  book  a  wonderful 
variety  of  hterature — myth  and  legend,  history  and 
fiction,  poetry  and  drama,  idyll  and  allegory,  record 
and  prophecy.  Its  gallery  of  portraits  comprises  king 
and  beggar,  wise  man  and  fool,  rich  and  poor,  saint 
and  villain,  oppressor  and  slave,  hero  and  wastrel, 
dreamer  and  doer,  each  reveahng  (sometimes  in  a 
single  phrase)  his  distinctive  quaUty,  and  unfolding 
his  destiny  according  to  his  kind.  The  philosopher  is 
here,  wrestling  with  the  dark  problems  of  existence, 
sometimes  lost  in  perplexity,  sometimes  radiant  with 
vision  ;  the  poet  is  here,  weaving  into  sentences  of 
simple  but  matchless  beautj-  the  longings,  discoveries, 
aspirations  of  the  soul  as  he  grasps  the  "  flying  ves- 
ture "  of  God  ;  the  prophet  is  here,  gazing  at  the 
passing  glory  of  the  Most  High,  or  brooding  in  sorrow 
over  the  pathos  of  man's  blindness  and  sin ;  the 
historian  is  here,  imfolding  the  significance  of  past 
events,  and  pointing  the  moral  of  the  achievements 
or  failures  of  older  times  for  his  own  day.  We  have 
pictures  of  family  hfe  in  its  homely  relations — the 
bii-th  of  little  oliildren,  the  love  of  youth  and  maiden, 
the  sorrows  and  joys  of  married  life,  the  tragedy  of 
broken  hearts,  the  happiness  of  renewed  relations,  the 
sadness  of  the  inevitable  end.  Often  too  we  come  on 
the  shock  of  battle,  the  agony  of  defeat,  the  shout  of 
victory,  and  we  see  empires  pass  in  pomp  or  shame 
across  the  stage,  now  rising  into  power,  now  fading 
into  nothingness.  There  is  no  typical  experience  of 
human  life  that  is  not  somewhere  mirrored  in  these 
living  pages  ;  virtues  and  vices  are  chronicled  with 
finn,  impartial  touch  ;  the  sweetness  of  life,  and  its 
unutterable  bitterness,  find  their  full  expression. 

Studying  the  Bible  is  thus  only  another  way  of 
studying  life  itself,  and  always  in  its  spiritual  relations. 
This  crowded  assemblage  of  figures,  when  their  varied 
impressions  are  blended  into  one  composite  picture, 
reveal  the  human  soul  in  its  littleness  and  grandeur, 
its  sin  and  saintliness,  its  depths  of  shame,  its  heigl'' 
of  possibility.     He  must  be  a  dull  reader  who,  ^ 
mastered  the  Bible,  fails  to  see  himself  son- 
it — as  he  is,  and  as  he  ought  to  be. 
This,  however,  is  but  the  lesser  h^' 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING   AND  AIM 


of  the  Bible.  Its  central  figure  is  not  man,  btit  God. 
Open  it  where  we  will,  we  always  find  ourselves  in 
the  Holy  Presenoe.  It  is  the  stTjry  of  an  unfokhng 
vision,  of  a  gradually  oompletcii  movement  of  the 
Divine  self-manifestation.  The  stnioture  of  the  Bible 
as  it  has  come  down  to  us  masks  the  gradual  character 
of  that  prooe-ss.  The  most  primitive  portions  of  its 
literature  are  embedded  in  a  ma.s3  of  later  editorial 
matter,  and  the  true  chronological  order  of  its  parts 
has  only  comparatively  recently  been  disentangled 
from  a  bewildering  multiplicity  of  documents.  It  has 
taken  over  a  century  of  laborious  research  on  the  part 
of  an  army  of  devoted  scholars  to  recover  the  his- 
torical perspective  of  this  revelation,  but  the  task  is 
now  almost  complete.  This  discovery  has  thrown  a 
wonderful  light  on  the  slow  but  steady  method  by 
which  God  manifested  His  character  in  the  events  of 
Hebrew  liistory,  and  through  its  outstanding  per- 
sonalities. The  later  editors  may  have  used  the  annals 
of  their  race  uncritically,  and  here  and  there  may  have 
mistaken  legend  for  historj-,  and  mj-th  for  fact ;  but 
what  is  evident  at  each  step  is  that  their  one  interest 
was  to  review  the  past  story  of  the  world  in  the  light 
of  God's  providential  sovereignty  in  nature,  and  of 
His  redeeming  grace  in  His  dealings  with  mankind, 
and  more  especially  with  His  "  chosen  people."  We 
do  not  go  to  the  Bible  for  science,  for  in  science  we 
deal  with  secondary  causes  only,  and  here  these  have 
no  place  ;  and  we  do  not  go  to  it  for  history  in  the 
ordinary  sense  of  the  word,  since  history  deals  with 
events  in  their  purely  human  aspects.  Nature  in  the 
Bible  is  always  viewed  as  Gods  handiwork,  the  fruit 
of  His  immediate  creative  power,  the  scene  of  His 
personal  acti\-ity,  the  means  whereby  He  brings  His 
providential  ends  to  pass.  Man  is  His  child,  the 
object  of  His  peculiar  care,  to  whom  He  has  entrusted 
a  special  function  of  lordship  over  the  world,  and 
from  whom  He  has  great  e.rpectations.  But  man  has 
sinned  and  gone  astray  from  his  true  path.  Even 
with  the  chosen  race  He  1ms  again  and  again  been 
disappointed ;  nevertheless,  He  has  used  it  as  His 
special  channel  for  the  revelation  of  His  nature,  for 
the  progressive  unfolding  of  His  redemptive  purpose  ; 
even  its  failures  and  sins  have  but  furnished  Him 
with  fresh  opportunities  for  the  manifestation  of  His 
power  and  grace.  It  is  characteristic  of  the  OT  Avriters 
that  they  never  fail  to  use  the  dark  background  of 
human  depravity  to  throw  up  the  ever-brightening 

S'cture  of  the  I)i\'ine  perfections,  and  especially  to 
ustrate  Gods  unfaiUng  faithfulness.     \Vhen  we  cross 
the  threshold  of  the  NT,  we  are  in  a  different  environ- 
ment, and  are  planted  more  securely  on  the  authentic 
rook  of  history  ;    but  the  same  commanding  interest 
is  still  with  us.     We  are  ever  dealing  with  the  redeem- 
ing God  ;    but  "  all  the  hght  of  sacred  story  "  is  here 
oonoentrated  in  a  single  Personality,  in  whom  dwells 
the  "  fullness  of  the  Godhead  bodily,'  and  from  whom 
the  old  redeeming  energies  now  radiate  out  to  all  the 
world.     First  we  have  four  vivid  portraits  of  Jesus 
Christ,  Son  of  God,  Son  of  Man,  in  which  the  very 
aioma  of  His  pcisonal  presence  still  lingers.     We  catch 
a  glimpse  of  Him  in  His  gentle  j-outh,  silently  preparing 
for  His  great  mission  ;   we  see  Him  in  the  fullness  of 
'^s   mmihood    entering   on    His    public   vocation   as 
'  et.    Healer,  Wonder-worker ;     we    watch    Him 
liis  heavenly  ethic,  preaching  the  gospel  of 
"v  training  the  Twelve,  healing  the  sick, 
"-  opening  the  door  of  hope  to  the 
*A  the  Ughts  and  shadows  of  the 
^  " "   as   His   life   moves   to   its 
we  stand  beside  the 


Cross  and  hear  His  bitter  cry  as  He  gives  up  the 
ghost ;  we  share  in  the  glory  of  the  resurrection 
morning.  Then  we  witness  the  descent  of  the  Spirit 
at  Pentecost ;  the  birth  of  the  Christian  Church  ;  the 
rapid  spread  of  the  Gospel  message  in  far-scattered 
communities  throughout  the  Roman  Empire.  Finally 
in  a  collection  of  apostoho  letters,  the  cosmic  signifi- 
cance of  the  Incarnation  is  unfolded,  and  the  sure 
triumph  of  God's  redemptive  purjxjse  is  foreshadowed. 
So  the  agelong  process  is  complete,  and  the  Gospel  of 
the  grace  of  God  is  launched  on  its  historic  career. 

n 

These  are  the  fundamental  aspects  of  the  Bible, 
stated  broadly  and  without  qualification.  It  brings 
man  near  to  God  ;  it  brings  God  home  to  man.  And 
this  it  does  whatever  theory  we  may  have  of  its  origin, 
its  nature,  its  method  of  appeal. 

The  Bible,  however,  needs  to  be  understood  in  all 
the.se  directions  if  it  is  to  do  its  perfect  work  with  ub. 
And  it  is  not  an  easy  book  to  understand.  If  its 
appeal  to  the  heart  is  simple,  its  challenge  to  the 
intellect  is  complex.  From  whatever  side  we  approach 
it,  we  are  met  by  bristUng  problems.  How  to  under- 
stand the  Bible  has  been  a  perennial  question  for 
devout  minds.  Probably  more  earnest  study  has  been 
given  to  this  matter,  and  more  intellectual  effort  has 
been  expended  upon  it,  than  on  any  other  that  has 
ever  been  presented  to  the  attention  of  civilised  man. 
The  history  of  Bibhcal  interpretation  is  in  a  very  real 
sense  the  history  of  the  human  mind  itself  since  the 
Bible  was  written.  And  to-day  we  are  passing  through 
a  profound  revolution  in  our  attitude  towards  this 
wonderful  Book.  Modem  scholarship  has  attacked  its 
problems  from  a  fresh  standpoint,  has  discovered  new 
facts  as  to  its  origin,  its  composition,  its  authorship, 
its  gradual  growth  from  the  first  nucleus  to  the  com- 
pleted volume,  and  has  set  its  contents  in  a  new 
perspective.  The  Bible  of  the  twentieth  century  is  a 
new  book,  needing  a  new  treatment,  and  a  new  attitude 
of  mind  in  order  rightly  to  value  its  message. 

If  we  would  underetand  how  all  this  has  come 
about,  we  must  hnk  it  with  a  profound  change  in 
man's  conception  of  the  universe.  The  birth  of  what 
is  called  the  "  modem  mind  "  is  really  the  birth  of 
a  new  method  of  approaching  reahty.  In  ancient  and 
medieval  times,  the  method  of  inquiry  was  a  priori. 
By  this  is  meant  that  men  endeavoured  to  harmonise 
facts  with  certain  preconceived  categories  of  thought, 
which  ruled  them  with  unconscious  but  rigorous 
tyranny,  and  with  which  all  fresh  knowledge  must 
somehow  be  made  to  harmonise.  Facts  which  refused 
to  bend  to  this  process  were  either  rejected  or  else 
forced  somehow  into  the  general  scheme  of  thought. 
This  was  tme  of  philosophy  and  science,  and  pre- 
eminently of  theology.  Those  who  ventured  to  ques- 
tion current  assumptions,  and  to  formulate  fresh 
schemes  more  in  harmony  with  newly-discovered  facts, 
were  hardly  dealt  with,  and  if  they  persisted,  were 
treated  as  heretics  and  outcasts,  and  were  imprisoned, 
tortured,  even  slain  without  pity.  Gradually,  how- 
ever, this  rigorous  uniformity  of  belief  in  all  realms 
of  knowledge  broke  down  under  the  obstinate  and 
ever-increasing  pressure  of  a  new  method  of  inquiry — 
the  a  posteriori.  By  this  is  meant  the  rejection  of 
preconceived  ideas,  and  the  study  of  facts  in  and  for 
themselves  as  a  preliminary  to  formulating  their  laws — 
to  deduce  theories  from  an  examination  of  facts,  and 
not  bend  facts  to  suit  accepted  theories.  This  is  a 
simple  thing  to  say  ;  but  it  involved  nothing  less  them 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING  AND  AIM 


3 


a  fundamental  change  in  every  department  of  thought. 
In  the  first  place,  it  put  the  inquirer  into  a  new  re- 
lation to  reality  ;  it  made  him  Nature's  pupil,  not  her 
master ;  it  changed  prejudice  into  teachableness,  and 
opened  a  new  and  fascinating  vista  of  inquiry  in  every 
direction.  In  the  second  place,  man  began  to  under- 
stand the  world  better,  and  his  control  over  the  forces 
and  processes  of  Nature  began  to  extend  in  a  magical 
way.  The  method,  in  a  word,  was  justified  by  its 
results,  and  to-day  no  sound  tliinker  doubts  that  the 
pathway  to  truth  and  power  lies  in  this  direction. 
Consequently  the  method  has  been  applied  all  round, 
and  modem  science  stands  forth  as  a  monument  of 
the  enterprise,  receptivity,  and  patience  of  the  human 
mind.  No  theorising  till  we  have  the  facts  to  theorise 
about ;  and  as  fresh  facts  pour  into  view,  a  rigorous 
re-examination  and  rebuilding  of  existing  theories  in 
the  light  of  these  facts — such  is  the  modem  way  of 
thinking.  It  has  encountered  many  difficulties  and 
pitfalls  ;  it  has  often  been  led  into"  bUnd  alleys  and 
has  had  to  retrace  its  stej>3  ;  it  is  constantly  revising 
its  conclusions,  and  making  fresh  ventures,  which  do 
not  alwaj'S  prove  fruitful  ;  but  the  principle  has  now 
become  a>domatic,  as  the  only  legitimate  and  sure 
method  of  extending  the  bounds  of  knowledge.  Modern 
Biblical  Science  is  the  result  of  applying  this  instru- 
ment of  inquiry  to  the  facts  of  the  Bible.  It  is  based 
on  the  a  posteriori  as  distinguished  from  the  old  a  priori 
method  of  dealing  with  it.  In  no  department  of 
thought  has  the  new  method  had  to  fight  so  hard  for 
foothold  ;  in  none  has  the  old  been  so  obstinately 
defended  ;  in  none  have  the  issues  been  so  momentous, 
or  the  victory  more  complete. 

We  must  not  be  hard  oh  the  tenacity  and  even 
obstinacy  of  those  who  felt  themselves  called  upon  to 
fight  against  the  modem  view  of  the  Bible.  If  their 
judgment  was  at  fault,  their  motives  were  of  the  highest. 
Religion  is  the  most  precious  possession  of  man  ;  it 
finds  him  in  the  elemental,  changeless  region  of  his 
being ;  and  anything  that  endangers  its  interests 
must  at  all  costs  be  resisted  and  overcome.  Now,  just 
because  religion  appeals  to  the  permanent  elements  in 
man's  nature,  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  identifying  it 
with  the  special  forms  in  which  it  is  embodied.  Conse- 
quently, when  we  are  called  to  give  up  any  of  our 
religious  conceptions,  we  are  prone  to  believe  that 
religion  itself  is  in  danger.  Thus,  however  open-minded 
and  liberal  we  may  be  in  other  matters,  we  are  all 
apt  to  become  conservatives  in  rehgion.  A  creed, 
once  formulated,  tends  to  become  fossiUsed,  and  to 
entrench  itself  behind  a  rampart  of  sacred  affections 
and  time-honoured  traditions.  Progress  in  reUgious 
thought  is  slow  and  painful.  It  is  no  wonder  that  this 
has  been  specially  the  case  with  men's  thoughts  about 
the  Bible — the  most  precious  volume  in  the  religious 
literature  of  the  race.  But,  if  the  progress  of  Biblical 
Science  has  been  slow,  it  has  been  inevitable.  The 
very  love  of  truth  which  the  Bible  has  been  the  chief 
means  of  propagating,  has  made  it  impossible  to  hold 
back  the  movement ;  once  fairly  begun,  it  could  not 
but  come  to  ite  own  at  last. 

Ill 

Let  us  consider  in  the  first  place  the  change  that 
has  become  necessary  in  our  ideas  of  the  inspiration 
of  the  Bible,  of  the  revelation  contained  in  it,  and  of 
ita  supreme  authcrity. 

1.  For  many  centuries,  almost  indeed  from  the  most 
primitive  times,  the  Bible  was  held  by  nearly  all 
Christian  thinkers  to  be  inspired  in  form  as  well  as  in 


substance.  This  idea  was  inherited  from  the  Rabbis, 
who  held  a  similar  theory  concerning  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. There  seems  to  be  a  tendency  in  all  religions 
possessing  a  sacred  htcrature  to  ascribe  the  origin  of 
that  literature  to  inspiration,  i.e.  to  the  "  inbreathing  " 
or  influence  of  the  Divine  Spirit.  The  Vedas,  the 
teachings  of  Zoroaster  and  of  some  Buddhists,  the 
Koran,  are  all  beUeved  by  their  votaries  to  have  pro- 
ceeded from  a  Divine  source.  The  Brahmins  even 
believe  that  the  Vedas  existed  from  all  eternity.  There 
must  be  some  inherent  reason  for  ideas  so  widespread. 
It  has  been  suggested  (doubtless  with  some  truth) 
that  they  are  the  result  of  a  priori  theories  as  to  what 
a  Divinely-inspired  book  must  have  been.  We  prefer 
to  beUcve  that  the  reason  is  fundamentally  religious 
rather  than  intellectual,  and  to  find  in  all  theories  of 
inspiration  an  instinctive  tribute  to  the  quahty  of  the 
writings  themselves.  It  was  felt  that  what  proved  to 
be  so  inspiring  must  have  been  Divinely  inspired.  To 
what  extent,  and  in  what  way,  would  be  formulated 
later  by  reflection.  The  slow  and  tentative  manner 
in  which  the  Canon  of  both  the  OT  and  the  NT  was 
formed  favours  this  view.  As  regards  our  Bible,  at 
any  rate  (whatever  be  the  case  with  other  sacred  books), 
the  various  parts  found  their  way  into  recognition  by 
a  process  of  selection  and  exclusion  which  took  cen- 
turies to  complete — a  fact  which  suggests  a  law  of 
survival  very  similar  to  that  discovered  by  Darwin  in 
the  organic  world.  No  infallible  test  was  appHcable, 
but  those  writings  were  finally  included  which  were 
found  in  experience  to  bear  the  authentic  marks  of 
inspiration.     (See  pp.  39f.) 

It  is  not  the  fact  of  inspiration,  however,  that  is  in 
dispute,  but  its  cluxracter  and  method.  How  far,  for 
instance,  are  we  to  attribute  inspiration  to  the  form 
as  well  as  the  substance  of  Scripture  ?  Christian 
thinkers  have  not  been  agreed  on  this  point.  Some 
have  boldly  affirmed  the  '"  mechanical  "  or  "  dicta^ 
tion  "  theory  of  verbal  inspiration,  which  means  that 
every  word  in  the  Bible  represents  the  mind  of  Grod 
as  perfectly  as  though  He  had  written  it  Himself,  the 
actual  author  being  not  so  much  the  "  pen-man  "  as 
the  "  pen  "  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  This  idea  is  really 
self-contradictory,  for  there  can  be  no  question  of 
inspiration  if  the  writer  is  the  mere  mechanical  instru- 
ment of  Divinity.  It  is  also  quite  incompatible  with 
the  facts  presented  by  the  Bible  itself.  The  various 
books,  and  many  portions  of  certain  books,  are  written 
in  a  style  so  varied  and  characteristic  as  to  suggest 
irresistibly  the  personal  idiosyncrasies  of  different 
writers.  No  one,  e.g.,  can  fail  to  recognise  the  very 
different  style  of  Chronicles  from  that  of  Kings,  or 
to  distinguish  the  peculiar  note  of  Jeremiah  from  that 
of  Amos.  Scholars  have  been  able  to  detect  four 
main  currents  of  writing  in  the  Pentateuch,  and  the 
hands  of  several  editors  or  redactors.  Further,  in  no 
part  of  Scripture  is  this  claim  to  verbal  inspiration 
made.  "  The  authors,  instead  of  being  passive  re- 
cipients of  information  and  ideas  and  feelings,  represent 
themselves  as  active,  deliberating,  laborious,  intensely 
interested,"  In  many  cases  they  base  their  own 
version  of  events  on  pre\aou3  (now  lost)  writings, 
Luke  claims  to  have  made  a  careful  and  critical  use 
of  his  sources,  very  much  after  the  manner  of  the 
scientific  historians  of  to-day.  As  has  been  aptly 
pointed  out,  "  When  St.  Paul  in  2  Cor.  11 17  says, 
'  That  which  I  speak  I  speak  not  after  the  Lord,  but 
as  in  foolishness,  in  the  confidence  of  boasting,'  it  ia 
intelligible  to  say  that  an  inspiretl  man  is  speaking ; 
it  is  not  intelligible  to  say  that  it  is  God  sjieaking." 
This  theory  again  is  incompatible  with  the  way  in 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING   AND   AIM 


which  the  NT  writers  quoto  from  the  OT.  Out  of 
275  quotations  it  has  been  found  that  there  are  only 
53  in  which  the  Hebrew,  the  Septuagint  (or  Greek 
version  of  the  OT )  and  the  NT  writers  verbally  agree  ; 
there  are  99  in  which  the  NT  quotation  differs  from 
both  (which  also  differ  from  one  another),  and  76  in 
which  the  correct  Septuagint  rendering  has  been 
wrongly  altered.  This  is  quite  incompatible  with  the 
position  that  all  the  words  of  Scripture  are  equally 
inspired  ;  for  can  we  believe  that  the  Holy  Spirit 
would  misquote  Himself  ?  But  there  Ls  a  more  con- 
clusive argument  still  against  such  a  theory ;  for  we 
have  no  final  and  unquestionable  text  of  Holy  Scrip^ 
tare  to  which  we  can  turn  as  the  original  version.  The 
original  manuscripts  have  long  since  perished.  Our 
existing  MSS  differ  greatly,  in  various  complicated 
ways,  and  while  we  are  practically  certain  of  the  sense 
of  most  passages,  we  often  cannot  be  sure  which  of 
several  or  many  variants  is  nearest  the  original  in  its 
exact  wording.  In  view  of  these  unquestionable  facts, 
it  is  futile  to  affirm  any  longer  the  verbally-inspired 
character  of  the  Bible,  and  those  who  would  "  save 
their  faces  "  by  suggesting  this  of  the  lost  original  text 
are  doing  small  honour  to  the  Holy  Spirit,  for  if  it 
was  worth  while  working  a  miracle  to  produce  such  a 
text,  why  was  not  a  miracle  wrought  to  preserve  it 
from  corruption  ? 

The  dynamical  theory  of  inspiration  transfers  the 
problem  from  the  form  of  the  Bible  as  literature  to 
the  personalities  of  the  writers.  It  suggests  in  the 
first  place  that  they  weie  selected  in  virtue  of  possess- 
ing certain  qualities  which  made  them  apt  subjects 
for  inspiration,  and  secondly  that  their  human  powers 
were  dominated  and  safeguarded  by  Di\'ine  influence 
from  error  in  the  fulfilment  of  their  function.  Such 
imperfections  and  errors  in  Scripture  as  could  not  be 
denied  were  thus  of  human  origin  ;  the  subject-matter 
only  was  Divine.  This  theory  escapes  many  of  the 
difficulties  of  the  previous  one,  but  in  its  crude  forms 
it  lands  us  in  hopeless  psj'chological  problems.  How 
are  we  to  conceive  of  the  method  by  which  a  writer 
was  ensured  of  infaUibility  in  one  sentence  while  the 
next  was  manifestly  erroneous  ?  In  doubtful  cases, 
how  are  we  to  distinguish  the  one  stage  from  the  other  ? 
And  what  was  the  precise  relation  between  the  Divine 
Spirit  and  the  human  in  such  a  process  ?  There  is, 
however,  an  element  of  truth  in  this  view.  There  are 
diversities  of  gifts  among  good  men  in  spiritual  as  well 
as  intellectual  functions,  and  be  the  inspiration  where 
it  may,  it  must  be  held  to  have  some  relation  to  the 
personaUty  of  its  medium.  And  it  is  easy  to  recognise 
that  some  of  the  Biblical  writers  are  habitually  nearer 
the  centre  of  spiritual  reality  than  others,  more  sensitive 
to  the  influence  of  the  Divine  Spirit,  and  better  fitted 
for  the  expression  of  religious  truth.  Also  it  is  quite 
in  analogy  w  ith  other  facts  to  believe  that  a  real  vision 
of  God  may  be  compatible  with  imperfect  knowledge 
of  facts  and  events,  and  that  a  true  point  of  view 
may  co-exist  with  much  intellectual  error  and  con- 
fusion. The  artist  may  not  be  a  good  historian  ;  the 
seer  may  be  a  poor  logician.  And  it  is  quite  consistent 
to  hold  that  a  man  may  be  truly  inspired  though  he 
may  be  fallible  in  the  way  he  delivers  himself  of  his 
message.  When  it  is  said,  "  Men  spake  from  God,  as 
they  were  moved  by  the  Holy  Ghost,"  we  are  not 
bound  to  believe  that  the  ordinary  laws  of  thought 
and  hmitations  of  personality  were  suspended  during 
the  process.  The  truth  may  have  taken  on  the  colour 
of  the  speaker's  temperament  and  individuality,  and 
so  bo  more  or  less  distorted  in  expression,  without 
losing  its  Divine  quality.     With  these  qualifications 


it  is  in  accordance  with  the  facta  to  apeak  of  the 
writers  of  Scripture  as  '  inspired  men."  The  Holy 
Spirit  did  not  fail  of  His  purpose  because  His  instru- 
ments of  revelation  were  fallible  though  supremely 
gifted  souls.  They  were  what  may  be  called  rehgious 
geniuses,  who  co-operated  actively  in  the  spiritual 
function  for  which  they  were  chosen.  As  Professor 
Peake  puts  it,  "  This  is  not  to  minimise  the  Divine 
element  in  the  creation  of  Scripture.  On  the  contrary, 
it  enhances  it.  Just  as  the  Spirit  of  GckI  was  at  work 
in  the  history  of  Israel,  preparing  a  fruitful  soil  for 
revelation,  so  too  He  was  active  in  the  creation  of  the 
efficient  medium  through  which  He  imparted  the 
revelation  itself."  (The  Bible:  Its  Origin,  Its  Signi- 
ficance, and  Its  Abiding  Worth,  p.  395f.) 

rv 

Revelation  and  inspiration  are  co-ordinate  terms. 
The  former  denotes  the  unfolding  knowledge  of  Gods 
nature  and  saving  purpose ;  the  latter,  the  means 
and  methods  by  which  that  knowledge  has  been 
achieved.  "  The  action  of  Ood  on  the  nature  of  man 
we  may  call  '  inspiration  '  ;  its  result,  the  perfected 
and  purified  consciousness  of  self  and  the  world,  and 
God,  is  '  revelation  '  "  (Garvie).  As  regards  the  Bible, 
the  deposit  of  spiritual  truth  which  it  contains,  consti- 
tutes its  revelation  ;  the  characteristic  spiritual  quahty 
of  the  writers  and,  secondarily,  of  the  literature  through 
which  this  has  come  to  us,  we  call  their  inspiration. 

The  old  view  of  revelation  was  that  it  was  to  bo 
found  in  the  substance  of  Scripture  throughout  its 
course  without  distinction  or  difference.  Theologically 
this  made  the  Bible  a  storehouse  of  texts  and  passages, 
any  one  of  which  could  be  quoted  with  equal  appro- 
priateness in  the  upbuilding  of  doctrine.  In  a  book 
of  such  varied  contents  and  of  so  many  diverse  points 
of  view,  it  was  thus  possible  by  a  careful  selection 
of  proof-texts  to  formulate  any  number  of  diverse  and 
incompatible  theological  constructions,  especially  when 
the  hterary  context  and  historical  setting  of  the  books 
whence  these  texts  were  drawn  were  ignored,  as  was 
generally  the  case.  Calvinist  and  Anninian,  Trini- 
tarian and  Socinian,  Swedenborgian  and  Latter-day 
Saint,  Universalist  and  Particularist,  drew  their  credal 
systems  from  the  same  source  ;  they  each  and  all 
claimed  scriptural  authority  for  the  result  ;  and  there 
was  no  objective  standard  or  norm  of  interpretation 
which  could  be  appealed  to  in  settling  their  rival 
claims  to  acceptance.  The  breaking  up  of  the  Protes- 
tant world  into  the  innumerable  sects  and  systems 
of  thought  which  characterised  the  seventeenth, 
eighteenth,  and  nineteenth  centuries  was  mainly  due 
to  this  conception  of  the  Bible  as  throughout  a  homo- 
geneous and  ecjually  authoritative  body  of  truth  con- 
cerning God,  Man,  and  the  Worid,  the  interpretation 
of  which  must  be  left  to  individual  judgment. 

ReUgiously,  while  this  theory  of  revelation  helped 
to  place  the  Bible  on  a  pedestal  of  sanctity  and 
authority  over  human  life  which  had  its  beneficent 
side,  it  had  other  baleful  results.  Fortunately  the 
NT  so  clearly  showed  that  the  OT  sj-stem  of  religious 
ordinances  was  superseded  by  the  later  and  more 
spiritual  developments  of  revelation  that  a  certain 
Uniit  was  put  at  the  outset  to  the  binding  character 
of  OT  regulations.  But  in  other  directions  the  "  hard  " 
view  of  Scripture  made  for  rigidity  of  conduct  and 
character,  and  exercised  a  painful  tyranny  over  weak 
consciences.  It  turned  customs  of  ancient  times  into 
rules  for  modem  everyday  life  to  which  they  were 
manifestly  inappropriate.    The  Puritan  Sunday  was 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING   AND  AIM 


really  a  substitution  of  the  rigid  Jewisli  Sabbath  (and 
that  a  travesty)  for  the  free  spiritual  conception  of  the 
Lord's  Day.  The  words  of  Scripture  were  used  as 
oracles  for  the  determination  of  moral  problems  and 
difficult  situations.  Verses  chosen  in  a  haphazard  way 
were  dealt  with  as  magical  formuiaj  settling  problems  of 
conduct.  The  very  Gospel  of  Jesus  was  superetitiously 
made  into  a  textbook  from  which  to  read  the  dark 
future.  When  a  bishop  had  to  be  elected  in  the  sixth 
century,  church  officials  almost  always  consulted  the 
Psalter  (!)  first,  on  behalf  of  the  man  to  be  elected. 
Bible  verses  written  on  parchment  were  attached  to 
easy  chairs  in  order  to  keep  away  evil  spirits  ;  little 
Gospels  were  hung  round  the  necks  of  babies  to  ward 
off  impending  evil.  And  even  in  modem  times  the 
rightful  reverence  felt  for  the  Bible  by  devout  souls 
has  often  been  travestied  by  this  tendency  to  resort 
to  it  as  a  storehovise  of  magical  charms.  More  terrible 
still  was  the  abuse  of  Scripture  in  its  references  to 
witchcraft.  Religious  persecution  has  scarcely  a  darker 
page  than  the  treatment  meted  out  to  wizards  and 
witches  in  mediaeval  times — mainly  on  the  "  autho- 
rity "  of  Scripture.  Not  only  were  those  suspected 
of  practising  the  Black  Art  tortured,  but  no  limit  was 
placed  on  the  amount  or  kind  of  torture  to  which  the 
unhappy  victims  were  subjected,  as  was  done  in  the 
case  of  heretics.  The  false  confessions  made  by  these 
victims  under  the  stress  of  unbearable  agony  gave  a 
factitious  colour  to  the  accusation,  and  graduaUy  built 
up  a  system  of  superstition  on  this  subject  fromwhich 
the  rehgious  world  has  only  recently  emerged.  Scarcely 
less  sorrowful  has  been  the  attempted  justification  for 
slavery  drawn  from  the  patriarchal  and  later  custom 
in  Bibhcal  times,  and  more  especially  from  Noah's 
curse  on  Canaan  (Gen.  925*).  It  was  forgotten  that 
slavery  among  the  Hebrews  was  a  very  different  and 
far  more  humane  institution  than  in  any  adjoining 
nation,  or  even  in  modem  times  ;  and  that  Christian 
ministers  should  have  been  found  in  the  Southern 
States  of  America  during  the  Civil  War  who  justified 
the  horrible  custom  on  Biblical  grounds,  is  one  of  the 
saddest  results  in  history  of  a  perverted  theory  of 
Scripture. 

The  mechanical  theory  of  revelation  has  had  still 
other  unfortunate  and  mischievous  results.  One  of 
these  is  the  use  of  the  Bible  as  a  "  book  of  puzzles  " 
as  regards  future  events.  Periodicals  are  still  published 
which  occasionally  draw  up  apocalyptic  programmes 
where  the  fate  of  modem  nations  and  of  the  race  is 
foreshadowed  with  a  confidence  rivalled  only  by  their 
futility.  It  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  religious  psychology 
that  this  practice  has  survived  so  many  refutations, 
but  it  is  happily  clear  that  its  day  is  nearly  done. 
We  can  no  longer  believe  that  the  vivid  pictures  of 
future  destiny  in  the  apocalyptic  hterature  of  the 
Bible  have  any  reference  to  the  Europe  of  the  twentieth 
century,  or  can  serve  as  a  guide  in  foretelling  the  de- 
velopment of  events  in  the  centuries  to  come.  How 
many  fears  and  terrors  in  mediieval  and  later  times 
would  have  been  spared  the  soul  of  man,  if  the  key 
to  this  literature  had  been  discovered  earlier  ! 

Perhaps,  however,  it  is  in  the  inhibiting  influence 
exercised  by  this  conception  of  revelation  on  the  pro- 
gress of  scientific  thought  that  its  most  practical  effect 
is  seen.  Take  the  science  of  history.  So  long  as  the 
literal,  matter-of-fact  interpretation  of  Scripture  was 
universally  held,  it  was  impossible  for  Christian  thinkers 
to  approach  extra-Biblical  records  of  the  jwst  witii 
anything  like  independence  of  judgment.  For 
mediaeval  thinkers  history  began  in  heaven  when  the 
Uoly  Trinity  conceived  the  idea  of  creation,  and  ended 


in  heaven  with  the  Last  Judgment.  The  stages  of 
this  history  are  given  in  the  Bible  from  Genesis  on, 
the  whole  account  being  accepted  as  hterally  true. 
Round  this  vertebral  column  were  entwined  ail  kinds 
of  apocryphal  legends  and  mythical  embellishments 
guaranteed  by  the  Church  as  valid  history,  which  no 
one  was  permitted  to  question  on  pain  of  torture  and 
excommunication.  Associated  with  this  mass  of 
superstitious  nonsense  was  a  crude  cosmology  equally 
authoritative  and  futile.  The  universe  was  an  edifice 
of  three  floors — the  heaven  above,  a  compact  dome 
in  which  the  stars  were  fixed,  while  the  planets  moved 
in  their  own  sphere  ;  higher  was  the  region  where 
the  Holy  Trinity  dwelt,  surrounded  and  adored  by  a 
countless  multitude  of  angels  whose  business  it  was  to 
keep  heaven  and  earth  in  constant  communication  ; 
below  was  the  earth  itself,  a  large  round  plane,  "  the 
centre  of  which  was  Jerusalem,  where,  in  the  same 
place,  Adam  was  buried  and  Christ  was  cmcified,  so 
that  the  blood  of  the  Saviour  dropped  into  the  skull 
of  Adam  "  ;  below  the  earth  was  the  great  dark 
dungeon  called  hell,  the  home  of  the  de-vil  and  his 
angels,  who  competed  with  the  angels  for  the  soul  of 
man,  and  where  the  various  types  of  departed  sinners 
worked  out  their  eternal  destiny  in  varying  depths 
of  woe. 

Such  was  the  grotesque  view  of  history  and  cosmology 
based  on  the  scriptural  account  of  heaven,  earth,  and 
man,  which  for  a  thousand  years  formed  the  working 
background  of  men's  thoughts  of  the  universe,  and 
which  for  centuries  resisted  attack.  It  is  not  till  a 
period  within  Uving  memory  that  this  artificial  but 
obstinate  scheme  of  things  finally  broke  down  under 
the  impact  of  advancing  science.  The  path  of  know- 
ledge, hke  the  path  of  faith,  has  been  marked  with  the 
graves  of  martyrs,  and  by  bloody  footprints  of  suffering 
and  sorrow.  The  first  blow  came  from  the  Copemioan 
astronomy,  which  dethroned  the  earth  from  her 
central  position  among  the  heavenly  bodies ;  the 
second  from  geology,  which  superseded  the  Mosaic 
programme  of  the  creation  of  the  world  in  six  days, 
and  substituted  eras  of  unimaginable  length  in  the 
formation  of  the  earth's  crust  for  the  legendary  week 
of  Gen.  1  ;  the  third  from  the  theory  of  evolution, 
which  filled  the  vast  ranges  of  space  "and  time  thus 
suddenly  thrown  open  with  a  perspective  of  developing 
hfe,  whose  evolution  is  still  far  from  its  goal  The 
emancipation  is  now  fairly  complete ;  but  unfor- 
tunately, the  triumph  of  science  has  for  the  time 
impaired  the  authority  of  Scripture  not  only  as  a  text- 
book of  astronomy  or  physics,  but  in  its  own  proper 
domain  as  a  fomitain  of  rehgious  knowledge  and  of 
spiritual  inspiration. 

There  is  one  other  result  of  the  plenary  theory 
which  must  not  pass  without  brief  notice.  We  refer 
to  the  science  of  interpretation.  If  every  part  of 
Scripture  contains  Divine  truth,  each  part  must  have 
some  definite  value  for  religion  as  such.  How,  then, 
are  we  to  deal  with  those  portions  which  are  hard 
to  differentiate  from  the  ordinary  annals  of  other 
nations,  with  their  trivial  personal  details  and  (in 
some  cases)  their  doubtful  moraUty  ?  What  value  for 
spiritual  fife  can  we  find  in  the  minute  hturgical  and 
ceremonial  details  of  the  Tabernacle  and  its  services  ? 
What  of  the  obscure  passages  in  many  of  the  prophets, 
especially  the  apocalyptic  sections  ?  What  of  the 
erotic  references  in  the  Song  of  Songs  ?  What  of  the 
genealogies  in  the  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah  ? 
In  order  to  win  abiding  spiritual  sustenance  from  these 
portions,  the  allegorical  method  of  interpretation  had 
to    be   employed.     In   addition  to   the   plain,   literal 


6 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING  AND  AIM 


meaning  of  Scripture  there  was  also  the  mystical  or 
epirituaT  meaning,  and  it  was  the  work  of  the  com- 
mentator to  discover  and  unfold  this  for  the  edification 
of  the  devout  reader.  That  there  is  a  mystical  side 
to  the  Bible — especially  in  some  part« — wo  must  all 
allow.  It  is  also  tnie  that  the  laws  of  the  moral  and 
spiritual  life  may  be  legitimately  illustrated  or  deduced 
if  many  subtle  ways  from  the  most  trivial  events. 
Th  )  allegorical  interpreter,  however,  was  not  satisfied 
with  such  sober  methods,  but  allowed  his  rehgious 
imagination  to  carry  him  away  into  the  wudest 
extravagances.  In  doing  so,  he  followed  a  castom 
deeply  embedded  in  Greek  and  Hebrew  hterature. 
Allegory  has  been  called  "  the  safety-valve  for  Greek, 
Jew,  and  Christian."  There  is  an  indigenous  tendency 
in  the  human  mind  which  recognises  by  a  natural 
intuition  the  analogy  between  the  material  and  spiritual 
orders  ;  and  this  tendency  (in  the  absence  of  historical 
criticism)  was  for  the  literalist  the  only  way  to  avoid 
an  awkward  situation.  Homer,  for .  instance  (the 
"  Bible  of  the  Greek '),  was  from  the  time  of  Anaxa- 
goras  treated  allegorically.  The  actions  of  the  Greek 
gods  and  goddesses  typified  the  movements  of  natural 
forces ;  "  the  story  of  Ares  and  Aphrodite  and 
Hephaestus  is  a  story  of  iron  subdued  by  fire,  and 
restored  to  its  original  hardness  by  Poseidon,  that  is, 
by  water "  ;  or  else  they  were  the  movements  of 
mental  powers  and  moral  virtues  (c/.  the  legend  of 
Odysseus  and  the  Sirens,  etc.).  (See  Hatch,  Hibbert 
Lectures,  pp.  62,  64.)  Again  the  Palestinian  Jews 
allegorised  the  OT,  finding  a  hidden  meaning  in 
sentences  and  even  letters,  especially  for  homiletic 
purposes  ;  while  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  being  in  close 
touch  with  the  Platonic  school  of  thought,  did  the 
same  by  their  sacred  books,  in  order  to  prove  that 
they  were  neither  impious  nor  barbarous,  and  that 
Moses  was  the  teacher  or  anticipator  of  Pythagoras, 
Plato,  and  the  Stoics.  "  The  Hellenistic  thinkers  de- 
sired to  be  Greek  philosophers  without  ceasing  to  be 
Jewish  religionists."  The  representative  Hellenist  was 
the  Alexandrian  Philo,  who  reduced  allegory  to  a 
system  ;  and  in  his  eager  desire  to  extract  a  higher 
meaning  from  the  most  trivial  details  of  the  OT,  the 
narrative  was  at  times  quite  lost  sight  of.  We  find 
traces  of  this  method  oven  in  Paul's  writings,  who 
was  well  versed  in  Rabbinical  methods,  as  in  his 
treatment  of  the  legend  of  Hagar  (Gal.  42  4£f.),  in  his 
use  of  the  Israelitish  wanderings  (I  Cor.  lOi-ii),  and 
in  his  view  of  the  spiritual  import  of  marriage  (Eph.  5 
22-33  ;  cf.  also  1  Cbr.  QqI,  2  Cor.  3i3fl.,  etc.).  There 
is  a  further  development  of  this  method  in  Hebrews, 
which  deals  with  Judaism  as  the  shadow  of  Chris- 
tianity. The  writer  is  fond  of  pointing  out  analogies 
and  contrasts  between  the  in\nsible,  archetypal,  im- 
perishable world,  and  the  visible,  perishable  world  of 
sense  (cf.  his  elaborate  allegory  of  Melchizedek,  which 
reminds  us  of  Philo's  treatment  of  Melchizedek  as  an 
allegory  of  the  Logos).  There  was,  therefore,  abundant 
literary  and  religious  precedent  for  the  use  of  the 
allegorical  method  by  Christian  writers,  supreme  among 
whom  was  Origen  of  Alexandria.  This  method  of 
hcmdling  Scripture  was  continued  into  later  ages,  and 
its  close  relation  to  literalist  views  of  revelation  is  seen 
in  the  extravagancies  of  pietist  writers  down  to  our 
own  time.  The  metho<l  has  certain  advantages  in 
educing  spiritual  truth  from  very  unpromising  material, 
and  as  a  "  metiiodolf)gical  device  "  is  perhaps  occasion- 
ally justifiable  for  practical  homiletic  purjKJsos  ;  but 
as  a  serious  business  it  is  profoimdly  vicious,  since  it 
is  based  on  an  unreality,  and  is,  in  the  last  resort,  a 
mere  intellectual  subterfuge,  and  at  best  an  indulgeaoe 


of  the  roliginiis  imagination.  Its  worst  feature  is  that 
it  brce<ls  cartle^ness  of  the  real  meaning  of  Scripture 
and  a  habit  of  intellectual  indolence.  In  an  age  of 
critical  thought  most  students  will  hold  it  to  be  Uttle 
short  of  a  pious  insincerity  ;  it  Ls  time  it  should  be 
recognised  to  have  had  its  day,  and  treated  as  a 
hindrance  to  the  discovery  and  exposition  of  Scriptural 
truth. 


It  would  be  misleading  and  sorely  unjust,  however, 
to  ignore  the  fact  that  these  obsolete  views  of  inspira- 
tion and  revelation  in  earlier  ages  did  not  hinder  the 
positive  teaching  of  Scripture  from  being  grasped  and 
appreciated.  Till  the  wind  of  the  criticaf  movement 
began  to  trouble  the  quiet  waters  of  faith,  they  were 
the  only  possible  theories  for  those  who  valued  the 
Word  of  God  as  Divinely  given  for  the  salvation  of 
man.  The  plenary  idea  of  inspiration  did  good 
service  for  the  Church  in  many  ways.  In  the  first 
place,  it  ensured  that  the  Bible  should  be  valued  at 
its  infinite  worth.  During  the  ages  before  printing, 
and  when  every  copy  had  to  be  made  by  hand,  it 
guaranteed  that  the  utmost  care  should  be  exercised 
to  reproduce  the  original  accurately,  that  the  very 
letters  should  be  written  lovingly  and  beautifully,  and 
that  no  conscious  addition  should  be  made  to  the  text, 
or  anything  left  out  through  carelessness  or  inattention. 
The  contents  and  form  of  the  book  being  equally 
priceless,  no  material  but  the  best  available  was  used 
in  its  reproduction,  and  every  care  was  taken  for  its 
preservation,  thus  ensuring  long  life  for  the  MSS. 
Later  on,  reverence  for  the  Book  was  shown  in  the 
exquisite  script  and  illumination  which  characterised 
the  mediaeval  copies.  To  this  end  Charlemagne,  above 
all  anxious  to  secure  a  really  good,  trustworthy  text 
of  the  Bible,  made  a  regulation  that  no  unskilled  or 
unscholarly  person  should  be  employed  as  a  cop5Tst, 
for,  as  he  said,  "  it  needs  not  only  piety,  but  grammar — 
and  good  grammar — to  understand  what  you  are  copy- 
ing "  ;  and  he  collected  a  college  of  scholars,  at  the 
head  of  whom  he  placed  Alouin,  a  monk  from  England, 
to  do  this  sacred  work.  It  is  this  reverence  for  the 
very  letter  of  Scripture  which  accounts  for  the  fact 
that  though  there  are  thousands  of  various  readings 
in  the  MSS.,  the  text  of  the  Bible  has  been  better  pre- 
served for  us  than  that  of  any  other  ancient  boolc 
The  same  sentiment  ensured  that  great  care  should 
be  shown  in  the  translation  of  the  Bible  into  other 
tongues.  The  finest  scholarship  and  the  most  loving 
solicitude  have  been  shown  in  this  work  throughout 
the  ages,  down  to  the  present  day.  The  result  is  that 
this  Book — so  eminently  translatable  because  of  its 
concrete  character,  and  its  vivid  though  limited 
vocabulary — has  been  aptly  rendered  into  most  of  the 
languages  in  which  it  has  appeared,  and  has  generally 
become  the  standard  and  norm  of  literary  style. 
Again,  for  the  same  reason,  there  is  probably  no  book 
that  has  been  so  widely  read,  and  pondered,  and  com- 
mented on  as  the  Bible.  The  most  giftcnl  intellcots 
of  all  ages  have  expended  their  insight  and  skill  in 
discovering  its  meaning,  and  in  applying  its  message 
to  every  human  need.  Because  devout  scholars  have 
been  «)nvinced  tliat  it  is  able  t^  make  men  "  wise  unto 
salvation,"  they  have  grudged  neither  time  nor  effort 
searching  its  height  and  depth,  its  length  and  breadth, 
for  light  on  the  path  of  duty,  for  direction  in  the  per- 
plexities and  temptations  and  sorrows  of  life.  Since 
its  various  parts  were  collected  into  a  single  volume, 
there  is  no  literature,  with  the  exception  possibly  of 
the  Chinese  classics,  that  has  commanded  a  tithe  of 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING  AND  AIM 


the  conscientious  study  and  loving  exposition  received 
by  the  Bible. 

But  all  thin  was  only  a  means  to  a  greater  end.  The 
vast  expenditure  of  effort  in  copying,  translating,  ex- 
pounding, and  annotating  the  Book  that  has  been 
going  on  throughout  the  centuries  had  a  practical 
purpose.  It  was  to  enable  men  to  appropriate  for 
themselves  the  content  of  the  revelation  contained  in 
it.  Mistaken  as  we  believe  earlier  ages  to  have  been 
in  their  identification  of  the  form  with  the  substance, 
the  Bible  did  its  work,  and  still  does  it,  in  the  hearts 
of  its  readers.  There  is  that  in  it  which  he  who  runs 
may  read,  and  which  is  equally  within  the  reach  of 
wise  and  simple  if  they  but  have  the  teachable  mind 
and  the  open  heart.  Indeed  the  great  triumphs  of 
this  Book  in  saving  men  from  their  sins,  instructing 
and  building  up  the  Church  of  Christ,  elevating  thought, 
purifying  morals,  inspiring  reforms,  and  initiating 
movements  for  the  betterment  of  the  world,  were 
won  while  these  now  outworn  theories  of  its  nature 
were  practically  universal.  The  modem  scholar  and 
the  critic  over-estimate  their  function  if  they  think 
that  it  ha-s  been  reserved  for  them  to  discover  the 
essential  message  of  the  Bible.  They  have  wrought  a 
priceless  benefit  for  the  future  of  rehgion  in  that  they 
have  brought  Bibhcal  Science  into  Une  with  the  rest 
of  human  knowledge,  and  made  it  possible  for  the 
educated  mind  to  read  it  with  more  accuracy  and 
understanding,  unburdened  with  the  im/pedimenta  of 
superstitious  ideas  ;  but  they  have  done  no  more 
than  this.  The  reUgious  value  of  the  Bible  depends 
on  its  validity,  its  broad,  spiritual  appeal,  its  extra- 
ordinary power  of  reaching  and  transforming  the  soul 
of  man.  When  our  function  as  critics  is  done,  we 
must  still  go  to  Scripture  for  its  own  authentic  Word, 
and  that  can  be  grasped  and  won  only  if  we  combine 
the  insight  and  judgment  of  the  scholar  with  the 
heart  of  a  httle  child.  The  destructive  work  of 
criticism  is  necessary  and  good  :  it  is  now  its  task  to 
build  a  positive  view  of  the  Bible  which  shall  do  for 
the  coming  generations  what  the  older  view,  in  spite 
of  its  imperfection  and  error,  did  for  the  generations 
gone  by. 

VI 

We  pass  on  to  consider  the  authority  of  the  Bible. 
What  changes  have  been  necessitated  in  this  respect 
by  the  new  view  of  its  inspiration  and  of  the  nature  of 
revelation  ? 

It  has  always  been  perplexing  and  difficult  to  define 
the  relation  between  religion  and  authority.  There  is 
an  instinctive  craving  in  the  human  soul  for  a  standard 
of  belief  and  conduct  which  shall  be  accepted  as  in- 
fallible. To  stigmatise  this  aa  a  superstition  or  an 
infirmity  is  to  pa.ss  an  undiscriminating  judgment 
on  a  universal  tendency.  What  marks  jnan  everywhere 
in  all  his  strivings  after  spiritual  peace  and  assurance 
must  be  a  valid  instinct  in  itself,  however  many  the 
abuses  associated  with  its  workings.  If  the  essence 
of  religion  lies  in  obedience,  the  question  inevitably 
rises — obedience  to  what  or  whom  ?  Surely  only  to 
that  which  has  a  right  to  such  obedience  ;  and  perfect 
unquestioning  obedience  can  properly  be  given  only 
to  what  has  an  absolute  right  to  it.  Till  we  attain  the 
conviction  that  we  have  found  this  "  goal  of  heart's 
desire,"  there  will  be  doubt  in  our  allegiance,  and 
uncertainty  in  our  conduct.  The  longing  for  a  valid 
criterion  of  truth,  and  a  final  standard  of  right,  has 
thus  been  among  the  most  passionate  of  all  man's 
religious  impulses.  It  has  also  been  one  of  the  moat 
difficult  to  satisfy — so  difficult,  indeed,  that  most  men 


have  either  given  up  the  quest  as  impossible,  or  have 
attempted  to  satisfy  it  along  secondary  and  derivative 
lines. 

Now  when  pushed  to  its  ultimate  conclusion  there 
can  be  but  one  clear  and  self-evident  answer  to  the 
question — what  is  the  ultimate  seat  of  authority  in 
religion  ?  That  authority  can  be  found  only  in  the 
revealed  will  of  God.  He  alone  who  created  us  and 
sustains  us,  and  who  ha.s  "  made  us  for  Himself,"  has 
the  right  to  our  entire  and  unquestioning  obedience. 
The  very  word  "  authority  "  (like  "  religion  ")  implies 
a  personal  relation,  and  this  relation  can  only  be  that 
between  God  and  the  souL  The  real  problem  begins 
at  this  point.  How  may  we  reach  the  conviction  that 
we  have  arrived  at  a  sound  knowledge  of  the  will  of 
God  ?  "  Show  us  the  Father,"  said  Phihp,  "  and  it 
sufficeth  us."     But  how  are  we  to  know  Him  ? 

The  mystic  claims  to  reach  this  knowledge  of  God 
by  means  of  the  "  inner  hght."  He  repudiates  ail 
appeal  to  external  authority  ;  because  it  is  external, 
it  can  have  no  real  bearing  on  conscience,  which  must 
and  can  only  be  illumined  from  within.  Without  dis- 
paraging the  priceless  services  rendered  to  religion  by 
the  mystics,  and  allowing  that  they  are  right  in  claim- 
ing the  possibility  of  an  immediate  vision  of  the 
Divine,  their  method,  uncorrected  by  any  independent 
standard,  is  too  subjective  in  character,  too  vague  in 
its  results,  to  satisfy  the  needs  of  the  average  soul. 
The  most  fruitful  mystics  have  been  those  nurtured 
in  an  atmosphere  of  objective  religion  which  has  cor- 
rected their  indefiniteness  of  statement,  and  their 
tendency  to  substitute  a  morbid  introspection  for 
sound  teaching  and  healthy  activity.  Nor  do  the 
mystics  always  agree  in  their  readings  of  the  will  of 
God  ;  some  are  nobly  sane  and  practical  in  thought, 
others  full  of  extravagance  and  mistiness — who  shall 
judge  between  them  ?  Clearly,  while  mysticism  is  one 
way  of  coming  into  fruitful  touch  with  the  Divine 
realities,  it  is  not  the  only  way,  nor  is  it  a  sure 
way. 

The  ecclesiastic  affirms  the  Church  to  be  the  only 
authoritative  channel  of  the  revelation  we  seek. 
Divinely  appointed,  Divinely  safeguarded  from  error. 
We  are  not  disloyal  to  the  Church  if  we  point  out  her 
failure  aa  an  infallible  source  of  Divine  knowledge. 
Her  boasted  infallibiUty  has  been  historically  proved 
to  be  a  broken  reed  ;  she  has  never  really  spoken  at 
any  one  time  with  clear  consentient  voice,  nor  have 
her  utterances  been  consistent  with  one  another  in 
different  ages.  She  has  the  advantage  over  mjrsticism 
in  that  she  expresses  the  collective  consciousness  of 
believers,  but  the  decrees  of  her  councils  have  been 
too  often  the  result  of  compromises  between  warring 
parties  to  be  free  from  aberration  and  inconsistency. 
Her  claim  as  regards  the  Bible — that  it  is  her  child 
and  not  her  standard,  and  therefore  that  she  alone 
has  the  right  to  teach  and  interpret  it  to  the  devout 
believer — is  unsound  in  point  of  fact.  The  Church 
did  not  create  the  Bible,  any  more  than  the  Bible  the 
Church  ;  they  were  both  derived  from  a  common 
source — the  experience  of  those  who  came  into  personal 
contact  with  Jesus  Christ,  and  felt  the  inspiration  of 
His  saving  personality  and  work.  The  Gospels  are 
the  memorials  of  His  life  and  teaching  which  took  shape 
within  the  early  Church,  but  were  not  created  by  it ; 
the  epistles  are  the  literary  deposit  of  the  experience 
of  those  who  were  filled  with  the  power  of  His  Holy 
Spirit,  and  who,  living  under  the  quickening  influence 
of  His  grace,  founded  the  Church.  This  reciprocal 
relation  between  Church  and  Bible  thus  invaUdates 
the  oleum  of  the  Church  to  superiority  over  the  Bibk> 


8 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING  AND  AIM 


aa  the  ultimate  revelation  of  God,  and  the  authentio 
interpreter  of  His  will.     Thov  are  co-ordinates. 

What  then  of  the  Bible 'Itself  ?— The  l>rot«8tant, 
ha\'in':;  ropniliated  the  infallible  authority  of  the 
Church,  fell  buck  on  the  lJ<>ok  as  the  ultimate  standard 
of  religious  truth.  Round  this  idea  clustered  a  for- 
midable set  of  artirmations  regarding  its  inerrancy, 
and  its  perfect  consistency  with  itself.  For  centuries 
it  was  possible  to  hold  tliis  theory  with  sincerity  and 
confidence,  though  the  wit  of  theo"logian  and  apologist 
was  taxed  to  the  utmost  in  dealing  with  many  problems 
of  internal  consistency  and  harmony.  The  rise  of 
historical  and  Unguistic  criticism  has,  however,  finally 
destroyed  these  claims.  This,  of  course,  does  not 
mean  that  it  is  devoid  of  authority  for  the  discovery 
and  exposition  of  the  Divine  Mind  and  Will.  It  still 
remains  an  incontrovertible  because  experimental 
truth,  that  out  of  the  Bible  a  Divine  Voice  speaks,  and, 
when  the  authentic  accent  of  that  voice  comes  home 
to  us,  we  cannot  for  a  moment  doubt  that  we  are  face 
to  face  with  the  ultimate  authority  over  the  human 
soul.  This,  however,  is  quite  other  than  affirming 
the  infalhble  authority  of  the  Bible  as  a  written  revela- 
tion. The  Book,  like  the  Church  and  the  mj'stic  inner 
voice,  points  to  someone  beyond  itself. 

Let  us  pursue  this  point  a  little  further.  It  is  to  be 
aoted  that  while  many  theologians  and  spiritually- 
minded  believers  have  "laid  stress  on  the  authority  of 
the  Bible  as  such,  and  even  on  its  inerrancy  and  in- 
falhbihty,  the  writers  of  the  Book,  and  of  its  various 
portions,  never  make  tliis  claim  for  themselves.  True, 
we  come  here  and  there  on  such  phrases  as  "  Thus 
saith  the  Lord,"'  but  these  always  refer  to  individual 
utterances  which  the  speaker  was  persuaded  had  come 
to  him  directly  from  God  Himself,  and  never  to  the 
Book  as  a  whole,  nor  to  particular  boolcs  included  in 
the  Canon.  Indeed,  as  Dr.  Dale,  in  his  little  book  on 
Protestantism  :  Its  Ultimate  Principle,  points  out,  the 
universal  experience  of  devout  Christians  sustains  the 
statement  that  in  reading  even  the  NT  "  the  idea  of  the 
authority  of  the  Book  as  a  book  is  hardly  ever  thought 
of.  The  book — explain  it  how  we  may — vanishes. 
The  truth  read  there  shines  in  its  own  light.  I  forget 
Matthew,  and  Mark,  and  Luke,  and  John.  I  see 
Christ  face  to  face ;  I  hear  His  voice  ;  I  am  filled 
with  wonder  and  joy.  I  forget  St.  Paul,  and  am 
thrilled  with  gratitude  for  the  infinite  mercy  which 
justifies  me  freely  for  Christ's  sake,  and  for  His  sake 
grants  me  the  free  gift  of  eternal  life.  I  forget  St. 
James,  and  think  only  of  the  authority  of  the  Divine 
Law.  I  forget  St.  John  in  the  vision  of  the  Divine 
Love.  The  infallibility  of  the  Council,  or  of  the  Pope, 
recurs  to  me  constantly  when  I  am  considering  their 
definitions  of  truth  ;  it  comes  between  me  and  the 
truth  itself.  Whether  the  writers  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment are  infallible  or  not  is  a  question  which  rarely 
occurs  to  me.  Somehow  when  they  tell  me  a  truth, 
I  come  to  know  it  for  myself  ;  the  tnith  is  mine  and 
not  merely  theirs.  Practically  the  Bible  does  not 
come  between  me  and  God  "  (pp.  41,  42). 

May  we  not  carry  this  line  of  thought  a  little  further 
still  ?  There  are  those  who  claim  that  the  value  of 
the  Bible  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  contains  the  revelation 
of  the  Son  of  God,  who  is  Himself  the  ultimate  authority 
for  Christian  believers.  And  this,  properly  imder- 
Btood,  is  a  pn)found  tnith.  To  know  Jesus  Christ  in 
His  saving  nnssion  and  work  is  to  know  God.  "  He 
that  hath  seen  me,"  He  is  rcjiortcd  to  have  said,  "  hath 
seen  the  Father."  It  is  the  testimony  of  the  Christian 
consciousness  in  all  ages,  that  to  find  Jesus  is  to  find 
God.     Beyond  Him  we  cannot  go  in  our  search  for 


the  Etenial,  who  in  Him  has  spoken  His  ^nll  as  in  no 
one  else.  This  claim  for  the  ultimate  character  of  the 
Divine  revelation  in  Je.su8  Christ  is,  however,  some- 
timas  aflinned  in  a  way  difficult  any  longer  to  sulj- 
stantiate.  Jesus — whatever  more  He  may  have  bec^n — 
was  a  Jew  of  the  first  century  ;  bom  of  a  particular 
lineage  ;  brought  up  under  certain  social  and  intel- 
lectual conditions  veryditlerent  from  our  own  ;  bearing 
marks  of  the  peculiar  culture  and  outlook  on  Ufe  that 
belonged  to  His  age  and  His  environment.  He  was 
one  who  knew  little,  if  anything,  of  Greek  philosophy, 
of  Roman  law,  and  nothing  of  the  vast  accumulation 
of  knowledge  which  has  been  garnered  and  systematLsed 
since  His  day.  Furthermore,  the  records  of  His  life 
and  teaching  are  such  that  while  derived  for  the  most 
part  from  eyewitnesses  of  His  earthly  presence  and 
ministry,  they  can  scarcely  be  described  as  contempo- 
raneous. His  words  as  they  have  come  to  us  boar  as 
a  whole  the  unmistakable  stamp  of  HLs  personahty. 
Still,  it  is  impossible  to  prove  in  particidar  instances 
that  we  have  HLs  ipsissinia  verba,  for  (so  far  as  we 
know)  He  Himself  wrote  no  word  of  His  discourses, 
which  were  essentially  oral  in  character,  and  must 
have  passed  through  many  repetitions  and  transla- 
tions from  Aramaic  into  Greek  before  they  took  the 
condensed  form  in  which  we  possess  them  ;  indeed,  we 
have  more  than  one  variant  in  the  Sj-noptists  them- 
selves of  some  of  His  most  characteristic  sayings,  and 
they  cannot  all  be  literally  accurate,  especially  when 
we  remember  that  we  have  them  in  their  Greek  and  not 
their  original  Aramaic  form.  All  this  clearly  proves, 
in  the  first  place,  that  the  authority  of  Jesus  in  rehgion 
must  be  more  carefully  defined  than  by  our  forefathers. 
We  cannot  claim  infallibility  for  Him  on  questions  of 
history,  such  as  the  authorship  of  OT  books,  or  on 
the  problems  of  science.  In  these  directions  He  must 
be  quite  frankly  considered  to  have  accepted  the 
current  notions  of  His  time.  He  did  not  come  to  set 
the  world  right  on  these  matters,  but  to  reveal  the 
saving  purpose  of  God  for  humanity,  and  to  fulfil  His 
work  for  the  redemption  of  the  world  by  what  He 
taught,  and  wrought,  and  suffered,  and  achieved  in  His 
victory  over  sin  and  death.  But  when  we  go  to  Him 
for  hght  on  the  nature  of  God,  on  His  fatherly  relations 
to  us,  on  His  attitude  regarding  sin  and  forgiveness,  on 
His  redeeming  grace,  on  the  ideal  life  He  would  have 
us  lead,  and  on  His  willingness  to  help  ils  in  our  utter 
spiritual  need,  we  discover  in  Jesus  a  revelation  of 
saving  power  which  fuids  its  corroboration  to-day,  as 
in  all  ages  since  the  days  of  His  flesh,  in  the  triumphant 
experience  of  believing  men  and  women.  Secondly, 
the  conditions  under  which  the  gaspel  has  come  down 
to  us  leave  us  free  to  exercise  a  sane  judgment  on  the 
appUcability  of  many  of  His  maxims  to  our  own  times. 
Their  literal  application — even  if  we  are  ixjrsuadcd 
that  we  have  them  in  their  original  form — is  often 
impossible  to-day.  Some  of  his  characteristic  pre- 
cojits  were  special  injunctions  to  particular  persons 
under  circumstances  that  have  no  parallel  in  our  own 
experience.  If  we  would  truly  obey  .Jesus  we  must 
therefore  interpret  these  sayings  broadly,  disentangling 
the  inner  principle  from  the  oiitward  form,  and  applying 
them  to  our  own  c^ise  under  the  guidance  of  the 
general  sense  of  His  teaching  as  a  whole.  Ho  would 
be  the  last  to  wish  His  people  U^  be  perpetually  bound 
by  mere  literalism  ;  "  My  wortls,"  He  said,  "  they  are 
spirit  and  thev  are  life."  This  leaves  us  a  large  liberty 
of  action  whife  wo  are  bound  by  the  heartiest  k>valty 
to  Himself  and  His  Gospel.  When  thus  followed,  the 
general  spirit  of  His  teaching  is  found  to  result  in  the 
same  experience  of  redemption  and  peace  and  joy  in 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS    MEANING   AND   AIM 


9 


the  Holy  Ghost  aa  was  the  case  with  His  first  disciples 
and  with  the  saints  of  all  subsec^uent  ages  ;  and  the 
question  of  authority,  while  impossible  to  express  in 
abstract  terras,  is  solved  in  practice  without  in  any 
way  interfering  with  the  freedom  of  the  spirit,  and  the 
sacred  responsibiUties  of  personality. 


THE   OLD  TESTAMENT 
VII 

Having  thus  defined  in  a  general  way  the  changed 
modem  attitude  to  the  rehgious  literature  comprised 
in  the  Bible,  we  can  investigate  its  permanent  value 
for  faith  with  open  and  unembarrassed  minds.  Before 
we  deal  with  its  specific  contents  from  this  point  of 
view,  two  or  three  general  remarks  are  needful,  bearing 
with  special  significance  on  the  character  of  the  OT 
literature. 

In  the  first  place,  vx  miist  wice  and  for  all  set  aside 
the  pre-crttical  view  of  (he  Bible  as  an  isolated  and 
cotnplete  book.  Before  the  dawn  of  criticism,  scholars 
and  commentators  dealt  with  it  as  though  it  were  the 
pure  result  of  an  immediate  and  unrelated  revelation. 
It  was  like  Melchizedek,  "  without  father  and  without 
mother,"  owing  nothing  to  any  previous  literature, 
and  having  no  aflfinity  with  the  sacred  books  of  other 
nations.  We  now  know  that,  however  unique  it  may 
be  in  its  contents  and  method,  it  was  the  deposit  of  a 
complex  series  of  religious  movements,  dating  from 
very  ancient  times.  It  is  no  longer  possible  to  trace 
its  indebtedness  to  all  the  specific  sources  ;  but  it  is 
certain  that  the  religious  hfe  and  faith  of  which  it  is 
the  exponent  was  a  stream  that  drew  its  waters  from 
a  vast  watershed  of  spiritual  history  and  experience. 
We  can  follow  some  of  its  tributaries  far  back  into 
previous  ages.  The  laws  attributed  to  Moses,  for  in- 
stance, if  tbey  were  not  derived  directly  from  the  Code 
of  Hammurabi  (pp.  51,  130),  have  so  much  in  common 
with  it  that  the  two  codes  must  at  least  have  been 
largely  derived  from  some  common  source.  The  stories 
of  the  Creation  and  the  Flood  have  immistakable 
resemblances  to  myths  and  traditions  in  other  early 
faiths.  In  the  later  books,  clear  traces  are  visible  of 
the  influence  of  Assyrian,  Babylonian,  Persian,  and 
perhaps  Zoroastrian  ideas.  The  comparative  study  of 
ancient  rehgions,  and  especially  the  discoveries  of 
archaeologists  in  the  East,  constantly  throw  fresh  hght 
on  the  origins  of  Bibhcal  thought  and  literature.  This 
does  not  in  the  least  subtract  from,  but  rather  adds 
lustre  to,  the  unique  independence  and  strength  of  its 
contents  ;  if  the  material  is  partly  the  same,  the  out- 
look, spirit,  and  handhng  of  this  material  is  stamped 
with  an  individuality  and  a  loftiness  all  its  own.  We 
cannot  measure  the  incomparable  value  of  the  Bible 
till  we  collate  it  with  the  previous  or  contemporary 
rehgious  literature  of  the  various  nations  with  whom 
Israel  came  into  successive  contact  during  its  chequered, 
but  Di\-inely  ordered  history. 

Secondly,  the  Bible  as  we  have  it  is  a  very  much 
edited  body  of  literature,  and  the  various  editors  have 
treatetl  their  earlier  sources  with  considerable  freedom  ; 
nor  have  they  always  been  very  skilful  in  their  treat- 
ment. In  the  Hexateuch  (Genesis  to  Joshua,  pp.  121- 
132)  we  can  trace  four  main  sources  of  narrative  and 
laws  woven  by  the  lat«r  editors  into  a  complex  and  by 
no  means  homogeneous  whole,  and  much  more  ancient 
materials  were  probably  used  in  the  composition  of 
each  of  these.  Scholars  have  been  able  to  disentangle 
theee  narratives  and  laws  into  their  various  threads, 


and  to  lay  them  side  by  side,  bo  that  the  special  view- 
points and  purposes  of  the  writers  stand  out  clearly — 
sometimes  ind^d  in  vivid  contrast.  We  can  thus  see 
that  there  are  two  accounts  of  creation  (Gen.  li-24a, 
and  24^-25)  ;  two  closely-interwoven  versions  of  the 
Flood-story,  and  several  twin-narratives  of  patriarchal 
and  monarchic  times.  Not  a  few  of  the  prophetic 
writings  under  the  names  of  single  authors  are  now 
held  to  be  of  composite  origin  ;  the  speeches  of  EUhu 
in  the  Book  of  Job  are  probably  by  a  different  author 
from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  book ;  the  Proverbs 
assigned  to  Solomon  are  a  collection  drawn  from  many 
sources,  as  are  the  Psalms  attributed  to  David,  etc. 
(for  fuller  details  see  the  Commentary).  By  analysing 
the  various  books  into  their  constituent  elements, 
many  contradictions  and  inconsistencies  are  accounted 
for,  and  much  light  is  thrown  on  the  hterary  methods 
and  rehgious  interests  of  Bibhcal  writers. 

Thirdly,  the  Canonical  Old  Testament  is  the  survival 
of  a  much  larger  body  of  literature,  most  of  which  is 
now  probably  irretrievably  lost,  though  certain  portions 
of  earher  works  are  incorporated  in  our  Bibhcal  books. 
The  literature  of  moat  peoples  began  with  poetry, 
which  was  originally  composed  for  oral  recitation,  and 
afterwards  put  into  writing.  We  have  many  such 
fragments  in  the  historical  books,  e.g.  the  song  of 
Miriam  (Exod.  152of.),  of  Deborah  the  prophetess 
(Jg.  5),  of  Lamech  (Gen.  423),  and  many  others 
(Nu.  2I27-30,  Jos.  10i2f.,  1  S.  2I11,  2  S.  liQ-27,  333i, 
etc. ) ;  most  of  these  are  songs  of  triumph  over  fallen 
enemies,  or  threnodies  over  fallen  friends,  battle  songs, 
or  paeans  of  victory,  denunciations  of  enemies  or  of 
faithless  friends  ;  but  here  and  there  we  have  the 
genuine  rehgious  note  in  the  expression  of  hearty 
allegiance  to  Yahweh  as  Israel's  God  (Nu.  21 14, 
Jg.  52f.,9,ii,i3,  1  S.  1817,25,28).  These  outbursts  of 
poetry  bear  the  marks  of  genuineness  and  spontaneity, 
and  the  fact  that  they  are  embedded  in  the  narrative 
in  so  obvious  a  manner  bears  witness  to  the  historicity 
of  the  events  to  which  they  refer,  though,  of  course, 
they  do  not  guarantee  the  details  of  the  stories  as  we 
have  them.  Some  of  these  quotations  are  from  an 
ancient  collection  of  (probably)  warhke  songs  called 
the  "  book  of  Jashar  "  (the  upright)  which  dated  from 
a  period  a  httle  later  than  that  of  David  (c/.  2  S.l  17-27), 
but  of  which  nothing  further  is  known  (p.  45).  How  fax 
the  historical  books  from  Judges  to  Nehemiah  use  up 
earlier  hterary  sources  it  is  not  always  possible  to 
determine  in  deteiil,  but  it  is  likely  that  by  the  time  of 
David  "  a  prose  style  must  have  been  developed  along- 
side of  the  poetry  "  (Sanday),  as  is  seen  in  the  excellent 
account  of  David's  court  and  family  in  2  S.  9-20, 
which  reads  like  authentic  tiistory  compiled  from  first- 
hand materials.  The  two- streams  of  narrative  running 
through  1  S.  also«suggest  the-existence  of  contemporary 
documents  used  by  later  writers  engaged  in  tracing 
the  history  of  Israel  to  its  origins,  and  embodying 
still  earher  traditions.  It  was  the  custom  of  many 
early  historians  to  incorporate  fragments  of  previous 
writings  verbatim  et  literatim  without  acknowledgment, 
piecing  these  together  without  much  art,  often  making 
no  effort  to  test  their  trustworthiness,  and  occasionally 
embellishing  them  with  additional  details  of  their  own, 
as  is  seen  in  the  two  books  of  Chronicles,  which  con- 
tain highly  coloured  duplicates  of  earlier  narratives  in 
Samuel  and  Kings.  The  last-mentioned  instance  gives 
us  valuable  material  for  noting  how  special  religious 
interests  affected  the  mind  of  many  of  the  writers  in 
deahng  with  earlier  materials,  and  how  fully  they  felt 
justified  in  modifying  the  narratives  for  their  own 
purposes. 

la 


10 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS    MEANING   AND   AIM 


vm 


Bearing  theae  considerations  in  mind,  we  are  in  a 
better  position  to  handle  the  question  of  the  historical 
and  religious  value  of  the  OT. 

This  problem  beoomo«  insistent  in  view  of  the  loss 
of  belief  in  the  infallibility  of  the  OT  Scriptures  as  a 
medium  of  revelation,  and  the  consequent  shifting  of 
emphasis  from  the  records  to  the  facts  that  lie  behind 
them.  As  we  have  no  means  of  getting  at  the  facta 
except  through  the  record,  does  not  the  new  view  of 
the  Bible  land  us  in  a  state  of  uncertainty  from  which 
there  is  no  escape  ? 

1.  The  answer  to  this  question  must  be  frankly, 
"  Yes,  as  regards  many  of  the  details."  It  may  be 
freely  allowed,  indeed,  that  in  reading  the  OT  we 
are  not  dealing  with  history  at  all  in  the  modem  sens© 
of  the  term,  but  with  a  certain  treatment  of  history 
which  has  a  profound  spiritual  value.  These  ancient 
books  were  written  long  before  the  science  of  history 
as  we  know  it  was  bom.  The  writers  were  divided 
by  a  great  gulf  even  from  the  ancient  classical  his- 
torians ;  how  much  more  from  the  scientific  historians 
of  to-day  !  The  aim  of  the  modem  historian  is  to 
reproduce  as  accurately  as  possible  the  significant 
events  of  the  past ;  to  give  true  and  imvamished 
pictures  of  the  great  personalities  who  swayed  the 
destinies  of  nations  ;  to  describe  the  struggles,  manners, 
customs,  laws,  institutions,  forms  of  government, 
economic  conditions  of  successive  ages  ;  to  trace  the 
hne  of  causation  from  one  salient  historical  situation 
to  another  ;  and  to  connect  the  story  of  one  nation 
to  another  in  an  organic  way.  The  OT  lacks  nearly 
all  these  notes  of  careful  and  authentic  history.  To 
summarise  Dr.  Peake's  frank  and  able  treatment  of 
this  question — we  may  say  that  the  OT  narratives 
are  often  meagre  when  we  most  desire  to  find  them 
full,  and  full  of  detail  where  we  should  expect  them  to 
be  meagre.  The  story  of  long  periods  is  sometimes 
summarised  in  a  few  words,  or  left  totally  blank, 
while  the  biographies  of  individuals  are  given  with 
almost  irritating  minuteness.  It  is  still  an  open 
question  who  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression  was ; 
when  the  Exodus  took  place  ;  how  long  was  the  period 
of  the  Judges  ;  what  took  place  during  the  long  years 
of  the  Exile,  and  during  the  seventy  yeai-s  between  the 
"  return  "  and  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  ;  and 
why  the  history  of  Israel  appears  to  come  to  an  end 
400  years  before  the  coming  of  Jesus.  During  the 
latter  period  "  we  have  the  training  of  the  people  by 
the  discipline  of  the  completed  Law  ;  the  transformar- 
tion  of  prophecy  into  apocalypse  ;  the  downfall  of 
Persia  ;  the  conquests  of  Alexander,  which  changed 
the  face  of  the  world ;  the  subtle  penetration  of 
Jewish  Ufe  by  the  Greek  spirit ;  the  attempt  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  root  out  the  Jewish  reUgion  ; 
the  Maccabiean  rising  and  all  that  followed  it ;  the 
creation  of  the  Judaism  into  which  Jesus  came " 
( The  Bible :  Its  Origin,  Its  Significance,  and  Its 
Abiding  Worth,  p.  299).  The  OT  as  history  errs  also 
by  redundance  as  well  as  defect.  The  early  narratives 
of  Genesis  are  given  with  a  vivid  and  particular  detail 
which  suggests  contemporary  sources,  and  yet  it  is  no 
longer  possible  to  accept  much  of  their  substance  as 
historical  at  all.  Myth  and  legend  are  related  as 
though  they  were  actual  occurrences  ;  the  aocoimts 
given  of  the  patriarchs,  in  spite  of  their  vivid  charac- 
terisation, are  difficult  to  accept  in  detail,  and  while 
we  may  claim  to  l)0  on  the  fimi  groimd  of  history 
when  we  come  to  the  Exodus,  and  the  creation  of  the 
Latiou  by  Moaes  on  a  reUgioua  basis,  wo  cannot  insist 


on  many  particular  statements,  and  the  laws  attri- 
buted to  Moses  bear  sure  marks  of  being  for  the  most 
part  later  than  his  time.  There  are  many  uncer- 
tainties and  discrepancies  also  in  the  later  narratives, 
into  which  we  have  here  no  space  to  enter. 

2.  If,  however,  we  caii  no  longer  insist  on  regarding 
the  OT  as  a  book  of  history  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word,  it  is  a  splendid  mine  of  literary  material  for  the 
reconstmction  of  history.  It  enables  us  to  put  the 
salient  features  of  the  story  of  the  Jewish  nation  into 
more  or  loss  clear  jxirspective,  to  follow  its  develop- 
ment from  stage  to  stage,  to  trace  the  growth  of  its 
reUgion  from  its  crude  beginnings  to  its  splendid 
chmax  ;  and  if  to  the  books  of  the  OT  we  add  those 
of  the  Apocrypha  and  the  apocalyptic  htorature,  wo 
gain  a  sufficiently  clear  idea  of  the  historical  sequence 
of  events  from  Moses  to  Chiist  for  all  practical  pur- 
poses. If  we  thus  use  the  Bible  as  material  for  a 
scientific  history  as  we  should  any  other  ancient  docu- 
ments, we  finally  regain  with  one  hand  what  we  seem 
to  have  lost  from  the  other.  Instead  of  a  verbally- 
inspired  volume  of  oracles  to  be  accepted  as  it  stands, 
we  find  looming  out  of  these  rich  but  tangled  records 
the  story  of  a  race  firmly  based  on  the  bed-rock  of 
history,  and  fulfiUing  a  function  in  the  life  of  man- 
kind as  unique  as  it  is  imperishable.  It  is  a  race 
with  a  genius  for  rehgion  on  the  one  side,  and  used  by 
God  for  the  gradual  unfolding  of  His  nature  and 
saving  purpose  for  mankind  on  the  other,  which  finds 
its  consummation  in  the  coming  of  His  Son  Jesus 
Christ,  towards  whom  all  its  fines  converge  as  in  a 
bright  and  glowing  focus,  and  from  which  it  radiates 
down  the  ages  to  all  nations  and  lands. 

3.  What  gives  the  writers  of  the  OT  their  true 
significance  is  not  their  power  of  accurate  narration, 
but  tlie  supreme  religious  interest  which  they  have  in 
the  past  story  of  their  nation.  Taking  the  standpoint 
of  the  latest  editors  who  handled  the  complex  hterary 
sources  that  had  come  down  to  them  in  divers  portions 
from  previous  ages,  what  do  we  see  ?  We  are  looking 
back  in  vision  on  the  story  of  a  people  whose  differentia 
among  the  races  around  them  was  a  uniejue  capacity 
for  God,  from  whom  they  often  tried  to  escape,  but 
from  whom  escape  was  impossible,  because  Ho  held 
them  as  in  the  hollow  of  His  hand  and  would  not 
let  them  go  ;  and  these  people  He  trained  especially 
for  the  purpose  of  reveahng  Himself  to  them,  and 
through  them  to  the  world.  It  was  a  people  which 
produced  many  outstanding  personalities,  and  which 
passed  through  terrible  experiences  of  v,-nT  and  pesti- 
lence, famine  and  captivity.  Lawgivers,  judges,  kings, 
poets,  prophets — it  mattered  not  what  tliese  great 
men  were  ;  all  were  used,  whether  willingly  or  un- 
wilhngly,  for  the  furtherance  of  God's  purpose,  and 
the  gratlual  unfolding  of  His  will.  The  very  lapses 
of  the  people  into  the  idolatries  and  cults  of  surrounding 
nations  were  somehow  made  ministrant  to  the  same 
great  end.  The  process  was  slow  and  painful  ;  it 
had  many  periods  of  pause  and  apparent  retropression  ; 
but  during  the  millcimium  of  the  corporate  history  of 
the  Lsraelitish  people  there  was  an  ever-clarifying 
vision  of  Gods  holy  nature,  an  ever-fimicr  grasp  of 
His  providential  care  and  grace,  an  cver-bri^ihtcning 
forecast  of  a  great  consummation  towards  which  He 
was  bringing  them.  Thej'  were  often  faithless  to  their 
spiritual  function,  and  sometimes  fiercely  resisted  the 
discipline  to  which  they  were  subjected  in  the  pursuance 
of  the  Divine  purpose.  This,  however,  only  brings 
into  greater  pn)minence  the  Divine  factor  in  the  pro- 
cess, and  shows  that  the  history  of  Israel  cannot  be 
summed  up  as  the  result  of  purely  "  resident  forces," 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING   AND   AIM 


11 


or  the  mere  action  and  reaction  of  a  race  on  its  own 
environment.  The  story  throughout  bears  witness  to 
the  operation  of  a  supomaturaT  influence  acting  con- 
tinuously for  long  ages  on  the  temperament  and  char- 
acter of  a  nation — the  unfolding  of  an  authentic 
revelation  of  God  in  His  saving  activities,  leading  to 
a  still  more  wonderful  revelation  to  come. 

IX 

One  feature  of  etlinic  religions  as  a  whole  is  the 
strange  chasm  they  present  as  existing  between  rehgion 
and  morality.  Religion  stood  for  a  certain  relationship 
between  the  Divine  and  the  human,  sometimes  con- 
ceived of  personally  (as  in  the  tribal  religions),  some- 
times pantheistically  (as  in  some  of  the  Eastern 
reUgions),  sometimes  duahstically  (as  in  the  Zoroastrian 
and  Gnostic  cults)  ;  but  reUgion  as  the  Science  of 
C!onduct  viewed  in  its  Divine  aspects  was  not  to  be 
found  an5^here.  Ethical  relationships  were  viewed 
as  existing  only  among  men,  and  with  these  religion 
had  nothing  to  do.  Even  in  Grecian  and  Roman 
times,  the  gods  were  often  conceived  of  as  monsters 
of  lust,  oppression,  cunning,  and  self-indulgence.  It 
is  noteworthy  that  the  loftj^  ethical  systems  of  Aristotle 
and  Seneca  were  developed  from  the  side  of  philo- 
sophy, not  of  theology,  and  did  not  emerge  till  a 
period  of  scepticism  as  to  the  real  existence  of  the 
gods.  It  was  reserved  for  the  Hebrews  alone  to 
develop  a  religion  which  evolved  into  fullness  of 
content  and  authority  in  ever-deepening  association 
•with  an  evolution  of  social  ethic  unparalleled  in  lofti- 
ness and  beauty,  so  that  in  the  end  faith  and  conduct 
became  identified.  The  OT  is  largely  a  record  of  a 
critical  stage  in  this  ethico-religious  discipline  through 
which  the  people  of  Israel  passed. 

1.  The  nucleus  of  this  ethical  movement  is  to  be 
found  in  the  covenant-relationship  which  existed  be- 
tween Yahweh  and  His  people.  The  exclusiveness 
and  reciprocity  of  this  relationship  were  the  central 
features  of  Hebraism  ;  and  faithfulness  on  both  sides 
was  its  ethical  aspect.  Yahweh  from  the  beginning 
was  a  God  who  kept  His  word  ;  who  never  failed  those 
who  put  their  trust  in  Him,  and  never  forgot  to  punish 
those  who,  once  His,  forsook  Him  for  strange  gods. 
In  the  first  four  books  of  the  Pentateuch  we  have 
references  to  repeated  covenants  between  God  and 
man — the  racial  covenant  with  Noah,  the  family 
covenant  with  Abraham,  the  sacerdotal  covenant  with 
Levi ;  and  in  Deuteronomy  we  have  three  such 
covenants  referred  to — that  with  the  fathers  (Abraham, 
Isaac,  and  Jacob),  that  at  Horeb,  when  the  Decalogue 
was  given,  and  that  on  the  plains  of  Moab,  which  is 
the  main  subject  of  Deuteronomy  itself.  This  last- 
mentioned  covenant  p^articularly  emphasizes  the  faith- 
fulness and  immutability  of  God  ;  it  holds  binding 
though  Israel  be  scattered  among  the  nations,  for  God 
will  not  forget  His  people.  Throughout,  the  ethical 
character  of  these  covenants  is  acknowledged,  but  this 
element  grows  richer  with  the  lapse  of  time  and  the 
religious  development  of  the  nation. 

2.  The  ethical  movement  in  Israel  was  greatly  en- 
riched by  the  prophetic  teaching.  Though  it  is  only 
in  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  (prophets  under  the  influence 
of  Deuteronomy)  that  references  to  special  covenants 
are  made,  the  prophets  build  their  message  on  the 
fact  of  a  general  covenant-relation  between  Yahweh 
and  Israel ;  He  is  their  God,  and  they  are  His  people, 
a  relation  formed  by  His  act  in  redeeming  them  from 
Egypt  (HoB.  129,  Am.  82).  This  covenant  is  always 
ethical  in  character.     What  is  required  by  the  prophets 


is  to  "  seek  good,"  i.e.  civil  and  moral  righteousness, 
and  the  service  of  Yahweh  alone.  But  the  distinctive 
message  of  the  prophets  goes  deeper  than  this.  As 
Professor  A.  B.  Davidson  saj^s,  the  prophet  is  "  an 
interpreter  of  events  on  their  spiritual  side."  "  Pro- 
phecy arises  out  of  history,  keeps  pace  with  it,  and 
interprets  it."  Events  are  not  mere  occurrences — 
there  is  a  moral  meaning  in  them  ;  God's  will  can  be 
discovered  through  them,  and  that  will  is  always  a 
moral  will.  Especially  is  the  prophet  filled  with  a 
vision  of  ideals,  not  as  hanging  vaguely  in  the  air,  but 
as  implicit  in  history,  and  sure  of  fulfilment  in  the 
future.  This  predictive  element  is  the  falUble  side 
of  prophecy,  but  it  contains  a  Divine  truth,  for  though 
the  prophet  may  be  mistaken  as  to  times  and  seasons, 
the  moral  connexion  of  events  and  their  sure  issues 
in  the  future  are  safe  and  vahd  intuitions.  Here  we 
have  the  root  distinction  between  true  and  false 
prophets  ;  the  latter  are  mere  soothsayers  and  pre- 
dictors, the  former  grasp  the  moral  meaning  of  events. 
Hence  ritual  has  no  place  in  the  prophetic  message  ; 
that  element  belongs  to  another  plane  of  thought. 
Again,  the  prophets  deal  with  social  relations  from 
their  ethical  side  as  duties  owing  to  God  as  well  aa 
our  neighbour.  It  is  in  the  holiness  and  righteousness 
of  God  that  we  find  the  ultimate  sanction  of  right 
social  conduct.  And  further,  there  is  in  the  prophets 
a  constantly  growing  emphasis  on  the  individual 
aspect  of  conduct.  This  does  not  appear  explicitly 
till  the  scattering  of  the  nation  as  such  prepares  the 
way,  though  it  is  impUcit  in  the  earher  prophets. 
This  is  in  one  direction  the  high-water  mark  of  the 
prophetic  message,  since  it  inaugurates  the  conception 
of  clear  individual  responsibihty  to  God,  and  lays  the 
foundations  of  a  type  of  personal  character  on  which 
afterwards  the  distinctively  Christian  ideal  is  built.  And 
just  aa  the  nationalism  of  the  earher  pre-exihc  prophets 
implied  individual  responsibihty,  so  the  individualism 
of  the  later  prophets  had  a  national  aspect,  since  it 
was  through  good,  faithful  men  alone  that  the  nation 
could  ever  revive  into  strength.  In  both  cases  God 
appears  equally  as  the  Holy  Being  to  whom  men 
owe  their  duty,  and  who  will  faithfully  reward  or 
punish  them  according  to  their  deeds.  Finally  His 
ethical  demands  take  a  higher  quahty  and  forcefulneaa 
of  appeal  through  the  revelation  given  of  Yahweh  in 
the  later  prophets  as  a  God  of  grace.  Some  writers 
who  hold  that  Yahweh  was  originally  the  tribal  god  of 
the  Kenites  find  the  first  germinal  idea  of  grace  in  the 
fact  that  He  was  not  originally  the  tribal  or  local  Gkxi 
of  Israel,  but  that  He  took  up  this  homeless  tribe  in 
its  enslaved  condition  and  made  it  His  own  through 
goodwill  and  pity.  This  idea  is  further  developed  by 
Hosea,  who  represents  Yahweh  as  continuing  to  love 
and  befriend  Israel  in  spite  of  faithlessness  because  of 
His  loving  nature.  In  the  "  Suffering  Servant " 
passages  in  Is.  40-65,  the  highest  revelation  of  the 
Divine  grace  in  the  OT  is  seen  in  His  action  in  identi- 
fying Himself  through  His  Servant  with  the  suffering, 
scattered  people,  and  bearing  their  sins  and  sorrows 
on  His  own  heart.  Here  we  have  the  prophetic 
equivalent  or  forecast  of  the  Gospel  doctrine  of  Atone- 
ment through  the  Cross. 

3.  We  must  turn  to  the  sacrificial  and  ritual  obser- 
vances in  the  Law  for  another  contribution  of  the  OT 
religion  to  the  education  of  the  moral  sense.  The 
various  types  of  sacrifice — the  Burnt  Offering,  the  Sin 
Offering,  the  Guilt  Offering — all  had  an  ethical  signifi- 
cance, standing  as  they  did  for  the  fact  of  repentance 
on  the  part  of  the  worshipper,  and  for  forgiveness  on 
the  side  of  God.     The  Day  of  Atonement  was  a  cere- 


12 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS    MEANING   AND   AIM 


monial  expressly  emphasizing  Cods  holiness.  In  later 
times  there  waa  an  increasing  peril  of  losing  this 
aspect  of  the  sacrificial  system,  which  tended  to  harden 
into  formality,  and  to  obscure  the  supremo  value  of 
moral  conduct- in  its  votaries  (c/.  our  LonlM  denuncia- 
tion of  the  Pharisees  who  "  tithed  mint  and  anise 
and  cummin  "  and  forgot  the  "  weightier  matters  of 
the  law  ■■).  This,  however,  was  the  abuse  of  a  higher 
function  intended  for  better  ends. 

The  result  of  all  these  educative  elements  in  the 
discipUne  of  Israel  was  to  develop  a  religious  and 
ethical  conception  of  hfe  which  stands  alone  among 
ancient  faiths  in  its  emphasis  on  moral  character  in 
closest  relationship  with  spiritual  worship.  The 
critical  movement  which  broke  down  the  old  view  of 
the  Bible  as  an  infallible  text-book  of  reUgion  has  only 
helped  to  bring  more  clearly  into  view  the  historical 
factors  which  helped  to  make  Israel  the  medium  of 
this  incomparable  benefit  for  mankind.  And  it  has 
removed  one  supreme  difficulty  contained  in  the  elder 
view,  which  forced  readers  of  the  OT  to  believe  that 
many  of  the  earlier  customs  and  acts  of  the  nation 
were  Divinely  commanded.  We  are  now  able  to 
recognise  here  only  a  crude  stage  of  ethical  develop- 
ment (in  vivid  contrast,  however,  to  the  still  lower 
moral  standards  of  surrounding  nations),  which  waa 
afterwards  superseded  as  the  process  of  revelation 
became  more  and  more  ethicised,  and  the  refining 
conscience  of  the  nation  was  able  to  bear  its  higher 
teachings.  God  made  Himself  known  to  this  people 
afl  they  were  capable  of  receiving  the  message ;  the 
light  was  tempered  to  the  vision  ;  not  till  in  the  full- 
neas  of  time  Christ  came  and  brought  the  perfect 
revelation  of  the  Fatherhood  do  we  arrive  at  the 
teaching  which  superseded  all  the  earlier  standards 
and  gave  us  a  law  of  conduct  appUcable  to  all  times 
and  peoples,  and  which  haa  even  yet  been  nowhere 
fully  reaUsedL 

X 

We  pass  to  another  valuable  contribution  made  by 
the  OT  to  the  spiritual  life  in  its  conception  of  Ood's 
relation  to  Nature  as  the  theatre  of  human  life  and 
destiny.  Criticism  has  been  an  invaluable  help  in 
realising  this  in  its  fullness. 

We  no  longer  go  to  the  Bible  for  the  science  of  Nature. 
In  those  early  times  there  was  no  such  thing  as  science 
in  the  modem  sense  of  the  term.  As  already  sug- 
gested, science  deals  with  secondary  causes  and  effects  ; 
it  treats  exclusively  of  what  philosophers  call  the 
phenomenal  or  factual  relations  of  things.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Bible  has  no  interest  in  the  mere 
sequence  of  natural  cause  and  effect.  It  views  man 
and  Nature  in  only  one,  i.e.  the  religious  aspect, 
which  deals  with  men  and  things  in  their  relation  to 
the  great  First  Cause — the  holy  and  efficient  will  of 
God,  When  once  this  fact  is  reaUsed  in  all  its  bearings 
we  are  emancipated  from  the  unhappy  dilemma  on 
the  horns  of  which  our  forefathers  were  impaled  for 
nearly  two  thousand  years.  Believing  that  every 
reference  throughout  the  Bible  to  the  phenomena  of 
Nature  must  be  taken  as  infallibly  true  just  as  it 
stood,  they  were  forced  to  the  position  either  that 
any  advance  to  a  clearer  knowledge  of  the  science  of 
Nature  must  bo  set  aside  as  fiction,  or  that  the  Bible 
was  in  many  places  unscientific  and  untrue.  We  now 
perceive  that  the  naive  beliefs  of  Biblical  writers 
about  natural  phenomena  were  incidental  and  non- 
essential to  their  true  message,  and  have  no  claim  on 
our  faith.  We  are  thus  left  free  to  inquire  into  the 
aignificance  of  their  view  of  Nature  from  the  religioua 


standpoint,  and  this  we  find,  in  most  of  its  bearings, 
to  be  true  for  all  time. 

1,  Take  the  account  given  to  us  of  the  Creation 
story  in  Genesis.  Ever;  within  living  memory  this 
was  the  subject  of  the  fiercest  controversies  between 
scientists  and  theologians.  It  was  taken  for  granted 
on  both  sides  that  we  had  here  a  literal  account  of 
the  making  of  the  universe  in  six  days  of  twenty-four 
hours  each,  tliat  the  various  stages  of  creation  must 
be  accepted  as  authoritative  in  the  order  given,  and 
that  the  slightest  proved  inaccuracy  would  totally 
invalidate  the  tnistworthiness  of  the  whole.  We  have 
travelled  away  so  rapidly  from  such  a  position  to-day 
that  it  is  hard  to  enter  into  the  mind  of  either  side  in 
the  controversy,  or  to  excuse  their  temper.  The  first 
chapter  of  Genesis  is  now  recognised  by  all  reputable 
thinkers  to  be  neither  science  nor  history  ;  it  is  a 
Hymn  of  Creation,  which  takes  this  form  in  order  to 
carry  home  to  the  reader  the  central  truth  of  the 
dependence  of  the  universe  for  its  existence,  its  order, 
and  its  maintenance  on  God,  the  Creative  Spirit,  who 
made  all  things  well,  and  who  created  man  to  be  His 
vicegerent  and  servant  at  the  head  of  the  earthly 
order.  To  quote  the  words  of  the  late  Professor 
Elmslie :  "  The  idea  of  the  arrangement  followed  is  on 
the  face  of  it  (not  chronological)  but  literary  and 
logical  It  is  chosen  for  its  comprehensiveness,  its 
all-inclusive  completeness.  To  declare  of  every  part 
and  atom  of  Nature,  that  it  is  the  making  of  God, 
the  author  passes  in  procession  the  great  elements  or 
spheres  which  the  human  mind  everywhere  conceives 
as  making  up  the  world,  and  pronounces  them  one 
by  one  God's  creation.  Then  he  makes  an  inventory 
of  their  entire  furniture  and  content,  and  asserts  that 
all  these  are  Ukewise  the  work  of  God.  For  his  pur- 
pose— which  is  to  declare  the  universal  creatorahip  of 
Grod  and  the  uniform  creature-hood  of  Nature — the 
order  is  unsurpassed  and  unsurpassable.  With  a 
masterly  survey  which  marks  everything  and  omits 
nothing,  he  sweeps  the  whole  category  of  created 
existence,  collects  the  scattered  leaves  into  six  con- 
gruous groups,  encloses  each  in  a  compact  and  uniform 
binding,  and  then  on  the  back  of  the  numbered  and 
uniform  and  ordered  volumes  stamps  the  great  title 
and  declaration  that  they  are  one  and  all,  every  jot, 
tittle,  shred,  and  fragment,  the  works  of  their  Almighty 
Author,  and  of  none  beside,"  Viewed  scientifically, 
this  picture  of  the  universe  is  out  of  its  true  perspec- 
tive, and  the  order  of  the  development  of  things  is 
here  and  there  inaccurate — how  in  that  far-away  age 
could  it  be  otherwise  ? — but  for  its  purpose,  these 
features  are  irrelevant.  The  true  value  of  this  Creation- 
Psalm  is  seen  best  when  we  compare  it  with  similar 
fragments  of  creation-hterature  among  surrounding 
nations,  and  note  its  unapproached  spiritual  «ugges- 
tivenees  and  beauty.  More  than  this.  To  quote 
words  elsewhere  used  by  the  writer :  "  We  have  but 
to  compare  this  Hymn  with  modem  rehgio-philo- 
sophical  attempts  to  enter  into  the  higher  aspects  of  the 
universe  to  find  it  springing  into  lofty  and  unmis- 
takable antithesis.  Agnosticism  pales  its  ineffectual 
fires  before  the  still  radiance  of  this  wonderful  Hymn  ; 
Positivism  sinks  into  shamed  silence  in  the  presence 
of  its  exultant  refrain,  '  Behold,  it  was  very  good.' 
It  is  the  world's  morning  chant  of  the  goodness  and 
beauty  of  the  Creator's  activity  in  the  making  of  all 
that  was,  and  is,  and  is  to  come  ;  and  to  the  world's 
evening  in  the  dim  future  it  will  continue  to  voice  the 
highest  and  devouteet  mood  of  humanity  in  looking 
at  the  earthly  home  in  which  it  dwells,  and  works, 
and  aspires."     (TA*  Ascent  Through  Christ,  pp.  90f.) 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING   AND   AIM 


13 


2.  The  attitude  of  all  OT  writers  is  throughout  con- 
sistent with  the  position  taken  up  in  this  wonderful 
account  of  creation.  Nature  is  everywhere  dependent 
on  God  ;  He  is  Lord  of  all.  The  Bible  is  an  open-air 
book  ;  it  is  redolent  of  wind  and  rain,  storm  and 
sunshine,  blossom  and  fruit,  for  it  was  written  by 
men  who  deUghted  in  the  works  of  God  and  who  never 
forgot  the  Creator  in  His  works,  but  viewed  everything 
in  the  hght  of  His  orderly  power  and  providential 
care  and  lovingkindness.  (Abundant  quotations  and 
references  might  be  given,  but  space  forbids.)  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  no  reoder  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  can 
famiUarise  himself  with  them  without  coming  to  con- 
sider Nature  habitually  in  a  worshipping  mood,  and 
finding  spiritual  suggestions  in  the  order  and  stabihty 
of  the  world,  in  the  procession  of  the  seasons,  in  seed- 
time and  harvest,  in  the  springing  com  and  the  falUng 
rain.  The  writers,  moreover,  are  skilful  in  the  figura- 
tive use  of  natural  phenomena  as  emblems  of  spiritual 
realities.  If,  in  Emerson's  phrase,  "  language  is  one 
of  the  uses  which  Nature  subserves  to  man,"  and  if 
"  Nature  is  the  symbol  of  spirit,"  the  Bible  overflows 
with  classical  passages  in  which  this  process  La  carried 
to  its  finest  limits  of  expression,  especially  in  the 
Psalms,  in  Job,  and  in  some  of  the  prophetic  writings. 
We  see  there  how  true  it  is  that  "  the  laws  of  moral 
nature  answer  to  those  of  matter  as  face  to  face." 
Indeed,  with  this  book  in  our  hands  we  find  the  uni- 
verse becoming  transparent,  and  the  hght  of  higher 
laws  than  its  own  shining  through  it.  We  owe  it 
chiefly  to  the  Hebrew  mind  that  this  view  of  Nature 
haa  become  the  common  possession  of  all  devout  souls. 

3.  There  is  one  aspect  of  the  Bibhcal  view  of  Nature 
which  we  have  more  or  less  outgrown.  We  are  every- 
where taught  in  it  to  beheve  that  God  uses  special 
operations  of  Nature  aa  elements  in  the  moral  disciphne 
of  man — a  beUef  which  has  persisted  down  to  quite 
modem  times.  Storm,  famine,  pestilence,  floods,  and 
drought  are  frequently  referred  to  as  used  for  the 
punishment  of  races  and  nations  for  evil  customs  or 
for  forgetfulness  of  God.  The  Flood  was  His  method 
of  destroying  all  but  a  fragment  of  mankind  at  a 
period  of  unexampled  wickedness  (Gen.  65f.).  The 
plagues  of  Egypt  (frogs,  hce,  flies,  murrain,  boils,  hail, 
locusts,  etc.)  were  used  to  compel  Pharaoh  to  permit 
the  Israehtes  to  return  to  Canaan  (Exod.  Sgf.).  A 
volcanic  outburst  destroyed  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  for 
flagrant  immorality  (Gen.  I924)  ;  an  earthquake 
swallowed  the  famihes  of  Dathan  and  Abiram  for 
sedition  (Nu.  I631)  ;  David's  numbering  of  Israel  was 
punished  by  a  pestilence  that  slew  70,000  men  (2  S.  24 
15  ;  cf.  Lev.  2625,  Nu.  14i2,  Jer.  14i2,  Ezek.  5i2, 
Mt.  247,  Lk.  21 11).  So  completely  were  the  Hebrews 
saturated  with  the  notion  that  all  physical  calamities 
had  a  moral  significance,  that  nothing  untoward  could 
happen  without  its  being  associated  with  some  sin  or 
delinquency  on  the  part  of  mankind.  Even  in  NT 
times  the  disciples  feel  constrained  to  ask  whether  a 
certain  man's  blindness  from  birth  was  due  to  the 
fault  of  his  parents  or  his  own  (Jn.  92).  This  behef, 
which  we  can  no  longer  hold,  tind  which  was  specifically 
discounted  by  our  Lord  on  two  occasions  (c/.  Jn.  93 
and  Lk.  184),  we  must  now  relegate  to  the  region  of 
those  beneficent  illusions  which  have  played  so  large 
a  part  in  the  education  of  the  human  race.  None  the 
less  it  is  but  the  exaggeration  of  a  profound  trath,  for 
man  does  hold  moral  relations  with  Nature,  and  she 
haa  always  exercised  a  profound  influence  on  his 
spiritual  development  and  destiny,  both  in  her  bene- 
ficent and  orderly  processes,  and  in  those  occasional 
calamities  with  which  she  visits  him. 


XI 


The  crowning  contribution  of  the  OT  to  religion 
however,  remains  to  be  indicated,  i.e.  its  interpretation 
of  the  history  of  the  Hebrew  people  as  the  medium  of 
God's  revelation  of  His  nature  and  purpose.  This  is 
to  be  found,  not  so  much  in  any  direct  references  to 
the  fact,  as  in  the  instinctive  attitude  of  the  writers, 
and  the  general  impression  of  the  whole.  In  the  only 
book  where  the  compiler  is  consciously  reviewing  a 
certain  period  of  history  in  the  interests  of  a  theory 
(1  and  2  Ch.)  the  bias  is  so  evident  and  the  exaggera- 
tion so  glaring  as  compared  with  the  more  direct  and 
veracious  account  of  the  same  events  in  earlier  books 
(Samuel  and  Kings)  thaT)  they  are  among  the  least 
valuable  portions  of  the  OT  for  spiritual  purposes. 
But  of  the  literature  as  a  whole  we  may  say  that  it  is 
governed  by  one  general  and  quite  unconscious  but 
commanding  motive.  Everywhere  in  these  glowing  pages 
we  meet  the  living  God  in  His  revealing  and  redeeming 
agency.  The  fact  that  the  Bible  contains  many  layers 
of  literary  deposit,  most  of  which  can  be  at  least 
approximately  dated,  enables  us  broadly  at  least  to 
follow  the  course  of  this  reveahng  process  from  start 
to  finish.  The  fact  that  the  later  editors  quite  honestly 
project  their  own  rehgious  outlook  back  to  quite 
primitive  times  does  not  hinder  us  from  disentanghng 
the  various  stages  from  each  other,  and  marking  the 
steps  by  which  the  tribal  deity  Yahweh  is  finally 
manifested  as  the  God  of  the  whole  earth  and  Saviour 
of  those  who  put  their  trust  in  Him.  Viewed  from  a 
purely  human  standpoint,  the  Bible  is  an  intensely 
interesting  book.  Its  pages  teem  with  hving,  moving 
figures,  all  absorbed  in  their  personal  concerns,  and 
working  out  their  destinies  with  little  idea  for  the 
most  part  that  they  are  hnks  in  a  chain  of  a  great 
spiritual  movement,  dramatis  personm  in  a  Divine  epic, 
whose  protagonist  is  God  Himself,  and  who  are  all 
being  used  for  His  own  beneficent  ends.  It  is  this 
spiritual  interest  which  binds  these  varied  and  complex 
writings  into  an  organic  whole,  and  justifies  the  OT 
(in  spite  of  its  fragmentary  character)  being  considered 
as  one  Book. 

If  the  OT  thus  interprets  the  past  history  of  Israel 
in  the  hght  of  a  commanding  and  creative  idea,  it 
looks  forward  still  more  intensely  into  the  future. 
From  its  earUest  to  its  latest  pages  it  is  illumined  by 
a  mighty  Hope.  It  is  a  prophetic  book  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  term  because  it  places  the  cUmax  of  history 
in  a  Day  of  the  Lord  which  was  to  come,  in  the  appear- 
ing of  a  Deliverer  who  would  inaugurate  a  Heavenly 
era,  in  a  Kingdom  of  God  which  would  transform  the 
world  into  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth  wherein 
dwelleth  righteousness.  There  is  a  "  shadow  Christ" 
in  the  OT  whose  dim  and  changeful  features  meet  us 
in  unexpected  places,  and  grow  clearer  as  the  centuries 
go  by  ;  a  greater  than  Abraham,  or  Moses,  or  any  of 
the  prophets,  who  would  one  day  crystallise  the  aspira- 
tions of  the  nation,  and  bring  about  a  consummation 
that  would  make  all  the  sorrows,  disappointments,  and 
tragedies  of  the  past  well  worth  undergoing.  The 
Seed  of  the  Woman  who  would  crush  the  head  of  the 
serpent,  the  nation  which  was  to  spring  from  the  loins 
of  Abraham  and  become  as  the  sand  of  the  seashore, 
the  Root  of  Jesse,  the  suffering  Servant  of  the  Lord — 
these  were  the  nuclei  or  nodal  points  of  a  longing  or 
dream  or  anticipation  in  the  heart  of  Israel  which 
was  its  most  distinctive  and  unconquerable  mood,  and 
which  no  delay  or  disappointment  could  quench  for 
long.  This  forward  look  of  the  OT  makes  it  the  most 
dramatio  of  books,  especially  when  we  remember  that 


14 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS    MEANING   AND    AIM 


the  Hope  to  which  it  so  passionately  clings  was  never 
reaiised  till  long  after  its  last  pages  were  written  (as 
well  as  the  apocrjphal  and  most  of  the  apocalyptic 
literature  linking  it  with  the  NT),  and  which  was 
reaUsed  at  last  in  a  form  as  unexpected  as  it  was 
complete.  God  fulfils  Himself  in  many  ways,  but 
seldom  in  the  way  wo  have  laid  down  for  Him.  It 
was  at  once  the  tragedy  and  glory  of  the  OT  that  it 
quickened  in  its  readers  an  expectancy  which  it  failed 
to  satisfy.  And  yet  unconsciously  all  it«  lines  converged 
upon  Him  who  was  the  true  realisation  of  the  Hope 
of  Israel,  so  that  when  His  work  was  complete,  He 
could  rebuke  His  sorrowing  disciples  with  their  bUnd- 
ness  in  failing  to  see  that  it  was  He  of  whom  "  Moses 
and  the  prophets  had  spoken  " — the  Hero  of  the  new 
covenant  which  was  to  fulfil  and  supersede  the  old — 
thi  One  who  was  to  come,  Deliverer  and  Saviour  of  the 
World. 

THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 
XII 

We  have  dwelt  at  some  length  on  the  spiritual 
aspects  of  the  OT  which  make  it  as  significant  as  ever 
to-day,  in  spite  or  rather  with  the  help  of  the  critical 
movement,  because  it  is  about  the  OT  that  the  average 
man  is  chiefly  troubled.  It  will  not  bo  necessary  to 
spend  so  much  space  by  waj'  of  general  introduction 
to  the  NT,  whose  reUgious  significance  is  less  affected, 
though,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  criticism  has  been  as  busy 
and  in  some  directions  as  revolutionary  in  its  treat- 
ment of  its  various  books  and  contents.  The  NT 
which  criticism  has  given  back  to  us  is  a  different 
book  in  many  waj-B  from  what  it  was  in  the  hands  of 
(say)  our  Puritan  forefathers.  It  has  been  roughly 
handled  by  many  of  the  critics ;  the  dates  of  its  docu- 
ments, their  authorship,  their  genuineness  and  authen- 
ticity, their  reliableness  as  history,  their  value  aa 
teaching,  have  been  discussed  from  almost  every 
possible  point  of  view  ;  and  many  of  the  problems 
raised  are  stiU  largely  unsettled.  The  main  results, 
however,  stand  out  fairly  clearly. 

Christianity  is  a  historical  religion,  i.e.  it  is  based  on 
the  validity  and  spiritual  significance  of  a  series  of 
facts  without  which  it  could  never  have  arisen  at  all, 
and  with  the  discredit  of  which  it  would  speedily  and 
finally  lose  its  influence.  Some  of  these  facta  lie,  as 
we  have  seen,  in  the  historical  career  of  the  people  of 
Israel,  whose  literary  deposit  is  found  in  the  OT  and 
apocryphal  books ;  the  main  fact  indeed  is  Israel 
itself.  Greatly  as  criticism  has  altered  our  conception 
of  the  character  of  this  hterature,  it  has  only  empha- 
sized the  crucial  importance  for  humanity  of  the 
religious  movement  of  which  this  remarkable  people 
was  the  channel.  Yet,  important  as  are  the  facts  of 
the  OT,  they  are  of  httle  account  for  us  to-day  in 
comparison  with  the  facts  of  the  NT,  which  are  the 
fountain  head  of  the  Christian  faith.  How  stands  it 
to-day  with  these  and  with  their  record  ? 

The  importance  of  this  problem  is  seen  more  clearly 
when  we  realise  how  entirely  our  religion  stands  or 
falls  with  faith  in  tlic  person  of  the  historical  Jesus. 
Those  writers  who  have  recently  been  attempting  to 
distinguish  between  the  "  historical  Jesus  "  and  the 
"  Et«mal  Christ,"  with  a  view  to  show  that  faith  in 
the  latter  would  survive  the  loss  of  the  former,  are 
really  assuming  a  philosophical  as  opposed  to  a  his- 
torical ba-iis  for  the  faith,  and  have  the  testimony  of 
all  past  ages  against  them.  \Vhatever  kind  of  Chris- 
tianity might  survive  a  supposed   proof  that  Jeeus 


never  Uved,  or  that  Ho  is  separable  from  the  reUgion 
associated  with  His  name,  it  would  not  be  the  Chris- 
tianity that  has  been  influencing  men  so  profoundly 
for  ninet«en  centuries.  We  know  nothing  of  any 
Eternal  Christ,  or  Christ-Principle  except  as  the  spirit 
of  Jesus  working  out  its  influence  in  history  and  in 
the  hearts  of  men  ;  and  what  "  God  hath  joined,  let 
no  man  put  asunder."  It  is  therefore  with  justifiable 
solicitude  that  we  approach  the  question,  how  far  we 
can  depend  on  the  gospel  stories  for  reUable  knowledge 
of  the  Person,  teaching,  and  work  of  Jesus  Christ, 

Leaving  the  dates  of  the  particular  books  in  question 
for  individual  treatment  in  the  body  of  this  Commen- 
tary, we  will  here  restrict  ourselves  to  certain  broad 
facts,  the  relevance  of  which  is  not  affected  by  such 
differences  of  judgment  as  exist  among  NT  critics. 

XIU 

As  regards  the  Synoptics  {i.e.  the  gospels  according 
to  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke)  we  have  already  hinted 
at  some  of  the  difficulties  which  make  a  hteralistic 
interpretation  of  their  contents  no  longer  possible. 
Even  in  the  case  of  Mark,  which  in  all  probabihty 
contains  the  earliest  account  of  the  events  of  our 
Lord's  life,  and  which  was  probably  written  before 
A.D.  70,  we  are  still  separated  from  these  by  nearly 
a  generation  of  time — an  interval  which  would  permit 
of  a  considerable  amount  of  transformation  and  con- 
fusion as  regards  the  details.  Furthermore,  we  are 
looking  at  the  personality  of  Jesus  through  the  eyes 
of  men  who  had  passed  through  a  unique  experience 
ot  His  spiritual  influence  upon  their  fives,  and  it  is 
difficult  not  to  feel  that  this  experience  must  have 
affected  their  attitude  towards  the  bare  facts,  jind 
more  or  less  transfigured  them  in  their  memory. 
There  are,  however,  certain  considerations  which 
modify  this  impression. 

1.  The  time  in  which  Jesus  hved  was  by  no  means 
the  ilhterate  age  which  some  of  the  earUer  critics 
imagined  it  to  be.  Deissmann  {Light  from  the  Ancient 
East)  has  shown  that  the  art  of  writing  was  widely 
practised  in  that  age  by  many  ordinary  people,  who 
kept  diaries,  and  were  in  the  habit  of  jotting  down 
noteworthy  saj'ings  and  events  that  had  come  under 
their  notice.  There  is  nothing  improbable,  therefore, 
in  the  suggestion  that  many  characteristic  deeds  and 
sayings  of  Jesus  were  committed  to  writing  at  the 
time,  or  very  soon  afterwards,  by  those  who  had  seen 
and  heard  Him,  and  that  some  of  them  were  after- 
wards collected  by  devoted  men,  thus  furnishing  the 
nucleus  of  the  recollections  afterwards  embodied  in 
the  gospels. 

2.  It  is  generally  admitted  that  the  writer  of 
the  second  gospel  was  the  traveUing  companion 
of  Paul  and  the  "  interpreter "  of  Pet«r,  who 
knew  the  facta  at  first  hand.  Some  critics  hold  that 
Mark  contains  an  earlier  document,  thus  bringing  us 
even  nearer  to  the  events. 

3.  Mt.  and  Lk.  are  not  only  based  on  Mk.  (or  an 
earlier  writing  used  by  Mk.)  but  on  a  collection  of 
Sayings  of  Jesus  known  by  scholars  as  Q  (from  the 
German  Quelle,  source).  This  was  in  all  probability 
in  existence  in  a.d.  51).  And  there  were  other  written 
sources  such  aa  Lk.  mentions  in  his  openinc  words; 
Thus  even  if  we  cannot  date  Mt.  and  Lk.  earlier  than 
A.D.  85-100,  there  are  litorarj'  materials  embodied  in 
them  which  date  from  a  period  when  contemporaries 
of  Jesus  were  still  alive  (see  art.  "  Synoptic  l^roblem," 
pp.  672-678). 

4.  We  must,  however,  not  exaggerate  the  value  of 


THE  BIBLE:    ITS   MEANING   AND   AIM 


15 


such  sources,  aa  though  they  placed  us  indubitably  in 
possession  of  accurate  and  literal  transcripts  of  His 
words  and  an  exact  record  of  His  deeds.  There  is 
still  a  gap  between  the  events  and  the  records,  during 
which  the  memorabiha  of  Jesus  (apart  from  possibly 
contemporaneous  fragments)  were  passed  from  mouth 
to  mouth  in  oral  fashion,  after  the  manner  of  the 
times.  And  while  it  is  legitimate  to  lay  strong  emphasis 
on  the  remarkable  character  of  the  events,  the  unique 
impression  of  the  personahty  of  the  Master,  His  vivid 
and  characteristic  way  of  speaking  (so  splendidly 
adapted  to  an  oral  method  of  transmission)  and  the 
tenacity  of  memory  among  people  drilled,  as  were  all 
Jews  from  infancy,  to  habits  of  accurate  verbal  memory, 
we  are  still  far  from  having  any  proof  that  we  have  the 
ipsissima  verba  of  Jesus,  or  any  guarantee  that  the 
events  of  His  hfe  are  related  with  absolute  accuracy 
in  the  gospels.  In  the  case  of  sayings  and  discourses 
contained  both  in  Mt.  and  Lk.  there  are  often  consider- 
able verbal  differences,  even  when  the  general  sense 
is  the  same  (c/.  for  instance,  the  "  Sermon  on  the 
Mount "  in  Mt.  5-7  and  Lk.  620-49,  etc.  ;  also  the 
saying  concerning  divorce  of  which  we  have  three 
versions — Mt.  Ssif.,  Mk.  lOiif.,  Lk.  I618 — and  some 
others).  In  certain  cases  we  have  two  versions  of 
similar  sayings  in  one  and  the  same  gospel,  without 
being  literally  identical  (c/.  Mt.  030  and  188).  In 
some  very  important  passages  it  is  impossible  to 
harmonise  the  various  versions.  This  is  particularly 
true  of  the  stories  of  the  Virgin  Birth  and  of  the 
Resurrection.  As  regards  the  Birth  stories  in  Mt; 
and  Lk.,  we  find  ourselves  in  doubt  on  many  points, 
and  there  is  reason  to  beheve  that  a  reverent  imagina- 
tion has  been  at  work  on  traditional  material.  The 
various  accounts  of  the  Resurrection,  while  perfectly 
concordant  and  emphatic  as  to  the  fact  of  the  empty 
grave,  are  very  discrepant  as  to  the  place,  the  occasion, 
and  the  nature  of  the  post-resurrection  appearance  of 
Jesus,  where  different  traditions  seem  to  have  been 
followed  without  any  attempt  to  reduce  them  to  a 
harmonious  whole.  In  Mk.  16  we  have  no  definite 
appearances  at  all,  except  in  an  appendix  (I69-20) 
which  is  almost  universally  held  to  be  no  part  of  the 
original  gospel,  which  is  indeed  clearly  a  summary 
by  a  later  editor  of  appearances  given  in  the  other 
gospels.  In  Mt.  we  are  led  to  infer  that  these  appear- 
ances took  place  in  Gahlee  ;  in  Lk.  they  seem  to  have 
taken  place  in  Jerusalem  ;  according  to  Jn.,  they 
occurred  in  both  ;  while  in  Ac.  again  they  are  in 
Jerusalem,  where  the  disciples  are  commanded  to 
remain  till  they  "  receive  power  from  on  high  "  (re- 
ferring probably  to  the  descent  of  the  Spirit  at  Pente- 
cost). Once  more  it  is  impossible  fully  to  harmonise  all 
these  accounts  with  the  hst  given  by  Paul  in  1  Cor.  15 
5-8,  which  he  must  have  collected  from  a  much  earlier 
sjid  well-informed  source.  In  view  of  all  these  facts 
it  is  no  longer  possible  to  insist  on  the  literal 
accuracy  of  the  gospel  narratives  ;  but  concerning 
the  Fact  behind  the  narratives — the  authentic  Per- 
sonality of  Jesus  Christ — there  is  concordant  £ind 
emphatic  testimony. 

XIV 

Are  we,  then,  reduced  to  any  serious  uncertainty  as 
to  the  historical  reality  of  the  Central  Person  in  the 
gospel  narratives,  and  to  confess  that  all  we  have  of 
Him  is  a  maas  of  traditional  and  unreliable  recollec- 
tions ?  Have  we  nothing  to  say  to  the  theorists  who 
assert  boldly  that  the  Jesus  of  the  gospels  is  an  Ideal 
Figure  evolved  out  of  a  mass  of  heterogeneous  material 


drawn  from  the  flotsam  of  other  faiths,  and  personified 
ill  the  corporate  imagination  of  the  Early  Church  ? 

On  the  contrary,  the  very  fact  that  we  can  trace  so 
many  of  the  threads  of  tradition,  each  independent  of 
the  other,  some  of  which  date  back  to  within  a  few 
years  of  the  alleged  events,  which  are  all  woven  into 
the  rich  gospel  picture  of  Jesas,  is  in  itself  a  sufficient 
disproof  of  this  wild  and  foolish  theory — surely  the 
most  incoherent  and  incredible  ever  invented  by  a 
group  of  irresponsible  sciolists  !  Granted  the  uncer- 
tainty of  many  of  the  details  ;  granted  that  each  of  the 
Synoptic  writers  was  consciously  or  uncoasciously  con- 
trolled in  his  selection  of  his  material  and  his  way  of 
handhng  it  by  a  certain  theoretic  bias ;  granted  that 
something  must  be  conceded  to  those  critics  who  would 
lessen  the  miraculous  element  in  the  gospels  ;  even 
then  more  than  enough  remains  of  the  authentic  picture 
of  Jesus  to  enable  us  to  recognise  Him  for  what  He  was, 
to  feel  the  very  aroma  of  His  presence  distilling  from 
these  living  and  artless  pages,  to  realise  the  quality 
of  His  personahty,  to  drink  in  the  spirit  of  His  teaching 
and  influence.  The  Jesus  of  criticism  is  a  more  credible 
figure  than  the  Jesus  of  traditional  faith,  because  we 
are  released  from  the  bondage  of  the  letter,  and  thrown 
back  on  the  intuitions  of  the  Spirit.  It  is  possible  to 
part  with  some  of  the  details  of  the  gospel  narratives 
and  feel  none  the  less  secure  of  the  central  fact  which 
gave  those  gospels  their  existence,  which  created  the 
Christian  Church,  and  which  has  been  a  renewing 
power  in  the  hves  of  the  countless  milhons  of  behevers 
in  all  ages.  Nor  are  we  in  any  way  forced  to  concede 
all  that  the  extreme  critics  claim.  Much  of  their 
attitude  of  dubiety  is  due  not  to  the  pressure  of  the 
evidence  or  to  the  lack  of  evidence,  but  to  naturalistic 
preconceptions  which  force  them  to  minimise  the 
evidence  itself,  and  to  magnify  the  discrepancies  in 
the  narratives  ;  and  those  whose  philosophy  is  of  a 
more  adequate  kind  are  free  to  form  more  positive 
conclusions. 

Nor  is  this  alL  It  is  well  to  point  out  that  the 
Christian  Church  was  not  created  by  the  simple  story 
of  Jesus,  but  by  the  activity  of  the  Rien  One  energising 
through  His  Spirit  in  the  hearts  of  His  people,  bringing 
into  its  true  significance  for  faith  His  earthly  life, 
teaching,  death,  and  resurrection,  and  transforming 
His  influence  from  a  moving  and  fragrant  memory 
into  an  inward  and  renewing  power.  The  existence 
of  an  earthly  Jesus,  however  potent  His  hfe,  and 
quickening  Efis  teaching,  and  exquisitely  beautiful  the 
ideal  He  revealed  in  His  Person,  woi^d  never  have 
produced  such  results  as  are  seen  in  history,  and  which 
have  continued  to  this  day.  It  is  that  same  Jeaos, 
who  died  and  rose  again,  and  who  from  the  Unseen 
has  been  in  fellows;hip  with  His  people  throughout 
the  ages  since.  So  thoroughly  was  tffis  realised  in 
the  generation  which  followed  His  appearance  in  the 
flesh,  that  the  greatest  Christian  of  the  time — Paul — 
seems  to  have  realised  but  faintly  the  influence  of  His 
earthly  Ufe,  being  completely  possessed  by  the  imme- 
diate fellowship  and  power  "of  His  Spirit'  This  con- 
viction of  the  continued  nearness  and  grace  of  the 
Risen  Christ  has  never  died  out  of  the  Church,  because 
it  has  never  been  lost  fioni  the  experience  of  believers. 
It  has  not  been  granted  to  all  Christians  to  realise  it 
with  equal  vividness,  but  it  is  the  normal  experience 
of  those  who  hold  the  Christian  rehgion  in  its  integrity  ; 
without  it,  indeed,  it  is  impassible  to  account  for  the 
persistence,  the  joy,  and  the  victory  of  faith  throughout 
the  ages.  And  while  it  is  not  legitimate  to  plead  (as 
is  sometimes  done)  that  this  distinctive  experience  of 
Christians  proves  the  literal  accuracy  of  the  gospel 


16 


THE   BIBLE:    ITS    MEANING   AND   AIM 


story  in  all  its  details,  it  is  still  riglit  to  say  that  the 
two  aspects  of  the  case  mutually  support  and  supple- 
ment each  other.  The  Jesus  of  history  gives  us  an 
objective  content  and  standard  for  faith  ;  the  Christ 
of  experience  gives  us  the  spiritual  quickening  and 
atmosphere  of  faith.  Without  the  history,  faith  would 
loae  itself  in  a  vague  mysticism,  a  formless  subjec- 
tivity ;  without  the  mystic  presence,  we  should  know 
only  a  Jesus  according  to  the  flesh,  who  might  fill  us 
with  admiration  and  with  longing  for  better  things, 
but  who  could  not  save  us  from  our  sins  and  bring  us 
to  newness  of  life.  In  the  Fc)urth  Gospel  these  two 
aspects  of  the  Redeemer's  activity  aro  brought  together 
into  an  idealised  but  valid  picture  ;  and  while  we 
depend  less  on  it  than  on  the  Synoptics  for  the  exact 
historical  facta  and  words  of  Jesus  (though  there  are 
solid  additional  facts  and  many  authentic  sayings  of 
His  given  us  in  Jn.)  it  brings  home  to  us  with  far  greater 
emphasis  the  spiritual  significance  for  faith,  and  the 
immanent  power  for  living,  of  the  Person  of  our  Lord 
in  His  redeeming  activity. 

XV 

We  pass  on  to  a  brief  characterisation  of  the  re- 
maining portions  of  the  NT  writings. 

If  in  the  OT  we  see  the  Unes  of  revelation  gradually 
converging  to  a  point  of  expectancy  realised  afterwards 
in  a  Person  ;  in  the  later  books  ol  the  NT  we  see  the 
radiation  of  the  power  of  this  life  through  a  community 
into  the  world  at  large.  Luke  gives  us  in  Ac.  a 
substantially  historical  account  of  the  birth  of  the 
community,  and  of  its  first  activities  in  the  world. 
The  book  divides  itself  into  two  parts,  the  first  a 
digest  of  earlier  records  and  traditions  from  an  unknown 
Bource,  deaUng  with  the  origins  of  the  Christian  Church 
and  of  its  extension  in  various  directions  ;  the  second 
a  personal  narrative  of  Paul's  missionary  journeys  by 
a  companion  who  was  manifestly  a  competent  observer 
and  vivid  retailer  of  the  facts.  This  writer  is  identical 
with  the  author  of  Lk.,  as  is  shown  by  the  preface  to 
both  books  and  by  innumerable  peculiarities  of  style 
and  diction.  The  earlier  chapters  contain  matenal 
which  some  critics  consider  to  be  the  oldest  written 
portions  of  the  NT,  and  though  the  speeches  of  Peter 
and  others  are  probably  condensed  and  edited  versions 
of  the  speaker's  words,  there  is  every  reason  to  beUeve 
that  they  are  substantially  accurate,  and  faithfully 
represent  in  form  and  substance  the  first  preaching  of 
the  Gospel.  In  spite  of  a  few  discrepancies  between 
some  of  the  later  portions  {e.g.  the  account  of  the 
apostolic  council  in  Ac.  15)  and  certain  allusions  in 
Paul's  epistles  to  the  same  events,  the  impression 
made  by  his  personaUty  in  both  sources  is  the  same. 
When  both  are  studied,  Paul  stands  out  before  us 
with  a  vividness  second  only  to  the  figure  of  Jesus  in 
the  gospels,  in  a  portrait  of  self -evidencing  truth  and 
power.  And  to  know  Jesus  and  Paul  is  to  be  put  in 
possession  of  the  central  personalities  through  whose 
influence  historical  Christianity  took  its  rise.  The 
creative  force  comes  from  Jesus  ;  the  main  condition- 
ing channel  is  found  in  Paul.  For  whether  he  Uterally 
knew  Jesus  in  the  flesh  or  not,  it  is  certain  that  he 
entered  more  deeply  into  the  spiritual  significance  of 
His  life  and  work  than  any  of  the  men  who  came  into 
daily  contact  with  Him  during  His  earthly  ministry. 

It  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  we  see  the  trans- 
cendent importance  for  the  Christian  faith,  both 
historical  and  experimental,  of  the  Pauline  epistles. 
They  present  us  with  the  incipient  phase  of  the  second 
stage  in   the  redeeming   work   of   Christ — when   the 


limitations  of  His  flesh  were  removed,  when  from  the 
unseen  world  into  which  He  was  taken  He  began  to 
energise  through  His  Spirit  in  the  life  of  individual 
believers,  and  of  the  Cfjrporate  Church.  Hitherto  He 
had  been  with  His  followers  in  bodily  presence  ;  hence- 
forth He  was  to  be  in  them,  a  quickening  spirit.  It 
was  Paul's  function  to  be  able  to  give  more  or  less 
adequate  expression,  in  words  of  Uving  power,  to  the 
operation  of  this  spirit  in  the  heart  of  a  man  supremely 
sensitive  to  this  heavenly  influence,  and  deUcately 
responsive  to  its  touch.  He  is,  however,  not  the  only 
member  of  the  gifted  company  who  were  possessed 
by  the  new  faith,  to  formulate  their  experience  in 
written  form.  In  1  P.  we  have  another  version  of 
the  same  experience,  from  one  who  had  known  Jesus 
intimately  according  to  the  flesh,  and  who  entered 
deeply  into  the  power  of  the  risen  life  (2  P.  stands  in 
a  diflperent  category).  We  have  still  another  version  in 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  in  which  we  see  the  same 
influence  at  work  from  a  different  angle ;  and  still 
others  in  the  brief  but  richly-laden  epistles  of  John, 
and  in  the  epistles  of  Jude  and  James.  The  last  in 
the  order  of  books  in  the  NT — the  Revelation  of  John — 
stands  by  itself  as  an  instance  of  the  copious  apocalyptic 
literature  of  the  time,  but  lifted  above  all  its  compeers 
through  the  profound  experience  of  the  exalted  Christ 
which  breathes  through  its  lurid  imagery  and  exalted 
rhapody.  These  books  are  clearly  stamped  with  the 
individuality  of  their  writers,  which  is  in  no  wise 
obscured  by  the  common  experience  which  marks 
them  all  as  men  possessed  by  the  Spirit  of  Jesus. 
They  have  survived  the  abundant  literary  deposits  of 
the  earhest  ages  of  Christianity  because  they  bear  the 
fresh  and  original  stamp  of  that  unique  Presence  on 
their  pages ;  and  they  speak  to  us  to-daj'  with  an 
emphasis  that  never  fails,  with  an  inspiration  that  is 
still  unspent,  of  an  experience  repeated  in  each  genera- 
tion of  beUeving  men  and  women.  The  traditional 
theory  of  the  authorship  and  date  of  some  of  them  is 
no  longer  generally  accepted,  but  no  criticism  can 
interfere  with  the  function  which  they  are  qualified 
to  fulfil  in  the  live-!  of  those  who  would  know  Jesus 
in  the  power  of  the  Spirit  and  realise  in  their  lives  the 
energies  of  His  redeeming  grace. 

The  aim  of  this  article  is  to  put  the  reader  of 
the  following  commentary  into  that  attitude  of  mind 
and  heart  which  will  best  enable  him  to  benefit  by  its 
presentation  of  the  Bible  from  the  modem  standpoint. 
There  are  many  other  aspects  of  the  great  Book  of 
absorbing  interest  and  far-reaching  importance  that 
might  be  touched  on  if  space  permitted — such  as  its 
influence  on  literature,  on  art,  on  science,  on  legislation, 
on  social  and  political  reform,  on  home  life,  in  all  the 
languages  and  lands  into  which  it  has  been  translated, 
and  in  which  it  is  read.  These,  however,  are  secondary 
aspects  of  its  function  in  the  world  ;  the  primary  is 
ever  its  potency  as  a  fountain  of  spiritual  inspiration, 
of  religious  renewal.  As  regards  this  it  still  stands 
alone  in  hterature  ;  and  when  once  the  unavoidable  dis- 
turbance occasioned  by  the  critical  movement  has  died 
down,  and  mens  vision  has  been  adjusted  to  the  new 
perspectives  into  which  the  Book  has  been  arranged, 
we  can  confidently  prophesy  that  in  the  future,  as  in 
the  past,  its  revelation  of  God  to  man,  of  man  to 
himself  as  the  subject  of  a  Divine  redemption  flowing 
from  the  Person  and  Cross  of  Christ,  will  continue  to 
shine  forth  with  an  undimmed  and  ever-growing  lustre. 

Literature.— Peake,  A,  S.,  The  BibU,  it^  Origin, 
Significance,  mid  Abiding  Worth  ;  A  Guide  to  BilAical 
Study.  Dods,  M.,  The  Bible,  its  Origin  and  Xature. 
Boyd   Carpenter,  IrUroduction    to  the   Study   of  Holy 


THE    BIBLE:    ITS    MEANING   AND   AIM 


17 


Scripture.  Bruce,  A.  B.,  TJie  Chief  End  of  Revelation. 
Smith,  G.  A.,  Modern  Criticism  and  the  Preaching  of 
the  OT.  M'Fadyen,  J.  E.,  OT  Criticism  and  the 
Christian  Church.  Kent,  C.  F.,  77i€  Origin  and  Per- 
manent Value  of  the  OT.  Briggs,  C.  A.,  General  Intro- 
duction to  the  Study  of  Holy  Scripture.  Carpenter,  J.  E., 
The  Bible  in  the  Nineteenth  Century.  Ryle,  H.  E.,  On 
Holy  Scripture  and  Criticism.  Moulton,  R.  G.,  The 
Moclern  Reader's  Bible  ;  The  Literary  Study  of  the  Bible. 
Swete,  H.  B.,  Cambridge  Biblical  Essays  (esp.  oh.  16). 
Arnold,  M.,  Literature  and  Dogma  ;  God  and  the  Bible. 
Farrar,  F.  W.,  The  Bible,  its  Meaning  and  Supremacy. 
Wood,  Jos.,   What  the   Bible  is  and  what    it    is   not. 


Hicks,  E.  S.,  The  Bible  Literature  in  the  Light  of 
Modern  Knowledge.  McLachlan,  H.,  The  New  Testa- 
ment and  Modern  Knowledge.  Driver  and  Kirkpatrick, 
Tlie  Higher  Criticism.  Art.  "  Bible  "  in  EB,  ERE,  etc. 
Von  Dobschutz,  E.,  The  Influence  of  the  Bible  on 
Civilisation,  Stoddart,  Jane  T.,  The  OT  in  Life  and 
Literature  ;  The  NT  in  Life  and  Literature.  Gamble, 
J.,  The  Spiritual  Sequence  of  the  Bible.  Cheyne,  T.  K., 
Aids  to  the  Devout  Study  of  Criticism.  Cohu,  J.  R., 
The  OT  in  the  Light  of  Modern  Research.  Jordan, 
W.  G.,  Biblical  Criticism  and  Modem  Thought. 
Blakiston,  The  Bible  of  To-day.  Selbic,  W.  B.,  The 
Nature  and  Message  of  the  Bible. 


THE  BIBLE  AS  LITERATURE 


By  Professor  W.  H.  HUDSON 


Prboccitation  with  theological  considerations  has 
too  long  prevented  the  English  reader  from  appreci- 
ating the  immense  importance  of  the  Bible  from  the 
purely  literary  side.  Yet  the  Bible  is  a  great  body  of 
literature  of  value  to  the  student  for  three  reasons. 
(1)  Because  of  its  intrinsic  interest.  Except  for  the 
literature  of  Greece  and  the  derivative  literature  of 
Rome,  the  Bible  contains  the  finest  literature  which  has 
survived  from  ancient  times.  Its  contents  are,  of  course, 
extremely  unequal.  Much  of  it  as  literature  is  indifferent 
or  poor.  But  its  high  levels  are  very  high  indeed. 
Job,  for  example,  is  ono  of  the  world's  outstanding 
masterpieces  ;  the  Song  of  Deborah,  though  the  text 
is  unfortunately  imperfect,  ranks  among  the  grandest 
of  triumphal  odes  ;  among  the  Psalms  are  to  be  found 
some  of  the  greatest  of  all  religious  lyrics  ;  while  many 
passages  in  the  Prophets  are  unsurpassed  for  nobility 
of  thought  combined  with  sublimity  of  expression.  At 
ita  best  Hebrew  literature  is  matched  only  by  Greek 
among  the  literatures  of  antiquity.  (2)  Because  it  is 
the  literature  of  a  unique  race.  Another  unique  race, 
the  Greeks,  were  endowed  beyond  all  other  early 
peoples  with  the  intellectual  and  aesthetic  conscious- 
ness. The  Hebrews,  beyond  all  other  early  peoples, 
were  endowed  with  the  spiritual  consciousness.  For 
this  reason  (3)  the  Bible  Ls  one  of  the  two  foundation 
literatures  of  the  modem  western  world.  We  are  all 
familiar  with  the  two  streams  of  influence  which  have 
combined  in  our  culture,  and  which,  in  Matthew 
Arnold's  phraseology,  we  call  Hellenism  and  Hebraism: 
Hellenism  representing  the  intellectual  and  aesthetic, 
Hebraism  the  religious  and  moral  sides  of  such  culture. 
Historically,  the  sources  of  these  are  to  be  found,  the 
one  in  tlie  literature  and  art  of  Greece,  the  other  in  the 
literature  of  the  Hebrews.  The  place  of  Hebrew  litera- 
ture in  world-literature  is  thus  apparent.  "  The  Bible 
has  been  an  active  force  in  English  literature  for  over 
1200  years  "  (A.  S.  Cook).  Aji  argument  often  used 
to  justify  the  "  classics  "  in  education  is  that  acquaint- 
ance with  them  is  essential  to  the  understanding  of 
English  literature.  This  argument  will  apply  equally 
to  the  study  of  the  Bible.  Hebrew  literature  has 
indeed  had  practically  no  influence  on  the  form  and 
technique  of  our  literature,  though  since  the  authorised 
translation,  it  has  been  a  moulding  force  in  the  style 
of  many  writers.  But  it  has  exerted  a  profound  influ- 
ence over  its  matter  and  spirit.  One  illustration  will 
suffice  to  show  the  importance  of  the  Bible  from  this 
point  of  view.  Paradise  Lost  is  unquestionably  the 
greatest  poem  in  our  language.  Now  it  is  rightly  said 
that  wc  cannot  really  imderstand  Paradise  Lost  with- 
out some  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  epics  on 
which  it  was  structurally  founded  and  of  the  classic 
learning  upon  which  it  continually  draws.  But  neither 
can  we  understand  it  without  an  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  Bible,  to  which  its  direct  indebtedness  is  at 
least  as  great. 


In  considering  here  some  aspects  of  the  Bible  as 
literature,  wc  shall  deal  mamly  with  OT  as  the  more 
important  of  its  two  divisions  on  the  purely  literary 
side. 

Stress  must,  to  begin  with,  be  laid  upon  the  fact  that 
OT  is  not  a  book,  but  a  collection  of  books.  It  is  a 
library  of  what  remains  of  the  literature  of  the  ancient 
Hebrew  people.  It  is  important  to  remember  that  it 
contains  only  what  remains  of  that  literature.  It  ia 
certainly  not  a  complete  collection  of  Hebrew  writings. 
The  Hebrews  were  a  poetical  race  ;  and  we  may,  there- 
fore, take  it  for  granted  that  whatever  interested  them 
deeply  in  social  and  domestic  life,  in  times  of  peace 
and  war,  would  find  expression  in  various  forms  of 
verse.  They  must,  like  other  early  peoples,  have  had 
their  war  songs,  national  songs,  ballads  of  the  great 
deeds  of  popular  heroes  ;  songs  of  spring,  harvest,  the 
vintage  ;  marriage  songs,  dirges  for  the  dead.  Many 
traces  of  this  miscellaneous  poetry  are.  in  fact,  to  be 
found  in  OT.  We  know,  for  instance,  that  poetry  was 
made  to  minister  to  idleness  and  luxury  (Am.  65)  and 
even  to  the  most  ignoble  pleasures  (Is.  23 15).  Refer- 
ence is  also  made  to  two  anthologies,  of  which  other- 
wise nothing  is  known — the  Book  of  the  Wars  of  the 
Lord  (Nu.  2I14)  and  the  Book  of  Jashar  (Jos.  IO13, 
2  S.  I18)  ;  and  we  may  safely  assume  that  other  such 
collections  existed  of  folk-songs  and  sagas  of  the 
Hebrew  people.  With  speculations  about  this  lost 
literature  we  have  indeed  no  immediate  concern.  But 
it  is  essential  to  bear  in  mmd  that  the  selections  which 
now  represent  Hebrew  literature  were  made  by  men 
who  cared  nothing  about  purely  literary  values,  but 
had  the  religious  welfare  of  the  nation  entirely  at 
heart.  What  has  been  preserved,  therefore,  was  pre- 
served either  on  account  of  its  religious  and  national 
significance,  or  because  of  its  association  (real  or 
imaginary)  with  certain  great  names.  To  this  latter 
circumstance  we  owe  the  survival  of  sundry  pieces  of 
literature  which  otherwise  would  certainly  have  dis- 
appeared ;  such  as  the  lament  of  David  for  Saul  and 
Jonathan  (2  S.  1),  which  is  not  a  religious  {joem  at  all, 
but  simply  a  very  lino  personal  elegy  ;  tiie  Song  of 
Songs,  a  collection  of  love  lyrics,  which  luckily  got 
the  name  of  Solomon,  and  was  presently  allegorised  ; 
and  Ecclasiastes.  which  is  strikingly  out  of  harmony 
with  the  general  spirit  of  Hebrew  literature,  and  also 
owes  its  place  in  the  Canon — a  place  which  it  has  kept 
with  difficulty  (pp.  3Sf.) — to  its  traditional  ascription 
to  the  much-experienced  king. 

Taking  this  surviving  literature  as  it  stands,  we  are, 
of  course,  impressed  by  its  general  unity  of  aim  and 
spirit ;  its  component  parts  broadly  resemble  one 
another  in  so  many  ways  in  which  they  differ  from 
all  other  literatures.  This  is  precisely  what  we  should 
expect,  since  OT  is  a  body  of  national  literature.  But 
what  do  we  mean  by  a  national  literature  ?  The 
present  writer  has  elsewhere  answered  this  question  : 


THE   BIBLE  AS   LITERATURE 


19 


"  A  nation's  literature  is  not  a  miscellaneous  collection 
of  books  which  happen  to  have  been  written  in  the 
same  tongue,  or  within  a  given  geographical  area.  It 
is  the  progressive  revelation,  age  by  age,  of  such 
nation's  mind  and  character.  An  individual  writer 
may  vary  very  greatly  from  the  national  type.  .  .  . 
But  Ilia  genius  will  still  partake  of  the  characteristic 
spirit  of  his  race,  and  in  any  number  of  representative 
writers  at  any  given  time  that  spirit  will  be  felt  as  a 
well-defined  quality  pervading  them  all.  We  talk  of 
the  Greek  spirit  and  the  Hebrew  spirit.  By  this  we 
do  not,  of  course,  suggest  that  all  Greeks  thought  and 
felt  in  the  same  way,  that  all  Hebrews  thought  and 
felt  in  the  same  way.  We  simply  mean  that,  when  all 
differences  as  between  man  and  man  have  been  can- 
celled, there  remains  in  each  case  a  clearly  recognised 
substratum  of  racial  character,  a  certain  broad  element 
common  to  all  Greeks  as  Greeks  and  to  all  Hebrews  as 
Hebrews"  [Introduction  to  tJie  Study  of  Literature, 
p.  40).  Two  points  brought  out  in  this  passage  have 
to  be  emphasized.  As  a  national  literature,  Hebrew 
literature  is  the  expression  of  fundamental  and  per- 
manent racial  qualities  ;  and  since  its  production 
extended  over  a  long  period  of  time,  it  contains  a 
progressive  revelation  of  the  Hebrew  mind  and  char- 
acter. This  latter  consideration  will  serve  to  remind 
us  that,  studied  historically,  Hebrew  literature  enables 
us  to  follow  the  development  of  Hebrew  ideas  ;  as, 
e.g.  the  evolution  of  the  idea  of  God  out  of  the  crude 
conceptions  preserved  in  early  legends  into  the  fine 
ethical  monotheism  of  the  prophets  of  the  eighth  and 
seventh  centuries.  This  historic  aspect  of  Hebrew 
literature  is,  however,  too  large  a  subject  to  be  dealt 
with  here.  The  reader  will  be  able  to  study  it  for 
himself  with  the  help  provided  by  other  articles  in 
this  volume.  We  must  confine  our  attention  to  the 
broad  interest  of  Hebrew  literature  as  the  expression 
of  the  mind  and  character  of  the  Hebrew  people. 

This  is  not  indeed  the  place  to  attempt  any  detailed 
analysis  of  their  racial  psychology,  but  a  few  of  their 
most  salient  qualities  may  be  indicated.  (1)  The 
Hebrews  were  an  Oriental  people,  and,  like  all  Oriental 
peoples,  they  were  hot-blooded,  passionate,  and  intense. 
What  they  felt,  they  felt  strongly.  They  were  often 
swept  away  by  their  emotions.  Their  confidence  and 
their  despair  alike  went  to  extremes.  They  were 
capable  of  the  deepest  piety,  love,  and  zeal.  But  they 
were  capable  too  of  deep  malevolence,  and,  like  Shylock, 
they  were  good  haters.  Recognition  of  this  is  import- 
ant in  our  study  of  Hebrew  poetry  in  particular,  in 
which  moods  and  passions  are  expressed  with  an  un- 
restraint and  vehemence  which  were  i)erfectly  natural 
to  the  writers,  but  which  to  us,  of  a  different  blood 
and  training,  often  seem  violent  and  extravagant. 
(2)  Immense  pride  of  race  was  another  fundamental 
characteristic.  The  Hebrew  has  been  called  a  mag- 
nificent egotist.  But  his  was  not  personal,  but  racial 
egotism.  One  of  his  dominant  thoughts  was  that  he 
belonged  to  the  Chosen  People,  and  the  past  and  future 
of  his  nation  were  a  consuming  passion  with  him. 
This  racial  pride  was  intimately  bound  up  with  (3)  his 
devotion  to  Yahweh.  He  had  an  abiding  sense  of  the 
living  God.  That  God  for  him  was  no  abstraction 
but  a  concrete  reality.  We  think  of  his  conception  of 
God  Eis  anthropomorphic,  and  so  it  was.  But  the 
essential  thing  to  remember  ia  not  the  philosophic 
limitation  of  the  Hebrews  thought  but  his  profound 
realisation  of  God  as  personal  ruler  and  judge. 

Yet  while  Hebrew  literature  has  the  unity  of  its 
racial  qualities,  it  has  also  great  diversity.  Aa  the 
most  casual  examination  shows,  OT  is  composed  of 


books  written  at  different  times,  in  different  circum- 
stances, in  different  forms,  and  by  writers  of  very 
different  aims  and  spirit.  Though  our  ordinary  way  of 
treating  the  Bible  as  one  and  indivisible  makes  it 
difficult  for  us  to  realise  this  diversity,  full  appreciation 
of  it  is  a  preliminary  condition  to  the  study  of  OT  as 
literature.  And  this  brings  us  to  another  fact,  of 
significance  from  our  present  point  of  view.  Though 
every  great  body  of  national  literature  has  its  distinc- 
tive features,  yet  in  a  broad  way  all  literatures  have 
much  in  common,  because  they  are  bom  of  the  same 
human  impulses  and  deal  (with  marked  variations  of 
selection  and  emphasis,  of  course)  with  subjects  of 
interest  to  men  everywhere  and  at  all  times.  Hence, 
as  we  should  expect,  OT  presents  many  of  the  familiar 
types  of  literary  expression  which  we  may  compare 
with  the  same  t37pes  in  other  literatures  ;  as,  e.g.  narra- 
tive literature  in  the  forms  of  history,  Ijiography,  and 
story ;  Ijnical  poetry,  chiefly  of  a  religious  kind ; 
didactic  literature  (Pr.) ;  the  literature  of  reflection 
and  speculation  (Ec,  Job)  ;  the  literature  of  oratory 
(orations  of  Moses)  ;  the  Literature  of  exhortation  and 
appeal  (Prophets)  ;  and,  in  addition,  a  vast  body  of 
writing  dealing  with  legislation,  ritual,  and  cere- 
monial, which  does  not  come  under  the  head  of  general 
literature  any  more,  let  us  say,  than  Blackstone's 
Commentaries.  Of  these  types  one  only  stands  out 
as  in  any  way  exceptional,  and  that  is  prophetic 
literature,  which  we  are  apt  to  think  of  as  entirely 
Biblical,  and  which  is  indeed,  from  the  literary  side, 
the  distinctive  product  of  Hebrew  genius,  as  satire 
was  of  Roman  genius.  Yet  even  prophetic  literature 
is  not  without  its  modem  counterparts.  This  is 
apparent  when  we  remember  that  prophecy  is  not  to 
be  narrowly  confused  with  prediction,  which  was  indeed 
but  a  small  and  by  no  means  essential  element  in  it. 
Prophecy  was  really  the  utterance  of  God's  wiU 
through  the  mouth  of  one  inspired  for  the  purpose, 
the  prophet  being  the  spokesman  of  the  Lord  (Ex.  7i, 
c/.  Am.  37).  The  function  of  the  prophets,  broadly 
viewed,  was  spiritual  leadership — the  proclamation  of 
the  higher  spiritual  realities  to  a  generation  blind  and 
deaf  to  them.  What  is  peculiar  in  prophetic  literature 
is  that  it  presents  itself  as  the  medium  of  a  direct 
Divine  message.  ("  Thus  saith  the  Lord  "  ;  "  The 
word  of  the  Lord  came  unto  Zephaniah,"  etc.)  But, 
apart  from  this,  we  may  find  many  close  analogies  to 
prophetic  literature  not  only  in  the  sermon  of  the 
modem  Church,  but  also  in  the  more  general  literature 
of  denunciation  and  appeal.  In  this  large  sense  the 
race  of  the  prophets  has  never  been  extinct.  Carlyle, 
for  example,  is  often  described  as  a  Hebrew  prophet 
bom  into  the  nineteenth  century,  and  the  phrase,  far 
from  being  merely  rhetorical,  points  to  an  essential 
kinship  between  our  great  modem  preacher  of  righte- 
ousness and  such  a  man  as,  e.g.  Hosea.  Like  the 
Hebrew  prophets,  too,  Carlyle  dealt  freely  with  social, 
economic,  and  political,  no  less  than  with  religious 
and  moral  questions.  It  will  help  us  greatly  to 
humanise  the  prophets  and  to  bring  their  message  and 
its  meaning  home  to  us,  if  we  think  of  them  in  this 
way.  An  interesting  detail  may  be  sidded.  There  has 
always  been  and  always  will  be  a  certain  inevitable 
antagonism  between  men  of  the  highly  spiritual  and 
mystical  type  (like  the  prophets  and  Carlyle)  and  men 
of  the  scientific  and  rationalistic  type.  We  recall  in 
illustration  Carlyle's  attacks  upon  Mill,  Darwin,  and 
the  scientific  spirit  generally.  It  is  much  to  the  point, 
then,  to  remember  that  such  conflict  already  existed 
in  ancient  Israel  ;  for  the  prophets  were  markedly 
unfavourable  to  the  Wise  Men — tiie  "  Humanists  " — of 


20 


THE   BIBLE   AS   LITERATURE 


Israel ;  the  representativea,  so  far  as  it  existed,  of  the 
rationalistic  spirit  (Is.  29i4,  Jer.  89,  923). 

But  OT  literature  shows  the  limitations  as  well  as 
the  positive  qualities  of  the  Hebrew  genius.  With  all 
their  great  gifts,  the  Hebrews  were  singularly  lacking 
in  disinterested  intellectual  curiosity — in  the  love  of 
knowledge  for  its  own  sake.  Hence  philosophy  as  we 
understand  it,  and  as  it  was  understood  by  the  Greeks, 
had  no  existence  among  them  :  their  nearest  approach 
to  philosophic  literature  being  in  the  "  Wisdom  "'  books. 
A  more  serious  gap  is  loft  by  the  absence  of  drama, 
perhaps  the  greatest  of  all  literary  forms,  at  any  rate 
the  form  in  which  some  of  the  world's  greatest  work 
has  been  done,  in  both  ancient  and  modem  times. 
The  genius  of  the  Hebrew  was  essentially  subjective, 
not  creative.  Hence  there  is  nothing  in  OT  literature 
to  compare  with  Sophocles  or  Shakespeare.  Such 
dramatic  power  as  the  Hebrews  possessed  must  be 
sought  in  other  directions  :  in  narrative,  in  passages 
in  the  prophets  (see  later),  and  especially  in  Job.  The 
last-named  is  indeed  often  regarded  aa  fundamentally 
a  drama.  But  even  here  religious  speculation  takes 
the  place  of  plot  interest,  while  the  characterisation  is 
slight ;  the  friends  of  Job  not  being  sharply  individual- 
ised, and  a  marked  lack  of  consistency  existing  between 
the  Job  of  the  Prologue  and  the  Job  of  the  Colloquies. 

A  few  of  the  principal  tyjies  of  OT  literature  may 
now  bo  considered.     We  will  begin  with  narrative. 

We  need  not  be  surprised  that  so  much  of  OT 
(roughly,  one  half)  consists  of  narrative.  All  early 
peoples,  as  soon  as  they  come  to  national  self-conscious- 
ness, begin  to  collect  chronicles  of  their  wars,  of  im- 
portant events  in  their  history,  of  the  doings  of  their 
gjeat  historic  and  legendary  heroes.  Now  with  the 
early  Hebrews  national  self-consciousness  was  very 
strong,  and  naturally,  therefore,  they  offer  no  exception 
to  the  general  rule.  Hence  the  large  amount  of  history 
and — since  all  early  history  is  written  largely  \vith  an 
eye  to  the  "  great  man  " — of  biography  in  their  litera- 
ture. All  early  peoples,  moreover,  love  a  story,  and 
the  love  of  a  story  has  always  been  especially  strong 
in  the  East,  the  great  home  of  the  story-teller.  As  an 
early  Oriental  people,  the  Hebrews  were  again  no 
exception  to  the  general  rule.  Hence  the  prominence 
of  the  story  in  their  literature.  Much  of  their  storj' 
literature  (often  with  difficulty  distinguished  from 
biography)  is  embedded  in  their  historical  writings  ; 
for  Israel's  historians,  like  other  early  historians,  were 
accustomed  to  connect  imiJortant  event«  with  the 
names  of  their  national  heroes.  Thus,  e.g.  we  have 
the  tribal  tales  which  became  attached  to  the  names 
of  the  patriarchs — the  Abraham  cycle  (Gen.  12-24)  ; 
the  Isaac  cycle  (Gen.  21-24) ;  the  Jacob  cycle  (Gen.  27- 
33,  47),  etc. ;  heroic  legends,  like  that  of  Samson  ;  and 
stories  more  or  less  closely  bound  up  with  their  his- 
torical context,  suchas  the  story  of  Balaam  (Nu.  22-24) ; 
of  Gideon  (Jg.  6-8) ;  of  Jcphthah  and  his  daughter 
(Jg.  11).  But  such  narrative  literature  is  also  repre- 
sented by  three  regular  story-books,  "  rare  survivors 
of  a  larger  literature  of  this  kind"  (Moore) — Esther, 
Ruth,  and  Jonah.  To  these  have  to  be  added  Judith 
and  To  bit  among  the  Apocrj-pha. 

Dealing  first  with  history,  we  have  to  notice  a  form 
of  this  kind  of  narrative  writing  which,  strictly  speak- 
ing, cannot  be  classed  as  literature  at  all — in  the 
chronicles  which  were  meant  merely  for  record  and  the 
preservation  of  noteworthy  events.  Such  official  annals 
were  habitually  aa  brief  and  bald  as  those  kept  for 
the  same  purpose  in  the  monasteries  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  Two  secretaries  are  mentioned  among  the 
officials  of  Solomon's  court  (1  K.  43),  whose  duty  waa 


in  part  that  of  chroniclers.  Such  official  records  were, 
however,  useful  aa  sources  for  later  writers  (1  K.  II41, 
1429,  2  K.  2O20).  For  an  illustration  of  this  kind  of 
chronicle  writing  we  may  turn  to  1  Ch.  1-9,  which 
contains  a  series  of  genealogies  beginning  with  patri- 
archal times,  notices  respecting  the  families,  history, 
and  military  strength  of  the  several  tribes,  and  a  list 
of  the  principal  families  residing  in  Jerusalem  after  the 
Exile.  Similarly  we  have  a  list  of  the  families  which 
returned  to  Jerusalem  in  Neh.  7,  and  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Jerusalem  and  other  settlements,  and  of  priests  and 
Levites,  in  11  and  12.  Such  lists  were  of  great  interest 
at  the  time,  especially  those  which  enabled  the  inhabi- 
tants of  difEerent  locaUties  to  trace  their  liedigreee 
back  to  remote  days.  But  mere  records  like  these,  of 
course,  have  no  title  to  be  treated  as  literary  art. 

An  important  stage  in  the  evolution  of  real  history 
out  of  such  dry  annaUstic  materials  is  marked  by 
Kings,  which,  though  regular  narrative,  is  still  rela- 
tively formal  and  brief.  This  is  brought  out  by  com- 
parison with  Samuel.  Kings  covers  nearly  400  years  ; 
Samuel  in  about  the  same  spatce  little  more  than  a 
single  lifetime. 

The  fully  developed  history  of  the  Hebrews  can  bo 
studied  to  great  advantage  in  Samuel  ;  aa,  e.g.,  in  the 
whole  story  of  David.  Judged  simply  aa  narrative— 
aa  we  should  judge  Herodotus — this  is  an  excellent, 
and  in  places  even  brilliant,  example  of  early  literary 
art.  Rapid,  vivid,  engrossing,  at  times  it  rises  to  real 
dramatic  power  in  the  handling  of  a  critical  situation, 
while  its  characterisation  (as,  eg.,  in  Absalom  and 
Adonijah)  is  given  in  bold,  clear  outlines.  Even 
Herodotus,  the  father  of  history,  never  wrote  anything 
better.  Yet,  like  Herodotus,  and  unlike  our  modem 
historians,  this  Hebrew  writer  keeps  throughout  to  a 
plain,  direct,  and  simple  style  of  composition.  His 
facts  are  set  down,  his  story  is  told  in  a  way  to  exhibit 
their  meaning,  but  there  is  little  elaboration  of  detail 
or  psychological  analysis.  An  interesting  comparison 
is  naturally  suggested  here,  which  will  help  to  show  the 
difference  between  ancient  and  modem  methods  in 
dealing  with  the  same  theme  :  Browning's  long  and 
intricate  Saul,  with  all  its  subtleties  of  interpretation 
and  exhaustive  dissection  of  mental  states,  is  built  up 
on  the  slender  foundations  furnished  by  I  S.  I614-23. 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  Hebrew  history  the  common 
praetice  is  adopted  of  blending  dialogue  with  narrative, 
to  the  great  gain  of  the  whole  ;  for  dialogue  always 
adds  life  to  the;  characters  and  realism  to  the  story. 
Good  examples  are  pro\ided  by  the  interview  between 
David  and  Saul,  before  the  former  goes  out  to  fight 
Goliath  (1  S.  17 32-39),  and  the  verbal  passage  of  arms 
between  the  two  champions  before  the  combat  (43- 
48).  Such  interchange  of  defiance  closely  resembles 
similar  preludes  to  single  combats  between  representa- 
tive champions  of  many  times  and  countries  (c/.  e.g.. 
Arnold's  Sohrab  and  iiustum).  Also,  like  the  his- 
torians of  Greece  and  Rome,  the  Hebrew  writers  put 
speeches  into  the  mouths  of  their  chief  characters  on 
important  occasions.  Thus  we  have  the  orations  of 
Moses  (Dt.  5-2G,  27f.,  292.  31;) ;  the  valedictions  of 
Moses  (Dt.  33),  of  Jacob  ((Jen.  492-27),  of  Joshua 
(Jos.  23),  of  Samuel  (1  S.  12);  Samuel's  sermons 
(1  S.  8,  12);  Nathans  address  to  David  (2  S.  7); 
Ahijah's  warnings  (1  K.  1 1.  14) ;  the  prayer  of  Solomon 
at  the  dedication  of  the  Temple  (1  K.  812).  In- 
numerable further  examples  of  such  speeches  will  be 
foiuid  in  Ch.,  Ezr.,  and  Neh.  And.  as  with  the  Greek 
and  Roman  historians,  such  intercalated  speeches  are 
often  composed  or  edited  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  writer  and  his  time,  and  are,  in  faot,  designed  as 


THE   BIBLE   AS   LITERATURE 


21 


commentaries  upon  the  historical  narrative.  Thus 
Solomon's  prayer  is  the  expression  of  ideas  which  did 
not  take  shape  in  Israel  till  three  hundred  years  after 
Solomon's  death.  Under  this  same  head  we  may  in- 
clude some  of  the  cases  in  which  God  is  introduced  as 
actually  talking  with  men.  Many  of  these  are,  of 
course,  only  older  legends  preserved  by  later  writers  ; 
but  the  device  is  also  used  by  the  historian  to  bring 
out  and  emphasize  the  Divine  meaning  which  he  wishes 
his  narrative  to  convey  :  as,  e.g.,  in  the  account  of  the 
covenant  of  God  with  Abraham  (Gen.  17),  and  of  the 
commission  to  Moses  (Ex.  62-13) 

This  carries  us  from  the  methods  to  the  purposes  of 
Hebrew  history.  In  general  terms  it  may  be  said  that 
nearly  all  Hebrew  history  was  written  with  a  didactic 
intention  and  with  a  direct  relation  to  national  religion 
or  institutions.  Sometimes  it  is  used  as  a  sort  of 
framework  for  the  Mosaic  legislation,  as  in  Numbers 
and  Deuteronomy.  Sometimes  it  is  employed  to  ex- 
plain the  institutions  of  Israel  by  connecting  them 
with  great  events  or  persons.  Thus  the  institution  of 
the  Sabbath  is  explained  (Gen.  23,  Ex.  20ii)  ;  the 
establishment  of  the  Passover  (Ex.  12)  ;  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Mosaic  law  in  the  Decalogue  (Ex.  193fE., 
Dt.  52ff.).  This  is  a  very  common  practice  with  early 
peoples.  iEschylus,  for  example,  in  his  Libation 
Bearers,  assigns  a  Divine  origin  to  the  great  court  of 
the  Areopagus,  by  exhibiting  its  foundation  by  Pallas 
Athene  for  the  trial  of  Orestes. 

But  the  most  important  thing  to  remember  is,  that 
the  great  underlying  purpose  of  Hebrew  history  is  to 
provide  a  religious  philosophy  teaching  by  examples. 
The  larger  part  of  Hebrew  history  is  indeed  written 
expressly  to  illustrate  and  enforce  the  truths  enunciated 
by  Hosea  in  the  eighth  century  and  Jeremiah  in  the 
seventh.  The  central  thought  of  this  philosophy  was, 
that  so  long  as  God's  people  remained  faithful  to  their 
covenant  with  Him,  all  was  well  with  them  ;  but  that 
whenever  they  were  faithless  to  that  covenant  and 
forsook  Him  for  false  gods,  then  God  sent  evil  upon 
them  as  a  punishment  for  their  sin.  The  numerous 
calamities  of  Israel  were  thus  interpreted  as  the  direct 
consequences  of  national  apostacy  and  wrongdoing 
(c/.  Hosea's  oracle,  22-23,  and  Jer.  2).  Judges  and 
Kings  are  written  as  a  running  commentary  upon  this 
doctrine,  and  examination  will  show  how  the  writers 
dwell  upon  every  incident  which  will  serve  to  support 
their  thesis.  The  didactic  purpose  is  indeed  the  de- 
termining factor  in  their  work  ;  it  is  evident  that  they 
think  a  great  deal  more  of  the  religious  lesson  of  a 
given  incident  than  of  the  incident  itself.  Thus  in 
2  K.  17,  the  fall  of  Samaria  is  very  briefly  described 
(1-6),  but  a  long  moral  gloss  is  appended  (7-41).  In 
Chronicles  this  reading  of  history  becomes  harder  and 
narrower,  and  in  such  cases  as  Asa  and  the  gout  and 
Uzziah  and  the  leprosy  it  is  individualised.  This  re- 
minds us  that  the  root  idea  of  the  Hebrew  philosophy 
of  history  had  by  this  time  become  also  the  root  idea 
of  Hebrew  personal  ethics.  For  the  Hebrew  thinker, 
Gk>d  was  good,  and  must,  therefore,  govern  the  world 
in  the  interests  of  the  good  man.  When  widening 
observation  and  experience  shook  the  confidence  of 
the  Hebrew  in  this  simple  syllogism,  a  good  deal  of 
disturbance  in  thought  followed,  and  the  sceptical  note 
found  its  way  into  Hebrew  literature.  This  may  be 
seen  in  some  of  the  Psalms,  especially  the  "  Asaph  " 
Psalms  (e.g.  73).  in  Ecclesiastea,  and  in  Job,  which 
waa  indeed  written  to  challenge  this  narrow  and  over- 
facile  orthodox  view. 

Of  course  this  philosophy  of  history  waa  made  pos- 
sible only  by  the  intense  feeling  of  the  Hebrews  regard- 


ing the  reality  of  God  and  His  law,  and  by  the  fact 
that,  tracing  everything  directly  to  Him,  they  entirely 
ignored  all  secondary  causes  and  efEects.  Yet  sub- 
stantially the  same  philosophy  appears,  under  a  some- 
what different  phraseology,  in  recent  literature  in  the 
writings  of  Carlyle  :  evidence  of  the  profound  influence 
of  OT  upon  one  of  the  greatest  moral  writers  of 
modem  times. 

For  reasons  stated,  it  Ls  very  difficult  for  the  student 
of  Hebrew  literature  to  detach  biography  from  the 
historical  narrative  in  which  it  is  embedded.  For  the 
Hebrew  writer,  the  personal  element  in  fact  furnished 
the  backbone  of  his  subject.  "  Remove  from  the  his- 
torical books  the  biographies  of  Samuel,  Saul,  David, 
Solomon,  Jeroboam,  Ahab,  Elijah,  Elisha,  Jehu, 
Hezekiah,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Nehemiah,  and  Ezra,  and 
little  besides  bare  statistics  and  the  record  of  three  or 
four  important  events  in  the  history  of  the  people 
remains  "  (Kent,  Israel's  Historical  and  Biographical 
Narratives,  p.  5).  The  biographies,  however,  so  branch 
out  into  history  and  get  entangled  with  it  that  most  of 
them  might  be  fittingly  entitled  (in  the  formula  often 
used  by  modem  writers)  "  The  Life  and  Times  of  " 
So-and-So.  We  have  an  excellent  example  in  "  The 
Life  and  Times  of  Samuel  "(IS.  1-12,  16,  28).  The 
stories  of  Elijah  (1  K.  17-19,  2  K.  I,  2)  may  be  treated 
as  together  forming  a  biography  of  one  of  the  most 
striking  and  picturesque  figures  in  OT,  and  this  again 
is  bound  up  with  history.  Nehemiah  is  in  part  com- 
posed of  what  to-day  we  should  describe  as  Personal 
Memoirs. 

With  regard  to  the  manner  and  style  of  these  his- 
torical and  biographical  narratives,  it  is  evident  that 
we  must  distinguish  broadly  between  the  earlier  narra- 
tives and  those  of  the  later  priestly  writers.  We  are 
often  able  to  compare  the  two  in  parallel  accounts  of 
the  same  events,  as,  e.g.,  the  two  records  of  the  creation 
in  Gen.  li-24a  and  246-25.  The  latter  of  these  is  the 
earlier  prophetic  narrative,  and  analysis  will  show  that 
it  is  concrete,  homely,  realistic  ;  the  former  is  the 
later  priestly  version,  and  in  comparison  is  abstract, 
formal,  solemn,  stately.  Such  are  the  general  differ- 
ences between  the  two  classes  of  writing  throughout, 
as  again,  e.g.,  in  the  two  accounts  of  the  promise  to 
Abraham  (of  which  that  in  Gen.  18  is  the  early  pro- 
phetic, that  in  17  the  later  priestly).  Almost  all  the 
earlier  stories  represent,  of  course,  the  more  primitive 
stages  of  thought,  but  in  these  we  have  the  finest 
examples  of  early  narrative — rapid,  naive,  vivid.  The 
account  of  the  appearance  of  Yahweh  to  Abraham  may 
be  cited  as  an  admirable  illustration.  Nothing  could 
be  simpler,  and  at  the  same  time  nothing  could  be 
more  picturesque,  than  the  description  of  the  patriarch 
sitting  at  his  tent  door  in  the  heat  of  the  day  ;  of 
the  appearance  of  the  three  strangers  whom  he  hastens 
forward  to  greet ;  of  the  hospitality  which  he  extends 
towards  them.  It  is  the  perfection  of  absolute  sim- 
plicity in  story-telling  ;  the  thing  is  done  with  a  few 
broad  strokes  and  without  the  slightest  elaboration  of 
detail ;  but  it  is  so  done  that  its  appeal  to  the  imagina- 
tion is  irresistible.  It  is  the  same  kind  of  picturesque 
simplicity  that  so  often  delights  us  in  Homer  ;  as  in 
the  famous  scene  in  the  9th  Iliad,  in  which  Achilles 
and  Patroklos  entertain  the  heralds  from  Agamemnon. 

The  story  of  Rebecca  at  the  well,  of  Jacob  and  E^u. 
of  Jephthah,  of  Samson,  of  David  and  Saul,  of  Elisha, 
of  Naaman,  of  Gchazi,  may  be  mentioned  as  further 
illustrations  of  this  earlier  type  of  narrative,  for  though 
some  of  these  are,  of  course,  much  more  highly  elabo- 
rated than  others,  they  all  belong  to  the  same  general 
class.     A.S   examples   of  the   priestly  style,   with   its 


22 


THE   BIBLE  AS   LITERATURE 


bare  and  unimnginativo  handliDK  of  its  materials,  ita 
greater  solemnity,  and  its  marked  tondency  towards 
abstraction,  wo  may  cite  God's  covenant  with  Noah 
(read  side  by  side,  the  two  flood  stories  will  be  found 
to  disclose  all  the  differences  in  stylo  of  which  I  have 
spoken)  ;  Abraham's  p\irchase  of  a  family  burying- 
place  (Gen.  23) ;  and  the  commission  to  Moses  in 
Ex.  6  (which  should  bo  compared  with  tho  variant 
account  in  3f.). 

Tho  student  is  advised  to  make  a  careful  analysis  of 
one  of  the  greater  OT  narratives,  such  as  the  wonderful 
Btory  of  Joseph,  and  ho  will  find  that  the  literary 
characteristics  of  Hebrew  narrative  are  those  of  early 
narrative  art  in  general.  Plainness,  directness,  and 
simplicity  are  the  outstanding  features.  There  is  no 
unnecessary  elaboration  of  the  materials,  yet  in  really 
great  scenes  (like  the  recognition  scene  between  Joseph 
and  his  brothers)  the  dramatic  power  exhibited  is  of 
a  very  high  and  fine  quality.  The  characters  are  por- 
trayed in  bold  and  broad  outlines,  and  generally 
through  what  they  say  and  do  ;  minute  psychological 
analysis  (such  as  we  get  in  modern  fiction)  being  con- 
spicuously absent,  as  in  all  early  narrative  writing. 
And,  as  in  all  early  narrative  writing,  there  is  little 
description  ;  the  setting  and  background  of  an  action 
may  be  suggested,  but  there  is  no  introduction  of 
scenery  for  its  own  sake,  and  none  of  the  landscape- 
painting  and  the  local  colouring  which  are  so  prominent 
in  modem  literary  art. 

The  great  value  of  this  early  kind  of  story-telling  as 
a  permanent  school  of  taste  should  be  clearly  under- 
stood. Our  own  literature  is  commonly  marked  by 
immense  complexity  ;  our  taste  has  grown  sophisti- 
cated, and  we  are  in  danger  of  losing  all  appreciation 
of  simplicity.  This  is  one  of  Tolstoi's  main  conten- 
tions in  his  What  is  Art  ?  Taking  the  story  of  Joseph 
as  an  example,  he  insists  that  here  we  have  all  the 
fundamentals  of  a  story,  and  that  as  a  story  it  is  all 
the  better  because  it  is  not  encumbered  by  those 
masses  of  detail — of  description,  analysis,  commen- 
tary— which,  he  argues,  destroy  instead  of  helping  the 
effect  of  modern  narratives.  He  points  out  that  we 
have  no  description  of  Joseph's  home,  of  his  tunic,  or 
of  the  person  or  toilette  of  Potiphar's  wife  ;  and  he 
maintains  that  the  absence  of  these  things  is  an 
advantage,  since  nothing  unimportant  is  interposed 
between  the  really  human  elements  in  the  drama  and 
the  reader's  imagination  and  sympathies.  And  then 
he  contrasts  modem  fiction,  in  which  we  have  to  dis- 
engage the  really  human  elements  from  the  mass  of 
non-essential  accessories  witli  which  they  are  burdened. 
We  are  not  bound,  of  course,  to  accept  Tolstoi's  chief 
contention  that  our  modem  art  is  all  wrong,  and  that 
this  early  kind  of  art  is  alone  right.  Such  a  view 
would  be  reactionary,  and  would  condemn  some  of  the 
greatest  things  in  modern  literature,  including  Tolstoi's 
own  masterpiece.  Anna  Karenina.  But  to  keep  our 
taste  unspoilt  tho  discipline  of  the  older  and  simpler 
kinds  of  art  Ls  indispensable.  For  this  reason,  the 
modem  reader  i.s  often  advised,  very  judiciously,  to 
turn  back  from  time  to  time  to  his  Iliad  and  his 
Odyssey.  But,  after  all,  he  is  not  obliged  to  go  to 
Homer.  Ho  will  find  ample  material  for  his  purpose 
in  the  story  literature  of  OT. 

We  pass  on  to  Hebrew  narrative  literature,  as  repre- 
sented in  those  OT  story-books  which  survive  out  of  a 
much  larger  literature  of  the  same  kind,  and  which 
"  suffice  to  give  us  a  notion  of  the  popular  reading  of  the 
Jews  in  tho  last  centuries  before  tho  Christian  era  " 
(Moore,  134f .).  These  books  are  dealt  with  in  detail  in 
the  commentaries  on  them,  and  one  of  them— Jonah — 


need  not  detain  us  here.  Confining  our  attention  to  the 
purely  literary  a.s{>ect8  of  the  other  two,  wo  have  speci- 
ally to  note  that  while  Ruth  and  Father  are  both  marked 
by  those  common  characteristics  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
distinguish  early  story-telling  from  modem,  yet  the 
differences  between  them  are  such  as  to  make  them 
extremely  interesting  for  comparative  study.  That 
they  differ  in  matter  and  spirit  is,  of  course,  obvious  ; 
the  one  is  a  pastoral  idyl,  tiio  other  a  brilliant  romance 
of  court  intrigue  ;  the  one  Ls  tilled  with  the  tendcrest 
humanity,  the  other  overtiows  with  the  most  ferocious 
spirit  of  national  hatred  and  bigotry.  But  what  con- 
cerns the  literary  student  more  than  this  Ls,  that  whether 
or  not  actually  tho  later  of  the  two  in  date,  Esther 
represents  a  much  latcn-  stage  in  the  evolution  of  story- 
writing  as  an  art.  It  is  indeed  by  far  the  most 
advanced  example  of  narrative  to  be  found  in  OT. 
Contrast  its  opening  with  that  of  Rutli,  and  the  highly- 
developed  character  of  ita  techniiiue  will  at  once  be 
apparent.  In  Ruth  all  the  preliminary  matter  is  put 
into  a  short  paragraph,  and  tho  method  is  the  old, 
simple,  direct  method  of  the  child's  story — "  Once  upoa 
a  time  there  was  a  man  named  so-and-so  " — and  so  on. 
In  Esther  the  introduction  is  long,  elaborate,  and 
skilful.  There  is  a  full  description  (and  the  amplifica- 
tion of  the  descriptive  element  should  be  noted)  of 
the  great  feast  given  by  Ahasuerus,  which  is  clearly 
designed  to  bring  out,  as  it  docs  bring  out  most  vividly, 
the  power  and  magnificence  of  the  king  and  the  Oriental 
splendour  of  his  court.  Such  difference  in  handling 
will  be  found  throughout.  In  Ruth,  again,  tho  char- 
acter-drawing is  quite  broad  and  simple.  In  Esther — 
as  notably  in  the  finely  contrasted  studies  of  Haman 
and  Mordecai — there  is  much  of  the  subtlety  of  modem 
work.  In  Ruth  tho  story  moves  forward  with  an  art- 
lessness  which,  for  the  reader  of  to-day,  is  one  of  ita 
chief  charms  ;  the  scene  of  tho  gleaning  and  the  inci- 
dent of  Ruth  Ijang  at  Boaz's  feet  being  described  with- 
out effort  on  the  writer's  part,  and  loft  to  make  their  own 
impression.  (The  reader  may  compare  Victor  Hugo's 
expansion  of  tho  latter  incident  in  his  Booz  Endormi.) 
In  Esther,  a  complicated  plot  is  managed  with  con- 
summate skill  and  an  extraordinary  sense  of  dramatic 
values.  Evident  throughout,  this  is  especially  so  in 
the  account  of  Haman  s  downfall.  There  is  dramatic 
irony  as  fine  as  any  to  be  found  in  Greek  tragedy  in 
the  interview  between  Haman  and  the  king  after  the 
king's  sleepless  night,  while  the  hanging  of  Haman  on 
the  very  gallows  which  he  had  prepared  for  his  enemy 
is  a  tremendously  effective  stroke. 

Before  leaving  narrative,  we  must  note  the  curious 
fact  that  surviving  Hebrew  literature  furnishes  no 
example  of  the  epic,  or  long  tale  in  verse.  We  call 
this  curious  because  in  most  literatures  the  epic  is  tho 
first  form  of  extended  narrative  composition  ;  and  it 
is  the  more  curious  because  tho  epic  existed  in  Baby- 
lonian literature,  to  which  the  Hebrews  were  much 
indebted.  But  though  wo  have  no  true  epic  in  OT,  we 
have  what  R.  G.  Moulton  has  called  the  "  mixed  epic," 
in  which  the  narrative  proper  is  in  prose,  but  wliich, 
in  places  when  the  emotional  element  becomes  strong, 
rises  into  verse.  The  groat  example  of  this  is  the 
story  of  Balaam  (Nu.  22-24).  Such  combination  of 
prose  and  verse  is  rare  in  modem  non-dramatic 
literature,  but  it  is  to  be  found  in  motli.-cval  "  canto- 
fables,"  and  in  the  exquisite  tliirtoenth  century  French 
story,  A%icassin  et  Nicokttc,  while  William  Morris 
adopted  it  with  a  measure  of  suooess  in  liis  romance. 
The  House  of  the  Wolfin^s. 

We  turn  next  to  Hebrew  poetry.  As  a  rule,  when 
poetry  has  to  be  studied  in  translation,  questions  of 


THE   BIBLE   AS  LITERATURE 


23 


form  can  hardly  be  considered  with  profit.  It  happens, 
however,  that  there  is  one  fundamental  feature  of 
Hebrew  versification  which  can  be  preserved  in  trans- 
lation and  therefore  concerns  the  English  reader.  It 
is  that  known  as  parallelism,  or  the  symmetry  or 
balance  between  clause  and  clause,  in  thought  or  ex- 
pression, or  in  both.  For  the  student  of  the  Bible  as 
literature,  this  is  a  most  important  subject. 
The  three  principal  varieties  of  parallelism  are  : 

(1)  Synonymous  (the  most  common  of  all),  in  which 
the  second  lino  reinforces  the  first  by  repeating  the 
thought  in  a  somewhat  different  expression,  or  rounds 
it  off  by  the  introduction  of  a  parallel  idea  : 

"  In  Judah  is  God  knowTi, 

His  name  is  great  in  Israel." 
"  Sun,  stand  thou  still  upon  Gibeon, 

And  thou,  Moon,  upon  the  valley  of  Aijalon." 

(2)  Antithetic  (the  opposite  of  s3Tionymous),  in 
which  the  second  line  completes  the  first  by  intro- 
ducing a  statement  in  contrast  with  it : 

"  For  the  Lord  knoweth  the  way  of  the  righteous, 
But  the  way  of  the  wicked  shall  perish." 
Gnomic  sayings  fall  naturally  in  such  antithetic  form  ; 
hence  this  type  of  parallelism  abounds  in  Pr.  (espe- 
cially ch.  10-15). 

(3)  Constructive,  in  which  the  two  lines  or  clauses 
are  not  related  by  repetition  or  contrast,  but  one  com- 
pletes the  other  in  various  more  subtle  ways  : 

(a)  By  introducing  a  comparison  : 

"  Better  is  a  dinner  of  herbs  where  love  is. 
Than  a  stalled  ox  and  hatred  therewith." 

(b)  Or  an  illustration  or  emblem  (this  subdivision 
ia  sometimes  called  emblematic  parallelism) : 

"  A  word  fitly  spoken 

Is  like  apples  of  gold  in  baskets  of  silver." 
In  this  case  the  emblem  may  come  first  : 
"  As  cold  waters  to  a  thirsty  soul. 

So  is  good  news  from  a  far  country." 

(c)  Or  the  second  line  may  provide  the  reason,  or 
consequence,  or  motive  of  the  statement  contained  in 
the  first : 

"  Bow  down  thine  ear,  0  Lord,  and  answer  me, 
For  I  am  poor  and  in  misery." 

"  Answer  not  a  fool  according  to  his  folly. 

Lest  thou  also  be  like  unto  him." 
A  fourth  and  much  rarer  kind  of  parallelism  must 
be  added  to  these — the  climactic  or  ascending.  In 
this  the  first  line  by  itself  is  incomplete,  while  the 
second  line  catches  up  its  unfinished  idea  and  com- 
pletes it : 

"  The  floods  have  lifted  up,  O  Lord, 

The  floods  have  lifted  up  their  voice." 
"  For  lo,  thine  enemies,  0  Lord, 
For  lo,  thine  enemies  shall  perish." 
This  kind  of  parallelism  is  generally  found  only  in 
the  most  elevated  poetry,  in  which  it  is  exceedingly 
effective. 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  ajsthetic  effect  produced 
by  parallelism,  with  its  response  of  line  to  line,  is  not 
unlike  that  of  modem  rime  ;  indeed,  Renan  has  called 
parallelism  "  the  rime  of  thought." 

In  the  foregoing  illustrations  couplets  only  have 
been  used.  But  parallelism  may  extend  through  larger 
groups  of  lines  which,  by  analogy  with  modem  systems 


of  verse,  we  may  call  stanzas.  We  therefore  find 
triplets  and  quatrains  variously  arranged  according  to 
the  relations  of  the  Unea  one  to  another.  Thus,  e.g., 
we  may  have  a  synonymous  triplet : 

"  That  walketh  not  in  the  counsel  of  the  wicked. 
Nor  standeth  in  the  way  of  sinners. 
Nor  sitteth  in  the  seat  of  the  scornful :  " 
or  a  triplet  in  which  the  first  two  lines  are  sjTionymous, 
and  together  form  an  emblematic  parallelism  with  the 
third  : 

'■  As  one  that  taketh  off  a  garment  in  cold  weather, 
And  as  vinegar  upon  nitre. 
So  is  he  that  singeth  songs  with  a  heavy  heart." 
Or  the  second  line  may  be  united  with  the  first  by 
constructive  parallelism,  and  the  third  to  the  second 
by  synonymous  parallelism  : 
"  Arise,  0  Lord,  save  me,  0  my  God, 
For  thou   hast   smitten  all  my  enemies  upon  the 

cheek  bone. 
Thou  hast  broken  the  teeth  of  the  wicked." 
And  so  on,  and  so  on,  through  innumerable  combina- 
tions. In  the  same  way  the  quatrain  may  exhibit 
various  kinds  of  construction.  The  four  lines  may  be 
resolved  by  analysis  into  two  closely-connected 
couplets  : 

"  If  I  whet  my  glittering  sword. 
And  my  hand  take  hold  on  judgment, 
I  will  render  vengeance  to  mine  adversaries. 
And  will  recompense  them  that  hate  me." 
Or  we  may  have  alternate  parallelism,  like  the  alter- 
nate rimes  of  an  English  quatrain  (abab)  : 
"  Except  the  Lord  build  the  house 
They  labour  in  vain  that  build  it ; 
Except  the  Lord  keep  the  city 

The  watchman  waketh  but  in  vain." 
Or  an  inverted  quatrain,  like  the  stanza  of  In  Memo- 
riam  {abba)  : 

"  Have  mercy  upon  me,  O  God, 

According  to  thy  loving  kindness  ; 
According  to  the  multitude  of  thy  tender  mercies 
Blot  out  my  transgression." 

The  foregoing  must  suffice  as  a  brief  introduction 
to  a  large  subject,  into  the  intricacies  of  which  limita- 
tions of  space  forbid  us  here  to  enter.  The  student 
of  the  Bible  as  literature  should,  however,  pursue  it 
further  for  himself,  for  he  will  find  that  a  thorough 
grasp  of  the  principles  of  parallelism  will  greatly  in- 
crease his  enjoyment  of  Hebrew  poetry  on  the  aesthetic 
side. 

Poems  are  made  up  of  such  groups  of  lines  in  various 
parallelLstic  relations.  Sometimes  a  poem  may  be 
completely  regular  in  structure,  i.e.  composed  of  a 
succession  of  similar  groups;  like  Ps.  114,  which  is 
made  up  of  uniform  synonymous  couplets.  Some- 
times, it  may  be  fairly  regular  though  not  completely 
so  (Ps.  29).  Sometimes,  as  in.  Ps.  1,  it  may  be  quite 
irregular  in  formation.  But  Driver  points  out  that 
the  finest  and  most  perfect  specimens  of  Hebrew  poetry 
are,  as  a  rule,  those  in  which  the  parallelism  is  most 
regular  :  sjTionymous  distiches  and  quatrains  being 
varied  by  occasional  triplets  (.Job  28.  31,  38,  39  ;  Ps.  I'S, 
29,  104';  Pr.  8i2ff.).  It  should  be  added  that  the 
line  between  prose  and  verse  was  far  les.^  hard  and 
formal  in  Hebrew  than  in  modem  litoraturas,  and  the 
transition  from  one  to  the  other  was,  therefore,  easy 
and  natural.     Wo  have  noted  this  iu  the  case  of  tho 


24 


THE   BIBLE   AS    LITERATURE 


"  mixed  epic."  So  the  narrative  writers  in  general 
habitually  adopted  the  parallelistic  structure  of  verse 
for  oracles,  benedictions,  farewells,  and  even  orations. 

In  general  quality  Hebrew  poetry  exhibits  to  the 
full  those  racial  characteristics  of  which  wo  have 
already  spoken.  It  is  the  poetry  of  a  hot-blooded. 
Eastern  people,  who  gave  themselves  up  entirely  to 
the  emotion  of  the  moment,  and  poured  forth  their 
feelings  in  songs  of  contrition,  supplication,  hope, 
despair,  sorrow,  doubt,  faith,  devotion,  passionate  love 
of  CJk)d,  ferocious  hatred  of  their  enemies.  Hence  their 
frequent  extravagance  of  expression  ;  aa  when  in  his 
excitement  the  poet  describes  the  mountains  as  skipping 
like  rams  and  the  hills  like  the  young  of  a  flock. 
Oriental  intensity  of  expression  will  be  noted  in  another 
way  in  various  places  in  the  love  poetry  of  the  Song 
of  Songs.  The  English  reader  must  be  careful  to  keep 
these  features  in  mind,  for  recognition  of  them  is 
essential  to  a  proper  understanding  of  Hebrew  poetry 
as  literature. 

The  various  poetic  books  of  OT  are  dealt  with  in 
separate  commentaries  to  which  the  reader  is  referred 
for  details.  There  is  one  matter  of  general  interest, 
however,  which  may  properly  be  considered  here — the 
treatment  of  nature  in  Hebrew  poetry  (pp.  12f.,  369). 
The  Hebrews  were  an  agricultural  and  pastoral  people  ; 
their  occupations  brought  them  into  constant  contact 
with  the  changing  phenomena  of  the  seasons  ;•  it  was 
inevitable,  therefore,  that  images  and  motives  from 
nature  should  be  prominent  in  their  poetrj'.  Now  there 
are  two  questions  which  have  to  be  put  in  regard  to  any 
body  of  nature-poetry  :  first,  how  does  the  poet  see 
and  describe  nature  ? — faithfully  and  concretely,  like 
Wordsworth  and  Tennyson  ?  or  conventionally  and 
at  second  hand,  like  Pope  ?  And  then,  how  does  he 
feel  about  nature  ?  what  emotional  response  does  it 
awaken  in  him  ?  These  questions  are  easy  to  answer 
in  respect  of  Hebrew  poetry.  It  is  a  simple,  direct, 
and  faithful  rendering  of  what  the  poet  has  actually 
seen  ;  and  the  emotion  which  the  contemplation  of 
nature  elicits  is  almost  always  a  religious  emotion. 
There  is  in  Hebrew  literature  no  poetry  of  nature  for 
its  own  sake,  such  as  we  find  so  often  in  modem 
literature.  Nature  is  always  related  to  man  on  the 
one  side  and  to  God  on  the  other.  On  the  human  side, 
the  thought  is  often  of  the  fertility  of  the  earth  and 
its  utility  to  man  (very  characteristic  of  an  agricultural 
and  pastoral  people)  ;  though  this  is  habitually  con- 
ceived as  a  manifestation  of  the  goodness  and  bounty 
of  God  (Ps.  659-13).  On  the  religious  side,  the  central 
idea  is  the  entire  and  immediate  dependence  of  all 
things  upon  God,  who  created  and  sustains  them. 
There  is  no  thought  of  nature  apart  from  God,  and,  of 
course,  no  thought  of  nature  in  antagonism  to  God, 
such  afi  we  find  in  Tennyson's  In  Memoriam.  More- 
over, God  is  outside  nature,  never  within  it ;  the  con- 
ception of  Divine  Immanence,  which  Wordsworth  so 
often  expresses  (e.g.  Lines  above  Tintern  Abbey)  being 
wholly  foreign  to  Hebrew  religious  ideas.  Nature  for 
the  Hebrew  poet  was  thus  never  a  living  thing,  still 
less  a  spiritual  thing  ;  no  Hebrew  poet  could  have 
written  with  Wordsworth  that  "  Nature  never  did 
betray  the  heart  that  loved  her."  Thus  Hebrew  nature- 
poetry  provides  one  more  illustration  of  the  compre- 
hensive anthropomorphic  theism  of  the  Hebrew,  for 
whom  everything  began  with  God  and  ended  with 
Him.  All  these  qualities — the  fine  fidelity,  the  human 
reference,  and  the  religious  intei-jjretation — may  be 
studied,  e.g.,  in  the  magnifictMit  song  of  creation, 
Ps.  104.  It  is  important  to  remember  that  this  is  a 
poetical  rendering  and  amplification  of  the  account  of 


the  creation  given  by  the  priestly  writer  in  Gen.  1. 
But  whereas  the  priestly  writer  regarded  the  work  of 
creation  as  finished,  the  poet,  with  finer  instinct,  treats 
it  as  an  eternal  process,  symlwlised  as  it  were  by  the 
everlasting  succession  of  the  seasons. 

Didactic  literature  next  demands  our  attention. 
This  includes  those  very  interesting  "  Wisdom  "  books 
which,  with  their  observations  and  reflections  on  life 
and  their  rules  for  its  proper  guidance,  constitute,  as 
has  been  said,  the  nearest  approach  in  Hebrew  litera- 
ture to  what  we  call  philosophy.  These  books  are 
fully  analysed  in  separate  commentaries,  and  it  is  with 
their  general  literary  characteristics  only  that  we  are 
now  concerned.  One  of  these  in  particular  has  to  be 
emphasized — their  comparative  formlessness.  The 
Hebrews  had  little  power  of  sustained  or  coherent 
thought,  and  little  sense  of  that  orderly  arrangement 
of  ideas  Avhich  Greek  and  modem  writers  have  led  us 
to  expect  in  the  literature  of  reflection.  Hence,  with 
the  exception  of  Job  (which,  as  compared  with  other 
surviving  Hebrew  literature,  is  remarkably  systematic), 
these  "  VVisdom  "  books  are  scarcely  more  than  mis- 
cellanies. Proverbs  is  largely  composed  of  isolated 
sayings  and  epigrams,  and  even  the  more  extended 
passages  have  slight  order  or  interconnexion.  (Com- 
parison will  show  that  the  apocryphal  Ecclesiasticus 
exhibits  a  marked  development  in  this  respect ;  the 
materials  are  sometimes  grouped  according  to  sub- 
jects, and  there  is  more  sequence  and  elaboration  of 
thought.)  In  Ecclesiastes  we  have  a  congeries  of  de- 
tached reflections,  observations,  impressions,  anecdotes, 
not  unified  into  a  body  of  doctrine,  and  not  always 
even  harmonised.  Yet  within  these  books  we  can 
recognise  the  rudimentary  form,  or  cmde  beginnings, 
of  an  important  literary  type — the  essay.  The  evolu- 
tion of  the  essay  can  be  seen  in  Proverbs,  where,  from 
time  to  time,  wo  come  upon  clusters  of  aphorisms 
dealing  with  the  same  topic  (e.^.  263-12,13-16,17-26), 
and — a  stage  in  advance  of  these — passages  concemed 
with  some  particular  theme  (e.g.  out  of  many.  4i-9, 
10-19,20-27,  66-11).  Literary  evolution  is  still  more 
apparent  in  Ecclesiastes,  which  breaks  up  under 
analysis  into  five  essays  (Moulton),  though  miscellane- 
ou3  sayings  are  interspersed:  li2-2,  3-48,  5io— 612, 
723-9i6,  II7-I27.  Of  the  suggestion  in  Job  of  another 
literary  form — the  drama — I  have  already  spoken. 

Finally,  in  our  survey  of  OT  literature,  we  come  to 
the  literature  of  prophecy.  The  place  and  significance 
of  prophecy  and  its  relation  to  history  and  theology  lie 
outside  the  scope  of  this  article  (pp.  69-78,  85-93.  426- 
430).  Again  we  have  to  consider  literary  characteristioa 
only,  and  even  of  these  it  is  diflicult  to  speak  in  brief, 
because  prophetic  literature  is  marked  by  extreme 
complexity  of  composition.  While  its  essential  feature 
is  that  the  prophet  writes  in  a  state  of  ecstasy  and  as 
the  Divinely  commissioned  interpreter  of  God's  will 
(note  passages  in  which  such  commission  is  set  forth, 
e.g.  Ezek.  2-34),  bis  utterances  assume  many  forms. 
Sometimes  it  is  Yahweli  Himself  who  speaks  (Hos. 
II 1-4).  More  often  the  prophet  delivers  the  message 
in  liis  own  person.  H.a  discourse  often  takes  the  shape 
of  direct  exhortation  and  appeal,  and  may  thus  be 
likened  (as  I  have  suggested)  to  the  modem  sermon. 
Often  he  indulges  in  denunciation  of  the  wickedness 
either  of  his  own  people  or  of  other  nations,  and  then 
we  may  roughly  compare  his  work  with  the  Philippics 
of  Demosthenes  and  Cicero  and  the  satires  of  Latin  and 
later  writers.  Occasionally  we  have  regular  dramatic 
fUalogues  (Is.  63i-6,  Jer.  14-17.  Mi.  6f.,  Hab.  If.).  A 
strongly  dramatic  element  is  often  introduced  in  other 
ways  (Is.  403fE.,  49,  53,  etc.).     Events  are  frequently 


THE  BIBLE  AS   LITERATURE 


25 


described  in  vivid  pictures  (Is.  527ff.,  Jer.  Sio-ig). 
Pereonal  and  historical  narratives  are  sometimes  in- 
corporated witli  prophecy  (Jer.  2G-29,  34r-i3  ;  Am.  7 
IO-I7,  Hag.).  Abundant  use  is  made  of  parable 
(Jer.  13I2-I4,  24;  Is.  5i-7  ;  Ezek.  24i-i4),  and  of 
allegory  andsymbolism  (Ezek.  4,  5,15-17,  19,  23,  27,  31, 
Hos.  1-22.  3;  Zech.  II4-I4).  Visions  are,  of  course, 
iimumerable  (Is.  6,  41,  43  ;  Ezek.  I4-28,  322-27,  37, 
Am.  7-9,  Zech.  1-6,  etc.),  and  among  these  it  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  say  we  include  the  beautiful  pictures  of 
the  peace  and  blessing  of  the  coming  Messianic  reign, 
which  are  too  frequent  and  familiar  to  call  for  more 
specific  remark.  The  purely  poetic  element  is  also 
very  strong  in  many  of  the  prophets,  notably  in  Isaiah, 
one  of  Israel's  greatest  poets,  and  a  master  of  the 
"  grand  stylo,"  and  in  Nahum.  Attention  must, 
therefore,  be  paid  to  such  poetic  qualities  as  use  of 
nature,  imagery,  \avidness,  picturesqueness,  and  force 
and  beauty  of  diction.  At  times  lyric  poems  are 
introduced,  e.g.,  the  thanksgiving  songs  for  Israel's 
deliverance  in  Is.  14,  25f . ;  and  the  noble  ode  in 
Hab.  3.  The  prophets  were,  of  course,  patriots  and 
statesmen  ;  they  were  primarily  interested  in  the 
things  of  their  own  day,  and  often  they  dealt  in  a  very 
practical  way  with  very  practical  questions.  But  the 
supreme  quality  of  Hebrew  prophetic  literature — the 
quality  which  gives  it  its  distinctive  place — is  its 
intense  spirituality.  More  than  any  other  body  of 
literature  in  the  world,  it  brings  life  to  the  test  of 
ultimate  values,  and  suffuses  the  mundane  and  tem- 
poral with  the  influences  of  the  unseen  and  eternal. 

To  complete  this  short  survey  of  the  literature  of 
the  Bible  something  must  be  said  about  the  literary 
aspects  of  NT.  (A  fuller  discussion  will  be  found  in 
the  article  on  "  The  Development  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment Literature.") 

The  essential  thing  here  is  to  realise  the  difference 
between  those  portions  of  NT  which  in  literary  char- 
acter are  hardly  to  be  distinguished  from  OT,  and 
those  which  reveal  the  influx  of  a  new  culture  and  new 
ideas  of  composition. 

Under  the  former  head  we  have,  it  is  evident,  to 
place  the  Synoptic  Gospels.  We  pass  to  these  from 
the  analogous  parts  of  OT  without  being  conscious  of 
any  radical  change  in  literary  atmosphere  :  the  re- 
semblances are  fundamental,  the  differences  few  and 
superficial.  In  eveiything  appertaining  to  method 
and  style,  indeed,  the  writers  of  these  gospels  clearly 
belong  to  the  OT  school.  Their  narrative  adheres  to 
the  same  general  type  ;  it  is  marked  by  the  same 
plainness,  directness,  and  simplicity,  the  same  avoid- 
ance of  amplification  and  digressive  detail :  as  we 
may  see  by  turning  to  such  fine  examples  as  the  story 
of  the  death  of  John  the  Baptist  (Mk.  617-29)  and  the 
account  of  the  shepherds  watching  their  flocks  by 
night  (Lk.  28-2o).     Their  interspersed  dialogues  and 


speeches  are  likewise  fashioned  on  OT  models.  Even 
the  discourses  of  Jesus,  though  they  are  so  stamped 
with  the  speakers  personality  as  to  seem  entirely 
new  and  unique,  have  in  respect  of  literary  form 
nothing  original  about  them  ;  for  His  aphorisms.  His 
prophetic  sayings.  His  parables,  were  all,  as  vehicles  of 
expression,  familiar  to  His  Jewish  hearers  from  their 
own  Scriptures.  In  reading  the  first  three  gospels, 
therefore,  the  literary  student  is  throughout  impressed 
by  the  fact  that  he  is  still  dealing  with  OT  modes  of 
thought  and  style.  To  this  OT  tradition  in  NT  also 
belongs  Revelation,  a  late  outgrowth  from  that  Jewish 
apocalyptic  litej.ature  which,  in  turn,  had  evolved  out 
of  prophecy. 

When,  however,  we  pass  from  these  works  to  the 
remaining  divisions  of  NT,  we  are  made  aware  in 
different  ways  that  we  are  emerging  into  a  fresh 
world — a  world  already  touched  by  far-reaching 
western  influences.  We  feel  this,  for  example,  in 
many  places  in  Acts,  and  particularly  in  the  second 
part,  which  forms  a  fragmentary  biography  of  Paul. 
Here  much  of  the  narrative  suggests  the  touch  of 
self-conscious  and  deliberate  art — the  art  of  the  Greek 
rather  than  of  the  Hebrew  writer  ;  as  in  the  account 
of  what  happened  at  Melita  (28i-6)  ;  while  Paul's 
speeches  are  obviously  written  or  edited  by  one  familiar 
with  the  technique  of  Greek  oratory.  In  the  fourth 
gospel,  again,  Greek  influences  are  powerfuUy  at  work, 
not  in  theology  only,  but  in  substance  and  manner  as 
well  ;  the  least  critical  reader  must  perceive  this  at 
once,  on  observing  the  contrast  between  the  long, 
sustained,  and  argumentative  discourses  of  Jesus  given 
by  John,  and  the  brief  and  simple  addresses  of  the 
Master  recorded  by  the  synoptists.  But  it  is  most  of 
all  the  epistles,  and  especially  those  of  Paul,  with 
their  complexity  of  thought  and  expression,  their 
subtlety  of  logic,  their  rhetorical  skill,  and  the  masterly 
quality  of  their  style,  which  announce  unmistakably 
that  we  have  now  left  behind  us  the  mental  habits 
and  limitations  of  OT  waiters.  Beside  these  examples 
of  brilliant  reasoning  and  literary  art,  the  "  W^isdom  " 
books  of  OT  seem,  as  has  been  well  said,  remote  and 
primitive.  '"  When  we  pass  from  Proverbs  and  Job 
to  St.  John  and  Romans  and  Hebrews,  we  have  passed 
from  the  world  of  Solomon  to  the  world  of  Socrates  " 
(Gardiner,  p.  185). 

Literature. — S.  R.  Driver,  Intro,  to  the  Lit.  of  OT 
R.   G.   Moulton,    Tlie    Literary  Study  of   the    Bible 
J.    H.   Gardiner,    The    Bible  as    Etiglish    Literature 
G.  F.  Moore,  The  Lit.  of  OT  ;  C.  F.  Kent,  The  StuderU's 
OT  ;     E.    G.    King,    Early    Religious    Poetry  of   the 
Hebrews  ;  E.  Kautzsch,  Die  Poesie  u.  die  poet.  Biicher 
des  Alt.    Test.;    K.  Budde,    Hebrew   Poetry  (HDB) ; 
Gunkel,  Die  israelitische  Literatur  in  Die  Kultur  der 
Gegenwart:  Die  oriental ischen  Literaturen.     Much  at- 
tention is  given  to  this  in  Die  Schriften  des  Alt.  Test. 


THE    HOLY    LAND 


By  Dr.  E.  W.  G.  MASTERMAN 


The  land  which  the  Divine  purpose  si^lcctcd  as  the 
home  of  the  Hebrew  race  has  had,  through  its  situa- 
tion and  physical  conditions,  no  little  bearing  upon 
their  mental  and  spiritual  development.  Indeed,  it  is 
impossible  to  understand  the  Hebrew  people  apart 
from  their  environment  or  to  appreciate  their  litera- 
ture— saturated  as  it  is  with  local  imagery — without 
some  knowledge  of  the  land  of  its  origin.  Even  the 
Master  Himself  was,  during  His  earthly  ministry, 
necessarily  influenced  by  physical,  geographical,  and 
climatic  conditions  which  it  is  important  to  realise  if 
we  would  understand  His  life. 

Names. — The  section  of  Southern  Syria  which  was 
the  scene  of  the  greater  mrt  of  the  OT  and  NT  is 
conveniently  described  as  The  Holy  Land  ' '  since  it 
is  diflScult  to  get  any  modern  geographical  expression 
which  covers  the  whole  of  it  satisfactorily.  The  oldest 
name  in  the  OT  is  the  land  of  Canaan  (Gen.  125 
I63,  17s,  37i,  etc.),  which  occurs  in  the  form  Kinahki 
in  Egyptian  monuments  of  c.  1800  B.C.  and  in  the 
Tell  el-Amama  Correspondence  (c.  1400  B.C.).  Origi- 
nally this  name,  which  means  "  low  land,"  was  applied 
to  the  maritime  plain,  but  later  it  denoted — as  it  does 
in  the  OT — the  whole  land  west  of  Jordan.  The  land 
of  Amurl  or  of  the  Amorites  (p.  53) — a  name  which, 
though  probably  far  older,  occurs  in  Assyrian  and 
Egyptian  ^^Titings  of  c.  1200  B.C. — is  applied  especially 
to  the  mountain  regions.  Originally  it  appears  to 
have  designated  the  mountain  region  of  the  whole  of 
S\Tia,  but  later  it  is  especially  used  of  the  Lebanon 
and  southwards,  the  "land  of  the  Hatti "  or  Hittites 
being  used  for  the  more  northern  parts. 

We  read  in  Egyptian  monuments  (c.  1100  B.C.)  of 
the  arrival  of  the  Purusati  (Philistines)  and  other 
allied  tribes,  who  settled  on  the  coast  and  south- 
western plains,  at  much  the  same  time  as  the  Hebrews 
were  beginning  to  occupy  the  momitains  to  the  east 
(p.  56).  This  district  consoquently  received  the  name  of 
'eretjj  Pelistim  or  land  of  the  Philistines,  or  in  jwetry 
Peleseth  or  Phlllstia  (E.x.  15i4,  Is.  1429,31).  The 
Greeks  at  a  later  age  applied  the  name  Syria  Palae.stina 
to  this  region,  and  the  Romans,  still  later,  divided  all 
Southern  Syria  into  Palestina  Prima,  Secunda,  and 
Tertia.  Thus  the  name,  which  originally,  like  Canaan, 
applied  to  the  coast-lands,  came  gradually  to  be  the 
most  used  name  for  the  whole  land. 

The  name  Syria — a  shortened  form  of  Assyria — is 
never  used  in  the  OT  for  the  land  of  the  Hebrews, 
but  always  for  the  rival  kingdom  whose  centre  was  at 
Damascus.  In  the  time  of  the  Greek  predominance 
it  came  into  use,  as  it  is  employed  to-day,  as  the  name 
of  the  whole  western  Iwrdorland  of  the  Mediterranean, 
and  in  the  NT  it  is  used  several  times  in  that  sense 
(Mt.  424.  Lk.  22,  Ac.  1523,41,  I818,  2I3,  Gal.  I21). 

Brief  mention  only  can  be  made  hero  of  the  com- 
monest designations  given  to  the  land  of  the  Bible. 


The  term  land  of  Israel  is  used  twenty-two  times  in 
the  OT  and  twice  in  the  NT.  Yahweh  is  repre- 
sented in  many  passages  as  speaking  of  "  my  land" 
(Is.  1425,  Jer.  27,  I618.  Jl.  16,  32,  etc.).  AlUed  terms 
are  "a  land  which  Yahweh  thy  God  careth  for" 
(Dt.  II12),  "the  land  of  my  people"  (Is.  32i3),  "  m  v 
heritage"  (Jer.  £7),  "the  land  of  your  habitations 
(Nu.  152),  "  the  land  which  Yahweh  thy  God  giveth 
thee"  (Dt.  17i4,  I89,  2Gi).  Epithets  used  as  de- 
scriptive of  the  land  are  many — "a  land  flowing  with 
milk  and  honey  "  (Jos.  56),  "  Bculah,"  i.e.  "married  " 
(Is.  624),  "delightsome"  (Mai.  3i2),  "pleasant" 
(Jer.  319),  "plentiful"  (Jer.  27),  "glorious"  (Dan. 
1116,41). 

Physical  Geography. — The  groat  mass  of  the  rocks, 
of  which  the  mountains  of  Palestine  and  Syria  are 
built,  were  laid  down  at  a  ix'riod  when  this  whole 
region,  between  Sinai  in  the  south  and  Mount  Taurus 
in  the  north,  was  submerged.  The  primitive 
(Archaean)  rocks  underlying  these  sedimentary  rooks 
are  nowhere  exposed,  and  the  oldest  strata,  which 
appear  only  near  the  south-east  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
consist  of  a  conglomerate  built  largely  of  fragments  of 
granite.  Above  the  Archsean  rocks  are  successively 
layers  of  Nubian  sandstone,  which  apjx-ar  to  the  east 
of  the  Dead  Sea,  then  strata  of  limestone  of  the 
carboniferous  ago,  containing  ammonites  and  echino- 
denns,  and  above  these  chalk  strata  of  the  upper 
cretaceous  ago.  The  different  layers  of  limestone 
rocks  are  distinguished  by  varjing  degrees  of  hard- 
ness, in  some  cases  by  the  presence  of  fossils  or  bands 
of  flint,  and,  in  some  jmrts,  by  their  being  impregnated 
with  phosphates  or  bitumen,  the  latter  producing  the 
"  fire  stone  "  or  "  Nebi  Musa  "  stone. 

The  vast  mass  of  sedimentary  rocks,  many  hundreds 
of  feet  thick,  was  gradually  raised  during  the  Miocene 
period,  in  great  folds  running  north  and  south.  In 
consequence  of  the  enormous  ^jrossure  to  which  the 
strata  were  subject  during  this  j^rocess,  many  of  them 
became  twi.sted  in  a  remarkable  way,  and  "  faults " 
appeared.  A  fault  is  a  deep  crack  at  the  point  of 
greatest  pressure,  and  such  a  crack  usually  leads  to 
shifting  of  the  stnita,  the  layers  on  one  side  being 
elevated  in  some  cases  hundreds  of  feet  higher  than 
on  the  other.  Such  a  fault — running  for  a  distance  of 
350  miles — has  produced  the  Jordan  X'alKn*  with  its 
extension  north  and  south.  As  a  consequence  of  this, 
the  strata  on  the  east  side  of  the  crack  have  been 
projected  upwards,  so  that  here  the  deeper  layers, 
e.g.  Nubian  sandstone,  apjx<ar,  while  on  the  west  the 
deepest  layers  appearing  on  the  surface  are  lime.stone8. 

The  grmt  "  fault  "  or  rift  was  evidently  at  one  time 
filled  in  its  doejKT  jmrta  by  a  great  mass  of  water — to  a 
level  of  LW  feet  above  the  Mediterranean  Sea — as  far 
north  as  Hermon  and  also  far  south  of  the  present 
Dead  Sea.    The  cause  of  this  great  accumulation  of 


In  this  article  the  names  of  places  mentioned  in  the  Bible  are  printed  in  clarendon  type. 


THE   HOLY   LAND 


27 


water  was  the  copious  rainfall  of  the  first  ice  age.  It 
was  during  this,  and  subsequent  similar  periods,  that 
the  deep  valleys  were  made  by  denudation  of  the 
limestone  rocks  by  vast  torrents.  The  enormous 
quantities  of  diluvial  material  were  carried  eastward, 
producing  firstly  gravelly  and  then  finer  marly  de- 
posits at  the  bottom  of  the  great  central  lake,  and 
v/estward  to  form  the  present  maritime  plain,  where 
they  overlay  Tertian  deposits  laid  down  when  once 
the  sea  washed  the  foot  of  the  limestone  hills. 

The  gradual  onset  of  climatic  conditions  similar  to 
those  of  the  present  age  led  to  the  slow  drying  up  of 
the  great  central  lalce,  exposing  as  dry  land  the  greater 
part  of  the  lake  bottom  and  leaving  the  three  lakes. 
The  Dead  Sea,  which  has  no  outlet,  is  intensely  salt 
because  its  waters  contain  the  greater  part  of  the 
salts  which  were  once  dissolved  in  the  vastly  greater 
volume  of  the  original  lake. 

In  various  parts  of  the  land,  notably  in  Galilee  and 
in  the  cUstrict  south  and  south-east  of  Hermon,  there 
are  volcanic  rocks  due  to  largo  outflows  of  lava,  and 
extinct  volcanoes  occur  in  considerable  numbers. 
Although  hot  sulphurous  springs  exist  in  various 
parts  of  the  Jordan  Valley,  and  earthquakes  are  by 
no  means  uncommon,  it  is  improbable  that  any  active 
volcanic  disturbance  has  occurred  since  Man  appeared 
on  this  planet.  It  is  probable  that  the  physical  and 
climatic  conditions  of  the  land  were,  from  the  earliest 
existence  of  JIan,  practically  identical  with  those  of 
to-day. 

General  Physical  Features.— The  geological  pro- 
cesses just  described  have  produced  very  defixiite 
divisions  of  the  land.  Running  north  and  south 
through  the  midst,  we  have  the  Ghor  or  Jordan  Valley 
with  its  swift -running  river,  its  three  lakes,  and — in 
consequence  of  its  great  depth  below  sea  level — ^its 
tropical  climate  and  fauna.  On  either  side  of  this  are 
parallel  mountain  ranges  rising  abruptly  from  the 
central  valley,  but  descending  gradually  westwards 
to  the  sea,  and  still  more  gradually  eastwards  to  the 
desert.  The  mountains,  in  Palestine  proper,  scarcely 
reach  4000  feet  above  the  Mediterranean,  but  east  of 
the  Jordan  they  are  in  places  nearly  6000  feet,  and 
Hermon,  on  the  northern  border,  is  over  9000  feet 
high.  Thus  from  the  summit  of  snow-clad  Hermon 
to  the  sweltering  Dead  Sea  shore  (nearly  1300  feet 
below  sea  level)  we  have  a  difference  of  nearly  10,300 
feet.  Yet,  in  spite  of  the  startling  contrast  due  to 
differences  of  elevation,  one  of  the  facts  most  striking 
to  visitors  from  the  \\'est  is  the  gejieral  uniformity 
of  the  land.  For  one  thing,  with  the  exception  of 
the  volcanic  districts,  the  limestone  strata — here 
horizontal,  there  acutely  tilted  or  twisted,  or  full  of 
fhnty  nodules — are  everywhere  in  evidence.  Moun- 
tains made  of  such  rocks  are  usually  rounded  and 
somewhat  commonplace,  and  even  the  highest  points 
can  be  reached  on  horseback.  Then  the  climate,  in 
its  broad  features,  is  the  same  everywhere.  A  short, 
wet  winter  wnth  torrential  rains  is  followed  by  a  dry 
summer  season  with  perha])S  no  drop  of  rain  for  five, 
or  even  six  months.  The  heavy  rains  tend  to  clear 
the  hillsides  of  soil — unless  this  is  prevented  by  human 
agency — and  the  hot,  dry  summer  soon  withers  the 
spring's  glorious  promise  of  verdure.  Miles  of  country 
in  the  later  summer  produce  nothing  but  a  few  scanty, 
prickly  weeds.  The  scarcity  of  timber— greatly  in- 
creased under  Turkish  misrvile — is  marked  all  over  the 
land.  Springs  are  u.sually  small  and  infrequent,  and 
not  a  few  become  intermittent,  or  dry  up  altogether, 
after  the  summer  drought.  Common  to  the  whole 
land    are    the     characteristic    winds    also — the    rain- 


bearing  south-west  or  west  winds,  the  cooling  north- 
west wind,  which  so  greatly  mitigates  the  heat  of 
midsummer  evenings  and  nights,  and  the  dry  and 
parching  south-east  wind  (the  Sirocco)  from  the  desert, 
which  spoils  so  much  of  the  otherwise  pleasant  weather 
in  spring  and  autumn. 

From  countless  points  aU  over  the  land  wonderful 
prospects  are  to  be  seen,  views  of  natural  beauty, 
with  ever-changing  atmospheric  effects,  but  extra- 
ordinarily interesting  and  romantic  to  the  student  of 
history.  For  the  size  of  the  land  the  prospects, 
though  harmonious,  are  wonderfully  varied — mountain 
and  plain,  lake  and  ocean,  tropical  scenery  in  the 
Jordan  Valley  and  Alpine  plants  upon  the  slopes  of 
Hermon — all  confined  within  an  area  so  small  that 
nearly  two -thirds  of  its  length  can  be  seen  from  one 
onlook.  The  smallness  of  the  land  is  striking  when  it 
is  realised  that  from  "  Dan  to  Beersheba  "  is  less  than 
130  miles  in  a  straight  line,  and  from  the  sea  to  the 
desert,  in  the  land's  widest  part  is  less  than  100  miles. 
Enough  of  beauty  still  remaiiis  to  enable  us  to  imagine 
what  it  must  have  been  when  a  swarming  and  in- 
dustrious population  cultivated  it  to  its  fullest  -degree 
and  all  its  hills  were  clothed  in  forests,  orchards,  or 
vineyards. 

Extent  and  Natural  Divisions  ot  the  Land.— The 
broad,  natural  divisions  of  Palestine  run  north  and 
south.  To  the  west  lies  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  .to 
the  east  the  desert ;  between  these  two  the  strip  of 
fertile  land  consists  of  two  mountain  ranges  and  two 
plains.  Near  the  sea  is  the  maritime  plain  ;  running 
east  of  this,  and  making  up  with  it  "  Western  Pales- 
tine," is  the  great  mountain  backbone  which  springs 
from  the  Lebanon  and  loses  itself  far  south  in  the 
desert  of  Sinai.  East  of  this  is  the  deep  rift  of  the 
Ghor,  which  holds  the  river  Jordan  and  its  attendant 
lakes,  while  still  further  east  there  is  a  rapid  rise  to 
those  fertile  and  historic  plateaux  which  made  up 
Eastern  Palestine.  This  has  been  graphically  por- 
trayed bj^  several  writers  thus  : 


The 

Maritime 

Plain 


The  Central  p;5e,Sr 
Valley-) 


The  Eastern  I    Th 
Kange      |  Desert 


The  westward  boundary  has  not  always  been  a  very 
secure  one,  for  over  these  seas  have  come  successively 
Phoenicians,  Philistines,  Greeks,  and  Romans,  and  in 
more  modem  times  Crusaders  and  other  Europeans. 
The  desert  to  the  east  has  proved  a  securer  protection, 
but  only  when  the  frontier  has  been  held  in  some 
force,  for  ever  and  again  the  wandering  Bedouin — ^like 
the  Midianites  of  old — have  swarmed  over  the  land 
and  eaten  up  the  crops  of  the  more  settled  inhabitants. 
The  most  serious  invasion  of  the  land  in  the  Christian 
era  also  came  from  the  East,  when  the  followers  of 
Mohammed  burst  over  the  land  and  ^Tested  it  from 
the  Byzantines. 

Southwards  the  land  passes  from  over  increasingly 
parched  mountain  ranges  to  an  utter  desert  plateau 
where  sea  reel  j'  an  Arab  and  a  camel  can  exist. 

Northwards  no  sharp  line  divides  Palestine  proper 
from  Syria — Damascus  and  its  rich  oasis  has  never 
been  a  part  of  the  "  land  of  Israel,"  nor  has  Lebanon. 
To-day  an  artificial  frontier  is  made,  for  purposes  of 
the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  Survej'.  at  Tyre  and 
a  lino  eastwards  from  that  citj%  but  a  more  natural 
division  is  the  river  Litany  whore  it  passes  in  its  course 
from  east   to  weat  through  an  extraordinarily   deep 


28 


THE   HOLY  LAND 


gorge.  This  lino  prolonged  to  IBauias  at  the  foot  of 
Hermon,  though  an  arbitrary  one,  is  probably  as 
satisfactory  as  any  that  can  be  found. 

Within  these  bounds  lies  a  land  unique,  a  unit, 
though  broken  into  many  parts.  Less  beautiful  than 
the  Lebanon  and  Phoenicia,  less  fmitful  than  Egypt 
and  ancient  McsoiX)tamia,  smaller  than  all  those, 
wasted  and  maimed  as  it  is,  it  yet  attracts  the  thoughts 
of  a  vastly  greater  number  of  mankind  than  all  these 
other  lands  combined. 

Regional  Geography. — I.  Western  Palestine,  {a)  The 
maritime  plain,  which  stretches  between  the  mountain 
and  the  sea  almost  all  along  the  coast,  varies  much  in 
width — from  one  to  five  miles  or  so  in  Northern 
Palestine  to  as  much  as  twentj'-five  miles  in  the  south. 
Between  Akka  and  Tyre  the  mountains  of  Galilee 
terminate  in  precipitous  headlands  running  out  into 
the  sea,  so  that  the  old  coast  highroad  had  to  negotiate 
a  steep  and  difiScult  route  known  as  the  "  Ladder  of 
Tyre."  North  of  this  we  have  the  Plain  of  T>Te  and 
then  successively  Sidon,  Sarepta,  Beirut,  and  other 
Phcenioian  cities  of  ancient  days,  each  upon  its  own 
narrow  strip  of  coast -plain. 

South  of  the  Ladder  of  Tyre  the  maritime  plain 
Boon  expands  into  the  wide  and  weU-watered  Plain 
ol  Akka,  traversed  by  the  two  rivers,  the  Nahr  Naniein, 
the  Belus,  and  the  Nahr  el  Mukatta,  the  Kishon. 
The  Bay  of  Akka  (or  Acre)  lies  between  the  city  of 
that  name — the  Accho  of  Jg.  I31  and  the  I>tolemaIs 
of  Ac.  21 7 — on  the  north  and  the  western  extremity 
of  Mount  Carmel,  which  here  falls  abruptly  seawards, 
but  is  separated  from  the  sea  by  a  narrow  plain. 
Nestling  to  the  north  of  the  western  end  of  Carmel 
is  HaiS,  a  modem  town  which  is  coming  into  in- 
creasing importance  as  the  terminus  of  the  Hejaz 
Railway  and  the  owTier  of  the  one  natural  harbour 
for  modem  ships  on  all  the  coast  of  Palestine.  South 
of  Carmel  the  coast  presents  no  safe  anchorage  for 
present-day  needs,  but  at  several  jxjints,  where  some 
rocky  reef  or  some  slight  indentation  of  the  coast 
occurs,  Phoenician  sailors  or  their  successors  in  Greek, 
Roman,  or  later  times  established  themselves  and 
made  harbours  suited  to  their  small  sailing  boats. 
We  have  thus  from  north  to  south — Athllt,  the  Cas- 
tellum  Peregrinonim  of  the  Crusaders,  Tantiirah,  the 
Phoenician  Dor,  el  Kaiserieh  or  Caesarea,  the  capital 
of  Roman  Palestine,  Jaffa  onco  Japho  and  Joppa, 
A8kalan,the  successor  of  the  Philistine  and  Crusading 
Ascalon,  and  Ghuzzeh,  now  three  miles  inland  but 
nevertheless  the  successor  of  Philistine,  Greek,  and 
Byzantine  Gaza.  All  the  ancient  harbour  works  are 
ruined,  and  the  liarbours  themselves  are  now  largely 
silted  up.  From  Jaffa  southwards,  the  sea -board  is 
hidden  from  the  neighbouring  plain  by  an  ever- 
broadening  line  of  sand  dunes  which  merge  towards 
the  south  into  the  sandj'  desert  betwecni  Gaza  and 
Egypt.  The  plain  itself  from  Carmel  southwards  to 
the  desert  contains  some  of  the  most  fertile  land  in 
Palestine.  The  alluvial  soil  carried  down  from  the 
mountains  is  constantly  being  renewed  by  fresh  de- 
posits from  the  hills,  assisted  in  some  parts  by  floods 
in  the  rainy  season.  It  is  extensively,  but  by  no 
means  fully,  cultivated.  The  part  to  the  north  of 
Jaffa  is  usually  known  as  the  Plain  of  Sharon  (Is.  330, 
35i,  G5io),  and  jmrts  of  this  were  onco  a  forest.  It 
is  traversed  by  several  small  streams,  of  which  tho 
most  important  are  the  Nahr  ez  Zerka  or  Crocodile 
River  towards  the  north,  and  the  Nahr  el  Awaj,  the 
Crooked  River,  which  rises  at  Kefr  Saba,  the  site  of 
the  ancient  Antipatrls  (Ac.  2331 ').  and  reaches  the 
sea  just  north   of  Jaffa.     Inland  from  Jaffa  on  the 


railway  to  Jerusalem  are  Ludd,  the  Lydda  of  Ac. 
932,  and  Ramleh,  both  important  places  in  the 
midst  of  splendid  groves  of  olives  and  fruit-trees, 
while  still  further  west,  upon  the  actual  foot  hills, 
is  Tell  el  Jezereh,  the  recently  excavated  site  of 
ancient  Gezer  (Jg.  129*,  1  K.  9isf.*).  On  the  great 
Egyptian  highroad  from  Jaffa  to  Gaza  lie  successively, 
Yebneh,  the  ancient  Jabniel  or  Jamnia  (Jos.  loii), 
ten  miles  further  south  Esdud,  once  Ashdod,  and  still 
another  ten  miles  further  south,  Askalan  upon  tho 
ooast  itself.  Far  on  tho  eastern  edge  of  the  plain, 
nearly  as  far  south  as  Gaza,  is  Tell  el  Hcsy,  the  site 
of  Lachish  (2  K.  1814.,  I'Js,  Jer.  347),  which  has 
been  partially  excavated.  Between  Jaffa  and  Gaza 
in  tho  north  and  Gaza  and  Lachish  in  the  south  Ues 
the  great  rolling  plain  of  Philistia,  on  which  rich 
harvests  of  wheat  and  barley  are  gathered  annually. 
The  remaining  two  great  Philistine  cities,  Gath,  pos- 
sibly at  Tell  68  Safi,  and  Ekron,  possibly  at  edh 
Dhenebbeh,  are  not  with  any  certainty  identified. 

(b)  The  great  mountain  backbone  of  Western 
Palestine  is  naturally  divided  into  five  parts.  In  the 
north,  beyond  Palestine  proper,  is  the  Lebanon  ;  then 
comes  Galilee,  separated  by  the  Litany  from  the  pre- 
ceding and  from  Samaria  by  the  wide  plain  of 
Esdraelon  ;  beyond  these,  each  with  its  owti  charac- 
teristics, we  have  Samaria,  Judsea,  and  the  Negeb. 

(1)  The  Lebanon  extends  for  about  100  miles  north 
and  south  parallel  with  the  Syrian  coast.  In  the 
north  it  is  divided  from  the  Nusairlyeh  mountains 
by  the  Nahr  el  Keblr  or  Eleutheros  River  ;  in  the 
south  from  Galilee  by  the  Nahr  Litany,  probably  the 
Leontes  of  classical  writers.  To  the  west  the  narrow 
strip  of  the  Phoenioian  plain  divides  it  from  the  sea, 
and  to  the  east  it  is  separated  from  the  Anti-Lebanon 
by  the  plain  el  Bukaa  or  Cajlesyria,  up  the  centre  of 
which  the  Orontes  flows  northward.  Within  these 
limits  mountain  points  rise  at  several  places  to  con- 
siderable heights,  especially  in  the  north.  Makmal  is 
10.207  feet,  Sannin,  near  Beirut.  8895  feet,  and  Baruk, 
further  south,  about  7000  feet  high.  Snow  lies  on 
many  of  the  higher  suilimits  until  late  in  the  summer. 
The  whole  region  is  full  of  fountains  and  streams,  some 
of  which  traverse  the  most  romantic  gorges.  The 
BU{)eriority  of  this  district  over  Palestine  in  this  re- 
spect is  partly  due  to  the  sno\vy  summits  and  partly 
to  the  presence  here  of  a  great  stratum  of  water- 
gathering  Nubian  sandstone  (1300  to  1600  feet  thick), 
on  which  Coniferaj  flourish  exceedingly.  The  lower 
mountain  sloixjs  are  highly  cultivated  in  places,  but 
the  forests  of  cedars  which  once  crowiied  tte  heights 
are  to-day  represented  only  by  a  few  small  and 
scattered  groves.  The  {Jeople  of  the  Lelanon  are  as 
much  s(>]iarated  in  government  and  in  social  life  from 
those  of  Palestine  as  they  were  in  ancient  times. 

(2)  Oalilec,  the  "  ring  "  or  "  region  "  (c/.  "  Galilee 
of  the  nations,"  Is.  9i),  was  originally  a  special 
hmited  district  around  Kedesh  (Jos.  2O7,  21 32).  It 
is  divided  by  Josephus  into  three  parts:  (1)  Upper 
Galilee,  (2)  Lower  (lalilee,  and  (3)  the  Jordan  Valley. 
The  thvision  is  a  good  one  though  somewhat  artificial, 
but  as  (3)  will  bo  treated  under  the  section  dealing 
with  "  tho  Jordan  Valley  "  as  a  whole,  it  will  be 
convenient  to  treat  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon  as  the 
third  division  instead. 

Upper  Oalilec  consists  of  a  series  of  high-lying 
plateaux  of  considerable  fertility,  scored  at  their 
edges  by  deep,  irregular  valleys.  Safcnl.  the  chief 
town,  stands  a  littlo  to  the  south-east  of  the  centre; 
some  six  miles  to  the  west  the  summit  of  .lebel  Jenuak. 
the  highest    point  in  Palestine,  rises  to  a  height   of 


THE   HOLY  LAND 


29 


3934  feet.  The  plateau  ends  abruptly  to  the  south  in 
a  well-defined  range  of  hills  running  east  and  west,  of 
which  the  highest  points  are  the  Jchulet  el  Arus,  3500 
foot  high.  The  whole  range  descends  abruptly  about 
2000  feet  to  the  lower  hill-country  of  Lower  (xaUleo. 

In  this  lofty  mountain  region  there  are  relatively 
many  springs  and  fairly  abundant  winter  rains.  The 
dryness  of  the  later  summer  months  is  largely  com- 
pensated by  the  abundant  d(>ws — the  dew  of  Hermon 
(Ps.  1333) — which  is  a  result  of  the  moisture -laden 
south-west  winds  being  suddenly  cooled  by  contact 
with  Hermon.  In  several  places,  notably  at  the 
plain  of  el  Jish  (Gischala)  there  are  outcrops  of 
volcanic  rock. 

This  highland  region  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
completely  subdued  by  Israel,  though  partially  settled 
by  Naphthali  and  Ashcr.  The  invasion  of  Benhadad 
(1  K.  1020)  fell  heavily  on  this  district,  as  did  that  of 
Tiglathpileser  the  Assjnnan  (2  K.  I529).  Most  of  the 
captured  places  named  were  in  Upper  Galilee.  Down 
to  NT  times  this  land  was  the  homo  of  a  mixed  and 
largely  pagan  race.  The  extremely  mixed  character 
of  the  inhabitants  is  a  marked  feature  to-day.  The 
most  famous  sites  are  Kedes,  the  ancient  Kadesh- 
Naphthali  (Jos.  2O7,  21 32,  Jg.  49f.*),  one  of  the 
"  cities  of  refuge,"  and  Khurbet  Harraweh,  a  lofty 
hill  dominating  the  upper  Jordan  plain  which  marl^ 
the  site  of  ancient  Hazor  (Jg.  42,  etc.). 

Lower  Galilee  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  steep 
mountain  ridge  just  described ;  on  the  south  the 
natural  boundary  is  Esdraelon,  but  at  times  the  plain 
was  counted,  as  was  Carmel,  to  Galilee  itself.  To  the 
west  Lower  Galilee  slopes  gently  down  to  the  plain  of 
Akka,  which  jxjlitically  belonged  to  it  in  Roman 
times  when  Ptolemais  was  the  port  of  the  province. 
On  the  cast  the  province  not  only  extended  to  the 
Jordan  but  actually  beyond  it.  Most  references  to 
Galilee  are  to  Lower  Gahlee,  and  this,  almost  exclusively 
so  far  as  we  can  gather,  was  the  scene  of  the  earthly 
ministry  of  our  Lord  in  the  north. 

It  is  a  region  of  no  great  height ;  the  loftiest  point 
is  only  1800  feet  above  sea  level.  The  hills  are  dis- 
posed in  parallel  ranges  running  east  and  west,  with 
wide,  fertile  valleys  between.  Some  of  these  plains 
have  no  proper  drainage,  and  tend  to  become  water- 
logged at  the  end  of  the  winter  rains.  It  is  a  rich  and 
fertile  land,  which  under  better  political  conditions 
ought  to  be,  what  it  once  was,  productive  of  vast 
quantities  of  olives,  vines,  and  fruit,  as  well  as  timber. 
It  is  dotted  thick  with  villages,  and  even  more  with 
ruins,  marking  historic  sites.  Nazareth  is  situated  in 
a  sheltered  hollow  ;  the  hills  which  surround  it  overlook 
the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  It  was  in  Roman  times  off 
any  main  road  and  yet  within  easy  reach  of  two. 
Four  miles  north-west,  over  hill  slopes  now  thick  with 
brushwood  and  sweet-smelling  herbs,  hcs  Suffiirieh, 
once  Sepphoris,  the  Roman  capital  of  the  district  in 
NT  times.  Another  six  miles  northward,  across  the 
plain  of  Buttauf  (the  Asochis  of  Josephus)  is  Khurbet  ^ 
Kana.  almost  certainly  the  Cana  of  Galilee  of  Jn.  2i-ii, 
446,  which  a  late  and  unreliable  tradition  has  located 
at  Kefr  Kenna.  Three  miles  N.W.  of  Kana,  up  a 
picturesque  gorge,  is  Ivhurbet  Jefat,  the  site  of  Jota- 
pata,  famous  in  Josephus  for  its  siege.  A  httle  further 
west  is  the  village  of  Kabul  (Cabul),  a  name  preserving 
the  tradition  of  1  K.  913.  Where  the  hills  of  Gahlee 
terminate  to  the  south-west,  opposite  the  loftj'  eastern 
end  of  Carmel,  is  Haritheyeh,  almost  certainly  the 
"  Harosheth  of  the  Gentiles  "  famous  in  the  history 
of  Si  sera  (Jg.  42»). 

'  Khurbet  =  ruin. 


West  of  Galilee,  rising  abruptly  from  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon,  but  really  an  offshoot  of  the  mountains  of 
Galilee,  is  Jebel  et  Tor,  the  labor  of  OT  times, 
sacred  doubtless  then  as  it  is  now,  but  an  impossible 
site,  in  spite  of  ecclesiastical  tradition,  for  the  Trans- 
figuration, since  it  was  in  NT  times  a  thickly  in- 
habited, semi-fortified  site. 

The  modem  carriage  road  from  Nazareth  lies  some 
miles  to  the  north  of  Tabor  and  runs  to  Tiberias,  the 
only  surviving  town  of  importance  on  the  lake  to-day. 
Tiberias  was  avoided  in  NT  times  by  faithful  Jews 
as  godless,  pagan,  and  defiled,  but  by  the  irony  of 
history  became  later  a  seat  of  the  Sanhedrin,  and 
to-day  is  one  of  the  four  holy  cities  of  Jewiy.  The 
footsteps  of  Jesus  must  have  taken  Him  by  roads 
fui-ther  north,  probably  by  Kana  and  the  plain  of  the 
Buttauf  to  Gennesaret.  "Here,  along  the  north  side 
of  the  lake,  lay  the  Jewish  cities  of  Magdala — now  the 
squalid  village  of  Mejdel— and  Capernaum,  now  the 
ruins  of  Tell  Hum.  Among  the  black,  volcanic  hill- 
slopes,  two  miles  north  of  Tell  Hum,  is  Kerazeh,  a 
black  and  shapeless  ruin  of  the  once  fine  city  Chorazin. 
Across  the  Jordan  on  the  inland  edge  of  an  alluvial 
plain  (but  counted  in  NT  times  as  of  Galilee)  is  a 
hill  known  as  et  Tell  ;  here  once  stood  Bethsaida, 
"  the  house  of  fishing,"  called  by  the  Romans  Beth- 
saida  Julias.  Among  the  famous  roads  which  crossed 
Gahlee,  none  are  more  celebrated  than  the  "  Way  of 
the  Sea  "  (Is.  9i).  This  probably  came  up  from  the 
south  via  Beisan,  skirted  the  western  shore  of  the  lake, 
crossed  Gennesaret,  passed  at  least  the  territoiy  or 
outskirts  of  Capernaum,  then  turned  successively 
north  and  north-east,  crossed  the  Jordan  below  Lake 
Huleh,  and  so  ran  on  to  Damascus. 

The  Plain  of  Esdraelon  or  Megiddo,  called  to-day 
Merj  el  Amir,  is  a  wide  expanse  of  alluvial  soil  of 
great  depth  and  fertility.  In  the  spring  it  is  a  vast 
stretch  of  green  from  end  to  end.  Like  the  Jordan 
Valley,  the  existence  of  this  plain  is  due  to  a  fault 
running  east  and  west.  It  is  not  well  supplied  with 
water,  but  the  regiop  of  the  sources  of  the  sluggish 
Nahr  el  Mukattam— the  Kishon— is  often  water- 
logged after  heavy  rains.  Although  this  stream 
winds  across  the  plain  all  the  way  from  the  watershead 
to  its  exit  between  Carmel  and  the  south-western 
corner  of  the  hills  of  Galilee,  it  is  only  at  this  narrow 
valley,  and  that  too  only  after  very  heavy  rain,  that 
the  Kishon  can  ever  be  dangerous  to  cross  (Jg.  52 1). 
Such  a  plain,  in  a  land  so  mountainous,  must  always 
have  been  on  a  line  of  traffic  ;  to-day  the  railway  runs 
across  it,  as  of  old  one  of  the  most  famous  roads  from 
Mesopotamia  to  Egypt  traversed  it  diagonally  from 
the  eastern  side  of  Tabor  to  the  great  pass  which  begins 
at  Megiddo. 

The  Plain  of  Esdraelon  is  triangular  in  shape,  one 
angle  being  at  the  narrow  pass  where  the  Kishon  has 
forced  its  way  between  the  mountains  of  GaUlee  and 
the  ridge  of  Carmel ;  the  second  angle  is  near  Tabor, 
and  the  third  near  Jenin.  The  mountains  of  Nazareth — 
15  miles — bound  it  on  the  north  ;  on  the  south  the 
northern  edge  of  the  mountains  of  Samaria  from 
Jenin,  past  Megiddo  to  Carmel — 20  miles — make  the 
longest  side  of  the  triangle  ;  while  on  the  east  a  more 
broken  line  of  15  miles  runs  from  Jenin  to  Tabor, 
passing  successively  the  Mountains  of  Gllboa,  1648  feet, 
Jebel Dahi, also  called  "  Little  Heniion,"  IGiWfeet.  and 
Mount  Tabor  itself,  1843  feet  high.  Between  Gilboa 
and  Jebel  Dahi  the  long  valley  of  Jezreel  runs  from  be- 
tween Zerin  (Jezreel)  in  the  south,  and  Solam  (Shunem, 
2  K.  48*)  in  the  north,  and  wth  a  rapid  descent  to 
Beisan,theanoient  Bethshean(  Jg.  1 2  ;•).  whereit  merges 


THE  HOLY  LAND 


in  the  Jordan  Valley.  This  is  a  very  historic  valley. 
Hero  occiined  (Jideon's  victory  over  tho  unorganised 
multitudes  of  the  Midianitcs.  and  Ain  Jalud  is  })ointed 
out  as  the  Spring  of  Harod  wlu-re  (iideon  tested  his 
warriors  (Jg.  7i*).  In  this  valley  too  was  Sauls  last 
battle  with  the  Philistines  (1  S.  31).  On  the  northern 
slope  of  Jebel  Dahi  is  Endor,  where  he  consulted  the 
witch  the  night  before  the  battle,  on  the  mountains 
of  Gilboa  to  the  south  he  was  slain,  and  on  the  gates 
of  Bothshean — now  Beisan,  a  railway  station  on  the 
railway  to  Damascus — his  and  his  sons'  bodies  were 
exposed.  Again,  less  than  two  centuries  later,  Jehoram 
in  Jezreel  saw  Jehu  the  son  of  Nimshi  driving  furiously 
up  this  valley  as  Yahweh's  chosen  instrument  of 
vengeance  upon  his  father's  family  ;  before  Jezreel, 
close  to  Naboth's  vineyard,  Jehoram  fell  while  his 
companion,  Ahaziah,  fled  southward  to  Jenin  ;  by 
Ibleam,  now  Tell  Belameh,  he  was  wounded,  and  then 
all  along  the  southern  edge  of  the  plain,  a  dying  man, 
his  chariot  bore  him  to  Megiddo  where  he  died  (2  K.  9). 

At  the  foot  of  the  northern  slopes  of  Jebel  Dahi, 
opixjsite  Tabor,  is  Nein,  the  Nain  of  Lk.  711-15. 

(3)  Samaria  lies  between  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  on 
the  north  and  the  higher,  wilder,  mountain  region  of 
Judaea  to  the  south — the  exact  line  of  frontier  varied 
much  at  difTcront  periods — and  between  the  maritime 
plain  to  the  west  and  the  Jordan  to  the  east.  The 
tenn  Mount  Ephraim,  originally  given  to  the  territory 
inunediately  north  of  Rnjaniin  (Jos.  17i5,  I950,  etc.) 
is  in  other  passages  of  OT  (cf.  Jer.  316)  applied  to  this 
whole  district.  This  region  is  characterised  by  its 
openness  (as  contrasted  with  Juda?a),  especially  to- 
wards the  east,  where  the  easily  fordable  Jordan  gave 
no  protection,  and  there  is  little  or  no  wilderness. 
The  great  roads  from  SjTia  to  the  coast  as  well  as 
the  great  highroads  between  Mesopotamia  and  Egypt 
traversed  parts  of  this  territory.  Megiddo,  whose 
site  is  marked  by  the  great  Tell  Mutasellim  (which 
has  been  recently  excavated),  was  the  guard  city  of 
the  famous  pass  by  which  this  highway  traversed 
the  hills  between  Esdraelon  and  Sharon.  Here 
Thothmes  III  obtained  a  great  victory  over  the  people 
of  the  land,  and  here  long  afterwards  Josiah,  trying 
to  intercept  Pharaoh  Keoho  on  his  way  to  fight  the 
Assjnians,  met  his  death  at  the  hand  of  the  Egyptian 
king  (2  K.  2329,  2  Ch.  3022,  Zech.  12ii).  Some 
seven  miles  south-east  of  Tell  Mutasellim  is  the  recently 
excavated  Taanak,  the  Taanach  of  Jg.  619. 

The  fertility  of  Samaria  is  marked  :  this  is  largel}' 
due  to  the  soft  character  of  its  rocks,  which  readily 
crumble  under  the  weather,  producing  gently  rounded 
hills  and  many  open  plains.  Samaria  has  a  higher 
proportion  of  cultivable  land  and  far  more  springs 
than  Judsea.  This  o{>enness  to  foreign  influence  and 
more  luxurious  living  tended  to  produce  a  people 
more  worldly  and  pagan  than  Judsea. 

Carmel — which  geographically  belongs  to  Samaria, 
though  not  always  politically — is  a  district  of  special 
fertility,  and  apparently  sjx'cially  prone  to  nature- 
worship.  The  term  Mount  Carmel  is  usually  applied 
to  the  lofty  ridge  running  from  Tell  Keimun — probably 
Jokneam  (Jos.  1222,  etc.) — to  the  western  end  at  the 
sea,  but  it  is  more  correct  to  recognise  as  Carmel  also 
a  triangular  area  of  hills  extending  as  far  south  as 
the  Crocodile  River.  It  is  a  region  specially  suited — 
as  its  name  implies — to  vineyards,  and  what  may  be 
done  with  it  under  skilled  agriculture  is  shown  at 
Zammarin,  where  the  Jewish  colonists  have  one  of 
their  most  prosperous  settlements.  The  most  striking 
spot  in  Cannel  is  the  most  westerly  point  of  the  ridge, 
called  el  Mahrakah,  "  the  place  f)f  burning,"  1687  feet 


high,  which  is  the  probable  site  of  Elijah's  CoBtest 
with  the  prophets  of  Baal  (1  K.  l«i(/).  The  local 
conditions  correspond  extraordinarily  with  the  narr.i- 
tive.  It  is  a  remarkable  spot  apart  from  this,  as  the 
l>rospect  extends  far  over  Gahlee  and  Samaria.  It 
is  not  improbable  that  Elijah  had  his  dwelling  in 
this  neighbourhood. 

The  centre  of  Samaria  is  Nablus — a  corruption  of 
NeajKjlis,  the  "  new  city  " — which  lies  between  Ebal 
and  Gerizim  and  is  the  successor  of  Shechem  (1  K.  I2i). 
The  ancient  city  was  probably  at  Khurbet  Belata,  a 
mile  further  east,  at  the  entrance  to  the  valley.  This 
fertile  and  well-watered  valley  between  these  lofty 
mountains  is  a  most  important  pass  between  the  coast 
and  the  East  Jordan  lands.  Jebel  Sulemiyeh  or  Ebal, 
3032  feet  high,  faces  south,  and  in  consequence,  be- 
cause it  is  much  baked  bj'  the  summer  sun,  its  verdure 
is  scanty — hence  jx-rhaps  the  idea  of  its  being  "  cursed." 
Jebel  et  Tor,  Gerizim,  which  faces  north,  is  fiill  of 
springs  and  greenness — hence  it  was  "  blessed."  Be- 
tween these  two  the  assembled  tribes  recited  the  law 
(Jos.  830-35).  On  Mount  Gerizim  stood  the  temple  of 
the  Samaritans,  once  a  rival  in  splendour  to  Zion, 
and  there  the  survivors  of  this  once  great  community, 
now  numbering  under  200,  annually  celebrate  the 
Passover.  At  the  eastern  foot  of  Gerizim  is  "Jacob's 
Well,"  possibly  the  original  well,  but  almost  certainly 
the  site  of  the  conversation  of  Jesus  with  the  Samaritan 
woman  (Jn.  45-30).  Across  the  valley  on  the  south- 
eastern slopes  of  Ebal  is  "  Ain  Askar,"  the  possible 
site  of  Sychar. 

From  Nablijs,  ancient  roads  radiate  in  various 
directions.  One,  running  south,  is  the  ancient  high- 
road to  Bethel,  Jerusalem,  Hebron,  and  Beersheba, 
familiar  to  the  patriarchs.  An  equally  ancient  one 
runs  NNE.  past  Talliiza — the  probable  site  of  Tirzah, 
the  ancient  capital  (1  K.  16s) — and  Tubaz,  the  Thebez 
of  Jg.  950,  to  Beisan,  the  Bethshean  of  the  OT  and 
the  Scythopolis  of  the  period  of  the  NT,  the  largest 
of  the  cities  of  the  Deca polls. 

From  Nablijs  an  easy  road,  traversed  to-day  by 
carriages,  runs  about  6J  miles  NWW.  to  Scbastieh. 
Here  on  a  lofty,  isolated  hill  inhabited  to-day  at  its 
eastern  end  by  some  rapacious  fellahln.  lay  the  great 
city  of  Samaria.  The  excavations  recently  conducted 
here  have  revealed  the  foundations  of  the  great  palace 
of  Omri  and  of  Ahab,  but  the  most  extensive  and 
magnificent  remains  belong  to  the  reconstruction  of 
the  city  by  Herod  the  Great,  who  gave  it  the  new 
name  Sebaste  (Greek  for  Augusta)  in  honour  of 
Augustus  Csesar.  The  situation  of  the  city  of  Samaria 
was  magnificent,  surrounded  by  rich  corn-fields,  and 
encircled  by  hills.  From  the  recently  excavated 
remains  of  the  great  western  gate — probably  standing 
on  the  site  of  a  gate  of  Ahab's  time — it  is  possible  to 
reconstruct  in  imagination  the  whole  story  of  the 
flight  of  the  SjTians  (2  K.  7). 

Close  to  the  great  north  road,  some  eleven  miles 
north  of  Sebastieh,  is  Tell  Dotan— the  Dothan  of 
Gen.  37 1 7  and  2  K.  613-  To-day  the  great  flocks  of 
sheep  and  goats  from  near,  and  the  long  strings  of 
camels  travelling  from  afar,  gather  hero  to  drink  at  the 
copious  spring  :  these  and  the  many  empty  cisterns 
around,  all  vividly  recall  the  .story  of  Joseph. 

(4)  Judsea. — The  region  south  of  Samaria  is  a  well- 
defined,  geographical  entity  of  a  sj^ecial  character 
which  has  had  a  marked  influence  on  the  Jews  and  on 
the  Bible.  The  first  point  is  its  sharply-defined  isola- 
tion :  although  very  close  to  some  of  the  greatest 
ancient  highways  to  distant  lands  it  was  actually  not 
on  one  of  them.     The  district  is  bounded  upon  threo 


THE   HOLY  LAND 


31 


of  its  sides  by  natural  frontiers  difficult  to  pass.  The 
eastern  boundary  was  theoretically  the  Jordan  and 
the  Dead  Sea,  but  within  this  there  was  a  more  efficient 
line  of  defence  in  tho  strip  of  waterless  wilderness — 
the  Wilderness  of  Judaea — which  is  interposed  between 
the  Dead  Sea  and  the  habitable  area.  On  tho  south 
lay  tho  Negeb — suited  only  to  nomads — and  south  of 
that  again  an  uninhabitable  desert.  Westward,  the 
frontier  was  protected  by  the  steep  descent  of  the 
mountains,  pierced  at  only  three  places  by  passes  of 
importance,  viz.  (1)  In  the  north,  tho  Valley  of  Aljalon 
and  pass  of  the  Bethhorons  (1  K.  9i7*),  the  scene  of 
many  a  historic  battle  (Jos.  IO12,  1  S.  I431,  2  S.  525, 
1  Ch.  14i6).  (2)  The  pass  up  which  the  Jaffa-Jeru- 
salem Railway  runs.  This  traverses  the  fruitful  Valley 
of  Sorck,  and  then  up  the  Wady  Ismain  to  the  Valley 
ol  Rephaim  (2  S.  5i8).  (3)  The  third  pass  commences 
up  the  famous  Valley  of  Elah  and  reaches  the  Judtean 
plateau  at  Bethsur — some  five  miles  north  of  Hebron. 
Up  this  pass  the  SjTian  general  Lysias  marched  to 
tho  defeat  of  Judas"  Maccabgeus  (1  Mac.  628/.).  Al- 
though the  mountain  wall  presented  a  formidable 
ban-ier  to  an  enemy,  the  western  frontier  was  further 
protected  by  the  existence  of  the  Shephelah  or  "  low- 
land,"' which  in  the  days  of  primitive  warfare  formed 
a  country  most  suitable  for  border  raids. 

The  northern  frontier  was  the  weak  spot,  and  was 
never  defined  with  much  certainty.  Geographically 
there  are  several  valleys  which  would  make  a  suitable 
natural  frontier,  but  practically  the  border  ran,  regard- 
less of  natural  features,  across  the  central  plateau  in 
an  ill-defined  line  between  the  Valley  of  Michmash  in 
the  east,  and  that  of  Ajalon  in  the  west.  Bethel  and 
Al  were  on  the  north,  and  Geba,  Ramah,  and  Gibeon 
fortified  posts  on  tho  south  of  the  frontier.  On  this 
side  the  inhabitants  of  Judsea  could  never  lull  them- 
selves into  a  sense  of  security. 

The  territory  within  these  boundaries  consists,  in 
the  main,  of  a  high  tableland  from  2000  to  3000  feet 
above  sea  level,  and  35  miles  long  by  12  to  17  miles 
broad.  It  is  characterised  by  its  bareness  and  com- 
parative sterility,  yet  with  careful  cultivation  and  the 
rei^air  of  terraces  it  might  be  much  improved  on  its 
present  condition.  The  district  as  a  whole  is  but 
poorly  supphed  with  springs,  and  "  dew  "  is  much 
scantier  than  in  Galilee.  The  soil  is  in  most  places 
shallow,  and  l^are  rock  strata  are  everywhere  much  in 
evidence  ;  there  are,  however,  areas  of  considerable 
fertility  in  many  of  the  deeper  valleys  to  the  west. 
Many  parts  which  are  useless  for  agriculture  afford 
good  jmsturage,  and  flocks  of  goats  and  sheep  are 
plentiful  everywhere.  Hard  at  the  very  doors  of 
many  of  the  most  inhabited  regions  lay  the  wilderness 
— the  Jeshimon  or  "  devastation  "  of  the  OT — a 
long  strip  several  miles  broad  skirting  the  Dead  Sea. 
It  is  a  region  where,  for  eight  months  in  the  year,  no 
green  blade  of  grass  is  visible  and  no  spring  nourishes 
a  solitary  tree.  Dry,  scorched,  and  crumbling  hill 
sides  and  stony  torrent  beds,  where  scant  rushes  of 
water  occur  scarcely  a  dozen  days  in  the  year,  make 
up  the  scenery.  It  is  almost  rainless,  as  the  westerly 
breezes  passing  these  downward  slopes  rapidly  ascend 
and  actually  carry  off,  instead  of  depositing,  moisture. 
The  greatest  of  Judsea's  sons  lived  within  daily  sight 
of  this  extraordinary  region,  which  makes  a  profound 
impression  on  even  the  passing  tourist.  David  fled 
from  Saul  into  this  land,  Jeremiah  at  Anathoth  and 
Amos  at  Tekoah  were  both  born  on  the  very  edge 
of  this  awful  desert,  and  its  imagery  colours  their 
writings.  It  was  hero  that  John  the  Baptist  began 
hia  mission,  and  Jesus  Christ  Himself  not  only  was 


there  in  His  forty  days'  trial,  but  as  the  desert  creeps 
up  almost  to  Bethany  itself.  His  eyes  must  very  fre- 
quently have  scanned  its  hills  and  valleys. 

The  one  wide  outlook  of  Jerusalem  is  across  this 
region,  and  Bethlehem,  Etam,  Tekoah,  and  Hebron 
were  all  near  the  borders  of  the  wilderness. 

Nevertheless  it  was  in  this  isolated,  barren,  and 
rocky  land  of  Judsea,  with  the  wilderness  ever  in  their 
sight,  that  the  Hebrew  race  developed  their  natural 
genius — braced  by  the  hardness  of  their  lot  to  a  deeper 
Siith  in  their  God.  Here  gave  utterance  prophet  and 
seer  :  here  too  they  survived,  protected  by  their 
poverty  and  their  mountain  heights,  135  years  after 
the  Northern  Kingdom  fell :  here  after  their  exile 
they  once  again  established  themselves :  and  here 
through  all  their  history  they,  to  a  remarkable  extent, 
maintained  the  purity  of  their  race  from  contamination 
by  their  idolatrous  neighbours,  whoso  homes  were 
within  sight  of  their  territory  on  every  side. 

Hebron  ( Jg.  1 10*),  the  earlier  centre  of  the  monarchy, 
occupied  in  ancient  times  a  hilltop  in  a  sheltered  and 
fruitful  valley  amid  the  actual  highlands  of  Judah,  in 
touch  towards  the  south  with  the  Negeb,  the  home  of  the 
pastoral  patriarchs.  A  desire  to  occupj^  a  point  more 
central  in  his  dominions  doubtless  influenced  David 
to  occupy  tho  extraordinarily  defensive  site  of  Jeru- 
salem. The  city  of  the  Jebusites,  which  David  took, 
occupied  a  narrow  ridge  with  the  Kedron  Valley  on 
the  east  and  the  south,  and  the  valle}- — afterwards 
called  the  Tyxopceon — on  the  west.  It  was  a  position 
of  natural  strength,  made  doubtless  almost  impregnable 
by  great  walls.  The  copious  spring — Gihon — which 
burst  forth  from  under  tho  city  was  even  at  that  time 
reached  from  within  the  walls  by  a  long  and  comph- 
cated  system  of  tunnels.  From  the  time  of  David 
onward  the  city  commenced  to  expand,  and  by  the 
time  of  the  later  kings  of  Judah,  it  covered  an  area 
probably  as  extensive  as  the  existing  old  walled-in 
city,  though  the  walls  of  those  days  ran  a  good  deal 
further  south  than  they  do  at  present. 

On  the  western  side  of  the  Judsean  plateau  there 
were  a  number  of  fortified  posts,  among  the  more 
important  of  which  were  the  two  Bethorons,  guarding 
the  pass,  Chepherah  of  Benjamin,  Kiriath  Jearim, 
Chesalon,  Gibeah  of  Judah,  Gedor  and  Bethsur. 

But  it  was  in  the  lowland,  the  Shephelah,  that  the 
great  contests  took  place,  especially  in  the  early  days, 
when  the  Philistines  were  a  real  menace  to  the 
Hebrews.  This  lowland  region  is  cut  off  from  tho 
highlands  by  a  series  of  valleys  running  north  and 
south.     It  is  an  area  of  rich  verdure  and  freshness. 

'•  The  valleys  also  are  covered  over  with  grain, 
They  shout  for  joy,  they  also  sing."— (Ps.  C5i3.) 

This  region  too  is  remarkable  for  its  caves — ^notably 
round  Beit  Jebrin — which  were  doubtless  much  used 
as  hiding-places  in  the  old  border  warfare.  Here  was 
Keilah  (1  S.  23)  and  Adullam,  David's  stronghold, 
and  on  its  western  border  lay  Gezer.  Tho  Valley  of 
Sorek  near  the  Camp  of  Dan  is  full  of  memories  of 
Samson.  Bethshemesh,  now  Ain  Shems,  Tlmnath, 
now  Tibnah,  and  Zorah,  now  Surah — cvll  within  eight 
of  each  other — are  connected  with  his  memorv.  Hero 
too,  probably,  was  tho  Imttle  vnih  the  Pkilistiues 
when  the  Ark  was  captured,  and  later  up  this  valley 
the  milch  kine  came  lowing,  dragging  back  to  Beth- 
shemesh the  Ark  which  had  proved  so  fateful  to  the 
Philistines  (1  S.  6).  The  Vale  of  Elah  a  httlc  further 
south,  near  the  neighbourhood  of  Shocoh,  now 
Shuweikeh,  is  famous  as  tho  scone  of  the  great  doings 
of  David  and  Goliath  (1  tj.  17).    Still  further  south 


32 


THE   HOLY   LAND 


lay  tho  frontier  fortress,  Mareshah,  the  birthplace  of 
Micah,  now  Tell  Sandahaniwh,  a  silo  partially  ex- 
cavated, and  near  to  it  is  licit  Jtbrin,  which  marks 
the  site  of  the  famous  Greek  city  of  Eleiithcropolis. 

(5)  Lastly  wc  have  on  the  south  tho  Negeb,  meaning 
the  "  drv  land,"  but  translated  in  R\'  usually  as 
"the  South"  (Gen.  129,  13i,3,  20i,  2462,  etc.)- 
This  region  is  of  great  importance  in  connexion  with 
the  history  of  the  patriarchs.  It  is  "  the  steppe 
region  which  forms  the  transition  of  the  true  desert," 
the  more  southerly  parts  consists  of  rolling  ridges 
running  east  and  west  for  about  60  miles,  beyond 
which  is  the  utterly  uninhabitable  desert.  Even  the 
Isegcb  is  unsuited  to  any  settled  habitation,  and 
except  during  the  Byzantine  period — when  it  is  jx)8- 
siblo  that  climatic  conditions  were  better — the  only 
inhabitants  were  always  nomads.  Of  such  were  the 
patriarchs  when  they  dwelt  there  with  their  flocks 
and  herds.  As  in  ail  life  under  such  conditions  good 
wells  are,  on  account  of  their  scarcitj-,  of  great  value. 
They  are  a  frequent  subject  of  strife,  and  the  digger 
of  a  good  well  has  done  a  deed  to  make  his  name 
remembered  to  succeeding  generations.  Beershebais 
to-day  one  of  the  few  sites  peopled — and  that  only 
recently — by  settled  inhabitants.  Its  ancient  wells 
have  been  cleaned  out,  and  the  water,  pumped  up  by 
engines,  is  supplied  to  all  the  houses. 

Further  south  lie  the  famous  springs,  Ain  Guderat 
and  Ain  Kedes,  which  belonged  to  the  region  of  Kadesh 
Barnea,  where  the  children  of  Israel  spent  nearly 
forty  years.  These  springs  made  life  possible — for 
nomads — but  it  must  have  been  a  hard  one,  and  it 
can  be  well  believed  that  the  spoil  of  Canaan  brought 
by  the  twelve  spies  must  have  seemed  wonderful 
indeed.  To  trib^  emerging  from  such  an  environ- 
ment, Palestine  was  without  doubt  a  land  "  flowing 
with  milk  and  honey  "  (Xu.  I325-27). 

11.  The  Jordan  'Valky. — The  groat  rift  between 
Western  and  Eastern  Palestine  commences  geographi- 
callj-  far  to  the  north  as  the  Valley  el  Bukaa,  between 
the  Lebanon  and  Anti -Lebanon,  and  it  runs  on  as  el 
Arabah  far  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  indeed  it  is  con- 
tinued on  to  the  Gulf  of  Akaba.  The  part  of  the 
valley  connected  with  Palestine  is  at  once  the  deepest 
and  tho  most  varied.  The  Jordan  "  the  descender  " 
arises  by  three  (important)  heads.  The  longest  and 
most  direct  is  the  river  Hasbany,  which  rises  in  a 
quiet  pool  NW.  of  Hasbaya,  whence  it  runs,  first 
througn  woody  banks,  and  then  in  a  deep  cleft  be- 
tween Hermon  and  Jebel  Dahar,  a  spur  of  Lebanon. 
The  second  and  most  remarkable  source  is  that  at 
Banias — once  Panias,  a  sanctuary  of  Pan — where  a 
full-grown  river  bursts,  ice-cold,  out  of  the  foot  of 
Hennon.  In  NT  times  Caesarea  Philippi  stood  here, 
and  the  association  of  Peter's  confession,  "  Thou  art 
the  Christ  "  (Mt.  I616),  with  this  sjx)t  makes  it  pro- 
bable that  the  scene  of  the  Transfig»iration  should  bo 
located  on  one  of  the  neighbouring  spurs  of  Hermon. 
The  third  source  is  at  Tell  el  Kadi,  the  probable  site 
of  ancient  Dan  (though  this  may  actually  have  been 
at  Banias),  the  northern  limit  of  the  land  of  Palestine, 
where  the  water  of  tho  river  Leddan  bubbles  up  from 
the  ground  in  a  couple  of  pools.  These  three  streams 
come  together  about  1^  miles  to  the  south  of  this,  in 
a  plain  5  miles  wide,  but  the  new-made  river  soon 
loses  itself  in  a  great  papyrus  nxarsh.  This  again 
opens  into  a  .shallow  triangular  lake,  Lake  Huleh, 
considered,  without  suflGcient  grounds,  to  be  the  Waters 
of  Merom  of  Jos.  11 5-6.  Lake  Huleh  is  some  7  feet 
above  sea  level,  and  from  thie  tho  Jordan  descends  in 
lees  than  9  miles  to  tho  Lake  of  Galilee,  tiSO  feet  below 


sea  level.  Tho  Lake  of  Galilee  is  12^  miles  long, 
and  at  its  widest,  8  miles  across.  Tho  toj>s  of  the 
steep  hills  to  east  and  we.st  are  largely  volcanic,  and 
this,  and  tho  absence  of  trees,  make  them  look  bare 
and  menacing  when  the  spring  verdure  is  gone.  Along 
the  north  shores  there  are  deltas — el  Ghuweir  (Gennc- 
saret)  and  el  Bataihah.  These  are  regions  of  great 
fertility,  and  only  require  more  extensive  cultivation 
to  produce  wonderful  results.  AMien  the  oleanders 
on  the  lake-side  are  in  bloom,  the  scenery  is  most 
beautiful.  To  the  south  of  the  lake  the  great  plain — 
the  ancient  lake  bottom — is  4  miles  wide,  and  stretches, 
of  varying  breadth,  all  the  way  to  tho  Dead  Sea. 
Near  the  exit  of  the  Jordan,  at  es-Semakh,  the  Haifa- 
Damascus  Railway  touches  the  lake.  At  both  ends  of 
the  lake  the  river-mouths  are  fordable.  The  water 
of  the  lake  is  clear  and  fresh  ;  it  abounds  in  fish,  but 
the  fishing  industry  is  but  little  developed.  To-day 
there  is  but  one  squalid  towTi,  Tiberias,  and  three 
villages  on  the  shores,  but  in  NT  times  no  less  than 
eleven  cities  and  towns  flourished  near  the  shores. 
Along  tho  north  shore  were  the  Jewish  cities  of 
IVIagdala,  Capeniaum,  Bethsaida,  and  a  little  inland, 
on  the  hills,  Chorazin  ;  to  the  east  were  the  Greek 
cities,  Gergesa,  Gamala,  Hippos,  and  Gadara.  On  tho 
west  side  were  Taricheae,  Sinnabris,  and  Tiberias. 

From  this  lake  the  Jordan  plain  descends  65  miles 
to  the  Dead  Sea,  1290  feet  below  sea-level.  The 
river  has  cut  out  for  itself  a  deeper  bed  from  50  to 
150  feet  below  the  level  of  the  old  lake  bottom.  This 
is  known  as  the  Zor,  and  in  the  OT  as  the  (lit. 
"  pride  ")  swelling  of  Jordan  (Jer.  125,  49i9,  5044)- 
Here  in  this  deeper  channel  the  muddy  river  winds 
and  twists  for  nearly  200  miles  between  rank  and 
tangled  tropical  vegetation — once  the  haunt  of  liona 
and  other  dangerous  beasts — and  at  certain  seasons, 
when  swollen  by  the  melting  snows  of  Hermon,  tho 
river  overflows  its  banks  in  places  over  an  area  nearly 
a  mile  wide  (Jos.  84).  The  important  tributaries  of 
the  Jordan  are  the  Yarmuk,  the  Hieromax  of  antiquity, 
and  the  Zerka  or  Jabbok  (Gen.  322  2*). 

The  Jordan  is  easily  forded  at  many  places,  under 
normal  conditions,  but  what  made  it  so  eflBcicnt  a 
frontier  was  not  merely  the  water,  but  the  dangers  of 
the  route  from  man  and  beast,  the  scorching  plain  on 
either  side,  and  tho  long  descents  by  rocky  mountain 
paths  to  reach  its  level. 

Jericho  originally  nestled  just  below  tho  western 
hills,  and  owed  its  importance  to  its  position  astride 
a  splendid  spring  and  to  its  guarding  tho  ancient 
toad  from  tho  valley  into  the  heart  of  the  hill  country 
— the  road  down  which  Elijah  and  Eliaha,  together 
for  the  last  time,  descended. 

The  Dead  Sea,  1290  feet  below  sea  level,  is  some 
4S  miles  long  bj'  12  broad,  and  reaches  a  depth  of 
1300  feet.  It  lies  between  parallel,  semi -precipitous, 
bare  mountain  ranges,  which  in  many  places,  especially 
on  the  east  side,  fall  .^heor  into  the  water.  Tne  only 
tributary  stream,  besides  the  Jordan,  is  the  Mojib  or 
Arnon.  The  northern  three-fourths,  where  the  sea  is 
deep,  is  cut  off  from  tho  shallow  southern  quarter 
(about  1 1  feet  deep)  by  a  peculiar  peninsula,  el  Lisan, 
"  the  tongue."  In  this  southern  bav  tho  water  is  so 
saturated  with  salt  that  it  crystallises  out  on  the 
bottom  of  tho  sea.  On  the  average  the  water  con- 
tains 25  per  cent,  of  mineral  salts,  about  five  times 
that  of  the  ocean.  Although  no  hfe  can  exist  in  such 
water,  small  fish  and  lower  fonns  of  life  inhabit  tho 
shallows  and  pools  along  tho  shore  where  brackish 
springs  dilute  the  water.  Bird  life  is  abundant  at 
many  spots  on  tho  shore.    There  are  submarine  do- 


THE   HOLY  LAND 


33 


posits  of  asphalt,  as  largo  masses  have  at  times  floated 
to  the  surface,  and  probably  petroleum  also  occurs 
in  places.  Possibly  the  tradition  of  the  catastrophe 
to  the  "  cities  of  the  plain  " — the  site  of  which  is 
not  kno\vn — originated  in  some  conflagration  of 
petroleum  in  this  region  (p.  152). 

III.  The  district  East  of  the  Jordan,  known  in 
OT  as  Abarim  or  "  (those  on)  the  other  side,"  is 
richer  and  more  varied  than  that  to  the  west.  To  the 
north  of  Palestine  proper,  north-east  of  Hermon,  is 
the  Ghutah  or  plain  of  Damascus,  a  great  oasis  of 
watered  gardens  and  orchards,  iiTigatcd  by  the  Barada 
or  Abana  and  the  Awaj  or  Pharpar,  rivers  which 
finally  lose  themselves  in  marshy  lakes  to  the  east  of 
the  city.  The  real  East-Jordan  land  is  di%'idcd  into 
four  parts  by  the  deep  channels  of  the  three  rivers, 
the  Yarmuk,  the  Zerka,  and  the  Mojib.  All  the  land 
north  of  the  Yarmuk  and  south  of  the  Hermon  and 
the  Damascus  plain  receive  in  the  OT  the  general  namo 
of  Bashan  (Nu.  2I33-35*) ;  in  the  NT  time  it  formed  a 
large  part  of  the  tetrarchy  of  Philip,  though  much  was 
denominated  by  the  Nabataean  Arab  king.  To-day 
it  is  politically  included  under  the  general  name  of 
the  Hauran.  This  region  is  b\'  no  means  homogeneous 
and  is  divided  by  physical  differences.  Bordering  the 
Upper  Jordan  Valley  on  the  east  side  lies  the  black 
plateau  of  the  Jaulan  vnXh.  its  double  row  of  extinct 
volcanoes.  In  NT  times  it  was  known  as  Gaulanitis, 
while  in  the  OT  the  city  Golan,  one  of  the  "  cities 
of  refuge  "  which  has  given  rise  to  the  later  name  was 
situated  here.  Running  cast  of  the  Jaulan  is  the 
"  hollow  "  plain  of  the  Hauran  proper,  a  district  lying 
lower  than  its  neighbours,  consisting  of  a  vast  wheat - 
growing  expanse  of  extraordinary  fertility.  The 
southern  part  also  has  the  local  modern  name  of  en 
Nukra.  This  whole  district  in  the  NT  days  was 
called  Auranitis  and  in  the  OT  Hauran  (Ezek.  47 16, 
18) — the  ancient  name  has  thus  remarkably  survived. 
The  very  extensive  ruins  of  towns,  built  of  black 
basalt  blocks,  not  infrequently  covered  mth  Greek 
inscriptions,  shows  that  in  the  early  Christian  centuries 
this  district  was  thickly  inhabited.  East  again  of  the 
Hauran  is  the  Leja,  a  great  area  of  lava,  some  20  feet 
high  and  24  miles  long  by  20  miles  wide.  It  is  a  wild 
region,  in  which  the  most  intricate  paths  through  the 
natural  cracks  in  the  lava  lead  to  Druze  villages 
hidden  away  out  of  reach  of  the  Turks.  The  Greek 
writers,  contemporary  with  the  NT,  called  this  and 
a  similar  outflow  of  lava  to  the  north  of  it  a  Trachon, 
and  the  district  Trachonitis.  South  of  the  Leja  we 
have  the  Jebel  Hauran  (also  called  the  Jebel  Druz 
because  it  is  the  stronghold  of  the  Druzcs)  a  group 
of  extinct  volcanoes  rising  in  places  to  nearly  6OOO  feet. 
This  is  Mount  Asalmos  of  the  Greek  writers  and  per- 


haps "  Mount  Bashan  "  of  the  OT.  Between  the 
Yarmuk  and  the  Zerka  or  Jabbok  is  the  fertile,  once 
well-wooded,  district  of  Jebel  Ajlun.  Here  were  many 
of  the  great  cities  of  the  Decapolls — Gadara,  Pella, 
Dion,  Gerasa,  Abila,  and  Kapitolias.  The  remaining 
members  of  this  league  of  Greek  free  cities  were 
mostly,  so  far  as  they  have  been  identified,  in  the 
near  neighbourhood.  Hippos  was  only  just  across 
the  Yarmuk  near  Gadara,  Philadelphia  (once  Ramoth 
Ammon,  now  Amman)  on  the  higher  reaches  of  the 
Jabbok  on  the  south.  Kanatha,  the  most  easterly 
member  of  tlie  league,  was  at  the  foot  of  the  Jebel 
Hauran,  and  Scythopolis,  the  most  westerly,  was 
alone  west  of  the  Jordan.  Parts  of  this  Jebel  Ajliin 
district  in  NT  times  were  included  in  Peraea.  In  the 
OT  this  district  is  the  northern  "  Half  Gilead  "  or 
•'  rest  of  Gilead  "  (Dt.  813,  Jos.  125).  The  district 
between  the  Zerka  and  the  Mojib  or  Amon  is  known 
as  the  Belka.  and  is  administered  from  Nablus  ;  it 
consists  of  rolling  downs,  a  pastoral  country.  In  the 
NT  it  formed  the  main  part  of  Persea  :  it  was  a 
Jewish  district,  in  contrast  %vith  Samaria  to  its  west 
and  Deca polls  to  the  north.  Jews  often  traversed 
this  land  between  Gahlee  and  Judaea  to  avoid  hostile 
Samaria  (c/.  Mk.  10 1).  In  the  OT  this  forms  the 
southern  "  Half  Gilead  "  (Dt.  3i8,  Jos.  I24)— the  two 
half-Gileads  making  •'  the  Land  of  Gilead  "  (Nu.  32i, 
29,  Jos.  175,6),  and  Mount  Gilead  (Gen.  3121,25). 
It  is  also  designated  the  Mlshor  or  "  plain  country." 
The  region  south  of  the  Mojib,  which  is  to-day  under 
the  Governor  of  Kerak  (the  ancient  Kir  of  Moab), 
was  in  OT  times  the  main  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Moab,  although  this  region  at  times  extended  north 
of  the  Mojib  (Amon)  even  to  Madeba.  The  country 
is,  as  we  should  expect  from  the  OT,  a  great  pasture- 
land  for  sheep  and  goats  (c/.  2  K.  34). 

In  the  NT  this  land  was  part  of  the  territory  of 
the  Nabatjeans,  as  was  all  the  district  further  south 
and  much  of  that  to  the  east  of  the  districts  mentioned 
above.  The  centre  of  their  kingdom  was  at  Petra,  and 
their  influence  was  wide.  Damascus  fell  into  their  hands 
in  87  B.C.  Their  whole  land  was  known  as  Arabia ; 
it  is  to  some  part  of  this  territory  that  Paul  refers 
when  he  %mtes  (Gal.  I17),  "  I  went  away  into  Arabia." 

Literature. — G.  A.  Smith,  Historical  Geography  of 
the  Holy  Land;  C.  F.  Kent,  Biblical  Geography  and 
History  :  E.  Huntington,  Palestine  a7id  its  Transforma- 
tion; Socin,  revised  by  Benzinger  (1912),  Baedeker's 
Palestine  and  Syria;  Palestine  Exploration  Fund's 
Survey  of  Western  Palestine,  Survey  of  Eastern  Pales- 
tine, Quarterly  Statements,  1869-1914;  special  articles 
in  HDB,  HSDB,  DCG,  EB,  EBi;  G.  A.  Smith,  Atlas 
to  the  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land ;  Gutho, 
Bibel-Atlas. 


THE  LANGUAGES  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


By  Professor  G.  A.  COOKE 


1.  The  name  Hebrew.— By  far  the  greater  part  of  the  OT 
was  written  in  Hebrew,  the  rest  is  in  Aramaic  (below). 
The  name  Ihbrciv  comes  from  the  Gr.  'E^paioi,  in  Lat. 
Hebraeus,  which  represents  the  Aram,  'ebhrdyd  =  ^ch. 
'ibhrl.  In  the  OT,  however,  'ibhrl  is  not  the  name  of  the 
language,  but  of  the  people  who  spoke  it,  and  is  used 
by  foreigners (e.(7.  Gen.  39i4  ;  P]x.  Ii6  ;  1  S,  46,9,  14ii) 
and  by  Israelites  to  distinguish  themselves  from  for- 
eigners {e.g.  Ex.  2ii,  3i8  ;  Dt.  I012  ;  Jon.  I9).  The 
OT  name  for  the  language  is  Jeivish  (2  K.  1826,28 ; 
Neh.  1824),  just  as  the  later  literature  describes  the 
Israelites  as  fhe  Jews  (Hag.,  Neh.,  Est.),  The  Gr.  term 
ippal'(TTl  is  first  used  for  the  old  Heb.  tongue  in  the 
Prologue  to  Ecclus.,  c.  130  B.C.,  and  this  is  the  sense 
which  it  has  in  Rev.  9ii  ;  elsewhere  in  the  NT  it 
means,  not  Hebrew,  but  Aramaic,  the  vernacular  of 
Palestine  at  the  time  (Jn.  52,  1913,17;  perhap  also 
1920,  Rev.  I616).  It  is  not  quite  certain  whether  ^ 
'E^patz  <p(ov7]  in  4  Mac.  12;,  16i5,and  ij'Efipah  BtdKeKTos 
in  Ac.  2I40,  222,  2614,  refer  to  the  old  Hebrew  or  to 
the  Aramaic  of  popular  speech ;  but  the  context  in 
Ac.  2I40  makes  it  probable  that  the  former  is  in- 
tended. Like  the  NT,  Josephus  means  by  Hebrew 
both  the  classical  language  and  the  Aramaic  dialect  of 
his  time. 

2.  Origlp  of  Hebrew. — In  form  the  name  'ibkrl  is 
an  adjective  used  as  a  gentihc  noun,  derived  from 
'abhar  =  ''  pass,"  "  cross,"  "  traverse  "  ;  hence  'ibhri  = 
"  one  who  crosses,"  "  one  from  the  other  side."  And 
so,  no  doubt,  native  tradition  understood  the  word  : 
Abram  and  his  family  were  called  Hebrews  because 
they  had  come  from  the  other  aide  of  the  Euphrates 
(c/.  Jos,  242f.,i4f.),  or  of  the  Jordan,  if  the  name  arose 
in  Canaan  ;  hence  LXX  in  Gen.  14i3  renders  "  Abram 
the  cro.s.sor"  (6  wepdr*;?,  Aquila  6  irf patrrji,  "  the  man 
from  beyond  ").  But  there  is  evidence  which  points 
to  a  diilerent  explanation.  In  J's  genealogy  (Gen. 
1021,24,25-30)  all  the  iSemitio  races  are  derived  from 
Eber,  a  name  which  ougiit  i)roperly  to  l^elong  to 
the  ancestor  of  the  Hebrews,  i.e.  of  only  one  of  the 
Semitic,  races.  Perhajw,  then,  there  wa-s  a  time  when 
"  Hebrews  "  included  many  more  famihes  than  the 
Israelites  ;  the  root  'abluir  does  not  necessarily  mean 
to  cross  (a  river),  it  has  also  the  sense  of  to  traverse 
(Nu.  20i9f.  ;  Ezek.  514,  3328,  39i4,  etc.);  moreover, 
there  must  bo  more  than  an  accidental  resemblance 
between  the  Hebrews  and  tlio  Habini/p.  .").">),  mentioned 
in  the  Tell  ol-Aniania  ic^ttors  (c.  1400  n.c.)  a«  nomad 
hordes  who  were  threatening  the  settled  {wpulation 
of  Canaan.  So  it  is  possible  that  Hebrews  was  at 
first  the  name  of  a  group  of  tribes  who  invaded  Canaan 
in  the  fifteenth  century  n.c,  and  that  in  time  the  name 
was  applied  to  the  Israelites  as  the  survivors  of  these 
immigrants  from  the  desert.  According  to  Heb. 
tradition  the  ancestors  of  the  race  wore  closely  con- 
nected   with    the    Aramasans    (.see    Gen.     11 28-30  J, 


2224  JR,  244  ff.  J,  2520  P,  285  P,  29i  E,  12,14  J, 
3120,24  E  ;  Dt.  265),  probably  not  with  the  settled 
Aramjeans  of  Harran  in  N.W.  Mesopotamia,  but  with 
the  nomad  Aramjeans  of  the  Syrian  desert,  who  had 
not  crossed  the  Euphrates.  When  the  Hebrews 
arrived  in  Canaan  they  readily  adopted  the  language 
of  the  coimtry,  which  differed  but  sUghtly  (it  may 
be  conjectured)  from  their  own  mother  -  tongue. 
But  however  we  interpret  the  tradition,  Canaan 
was  the  native  home  of  Heb.,  and  the  Canaanite  lan- 
guage its  immediate  parent.  Tlie  earliest  evidence 
for  this  indigenous  language  comes  from  the  Tell  el- 
Amarna  tablets,  which  are  written  in  Babylonian  and 
addressed  to  the  Egj-ptian  Pharaoh  by  officials  hving 
in  Canaan  (p.  55).  Occasionally  words  are  explained  by 
their  equivalents  in  a  language  which  is  almost  identi- 
cal with  Heb.  ;  again,  words  and  forms  occur  when  the 
writer  could  not  remember  the  correct  Bab.,  and  so 
used  his  native  Canaanite,  Then  in  the  OT  itself  we 
have  the  evidence  of  Canaanite  names  of  persons  and 
places — e.g.  Melchizedek,  Kirjath-sepher ;  the  names 
of  the  primitive  mhabitants  of  the  land  given  in  Gen. 
362off,  have  forms  which  are  akin  to  Heb.  {e.g.  Sbobal, 
Dishon,  Zibcon,  Alvan,  Manahath,  Ithran,  etc.);  and 
in  Heb.  wo  find  negeb  (ht.  "  dryness  ")  used  for  the 
South,  the  Avaterless  hill-country  S.  of  Judah  ;  yam  = 
"  sea  "  used  for  the  West ;  whale  in  Is,  19i8  the  lan- 
guage is  called  the  lip  of  Caneuin,  JYom  the  Moabit© 
Stone  (c.  850  B.C.)  we  learn  that  the  Moa bites  spoke 
practically  the  same  tongue  as  the  Israehtes,  and  no 
doubt  the  other  neighbouring  peoples  did  the  same, 
with  differences  of  pronunciation.  Lastly,  there  is  the 
evidence  of  the  Phoenician  inscriptions.  These  are 
almost  all  later  than  the  sixth  century  b.c.  ;  most  of 
them  belong  to  the  fourth  centurj'  and  later,  by  which 
time  the  language  had  undergone  considerable  decay. 
But  the  material  which  has  survived  proves  that  the 
i-esemblance  between  Heb.  and  Phoen.  is  exceedingly 
close,  and  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  both  were 
independent  offshoots  of  a  common  stock,  which  must 
have  been  no  other  than  the  ancient  Canaanite. 

3.  Place  of  Hebrew  among  the  Semitic  Languages. — 
These  may  bo  groujied  as  follows  :  A.  North-Semitic, 
including  (1)  Babylonian  and  Assjnnan  ;  (2)  Aramaic, 
in  numerous  dialects  ;  (3)  Canaanite,  Hebrew,  Moabite, 
Phoenician.  B.  South-Semitic,  including  (1)  Arabic; 
(2)  Elhiopic  ;  (3)  Sabcean,  the  language  of  a  settled 
and  civiUzcd  race  in  S.W.  Arabia,  known  from  inscrip- 
tions. All  these  languages  have  certain  features  in 
common  e.g.  the  word-stems  or  roots  are  composed 
of  three  consonants,  though  it  may  be  inferred  that 
there  was  a  stage,  before  the  historical  jx^riod,  at  which 
two  consonants  formed  the  root,  and  that  a  third 
consonant  was  added  later  to  develop  the  root^meaning 
in  various  directions  ;  the  consonants  rather  than  the 
vowels  form  the  staple  of  the  linguistio  structure  ; 


THE   LANGUAGES   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT 


35 


the  noun  may  be  taken  as  tlio  basis  upon  which  the 
verb  was  formed  by  the  addition  of  pronominal  frag- 
ments before  or  after  to  express  verbal  action  ;  the 
verb  has  two  tenses,  used  in  a  peculiar  way  ;  the  noun 
has  two  genders,  masc.  and  fern.,  and  its  various  rela- 
tions are  expressed  by  case-endings  (Arab.)  or  by  other 
expedients  (Heb.,  Aiam.,  etc.)  ;  the  obhque  cases  of 
the  possessive  pronoun,  and  the  pronominal  object  of 
the  verb,  are  expressed  by  suffixes  added  to  the  noun 
or  to  the  inflected  form  of  the  verb  ;  except  in  proper 
names  these  languages  do  not  lend  themselves  to  the 
formation  of  compounds  ;  there  is  great  simplicity  in 
the  expression  of  syntactical  relations,  though  in 
Arab,  and  Syr.  this  docs  not  hold  good  to  the  same 
extent  as  in  Heb.  ;  there  are  few  adverbs.  Among 
these  languages,  Ai'ab.  comes  nearer  to  the  original 
Semitic  than  any  other,  owing,  no  doubt,  to  the 
monotony  and  isolation  of  life  in  the  desert ;  yet  there 
are  features  in  which  Heb..  and  even  Aram.,  is  more 
ancient  than  Arabic.  The  connexion  between  Heb.  and 
Aram,  is  particularly  close,  and  appears  in  the  earhe.st 
Aram,  known  to  us,  that  of  the  inscriptions  from 
Zenjirh  and  Nerab  in  N.  Syria  (early  eighth  centuiy  and 
seventh  century  B.C.),  and  of  the  inscription  of  Zakkur, 
king  of  Hamath  in  Central  SjTia  (eighth  century  B.c.) ; 
thus  the  Arab,  aspirated  dentals  ih,  dh,  z  are  repre- 
sented by  the  Heb.  and  Ass.  equivalents  sh,  z,  s,  and 
not  by  tiie  usual  Aram,  sounds  t,  d,  t;  at  the  same 
time  the  Arab,  d  (rfad)=Heb.  s  (s5Je)=Aram.  'ayin 
finds  its  equivalent  in  q,  as  sometimes  elsewhere  in 
Aramaic.  The  language  of  these  early  Aram,  inscrip- 
tions is  therefore  remarkably  like  that  of  the  OT. 

4.  Characteristics  of  Hebrew. — In  syntax  Heb. 
belongs  to  a  primitive  stage  of  development ;  it  has 
no  elaborated  system  of  expressing  the  subordination 
of  sentences,  it  simply  co-ordinates  them  by  the 
conjunction  "  and "  ;  the  subtler  connexions  have 
to  be  supplied  by  thought.  Imagination  also  plays 
a  large  part  in  the  use  of  the  tenses.  The  perfect  and 
imperfect  do  not  determine  the  date,  but  only  the 
character  of  an  action  as  complete  or  incomplete  ;  the 
date  must  be  learnt  from  the  context.  Both  tenses, 
therefore,  may  refer  to  the  past,  present,  and  future. 
A  prophet  speaking  of  the  future  can  use  the  perfect, 
because  he  regards  the  event  as  already  completed 
(e.g.  Is.  5i3,  9i-6 ;  Nu.  24i7  ;  Am.  02);  a  poet  can 
use  the  imperfect  of  a  past  act,  because  he  pictures 
it  as  taking  place  under  the  eye  {e.g.  Ps.  181-20(21) ; 
Ex.  155,i2,i4ff.).  From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  Heb. 
is  better  adapted  for  poetry  than  for  the  expression 
of  systematic  thought.  When  a  writer  attempts  to 
deal  with  abstract  ideas,  Uke  the  author  of  Ecclesiastes, 
or  to  formulate  a  dogma,  as  Ezekiel  does  in  ch.  18, 
he  becomes  obscure  or  laboured.  Another  character- 
istic of  classical  Heb.  is  the  use  of  tvaw  conver.iive  or 
consecutive  with  the  perfect  to  continue  an  imperfect, 
or  with  the  imperfect  to  continue  a  perfect  1 ;  but  in 
late  books,  such  as  Chronicles,  this  consecutive  tvaw 
with  the  imperfect  tends  to  be  disjjlaced  by  weak  tcaw 
(an  ordinary  "  and  ")  with  the  perfect,  and  in  post- 
Biblical  Heb.  this  has  become  the  regular  usage.  One 
more  noteworthy  feature  of  Heb.  may  be  added  hero  : 
it  concerns  the  relation  between  the  vowels  and  the 
tone  or  accent.  In  Heb.  the  original  three  short 
vowels  d,  »,  ?i  are  lengthened  under  the  tone,  or  in 
the  open  syllable  immediately  before  the  tone.  In 
the  old  Heb.  writing  there  was  no  indication  of  vowels  ; 
Outside  the  OT.  waw  conv.  with  the  impt  occurs  in  the 
Moabite  Stone,  and  in  the  inscription  of  Zakkur  mentioned  above, 
fragment  A,  lines  11-15;  in  Phoenician  waw  conv.  with  the  pf. 
occurs  in  the  MareeUles  and  Cartha(?1nian  Tarlfb  (Cooke,  ^'.-Sew. 
Inter.,  426,8,io,ii.  434,5. 


then  later  the  consonants  he,  uxiw,  yodh  were  used  as 
vowel  letters,  and  finally  vowel  points  were  inserted 
to  remove  ambiguities  and  to  make  it  clear  how  the 
words  were  to  be  pronounced.  This  last  stage  occurred 
between  the  jVIishnah  (c.  200  a.d.)  and  the  rise  of  the 
Massoretic  school  (seventh  and  eighth  centuries  a.d.). 
5.  Historical. — Considering  that  the  OT  writings 
cover  a  period  of  some  thousand  j'cars,  the  language 
presents  on  the  surface  a  remarkable  uniformity ;  but 
this  is  largely  due  to  the  labours  of  the  schools  and  to 
the  requirements  of  the  synagogue.  A  great  variety 
of  style  and  diction  appears  in  the  different  books,  and 
a  golden  and  silver  age  of  literature  can  be  distinguished. 
The  dividing  line  may  be  drawn  in  the  century  after 
the  Exile,  in  the  time  of  Neheraiah  (c.  450  b.c.).  The 
finest  specimens  of  Heb.  prose  are  to  be  found  in  JE, 
the  older  narratives  in  Jg.,  1  and  2  S.,  1  and  2  K.,  and 
in  Dt.  For  the  purest  and  best  compositions  in  poetry 
and  rhythmical  prose  we  go  to  the  eighth  century 
prophets  and  the  ancient  poems  in  the  historical  books. 
In  Jer.,  parts  of  2  K.,  Ezek.,  2  Is.,  Hag.,  Zech.  (both 
parts),  a  change  begins  to  be  felt,  though  it  is  not 
prominent,  in  the  language  ;  the  style  of  P  exhibits 
about  the  same  signs  of  lateness  as  Ezek.,  Hag.,  Zech., 
but  hardly  more.  The  earlier  documents  in  Ezr.  and 
Neh.  reveal  a  marked  change,  which  becomes  still 
more  evident  in  Ch.  (c.  300  b.c).  The  Chronicler  has 
a  style  of  his  own,  which  in  uncouthneas  goes  further 
than  that  of  any  other  OT  writer,  while  Ec.  already 
makes  use  of  idioms  and  forms  which  are  characteristic 
of  the  new  Hebrew  of  the  Mishnah.  The  Heb.  frag- 
ments of  Ecolus.,  which  have  lately  come  to  hght, 
approach  nearer  to  the  classical  standard  than  Ch., 
Est.,  Ec,  Dan.,  and  show  that  good  Heb.  was  written 
and  understood  in  the  early  part  of  the  second  century 
B.C.  All  these  later  books  are  more  or  less  affected 
by  the  growing  influence  of  Aram.  Some  books  of  the 
Ai)ocr}'pha  besides  Ecclus.  were  originally  composed 
in  Heb.,  probably  modelled  upon  that  of  the  OT,  but 
also  partly  in  Aram.,  e.g.  1  Mac,  Bar.,  2  Esd.  3-14 ; 
and  the  same  holds  good  of  many  of  the  Jewish  Apoca- 
lypses, from  c.  200  B.C.  to  10  a.d.,  viz.  Enoch,  Jubilees, 
Ascension  of  Moses  (?  in  Aram.),  Test,  of  Twelve  Patr., 
Pss.  of  Sol.  These  books,  of  which  the  originals  are 
now  lost,  bridged  over  the  interval  between  the  later 
Heb.  of  the  OT.  and  the  new  Heb.  of  the  Mishnah. 

6.  Hebrew  Supplanted  by  Aramaic.  —  Before  the 
latest  books  of  the  OT.  were  written,  Heb.  had  begim 
to  give  place  to  Aram,  in  popular  speech,  but  it  held  its 
own  as  the  language  of  religion  and  of  the  schools. 
Already  the  compiler  of  Ezr. -Neh.,  i.e.  probably  the 
Chronicler,  c.  300  B.C.,  transcribes  large  portions  from  an 
Aram,  work,  and  similarly  the  author  of  Dan.  (c.  170 
B.C.)  uses  both  languages.  By  this  time,  the  Maccabean 
period,  althoutrh  Heb.  was  read  and  understood,  the 
Jews  of  Palestine  had  learnt  to  speak  Aram.  The 
"  holy  tongue  "  was  cultivated  only  by  the  learned. 
What  the  Heb.  language  became  in  their  hands  is 
seen  in  the  Mishnah,  the  traditional,  oral  law  codified 
in  both  Talmuds,  which  reached  its  present  ofiBcial 
form  c.  200  a.d.  ;  and  later  still  in  the  various  inde- 
pendent Midru-shim. 

7.  The  Massorah.— The  MSS.  of  the  Heb.  OT  are 
all  comparatively  late,  five  or  six  centuries  later  than 
the  great  uncial"  MSS.  ot  the  NT.  The  oldest  Heb. 
MS.  with  a  date  attached  which  can  be  accepted  with 
confidence  is  the  Codex  Babylonicus  at  Petrograd, 
containing  Is.-Mal..  916  a.d.  Moreover,  all  Heb. 
MSS.  belong  to  one  recension  or  type,  which  was  settled 
by  the  minute  care  of  the  scholars  of  the  seventh  and 
eighth     centuries    a.d.,    known    aa    Maasorotes,    the 


3G 


THE   LANGUAGES    OF    THE  OLD   TESTAMENT 


guardianfl  of  Ma^sdrah,  i.e.  tradition,  who  fixed  the 
text,  protected  it  by  rules,  and  dotorminod  how  it 
was  to  be  read  and  interpreted.  And  before  the 
Massoretic  era  great  care  must  have  been  devoted  to 
the  text,  for  it  was  substantially  the  same  in  the  second 
to  fourth  centuries,  as  quotations  in  the  Talmud  show  ; 
but  in  the  preceding  ages  it  underwent  the  usual 
vicissitudes,  and  to  recover  the  earlier  state  of  the  text 
we  must  weigh  the  evidence  of  the  Versions,  which  wore 
all  made  long  l)eforo  the  Massoretic  period  (pp.  40-42). 

8.  Hebrew  Writing. — If  we  could  discover  the  ancient 
MSS.  of  the  OT,  wo  should  find  that  they  were  not 
written  in  the  "  square  character  "  used  in  our  present 
MSS.  and  printed  editions.  The  Jews  have  preserved 
the  recollection  of  a  change  made  from  the  Hebrew 
character  to  the  Assyrian  {i.e.  Syrian  or  Aram.),  and 
they  ascribed  it  to  Ezra  (Talm.  B.  San.,  21b).  In 
reality  the  change  was  gradual,  and  not  the  work  of 
one  man  or  of  one  age.  The  Heb.  character  used  by 
the  OT  writers  was  the  old  Semitic  alphabet,  found  on 
the  Moabite  Stone,  the  Aram,  and  Phcen.  inscriptions, 
and  the  Heb.  inscriptions  discovered  at  Siloara  (c.  700 
B.C.),  at  Samaria  (written  on  fragments  of  pottery), 
at  GJezer  (?  sixth  centurj'),  and  used  on  Heb.  seals  and 
coins.  The  process  by  which  the  ancient  script  was 
modified  into  the  square  character  maj'  be  traced  in 
the  Aram,  papyri  and  inscriptions  ;  in  its  developed 
form  it  was  adopted  by  the  Jews  along  with  the  Aram, 
speech.  When  the  transition  took  i)lace  we  do  not 
faiow  for  certain ;  it  must  have  been  before  the 
Christian  era  (see  Mt.  5 is).  The  Heb.  MSS.  which 
lay  before  the  LXX  translators,  except  probably  the 
MSS.  of  the  Pentateuch  (translated  tliird  century  B.C.), 
must  have  been  written  in  an  early  form  of  the  square 
character. 

Aramaic  is  the  name  given  in  the  OT  itself  to  the 
language  in  which  some  parts  of  it  are  written,  viz. 
Dan.  24b-728 ;  Ezr.  48-6i8,  7i2-26 ;  two  words  in 
Gen.  31 47  ;  and  the  gloss  Jer.  lOii.  Properly  Aramaic 
is  the  name  of  the  people  who  spoke  it,  Aram  or 
Syrians.  This  branch  of  the  Semitic  stock  inhabited 
Mesopotamia  and  N.  Syria,  in  many  tribes  and  settle- 
ments. Their  language  spread  far  and  wide,  from 
Mesopotamia  to  Egypt,  from  the  mountains  of  Kurdi- 
stan to  Cappadocia.  It  was  used  for  commerce  and 
diplomacy  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  as  we  know 
from  the  Aram,  inscriptions  on  weights  and  contracts 
from  Nineveh,  and  from  2  K.  I826 ;  and  long  before 
900  B.C.  the  Aram,  speech  and,  perhaps,  writing  were 
widely  spread  all  over  Syria,  and  had  taken  the  place 
of  the  Bab.  cuneiform  of  five  hundred  years  earlier 
(Tell  el-Amama  tablets,  c.  1400  B.C.).  In  Palestine, 
as  we  have  seen,  it  supplanted  Heb.  in  the  end  ;  hence 
nearly  all  the  Semitic  words  quoted  in  the  NT  are 
Aram. 

The  dialects  may  be  grouped  under  two  heads : 
Eastern  Aram.,  including  (1)  Syriac,  spoken  at  Edessa 
in  N.W.  Mesopotamia,  (2)  the  dialect  of  the  Bab. 
Talmud,  (3)  Mandaic  ;  and  Western  Aram.,  including 
(1)  the  dialect  of  N.  and  Central  Sjnia,  represented  by 
the  oldest  Aram,  inscriptions  from  the  eighth  centtiry 
onwards  ;  (2)  Egv^jtian  Aram.,  found  chiefly  on  papyri 
from  the  fifth  contury  onwards ;  the  inscription  from 
Tema  in  N.  Arabia,  the  inscriptions  from  Cappadocia 
and  on  coins  of  Tarsus  reveal  a  dialect  of  the  same  typo  ; 
(3)  Biblical  Aram.  ;  (4)  Nabataean  ;  (5)  Palmyrene ; 
(6)  the  Aram,  of  Targums  Onkelos  on  the  Pent,  and 
Jonathan  on  the  Prophets ;    (7)  Galilsean  Aram.,  in 


the  Jerusalem  Talmud  and  certain  Midrashim— the 
dialect  spoken  by  our  Lord  and  the  apostles ;  (8) 
Christian  Palestinian  Aram.,  in  translations  of  the 
Gospels  from  c.  the  fifth  century  A.D.  ;  (9)  Samaritan  ; 
(10)  the  Aram,  of  the  Targums  on  the  Hagiographa, 
and  the  "  Jerusalem  "  Targum  on  the  Pentateuch. 
The  Aram,  of  the  OT  is  most  closely  related  to  the 
dialects  spoken  in  and  around  Palestine,  i.e.  to  nos. 
(2),  (4),  (5).  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  Jews 
learnt  Aram,  in  Babylon  and  brought  it  home  with 
them  ;  it  was  there  already  ;  they  learnt  it  by  inter- 
course with  their  neighbours  in  Palestine.  The  Aram, 
of  Dan.  is  different  from  the  dialect  which  was  spoken 
in  Babylonia  at  the  period  of  Nebuchadnezzar. 

Literature.  —  Hebrew.  Grammars:  (1)  elementary, 
A.  B.  Davidson  i»,  (McFadyen) ;  Wood  and  Lanchester ; 
(2)  advanced,  Gescnius-Kautzsch  **  (tr.  by  Cowley) ; 
Driver,  Tenses  in  IJeh.^ ;  A.  B.  Davidson,  Heb.  Syntax; 
EweAd,  Syntax  of  the  Heb.  Language;  Stado,  Lehrbuch 
der  Heb.  Qrammatik ;  Konig,  Lehrgehdude  der  Heb. 
Sprache,  2  vols.,  and  Syntax.  Lexicons:  Heb.  and 
Engl.  Lexicon,  ed.  by  Brown.  Driver.  Briggs;  Geeeniup- 
Buhl,  Heb.  und  Aram.  Wbrterbuch^*  \  Kimhi,  Radi- 
cum  Liber,  ed.  by  Biesenthal  u.  Leorecht  ;  Ochlah 
W'ochlah  (a  dictionary  of  the  Massorah),  ed.  by  Frems- 
dorff.  Concordances :  B.  Davidson,  1876  ;  the  con- 
cord, publ.  at  Warsaw,  1883  ;  Mandolkem  (the  fullest 
concord,  publ.) ;  also  a  smaller  edition  ;  Noldius, 
Concordantiae  Particularum  Ebr.-Chald.,  Jena  edition, 
1734. 

Aramaic  (Biblical) — Grammars:  Kautzsch,  Gram, 
des  Biblisch- Aramdischen  ;  Marti,  Oram,  der  biblisch- 
aramaischen  Sprache.  Lexicons :  Levy,  Chalddiaches 
Worterbuch  ;  and  the  Heb.  Lexicons  above. 

Aramaic  (Targums,  Talmud,  Midrash). — Grammars  : 
Strack  u.  Siegfried,  Lehrb.  der  neuhebrdischen  Sprache; 
Dalman,  Gram,  des  p'ldisch-paldstinischen  Aramdisch, 
and  Die  Worte  Jesu  ;  Segal,  Mifnaic  Hebrew ;  Mar- 
golis,  31anual  of  the  Aram.  Language  of  the  Babylonian 
Talmud  ;  Merx,  Chrestomathia  Targumica.  Lexicons  : 
Plenus  Aruch,  ed.  Kohut,  8  vols. ;  Levy,  Chald. 
Worterbuch  (above),  and  Neuhebrdisches  u.  Chaldd- 
isches  Worterbuch,  4  vols.  ;  Dalman,  Aram.-u.  neuheb. 
Worterbuch  ;  Marcus  Jastrow,  Diet,  of  the  Targ.,  the 
Talm.  Babli  and  Yeruahalmi,  and  the  Midrashic  Lit., 
2  vols. 

Syriac. — Grammars  :  Brockelmann,  Syrische  Qram- 
matik^; Noldcke.  Syr.  Gram.;  Duval,  Traiti  de 
Oram.  Syriaque.  Le>dcons  :  Payaie-Smilh,  Thesaurus 
Syriacus.  2  vols.  ;   J.  Paj-ne-Smith,  Syrian  Dictionary. 

Arabic. — Grammars:  (1)  elementary,  Thatcher, 
Arab.Orammar;  (2)  advanced. Wright..4ra6.(?mmmar', 
2  vols.  ;  Vernier,  Grammaire  Arabe.  2  vols.  Lexicons: 
Lane,  Arabic- English  Lexicon,  8  parts  ;  Kazimirski, 
Diet,  arabe-fram^ais.  2  vols.;  Wortabet.  Arab.- Engl. 
Did. 

The  Semitic  Languages. — Wright,  Z^c/urr*  on  the 
Compnrrtt  ve  Grammar  of  the  Semitic  Languages ; 
Noldcke,  Semitic  Languages,  in  EB  ",  and  Beitrdge 
zur  aemitischen  Sprachunssenschaft  ;  Lagarde,  Ueber- 
sicht  iiber  die  .  .  .  BiWung  der  Nomina  ;  Barth,  Die 
Nominalbildung  in  den  semitischen  Sprnrhrn*  ;  Zim- 
mem,  Vergleichende  Gram.dersetn.  Sprarhen  ;  Brockel- 
mann. Orundriss  der  tvrghichenden  Oram,  der  sem, 
Sprarhen,  2  vols,  (abbreviated  and  tr.  into  French, 
Precis  de  Linguistique  S^mitique)  ;  Lidzbarski,  Nord- 
semitische  Epigraphik  ;  Cooke,  North-Semitic  Jnaerip- 
tions. 


CANON     AND     TEXT     OF     THE 
OLD   TESTAMENT 

By  Principal  JOHN  SKINNER 


I.  FORMATION  OF  THE  CANON.— The  starting- 
point  of  all  historical  inquiry  into  the  origin  of  the 
OT  Oanon  is  the  grouping  and  enumeration  of  books 
which  is  found  in  all  Hebrew  MSS  and  Bibles,  and 
represents  the  tradition  of  Palestinian  Judaism.  The 
Canon,  as  thus  arranged,  consists  of  24  books,  divided 
into  3  groups  as  follows.  I.  The  Law  :  the  5  books 
of  Mosea.  II.  The  Prophets  :  (a)  the  Former  Prophets, 
Jos.,  Jg.,  S.,  K.  (4  books)  ;  (b)  the  Latter  Prophets, 
Is.,  Jer.,  Ezek.,  the  Twelve  (Minor)  Prophets  (4  books). 
in.  The  Hagiographa  (Kethubim  =  ''  \sTitings  ")  :  Ps., 
Pr.,  Job  ;  the  five  Megilloth  or  Rolls  (Ca.,  Ru.,  Lam., 
Ec,  Est.);  Dan.,  Ezr  (with  Neh.),  Ch.  (11  books).i 
While  tradition  varies  slightly  as  to  the  order  of  the 
books  within  the  second  and  third  divisions,  the 
division  itself  is  rigidly  maintained  :  there  is  never  any 
doubt  to  which  part  of  the  Canon  a  particular  book 
belongs.  In  the  Talmud  the  number  24  and  the 
tripartite  classification  are  so  firmly  established  that 
"  The  Twenty-four,"  and  "  The  Law,  the  Prophets, 
and  the  Writings "  are  standing  designations  for 
canonical  Scripture.  The  number  24  does  not  occur 
earlier  than  the  Apocalypse  of  Ezra  (2  or  4  Esd.), 
written  towards  the  close  of  the  first  Christian  century. 
We  read  in  1437f.  that  Ezra,  inspired  by  the  Holy 
Ghost,  dictated  in  40  days  the  scriptures  destroyed  at 
the  capture  of  Jerusalem  in  94  volumes,  the  first  24  of 
which  (the  canonical  books)  he  was  to  publish  immedi- 
ately, while  the  remaining  70  (the  esoteric  apocalyptic 
writings)  were  to  be  handed  down  secretly.  This 
transparent  fiction,  which  dominated  Christian  theology 
down  to  the  Reformation,  shows  quite  clearly  that 
24  was  the  recognised  number  of  sacred  books  in  the 
circles  in  which  the  writer  of  4  Esd.  moved.  It  is 
true  that  his  younger  contemporary  Josephus  gives  the 
number  as  22,  dividing  them  into  5  of  Moses,  13  of 
Prophets,  and  4  of  hymns  to  God  and  precepts  for 
men.*  But  this  statement,  while  it  breaks  absolutely 
with  the  traditional  arrangement  of  tlie  books,  implies 
no  disagreement  as  to  the  contents  of  the  Canon  ;  for 
it  is  practically  certain  that  the  number  22  is  only  an 
artificial  modification  of  the  original  24,  suggested  by 
the  number  of  letters  in  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Origen), 
and  arrived  at  by  attaching  Ru.  to  Jg.,  and  Lam.  to 
Jer.  The  threefold  division  can  be  traced  back  to  a 
much  earlier  date.  The  Greek  translator  of  Ecchis. 
(c.  130  B.C.)  alludes  to  it  three  times  in  his  short  Pro- 
logue ;  it  is  referred  to  in  a  work  (£)e  vita  contemplaliva) 
attributed  to  PhUo  (c.  a.d.  50),  and  possibly  also  in 

1  Thla  Jewish  Canon  is.  as  regards  contents,  identical  with  the 
thirty-nine  books  of  the  Engliflh  OT.  the  difference  in  number  being 
accounted  for  by  tlie  fact  that  in  our  version  S..  K..  Ch.,  and  Ezr.- 
Neh.  are  divided  into  two  books  each,  and  that  each  of  the  twelve 
Minor  Prophets  is  counted  as  a  separate  volume. 

2  Besides  adding  Ru.  to  Jg.  and  Lam.  to  Jer..  Joeephus  seems  to 
have  reckoned  Ch..  Ezr..  Dan..  Job  and  Est.  as  historical  and  there- 
fore prophetical  works,  leaving  for  his  third  division  Ps..  Pr..Ca..Ec. 


Lk.  2444.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  in  all  three 
cases  the  designation  of  the  Hagiographa  is  vague  or 
partial,  and  not  such  as  to  imply  that  they  formed  a 
definite  collection. 

In  this  tripartite  division,  then,  modem  investigators 
find  the  key  to  the  formation  of  the  Canon.  The 
entire  absence  of  any  logical  principle  of  classification 
shows  that  it  cannot  have  been  the  act  of  a  single 
individual  such  as  Ezra  ;  and  the  theory  (propounded 
by  Elias  Levita  in  the  sixteenth  century,  ana  introduced 
into  Protestant  theology  by  the  elder  Buxtorf)  that  it 
was  the  work  of  the  ''  Men  of  the  Great  SjTiagogue  "  ia 
not  only  destitute  of  any  solid  basis  in  Jewish  tradition, 
but  has  been  shattered  by  the  demonstration  that  no 
such  body  as  the  Great  Synagogue  (at  least  in  the 
sense  of  a  permanent  ecclesiastical  commission)  ever 
existed.  All  the  external  evidence  at  our  disposal,  as 
well  as  the  critical  determination  of  the  dates  of  certain 
books,  points  to  the  conclusion  that  the  three  divisions 
represent  three  successive  stages  of  canonisation  ;  the 
oldest  canon  having  consisted  of  the  Law  alone,  the 
second  of  the  Law  plus  the  Prophets,  and  the  thiid  of 
Law  and  Prophets  plus  the  Hagiographa.  In  short, 
the  grouping  of  the  books  is  the  result  of  a  protracted 
historical  process,  which  we  shall  now  very  briefly 
sketch  with  the  help  of  such  information  as  we  possess. 

1.  The  Law. — The  Pentateuch  is  a  composite  pro- 
duction composed  of  several  minor  codes  and  docu- 
ments, and  did  not  reach  its  final  form  till  after  the 
return  of  the  Jews  from  exile.  Hence  it  is  impossible 
to  place  its  complete  canonisation  earlier  than  the 
fifth  century  B.C.  How  far  the  older  strata  of  legisla- 
tion and  history  possessed  anything  like  canonical 
authority  wo  cannot  tell ;  but  there  are  two  historic 
events  which  have  an  important  bearing  on  the  ques- 
tion. One  is  the  promulgation,  in  621  B.C.,  of  the 
Deuteronomic  law  (2  K.  22f.),  and  the  other  the 
publication  (probably  about  444  b.c.)  of  a  Book  of  the 
Law  brought  by  Ezra  from  Babylon  (Neh.  8-10).  In 
each  case  a  Law  Book  was  solemnly  accepted  by  the 
people  as  the  basis  of  a  covenant  with  God,  and  there- 
fore as  having  normative  authority  for  religion  and 
the  conduct  of  life.  It  is  stiU  uncertain  whether  Ezra's 
Law  Book  was  the  entire  Pentateuch  or  only  that  part 
of  it  which  is  known  as  the  Priestly  Code.  If  the 
former,  then  the  canonisation  of  the  Law  may  be 
definitely  assigned  to  the  date  of  Ezra's  covenant; 
but  if  the  latter,  all  we  can  say  is  that  canonisation 
followed  on  the  amalgamation  of  the  Priestly  Code 
with  the  older  material  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  had 
already  been  incorixjrated  with  the  Law  Book  of  621. 
On  any  view  the  transactions  of  621  and  444  are  of 
fundamental  .significance  as  revealing  the  manner  in 
which  the  idea  of  canonicity  entered  mto  the  theology 
of  Judaism.     It  springs  from  the  conception  of  religion 


38 


CANON  AND   TEXT   OF   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT 


as  a  covenant  between  God  and  Israel,  and  adds  to 
this  conception  the  idea  of  an  inspired  book  in  which 
the  terms  of  the  covenant  are  formulated.  The  second 
half  of  the  conception  was  capable  of  being  extended 
to  other  writings,  as  wo  shall  see  ;  but  the  notion  of 
statutory  prescription  so  dominated  Jcwiish  thought  to 
the  end  that  tho  Law,  which  was  the  oldest  Canon, 
always  remained  tho  standard  and  typo  of  canonicity, 
to  which  other  scriptures  might  approximate,  but  to 
which  they  could  never  altogether  attain.  The  lower 
limit  for  the  canonisation  of  the  Law  is  fixed  by  the 
adoption  of  tho  Jewish  Pentateuch  by  the  Samaritan 
community.  Tho  most  probable  date  of  this  occur- 
rence is  about  330  b.c.  A  comparison  of  the  Jewish 
and  Samaritan  Pcntateuchs  proves  that  the  Law,  very 
nearly  in  its  present  form,  was  before  that  time  the 
recognised  sacred  book  of  Judaism  ;  and  the  fact  that 
no  other  books  were  taken  over  by  the  Samaritans 
shows  unmistakably  that  at  the  time  of  separation 
the  Law  alone  constituted  tho  sacred  Canon  of  the  Jews. 
2.  The  Prophets. — Tho  nucleus  of  a  second  Canon, 
however,  was  already  in  existence  when  the  first  was 
formed.  We  hat^e  seen  that  in  its  ultimate  form  this 
second  Canon  was  composed  of  two  dissimilar  parts  : 
four  historical  books,  and  four  books  which  are  pro- 
phetic in  the  ordinary  sense.  Each  of  these  divisions 
traces  its  literary  ancestry  to  pro-exilic  times.  The 
former,  indeed,  appears  to  have  been  originally  tho 
later  part  of  a  great  historical  work,  compiled  during 
the  Exile,  from  which,  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  the  Penta- 
teuch was  detached  and  mvested  with  canonical  autho- 
rity. The  subsequent  redaction  which  these  books 
(Jos.-K.)  underwent  may  have  taken  place  at  a  com- 
paratively early  period  ;  and  so  the  "  Former  Pro- 
phets "  may  have  existed  very  much  as  we  now  have 
them  before  the  Samaritan  schism  in  330.  The  motive 
for  their  eventual  canonisation,  and  the  explanation 
of  their  position  alongside  of  the  prophetic  writings, 
was  no  doubt  the  belief  that  they  had  been  written 
by  prophets,  and  therefore  had  the  same  Divine 
authority  as  the  prophetic  oracles  themselves.  Simi- 
larly, the  great  mass  of  the  strictly  prophetical  literature 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  scribes  of  the  fifth  century. 
That  these  writings  were  immediately  inspired  by  God 
was  ceitainly  the  belief  of  tho  post-exilic  Church 
(Zech.  Isf.,  7i2,  89).  But  inspiration  was  not  yet 
equivalent  to  canonicity.  Hence,  while  the  work  of 
collecting,  arranging,  and  annotating  tho  writings  of 
the  prophets  was  diligently  prosecuted  in  tho  two  and 
a  half  centuries  that  followed  the  canonisation  of  the 
Law,  there  was  no  attempt  to  treat  them  as  a  fixed 
collection  ;  and  prophecies  as  late  as  the  third  century 
have  been  admitted  into  our  prophetic  Canon.  The 
decisive  impulse  towards  tho  canonisation  of  this  class 
of  writings  was  doubtless  the  cessation  of  the  living 
voice  of  prophecy  in  the  Jewish  community  (Zech.  13 
4-6.  Ps.  749,  1  Mac.  446.  927,  1441).  The  earliest 
explicit  allusion  to  the  Prophets  as  a  fixed  coi-pus  of 
writings  is  in  the  Prologue  to  the  Greek  Ben  Sira 
(Ecclus.),  already  refencd  to  (130  B.C.).  But  we  can 
prove  the  existence  of  such  a  collection  a  little  further 
back.  The  author  of  Dan  (c.  168  b.c.)  speaks  in  92  of 
"  the  Books  "  in  a  manner  which  shows  that  ho  had 
before  him  a  definite  body  of  writings,  in  which  was 
included  tho  Book  of  Jcr.  Moreover  the  exclusion  of 
Dan.  itself  from  the  Prophets  is  sufficient  proof  that 
that  part  of  the  Canon  was  closed  before  it  was  written. 
Again,  Jesus  ben  Sira.  the  author  of  the  Hebrew 
Ecclus.  (c.  200-180  B.C.),  cites  in  chs.  46-49  from  all 
tho  eight  books  of  the  prophetic  Canon  in  tho  order 
in  V  hich  they  stand  in  our  Hebrew  Bibles.     From  these 


facta  we  may  conclude  with  great  certainty  that  tho 
completion  of  the  second  division  of  the  Canon  dates 
from  tho  end  of  tho  third  or  beginning  of  the  second 
century  B.C.  The  only  prophetic  book  regarding 
which  doubts  are  recorded  in  later  times  is  Ezek., 
which  is  also  the  only  one  not  quoted  by  Philo.  But 
the  Talmudic  legend  which  professes  to  attest  such 
doubts  is,  perhaps,  to  be  considered  rather  as  a  vivid 
expression  of  tho  difficulty  of  harmonising  Ezekiel's 
legislation  with  the  Mosaic  Law  than  as  evidence  of  a 
serious  challenge  to  the  canonicity  of  the  book. 

3.  The  Hagiographa. — The  third  stratum  of  the 
Canon  is  composed  of  a  heterogeneous  group  of  writings 
whose  canonical  iKjsition  was  gradually  established 
during  the  two  centuries  that  followed  the  canonisation 
of  the  Prophets.  Most  of  these  were  in  existence  at 
that  time  ;  but  since  they  possessed  neither  tho  norma^ 
tive  authority  of  the  Law,  nor  the  direct  oracular 
inspiration  of  prophecy,  they  were  not  considered  to 
have  the  same  degree  of  sanctity  as  these  other  scrip- 
tures, or  to  form  a  closed  collection.  The  Prologue  to 
Ben  Sira  contains  the  first  mention  of  this  sub-canonical 
class  of  writings,  but  in  terms  which  strongly  suggest 
that  its  boundaries  were  still  indefinite — "  the  others 
that  followed  upon  them"  (».e,  upon  the  Prophets), 
"  the  other  ancestral  books,"  "  tho  rest  of  the  books  " — 
and  which  at  any  rate  leave  us  in  entire  ignorance  of 
its  extent.  We  are  equally  in  tho  dark  as  to  the  subse- 
quent history  of  the  collection,  of  the  order  in  which 
different  books  were  added  to  it,  and  of  the  time  when 
it  came  to  be  regarded  as  closed  against  the  admission 
of  other  writings.  Wo  know,  indeed,  that  Philo  (who 
never  cites  apocryphal  works)  quotes  from  aU  the 
Kethubim  except  Dan.,  Ec.,  Ca.,  Ru.,  Lam.,  Est.,  and 
NT  writers  from  all  except  Est.,  Ca.,  Ec.  ;  and  hence 
we  may  conclude  that  at  least  all  those  cited  by  both 
were  generally  accepted  as  canonical  in  the  first  century 
of  our  era.  We  are,  of  course,  not  entitled  to  conclude 
from  the  silence  of  Philo  or  the  NT  that  a  particular 
book  was  uncanonical ;  but  since  we  know  that  the 
canonicity  of  Ec,  Ca.,  and  Est.  was  disputed  at  a 
still  later  time  (see  below),  the  fact  that  precisely  these 
books  are  cited  neither  by  Philo  nor  in  the  NT  may 
signify  that  their  canonical  position  was  not  yet 
universally  recognised.  On  tho  other  hand,  the  evi- 
dence of  4  Esd.  and  Josephus  (see  above)  shows  that 
by  the  end  of  the  first  century  a.d.  the  Canon  in  its 
present  compa.ss  was  firmly  established,  at  least  in  the 
Pharisaic  circles  of  I'alestino. 

Official  Determination  of  the  Canon.— It  is  all  the 
more  surprising  that  at  this  very  time  the  canonicity 
of  certain  books  was  a  subject  of  acute  controversy  in 
the  Jewish  schools,  and  that  doubts  on  this  point  were 
not  silenced  till  well  into  tho  second  century.  From 
tho  classical  passage  in  the  Mishnic  tract  Ya(loim  (35) 
we  learn  that  as  regards  Ec.  there  was,  about  the  time 
of  Christ,  a  division  between  the  schools  of  Hillel  and 
Shammai,  the  former  mamtainmg  and  the  latter  deny- 
ing tho  canonicity  of  that  book  ;  and  also  that  a  view 
adverse  to  Ca,  was  held  by  iiidividual  Rabbis  in  tho 
oarly  part  of  the  second  century.  This  state  of  affairs 
is  intelligible  only  on  one  supposition,  viz.  that  the 
question  of  canonicity  had  not  been  decided  by  formal 
decree  in  any  authoritative  assembly.  All  that  had 
been  attained  was  an  informal  consensus  of  opinion  in 
favour  of  tho  books  finally  reckoned  as  canonical ;  an 
opinion,  however,  from  which  any  corajxitont  person 
might  dis-sent  if  he  saw  reason.  The  only  public 
decision  of  which  we  have  uiformation  is  that  of  a 
great  Synod  held  at  Jamnia  some  time  near  the  end 
of  the  first  century  ;   and  there  the  Canon  was  taken 


OANON  AND   TEXT   OF  THE  OLD   TESTAMENT 


39 


for  granted,  except  as  regards  Ca.  and  Ec.,  whose 
claims  were  disputed.  It  was  decreed  that  both  "  defile 
the  hands,"  i.e.  are  canonical.  That  this  decision  was 
not  universally  respected  appears  from  the  vehement 
language  of  R.  Aqiba  at  a  later  time  (died  a.d.  135), 
who  declared  that  Ca.  is  the  most  sacred  of  all  the 
Kethubim,  and  that  its  canonicity  had  never  been 
questioned  in  Israel,  although  he  admitted  there  might 
have  been  some  difference  as  to  Ec.  Nevertheless  the 
matter  was  really  settled  bj-  the  Council  of  Jamnia, 
whose  decision  was  accepted  as  final  by  the  authorities 
of  the  Mishna  (c.  a.d.  200).  The  only  other  book  about 
which  serious  doubt  seems  to  have  been  entertained  is 
Est.,  which  was  pronounced  apocryphal  by  distin- 
guished Rabbis  of  the  second  and  third  centuries.  It 
does  not  appear  either  in  the  list  of  sacred  books  drawn 
up  by  Melito  of  Sardis  (a.d.  170)  on  information  derived 
from  Jewish  sources,  or  in  certain  forms  of  the  Syrian 
Canon.  All  this,  together  with  the  silence  of  Philo  and 
the  NT,  goes  to  show  that  though  the  book  passed  un- 
challenged at  the  Sjaiod  of  Jamnia,  its  canonicity  was 
widely  questioned  even  among  Jews.  By  the  end  of 
the  second  century,  all  scruples  were  practically  over- 
come ;  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  in  the  final  result  no 
book  was  rejected  for  which  a  place  had  once  been 
claimed  among  the  Kethubim. 

The  Apocrypha. — There  was,  however,  a  class  of 
books  which  the  Jews  of  Palestine  had  never  thought 
of  canonising,  but  whose  canonicity  was  destined  to 
become  a  controversial  issue  in  the  Christian  Church. 
The  source  of  this  controversy  lies  in  the  fact  that 
the  LXX,  which  was  the  first  Bible  of  the  Christians, 
not  only  differs  entirely  from  the  Hebrew  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  books,  but  contains  a  number  of  writings 
which  are  not  in  the  Hebrew  Canon  at  all.  The  number 
of  such  writings  varies  in  different  Greek  MSS,  and 
only  a  selection  of  them  was  received  into  the  Vulgate, 
while  a  somewhat  different  selection  is  given  in  the 
Apocrypha  of  the  English  versions.  Still,  speaking 
broadly,  it  may  be  said  that  the  books  now  called 
apocryphal  represent  the  excess  of  the  LXX  over  the 
Hebrew  Canon  ;  and  the  question  arises  whether  there 
was  a  real  divergence  of  opinion  between  the  Palestinian 
and  Alexandrian  Jews  as  to  the  canonicity  of  these 
books.  It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  the  facts 
prove  the  existence  of  an  Alexandrian  Canon  differing 
from  that  of  Palestine  ;  and  by  others  that  at  one  time 
(say  before  a.d.  70)  the  limits  of  canonicity  were  more 
widely  drawn  than  was  eventually  allowed  by  the  narrow 
doctnne  of  the  Pharisaic  schools.  The  question  is  not 
free  from  difficulty.  \Mien  we  find  a  typical  Alex- 
andrian like  Philo  combining  a  broad  view  of  inspira- 
tion with  a  strict  adherence  in  practice  to  the  Canon 
of  Palestine,  and  a  disciple  of  the  Pharisees  like  Josephus 
combining  a  free  use  of  the  Apocrypha  with  an  asser- 
tion of  the  exclusive  inspiration  of  the  Palestinian 
Canon,  wo  can  hardly  believe  that  the  Alexandrian  Jews 
maintained  a  theory  of  canonicity  opposed  to  that  of 
their  brethren  in  Palestine.  The  truth  appears  to  be 
that  their  use  of  religious  literature  was  not  regulated 
by  any  rigid  notions  of  canonicity,  that  their  laxity  in 
this  respect  was  reflected  in  the  MSS  of  the  LXX,  and 
thus  led  eventually  to  the  canonisation  of  certain  extra- 
canonical  books  by  the  Christian  Church.  At  the  same 
time  there  was  in  Christendom  a  consciousness  that 
these  books  were  not  on  the  same  level  of  authority 
aa  those  accepted  by  the  Jews  ;  and  even  in  the 
Western  Church  this  feeling,  reinforced  by  the  great 
influence  of  Jerome,  persisted  more  or  less  till  the 
Council  of  Trent,  when  it  was  decided  that  all  the  books 
contained  in  the  Vulgate  are  in  the  full  sense  canonical. 


The  Protestant  churchas  fell  back  on  the  position  of 
•Jerome,  that  the  books  not  included  in  the  Hebrew 
Bible  were  to  be  classed  as  apocryphal,  although  in 
some  cases  their  use  was  allowed  "  for  example  of  life 
and  instruction  of  manners." 

The  Jewish  Notion  of  Canonicity. — This  brings  us  to 
consider  in  the  last  place  the  ideas  of  canonicity  which 
ruled  the  decisions  of  the  Jewish  authorities  regarding 
the  inspiration  of  particular  books.  The  two  expres- 
sions used  to  distinguish  between  canonical  and  un- 
canonical  scriptures  throw  no  light  on  this  question, 
but  are  in  themselves  interesting.  The  first  describes 
a  canonical  book  as  one  that  "  defiles  the  hands,"  which 
means  that  it  is  such  that  contact  with  it  requires  a 
ceremonial  washing  of  the  hands  before  touching  any 
other  object ;  the  sacred  character  of  the  Scriptures 
being  thus  emphasized.  The  other  expression  is  the 
verb  ganaz  ("withdraw"'  or  "conceal"),  which  waa 
applied  to  the  act  of  excluding  a  book  from  the  Canon — 
an  act,  by  the  way,  never  (save  in  one  late  passage) 
reported  as  having  been  actually  accomplished,  but 
only  as  having  been  proposed  and  overruled.  Since 
the  participle  genuzim  agrees  partially  in  sense  with 
the  Greek  apokryplm,  it  is  tempting  to  infer  that  the 
two  terms  are  equivalent ;  and  this  appears  to  be 
substantially  correct,  although  the  Hebrew  word 
actually  used  for  the  Apocrypha  is  not  genuzim  but 
hizonim  ("  outside  "  books).  There  is,  at  all  events 
nothmg  to  support  the  opinion  of  those  scholars  who 
hold  that  ganaz  only  means  to  withdraw  a  book  from 
public  reading  without  prejudice  to  its  canonical  char- 
acter. But  neither  the  one  expression  nor  the  other 
throws  any  light  on  the  principles  by  which  the  scribes 
decided  whether  a  book  properly  belonged  to  the  sacred 
collection  or  not.  These,  as  might  be  expected,  were 
of  a  purely  formal  and  external  kind.  The  funda- 
mental criterion  of  canonicity  waa  coriformiiy  to  the 
Law.  No  book  was  sacred  which  did  not  agree  with 
the  teaching  of  the  Law,  which  was  always  regarded 
as  having  a  fuller  inspiration  than  other  books,  and  aa 
furnishing  the  standard  by  which  they  were  to  be 
tested.  But  a  test  like  this  was  obviously  capable  of 
very  arbitrary  application  ;  as  we  may  see  from  the 
fact  that  it  retained  such  a  book  as  Ec,  while  excluding 
Ecclus.  Accordingly  we  must  find  some  other  prin- 
ciple, more  influential  in  practice  ;  and  we  find  it  in 
the  idea  of  a  time  limit  to  the  succession  of  prophets 
inspired  of  God  to  write  the  record  of  revelation.  This 
principle  is  distinctly  enunciated  by  Josephus  in  his 
treatise  against  Apion  ;  and  although  we  have  no 
account  of  its  actual  application  to  the  case  of  any 
disputed  book,  we  know  that  it  was  a  prevalent  view 
of  the  later  Jews,  and  can  trace  its  application  in  the 
result.  According  to  this  theory  the  period  of  revela- 
tion extended  from  Moses  to  the  reign  of  Artaxerxea 
(Longimanus),  who  was  identified  with  the  Ahasuerua 
of  the  Book  of  Est.,  which  was  thus  supposed  to  be  the 
latest  canonical  writing.  Only  those  books,  therefore, 
were  retained  in  the  Canon  which  were  believed  to 
have  been  written  before  that  date  ;  while  those  which 
(like  Ecclus.)  were  ostensibly  of  later  authorship  were, 
by  that  very  fact,  excluded.  If  we  add  as  a  third 
condition  that  a  sacred  book  must  be  written  in  Hebrew, 
wo  have  a  set  of  rules  which,  though  not  quite  ex- 
haustive of  the  considerations  urged  for  or  against  all 
contested  books,  nevertheless  sufficiently  account  for 
the  rigid  and  mechanical  division  established  in  Pales- 
tine between  canonical  and  apocryphal  writings. 

It  ia  manifest  that  a  Canon  delil>erately  constructed 
on  those  lines  would  have  no  valid  authority  for  the 
Christian   Church.     We   believe  that  the  Jews  were 


40 


CANON   AND   TEXT   OF   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT 


wrong  in  thoir  views  of  tho  date  and  autliorship  of  the 
books  of  the  OT,  wrong  in  thoir  doctrine  of  a  ti?no-limit 
to  inspiration,  and  wrong  in  thi'ir  oxaijgorated  esti- 
mate of  the  Law  as  compared  with  the  Prophets  and 
the  Psalms.  But  we  niiLst  remember  that,  aft<T  all, 
scholastic  definitions  played  a  very  insignificant  part 
in  the  actual  formation  of  the  OT  Canon.  It  was  only 
in  the  case  of  a  few  disputed  and  comparatively  unim- 
portant books  that  tho  theories  of  the  scribes  had  to 
bo  appealed  to,  and  then  only  to  deal  with  theoretical 
objections  which  were  in  every  instance  overruled. 
For  the  great  mass  of  the  OT  Scriptures,  tho  real 
sanction  lies  in  the  witness  borne  to  their  inspiration 
by  the  experience  of  devout  minds  in  Israel,  whoso 
spiritual  insight  had  discerned  their  unique  value  for 
the  nourishment  of  the  religious  life  of  fellowship  with 
God,  and  thus  gradually  gathered  them  into  a  collec- 
tion of  sacred  writings.  Our  acceptance  of  the  OT 
Canon  rests  on  the  conviction  that  t  lie  spiritual  process 
which  led  to  its  formation  was  tho  result  of  a  true 
revelation  of  God  in  the  history  of  Israel,  and  of  an 
insight  into  the  meaning  of  that  revelation  in  which  wo 
recognise  the  illumination  of  that  Spirit  which  guides 
into  all  truth.  And  when  we  find  that  tho  books 
whose  canonical  position  was  established  only  by  tho 
methods  of  Pharisaic  casuistry  are  precisely  those 
whose  religious  value  is  least,  and  which  are  never 
quoted  by  our  Lord  or  His  disciples,  the  obvious  lesson 
is  that  tho  inspiration  of  an  OT  book  is  not  guaranteed 
by  its  place  in  an  arbitrarily  defined  Canon,  but  by  its 
vital  relation  to  the  essence  of  the  ancient  dispensation, 
and  the  degree  in  which  it  commended  itself  to  the 
reverence  and  piety  of  the  community  entrusted  with 
the  oracles  of  God. 

II.  THE  TEXT. — The  long  and  complicated  history 
of  the  OT  toxt  may  be  conveniently  divided  into  three 
main  periods  :  I.  From  the  time  when  the  books  were 
written  to  the  final  determination  of  the  Canon  in  the 
second  century.  II.  From  that  time  to  the  flourishmg 
age  of  the  Jewish  Massora  (sixth  to  tenth  century). 
III.  From  the  Massoretic  age  to  the  present  day. 
This  represents  the  two  most  important  junctures  in 
the  transmission  of  the  text.  In  the  second  century 
the  fixing  of  the  Canon  was  accompanied  by  a  revision 
of  its  text,  and  followed  by  a  resolute  and  remarkably 
successful  effort  to  establish  this  revised  text  as  the 
standard  recension  of  the  Hebrew  Bible.  And  the 
activity  of  the  Massoretes  marks  tho  culmination  of 
this  sustained  effort  in  the  reduction  of  the  entire  MS 
tradition  to  a  uniform  type.  To  them  also  we  owe 
tho  important  innovation  of  the  use  of  vocalic  and 
accentual  signs  ;  and  the  astonishing  similarity  which 
now  prevails  in  all  editions  and  extant  MSB  of  the 
Hebrew  OT  is  very  largely  the  result  of  their  inde- 
fatigable labours. 

The  investigation  of  this  history  is  the  foundation  of 
all  scientific  criticism  of  the  OT  toxt.  The  aim  of 
textual  criticism  being  to  recover  as  nearly  as  ]X)ssiblo 
the  exact  form  in  which  a  book  left  the  hand  of  its 
author,  it  is  obvious  that  tho  further  back  we  can 
trace  the  toxt  of  any  writing  the  nearer  wo  shall  be  to 
tho  attainment  of  that  object.  It  is  tnie  that  in  the 
case  of  OT  books  we  never  come  within  measurable 
distance  of  the  original  autographs  ;  but  still  we  are 
able,  by  tho  methods  to  Ik?  indicated  in  this  article,  to 
eliminate  a  great  many  sources  of  error  which  have 
affected  MSS  at  different  stages  in  the  transmission  of 
tho  text. 

Tho  materiald  for  this  investigation  fall  broadly  into 
three  classes  :  ( 1 )  MSS  and  editions  of  tho  Hebrew  text 
itself :   these,  oi  course,  haT<»  descended  by  successive 


transcriptions  from  tho  autograph  copies  of  the  various 
writings.  But  the  existing  Hebrew  MSS  are  all  of 
comparativi'ly  recent  date  ;  atul  besides,  they  present 
so  little  variation  that  from  them  alone  wo  could  hardly 
form  any  conclusions  as  to  tho  previous  development 
of  the  text.  (2)  MSS  and  editions  of  a  large  number 
of  translations  made  at  different  times,  either  directly 
from  tho  Hebrew  (primarj'  versions)  or  from  some 
earlier  translation  ("  daughter  versions  ").  It  will  be 
readily  understood  that  a  version  has  critical  value 
only  in  so  far  as  it  funii.shes  independent  evidence  of 
tho  existence  of  a  characteristic  form  of  text  at  the 
time  when  it  was  made.  If  (as  is  the  case  with  the 
p]nglish  versions)  we  have  access  to  the  original  Hebrew 
on  which  they  are  known  to  have  been  based,  we  learn 
nothing  from  the  version  in  question  except  the  com- 
petonco  or  otherwise  of  the  translators.  But  in  the 
case  of  the  older  versions,  which  originated  long  before 
any  known  MS  was  written,  we  do  not  know  before- 
hand what  their  basis  was,  and  can  ascertain  it  only  by 
the  delicate  process  of  retranslation  into  Hebrew.  This 
operation,  if  it  can  be  satisfactorily  performed,  will 
obviously  give  us  the  text  of  one  or  more  Hebrew  MSS 
contemporarj'  with  tho  date  of  translation  ;  and  by 
comparing  this  with  our  present  Hebrew  text  wo  may 
obtain  valuable  light  on  the  condition  of  the  Hebrew 
text  at  a  particular  stage  of  its  history.  (3)  Quotations 
and  allusions  by  writers  of  known  date,  from  which  we 
can  discover  what  readings  were  found  in  eontemjwrary 
MSS  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  or  of  the  version  which  they 
used.  Alongside  of  these  we  may  place  the  mass  of 
observations  on  the  Hebrew  text  which  constitute  the 
staple  of  the  Jewish  Massora  (see  below). 

From  this  very  inadequate  account  of  the  apparatus 
and  tho  essential  processes  of  textual  criticism  as 
applied  to  the  OT,  we  pass  to  an  equally  slight  sketch 
of  the  leading  results  that  can  lie  established,  following 
the  threefold  division  given  at  the  outset. 

I.  The  first  period  may  be  characterised  as  the  age 
of  divided  text.  Here  tho  chief  witnesses  are  (a)  the 
Samaritan  Pentateuch,  and  (b)  the  LXX.  (a)  The 
former  is  a  recension  in  tho  Hebrew  language,  but  in 
Samaritan  script  of  the  Pentateuch  which  the  Samari- 
tans borrowed  from  the  Jews  about  330  B.C.,  and 
which  is  now  represented  by  MSS.  dating  from  the 
twelfth  century  and  downwards.  That  some  inten- 
tional changes  were  introduced  by  the  Samaritans  is 
quite  certain  ;  but  the  basis  of  the  t«xt  must  l)e  that 
of  Jewish  MSS  of  that  early  time,  ^^^len  wo  compare 
it  with  the  present  Hebrew  text  we  find  a  very  close 
similarity,  but  along  with  differences  which  cannot  all 
bo  dismissed  as  errors  on  the  side  of  the  Sam.  It 
contains  readings  which  by  their  intrmsic  superiority 
commend  themselves  as  nearer  the  original  than  the 
MT  ;  although  in  the  majority  of  instances  where  the 
two  diverge,  the  original  toxt  is  best  prosors'od  in  the 
Jewish  recension  ;  and  in  certain  passages  both  «re 
manifestly  comipt.  We  thus  see  that  even  so  early 
as  the  fourth  century  B.C.  the  text  of  the  Pentateuch 
had  already  undergone  a  certain  amount  of  deteriora- 
tion, and  that  the  MSS.  of  the  period  did  not  present 
tho  uniformity  which  marks  the  later  stages  of  trans- 
mission, (h)  These  conclusions  are  confirmed,  but  in 
a  much  more  emphatic  manner,  for  a  somewhat  later 
time,  by  tho  LXX.  the  Gi-eek  translation  of  tho  OT. 
Strictly  speaking,  tho  name  LXX  applies  only  to  tho 
translation  of  the  Iaw,  which  was  traditionally  ascribed 
to  seventy  or  seventy-two  scholars  working  imder  the 
patronage  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  at  Alexandria  in 
the  first  half  of  the  third  century  b.c.  There  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  authenticity  of  the  tradition  so  fax 


CANON   AND   TEXT   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT 


as  regards  the  place  and  date  of  the  translation  of  the 
Pentateuch  :  the  remaining  books  were  translated  at 
various  unknown  periods  during  the  next  century  and 
a  half.  The  recovery  of  the  original  Greek  text  of 
the  LXX,  and  still  more  of  the  Hebrew  that  lies  behind 
it,  is  amongst  the  most  difficult  processes  of  textual 
criticism  ;  but  enough  is  known  to  make  it  certain 
that  the  Hebrew  MSS  then  in  circulation  presented  a 
variety  which  is  in  striking  contrast  to  the  monotonous 
uniformity  of  the  post-Massorctic  age,  and  that  the 
better  (and  therefore  more  original)  text  is  sometimes 
that  which  is  preserved  in  the  Greek  translation,  but 
more  frequently  in  that  which  is  the  parent  of  the 
present  Hebrew  text.  We  have  thus,  in  the  case  of 
the  Pentateuch,  evidence  of  the  existence  of  three 
recensions  (represented  respectively  by  the  MT,  the 
Sam.,  and  the  LXX)  of  the  Hebrew  in  the  fourth  and 
third  centuries,  b.c.  ;  and  the  relations  of  these  three 
to  one  another  is  a  problem  of  which  a  complete 
solution  has  not  yet  been  worked  out.  In  the  other 
books  we  have  proof  always  of  two  recensions  (MT 
and  LXX),  sometimes  of  more  ;  for  in  some  cases  the 
MSS  of  the  LXX  seem  to  combine  difierent  translations 
from  the  original  Hebrew.  But  the  natural  conclusion 
is  that  the  survival  of  only  two  or  three  types  of  text 
is  an  accident ;  and  that  rf  we  could  survey  the  whole 
MS.  material  of  that  remote  age  we  should  find  a 
diversity  which  fully  justifies  the  description  of  the 
period  as  a  period  of  divided  text.  In  explanation  of 
the  laxity  of  transcription  which  all  this  implies,  we 
have  to  note  in  the  first  place,  that  the  translation  of 
many  of  the  later  books  into  Greek  took  place  in  all 
probability  before  they  were  received  into  the  Canon, 
and  therefore  before  they  were  guarded  by  official 
supervision  against  irresponsible  changes  of  text.  In 
the  next  place,  that  verbal  inspiration  or  textual  in- 
violability was  not  considered  a  note  of  canonicity  till 
a  later  time,  so  that  even  a  canonical  book  might  be 
subjected  to  deliberate  revision  in  detail.  Thirdly, 
that  canonisation,  being  merely  a  judgment  as  to  the 
religious  value  or  sacred  character  of  a  book,  did  not 
discriminate  between  one  form  of  its  text  and  another, 
so  that  the  copy  adopted  for  the  standard  recension 
might  not  present  the  best  form  of  text  as  judged  by 
critical  principles.  Lastly,  while  we  may  assume  that 
from  the  first  care  was  taken  to  preserve  the  text  of  a 
book  once  admitted  to  the  Canon  (and  especiall}'  of  the 
Law),  we  must  recognise  that  no  official  censorship 
could  secure  perfect  immunity  from  error  on  the  part 
of  copyists.  The  result  is.  as  we  might  expect,  that 
on  the  whole,  the  official  recension  from  which  our  MT 
has  descended  was  nearer  the  original  than  any  that 
can  be  recovered  from  the  versions  (p.  125) ;  yet  it  con- 
tained many  defects,  and  can  frequently  be  corrected  and 
improved  by  the  help  of  the  variant  readings  attested 
by  those  versions.  Towards  the  close  of  this  period 
we  find  evidence  of  the  increasing  homogeneity  of  the 
Hebrew  text  in  the  Old  Syriac  version,  called  the 
Peshitta.  The  exact  date  at  which  it  was  made  is  not 
known,  nor  is  it  certaui  how  far  it  was  prepared  under 
Christian  and  how  far  under  Jewish  auspices  ;  but  it 
seems  clear  that  it  was  based  on  Hebrew  MSS  some- 
what^jldcr  than  the  standard  text  of  the  second  century. 
At  all  events  it  is  a  version  made  directly  from  the 
Hebrew  (although  revised  with  the  help  of  the  LXX) ; 
and  examination  appears  to  show  that  its  Hebrew 
basis,  while  not  absolutely  identical  with  the  MT, 
nevertheless  resembled  it  verj-  closely.  Wo  may  infer 
that  the  textual  confusion  of  aH  earlier  time  was  passing 
away  through  the  disappt^aranco  of  unofficial  MSS., 
and  that  the  solidarity  which  was  stereotyped  in  the 


41 


century  had  practically  been  brought  about  by 
the  sole  survival  of  the  authorised  Palestinian  recension. 
II.  The  second  period  is  introduced  by  the  fixation 
of  a  standard  text  which  has  maintained  itself  with 
little  variation  till  the  present  time.  The  princij)le  of 
textual  inviolability  which  was  the  necessary  pre- 
supposition of  the  exegetical  methods  of  the  school  of 
Hillel,  and  was  already  acknowledged  in  the  time  of 
Christ  (Mt.  5i8),  was  now  deliberately  adopted  and 
carried  out  to  its  practical  consequences.  The  precise 
manner  in  which  this  was  done  will  never  bo  known  ; 
but  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  in  the  main  it 
was  the  work  of  R.  Aqiba  (died  a.d.  135)  and  his 
compeers  in  the  early  part  of  the  century.  Certain 
idios5Ticrasies  of  the  received  text  and  one  or  two 
legends  relating  to  the  time  go  to  show  that  the  attempt 
was  made  to  conform  the  text  to  a  particular  Codex 
or  Archetype,  which  was  known  to  be  imperfect  but 
which,  for  some  reason,  was  regarded  with  peculiar 
veneration  ;  but  how  far  the  existing  text  is  a  slavish 
reproduction  of  that  single  MS  is  a  question  still  un- 
settled. The  first  piece  of  evidence  for  the  authority 
of  the  new  recension  is  the  Greek  version  of  Aquila 
(said  to  have  been  a  pupil  of  Aqiba),  an  almost  mechani- 
cally Literal  expression  of  the  Hebrew  which  was  meant 
to  supersede  the  LXX  in  the  use  of  Greek-speaking 
Jews.  It  has  survived  only  in  a  few  sUght  fragments 
and  in  citations  by  the  Fathers  and  on  the  margins  of 
MSS  ;  but  from  these  it  is  sufficiently  clear  that  its 
Hebrew  original  was  virtually  our  present  MT.  The 
nearly  contemporary  Greek  versions  of  Theodotion 
and  Symmachus  may  here  be  mentioned  as  less  drastic 
efforts  to  mediate  between  the  Hebrew  verity  and  the 
popular  but  now  discredited  LXX.  In  the  history  of 
the  LXX  itself  the  early  part  of  the  period  before  us 
witnessed  several  eventful  developments.  A  number 
of  secondary  versions  in  various  dialects — chief  among 
them  the  Old  Latin,  from  about  a.d.  200 — appeared, 
from  which  we  obtain  valuable  light  on  the  condition 
of  the  contemporary  Greek  text.  Before  the  third 
century  that  text  was  in  such  confusion  that  three 
scholars,  Origen,  Lucian,  and  Hesychius,  were  moved 
independently  to  produce  critical  recensions  for  the 
use  of  Christians  ;  the  most  famous  being  the  Hexapla 
of  Origen,  which  was  accepted  in  the  time  of  Jerome 
as  the  standard  edition  of  the  LXX.  The  influence  of 
these  recensions,  and  particularly  of  the  Hexapla.  on  the 
current  LXX  text  has  been  all-pervading,  and  seriously 
complicates  the  problem  of  recovering  the  original  text 
of  the  Greek  translation.  In  the  fourth  century  we 
come  to  the  earliest  direct  witnesses  to  the  OT  text 
in  the  oldest  MSS  of  the  LXX,  which,  of  course,  tell 
us  nothing  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  time,  but  only 
reveal  a  stage  in  the  history  of  the  Greek  version.  For 
the  Hebrew  text  we  have  the  important  Latin  transla- 
tion of  the  Vulgate,  prepared  by  Jerome  in  the  end  of 
the  fourth  and  beginning  of  the  fifth  centuries.  It  was 
made  directly  from  the  Hebrew,  and  ultimately  super- 
seded the  Old  Latin  in  the  Western  Church.  It  repre- 
sents a  Hebrew  original  varying  but  little  from  the 
MT  ;  and  is  of  great  use  for  determining  the  minor 
divergences  which  were  found  within  the  range  of  the 
standard  recension  about  250  years  after  its  formation. 
From  Jewish  tradition  we  have  for  this  period  the 
evidence  of  tho  Targuras — Aramaic  translations  of  the 
OT  for  use  in  the  synagogues — and  the  numerous 
citations  in  the  Talmud  and  the  Rabbinical  literature 
generally.  All  those  toll  tlio  same  tale  of  a  dominant 
standaid  text,  with  slight  variations,  which  maj'  partly 
go  back  to  pre-Christian  times.  A  comparison  of  tho 
Babbinical  quotations  with  the  Targums  and  the  older 

2a 


42 


CANON   AND    TEXT    OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT 


versions  seems  to  show  that  ancient  readings  which 
have  since  been  eliminated  from  the  MS  tradition 
were  still  in  currency  in  influential  MSS  of  the  Tal- 
mudic  ago. 

During  all  this  time  the  scribes  were  gradually  per- 
fecting tlieir  organisation,  and  securing  a  firmer  control 
of  the  traditional  text.  A  few  intentional  but  trivial 
manipulations  of  the  consonantal  text  {Tiqqwne 
Soplierim)  with  which  they  are  credited  must  belong 
to  a  very  early  age,  before  the  consonantal  text  had 
acquired  the  sanctity  which  caused  its  very  mi.stakea 
to  be  respected.  At  a  later  time  they  contented  them- 
selves with  indicating  by  critical  marks  {punda  extra- 
ordinaria,  etc.)  readings  which  were  defective  or  doubt- 
ful ;  and  still  later  with  sx)ccifyiug  the  "  reading  " 
{Qere)  to  bo  followed  in  the  synagogue,  while  the 
"written"  text  {Kethib)  was  left  inviolate.  Lists  of 
those  and  many  other  peculiarities  of  the  sacred  text 
were  accumulated  and  handed  down  by  rote  ;  strict 
ceremonial  rules  were  imposed  on  the  copyists  of 
biblical  MSS  ;  standard  codices  were  edited  by  which 
the  correctness  of  any  MS  was  to  bo  tested ;  and 
everj'thing  that  human  ingenuity  could  suggest  was 
done  to  bring  about  complete  uniformity  in  the  MS 
text.  This  culminated  in  the  work  of  tho  Maasorctic 
schools,  which  marks  tho  transition  to  the  final  phase 
of  tho  Hebrew  text. 

III.  The  word  Massora  (p.  36)  meant  at  first  simply 
"tradition"  in  general,  but  in  technical  usage  it  came  to 
bo  restricted  to  that  branch  of  tradition  which  concerned 
itself  with  maintaining  tho  purity  of  the  sacred  text : 
the  Massoretes  were  the  successors  of  the  Sopherim  or 
scribes.  Tlie  history  of  the  movement  is  still  in  many 
points  obscure  ;  and  it  is  impossible  here  to  give  any 
adequate  account  of  its  character.  It  flourished  both 
in  Babylonia  and  in  Palestine  (Tiberias)  in  the  cen- 
turies that  followed  tho  completion  of  the  Talmud  ; 
and  its  most  noteworthy  achiovcmont  was  tho  gradual 
elaboration  (during  the  seventh  and  following  centuries) 
of  a  system  of  vowel  notation,  which  was  cari-icd  on 
simultaneously  in  these  two  centres  of  Jewish  learning. 
The  Babylonian  schools  seem  to  have  lieen  eclipsed  by 
that  of  Tiberias  ;  and  accordingly  tho  Tiberian  punctua- 
tion so  completely  displaced  tho  rival  systems  of 
Babylonia  that  until  the  important  discoveries  of  MSS 
within  the  last  eighty  years  all  knowledge  of  the  latter 
was  lost  in  Europe.  Tho  two  great  luminaries  of  tho 
.school  of  Tiberias  in  tho  tenth  century  were  Ben  Asher 
and  Bon  Naphtali,  each  of  whom  produced  a  standard 
codex  of  the  OT,  with  vowels  and  accents  on  the 
Tiberian  system,  with  minute  differences  m  punctua- 
tion, but  practically  none  in  tho  consonantal  text.  Tho 
text  followed  in  Western  MSS  and  all  printed  editions 
is  in  the  main  that  of  Ben  Asher,  although  several 
readings  of  his  rival  Ben  Naphtali  are  incorporated  in 
the  received  text.  For  tho  rest  tho  Massora  consists, 
as  has  been  said,  of  an  immense  congeries  of  observa- 
tions on  i)eeuliarities  of  tho  Hebrew  text,  the  aim  being 
to  provide  an  apj)aratus  by  which  the  smallest  devia- 
tion from  the  authoritative  text  could  be  avoided  or 
instantly  detected  in  the  production  of  now  copies. 
At  first  these  lists  and  notices  were  conmiitted  to 
memoi^  ;  but  gradually  tho  practice  was  introduced 
of  writmg  them,  partly  on  the  margins  (or  Ijctween  the 
lines)  and  at  the  end  of  codice.5,  and  partly  in  separate 
works. 

It  is  only  from  the  tenth  centuiy  downwarrls  that  we 
are  able  to  trace  the  Hebrew  text  in  extant  MSS.  Tho 
oldest  certainly  dated  MS  is  a  Babylonian  codex  of 
the  Latter  Prophets  now  in  St.  Petersburg,  which  bears 
tho  dato  916.     There  arc  one  or  two  which  may  prove 


to  bo  as  much  as  a  century  older ;  and  thoro  are  many 
bearing  early  dates  the  genuineness  of  whose  epigraphs 
is  strongly  suspected  :  among  them  tho  first  copy  of 
the  entire  OT,  which  professes  to  bo  a  transcript  of  the 
lost  codox  of  Ben  Asher,  and  to  have  been  written 
A.p.  1008-10.  The  majority  of  the  MSS.  belong  to  the 
thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  centuries.  Tho 
invention  of  printing  in  tho  fifteenth  century  was 
quickly  taken  advantage  of  by  tho  Jews  for  the  propa- 
gation of  their  scriptures,  the  first  complete  edition 
of  tho  OT  being  published  at  Soncino  in  1488.  Tho 
earliest  printed  editions  were  largely  based  on  MSS 
now  lost;  and  their  influence — notably  that  of  the 
great  Rabbinical  Bible  of  Jacob  ben  Hayjam  (1524-25) 
and  the  Complutensian  Polyglott  (1514-17) — has  pro- 
foundly affected  all  subsequent  editions,  and  has  con- 
tributed materially  to  the  uniformity  of  the  present 
textus  receptus. 

It  is  evident  from  this  imperfect  sketch  of  the  history 
of  the  text  that  no  existing  document  or  known  re- 
cension can  claim  to  represent  the  text  of  the  OT  in 
its  original  form.  The  alterations  that  have  crept  in 
during  the  course  of  transmission  may  be  classed  under 
two  heads:  inadvertent  and  intentional.  (1)  To  the 
class  of  inadvertent  changes  belong  (a)  all  errors  of 
transcription,  such  as  confusion  of  letters  similar  in 
form  Of  (when  written  to  dictation)  in  sound  ;  accidental 
omission  or  transposition  of  consonants  ;  repetition  of 
a  word  or  group  of  letters  akeady  written  (dittography ) ; 
longer  omissions  caused  by  the  identical  ending  of  two 
sentences  (homoioteleuton)  and  the  slipping  of  the 
scribes  eye  from  the  one  he  had  just  copied  to  tho 
other,  {b)  Errors  of  memory  are  sometimes  respon- 
sible for  the  substitution  of  a  sj-nonj'm  for  the  original 
expression  (like  "  say  "  for  "  speak  "),  or  the  addition 
of  a  familiar  phrase  or  epithet  (as  in  "  ark  [of  the 
covenant]  "),  or  the  alteration  or  amplification  of  tho 
text  in  accordance  with  some  well-known  parallel 
passage,  (c)  Errors  of  understanding  are  seen  chiefly 
in  mistaken  division  of  words  and  sentences,  in  mis- 
interpretation of  abbreviations,  and  in  incorporation 
of  marginal  glosses  in  the  text.  In  the  last  two  classes 
of  error,  however,  it  is  impossible  to  draw  the  lino 
between  unconscious  and  deliberate  manipulation  of 
the  text.  (2)  Conscious  alterations  of  the  text 
naturally  occurred  most  frequently  in  the  early  stages 
of  transmission,  and  cannot  always  bo  distinguished 
from  the  processes  of  redaction  in  which  many  of  the 
OT  books  had  their  origin  ;  but  that  post-redactionai 
additions  and  corrections  aro  actually  found  in  the  text 
is  shown  in  some  cases  by  a  comparison  of  the  different 
versions  and  in  other  cases  is  probable  from  internal 
indications.  A  common  form  of  expansion  is  the 
introduction  of  explanatory'  glosses  giving  the  accepted 
interpretation  of  a  difficult  or  ambiguous  expression 
in  tho  authentic  text  (see  Is.  3ib),  or  enhancing  the 
accuracy  of  a  prediction  by  a  reference  to  its  supjxisod 
fulfilment  (Is.  Isb).  Systematic  correction  of  tho  text 
occurs  most  frequently  under  the  influence  of  dogmatic 
or  a-sthotic  tendencies  (r/.  the  regular  sub.stitutioii  in 
tho  books  of  Samuel  of  basheih,  "  shame,"  for  Baal  in 
the  names  Ishbosheth.  Mephibosheth.  with  the  original 
names  in  Ch.) ;  but  occasionally  under  the  impression 
that  the  traditional  reading  is  wrong  (thus  in  Gen.  22* 
"  seventh "  in  tho  Hob.  is  deliberately  changed  to 
"sixth"  in  Sam.,  LXX,  and  Syr.).  It  may  be  noted  that 
certain  changes  of  this  kind  were  introduced  in  tho 
synagogue  reading  {Qcre)  wliile  the  written  text  was 
left  untouched  ;  and  on  the  other  hand  that  Jewish 
tradition  preserved  a  knowledge  of  tho  fact  that  at 
an  earlier  period  they  were  made  in  the  consonantal 


CANON   AND   TEXT   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT 


43 


text  {Tiqqnne  Sopherim,  above).  In  the  detection  of 
both  the  above  classes  of  alterations  the  versions  often 
render  important  service.  If  two  textual  witnesses 
show  a  difference  in  the  Hebrew  original  which  can 
be  naturally  traced  to  any  of  the  causes  just  enumerated 
the  divergence  is  at  once  explained,  and  it  will  generally 
be  clear  on  which  side  the  mistake  lies  and  whicli  is 
the  true  reading.  Or  the  mere  omission  in  one  text 
of  a  passage  found  in  the  other,  but  unnecessary  in 
its  context,  may  be  a  sufficient  reason  for  doubting 
its  genuineness.  Again,  interpolation  may  reasonably 
be  suspected  when  a  passage  occurs  in  two  texts  but 
at  different  places  {e.g.  1  S.  2i-io  is  inserted  by  the 
LXX  in  the  middle  of  I28  of  the  Heb.)  :  the  probable 
explanation  being  that  it  originally  stood  in  the  margin 
of  some  MSS  and  was  taken  into  the  text  at  the  wrong 
place.  But  the  sources  of  error  here  mentioned  may 
often  lead  on  internal  grounds  to  an  emendation  even 
where  all  textual  witnesses  support  the  doubtful 
reading. 

In  conclusion,  the  broad  results  of  textual  criticism 
as  applied  to  the  OT  writings  may  be  briefly  summed 
up  as  follows  :  (1)  It  should  be  clearly  understood 
that  all  witnesses  to  the  text  exhibit  a  fundamental 
agreement.  An  extreme  case  of  divergence  is  the 
difference  between  the  MT  and  the  LXX  in  the  Book 
of  Jeremiah  ;  but  even  here  it  is  reckoned  that  the 
element  common  to  the  two  recensions  amounts  to 
about  seven-eighths  of  the  whole.  The  normal  rela- 
tion of  the  LXX  to  the  MT  is  such  that  in  the 
majority  of  books  the  differences  are  mostly  differ- 
ences of  detail,  which  leave  the  broad  features  of 
the  text,  the  characteristics  of  the  style,  and  the 
essential  meaning  of  the  writers  almost  unaffected. 
(2)  Of  all  accessible  forms  of  the  text  the  MT  is 
on  the  whole  the  most  reliable,  and  the  most  faithful 
to  what  must  have  been  the  Hebrew  original.  That 
it  often  misrepresents  the  original,  that  it  stands  in 
need  of  criticism  and  correction,  and  that  in  innumer- 
able instances  it  can  be  corrected  by  the  help  of 
the  versions  and   especially  of   the  LXX,  are   facts 


which  cannot  be  too  strongly  emphasized.  But  it 
remains  true  that  the  MT  has  preserved  better  than 
any  other  the  characteristics  and  phraseology  of  the 
original  documents,  and  is  the  only  secure  foundation 
for  a  critical  reconstruction  of  the  OT  text.  (3)  The 
MT,  even  when  corrected  by  the  help  of  the  versions 
and  all  other  external  aids,  frequently  yields  a  text 
which  carmot  possilily  be  original.  In  a  considerable 
number  of  passages  which  are  unintelligible  on  account 
of  textual  corruption,  the  corruption  is  either  shared 
by  all  the  versions,  or  is  replaced  by  something  equall}'- 
or  more  unintelligible.  This  means,  of  course,  that 
the  text  contains  defects  which  are  of  older  standing 
than  the  date  of  any  vcreion.  On  these  we  have  no 
sort  of  external  check  except  in  the  few  cases  where  a 
passage  is  repeated  within  the  OT  itself  (parallel  pas- 
sages in  S.-K.  and  Ch.  ;  2  S.  22  =  Ps.  18  ;  2  K.  I813- 
2O19  =  Is.  36-39  ;  Is.  22-5  -  Mi.  4i-5  ;  etc.).  To  bridge 
the  gulf  that  separates  the  original  autographs  from 
the  oldest  externally  authenticated  text  we  have,  as  a 
rule,  no  resource  but  the  precarious  method  of  con- 
jectural emendation,  which  has  undoubtedly  a  wider 
scope  than  is  permissible  in  the  case  of  the  NT.  But 
arbitrary  and  unmethodical  conjecture  is  as  little 
legitimate  in  OT  as  in  NT  criticism.  Conjecture  is 
not  to  be  resorted  to  unless  all  available  documentary 
evidence  fails  to  yield  a  satisfactory  result ;  and  no 
emendation  of  this  kind  can  command  confidence  unless 
it  gives  a  reading  from  which  the  actual  Hebrew,  as 
well  as  the  versional  variants,  can  be  derived  in 
accordance  with  the  ascertained  tendencies  to  change 
and  error  to  which  editors  and  copyists  were  subject 
in  ancient  times. 

Literature.— Ryle,  The  Canon  of  the  OT ;  W.  R. 
Smith,  The  OT  in  the  Jewish  Church^;  Wildeboer, 
The  Origin  of  the  Canon  of  the  OT  ;  Buhl,  Canon 
and  Text  of  the  OT ;  Kenyon,  Our  Bible  and  the 
Ancient  Manuscripts ;  Weir,  A  Sh<yrt  History  of 
the  Hebreio  Text  of  the  OT  ;  Geden,  Outlines  of  In- 
troduction to  the  Hebrew  Bible  ;  articles  in  EB,  EBi., 
HDB,  HSDB. 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT 
LITERATURE  / 


By  the   editor 


This  article  provides  a  bare  skeleton  of  the  literary 
development,  and  should  be  supplemented  at  every 
point  by  the  introductions  to  individual  books  and 
groups  of  books.  A  description  of  the  various  literary 
types  in  the  OT  is  given  in  the  article  on  "  The  Bible 
as  Literature."' 

Here  as  elsewhere  Uterature  is  the  expression  of  life, 
and  to  understand  it  we  must  view  it  as  the  outcome 
of  experience,  both  collective  and  individual.  A 
history  of  Heb.  literature  cannot  indeed  bo  written. 
since  materials  are  wanting.  What  is  left  to  us  in 
the  OT  is  but  the  remains  of  a  much  larger  literature 
now  lost,  it  is  to  be  feared,  irretrievably  (p.  18).  Not 
larger  only,  but  also  much  more  varied  ;  for  reduced 
as  it  was  by  neglect  and  by  the  catastrophes  through 
which  the  nation  passed,  it  was  restricted  still  further 
by  the  reUgious  interest  which  guided  the  preservation 
of  what  still  remains  (p.  40). 

The  origins  unhappily  are  lost  in  obscurity.  Tradi- 
tion credits  Moses  alike  with  the  creation  of  the 
nation  and  the  origination  of  its  literature.  To  him 
belongs,  it  is  true,  the  imperishable  glory  of  creating 
a  national  consciousness  which  fused  the  emancipated 
Hebrew  slaves  into  a  people  proudly  aware  of  itsolf 
as  the  chosen  of  Yahweh.  But  the  claim  that  he 
created  not  simply  the  nation  and  its  religion,  but  also 
its  earliest  literature,  is  far  more  dubious.  We  can 
no  longer  regard  him  as  the  author  of  the  Pentateuch 
(pp.  121-124).  This  rejection  of  an  ancient  tradition  is 
due  to  no  doubt  whether  Moses  could  write,  but  to 
the  actual  phenomena  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  are 
irreconcilable  with  his  authorship.  Different  scripts 
had  long  been  practised,  books  and  documents  had 
long  been  familiar,  and  centuries  before  his  time 
Hammurabi  had  promulgated  his  famous  code  (pp.  51, 
130).  Comparison  reveals  a  close  parallelism  with  the 
Book  of  the  Covenant  (Ex.  2O22-2333),  which  shows 
that  Israel  was  profoundly  indebted  for  its  social  law 
to  earlier  civili.sation.  as  we  knew  that  it  was  indebted 
for  rehgiouB  instit  ut  i.  >ii«.  Moses  therefore  had  material 
from  which  he  might  have  drawn  up  legislation.  Yet 
we  cannot  identify  any  composition  of  Moses  in  the 
Pentateuch.  Probably  both  the  Decalogue  and  the 
Book  of  the  Covenant  incorporate  Mosaic  legislation. 
But  we  can  feel  no  confidence  that  these  principles 
and  precepts  received  literary  form  in  the  wilderness. 
The  Book  of  the  Covenant,  which  with  Ex.  3414-26 
constitutes  the  earliest  stratum  of  legislation,  pre- 
supposes a  people  settled  in  Canaan  and  practising 
agriculture.  Even  the  Decalogue  in  what  would 
presumably  bo  its  original  form — ten  short  command- 
ments of  the  type  still  preserved  in  the  first,  sixth, 
seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth,  without  expansion  or 
explanation — apparently  contains  post-Mosaic  ele- 
ments (p.  184).     Such  a  snatch  of  song  as  Ex.  15i  may 


well  go  back  to  Moses,  though  the  poem  which  follows 
is  later  than  his  time. 

Analogy  suggests  that  poetical  utterances  of  this  kind 
constituted  the  beginning  of  Heb.  literature.  Some 
of  these  may  have  had  a  still  earlier  origin,  and  re- 
ferred to  more  ancient,  perhaps  prehistoric,  peoples. 
The  Song  of  Lamech,  the  curse  on  Canaan,  the  blessing 
of  Shem  and  Japhet,  may  be  earher  than  Moses  ;  the 
song  of  the  well  (Nu.  21i7f.),  and  possibly,  though  less 
probably,  the  sarcastic  verses  on  Sihon  (21 27-30),  no 
later  than  his  time.  After  the  contjuest  we  have  similar 
utterances,  such  as  Joshua's  apostrophe  to  the  sun 
and  moon  (Jos.  lOizf.).  The  stnam  begins  to  flow 
with  greater  fulness  in  the  time  of  the  Judges.  The 
Song  of  Deborah  ( Jg.  5)  is  our  finest  example ;  but  more 
poems  of  the  type  no  doubt  existed,  for  others  also 
were  wont  to  rehearse  Yahweh's  mighty  acts.  In  its 
present  form  the  Blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen.' 49*)  is  hardly 
earher  than  the  reign  of  David,  but  the  tribal  delinea- 
tions in  it  seem  in  some  instances  to  be  older  than  the 
monarchy,  lo  the  same  period  belong  the  riddle  of 
Samson  (Jg.  14i4)  and  his  boast  over  his  triumph  at 
Lehi  ( 15i6).  Our  first  specimen  of  another  type  meets 
us  in  the  fable  of  Jotham  (Jg.  98-15  ;  r/.  2  K.  I49). 
From  the  time  of  Saul  we  have  the  couplet  which 
roused  his  jealousy  over  David's  exploits  (1  S.  I87). 
The  lament  on  Saul  and  Jonathan  (2  S.  1 19-27)  and 
the  elegy  on  Abncr  (333f.)  are  the  only  compositions 
of  David  to  the  authenticity  of  which  no  reasonable 
doubt  attaches.  Tradition  assigns  to  him  a  large 
number  of  Pss.  This  question  is  dealt  with  elsewhere 
(pp.  367f.) ;  here  a  few  words  must  suffice.  It  is  not 
unlikely  that,  with  his  tine  poetical  genius  and  his 
zeal  for  the  service  of  Yahweh,  David  praised  Him 
not  on  his  harp  only,  but  with  his  pen.  But  this 
carries  us  a  very  httlo  way  towards  the  position  that 
any  poems  of  his  are  preserved  in  the  Psalter.  The 
late  date  at  which  the  book  was  compiled ,  the  origin 
of  even  the  earliest  collections  in  it  after  the  Exile  ; 
the  composition  of  the  great  majority  of  Pss.  in  the 
Persian  or  Greek  periods  ;  the  advanced  sta<ro  of  re- 
ligious reflection  which  they  represent,  and  their  de- 
veloped religious  feeling,  combine  to  make  it  im- 
probable that  more  than  a  very  few  Davidic  Pss. 
can  have  survived,  and.  indeed,  to  render  the  presence 
of  any  in  our  Psalter  very  questionable.  Nor,  admit- 
ting that  some  have  been  included,  have  we  any  rehable 
criteria  for  determining  which  these  are. 

With  the  reign  of  Solomon  a  new  era  opens  in  the 
development  of  Israel.  Up  to  this  time  there  had  been 
all  too  little  of  that  settled  peace  which  should  give 
culture  its  opportunity.  The  disintegration  of  the 
nation,  it-s  hard  struggle  to  maintain  its  hold  on  Canaan, 
the  wars  with  surrounding  peoples,  and  above  all  with 
the  Philistines,  civil  strife  again  and  again  renewed. 


THE   DEVELOPMENT    OF   OLD   TESTAMENT   LITERATURE 


45 


combined  to  keep  the  Hebrews  physically  fit  but 
intellectually  backward.  David  had  given  them  rest 
from  their  enemies,  and  Solomons  reign  was  one  of 
peace.  The  older  fonns  of  literature  continued  to  be 
cultivated,  but  there  were  new  and  far-reaching  de- 
velopments. There  is  probably  some  basis  for  the 
tradition  which  ascribes  many  proverbs  and  songs  to 
Solomon,  and  sayings  concerning  plants  and  animals. 
Possibly  some  of  his  aphorisms  may  be  found  in  the 
Book  of  Proverbs  (p.  397).  The  oracles  of  Balaam 
(Nu.  23f.)  in  their  earhest  form  may  belong  to  this 
period.  We  may  plausibly  assign  to  it  also  the  collec- 
tion of  Heb.  poetry  known  as  the  Book  of  Jashar,  which 
seems  to  have  contained  Solomon's  striking  saying, 
recovered  from  the  LXX  (p.  298),  at  the  dedication  of 
the  Temple,  together  with  Jos.  10i2f.  and  2  S.  1 19-27. 
A  similar  collection  may  have  been  "  The  Book  of  the 
Wars  of  Yahweh"  (Nu.  21 14*),  but  we  have  no  evidence 
as  to  its  date. 

Solomon's  reign,  however,  is  specially  notable  as 
that  in  which  historical  Uterature  probably  took  its 
rise.  Great  historical  events,  stories  as  to  popular 
heroes  and  thrilling  exploits,  cuculated  no  doubt  long 
before  on  the  hps  of  the  people.  But  their  reduction 
to  writing  had  probably  not  taken  place  up  to  this 
time.  And  when  history  began  to  be  written,  it  was, 
we  may  surmise,  the  story  of  the  immediate  past. 
The  story  of  Davids  court  (2  S.  9-20,  with  1  K.  If.) 
exhibits  such  intimate  knowledge  of  the  circimistances 
that  it  is  generally  attributed  to  a  contemporary — 
possibly,  as  Duhm  suggests,  Abiathar.  This  may- 
have  given  the  impulse  to  record  the  earlier  history. 
The  story  of  Samuel,  Saul,  and  David,  which  we  find 
in  the  most  ancient  strata  of  1  S.  1-2  S.  8,  was,  it  may 
be,  the  first  to  be  written.  The  oldest  records  of  the 
conquest  and  the  Judges  may  have  been  next  col- 
lected, and  not  so  much  later  would  come  the  Penta- 
teuchal  document  J  in  its  primitive  form,  written 
in  Judah.  The  parallel  document  E  wa.?  written  in 
the  Northern  Kingdom  probably  before  the  middle  of 
the  eighth  century.  E  includes  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant,  and  J  the  briefer  legislation  (Ex.  34io-26). 
In  the  historical  books  we  find  a  combination  of  story 
and  of  annals.  As  is  natural,  we  scarcely  meet  with 
the  latter  before  the  reign  of  Solomon,  though  we  have 
some  examples  from  the  reign  of  David.  With  the 
establishment  of  an  Oriental  despotism  in  Israel  the 
court  chronicler  began  to  play  a  prominent  part. 
Although  the  extracts  from  the  State  annals  are  much 
less  fascinating  than  the  popular  stories,  a  more  liberal 
use  of  them  in  our  historical  books  would  have  supplied 
the  historian  with  invaluable  information.  The  lead- 
ing sanctuaries  no  doubt  also  had  their  chroniclers,  and 
we  have  important  material  from  them  as  to  events 
connected  with  the  Temple.  Fortunately  the  official 
did  not  stifle  the  popular  element,  and  even  the  Book 
of  Kings  is  redeemed  from  being  a  collection  of  official 
records  by  the  prophetic  and  other  stories,  notably 
those  of  Elijah  and  Elisha. 

So  far  as  we  know,  Ehjah  and  Elisha  committed 
nothing  to  writing.  Indeed  we  can  hardly  think  of 
them  as  uttering  sustained  addresses  ;  their  recorded 
words  are  brief  and  weight}'.  But  in  the  middle  of 
the  eighth  century,  when  Assyria  was  about  to  inter- 
vene once  more  in  the  politics  of  Palestine,  the  era 
of  the  Uterary  prophets  opens.  Within  a  brief  period 
Amos  and  Hosea  laboured  in  the  Northern  Kingdom, 
Isaiah  and  Micah  in  the  Southern.  Prophecy  still 
remains  primarily  oral.  It  is  by  direct  speech  to  them 
that  the  prophet  seeks  to  influence  his  people.  But 
if  the  prophet  is  silenced,  as  Amos,  if  met  with  in- 


creduUty,  as  Isaiah,  he  might  commit  to  writing  what 
he  was  not  permitted  to  utter,  or  record  for  future 
vindication  the  word  at  present  scouted  by  increduhty. 
Jeremiah  had  been  preacliing  long  years  before  his 
oracles  were  collected  by  himself  and  read  to  the 
pubhc.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  impulse  which 
led  to  the  record  being  made,  we  have  gained  im- 
measurably by  it  ;  for  it  is  in  the  prophetic  writings 
more  than  anyTvhere  else  that  we  find  the  inmost 
secret  of  Israel's  rehgion.  Prophecy  was,  of  course, 
largely  influenced  by  the  poUtical  situation.  It  is 
when  some  great  work  of  Yahweh  is  on  the  eve  of 
being  accompUshed  that  the  sensitive  instinct  of  the 
prophet  divines  and  foretells  the  approaching  judgment. 
Hence  the  great  prophets  of  the  eighth  centurj'  begin 
their  work  when  the  As.syrian  peril  is  about  to  re- 
appear. But  it  would  invert  the  true  relation  to 
suppose  that  they  first  became  aware  of  the  approach- 
ing storm  and  then  cast  about  to  find  a  reason.  Rather 
they  started  from  the  conviction  of  Yahweh's  righteous- 
ness and  a  consciovisness  of  His  people's  sin,  deduced 
from  this  that  judgment  was  inevitable,  and  read  the 
political  situation  in  the  hght  of  this  moral  certainty. 
The  Northern  Kingdom  fell,  and  the  essential  Israel 
was  concentrated  in  Judah.  Some  precious  fragment-s 
of  the  Northern  Uterature  survived  the  catastrophe, 
notably  the  Hexateuchal  document  E  and  the  pro- 
phecies of  Hosea,  and  no  doubt  several  narratives  in 
the  historical  books,  especially  the  histories  of  Ehjah 
and  EUsha.  With  the  death  of  Isaiah  prophecy 
became  dumb  for  a  season.  In  the  fanatical  reaction 
which  stained  the  reign  of  Manasseh  the  representa- 
tives of  the  higher  rehgion  were  silenced,  though 
fragments  of  prophecy  {e.g.  Mic.  61-8)  may  be  pre- 
served to  us  from  that  period.     See  further  pp.  88f. 

But  though  pubUc  utterance  was  suppressed  and 
Jerusalem  ran  with  the  blood  of  the  martyrs,  while 
old  heathen  worships  flourished  and  new  cults  were 
borrowed  from  the  victorious  Assyria,  the  prophetic 
party  was  not  inactive.  The  teaching  of  the  eighth- 
century  prophets  had  been  concerned  in  the  main 
with  social  righteousness  as  the  nation's  best  expres- 
sion of  loyalty  to  its  God.  But  alongside  of  this,  and 
certainly  not  without  some  sympathy  from  the 
prophets,  there  was  a  movement  more  priestly  in 
origin  for  the  reform  of  the  cultus.  These  two  ten- 
dencies combined  to  produce  the  Book  of  the  Law 
found  in  the  Temple  by  Hilkiah,  which  formed  the 
basis  of  Josiah's  Reformation.  This  is  usuaUy,  and 
in  all  probability  correctly,  identified  with  the  original 
Deuteronomy.  This  hardly  included  more  than 
Dt.  .5-26  with  28,  and  indeed  not  the  whole  of  this. 
While  it  was  the  practical  embodiment  of  the  pro- 
phetic teaching  in  the  preceding  century,  it  developed 
the  legislation  which  already  existed  in  the  Book  of 
the  Covenant.  It  secured  the  centrahsation  of  the 
worship  at  Jerusalem  and  the  suppression  of  the  local 
sanctuaries,  and  thus  created  a  problem,  important 
for  the  history  of  the  literature,  as  to  the  disposal  of 
the  priests  at  the  disestabhshed  sanctuaries.  Its 
acceptance  by  the  people  at  the  instigation  of  Josiah 
made  Judah  a  people  of  the  Law  as  it  had  never  been 
before.  Its  acceptance  might  also  be  regarded  as  the 
first  step  towards  the  formation  of  the  OT  Canon. 
Its  doctrine  of  the  correspondence  between  conduct 
and  fortune  accentuated  the  problem  created  by  the 
suffering  of  the  righteous  and  the  prosperity  of  the 
wicked,  to  the  discussion  of  which  some  of  the  ercatest 
Heb.  literature  is  devoted.  It  profoundly  influcncod 
also  the  writing  of  history,  giving  the  historians  and 
historical  editors  a  characteristic  point  of  view.     Its 


46 


THE    DEVELOPMENT    OF   OLD   TESTAMENT   LITEEATURE 


literary  influence  is  alflo  very  marked.  There  in  a 
peculiar  Deuteronomietic  stylo,  as  well  as  point  of 
view,  and  both  of  these  are  very  noticeable  in  much 
of  the  later  literature  (see  pp.  74f. ;  89f. ;   120-131). 

But  before  the  Law-book  had  been  read  prophecy 
had  again  foimd  utterance.  Nahum  wrote  liis  im- 
passioned song  of  triumph  over  the  approaching  de- 
struction of  Nineveh  shortly  before  the  downfall  of 
Assyria,  c.  6<)7  B.C.  About  twenty  years  before  the 
collapse  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  the  tidings  that  vast 
hordes  of  Scytliians  were  on  the  march  and  drawing 
nearer  and  nearer,  filled  the  minds  of  men  with  dread. 
Zephaniah  was  stimulated  by  their  approach  to  an- 
nounce that  the  Day  of  Yahweh  was  at  hand.  This 
conception,  taken  over  from  popular  beUef  by  Amos 
and  his  successors  and  transformed  in  the  process, 
received  from  Zephaniah  its  most  elaborate  expression. 
In  him  we  see  the  hints  of  an  apocalyptic  strain  which, 
largely  through  Ezekiel's  influence,  was  to  become 
more  and  more  prominent  in  prophecy  (p.  432) ;  though 
prophecy  did  not  develop  into  apocalyptic  in  the  full 
sense  till  the  Book  of  Daniel.  The  coming  of  the 
Scythians  was  also  the  theme  of  Jeremiah's  early 
prophecies,  though  when  he  collected  and  published 
his  oracles,  more  than  twenty  years  later,  the  Scj^hian 
danger  had  passed,  and  the  foe  from  the  north  was 
identified  with  the  Babylonians.  His  ministry  con- 
tinued tiU  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  em- 
bracing a  period  of  more  than  foity  years.  His 
prophecies  were  collected  in  the  fourth  year  of 
Jehoiakim  ;  and  when  the  king  had  burnt  the  roll, 
its  contents  were  reproduced  and  many  hke  words 
were  added.  We  have  authentic  prophecies  from  the 
later  period  of  his  life,  which  were  probably  \mited 
with  the  earlier  collection  by  his  secretary,  Baruch, 
to  whom  we  presumably  owe  many  of  the  biographical 
sections  contained  in  our  book.  The  relationship 
between  Jeremiah  and  Deuteronomy  presents  an  intri- 
cate problem.  We  may  assume  that  Jeremiah  had 
no  hand  in  its  composition,  and  his  ministrj'  began 
some  years  before  its  discovery.  It  would  seem,  then, 
that  there  could  have  been  no  direct  influence  on  either 
fide  between  his  pre-Reformation  prophecies  and  the 
Law-book.  But  we  cannot  guarantee  that  these 
prophecies  are  preserved  for  us  in  their  original  form, 
and  have  been  unaffected  by  the  Law-book,  for  they 
were  not  written  down  till  some  fifteen  years  after 
its  publication.  If  from  the  first  Jeremiah  was  out  of 
sympathy  with  the  reformers,  and  felt  that  the  pen  of 
its  lying  scribes  had  wrought  falsely  (Jer.  88*.  p  474), 
then  we  could  not  anticipate  that  his  writings  would 
betray  much  trace  of  its  influence.  But  if,  as  the 
present  writer  beheves,  he  welcomed  the  book  on  its 
publication  and  advocated  its  reforms,  though  later  he 
rcahsed  that  the  hurt  of  the  people  had  l)een  healed 
too  lightly,  he  may  well  have  been  considerably  in- 
fluenced by  it.  It  is  of  course  unquestionable  that 
our  Book  of  Jeremiah  exhibits  a  strong  Deuteronomic 
colouring ;  but  the  book  has  been  much  glossed  and 
expanded,  and  it  is  in  these  later  additions  that  this 
colouring  is  most  deeply  marked.  The  place  of  the 
greatest  of  the  prophets  in  the  history  of  religion  is 
among  the  highest,  but  his  influence  on  the  later 
canonical  literature  was  less  profound.  His  writings 
contain  not  only  his  addres-scs  to  the  people,  but  the 
utterances  of  hie  intercourse  with  God.  His  experi- 
ence of  religion  as  intimate  fcUowsliip  with  a  personal 
God  was  reflected  in  many  of  the  I'ss.  He  is  not  to 
be  identified  with  the  Servant  of  Yahweh,  but  the  de- 
lineation of  the  Servant  borrows  some  traits  from  his 
personality  and  career.     He  influenced  Ezokiol,  though 


jwrhaps  less  than  is  often  supposed,  and  the  two  men 
are  in  truth  very  dissimilar  (see  pp.  72f. ;  90). 

The  fall  of  Jerusalem  (586  b.c.)  and  the  exile  to 
Babylon  had  momentous  consequences,  not  simply  for 
religious  and  political  life  (pp.  90f.),  but  for  the  develop- 
ment of  literature.  The  catastrophe  was,  of  course, 
variously  interpreted.  Many  considered  themselves  ab- 
solved from  their  allegiance  to  Yahweh,  whose  inabiHty 
or  unwillingness  to  save  His  people  had  been  demon- 
strated by  the  fate  which  had  overtaken  them.  But 
those  to  whom  the  future  belonged,  recognised  that 
the  prophetic  interpretation  of  history  and  forecast 
of  Judah's  doom  had  been  justified  by  the  event. 
They  did  not  believe,  however,  that  punishment  was 
Yahwehs  last  word  to  them.  Judah  would  be  brought 
back  again  to  her  own  land,  there  to  five  in  righteous- 
ness and  in  peace.  It  was  therefore  necessary  to  read 
aright  the  lessons  of  the  past,  to  minister  to  the  present 
and  prepare  for  the  future.  No  longer  preoccupied 
with  pohtics,  they  had  a  larger  opportunity  for  Utera- 
ture,  and  this  was  utilised  in  various  ways.  First  it 
was  necessary  to  save  as  much  as  possible  from  the 
wreck.  The  legislation,  the  narrative  and  prophetic 
hterature  had  to  be  collected,  partly  that  what  was 
intrinsically  so  precious  should  not  be  lost,  partly 
that  it  might  serve  in  the  home  or  in  the  rehgious 
assembhes,  for  instruction,  warning,  and  encourage- 
ment. During  this  period  Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings 
probably  assumed  in  large  measure  their  present  form, 
though  at  some  points  they  exhibit  evidence  of  later 
revision  and  expansion.  The  laws  had  to  be  codified, 
and  the  ritual,  which  could  no  longer  be  practised,  to 
be  put  on  record  for  future  use.  The  standpoint  from 
which  much  of  the  rewriting  was  undertaken  was 
that  of  Dt.,  and  the  Books  of  Kings  in  particular  show 
this  influence  in  a  very  marked  degree. 

The  leader,  who  more  than  any  other  man  met  the 
need  of  the  time,  passing  judgment  on  Israels  apostate 
history  and  announcing  its  overthrow,  changing  his 
note  to  one  of  consolation  when  the  blow  had  fallen, 
foretelling  the  blessed  future  and  preparing  for  it,  was 
Ezekiel  (pp.  91,  131).  Prophecj-  became  in  his  hands 
the  exposition  of  a  systematic  theology  ;  it  was  more 
literary  and  less  oratorical,  more  laboured  and  less  spon- 
taneous than  the  utterances  of  his  predecessors.  He 
also  foreshadows  the  transformation  of  prophecy  into 
apocalyptic.  This  is  a  development  whose  beginnings 
may  bo  traced  in  Zephaniah,  but  in  Ezekiel  the  signs 
of  it  are  clearer  ancl  more  abundant.  The  study  of 
earlier  prophecy,  to  combine  its  varied  forecasts  into 
a  coherent  scheme,  was  characteristic  of  apocalyptic. 
So  was  its  conviction  of  the  Divine  transc^nacnce, 
and  its  interpolation  between  God  and  man  of  angelic 
orders  as  instruments  of  His  government.  Similarly 
its  assurance  that  God's  intervention  would  bo  catas- 
trophic when  it  came,  rather  than  take  the  form  of  an 
evolution  from  the  existing  political  situation.  The 
anticipation  was  also  found  that  the  heathen  would 
come  to  assail  Gods  people  in  the  Holy  Land,  and 
would  be  overthrown  by  a  stroke  of  God  without  need 
for  Israel  to  fight  in  self-defence.  It  need  hardly  be 
said  that  Ezekiel  is  a  prophet  rather  than  an  apoca- 
lyptist,  and  that  a  wide  gulf  Ues  between  his  book 
and  such  works  as  Daniel  and  Enoch.  But  some  of 
the  features  most  characteristic  of  apocalyptic  are 
present  in  liis  writings  in  a  rudimentary  form. 

In  another  and  more  important  re.spect  Ezekiel 
exercised  a  great  influence  on  the  later  development. 
The  codification  of  the  law  would  presumably  have 
proceeded  apart  from  him,  as  is  shown  by  the  com- 
pilation of  the  Holiness  Code  (pp.  129f.).    But  Ezekiel's 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   OLD   TESTAMENT   LITERATURE 


47 


Kketch  of  a  religious  constitution  for  tlie  community  on 
its  return  provided  the  bridge  between  Deuteronomy 
and  the  Priestly  Code.  In  paiticular  his  solution  of  the 
problem  created  by  the  disestablishment  of  the  priest- 
hood of  the  high  places,  directly  prepared  the  way  for 
the  distinction  between  priests  and  Levites  so  charac- 
teristic of  P.  This  constitutes  one  of  the  decisive 
proofs  that  P  is  later  than  Ezekiel  (p.  129).  He 
created  the  distinction  between  the  priests  and  Levites 
which  was  then  carried  back  in  P  to  the  time  of  Moses, 
and  treated  not  as  a  degradation  from  the  priesthood 
for  apostasy,  but  as  a  distinction  elevating  Levi  above 
the  other  tribes. 

Another  problem  which  was  created  by  the  miseries 
of  the  people  wliich  culminated  in  the  Exile  was  that  of 
the  suffering  of  the  righteous  and  the  prosperity  of  the 
wicked  (pp.  92,  94).  Touched  upon  by  Jeremiah  (I2i), 
it  is  explicitly  discussed  by  Habakkuk  ;  it  is  the  subject 
of  the  fourth  Servant  Poem  (Is.  52i3-53i2).  Ezekiel 
had  met  the  complaint  of  the  people  that  the  fathers 
had  eaten  sour  grapes  and  the  children's  teeth  were 
set  on  edge  by  roundly  denying  that  this  impUed 
challenge  oi  Yahweh's  righteousness  had  anysubstance: 
each  suffered  for  his  own  sin,  there  was  neither  vicarious 
penalty  nor  vicarious  reward.  It  is  the  problem  from 
wliich  the  author  of  Job  starts,  though  it  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose  that  the  author's  main  purpose  was  to 
discuss  it  or  discover  the  solution.  His  interest  is 
rather  concentrated  on  the  history  of  Job's  soul,  as, 
conscious  of  his  own  innocence,  he  seeks  to  adjust  his 
relations  with  God.  The  problem  is  the  theme  of 
some  of  the  Pss.,  notably  Pss.  37,  49,  73.  It  is  touched 
upon  by  several  of  the  post-exilic  prophets,  it  provides 
a  basis'  for  the  pessimism  of  Ecclesiastes,  and  is  the 
dark  background  for  the  apocalyptic  hope  of  Daniel. 
It  has  been  commonly  supposed  that  our  first  literary- 
expression  of  the  problem  is  to  be  found  in  Habalakuk, 
and  that  he  wrote  in  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim,  when 
the  Chaldeans  were  entering  upon  their  great  career 
of  conquest.  But  I5-11  in  its  present  text  seems  to 
presuppose  a  different  situation  from  the  rest  of 
Hab.  If.  Accordingly  the  present  writer  prefers  to 
consider  that,  while  I3-11  is  pre-exilic.  the  main  body 
of  the  prophecy  is  exilic,  and  may  be  dated  about 
560-550  (see  The  Problem  of  Suffering  in  fhe  OT, 
pp.  151-171).  (The  author  of  the  commentary  agrees 
with  this  position,  except  that  he  assigns  more  to  the 
pre-exilic  prophecy.)     Hab.  3  is  a  post-exilic  Ps. 

To  the  close  of  the  Exile  we  should  assign  the  great 
prophecy  of  the  anonymous  poet  to  whom  we  owe 
Is.  40-55  (pp.  91f.).  The  circumstances  which  it  pre- 
supposes are  wholly  different  from  those  of  Isaiah's 
own  time.  The  Jews  are  in  exile,  Jerusalem  and  the 
Temple  are  in  ruins  ;  Babylon,  not  Assyria,  is  the  great 
oppressing  empire ;  but  her  downfall  is  near,  and  the 
restoration  of  God's  people  to  Palestine  is  at  hand,  for 
Cyrus  has  already  begun  his  career  of  conquest,  and 
Babylon  will  soon  fall  before  him.  It  was  natural  that 
the  work  of  the  Second  Isaiah  should,  in  the  earlier 
critical  period,  be  regarded  as  extending  over  the  whole 
of  the  last  twenty-seven  chapters  (40-66),  though  sug- 
gestions that  those  chapters  were  not  a  unity  were 
occasionally  heard.  Even  then,  however,  there  was 
little  justification  for  the  phrase  "  two  Isaiahs  "  as 
representing  the  real  critical  view.  For  there  are  some 
related  sections  in  Is.  1-39  which  spring  out  of  the 
same  situation  (I3i-1423  and  21io),  and  there  were 
other  sections  (24-27  and  34f.)  which  were  obviously 
much  later  than  Isaiah's  time.  More  recent  criticism 
has  detected  .a  much  larger  body  of  non-Isaianio 
matter,  though  in  the  present  writer's  judgment  it 


has  tended  to  extrcnK^  views  both  with  reference  to 
the  proportion  of  non-Isaianic  matter  in  Is.  1-39  and 
the  extensive  interpolation  it  discovers  in  genuine 
Isaianic  oracles.  It  must  of  course  be  recognised 
that,  once  the  presence  of  a  large  non-Isaianic  element 
in  the  book  is  conceded,  the  question  of  authorship  and 
date  of  other  sections  ought  not  to  be  prejudiced  in 
the  traditional  direction  by  their  inclusion  in  a  book 
which  bears  Isaiah's  name.  So  far  as  40-66  is  con- 
cerned, Duhm's  verdict  that  the  work  of  the  Second 
Isaiah  does  not  extend  beyond  55  has  been  very  widely 
accepted.  Opinion  is  more  divided  on  two  other 
questions.  Duhm  holds  that  the  four  so-called  Servant 
of  Yahwch  Poems  (Is.  4O1-4,  49i-6,  5O4-9,  62i3- 
53x2)  were  written  a  good  while  later  than  the  rest 
of  40-55.  This  view  is  also  taken  b}^  several  other 
scholars.  To  some  extent  it  is  comphcated  with  ques- 
tions as  to  the  significance  attached  to  the  Servant. 
Those  who  hold  that  the  Servant  of  Yahweh  in  the 
poems  is  an  individual,  naturally  tend  to  regard  the 
poems  as  not  by  the  Second  Isaiah,  who  uses  the  term 
"  Servant  "  in  a  national  and  not  an  individual  sense. 
Those  who  regard  the  Servant  as  meaning  the  same 
tiling  throughout,  sometimes  assert  identity  and  some- 
times difference  of  authorship.  The  present  writer 
believes  that  the  Servant  stands  throughout  for  the 
actual  nation  of  Israel ;  but  the  nation  is  sometimes 
depicted  as  it  actually  was,  sometimes  as  looked  at 
from  the  ideal  point  of  view  in  the  light  of  its  mission 
and  function.  He  is  less  confident  as  to  the  authorship 
of  the  poems,  but  on  the  whole  considers  it  probable 
that  they  were  written  by  the  Second  Isaiah,  and  in- 
serted by  him  in  their  present  position.  The  other 
point  about  which  there  is  still  debate  touches  Is. 
56-66.  Duhm  assigns  the  whole  section,  apart  from 
interpolations,  to  a  single  author  whom  he  calls  the 
Trito-Isaiah.  It  is  questionable,  however,  whether 
all  can  be  attributed  to  the  same  hand.  For  the  most 
part  it  apparently  belongs  to  much  the  same  period, 
the  middle  of  the  fifth  century.  But  it  is  not  easy 
to  beheve  that  the  same  writer  worked  on  such  dif- 
ferent levels  of  hterary  excellence,  and  more  probably 
we  have  to  do  with  a  plurality  of  authors.  To  the 
exilic  period,  and  not  to  the  first  century  B.C.,  as  the 
author  of  the  commentary  in  this  volume  supposes, 
the  greater  part  of  the  Book  of  Lamentations  probably 
belongs.  Lam.  2,  4  appear  to  be  early  exilic,  Lam.  1 
and  5  late  exihc,  Lam.  3  post-exiUc.  None  of  it  seems 
to  be  the  work  of  Jeremiah  himself.  To  the  Exile 
we  should  also  assign  the  review  of  Israel's  history, 
in  the  light  of  prophetic  theology  which  we  find  in 
the  Song  of  Moses  (Dt.  32). 

According  to  the  generally  accepted  chronology,  the 
return  of  Jews  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  took  place 
by  permission  of  Cj-rus  in  536.  Sixteen  years  later, 
two  prophets,  Haggai  and  Zechariah.  began  their 
work.  Of  the  former  nothing  need  be  said.  He  did 
a  useful  work,  but  pedestrian  and  commonplace  in 
style,  he  ranks  low  in  the  scale  of  literary  merit. 
The  latter  is  the  author  of  Zech.  1-8  the  remaining 
chapters  (9-14)  being  probably  much  later.  Zechariah 
is  interesting  as  cxluhiting  some  of  the  apocalyptic 
features  which  characterise  Ezekiel — enigmatic  em- 
blems, visions,  angelic  intermediaries,  the  anticipation 
of  God's  decisive  intervention  to  effect  Israel's  de- 
liverance. Malachi  and  Is.  56-66  (probably  with  the 
exception  of  637-64i2)  may  be  dated  about  the  middle 
of  the  fifth  century.  The  latter  contains  some  very 
fine  passages,  notably  60-62  and  the  powerful  though 
morally  repulsive  description  of  Yahweh's  destruction 
of  Edom  in  63i-6. 


48 


THE   DEVELOPMENT    OF   OLD    TESTAMENT   LITERATURE 


Meanwhile  a  more  moment  oua  work  had  been 
achieved  by  the  author,  or  authors,  of  the  Priestly 
Code,  which  is  probably  somewhat  less  extensive 
than  the  portion  of  the  Pentateuch  included  under 
the  symbol  P.  We  have  no  precise  knowledge  as  to 
its  origin.  Earlier  collections  of  ritual  laws  had  lx?en 
made,  such  as  the  so-called  Law  of  Holiness  (pp.  129f.), 
which  was  subsequently  incorporated  in  P.  P  was 
probably  compiled  after  the  return  in  536,  but  some 
time  before  the  mission  of  Ezra  in  45vS.  If  closer 
dating  is  to  be  hazarded,  500-475  is  as  likely  a  period 
as  any.  It  is  a  very  singular  document  ;  some  of 
its  more  exaggerated  peculiarities  may  belong  to  its 
later  sections,  but  if  so  they  are  only  exaggerations  of 
characteristic  features.  The  words  and  phrases  which 
occur  with  marked  frequency  form  a  long  hst,  and  a 
strange  cast  is  given  to  the  style  by  the  frequency 
of  peculiar  formulae  of  enumeration.  Stereotyped 
formulae  are  constantly  repeated,  statement  after 
statement  is  cast  in  precisely  the  same  mould.  Genea- 
logies are  prominent,  whole  centuries  being  filled  with 
nothing  but  names  and  dates.  Minute  dating,  statis- 
tics, specifications  for  building  have  a  fascination  for 
the  writer,  but  for  the  human  element  in  the  story  he 
has  little  care.  He  expands  into  detail  only  when  an 
institution  or  law,  or  something  in  which  his  point  of 
view  gives  him  a  special  interest,  is  connected  with 
the  story.  He  has  no  interest  in  stories  for  their  own 
sake,  he"  cares  simply  for  the  moral  they  point  or  the 
regulation  whose  origin  they  recount.  J  and  E,  on 
the  contrary,  take  a  frank  interest  in  the  human  side 
of  their  stories,  and  care  much  less  for  the  things 
which  engross  the  mind  of  the  priestly  writer,  whose 
instincts  are  those  of  an  ecclesiastical  lawyer.  It 
was  this  law,  which  largely  codified  the  earlier  ritual 
practices,  sometimes  of  immemorial  antiquity,  but 
which  also  contained  new  and  far-reaching  provisions, 
that  was  the  basis  of  Ezra's  reformation.  Whether 
the  Law  read  to  the  people  on  that  occasion  was  the 
whole  Pentateuch  or  merely  the  Priestly  document 
is  still  disputed.  But,  even  if  it  was  only  the  latter, 
not  many  years  can  have  elapsed  before  the  documents 
were  combined,  and  the  Pentateuch,  much  as  we  have  it, 
came  into  existence.    (See  further  pp.  125f.,  129-131.) 

With  the  Reformation  Judaism  was  bom.  The 
religion  in  its  new  development  was  stamped  with 
an  exclusiveness  which  did  not  pass  unchallenged. 
To  the  literature  of  protest  we  should  probably  reckon 
the  exquisite  story  of  Ruth  (p.  22)  and  the  wonderful 
Book  of  Jonah.  The  former  quotes  against  the  harsh 
dissolution  of  marriages  with  foreign  wives  the  case  of 
Ruth,  who,  Moabitess  though  she  was,  displayed  a 
filial  piety  of  the  most  beautiful  type,  took  Naomi's 
God,  country,  and  people  for  her  own,  and  won  the 
admiration  and  love  of  Boaz,  whose  marriage  with 
her  was  so  blest  by  God  that  from  it  David  and  the 
royal  house  of  Judah  sprang.  The  latter  is  a  parable 
in  which  Jonah  stands  for  Israel.  The  author  recalls 
his  people  to  the  mission  assigned  them  by  the  Second 
Isaiah  of  carrying  to  the  heathen  the  knowledge  of 
the  true  Ood,  pleads  with  them  to  abandon  their 
impatient  longintr  for  the  destruction  of  the  Gentile 
world,  affirms  the  readiness  of  heathenism  to  accept 
the  tnith.  sets  forth  the  boundless  love  and  com- 
passion of  ("!od.  The  storj'  is  told  with  remarkable 
skill,  not  a  word  is  wasted,  every  phrase  tells.  It  is 
a  perfect  example  of  the  short  story,  and  its  art 
is  nowhere  more  conspicurtus  than  in  its  close 
(p.  558).  The  Book  of  Obadiah  offers  an  unpleasant 
contrast. 

On  the  Poetical  and  ^^'i.sdom  Literature,  which  was 


in  the  main  a  product  of  the  post-exilic  period,  refer- 
ence may  bo  made  to  what  is  said  in  the  article  de- 
voted to  it  (pp.  34 If.). 

A  few  wor^  may  be  added  on  the  prophetic  Utera- 
ture  between  Ezra  and  the  Maccabees.  Wo  see  in 
this  period  a  still  fuller  development  of  the  process 
by  which  prophecj'  was  transformed  into  apocalyptic. 
Joel,  Is.  24-27,  34f.,  Zech.  9-14,  aU  in  varying  measure 
exhibit  tliis  feature.  Joel  is  still  commonly  regarded 
as  a  unity,  though  recently  various  scholars  have 
revived  the  attempts  to  analyse  it.  Is.  24-27  is  one 
of  the  most  striking  examples  of  the  later  prophecy. 
It  has  a  whole  series  of  apocalyptic  features,  but,  as 
Duhm  has  shown,  it  is  by  no  means  a  unity.  The 
worthiest  occasion  is  the  tremendous  convulsion 
occasioned  by  the  movement  of  Alexander  the  Great 
against  Persia. 

The  Book  of  Daniel  is  our  sole  example  in  the  OT 
of  an  apocalypse  in  the  full  sense  of  the  term,  corre- 
sponding to  the  Book  of  Revelation  in  the  NT.  The 
date  of  an  apocalypse  can  often  be  fixed  by  observing 
the  point  at  which  history,  masquerading  as  predic- 
tion, passes  over  into  real  prediction.  The  author,  as 
a  rule,  publishes  his  work  under  the  name  of  a  much 
more  ancient  author.  Accordingly  the  interval  be- 
tween the  alleged  and  the  actual  time  of  production 
is  past  to  the  real,  but  future  to  the  alleged,  author. 
The  author,  while  writing  the  historj'  of  this  interval, 
has  therefore  to  give  it  out  as  prediction.  The  pre- 
diction grows  fuller  and  more  precise  as  his  own  time 
is  approached.  But  inasmuch  as  it  has  to  be  carried 
forward  to  the  crisis,  which  lies  in  the  real  and  not 
the  pretended  future,  at  the  point  of  transition  the 
language,  hitherto  so  exact,  becomes  vague  and  the 
forecast  mistaken.  By  this  consideration  the  Book  of 
Daniel  maj'  be  fixed  within  the  period  168-1G5  B.C. 
It  is  written  partly  in  Hebrew  and  partly  in  Aramaic. 
Perhaps  the  whole  book  was  written  in  Aramaic  origin- 
ally, but  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  it  were  trans- 
lated into  Hebrew  to  fit  the  book  for  inclusion  in  the 
OT  Canon. 

One  notable  feature  in  connexion  with  the  prophetic 
literature  remains  to  be  mentioned.  The  writings  of 
most  of  the  earlier  prophets  have  been  expanded  by 
later  editors.  Sometimes  prophecies  of  disaster  have 
been  rounded  off  with  happy  endings,  sometimes 
adjusted  to  new  conditions,  often  annotated  with 
glosses.  Prophecies  which  circulated  without  a  name 
have  by  accident  or  design  Ijeen  incorporated  with 
the  work  of  other  authors. 

Just  as  the  publication  of  D  led  to  a  revision  of  the 
older  historical  narratives,  so  it  was  felt  to  bo  necessary 
to  rewrite  the  sacred  history  on  the  theory  that  the 
completed  Law  was  in  operation,  and  to  bring  down 
the  story  to  the  reforms  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  This 
work  was  accomplished  by  the  author  to  whom  we 
owe  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemuih.  For  the  history 
of  the  kingdom  he  may  have  used  an  earlier  revision  of 
the  older  historical  books  made  from  a  point  of  view 
similar  to  his  own.  The  date  of  the  chronicler's  work 
was  perhaps  about  300  B.C.  The  main  features  of  the 
revision  are  as  follows.  No  attempt  is  made  to  relate 
the  history  in  detail  down  to  the  time  of  David,  the 
period  is  covered  simply  with  genealogies.  In  other 
words,  he  shows  no  desire  to  supersede  the  canonical 
records  of  the  earlier  history  that  we  find  in  the  Hex., 
Jg.,  and  1  S.  He  omits  the  unedifying  incidents  in 
the  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon,  except  the  census 
taken  by  David,  which  he  attributes  to  the  impulse 
of  Satan  rather  than  of  Yahweh.  The  liistory  of  the 
Northern  Kingdom  is  practically  ignored  except  where 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF    OLD   TESTAMENT    LITERATURE 


49 


the  story  of  the  Southern  Kingdom  made  reference 
to  it  necessary,  since  he  evidently  regarded  its  revolt 
against  the  Davidic  monarchy  as  cutting  it  off  from 
the  true  Israel.  Great  interest  is  exhibited  in  the 
Temple,  and  especially  in  the  musical  services.  The 
author  was  probably  a  Levite  who  belonged  to  the 
Temple  choir.  He  constantly  exhibits  the  working  of 
a  mechanical  law  of  retribution,  and  in  this  interest 
frequently  modifies  the  older  narrative.  He  also 
exhibits  a  fondness  for  systematically  high  numbers. 
Chronicles  has  preserved  some  fragments  of  historical 
information  which  would  otherwise  have  perished,  but 
in  the  main  its  historical  value  is  small.  The  latter 
portion  of  the  Chronicler's  work  is  of  special  value 
because  it  gives  us  the  only  information  on  the  period 
which  we  have  in  the  OT,  but  especially  for  the  large 
extracts  it  has  embodied  from  the  memoirs  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah  and  from  State  documents.  The 
curious  fact  that  in  the  Heb.  Bible  Chronicles  follows 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  and  is  thus  the  last  book  in  the 
OT,  is   no  doubt   due  to  the  fact  that  it  attained 


canonical  rank  later.  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  were 
needed  to  complete  the  storj-,  whereas  the  period 
covered  by  Chronicles  was  already  represented  by 
the  older  historical  literature.     (See  pp.  75-77.) 

Finally  we  have  the  Book  of  Esther  (p.  22).  This  was 
probably  written  in  the  later  Maccabcan  period,  when 
the  success  of  the  Jews  had  enhanced  their  pride,  and 
the  wrongs  they  had  suffered  had  embittered  their 
resentment  against  the  Gentiles,  while  the  nobler 
enthusiasm  of  the  great  days  of  Judas  had  died  down, 
and  the  secular  had  replaced  the  high  religious  tone. 
The  story  is  characterised  by  so  many  improbabilities 
and  inconsistencies  that  it  can  hardly  be  regarded  as 
in  any  sense  historical.  The  LXX  contains  many 
passages  which  are  not  found  in  the  Heb.  According 
to  the  practically  unanimous  verdict  of  scholars,  these 
are  later  additions.  This  view  is  in  all  probability 
right,  though  the  author  of  the  commentary  in  this 
volume  considers  the  LXX  to  be  more  original. 

Literature. — See  the  bibliography  on  BibUcal  Intro- 
duction in  the  •'  General  Bibliographies." 


THE  NATIONS  CONTEMPORARY  WITH 

ISRAEL 


By  Professor  0.  L.  BEDALE 


The  attempt  to  fulfil  the  promise  of  the  title  will 
involve  the  survey  of  a  wide  area.  From  Palestine 
as  the  centre,  the  survey  will  take  us  eastward  into 
Iran  and  westward  to  the  island  of  Crete,  and  even 
into  Macedonia  ;  northward  we  shall  penetrate  into 
Asia  Minor,  and  southward  into  the  great  peninsula 
of  Arabia.  Many  peoples  will  be  met  with,  some  of 
Semitic,  others  of  Indo-European  stock,  while  of  others, 
again,  the  racial  origins  cannot  yet  be  determined. 
The  names  of  nearly  all  of  them  occur  in  the  OT ; 
and  while  the  study  of  their  histories,  so  far  as  the 
results  of  exploration  have  made  it  possible,  is  full  of 
interest  for  its  own  sake,  it  has  for  the  student  of 
the  OT  an  additional  attraction,  since  it  has  gradually 
become  apparent  that  Israel  was  greatly  affected, 
sometimes  directly,  sometimes  indirectly,  by  the 
peoples  in  the  midst  of  whom  she  lived.  It  is  no 
longer  possible  to  think  of  Israel  as  an  isolated  nation. 
The  country  which  she  conquered  had  undergone  a 
long  preparation,  as  it  were,  for  her  occupation  of  it. 
For  many  centuries  before  Israel  entered  Palestine, 
influences  from  surrounding  countries  had  been  at 
work  there ;  and  after  the  "  Conquest  "  Palestine 
still  remained  subject  to  external  influences,  though 
their  character  and  direction  changed  according  to 
political  changes  in  the  Nearer  East.  It  is  necessary, 
therefore,  in  order  to  understand  the  history  of  Israel, 
to  have  some  knowledge  of  the  most  important 
developments  in  the  history  of  her  neighbours, 
and  of  their  relations  both  with  her  and  with  one 
another. 

We  begin  our  survey  with  Arabia.  The  shape  of 
this  country  may  bo  best  described  as  an  irregular 
parallelogram,  the  four  sides  of  which  are  formed  by 
(1)  the  Euphrates  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  (2)  the  Indian 
"Ocean,  (.3)  the  Red  Sea,  and  (4)  the  countries  of 
Palestine  and  Syria.  Ai)art  from  numerous  oases  and 
a  few  more  considerable  fertile  areas,  the  largest  of 
which  forms  the  southcmmost  comer  of  the  country, 
Arabia  as  a  whole  consists  either  of  desert  or  of  steppe 
land.  Neither  is  suitable  for  agriculture,  but  the  latter 
serves  for  pasture,  and  was  occupied  from  time  im- 
memorial by  nomad  tribes.  The  race  to  which  these 
tribes  belong  is  called  "  Semitic,"  a  convenient  term, 
of  modem  origin,  formed  from  the  name  of  Noah's 
eldest  son.  They  lived  a  free  but  hard  life.  The 
character  of  the  country  was  such  that  they  were 
engaged  in  a  constant  stniggle  to  obtain  food,  niere 
was  no  permanent  settlement  in  any  one  spot.  The 
tribes  moved  about  at  will  from  one  pasture-ground 
to  another,  the  only  restriction  on  their  movements 
being  provided  by  the  unwritten  nilc  that  each  must 
keep  within  the  limits  of  the  tract  of  country  which 
in  course  of  time  had  come  to  be  recognised  as  its 
own  special  district.     If,  however,  a  tribe  felt  strong 


enough  to  invade  the  district  of  a  neighbouring  tribe, 
this  mle  was  readily  set  aside.  Of  government,  in 
the  modem  sense  of  the  term,  there  wa«  little.  Written 
law  was  unknown,  and  justice  was  administered  in 
accordance  with  the  standard  provided  bv  tribal 
custom,  and  was  enforced  by  the  will  of  tlie  com- 
munity. But  if  a  man  were  sufficiently  powerful  to 
defy  with  impunit}'  the  common  ^vill,  he  would  do  so. 
Each  tribe  had  its  chief  and  its  leading  men,  who  owed 
their  position  to  a  reputation  for  warlike  prowess,  or 
to  the  possession  of  wealth,  or  to  both  of  these.  Their 
authority  was  greatest  in  times  of  war,  when  success 
depended  on  the  loyalty  of  all  to  the  leaders,  or  on 
occasions  of  migration,  when  the  scattered  clans  of 
a  tribe  were  united  under  the  direction  of  trusted 
guides.  The  real  basis  of  the  tribal  organisation  was 
the  idea  of  "  kinship,"  according  to  which  the  common 
blood  was  supposed  to  flow  in  the  veins  of  every  member 
of  the  kindred  group.  There  were  no  degrees  of  kin- 
ship, but  all  members  of  the  groiip  were  "  brothers." 
To  kill  a  man  was  to  shed  the  blood,  and  so  to  imperil 
the  life,  of  the  group  to  which  he  belonged  ;  hence  the 
law  of  blood -revenge :  "  At  the  hand  of  man,  even  at 
the  hand  of  every  man's  brother,  will  I  require  the 
Ufe  of  man  "  (Gen.  95).  It  was  a  crude  method,  and 
led  to  many  tribal  feuds,  but  not  othervnse  in  those 
days  could  the  kindred  group  be  maintained. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  divide  the  following  record 
into  six  periods,  distinguishing  each  by  the  name  of 
the  people  by  which  Palestine,  the  standpoint  of  the 
present  survey,  was  chiclly  influenced  and  controlled — 
the  Babvlonian,  the  Egyptian,  the  As-syrian,  the  Chal- 
da}an.  the  Persian,  and  the  Oreek. 

I.  The  Babylonian  Period.— The  country  of  Bahy- 
lonia  is  an  aUuvial  plain  formed  by  the  rivers  Tigris 
and  Euphrates,  between  the  lower  courses  of  which  it 
lies.  Its  present  area  is  considerably  greater  than  it 
was  five  thousand  years  ago,  for  the  bed  of  the  Eu- 
phrates then  lay  some  distance  to  the  east  of  its 
present  one,  and  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf  was 
about  130  miles  higher  than  it  is  to-day.  The  fer- 
tility of  the  country  depended  mainly  on  the  manage- 
ment of  the  vast  volumes  of  water  which,  owing  to  the 
melting  of  the  snows  in  the  northern  mountains,  flowed 
in  spring  down  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  If  uncon- 
trolled, the  rivers  overflowed  their  banks  far  and  wide  ; 
and  afterwards,  when  the  level  of  the  water  had  fallen, 
the  blazing  summer  sun  drie<l  up  the  flooded  land.  If 
left  to  itself, then,  thecountry  had  to  enduroaltemations 
of  flood  and  drought.  Verj'  early,  however,  the  inhabi- 
tants devised  the  canal  sj'Stem,  thereby  drawing  off 
the  superfluous  waters  of  the  rivers  when  they  were  in 
flood,  and  providing  for  the  irrigation  of  the  land  during 
the  period  of  fierce  summer  heat.  Under  these  con- 
ditions its  fertility  was  amaxing  :  of  wheat,  for  instance. 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


51 


two  and  even  three  crops,  yielding  often  more  than  two 
hundredfold,  were  obtained  annually. 

At  an  early  date  a  distinction  arose  between  the 
northern  and  southern  halves  of  the  country,  which 
came  to  be  kno\VTi  as  Akkad  and  Sumer  respectively. 
There  was  also  a  racial  difierence  between  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  two  divisions.  In  the  south  there  lived  a 
people  called  by  historians  Sumerians.  Their  physical 
characteristics,  as  portrayed  on  their  monuments,  show 
that  they  were  racially  distinct  from  the  Semites  ;  and 
their  inscriptions  are  \vritten  in  a  non-Semitic  language 
of  the  agglutinative  ty£)e.  They  probably  came  into 
Babyioiua  from  the  east.  In  the  north,  in  addition 
to  the  Sumerians.  there  was  a  considerable  and  con- 
stantly increasing  Semitic  element,  derived  from 
Arabia.  It  is,  as  yet,  uncertain  which  race  entered 
the  country  first,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  founda- 
tions of  Babylonian  civilisation  were  laid  by  the 
Sumerians.  One  by  one  the  diilerent  branches^f  that 
civilisation  have  been  found  to  have  a  Sumerian  origin  ; 
and  the  Sumerians  were  responsible  for  the  introduc- 
tion— and  probably,  also,  the  invention — -of  the 
"  cuneiform  script,"  the  use  of  which  was  at  one  time 
so  \videspread  in  the  Near  East.  Like  the  Egyptian 
hieroglyphics,  this  script  had  its  origin  in  a  system  of 
picture  writing,  in  which  the  thing  or  idea  to  be 
represented  was  drawn  in  rough  outline  on  stone  or 
other  hard  material.  When  the  Sumerians  entered 
Babylonia  they  found  that,  owing  to  the  alluvial 
character  of  the  country,  such  materials  were  not 
obtainable.  There  was.  however,  an  abundance  of 
fine  clay,  and  this  they  formed  into  blocks  of  different 
sizes  and  shapes,  making  the  necessary  impressions 
on  them  by  means  of  a  stylus.  The  change  of  material 
caused  a  change  in  the  forms  of  the  signs,  for  in  rapid 
writing  on  soft  clay  the  marks  made  by  the  stylus  were 
thicker  and  deeper  at  one  end  than  at  the  other.  Hence 
the  straight  Imes  wliich  had  originally  formed  the  out- 
lines of  the  pictures  became  "  cuneiform  "  or  "  wedge- 
shaped."  Of  the  signs  which  thus  developed  out  of 
the  old  pictures,  together  \vith  others  of  artificial 
formation,  some  represented  complete  ideas,  others 
had  one  or  more  syllabic  values,  while  very  many  of 
them  served  both  purposes,  but  none  represented  single 
consonants.  Thus  there  grew  up  an  elaborate  and 
complicated  system  of  writing. 

For  several  centuries  after  the  date — shortly  before 
3000 — at  which  our  historical  knowledge  of  Baby- 
lonia begins,  the  controlling  influence,  although  its 
centre  shifted  from  city  to  city,  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  Sumerians.  In  time,  however,  as  the  Semites 
received  reinforcements  from  Arabia,  a  grim  race- 
struggle  developed,  in  which  Semite  and  Sumerian 
were  engaged  in  a  contest  for  supremacj'.  The 
struggle  was  a  long  one,  but  towards  the  close  of  the 
third  millennium  B.C.  a  fre-sh  influx  of  Semites  into 
N.  Babylonia  definitely  placed  the  Sumerians  in  a 
position  of  inferiority.  The  newcomers,  kno-wn  to  the 
Babjloniana  as  "  Amurru  "  (OT  "  Amorites  "),  settled 
in  various  northern  cities,  but  their  chief  centre  was 
Babylon,  whose  importance  rapidly  developed  until 
she  became  the  capital  of  the  whole  of  Babylonia. 
Now,  too,  wa-s  established  by  Sumu-abu  {c.  2050)  the 
famous  1st  Dynasty  of  Babylon,  the  sixth  member 
of  which  was  Kiiammurabi,  who  is  generally  identified 
with  the  Amraphel  of  Gen.  14*.  Khammurabi  was 
Babylonia's  greatest  king.  He  was  not  only  a  very 
successful  soldier,  but  attended  to  the  internal  organ- 
isation of  his  kingdom,  and  his  letters  show  how  careful 
he  was  for  even  the  smallest  details  of  administration. 
Uis  chief  claim  to  fame  rests  on  his  legal  code.    This 


was  the  result  of  a  sifting  and  systematisation  of  laws, 
many  of  which  were  of  Sumerian  origm,  and  had  long 
been  in  force  in  difierent  parts  of  the  land.  The  code 
is  remarkably  comprehensive,  and  contains  regiilations 
for  the  control  and  protection  of  all  classes  of  the 
community,  even  including  the  slave.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  many  of  its  regulations  have  parallels 
in  the  Pentateuchal  legislation,  which  suggest  that  the 
latter  was  influenced,  directly  or  indirectly,  by  tlie 
Babylonian  code  (Ex.  21 1 ").  Khammurabi  calls  himself 
in  an  inscription  "  King  of  the  West  Land."  trom  which 
it  would  appear  that  Syria  and  Palestine  were  within 
the  Babylonian  sphere  of  influence.  It  is  impossible, 
as  yet,  to  determine  to  what  extent,  and  for  how  long, 
these  regions  were  under  the  political  supremacy  of 
Babylonia,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  their  civilisation 
Owed  much  to  the  influence  which  she  brought  to 
bear,  partly  by  means  of  her  armies,  and  partly  by 
means  of  merchants  and  others  for  whom  the  armies 
prepared  the  way.  Thus  the  inhabitants  of  the 
"  West  Land  "  learned  from  the  soldier  how  to  fortify 
their  cities  more  strongly  ;  through  the  merchant  they 
obtained  Babylonian  wares  (c/.  Jos.  Tax) ;  while  the 
scribe  introduced  the  Babylonian  language  and  script, 
which,  from  the  discovery  of  numerous  cuneiform 
tablets  at  Taanach  and  elsewhere,  seem  to  have  been 
regularly  employed  in  Palestine,  at  least  in  oflScial  cor- 
respondence. Nor  is  this  surprising  when  we  know, 
from  the  Hittite  arcliives  of  Boghaz-Keui  (p.  53)  and 
from  the  Tell  el-Amama  letters(p.  55),  how  widespread 
the  use  of  the  cuneiform  script  became.  Babylonian  re- 
ligious ideas,  also,  came  westward  through  the  medium 
of  myths,  some  fragments  of  which  have  actually  been 
found  among  the  Amarna  tablets.  This  last  fact  is 
important,  for  it  suggests  an  explanation  of  the  re- 
markable resemblance  between  certain  of  the  early 
narratives  of  Genesis  and  the  stories  dealing  with 
similar  subjects  (e.gr.  Creation  and  Deluge)  which  have 
been  found  in  Babylonia.  We  may  suppose  that  these 
stories  had  long  been  known  to  the  Canaanites,  and 
that  the  Hebrews,  after  their  entry  into  Palestine, 
gradually  adopted  them,  as  they  adopted  many  other 
elements  of  the  Canaanitish  civilisation.  We  must  be 
careful,  however,  not  to  exaggerate  the  indebtedness 
of  the  Hebrews  to  Babylonia.  This  has  been  done 
by  some,  who  have  declared  that  Israel's  religion,  like 
her  material  culture,  was  borrowed,  and,  because 
there  are  many  resemblances  between  the  religious 
beliefs  and  practices  of  Babylonia  and  Israel,  have 
assumed  that  Babylonia  was  its  source.  This  assump- 
tion neglects  many  important  difEerences  between  the 
religious  ideas  of  the  two  peoples.  It  is  true  that  the 
two  sets  of  Creation  and  Deluge  narratives  agree  in 
their  general  outlines,  and  that  they  reflect  the  same 
primitive  scientific  ideas  ;  but  it  does  not  require  a 
very  careful  reading  to  show  that  in  spirit  and  in  con- 
ception of  the  divine  they  are  widely  separated.  Like 
the  Hebrews,  too,  the  Babylonians  had  their  hymns, 
prayers,  and  penitential  psalms,  in  which  expression 
was  given  to  ethical  and  religious  conceptions  so  lofty 
that  many  of  them  would  not  be  out  of  place  even  in 
the  pages  of  the  OT.  Vet  it  is  equally  true  that  these 
compositions  of  Babylonian  priests  and  jMsets  are 
always  polj'theistic  in  tone,  and  imply  beliefs  in  the 
power  of  demons  and  the  efficacy  of  magic,  which  the 
most  inspired  teachers  of  Israel  sternly  condenm  as 
unworthy  of  Yahwoh  and  of  His  worshippers.  Nor 
is  there  any  evidence  that  the  Babylonian  priests 
ever  grasped  the  great  principle  of  "  ethical  mono- 
theism," which  is  the  very  foundation  of  the  teaching 
of  Isiuel's  historiaoa,  psalmists,  and  prophets,  and  the 


52 


THE   NATIONS    CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


acceptance  of  which  enabled  them  to  produce  a  re- 
ligious literature  unrivalled  by  that  of  any  other 
people. 

I)uring  the  reigns  of  the  lat-er  kings  of  the  Ist 
Dynasty  of  Babj'lon  there  are  signs  of  growing  weak- 
ness. At  last,  in  the  reign  of  Samsn-ditana.  the 
eleventh  king  of  the  line,  an  invasion  of  Hittitcs  from 
Asia  Minor  resulted  in  the  capture  and  sack  of  Babylon 
(c.  17/)4  B.C.).  The  Hittites  soon  retired,  but  their 
retirement  did  not  mean  freedom  for  Babylonia.  For 
some  time  before  the  Hittite  invasion,  raiding  bands 
of  Kasfiites,  who  were  Tndo-Europeans  by  race,  had 
been  coming  from  the  mountains  east  of  the  Tigris. 
At  first  they  were  held  in  check,  but  on  the  fall  of 
Babylon  they  entered  the  country'  in  greater  numbers, 
and  established  themselves  at  Babylon  (c.  1750). 
Thus  began  the  Kassite  Dynasty,  which  lasted  for 
576  years. 

While  the  advent  of  the  Kassites  must  at  first  have 
caused  some  disturbance,  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
brought  about  any  considerable  alteration  in  the 
internal  condition  of  Babj'loina.  They  gradually 
adopted  the  Babylonian  cidture,  whicii  was  so  much 
higher  than  their  own  ;  and  the  records  of  the  period, 
which  are,  unfortunatelj-,  very  scanty,  indicate  that 
while,  on  the  whole,  the  Kassite  kings  were  capable 
administrators,  no  one  of  them  has  to  his  credit  any 
great  achievement.  But  while  the  daj'^s  of  Baby- 
lonia's greatest  power  had  gone  by,  she  was  still  a 
strong  kingdom,  and,  as  is  sho%vn  by  specimens  of  the 
diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  Egyptian  and  Baby- 
lonian courts,  which  have  been  preserved  in  the 
Amama  Collection,  she  still  had  a  share  in  the  conduct 
of  international  affairs.  In  Palestine,  however,  her 
influence  gradually  declined,  and  her  place  there  w'as 
taken  by  Egypt,  to  which  country  we  must  now  turn 
our  attention. 

II.  The  Egyptian  Period. — The  country  of  Egypt 
occupies  the  NE.  comer  of  Africa.  Its  native  name 
was  "  Kimct  " — i.e.  "  The  Black  (Country)  " — in 
allusion  to  the  colour  of  the  soil.  The  name  "  Egypt  " 
comes  from  the  Greek,  and  is  of  obscure  origin.  The 
shape  of  the  country  has  been  aptly  liliened  to  a  fan, 
the  handle  being  formed  by  the  valley  of  the  Nile, 
S.  of  Memphis,  and  the  fan  itself  by  the  Nile  Delta. 
It  is  a  small  country,  for  if  the  deserts  on  the  E.  and 
W.  be  left  out  of  the  calculation,  its  area  is  not  much 
more  than  13,000  square  miles.  Its  most  important 
physical  feature  is  the  river  Nile.  Not  only  did  it 
constitute  the  chief  higiiway  for  traffic,  but  its  annual 
overflow,  caused  by  the  melting  of  snows  and  by  the 
heavy  spring  rains,  left  a  deposit  of  rich  mud  as  the 
floods  dried  up.  The  more  extensive  the  inimdation, 
the  greater  the  fertilisation.  The  Egyptians  also 
assisted  Nature  as  much  as  possible  by  a  system  of 
canals,  dykes,  and  pumps ;  and  agriculture,  which 
normally  afforded  good  returns,  became  the  main 
occupation  of  the  people.  In  the  population  of  the 
country  there  were  several  distinct  elements.  The 
early  inhabitants  of  Upper  (i.e.  South)  Egyi^t,  whose 
remains  can  be  traced  back  to  Neolithic  times,  seem 
to  have  entered  the  Nile  Valley  from  the  S.  or  SE., 
and  to  be  connected  racially  with  the  Ethiopians. 
In  Lower  Egj-pt  there  appears  to  have  been  a  mingling 
of  two  races.  On  the  one  hand,  there  were  people  of 
Semitic  type,  who  came  from  Aiabia  and  contributed 
the  Semitic  elements  so  noticeable  ui  the  Egj'ptian 
religion  and  language  ;  on  the  other  hand,  there  was 
an  element  of  "  Mediterranean  "  tj'pe,  related  to  the 
ancient  Cretans,  which  {)laycd  an  ever-increasing  part 
in  the  development  of  Egyptian  civilisation.     These 


three  elements  were  gradually  welded  together  V) 
form  the  Egyptian  people. 

It  will  be  impossible  to  make  more  than  passiiig 
allusions  to  Egyptian  civilisation,  but  a  few  words 
may  be  said  here  about  the  script.  Originally  Egyptian 
writing  was  pictographic.  Each  sign  stood  for  a 
complete  word.  In  course  of  time  certain  signs, 
representing  different  sounds,  came  to  be  used  in 
various  combinations  as  syllables ;  and  finally,  signs 
denoting  single  consonants  were  employed.  In  all 
there  were  between  six  and  seven  hundred  signs,  but 
very  many  of  them  were  not  in  regular  use.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  three  classes  of  signs  there  were  three  types 
of  script :  the  "  hieroglyphic,"  which  was  always 
used  for  monumental  mscriptions  and  never  lost  its 
pictorial  character;  the  "  hieratic,"  made  up  of  such 
abbreviations  of  the  hieroglyphic  as  were  convenient 
for  writing  on  papyrus ;  and  the  "  demotic,"  or 
popula«»  in  which  the  signs  were  still  further  abbre- 
viated for  ordinary  use. 

Corresponding  to  the  difEerence  of  races,  Egypt 
was  for  a  long  time  divided  into  two  kingdoms,  the 
one  in  the  north  and  the  other  in  the  south.  For 
centuries  these  two  khigdoms  existed  side  by  side ; 
and  it  would  seem  that  at  first,  owing,  probably,  to 
the  presence  of  the  "  Mediterranean  "  element  in  the 
population,  the  superiority  in  civilisation  lay  with  the 
northern  kingdom.  Gradually,  however,  the  strength 
of  the  south  grew  until  it  was  able  to  conquer  the 
north.  A  united  kingdom  was  formed,  and  the  first 
of  the  thirty-one  dynasties,  into  which  the  rulers  of 
Egypt  are  divided,  was  established.  The  date  of  this 
event  is  uncertain  :  it  cannot  be  placed  much  later 
than  c.  3500  b.c;.,  and  it  may  be  earlier. 

The  history  of  the  centuries  which  elapsed  betw'een 
this  date  and  the  Hyksos  invasion  cannot  be  written 
here.  We  must  pass  over  the  period  of  the  "  Old 
Kingdom,"  comprising  Dynasties  I-VI  (c.  3500  to 
c.  2500),  pausing  only  to  remind  the  reader  that  this 
was  the  age  of  the  builders  of  the  Pyramids — the  royal 
tombs  which  command  universal  atimiration,  not 
merely  for  their  size,  but  also  for  the  proofs  which  their 
design  and  construction  afford  of  the  skill  and  accurate 
scientific  knowledge  of  their  builders.  Nor  can  we 
stay  to  dCvScribe  the  "  Middle  Kingdom."  which  began, 
after  several  centuries  of  great  unsettlement,  wlien 
civil  war  was  common  and  culture  degenerated,  with 
the  rise  of  the  Xlth  Dynasty,  and  during  which, 
especially  under  the  Xllth  Dynasty  (c3ta.blished 
c.  2000),  Egypt  was  so  prosperous  that  the  era  was 
often  regarded  in  after  days  as  a  "  golden  age.  ' 
Again,  however,  as  at  the  close  of  the  "  Old  Ivingdom," 
a  period  of  decline  set  in  ;  the  kings  of  the  XlUth 
and  XlVth  Dynasties  are  little  more  than  names  to 
us ;  and  the  confusion  and  obscurity  of  the  time  are 
increased  by  the  sudden  invasion  of  Egypt  from  the 
east  by  the  "  Hyksos,"  or  "  Shepherd  Kings."  These 
invaders  established  themselves  in  the  Delta.  There 
has  been  much  sjiecidation  as  to  their  race.  It  is 
probable  that  they  were,  in  the  main,  Semit<5s.  with 
a  considerable  admi.xturo  of  other  racial  elements. 
The  date  of  the  invasion  is  also  doubtful,  but  it  cannot 
have  been  much  later  than  1800. 

At  this  point  we  must  turn  aside  from  our  survey  of 
the  history  of  Egypt  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the 
origins  of  a  number  of  other  peoples  who  had  already 
made  their  apj)earance  in  the  Near  East,  and  w'ho  were 
destined  to  play  parts  of  greater  or  less  importance 
in  the  immediate  or  more  remote  future. 

To  the  north  of  Babylonia  lies  the  country  of 
Assyria — so  called  from  Asshur,  the  earliest  Assyrian 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


53 


centre  and  capital.  The  boundaries  of  the  country 
•were  formed  on  the  E.  and  N.  by  the  mountains  of 
Kurdistan  and  Armenia  ;  on  the  S.  and  W.  they  cannot 
be  strictly  defined.  The  character  of  the  country  is 
entirely  clifFerent  from  that  of  Babylonia.  On  the  E. 
of  the  Tigris  are  numerous  ranges  of  hills  with  well- 
watered  valleys  between  ;  on  the  W.  the  supi)ly  of 
water  is  much  poorer.  This  explains  the  fact  that  all 
the  important  cities  of  Ass\Tia,  with  the  exception  of 
Asshur,  were  situated  on  the  E.  of  the  Tigris.  As  a 
whole,  the  fertility  of  Assyria  was  far  below  that  of 
Babylonia. 

The  predominant  element  in  the  population  was 
Semitic,  and  we  may  suppose  that  AssjTia  shared 
with  Babylonia  in  the  migration  of  Semites  from  Arabia 
which  took  place  in  the  fourth  millennium  B.C.  The 
Assyrian  Semites,  reinforced,  no  doubt,  from  time  to 
time,  by  fresh  arrivals  of  their  kinsfolk  from  Arabia 
and  Babylonia,  gradually  mingled  with  and  absorbed 
the  earlier  population.  Tlie  nation  which  resulted 
from  the  combination  of  these  two  elements,  while 
speaking  the  same  language  as  the  Babylonians — 
with,  of  course,  variations  of  dialect^ — yet  differed 
from  them  in  many  respects.  They  were  essentially 
a  military  people.  By  war  they  lived,  and  their 
military  activities  left  them  no  time  for  the  develop- 
ment of  an  independent  culture.  In  architecture  and 
sculpture  they  showed  originality,  but  their  religion 
and  literature,  together  with  other  elements  of  culture, 
they  borrowed  from  Babylonia.  Their  chief  centre 
in  earliest  times  was  Asshur,  originally  a  city-state 
which  gradually  extended  its  influence  until  it  became 
the  capital  of  the  country.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the 
various  cities  at  first  formed  a  confederacy,  with  Asshur 
at  its  head.  Our  knowledge  of  Assyrian  history  does 
not  begin  till  towards  the  close  of  the  third  millennium 
B.C.,  when  we  hear  of  the  priest-kings,  Ushpia  and 
Kikia,  strengthening  Asshur's  defences,  and  building 
the  Temple  of  Ashir,  its  god.  According  to  tradition, 
the  actual  founder  of  the  kingdom  of  Assyria  was  Bel- 
bani,  a  somewhat  later  ruler.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  third  millennium  the  Assyrian  king,  Hu-shuma, 
came  into  conflict  with  Sumu-abu.  the  founder  of  the 
1st  Dynasty  of  Babylon.  Whether  Ilu-shuma's 
resistance  was  successful  or  not  we  cannot  say.  Prob- 
ably Assyria  was  weakened,  for  we  find  her  tributary 
to  Babylon  in  the  reign  of  Khammurabi  (c.  1950). 
The  fall  of  the  1st  Dynasty  of  Babylon,  however,  made 
Assyria,  at  least  for  a  time,  independent. 

In  N.  Mesopotamia,  between  the  upper  waters  of 
the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  lay  the  country  of 
Mitanni.  As  in  the  case  of  its  more  famous  neigh- 
bours, its  origins  are  unknown,  and  it  does  not  come 
into  the  light  of  history  until  about  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century  B.C.,  when  there  reigned  the  first  of 
a  number  of  kings  whose  names  have  been  preserved 
in  the  tablets  of  Boghaz-keui  and  Tell  el-Amama. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  these  royal  names  are  of 
Aryan  type,  and  some  of  the  Mitannian  gods  were 
Aryan.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  those  kings  were  the 
heads  of  an  Aryan  aristocracy  which  had  established 
itself  in  Mitanni  in  the  same  way,  and  about  the  same 
time,  as  the  Kassites,  to  whom  they  were  probably 
akin,  gained  control  of  Babylonia.  The  bulk  of  the 
population  may  well  have  been  of  the  same  stock  as 
the  earliest  inhabitants  of  Assyria,  with  the  addition, 
perhaps,  of  a  small  Semitic  element. 

It  was  stated  above  that  the  fall  of  the  Ist  Dynasty 
of  Babylon  was,  in  large  mea.sure,  due  to  an  invasion 
of  Hittites  (c.  17.54).  This  is  the  first  appearance  of 
the  HittitflB  in  history.     Their  origin  and  racial  con- 


nexions are  obscure.  From  the  presence  of  mountain 
deities  in  their  pantheon,  and  from  certain  charac- 
teristics of  their  dress,  it  has  been  inferred  that  their 
early  home  was  in  the  mountains  ;  but  whether  they 
were  indigenous  to  Asia  Minor,  as  some  suppose,  or 
whether  they  migrated  thither  from  the  east,  cannot 
at  present  be  determined.  Their  physical  character- 
istics have  long  been  familiar  from  their  own  and  from 
Egyptian  monuments ;  but  in  spite  of  numerous 
references  to  them  in  the  OT,  their  history  was  almost 
a  blank  until  the  late  Dr.  Winckler  discovered  the  royal 
archives  at  Boghaz-kcui.  From  thef.e  it  has  been 
possible  to  reconstruct  their  history  for  a  period  of 
some  two  hundred  years,  during  which  they  attained 
to  the  height  of  their  power.  The  founder  of  the 
empire,  and  its  greatest  king,  was  Slmbbiluliuma,  who, 
aoout  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  B.C., 
united  a  number  of  independent  Hittite  states  under 
his  rule.  His  capita),  Kliatti  (Boghaz-keui)  was 
situated  E.  of  the  Halys,  in  the  Anatolian  plateau. 
In  civilisation  the  Hittites  reached  a  high  level.  They 
owed  much  to  Babylonia,  though  they  were  more  than 
mere  slavish  imitators.  Quite  early  they  adopted  the 
cuneiform  script,  and  the  Boghaz-keui  archives  are 
all  written  in  cuneiform,  the  language  employed  being 
sometimes  Hittite  and  sometimes  Babylonian.  Their 
own  system  of  writing  was  pictographic,  and  they 
always  used  it  for  inscriptions  on  their  monuments. 

Another  important  country  was  that  known  to  the 
Babylonians  as  Amurru.  Ic  is  often  mentioned  in  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions,  and  we  have  already  seen  that 
immigrants  into  Babylonia  from  Amumi  founded  the 
Ist  Dynasty  of  Babylon  (c.  2050).  In  the  OT  the  name 
appears  frequently  in  the  form  "  Amorite."  and  to 
the  Egyptians  the  district  was  kno-\vn  as  the  "  Land 
of  Amor."  The  Amorites  were  of  Semitic  stock,  and 
it  is  probable  that  they  formed  one  section — the 
Canaanites  of  Palestine  being  another — of  a  great 
migration  of  Semites  from  Arabia,  which  seems  to 
have  taken  place  about  2500.  While  the  Canaan- 
ites settled  in  Palestine,  the  Amorites  occupied  the 
region  to  the  N.  of  Palestine  and  to  the  E.  of  Lebanon. 
Here  they  estalilished  a  number  of  independent  states. 
We  gather  from  the  OT  that  branches  of  them  also 
settled  on  the  plateaux  to  the  E.,  and  in  the  hill  country 
to  the  W^.,  of  Jordan.  For  a  time  Amurru  became 
subject  to  Egypt,  but  afterwards  went  over  to  the 
side  of  the  growing  Hittite  kingdom.  Later  still 
the  country  was  occupied  by  the  Aramaeans,  or 
Syrians. 

To  the  W.  of  Amurru,  along  the  narrow  strip  of  land 
between  Lebanon  and  the  Slediterranean,  the  Phce- 
nicians  were  situated.  They  were  of  Semitic  stock, 
and  of  all  the  Semitic  dialects  theirs  was  the  most 
closely  related  to  the  Hebrew.  According  to  tradi- 
tion, their  original  home  was  on  the  N.  shore  of  the 
Persian  Gulf.  When  they  entered  their  new  country 
is  as  yet  unknown.  They  were  certainly  there  c.  2000. 
and  it  is  po.ssible  that  they  wore  the  descendants  of 
invaders  who  formed  one  of  the  earliest  waves  of  the 
migration  to  which  the  Canaanites  and  Amorites  be- 
longed. If  so,  we  must  date  the  beginning  of  the 
nation  about  2.500.  The  chief  centres  of  Plicenician 
life  were  a  number  of  cities  situated  on  the  coast.  Of 
these,  Arvad  wa.s  the  oldest,  but  TjTe  and  Sidon  early 
became  the  most  important,  now  one,  now  the  other, 
occupying  the  premier  position.  Most,  if  not  all,  of 
the  cities  formed  small,  independent  kingdoms  with 
a  limited  monarchy.  The  culture  of  the  Phoenicians 
was  largely  borrowed.  They  had  little  originality, 
but  were  able  to  adapt  and  develop  the  inventions  of 


54 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY  WITH   ISRAEL 


othors.  For  oprfnin  of  tluir  i)rodiict.iouB,  sucli  aa 
pmplo  dye  and  metal  working;,  they  were  very  famous  ; 
but  their  reputation  rests  chielly  upon  the  commerce 
which  brouglit  them  into  relations  with  the  nations 
on  all  sides,  and  by  meuns  of  which  they  amassed  vast 
Wealth.  The}'  Were  noted,  too,  for  their  shipbtiilding, 
and  in  navigation  they  were  unsurpassed.  They  have 
often  been  credited  with  the  invention  of  the  alphabet, 
but  this  Ls  unlikely.  It  is  more  probable  that  the 
alphabet  originated  in  Crete,  where  the  remains  of  a 
highly  developed  civilisation  have  been  dLscovercd 
(p.  .%).  We  know  that,  after  the  Cretan  power  was 
broken,  c.  1400.  a  people  of  Cretan  origin  settled  in 
S.  Phcenicia.  They  probably  brought  the  alphabet 
with  them,  and  the  Phoenicians,  having  adopted  it 
themselves,  through  their  far-extended  commerce 
pa.s8ed  it  on  to  others.  It  is  not  surprising  that  a 
nation  which  Was  so  greatly  devoted  to  commercial 
pursuits  should  have  shown  comparatively  little  liking 
for  war  ;  and  wo  find  that  they  Were  generally  ready 
to  pay  tribute  m  return  for  the  privilege  of  carrj-ing 
on  their  commerce  undisturbed.  If  necessary,  how- 
over,  they  could  olier  an  obstinate  resistance  to  their 
foes,  and  Tyre  especially  has  to  her  credit  the  endurance 
of  several  long  and  stubborn  sieges. 

To  return  to  Egypt :  we  saw  above  (p.  .52)  that  the 
Hj'ksos  established  themselves,  perhaps  about  1800,  in 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  Delta,  where  they  gradually 
extended  their  control  over  the  whole  of  Egypt.  Tlie 
mlc  of  the  foreigners  was  hateful  to  the  Egj'ptians, 
who  did  their  best  in  after  days  to  obliterate  all  traces 
of  it.  They  succeeded  so  well  that  the  period  is  the 
most  obscure  in  Egyptian  history.  Towards  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  however,  the  strength  of 
the  Egyptians  began  to  revive.  The  south  was  first 
delivered  from  Hyksos  control,  and  then  Aahmes,  the 
founder  of  the  XVlIIth  Dynasty  (c.  1580),  drove  the 
foreigners  from  the  country,  and  Egypt  was  united 
once  more  under  a  native  king. 

With  the  departure  of  the  Hyksos  a  new  spirit  mani- 
fested itself  in  Egypt,  and  the  period  of  the  "  First 
Empire  "  began.  In  the  south  the  valuable  province 
of  Nubia  was  recovered  by  Amenophis  I  and  Tlioth- 
mes  I,  the  second  and  third  kings  of  the  dynasty ; 
and  later  kings  both  increased  its  extent  and  improved 
its  organisation.  Even  more  important  were  the 
results  of  a  series  of  campaigns  in  Palestine  and  Syria. 
The  Hyksos  invasion,  though  it  contributed  nothing 
to  Egyptian  culture,  had  at  least  broken  down  for  ever 
the  barriers  which  separated  Egypt  from  western  Asia. 
Hitherto,  apart  from  occasional  military  expeditions 
into  Palestine,  the  intercourse  between  Egypt  and 
other  countries  of  the  Near  East  had  been  of  a  com- 
mercial character.  Now,  however,  circumstances 
combined  to  encourage  the  Egyptian  kings  to  adopt  a 
policy  of  aggression.  On  the  ono  hand,  the  expulsion 
of  the  Hyksos  had  put  fresh  energy  into  the  nation, 
a  strong  anny  had  been  created,  and  the  use  of  the 
chariot  had  been  learnt  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  as 
we  saw  above,  the  comparative  weakness  of  Babylonia 
under  the  Kassites  brought  about  a  diminution  of  her 
influence  in  the  west. 

The  first  step  towards  the  conquest  of  Palestine  and 
Syria  was  taken  by  Thothmes  I  (c.  1539-1514),  who 
made  a  successful  raiding  expedition  as  far  as  the 
Euphrates.  These  districts,  however,  though  so  easily 
overrun,  wore  not  yet  conquered.  Nor  did  the  Egyp- 
tians immediately  follow  up  their  initial  success,  and 
it  was  not  until  the  twenty-second  year  of  Thothmes 
III  (c.  1601-1447)  that  the  Syrian  campaigns  were 
renewed.    Meanwhile  a  strong  confederacy  of  Syrian 


states  had  been  formed,  with  the  Prince  of  Kadc;!!, 
on  the  Orontes.  at  its  head.  Against  this  confederacy 
Thothmes  III  set  out  in  1479,  advancing  without  diffi- 
culty until  ho  came  to  where  the  NyriaJis  Were  gathered, 
with  their  headquarters  at  Megiddo  (pp.  29f.).  Here  a 
fierce  battle  took  place,  in  which  the  Egyptians  were 
victorious.  Megiddo  itself  soon  fell,  and  pushing  into 
Phoenicia,  Thotlimes  caj)tured  a  number  of  other  towns. 
The  Egyptian  mastery  of  Syria  was,  however,  not 
complete  as  long  as  the  northern  part  of  the  country 
was  unsubdued.  Thothmes,  therefore,  gradually  pre- 
pared the  way  bj'  a  series  of  annual  campaigns  against 
Phcenicia,  and  then,  marching  rapidly  north-eastward, 
he  pursued  a  victorious  courac  as  far  as  Carche- 
mish  on  the  Euphrates,  where  a  decisive  defeat  was 
inflicted  on  his  enemies.  The  conquest  of  Syria  was 
completed  in  a  subsequent  campaign  by  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Kadesh,  and  Thothmes'  authority  over 
the  regions  W.  of  the  Euphrates  was  generally  recog- 
nised. 

Thothmes  paid  great  attention  to  the  organisation 
of  his  newly-wun  province.  From  his  Aimals  and  from 
the  Amaru'a  letters  we  learn  what  methods  he  adopted. 
Very  wisely  he  allowed  the  different  states  to  be  ruled 
by  native  princes ;  but,  in  order  to  secure  a  pro- 
Egyptian  attitude,  he  took  their  sons  to  Egypt,  where 
they  both  served  as  hostages  for  the  good  behaviour 
of  their  fathers,  and  were  gradually  filled  with  Egyp- 
tian ideals.  But  the  native  princes  were  not  left 
entirely  alone,  even  when  thej'  had  been  Egj^ptianised. 
Up  and  dowTi  the  country  were  located  bodies  of 
Egyptian  troops  who  were  ready  to  put  down  any  in- 
surrection before  it  attained  more  than  local  influence. 
Moreover,  the  j)rinccs  were  kept  under  constant  sur- 
veillance by  Egyptian  officials,  whose  business  it  waa 
to  see  to  the  regular  transmission  of  tribute,  and  to 
exercise  any  necessary  oversight  of  the  native  govern- 
ments. Tlie  empire  which  Thothmes  III  had  won  was 
retained  by  his  successors — Amenhct^^p  II  {c.  1447- 
1421),  who  even  crossed  the  Euphrates  and  secured 
the  king  of  Mitanni  as  a  .subject-ally ;  Thothmes  IV 
(c.  142i-1412);  and  Amcnhetep  III  (c.  1412-1376). 
In  the  reign  of  the  last-named,  however,  the  power  of 
Egypt  began  to  decline,  and  her  liold  on  SjTia  was 
relaxed.  The  cause  of  this  decline  is  not  far  to  seek. 
The  growth  of  the  empire  had  been  accompanied  by 
a  great  development  of  commerce,  which,  with  the 
tribute  drawn  from  the  dependent  states,  broiight  much 
wealth  into  the  country.  With  the  growth  of  wealth 
there  was  a  coiTcsponding  increase  of  luxury,  and,  in 
the  period  of  almost  unbroken  peace  which  followed 
the  reign  of  Thothmes  III,  seeds  of  decaj'  wore  sowed 
which  bore  fniit  in  the  da\'s  of  Amcnhetep  IV,  who 
came  to  the  throne  c.  1370.  The  riMgn  of  this  king 
is  made  famous  by  a  most  astonishing  religious  refonn 
and  its  consequences.  The  source  of  the  reform 
was  the  king  himself,  who  declared  that  all  the  gods 
worshipped  by  the  Egj*ptians  were  non-e.vistent,  and 
that  the  only  deity  was  the  one  who  revealed  himself 
through  the  "  Aten,"  or  sun-disc.  Here  we  have 
monotheism  of  a  very  high  order,  for  Amenhetcp 
worshipped  not  the  sun-disc  itself,  but  the  power 
behind  it.  The  decree  went  forth  that  the  worship 
of  the  "  Aten  "  was  now  to  be  the  "  establi.«!hed  " 
worship  of  the  country.  The  king  changed  his  name 
to  Akhenaton.  which  means  "  the  glorious  sun-disc," 
and  built  a  new  capital,  called  Akhetaten,  to  bo  the 
centre  of  the  promulgation  of  the  new  faith.  The  site 
of  the  now  city  is  now  occupied  by  the  village  of 
Tell  el-Amama.  The  consequences  of  this  reform  were 
felt  throughout  the  empire.     In  Egypt  itself  it  was 


THE  NATIONS  CONTEMPORARY  WITH  ISRAEL 


55 


received  with  widespread  indignation.  Not  only  the 
priests  of  the  old  religion,  but  all  other  classes  of 
society,  regarded  the  change  with  hatred  and  alarm, 
and  the  loyalty  of  the  people  was  strained  to  a  degree 
which,  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign,  reached 
breakiig-point.  Moreover,  there  Was  great  unsettle- 
ment  iii  Syria  and  Palestine,  where  forces  had  been 
gradually  developing  which  threatened  to  involve 
Egypt  in  the  loss  of  the  province  which  Thothmes  III 
had  striven  so  hard  to  win.  Egypt  needed  above  all 
things  a  ruler  of  great  energy  and  ability  ;  but  Amen- 
hetop  was  so  completely  absorbed  in  his  new  religion 
that  he  had  no  time  to  give  to  the  administration  of 
his  empiie. 

The  chief  cause  of  the  trouble  in  Syria  was  the  growth 
of  the  Hittite  power  under  Shubbiluliuma.  Circum- 
stances here  were  favourable  to  an  energetic  leader. 
On  the  E.  of  the  Euphrates  was  Mtanni,  noW  a  subject- 
ally  of  Egypt.  To  the  ^V.  of  Lebanon  were  the 
Phoenicians  :  they  also  wore  loyal  to  Egypt,  for  to 
be  so  was  to  their  commercial  interest.  Between 
these  two  peoples  were  tlie  Amorites,  subject,  at 
present,  to  Egypt,  but  ever  ready  to  revolt  should  the 
opportunity  offer.  As  long  as  Egypt  was  strong  it 
Was  possible  to  keep  the  unruly  elements  in  subjec- 
tion ;  but  when,  during  the  latter  part  of  Amenhetep 
Ill's  reign,  Egypt  weakened,  there  Was  afforded  to 
Shubbiluliuma  a  splendid  opportunity  of  stirring  up 
dissension  and  profiting  thereby.  Shubbiluliuma  set 
about  the  realisation  of  his  ambitions  very  craftily. 
He  impelled  the  Amorites,  under  their  leader  Abd- 
ashirta,  to  attack  the  Phoenician  states,  and  as  the  latter, 
in  spite  of  their  frenzied  appeals,  some  of  which  have 
survived  in  the  Amama  letters,  received  insufficient 
support  from  Egypt,  they  were  forced,  one  by  one,  to 
renounce  their  allegiance  to  the  Pharaoh.  Mean- 
while, Shubbiluliuma  was  at  liberty  to  carry  out  his 
plans  behind  the  screen  which  the  Amorites  afforded. 
Crossing  the  Euphrates,  he  plundered  the  northern 
portion  of  Mitanni,  and  then  retired  into  N.  Syria, 
where  he  subdued  a  number  of  states.  This  much  he 
accomplished  during  the  reign  of  Amenhetep  III.  In 
the  meantime  the  Amorites  had  been  preparing  the 
way  for  him  further  south.  Their  leader  was  now 
Aziru,  the  son  of  Abdashirta.  He  had  been  very 
successful  in  his  attacks  on  Phoenicia,  and  became  for 
a  time  the  ruler  of  an  Amorite  kingdom  which,  though 
nominally  subject  to  Egypt,  was  practically  indepen- 
dent. Shubljiluliuma  now  attacked  and  defeated 
Aziru,  and  thus  gained  control  of  the  greater  part  of 
Syria  and  Phoenicia.  Finally,  he  subdued  ititanni, 
which  had  been  still  further  weakened  by  internal 
dissensions  and  by  an  AssjTian  invasion.  He  also 
gained  control  of  a  large  part  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
possibly  campaigned  as  far  westward  as  the  ^Egean. 
As  yet,  however,  We  have  no  detailed  knowledge  of 
his  achievements  in  this  direction.  Shubbiluliuma 
was  now  the  most  powerful  monarch  in  W.  Asia. 
Assyria  and  Babylonia  were  mdcpcndent,  but  they 
stood  in  awe  of  the  great  conqueror,  and  treated  him 
with  respect.  Egj'pt  had  fallen  into  a  condition  of 
weakness.  Not  only  had  she  lost  Syria  and  Phoenicia, 
but  Palestine  had  been  invaded  by  Aramajan  tribes, 
with  whom  certain  of  the  Canaanite  princes  made 
common  cause,  though  for  some  time,  in  spite  of  the 
anxious  warnings  of  Abd-khiba,  the  governor  of 
Jerusalem,  they  succeeded  in  deceiving  Amenhetep  FV 
with  a&suranccH  of  loyalty.  When  the  Egj'ptian  court 
at  last  awoke  to  a  recognition  of  the  tme  state  of  affairs 
and  sent  help,  it  was  too  late,  and  Palestine  also  was 
lost.    Thus  bgj'pt  was  deprived  of  the  whole  of  tho 


valuable  province  which  Thothmes  III  had  won  and 
organised  at  so  great  a  cost. 

Much  of  our  knowledge  of  the  period  covered  by  the 
reigns  of  Amenhetep  III  and  IV  is  derived  from  the 
tablets  of  Boghaz-keui  and  of  Tell  el-Amama.  Tho 
latter,  nearly  three  hundred  in  number,  were  dis- 
covered in  A.D.  1887,  and,  like  those  from  Boghaz-keui, 
are  written  in  the  Babylonian  script  and  language. 
Some  of  them  contain  letters  to  the  Pharaoh  from  the 
kings  of  neighbouring  countries — Babylonia,  Assyria, 
Mitanni,  Alashiya  (Cyprus  ?),  and  the  Hittites  ;  '  but 
most  of  them  are  reports  or  letters  from  native  princes 
and  Egyptian  officials  in  Syria  and  Palestine. 

Very  interesting  is  the  mention  in  some  of  these 
letters  of  certain  Semitic  tribes,  who  had  invaded 
Palestine  and  caused  great  disturbance  in  the  country. 
The  name  of  one  of  the  tribes  or  groups  of  tribes, 
IChabiri,  is  very  similar  to  the  name  "  Hebrew,"  and 
some  authorities  find  in  the  allusions  to  them  in  these 
letters  the  counterpart  of  the  Biblical  account  of  the 
Hebrew  invasion  of  Palestine.  The  question  is,  how- 
ever, still  under  discussion  (p.  34). 

The  invaders  came  from  Arabia,  like  the  Canaanites 
and  Amorites  before  them,  and  formed  part  of  what 
is  generally  known  as  the  Aramoan  migration,  the 
beginning  of  which  may  be  dated  about  the  middle 
of  the  second  millennium  b.c.  The  tribes  involved 
in  this  movement  spread  in  different  directions.  Some 
of  them  settled  on  the  borders  of  Assyria  and  Baby- 
lonia, where  they  often  proved  to  be  troublesome 
neighbours  ;  while  a  large  number  of  them  gradually 
made  their  way  into  Syria,  either  absorbing  or  driving 
out  their  Amorite  and  Hittite  predecessors,  until  the 
greater  part  of  Syria  Was  in  their  hands.  They  estab- 
lished a  number  of  independent  Idngdoms,  of  which 
DamasciLS  early  became  the  wealthiest  and  most 
powerful.  Like  the  Phoenicians,  they  developed  into 
a  great  commercial  people.  The  trade  routes  between 
the  east  and  the  west  passed  through  their  territory, 
and  the  Aramaean  merchants,  taking  full  advantage 
of  their  opportunity,  accumulated  great  wealth.  Id. 
the  days  of  the  Assyrian  empire  much  of  this  wealth 
passed,  in  the  form  of  tribute,  into  the  treasuries  of 
the  Assyrian  kings.  YeX,  the  Aramaeans  did  not  readily 
submit  to  the  Assyrians.  Unlike  the  Phoenicians,  they 
were  good  soldiers,  and  resisted  for  a  long  time  the 
attempts  of  a  succession  of  Assyrian  kings  to  subdue 
Syria.  The  kingdom  of  Israel  foimd  Damascus  a 
very  dangerous  neighbour,  and  suffered  many  humilia- 
tions at  her  hands. 

The  reign  of  Ame»hetep  IV  closed  about  1362.  He 
left  Egj^it  in  a  chaotic  condition,  and  stripped  of  much 
of  her  wealth  ;  and  to  his  successors  there  fell  the  task 
of  attempting  her  restoration.  Before  any  serious 
attempt  could  be  made,  however,  to  recover  Palestine 
and  Syria,  it  was  necessary  to  set  affairs  at  home  in 
order.  Little  time  was  lost  in  abolishing  Aten  worship 
and  restoring  that  of  Amen  ;  and  imder  Horemhcb, 
the  last  king  of  the  djnasty,  the  reorganisation  of  tho 
country  was  quickly  carried  out.  No  effort,  hov/ever, 
was  made  to  regain  the  lost  provinces,  and  Shubbilu- 
liuma actually  secured  a  treaty  confirming  him  in  the 
possession  of  Syria. 

On  the  death  of  Horcmheb  a  new  djniasty  (the 
XlXth)  began.  With  the  second  king,  Set'i  I  (r.  1320- 
1300),  Egypt  entered  upon  the  task  of  establishing 
her  "  Second  Empire."  and  there  began  a  scries  of 
attempts  to  regain  Palestine  and  SjTna.  Seti  made  a 
good  beginning.  Having  recovered  Palestine  and  a 
large  part  of  Phoenicia  in  his  first  year,  he  marched  in 
his  fourth  year  into  Syria,  and  defeated  the  Hittites 


5G 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


ill  tlie  iH'ighbouihood  of  Kadcsh.  Mursil,  the  son  of 
yhubbiluliunia,  Was  now  king  of  the  Hittites,  and  a 
trcjity  was  made  between  him  and  Seti  by  which  S. 
Syria  was  recognised  as  ICgyptian  territory.  Thus 
Egypt  regained  a  large,  and  that  the  most  profitable, 
part  of  her  lost  provinces.  Even  more  important  was 
the  restoration  of  her  prestige.  Scti's  successor, 
Rameses  II,  resolved  to  try  to  break  the  power  of  the 
Hittites,  who  were  still  in  possession  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  empire  which  iShubbiiuliuma  had  won. 
Early  in  his  reign,  therefore,  he  invaded  S^Tia,  and  the 
Hittites  suffered  a  second  defeat  at  Kadcsh.  The 
victory  seems,  however,  to  have  been  a  costly  affair 
for  tlie  Egj'plians.  for  Rameses  did  not  follow  it  up, 
nur  (lid  he  gain  from  it  any  substantial  political  ad- 
vantage. Mur-sil  died,  and  his  successor,  Mutallu,  was 
a  vigorous  king,  who  stirred  vip  a  revolt  in  Palestine 
so  serious  that  Rameses  had  to  reconquer  the  country. 
Rameses  then  jjushecl  forward  right  into  N.  Syria,  but 
without  gaining  any  peniianent  results;  and  when 
Khattusil,  Mursil's  brother,  came  to  the  Hittite  throne, 
Rameses  readily  agreed  to  the  new  king's  overtures 
for  peace  (c.  1280).  A  treaty  was  drawn  up,  of  which 
the  hierogh-phic  ven;ion  has  been  preserved  at  Kamak 
and  jiart.  of  the  cuneiform  version  among  the  tablets 
of  Boghaz-keui.  It  is  a  long  and  carefully  executed 
document,  in  which  previous  treaties  are  renewed,  a 
defensive  alliance  concluded,  and  provision  made  for 
the  extradition  of  fugitive  subjects  of  either  Power. 
The  greater  part  of  Syria  remained  under  the  control 
of  the  Hittites.  while  Egypt  was  confirmed  in  her 
possession  of  Phoenicia  and  Palestine.  Owing,  doubt- 
less, to  the  exhaustion  of  the  two  empires,  tliis  treaty 
was  followed  by  a  long  peace,  and  the  peoples  of  Syria 
and  Palestine  enjoyed,  for  a  period,  freedom  from  the 
disturbance  caused  by  the  movements  of  the  Egyptian 
and  Hittite  armies.  Eriendly  relations  Were  con- 
tinued by  Khattusil's  succes.sors,  Dudklialia  and 
Arnuanta,  the  latter,  who  ascended  the  throne  about 
1225,  being  the  last  Hittite  king  whose  name  is  known 
to  us.  Early  in  the  next  centurj'  the  Hittite  empire 
^^-as  broken  up. 

Rarnescs  II  died  about  1234,  and  was  succeeded  by 
^Icneptah.  His  reign  was  short  and  disturbed.  On 
the  west  he  had  to  meet  an  invasion  of  Libyans,  who 
had  already  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  on  Egypt 
in  the  reign  of  Rameses  II,  and  were  now  making  a 
second  attemjjt  to  enter  tlie  Delta.  This  time  they 
had  the  support  of  certain  Jletiitcrranean  tribes,  called 
by  the  Egj^jtians  "  Peoples  of  the  Sea,"  about  whom 
more  ■w'ill  be  said  below  ;  but  thej-  were  again  severely 
defeated  and  driven  off.  On  the  east  he  had  to  put 
down  a  rebellion  in  Palestine.  The  inscription  which 
records  the  quelling  of  this  lebellion  is  of  special 
interest,  because,  among  a  number  of  Palestinian  names, 
there  appears  the  name  "  Ysiraal."  which  is  usually 
identified  with  Israel.  If  the  identification  be  accepted, 
it  would  seem  tliat  at  least  some  of  the  Israelites  were 
already  in  Palestine.  We  may  also  recall,  in  this  con- 
nexion, the  suggested  identification  of  "  Khabiri  "  and 
"  Hebrews." 

The  death  of  Meneptah  (c.  1225)  was  followed  by  a 
])eriod  of  confusion  which  lasted  till  the  time  of 
Rameses  III,  the  second  king  of  the  XXth  Dynasty, 
who  came  to  the  throne  about  1204.  Rame.ses  ill 
reigned  for  alwut  thirty-two  years,  and  ho  effected  a 
temporary  restoration  of  the  wealth  of  Egypt  and  a 
partial  recovery-  of  her  power.  During  the  earlier  part 
of  his  reign  he  had  to  meet  attacks  from  the  west  and 
from  the  north.  The  western  attack  was  made  in  his 
fifth  year  by  the  Libyans  and  their  allies,  the  Sea- 


peoples,  but,  as  before,  it  was  beaten  back ;  the 
attack  from  the  north  was  made  some  three  yoare 
later.  The  invaders,  who  Were  again  tribes  of  the 
Sea-peoples,  advanced  Ixith  by  land — through  Asia 
Minor  and  Syria — and  by  sea.  In  the  course  of  their 
landward  advance  they  helped  to  deal  the  final  blow 
at  the  Hittite  empire,  which  Was  already  tottering,  and 
did  much  damage  in  Syria.  They  seem  to  have 
marched  as  far  as  the  border  of  Egypt.  Rameses, 
however,  defeated  them  both  on  sea  and  on  land,  and 
they  retired  northward. 

These  tribes  fonned  part  of  a  great  movement  of 
Mediterranean  peoples  which  began  about  the  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century  B.C.  with  the  break-up  of  the 
power  of  Crete.  This  island  was  long  the  centre  of  a 
highly  developed  civilisation,  the  beginnings  of  which 
may  be  placed  somewhere  in  the  fourth  millennium 
B.C.  Unfortunately,  the  Cietan  script,  which,  like 
those  of  Egypt  and  Babylonia,  was  of  jiictographic 
origin,  has  not  yet  been  deciphered,  and  our  knowledge 
of  Cretan  development  is  derived  almost  entirely  from 
the  remains  of  the  different  branches  of  their  art 
which  exploration  has  brought  to  light.  \\Tiile  the.se 
remains  teach  us  little  about  the  political  and  religious 
history  of  Crete,  they  show  that  on  the  material  side 
Cretan  culture  was  equal,  and  in  some  respects  superior, 
to  that  of  Egypt  or  Mesopotamia.  About  1400  Crete 
was  invaded,  her  capital,  Knossos,  destroyed,  and  her 
power  broken.  This  disaster  was  the  chief  cause  of 
the  disturbance  of  peoples  which  affected  N.  Africa, 
Asia  Minor,  and  Syria. 

The  invasion  which  Rameses  III  repelled  in  his 
eighth  j'car  has  a  special  interest  for  the  student  of 
the  OT,  because  one  of  the  tribes  involved  in  it  bore 
the  name  "  Pulasati,"  which  closely  resembles  the 
Hebrew  "  Pelishtim,"  or  Philistines.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  in  Am.  97  the  Philistmes  are  said  to 
have  come  from  "  Caphtor,"  which,  if  correctly  identi- 
fied ^vith  the  Egj-ptian  "  Kef  tin,"  probably  denotes 
the  island  of  Crete  (c/.  Jer.  474).  In  another  group  of 
passages  (2  S.  818,  1  K.  I38,  &c.)  mention  is  made  of  the 
bodyguard  of  Pelethites — a  variant  of  Pelishtim — and 
Cherethites  which  Was  maintained  by  the  early  Hebrew 
kings  ;  and  with  these  passages  should  be  compared 
others  (Ezek.  25i6,  Zeph.  25),  in  which  the  Cherethites 
are  connected  with  Philistia.  In  2  K.  114,19,  again, 
we  read  of  "  Carites  "  (Carians)  as  forming  part  of  the 
palace-guard.  On  further  consideration  it  appears 
that  all  these  names  have  connexions  with  lands  to 
the  W.  of  Palestine.  The  Carians  occupied  the  SW. 
comer  of  Asia  Minor  ;  the  Pelethites  or  Pelishtim  were 
the  descendants  of  the  Pulasati.  who,  whatever  their 
original  home,  came  from  Asia  Minor  into  Syria  ;  and 
the  ancestors  of  the  Clieretiiites  came,  in  all  proba- 
bility, from  Crete.  We  may  a.'^ume,  then,  that  the 
Philistines  of  the  OT  were  a  group  of  tribes,  some  of 
whom  came  from  Asia  Minor  and  others  from  Crete, 
and  that  the  name  of  tlie  leading  tribe— the  Pulasati — 
was  in  time  employed  to  denote  the  whole  group. 
They  must  have  established  themselves  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  maritime  plain  soon  after  the  death  of 
Rameses  III  (c.  1172),  taking  advantage  of  the  weak- 
ness of  the  kings  who  succeeded  him.  In  the  choice 
of  their  new  home  tliey  were  doubly  fortunate ;  for 
the  fertility  of  Philistia  is  great,  and,  afi  the  caravan 
routes  between  Egypt  and  the  east  passed  through 
their  territory,  they  liad  exceptional  opportunities  for 
commercial  development.. 

Our  knowledge  of  their  culture  is  far  from  complete, 
but  Iho  old  idea  that  they  were  barbarians  has  been 
dispelled  for  ever  by  the  discovery  of  examples  of  their 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


57 


workmanship  on  the  sites  of  Gaza,  Bethshemesh,  and 
Gezer.  From  these  it  appears,  indeed,  that  their 
artistic  skill  had  to  a  certain  extent  degenerated  during 
the  period  of  their  wanderings,  but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  civilisation  of  Canaan  benefited  by  their 
advent.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Philistines  were 
the  first  to  introduce  iron  into  Palestine.  If  so,  we 
may  be  sure  that  they  would  retain  the  monopoly  of 
this  valuable  metal  as  long  as  possible  (c/.  1  S.  1.3 19-2 3) ; 
and  we  can  readily  understand  how,  by  employing  it 
for  their  weapons,*they  were  able  to  gain  the  mastery 
of  their  neighbours  (pp.  257f.). 

The  latter  part  of  Rameses  Ill's  reign  Was  spent  in 
peace,  except  for  certain  internal  troubles ;  but  the 
revival  of  Egypt's  power  during  his  reign  was  only 
temporary,  and  after  his  death,  if  not  before,  her  hold 
on  Palestine  was  entirely  relaxed.  The  results  of 
exploration  show  how  great  was  the  internal  weakness 
of  Egypt  at  this  time.  Many  unhealthy  influences  had 
been  introduced  by  the  large  number  of  foreigners 
who  liad  entered  the  country ;  art  and  literature  had 
deteriorated  both  in  conception  and  in  execution ; 
and  the  power  of  the  priests  of  Amen,  whose  wealth 
had  been  increasing  ever  since  the  time  of  Thothmes 
III,  had  become  dangerously  great.  During  the 
reigns  of  Rameses  Ill's  successors,  who  were  weak 
kings,  the  priests  became  the  real  rulers  of  the  country, 
and  the  authority  of  the  kings  of  the  XXIst  Dynasty 
was  limited  to  the  Delta,  with  Tanis  as  their  capital. 
Thus  Egypt's  "  Second  Empire  "  came  to  an  end. 

The  influence  of  Egypt  on  Palestine,  though  far  less 
than  that  of  Babylonia,  was  considerable.  It  began 
long  before  the  establishment  of  the  empire  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  for  the  early  Pharaohs  encouraged 
commerce  with  foreign  countries,  and  in  their  time 
many  of  the  valuable  products  of  Egypt  must  have 
been  imported  into  Palestine.  The  worship  of  Egyp- 
tian deities,  such  as  Amen,  Osiris,  Ptah,  and  Isis,  was 
also  introduced,  especially  into  S.  Palestine,  where 
Egyptians  seem  to  have  settled  as  early  as  the  time 
of  the  Xllth  Dynasty  (c.  2000).  After  Palestine  be- 
came part  of  the  empire,  Egyptian  influence  must  have 
become  much  greater,  owing  to  the  increase  of  diplo- 
matic and  commercial  intercourse,  and  owing  to  the 
presence  in  the  country  of  Egyptian  governors  and 
their  suites.  Thus  Egypt  contributed  her  share  to- 
wards the  preparation  of  Palestine  for  the  advent  of 
Israel.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  there  is  nothing 
of  Egyptian  origin  in  the  OT  corresponding  to  the 
Creation  and  Deluge  stories,  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
were  probably  derived  from  Babylonian  sources. 

III.  The  Assyrian  Period.— Our  knowledge  of 
Assyrian  history  for  some  four  centuries  after  the 
Kassite  invasion  of  Babj'-lonia  is  verj'  scanty.  At 
first,  the  only  direction  in  which  she  could  expand 
was  northward :  to  the  west  and  south  the  way 
of  advance  was  barred  by  Mitanni  and  Babylonia. 
Eventually  the  power  of  Mitanni  was  broken  by  the 
Hittites ;  but  Babylonia  remained  to  the  last  a 
troublesome,  and  sometimes  a  dangerous,  neighbour. 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century 
B.C.  that  Assyria  entered  on  her  career,  the  goal  of 
which  was  the  establishment  of  her  supremacy  over 
the  greater  part  of  Nearer  Asia.  In  the  prosecution 
of  this  object  her  armies  campaigned  in  all  directions, 
but  there  were  two  regions  in  particular  over  which 
the  As-syrian  kings  strove  to  win.  and  to  retain, 
supremacy.  The  one  was  Babylonia :  she  never 
forgot,  nor  allowed  others  to  ff>rget,  her  former  great- 
ness, the  memory  of  which,  together  with  the  influence 
of  her  ancient  civilisation  nnd  the  religious  authority 


of  the  priests  of  Babylon,  counted  for  much  in  Assyria. 
The  control  of  Babylonia,  therefore,  not  only  secured 
Assyria's  southern  frontier,  but  added  greatly  to  the 
prestige  of  the  kings  who  exercised  it.  The  other 
region  included  Syria  and  Palestine :  here  were  the 
wealthy  Aramaean  and  Phoenician  states,  the  two 
Hebrew  kingdoms,  and  the  important  cities  of  Phil- 
istia,  all  of  which  the  kings  of  Assyria  found  to  be  rich 
sources  of  tribute. 

Four  periods  of  expansion  may  be  distinguished. 
With  these  there  alternated  an  equal  number  of 
periods  of  weakness  and  shrinkage,  from  each  of  the 
first  three  of  which  Assyria  revived  to  push  her  con- 
quests further  than  ever  before,  while  the  fourth  ended 
in  her  downfall. 

The  first  period  of  expansion  began  c.  1350,  and 
lasted  for  nearly  a  century.  Several  kings,  notably 
Shalmaneser  I  (c.  1300-1275),  taking  advantage  of 
Mitauni's  overthrow,  campaigned  westward  as  far  as 
the  Euphrates,  and  brought  the  territory  up  to  Car- 
chemish  within  the  Assyrian  sphere  of  influence. 
Beyond  the  Euphrates,  however,  they  did  not  go : 
the  Hittites  were,  as  yet,  too  strong.  Babylonia,  too, 
during  the  greater  part  of  this  period,  was  under 
Assyrian  control;  and,  at  last,  Tukulti-Ninib  I 
(c.  1275-1260)  actually  occupied  the  throne  of  Babylon, 
holding  it  till  his  death. 

For  about  a  century  after  Tukulti-Ninib's  reign  the 
history  of  Assyria  is  obscure.  It  was  a  time  of  great 
disturbance  in  the  Nearer  East.  First  there  was  the 
great  movement  of  peoples  which  broke  up  the  Hittite 
empire  and  brought  the  Philistines  to  Palestine ;  and 
a  little  later  the  Mushki  (OT  Meshech)  came  into  Asia 
Minor  from  their  home  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Caucasus.  In  the  general  unsettlement  caused  by 
these  invasions  Assyria  lost  her  hold  on  W.  and  NW. 
Mesopotamia  ;  Babylonia  recovered  her  independence  ; 
and  the  authority  of  the  kings  of  Asshur  was  confined 
within  the  natural  limits  of  their  kingdom. 

We  see  the  first  clear  signs  of  recovery  in  the  reign 
of  Ashur-resh-ishi  (c.  1145-1120) ;  and  his  son,  Tiglath- 
pileser  I  (c.  1120-1100),  one  of  Assjnia's  greatest 
kings,  carried  the  revival  to  its  highest  point.  He 
conquered  N.  Babylonia,  drove  the  Mushki  from 
Mesopotamia,  and  in  his  raiding  and  tribute-gathering 
expeditions  penetrated  westward  across  N.  Syria  to 
the  Mediterranean,  far  into  the  mountainous  regions 
on  the  north-west  and  north,  and  eastward  to  a  point 
beyond  the  Lower  Zab.  He  did  not  establish  an 
"  empire,"  but  he  made  Assyrian  influence  felt  beyond 
all  pre\'ious  limits.  After  Tiglath-pileser's  death, 
however,  Assyria  again  fell  on  evil  days.  Arabian 
tribes  belonging  to  the  "  Aramaean  migration  "  occu- 
pied much  of  her  Mesopotamian  territory,  and  also 
overran  Babylonia. 

We  may  note  that  the  Hebrews  now  established 
their  monarchy,  and  built  up  the  kingdom  of  David 
(c.  1000-975)  and  Solomon  (c.  975-937).  Political 
conditions  in  W.  Asia  at  this  time  were  almost  entirely 
favourable  to  their  enterprise.  Of  their  nearer  neigh- 
bours, only  the  Philistines  were  really  dangerous ; 
Moab  and  Ammon  were  not  strong  enough  to  check 
their  development,  and  the  Aramaean  states  to  the 
north  were  still  occupied  in  secjiring  their  own  posi- 
tions. Moreover,  on  looking  further  afield,  we  sec 
that  there  was  no  dominant  power  in  the  Nearer  East 
at  this  time.  The  Hittite  empire  was  broken  for  ever  ; 
and  of  the  other  three  kingdoms — Egypt,  Babylonia, 
and  Assyria — which  at  one  time  or  another  had  gained 
the  supremacy,  none  was  at  present  strong  enough 
to   continue  the   raiding  campaigns  of    former  days. 


58 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPOEARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


Biibyionia  was  not  deetined  again  to  attain  to  the 
dignity  of  "  empire  "  until  the  time  of  the  "  Chal- 
ilioan  "  dynasty  (G25-538) ;  while  Egypt,  after  a 
brief  and  partial  revival  in  the  latter  part  of  the  tenth 
century  under  Sheshenk  I  (OT  Shishak.c.  947-925  ;  cf. 
I  K.  1425*.  p.  71),  asuecesHful  Libyan  soldier  who  csta I >- 
lishod  the  XXIInd  Dynasty,  lapsed  into  inactivity  till 
the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century  B.C. 

With  Assyria,  however,  it  was  different.  She  had 
plenty  of  recuperative  power,  and  shortly  before 
IKKJ  B.C.  she  entered  upon  her  third  period  of  expan- 
sion (c.  911-782),  during  which  her  armies  campaigned 
further  than  ever  before,  especially  westward,  and  she 
had  to  meet  three  new  inon — the  Clialdaeans,  the 
Medes,  and  Urartu.  The  kings  of  the  period  were 
Adad-nirari  III  (911-890).  Tukuiti-Ninib  II  (890- 
88.')),  Ashur-natsir-pal  III  (8a'>-8()0).  Shalmaneser  III 
(860-82.-)),  Shamshi-Adad  VII  (823-811),  and  Adad- 
nirari  IV  (811-782). 

At  the  outset  the  two  most  serious  barriers  to  As- 
syria's progress  were  Babylonia  and  the  Aramseans  of 
\V.  Mesopotamia.  The  resisting  power  of  Babylonia 
had  been  increased  by  the  advent  of  the  Chaldmans. 
These  people,  like  the  Amorites,  Aramteans,  and  others, 
were  Semitic  immigrants  from  Arabia,  who  had  estab- 
lished themselves  at  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf, 
and  who  from  this  time  onwards  were  a  constant  source 
of  annoyance  to  Assyria.  Adad-nirari  III  made  a 
good  begiiming  against  the  southern  kingdom  by  twice 
defeating  her  king  ;  but  it  was  not  till  the  reign  of 
Shalmaneser  III  that  Assyria's  suzerainty  over  Baby- 
lonia was  definitely  estaVjlished  (c.  852).  The  Aramaeans 
were  subdued  by  Tukulti-Ninib  II  and  Ashur-natsir-pal 
III,  and  Shalmaneser  III  had  little  trouble  with  them. 

Eastward.  Ashur-natsir-pal  and  Shalmaneser  made 
many  expeditions,  partly  against  the  tribes  on  As- 
syria's ea.stem  frontier,  but  specially  against  the 
Medes.  These  people,  who  were  of  Aiyan  stock,  lived 
formerly  in  the  east  of  Iran,  the  vast  plateau  between 
the  Tigris  and  the  Indus.  Some  time  before  the  ninth 
century  B.C.  they  migrated  into  W.  Iran,  and  there 
they  settled,  having  at  first  no  central  government, 
but  divided  into  numerous  separate  principalities. 
Ashur-natsir-pal  and  Shalmaneser  saw  clearly  the 
necessity  of  preventing  the  Medes  from  passing  the 
Zagros  range,  and  in  this  they  succeeded  ;  but  they 
accomplished  no  pennancnt  subjugation  of  this  eastern 
foe.  The  same  two  kings  had  to  deal  with  another 
danger  which  threatened  from  the  north.  Here,  N. 
of  Lake  Van,  the  strong  kingdom  of  Urartu  had  grown 
up,  and  was  seeking  to  extend  its  influence  over  the 
tril)e8  between  Lake  Urmia  and  the  Euphrates. 
Ashur-natsir-pal  and  Shalmaneser  kept  these  tribes 
in  order  by  frequent  raiding  campaigns  ;  and  Shal- 
maneser, by  several  invasions  of  Urartu,  checked  her 
progress  for  a  time.  Like  the  Medes,  however,  Urartu 
was  not  permanently  subdued,  and  later  kings  of  Assyria 
found  her  to  be  a  dangerous  and  stubborn  enemy. 

The  first  king  of  the  period  to  lead  his  forces  across 
the  Euphrates  was  Asluir-natRir-pal,  who  in  the  tenth 
campaign  of  his  reign  marched  through  N.  Syria  to 
the  Phoenician  coast,  receiving  tribute  from  a  number 
of  Syrian  and  Phoenician  princes.  Shalmaneser 
crossed  the  Euphrates  frequently.  His  main  object 
was  tf)  conquer  S.  Syria,  and  presumably'  Palestine 
also.  In  this,  however,  he  did  not  succeed.  His  first 
three  attempts,  made  in  S54  (when  the  battle  of 
Qarqar  t-ook  place),  849,  and  840,  were  checked  by  a 
confederacy  of  states,  including  Dama.scus,  which  was 
at  the  head,  and  Israel.  When  he  made  his  fourth 
attempt  (in  842),  the  confederates  failed  to  rally  to- 


gether against  him,  and  most  of  the  local  nilers,  Jehn 
of  Israel  amongst  them,  sent  him  tribute.  But 
Damascus,  under  Hazael,  made  a  vigorous  resistance, 
and  neither  then  nor  three  years  later  did  it  yield  to 
the  Assyrian  forces.  Wliile,  however,  he  failed  to 
sulxlue  S.  Syria,  the  N.  Syrian  states  were  at  his  mercy, 
and,  together  with  the  Phoenicians,  provided  plentiful 
tribute.  He  also  subdued  Que  (Cilicia),  Tabal,  and 
Malatia,  and  thus  gained  for  Assyria  control  of  the 
important  trade-route  into  Asia  Minor. 

The  last  four  years  of  Shalmaneser's  reign  were 
darkened  by  a  revolt  led  by  one  of  his  sons,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  third  year  of  Shamshi-Adad  VII  that 
internal  harmony  was  restored.  This  revolt  weakenexl 
Assyria's  authority  over  the  surrounding  districts,  but 
Shamshi-Adad  recovered  most,  if  not  the  whole,  of 
the  lost  ground  everywhere  except  on  the  W.  of  the 
Euphrates.  The  next  king,  Adad-nirari  IV,  not  only 
retained  what  his  predecessor  had  Won  back,  but  also 
cro.ssed  the  Euphrates  and  made  Assjiian  influence 
felt  beyond  the  limits  reached  by  Shalmaneser  III, 
even  as  far  as  N.  Philistia  and  Edom.  Damascus  he 
reduced  to  a  condition  of  vassalage,  and  Babylonia 
became  practically  an  Assyrian  province.  !Adad- 
nirari's  death  marks  the  close  of  the  third  period  of 
expansion.  The  six  kings  whose  reigns  we  have  sur- 
veyed were  all  strong  and  capable  leaders,  but  their 
achievements  must  not  be  exaggerated.  It  is,  indeed, 
most  instmctive  to  note  how  lacking  in  permanence 
was  Assyria's  hold  on  much  of  the  territory  overrun 
by  her  armies.  Babylonia  acknowledged  the  Assyrian 
supremacy  only  under  compulsion  ;  the  tribes  in  the 
eastern  mountains  were  restless,  submitting  only  when 
armies  were  sent  against  them  ;  Urartu  had  merely  been 
checked  for  a  time,  and  her  growing  power  was  one  of 
the  chief  causes  of  the  weakness  into  which  Assyria 
now  fell ;  while  even  westward  there  was,  as  yet,  no 
permanent  conquest  of  tci-ritory  beyond  the  Euphrates, 
and  many  campaigns  were  required  before  the  states 
of  Syria  and  Palestine  were  completely  crushed. 

As  at  the  close  of  the  second  period  of  Assyrian  ex- 
pansion, Fo  now  again,  tiie  Hebrews  took  advantage  of 
their  freedom  from  external  pressure.  They  had  been 
greatly  weakened  by  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  and 
by  the  mutual  jealousies  and  hostilities  which  resulted 
from  it.  Moreover.  Judah,  and  to  some  extent  Israel, 
must  have  been  impoverished  by  Sheshenk'e  raid. 
But  more  serious  still,  especially  for  the  Northern 
Kingdom,  though  Judah  did  not  entirely  escape,  had 
been  the  rise  of  the  Aramaean  state  of  Damascus. 
From  the  days  of  Baasha.  for  about  one  hundred  years, 
wars  between  Damascus  and  Israel  were  frequent, 
with  results  generally  adverse  to  the  latter  (2  K. 
(S2.\~l2o,  137,22,  1426f.).  Now.  however,  the  power 
of  Damascus  was  broken,  and  under  the  contemporary 
kings  Jeroboam  II  and  Uzziah,  Israel  and  Judah 
enjoyed  remarkable  prosperity.  They  were  not,  how- 
ever, allowed  to  enjoy  it  long,  for  in  745  AssjTia  entered 
on  her  fourth  period  of  expansion. 

Tlie  period  covers  the  reigns  of  six  kings — Tiglath- 
pileser  IV  (74.5-727),  Shalmaneser  V  (727-722),  Sargon 
II  (722-705).  Sennacherib  (70.5-681),  Esarhaddon 
(681-668),  and  Ashur-bani-pal  (668-626)— under  whom 
Assyria's  military  activities  were  more  intense  and 
more  widely  extende<l  than  ever  before.  Tiglath- 
pileser  IV  was  a  successful  soldier  who  gained  the 
throne  through  a  military  revolution.  The  third 
king,  Sargon  II.  was  also  a  usui-per,  and  Sennacherib, 
the  fourth  of  the  series,  was  murdered  ;  but  neither 
Sargon 's  usiirpation  nor  Sennacherib's  murder  seems 
seriously  to  have  affected  Assyria's  progress. 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY  WITH  ISRAEL 


59 


Tiglath-pilcser  reasserted  Assjnria's  supremacy  over 
Babylonia  early  in  his  reign,  and  for  the  greater  part 
of  the  period  she  was  niled  by  tlio  reigning  king  of 
Assyria  or  by  his  nominee.  There  were,  however, 
intervals  of  varying  duration  during  which  the  southern 
kingdom  rebelled  against  Assyrian  control.  Part  of 
the  responsibility  for  these  rebellions  rests  upon  the 
native  Babylonians,  who  hated  the  domination  of 
Assyria.  Sennacherib  was  so  greatly  exasperated  by 
their  behaviour  that  ho  carried  the  Assyrian  policy 
of  suppression  to  an  extreme  pomt  by  the  destruction 
of  Babylon.  His  son,  Esar-haddon,  sought  to  con- 
ciliate them  by  rebuilding  the  capital,  and  in  other 
ways ;  but  they  revolted  again  (652)  in  the  reign  of 
Ashur-bani-pal,  who  had  to  besiege  and  capture 
Babylon  before  the  revolt  was  crushed  (648). 

Probably  the  Babylonians  would  not  have  been  so 
troublesome  had  it  not  been  for  the  Chaldaeans  and 
Elamitos.  They  repeatedly  invaded  Babylonia,  and 
all  the  kings  of  the  period,  excepting,  perhaps,  Shal- 
maneser  V,  had  more  or  less  trouble  with  one  or  both 
of  these  persistent  foes.  During  the  first  twelve 
years  of  Sargon  II's  reign,  for  instance,  the  Chaldaeans 
were  in  possession  of  Babylonia  ;  and  from  700  to 
689  Sennacherib  was  involved  in  a  long  struggle  with 
them  and  their  Elamite  allies.  More  than  once  the 
coinitry  of  the  Chaldajans  was  devastated,  and  they 
themselves  driven  across  the  Tigris ;  but  they  were 
never  permanently  crushed,  and  on  the  death  of 
Ashur-bani-pal  (626)  they  regamed  control  of  Baby- 
lonia. The  attacks  of  the  Elamites  began  in  the  reign 
of  Sargon,  and  persisted  until  they  received  a  final 
blow  at  the  hands  of  Ashur-bani-pal,  who  sacked  their 
capital,  Susa,  and  devastated  their  country  (644). 
Their  overthrow  was  not,  however,  wholly  to  the 
advantage  of  Assjrria,  for  it  involved  the  breaking 
down  of  a  useful  barrier  against  the  Medes. 

The  last-named  people  the  Assyrians  were  never 
wholly  able  to  subdue.  Tiglath-pileser,  indeed,  held 
them  in  check,  and  Sargon  claims  to  have  extended 
Assyrian  supremacy  as  far  eastward  as  the  Caspian ; 
but  no  complete  or  permanent  control  seems  to  have 
been  established  beyond  the  Zagros  range.  The 
eastern  peril  was  increased  at  the  beginning  of  Esar- 
haddon's  reign  by  the  arrival  of  the  Gimirrai,  barbarian 
hordes  who  foi  some  time  had  been  moving  south- 
wards through  the  passes  of  the  Caucasus.  North  of 
Urartu  the  Gimirrai  split  into  two  parts,  one  of  which 
travelled  westward  into  Asia  Minor,  while  the  other 
moved  south-eastward,  and,  uniting  eventually  with 
the  Mannai  and  the  Medes,  threatened  Assyria.  Esar- 
haddon  was  able,  partly  b}'  force  and  partly  by  diplo- 
macy, to  check  the  combination,  and  Ashur-bani-pal 
subdued  the  Maimai.  The  latter  king  also  gained 
some  successes  against  the  Medes  ;  but  the  establish- 
ment of  their  monarchy  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh 
century,  by  bringing  the  separate  principalities  under 
central  control,  added  greatly  to  their  strength,  and 
put  an  end  to  Assyria's  chance  of  subduing  them. 

On  the  north  the  power  of  Urartu  had  developed 
considerably  during  the  period  of  Assyria's  weakness, 
and  under  Sarduris  III  her  influence  had  extended  far 
beyond  the  natural  limits  of  the  country.  Sarduris 
had  even  assumed  the  title  of  king  of  Syria.  Tiglath- 
pileser  lost  no  time  in  attacking  this  northern  foe,  and 
m  the  second  year  of  his  reign  ho  drove  the  Urartians 
from  N.  Syria.  By  738  he  had  reduced  the  N.  Syrian 
states  to  submission,  and  m  735  ho  invaded  Urartu 
and  ravaged  the  country  from  end  to  end.  By  these 
campaigns  he  restored  the  authority  of  Assyria  over 
the  north,  and  as  north-westward  as  Cilicia.     Urartu, 


however,  soon  recovered.  In  the  reign  of  Sargon  she 
and  the  kingdom  of  Mushki  fomented  rebellion  amongst 
the  vassal  states  of  Assyria  in  their  neighbourhood, 
and  it  cost  Sargon  ten  years  of  hard  campaigning  to 
reduce  the  two  kingdoms  and  to  restore  Assyria's 
authority  over  her  rebellious  vassals.  Apart  from  a 
disturbance  in  Cilicia  caused  by  an  invasion  of  lonians, 
but  quickly  checked  by  Sennacherib's  forces,  and  an 
inroad  of  Gimirrai  from  the  north-west  which  Esar- 
haddon's  generals  beat  back,  this  part  of  the  empire 
seems  to  have  remained  fairly  tranquil,  at  least  until 
640,  when  records  cease. 

We  come  finally  to  the  west,  the  quarter  in  which 
Assyria  made  most  progress,  and  where  in  her  desire 
to  secure  complete  control  she  at  last  overreached 
herself  through  the  attempt  to  subdue  Egypt. 

The  western  operations  began  in  734,  when  the 
Syro-Ephraimitic  coalition  (2  K.  I65)  gave  Tiglath- 
pileser  an  excuse  for  interfering  with  the  states  of 
S.  Syria  and  Palestine.  For  Assyria  the  campaign 
was  higldy  successful :  Damascus,  which  had  for  so 
long  been  the  leader  in  all  anti-Assyrian  movements, 
was  captured,  and  ma^iy  of  her  hihabitants  were  carried 
into  captivity  (732) ;  Israel  was  stripped  of  the 
northern  portion  of  her  territory ;  and  most,  if  not 
all,  of  the  other  western  states,  including  Judah, 
where  Ahaz  was  king,  became  tributary.  In  the  reign 
of  Shalmaneser  V  a  further  step  was  taken  towards 
the  reduction  of  the  west.  The  occasion  was  provided 
by  the  renewed  interference  of  Egypt  in  Palestine. 
About  728  Piankhi,  a  Nubian,  had  made  himself 
master  of  Egjrpt  and  established  the  XXVth  Dynasty. 
His  son  Shabaka  (OT  So,  or,  more  correctly,  Seve), 
who  was  his  commander-in-chief,  aimed  at  recovering 
Syria  and  Palestine  for  Egypt.  Accordingly  he  en^ 
couraged  the  king  of  Tyre  and  Hoshea  of  ferael  to 
revolt  (2  K.  I74).  The  revolt  was  quickly  crushed. 
Tyre  yielded  at  once,  and  though  Samaria  held  out 
for  two  years,  no  help  came  from  Egypt,  and  the  fall 
of  the  city  took  place,  shortly  after  the  death  of  Shal- 
maneser, in  722.  The  southern  half  of  the  kingdom 
of  Israel  now  became,  like  the  northern  half  twelve 
years  before,  a  part  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  Early 
in  Sargon's  reign  a  number  of  western  states  rebelled 
again  at  Egypt's  instigation  ;  but  he  soon  restored 
Assyrian  authority  by  two  victories — the  first  over 
the  rebels  at  Qarqar,  and  the  second,  immediately 
afterwards,  over  the  Egyptians  under  Shabaka  at 
Raphia  (c.  720).  Sargon  also  sent  successful  expedi- 
tions against  N.  Arabia  (715  B.C.)  and  against  Ashdod 
(711  ;  cf.  Is.  20i'').  In  703,  owing  to  the  persuasions 
of  the  Chaldsean  chieftain,  Merodach-baladan  (2  K. 
20i2flf.),  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  Eg3'pt  on  the  other, 
Phoenicia  and  Palcstme  wore  again  in  revolt.  As  soon 
as  possible  Seimacherib  marched  westward  (701). 
He  quickly  subdued  Phcenicia,  and  then,  advancing 
southwards,  defeated  a  confederate  army  at  Eltekeh, 
and  ravaged  Judah,  exacting  a  heavy  tribute  from 
Hezekiah.  Esarhaddon  secured  afresh  the  submission 
of  the  western  states  by  the  capture  of  Sidon,  which 
at  the  instigation  of  Tirhakah,  king  of  Egypt,  had 
withheld  its  tribute. 

Now  began  the  momentous  operations  against 
Egypt — momentous  not  so  much  for  Egypt  a«  for 
AssjTia,  since,  by  overstraining  her  resources,  they 
contributed  largely  to  her  downfall.  Yet  it  must  be 
remembered  that  the  Assyrian  kuigs  were  naturally 
anxious  to  put  an  end  to  Egyptian  machinations, 
which  since  the  time  of  Shalmaneser  IV  had  been 
mainly  responsible  for  the  disturbances  in  the  western 
province  of  her  empire. 


60 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


Eearhaddon  planned  three  campaigns  against  Egypt. 
The  first  (674)  was  a  failure.  The  second,  undertaken 
in  672,  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  Assyrian 
suzerainty,  and  its  maintenance  for  about  a  year. 
The  third  campaign  he  did  not  complete,  for  he  died 
on  the  march,  but  Ashur-bani-pal  carried  it  to  a  suc- 
cessful issue.  It  was  not,  however,  till  661  that  all 
resistance  was  crushed,  and  that  Egypt  became  an 
Assyrian  province,  in  which  position  she  remained  for 
about  ten  years,  with  Psammetichus,  an  Egj^tian 
prince,  as  viceroy.  The  subjugation  of  Egypt  was 
followed  by  the  siege  and  surrender  of  Tyre,  and  by 
the  renewed  submission  of  other  western  states.  At 
this  point  in  her  history  (c.  660)  the  empire  of  Assyria 
reached  its  widest  limits,  and  the  fact  that  Gyges  of 
Lydia,  being  hard  pressed  by  the  Gimirrai,  now  ap- 
pealed to  Ashur-bani-pal  for  help,  shows  how  great 
was  the  respect  in  which  she  was  held  by  other 
nations. 

AssjTia  was  not  destined,  however,  to  occupy  this 
proud  position  for  very  long.  Ashur-bani-pal  was  her 
last  great  king — his  two  successors  are  little  more  than 
names  to  us — and  it  is  significant  that  from  about 
640  records  of  his  reign  cease,  probably  because  there 
were  no  achievements  to  record.  The  last  j)eriod  of 
decline,  indeed,  set  in  some  time  before  Ashur-bani- 
pal 's  death. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Assyrian  empire 
was  founded  by  force,  and,  speaking  generally,  only 
force  was  employed  to  keep  it  together.  The  As- 
syrians never  mastered  the  art  of  colonising,  and  they 
made  little  or  no  attempt  to  understand  the  peoples 
whom  they  subdued.  Their  usual  method  of  dealing 
with  conquered  countries  was  to  carry  away  a  large 
part  of  the  inhabitants  into  captivity.  Tiglath- 
pileser  I,  indeed,  speaks  of  making  the  peoples  under 
his  sway  "  of  one  tongue,"  and  Ashur-natsir-pal  III 
placed  Assyrian  colonists  in  certain  conquered  cities  ; 
while  Tiglath-pileser  IV  devised  the  plan  of  filling  the 
place  of  those  whom  he  removed  from  one  district 
with  a  batch  of  captives  from  another.  This  last 
method  was  certainly  an  improvement,  in  some  re- 
spects, on  those  of  previous  kings.  It  diminished, 
though,  as  history  shows,  it  by  no  means  did  away 
with,  the  possibility  of  rebellion  ;  but  it  was  fatal  to 
the  prosperity  of  regions  already  plundered  by  invading 
armies  and  burdened  with  tribute,  and  it  caused  a 
serious  lowering  of  the  level  of  culture  in  the  conquered 
countries.  There  are  signs  that  Esarhaddon  -and 
Ashur-bani-pal  had  more  enlightened  ideas,  but  they 
could  not  undo  the  harm  w'rought  by  their  predecessors. 
The  empire  was  already  doomed,  and  as  soon  as  the 
line  of  strong  and  capable  kings  came  to  an  end  it 
quickly  fell  to  pieces. 

The  decline  of  Assyria  began  with  the  revolt  of  Egypt 
under  Psammetichus,  who  now  established  the  XXVIth 
Dj-nasty  (c.  650).  Ashur-bani-pal  made  no  attempt 
to  restore  Assyria's  authority,  and  the  occurrence  is 
not  mentioned  in  his  annals.  Egypt  now  entered  on 
a  period  of  prosperity  greater  than  she  had  enjoyed 
for  many  centuries. 

The  next  loss  suffered  by  Assyria  was  inflicted  by 
the  Scythians,  a  wild  and  barbarous  people  whose 
home  was  north  of  the  Crimea,  and  who  for  some  time 
had  been  moving  southwards.  The  invasion  of  the 
Gimirrai,  mentioned  above,  was  caused  by  the  pres- 
sure which  they  had  exerted  from  the  north,  and 
c.  630  they  themselves  poured  into  W.  Asia.  One 
body  of  them  swept  through  Syria  and  advanced  as 
far  as  Ashkelon,  where  they  were  checked  by  Psam- 
metichus, and  after  a  long  struggle  were  either  de- 


stroyed or  driven  out  of  the  country.     Through  this 
invasion  Assyria  lost  control  of  Syria  and  Palestine. 

These  misfortunes  befell  Assyna  before  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  Ashur-bani-pal.  After  his  death  (626) 
she  soon  lost  Babylonia,  for  Nabopolassar  proclauned 
himself  king  in  Babylon,  and  gradually  gained  control 
of  the  whole  country.  Thus  the  "  Chaldaean,"  or 
"  Neo-Babylonian "  empire,  of  which  more  will  be 
said  below,  was  founded. 

The  final  blow  at  Assyria  was  struck  by  the  Medee, 
whose  monarchy  was  established,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century.  The  first 
king  of  whom  we  have  historical  records  is  Phraortes 
(c.  647-626).  He  controlled  not  only  the  princes  of 
Media,  but  also  those  of  Persia,  and  made  an  unsuc- 
cessful invasion  of  Assyria.  His  son  and  successor, 
Cyaxares,  renewed  the  attack  shortly  after  his  father's 
death,  but  was  obliged  to  relinquish  it  owing  to  an 
invasion  of  Media  by  the  Scj-thians.  A  third  attempt 
was  made  c.  607-606,  possibly  with  the  assistance  of 
the  Scythians,  and  \vith  the  approval,  if  not  with  the 
active  support,  of  Babylonia,  and  Nineveh  was  cap- 
tured and  destroyed.  The  satisfaction  with  which  the 
peoples  whom  Assjrria  had  so  long  and  so  cruelly 
oppressed  welcomed  her  overthrow  finds  expression  in 
the  concluding  words  of  Nahum's  prophecy  (819): 
"  There  is  no  assuaging  of  thy  hurt  ;  thy  wound  is 
grievous  ;  all  that  hear  the  bruit  of  thee  clap  the 
hands  over  thee  ;  for  upon  whom  hath  not  thy  wicked- 
ness passed  continually  ?  " 

rV.  The  Chaldaean  Period. — The  empire  of  Assyria 
was  divided  between  the  Medes  and  the  Babylonians. 
The  Medes  took  that  part  of  it  which  lay  to  the  E. 
and  N.  of  the  Tigris,  together  with  N.  Mesopotamia  ; 
and  Cyaxares  quickly  extended  his  dominion  south- 
ward over  Elam  and  westward  into  Asia  Minor  as  far 
as  the  river  Halys,  which  was  fixed  by  treaty  as  the 
boundary  between  the  Median  and  Lydian  empires. 

The  remainder  of  the  Assyrian  territory  soon  came 
into  the  possession  of  Babylonia  under  the  Chaldaean 
dynasty.  Unfortunately  we  know  very  little  about 
the  period.  The  royal  inscriptions  deal  almost  en- 
tirely with  building  operations,  and  the  information 
which  they  give  concerning  the  external  relations  of 
Babylonia  is  of  the  scantiest.  When  Nineveh  fell,  the 
Babylonian  throne  was  still  occupied  by  Nabopolassar. 
Of  his  military  activities  previous  to  606  we  know  next 
to  nothing,  but  when  AssjTia  Was  overthro\vn  he  lost 
no  time  in  securing  control  of  Syria  and  Palestine.  At 
the  moment  these  regions  were  subject  to  Egypt,  for 
in  608  Necho,  the  successor  of  Psjimmetichus,  had 
defeated  Josiah  of  Judah  at  Megiddo  (2  K.  2829), 
and,  advancing  unchecked  as  far  as  the  Euphrates, 
had  recovered  Egypt's  old  provinces.  His  triumph 
was,  however,  short-lived.  In  604  Nabopolassar  sent 
a  Babylonian  army  westward  under  the  command  of 
the  Crown  Prince,  Nebuchadrezzar.  The  Egyptians 
were  defeated  at  Carchcmish  and  driven  back  to  their 
own  country  ;  and  Syria  and  Palestine  were  incor- 
porated in  the  Neo-Babylonian  empire,  which  included 
all  the  territory,  except  N.  Mesopotamia,  Ijnng  between 
the  Tigris  and  the  Mediterranean  coast  down  to  the 
border  of  Egypt. 

To  Nebuchadrezzar,  who  succeeded  Nabopolassar 
(604).  there  fell  the  task  of  consolidating  tlie  position 
of  Babylonia,  for,  although  they  had  acknowledged 
her  supremacy,  there  was  still  considerable  unrest, 
among  the  western  states,  and  shortly  aft«r  600  j 
Jehoiakim  of  Judah  revolted.  Tlie  siege  and  capture! 
of  Jerusalem  and  the  deportation  of  a  large  number] 
of  her  inhabitants  (597)  checked  the  rebellious  ten- 


THE   NATIONS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


61 


dencieB  for  a  time.  The  spirit  of  unrest,  however,  was 
not  yet  cmshed,  and  when,  with  the  accession  of 
Hophra  (c  689-565),  Egypt  made  another  attempt  to 
regain  control  of  Syria  and  Palestine,  a  fresh  revolt 
broke  out,  in  which  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Judah  were  in- 
volved. In  588  Nebuchadrezzar  marched  w'estward. 
Halting  with  part  of  his  army  at  Riblah  on  the  Orontes, 
he  sent  the  other  part  against  Jenisalem.  The  city 
was  besieged,  and.  after  the  Egyptians  had  made  a 
vain  attempt  to  relieve  it,  was  captured  in  586.  Again 
a  large  number  of  Jews  were  carried  into  capti\ity, 
and  the  city  itself  was  plundered  and  razed  to  the 
ground.  The  fall  of  Jerusalem  was  followed  by  the 
submission  of  Sidon  ;  but  Tyre  did  not  yield  till  after 
a  long  siege,  which  is  said  to  have  lasted  for  thirteen 
years.  With  the  exception  of  an  obscure  reference  to 
a  victory  which  he  gained  over  the  Egyptians  in  the 
thirty-seventh  year  of  his  reign,  we  know  nothing  of 
Nebuchadrezzar's  later  campaigns.  There  is  no  doubt, 
however,  that  owing  to  his  military  successes,  and  to 
the  great  attention  which,  as  we  learn  from  his  inscrip- 
tions, he  gave  to  the  internal  development  of  his 
country,  the  Neo-Babylonian  empire  was  established 
on  a  firm  basis. 

Unfortunately,  his  successors  were  weak  kings  :  the 
reigns  of  the  first  three  extended  over  barely  seven 
years  altogether,  while  the  fourth,  Nabu-na'id  (Nabo- 
nidus,  556-539),  a  native  Babylonian,  w'ho  was  raised 
to  the  throne  by  the  prieatly  party,  was  much  more 
interested  in  the  restoration  of  temples  than  in  military 
and  administrative  affairs,  the  management  of  which  he 
left  to  his  son,  Belshazzar  (Dan.  5i*).  In  539  Babylonia 
was  invaded  by  the  army  of  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia  ;  Bel- 
shazzar was  defeated  at  Opis,  and  shortly  afterwards 
the  Persians  entered  Babylon  without  opposition. 
Thus  the  Chaldaean  empire  lost  its  independence. 

V.  The  Persian  Period. — The  movement  which  re- 
sulted in  the  establishment  of  the  Persian  empire  began 
in  553.  In  that  year  Cyrus,  ruler  of  the  Persian  king- 
dom of  Anshan  in  Elam,  revolted  against  his  overlord 
Astyages,  the  successor  of  Cyaxares,  and,  having  de- 
feated and  dethroned  him,  made  himself  master  of 
the  Median  empire.  The  defeat  of  Croesus,  king  of 
Lydia,  and  the  extension  of  Persian  authority  over 
Asia  Minor  soon  followed.  Some  years  were  then  spent 
in  establishing  his  supremacy  over  Iran  ;  and  in  539 
the  conquest  of  Babylonia  took  place,  whereby  Syria 
and  Palestine  were  brought  under  Persian  control. 
Cambyses,  the  son  and  successor  of  Cyrus,  added 
Egj'pt  to  the  empire ;  and  Darius  I,  having  crushed 
the  numerous  insurrections  which  followed  Cambyses' 
sudden  death,  besides  strengthening  his  frontiers, 
extended  his  sway  into  Europe  by  the  conquest  of 
Thrace  and  Macedonia.  Darius  also  took  great  pains 
with  the  organisation  of  the  empire.  He  divided  it 
into  twenty  satrapies  or  provinces,  each  of  which  was 
further  subdivided,  the  governors  of  the  subdivisions 
being  responsible  to  the  satrap,  or  governor  of  the 
satrapy,  and  the  satrap,  in  his  turn,  to  the  king. 
Persian  influence  was  extended  and  strengthened  by 
means  of  colonies  established  at  suitable  points ; 
taxation  was  systematised,  each  province  being  assessed 
at  a  certain  amount ;  and  a  network  of  good  roads, 
together  with  a  regular  system  of  posts,  enabled  the 
king  to  control  the  vast  territory  subject  to  his  rule. 
In  the  reign  of  Darius  the  power  of  Persia  reached  its 
highest  point,  and  though  her  empire  lasted  for  a 
century  and  a  half  after  his  death,  that  event  really 
marks  the  beginning  of  her  decline. 

The  causes  of  the  decline  are  not  far  to  seek.  In 
the  first  place,  the  kings  who  followed  Darius  I  were. 


with  the  exception  of  Artaxerxes  III  (3.59-33S).  un- 
equal to  the  task  of  ruling  so  vast  an  empire.  Xerxes  I 
(485-465),  and  still  more  Artaxerxes  I  (465-425)  and 
Artaxerxes  II  (404-359),  were  weak  monarchs,  of  ever- 
varying  moods,  and  quite  incapable  of  grasping  the 
reins  of  government  with  a  strong  hand.  Under  their 
rule  deterioration  was  inevitable.  Another  source  of 
weakness  was  the  general  moral  degeneration  resulting 
from  the  great  increase  of  wealth  and  luxury  :  intrigue, 
bribery,  and  corruption  flourished  ;  and  revolts  of  the 
satraps  became  frequent,  especially  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  period.  Egypt,  too,  was  ever  ready  to 
assert  her  independence ;  while  the  mountain  tribes, 
both  in  the  interior  and  on  the  outskirts  of  the  empire, 
were  constantly  in  a  state  of  unrest.  Most  serious  of 
all,  however,  was  the  failure  against  Greece.  The 
conquests  of  Cyrus  had  broken  down  the  barriers 
between  East  and  West,  and  made  a  conflict  between 
Greece  and  Persia  inevitable.  The  struggle  began  in 
the  reign  of  Darius  I.  In  the  early  stages  the  ad- 
vantage was  with  Persia,  but  the  defeats  which  she 
suffered  at  Marathon  (490),  Salamis  (480),  Platsea 
(479).  and  on  the  Eurymedon  (466)  not  only  deprived 
her  of  her  European  territory  and  of  the  Greek  cities 
in  W.  Asia  Minor,  but,  what  was  more  serious  still, 
deiuiitely  checked  her  progress  westward  and  reduced 
her  to  a  stagnant  condition.  The  Greeks,  too,  gained 
greater  confidence  in  themselves  as  they  found  that 
the  Persians  were  not  invincible,  while  they  gradually 
came  to  see  that  there  was  a  field  of  conquest  and  ex- 
pansion open  to  them  in  the  East. 

The  fact  that  Judah  was  a  part  of  the  Persian  empire 
naturally  raises  the  question  of  the  influence  of  Persia 
upon  Hebrew  life  and  thought.  The  territory  of 
Judah  formed  one  of  the  subdivisions  of  the  satrapy 
called  "  Abar-Naharah  " — i.e.  "  Beyond -the- River," 
the  river  being  the  Euphrates — and  had  its  own  gover- 
nor. On  the  whole,  the  treatment  of  the  Jews  by  the 
Persians  seems  to  have  been  good,  though  it  varied, 
no  doubt,  according  to  the  character  of  the  reigning 
king.  Artaxerxes  III,  for  instance,  was  a  harsh  ruler  ; 
but  it  must  be  remembered  that  one  of  Cyrus'  earliest 
acts  was  to  allow  a  large  number  of  Jews  to  return  to 
Judah,  while  the  missions  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  were 
carried  out  by  permission  of  Artaxerxes  I. 

As  far  as  material  culture  is  concerned,  there  is  no 
evidence  that  the  Jews  were  at  all  in  Persia's  debt ; 
but  it  has  been  held  that  their  religion  shows  traces 
of  her  influence.  Unfortunately,  the  available  evidence 
does  not  justify  a  definite  opinion.  This  much,  how- 
ever, is  certain,  that  after  the  Exile  the  Jews  held  a 
number  of  ideas  and  doctrines  which  they  did  not 
hold  in  pre-exilic  times.  We  find,  for  instance,  at 
highly  developed  angelology,  and  we  know  that  the 
Persians  had  a  similar  system  ;  the  conception  of 
Satan,  too,  may  have  been  affected  by  the  Persian 
belief  in  AJiriman  ;  and  to  Persian  influence  may  be 
due  the  development  of  the  doctrine  of  iirunortality 
wherein  Jewish  theology  made  ita  most  important 
advance.  The  possibilities  of  borrowing  are  numerous, 
and  though  no  single  case  can  be  regarded  as  certainly 
established,  there  is  no  o  priori  objection  against  any 
one  of  them.  We  may  say.  however,  that  if  Judaism 
borrowed,  she  was  not  content  to  keep  what  she 
borrowed  unchanged.  She  developed  and  improved 
it,  and  made  it  the  vehicle  of  higher  teaching. 

The  Persian  power  collapsed  suddenly  and  unex- 
pectedly. The  reign  of  Artaxerxes  III  (359-338)  had 
seen  the  empire  restored  to  its  full  extent,  and  ap- 
parently re-established  as  firmly  as  ever ;  yet,  seven 
years  after  Artaxerxes'  death,  Darius  III,  defeated 


62 


THE   NATIONS  CONTEMPORARY   WITH   ISRAEL 


by  Alexander,  first  at  Issus  (332)  and  then  at  Arbela 
(331),  was  a  fugitive,  and  the  control  of  the  Persian 
empire  passed  to  the  Greeks. 

VI.  The  Greek  Period. — The  movement  which  re- 
sulted in  the  overthrow  of  the  Persian  power  was 
initiated  by  Philip,  king  of  Macedonia  (3oD-336),  and 
was  carried  out  by  his  son  Alexander,  sumamod  the 
Great  (330-323).  The  story  of  Alexander's  campaigns, 
whereby  he  not  only  subdued  the  whole  of  the  Persian 
empire,  including  Egypt,  where  he  founded  Alexandria, 
but  extended  his  conquests  as  far  as  the  Indus,  and 
even  beyond  it  into  India,  cannot  be  written  here. 
Wc  can  onlj-  consider  briefly  the  main  consequences 
of  his  victories  for  Israel. 

In  323  Alexander  died,  and  his  death  was  followed 
by  the  disintegration  of  his  empire.  Wien  the  period 
of  confusion  came  to  an  end,  the  Jews  found  themselves 
between  two  kingdoms — that  of  the  Ptolemies,  with 
its  centre  in  Egypt,  and  that  of  the  Seleucids,  with 
its  centre  in  Syria.  The  founder  of  the  former. 
Ptolemy  I,  afterwards  named  Soter,  had  been  one  of 
Alexander's  ablest  generals,  and  when  the  empire  was 
partitioned  in  323  he  secured  for  himself  the  satrapy 
of  Egypt,  recognising  that  it  was  the  most  fertile  and 
the  most  easily  defended  of  all  the  provinces.  In 
305  he  assumed  the  title  of  king,  and  the  dynasty 
which  he  established  ruled  in  Egj^jt  for  nearly  three 
centuries.  Outside  Egj'pt  proper  he  gained  control 
of  CjTcne,  Cyprus,  and  parts  of  Caria  and  Lycia  in 
Asia  Minor  ;  for  a  time  also  he  had  a  footing  in  Greece, 
holding  Corinth,  Sicyon,  and  Mcgara.  In  301,  after 
three  earlier  attempts,  he  obtained  possession  of 
Palestine,  which  remained  an  Eg^'ptian  province  till 
198.  when  it  passed  into  Seleucid  hands.  In  285 
Ptolemj'  I  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  son,  Ptolemy  EI 
Philadelphus  (285-246),  whose  reign  was  on  the  whole 
a  prosperous  one,  though  he  lost  Cyrene  and  some  of 
his  possessions  in  Asia  Minor.  Ptolemy  III  Euergetcs, 
however,  recovered  what  his  father  had  lost,  and  even 
pushed  his  conquests  westward  as  far  as  Thrace,  and 
eastward  over  Babylonia  into  Iran.  The  next  king, 
Ptolemy  IV  Philopator  (221-204),  was  thoroughly  dis- 
solute, and  though  in  217  his  forces  defeated  the 
Seleucid  king  Antiochus  III  at  Raphia,  thereby  post- 
poning the  loss  of  Palestine,  yet  with  his  reign,  in  the 
course  of  which  Rome  e«tablished  her  protectorate  over 
Egj-pt,  the  decline  of  the  kingdom  set  in.  The  history 
of  the  rest  of  the  djaiasty  is  a  confused  record  of  feuds, 
murders,  and  revolts,  by  which  the  political  power  of 
Egypt  was  undermined  and  her  prosperity  greatly 
dmiinished,  until  in  30  B.C.  she  became  a  province  of 
the  Roman  empire. 

The  kiiigflora  of  the  Seleucids  was  founded  by 
Seleucus,  another  of  Alexander's  generals.  Originally 
he  wa-s  appointed  satrap  of  Babylonia  (321),  but  was 
deprived  of  his  position  in  31().  He  recovered  it,  how- 
ever, in  312,  and  during  the  next  thirty  years  he  made 
himself  master  of  the  greater  part  of  Alexander's 
empire,  extending  his  authority  over  the  eastern 
provinces  as  far  as  India,  over  Syria  and  parts  of 
Asia  Minor,  and,  shortly  before  his  death  in  281,  over 
Thrace  and  Macedonia.  Like  Ptolemy,  he  assumed 
the  title  of  king  in  305,  and  founded  thecity  of  Antioch 
to  be  his  seat  of  government.  The  task  of  maintaining 
the  empire  was  beyond  the  power  of  the  next  four 
kings  :  there  were  revolts  in  the  east,  and  Seleucid 
authority  ceased  to  be  acknowledged  in  Asia  Minor 
and  further  west.  A  revival  was  brought  about  by 
Antiochus  III  the  Great  (223-187),  who  regained 
control   of   the   eastern   provinces,   secured   Palestine 

from  Egypt  (198),  recovered  the  lost  territory  in  Asia 


Minor,  and  even  entered  Greece.  Tno  revival  was  not 
sustained,  however,  for  Antiochus'  western  campaigns 
broxight  him  into  conflict  with  Rome,  and,  owing  to 
the  serious  defeats  which  were  inflicted  on  him  at 
Thermopylifi  (191)  and  Magne.m  (190),  his  empire 
Was  considerably  reduced  not  only  in  the  west  but  also 
in  the  east,  so  that  at  his  death  it  consisted  only  of 
Syria  and  Palestine,  Mesopotamia,  Media,  and  Persis. 
After  the  undistinguished  reign  of  Seleucus  IV  Philo- 
pator, the  kingdom  was  seized  by  Antiochus  IV 
Epiphanes  (176-164),  who  is  best  known  for  his  per  lo- 
cution of  the  Jews  and  his  attempts  to  suppress  the 
Jewish  religion.  He  tried  to  conquer  Egypt,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  Romans  ;  on  the  east,  however,  lie 
was  more  successful,  and  it  was  while  campaigning;  in 
Persis  that  he  died  in  164.  The  remainder  of  the 
history  of  the  dynasty  is  not  unlike  that  of  the 
Ptolemies :  for  the  most  part  the  successors  of  Anti- 
ochus Epiphanes  were  weak  kings,  while  the  rise  of  rival 
claimants  to  the  throne  was  a  frequent  cause  of  feuds. 
Thus,  though  the  kingdom  lasted  for  a  century  after 
Antiochus  I  V's  death,  it  became  ever  smaller  and  weaker, 
until  at  last,  in  63,  Syria  was  made  a  Roman  province. 
But  the  coming  of  the  Greeks  had  other  than  poli- 
tical consequences  for  Judaism.  Hitherto  Jews  and 
Greeks  had  known  little  of  one  another ;  now  they  were 
brought  into  the  closest  contact.  One  after  another  on 
all  sides  ot  Judah  there  sprang  up  centres  of  Greek 
culture,  by  all  of  which,  but  especially  by  Antioch 
and  Alexandria,  the  Jews  were  greatly  influenced. 
Not  only  did  they  engage  in  trade  with  the.se  cities, 
but.  encouraged  by  both  Ptolemies  and  Seleucids,  who 
offered  them  rights  of  citi^ensllip,  and  attracted  by 
the  greater  freedom  of  Greek  life,  they  went  and  lived 
in  them.  There  they  adopted  Greek  habits  and  cus- 
toms, and  even  Greek  names ;  they  read  Greek  litera- 
ture and  studied  Greek  philosophy.  Most  important 
of  all,  they  learnt  the  Greek  language,  employing  it 
originally  in  trade  and  social  intercourse,  but  after- 
wards for  purposes  of  religion.  Quite  early  they  boLran 
to  translate  the  OT  into  Gi-eek — first  the  Pentateuch, 
which  was  completed  by  250,  and  then  gradually  the 
remainder  of  the  sacred  books.  Nor  did  Judah 
escape  these  influences,  which  were  brought  to  bear 
on  her  partly  through  her  commercial  relations  with 
the  surrounding  Greek  cities,  and  partly  through  the 
Jews  of  the  "  Dispersion,"  who  for  religious  and  other 
reasons  were  constantly  revisiting  their  native  land  ; 
while  in  the  capital  itself  a  gjTnnasium  was  established 
in  which  Jewish  youths  engaged,  after  the  Greek 
fashion,  in  physical  and  mental  exercises.  The 
complete  hellenLsation  of  Judaism,  which  must  at  one 
time  have  seemed  likely,  and  which  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes especially  did  his  utmost  to  bring  about,  was 
providentially  checked  by  the  Maccabean  revolt  (pp. 
607f.) ;  but  wc  must  never  underestimato  the  imjHjri- 
anc  0  of  this  period  of  intercourse  betwwn  Je«s  nml 
Gr  eks,  for  it  was  the  last  stage  in  the  long  process  nf 
preparation  for  the  coming  of  Christianity. 

Literature. — Rogers,  History  of  Bulnjlonia  and  .!<- 
Syria;  Iving,  Stimer  and  Akkad  and  The  History  nj 
Babylon  ;  Goodspeed.  History  of  Babylonia  and  As- 
stfriii  ;  Johns,  Babylonia  and  Assyria  ;  Breasted, 
History  of  Egypt ;  King  and  Hall,  Egypt  and  Western 
Asia  ;  Hall,  Ancient  History  of  the  Near  East  :  Meyer, 
Geschichte  des  Allerthums  ;  Maspero,  H istoire  Ancienne 
des  Peuples  de  V Orient  Classiqiw  :  Holm,  History  of 
Greece  (vols.  iii.  and  iv.)  ;  Garstang,  The  Land  of  the 
Hittites :  Macalist«r,  The  Philistines ;  Myers,  The 
Darim  of  History ;  Hogarth,  The  Ancient  East.  Articles 
in  EB",  HDB,  EBi. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  ISRAEL 


By  Dr.  A.  H.  M'NEILE 


1.  The  Dawn  of  Israelite  History. — The  B^ne  (Sons 
of)  Israel  were  an  offshoot  from  a  primitive  stock,  a 
"  Semitic  "  race,  which  is  found,  in  the  dawn  of  his- 
tory, planted  somewhere  in  the  north  of  Arabia.  At 
a  very  early  date  portions  of  this  race  began  to  move 
to  various  parts  of  Asia,  and  in  course  of  time  nations 
were  formed  which  we  know  as  the  Babylonians, 
towards  the  southern  end  of  the  Euphrates ;  the 
Assyrians,  further  N.  on  the  Tigris  ;  and  the  Aramseans 
(or  Syrians),  in  the  district  between  the  two  rivers — i.e. 
Aram-naharaim  (p.  155)  or  Mesopotamia.  When  thia 
district  became  populated,  Aramseans  began  to  move 
westward,  and  estabhshcd  themselves  along  the  trade 
rout<33  as  far  as  Damascus  and  Hamath.  The  B«=ne 
Isrfiel  emerged,  according  to  tradition,  from  "  Ur  of 
the  Chaldees  "  (Gen.  II31,  157),  which  is  generally 
but  not  universally  identified  with  the  ancient  city 
Uru,  in  southern  Babylonia,  but  they  claimed  kinship 
with  the  Aramajans  (Dt.  265*),  and  their  immigration 
no  doubt  formed  part  of  the  general  Aramaean 
movement  to  the  W.  They  were  far  from  being  a 
nation  ;  thej'  were  a  small  band  of  nomads,  whose 
sheikh  bore  traditionally  the  name  Abram,  and  his 
journoyings  represent  the  wandermgs  of  the  clan. 
The  history,  as  pictured  in  the  patriarchal  narrative, 
is  obscure,  and  will  probably  always  remain  to  some 
extent  conjectural.  Tradition  connected  the  settle- 
ments of  the  clan  with  ancient  Canaanit«  sanctuaries — 
e.g.  Shechem  (Gen.  126,  33i8),  Bethel  (128,  133,  2819, 
3515),  Kiriath-arba  or  Hebron  (13i8,  232,  3027), 
Beersheba  (2I31,  2623).  In  some  cases  the  narrative 
attempted  to  account  for  the  names  of  the  places,  or 
for  the  fact  that  the  Canaanito  sanctuaries  or  objects 
of  worship  were  appropriated  to  the  worship  of  Yahwoh, 
which  gradually  took  place  when  the  Israc^lites  settled 
in  the  country  after  the  Exodus.  "  Canaanite  "  is 
often  a  collective  term  for  the  various  tribes  and 
peoples  who  occupied  Canaan.  The  settled  population 
had  reached  some  degree  of  civilisation :  Phoenicians 
on  the  Mediterranean  coast,  who  became  the  chief  sea 
traders  of  the  ancient  world ;  Amorites  and  several 
other  smaller  tribes  in  the  valleys  and  hills  between 
the  sea  and  the  Jordan  ;  and  Moabites  and  Ammonites 
on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan.  There  were  also  tribes  which 
may  be  described  as  half-nomad,  such  as  the  Edomites, 
and  some  smaller  clans  who  clung  to  the  outskirts 
of  cultivated  land  in  the  S.  of  Judah.  And  finally 
there  were  true  nomads,  such  as  tiio  Midianitcs, 
Ishmaelites,  and  Amalekites,  who  roamed  about  in 
the  Arabian  desert  and  made  raids  on  the  cultivated 
regions. 
The  relations  of  Israel  with  some  of  these  snr- 
'  rounding  peoples  arc  reflected  hi  the  stories  of  the 
I  patriarchs  (p.  134).  If  Isaac  n^presents  Isra«l,  or  per- 
haps a  southern  portion  of  it,  Ishmael  is  his  "  brother," 
the  son  of  Hagar,  banished  to  a  fierce  life  in  the  desert. 


Jacob  clearly  stands  for  Israel  as  a  whole,  or  its  main 
stock,  and  his  "  brother  "  Esau — i.e.  the  Edomite 
tribe — is  akin  to  him  by  blood,  and  at  the  same  time 
his  bitterest  enemy.  Jacob's  unscrupulous  cleverness, 
by  which  he  "  supplants  "  Esau  from  their  very  birth, 
is  the  element  in  their  cliaracter  which  enabled 
the  Israehtes  to  retain  their  hold  on  cultivated  lands, 
and  to  get  the  better  of  their  less  subtle  and  less 
civilised  neighbours.  Similarly  Moab  and  Ammon 
were  half-brothers,  "  sons "  of  Lot  the  nephew  of 
Abram  (Gen.  1 936-38).  And  Abram  begat  other 
"  sons  "  by  Kcturah,  whose  names,  and  those  of  their 
sons,  are  the  names  of  districts  and  clans  (25i-6). 
Finally,  the  "  sons  "  of  Jacob  by  two  wives,  Leah 
and  Rachel,  and  two  concubines,  Bilhah  and  Zilpah, 
are  the  eponymous  ancestors  of  tribal  groups  akin  by 
blood,  who  composed  the  confederate  Israelite  nation  as 
it  was  known  in  the  centuries  following  the  Exodus. 

Some  of  these  groups  appear  to  have  lived  for  a  time 
in  a  half-nomad  condition  in  the  Negeb,  or  south 
country,  the  borderland  between  Judah  and  the  desert 
of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  (p.  32),  until  they  were  driven 
by  scarcity  of  food  to  the  borders  of  Egypt. 

2.  Israel  in  Egypt  and  the  Exodus. — The  narratives 
of  Joseph  in  Egypt,  his  slavery  and  his  rise  to  power, 
fascinating  in  picturesque  detail  and  full  of  rchgious 
value  and  beauty,  may  be  based  upon  historical  facts, 
but  are  as  yet  unsupported  by  contemporary  records 
known  to  us.  From  the  broader,  national  point  of  view 
the  important  fact  is  that  some  Israelite  clans  were  per- 
mitted*, together  with  other  desert  tribes,  to  occupy  the 
marshy  pastures  on  the  NE.  of  Egypt  in  the  district 
or  nomc  of  Goshen  (p.  63).  The  Pharaoh  who  allowed 
this  was  probably  a  descendant  of  the  Semitic  invaders 
of  Egypt,  the  Hyksas  or  Shasu  chiefs  (pp.  52,  54), 
who  would  show  liimself  favourable  to  the  Israehtes. 
But  the  change  in  the  attitude  of  the  "  new  king  " 
(Ex.  Is)  towards  them  reflects  the  fact  that  the  Hebrew 
dynasty  was  driven  out,  and  the  Egyptian  eighteenth 
dynasty  was  established.  Rameses  II  (p.  56),  its  most 
important  member,  was  renowned,  and  took  consider- 
able care  to  make  himself  renowned,  for  his  building 
operations,  in  which  foreign  conquered  tribes  and 
prisoners  of  war  were  employed  in  slave  labour,  among 
whom  was  a  large  numlx'r  of  the  Israelites.  His  son 
and  successor,  Memeptah  (p.  56),  was  probably  the 
Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus.  Egypt  was  first  temfied  and 
then  thrown  into  confusion  by  the  "  plagues,"  a  series 
of  disturbing  occurrences  which,  in  God's  providence, 
gave  an  opportunitj^  for  the  Israehtes  and  a  consider- 
able number  of  otlier  enslaved  foreigners  to  escape. 
That  the  opportunity  was  successfully  seized  was  due 
to  the  inspiring  i^rsonality  and  leadership  of  Hoies 
(p.  84).  His  origin  is  lost  in  obscurity,  but  his 
family  was  n-lated  by  marriage  with  the  Kenites,  a 
Midianito  clan.     The' Israelite  records  relate  that  he 


64 


THE   HISTORY   OF  ISRAEL 


maxried  Zipix)rah,  tlie  daughtt-r  of  Jethro,  the  priest 
of  Midian.  Tradition  told  of  Moses'  birth,  and  pn-- 
wn-ation  as  an  infant  by  the  daughter  of  Pharaoh, 
and  traced  his  movements  as  a  young  man  from  Egypt 
to  Midian,  and  from  Midian  to  the  sacred  mountain, 
the  abode  of  Yahwch,  whom  his  family  and  the 
Konitos  worshipped.  Yahwch  appcan^d  to  him  in  the 
burning  bush,  and  entrusted  to  him  the  task  of  de- 
livering His  people. 

The  Israelites  fled  with  him  across  the  Goshen 
marshes  into  the  Sinaitic  peninsula.  The  crossing  of 
the  "  Rod  Sea  "  (yam  suph,  "  sea,"  or  "  lake,  of  reeds  ") 
was  probably  the  crossing  of  the  southern  end  of  a 
lake  a  few  miles  NW.  of  what  is  now  called  the  Red 
Sea  (Ex.  13 17-20*).  A  wind  laid  baix;  a  wide  stretch  of 
shone,  and  when  an  Egi^ptian  force  pursued  the  fugi- 
tives, their  chariot  wheels  stuck  fast  in  the  wet  soil,  and 
the  water  returned  upon  them  when  the  wind  shifted. 

Writers  differ  as  to  the  route  taken  by  the  Israelites. 
Some  think  that  they  moved  southward  to  the  moun- 
tainous range  of  (the  modem)  Sinai,  and  then  along 
the  eastern  arm  of  the  Red  Sea,  now  known  as  the 
Gulf  of  Akaba,  to  its  northernmost  point  at  Ezion-gcber. 
Others,  including  the  writer  of  this  article,  think  that 
the  evidence  points  to  the  route  still  taken  by  Mecca 
pilgrims,  nearly  due  E.  to  Ezion-geber,  and  that 
thence  they  moved  NW.  to  the  region  of  Kadesh 
(-Bamea),  to  Mt.  Sinai,  or  southward  along  the  E. 
side  of  the  Gulf  of  Akaba  to  Mt.  Horeb  (Ex.  31°). 
The  traditions  differ,  and  certainty  is  impossible. 

The  Books  of  Ex.  and  Nu.  contain  several  incidents 
related  to  have  occurred  in  the  course  of  the  journey- 
ings.  In  a  few  cases  duplicates  of  the  same  narrative 
have  been  incorporated  by  the  compiler  both  beforo 
and  after  the  giving  of  the  Law  at  the  sacred  moun- 
tain. Historically  these  incidents  are  without  im- 
portance, though  from  the  religious  point  of  view— 
which  was  that  of  the  narrators — they  are  of  great 
value  as  illustrating  Yahweh's  loving  care  of  His  j)eople, 
and  His  punishments  inflicted  for  their  frequent  acta 
of  rebellion  and  disobedience. 

3.  Moses  and  the  Law. — The  event  which  was  of 
central  importance  in  Israelite  history  was  itself  re- 
ligious. Realising  its  importance,  tradition  sur- 
rounded it  with  terrifying  phenomena,  such  as  would 
be  suggested  by  a  thunderstorm  and  a  volcanic  erup- 
tion— a  fitting  framework  to  a  Theophany.  Moses  had 
led  the  mixed  band  of  loosely  connected  tribes  and 
clans  to  the  mountain  abode  of  Yahweh,  whom  his 
family  and  the  Kenites  worshipped.  And  into  that 
worship  .Moses  admitted  them  as  a  body,  thereby 
uniting  them  by  the  strongest  of  bonds.  Into  thiis 
rehgious  confederacy  were  drawn  not  only  the  fugi- 
tives from  Egj^pt,  but  probably  also  some  tribes  who 
had  not  been  in  Egj'pt,  whom  they  found  settled  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Kadesh.  He  caused  them  all 
to  enter  into  a  solemn  covenant  to  worship  Yahweh 
and  no  other  deity.  And  the  covenant  was  sealed 
by  a  sacrificial  feast  (Ex.  244-8),  a-lebrated  jointly  by 
Jethro  and  the  elders  of  Israel.  (The  earhest  tradition 
that  has  reached  us  as  to  the  laws  to  which  they 
promised  obedience  is  found  in  Ex.  34 14, 17-2 3, 25f.  ; 
and  the  same  laws  are  embedded  in  a  more  extended 
group  in  2O23-2333  ;  but  at  a  later  date  the  Deca- 
logue (2O1-17,  Dt.  .56-21)  wa-s  accepted  as  the  covenant 
code.  In  Dt.  29i  the  remainder  of  the  laws  are  even 
tn>ated  as  the  basis  of  a  second  co^'onant  in  the  land 
of  Moab,  at  the  end  of  the  joumeyings.)  This  event, 
by  which  Israel  for  the  first  time  was  drawn  into  a 
rial  inner  nnitj',  was  so  epoch-making  that  ever  after- 
wards the   laws  and  customs — religious,   social,   and 


ethical — which  grew  up  during  the  whole  history  of 
the  nation  until  the  close  of  tlie  Canon,  were  ideally 
ascribed  to  iloses.  It  is  probable,  from  the  nature  of 
things,  that  Moses  was  the  founder  of  Israelite  law  in 
two  senses:  (1)  In  introducing  the  tribes  to  the 
worship  of  Yahweh  he  must  have  given  directions  as 
to  the  "  manner  "  of  His  cult — the  ritual  requirements 
and  prohibitions  which  he  himself  had  previously  learnt 
to  ob.serve.  And  the  exclusive  worship  of  one  deity, 
although  the  existence  of  others  was  re'cogniaed,  was 
the  starting-point  for  the  advance  to  the  spiritual 
monotheism  which  was  reached  at  a  later  time. 
(2)  As  a  powerful  sheikh  he  must  have  been  responsible 
for  order  and  discipline,  which  he  maintained  by  his 
strength  of  personality  and  sj-mpathotic  devotion  to 
his  people.  This  involved  decisions  of  many  kinds 
on  matters  of  tribal  justice  and  equity,  and  these  must 
have  given  him  the  opportunity  of  moulding  the 
character  of  Israel  as  a  whole,  and  of  planting  the  germ 
which  afterwards  grew  into  the  splendid  ethical  morality 
of  the  prophets.     (See  further  p.  84.) 

4.  The  Settlement  in  Canaan. — The  tribes  thus  newly 
compacted  into  a  rehgious  confederacy  hved  and  wan- 
dered for  some  time  in  and  around  the  Negeb,  with 
Kadesh  as  their  centre.  But  finally  the  larger  portion 
of  them  made  their  way  round  the  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea 
to  the  steppes  of  Moab.  There  is  some  probability 
in  the  supposition  that  the  remainder — those  who  had 
already  been  settled  at  Kadesh  before  the  main  body 
an-ived  from  Egypt — did  not  accompany  them  to 
Moab — i.e.  Judah  and  Simeon  ;  perhaps  Levi,  as  some 
think  ;  and  possibly  also  Benjamin  (but  see  below). 
On  the  E.  of  Jordan  some  native  tribes  known  as  the 
Amorites,  under  their  king  Sihon,  were  successfully 
encountered,  and  also,  according  to  the  Deuteronomic 
tradition,  othei-s  farther  N.,  in  the  district  of  Bashan, 
under  a  king  named  Og.  But  the  final  possession  of 
the  regions  E.  of  the  Jordan  was  probably  a  gradual 
process,  achieved  by  subsequent  raids  from  the  W. 
This  uncertainty  is  reflected  by  the  different  accounts, 
at  various  periods,  of  the  boundaries  of  the  tribes  on 
the  E.  of  the  river,  but  those  who  finally  settled  there 
were  known  as  Gad  (or  Gilead),  Reuben,  and  half 
Manasseh.  (On  the  origin  of  the  tribes  and  the  con- 
quest of  Canaan  sec  further  pp.  248f.) 

Religious  writers  of  Israelite  literature  loved  to 
paint,  in  glo-ning  colours,  pictures  of  the  ancient  for- 
tunes of  tiieir  race.  The  bulk  of  the  Book  of  Joshua 
may  be  described  as  an  allegory,  rich  in  spiritual 
ideals,  but  with  hardly  more  claim  to  be  historical 
than  Bunyan's  Huh/  War.  It  represents  all  tho 
people  of  God  as  making  war  upon  the  enemies  of  God, 
and  the  speedy  result  of  their  battles  was  the  complete 
extermination  of  every  Canaanite  :  "  all  that  breathed  " 
were  swept  away.  Jordan  was  dried  up,  so  that  tho 
host  could  march  over  it  dryshod.  Joshua,  who  had 
been  appointed  as  Moses'  successor,  was  encouraged 
by  the  appearance  to  him  of  One  who  said  that  He  was 
the  Captain  of  the  host  of  Yahweh.  The  walls  of 
Jericho  marvellously  fell  without  a  blow  being  struck. 
In  the  centre  of  the  country  Ai  was  captured  by 
stratagem,  after  Israel  had  suffered  a  reverse  o'.ving 
to  the  sin  of  Achan  in  transgressing  the  hereni  or 
"ban"  (Dt.  234*,  Jos.  Oi7*,  Jg.  I17*,  pp- 99,  114). 
by  appropriating  some  of  the  spoils  of  Jericlio.  Israel 
made  another  mistake  in  allowing  the  Gibeonites  to 
beguile  them  into  making  a  treaty.  When  the  five 
native  kings  in  the  south  heard  of  it,  they  combined 
to  attack  Gibeon,  but  they  were  cnislied  by  Israel  at 
the  battle  of  Beth-horon,  in  the  lowlands  of  Judah. 
The  five  kings  were>  imprisoned  in  a  ca\o  until  tho  rout  1 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


65 


was  completed,  and  then  put  to  death.  After  which  a 
series  of  sweeping  conquests  put  Joshua  in  possession 
of  the  whole  territoiy  from  the  hills  and  lowlands  of 
Judah  to  the  southern  desert.  Lastly,  in  the  N., 
Jabin,  king  of  Hazor,  gathered  a  great  army  of  allies, 
which  was  defeated  by  Joshua  at  tlie  waters  of  Merom 
(p.  32),  and  the  entire  population  in  the  N.  was 
anniliilated.  The  holy  war  was  finished,  the  God  of 
Israel  had  gotten  Himself  the  victorj'.  It  only  re- 
mained for  the  tribes  to  cast  lots  for  their  respoctivo 
territories,  and  to  tako  midisturbed  possession  of 
them. 

But  within  this  idealized  narrative  are  embedded 
certain  ancient  fragments  of  a  history  of  the  settle- 
ment which,  together  with  the  Books  of  Judges  and 
]  and  2  Samuel,  yield  a  very  different  picture.  They 
shew  that  the  IsraeUte  occupation  of  the  country  was 
a  long,  slow  progress.  And  this  is  supported  by  recent 
excavations,  which  make  it  evident  that  no  sudden 
change  took  place  in  religion  or  maimer  of  hfe.  Can- 
aanite  became  Israelite  by  imperceptible  stages.  The 
native  inhabitants  were  strong  with  mihtary  resources 
and  an  established  civilisation.  They  possessed  gar- 
risoned forts  commanding  strategic  points ;  in  parti- 
cular two  chains  of  forts  ran  (1)  along  the  vallej",  west- 
ward from  Jerusalem,  which  separated  the  southern 
from  the  central  hills,  and  (2)  along  the  southern 
border  of  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  the  chief  battle-ground 
of  Palestine,  which  formed  a  break  between  the  central 
and  the  northern  hills.  The  Israehte  tribes,  devoid  of 
war-chariots  and  armed,  probably,  with  rude  weapons, 
but  hardy  and  untamed  in  comparison  with  the 
civilised  Cansianitcs,  gradual!}'  filtered  into  the  country 
and  planted  themselves  in  the  three  separate  hilly 
districts.  Thus  these  three  groups  of  tribes  were  at 
first  distinct. 

The  Southern  Group. — Certain  of  the  tribes,  as  said 
above,  probably  did  not  accompany  the  rest  to  Moab. 
They  appear  to  have  made  their  way  into  the  southern 
hills  straight  from  the  Negeb.  Judah  and  Simeon 
moved  together  (Jg.  Isf.).  But  the  latter  can  hardly 
be  said  to  have  settled  at  all ;  they  remained  on  the 
borders  of  the  desert,  where  they  soon  melted  away, 
and  played  no  part  in  the  national  traditions.  This 
seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  Gen.  49?,  where  Levi  is 
coupled  with  Simeon  as  meeting  the  same  fate.  It 
■will  be  noticed  that  these  tribes,  which  formed  a  geo- 
graphical group  by  themselves,  are  three  of  the  first 
four  "  sons "  of  Leah  (Geru  2931-35).  Her  eldest 
son,  Reuben,  may  possibly  have  been  in  the  earliest 
days  one  of  this  group ;  but  Reuben  is  found,  in  his- 
torj',  only  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  in  a  subordinate 
condition  (Dt.  336;  cf.  Gen.  494).  The  southern  group 
were  in  friendly  relations,  and  gradually  amalgamated, 
with  non-Israelite  clans — Calebites  and  Kenizzites, 
Kenites,  Jerahmeelites,  and  others. 

The  Central  Group. — This  consisted  of  Ephraim  and 
Manasseh,  the  "  house  of  Joseph,"  who  was  the  elder 
son  of  Rachel  They  found  themselves  cramped  for 
room  in  their  hill  forests,  and  were  obliged  to  enlarge 
their  borders  by  cutting  down  the  trees  (Jos.  I714-18). 
And  Manasseh  eventually  sent  some  of  their  numbers 
as  settlers  E.  of  the  Jordan.  The  little  warhke  tribe 
of  Benjamin  was  also  a  son  of  Rachel,  which  may 
imply  that  it  was  at  first  a-ssociated  with  Ephraim  and 
Manasseh.  In  this  case  the  name,  which  means 
"  Southerner,"  refers  to  its  position  in  relation  to 
these  two  tribes.  However,  it  .separated  itself  from 
them  in  the  course  of  its  history,  and  threw  in  its  lot 
with  Judah. 

The  Northern  Group. — Five  tribes — Issachar,  Zebu- 


Ion,  Naphtali,  Asher,  and  Dan— are  found  N.  of  the 
plain  of  JezreeL  There  is  evidence  (pp.  248f.)  which 
suggests  that  Asher  was  an  Israelite  trilx;  which  occu- 
pied its  territory,  and  was  probably  amalgamated  with 
the  Canaanites  of  the  district,  before  the  other  tribes 
entered  the  country.  Dan  settled  at  first  in  the  low- 
lands on  the  W.  of  Judah  ;  but,  being  hemmed  in 
on  either  side  by  the  Canaanites  and  Philistines, 
most  of  its  fighting  members  migrated  to  the  N., 
and  settled  in  a  small  district  near  the  source  of  the 
Jordan. 

Havuig  made  their  way  thus  into  the  various 
parts  of  the  country,  the  Israelites  were  very  far 
from  being  in  the  position  of  conquerors.  This  is 
clearly  indicated  m  Jg.  I27-36.  The  process  by  which 
this  was  achieved  was  not  complete  until  the  reign  of 
David. 

5.  The  Period  of  the  Judges. — The  several  com- 
munities, each  governed  by  its  sheikhs  or  elders,  now 
began  to  enlarge  their  bordeis.  They  contrived  to 
make  their  way  into  the  villages  in  the  plains.  Some- 
times they  became  friendly  with  the  natives,  inter- 
married with  them,  and  all  too  frequently  took  part 
in  their  worship  of  the  local  gods  and  goddesses.  They 
gradually  gained  possession  of  villages,  and  even  of 
walled  towns,  and  made  the  natives  their  slaves. 
From  time  to  time,  as  they  grew  more  powerful,  they 
ftjught  with  them.  When  this  occurred,  all  the 
Israelites  in  a  district  would  follow  a  man  of  char- 
acter and  courage,  who  placed  himself  at  their  head- 
After  a  successful  encounter  this  chief  would  be  hon- 
oured more  highly  in  the  district  than  any  of  the  local 
elders,  and  thus  became  a  "  judge  "  or  petty  king. 
The  narratives  of  the  judges  must  not  be  considered 
as  successive  episodes  in  which  aU,  or  even  a  large 
portion,  of  Israel  took  part.  They  are  specimens  of 
actions  which  must  frequently  have  taken  place  in 
various  districts.  Four  principal  actions  are  recorded, 
in  which  the  "  judges  "  who  took  the  lead  were  Ehud, 
Barak,  Gideon,  and  Jephthah  respectively.  (1)  The 
Moabites  under  their  king,  Eglon,  gained  a  footing 
in  the  district  round  Jericho,  and  exacted  tribut-e. 
Ehud,  who  conducted  the  caravan  bearing  the  tribute, 
assassinated  Eglon,  and  gathered  a  force  which  cut 
off  every  Moabite  found  W.  of  the  Jordan.  (2)  A 
more  formidable  battle  was  fought  against  a  northern 
coaUtion  under  Sisera,  king  of  Harosheth,  described 
in  the  ancient  poem  in  Jg.  5  (the  "  Song  of  Deborah  "). 
Barak,  at  the  head  of  contingents  from  six  of  the  tribes, 
routed  the  enemy  at  Taanach,  and  Sisera  fled,  ordy 
to  be  assassinated  by  a  woman.  In  Jg.  4  the  compiler 
has  confused  this  battle  with  that  against  Jabin,  king 
of  Hazor,  related  in  Jos.  11.  (3)  The  Jlidianites  (Ex. 
215')  severely  harassed  the  Manassites  ;  but  Jerubbaal 
(Gideon)  collected  troops,  from  which  he  selected 
three  hundred  men,  who  sun-oundcd  the  enemy's 
camp  at  night  and  threw  them  into  a  sudden  panic. 
The  Ephraimites  cut  off  all  that  were  W.  of  the  Jordan, 
and  Gideon  s  army  contmued  the  pursuit  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  (For  the  double  thread  of  which 
Jg.  6-8  is  composed,  see  Comm.)  (4)  The  Gileaditcs 
wore  obliged  to  defend  themselves  against  a  neigh- 
bouring nation,  probably  the  Ammonites,  but  the 
compiler  has  confused  them  with  the  Moabites. 
Jephthah,  who  was  living  the  life  of  a  freebooter, 
was  invited  to  take  the  command  against  them,  and 
defeated  them.  His  rash  vow  which  led  him  to 
sacrifice  his  daughter,  and  his  quarrel  with  the  Eph- 
raimites, are  incidents  in  the  story. 

Beside  these  four  engagements,  the  compiler  haa 
preserved  other  narratives :  the  unsuccessful  attempta 

3 


66 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


of  a  half-caste  advi-nturcr,  Ablmelech.  a  son  of  Gideon 
by  a  Canaanito  mother,  to  make  himst^lf  king  over 
iSlicclu-m  and  the  surrounding  district  ;  the  individual 
actis  of  prowess  against  the  Piiiiistinos  of  Samson,  a 
popuhir  hero  of  Israelite'  folklore  ;  and  some  intima- 
tions of  other  loo.il  struggles  under  the  names  of 
Tola,  Jalr,  Ibzan,  Elon,  and  Abdon,  which  are  prob- 
ably (in  the  case  of  Jair  certainly)  names  of  clans  or 
districts,  not  of  individuals.  On  Othnicl  and  Shamgar 
cf.  Jg.  37-11*  and  31*. 

The  result  of  these  occasional  struggles  was  to  give 
the  Israelites  a  firmer  footing  in  the  country.  And, 
in  times  of  peace,  friendly  contact  and  intermarriage 
with  the  natives  led  to  the  acquisition  of  the  ai-t  of 
agriculture  and  other  advantages  of  a  settled  civilisa- 
tion. It  also  led,  as  said  above,  to  frequent  partici- 
pation in  their  worship.  But  a  further  important 
result  ensued  :  by  gaining  larger  tracts  of  territory 
the  tribes  approached  a  closer  unity  of  interests, 
which  created  a  growing  need  of  central  government. 
So  long  as  each  township,  with  its  surrounding  villages, 
was  managed  only  b}-  an  oligarchy  of  elders,  constant 
friction  was  inevitable.  But  the  prestige  accorded  to 
the  local  "  judges  "  paved  the  way  for  the  idea  of  a 
monarchy,  and  a  desire  was  felt  for  a  king  to  "  judge  " 
or  govern  them  and  to  lead  them  in  battle.  To  effect 
this  was  the  work  of  Samuel. 

6.  The  Beginning  of  Kingship. — Samuel,  the  son  of 
Ephraimite  parents,  was  of  repute  as  a  "  seer"  (p.  428) 
in  the  town  of  Ramah  and  the  surrounding  district.  He 
was  moved  by  a  God-sent  conviction  that  Israel  must 
have  a  king.  And  when  Saul,  a  fine  young  Benjamite, 
came  to  him  to  inquire  of  God  respecting  some  lost 
asses,  he  felt  sure  that  here  was  the  man  for  his  pur- 
■  pase,  partly,  perhaps,  because  Benjamm  formed  a  sort 
of  connecting  link  Ix-tween  the  Josenli  tribes  and  Judah. 
He  anointed  him  privatelj',  and  bade  him  seize  the 
first  opportunity  that  offered  itsc^lf  of  assorting  his 
authority.  The  opportunity  came  when  the  Ammon- 
ites, under  their  king  Naliash,  attacked  Jabesh  in 
Gilead.  Saul  acted  in  the  same  manner  as  any  of  the 
"  judges."  Coming  back  one  day  from  his  work  in 
the  field,  he  heard  of  the  desperate  plight  of  Jabesh, 
and  sent  round  a  ferocious  summons  which  brought 
him  a  strong  force  of  men,  with  which  he  rc^lieved 
the  town.  On  his  return  he  was  made  king  at 
Gilgal. 

Some  time  elapsed,  of  which  tJio  records  preserve  no 
account.  But  wnen  his  son  Jonathan  was  old  enough 
to  be  a  skilled  soldier,  Saul  led  the  Israelite  armies 
in  an  attempt  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Philis- 
tines (pp.  oOf.),  who  had  gained  considerable  power  in 
the  country.  (On  an  earlier  occasion,  before  the  Israelite 
armies  were  under  the  command  of  a  capable  leader, 
the  Philistines  had  won  a  victory,  in  which  they  cap- 
tured the  Ark,  and  plunged  Israel  into  despair.)  1  S. 
1319-23  gives  a  description,  perhaps  somewhat  exag- 
gerated, of  the  straits  to  which  Israel  was  reduced. 
At  the  battle  of  Miehmash  a  victory  was  won,  but  it  did 
not  put  an  end  to  the  trouble.  Throughout  the  whole 
of  Saul's  reign  the  Philistines  harassed  the  country  by 
predatory  raids.  Several  skirmishes  took  place,  and 
in  one  of  them  Saul  and  Jonathan  mot  their  death 
at  >It.  Gilhoa  (pp.  29f.).  During  the  latter  years  of 
his  life  Saul  Ix^came  a  victim  to  nervous  melancholia. 
A  harpist  named  DavId  soothed  him  with  music  wlien 
the  attacks  occurred,  and  gained  the  king's  affection, 
so  that  ho  made  liim  his  armour-b{»arer.  But  the 
success  of  this  young  warrior  in  the  Philistine  battles, 
and  the  popularity  which  he  won,  caused  melancholia 
to  take  the  form  of  jealousy,  and  suspicion  that  David 


was  plotting  against  him.  David  was  obliged  to  leave 
the  court.  He  wont  to  the  fortre-ss  of  Adullam,  where 
he  was  joined  by  a  band  of  companions,  which  quickly 
grew  in  numbers,  so  that  he  became  a  free  booting 
chief.  Repeated  attempts  on  Saul's  part  to  catch 
him  were  unsuccessful  For  a  time  the  Philistine 
king,  Achish  of  Gath,  received  him  as  a  friend,  and 
allowed  him  and  his  troop  to  occupy  tho  border  town 
of  Ziklag,  whence  they  made  raids  on  non-Isra<)ito 
tribes  in  tho  Negeb,  and  gained  tho  friendship  of  the 
southern  districts  of  Judan  by  sending  them  pri'.sent3 
from  the  spoils.  Thus,  when  Saul  died  at  Gilboa, 
Judah  was  ready  to  rally  round  David  and  make  him 
king. 

This  outline  of  Saul's  life  is  expanded  in  the  later 
traditions,  which  treat  of  the  two  chief  personages 
of  the  time,  Samuel  and  David.  Samuel  was  the  most 
influential  of  a  group  of  "  prophets."  earnest  adherents 
to  the  old  tribal  religion  of  Yahweh,  who  roused  tiiem- 
selves  to  ecstasy  by  muiiic  and  dancing,  therebj-  keeping 
alive  the  belief  in  Yahweh,  whose  Spirit  was  understood 
to  be  the  cause  of  tho  ecstasy  (p.  430).  But  in  later 
times,  when  "  prophets  "  had  developed  into  some- 
thing l\ijiher  and  nobler,  the  history  was  rewritten  from 
this  more  rehgious  standpoint.  In  these  latter  strata 
of  narrative  Samuel  is  pictured  as  the  great  re-ligious 
adviser  of  king  and  people.  Born  in  answer  to  his 
mother's  prayers,  dedicated  to  God's  service  from 
infancy,  he  received  as  a  child  a  Divine  message  of 
rebuke  to  Eli,  the  priest  of  Shiloh,  and  all  Israel  knew 
that  he  was  established  to  be  a  prophet  of  Yahweh. 
He  "  judged  the  people  in  Mizpah,"  and  Yahweh 
threw  them  into  a  panic  by  a  thunderstorm.  The 
writer  of  this  narrative  had  experienced  tho  misrule 
and  tyranny  of  kings,  and  he  expresses  his  condemna- 
tion of  them  by  representing  Samuel  as  vehemently 
opposed  to  the  appointment  of  a  king.  Tho  people 
clamoured  for  it,  and  God  told  him  that  they  must 
have  their  way.  He  summoned  a  national  assembly 
at  Miz^jah,  where  Saul  was  chosen  by  lot.  Samuel  then 
made  a  sjxiech,  warning  them  that  Yahweh's  favour, 
which  they  had  hitherto  enjoyed  throughout  their 
history,  would  bo  forfeited  by  them  if  they  and  their 
chosen  king  did  not  continue  to  fear  and  sers'o  Him. 

But  Saul  soon  disobeyed  Yahweh's  commands,  de- 
livered by  His  great  prophet.  Samuel  bade  Saul 
undertake  a  religious  war  of  extermination  against 
the  Amalekites,  but  he  disobeyed,  in  that  he  spared 
Agag,  their  king,  and  the  choicest  animals  of  tho  spoil 
for  sacrifice.  Samuel  accordingly  declared  that  tho 
kingdom  would  lx>  taken  from  him,  and  tho  prophet 
fortliwith  anointed  David,  the  youngest  son  of  Jesse, 
marking  liim  out  as  the  future  king.  As  in  the  case 
of  Moses  and  Samuel,  tradition  enriched  history  m  it6 
accounts  of  David's  life.  As  a  shepherd  boy  ho  kU 
wild  boasts  with  his  own  hands.  While  still  too  yoi 
to  Ix)  a  soldier  he  killed  a  Pliilistine  giant,  Goliath, 
with  a  sling  and  a  stone,  and  was  taken  into  Saul's 
household.  There  he  formed  an  ideal  friendship  with 
Jonathan.  But  his  successes  in  battlt>  roust>d  Saul's 
jealousy,  and  he  fled,  in  danger  of  his  life,  to  the  hills 
of  Judaea.  Then>  he  wandered,  not,  as  in  tho  earlier 
narrative,  an  outlaw  chief  with  a  large  baud  of  fol- 
lowers, but  an  almost  solitary  fugitive  chased  by 
Saul.  This  late  stratum  of  the  narrative  encw 
with  Saul's  visit  to  tho  witch  at  Endor,  when  tho 
shade  of  tho  great  prophet  again  rebuked  him  loa 
disobedience,  and  predicted  that  David  would  becoiM 
king  and  that  Israel  would  l)o  defeated  by  tu 
Philistines.  1 

7.  The  Reign  of  David. — David  was  chosen  as  kin| 


THE   HISTORY  OF   ISRAEL 


67 


by  the  Judsean  tribes  whoso  friendship  he  had  won. 
\s  a  counter  move,  Abnor,  Saul's  captain,  set  up  as 
ting  at  Mahanaim  Saul's  son  Ishbaal  (Ishboshcth). 
But  a  defoat  in  )>attle  at  the  hands  of  Joab,  David's 
!aptain,  followed  by  Abnor"s  desertion,  left  Ishbaal 
i(lpl(  ss.  He  was  murdered  by  two  of  his  own  officers, 
md  the  way  was  clear  for  David  to  unite  the  whole 
jountry  under  his  control. 

In  the  consolidation  of  his  kingdom  he  began  with  a 
itratr^gic  movement  of  incalculable  importance — the 
capture  of  the  almost  impregnable  fortress  of  Zion 
rom  the  Jebusitcs,  accomplished  by  the  courage  of 
Foab.  He  then  attacked  the  Philistines,  so  long  the 
courge  of  the  country.  Brief  accounts  of  two  cn- 
jageraents  have  survived  (2  S.  517-25),  and  the  sum- 
nary  statement  that  he  "  took  Mcthog-ammah " 
81  *).  Their  opposition  was  broken,  and  they  never 
igain  became  a  national  peril.  The  conflicts  with 
he  countries  bordering  on  Israel  were  apparently 
lumerous,  but  are,  for  the  most  part,  summarised  by 
ho  compiler  as  briefly  as  possible  in  2  S.  8.  Moab, 
Siram  (SjTia),  Edom,  and  Ammon  were  worsted  in  a 
erics  of  victories. 

But  David's  rise  to  power  spoilt  him.  He  became 
n  some  respects  a  typical  Oriental  monarch.  In  the 
ourse  of  the  Ammonite  campaign  occurred  the  dark 
ncident  of  his  illicit  love  for  Bathsheba,  and  the 
Qachinations  by  which  her  husband,  Uriah,  a  sturdy 
oldier,  was  done  to  death  that  his  wife  might  be 
carried  to  the  king.  The  son  that  she  bore  to  David 
lied  in  infancj'.  Like  other  Oriental  monarchs,  he 
ssumed  roj'al  state,  with  polygamy  its  usual  accom- 
laniment,  which  soon  led  to  opposition,  violence,  and 
rime  within  his  own  family.  His  son  Absalom,  a 
lampered  favourite,  killed  a  half-brother,  Amnon,  for 
,  wrong  done  to  his  sister,  and  fled.  Joab,  realising 
hat  he  was  hatching  mischief,  with  difficulty  persuaded 
)avid  to  fetch  him  home.  But  the  mischief  was 
lone.  Absalom  gained  the  adherence  of  the  northern 
ribcs,  and  the  rebellion  became  so  formidable  that 
)avid  fled  to  Mahanaim.  A  battle  ensued,  in  which 
Absalom  fled,  and  was  caught  up  in  the  branches  of 
,  tree,  where  Joab  killed  him,  contrary  to  David's 
xpressed  wish.  David  returned  in  safety  to  Jeru- 
alem,  but  embittered  against  Joab.  The  victory, 
lowever,  did  not  put  an  end  to  the  tension  between 
he  two  parts  of  the  nation.  An  obscure  quarrel 
rhich  arose  between  them  out  of  a  mere  trifle  gave 
,n  opportunity  to  Sheba,  a  member  of  Saul's  tribe, 
o  rally  the  northerners.  But  this  fresh  revolt  was 
rusiied,  again  by  the  iron  hand  of  Joab.  Two  further 
toubles  occurred  in  the  course  of  the  reign,  a  famine 
Old  a  po8tilen&7,  both  ascribed  to  Yahweh's  anger, 
,nd  both  brought  to  an  end  by  propitiating  Him — 
a  the  former  case  by  hanging  seven  of  Saul's  sons 
II  blood-revenge  for  some  Gibeonitos  whom  Saul  had 
lain,  in  the  latter  by  an  animal  sacrifice  (2  S.  2I1-14, 
14).  After  Sheba's  revolt  no  records  of  the  rtagn  have 
urvived  imtil  the  aged  king  is  pictured  on  his  death- 
led.  Adonijah,  a  son  of  one  of  his  many  concubines, 
?as  plotting  to  seize  the  crown,  with  tho  help  of  Joab 
Jid  the  pri(?8t  Abiathar.  But  David  nominated 
lolomon,  Bathshoba's  son,  as  his  successor,  and  called 
ipon  Bcnaiah,  tho  priest  Zadok,  and  tho  prophet 
ifathan.  to  help  him.  Zadok  anointed  him,  and 
Adonijah  at  once  submitted. 

8.  The  Reign  of  Solomon. — Solomon  wa-s  a  tyrant 
tnd  a  man  of  iron,  who  chastised  tho  nation  with 
fhips.  Still  holding  together  tho  N.  and  the  S.  in 
k  precarious  unity,  and  troubled  by  little  fon^ign 
•pposition  (Hadad,  an  Edomite,  and  Rezon,  an  Ara- 


majan,  are  mentioned  as  givuig  some  trouble,  1  K. 
11 14-25),  ho  was  able  to  attain  to  his  truly  Oriental 
ideal  of  barbaric  magnificence.  In  order,  doubtless, 
to  cement  political  treaties,  he  married  a  large  number 
of  foreign  wives,  including  tho  daughter  of  tho  Pharaoh 
of  Egypt.  He  strengthened  the  country  by  fortifying 
towns  at  strategic  points.  By  alliance  with  Hiram, 
king  of  Tyre,  he  became  possessor  of  a  fleet  which 
traded  along  the  Arabian  coasts,  starting  from  tho 
port  at  Elath,  which  the  Edomite  rising  had  not  suc- 
ceeded in  taking  from  him.  Wealth — tradition  pic- 
tured it  as  fabulous — began  to  pour  in.  But  for  the 
most  part  it  found  its  way  into  Jerusalem,  and  con- 
tributed to  tho  luxury  of  his  court  and  to  the  splendour 
of  his  palace  and  royal  sanctuary,  and  of  the  palace 
of  his  Egyptian  queen.  The  exchequer  was  further 
enriched  by  taxation  :  twelve  districts  were  mapped 
out,  each  in  command  of  an  officer,  who  levied  pro- 
visions for  the  palace  for  one  month  in  the  year. 
Moreover,  tho  king's  extensive  buildings  were  erected 
by  the  forced  labour  of  Israelites  (1  K.  013-17,  11 28). 
One  passage  (920-22)  states  that  only  Canaanites 
were  thus  employed  ;  but  the  amalgamation  of  Israelites 
with  the  natives  was  probably  too  far  advanced  to 
admit  of  this  distinction. 

Solomon's  reign  had  three  permanent  results:  (1) 
His  tyranny  roused  seething  discontent.  Jeroboam, 
son  of  Nebat,  an  overseer  of  the  forced  labour  in 
Ephraim,  who  is  said  to  have  been  incited  by  a 
prophet,  Ahijah  tho  Shilonite,  attempted  revolt.  He 
failed  for  the  moment,  and  fled  to  Egypt.  But  the 
seed  of  disruption  was  sown,  and  would  soon  bear 
fruit.  (2)  The  absorption  of  wealth  by  the  royal 
court  gave  rise  to  class  hatred  between  rich  and  poor, 
and  the  oppression  of  the  latter  by  tho  former,  which 
undermined  the  unity  and  vitahty  of  the  national  life. 
(3)  On  the  other  hand,  tho  erection  of  the  king's 
sanctuary,  tho  Temple,  in  Jerusalem  provided  a  nucleus 
for  all  that  was  best  in  the  national  worship,  and  at  a 
later  date  became,  in  theory  at  least,  the  only  sanctuary 
of  the  one  and  only  God,  Yahweh. 

9.  The  Disruption. — When  Solomon  died,  Jeroboam 
returned  from  Egypt.  To  tho  northern  tribes,  who 
were  clamouring  for  release  from  the  burdens  of  taxa- 
tion and  forced  labour,  Rehoboam,  Solomon's  son, 
declared  with  insolent  foUy  that  he  intended  to  add 
to  thom.  This  brought  about  the  disruption,  which 
was  never  healed.  Jeroboam  became  king  of  the 
northerners,  who  can  henceforth  be  called  Israel,  as 
distinct  from  Judah. 

The  compiler  states,  "  There  was  war  between 
Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam  continually"  (1  K.  I430), 
but  no  details  are  given.  Rehoboam  was  about  to 
mako  an  attempt  to  recover  his  lost  power,  but  was 
dissuaded  by  a  prophet  (I221-24).  Jeroboam  gave 
permanence  to  the  breach  by  providing  for  Israel  a 
religious  bond  of  union.  He  enriched  Bethel,  the 
royal  sanctuary,  by  setting  up  a  golden  bull,  as  a 
symbol  of  Yahweh,  and  consecrated  priests  to  muiister 
there.  (Tho  erection  of  the  second  bull,  at  Dan, 
is  doubted  by  many  writers.)  This,  as  he  expectod, 
proved  a  strong  countor-attraction  to  the  Temple 
at  Jenisalem.  The  historian,  who  was  imbued  with 
the  later  spirit  of  tho  "  Deuteronomic  "  reform,  which 
n-garded  the  use  of  all  images  as  idolatry,  and  all 
non-Lovitical  priesthood  as  invaUd,  never  wearies 
of  denouncing  Jeroboam  as  he  "  who  made  Isnvl  to 
sin."  And  he  n-latos  the  death  of  his  child  as  his 
punishment,  predicted  by  Ahijah  (I41-13).  and  tho 
story  of  the  prophet  from  Judah,  who  rebuked  him 
at  Bt^thel  (13). 


68  THE   HISTORY   OF    ISRAEL 

10.  The  Kings. — The  history  of  each  kingdom  falls  into  four  periods,  as  follows  (see  pp.  119f.) : 


Israel 


1.  Miscellaneous  kings,  937-887  B.C.  . 


2.  House  of  Orari,  887-842 


3.  House  of  Jehu,  842-745 


4.  Miscellaneous  kings,  745-722 


1.  Struggle  towards  prosperity,  937-851 


2.  Paganism  and  weakness,  851-836 


3.  Vigorous  advance,  836-735 


4.  Decline  and  fall,  735-586 


Jeroboam  I 

I  K.  1225-1420 

Nadab 

1525-31 

Baasha 

I527-I67 

Elah     . 

1 68-10 

Zimri    . 

I69-20 

.     Omri     . 

161^23 

Ahab    . 

I629-2240 

Ahaziah 

2249,  2  K. 

I18 

Jcliorain 

2  K.  3-926 

.     Jelui     . 

9,  10 

Jehoahaz 

13l-9,  22f 

Jehoash 

13io-2i,24f.,  14i-i6 

Jeroboam  II 

1423-29 

Zeohariah 

158-12 

.     Shallum 

1510-15 

Menahem 

1514-22 

Pekahiah 

1523-26 

Pekah  . 

1525-31,  I65-9 

Hoshea 

1530,  17i- 

23 

JUDAH 

Rehoboam  .          .         IK.  I21-24,  I421-31       2  Ch.  10-12 

Abijah 

15 1-8 

13 

Asa     . 

159-24 

14-16 

Jehoshaphat 

221-30 

17-211 

Jehoram 

2  K.  816-24 

21 

Ahaziah 

825-29,  916-29 

22i-9 

Athaliah      . 

11 1-20 

22ic^23i5 

Joash 

11,12 

22IO-2427 

Amaziah 

14I-20 

25 

Azariah  (Uzziah) 

142lf.,   1 

5 1-7 

26 

Jothara 

155-7,  32-38 

27 

Ahaz       .      . 

16 

28 

Hezekiah     . 

18-20 

2»-32 

Manasseh     . 

2I1-18 

331-20 

Amon 

2110-26 

3321-25 

Josiah 

22-2330 

34,35 

Jehoahaz     . 

2331-33 

36i-4 

Jchoiakim   . 

2334-247 

365-8 

Jehoiachin  . 

248-16,  2 

527-30 

369,10 

Zedekiah     . 

2417-2522 

3611-21 

11.  Israel.  Political  Unrest.— The  bulk  of  Israel's 
history  consists  in  lior  relations  with  the  foreign  powers 
Aram  (§  12)  and  Assyria  (§  13),  and  with  Judah  (§  14). 
And  since  the  history  was  compiled  by  religious  writers 
with  a  predominantly  religious  purpose,  the  internal 
events  n^corded  are  mostly  those  connected  with  re- 
ligion. The  small  remainder,  which  may  conveniently 
be  sketched  here,  is  almost  confined  to  the  confusion, 
little  short  of  anarchy,  which  prevailed  in  tlie  first 
and  the  last  period.  The  Northern  kingdom  snatched 
from  Rehoboam  by  Jeroboam  was  snatched  again  and 
again  by  others. 

Nadab,  son  of  Jeroboam  I,  was  besieging  Gibbothon, 
a  Philistine  town,  when  ho  was  killed  by  Baasha. 
Baasha's  son  Elah,  and  the  whole  family,  were  killed 
by  his  captain  Zimri.  But  Omri,  who  was  in  command 
of  the  siege  of  (Jibb-thon,  was  set  up  as  king  by  the 
army ;  and  Zimri  in  despair  burnt  the  palace  at 
Tirzah  (p.  30)  over  his  own  head.  Civil  war  followed, 
a  man  named  Tibni  king  supportx-d  by  "  half  the 
people."  But  Omri  succeeded  in  defeating  him.  By  a 
vigorous  reign  he  Ijegan  to  give  strength  and  stability 
to  the  country.  With  the  eye  of  a  good  general  he 
perceived  the  strategic  strength  of  Samaria  (p.  30),  and 
made  it  the  capital,  which  it  continued  to  be  until  the 
northern  kingdom  fell, 


In  the  last  period,  Zechariah  was  killed  by  a  usurper. 
Shallum,  and  he,  a  month  later,  by  Menahem.  Mena- 
hem's  son  Pekahiah  was  killed  by  his  captain  Pekah, 
and  he  in  turn  by  Hoshea.  The  feverish  unrest  of 
this  period  was  an  immediate  sequel  of  the  prosperous 
reign  of  Jeroboam  II.  The  country  had  been  flooded 
with  wealth,  of  the  moral  results  of  which  Amos  and 
Hosca  supply  terrible  evidence — the  rapacity  of  the 
rich  and  their  cruel  oppression  of  the  poor,  murders, 
drunkenness,  revellings,  and  such  like.  The  pohticai 
disorder  reflected  the  social  disorder,  which,  as  the 
prophets  saw  already,  sjxjlt  ruin.  The  sufferings  at 
the  hands  of  Aram  were  as  nothing  compared  with 
those  which  AssjTia  would  inflict.  The  country, 
corrupted  by  luxury,  and  divided  against  itself  by  class 
hatred,  would  fall  a  helpless  prey  before  the  great 
world-power  ordained  by  Yahwch  to  be  the  punish- 
ment of  the  national  sins. 

12.  Israel  and  Aram  (S%Tia). — Aram  is  the  name  as 
given  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  ;  Syria,  the  equivalent  in 
the  LXX  and  Vulg.,  is  adopted  in  the  English  versions. 
That  Israel  and  Aram  were  closely  akin  is  shown  by 
the  fact  that  they  spoke  different  dialects  of  the  same 
language,  and  would  be,  for  the  most  part,  quite  in- 
telligible to  each  other.  Of  the  Aramaean  states  the 
most  westerly,  with  Damasciis  as  its  capital,  lay  ira- 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


mediately  to  the  N.  of  the  Lebanon  range,  and  could 
not  fail  to  be  engaged  in  frequent  border  struggles 
with  Israel. 

The  defeats  inflicted  upon  them  by  David,  and  the 
hostility  of  Rezon  against  Solomon,  have  already 
been  mentioned.  After  the  disruption  Baasha  made 
a  treaty  with  them.  But  when  ho  invaded  Judah, 
Asa,  the  Judpean  king,  bribed  Benhadad  I,  king  of 
Aram,  to  help  him,  which  he  did  by  attacking  some 
Israt^lito  towns,  thus  drawing  away  Baasha.  Omri 
was  also  attacked  ;  he  lost  some  towns,  and  ceded  to 
the  Aramaeans  some  streets  or  quarters  in  Samaria. 
That  he  was  not  crippled,  however,  is  shown  by  his 
defeat  of  the  Moabites,  as  related  in  Mesha's  inscription 
(the  "  Moabite  Stone,"  p.  34, 1  K.  .3 1-2 7*).  Subdued  by 
David,  they  now  tried  to  regain  their  independence  ;  in 
this  they  succeeded  in  the  reign  of  Omri's  successors. 
Against  Ahab  the  Aramaeans  made  further  attempts. 
Benhadad  II  attacked  Samaria.  Ahab  at  first  acceded 
to  his  demands  ;  but  when  thej'^  became  more  extrava- 
gant he  refused,  and  won  the  ensuing  battle.  War, 
according  to  custom,  ceased  for  the  winter;  but  in 
the  following  spring  the  Aramaeans  brought  a  large 
force,  which  was  again  defeated  so  decisively  that 
Ahab  was  in  a  position  to  dictate  terms.  The  towns 
lost  by  Omri  were  restored,  and  streets  in  Damascus 
were  ceded  to  Israel.  In  the  peace  which  ensued, 
Ahab  joined  a  coalition  of  Aramaean  states  in  opposi- 
tion to  Assyria  ;  but  though  the  coalition  was  worsted 
at  Karkar,  no  decisive  result  was  reached.  Ahab 
was  now  foolish  enough  to  break  with  Aram.  He  per- 
suaded Jehoshaphat,  the  Judaean  king,  to  join  him  in 
recovering  Ramoth-gilead,  wliich  had  been  lost  in 
one  of  the  preceding  reigns.  Encouraged  by  a  band 
of  courtier  prophets,  but  warned  by  the  bold  and 
conscientious  Micaiah,  son  of  Imlah,  the  two  kings 
undertook  the  expedition.  Ahab  fought  in  disguise, 
but  was  mortally  wounded,  and  the  expedition  failed. 

After  the  death  of  his  son  Ahaziah,  as  the  result  of 
a  fall  from  a  roof  chamber,  an  incident  which  tradition 
connected  with  the  prophet  Ehjah  (2  K.  1),  another 
son,  Jehoram,  succeeded  his  brother.  The  Aramaeans 
now  began  to  press  heavily.  But  at  this  point  Ehsha 
came  to  the  front  as  the  king's  prophetical  adviser. 
The  compiler  has  preserved  a  group  of  narratives 
about  him  (2f.),  preserved,  as  were  the  Ehjah  stories, 
by  the  prophetic  bands.  Some  of  them  relate  his 
dealings  with  Aram.  The  course  of  events  is  some- 
what obscure,  since  the  name  of  the  Israelite  king  is 
not  given  in  5-8.  The  compiler  represents  the  whole 
series  of  events  as  belonging  to  Jehoram's  reign,  as 
follows.  The  Aramaeans  made  several  attacks,  but 
the  king  was  in  each  case  warned  by  Elisha.  They 
besieged  the  prophet  in  Dothan,  but  the  troops  were 
disabled  bj'  temporary  blindness,  and  he  led  them  to 
Samaria  to  the  king.  The  king  would  have  killed 
them,  but  EUsha  persuaded  him  to  be  conciliatory. 
The  result  was  that  "  the  bands  of  Aram  came  no  more 
into  the  land  of  Israel  "  (623).  This  sentence,  and 
the  friendly  relations  between  the  prophet  and  the 
king,  suggest  that  the  above  narrative  should  be 
placed  at  a  later  point  than  Jehoram's  rcign,  after 
the  dynasty  of  Omri,  which  was  hostile  to  Elijah  and 
Elisha,  had  been  brought  to  an  end.  After  the  sen- 
tence m  23  the  compiler  Ixsgins,  in  the  very  next 
verse,  a  narrative  of  Benhadad's  siege  of  Samaria. 
The  town  was  brought  to  the  extremity  of  famine. 
But  Ehsha,  whom  the  king  (no  doubt  Jehoram) 
blamed  as  the  cause  of  the  trouble,  and  determined 
to  put  to  death,  predicted  that  food  would  soon  be 
cheap.     That  night  a  panic  dispersed  the  enemy,  and 


they  fled  from  their  camp.  Four  lepers,  who  had 
gone  thither  to  give  themselves  up  in  the  hope  of  food, 
reported  the  fact  in  the  city,  and  the  camp  was  at 
once  looted  by  the  famished  population.  To  the  same 
reign  probably  belongs  the  well-known  story  of 
Naaman  (5). 

The  punishment  of  the  dynasty  of  Omri  was  de- 
liberately designed  by  Elisha.  Benhadad  II  was  a 
weak  king,  who  indulged  in  drink  when  he  should 
have  been  fighting ;  and  he  now  lay  seriously  ill. 
Elisha  was  evidently  in  private  comnmnication  with 
Damascus.  He  went  thither,  and  incited  Hazael,  an 
Aramaean  military  officer,  to  assassinate  his  master 
and  seize  the  crown.  He  also  sent  a  young  member 
of  his  prophetic  band  to  anoint  Jehu,  then  an  Israelite 
captain,  who  was  fighting  at  Ramoth-gilead,  which 
Jehoram  was  attempting,  as  his  father  had  done,  to 
recover  with  the  help  of  the  Judaean  king,  Ahaziah. 
Jehu's  savage  attack  upon  the  royal  famiUcs  of  N. 
and  S.  will  be  related  below  (§  18). 

Hazael,  having  followed  Elisha's  hint,  and  usurped 
the  Aramaean  throne,  began  a  series  of  formidable 
inroads  upon  Israel.  Ho  is  eaid  to  have  won  from 
Jehu  all  the  Israelite  territory  E.  of  the  Jordan.  He 
even  attacked  Gath  and  Judah  ;  but  Joash,  the  Judaean 
king,  sent  him  a  heavy  payment,  and  he  retired 
(12i7f.).  Then  Hazael  and  Benhadad  III,  his  son 
and  successor,  continued  their  victories,  so  that 
Jehoahaz,  the  next  king  of  Israel,  was  reduced  to 
extremities.  But  at  this  crisis  "  Yahweh  gave  Israel 
a  saviour,  so  that  they  went  out  from  under  the  hand 
of  Aram"  (IBs).  This  refers  either  to  Jehoash,  tho 
next  king,  or  to  the  fact  that  tho  Assyrians  now  ap- 
peared in  the  W.,  and  Jehoash  was  able,  by  three  im- 
portant victories,  to  turn  the  tide  of  defeat.  His 
work  was  continued  by  Jeroboam  II,  who  gained  a 
series  of  brilliant  victories,  bringing  the  country  to 
the  highest  state  of  prosperity  that  it  ever  reached. 
(The  moral  results  of  this  have  already  been  indicated 
in  §  11.)  But  Ass3Tia  was  now  rising  to  the  zenith 
of  her  power,  and  tho  small  western  states  were  help- 
less. The  rapid  advance  of  Israel  was  followed  by  as 
rapid  a  fall.  A  vain  attempt  to  avert  the  onslaught 
of  Assyria  was  made  in  the  reign  of  Pekah,  by  an 
alliance  between  Israel  and  Aram.  This  will  be 
related  in  the  next  section. 

13.  Israel  and  Assyria. — As  soon  as  Assyria,  under 
Ashumasirpal,  began  her  movement  into  Western 
Asia,  the  fate  of  the  little  kingdom  of  Israel  may  be 
said  to  have  been  sealed.  Omri  was  known  to  the 
Assyrians ;  his  successful  reign  had  been  important 
enough  to  cause  their  inscriptions  to  speak  of  Israel 
as  "  the  land  of  the  house  of  Khumri  "  (Omri),  and 
even  Jehu  is  mistakenly  called  the  son  of  Omri.  The 
earhest  hostile  contact  was  at  Karkar,  where  Ahab, 
as  already  stated,  was  in  conjunction  with  some 
Aramaean  states.  Shalmaneser  III  (tiU  recentl; 
called  II)  attacked  Aram,  and  ultimately  besieged 
Hazael  in  Damascus.  Jehu,  as  well  as  Tj'^ro  and 
Sidon,  warded  off  an  attack  by  paying  tribute,  as 
related  on  the  "  Black  Obelisk,"  wlvich  fixes  tho  date 
as  842  B.C.  The  next  AssjTian  king,  Shamshi-ramman, 
was  occupied  for  a  short  time  in  his  own  country,  and 
Hazael  took  advantage  of  the  interval  to  gain  his 
victories  over  Jehu  and  Jehoahaz.  But  in  the  reign 
of  the  latter  the  Assyrians  reappeared  under  Rammaa- 
nirari  III,  and  Israel  was  then  reUeved  from  the 
Aramaean  pressure.  During  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II 
the  Assyrians,  under  three  of  their  kings,  were  again 
occupied  at  home,  defending  themselves  against 
enemies ;   this  gave  the  Israelite  king  the  opportunity 


70 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


for  Ilia  extended  Bucoesses.  But  Israel's  fall  was  at 
hand.  In  the  midst  of  the  disorders  which  followed 
the  overthrow  of  Jehu's  dynasty  by  iShalluin's  murder 
of  Zechariah.  the  Assyrians  again  came  westward 
under  Tiglath-pileser  III,  or  Pul.  Directly  ho  ap- 
peared, Menahem  paid  him  tribute,  together  with 
Rezon  of  Damascus  and  Hiram  of  Tyre.  The  two 
great  powers,  Assyria  and  Egypt,  were  now  in  close 
proximity,  separated  only  by  tne  debateable  ground 
of  the  small  Palestinian  states.  When  the  A^8^Tians 
retired,  Israel  became  divided  against  itself  in  its 
foreign  policy.  One  party  supported  the  king  in 
submission  to  Assyria,  but  the  other  wished  to  buy 
the  help  of  Egj'pt.  Hosea  pictures  in  despairing  lan- 
guage the  hopelessness  of  the  situation  {e.g.  Has.  7ii, 
12i).  At  last  Pekah  took  the  lead  of  the  pro- Egyptian 
party,  killed  Pekahiah,  Menahem's  son,  and  joined  a 
coalition  against  AssjTia  consisting  of  Damascus, 
TjTe,  Sidon,  Ashkelon,  and  Gaza.  But  to  make  suc- 
cess possible  all  the  Palestinian  states  must  join. 
When  Judah  refused,  Pekah,  with  Rezin  (better 
Rezon)  of  Damascus,  tried  to  force  Ahaz  the  king  by 
raiding  Judah,  and  even  investing  Jenisalera  (Is.  7i). 
But  before  thcj'  could  take  the  city  the  Assyrians 
suddenly  appeared  in  Northern  Israel,  in  734.  (The 
action  of  Ahaz  at  this  crisis  will  be  related  in  §  16.) 
They  crushed  the  coalition,  annexing  most  of  the  terri- 
tory N.  of  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  and  deported  the  popu- 
lation to  Assyria,  and  then  prevented  any  help  coming 
from  Egypt  by  capturing  Ashkelon  and  Gaza.  Pekah 
was  killed  by  Hoshea,  a  member  of  the  pro-Assyrian 
party,  and  Pul  placed  him  on  the  throne,  subject,  of 
course,  to  tribute.  This  he  paid  as  long  as  Pul  lived. 
But  at  his  death  in  727  there  was  a  general  revolt 
against  his  successor,  Shalmaneser  V.  At  his  approach 
Hoshea  did  homage  and  brought  tribute,  but  directly 
his  back  was  turned,  Hoshea  in  725-4  appealed  to 
Egypt,  then  in  the  hands  of  an  Ethiopian  usurper, 
a  military  captain  named  So  or  Sibi.  Before  ho  could 
send  help,  Shalmaneser  besieged  Samaria,  after  cap- 
turing Hoshea.  The  town,  being  too  strong  to  be 
stormed,  was  reduced  by  famine.  Before  its  capture 
Shalmaneser  died,  but  it  was  completed  by  his  suc- 
cessor, Sargon,  in  723.  Ahnost  the  entire  population 
waa  deported  to  Assyria,  and  foreign  conquered  nations 
from  the  E.  were  settled  in  their  place. 

These  heterogeneous  peoples  followed  their  various 
cults,  the  amalgamation  of  which  with  the  worship  of 
Yahweh  is  described  in  2  K.  I724-41.  Their  numbers 
were  afterwards  increased  by  further  importations 
(Ezr.  42, gf.).  The  community  became  known  as  the 
Samaritans. 

14.  Israel  and  Judah. — The  compiler  of  1  and  2 
Kinrje  has  arranged  a  scheme  of  synchronisms  for  the 
kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  but  it  is  sometimes  arti- 
ficial and  of  no  historical  value.  The  precise  over- 
lappings  of  the  several  reigns  are  (juite  unimjiortant. 
All  that  need  be  studied  are  the  occasions  when  the 
two  kingdoms  come  into  contact.  As  has  already 
been  pointed  out,  they  were  never  really  one  nation 
in  a  political  sense,  but  only  in  religion,  although  a 
precarious  unity  had  been  maintained  under  David 
and  Solomon.  Judah  lasted  a  century  longer  than 
Israel,  but  for  some  2r>()  years  they  existed  side  by 
side.  During  the  <iynasty  of  Omri  they  preserved  a 
mutual  alliance,  but  before  and  after  it  their  contact 
was  always  collision. 

The  folly  of  Rehoboam,  which  led  to  the  disruption, 
and  the  steps  taken  by  Jeroboam  to  make  the  breach 
permanent,  have  been  mentioned  in  §  9.  The  com- 
piler, who  states  that  "  there  was  war  between  Reho- 


boam and  Jeroboam  oontinually,"  makes  a  similar 
remark  about  Abijah  and  Jeroboam  (1  K.  I07),  but, 
as  before,  no  details  are  given  ;  and  again  about  Asa 
and  Baaaha.  In  this  case  we  learn  that  Baasha  in- 
vaded Judah,  and  lortiQed  Ramah,  a  few  miles  north 
of  Jerusalem,  as  an  outpost  from  which  to  harass  the 
enemy.  But  Asa  bribed  the  Aramseans  to  draw  away 
Baasha  (§  12),  and  demolished  Ramah. 

The  dynasty  of  Omri  brought  a  thirty  years'  in- 
terlude in  the  hostilities.  Ahab  began  by  seeking 
the  help  of  Jehoshaphat  in  the  disastrous  attempt 
to  recover  Ramoth-gilead  from  the  Aramseana  (§  12). 
A  Uttlo  later,  the  same  Judaean  king  was  approached 
by  Ahab's  son.  Jehoshaphat  had  made  himself  master 
of  Ezion-geber,  and,  like  Solomon,  had  built  a  fleel 
to  trade  along  the  Arabian  coasts.  His  first  expedition 
failed,  the  ships  being  "  broken,"  either  by  a  storm 
or  enemies.  But  when  Ahaziah  ofiEered  to  join  him 
in  manning  another  fleet,  Jehoshaphat  declined.  This, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  have  caused  friction,  for 
soon  afterwards  Jehoshaphat  was  again  fighting  in  con- 
junction with  Israel.  The  Moabites,  defeated  by  Omri, 
had  recently  rebelled  from  Israel's  suzerainty.  Jeho- 
ram,  Ahaziah's  brother,  tried  to  reduce  them,  and 
persuaded  Jehoshaphat  to  join  him,  together  with  the 
Edomites,  who  were  at  that  time  subject  to  Judah. 
They  approached  from  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  to  take  the  Moabites  in  the  rear,  but  in  doing 
so  were  in  want  of  water.  Elisha,  roused  to  prophetic 
ecstasy  by  music,  bade  them  dig  trenches.  In  the 
morning  the  water  in  the  trenches  looked  crimson, 
perhaps  with  the  early  sunlight.  The  Moabites, 
thinking  it  was  blood,  and  that  the  allied  armies  had 
begun  to  slaughter  one  another,  advanced  incautiously 
and  were  routed.  But  the  victory  was  not  decisive. 
The  Moabite  king,  besieged  in  Kir-hareseth,  and 
reduced  to  despair,  sacrifaced  his  son  on  the  city 
wall ;  and  the  allied  armies  were  so  terrified  at  the 
wrath  of  Chemosh,  the  Moabite  god,  that  they  with- 
drew. 

The  alliance,  however,  did  not  cease.  It  was 
further  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  Jehoram,  king 
of  Judah,  to  Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab  and 
Jezebel.  It  also  led  to  one  more  joint  action. 
Ahaziah,  son  of  the  last  king  and  of  Athahah,  gave 
his  help  to  Jehoram  of  Israel  in  another  attempt  to 
recover  Ramoth-gilead.  But  it  failed.  Jehoram  was 
wounded  and  returned  to  Jezreel,  where  he  was  visited 
by  Ahaziah,  Both  were  there  put  to  death  by  Jehu. 
The  house  of  Omri  was  thus  brought  to  an  end,  and 
never  again  was  there  a  possibility  of  alliance  between 
Israel  and  Judah. 

It  wjvs  jierhapK  with  a  view  to  avenging  the  Jud.fan 
blood  shed  by  .Jehu  that  Amazlah  challencod  to  battlo 
Jehoash,  Jehu's  grandson.  Amaziah  was  elated  at  t» 
recent  victory  over  the  Edomites  (§  15),  and  the  severe 
losses  recently  suffered  by  Israel  at  the  hands  of  the 
Arama?ans  (§  12)  may  have  seemed  to  offer  him  a 
favourable  opportimitv.  But  Israel  was  making  a 
quick  recovery  from  her  losses.  Jehoash  replied  to 
Amaziah  with  the  scornful  parable  of  the  thistle  that 
wanted  his  son  to  inarry  the  cedar's  daughter.  But 
Amaziah  persisted,  and  suffen^d  a  eevore  defeat  at  Beth- 
shomesh.  Jehoash  brought  him  back  to  Jerusalem, 
when>  he  destroyed  part  of  the  wall,  and  took  heavy 
payment  and  hostages.  The  ix-ojilo  were  so  angry  with 
Amaziah  that  they  put  him  to  death  and  placed  his 
son  on  the  throne. 

Tho  only  remaining  occasion  on  which  Israel  and 
Judah  came  into  contact  was  tho  Syro-Ephraimito 
attack,  by  which  Pekah  and  Rezon  (Rezin)  sought  to 


THE  HISTORY  OF  ISRAEL 


71 


force    Ahaz  to   join    their   coalition   against   Assyria 
(§§  12,  16). 

15.  Judah  and  Neighbouring  Peoples. — As  in  the 

caso  of  Israel,  the  bulk  of  Judah's  secular  history 
consists  of  hor  relations  with  foreign  powers.  From 
the  time  when  Israel  fell,  Assyria  and  then  Babylon 
filled  the  whole  outlook.  But  conflicts  with  powers 
nearer  home  may  first  be  briefly  noticed.  From  a 
military  point  of  view  Judah  was  singularly  insig- 
nificant. It  was  small — about  the  size  of  Lincoln- 
shire— and  unwarlike.  Its  only  chance  of  existence, 
as  the  prophets  saw,  lay  in  its  mountainous  seclusion. 
But  its  rulers  persistently  refused  to  n^alise  its  limita- 
tions, and  plunged  it  frequently  into  foreign  turmoils. 
Rehoboam,  having  hopelessly  failed  to  retain  his 
hold  on  the  northern  tribes,  suffered  a  further  reverse  at 
the  hands  of  Egj-pt.  Shishak  (Sheshonk  I),  a  Libyan 
who  had  usurped  the  Egyptian  throne  from  the  Pharaoh 
with  whom  Solomon  had  been  in  alliance,  invaded  Judah, 
and  even  Israel,  although  he  had  been  friendly  to 
Jeroboam  I  (p.  58,  1  K.  14-25").  He  carried  off  the  large 
treasure  with  which  Solomon  had  enriched  the  Temple 
and  palace.  Asa,  when  attacked  by  Baasha,  would 
have  met  with  yet  another  defeat  if  he  had  not  called 
in  the  help  of  the  Aramaeans  (§  12).  Jehoshaphat  was 
more  successful  He  seems  to  have  gained  possession 
of  the  Philistine  town  Libnah  (2  K.  822) ;  and,  still 
holding  the  suzerainty  over  Edom  (ib.)  which  gave 
him  control  over  Ezion-geber,  with  its  port  Elath  on 
the  GuK  of  Akaba,  he  built  a  fleet  for  trading  purposes, 
which,  however,  was  destroyed  (§  14).  His  expeditions 
with  Aliab  at  Ramoth-gilead,  and  with  Jehoram  to 
reduce  the  Moabites,  have  been  related,  and  belong 
rather  to  the  history  of  Israel  than  of  Judah.  His 
weak  successor,  Jehoram,  lost  Libnah,  and  Edom  at 
the  same  time  successfully  revolted,  although  in  821 
there  seems  to  be  an  obscure  account  of  a  victory  over 
it.  But  access  to  the  Red  Sea,  which  he  had  lost, 
was  a  tempting  prize,  which  was  again  won  by  Amaziah 
in  a  battle  witli  Edom  in  the  Valley  of  Salt,  when  he 
captured  the  fortress  of  Sela  (Hy).  Elath  remained 
in  Judah's  hands  during  the  successful  rule  of  Azariah 
(Uzziah)  and  his  regent  son,  Jotham  ;  but  the  use 
which  tney  made  of  it  was  of  no  interest  to  the  com- 
piler, Ahaz,  hke  Jehoram,  was  a  weak  man,  who 
last  all  that  had  been  gained.  In  the  SjTo-Ephraimite 
invasion  of  Judah,  Rezon  (Rezin)  "  recovered  Ela'h  for 
Aro-Tn  [read  Edom]  "(1(36).  Hezeklah  was  more  capable; 
but  the  only  victories  recorded  of  him  m  Kings  are  those 
by  which  he  defeated  the  Philistines  in  and  around 
Gaza  (188).  All  the  remaining  instances  of  Judsean 
enterprise  which  the  compiler  preserves  must  be  studied 
in  connexion  with  Assyria  (§16)  and  Babylon  (§  17). 

16.  Judah  and  Assyria. — The  tragic  history  of 
Judah's  relations  with  the  great  Asiatic  power  can 
be  told  more  fully,  material  being  provided  not  only 
in  Assyrian  inscriptions,  but  also  in  the  preaching  of 
Isaiah.  In  her  hilly  isolation,  at  a  distance  from  the 
main  highroads  which  cormected  Egj7)t  with  the  N. 
and  E.,  it  might  have  been  possible  for  Judah  to  remain 
intact.  As  Isaiah  said  :  "  In  quietness  and  confidence 
Bhall  be  your  strength."  But  a  bold  and  far-seeing 
policy  counts  for  nothing  in  the  face  of  panic.  Wlien 
Tiglath-Pileser  III  (Pul)  ha<^l  begun  his  victories  over 
the  western  states,  Pekah  of  Israel  and  Rozon  (Rezin) 
of  Damascus  raided  Judah  in  order  to  force  Ahaz  to 
join  their  coalition,  or,  failing  that,  to  depose  him  and 
to  place  on  the  Judaean  throne  a  Ben-Tabeel,  a  puppet 
of  their  own  (Is.  76).  The  result  was  a  panic  in 
Jerusalem  (2),  and  Ahaz  dotcmiined  to  renounce 
hifl  independence  and  to  pay  tributo  to  Assyria.     At 


.  this  crisis  Isaiah  came  forward,  and  tried  hard  to 
persuade  the  king  (1-16)  and  the  people  (81-15) 
that  Pekah  and  Rezin  were  not  formidable ;  that 
within  a  very  few  years  they  would  be  swept  away 
by  Assyria  ;  and  that,  if  Judah  would  only  remain 
quiet  and  trust  in  Yahweh,  she  would  suffer  no  harm ; 
but  if  she  refused  Yahweh's  help,  imagining  it  to  be 
as  feeble  as  the  small,  shallow  waters  of  Shiloah,  and 
hired  the  help  of  Assyria,  the  latter  would  sweep  over 
the  country  with  a  torrent  hke  that  of  the  Euphrates  ; 
the  policy  of  Ahaz  would  be  an  apparent  success 
in  averting  the  immediate  Syro-Ephraimite  danger, 
but  Judah  would  be  finally  "  shaved  "  clean  by  the 
very  "  razor  "  hired  to  help  her  (72o).  But  Ahaz  waa 
infatuated  with  his  own  plan,  and  would  not  listen. 
He  paid  tribute  (2  K.  167f.) — quite  urmecessarily,  as 
laaiah  had  foreseen,  since  Assyria  would  have  attacked 
Pekah  and  Rezin  in  any  case.  In  the  next  year  (734) 
Tiglath-Pileser  captured  Gaza,  in  733  the  northera 
districts  of  Israel,  and  in  732  Damascus.  In  724 
Hoshea  revolted,  and  the  northern  kingdom  fell  (§  13). 
"  Henceforward,  instead  of  a  kindred  people,  Judah 
had  on  its  northern  border,  which  lay  but  an  easy 
day's  walk  from  Jerusalem,  an  AssjTian  province  and 
a  mixed  population  "  (Gray). 

During  the  j^ears  734-711  Judah  seems  to  have  re- 
mained in  submission  to  Assyria,  giving  no  help  either 
to  the  northern  kingdom  at  the  time  of  its  collapse, 
or  to  Hamath  when  it  revolted  and  was  subdued  in 
720.  Earlier,  probably,  than  these  two  events  Ahaz 
died,  and  thus  did  not  witness  the  evils  that  his  pohcy 
was  destined  to  produce.  In  720  Sargon  also  defeated 
Gaza  and  an  Egyptian  force  at  Raphia,  in  the  S.  of 
Philistia,  but  Judah  was  apparently  untouched.  But 
in  711,  when  Hezekiah  was  on  the  Judsean  throne,  a 
combined  revolt  was  started  which  included  Judah 
(Is.  20'),  Ashdod,  Moab,  and  Edom,  with  help  from 
Egypt  and  Ethiopia.  This  was  quelled  by  Sargon'a 
"  Tartan  "  or  officer.  But  intrigue  was  in  the  air. 
2  K.  2O12-19  (Is.  39)  describes  an  embassy  sent  to 
Jerusalem  by  Merodach  Baladan,  which  Hezekiah 
favourably  received,  bringing  upon  himself  a  stem 
warning  from  Isaiah.  Merodach  Baladan  was  a  Chal- 
dean who  had  made  himself  master  of  Babylon.  If 
the  Biblical  narrative  is  historically  trustworthy, 
which  some  writers  doubt,  the  embassy  may  have  been 
sent  when  he  had  been  driven  out  of  Babylon  by 
Sargon  in  709. 

In  705  Sargon  was  succeeded  on  the  Assyrian  throne 
by  Sennacherib.  This  was  the  signal  for  another 
revolt  by  Judah  and  Philistia,  fostered  by  an  Ethiopian 
dyn  asty  in  Egypt.  In  70 1  the  Assyrians  came,  as  before, 
along  the  coast  road  to  Philistia,  and  Sennacherib 
defeated  Ashkelon  and  Ekron.  The  latter  had  de- 
posed their  king,  Padi,  who  must  have  favoured  sub- 
mission to  Assyria,  and  had  sent  him  in  chains  to 
Hezekiah.  But,  after  winning  a  victory  at  Eltekeh, 
the  Assyrian  troops  overran  Judah,  and  Padi  was 
restored.  Their  inscription  states  that  they  captured 
forty-six  fortified  towns  and  many  smaller  ones,  and 
200,150  inliabitants ;  and  Jerusalem  was  blockaded, 
Hezekiah  being  shut  up  "  like  a  caged  bird."  But 
the  city  was  not  captured.  Hezekiah  submitted  and 
sent  a  large  tribute  to  Nineveh,  whither  Sennacherib 
had,  for  some  reason,  retired  before  the  end  of  the 
Juda?an  campaign.  With  this  account  agrees  the 
brief  statement  in  2  K.  I813-16  (  =  Is.  36i).  But  some 
other  narratives  are  appended:  (1)  In  I817-I97 
(  =  Is.  862-377)  it  is  related  that,  after  capturing  the 
Judsean  towns,  Sennacherib  sent  from  I^Achish  an 
oflScer,  the  "  Ralwhakeh."  to  demand  the  surrender  of 


72 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


Jerasalem  ;  hut  Isaiah  encouraged  Hezekiah  to  hold 
out,  declaring  that  Sennacherib  "  shall  hear  a  rumour 
and  shall  return  unto  hia  own  land."  According  to 
this  sentence  his  departure  is  as  sudden  and  unex- 
plained as  in  the  inscription.  But  (2)  in  I935-37 
(  =  18.  3736-38)  there  is  the  famous  account  of  the 
Assyrian  soldiery,  smitten  "  by  an  angel  of  Yahweh  " — 
i.e.  probably  by  pestilence — and  this  seems  to  Ije  given 
as  the  reason  for  iSonnacherib's  departure.  And 
finally,  (3)  between  these  accounts  stands  yet  another 
narrative  in  198-34  (  =  l3.  378-35),  according  to  which 
Sennacherib  at  Lachish,  hearing  that  Tirhakah  of 
Ethiopia  was  advancing  against  him,  sent  messengers 
to  Jerusalem  to  intimidate  Hezekiah.  The  king  took 
the  letter  into  the  Temple  and  prayed  to  Yahweh  to 
defend  the  city  ;  and  Isaiah  encouraged  him,  declaring 
that  the  city  would  not  be  injured.  This  seems  to  be 
partly  a  duplicate  of  the  first  of  the  three  narratives,  but 
probably  confused  with  a  record  of  a  later  event,  since 
it  seems  certain  that  Tirhakah  was  not  king  of  Ethiopia 
before  694.  The  mention  of  him  would  be  explained  if 
Sennacherib,  as  is  possible,  was  again  called  to  Syria 
c.  690.  Thus  the  details  of  his  inva-sion  are  uncertain  ; 
but  two  fsicts  are  clear,  that  Jerusalem  was  not  cap- 
tured, and  that  Judah  continued  to  be  tributary  to 
Assyria. 

Under  Esarhaddon,  to  whom  Manasseh  acknowledged 
vassalage  by  paying  tribute,  and  under  his  successor 
Afishur-barii-pal  (Heb.  Osnappar),  Assj-ria  lose  to  her 
highest  pinnacle  of  power.  Both  these  monarchs 
transplanted  some  of  their  captives  to  join  the  already 
mixed  population  in  the  region  of  Samaria  (Ez.  42, gf.). 
The  latter  even  invaded  Eg\^t,  and  captured  No- 
Amon  (Thebes)  in  660  (Nah.  38-io).  But  only  fifty- 
three  years  later  Ass3'ria  fell,  never  to  rise  again. 
Isaiah  had  been  confident  that  her  pride  would  some 
day  be  abased  (Is.  IO5-34) ;  Zephaniah  had  declared, 
early  in  Josiah's  reijrn,  that  she  would  share  the  ruin 
which  the  day  of  Yahweh  would  bring  to  many  nations 
(Zeph.  2) ;  and  Nahum,  his  contemporary,  perceiving 
that  with  all  her  splendour  she  was  internally  rotten, 
spent  his  short  utterance  in  proclaiming  her  fall. 
The  Medes  under  Cyaxares  and  the  Chaldeans  under 
Nabopolassar,  the  founder  of  the  new  Babylonian 
empire,  unite<l  against  her.  At  the  moment  when  her 
power  began  to  wane,  Necho,  the  Pharaoh  of  Egypt, 
attempted  to  gain  part  of  her  dominions.  Josiah, 
who  in  the  absence  of  AssjTian  forces  had  assumed 
authority  over  parts  of  Northern  Israel,  unwisely 
dared  to  resist  his  passage ;  he  met  his  untimely  death 
at  Megiddo  in  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  and  Necho  passed 
on.  Jehoahaz,  the  younger  son  of  Josiah,  was  made 
king  by  the  people.  But  Necho,  on  his  return  three 
months  later,  sent  for  him  to  Riblah  on  the  Orontes, 
and  dispatched  him  in  chains  to  Egypt — an  event 
bitterly  lamented  by  Jeremiah  (22io-i2) — and  placed 
on  the  throne  as  a  tributary  vassal  Josiah's  elder  son, 
Jehoiakim.  But  the  Chaldeans  (Babylonians)  were 
now  rising  with  irresistible  leaps  to  power.  It  was 
their  impending  advance  which  drew  from  Habakkuk 
his  cry  of  perplexity.  The  fall  of  Nineveh  in  607,  and 
the  defeat  of  Necho  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  son  of  Nabo- 
polassar, at  Carchemitih  in  604  (Jer.  462-26),  were 
epoch-makintr  events.  Had  Egypt  won  at  Carchcmish, 
and  retained  her  hold  upon  Judah,  the  subsequent 
history  and  religious  development  of  the  chosen  people 
would  have  been  completely  different. 

17.  Judah  and  Babylon. — Necho's  defeat  made 
Judah  tributary  to  Babylon  instead  of  to  Egypt.  It 
was  obvious,  in  the  circumstances,  that  her  only  chance 
of  existence  lay  in  quiet  submission  ;    but  king  and 


people  alike  failed  to  see  it.  Jehoiakim  began  to 
surround  himself  with  wealth  and  luxury,  with  its 
inevitable  accompaniments  of  oppression  and  injustice 
(Jer.  2213-17).  Tiie  true  prophets  were  despised, 
especially  the  greatest  of  them,  Jeremiah.  Amid  hatred 
and  persecution  he  stood  forth  and  declared,  in  season 
and  out  of  season,  that  submission  to  Babylon  would 
alone  avert  utter  destruction.  He  collected  his  earlier 
prophecies,  and  Baruch,  his  scribe,  read  them  to  the 
people  at  the  time  of  a  national  fast  held  in  view  of 
the  approaching  periL  The  princes  took  the  roll,  and 
Jehudi  began  to  read  it  to  the  king ;  but  he  cut  it  in 
pieces  and  threw  it  into  the  fire.  He  sent  to  arrest 
Jeremiah,  "  but  Yahweh  hid  him."  And  the  prophet 
again  made  Baruch  write  out  the  prophecies,  adding 
many  of  his  later  utterances  (369-32).  His  words  were 
echoed  by  a  prophet  named  Urijah,  but  he  was  so 
fiercely  persecuted  that  he  fled  to  Egypt.  The  king, 
however,  sent  for  him,  and  he  was  put  to  death(262o-23). 
Jeremiah  was  barely  saved  on  another  occasion  from 
a  similar  fate  (1-19,24).  He  was  tried  in  the  Temple 
court,  and  condemned  to  death.  He  deliberately 
reiterated  his  warnings,  but  was  rescued  by  Ahikam, 
son  of  Josiah's  secretary,  Shaphan,  and  some  of  the 
elders,  who  reminded  them  that  Micah  had  similarly 
foretold  the  destruction  of  the  city  (Mi.  3i2). 

In  597  Jehoiakim  took  the  suicidal  step  of  revolting 
from  Babylon.  Aramaeans,  Moabites,  and  Ammon- 
ites, who  were  all  tributary  to  Babylon,  overran  Judah, 
and  many  inhabitants  of  the  villages  fled  into  the 
capital.  Jeremiah  continued  to  predict  destruction, 
and  was  attacked  and  put  into  the  public  stocks  until 
the  next  day  by  Passhur,  the  chief  officer  of  the  Temple. 
At  this  critical  moment  Jehoiakim  was  fortunate 
enough  to  die,  leaving  his  son.  Coniah  (or  Jeconiah), 
as  his  successor,  to  suffer  the  Chaldean  attack  He 
took  the  name  Jehoiachin  at  his  accession.  Jeremiah 
saw  what  his  end  would  be  (2224-30).  He  was  king 
for  only  three  months.  Egypt  could  give  no  help 
since  Carchcmish  (2  K.  24;),  and  the  Chaldeans  be- 
sieged the  city.  The  king  at  once  surrendered,  and 
was  carried  to  Babylon  with  the  queen-mother,  the 
court,  and  the  best  elements  in  Judah,  including  7000 
soldiers  and  1000  artisans  (2  K.  24io-i6,  Jer.  I318.19). 
These,  base  as  they  were,  Jeremiah  contrasted  favour- 
ably with  the  population  left  behind  ;  they  were  aa 
good  and  bad  figs  (Jer.  24).  During  the  latter  years 
of  his  hfe  in  exile  Jehoiachin  was  kindly  treated. 
Evil-Merodach  (Amil-Marduk),  the  successor  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar,  took  him  out  of  prison  and  allowed  him 
to  live  as  a  prince  (0231-34). 

Zedeklah,  a  younger  son  of  Josiah,  and  uncle  of 
Jehoiachin,  was  placed  on  the  throne  by  Nebuchad- 
rezzar as  his  tributary  vassal.  If  he  had  continued 
to  pay  the  tribute  all  would  have  been  well.  But 
soon  after  his  accession  he  was  invited  by  the  kings 
of  Moab,  Ammon,  and  Tyre  to  join  with  them  in  revolt. 
Jeremiah  was  straining  every  ner^'e  to  prevent  this. 
His  chief  opponent  was  a  prophet  named  Hananiah, 
who  declared  that  within  two  years  the  exiles  would 
return  from  Babylon  (281-4).  Jeremiah  had  been 
wearing  a  wooden  yoke  to  add  visible  emphasis  to  hia 
warnings.  Hananiah  broke  it  in  pieces,  but  Jeremiah 
retorted  that  the  yoke  of  wood  upon  the  neck  of  the 
nation  would  be  exchanged  for  a  yoke  of  iron.  And 
he  predicted  that  Hananiah  would  die  within  twelve 
months,  which  came  to  pass  (2810-17).  But  the 
fanatical  belief  that  Yahweh  would  interpose  for  His 
people  by  a  miracle  was  maintained  by  many  of  the 
exiles,  who  held  frequent  correspondence  with  Jeru- 
salem.    Jeremiah  gives  the  substance  of  a  letter  from 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


73 


a  certain  Sheinaiali  to  the  priests  in  the  capital,  asking 
why  the  prophet  had  not  been  put  in  the  stocks  for 
his  troublesome  preaching.  But  Zephaniah  the  priest 
showed  him  the  letter.  Jeremiah  himself  wrote  to 
the  exiles  imploring  them  to  live  in  quiet  submission, 
and  warning  them  against  the  utterances  of  false 
prophets  (29).  But  it  was  all  of  no  avail.  Ezekiel, 
a  priest  among  the  exiles,  delivered  the  same  message 
as  Jeremiah,  but  it  fell  on  deaf  ears.  In  588  Judah 
plunged  into  revolt.  Zedekiah  joined  with  Moab  and 
Ammon  in  asking  Egypt  for  help.  In  order  to  please 
Yahweh  and  induce  Him  to  help  them,  they  made  a 
solemn  covenant,  releasing  all  Hebrew  slaves  (348- lo)  : 
c/.  the  regulations  in  Dt.  15i2f.  This  would  inci- 
dentally increase  the  number  of  those  who  would  be 
willing  to  defend  the  city.  Nebuchadrezzar  at  once 
came  to  Jerusalem  at  the  beginning  of  587.  But 
just  as  he  began  the  siege  an  Egyptian  force  appeared 
under  Pharaoh  Hophra,  and  the  Chaldeans  for  the 
moment  retired  to  repulse  them  (Jer.  37ii).  This 
made  the  people  think  that  they  had  been  deUvered, 
and  having  gained  from  Yahweh  what  they  wanted, 
they  broke  their  covenant  and  took  back  into  slavery 
the  Hebrews  whom  they  had  freed  (34ii). 

Jeremiah  in  the  moment  of  respite  was  starting  out 
to  his  home  at  Anathoth,  when  he  was  seized  and 
charged  with  attempting  to  desert  to  the  enemy.  He 
was  put  in  prison,  till  the  king,  weak  and  vacillating 
in  his  fear  both  of  the  enemy  and  of  his  own  nobles, 
sent  for  him.  But  the  prophet,  as  before,  persisted 
that  his  only  hope  lay  in  submission.  The  nobles 
then  let  him  down  into  a  noisome  cistern.  But  a 
black  slave  at  the  palace,  on  reporting  it  to  the  king, 

1  was  allowed  to  release  him,  and  Jeremiah  was  kept 
safe  in  the  court  of  the  guard.  He  again  advised  the 
king  to  submit  to  Babylon,  but  he  was  too  weak  to 

;      stand    out    against    the     popular    fanaticism    (37f.). 

I  The  siege  lasted,  with  all  the  horrors  of  famine,  for  a 
year  and  a  half,  when  the  enemy  forced  an  entrance. 

'  Zedekiah  tried  to  flee,  but  was  caught  and  taken  to 
Riblah.  Thence,  with  the  mass  of  the  population, 
he  was  carried  to  Babylon.  The  Chaldean  officer 
Nebuzaradan  was  left  to  collect  the  treasures  of  the 
city  and  Temple,  to  throw  down  the  walls,  and  to 
destroy  the  buildings  with  fire,  including  the  Temple 
and  palace  (39i-9).  Hearing  that  Jeremiah  had  coun- 
selled submission,  Nebuzaradan  allowed  him  to  choose 
whether  he  would  go  to  Babylon  or  remain  at  home, 
and  he  chase  the  latter  (40i-6). 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Judaoa  was  depleted  of 
all  its  inhabitants.  Many  had  fled  to  the  surrounding 
countries  before  the  siege.  But  the  great  majority  con- 
sisted of  the  poorest  of  the  peasantry.  There  is  some 
probability,  however,  that  a  number  of  priest-s,  who 
had  been  deprived  of  their  country  sanctuaries  by  the 
♦'  Deuteronomic"  reform,  now  came  together  and  earned 
on  the  worship  of  the  community.  The  Chaldeans 
appointed  a  Juda>an  named  Gedaliah,  son  of  Ahikam. 
as  governor,  who  settled  at  Mizpah,  and  showed  signs  of 
being  a  very  competent  ruler,  and  was  sensible  enough 
to  advocate  submission  to  Babylon  (Jer.  4O7-12). 
All  might  have  gone  well  but  for  an  act  of  treachery. 
A  Judsean,  named  Ishmael,  was  sent  by  the  Ammonilo 
king  to  assassinate  Gedahah.  The  latter  was  warned 
by  Johanan,  son  of  Kareah,  but  he  was  too  generous 
to  believe  the  report.  He  gave  Ishmael  hospitality 
at  Mizpah,  and  then  Ishmael  murdered  him,  and  many 
of  the  Juda?an3  who  were  with  him,  and  even  the 
Chaldean  soldiers  on  guard  in  the  town.  Two  days  later 
eighty  men  who  had  come  from  the  norlli  lu  offer 
Bacritice  were  inveigled  into  the  town  and  killed  in 


cold  blood.  Ishmael  then  carried  off  the  remainder 
of  the  people  in  Mizpah,  and  started  to  take  them  to 
the  king  of  Ammon  (40i3-41io).  But  Johanan 
pursued  him  with  a  band  of  soldiers,  so  that  he  left 
his  captives  and  fled.  Johanan  now  determined,  in 
order  to  escape  the  wrath  of  the  Babylonians,  to  take 
to  Egypt  those  whom  he  had  rescued.  They  inquired 
of  Jeremiah  whether  it  was  Yahweh's  will.  Ho  re- 
plied, as  strongly  as  he  could,  tliat  it  was  not.  But 
after  asking  for  his  advice  they  refused  to  follow  it, 
and  carried  off  both  him  and  Baruch  to  Egypt,  and 
settled  at  Tahpanhes  (41ii-437).  There,  in  spite  of 
his  continued  preaching,  they  lapsed  into  idolatry, 
declaring  that  it  was  their  worship  of  Yahweh  which 
had  led  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  which  He  had 
been  unable  to  defend.  Jeremiah  replied  that  Yahweh 
would  deliver  the  Egyptians  into  the  hands  of  the 
Babylonians  (44). 

18.  Religious  History  ol  Israel  and  Judah. — The 
course  of  Israel's  religious  thought  forms  the  subject- 
of  a  special  article  (pp.  81-97),  but  the  events  re- 
lated to  it  must  be  briefly  sketched.  From  the  time 
that  David  carried  the  Ark  up  to  Mt.  Zion,  Jerusalem 
became  the  cliief  centre  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh, 
although  there  were  many  sanctuaries  and  "  high 
places  "  in  all  parts  of  the  countr}\  The  popular 
mind,  indeed,  was  for  the  most  part  unable  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  worship  of  Yahweh,  whom  they 
called  Baal  (Lord),  and  that  of  the  Canaanite  Baalim. 
The  religious  importance  of  Jerusalem  was  greatly 
enhanced  by  the  erection  of  Solomon's  Temple.  It 
became  the  royal  sanctuarj',  served  by  a  succession 
of  priests  who  rapidlj'  advanced  in  wealth  and  im- 
poi-tance.  Jeroboam  I  realised  that  this  might  be- 
come a  bond  of  union  between  the  northern  and  the 
southern  tribes,  and  this  he  proceeded  to  prevent  by 
setting  up  golden  bulls  at  Bethel  ( ?  and  Dan),  as  re- 
lated in  §  9.  But  though  the  religion  of  Yahweh  was 
officially  recognised  by  royal  authority,  the  Canaanite 
cults  continued  in  both  kingdoms  side  by  side  with  it. 
Asa  made  an  attempt  to  put  a  stop  to  some  of  its  worst 
features  in  Judah  by  removing  many  of  the  kedeshim 
(EV.  "  sodomites  "),  persons  dedicated  to  immorality 
in  connexion  with  the  cult  of  the  Baalim,  and  destroy- 
ing many  of  the  Canaanite  images,  including  "  an 
abominable  image  for  Asherah  "  erected  by  the  queen- 
mother  Maacah,  whom  he  deposed  from  her  official 
position.  And  Jehoshaphat  continued  his  efforts, 
removing  kedeshim,  who  stUl  remained  in  the  country. 
But  in  the  days  of  Ahab  the  worshippers  of  Yahweh 
in  the  northern  kingdom  were  faced  by  a  new  peril. 
Ahab  married  Jezebel,  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  king 
of  Zidon.  She  was  a  woman  of  a  dominating  force  of 
character,  which  resulted  in  the  official  establishment 
of  the  Tyrian  Baal-worship  as  the  royal  cult.  Her 
priest-prophets  usurped  the  northern  sanctuaries,  and 
she  started  a  violent  persecution  against  the  prophets 
of  Yahweh,  many  of  whom,  however,  were  secretly 
assisted  by  Obadiah,  one  of  Aliab's  chief  officers. 
The  crisis  called  forth  two  champions,  Elijah  and 
Jehu,  who  stood  out  as  defenders  of  Yahweh-worship. 
The  narratives  related  of  the  former  are  contained 
in  a  collection  of  stories  handed  down  in  prophetic 
circles  (1  K.  17-19,  2I17-29  ;  2  K.  If.).  They  are  of 
great  literary  beauty  and  dramatic  interest,  and  show 
a  massiveness  of  conception  which  reflects  the  im- 
pression which  must  have  been  exercised  on  his  con- 
temporaries by  Yahweh's  protagonist.  The  prophet 
appeared  suddenly  before  Ahab,  and  rebuked  him  for 
his  Baal-worship  ;  and  then,  in  the  splendid  scene  on 
Mt.  Carmel,  he  managed  to  bring  over  the  populace 

3a 


74 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


to  his  side,  so  that  they  slaughtered  many  of  the  Baal 
priest-prophets.  For  this  Jezebel  sought  his  life,  and 
he  Hed.  In  a  fit  of  despondency  ho  imagined  that  ho 
was  alone  in  his  loyalty  to  Yahweh,  hut  there  was, 
in  reality,  a  large  number  of  true  worshippers  left. 
Nevertheless  much  remained  to  be  done.  The  mis- 
chief had  spread  into  Judah,  the  southern  king,  Je- 
horam,  having  married  Athaliah,  the  daughter  of 
Ahab  and  Jezebel,  a  woman  whose  personal  force  was 
hardly  less  than  her  mother's.  As  queen-mothor 
when  Jehoram  died,  she  doubtless  exercised  a  strong 
influence  over  his  successor,  Ahaziah.  And  now  the 
second  chief  champion  appeared.  When  Elisha  had 
succeeded  Elijah  as  head  of  the  prophetic  bands,  he 
incited  Jehu  to  usurp  the  crown  from  the  northern 
king,  Jehoram  (§  12).  Jehu  went  far  to  stamp  out 
the  Tyrian  worsliip  by  a  series  of  massacres.  He  first 
killed  Jehoram  of  Israel  with  his  own  hands,  and  also 
pursued  Ahaziah  of  Judah  and  caused  him  to  be  put 
to  death  (2  K.  9i6-28).  He  then  entered  Jezreel, 
where  Jezebel,  at  his  ordera,  was  thrown  by  her 
servants  from  the  window  of  the  palace  (30-37). 
In  terror  of  his  savagery  the  elders  of  Samaria  killed 
Ahab's  seventy  sons  at  his  bidding,  and  sent  to  liim 
their  heads  in  baskets  (lOi-io).  He  also  caught  and 
massacred  forty-two  kinsmen  of  Ahaziah,  and  all  the 
remaining  members  of  the  "  house  of  Aliab  in  Jezreel, 
and  all  his  great  men,  and  his  familiar  friends,  and  liis 
priests"  (IO11-14).  He  next  drove  to  Samaria,  in 
company  with  Jehonadab,  a  member  of  the  elan  of 
Rechab,  who  were  alwaj's  the  sternest  supporters  of 
the  ancient  worship  of  Yahweh.  There  "  he  smote  all 
that  remained  unto  ^Uiabin  Samaria  "  (15-17).  Having 
thus  nearly  wiped  out  both  the  royal  houses,  he  sum- 
moned all  the  priests  and  worshippers  of  Baal  as 
though  for  a  sacrifice  to  their  god,  and  ruthlessly 
massacred  them  all  in  their  temple  (18-28).  This 
furious  revolution,  though  it  attained  its  immediate 
object  in  the  northern  kingdom,  was  condemned  a  little 
lat<?r  by  Hosea  (I4). 

With  all  his  zeal,  however,  Jehu  did  not  succeed  in 
killing  Athaliah.  For  six  years  longer  she  carried  on 
the  Baal-worship  in  Jerusalem,  though  she  was  evi- 
dently unpopular.  She  began  by  putting  to  death 
every  male  member  of  the  family  who  could  dispute 
the  crown  with  her,  except  Ahaziah's  infant  son, 
Joash,  who  was  rescued  by  his  father's  sister,  Jehosheba, 
wife  of  the  priest  Jehoiada.  She  hid  him  and  his 
nurse  in  a  lumber-room,  and  kept  him  secretly  for  six 
years.  AMien  the  boy  was  seven  years  old  Jehoiada 
determined  to  put  him  on  the  throne,  and  to  make  an 
attempt  to  restore  the  true  religion.  The  army  swore 
allegiance,  and  on  a  Sabbath  the  child  was  crowned 
in  the  Temple  court.  Athaliah  dramatically  came  in, 
and  cried,  "  Treason,  treason  !  "  She  was  executed 
when  she  had  left  the  precincts  (2  K.  II1-16).  As 
Joash  was  so  young,  Jehoiada  acted  as  regent,  and  at 
once  set  about  the  longed-for  reform.  The  temple  of 
Baal,  and  its  altars  and  images,  were  destroyed,  and 
its  priest  put  to  death  (i7f.).  But  the  repair  of 
Yahweh's  neglected  Temple  was  not  so  quickly  accom- 
plished. Jehoiada  allotted  certain  moneys  to  the 
priests,  out  of  which  they  were  themselves  to  defray 
all  the  expenses  of  the  repairs.  But  they  simply 
appropriated  it  and  did  nothing ;  and  until  the  king 
was  old  enough  to  support  him  with  authority  Jehoiada 
seems  to  have  been  imable  to  check  the  abuse.  But 
when  the  king  took  the  matter  up,  money  was  col- 
lected in  a  chest  at  the  entrance  to  the  Temple,  which 
the  priests  could  not  handle  ;  and  thus  the  repairs 
were  at  last  accomplished  (I24-15). 


The  Tyrian  Baal-worship  was  now  no  longer  offi- 
cially countenanced  in  either  kingdom.  But  tho 
country  was  still  permeated  as  before  by  the  common 
Baalim  cults.  At  the  end  of  the  prosperous  reign  of 
Jeroboam  II,  Hosea  draws  a  lamentable  picture  of 
the  social  and  religious  condition  of  Israel,  addressing 
his  nation  as  Yahweh's  unfaithful  wife  who  "  hired 
lovers  " — i.e.  worshipped  the  Canaanite  gods  instead 
of  Yahweh,  and  at  the  same  time  hankered  alternately 
for  the  help  of  Assyria  and  Egypt  instead  of  trusting 
in  the  protection  of  her  Husband.  Contemporary 
with  Jeroboam  II  was  Uzziah  of  Judah,  wth  hiB 
regent  son  Jotham.  Under  their  rule  Judah  was  no 
less  prosperous  than  Israel ;  the  same  condition  of 
things  prevailed,  and  Isaiah  similarly  denounced  the 
social  rottenness  and  the  deep-seated  tendency  to 
idolatry  which  he  saw  around  him.  Under  Ahaz 
things  grew  worse.  He  made  a  deliberate  attempt  to 
establish  pagan  worship  with  royal  authority.  To  the 
ordinary  Canaanite  practices  he  added  the  revolting 
hon-ors  of  Molech  rites,  setting  an  example  of  child 
sacrifice  by  burning  his  own  son  in  the  fire.  When  he 
went  to  meet  Tiglath-Pileser  at  Damascus  in  order  to 
pay  his  tribute  (§  16),  he  was  attracted  by  an  altar 
used  by  the  Aramaeans,  and  caused  a  copy  of  it  to  be 
made  for  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  substituting  it 
for  the  sacred  bronze  altar  for  the  purpose  of  sacrifice. 
The  latter  he  removed  to  one  side  of  the  court,  and 
used  it  for  divination.  Hezekiah,  doubtless  owing  to 
Isaiah's  influence,  made  a  serious  effort  to  restore  a 
purer  worship.  Besides  the  C'anaanito  high  places  and 
images  which  he  removed,  there  was,  strangely  enough, 
a  bronze  serpent  which  had  been  an  object  of  worship 
in  Jerusalem  for  so  long  that  its  origin  was  forgotten, 
and  tradition  ascribed  it  to  Moses.  On  its  name 
Nehushtan,  see  2  K.  I84*.  This  image  the  king  broke 
in  pieces.  The  reform,  however,  was  short-lived,  and 
paganism  returned  in  full  force  under  Manasseh,  who 
made  a  thoroughgoing  attempt  to  restore  foreign 
cults.  Not  only  Canaanite  altars  were  set  up,  but 
also  altars  to  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  a  practice 
learnt  from  the  Far  East ;  and  the  terrible  Molech 
sacrifices  were  revived.  Not  content  with  this,  the 
king  tried  to  force  the  people  of  Jerusalem  by  j)er3e- 
cution  to  apostatize  from  Yahweh,  and  the  streets  of 
the  city  ran  with  blood.  And  his  deadly  work  was 
continued  during  the  short  reign  of  his  son,  Amon. 
But  the  darkest  hour  is  that  which  precetlcs  the  dawn. 
The  blood  of  the  mart^TS  was  the  seed  of  a  reforming 
community.  The  religious  teaching  of  Isaiah  must 
have  had  lasting  effects  ;  through  his  group  of  dis- 
ciples (Is,  816)  the  desire  for  purity  of  worship  and 
belief  must  have  spread.  And  Hezekiah's  refoi-ming 
acts  shew  that  the  leaven  wivs  at  work.  Manasseh's 
reign  of  terror  only  intensified  the  longhigs  for  a 
thorough  purging  of  Israel's  life  horn  primitive,  un- 
worthy conceptions  of  Yahweh,  and  from  the  age- 
long stain  of  Canaanite  idolatry.  In  the  course  of 
his  reign,  or  possibly  in  the  early  years  of  tho  boy  king 
Josiah,  some  one  whose  name  is  unknown,  fired  with 
a  lofty  devotion  to  Yahweh  and  to  Judah,  wrote  a 
book  calling  uj)on  the  nation  with  prophetic  jrowor  to 
throw  off  paganism.  He  may  have  been  prevented 
by  martyrdom  from  publishing  it,  or  ho  may  have 
waited  for  bettor  times,  knowing  that  if  the  king  heard 
of  the  book  he  would  destroy  it  at  onoe.  At  any  rate 
it  remained  hidden  in  the  desecrated  Temple.  Mean- 
time the  small  circle  of  religious  people  was  fired  to 
fresh  enthusiasm  by  the  preaching  of  Jeremiah.  At 
last,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign.  Josiah  took 
public  action.     As  in  the  reign  of  Joash,  after  the 


THE   HISTORY  OF   ISRAEL 


75 


pagan  domination  of  Athaliah,  the  first  necessary 
step  was  the  repair  of  the  Temple.  Shaphan,  the 
king's  secretary,  and  Hilkiah,  the  principal  priest, 
were  with  the  king  heart  and  soul,  and  they  paid  the 
monej'  which  had  been  collected  to  carpenters,  builders, 
and  masons.  The  work  was  in  progress,  and  Hilkiaii 
no  doubt  was  constantly  on  the  spot,  arranging  details 
with  joyful  interest.  One  day  he  lighted  upon  the 
book  hidden  there,  and  showed  it  to  Shaphan,  who, 
after  reading  it,  told  the  king  about  it,  and  read  it 
to  him.  On  hearing  it  Josiah  rent  his  clothes,  and 
sent  in  great  anxiety  to  make  inquiries  about  it. 
Huldah,  a  prophetess  living  in  the  city,  was  consulted. 
Kcr  answer  was  that  the  city  would  be  visited  with 
the  punishments  mentioned  in  the  newly-found  book, 
because  of  its  idolatrj^  and  sin,  but  that  Josiah  would 
go  to  his  grave  in  peace.  (The  latter  part  of  the  pre- 
diction was  only  partially  fulfilled.  Josiah  did  not 
live  to  see  the  destruction  of  the  city,  but  he  died  in 
battle  with  Pharaoh  Necho.)  The  discovery  of  the 
book  brought  to  a  head  the  longings  for  religious 
refoim.  Josiah  at  once  led  the  m-vly  in  a  wholesale 
destruction  of  objects  connected  with  pagan  worship  ; 
and  with  these  were  included  many  of  the  sanctuaries 
in  which  Yahweh  had  been  worshipped  in  what  was 
then  understood  to  be  an  unworthy  and  primitive 
manner,  the  rites  being  scarcely  distinguishable  in 
the  popular  mind  from  those  of  the  Canaanites.  He 
began  with  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  and  "  brought  all 
the  priests  out  of  the  cities  of  Judah,  and  defiled  the 
high  places  where  the  priests  had  burned  incense, 
from  Geba  to  Beershoba."  But  the  narrator  goes  on 
to  record  that  he  penetrated  into  the  N.,  taking 
advantage  of  the  weakness  of  Assyria  to  assert  his 
supremacy  there  (2  K.  2315-20).  Some  writers,  how- 
ever, doubt  the  historicity  of  this  passage.  Whether 
the  N.  was  included  or  not,  it  is  clear  that  the  purging 
of  Judah  was  carried  out  very  thoroughly.  It  is  a 
generally  accepted  opinion  that  the  book  which 
Hilkiah  discovered  was  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy,  or 
a  portion  of  it  containing  laws.  All  the  leaders  in 
the  reform,  which  is  now  generally  described  as  the 
Deuteronomic  reform,  were  imbued  with  the  spirit  of 
the  book,  so  that  there  grew  up  what  may  be  called 
a  Deuteronomic  school  of  thinkers  and  writers.  Jere- 
miah was  the  most  conspicuous,  but  the  work  of  others 
is  seen  in  the  Deuteronomic  redactions  of  earlier 
writings.  The  opinion  of  a  few  scholars,  however, 
should  be  mentioned,  that  the  discovered  book  was 
only  a  short  prophetic  warning  which  has  been  lost 
to  us,  which  roused  reforming  enthusiasm,  and  that 
early  in  the  period  of  the  Exile  the  principles  of  the 
reform  found  expression  in  Deuteronomy,  the  thoughts 
and  language  being  coloured  by  those  of  Jeremiah. 
The  outward  effects  of  the  refoim  were  great,  because 
it  was  carried  on  under  the  aegis  of  the  king,  especially 
the  centralisation  of  all  worship  in  the  Temple  by  the 
destruction  of  the  country  sanctuaries.  But  the 
Deuteronomic  ideals  were,  after  all,  shared  by  only  a 
small  circle.  When  Josiah  died  at  Megiddo,  the  loyal 
spirits  last  their  principal  support ;  and  when  the 
Chaldeans  carried  off  Jehoiachin  and  the  best  elements 
in  Judah,  some  of  the  populace  left  behind  thought 
that  Yahweh  had  forsaken  His  city,  and  many  of 
them  secretly  returned  to  pagan  practices  (Ezek.  85-18). 
On  the  other  hand,  the  supremacy  of  tlie  Temple, 
effected  by  the  reform,  led  many  to  the  fanatical 
belief  that,  since  Yahweh  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  in  the 
Temple,  it  was  inconceivable  that  He  could  deliver 
up  His  people  to  the  enemy.  Thus  acquiescence  in 
the  externals  of  the  reform  was  compatible  with   a 


total  lack  of  true  religion,  and  was  largely  the  cause 
of  the  violent  opposition  from  which  Jeremiah  suffered. 
The  lapse  into  idolatry  of  those  who  carried  him  into 
Egyj)t  has  been  related  in  the  foregoing  section.  But 
the  reform,  nevertheless,  was  not  the  complete  failure 
that  it  seemed.  Those  who  had  drunk  in  its  spirit 
were  mostly  among  the  better  classes  who  had  been 
taken  to  Babylon.  And  these  formed  the  seed  of  the 
Jewish  Charch  that  was  to  come. 

19.  The  ChrorJcler.— From  the  death  of  Saul  till 
the  Babylonian  Exile  the  sources  of  our  information 
have  been  the  Books  of  2  Samuel  and  Kings  and  the 
^'7ritings  of  the  prophets,  together  with  a  few  con- 
temporary inscriptions  of  foreign  nations.  After  the 
Exile  the  religious  teachers  of  the  Jews,  in  their  whole- 
hearted devotion  to  Yahweh,  felt  that  all  the  past 
history  of  the  nation  was  full  of  lessons  for  their  own 
day.  And  they  drew  out  these  lessons,  not  by  a 
series  of  homilies,  but  by  rewriting  the  history  in  such 
a  way  as  to  make  the  lessons  shine  more  clearly  out  of 
it.  This  was  done  to  a  certaui  extent  by  the  Deutero- 
nomic compilers  of  the  Books  of  Kings  and  of  earlier 
histories,  but  not  with  the  same  single-hearted  con- 
sistency as  the  post-exilic  writers.  They  read  their  own 
religious  convictions  into  the  past,  and  thus  often  pro- 
duced not  strict  history,  but  what  is  known  as  midrash, 
didactic  and  imaginative  narrative  based  on  history 
(pp.  2.54f..  314,  319).  Two  such  midrashim  are  men- 
tioned in  2  Ch.  1322,  2427  (RV  "commentary").  With 
this  object  in  view  it  was  natural  that  they  should 
ideaUze  the  portraits  of  the  "good"  kings,  and 
emphasize  the  activity  of  the  loyal  prophets  and  priests 
of  Yahv>-eh,  and  conversely  paint  in  the  darkest  colours 
all  that  fell  short  of  their  ideals.  It  is  probable  that 
they  possessed  some  traditions  with  a  good  historical 
basis  which  were  not  made  use  of  by  the  pre-exilio 
historians,  but  they  are  very  difficult  to  determine. 

With  this  proviso  the  principal  additions  to  the 
history  of  the  kings  made  by  the  Chronicler  can  now 
be  sketched.     (See  further  the  comm.  on  Chronicles.) 

In  I  Ch.  1-8  a  series  of  genealogies  traces  the  rise 
of  the  chosen  people  from  Adam.  Ch.  9  names  the 
principal  families  resident  in  Jerusalem  after  the 
return  from  Exile.  The  death  of  Saul  is  related  in 
ch.  10,  and  the  rest  of  the  first  book  is  occupied  with 
the  reign  of  David,  the  ideal  king.  The  bulk  of  it 
consists  of  a  description  of  the  arrangements  of  the 
Temple  worship  and  the  duties  of  priests  and  of  their 
assistants,  the  Levites.  These  arrangements  are 
really  those  which  obtauied  in  the  post-exihc  Temple, 
and  in  that  respect  the  writer  provides  us  with  valuable 
information.  (A  "  Levitc,"  for  example,  in  pre-exilic 
days  was  not  an  assistant,  inferior  to  a  priest ;  it  was 
a  title  of  a  priest.)  But  they  are  all  ascribed  ideally 
to  the  devoted  care  and  forethought  of  David,  who, 
though  forbidden  by  Yahweh  to  build  a  temple  be- 
cause ho  had  "  shed  much  blood  upon  the  earth  " 
made  full  preparation  for  his  son  Solomon. 

In  2  Ch.,  as  m  the  first  book,  many  comments  are 
added  on  the  moral  significance  of  events,  which  need 
not  be  enumerated  here  except  when  they  involve 
additional  narrative  material.  The  account  of  the 
reign  of  Solomon  presents  no  serious  additions.  After 
the  disruption  of  the  kingdom  the  Chronicler  confines 
himself  to  the  history  of  Judah,  mentioning  the 
northern  kingdom  only  where  imavoidably  necc&^ry. 
The  disruption  itself  was,  in  his  eyes,  a  grievous  sin 
against  Yahweh,  and  all  the  northern  kings  wore 
wicked  usurpers  who  destroyed  the  unity  of  the  sacred 
people.  Rehoboam  strengthened  himself  against 
Israel   by   fortif^ang   several   towns   round  Jerusalem 


76 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


(II5-12),  placing  them  in  charge  of  hia  twenty-eight 
sons  (21-23).  The  appointment  by  Jeroboam  of 
non-Levitical  priests  tliroiiphout  his  kingdom,  to  tho 
cxchision  of  the  true  priests,  made  tho  latter,  with 
the  Levitcs,  iiock  to  Judali  (13-16).  Jeroboam  is 
further  charged  with  erecting  images  not  only  of  bullp, 
but  also  of  satyrs,  which  is  forbidden  in  the  priestly 
law  in  Lev.  I77.  When  Shishak  raided  Judah,  the 
prophet  Shcmaiah  declared  that  it  was  because  of 
the  sins  of  the  nation.  And  when  king  and  princes 
humbled  themselves,  Yahweh  told  the  prophet  that 
He  would  not  allow  Shishak  to  destroy  them  and  their 
city  (122-8).  To  Abijah  is  ascribed  a  victory  over 
Jeroboam.  Before  the  battle  he  delivered  a  speech 
to  the  enemy.  Jeroboam  surrounded  the  army  of 
Judah,  but  when  they  cried  to  Yahweh,  and  the 
priests  blew  with  the  trumpets,  Israel  was  routed  in 
panic  (l.S).  In  the  reign  of  Asa,  Zerah  the  Ethiopian 
came  to  fight  him  at  IMarcsliah  ;  but  when  Asa  cried 
to  Yahweh  He  smote  the  enemy,  and  they  lied,  and 
Judah  won  great  spoil  (I49-15).  Then  a  prophet, 
Azariah,  son  of  Oded,  addressed  them,  and  encouraged 
them  to  maintain  tho  pure  worship  of  Yahweh.  So 
Asa  removed  the  abominations  from  his  kingdom,  and 
all  Judah  entered  into  a  covenant  to  serve  Yahweh 
(I51-15).  But  when  Asa  paid  the  Aramaeans  to  attack 
Baasha,  he  was  rebuked  by  a  prophet,  Jehu,  son  of 
Hanani,  for  not  trusting  in  Yahweh.  Asa  put  him 
in  prison,  "  and  oppressed  some  of  the  people  at  the 
same  time."  And  when  he  was  diseased  in  his  feet, 
he  sought  not  Yahweh  but  the  physicians  (I67-12). 
The  successes  of  tho  reign  of  Jehoshaphat,  hinted  at 
in  2  K.,  are  enlarged  upon.  He  set  garrisons  in  the 
fenced  cities.  He  removed  the  high  places  and  asherim, 
and  sent  princes  and  Levites  through  Judah  to  teach, 
"  having  the  book  of  the  law  of  Yahweh  with  them  " 
( 171-9).  The  Philistines  and  Arabians  became  tribu- 
tary to  him,  and  the  army  was  organized  (10-19). 
When  ho  returned  from  helping  Ahab  at  Ramoth- 
gilead,  Jehu,  son  of  Hanani,  rel)uked  him  :  "  Shouldest 
thou  help  the  wicked,  and  love  them  that  hate  Yah- 
weh ?  "  ( 191-3).  Jehoshaphat  converted  the  people  to 
the  worship  of  Yahweh  "  from  Beersheba  to  the  hill 
country  of  Ephraim,"  and  he  apiiointed  judges 
throughout  the  country,  charging  them  to  judge 
righteously,  and  placed  them  under  command  of 
Amariah  the  priest  in  religious,  and  Zebadiah  in 
civil,  matters  (4-1 1).  A  great  triumph  is  recorded 
over  Ammon,  Moab,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Mt.  Soir. 
Jehoshaphat  prayed  to  Yahweh,  and  Jahaziel,  a  Levite, 
filled  with  the  Spirit,  declared  that  Yahweh  would 
fight  and  Judah  should  stand  still  and  watch  it.  Two  of 
the  Levitical  choirs  sang  i)raise  to  God,  and  when  the 
enemy  went  forth  in  the  morning  they  sang  again. 
And  the  enemy  turned  and  killed  each  other  to  a  man, 
so  that  Judah  carried  off  great  spoil.  They  blessed 
Yahweh  in  the  valley  of  Bcracah  ("  Blessing  "),  and 
returned  to  Jerusalem  singing  with  joy  (2O1-30). 
But  when  Jehoshapliat  allied  himself  with  Ahaziah 
of  Israel,  he  was  rebuked  by  a  prophet,  Eliezer,  son 
of  Dodavahu,  and  as  a  punishment  the  fleet  which 
he  had  built  was  destroyed  (35-37).  The  wicked- 
ness of  Jehoram,  who  had  married  Athahah,  is  dwelt 
upon.  On  his  accession  he  killed  all  his  brothers  and 
several  princes.  For  this,  and  for  his  idolatries,  he 
was  rcbukecl  in  a  letter  from  Elijah,  who  told  him  that 
Judah  would  be  smitten  with  a  plague,  and  he  would 
die  by  grievous  sickness.  The  Philistines  and  Arabians 
broke  into  Jerusalem  and  carried  off  hia  treasures,  and 
the  whole  royal  family  except  his  youngest  son, 
Ahaziah  (here  called  Jehoahaz) ;   and  he  then  died  as 


Elijah  had  predicted  (212-4,11-20).  Joash,  after  tho 
deatii  of  the  good  priest  Jehoiada,  enticed  by  the 
princes  of  Judah,  relapsed  into  idolatry.  He  would 
not  listen  to  prophets  who  rebuked  him  ;  and  when 
Zechariah,  s(jn  of  Jehoiada,  did  so,  ho  commanded 
him  to  be  stoned  ;  and  Zechariah,  when  dying,  cried, 
"Yahweh  look  upon  it  and  require  it"  (2417-22). 
When  Amaziah  was  about  to  fight  the  Edomitcs  ho 
hired  100,000  men  from  Israel,  but  at  the  advice  of 
a  prophet  dismissed  them.  Incensed  at  this,  they 
attacked  and  looted  many  cities  on  their  way  home 
(255-10,13).  After  his  victory  over  Edom  he  brought 
back  their  idols  and  worshipped  them.  For  this  he 
was  rebuked  by  a  prophet,  but  he  silenced  him  con- 
temptuously (14-16).  The  successes  of  Uzziah  are 
recorded  in  some  detaU.  In  the  days  of  Zechariah, 
a  seer,  he  sought  Yahweh  and  prospered.  Philistines, 
Arabians,  and  Ammonites  were  defeated.  He  fortified 
Jerusalem,  and  encouraged  husbandry  by  providing 
towers  and  cisterns  in  uncultivated  districts.  He  also 
equipped  the  army  with  new  armour  and  weapons, 
including  engines  to  shoot  arrows  and  great  stones. 
But,  proud  of  his  successes,  he  dared  to  usurp  a  priestly 
function  in  attempting  to  bum  incense  in  the  Temple. 
Azariah  the  priest  rebuked  him  ;  and  when  he  persisted 
he  was  struck  with  leprosy,  and  fled  from  the  sacred 
building  (26).  Jotham  continued  his  father's  prosperity. 
He  buUt  cities,  towns,  and  castles,  and  subdued  the 
Ammonites  (273-6).  In  the  reign  of  Ahaz  the  attack 
made  upon  Judah  by  Pekah  of  Israel  and  Rezin  of 
Aram  is  recorded  as  a  punishment  for  unfaithfulness 
to  Yahweh.  But  when  Pekah  was  carrjing  off  many 
captives,  Oded,  a  prophet,  rebuked  him  and  bade  him 
send  tho  captives  back.  Then  "  certain  of  the  heads 
of  the  children  of  Ephraim  "  insisted  that  this  should 
be  done.  So  they  clothed  and  fed  them,  and  placing 
"  all  the  fceblo  of  them  upon  asses,"  brought  them  back 
as  far  as  Jericho  (281-15).  The  appeal  which  Ahaz 
made  to  Assyria  for  help  is  stated  to  have  been  due 
not  to  the  Syro-Ephraimite  peril,  but  to  a  defeat  by 
the  Edomites  and  the  capture  of  several  border  towns 
by  the  Philistines  (16-19).  The  reforms  set  on  foot 
by  Hezekiah  are  related  at  length,  together  with  the 
activity  of  the  devoted  priests  and  Levites,  the  joj-ful 
music,  and  the  sacrifices  offered  when  the  Temple  was 
cleansed  from  the  pollution  of  tho  idolatries  of  Ahaz 
(293-36).  All  Judah,  and  even  the  faithful  in  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh  and  "  all  Israel,"  were  then  summoned 
to  Jerusalem,  and  the  Passover  was  observed  with 
great  joy,  in  the  second  month  (as  allowed  by  tho 
priestly  law),  because  the  priests  had  not  sanctified 
themselves  in  suflicient  numbers,  and  the  people  had 
not  assembled  in  time,  for  the  correct  date  in  the  first 
month.  Some  from  Israel  had  not  saint  ifiod  themselves 
at  all ;  but  Hezekiah  prayed  to  Yahweh  to  pardon  this 
irregularity  (30).  The  courses  of  priests  and  I.«vite8 
were  then  appointed  in  accordance  with  the  priestly 
law,  and  vast  quantities  of  tithes  and  offerings  poured 
in  from  tho  people  {'M).  The  strengthening  of  Jeru- 
salem in  view  of  Sennacherib's  attack  is  described 
(322-8).  Manasseh  is  recorded  to  havo  suffered 
Divine  punishment  for  his  paganism.  The  Assyrians 
carried  him  in  chains  to  Babylon.  But  there  he  re- 
pented, and  Yahweh  "  brought  him  again  to  Jeru- 
salem unto  his  kingdom."  (\ATiether  the  Chronicler 
pictured  Judah  as  governed  by  two  kings,  or  whether 
he  supposed  that  Anion,  or  Josiah,  temporarily  abdi- 
cated in  Manasseh's  favour,  is  not  clear.)  Reinstated 
on  the  throne,  he  fortified  Jerusalem,  and  appointed 
raiUtary  captains  in  the  fenced  cities.  He  also  tried 
to  atone  for  his  former  paganism  by  removing  all  the 


THE  HISTORY  OF  ISRAEL 


77 


objects  of  idolatrous  worship  which  ho  had  placed  in 
the  capital  (33ii-i9).  In  the  account  of  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Temple  by  Josiah  it  is  stated  that  the 
workmen  were  placed  under  the  superintendence  of 
Levites  (3412-13).  The  celebration  of  the  Passover 
mentioned  in  2  K.  is  described  in  full  priestly  detail 
(351--19).  The  account  of  Josiah's  dealings  with 
Necho  is  expanded.  Necho  warned  him  from  God 
not  to  interfere  with  his  advance,  but  Josiah  would  not 
listen  ;  he  disguised  himself,  but  was  wounded.  The 
dirges  sung  at  his  death  were  repeated  till  the  writer's 
day  (20-25).  The  tragic  history  of  the  last  four  kings 
of  Judah  is  abridged  (36i-2i),  and  the  book  closes 
with  the  decree  of  Cyrus  permitting  the  return  of  the 
Jews  from  Babylon,  which  is  repeated  in  Ezr.   I1-3 

(362  2f.). 

20.  The  Exile. — Of  the  poorer  classes  who  wore 
carried  to  Babylon  we  hear  almost  nothing.  The 
.  exiles  were,  in  general,  planted  in  colonies  ;  an  instance 
of  this  is  seen  at  Tel-abib,  by  the  river  Chebar,  near 
Nippur,  where  Ezekiel  worked  (Ezek.  li,  3i5).  They 
were  well  treated,  being  allowed  to  possess  houses 
of  their  own  (81,  12 1-7,  Jer.  295),  to  marry  (Jer. 
296,  Ezek.  24i8),  and  to  make  money  (see  Is.  55if., 
Zech.  G9-11).  There  are  indications,  however,  that 
some,  probably  the  poor,  suffered  harsh  treatment 
^Is.  143,  476).  A  pathetic  longing  for  Zion  is  expressed 
in  Ps.  137,  and  a  feehng  of  despair  in  Ezek.  37ii  ; 
but  such  anguish  was  probably  confined,  for  the  most 
part,  to  the  few  rehgious  patriots  who  seized  the  first 
opportunity  to  return.  Among  the  exiles  were  in- 
cluded the  Temple  priests,  who  had  become  part  of 
the  highest  aristocracy  of  Judah  by  generations  of 
wealth  and  prestige.  Some  of  them  now  busied  them- 
eelves  with  collecting  and  codifying,  and  perhaps 
shaping  for  future  use,  the  ritual  laws  which  must 
have  prevailed  in  the  worship  at  the  Temple  before 
its  fall,  but  had  been  handed  down  orally  and  not 
committed  to  writing.  Some  of  these  appear  in  the 
Holiness  Code  (Lev.  17-26).  And  Ezekiel,  perhaps 
somewhat  earlier,  laid  down  in  the  form  of  a  vision 
an  ideal  programme  of  worship  and  organization  for 
the  community  when  it  should  return  to  Jerusalem 
(Ezek.  40-48).  At  the  same  time  man}'  minds  were 
imbibing  ideas  from  Babylonian  astrology  and  mytho- 
logy,  which  afterwards  showed  traces  widely  in  Jewish 
literature. 

Some  thirty  years  passed,  in  which  Nebuchadrezzar 
died  and  was  succeeded  by  some  weak  rulers,  none  of 
whom  reigned  long.  Two  of  them  find  mention  in 
the  OT— Amil-Marduk  (Evil-Mcrodach,  2  K.  252?) 
and  Neriglissar  (Ncrgal-sharezer,  Jer.  393,13).  In 
655  Nabunaid  (Gk.  Nabonidos)  ascended  the  throne. 
Early  in  his  reign  he  was  harassed  by  the  Modes.  But 
the  danger  was  averted,  for  Cyrus,  king  of  Anshan, 
who  had  already  made  himself  master  of  Elam,  de- 
feated Ast5'ages,  to  whom  the  Medcs  were  at  that  time 
subject.  He  and  his  troops  were  betrayed  to  Cyrus, 
whose  banner  the  Medcs  joined.  At  about  this  time 
appeared  among  the  exiles  the  unnamed  poet-prophet 
whose  message  is  contained  in  Is.  40-48.  He  declared 
that  Cyrus  was  Yahwch's  chosen  instrument  to  deliver 
the  exiles,  and  that  the  victories  which  he  liad  already 
won  shewed  that  the  predictions  of  deliverance  from 
Babylon  uttered  by  earlier  prophets  were  about  to 
be  fulfilled.  In  c.  546  Cyrus  became  master  of  Lydia 
and  its  king,  Croesus,  by  the  fall  of  Sardis  ;  and  at 
last,  in  539,  he  was  free  to  attack  Babylon,  with  which 
Lydia  had  been  in  alliance.  Bel-5ar-usur  (Belshazzar, 
Dan  5i°),  the  son  of  Nabunaid,  was  defeated  ;  Sippar 
opened  its  gates  to  Cyrus,  and  then  Babylon  was  taken 


without  a  blow,  Nabunaid,  who  was  hated  by  many  of 
liis  people,  having  been  thrown  mto  prison.  Thus  the 
exiles  passed  from  Babylonian  into  Medo- Persian  hands. 

21.  Judaean  History  in  the  Persian  Period. — The 
(3T  records  now  carry  the  reader  back  to  Jerusalem. 
The  sources  for  the  history  are  scanty  and  obscure, 
but  some  valuable  information  is  afforded  in  the  Books 
of  Haggai  and  Zech.  1-8,  and  in  poitions  of  Ezra-Ne- 
hemiali.  The  cyhndcr  of  (!yrus  relating  his  achieve- 
ments (part  of  which  is  translated  in  EBi  453)  shows 
that  in  religious  matters  he  adopted  a  pacific  poUcy 
towards  the  vanquished.  But  it  gives  no  definite 
support  to  the  decree  ascribed  to  him  in  Ezr.  I1-4, 
allowing  the  return  of  the  Jewish  exiles  and  the  re- 
building of  the  Temple  (see  below).  It  is  probable 
that  a  few,  but  only  a  few,  of  them  responded  to  the 
call  in  Is.  4820  to  flee  from  Babylon,  and  throw  in 
their  lot  with  those  who  had  been  left  in  Judaea,  whose 
numbers  must  by  then  have  been  considerably  in- 
creased. They  managed  to  make  themselves  com- 
fortable in  "  panelled  houses  "  before  they  shewed  any 
zeal  in  rebuilding  the  Temple  and  reviving  the  sacri- 
ficial worship  of  Yahweh.  This  called  forth  ringing 
rebukes  from  the  prophet  Haggai,  who,  aided  by  an- 
other prophet,  Zechariah,  roused  them  to  their  duty. 
A  famine  and  drought  were  troubling  them,  which, 
Haggai  declared,  were  a  punishment  for  their  slack- 
ness. The  slackness  may  have  been  partly  due  to 
political  unrest.  When  the  successor  of  Cyrus,  the 
cruel  and  despotic  Cambyses,  died,  the  government 
was  thrown  into  confusion  by  Gaumata,  who  claimed 
to  be  Smerdis,  the  brother  of  Cambyses,  and  also  by 
other  pretenders  ;  and  Judaea,  being  a  Persian  pro- 
vince, may  have  suffered.  But  order  was  at  last 
restored  by  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  when  he  took 
the  throne  in  522-1.  And  in  his  second  year  the 
building  of  the  Temple  was  begun,  some  three  weeks 
after  Haggai's  appeal  (Hag.  11,15),  and,  according  to 
Ezr.  615,  brought  to  some  degree  of  completion  in  four 
vears.  (On  this  and  the  following  paragraphs  see 
pp.  323f.,  573f.) 

The  Chronicler  (whose  compilation  comprises  1  and 
2  Ch.,  Ezr.,  Neh.)  gives  a  narrative  of  events  before 
the  appearance  of  Haggai ;  but  this,  like  his  accounts 
of  pre-exilic  events,  must  be  treated  for  historical 
purposes  with  reserve.  The  decree  of  Cyrus,  permit- 
ting the  return  and  the  building  of  the  Temple  (Ezr. 
I1-4),  is  couched  in  the  language  of  a  sincerely  mono- 
theistic worshipper  of  Yahweh,  which  he  certainly  was 
not.  Sheshbazzar,  "  the  prince  of  Judah,"  accompanied 
by  returning  exiles,  brought  back  the  vessels  which 
had  been  taken  from  the  Temple  (5-1 1).  But  then 
Sheshbazzar  disappears  from  the  narrative,  and 
Zerubbabel  is  named  as  the  leader  of  more  than 
49,500  returning  exiles  (2),  and  as  the  civil  governor, 
aided  by  Joshua  (Jeshua),  the  high  priest.  Under 
their  authority  an  altar  for  burnt-offering  was  at  once 
erected,  and  the  Festival  of  Booths  was  celebrated 
(3i-5).  Contrast,  however,  the  statement  in  Neh. 
813-18.  Then,  with  timber  brought  from  Lebanon, 
and  shipped  by  Tyrians  to  Joppa,  a  beginning  was 
made  of  the  new  Temple  (37-13).  But  no  sooner  was 
the  foundation  laid  with  great  rejoicing  than  the 
aliens,  the  descendants  of  those  whom  Esarhaddon 
had  transported  to  Samaria,  asked  leave  to  take  part 
in  the  building,  which  was  refused.  They  retaliat<Kl 
by  hindering  the  work — how  is  not  stated — till  the 
second  year  of  Darius  (41-5,24).  All  this  is  of  very 
doubtful  historicity,  as  also  the  account  (in  53-614) 
of  the  events  following  the  successful  preaching  of 
Haggai  and  Zechariah — i.e.  the  opposition  of  Tattenai, 


78 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


the  Persian  governor  of  Syiia,  and  others,  their  appeal 
to  J)arius  by  letter,  the  search  in  the  archives  by 
which  Darius  learnt  of  the  previous  decree  of  Cyrus, 
and  his  consequent  reply  tliat  every  passible  assistance 
was  to  be  given  to  the  Jews,  not  only  in  building 
facilities,  but  even  in  material  for  sacrifico.  Some 
modem  writers  go  so  far  as  to  doubt  whether  there 
was  any  return  from  Babylon  at  all,  and  think  that 
Haggai  and  Zechariah  preached  simply  to  the  remnant 
(see  Hag.  112,14,  22,  and  c/.  Neh.  1 3)  whom  Nobu- 
chadiezzar  had  loft  behind.  But  it  is  more  probable 
that,  though  there  was  no  imposing  return  such  as 
Ezr.  2  relates,  yet  that  some  of  tho  exiles  who  wore 
oppressed  and  heartbroken  in  Babylon  came  back  from 
time  to  time  and  in  small  groups,  a  poor  and  pious 
company,  and  with  them  a  good  many  of  the  priests. 
At  least  one  contribution  was  sont-^nd  there  may 
have  been  several — from  Babylon  by  the  hand  of  tho 
Jews  (Zech.  610  f.);  and  communication  was  kept  up, 
and  was  probably  frequent,  between  the  exiles  and 
Jerusalem  (Neh.  I2). 

The  high  hopes  which  tho  prophets  had  rested  upon 
the  governorship  of  Zerubbabel  and  the  ecclesiastical 
rule  of  Joshua  (Hag.  223,  Zech.  3f.  61 2f.)  were  dis- 
appointed. The  period  following  the  dedication  of 
the  Temple  in  516-515  was  one  of  decline,  as  shown 
in  the  writing  called  "  Malachi."  The  country  was 
harassed  by  Edomite  raids  (Mai.  I2-5) ;  the  priests 
were  corrupt,  and  tho  people  consequently  shewed  a 
rebellious  distaste  for  rehgious  observances  and  re- 
quirements, and  even  foreign  cults  were  beginning  to 
appear  (I6-217).  No  more  is  heard  of  Zerubbabel ; 
it  is  unlikely,  therefore,  that  his  rule  was  brilliant 
or  noteworthy.  He  was  succeeded  by  governors  who 
made  themselves  burdensome  to  the  people  (Neh. 
615),  and  who  were  probably  not  Jewish  but  Persian. 
Apart  from  such  indications  this  period  of  the  history 
is  a  blank. 

The  scene  opens  again  with  events  in  the  reign  of 
Artaxcrxes.  Ezr.  47-23  contains  an  Aramaic  frag- 
ment of  narrative,  inserted  too  early  by  the  compiler, 
showing  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  rebuild  the 
city  walls.  An  appeal  was  lodged  at  the  Persian 
court  by  several  persons,  including  some  of  the  aliens 
in  the  Samaritan  territory,  in  reply  to  which  Artaxerxes 
forbade  the  building  of  the  walls,  which  was  accord- 
ingly stopped  "  by  force  and  power."  Who  took  the 
lead  in  this  attempt  to  build  is  not  stated.  It  may  have 
been  a  report  of  these  occurrences  which  reached 
Nehemiah  (Neh.  I3),  but  this  is  only  conjecture.  It 
is  not  even  certain  whether  the  Artaxcrxes  named  in 
Ezr.  4  is  the  same  as  that  in  Neh.  2i.  This,  however, 
is  probable,  and  also  that  it  is  Artaxerxes  I  Longi- 
manus  (465-424),  not,  as  some  recent  wTiters  have 
suggested,  Artaxerxes  II  Mnemon  (4(>4-361). 

Before  the  arrival  of  Nehemiah  a  narrative  dealing 
with  Ezra's  work  is  contained  in  Ezr.  7-10.  Opinions 
still  differ  so  widely  about  him  that  it  is  unsafe  to 
speak  with  confidence.  Some  place  his  work  after 
Nehemiah's  sojourn  in  Jerusalem  ;  others  deny  the 
historicity  of  the  whole  account  of  him,  holding  that 
he  is  an  imaginary  figure  by  which  the  Chronicler 
represented  in  mirhash  the  aims  and  spirit  of  tho 
Judaism  of  that  age.  It  is  more  pntbable,  however, 
that  Ezra  was  a  real  person,  a  priest  who  returned 
from  Babylon  and  had  considerable  influence  in  press- 
ing the  claims  of  tho  priestly  law.  On  this  basis  tho 
compiler  has  built  his  narrative,  as  follows :  Ezra,  a 
priest  and  scribe,  was  invested  by  Artaxerxes  with 
an  authority,  W.  of  the  Eujjhratcs,  which  is  repre- 
sented as  almost  supreme,  and  loaded  with  gifts,  that 


he  might  establish  in  Jerusalem  according  to  the  Law 
the  worship  of  his  (iod,  whom  the  king's  decree  styles 
"  God  of  Israel,"  "  God  of  Jerusalem,  and  "  God  of 
heaven '  (7i-26).  At  this  point  occurs  a  passage 
(727-9x5)  written  in  the  first  person,  as  though  drawn 
from  a  diary  or  other  document  written  by  Ezra  him- 
self. It  describes  his  arrangements  for  tho  journey 
across  tho  desert,  with  a  large  number  of  exiles,  in- 
cluding Lcvitcs  and  Nethuiim  for  the  Temple  service. 
They  started  from  the  river  of  Ahava,  and,  in  spite  of 
carrying  rich  treasure  and  having  declined  a  military 
escort,  were  kept  safe  by  God  from  enemies  and 
marauders.  On  arrival,  they  paid  the  treasures  into 
the  Temple  funds  (727-836).  But  Ezra  now  learnt 
from  some  of  the  Jewish  princes  that  a  large  number 
of  Jews  had  married  foreign  women.  He  was  thrown 
into  the  depths  of  sorrow  and  shame,  and  at  the  evening 
oblation  he  made  a  solemn  confession  to  God  in  tho 
name  of  the  people  (9).  The  sequel  is  then  described 
by  the  compiler.  A  general  assembly  was  called, 
wliich  met  in  an  open  square  in  a  downpour  of  rain, 
and  it  was  agreed  to  appoint  princes  to  investigate  tho 
cases  of  foreign  marriage.  The  narrative,  whatever 
was  the  part  played  by  Ezra,  reflects  the  nationalist, 
particularist  attitude  of  the  religious  sections  of  th© 
communit}'. 

And  this  zeal  for  the  priestly  law  is  shown  in  another 
narrative  about  Ezra,  placed  by  the  compiler  in  Neh.  8 
— i.e.  when  Nehemiah  was  in  Jerusalem.  At  the 
request  of  the  people  Ezra  read  to  them  the  law, 
standing  on  a  wooden  platform,  and  they  were  deeply 
impressed  with  what  they  heard.  Finding  that  the 
law  enjoined  tho  observance  of  the  Festival  of  Booths 
in  that  very  month,  they  celebrated  it  with  great  joy. 
It  is  idle  to  conjecture  why  and  whither  Ezra  retired, 
if  he  did  retire,  from  public  life  between  the  foregoing 
incident  and  this.  The  literary  condition  of  the 
books  Ezr.— Neh.  forbids  any  chronological  arrange- 
ment of  Ezra's  activity.  He  is  introduced  yet  onco 
again  (Neh.  I236)  as  leading  one  of  the  two  companies 
which  walked  in  procession  on  the  city  wall  at  its 
dedication. 

Somewhat  more  confidence  can  be  placed  in  the  story 
of  Nehemiah.  Parts  of  it  (1-75,  I227-43,  I34-31)  are 
written  in  the  firet  person,  and  have  the  appearance, 
for  the  most  part,  of  coming  from  his  own  hand. 

Nehemiah,  a  Jew,  and  cupbearer  of  Artaxerxes, 
heard  at  Shushan  (Dan.  82*)  of  the  mined  condition  of 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  in  his  grief  he  uttered  an 
earnest  prayer  to  Yahweh  (1).  He  obtained  leave  to 
go  to  Jerusalem  to  restore  the  walls  (2i-8).  At  a  lat«r 
point  he  mentions  incidentally  that  he  was  given  tho 
status  of  governor  of  Judah  ("514).  On  his  arrival  ho 
inspected  the  walls  by  night,  and  then  persuaded  tho 
Jews  to  begin  the  work,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of 
Sanballat  the  Horonite,  Tobiah  "the  slave"  the 
Ammonite,  and  Geshem  the  Arabian  (29-20),  who  were 
probably  members  of  the  mixed  "  Samaritan  "  com- 
munity in  the  N.,  who  had  previously  been  refused 
participation  in  the  building  of  the  Teiiiple  (according 
to  Ezr.  4i-5),  and  had  already  successfully  hindered 
the  building  of  the  city  walls  (Ezr.  47-23).  Theco 
enemies  exhausted  every  effort  to  hinder  tlie  work. 
After  mockery,  which  hurt  no  one  (Neh.  4i-6),  they 
gathered  an  army  for  attack  ;  but  Nehemiah,  hearing 
of  it,  provided  all  the  builders  with  weapons.  Half 
stood  ready  to  figlit,  while  the  other  half  worked 
rapidly  (47-23).  Force  having  failed,  tlio  enemy 
turned  to  fraud.  Four  times  they  invited  Nehemiah 
to  a  conference,  hoping  to  kill  him.  On  the  fifth  occa- 
sion Sanballat  suggested  that  tho  building  of  the  wall 


THE  HISTORY  OF  ISRAEL 


79 


would  be  interpreted  by  the  Persian  king  as  an  attempt 
at  rebellion,  in  order  to  make  Nehcmiah  king.  But 
Nehcmiali  saw  througli  the  plot,  and  boldly  refused 
to  have  anything  to  do  with  them.  Yet  another 
attempt  bj'  a  certain  Shemaiah,  who  invited  Nehemiah 
to  hide  m  the  Temple,  since  assassins  were  intending 
to  attack  him,  also  failed  (61-14).  The  walls  were 
completed  in  fifty-two  days,  to  the  disappointment  of 
the  enemy,  who  had  many  allies  in  Jerusalem  (15-19). 
The  joj'ful  ceremony  at  the  dedication  is  described  in 
1227-43,  and  arrangements  were  made  for  the  safe 
custody  of  the  gates  (7 1-3). 

After  this  preliminary  work  Nehemiah  took  the  lead 
in  shaping  the  religious  life  and  constitution  of  the 
community.  He  found  that  many  of  the  wealthy 
Jews  had  taken  poor  Jews  into  slavery  for  debt.  He 
persuaded  them  to  release  them,  and  declared  that 
during  the  twelve  years  of  his  governorship  he  had 
taken  care  not  to  make  his  maintenance  a  burden  on 
the  people,  as  former  governors  had  done  (5).  During 
these  years  public  spirit  had  been  so  far  moulded 
that  the  people  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  covenant, 
sealed  by  their  princes,  Levites,  and  priests,  with 
Nehemiah's  name  at  the  head.  After  a  general  oath 
to  keep  God's  commandments  they  bound  themselves 
to  contract  no  foreign  marriages,  to  refuse  traffic  on 
the  Sabbath,  to  observe  the  sacred  seventh  year  as 
commanded  in  the  Law,  to  pay  the  poll-tax  of  one- 
third  of  a  shekel  for  the  Temi)le,  and  regular  first- 
fruits,  firstlings,  and  tithes  (93S-IO39). 

Nehemiah  returned  to  Artaxerxes  when  his  period 
of  governorship  had  expired,  and  disloyal  Jews  at 
once  took  advantage  of  his  absence.  The  worst 
offender  was  Eliashib  the  priest,  who  had  entered 
into  collusion  with  Tobiah  and  given  him  a  chamber 
in  the  Temple  court.  And  Eliashib's  grandson 
(named  Manasseh,  if  we  can  partially  follow  a  confused 
notice  in  Joscphus)  had  married  Sanballat's  daughter. 
Nehemiah  also  found  that  the  Levites  had  not  been 
paid  their  dues,  and  had  consequently  deserted  the 
Temple  and  gone  into  the  country ;  the  Sabbath  was 
profaned  by  labour  and  traffic  ;  and  Jews  were  again 
marrying  foreign  women,  and  their  children  could  not 
speak  the  Jewish  language  correctly.  Nehemiah,  who 
was  evidently  possessed  of  authority,  dealt  with  these 
abuses  in  a  very  stem  and  forcible  manner  (13). 
Subsequent  history  shows  that  the  community  for  the 
most  part  adopted  this  policy  of  exclusiveness.  Union 
with  the  Samaritans  became  increasingly  impossible, 
and  at  a  later  date  ( Josephus,  Ant.  XI.  viii.  4,  places  it 
as  late  as  the  time  of  Alexander)  the  establishment  of 
the  Samaritan  temple  on  Mt.  Gerizim  made  the  schism 
final. 

Little  is  known  of  Judaean  history  in  the  last  century 
of  the  Persian  Empire.  But  it  must  have  been  a 
time  of  much  suffering.  In  the  long  conflict  with 
Egypt,  Persian  armies  must  frequently  have  overrun 
Judaea,  and  Artaxerxes  III  Ochus  fought  fierce  battles 
in  Syria  itself.  The  Jews  seem  to  have  sided  with 
Egypt,  since  he  is  said  to  have  transported  some  of 
them  (c.  351)  to  Hyrcania  and  Babylonia.  Hia 
notorious  general,  Bagoas,  oppressed  them  with  taxes, 
and  roused  their  fury  by  entering  the  Temple.  He 
killed  Ochus,  and  placed  Darius  III  Codomannus  on 
the  throne,  a  weak  king  who  was  easily  overcome  by 
the  great  conqueror  Alexander. 

22.  Jews  In  Egypt  in  the  Persian  Period. — Jews  had 
found  their  way  to  Egypt  from  various  causes  at 
different  dates.  Shishak  no  doubt  took  some  prisoners 
when  he  attacked  Rehoboam,  Hezekiah  made  alliances 
with  Egypt,  and  Judaeans  probably  took  refuge  there 


when  the  Assyrians  overran  the  country.  When  Necho 
took  Jehoahaz  captive,  some  nobles  or  other  officials 
must  have  been  taken  with  him.  And  Egypt  was 
again  a  convenient  refuge  at  the  time  of  the  Chaldean 
invasion.  The  letter  of  Pseudo-Aristeas  definitely 
stated  that  Jews  were  sent  to  Egypt  to  help  Psam- 
meticus,  doubtless  the  second  of  that  name  (593-588), 
in  his  campaign  against  the  Ethiopians,  and  that  many 
came  later  with  the  Persians.  Shortly  after  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem  (586)  Jews  were  found  already  settled 
at  Jligdol  on  the  NE.  border,  at  Noph  (Memphis),  and 
in  Pathros  in  Upper  Egypt  (Jer.  44i,  4614) ;  and 
Johanan,  son  of  Kareah,  carried  off  many,  including 
Jeremiah,  to  Tahpanhes  (Daphnae)  on  the  E.  frontier. 
Lastly,  the  Assuan  papyri  show  that  a  military  colony 
of  Jews,  established  at  the  fortress  town  of  Yeb 
(Elephantine)  in  the  S.  of  Egypt,  had  worshipped 
Yahu  (Yahwch)  in  a  temple  of  their  own  "  since  the 
time  of  the  Eg>-ptian  kings."  The  temple  had  been 
spared  by  Cambyses  when  he  conquered  Egypt  in 
525,  but  was  destroyed  by  Egyptian  priests  in  410, 
during  the  temporary  absence  of  the  satrap,  Arshara. 
Jedoniah,  the  Jewish  head  of  the  colony,  and  "  liis 
companions  the  priests,"  wrote  to  Bagoas,  who  was 
then  governor  of  Judaea,  to  Johanan  the  high  priest 
(c/.  Neh.  1222;  Joae^hus,  Ant.  XI.  vii.  1)  and  the  other 
Jerusalem  priests,  and  to  Ostanes,  brother  of  Anani, 
and  the  nobles  of  the  Jews.  But  they  received  no 
answer.  From  that  time  they  had  mourned  and  fasted, 
and  could  not  offer  peace-offerings,  incense,  or  burnt - 
offerings.  In  407  they  wrote  again,  imploring  Bagoas 
to  authorise  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple,  saying  that 
they  would  all  pray  for  him  till  it  was  accomplished, 
and  sending  him  money.  They  had  also,  they  told 
him,  sent  information  to  Delaiah  and  Shelemaiah,  the 
sons  of  Sanballat,  governor  of  Samaria.  This  appeal 
was  successful.  Bagoas  and  the  sons  of  Sanballat 
repUed,  authorising  them  to  claim  from  Arsham  the 
rebuilding  of  the  temple.  The  problem  raised  by 
the  existence  of  a  temple  of  Y^ahweh  later  than  the 
Deuteronomic  Law  of  the  one  sanctuary  cannot  here 
be  discussed  (p.  232).  But  the  pap3rri  are  of  pecuhar 
interest  as  contemporary  documents  giving  a  fund 
of  information  on  the  social  and  rehgious  life  of  the 
community. 

23.  Alexander  and  After. — A  brief  catalogue  of 
events  will  indicate  the  way  in  which  the  Jews  passed 
into  the  wider  world  of  Greece.  Alexander,  having 
defeated  the  Persians  in  333,  took  Tyre  and  Gaza  and 
advanced  to  Jerusalem.  Ho  treated  the  Jews  well ; 
Josephus  relates  a  tradition  that  he  even  granted  them 
autonomy  in  Jerusalem  and  Babylonia.  He  included 
Palestine  in  the  province  of  Coele-Sjniia.  After  re- 
ceiving the  submission  of  Egypt,  he  planted  many 
Samaritans  in  the  Thebais  and  Jews  in  Alexandria. 
On  his  death  Egypt  was  governed  by  Ptolemy  I  Soter, 
son  of  Lagos.  In  the  campaigns  by  which  he  estab- 
lished his  power  he  frequently  occupied  Palestine.  On 
one  occasion  ho  seized  Jerusalem  without  a  blow, 
because  the  Jews  refused  to  fight  on  the  Sabbath. 
But  he  won  their  allegiance,  and  migrations  took  place 
to  Egypt,  where  he  assigned  them  a  quarter  in  Alex- 
andria. His  son,  Ptolemy  II  Philadelphus,  definitely 
made  Palestine  part  of  his  dominion,  and  treated  the 
Jews  with  great  consideration.  The  legend  of  the 
translation  of  the  LXX  is  probably'  ba«ed  on  the  fact 
that  a  Greek  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  for  the 
Jews  in  Egypt  was  actually  made  under  his  authoritv. 
Ptolemy  III  Euergetes  continued  the  same  kindly 
relations,  but  they  began  to  suffer  disturbances  under 
Ptolemy  IV  Fhilopator,  who  was  obliged  to  assort  his 


80 


THE   HISTORY   OF   ISRAEL 


hold  on  Palestine  against  Antiochus  II  ("  the  Great  "). 
Finally  Ptolemy  V  Epiphanes  lost  it,  his  general, 
Scopas,  being  defeated.  AntlochuS  III  made  conces- 
sions to  the  .Jews,  and  thoy  transferred  their  allegiance 
to  the  Soloiicid  dynasty,  which  led  to  noteworthy 
results  under  the  next  king,  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  as 
related  in  the  article  on  ''Jewish  History  from  the 
Maccabees  to  the  Destruction  of  Jerusalem."  (See 
further  on  the  .subject  of  this  ]iaragra|)h,  ]).  02.) 

From  a  merely  political  and  material  point  of  view 
Israel  was  so  insignificant  that  its  history  would  hardly 
be  worth  study  were  it  not  that  God  chose  the  weak 
things  of  the  world  for  a  high  destiny.  The  Israelites, 
more  than  any  other  nations,  were  His  instrument  for 
revealing  to  mankind  Himself,  His  nature  and  pur- 
poses, "  in  many  portions  and  many  methods."  Their 
emergence  from  nomadic  life,  their  growth  and  train- 
ing, their  blessings  and  their  punishments,  and  finally 
their  wide  dispersion  among  the  great  nations,  were 
steps  in  a  gradual  advance  towards  the  great  con- 
summation when  the  earth  should  be  "  full  of  the 
knowledge  of  the  Lord  as  the  waters  cover  the  seas." 


Literature. — A  thorough  study  of  the  historj'  cannot 
be  made  without  systematic  work  at  the  narratives 
themKelves,  with  the  help  of  commentaries  and  dic- 
tionary articles;  and  it  must  include  a  study  of  the 
literature  and  the  religion  of  Israel,  together  with  tho 
contemporary  material,  within  and  without  Palestine, 
afforded  by  inscriptions,  etc.  The  following  histories 
can  be  consulted,  not  as  substitutes,  but  as  helps : 
Foakes  Jackson,  The  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews  ; 
Kent,  A  History  of  the  Hebrew  People  ;  Kent  and 
Riggs,  A  History  of  the  Jcivish  People;  H.P.Smith, 
Old  Testament  History ;  Wade,  Old  TesUiment  His- 
tory. See  also  Mahaffy.  Alexander  s  Empire,  and  The 
Empire  of  the  Ptolemies.  Of  German  works,  Ewald's 
great  History  of  Israel  (Eng.  tr.  in  eight  vols.)  is  now 
largely  antiquated.  The  most  comprehensive  of  those 
written  from  a  newer  point  of  view  is  Stade's  ;  Kittel's 
Geschichte  dcs  Volkcs  Israel  ^  is  much  more  recent, 
and  represents  a  rather  more  conservative  position 
(Eng.  tr.  History  of  the  Hebreus  from  the  first  ed.). 
Smaller  but  important  works  by  Wellhausen,  Comill, 
Guthc^.  and  Lehraann-Haupt  may  also  be  mentioned. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ISRAEL 


By  Prof.  W.  G.  JORDAN 


Preliminary  Statement. — The  aim  of  this  article  is 
to  give  in  mere  outline  the  history  of  Hebrew  reHgion 
as  a  living  movement,  which  reveals  to  us  one  of  the 
great  threads  of  the  Divine  purpose,  and  prepares  the 
way  for  the  Christian  faith.  The  books  and  subjects 
mentioned  will  be  dealt  with  in  the  commentaries  and 
other  discussions  ;  hence  the  main  object  of  this  sketch 
will  be  to  give,  as  far  as  the  writer  is  able,  a  connected 
view  of  the  whole  development.  The  problem  is 
historical  in  its  character.  Our  concern  is  with  the 
life  of  a  particular  nation,  and  with  the  action  of  its 
leaders  at  a  given  period  of  the  world's  history,  and 
not  with  abstract  theological  theories  as  conceived  by 
the  scholasticism  of  later  ages.  At  the  basis  of  our 
discussion  there  is  a  definite  view  of  Israelite  history 
and  of  the  literature  which  tells  the  story  of  that  life, 
and  gives  a  record  of  the  various  stages  of  thought. 
This  view  is  both  critical  and  conservative  ;  it  has  been 
built  up  by  generations  of  loving  toil,  given  to  tho 
study  of  the  documents  ;  it  seeks  to  preserve  all  the  real 
history  contained  in  the  sacred  books,  and  to  interpret 
sympathetically  all  the  noble  struggles  and  lofty- 
aspirations  that  these  record.  The  present  aim  is  not 
directly  apologetic  ;  the  facts,  so  far  as  we  can  recover 
them,  must  be  allowed  to  speak  for  themselves.  But 
the  writer  may  express  his  opinion  that  the  true 
apologetic  of  the  OT  is  the  frank  recognition  of  an 
actual  development,  a  God-guided  organic  movement, 
a  revelation  shining  more  and  more  unto  the  perfect 
day.  It  is  not  necessary  for  a  Christian  teacher  to 
disclaim  "  mere  naturalism,"  whatever  that  may  mean. 
The  word  "  development  "  in  this  connexion  suggests 
to  us  a  movement  which  is  not  fully  explained  by  the 
genius  of  a  particular  people  or  their  surroundings, 
by  the  work  of  any  one  teacher  or  generation  of  leaders  ; 
the  final  explanation  lies  in  the  purpose  of  the  living 
God,  who  uses  all  these  persons  and  circumstances 
as  His  instruments.  Such  development,  being  a 
matter  of  real  life,  is  exceedingly  complex  ;  its  roots 
are  in  the  distant  past,  its  ramifications  run  in  all 
directions  ;  there  are  side  currents  as  well  as  the  main 
stream  ;  higher  and  lower  movements  live  side  by 
side  ;  early  types  of  thought  reappear  at  later  stages  ; 
alongside  of  the  higher  attainments  of  inspired  thought 
there  are  survivals  of  primitive  conceptions.  We 
cannot  hope — in  fact,  we  do  not  desire — to  reduce  the 
rich  complexity  of  life  to  an  abstract  simplicity. 

Periods,"  then,  are  artificial  and  not  real  divisions, 
adopted  for  convenience  in  handling  the  subject. 
Some  historical  events,  as  the  Coming  into  Palestine 
or  the  Exile,  some  stages  in  the  reUgion,  as  the  rise 
of  the  higher  forms  of  preaching  or  the  Dcutoronomic 
Reform,  may  make  a  deep  impression,  but  the  thread 
of  history  is  never  absolutely  broken  ;  tho  current  of 
life  may  seem  to  move  more  slowly  at  one  time  than 
another,  but  it  never  conits  to  a  full  stop.  In  Sj'ria 
and  Palestine  to-day   beliefa  and  customs  may  still 


be  found  similar  to  those  of  tho  pro-Mosaic  times, 
while  the  OT  message,  in  its  manifold  forms,  has  made 
for  itself  a  place  in  the  highest  life  of  the  world.  Simi- 
larly, such  labels  as  nomadic  reUgion,  agricultural 
religion,  pre-prophetic  religion,  prophetism.  legalism, 
need  to  be  watched  lest  they  become  hard  and  mechani- 
cal. They  remind  us  that  the  spirit  of  religion,  the 
spirit  that  responds  to  God's  call  and  expresses  man's 
hunger  and  aspiration,  is  influenced  in  its  oiitivard 
forms  by  changing  circumstances,  economic  conditions, 
intellectual  culture,  but  they  must  not  be  too  sharply 
separated,  or  treated  as  final  explanations  of  the  great 
reality.  In  the  most  primitive  observances  there  were 
glimmerings  of  great  truths  expressed  in  symbolic 
forms  by  men  of  prophetic  vision,  and  in  the  days  of 
hardest  legalism  there  was  much  personal  piety  and 
tender  devotion. 

The  Historical  Setting. — The  Hebrew  tribes  came 
into  Palestine  in  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.  The  first 
period  of  two  or  three  centuries,  as  reflected  in  the 
earliest  parts  of  Jg.,  is  one  of  restless  struggle,  partly 
of  conquest  and  partly  of  assimilation.  The  founda- 
tion of  the  kingdom  under  David  and  Solomon  is  of 
gi-eat  historical  and  religious  importance.  The  dis- 
ruption, some  seventy  years  later,  shows  its  lack  of 
political  strength  and  religious  stability.  The  de- 
struction of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  in  722  B.C.,  turns 
the  main  current  of  political  and  religious  history  into 
the  Davidic  kingdom  of  Judah.  The  Assyrians  had 
now  begun  to  play  an  important  part  in  tho  life  of  the 
Hebrews,  and  from  that  time  onward  this  remarkable 
race  has  been  in  contact  with  the  great  powers  of  the 
world.  The  Exile  in  Babylon  at  the  beginning  of  the 
sixth  century  destroyed,  for  the  time  being,  the 
political  existence  of  the  nation  and  prepared  the  way 
for  the  birth  of  the  Jewish  Church.  After  the  Exile, 
under  the  Persian  control,  the  small  community  was 
left  free  to  devote  its  energies  to  religious  and  ecclesi- 
astical questions.  The  Greek  period,  after  Alexander's 
victory,  brings  with  it  dangers  to  the  political  and 
religious  life  of  Judaism.  When  these  reach  their 
height,  in  the  fanatical  persecutions  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  the  Maccabean  revolt  shows  that  the  old 
warlike  spirit  is  not  dead,  and  that  the  religion  through 
centuries  of  strife  has  attained  an  independent  and 
vigorous  character.  Out  of  external  conflict  and  in- 
ternal division  there  arose  the  religious  and  political 
parties  as  we  find  them  in  NT  times. 

Each  of  these  periods  had  produced  its  memorials 
or  left  its  deposits,  which  have  to  some  extent  been 
preserved  in  the  varied  literature  that  we  call  the  OT, 
and  these  are  our  chief  sources  for  the  study  of  Hebrew 
religion.  In  early  songs  and  stories,  in  short,  simple 
codes  of  laws,  this  life  and  religion  finds  its  first  ex- 
pression. Then  come  early  attempts  at  regular 
national  chronicles.  The  first  written  sermons  show 
that  there  is  real  literary  culture,  if  of  a  simple  kind. 


82 


THE   RELIGION   OF   ISRAEL 


Later  the  laws  are  set  in  a  more  elaborate  codification, 
and  history  is  written  from  a  definite  religious  point 
of  view.  Finally  tiic  whole  is  placed  in  the  frame- 
work of  the  world's  history,  and  a  sacred  hook  corners 
irto  existence  which  has  nourished  simple  piety  and 
produced  hard  dogmas  of  relit;ion  and  science.  In 
other  articles  the  political  histfiry  will  be  treated  at 
length  and  "  the  Bible  as  literature  "  discussed  ;  here 
it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  no  real  history  of  the  religion 
could  bo  written  "until  literary  criticism  had  solved 
many  problems,  showing,  e.g.,  that  the  Pentateuch 
consists  of  documents  that  can  now  bo  related  to  widely 
separated  periods  of  the  nation's  life,  and  that  the 
sixty-six  chapters  of  Isaiah  represent  many  stages  of 
ethical  propliecy  and  apocalyptic  thought.  Our  dis- 
cussion must  relate  itself  to  this  history  and  rest  upon 
this  critical  basis  of  modern  scholarship. 

Early  Hebrew  Religion.— According  to  the  view  now 
dominant,  as  to  the  ago  of  the  documents,  we  have 
no  contemporary  narratives  or  sermons  from  the 
earliest  time  ;  but  while  even  fragments  of  our  sources 
may  reach  back  beyond  1000  B.C.,  there  is  no  doubt 
primitive  material  that  has  been  modified  and  very 
early  beliefs  and  usages  which  have  left  traces  in  the 
later  laws  and  literature.  We  see  now  quite  clearly 
that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  reaching  back,  either 
by  history  or  speculation,  to  the  beginning  of  the  world. 
The  Hebrews  are  comparatively  a  modern  people ; 
behind  their  history  is  that  of  ancient  Arabia.  Egypt, 
and  Babylonia,  and"  farther  hack  is  the  dim  pre-historic 
period.  The  Hebrews  belong  to  the  Semitic  family. 
It  is  not  probable  that  Egypt  exerted  any  direct  or 
powerful  influence  on  their  religion.  Their  early 
affinities  are  closer  to  the  Arab  tribes,  and  Babylonian 
influence  affected  them  at  various  stages  through  the 
relation  of  those  great  Oriental  empires  to  Palestine. 
Many  religious  beliefs  and  customs  found  among  the 
members  of  the  Semitic  group  arc  common  to  other 
races.  The  investigation  of  that  subject  belongs  to 
the  sphere  of  comparative  religion.  Of  "  a  primitive 
monotheism,"  here  or  elsewhere,  there  can  be  no 
proof.  Monotheism  in  any  real  sense  is  the  result 
of  a  long,  painful  strugg'e  ;  it  has  come  to  the  world 
through  what  has  been  aptly  called  "  the  Divine 
discipline  of  Israel."  In  this  respect  both  Christianity 
and  Mohammedanism  are  dependent  on  the  OT.  To 
OB  with  our  conception  of  one  God,  who  rules  the  whole 
world  through  the  working  of  laws  and  the  action  of 
forces  whose  quaUties  and  effects  have  been  studied  and 
catalogued  by  long  centuries  of  toil,  it  requires  a  strong 
effort  of  imagination,  assisted  by  the  observation  of 
many  facts,  to  recreate  the  ancient  view  with  its 
appropriate  atmosphere.  Then  religion  pervaded  the 
whole  of  life  ;  sunematural  beings  were  everywhere, 
if  we  may  use  such  a  phrase  of  a  time  when  no  clear 
Une  waa  drawn  between  the  natural  and  the  super- 
natural Gods  that  were  real  became  symbols  to  a 
later  time,  and  statements  that  to  us  are  mere  flashes 
of  picturesque  poetry  referred  originally  to  actual 
manifestations  of  divinities  in  definite  time  and  place. 
In  the  early  narratives  the  Hebrews  have  preserved 
the  good  tradition  that  their  forefathers  wore  nomails, 
and  that  at  each  place  of  temporary  settlement  they 
found  or  set  up  an  altar  to  their  God  (Gen.  Il28,  13iS, 
28x9,  332o).  The  alt4ir  was  s<^t  up  where  the  presence 
of  the  Divinity  had  Iwen  revealed  in  some  enlightening 
vision  or  gift  of  help  (Ex.  2O24,  1  S.  I12).  There  was 
a  freedom  and  simplicity  in  this  early  stage  which  is 
prophetic  of  the  fuller  freedom  of  a  more  highly 
developed  religion.  The  altar  might  be  a  rude  natural 
stone,  and  the  priest  might  be  the  head  of  the  family  or 


clan,  officiating  according  to  traditional  usage,  but  not 
hampered  by  an  elaborate  ritualistic  etiquette.  Re- 
ligion was  the  basis  of  family  and  clan  life.  The 
festivals  were  the  times  of  natural  gladness — the  wed- 
ding, the  weaning,  the  welcome  of  a  visitor  ;  the  faat-s 
were  hours  of  sorrow  that  come  to  all,  when  pain  or 
death  breaks  in  upon  the  common  routine.  The  man 
was  the  head  of  the  family,  the  owner  of  wives,  chil- 
dren, and  slaves  ;  but  even  then  religion  had,  no  doubt, 
a  binding  and  softening  influence.  We  need  not  regard 
the  Semites  of  .3000  years  ago  aa  "  savages,"  because 
their  views  of  God  and  the  world  differed  so  widely 
from  the  "  scientific  "  concej)tions  of  our  own  time. 
They  had  great  fundamental  ideas  which  we  must 
retain  in  a  higher  form.  Religion  was  everywhere: 
the  family  grew  out  of  it,  society  was  based  upon  it. 
Duties  to  ancestors,  to  the  living  tribes,  and  to  pos- 
terity were  recognised  as  the  commands  of  the  God, 
the  essence  of  religion.  The  unity  of  life  and  the  all- 
])ervading  presence  of  rcUgion  were  in  a  sense  realised, 
but  only  within  a  restricted  sphere.  The  God  might 
be  limited  to  a  particular  clan  or  a  special  place.  The 
passage  from  one  tribe  or  one  territory  to  another 
might  involve  a  change  of  allegiance  and  ritual  (I  S. 
2G19).  The  polj^heistic  background  of  the  ancient 
world  must  be  borne  clearly  in  mind  if  we  are  to  under- 
stand primitive  religion.  For  example,  the  original 
meaning  of  such  conceptions  as  "  clean  "  and  "  un- 
clean "  only  thus  becomes  intelligible  (pp.  202f .).  These 
words  point  to  something  religious  and  ritualistic,  not 
sanitary.  The  "  clean  "  or  "  unclean  "  thing  may  have 
a  contagious  influence  and  load  in  many  cases  to  isola- 
tion, and  so  there  is  something  aiuilogous  to  modern 
medical  ideas.  Ablutions  may  load  to  cleanness  in  our 
sense,  but  that  is  incidental ;  the  real  root  idea  is  that 
what  belongs  to  the  sphere  of  another  god  is  "  unclean." 
The  dead  body  at  one  time  belonged  to  a  different 
divinity,  and  to  touch  it  made  a  man  unclean  in  rela- 
tion to"  his  own  God  (Num.  52).  The  divisions  of  life, 
the  tribe,  the  trade,  the  caste,  the  custom  wero 
all  based  upon  and  hedged  about  by  religious  rites. 
In  much  of  this  routine  national  narrowness,  social 
pride,  mechanical,  magical  religion  were  present.  The 
same  thing  persists  to-day,  often  in  less  lovely  forms. 
There  is  a  certain  poetry  and  beauty  in  the  primitive 
recognition  of  gods  in  the  storm,  in  trees,  and  in  Uving 
fountains.  That  some  great  boulder  could  bo  the 
home  of  a  god,  and  that  the  anointing  oil  could  be  an 
acceptable  gift  to  the  Divinity  may,  at  first  sight,  seem 
strange  ;  but  God  must  bo  recognised  as  in  some  place 
and  places  before  men  can  bo  led  to  the  faith  that  Ho 
is  one  and  His  life  is  manifestetl  everywhere.  To  the 
simple  travellers  the  oasis  in  a  desert  might  m'cU  be 
a  garden  of  God,  and  the  great  rock  might  become  a 
symbol  and  name  of  the  Highest,  but  first  He  must 
be  believed  to  be  really — i.e.  locally — there.  So  in 
many  places  gods  or  spirits  wero  found,  but  their 
relation  to  each  other  was  vague  and  indistinct.  Con- 
sequently the  life  and  worship  that  result^s,  while  pos- 
sessing a  certain  amount  of  order,  must  also  be  compli- 
cated and  confused  ;  for  things  that  had  their  origin 
in  chance  and  caprice  grew  into  customs,  customs  crossed 
each  other  and  lx;camo  hard.  While  everything  was 
in  some  sense  alive,  special  events  and  startling  ap- 
pearances had  even  more  a  Divine  character.  Thus 
the  facts  of  life  receive  a  religious  interpretation,  but 
tliere  is  little  orderly  reason,  booanse  when  once  the 
presence  of  a  god  is  recognised  that  is  roganled  as  a 
sufficient  explanation.  His  action  may  be  what  we 
call  "  arbitrary,"  but,  of  course,  a  god  cannot  be 
expected  to  conform  to  a  standard  of  reason  and  right 


THE  RELIGION  OF   ISRAEL 


83 


to  which  the  noblest  worshippers  have  not  yet  attained. 
This  makes  it  natural  that  fear  should  play  a  largo 
part  in  religion,  that  gifts  should  be  made  and  sacri- 
fices offered  to  propitiate  the  god  who  was  angry,  or 
to  provide  against  an  uncertain  but  possible  outbreak 
of  his  anger.  In  later  times,  when  a  nobler  religious 
life  began  to  permeate  these  things,  men  discovered 
a  just  and  noble  cause  for  such  anger  (2  S.  21).  With 
regard  to  the  minor  deities  or  subordinate  spirits 
charms  might  be  used,  or  amulets  worn,  or  vaiious 
means  that  we  now  call  "  superstitious  "  employed  to 
avert  misfortune  or  to  bring  "  good  luck."  When  one 
.  remembers  the  abundant  testimony  to  this  early 
}  "  spiritualism  "  from  other  Semitic  sources,  we  wonder 
■•  that  the  OT  deals  so  little  directly  with  it ;  but  the 
literature  is  the  result  of  selection,  and  there  are  abun- 
dant evidences  in  narratives,  allusions,  and  prohibi- 
tions. The  prophetic  movement  grew  up  over  against 
this  varied  background  of  "  natural  "  religion. 

It  is  not  likelj'  that  genuine  totemism  existed  among 
the  Hebrews  of  historic  times  or  their  immediate 
ancestors ;  all  we  can  admit  is  that  certain  tribal 
names  and  some  of  the  food  taboos  may  ultimately  be 
traced  to  reminiscences  of  such  primitive  religion. 
Late  superstitions  may  still  retain  in  their  mongrel 
worships  remnants  of  rites  belonging  to  remote  times 
(Ezek.  89). 

With  regard  to  ancestor  worship  the  case  seems  to 
be  stronger.  The  family  and  the  tribe  were  in  ancient 
times  rooted  in  religious  beliefs  and  observances.  In 
such  nations  as  China,  remarkable  during  a  great  part 
of  their  existence  for  intense  conservatism,  we  see  the 
influence  of  homage  paid  to  the  past  in  this  form.  In 
tribal  forms  of  life  among  the  early  Semites  it  seems 
to  have  played  a  great  part.  The  Hebrews  were  de- 
livered from  abject  slavery  to  the  past  by  their  changing 
circumstances,  their  internal  and  external  struggles, 
their  independence  of  spirit,  and  above  all  the  influence 
of  prophetic  men  ;  but  there  are  things  in  their  hfe 
and  literature  which  suggest  that  this  form  of  religion 
exercised  a  real  influence.  The  intense  desire  for 
offspring  and  the  strong  effort  to  perpetuate  the  family 
name  probably  mean  more  than  the  natural  instinct  of 
procreation  ;  they  have  behind  them  powerful  traditions 
and  a  high  rehgious  sanction  (Gen.  8824).  The  "  ghost  " 
of  Samuel  is  referred  to  (1  8.  2813)  as  Elohim  (god). 
The  sacrificial  clan  feast  (1  S.  2O29)  and  the  mourning 
customs  are  interpreted  by  many  in  the  same  direction. 
Ceremonies  connected  with  such  things  linger  on  when 
their  origin  has  been  wholh'  or  partly  forgotten ;  but 
the  legislators  and  the  preachers  of  a  purer  faith,  in 
their  jealousy  for  the  supremacy  of  Yahweh,  felt  a 
repugnance  to  customs  that  belonged  to  a  sphere 
which  in  their  day  had  become  "  heathenish  "  and 
"  superstitious."  With  them  it  was  not  a  mere  matter 
of  "  archaeology "  (Kautzsch,  HDB)  but  of  actual 
rehgious  life. 

Circumcision  (Gen.  17',  pp.  99f .)  is  a  rite  with  a  long 
history.  In  later  times  it  was  performed  when  the  male 
child,  at  the  end  of  the  first  week  of  it^  life,  was  dedicated 
<o  the  God  of  Israel,  and  it  became  a  distinctive  mark 
of  Judaism  ;  but  it  was  a  primitive  rite  among  many 
nations,  and  not  a  discovery  of  Abraham  or  Moses  or 
a  monopoly  of  the  Israelites.  The  various  traditions 
in  the  OT  as  to  its  origin  and  intention  represent  dif- 
ferent points  of  view  (Gen.  17  *  ;  Ex.  426  ;  Jos.  53  *). 
yThis  mutilation,  in  the  early  days,  was  no  doubt  a 
•  rite  of  initiation  into  full  membership  in  the  tribe, 
when  the  youni;  man  was  considered  t|ualifiod  to  assume 
the  duties  of  husband  and  soldier.  The  strange  story 
in  Ex.  4  may  be  meant  to  explain  the  transfer  to 


childhood  of  an  act  of  blood- dedication  which  left  on 
the  person  a  permanent  tribal  mark.  The  original  form 
of  the  passover  sacrifice  (pp.  102f.,  177f.),  before  it  be- 
came associated  with  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread  and 
received  an  historical  interpretation,  no  doubt  goes  back 
to  the  nomadic  days.  We  cannot,  in  a  brief  review, 
attempt  to  trace  all  these  details  or  to  discuss  contro- 
verted points  (see  article,  "  The  Rehgious  Institutions 
of  Israel  "),  but  we  need  to  bear  in  mind  all  the  time 
that  we  are  dealing  with  the  complicat'Cd  story  of 
human  hfe,  and  not  with  an  abstract  theology.  The 
Mosaic  period  is  not  a  blank  space  upon  which  a  new 
revelation  is  written  in  a  mechanical  fashion ;  the 
Israelites  do  not  come  into  an  empty  land  free  from 
history  and  destitute  of  customs.  The  new  must 
relate  itself  to  the  old  in  the  way  of  conflict  or  absorp- 
tion. Different  types  of  thought  and  different  modes 
of  worship  meet  and  mingle,  but  the  faith  in  Yahweh 
shows  its  originality  and  strength  by  its  power  to  five 
and  conquer.  For  example,  suppose  we  ask  the 
question,  "  Was  human  sacrifice  ever  a  part  of  Hebrew 
religion  ?  "  The  answer  wifl  depend  upon  our  point 
of  ^^ew.  It  certainly  does  not  belong  to  the  religion 
of  Yahweh,  and  never  receives  the  sanction  of  any 
prophet.  Hebrew  rehgion  first  modified  and  then 
banished  this  ancient  widespread  and  barbarous 
custom.  But  we  know  from  clear  statements  that 
child-sacrifice  was  practised  down  to  a  late  time  by 
superstitious  or  despairing  Israefites  (p.  99  Jer.  731). 
Such  polemics  against  this  custom  as  we  find  in  the 
beautiful  story  or  noble  sermon  show  that  it  had  a  real 
hold  on  the  minds  of  many  people  (Gen.  22",  Mi.  61-8). 
The  case  of  Jephthah's  daughter  shows  the  possibility 
of  such  a  sacrifice  among  early  Israelites  from  a  quite 
honourable  motive ;  the  vow  is  to  Yahweh,  and  He 
chooses  the  sacrifice.  But  two  things  must  be  borne 
m  mind,  viz.  the  probability  that  such  occurrences 
were  much  less  frequent  among  the  ancestors  of  the 
Hebrews,  who  led  a  stem,  simple  life,  than  among  the 
Canaanites,  and  that  such  desperate  religious  remedies 
are  apt  to  be  used  in  times  of  great  confusion  and  dis- 
tress. Alongside  of  the  highest  prophetic  teaching 
these  tragic  relapses  may  take  place.  Further,  in 
the  thought  of  that  time,  when  all  public  activity  was 
completely  controlled  by  religious  motives,  people 
saw  "  sacrifice  "  where  we  do  not  see  it.  The  de- 
struction of  Achan  and  his  family  (Jos.  7),  Agag  hewed 
in  pieces  by  Samuel  "  before  Yahweh  '(IS.  1032), 
and  the  impaling  of  the  seven  sons  of  Saul  "  before 
Yahweh  "  (2  S.  21 9),  may  all  be  classed  as  judicial 
procedure,  exercised  according  to  the  tribal  ideas  of 
that  time,  but  to  the  ancients  there  is  in  them  a  sacri- 
ficial and  propitiatory  element.  Ideas  attached  to 
lower  gods  and  demons  were  transferred  to  Yahweh, 
and  then  the  thoughts  concerning  His  being  and 
character  received  a  fuller  purification  and  enlargement. 
The  higher  stage  does  not  completely  displace  the 
lower ;  but  there  is  an  increase  in  the  complexity  and 
richness  of  life  all  round,  with  brilliant  hghts  and  deep, 
dark  shades.  The  same  remarks  may  be  made  and 
the  same  principles  applied  to  the  question  of  "  idol  " 
or  "  image  worship."  It  took  many  centuries  of 
struggle  before  a  man  of  the  highest  intelligence  could 
boldly  declare  that  "  an  idol  is  nothing  in  the  world  " 
(1  Cor.  84),  and  even  then  such  a  man  stood  far  above 
the  popular  view,  and  even  he  did  not  profess  to  dis- 
miss in  an  easy  fashion  "  the  powers  of  darkness  " 
(Eph.  612).  Images  were  in  use  in  the  early  days, 
when  men  did  not  distinguish  as  we  do  between 
symbol  and  re?,lity  (Gen.  31 33,  204.  1  S.  1926).  Tho 
image  or  sacred  thing  had  something  of  Divine  power 


84 


THE   RELIGION   OF    ISRAEL 


or  magic  in  it.  Natural  objects  might  be  so  regarded, 
and  manufactured  articles  in  a  later  period.  Against 
the  latter  a  religious  conservatism  might  protest,  aa 
in  this  region  there  is  a  peculiar  sensitiveness  towards 
novt'lties  and  luxuries.  The  prohibition  of  "  graven 
images  "  may  not  at  first  have  included  all  symbols 
or  objects  of  worship.  The  tnie  religion  does  not 
come  at  first  as  an  abstract  creed,  but  works  aa  a 
living  principle  from  within,  which  only  gradually 
discloses  its  full  meaning  and  rejects  that  which  is  out 
of  harmony  with  its  essential  nature. 

The  Mosaic  Period. — With  the  modern  view  as  to 
the  datei  and  coniposit-e  character  of  the  Pentateuch, 
wo  can  no  longer  regard  Abraham  as  the  actual  founder 
of  Hebrew  religion,  though,  as  wo  have  suggested, 
beliefs  and  customs  of  pre-historic  times  persisted, 
among  the  people,  down  to  a  late  date.  The  narratives 
now  grouped  round  the  name  of  Moses  belong  to 
different  periods  and  represent  varied  points  of  view. 
But  the  groat  body  of  OT  scholars  believe  that  the 
real  history  of  the  nation  and  its  religion  begins  with 
tho  work  of  this  great  leader,  who  united  several 
tribes  and  led  them  to  the  East  Jordan  region.  If 
he  was  not  the  author  of  a  complicated  literature  and 
elaborate  legislation,  he  no  doubt,  according  to  the 
usage  of  these  days,  united  in  himself  some  of  the 
simpler  functions  of  priest  and  prophet  as  well  as  those 
of  military  ruler  and  guide.  If  we  are  prepared  to 
treat  the  present  tradition  and  the  present  text  with 
any  respect,  this  at  least  we  must  accept.  It  does 
not  follow  that  he  was  conversant  with  Egyptian 
speculations  and  the  complete  development  of  Baby- 
lonian civic  law.  The  earliest  code  that  we  can  trace 
(Ex.  34i7ff.)  is  brief,  simple,  rpainly  ritualistic,  and 
already  shows  tho  influence  of  agricultural  life.  What, 
then,  can  we  regard  as  the  Mosaic  contribution  ?  It  ia 
not  possible  in  this  sketch  to  enter  into  elaborate  dis- 
cussions as  to  the  origin  and  meaning  of  the  sacred  name 
"  Yahweh  "  (Ex.  313-15').  In  the  OT  there  arc  different 
views  as  to  the  time  when  this  name  and  the  worship 
connected  with  it  entered  into  the  life  of  Israel  and  of 
the  world  (Gen.  426.  Ex.  815,  63).  The  Scripture 
etymologies  also,  while  revealing  the  thought  of  the 
day  in  which  they  arose,  cannot  be  regarded  as  scien- 
tific or  ultimate.  The  exact  origin  and  original  mean- 
ing of  such  words  (e.g.  the  English  "  God  ")  are  lost 
in  the  obscurity  of  the  remote  past.  Neither  can  we 
face  the  question  of  the  relations  of  the  early  Hebrews 
to  the  Kenites,  and  their  mutual  influence  in  the 
region  of  politics  and  religion.  Such  relationship  no 
doubt  exerted  an  influence  not  only  during  the  sojourn 
at  the  sanctuary  at  Kadesh,  but  also  at  a  later  time 
(Ex.  18;  Jg.  I16,  411,17-22,  1  Ch.  255).  Moses  had 
gathered  a  number  of  tribes  together,  and  was  prepar- 
ing them  to  press  into  the  West  Jordan  region  to  find 
a  permanent  home.  They  had  their  separate  family 
affiliations  and  their  different  clan  customs.  But 
success  in  their  present  undertaking  demanded  a 
largo  measure  of  unity  and  co-operation  and  this  could 
Ix)  created  only  by  a  powerful  religious  impulse.  This 
impulse  was  given  by  belief  in  Yahweh  as  tho  God 
commoTito  all  the  tribes,  and  faith  in  the  power  of  His 
name  as  redeemer  and  leader.  In  God's  good  providence 
Moses  was  the  man  chosen  as  tho  instrument  to  kindle 
this  faith  and  to  give  tho  highest  expression  that  it 
could  receive  at  tliat  time.  For,  while  we  can  now 
talk  freely  about  eternal  principles  and  the  ■'  timelcss- 
ncss  "  of  Scripture,  we  cannot  study  tho  origin  and 
growth  of  a  great  religion  without  seeing  that  every 
great  truth  has  had  to  come  in  lowly,  concrete  form, 
limited  and  conditioned  by  tho  circumstances  of  a 


particular  time  and  place.  This,  then,  is  tho  birth- 
liour  of  the  Hebrew  nation  and  religion,  an  event  of 
immense  importance  for  the  religious  life  of  the  world. 
Though  the  idea  of  "  a  covenant  "  between  Yahweh 
and  Israel  has  been  expanded  and  presented  from  dif- 
ferent points  of  view  by  later  prophetic  and  literary 
activity,  it  is  no  doubt  here  in  a  simple  form  and  haa 
a  real  ethical  character.  Yahweh  had  chosen  His 
people,  and  would  give  them  support  against  their 
foes  and  provide  a  home  for  them.  Here,  though  tho 
situation  is  a  narrow  national  one,  it  is  at  a  higher 
plane  than  any  mere  "  nature  "  worship  or  absolutely 
local  deity.  The  God  who  goes  forth  to  war  with  and 
for  His  people,  whose  presence  is  manifested  in  the 
storm  or  in  great  volcanic  shocks,  is  a  mighty  God 
who  is  likely  to  be  a  confjueror  in  many  senses.  All 
the  battles  of  Israel  were  fought  in  the  spirit  of  a  high 
religious  faith,  and  even  in  early  times  it  was  felt  that 
defeat  might  be  due  not  to  the  weakness  of  their 
God,  but  to  failure  on  the  part  of  His  servants  to  keep 
His  laws.  True,  these  laws  might  be  regarded  as 
largely  a  matter  of  ritual,  for,  aa  we  shall  see,  the 
contribution  of  tho  great  prophets  did  add  something 
in  this  respect ;  but  the  idea  of  God  is  beginning  to 
act  as  a  bond  of  union  between  tribes  that  are  similar 
and  yet  different,  and  ia  beginning  to  show  a  freedom 
of  movement  and  capability  of  progress  that  haa  the 
promise  of  great  things,  however  dimly  apprehended 
at  the  time.  Thus,  though  we  are  compelled  to  view 
him  through  the  varied  traditions  that  have  gathered 
round  his  name  in  the  course  of  several  centuries,  we 
may  still  regard  Moses  as,  in  a  real  sense,  a  man  of 
prophetic  spirit,  the  founder  of  the  Hebrew  faith. 
That  his  work  was  real,  as  far  as  it  went,  is  proved  by 
the  fact  that  the  religion  was  not  completely  destroyed 
by  the  fierce,  chaotic  struggles  which  followed  im- 
mediately on  the  entrance  into  Palestine.  In  many 
cases  conquerors  have  been  absorbed  by  the  peoples 
of  the  land  they  have  entered.  In  this  case  the  same 
effect  followed  to  some  extent,  but  the  original  religious 
impulse  was  never  completely  lost,  and  it  gave  to  its 
possessors  the  power  to  absorb  necessary  elements  of 
faith  without  losing  their  distinctive  character.  From 
Moses  down  to  Philo  men  boldly  claimed  the  best  in 
this  world  as  belonging  to  "  Yahweh,"  and  so  as  the 
property  of  His  ])eopIe.  The  Christian  religion  has, 
with  more  catholicitj',  inherited  the  same  spirit, 
claiming  that  all  things  are  to  be  brought  into  sub- 
mission to  Christ.  In  other  countries  tho  territory 
of  the  god  increased  with  the  growth  of  the  city ; 
but  here  we  are  compelled  to  find  something  more 
real — a  spiritual  life,  and  not  a  mechanical  matter 
of  more  political  accretion.  While  admitting  tho 
baffling  nature  of  all  origins,  we  believe  that  a  new 
chapter  in  tho  history  of  religion  begins  here ;  that, 
though  Moses  was  not  a  literary  man  or  a  systematic 
theologian,  he  had  a  real  message  from  the  eternal  God, 
whoso  highest  messenger  always  appears  in  tho  lowly 
form  of  a  servant.  Men  rightly  looked  back  to  this 
as  a  great  hour  (Hos.  lli).  Prophets  and  priesta 
idealised  it,  each  from  their  own  standpoint ;  'and  the 
belief  that  this  was  an  hour  of  new  revelation  was 
never  lost.  Of  course  it  was  germinal ;  it  would  h; 
been  just  as  difficult  for  any  human  observer  of  that 
time  to  tell  exactly  what  would  come  out  of  it.  aa  it 
is  for  \i8  now  to  disentangle  its  exact  feature  out  of  a 
mass  of  varied  and  in  some  respects  contradictory 
material.  A  struggling  mass  of  human  beings,  weary 
of  the  wandering  life,  fighting  for  a  new  home,  feeling 
that  the  great  blessing  they  needed  from  their  God  was; 
their  daily  broad  and  a  place  to  live  in  peace — this  wi 


^1 


THE   RELIGION   OF   ISRAEL 


85 


the  unpromising  material  out  of  which  sprang  tho 
greatest  religious  movement  that  this  world  has  known. 
But  in  it,  with  its  simple  elemental  facts  and  its 
complexity  of  motives,  may  be  found  a  symbol  and 
suggestion  of  many  similar  movements,  when  men  have 
been  thrown  back  upon  tho  abiding  mercy  and  supreme 
power  of  God. 

The  Period  of  Struggle  and  Settlement. — The  picture 
given  in  tho  original  parts  of  Jg.  is  what  we  might 
expect  under  the  circumstances.  Tradition  rightly 
represents  that  time  as  one  of  confusion,  struggle, 
assimilation.  No  real  poUtical  unity  had  been  attained. 
"  In  those  days  there  was  no  king  in  Israel :  every 
man  did  that  "which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes  "  ( Jg. 
2I25).  The  material  has  been  set  in  a  later  form  and 
interpreted  by  a  simple  formal  religious  philosophy, 
but  the  primitive  records  tell  of  only  partial  conquest, 
involving  perpetual  conflict.  It  is  easy  to  see  what 
kind  of  theology  and  religious  ceremonies  were  likely 
to  grow  in  such  a  time  and  place.  There  is  little  of 
purity  or  exclusiveness  either  in  race  or  religion.  The 
Song  of  Deborah  shows  that  only  part  of  the  tribes 
gather  for  the  great  effort.  In  this  noble  battle-song 
there  is  no  "  theology,"  and  its  praise  of  Jael  is  re- 
volting to  our  moral  sense.  But  it  is  still  clear  that, 
in  so  far  as  there  is  unity  and  strength  to  fight  for 
national  existence,  it  is  inspired  by  the  common  faith 
in  Yahweh.  Samson  marries  outside  his  clan  ;  the 
sons  of  Benjamin  take  wives  by  capture  ;  Jephthah, 
the  son  of  a  strange  woman,  sacrifices  his  daughter ; 
Gideon  takes  the  spoils  of  war  to  make  an  image ; 
Micah's  mother  uses  the  restored  silver  to  make  an 
image  "  unto  Yahweh  "  ;  and  the  children  of  Dan 
think  it  a  firre  thing  to  steal  the  religious  apparatus 
that  other  people  have  got  carefully  together  (Jg. 
I817).  This  is  not  very  edifying  reading,  either  from 
the  Jewish  or  the  Christian  point  of  view,  but  it  is 
full  of  interest  as  a  picture  of  life,  political  and  religious, 
in  those  rude  days.  The  noble  effort  of  the  great 
founder  seems  to  have  failed  ;  it  looks  as  if  nothing 
great  or  permanent  can  come  out  of  this  disorder,  this 
apparently  disconnected  and  aimless  struggle.  But 
it  is  the  turmoil  of  a  new  hfe,  and  not  the  convulsive 
struggles  that  betoken  the  last  agony.  Much  in  the 
previous  civilisation  might  be  decadent,  sensual ; 
religious  indulgence  had  weakened  the  life  of  the 
country,  and  its  cities  had  no  real  bond  of  unity ; 
but  here  were  members  of  a  new  and  virile  race,  fresh 
from  the  open  country',  their  faces  set  towards  the 
future,  their  faith  alive  in  a  real  God,  who  showed 
His  goings  forth  in  the  mightiest  movements  of  nature 
and  in  the  battles  of  their  daily  life.  So  even  here 
there  was  a  real  movement  towards  a  unity  higher 
than  that  of  the  mere  family  or  clan.  From  these 
stories  we  learn  that  religious  ceremonies  were  con- 
nected with  all  the  chief  facts  of  life.  The  father  of 
the  family  or  head  of  the  clan  might  officiate  as  the 
representative  of  the  community,  but  there  were  also 
professional  priests,  men  attached  to  a  family  or  local 
sanctuary  or  wandering  tribe.  Such  men  offered 
sacrifices  and  consulted  the  oracle  on  behalf  of  their 
patrons.  But  the  elaborate  system  and  finely  regu- 
lated spiritual  hierarchy  of  later  times  had  not  come 
into  existence,  though  the  ideas  that  it  represented 
were  in  some  cases  struggling  for  expression.  Tho 
prophet  and  the  priest  were  not  as  clearly  separated 
as  in  later  days.  Samuel  acts  in  both  capacities. 
One  general   difference  there   was,   namely,   that  the 

finest  was  more  likely  to  inherit  his  office  and  to  be 
aatened  to  a  particular  place.  The  priesthood  of  a 
particular  sanctuary  might  remain  in  the  posses.sion 


of  one  family  or  clan.  This  made  the  priests  the 
custodians  and  guardians  of  a  special  tradition  and 
ritual,  varying  in  different  locaUties,  but  with  many 
features  in  common. 

There  were  also  "  seers,"  "  wise  men,"  and 
"  prophets  "  of  various  types  at  this  stage.  Their 
functions  were  not  clearly  defined ;  by  their  superior 
insight,  ability,  and  acknowledged  relation  to  God, 
they  were  able  to  render  service  to  their  fellow-men. 
The  structure  of  society  was  simple,  and  the  various 
professional  services  were  not  elaborately  organised, 
but  the  needs  of  men  were  similar  in  all  times.  Re- 
ligious guidance,  social  help,  the  pursuit  of  justice, 
and  the  interpretation  of  uncommon  facts  of  life — 
these  made  room  for  real  spiritual  insight  or  for 
showy  charlatanism  or  petty  quackery,  as  in  our  day. 
But  the  prophets  that  we  are  most  concerned  with 
now  are  tho  bands  of  patriotic  enthusiasts  who  arose 
in  times  of  excitement  or  danger,  and  in  a  real  if  in 
a  rude  way  kept  alive  the  fiery  energy  of  the  Yahweh 
religion.  Some  among  their  compatriots  might  regard 
them  as  "  mad,"  and  look  with  cooler  criticism  upon 
their  wild  performances,  but  generally  abnormal 
sensational  outbursts  were  attributed  to  "  the  spirit 
of  Yahweh  "  (2  K.  9i  i ).  Saul  was  caught  in  the 
contagion  of  this  frenzied  worship,  to  the  surprise  of 
those  who  knew  him  (1  S.  lOii).  These  bands  stood 
for  loyalty  to  Yahweh  and  opposition  to  Philistine 
oppression,  and  no  doubt  played  a  real  part  in  the 
struggles  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  kingdom. 
Here,  at  any  rate,  was  the  belief  that  God  could  use 
men  as  His  instruments,  sending  His  Spirit  to  trouble 
or  to  give  them  courage  and  strength.  The  same  motive 
and  the  same  power  moved  "  the  heroes  "  who  fought 
against  the  surrounding  peoples  when  they  sought  to 
divide  and  oppress  the  Israelites.  The  strong  indig- 
nation and  furious  resentment  which  prompted  men 
to  determined  resistance  and  fierce  vengeance  were 
regarded  as  the  result  of  the  oncoming  of  Yahweh's 
Spirit  (Jg.  1325,  l'l6,  15i4,  1  S.  Il6).  Saul,  who  did 
real  work  in  the  effort  towards  national  unity,  was  a 
capable  man,  a  true  patriot;  he  sends  round  the 
"  fiery  cross  "  in  the  hour  of  need,  he  falls  in  with 
the  effort  to  check  sorcery  and  witchcraft,  and  yet  in 
his  moments  of  weakness  he  is  troubled  with  "  an 
evil  spirit,"  which  produces  jealousy  and  melancholy, 
and  in  the  crisis,  before  his  final  defeat,  he  has 
recourse  to  "  a  witch,"  who  professes  to  raise  the  dead 
(1  S.  28). 

Another  element  that  has  to  be  reckoned  with  is  the 
conservatism  or  puritanism  of  those  who  looked  back 
upon  the  ideal  of  the  desert  life  as  simpler  and  more 
religious.  The  culture  of  the  vine  and  the  use  of  its 
products  appeared  to  them  as  disloyalty  to  Yahweh. 
These  people  were  no  doubt  lacking  in  flexibility  and 
progressiveness,  but  the  real  reason  of  their  protest 
was  religious — their  objection  to  religious  rites  con- 
nected with  the  new  culture,  and  the  fact  that  much 
sensuality  was  associated  with  tho  Baal-worship  of 
the  land.  A  great  movement  is  tho  resultant  of  many 
forces,  and  the  protest  against  effeminate  lu.xury  and 
unbridled  indulgence  was  not  without  its  representa- 
tives in  the  earlier  days. 

The  one  thoiight  that  was  about  to  be  worked  out 
clearly  was  that  the  Israelites  were  Yahweh's  people, 
and  their  worship  was  due  to  Him  alone  as  their 
benefactor  in  times  of  peace  and  their  protector  in 
days  of  war.  The  gods  of  other  peoples  might  have 
their  own  place  and  territory  (Jg.  11 24).  There  was 
as  yet  no  world  outlook  or  dream  of  missionary'  effort. 
A  fugitive  or  stranger  who  came  within  the  borders 


THE   RELIGION   OF  ISRAEL 


of  Israel  must,  of  course,  join  himself  to  some  clan 
and  place  himself  under  the  protection  of  Israel's 
God. 

The  Work  of  David.— The  work  that  Saul  had  under- 
taken received  a  c(>rtain  completion  under  his  suc- 
cessor, David.  Though  the  united  kingdom  lasted 
only  some  seventy  years,  his  work  was  of  permanent 
importance.  He  was  a  loyal  worshipper  and  servant 
of  Yahweh,  with  clear  knowledge  of  the  situation.  He 
made  Jerusalem  the  political  and  religious  centre  for 
the  whole  kingdom,  and  it  has  occupied  a  central 
position  in  the  world's  history  or  in  the  regard  of 
mankind  ever  since.  Wo  cannot  think  of  him  as  a 
theologian  or  hymn-writer  ;  he  was  a  soldier  and  states- 
man. A  great  part  of  his  life  was  spent  in  wandering 
or  in  war,  and  when  ho  came  to  the  possession  of  large 
power  ho  had  many  troubles  with  his  family  and  the 
rough  soldiers  upon  whom  he  had  been  compelled  to 
depend.  We  have  a  suggestive  and  reliable,  if  not  a 
perfect  or  systematic,  picture  of  his  life  and  times. 
For  him  Yahweh  was  a  great  God,  the  supreme  God 
of  Israel,  though  His  actual  rule  is  limited  to  Israel's 
territory  (1  S.  2619).  The  striking  story  of  2  S.  21 
shows  that  he,  and  the  Church  of  his  time,  still  stood 
on  the  old  tribal  level  (c/.  Dt.  24i6,  Jcr,  3I30,  Ezek. 
I820).  What  a  great  step  from  this  to  the  advanced 
theology  of  Ps.  1.39,  attributed  by  later  scribes  to  this 
great  king  !  However,  the  union  of  the  tribes  and  the 
choice  of  an  important  capital  city  was  an  event  of 
religious  importance  for  the  life  of  Israel  and  the 
world.  The  local  sanctuaries  still  had  their  place, 
and  religious  officials  of  various  kinds  were  scattered 
throughout  the  land.  But  the  bringing  of  the  Ark 
to  Jerusalem  and  the  desire  for  a  permanent  dwelling- 
place  of  Yahweh  marked  an  advance. 

At  the  king's  court  soldiers,  councillors,  priests,  and 
prophets  were  assembled,  and  a  new  and  more  im- 
portant centre  of  life  was  thus  formed.  The  king 
was  a  man  of  his  time,  in  many  ways  rough,  impulsive, 
self-willed  ;  but  he  leaves  upon  us  the  impression  of 
rare  strength,  power  of  leadership,  a  certain  frankness 
of  nature,  and  magnanimity  of  spirit.  He  receives 
counsel  from  "  a  wise  woman,"  accepts  meekly  the 
.stem  rebuke  of  Nathan,  and  seeks  to  restrain  the  fierce 
men  of  blood  whom  he  has  had  to  use  as  his  instru- 
ments. Judged  by  the  standards  of  his  own  time  he 
is  a  true  and  noble  embodiment  of  Israel's  religion. 
He  is  loyal  to  Yahweh,  and  is  not  content  with  a  mere 
formal  worship.  He  comes  into  the  main  current  of 
this  great  religious  movement ;  he  would  give  due 
honour  to  the  God  of  his  fathers,  from  whom  his  king- 
ship came  ;  and  he  prepared  the  way  for  "  the  city 
of  God,"  of  whose  full  glory  and  influence  ho  never 
dreamed.  Before  there  could  be  a  national  religion, 
in  the  full  sense,  the  nation  must  be  created  ;  then, 
when  the  national  religion  came,  it  must  take  time  to 
realise  its  tnie  nature  before  the  consciousness  could 
arise  that  here  was  something  of  more  than  national 
significance.  This  was,  in  the  meantime,  merely  a  new 
fixed  point  in  the  midst  of  a  political  life  that  was  still 
restless  and  unstable.  One  needs  to  remember  the 
difference  between  the  small  communities  in  Palestine 
and  the  large  empires  of  Assyria  or  Babylonia.  In 
great  regions  covered  by  one  complex  civil  and  military 
organisation  officialism  reigned  supreme;  there  were 
millions  of  human  beings  that  were  severely  drilled 
to  take  their  part  as  units  in  an  immense  machine. 
This  made  possible  the  network  of  canals,  the  great 
cities  and  lofty  towers,  magnificent  products  of  human 
skill,  that  were  a  cause  of  astonishment  and  religious 
reflection  to  simpler  peoples  (Gen.    II1-9).     On  the 


other  hand,  the  tribes  of  Israel  had  not  been  subject 
to  any  such  "  steam-roller  process  "  as  tended  to  crush 
ijidividuality  and  destroy  local  peculiarities.  They 
were  a  "  stiff-necked  people  "  (Dt.  913).  That  appro- 
priate phrase,  spoken  in  blame,  suggests  to  us  some- 
thing that  is  not  altogether  evil.  Their  great  religious 
contribution  to  the  world  could  never  have  come  from 
a  soft,  pliable  people,  easily  influenced  and  easily 
losing  impressions.  The  separateness  of  family  and 
elan,  which  lent  itself  to  the  eaay  formation  of 
"  faction,"  had  its  advantages  from  the  point  of  view 
of  religious  progress.  Wo  see  now,  more  clearly  than 
over,  that  it  was  not  a  smooth,  easy  movement ;  there 
was  fighting  at  every  point,  against  external  foes  and 
internal  division.  No  new  stage  W£i8  gained  without 
a  fierce  contest,  and  when  a  great  truth  was  conquered 
it  was  fixed  in  forms  that  would  not  easily  die.  Thus 
we  can  iinderstand  the  reaction  against  the  united 
kingdom  which  led  to  the  disruption  immediately 
after  the  death  of  Solomon.  Religion,  politics,  and 
what  wo  now  call  "  economic  "  causes  all  played  a 
part.  There  was  an  objection  to  rapid  centralisation, 
forced  labour,  and  heavy  taxes  for  the  glory  of  the 
king  and  the  enrichment  of  the  capital  city.  There 
was  always  a  democratic  vein  in  prophecy,  and  the 
oriental  deification  of  the  actual  king  could  not  easily 
find  a  place  in  the  religion  of  Yahweh.  An  interesting 
anticipatio!!  of  the  impression  produced  by  the  tyranny 
of  the  king  and  the  extravagance  of  the  court  has  been 
placed  in  the  mouth  of  Samuel  (1  S.  8).  This  revolt 
against  the  authorities  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  setting 
up  of  a  prosperous  kingdom  in  the  north,  which  gained 
a  strong  and  attractive  capital  at  Samaria,  was  a 
source  of  political  weakness.  But  the  possible  rivalry, 
when  it  did  not  degenerate  into  fratricidal  strife,  tended 
to  produce  a  fuller,  richer  life.  Complete  centralisa- 
tion and  uniformity  at  this  stage  would  have  had  a 
cramping  effect.  Both  kingdoms  claimed  Yahweh  as 
their  God,  and  had  in  many  respects  a  common  life 
and  literature.  There  was  now,  as  the  communities 
became  more  settled,  an  increase  in  the  spread  of  edu- 
cation. Court  chronicles  began  to  bo  kept,  simple 
codes  of  laws  arranged  (Ex.  20-23),  and  collections 
of  songs  and  stories  to  be  made  (Jos.  IO13,  2  S.  I17). 
This  material,  existing  before  in  written  fragments  or 
as  oral  tradition,  began  to  be  gathered  in  simple  syste- 
matic forms,  and  so  the  earliest  foundations  were  laid 
for  our  present  OT  (pp.  44f.). 

The  Work  of  Elijah. — The  name  of  this  great  prophet 
has  come  to  na  in  a  blaze  of  glory  ;  the  stories  that 
tell  of  his  life  and  work  have  a  high  literary  character 
and  great  spiritual  power.  To  have  produced  such  an 
impression  and  left  such  a  record  he  must  have  been  a 
man  of  wonderful  energy  and  a  prophet  of  great  dis- 
tinction. Here,  as  elsewhere,  we  have  to  remember 
that  the  idea  which  plays  such  an  important  part  in 
our  explanation  of  nature  and  history  had  not  c®me 
to  clear  expression  then,  viz.  that  of  process.  There 
is  a  tendency  in  ancient  literature,  and  particularly  in 
Hebrew  story,  to  gatlier  under  the  name  of  one  man 
achievements  that  represent  the  struggle  of  a  genera- 
tion or  more  of  intelligent  and  heroic  workers.  This 
is  true  in  the  ease  of  all  such  great  names  as  Moses, 
Joshua,  David.  Solomon,  and  EUjah.  Hence,  at  this 
point  we  need  to  review  not  so  much  the  life  of  this 
particular  prophet  as  the  whole  relation  of  Hebrew 
religion  to  the  life  of  Canaan.  Elijah  is  a  prophet  of 
the  desert ;  he  represents  the  old  faith  and  the  stem 
simplicity  of  nomad  religion  ;  ho  is  at  homo  in  the 
wilderness,  and  flees  for  refuge  to  the  ancient  moun- 
tain sanctuary  of  Horeb.     He  has  left  no  Bermons ; 


THE   RELIGION   OF   ISRAEL 


87 


he  was  no  theologian.  He  makes  no  claim  for  the 
centralisation  of  worship  ;  he  does  not  discuss  details 
of  ritual ;  ho  frankly  recognises  the  use  of  many  altars 
(1  K.  1914),  but  he  declares  that  the  people  of  Israel, 
under  the  influence  of  the  court,  are  turning  to  the 
worship  of  the  Tyrian  Baal.  Yahweh  alone  must  bo 
worshipped  by  Israelites.     The  question  as  to  the  use 

'of  images  or  symbols  is  not  raised.  The  demand  is 
for  the  exclusive  worship  of  Yahweh  by  His  osvn  people. 
Without  attempting  a  critical  analysis  and  estimate  of 
the  documents  here  involved,  it  seems  evident  that  in 
this  period,  both  in  Israel  and  Judah,  there  was  a 
revolt  against  the  Baal-worship  introduced  througiithe 
connexion  of  the  royal  families  with  the  dynasty  of 
Tyre.  If  such  worship  had  been  confined  to  small 
circles  of  foreigners  it  could  scarcely  have  caused  such 
a  sensation,  though  there  was  an  increasing  apprehen- 
sion of  the  fact  that  Yahweh  was  "  a  jealous  God." 
Probably  many  Israelites  were  becoming  lax  and  too 
tolerant,  and  so  stimulated  the  zeal  of  the  stricter 
devotees.  The  fact  that  Elijah  resisted  the  tyranny 
and  oppression  of  the  rulers,  as  shown  in  the  case  of 
Naboth's  vineyard,  shows  that  he  stands  in  the  line 
of  the  true  yjrophetic  tradition  that  Israel's  God  is 
the  defender  of  simple  justice  and  the  avenger  of  inno- 
cent blood  (Gen.  4io).  That  is  a  great  thought  of 
God,  at  a  time  when  men  generally  accepted  the  king 
as  a  kind  of  god  above  the  law,  entitled  to  gratify, 
without  scruple,  his  arbitrary  will.  The  greatest 
battles  for  liberty  in  this  world  have  been  fought  by 
men  who  appealed  to  a  God  of  justice  against  the  unjust 
claims  of  Caesar.  Turning  again  to  the  theological 
side  of  the  situation,  the  point  to  be  emphasized  is 
that  the  Yahweh  religion,  having  absorbed  much  nutri- 
ment from  Canaanite  culture  and  Baal-worship,  now, 
in  the  person  of  its  strict  representatives,  felt  itself 
quite  foreign  and  superior  to  the  similar  Phoenician 
worship  that  was  threatening  an  invasion.  Hebrew 
religion  can  tolerate  no  appearance  of  rivalry  within 
its  own  territory  ;  that  must  be  made  clear  in  a  reli- 
gion that  is  destined  to  still  larger  conquests.  The 
characteristic  of  the  true  religion  is  that  it  is  alive, 
which  in  the  highest  sense  means  not  simply  the  power 
to  fight  for  a  bare  name  or  abstract  formula,  but  much 
more  the  power  to  enrich  its  own  idea  of  religion  and 
of  God  by  absorbing  true  elements  from  the  culture 
w  th  which  it  comes  in  contact.  We  have  now  passed 
the  time  when  we  regard  any  great  system  of  faith 
and  worship  as  completely  and  absolutely  false  ;  we 
know  that  in  a  world  which  belongs  to  God  such  a 
system  would  soon  fall  to  pieces.  Further,  when  two 
systems  come  into  contact  and  conflict,  wliile  that 
which  is  higher  may  ultimately  prevail,  it  can  do  so 
only  on  the  condition  of  completing  itself  even  from 
a  hostile  .source.  Through  all  these  struggles  with 
the  Canaanites  the  Hebrews  maintained  the  name  of 
Yahweh  their  God,  and  their  faith  in  Him  was  the 
bond  of  union  and  the  inspiration  of  any  heroic  and 
successful  action.  As  we  have  already  suggested, 
tribal  traditions  and  family  usages  remained  in  full 
force,  and  onlj-^  gradually  and  by  slow  action  and  re- 

.  action  were  they  eliminated  or  reinterpreted  and  trans- 
formed. The  same  process  took  place  in  regard  to 
Canaanite  customs.  To  some  of  these  the  real  repre- 
Bentativcs  of  Hebrew  religion  were  sternly  and  con- 
sistently opposed,  while  the  mass  of  the  people  were 
easily  induced  to  follow  the  prevailing  fashions.  As 
they  became  more  completely  a  settled  people  they 
must  be  more  thoroughly  influenced  by  the  religious 
beliefs  and  ceremonies  connected  with  the  culture  of 
the  soil     The  name  Baal  means  lord  or  owner ;    it 


is  not  in  itself  the  name  of  the  god  of  a  wholo  land 
.or  tribe,  but  of  the  patron  god  of  a  particular  locality. 
The  shade  of  meaning  attached  at  any  time  to  such  a 
word  must  necessarily  be  vague  and  variable.  To  the 
popular  mind  there  were  many  Baals,  just  as  in  Roman 
Catholic  countries,  among  simple  and  unreflecting 
people,  "  Our  Lady "  of  a  particular  city  acquires 
special  local  quaUties,  and  is  differentiated  from  other 
manifestations  of  the  One  Virgin  (Notre  Dame  da 
Paris,  Notre  Dame  de  Lourdcs,  etc.).  The  Baal  meant 
the  divinity  that  gave  fruitfuhiess  to  a  piece  of  soil 
As  such  fruitfulness  is  similar  in  all  cases,  it  might 
easily  be  generalised  and  a  general  significance  be 
given  to  the  name  ;  but  side  by  side  the  belief  could 
remain  in  a  number  of  particular  Baals.  The  IsraeUte 
teachers  maintained  that  Yahweh  was  one  (Dt.  G4). 
They  were  clear  on  that  point.  There  might  be  many 
Baals — that  would  need  investigation — but  as  to  this 
there  could  be  no  doubt,  that  it  was  one  and  the  same 
Yahweh  who  manifested  Himself  to  the  believing 
Israelites  wherever  the  conditions  were  favourable  to 
His  appearance.  This  is  much  more  important  than 
it  appears  on  the  surface  :  the  search  of  the  highest 
philosophy  and  deepest  religious  feeling  is  for  unity 
behind  all  the  varied  appearances  of  nature  and  mani- 
festations of  life.  The  unity  of  Yahweh- worship  over 
against  the  divisions  and  distractions  of  Baal-worship 
is  a  real  revelation,  a  great  advance  in  this  movement. 
But  a  bare  unity  or  a  mere  name  cannot  have  the 
highest  power ;  the  claim  must  be  made  that  Yahweh 
is  the  God  of  the  pleasant,  fruitful  land  as  well  as  of 
the  fierce  storm  and  "  the  great  and  terrible  wilder- 
ness." This  means  the  transference  of  ancient 
sanctuaries  and  altars  to  Yahweh,  and  the  adoption 
of  Canaanite  forms  of  worship,  and  there  is  always 
danger  in  such  assimilation.  But  this  inevitable 
movement  carried  with  it  the  possibility  of  an  enlarge- 
ment and  enrichment  of  thought  of  Yahweh  as  "  the 
God  of  nature  "  in  a  fuller  sense  than  before.  Both 
these  things  are  clearly  implied  in  the  later  polemic 
of  Hosea  and  Deuteronomj-.  The  enervating,  corrupt- 
ing influence  of  Baal-worship  was  recognised,  but  the 
claim  was  clearly  stated  that  the  reason  for  such 
worship  lay  in  the  fact  that  men  attributed  to  the  local 
Baals  powers  and  gifts  which  really  belonged  to  the 
supreme  Lord,  Yahweh.  We  are  now  specially  con- 
cerned to  notice  that,  while  during  their  earlj'  centuries 
of  toilsome  effort,  spent  in  acquiring  a  sure  settlement 
in  the  land,  the  life  and  refigion  of  the  people  had 
been  largely  influenced  by  the  new  conditions,  they 
themselves  were  not  conscious  of  the  extent  of  that 
influence,  but  maintained  their  full  loyalty  to  Yahweh. 
They  worshipped  Yahweh  at  various  sanctuaries,  with 
pilgrimages  and  festivals,  with  ritual  and  sacrifice ; 
they  had  departed  from  the  simple  desert  standard, 
and  entered  fully  into  the  hfe  of  their  new  home,  but  yet 
they  had  learned  to  cherish  a  certain  healthy  intoler- 
ance and  oxclusiveness.  Elijah  represents  for  us  this 
revolt  against  any  other  god,  and  he  calls  upon  the 
people  to  choose  between  Yahweh  and  Baal,  as  in  the 
circumstances  it  was  not  possible  to  serve  two  masters. 
This  became  a  political  issue,  with  conspiracies  and 
massacres  following  in  its  train  ;  it  led  to  a  change  of 
dyna.sty  in  tlio  north,  and  brought  into  the  kingdom 
a  spirit  of  faction  that  prepared  the  way  for  its  final 
destruction.  The  strict  toilowors  of  Yahweh  no  doubt 
represented  a  larger  and  pUrer  faith  ;  they  were  in 
the  main  stream,  they  had  a  permanent  contribution 
to  make  to  the  life  of  humanity,  but  their  temper  was 
violent,  their  methods  rude.  The  picture  of  the  giant 
Ehjali  over  against  the  peevish  weakling  Ahab  may 


isS 


THE   RELIOION   OF   ISRAEL 


in  its  sharp  contrast  be  powerful  poetry  rather  than 
finely-balanced  history  ;  but  in  such  a  striking  state- 
ment as  that  Ahab  went  up  to  eat  and  drink  and  Elijah 
went  up  to  the  top  of  Carmel  to  learn  the  Divine  pur- 
pose (1  K.  I842)  there  is  a  true  impression  of  the 
nature  of  the  contending  forces.  Out  of  the  conflict 
there  came,  both  for  Israel  and  Judah,  a  fuller  and 
clearer  recognition  of  the  fact  that  Yahweh,  and 
Yahweh  alone,  was  the  God  of  all  true  Israelites. 
There  was  also  a  fuller  consciousness  of  what  was 
meant  by  that  statement.  If  Yahweh  had  not  yet 
conquered  the  world  or  completely  e.xtended  His  rule 
into  the  dark  underworld  of  Sheol,  Ho  had  secured 
the  lordship  of  Palestine  and  the  acknowledgment  that 
there  no  gods  could  be  tolerated  alongside  of  Him. 
It  was  universally  admitted  that  to  be  a  true  Israelite 
meant  to  give  exclusive  worship  to  Yahweh  ;  priests, 
prophets,  leaders,  and  people  had  all  come  to  this. 
All  commerce  with  other  gods  or  demons  with  heathenish 
sorcery  and  magic  must  be  a  shameful,  secret  thing. 

The  Prophetic  Movement. — This  brings  us  to  what  is 
called  "  the  prophetic  movement  "  in  the  strictest 
sense,  althougli  we  must  not  forget  the  -warning  that 
in  a  living  process  we  must  not  make  our  distinctions 
and  differences  too  deep.  Some  of  the  early  narratives 
show  material  that  is  handled  in  "  a  prophetic  spirit," 
and  they  reveal  the  sense  of  man's  "  sinfulness,"  wliich 
it  was  the  work  of  the  prophets  to  deepen  and  define 
(<•/.  Gen.  3, 6, 11).  For  example,  Isaiah  lays  great  stress 
on  the  feebleness  and  futility  of  human  arrogance 
(Is.  2/.),  and  the  same  subject  is  treated  in  a  different 
form,  but  with  some  similarity  of  spirit,  in  the  stories 
of  Paradise  and  the  Tower  of  Babel. 

Our  attention  is  now  called  to  the  work  of  those 
prophets  ^^'ho  were  the  first  to  transmit  to  posterity 
actual  notes  of  their  sermons.  These  are  the  prophets 
of  the  Assyrian  period — Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah,  and 
Micah.  For  the  purpose  of  this  brief  sketch  the  books 
of  Nah.,  Hab.,  and  Zeph.  may  be  neglected,  since,  in 
so  far  as  they  have  any  significant  message,  it  is  de- 
pendent on  the  great  original  preachers.  The  critical 
questions  must  be  left  untouched  and  results  of  recent 
research  assumed.  We  seek  to  understand  the  message 
of  these  preachers,  and  how  we  can  best  state  its 
relation  to  what  has  gone  before.  The  careful  com- 
position of  the  sermons,  brief  and  few  as  they  are, 
shows  that  literary  influences  had  been  for  some  time 
at  work.  Their  prsservation  proves  that  even  in 
these  troubled  times  there  were  students  and  disciples 
(Is.  816,  3O3).  These  four  eighth-century  prophets 
have  their  differences  of  circumstances,  temperament, 
and  style,  but  they  join  in  the  one  protest  against  the 
social  weakness  and  impure  worship  of  their  time,  and, 
broadly  speaking,  present  the  same  message  and  make 
the  same  demands.  Amos,  the  stern  messenger  to 
Israel  from  outside ;  Hosea,  emotional,  tender,  and 
showing  intimacy  and  sympathy  even  in  his  denuncia- 
tions ;  Isaiah,  the  man  of  the  cit}*,  courtier,  and  states- 
man ;  Micah,  the  rude  peasant  of  the  Judasan  low- 
lands— these  men  have  much  in  common.  They  give 
us  a  striking  proof  that  Yahweh,  the  living  God,  is 
one — one  in  His  purpose  through  history,  one  in  His 
demand  for  justice  and  call  for  service.  They  regarded 
themselves  as  conservatives,  and  in  the  best  sense  this 
was  true.  They  might  to  a  certain  extent  idealise 
the  past,  but  two  facts  in  this  connexion  we  must 
recognise :  {a)  There  is  deterioration  as  well  as  pro- 
gress in  the  life  of  a  nation  which,  on  the  whole,  is 
moving  upward ;  hence  there  is  something  to  be 
learned  from  the  simplicity  and  brotherliness  of  earlier 
days.     (6)  These  prophets   were   not  absolutely  new 


in  their  life  and  original  in  their  thought ;  they  did 
rest  upon  a  real  liistorical  basis  and  manifested  a  real 
continuity  of  life.  Further,  in  any  time  of  transition, 
in  living  creative  periods,  the  only  way  to  conserve 
the  revelation  of  the  past  is  to  reach  the  heart  of  it, 
bring  out  its  real  meaning,  and  show  ita  application 
to  the  new  age.  Our  ultimate  explanation  of  such 
men  may  be  that  God  called  them,  manifested  to  them 
His  gloiy,  and  revealed  to  them  His  will.  But  this 
happens  in  particular  circuirtstancos  and  under  certain 
conditions.  Natural  environment  and  economic  causes 
can  nev^er  be  for  us  the  full  explanation  of  the  move- 
ment of  the  Divine  and  human  spirit.  We  must  not, 
however,  ignore  these,  since  the  consideration  of  them 
helps  us  to  realise  that  these  prophets  were  men  like 
oui-selves,  face  to  face  with  definite  social  problems, 
in  a  time  of  unrest  and  transition,  seeking  the  solution 
by  a  clearer  recognition  of  God  and  a  more  intelligent 
application  of  religious  principles.  In  fact,  Israel 
could  not  have  been  God's  greatest  instrument  for  the 
preparation  of  a  world-wide  religion  if  her  life  had 
been  perpetually  fixed  and  fastened  down  to  one  form, 
semi-nomad  or  pastoral.  Old  truth  can  be  enlarged 
and  new  principles  brought  to  light  only  by  the  claims 
of  new  circumstances  and  the  demand  of  new  needs. 
By  the  growth  of  commerce,  increase  of  wealth,  en- 
largement of  cities,  old  tribal  arrangements  and  clan 
ties  had  broken  down.  It  is  the  direct  or  implicit 
complaint  of  all  these  prophets  that  Israehtes,  in 
regard  to  each  other,  are  "  more  than  kin  but  less  than 
kind."  The  arrangement  by  which  every  family 
could  have  its  traet  of  land,  every  man  his  own 
house,  and  small  communities  live  together  in  a 
brotherly  spirit,  with  slight  inequalities  of  social 
conditions — that  state  of  things  could  no  longer  be 
maintained.  Denunciation  of  the  greedy  laud- 
grabbers,  the  careless  or  unjust  rulers,  and  the  arrogant 
rich  oppressors,  now  appears  as  a  regular  part  of  the 
preacher's  programme.  It  has  come  back  at  different 
periods,  and  has  reached  a  larger  form  in  our  own  day  ; 
but  the  moral  basis  and  roHgious  inspiration  must 
always  come  from  the  great  prophetic  ideas.  The 
period  in  which  this  prophetic  movement  takes  its 
rise  was  evidently  a  time  of  prosperity,  for  many  could 
indulge  in  vulgar  display  and  luxurious  living ;  but, 
as  ever,  social  unrest,  coming  from  the  oppression  of 
the  poor  and  the  perversion  of  justice,  was  the  result 
of  the  unequal  distribution  of  wealth  and  the  lack  of 
unselfish  loaderahip.  A  strongly-marked  feature  of 
the  genuine  oracles  of  Micah  is  their  fierce  denunciation 
of  the  wickedness  and  foll3'  of  the  ruling  classes. 

Neglecting  for  tiie  moment  any  special  theological 
peculiarities  of  particular  prophets,  we  may  sum  up 
their  teaching  as  referring  to  this  world  and  being 
social  and  moral  in  its  character.  Thoy  do  not  face 
the  question  of  personal  immortahty,  and  it  is  doubtful 
whether  they  give  any  clear  programme  as  to  the  future 
of  the  nation  beyond  the  fact  of  an  imminent  severe 
judgment,  which  will  partly  destroy  and  partly  purify 
the  community,  ^\■ilen  we  speak  of  their  message  as 
social,  we  mean  that  tiioy  arc  dealing  with  men  not 
in  their  individual  capacity  as  separate  souls,  but  as 
members  of  the  community,  and  that  they  set  forth 
religion  as  the  right  discharge  of  social  obligations. 
When  we  say  that  it  is  moral,  we  give  prominence  to 
the  fact  that  they  denounce  the  attempt  to  make  ritual 
a  substitute  for  social  goodness.  Tiioy  are  not  de- 
nouncing Baal-worship  or  discussing  the  value  of 
symbolism  ;  their  position  is  that  this  is  not  the  kind 
of  worship  and  service  that  Yahweh  requires  (Am.  44, 
521-24,    lios.     60,    Is.    1 10-17,    Mi.    3io).      It    has 


THE   RELIGION   OF   ISRAEL 


89 


been  settled  that  there  is  only  one  God  for  Israel ; 
the  question  of  the  nature  of  the  worship  and  service 
that  He  can  require  and  will  accept  is  now  lifted  to  a 
higher  plane.  How  far  and  in  what  way  these  men 
would  have  abolished  or  reformed  the  existing  cultus 
we  cannot  say.  We  may  conjecture  that  Isaiah  loved 
the  Temple,  and  found  many  sacred  associations  with 
it ;  that  Micah  hated  the  pretentious  ritual  used  by 
the  oppressors  of  the  people  ;  that  Amos  found  God 
more  easily  in  the  silence  of  the  desert  than  in  the 
noisy  religious  festivals ;  and  that  Hosea  would  have 
shown  more  {esthetic  feeling  and  poetic  sentiment  in 
handling  such  a  subject  than  the  stern  prophets  from 
the  country  were  capable  of  displaying.  This  is 
legitimate  speculation,  guided  by  our  actual  knowledge 
of  the  men.  But,  after  all,  we  have  to  say  that  they 
were  engaged  in  a  conflict  against  shallow,  sensuous 
ritualism,  and  that  in  their  polemic  there  ia  no  dis- 
cussion of  fine  distinctions,  but  a  simple  demand  for 
honesty  in  private  and  pubhc  ser\'ice,  for  a  just  adminis- 
tration of  civic  affairs,  and  a  sympathetic  care  for  the 
poor.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world 
we  find  what  we  call  "  social  moraUty  "  presented  aa 
the  highest  expression  of  the  religious  life,  and  this 
is  done  with  remarkable  clearness  and  boldness  in  the 
name  of  Israel's  God.  It  is  evident  that  such  teaching 
is  ethical  in  the  noblest  sense.  But  what  do  we  mean 
when  we  sa3'  that  because  it  is  ethical  it  is  monotheistic  ? 
The  answer  to  this  is  that  it  is  a  kind  of  teaching  that 
implies  the  thought  of  one  God  for  the  world.  And 
on  further  reflection,  if  their  central  message  is  accepted, 
this  implication  must  formulate  itself  in  a  sharper, 
more  dogmatic  fashion.  Judgment  is  about  to  come 
upon  the  nation  in  both  sections,  not  on  account  of 
the  capricious  anger  of  the  deity  at  insufficient  tribute 
in  the  form  of  sacrifices,  but  because  of  the  people's 
failure  to  reach  a  certain  standard  of  righteousness 
(Am.  32,  Is.  01-7).  Yahweh  punishes  His  own  people 
for  their  lack  of  goodness,  this  being  regarded  aa 
morality  and  not  mere  religiositj'.  Further,  the  same 
standard  is  apphed  to  other  tribes  and  natioias  :  they 
are  to  be  judged  not  because  they  are  non-Israehtes, 
but  because  of  their  greed,  cruelty,  and  inhumanity 
(Am.  1).  We  to-day  may  argue  that  because  there 
is  one  God  there  shoidd  be  one  standard  of  morahty 
for  pubUc  and  private  life,  and  one  law  of  justice  and 
kindness  among  men  of  different  creeds  and  nations. 
But  the  historical  movement  worked  in  the  other 
direction.  Men  of  true  spiritual  insight  learned  firet 
that  their  God  required  real  service  and  not  coarse 
sacrifices  or  magical  rites,  and  then  they  advanced 
to  the  belief  that  the  kingdom  of  this  God  of  righteous- 
ness was  not  bounded  by  geographical  or  tribal  limi- 
tations. But  everj'  step  of  the  way  had  to  be  fought, 
for  old  enemies  of  formalism  and  sectarianism  con- 
stantly returned  in  new  forms,  and  the  Jews  preserved 
for  others  what  they  did  not  fully  realise  for  them- 
se  ves.  These  great  beliefs  were  rooted  in  the  sacred 
past  of  their  nation,  and  it  took  a  long  time  to  bring 
out  their  full  significance ;  but  now  it  stands  in  a 
clear  light  as  a  central  contribution  to  rehgious  thought, 
as  one  of  the  highest  gifts  of  revelation.  The  nation 
might  perish,  but  God  and  righteousness  must  rule. 
What  sublime  faith  is  this  !  How  far  it  soars  above 
all  small  ritualism  and  narrow  patriotism  ! 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  northern  kingdom  was  lost, 
and  it  was  left  to  the  small  community  in  Judsea  to 
keep  alive  the  sacred  tradition  and  preserve  in  its 
purer  fom\  the  worship  of  Yahweh.  Even  in  those 
days  spiritual  problems  could  not  really  Ixs  settled  by 
brute  force.     The  internal  factions  within  the  kingdom 


of  Israel,  partly  political,  partly  religious,  weakened 
the  government  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  external 
foe.  After  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  and  the  fall 
of  Samaria  in  721  B.C.,  many  of  the  inhabitants  were 
taken  away  and  other  settlers  brought  in  to  take  their 
place  ;  thus  there  was  produced  a  mixed  race  and  a 
mongrel  reUgion  (2  K.  176,24-41).  Ehjah,  but  more 
probably  Jehu,  might  delight  in  this  grim  business  of 
slaughtering  priests  of  Baal,  but  not  thus  does  religion 
gain  its  real  victories.  The  "  ten  tribes  "  were  "  lost  " 
in  the  sense  that  those  of  them  who  were  taken  away 
had  not  sufficient  individuality  and  strength  of  char- 
acter to  retain  their  separateness.  Those  that  re- 
mained in  Palestine  did  maintain  an  inferior  type  of 
Hebrew  religion,  but  the  efforts  to  reunite  the  two 
branches  after  the  Exile  failed,  and  the  Samaritan 
religion  continued  its  own  stunted,  barren  existence 
(Jn.  49,22).  - 

It  is  not  our  task  to  attempt  a  detailed  analysis  of 
the  books,  to  investigate  the  nature  of  prophecy  and 
prediction,  or  to  give  a  systematic  account  of  the 
theology  of  the  prophets  ;  but  at  this  point  a  brief 
statement  must  be  made  for  the  purpose  of  bringing 
out  the  connexion  of  their  work  with  the  next  phase 
of  the  movement.  It  cannot  be  proved,  with  any 
approach  to  certainty,  that  any  of  these  four  men  hatl 
a  definite  "  eschatologj' "  or  a  clearly-defined  pro- 
gramme of  the  destiny  of  the  nation  after  the  approach- 
ing judgment.  Passages  found  in  these  books  regard- 
ing a  personal  Messiah  probably  belong  to  a  later  date. 
According  to  the  view  we  have  formed  of  these  docu- 
ments, Amos  and  Micah  did  not  speculate  as  to  the 
future  course  of  history.  Hosea,  with  his  principle 
of  a  bond  of  love  between  Yahweh  and  His  people, 
no  doubt  chei-ished  the  hope  of  repentance  and  return. 
Isaiah  approaches  the  most  closely  to  "  a  theologian  "  ; 
he  has  a  central  thought  of  Yahweh  from  which  radiates 
all  his  thought  of  religion,  as  apphed  to  poUtics  and 
civic  life.  To  him  we  owe  the  doctrine  of  "  the  rem- 
nant," and  the  faith  that  Jerusalem  would  be  delivered 
from  the  foreign  foe.  He  spent  a  long  time  in  pubho 
life  ;  he  had  to  meet  the  people  in  varied  circumstances 
and  in  many  moods.  On  the  whole,  while  his  ministry 
was  one  of  denunciation,  there  must  have  been  many 
houi«  of  hope  in  the  life  of  one  who  carried  on  such  a 
long  strife  on  behalf  of  a  sane  pohtical  pohcy  and  a 
pure  worship  of  Yahweh  (Is.  I21-26).  Even  if  he  had 
no  elaborate  eschatology,  he  was  the  prophet  of  faith 
in  a  new  and  deeper  sense  (Tg,  3O15) ;  he  gave  spiritu- 
ality as  well  as  splendour  to  his  picture  of  Yahweh, 
the  supreme  King,  whose  glory  fills  the  whole  earth. 

The  Deuteronomic  Movement. — It  is  difficult  to 
trace  precisely  the  immediate  effect  of  Isaiah  on  the 
religious  organisation,  and  to  learn  how  far  any  real 
effort  was  made  by  Hezekiah  for  the  centralisation 
and  purification  of  worship.  There  seems  to  have  been 
a  fierce  reaction,  which  placed  the  prophetic  party 
in  a  perilous  position,  and  the  reign  of  Manasseh  was 
a  time  of  darkness  for  the  disciples  of  a  purer  faith 
(2  K.  21).  Through  such  times  a  great  religious 
movement  comes  ^vith  a  nobler  faith  and  more  heroic 
courage.  The  Book  of  Deuteronomy  is  now  accepted 
as  in  the  main  the  product  of  this  century-.  It  is  a 
blending  of  prophetic  teaching  and  purified  priestly 
ritual.  It  has  apparently  three  elements — the  his- 
torical, the  preaching,  and  the  legal — but  the  whole 
book  is  pervaded  by  an  earnest  persuasive  spirit.  Its 
aim  is  to  produce  a  community  of  "  saints,"  a  kingdom 
of  God  on  earth,  and  sn  at-ert  the  threalemd  judgment. 
In  a  sense  the  book  is  dramatic  ;  its  history,  sermons, 
and  laws  are  all  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  ancient 


90 


THE   RELIOION   OF  ISRAEL 


prophet  Moses.  The  narratives  of  Exodus  are  turned 
into  direct  speeches,  and  the  Book  of  tlio  Covenant  is 
amplified  and  modified.  In  the  herinons  the  great 
lines  of  thought  are  the  onones-s  of  Yahweh  the  Clod 
of  Israel,  the  view  of  history  as  a  Divine  discipline, 
and  the  danger  of  forgetting  God  in  the  hour  of  pros- 
perity. Such  a  book  clearly  stands  in  the  middle  of 
this  history  and  not  at  its  bcginnin'j; ;  the  history  is 
reviewed  and  made  matt«r  for  spiritual  refiection,  the 
earher  documents  are  freely  used  and  readapted.  The 
demand  for  one  central  sanctuary  now  becomes  in- 
telligible and  possible.  It  can  be  shown  by  many 
detailed  proofs  that  the  teachin.;  of  the  great  prophets 
has  left  its  mark  on  this  wonderful  book.  With  all 
the  limitations  involved  and  dangers  incurred,  it  was 
inevitable  that  the  prophetic  teaching,  if  it  was  to 
leave  any  other  effect  than  the  testimony  of  the 
written  page,  must  embody  itself  in  reforms  of  Church 
ajid  State.  We  have  not  yet  solved  the  problem  as 
to  the  parts  that  the  two  forces  represented  in  Dt., 
preaching  and  legislation,  must  play  in  the  creation 
of  social  goodness.  There  is  no  dogmatic  solution, 
because  circumstances  and  other  factors  involved  are 
always  changing  in  a  living  nation.  While  the  relation 
of  Jeremiah  or  any  particular  piophot  to  this  movement 
is  doubtful  (op.  46.  474.  480),  it  is  clear  that  this  epoch- 
making  book  did  represent,  on  the  part  of  many,  an 
honest  effort  to  purify  the  ritual  and  to  bring  a  higher 
humanitarian  sentiment  into  the  Law,  and  that  it 
helped  to  strengthen  the  loftier  monotheistic  tendencies 
of  the  faith.  To  us  one  God  moans  that  in  any  place 
we  may  woi-ship  in  a  spiritual  fashion,  and  that  no 
city  or  sanctuary  can  have  a  monopoly  of  His  special 
presence  (Jn.  423).  Yet  we  can  concede  that  the  aboli- 
tion of  local  sanctuaries  and  tlio  concentration  of  the 
Jewish  sacrificial  worship  in  Jerusalem  was  a  move- 
ment in  the  direction  of  universalism.  It  drew  a 
clearer  line  between  the  sacred  and  secular,  and  had 
to  grant  powers  to  the  local  elders  that  could  not 
possibly  be  limited  to  Jerusalem.  It  gave  the  book 
a  more  prominent  position  in  religion,  and  laid  new 
emphasis  on  the  need  of  right  teaching  ;  these  elements, 
that  then  held  a  subordinate  place  were  later  seen  to 
have  a  wider  influence  than  any  mere  local  reforms. 
What  could  or  might  have  happened  if  the  nation  had 
survived  to  give  the  Deuteronomic  influence  a  fuller 
trial,  in  the  then  existing  circumstances,  it  is  idle  to 
speculate.  In  a  certain  sense  this  book  saved  the 
religion,  and  if  there  were  many  of  its  adherents  who 
believed  fanatically  in  the  efficacy  of  the  new  law  and 
the  inviolability  of  the  Temple,  to  that  extent  it  helped 
to  destroy  the  natioa 

Jeremiah. — The  tragic  death  of  the  young  king 
Josiah  and  the  strife  of  parties  produced  an  uncer- 
tainty of  policy  which  could  end  only  in  national 
disaster.  The  prophet  Jeremiah  gave  sober  counsel 
and  frequent  warning  as  well  as  strong  denunciation. 
He  saw  that  the  threatened  judgment  must  come,  but 
his  plan  of  recognising  stem  facts  and  bowing  before 
the  great  Babylonian  power  might  have  lessened  the 
terrors  of  the  situation  and  have  avoided  the  final 
tragedy.  But  to  do  this  required  an  act  of  faith — 
faith  to  see  the  hand  of  Yahwoh  in  the  real  events  of 
history,  of  which  neither  the  kings  nor  the  people  were 
capable.  Jeremiah  gave  his  faithful  testimony  during 
many  years,  and  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
was  dragged  away  to  Egypt,  where  his  end  is  veiled 
in  darkness.  He  was  a  worthy  successor  of  the  great 
prophets,  and  did  miich  to  gi\'e  a  deeper  sense  of  indi- 
vidual life  and  a  higher  spirituaUty  to  religion.  Though 
the  book  t  hat  bears  his  name  is  in  a  confused  condition. 


and  contains  much  material  of  various  kinds  that  did 
not  come  from  his  hand,  we  can  gain  from  it  a  vivid 
picture  of  the  disorder  of  the  times,  of  his  outward 
tonflictfl  and  inward  struggles.  In  his  story  v.e  find 
more  of  personal  "  experience  "  in  the  sense  in  which 
we  now  use  that  word.  He  had  the  conviction  that 
he  was,  as  an  individual,  foreordained  to  a  great  task 
(Jer.  I5),  but  that  did  not  end  the  matter;  ho  was 
often  subject  to  inward  misgivings  and  wresthnga 
regarding  his  call  and  work.  He  makes  complaints 
to  his  God  and  bewails  his  hard  lot.  He  is  gentle  and 
sensitive,  but  cannot  attain  to  the  height  of  Christian 
resignation  and  calmness.  But  it  was  a  terrible  life, 
to  be  always  on  the  strain,  denouncing  false  prophets, 
exposing  popiUar  delusions,  declaring  unceasingly  that 
the  policy  of  the  leaders  must  lead  to  inevitable  doom. 
The  great  prophetic  message,  that  has  alreadv  been 
discussed,  he  presented  in  his  own  way  with  bold 
imagery  and  gentle  poetic  beauty,  which  shows  that 
he  lived  in  communion  with  nature  and  in  intimate 
sympathy  with  human  life.  His  life,  the  stoiy  of  it, 
and  his  poems,  must  have  exerted  a  great  influence, 
though  at  the  time  it  all  seemed  to  be  such  a  tragic 
failure.  When  the  reaction  came,  and  men  could  see 
his  utter  truthfulness  and  loyalty,  this  "  man  of 
sorrows  and  acquainted  with  grief  "  was  seen  to  be 
one  of  the  noblest  of  those  saints  to  whom  the  true 
Israel  owes  so  much.  The  part  that  he  played  in  the 
growth  of  Israel's  religion  may  be  briefly  summed  up 
by  saying  that  he  deepened  it,  and  maxie  it  more  a 
matter  of  personal  life  and  individual  experience.  He 
was  a  forerunner  of  the  great  poet  who  wrote  the 
speeches  of  Job  in  that  we  see  in  him  a  man  conscious 
of  his  own  personality  over  against  the  personaUty  of 
God.  He  comes  to  the  very  throne  of  God,  not  simply 
with  humble  cries  for  help,  but  also  with  demands  for 
reason,  justification,  and  defence.  The  fanatical 
dogma  of  the  inviolability  of  the  Temple  he  could  not 
accept,  but  he  could,  we  beheve,  look  forward  to  a 
time  when  a  new  covenant  would  be  written  upon  the 
hearts  of  beheving  men  (3I31,  Heb.  8  8).  The  fulfil- 
ment of  his  predictions  and  the  spirituality  of  his 
teaching  helped  to  save  the  religion  when  the  nation 
was  lost. 

The  Signiflcance  of  the  Exile  for  Hebrew  Religion. — 
When  a  number  of  Israehtes  were  deported  to  Assyria 
almost  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  earher,  they  were 
probably  scattered  over  a  wide  area,  and  as  they  had 
not  attained  sufficient  distinction  of  character  they 
were  ver\'  largely  "  lost,"  so  far  as  any  living  relation 
to  this  great  movement  was  concerned.  But  the  case 
of  the  Jews  was  different ;  it  was  the  better  class  of 
the  people  who  were  taken  away.  They  had  enjoyed 
during  the  past  century  the  influence  of  many  great 
teachers,  and  they  seem  to  have  been  planted  in  colonies 
in  Babylonia,  where  they  could  enjoy  intercourse 
with  each  other  and  form  some  kind  of  religious  or- 
ganisation (Jer.  24,  29).  Thus,  when  these  communities 
came  to  face  the  question,  "  How  can  we  sing  Yahweh's 
song  in  a  foreign  land  ?  "  (Pa.  137).  they  had  some  real 
equipment  with  which  to  solve  the  problem.  Exile 
could  not  mean  to  them — that  is,  to  those  who  in  any 
degree  preserved  their  faith — a  decree  to  go  and  serve 
foreign  gods.  Some,  no  doubt,  did  yield  to  this  temp- 
tation both  at  home  and  abroad,  for  any  great  crisis 
means  loss  to  those  whose  faith  is  not  deejily  rooted. 
But  the  hour  of  bereavement  and  silence  Ls  for  the  men 
of  faith  the  hour  of  thought ;  they  reflect  upon  tho 
content  of  tho  old  song,  and  it  reveals  its  deeper 
meaning.  Not  only  did  circumcision  and  the  Sabbath 
as  ordinances  of  distinction  from  other  peoples  gain 


I 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ISRAEL 


91 


more  prominence,  but  also  within  the  hedge  thus  formed 
there  was  real  intellectual  life,  bringing  a  consciousness 
that  they  possessed  something  which  was  of  more 
than  national  significance,  and  their  vision  of  the  real 
sacrifice  as  the  contrite  heart  and  not  the  mere  material 
olioriug.  It  was  a  time  of  heart-soarchmg,  and  many 
were  led  to  recognise  that  the  verdict  of  history  had 
confirmed  the  message  of  the  earlier  prophets  (Zech. 
l6).  The  situation  was  complex  and  many-sided. 
Some  may  have  even  desired  to  build  a  temple  in 
Babylonia,  others  may  have  thought  that  the  religion 
could  live  without  a  temple.  The  leaders  were  thrown 
back  upon  the  earlier  literature,  "  the  book  "  became 
more  important,  and  in  that  there  was  the  germ  of 
later  Rabbin  ism  ;  the  need  for  study  and  teaching  was 
felt,  and  this  was  destined  to  create  schools  that  would 
mean  more  to  Judaism  and  the  world  than  any  temple. 
"  The  Law  "  came  to  be  something  more  minute  and 
comprehensive,  but,  as  we  may  see  from  the  later  litera- 
ture, it  could  not  confine  the  fidness  and  variety  of 
hfe  or  crush  the  universal  tendencies  inherent  in  the 
prophetic  faith.  Out  of  the  ruins  of  a  nation  there 
came  a  Church,  but  that  Jewish  Church  inherits  the 
[  rich  revelation  and  noble  influence  of  the  Hebrew 
;  rehgion.  To  speak  of  it  as  "  a  sect  "  is  not  fair  ;  the 
[  life  is  too  varied  and  cathohc  to  be  summed  up  in  that 
reproachful  word  ;  it  contained  all  the  elements  of 
t  the  "  high,"  "  low,"  and  "  broad  "  sections.  It  is 
true  that  we  sometimes  find  these  elements  at  war 
with  each  other,  but  we  have  received  the  rich  result 
of  the  whole  movement. 

Ezekiel  works  in  the  midst  of  the  exiles  ;  he  declares 
that  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  must  be  completed, 
and  when  that  prediction  is  fulfilled  he  sets  himself 
to  face  the  problems  of  the  future.  He  is  a  striking 
figure,  a  prophet  judging  the  history  of  his  people  by 
absolute  standards,  a  visionary  with  strange  ecstatic 
experiences,  a  poet  with  great  descriptive  power,  a 
pastor  realising  the  dreadful  responsibility  of  his  office, 
a  i^riest  seeking  to  build  up  a  holy  nation.  He 
has  been  called  "  the  father  of  Judaism,"  and  "  the 
creator  of  eschatology ;  "  and  if  those  terms  are  taken 
with  the  necessary  qualifications  they  may  stand, 
since  he  sketches  a  constitution  for  the  restored  com- 
,  munity  in  Palestine,  and  makes  a  rich  eschatological 
contribution.  In  this  man  of  priestly  family  varied 
)  elements  exist  side  by  side  without  being  fused  into 
a  consistent  system.  He  has  affinities  with  Jeremiah, 
but  his  type  of  mind  and  conception  of  the  Church  are 
different.  He  is  a  High  Churchman,  not  lacking  in 
evangelical  qualities.  Some  truths,  such  as  personal 
responsibility,  he  presents  in  a  way  that  we  are  tempted 
to  call  mechanical — that  ia,  in  a  hard,  abstract  manner, 
out  of  all  Uving  relation  to  the  complementary  truth 
of  heredity.  There  was,  after  all,  some  truth  in  the 
statement  that  "  the  fathers  had  eaten  sour  grapes  and 
the  children's  teeth  were  set  on  edge."  However, 
while  his  weight  falls  heavily  on  the  side  of  the  priestly 
view,  he  did  important  work  as  a  preacher  of  judgment 
and  a  prophet  of  faith.  He  believed  that,  at  the 
Divine  command,  the  dead  bones  of  a  ruined  nation 
could  rise  up  as  a  mighty  army  before  God,  and  that 
the  heart  of  stone  could,  by  a  miracle  of  grace,  be 
t  umed  into  a  heart  of  flesh. 

The  Theology  of  Deutero-Isaiah. — At  this  stage  it 
is  necessary  to  recognise  the  significance  of  the  great 
message  contained  in  Is.  40-55.  Though  different  in 
its  spirit  and  style,  it  takes  rank  with  the  other  great 
prophetic  sections.  We  do  not  know  tiui  name  of  the 
author,  and  we  cannot  say  with  any  cortamty  where 
ho  lived.     On  account  of  its  historical   background. 


theology,  and  language  and  style  this  book  cannot  be 
earher  than  the  time  of  the  Babylonian  Exile,  and  the 
attempts  to  place  it  later  are  not  convincing.  The 
writer  is  evidently  not  a  public  leader,  pastor,  or 
prophet  in  the  same  sense  as  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and 
EzekieL  He  is  not  facing  particular  concrete  situa- 
tions in  the  same  way ;  ho  is  a  poet  brooding  over  the 
great  national  disaster,  and  seeking  to  impart  to 
others  the  message  of  comfort  and  hope  which  heavenly 
voices  have  brought  to  his  soul.  Pre-exflic  prophecy 
had  been  mainly  a  word  of  warning  and  threatening  ; 
in  Ezekiel  promise  follows  denunciation.  Deutero- 
Isaiah  brings  a  message  of  pure  comfort,  and  to  that 
extent  strikes  a  new  note  in  prophecy.  "What  we  have 
here  (Is.  40-55)  is  a  coUection  of  poems  whose  origin 
may  extend  over  a  number  of  years,  yet  we  are  justi- 
fied in  speaking  of  it  as  "  The  Book  of  Consolation," 
seeing  that  there  is  sufficient  unity  of  subject  and 
spirit  in  these  poems  concerning  Zion  the  Bride  of 
Yahweh,  and  Israel  the  Servant  of  Yahweh,  to  bind 
the  various  elements  together,  if  not  to  prove  the 
genuineness  of  every  passage.  Even  if  we  should 
have  to  admit  the  separate  origin  and  the  later  date 
of  the  great  Servant  passages  (40i-4,  49i-6,  5I4-9, 
5213-53  12),  it  is  sufficient  for  this  general  review  for 
us  to  note  that  the  Servant  idea,  in  its  national  sense, 
receives  here  a  very  high  form  of  expression.  The 
writer  brings  a  great  message  of  redemption,  so  that 
he  has  been  rightly  caUed  "  the  evangelist  of  the  OT." 
The  tone  is  tender  throughout ;  even  his  denunciations 
of  enemies  and  his  polemic  against  idol- worshippers 
are  free  from  the  coarse,  bitter  invective  that  is  gener- 
ated by  actual  strife ;  underlying  all  his  utterances  is 
a  strong  conviction  that  the  word  of  Yahweh  is  ab- 
solutely rehable.  Empires  may  faU  and  perish,  but 
it  remains  ;  it  is  a  great  world-force,  which,  like  the 
powers  of  nature,  must  do  its  work  (403,  55 10).  To  a 
nation  whose  members  are  scattered  and  whose 
sanctuary  lies  in  ruins  he  addresses  the  word  of  con- 
solation (4O27).  But  he  does  this  not  with  some  fight, 
soothing  song,  but  with  a  magnificent  conception  of 
God  and  a  massive  theology.  The  behef  that  Yahweh 
is  the  God  of  nature,  history,  and  redemption  receives 
here  a  fuller  exposition  and  more  brilliant  expression. 
These  are  not  dead  forms  or  abstract  categories,  the 
whole  presentation  thrills  with  hfe.  God's  manifesta- 
tion of  His  power  and  wisdom  in  the  actual  events  of 
creation  and  history  is  here  not  a  finished  work,  but 
a  present  energy,  fresh,  plastic.  An  inspiring,  hopeful 
word  was  sorely  needed  in  this  situation,  hence  the 
movement  of  the  theology  is  from  God  to  man.  There 
is  httle  of  the  pastoral  hortatory  (the  genuineness  of 
557  is  questioned) ;  the  promises  aU  rest  on  Yahweh's 
supreme  power  and  sovereign  grace.  V.'hat  could  any 
man  or  organisation  of  men  do  for  a  nation  in  such  a 
condition  ?  If  its  destinies  are  not  cared  for  by  Him 
who  rules  the  universe  there  is  no  hope.  The  thought 
of  election  naturally  plays  a  great  part,  on  account  of 
the  nature  of  the  theme  and  the  character  of  the 
theology.  In  the  earher  days  there  was  a  choice  of 
and  a  covenant  with  Israel  by  Yahweh,  but  it  was  not 
a  doctrine  of  dectiov,  for  then  the  God  and  the  people 
completely  corresponded  to  each  other,  and,  except 
as  enemies  to  be  conquered,  other  gods  and  other 
peoples  did  not  come  into  the  calculation  ;  but  now 
election  expresses  the  special  relation  which  Israel 
holds  to  Yahweh,  the  supreme  God  before  whom  all 
nations  and  gods  must  bow.  We  cannot  say  that  herb 
there  is  no  element  of  particularism  or  tinge  of 
favouritism  left — that  would  be  an  exaggeration; 
but  we  can  maintain   that  election  becomes  ia  this 


92 


THE   RELIGION   OF   ISRAEL 


great  message,  more  than  over  before,  election  to 
service  and  not  merely  to  privilege.  There  is  an 
eschatology  hero :  the  wonderful  deliverance  and  the 
miraculous  journey  across  the  desert  are  to  load  to  a 
new  and  glorious  kingdom  in  Jerusalem ;  but  a 
Gentile  king  is  to  be  Yahweh's  instrument,  a  Messiah 
in  the  secular  sphere  ;  the  ends  of  the  earth  are  in- 
vited to  look  unto  Yahweh  for  salvation  ;  the  Servant 
haa  a  mission  to  the  outside  world,  and  there  is  no 

frim  picture  of  the  ruthless  slaughter  of  the  heathen, 
n  fact,  in  this  section  the  OT  rises  to  its  loftiest  height. 
After  the  grrat  prophets  and  t!io  Deuteronomic  reform 
there  has  arisen  a  poet  who  can  see  what  is  implied 
in  the  earlier  teaching,  and  with  clear  intelligence  and 
enthusiastic  faith  can  sing  a  new  song  to  Yahweh  and 
declare  His  praise  unto  the  ends  of  the  earth  (42io). 
Particularly  is  this  true  of  the  idea  of  vicarious  sacri- 
fice presented  in  ch.  53 ;  if  this  conies  from  Deutero- 
Isaiah,  it  refers  to  Israel's  suffering  as  a  preparation 
and  qualification  for  world-service.  That  individual 
men  should  suffer  with  and  for  others  was  no  new  idea  ; 
it  was  held  in  coimexion  with  the  primitive  conception 
of  the  solidarity  of  the  tribe ;  but  hero  it  reaches  a 
higher  plane  of  rehgious  faith.  The  writer  confronts 
the  popular  view  in  regard  to  an  afflicted  man  and  a 
defeated  nation  and  rejects  it :  "  Wo  did  esteem  him 
stricken,  smitten  of  God,  and  afflicted.  But  he  was 
wounded  for  our  transgressions,  he  was  bruised  for 
our  iniquities ;  the  chastisement  of  our  peace  was 
upon  him  ;  and  with  his  stripes  we  are  healed  "  (c/. 
the  great  conflict  in  the  Book  of  Job).  The  strength  of 
faith  and  the  purity  of  thought  here  revealed  are  not 
affected  by  the  question  whether  the  speakers  are  the 
heathen  recognising  the  meaning  of  Israel's  affliction, 
or  the  Jewish  community  giving  a  sacrificial  and 
Messianic  meaning  to  the  life  of  one  of  its  saints  and 
martyrs.  The  endowment  of  "  the  spirit  of  Yahweh  " 
resting  on  the  true  teacher,  giving  insight,  calmness, 
and  courage,  is  another  feature  that  shows  an  advance 
upon  the  early  conception,  which  tended  to  find  the 
Divine  most  fully  in  the  abnormal,  fitful,  or  ecstatic 
condition  (4:21-4). 

Post- Exilic  Judaism. — There  are  many  historical 
problems  connected  with  the  origin  and  constitution 
of  the  later  Jewish  Church  which  we  cannot  discuss, 
but  we  must  attempt  merely  a  brief  summary  of  the 
theological  situation.  It  is  clear  that,  if  the  historical 
continuity  was  not  to  be  broken,  many  of  the  exiles 
must  return  and  the  Temple  be  rebuilt.  The  centre 
at  Jerusalem  was  a  rallying- point  for  the  scattered 
Jews  as  well  as  for  the  perpetuation  of  Judaism  itself. 
The  Judaean  community  was  small  and  of  little  political 
significance  ;  it  was  under  the  guardianship  and  control 
of  Persian  rulers ;  this  favoured  the  concentration  of 
its  energies  on  ecclesiastical  and  theological  problems. 
The  work  of  restoring  the  walls  and  building  the  .omple 
had  to  be  carried  on  during  many  years  with  feeble 
resources  and  many  external  liindrances.  Prophecy 
had  to  continue  its  work  of  comforting  the  people 
(Zech.  113,17);  the  preachers  found  themselves  com- 
pelled to  take  an  interest  in  church-building  and  in 
ritual.  In  Haggai,  Malachi,  and  Is.  56-66  we  have  no 
longer    the    sustained    denunciations    of    the    earlier 

firophets,  nor  the  pure  message  of  comfort  of  Doutero- 
saiah,  but  a  form  of  preaching  more  like  our  own, 
when  denunciation,  warning,  reasoning,  exhortation, 
persuasion,  and  promise  are  all  mingled  in  one  ai)peal. 
In  such  a  book  as  Malaclii  there  is  an  approach  to  an 
"  academic  "  style  of  teaching.  We  know  also,  from 
the  accounts  given  of  the  work  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
that  the  Jewish  community  was  not  established  on  the 


basis  of  a  stricter  law  and  cleansed  from  what  were 
regarded  as  impure  elements  without  fierce  struggles. 
The  regulations  against  mixed  marriages  and  in  favour 
of  strict  Sabbath  observance  met  with  strong  opposi- 
tion. The  rejection  of  all  communion  with  the 
Samaritans,  and  the  contempt  of  some  "  sons  of  exile  " 
for  "  the  people  of  the  land,"  were  also  causes  of  heart- 
burning and  strife.  When  we  seek  to  treat  the  situa- 
tion sympathetically  and  in  the  true  historical  spirit, 
we  recognise  that  a  certain  amount  of  "  intolerance  " 
was  inevitable ;  but  we  rejoice  that  the  view  of  post- 
exilic  Uterature,  which  we  are  now  compelled  to  take, 
does  not  allow  us  to  regard  Judaism  as  a  company  of 
ignorant  fanatics  and  bloodthirsty  zealots.  Jeru- 
salem could  not  bo  sealed  from  all  external  influences. 
Her  children,  now  beginning  to  be  scattered  through- 
out the  world,  kept  her  in  touch  with  the  higher  life 
of  the  world.  While  the  national  point  of  view  must 
still  dominate,  certain  sides  of  the  religion  began  to 
assume  a  more  universal  character.  Even  the  Temple 
sacrifices  and  the  priestlv  ritual,  a  region  in  which  there 
is  most  danger  of  formalism,  came  to  express  a  deeper 
sense  of  sin,  of  penitence,  and  national  obligation. 
Ecclesiastical  reformations  had  gained  something  in 
the  way  of  purity  and  dignity ;  the  ritualism  of  the 
later  Temple  was  in  its  best  days  free  from  the  sensu- 
ahty  and  disorder  of  the  earlier  festivals. 

It  is  possible  for  us  to  indicato  special  features  of 
the  later  period  and  different  times  of  development, 
but  again  we  must  remember  that  these  do  not  exist 
in  abstract  separation,  but  may  be  found  in  various 
combinations  in  the  men  of  action  and  leaders  of 
thought.  It  is  a  period  of  slow  organisation,  patient, 
painful  scholarship,  and  keen  reflection.  The  codifica- 
tion of  ritual  laws,  the  increase  of  scribal  activity  with 
growing  dominance  of  written  authority,  the  deepening 
sense  of  religious  pecuUarity  and  isolation — all  these 
influences  tend  to  check  personal  initiative  and  pro- 
phetic enthusiasm.  Of  course,  in  a  hving  community 
where  intelligence  has  been  so  highly  developed  and 
concentrated  on  religious  subjects,  nothing  can  com- 
pletely crush  criticisTU,  as  may  be  seen  from  such 
books  as  Job  and  Ecclesiastes,  which  examine  and 
partly  reject  orthodox  beliefs,  or  the  books  of  Jonah 
and  Ruth,  which  must  now  be  regarded  as  a  protest 
against  the  militant  forms  of  exclusiveness.  On  the 
whole,  while  the  period  is  full  of  varied  life,  and  we  are 
still  distant  from  the  wild,  unrestrained  extravagance 
of  later  apocalypse  and  the  deadness  of  stagnant 
scholasticism,  it  is  a  time  of  reflection  and  reaction 
rather  than  of  original  creation.  But  the  living  move- 
ment had  not  ceased  ;  the  difficulties  from  without 
and  controversies  within,  along  with  the  varied  efforts 
to  appreciate  and  appropriate  the  great  heritage  from 
the  past,  prevented  any  real  stagnation.  That  could 
come  only  when  the  written  text  had  been  finally 
fixed  and  the  dogmas  of  the  various  schools  clearly 
defined.  In  the  meantime  the  hving  movement  goes 
on,  acquiring  complexity  and  variety,  without  losing 
its  central  principle  of  faith  in  Yahweh  as  the  source 
of  all  life  and  the  giver  of  all  blessings  to  His  oton 
people.  This  needs  emphasis :  the  religion  of  Israel 
never  really  ceased  to  bo  national  ;  while  Yahweh  came 
to  be  regarded  as  God  of  the  world,  and  hence  all 
nations  wore  under  His  control  and  care,  yet  their 
destiny  was  fixed  by  their  relation  to  Israel.  Indi- 
viduals might  be  converted  and  come  into  the  true 
fold,  nations  might  receive  blessings  on  account  of 
friendship  to  Israel,  or  bo  destroyed  in  the  great  day 
of  Israel's  victory.  Thus  the  great  blessings,  if  thoy 
were  to  come  to  the  nations,   must  oome  through 


THE   RELIGION  OF  ISRAEL 


93 


Israel.  Wlien  this  is  stripped  of  all  sectarian  prido 
and  party  passion,  it  is  astonishing  how  much  truth 
there  is  in  it ;  in  other  words,  how  much  real  missionary 
influence  was  exerted  by  a  system  that  is  supposed 
to  be  hard  and  exclusive.  God  flung  the  Jews  out 
into  the  world,  when  they  -were  fit  to  stand  alone,  to 
give  and  receive  influence  in  the  great  centres  of 
civilisation.  The  contents  of  the  Jewish  literature 
and  the  meaning  of  Jewish  life  were  larger  and  richer 
than  the  formal  creed.  The  prophetic  principles  were 
felt  to  bo  a  gift  of  God  which  could  not  be  monopolised 
by  one  nation.  The  Servant  carries  these  princijilos 
to  the  expectant  nations  (Is.  424) ;  the  nations  flow 
towards  Jerusalem,  because  there  true  teaching  and 
righteous  judgments  are  given  (Is.  21-4) ;  the  great 
festival  in  the  final  days,  when  the  burdens  of  a  sorrow- 
ful world  are  to  be  removed,  will  be  "  in  this  moun- 
tain," but  it  will  be  a  feast  for  "  all  nations  "  (Is. 
266-8).  The  paradox  can  be  understood  only  when 
we  remember  that  a  stream  of  life  is  more  than  insti- 
tutions and  creeds  that  seek  to  give  it  outward  ex- 
pression, and  that  a  great  truth  will,  because  of  its 
greatness,  show  its  broad  human  significance  and  its 
universal  tendency. 

Alongside  of  the  Temple,  which  held  a  central  place 
in  the  life  of  the  people  as  a  place  of  worship  and 
a  shrine  for  pilgrims  (Pss.  122,  84),  there  was  private 
personal  piety,  in  which  prayers  became  more  promi- 
nent as  an  expression  of  spiritual  life  and  a  means  of 
communion  with  God  (Ps.  44),  and  there  was  also 
a  fuller  development  of  scholastic  and  educational 
work  (Pr.  18).  The  Book  of  Proverbs  is  a  monument 
of  Hebrew  wisdom  compiled  and  completed  in  this 
period,  though  it  may  contain  brief  oracles  and  popular 
sayings  from  earlier  days.  Naturally,  on  account  of 
its  subject,  which  deals  with  the  need  for  discipline 
of  thought  and  regulation  of  conduct,  it  is  unsectarian, 
or,  in  other  words,  its  contents  are,  on  the  whole, 
more  ethical  than  theological.  Its  aim  is -to  insist 
upon  the  need  of  knowledge  and  discipline,  if  a  man 
is  to  avoid  snares  that  are  set  on  every  hand  and  attain 
to  real  success  in  life.  Reverence  towards  parents, 
obedience  as  the  first  lesson  in  life,  the  cultivation  of 
self-control — these  are  in  a  general  way  the  forms  in 
which  "  the  fear  of  Yahweh  "  or  religion  should  express 
itself,  and  this  is  the  beginning  and  foundation  of 
wisdom.  Except  the  longer  passages,  containing 
personifications  of  Wisdom  and  Folly,  this  book  of 
practical  philosophy  consists  mainly  of  short  similes 
or  t«rse  antithetic  proverbs,  which  express  contempt 
for  "  the  fool,"  the  man  given  to  babbling,  to  greed, 
self-indulgence,  or  excess  of  any  kind,  and  praise  of 
"  the  wise  man,"  the  man  who  has  learned  to  take  care 
of  himself,  to  control  his  temper,  rule  his  household, 
and  manage  his  business.  There  may  not  appear  to 
be  much  idealism,  sentiment,  or  romance  about  this 
"  philosophy,"  but  it  rests  upon  a  pretty  solid  basis 
of  "  common  sense,"  and  claims  the  whole  range  of 
common  life  as  a  sphere  for  the  manifestation  of  "  the 
fear  of  Yahweh."  This  is  the  hard,  prosaic  side  of 
life,  but  it  deals  with  matters  that  are  common  to 
mankind,  and  the  inclusion  of  morals,  manners,  and 
etiquette  in  one  comprehensive  survoj'  of  life  suggests 
the  all-embracing  character  of  the  claims  of  religion. 

For  the  rich  variety  of  theological  truth  and  religiotis 
sentiment  which  constituted  the  most  precious  pos- 
session of  that  age  we  must  turn  to  the  Psalter. 
It  has  been  called  the  Hymn-book  of  the  Second 
Temple,  but  it  is  more  than  that ;  it  is  also  a  prayer- 
book  of  confessions,  meditations,  and  thanksgiving, 
which  reflects  the  richest  experiences  of  the  individual 


as  well  as  the  varied  worship  of  the  community.  For 
our  present  purpose  those  portions  that  are  strictly 
hturgical  are  of  least  importance,  but  even  in  them  the 
largo  claim  of  the  religion  is  manifest  (117, 149,  150). 
The  Book  of  Psalms  may  be  called  secondary  literature 
in  this  sense,  that  it  shows  us  how  all  the  lines  of  thought 
worked  out  in  earlier  days  are  appropriated  and  turned 
into  prayer  and  song.  An,  important  proof  this, 
that  the  great  messages  of  the  prophets  have  not  been 
merely  the  property  of  a  few  great  thinkers  or  special 
scholars,  they  have  entered  into  the  life  of  the  com- 
munity. The  expression  of  these  truths  in  the  Psalter 
popularised  them  still  more,  and  we  need  only  remember 
the  frequent  reference  to  it  in  the  NT  to  find  confirma- 
tion of  the  belief  that  here  we  have  &,  real  document 
reflecting  the  higher  life  of  the  post-exilic  Jewish  com- 
munity. It  has  been  said  that  in  prophecy  God  speaks 
to  man,  while  in  the  Psalms  man  speaks  to  God  ;  or, 
as  we  may  put  it,  the  truths  revealed  in  the  past 
show  that  they  have  left  the  realm  of  speculation  and 
have  entered  into  the  sphere  of  public  worship  and 
personal  devotion.  In  reading  these  Psalms,  apart 
from  particular  sharp  expressions  (ISTg)  which  shock 
us,  we  naturally  lift  them  into  a  Christian  atmosphere, 
and  ignore  the  local  circumstances  and  party  conflicts 
out  of  which  they  arose,  and  which,  thanks  to  our 
ignorance  and  the  mellowing  influence  of  time,  have 
now  become  so  dim.  Thus  the  book  remains  a  prayer- 
book  of  humanity  and  one  of  Israel's  greatest  gifts 
to  men.  No  complete  analysis  can  be  given,  but  it 
is  important  to  recognise  the  fact  that  the  great  truths 
which  we  have  seen  growing  in  the  past  have  become 
a  possession  to  be  used  in  public  worship  and  private 
prayer.  When  we  are  engaged  in  a  study  of  history, 
however,  it  is  well  for  us  to  remember  that  what  we 
have  here  is  not  merely  selected  poems  from  a  few 
choice  spirits,  but  a  precipitate  from  the  feverish 
struggles  of  a  time  that  has  not  wisely  been  called 
"  four  centuries  of  silence."  True,  God  is  also  in  the 
silence,  but  we  have  to  flnd  Him  in  the  confusion  of 
opinions  and  the  fierce  strife  of  parties. 

In  the  Psalms  Yahweh  is  Lord  of  the  world,  supreme 
ruler  over  aU  kings  and  gods  (SSs-io) ;  He  is  the 
creator  and  guide  of  His  people  (100) ;  the  worship  of 
idols  is  an  absurd  thing,  only  fit  subject  for  con- 
temptuous ridicule  (115;  note  17  of  this  Psalm, 
that  the  triumphant  faith  is  still  confined  to  this 
world).  The  faith  in  Yahweh  is  thus  firmly  estab- 
lished in  the  realm  of  nature  (8,  19,  29,  104,  etc.),  in 
history  (78,  80,  135),  in  human  conduct,  regulated 
now  by  a  written  law  (1,  19,  119).  He  is  the  ruler 
of  the  world,  and  though  He  is  slow  to  anger  and 
plenteous  in  mercy.  He  will  surely  punish  the  wicked, 
whether  they  are  heathen  oppressors  outside  or 
arrogant  apostates  witliin  the  nation  (97,  37).  One  of 
the  noblest  expressions  of  this  later  theology  regarding 
the  greatness  and  extent  of  Yahweh's  power  is  Ps.  139, 
and  even  here  we  have  a  flaming  hatred  of  "  the 
enemies  of  Yahweh."  The  so-called  "penitential 
Psalms,"  and  others  of  similar  tone  (32,  51,  etc.), 
show  a  deep  sense  of  personal  sinfulness,  deepened  by 
the  burden  of  sickness  or  other  afilictions.  Here  the 
theory  of  sorrow  as  the  result  of  sin  is  working  in  a 
wholesome  way  of  self-application  begetting  penitence. 
In  other  poems  (73,  etc.)  this  theory  is  faced  as  a  problem 
from  the  point  of  view  of  its  application  to  life,  in  the 
spirit  of  the  struggles  of  Job.  We  may  say,  then,  that 
all  possible  religious  beliefs  and  moods  of  that  time 
find  expression  here.  They  caimot  be  harmonised 
into  one  system  ;  they  express  a  many-sided  life. 
Running  through  all  there  is  the  conviction  that  the 


94 


THE  RELIGION   OF  ISRAEL 


Israelites  are  a  peculiar  people,  who  have  inhorited  a 
noble  tradition  and  who  stand  in  a  special  relationship 
to  tlio  God  of  the  world.  This  God  is  to  1)0  woi-shippcd 
and  lionoinx  d  in  the  services  of  tiie  Temple  and  liy  the 
diligent  student  of  His  Law.  Ho  is  a  righteous  God, 
not  only  in  the  sense  that  Ho  regards  moral  distinc- 
tions, but  also  that  He  will  keep  His  covenant  and 
defend  His  people,  thus  causing  righteousness  to 
be  vindicated  on  the  stage  of  the  world's  history. 
"  Pious,"  "  poor,"  "  meek  "  are  beginning,  in  some 
places,  to  moan  almost  the  same  thing,  and  the  hope 
is  cherished  that  the  "  meek  shall  inherit  the  earth  " 
when  the  judgment  comes  which  will  overthrow  the 
arrogant,  faitldess  Jews  as  well  aa  the  proud  heathen 
oppressors.  The  Messianic  hope  finds  clear  if  not 
frequent  expression,  and  probably  many  phrases  that 
have  for  us  lost  their  eschato logical  flavour  originally 
possessed  it.  There  is  not  much  movement  in  the 
direction  of  the  belief  in  personal  immortahty  ;  we 
may  find  a  suggestion  of  it  in  73,  but  oven  this  is  not 
generally  accepted.  We  must  say  that  in  the  actual 
period  of  Hebrew  religion  the  hopes  concerning  the 
future  continued  to  have  a  national  point  of  view 
which  was  not  largely  displaced  by  the  more  personal 
hope.  The  continuance  in  life  or  the  resurrection  of 
the  individual  was  a  belief  held  in  connexion  with 
the  hopes  of  a  final  and  complete  redemption  of  the 
nation,  under  the  reign  of  the  Messianic  King  (72). 
Thus,  beginning  at  a  point  about  a  thousand  yeai-s 
earlier  than  the  present  period,  we  found  a  few  tribes 
with  loose  organisation  and  a  simple  faith  in  Yahweh 
as  their  God.  We  have  seen  the  building  up  out  of 
this  material  into  two  kingdoms,  which  after  a  brief 
fitful  existence  were  destroyed,  to  be  replaced  by  a 
Church  community  in  Judaea  with  an  elaborate  ecclesi- 
astical organisation  and  a  large  body  of  theological 
beliefs.  The  thing  that  grew  through  all  the  political 
and  civil  changes  of  a  millennium  was  the  religious 
faith  and  theological  thought.  The  earlier  revelations 
were  received  in  and  through  the  actual  poHtical 
conflicts  of  the  time  ;  in  later  days  theology  became 
for  a  while  the  chief  business  of  the  nation. 

The  Significance  of  the  Maceabean  Period. — This 
small  nation  was  called  to  fight  for  its  existence  and 
its  faith  in  the  early  years  of  the  second  century  B.C., 
and  the  result  showed  that  a  positive  dogmatic  faith 
had  power  to  inspire  heroic  zeal  and  lead  "  the 
saints "  to  victory.  In  the  preceding  century  the 
Jews  in  the  Greek  colony  of  Alexandria  in  Egypt  had 
grown  in  numbers  and  influence.  The  translation  of 
the  Law  into  Greek  helped  to  keep  the  dispersed 
Israelites  faithful  to  Judaism,  while  the  commerce  and 
communion  of  the  scattered  Jews  with  Jerusalem 
helped  to  keep  ahve  the  intellectual  life  of  the  home- 
land. Greek  influence  of  a  direct  kind  may  not  be 
proved  in  the  ca«e  of  the  Books  of  Job  and  Ecclesiastes, 
but  it  is  clear  that  the  Jews  have  oome  to  have  some- 
thing of  the  Greek  spirit  in  their  method  and  stylo  of 
dealing  with  weighty  problems.  Their  contribution  is 
theology,  not  philasophy,  aa  they  seek  to  work  always 
from  the  thought  of  God  out  to  the  details  of  thought 
and  life.  They  do  not  analyse  things  and  the  mind 
in  the  same  way  as  the  Greeks,  but  in  their  own  way 
they  are  seeking  to  link  all  things  to  a  central  principle, 
and  they  arc  becoming  mon;  critical  in  temper.  The 
writer  of  Job  attacks  the  eoninion  dogma  of  sin  and 
retribution  which  pervaded  all  the  theology  of  his 
time.  The  prophetic  message  had  been  taken  so  miich 
to  heart  that  the  thought  of  "sin  '  had  become  the 
central  thing  in  Jewish  theology.  The  belief  in  a 
reasonable  retribution,  ethical  in  its  character,  was  an 


advance  on  the  idea  of  capricious,  arbitrary  action  of 
go<l8  or  demons,  but  "it  became  too  systematic,  or,  in 
other  words,  too  simple.  Men  in  many  ages  have  made 
largo  sacrifices  to  a  nanow,  severe  logic  and  a  vain 
craving  for  uniformity  in  religious  thought  and  prac- 
tice. Against  this  the  great  poet  protests  ;  more  than 
any  particular  solution  of  the  problem  suggested  by 
the  various  statements  in  the  Book  of  Job  is  the  spirit 
of  the  great  speeches  and  the  demand  for  full  expression 
of  the  soul  even  in  the  presence  of  God.  "  Sin  "  is 
not  everything,  man  is  not  the  centre  of  the  world  ;  the 
mighty  Creator  is  just,  though  His  ways  may  perplex 
us.  Man  may  come  to  silence  in  the  presence  of 
God's  majesty,  but  he  must  not  bo  crushed  by  a 
wooden,  mechanical  system  in  which  men  attempt  to 
confine  their  thoughts  of  God.  This  is  not  scepticism, 
it  is  simply  a  more  robust  faith.  The  writer  of 
Ecclesiastes  goes  much  further  in  the  direction  of 
scepticism,  and  the  ground  tone  of  the  book  is  pessi- 
mistic. He  Ls  a  man  who  cannot  find  escape  from 
perplexity  and  disappointment  along  either  of  the  two 
avenues  that  have  been  opened ;  he  deliberately 
rejects  the  thought  of  personal  immortahty  and  pays 
no  attention  to  the  national  hopes.  Not  in  such  a 
temper  as  this  could  the  great  battles  have  been  fought. 
We  arc  now  simply  concerned  to  show  that  in  the  period 
immediately  preceding  the  Maceabean  revolt  there  was 
much  reflection  on  religious  problems,  and  that  in 
some  cases  faith  was  "  sicklied  o'er  with  the  pale  cast 
of  thought."  When  the  nation  passed  from  the  mlo 
of  the  Ptolemies  to  that  of  Sjiua,  little  dreaming  of 
the  terrible  trouble  to  come  from  that  quarter,  Greek 
culture  must  have  already  exerted  a  powerful  if  subtle 
influence  on  its  religious  life.  Some  think  that  "  the 
Greek  peril  "  woidd  have  been  still  greater  if  it  had 
been  allowed  to  pursue  its  peaceful  way.  When 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  attempted  brutally  to  crush 
Judaism  and  substitute  his  bastard  Hellenism,  two 
things  were  revealed — the  extent  to  which  Greek 
influence  had  already  gone,  and  the  terrible  strength 
and  tenacity  of  those  who  adhered  to  the  Law.  Men 
died  rather  than  break  the  Sabbath  or  pollute  them- 
selves with  unclean  food ;  the  nation  might  be  cast 
into  the  lion's  den  or  the  fiery  furnace,  but  it  would 
not  worship  the  idols  that  this  mad  king  had  set  up  (see 
the  Book  of  Daniel).  The  standard  of  revolt  was  raised, 
and  the  first  battles  for  religious  freedom  were  fought. 
The  stoiy  must  be  read  elsewhere  (pp.  (Wi.),  but  its 
religious  significance  must  be  noted  here.  The  real 
strength  and  heroism  was  inspired  by  passionate  love 
for  the  Scriptures  and  scrupulous  respect  for  the  Law, 
When  the  latent  military  strength  had  been  revealed, 
and  liberty  of  worship  secured,  the  pious  party,  the 
Chaaidim,  forerunners  of  the  later  Pharisees,  were 
ready  to  return  to  the  peaceful  pursuit  of  religion. 
They  were  willing  to  accept  a  high  priest  of  the  legiti- 
mate line,  notwithstanding  his  alliance  with  the  Greek 
party  and  the  Syrian  kingdom.  Again  thev  had  to 
suffer  for  their  blind  literalism,  but  clung  to  tlieir  ideal 
of  an  unworldly  kingdom  of  Yahweh.  The  movement 
inevitably  enlarged  itself  into  a  struggle  for  complete 
political  independence,  and  under  the  Maecabean 
family  Judah  enjoyed  a  brief  period  of  military  suoceas 
and  national  splendour.  The  political  power  and 
official  influence  thus  pas.sed  into  the  han<lr*  of  the 
priests  and  their  adherenta.  who  later  were  -the  Saddu- 
cees  of  NT  times.  They  were  Jews,  biit  were  less  scru- 
pulous in  their  religious  conduct,  and  had  little  zeal  for 
the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  and  the  Messianic 
kingdom.  The  stricter  believers,  who  gave  their 
energy  to  the  study  of  theology,  to  the  elaboration 


THE   RELIGION  OF   ISRAEL 


95 


and  observance  of  the  written  Law  and  preparation 
for  the  coming  Kingdom  of  God,  wore  regarded  by  the 
people  as  the  custodians  of  the  best  religious  tradi- 
tions, and  had  a  powerful  influence  on  the  life  of  the 
State.  Thus  it  may  bo  seen  that,  when  the  noblest 
theology  had  been  developed,  touched  with  something 
I  of  the  prophetic  spirit,  making  universal  claims,  and 
i  even  offering  something  of  its  best  life  to  other  nations, 
j  there  was  manifested  the  fanatical,  fierce  hatred 
'  against  the  foreigner  that  may  be  seen  in  the  books  of 
Esther  and  Judith.  The  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of 
Sirach  belongs  to  a  different  school,  and  shows  the 
essential  Jewish  thought  in  a  more  sober,  "  moderate  " 
mood.  The  Judaism,  then,  that  we  find  in  the  two 
centuries  immediately  preceding  the  coming  of  our 
Lord  was  anything  but  a  simple  sect ;  it  was,  as  the 
product  of  many  ages  and  varied  influences,  exceedingly 
complex,  and  not  completely  dominated  by  any  one 
shade  of  thought.  Some  were  content  with  a  Judaism 
that  could  be  adapted  to  present  conditions  ;  others 
were  waiting  and  working  for  "  the  consolation  of 
Israel,"  believing  that  Yahweh  would  bring  it  in  His 
own  time  ;  others  were  in  a  fever  of  discontent,  pre- 
pared to  fight  for  the  new  kingdom. 

What  we  have  been  able  to  give  in  this  short  article 
is  a  slight  sketch,  a  mere  outline  ;  it  needs  to  be  filled 
in  by  a  study  of  the  history  in  detail  and  the  many- 
aided  Uterature.  But  surely  there  is  before  us  the  fact 
of  a  hving  movement,  an  organic  development.  We 
have  had  to  recognise  a  real  relation  between  the  re- 
hgion  and  the  soil  on  which  it  came  to  maturity.  The 
luxuriant  growth  of  the  later  apocalyptic  literatuie 
also  shows  that,  when  the  creative  impulse  ceased, 
there  was  much  extravagant  mechanical  borrowing 
that  produced  a  chaotic  mass  of  undigested  material. 
But  the  real  religion,  whose  course  we  have  been 
studying,  appropriated  facts  and  ideas  from  other 
sources  in  such  a  way  as  to  subject  them  to  its  own 
central  principles.  Wonders  credited  by  tradition  to 
Babylonian  gods  or  Palestinian  Baals  it  could  claim 
for  Yahweh,  and  thus  work  out  a  practical,  and  to  a 
large  extent  a  theoretical,  monotheism,  which,  though 
never  quite  freed  from  national  associations,  prepared 
the  way  for  the  Christian  doctrine  of  God,  who  is 
Spirit,  and  who  in  His  Son  manifests  love  to  the  whole 
world.  The  real  antithesis  between  the  OT  and  the 
NT  is  not  that  of  Law  in  contrast  to  Gospel.  The 
apostle  Paul  saw  that  Law,  in  the  strict  sense,  cam.e  in 
as  a  preparation  for  a  fuller  manifestation  of  the  faith 
that  had  inspired  the  lives  of  ancient  saints  (Gal. 
3i8f.).  It  is  that  the  NT,  while  preserving  the  idea 
of  a  Kingdom  of  God,  was  less  national  and  brought 
a  richer  personal  experience.  But  in  all  the  important 
stages  of  OT  theology  there  were  real  "  evangehcal  " 
elements. 

The  healthy  growth  may  bo  seen  in  all  the  great 
ideas  of  OT  theology.  In  dealing  with  the  idea  of 
God  it  is  no  longer  advisable  merely  to  choose  texts 
at  random  from  the  wliole  area  of  the  hterature.  We 
must  recognise  that  the  presentation  given  in  Deutero- 
Isaiah  or  Ps.  139  could  not  have  appeared  in  that  form 
in  the  earher  phases  of  the  movement,  and  that  the 
first  chapter  of  Genesis,  though  based  upon  earlier 
material,  offers  a  transcendent  view  of  Gcd  that  belongs 
nearer  to  the  close  than  the  beginning  of  the  revelation. 
We  know  that,  while  the  Hebrews  must  have  possessed 
a  certain  amount  of  the  speculative  gift  that  was  de- 
veloped so  highly  in  the  Greeks,  the  real  motive  of  the 
progress  is  to  be  sought  in  the  personal  spiritual  life 
of  their  great  teachers.  The  proof  that  their  thought 
of  God  was  living  ia  in  the  fact  that  it  could  grow  to 


meet  new  needs.  Wo  use  the  name  "  Yahweh  "  instead 
of  the  conventional  name  "  Lord,"  because  it  is  a  more 
correct  rendering  of  the  original,  and  reminds  us  that 
we  are  dealing  with  the  name  of  a  personal  national 
God.  "  Lord "  has  become  colourless,  so  far  as 
national  associations  are  concerned ;  if  it  means  any- 
thing to  us,  it  must  mean  the  Ruler  of  the  whole  uni- 
verse, the  source  of  all  law  and  life.  To  use  this  title 
in  OT  passages  may  lead  us  to  forget  the  centuries 
of  toil,  prayer,  and  thought  by  which  the  way  was 
prepared  for  our  lofty  and  somewhat  abstract  concep- 
tion. In  OT  times  Yaliweh  ever  remained  the  God 
of  Israel,  and  men  had  to  leam  to  recognise  Him  as 
the  God  of  righteousness,  of  history,  and  of  the  par- 
ticular manifestations  and  products  of  nature  before 
they  could  claim  for  Him,  in  the  fullest  sense,  the 
supreme  position  as  God  of  the  whole  earth.  Hence, 
while  angels  and  spirits  appear  in  the  earlier  hterature, 
it  hi  in  an  unsystematic  fashion ;  Yahweh  is  not 
only  supreme  within  His  kingdom,  but  His  action  ia 
direct,  immediate  (c/.  the  Yahweh- Elohim  of  Gen.  2f. 
with  the  Elohim  of  1,  also  the  two  different  statements 
regarding  the  same  events  in  2  S.  24i  and  1  Ch.  21 1). 
We  do  not  attempt  to  smooth  all  these  differences 
that  give  individuality  to  the  different  accounts,  but 
rather  rejoice  in  the  sense  of  historical  perspective 
that  they  help  us  to  acquire.  The  gods  of  other 
nations  are  at  one  time  rival  deities  belonging  to  rival 
tribes ;  later  they  become  "  idols,"  and  even  the  great 
heavenly  bodies  worshipped  by  the  Babylonians  are 
claimed  as  creatures  of  Yahweh  (Is.  4O26).  These 
finally  become  mere  lamps  for  the  service  of  man,  and 
specially  to  regulate  his  religious  festivals  (Gen.  1). 
The  idols  then  become  simple  images,  things  that 
man  has  made  and  to  which  it  is  foolish  to  attach  any 
Divine  significance.  The  "  gods  "  have  passed  away 
from  them  and  become  "  angels  "  or  "  demons,"  to 
whom  Yahweh  allows  a  limited  sphere  of  service. 
This  is  different  from  the  hard  monotheism  of  Moham- 
medanism, which  is  more  suitable  to  the  bareness  of 
the  desert  than  a  rich,  complex  social  life.  We  can 
never  go  back  to  Moses  or  back  to  Christ  in  any 
narrow,  mechanical  way,  because  from  the  OT  as  well 
as  from  the  NT  we  have  inherited  a  religion  which 
claims  the  right  to  grow  and  to  baptize  new  things, 
when  they  have  proved  their  reality,  with  the  old 
sacred  name. 

Such  development  can  also  be  recognised  in  con- 
nexion with  an  idea  that  must  be  central  in  any  living 
conception  of  true  religion,  that  of  sacrifice.  Whether 
the  original  idea  was  that  of  a  gift  to  the  God  to  win 
His  favour,  or  of  communion  through  a  common 
meal  shared  by  the  worshippers  and  the  deity,  we  must 
not  attempt  to  settle  ;  it  is  possible  that  botli  thoughts 
might  become  blended  in  the  one  transaction.  Traces 
of  these  views  in  their  more  primitive  form  may  still 
be  found  (Gen.  4i4,  821  ;  Ex.  21 10).  It  is  certain 
that  the  popular  view  in  the  eighth  century  was  that 
sacrifice  was  a  means  of  gaining  Yahweh 's  favour  and 
so  making  worshippers  secure  against  their  foes.  The 
prophets  set  in  opposition  to  this  the  demand  for  an 
intelligent  obedience  to  Yahweh's  righteous  claims. 
Ho  desires  "  mercj-  and  not  sacrifice."  "  Obedience 
is  better  than  sacrifice,  and  to  hearken  than  the  fat 
of  rams."  Yet  the  idea  of  sacrifice  permeates  all 
fife ;  the  captive  in  war  and  the  criminal  offender  are 
slain  in  some  sense  as  a  sacrifice.  The  higher  pro- 
phetic teaching  turns  away  from  tlie  coarse  ritual  to 
the  ordinary  activities  of  Ufe,  which  bring  opportunities 
of  real  service.  It  was  not  directly  concerned  with 
theories  as  to  which  was  the  most  effective  form  of 


THE   RELIGION   OF   ISRAEL 


material  sacrifice.  It  waa  probably  in  the  Exile, 
where  men  learned  to  keep  .ilive  a  real  reUgious  life 
without  material  sacrifices,  that  they  learned  to  think 
of  pcnitenc-e  and  obedience  as  the  true  sacrifice.  There 
ia  a  difference  in  the  statement  that  obedience  is  helter 
than  sacrifice  and  that  obedience  is  sacrifice  (Ps.  406  ; 
c/.  the  use  made  of  this  pa.ssago  by  the  writer  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (IO5),  when  he  puts  the  words 
into  the  mouth  of  Clirist  and  tells  us  that  He  abolishe.s 
the  first  and  lower  that  He  may  establish  the  second 
and  higher  form  of  sacrifice,  viz.  that  of  the  will). 
In  the  fatcr  ritual  sacrifice  was  used  for  the  expression 
of  penitence  and  the  taking  away  of  sin,  so  it  was  not 
out  of  all  relation  to  prophetic  teaching.  But  even 
then  the  meaning  depended  upon  the  intelligence  of 
the  worshippers  :  some  treated  it  as  symbolic,  and 
some  were  inclined  to  reject  it.  In  any  case  confined 
to  one  central  sanctuar}%  it  left  a  large  place  to  be 
filled  by  the  more  intellectual  exercises  of  prayer, 
praise,  and  the  reading  of  The  Book. 

The  statement  already  made  concerning  the  national 
character  of  Hebrew  religion  explains  to  some  extent 
the  fact  that  the  doctrine  of  personal  immortality 
does  not  gain  a  large  place.  The  old  view  of  the  uuder- 
worid  was  there  as  a  background  for  popular  beliefs 
and  superstitions,  and  other  Oriental  religious  made 
much  of  the  influence  of  ghosts  and  spirits.  But  these 
thmgs  have  not  left  a  strong  mark  on  OT  teaching, 
which  was  concerned  more  with  the  pursuit  of  godliness 
here,  and  the  building  up  of  a  community  that  would 
embotly  in  its  life  the  demands  of  Israel's  God.  In 
later  days,  outside  influences  might  help  in  this  direc- 
tion, especially  when  the  sense  of  communion  with 
God  had  become  personal  and  spiritual  to  the  extent 
that  is  expressed  in  Job  and  Ps.  73.  Reasoning  that 
the  martvrs  who  had  lost  their  lives  for  the  faith 
could  not,  because  of  Yahweh's  faithfulness,  lose  their 
share  in  the  new  kingdom,  might  suggest  at  least  a 
partial  resurrection  (Dan.  122,  Is.  2619 ;  the  earlier 
passage,  Ezck.  37,  most  probably  refers  to  the  restora- 
tion of  the  nation).  In  the  OT,  then,  the  doctrine  of 
personal  immortality  is  rather  the  glimmering  of  a 
new  hope  than  a  prominent  and  flxed  element  of  faith. 

We  caimot  regard  the  recent  attempt  to  carry  back 
the  eschatological  teaching  to  the  early  times  as  suc- 
cessful. The  natural  basis  of  such  teaching  lies,  of 
course,  in  the  hope  that  springs  eternal  in  the  human 
breast.  As  to  its  imagery,  we  must  remember  that 
we  have  no  colours  with  which  to  paint  the  future 
except  those  drawn  from  the  past.  The  golden  ago 
of  the  past  reappears  with  new  gloiy  in  the  final  re- 
demption which  ushers  in  the  eternal  kingdom  and 
marks  the  completion  of  Yahweh's  purpose  for  His 
people.  This  consummation  seemed  to  bo  near  at 
hand  to  those  prophets  who  had  a  message  of  forgive- 
ness and  hope.  These  general  considerations,  true  in 
themselves,  do  not  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  there 
was  a  fully-developed  eschatology  in  the  earliest  times. 
The  Israelites  had  to  build  up  their  own  nation  and 
learn  to  review  their  past  history  as  a  discipline  of 
Yahweh;  they  had  to  come  face  to  face  with  a  large 
world  and  consider  their  relationship  to  it,  before 
they  could  work  out  elaborate  schemes  of  future  de- 
velopment and  definite  programmes  of  the  final  davs. 
These  subjects  were  not  in  the  centre  of  the  early 
prophetic  teaching,  though  they  rest  upon  the  pro- 
phetic doctrine  of  a  severe  judgment  and  the  salva- 
tion of  the  faithful.  The  primary  prophetic  message 
is  one  of  judgment  on  Israel ;  the  essential  feature  of 
"  eschatology  "  in  the  strict  sense  is  judgment  on  the 
heathen  and  the  exaltation  of  the  Jews.     There  are 


various  conceptions  of  the  place  of  "  the  heathen  "  in 
this  sclieme  of  things.  It  is  quite  clear  that  this  way  of 
regarding  the  future  must  have  received  a  strong 
impulse  from  the  ministry  of  Ezekiel.  If  the  Jews 
were  to  lie  restored  to  their  own  land  and  hold  per- 
manenth'  the  central  place  in  the  world  that  his  pro- 
gramme'assigns  to  them,  Yahweh  must  control  the 
foreign  nations,  and  either  destroy  them  or  cause  them 
to  acknowledge  His  supremacy  and  holiness.  An 
important  passage  such  as  Is.  22-4,  Mi.  4 1-4,  belongs 
to  a  different,  though  as  to  time  a  parallel,  strain  of 
thought,  and  Is  related  to  the  spirit  of  Deutero- Isaiah, 
The  earl}'  post-exilic  prophets,  Haggai  and  Zechariah, 
look  fonvard  with  pathetic  longing  to  a  speedy  con- 
vulsion, to  be  followed  by  a  reign  of  peace  and  pros- 
perity for  Jerusalem  (Hag.  2,  Zech.  2).  In  a  loose 
fashion  all  passages  are  called  "  Messianic "  that 
promise  and  describe  this  time  of  blessedness,  when 
"  the  meek  shall  inherit  the  earth " ;  but  in  the 
strictest  sense  only  such  passages  should  bear  that 
name  wliich  set  forth  the  ideal  King  as  a  mediator 
between  Yahweh  and  His  people.  The  discussion  of 
this  branch  of  the  subject  is  comphcated  by  the  dif- 
ference of  opinion  among  scholars  as  to  the  collective 
or  individual  interpretation  of  "  the  Servant  pas- 
sages "  in  Deutero- Isaiah  and  the  phrase  "  Son  of 
Man  "  in  Daniel.  It  is  difficult,  with  our  views  on 
the  date  of  the  documents,  to  prove  that  a  definite 
behef  in  a  personal  Messiah  existed  before  the  Exile. 
In  Ezekiel's  priestly  system  a  prince  or  new  David 
is  mentioned,  but  could  not  have  a  leading  role.  But 
when  men  of  faith  brooded  over  the  sorrows  and 
failures  of  the  nation,  they  could  not  beheve  that  the 
promises  given  to  Judah  and  David  had  received  their 
final  fulfilment,  and  they  looked  forward  to  a  more  real 
fulfilment  of  Yahweh's  ancient  promises.  Some  might 
beheve  in  a  fixed  time,  which  man's  work  could  neither 
hasten  nor  hinder ;  others  might  regard  patient  study 
of  the  Law  or  miUtant  enterprise  as  the  real  prepara- 
tion. In  one  sense  there  waa  pessimism,  despair  of 
the  present  order  of  things  ;  in  another  sense  there 
was  faith  in  an  overruling  Providence  and  the  rich 
possibilities  of  the  future.  The  present  ruler  might 
be  invested  with  Messianic  attributes,  or  there  might 
be  expectation  of  a  supernatural  being  coming  with 
the  great  catastrophe.  He  might  be  a  mighty  warrior 
wreaking  vengeance  on  the  heathen,  or  appear  as  a 
prince  of  peace.  The  point  for  us  now  is  that  later 
Judaism,  in  spite  of  the  variety  of  views  and  mingling 
of  strange  elements,  stands  at  the  close  of  our  review 
in  an  attitude  of  expectation,  and  so  remains  true  to 
the  forward  look  which  is  the  characteristic  of  genuine 
prophecy. 

What,  then,  was  the  result  of  this  strange  national 
career  ?  One  quotation  may  be  permitted  from  a 
carefully-written  volume,  recently  pubUshed,  which 
sums  up  in  a  few  words  the  view  that  has  substantially 
been  adopted  in  this  article. 

"  Briefly  revio%ving  the  ground  that  we  have  gone 
over,  we  may  recall  to  mind  that  when  the  Israelites 
firet  came  into  the  light  of  liistory  they  were  a  group 
of  nomad  clans  with  a  reUgion  like  that  of  other 
dwellers  in  the  desert.  Their  God,  Yahweh,  was  ap- 
parently the  local  divinity  of  Kadesh,  who  was  made 
party  to  a  coalition  of  the  social  groups  in  that  region. 
The  success  of  the  coalition  led  to  the  invasion  of 
Canaan  and  the  gradual  settlement  of  that  country 
by  the  immigrants.  In  Canaan  the  God  took  on  the 
features  of  an  agricultural  divinitj'  receiving  the  first 
fruits  and  tithes  of  the  soiL  The  attempt  of  Ahab  to 
mtroduce  the  worship  of  the  Phoenician  Baal  led  to  a 


THE   RELIGION   OF   ISRAEL 


97 


reaction  under  the  powerful  personality  of  Elijah. 
The  prophetic  party  thus  beginning  its  career  was 
promiitcd  by  a  desire  for  social  justice  as  well  as  for 
religious  simplicity.  In  some  centuries  of  conflict  this 
party  clarified  its  aims  and  at  last  preached  an  ethical 
monotheism  for  Israel.  This  monotheism  would  not 
have  triumphed  (humanly  speaking)  had  it  not  been 
for  the  ExUe.  In  the  Exile  people  found  the  bond 
wliich  hold  them  together  to  be  that  of  religion.  They 
tliereforo  became  a  Church  rather  than  a  nation, 
conscious  of  possessing  a  unique  treasure  in  the  tradi- 
tions of  Jloses  and  the  prophets,  carefully  avoiding 
amalgamation  with  those  of  different  faith "  {The 
Religion  of  Israel,  by  Dr.  H.  P.  Smith,  p.  350). 

There  remained,  then,  (1)  a  nation  or  community 
that,  because  of  this  religious  discipline,  was  able  to 
maintain  its  separate  existence  when  the  Temple  was 
destroyed  and  the  land  laid  desolate.  For  some  time 
the  main  interests  of  the  most  zealous  adherents  of  the 
faith  had  been  rehgious  rather  than  political,  and  when 
the  fanatical  resistance  to  foreign  oppression  was  in 
vain  the  faith  of  the  religious  community  survived. 
The  Jews  took  their  place  in  the  world  of  commerce, 
and  gave  their  attention  to  the  transmission  of  the 
traditions  and  the  observances  of  the  written  law,  so 
far  as  that  was  possible  without  the  Temple  ceremonial. 
They  expanded  and  arranged  the  traditions.  The 
synagogue  became  a  permanent  institution.  Scholastic 
theologians,  sober  scribes,  mystical  thinkers,  fanatical 
visionaries  all  played  their  part.  The  strength  and 
persistence  of  the  Jewish  Church,  m  spite  of  centuries 
of  persecution  and  hatred,  is  one  of  the  wonders  of 
history  ;  but  its  creative  period  closed  and  its  great 
religious  contribution  was  made  before  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  era.  (2)  There  remained  also  a  book 
which  the  Jew  has  not  been  able  to  monopohse.  It 
W£i8  translated  into  Greek  about  two  centuries  before 
the  coming  of  our  Lord,  and  now,  mainly  through  the 
influence  of  the  Christian  Church,  it  speaks  in  practi- 
cally all  the  languages  of  the  world.     Under  the  influ- 


ence of  theological  scholasticism  it  was  handled  in  a 
hard,  dogmatic  sense  as  mere  "  revelation  "  ;  but  now 
"  The  Bible  as  Literature  "  is  a  fruitful  theme,  and  the 
fuller  appreciation  of  historical  perspective  and  real 
development  gives  it  a  freshness  and  power  as  a  revela- 
tion of  God's  education  of  the  world.  As  wo  see  the 
great  movement  pass  from  stage  to  stage,  we  are 
conscious  of  a  "  Power  not  of  ourselves,"  and  cry, 
"  It  is  Yahweh's  doing,  and  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes." 
"  It  shall  be  to  Yahweh  for  a  name,  for  an  everlasting 
sign  that  shall  not  be  cut  off." 

Bibliography. — Students  of  this  subject  are  indebted 
to  the  works,  in  German,  of  Stade.  Smend,  Duhm, 
Marti,  Baethgen,  Gunkel,  Sellin,  Bertholet,  and  others. 
The  following  is  a  brief  list  of  books  in  English  which 
are  of  comparatively  recent  date  :  A.  S.  Peake.  The 
Religion  of  Israel  ;  W.  Robertson  Smith,  The  Religion 
of  the  Semites,  The  Prophets  of  Israel ;  Kuenen,  Hibbert 
Lectures  ;  Montefiore,  Hibbert  Lectures  ;  E.  Day,  The 
Social  Life  of  the  Hebrews  ;  S.  I.  Curtiss,  Primitive 
Semitic  Religion  To-day  ;  A.  Duff,  The  Theology  and 
Ethics  of  the  Hebrews  ;  A.  S.  Peake,  The  Problem  of 
Suffering  in  the  OT  ;  R.  L.  Ottley,  The  Religion  of 
Israel ;  J.  Robertson,  The  Early  Religion  of  Israel  ; 
T.  K.  Chejme.  Jewish  Religious  Life  after  the  Exile  ; 
W.  E.  Orchard,  The  Evolution  of  OT  Religion  ;  W.  E. 
Addis,  Hebrew  Religion  to  the  Establishment  of  Judaism 
under  Ezra  ;  K.  Budde,  Religion  of  Israel  to  the  Exile  ; 
J.  C.  Todd,  Politics  and  Religion  in  Ancient  Israel  ; 
L.  B.  Paton,  The  Early  Religion  of  Israel ;  K.  Marti. 
The  Religion  of  the  OT  ;  A.  Loisy,  The  Religion  of 
Israel ;  W.  H.  Bennett,  The  Religion  of  the  Post- 
Exilic  Prophets ;  W.  G.  Jordan,  Prophetic  Ideas  and 
Ideals ;  H.  P.  Smith,  The  Religion  of  Israel ;  E. 
Kautzsch,  The  Religion  of  Israel  (HDB,  vol.  v.) ;  H. 
Wheeler  Robinson,  The  Religious  Ideas  of  the  OT  ; 
J.  P.  Peters,  The  Religion  of  the  Hebrews  :  A.  C. 
Welch.  The  Religion  of  Israel  under  the  Kingdom; 
A.  Nairne,  The  Faith  of  the  OT.  See  further  the 
section  on  OT  Theology  in  the  General  BibUographies. 


THE  RELIGIOUS  INSTITUTIONS  OF  ISRAEL 


By  Db.  OWEN  C.  WHITEHOUSE 


1.  Introductory. — In  dealing  with  tho  roligiou3 
institutions  of  Israel  (as  of  any  nation)  two  principles 
have  to  be  understood  and  applied  by  the  student : 
(a)  tho  principle  of  growth,  {h)  the  principle  of  cnviron- 
vienl  as  modifying  the  forms  of  growth,  (n)  Tho 
principle  of  ijrowtli  simply  means  that  all  institutions 
grow  from  simpler  to  more  complex  forms.  Thus  tho 
religious  institutions  of  Israel  in  the  days  of  IVIoses 
and  the  earlier  rulers,  called  "  Judges,"  are  not  tho 
same  as  they  subsequently  became  in  the  later  times 
at  the  close  of  tho  Hebrew  monarchy  (at  the  beginning 
of  the  sixth  century  B.C.).  And  when  we  come  to 
the  post-exilian  period  we  note  some  remarkable 
developments,  {h)  The  principle  of  environitient  means 
that  Israel's  life  and  the  institutions  which  embodied 
it  were  necessai'ily  affected  by  their  surroundings. 
Wo  noto  this  pre-eminently  in  two  waj'S  :  (i)  In  the 
earliest  stage  of  tho  people's  life  they  were  mahily 
nomnds.  After  the  invasion  of  Canaan  they  attached 
themselves  "more  and  more  to  fixed  abodes  and  became 
agricultural,  and  also  in  course  of  time  town-dwellei;s, 
engaged  to  an  increasing  degree  in  such  occupations 
and  crafts  as  building,  weaving,  pottery,  and  metal- 
work,  (ii)  They  were  surrounded  by  other  and 
kindred  peoples,  speaking  tho  same  or  a  closely  similar 
language,  some  of  them  more  highly  civilised,  by  whom 
they  were  profoundly  influenced.  Not  only  were  they 
afiEectcd  by  tho  adjacent  Canaanito  populations,  but 
also  these  and  the  Hebrews  themselves  received  tho 
powerful  impress  of  the  Babi/lonian  civilisntion  and 
traditions  which  spread  over  Western  Asia  long  before 
tho  days  of  Abraham,  and  even  penetrated  into  Egypt 
(about  1400  B.C.).  As  we  might  expect,  during  the 
days  of  the  Exile  (587-536  B.C.)  this  influence  became 
specially  marked.  Later  still  (536-330  B.C.)  we  should 
note  the  influence  exerted  by  Persia  when  tho  kingship 
had  passed  away  and  tho  Jews  became  a  church- 
nation  subject  to  the  Persian  king,  with  a  largo  popu- 
lation scattered  in  Egypt  and  Asia  Minor.  And  last 
of  all,  after  Alexander's  conquests,  Greece  deeply 
influenced  Jewish  life  and  thought  (summed  up  in  the 
term  Hellenism;  see  Schu^or's^^s^  of  Jewish  People). 

Note  also  (under  this  head  of  environment)  the 
ge'yjraphiail  factor.  Palestine  is  the  only  practicable, 
because  comparatively  well-watered,  highway  and 
caravan  track  of  intercourse  between  N.,  including 
NE.  (As.syria)  and  S.  (Arabia),  as  well  as  SW,  (Egypt). 
It  was  therefore  specially  exposed  by  land  to  external 
influences. 

It  is  impossible  within  our  limits  to  do  more  than 
very  briefly  indicate  the  external  influences  which  in 
God's  providence  were  destined  to  mould  the  insti- 
tutions of  Judaism.  But  they  will  serve  to  guide  the 
studies  of  the  n>ader  in  his  further  pursuit  of  this 
subject  and  its  related  branches. 

2.  Israel's  Primitive  Religion  and  Subsequent  De- 
velopment:   the  Uigli  Place,  the  Sacred  Pillar,  and 


Sacrifice. — Israel  was  one  of  a  small  group  of  Semitic 
peoples  living  adjacent  to  one  another  ui  Western 
Asia,  and  so  inherited  in  its  earliest  institutions  a 
common  stock  of  Semitic  tradition.  Rehgion  in  its 
beginnings  is  intensely  social.  The  clan  (nii^kpaliah) 
rather  than  tho  family  was  the  unit  of  early  Semitic 
society,  and  religion  might  be  called  the  vital  cement 
which  bound  the  individual  members  of  the  clan  into 
a  living  whole.  In  the  earliest  days  of  Israel's  nomadic 
existence  the  clans  were  migratorj-,  as  among  the 
Bedouin  of  the  present  time.  But  after  the  settlement 
in,  Canaan  the  clan  became  local,  and  religious  rites 
came  to  be  attached  to  some  neighbouring  "  high  place  " 
or  sanctuary,  where  the  essential  element  was  the 
rude  upright  stone  (or  stone  heap)  under  the  open  sky. 
Examples  of  such  stones  may  still  be  found  in  large 
numbers,  especially  on  the  E.  side  of  the  Jordan.  The 
Hebrew  name  for  this  was  massebluih  (Arab.  mi.^b), 
meaning  something  which  is  set  upright.  This  was 
the  stone  symbol  of  the  Divdne  presence  held  to  bo 
incorporate  in  it  (see  "  Pillar  "  in  HDB,  p.  819^,  footn.). 
In  the  primitive  days  of  nomadic  life  tho  sacrifice 
consisted  of  tho  bloody  offering  of  the  slaughtered  ox, 
sheep,  or  goat.  This  was  called  zebah  ;  but  as  agri- 
cultural occupations  came  to  prevail  during  Israel's 
settled  life  in  Canaan,  vegetable  offerings,  whether  of 
oil,  meal,  or  cakes,  would  also  be  offered.  Later, 
and  more  especially  in  post-exilian  times,  these  vege- 
table or  meal  offerings  were  designated  by  a  special 
name — minhah,  meaning  "  gift  "  ;  but  in  earlier  times 
this  tei-m  was  used  of  both  animal  and  vegetable  offer- 
ings— e.g.  of  Abel's  more  primitive  animal  offering, 
and  of  Cain's  vegetable  offering,  representing  a  higher 
grade  of  civihsaticn  (Gen.  43-5  J).  The  blood  or  tho 
oil  (Gen.  28i8)  would  be  smeared  or  poured  upon  tho 
upright  stone.  Thus  sacrifice  was  an  essential  part 
of  worship,  and  often  consisted  of  the  firstborn  of 
herds  and  flocks  or  the  firstfruits  of  the  oorth  brought 
as  an  offering  to  God.  In  its  most  primitive  foriu  it 
was  in  i-eality  a  feast  of  communion,  in  which  all  the 
participating  members  partook  as  well  as  the  present 
deity,  who  were  thus  bound  together  by  a  sacred  bond 
of  fellowship.  Sacrifice  viewed  in  this  aspiect,  as  re- 
newing the  life- bond  and  binding  tiio  participants  in 
friendship  with  God,  was  expressed  by  tho  special 
name  shelem,  which  the  LXX  probably  renders  cor- 
rectly by  "  peace  offering."  Such  an  offering  might 
he  presented  in  discharge  of  a  vow  (Pr.  714"),  and  a 
certain  portion  was  consumed  by  tho  worshipper  at 
his  home.  But  probably  this  practice  grew  up  later, 
after  the  suppression  of  the  local  sanctuaries  (621  B.C.). 
In  the  most  primitive  form  of  worship  the  stone 
served  as  altar  and  Divine  symbol  in  one,  but  after-j 
wards  a  separate  raised  stone  platform,  with  hollov 
for  the  reception  of  the  blood,  was  useil  as  the  plac 
of  sacrifice  or  altar  (jnizbeah),  and  later  still  the  upright 
stone  was  carved  into  some  shape,  human  or 


THE   RELIGIOUS   INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


99 


to  represent  the  deity.  But  this  was  forbidden  in 
the  Decalogue  (Ex.  2O4),  and  in  the  Deuteronomio 
legislation  tlio  pillar-cult  itself  (niassebJiah)  is  proscribed 
as  hateful  to  Yahweh  (Dt.  I622). 

Since  the  sacrifice  was  virtually  a  sacred  meal,  the 
materials  of  sacrifice  were  those  which  formed  man's 
daily  food,  but  were  in  their  sacrificial  relation  called 
by  the  generic  name  "  food  of  God,"  an  old  phrase 
which  survived  in  later  legislation,  such  as  Lev.  3ii, 

216,8,22. 

At  a  fairly  early  period  there  arose  the  custom  of 
consuming  the  offering  by  fire.  The  biii-nt  offering 
('olah,  kalil)  may  have  sprung  from  the  felt  need  of 
destroying  all  forms  of  decay,  as  Robertson  Smith 
suggests  (RS-,  387),  but  other  and  primitive  anthropo- 
moqjhic  notions  may  have  contributed  to  this  result 
(RS■^  pp.  236,  371,  Ex.  29i8,  Lev.  I9,i3,i7,  Gen.  821, 
with  which  wo  may  compare  the  Bab.  flood-story  in 
the  Gilgamosh  epic,"  Tablet  11,  hnes  160ff.). 

The  earlier  narratives  of  the  OT  present  us  -with 
several  examples  of  this  sacrificial  meal  (1  S.  9i2f., 
22-24,  Jg.  618-21).  Coveimnts  wore  ratified  hy  sacri- 
fice in  which  the  deity  was  present  and  witnessed  the 
solemn  contract  (Gen,  3l5i-54)»  and  the  contracting 
parties  walked  between  the  severed  portions  of  the 
victim  (Gen.  15io,i7*,  Jer.  34i8  ;  see  Peake's  note  in 
Cent.U). 

Li  very  early  times  sacrifice  undoubtedly  expressed 
the  idea  of  projnlialion  as  well  as  communion.  In 
times  of  distress  or  calamity  sacrifice  was  the  means 
employed  of  appeasing  the  deity  to  whose  anger  the 
calamity  was  ascribed,  and  of  diseasing  him  to  friendli- 
ness. In  the  later  times  that  followed  the  period  of  the 
Assyrian  invasions  (740-700  B.C.),  and  especially  in 
the  days  of  the  Exile  and  after,  sacrifice  became  to 
an  increasing  degree  propitiatory,  or  was  intended  to 
remove  some  taint  or  uncleanness  of  the  nature  of 
tabu,  or  atone  for  some  ritual  oversight  or  neglect. 
Of  sacrificial  offerings  destined  for  this  purpose  many 
examples  may  be  found  in  the  rules  laid  down  in 
Lev.  4-7,  11-15  respecting  the  "  sin  offerings "  or 
"  guilt  offerings  "  to  be  brought  to  the  priest. 

Though  these  prescriptions  are  collected  together  in 
the  codes  of  legislation  embodied  in  the  later  post- 
exilian  document  P,  it  is  generally  recognised  that  many 
of  these  rules  are  of  much  older  origin  than  the  exilian 
or  post-exilian  period.  It  may  be  remarked  here  that 
nearly  all  the  sins  or  trespasses  (in  some  cases  diseases 
such  as  leprosy,  or  uncleanness  due  to'  childbirth) 
specified  in  these  chapters  are  of  a  non-ethical  char- 
acter. Only  rarely,  as  in  Lev.  61-7,  are  the  sins 
actually  ethical  transgressions.  The  sense  of  ethical 
sin  was  mainly  developed  in  the  national  consciousness 
by  the  teaching  of  the  prophets.  Many  of  the  deepest 
thinkers  then  came  to  feel  that  sacrifice  was  an  in- 
adequate remedy.  Only  righteous  conduct  could 
really  atone  (Is.  I11-17;  Am.  621-24;  Mi.  66-8; 
Ps.  50,  51 16-17).  Respecting  sacrifice  in  detail,  see 
"  Sacrifice  "  in  HDB,  HSDB,  and  EBi,  also  Intro. 
to  and  commentary  on  Lev.  Sacrificial  offeiings  were, 
in  fact,  of  the  most  varied  kinds,  some  of  which 
SI ,  ni  to  have  passed  into  disuse.  Thus  in  1  S.  76, 
2  S.  23i6  (c/.  1  K.  I833-35,  Jos.  927),  we  have  allusions 
to  water  offerings  on  special  occasions,  while  in  2  S. 
619,  Hos.  3i*,  reference  is  made  to  raisin  cakes  (dshi- 
shah).  These  remind  us  of  the  cakes  or  wafers  made 
from  dough  offered  to  "  Ashtoreth,  queen  of  heaven  " 
(called  kauni.-d)i),  to  which  Jeremiah  alludes  (7i8*). 
This  is  illustrated  by  an  interesting  Phoenician  inscrip- 
tion found  in  Cyprus,  which  contains  a  list  , .  expenses 
for  the  month  Ethanim  (Tiahri) :  "  For  the  architects 


who  have  built  tho  temple  of  Ashtoreth  ...  for  two 
sacrifices  ...  for  two  bakers  who  have  baked  the 
cakes  for  the  holy  quecm."  In  fact,  many  of  the  sacri- 
ficial details,  and  even  some  names  of  tho  Hebrew 
sacrifices,  may  bo  found  in  Phoenician  inscriptions, 
such  as  the  Marseilles  table  of  sacrificial  dues. 

In  tho  pre-exilian  period  of  Israel's  national  life 
sacrifices  were  offered  at  all  the  important  crises  of 
life  in  which  the  nation's  God  was  held  to  participate. 
Especially  was  this  true  of  war,  when  God  became  the 
leader  of  Israel's  armies  and  His  will  was  sought. 
Hero  Israel  followed  ordinary  Semitic  custom.  War 
was  inaugurated  by  sacrifice  (Jg.  620,26,  2O26  ;  1  S. 
79,  139f.).  This  was  said  to  "  consecrate  war " 
(Mi.  35,  Jer.  64  ;  c/.  Jos.  85),  and  the  warriors  were 
placed  under  ascetic  restrictions,  as  of  sexual  absti- 
nence (see  "  War,"  EBi,  §  2).  Here  we  touch  upon 
primitive  savage  customs,  of  which  the  darkest  aspect 
is  expressed  in  the  Hebrew-Canaanite  term  herem, 
or  sacred  ban  of  destruction,  which  involved  in  its 
dire  scope  everything,  inanimate  or  animate,  captured 
in  war,  including  human  beings  as  well  as  cattle 
(Dt.  234*,  Jos.  617*.  826,  1028,37  ;  1  S.  153f.,  p.  114). 
The  same  custom  prevailed  among  the  Moabites,  as 
the  Stone  of  Mesha  testifies  (line  17).  Deuteronomio 
lesislation  tended  sUghtly  to  mitigate  its  harshness 
(Dt.  72,  2O13-17). 

Another  of  the  darker  aspects  of  sacrifice  belonging 
to  the  primitive  period  of  Canaanite  and  Hebrew  Ufe 
was  infant  sacrifice  (p.  83),  to  which  we  have  an  allusion 
in  one  of  the  earliest  codes  (Ex.  222 9f.),  where  it  is 
enacted  that  the  human  firstborn  as  well  as  of  oxen 
and  flocks  are  to  be  offered  to  Yahweh.  There  was 
an  ancient  superstition  .that  buildings  were  safe- 
guarded by  human  sacrifice  (Tylor,  Primitive  Culture,' 
i.  p.  104f.),  and  we  have  confirmation  of  this  custom 
in  the  discovery  of  cliild-victims  walled  up  m  the  ruins 
laid  bare  in  Gezer  and  Megiddo  (see  Driver,  Schweich 
Led.,  pp.  60-92),  and  it  probably  underUes  the  story 
of  Hiel  and  his  children  (Jos.  626*,  1  K.  I634*).  [Trum- 
bull's Threshold  Covenant,  pp.  45-57,  may  be  con- 
sulted. For  a  modem  story  with  this  motif,  see 
Grant  Allen's  Wolverden  Tmcer.^A..  S.  P.]  In  Ex. 
3420  J  (f/.  Dt.  1519)  we  see  that  an  animal  came  to 
be  substituted  for  the  human  victim  (c/.  Gen.  2213). 
But  human  sacrifices  continued  to  prevail  in  Israel, 
as  Jg.  11 30-35,  2  K.  I63,  23io,  and  the  allusions  in 
Mi.  67,  Jer.  731,  Ezek.  2O26  clearly  prove.  It  was  for- 
bidden in  Dt.  I810.  Tithes  (Nu.  I821-24*)  wore  a  form 
of  sacrificial  offering.  In  1  S.  815,17  we  read  that  the 
king  used  to  claim  his  tithings  of  cornfield,  orchard,  and 
flocks.  It  is  probable  that  Israelite  sanctuaries  made 
a  similar  claim  for  the  maintenance  of  the  priesthood, 
and  it  is  perhaps  in  this  sense  that  we  should  interpret 
the  reference  to  the ' '  firstf ruits  "  (rishilh)  or  the  firsthngs 
of  the  soil  (Nu.  I813')  that  are  to  be  brought  to  God's 
house  according  to  one  of  the  oldest  codes  (^Ex.  3426). 
But  we  have  a  definite  reference  to  tho  titno  offering 
in  Am.  44  and  Gen.  2822  (E),  both  of  which  prove  that 
tithes  were  actually  paid  in  the  eighth  century  (and 
probably  earlier)  to  the  northern  sanctuary  of  Bethel 
This  custom  became  embodied  in  the  subsequent  legis- 
lation (Dt.  1422-29,  Lev.  2730-33  ;   cf.  MaL  38,io). 

Under  the  head  of  sacrifice  we  may  include  the  rite  of 
circumcision  (p.  83,  Gen.  17*),  which  was  a  sacred  initia- 
tory ceremony,  a  species  of  blood-offering  (cf.  Ex.  424- 
26),  analogous  to  the  offerings  of  hair  customary  among 
Syrians  (RS-,  p.  327f.).  FVom  Herod,  ii.  104  we  learn 
that  the  rite  was  practised  by  Phoenicians,  Hittites, 
Ethiopians,  as  well  as  Egyptians  :  and  in  reference 
to  the  Egyptians  this  is  confirmed  by  a  very  ancient 


100 


THE  RELIGIOUS  INSTITUTIONS  OF  ISRAEL 


wall-painting,  in  which  is  depicted  the  surgical  opera- 
tion as  performed  on  adolescent  youtlis  with  flint 
implements.  There  are  various  indications,  8\ich  as 
the  Hebrew  name  for  "  father-in-law  "  and  "  son-in- 
law  "  (bride-groom)  and  Gen.  3422-25.  which  show 
that  among  the  early  Semites  it  was  a  rite  initiatory 
to  marriage,  but  among  the  Hebrews  in  later  times  it 
was  an  obligatory  national  covenant  rite  practised  on 
the  male  infant  on  the  eighth  day  after  birth  (Lev. 
123  P),  though  the  earlier  custom  is  cleariy  recognised 
in  Gen.  I725  (P),  where  it  is  stated  that  ishmael  was 
thirteen  when  he  was  circumcised.  From  Jer.  926 
we  learn  that  it  was  practised  not  oidy  in  Judah  and 
Egj'pt,  but  also  in  iloab,  Ammon,  Edom,  and  certain 
Arab  tribes.  Indeed,  "  uncircumcision  "  was  quite 
exceptional,  and  became  a  term  of  reproach  addressed 
to  the  Philistines,  who  were  a  non -Semitic  jK>ople. 

In  later  times  sacrifices  became  more  elaborato  in 
character ;  offerings  of  inceme  in  earlier  times  probably 
meant  only  the  smoke  and  fragrance  of  burning  meal 
or  fatty  portions  of  flesh,  but  in  the  eighth  and  follow- 
ing centuries,  if  not  earlier,  the  Hebrews  had  learned 
to  compound  the  fragrant  resins  and  spices  from  Arabia 
and  SjTia.  This  we  might  infer  from  the  altar  of 
incense  discovered  by  Scllin  at  Taanach  (Ta'annek). 
On  the  other  hand,  the  language  of  Jer.  G20  seems  to 
imply  that  the  use  of  these  ingredients  in  Hebrew 
sanctuaries  was  regarded  as  a  foreign  innovation 
(f/.  2  K.  I610-18),  like  chariots  and  horses  (Dt.  17i6, 
Ps.  2O7).  Probably  contact  with  Babylon  and  its 
more  elaborate  forms  of  worship  during  the  Exile 
partly  dispelled  these  conservative  scruples.  The 
poet-exilian  legislation  of  P  (Ex.  3O34-38)  contains 
the  specific  rules  for  the  preparation  of  the  incense, 
which  appears,  however,  to  have  differed  in  some  degree 
from  the  foreign  (cf.  9). 

The  restriction  of  sacrifice  to  the  central  sanctuary 
in  Jerusalem  (Dt.  125f.  ;  165-7,11,16)  in  the  legis- 
lation of  621  B.C.,  presupposed  in  later  codes  (P), 
tended  to  reduce  seriously  the  opportunities  of  sacri- 
fice, especially  to  the  increasing  numbers  of  the  Jewish 
Diaspora  (the  Dispersion).  The  worship  of  the  syna- 
gogue, which  involved  singing  and  prayer  and  the 
reading  of  the  Law  and  Prophets,  then  took  the  place 
of  sacrificial  worship.  After  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple,  when  the  Roman  armies  under  Titus  captured 
Jerusalem  (a.d.  70),  and  after  the  Jews  were  expelled 
from  the  city  in  a.d.  135,  synagogue-worship  remained 
the  sole  mode  of  public  religious  service,  while  of  animal 
sacrificial  offerings  only  the  annual  paschal  lamb  of 
each  Jewish  household  survived,  and  still  survives, 
and  a  curious  cock  or  hen  sacrifice  described  in 
Oesterley  and  Box,  Religion  and  W or.- hip,  pp.  416f. 

3.  Accompaniments  of  the  Primitive  Sanctuary  and 
Worship. — Proniment  among  these,  and  frequently  de- 
picted on  Phoenician  and  Babylonian  monuments,  was 
the  sacred  poleiDt.  7 5*  I  K.  I013*),  symbol  of  fertility, 
which  represented  the  goddess  Asherah  (mistranslated 
"  grove  "  in  AV,  distinct  from,  though  sometimes  con- 
founded with,  "  Ashtoreth  ").  The  pole  prolialily  origi- 
nated from  the  sacred  tree,  the  familiar  accompaniment 
holy  places  among  Semitic  peoples.  Frecjuently  it 
was  a  palm-tree,  as  in  Jg.  45  (palm-tree  of  Deborah), 
especially  in  Babylonia  and  Arabia  (where  the  palm- 
tree  is  HO  much  used  in  supplying  food  for  the  suste- 
nance of  life),  but  in  Israel  it  was  most  frequently  the 
terebinth,  e.g.  the  soothsayer's  terebinth  in  Gen.  126, 
Jg.  937.  While  special  mention  is  made  of  the  sacred 
terebinth  in  Jg.  4ii  and  611,  other  trees  are  sometimes 
referred  to,  as  the  pomegranate  and  tamarisk,  oak  and 
poplar.     Both  the  latter  are  specially  mentioned  in 


Hos,  4i3  aa  the  accompaniments  of  the  sanctuaries 
on  the  hills,  which  came  under  prophetic  condemna- 
tion, since  the  cult  of  these  "  high  places  "  so  closely 
approximated  to  the  Canaanite  worship.  Hence, 
when  we  come  to  the  refoi-mation  of  Josiah's  reign, 
whose  piinciples  were  embodied  in  the  Deuteronomio 
code  and  the  Deuteronomically  redacted  Books  of 
Kings,  we  find  these  elements  suppressed  (Dt.  122f.) 
and  condemned  (2  Iv.  1 79-1 8). 

We  find  also  many  allusions  to  sacred  springs  (Nu. 
19 1-2 2*),  and  these  sometimes  give  their  names  to  places 
such  as  Beer-sheba  (well  of  seven),  •  £n-  Harod (spring  of 
Harod,  Jg.  7i),  ' i^n-hakkore  (Jg.  l.^ig*,  "  spring  of  him 
who  calb  (on  God)  "j.  Hagar  s  spring  was  called 
"  Well  of  the  living  One  who  sees  me  "  (Gen.  I614). 
Neither  prophecy  nor  law  could  take  exception  to  so 
simple  and  beautiful  an  expression  of  the  pure,  life- 
sustaining  power  of  Gotl,  as  it  did  to  such  man-made 
things  as  the  Asherah-Tpoh  and  the  mns.^ehhnh.  Hence 
we  read,  in  one  of  the  noblest  passages  of  Ezekiel 
(471-12),  of  the  river  flowing  out  of  God's  sanctuary, 
wliich  deepens  as  it  flows  in  its  life-giving  course 
(c/.  Ps.  464,  Is.  86).  The  river  appears  again  in  the 
last  vision  of  the  Apocalypse  (Rev.  22if.).  We  are 
also  reminded  of  the  symbolic  use  made  by  Jesua 
(Jn.  44)  of  Jacob's  well. 

To  the  earlier  life  of  the  Hebrews  belong  the  ^phod 
and  teraphim,  the  precise  nature  of  which  has  been 
much  discussed.  The  ephod  u-sed  in  divination  by  the 
priest  must  be  carefuUy  distinguished  from  the  linen 
ephod  worn  by  the  priest,  e.g.  the  boy  Samuel  (I  S. 
2 1 8),  and  by  David  when  he  danced  before  Yahweh 
(2  S.  614).  The  fonner  ephod  was  not  worn  but  carried. 
That  it  was  a  sacred  object  representing  deity  is  clear 
from  the  significant  passage  (Jg.  824-27),  in  which 
we  are  told  that  Gideon  made  an  ephod  of  the  golden 
earrings,  crescents,  pendants,  etc.  These  were  evi- 
dently melted  down,  and  formed  a  metal  covering 
around  a  wooden  stock  or  base  ;  and  we  read,  more- 
over, that  it  became  an  object  of  superstitious  worship. 
In  the  sanctuary  at  Nob  the  ephod  had  its  recognised 
place,  and  Goliath's  sword  was  placed  behind  it, 
probably  as  a  dedicated  trophy  (1  S.  2I9).  In  war 
the  priest-soothsayer  accompanied  the  expedition, 
and  carried  with  him  the  ephod-image,  in  the  presence 
of  which  lots  were  cast,  sacrifice  having  been  previ- 
ously offered  to  the  deity,  who  gave  authority  to  the 
answer  by  divinations  through  lots.  The  ephod  thus 
formed  one  essential  part  of  this  mechanical  apparatus 
of  inquirj' ;  another  essential  part  was  the  sacred 
lot,  which  consisted  of  wooden  rods  (Hos.  4i2)  or  arrows 
(Ezek.  21 21).  Aj)parently  the  answi-r  was  determined 
by  the  particular  way  in  wliich  tlie  rod  or  arrow  fell 

The  Jot  probably  had  the  effect  of  an  alternative, 
chiefly  "  j'es  "  or  "  no."  This  explains  how  slowly  a 
reply  invohnng  definite  details  came  to  hand,  since 
successive  operations  of  the  sacred  lot  were  required. 
So  slow  was  the  proces.s  that  Saul  was  compelled  to 
put  an  end  to  it  in  the  stress  of  battle  (I  S.  Mig). 
Sometimes  the  results  wore  ambiguous.  Yahweh  gave 
no  answer  (36-3S).  I  S.  239-12  gives  a  clear  illus- 
tration of  the  detailed  process  of  question  and  reply. 

Equally  if  not  more  obscure  is  the  nature  of  the  {mm 
and  tummivi  (Ezr.  2r>3),  which  also  appears  to  have  been 
a  form  of  sacred  lot,  which  it  was  the  special  function 
of  the  priest-soothsayer  to  employ  (Dt.  33h,  bless 
ing  of  Levi).  The  most  instructive  passage  that  bears 
upon  it  is  1  S.  I44ifT.*.  which  is,  unfortunately,  badly 
corrupted  ;  but  if  we  follow  the  LXX  and  the  Hebrew, 
text  reconstructed  accordingly  in  Driver's  Commentary, 
we  are  allowed  to  infer  that  %trim  and  tummim  we; 


18- 

ra4 

1 


THE   RELIGIOUS   INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


101 


sacred  lots  employed  in  an  ordeal  to  discover  guilt 
or  innocence.  According  to  Jerome's  interpretation, 
urim  meant  the  demonstration  of  guilt,  while  tummim 
meant  acquittal. 

The  same  word  ephod  (probably  derived  from  a  root 
meaning  "  lay  over  as  a  covering  ")  is  also  used  to 
designate  the  linen  garb  of  the  priest,  a  light  linen 
vestment,  somewhat  short,  as  we  may  infer  from  the 
taunt  uttered  b}'  Michal  against  David  (2  S.  620), 
probably  a  simple  loin-cloth.  In  the  details  elaborated 
in  Ex.  282-25*  (P)  we  have  the  later  development  of 
this  simple  priestly  vestment,  which  must  not  in  any 
way  be  mixed  up  with  earlier  usage.  In  this  elaborate 
description  of  the  post-exilian  priestly  dross  we  have 
many  obscure  points  (see  Driver,  Exodus  (CB),  p.  312). 
It  might  be  summarised  briefly  as  "  a  kind  of  waistcoat 
consisting  of  an  oblong  piece  of  richly  variegated 
materia],  reaching  down  as  far,  apparently,  as  the 
waist.  It  was  supported  by  two  broad  straps  passing, 
Jike  braces,  over  the  shoulders  ('  shoulder-pieces,' 
Heb.  '  shoulders '),  and  attached  to  the  ephod  in 
front  and  behind.  On  the  top  of  each  of  these  shoulder- 
straps  was  an  onyx  stone  enclosed  in  a  filigree  setting 
of  gold  and  engraved  with  the  names  of  six  of  the 
twelve  tribes  of  Israel.  Round  the  body  the  ephod 
was  further  held  in  its  place  by  a  band  woven  in  one 
piece  with  it.  The  ephod  was  worn  over  a  long  blue 
robe,  described  in  31-35  "  (Driver,  p.  300).  In 
front  of  the  ephod  the  "  pouch  "  (or  bag,  not  "  breast- 
plate ")  "  of  judgment  "  was  worn,  richly  coloured, 
and  with  four  rows  of  jewels.  This  pouch  contained 
the  "  urim  and  tummim."  [See  now  Arnold,  Ephod 
and  Ark.— A.  S.  P.] 

Another  obscure  object  of  worship  was  the  terdpMm 
(used  in  the  plural  like  the  name  of  God,  Elohim). 
Whether  Yahweh  was  worshipped  under  this  form  as 
Kautzsch  supposed,  or  foreign  deities  (Benzinger 
suggests  Astarte),  or  ancestral  spirits  {Bephdim — so 
Ncubauer,  Schwally,  Harper,  and  others),  is  still  an 
open  question.  Recent  discoveries  show  that  offer- 
ings were  made  to  the  dead.  We  also  know,  from 
Michal's  artifice  (1  S.  19i3f.),  that  the  image  must  have 
resembled  the  human  shape,  and  formed  a  treasured 
part  of  the  household  possession  (Gen.  3X19,30-35). 
In  Hos.  34,  Jg.  175,  it  is  conjoined  with  the  cult  of 
the  ephod,  and  was  evidently  employed  in  divination 
(Zeeh.  IO2,  Ezek.  2I21).  Teraphim  were  suppressed, 
along  with  divination  and  its  accompaniments,  in  the 
Reformation  of  Josiah  (2  K.  2324 ;  c/.  Dt.  18iof.). 

4.  Sacred  Seasons  and  Festivals. — Just  as  certain 
spaces  attached  to  sanctuaries  were  regarded  as  sacred 
by  the  Semites,  and  ordinary  human  activities  upon 
them,  as  hunting  and  ploughing,  were  debarred,  so 
we  find  certain  portions  of  tiyne  were  consecrated,  and 
human  activities  during  these  holy  seasons  were  simi- 
larly restricted  and  certain  exercises  of  worship  were 
demanded.  These  sacred  seasons  were  determined  by 
(a)  certain  important  forms  of  human  pursuit  on 
which  life  depended,  such  as  sheep-rearing  and  agri- 
culture ;  (^)  by  the  phases  of  the  moon.  As  an 
example  of  (o)  we  may  cite  the  early  festival  of  Israel's 
pastoral  life,  viz.  the  festival  of  sheep-shearing,  to 
which  Absalom  invited  royal  guests  (2  S.  132 3f.  ; 
cf.  Gen.  38r2f.,  1  S.  254f.).  Probably  it  was  cele- 
brated with  a  sacrificial  meal  of  lamb's  flesh  and  the 
firstfruits  of  wool  (Hos.  29),  but  nothing  is  heard  of 
it  in  later  times.  Other  examples  are  furnished  by 
the  familiar  agricultural  festivals  which  we  shall 
presently  mention.  Of  (6)  wo  have  tho  notable  illus- 
trations of  New  Moon  and  Sabbath,  to  which  we  shall 
now  refer. 


L  New  Moon  and  Sabbath. — Sabbath  was  celebra- 
ted in  Babylonia  as  well  as  Israel.  Greece  also  had  ita 
neomenia  or  new  moon  celebration.  From  1  S.  205f., 
24-29  we  Icam  that  David's  clan  had  an  annual  new 
moon  celebration  at  Bethlehem,  at  which  his  own 
presence  was  imperative.  A  sacrifice  was  offered  (29), 
as  wo  might  expect.  Though  New  Moon  and  Sabbath 
are  often  mentioned  together  in  the  prophets  (Is.  I13, 
Hos.  2ii,  Am.  85),  we  never  find  mention  of  the  New 
Moon  among  the  older  Hebrew  codes. 

With  reference  to  the  Sabbath,  we  have  good  reason 
for  believing  that  among  the  early  Hebrews  the  four- 
teenth or  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  was  called  Sabbath. 
The  first  was  the  day  of  the  new  moon,  and  the  four- 
teenth (fifteenth)  day  would  bo  the  full  moon.  In  this 
connexion  it  may  be  noted  that  the  solemn  paschal 
meal  was  taken  on  this  very  night,  14-15th  Xisan. 

Tliis  view  is  strongly  suggested  by  the  discovery  of 
a  list  of  Babylonian  names  for  days  by  Dr.  Pinches, 
in  which  tho  fifteenth  day  is  called  shapaitu  or  Sabbath. 
While  this  may  be  true — and  the  juxtaposition  of 
New  Moon  and  Sabbath  in  the  earlier  Hebrew  prophets 
(Is.  I13,  Hos.  2ii,  Am.  85)  seems  to  suggest  it — the 
seventh-uay  Sabbath  must  have  co-existed  from  early 
times,  since  the  sacredness  of  the  number  seven  and  the 
existence  of  the  seventh  year  as  one  of  release  for  slaves 
appear  to  have  been  an  ancient  tradition  of  Israel 
embodied  in  early  codes  (Ex.  21 2).  Moreover,  the 
restrictions  which  attached  to  the  Hebrew  seventh- 
day  Sabbath  belonged  to  the  Babj'lonian  seventh, 
fourteenth,  twenty-first,  and  twent^'-oighth  days  of 
the  month.  On  these  days,  we  learn  from  a  tablet 
(IV  Rawl.  32  f.),  a  ruler  was  not  allowed  to  eat  roast 
flesh  or  even  to  change  his  robe  or  put  on  clean  apparel, 
a  king  could  not  mount  a  chariot  or  announce  a  de- 
cision, nor  a  soothsayer  deliver  an  oracle,  ncr  could  a 
physician  lay  his  hand  on  one  diseased.  (See  "  Holi- 
ness "  in  ERE,  vol.  vi.  p.  756.)  These  severe  restric- 
tions are  the  outcome  of  the  old-world  Semitic  concep- 
tions of  holiness  applied  to  time.  In  earher  days  they 
did  not  so  seriously  hmit  human  activities  as  they  did 
in  later  times  (probably  owing  in  some  degree  to 
Babylonian  influence  during  tho  Exile).  Nevertheless, 
in  earher  times  abstinence  from  ordinary  avocations, 
enforced  in  the  Decalogue  (Ex.  20 10,  Dt.  514),  was 
well  sustained,  as  Am.  85  clearly  proves,  in  which 
similar  restrictions  applied  to  tho  sanctity  of  the  new 
moon.  From  2  K.  423  we  infer  that  Xew  Moon  and 
Sabbath  were  days  on  which  prophet  or  soothsaying 
priest  at  some  high  place  might  be  consulted,  and  that 
considerably  longer  journeys  than  the  restricted 
Sabbath  day's  journej^  of  later  times  were  permissible. 

With  reference  to  the  New  Mooti,  tho  practice  in 
post-exilian  times  is  codified  in  Nu.  lOio  (P),  where  it 
is  laid  down  that  tho  first  day  of  the  month  was  to  be 
celebrated  by  burnt  offerings  and  peace  offerings  to  the 
accompaniment  of  tho  blowmg  of  trumpets  {cj.  Ps.  8I3). 
Further  detailed  regulations  as  to  tho  sacrifices  then 
offered  are  contained  in  a  later  section  in  Nu.  2811-14 
{cf.  also  Ezek.  46i,3,6,  Ezr.  35,  Neh.  1033,34). 

The  Sabbath  came  to  have  a  greater  importance,  per- 
haps because  it  was  more  frequent  than  the  new  moon. 
It  is  the  only  holy  season  mentioned  in  the  Decalogue 
(Ex.  208-1 1*  ,  and  in  the  list  of  feasts  contained  in  Lev. 
23  it  is  the  first.  Also  in  early  pro-exilian  times  it  was 
fully  maintained  as  a  day  of  abstinence  from  labour, 
even  in  harv(>st-time  and  ploughing  (Ex.  342 1,  J). 
In  the  later  days  of  the  Exile  the  stringency  of  the 
Sabbath  was  enforced  by  prophetic  teaching  (Jer.  17 
19-27  (a  subsequent  addition),  Ezik.  44^4,  Is.  662, 
6813),  as  well  as  by  post-exilian   legislation.      With 


102 


THE  RELIGIOUS   INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


Neh.  13x5-22  c/.  Ex.  31i3-i7,  352f.,  Nu.  1032-36 
(the  death-penalty  by  stoning  being  enforced  on  a  man 
who  gathered  sticks  on  the  Sabbath). 

The  Sabbath  rest  of  one  day  in  seven  became  tha 
foundation  in  early  times  for  a  series  of  Sabbath 
cycles.  Hence  we  have  the  law  respecting  the  seventh 
or  Sabbatic  ijcnr  of  release  in  that  early  compend  of 
laws,  the  Book  of  the  Covenant,  Ex.  21-23  (viz,  in  Ex. 
2I2-6,  23iof  ),  which  provided  that  the  slave  should 
go  free  in  the  seventh  year,  if  he  so  wished,  after 
generous  provision  had  been  made  for  him  from  the 
Sock,  threshing-floor,  and  ^^  inc-press.  Also  debts  wore 
not  to  be  exacted  in  this  year  Moreover,  the  land  (in- 
cluding vineyard  and  olive-yard)  was  to  remain  fallow. 

Wo  have  likewise  a  monlh-cyde.  The  seventh  month 
had  therefore  a  special  sanctity,  and,  according  to 
the  later  legislation  of  Lev.  2324f.,  the  first  day  of 
this  month  was  signalised  by  blowing  of  trumpets  and 
an  offering  made  by  fire. 

The  last  of  the  cycles  is  the  end  of  the  seventh  of 
the  seven-year  periods.  This  final  year  was  called  the 
year  of  Jubile.  But  it  is  quite  evident  that  this  was 
a  later  exilian  or  post-exilian  development,  the  details 
of  which  are  to  bo  found  in  Lev.  258-55".  It  was 
announced  with  a  loud  trumpet-blast  on  the  tenth  day 
of  the  seventh  month  {i.e.  Tishri).  The  land  was  to  lie 
fallow  as  in  the  ordinary  seventh  year,  nor  was  it  to 
be  sold  in  perpetuity,  "  for  the  land  is  mine,  for  ye  are 
strangers  and  soiournei"s  with  me  "  (23).  Great  diffi- 
culties encompass  this  subject.  Does  the  Jubile  year 
involve  the  forty-ninth  year  as  well  as  the  fiftieth  as 
fallow  years  for  the  soil  ?  8-1 1  speaks  of  the  Jubile 
year  as  the  fiftieth.  But  two  successive  fallow  years 
are  implied  in  20-23,  which  moreover  guarantee  that 
the  preceding  sixth  year  of  the  last  septennial  period 
shall  be  one  of  exceptional  fruitfulness,  so  as  to  enable 
the  culti%-ator  to  tide  over  the  two-year  interval. 
Though  Driver  and  White  (SBOT)  argue  that  the  law 
was  maintained,  the  testimony  of  late  Jewish  writers 
that  the  law  of  Jubile  belonged  to  theory  rather 
than  practice  appears  probable.     See  EBi,  "  Jubilee." 

U.  Annual  Festivals  and  Fasts. — (a)  Pre-exilian. 
— Here  we  see  the  clear  impress  of  Israel's  settled  agri- 
cultural life  in  Canaan.  According  to  the  earliest  codes 
(Ex.  21-23i9,  3410-26)  there  were  three  such  festivals 
in  the  earUer  period  of  Israel's  life  in  Canaan  (Ex.  23 
14-17,  34i8f.),  viz.  : 

(i.)  The  Festival  of  Unleavened  Cahes  (Massoth). — 
With  this  the  ancient  nomadic  jxissover  sacrifice  of  the 
lumh  (pesah)  came  to  be  associated  (Ex.  3425,  Dt.  16if.), 
probably  because  both  were  nearly  coincident  in  time, 
the  one  being  the  product  of  the  firstfruits  of  the 
com,  the  other  the  firstling  of  the  flock.  The  feast  of 
Unleavened  Cakes  was  celebrated  for  a  week,  from  the 
15th  to  2l.st  Nisan,  and  is  mentioned  by  itself  without 
reference  to  Passover  in  Ex.  23i5.  According  to 
Dt.  I69  it  began  "  from  the  time  when  thou  beginnost 
to  put  the  sickle  to  the  standing  corn."  It  therefore 
marked  the  beginning  of  the  harvest,  just  as  the  Feast 
of  Weeks  marked  its  close.  One  characteristic  of  the 
feast,  which  is  still  maintained  in  the  ritual  of  every 
Jewish  household  at  the  present  day,  is  the  complete 
banishment  of  all  leaven  (Ex.  12 15*)  from  the  precincts 
(Dt.  164)-  Ex.  3425  seems  to  imply  the  close  conjunction 
of  Passover  and  Unleavened  Cakes.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  special  command  respecting  Passover  issued  by 
king  Josiah  in  the  days  of  general  degeneracy  and 
laxity  (2  K.  232 if.)  seems  to  imply  that  this  primitive 
celebration  had  fallen  into  nccrlect.  Henceforth  (Dt.  16 
1-7)  it  acquired  exceptional  importance,  and  formed 
an  indissoluble  part  of  the  Easter  festival  of  Unleavened 


Cakes.  Not©  that  it  was  no  longer  to  be  kept  any^vhere 
except  at  the  central  sanctuary  (sf.  ;  cf.  I519-20).  It 
was  to  be  sacrificed  at  sunset  at  the  close  of  the 
14th  Nisan,  and  then  boiled  and  eaten  within  the 
precincta  of  the  sanctuary. 

Here  we  notice  that  the  domestic  character  of  the 
institution  in  its  earlier  pre-exilian  form  represented 
by  the  J  narrative  in  Ex.  122 1-27  is  removed  in  order 
to  vindicate  the  exclusive  claims  of  the  central 
sanctuary  in  Jerusalem  so  repeatedly  enforced  in 
Deut<?ronomy.  What  Deuteronomy  and  this  J  narra- 
tive have  in  common  is  that  the  Passover  is  closely 
connected  with  the  Exodas  journey.  Moreover  the 
J  narrative  derives  the  name  of  the  Passover  .sacrifice 
(pesah)  from  the  fact  that  God  spared  the  firstborn  of 
the  Hebrew  household  on  whose  door-posts  the  blood 
of  the  paschal  lamb  had  been  smeared.  For  other 
explanations,  see  EBi,  "  Passover." 

Special  provision  is  made,  both  in  the  earlier  codes 
(Ex.  23i8,  3425)  as  well  as  in  Deuteronomy,  that  the 
sacrificial  flesh  shall  not  remain  till  the  morning. 
According  to  Deuteronomy  the  Feast  of  Unleavened 
Cakes  closed  on  the  seventh  day  with  solemn  Sabbatio 
celebration. 

(ii.)  Feast  of  Harvest  (Ex.  23i6),  or,  as  it  is  called 
in  another  early  compend  of  laws,  the  feast  of  weeks 
(Ex.  3422),  was  that  of  the  firstfruits  of  the  wheat 
harvest.  It  was  celebrated,  as  we  learn  from  the  fuller 
statement  in  Dt.  I60,  seven  weeks  after  the  beginning 
of  the  harvest  or  "  time  when  thou  beginnest  to  put 
the  sickle  to  the  standing  com."  Seven  weeks  may 
have  been  the  average  duration  of  the  Palestinian 
harvest.  Probably  it  varied  in  different  parts  of 
Canaan,  and  this  length  of  time  was  ob.served  in  the 
Jerusalem  sanctuary  because  it  applied  especially  to 
Judah  and  Benjamin.  This  would  bring  the  celebra- 
tion to  the  6th  of  the  month  Sivan  (May- June).  The 
feast  must  have  corresponded  in  character  somewhat 
to  our  English  "  harvest  home."  It  waa  accompanied 
by  a  "  tribute  of  a  free-will  offering  of  thine  hand  " 
(Dt.  I610),  and  all  were  bidden  to  participate  in  this 
truly  social  feast  of  rejoicing,  both  father  and  family 
as  well  as  servants,  resident  alien,  widow,  and  orphan. 
Probably  the  '"  joy  in  harvest  "  of  Is.  93  is  an  allusion 
to  the  genial  character  of  this  harvest  feast. 

(iii.)  Feast  of  Ingathering  (Ex.  23i6,  3422),  called  in 
later  times  (Dt.  I61 3-1 5) feastof  Booths  ("Tabernacles"), 
completed  the  cycle  of  annual  agricultural  feasts.  This 
last  was  celebrated  at  the  ''  turn  of  the  circuit " 
(Ex.  3422)  of  the  old  Canaan ite- Hebrew  year,  i.e.  the 
present  civil  month-calendar  of  the  Jews.  The  month 
in  which  it  was  held  was  called  in  pre-exilian  Israel 
Ethanim  (in  the  later  Bab. -Jewish  or  Ecclesiastical 
Calendar  Tishri),  corresponding  to  September-October. 
According  to  the  more  detailed  statement  in  Dt.  I613 
the  festival  lasted  seven  days,  i.e.  from  15th  to  21st 
Tishri,  and  was  held  "  after  thou  hast  gathered  in 
from  thy  threshing-floor  and  from  thy  wine-press." 
It  was  essentially  a  vintage  festival.  Probably  no 
feast  was  more  characteristic  of  the  Canaanito  and 
Hebrew  life  of  the  pre-L-xilian  period.  The  oracles  of 
the  prophets  of  this  period  contain  frequent  reference 
to  its  joy  and  merry-making.  Am.  8if.  connects  the 
basket  of  summer  fruit  with  the  songs  of  rejoicing  in 
the  Temple  soon  to  be  changed  to  howluigs,  just  as  in 
the  denunciation  of  doom  on  Moab  another  prophet  1 
declares  :  "  Upon  thy  summer  fruits  and  upon  thy 
harvest  the  shout  (of  battle)  is  fallen,  and  gladness  is 
taken  away  and  joy  out  of  the  fruitful  field,"  etc. 
(Is.  legf.  ;  cf.  Hos."  9if.,  Jer.  2530).  A  picturesque 
touch  is  given  us  in  Jg.  21 19-21,  in  which  this  annual 


THE   RELIGIOUS   INSTITUTIONS   OF  ISRAEL 


103 


autumn  festival  at  Shiloh  is  described,  in  which  the 
"  daughters  of  Shiloh  came  out  to  dance  in  the  dances." 
In  a  vine-cultivating  land  like  Canaan  such  a  festival 
might  easily  degenerate  into  excess.  Indeed  Shiloh, 
like  Samaria  (Is.  28i,3),  was  probably  notorious  for 
its  intemperance  (1  S.  Ig.isf. ).  In  fact  it  was  against 
this  sensuous  indulgence  of  Canaanite  life  that  the 
Naziriteovdev  (Nu.  6*,  Jg.  134f.*,  Jer.  35,  Am.  2i2)  arose 
as  a  protest,  and  as  an  endeavour  to  restore  the  old  and 
primitive  simplicity  of  Israels  earlier  nomadic  life. 

The  reformation  in  Josiah's  reign  which  found  ex- 
pression in  tlie  Code  contained  in  Deuteronomy  brought 
about  the  suppression  of  the  high  places.  It  must  havt; 
efEected  a  great  change.  Instead  of  a  short  pilgrimage 
to  a  local  shrine  like  Bethel,  Shechem,  or  Bcorsheba, 
the  pilgrim  was  compelled  to  journey  a  considerable 
distance  to  the  great  Jerusalem  sanctuary.  As  the 
festival  then  lasted  an  entire  week,  the  erection  of 
booths  became  necessary  and  the  feast  was  called  the 
feast  of  Booths  (tabernacles).  From  this  time  onwards, 
and  especially  in  the  restored  Temple  worship  in- 
augurated by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  when  the  detailed 
regulations  of  P  (contained  in  Lev.  and  Nu.)  came  into 
force,  the  old  genial  character  of  festival  celebrations 
passed  awaj%  while  a  purer,  more  rigid,  and  puritanic 
logalisra  took  its  place. 

The  Hebrew  festivals  of  the  pre-exUian  period,  just 
described,  formed  the  religious  cement  of  the  clans  and 
tribes  of  Israel  who  participated  in  the  common  sacra 
of  the  common  altar.  In  many  respects  the  Arabic 
Hajj  graphically  portrayed  by  Wellhausen  {Reste 
arab.  HeiderJums,-  pp.  87-89)  represents  the  old  pre- 
cxilian  Hebrew  Hagg  or  festival.  "  It  formed  the 
rendezvous  of  ancient  Arabian  life.  Here  came  under 
the  protection  of  the  peace  of  God  the  tribes  and  clans 
which  at  other  times  lived  apart,  and  only  knew  peace 
and  security  within  their  own  frontiers.  Here  affairs 
between  peoples  or  states  or  questions  affecting  the 
riirhts  of  nations  were  settled,  tribute  paid  or  cessation 
cf  war  during  a  dry  season  arranged,  or  a  struggle 
postponed  for  a  year.  Moreover,  an  active  intercourse 
arose  between  individuals  in  every  form  and  mode. 
It  was  the  single  opportunity  when  members  of  different 
tribes  could  move  freely  and  fearlessly  in  their  relations 
to  one  another.  Tradesmen  and  pedlars,  smiths  and 
horse-doctors  erect  their  booths  .  .  .  (cf.  the  allusion 
to  the  grasping  trader  in  Am.  825).  Slaves  are  bought 
or  redeemed  .  .  .  acquaintances  are  made,  and  court- 
ships arranged  between  adherents  of  different  tribes 
who  could  otherwise  hardly  manage  to  see  one  another." 

(b)  Post-exilian  Developments. — The  general  tendency 
of  the  changes  in  ritual,  especially  of  sacrifice,  and  in 
the  festivals  of  the  post-exilian  period,  has  been  already 
briefly  mdicated.  They  may  be  found  in  the  legisla- 
tion of  P  in  Ex.  35-40,  Lev.  entire,  and  Nu.  I-IO28 
and  subsequent  sections  in  Numbers.  It  should  be 
understood,  however,  that  by  no  means  all  the  addi- 
tional details  respecting  sacrifice  or  ritual  belong  to 
this  post-exUian  period.  It  is  now  generally  recognised 
that  much  of  this  detail  ia  of  old  pre-exilian  origin. 
Thus: 

(i.)  We  note  that  the  Passover  feast  reverts  in  Ex.  12 
3f.*  (P)  to  its  original  domestic  charactor  which  it  still 
possesses  in  every  JewLsh  household.  The  removal  of 
leaven  from  the  house  was  by  later  enactment  ordained 
for  the  interval  between  the  evening  of  the  13th  and 
that  of  the  14th  Nisan.  This  is  what  in  .In.  19i4 
(cf.  Mk.  15 12,  Mt.  2762)  Ls  called  the  "  preparation  for 
the  passover."  On  present-day  use  see  Oesterley  and 
Box,  Religion  and  Worship  of  the  Synagogue,  pp.  .356f. 
(Ist  od.).     Till  midday  of  the  14tb,  leaven  might  be 


eaten,  after  which  every  fragment  was  destroyed.  For 
the  Passover  meal  either  a  lamb  or  a  kid  might  be 
chosen.  The  selection  of  the  animal  was  fixed  for 
the  10th  of  the  month  Nisan  (or  in  the  old  pre-cxilian 
Hebi'ew-Canaanite  calendar  Abib),  care  being  taken 
that  it  should  be  a  male  in  its  first  year  and  without 
blemish  (Ex.  I25).  The  lamb  was  slain  at  or  before 
sunset  on  the  14th  Nisan.  Special  precautions  were 
taken  that  not  a  bone  of  the  lamb  should  be  broken 
(Ex.  1246).  According  to  the  Jewish  treatise  Pe  dhim, 
vii.  11,  the  penalty  for  breaking  a  bone  was  forty  stripes 
save  one.  (Some  would  hold  with  respect  to  the 
incident  in  Jn.  I931-33  that  the  citation  in  36  is  a 
reference  to  Ex.  I246  ;  cf.  Nu.  9 12,  which  is  interpreted 
typically.  This  is  possible,  though  the  analogy  of 
Jn.  1937  which  immed  ately  follows  makes  the  refer- 
ence to  Ps.  3420  more  probable.)  The  flesh  was  not  to 
be  eaten  raw  since  the  blood  would  be  consumed  also, 
in  direct  violation  of  the  post-exilian  regulations  in 
Gen.  94,  Lev.  726f.,  I710-15  (P),  cf.  Ps.  I64.  but  it 
was  to  be  roasted  on  fire  and  eaten  along  with  un- 
leavened cakes  and  bitter  herbs  (with  lettuce  or  wild 
endive  ;  see  Mishna,  Pesahim,  ii.  6).  All  that  remained 
was  to  be  consumed  with  fire  before  morning.  The 
bounden  duty  of  every  male,  who  was  not  prevented 
by  uncleanness  or  by  travel,  to  take  part  in  the  Pass- 
over, was  very  strictly  enforced  by  later  Jewish  legLsla- 
tion  (Nu.  94-14  P).  Even  the  resident  alien  if  circum- 
cised (Ex.  1248  P)  was  expected  to  participate.  But 
if,  by  reason  of  temporary  disqualification,  a  man  was 
prevented  from  taking  part,  special  provision  was  made 
for  him  by  the  institution  of  a  second  Passover  just  one 
month  later  (14th  lyyar). 

With  reference  to  the  seven  days  that  followed  the 
Passover,  when  unleavened  cakes  were  eaten,  elaborate 
regulations  are  set  forth  in  Nu.  £816-25.  The  loth 
Nisan  was  a  day  of  "  holy  convocation,"  on  which  no 
servile  work  could  be  done.  Special  offerings  for  this 
and  the  following  days  till  the  21st  (which  was  again 
a  day  of  "  holy  convocation  "  strictly  kept)  are 
appointed  in  Nu.  28r9f.  From  Lev.  23iof.  we  learn 
that  a  special  rite  was  appointed  for  the  16th  or 
morrow  after  the  Sabbath,  viz.  the  presentation  of  the 
"  Omer  "  or  sheaf  of  barley  which  was  waved  by  the 
priest  before  Yahweh.  A  male  lamb  a  year  old  with- 
out blemish  was  sacrificed  at  the  same  time  as  a  burnt- 
offering,  accompanied  by  cereal  offerings. 

(ii.)^ Feast  of  Weeks  or  Pentecost. — There  has  been 
considerable  discussion  as  to  how  the  Pentecost  was 
reckoned.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  Pentecost  was 
reckoned  from  the  morrow  of  the  Sabbath,  i.e.  the 
IGth  Nisan  on  which  the  "  tmve  offering  "  (TenQfah) 
of  the  "  Omer  "  or  sheaf  was  presented  in  the  Temple. 
Thus  Pentecost  fell  on  the  6th  of  the  month  Si  van. 
Pentecost  was  celebrated  by  tho  offering  of  two  loaves 
baked  from  leaven  as  firstfraits,  accompanied  by  a 
burnt  offering  of  seven  lambs  of  a  year  old  without 
blemish.  Several  other  sacrificial  details  were  added, 
viz.  in  Lev.  2315-21,  Nu.  2826-31  (P). 

(ih.)  Feast  of  Booths  (or  Tabernacle's)  lasted  from  the 
15th  till  22nd  Tishri  (Ethanim  in  the  old  Hebrew- 
Canaanite  calendar)  which  corresponds  to  September- 
October.  Tho  first  day  (15th)  was  a  day  of  holy 
convocation  or  public  worship  on  which  all  servile 
labour  ceased  (Lev.  2335).  The  main  characteristic 
of  tho  first  was  tho  erection  of  booths  from  palm- 
branches  or  boughs  of  willows  or  other  large  trees. 
Nu.  29i2-i6  contains  regulations  as  to  the  special 
offerings  to  bo  presented  on  the  first  day.  while  in  17-38 
we  have  a  series  of  instructions  respecting  the  special 
offerings  of  animals,  meal-offerings,  and  drink-offerings 


104 


THE   RELIGIOUS    INSTITUTIONS    OF   ISRAEL 


for  oach  day  of  the  feast  until  the  eighth  day,  which 
was  once  more  a  day  of  solemn  assembly  that  brought 
the  festival  to  a  close. 

The  precise  mode  of  celebration  no  doubt  varied 
somewhat  at  difTercnt  periods.  Thus  in  Neh.  Sisf.  wo 
read  that  the  branches  in  the  booth.s  wero  olive,  myrtle, 
and  palm,  and  that  the  booths  were  sot  up  on  the 
roofs  of  houses  and  in  their  courts,  in  the  courts 
of  God's  Temple,  and  in  the  open  space  by  the  water- 
gate  and  that  of  the  gate  of  Ephraim.  From  Jewish 
treatises  of  later  times  (chiefly  Succah)  we  learn  that 
in  the  early  morning  of  the  15th  a  priest  followed  by 
a  procession  went  down  to  the  pool  of  Siloam  and  di'ew 
water  from  thence  into  a  golden  vessel  and  returned 
to  join  the  other  priests  at  the  morning  sacrifice.  The 
remaining  details  of  procedure  need  not  bo  described. 
But  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  this  rite  of 
water-drawing,  and  the  libation  that  followed,  were 
carried  out  in  the  time  of  Christ,  and  there  may  be  an 
allusion  to  it  in  Christ's  words  on  the  last  day  of  the 
Feast  of  Booths  in  Jn.  Isyt.  :  "  If  any  man  thirst,  let 
him  come  unto  mo,  and  drink  "  (see  Wunsche,  Neue 
Bciiriigc  zur  Erlauteritng  der  Evangelist,  ad  loc.). 

We  now  come  to  a  .series  of  pnsl-cxilian  Jest ivaU  w  hich, 
pi'operly  speaking,  belong  only  to  the  centuries  subse- 
((ucnt  to  the  Exile.     Most  important  among  these  is  : 

(a)  The  Day  oj  Atonement,  really  a  jast  and  not  a 
feaat  (Ac.  279  ;  <^j-  Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  10,  14),  held  on  tho 
10th  Tislxri.  It  was  called  a  "  high  Sabbath,"  a  day  of 
'■  holy  convocation  "  on  which  no  work  could  be  done, 
and  every  Israelite,  home-born  slave,  and  even  resident 
alien  was  required  "  to  afflict  his  soul  "'  (Lev.  1629f., 
2'iz7-2,2).  The  ceremonial  throughout  the  day  was 
essentially  expiatory  in  character,  and  reflects  tho 
general  tendency  of  sacrificial  rites  at  this  time,  which 
was  piacular,  and  boro  reference  to  an  exalted  sense  of 
fin  and  uncleanness.  Moreover,  the  ceremonial  through- 
out the  whole  time,  lasting  from  the  evening  of  the  9th 
to  that  of  the  10th,  was  centred  in  the  person  of  the 
High  Priest,  a  personage  whose  oflice  emerges  in  the 
postz-oxilian  period  (Zeeh.  3i).  The  special  offerings 
for  the  day  are  prescribed  in  Nu.  297-ii,  and  are 
similar  to  those  of  the  eighth  day  (22nd  Tishri)  in  tho 
Feast  of  Booths.  On  the  other  hand,  the  ritual  pro- 
ceedings appointed  for  tho  High  Priest  are  set  forth 
in  detail  in  Lev.  I63-28.  After  having  bathed  in 
water,  ho  arrayed  himself  in  garments  of  white  linen  as 
well  as  linen  girdle  and  turban.  He  then  brought  a 
young  bullock  as  a  sin-offering  for  himself  and  his 
house  and  a  ram  for  burnt-offering.  But  in  making 
atonement  for  the  people  a  ram  was  chosen  for  a  burnt- 
offering  (.■/.  Heb.  727)  and  two  he-goats  were  selected- 
Then  follows  a  imique  ceremony  described  in  con- 
siderable detail.  Lots  wero  cast  with  resjx^ct  to  tho 
two  he-goats,  whereby  one  was  assigned  for  Yahweh 
and  the  other  for  Azazel  (probably  some  demon  of  the 
desert).  Tho  bullock  was  then  offered  as  an  expiation 
for  the  High  Priest  and  his  family.  After  this  a  censer 
was  filled  with  coals  from  tho  altar  of  burnt-offering. 
and  with  a  handful  of  incense  the  High  Priest  entered 
the  Holy  of  Holies  {cf.  Heb.  97,11,24-26).  As  he  threw 
the  sweet  incense  on  tho  coals,  clouds  of  the  incense 
covered  the  Ark  and  the  mercy-seat,  apparently  with 
the  object  (r/.  Lev.  16 13)  of  veiling  tho  Divine  Presence, 
for  no  man  can  see  God's  manifestation  and  live 
(Ex.  1921,  Jg.  1322).  The  blood  of  the  bullock  was  tlien 
sprinkled  on  tho  east  side  of  the  mercy-seat  and  seven 
times  on  the  space  in  front.  Coming  forth  from  the 
Holy  of  Holies  the  High  Priest,  having  made  atonement 
for  himself  and  his  household,  next  made  atonement 
for  the  people  by  offering  the  goat  reserved  for  Yahweh 


as  sin-offering  for  the  people.  He  then  re-entered  the 
Holy  of  Holies,  into  which  none  could  accompany  him, 
and  pc^rformed  tho  same  acta  of  sprinkling  with  the 
goats  blood.  Ex.  30io  here  gives  some  fui'ther  details 
not  found  in  T^viticus.  Once  more  the  High  Priest 
emerged  from  tho  Holy  of  Holies  and,  after  further 
lustral  ceremonies  on  the  altar  of  burnt-offering,  pro- 
ceeded to  tho  strange  rite  with  the  goat  devoted  to 
Azazel  (called  "scape-goat").  Upon  it  the  High 
Priest  laid  both  liis  hands  and  confessed  over  it  all  the 
sins  of  tho  Israelites.  The  goat  was  then  led  away 
into  tho  wilderness  to  a  remote  spot  and  set  free.  The 
High  Priest,  after  bathing,  resumed  his  priestly  vest- 
ments in  tho  '■  tent  of  meeting.''  and  then  came  forth 
and  offered  two  burnt-offerings  for  himself  and  the 
people  (Lev.  lG23f.).  jMeanwhile  the  man  to  whom 
was  entrusted  the  goat  for  Azazel  was  regarded  as 
unclean  and  had  to  bathe  his  flesh  in  water  (26).  In 
later  times  the  penitential  confession  of  sin  (c/.  Bab. 
penitential  litanies)  took  an  important  place  in  the 
service  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  (c/.  Ps.  325).  Further 
details  and  later  minutia?  introduced  into  its  observance 
may  be  found  in  HDB,  "Atonement,  Day  of,"  derived 
in  tho  main  from  the  MLshna  tract  Yomd.  For  NT 
students  the  chief  interest  lies  in  the  great  place  which 
this  fast  occupies  in  tho  argument  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews. 

(6)  The  other  festivals  or  sacred  daj's  in  post-exilian 
Judaism  may  here  bo  enumerated.  (I)  Fensl  of 
'Trumpets  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  month  (Tishri) 
of  the  ecclesiastical  year  and  the  first  of  the  Jewish 
civil  year.  It  was  accordingl}''  a  New  Year  feslical, 
a  .solemn  Sabbath  and  New-moon  feast,  on  which 
work  ceased.  Tho  sacrificial  regulations  may  be  found 
in  Nu.  29i-6.  (2)  Feusl  of  DcdicMion  (still  called 
by  the  Jews  Hanukkah),  established  by  Judas  Mac- 
caboeus  to  commemorate  the  purification  of  the  Temple 
in  tho  month  Kislev  (about  December)  164  b.c.  (p. 
GOT),  after  its  desecration  by  heathen  sacrifices  through 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  (1  Mac.  450)-  Ps.  30*  Is  generally 
held  to  bo  a  Temple-inauguration  Psalm  in  reference 
to  this  event,  and  is  still  so  employed  in  Jewish  liturgy 
(cf,  Jn.  IO22).  (3)  Feast  of  Piirim,  ori  tho  14th  and 
15th  of  the  twelfth  month  (Adar  or  Feb.-March), 
commemorated  tlie  deliverance  of  the  Jews  from 
Haman.  In  Est.  922  it  is  ordained  that  Jews  should 
treat  these  two  days  as  "  days  of  feasting  and  gladness 
and  of  sending  portions  to  one  another  and  gifts  to 
the  poor."  In  2  Mac.  I536  the  feast  is  called  "  the 
day  of  Mordccai."  Wo  Imow  that  it  was  celebrated 
in  the  first  century  of  our  era  (Joseph.  Ant.  xi.  6,  13). 
(4)  Other  ix)st-exi!ian  feasts  need  only  a  bare  enumera- 
tion, such  as  the  Feast  of  ,4c)Y7,  23rd  of  second  month 
(lyyar),  established  by  Simon  the  Maccabee,  141  b.c, 
to  commemorate  the  capture  and  purification  of  Acra 
(1  i\Iac.  1350-52).  This  feast  afterwards  became 
obsolete. —  Feast  of  Wool-carrying  on  15th  of  the  fifth 
month  (Ab),  on  which  wood  was  brought  to  supply  the 
altar-fire  in  tlie  Temple  (Neh.  IO34.  133 1  ;  Joseph. 
Wars,  ii.  17,  6). —  Feast  of  Nicnnor,  another  Maccabrean 
institution  commemorating  the  victory  over  Nicanor, 
the  general  of  tho  Syrian  forces  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
at  Adasa  near  liothhoron,  161  B.C.  .  It  was  hold  on 
tho  13th  day  of  Adar  (Feb.-March)  ;  cf.  1  Mac.  749  \ 
— Fast  of  Esther  (Est.  4i6)  preceded  Purim  on  the 
13th  Adar.  ] 

In  addition  to  these  wo  read  of  certain  fasts  of 
sorrowful  commemoration  of  the  tragic  events  which 
occurred  at  the  close  of  the  Judtean  kingdom,  viz.  the 
Babylonian  assault  on  Jerusalem  on  the  ninth  day  of 
tlie  fourth  month  (Tammuz  or  June-July)  (2  K.  253f., 


THE  RELIGIOUS   INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


105 


Zech.  73,5,  819),  the  de«truction  of  the  city  and 
Temple  (Jer.  52i2)  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  fifth  month 
(Ab  or  July-August).  The  following  list  of  months, 
arranged  according  to  the  Ecclesiastical  Calendar  and 
containing  the  chief  feast-  and  fast-daj's,  will  bo  found 
useful : 

1.  Abib  or  Nisan  (March-April). 

1st  or  New  Moon.  Beginning  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal year. 

I4th.  Preparallon  for  Passover;  qxischal  lamb 
eaten  about  sunset.    Barley  harvest. 

15th.  Sabbath  and  Holy  Convocation.  Begm- 
ning  of  Week  of  Unleavened  Cakes. 

16th.  Offering  of  Omer  or  First  Sheaf  (Barley). 

21st.  Holy  Convocation. 

2.  lyyar  (April-May)  or  Ziv  (older  name). 

"  1st.  New  Moon. 
14th.  Second  or  Little  Passover. 

3.  Sitxtn  (May-Jiuie). 

1st.  New  Moon.     Wheat  harvest. 
6th-7th.  Pentecost  or  Feast  of  Weeks,  marking 
the  close  of  com  harvest. 

4.  Tammuz  (Jime-July). 

1st.  New  Moon. 
6.  Ab  (July-Aug  ). 

1st.  New  Moon. 
6.   £'ZmZ  (Aug.-Sep.). 

1st.  New  Moon 
7    Tishri  (Sep.-Oct.)  or  Ethdn'im  (older  name). 

1st.  New  Moon — New  Year's  Day  of  the  Jewish 
Civil  Year.      Feast  of  Trumpets. 

10th.    Fast  of  Atonement. 

15th-22nd.   Feast  of  Booths  (or  Tabernacles). 

8.  Marchesvan  (Oct -Nov.)  or  BtU  (older  name). 

1st.  New  Moon. 

9.  Kislev  (Nov.-Dec). 

Ist.  New  Moon. 
25th.   Feast  of  Dedication. 
10    Tebeth  (Dec- Jan.). 
'1st.  New  Moon. 

11.  Shebat  (Jan.-Feb.). 

1st.  New  Moon. 

12.  Adar  (Feb.-March). 

1st.  New  Moon. 

13th.   Feast  of  Nicanor. 

14th-15th.   Feast  of  Purim. 

13.  Ve-Adar  (intercalary  month). 

Vows  were  not  uifrequent  among  the  Hebrews  as 
among  other  peoples.  It  was  an  obligation  to  God,  a 
pledge  to  do  certain  things,  voluntarily  uicurred,  fre- 
quently in  times  of  crisis  or  trouble,  in  order  to  secure 
Divine  aid.  The  pledge  often  consisted  in  some 
service,  gift,  or  sacrifice.  It  was  of  a  very  binding 
character  and  might  be  very  tragic  in  its  issue,  as  in 
the  case  of  Jepbthah  (Jg.  ll3of.),  or  entail  unforeseen 
issues  (Ac.  23i'if.).  Any  evasion  or  subterfuge  was 
sternly  censured  or  suppressed  (Dt  2321-23,  Pr.  2O25, 
Mai.  I14).  The  laws  respecting  vows  in  the  Pentateuch 
were  codified  lato,  i.e  belong  to  the  post-exilian  doca- 
ment  P,  viz  I^v.  27 1-29,  which  deals  especially  ^^ith 
the  objects  devoted  or  '"  sanctified  '"  to  Yahweh  in  the 
accomplishment  of  a  vow  and  the  conditions  on  which 
they  might  be  redeemed,  and  Nu.  30,  which  deals  with 
the  vows  made  by  women,  whether  married  or  divorced 
or  widows.  A  vow  made  by  a  woman  without  a 
husband's  cognisance  and  consent  is  not  allowed  to 
stand — a  very  pignificant  illustration  of  the  subject 
condition  of  womcu  in  those  times. 

ileference  has  already  (p.  103)  been  made  to  the  A^a;«r- 
ile,  or  one  who  had  taken  the  vow  of  consecration  or 


separation  to  Yahweh.  Unshorn  locks  and  abstinence 
from  wine  were  the  chief  obligations  ;  indeed  eveiy 
product  of  the  grape  is  debaned  in  Nu.  6*  (P),  and 
even  approach  to  a  dead  body,  though  it  be  of  a 
near  relation. 

5.  Ark  of  God  ;  its  Temple  and  Furniture ;  Music ; 
Synagogue. — In  veiy  early  times  the  Hebrews  appear 
to  have  borrowed  the  conception  of  an  ark  which 
formed  the  jxdladium  that  enshrined  tlie  Divine  numen 
or  presence.  Egypt  appears  to  have  been  the  proxi- 
mate source  from  which  it  came.  In  Lepsius,  Denk- 
mciler,  iii.  I89b,  we  have  portrayed  on  a  monument  of 
the  time  of  Kameses  II  a  sacred  bark  which  conveyed 
the  God  Amon.  We  have  also  sacred  barks  moved  on 
wheels  which  conveyed  Babylonian  deities  in  religious 
processions.  The  Hebrew  Ark  apjiears  to  have  been 
specially  connected  with  military  exijcditions.  We  find 
it  associated  with  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts 
enthroned  above  the  cherubim  in  1  S.  44,  2  S.  62 
(c/.  Dt.  IO3).  Thi-5  Ark  in  ordinary  times,  during  the 
nomadic  life  of  Israel  in  the  wildemes?,  was  placed  in 
the  sacred  tent  where  Moses  held  converse  with  Yahweh 
(Ex.  337-11  E).  But  when  Israel  advanced  on  their 
march,  the  Ark  was  borne  on  the  priests'  shoulders,  and 
the  cry  was  raised :  "  Arise,  Yahweh,  that  Thy 
enemies  may  be  scattered  and  those  that  hate  Thee 
flee  from  Thj'  presence  ' " ;  and  when  Israel  reached  his 
destination  the  exclamation  arose  :  "  Return,  Yahweh, 
to  the  myriads  of  IsracFs  thousands  "  (Nu.  IO35 ; 
cf.  Ps.  681').  Shiloh  was  the  resting-place  of  the  Ark 
when  Israel  had  settled  in  Canaan.  Here  was  evidently 
a  building  m  which  the  Ark  was  housed  within  a 
covered  erection,  recess,  or  adytum  (Hebrew  debhir) 
with  which  Canaanite  sanctuaries  of  larger  size  were 
provided.  A  lamp  was  kept  burning  by  the  Ai'k  ( 1 S.  83), 
probably  from  sunset  till  dawn.  Outside  the  covered 
debhir  was  an  outer  court  open  to  the  sky  (hatser)  where 
an  altar  stood  whereon  victims  were  sacrificed.  An 
interesting  added  detail  occurs  in  LXX  of  1  S.  1 18  : 
"  And  she  (Hannah)  said.  Let  thy  handmaid  find  favour 
in  thine  eyes.  And  the  woman  went  her  way  and 
entered  the  (rather  than  '  her  ')  chamber  and  did  eat." 
The  passage  becomes  clear  in  the  hght  of  1  S.  922. 
On  the  side  of  the  court,  near  to  the  debhir,  was  the 
sleeping  apartment  of  the  priests  (1  S.  3if.).  There 
would  also  be  some  larger  chamber  (lishkah),  where 
priests  and  othei-s  partook  of  the  flesh  of  offerings  u.sed 
in  sacrifice.  Canaanite  and  Hebrew  temples  were 
made,  like  Greek  temples,  receptacles  for  treasure. 
Thus  70  shekels  were  stored  in  the  sanctuary  of  Ba'al 
Berith  (Jg.  94)  The  sanctity  of  the  spot,  it  was  held, 
would  preser^-e  the  treasure  inviolate  {cf.  1  K.  15i8, 
2  K.  12i8,  I815,  24i3). 

The  Temple  erected  by  Solomon,  with  the  aid  of 
Phoenician  craftsmen,  was  on  a  scale  hitherto  unknown 
in  Israel,  and  in  1  K  6f .  we  have  a  number  of  valuable 
but  unfortunately  obscure  and  mutilated  details  into 
which  it  is  impossible  to  enter.  The  reader  is 
referred  to  the  articles  "  Temple  "  in  EBi  and  HDB. 
This  Temple  was  provided  witli  a  large  outer  court. 
The  worshippuig  throng  assembled  in  this  outer  court, 
within  which  the  most  conspicuous  object  was  the 
large  altar  for  burnt  offerings,  made  by  TjTJan  arti- 
ficers of  bronze,  with  a  length  and  breadth  of  20  cubits 
at  the  base  and  10  cubits  high.  From  the  base  the 
altar  rose  in  three  stages.  Also  SE.  of  the  Tcniplo 
proper  stood  a  bronze  "  sea  "'  5  cubits  high  and  LG 
in  diameter,  which  rested  on  twelve  oxen  of  bronz» 
with  their  faces  directed  outward,  the  significance  of 
which  cannot  he  discus.sed  here.  Passin?  U-tween  two 
pillars  called  Yachin  and  Bo'az  fronting  E,  and  through 

4a 


106 


THE  RELIGIOUS   INSTITUTIONS  OF  ISRAEL 


the  portico,  we  come  into  the  Temple  proper,  which 
consists  of  two  parts.  Fimt,  a  front  chamber  40  cubits 
long,  20  broad,  and  30  in  height.  The  chief  object 
contained  in  this  front  chamber  was  the  so-called 
"table  of  shewbread  "  (Ex.  I'oJS-v^'.  Lev.  245-y"),  or 
of  "  bread  of  the  Presence,"  a  kind  of  altar-table  made 
of  codar-wood  (1  K.  620).  Second,  we  come  to  the 
hindermost  chamlx>r  or  most  holy  place  (Holy  of 
Holies),  which  stood  on  the  westernmost  side  of  the 
Temple  structure  and  corresponded  to  the  aforesaid 
debhir.  For  within  its  iirocincts  stood  the  Ark  of  the 
Covenant  (or  ••  ark  of  God  ")  already  described,  in  which 
God's  presence  dwelt  in  a  very  special  manner.  This 
Holy  of  Holies  is  associated  very  intimately  with  the 
personality  of  the  High  Priest  and  his  functions  on  the 
groat  Day  of  Atonement.     See  above,  §  4,  p.  104. 

After  621  b.c.  (Josiah's  Reformation)  Solomon's 
Temple  actjuired  an  exclusive  position  as  the  only 
place  where  sacrifice  could  be  offered.  But  at  this 
time,  and  especially  during  and  after  the  Exile,  a 
very  large  number  of  Jews  were  scattered  in  the  lands 
outside  Palestine,  especially  in  Egypt,  Babylonia,  and 
in  the  countries  which  bordered  the  eastern  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean.  How  did  they  maintain  their 
religious  life  ?  Recent  discovery  has  shown  us  that 
a  temple  for  Jewish  worship  existed  at  Elephantine 
in  Epj-pt  before  526  b.c.  and  continued  till  its  destruc- 
tion in  407  B.C.  Later  still  wo  have  the  rival  temple 
to  that  of  Jerusalem  at  Leontopolis  set  up  by  Onias  IV 
in  160  B.C.  (Is.  19i8*).  But  this  was  an  illegitimate  wor- 
ship in  defiance  of  Deuteronomy.  Accordingly  Jews  had 
recourse  to  the  Synagogue  and  its  worship,  in  which 
praise,  prayer,  and  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  (Law 
and  Prophets)  took  the  place  of  the  sacrificial  cere 
monial  which  was  lawful  in  Jerusalem  only.  Everj'^ 
considerable  town  would  have  one  or  more  synagogues. 
Indeed  the  growth  of  a  bodj"-  of  canonised  Scripture 
probably  arose  partly  in  response  to  the  needs  of  pious 
Jews  in  the  widely  scattered  and  ever-increasing 
Diaspora  who  desired  to  worship  the  God  of  tlieir 
fathers  on  the  Sabbath  and  at  other  times  than  the 
recurring  annual  feasts  at  Jenisalem.  The  general 
8uper\asion  of  the  services  of  the  synagogue  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Chief  of  the  Synagogue.  Worship 
consisted  of  public  prayer,  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures 
(Law  and  Prophets)  and  exhortation,  and  it  was 
competent  for  any  man  to  take  part  (Lk.  4i6-22, 
Ac.  l.'iisf.)  with  the  consent  and  approval  of  the  chief 
or  chiets  of  the  sMiagogue.  Both  in  the  later  post- 
exilian  Temple  as  well  as  in  synagogue-worship,  music 
and  singing  came  to  play  an  important  part.  This  is 
clearly  evident  in  1  Ch.  15i6f.,  I64-36,  25i-7.  The 
clalx)rate  arrangements  for  psalmody  hei-e  set  forth  do 
not  belong  to  the  early  days  of  the  Israelite  monarchy, 
but  to  those  of  the  later  post-exilian  Temple  services 
of  about  2n0  b.c.  or  later,  when  the  Books  of  (Ihronicles 
were  dra\*-n  up.  The  five  Books  of  Psalms  grawlually 
arose  in  connexion  with  the  musical  worship  of  Temple 
and  sj-nagogue.  Musical  instruments  came  into  use, 
and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Greek  inHuonce  here 
played  a  part.  Thus  the  names  of  several  musical 
mstnnnents  in  Dan.  35.10,15  are  Greek  (cf.  Lk.  152S). 
The  B<wk  of  Daniel  Ix" longs  to  165  B.C.  See  Schuror, 
Z/t>/.  of  the  Jewish  People,  3rd  German  ed.,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  49f. 

6.  Sacred  Persons. — King — Sorcerer — Soothsayer — 
Priest — Scribe — Prophet. 

The  King  was  anointed,  and  was  thereby  held  to  be 
endowed  with  a  certain  supernatural  power,  and  on 
this  account  was  called  Messiah  or  "  the  Lord's 
anointed.'     His  person,   like   that   of   a   priest,   was 


sacrosanct  and  inviolable  (I  S.  246-io,  2  S.  I14).  In 
this  respect  the  Hebrew  king  did  not  greatly  diflfer  from 
the  Assyrian  or  Babylonian  kuig,  who  was  held  to  be 
of  Divine  descent  and  possessed  priestly  functions. 
Thus  David  and  his  sons  exercised  priestly  func- 
tions (2  S.  617,  1  K.  863f.).  At  a  very  early  period 
Israel  had,  like  other  Semites  (e.g.  the  Babylonians), 
their  recognised  Magicians,  Soothsayers,  and  Necro- 
mancers. The  magicians  or  sorcerers  sought  by  in- 
cantations, tying  of  knots,  or  other  practices,  such  aa 
the  evil  eye,  to  control  events  or  blast  the  happiness 
or  welfare  of  those  against  whom  these  practices  were 
directed  (see  Magic,  Sorcery  in  HDB).  The  Necro- 
mancer was  supposed  to  lie  possessed  of  the  spirit  of  a 
deceased  person  and  to  speak  with  his  voice.  Not 
infrequently  these  arts  were  practised  by  women,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  Witch  of  Endor  (1  S.  287f.)-  They 
were  sternly  reprobated  by  the  prophets  (Is.  819,  294) ; 
in  fact  the  death-penalty  was  appointed  for  the 
sorceress  in  the  early  legislation  of  Ex.  22 18.  On  the 
other  hand  the  Soothsayer  (kosem),  who  endeavoured 
to  ascertain  by  various  mechanical  means,  such  aa 
wooden  rods  or  arrows,  the  will  of  the  Deity  before 
any  important  enterprise,  such  as  a  military  expedition, 
was  undertaken,  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  mainstays 
of  the  state.  Thus  in  Is.  32  ho  Is  mentioned  by  the  side 
of  the  judge,  the  captain,  and  the  prophet.  But  in 
Dt.  ISiof  his  function,  as  well  as  that  of  others  closely 
akin,  is  definitely  declared  illegitimate.  See  Sooth- 
sayer in  HDB. 

In  the  early  days  of  Israels  life  in  Canaan  sooth- 
saying was  one  of  the  chief  duties  of  the  Priest.  This 
can  easily  bo  shown  by  reference  to  the  facts  of  the 
case.  It  has  been  already  stated  in  §  3,  p.  100,  that  it 
wa-s  the  business  of  the  priast  who  bore  the  ephod 
in  the  military  expeditions  of  the  king  to  declare  God's 
will  to  the  king  who  inquiied  of  Yahwch  by  means  of 
the  sacred  lot.  In  the  Blessing  of  Moses  it  Is  said  of 
the  priest-tribe  Levi  that  iirini  and  tummim  (already 
explained,  pp.  lOOf .)  formed  part  of  their  sacred  function 
(Dt.  338  ;  cf.  I  S.  286).  The  Hebrew  word  for  "  priest  " 
Is  kohen,  but  in  Arabic  what  is  virtually  the  same 
word  (kdhin)  means  '"  soothsayer."  In  later  times 
the  priest's  function  became  more  restricted  to  sacri- 
ficial and  other  Temple  ceremonial.  Moreover,  in 
earlier  times  there  was  no  restriction  as  to  the  personnel 
of  the  priesthood.  Joshua,  who  was  an  Ephraimite, 
exercised  priestly  functions  in  the  "  tent  of  meeting  " 
without  the  camp  (Ex.  33ii  E),  while  David,  a  Judiean, 
offered  sacrifice  (2  S.  617).  and  his  sons  also  discharged 
priestly  functions  (2  S.  818).  This  is  in  full  accord 
with  the  earlier  corapends  of  legislation  (Ex.  2O23- 
23io.  :j4io-28),  in  which  there  is  no  restriction  as  to  the 
personnel  of  the  priesthood.  Yet  it  is  fairly  obvious 
that  at  an  early  time  sjxjcial  virtue  accrued  to  those 
who  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Levi,  to  whom  priestly 
fimctions  came  to  be  attached.  This  clearly  appears 
in  the  early  narrative  Jg.  I77-13.  Micah  feela 
assured  of  a  Di%ine  blessing  "  seeing  I  have  a  Levitc 
for  priest."  In  the  time  of  Josiah  the  reformation  re- 
flected in  the  legislation  of  Deuteronomy  definitely 
assigned  the  priesthood  with  its  sacrificial  function  to 
the  Levites  only.  A  still  further  restriction  was  made 
in  p<jst-exilian  legislation  when  one  family  only  of  the 
Levitical  tribe  was  ix^rmitted  to  hold  the  sacerdotal 
function,  viz.  the  sons  of  Aaron,  while  the  other 
Levites  were  assigned  subordinate  functions  (cf.  Ezok.  j 
447f.).  These  new  developments  of  the  post-exilian 
Ix>riod  are  reflected  in  P  (mainly  in  Leviticus).  More- 
over we  now  (for  the  first  time  in  25oeh.  3i)  find  that 
the  entire  priesthood  has  a  supreme  head — the  High 


THE   RELIGIOUS    INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


107 


Priest — whose  exalted  national  and  roproscntativo 
dignity  is  most  fnlly  manifested  in  the  Great  Day  of 
Atonement  already  described  in  §  4,  p.  104.  This  high 
personality,  with  his  sacred  office,  naturally  absorbed 
the  dignity  and  position  of  the  Hebrew  king  of  pro- 
exilian  times,  in  days  when  Judah  was  njled  under  a 
Persian  viceroy  and  the  old  national  state  with  a 
king  at  its  head  gave  place  to  a  Church-st^te  whoso 
head  was  the  High  Priest.  In  the  middle  of  the  second 
century  B.C.  we  have  a  succession  of  Asraonean  High 
Priests"  in  Jerusalem  enjoying  princely  power  and 
splendour.  The  elaborate  details  respecting  the  priest- 
hood and  their  courses  in  1  Ch.  23f.  reflect  the  con- 
ditions of  ecclesiastical  organisation  and  practice  in  a 
Jate  post-exilian  period  (third  century  B.C.).  Cf.  Lk. 
l5.8. 

After  the  time  of  Ezra  the  Pentateuch  or  Law  (Torah) 
became  a  book  of  canonised  authority,  the  foundation 
on  which  the  reUgious  and  social  life  of  the  Jewish 
community  was  based.  Its  careful  study  became, 
therefore,  a  matter  of  vital  interest,  and  thei-e  arose  a 
body  of  men  distinct  from  the  priests,  called  the  Scribes, 
who  made  the  study  and  interpretation  of  the  Law  their 
special  business.  The  duties  of  the  priests  were  con- 
nected with  Temple  ceremonial  In  days  when  Hellen- 
ism became  rampant  and  corrupted  the  priesthood,  the 
scribes,  who  were  enthusiasts  for  the  Law,  grew  in 
power  and  reputation,  and  this  high  position  they  held 
in  the  time  of  our  Lord. 

In  the  far  earlier  age  of  Israel's  life  before  the  Exile 
there  arose  another  order  of  religious  functionary  called 
the  Prophets.  In  the  days  that  preceded  Samuel,  the 
prophet  was  usually  called  Seer  (1  S.  9o),  who  would  give 
answers  to  those  who  "  inquired  of  God  "  and  sought 
direction  about  the  ordinary  affairs  of  life,  much 
as  those  who  consulted  a  Greek  fxAvriS'  We  know 
that  Canaanites  also  had  their  prophets  (1  K.  I819). 
Prophesying  in  the  days  of  Samuel  assumed  strange 
ecstatic  forms,  and  prophets  were  somewhat  like  the 
dervishes  in  Mohammedan  countries  (1  S.  lOsf.,  I810, 
1923f.).  "Frenzied"  (2  K.  9ii)  was  the  term  cur- 
rently applied  (r/.  Hos.  9?)  to  the  manner  and  speech 
of  their  members.  These  members  formed  special 
guilds  or  societies  dwelling  in  special  spots  and  pre- 
sided over  by  some  head  such  as  Samuel,  Elijah,  or 
Elisha.     The    term    "  schools "    of    the    prophets    is 


altogether  a  misnomer.  Individual  prophets  like 
Samuel,  Nathan,  Elijah,  Elisha,  and  Micaiah  ben 
Yimlah  (1  K.  22)  rose  above  the  ordinary  level  of  these 
prophets,  and  when  we  com.c  to  the  eighth  century 
prophets  such  as  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah,  and  Slicah,  we 
are  in  the  presence  of  men  of  far-reaching.  Divinely- 
inspired  intelligence,  who  were  able  to  interpret  to 
their  countrymen  God's  true  nature  and  His  m.oral 
requirements.  Israel's  progress  in  the  knowledge  of 
God  and  in  the  path  of  true  religion  was  almost  wholly 
due  to  the  teaching  of  this  wonderful  order  of  men,  who 
succeeded  in  lifting  religion  out  of  the  realm  of  tradi- 
tional and  national  ceremonial  and  basing  it  on  its  true 
foundation  of  God's  eternal,  righteous  will. 

It  is  at  this  point  that  we  see  the  great  distinguishing 
feature  of  the  Hebrew  religion  from  the  time  of  Moses 
(himself  a  prophet)  onwards.  No  other  race  possessed 
such  an  order  of  men.  It  is  not  so  much  in  their 
priests  and  their  institutions  that  Israel  was  distin- 
guished from  other  ancient  peoples  of  the  world,  for 
other  Semitic  peoples  exhibit  in  these  respects  parallels 
more  or  less  close.  But  Israel  is  distinguished  by  those 
large  progressive  ideas  instilled  by  the  Hebrew  prophets 
which  enabled  Israel,  and  through  Israel  mankind, 
"  by  divers  portions  and  in  divers  manners  "  (Heb.  li) 
"  to  rise  on  stepping-stones  of  their  dead  selves  to 
higher  things-" 

Literature. — Nowack,  Hebrdische  Archdologie  :  Ben- 
zinger.  Hebrdische  Archdologie  * ;  W.  R.  Smith,  The 
Religion  oj  the  Sem  ites  ^ ;  Wellhausen.  Reste  arabi- 
schen  Heidenlums^.,  Prolegomena  to  the  His  ory  of 
Israel ;  Lagrange,  Etudes  sur  les  Religions  Simitiqves*; 
Schiirer.  History  of  the  Jewish  People  in  the  Time 
of  Christ.  Of  the  older  Uterature,  J.  Spencer's  De 
Legibus  Hebrcporum  Rit^ialibiis  is  valuable.  There  is 
at  present  no  English  work  corresponding  to  Nowack's 
or  Benzingers  the  volume  in  Int.  Thcol.  Lib.  has 
been  entrusted  to  G.  B.  Gray.  Meanwhile  the  English 
reader  may  study  the  subject  in  works  on  OTT  and 
the  Rehgion  of  Israel  (see  p.  97)  ;  in  valuable  articles 
on  the  various  topics  in  HDB.  EBi.  HSDB,  EB", 
Herzog-Hauck  Reahncyclopmlie.  the  Jewish  Encyclo- 
pedia ;  and  in  commentaries,  esp.  Nu.,  Dt..  Jg.,  in 
ICC  ;  Ex.,  Lev.,  Nu.,  in  CB  and  Cent.B.;  Ex.  in  West.C. 
The  commentaries  in  HK  and  KHC  are  also  to  be 
recommended. 


THE  SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS  OF  ISRAEL 

By  Professor  WILFRID  J.  MOULTON 


The  writings  of  the  OT  reflect  many  stages  in  the 
history  of  the  Hebrew  people.  The  stories  of  the 
patriarchs  and  various  references  in  later  days,  such 
as  Dt.  265fi'.,  32io,  as  well  as  the  survival  of  the  clan 
of  the  Rechabites  (2  K.  IO15,  Jer.  35),  point  back  to  a 
nomad  period  when  the  life  closely  resembled  that  of 
the  modem  Bedouin.  From  the  settlement  in  Pales- 
tine up  to  the  reign  of  Solomon  we  see  a  peasant  popu- 
lation growing  into  a  race  of  sturdy  yeomen.  From 
the  days  of  Solomon  onwards  intercourse  with  sur- 
rounding nations  changed  the  people  from  a  self-con- 
tained community  into  a  bi.-y  nation  of  traders,  and 
brought  in  a  multitude  of  foreign  arts  and  modes  of 
life.  Even  after  the  return  from  the  Exile,  despite 
all  efforts  to  seclude  the  people  within  the  hedge  of 
the  Law,  the  flood  of  foreign  influences  continued  to 
pour  in,  until  in  the  days  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
Hellenism  threatened  to  submerge  Judaism  altogether. 
It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  no  single  view  cf  the  social 
institutions  of  Israel  can  be  given.  The  present  article 
can  do  little  more  than  comment  on  some  phases  of 
the  progress  revealed  in  the  OT.  Yet  it  is  not  hard  to 
show  how  the  same  projihotic  spirit  which  purged  the 
religious  conceptions  of  the  people  and  wrought  out 
the  victorious  faith  of  later  days  was  active  also  in 
creating  truer  social  ideals  and  in  criticising  the 
failures  and  corruptions  of  the  developing  social  life. 

The  subject  will  be  dealt  with  under  three  main 
headings  :  A.  The  Family.  B.  The  Life  of  Trade  and 
Commerce.     C.  The  Commimity. 

A.  THE    FAMILY 

In  all  the  early  records  of  Israel  the  family  is  counted 
as  of  supreme  importance,  and  within  the  family  the 
father  ranks  as  undisputed  head.  The  tribes  are  pre- 
sented as  the  natural  expansion  of  the  family  into  the 
clan,  and  the  genealogies  trace  back  their  origin  by 
male  descent  from  a  single  ancestor.  Hence  to  the 
historians  of  t '10  Exodus  the  "  heads  of  fathers'  houses  " 
appear  as  the  natuiai  chieftains  of  the  people.  Bej'ond 
the  natural  ties  of  kinship  and  possessions  the  family 
was  held  together  by  a  religious  bond.  As  the  ritual 
of  the  Passover  shows  (Ex.  123ff.,  ISsff.),  the  father 
acted  as  house-priest,  airecting  the  worship  of  the 
family.  In  later  days  the  family  gathers  for  its  yearly 
sacrifice  at  some  sanctuary  (1  S.  I3),  or  keeps  its  annual 
rehgious  festival  in  its  own  city,  at  which  every  member 
is  expected  to  be  present  (1  S.  206,29).  Similarly  Job 
is  represented  as  acting  as  priest  on  behalf  of  his 
family  (I5). 

In  earlier  timers  the  father  possessed  the  right  of 
life  and  death  over  his  children.  This  is  illustrated 
in  the  stories  of  Abraham  and  Isaac  (Gen.  22),  and  of 
Jephthah's  daughter  (Jg.  Il34f.).  Similarly  in  the 
Book  of  the  Covenant  a  father  has  the  right  to  sell 


his  daughter  as  a  bond -servant  (Ex.  21 7).  But  in 
later  times  this  right  ceased  to  be  despotic.  In  Dt. 
21i8f.  the  incorrigible  son  is  liable  to  the  death  penalty, 
but  this  must  be  inflicted  by  the  decision  of  an  im- 
partial tribunal.  Later  still,  as  in  Pr.  30i 7,  disobedience 
to  parents  is  cited  as  something  which  brings  the 
offender  to  a  bad  end,  but  not  as  an  offence  punishable 
by  law. 

In  this  development  we  can  see  the  growth  cf  the 
sense  of  individual  personality.  Wliereas  in  the  story 
of  Achan  the  whole  family  is  held  guilty  for  the  sin  of 
its  head  (Jos.  724  f.),  and  Saul's  descendants  suffer  for 
the  sins  of  their  ancestor  (2  S.  21),  the  law  of  Deutero- 
nomy' (24 16)  limits  responsibility  to  the  actual  trans- 
gressor, and  Ezekiel  and  Jeremiah  insist  that  "  the  son 
shall  not  bear  the  iniquity  of  the  father,  neither  shall  the 
fatlicr  bear  the  iniquity  of  the  son."  "The  soul  that 
siimeth,  it  shall  die  "  (Ezck.  I820.  Jer.  3I30). 

Husband  and  Wife. — Throughout  the  OT  polygamy 
was  recognised  and  generally  practised.  The  wife 
was  purchased  with  a  marriage-price,  and  became  part 
of  her  husband's  property.  In  the  Decalogue  she  is 
mentioned  as  part  cf  his  wealth.  The  humane  legis- 
lation of  Dt.  21 15  interposes  for  the  protection  of  the 
children  of  the  less  favoured  wife.  The  same  law-bock 
regulates  the  practice  of  divorce,  requiring  some 
definite  and  substantial  ground,  and  a  proper  legal 
instrument  (24if.).  Yet  we  should  err  in  supposing 
that  a  wife's  position  was  onlj'  that  of  a  slave.  In 
Ex.  2l8  and  Dt.  21 14  it  is  enacted  that  no  woman, 
not  even  one  bought  as  a  slave  or  taken  captive  in 
war,  may  be  scld  into  slavery  when  once  her  master 
has  entered  into  marriage  relationships  with  her. 
In  practice,  force  of  character  was  always  able  to  win 
outstanding  influence,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  story 
of  Deborah  and  the  picture  of  the  good  housewife  in 
Pr.  31ioff.  Moreover,  the  whole  prophetic  movement 
was  towards  monogamy.  Hosea  sees  in  liis  love  for 
his  sinful  wife  the  symbol  of  God's  patient  love  for 
rebellious  Israel.  Jeremiah  speaks  of  the  time  when 
Israel  followed  her  God,  as  a  bride  in  the  love  of  her 
espousals  (2if.).  Malachi  protests  that  divorce  is 
against  the  Divine  will  (2i6).  And  in  the  story  of 
the  institution  of  marriage  (Gen.  224)  our  Lord  found 
lying  latent  the  principle  of  the  ideal  union  between 
man  and  woman  (Mk.  102ff.). 

As  to  the  actual  marriage  ceremony  we  have  little 
information.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  purely 
secular  act,  and  was  not  accompanied  by  any  religious 
rites.  Such  customs  as  are  mentioned — the  bringing 
of  the  bride  to  her  husband's  home,  richly  dressed  and 
accompanied  by  troops  of  rejoicing  friends  (Ps.  45. 
Is.  49i8) — resemble  Oriental  practices  of  the  present 
day.  The  Song  of  Songs  is  very  probably  a  series  of 
lyrics  sung  during  the  week  of  wedding  festivities 
(pp.  418f.). 


THE   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS   OF    ISRAEL 


109 


The  Home. — The  oldest  form  of  dwelling  spoken  of 
in  the  OT  is  the  tent.  According  to  tradition  the 
ancestors  of  Israel  were  tent-dwellers,  and  the  memory 
of  this  time  remained  long  afterwards  in  the  proverb, 
"  To  your  tents,  0  Israel  !  "  (2  S.  20i).  In  its  simple 
form  the  tent  was  of  one  compartment  only,  separated 
into  two  by  a  hanging  curtain  screening  the  women's 
apartment  from  the  public  room.  Long  after  the 
settlement  in  Canaan  the  Kenites  (Jg.  4i7),  as  well 
as  the  Rechabites  (Jer.  356-io),  remained  true  to  their 
ancestral  customs  and  dwelt  in  tents.  A  richer  family 
would  possess  a  number  of  teiits  (Gen.  2467,  3I33). 
Like  the  tent,  the  peasants'  houses  consisted  often  of 
one  room  only,  with  floors  of  beaten  mud.  Larger 
houses  had  two  rooms  separated  by  a  court.  Large 
families  might  have  a  number  of  courts  with  rooms 
opening  out  of  them,  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
several  households.  The  upper  room  spoken  of  in 
Jg.  820  (Heb.  "  upper  chamber  of  cooling  "),  as  also 
in  2  K.  4 10,  was  an  additional  story  raised  above  the 
flat  roof  of  the  house  at  one  corner,  or  upon  a  tower- 
like annex  to  the  building.  The  battlement  or 
parapet  (Dt.  228)  guarded  the  part  of  the  roof  which 
was  left  open,  and  was  used  either  for  recreation  or 
for  household  purposes  (Jos.  26,  Jg.  I627,  1  S.  Qasf., 
Jer,  1913).  The  roof  was  reached  by  a  ladder  or  rough 
staircase  passing  up  the  outside  of  the  house,  or  along 
one  of  the  walls  of  the  court.  In  later  days  the 
prophets  lament  the  growing  luxury  of  the  rich,  who 
built  themselves  houses  of  hewn  stone  (Am.  5ii),  with 
spacious  chambers,  panelled  with  cedar  (Hag.  I3*),  and 
lavishly  adorned  (Jer.  2  2i3f.).  In  the  prophets  also  we 
find  references  to  silken  cushions  and  divans  with  frames 
inlaid  with  ivory  (Am.  3x2,  64),  marks  of  a  luxury 
foreign  to  the  simpler  traditions  of  Israel.  The  win- 
dows were  not  of  glass,  but  consisted  of  a  frame  of 
lattice  across  the  lower  half  (1  K.  64),  the  upper  part 
being  either  barred  or  left  open.  In  large  houses  a 
doorkeeper  guarded  the  entrance  (2  S.  46,  RVm), 
sleeping  at  night  in  a  small  room  just  within  the 
entrance.  His  position  outside  the  life  of  the  family 
is  referred  to  in  Ps.  84io.  The  doorways  were  often 
highly  ornamented  (Is.  o4i2),  whilst,  according  to  the 
law  of  Dt.  69,  sentences  from  Scripture  were  inscribed 
upon  the  posts. 

Inheritance. — According  to  Hebrew  theory  the  whole 
land  was  the  gift  of  God  to  the  people,  and  was  divided 
amongst  the  tribes  so  as  to  secure  a  share  to  each 
family  and  clan  (Nu.  32-34,  Jos.  14i-5,  I81-10).  To 
this  ancestral  land  the  Israelite  felt  himself  bound  by 
the  closest  ties.  The  tenacity  with  which  Naboth 
clung  to  the  inheritance  of  his  fathers  illustrates  the 
strength  of  this  principle  (1  K.  21),  and  the  horror 
excited  by  Ahab's  tyrannical  disregard  of  it  contri- 
buted largely  to  the  success  of  the  rebellion  of  Jehu, 
lu  the  law  of  the  year  of  Jubile  (Lev.  25)  provision  is 
made  that  land  shall  not  be  finally  alienated  from  its 
origmal  proprietors.  Purchase  of  land  is  thus  reduced 
to  the  granting  of  a  lease  of  fifty  years  at  the  longest. 
It  is  very  doubtful  whether  this  law,  which  occurs 
only  in  the  later  Codes,  was  ever  effectually  enforced. 
The  denunciations  of  the  earlier  proj)hcts  (cf.  Is.  58) 
suggest  that  it  could  not  be  appealed  to  in  their  days. 
But  the  right  of  pre-emption  and  the  power  of  purchase 
by  a  kinsman  is  referred  to  in  Jer.  326ff.,  and  is  un- 
doubtedly an  ancient  custom. 

The  natural  heir  of  the  family  estate  was  the  eldest 
son.  There  are  indeed  many  stories  which  show  how 
younger  sons  succeeded  to  their  fathers'  influence ; 
we  need  only  mention  such  names  as  Isaac,  Ephraim, 
Solomon.     But  the  law  of  Dt.  insists  on  the  right  of 


the  firstborn  to  a  share  twice  as  large  as  that  of  his 
brothers,  and  seeks  to  protect  him  against  the  designs 
of  a  favourite  wife  (21 15-17).  We  have  no  means  of 
deciding  whether  the  landed  property  was  divided. 
It  is  most  likely  that  it  passed  to  the  eldest  son,  who 
would  make  some  kind  of  provision  for  his  brothers. 
To  him  also  passed  the  obhgation  of  maintaining  any 
unmarried  female  members  of  the  family. 

The  Priestly  Code  (Nu.  275-10)  gives  a  formal  state- 
ment of  the  law  of  inheritance.  Where  there  were 
no  sons  the  property  passed  to  daughters,  failu:g  them 
to  brothers,  failing  brothers  to  uncles,  and  failing  them 
to  the  next  of  kin  on  tire  father's  side.  As  the  wife 
became  a  member  of  the  husband's  clan,  her  own 
relatives  are  not  recognised  in  the  distribution  of 
property.  Heiresses  were  expected  to  marry  into  their 
own  clan  (Nu.  366),  and  a  member  of  another  elan 
marrying  an  heiress  joined  her  clan  (Ezr.  26i,  Neh. 
763).     The  meaning  of  these  provisions  is  obvious. 

Instances  arc  not  wanting  where,  as  with  the  Arabs 
before  Mohammed,  a  widow  could  be  inherited  like 
the  rest  of  a  man's  property  (cf.  2  S.  1 62 off.).  Levirate 
marriage  (Dt.  2551!.  *)  provided  that  a  childless  widow 
should  be  retained  as  a  member  cf  her  husband's  clan 
by  marriage  with  his  brother  or  kinsman.  Failing 
this  she  might  return  to  her  own  family  (Lev,  22i3, 
Ru.  Isf.),  where  she  was  free  to  marry  again.  Such 
provisions  must  often  have  failed  in  securing  her 
interests,  and  Dt,  IO18,  24i7,  27i9,  as  well  as  the 
prophets  (Is.  I17,  IO2,  Jer.  76,  223,  etc),  present  her 
claims  to  compassion  with  much  earnestness. 

The  whole  purpose  of  these  laws  and  customs  was 
to  secure  the  economic  independence  of  the  family, 
by  ensuring  perpetual  access  to  the  land,  and  by 
preventing  any  such  absolute  property  in  laud  as 
would  permit  the  building  up  of  great  estates  exclusively 
held.  The  growth  of  commercialism  and  other  social 
causes  made  this  ideal  impracticable.  But  the  way  in 
which  it  recurs  m  the  latest  strata  of  legislation  shows 
its  constant  attraction  for  the  Hebrew  mind. 

Education. — No  schools  are  spoken  of  in  the  OT. 
The  "  Schools  of  the  Prophets  "  were  associations  or 
brotherhoods  of  men  united  by  a  common  zeal  for  the 
God  of  Israel,  and  we  have  no  traces  of  any  literary 
activities  in  connexion  with  them.  That  the  people 
were  by  no  means  illiterate  may  be  conjectured  from 
the  written  record  left  by  the  workmen  who  excavated 
the  tunnel  from  the  Virgin's  Spring  to  the  pool  of 
Siloam  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah.  Amongst  the  writ- 
ing prophets,  Amos  and  Micah  sprang  from  the  ranks 
of  the  people.  Regular  officials  kept  the  royal  annals. 
Is.  IO19  refers  to  trees  so  few  "  that  a  child  could  write 
them," 

In  the  main,  however,  the  parents  were  the  chief 
teachers  of  their  children  and  the  home  the  onlj^  school. 
The  moral  instruction  of  the  children  is  emphasized  as 
one  of  the  weightiest  obligations  of  the  father.  Within 
the  home  there  was  to  be  constant  conversation  about 
the  claims  of  Yahweh  and  remembrance  of  His  redeem- 
ing acts  (Dt.  67,  11 19).  The  recurrence  of  national 
festivals  served  to  introduce  the  recital  of  the  provi- 
dential history  of  the  past  (Ex.  13sff,  Ps.  784ff).  The 
part  taken  by  the  mother  is  mentioned  in  Pr.  620,31 1. 

It  would  appear  that  the  sons  of  prominent  men 
were  placed  under  the  care  of  guardians  who  would 
naturally  be  teachers  also  (2  K.  10i,5,  1  Ch.  2732). 

Apart  from  these  scanty  references  it  may  be  safely 
conjectured  that  instruction  was  given  at  the  various 
sanctuaries  by  the  priests  who  were  the  natural 
guardians  of  the  knowledge  of  the  day.  The  Israelites 
enterc4  into  a  land  which  was  already  a  seat  of  an 


no 


THE   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


ancient  civilisation,  aa  the  excavations  at  Gozer  and 
eleewhere  make  manifest.  Statesmen,  annalists, 
phyBicians,  prophets  must  all  have  acquired  the  know- 
ledge needful  for  their  calling,  and  schools  of  some  sort 
must  have  been  present.  The  class  of  "  Wise  Men  " 
whose  sayings  are  pre3erve<l  in  Pr.  and  who  are  spoken 
of  in  Ec.  may  have  given  oral  teaching  at  least,  as  did 
the  contemporary  Sophists  in  Greece. 

Hospitality. — Tliis  is  so  marked  a  feature  of  Oriental 
life  that  it  deser%(s  mention.  A  guest  is  sacred  and 
his  person  inviolable.  Narratives  like  Gen.  ISif, 
2431,  Ex.  220,  show  the  sense  of  this  duty.  Offences 
against  the  law  of  hospitality  were  sternly  punished 
(Jg.  20).  In  Ps.  233,  Pr.  I810,  t!ie  security  of  those 
who  are  the  guests  of  God  is  strikingly  expressed. 

The  law  of  the  ger  or  sojourner,  the  resident  foreigner 
(Lev.  178f.*,  Dt.  I16*,  IO18,  1429,  etc.,  Mai.  35),  is  an 
extension  of  tliis  thought.  He  dwelt  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  family  or  the  tribe,  and  therefore  under  the 
care  of  the  God  in  whose  land  he  was  a  guest.  The 
story  of  the  Gibeonites  (Jos.  9)  shows  how  this  status, 
even  when  acquired  by  fraud,  was  sacredly  respected, 
though  service  might  be  required  in  return. 

Slaves. — Throughout  the  OT  period  slaves  were 
regular  members  of  Hebrew  households.  Many  of 
these  were  foreigners,  either  prisoners  of  war  or  ac- 
quired by  purchase.  Although  they  ranked  as  the 
property  of  their  mastei-s  they  had  rights  which  were 
carefully  safeguarded  by  legislation  and  custom  (Ex.  21 
20  f.  26f.).  A  female  slave  could  be  incorporated  into 
the  family  by  marriage  (Dt.  21ioff.);  a  slave  might 
marry  his  master's  daughter  (1  Cli.  234f.) ;  and  in  case 
there  was  no  son  might  inherit  the  property  (Gen.  15cf.). 
Further  regulations  ensured  the  participation  of  slaves 
both  in  the  sabbath  rest  and  in  the  great  festivals  (Ex. 
2O10,  Dt.  12i8,  I611).  Even  the  runaway  slave  was 
taken  under  the  protection  of  the  law  (Dt.  23i6). 
Slavery  in  most  countries  has  been  productive  of 
many  social  evils.  As  safeguarded  in  Israel  it  pro- 
duced many  benefits.  It  provided  for  the  gradual 
incorporation  of  many  aliens  into  the  national  life  and 
so  assimilated  the  heterogeneous  peoples  of  Palestine ; 
it  afforded  a  safe  position  to  many  who  might  other- 
wise have  become  -vagrants  ;  and  it  developed  the  spirit 
of  benevolence.  Kindness  to  elaves  was  counted 
amongst  the  cliief  virtues  of  an  upright  man  (Job  30 
13,  Pr.  30io).  The  presence  of  Hebrew  slaves  was 
caused  by  family  misfortunes.  Children  of  struggling 
families  might  be  sold  into  slavery  to  keep  the  patri- 
mony intact.  In  the  disorganisation  caused  by  the 
wars  in  the  times  of  the  monarchy,  and  through  dearth 
and  famine,  manj'  families  were  reduced  to  destitution. 
Debtora,  and  thieves  who  were  unable  to  make  restitu- 
tion, could  be  sold  (Ex.  222,  2  K.  4i,  Am.  2<j,  80.  etc.). 
The  law  of  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  limited  the  length 
of  a  Hebrew's  servitude  to  six  years  (Ex.  2I2).  From 
Jer.  348-17  it  is  clear  that  this  merciful  pro\'ision  was 
often  overridden.  Post-exilic  legislation  held  it  in- 
tolerable that  a  Hebrew  Khoukl  be  kept  as  a  slave  by 
one  of  his  own  nation,  and  required  that  he  should  be 
treated  as  a  hired  servant  (Lev.  203 off.).  In  the  spirit 
of  this  legislation  Nehemiah  intervened  to  reileem  the 
Jewish  slaves  of  foreign  masters  (Neh.  05-8).  The 
words  of  Lev.  2041 — "  He  shall  return  unto  his  own 
family,  and  unto  the  possession  of  his  fathers  shall  he 
return  " — show  the  persistence  of  the  ancient  ideal  of 
a  nation  of  families,  each  posses«!ing  its  own  share  of 
the  land,  an  ideal  which  neither  slavery  nor  misfortune 
had  been  able  to  destroy. 

Mourning. — The  usual  disposal  of  the  dead  was  by 
burial  (Gen.  23 19,  etc.).    To  bum  a  dead  body  is  re- 


garded in  Am.  2i  as  a  sin  against  common  humanity 
meriting  the  punishment  of  Yahweh.  The  bodies  of 
notorious  wrong-doers  were  in  some  cases  burnt  as  an 
aggravation  of  the  penalty  of  death  (Jos.  725,  Lev.  20 
14,217).  In  comiexion  with  funeral  ceremonies  the 
ordinary  Oriental  practices  were  followed ;  hired 
mourners  added  their  lamentations  (Am.  5i6,  Jer.  9i7, 
Ec.  123) ;  outward  signs  of  grief  such  as  the  rending  of 
garments,  wearing  of  sackcloth,  and  sprinkhng  earth 
upon  the  head  are  freely  named  (2  S.  33if.,  I319). 
Besides  these  practices  there  are  references  to  certain 
cuttings  and  shaving  of  portions  of  the  head  as  existent 
down  to  at  least  the  time  of  Jeremiah  (Jer.  166,  4I5, 
Am.  8io,  Is.  324,  22i2).  These  practices  are  forbidden 
in  Dt.  14if.,  Lev.  I928*.  They  undoubtedly  had 
heathen  associations,  and  may  have  becui  designed  to 
help  in  concluding  a  covenant  with  the  departed,  at 
whoso  grave  the  shed  blood  or  cut  hair  might  be  offered  ; 
or,  as  Kautzsch  conjectures,  may  go  back  to  an  ani- 
mistic stage  where  it  was  desired  to  make  the  hving 
unrecognisable  by  the  malevolent  spirits  of  the  dead. 
Whatever  the  original  meaning  may  have  been,  the 
motive  of  the  prohibition  in  Dt.  is  the  reminder  that 
the  Israelites  are  the  children  of  Yahweh,  and  must  not 
imitate  the  maimers  of  the  surrounding  peoples. 

B.  THE    LIFE    OF   TRADE   AND    COiMERCE 

The  land  of  Palestine  is  singularly  well  situated  for 
the  home  of  a  busy  trading  community.  Northwards 
through  the  Lcbanons  there  was  access  to  the  great 
empires  of  Mesopotamia  ;  on  the  south-west  there  was 
constant  communication  with  Egypt,  whilst  caravan 
routes  connected  it  with  Arabia  on  the  south  ;  on  the 
west  lay  the  Mediterranean  Sea  and  the  road  to  Europe. 
In  the  ancient  world  the  land  was  thus  a  meeting-place 
of  many  of  the  chief  lines  of  communication. 

Yet  for  a  large  part  of  the  history  of  Israel  these 
advantages  were  of  httle  service  to  the  Hebrews. 
Through  almost  all  the  history  a  belt  of  foreign  territory 
separated  the  people  from  the  sea-coast.  It  was  not 
till  144  B.r.  that  the  port  of  Joppa  passed  into  the  pos- 
session of  Israel.  The  way  in  which  the  sea  is  pictured 
throughout  the  OT  as  the  symbol  of  a  power  hostile 
to  God  and  to  man  (Is.  I7i2ft'.,  Job  7i2,  Ps.  93.  etc.). 
shows  how  foreign  this  element  was  to  the  genius  of 
the  Israelites,  though  the  northern  tribes  may  have 
made  some  maritime  ventures  (Gen.  49i3).  Moreover 
idealistic  pictures,  such  as  that  of  Jos.  21 43-44,  which 
represent  the  invading  tsribes  as  securing  possession  of 
the  whole  land,  have  to  be  corrected  by  the  more  sober 
records  of  the  Book  of  Judges.  There  we  see  how  the 
separate  triljcs,  after  the  death  of  Joshua,  had  to  fight 
to  secure  their  territory  and  were  compelled  to  leave 
many  of  the  stronger  C'anaanitish  cities  miconquei-ed. 
In  the  end,  besides  the  maritime  cities  of  Phoenicia 
and  Philistia,  a  strong  line  of  fortresses — Taanach, 
Megiddo,  Bethshan — secured  to  their  former  inhabi- 
tants the  richest  inland  plain,  the  valley  of  the  Kishon. 
Further  south  the  strongholds  of  Ajalon,  Gezer,  and 
Jebus  shut  off  almost  completely  the  tribes  of  Judah 
and  Benjamin  from  the  rest  of  the  Israelites.  The 
mastei-s  of  these  fortresses  made  communication  dan- 
gerous (c/.  Jg.  56f.).  Not  till  the  days  of  the  monarchy 
was  Israel  able  to  enjoy  the  natural  advantages  of  its 
country.  Thus  though  the  Israelites  entered  a  land 
which,  as  the  Amama  letters  show,  was  in  the  main 
route  of  a  great  trade  between  Egypt  and  Northern 
Syria  and  Babylonia,  and  though  some  of  the  fruits  of 
that  trade  were  amongst  the  prizes  which  they  won 
(c/.  Jos.  721,  Dt.  610  f.),  they  themselves  were  driven  off 


THE   SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


111 


the  main  lines  and  were  for  a  long  time  confined  chiefly 
to  agricultural  and  pastoral  occirpations. 

Pastoral  and  Agricultural  Life. — Tlie  Btories  of 
Genesis  depict  the  ancestors  of  Israel  as  hving  a  simple 
pastoral  life.  The  laws  of  the  Book  of  the  Covenant 
are  directed  to  a  people  which  has  passed  a  little  beyond 
this  stage.  Most  of  them  refer  to  agricultural  con- 
ditions, and  none  of  them  has  to  do  with  conditions  of 
life  in  walled  towns.  We  must  think  of  scattered 
groups  of  famiUes  and  clans,  settling  down  on  the  con- 
quered estates,  hving  the  lives  of  shepherds  and  hus- 
bandmen. Pictures  of  the  laborious  life  of  the  shep- 
herd, with  the  constant  exposure  to  extremes  of  heat 
and  cold,  and  the  need  of  long  night  watclungs,  are 
found  in  Gen.  3I40  (c/.  1  S.  1734ff.,  Ezek.  344fE.).  The 
numbering  of  the  cattle  as  they  pass  beneath  the 
shepherd's  rod  (Lev.  2732,  Ezek.  2O37),  the  gathering 
of  the  herds  into  the  folds  (Nu.  32 16),  their  defence 
against  marauding  wild  beasts  (Jer.  49i9),  give 
gUmpses  of  the  daily  work  and  are  used  freely  as 
symbols  of  religious  truth. 

The  year  of  the  agriculturist  was  divided  into  the 
dry  season,  April  to  October,  within  which  months  fell 
all  the  harvests,  and  the  wet  season,  October  to  April, 
marked  by  the  early  and  the  latter  rains.  Methods  of 
cultivation  have  changed  httle  in  the  East  up  to  the 
present  day,  and  do  not  call  for  detailed  notice.  In 
Is.  2823-29  the  simple  art  of  the  farmer  is  ascribed  to 
the  teacliing  wisdom  of  God  and  made  to  illustrate  the 
Divine  dealings  with  men.  There  three  distinct 
methods  of  threshing  are  mentioned.  We  have  the 
beating  with  a  flail  (Jg.  611,  Ru.  2i7) ;  treatling  -mith 
the  feet  of  cattle  (Dt.  2.54,  Mic.  4i3) ;  drawing  a  heavy 
wooden  sledge,  with  sharp  stones  or  iron  spikes  fixed 
beneath  it,  or  a  wagon  with  sharp-edged  wheels,  over 
the  grain. 

The  cultivation  of  the  vine  was  very  general,  some- 
times (c/.  Is.  723-25),  on  mountainous  lands  over  which 
the  plough  could  not  be  drawn,  which  had  to  be  pre- 
pared for  sowing  by  the  hoe  or  mattock.  The  mne- 
press  consisted  mostly  of  two  troughs  of  different 
levels,  often  hewn  out  of  the  sohd  rock  (Is.  03).  The 
trampling  of  the  grapes,  with  the  staining  of  the  gar- 
ments of  the  treaders,  affords  the  terrible  figure  of 
Is.  632.  The  various  processes  in  the  maldng  of  wine 
may  be  illustrated  by  a  few  references.  The  freslily 
expressed  grape  juice  might  be  drunk  at  once  before 
fermentation  began.  In  this  sense  the  vats  are  said 
to  overflow  with  "  new  wine  "  or  "  must  "  (.11.  224). 
Before  wine,  properly  so  called,  was  made,  it  was 
drawn  off  from  the  vats  and  left  for  the  lees  to  settle. 
This  process  was  repeated  several  times,  with  succes- 
sive pourings  from  vessel  to  vessel,  until  the  colour  and 
botly  was  sufficiently  fixed.  The  product  was  then 
"  wine  on  the  lees  well  refined  "  (Is.  256).  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  was  left  standing  too  long  on  the  lees  it 
became  thick  and  sjTupy,  lacking  the  sparkle  of  the 
better  wines,  and  soon  turning  bad.  It  is  from  this 
that  the  metaphor  of  Jer.  48ii,  Zeph.  I12,  is  derived. 
Wine  left  undisturbed  in  this  way  took  tlie  coarser  taste 
and  smell  of  the  lees,  just  as  Moab's  freedom  from  dis- 
cipline had  confirmed  it  in  its  ancient  faults,  and  the  men 
of  Jerusalem  had  settled  down  in  sloth  and  unbelief. 

Many  references  show  how  the  social  life  of  the 
people  found  its  most  joyous  expression  in  celebrating 
the  first-fruits  of  flock,  herd,  and  field,  and  in  rejoicing 
over  the  successive  harvests  of  com,  fruit,  oil  and  wine. 
(For  the  rehgious  significance  of  these  feasts  see  pp. 
98,  101-104.) 

Trades. — With  the  growth  of  city  life  came  the 
development  of  the  ordinary  trades.     The  Bedouins 


of  to-day  practise  no  trades  but  those  of  the  smith  and 
the  worker  in  leather.  This  was  probably  the  case  in 
the  early  days  of  Israel,  where  all  that  was  needful  for 
the  clothing  of  the  family  and  for  the  simple  furniture 
of  the  house  was  made  at  home  (r.j.  IS.  2iq,  and  much 
later  Pr.  31i3ff.).  But  with  the  growth  of  larger  com- 
munities the  division  of  labour  became  necessary.  In 
the  fashion  common  in  the  East  separate  streets  were 
occupied  by  workers  in  one  trade,  cf.  "  the  bakers' 
street ' '  in  Jer.  372 1 .  The  Chronicler  speaks  of  locaUties 
that  were  the  seat  of  special  trades,  such  as  "  the 
valley  of  craftsmen,"  the  workers  in  fine  linen  of  Beth 
Ashbea,  the  potters  of  Netaim  and  Gederah  (1  Ch.  4i4, 
21,23).  In  Nell.  38  we  find  references  to  families  of 
goldsmiths  and  apothecaries,  or  dealers  in  perfumes. 
The  earlier  prophetic  references  to  trade  are  not  sym- 
pathetic, and  the  besetting  sins  of  business  are  often 
castigated  (Am.  26,  4i,  84ff.,  jMic.  2f.,  etc.).  Through 
such  passages  there  breathes  the  regret  for  the  older 
and  simpler  hfe.  But  Isaiah's  picture  of  Tyre  (23) 
looks  forward  to  the  day  when  the  gain  of  her  com- 
merce shall  be  consecrated  to  Yahweh.  In  later 
Judaism  it  was  counted  part  of  the  duty  of  every 
father  to  teach  his  son  a  trade. 

Commerce. — Foreign  trade  in  Israel  hardly  began 
until  the  victories  of  David  over  Phihstia,  Moab, 
Ammon  and  Edom  gave  him  the  command  of  the 
trade-routes  to  the  south  and  cast,  and  made  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  Tyre  possible  (2  S.  5iif,), 
Under  Solomon  a  great  extension  took  place.  Solomon 
kept  control  of  the  caravan  route  leading  through 
Edom  to  Elath,  the  modern  Akaba,  on  the  NE.  arm  of 
the  Red  Sea.  From  there  his  na.v\-,  manned  by  Phoe- 
nician sailors,  sailed  to  Ophir,  situated  most  likely  in 
Eastern  Arabia  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf. 
With  Sheba,  known  in  later  days  as  the  seat  of  a  com- 
mercial empire  in  the  SW.  of  Arabia,  he  conducted  a 
land  trade.  As  the  text  of  1  K.  IO28  stands  he  had  an 
extensive  trade  in  horses  with  Egypt.  But  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  real  seat  of  this  trade  lay  far  north,  in 
Cappadocia  and  Cilicia.  As  exports  we  read  of  honey, 
balm,  wheat,  and  oil  to  Phoenicia  (1  K  5ii,  Ezek.  27i7); 
as  well  as  spice,  myrrh,  nuts,  and  almonds  to  Esrypt 
(Gen.  3725,  43ii).  The  long  list  of  imports  in  1  K.  10 
10-25  includes  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  timber, 
ivcry,  horses  and  mules,  apes  and  peacocks,  and 
armour.  There  seems  so  great  a  disparity  between  the 
value  of  the  imports  and  exports  that  other  sources  for 
Solomon's  wealth  must  be  sought.  It  seems  clear  that 
behind  the  confused  text  of  1  K.  IO15  there  hes  an 
allusion  to  a  tariff  levied  on  the  commerce  carried  on 
in  Solomon's  sphere  of  influence.  He  would  derive  a 
large  income  from  custom  dues  imposed  on  the  transit 
trade  between  Arabia  and  the  Levant.  Along  these 
routes  he  possessed  store-cities,  arsenals  containing 
materials  of  war,  as  well  as  magazines  of  provisions 
and  emporia  of  trade  (1  K.  919).  It  is  an  interesting 
question  how  far  the  people  as  a  whole  participated  in 
this  trade,  and  how  far  it  remained  a  royal  preroga- 
tive. The  fact  that  "  Canaanite  "  or  "  "Phoenician  " 
means  "  trader"  in  Job  416,  Pr.  3I24,  and  that  in 
Ho3.  127,  Zeph.  In,  "Canaan"  is  used  for  "the 
merchant  jwople,"  suggests  that  the  early  trade  of 
Israel  was  largely  carried  on  by  Phoenicians,  who 
would  be  the  paid  serv-ants  of  the  king.  But  from 
1  K.  2O34  we  learn  that  Ahab  secured  for  his  subjects 
trading  rights  in  Damascus.  After  Solomon's  death 
the  growing  power  of  Syria,  as  well  as  the  divisions 
between  Israel  and  Judah,  caused  a  great  shrinkage  of 
foreign  trade.  Judah  soon  lost  the  route  to  the  Red 
Sea,  though  Jehoshaphat  made  a  fruitless  attempt  to 


112 


THE   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS   OP   ISRAEL 


renow  the  trade  with  Ophir  (1  K.  2248).  Later,  after 
tlie  conquests  of  Jeroboam  II,  trade  revived  again. 
Isaiah  draws  many  pictiin-s  of  the  busy  commercial  life 
in  Judah.  "  Tlicy  strike  hands  with  the  children  of 
strangci-s,"  and  the  land  is  full  of  foreign  products 
(26f.);  ships  of  Tarshish  are  mentioned  {2i6) ;  while 
the  caravans  that  traftk-ked  with  Egypt  are  scathingly 
described  (."WfS).  It  seems  plain  that,  by  this  time  the 
community  as  a  whole  had  become  a  trading  one. 
Many  social  consequences  resulted,  notablj'  the  break- 
ing up  of  many  of  the  old  ancestral  estates,  and  the 
replacement  of  the  farmers  by  men  who  had  grown  rich 
through  trade  (Is.  58fF.).  The  depopulation  of  rural 
districts,  so  often  the  result  of  a  new  industrialism,  is 
bitterly  reproved  by  the  prophets. 

A  sign  of  this  industrial  progress  is  furnished  by  the 
regulations  of  the  Deuteronomic  Code  with  regard  to 
the  taking  of  interest.  The  Book  of  the  Covenant  had 
forbidden  the  taking  of  interest  on  money  lent  to  the 
poor  (Ex.  2225).  The  thought  of  money  lent  for  com- 
mercial purposes  was  not  present.  In  Dt.  23ig  the 
taking  of  interest  from  a  brother  Israelite  is  still  for- 
bidden, but  it  is  now  permitted  in  the  case  of  a  foreigner. 
The  Bedouins  of  the  present  day  slill  refrain  from  taking 
interest  from  a  countiyman.  The  taking  of  interest 
had  been  long  familiar  in  the  East,  and  is  mentioned  in 
the  Code  of  Hammurabi  (§§  49,  50,  100),  but  though 
permitted  under  restrictions  it  seems  always  to  have 
been  against  the  ideal  conscience  of  Israel.  It  is  men- 
tioned with  disapproval  in  Ezek.  188,i3,i7,  22i2. 
Pr.  288,  Ps.  155.  The  law  of  Dt.  opened  the  door  to 
a  practice  which  never  obtained  general  approval,  at 
least  until  much  later  times.  The  law  of  Dt.  (15if.) 
as  to  the  cancelling  of  debts  in  the  "  year  of  release  " 
refers  to  charitable  loans,  not  lendings  for  business 
purposes.  When,  later,  this  law  was  held  to  refer  also 
to  loans  contracted  in  commerce,  it  was  found  to  be 
impracticable,  and  devices  for  evading  its  provisions 
were  invented. 

During  the  Babylonian  Exile  the  Jews  came  into  con- 
tact with  a  system  cf  banking  and  of  partnerships  for 
trading  purposes  held  to  be  the  origin  of  oar  modern 
commercial  system.  Each  partner  contributed  his  share 
of  capital  to  the  association.  The  exiles  were  coun- 
selled by  Jeremiah  to  take  their  share  in  the  life  of  the 
land  to  which  they  had  been  carried  (294fi.),  and  must 
have  become  acquainted  with  these  customs.  Yet  it 
is  plain  from  the  Priestly  Code  that  its  compilers  had 
little  sympathy  with  or  understanding  cf  such  mctlKds. 
They  fall  back  on  the  old  ideal  of  a  simple  agricultural 
community,  and  the  laws  concerning  property  show 
little  variation  from  those  of  the  earliest  Code.  The 
depressed  and  poverty-stricken  conditions  at  Jeru- 
salem are  reflected  in  the  prophecies  of  Haggai  and 
Zcchariah,  though  Haggai  clings  to  the  hope  of  the 
day  when  the  wealth  of  the  nations  will  be  poured  into 
the  Temple  (27).  The  later  chapters  of  Zech.  hope  for 
the  time  when  foreign  traders  will  be  banished  for  ever 
from  the  holy  city  (142i).  This  spirit,  the  product  of 
the  new  legalism,  Tiiust  have  seriously  hindered  any 
development  of  trade  in  Judah. 

The  growth  of  the  commercial  instincts  which  have 
given  the  Jewish  race  its  preponderating  influence  in 
the  trade  of  the  world  must  be  sought  in  the  Disper- 
sion, at  Alexandria  and  Antioch  and  elsewhere. 
Numerous  indications  fif  this  may  be  found  in  Ecclus. 
and  Josephus,  but  they  fall  outside  the  limits  of  the  OT. 

A  word  may  bo  added  as  to  the  great  market-fairs 
held  at  the  chief  sanctuaries  in  ccmjunction  with  the 
religious  festivals.  It  was  probably  as  a  trader  in 
wool  that  AmoB  was  present  at  Bethel  when  his  pro- 


phetic activity  began  (Am.  7io  ff.).  From  the  blessing 
on  Zebulun  and  Issachar  (Dt.  33i8f.),  it  appears  that 
these  northern  tribes  held  sacrificial  feasts  at  which 
many  foreigners  were  present.  There  the  products  of 
fishing  and  sea-borne  commerce,  and  possibly  glass 
from  the  sand  about  'Akko  were  offered  for  sale. 


0.  THE    COMMUNITY 

Law  and  Justice. — The  early  beginnings  of  govern- 
ment hn  ve  been  traced  under  the  section  on  the  Family. 
With  the  gathering  of  families  into  clans  and  tribes, 
and  during  settled  life  in  Palestine,  more  detailed 
arrangements  became  necessary.  In  the  story  of  the 
desert  wanderings  (Ex.  I813-27,  Dt.  Ii5f.)>  Moses  is 
said  to  have  organised  the  people  for  judicial  purposes 
under  capable  men  of  approved  character.  No  trace 
of  this  arrangement  appears  in  later  days.  On  the  other 
hand  "  the  elders"  (Ex.  3i6*),  either  heads  of  families 
or  the  leading  inhabitants  of  a  particular  district  or 
city,  appear  in  almost  every  period  of  the  histoiy.  In 
Dt.  19i2  they  constitute  the  local  authority  charged 
to  adminster  the  law  in  a  case  of  murder  ;  in  1  S.  4 
they  act  on  behalf  of  the  people  in  a  time  of  national 
danger  ;  in  2  .S.  03  they  offer  the  crown  to  David  ;  in 
I  K.  2l8ff.  the  elders  of  Je7reel  act  on  behalf  of  Jezebel 
and  inflict  and  carry  out  the  sentence  on  Naboth.  No 
indications  are  given  as  to  the  mode  of  their  appoint- 
ment. Their  authority  was  moral  rather  than  legal. 
Their  executive  powers  may  be  illustrated  from  Dt.  21 
iff.,  22i5ff.  The  justice  of  their  actions  might  be 
affirmed  in  the  presence  of  the  priests,  and  in  the 
death-penalty  the  whole  communitj"-  united  to  carry 
out  the  sentence  (Dt.  I77). 

In  the  period  of  the  "  Judges  "  we  are  presented 
with  a  picture  of  a  series  of  leadere  ruling  with  an 
authority  which  was  personal,  and  not  a  matter  of 
descent  or  family  influence.  Amongst  them  appears 
Deborah  the  prophetess,  who  sat  beneath  a  palm  tree 
and  decided  the  causes  of  the  people  in  accordance 
with  the  common  law  of  Israel  (Jg.  45).  The  position 
of  Samuel  is  similar  (1  S.  Tisff.).  His  authority  as 
representative  of  Y'ahweh  is  spoken  of  as  acknow- 
ledged by  the  people  as  a  whole. 

According  to  2  Ch.  194-ii  Jehoshaphat  is  said  to 
have  organised  a  judicial  system  throughout  Judah, 
with  a  court  of  appeal  at  Jerusalem  for  both  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  cases.  It  is  possible  that  this  passage 
reflects  the  developed  practice  of  post-exilic  times,  but 
the  mention  of  "  judges  "  amongst  the  pillars  of  the 
state  in  Is.  32,  as  well  as  the  references  in  Mic.  73, 
Zeph.  33,  shows  that  some  judicial  system  had  gro\m 
up.  In  Ezr.  725,  IO14,  we  find  professional  judges 
drawn  from  the  ranks  of  the  city  ciders.  Later,  during 
the  Greek  and  Roman  periods,  there  were  local  courts 
beside  the  council  of  the  elders.  The  prmcdvre  of  the 
courts  was  simple.  They  might  meet  in  the  open 
(Jg.  45),  or  at  the  gate  of  the  eitj',  the  common  place 
for  tran-sacting  business  or  administering  justice  (Dt.  21 
19,  Am.  512,15).  Two  witnesses  were  required  for 
confirmation  of  a  charge  (Dt.  176,  I913).  In  the 
absence  of  witnesses  the  accused  wa.s  put  on  his  oath 
(Ex.  227-11).  One  case  of  trial  by  ordeal  is  named, 
that  of  a  wife  accused  of  adulters'  (Nu.  5iif ).  The 
oldest  principle  of  pimishment  is  the  lex  talionis,  "  eye 
for  eye,  tooth  for  tooth  "  (Ex.  21 24).  This  was  largely 
modified  by  a  system  of  monetary  compensation.  In 
some  instances  (Ex.  2I30)  the  common  Oriental  custom 
was  followed  whereby  the  consent  of  the  injured  parties 
was  required  before  a  fine  could  bo  accepted  in  lieu  of 
the  severer  penalty.     In  other  cases  the  amount  of  the 


THE   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


113 


fine  was  fixed  (Ex.  2I32,  Dt.  2219,29).  No  money 
payment  was  allowed  to  cover  the  guilt  of  wiKul 
murder.  The  duty  of  blood  revenge  was  held  sacred 
fron\  the  most  ancient  times  ((icn.  O^f.).  Even  the 
later  Codes  recognise  the  place  and  duty  of  the  avenger 
of  blood  (Dt.  19i-i3,  Nu.  35i6-2i).  In  practice  this 
was  modified  by  the  right  of  asylum,  at  first  at  any 
sanctuary  (Ex,  2I14),  and  later  at  the  "  cities  of  refuge." 
Such  a  story  as  2  S.  144ff.  shows  that  when  regular 
tribunals  began  to  be  established  they  took  blood  ven- 
geance under  their  control.  But  the  story  of  the  exe- 
cution of  Saul's  descendants  in  2  S.  21  shows  how  the 
thought  of  blood  revenge  as  a  sacred  religious  duty 
lingered  on,  and  how,  before  the  individual  had  become 
distinguished  from  his  family,  this  might  bring  disaster 
to  innocent  men.  On  the  other  hand  the  clear  dis- 
tinction drawn  between  wilful  and  accidental  homicide 
shows  how  the  sense  of  right  prevailed  over  the  okler 
thought  of  "  blood  for  blood  "  without  discrimination. 

Other  penalties  such  as  stripes  (Dt.  25^),  imprison- 
ment (Jer,  37i5ft".,  etc.),  and  the  stocks  (Jer.  2O2),  do 
not  call  for  detailed  notice.  The  reason  given  in  Dt. 
for  the  limitation  of  the  number  of  strokes  to  forty  is 
noteworthy.  No  punishment  was  to  be  inflicted  which 
would  degrade  or  destroy  the  manhood  of  the  offender 
(253).  The  formula  "  that  soul  shall  be  cut  off  from 
Israel,"  which  occurs  very  frequently  in  P.,  appears  to 
mean  excommunication,  combined  with  a  threat  of 
Divine  interposition  to  root  out  the  wrong-doer.  In 
Ezr.  10s,  where  the  phrase  is  not  used  but  the  case  is 
similar,  it  means  both  confiscation  of  propei-ty  and 
social  and  religious  outlawry. 

Of  legal  forms  the  simplest  that  is  recorded  is  that 
where  the  seller  gives  his  shoe  to  the  buyer  in  token  of 
his  divesting  himself  of  the  right  of  ownership  (Ru.  4/; 
cf.  Ps.  GOe).  In  Jer.  326ff.  we  have  the  record  of  a 
formal  deed  of  sale.  Parallels  from  Babylonian 
sources  make  it  probable  that  the  deed  was  first  written 
and  signed,  then  executed  in  duplicate  on  the  envelope 
or  outer  covering  in  which  the  original  deed  was  en- 
closed, and  then  sealed  in  the  presence  of  witnesses  and 
deposited  in  safe  custody.  In  this  case  the  deed  was 
placed  in  an  earthen  vessel,  as  was  frequently  the  case 
with  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  deeds. 

The  "  bill  of  divorcement  "  has  been  already  referred 
to. 

The  Monarchy. — The  founding  of  the  monarchy 
marks  so  clearly  the  dividing  line  between  the  new 
Israel  and  the  old  that  it  is  not  surprising  that  widely 
differing  views  were  taken  as  to  its  value.  According 
to  the  old  ideal  Yahwch  was  the  only  King  and  the 
priests  His  highest  eai+hly  representatives.  In  times 
of  national  need  a  Judge  would  be  raised  up  to  rally 
and  lead  the  armies.  But  when  his  special  task  was 
over  there  was  no  thought  that  his  office  was  heredi- 
tary. When  the  kingship  was  offered  to  Gideon  he 
replied,  "  I  will  not  rule  over  you,  neither  shall  my 
son  rule  over  you  :  Yahweh  shall  rule  over  you  " 
(Jg.  822f.).  From  this  standpoint  the  creation  of  the 
Idngdom  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  apostasy  and  a 
sinful  imitation  of  heathen  nations  (1  S.  84ff.).  On 
the  other  hand  the  king  was  regarded  as  "  the  Lord's 
anointed  '  and  his  person  deemed  sacrosanct  and  in- 
violate (1  S.  246.10).  This  latter  view  persists  in  the 
hopes  that  attached  to  the  house  of  David  (2  S.  7i2) ; 
in  the  prophetic  pictures  of  the  King-Messiah  (Is.  9off., 
Zech.  99,  etc) ;  and  in  Pss,  such  as  2,  89i9ff.,  110,  On 
the  other  hand  in  Deutero-Isaiah's  visions  of  the  future 
there  is  no  room  for  an  earthly  king ;  Yahweh  is  the 
only  Saviour.  Similarly  in  Ezek.  40-48  the  secular 
head  is  the  "  Prince,"  whoso  prerogatives  are  strictly 


limited  (457ff.,  46i6ff.),  his  main  duties  being  to  make 
due  provision  for  the  sacrifices.  The  Prince  is  far 
removed  from  the  earlier  king.  In  the  Priestly  Code 
the  high-priest  is  the  supreme  head  of  the  community. 
Not  till  the  reign  of  Simon  the  priest-king  (143-135  B.C.) 
did  these  two  streams  of  thought  really  unite,  and  even 
then  the  union  was  soon  broken  by  the  dissensions  of 
the  first  century  B.C. 

The  monarchy  once  established  was  regarded  as 
hereditary,  in  strong  contrast  with  the  view  taken  of 
the  Judges.  Ishbosheth  naturally  succeeded  his  father 
Saul  (2  S.  2sf.).  David  was  appointed  king  not  so 
much  by  the  free  ohcice  of  the  people  as  from  the  belief 
that  God  had  taken  away  the  kingdom  from  Saul's 
house  and  bestowed  it  on  David's.  Two  sons  of  David, 
Adonijah  and  Solomon,  sought  to  succeed  him.  Later 
dynastic  changes,  dispossessing  the  ruling  house,  were 
brought  about  by  prophetic  influence,  as  by  Abijah 
(1  K.  Il29ff.),  and  Elisha  (2  K.  Oiff.).  Still  the  broken 
annals  of  Northern  Israel  show  the  force  of  the  popular 
will.  If  the  kingship  was  never  elective  it  never  was 
able  to  become  completely  despotic. 

Of  royal  revenues  we  read  nothing  during  the  simple 
rale  of  Saul.  IJnder  David  (2  S.  2O24)  an  officer  is 
mentioned  as  over  the  labour-gangs  (RV  "  tribute"); 
pointing  to  the  system  of  forced  labour  universally 
employed  in  the  East  for  pubUc  works.  Solomon 
largely  extended  this  system  (1  K.  9i5ff.),  and  in  addi- 
tion divided  the  land  into  twelve  administrative  dis- 
tricts from  which  monthly  supplies  were  exacted  for 
the  court.  Besides  the  'trade  dues  (p.  Ill),  horses 
and  chariots  were  Solomon's  monopoly  (1  K.  102  8fif.). 
The  picture  of  kingly  rule  in  1  S.  8  speaks  of  -crown 
lands  (12,14;  cf.  1  Ch.  2725ff.),  and  of  tithes  both  on 
produce  and  flocks  (15,17).  Under  special  stress 
Jehoiakim  is  said  to  have  imposed  a  property  tax 
(2  K.  2335).  Amos  (7i)  speaks  of  "  the  king's  mow- 
ings," probably  a  contribution  in  kind  for  the  royal 
horses.  The  complaints  of  the  people  to  Rehoboam 
(1  K.  124),  show  how  bitterly  the  oppressive  imposts 
and  forced  services  were  resented. 

Around  the  king,  from  the  time  of  David  onwards, 
there  grew  up  a  group  of  state  officials.  The  "  scribe  " 
was  responsible  for  the  royal  correspondence,  the 
keeping  cf  records,  and  the  preparation  of  state 
documents.  The  "  recorder  "  or  remembrancer  was 
charged  to  bring  important  matters  of  state  to  tho 
notice  of  the  king.  He  may  have  represented  the 
Grand  Vizier  of  modern  times.  The  officer  "  over 
ihe  household"  (1  K.  46),  entrusted  with  the  key  of 
the  palace  (Is.  222  2),  may  be  called  High  Chamberlain 
or  Steward.  The  title  of  "  king's  servant  "  (2  K.  22i2) 
has  been  found  on  an  ancient  Hebrew  seal,  and  may 
stand  for  a  distinct  office.  The  multiplication  of  these 
offices  created  a  new  aristocracy,  diminishing  the  im- 
portance of  the  older  heads  of  famiUes,  and  so  by 
severing  the  ruling  classes  from  the  soil  accentuated 
the  social  distinctions.  It  also  gave  opportunity  for 
the  bribery  and  oppression  so  constantly  stigmatised 
bj'  the  prophets.  Thus  the  monarchy  tended  increai- 
iiigly  to  repress  the  growth  of  the  free  life  of  the  indi- 
vidual Israelite.  Against  this  must  be  set  the  services 
which  it  rendered  in  enabling  the  nation  to  resist 
foreign  invasioji.  At  the  same  time  the  way  in  which 
the  ambitions  arul  disputes  of  successive  kings  iuvolved 
Israel  in  woild  politics  led  in  the  long  run  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  State.  The  protests  of  Isaiah  against  the 
alliances  with  Assyria  a!id  Egypt  (7,  31),  show  how 
the  insight  of  the  prophets  perceived  the  consequeucas 
of  such  intrigues. 

Military  Service. — In  ancient  days  every  man  be- 


114 


THE   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS   OF   ISRAEL 


camo  a  soldier  on  occasion,  and  the  head  of  a  family 
could  muster  his  whole  household  aa  a  fighting  force 
(Gen.  14i4ff.)-  I"  the  story  of  the  Conquest  of  Canaan 
every  tribesman  took  his  place  in  the  ranks.  After 
the  settlement  and  the  dispersion  of  the  tribes  succes- 
sive leaders  rallied  what  forces  they  could  to  their 
standards  ;  so  Barak  (Jg.  4io  ff.).  In  the  days  of  Saul, 
after  the  deliverance  of  Jabesh-gilcad,  we  find  the  first 
beginnings  of  a  standing  army.  Three  thousand  men 
were  selected  as  a  pennancnt  national  guaitl,  and 
stationed  in  positions  especially  open  to  Philistine 
attack  (1  S.  132).  We  now  read  of  military  officers, 
amongst  whom  was  David  (1  S.  I813).  But  every 
man  capable  of  bearing  arms  was  still  counted  as  a 
soldier. 

David,  as  king,  carried  the  organisation  further. 
His  personal  bo<lyguard  of  six  hundred  men,  beginning 
from  the  company  of  refugees  who  had  gathered  round 
him  at  AduUam,  was  supplemented  bj'  a  force  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  '  Chercthites  and  Pelethites  "  (2  S.  818), 
probably  Cretans  and  Philistines.  Joab  now  appears 
as  holder  of  a  new  office,  that  of  commander-in-chief 
(ICh.  116).  The"  Carites  "  in  2  K.  11 4  arc  another  body 
of  mercenaries  acting  aa  the  royal  hfcguard,  keeping 
the  palace  and  the  Temple.  Still  the  old  idea  of  a 
national  militia  was  never  abandoned  and  appears  in 
P  (Nu.  26if).  Priests  and  Ix-vites  were  exempted  from 
military  service  (Nu.  233).  The  humane  law  of  Dt. 
exempts  from  service  in  any  particular  campaign  men 
newly  married  or  betrothed,  or  tiioso  who  were  just 
entering  into  the  possession  of  a  new  house  or  estate 
(Dt.  245,  2O5-8).  It  is  probable  that  Am.  63  refers  to 
a  system  which  grew  up  during  the  later  monarchy, 
whereby  each  township  was  required  to  furnish  its 
specified  quota  of  men  to  the  national  army. 

Tlie  forces  were  di\adc(l  into  light-armed  and  heavy- 
armed  infantry.     According  to  the  Chronicler  (1  Oh. 


840,  122),  the  Benjamites  were  traditionally  the  picked 
troops  amongst  the  former,  armed  with  bows  and  slings 
(cf.  Jg.  2O16).  Amongst  the  latter  the  men  of  Judah, 
Gad,  and  Naphtali  arc  specially  named,  armed  with 
spear  and  shield  (1  Ch.  128,24,34).  Cavalry  and  war- 
chariots  are  named  as  fonning  part  of  the  Egyptian 
army  (Ex.  14f)ff.),  also  amongst  the  Canaanites  (Jos.  17 
16,  etc),  and  the  Philistines  (2  S.  l6).  The  Israelites 
do  not  appear  to  have  possessed  them  earlier  than  the 
days  of  Solomon  ( 1  K.  Oig).  Afterwards  they  formed  a 
regular  part  of  the  Israelite  army  (1  K.  I69,  Is.  27,  etc.). 
War  wa.s  regarded  in  ancient  times  as  a  holy  act, 
and  Yahwehi  was  "  the  God  of  the  armies  of  Israel  " 
(1  S.I745) ;  the  wars  of  Israel  were  His  wars  (1  S.  2028). 
Hence  follows  the  practice  of  consulting  the  sacred 
oracle  as  to  the  direction  of  a  campaign  (1  S.  I437,  etc.). 
Similarly  the  use  of  the  phiase  '  sanctify  war  "  (Jer. 
64,  Jl.  39),  and  the  stringent  directions  as  to  the  purity 
of  the  camp  (Dt.  23io-i2),  reflect  the  same  thought. 
The  practice  of  the  "  ban  "  (p.  99.  Dt.  234*,  Jos.  6i7ff.*, 
Jg.  I17*,  1  S.  I03)  wherein  the  whole  of  the  spoil 
belonged  to  Yahweh  and  must  be  devoted  as  a  sacrifice 
to  Him,  finds  its  explanation  here.  With  the  deepening 
of  the  ethical  sense  the  feehng  of  the  horrors  of  war  was 
intensified.  Ruthlcssness  in  war  is  condemned  by  the 
prophets  (Am.  13,11,13).  The  callousness  of  the  war- 
lords of  Assyria  roused  the  indignation  of  Habakkuk. 
War  was  still  regarded  as  Yahweh's  instrument  of 
punishment,  but  beyond  the  strife  hope  looked  forward 
to  the  establishment  of  perpetual  peace  (Is.  Osff.,  24, 
Ps.  469). 

Literature. — Mackie,  Bible  Manners  and  Customs* ; 
■V^Tiitchousc,  .4  Primer  of  Hebrew  Antiquities  ;  Cruick- 
shank,  The  Bible  in  the  Light  of  Aniiquity  ;  Thomson, 
The  Land '  and  the  Book ;  Benzinger,  Hebraische 
Archdologie  *  /  Nowack,  Lehrbuch  der  Hebrdischcn 
Archaologie.     Also  many  articles  in  EBi.,  HDB,  HSDB. 


WEIGHTS,  MEASURES,  MONEY,  AND  TIME 

Bt  Propessok  a.  E.  S.  KENNEDY,  D.D. 


I.  Measures  of  Length 

Name. 

Finger- 
breadth. 

Hand- 
breadth. 

Span. 

Cubit. 

Reed. 

Value 

ill 
Inches. 

Finger-breadth 
Hand-breadth 
Spaa 
Cubit      . 
Reed       . 

1 
4 
12 
24 
144 

1 
3 
6 
36 

i 

2 
12 

6 

1 

•733 

2-93 

8-8 

17-6 

105-6 

Mankind's  earliest  measures  of  length  were  those  of 
Nature's  own  providing — the  finger,  hand,  foot,  etc. 
Thus  the  widespread  unit  called  the  cubit  is  the  length 
of  the  forearm  from  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  middle 
finger.  It  was  reckoned  by  the  ancients  as  one-fourth 
of  a  man's  height,  which  again  was  equal  to  hia 
"stretch"  (see  "fathom"  below).  In  Dt.  3ii  this 
"  natural  "  cubit  is  termed  "  the  cubit  of  a  man." 
Originally  it  was  probably  identical  with  the  corre- 
sponding ■'  natural  "  cubit  of  the  Egyptians  (c.  17*7  in.), 
and  was  divided  into  6  hand-breadths  or  palms,  each 
of  4  finger-breadths  or  digits. 

Measurements  of  the  remains  of  Herodian  and  pre- 
Herodian  architecture  in  Jerusalem  yield  a  cubit  of 
17-6  in.  (for  detaik  see  Exp.  Times,  xx.  [190&-9],  24ff.), 
which  is  the  value  adopted  in  the  table  above.  For 
rough  calculations  it  may  be  reckoned  at  1^  feet. 
This  result  is  in  close  agreement  with  that  obtained 
from  the  Siloam  aqueduct,  the  length  of  which  is 
given  in  the  well-known  inscription  as,  in  round 
numbers,  1200  cubits.  The  actual  measured  length  is 
approximately  1750  ft.,  or  1193  of  the  cubit  of  17-6  in. 

That  the  Jewish  cubit  in  common  use  in  NT  times 
cannot  have  differed  much  from  the  corresponding 
Graeco-Roman  measure  (c.  17 J^  in.)  is  evident  from  a 
comparison  of  Ac.  I12  with  Josephus,  Ant.  XIX, 
xvii.  6.  In  the  former  passage  the  distance  of  the 
Mount  of  OUves  from  Jerusalem  is  given  aa  "  a  sabbath 
day's  journey,"  which  was  2000  Jewish  cubits  (c.  980 
yds.),  in  the  latter  afl  5  stadia  (see  below),  each  of 
400  Greek  cubits. 

In  addition  to  the  "  natural  "  cubit  of  17-7  in.  the 
Egyptians  used  the  "  royal ''  cubit  of  20-63  in.,  which 
was  Jtbs  of  the  other.  This  cubit  has  hitherto  been 
recognised  in  the  so-called  "  cubit  of  Ezekiel,"  which, 
on  the  basis  of  Ezek.  4O5,  43i3,  is  reckoned  as  contain- 
ing seven  handbreadths,  say  20"53  in.  This  longer 
cubit  again  is  usually  identified  with  "  the  former 
measure  "  in  terms  of  which  the  Temple  of  Solomon 
was  built  (2  Ch.  33).  But  there  are  textual  and 
archaeological  difliculties  in  this,  the  generally  accepted, 
view,  and  it  is  safer  to  abide  meanwhile  by  the  above 
results  obtained  from  actual  measurements.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  new  measures,  as  well  aa  new 
weights  (see  below),  were  introduced  in  the  Persian 
period,  and  the  Persian  cubit  of  c.  20*7  in.  may  still 


have  been  in  official  use  in  the  time  of  the  Chronicler, 
c.  300  B.C.  In  this  case  the  expression  "  former 
measure  "  would  refer  to  the  shorter  "  natural "  cubit 
of  Deuteronomy  and  the  Siloam  inscription. 

In  the  NT  "  fathom  "  and  "  furlong  "  represent  the 
Greek  orguia  (ht.  "  stretch  ")  and  the  popular  stadion, 
the  former  6  and  the  latter  600  Greek  ft.,  say  5  ft. 
10  in.  and  194  yds.  respectively  of  our  measures.  The 
"  mile  "  of  Mt.  541  is  the  Pvoman  milk  fassuum,  or 
1000  double  paces,  equal  to  1618  yds. 

II.  Measures  of  Capacity 


Name. 

Log 

Kab 

Hin 

Seab 

«■ 

Cor 
(homer) 

Later  Vahie 
in  PiuU. 

Log    .        . 
Kab  . 
Hin   . 
Scah  . 
Ephah       . 
Bath. 
Cor  (homer) 

1 
4 

12 
24 
72 
72 

720 

i 

6 

18 

180 

i 

6 
60 

1 
3 

30 

10 

1 

12  di  galls.) 
24  di  pecks) 
72  (14  bush.) 
72  (9  galls.) 
720  dU  bush. 
90  galls.) 

115 


The  names  and  mutual  relations  of  the  Hebrew 
measures  of  capacity  are  known  from  the  OT  and 
later  Jewish  writings,  but  it  is  as  yet  impossible  to 
offer  more  than  an  approximate  estimate  of  their 
actual  values  in  terms  of  our  imperial  measures.  This 
is  specially  true  of  early  times  ;  for  NT  times  we  have 
the  e^ndence  of  Josephus,  who  repeatedly  gives  the 
admittedly  only  apj)roximate  values  of  the  Jewish 
measures  in  terms  of  the  Gr;T3Co-Roman  measures  of 
his  day.  Li  recent  year?  finds  of  actual  measures  in 
Jerusalem  have  tended,  in  the  main,  to  confirm  the 
results  thus  obtained  (see  Exp.  Times,  xxiv.  [1913], 
293ff.),  but  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  measures  were 
originally  somewhat  smaller — the  larger  ones  consider- 
ably smaller — than  is  represented  in  the  table. 

Of  the  measures  there  entered  the  log,  hin,  and  bath 
are  in  the  OT  exclusively  hquid  measures,  while  the 
kab,  seah,  ephah — the  equivalent  of  the  bath — and 
homer  are  exclusively  dry  measures.  The  cor,  of  the 
same  value  as  the  homer,  is  mostly  used  as  a  dry 
measure,  but  once  as  a  measure  of  oil  (Ezek.  4014). 
Traces  are  also  found  of  a  decimal  system,  of  which 
the  lowest  member  is  the  omer,  defined  as  "  the  tenth 
part  of  the  ephah  "'  (Ex.  I636),  i.e.  c.  1\  pints,  the 
ephah  in  turn  being  ^  of  the  homer  (Ezek.  I.e.). 

The  values  in  the  table  are  those  derived  from 
Josephus,  who  bases  his  equations  on  the  identity  of 
the  Hebrew  unit,  the  log,  with  the  xestes  of  the  Attic, 
and  the  aextarius  of  the  Roman  measures.  As  the 
estimated  values  of  these  vary  from  0-96  to  l<t09  of  a 
pint,  the  log  of  NT  times  may  for  all  practical  piirpo.sea 
be  reckoned  as  the  equivalent  of  our  pint.  CDiisequently 
the  seah,  the  "  measure "  of  the  parable  (Mt.  4,333, 


116 


WEIGHTS,    MEASURES,    MONEY,    AND    TIME 


Lk.  132 1 ),  as  IJ  i)eckfl,  and  the  epliali  an  roughly  our 
imperial  bushel,  while  it-s  li(iiiid  counterpart,  the  bath, 
may  be  set  down  aa  9  gallons,  the  approximate  value 
al»o  of  the  Greek  melretes,  the  "  firkin  "  of  Jn.  26. 

III.  Weights 

The  weights  used  by  the  Hebrews  were  mostly  of 
some  hard  polishonl  stone,  such  as  hematite  or  quartz- 
ite,  and  were  of  three  denominations,  the  shekel, 
the  mina,  and  the  talent.  The  mina  contained  50 
shekels,  and  the  talent  (50  minas  or  3000  shekels.  This 
arrangement  is  of  Babylonian  origin,  a.s  are  the  names 
shekel  (Bab.  shiklu)  and  mina  (Heb.  vianth,  Bab. 
manu).  In  Babylonia,  however,  60  shekels  went  to 
the  ordinary  triide  mina,  which  originally  weighed 
about  15,100  grains  (2^  lb.  avoir;  nearly)  on  the  so- 
called  "heavy"  standard,  and  half  that  amount  on 
the  "  hght "  standard,  with  corresponding  shekels 
of  252  and  126  grains  respectively.  The  excavation 
of  numerous  sites  in  Palestine  has  brought  to  light 
hundreds  of  weights  belonging  to  a  variety  of  systems. 
One  of  the  oldest  is  attested  by  a  series  of  small 
weights,  doubtless  used  in  weighing  the  precious 
metals,  with  inscriptions  in  old  Hebrew  letters.  The 
shekel  or  unit  weighed  about  160  grs.,  and  it  is  very 
probable  that  the  Egyptian  tribute  of-  the  vassal- 
states  of  Syria  and  Palestine  was  paid  on  this  standard 
(HDB  iv.  '904f.). 

The  standard  in  general  use,  however,  among  the 
Hebrews,  from  the  earUest  to  the  latest  times,  was 
that  known  as  the  Phoenician.  Its  shekel  is  reckoned 
at  224  grs.,  but  the  average  weight  of  the  existing 
ooins  is  nearer  218  grs.,  the  weight  of  a  British  half- 
crown.  It  is  "  the  shekel  of  the  sanctuary  "  (more 
correctly  "the  sacred  shekel")  of  the  Pentateuch, 
by  which  gold,  silver,  and  apparently  all  merchandise 
were  to  be  weighed  (Lev.  2725).^  The  values  of  these 
denominations  are  shown  in  the  following  table : 

TuE  Hebrew-Phoenician  Weight  System 


Name. 

Shekel. 

Mina. 

Talent. 

Value.                1 

(«)In 
Grams. 

(6)  Avoird. 
Weight. 

Shekel     . 
Mina 
Talent     . 

1 

50 

3,000 

i 

60 

V 

224 
11.200 
672,000 

i  oz.  nearly 
15  lb. 
961b. 

In  NT  times  this  system  was  adjusted  to  the  Roman 
official  system  in  sueh  a  way  that  the  old  Hebrew 
shekel — now  termed  sda,  and  rcducctl  to  210  grs. — 
was  reckoned  to  contain  4  drachms  or  denarius  weights 
{zuzim),  while  the  light  mina  of  50  light  "  shekels  " 
(half  the  original  shekel  or  seUi)  was  equated  with  the 
Roman  libra  or  pound  of  5053  grs.  (Jn.  I23,  I939). 
The  original  (heavy)  talent,  now  c.  631,560  grs.  and 
equal  to  two  light  talents,  weighed  exactly  12,000 
denarius-drachms  and  125  Roman  pounds  (see  further 
under  "  Money  "  ImjIow). 

To  what  extent  the  Babylonian  weight-standard  was 
in  use  in  Palestine  caimot  be  a.scortaine<l.  The  current 
view  that  the  Hebrew  gold  shekel  was  the  Babylonian 
shekel  of  252  grs.  is  baed  on  a  niisinterprctatif)n  of  a 
passage  of  Joscphus  (see  below).  In  a  slightly  modified 
form,  however,  the  Babylonian  standard  was  in  oflicial 
use  in    the   early   {wst-exilic   jxriod,   while   Palestine 

1  The  ••  per?h  "  of  this  pasaase  Is  the  equivalent  of  the  Greek 
obol.  i  of  the  drachm. 


formed  part  of  the  Persian  empire.  In  the  late  gloss 
2  S.  1426,  the  "  200  shekels  after  the  king's  weight  " 
are  Babylono-Persian  shekels  of  126-130  grs. 

When  the  Jews  passed  under  the  rule  of  the  Seleucid 
kings  of  Syria,  the  Attic  weight-system,  based  on  a 
drachm  of  originally  67  grs.,  came  into  use  (see  below). 
The  Attic  commercial  standard,  best  known  as  the 
.^ginetan,  with  a  drachm  of  originally  100  grs.,  more 
or  less,  was  probably  in  use  in  Palestine  throughout 
the  whole  historical  period.  Specimens  of  inscribed 
weights  on  all  these  standards  have  recently  come  to 
light  (see  Ex-p.  Times,  xxiv.  [Aug.  and  Sept.,  1913]). 


IV.  Money 

All  money  transactions  in  the  pre-exilic  period  were 
carried  through  by  means  of  the  balance,  coined  money 
being  unknown  until  the  Persian  period.  Silver  was 
the  ordinary  medium  of  exchange.  By  what  standard 
or  standards  it  was  weighed  in  earlier  times  cannot  be 
affirmed  with  certainty,  but  the  probability  is  all  in 
favour  of  the  Phoenician  standard  set  forth  above. 
The  standard  for  transactions  in  gold  is  even  more 
uncertain.^  The  Priests'  Code  certainly  demands  the 
standard  of  the  "  sacred  "  or  Phoenician  shekel  for 
gold  as  for  silver  (Lev.  2725).  On  the  assumption  that 
the  gold  shekel  was  reckoned  for  convenience  as  worth 
14  silver  shekels  of  the  same  weight  we  get  the  following 
approximate  values : 


Denomination. 

Silver. 

Gold. 

1  Shekel  (220-224  grains)      . 
1  Mina  (50  shekels)      . 
1  Talent  (60  minas) 

£    «.    d. 

0    2    9 

6  17    6 

41-J  10    0 

£      «.   d. 

1  18    6 

96    5    0 

5,775    0    0 

The  first  coins  to  circulate  in  Palestine  were  :  («)  the 
light  gold  shekel,  or  daric,  of  Darius  Hystaspis,  weigh- 
ing 130  grs.,  and  therefore  worth  rather  more  than 
21  shilhngs,  and  (6)  the  silver  half-shekel  of  86-87  grs., 
in  value  ^^  of  the  daric.  Although  tenned  by  Greek 
writers  a  siglos,  this  silver  coin  was  njaUy  half  of  the 
true  Persian  silver  shekel  of  173'3  grs.'(Neh.  5i5), 
50  of  which  went  to  the  mina.  The  latter  is  the 
"  pound  '■ — more  nearly  1}  lb.  avoir. — of  the  entries 
in  Ezr.  260,  Neh.  7; if. 

Alongside  of  the  Persian  coinage  the  contemporary 
silver  shekels  or  tetradrachms  (c.  220  grs.)  of  the 
Phoenician  cities,  of  Tyre  especially,  were  also  from 
this  time  onwards,  until  the  first  century  of  our  era, 
in  circulation  among  the  Jews.  Under  the  Ptolemies 
Egyptian  money  circulated  freely  since  it  was  also  on 
the  Phoenician  standard.  In  pii.ssing  under  the  nile 
of  the  Seleucids  (198  B.C.),  the  Jews  became  familiar 
with  their  silver  currency  on  the  Attic  standard,  based 
on  the  drachm,  which  at  this  period  weighed  c.  63  grs., 
and  was  worth  about  1(W.  ;  100  drachms  went  to  the 
mina,  and  60(X)  U)  the  silver  talent  (c.  £250).  The 
numerous  sums  of  money  in  the  two  books  of  Maccabees 
are  to  bo  calculated  on  this  basis.  From  Joscphus' 
account  of  the  revenues  of  Herod,  and  similar  entries, 
it    appears    that    a    silver   talent    of    the   concurrent 

1  The  view  hitherto  current  (nee  ITDR  ill.  419.  EBi  iv.  col.  4444). 
haaii\  en  Josephiis.  Aiii.  XIV.  vll.  1.  tlmt  the  Hebrew  gold  aliekel 
waa  identical  witli  the  hea\-y  Habyloiiliin  shekel  of  252  urs.,  must.  In 
the  writer's  opinion,  be  Riven  up.  The  Kold  niiriii  wlilch  Josephus 
here  reprcsentfl  as  equal  to  2*  Konian  juiunds  is  the  inliia  of  the 
syncretic  weight  system  of  hte  day.  as  explained  al>ove.  according 
to  which  the  talent  wna  eqail  to  125  Kouan  i>ounda  (see  further 
below). 


WEIGHTS,    MEASURES,    MONEY,    AND   TIME 


117 


Phoenician  issues  was  reckoned  as  the  equivalent  of 
10,000  Seleucid-Attic  drachms. 

Under  Simon  Maccabacus  the  Jews  first  began  to 
coin  copper  money,  for  the  so-called  "  Maccabaean  " 
silver  shekels  really  belong  to  the  years  of  the  first 
revolt  against  the  Romans  (a.d.  66-70).  This  copper 
coinage  was  continued  by  the  Hasmonean  princes,  by 
the  Herods,  and  by  the  Roman  procurators  (see  Hill, 
Brit.  Mus.  Cat.,  "  Coins  of  Palestine  '"). 

The  coins  circulating  in  Palestine  in  NT  times  were 
of  several  denominations  and  of  varied  provenance. 
The  only  gold  coin  was  the  aureus  of  the  Roman 
emperors,  at  this  time  practically  equivalent  to  our 
sovereign.  It  was  equal  to  25  of  the  popular  silver 
coin,  the  denarius,  the  "  penny "  of  our  versions 
(Mt.  2O2,  2219,  etc.)  and  worth  about  9^Z.  In  ordinary 
usage  it  was  accepted  as  the  equivalent  of  i\\e  drachm 
(Lk.  158,  "  piece  of  money,"  Ac.  I919).  From  Tyre 
came  shekels,  or  tetradrachms,  on  the  old  standard, 
by  which  alone,  as  the  "  sacred  "  shekel,  the  Temple 
dues  could  be  paid,  and  of  which  30  "  pieces  "  were 
the  price  of  our  Lord's  betrayal  (c/.  Mt.  I724-27). 

Of  copper  coins  we  find  in  the  gospels  (a)  the 
assarion  (Mt.  IO29,  Lk.  126),  worth  about  f<Z.,  (h)  the 
kodrantes,  the  Roman  qundrans  (Mt.  526),  worth  about 
■Jrf. — both  are  rendered  "  farthing  "  in  our  versions — 
and  (c)  the  lepton,  the  widow's  "  mite  "  (Mk.  I242, 
Lk.  21 2),  worth  about  ^\d. 

In  the  gospels,  finally,  we  have  mention  of  larger 
Bums  of  money,  the  pound  or  mina  (Lk.  19i3ff.)  and 
the  talent  (Mt.  I824).  The  mina  was  now  the  equivalent 
of  100  denarii,  or  4  aurei,  say  £4  sterhng.  The  silver 
talent  of  60  minas,  or  6000  denarii,  on  the  same  light 
standard,  would  thus  represent  £240  (so  RVm.,  Mt. 
I824).  Jfosephus,  however,  as  we  have  seen,  reckons 
with  a  talent,  on  the  heavy  standard,  of  10,000 
Seleucid-Attic  drachms,  equivalent  to  12,000  of  the 
lowered  denarius-drachms  of  his  day,  which  represent 
a  sum  of  nearly  £480.  The  value,  at  the  British  mint 
price,  of  the  corresponding  gold  talent,  taken  as  equal 
to  125  Roman  pounds  (see  above),  works  out  at  £5124. 
In  all  such  equations  of  ancient  money  with  our  own 
it  must  be  remembered  that  the  real  value  of  all  the 
denominations,  as  tested  by  their  purchasing  power  in 
the  particular  period  under  review,  was  several  times 
greater  than  their  nominal  value  as  expressed  in 
pounds,  shillings,  and  pence.  In  our  Lord's  day  a 
denarius  (9^. )  was  the  wage  of  an  agricultural  labourer 
(Mt.  202ff.),  who  to-day  commands  four  to  six  times 
as  much. 

V.  Divisions  of  Time.    The  Jewish  Calendar 

The  sun  and  the  moon  are  the  universal  time 
measures,  and  were  recognised  as  such  by  the  Hebrews 
(Gen.  I14).  The  measures  thus  provided  are  primarily 
the  day,  the  month,  and  the  year. 

1.  The  Day. — The  day  was  the  smallest  definite 
measure  of  time  in  OT  times,  and  was  reckoned  from 
sunset  to  sunset,  a  survival  of  the  once  predominant 
position  of  the  moon  among  the  Semites.  The  length 
of  the  day  in  Palestine,  in  the  sense  of  the  period  of 
dayhght,  varie<l  with  the  seasons,  ranging  from  about 
14^  hours  at  the  summer  to  9J  hours  at  the  winter 
solstice.  In  this  sense  the  day  was  properly  divided 
into  three  parts  :  morning,  noontide,  and  evening. 
The  night  was  similarly  but  more  exactly  divided  into 
three  watches,  a  term  of  mihtary  origin  (cf.  Jg.  Vig, 
"the  middle  watch").  In  NT  times  the  Roman 
division  into  four  watches  began  to  be  introducetl 
(see  Mk.  I335). 


The  division  of  the  day  into  hours,  numbered  from 
sunrise,  is  also  first  met  with  in  the  NT.  The  hour 
was  not  a  fixed  quantity,  but  the  twelfth  part  (Jn.  11 9) 
of  the  period  01  dayhght,  varying,  therefore,  with  the 
season  from  70  to  50  minutes. 

2.  The  Month  and  the  Week.— The  Hebrew  months 
were  true  lunar  months  or  "  moons,"  and  began  with 
the  day  at  the  beginning  of  which,  soon  after  sunset,  the 
new  moon  was  first  observed.  The  length  of  a  lunation 
being  29  days,  12  hours  and  some  minutes,  the  interval 
between  one  observation  and  anotlier  was  in  some 
months  29  days,  in  others  30.  By  what  method  and 
by  what  authority  the  beginning  of  each  month  was 
determined  in  the  pre-exilic  period  is  unknown.  In 
the  first  centuries  of  our  era,  however,  and  doubtless 
for  some  centuries  previously,  elaborate  arrangements 
were  made  by  the  Sanhedrin  for  hearing  and  testing 
the  witnesses  claiming  to  have  seen  the  new  moon 
on  the  expiry  of  the  29th  day.  If  it  had  not  been 
seen  on  this,  the  evening  and  beginning  of  the  .30th  day, 
the  following  day  was  declared  to  be  the  first  of  the 
new  month,  since  it  was  well  known  that  no  lunation 
period  could  exceed  30  days. 

In  the  OT  the  months  are  indicated  in  three  ways  : 
(a)  By  the  old  Canaanite  names  (known  also  from 
Phoenician  inscriptions),  of  which,  however,  only  four 
have  been  preserved  in  the  OT.  These  are  Abib,  ht. 
the  month  of  "  ripening  ears  " — the  Passover  month 
corresponding  to  Nisan  of  the  later  noznenclature 
(Ex.  134,  Dt.  I61,  etc.)— Ziv  (1  K.  61,37),  Ethanim 
{lb.  82),  and  Bui  (ib.  638).  (b)  By  numbers,  the 
first,  second,  month,  etc.,  begmning  in  spring  with 
Nisan.  (c)  By  adaptations  of  the  Babylonian  names, 
which  appear  in  writings  subsequent  to  the  Exile  (e.g. 
Neh.  li,  2i,  Est.  3/,  89,  Zech.  7i).  The  following  table 
gives  these  names  as  found  in  later  Jewish  writings, 
with  the  corresponding  months  of  our  calendar,  be- 
ginning with  the  first  month  of  the  Babylonian  year. 
The  older  Canaanite  name  is  added  in  parentheses. 

The  ^^ames  of  the  Months  of  the  Jewish  Year 
Nisan  (Abib)  corresponding  to  March-April 


2.  lyyar  (Ziv) 

April-May 

3.  Sivan 

,               May-June 

4.  Tammuz 

,               June-July 

5.  Ab 

,               July-Aug. 

6.  Elul 

,               Aug.-Sept. 

7.  Tishri  (Ethanim) 

Sept.-Oct. 

8.  Marcheshvan 

(Bui) 

Oct.-Nov. 

9.  Kislev 

Nov.-Dec. 

10.  Tebeth 

,               Dec-Jan. 

11.  Shebat 

Jan.-Feb. 

12.  Adar 

Feb.-March 

The  intercalary  month  was  named  Adar  II,  and 
always  contained  29  days. 

The  origin  of  the  week  of  seven  days  is  still  obscure. 
Probably  it  originated  in  a  division  of  the  month 
corresponding  to  the  four  phases  of  the  moon  (see  on 
Sabbath,  pp.  lOlf.).  However  this  may  be,  from  the 
earliest  period  of  which  we  have  record  the  week  had 
already,  among  the  Hebrews,  become  a  measure  of 
time  independent  alike  of  the  month  and  of  the  year. 
The  days  of  the  week  were  known  only  by  numbers 
with  the  exception  of  the  seventh  or  Sabbath  ;  from 
the  Greek  period  onwards,  however,  the  sixth  day 
began  to  be  known  as  "  the  eve  of  the  Sabbath  " 
(Judith  86  and  more  definitely  Mk.  I542,  RV  "  the 
Preparation,  that  is,  the  day  before  the  sabbath  "). 

3.  The  Year.- The  Jewish  year  is  known  as  a 
lunisolar  year  from  the  fact  that  while,  as  we  have 


118 


WEIGHTS.    MEASURES,   MONEY,   AND   TIME 


seen,  the  months  were  hu\ar  months,  tliese  were 
periodically  adjusted  to  the  solar  year.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  nature  of  the  Hebrew  year  before 
the  oniorgcnce  in  history  of  the  Hebrew  tribes,  it  is 
certain  that,  from  the  early  nionarcliy  onwards,  the 
necessity  for  securing  tiiat  each  of  the  three  agricultural 
festivals  should  fall  at  the  appropriate  season  com- 
pelled the  adoption  of  some  moans  of  adjusting  the 
lunar  months  to  the  solar  year.  How  this  was  done 
under  the  monarchy  is  unknown.  When  evidence 
becomes  available — the  earliest  is  found  in  the  re- 
cently discovered  Jewish  papyri  of  the  fifth  century 
B.C.  from  Elephantine — it  is  seen  that  its  adjust- 
ment proceeded  on  purely  empirical  hnes.  ^Vhen,  in 
the  course  of  the  month  preceding  Abib  or  NLsan  of  a 
particular  year,  it  became  app;irent  that  the  barley 
harvest  would  not  be  ripe  by  the  middle  of  the  following 
month  (see  on  Fea-'-.t  of  Unleavened  Bread,  pp.  102f.), 
an  additional  month  was  addetl  to  the  year.  The  Pass- 
over month  then  began  with  the  second  following  new 
moon.  Each  year,  it  appears,  was  considered,  so  to 
say,  on  its  own  merits,  as  opposed  to  the  later  system 
of  intercalation,  at  fixed  intervals,  of  three  months  in 
eight  years,  or,  as  in  the  official  Jewish  calendar  of 
the  present  day,  of  seven  months  in  nineteen  years.i 
Assuming  that  "  full  "  months  of  30  days  may  have 
varied  in  number  from  four  to  eight,  the  length  of  the 
year  will  have  varied  from  352-356  days  in  ordinary 
years — the  normal  number  of  a  "  lunar  year  "  being 
354  as  in  the  Moslem  calendar — to  381-385  days  in 
years  of  thirteen  months. 

There  is  a  decided  cleavage  of  opinion  as  to  whether 
the  Hebrew  year  began  in  spring  on  the  first  of  Abib 
(Nisan),  as  did  the  Babylonian  year,  or  in  autumn 
with  the  month  Tishri.  Among  an  agricultural  people, 
the  cycle  of  whose  farm  operations  began  with  the 
late  autumn  rains,  the  latter  alternative  is  the  more 
probable.  This  is  also  the  prima  facie  inference  from 
the  wording  of  the  earliest  legislation,  according  to 
which  the  autumn  Feast  of  Ingathering  (or  Booths) 
fell  '•  at  the  end  of  the  year  "  (Ex.  23i6,  3422).  Before 
the  fall  of  the  monarchy,  however,  probably  under 
the  influence  of  Babylonia,  it  had  become  customary 
to  begin  the  New  Year  in  spring  (Jer.  3622*),      It  is 

1  The  present  practice  Is  to  Intercalate  a  thirteenth  month  In 
years  3.  6.  8,  11.  14.  17.  and  19  of  the  cycle.  In  NT  times  It  was 
already  a  rule  that  the  Passover  must  always  fall  after  the  spring 
equinox. 


also  possible  that  both  reckonings  existetl  side  by  side 
from  an  earlier  period.  In  any  case  the  developed 
festival  legislation  of  the  Priests'  Code  reckons  the 
Pa.ssover  month  (Abib-Nisan)  as  "  the  beginning  of 
months"  (Ex.  122  and  pcussim).  The  presumably 
earlier  method,  however,  persisted,  and  indeed  still 
persists,  in  the  official  Jewish  calendar  of  to-day. 

Under  the  monarchy  events  were  dated  by  the 
regnal  years  of  the  sovereign,  or  by  some  outstanding 
incident  (see  Am.  li).  In  the  Greek  period  we  first 
meet  with  a  real  era,  that  known  a«  the  .Seleucidan  era, 
which  began  in  October  312  B.C.  The  author  of 
1  Mac,  however,  is  believed  to  calculate  his  dates 
from  the  .spring  of  311  B.C. 

Literature. — I.-III.  Weights  and  Measures.— F. 
Huitsch,  Oriechische  U7id  liomische  Metrologie,  2n(l  od. 
1882  (standard  work  on  this  subject,  but  now  antiquated 
in  parts) ;  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  "  Weights  and 
Measures  "  in  EB  *i :  H.  Nisson,  "  Griechische  u. 
Romische  Metrologie,'  in  Ivan  Miiller's  Ilaiulhuch  d. 
AUertumswissensclMft  *  ;  C.  F.  I^hmann-Haupt,  Da» 
filihahylon.  Maas-  und  Oewichissystem,  1893,  also  "  Die 
hebraischen  Masse"'  in  Klio  xvi.  [1914],  34511.  ;  G.  F. 
Hill,  "  Weigh t^s  and  Measures  "  in  EBi  ;  A.  R.  S. 
Kennedy,  corresponding  article  in  HDB,  also  "  In- 
scribed Weights  from  Palestine,"'  ET,  xxiv.  [Aug. -Sept. 
1913],  and  "  Hebrew  Wcighta  and  Measures,"'  Journ.  oj 
Transns.  of  tlie  Victoria  Inslitnte,  xlvii.  [1915]. 

IV.  Money.— F.  W.  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jem,  1881, 
now  largely  superseded  by  G.  F.  HiU,  Brit.  Mus.  Cat. 
Coins  of  Palestim,  1914  (indispensable) ;  Th.  Reinach, 
Jewish  Coins  (Engl.  TransL,  1903)  ;  A.  R.  S. 
Kennedy,  "  Money,"  in  HDB,  iii.  417-432  ;  E.  Rogers, 
A  Handy  Guide  to  Jewish  Coins,  1914. 

V.  Time. — F.  K.  Ginzler,  Handbuch  der  vutlhemat. 
u.  technischen  Chronologie,  vol.  ii.,  "  Zeitrechnung  der 
Juden,""  pp.1-1 19  (includes  four  pages  of  bibliography)  ; 
E.  Schiirer,  Gesch.  d.  jiidischen  Volkes^,  vol.  i.  745ff. 
'■  Gnmdziige  des  jiid.  Kalenders,"  also  for  Assuan 
Papyri,  Tlicol.  Litztg.,  1907,  col.  65-69  ;  "  Calendar," 
'■  New  Moon,"  &c.,  in  Jewi-^h  Enc.  ;  Abrahams, 
"  Time "  in  HDB,  iv.  762ff.  ;  W.  M.  Ramsay, 
"Numbers,  Hours^,-  Years,"  in  HDB,  v.  47311. ;  R 
Konig,  "Kalcnderfragen,"  etc.,  Zeitschrifl  der  Deutschen 
Morgenldndischen  GeseUschijt,  60  (1906).  605ff. 

Cf.  for  each  section  the  relative  parts  of  the  standard 
works  on  Hebrew  Archaeology  by  Nowack  and  Ben- 
zinger. 


THE    CHRONOLOGY   OF   THE 
OLD   TESTAMENT 


By   the   editor 


The  subject  is  full  of  difficulties.  The  Biblical  data 
taken  by  themselves  provide  no  satisfactory  chronology, 
and  a  comparison  with  non-Biblical  chronologies  proves 
tuat  at  many  points  the  Hebrew  statements  need  recti- 
fication. The  OT  records  are  often  vague  aiad  inde- 
finite. In  the  earlier  books  the  king  of  Egypt  is 
referred  to  simply  as  the  Pharaoh,  without  any  indica- 
tion which  Pharaoh  is  intended.  There  is  accordingly 
much  dispute  as  to  the  identity  of  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
Oppression  and  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus.  They  are 
also  inconsistent.  Thus  m  the  case  of  the  two  king- 
doms, the  period  assigned  to  the  kings  of  Israel  from 
the  death  of  Solomon  to  the  destruction  of  Samaria  is 
about  eighteen  and  a  haK  years  less  than  that  assigned 
to  the  kings  of  Judah  within  the  same  limits.  The 
equalisation  of  the  two  by  the  interpolation  of  inter- 
regna in  the  former  is  arbitrary  and  conjectural,  with 
no  shred  of  evidence  to  support  it  The  figures  also 
seem  in  some  instances  to  have  been  artificially  con- 
structed ;  e.q.  40  and  its  multiples  play  a  consider- 
able part.  At  various  points  they  involve  serious 
improbabilities,  not  to  say  impossibilities.  The  most 
obvious  case  is  the  extraordinary  length  of  life  as- 
cribed to  the  antediluvians  (Gen.  5),  and  in  a  somewhat 
less  degree  their  successors  (Gen.  11 10-32).  But  other 
examples  are  to  be  found  in  the  patriarchal  history 
(p.  163).  So  far  as  Gen.  0,  11 10-32  are  concerned,  we 
have  also  to  reckon  with  the  serious  discrepancies 
between  MT,  Sam.,  and  LXX. 

When  we  take  non-Biblical  sources  into  account, 
the  deficiencies  of  the  OT  chronology  become  still  more 
patent.  The  Assyrian  records  in  particular  are 
singularly  exact,  presenting  a  striking  contrast  to 
the  OT.  They  show  that  the  statements  as  to  the 
reigns  of  the  kings  of  Judah  and  Israel  need  serious 
revision.  Several  dates  are  definitely  fixed  by  them, 
the  earliest  being  the  battle  of  Karkar  in  854  B.C., 
at  which  Ahab  is  said  to  have  been  present.  Unfor- 
tunately the  earlier  chronology  of  Egypt  and  Baby- 
lonia is  still  much  in  doubt. 

An  advanced  civilisation  had  been  reached  by  the 
time  at  which  the  OT  places  the  Creation  of  Man.  It 
is  futile  to  attempt  any  determination  of  dates  till 
we  come  to  Abraham,  and  even  here  any  result  must 
bo  very  uncertain.  According  to  the  Biblical  data 
645  years  elapsed  between  the  Call  of  Abraham  and 
the  Exodus.  If  we  fix  the  Exodus  about  1230  B.C., 
in  the  reign  of  Merenptah  II,  wo  should  get  1875  B.C. 
for  the  Call  of  Abraham.  According  to  Gen.  14 
Abraham  was  a  contemporary  of  Amraphol.  If  wo 
can  rely  on  this  synchronism,  which  is  very  precarious 
(p.  133),  and  if  Amraphol  is  to  be  identified  with  Ham- 
murabi, which  is  by  no  means  certain,  and  if  we  fix 
Hammurabis  reign  as  2123-2081  B.C.,  then  Abraham 
would  be  in  Canaan  about  2100  B.C.,  and  the  period 


from  his  Call  to  Merenptah  would  bo  much  more  than 
645  years.  We  might  ease  the  difficulty  by  shifting 
the  Exodus  back,  or  possibly  by  coming  down  to  a 
lower  date  for  Hammurabi,  or  by  abandoning  the 
synchronism  of  Gen.  14.  If,  however,  we  recognise 
the  uncertainty  which  attaches  to  the  period  of  645 
years  and  to  the  narrative  in  Gen.  14,  we  shall  be 
forced  to  conclude  that,  even  if  the  liistoricity  of 
Abraham  is  accepted,  no  certainty  can  be  felt  with 
reference  to  his  date. 

The  date  of  the  Exodus  has  also  been  much  con- 
tested. It  must  sufiice  to  say  here  that  the  usual 
view  that  it  fell  in  the  Nineteenth  DjTiasty  (1328- 
1202),  in  the  reign  of  Merenptah  II  (1234-1214), 
still  seems  the  most  probable.  It  appears  to  have 
taken  place  about  1230  B.C.  The  Pharaoh  of  tho 
Oppression  would  be  Rameses  II.  It  is  quite  uncer- 
tain how  long  tho  residence  of  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt 
lasted. 

No  definite  conclusions  are  possible  as  to  the  period 
from  the  Exodus  to  Saul,  beyond  the  general  statement 
that,  assuming  c.  1230  as  the  date  of  the  Exodus,  the 
period  lasted  about  two  hundred  years.  The  scheme 
in  Jg.  has  been  artificially  constiiicted,  and  we  must 
beware  of  supposing  that  the  twelve  judges  stood  in 
hneal  succession,  with  intervals  of  national  apostasy 
and  oppression.  For  the  most  part  their  sphere  was 
restricted,  and  two  or  more  judges  may  have  flourished 
contemporaneously.  No  attempt,  accordingly,  is  here 
made  to  assign  dates. 

For  the  period  of  the  monarchy  we  are  much  better 
informed,  and  the  Assyrian  records  are  often  available 
to  correct  tho  OT  figures.  Even  here,  however,  there 
is  a  margin  of  uncertainty.  A  good  deal  of  discussion 
has  centred  about  the  narratives  of  tho  return  under 
Cyrus,  and  the  work  of  Ezra  and  Nehcmiah. 

The  opinion  of  scholars  is  divided  on  many  points, 
and  the  following  table  must  be  regarded  as  often 
conjectural.  Reference  should  be  made  further  to 
the  Introductions  to  the  Commentaries  on  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah.  and  Daniel,  and  to  the  articles  on  The 
History  of  Israel,  The  Nations  Contemporary  with 
Israel,  The  Historical  Books  of  the  OT,  and  Jewish 
History  from  the  Maccabees  to  the  Destruction  of 
Jerusalem. 


Hebrew  History. 


c.  1230.    The    Ezodua    from 

Egypt. 
1033.  Saul. 


History  of  Other  Peoples. 

2123-2081.  Hammurabi  king  of 

Babylonia. 
1300-1234.  Ramies  II  king  of 

Kpypt. 
1234-1214.  JJerenptah  II,  king 

of  Egypt. 


120 


THE   CHRONOLOGY   OF    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT 


Hebrew 

History. 

B.C. 

loio.  David. 

970.    Solomon. 

Judah. 

Isnvl. 

933.  Relioboam. 

.    Jeroboam  I. 

916.  Abijain. 

914.  Asa. 

912. 

Nadab. 

Ill: 

]!a.'«ha. 

Elah. 

887. 

Ziinri. 

887. 

Oniri. 

876. 

Ahab. 

873-  Jehoshapliat. 

854. 

Ahaziah. 

853- 

Jehorani. 

849-  Jehoram. 

842.  Ahaziah. 

842.  Athaliuh. 

Jehu. 

836.  JeUoaah. 

814. 

Jchoahaz. 

798. 

Jchoasli. 

79?.  Amaziah. 

78.'. 

Jeroboani  II. 

77f-.  Urzir.i.. 

750.  Jotham  regent. 

743- 

Zethariah. 

743- 

Shalluui. 

743- 

Menahem. 

740.  Jothara. 

737. 

Pekahiah. 

736.  Ahaz. 

rckah. 

730. 

HoEhea. 

727.  Hezekiah. 

722. 

Fall  of 

Samaria. 

698.  Manassch. 

643.  Amon. 

640.  Josiah. 

History  of  Other  Peoples. 


e.  950-927.  Sheshonq    king    of 


929.  Sheshonq  invades  Jud:i 


860-825.  Shalmaneser    II    king 

of  Assyria. 
854.  liattlo  of  Karkar. 


Jehu  tributary  to  Assyria. 


745-727-  Tijrlath-pileser  king  of 
Assyria. 


738.  Mcnahcra      tributary      to 
Assyria. 


727-722.  Shalinaneser  IT  king 
of  Assyria. 

722-705.  Sargou,  king  of  Assy- 
ria. 

705-681.  Sennacherib  king  of 
Assyria. 

681-668.  Esarhaddon  king  of 
Assyria. 

668-626.  A.=whurbanipal  king  of 
Assyria. 


625.  Nabopolassar  founds 
Kew  Babylouian  king- 
dom. 


Hebrew  History. 

u.c. 

608.  Jehoabaz. 
608.  Jehoiakim. 


597.  Jehoiachin. 
597.  Zedekiah. 

586.  Destruction  of  .Tcrusnlcm 
and  Exile  to  Kabyloii. 

538.  Edict  of  Cynis. 

516.  Dedication  of  Second 
Temple. 

458.  Heturn  under  Ezra. 

445.  Neheraiah's  fu'St  visit  to 
Jerusalem. 

444.  I'ublic  readinc  and  accept- 
ance of  the  Law. 

432.  Nehemiah's  second  visit 
to  Jerusalem. 

332.  Submission  of  the  Jews  to 
Alexander  the  Great. 

320.  Palestine  under  the  Pto- 
lemies (pp.  62,  79f-,  524). 

198.  Antioohus  IH  of  Syria  (pp. 
62,  524)conquers  Palestine. 

168.  Antiochus  IV  (Epiphancs) 
attempts  to  suppress  the 
Jewish  religion. 

167.  The  Jews  revolt,  led  by 
the  M  accabees. 

165.  Jerusalem  recaptured  and 
Temple  worship  restored. 

160.  Death  of  Judas  Maccabajus. 

160-142.  Jonathan. 

142-135.  Simon  Maccabreus. 

142.  Jews  gain  independence  of 
Syria. 

I35-I05-  John  Hyrcanus. 

105-104.  Aristobulus  I. 

104-78.  Ale.xander  Jannaeus. 

78-69.  Salome. 

69.  Aristobulus  11. 

65.  Pomiiey  captui-es  Jerusa- 
lem. P.alestine  becomes 
Koman  province. 

40-37.  Antigonus. 

37-4.  Herod  the  Great. 


History  of  Other  Peoples. 

610.  Necbo  kiiig  of  Egypt. 

607.  Tall  of  A.ssyrian  Empire. 
605.  Mcbuchadn'ezziu:      defeats 

Egypt  at  Carchemish. 
604-J61.  Isebuchadnezzar  king 

of  £abylon. 

594.  Psammetichus  II  king  of 

EfO'pt. 
589.  Apries  king  of  Egypt. 


For  dates  of  Babylonian  and 
Persian  kings  and  dynasties  of 
."^eleucids  and  Ptolemies,  sec  pp. 
52 3f.  For  fuller  chronolo'/j-  of 
the  period  covered  by  Ezra- 
Kcbemiab,  see  p.  323. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


By  Dr.  J.  ESTLIN  CARPENTER 


The  OT  opens  with  five  books  which  our  English 
Bible  designates  "  books  of  Moses."  ^  The  titles  which 
they  now  bear — like  Genesis  or  "  origin,"  Exodus  or 
"  departure  " — are  derived  ultimately  from  the  Greek 
version  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures.  The  books  were  known 
in  the  synagogue  by  their  first  words  :  thus  Genesis  was 
entitled  B^reahiih,  "  In  the  beginning."  Taken  to- 
gether they  formed  the  "  Five-fifths  of  the  Torah,"  or 
Law.  The  Greek  name  Pentateuch  expressed  this 
"  five-volume  "  arrangement.  As  the  Book  of  Joshua 
continues  the  story  of  the  settlement  of  the  Israelites  in 
Canaan  after  the  death  of  Moses,  and  has  been  com- 
piled out  of  documents  continuous  with  those  em- 
ployed in  the  preceding  books,  it  forms  a  natural  sequel 
to  them,  and  the  term  Hexateuch,  "  six-volume,"  has 
been  coined  to  indicate  their  literary  and  historic  unity. 
In  the  Jewish  arrangement  the  Book  of  Joshua  is 
reckoned  in  the  second  division  of  the  Canon ;  it 
stands  at  the  head  of  the  great  group  of  histories — 
Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings — which  were 
classed  as  "  the  Former  Prophets,"  followed  by  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  "  the  Twelve "  (Rosea  to 
Malachi),  known  as  "  the  Latter  Prophets  "  (pp.  37f.). 
At  what  time  the  books  of  the  Law  were  divided  as 
they  have  descended  to  us  is  not  known  with  certainty. 
The  Pentateuch  is  the  result  of  a  long  historical  process, 
the  last  stage  of  which  begins  with  the  labours  of  Ezra 
in  the  fifth  century  B.C.  There  is  good  reason  to  think 
that  the  inclusion  of  Joshua  in  the  Canon  of  the 
prophetic  writings  was  not  effected  for  two  centuries 
later.  2 

The  Hebrew  term  Torah  was  not  confined  to  positive 
commands  or  legal  ordinances.  In  its  broad  sense  it 
denoted  "  teaching,"  such  as  parents  might  give  to 
their  children,  or  wise  men  to  the  young  who  were 
entering  life.  It  was  applied  to  the  instruction  im- 
parted by  prophets,  and  the  directions  with  which 
priests  settled  difficult  disputes.  Sometimes  it  widens 
out  to  include  the  whole  field  of  what  we  might  call 
Revelation  ;  in  other  contexts  it  is  the  title  of  a  special 
collection  of  precepts.  As  the  general  name  of  the 
first  five  books  of  our  Bible  it  included  history  as  well 
as  legislation :  it  summed  up  the  ancient  faith  of 
Israel  in  the  Divine  purpose  of  the  creation  of  the  world, 
the  making  of  man,  and  the  preparation  of  the  chosen 
people  to  be  the  organs  of  truth  and  righteousness  for 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  And  as  Moses  had  been  the 
founder  of  Israel's  religious  institutions,  the  books 
which  recorded  the  sacred  traditions,  and  the  collec- 
tions of  laws  established  upon  them,  came  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  his  name  ;  and  in  citing  "  the  Law  of 
Moses  "  the  Chronicler  probably  refers  to  our  Penta- 

1  This  description  came  into  Encland  throiiBh  Tvnthile's  version 
of  the  Pentateuch,  and  was  i)robal)ly  derived  from  Luther's  tn.ns- 
latlon.  which  did  not  emiiloy  any  otlicr  than  numerical  titles, "  First 
HfX)k  of  Moses."  and  so  on  to  the  Fifth, 

-  As  the  Book  of  Joshua  will  receive  separate  notice,  this  Intro- 
duction is  limited  to  the  Pentateuch. 


teuch  and  implies  his  authorship.  But  the  Chronicles 
are  among  the  latest  works  in  the  OT.  They  belong 
to  the  Greek  age  (p.  315),  and  thus  the  earhest  external 
testimony  to  Jloses  as  the  writer  of  the  Pentateuch 
only  meets  us  not  much  less  than  a  thousand  years 
after  the  Exodus.  It  was  the  belief  of  the  rabbis ; 
it  was  the  boast  of  the  historian  Josephus  in  Pales- 
tine ;  it  was  the  asstimption  of  the  cultivated  Jew  of 
Alexandria,  Philo ;  and  it  passed  into  the  Christian 
Church  as  the  accepted  basis  of  the  entire  history  of 
revelation. 

But  the  books  themselves  contain  no  such  statement. 
Genesis  and  Leviticus  tell  us  nothing  of  their  authors. 
Exodus  briefly  refers  certain  passages  to  Moses  (17i4, 
244,  3427-28).  Numbers  only  attributes  to  him  a  list 
of  the  stages  of  the  Israelite  march  (332).  Two  ac- 
counts are  given  in  Deuteronomy  of  the  writing  of 
"  this  law  "  (3I9-13  and  24-26),  which  is  then  com- 
mitted to  the  custody  of  the  Levites.  The  Law  thus 
said  to  have  been  recorded  is  clearly  limit<-d  (444) 
to  "  the  testimonies,  the  statutes,  and  the  judgments  " 
assigned  to  the  last  year  of  Moses'  life  in  the  land  of 
Moab.  These  "  statutes  and  judgments  "  apparently 
begin  in  12i  and  reach  a  solemn  conclusion  in  2616-19. 
The  value  of  these  ascriptioas  must  be  tested  by  such 
evidence  as  history  subsequently  may  provide.  The 
fact  that  thej-  apply  only  to  certain  parts  of  the  books 
is  in  itself  a  warning  against  crediting  Moses  with  the 
whole. 

For  more  than  a  thousand  years  after  our  era  the 
tradition  of  Mosaic  authorship  was  not  seriously  ques- 
tioned, though  some  obscure  sects  here  and  there 
raised  a  doubt  on  grounds  of  doctrine  or  usage.  The 
famous  Spanish  Rabbi  Ibn  Ezra  (a.d.  1088-1167)  was 
the  first  to  hint  in  veiled  language  at  the  existence  of 
passages  belonging  to  a  lat<>r  age.  The  immense 
intellectual  energy  of  the  Renaissance  did  not  neglect 
the  Scriptures.  In  1520  Carlstadt,  who  had  started 
in  1516  on  the  same  path  of  reform  as  Luther,  pointed 
out  that  the  style  of  narrative  after  the  death  of 
Moses  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  remained  unchanged,  and 
it  was  therefore  possible  that  Moses  was  not  the  author 
of  the  five  books  ascribed  to  him.  Luther,  who  felt 
himself  in  no  way  bound  by  the  Church  tradition 
about  Scripture,  asked  what  it  mattered  if  Moses  had 
not  himself  Avritten  the  Pentateuch.  The  new  learning 
brought  various  critics,  both  Catholic  and  Protestant, 
into  the  field,  and  in  the  seventeenth  century  Thomas 
Hobbes  in  his  Leriathan  (1651),  and  Spinoza  in  the 
Tractatus  Theoloqico-Politicus  (1671).  pomted  to 
numerous  indications  of  post-Mosaic  authorship  and 
chronological  embarrassment.  Neither  theologian  nor 
philosoplier,  however,  had. as  yet  hit  upon  any  clue 
by  which  the  contents  of  the  Pentateuch  could  be 
analysed  into  their  constituent  parts.  In  1685  a 
Duteh  scholar,  Jean  lo  Clerc,  nia<lo  the  important 
observation    that    the    term    "  prophet "    applied    to 


12: 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


Abraham  in  Gen.  2O7  did  not  como  into  use  till  the 
time  of  Samiuil  (1  S.  Oq).  Ho  infem»d,  tlicrcfore,  tliat 
the  Pcntattmch  could  not  liavo  assumed  its  jircsent 
form  till  the  time  of  tlic  monarchy,  and  suggested  tliat 
it  had  been  compiled  from  various  documents,  some 
of  which  might  have  been  written  even  before  Moses, 
though  only  fragments  had  been  preserved.  The 
problem  was  how  to  distinguish  such  different  sources. 
Two  generations  passed  before  a  cluo  was  supplied. 
At  length  a  French  physician,  Jean  Astruc  of  Jlont- 
pelier.  Catholic  by  religion  though  of  Huguenot  origin, 
published  anonymously  at  Brussels  a  httlo  book  of 
Conjectures  on  the  Original  Doctiments  irhich  Moses 
appears  to  have  employed  for  the  Comjiosition  of  the 
Book  of  Genesis.  He  noticed  that  in  different  narratives 
the  Deity  was  designated  by  different  names.  In 
some  passages  He  was  called  Elohim.  (God),  in  others 
YHWH  (the  four  letters  of  the  sacred  name  originally 
pronounced  Yahtveh,  represented  in  our  English 
version  by  "  the  Lord,"  the  equivalent  of  the  Hebrew 
word  read  in  its  place  and  anglicised,  through  the 
application  of  the  vowels  of  the  Hebrew  title  to  the 
original  consonants,  in  the  form  Jelwvnh).  On  this 
basis  he  distributed  the  contents  of  Genesis  into  two 
main  documents,  an  Elohim  narrative  A  and  a  Yahweh 
Btory  B,  which  ran  through  the  entire  book.  To  the 
Elohim  source,  for  example,  he  assigned  the  stately 
account  of  the  creation  (I-23),  followed  by  the  gene- 
alogy in  .5  ;  its  counterpart  in  24-4  opened  the  Yahweh 
document.  The  story  of  the  Flood  was  compiled  from 
the  two  narratives,  and  its  inconsistencies  were  at 
once  explained.  If  in  619  Elohim  commanded  Noah 
to  take  one  pair  of  each  Idnd  of  animal  into  the  ark, 
while  in  72  Yahweh  enjoined  Noah  to  distinguish 
between  the  clean  and  the  unclean,  it  was  clear  that 
two  independ(>nt  versions  had  been  combined.  In 
the  patriarchal  stories  there  were  episodes  that  seemed 
to  fit  into  neither  of  these  two  great  groups.  The 
invasion  of  the  Jordan  vaU(^y  by  Chedorlaomer  and 
his  alUes  in  14,  the  attack  on  Shechem  in  consequence 
of  the  violation  of  Dinah  in  .34,  the  Edomite  hsts  in  36, 
with  some  shorter  passages  (ten  in  all),  were  referred 
to  separate  sources.  Astruc  did  not  carry  his  in- 
vestigations beyond  the  first  two  chapters  of  Exodus. 
By  this  limitation  he  missed  the  real  key  to  the  diversity 
which  he  had  so  acutely  noticed.  His  results  were 
consequently  incomplete.  Later  scholars  were  to  lay 
broad  and  deep  the  foundations  of  OT  study,  but  the 
initial  inquiry  into  the  composition  of  the  Pentateuch 
owes  most  to  Astruc. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  recite  the  successive  critical 
steps  by  which  the  modem  position  has  bsen  reached, 
but  a  few  words  may  be  said  concerning  the  method 
of  composition,  of  which  the  Pentateuch  presents  so 
conspicuous  an  example.  The  later  books  of  Israel's 
national  history  show  similar  traces  of  compilation. 
Thus  Jg.  1 106-15  reproduces  Jos.  I514-10  in  a  different 
context.  There  are  two  aecounts  of  the  origin  of 
the  monarchy  in  1  R.  ;  there  are  in  the  same  way 
different  versions  of  (ho  rejection  of  Said.  David  is 
first  intro<luced  as  a  lad,  too  young  to  bo  summoned 
to  the  family  sacrifice  (1  S.  10 11),  but  in  the  same 
chapter  he  is  already  (18)  a  "  mighty  man  of  valour 
and  a  man  of  war."  Plainly  these  descriptions  are 
drawn  from  separate  sources,  and  the  comf)iicr  saw 
no  difliculty  in  putting  them  in  immediate  succession. 
Sometimes  such  extracts  might  be  altered,  or  expanded, 
or  curtailed.  The  ])urpose  of  the  writer  was  always 
moral ;  he  chose  what  seeme<l  fittest  to  convey  his 
Ideas,  and  he  adapted  his  materials  to  suit  his  own 
conceptions   of   religious   tnith.     Of   this   practice   a 


conspicuous  illustration  Ls  afforded  in  the  Books  of 
Chronicles  compared  with  the  earlier  Books  of  Kings. 
They  tell  the  story  of  David  and  his  succes-sors  in  the 
monarchy  at  Jerusalem  in  the  light  of  the  faith  and 
I)racticc  of  the  Greek  age  to  which  the  author  belonged. 
The  forms  of  worship  which  he  knew  were  of  time- 
honoured  antiquity.  Ho  supposed  them  to  have  been 
observed  by  the  pious  kings  of  the  past ;  and  he 
depicted  David  and  Hczekiah  as  types  of  the  devout 
observance  of  his  o«n  time.  Statements  of  the  older 
books  are  transferred  to  his  own  pages,  sometimes  in 
long  passages  word  for  word,  sometimes  with  important 
modifications  or  additions.  In  this  way  later  works 
are  built  up  on  earlier,  and  the  examination  of  other 
hteratures  shows  that  this  practice  was  not  confined 
to  Israel.  "  When  we  compare  the  Arabic  historians 
with  one  another,"  says  Prof.  A.  A.  Bevan,*  "  we 
find  that  they  differ  precisely  as  the  Book  of 
Chronicles  differs  from  Samuel  and  Kings.  Some- 
times the  same  passage,  extending  over  several  pages, 
appears  in  two  or  more  authors,  but  in  such 
cases  we  almost  universally  find  a  certain  number  of 
variants.  At  other  times,  particularly  in  tho  later 
Arabic  historians,  wo  come  upon  what  may  be  called 
patchwork  narratives,  consisting  of  short  passages 
borrowed  (with  or  without  modification)  from  older 
works  and  fitted  together  by  the  compiler,  who,  of 
course,  usually  interspei"sc8  remarks  of  his  own." 
Similar  methods  may  be  observed  in  the  literature  of 
India,  for  example  in  the  successive  narratives  of  the 
early  life  of  Gotama  the  Buddha,  while  the  development 
of  numerous  works  of  sacred  law  presents  corresponding 
features.  The  study  of  the  first  three  Gosjiels  shows 
that  like  methods  were  adopted  bj'  tho  primitive  Evan- 
gehsts  (pp.  672-4J78).  Large  portions  of  Mark  are  repro- 
duced in  Lnke  ;  very  nearly  the  whole  is  represented  in 
Maiiheic.  But  Luke  and  Matthew  have  both  employed 
an  additional  source,  which,  however,  they  treat  in 
their  own  way,  sometimes  preserving  its  very  words 
with  care,  sometimes  transposing,  modifying,  omitting, 
adding,  creating  fresh  connexions  and  imparting  new 
meanings.  Various  materials  may  thus  be  welded 
into  a  single  whole.  Of  this  process  a  remarkable 
instance  is  afforded  in  the  early  Christian  Church  by 
the  Diatessaron  of  Tatian.  Born  in  the  East,  probably 
beyond  the  Tigris,  and  educated  in  tho  Greek  learning, 
he  was  converted  to  Christanity  and  went  to  Rome. 
There  ho  was  a  pupil  of  Justin  some  time  before  A.D. 
l.'}2,  and  thence  he  returned  at  a  later  date  to  the  East. 
For  the  use  of  the  churches  he  drew  up  a  land  of 
harmony  of  the  Gospels,  which  gained  the  name 
Diatessaron,  "  by  Four,"  and  was  widely  employed 
instead  of  the  "  separate  "  books.  In  a  generai  sense 
its  literary  foundation  was  tho  Fourth  Gospel,  from 
which  its  opening  and  closing  pas.'iages  were  taken. 
But  the  attempt  to  combine  the  different  materials 
led  inevitably  to  transpositions  and  amalgamations, 
which  sometimes  left  incongruities  unconcealed.  From 
such  a  product  the  sections  belonging  to  the  Fourth 
Gos{K'l  could  bo  eliminated  with  little  dillicidty.  But 
no  analysis  of  the  nst  could  reaeh  more  than  tentative 
results.  In  this  case,  however,  we  possess  tho 
"  separate  "  Gospels  independently,  and  can  trace  the 
use  which  has  been  made  of  e.aeh.  In  dealing  with 
the  Pentateuch  that  aid  fails  us.  On  the  other  hand, 
tho  grounds  for  resolving  it  into  definite  groups  of 
narrative  and  law  arc  far  more  numerous  and  decisive. 
Tho  modem  view,  which  distributes  it  into  four  main 


I  "  Historical  MetlicxJs  In  the  OT  "  in' CambrUiof.  BiblUal  Essays. 
1909.  i>.  13. 


INTRODUCTION   TO   THE   PENTATEUCH 


123 


documents,  presents  it,  in  fact,  as  the  Diatessaron  of 
the  OT. 

It  is  sometimes  supposed  that  this  distribution  de- 
pends exclusively  upon  the  use  of  different  words, 
notably  on  the  varying  occurrence  of  the  two  Divine 
names  to  which  Astruc  was  the  first  to  call  att-ention. 
Thus  the  distinguished  Egyptologist,  M.  Edouard 
Naville,  ^vrites  of  "  the  philological  analysis  on  which 
rests  entirely  the  theory  of  the  various  documents  of  the 
Pentateuch."  ^  Such  an  assertion  entirely  overlooks  the 
large  mass  of  evidence  of  other  kinds,  which  constitutes 
the  real  foundation  of  the  whole  argument.  It  cannot 
be  too  often  repeated  that  the  primary  considerations 
are  not  linguistic  at  all.  They  arise  out  of  inconsist- 
encies in  statements  of  fact ;  they  arc  based  on  diver- 
gencies in  the  presentation  of  the  events  and  institutions 
belonging  to  the  Mosaic  age  ;  they  are  concerned  with 
incongruities  in  legislation  which  cannot  be  referred  to 
one  single  hand.  It  is  quite  true  that  these  differences, 
when  they  are  compared  together,  are  seen  to  be  accom- 
panied by  varieties  of  expression,  which  tend  in  their 
turn  to  fall  into  groups.  Certain  leading  ideas  are 
couched  again  and  again  in  recurring  formulae.  And 
in  passages  which  may  for  other  reasons  bo  suspected 
as  composite,  the  usage  of  words  may  become  a  valu- 
able aid  in  analysis.  But  it  must  always  be  remem- 
bered that  the  elemental  grounds  of  the  resolution 
of  the  Pentateuch  into  its  four  main  constituents  do 
not  he  in  language  ;  they  are  to  be  found  in  the  diver- 
sities of  sacred  tradition  and  of  religious  enactment,  and 
are  confinned  by  the  witness  of  subsequent  history. 

A  few  instances  must  suffice  to  illustrate  the  diffi- 
culty of  ascribing  the  accoimts  of  the  incidents  of  the 
Mosaic  age  to  the  great  leader  himself.  In  the  settle- 
ment of  Israel  in  Egypt  they  were  placed  as  shepherds 
in  the  land  of  Goshen  (Gen.  472;).  There,  accordingly, 
when  the  plagues  break  out,  they  are  unaffected  by  the 
flics  which  swarm  in  the  houses  of  the  Egyptians 
(Ex.  822),  and  the  hail  which  desolates  the  crops 
throughout  Egypt  docs  not  touch  them  (926).  But 
a  second  representation  depicts  them  as  located  among 
the  Egyx>tians  ;  and  v,'hen  thick  darkness  covered  the 
land  for  three  days,  so  that  no  one  could  move,  the 
children  of  Israel  had  fight  in  their  dwellings  (Ex. 
IO21-23).  Blended  in  this  manner  with  the  native 
population  all  around  them,  and  even  in  their  own 
homes,  they  were  able  to  secure  jewels  of  gold  and  silver 
with  which  to  start  upon  their  way  (Ex.  82 if., 
11 1-3).  Some  imes  the  same  narrative  contains  quite 
different  details.  When  the  twelve  spies  are  sent  to 
explore  Canaan  (Nu.  132 1),  they  traverse  the  whole 
length  of  the  country  from  south  to  north,  as  far  as 
the  pass  known  as  "  the  entering  in  of  Hamath." 
But  the  next  veree  describes  them  as  making  a  fresh 
start ;  they  only  get  as  far  as  Hebron  and  the  adjacent 
valley  of  Eshcol,  where  they  cut  down  a  huge  cluster 
of  grapes,  which  they  carry  back,  with  pomegranates 
and  figs,  to  Moses  at  Kadesh  (2C6),  about  fifty  miles 
south  of  Beersheba,  the  other  narrative  conducting  them 
still  further  south  to  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  whence 
they  had  started  (1326a). 

A  similar  combination  of  different  narratives  may 
be  discerned  in  the  account  of  the  rebelhon  of  Korah, 
Dathan,  and  Abirara  in  Nu.  16.  Korah  the  Lo\-ite 
is  the  leader  of  "  two  hundred  and  fifty  princes  of  the 
congregation,  mm  of  renown,"  who  protest  against 
the  religious  leadership  of  Moses  and  Aaron ;  Dathan 
and  Abiram  belong  to  the  tribe  of  Reuben,  and  head  a 
revolt  against  the  secular  authority  of  Moses.     Even 

1  ATchcedoov  0/  ihe  Old  TesUiment,  1013,  p.  304.  cf.  24. 


Prof.  Orr  admits  that  "  there  are  traces  in  the  narrative 
of  ttoo  movements."  ^  They  have  been  imperfectly 
combined,  for  Korah's  party  are  first  of  all  swallowed 
up  with  the  followers  of  Dathan  and  Abiram  (32),  and 
are  afterwards  devoured  by  the  sacred  fire  which 
comes  forth  from  the  entrance  of  the  tent  of  meeting 
(35).  The  significance  of  the  fact  that  in  the  retrospect 
(Dt.  Il6)  Dathan  and  Abiram  alone  are  mentioned, 
and  Korah  is  ignored,  will  Ijccome  apparent  hereafter. 
Once  more  there  is  a  remarkable  divergence  between 
the  accounts  of  the  making  of  the  Ark  in  Ex.  and  Dt. 
In  Dt.  10,  after  the  first  sojourn  of  Moses  on  the 
mount,  and  the  fracture  of  the  stone  tablets  of  the 
covenant,  Moses  is  directed  to  cut  two  new  tablets  and 
make  an  ark  in  which  they  may  be  preserved.  The 
recital  continues  :  "  So  I  made  an  ark  of  acacia  wood, 
and  hewed  two  tables  of  stone  like  unto  the  first." 
He  reasccnds  the  mount,  the  tablets  are  Divinely 
inscribed,  and  the  story  concludes  (5) :  "  And  I  turned 
and  came  down  from  the  mount,  and  put  the  tables 
in  the  ark  which  I  had  made  ;  and  there  they  be  aa 
Yahweh  commanded  me."  The  narrative  of  Exodus 
gives  a  completely  different  representation.  Before 
the  first  tablets  have  been  entrusted  to  him,  Moses 
receives  elaborate  instructions  for  the  preparation  of 
the  Ark  (Ex.  25io-2i),  into  which  he  is  to  put  tho 
"  testimony  "  which  vnW  be  deUvered  to  him.  These 
directions  are  carried  out  by  Bezalel  (37i),  and  on 
New  Year's  Day  in  the  secorM"  ycSr-Moses  put  the 
"  testimony "  into  the  Ark  (4O20).  It  is  impossible 
to  suppose  that  these  two  stories  can  have  been 
written  by  the  same  hand.  The  narrative  of  Dt., 
however,  plainly  depends  on  that  in  Ex.  34i-4,  as  the 
following  parallels  show : 

\                      Ex.  34.  Dr.  10 

!      1    And    Yahweh    said     unto  1  At  that  time  Yahweh  6aid 

i  Moses.  Hew  thee  two  tables   of  unto  me.  Hew  thee  two  tabl«s 

stone  like  unto  the  first ;  of  stone  like  unto  the  first,  and 

come  up  to  me  to  the  mount, 

aud  make  thee  an  ark  of  wood. 

and  I  will    write    upon    the  2  And  I  will  write  on  the  tables 

tables  the  words  which  were  i.n  the  words.that  were  on  the  first 

the     first     tables    which    thou  tables  which  thou  brakest,  and 

brakest  .  .  .  thou  shalt  put  them  m  the  ark, 

4  And    he  hewed  two  tables  3  So  I  made  an  ark  of  acacia 

of  stone  Uke  unto  the  first  .  .  .  wood,  and  hewed  two  tables  ol 

and    he    went   up    into    Moimt  stone  like  unto  the   first,  and 

Sinai        .  and  took  in  his  hand  \«:nt  up  mto  the  mount  having 

two  tables  of  stone.  the  two  tables  in  mme  hand. 

Why  is  all  mention  of  the  Ark  omiited  in  Ex.  34  ? 
No  doubt  it  stood  there  originally,  for  why  should  it 
have  been  inserted  in  Dt.  10  ?  It  has  apparently  been 
removed  from  the  earlier  story  to  make  room  for  the 
very  different  description  of  Bezalel's  Ark.  In  the 
process  of  compilation  they  coidd  no  longer  be  allowed 
to  stand  side  by  side. 

Bezalel's  Ark  is  placed  in  an  elaborate  structure 
named  "  the  dwelling  "  (Ex.  259).^  Upon  the  Ark  is 
laid  a  golden  slab  (2G17)  bearing  two  cherubim  with 
outspread  wmgs,  protcctmg  the  "  testimony  "  within. 
It  was  the  solemn  seat  from  which  Yahweh  would 
condescend  to  meet  and  speak  (RV  "  commune ") 
with  IMoses  (2622).  The  dwelling  which  ooshrined  it 
was  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  camp,  with  the  twelve 
tribes  surrounding  it,  three  on  a  side,  Judah  taking 
the  lead  upon  the  east  (Nu.  2).  It  sometimes  also 
bears  the  name  "  tent  of  meeting,"  as  in  the  chapter 
just  cited,  or  tho  two  are  combined,  "  dwelling  of  tho 
tent  of  meeting  "  (Ex.  4O2).  But  of  this  tent  we  are 
told  (Ex.  337)  that  Moses  used  to  pitch  it  outside  the 

1  The  Problem  ol  Uie  Old  Testinifnt.  p.  358.      .  .1.     .     * 

i  So  RVm.  The  renderlni;  "  tab:-r:i,",cle  obsoutos  the  fact 
that  the  tenn  U  derived  immediately  frt"?  the  prjmilso  in  the  re- 
ceding verse.  "  Let  them  make  me  a  sanctuary  that  1  may  metu 
among  them." 


124 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


camp  at  a  distance  from  it.^  And  a  very  different 
picture  is  given  of  the  august  communion  of  the  great 
leader  with  Yahweh.  AVlion  Moses  had  entered 
it,  a  pillar  of  cloud  came  down  in  the  sight 
of  the  distant  people,  and  stood  at  the  opening, 
and  sjxike  with  him.  Such  Divine  converse,  "  face 
to  face  as  a  man  spcaketh  unto  his  friend "  is 
recorded  in  Xu,  11 25,  I25,  and  at  a  similar  meeting 
Joshua  received  his  charge  (Dt.  31i4f.,23).  It  is 
alleged,  indeed,  that  "  going  out  from  the  camp " 
mcfins  coming  into  the  open  space  in  the  centre  where 
the  sanctuarj'  stood.  But  such  an  ex])lanation  is 
quite  inconsistont  with  the  story  of  the  seventy  elders 
(Nu.  11),  two  of  whom  did  not  go  out  to  the  tent, 
but  remained  in  the  camp  (24-30),  to  which  Moses  and 
the  prophetic  company  return.  These  representations 
cannot  be  harmonised,  and  belong  to  different  concep- 
tions of  the  sanctuary  in  the  wilderness. 

In  the  tent  of  meeting  the  young  Joshua  used  to 
minister,  remaining  in  it  when  Moses  went  back  into 
the  camp  (Ex.  33 11).  For  the  dweUing,  however,  very 
elaborate  provision  was  made.  Aaron  and  his  sons 
were  solemnly  consecrated  to  the  ministry  (Lev.  8), 
and  at  a  later  stage  the  Levites  were  set  apart  for  the 
service  of  the  sanctuary  (Nu.  8),  but  they  were  for- 
bidden to  approach  the  altar  or  perform  priestly  func- 
tions under  pain  of  death  (Nu.  I82-7).  The  Deutero- 
nomic  code,  however,  which  is  assigned  in  Pentateuchal 
chronology  to  the  last  year  of  Moses'  life,  recognises 
no  such  distinction.  "  The  priests,  the  Levites " 
(i.e.  the  Lcvitical  priests),  "  the  whole  tribe  of  Levi  " 
(Dt.  I81),  possess  equal  rights;  all  are  alike  entitled 
"  to  stand  to  minister  in  the  name  of  Yahweh."  A 
country  Levitc  coming  up  to  the  central  sanctuary, 
"  the  place  which  Yahweh  shall  choose  "  {i.e.  Jeru- 
salem), shall  have  the  full  privilege  of  the  altar,  like 
those  who  already  "  stand  there  before  Yahweh " 
(Dt.  186f.).  They  will  have  no  territorial  mainte- 
nance, they  will  live  by  the  altar-dues  (Dt.  18if.), 
which  in  Nu.  I820  are  reser^^ed  for  the  priests  alone. 
More  startling  still  is  the  contra.st  with  the  repeated 
commendation  of  the  poor  Levites  to  the  householder's 
goodwill  (Dt.  12i2,i8-ig,  etc.).  So  far  from  having 
no  inheritance  (Dt.  I82),  they  are  promised,  in  the 
very  same  year  of  Moses'  life,  the  ample  endowment 
of  forty-eight  cities  with  their  surrounding  pasture- 
lands  (Nu.  35i-6).  How  can  such  diversities  of  rc- 
hgious  institutions  and  legislative  enactment  be 
ascribed  to  a  single  founder  ? 

The  records  of  Moses'  acti\ity  thus  present  different 
conceptions  of  historic  fact  and  of  provision  for 
the  future.  A  little  attention  to  their  language 
further  reveals  striking  varieties  of  terminology.  The 
"  sanctuary  "  which  is  to  be  provided  for  Yahweh 
(Ex.  2o8  and  twelve  other  passages),  Dt.  never  names. 
It  constitutes  a  place  for  Yahweh  to  dwell  in,  and  is 
called  the  "  dwelUng."  This  term  Dt.  ignores.  For 
one  group  of  narratives  the  sacred  mountain  bears 
the  name  of  Sinai ;  Dt.  always  prefers  the  name 
Horeb.  The  middle  books  describe  the  organisation 
of  the  people  under  the  name  "  congregation  "  ;  they 
arc  divided  into  "  tribes"  (matteh),  whose  chiefs  are 
"  princes."  For  Dt.  the  nation  forms  an  "  assemblj'," 
constituted,  indeed,  out  of  tribes,  designated  by  a 
different  word  (skebhet),  who  are  led  by  "  heads  "  and 
"  elders."  These  changes  of  vocabulary  are  not  hap- 
hazard. They  accompany  contrasted  conceptions  of 
specific  arrangements  which  are  attri butted  to  the  same 

1  The  careful  reader  will  Dotlce  that  it  Is  here  descrilied  as  some- 
thmg  familiar  and  well  known.  But  according  to  Ex.  36-40  it 
has  ]rct  to  be  made. 


historic  and  geographic  situation.  Thus  in  the  plains 
of  Moab  provision  is  made  twice  over  for  cities  of 
refuae  in  the  following  terms  ; 

y  Nu.  809-14.  I>T.  19i-3. 

j6  Aiid    Yahweh    spake    unto         ]  When  Yahweh  thy  God  Bhal) 

Moaes  saying,  10  Speak  unto  the  cut  off  the  nation     whose  land 

chlldriTi  of  Israel  and  say  unto  Yahweh  thy  G«<1    Kivith    thee, 

them.  When  ye  pasa  over  Jordan  and  thou  succ^drj^t  Ihein.  and 

into  thi;  land  of  Canaan.  11  then  dwelleat  in  their  housts.  2  thou 

ye    shall    api>oint    cities    to    be  shalt  separat*;  tlirec    cities    for 

cities  of  refuge  for  you.  that  the  thee  In  th';  inldnf  of  thy  land, 

manslayer     which     killeth     any  which  Yahweh  thy  G<>d  glveth 

person     unwitthigly     may     flee  thee  to  iKwsess  It.  3  Thou  shalt 

thither,     12  And  the  cities  shall  prepare  thee  the  way.  and  divide 

be    unto   you   for   refuge    from  the  borders  of  thy  land,  wliich 

the  avenger;  that  the  manslayer  Yahweh  thy  Gol   causeth  thee 

die   not   until   he   stand   before  to  inherit   inti)  three  parts,  that 

the  congregation  for  judttment.  every     manslayer     may      Wee 

13  And     the     cities    which    ye  thither, 
shall  give  shall  be  for  you  six 
cities  of  refuge. 

The  careful  reader  of  the  laws  thus  introduced  will 
notict;  a  large  number  of  differences  of  language.  The 
opening  formula  in  Nu.,  "  Speak  .  .  .  and  say," 
occurs  twenty  times  in  Lev.-Nu.,  but  never  once  in 
Dt.  The  designation  "  land  of  Canaan  "  is  frequent 
in  Lcv.-Nu.  (fourteen  times) ;  it  is  replaced  in  the 
Douteronomic  code  by  various  circumlocutions,  such 
as  "  the  land  which  Yahweh  thy  God  giveth  thee  to 
possess  it,"  etc  The  law  in  Nu.  calls  the  cities  "  cities 
of  refuge,"  a  title  which  Dt.  persistently  ignores. 
From  the  rest  of  the  passage  (35io-34)  various  phrases 
of  repeated  occurrence  in  Lev.-Nu.,  such  as  "  con- 
gregation," "  high  priest,"  "  anointed  with  the  holy 
oil,"  "  stranger  and  sojourner,"  "  statute  of  judg- 
ment," "  throughout  your  generations,"  and  others, 
have  all  vanished.  In  Nu.  we  read  "  killeth  any  person 
unwittingly " ;  Dt.  writes  "  killeth  his  neighbour 
unawares,  and  hated  him  not  in  time  past,"  laying 
stress  on  the  enmity  (194, 11).  Why  should  these  laws 
have  been  composed  in  such  different  terms  in  the  last 
year  of  Moses'  okl  age  ?  These  variations  of  language 
are  found  to  characterise  groups  of  enactments  asso- 
ciated with  no  less  marked  variations  of  social  de- 
velopment and  religious  ideas.  It  has  been  recently 
suggested  that  Moses  originally  wrote  on  clay  ta})lets 
similar  to  those  which  were  discovered  at  Tell  el- 
Amama  on  the  Nile  (in  1887),  containing  reports  from 
governors  of  Palestinian  cities  to  the  sovereign  of 
Egypt  in  cuneiform  character  (p.  55).  These  tablets, 
it  is  supposed,  were  carried  to  Babylon  by  the  exiles, 
and  were  translated  by  Ezra  some  nine  hundred  years 
after  Moses  inscribed  them  into  the  vernacular  Aramean 
of  his  day.  This  translation  was  then,  at  Jeni.salora, 
translated  again  into  the  language  which  we  know  as 
classical  Hebrew,  the  speech  of  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah. 
How  under  such  circumstances  can  it  be  imagined  that 
these  regular  variations  of  diction  should  have  been  so 
carefully  preserved  ?  Once  more  it  must  be  remem- 
bered tliat  the  "  philological  argument  "  only  emerges 
into  significance  when  it  is  found  to  accompany  diver- 
gent representations  of  fact. 

The  key  to  the  most  immediately  important  of  these 
divergencies  lies  in  Ex.  62-8.  Astruc  had  alrt>ady  hinted 
that  two  main  documents  might  be  traced  through  the 
Book  of  Genesis,  one  employing  the  Divine  name 
Elohim,  the  other  Yahweh.  Had  he  pursued  his  re- 
searches a  little  further,  he  might  have  discerned  a 
reason  for  this  remarkable  fact.  For  the  writer  of 
Ex.  62f.  t<ll8  us  that  "  God  spake  unto  Moses,  and 
said  unto  him,  I  am  Yahweh,  and  I  appeared  unto 
Abraham,  unto  Isaac,  and  unto  Jacob  as  El  Shaddai 
(God  Almighty),  but  by  My  name  Yahweh  I  was  not 
known  to  them."  This  passage  makes  two  clear 
statements.  In  revealing  Himself  as  Yahweh,  God 
declares  that  Ho  had  been  unknown  to  the  fathers  of 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


125 


Israel  by  that  name  ;  on  tho  other  hand,  Ho  had 
disclosed  Himself  as  El  Shaddai.  Two  such  self- 
disclosures  are  recorded,  the  first  to  Abrahata  (Gen. 
17i),  the  second  to  Jacob  (35ii).  The  corresponding 
announcement  to  Isaac  has  not  been  preserved.  On 
tho  other  hand,  such  declarations  as  that  to  Abraham 
(Gen.  157),  "  I  am  Yahweh,  that  brought  thee  out  of 
Ur  of  the  Chaldeos,"  or  to  Jacob  (2813),  "  I  am  Yahweh, 
the  God  of  Abraham  thy  father,  and  the  God  of  Isaac," 
cannot  have  proceeded  from  the  writer  of  Ex.  63, 
unless  he  contradicted  himself.  Behind  the  patriarchs 
stand  the  dim  figures  of  an  older  time,  so  that  the 
worship  of  Yahweh  can  be  carried  back  to  the  immediate 
descendants  of  Adam — "  Then  began  men  to  call  upon 
the  name  of  Yahweh  "  (Gen.  426). 

Here  are  different  conceptioas  of  the  history  of 
revelation,  which  are  not  to  be  set  aside  by  the  plea 
that  the  Hebrew  text  is  uncertain,  and  that  the  Greek 
and  other  ancient  versions  sometimes  show  variations 
of  usage.  Were  there  no  other  independent  indica- 
tions in  statements  of  circumstance,  in  records  of 
events,  in  religious  ideas  and  practice,  these  diversities 
would  undoubtedly  possess  greater  weight.  But  the 
most  cautious  scholars  have  pointed  out  how  many 
considerations  need  attention  in  estimating  their 
value.  Sometimes  a  copj'ist  introduces  a  variation 
quit«  accidentally ;  sometimes  a  translator  has  a  pre- 
ference for  one  name  over  another,  or  freely  reproduces 
the  original  without  rigid  adherence  to  uniform  rules. 
Henco  the  late  Dr.  Driver  warned  the  student  that, 
before  a  variant  in  the  Greek  or  other  version  can  be 
regarded  as  casting  doubt  upon  our  Hebrew  text, 
"  it  must  be  shown,  or  at  least  made  reasonably  prob- 
able, (1)  that  the  variant  is  not  due  to  a  paraphrase 
or  loose  rendering  on  the  part  of  the  translator,  or  to 
an  error  of  a  transcriber,  but  that  it  really  depends 
upon  a  various  reading  in  the  Hebrew  MS.  used  by  the 
translator ;  and  (2)  that  this  various  reading  in  the 
Hebrew  has  substantial  claims  to  be  preferred  to  the 
Massoretic  t€xt,  as  being  the  original  reading  of  the 
Hebrew "  ^  Dr.  Skinner  has  proved,  by  a  careful 
comparison  of  the  Samaritan  text  of  Genesis  with 
the  Hebrew,  that  while  they  agree  in  the  Divine 
names  over  three  hundred  times,  they  only  differ 
in  nine.  The  Samaritan  Pentateuch  is  behoved  to 
be  older  than  300  B.C.  ;  it  thus  precedes  the  Greek 
version,  which  was  begun  in  the  next  centurj'.  The 
result  is  significant.  "  It  means,"  says  Dr.  Skinner, 
"  that  through  two  independent  lines  of  descent  the 
Divine  names  in  Genesis  have  been  transmitted  with 
practically  no  variation."  * 

The  argument  founded  on  the  respective  occurrences 
of  the  names  Elohim,  El  Shaddai,  Yahweh  in  Genesis 
is,  however,  only  one  item  in  a  much  more  compre- 
hensive list.  Around  these  terms  are  grouped  mani- 
fold repetitions,  incongruities,  discrepancies,  which 
become  intelligible  as  soon  as  they  are  referred  to 
different  documents.  Thus  the  narrative  of  the 
creation  in  Gen.  1— 24a  is  at  once  discriminated  from 
the  story  of  Eden  which  follows.  In  the  first,  mankind 
are  created  by  Elohim  in  two  sexes  on  the  sixth  day, 
as  the  climax  of  the  whole  process  of  bringing  into 
being  the  heavens  and  the  earth.  The  order  of  pro- 
duction in  the  second  pays  no  heed  to  what  precedes. 
A  single  man  is  formed  by  Yahweh  out  of  the  dust 
upon  the  ground  before  any  green  thing  had  appeared.* 

»  LHrraiuTc  of  the  OT.  9th  ed..  p.  29,  where  references  to  de- 
tailed dwcu-ssicin  will  be  found. 

^  The  Diviiw  Names  in  CUnesU,  1914,  p.  117.  Students  will 
And  in  this  careful  treatise  an  exhaustive  reply  to  the  argruments 
of  Dahse. 

s  The  compiler  hiia  app:irently  addt;d  the  name  Elohim  in  order 
to  Identify  Him  with  the  Deity  in  the  preceding  story. 


A  garden  is  planted,  and  he  is  placed  there  to 
keep  it.  The  beasts  of  the  field  and  tho  birds 
of  the  air  are  wrought  successively  out  of  the  same 
ground,  but  none  is  a  fit  mate  for  him.  The  history 
of  early  man  thus  opened  is  continued  with  the  account 
of  tho  first  sin  and  its  issue.  A  sketch  of  the  de- 
velopment of  primitive  civilisation  (Gen.  4)  leads  to 
an  account  of  the  Flood.  The  descendants  of  Noah 
arc  dispersed,  and  the  origin  of  diversities  of  language 
is  explained,  and  the  writer  passes  to  the  traditions 
of  the  patriarchal  age.  Abram  builds  altars  to  Yahweh 
and  calls  on  His  name  (Gen.  128,  13i8,  2I33),  and 
Yahweh  makes  a  covenant  with  him  (I5iS).  Isaac 
follows  his  father's  example  at  Becrsheba  (2625) ; 
Jacob  recognises  Yahweh's  presence  at  Bethel  (28i6). 
Here  is  a  succession  of  stories  repeated  from  generation 
to  generation,  linked  in  local  association  with  altars, 
pillars,  wells,  and  sacred  trees,  and  penetrated  with 
the  belief  that  tho  simple  worship  of  Yahweh  had  been 
practised  from  immemorial  antiquity.  To  this  group 
modem  criticism  has  affixed  tho  designation  J 
(Jehovah). 

On  tho  other  hand,  there  are  traces  of  a  document, 
conceived  on  tho  theory  of  Ex.  62f.,  that  tho  Divine 
name  Yahweh  was  first  made  known  to  Moses.  For 
example,  after  the  statement  in  Gen.  6s  that  "  Noah 
found  grace  in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh,"  we  read  in  9  that 
Noah  was  a  righteous  man  and  walked  with  Elohim. 
The  writer  proceeds  to  relate  how  the  earth  had  become 
full  of  violence,  and  Elohim  proposed  to  destroy  all 
flesh  upon  it.  The  storj'  runs  parallel  with  Yahweh's 
grief  over  human  wickedness,  and  His  intention  to 
hlot  out  man  and  beast  and  creeping  thing  (65-7). 
But  Noah  and  his  family  are  to  bo  saved,  and  while  one 
writer  in  the  name  of  Elohim  directs  him  to  take  two 
of  each  sort  of  living  thing  into  the  ark  (619),  the 
other  narrates  Yahweh's  command  that  he  shall  dis- 
criminate between  clean  and  unclean,  taking  seven 
pairs  of  the  former  (72).  We  are  plainly  on  the  track 
of  two  versions  of  the  story,  not  set  side  by  side  like 
the  narratives  of  tho  creation  of  man,  but  blended 
together  in  one  continuous  account.  The  careful 
reader  will  notice  hov/  the  vocabulary  changes  in 
successive  sections,  as  the  following  table  shows : 


Yahweh 

Yahweh,  65-8.71,5.166.820.21.1 
Every  Uving  thing,  74.23. 
B'.otout  (RVin.  Heb.)  67.  74,93- 
Rain,  74.12. 


Elohim 
Elohim,  613,22,  7i6,  815- 
All  flesh,  612,13.17.  715.21,  817 
Destroy,  613.17. 

The  flood,  617.  76.  itam,  74.1 

Die  (Heb.  gava)  617,  72i.  Die  (Heb.  muth).  722. 

Thou  and  thy  sous.  etc..  6i3,   Thou  and  all  thy  house,  7i 
713. 8i6,i8.2 

Male  and  female,  619,  tv 

A  large  number  of  other  instances  may  easily  be 
collected  linking  the  Elohim  story  with  Gen.  l-24a 
and  91-17.  It  will  be  observed  that  it  begins  with  a 
title  (69) :  "  Tliesc  are  the  generations  of  Noah." 
The  same  title  is  found  in  5i,  which  looks  back  to 
24a,  where  it  is  reasonably  conjectured  that  the  phrase 
"  these  are  tho  generations  "  (toledhoth)  "  of  the  heaven 
and  of  the  earth  when  they  were  created  "  originally 
stood  at  the  head  of  li.  Similar  titles  are  found  in 
lOi,  1110,27.  2.512.19,  36i,o.  372a;  a  solitary 
instance  occurs  later  in  Nu.  3i.^  They  point  to  a  con- 
tinuous document  running  through  tho  whole  of  Genesis, 
and  constituting  its  literary  foundation  as  it  now  stands. 
Part  of  it  is  cast  in  genealogic  form,  as  in  5,  11 10-27, 

1  In  79,  the  Samaritan,  the  Targuni  and  the  \'ulgate  road 
Yahweh,  **  no  doubt  rightly  '  (Driver). 

2  In  77.  the  phrruse  seem.s  due  to  the  compiler. 

s  In  73.  "  male  and  female"  a8  In  619.  i-s  airain  a  hannonL=ing 
touch. 

«  Elsewhere  only  In  Ruth  4 18  and  1  Ch.  129- 


126 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


361-30.  Sometimes  it  expands  into  impoilant  sec- 
tions of  Divine  promise,  as  in  91-17  or  17.  These  two 
passages  contain  aJinouuceuionts  of  a  covenant  couched 
in  parallel  terms,  with  a  number  of  distinctive  phrases 
which  reappear  in  Ex,  62-8.  With  the  help  of  these 
and  other  links  a  narrative  amounting  rougldy  to  about 
a  quarter  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  may  be  separated 
out.  It  proves  to  bo  a  rapid  summary  of  the  history 
of  the  human  race  from  its  creation,  which  gradually 
narrows  down  to  the  family  of  Jacob,  and  brings  the 
venerable  patriarch  with  his  descendants  into  Egypt. 
There  they  increase  and  multiply  (Ex.  I7),  but  are 
oppressed  with  rigorous  service  (I13),  till  Moses  brings 
them  the  promise  of  Uberation  in  the  name  of  Yahweh 
(62-9).  Great  judgments  will  accompany  their  de- 
liverance, and  will  lead  to  a  solemn  act  of  Divine 
adoption,  when  Yahweh  will  take  Israel  for  a  people 
and  will  bo  to  them  a  God  (c/.  Gen.  177,  Ex.  2945. 
Lev.  II45,  2233,  2038,  26i2,45.  Nu.  1041).  This  is 
realised  by  the  establishment  of  the  sacred  DwelUng 
and  the  worship  of  which  it  is  the  hallowed  scene.  The 
sequel  relates  the  consummation  of  the  Divine  gift  of 
the  land  once  promised  to  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 
which  carries  the  story  on  into  the  Book  of  Joshua. 
Inasmuch  as  this  contains  the  regulations  of  the 
Aaronic  priesthood,  it  is  designated  by  the  symbol  P. 

When  the  toledhoth  sections  have  been  removed  from 
Genesis,  there  still  n^nain  numerous  duplicates,  which 
cannot  all  be  ascribed  to  the  writer  -who  emploj's  the 
name  Yahweh.  For  instance,  there  arc  no  less  than 
three  allusions  (Gen.  172o  [P],  I611  [JJ,  21 17)  to  the 
meaning  of  Ishmael  ("  God  hears ").  In  this  last 
pa.ssage  the  designation  Elohim  appears.  But  the 
style  is  not  that  of  the  toledhoth  book.  A  similar  set  of 
three  plays  on  the  significance  of  Isaac  ("  ho  laughs  ") 
may  be  seen  in  17i7  [P],  I812  [J],  and  216,  once  more 
following  Elohim.  Docs  P  thus  repeat  itself  ?  It 
is  hardly  likely,  for  none  of  its  characteristic  formulae 
occur  in  these  connexions,  and  it  presents  Elohim  as 
communicating  with  the  recipients  of  revelation 
directly,  without  the  mediation  of  angels.  The  diffi- 
culty vanishes  after  the  careful  study  of  Ex.  311-15. 
Here  is  another  account  of  the  self-disclosure  of  the 
Deity  m  the  character  of  Y'^ahweh,  a  counterpart  of 
that  in  62.  Each  passage  describes  Him  as  the  God 
of  the  forefathers  of  the  people,  and  each  entrusts 
Moses  with  the  duty  of  demanding  permission  from 
Pharaoh  for  the  departure  of  the  Israelites.  Each 
thus  looks  at  the  same  time  back  through  the  genera- 
tions of  the  past  and  forward  to  the  achievements  of 
the  future.  To  this  st^cond  document,  founded  on 
the  view  that  revelation  was  progressive  and  the 
sacred  name  Yahweh  was  first  impart<id  to  Moses,  the 
passages  in  Genesis  incongruous  with  the  toledhoth 
book  may  be  provisionally  ascril)ed.  In  current 
nomenclature  it  is  known  as  E  (Elohim).  It  first 
appears  at  any  length  in  Gen.  2O1-17,  though  there  is 
some  reason  for  behoving  that  it  may  be  traced  in 
passages  in  15  (see  the  analysis  in  the  Oxford  Hexa- 
teuch,  or  in  Skinner's  Genesis  in  ICC,  p.  277).  Other 
extracts  may  be  seen  in  2l8-2i  and  22i-i3  (in  ii 
Yahweh  seems  to  have  been  inserted  to  prepare  for 
15-18 ;  the  Syriac  retains  Elohim),  and  in  large 
portions  of  the  storj'  of  Joseph.  J  and  E  are,  how- 
ever, so  similar  in  style,  and  are  frequently  interwoven 
so  closely,  that  their  separation  is  often  a  matter  of 
difficulty,  and  the  efforts  of  the  most  skilful  analysts 
can  only  reach  probal)le  results. 

The  first  four  books  of  the  Pentateuch  may  thus  \>o 
resolved  into  three  main  docuincnts,  P,  J,  and  E. 
Their  combination  into  a  united  narrative  has  involved 


various  small  modifications  at  the  hands  of  successive 
editors,  and  they  have  no  doubt  each  of  them  taken 
up  into  themselves  elements  of  various  dates.  To  P 
belongs  the  great  mass  of  legislation  in  the  middle 
books — such  as  Ex.  25-30,  35-40 — the  whole  of  Lev., 
and  the  greater  part  of  Nu.  But  Dt.  (D)  brings  with 
it  fresh  pro))lems.  It  opens  with  a  discourse  of  retro- 
spect (l6-3),  which  appears  to  contain  allusions  to 
both  J  and  E.  On  the  other  hand,  in  its  reference  to 
the  story  of  the  spies  (1 23-28),  it  ignores  the  elements 
in  Nu.  13  now  ascribed  to  P.  The  great  sermons 
which  introduce  the  code  in  12-2G  are,  again,  full  of 
references  to  J  and  E,  but  they  contain  no  clear 
references  to  P.  It  has  already  been  shown,  for 
instance,  that  the  account  of  the  making  of  the  Ark 
(Dt.  IO1-5)  is  inconsistent  with  that  in  Ex.  37i-9, 
which  belongs  to  P.  In  the  Deuteronomic  legislatisn 
a  large  amount  of  the  laws  in  Ex.  2022-23  is  reproduced, 
1  often    with    significant   modifications   and   enveloped 

ith  hortatory  eloquence.  But  the  student  looks  in 
Ivain  for  allusions  to  the  characteristic  institutions  of 
{the  Dwelling  and  its  service.  Parallel  laws,  as  has 
been  shown  in  the  case  of  the  cities  of  refuge,  are 
couched  in  different  phraseology  and  rest  upon  dif- 
ferent social  arrangements,  though  they  are  supposed 
to  have  been  issued  at  the  same  time  and  plaee.  The 
recurring  phrases  of  the  Deuteronomic  oratory  are 
quite  distinct  from  those  of  the  narratives  or  the 
legislation  of  P.  They  appear  repeatedly  in  the  midst 
of  materials  which  may  be  traced  liack  to  J  and  E  ; 
they  show  no  clear  acquaintance  with  the  literary 
features  any  more  than  with  the  historic  representa- 
tions of  the  Priestly  Code.  If  Dt.  IO22  reckons  the 
fathers  who  went  down  into  Egypt  at  seventy — the 
figure  also  given  by  P  in  Gen,  462 7  and  Ex.  I5 — it 
immediately  adds  a  comparison  of  their  increase  to 
the  stars  (c/.  Gen.  155,  22i7,  264,  Ex.  32i3  [J  and 
E]),  The  number  may  well  have  been  borrowed 
independently  by  both  P  and  D  from  earlier  tradition. 
The  general  result  of  such  investigations  is  to  vindicate 
for  Dt.  a  separate  and  distinct  place  in  the  sacred 
literature  now  combined  in  our  Pentateuch,  which 
thus  represents  the  union  of  four  separate  works — 
P,  J,  E,  D. 

But  how  did  these  works  come  into  existence,  and 
how  were  they  united  ?  Only  the  briefest  answers 
can  be  given  to  these  questions.  The  ])revailing  view 
has  been  reached  through  the  labours  of  a  long  series 
of  scholars,  led  by  Graf  (in  two  essays  published  at  the 
close  of  1865),  Kuenen  (1869-70)'.  and  Wellliausen 
(1876).  Their  investigations  lie  Ix'hind  all  the  most 
recent  commentaries  ;  thej'  are  atlop(ed  as  the  foun- 
dation of  the  treatment  of  the  history  and  literature 
of  Israel  in  dictionaries  and  enc}'clo])a?dias  at  home  and 
abroad  ;  and  they  lead  to  the  result  that  the  Priestly 
Code,  though  it  opens  the  Book  of  Genesis  and  sup- 
plies the  framework  into  which  the  other  documents 
have  Ijcen  fitted,  is  nevertheless  the  latest  of  them  all. 
It  has  already  been  shown  that  some  of  the  narrative 
portions  of  D  rest  upon  J  and  E  ;  it  is  therefore  later 
than  those  documents  (whether  separately  or  in  com- 
bination need  not  now  be  asked).  Its  independence 
of  P  implies  that  it  at  least  made  no  use  of  that  great 
collection,  and  that  fact  suggests  the  inquiry  whether 
it  had  really  been  compiled  when  D  was  written.  The 
answer  dej)ends  on  the  story  of  the  religious  instita- 
tions  which  they  resjxictively  ordain.  Attention  has 
already  hcon  called  to  the  striking  discrepancy  between 
the  regulations  for  the  trilx:  of  Levi  in  Dt.  and  the 
Books  of  Exodus  and  Numlx>rs  (P).  It  can  hardly 
be  supposed  that  the  stringent  rules  which  forbade 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


127 


the  Levites  to  minister  at  the  altar,  and  reserved  the 
right  of  sacrifice  to  the  Aaronic  priesthood,  could  havo 
been  relaxed  by  a  later  legislation.  Nor  could  the 
ample  provision  which  P  lays  down  for  the  priestly 
maintenance  have  been  permitted  to  lapse  into  the 
meagre  allowance  which  leads  D  again  and  again  to 
commend  the  poor  Levite  to  the  householder's  good- 
will. The  calendar  of  the  feasts  in  Dt.  16  requires 
the  attendance  of  all  male  Israelites  three  times  a  year 
at  the  place  which  Yahweh  shall  choose,  for  the  feasts 
of  unleavened  bread,  the  feast  of  weeks,  and  the  feast 
of  booths.  With  the  first  of  these  is  associated  the 
passover,  which  is  to  be  kept  in  the  month  Abib 
(ear-month),  when  the  com  was  ripening  in  the  spring.^ 
But  P's  list  adds  two  other  "  holy  convocations."  On 
the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month  is  a  "  memorial 
of  blowing  of  trumpets,"  and  on  the  tenth  is  the  "  day 
of  atonement  "  (Lev.  2824,27).  This  last  is  described 
with  great  fulness  in  Lev.  16.  Its  deep  significance 
caused  it  to  be  known  in  later  times  as  "  The  Day." 
The  prescribed  offerings  are  enumerated  in  Nu.  297-ii. 
Is  not  the  entire  omission  of  this  rite  in  D  a  sign  that 
the  Deuteronomic  legislator  was  unacquainted  with 
it  ?  By  such  lines  of  reasoning  the  conclusion  was 
gradually  reached  that,  whatever  might  be  the  anti- 
quit\'  of  different  elements  in  the  sacrificial  practice 
of  P,  the  literary  form  given  to  its  legislation  marked 
a  later  stage  in  the  development  of  Israel's  cultus  and 
the  organisation  of  its  ministry.  The  constituent 
documents  of  the  Pentateuch  may,  then,  be  ranged 
in  the  following  chronological  order — J  and  E,  D,  P. 
Is  it  possible  to  ascertain  under  what  conditions  they 
successively  appeared  ? 

The  documents  J  and  E  contain  no  record  of  the 
circumstances  under  which  they  were  compiled,  nor 
does  history  suggest  any  specific  occasion  for  their 
publication.  The  student  is  therefore  tlirowu  back 
upon  their  internal  evidence.  It  is  plain  that  the 
representations  of  the  patriarchal  age  rest  upon 
legends  and  traditions,  often  connected  with  particular 
sacred  spots.  There  are  snatches  of  ancient  song, 
there  are  sayings — half  proverb,  haK  poem— in  which 
long  observation  of  national  and  tribal  circumstances 
has  been  condensed.  The  writers  are  not  concerned 
with  history  in  our  modem  sense  ;  they  love  to  recite 
the  stories  of  ancient  time,  told  and  retold  for  genera- 
tions by  priests  at  ancient  sanctuaries,  by  warriors 
round  the  camp-fires,  or  by  shepherds  at  the  wells. 
Such  narratives  were  not  always  on  the  same  plane 
of  religious  thought.  Some  have  the  character  of 
antique  folklore  ;  some  breathe  the  loftier  spirit  of  a 
later  day.  When  Abraham  pleads  with  Yahweh  as 
"  the  Judge  of  all  the  earth  "  (Gen.  I825),  it  is  plain 
that  the  author  has  a  more  exalted  view  of  the  Deity 
than  that  implied  in  the  strange  tale  that  Yahweh 
met  Moses  in  an  inn  on  his  way  back  to  Egypt  and 
sought  to  kill  him  (Ex.  424).  Materials  of  different 
ages  and  values  are  thus  blended,  and  it  is  probable 
that  both  the  original  documents  known  as  J  and  E 
received  additions  or  expansions  after  their  first  com- 
position. Both  narratives  of  the  patriarchal  age, 
however,  look  forward  to  the  subsequent  occupation 
of  Canaan  by  the  twelve  tribes,  and  both  treat  them  as 
constituting  a  national  unit.  But  no  such  conception 
appears  in  the  a.ge  of  the  Judges.  It  was  the  monarchy 
which  first  welded  them  into  one  people.  The  empire 
created  by  David  and  transmitted  to  Solomon  was 
proudly  described  in  later  days  as  extending  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  border  of  Egypt  (I  K.  42i).  Such 
were  the  ideal  boundaries  of  Israel's  power ;  thoy  are 
1  Cf.  Ex.  34i8a..  J.  aud  23i4tf..  E. 


announced  already  in  Gen.  15i8  as  Yahweh's  covenant- 
gift  to  Abraham's  seed  (J) ;  they  are  promised  in  the 
wilderness  to  the  tribes  upon  the  march  (Ex.  2331,  E). 
In  like  manner  the  blessing  on  Judah  (Gen.  498-io, 
incorporated  in  J)  presupposes  the  establishment  of 
the  Davidic  kingdom  (Skumer,  Genesis,  in  ICC,  p.  500), 
while  the  description  of  Abraham  as  a  "  prophet  " 
(Gen.  2O7,  E)  and  the  grand  utterance  of  Moses, 
"  would  God  that  all  Yahweh's  people  were  prophets  " 
(Nu.  11 29),  belong  to  the  age  which  followed  the  rise 
of  prophecy  in  the  days  of  Samuel  (cf.  1  S.  Og).  We 
are  thus  led  to  the  period  of  the  early  monarchy  for 
the  composition  of  the  two  groat  collections  of  tradi- 
tions J  and  E.  The  brief  legislation  which  they  con- 
tain— the  covenant  words  of  J  (Ex.  3iio-2%)  and  the 
Book  of  Judgments  m  E  (Ex.  21-23) — both  imply 
conditions  of  agricultural  settlement,  and  prescribe 
three  feasts  in  connexion  with  the  seasons  of  annual 
produce ;  while  J's  demand  (Ex.  3426,  apparently 
adopted  editorially  into  23 19,  E)  recognises  a  permanent 
sanctuary  ("  the  house  of  Yahweli  ")  instead  of  a 
wandering  tent.  The  problem  of  determining  the 
relation  between  J  and  E  is  more  difiicult.  Both  are 
penetrated  by  the  same  conviction  of  a  Divine  purpose 
in  history  ;  but  whereas  J  starts  with  the  origin  of 
the  human  race  and  gradually  narrows  his  view  to 
the  line  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  the  first  certain 
traces  of  E  arc  to  be  detected  not  earlier  than  Gen. 
15.  E  may,  it  is  true,  have  described  Abraham's 
origin  beyond  the  Euphrates,  for  in  Jos.  242  he  de- 
clares that  the  forefathers  beyond  the  river  were 
idolators  ;  the  wives  of  Jacob  accordinglj''  bring  their 
"  strange  gods "  with  them  (Gen.  352-4).  E  thus 
recognises  three  stages  of  religious  development,  the 
second  being  the  Elohim-worship  of  the  patriarchs, 
and  the  third  the  manifestation  of  Elohim  by  the  new 
name  Yahweh  to  Moses  (Ex.  313-15).  Thus  implies 
a  more  definite  rotlection  on  the  progress  of  revelation 
than  is  evinced  by  J,  who  assumes  that  the  sacred 
designation  had  been  known  from  the  earliest  times. 
In  view  of  the  less  anthropomorphic  character  of  E's 
representations  of  the  deity,  and  the  possibility  that 
its  author  was  acquainted  with  J's  collection  of  the 
traditions,  it  is  usual  to  suppose  that  J  was  the  first 
to  take  written  shape.  And  the  importance  which  its 
original  author  attached  to  Hebron,  the  part  played 
by  Judah  in  the  story  of  Joseph,  and  other  indications, 
suppoi-t  the  view  that  it  was  produced  in  the  kingdom 
of  Judah.  What  may  be  called  the  first  draft  of  the 
great  story  from  the  first  man  to  the  settlement  of 
the  tribes  in  Canaan  was  probably  compiled  in  the 
early  monarchy,  most  likely  in  the  ninth  century. 
Simple  and  brief  in  its  primitive  shape,  it  seems  to 
have  received  expansions  and  additions  adapting  it 
to  the  higher  forms  of  thought.  In  the  first  part  of 
the  next  century,  in  the  midst  of  growing  wealth  and 
national  prosperity,  the  writer  designated  by  the  symbol 
E  retold  the  story  of  the  patriarchs  and  the  Mosaic 
age,  in  the  northern  monarcliy  of  Ephraim.  He  too 
loved  to  dwell  upon  the  thought  of  providential  guid- 
ance, and  a  large  part  of  the  adventures  of  the  great 
tribe-father  Joseph  is  due  to  him.  His  work  probably 
preceded  the  first  books  of  literary  prophecy  which 
have  come  down  to  us  from  Amos  and  Hosea  ;  but 
the  allusions  in  their  discourses  are  too  vague  to  enable 
us  to  affirm  that  they  were  acquainted  with  either 
document.  Of  the  cata.«^trophe  which  overthrew  the 
northern  kingdom  in  722  B.C.  E  contains  no  hint.  The 
Assyrian  peril  is  not  yet  in  view.  Like  J,  E  also  seems 
to  have  contained  different  deposits  of  religious  tradi- 
tion, and  to  have  been  enriched  with  fresh  materials, 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


drawn  possibly  from  diffircnt  groups  of  sanctuary 
lore.  Before  long,  it  would  appear,  it  was  proposed 
to  combine  the  two  rt-citals.  J  naturally  led  the  way, 
and  portions  of  E  (often  much  mutilated)  were  in- 
serted in  it.  In  the  process  of  harmonising  the  two 
documents  some  discrepancies,  no  doubt,  were  pruned 
away.  But  sufficient  were  left  to  reveal  the  fact  of 
their  union,  even  in  cases  where  the  texture  of  tlic 
narrative  is  so  closely  knit  that  its  analysis  can  only 
be  tentative.^ 

To  distinguish  the  additions  to  J  and  to  E  and 
the  work  of  the  Redactor,  R^",  is  necessarily  a  task 
of  gn>at  delicacy ;  but  that  such  additions  have  been 
made  can  hardly  be  doubted.  The  editor's  hand  is 
plainly  to  be  tract>d,  for  instance,  in  Gen.  22i4-i8. 
This  amalgamation  must  have  been  effected  before  the 
composition  of  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy — i.e..  some 
time  prior  to  621  B.C.  Dt.  (D)  opens  with  a  discourse 
attributed  to  Moses  in  the  land  of  Moab  after  the 
conquest  of  Sihon,  king  of  the  Amorites,  and  Og, 
king  of  Bashan.  This  briefly  recites  the  incidents  of 
the  journeys  from  Horeb,  and,  like  a  subsequent 
discourse  concerning  the  events  at  the  sacred  moun- 
tain (9f.),  it  rests  on  the  combined  narrative  JE.  It 
is  followed  by  an  exposition  of  the  "  testimonies  and 
statutes  and  judgments  "  delivered  by  Moses  before 
his  death,  which  are  introduced  by  a  series  of  pro- 
phetic addresses  (o-ll),  couched  in  a  lofty  style  of 
eloquence,  showing  remarkable  affinities  with  the  lan- 
guage of  Jeremiah.  The  laws  themselves  arc  set  forth 
in  12-26,  and  the  book  concludes  with  further  exhor- 
tations and  poems,  an  account  of  the  installation  of 
Joshua  at  the  tent  of  meeting,  and  the  final  narrative 
of  the  death  of  Moses.  It  soon  becomes  evident,  on 
an  examination  of  the  code  in  12-26.  that  it  takes  up 
and  develops  the  early  legislation  of  Ex.  21-23.  Com- 
pare, for  example,  the  following  passages  : 

Ex.  212-6.  Deut.  16i2. 

2  If    thou  buy    an    Hebrew  12  If  thy  brother,  an  Hebrew 

servant  (or  bondJnan)  sis  years  man,  or  an  Hebrew  woioan,  be 

he    shall    serve  :     and    in   the  sold  unto  thee  and  serve  thee  six 

seventh   he   shall   go  out    free,  years ;     then    in    the    seventh 

tor  nothing,    3  If   he  come  in  yeat  thou  shalt  let  him  go  free 

by  himself,  he  shall  go  out  by  I  from  thee.     13  And  when  thou 

himself:  If  he  be  married,  then  I  lettest  him  go  free  from  thee, 

his  wife  shall  go  out  with  him,  thou  shall  not  let  him  go  empty  ; 

4  It  his  ma.ster  give  him  a  wife  14  thou  shalt  furnish  him  liber- 
and  she  bear  him  sons  or  ally  f>ut  of  thy  flock,  and  out  of 
daughters :  the  wife  and  her  thy  thru.shiug-n(X>r  and  out  of 
children  shall  be  her  master's  thy  winc-pr&ss ;  as  Yahweh  thy 
and  he  shall  go  out  by  himself.  t;od  bath  blessed  thee  thou  shalt 

5  But  if  the  servant  shall  plainly  give  unto  him.  15  .\nd  thou 
Bay.  I  love  my  master,  my  wife  slialt  remember  that  thou  wast 
and  my  children  ;  1  will  not  go  a  bondman  in  the  Knd  of  Egypt, 
out  free  ;  6  then  his  master  and  Yahweh  thy  God  redeemed 
shall  bring  him  to  God,  and  thee  ;  therefore  I  commaiul  thee 
shall  bring  him  unto  the  door,  this  thins  to-day.  16  .\nd  it 
or  unto  the  dwjrpost ;  and  his  shall  be.  if  he  say  unto  thee,  1 
master  shall  bore  his  ear  through  will  not  go  out  from  thee; 
with  an  awl;  and  he  shall  serve  because  he  loveth  thee  and  thine 
him  for  ever.  house,  Ijecause  he  is  well  with 

thee,  nthon  thou  shalt  take 
an  awl  and  thrust  it  through  hia 
ear  \xaif>  the  door,  and  he  t^hall 
be  thy  bondman  for  ever. 

Here  the  earlier  law  has  been  recast  with  new 
additions.  D.  12  and  i6f.  are  plainly  founded  upon 
the  prior  statute,  but  in  13-15  fresh  injunctions  of 
generosity  are  laid  down.  They  are  full  of  expressions 
which  are  found  elsewhere  in  D,-  and  they  make  the 
same  appeal  to  the  householder's  goodwill,  which  is 
renewed  again  and  again  on  behalf  of  the  poor  Levito, 
the  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and  the  widow.  But  this 
is  not  the  only  difference.  One  significant  item  is 
dropped.     In    the    first   legislation,    the   ceremony   of 

i  A  familiar  instrince  occurs  in  (Jon.  37.  wlie-e  J  reprfsentfl 
Joseph  as  s<;>ld  by  hU  brethren  to  Ishmaelltfes,  266-27,  while  E 
rehtos  that  he  w;as  "  stolen  "  (40i,O  by  .Midianltes.  the  same  verae 
(3728)  act\ially  relatine  both  the  kidnapping  and  the  sale  ! 

-  With  15  ef.  61S,  16",  2418.23. 


perpetual  enslavement  is  a  religious  one.  The  bond- 
man is  to  bo  brought  to  "  Elohim."  The  most  probable 
meaning  of  tliis  is  that  the  slave  was  taken  to  the  local 
sanctuary,  when-  justice  was  administered,  and  the 
most  august  sanction  was  thus  given  to  the  master's 
ownership  by  the  symbol  of  pinning  the  slave's  ear 
to  the  doorpost.  (But  .see  llx.  1222*,  216*.  Dt.  15i7*.) 
In  D  this  reference  is  dropped,  and  the  operation 
is  apparently  performed  in  the  house.  Why  should 
the  ancient  ritual  be  thus  changed  ?  It  arises  from 
i  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Deuteronoraic  Code  (Dt. 
!  12),  enjoining  the  abolition  of  all  centres  of  cultus 
■  but  one.  Here  the  destruction  of  the  venerable 
altars,  with  their  sacred  pillars  and  other  emblems, 
some  of  which  had  been  associated  by  long  tradition 
with  the  patriarchs,  is  sternly  enjoined,  and  worship 
is  to  be  strictly  confined  to  the  one  place  which  Yahweh 
Himself  would  choose.  The  student  of  the  early 
history  of  Israel  or  of  the  prophetic  writings  of  Amos, 
Hosea,  Isaiah,  and  Micah,  can  hardly  faU  to  see  that 
this  chapter  contains  a  programme  of  religious  reform, 
which  dominates  the  whole  subsequent  legislation. 
Over  against  the  usage  of  the  past,  which  permitted 
the  erection  of  altars  and  the  practice  of  sacrifice 
wherever  Yahweh  "  caused  His  name  to  be  remem- 
bered "  (Ex.  2O24),  such  as  Bethel  or  Bcersheba  and 
many  another  hallowed  spot,  D  demands  the  exclusive 
concentration  of  Israel's  homage  to  its  Divine  Lord 
in  one  spot.  To  this  end  one  after  another  of  the  older 
laws  is  modified  to  suit  the  new  conditions,  and  the 
reformed  code  is  expanded  in  noble  oratory,  embodying 
the  truths  which  Moses  was  believed  to  have  first 
proclaimed.  He  it  was  who  had  taught  Israel  that 
they  should  have  no  other  God  but  YahweL  The 
prophets  had  realised  that  there  was  no  other  God. 
He  it  was  wlio  had  guided  the  destinies  of  His  people, 
had  delivered  them  from  slavcrj'  in  Egypt,  had  led 
them  through  the  wilderness,  and  finally  given  them 
their  land.  The  Baals  might  be  many,  Yahweh  was 
but  One  ;  obedience  and  love  to  Him,  therefore, 
involved  unswerving  devotion  and  loyalty,  and  every 
vestige  of  idolatry  must  be  swept  awaj\  When  was 
such  a  demand  first  made  ?  There  is  no  trace  of  it 
in  the  great  polemic  which  Elijah  wages  against  the 
worship  of  the  Tyriau  Baal.  Elisha  raises  no  protest 
against  the  calves  at  Bethel.  Neither  Amos  nor  Hosea 
alleges  that  they  are  illegal.  The  first  recognition  of 
the  demands  of  D  meets  us  in  the  story  of  the  reforma- 
tion under  Josiah's  reign  (2  K.  223-2824).  The 
Temple  at  Jerusalem  needed  some  repaira,  and  the 
king  sent  his  secretary,  Shaphan,  to  the  High  Priest, 
Hilkiah,  with  instructions  about  the  neccssaiy  funds. 
Hilkiah  told  him  that  he  had  foimd  a  book  of  the  Law 
in  the  sanctuarj*.  How  the  discovery  was  made  wo 
are  not  told,  but  critics  of  all  schools  are  agreed  that 
the  book  contained  the  fundamental  laws  of  D.  It 
has  been  recenth-  conjectured  that  it  was  a  clay  tablet, 
written  by  Moses  himself  in  cuneiform  character, 
which  had  Ix^cu  built  into  the  wall  of  the  Temple  by 
Solomon.  But  a  tablet  is  not  a  book,  nor  could  the 
Deuteronomic  Code  have  been  inscribed  upon  so 
limited  a  space.  Moreover,  nothing  whatever  is  .said 
of  its  Iwing  written  in  a  diflfercnt  language,  or  requiring 
translation  when  it  was  read  to  the  king.  The  stops 
which  were  immediately  taken  to  carry  out  its  injunc- 
tions prove  beyond  doubt  that  it  included  D's  strenuous 
commands  for  the  purification  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh. 
All  idolatrous  emblems  wen'  n-moved  from  the  Temple, 
In  city  and  countrj'  the  high  places  and  their  altars 
were  overthrown,  the  sacred  pillars  were  8hattcre<I, 
and  the  tree-poles  {asherus)  wore  cut  down.     In  par- 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


129 


ticular,  certain  forms  of  Oriental  cults  which  had 
become  popular  under  Josiah's  grandfather,  Manasseh, 
were  abolished.  Manasseh  had  erected  altars  in  the 
Temple  for  the  great  army  of  the  stars  (2  K.  21 5). 
The  devotion  attracted  the  imagination  of  Jerusalem, 
and  was  sternly  rebuked  by  Jeremiah  (82,  19i3).  D 
prescribes  for  it  the  severe  penalty  of  death  by  stoning 
(173-5),  and  by  the  prohibition  of  the  practice  brings 
the  composition  of  the  Law  Book  into  the  seventh 
century  B.C.,  whether  under  the  reign  of  Manasseh 
(698-641  B.C.)  or  in  the  years  following  the  accession 
of  Josiah  (639  B.C.)  may  bo  left  undetermined.  Around 
the  fundamental  laws  others  were  gradually  grouped, 
and  the  Code  was  framed  in  the  grand  exhortations 
which  had  for  their  leading  theme  the  love  of  Yahweh 
for  His  people,  and  the  duty  of  Israel  to  love  Him  and 
cleave  to  Him  alone  in  return.  The  large  number  of 
expressions  common  to  D  and  Jeremiah  ^  show 
that  prophetic  influences  were  at  work  in  Israel's 
religion  which  were  powerful  enough  to  create  a  common 
vocabulary  of  thought  and  speech,  in  the  midst  of 
great  individuality  of  purpose  and  expression.  The 
Deuteronomic  conceptions  of  history  and  moulds  of 
speech  may  be  traced  in  various  parts  of  the  OT,  such  as 
Joshua,  Judges,  and  the  Books  of  Ivings ;  and  it  becomes 
quite  impossible  to  account  for  them  on  the  hypothesis 
of  a  retranslation  into  Hebrew  of  a  translation  into 
Aramaic  by  Ezra  of  cuneiform  tablets  originally  written 
by  Moses  nine  centuries  before. 

The  reforms  of  Josiah  were  designed  to  give  effect 
to  the  Deuteronomic  principle  that  Israel  was  a  "  holy  " 
people  (Dt.  76).  But  the  overthrow  of  the  Davidic 
monarchy  seemed  to  endanger  the  bond  which  Yahweh 
had  Himself  created  by  choosing  Israel  as  the  agent 
of  His  purpose  of  revelation.  To  Ezekiel  it  was  im- 
possible that  Yahweh  could  thus  allow  His  name  to 
be  "  profaned "  among  the  nations.  A  new  Israel 
must  arise,  purified  from  its  old  sins,  and  gifted  with 
spirit  that  it  might  walk  in  Yahweh's  statutes  and 
observe  His  judgments.  So  should  they  be  His  people 
and  He  would  be  their  God  (8624-28),  as  they  returned 
once  more  to  their  fathers'  land.  For  this  regenerated 
nation  Ezekiel  designs  a  new  sanctuary,  which  is 
solemnly  filled  with  the  glory  of  Yahweh,  who  promises 
to  dwell  there  in  the  midst  of  the  children  of  Israel 
(435-7).  A  scheme  of  worship  is  laid  down  for  the 
future,  the  duties  of  the  priesthood  are  defined,  and 
appropriate  sacrifices  are  prescribed.  This  is  no 
repetition  of  D.  It  is  no  longer  necessarj'  to  denounce 
the  local  shrines.  The  principle  of  the  centralisation 
of  the  cultus  is  assumed,  but  a  new  arrangement  is 
made  concerning  the  minister  at  the  altar.  D  had 
provided  that  the  disestablished  priests  might  come  up 
to  the  metropolitan  Temple  and  serve  there  with  their 
brethren  (I87-8).  The  Jerusalem  clergy,  however, 
would  not  admit  the  country  members  of  their  order 
to  share  either  their  functions  or  their  income  (2  K. 
239),  and  this  difficulty  appears  to  have  been  the 
beginning  of  a  distinction  between  higher  and  lower 
ranks  in  the  same  service.  Ezekiel  for  the  first  time 
announces  a  division  of  the  sacred  tribe  into  two 
branches,  one  of  which  shall  minister  to  Yahweh  and 
the  other  not.  Access  to  the  altar,  admission  to  the 
sanctuary,  shall  be  reserved  for  one  particular  family, 
the  sons  of  Zadok  (44i5f.).  Here  is  a  discrimination 
hitherto  unknown.  It  is  inexplicable  had  the  Levitical 
Law  embodied  in  P  been  then  in  existence.  The 
Aaronic  priesthood  would  have  been  already  in  posses- 
sion of  the  privileges  which  Ezekiel  promises  in  the 
future  to  the  Zadokites  ;    and  the  Levites,  for  whose 

1  Carpenter,  Composition  of  the  Hexateuch.  1902.  pp.  147  151. 


degradation  to  menial  offices  Ezekiel  endeavours  to 
find  an  explanation,  would  have  been  long  ago  pro- 
hibited from  aspiring  to  any  other  under  pain  of  death. 
The  ideal  arrangements  of  Ezekiel  for  the  theocracy 
of  the  restoration  stand,  therefore,  midway  between 
D  and  P.  Under  what  circumstances,  then,  does  P 
appear  for  the  first  time  ?  No  clear  traces  of  the 
L«vitical  usage  as  codified  in  P  present  themselves 
in  the  early  days  of  the  Second  Temple.  Even  Malachi 
identifies  the  Law  of  Moses  with  the  legislation  in  Horeb, 
the  "  statutes  and  judgments  "  now  summed  up  in 
Dt.  444!?.  ;  and  the  priests  are  "  sons  of  Levi  "  (83),  aa 
if  the  right  of  altar  service  still  belonged  (as  in  D)  to 
the  whole  tribe.  Not  yet  have  the  fuU  priestly  claims 
been  embodied  in  sacred  Law.  They  are  first  an- 
nounced, it  would  seem,  at  the  great  meeting  held 
under  Nohemiah  on  one  autumn  day  at  the  end  of 
September  (444  B.c.),i  when  the  people  gathered  in  the 
great  square  before  the  water-gate  (Neh.  81).  A  large 
wooden  pulpit  had  been  erected,  and  there,  from  early 
morning  to  midday,  Ezra  read  aloud  to  the  assembly 
out  of  "  the  book  of  the  Law."  The  story  is  related 
after  the  type  of  the  national  assembly  convoked  by 
Josiah  for  the  promulgation  of  the  Deuteronomic 
Code  (c/.  2  K.  232).  The  new  Law  stood  in  the  same 
relation  to  the  age  of  Ezra  which  D  held  to  the  seventh 
century.  Josiah's  reformation  was  celebrated  by  the 
observance  of  a  Passover  on  principles  unlaiown 
before  (2  K.  2322  ;  cf.  Dt.  16) ;  and  similarly,  according 
to  Neh.  814,  the  Feast  of  Booths  was  held  for  seven 
days  in  joyous  thanksgiving,  concluding  with  a  solemn 
assembly  on  the  eighth  day,  in  accordance  with  the 
ordinance  of  Lev.  2836.  This  is  the  introduction  of 
the  Priestly  Code. 

Like  the  other  great  documents  of  the  Pentateuch, 
P  does  not,  however,  appear  to  be  all  of  one  piece.  It 
contains  earlier  and  later  materials,  though  they  are 
aU  combined  in  one  historic  framework,  and  united 
by  certain  common  ideas.  Just  as  D  showed  remark- 
able affinities  with  the  language  of  Jeremiah,  so  some 
portions  of  P  present  strong  resemblances  to  the  ideas 
and  phraseology  of  his  younger  contemporary  Ezeldel. 
Through  Ezekiel  came  the  Divine  promise  (3726) 
of  an  everlasting  covenant,  and  a  sanctuarj'  in  Israel's 
midst  for  evermore  :  "  And  my  dwelling  shall  be  tdth 
them,  and  I  will  be  to  them  for  a  God,  and  they  shall 
be  to  me  for  a  people  "  (27).  "  Sanctuary  "  is  one  of 
Ezekiel's  favourite  religious  terms  (thirty  times) ;  it 
occurs  in  P  in  the  Pentateuch  thirteen  times  (other- 
wise only  in  the  song,  Ex.  15i7).  The  Mosaic 
"  sanctuary  "  is  to  be  made  (Ex.  258),  "  that  I  may 
dwell  in  their  midst."  2  "  And  I  will  dwell  in  the  midst 
of  the  children  of  Israel,  and  will  be  to  them  for  a 
God  "  (Ex.  2945  ;  cf.  67,  "  I  will  take  you  to  me  for  a 
people,  and  I  will  be  to  you  for  a  God  ").  The  sanctu- 
ary accordingly  is  called  the  "  dwelhng  "  (Ex.  259). 
It  stood,  like  Ezekiel's  Temple,  in  a  court,  and  the 
camp  was  always  so  pitched  that,  like  Ezekiel's  sacred 
house,  it  should  look  towards  the  east.  And  as  the 
prophet  beheld  the  "  glory  of  Yahweh "  returning 
from  the  east  and  filling  the  house  (Ex.  43i-6),  so  does 
P  describe  how,  on  the  completion  of  the  desert 
sanctuary,  the  "  glory  of  Yahweh  filled  the  dwelling  " 
(Ex.  4O34). 

But  the  parallels  with  the  language  of  Ezekiel  are 
still  more  numerous  in  a  small  group  of  laws  now 
recognised  in  Lev.   17-26.'     They  are  bound  together 

1  Accordine  to  the  usual  chronoloiry. 

*  This  word  (RV  "  among  ")  ia  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  P 
tr>  express  the  Divine  Presence  in  Israel;  ef.  2045,  Lev.  I031, 
I616.  2232.  26ii.  etc. 

»  Cf.  Carpenter.  Composition  ol  Ihe  HexaUuch,  pp.  277-284. 


130 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


by  the  frequent  recurrence  of  phrases  such  as  "  I  am 
Yahweh,"  '  I  am  Yahweh  your  God,"  "  I  Yahweh  am 
holy,"  "  1  am  Yahweh  which  hallow  (sanctify)  you," 
and  many  others.  The  sanctuary  must  be  carefully 
guarded  from  defilement,  and  the  priesthood  must 
maintain  its  ceremonial  purity.  The  social  and  moral 
legislation  of  Lev.  18-20  contains  rules  of  conduct 
that  may  well  be  of  venerable  antiquity.  Some  addi- 
tions have  probably  been  inserted  by  later  hands  in 
adapting  the  collection  to  the  general  scheme  of  P ; 
but  tlierc  is  good  reason  to  believe  that,  with  its  con- 
cluding exhortation  (Lev.  26),  it  once  formed  a  small 
legislative  corpus  by  itself,  standing  midway  Ix'twcen 
D  and  P.  Its  special  concern  for  the  sanctity  of  Israel 
has  gained  for  it  the  name  of  the  Holiness  Code,  and 
it  is  sometimes  designated  by  the  sj-mbol  Ph. 

By  what  steps  the  final  incorporation  of  the  several 
documents  into  our  Pentateuch  was  at  last  effected 
cannot  Ix)  precisely  determined.  It  is  probable  that 
JE  had  been  united  with  T>  into  a  continuous  work 
of  history  and  legislation  in  the  early  years  of  the 
Captivity,  when  the  story  of  Israel's  past  was  gathered 
up,  and  the  records  of  the  monarchy  were  compiled. 
The  hand  which  fitted  JED  into  the  framework  sup- 
plied by  P  cannot  be  identified.  There  are  even 
indications  that  the  "  Diatessaron "  JEDP  received 
some  additions,  notably  in  the  long  repetition  (Ex. 
35-40),  some  time  after  the  first  combination  was 
effected. 

The  Pentateuch  is  thus  an  epitome  of  the  history  of 
Israel's  religion.*  Like  some  great  cathedral  which  has 
enshrined  the  devotion  of  centuries,  its  growth  must 
be  inferred  from  the  relations  of  its  parts  among  them- 
selves, and  the  points  of  contact  which  can  be  dis- 
covered between  them  and  the  beliefs  and  usages 
recorded  elsewhere.  It  embodies  traditions  of  im- 
memorial antiquity,  and  its  authors  shape  to  their  own 
conceptions  elements  of  ancient  Babylonian  lore.  It 
is  not  stirprising,  therefore,  that  it  should  frankly 
reveal  that  the  ancestors  of  the  people  were  polytheists. 
Beyond  the  Euphrates  the  forefathers  "  served  other 
gods  "  (Jos.  242  [E]),  and  Jacob's  wives  consequently 
bring  their  "  strange  gods"  with  them  (Gen,  362-4), 
among  them  being  the  household  images  which  Rachel 
carried  off,  and  for  which  Laban  so  plaintively  inquired, 
"  ^^.^ly  hast  thou  stolen  my  gods?"  (Gen.  31 19,30). 
Such  plurality  lies  Iwhind  some  of  the  narratives  of 
the  primeval  age,  and  even  gleams  through  the  tradi- 
tions of  a  later  day.^  Three  stages  may  be  traced  in 
Israels  long  development  as  it  rises  to  the  full  height 
of  its  gieat  task.  They  are  marked  by  the  three  codes 
of  Law  successively  embodied  in  the  three  great  docu- 
ments JE,  D,  and'P. 

The  ascription  of  these  codes  to  Moses  follows  the 
convention  of  ancient  nations,  by  which,  as  Prof. 
Robertson  Smith  showed,'  the  continuity  of  the  legal 
system  was  maintained.  The  new  Law  was  regarded 
as  a  development  of  the  old,  and  the  same  sanction 
was  preserved  without  disturbance.  And  Israel,  like 
its  neighbours  in  Egypt  or  Babylonia,  unhesitatingly 
referred  them  to  a  Divine  source.  Beside  the  Nile, 
Osiris  was  Ix^licved  to  have  ordained  the  worship  of 
the  heavenly  powers,  appointed  the  offerings,  prescribed 
the  ceremonies,  and  even  composed  the  words  and 
music  of  the  sacred  liturgies.  Out  of  the  deep  came 
Ea,    lord   of   wisdom,    who    proclaimed   laws   to   the 

>  On  the  lubject  of  tlie  rest  ot  the  article,  see  alao  the  article  on 
"The  RellKlon  of  Iflrael." 

■-  &)mpare  the  lancuage  ot  Jepbthah,  Jg.  1123-24,  where 
Yahweh  of  Israel  anrl  Chemoeb  of  Ammon  are  represented  as 
pitted  aRainst  each  other. 

<  The  OT  in  the  Jewish  Church.  Zai  ed.  p.  384. 


dwellers  by  the  shore  of  the  Persian  Gidf.  An  ancient 
collection  of  Babylonian  precepts,  known  as  the  Book 
of  Ea,  defined  the  duties  of  the  king.  The  famous 
Code  of  Hammurabi  (who  reigned  about  2100  B.C.'), 
discovered  in  1902  at  Susa  engraved  on  a  block  of 
black  diorite  nearly  eight  feet  high,  was  presented  to 
the  king  by  the  sun-god  Shamash,  "  judge  of  heaven 
and  earth  ''  (p.  51).  This  was  the  mode  in  which  the 
reverence  of  antiquity  for  the  mysteries  of  religion 
found  expression.  The  sanctions  of  law  on  which 
national  welfare  and  social  order  depended  could  be 
no  other  than  Divine. 

The  earliest  legislation  in  JE,  accordingly,  marks 
the  first  stage  of  Israel's  religious  observance.  The 
command,  "  Thou  shalt  have  none  other  gods  before 
mo  "  (Ex.  2O3),  does  not  deny  the  existence  of  other 
gods,  but  it  pledges  Israel  to  the  sole  worship  of  Y^'ahweh. 
Loyalty  to  Him  who  had  brought  them  out  of  Egj-pt 
and  given  them  their  land  demanded  that  they  should 
honour  Him  alone.  But  the  requirements  of  the  cultus 
are  extremely  simple.  They  may  make  no  images  of 
gold  or  silver,  but  they  may  re-ar  an  earthen  altar  for 
their  sacrifices  anywhere.  The  local  sanctuaries,  con- 
se.crated  by  age-long  tradition,  stood  beside  the  fertilis- 
ing well,  the  sacred  tree,  or  on  the  hill-top.  At  such 
places  the  "  firstborn  "  of  Yahweh  (Ex.  422)  might  pay 
the  sacred  dues  and  keep  the  annual  feasts.  Separating 
themselves  from  the  idolatrous  usages  of  the  Canaanito 
peoples,  they  must  remember  that  they  were  hallowed 
or  set  apart  to  their  God.  What  kind  of  conduct  did 
this  imply  ?  The  only  holiness  rule  in  the  First  Legis- 
lation is  a  food  law  (Ex.  2231) :  "  Y''e  shall  be  holy 
men  unto  me  ;  therefore  ye  shall  not  eat  any  flesh 
that  is  torn  of  beasts  in  the  field ;  ye  shall  cast  it  to 
the  dogs."  Here  is  the  first  faint  note  of  the  call  to 
ritual  purity  which  was  afterwards  to  grow  so  exacting. 
This  kind  of  holiness  has  nothing  to  do  with  morality 
such  as  is  enforced  in  the  Ten  Words  now  incorporated 
in  E  (Ex.  20),  but  the  ethical  element  was  growing 
stronger  and  stronger.  Antique  legend  might  depict 
Yahweh  as  going  to  find  out  whether  the  wickedness 
of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  was  really  as  great  as  report 
alleged,  but  to  Abraham  Ho  is  already  the  "  judge  of 
all  the  earth,"  who  must  do  right.  Monotheism  is 
trembling  into  fidl  consciousness.  Yet,  while  Elijah 
and  Ehsha  led  the  contest  for  Yahweh  against  the 
Tyrian  Baal,  they  left  the  asheras  or  tive-poles  at  the 
high  places  untouched,  and  made  no  attack  on  the 
calf-worship  at  Bethel,  which  Amos  and  Hosea  do- 
noimced  aftenvards  as  "  Samaria's  sin."  The  first 
codes  of  JE,  therefore,  may  be  taken  to  represent  the 
general  aim  of  religion  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighth 
century  b.c. 

But  the  higher  prophecy  of  that  great  age  demanded 
something  more.  It  reached  the  sublime  conviction 
of  the  sole  Deity  of  Yahweh.  That  majestic  Power, 
which  reached  from  the  sky  to  the  underworld  (Am.  92), 
encompassed  the  whole  earth,  and  guided  the  move- 
ments of  other  nations  as  well  as  Israel  Its  champions, 
there'forc,  demanded  the  extinction  of  all  idolatries. 
Doom  must  descend  upon  a  disloyal  people,  and  Isaiah 
could  describe  the  Assyrian  invader  as  the  "  rod  of 
Yahweh's  anger  "  ;  but  its  strokes  would  not  be  fatal ; 
Zion  should  be  purged  and  become  a  "  citadel  of 
righteousness,  the  Faithful  City."  The  Assyrians 
eame  and  Jeru.salem  survived  the  shock,  but  in  the 


thirtieth  year  of  his  reitm  with  2340  b.c.  Ediiard  Meyer,  Ofch.  de$ 
AWrlhumsfi  i.  U.  p.  b6i>.  iis>iuiis  bin  nign  to  1968-1!M6  B.o. 
Ryle  In  Oentsis.  CB.  (1914).  tentatively  suggests  about  2150.  11. 
167  :  but  on  p.  1 79  cites  Ungnad's  date  2130-2088.  Driver,  about 
2100. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


131 


next  century  under  Manasseh  the  very  existence  of 
Yahwehism  was  endangered.  AH  kinds  of  foreign  cults 
were  encouraged  ;  they  were  pursued  by  the  court, 
they  wore  installed  in  the  Temple.  In  a  single  sen- 
tence, "  Manasseh  shed  innocent  blood  very  much, 
till  he  had  filled  Jerusalem  from  one  end  to  another  " 
(2  K.  21 16),  the  historian  describes  the  first  of  those 
martyr-ages  which  were  again  and  again  to  test 
Israel's  fidelity.  Under  such  circumstances  prophecy 
girded  itself  for  a  new  effort.  It  could  no  longer 
remain  abstract  and  ideal ;  it  must  enter  the  field  of 
reform  and  cleanse  the  national  worship  of  all  cor- 
ruptions, old  and  new.  "  Cast  out  every  Canaanite 
or  Assyrian  abomination,  destroy  idol  and  tree-pole 
and  pillar,  abolish  every  altar  where  the  sacred  rites 
may  be  contaminated,  admit  no  sacrifice  but  at  the 
place  of  Yahweh's  own  choice  " — this  was  the  pro- 
gramme of  the  Deuteronomic  Code.  This  was  the 
practical  side  of  prophecy,  as  it  sought  to  secure  the 
fruits  of  the  labours  of  the  century  before.  Holiness 
now  meant  something  more  than  abstinence  from  meat 
not  properly  killed.  It  was  the  response  of  Israel, 
small  as  it  might  be  among  the  nations,  to  the  gracious 
choice  of  Yahweh  (Dt.  76-8).  No  ritual  could  ade- 
quately express  this  response.  Reverent  obedience 
might,  indeed,  fulfil  outward  commands,  but  the 
Divine  love  appealed  for  something  more.  The  whole 
moral  and  spiritual  energies  of  the  people  must  be 
dedicated  to  their  great  Deliverer :  "  Thou  shalt  love 
Yahweh  thy  God  with  all  thine  heart,  and  with  all 
thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  might  "  (Dt.  65). 

This  far-reaching  principle  marks  the  second  stage 
of  Israel's  legislative  advance.  On  this  basis  the  first 
Codes  were  recast ;  outwardly  in  favour  of  the  sanctuary 
at  Jerusalem,  inwardly  in  favour  of  a  worship  which 
could  be  practised  everywhere  "  in  spirit  and  in  truth." 
But  there  were  many  steps  to  be  trodden  before  that 
consummation  could  be  reached.  The  Deuteronomic 
principle  was  the  immediate  antecedent  of  Jeremiah's 
vision  of  a  "  new  covenant  "  which  should  supersede 
the  old  by  writing  the  Divine  teaching  on  men's  hearts 
(Jer.  3l33f.).  But  for  a  time  the  pressure  of  events 
was  too'  strong.  The  Temple  which  Josiah  so  dili- 
gently cleansed  was  again  defiled.  In  586  B.C.  the 
troops  of  Nebuchadrezzar  entered  Jerusalem  and 
burnt  it.  Were  the  truths  attained  by  the  prophets 
to  be  lost  ?  Was  the  religion  of  Yahweh  to  be  ex- 
tinguished ? 

Among  the  exiles  was  the  priest-prophet  Ezekiel. 
As  he  looked  ba<;k  over  the  past,  the  story  of  Israel's 
unfaithfulness  cut  him  to  the  heart.  But  his  convic- 
tion of  Yahweh's  transcendent  purpose  triumphs  over 
all  hopelessness.  From  the  death  of  sin  the  nation 
shall  arise  once  more,  dowered  with  a  new  heart, 
ready  to  keep  the  judgments  of  their  God.  So  once 
more  does  Prophecy  prepare  in  his  person  to  wear 
the  mask  of  Law.  Through  the  clear  air  he  sees  the 
ancient  land ;  it  is  divided  anew.  The  holy  house 
stands  again  upon  the  holy  mount.  The  holy  tribe 
is  parted  into  two  orders — the  priests  who  minister 
at  the  altar  to  Yahweh  Himself,  and  the  Levites  who 
shall  keep  the  gate  and  kill  the  victims  for  sacrifice, 
but  shall  not  come  near  to  any  of  the  holy  things. 
There  would  Yahweh  make  His  "  dwelling "  ^RV 
"  tabernacle  ")  with  His  people,  and  would  be  tneir 
God  (Ez/^k.  4379  and  3727).  So  the  way  is  prepared 
for  the  third  stage  of  Pentatouchal  legislation.  Early 
drafts  for  the  development  of  the  conception  of  holi- 
ness are  embedded  in  the  oldest  portions  of  the  Holi- 
ness Code  (Ixv.  17-26),  and  at  length  a  new  programme 
for  the  future  is  produced  in  the  shape  of  an  ideal 


delineation  of  the  past.  The  Deuteronomic  Code 
belonged  to  a  polity  that  had  ceased  to  be.  The 
monarchy  was  gone,  it  needed  no  more  regulation. 
New  elements  of  thought  and  life  had  risen  into  im- 
portance ;  new  ideas,  especially  the  sense  of  national 
sinfulness,  now  needed  expression.  This  was  the 
object  of  the  Priestly  Code  produced  under  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah.  Its  fundamental  principle  is  laid  down 
in  one  of  its  oldest  eections  in  the  sublime  command, 
"  Be  ye  holy,  for  I,  Yahweh,  your  God,  am  holy  " 
(Lev.  192).  Yahweh  was  holy  because  His  nature 
transcended  everything  earthly  and  unclean.  His 
holiness  really  involved  the  totality  of  His  attributes 
as  deity.  In  this  sense  truly  He  was  beyond  Israel's 
imitation.  But  His  people  could  keep  themst^lves 
from  everything  defiling  and  impure  ;  and  this  kind 
of  holiness  had  a  moral  as  well  as  a  ceremonial  char- 
acter. On  one  side  it  might  express  itself  in  a  variety 
of  minute  ordinances,  designed  to  secure  immunity 
for  certain  groups  of  persons  from  ritual  pollution ; 
on  the  other,  it  might  embrace  all  social  relations  under 
one  comprehensive  injunction,  "  Thou  shalt  love  thy 
neighbour  as  thyself  "  (Lev.  19i8).  And  to  ensure 
the  discharge  of  these  demands  for  sanctity,  the  sacred 
Presence  was  conceived  as  abiding  in  the  midst  of  the 
nation,  and  thus  distinguishing  it  from  any  other  on 
the  face  of  the  earth.  It  is,  then,  hardly  surprising 
that  the  Priestly  Code  should  contain  prescriptions 
that  seem  incompatible.  On  the  one  side  is  the  whole 
scheme  of  holy  things — vessels,  robes,  furniture,  and 
sanctuary ;  of  holy  persons — the  lower  Levites,  the 
superior  priests,  with  the  High  Priest  as  the  unique 
representative  of  the  whole  nation  before  God ;  of 
holy  days  from  week  to  week,  of  solemn  festivals, 
culminating  in  tlie  great  annual  ceremony  of  confession 
and  propitiation,  known  in  later  usage  as  "  The  Day." 
On  the  other  hand  is  the  sublime  picture  of  the  Holy 
One  symboUcally  "  dwelling  "  in  His  people's  midst. 
He  demands  that  they  shall  resemble  Him,  and  how 
can  these  minute  details  of  ritual  serve  that  end  ? 
In  the  Ught  of  fuller  truth  we  can  see  their  inconsistency, 
but  in  the  light  of  history  we  can  also  see  how  needful 
each  element  was  to  the  other.  Ezra  and  the  Scribes 
completed  Israel's  rehgion.  The  Law  was  the  vehicle 
through  which  the  gains  of  the  higher  prophecy  were 
preserved  and  incorporated  in  the  national  life.  The 
framers  of  the  Levitical  Code  did  what  the  Isaiahs 
had  been  unable  to  do ;  but  without  the  Isaiahs  they 
could  not  have  done  it.  They  created  what  a  later 
seer  could  describe  as  "  the  righteous  nation  which 
keepeth  truth  "  (Is.  262).  In  the  Temple  service  and 
in  the  simple  worship  of  the  synagogue  the  emotions 
of  joy  and  thankfulness  were  poured  forth  in  hymn 
and  prayer.  Obedience  became  a  dehght,  the  Law 
was  Israel's  privilege.  It  restored  the  soul,  it  en- 
lightened the  eyes  (Ps.  I97-14) ;  the  secret  of  happi- 
ness lay  in  meditating  on  it  day  and  night  (Ps.  I2) ; 
the  persecutor  might  lay  his  snares,  but  the  loyal 
worshipper  would  perform  the  statutes  for  ever,  even 
to  the  end  (Ps.  II9110-112).  The  piety  of  the  Pss. 
is  the  fruit  of  this  call  to  holiness.  The  "  saints,"  so 
full  of  love  and  trust,  waiting  for  Yahweh  to  show 
them  the  path  of  life  ;  the  poor  and  meek,  so  patient 
under  suffering ;  the  faithful,  who  endured  torture 
and  death  rather  than  disobey  the  commandment — 
these  were  the  holy  people  nurtured  under  the  Law. 
Here  was  the  power  which  nerved  Judaism  to  resist 
the  attack  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (in  December 
168  B.C.  an  altar  to  01vmpi?.n  Zeus  was  erected 
on  the  great  altar  in  the  T.>mple  court).  Thus 
was  the   way  prepared  for   prophctism  to  reappear 


132 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  PENTATEUCH 


in  the  still  nobler  form  of  tho  Gosp^.!.  Its  issontial 
aim  was  set  free  from  tho  limitations  of  ancient 
ritual,  and  transtigured  into  the  frnal  goal  of  all 
rchgion,  "  Bo  yo  pt^rfoct,  as  your  heavenly  Father  is 
perfect." 

Literature. — Wellhauscn,  Die  Composition  des^  Hexa- 
teucli.t.  Prolegomena  to  the  History  of  Israel ;  Kuenen, 
The  Ilcxateuch  ;  Driver,  Literature  of  the  OT  (9th  ed.. 
1913) ;  articles  in  HDB  and  EBi ;  Carpent<;r  and  Har- 


ford, Composition  of  the  Hexateuch  (1902);  Addis, 
The  Documents  of  the  Ilrratc^ich ;  A.  T.  Chapman, 
Introduction  to  the  Hexateuch  ;  McNeilc,  Deuteronomy, 
Its  Place  in  lievelation  (1'J12) ;  D.  C.  Simpson,  Penta- 
teuchal  Criticism  (1914);  Eisclen^  The  Books  of  the 
Pentateuch  ;  Skinner,  The  Divine  Names  in  Genesis 
(1914) ;  commentaries  in  ICC,  West.  C,  CB,  Ccnt.B, 
KEH.  HK,  KHC;  Stcuemsigol,  Lehrb^uch  der  Einleilung 
in  das  AT  (m2). 


GENESIS 

By   the  editor 


The  English  title  of  the  book  goes  back  through  the 
Vulg.  to  the  LXX.  It  stands  for  the  origin  or  creation 
of  the  world,  the  subject  of  the  opening  chapters. 
The  usual  Heb.  title  is  Bereshith,  "  In  the  beginning," 
taken,  as  was  commonly  done,  from  the  first  word  of 
the  book.  It  is  composed  for  the  most  part  from  the 
three  documents,  J,  E,  P,  which  are  found  also  in 
Ex.,  Nu.,  and  Jos.  The  general  grounds  for  the 
analysis  may  be  seen  in  the  Introduction  to  the  Penta- 
teuch. The  detailed  analysis  of  this  book,  with  reasons, 
is  given  in  the  commentary.  In  spite  of  persistent 
assertions  to  the  contrary,  there  is  no  room  for  reason- 
able doubt  that  these  documents  are  really  present, 
and  that  the  distribution  of  the  matter  among  them 
has  been  in  large  measure  successfully  achieved.  The 
sections  belonging  to  P  have  been  identified  with  the 
greatest  certamty.  But  while  it  is  frequently  incon- 
testable that  a  section  belongs  to  JE,  the  fusion  of 
the  two  documents  has  often  been  effected  with  such 
skill  that  then-  disentanglement  is  inevitably  both 
dehcate  and  difficult.  For  the  non-Mosaic  character 
of  the  book  and  the  date  of  the  documents  it  incor- 
porates see  the  Introduction  to  the  Pentateuch. 

From  the  literary  we  pass  to  the  historical  problems. 
It  is  pointed  out  elsewhere  (pp.  123f.)  that  even  the 
later  books  of  the  Pent,  contain  many  inconsistencies 
which  prove  that  they  cannot  be  a  record  of  hteral 
history.  This  is  even  more  emphatically  the  case 
with  Gen.  The  Hterary  analysis  is  not  based  exclusively 
or  even  mainly  on  differences  in  vocabulary  and  style, 
but  on  mconsistencies  m  statement  which  prove  that 
"the  record  is  not  impeccable  in  its  accuracy.  Here  it 
may  suffice  to  mention  the  discrepancies  in  the  narra- 
tives of  Creation  and  the  Flood,  the  different  accounts 
given  as  to  the  origin  of  the  names  Beersheba,  Bethel, 
and  Israel,  the  variations  as  to  the  names  of  Esau's 
wives.  The  story  as  it  stands  raises  insuperable 
chronological  difficulties.  As  illustrations  we  may 
take  Sarah's  adventure  with  Pharaoh  when  she  was 
more  than  65  and  with  Abimelech  when  she  was 
89;  the  sending  of  Jacob  to  marry  into  his  mother's 
family  when  he  was  77,  and  his  actual  marriage  at 
84  (p.  1.57)  ;  the  representation  of  Benjamin  as  quite 
youthful  when  he  was  the  father  of  ten  sons  ;  the 
crowding  of  all  the  events  in  Gen.  38,  together  with  the 
birth  of  two  sons  to  Perez  (46i2),  into  22  years,  so 
that  Judah  becomes  a  grandfather  in  much  less  than 
10  years. 

Apart  from  internal  inconsistencies  there  are  in- 
trinsic incredibilities.  That  the  story  of  the  Deluge 
is  not  unvarnished  history  is  shown  in  the  Introduction 
to  it.  The  narrative  of  creation  cannot  be  reconciled 
with  our  present  knowledge  except  by  special  pleading 
which  verges  on  dishonesty.  The  period  allowed  for 
human  history  is  far  too  short;  nor  can  we  suppose 
that  angels  mated  with  women  and  begat  a  race  of 
demigo<£  (^i-4)- 


Once  this  is  recognised,  better  justice  can  be  done 
to  the  character  of  the  book,  and  the  extent  to  which 
it  contains  actual  history  can  be  made  the  subject 
of  dispassionate  inquiry.  It  is  a  modern  prejudice  to 
suppose  that  liistorical  inaccuracy  is  incompatible  with 
genuine  revelation,  or  that  myth  and  legend  are  un- 
worthy vehicles  for  the  communication  of  spiritual 
truth.  Myth  and  legend,  like  poetry  and  parable, 
often  convey  rehgious  teaching  much  more  effectively 
than  bare  historical  narrative. 

The  Kile  between  myth  and  legend  is  hard  to  draw, 
but  the  general  distinction  is  clear.  Dr.  Skinner  says  : 
"  The  practically  important  distuiction  is  that  the 
legend  does,  and  the  myth  does  not,  start  from  the 
plane  of  historic  fact.  The  myth  is  properly  a  story 
of  the  gods,  originating  in  an  impression  produced  on 
the  primitive  mind  bj'  the  more  imposing  phenomena  of 
nature,  while  legend  attaches  itself  to  the  personages 
and  movements  of  real  history  "  (ICC,  p.  vui).  Much 
in  Gen.  1-1 1  is  of  mjiihical  origin  ;  but  it  has  been 
purified  m  various  degrees  by  the  rehgious  genius  of 
Israel  and  the  spirit  of  revelation.  The  most  naked 
piece  of  mythology  is  the  story  of  the  angel  marriages 
(61-4),  which  was  once,  no  doubt,  much  grosser. 
There  are  mythical  elements  in  the  story  of  the  Tower 
of  Babel.  The  narrative  of  Eden  is  rich  in  mythical 
traits  :  the  garden  of  Yahweh  where  He  walks  after 
the  heat  of  the  day  is  over  ;  the  formation  of  man 
from  the  dust  and  of  woman  from  the  rib  of  man  ;  the 
magical  trees,  one  conferring  immortahty,  the  other 
supernatural  knowledge ;  the  sei-pent  gifted  with 
wisdom  and  the  power  of  speech  ;  the  cherubim  and 
the  wliirhng  fiery  sword.  The  priestly  narrative  of 
creation  (1 1-240)  is  ultimately  derived  from  a  frankly 
mythical  story,  still  known  to  us  in  its  Babylonian 
forms,  but  the  striking  feature  is  the  aU  but  complete 
obliteration  of  mythology.  The  same  applies  to  the 
story  of  the  Deluge.  But  if  this  origmated  in  a 
historical  event  it  belongs  primailly  to  the  category 
of  legend,  though  in  Babylonia  it  is  legend  turned 
into  myth.  Possibly  the  s'torj'  of  Cain  and  Abel,  the 
curse  on  Canaan,  and  the  blessing  of  Shem  and  Japheth 
refer  to  the  relations  of  historic  or  prehistoric  peoples. 

In  the  patriarchal  history  the  mythical  element  is 
naturally  much  less  prominent.  The  wrestUng  of 
Jacob  (3224-32)  is  the  most  striking  example.  The 
story  of  his  encounter  with  the  angels  at  Mahanaim 
(32 if.)  may  be  a  faded  variant  of  the  same  theme. 
His  vision  at  Betliel  of  the  angels  passing  up  and  down 
to  heaven  on  the  ladder  (28i2)  and  the  visit  of  the 
three  heavenly  beings  to  Abraham  (18)  have  also  a 
mythical  colour.  There  may  possibly  be  some  con- 
nexion between  the  twelve  sons  of  Jacob  and  the 
twelve  signs  of  the  Zodiac.  We  should  have  to  recog- 
nise the  thoroughly  mythical  character  of  the  patri- 
archal narratives  il  wo  supposed  with  E.  Meyer  that 
the  i)atriarchs  were  originally  deities,  or  with  Winckler 


134 


GENESIS 


that  the  atoriee  are  to  bo  interpreted  iu  terms  of  the 
astral  mythology.  The  tangible  ovidonoe  for  the 
former  view  is  extremely  slight,  and  much  of  it  capable 
of  a  less  far-fetched  explanation  ;  the  latter  would 
involve  the  acceptance  of  a  far-reaching  theory  which, 
in  the  judgment  of  most  scholars,  haa  not  been  sub- 
stantiated, while  this  interpretation  in  particular  is 
open  to  additional  objections  of  its  own.  A  more 
tenable  view  would  be  that  the  leading  personaUtiea 
were  nations  or  tribes.  It  is  in  fact  probable  that 
at  certain  points  tribal  is  disguised  as  personal  history. 
Po&sibly,  as  already  mentioned,  Cain  and  Abel,  more 
probably  Shem,  Japheth,  and  Canaan,  should  be  so 
interpreted.  So  also  the  story  of  Judah  in  38  (cf.  p.  162). 
Similarly,  the  story  of  Jo.seph'a  residence  in  Egypt, 
where  he  was  subsequently  joined  by  his  father  and 
brothers,  might  point  te  successive  Hebrew  migrations 
into  Egypt.  The  birth  of  Benjamin  after  Jacob's 
return  from  Paddan-aram  might  express  the  fact  that 
the  tribe  was  formed  after  the  settlement  in  Palestine. 
Similar  interpretations  might  be  put  on  the  separation 
of  Abraham  and  Lot,  the  story  of  Reuben  and  Bilhah, 
and  that  of  Shechem  and  Dinah.  Still,  many  of  these 
instances  are  ver\'  dubious.  It  is  important  to  observe 
that  large  sections  of  the  histoi-y  do  not  lend  them- 
aelvea  to  this  interpretation.  In  the  main  the  narra- 
tives about  Abraham  do  not,  nor  those  about  Isaac, 
nor  yet  those  about  Joseph.  The  two  most  plausible 
instances  are  those  of  Jacob  and  Esau,  and  Jacob  and 
Laban.  The  former  are  supposed  to  reflect  the  relations 
between  Israel  and  Edom,  the  latter  those  between 
Israel  and  Syria.  The  narrative  itself  sugge-sts  this 
interpretation  for  the  former.  The  prenatal  struggles 
of  Jacob  and  Eeau  prefigure  the  struggles  of  the  nations, 
the  elder  of  which  is  to  serve  the  yoimger  (2523). 
This  is  practically  endorsed  in  the  blessings  of  Isaac 
(2727-29,39!),  but  with  the  addition  that  Esau  will 
ultimately  break  off  the  yoke  of  Jacob.  Yet  the 
actual  story  is  far  from  reflecting  the  later  relations. 
Of  course  the  bitterest  antagonism  between  the  two 
peoples  belongs  to  the  period  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  and  such  a  hymn  of  hate  as  Is.  34  or 
63 1-6  would  not  have  expressed  Israel's  feeling  in  the 
pre-exilic  period.  But  Israels  subjugation  of  Edom 
in  war  is  not  verj'  aptly  represented  by  the  narrative 
in  Gen.  Jacob  buys  the  birthright  by  driving  a  hard 
bargain  with  Esau  ;  ho  obtains  the  bl&ssing  by  cheating 
and  falsehood.  Esau's  anger  is  not  pushed  to  ex- 
tremities. Jacob  secures  Ids  brother's  friendsliip  by 
grovelling  submis.sion  and  a  very  substantial  present, 
and  there  is  no  suggestion  of  any  ho.stility  after  his 
settlement  in  Palestine.  Nor  docs  the  story  of  Jacob 
and  Laban,  closing  with  the  friendly  compact  not  to 
violate  each  other's  territories,  at  all  agree  Avith  the 
bitter  and  prolonged  antagonism  between  Israel  and 
Syria  in  the  period  of  the  monarchy. 

The  various  attempts  to  interpret  the  patriarchs 
as  gods,  nations,  or  tribes  are  thus  open  to  very 
serious  objections.  It  ia  accordingly  safer  to  recogni.so 
that  the  loading  figures  in  the  story  were  actual 
personahtics.  But  tliis,  of  course,  does  not  guarantee 
the  stories  in  det.aU.  The  discrepancies  sufticicntly 
show  this.  The  sjimo  incident  is  related  with  infer- 
ence to  more  than  one  character  or  different  accovmta 
are  given  of  tho  same  thing.  Comparative  study  shows 
the  reappearance  in  our  book  of  tales  and  viotifs 
familiar  in  tho  folklore  of  other  nations.  Few  things 
arc  more  famihar  than  the  way  in  which  incidents  or 
sayings  originally  anonymous  gravitate  to  famous 
names.  And  it  ib  not  inopportune  to  point  out  tliat 
archaeological  investigation  has  so  far  done  nothing 


to  rehubiMtato  any  stories  which  a  sober  criticism  has 
doubted,  or  to  give  the  patriarchs  any  definite  position 
in  the  history  of  their  time.  The  crucial  case  here  is 
that  of  Ch^orlaomers  expedition  (14),  and  this  ifl 
examined  in  the  introduction  to  that  chapter.  FidcUty 
in  depicting  local  or  national  conditions  is  no  guarantee 
of  historicity,  esix-cially  where  conditions  remain  stable 
for  many  centuries. 

Attention  should  be  called  to  one  feature  which  has 
played  a  prominent  part  in  the  creation  or  moulding 
of  narratives  in  our  lx)ok.  Many  of  the  stories  are 
setiological,  that  w,  they  supply  an  answer  to  the 
question,  What  gave  rise  to  such  customs,  instincts, 
conditions,  names  as  those  with  which  we  are  familiar  ? 
The  story  of  Eden  answers  several  such  questions 
(p.  139).  The  story  of  Bal>el  not  only  accounts  for 
the  existence  of  an  unfinished  or  dilapidated  tower, 
but  explains  why  it  is  that  although  peoples  have  all 
a  common  parentage,  they  speak  such  different 
languages.  Similar  examples  are  the  accounts  as  to 
the  origin  of  the  arts  and  modes  of  life,  music,  metal 
work,  city  building,  vine  culture  and  the  manufacture 
of  wine,  the  pastoral  occupation.  So,  too,  the  origin 
of  such  a  rite  as  circumcision  or  the  taboo  on  tho 
sinew  of  the  hip,  natural  phenomena  such  as  the 
rainbow  and  the  desolate  condition  of  the  Dead  Sea 
region.  The  land  system  of  Egypt,  so  different  from 
that  of  the  Hebrews,  is  traced  to  Joseph's  pohcy  of 
turning  the  necessities  of  the  famine  to  the  royad 
interest.  Explanations  are  given  as  to  the  origin  of 
names :  Eve,  Cain,  Seth,  Noah,  Abraham,  Moab, 
Ben-ammi,  Ishmae),  Isaac,  Jacob,  Edom,  Jacob's 
children,  Perez,  Manasseh,  and  Ephraim  ;  and  among 
names  of  places,  Beer-lahai-roi,  Zoar,  Beersheba, 
Bethel,  Mizpah,  Mahanaim,  Peniel,  Succoth,  Abel- 
mizraim. 

A  few  words  may  be  added  on  the  religious  and 
moral  value  of  tho  book.  Happily  this  does  not 
depend  upon  its  historical  accuracy.  Nothing  shows 
more  impressively  the  power  of  Israel's  rehgion  than 
a  comparison  between  the  polytheistic  and  unmoral 
stories  of  Creation  and  the  Flood  in  their  Babylonian 
forms  and  the  pure  monotheism  and  stem  ethical 
quaUty  of  the  Heb.  narratives.  Heathen  material 
has  been  used,  but  it  has  been  fillod  with  the  spirit 
of  Israel's  rehgion  (p.  51).  The  conception  of  God, 
especially  in  the  older  documents,  is  often  anthropo- 
morphic, but  genuine  religion  does  not  really  suffer 
through  a  quality  for  which  allowance  can  rcatlily  be 
made,  which  was  specially  helpful  in  earlier  days  for  the 
concrete  and  vivid  reality  it  gave  to  the  idea  of  God, 
and  whicli  still  invests  the  stories  with  much  of  their 
deathles.s  charm.  If  tlie  theological  and  ethical  state- 
ments scattered  tlirough  tlie  book  were  to  bo  collected 
they  would  include  much  moral  and  spiritual  truth 
clothed  with  a  worthy  cxpres.sion.  But  what  is  most 
precious  would  have  escai)cd  us.  It  is  not  the  expUcit 
formulation  of  principles  and  behefa,  nor  even  these 
distilled  from  the  narratives,  it  is  the  narratives 
themselves  as  they  stand  which  jneld  us  most  for 
edification,  guidance,  and  inspiration.  The  records 
hold  up  the  mirror  to  nature,  they  depict  for  us  actual 
situations  in  which  our  common  thoughts  and  emotions 
find  ample  play.  Many  types  of  character  are  here, 
np  lifele-ss  blocks  on  which  the  moralist  sots  off  his 
wares,  but  warm  and  living,  a  human  heart  beating 
in  the  breast  and  human  blood  throbbing  through  the 
veins.  As  contributions  to  scientific  history  onr  esti- 
mate of  their  value  may  be  reduced ;  as  channels  of 
uistruction,  warning,  stimulus,  they  remain  unimpaired, 
we  might  say  enhanced  in  value,  since  attention  is 


GENESIS,  I.  l-II.  4a 


135 


now  concentrated  on  the  abiding  content  rather  than 
the  transitory  form.  The  Burcst  way  in  which  to  gain 
from  them  the  best  they  have  to  give  us  is  not  to  be 
scelung  over-anxiousl}'  for  their  moral,  but  to  permit 
them  to  make  their  own  impression  through  intimate 
familiarity  with  them,  aided  by  close  study  of  the 
best  which  has  been  written  about  them. 

Literature. — Commentaries :  (a)  Driver  (West.  C), 
Bennett  (Cent.  B),  Ryle  (CB),  Mitchell ;  (6)  Skinner 
(ICC),  SpuneU;  (c)  *DiUmann  (KEH),  *Dehtzsch. 
Holzinger  (KHC),  Gunkel  (HK,  SAT),  Procksch;  [d) 
F.  W.  Robertson,  Lectures  on  Genesis,  Dods  (Ex.B), 
Strahan,  Hehreio  Ideals.  Other  Literature :  Discussions 
in  OT  Introductions  and  in  Dictionaries  of  the  Bible ; 
Ball,  Genesis  (SBOT  Heb.),  Wade,  ThcBook  of  Genesis, 
Bacon,  The  Genesis  o/  Genesis.  Budde,  Die  bibliscke 
Urgeschichte,  Ryle,  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis,  Gordon, 
The  Early  Traditions  of  Genesis. 

I.  l-II.  4a.  The  Priestly  Story  of  Creation. — 
This  section  belongs  to  the  Priestly  Document  (P). 
This  is  shown  by  the  use  of  several  of  its  character- 
istic terms,  bj-  the  constant  repetition  of  the  formulas, 
and  by  the  formal  arrangement.  P's  interest  in  the 
origin  of  religious  institutions  is  displayed  in  the 
explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  Sabbath.  The  lofty 
monotheism  of  the  section  is  also  characteristic  of 
his  theological  position. 

The  story  rests  upon  a  much  older  tradition, 
mainly,  it  would  seem,  Babylonian  in  its  origin. 
There  are  several  striking  parallels  with  the  Baby- 
lonian creation  legend.  The  "  deep  "  or  watery 
chaoa  (tehom)  (I2)  corresponds  to  the  Babylonian 
Tiamat.  Darkness  is  over  this  chaos.  There  is  a 
rending  of  sky  and  earth  from  each  other,  and  the 
creation  of  a  solid  expanse  or  firmament  which  divides 
the  upper  waters  from  the  waters  of  the  earth,  and 
in  wliich  the  heavenly  bodies  are  placed.  There  are 
also  serious  differences,  due  largely  to  the  absence 
of  the  polytheistic  and  mythological  element  from  the 
Biblical  account  (p.  51).  Even  if  the  Spirit  of  God 
that  broods  over  the  abyss  is  a  remnant  of  myth- 
ology, j'et  the  Hebrew  account  represents  God  as 
existing  before  the  creative  process  begins;  and  as 
willing  and  controlling  it,  whereas  in  the  Babylonian 
legend  the  gods  come  into  existence  during  the  pro- 
cess. Nor  is  there  any  trace  of  opposition  between 
the  abyss  and  the  creative  power  in  Genesis  ;  though 
it  is  not  said  that  chaos  was  created  by  God,  it  rather 
seems  to  have  an  independent  existence  beside  Him. 
The  Phoenician  cosmogony  presents  striking  parallels, 
such  as  the  existence  at  first  of  chaos  and  spirit, 
and  the  egg,  from  which  the  universe  was  produced, 
which  seems  to  be  implied  in  the  Hebrew  narrative 
in  the  reference  to  the  brooding  of  the  Spirit.  It 
is  probable,  in  spite  of  the  striking  differences, 
that  the  Biblical  account  has  its  ultimate  origin  in 
the  Babylonian  mythology  rather  than  that  both  are, 
as  Dillmann  thinks,  independent  developments  of 
a  primitive  Semitic  myth.  Gunkel  has  argued 
forcibly  that  the  work  of  weation  was  explained  by 
analogy  from  the  rebirth  of  the  world  in  spring  after 
the  winter,  or  in  the  morning  after  the  night,  and 
that  the  phenomena  depicted  can  have  been  sug- 
gested only  in  an  alluvial  country  like  Babylonia. 
But  it  has  derived  elements  from  other  sources,  espe- 
cially Phoenician  and  possibly  Egyptian.  It  appears 
to  have  been  formed  in  Palestine,  for  the  puri- 
fication of  the  story  would  involve  a  long  process, 
and  one  which  would  be  complete  only  at  a  late 
point  in  the  pre-exilic  period.  In  its  present  form 
it  is  probably  not  earliei  than  the  exile,  and  was 


presumably  written  on  Babylonian  soil.  But  it  is 
most  unlikely  that  the  Priestly  writer,  belonging,  as 
he  did,  to  the  rigid  school  of  Ezekiel,  should  have 
borrowed  consciously  from  Babylonian  mythology. 

At  what  time  this  myth  reached  Israel  is  muich 
disputed.  Some  think  the  Hebrews  brought  it  with 
them  from  Mesopotamia  ;  others  place  it  in  the  period 
known  to  us  from  the  Tell  el-Amarna  tablets  (about 
1450  B.C.)  when  Babylonian  culture  exerted  great 
influence  on  Western  Asia  and  Egypt ;  others  again 
think  of  the  period  of  Assyrian  rule  over  Judah. 
It  is  unlikely  that  the  Hebrews,  even  if  they  brought 
the  Babylonian  legend  with  them  from  Mesopo- 
tamia, would  preserve  it  through  all  their  subsequent 
experiences.  More  probably  they  derived  it  from  the 
Canaanites,  who  may  have  learnt  it  from  the  Baby- 
lonians in  the  Tell  el-Amarna  period  (see  p.  51).  We 
can  thus  account  for  the  Canaanite  elements  that 
appear  to  have  been  incorporated.  Some  scholars 
hold  that  the  Hebrews  elaborated  the  creation  doctrine 
at  a  late  period.  This  does  not  at  all  follow  from  the 
silence  of  the  earlier  prophets,  even  if,  as  is  not 
unlikely,  the  creation  passages  in  Amos  are  a  later 
addition  (pp.  551,  554).  For  these  prophets  had  little 
occasion  to  speak  of  it.  And  there  are  references  in 
the  other  literature  which  seem  to  be  early.  This  is 
specially  true  of  the  creation  story  in  Gen.  2.  And 
in  Solomon's  dedication  words  at  the  consecration 
of  the  Temple,  restored  by  Wellhausen  from  the 
LXX  (p.  298),  we  read  "  Yahweh  hath  set  the  sun 
in  the  heavens."  So  also  in  Ex.  20ii,  which,  even 
if  a  later  addition  to  the  Decalogue,  is  probably 
pre-exilic,  we  read  that  "  in  six  days  Yahweh  made 
heaven  and  earth."  It  would  be  strange  if,  when 
the  surrounding  peoples  had  creation  narratives, 
Israel  had  none. 

Whether  the  Priestly  writer  himself  originated  the 
division  into  six  days  is  uncertain.  It  is  clearly 
later  than  the  enumeration  of  the  works  as  eight. 
For  in  order  to  get  eight  works  into  six  days  it  has 
been  necessary  to  put  two  works  on  the  third  and 
two  on  the  sixth  day  ;  and  in  neither  case  is  the 
pair  well  matched  ;  in  the  former  we  have  the 
separation  of  land  and  water  combined  with  the 
creation  of  vegetation,  in  the  latter  land-animals  and 
man  are  created  on  the  same  day,  though  from  the 
lofty  position  assigned  to  man,  we  should  have 
expected  his  creation  to  have  taken  place  on  a  day 
reserved  for  it.  But  the  six  days'  work  and  the 
seventh  day's  rest  are  probably  not  due  to  the  Priestly 
writer.  The  Sabbath  rest  for  God  is  so  anthropo- 
morphic an  idea,  that  P,  who  does  not  represent 
God  as  subject  to  human  limitations  and  affections, 
must  have  borrowed  it  from  an  older  source.  Both 
the  six  days'  work  and  seventh  day's  rest  are  found 
in  Ex.  2O11.  If  this  is  dependent  on  our  passage, 
it  yields  no  evidence  for  an  earlier  origin  of  the  six 
days'  scheme.  But  although  it  does  not  occur  in 
the  Deuteronomic  version  of  the  Decalogue,  the 
reason  for  the  commandment  substituted  in  Dt.  615 
probably  had  its  origin  in  the  humane  spirit  of  the 
Deuteronomic  legislation.  The  differences  between 
Ex.  2O11  and  Gen.  22  are  also  of  a  kind  to  exclude 
the  dependence  of  the  former  on  the  latter.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  assumed  that  not  only  the  division  of 
creation  into  eight  works  but  the  period  of  six  days 
lay  ready  to  the  author's  hand.  As  it  is  not  found 
in  the  Babylonian  or  Phoenician  cosmogonies,  it 
seems  probable  that  the  six  days'  scheme  is  of  Israel- 
itish  origin.  The  eight  works  may  have  been  borrowed 
ultimately  from  a  foreign  source. 


136 


GENESIS.  I.  l-II.  4a 


Those  who  are  interested  in  the  once  burning 
question  as  to  the  relation  between  this  narrative  and 
modern  science  should  consult  the  very  thorough 
discussion  in  Driver's  Commentary.  Here  it  must 
suffice  to  say  that  the  value  of  the  narrative  is  not 
scientific  but  religious ;  that  it  imperils  faith  to 
insist  on  literal  accuracy  in  a  story  which  can 
only  by  unjusLiliablc  forcing  be  made  to  yield  it ;  that 
it  was  more  in  harmony  with  the  method  of  inspira- 
tion to  take  current  views  and  purify  them  so  tliat 
they  might  be  fit  vehicles  of  religious  truth  than  to 
anticipate    the    progress    of    research    by    revealing 

f»rematurely  what  men  could  in  due  time  discover 
or  themselves  ;  and  finally  that  even  if  this  narra- 
tive could  be  harmonised  with  our  present  knowledge, 
we  should  have  the  task  of  harmonising  the  very 
different  narrative  in  the  second  chapter  both  with  the 
present  story  and  with  modern  science.  (See  further 
p.  12.) 

L  1-5. — Since  the  formula  "  These  are  the  genera- 
tions of  "  is  usually  placed  by  P  at  the  beginning 
of  a  section,  whereas  here  it  occurs  at  the  end  (24a), 
it  is  thought  by  many  that  its  present  position  is 
due  to  its  removal  from  the  beginning  of  this  chapter, 
and  that  the  story  opened  with  the  words  "  These 
are  the  generations  of  the  heaven  and  of  the  earth." 
But  this  implies  a  different  use  of  "  generations  "  from 
what  we  find  elsewhere  in  P,  who  employs  it  to  express 
what  is  produced  by  the  person  mentioned.  The 
clause  may  be  an  addition.  Several  scholars  connect 
I  with  3,  rendering  "  In  the  beginning  when  God 
created  the  heaven  and  the  earth  (now  the  earth 
....  the  waters),  then  God  said,  Let  there  be 
light  :  and  there  was  light."  This  makes  the  creation 
of  light  the  main  point,  the  creation  of  heaven  and 
earth  serving  simply  to  date  God's  command  "  Let 
there  be  light."  But  surely  the  creation  of  light 
thus  receives  an  excessive  emphasis,  while  the  placing 
of  2  in  a  parenthesis  makes  the  sentence  very  awk- 
ward and  involved.  It  is  better  to  retain  the  RV 
rendering,  according  to  which  i  is  an  independent 
sentence.  It  is  possible  that  this  verse  narrates 
the  creation  of  the  primaeval  chaos,  described  in  2  ; 
but,  since  heaven  and  earth  are  cosmos  rather  than 
chaos,  it  is  far  more  likely  that  it  gives  in  a 
summary  form  what  is  to  be  told  in  detail  in  the 
rest  of  the  chapter.  To  us  the  word  "  created  " 
most  naturally  suggests  to  create  out  of  nothing. 
But  whether  this  was  the  writer's  view  or  not,  the 
term  probably  docs  not  express  it.  Its  meaning  is 
uncertain ;  most  usually  it  is  given  as  "  to  cut  '  or 
"to  carve."  It  is  characteristic  of,  and  is  generally, 
though  not  invariably,  found  in  late  writings,  but 
it  does  not  follow  that  it  must  be  a  comparatively 
late  word.  Neither  here  nor  elsewhere  is  Scripture 
committed  to  the  doctrine  of  absolute  creation. 
Heb.  II3*  does  not  assert  creation  out  of  nothing; 
it  denies  creation  from  "  things  which  do  appear," 
i.e.  out  of  the  phenomenal.  Basilides  the  Gnostic, 
who  taught  in  the  former  part  of  the  second  century 
A.D.,  was  perhaps  the  first  to  teach  it  (see  Hatch, 
Hibberi  Leclurea,  pp.  195f.) ;  earlier  statements  often 
quoted  may  be  otherwise  explained.  2  describes 
the  condition  of  things  before  this  Divine  action 
began.  "  I'he  earth,"  as  we  know  it,  had  not  come 
into  being,  but  the  ^vriter  uses  the  word  to  describe 
the  formless  mass,  in  which  were  confused  together 
the  elements  God  would  disentangle  to  make  tlie 
ordered  imiverse.  This  chaos  was  illumined  by  no 
ray  of  light,  the  deep  lay  under  a  tliick  pall  of  dark- 
□ess,  and  over  its  surface  the  spirit  of  God  was  already 


brooding  (tng.),  as  a  bird  on  the  eggs  in  its  nest.  Are 
we  to  suppose  that  the  brooding  has  a  similar  result  ? 
Milton's  invocation  to  the  Spirit  : 

"  Thou  from  the  first 
Wast  present,  and  with  iuij,'hty  wiiiRs  outspread. 
Dove-like  satst  brooding  on  the  vast  abyss, 
And  niad'st  it  pregnant :  " 

corresponds  to  the  impression  made  on  the  modern 
reader  ;  but  it  ia  questionable  whether  it  is  that 
intended  by  the  writer,  who  regards  creation  as 
achieved  simply  by  God's  word.  The  term  "  spirit  of 
God  "  is  not  to  be  interpreted  through  later  theo- 
logical ufsage  and  identified  with  the  Holy  Spirit  ; 
more  probably  it  is  an  expression  for  the  life-giving 
energy  of  God.  Perhaps  we  have  hero  a  relic  of  a 
mythological  feature  in  the  original  story,  which 
may  have  told  how  the  gods  came  into  existenca 
through  this  brooding  over  the  world-egg,  a  thought 
which  the  severe  monotheism  of  Israel  could  not 
tolerate. 

Such,  then,  was  this  dark  chaotic  confusion  before 
God  Himself  began  to  act  upon  it.  There  arc  eight 
creative  acts,  each  introduced  with  the  formula  "And 
God  said."  There  is  no  manipulation  of  matter  by 
God's  fingers,  but  all  is  achieved  by  God's  word,  which 
is  living  and  active,  and  instinct  with  Divine  power. 
"  By  this  effortless  word  God  called  the  various  orders 
of  creation  into  existence  and  carried  to  completion 
His  stupendous  task.  Here  there  is  no  conflict  with 
the  hostile  demon  of  darkness  and  chaos  as  in  the 
Babylonian  myth,  no  struggle  to  bend  the  reluctant 
matter  to  His  will,  no  laborious  shaping  and  mould- 
ing of  raw  stuff  into  the  finished  product,  but  the 
mere  utterance  of  the  word  achieves  at  once  and 
perfectly  the  Divine  intention"  (Peake,  Heroes  and 
Martyrs  of  Faith,  pp.  27f.).  And  just  as,  after  dark- 
ness and  sleep,  the  light  comes  that  man  may  go 
forth  to  his  work  till  the  night  closes  in  when  no 
man  can  work,  so  after  the  eternal  night  which  has 
rested  on  the  abyss,  light  comes,  to  be  followed  by 
God's  creative  work.  For  the  Hebrews  light  and 
darkness  were  "  physical  essences  "  (Cheyne),  each 
having  its  own  abode  (Job  SSigf.),  from  which  each 
in  turn  issued  to  illumine  or  darken  the  world. 
When  light  was  first  created,  it  streamed  out  into 
the  darkness,  and  mingled  with  it  as  one  fluid  with 
another.  But  such  a  confusion  it  is  the  purpose  of 
creation  to  overcome,  so  God  separates  the  light 
from  the  darkness.  This  separation  is  partly  tem- 
poral, as  5  indicates ;  each  has  a  period  in  the 
twenty-four  hours  in  which  to  function,  yielding 
then  the  field  to  the  other.  But  the  temporal  rests 
on  a  local  separation.  The  two  are  disentangled, 
and  then  each  is  assigned  first  its  local  habitation 
(Job  SSigf.),  then  its  period  of  operation.  Light 
is  thus  not  due  to  the  heavenly  bodies,  which  come 
into  being  only  on  the  fourth  day  ;  it  has  an  indepen- 
dent existence.  And  it  is  entirely  adequate  to  its 
purpose,  for  God  pronounces  it  ''  good,'  by  which 
He  means  that  it  corresponded  to  His  design,  the 
result  was  precisely  what  He  had  intended.  To  the 
light  He  gives  the  name  of  Day,  to  the  darkness  the 
name  Night.  The  temporal  mingling  of  light  and 
darkness,  which  we  call  twilight,  is  much  briefer  in 
Palestine  or  Babylonia  than  in  our  northern  climes. 
Thus  the  work  of  the  first  day,  reckoned  probably 
from  morning  to  morning,  is  accomplished.  The 
period  of  light  is  followed  by  evening  and  darkness, 
which  comes  to  an  end  with  the  next  morning, 
when  the  second  day  begins.     Render,  "  And  evening 


GENESIS,  I.  24-31 


ISl 


came,  and  morning  came,  one  day"  (Driver),  and 
similarly  throughout  the  chapter. 

6-8.  When,  on  the  second  morning,  light  resimies 
the  sway  which  had  been  interrupted  by  the  night, 
God  begins  the  task  of  evolving  order  out  of  chaos, 
first  He  makes  a  "  firmament,"  by  which  is  meant  a 
solid  vault  over-arching  the  earth.  Then  the  waters 
of  the  abyss  are  divided  into  two  portions,  one  of 
which  is  placed  above  this  firmament,  to  constitute 
the  waters  of  the  upper  or  heavenly  ocean,  the 
other  left  where  it  was,  to  form  "  the  deep  that 
coucheth  beneath  "  (Gen.  4925).  This,  it  must 
be  understood,  is  not  identical  with  the  ocean,  though 
the  ocean  issued  from  it  (Job  388-ii);  it  is  beneath 
both  sea  and  land.  It  feeds  the  sea  through  open- 
ings in  .the  bed  of  the  ocean,  "  the  springs  of  the  sea  " 
(Job  38i6*)  or  "the  fountains  of  the  great  deep" 
(Gen.  7ii).  In  the  vault  of  the  sky  there  are 
"windows"  (Gen.  7ii)  or  sluices  ("the  channel  for 
the  waterflood,"  Job  8825  *) ;  when  these  are  opened 
the  waters  of  the  heavenl}'  ocean  stream  down  on  the 
earth  in  the  form  of  torrential  rain.  The  repre- 
sentation of  the  division  of  the  waters  of  the  abyss 
probably  goes  back  to  the  Babylonian  account  of  the 
division  of  the  corpse  of  Tiamat  by  Marduk  after 
that  deity  had  vanquished  her.  We  are  told  that 
he  spUt  her  in  two  like  a  flat  fish,  and  made  one 
half  a  covering  for  the  heaven  ;  then  he  fixed  a  bar  and 
set  a  watchman,  bidding  them  not  let  her  waters 
escape.  The  other  half  of  the  corpse  is  said  by 
Berossus  (third  century  B.C.)  to  have  been  made  into 
the  earth ;  and  we  can  hardly  doubt  that,  though 
this  is  not  explicitly  stated  in  our  cuneiform  sources,  it 
correctly  represents  the  authentic  Babylonian  view. 
The  formula  "  and  it  was  so  "  has  been  accidentally 
transferred  from  its  proper  place  at  the  end  of  6, 
where  the  LXX  reads  it,  to  the  end  of  7.  The 
omission  of  the  clause  "  and  God  saw  that  it  was 
good  "  may  be  accidental,  the  LXX  reads  it  after 
"  heaven." 

9-13.  Two  acts  are  assigned  to  the  third  day, 
the  separation  of  land  and  water,  and  the  creation 
of  vegetation.  The  former  was  apparently  effected 
by  the  draining  of  the  waters  which  covered  the 
land  into  a  receptacle  (for  "  one  place  "  LXX  reads 
"  one  gathering  "),  so  that  the  dry  land  emerged 
into  view.  It  was  now  possible  for  it  to  be  clothed 
with  vegetation,  first  the  tender  grass,  then  .the 
herbs  or  larger  plants,  and  finally  trees,  especially 
those  that  bore  fruit.  Thus  the  way  is  prepared  for 
the  creation  of  man  and  animal,  their  food-supply 
being  now  provided  (29f.).  Possibly,  however,  the 
term  "grass"  may  be  intended  to  cover  "herb" 
and  "  tree,"  in  which  case  it  means  not  grass  but 
all  vegetation  in  its  earliest  stage.  The  herb  yields 
seed,  the  tree  yields  seed  enclosed  in  fruit.  Each 
genus  remains  fixed,  and  reproduces  "  after  its  kinds  " 
(render  by  the  plural  here  and  in  12,24!.),  i.e.  the 
various  species  embraced  in  it. 

14-19.  The  second  set  of  four  works  on  the  last 
three  days  corresponds  to  the  set  of  four  on  the 
first  three.  Thus  we  have  the  creation  of  light  and 
of  the  luminaries ;  the  firmament  separating  the 
upper  from  the  lower  waters,  and  the  birds  which 
fly  across  the  firmament  and  the  fish  in  the  sea  ;  the 
appearance  of  the  land  and  creation  of  land  animals ; 
finally  the  creation  of  herbs  and  fruit,  and  the 
creation  of  man,  who  till  the  Flood  subsists  entirely 
upon  these. 

The  heavenly  bodies  are  described  as  they  appear  to 
us,  hence  the  stars  arc  a  mere  appendix  to  the  "  two 


great  lights,"  added  almost  as  an  after-thought, 
possibly  by  some  scribe  or  reader.  The  plain  mean- 
ing of  the  passage  is  that  the  lights  were  created 
on  the  fourth  day,  not  that  they  had  been  created 
before  and  only  then  became  visible !  They  are 
attached  to  the  firmament,  and  serve  as  lamps  for  the 
earth.  They  also  regulate  the  festivals  and  other 
occasions,  secular  as  well  as  sacred,  and  the  divisions 
between  day  and  night,  and  they  determine  the 
length  of  the  year.  They  serve,  moreover,  as  "  signs," 
perhaps  in  the  astrological  sense  as  foreshadowing 
the  future.  But  they  are  not  to  be  worshipped,  nor 
are  they  even  represented  here,  as  often  in  Scripture, 
as  animated  beings  (2i  *). 

20-23.  On  the  fifth  day  were  created  the  denizens 
of  the  water  and  the  atmosphere ;  the  creatures 
that  move  in  swarms  in  the  water,  all  winged 
creatures,  including  insects,  and  the  sea  monsters, 
especially,  perhaps,  such  as  belong  to  mythology, 
and  fishes.  The  rendering  "  bring  forth  abundantly  " 
is  inaccurate ;  the  margin  gives  the  sense,  though 
it  would  be  better  to  translate  with  Driver,  "  Let  the 
waters  swarm  with  swarming  things  (even)  living 
souls."  The  term  is  used  of  creatures  that  move  in 
swarms  whether  in  the  water  (as  here)  or  out  of  it. 
The  RV  often  renders  it  "  creeping  things  "  (simi- 
larly the  verb),  which  is  the  proper  rendering  of  a 
noun  (remes)  24,  the  verb  of  which  is  translated 
"  moveth  "  in  21.  On  the  distinction  see  Driver's 
article,  Creeping  Things,  in  HDB.  The  rendering 
"  creature  that  hath  life  "  is  more  tolerable  to  the 
English  ear  than  "  living  souls,"  but  it  conceals  the 
interesting  fact  that  the  term  "  souls  "  could  be  used 
of  the  lower  creation  as  well  as  of  men.  There  is  no 
necessity  to  infer  that  the  author  regarded  the  winged 
creatures  as  derived  from  the  water.  The  fact  that 
they  fly  in  "  front  of  the  firmament,"  i.e.  skim  the 
surface  of  the  sky  turned  towards  the  earth,  shows 
that  the  writer  regarded  it  as  quite  near. 

24-31.  The  sixth  day  is  occupied  with  the  creation 
of  the  land  animals  and  of  man.  It  is  natural  that 
a  much  fuller  space  than  usual  should  be  accorded  to 
the  latter.  And  the  solemnity  of  the  act  is  marked 
by  the  formula  of  deliberation,  "  Let  us  make  man." 
The  plural  has  been  variously  explained.  Setting 
aside  as  beyond  the  range  of  the  OT  the  view  that 
the  Father  addresses  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit, 
and  the  view  that  God  speaks  of  Himself  in  the  plural 
since  He  is  the  fulness  of  energies  and  powers,  as  too 
artificial,  the  most  ob^dous  explanation  is  that  God  is 
addressing  the  heavenly  assembly  (c/.  1  K.  22 
19-22,  Is.  68).  Yet  there  is  difficulty  in  this  view, 
for  P  ignores  angels  altogether  ;  nor  would  he  re- 
gard them  as  sharing  in  the  work  of  creation ;  nor, 
probably,  would  he  think  of  man  as  made  in  their 
image  as  well  as  in  God's ;  c/.  27,  "  in  his  own  image, 
in  the  image  of  God."  The  original  sense  was  per- 
haps polytheistic  ;  naturally  this  was  impossible  to 
the  author,  and  if  he  reflected  on  the  formula  he 
would  presumably  interpret  it  of  the  heavenly  council. 
No  distinction  seems  to  be  intended  between  the 
image  and  the  Ukeness.  Originally  this  may  have 
been  physically  conceived;  man  was  thought  to  be 
like  God  in  external  appearance.  But  the  author 
presumably  would  be  drawn  rather  to  a  spiritual  and 
intellectual  interpretation,  laying  stress  on  man's 
community  of  nature  with  God.  Creation  in  the 
image  of  God  differentiates  man  from  all  other 
creatures  on  the  earth  (c/.  96),  hence  he  is  fitted  to 
rule  over  them  (for  "  over  all  the  earth  "  in  26  read 
"  over  every  living  creature  of  the  earth,"  with  the 


138 


GENESIS.  I.  24-31 


Syiiac);  c/.  the  fine  development  of  the  theme  in 
Ps.  8,  and  the  deeper  discussion  in  Heb.  £5-9.  The 
reference  to  the  creation  of  both  sexes  most  natu- 
rally suggests  that  they  uriguiatcd  at  the  same  time, 
a  view  very  different  from  that  followed  in  the  other 
creation  story,  218-23.  Men  and  animals  are  re- 
garded as  living  on  a  vegetarian  diet  in  the  period 
before  the  Flood  (Osf.)-  There  would  thus  be  peace 
between  men  and  animals,  and  in  the  animal  world 
itself.  To  man  is  allotted  the  eeed  and  fruit,  to 
beasts  and  birds  "  the  greenness  of  herbs  "  (30),  i.e. 
the  leafage. 

24.  Render,  "  Let  the  earth  bring  forth  living  soul 
after  its  kinds." — 28.  The  change  from  "till"  in  22 
to  "  replenish  "  hero  is  misleading  to  the  modern 
reader,  who  is  unaware  that  at  an  earlier  period  the 
words  were  equivalent  in  sense.  'I'he  same  Heb. 
word  is  used  in  both  places  and  in  9i. — 29f.  meat : 
i.e.  food,  not  animal  food  merely. 

II.  l-4a.  Thus  in  six  days  God  coni])leted  His 
work  of  creation,  and  as  He  reviewed  it  He  uttered 
the  same  verdict  on  the  whole,  only  in  a  heightened 
form  ("  very  good  "  and  not  merely  "  good  ")  that 
He  had  uttered  on  the  successive  stages.  For  the 
whole  is  not  the  mere  sum  of  the  parts,  it  is  a  unity 
in  which  these  separate  parts  dovetail  into  each 
other  and  work  together  in  perfect  mutual  adjustment 
and  co-operation.  It  is  here  described  as  "  the 
heaven  and  the  earth  .  .  .  and  all  the  host  of 
them."  The  host  of  heaven  generally  means  the 
stars,  though  it  is  sometimes  used  for  the  angels, 
and  since  the  stars  were  often  regarded  as  animate 
bodies  {e.g.  Jg.  620,  Job  887*,  Rev.  9if.),  the  tran- 
sition from  one  sense  to  the  other  was  easy.  Our 
author  ignores  the  angels,  and  treats  the  stars 
simply  as  lamps  in  the  firmament.  In  Job  887,  the 
morning  stars  sang  when  the  foundations  of  the 
earth  were  laid,  and  the  sons  of  God  {i.e.  the  angels) 
raised  their  joyful  shout.  The  host  of  earth  is  not 
elsewhere  mentioned,  its  occurrence  here  is  due 
simply  to  the  combination  of  earth  with  heaven. 
The  whole  phrase  means  the  total  contents  of  heaven 
and  earth.  After  work  is  finished  man  rests,  so 
also  God.  Here,  indeed,  the  word  used  implies 
simply  that  He  ceased  to  work,  but  our  author  else- 
where says  of  God  that  He  "  refreshed  Himself  "  or, 
to  render  more  literally,  "  took  breath  "  on  the 
seventh  day  (Ex.  31i7),  a  startling  anthro- 
pomorphism in  P,  all  the  more  so  that  in  the 
creation  narrative  itself  all  is  achieved  by  the 
utterance  of  the  word.  Since,  then,  the  author 
eeems  to  have  regarded  the  work  as  involving  no 
toil,  and  therefore  as  causing  no  weariness  which 
demanded  rest,  we  must  assume  that  he  is  here 
using  an  idea  which  he  did  not  originate.  He  is  not 
interested  in  the  rest  of  God  in  itself  so  much  as  in 
the  institution  of  the  Sabbath,  for  which  it  provides 
the  basis.  The  seventh  day  which  had  brought  rest 
to  God  is  singled  out  for  His  blessing,  and 
"hallowed  "  or  set  apart  as  a  sacred  day  on  which 
man  may  rest.  On  the  origin  of  the  Sabbath  see  pp. 
lOlf.  Our  story  is  an  explanation  to  account  for  an 
already  existing  institution.  The  Heb.  text  of  2, 
however,  creates  a  difficulty.  It  seems  to  state  that 
God  completed  His  work  on  the  seventh  day.  But 
the  whole  point  is  that  no  work  at  all  was  done  on 
the  seventh  day ;  the  task  was  finished  by  the  end  of 
the  sixth.  The  expedients  to  impose  a  satisfactory 
sense  on  the  text  do  not  seem  to  be  successful,  and 
the  simplest  course  is  to  read  (with  Sam.,  LXX, 
Syr.)  "  And  on  the  sixth  day  God  finished."     This 


is  so  much  easier  that  it  might  seem  to  be  a  correc- 
tion to  remove  a  difficulty  (p.  42),  but  "  seventh  "  was 
probably  introduced  by  the  inadvertence  of  a  scribe 
under  the  influence  of  the  references  to  the  seventh 
day  in  the  rest  of  tlie  passage. 

8.  created  and  made :  more  strictly  "  creatively 
made,"  i.e.  God  acted  in  His  work  as  creator,  this 
was  part  of  His  creative  as  distinguished  from  other 
forms  of  His  activity. — 4.  these  .  .  .  created :  this 
clause  is  probably  a  later  insertion  (see  Skinner's 
full  discussion).  If  so,  the  editor  probably  intended  it 
to  refer  to  the  narrative  which  follows,  the  formula 
meaning  "  this  is  the  history  of." 

II.  4b-III.  24.  J's  Story  of  Creation  and  Paradise 
Lost. — This  storj'  does  not  belong  to  P,  for  it  is  free 
from  its  characteristics  ui  style,  vocabulary,  and  point 
of  view.  It  is  distuiguished  from  Ps  creation  story 
by  differences  in  form  and  in  matter.  The  regalax 
and  precise  arrangement,  the  oft-repeated  formula), 
the  prosaic  style  are  here  absent.  We  have,  instead, 
a  bright  and  vivid  style,  a  story  rather  than  a  chronicle. 
The  frank  anthropomorphism  would  have  been  re- 
pugnant to  the  priestly  writer,  and  a  marked  difference 
is  to  be  observed  between  the  two  accounts.  P  starts 
from  a  wateiy  chaos,  this  narrative  from  a  dry  waste. 
P  represents  the  development  of  life  as  moving  in  a 
climax  up  to  the  creation  of  man  and  woman,  while 
here  man  seems  to  be  created  first,  then  plants  and 
ammals,  and  woman  last  of  aU.  The  use  of  Yahweh, 
the  anthropomorphism,  and  several  characteristic  ex- 
pressions combine  to  show  that  this  section  must  be 
assigned  to  the  Yahwist  group  of  narratives.  The  use 
of  the  double  name  Yahweh  Elohim  (rendered  Lord 
God)  raises  the  question  whether  we  should  a.ssign  the 
section  to  J.  Possibly  two  documents  have  been 
combined,  one  of  which  used  Y'ahweh  from  the  first 
while  the  other  used  Elolimi  tUl  the  tune  of  Enosh 
(426).  But  a  Buflicient  explanation  is  that  tlie  writer 
used  Y'^ahweh  alone,  while  an  editor  added  Elohim  to 
identify  Yahweh  witli  the  Elohim  of  the  priestly  story. 
We  may,  accordingly,  refer  this  section  to  J.  Yet 
it  bears  the  marks  of  a  rather  comphcated  hterary 
histoi-y,  and  elements  from  different  sources  seem  to 
bo  present  in  it. 

The  most  important  of  the  hterary  problems  is  that 
raised  with  reference  to  the  two  trees.  According  to 
2()  the  tree  in  the  midst  of  the  garden  is  the  tree  of 
life,  in  83  it  is  the  forbidden  tree,  i.e.  the  tree  of  know- 
ledge. Tlio  ambiguity  gains  further  significanco  when 
we  find  a  double  reason  assigned  for  the  expulsion  from 
the  garden,  (a)  that  the  man  should  suffer  tlie  penalty 
of  gaining  his  bread  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow,  (6)  that 
he  should  not  cat  of  the  tree  of  hfe.  Probably  two 
stories  have  beeii  combined ;  one  spoke  of  the  tree  of 
knowledge,  the  other  of  the  tree  of  hfe.  Since  the 
latter  has  several  parallels  in  myths  of  the  golden  age, 
it  probably  belongs  to  a  much  older  story  than  that 
of  the  tree  of  knowledge,  which  appears  to  l>e  of  Heb. 
orighi.  But  the  later  story  has  apparently  been  pre- 
served in  full,  the  older  only  m  fragments.  Wo  must, 
accordingly,  seek  to  undeistand  the  original  meaning 
of  both. 

In  the  volume  of  Essays  and  Studies  Presented  to 
William  Riihjumy,  Sir  J.  G.  Frazer  ha.s  made  a  sugges- 
tion of  great  interest  as  to  the  tree  of  life.  In  myths 
accounting  for  the  origui  of  death  the  sei-pent  often 
occurs.  It  Ls  commonly  believed  that  with  tlie  casting 
of  its  skin  it  renews  it>s  youth,  and  so  never  dies.  This 
inmiortality  was  designed  for  men,  but  the  serpent  by 
learning  the  secret  filched  the  boon  from  them.  Frazer 
suggests  that  there  were  two  trees,  the  tree  of  life 


GENESIS,  II.  4b-17 


139 


and  the  tree  of  death.  The  Creator  left  man  to  choose, 
hoping  that  he  would  choose  the  tieo  of  life.  The 
serpent,  knowing  the  secret,  persuaded  tlie  woman  to 
eat  of  the  tree  of  death,  that  the  other  might  be  left 
to  him.  Tliis  was  the  motive  of  his  contluct,  which 
in  the  present  form  of  the  story  is  inexplicable,  and 
accounts  more  fully  for  the  hatred  between  man  and 
the  serpent.  The  story  may  have  ended,  This  is 
how  it  is  that  man  dies  while  the  sei-pent  lives  for 
ever. 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  story  is,  to  use  the  technical 
term,  sstiological  (p.  134),  i.e.  it  explains  the  reason 
for  certain  facts,  it  answers  the  question  "  Why  ?  " 
Why  does  man  die  while  the  serpent  is  immortal  ? 
Why  do  man  and  the  serpent  feel  such  antipathy  for 
each  other  ?  The  story  of  the  tree  of  knowledge  is 
however,  much  deepei-.  Whether  the  Heb.  narrator 
took  ttie  story  of  the  tree  of  life  for  his  startmg-point 
or  whether  the  two  stories  were  originally  independent, 
and  only  such  elements  of  the  older  narrative  v/ere 
taken  over  as  could  be  combined  with  the  later,  may 
be  left  undetermined.  But  the  later  also  is  jetio- 
logical.  Only  we  must  not  suppose  that  its  object  is 
to  account  for  the  origm  of  isin.  The  a.uthor  was  not 
concerned  with  the  problems  v/hich  the  chapter  pre- 
sented to  Jewish  theology  and  to  Paul.  He  is  answer- 
ing the  questions,  Whj  is  man's  lot  one  of  such  exacting 
toil  ?  Why  does  birth  cost  such  agony  to  the  mother  ? 
What  is  the  origin  of  sex  and  the  secret  of  the  mutual 
attraction  of  the  sexes  ?  Whence  the  sense  of  shame, 
and  the  clothes  which  distinguish  man  from  the 
beast  ?  Why,  when  all  other  land  animals  go  on 
legs,  does  the  serpent  gUde  along  the  ground  and  eat 
dust  ? 

But  what  is  the  tree  of  knowledge  of  good  and  evil, 
and  how  does  the  eating  of  its  fruit  open  the  eyes  ? 
To  the  modem  reader  the  most  obvious  answer  is 
that  eating  the  forbidden  fruit  brings  with  it  a  know- 
ledge of  moral  distmctions  and  the  sense  of  shame  and 
guilt.  This  can  hardly  be  the  real  meaning.  The 
author  surely  did  not  believe  that  -i  knowledge  of  the 
distinction  between  right  and  wrong  was  improper  for 
mankind  ;  all  the  more  that  this  is  already  presupposed 
in  a  prohibition  which  may  be  met  with  obedience  or 
disobedience.  The  choice  of  the  tree  is  not  arbitrary, 
as  if  any  prohibition  would  be  equally  fit  for  the 
purpose.  The  object  is  not  to  test  obedience,  but  to 
guard  against  a  trespass.  Just  as  the  tree  of  life  has 
the  property  of  communicating  immortality,  so  the 
other  tree  confers  knowledge.  They  are  magical 
trees;  God  Himself  it  is  suggested,  cannot  prevent 
any  who  eat  the  fruit  from  enjoying  the  qualities  they 
bestow  (822).  Moreover,  it  is  hmted  that  the  reason 
for  the  prohibition  is  protection  of  the  heavenly 
powers.  If  man  acquires  immortality  after  gauiing 
knowledge,  he  becomes  a  menace  to  them.  Just  as,  if 
the  builders  of  the  tower  are  not  restrained,  tliey  will 
not  be  thwarted  m  their  heaven-storming  plan  (II4-9), 
so  man,  ha\ang  become  Uke  the  heavenly  ones  in 
knowledge,  must  not  be  permitted  endless  Ufe  in  which 
to  use  it.  Now,  clearly,  it  is  not  familiarity  with  the 
difference  between  right  and  wrong,  but  the  knowledge 
that  is  power  which  Ls  meant.  Good  and  evil  have 
no  moral  significance  here.  According  to  a  common 
Heb.  idiom,  the  phrase  may  mean  the  knowledge  of 
things  in  general ;  but  the  sense  is  perhaps  more 
specific,  the  knowledge  of  things  so  far  as  they  are 
useful  or  harmful ;  an  insight  into  the  properties  of 
thuigs.  Such  a  knowledire  is  reserved  for  Yahweh  and 
the  other  Elohim  ;  and  just  as  in  the  story  of  the 
angel-marriages  (61-4)  and  the  tower  of  Babel  (II1-9) 


Yahweh  resents  any  transgression  of  the  Umits  He 
has  set,  so  here.  Yet  it  is  not  mere  jealousy  or  fear 
tliat  prompts  His  action.  The  writer  is  in  full  sym- 
pathy witli  the  prohibition.  Knowledge  has  been 
gained,  but  with  it  pain  and  shame,  the  loss  of  happi- 
ness and  iiniocence.  Civilisation  has  meant  no  increase 
of  man's  blessedness  but  the  reverse.  Had  he  been 
content  to  abide  a  child,  he  might  have  remained  in 
Paradise,  but  he  grasped  at  knowledge  and  was  for 
ever  banished  from  the  garden  of  God. 

The  literary  beauty  of  the  narrative,  the  delicacy 
and  truth  of  its  psychology,  have  long  been  the  object 
of  merited  admiration.  And  though  it  has  been  mis- 
handled by  theologians  to  yiekl  a  doctrine  of  original 
sin,  yet  it  describes  with  wonderful  insight  the  inner 
history  of  the  individual.  He  insiits  on  buying  his 
own  experience  in  spite  of  the  Divine  warning,  only 
to  find  that  he  has  purchased  it  at  a,  ruinous  cost, 
and  that  conscience  awakens  when  the  sin  is  irre- 
trievable and  remorse  unavailing. 

The  representation  of  the  original  condition  of 
things  as  a  dry  waste,  and  of  fertility  as  normally  de- 
pendent on  rain,  does  not  suit  Babylonian  conditions, 
nor  yet  the  reference  to  the  fig-tree.  Hence,  if  the 
story  originated  in  Babylonia,  which  is  uncertain,  it 
has  been  much  modified  to  suit  Palestmian  conditions. 
The  Hebrews  may  have  received  it  directly  from  the 
Phoenicians  and  Canaanites,  but  we  may  be  sure  that 
it  has  been  greatly  deepened  by  the  genius  of  Israel. 

II.  4b-17.  The  narrative  begins  with  the  v/ords  "  In 
the  day,"  but  the  construction  is  uncertain.  Perhaps 
5f.  is  a  parenthesis,  so  that  man  was  formed  at  the 
period  when  "  earth  and  heaven  "  (J's  phrase  for  P's 
"  the  heaven  and  the  earth  ")  were  made,  before  there 
was  any  vegetation.  The  absence  of  vegetation  is  due 
to  the  absence  of  rain  and  of  a  man  to  till  the  ground. 
In  6,  however,  we  are  told  of  a  "  mist,"  or  as  we  should 
probably  render,  a  "  flood,"  which  irrigated  the  ground. 
6  may  be  out  of  place  (possibl}'  added  with  10-14), 
for  rain  would  be  unnecessary  if  irrigation  was  secured 
by  a  periodical  ovei-fiow  as  in  Egypt  or  Babylonia. 
After  earth  and  heaven  had  been  made,  Yahweh 
moulded  man  {'addm)  from  the  ground  Cdddtnah)  as 
a  potter  moulds  images  from  clay,  and  breathed  into 
his  nostrils  "  breath  of  life  "  so  that  he  beoame  a 
living  being.  Then  He  planted  a  garden  or  park  far 
away  to  the  E.  of  Palestine,  in  a  district  known  as 
Eden.  It  was  apparently  His  own  home  (38),  but  He 
placed  man  in  it.  He  then  caused  such  trees  to  grow 
in  this  gai-den  as  were  pleasant  to  the  eye  and  good 
for  food,  and  in  particular  the  tree  of  life  and  the  tree 
of  knowledge  of  good  and  evil.  Of  other  species  of 
trees  in  the  garden  or  of  any  trees  outside,  the  author 
says  nothing,  nor  yet  of  j^lants  or  flowers  whether  in 
the  garden  or  without,  since  he  selects  those  features 
which  lead  up  to  the  story  in  the  next  chapter.  Yahweh 
charged  the  man  with  tiie  care  of  the  garden,  and 
permitted  him  to  use  all  the  trees  for  food,  save  that 
He  forbade  him  the  tree  of  knowledge  on  pain  of  death. 
The  position  of  Eden  ii  more  definitely  fixed  by  10-14 
(usually  taken  to  be  an  insertion).  A  river  rises  in 
Eden,  flows  through  the  garden,  and  on  leaving  it, 
branches  into  four  rivei-s.  Hiddekel  is  the  Tigris  in 
front  of  Assyria,  approaching  it  from  Palestine.  The 
fourth  river  is  Euphrates.  The  writer  apparently 
thought  of  these  as  springing  from  one  source.  Hence 
he  regarded-Eden  as  situated  at  their  point  of  divergence, 
and  the  source  of  the  other  two  rivers  was  the  same. 
But  his  geography  was  ancient  rather  than  modem, 
and  no  one  has  combined  his  statements  into  a  con- 
sistent scheme.     Ha\'ilah  is  unknown,  but  perhaps  in 


!40 


GENESIS.  II.  4b-17 


Arabia.  Cush  is  generally  supiJosed  to  )je  Ethiopia. 
In  that  case  Gihon  is  probably  the  Nile,  though  it 
may  be  the  Indus,  which  was  suppoaeti  to  \>o  the 
upper  part  of  the  Nile,  in  which  ca.so  Pishon  niif,'ht 
bo  the  GanRcs.  Other  suggestions  may  be  seen  in  the 
commentaries. 

4.  the  LORD :  i.e.  Yahwoh.  On  the  significance  of 
the  name  see  Ex.  313—15*,  where  an  explanation  of 
the  form  "  Johovah  "  {»ig.)  and  the  reasons  for  pro- 
nouncing; the  name  Yahwch  are  also  given. 

11.  compasseth:  not  necessarily  "  surrounds  "  ;  tlio 
verb  maj'  mean  "  to  pass  along  one  side  of  "  (Nu.  2I4, 
Jg.  11 18). — 12.  bdellium:  probably  a  fragrant  gum. — 
onyx:  either  this  or  "  beryl"  (mg.)  is  the  probable 
meaning. — 17.  The  original  text  was  presumably  "  the 
tree  in  the  midst  of  the  garden,"  for  the  woman  so 
describes  it  in  83,  and  if  the  tree  had  been  mentioned 
under  its  true  name,  the  point  of  the  serpent's  revela- 
tion would  have  been  rather  anticipated  and  so  blunted. 
When  the  two  trees  were  brought  together,  the  change 
was  made  to  avoid  confusion. 

II.  18-25. — Up  to  this  point  one  living  creature  alone 
has  been  formed,  and  he  ia  a  man.  But  Yahweli 
reaEses  that  loneliness  is  unwholesome  for  him,  so  Ho 
decides  to  give  liim  a  companion  to  share  his  life 
and  help  him  in  his  work.  It  is  to  be  a  help  "answering 
to  him  "  (mg.),  i.e.  of  his  own  nature.  So,  as  Ho  had 
formed  man  out  of  the  ground.  He  formed  from  the 
same  source  the  animals  and  the  birds,  and  brought 
them  to  the  man  to  see  what  he  called  them.  The 
name  expresses  the  nature,  hence  the  naming  of  the 
animals  showed  what  impression  they  made  on  him. 
But  none  of  the  names  indicated  any  consciousness  of 
fitness  for  companionship  with  himself.  Tliis  experi- 
ment then  having  failed,  for  all  the  range  of  forms 
that  was  covered,  Yahweh  realised  that  something 
quite  different  was  needed.  To  be  made  of  the  same 
clay  was  not  enough,  man  and  his  comrade  must  be 
of  the  same  flesh  and  bone,  liis  companion  must  be 
literally  a  part  of  himself.  He  cast  the  man  into  a 
trance-sleep,  for  it  was  not  fitting  that  he  should 
penetrate  l)ivine  secrets  or  see  Yahweh  at  work,  took 
a  rib  from  his  side  and  built  it  (mg.)  into  a  woman 
and  brought  her  to  the  man  as  He  had  brought  the 
animals.  This  time  the  experiment  proved  a  com- 
plete success.  «  Now  at  last,  the  man  exclaims, "  after 
all  my  weary  search  I  find  my  companion,  bone  of 
my  bone,  flesh  of  my  flesh."  This  intimacy  of  relation- 
ship i3  naturally  expressed  in  a  name  "  woman " 
{'isshah)  which  contains  "  man "  ('Ish)  as  part  of 
itself.  And  this  is  why  man  seeks  the  woman,  for- 
saking for  her  the  authors  of  his  being  ;  man  and 
woman  were  originaUy  one  flesh,  in  wedlock  they 
became  one  flesh  again.  Finally  the  author  notes  the 
ab-sence  of  shame  in  spite  of  their  nakedness,  and 
thus  leads  up  to  Yahweh's  discovery  of  their  dis- 
obedience. 

III.  1-24.  Among  the  animals  formed  by  Yahweh, 
in  His  first  attempt  to  provide  man  with  a  companion, 
was  the  serpent ;  at  that  time  either  a  quadruped  or 
holding  itwLf  erect.  It  was  eminent  among  its  feUows 
for  cleverness.  In  antiquity  serpents  were  often  re- 
garded as  mysteriously  gifted  with  wisdom  or  cunning, 
sometimes  lus  good  but  more  often  as  evil.  It  is  a 
mistake  to  think  of  it  here  as  an  incarnation  of  the 
devil ;  the  abilitj'  to  speak  and  reason  is  quite  commonly 
attributed  to  the  animals  in  folk-stories.  Its  wisdom 
is  shown  in  the  familiarity  with  the  nature  of  the  tree, 
its  cunning  in  the  intentional  mistake  it  makes  as  to 
the  prohibition,  by  which  the  woman  is  led  to  correct 
it  and  thus  the  opening  for  conversation  is  made. 


Ciaftily  it  contrives  to  instil  a  resentment  at  God's 
unreasonableness  into  the  woman's  mind :  can  it 
really  bo  that  God  has  insisted  on  a  condition  so  un- 
heard-of as  this  ?  Possibly  the  effect  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  woman's  addition  of  touching  to  the  prohibition 
of  eating,  thus  making  it  more  exacting.  The  woman 
describes  tlie  tree  by  its  position,  probably  since  she 
does  not  know  its  name  or  its  quaUty.  (On  the  dilB- 
culty  that  in  2o  "  the  tree  m  the  midst  of  the  garden  " 
is  the  tree  of  life,  see  p.  138.)  The  serpent  now  dis- 
closes the  true  nature  of  the  tree  and  the  reason  for 
the  Divine  proliibition.  The  tree  confers  knowledge 
such  as  God  wishes  to  be  the  monopoly  of  the  Elohim 
or  heavenly  beings.  The  tree  has  no  fatal  properties, 
but  will  lift  you  in  this  respect  to  the  Divine  level 
The  woman  scrutinises  the  tree  as  she  had  not  done 
before,  and  sees  that  it  is  as  the  serpent  has  said. 
Its  fruit  is  not  deadly  but  good  to  eat,  its  teauty  at- 
tracts her,  the  promise  of  wisdom  completes  the  fasoina- 
tion  ;  she  cats  and  shares  the  forbidden  fruit  with  her 
husband.  The  serpent  has  indeed  told  the  truth ;  they 
become  mature  at  a  bound,  their  ej'es  are  openecL 
The  first  effect  of  this  guilty  deed  is  the  loss  of  sexual 
unconsciousness  and  the  birth  of  shame.  This  leads 
them  to  make  girdles  of  fig  leaves,  which  were  very 
unsuitable,  but  chosen  for  mention  as  the  largest 
leaves  of  Palestinian  trees.  But  they  have  still  to 
meet  Yahweh.  It  is,  it  would  seem.  His  habit  to 
walk  in  His  garden  at  evening,  just  as  men  do  in 
Palestine  when  the  cold  wind  blows  in  from  the  sea. 
So  in  the  cool  of  the  evening  (not  of  the  morning) 
they  hear  the  sound  of  His  movement  and  hide. 
Yahweh  calls  out  to  learn  where  the  man  is.  The 
man  alleges  his  nakedness  in  explanation  of  the  fear 
with  which  he  shrank  from  meeting  his  Maker,  and 
thus  inadvertently  discloses  what  lie  has  done.  \Vhen 
taxed  with  liis  disobedience  ho  puts  the  blame  on  the 
woman,  for  the  gift  of  whom  he  reminds  Yahweh 
that  He  was  responsible.  The  woman  in  turn  ex- 
plains that  the  serpent  enticed  her.  The  serpent  is 
not  questioned,  not  because  he  is  a  mere  beast  (such 
an  estimate  being  modern)  but  because  Yahweh  is 
aware  that  no  fourth  party  stands  in  the  background, 
the  scheme  was  hatched  in  the  snake's  clever  brain. 
He  is  picked  out  from  among  (mg.)  all  cattle  for  a 
curse ;  to  lose  his  upright  posture  and  eat  dirt,  to 
liat©  and  be  hated  by  the  woman's  posterity.  In  the 
perpetual  feud  between  them  man  crushes  with  his 
foot  the  serpent's  head,  but  in  doing  so  is  bitten  in 
the  heel.  There  is  no  Messianic  reference  in  the  pas- 
sage, and  the  last  clause  ("  and  .  .  .  heel  ")  may  be  a 
gloss.  The  woman  is  punished  by  the  pangs  of  child- 
birth, promoted  by  her  desire  for  man's  society,  and 
by  his  rule  over  her.  The  man  is  punished  by  the 
cursing  of  the  ground ;  thonis  spring  up  of  themselves, 
food  only  at  the  cost  of  hard  toil.  And  at  the  end 
oomes  death :  made  from  the  dust,  back  to  the  dust 
man  goes ;  the  threatened  penalty  of  2i7  is  not 
enforced.  Clothing  more  adequate  than  fig-leaves  is 
provided  by  Yahweh's  own  liands,  possibly  from  the 
skins  of  sacrificed  victims.  But  since  man  has  become 
like  the  Elohim  in  point  of  knowledge,  there  is  a  danger 
that  he  may  eat  also  from  the  tree  of  life,  and  thus, 
winning  immortality,  become  like  them  altogether.  To 
prevent  this,  he  and  the  woman  are  driven  from  the 
garden,  and  the  way  to  the  tree  of  life  is  guarded  by 
the  cherubim  and  a  whirling  fiery  sword.  The  cheru- 
bim appear  here  as  custodians  of  the  entrance ;  they 
resemble  the  griffins  who  watch  over  treasures. 
(See  Ps,  I810*,  Is.  62*.) 

15.  bruise :    the  Heb.  word  occurs  only  here  and  in 


GENESIS,  V.  1-32 


141 


Job  9i7,  Ps.  139io,  where  the  text  is  probably  corrupt. 
Its  meaning  is  uncertain,  but  tlie  general  sense  of  the 
passage  is  clear. — 20  seems  out  of  place,  and  may 
belong  to  a  story,  only  fragments  of  which  have  been 
here  included. 

IV.  1-16.  The  Story  of  Cain  and  Abel.— This  belongs 
to  tlio  J  cycle  of  stories,  but  apparently  not  to  the 
same  stratum  as  3,  for  it  is  assumed  that  the  earth  has 
a  population  from  which  Cain  fears  vengeance,  and 
the  curse  in  4iif.  ignores  the  cursing  of  the  ground  in 
317-19.  Originally  then  the  story  was  placed  in  a 
later  period  of  human  history :  its  present  position 
is  perhaps  dut  to  the  identification  of  Caui  the  muixlerer 
with  Cain  the  firstborn  of  Eve.  Whether  the  original 
,  story  had  to  do  with  peoples  or  individuals  is  un- 
certain ;  in  any  case  Stades  theory  that  it  accounted 
for  the  nomad  life  of  the  Kenites  is  improbable  in  spite 
of  the  identity  in  the  name. 

The  two  brothers  naturally  brought  their  offerings 
from  the  produce  of  their  callings.  Cain's  offering 
was  not  rejected  because  it  was  bloodless ;  the  fault 
apparently  lay  in  himself  (7).  His  failure  breeds 
resentment,  which,  in  spite  of  Yahweh's  warning, 
leads  him  to  kill  Abel  in  the  field,  to  wliich  he  had 
invited  his  brother  to  accompany  him  (mg.).  Yahweh 
learns  of  the  murder  from  the  cry  uttered  by  Abel's 
blood.  It  was  a  widely-spread  belief  that  blood  wliich 
fell  on  the  groimd  cried  for  vengeance  (Ezek.  247f., 
Is.  2621,  Job  I618,  3l38f.,  (see  "Job"  in  Cent.B  on 
these  passages), Heb.  II4,  I224) ;  hence  precautions  were 
taken  to  use  methods  which  did  not  involve  bloodshed, 
or  at  least  to  prevent  the  blood  from  falling  on  the 
ground.  Cain  has  taken  no  such  precautions,  and 
when  questioned  by  Yahweh  lies  brazenly  and  perhaps 
with  a  shameless  witticism  on  his  brother's  occupation 
fUB  "  keeper  "  of  sheep.  So  Yahweh  sentences  him  to 
the  life  of  the  nomad  in  the  desert,  for  the  cultivated 
ground,  havuig  drunk  Abel's  blood,  will  not  yield  its 
strength  to  the  fratricide.  Brought  to  a  more  chastened 
frame  of  mind,  Cain  pleads  that  his  punishment  is  too 
great  to  bear.  For  in  the  desert  he  will  be  hidden 
from  Yahweh,  whose  presence  is  regarded  as  localised, 
and,  murderer  though  he  is,  Yahweh  is  his  God  ;  and 
he  wiU  be  exposed  to  the  lawlessness  of  the  desert. 
So  Yahweh  mercifully  sets  a  visible  mark  on  him,  not 
to  idcntifj'  him  to  aU  men  as  the  murderer  Cain,  but 
to  warn  any  who  may  desire  to  kill  him  that  sevenfold 
vengeance  will  be  taken  for  his  death.  Thus  shielded, 
Cain  leaves  Yahweh's  presence  for  the  wilderness,  where 
he  lived  in  the  "  Land  of  Wandering  "  (mg.) 

1.  The  text  of  the  closing  words  w  difiicult,  probably 
corrupt. — 4.  lat:  fat  pieces,  specially  dedicated  to 
God.— -4b,  5.  How  acceptance  and  rejection  were 
indicated  is  not  said. — 7.  The  text  is  probably  in- 
curably corrupt ;  MT  seems  to  mean  that  if  Cain  does 
well  will  there  not  be  Ufting  up  of  his  fallen  counte- 
nance ?  otherwise  sin  couches  like  a  beast  at  his  door, 
waiting  to  rend  him  ;  it  has  a  longuig  for  him,  but  he 
ought  to  master  it  (see  mg.). — 10.  Render  "  Hark  ! 
thy  brother's  blood,"  etc. 

IV.  17-26.  Calnlte  and  Sethlte  Genealogies.— 17-24 
probably  belongs  to  the  earliest  stratum  of  J,  in  which 
the  progress  of  civilisation  is  not  intemipteid  by  the 
Flood,  and  the  human  race  is  derived  from  Adam 
through  Cain.  When  the  story  of  the  Deluge  was 
added  and  the  race  of  Cain  was  believed  to  have  been 
exterminated  in  the  Flood,  a  Sethite  genealogy  was 
require<L  Only  a  fragment  (25f.)  of  this  is  given  from 
J,  the  redactor  havitig  omitted  the  rest  since  it  was 
given  with  dates  by  P  (5).  The  Sethite  table  is 
modelled  on  the  Cainite,  for  several  of  the  names  recur 


ui  the  same  or  a  shghtly  altered  form.  While  P  gives 
a  bare  list,  J  adds  interestuig  details.  This  section, 
moreover,  does  not  belong  to  the  same  stratum  of  J 
as  the  story  of  Cain  and  AbeL  In  the  latter,  Cain  is 
a  homeless  wanderer  in  the  desert,  in  the  former  he  is 
the  builder  of  a  city.  He  is  thus  a  "  culture-hero,"  and 
further  steps  towards  civilisation  were  taken  by  Jabal, 
Jubal,  and  Tubal-Cam,  who  introduced  the  domestica- 
tion of  cattle,  music,  and  metal- working.  23!  is  often 
thought  to  be  a  sword-song  ;  exulting  in  the  new  re- 
sources given  him  by  Tubal-cain,  Lamcch  says  that 
the  vengeance  taken  for  Cain  will  in  his  own  case  be 
far  exceeded.  But  this  is  due  simply  to  its  present 
setting,  for  Tubal-cain  is  not  said  to  have  invented 
weapons,  nor  are  weapons  mentioned  in  the  song. 
Originally  it  was  probably  independent.  It  contains 
a  boast  of  Laraech  that  he  avenges  himself  far  more 
thoroughly  than  Cain  is  avenged.  He  kills  in  return 
for  a  blow  and  thus  gets  seven  and  seventy-fold 
vengeance.  The  code  of  blood-revenge  practised  is 
exceptionally  ferocious.  Such  bragging  of  their 
prowess  and  fierceness  before  the  women  is  common 
among  the  Bedouin.  In  its  present  form  the  Sethite 
genealogy  represents  Seth  as  a  sul)stitute  for  Cain,  but 
originally  it  is  questionable  if  it  was  so  (c/.  ICC) ;  this 
writer  may  have  regarded  Seth  as  the  first-bom,  Cain 
being  ignored.  266  seems  to  mean  that  the  worship 
of  Yahweh  was  introduced  in  the  days  of  Adam's 
grandson,  a  representation  which  conflicts  with  4i-i6. 

20.  father:  i.e.  originator  of  this  type  of  life.  The 
text  of  the  foUowing  words  is  uncertain. — 22.  Corrupt. 
Read,  perhaps,  "  he  was  a  forger,  the  father  of  every 
artificer  {mg.)  of  brass  and  iron." — 25.  Adam:  only 
here  as  a  proper  name  in  J. 

V.  1-32.  Sethite  Genealogy  of  Antediluvians.— With 
the  exception  of  29  this  comes  from  P,  as  is  clear  from 
the  style,  each  statement  being  cast  in  the  same  mould, 
and  the  whole  forming  a  mere  catalogue  of  names  and 
dates.  There  is  a  striking  divergence  between  the 
Heb.,  Sam.,  and  LXX  figures,  the  period  from  the 
Creation  to  the  Flood  being  reckoned  as  1G56, 1307,  and 
2242  (a  variant  yields  2262)  years  respectively.  The 
question  is  very  complex ;  here  the  editor's  view  must 
be  stated  without  discussion.  The  LXX  may  be  set 
aside ;  the  Sam.  is  probably  to  be  preferred  to  the 
Heb.  since  the  latter  shows  signs  of  artificiahty  and 
because  it  can  be  more  readily  exp'ained  from  tho 
Sam.  than  vice  versa.  The  Sam.  represents  Jared, 
Methuselah,  and  Lamech  as  dying  in  the  year  of  the 
Flood,  and  since  this  occurs  early  in  the  year  the 
suggestion  is  that  they  perished  in  it.  The  Heb. 
presumably  is  an  alteration  to  avoid  this  inference, 
and  to  make  the  period  from  Creation  to  the  Exodus 
two-thirds  of  4000  years.  It  is  also  necessary  to  pass 
by  the  individual  members  with  the  exception  of 
Enoch  and  Noah.  The  mention  of  365  years  suggests 
a  connexion  with  the  solar  year.  Enoch  may  be 
identical  with  Enineduranki,  the  king  of  Sippar,  a 
favourite  of  the  gods,  connected  with  the  sun-god,  and 
initiated  into  mysteries  of  earth  and  heaven,  just  hke 
the  Enoch  of  the  late  Enoch  hterature  (p.  433).  His 
walk  with  God  may,  therefore,  imply  not  simply  an 
intimate  fellowship  but  an  initiation  into  Divine 
secrets.  "He  was  not"  is  explained  in  Heb.  II5. 
The  redactor  has  added  29  from  J.  The  etymology  of 
Noah's  name  (29)  refers  apparently  to  his  discovery  of 
the  vine  (92o).  The  ground  has  been  cursed  (317-19). 
but  Noah  is  to  pluck  from  it  a  soothing  cordial  for  man's 
weariness,  the  wine  which  makes  glad  tho  hearts  of 
men  as  well  as  God  (Jg.  9 13,  Ps.  IO415)  and  enables 
them  to  drown  their  sorrows  in  at  I«tst  temporary 


142 


GENESIS,  V.  1-32 


oblivion.  The  ago  of  Noah  (500  years)  when  hiw 
eldest  son  was  born  is  at  ticit  sight  surpiisijig,  for  no 
other  had  reached  200  years.  But  the  Flood  had  to 
occur  lato  in  Noah's  life,  otherwise  tho  length  of  life 
assigned  to  his  ancestors  must  have  been  abbreviated, 
if  they  were  not  to  survive  the  Flood.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  Noah's  sons  wore  at  the  time  to  have  no 
children,  they  must  themselves  have  been  born  a 
sufficiently  short  time  before  the  Flood  for  their 
childlessness  not  to  seem  strange.  It  is  perhaps  scarcely 
necessary  to  add  that  the  years  mentioned  in  this 
chapter  arc  intended  to  be  literal  years,  and  that  wo 
are  not  reading  real  history  ;  though  even  these  liigh 
figures  arc  sober  in  comparison  with  those  in  the  parallel 
Babylonian  list  of  ten  antediluvian  kings  whose  reigns 
lasted  in  the  aggnmitc,  432,000  years. 

VI.  1-4.  The  Angel  Marriages.— This  section  belongs 
to  J,  but  to  what  stratum  is  not  clear.  In  its  nakedly 
mythological  character  it  is  quite  unlike  anything  else 
in  the  history.  It  is  obscure  at  some  pomts,  probably 
through  abbreviation,  and  the  phrase  "  tho  men  of 
renown  "  implies  that  a  cycle  of  stories  was  current 
about  the  Nephilim.  It  does  not  join  on  to  the 
preceding  genealogy,  since  the  opening  words  point  to 
a  time  much  earlier  than  that  of  Noah.  It  serves  at 
present  as  an  introduction  to  the  story  of  the  Flood  ; 
matters  had  come  to  such  a  pass  tliat  nothing  but 
the  almost  complete  extermination  of  the  race  could 
cure  the  evil.  But  it  docs  not  really  lead  up  to  this, 
for  the  writer  does  not  imply  that  these  unions  re- 
sulted in  a  progeny  of  monstrous  wickedness.  It  is  a 
kind  of  coarser  parallel  to  the  story  of  the  forbidden 
fruit ;  in  both  the  Divinely-appointed  limits  are  trans- 
gressed. Here  we  read  of  union  between  the  sons  of 
God  and  the  daughters  of  men,  i.e.  between  angels 
and  women.  The  sons  of  God  (Job  l6*)  are  those  who 
belong  to  the  Elohim  order  of  being,  the  immortals 
whose  nature  is  spirit  as  contrasted  with  mortals  whose 
nature  is  flesh.  This  is  the  oldest  interpretation,  and 
it  is  that  now  generally  accepted.  It  is  in  harmony 
with  the  general  use  of  the  term,  and  if  we  mterpreted 
it  to  mean  the  pious  Sethites,  the  daughters  of  men 
would  be  Cainite  women,  a  limitation  for  which  there  is 
no  warrant ;  moreover  the  mere  intermixture  of  human 
races  would  not  produce  the  Nephilim,  who  are 
obviously  the  offspring  of  unnatural  unions.  Certain 
angels  then,  spirit  though  they  were,  inflamed  by 
the  beauty  of  w  omen,  took  them  at  their  will  in  mar- 
riage. Thus  a  race  of  demigods  was  produced,  tho 
Nephilim  (a  name  of  uncertain  meaning),  the  ancient 
heroes  far-famed  for  their  exploits.  But  this  blending 
of  spirit  and  flesh,  of  human  nature  with  that  of  the 
Elohim,  sets  at  nought  the  barriers  fixed  by  Yahweh 
in  the  very  constitution  of  things.  At  present  the 
Divine  substance,  tho  property  of  the  Elohim  (hence 
called  by  Yahweh  "  my  spirit  ")  is  dweUing  in  men. 
But  this  is  not  to  continue  since  man  is  only  flesh. 
How  Yahweh  proposed  to  retrieve  the  heavenly 
essence  which  had  been  mingled  with  the  earthly  is  not 
said ;  the  re<luction  of  liuman  life  to  120  years,  which 
is  what  tho  last  clause  of  3  seems  to  mean,  would  not 
securo  its  elimination,  as  it  would  be  passed  on  with 
the  propagation  of  the  species.  The  clause  may  be  a 
gloss.  The  ])lame  apparently  attaches  to  tho 'angels 
only,  the  women  being  victims  of  their  lawless  lust, 
and  the  original  story  may  have  mentioned  the  penalty 
inflicted  on  them.  Such  penalties  wo  hear  of  ekcwhero 
(Is.  242 if.,  Ps.  82,  cf.  Ps.  58)  for  the  misnile  of  tho 
angels  and  tho  consequent  miseries  of  the  worUl  and 
Israel  in  particular.  (For  further  discussion  tho  editor 
may  refer  to  his  Faded  Myths,  chap,  iv.) 


3.  Very  difficult,  and  the  text  is  corrupt.  The 
rendering  "strive"  may  bo  set  a^ide ;  the  sense  re- 
quired is  that  given  by  the  VSS  "  abide  iit "  (mg.), 
which  may  imply  a  different  text.  The  clause  "  for 
that  he  also  is  flesh  "  yields  no  satisfyuig  sense  any 
more  than  the  alternative  "  in  their  going  astray  they 
are  flesh  "  (mg.).  The  simplest  solution  is  to  suppose 
that  basar,  the  word  for  "  flesh,"  was  written  twice  over 
(dittography),  and  that  our  present  text  has  arisen 
from  this. -—4.  and  also  after  that :  apparently  a  glosa 
msoi-tcd  by  a  reader  who,  remembering  Nu.  1833, 
points  out  that  they  were  in  the  earth  not  only  in 
those  days  but  "  also  after  that." 

VI.  5-IX.  17.  The  Flood.— This  section  has  been 
very  skilfuUy  composed  from  }x)th  J  and  P,  There 
are  numerous  repetitions  :  65-8  and  laf.  ;  77-9  and 
13-16;  7ii  and  12;  liy  and  i8f.  ;  72i  and  23; 
82a  and  2b.  There  are  also  differences  of  representa- 
tion. Accoixling  to  61  of.,  7i5f.,  the  animals  go  in  by 
pairs  ;  according  to  72f.  the  clean  go  in  by  sevens 
(or  seven  pairs),  tho  unclean  by  pairs.  In  7ii  the 
Flood  is  caused  by  the  breaking  up  of  the  fountains  of 
the  great  deep  and  the  opening  of  the  windows  of 
heaven,  in  7i2  by  a  long-continued  rain.  According 
to  7i2  the  rain  continued  forty  days,  according  to  724 
the  waters  prevailed  150  days.  There  are  also 
phraseological  and  stylistic  differences,  those  char- 
acteristic of  P  being  specially  prominent.  The  analysis 
into  two  sources  has  been  eilectcd  with  almost  com- 
plete unanimity.  To  P  belong  69-22,  70,11,13-160,170 
(except  "forty  day3"),i8-2i,24,  81-20,36-5,130,14-19, 
91-17.  To  J  belong  G5-8,  7i-5,7-io,i2,i66,22f.,  826-30, 
6-12,136,20-22.  In  both  cases  some  slight  elements 
are  due  to  the  redactor.  When  the  analysis  has  been 
effected,  two  all  but  complete  stories  appear,  bearing 
the  marks  of  P  and  J. 

Difficult  questions  are  raised  as  to  the  relation  in 
which  these  stories  stand  to  other  Deluge  narratives. 
A  very  large  number  exists,  and  of  these  many  are 
independent.  It  is  still  debated  whether  the  legends 
go  back  to  tlie  primitive  period  of  liistory  before  the 
dispei-sion  ;  this  is  not  probable,  for  the  date  would 
bo  so  earlj'  that  oral  tradition  would  hardly  have 
preserved  it.  Presumably  many  were  local  in  their 
origin,  for  such  catastrophes  on  a  small  scale  must 
have  been  numerous,  and  some  of  the  stories  may 
have  been  coloured  and  enriched  by  contamination 
with  others.  These  parallels,  however,  must  be 
neglected  here,  except  the  Babylonian  accounts.  Two 
of  these  are  known  to  us,  and  fragments  of  a  third  have 
been  recently  discovered.  Tho  two  former  tell  sub- 
stantially tho  same  story,  tliough  witli  considerable 
differences  ui  detail.  One  is  preserved  ui  tho  extracts 
from  Berossus  given  by  Alexander  Polyhistor.  The 
other  was  discoAcred  by  Georgo  Smith  in  1872.  It 
comes  in  the  eleventh  canto  of  the  Epic  of  Gilgamesh. 
It  describes  liow  tho  god  Ea  saved  Utnapistim  by 
commancUng  him  to  build  a  ship  and  take  into  it  the 
seed  of  life  of  every  kind.  He  built  and  stored  it, 
and  wlien  the  rain  began  to  fall  entered  tho  ship  and 
closed  the  door.  A  vi\nd  description  is  given  of  the 
storm,  and  tho  terror  it  inspired  in  tho  gods.  On  the 
seventh  day  he  opened  the  ship,  which  settled  on  Mount 
Nizir.  After  seven  days  he  sent  out  a  dove,  and  then 
a  swaUow,  both  of  which  returned ;  then  a  raven, 
which  did  not  return.  Then  tlie  ship  was  left  and  ho 
offered  sacrifice,  t^i  wliich  the  gods  came  liungrily. 
Bel's  anger  at  the  escape  was  appealed  by  Ea  on  the 
ground  that  the  punishraen>  had  been  indiscriminate, 
and  the  hero  with  his  wife  was  granted  immortality. 
Tho  coincidences  with  the  Biblical  account  are  so  close 


GENESIS,  VII.  6-24 


143 


that  they  can  be  explained  only  by  dependence  of  the 
Biblicul  on  the  Babylonian  story,  though  not  necessarily 
on  the  form  known  to  us.  Probably  tho  Hebrews 
received  it  through  the  Canaanitcs,  and  it  passed 
through  a  process  of  purilication,  in  which  the  offensive 
elements  wei-e  removed.  Tho  Hebrew  story  is  im- 
measurably liigher  in  tone  than  the  Babylonian.  In 
the  latter  Bel  in  his  anger  destroys  good  and  evil 
alike,  and  is  enraged  to  discover  that  any  have  escaped 
the  Flood.  The  gods  cower  under  the  storm  like  dogs 
in  a  kennel ;  and  when  the  sacrilice  is  offered,  smell 
the  sweet  savour  and  gather  like  flies  over  the  sacrificer. 
In  the  Biblical  story  tho  punishment  is  represented 
as  strictly  deserved  by  all  who  perish,  and  the  only 
righteous  man  and  his  family  are  preserved,  not  by 
the  friendly  help  of  another  deity,  but  by  the  direct 
action  of  Him  who  sends  the  Flood. 

The  question  as  to  the  historical  character  of  the 
narrative  still  remains.  The  terms  seem  to  require  a 
univei-sal  deluge,  for  all  flesh  on  the  earth  was  destroyed 
{617,  74,21-23),  and  "  all  the  liigh  mountains  that  were 
imder  the  whole  heaven  were  covered"  (Tigf.).  But 
this  would  involve  a  depth  of  water  all  over  the  world 
not  far  short  of  30,000  ft.,  and  that  sufficient  water 
was  available  at  the  time  is  most  improbable.  The 
ark  could  not  have  contained  more  than  a  very  small 
proportion  of  the  animal  life  on  the  globe,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  food  needed  for  them,  nor  could  eight  people 
have  attended  to  their  wants,  nor  apart  from  a  constant 
miracle  could  the  very  different  conditions  they  re- 
quired in  order  to  live  at  all  have  been  supplied.  Nor 
without  such  a  miracle,  could  they  have  come  from 
lands  so  remote.  Moreover,  the  present  distribution 
of  animals  would  on  this  view  be  unaccountable.  If 
all  the  species  were  present  at  a  single  centre  at  a 
time  so  comparatively  near  as  less  than  five  thousand 
years  ago,  we  should  have  expected  far  greater  uni- 
formity between  different  parts  of  the  world  than  now 
exists.  The  difficulty  of  coming  applies  equally  to 
return.  Nor  if  the  human  race  took  a  new  beginning 
from  three  brothers  and  their  three  wives  (713,  9io) 
could  we  account  for  the  origin,  within  the  very  brief 
period  which  is  all  that  our  knowledge  of  antiquity 
permits,  of  so  many  different  races,  for  the  develop- 
ment of  languages  with  a  long  history  behind  them,  or 
for  tho  founding  of  states  and  rise  of  advanced  civilisa- 
tions. And  this  quite  understates  the  difficulty,  for 
archaeology  shows  a  continuous  development  of  such 
civilisations  from  a  time  far  earlier  than  tlie  earli&st 
to  which  the  Flood  can  be  assigned.  A  partial  Deluge 
is  not  consistent  with  the  Biblical  representation  (see 
above).  And  an  inundation  which  took  seventy-three 
days  to  sink  from  the  day  when  the  ark  rested  on  the 
mountains  of  Ararat  till  the  tops  of  the  mountains 
became  visible  (84f.)  implies  a  depth  of  water  which 
would  involve  a  universal  deluge.  The  story,  there- 
fore, cannot  be  accept<?d  as  historical ;  but  it  may  and 
probably  does  rest  on  the  recollection  of  an  actual 
deluge,  perhaps  produced  by  a  combination  of  the 
inundation  normally  caused  by  the  overflow  of  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates  with  earthquake  and  flooding 
from  the  Persian  Gulf. 

VI.  5-22.  J  gives  no  explanation  of  the  universal 
wickedness  which  caused  God  to  repent  man's  creation, 
but  the  previous  narrative  has  prepared  for  it.  Pro- 
bably, however,  the  story,  wh.ich  beains  abniptly,  has 
lost  something  at  the  beginning.  Observe  the  strong 
anthropomorphism  in  6,  characteristic  of  J  but  com- 
bined with  a  lofty  conception  of  God.  P's  narrative 
begins  with  9,  This  writer  does  not  account  for  the 
prevalence  of  violence.     The  ark  or  chest  is  made  of 


logs  of  gopher,  i.e.  probably  fine  cypress,  though  tho 
word  occurs  only  hero,  and  its  meaning  is  uncertain.  It 
was  divided  into  cells  and  the  shell  made  watertight 
by  the  smearing  of  bitumen  (Ex.  23*)  on  the  inside  and 
outside.  The  specifications  in  16  are  obscure.  The 
rendering  "  roof  "  (mg.)  is  accepted  by  several,  though 
generally  the  meaning,  an  opening  for  hght  and  air,  ia 
preferred.  The  following  clause  is  difficult.  VVellhausen 
puts  the  words  "  to  a  cubit  thou  shalt  finish  it"  at  the 
end  of  the  verse ;  the  reference  is  in  that  case  to  the 
ark,  which  is  to  be  accurately  finished  off.  MT  perhaps 
means  that  an  opening  for  hght,  a  cubit  high,  ran  round 
the  sides  of  the  ark  at  the  top.  Since  it  is  God's  pur- 
pose to  make  a  covenant  with  Noah,  he  and  his  family 
must  be  saved  from  the  universal  destruction  the 
Flood  is  to  accomplish.  The  covenant  is  not  the  present 
guarantee  for  security,  but  that  recorded  in  98- 17. 

9a.  generations  of  Noah:  i.e.  the  genealogy  of 
Noah's  descendants.  The  phrase  is  used  by  P  to 
introduce  a  new  section,  which  sometimes  consists  of 
a  genealogy  alone,  sometimes  of  a  more  extended 
Idstory.  The  Heb.  for  "'  generations  "  in  96  is  different ; 
the  meaning  is  that  Noah  was  blameless  among  his 
contemporaries. — 14.  ark :  the  word  (Egyptian  or 
perhaps  Babylonian)  means  "chest."  It  is  used  of 
the  ark  in  which  Moses  was  entrusted  to  the  Nile,  but 
not  of  the  Ark  made  in  the  wilderness. — 15.  The  cubit 
was  about  13  inches ;  the  ark  was  apparently  an  immense 
box  about  450  ft.  long,  75  broad  and  45  high,  with  a 
door  in  its  side,  and  fitted  up  with  cells  in  three  tiers. 
The  fondness  for  specifications  is  characteristic  of  P, 
so  too  are  the  formulfe  of  enumeration  in  18  and  20, 
and  the  type  of  sentence  in  22. — 17.  flood:  Heb. 
mabbul,  a  foreign  word,  always  used  of  the  Deluge, 
except  possibly  Ps.  29 10. 

Vn.  1-5.  From  J,  but  touched  by  the  redactor  in 
3a,  J's  account  of  the  command  to  build  the  ark  and 
its  fulfilment  has  been  omitted  in  favour  of  P's.  J 
recognises  the  distinction  between  clean  and  unclean, 
which  P  regards  as  introduced  by  Moses ;  the  same  ia 
true  of  the  sacrificial  system.  A  week  is  allowed  for 
bringing  in  the  animals.  Whether  seven  or  seven 
pairs  of  the  clean  animals  were  taken  in  is  disputed ; 
probably  the  latter.  Unless  3a  is  struck  out  as  a 
gloss,  we  must  follow  the  LXX,  Avhich  gives  the  same 
directions  for  birds  as  2  gives  for  animals. 

6-24.  In  this  paragraph  the  dating  assigns  6,  11, 
and  24  to  P  ;  to  the  same  document  i3-i6a,  18-21  are 
assigned  by  stylistic  considerations,  17a  is  a  link,  but 
"  forty  days "  has  been  borrowed  from  J  by  the 
editor.  J's  narrative  has  been  dovetailed  very  skilfully 
into  P's,  and  has  been  expanded  by  glosses.  Its 
original  order  was  probabh'  10,  7,  166,  12,  176,  22f. 
But  7  and  23  have  received  editorial  additions  in  the 
style  of  P.  8f.  is  from  P  because  his  account  of  the 
entrance  into  the  ark  is  found  in  13-16,  and  because 
of  the  distinction  Ijctween  clean  and  unclean.  But 
several  features  cannot  come  from  J,  accordingly  the 
redactor's  hand  nmst  be  recognised.  Since,  however, 
he  is  not  likely  to  have  written  a  doublet  to  13-16, 
he  may  be  working  on  Js  text.  According  to  P  all 
tho  animals  went  into  the  ark  in  one  ilay,  and  that  the 
day  on  which  the  Flood  came.  And  whereas  J  finds 
a  sufficient  cause  in  a  forty  days'  rain,  P  traces  it  to 
a  bursting  up  of  the  waters  from  the  subterranean 
abyss  and  a  simultaneous  opening  of  the  windows  of 
heaven  so  that  tho  waters  of  tho  heavenly  ocean 
streamed  through.  Thus  the  work  of  dividing  the 
waters  effected  on  the  second  day  (l6-8  *)  was  partially 
undone,  not  completely,  for  it  is  clear  from  S2  that 
neither  source  was  exhausted. 


144 


GENESIS,  VIII.  1-24 


VIII.  1-24.  Tho  mention  of  the  rain  {zh)  comes 
from  J,  and  since  3b  with  its  dating  belongs  to  P  ,30  may 
be  assigned  to  J.  With  6  wo  resume  J's  story  ;  after 
tlie  forty  days'  rain,  lie  moans,  Noah  sends  forth  a 
raven.  This' went  to  and  fro  till  the  waters  abated, 
because  being  an  unclean  carrion  bird  it  could  alight 
on  the  floating  troos  or  corpses  and  eat  the  latter. 
Then  after  seven  days  (as  may  be  inferred  from  "  yet 
other  seven  days  "  in  10)  he  sent  forth  a  dove,  but 
since  it  found  no  foothold  to  rest  on,  it  quickly  re- 
turned. After  another  wook  ho  sent  it  out  again. 
This  time  the  dove  returned,  but  not  till  evening,  for 
it  had  found  a  resting-place.  Tho  waters  had  evidently 
much  decreased  in  the  interval,  for  tho  dove  brought 
an  olive-leaf,  and  the  olive  did  not  grow  on  the  highest 
mountaias.  So  he  waited  a  week  longer  and  then 
sent  it  out  again.  This  time  the  waters  had  so  much 
decreased  that  it  could  provide  food  and  rest  for  itself. 
Then  Noah  removed  the  covering  of  the  ark  and  saw 
that  the  ground  was  dry.  J's  account  of  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  ark  is  not  preserved,  but  in  20-22  it  is 
assumed  that  he  had  left  it.  Noah's  first  act  is  to 
build  an  altar  and  of  the  clean  beasts  and  birds  to 
offer  whole  burnt  offerings,  tlie  most  valuable  of  all 
tyjjes  of  sacrifice,  since  the  whole  victim  was  surrendered 
to  God  ( Lev.  1  *).  Gratified  by  the  sweet  odour,  Yahweh 
resolves  not  again  to  curse  the  ground  on  account  of 
man :  recognising  the  sinfulness  of  his  nature  from  his 
youth  onwards,  He  will  treat  it  with  forbearance,  not 
extermination.  Nor  will  He  smite  all  living  creatures. 
Henceforth  the  seasons  shall  move  on  in  their  regular 
rotation,  uninterrupted  by  any  catastrophe  such  as  the 
Flood.  There  is  no  reference  in  21  to  any  doctrine 
of  "  original  sin,"  for  which  we  should  have  had  some 
such  phrase  as  "  from  his  birth."  Nor  is  the  phrase 
"  smelled  the  odour  of  satisfaction  "  to  be  quoted  as 
an  example  of  J's  anthropomorphism.  It  is  a  technical 
term  from  the  ritual  vocabulary  to'"express  the  accept- 
ance of  a  sacrifice.  It  is  found  in  the  Babylonian 
Deluge  story  ("  the  gods  inhaled  the  fragrant  savour  "), 
in  P  which  avoids  anthropomorphism,  and  even  in 
the  NT.  To  P  belong  i,  2a,  36-5,  130,  14-19.  its 
characteristics  being  very  plainly  marked.  God  re- 
membered Noah  and  the  animals,  closed  the  windows 
of  heaven,  and  stopped  the  outlets  of  the  ab\'ss,  so 
that  no  more  water  came  to  swell  the  mass.  He  also 
caused  a  wind  to  blow,  and  this,  combined  with  the 
natural  tendency  of  the  waters  to  be  absorbed  by 
the  earth,  led  to  their  rapid  decrease.  Their  highest 
point  was  reached  at  the  end  of  I.tO  days,  and  then 
they  immediately  began  to  abate.  The  ark  rested  on 
the  mountains  of  Ararat,  i.e.  NE.  Armenia.  The 
waters  still  sank  for  seventy-three  days  before  the  tops 
of  the  ordinary  mountains  became  visible.  On  the 
following  New  Year's  Day  the  waters  were  dried  up, 
but  the  ground  was  still  saturated,  and  on  the  27th  of 
the  next  month  the  earth  was  dry.  (On  the  chrono- 
logical data  of  P,  which  are  complicated,  ICC,  pp.  167- 
169,  may  be  consulted.)  Noah  and  the  other  occupants 
then  leave  the  ark. 

1.  Skinner  (p.  1.55)  thinks  that  ib  may  probably 
belong  to  J  (apart  from  the  Divine  name),  also  that  4, 
apart  from  the  dating,  which  must  belong  to  P's 
chronological  scliemc,  may  belong  to  J.  It  is  in  favour 
of  this  that  5  naturally  suggests  that  the  highest 
summits  were  not  visible  till  the  date  mentioned, 
whereas  if  4  and  5  belong  to  P  we  must  explain  that 
the  tops  of  tho  mountains  \\OTe  those  of  lower  ranges, 
which  is  certainly  not  natural. — 3.  Read,  "  tho  end 
of  the  1.50  days,"  i.e.  those  mentioned  in  722. — 7. 
Notice    the    difiference   in    the    Babvlonian    accoimt. 


First  a  dove,  then  a  swallow,  are  sent  out  and  return. 
Then  a  raven,  which  wades  in  the  water  and  does  not 
return. 

IX.  1-17.  From  P.  The  links  between  1-7  and  P'b 
creation  story  are  very  close ;  tho  command  to  multiply, 
the  dominion  of  man  over  tho  animals,  tho  regulations 
as  to  food  may  bo  specially  mentioned,  as  well  aa 
identities  and  similarities  of  phrase  and  style.  A 
change,  however,  is  made  in  recognition  of  tho  innate 
qualities  of  creation  which  have  come  to  light  in  tho 
interval.  It  had  not  been  God's  original  intention 
that  food  should  be  obtained  by  slaughter ;  there  is  no 
provision  m  \2<ji.  for  carnivorous  men  or  beasts.  But 
i:i  the  light  of  hlston^  the  failure  of  this  ideal  is  recog- 
nised, and  now  slaughter  is  p3rmittcd  for  food  and 
the  animal  creation  is  inspired  witli  a  new  dread  of 
man.  And  at  this  stage  no  selection  is  made  of  those 
who  are  eligible  for  the  purpose ;  in  tiie  widest  way 
cveiy  moving  thing  that  has  life  is  permitted  as  freely 
as  "  tho  greonn&ss  of  herbs  "  in  I30.  According  to  Ps 
theory  as  already  noted  (7i-5  *)  the  distinction  be- 
tween clean  and  unclean  was  first  introduced  in  the 
Sinaitic  legislation.  But  he  did  not  regard  the  sanctity 
of  blood  as  one  of  the  novelties  of  tho  Mosaic  Law. 
While  all  animals  and  fish,  and  all  winged  and  all  crawl- 
ing things  were  permitted  for  food,  Noah  was  strictly 
enjoined  that  flesh  must  not  be  eaten  with  the  blood 
still  in  it  (4).  It  is  not  definitely  stated,  but  a  fortiori 
implied,  that  blood  must  not  be  dnuik.  The  reason 
for  this  prohibition  is  given  in  the  words  "  the  lifei 
thereoi"  The  life  or  vital  principle  (Hob.  nephesh} 
was  supposed  to  be  resident  in  the  blood.  When  a 
victim  was  killed,  the  blood  drained  from  its  veins 
stni  held  within  it  the  hfe  of  which  it  was  tho  vehicle, 
tlic  blood  souL  The  blood  might  be  quick  after  the 
body  was  dead.  This  created  in  some  cases  a  disposi- 
tion to  partake  of  it.  By  drinking  the  blood  of  an 
animal  (or  man)  its  quaUties,  most  intensely  present 
in  the  blood,  might  bo  acquired.  A  covenant  was 
often  formed  bj'  mutual  participation  of  the  parties  in 
each  other's  blood  ( Ex.  246-8*).  There  was  accordingly 
a  tendency  to  partake  of  blood,  especially  that  of  a 
sacrificial  ^nctim,  since  the  communion  between  man 
and  the  deity  seemed  thus  best  to  be  secured.  The 
feeling  grow  up,  however,  that  tho  blood  was  too 
sacred  a  thing  to  bo  dnmk,  too  instinct  with  mysterious 
potencies,  too  dangerous  since  invasion  by  a  parasitic 
soul  of  undesirable  qualities  was  possible.  And  along 
with  this  there  grew  up  tho  feehng  that  it  belonged 
exclusively  to  God.  Hence  it  was  considered  a  grave 
sin  to  partake  of  it.  In  Israel  this  feeling  was  present 
probably  from  the  first.  We  find  it  in  the  time  of 
Saul  (1  S.  1432-34)  and  froquentlv  in  the  later  legisla- 
tion (I^v.  3i7,  726f.,  17io-i6*, '1926,  Dt.  12i6,23f., 
1023).  Ezekiel  cla.sses  this  offence  with  moral  trans- 
gressions (3.S25  and  probably  186,11,15  in  original  text). 
Hence  the  blood  was  given  to  God  at  the  altar,  or 
after  the  centralisation  of  worship,  when  the  only 
legitimate  sanctuary  was  too  far  away,  poured  upon 
the  ground.  As  a  second  prohibition,  tho  shedding  of 
human  blood  is  forbidden.  Man  is  made  in  God's 
image,  human  life  is  therefore  sacred ;  the  ^^olation 
of  its  sanctity  will  be  punished  by  death,  be  the 
offender  man  or  beast,  and  is  also  opposed  to  the 
Divine  purpose  that  man  should  multiply  in  the  earth. 

God  then  makes  a  covenant  with  all  living  creatures 
that  He  wiU  not  repeat  the  destniction  by  water.  The 
covenant  is  not  in  this  instance  an  agreement  lietweon 
God  and  man  but  a  promise,  and  therefore  the  sign 
of  it  is  not,  as  in  the  case  of  the  covenant  with  Abraham, 
Bomething  to  be  performed  by  man  ;    God  sets  Hia 


GENESIS.  XI.  1-9 


145 


bow  in  the  cloud  ;  when  He  brings  clouds  over  the 
earth  and  the  bow  appears  in  the  clouds,  then  He  will 
remember  His  covenant.  The  rainbow  is  the  battle- 
bow  of  God,  just  as  the  lightning  flashes  are  His 
arrows  (Hab.  Sg-ii,  Ps.  713,  I814)  ;  when  the  clouds 
become  threatening,  God  looks  and  sees  the  bow  He 
has  laid  aside  and  hung  there,  and  is  reminded  of  His 
pledge.  The  passage  naturally,  though  not  necessarily, 
implies  that  the  bow  is  now,  for  the  first  time,  hung 
in  the  clouds.  P  was  hardly  aware  of  the  physical 
laws  which  determine  its  appearance.  It  is  not  certain 
whether  J  contained  an  account  of  the  rainbow  ;  if  it 
did,  we  are  the  losers  bj'  tlic  omission  of  a  treatment 
doubtless  much  more  poetical.  It  ia  absent  fiom  the 
Babylonian  stor\% 

5.  The  Heb.  is  difficult  and  rather  obscure,  but  the 
general  sense  is  clear. — 15f.  Translate,  "  and  the  bow 
.  .  .  that  I  wiU  remember." 

K.  18-29.  Tbe  Drunkenness  of  Noah ;  his  Curse 
and  his  Blessings. — In  this  section  28f.  belongs  to  P. 
If  532,  76,  928f.  are  read  together,  we  have  an  account 
of  Noah  similar  to  the  rest  of  the  genealogy  in  5. 
18-27  is  from  J,  but  not  entireh'  from  the  same  stratum. 
i8f.  belongs  to  J's  genealogical  table  in  10.  20-27  has 
close  points  of  contact  with  417-24  ;  Noah,  like  Jabal, 
Jubal,  and  Tubal-Cain,  is  represented  as  a  culture-hero, 
the  first  to  cultivate  the  vine  and  make  wine,  thus 
vindicating  Lamech's  prophecy  and  the  name  he  gave 
his  sou.  And  it  similarly  regards  the  history  of  the 
race  as  unbroken  by  the  Flood.  The  representations 
of  Noah  as  in  the  one  case  a  husbandman,  the  dis- 
coverer of  the  vine,  and  in  the  other  as  the  one  man 
worthy  for  his  piety  to  be  saved  from  the  destruction 
of  the  sinful  race,  do  not  necessarily  conflict.  But 
here  he  is  represented  as  the  ancestor  of  three  distinct 
peoples,  in  the  Flood  story  he  is  the  ancestor  of  all 
nations.  It  is  not  easy  to  fit  this  narrative  either 
into  the  period  before  or  that  after  the  Flood.  If 
before  the  Flood,  why  should  any  accursed  have  been 
spared  ?  ^Mien  the  Flood  took  place,  Noah's  sons 
were  grown  up  and  married ;  here  they  live  with 
their  father,  and  the  offence  is  that  of  a  boy  rather 
than  a  man.  Further,  Noah's  sons  were  originally 
Shem,  Japheth,  and  Canaan,  the  last  being  guilty  of 
the  offence.  Otherwise  it  is  inexplicable  that  Canaa.n 
and  not  Ham  was  cursed.  24  describes  the  offender  as 
the  youngest  son,  and  Japheth  as  the  second  son, 
whereas  in  the  Flood  story.  Ham  is  the  second  son 
and  Japheth  the  youngest.  A  comparison  of  25  with 
26f.  shows  that  Canaan's  brethren  were  Shem  and 
Japheth.  "  Ham  the  father  of  "  in  22  is,  accordingly,  a 
gloss,  and  similarly  "and  Ham  is  the  father  of  Canaan  " 
in  18.  As  to  the  "identity  of  the  peoples  there  is  some 
dispute.  Canaan  probably  represents  the  Canaanites, 
Shem  the  Hebrews,  with  kindred  peoples,  and  Japheth 
the  Hittites,  rather  than  the  Phoenicians  or  Philistines  ; 
thougli  possibly  the  reference  is  to  prehistoric  peoples. 
Ham  is  a  larger  unity  of  which  Canaan  forms  a  part. 

18f.  Here  the  population  of  the  whole  world  is  de- 
rived from  Noah  through  three  sons  whose  names  are 
given  as  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth,  the  order  being 
that  of  age. 

20-27.  While  the  discovery  of  wine  is  regarded  as  a 
blessing,  since  it  refreshes  and  comforts  man  after  Jiis 
toil  (.'>29*),  the  narrator  also  saw  its  moral  dangers.  The 
description  of  Noah's  posture  and  Canaan's  shameless 
and  unfilial  act  expresses  the  n  coil  of  the  hardy  Hebrews 
from  the  filthy  indecencies  of  tlie  enervated  Canaanites, 
to  which  the'conduct  of  the  two  elder  brothers  is  an 
emphatic  rebuke.  On  Icaniing  of  his  son's  deed,  the 
father  utters  a  curse  upon  him,  followed  by  blessings 


on  the  culprit's  brothers.  In  antiquity  a  curse  was 
much  more  soleuui  than  it  is  to-day.  When  the 
modem  man  curses,  it  is  to  give  vent  to  his  feelings, 
the  only  effect  is  the  reflex  one  on  himself.  For  the 
ancients  (and  among  i)eoples  of  lower  culture  to-day) 
a  curse  was  potent  to  achieve  its  own  fulfilment. 
Once  uttered,  it  could  not  be  withdrawn.  Aylwin 
supphes  an  excellent  example  in  modem  Uterature. 
So,  too,  with  a  blessing  ;  it  also  had  an  inherent  power  of 
self-fulfilment,  and  could  not  be  taken  back  (c/.  2733). 
The  curse  dooms  Canaan  to  be  the  slave  of  his  brothers, 
i.e.  the  Canaanites  are  put  in  subjection  to  Shem  and 
Japheth.  It  was  infamous  exegesis  to  find  in  this 
passage  a  justification  for  the  enslavement  of  negroes. 
In  MT  of  26  not  Shem,  but  Yahweh  his  God,  is  blessed. 
Probably  we  should  read  "  Bless,  Yahweh,  the  tents  of 
Shem  "  (bdrek  for  bdruk  and  'ohole  for  elohe).  This  is  con- 
firmed by  the  reference  to  "  the  tents  of  Shem  "  in  27. 
God  (not  Yahweh  here)  is  entreated  to  expand  (Yapht 
— notice  the  play  on  the  name)  Japheth,  and  grant  him 
to  dwell  in  the  tents  of  Shem,  i.e,  in  friendly  intercourse 
(not  conquest). 

20.  Translate:  "  And  Noah  the  husbandman  began 
and  planted." 

X.  The  Table  of  Nations.— From  P  and  J.  To  P 
we  may  assign  1-7,  20,  31I  The  rest  belongs  to  J, 
for  the  most  part  to  its  secondary  stratum,  with 
some  elements  from  R.  The  genealogy,  as  was  cus- 
tomary among  the  Semites,  expresses  national  rather 
than  individual  relationships.  The  tme  character  of 
the  lists  may  be  seen  quite  clearly  from  many  of  the 
names,  which  are  names  of  coimtries  {e.g.  Cush, 
Mizraim,  Ophir),  or  cities  (e.g.  Tarshish,  Zidon),  or 
peoples  {e.g.  Ludim).  It  is  an  attempt  to  explain 
the  origin  of  the  various  nations,  before  the  author 
proceeds  to  the  special  ancestry  of  Israel  It  is  of 
great  importance  for  the  Hebrew  view  of  other  peoples, 
ahke  in  its  extent  and  its  limitations,  and  for  the 
degrees  of  affinity  which  they  believed  to  subsist 
between  them.  It  raises  problems  too  intricate  for 
discussion  in  our  space.  It  need  hardly  be  said  that 
the  various  races  of  mankind  now  existing  cannot  be 
traced  back  to  a  single  ancestor  at  a  period  so  near  to 
us  as  the  date  to  which  the  OT  assigns  Noah  ;  nor 
indeed  do  peoples  originate  in  the  way  here  described. 

5.  Insert,  "  These  are  the  sons  of  Japheth  "  before 
"  in  their  lands  "  (cf.  20,31). 

8-10.  The  name  Nimrod  has  not  been  discovered  in 
the  cuneiform  inscriptions,  and  the  identifications  pro- 
posed are  most  uncertain.  That  he  was  "  a  mighty 
one  in  the  earth  "  is  explained  by  10,  which  should 
follow  8 ;  he  was  a  king  who  founded  a  large  empire. 
In  9  his  fame  is  explained  in  another  way.  He  was 
a  hero  of  the  chase,  and  a  popular  proverb  is  quoted, 
in  which  he  figures  in  this  character.  He  was  "  a 
mighty  hunter  before  Yahweh,"  i.e.  (probably)  in 
Yahweh  s  estimation. 

14.  The  Philistines  came  from  Caphtor,  i.e.  Crete 
(Am.  97*,  Jer.  474  ;  cf.  Dt.  223) ;  the  parenthesis  would, 
therefore,  be  in  place  at  the  end  of  the  verse. 

XI.  1-9.  The  City,  the  Tower,  and  the  Confusion  of 
Speech. — The  section  plainly  belongs  to  J  but  not  to 
the  same  stratum  as  the  storj-  of  the  Flood,  nor  is  it 
consistent  with  the  origin  assigned  to  the  various 
nations  in  10.  It  is  an  aitio logical  story  (p.  1 34),  naturally 
not  historical,  answering  the  question,  Wliy  is  it  that 
though  the  races  of  mankind  have  sprung  from  a 
common  ancestry  they  speak  so  manv  different 
languages  ?  The  Divine  jealousy,  which  fears  what  a 
united  humanity  may  achieve,  whose  first  enterprise  ia 
planned  on  a  scale  so  colossal,  is  like  that  shown  in 


146 


GENESIS,  XI.  1-9 


the  prohibition  of  the  tree  of  knowledge,  the  guarding 
of  the  tree  of  life,  and  the  displeasure  excited  in 
Yahweh's  mind  by  the  angel  marriages.  The  narrative 
presumably  originatetl  in  Babylon,  though  no  cunei- 
form parallel  has  been  discovered,  and  it  may  have 
eipreased  the  attitude  of  the  nomads  towards  the 
buildings  of  Babylon  ratlier  than  that  of  the  Baby- 
lonians themselves.  It  has  been  adapted  by  the  Heb. 
narrator  ;  the  explanation  tliat  brick  and  bitumen 
{mg.)  were  used  in  the  building  would  be  unnecessary 
in  Babylonia,  and  the  name  Babel  is  derived  from  the 
Heb.  verb,  hdlal,  "  to  confound."  The  story  hangn 
fairly  well  together.  Observe,  however,  that  whereas 
in  5'  Yahweh  comes  down  to  earth,  in  7  He  is  still  in 
heaven,  Gunkel  has  suggested  that  two  stories  have 
been  combined,  one  relating  the  building  of  a  city,  the 
other  that  of  a  tower.  He  has  succeeded  by  skilful 
analysis  in  constructing  two  stories,  the  former  of 
which  narrates  the  project  to  build  a  city  and  make  a 
name,  which  was  defeated  by  the  confusion  of  their 
speech,  hence  the  name  Babel ;  wiiile  the  latter 
narrates  that  to  avoid  dispersion  they  began  to  build 
a  lofty  tower,  but  were  scattered  over  the  earth,  hence 
he  infers  that  the  name  of  the  tower  was  Phlts  (i.e.  Dis- 
persion). This  may  quite  well  be  correct,  and  the 
difficulty  of  harmonising  5  with  7  disappears.  Other- 
wise, 5  perhaps  originally  recorded  the  descent  of  a 
heavenly  messenger  on  whose  report  Yahweh  com- 
ments in  6t 

The  district  from  which  the  start  was  made  is  un- 
certain, but  perhaps  E.  of  Babylonia  is  intended,  in 
which  case  they  wandered  westwards  and  reached 
Shinar,  i.e.  Babylonia.  There  they  made  bricks  and 
set  to  work  on  the  city  and  tower.  The  latter  ia  what 
the  Babylonians  called  a  "  zikkurat,"  i.e.  an  immense 
tower  shaped  like  a  pyramid,  rising  in  terraces,  and 
crowned  with  a  temple,  which  was  regarded  as  an 
entrance  to  heaven  (cf.  4).  Possibly  some  unfinished 
or  dilapidated  stnicture  may  have  given  rise  to  the 
Btory.  The  intention  of  the  buildings  was  to  provide 
a  rallymg  point  and  prevent  their  separation. 

3.  Go  to:  an  archaism;  we  should  say  "Come." 
Yahweh  echoes  it  ironically  in  7. — 7.  let  US :  Yahweh 
addresses  the  Divine  beings  (cf.  I26*). — 9.  Babel  really 
means  "  Gate  of  fJod  "  ;  the  etymolngv  here  is  popular. 

XI.  10-26.  The  Descendants  of  Shem.— This  section, 
like  5,  is  taken  from  P.  Here  the  formula  is  abbrevi- 
ated, but  whether  this  was  so  originally  or  due  to  an 
impatient  editor  is  uncertain.  There  is  also  great 
difference  between  the  Heb.,  Sam.,  and  LXX,  but  it 
cannot  be  discus.sed  here.  It  is  characteristic  of  P, 
where  no  information  is  available,  to  bridge  over  the 
gap  by  a  genealogy  rather  than  leave  an  absolute 
blank.  The  period  from  the  Flood  to  the  birth  of 
Abraham  is  given  in  Heb.  as  292,  in  Sam.  as  942,  and 
in  LXX  as  1172  (variant  gives  1072).  The  period  in 
Heb.  is  incredibly  short,  but  the  Sam.  destroys  the 
proportion  between  the  period  before  and  that  after 
the  begetting  of  the  eldest  son,  and  its  text  thus  be- 
comes suspicious. 

XI.  27-32.  The  Sons  of  Terah,— Derived  from  P 
and  J.  27  and  3 if.  are  clearly  from  P.  28-30  probably 
from  J  (there  are  phraseological  grounds),  and  2220  (J) 
refers  to  20. 

28.  Ur  of  the  Chaldees :  Heb.  Ur  A"a.9rfiw?,  is  gener- 
ally identified  witli  Uni,  one  of  the  most  ancient  cities 
of  Babylonia,  where  the  inoon-god  was  worshipped,  now 
Mugheir.  The  Clialdees  (Ass.  Knhlu)  lived  on  the  SK. 
of  Babylonia  round  the  Persian  Gulf  (pp.  58f .). — 30.  The 
childlessness  of  Sarah  plaj-s  an  important  part  in  the 
sequel.— 31.  Read  with  Sam.,  LXX,  Vulg.  "  he  brought 


them  forth  "  or  with  Syr.  "  he  went  out  with  them." 
"  They  went  out  with  him  "  (so  Ball)  would  be  simpler 
still. — unto  Haran:  Haran  the  place  is  not  the  same 
word  as  Haran  the  man ;  the  initial  letters  are  different 
in  Heb.  Haran  was  a  very  ancient  and  important 
city  near  Carcheinish  on  the  Belikh,  a  tributary  of  the 
Euphrates,  and,  like  Ur,  a  seat  of  moon-god-worship. — 
32.  Instead  of  205  the  Sam.  gives  145  as  the  years 
of  Terah's  life.  In  that  case  Abraham  leaves  Haran 
just  after  his  father's  death  (so  in  Ac.  74)  instead  of 
sixty  years  before  it.  [Our  narrative  represents 
Abram  aa  the  earlier  form  of  the  name,  but  it  is 
simplest  to  use  the  familiar  form  throughout.] 

XII.-XXV.  18.  The  Story  of  Abraham.— In  this 
section  the  three  main  sources,  J,  E,  P  are  present. 
Gunkel  has  given  strong  rea-sons  for  holding  that  J 
is  here  made  up  of  two  main  sources,  one  connecting 
Abraham  witii  Hebron,  the  other  with  Beersheba  and 
the  Negeb.  The  former  associates  Abraham  with 
Ix)t.  (For  details,  see  ICC.)  On  the  interpretation  to 
be  placed  on  the  figures  of  Abraham  and  the  patriarchs, 
see  the  Introduction.  The  interest,  which  has  hitherto 
been  diffused  over  the  fortunes  of  mankind  in  general, 
is  now  concentrated  on  Abraham  and  his  posterity, 
the  principle  of  election  narrowing  it  down  to  Isaac, 
Ishmael  being  left  aside,  and  then  to  Jacob,  Esau 
being  excluded. 

XII.  1-9.  The  CaU  of  Abraham,  his  Migration  to 
Canaan,  and  Yahweh's  Promise  to  Him.— From  J, 
except  46,  5,  which  is  clearly  from  P.  Abraham  is 
called  to  leave  country,  kindred,  and  home  for  an  un- 
named land.  His  faith  is  thus  challenged  at  the  outset 
(Heb.l  Is) ;  at  the  call  of  God.without  question  or  demur, 
he  abandons  the  tangible  certainties  of  the  present  for 
a  vague  destination,  and  the  hazards  of  travel  and 
settlement  in  a  new  land.  But  he  goes  in  confidence, 
staking  his  all  on  the  faithfulness  of  God's  promise, 
that  He  would  make  of  him  a  mighty  nation,  the 
incarnation  of  blessedness,  to  such  a  degree  that  all 
nations  would  bless  themselves  by  him,  that  is,  use 
his  name  in  the  invocation  of  blessing  on  themselves, 
saying,  "  May  we  be  as  fortunate  as  Abraham."  So 
he  took  his  family  and  possessions  and  came  to  Canaan 
(p.  26),  presumably  by  the  usual  route  (described  by 
Driver,  p.  146),  but  no  details  of  the  journey  arc  given. 
He  then  passed  down  the  countrj-  from  the  north  till 
he  reached  the  "  place,"  i.e.  the  sanctuarj*,  of  Shechem, 
where  a  "  terebinth  "  (mg.)  or  turpentine  tree  grew. 
This  is  described  in  RV  as  "  of  Moreh  "  ;  but  the  Heb. 
means  "  directing  "  or  "  director  "  ;  it  is,  therefore, 
"  the  oracle-giving  terebinth,"  or  "  terebinth  of  the 
oracle-giver."  This  was  accordingly  a  sacred  tree 
connected  with  the  sanctuary  at  Shechem  ;  the  deity 
resident  in  the  tree  gave  oracles  to  the  inquirer  (cf. 
Dt.  II30,  Jg.  937).  Shechem  (p.  30)  is  Nablus  to  the  SE. 
of  Samaria,  between  Ebal  and  Gerizim,  important  in 
later  historj'  (1  K.  12i  ♦).  Here  Abraham  learns  that 
the  land,  the  promise  of  which  had  been  suggested 
to  him,  is  Canaan,  and  the  promise  is  now  definitely 
made  that  it  will  be  given  to  his  descendants.  He 
moves  on  20  miles  further  S.,  near  to  Bethel,  where 
he  builds  an  altar,  and  travels  by  stages  thence  towards 
the  Negeb  (p.  32). 

3.  be  blessed:  this  rendering  or  "  bless  themselves" 
is  permissible,  the  conjugation  used  (the  Niphal),  while 
properly  retiexive,  being  oft<»n  used  as  a  passive.  But 
in  22 18,  264  the  conjugation  is  tlio  Hitlipael.  which  must 
mean  (cf.  mg.)  "  bless  themselves."  The  view  that  the 
religion  of  Israel  was  to  become  tlie  religion  of  the  world 
is  not  so  early  as  this  pa.ssage. — 6b  was  written  after 
the  Canaanites  had  been  displaced  by  the  Hebrews. 


GENESIS.  XIV. 


147 


XII.  10-20.  Abraham,   Sarah,  and  Pharaoh.— This 

section  createa  difficulties  by  its  similarity  to  20  and 
266-11.  The  three  are  usually  regarded  as  variants 
of  the  same  story.  In  each  case  the  patriarch  makes 
his  wife  out  to  be  his  sister.  That  twice  over  a  oimilar 
incident  should  have  occurred  with  tSarah  is  iJnprobable ; 
the  improbability  would  be  heightened  if  wo  denied 
the  documentary  analysis,  since  in  the  former  case 
she  would  be  approaching  seventy  and  in  the  latter 
ninety  years  old.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  Isaac  should 
have  repeated  with  Rebekah  his  father's  experience 
with  Sarah  in  the-  same  place,  Gerar,  and  with  a  king 
of  the  same  name.  The  narrative  in  20  is  from  E. 
Both  the  present  story  and  that  in  26  are  Yahwistic, 
and  their  presence  side  by  side  is  not  easy  to  explain. 
Perhaps  they  belong  to  different  strata  or  sources  of  J. 
Of  the  three,  that  in  12 10-20  ia  the  most  antique,  the 
least  refined  in  feeling. 

In  consequence  of  a  famine  in  Canaan,  due  pre- 
sumably to  failure  of  ram,  Abraham,  as  often  happened 
in  other  cases,  went  to  Egypt,  which  was  fertilised  by 
the  overflow  of  the  Nile,  and  therefore  independent  of 
rain.  He  anticipates  that  the  beauty  of  his  wife  will 
rouse  the  desire  of  the  Egyptians,  who  may  remove 
the  legal  obstacle  to  possession  by  killing  her  husband. 
To  save  his  life  he  is  prepared  to  sacrifice  his  wife's 
honour,  and  indeed,  as  it  would  seem  (136),  to  enrich 
himself  by  so  shameful  a  sacrifice,  less  shameful  of 
course  to  the  patriarch  and  the  narrator  than  to  us. 
He  begs  his  wife  to  pass  herself  off  as  his  sister.  She 
does  so,  and  matters  turn  out  as  Abraham  anticipated. 
The  Egyptians  are  struck  by  her  beauty,  the  princes 
see  her  for  themselves,  and  commend  her  to  Pharaoh. 
He  takes  her  into  his  harem  and  richly  endows  her 
husband.  But  Yahweh  intervenes  to  restore  her. 
Pharaoh  is  smitten  with  sickness  and  learns  the  truth, 
ia  what  way  the  narrative  no  longer  says.  He  up- 
braids Abraham  for  his  Ue,  vv'hich  there  is  no  attempt 
to  palliate  ;  but  realising  that  he  is  dangerous,  has 
him  conducted  to  the  frontier,  that  he  may  leave  the 
country  where  his  misconduct  has  worked  such  harm, 
and  that  no  evQ  may  hapi)en  to  him  on  the  way  to 
provoke  fresh  Divine  reprisals.  This  is  not  intended 
as  punishment  but  as  precaution,  and  while  the  wife 
is  returned  the  presents  are  not  taken  back. 

XIII.  The  Separation  of  Abraham  and  Lot. — In  the 
main  from  J,  as  is  shown  by  the  frequent  mention  of 
Yahweh,  the  reference  to  the  garden  of  Yahweh,  the 
preparation  for  the  story  of  Sodom's  overthrow  in 
the  mention  of  its  exceeding  sinfulness,  and  the 
phraseology.  But  116-120  ("  and  they  .  .  .  the 
Plain  ")  belongs  to  P,  which  characteristically  avoids 
all  explanation  of  the  separation  as  due  to  strife;  it 
was  occasioned  rather  by  their  abounding  wealth. 
Wellhausen  regards  14-17  as  an  insertion  on  the  ground 
that  J  does  not  represent  Yahweh  as  speaking  to 
Abraham  except  in  a  theophany  (but  c/.  I21-3)  ;  or 
make  Abraham  half  a  nomad  as  17  does  ;  nor  can  the 
whole  land  be  seen  from  Bethel ;  we  have  also  a 
similar  promise  in  15,  but  fuller  and  much  more 
solemn,  with  no  indication  that  the  promise  in  our 
chapter  had  already  been  given.  If  14-17  is  removed 
18  connects  immediately  with  12b,  13,  which  it  should 
naturally  follow.  The  addition,  assuming  it  to  be 
such,  was  probably  made  to  supply  a  firmer  basis 
for  Abraham's  right  to  Canaan.  In  the  rest  of  the 
chapter  this  is  based  on  Lot's  choice  of  the  Jordan 
Valley.  Abraham  is  thus  left  with  Canaan,  and  when 
Sodom  is  destroyed.  Lot  has  to  betake  himself  to  the 
mountams.  To  the  later  writer  this  explanation  pre- 
sumably seemed  not  religious  enough.    The  historical 


circumstances  which  lie  behind  the  story  are  probably 
the  fortunes  of  the  settlers  who  were  the  ancestors 
of  the  Hebrews  and  Edomites  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  on  the  other. 

From  the  Ncgcb,  Abraham  and  Lot  return  by  stages 
to  Bethel.  But  owing  to  the  abundance  of  the  flocks 
and  herds  difficulties  arose  between  their  herdsmen 
as  to  pasturage  and  water,  the  situation  being  com- 
pUcated  by  the  fact  that  the  land  was  not  otherwise 
unoccupied,  but  inhabited  by  the  Canaanites  and 
Perizzites.  Abraham  deals  with  it  in  a  concihatory 
spirit,  and  instead  of  insisting  on  his  rights  as  senior 
and  chief,  offers  Lot  his  choice  of  pasturage,  since 
separation  is  inevitable.  Lot,  instead  of  imitating  his 
uncle's  magnanimity,  chooses  the  well-watered  basin 
of  the  lower  Jordan  VaUey,  fertile  as  Eden  or  Egypt, 
and  the  whole  of  it ;  but  with  the  moral  perils  of 
contact  with  Sodom.  To  Abraham  Yahweh  makes  a 
promise  of  the  land  for  himself  and  his  descendants. 
So  while  Lot  camped  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sodom, 
Abraham  had  to  take  the  poorer  land,  and  dwelt  by 
the  terebinths  in  Mamre,  here  said  to  be  in  Hebron. 

7.  Perizzite:  possibly  the  name  of  a  people,  but 
perhaps  the  dwellers  in  hamlets  as  distinguished  from 
the  dwellers  in  cities. — 10.  Plain  of  Jordan :  the  circle 
(mcj.)  of  Jordan  was  the  wide  valley  on  the  W.  of  the 
Jordan  from  about  25  miles  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea  down 
to,  and  apparently  in  the  judgment  of  the  narrator 
including  what  is  now  the  Dead  Sea  itself  (pp.  32f.). 
Zoar  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sodom,  and  prob- 
ably the  cities  of  the  Plain  were  on  the  S.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  The  meaning  is  that  the  district  was  "  well  watered 
as  thou  goest  to  Zoar,"  i.e.  the  writer  thought  of  the 
Dead  Sea  as  covering  what  in  Abraham's  time  was 
fertile  land,  and  as  coming  into  existence  and  sub- 
merging this  land  when  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  were 
destroyed.  The  Syr.,  however,  reads  Zoan,  i.e.  Tanis ; 
if  correctly,  the  inference  just  drawn  would  not  neces- 
sarily hold  good,  though  the  reference  to  the  over- 
throw of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  impHes  that  the  char- 
acter of  the  country  changed  after  the  catastrophe. 
The  Heb.  text  should  probably  be  retained. 

XIV.  Abraham  Conquers  the  Four  Kings  and  Rescues 
Lot. — This  chapter  is,  as  Wellhausen  says,  like  Mel- 
chizedek,  "  without  father,  without  mother,  without 
pedigree."  In  other  words,  it  carmot  be  affihated  to 
any  of  the  three  main  documents  J,  E,  P,  though 
some  beUcvo  that  E  suppUed  its  basis,  since  it  relates 
alliances  with  native  princes  (2I22-32)  and  records  a 
military  exploit  of  Jacob's  against  Shechem  (4822  mg.). 
But  the  glorification  of  the  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem, 
and  the  mention  of  tithes  as  paid  there,  goes  to  prove 
a  Judaean  origui,  nor  does  E  contain  any  hint  of 
Abraham's  residence  in  Mamre.  There  is  no  i-eference, 
in  J's  narrative  of  Sodom's  overthrow,  to  the  events 
of  this  chapter.  Nor  do  the  phraseology  and  general 
characteristics  permit  us  to  assign  it  to  any  of  the 
three  sources.  Some  of  its  phrases  occur  nowhere 
else  in  the  Pent.,  some  nowhere  else  in  the  OT.  Yet 
it  has  points  of  contact  with  the  other  sources.  The 
writer  knows  of  Lot's  residence  in  Sodom,  he  uses 
J's  phrase,  "the  terebinths  of  Mamre."  He  employs 
phrases  characteristic  of  P.  And  from  the  first  the 
narrative  was  designed  to  stand  in  its  present  position. 
It  is  accordingly  very  late,  but  critical  opinion  ia 
divided  as  to  whether  it  is  a  late  revision  of  an  old 
narrative,  or  a  composition  altogether  late,  or  a  late 
composition  in  which  some  histoncal  materials  have 
been  utilised.  In  it-s  representation  of  Abraham  as  a 
warrior  and  the  linking  of  him  with  contemporary 
history  it  has  no  parallel  in  Gen.     It  has  been  cua- 


148 


GENESIS    XIV. 


tomarj'  among  opi^nenta  of  criticism  to  aaaert  tliat 
here  archsDology  has  decisively  intervened  to  discredit 
critical  views,  and  vindicate  the  accuracy  of  the  Heb. 
narratives.  This  luus  no  real  foundation.  Long  before 
the  discoveries  were  made,  Noldeke  had  (in  1869) 
granted  that  Chedorlaonier  might  be  a  historical  char- 
acter, and  that  the  Elamito  empire  might  have  extended 
to  Palestine.  In  18S4  E.  Meyer  pointed  out  that 
Kuduriagamar  (Chcdoriaomer)  was  a  name  of  genuinely 
Elamit«  formation,  and  that  an  Elamite  dominion  in 
Syria  was  attested  by  the  inscriptions.  Both  admitted 
the  possibility  of  an  invasion  such  as  is  here  described. 
Yet  they  rejected  the  historicity  of  the  narrative. 
What,  then,  have  the  inscriptions  shown  ?  That  there 
was  an  Elamite  dominion  over  Palestine  at  this  period, 
and  that  the  names  of  the  four  kings  are  not  improbably 
mentioned  on  the  monuments.  All  this  and  more 
was  fully  allowed  for  by  those  who  disputed  the  his- 
toricity before  the  discoveries  were  made.  So  far  tho 
inscriptions  have  not  even  attested  the  fact  of  the 
invasion,  and  they  are  absolutely  silent  on  the  names 
of  the  five  kings,  the  historical  existence  of  Abraham 
or  Melchizedck,  or  any  of  the  incidents  related  in  the 
narrative.  Moreover,  there  is  still  considerable  dispute 
among  the  foremost  Assyriologists  as  to  the  identi- 
fications proposed  for  the  four  kings.  Even  if  we 
accept  the  prevalent  view  that  Amraphel  is  Ham- 
murabi and  that  Arioch  is  Eri-aku,  though  the  first 
of  these  is  denied  by  some  of  the  best  authorities, 
the  name  Kuduriagamar,  while  presumably  historical, 
has  not  yet  been  discovered,  nor  that  of  Tidal  as  a 
king.  Grant-ed,  however,  that  the  four  kings  here 
named  really  lived  and  were  contemporaries,  as  is 
probable  ;  granted  that  they  stood  in  the  relationship 
to  each  other  described ;  we  are  no  further  advanced 
towards  the  proof  of  the  historicity  of  the  chapter 
than  thirty  years  ago.  The  difficulties  are  created  by 
the  character  of  the  narrative  itself.  Assuming  that 
the  object  of  the  campaign  was  to  crush  the  rebellion 
of  the  five  kings,  its  course  as  described  from  5  to  8  is 
very  curious,  especially  when  it  is  considered  in  detail, 
the  ground  traversed  being  often  very  difficult  if  not 
impracticable  for  an  army.  The  defeat  of  the  great 
army  by  Abraham's  force,  his  pursuit  of  it  to  Hobah, 
his  capture  of  all  the  spoil  and  captives,  can  hardly 
be  historical  A  night  surprise  of  the  rear-guard  and 
recovery  of  some  booty  and  captives  is  not  impossible  ; 
but  this  does  no  kind  of  justice  to  the  terms  of  the 
narrative,  which  affirm  a  defeat  and  pursuit  of  Chcdor- 
iaomer and  his  allies  (15,  17).  The  names  of  the  five 
kings  seem  artificial  (the  first  two  contain  the  words 
for  "  evil  "  and  "  wickedness  ") ;  Mamro  and  Eshcol 
(13)  are  elsewhere  names  of  places  ;  the  numVjer  318 
is  equivalent  to  the  sum  of  the  letters  in  the  name  of 
Abraham's  servant  Eliezer  (I02).  The  narrative 
apparently  suggests  that  the  Dead  Sea  came  into 
existence  at  a  later  time,  for  it  identifies  the  vale  of 
Siddim  where  the  battle  took  place  (8)  with  the  Salt 
Sea  (3) ;  but  the  geological  evidence  decisively  proves 
that  the  Dead  Sea  existed  aa  early  as  the  Tertiary 
period,  when,  however,  it  reached  up  as  far  as  Lake 
Hulch  (p.  32),  and  its  level  was  many  hundreds  of  feet 
higher  than  at  present  (pp.  26f.,  Driver,  pp.  108-171). 
To  prove  the  historical  existence  of  Melchizedck,  the 
case  of  Abdi-khiba,  a  governor  of  Jerusalem  in  the  Tell 
el-Amama  period,  has  been  quoted.  There  is  no  proof 
that  he  was  a  priest-king,  and  the  words  he  uses  with 
reference  to  his  position,  "  It  was  not  my  father,  not 
my  mother,  who  gave  it  me,  but  tho  arm  of  tho  mighty 
king  gave  it  me,"  ought  not  to  have  been  imagined 
to  illustrate  the  words  used  of  Melchizedck,  •'  without 


father,  without  mother,  without  pedigree."  This 
description  does  not  occur  in  Gen.  but  in  Heb.  73, 
and  so  far  from  having  been  read  by  the  author  in 
his  copy  of  Gen.  it  is  suuply  a  characteristic  Alexandrian 
inference  from  the  silence  as  to  Melchizedek's  ancestry 
in  a  book  which  d» votes  such  space  to  pedigrees  as 
Gen.  does.  Besides,  Abdi-khiba  is  simply  asserting 
that  ho  owed  his  position  not  to  his  parentage,  but  to 
his  suzerain,  "  the  mighty  king  "  of  Egypt,  Amenhotep 
IV  (pp.  54f.),  and  in  view  of  his  debt  was  not  likely 
to  be  disloyal.  Melchizedek  may,  of  course,  have 
been,  like  the  four  kings,  historical ;  and  the  Hebrew 
priesthood  and  royal  house  at  Jerusalem  may  have 
claimed  liim  as  their  predecessor.  Or,  if  not  historical, 
he  may  have  been  an  ancient  legendary  figure. 

On  the  whole  chapter  we  should  probably  conclude 
that  it  is  very  late,  compiled  with  the  other  documents 
of  the  Pent,  already  before  tho  author  and  brought 
together  in  their  present  form.  The  cuneiform  docu- 
ment on  which  three  of  the  four  names  in  i  are  thought 
to  occur  is  itself  very  late,  and  belongs  to  the  fourth 
or  third  century  b.c.  The  object  of  the  chapter  was 
to  glorify  Abraham  as  a  mihtary  leader  of  the  first 
rank,  who,  with  a  handful  of  men,  defeated  the 
victorious  army  of  a  great  confederacy  of  kingdoms, 
and  as  too  magnanimous  to  enrich  himself  by  the  spoil. 
It  was  also  designed  to  glorify  Jerusalem  and  its 
priesthood,  and  supply  an  ancient  precedent  for  the 
payment  of  tithes  to  it  (c/.  the  tithe  at  Bethel,  2822). 

1-4.  The  Four  Kings  Make  War  with  the  Five  Rebel 
Kings. — The  four  kings  of  Lower  Babylonia,  Larsa, 
Elam,  and  (?)  Guti,  made  war  on  the  five  kings  of  the 
cities  of  the  Plain,  who  had  fonued  a  confederacy  in 
the  Vale  of  Siddim,  a  district  now  covered  by  the  Dead 
Sea,  and  after  twelve  years'  subjection  threw  off  the 
yoke  of  Elam.  Amraphel  is  by  most  scholars  identified 
with  Hammurabi  (p.  51),  in  spite  of  serious  objec- 
tions which  others  regard  as  insuperable.  The  date  of 
Hammurabi  has  been  much  disputed  (pp.  119,  130). 
He  threw  off  the  sovereignty  of  Elam,  then  overthrew 
Rim-Sin,  tlie  brother  and  successor  of  Arad-Sin  or  Eri- 
aku,  and  created  a  united  kingdom  of  Babylonia  after 
the  conquest  of  Sumer  and  Accad.  He  has  become 
specially  famous  in  recent  times  through  the  discovery 
of  the  legislation,  known  as  the  Code  of  Hammurabi, 
which,  apart  from  its  intrinsic  interest  for  the  student 
of  jurispnidence,  is  important  from  its  affinities  with 
Hebrew  Law,  especially  the  Book  of  the  Covenant. 
Arioch  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  Eri-aku  or 
Arad-Sin  (not  Rim-Sin),  king  of  Larsa,  now  Senkereh, 
the  son  of  Kuduxniabug  of  Elam.  The  name  of 
Chcdoriaomer  has  not  yet  been  discovered  on  the  in- 
scriptions. In  Elamite  it  would  Ije  Kuduriagamar. 
Tidal  has  been  identified  by  some  with  a  Tudkhula  men- 
tioned m  a  late  inscription,  but  this  must  be  regarded 
as  very  uncertain.  Goiim,  in  this  context,  should  be 
the  name  of  a  country  or  people ;  it  can  hardly  bear  'its 
usual  Heb.  sense,  "  nations  "  {mg.).  It  may  stand  for 
the  Guti,  a  people  on  the  Upper  Zab  in  E.  Kurdistan. 
Nothing  is  known  of  the  five  kings.  The  site  of  the 
cities  was  probably  at  tho  S.  extremity  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

5-7.  The  punitive  expedition,  instead  of  ^oing 
straight  for  the  rebel  cities,  makes  a  tour  of  conquest. 
It  moves  down  the  E.  side  of  Jortlan  through  Bashan 
and  Moab  to  Edom  and  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  then 
turning  W.  and  N.  it  reaches  Kadesh  and  tho  Negeb, 
Then  at  last  the  attack  on  the  five  kings  is  dehvered. 
The  apparent  uselessness  of  much  of  these  operations 
in  the  mountains  and  desert.,  not  to  speak  of  tho 
difficulties  and  dangers,  suggests  that  the  narrator's 
object  is  to  enhance  the  glory  of  Abraham's  victory 


GENESIS.  XV. 


149 


over  such  conquerors.  The  Rephaim  (Job  265  *)  were 
a  race  of  giants,  but  of  questionable  historicity.  The 
name  is  u^ed  for  the  shades  of  the  dead  (Is.  149*),  and 
also  connected  with  the  Nepliilun  {cf.  Dfc.  2ii  with 
Nu.  1333).  The  Zuziin  are  probably  the  same  as  the 
Zamzummiin  of  Dt.  22of.,  a  branch  of  Rephaim  so 
called  by  the  Ammonites ;  the  Emim  is  the  name 
given  by  the  Moabites  to  another  branch  (Dt.  2iof.). 
The  Horitea  were  the  original  inhabitants  of  Edom. 
Ashteroth-karnaim  was  presumably  in  Bashan,  but  two 
places  may  be  intended  ;  Ham  is  unknown,  but  perhaps 
Rabbath-Hammon,  the  capital  city  of  the  Ammonites  ; 
Kiriathaim  is  in  Moab.  El-Paran  is  perhaps  Elath, 
the  well-known  port  on  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  an  arm 
of  the  Red  Sea.  En-mishpat  is  Kadesh-bamea,  a 
Bacred  spring  now  known  as  Ain  Kadish,  famous  as 
the  headquartei-s  of  the  Hebrews  after  the  Exodus. 
The  Amalekites  lived  in  the  Negeb ;  the  name  "  Amor- 
ites  "  (p.  53)  is  used  sometimes  for  the  people  niled  by 
Sihon  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  sometimes,  as  here,  for  the 
predecessors  of  the  Hebrews  in  Canaan,  Hazazon-tamar 
is  identified  with  En-gedi  in  2  Ch.  2O2.  The  route 
this  would  involve  is  ahnost  impossibly  difficult ;  the 
descent  to  the  Dead  Sea  from  it  is  1950  ft.  and  pre- 
cipitous. Kumub,  20  miles  SW.  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
would  provide  an  easier  approach,  but  the  identifica- 
tion is  dubious. 

»-12.  The  Battle  of  the  Four  Kings  against  Five, 
and  the  Capture  of  Lot. — At  last  the  victors  over  so 
many  peoples  attack  the  confederacy  of  five  kings. 
In  the  words  "  four  kings  against  five  "  the  author 
may  be  suggesting  that  the  kings  from  the  East 
fought  on  unequal  terms.  But,  if  so,  he  quite  mis- 
conceived the  situation ;  really  it  was  five  trumpery 
kinglets  against  an  imperial  force.  There  is  much 
bitumen  in  the  district,  and  masses  of  it  used  to  float  on 
the  surface  (pp.  32f .),  hence  the  author  infers  that  what 
is  now  the  bed  of  the  sea  was  once  pitted  with  petroleum 
wells.  In  these  the  two  chief  kings  perish,  the  rest 
(?  of  the  kings  or  the  survivors  of  the  slaughter)  escape 
to  the  mountain.  The  story  is  far  from  clear,  and  no 
account  of  the  battle  itseK  is  given.  The  conquerors 
leave  with  the  spoil  and  with  Lot,  with  other  captives 
also,  as  we  leam  explicitly  from  21.  Lot  is  named 
because  Abraham's  action  is  entirely  for  his  sake. 

13-17.  Abraham  Smites  the  Victors  and  Rescues 
Lot. — The  fugitive,  who  is  wont  in  such  stories  to 
bring  the  news,  tells  Abraham,  mentioned  here  as  if 
for  the  first  time.  He  musters  (Sam.,  LXX)  his 
trained  men,  on  whom  as  slaves  bom  m  his  house  he 
could  rely  more  confidently  than  on  purchased  slaves, 
318  in  number  (the  sum  of  the  letters  in  the  name  of 
Eliezer ;  see  p.  148),  and  sets  off  in  pursuit.  He  over- 
takes them  at  Dan,  a  name  not  borne  by  Laish  till 
the  age  of  Moses'  grandson  (Jg.  I829).  There,  attack- 
ing on  three  sides  (cf.  Jg.  7i6,  1  S.  11  n,  Job  I17),  he 
smites  the  army  of  the  four  kings  by  night  and  pursues 
them  to  Hobah.  The  site  is  unknown  ;  it  is  placed  by 
some  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Damascus,  by  others 
twenty  hours  to  the  N.  of  it.  Damascus  itself  is 
fifteen  hours  N.  of  Dan.  It  is  no  mere  night  attack 
on  the  rearguard  that  is  meant  (cf.  17).  On  his  return 
he  is  met  by  the  king  of  Sodom. 

17.  the  king  of  Sodom :  cither  Bera's  successor,  or 
the  author  has  carelessly  forgotten  10,  or  possibly  the 
subject  of  "  fell  "  in  10  is  the  people,  not  the  kings. — 
Shaveh:  here  a  proper  name,  not  aa  in  5.  For  the 
King's  Vale,  see  2  S.  18 18. 

18-20.  Abraham  and  Melchlzedek.— This  section 
comes  in  a  little  awkwardly,  for  we  should  have 
expected  21-24  to  have  followed   17.     It  would  be 


hazardous  to  infer  that  it  is  a  later  insertion.  Mel- 
chizedek  is  a  priest-king  of  Salem,-  i.e.  probably  Jeru- 
salem, the  name  Uru-Sahm  being  attested  as  early  aa 
the  Tell  el-Aniarna  correspondence  (Jg.  19io*).  Hia 
name  probably  means  "  My  king  is  'Sidiq "'  (Jos.  lOi). 
The  deity,  whom  he  serves  as  priest,  is  described  as 
El  Elyon,  i.e.  God  Most  High.  Whether  a  deity  with 
this  title  was  actually  worshipped  among  the  Canaanites 
we  do  not  know  ;  probal)ly  the  narrator  wished  to 
represent  the  one  true  God  as  worshipped  even  then 
at  Jerusalem,  but  was  unwilling  to  put  the  name  of 
Israel's  God,  Yahweh,  into  the  lips  of  one  who  did 
not  belong  to  the  chosen  people.  Yahweh  must  be 
intended,  for  the  priestly  blessing  would  not  be  repre- 
sented as  uttered  in  the  name  of  a  heathen  deity, 
moreover  He  is  described  as  Maker  (mg.)  of  heaven 
and  earth,  and  therefore  the  only  God.  Abraham 
would  not  have  sworn  to  any  other,  though  the  identi- 
fication with  Yahweh  in  MT  of  22  is  probably  not 
original,  LoED  being  absent  in  LXX  and  Syr.  To  tho 
victorious  little  force  Melchizedek  brings  out  bread 
and  wine  to  refresh  them  after  their  exhausting  march, 
victory,  pursuit,  and  return,  and  utters  his  priestly 
blessing  on  Abraham.  The  patriarch  responds  by 
paying  him  tithes  of  all,  i.e.  of  the  spoil  This  is  not 
necessarily  inconsistent  with  his  refusal  in  22f.  By 
right  of  conquest  all  belonged  to  him,  he  had,  therefore, 
the  right  to  dedicate  the  tithe  to  the  sanctuary ;  for 
himself,  however,  he  will  take  nothing. 

21-24.  Abraham's  Magnanimlty.^Captives  aa  well 
as  property  belonged  to  Abraham.  The  king  of  Sodom 
appeak  to  his  generosity  for  the  former.  But 
Abraham  in  reply  lifts  up  his  hand  (render  "  lift  "  for 
"have  hft")  to  heaven  in  solemn  oath  that  he  will 
take  nothing  even  of  the  most  worthless,  not  to 
mention  the  more  valuable  goods.  He  is  too  iade- 
pendent  to  be  indebted  to  the  king  of  Sodom.  It  ia  a 
strangely  different  Abraham  from  the  man  who  can 
enrich  himself  with  royal  gifts  at  the  price  of  his  wife's 
honour  (12i3,i6).  It  is  curious  that  he  speaks  aa  if 
all  his  spoil  consisted  of  goods  captured  from  Sodom, 
or  the  five  cities,  whereas  that  actually  taken  by  the 
four  kings  must  have  been  much  more,  to  say  nothing 
of  what  belonged  to  themselves.  "  That  which  the 
young  men  have  eaten  "  he  does  nou  refund ;  it  belongs 
to  the  "  expenses  "  of  the  expedition.  But  he  does 
not  impose  on  others  the  high  standard  of  self-abnega- 
tion he  lays  down  for  himself ;  he  may  waive  his  own 
right,  but  he  has  no  title  to  waive  the  righta  of  his 
allies — they  must  have  their  share. 

24.  Read  mg. 

XV.  The  Promise  to  Abraham  of  an  Heir  and  the 
Land. — The  analysis  presents  well-nigh  insoluble  diffi- 
culties, and  critics  are  much  divided  aa  to  details.  It 
is  generally  agreed  that  elements  from  J  and  E  have 
been  combined,  this  being  the  first  instance  where  E 
can  be  definitely  traced.  The  opening  of  E  is  no 
longer  preser%'ed ;  the  editor  began  to  draw  on  it  at 
the  point  where  he  found  it  serviceable.  The  story  in 
Tff.  is  not  a  continuation  of  that  in  1-6.  The  latter 
takes  place  by  night  (5),  the  former  begins  in  the  day- 
time and  ends  after  sunset.  Twice  over  we  have  a 
promise  of  great  prosperity.  In  6  Abraham  trusts 
God's  promise;  it  is  strange  that  in  8  he  asks  for  it 
to  be  confirmed.  7  is  also  more  natural  at  the  begin- 
ning than  in  tho  middle  of  a  revelation.  But  1-6  ia 
not  itself  a  unity.  "  Yahweh  "  pointa  to  J,  "in  a 
vision  "  to  E.  2a  and  3a  are  practically  doublets  of 
26  and  3?).  But  no  agreement  has  been  reached  aa  to 
the  analysis.  7-21  exhibits  slight  traces  of  E,  but 
consists  for  the  most  part  of  J  and  later  expansions. 


150 


GENESIS,  XV. 


The  chapter  rocorda  how,  in  response  to  Abraham  s 
misgivings,  Yahwdi  promises  him  an  heir  and  an 
innumerable  posterity,  and  makes  a  covenant  with 
him  to  assure  liim  that  his  seed  sliall  jKJSsess  tho  land. 
1-8.  Fmm  some  unnamed  cause  Abraham  is  afraid  ; 
Yahweh  encourages  him  in  a  vision  with  the  assurance 
of  Divine  protection  ;  some  deed  is  deemed  worthy  of 
the  promise, "  thy  reward  shall  be  exceeding  great "  (mg. ). 
"  But  what  reward,"  ho  answers,  "  0  Lord  Yahweh, 
wilt  thou  give  that  can  be  of  value  to  rac  ?  since  I  go 
hence  (mg.)  childless,  and  my  heir  is  a  home-bom 
slave."  To  die  without  a  ohild'was  to  have  ones  name 
rooted  out  on  earth.  In  Sheol  there  was  continuance 
of  bare  existence,  but  no  life  in  any  real  sense  of  the 
term  (Is.  I49-15*/  ;  hence  tho  ancient  Hebrew  felt 
that  if  he  did  not  Uvo  in  his  posterity  death  meant 
the  end  of  life.  Yahweh  tells  him  that  a  son  of  his  own 
begetting  shall  bo  his  heir,  and,  bringing  him  out  of 
his  tent  to  look  at  the  starry  sky,  affirms  that  liis  seed 
shall  be  similarly  intmmorablp.  The  faith  of  Abraham 
rises  to  meet  the  promise,  and  this  faith  is  counted  te 
him  for  righteousness,  a  theme  which  Paul  developed 
in  his  great  expositions  of  justification  by  faith  (Rom 
4.  Gal.  3). 

2.  The  closing  words  are,  it  can  hardly  bo  doubted, 
comipt ;  tho  restoration  is  a  matter  of  great  uncer- 
tainty. No  discussion  is  here  possible ;  tho  latest 
emendation  is  by  Procksch,  "  the  son  of  tho  ruler  of 
my  house,  Eliezer,  will  bo  my  heu'." — 5.  tell :  i.e.  count 
(c/.  the  tellers  in  a  division  in  the  House  of  Commons). 
7-21.  The  Making  of  the  Covenant.— In  this  scene 
Abraham  is  told  that  he  is  to  mherit  Canaan.  Ho 
asks  for  confirmation  of  tho  promise.  Yahweh  bids 
him  select  three  animals  and  two  birds,  such  as  were 
eligible  for  sacrifice,  though  they  wero  not  to  be  used 
precisely  for  this  purpose.  The  animals  were  divided 
into  two  equal  portions,  but  in  conformity  with  later 
sacrificial  usage  (Lev.  I17)  not  the  birds.  Presumably 
the  turtle  dove  was  placed  on  tho  one  side,  the  pigeon  on 
the  other.  The  carrion  birds,  ominous  of  evil,  descend 
on  the  carcases,  but  their  attack  is  foiled.  At  sunset  a 
trance-sleep  falls  upon  Abraham,  and  a  great  darkness, 
or,  as  the  companion  document  puts  it,  a  horror.  It 
is  the  coming  of  Yahweh  that  freezes  him  with  super- 
natural dread,  a  state  suggested  here  with  concise 
power,  but  portrayed  with  incomparable  skill  in  the 
description  of  Ehphaz's  experience  in  Job  4.  "  The 
Bcene  is  a  vivid  transcript  of  primitive  religicius  experi- 
ence. The  bloody  ceremony  just  described  was  no 
perfunctory  piece  of  symbolism  ;  it  touched  the  mind 
below  the  level  of  consciousness  ;  and  that  impression 
(heightened  in  this  case  by  the  growing  darkness) 
induced  a  susceptibility  to  psychical  influences  readily 
culminating  in  ecstasy  or  vision  "  (Skinner,  p.  281). 
In  1 3-16  the  inner  meanmg  of  1 1  is  laid  bare.  As  the 
birds  of  prey  swooped  on  the  carcases,  so  the  seed  of 
Abraham  should  be  oppressed  four  hundred  years, 
but  as  Abraham  succeeded  in  driving  them  away,  so 
his  seed  should  return  in  the  fourth  generation.  When 
the  sun  had  set,  Abraham  sees  through  the  darkness 
s  smoking  stove  and  a  flaming  torch  passmg  between 
the  pieces  (17).  This  was  a  manifestation  of  Yahweh 
(Nu.  9i5*,  Bennett  compares  Ex.  19i8,  24i7,  Ps.  188). 
His  action  trives  ue  a  ehie  to  tho  meaning  of  the  ritual 
The  cutting  of  the  victim  in  two  is  not  a  form  of 
imprecation  symbolising  the  fate  invoked  on  them- 
selves by  tho  parties  to  the  covenant  should  they 
prove  unfaithful  {rf.  1  S.  II7).  The  division  into  equal 
halves,  the  arrangement  of  each  opposite  to  the  other, 
above  all  the  passing  between  the  two,  aro  not  accounted 
toTJn  this  way.     Robertson  Smith  (RS*,  480f.)  ex- 


plains that  originally  the  victim  was  divided  and  each 
party  took  its  share.  When  it  cea.sed  to  be  eaten 
they  stood  between  the  portions  to  syml>oUse  that  they 
wero  taken  into  the  mystical  life  of  the  victim  (t;ee 
on  Jer.  34i8  in  Cent.B).  The  terms  of  the  covenant 
follow  in  18-21.  The  land  promised  is  defined  as 
stretehing  from  the  Nile  to  tho  Euphrates,  limits 
which  were  not  actually  realised ;  possibly  we  should 
read  "  brook  of  Egypt,"  the  Wady  el-Arish,  tho 
usual  SW.  hmit.  The  chapter  closes  with  an  exception- 
ally long  list  (10)  of  peoples  to  be  dlsposses-sed  by  IsraoL 
Briefer  lists  aro  numerous  (Ex.  38").  The  Kadmonites 
are  not  mentioned  elsewhere ;  possibly  they  dwelt  in 
tho  desert  E.  of  Palestine;  Kenites  and  Kenizzites 
lived  in  the  Negeb  and  were  absorbed  by  Judah.  The 
Hittitea  were  a  great  people  in  the  N.  (pp.  53,  55f.); 
here  some  branch  must  be  meant.  On  the  Perizzito 
cf.  137*,  the  Rephaim  U5*,  the  Amorite  147*.  The 
Girgashites  are  often  mentioned  in  these  enumerations, 
but  wo  have  nothing  to  fix  their  locahty.  The 
Jebusites  wero  the  people  of  Jerusalem  (Jos.  158,63*, 
Jg.  I21,  19io*). 

13.  The  duration  of  the  Egyptian  bondage  is  here 
described  as  400  years.  Since  in  16  the  return  is  to 
take  place  in  the  fourth  generation,  it  would  seem  as 
if  a  generation  was  reckoned  as  100  years,  i.e.  if  the 
two  statements  come  from  the  same  hand  ;  but  more 
probably  400  years  is  due  to  the  editor,  for  P  reckons 
the  stay  of  the  Hebrews  in  Egjpt  as  430  years  (Ex.  12 
40).  Four  generations  are  given  from  Levi  to  Sloses 
in  Ex.  616-20. — stranger :  sojourner  (ger)  the  technica-1 
terra  for  resident  ahen  (p.  110,  Ivcv.  178f.*,  Dt.  I16*, 
Ps.  15*). — 16.  Amorite:  used  here  for  the  inhabitants 
of  Canaan  as  a  whole  ;  the  delay  in  the  fulfilment  of 
the,  promise  is  duo  to  the  fact  that  as  yet  they  have 
not  filled  up  the  measure  of  tlieir  sin  to  the  point  at 
v.hich  Divine  punishment  will  bo  infhoted. 

XVI.  Hagar's  Flight  from  Sarah's  Tyranny  and  the 
Angel's  Promise  of  Ishmael's  Birth  Fulfilled.— This 
is  shown  by  styhsfic  indications  to  be  in  the  main 
from  J  ;  E"s  parallel  is  contained  in  2I8-21.  in,  3,  15! 
belong  to  P.  gf.  is  probably  an  insertion  designed  to 
harmonise  the  two  stories  of  Hagar's  leaving  Sarah. 
Originally,  it  would  seem,  our  story  said  nothing  about 
her  return,  Ishmael  being  bom  in  the  desert  ;  but 
when  J  and  E  were  combined,  gf.  had  to  be  inserted. 
Observe  that  there  is  no  statement  of  the  return,  and 
that  tho  awkward  threefold  occurrence  of  "  and  the 
angel  of  the  Lord  said  unto  her  "  (9-11),  without  any 
intervening  answer  by  Hagar,  points  to  some  mam- 
pulation  of  the  text,  all  the  more  that  the  literaiy 
art  of  the  story  is  so  masterly.  Still,  the  two  stories 
fill  their  present  places  well,  and  the  narrative  nms 
on  quite  smoothly.  The  object  of  both  is  to  explain 
the  desert  life  of  the  Ishmaelites  ;  their  ancestress, 
escaping  from  intolerable  tyranny,  Ixjtakes  herself  to 
tho  desert,  with  its  glorious,  untamed  freedom,  ita 
independence,  and  its  feuds.  The  story  may  well  be 
of  Ishmaehte  origin.  Since  Ishmael's  name  means 
"  may  God  (El)  hear  "  rather  than  "  may  Yahweh 
hear,"  it  is  probable  that  the  name  of  the  deity  was 
originally  El-roi  (13,  mg.),  and  Ihat  ho  was  the  deity 
of  the  fountain  Beer-lahai-roi  (14). 

1-16.  Sarah  has  no  children,  so  she  hits  on  a  plan  of 
which  we  have  other  examples  (303,0).  She  hands 
over  Hagar  to  Abraham,  that  the  maid  may  compensate 
for  the  defifiency  of  hor  misti-est*.  Tho  maid  is  the 
wife's  peculiar  property,  and  therefore  not,  like 
ordinary  slaves,  at  the  master's  disposal.  Nor,  pre- 
sumablj',  would  Abraham's  child  by  one  of  his  slaves 
have  been  a  legitimate  son.     It  is  through  the  con- 


GENESIS,  XVIII.-XIX. 


151 


nexion  between  mistress  and  maid  that  Hagar's  child 
can  be  reckoned  as  Sarah's.  Hagar  succeeds,  and 
shows  in  her  bcarmg  the  contempt  of  an  Eastern 
woman  for  the  barren.  Stung  by  her  maid's  insolence, 
Sarah  turns  upon  Abraham  and  hotly  demands  re- 
dress for  a  "  wrong  "  she  had  herself  invited.  He 
meekly  abandons  the  maid,  who  had  now  a  claim  on 
his  protection,  to  the  vindictiveness  of  his  unreason- 
able wife,  who  handles  Hagar  so  harshly  that  she  is 
driven  to  escape.  But  Yahweh's  angel  finds  her  by 
a  well  in  the  desert.  He  appears  in  visible  form,  and 
at  first  she  is  unaware  of  His  nature.  He  knows  her 
name  and  her  situation,  He  recognises  the  injustice 
that  has  justified  her  flight  (ii).  He  comforts  her 
with  the  promise  of  a  son,  who  shall  dwell  in  the  desert 
with  all  the  wild  ass's  splendid  freedom  (Job  395-8), 
boldly  confrontmg  all  his  neighbours  and  scorning 
alliance  with  them.  The  angel  vanishes,  and  there 
bursts  on  Hagar  a  sense  of  His  Divine  nature.  God  is 
normally  invisible,  the  sight  of  Him  brings  death,  she 
has  seen  Him  and  Uves  (Jg.  623,  13221);  He,  too, 
has  seen  her  and  marked  her  wrongs.  Hence  the  well 
bears  its  name,  Beer-lahai-roi.  15!  gives  P's  account 
of  Ishmael's  biilh  when  his  father  was  eighty-six. 

1.  Hagar  probably  means  "  flight,"  and  the  name 
may  have  suggested  the  stoiy.  It  is  used  for  the 
Hagai-enes  or  Hagarites  (E.  of  Gilead)  (Ps.  836,  1  Ch.  5 
10,  2731).  The  rendering  "  Egyptian "  is  probably 
correct,  though  Winckler  and  others  have  thought 
Hagar  belonged  to  a  N.  Arabian  land  called  Musri. — 
7.  the  angel  of  the  Lord:  originally,  when  there  was 
a  Divine  manifestation,  the  Deity  ffimself  was  thought 
to  appear  ;  when  tliis  was  felt  to  be  objectionable,  Hia 
angel  was  substituted.  But  the  language  vacillates 
between  identification  with  Yahweh  and  distinction 
from  Him  ;  c/.  Ex.  2320-23,  Jg.  2i,  611-23,  I33-23. — 
Shur:  may  be  a  border  fortress  at  NE  of  Egypt, — 
12.  The  author  sketches  the  character  of  tlie  Bedouin. 
Ishmael  is  "  a  wild  ass  of  a  man,"  unbroken  by  servi- 
tude, disdaining  the  yoke  of  civilisation.  What  it  is 
among  animals  Ishmael  will  be  among  men. — 136. 
Apparently  corrupt.  Read,  with  Wellhausen,  "  Have 
I  seen  God  and  lived  after  my  seeing."  {'elohlm  for 
hdtom  and  wd'ehi  before  ahare).  El  roi,  "  god  of 
seeing  "  means  presumably  God  who  is  seen,  as  well 
as  God  who  sees. — 14.  Beer-lahai-roi  (p.  100)  seems  to 
mean,  "  The  well  of  the  living  one  who  seeth  me  " 
(mg.).  Michaelis  suggested  that  we  should  read  lehi, 
"jaw-bone"  (c/.  Jg.  I515-20).  Wellhausen  suggested 
further  that  "  roi ''  was  an  obsolete  name  of  an  animal, 
probably  an  antelope,  and  supposed  that  the  name 
"  I^hi-roi,"  "antelope's  jawbone,"  was  originally 
given  to  a  series  of  rocky  teeth  near  the  well,  and  that 
a  misunderstandhig  of  the  name  gave  rise  to  the  storj\ 
— Kadesh :  14;  *.— Bered :  unknown.  The  well  'is 
perhaps  'Ain-Muw-eUeh,  12  miles  W.  of  Kadesh. 

XVn.  The  Covenant  of  Circumcision.^From  P,  as 
is  shown  by  its  characteristic  phraseology  and  style, 
and  its  interest  in  the  origin  of  reUgious  uistitutions. 
It  also  uses  the  name  Elohim  throughout  (apart  from 
i),  but  has  none  of  E's  characteristics.  The  use  of 
Yahweh  in  i  must  be  due  to  the  redactor  or  a  scribe, 
since  it  is  carefully  and  deliberately  avoided  by  P  till 
the  revelation  of  Himself  as  Yahweh  by  Elohim  u»  Ex.  6. 
This  narrative  marks  a  new  stage  in  God's  self-mani- 
festation, signalized  by  a  new  covenant ;  a  new  sign — 
circumcision  ;  a  new  DiWne  name — El  Shaddai ;  and 
in  this  case  the  change  in  the  name  of  those  with 
whom  the  covenant  was  made.  The  author's  scheme 
recognises  four  stages,  of  which  this  is  the  third ; 
Adam,  Noah,  and  Moses  inaugurate  the  rest.     Gunkol 


suggests  that  this  scheme,  for  which  analogies  are  to 
be  found  elsewhere,  may  have  a  Babylonian  origin  ; 
history  being  conceived  as  a  great  year  with  four 
seasons.  Circumcision  (pp.  83,  99f.)  is  not  a  rite  con- 
fined to  the  Abrahamic  peoples.  It  is  very  widely  dif- 
fused, of  enormous  antiquity,  and  found,  sometimes 
associated  with  ordoaLs  stifi  niore  severe,  among  savages 
of  the  present  day.  Originally  it  was  an  initiation  cere- 
mony by  which  the  youth  was  admitted  to  partial  or  full 
participation  in  tiie  prerogatives  and  duties  reserved 
for  the  male  adults  of  the  tribe,  from  which  women 
and  boys  were  rigidly  excluded.  Among  the  Jews  it 
was  practised  in  infancy,  because  its  significance  was 
changed,  and  the  sooner  the  child  was  brought  under 
the  protection  of  the  covenant  the  better.  In  the 
earlier  period,  the  surrounding  nations  seem  generally 
to  have  practised  it,  for  the  PhiHstines  are  singled  out 
as  uncircumcised,  so  that  they  were  apparently  an 
exception  to  the  rule.  Later  the  custom  seems  to 
have  largely  lapsed,  so  that  it  became  specially  char- 
acteristic of  the  Jews,  who  clung  tenaciously  to  it 
as  a  mark  both  of  dedication  to  Yahweh  and  distinction 
from  the  heathen. 

1-8.  The  Covenant  Promises.— The  name  El  Shaddai 
is  that  by  which  Elohim,  when  He  reveals  Himself  to 
Moses  as  Yahweh,  says  that  He  had  revealed  Himself  to 
Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  (Ex.  62!).  P's  account  of 
the  revelation  to  Isaac  is  not  preserved,  but  he  uses  the 
name  in  283,  while  that  to  Jacob  is  recorded  in  35ii 
(c/.  483).  The  meaning  of  Shaddai,  which  occurs 
thirty-one  times  in  Job,  is  much  disputed ;  perhaps  it 
means  ''  Destroyer  "  (Jl.  I15  *).  He  bids  Abraham  live 
as  in  His  presence  a  blameless  Ufe.  At  this  appearance 
the  patriarch  prostrates  himself,  and  God,  in  pledge  of 
His  promise  that  he  shall  be  father  of  a  multitude  of 
nations,  changes  his  name  from  Abram  to  Abraham. 
He  makes  a  perpetual  covenant  with  him  and  his 
posterity,  and  promises  lasting  possession  of  Palestine. 

5.  Abraham:  the  etymology  suggested  is  philo- 
logically  impossible ;  perhaps  no  more  than  an 
assonance  is  thought  of.  The  real  meaning  is  unknown. 
Abram  means  "  the  Father  is  exalted." 

9-14.  Circumcision  to  be  the  Token  of  the  Covenant. 
— ^The  covenant  involves  for  all  time  the  circumcision 
of  every  male  when  it  is  eight  days  old,  including  all 
those  in  the  household,  whether  of  Hebrew  origin  or 
not.  Neglect  involved  the  cuttmg  off  of  the  offender — 
whether  by  death  or  excommunication,  by  Divine  or 
human  act,  is  not  clear. 

15-22.  Promise  of  a  Son  to  Sarah. — The  name  Sarai 
is  now  changed  to  Sarah,  "  princess,"  for  she  is  to  be 
a  mother  of  nations  and  kings.  Abraham  laughs  at 
a  promise  so  contrary  to  nature,  and  utters  the  wish 
that  Ishmael  might  be  the  object  of  God's  choice. 
But  God  has  some  other  purpose  in  store  for  His  in- 
credulous servant;  liis  wife  is  to  have  a  son,  whose 
name,  in  allusion  to  Abraham's  laughter,  is  to  be 
Isaac,  "he  laughs."  As  for  Ishmael  (=May  God 
hear),  God  has  already  heard ;  ho  shall  be  abundantly 
blessed,  but  the  covenant  will  be  made  not  with  him 
but  with  Isaac. 

23-37.  Abraham,  Ishmael,  and  the  Men  of  his 
Household  are  Circumcised. — Though  Isluuael  stands 
outside  the  covenant,  he  is  circumcised  as  a  membor 
of  the  house.  He  is  thirteen  at  the  time,  the  age  at 
which  the  rite  is  said  to  have  been  practised  among 
the  ancient  Arabs. 

XVni.-XIX.  Abraham's  HospltaUty  Rewarded  by 
Promise  of  a  Son ;  his  Intercession  for  Sodom ;  the 
Vileness  of  the  Sodomites  and  the  Deliverance  of  Lot 
when  Sodom  is  Destroyed ;  the  Desperate  Strategy  of 


152 


GENESIS,  XVIII.-XIX. 


Lot's  Daughters.— TliiB  long  and  admirably-told  narra- 
tive belongs  to  J,  apart  from  I929  (i*).  But  it  presents 
complicated  critical  problems.  18226-33«  seems  to 
bo  a  later  insertion.  In  22a  "  the  men  "  go  on  toward 
Sodom,  presumably  including  Yahweh,  who  haa  just 
said  He  will  go,  and  who  seems  from  IQ17-Z2  to  be  ui 
Sodom.  In  \S22b-iia  He  stays  behind  with  Abraham. 
In  IB^of.  He  is  gomg  to  investigate  on  the  spot  the 
guilt  of  Sodom,  in  22b-syi  ita  guilt  has  become  clear 
enough  for  judgment  to  be  passed  upon  it  (similarly 
in  17-19,  which  accordingly  seems  to  bo  an  insertion). 
In  the  main  story  the  conception  of  Yahweh  is  intensely 
anthropomorphic.  He  even  eats  the  meal  prepared 
for  Him,  and  has  to  learn  by  personal  inquiry  on  the 
spot  whether  Sodom  deserves  what  He  has  heard  about 
it ;  in  the  episode  of  Abrahams  intercession,  He  is  the 
judge  of  the  whole  earth.  Wo  have  also  a  perplexing 
interchange  of  the  singular  and  plural,  sometimes 
"  they  "  or  "  the  men,  "  sometimes  "  he."  This  may 
point  to  the  origin  of  the  main  narrative  by  combina- 
tion of  two  sources  ;  or  perhaps  the  original  story 
spoke  of  three  gods,  and  the  necessary  transformation 
has  not  been  carried  through  so  thoroughly  as  to 
obliterate  all  traces  of  its  polytheistic  origin,  Tho 
story  has  not  a  few  parallels,  and  it  may  be  a  variant 
of  a  widely-diffused  account  of  a  visit  paid  to  earth 
by  celestial  beings,  who  rewarded  with  a  child  those 
who  had  hospitably  entertained  them,  but  destroyed 
those  who  were  churlish  and  their  homes  with  them. 
It  does  not  follow,  however,  that  our  story  is  simply 
the  application  to  this  district  of  a  legend  originally 
located  elsewhere.  The  overthrow  was  probably  not 
wrought  by  volcanic  eruption,  but  by  an  explosion  in 
the  bituminous  soil,  the  matter  flung  skyward  by  the 
explosion  falling  back  on  the  cities  as  a  fiery  rain 
("brimstone  and  fire").  An  earthquake  may  have 
taken  place  at  the  same  time.  The  phenomena  are 
quite  suitable  to  the  district  (p.  33).  Tho  conduct 
of  the  Sodomites  has  a  parallel  in  the  hideous  story 
of  Jg.  19, 

XVIII.  1-15.  At  the  midday  siesta  Abraham  sud- 
denly becomes  aware  that  three  men  are  standmg  near 
his  tent.  That  they  appear  with  such  mysterious 
suddenness  does  not,  however,  suggest  their  true  char- 
acter to  him.  He  sees  in  them  wayfarers,  and  treats 
them  with  prompt  and  generous  liospitality.  Ad- 
dressing the  leader,  he  proffers  an  invitation  to  rest 
and  modest  refreshment.  Ho  bids  Sarah  prepare  cakes, 
kills  a  calf,  procures  soured  milk  and  new  milk,  and 
sets  this  improvised  meal,  such  as  a  Bedouin  chief 
would  offer  to-day,  before  his  guests,  and  while  they 
eat  stands  in  attendance.  They  ask  after  Sarah,  and 
Icani  that  sho  is  in  the  tent.  Yahweh  promises  that 
He  will  return  and  Sarah  shall  have  a  son.  She  is 
listening  and  laughs  inwardly  in  increthdity.  The 
visitors,  who  had  shown  themselves  famihar  with  her 
name  and  childlessness,  and  who  have  promised  a 
cliild,  give  a  further  proof  of  their  mysterious  powers 
to  Sarah's  dismay  in  detecting  lier  unuttered  thought, 
and  repeat  the  promise,  with  a  rebuke  for  her  denial. 

3.  My  lord:  the  margin  "O  Ix)rd  '  implies  that 
Abraham  recognised  tlie  Divine  eliaracter  of  his  guest, 
but  this  is  incorrect. — 6.  fine  meal:  literally  "meal, 
fine  flour  "  ;  the  words  '"  fine  Hour  "  arc  added  by  an 
editor,  because  meal  offered  to  God  must,  according 
to  P,  be  fine  flour. — 12.  laughed :  the  name  "  Isaac  " 
means  "  he  laughs  "  ;  at  the  promise  of  a  child  Abraham 
laughs  (17 17),  and  now  Sarah.  She  refers  in  2l6  to  the 
laughter  with  which  Isaac's  birth  will  be  greeted. 
She  is  roused  to  jealousy  by  seeing  Ishmacrs  "  sport- 
ing "  (a  participle  from  the  same  root)  with  him  on 


equal  tcmis  when  he  ia  weaned  (2I9) ;  in  268  Abimolech 
sees  Lsaac  "  spoiluig  "  with  his  wife. 

16-33.  Apjirt  from  the  insertions  (17-19,  22b-i^a) 
the  story  went  on  to  say  that  Abraham  accompanied 
his  guests,  and  Yahweh  told  him  that  he  was  going 
down  to  Sodom  to  ascertain  if  it  was  really  a«  wicked 
as  rumour  declared  ;  then  tho  men  went  on  towards 
Sodom  and  Abraham  returned  home.  In  the  inserted 
passages  judgment  is  already  settled.  Y'^ahweh  solilo- 
quises and  decides  to  take  Abraham  into  his  confidence 
in  view  of  the  great  destiny  reserved  for  him.  After 
"  the  men "  have  gone  on,  Yahweh  remains,  and 
Abraham  pleads  that  if  a  certain  numljer  of  righteous 
persons  be  found  in  Sodom,  a  number  wliich  he  brings 
down  from  fifty  to  ten,  the  city  may  l^  spared  for 
their  sake.  To  this  Y'ahweh  assents.  The  principle 
which  Abraham  lays  down  is  that  the  righteous  should 
not  be  slain  with  the  wicked,  but  his  actual  proposal 
is  not  that  tho  righteous  should  be  permitted  to  escape, 
but  that  the  wicked  city  should  be  spared  if  it  contained 
ten  righteous  persons.  It  is  noteworthy  how  tho 
author,  having  to  put  six  proposals  in  Abraham's  hps, 
identical  except  for  the  numbers,  contrives  to  intro- 
duce so  much  variety  of  form. 

19.  known:  i.e.  chosen  (c/.  Am,  32). — 20.  We  should 
perhaps  render,  with  the  omission  of  one  letter,  "  There 
is  a  report  about  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  that  their  sin  is 
great,  that  it  is  very  grievous." 

XIX.  1-11.  The  men  reach  Sodom  at  even,  and  Lot, 
sitting  as  was  customary  in  the  spacious  city  gate, 
invites  them,  with  the  same  courtesy  and  hospitaUty 
as  his  uncle,  to  stay  the  night  in  his  house.  They  at 
first  refuse,  saying  that  they  will  x>ass  tho  night  in  tho 
city  square.  Although  this  was  no  special  privation. 
Lot  urges  hLs  offer,  all  the  more  perhaps  because  he 
knew  the  character  of  the  citizens,  who,  before  his 
guests  retired,  without  exception  justified  their  vile 
reputation.  Lot  faced  them  bravely  and  alone,  plead- 
ing with  them  to  desist  from  the  outrage  they  medi- 
tated, and  proffering  his  two  \-irgin  daugliters  to  glut 
their  lust.  Hia  plea  only  angered  them  as  coming  from 
an  aUen,  but  the  men  rescued  him  from  their  violence, 
and  baffled  their  attempt  on  tho  door  by  "  blindness," 
apparently  a  form  of  perverted  vision  which  prevented 
them  from  finding  it. 

1.  the  two  angels :  substituted  for  "  the  men,"  when 
1822/>-33«  was  uiserted. — 4.  Tho  men  without  excep- 
tion joui  in  the  assault,  so  the  depravity  of  all  is  made 
clear,  and  the  object  of  tho  investigation  is  attained. — 
8.  Tho  obligations  of  hospitality  are  so  stringent  in 
the  East,  that  Lot's  conduct,  different  though  it  seenia 
to  us,  is  probably  reganled  as  creditable.  At  all  costs 
he  must  protect  his  guesta.  Moreover  ho  risks  himself 
by  going  out  alone  and  unanned  to  faco  an  ugly,  un- 
scrupulous mob,  on  fire  with  perverted  passion,  and 
cuts  off  his  own  retreat,  that  he  may  tho  more  effeo- 
tivcly  shield  his  guests, 

12-29.  Tho  men  ImAO  learnt  all  they  need  to  know 
of  Sodom's  diameter,  and  tell  Lot  of  ita  impending 
fate  that  ho  maj'  bo  rescued  with  his  household.  His 
prospective  sons-m-law  {mg.)  do  not  heed  his  warning, 
so  as  tho  monung  is  diawing  on,  the  angels  urge  him 
to  escape  with  his  wife  and  daughters.  As  ho  lingers, 
they  hurry  them  out  of  the  city  and  bid  them  escape 
to  the  mountain,  not  looking  behmd  or  loitering. 
Lot  fears  to  do  this,  and  is  permitted  to  find  refuge  in 
Zoar,  spared  for  this  purpose  since  it  was  but  tiny. 
Notliing  could  bo  done  till  lie  was  safe,  though  lua 
wife  disobej'cd  the  prohibition  to  look  back  and  was 
turned  into  a  pillar  of  salt.  Tho  svm  had  risen  when 
Lot  reached  his  refuge,  and  then  fire  and  brimstone 


GENESIS,  XXI.  8-21 


153 


were  rained  on  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  the  cities 
and  all  the  Plain  with  its  inhabitants  were  overturned, 
apparently  by  earthquake.  Abraham,  remembering 
what  his  guests  had  said,  goes  out  in  the  morning  to 
the  place  where  he  had  tallced  witli  God  in  tiight  of 
Sodom,  and  where  the  cities  had  been  ho  sees  only 
dense  volumes  of  smoke.  In  29  we  have  P's  reference 
to  the  catastrophe,  the  stress  being  laid  on  the  deliver- 
ance of  Lot  for  Al^raham's  sake.  In  J's  narrative  he 
seems  to  be  saved  for  his  own. 

12.  Read  probably  "  thy  sons-in-law  and  thy 
daughters." — 17.  look  not  behind  thee:  the  reason  is 
not  clear,  whether  with  hankering  for  what  he  is 
leavmg,  or  because  of  the  delay  involved,  or  because 
man  must  not  see  God  at  work  (22 1). — 2(>-22.  An  ex- 
planation why  the  district  of  Zoar  (at  the  S.  end  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  cf.  13io)  was  not  involved  in  the  catastrophe, 
and  why  the  city  bore  its  name  (=  little);  it  was  so 
insignificant  that  an  exception  might  be  made  in  its 
favour. — 25.  overthrew:  the  verb  and  the  cognate 
noun  are  regularly  used  to  describe  this  catastrophe. — 
26.  An  explanation  of  the  origin  of  a  salt  column  in 
the  district.  Josephus  says  that  he  had  seen  the 
pUlar,  and  there  is  one  in  the  district  now,  forty  feet 
high,  though  whether  that  seen  by  Josephua  is  un- 
certain.— 28.  A  vapour  often  hangs  over  the  Dead  Sea. 

30-38.  Lot's  daughters,  fearing  that,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  their  father  and  themselves,  mankind  has 
perished,  feel  that  upon  them  rests  the  responsibihty 
of  perpetuating  the  race.  Their  father  alone  is  avail- 
able, and  he  is  old  ;  prompt  action  is  therefore  neces- 
Bary.  But  since  they  realise  that  he  will  not  feel  the 
pressure  of  the  situation  with  its  responsibihty  so 
keenly  as  voluntarily  to  transgress  the  normal  limits 
of  morahty,  they  make  him  drunk  that  they  may 
secure  his  unconscious  co-operation.  The  plan  suc- 
ceeds, and  to  it  Moab  and  Animon  owe  their  origin. 
The  story  testifies  to  the  kinship  which  the  Hebrews 
felt  to  exist  between  themselves  and  these  peoples, 
It  is  told  without  comment,  but  the  Hebrew  narrator 
would  hardly  approve.  If,  as  is  not  unlikely,  it  is 
the  stoi-y  told  by  the  Moabites  and  the  Ammonites,  it 
is  told  in  honour  of  themselves  and  the  two  women. 
They  are  of  the  purest  stock,  and  in  a  desperate  emer- 
gency Lot's  daughters  rose  to  this  desperate  device. 
There  is  no  hint  of  shame  or  desire  for  concealment ; 
they  themselves  give  their  sons  the  transparent  names, 
Moab,  "  from  a  father,"  and  Ben-ammi,  "  son  of  my 
father's  kinsman."  There  is  an  interesting  parallel 
(also  noticed  by  Bennett)  in  Monis'  Sigurd  the  Volsung, 
Book  I,  where  Signy  secures  in  disguise  the  bu-th  of 
SinfiotU,  Ins  father  bemg  her  own  brother.  Since 
Zoar  was  spared  it  is  curious  that  the  women  despaired 
of  a  non-incestuous  union  ;  the  story  may,  therefore, 
have  been  originally  independent  of  1-28,  and  told 
of  a  catastrophe  as  universal  as  the  Flood. 

XX.  Abraham  Passes  off  Sarah  as  his  Sister  at 
Gerar. — The  first  complete  narrative  from  E.  The 
writer  uses  Elohim,  but  P's  characteristics  are  absent. 
Phraseology  as  well  as  the  use  of  Elohim  instead  of 
Yahweh  forbid  us  to  assign  it  to  J,  who  has  also  a 
variant  of  the  story  (12i-2o);  contrast  13  with  I211-13. 
Features  which  point  to  E  are  the  phraseology,  the 
representation  of  Abraham  as  a  prophet  (7)  and  his 
home  as  in  the  Ncgeb  (i),  also  the  speaking  of  God  m 
a  dream ;  Sarah  in  obviously  of  an  age  and  beautj'  to 
attract  royal  attention,  therefore  not  ninety  years  of 
age  (17x7).  E  presumably  placed  the  incident  soon 
after  Abraham's  entrance  into  Canaan;  he  is  not,  of 
course,  responsible  for  the  agea  given  in  I24,  17i7. 
As  compared  with  I212-20  our  story  exhibits  a  more 


refined  moral  feeling.  In  12i2-20  Abraham  saves  his 
life  at  the  cost  of  his  wife's  honour,  and  gets  rich  by 
the  price  he  receives  for  her  ;  Pharaoh  discovers  the 
truth  by  the  plagues  on  liimself  and  his  household,  and 
Abraham  has  no  explanation  to  olfcr  ;  he  is  accordingly 
deported.  In  20  Sarah  is  taken  into  the  harem  but 
her  honour  is  preserved  by  Abimelech's  illness  (17). 
He  learns  the  truth  through  Divine  communication, 
and  Abraham's  Uo  is  reduced  to  a  mental  reservation. 
His  wealth  is  acquired  as  a  compensation  for  the 
injury,  not  to  his  wife's  honour,  but  to  her  reputation, 
and  ho  is  encouraged  to  remain  in  the  country.  In 
261-11  there  is  no  actual  peril  to  Rebekah,  but  Abime- 
lech  points  out  that  Isaac's  he  made  such  peril  pos- 
sible. The  king  has  no  thought  of  appropriating  her, 
and  Isaac's  prosperity  is  due  to  Yahweh's  blessing 
on  his  crops.  Gerar  is  also  represented  as  a  Phdistine 
city,  which  is  not  the  case  here. 

1.  Gerar:  site  uncertain,  perhaps  the  Wady  Jerur, 
13  miles  SW.  of  Kadesh.— 4.  nation:  perhaps  in- 
definite, "  righteous  folk."  King,  not  nation,  was 
threatened  (3).  Observe  the  ancient  view  that  the 
act,  however  innocently  done,  might  involve  guilt 
and  penalty  (3),  which  might  be  averted  by  inter- 
cession (7),  struggling  with  the  sense  that  this  was 
unjust  where  the  act  was  done  with  pure  motives  and 
in  ignorance.  The  propliet  is  a  sacred  person  who 
may  not  be  touched  with  impunity ;  his  wife  should 
therefore  be  restored.  And  as  a  prophet,  he  can  offer 
prevailing  intercession  for  the  king's  recovery.  The 
use  of  the  term  is  a  sign  that  the  narrative  is  later 
than  Samuel  (1  S.  Og). — 10.  What  sawest  thou:  rather, 
"  What  possessed  thee."— 12.  No  hint  of  this  is  given 
in  12i8f.  It  maj'  be  E'n  alleviation  of  Abraham's  Ue. 
Marriage  with  a  half-sister  is  regarded  as  possible 
m  2  S.  13i3,  though  forbidden  in  Dt.  2722,  Lev.  189,11, 
2O17. — 13.  In  I211-13  the  deceit  is  concocted  for  use 
in  Egypt,  not  a  scheme  devised  for  general  use  in 
their  wanderings. — 16.  thy  brother:  a  deUcate  re- 
proof.— a  thousand  pieces  of  silver:  this  amount  of 
silver  would  now  be  worth  about  £137  10s.,  but  its 
purchasing  power  would  be  vastly  greater  then  than 
now. — behold  .  .  .  righted :  the  text  is  corrupt.  The 
general  meaning  seems  to  be  that  Sarah's  reputation 
has  been  re-established  and  adequate  compensation 
made. — 17.  The  barrenness  of  the  king's  wife  and 
harem  is  adequately  explamed  by  Abimelech's  malady  ; 
possibly  they  were  inserted  by  the  hand  to  which  we 
owe  18  ;  this  verse  is  a  gloss — it  uses  the  name  Yahweh 
and  misunderstands  17. 

XXI.  1-7.  Birth  of  Isaac. — 16  and  26-5  belong  to  P, 
the  editor  having  changed  Elohim  into  Yahweh  in  16. 
To  J  la,  20,  7  may  be  assigned,  and  6a  to  E.  6b  should 
probably  be  placed  in  7  before  "  for,"  and  assigned  to  J. 
It  supplies  a  better  reason  than  ya  for  76.  6  contains 
two  suggestions  as  to  the  origin  of  Isaac's  name — 
Sarah's  own  glad  laughter  at  the  birth  of  a  son,  and 
the  Idndly  amusement  of  the  gossips  that  two  such 
old  folks  should  at  last  have  a  baby.  Not  indeed  that 
either  J  or  E  thought  of  Abraham  as  a  centenarian 
and  Sarah  as  ninety. 

6.  with  me :   rather  "  at  me,"'  but  not  maliciously. 

XXI.  8-21.  Sarah  Forces  Abraham  to  Send  Hagar 
and  Ishmael  away. — The  narrative  is  from  E.  Note  tiio 
use  of  Eloliim,  the  revelation  to  Abraham  by  night, 
the  voice  of  the  angel  from  heaven,  Abraham's  residence 
in  the  Negeb.  The  storj:  is  told  with  wonderful 
literary  power  and  pathos.  The  writer  deeply  feels 
and  conveys  to  his  readers  the  brutahty  of  the  treat- 
ment accorded  to  Hagar  and  her  son,  the  mother's 
helpless  agony,  and  the  child's  pitiful  torture  by  thirst. 


154 


GENESIS,  XXI.  8-21 


As  was  customary,  a  feast  was  made  when  Isaac 
was  weaned,  about  the  age  of  three.  Sarah  saw 
Ishmael  and  Isaac  playing  together  on  equal  tcnos 
(RV  "  mockmg  "  is  tjuito  misloaciing).  She  regents 
this,  and  sees  that  if  thuy  gn)w  up  togL-ther  her  sons 
prospects  may  be  injured,  rrcsumably  the  children 
of  a  concubine  had  a  claim  to  some  share  in  the  pro- 
perty. Sarah  is  detcrmuiod  that  Ishmael  shall  have 
nothing.  Slie  leaves  nothing  to  cliancc ;  Hagar  and 
Ishmael  must  be  driven  away  at  once;  what  will 
become  of  them  she  neither  knows  nor  cares.  Abraham 
comes  out  better  than  his  tigorL^h  wife  ;  not  so  much 
indeed — he  betrays  httle  concern  for  Hagar,  whom  yet 
he  had  made  the  mother  of  liis  sou  ;  for  the  son  himself 
he  has  some  compunction.  Perhaps  he  would  not  have 
consented  but  for  God's  bidding.  That  He  should 
bid  him  acquiesce  does  not  represent  Him  in  an 
unfavourable  light,  for  mother  and  child  are  in  His 
care,  and  from  the  son  a  nation  will  spring.  So 
with  scanty  provision,  though  more  than  our  "  bottle  " 
suggests,  Hagar  is  turned  out  early  next  morning, 
with  her  cluld  on  her  shoulder  (so  LXX).  Her 
hoarded  water  spent,  with  no  prospect  of  replenishing 
her  waterskin,  she  puts  down  the  child  she  has  wearily 
carried,  under  a  shnib  to  shield  him  from  the  sun. 
She  leaves  him  that  she  may  not  watch  his  death 
agony,  but  atUl  keeps  him  in  siglit  as  she  sits  in  dumb 
despair.  The  child  is  not  dumb  but  lifts  up  its  voice 
and  weeps  (so  LXX).  Man's  extremity  is  God's 
opportunity ;  He  hears  the  lad's  voice,  bids  her  be  of 
good  cheer,  for  He  will  make  him  a  great  nation. 
She  sees  a  well  of  water,  to  which  her  eyes  had  been 
sealed,  and  gives  her  child  water.  He  thrives  and 
becomes  an  archer,  like  his  descendants.  He  dwells 
in  Paran  (146)  W.  of  Edom,  and  marries  a  wife  of  his 
mother's  country  (9,  I61). 

9.  playing  (mg.):  add  with  LXX,  Vulg.,  "with 
Isaac  her  son." — 10.  Quoted  Gal.  430.  Paul's  refer- 
ence to  Ishmael  aa  persecuting  Isaac  rests  on  Rabbinical 
exegesis  of  the  word  rendered  "  mocking." — 12.  In 
Isaac  .  .  .  called:  quoted  Rom,  9?,  Heb.  II18. 
Isaac  alone  is  to  be  reckoned  as  Abraham's  seed. — 14. 
Beersheba:  (p.  32)  28  miles  S\V.  of  Hebron.— 19.  Pre- 
sumably E  added  at  this  point  "  Therefore  she  called 
the  name  of  her  son  Ishmael"  (God  hears),  as  17 
leads  us  to  expect.  It  would  be  omitted  by  the 
redactor  of  JE  as  it  would  clash  with  the  explanation 
in  J's  story  (I611). 

XXI.  22-34.  Abraham  and  Abimelech  Make  a 
Covenant  at  Beersheba.— Probably  from  JE.  The 
analysis  is  uncertain;  jjerhaps  25f.,  28-30,  32-34  belong 
to  J,  tlie  rest  to  E.  One  narrative  represents  Abraham 
as  making  a  covenant  of  friendship  with  Abimelech 
at  the  king's  request,  the  other  as  securing  a  recognition 
from  Abimelech  of  his  claim  to  the  wells  of  Beersheba. 
The  pohit  of  25f.  is  probably  that  whenever  Abraliam 
reproved  Abimelech,  as  he  did  on  various  occasions, 
he  could  get  no  satisfaction  from  him.  It  does  not 
continiie  24,  but  begins  an  independent  narrative,  which 
is  continued  in  28-30.  The  variant  in  2613-33  should 
be  comparetl.  Tliere  are  two  suggestions  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  name  B<>orsheba,  One  is  that  it  refers 
to  the  seven  ewe  lambs  (28-30),  the  other  that  it 
means  "well  of  the  oath  "  (31).  The  true  meaning  is 
probably  "  well  of  seven,"  the  reference  being  to  the 
seven  wells  at  Beersheba.  A  dispute  about  wells  is 
very  common  in  tliosc  regions  (p.  32).  For  seven  a-s  a 
sacred  number  cf.  Xu.  2241-236  *. 

XXII.  1-19,  Abraham  Obeys  the  Divine  Command 
to  Sacrlflce  Isaac,  and  is  Rewarded  by  the  Sparing  of 
his  Son. — The  main  narrative  (1-13)  is  from  E,  and 


the  story,  which  is  a  literary  masterpiece,  ia  told  with 
a  reticence  more  effective  than  any  detailed  exposition 
of  the  tragedy  implicit  in  it  could  have  been.  The 
pathos  of  the  sons  quc^ition  in  7,  tlio  father's  answer 
in  H,  is  unsurpas-sable.  And  the  racked  feeUngs  of  the 
father,  the  unconsciousness  of  the  son,  are  left  to  the 
reader's  imagination.  The  point  ia  that  Abraham 
accepts,  with  unfaltering  obedience,  the  demand  for 
the  costliest  offering,  recognising  God's  right  to  make 
it.  The  view  that  the  writer  intended  to  teach  that 
human  sacrifice  was  repugnant  to  God  is  a  modem 
expedient  for  making  the  narrative  more  palatable. 
It  is  not  really  suggested  by  anything  in  the  story. 
The  substitution  of  the  ram  is  not  an  indication  that 
animal  should  replace  human  sacrifice.  Isaac  is 
spared,  not  because  the  offering  of  a  human  victim  ia 
intrinsically  hateful,  but  because  the  purpose  of  the 
test  had  been  fidfilled,  and  the  consummation  of  the 
sacrifice  was  therefore  unnecessary,  while  obedience 
so  complete  deserved  such  a  reward.  But  probably 
behind  the  tale  as  we  have  it  there  was  an  earher 
legend,  explaining  why  rams  were  offered  at  the 
sanctuary  where  the  tale  was  told.  Originally  men 
offered  their  children,  but  the  god  once  directed  that 
a  ram  should  be  substituted,  and  so  ever  afterwards 
rams,  and  not  children,  were  sacrificed.  The  similar 
story  of  Iphigenia  at  Aulis  will  occur  to  many  readers. 
(On  human  sacrifice  see  pp.  83,  99.) 

2.  Note  the  description  of  Isaac,  bringing  out  the 
greatness  of  the  sacrifice  demanded. — only  son :  21 12. — 
the  land  of  Moriah:  Jerusalem  may  bo  intended 
(2  Ch.  3i),  but  it  could  hardly  have  stood  in  tho 
original  text.  There  was  no  "  land  of  ]\Ioriah,"  and 
"  Moriah  "  was  not  commonly  used  for  the  Temple  hill. 
Nor  would  E  lie  hkely  to  represent  Abraham  as 
coming  to  the  capital  of  the  S.  kingdom.  Jerusalem 
was  an  inhabited  city,  here  apparently  we  have  to 
do  with  a  lonely  s|X)t.  The  original  text  may  have 
been  "the  land  of  the  Amorites "  (S\t.).  Moriah 
would  be  substituted  because  it  seemed  to  contain 
the  same  elements  as  the  name  "  Yahweh  jireh  "  (14). 
— 6.  Isaac  bears  the  wood,  as  Jesus  bears  His  Cross. 
"  The  lad  bears  the  heavy,  the  father  the  more  danger- 
ous burden  "  (Gunkcl). — 11.  Read  "  angel  of  God  " 
(Syr.). — 14.  "Very  difficult.  E  cannot  have  written  it 
in  its  present  fonn,  for  he  cannot  have  used  Yahweh. 
Yet  he  must  have  recorded  tho  giWug  of  the  name. 
Yahweh  presumably  was  originally  Elohim  or  El,  and 
Gunkel  has  brilliantly  suggested  that  the  name  was 
Yeniel  (2  Ch.  20 16).  This  is  corroborated  by  the 
presence  in  tho  context  of  several  similar  words 
('elohim  yireh  in  8,  yere  'elohim  in  12,  yar  'ail  in  13). 
He  emends  146  "  for  he  said,  To-day  in  this  mountain 
God  provideth." — 15-18.  Probably  an  addition  by  a 
redactor  (note  Yahweh  in  isf.). — 19.  Close  of  E's 
storv. 

XXII.  20-24.  The  Sons  of  Nahor.— From  J,  touched 
by  the  redactor,  and  inserted  to  prepare  for  24.  The 
names  are,  partially  at  any  rate,  tribal.  Discussion 
of  them  may  be  seen  in  tho  larger  commentaries. 

XXIII.  Abraham  Purchases  the  Cave  of  Machpelah 
as  a  Burylng-place  of  Sarah. — This  clmptor  l)elongs  to 
P,  as  is  shown  bj-  its  legal  precision  and  the  wordiness 
of  its  style,  by  numerous  characteristic  expressions, 
and  by  the  later  references  in  P  (2.'iQf.,  492<)-32,  5O13). 
It  shows  how  Abraham  acquii-ed  property  by  purchase 
in  Canaan,  an  eameist  of  ultimate  possession  of  the 
whole,  and  perhaps  inculcates  by  his  example  the 
duty  of  acquiring  a  family  grave,  to  which  importance 
was  attached.  Gunkel  thinks  that  the  story  Is  old, 
and  its  original  fonn  was  designed  to  emphasize  that 


GENESIS,  XXV.  1-6 


155 


the  sanctuary  at  Machpelah  belonged,  not  to  the 
Canaanites  who  claimed  it,  but  to  Israel,  since  Abraham 
had  purchased  it  with  full  legal  formalities  and  for 
the  full  price.  P  incorporated  it  because  the  Edoraitea, 
who  had  been  pushed  by  the  Arabs  into  S.  Judah, 
were  contesting  the  claim  in  his  day.  Since  he  could 
recognise  the  legitimacy  of  no  sanctuary  but  Jerusalem, 
he  emphasizes  tlie  point  that  Abraham  acquired  it 
simply  as  a  family  grave.  The  cave  is  now  covered 
by  a  mosque,  which  is  itself  in  a  sacred  enclosure. 
No  Christians  have  entered  it  in  modem  times  save 
royal  personages  accompanied  by  members  of  their 
suites.  The  cave  itself  is  quite  inaccessible.  The 
reference  to  Hittites,  children  of  Heth,  so  far  S.  as 
Hebron  creates  difficulty.  Possibly  the  Hittite  empire 
reached  so  far ;  possibly  these  Hittites  are  quite 
distinct  from  their  famous  namesakes  ;  possibly  we 
have  simply  to  do  with  a  vague  use  by  P  of  Hittites 
in  the  sense  of  Canaanites. 

The  waUing  for  Sarah  past,  it  remains  to  dispose  of 
her  body.  Abraham  asks  the  Hittites  for  a  burying- 
place.  They  offer  to  this  "  prince  of  God  "  (mg.)  the 
choicest  sepulchres.  Often  it  is  thought  that  the 
extreme  and  long-winded  politeness  is  but  the  Oriental 
way  of  conducting  a  bargain.  This  is  to  some  extent 
correct,  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  reluctance  to 
sell  was  sincere.  They  do  not  want  this  stranger  to 
have  any  of  their  land  in  his  own  legal  right ;  they 
prefer  that  he  should  simply  have  the  use  of  one  of 
their  own  sepulchres.  Abraham  presses  his  point, 
and  names  the  place.  He  wants  the  cave  merely,  but 
Epliron,  if  he  is  to  sell  it,  means  to  have  the  whole 
field  taken  with  it.  He  offers  it  in  the  conventional 
way  as  a  gift.  Abraham,  of  course,  insists  on  paying 
the  price,  which  by  once  more  ofliering  it  freely  Epliron 
contrives  to  let  him  know  !  Accordingly  the  money 
is  paid  and  the  purchase  executed  with  all  due  for- 
mahties,  and  in  the  cave  Sarah  is  buried. 

2.  came:  i.e.  into  the  room  where  the  dead  body 
lay. — 9.  Machpelah  is  not  the  name  of  the  cave  simply 
(c/.  17,  19). — 10.  that  went  in  at  the  gate :  the  citizens 
who  are  entitled  to  sit  in  the  city  gate  and  discuss 
its  affairs. — 15.  four  hundred  shekels  of  silver:  this 
weight  of  silver  would  now  be  worth  about  £55  ;  but 
its  actual  purchasing  power  would  be  very  much  more 
(cf.  2O16).  The  description  of  it  as  "  current  with  the 
merchant  "  is  not  quit«  clear.  It  may  refer  to  the 
quahty  of  the  silver  or  to  the  weight  of  the  ingots,  or 
perhaps  even  to  coined  shekels,  which  seem  to  have 
been  in  use  as  early  as  this  time, 

XXIV.  At  his  Master's  Command,  Abraham's  Slave 
Brings  Rebekah  to  Canaan  as  a  Wife  for  Isaac— The 
chapter  has  generally  been  assigned  to  J,  but  it  is 
probably  composite,  antl  has  been  put  together  from 
J  and  E  rather  than  from  two  J  sources.  Close  scrutiny 
discloses  features  which  negative  its  unity,  but  the 
combination  has  been  skilfully  effected  and  the  story 
reads  admirably.     It  is  told  with  great  literary  skill. 

Feeling  the  approach  of  death,  Abraham  summons 
his  senior  slave  and  extracts  from  him  a  solemn  oath, 
in  contact  with  the  organs  which  are  the  sacred  seat 
of  life,  that  he  would  not  take  a  Canaanite  woman  as 
wife  for  Isaac,  but  would  bring  one  from  Abraham's 
own  country.  If  the  woman  would  not  come,  ho  was 
by  no  means  to  defeat  God's  purpose  by  taking  Isaac 
to  her.  God  would  prosper  His  mission,  but  if  the 
woman  would  not  come,  the  oath  would  bind  him  no 
longer.  After  taking  the  oath  the  slave  made  up  a 
caravan  of  ten  camels  and  came  to  Nahor's  city. 
Arriving  at  the  time  when  the  women  draw  water, 
he  halts  Isy  the  well  and  prays  that  ho  may  know 


Isaac's  appointed  bride  by  this  sign,  that  she  will 
satisfy  his  request  for  a  drink  of  water,  and  spon- 
taneously offer  to  water  hi;  camels,  Rebekah,  Nahor's 
granddaughter,  fair  and  unwedded,  fuliils  the  con- 
ditions, and  he  gives  her  a  golden  nose-ring  and  golden 
bracelets.  He  discovers  her  lineage  and  craves  hospi- 
taUty,  This  is  cheerfully  promised,  and  he  thanka 
Yahweh  who  has  led  him  to  his  master's  kinsfolk. 
On  hearmg  her  news  and  seeing  her  jewels,  Laban, 
her  brother,  welcomes  the  slave  and  his  retinue.  The 
slave  refuses  to  eat  till  he  has  told  his  errand,  which 
he  does  at  great  length,  closing  with  the  request  for 
a  definite  answer.  Laban  accepts  the  offer  of  marriage 
for  his  sister;  the  leading  of  Providence  is  too  clear 
to  be  ignored.  So  the  slave  makes  costly  presents 
to  Rebekah,  her  mother,  and  her  brother,  and  nest 
morning  asks  leave  to  depart  at  once.  The  brother 
and  mother  wish  to  keep  her  with  them  for  a  few  days, 
but  the  slave  is  urgent  to  return  that  he  and  the  bride 
may  seo  Abraham  before  he  dies.  They  find  that 
Rebekah  is  willing  to  go,  and  she  goes  with  their  bless- 
ing. On  their  arrival  they  meet  Isaac,  and  she  ahghts 
from  her  camel  {cf.  Jg.  I14;,  and  when  she  loams  that 
it  is  her  destined  husband  veils  herself.  After  hearing 
the  slave's  report,  Isaac  conducts  her  to  his  tent.  The 
veiling  is  part  of  the  marriage  ceremony,  the  bringing 
to  the  husband's  tent  "  is  the  essential  feature  of  the 
marriage  ceremony  in  the  East "  (Skinner).  So  Isaac 
was  comforted  after  his  father's  death  (see  below). 

10.  Mesopotamia:  by  Aram-naharaim  the  region 
known  in  the  Tell  el-Amama  tablets  as  Naharina  is 
intended.  The  rendering  in  rng.,  "  Aram  of  the  two 
rivers,"  presupposes  that  Naharaim,  which  has  a  dual 
termination,  is  dual.  If  correct,  the  rivers  are  not  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  but  the  Euphrates  and  the 
Khabor,  It  is  questionable  whether  it  is  a  dual ;  the 
Egyptian  and  Canaanite  forms  are  not.  The  district 
is  that  which  lies  on  both  sides  of  the  Upper  Euphrates, 
and  is  not  to  be  identified  with  what  the  Greeks  meant 
by  Mesopotamia. — 14.  The  test  of  unselfish  good  nature 
was  not  a  slight  one,  for  the  camel  is  a  heavj-  drinker, 
and  there  were  ten  of  them,  Thomson  speaks  of  such 
kindness  as  quite  unusual. — 30.  Tho  wealth  implied 
in  the  gift  of  the  jeweUery  and  the  maiden's  story 
appeals  to  Laban.  Obviously  such  a  guest  deserves 
to  be  cultivated,  an  impression  deepened  by  what  he 
hears  in  35! — 49&.  Tell  me,  so  that  I  may  know  what 
to  do. — 50.  and  Bethuel :  should  probably  be  omitted  ; 
Laban,  and  in  a  less  degree,  his  mother,  arrange  the 
affair  and  receive  the  presents  ;  Bethuel  was  probably 
dead.— ^3.  The  presents  to  Rebekah  are  the  bride- 
groom's gifts  to  the  bride,  making  the  engagement 
binding,  those  to  the  mother  and  brother  are  the 
bride -price. — 62.  The  text  is  cormpt,  and  many 
emendations  have  been  proposed. — 63.  meditate:  an 
uncertain  rendering.  Perhaps  it  means  '"  to  lament.'' 
Pesh.  reads  "  to  walk." — 67.  The  Heb,  is  ungram- 
matical ;  we  should  read  "  the  tent  "  for  "  Ins  mother 
Sarah's  tent  "  ;  into  his  own  tent  is  probably  intended. 
The  closing  words  are  also  changed.  They  are  hterally 
"  and  Isaac  was  comforted  after  his  mother."  Sarah's 
death  lay  some  tune  hi  the  past,  moreover  there  are 
various  indications  that  Abraham  had  died  before  the 
slave's  return.  Probably  his  death  was  mentioned 
after  61  in  the  original  story,  but  omitt<xi  by  the 
editor  in  favour  of  P's  account  (207-10).  VVo  should 
probably  read  "  and  Isaac  was  comforted  after  his 
father's  death." 

XXV.  1-6,  The  Descendants  of  Abraham  and 
Keturah,— The  section  belongs  api)arently  to  a  late 
stratum  of  J.    The  obvious  meaning  is  that  Abraham 


166 


QENESIS,  SXV.  1-6 


married  again  and  had  sLk  children  after  Sarah's 
death.  This  is  remarkable  in  view  of  tlio  fact  that 
the  birth  of  Isaac  was  effected  only  by  the  miraculous 
intervention  of  Providence.  Midian  (Ex.  215')  is  the 
best  known  of  the  peoples  mentioned,  the  Dedanitea 
and  Sabacans  also  occur  several  times. 

XXV.  7-11.  The  Death  and  Burial  of  Abraham.— 
This  is  from  P  except  116,  which  is  from  J  and  should 
follow  5. 

8.  his  people:  better  "his  father's  kin,"  i.e.  in 
Sheol. — 9.  P  ignores  scandals  in  the  story  of  the 
patriarchs,  and  makes  no  reference  to  the  treatment 
of  Ishmael. 

XXV.  12-18.  Ishmael's  Posterity  and  Death.— 12-17 
is  from  P ;  18  is  a  fragment  of  J,  but  its  original  context 
is  uncertain.  Twelve  tribes  are  said  to  be  descended 
from  Ishmael.  The  identification  of  Nebaioth  (289, 
363,  Is.  6O7)  with  the  Nabatacans,  famous  in  the  period 
after  the  Eixile,  is  now  generally  given  up.  It  and 
Kedar  (Is.  21i6f.  *,  42 11,  6O7,  Jer.  2 10,  4928,  Ps.  I2O5*) 
lay  probably  to  the  E.  of  Edom.  The  other  tribes  are 
of  less  importance.  Tema  was  a  N.  Arabian  tribe 
about  250  miles  to  SE.  of  Edom,  coupled  with  Dedan 
in  Is.  21i3f.,  Jer.  252$,  and  with  Shcba  in  Job  G19. 
The  problems  raised  by  18  are  too  comphcated  to  be 
discussed  here. 

XXV.  19-34.  The  Birth  of  Jacob  and  Esau.  Jacob 
Takes  Advantage  of  Esau  to  Secure  his  Birthright.— At 
this  point  we  pass  to  the  story  of  Jacob.  In  the  present 
section  19!,  266  belong  to  P,  the  rest  to  JE.  21-28  is 
from  J,  and  so  in  the  judgment  of  most  critics  29-34, 
though  some  assign  it  to  E. 

Like  Sarah  and  Rachel,  Rcbekah  is  for  long  without 
a  child.  P  fixes  the  interval  from  marriage  to  mother- 
hood as  thirty  years,  but  in  view  of  the  untrust- 
worthiness  of  his  chronological  statements  elsewhere 
no  dependence  can  be  placed  on  them  here.  Before 
their  birth  the  mother's  life  is  made  intolerable  by 
their  struggles  (c/.  2746  for  a  similar  outburst  of 
petulance),  and  on  inquiry  at  the  oracle  Yahweh  tells 
lier  that  two  nations  have  already  begun  a  struggle 
which  will  issue  in  tlie  subjection  of  the  elder.  When 
the  twins  were  bom  the  first  was  a  redskin  ('admoni, 
hence  l"]dom,  though  another  reason  is  given  for  the 
name  in  30)  and  hairy  {-se'ar,  lience  Seir),  and  his  name 
was  called  Esau,  for  wliich  no  etymology  is  suggested ; 
perhaps  it  means  "  shaggy."  His  brother  follows  hard 
at  his  heels,  indeed  with  his  hand  on  Esau's  heel, 
vainly  attempting  to  hold  him  back.  Him  they  call 
Jacob,  connecting  it  with  the  Hob.  word  for  "  heel " 
(c/.  mg.).  Jacob  is  perhaps  a  contraction  of  Jacob-el 
(pp.  248f .),  which  is  both  a  personal  and  place  name,  of 
disputed  meaning.  The  story  continues  as  it  began. 
The  dissimilarity  in  appearance  is  matched  l)y  cliiTer- 
onee  in  disposition  and  occupation.  Esau  loved  the 
hunter's  adventurous  life,  and  grew  skilful  (EV  "  cun- 
ning") in  it,  Jacob  was  a  quiet  (mg.)  stay-at-home 
lad  and  followed  the  occupation  of  a  shepherd.  The 
difference  was  accentuated,  and  tragedy  invited,  by 
tlie  favouritism  of  the  parents — of  Isaac  for  Esau, 
whose  venison  ho  relished,  of  Rebeliah  for  Jacob, 
whose  feminine  traits  perliaps  made  him  more  con- 
genial to  his  mother.  Jacob  grows  up  with  tho 
galling  sense  that  he  Is  tho  younger,  and  that  hia 
brother  posseasas  the  birthright  and  does  not  even 
value  it  as  he  should.  Tho  birthright  conferred  leader- 
ship in  tho  family  and  a  double  share  of  the  inheritance, 
and  }X)litical  and  material  s\iperiority  when  transferred 
to  the  nation  from  the  individual  Jacob  had  prob- 
ably laid  schemes  to  secure  it.  His  chance  comes  when, 
makhig  lentil  stew,  he  is  asked  by  tho  famished  Esau 


for  some  of  that  red  stuff :  he  is  too  ravencuB  to  give  it 
its  proper  name,  and  in  tiis  impatience  repeats  the 
word  (mg.).  Jacob  drives  his  brother  mercilesslj' ; 
first  of  all  (mg.)  ho  must  sell  him  liis  birthright.  E-sau 
does  not  stop  to  think  "  so  much  for  so  little,"  or  to 
soften  his  cold  brother.  He  fancies  liimself  dying ! 
anytliing  for  a  good  meal  I  But  Jacob  is  too  astute 
to  take  his  brothers  bare  word,  ho  was  himself  an 
unscrupulous  liar.  He  insists  on  the  guarantee  of  an 
oath,  which  is  given  without  hesitation.  Then,  haAdng 
satisfied  his  hunger,  Esau  went  away  without  regret, 
and  at  least  justified  Jacob  so  far,  that  the  birthright 
had  passed  to  one  who  knew  how  to  value  it.  The 
narrator  betrays  no  repugnance  for  the  meanness  of 
his  ancestor.  Esau  "  was  a  man  with  no  depth  of 
nature  and  no  outlook  into  the  eternal  Ho  was  not 
a  man  of  faith  who  postpones  present  gratification 
for  future  good,  but  one  who  Uvcd  like  an  animal 
'  tame  in  earth's  paddock  as  her  prize,'  with  no  spiritual 
horizon.  He  was  thus,  engaging  though  he  might  bo, 
a  character  of  less  promise  than  his  selfish,  calculating, 
cold-blooded  brother,  who  had  spiritual  vision  and 
numbered  Bethel  and  Peniel  among  his  experiences. 
The  contrast  comes  out  in  Esau's  selling  his  birthright, 
and  all  its  spiritual  privileges,  in  a  fit  of  impatient 
hunger,  and  Jacob's  grim  tenacity  in  holding  on  to 
tho  angel  with  dislocated  thigh,  till  he  blessed  him  " 
( Hebrews,  Cent.B,  p.  230). 

XXVI.  Isaac  and  the  Philistines.— Apart  from  34f. 
this  chapter  belongs  to  J.  The  original  has  been 
expanded  in  1-6,  and  15,  18  are  harmonistic  msertions. 
Apart  from  12-17  the  incidents  are  parallel  to  mcidents 
recorded  of  Abraham.  On  the  relation  to  the  earher 
adventures  of  Sarah  in  Egypt  and  Gerar,  see  20*. 
The  incident  is  misplaced ;  obviously  it  is  earher  than 
the  birth  of  Esau  and  Jacob.  The  dispute  about  the 
wells  and  covenant  with  Abimelech  are  doublets  of 
the  similar  events  in  Abraham's  life. 

Like  Abraham,  Isaac  is  forced  to  migrate  by  famine, 
but  he  goes  to  Gerar,  not  Egypt,  whose  king,  like  the 
king  of  Gerar  in  20,  is  named  Abimelech,  but  is  styled 
"  king  of  the  Philistines."  Yahweh  bids  him  remain 
in  the  land  and  not  remove  to  Egypt  as  his  father 
had  done,  renewing  to  him  the  promise  made  to 
Abraham  (1-5).  He  passes  off  Rebelvah  as  his  sister, 
till  the  king  surprises  them  in  their  connubialities  and 
rebukes  him  for  tho  guilt  of  unconscious  adultery 
that  his  people  might  have  incurred  through  hia 
poltroonery.  Although  a  semi-nomad,  Isaac  practises 
agriculture,  as  is  to-day  done  by  the  Bedouin  (at 
Beersheba  among  other  places),  and  so  successfully 
that  seed  produces  a  hundredfold,  an  exceptional  but 
not  an  imptissiblc  yield  (</.  I^Ik.  48).  His  flocks,  herds, 
and  slaves  multijily,  the  Philistines  env'y  him,  and 
the  king  bids  him  depart.  His  slaves  discover  water, 
but  the  herdmen  of  Gerar  contest  tho  well  with  them, 
and  similarly  with  a  second  well,  and  only  with  the 
tiiird  (Rehoboth)  do  they  leave  him  in  possession. 
This  was  probably  at  Ruhaibeh,  about  20  miles  SW. 
of  Beersheba.  He  went  from  there  to  Beersheba,  where, 
Yahwcli  appeared  to  him  and  renewed  his  promise, 
whereupon  Isaac  built  an  altar  and  invoked  Yahweh's 
name.  Thus  the  origin  of  Beersheba  as  a  sanctuaiy 
is  traced  back  to  Isaac  as  well  as  to  Abraham  (21 33). 
Abimelech,  recognising  Yahweh's  blessing  on  Isaac, 
proposes  a  covenant  which  he  accepts,  and  which  is 
made  by  a  feast  and  an  oath.  Ixsaming  tho  same 
day  from  his  slaves  of  a  well  they  had  sunk  there 
(cf.  25),  he  gives  it  the  name  Shibah  (swearing),  from 
which  the  city  derived  its  name  Beersheba,  a  variant 
of  the  account  in  21 31. 


GENESIS.  XXVIII.  10-22 


157 


The  chapter  closes  with  two  verses  from  P  about 
Esau's  two  Hittite  wives,  which  prepare  the  way  for 
Jacob's  dispatch  to  his  mother's  family  to  secure  a 
wife,  since  his  parents  are  grieved  that  by  inter- 
marriage with  the  natives  Esau  should  have  tainted 
the  purity  of  the  stock. 

XXVII.  1-45.  At  his  Mother  s  Instigation,  Jacob 
Cheats  Esau  of  his  Father's  Blessing. — Probably  com- 
piled from  J  and  E.  Smce  both  presuppose  it  later, 
both  must  have  told  the  story.  There  are  doublets 
whicli  point  to  the  use  of  two  sources.  We  naturally 
expect  the  blessing  to  follow  at  the  end  of  23,  but  it 
comes  only  in  276.  Twice  Jacob  is  questioned  as  to  his 
identity,  and  Isaac  is  in  one  place  deceived  by  touch 
(21-23)  m  the  other  by  smell  (27).  The  analysis  is, 
however,  very  uncertain,  and  may  be  neglected  as 
the  chapter  reads  fairly  connectedly.  The  main 
thread  of  the  story  seems  to  come  from  J.  Isaac,  in 
anticipation  of  death,  bids  Esau  go  hunting  and  bring 
him  venison  prepared  as  a  savoury  meal,  that  thus  tlio 
prophetic  spirit  may  be  induced  (as  later  the  prophets 
induced  ecstasy  by  music,  1  S.  lOsf.  *,  2  K.  815),  and 
he  may  utter  the  prized  blessing  on  his  firstborn  son. 
Rebekah  overhears  the  command  and,  as  soon  as  Esau 
has  gone,  schemes  to  outwit  her  blind  husband  and 
secure  the  coveted,  irrevocable  blessing  for  her  favourite 
son.  Jacob's  objections  are  overruled,  and  Rebekah 
cooks  two  kids  which  he  will  pass  off  for  venison, 
dresses  him  in  the  raiment  Esau  used  for  sacred  occa- 
sions, and  conceals  with  the  goatskins  the  tell-tale 
smoothness  of  Jacob's  skin.  Isaac  is  struck  with  the 
speed  of  the  return^  Jacob  piously  attributes  it  to  the 
good  hand  of  his  father's  God,  Isaac  notes  the  Jacob- 
like ring  of  the  voice,  but  is  reassured  by  the  hairiness 
of  the  hands.  He  eats  the  meal,  and,  thus  inspired, 
pronounces  the  blessing  on  his  son,  redolent  as  he  is 
of  the  smell  of  a  field  which  Yahweh  has  blessed. 
Fruitful  lands,  abundant  harvest  and  vintage,  political 
supremacy — with  such  blessings  in  his  cars,  and  the 
knowledge  that  no  discovery  of  his  deceit  can  deprive 
him  of  them,  the  trickster  leaves  his  father's  presence, 
undetected  by  the  father,  nor  surprised  by  the  brother. 
He  and  his  mother  had  played  a  daring  game,  and 
had  won  it.  Only  just  won  it ;  a  little  later  and  he 
would  have  been  caught  by  his  brother,  cursed  by  his 
justly-incensed  father.  The  scene  between  Esau  and 
Isaac  is  among  the  most  pathetic  in  hterature.  To 
his  consternation  the  father  discovei-s  the  justice  of  the 
suspicions  which  had  too  easily  been  allayed,  yet  a 
blessing  once  uttered  cannot  be  taken  back  (925-^27*). 
And  Esau,  not  the  same  man  as  when  he  hghtly  sold  his 
birthright,  is  stricken  with  bitter  grief  that  he  should 
have  been  cheated  of  his  blessing  by  one  who  has  thus 
doubly  justified  his  sinister  name.  "  All  the  primitive 
wildness  of  Esau's  nature  bursts  out  like  a  stream  of 
lava  "  (Procksch).  But  has  the  father  no  blessing  ? 
What  can  he  have,  when  to  a  fruitful  land  he  has 
added  Jacob's  lordship  over  Esau  ?  But  with  pas- 
Bionato  tears  Esau  urges  his  entreaty.  So  Isaac 
announces  the  destiny  of  Edom.  There  is  an  ambiguity 
in  the  preposition  (RV  "  of,"  mg.  "  away  from," 
c/.  Job  1926*)  which  may  be  intentional,  but  which 
makers  it  uncertain  whether  39^  is  a  blessing  like  28, 
or  dooms  Edom  to  a  sterile  land.  Actually  Edom 
had  a  fertile  land,  but  the  reference  may  not  be  to 
the  whole  of  the  territory  it  held  at  a  later  period, 
and  the  general  impression  of  the  whole  passage  favours 
mg.  Edom  is  to  dwell  in  a  barren  land,  live  by 
plunder,  and  be  in  servitude  to  Israel.  Yet  the  pre- 
diction of  Israel's  suzerainty  (20),  though  it  must  be 
fulfilled,  leaves  a  loophole.     Esau's  subjection  will  not 


be  permanent.  The  people  will  become  restive  and 
then  snap  their  yoke.  Esau  decides  that  he  will  not 
disturb  Ms  father's  last  days  by  summary  vengeance 
on  Jacob ;  the  funeral  rites  for  Isaac  are  at  hand,  and 
then  he  will  kill  Jacob  while  the  seven  days'  mourning 
is  in  progress.  Rebekah  learns  of  his  design  and 
counsek  Jacob  to  visit  Laban  till  Esau's  anger  is  past. 
Only  a  short  time  and  with  a  character  so  shallow, 
the  storm  will  have  blown  over,  and  Jacob  will  be 
back.  Why,  then,  sliould  Esau  kill  him  and  die  for 
the  fratricide  and  she  lose  both  her  sons  at  a  stroke  ? 
Jacob,  liowever,  met  Rachel  and  stayed  with  Laban 
for  twenty  years. 

XXVII.  46-XXVIII.  9.  Jacob  is  Sent  from  Home  to 
Marry  into  his  Mother's  Family.— The  reader  may 
readily  suppose  that  Rebekah  uses  the  unfortunate 
marriage  of  Esau  as  a  pretext  to  hide  her  real  reason  for 
sending  Jacob  away,  wliich  was  to  baulk  Esau  of  his 
revenge.  But  this  section  comes  from  P  and  links 
on  to  2634!  Intermarriage  with  Canaanites  was 
contrary  to  the  ideals  of  Judaism  ;  Edom  may  do  such 
things,  but  not  Israel.  Wlien  Esau  learnt  that  his 
father  was  not  pleased  with  his  wives,  and  in  sending 
Jacob  to  Laban  had  given  him  the  blessing  of  Al)raham, 
he  married  the  daughter  of  Ishmael,  his  cousin,  though 
not  so  pure  in  breed  as  his  own  family,  since  her 
grandmother  was  Egyptian.  It  is  noteworthy  that  if 
Genesis  is  a  unity,  Jacob  is  sent  off  to  marry  at  the 
age  of  seventy-seven,  when  Rebekah  had  put  up  with 
her  unwelcome  daughters-in-law  thirty-seven  years. 
He  is  eighty-four  when  he  actually  marries  !  The 
documentary  analysis  saves  us  from  such  absurdities. 

XXVIII.  10-22.  Yahweh  Reveals  Himself  to  Jacob 
at  Bethel. — ^This  section  is  taken  from  J  and  E.  To 
E  iif.,  i7f.,  20,  2ia,  22  may  be  assigned,  to  J  10,  13-16, 
and  perhaps  iga.  This  may  be  an  insertion,  so  perhaps 
196,  21&.  The  fuller  and  finer  story  belongs  to  E, 
who  as  a  North  IsraeUte  was  much  more  interested 
than  J  in  the  great  northern  sanctuary,  Jerusalem's 
chief  rival.  He  tells  how  Bethel  came  to  be  a  shrine 
for  the  children  of  Jacob,  and  why  tithes  (Am.  44)  were 
offered  at  it.  Jacob  chances  on  a  place  and  lies  there 
for  the  night  with  a  stone  for  his  piUow.  He  dreams 
of  a  ladder  reaching  from  earth  to  heaven,  Mith  the 
angels  passing  up  and  down  upon  it.  In  terror  he 
recognises  that  this  is  God's  house,  earth's  entrance 
into  heaven.  He  sets  up  the  stone  as  a  pillar  {massebah, 
pp.  98f.)  and  anoints  it  with  oil.  This  stone  was  pre- 
sumably the  most  sacred  object  in  the  later  sanctuary. 
Then  he  vows  that  in  return  for  food,  raiment,  and 
safe  return,  this  stone  shaU  be  God's  house,  and  he 
will  give  back  to  God  a  tenth  of  all  that  God  has  given 
him.  The  narrative  reflects  very  ancient  ideas.  Earth 
and  heaven  are  close  together,  connected  by  a  stair- 
way, with  heaven's  gate  at  the  foot ;  the  angels  are 
not  winged  (unhke  the  seraphim  or  cherubim),  and 
need  the  stairway  to  pass  from  one  to  the  other.  The 
stone  is  a  house  of  God,  as  Jacob  learns  by  the  dream  ; 
it  was  a  very  widespread  belief  that  certain  stones 
were  inhabited  by  a  deity.  It  was  also  customary 
for  people  to  sleep  at  sanctuaries  that  they  might 
receive  oracles  in  their  dreams.  Jacob  practises 
"  incubation  "  unintentionally  ;  he  shudders  at  his 
involuntary  trespass  on  sacred  ground  and  unconscious 
desecration  of  God's  house  into  a  pillow.  The  stair- 
way may  have  been  suggested  by  the  terraces  of  stone 
in  which  the  hill  rises  near  by. 

J's  story  has  not  been  fully  preserved.  It  must 
have  told  how  ho  lay  down  to  sleep.  In  his  sleep 
Yahweh  stands  by  him  (mg.),  reveals  Himself  by  His 
name,  promises  him  the  land,  personal  protection,  and 


158 


GENESIS,  XXVIII.  10-22 


a  safe  return.  lie  wakes  and  recognises  that,  all 
unknown  to  liim,  Yahweh  was  in  the  place,  to  which 
(if  ion  belongs  to  J )  he  gives  the  name  Bethel,  formerly 
Luz  (Jg.  I23). 

XXIX.  1-30.  Jacob  Serves  Seven  Years  for  Rachel. 
Laban  Substitutes  Leah  and  Secures  Fourteen  Years' 
Service  in  Exchange  for  the  Two.— Apart  froni  bits  of 
P  (24,  28^,  20)  the  section  belongs  to  Jii  Analysis  is 
very  uncertain.  Probably  i  is  from  E,  2-14  from  J. 
Opinions  differ  as  to  15-30;  for  our  purpose  further 
analysis  is  unnecessary. 

Jacob  comes  in  his  journey  to  a  weU,  and  finds  three 
flocks  waiting  to  be  watered.  It  was  the  custom  when 
all  tlie  flocks  were  gathered,  for  the  stone  to  be  rolled 
from  the  well's  mouth  and  replaced  after  watering. 
Jacob  has  discovered  that  the  place  is  Haran,  and 
that  Laban  is  well  known  to  the  shepherds,  when 
Laban's  daughter  Rachel  is  seen  approacMng  with 
her  sheep.  Fretting  at  the  waste  of  time,  he  remon- 
strates with  tlie  shephertls  for  waiting ;  much  of  the 
day  is  still  before  them,  let  them  water  the  sheep  that 
they  may  go  on  grazijig.  Tliat,  they  explain,  would 
violate  their  custom.  Meanwliile  Rachel  comes  up, 
and  Jacob,  single-handed,  removes  the  immense  stone 
and  waters  her  flock  (cf.  Ex.  2 16-21),  the  shepherds 
not  interfering  with  a  stranger  capable  of  such  a  feat. 
Then  he  kissed  his  cousin,  burst  into  tears,  and,  when 
his  emotions  had  calmed  down,  disclosed  his  identity. 
Rachel  ran  back  (2-t28)  and  told  her  father,  who  with 
characloristic  effusiveness  (2429-31),  ran  to  welcome 
his  nephew,  and,  ha^^ng  heard  his  story,  accepted  him 
as  his  kinsman.  After  the  lapse  of  a  month,  during 
which  Jacob  had  made  himself  useful  (15),  and  Laban 
had  detected  and  measured  his  love  for  Rachel,  Laban 
offers  hun  a  situation  and  inquires  his  tenns.  Jacob 
wanted  Rachel,  but  he  had  no  bride-price  with  which 
to  buy  her.  He  offers  accordingly  seven  years' 
service.  This  Laban  accepts,  congratulating  himself 
on  getting  so  strong  and  efficient  a  servant  without 
pay,  but  professing  that  he  would  prefer  Jacob  to 
any  other  son-in-law.  It  was,  in  fact,  and  is  still 
customary,  for  the  first  cousin  to  have  the  first  claim ; 
cf.  "Great  is  the  perfection  of  the  next-of-kin  mar- 
riage," quoted  from  the  Dinkart  ix.  385  by  J.  H. 
Moulton,  Early  Zorormlrianism,  p.  337.  The  seven 
years  pass,  for  the  deeply-enamoured  Jacob,  like  a 
few  days,  a  picture  of  romantic  love  as  rare  in 
the  OT  as  it  is  exquisite.  At  the  end  of  tlic  period, 
Jacob  claims  his  bride.  The  drinking-feast  was  held 
in  celebration  of  the  wedding,  the  bride  was  brought 
to  Jacob  veiled  at  night ;  only  in  the  morning  does  he 
leam  the  bitter  truth  that  Laban  had  foisted  on  him 
his  elder  daughter,  the  unattractive,  weak-ey«l  Leah, 
in  place  of  the  lovely  Rachel  with  flasliing  eyes.  The 
smooth  swindler  has  his  excuse  ready  ;  custom  forbade 
the  younger  daughter  to  be  wedded  first,  a  custom 
studiously  concealed  from  Jacob,  He  relies  on  the 
injured  bridegroom  to  mak(!  the  best  of  it,  to  create 
no  scandal  by  repudiating  Leah,  and  breaking  up  the 
feast ;  besides,  he  shall  have  Rachel  after  all  when  the 
week  of  Leah's  festivities  is  over,  only,  of  course,  he 
must  servo  another  seven  years  for  her.  Jacob 
acquiesces — what  else  could  he  do  ?  At  all  costs  he 
most  have  Rachel,  and  at  the  end  of  the  week  he 
attains  his  desire,  and  takes  up  once  more  the  dnidgery 
of  service  without  payment.  \\Ticthcr  ho  felt  he  had 
been  paid  in  liis  f>wn  coin  we  cannot  say. 

XXIX.  31-XXX.  24.  The  Birth  of  Jacob's  Children. 
— This  section  is  from  JE,  with  slight  touches  from  P. 
Roughly  2931-35,  3O9-13  is  from  J,  ,'i0i-6,8  is  from  E, 
3O14-24  mainly  from  JE,  the  two  strands  hero  being 


liard  to  unravel.  It  records  the  origin  of  the  tribes  of 
Israel.  It  reflects  conditions  a  good  deal  earUer  than 
those  known  to  us  in  the  history  of  Israel.  In  the 
later  period  Reuben  dwindled  uito  insignificance, 
Simeon  and  Levi  were  largely  exterminated,  Judah 
was  detached  from  the  other  Leah  tribes,  Joseph 
closely  associated  with  them.  The  rivalry  between 
the  Bisters  plays  an  in)jK)rtant  part.  The  less  favoured 
wife  is  compensated  by  tlie  bles-sing  of  children,  barren- 
ness redresses  the  sufxsriority  of  the  more  fondly 
loved  (1  S.  1).  It  drives  her  to  the  device,  chosen  by 
Sarah  (I61-3),  of  yielding  her  maid  to  her  husband, 
and,  by  receiving  the  child  on  her  knees  as  it  was 
born,  of  making  it  her  own.  Apparently  by  tlus 
means  Rachel  secured  two  sons,  while  her  sister  had 
only  one,  for  when  Naphtali  is  bom  she  gives  him  a 
name  claiming  to  have  beaten  her  sister  in  her  mighty 
wrestlings  with  her.  The  names  play  an  important 
part  in  the  story,  reflecting  for  the  most  part  the 
struggle  between  the  wives.  The  etymologies  are  not 
scientific,  they  are  based  on  similarities  of  sound  (see 
mg.,  which,  however,  does  not  bring  out  all  the 
assonances) ;  in  several  cases,  two  etymologies  are 
suggested,  one  by  E,  the  other  by  J.  Some  of  the 
names  in  the  story  are  those  of  animals  ;  Rachel 
means  "  ewe,"  Leah  jierhaps  "  antelope,"  Reuben 
possibly  "  lion  "  or  "  wolf,"  Simeon  "  the  mongrel  of 
wolf  and  hyaina  '" ;  they  may  point  to  an  earUer  pre- 
valence of  totemism.  In  its  original  form  the  story 
of  the  mandrakes  (Ca.  7i3*)  presumably  explained  the 
fruitfulness  of  Rachel.  They  were  a  plum-like  fruit 
ripening  at  wheat  harvest  in  ^lay.  They  are  regarded 
as  aphrodisiacs  (cf.  mg. )  and  as  promoting  conception. 
Rachel  docs  not  require  the  former ;  she  has  all  her 
husband's  love,  but  she  longs  for  children,  and  offers 
to  surrender  her  husband  (for  one  night  !)  to  the 
neglected  Leah,  in  i-etum  for  some  of  the  mandrakes. 
Opportunity  is  thus  given  for  the  "  hired  "  (16) 
husband  to  become  the  father  of  Issachar.  The 
mandrakes,  the  earher  form  of  the  story  probably 
went  on  to  say,  removed  tlie  disability  from  which 
Rachel,  like  Sarah  (16if.)  and  Rebekah  (252i),  suffered, 
so  that  Joseph  was  bom.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the 
chronology  does  not  permit  more  than  about  three 
years  between  Judaii  and  Joseph,  so  that  Joseph  and 
Issachar  may  well  have  been  alxiut  the  same  age. 
This  is  not  the  general  inipi-ession  left  by  the  narrative, 
but  the  whole  of  2932-3O24  has  been  crowded  into  the 
first  seven  years  of  Jacob's  married  life,  too  short  an 
interval  for  the  events,  it  is  true,  Leah  ha^^ng  six 
sons  in  the  period  (unless  Zcbulun  is  put  later),  not 
to  speak  of  Dinah,  who  seems  to  be  interpolated  to 
prepare  for  34,  and  an  interval  of  barrenness  (2935), 
during  wliich  Zilpah  has  two  sons. 

XXX.  2&-43.  Jacob  Grows  Rich  by  Overreaching 
Laban. — This  is  a  difficult  section.  It  is  taken  from 
JE.  The  analysis  is  uncertain.  To  J  may  be  assigned 
25,  27,  29-31,  35f.,  to  E  26,  28,  33f.,  while  32  is  to  be 
divided  between  them.  37-45  is  in  the  main  from  J, 
but  in  its  present  form  is  barely  inteUigible.  Two 
accounts  of  the  bargain  seem  to  be  combined,  though 
the  fragmentary  character  and  the  state  of  E's  text 
make  roconstniction  uncertain.  According  to  E, 
Jacob  takes  out  of  Laban's  flock  all  the  parti-coloured 
animals,  and  they  are  his  pay.  If  at  any  time  I>aban 
finds  animals  of  the  nonnal  colour  in  Jacob's  flock, 
they  may  bo  taken  as  stolen.  According  to  J,  Jacob 
stipulates  for  no  share  in  laban's  present  flock,  but 
presumably  for  any  abnoniially  coloured  that  may  lie 
born  heroiirtor  in  the  flock  he  t-ends  for  Laban.  So 
Ijaban  takes  away  all  the  abnormally  coloured  he  has 


GENESIS,  XXXII.  3-21 


159 


at  present,  and  sends  them  right  away  three  days' 
journey  from  the  flock  Jacob  has  in  charge,  leaving 
him  with  the  normally  coloured  animals  only,  thus, 
since  they  might  bo  expected  to  have  normally- 
coloured  offspring,  reducing  Jacob's  prospective  share 
almost  to  vanishing  point.  In  either  case  the  pro- 
portion of  abnormally  coloured  would  be  small,  and 
Jacob's  commission  would  appear  to  be  paltry.  Jacob 
then  sets  himself  to  defeat  the  ordinary  course  of 
nature  on  which  Laban  counted,  and  by  placing  the 
pai-ti-coloured  rods  in  the  drinking-troughs  before  the 
females  at  couphng-time,  secure  parti-coloured  off- 
spring. The  plan  succeeded  admirably  ;  and  as  he 
employed  it  only  in  the  case  of  the  stronger  animals, 
his  flock  grew  sturdier  and  Laban's  more  delicate. 

27.  divined:  perhaps  literally  meant,  perhaps 
simply  discerned  by  observation. — 32.  The  sheep  in 
Syria  are  almost  all  white,  the  goats  brown  or  black. — 
37ff.  "  The  physiological  principle  is  well  established  " 
(Driver). — 40.  The  Heb.  is  obscure  and  the  text 
corrupt ;  "  and  set  .  .  .  of  Laban  "  should  probably 
be  omitted  as  a  gloss. 

XXXI.  1-21.  Jacob's  Flight.— This  section  is,  for  the 
most  part,  from  E,  i,  3  are  from  J,  18  (after  "  cattle  ") 
from  P. 

Jacob  realises  from  the  words  of  Laban's  sons  (J) 
and  the  altered  demeanour  of  Laban  himseK  (E)  that 
his  enrichment  at  Laban's  expense  is  deeply  resented. 
Yahweh  also  bade  him  return  (J).  To  his  wives  he 
complains  of  the  treatment  he  has  received  from  their 
father,  which  God  has  nevertheless  overruled  for  his 
advantage,  the  God  of  Bethel  who  is  now  summoning 
him  home.  Thej^  side  with  Jacob,  embittered  by 
Laban's  meanness  in  giving  them  no  part  of  the  bride- 
price  (mg.).  So,  with  their  warm  encouragement,  he 
sets  out  with  family,  flocks,  and  property,  outwitting 
Laban,  who  was  sheep-shearing.  Rachel,  without 
Jacob's  connivance  (32),  also  stole  Laban's  teraphim 
(p.  101),'thus  securing  the  family  "  luck."  They  crossed 
the  Euphrates  {7ng. )  and  headed  towards  the  hill-country 
of  Gilead. 

7-12.  The  difference  between  this  and  the  repre- 
sentation in  3O31-42  darkens  the  obscurity  which 
already  invests  that  passage.  Here  the  representation 
is  that  Laban  kept  clianging  the  conditions,  finding, 
to  his  mortification,  that  every  arrangement  turned 
to  Jacob's  profit. — 20.  the  heart  (mg.) :  the  under- 
standing. 

XXXL  22-XXXII.  2.  After  Mutual  Recriminations, 
Jacob  and  Laban  Make  a  Covenant  to  Refrain  from 
Aggression  on  each  other's  Territories. — The  analysis 
is  uncertain;  Gunkel  assigns  22-24,  26,  28-310  (to 
'•  Laban  '"),  32-35,  36b,  37,  41-43,  45,  49^-,  53&-332  to  E  ; 
the  rest,  apart  from  47,  to  J.  According  to  E,  Laban 
learns  of  .Jacob's  flight  on  the  third  day,  and  overtakes 
him  seven  days  later,  but  is  wanied  in  a  dream  the 
night  before  their  encounter  to  say  nothing  to  him, 
a  command  which  he  interprets  as  forbidding  him  to 
take  hostile  measures.  He  reproaches  Jacob  with  his 
Bnddcn  flight,  depriving  him  of  the  opportunity  of 
saying  adieu  to  his  children.  He  could  hurt  him  but 
for  God's  prohibition.  And  if  sore  home-sickness 
excused  him,  why  has  he  stolen  his  gods  ?  Jacob, 
ifrnorant  of  Rachel's  theft,  repHes  that  the  thief  shall 
die  (r/.  449),  and  gives  him  fuU  Uberty  to  search. 
Laban  searches  the  tents  of  Jacob,  the  maids,  and 
Ivoah,  without  discovering  the  teraphim.  Last  of  all, 
he  enters  Rachel's  tent.  She  had  concealed  them  in 
the  camel's  howdah,  in  which  she  travelled,  and 
alleges  her  condition  of  ceremonial  uncleanness  as  the 
reason  why  slio  cannot  rise  (a  stolen  god  protected 


from  discovery  in  so  ignominious  a  way !).  Jacob 
concludes  that  Laban's  charge  was  a  pretext  for  ran- 
sacking his  property  to  see  if  he  can  find  anything  of 
his  own,  and  challenges  him  to  produce  it.  Then  (41!) 
he  carries  the  war  into  the  enemy's  camp.  Fourteen 
years  he  had  served  for  the  daughters,  six  for  the 
flock ;  but  for  God's  care  Laban  would  have  turned 
him  away  I'enniless.  God's  rebuke  shows  that  he  bad 
marked  Jacob's  wrongs.  Laban  replies,  "Daughters, 
children,  flocks,  all  you  have  is  mine,  yet  I  must  part 
with  them  ;  what  Imidness  can  I  show  them  ?  "  Then 
he  (not  Jacob)  sets  up  a  pillar,  to  indicate  that  God 
wiU  watch  between  them,  to  see  that  Jacob,  when  no 
longer  under  his  father-in-law's  eye,  does  not  illtreat 
his  daughtei-s.  Jacob  swears  by  the  Fear  of  Isaac, 
offers  a  sacrifice,  and  partakes  with  his  brethren  of  a 
sacrificial  meal.  In  the  morning  Laban  bids  his 
children  adieu,  and  returns  home. 

According  to  J,  Laban  overtakes  Jacob  and  re- 
proaches him  for  leaving  without  the  customary 
"  send-off."  He  replies  that  he  feared  that  Laban 
might  rob  him  of  his  daughters.  (Laban's  reply  is 
not  preserved ;  it  aroused  Jacob's  hot  anger  (36a), 
and  from  the  tenor  of  Jacob's  reply  Gunkel  conjectures 
that  he  charged  him  with  stealing  his  flocks.)  Jacob 
replies  in  wrath  that  he  had  served  him  twenty  years, 
there  have  been  no  miscarriages  in  the  flock,  he  has 
not  eaten  the  rams,  if  beasts  had  devoured  he  had  not 
brought  the  mangled  remams  for  inspection  to  prove 
his  honesty  (Ex.  22i3,  Am.  3i2),  but  had  borne  the 
loss ;  pitiless  heat  by  day,  bitmg  frost  by  night, 
scanty  sleep,  such  had  been  his  thankless  lot.  Laban 
proposes  a  covenant  (and  (?)  the  making  of  a  cairn) 
to  witness  between  them.  He  (not  Jacob)  bids  his 
brethren  coUect  stones,  and  they  celebrate  the  covenant 
feast  on  the  caim.  This  cairn  is  to  be  a  witness  that 
neither  will  pass  it  in  hostile  aggression  against  the 
other. 

In  32if.  (E)  we  have  apparently  a  fragmentary  ex- 
planation of  the  name  Mahanaim.  The  incident  is  so 
curious  that  probably  something  objectionable  to  later 
piety  (possibly  a  conflict  between  Jacob  and  the 
angels  ;  c/.  3224-32)  has  been  struck  out. 

25.  the  mountain :  apparently  different  from  "  the 
mountain  of  Gilead " ;  i)erhaps  Mizpah  stood  in  the 
text  (49). — 42.  the  Fear  of  Isaac:  i.e.  the  deity  feared 
by  Isaac,  not  the  terror  inspired  by  the  god  Isaac 
(E.  Meyer)  or  a  sacred  object  belonging  to  and  rever- 
enced by  Isaac  and  now  in  Jacob's  possession  (Eerd- 
mans). 

XXXII.  3-21.  Jacob  Takes  Precautions  to  Appease 
Esau. — 3-1 3a  seems  to  be  from  J,  136-21  from  E. 
9-12  may  be  an  expansion.  Accorduig  to  J,  Jacob 
divides  his  company  into  two  camps,  so  that  one  may 
escape  if  Esau  attacks.  E  represents  Jacob  as  making 
up  a  very  valuable  present  to  %vin  Esau's  favour. 
This  consists  of  goats,  sheep,  camels,  cattle,  and  asses. 
He  hits  on  the  plan  of  arranging  them  in  separate 
droves,  with  a  space  between  cacli.  Each  drover  is 
to  say  that  it  is  a  present  for  Esau,  and  that  Jacob  is 
behind.  Thus  Esau,  when  he  expects  to  see  Jacob, 
is  to  be  again  and  again  surprised  with  a  frosh  present ; 
so  it  is  hoped  that  his  anger  will  have  vanisheu  by  the 
time  he  meets  his  brother. 

7.  two  companies:  the  word  is  the  same  as  that 
rendered  "  host  "  in  2  ;  it  is  a  second  explanation  of 
the  name  Mahanaun,  the  writer  taking  the  word  as  a 
dual ;  probably  it  is  not  reaUy  such,  though  it  has  a 
dual  termination. — 9-12.  A  beautiful  pra3cr,  hut  the 
absence  of  any  confession  of  sin  is  remarkable,  con- 
sidering the  root  of  Jacob's  well-grounded  fear. 


160 


GENESIS,  XXXII.  22-32 


XXXII.  22-32.  The  Wrestling  of  Jacob.— The  narra- 
tive, for  which  Hos.  I23-5  should  be  compareil,  is  dis- 
tributed between  J  and  E  by  recent  critics.     Gunkel 
attributes  23,  24(1,  250,  26-28,  310  to  E  ;    22,  24,  256, 
2yf.,  316  to  J.     The  older  critica  treated  the  section 
as  a  unity,  generally  attributing  it  to  J.     So  much 
uncertainty  hangs  over  the  analysis,  that  it  is  test 
to  take  the  story  as  it  stands.     It  has  been  so  filled 
with    deep,    spiritual    significance    (Charles    Wesley's 
"  Come,    O   Thou    traveUer   unknown  "    is    a    classic 
example)  that  it  is  difficult  for  the  modem  reader  to 
think  himself  back  into  its  original  meaning.     Like 
the  story  of  the  angel  marriages  (G1-4),  it  belongs  to  a 
most  antique  stage  of  rcligi<ius  belief.     It  is  no  wrestling 
in  prayer  with  God  for  HLs  ble.ssing,  nor  in  the  primi- 
tive form  of  the  story  was  Yahweh  the  superhuman 
antagonist.     It  is  a  Literal  physical  wrestling,  in  which 
one  of  the  wrestlers  puts  the  thigh  bone  of  the  other 
out  of  joint,  in  which  the  human  combatant  holds  his 
adversary  in  so  firm  a  grip  that  he  fears  the  day  will 
dawn  before  he  is  gone.     It  is  a  local  deitj%  whether 
a  god  of  the  border  who  seeks  to  prevent  entrance  to 
the   land,   or  of   the  Jabbok   ("  wrestled,"   in    24   is 
ye'abck)   who,   like   other   river  gods,   as   Frazer   has 
pointed  out,  resisted  the  crossing  and  sought  to  kill 
those  who  attempted  it.     The  two  are  not  unequally 
matched,  the  wrestling  continues  long ;  in  260  Jacob's  " 
thigh  is  dislocated  by  a  stroke  of  the  foe,  in  266  by 
the  efforts  he  makes  himself.     We  have  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  Jacob  guessed  the  suix?niatural  character 
of  his  opponent  till  he  begged  to  be  released  since  dawn 
was  at  hand.     It  is  a  widespread,  primitive  belief  that 
gods  or  spirits  must  dbappear  at  daybreak.     Jacob 
therefore,  had  him  at  a  disadvantage,  and  lamed  and 
in  agony  though  he  was,  he  nerved  himself  to  hold  on 
just  a  little  longer,  to  wring  from  him  the  blessing 
which,  as  a  superhuman  being,  he  was  able  to  bestow. 
He  learns  Jacob's  name  (apparently  up  to  that  point 
he  was  unaware  of  it),  and  changes  it  to  Israel  in  token 
that  he  had  jiersevered  (so  Driver  renders)  with  God. 
(Perhaps  LXX,  Vulg.  should  Ije  accepted   here,  mg.) 
So  Jacob  asks  his  adversary-  for  his  name  (29).     The 
name  is,  to  primitive  thought,  an  essential  part  of  the 
personality ;  to  know  it  is  to  get  its  bearer  into  one's 
power.     Hence   great   precautions   are   taken   that   it 
shall  not  be  known,  and  it  is  not  uncommon  for  savages 
to  pa.ss  under  an  assumed  name,  the  true  name  being 
hidden.     This  applies  to  gods  as  well  as  men.     Great 
pains  are  taken  in  prayer  to  secure  tliat  right  names 
shall  be  employed,  not  simply  that  the  deity  intended 
shall  be   reached,  but  that   pressure  may  be  brought 
upon  him  by  the  efficacy  of  their  use.     This  cnide 
conception  gave  place  to  ideas  more  refined,  but  after 
the  name  was  no  longer  used  as  a  spell  to  coerce  the 
deity,  the  old  thought  of  the  wonder-working  pcjwer 
inherent    in    it    still    Lingered-     It    was    attached    in 
Judaism  to  the  Ineffable  Name,  and  similar  thoughts 
naturally   gathered   about  the   name  of   Jesus.     The 
invocation  of  His  name,  or  the  prayer  offered  in  His 
name,  carried  with  them  His  power,  so  that  demons 
were  ca.st  out,  disea.ses  healed,  baptism  administered, 
and  discipline  exercised  (1  Cor.  63-5  *)  in  His  name. 
The  terminology  still  survives,  especially   in   hymns. 
But  as  to  Manoah  (Jg.  ISi/f.)  so  to  Jacob,  at  least  in 
the  present  form  of  the  story,  the  name  is  not  dis- 
closed ;  yet  he  reoeives  the  bl&ssing.    The  origin  of  the 
name  Peniel  is  explained ;  Jacob  has  seen  God  face  to 
face,  yet  the  sight  has  not  been  fatal ;  he  bears  the 
mark  of  the  struggle,  but  his  lifo  has  not  p;iid  the 
forfeit.     The  story  also  accounts  for  the  abstinence 
of  the  IsraeUtos  from  the  sinew  of  the  thigh  socket. 


i.e.  probably  tlie  sciatic  nturve,  a  taboo  which  curiously, 
is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  OT.  It  is  known 
among  other  peoples. 

22.  Jabbok:  the  Zerka  (p.  32),  a  tributarj'  which  dis- 
charges into  the  Jordan  about  25  miles  N.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  The  foixl  is  probably  3  miles  to  the  E.  of  this  point. 
— 28.  Israel:  strictlv  "God  "'  is  the  subject;  rf.  mg*. 
XXXIII.  The  Reconciliation  of  Jacob  and  Esau.— 
1-17  is  in  the  main  from  J,  but  bits  of  E  have  been 
woven  in  (5^,  lob,  iia).  The  actual  course  of  events, 
however,  is  not  clear.  According  to  E,  Jacob  had 
prepared  a  very  costly  present  for  Esau,  and  reading 
our  narrative  as  if  it  carried  on  32136-21,  we  should 
gain  the  impression  that  at  the  point  reached  in  33i 
Esau  had  already  received  the  gifts  enumerated  in 
32i4f.  But  33 1  rather  carries  on  327f.  J  represents 
Esau  as  having  aheady  met  (8)  and  passed  one  of  the 
two  camps  into  which  Jacob  had  divided  his  company 
(327f.).  Jacob  is  with  his  wives  and  children  in  the 
second  camp,  and  pacifies  Esau  by  the  grovelling 
prostrations  with  which  he  honours  him  (3).  Then 
after  the  reconciliation  and  the  prostrations  of  the 
family  before  him,  Esau  inquires  as  to  the  object  of 
the  camp  he  had  already  met.  On  the  spur  of  the 
moment,  Jacob  offers  it  to  Esau  as  a  present.  He 
had  ali-cady  written  it  off  in  his  mind  as  probable 
loss  (328)  ;  Esau  had,  it  is  true,  forgiven,  but  hu 
question  (8)  was  a  broad  hint ;  and  then  there  were 
the  four  hundi-ed  men.  Esau  declined,  with  conven- 
tional courtesy  (cf.  23i5),  but,  of  course,  took  it. 
Jacob  paid  a  heavj'  price,  but  well  worth  it.  His 
brother  appeased,  half  liis  property  left  him,  his  family 
secure,  his  own  skin  safe,  he  had  come  out  of  a  perilous 
situation  better  than  he  could  have  hoped.  Now 
if  Esau  would  only  go  1  But  Esau  is  in  no  hurry  to 
leave  his  long-lost  brother.  He  proposes  that  they 
shall  travel  together,  but  Jacob  has  a  reason  agauist 
this — his  pace  will  be  too  slow.  At  any  rate,  let  him 
leave  Jacob  an  armed  escort.  Jacob  pleads  that  there 
is  no  need,  and  desires  his  brother  not  to  press  it. 
Perhaps  he  foresees  difficulties  between  Esaus  men 
and  his  own  {cf.  136f.).  He  preferred  to  be  let  alone; 
above  all  if  the  escort  remained,  he  would  have  to  go 
to  Seir,  not  merely  promise  to  go.  So  Esau  left  the 
same  day,  and  Jacob  journeyed  to  Succoth  (.site  un- 
known), still  on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan,  and  settled  there 
for  a  time.  E.  Meyer  thinks  tliat  J  repi-esented  Jacob 
as  actually  g'ing  to  Seir  and  thence  to  Hebron  witlrout 
crossing  the  Jordan  at  aU.  But  one  cannot  build 
any  conclusions  on  the  truthfuhiess  of  Jacob's  implied 
promise  to  visit  Seir.  The  rest  of  the  chapter  (18-20) 
throws  no  light  on  Js  account  of  Jacob's  movements 
aft<'r  leaving  Succoth.  It  is  taken  from  E,  and  pre- 
supposes that  Jacob  had  ali-eady  crossed  tlie  Jordan. 
It  records  how  ho  reached  Shechem  (126*)  in  .safety, 
and  purchased  land.  In  tliis  plot  Joseph's  bones  were 
buried  (Jos.  2432),  thus  the  grave  of  Joseph,  like  the 
cave  of  Machpelah  (Gen.  23  *),  belonged  to  Israel  by 
purchase. 

XXXIV.  Shechem's  Outrage  on  Dinah  Avenged. — 
It  is  generally  agreed  that  two  sources  luivc  Ijccn  used, 
but  much  uncertainty  prevails  as  to  their  identity 
and  ext<?nt,  while  in  view  of  the  priestly  phraseology 
in  one  of  the  narratives,  it  is  probable  that  the  compiler 
has  left  his  mark  rather  deeply  upon  it,  unless  we 
a^•■sign  it  directly  to  P,  who  may  have  employed  an 
earlier  story.  According  to  one  story,  jjcrhaps  J, 
Shechem  seduces  Dinah  and  keeps  her  in  his  house. 
Jacob  annoinices  the  news  to  his  sons  on  their  return 
from  the  field,  and  they  are  greatly  angered.  Shechem 
offers  to  accept  any  financial  terms  they  may  impose 


GENESIS,  XXXV.  22b-29 


161 


if  ouly  he  may  marry  her.  Thay  reply  that  his  un- 
circumcision  is  a  fatal  barrier.  He  accepts  their  con- 
ditions (not  now  recorded).  Simeon  and  Levi,  how- 
ever, cater  the  city,  kill  him,  phmder  the  house,  and 
take  Dinah  away.  This  action  arouses  Jacob's  con- 
sternation as  to  the  possible  consequences,  but  they 
retort  that  Shechem  deserved  his  fate  for  the  outrage 
to  their  siiiter.  The  other  story,  whether  E  or  P, 
represents  Dinah  as  violated  by  Shechem,  but  not 
detained  by  him.  He  requests  his  father,  Hamor,  to 
secure  her  for  him  as  his  wife.  Hamor,  accordingly, 
offers  general  intennarriage  and  Uberty  to  settle  and 
trade.  The  sons  of  Jacob  deceitfully  demand,  as  a 
condition  of  acceptance,  the  circumcision  of  all  the 
Shechemite  males,  then  they  will  become  one  people 
with  them.  He  persuades  the  Shechemites  to  accept, 
by  enlarging  on  the  advantages  of  the  aUiance.  But 
when  the  inflammation  was  most  acute,  the  sons  of 
Jacob  fell  on  the  disabled  Shechemites,  killed  all  the 
males,  and  sacked  the  city.  It  is  commonly  assumed 
that  495-7  also  refers  to  the  same  event ;  their  excessive 
vengeance  is  severely  reprobated,  and  the  scattering  of 
the  tribes  of  Simeon  and  Levi  said  to  be  its  punishment. 
Skinner,  however,  thinks  (ICC,  p.  516f.)  that  the 
habitual  character  of  the  tribes  is  denounced  rather 
than  any  particular  action.  The  incident  is  usually 
interpreted  as  tribal  rather  than  personal  history, 
Shechem  being  the  city,  Hatnor  the  tribe  inhabiting 
it,  Simeon  and  Levi  the  tribes  that  conquered  it,  and 
their  overthrow  and  dispersion  (-49/)  due  to  retahation 
by  the  Canaanites.  Dinah  may  then  be  a  feeble  tribe, 
in  danger  of  subjection  to  Shechem  ;  or  her  storj'  may 
be  the  account  of  an  actual  outrage  on  a  Hebrew 
maiden  (cf.  the  parallel  story  in  Cent.B,  pp.  318f.)  for 
which  the  tribes  of  Simeon  and  Levi  took  vengeance. 
The  date  of  the  event  is  usually  placed  after  the 
Conquest ;  some  who  accept  the  tribal  interpretation 
take  it  to  be  pre-Mosaic,  since  Joseph  held  Shechem 
in  the  post-Mosaic  period,  while  Simeon  and  Levi 
were  at  that  time  broken  up.     (See  pp.  65,  248,  258.) 

3.  spake  kindly:  comforted  her  (see  yng.  and  cf. 
Is.  4O2)  in  her  distress  at  what  had  happened. — 7. 
wrought  folly:  perpetrated  a  scandalous  deed,  here 
and  in  some  other  places  of  unchastity,  sometimes  of 
impiety, 

XXXV.  1-15.  Jacob  Goes  to  Bethel,  where  Elohim 
Appears  to  him  as  El  Shaddai  and  Gives  him  the  Name 
Israel. — This  section  is  mainly  from  E  and  P.  To  P 
lielong  6a,  9-13,  15,  the  rest  to  E,  though  some  assign 
14  to  J.  5  is  the  close  of  the  Dinah  storj^ ;  the  neigh- 
bouring cities  were  restrained  bj'  Divinely  sent  terror 
fron  avenging  the  fate  of  Shechem.  1-4,  Gh,  7  relate 
how  Jacob  returns  at  God's  bidding  to  erect  an  altar 
at  Bethel.  He  commands  (2)  due  preparations  to  be 
made  by  the  surrender  of  all  strange  gods,  purifications 
of  the  person,  and  change  of  clothes,  that  the  im- 
purities attaching  to  both  may  be  removed.  The 
rea,son  for  the  change  of  garments  is  that  clothes  con- 
tract an  imcleanness.  when  worn  in  ordinary  Ufe, 
which  unfits  them  for  use  in  religious  ceremonies.  They 
who  draw  near  to  God  must  be  ritually  clean,  and  lay 
aside  all  the  contamination  of  the  world  that  rendere 
them  ceremonially  unclean.  It  was  possible  to  wear 
special  clothes  as  in  the  present  case  (rf.  27i5,  2  K. 
IO22),  or  to  perform  the  rites  divested  of  clothing 
altogether,  as  we  find  among  the  Arabs.  Wasliing  the 
clothes  also  removes  unckanness  (Ex.  19io).  It  is  an 
attenuated  form  of  cleansing  as  going  barefoot  (Ex. 
35,  Jos.  5i5)  is  of  ritual  nakedness.  Conversely,  clothes 
used  in  religious  rites  contract  a  holiness  wliich  renders 
them  unfit  for  ordinary  use,  and  capable  of  infecting 


with  holiness  those  with  whom  the  wearer  is  brought 
in  contact.  This  might  presumably  be  removed  by 
washing ;  but  it  was  sometimes  more  convenient  to 
resei've  special  garments  for  religious  use  (Ezek.  42 14, 
44i9*).  Along  with  the  gods,  earrings,  regarded  not 
aa  ornaments  but  as  amulets,  are  given  up  and  bui-ied 
under  the  terebinth  near  Shechem  (126,  Jos.  2423-27). 
The  company  then  proceeds  to  Bethel,  where  Jacob 
builds  an  altar,  and  names  the  place  El-beth-el.  Ac- 
cording to  14  he  sets  up  a  stone  obelisk,  pours  a  Ubation 
on  it,  and  anoints  it  with  oil.  Smce  E  has  already  a 
similar  story  as  to  the  origin  of  the  massebah  at  Bethel 
(28i8)  it  is  natural  to  infer  that  14  belongs  to  J.  But 
J  does  not  recognise  the  standing  stone  ;  perhaps  14 
was  origuially  the  contmuation  of  8,  the  hbation  being 
offered  to  the  dead.  8  contains  a  strange  statement, 
since  we  have  no  indication  how  Jacob's  mother's  nurse 
could  have  been  with  Jacob's  company;  moreover, 
Deborah  must  have  been  very  old,  even  if  we  disregard 
the  chronology  of  P,  which  would  make  her  over  150. 
There  may  be  some  confusion  with  Deborah  the 
prophetess  (Jg.  45*).  The  statement  is  inserted  here, 
because  it  relates  to  the  same  locahty.  As  to  P's 
narrative,  Gunkel  suggests  that  gf.  refers  to  a  theophany 
after  Jacob's  return,  not  nec&ssarily  at  Bethel,  con- 
taining P's  account  of  the  origin  of  the  name  Israel, 
while  6a,  iif.,  130,  15  give  P's  account  of  the  same 
incident  as  that  recorded  in  2810-22,  and  are,  therefore, 
out  of  place  here.  1 1  would  be  much  more  appropriate 
when  Jacob  had  no  children,  than  when  his  family 
was  complete. 

XXXW.  16-22a.  Rachel  Dies  at  the  Birth  of  Ben- 
jamin.— 16-20  is  assigned  by  some  to  J  and  by  some 
to  E.  There  is  no  decisive  reason  for  either.  21,  22a 
is  from  J.  The  use  of  Israel  as  Jacob's  name  is  char- 
acteristic of  J.  The  pathetic  story  of  Rachel's  death 
is  often  explamed  to  mean  that,  when  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin  was  formed  in  Palestine  after  the  Conquest, 
the  earher  tribe  of  Rachel  was  broken  up.  This  may 
be  correct,  but  is  very  uncertain.  Ephrath  is  identi- 
fied in  19,  487  with  Bethlehem,  This  is  probably  an 
incorrect  gloss  (see  Cent.B  on  Jer.  3I15),  and  an 
otherwise  unknown  Ephrath  near  Bethel  in  the  border 
between  Benjamin  and  Ephraim  (1  S.  102f.)  is  intended. 
The  mother  "  refuses  to  be  comforted "  with  the 
cheering  news  that  her  prayer  of  3O24  has  been 
answered,  as  later  she  wails  from  her  tomb  and  refuses 
to  be  comforted  when  her  children  have  gone  into 
exile  (Jer.  31 15).  She  calls  the  chUd  Benoni,  bom 
in  bitter  and  fatal  anguish  (cf.  tng.) ;  but  Jacob  for 
this  ill-omened  name  substitutes  Benjamin,  son  of 
good  luck,  the  right  (mg.)  being  the  lucky  side.  The 
real  meaning  is  probably  "  son  of  the  south,"  Benjamm 
lying  to  the  S.  of  Ephraun  and  Manasseh.  The  frag- 
mentary reference  to  Reuben's  intrigiie  with  Bilhah 
(cf.  494)  may  be  explamed  as  a  reminiscence  of  some 
alliance  of  Reuben  with  Dan  and  Naphtah  against  the 
other  tribes,  or  an  encroachment  of  Reuben  upon  the 
Bilhah  tribes.  But  it  is  too  brief  and  obscure  to 
warrant  any  confident  interpretation  (cf.  Homer, 
Iliad,  ix.  449-452,  where  Phoenix,  at  his  wronged 
mother's  request,  avenges  her  by  an  intrigue  with  his 
father's  concubine,  and  is  cursed  by  him  for  it).  Pre- 
sumably the  original  story  explained  how  Reuben  lost 
the  birthright  for  his  misconduct. 

21.  Eder:  the  flock;  a  watch-tower  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  flotks  is  intended. 

XXXV.  22b-29.  List  of  Jacob's  Sons ;  Death  and 
Btuial  of  Isaac. — From  P,  Observe  that  Benjamin  is 
included  among  the  sons  bom  in  Paddan-aram,  With 
296,  cf.  259. 


162 


OENESIS,  XXXVI. 


XXXVI.  Edomlte  Genealogies,  Chieftains,  and  Kings. 

— This  chapter  is  not  a  unity  but  a  compilation  with 
a  very  complicated  literary  history  behind  it.  Tliere 
is  an  element  of  P  in  it,  but  its  extent,  the  degree  in 
which  it  is  a  revision  of  carher  sources,  and  the  alloca- 
tion of  the  other  matter,  is  very  uncertain.  The  his- 
torical value  of  the  chapter  is  great,  but  the  genealogies 
and  lists  cannot  be  discussed  here.  Some  points  of 
interest  may  be  mentioned.  There  is  a  strange  dis- 
crepancy as  to  Esau's  wives  between  2-4  and  2634, 
289.  The  same  names  largely  recur  in  both  lists,  but 
in  different  relationships.  In  6-8  the  reason  assigned 
for  Esau's  residence  in  Seir  is  identical  with  that 
which  led  to  the  separation  of  Abraham  and  Lot 
(I35-12),  whereas  323,  33i4-i6  represents  Esau  as 
living  in  Seir  while  Jacob  was  yet  in  Paddan-aram. 
The  term  "  duke  "  would  be  better  rendered  "  chief- 
tain "  (cf.  nig.).  The  kingship  was  not  hereditary; 
the  new  king  is  not  the  son  of  his  predecessor.  The 
fact  that  their  cities  differ  has  also  led  some  to  think 
that  the  kings  were  more  like  the  Hebrew  judges,  and 
ruled  over  parts  of  Edom  rather  than  over  Edom  as 
a  whole. 

XXXVII.  Joseph  Excites  the  Hatred  of  his  Brothers, 
and  is  in  consequence  Carried  away  into  Egypt. — With 
this  cliapter  we  begin  the  story  of  Joseph  and  his 
Brothers  which  (apart  from  38,  49i-28)  fills  the  rest 
of  the  book.  It  is  "  at  once  the  most  artistic  and  the 
most  fascinating  of  OT  biographies  "  (Skinner).  On 
its  literarj'  qualities  see  p.  22.  More  than  any  other 
of  the  patriarchal  stories,  it  contains  a  "  plot,"'  and  of 
a  somewhat  complicated  kind.  It  has  been  compiled 
with  great  skill  from  J  and  E.  The  parts  that  belong 
to  P  are  trifling.  Some  tribal  history  may  be  pre- 
served in  the  story,  but  in  the  main  the  figures  are 
indi\ndual,  not  tribal.  It  is  by  no  means  impossible 
that  it  may  contain  an  element  of  authentic  biography, 
though  mingled  with  this  are  other  strands  of  folk- 
romance. 

1-11.  Joseph  Hated  by  his  Brothers  on  Account  of 
his  Talebearing,  his  Fathers  Partiality,  and  his  Dreams 
of  Supremacy. — i,  2a  is  certainly  from  P,  but  probably 
26  also.  It  gives  a  third  reason  for  the  hatred  which 
Joseph  excited ;  the  rather  priggish  Joseph  tells  tales 
to  Jacob  about  the  children  of  his  concubines.  Nothing 
more  is  presers'ed  from  P  till  we  reach  4146a.  J's 
story  (3!)  lays  the  blame  on  Jacob's  partiahty :  he  loved 
him  because  he  was  the  son  of  his  old  age — a  curious 
statement  in  view  of  the  fact  that  some  of  his  half- 
brothers  were  younger  than  himself.  Presumably  he 
loved  him  because  he  was  the  .son  of  his  favourite 
wife.  He  made  him  "  a  long  garment  with  sleeves  " 
(mg.).  Such  a  tunic  was  not  worn  by  people  who  had 
to  work  (2  S.  13i8  mg.);  the  sleeves  would  be  in  the 
way,  and  the  length,  reaching  to  the  feet  instead  of 
the  knees,  less  convenient.  E  characteristically  ex- 
plains the  envy  as  occasioned  by  Joseph's  two  dreams 
(the  duplication  indicating  the  certainty  and  speed  of 
accomplishment,  41 32),  which  he  could  not  keep  to 
himself.  The  second,  foretelling  that  fatlier  and  mother 
will  lx)w  down,  brings  him  reproof  from  Jacob,  who, 
however,  like  Mary  (Lk.  219,51),  ponders  the  omen  in 
his  heart.  Obser\-e  that  Jacob  is  here  represented  as 
practising  agriculture  (r/.  2612). 

12-17.  Some  assign  to  J  ;  more  probably  it  belongs 
to  J  and  E.  To  J  12,  130,  146  ;  to  E  13b,  14a  may  bo 
allotted.  15-17  may  belong  to  either.  Shechem  has 
fine  paaturage,  Dothan  (p.  30,  2  K.  613-15*),  1.5  miles 
N.  of  it,  still  finer. 

18-30.  To  J  we  may  assign  186  ("  and  before," 
eta),   21    (substituting    "  Judah "    for    "Reuben"), 


23,  25,  27,  28  ("and  sold"  to  "sUver"),  to  E  180, 
i9f.,  22,  24,  28  ("  And  there  .  .  .  pit,"  "  And  they 
.  .  .  Egypt  "j,  29!  According  to  J  the  brothers,  seeing 
Joseph  coming,  conspire  to  murder  him.  Judah 
dissuades  them  from  actual  murder.  When  Joseph 
arrives,  they  strip  off  his  hated  coat.  While  at  food, 
they  see  approaching  an  Ishmaelite  caravan,  travelling 
to  Egj'pt  with  gums  (used  for  embalming).  Judah 
urges  the  tie  of  brotherhood  and  the  more  profitable 
course  of  selling  him  for  a  slave  than  killing  him,  and 
then  covering  the  blood  to  stifle  ite  cry  for  vengeance 
(4 10*).  So  they  sell  Joseph  to  the  IshmaeUtes  for 
twenty  shekels,  and  the  Ishmaehtes  take  him  to 
Egypt.  According  to  E,  the  brothers,  seeing  Joseph 
in  the  distance,  plot  to  murder  him  and  cast  him  into 
a  pit,  and  ascribe  his  death  to  a  wild  beast,  then  they 
will  see  what  will  become  of  his  dreams.  Reuben 
proposes  that  they  should  put  him  in  a  pit  and  leave 
him  to  die,  to  avoid  the  risk  they  wiU  incur  by  shedding 
blood,  intending  to  return  when  his  brothers  had  left, 
and  to  rescue  him.  So  Joseph  was  put  into  the  pit 
[and  the  brothers  abandoned  him  to  his  fate.  After 
their  departure]  Midianite  merchants  pass  by,  discover 
Joseph,  lift  him  out  of  the  pit  and  take  him  to  Egypt, 
where  they  sell  him  to  Potiphar,  ( 36).  Reuben  returns 
that  he  may  rescue  Joseph,  only  to  find  him  gone,  and 
then  goes  back  to  his  brothers  with  a  despairing  cry. 
Observe  that  this  representation  of  Joseph  as  kid- 
napped rather  than  sold  by  his  brothers  is  confirmed 
by  4O15,  '■  I  was  stolen  away  out  of  the  land  of  the 
Hebrews." 

31-36.  The  analysis  is  uncertain.  According  to  one 
narrative,  the  brothers  seem  to  have  sent  Joseph's 
coat  to  JacoVj,  after  dipping  it  in  goat"s  blood,  according 
to  the  other  to  have  brought  the  coat  to  him  as  it 
was  ;  but  possibly,  according  to  one,  they  brought  the 
stained  coat,  according  to  the  other  sent  the  unstained. 
On  34  see  p.  110.  36  concludes  E"s  narrative;  the 
Midianites  sold  Joseph  into  Egypt  to  Potiphar.  If  the 
text  were  a  unity  "  the  Mdianites  "  would  have  been 
•■  the  Ishmaelites  "  (28).  The  Ishmaehtes  are  men- 
tioned as  selling  him  in  39i.  Potiphar  probably  repre- 
sents the  Egvptian  Pedephre,''  He  whom  the  sun-god 
gives."  He  was  a  eunuch  (not  "  officer  '"  as  RV),  and 
chief  of  the  court  cooks  or  butchers.  They  seem  to 
have  become  the  royal  bodyguard. 

XXXVin.  Judah  "^and  Tamar.— The  source  is  J,  but 
not  the  same  stratum  as  that  to  which  the  Joseph 
story  belongs.  There  is  not  room  for  the  events 
either  before  or  after  the  events  of  37,  nor  does  the 
Joseph  narrative  suggest  that  Judah  left  his  brothers 
and  hved  the  independent  life  here  described.  The 
chronology  ia  quite  inconsistent  with  the  view  that 
Genesis  is  a  unity.  Judah  was  roughly  about  twenty 
when  Joseph,  at  the  age  at  least  of  seventeen  (372), 
went  into  Eg^'pt.  The  interval  between  that  event 
and  the  journey  of  Jacob  into  Egypt  was  not  more 
than  twenty-two  years.  Within  that  period  the  whole 
of  the  events  of  this  chapter  have  been  crowded ; 
moreover,  Perez  has  two  sons  by  its  close  (46i2).  To 
a  certain  extent  the  chapter  contains  tribal  historj'. 
Judah  at  first  consisted  of  the  chins  of  Er,  Onan,  and 
Shelah,  half-Hebrew,  half-C'anaanito.  The  two  former 
largely  died  out ;  later,  by  a  further  fusion  with 
Canaanites,  the  clans  of  Perez  and  Zerah  arose.  It  ia 
probably  tnie  that  Judah  had  a  large  Canaanite 
element,  and  certainly  till  the  time  of  David  its  ties 
with  Israel  were  very  loose.  Tamar,  however,  is 
hardly  the  name  of  a  clan.  She  is  the  clan-mother,  , 
whose  desperate  device  for  securing  posteritj'  for  her  j 
first  husband  would  be  celebrated  by  her  descendants  1 


GENESIS,  XLII. 


163 


whose  existence  it  made  possible,  aa  the  even  more 
drastic  measures  of  Lot's  daughters  were  celebrated 
by  Moab  and  Ammon  (I930-38*).  To  us  the  whole 
story  is  extremely  repulsive,  but  it  is  a  mistake  to 
impute  our  standards  to  the  early  Hebrews.  It  is 
surprismg  that  Tamar  lays  the  trap  for  Judah  rather 
than  Shelah,  to  whom  she  had  a  right.  Partly  it  would 
be  to  bring  home  to  Judah  his  fault  in  withholdmg 
Shelah  from  her  (8826),  partly  to  Bccure  sons  from  the 
tribal  fountain  head.  Judah  was  naturally  chary  of 
risking  his  last  son  with  a  woman  who,  as  he  would 
think,  had  proved  fatal  to  his  two  brothers  (c/.  Sarah 
and  her  seven  husbands  in  Tobit  iii.  8).  On  the 
levirate  marriage,  see  p.  109.  The  offspiing  of  such 
a  marriage  was  reckoned  to  the  dead  man,  hence 
Onan's  evasion  of  his  duty. 

XXXIX.  Joseph  Repels  his  Master's  Wife,  and  is  Im- 
prisoned on  her  False  Accusation. — This  section  is  from 
J  with  touches  from  E.  It  is  generally  agreed  that 
"  Potiphar  .  .  .  guard  "  is  an  insertion  in  i.  J  repre- 
sents Joseph  as  sold  to  an  unnamed  Egyptian ;  the 
governor  of  the  prison  is  also  unnamed.  According  to 
E,  Joseph  is  sold  to  Potiphar  the  captain  of  the  guard, 
and  attends,  not  as  himseK  a  prisoner,  but  as  Potiphar's 
slave  (c/.  4I12),  to  the  officers  who  are  in  custody  in 
the  house.  Clearly,  Joseph's  mistress  cannot  have 
been  the  wife  of  Potiphar  the  captain  of  the  guard,  who 
entrusts  him  with  the  service  of  Pharaoh's  officers  (4O4). 
The  identification  is  made  in  39  to  harmonise  the  two 
accounts.  The  story  has  a  striking  Egyptian  parallel 
in  The  Tale  of  the  Two  Brothers.  The  younger  brother, 
tempted  by  the  elder  brother's  wife,  wrathfuUy  rejects 
her  proposals  in  affection  for  liis  brother  and  horror 
at  her  wickedness.  Securing  his  silence,  the  wife 
accuses  him  to  her  husband,  confirming  her  tale  by 
wounds  she  has  made  on  her  body.  The  husband  goes 
out  to  kill  his  brother,  but,  receiving  proof  of  his 
innocence,  kills  his  wife.  A  Greek  parallel  is  the  love 
of  Phsedra  the  wife  of  Theseus  for  Hippolytus,  her 
husband's  son,  and  several  other  peoples  have  similar 


XL.  Joseph  Interprets  their  Dreams  to  Pharaoh's 
Two  Imprisoned  Officers.- — This  chapter  is  from  E, 
with  harmonistic  additions  and  touches  from  J  (36,  56, 
156).  The  two  officers  are  in  custody,  till  their  case 
is  decided,  in  the  captain's  house  (not  in  the  prison  or 
Round  House  as  36  states).  Joseph  waits  on  them, 
not  as  a  prisoner  but  as  the  captain's  slave.  They 
attach  great  importance  to  dreams,  and  with  their 
fate  hanging  in  the  balance,  are  troubled  that  they 
can  consult  no  interpreter.  Joseph  piously  reminds 
them  that  interpretations  belong  to  God,  and  interprets 
their  dreams,  rightly  as  the  sequel  proves.  Observe 
the  unsuitable  designation  of  Palestine  as  at  that  date 
"  the  land  of  the  Hebrews." 

17.  bakemeats :  pastry. — 19.  Joseph  uses  the  same 
phrase,  "  lift  up  thine  head,"  as  to  the  butler,  and 
with  the  sense  that  he  was  to  be  beheaded.  His  body 
waB  then  to  bo  impaled  and  exposed  for  the  birds  to 
eat.  In  his  dream,  with  the  paralysis  which  is  often 
so  agonising  in  dreams,  he  had  been  unable  to  hinder 
the  birds  from  pecking  the  pastry,  nor  would  he  be 
able  to  keep  them  from  devouring  his  body,  a  gruesome 
prospect  to  an  Egyptian,  who  took  such  pains  to  pre- 
serve it  after  death  from  decay.  His  horror  would  be 
like  the  horror  of  Huidoos  at  being  blown  from  the 
guns. 

XLI.  Joseph  Interprets  Pharaoh's  Dreams  and  Is 
Made  Viceroy  of  Egypt. — This  is  mainly  from  E,  1-28 
apart  from  156,  and  perhaps  gh  entirely  so.  But  J 
has  been  used  as  well  in  the  later  part.     It  is  not  worth 


while  to  attempt  analysis  since  the  two  narratives 
must  have  been  closely  paralleL     46a  belongs  to  P. 

The  two  dreams  are  modelled  on  the  same  fines,  and 
mean  the  same  thing  (c/.  375-1 1  and  Peter's  triple 
vision,  Ac.  IO16) ;  the  second  is  more  bizarre  than  the 
first,  for  cows  do  at  least  cat,  if  not  each  other.  Cattle 
were  used  in  agriculture,  hence  their  symbofic  fitness. 
All  the  magicians  are  called  that  Joseph's  success  may 
stand  out  against  the  background  of  their  failure. 
The  narrative,  which  is  rather  diffuse,  for  the  most  part 
needs  no  comment. 

9.  my  faults :  either  against  Pharaoh,  which  excited 
the  king's  anger,  or  his  forgetfuhiess  of  Joseph  (4O23). 
— 43.  mg.  Abrech :  probably  an  Egyptian  word ; 
the  meaning  is  very  uncertain,  perhaps  a  summons 
to  "Attention!" — 45.  Zaphenath-paneah:  another 
Egj^tian  expression  of  very  uncertain  meaning.  That 
most  generally  accepted  is  "  The  god  speaks  and  he 
fives." — Asenath:  perhaps  "belonging  to  Neith  "  (a 
goddess). — On:  Hefiopofis,  7  miles  NE.  of  Cairo,  the 
chief  seat  of  worship  of  Ra  the  sun-god.  It  contained 
a  college  for  priests,  and  the  high  priest  was  a  dignitary 
of  exalted  position  m  Egypt. — 51.  If  Joseph  was 
seventeen  when  sold,  thirty  when  he  stood  before 
Pharaoh,  tliirty-nine  when  he  disclosed  his  identity, 
he  had  been  twenty  years  in  Egypt  without  troubling 
to  let  liis  father  know  that  he  was  a  five. 

XLII.  Joseph's  Brothers  Come  to  Egypt  to  Buy  Com, 
and  Unwittingly  Encoimter  Joseph. — The  greater  part 
is  taken  from  E,  but  2,  4&,  5,  7,  96-1  la,  12,  27,  28a6, 
38  may  be  assigned  to  J.  The  treatment  accorded  to 
the  brothers  was  not  less  than  they  deserved,  and 
Joseph  meant  to  punish  them.  But  he  meant  also 
to  test  them  and  see  it  they  had  become  better  men. 
Presumably  he  mt  ended  all  along  to  disclose  his  iden- 
tity, for  there  was  his  father  to  be  considered,  but  to 
have  done  it  at  once  would  have  made  it  impossible  to 
find  out  the  real  character  of  his  brothers.  Hence  he 
racks  them  with  suspense,  treats  them  now  harshly, 
now  generously,  holds  firmly  to  his  predetermined  line 
of  conduct  though  it  costs  him  a  hard  struggle  with 
his  affections,  and  at  last  is  convinced  that  love  and 
forgiveness  may  have  free  course. 

The  brothers  come  down  at  Jacob's  behest,  and  fulfil 
Joseph's  dreams  by  prostrating  themselves  before  him, 
as  he  personally  sells  the  com.  He  recognises  them, 
and  charges  them  with  being  spies,  bent  on  discovering 
ihe  weak  places  in  the  fortified  and  jealously-guarded 
frontier.  They  meet  this  with  the  statement  that 
they  are  all  sons  of  one  man,  therefore  the  rather  large 
number  in  which  they  have  crossed  the  frontier  is  due 
to  kinship,  not  to  pohtical  or  mihtary  combination. 
They  go  into  detail,  and  thus  not  only  tell  Joseph  that 
he  is  dead  but  that  they  have  a  younger  brother,  which 
gives  Joseph  the  opportunity  on  which  the  future 
development  hinges.  (According  to  J  the  statement 
is  not  volunteered  but  secured  in  answer  to  his  own 
inquiry.)  Reiterating  his  charge,  he  proposes  that 
nine  shall  be  detained  and  one  sent  to  bring  Benjamin, 
but  after  three  days'  suspense  in  custody  he  allows 
nine  to  take  back  com  and  one  to  be  detained.  The 
brothers  own  among  themselves  the  justice  of  the 
retribution  for  their  callous  deafness  to  Joseph's 
anguished  plea,  and  Reuben  reminds  them  how  he 
had  vainly  counselled  them  against  harming  him. 
(They  had  taken  the  advice  he  actually  gave,  but  his 
real  intention  had  been  frustrated.)  Joseph  now 
leams,  for  the  first  time,  of  Reuben's  intcr^-ention, 
and  cannot  control  his  feelings  ;  still  he  steels  himself 
to  carry  out  his  plan,  and  passing  over  Reuben,  selects 
Simeon  and  binds  him  as  a  hostage.     Their  money  is 


164 


GENESIS.  XLII 


put  into  their  sacks  with  the  com,  and  provisions  for 
the  journey  arc  given  them,  so  that  tlieir  sacks  need 
not  be  opened  till  they  reach  home.  So  it  fell  out 
according;  to  E  (35),  but  according  to  J  first  one  (27!) 
then  all  (432i)  discovered  it  at  Ihv  lodging-place.  On 
their  arrival,  tliey  report  to  Jacob,  who  replii'.s  that  they 
have  Ijcreaved  him  of  two  sons  and  want  to  take  away 
a  third,  to  which  Reuben  replies  that  his  own  two  sons 
shall  bo  forfeit  if  Benjamin  docs  not  return.  They 
wish  to  take  him  at  once  that  Simeon  may  be  releaseo. 
38  belongs  raliier  to  the  next  cliaptcr. 

XLIII.  The  Brothers  Return  to  Egypt  with  Benjamin. 
— It  Ls  generally  held  that  tlii.s  cliaptcr  is  from  J  except 
for  the  references  to  Simeon  in  14  and  236.  According 
to  J,  Simeon  seems  to  have  played  no  special  part, 
and  there  is  not  the  same  urgency  for  return  as  in  E ; 
the  discussion  as  to  Benjamin  is  postponed  till  the 
com  is  spent.  4238  perhaps  originally  stood  after  432. 
In  the  conversation  Judah  takes  the  part  taken  by 
Reuben  in  E  (as  in  the  discussion  as  to  the  killing  of 
Joseph),  and  we  learn  that  Joseph  had  ascertained 
Benjamin's  existence  by  inquiry.  Arrived  in  Egypt, 
they  are  taken  into  Joseph's  house  for  dinner,  since 
they  have  brought  Benjamin  and  cleared  their  char- 
acters. But  they  suspect  that  Joseph  intends  to 
accuse  them  of  theft  and  seize  them  for  slaves.  They 
put  themselves  right  with  the  steward,  who  bids  them 
be  at  peace.  On  Joseph's  return  for  dinner,  they 
prostrate  themselves  once  more,  and  give  him  the 
present  sent  by  Jacob.  The  sight  of  Benjamin  over- 
powers him,  and  he  retires  to  weep.  Mastering  his 
emotion  he  returns  to  them.  Joseph  eats  by  himself, 
the  Egyptians  and  the  brothers  also  in  separate  groups, 
since  the  Egyptians  could  not  eat  with  Hebrews  without 
violating  their  rehgious  scruples  (4634).  To  their 
astonisliment,  the  brothers  were  seated  according  to 
their  age.  How,  they  would  ask,  could  the  governor 
arrange  it  so  accuratefy  ?  And  while  all  were  honoured 
with  tit-bits  from  his  table,  Benjamin's  portion  was 
five  times  as  much  as  any  of  theirs. 

14.  El  Shaddai  (mg.)  occurs  nowhere  else  in  JE.  It 
is  characteristic  of  P,  and  is  probably  due  to  the 
redactor  here. 

XLIV.  Benjamin  Is  Accused  of  Stealing  Joseph's 
Silver  Cup,  and  Judah  Pleads  with  Joseph  to  Punish 
him  Instead  of  Benjamin. — The  narrative  is  from  J. 
Joseph  arranges  this  final  test  that  he  may  be  fully 
assured  as  to  the  true  disposition  of  the  brothers. 
At  the  same  time,  it  is  skilfully  planned  to  prolong 
their  suspease,  swing  them  to  and  fro  between  hope 
and  despair,  and  harrow  them  in  their  tenderest  feel- 
ings. They  have  come  safely  through  a  rather  perilous 
situation,  Simeon  has  lx!en  restored  to  them,  the  trouble 
about  the  money  cleared  away,  Benjamin  is  safely  on  the 
road  for  home,  the  Vicerov  hnally,  it  seems,  convinced 
of  their  honesty  and  friendly  in  his  attitude.  But  they 
have  not  left  the  city  far  behind  when  the  steward 
overtakes  them,  and  confronts  them  with  a  new  and 
horrible  complication :  they  have  stolen  Joseph's  cup, 
his  drinking  cup,  but  also  used  for  divination.  In- 
dignantly repudiating  such  an  abuse  of  hospitality, 
appealing  to  their  return  of  the  money,  they  offer, 
conscious  of  their  innocence,  to  accept  death  for  the 
culprit  and  slavery  for  the  rest.  The  steward  replies 
that  it  shall  bo  slavery  for  the  culprit,  freedom  for 
the  others.  He  knows  where  the  cup  is,  for  he  has 
hidden  it,  and  therefore  leaves  Benjamin's  sack  till 
the  last.  Sack  after  sack  ia  opened  and  searched, 
time  after  time,  with  no  result,  while  the  spirits  of 
the  brothers  rise.  Then,  when  it  seems  as  if  their 
innocence  waa  to  be  established,  for  one  sack  alone 


remains,  and  that  Benjamin's,  they  are  suddenly 
plunged  into  the  blackest  despair.  It  could  not  be 
worse:  Benjamin  was  the  most  favoured  of  Joseph's 
guests,  and  Jacob's  happiness,  perhaps  his  life,  hung 
on  his  return.  Not  accepting  the  freedom  promised 
(10)  (for  how  could  they  go  back  without  Benjamin  ?), 
they  all  return,  and  Judah  offers,  not  now  that  the 
culprit  shall  die,  for  it  is  Benjamin,  and  the  rest  be 
slaves,  but  that  Benjamin  shall  be  a  slave  and  they 
forfeit  the  liberty  pledged  to  them.  Joseph  reaffirms 
the  stewards  conditions  (10).  Not  that  he  desired 
to  keep  Benjamin  and  dismiss  the  others  (it  would 
have  been  uniihal  to  inflict  this  bereavement  on  Jacob), 
but  to  ascertain  their  response  to  this  demand.  It 
comes  in  a  plea  from  Judah,  unequalled  in  the  OT 
fur  its  blending  of  skilled  presentation  of  the  case, 
pathos,  persuasiveness,  and  eloquence,  culminatuig  with 
the  noble  offer  to  remain  as  a  slave  in  Benjamin's 
place,  that  his  father  may  be  spared  the  agony  of 
losing  Rachel's  only  surviving  son. 

5.  That  it  is  a  divining  cup  adds  the  guilt  of  sacrilege 
and  the  peril  of  meddhng  with  the  uncanny.  Whether 
Joseph  really  used  it  in  divination  (c/.  15)  or  merely 
heightened  their  terror  by  claiming  to  do  so  is  not 
clear. — 20.  a  little  one :  in  4G21  he  is  at  the  time  father 
of  ten  sons,  and  assuming  that  Joseph  had  been 
twenty-two  years  in  Egypt  (372,  4146,53,  456)  and 
that  Benjamin  was  bom  before  Joseph  was  sold,  he 
must  have  been  more  than  twenty-two.  The  difficulty 
is  greatly  mitigated  if  Ps  chronology  is  set  aside,  and 
J  may  have  regarded  Benjamin  as  bom  after  the  sale 
of  Joseph. — 30.  Read  mg. 

XLW.  Joseph  Discloses  his  Identity  and  Sends  for 
Jacob. — J  and  E  are  here  closely  united,  E  being  the 
leading  source.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  discuss  the 
analysis.  Profoundly  moved  by  Judah's  noble  plea, 
Joseph  can  no  longer  mystify  lus  brothers,  or  repress 
his  longing  to  reveal  his  identity.  But  this  self- 
disclosure  is  too  intimate,  too  sacred,  to  be  made 
while  others  are  present.  When  they  have  obeyed  his 
order  to  depart,  he  bursts  into  uncontrolled  weeping, 
and  then,  to  the  consternation  of  the  brothers,  declares 
that  he  is  Joseph.  In  a  fine  and  reassuring  speech 
he  bids  them  not  be  troubled,  for  Gods  hand  was  in  it 
all,  to  save  them  in  the  famine.  Then  he  tells  them 
to  return,  inform  Jacob,  and  invite  him  to  come  with 
all  his  family  and  possessions.  This  invitation  was 
endorsed  by  Pharaoh  in  most  cordial  and  generous 
terms.  So  they  go  with  handsome  presents  for  them- 
selves and  their  father.  The  news  is  too  good  for 
Jacob  to  believe  it  till  he  sees  the  waggons  Joseph  has 
sent,  and  then  he  is  reassured,  happy  that  he  will  see 
his  long-lost  son  before  lus  death.  It  ia  assumed  in 
50 1 7  that  Jacob  leamt  of  the  wrong  Joseph  had 
suffered  from  his  brothers. 

10.  Goshen:  a  fertile  district  E.  of  the  Delta  and 
near  the  frontier,  part  of  what  is  now  known  as  Wady 
Tumilat.  It  is  mentioned  only  in  J. — 24?).  Do  not 
dispute  about  the  apportionment  of  blame  for  your 
treatment  of  me. — 26.  his  heart  fainted:  his  mind 
was  too  numb  to  grasp  it. 

XLVI.  1-XLVII.  12.  Jacob  and  his  Descendants  Go 
down  into  Egypt  and  Settle  In  Goshen. — The  list  in 
468-27  with  the  introductory  versas  6f.  is  from  P,  as 
are  475,6a,7-ii.  The  rest  is"^  JE.  To  E  belong  46 1-5 
(in  the  main)  and  perhaps  47i2,  the  rest  to  J.  Jacob 
visits  the  sanctuary  at  Beerslieba,  where  he  has  a 
vision  dispelling  the  fears  which  he  naturally  feels  at 
leaving  his  native  land  and  settling  in  Egj-pt  so  late 
in  life.  He  will  not  leave  his  father's  God  behind 
him ;  He  will  go  with  him  and  bring  him  back  in  the 


GENESIS,  XLIX.  1-28 


165 


great  nation  that  will  spring  from  him,  though  he 
himself  will  die  in  Egypt,  and  the  dearly-loved  Joseph 
will  close  his  eyes.  The  catalogue  inserted  from  P 
raises  critical  and  material  problems,  which  must  be 
passed  over  here.  According  to  J's  story  it  looks  as 
if  Pharaoh  had  no  knowledge  about  Joseph's  family 
till  they  were  actually  in  Egypt.  Joseph  is  obviously 
anxious  that  they  should  be  permitted  to  live  in 
Goshen,  perhaps  because  it  was  near  the  frontier,  so 
that  they  could  more  easily  leave  tlie  country  if  they 
wished,  and  also  that  they  might  retain  their  dis- 
tinctive nationahty.  He  is  apparently  doubtful  of  the 
king's  permission,  for  the  frontier  was  vulnerable  in 
that  district,  and  foreigners  might  prove  dangerous. 
So  he  carefully  instructs  liis  brothers  to  ask  permission 
to  remain  in  Goshen,  whither  they  had  come  driven 
by  lack  of  pasture  in  Canaan  (no  reference  is  made 
to  the  invitation  of  Joseph  and  Pharaoh  recorded  in 
E).  Their  request  is  all  the  more  plausible  that 
shepherds  were  an  abomination  to  the  Egyptians,  and 
should,  therefore,  not  live  in  their  midst.  We  have 
no  evidence  for  this,  though  cowherds  and  swineherds 
were  despised  by  the  Egyptians.  All  went  well. 
Pharaoh  gave  permission,  and  even  oiJered  to  take 
any  who  were  specially  competent  into  his  service. 
Jacob's  introduction  to  Pharaoh  is  then  inserted  from 
P,  with  its  pathetic  summary  of  his  career ;  his  days 
both  few  (130  years)  and  evil,  long  exile,  hard  life, 
the  death  of  Rachel,  the  bitterness  of  Joseph's  loss, 
pass  before  his  mind. 

XLVII.  5f.  The  LXX  has  here  a  more  original  text, 
whose  discrepancies  are  smoothed  out  in  MT.  See  the 
larger  commentaries. 

XLVII.  13-26.  Joseph  Takes  Advantage  of  the 
Famine  to  Secure  for  the  Crown  the  Money,  the  Cattle, 
and  the  Lands  of  the  Egyptians. — If  this  belongs  to  one 
of  the  main  documents,  J  is  the  most  probable.  But  it 
may  be  an  independent  piece.  It  is  an  etiological  story 
(p.  L34).  The  system  of  land  tenure  in  Egypt  must  have 
struck  the  Hebrews  as  strange ;  they  accounted  for  it 
in  this  way.  The  system  is  not  att&sted  in  the  in- 
scriptions, but  there  is  confirmatory  evidence,  and  it 
probablj^  existed  much  as  represented.  Apparently  the 
events  described  belong  to  the  closing  years  of  the 
famine,  for  the  distribution  of  seed  was  of  no  avail 
till  the  seven  years  of  famine  were  drawing  to  an  end 
(456).  The  monej'  presumably  lasted  for  about  five 
years,  the  cattle  paid  for  com  in  the  sixth,  in  the 
seventh  year  they  sold  their  land  and  became  serfs,  on 
their  own  suggestion,  the  need  was  so  desperate.  The 
priesta  were  exempt  because  Pharaoh  supported  them, 
so  they  had  no  need  to  sell  their  lands.  Joseph  allows 
the  people  to  farm  their  lands  on  a  20  per  cent,  rental. 

21.  Read  with  VSS  (mg.),  "  ho  made  bondmen  of 
them,  from,"  etc. 

XLVII.  27-XLVin.  22.  Jacob  Extracts  an  Oath  that 
Joseph  will  Bury  him  in  Canaan,  and  Blesses  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh. — 4722f.,  483-6  belong  to  P.  To  J 
4729-31  may  be  assigned.  48if.,8-22  was  formerly 
attributed  to  E,  recent  critics  assign  it  to  JE.  The 
analysis  is  somewhat  as  follows  :  E,  481,20,8,90,106,1  if., 
i5f.,20  (from  "In  thee"),  2if.  J,  4826,96, 100,13!, 
17-19,200  (to  "  day  ").  The  origin  of  7  is  uncertain, 
it  is  out  of  place  here.  It  may  have  led  up  to  a  request 
for  burial  in  Rachel's  tomb,  which  had  to  be  suppressed 
as  it  was  in  conflict  with  P's  statement  that  he  was 
buried  in  Machpelah  (50 13).  But  if  so,  the  tomb 
would  hardly  have  been  called  Rachel's  sepulchre 
(1  S.  IO2)  but  Jacob's.  From  5O5,  however,  it  would 
scorn  that  J  roproscntcd  Jacob  as  buried  in  a  grave  ho 
had  himself  digged,  rather  than  in  the  family  grave. 


The  blessing  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  explains  how 
it  is  that  the  two  sons  of  Joseph  ranked  as  two  inde- 
pendent tribes ;  Jacob  had  adopted  them  by  the  cere- 
mony of  takuig  them  between  his  knees  (12);  also 
why  Ephraim  the  younger  was  a  mightier  tribe  than 
Manasseh  the  firstborn. 

XLVII.  29.  Cf.  242*. 

XLVIII.  7.  Cf.  3516-20*.— by  me:  read  mg.—S. 
Here  Jacob  can  see,  whereas  in  10a  he  is  blind,  hko 
Isaac.  In  this  story  Jacob  seems  not  to  have  seen 
them  previously,  so  his  death  happened  «oon  after 
his  arrival  in  Egypt. — 22.  cf.  mg.  The  reference  is  to 
Shechem,  where  Joseph  was  buried  (Jos.  2432).  Wo 
have  no  other  account  of  any  such  capture  by  Jacob, 
who  is  nowhere  represented  as  a  warrior.  Moreover 
the  passage  implies  tliat  Jacob  had  distributed  their 
territory  to  all  the  tribes. 

XLIX.  1-28.  The  Blessing  of  Jacob.— This  poem  had 
an  independent  origin,  but  if  it  was  incorporated  in 
one  of  the  main  documents  it  would  be  in  J.  It  is 
not  a  mere  collection  of  originally  isolated  utterances 
on  the  tribes,  -but  was  from  the  first  put  in  the  Ups  of 
Jacob,  though  expansions  and  alterations  have,  no 
doubt,  taken  place.  It  need  hardly  be  said  that  it  is 
not  the  utterance  of  Jacob  himself.  It  would  be 
inexphcable  that  his  vision  should  fix  just  on  the  period 
here  covered.  The  oppression  of  Egypt,  the  Exodus, 
the  wandering  are  all  passed  over,  though  they  lay 
nearer  to  Jacob's  day,  and  were  momentous  in  char- 
acter. And  beyond  the  time  of  Da%id  or  Solomon 
the  author's  vision  does  not  range.  Why  should  Jacob, 
who  can  see  the  period  of  the  Judges  and  early  monarchy, 
see  only  this,  especially  as  he  claims  to  foretell  what 
is  to  happen  "  in  the  latter  days  "  ?  The  period  is  bo 
restricted  because  it  is  that  in  which  the  poem  grew 
up.  Along  with  the  Song  of  Deborah  it  is  our  most 
important  source  for  the  history  of  the  tribes  after 
the  settlement  in  Canaan.  It  is  certainly  older  than 
the  Blessing  of  Moses  (Dt.  33).  It  represents  different 
periods  and  stages  of  development.  But  in  the  main 
it  is  quite  earl}'.  Some  elements  in  it  are  as  late  as 
the  reign  of  David,  but  nothing  need  be  later.  It 
presents  several  difficulties  for  which  the  larger  com- 
mentaries must  be  consulted.  It  should  be  compared 
with  the  Blessing  of  Moses  and  the  Song  of  Deborah. 
Plays  on  the  names  of  the  tribes  are  frequent,  and  the 
representation  of  the  tribes  under  animal  symbols. 

Reuben,  as  the  eldest,  heads  the  fist.  In  the  firstborn 
it  was  thought  that  the  father's  undiluted  vigour  was 
manifest  (Nu.  3i2f.*).  In  Reuben's  tumultuous  nature 
it  was  in  excess,  and  manifested  itself  in  the  transgres- 
sion of  his  father's  marriage  rights  (3522*),  hence  he  is 
cursed  with  the  loss  of  pre-eminence,  i.e.  the  firstborn's 
privileges.  In  Dt.  33  Reuben  is  on  the  verge  of 
extinction.  Israel  next  denounces  and  curses  Simeon 
and  Levi  (5-7)  for  their  violence  and  cruelty  to  man 
and  beast,  dooming  them  to  dispersion  among  the 
other  tribes.  It  is  usually  thought  that  the  reference 
is  to  3425*.  Both  lost  their  tribal  status.  Simeon 
is  not  even  mentioned  in  Dt.  33,  and  Levi  became  an 
ecclesiastical  and  ceased  to  be  a  secular  tribe.  The 
transition  was  effected  apparently  in  the  period  between 
Gen.  49  and  Dt.  33,  where  Levi's  priestly  position  is 
the  subject  of  warm  panegjiic  ;  from  an  early  period 
Levites,  as  members  of  Moses'  tribe,  were  preferred 
for  priestly  functions,  but  only  later  probably  organised 
into  a  priestly  casto. 

Judah  (8-12),  the  fourth  Leah  tribe,  in  happy  con- 
trast to  the  three  older  brothers,  is  praised  with 
unrestrained  ontlnisiasm ;  no  jarring  note  is  stnick  in 
the  pa^in.     The  historical  background  is  the  time  of 


166 


GENESIS,  XLIX.  1-28 


David  or  Solomon,  when  Judah  had  the  praise  and 
Bubniission  of  the  other  tribes,  and  his  enemies  were 
subdued  (8).  In  his  early  days  a  lion's  whelp,  he  has 
gone  up  from  liia  prey  to  his  den  in  the  rocks ;  there, 
now  full-grown,  he  crouches,  none  would  dare  rouse 
liim.  The  next  verso  is  extremely  difficult,  and  has 
led  to  internuiiable  discussion.  Here  few  words  must 
suffice.  Judah  is  to  retain  the  sovereignty,  and  the 
wand  of  office  held  upright  between  liis  feet.  The 
next  line  seems  to  name  a  period  when  this  shall  cease. 
Shiloh  has  been  popularly  regarded  as  a  title  of  the 
Messiah.  Neither  the  Jews  nor  the  V8S  so  explained 
it,  till  that  of  Seb.  Miinster  in  a.d.  1534,  nor  does  the 
view  possess  any  intrinsic  possibility.  RV  may,  there- 
fore, be  set  aside  without  hesitation.  Less  improbable 
is  mg.,  "  Till  he  come  to  Shiioh  " ;  still  it  is  highly 
improbable,  for  it  cannot  be  fitted  into  the  history, 
Judah  having  nothing  to  do  with  Shiloh.  The  LXX  is 
better  (mg.),  but  less  acceptable  than  the  last  mg., 
"  Till  he  come  whose  it  is."  The  point  would  then  be 
that  Judah  was  to  hold  the  sovereignty  till  its  true 
possessor,  i.e,  the  Mes.siah,  comes,  and  then  reUnquish 
it  into  his  hands.  This  is  probably  the  best  that  can 
be  done  with  the  text,  though  it  is  open  to  philological 
objections.  A  simple  emendation  (mosheloh)  would 
give  "  Until  his  ruler  come."  In  either  case  the  passage 
is  probably  Mer,sianic,  and  is  for  this  reason  regarded 
as  an  interpolation  by  many,  the  idea  of  Messiah  being 
much  later.  This  is  repudiatetl  by  Gunkel,  who  says 
in  an  important  passage,  "  Modem  scholars  are  of  the 
opinion  that  the  eschatology  of  Israel  was  a  creation 
of  the  hterary  prophets,  hence  they  strike  out  the 
verse  since  it  contradicts  this  fundamental  conviction. 
The  author  of  this  commentary  does  not  share  this 
conviction ;  he  beheves,  on  the  contrary,  that  the 
prophets  can  be  understood  only  on  the  assumption 
that  they  found  an  eschatology  already  in  existence, 
took  it  over,  contested  it,  transformed  it.  This  pre- 
prophetic  eschatology  is  here  attested."  He  is  followed 
by  Gressmann,  Procksch,  and  others.  It  is  argued  in 
favour  of  striking  it  out  that  it  interrupts  the  connexion 
between  g  and  ii.  But  this  connexion  is  not  itself 
good  ;  in  fact,  lo  would  link  on  much  better  to  8.  The 
last  line  predicts  for  the  Messiah  dominion  over  the 
nations,  iif.  describes  the  abundance  of  vnne  and 
milk  with  which  Jutlah  is  blessed  :  the  vines  are  so 
numerous  and  hixuriant  that  the  stems  are  used  for 
tethering  animals,  and  the  wine  for  washmg  clothes, 
and  the  eyes  are  dull  with  heavy  drinking  (happy 
land  !  the  writer  means,  whore  drink  is  so  plentiful ; 
cf.  for  this  attitude  629*,  Jg.  9i3,  Ps.  104i5,Ec.  IO19), 
while  the  teeth  are  whitened  with  milk. 

Zebulun  (13)  is  situated  on  the  coast,  and  reached 
up  to  the  border  of  Phcenicia.  We  do  not  learn  of  tliis 
except  here  and  l)t.  SSiq  ;  in  Jg.  617  Asher  occupies 
this  position  ;  presumably  Zebulun  was  not  able  to 
maintain  its  position  on  the  coast.  Issachar  (i-tf.)  is 
described  as  a  bony  ass,  which,  in  spite  of  its  strength, 
sacrificed  independence  for  ignoble  peace.  To  Dan 
(i6f.)  two  oracles  are  devoted.  He  is  to  judge  the 
people  of  his  own  tribe,  i.e.  maintain  his  independence 
alongside  of  the  other  tribes.  Ho  is  also  compared  to 
the  cerastes,  or  horned  snake,  small  but  very  venomous, 
which  snaps  at  the  horse's  heels  {cf.  815)  and  unhorses 
the  rider.  Hence  Dan,  while  weak,  may  by  skilful 
guerilla  warfare  do  what  it  could  not  do  in  open 
battle.  Gad  (19):  the  plaj's  on  the  tribe's  name  are 
specially  noticeable  here,  gad  ge<ffid  ytgudcnnu  xifhu" 
yagud  'dqeb.  Gad  is  expf)sc<i  to  attacks  by  marauding 
nomads  ("  troop  "  means  raiders),  but  he  will  turn 
upon  and  pursue  them.     Asher  (20)  has  a  fertile  land 


(Dt.  3324),  and  exports  dainties  for  monajohs ;  those 
of  Phoenicia  will  be  intended,  but  also  foreign  monarchs 
served  by  Phoenician  ships.  Whether  the  Lsraehto 
king  also,  depends  on  the  date  of  the  veree.  Much  oil 
is  still  exported  from  the  district.  The  blessing  of 
Naphtall  (21)  is  obscure.  The  lack  of  connexion  be- 
tween 2ia  and  216  is  evident:  21a  may  be  rendered 
also  "  Naphtali  is  a  slender  terebinth  "  ;  we  should 
th«n  read  in  216,  "  He  produces  goodly  shoots."  If 
we  take  21a  as  in  RV,  216  should  retid,  "  He  yields 
goodly  Iambs."     In  neither  case  is  the  meaning  clear. 

To  Joseph  (22-26)  a  glowing,  lengthy  eulogy  is 
devoted,  which  is  often  corrupt  and  incapable  of 
translation.  22  is  quite  simple  in  RV,  but  the  text 
and  rendering  are  dubious.  23  is  important  for  the 
date.  It  is  often  explained  as  referring  to  the  attacks 
of  the  Syrians  against  the  Northern  Kingdom,  under 
the  dynasties  of  Omri  and  Jehu.  But  archers  suit 
bands  of  raiders  such  as  the  Midianites  better,  and  it 
is  unsuitable  in  blessings  on  the  tribes  to  take  Joseph 
as  a  name  for  the  ELingdom.  Besides,  the  inclusion 
in  J  of  so  enthusiastic  a  panegyric  on  the  Northern 
Kingdom  is  very  unlikely  after  the  Disruption.  The 
time  of  the  Judgas,  perhaps  that  of  Gideon,  is  suitable. 
In  24  we  learn  that  his  bow  remained  strong  and  steady, 
and  the  arms  were  nimble,  rapidly  discharging  the 
arrows,  in  a  strength  drawn  from  the  strong  God  of 
Jacob,  through  the  name  (ing.)  of  the  Shepherd,  the 
Stone  of  Israel  24^  is  extremely  obscure ;  the  text 
may  be  incurably  corrupt.  More  usually  Yahweh  is 
spoken  of  as  a  Rock.  The  Stone  of  Israel  may  have 
special  reference  to  the  Stone,  God's  dwelling,  set  up 
at  Bethel  by  Jacob.  2506  continues  the  description  of 
God  as  the  source  of  strength,  and  effects  the  transition 
to  the  blessings,  in  the  first  place  from  the  sky,  rain, 
and  sunshine,  then  abundant  waters  springing  from 
the  inexhaustible  subterranean  abyss  ( 12,6-8*),  thus 
ensuring  the  fertility  of  the  land,  finally  fertihty  of 
animal  and  human  kind.  26a  is  quite  corrupt;  vig. 
should  be  read  in  266c,  and  in  26e  for  "  separated 
from  "  read  "  consecrated  among,"  the  point  bemg 
not  that  Joseph  was  the  royal  tribe,  but  that  it  took  a 
leading  part  in  the  Conquest.  The  other  Rachel  tribe, 
Benjamin,  is  depicted  as  a  warlike  tribe,  living  by 
plunder,  especially  perhaps  of  the  caravans.  The 
precise  meaning  is  not  clear,  whether  morning  and 
evening  alike  he  is  active  in  his  pursuit,  or  he  devours 
the  prey  in  the  morning  but  at  eventide  has  still 
some  left  to  divide,  or  in  the  morning  he  is  still  eating 
what  he  has  taken  the  evening  before,  and  by  evening 
has  fresh  booty  to  share. 

1.  the  latter  days:  an  cschat<>logical  expression,  but 
not  necessarily  so  here  ;  it  means  in  the  distant  future. 
— 6.  houghed:  cut  the  sinew  of  the  hind-leg  (Jos.  II 
6,9,  2  S.  84). — 14.  sheepfolds:  perhaps  we  should  read 
"  panniers." — 18.  No  part  of  the  pi>em ;  a  pious 
ejaculation  by  the  scribe  when  he  is  half-way  through. — 
19f.  Omit  "  out  of  "  in  20  and  read  "  their  heel  "  in  19. 
— 28a  (to  "  imto  them  ")  is  the  close  of  the  Blessing  ; 
with  "  and  blessed  them  "  P  is  resumed. 

XLIX.  286-L.  13.  Death  and  Burial  of  Jacob.— 
49286-33,  r)0i2f.  are  in  the  main  from  P;  50i-ii  in 
the  main  from  J.  The  dying  charge  requires  no 
comment.  The  body  is  embalmed  simply  because 
burial  could  not  be  immediate  ;  the  motive  for  the 
Egyptian  practice  was  that  the  body  might  Ije  pre- 
served for  the  ka  or  double  t-o  reanimate  it.  Joseph 
does  not  make  his  request  for  leave  of  absence  direct 
to  Pharaoh,  possibly  because  as  a  mourner,  he  was 
unclean,  hardly  because  absence  might  seem  to  veil 
some    traitorous    design,    though    Joseph    explicitly 


GENESIS.  L.  14-26 


167 


promises  to  return  (5).  To  do  his  father  honour,  an 
immense  company  of  Egyptians  of  high  rank  accom- 
panies the  body.  The  way  to  Maclipolah  did  not 
pass  E.  of  the  Jordan,  so  that  if  the  text  of  lof.  is 
right,  it  is  possible  that  in  one  tradition  the  tomb 
was  located  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  Abel-inizraim  means 
"meadow"  (not  "mourning")  "of  Egypt."  Tiie 
actual  account  of  the  burial  is  not  preserved  in  J  or  E. 
L.  14-26.  Joseph  Reassures  his  Brothers.  Joseph's 
Death.^ — 14  belongs  to  J,  15-26  to  E.  The  request 
for  pardon  put  in  Jacob's  mouth  (17)  is  not  elsewhere 
recorded.  2of.  suggests  that  the  famine  was  over. 
According  to  P  Jacob  was  in  Egypt  seventeen  years 


(4728),  in  45i  I  we  learn  that  the  famme  lasted  fire  years 
after  his  arrival.  Joseph  survives  to  see  the  great- 
grandchildren of  his  younger  son,  but  tlie  VSS  read 
"  grandchildren."  Machir  was  a  powerful  Manassite 
clan  ;  his  children  are  adopted  by  Joseph.  The  length 
of  Joseph's  hfo,  110  years,  was  regarded  in  Egypt  as 
ideal.  Convinced  that  the  Israehtes  wUl  go  back  to 
Canaan,  he  extracts  an  oath  from  them  to  take  his 
bones  with  them,  that  he  may  participate  in  the 
return  and  rest  in  the  promised  land.  So  he,  too,  was 
embalmed  and  the  body  placed  in  a  mummy  case. 
The  fulfilment  of  the  pledge  is  recorded  in  Ex.  13 19, 
Jos.  2432. 


EXODUS 


By  Canon  GEORGE   HARFORD/ 


"  The  second  Book  of  Moses  "  is  hardly  "  second  "  to 
any  in  the  OT  for  the  varied  interest,  historical  im- 
portance, and  religious  value  of  its  contents.  Ita 
material  is  drawn  from  the  three  well-known  Penta- 
teuchal  sources,  J,  E,  and  P.  each  the  result  of  a 
process  involving  more  than  one  author  (pp.  124—130). 
The  union  of  J  with  E  and  the  much  later  incorpora- 
tion of  JE  with  P  naturally  left  traces  of  editorial 
modifications  and  additions,  and  in  the  legal  passages 
of  JE  a  Deuteronomic  expander  can  occasionally  be 
detected.  The  analysis,  though  much  more  difficult 
to  effect  than  in  Gen.  because  of  the  many  parallel 
variants,  the  wholesale  displacements,  and  the  editorial 
expansions  and  linkage-work,  is  yet  upon  the  whole 
based  upon  a  sound  structure  of  observation  and 
inference. 

History,  Legend,  and  Ideal. — The  alternative  was 
often,  in  days  gone  by,  crudely  pressed,  "  Either  legend 
or  historj'."  It  is  now  seen  that  most  surviving  ancient 
hihtory,  outride  contemporary  inscriptions,  is  in 
legendary  form,  or  at  least  encrusted  with  legend 
{7i4*),  and  yet  may  yield  sure  and  valuable  evidence 
as  to  the  past.  At  worst  it  ■witnesses  to  the  tastes, 
customs,  and  beliefs  of  the  far  back  time  when  the  legends 
were  orally  current.  At  best  it  enshrines  some  kernel 
of  fact  that  would  have  been  lost  but  for  its  protective 
husk  of  unconscioush'  imaginative  form.  The  saga 
or  folk-tale,  if  it  is  to  float  its  kernel  of  fact  far  down 
the  river  of  time  on  the  waves  of  oral  tradition,  must 
contain  few  and  simple  elements.  The  elaboration 
of  detail,  in  tales  of  long  ago,  is  a  mark  of  their  later 
development.  So  at  first  the  tales  are  told  one  by 
one.  and  cormecting  links  of  time  and  place  and  name 
are  rare  and  variable.  And  when  the  tales  come  to 
be  lo\'ingly  edited  and  re-edited  as  we  find  them  in 
the  OT.  it  is  their  contents  and  spirit  that  are  im- 
portant, rather  than  their  correct  arrangement  in 
ordtr  of  time  and  place.  Stories  that  have  "  character," 
that  shed  light  upon  the  present  from  the  past,  and, 
above  all,  that  possess  religious  interest,  must  find 
a  place  somewhere.  If,  then,  to  reverence  for  God 
and  kin  and  country  we  of  this  age  add  reverence 
for  the  vcrj'  past  as  it  was,  we  owe  it  to  these  memorials 
of  an  eventful  period  of  the  pro-Christian  age  to  sift 
out  those  that  have  more  of  fancy,  to  appreciate  in 
them  the  good  th.it  is  there  instead  of  reading  into 
them  what  we  think  better  but  which  only  came  later, 
and  to  sot  them,  as  best  we  may,  in  their  true  order  and 
their  right  relations. 

Many  of  the  stories  deal  with  persons,  and  of  these 
Moses  stands  out  pre-eminently,  the  mass  and  variety 
of  material  showing  how  deep  a  mark  he  left  on  his 
time,  and  reducing  other  figures,  Aaron,  Miriam, 
Jethro,  Hur,  Joshua,  Nadab,  and  Abihu.  to  relative 
insignificance.  His  cradle  in  the  bulrushes  (2i-io) 
preaches  God's  care  for  His  own.  His  early  champion- 
ship of   the  oppressed  {211-14)  proves   hifl  impulsive 


eympath}-.  His  flight  to  Midian  (2i5)  betrays  his 
spiritual  ancestry.  His  courtesy  to  women  wins  him 
(2i6-22)  home  and  wife.  And  so  the  list  might  run 
on.  Other  stories  deal  with  Israel,  or  its  component 
tribes.  Their  increase,  enslavement,  and  persecution 
are  told  (I8-22) ;  their  harsher  treatment  (5),  and 
eventful  escape  {I237-I5) ;  their  entry  into  covenant 
at  Sinai  (19  and  14) ;  their  heathenish  impulses  (32) ; 
their  disputes  (18)  and  complaints  (1522-177);  and 
their  early  conflicts  (178-i6), — all  these  come  in. 
Yet  other  stories,  though  not  so  many  as  in  Gen.  and 
Nu.,  are  linked  with  places:  Pithom  and  Raamses 
(In).  Sinai  and  Horeb  (3iff.,  19,  24).  the  springs  (at 
Kadesh  ?).  Marah  (I522-25),  Massah  and  Meribah 
(17i-7,  cf.  Nu.  2O4-8).  Many  arc  concerned  directly 
with  religion:  its  rites — Mazzoth  and  Passover  (12), 
circumcision  (4.'4-26) ;  its  instruments — the  altars  at 
Rephidim  (l"i5)  and  Horeb  (244),  the  sacred  rod 
(42*),  and  the  tent  (337-1 1,  c/.  25,  etc.,  P) ;  its 
agents — Moses  and  Joshua  (33ii),  young  men  (245), 
"the  priests"  (1922,24),  the  Levitcs  (3225-29),  the 
seventy  elders  (249),  and  judges  (I825);  Gods  name 
(3i3ff.,  62ff.)  and  face  (33x7-22),  His  signs  and 
wonders  (7-12),  His  pillar  of  fire  and  cloud  (132i*), 
and  His  angel  (Uiga,  232o,  3234).  Many  of  these 
might  also  be  classified  as  stories  of  origins,  explaining 
how  customs  and  institutions  had  arisen  (p.  134).  In 
all  naivete  later  developments  are  assigned  to  the 
time  and  place  of  their  first  germs.  For  example, 
all  Hebrew  codes  of  law  are  collected  in  the  Penta- 
teuch and  connected  with  Moses  ;  but  the  discovei-y 
that  these  are  all  of  later  codification  than  his  time 
must  not  involve  us  in  the  error  of  doubting  that 
much  of  his  work  as  lawgiver  was  fundamental,  and 
that  much  of  the  contents  of  these  codes  may  go  back 
to  him. 

What  has  been  said  hitherto  bears  mostly  upon  JE. 
But  though  the  matter  of  P  has  been  entirely  rewritten, 
and  in  most  parts  much  elaborated,  bj'  the  post- 
exilic  editors,  they  were  devoid  of  creative  power, 
and  had  to  fall  back  on  existing  tradition  for  their 
groundwork.  So  sometimes  we  mav  guess  at  an  old 
tradition  lying  at  the  back  of  P.  {"or  example,  there 
is  little  doubt  that  the  account  of  the  construction  of 
the  sacred  tent  in  JE  has  been  sacrificed  for  that  of 
P.  And  the  veiy  artificiality  of  their  system  may 
have  led  these  writers  to  preser\'e  crude  elemonts, 
like  the  feats  of  the  magicians,  which  would  have  been 
dropped  by  such  a  writer  as  J.  But  the  cardinal 
feature  of  P  is  the  habit  of  reading  back  the  ideal  of 
the  present  into  the  actual  of  the  Mosaic  era.  Whether 
the  writers  really  believed  their  own  statements  to  be 
literally  true,  or  simply  adopted  as  a  literary  conven- 
tion the  existing  practice  of  ixferring  all  legislation 
to  Moses,  may  be  doubted.  But  it  is  certain  that, 
except  in  rare  cases  and  with  due  caution,  it  is  not 
safe  to  use  P  as  evidence  for  ancient  practice.     How 


EXODUS,  I.  21 


169 


rapidly  dcvcloj^ment  went  on  is  shown  by  tho  analysis 
of  25-31,  35-40  in  Hcb.  and  CJr. 

Divisions. — The  book  falls  naturally  into  three  parts. 
In  tho  first  (I-I236)  we  hear  of  Israel's  plight  in  Egypt, 
and  of  Moses's  mission  and  the  wonders  that  authenti- 
cated it.  In  tho  second  (1237-18)  we  hear  of  tho 
Exodus  and  the  crossing  of  the  Red  Sea,  this  division 
including  in  1522-18  a  series  of  accounts  of  wilderness 
trials  which  are  probably  all  misplaced  here,  and  belong 
to  tho  period  after  leaving  Sinai  for  Kadesh.  Lastly, 
in  19-40  we  have  the  scenes  of  the  giving  of  the  I^w 
at  Sinai,  the  making  of  the  Covenant,  and  the  con- 
stniction  of  a  portable  sanctuary.  Difficulties  thicken 
here,  just  because  at  so  many  epochs  so  many  indivi- 
duals and  groups  were  impelled  by  the  fundamental 
importance  of  the  subject  matter  to  collect,  revise, 
row  rite,  recombine,  and  supplement  the  old. 

Literature. — Commentaries:  («)  Driver  (CB.), Bennett 
(Cent.  B.),  M'Ncilo  (West.  C);  (r)  Dillmann-Ryssel 
(KEH),  Holzingor  (KHC),  Baentsch  (HK),  Gressmann 
(SAT).  Other  literature :  Bacon,  The  Triple  Tradition 
of  the  Exodus,  Volz,  3Iose,  Gressmann,  Mose.  Dis- 
cussions in  Dictionaries,  works  on  OTI  and  OTT  and 
the  History  of  Israel.  See  further  bibUographj'  on 
p.  132. 

I.-XII.  36.  Israel  in  Egypt:  I.  Increase  and  Op- 
pression. 

I.  1-5  P,  6  J,  7  P.  The  Sons  of  Israel.— The  transi- 
tion from  the  fortunes  of  a  family,  such  as  were  tho 
subject  of  the  narratives  of  Gen.,  to  the  events  of  a 
jjcoplc's  history,  such  as  E.x.  is  concerned  with,  is 
happily  marked  by  the  altered  rendering  "  children 
of  Israel ''  (7)  for  the  Hcb.  phrase  rendered  "  sons  of 
Israel"'  (i).  1-5  gives  the  size  of  tho  group  from 
which  all  the  increase  came.  The  round  number  70 
was  a  part  of  the  older  tradition  (see  Dt.  IO22)  which 
the  later  writers  tried  variously  to  justify.  Sometimes 
Jacob  is  counted  in  (as  Gen.  468,27)  and  sometimes 
left  out  (as  here).  These  Hsts  all  belong  to  P.  The 
free  handling  of  the  material,  which  was  customary 
in  those  times,  is  illustrated  by  the  addition,  in  the 
Gr.  of  Gen.  46,  of  Josephs  three  grandsons  and  two 
great-grandsons,  making  75,  the  number  also  given 
in  Stc])hen"s  speech,  Ac.  714.  It  is  unlikely  on  several 
grounds  that  all  the  tnbes  were  in  Egypt  (p.  64).  But 
that  the  ancestors  of  the  bulk  of  the  nation  shared 
the  bitter  experiences  of  Egyptian  bondage  is  the 
convergent  testimony  of  all  our  sources,  and  may  be 
taken  as  assured  fact.  While  the  older  Biblical  writers, 
though  venturing  on  a  gigantic  total  (I237  and  Nu. 
II21.  c/.  li*)  equivalent  to  two  millions,  leave  their 
estimate  in  round  numbers,  the  post-exilic  tradition 
professed  to  give  precise  figures  of  the  distribution 
among  tho  tribes,  and  the  later  rabbis  solved  the  riddle 
by  supposing  the  Hebrew  mothers  to  have  had  from 
six  to  sixty  children  at  a  birth.  Those  who  insist  on 
the  accuracy  of  the  various  enumerations  only  make  (he 
narrative  less  credible  and  less  intelligible. 

6.  Between  1-5  and  7.  which  belong  to  P,  this 
verse  from  J  is  introduced,  which  is  not  required  by 
its  immediate  context,  but  leads  up  to  8,  and  follows 
on  Gen.  5O14. — 7.  increased  abundantly:  the  word 
(peculiar  to  P)  is  "swarmed,"'  and  recalls  the  account 
of  the  creation  of  the  swarming  water-creaturea  in 
Gen.  l2of.  (same  Heb.).  Perhaps,  however,  the 
similar  word  "spread  abroad"  (12)  should  be  read. 
The  words  "  multiplied  and  waxetl  mighty  "  (920)  are 
borrowed  from  Js  account. 

8-12  J,  13  P,  14a  (to  "  field  '  )  J,  14b  P.  Repression 
of  Israel. — Forced  labour  was  the  first  device  for  check- 
ing Hebrew  incrcabo.     The  "new  king"  is  probably 


Barneses  II  (1300-1221  B.C.,  pp.  56,  63,  so  Potrie).  The 
phrase  has  no  reference  to  a  change  of  dynasty,  as 
some  have  supposed,  but  to  the  beginning  of  an  epoch 
affecting  Israel.  In  9  read  mg. ;  to  represent  Israel 
as  stronger  than  the  Egyptians  would  have  been  absuid, 
but  such  a  people  might  easily  grow  too  strong  for  their 
dejiendent  position  and  close  proximity.  Bnigsch 
estimates  the  proportion  of  foreigners  in  that  reign 
as  one-third,  'rhc  risk  foreseen  in  10  (read,  with  Sam., 
LXX,  etc.,  "when  any  war  befallolh  us")  was,  as 
the  monuments  show,  constantly  in  view.  The  large, 
virtually  slave,  population  was  ready  to  take  advantage 
of  any  Hittite  or  other  invasion.  Under  the  I2th 
dynasty  {c.  1980  B.C.)  a  line  of  forts  had  been  erected 
against  the  Bedawin  incursions.  Most  of  the  great 
palaces  and  temples  of  antiquity  were  built  by  help 
of  the  corvee.  Solomon  used  such  labour-gangs  or 
"  levies,"  and  the  fate  of  Adoniram  (1  K.  12i8)  showed 
their  unpopularity.  Pithom  (116).  "  dwelhng  of  Turn," 
was  identified  by  Naville  in  1883.  It  lies  about  60 
miles  N.E.  of  Cairo,  and  about  20  miles  E.  of  Tel  el 
Kebir,  which  stands  at  the  N.E.  comer  of  Goshen 
as  traced  by  Petrie.  Inscriptions  show  that  Pithom 
was  built  by  Rameses  II.  It  had  huge,  thick  walls 
of  brick,  and  contained  sunken  magazines,  with  brick 
walls  also  very  thick.  The  Hebrews  are  not  named 
as  its  builders.  It  is  properly  called  a  store-city, 
though  it  was  also  a  fortress  (of.  LXX)  and  the  site 
of  a  temple.  Raamses  has  been  plausibly  located  by 
Petrie  (1906)  at  Tell  er  Retaheh,  10  miles  W.  of  Pithom, 
half  way  to  the  border  of  Goshen  along  the  narrow 
fertile  valley  of  the  Vvady  Tumilat.  The  scheme  may 
have  made  Egypt  stronger  against  external  attack, 
but  it  failed  to  repress  the  Israelites,  and  only  made 
the  Egyptians  "abhor"'  (mg.)  or  "loathe"'  (Nu.  2I5) 
them.  The  graphic  details  in  14  [cj.  5  and  Gen.  II3) 
are  perhaps  from  J.  The  building  tasks  are  dis- 
tinguished from  the  agricultural  toils,  i.e.  making  canals 
and  dams,  and  drudging  at  the  irrigation  poles,  with 
their  heavy  buckets,  day  by  day  [cf.  Dt.  Uio*).  The 
black  Nile  mud  was  used  for  mortar  as  well  as  for  brick- 
clay.  Josephus  and  Philo  specify  canals,  and  Josephus 
pyramids,  as  made  by  Israel.  The  tradition  of  the 
"  house  of  bondage  "  was  ground  into  the  very  bones 
of  the  Hebrews. 

10.  deal  wisely  has  a  sinister  meaning,  cJ.  LXX, 
followed  by  Stephen  ("dealt  subtilly,"  Ac.  719). — 11. 
taskmasters  :   better  "  gangmasters." 

15-22  E  (20b  J).  Attempt  to  Destroy  Male  Children. 
— From  another  source  we  learn  of  two  more  ineffectual 
measures  to  restrict  population.  The  two  midwives, 
whose  names  tradition  loved  to  recall  for  their  heroism 
(while  careless  about  the  Pharaohs  name  I),  were, 
according  to  Josephus,  Egyptian.  Though  commen- 
tators differ,  the  tone  of  the  passage  confirms  that 
view,  which  requires  the  rendering,  "  tho  midwives  of 
the  Hebrew  women "  (lit.  those  women  who  help 
the  Hebrew  women  to  bring  forth).  Humanity  and 
natural  religion  ("they  feared  God,"  cf.  Gen.  20ii, 
42i8)  outweighed  the  royal  command.  The  procedure 
is  held  by  Driver  to  parallel  closely  Egjrptian  usage. 
The  process  of  delivery  is  known  to  be  very  rapid 
among  Arabian  women.  This  would  also  be  a  sign 
of  racial  vigour,  which  would  help  to  account  for 
the  supplanting  of  the  Canaanitcs.  The  third  device 
of  Pharaoh  was  a  command  to  all  the  Egyptians  to 
cast  all  Hebrew  boy  babies. into  the  Nile.  This  now 
leads  up  effectively  to  the  next  paragraph.  OKscrvo 
that  both  the  last  two  devices  imply  only  a  small  group 
of  people,  and  the.'sc  near  tho  Nile. 

21.  made  them  houses:   tho  word  "houeo"  is  con- 

6tf 


170 


EXODUS,  I.  21 


stantly  used  for  houscliold  or  family,  as  in  2O17.  This 
pruciBc  phrase  is  fouiid,  of  Davids  house,  in  2  S.  7xi. 
vVhilo  involving  risks  of  its  own,  tho  strong  social 
consciousness  of  carlj'  times,  each  person  finding  liia 
or  her  comj)letion  in  the  group,  was  a  valuable  safe- 
guard against  a  premature  individualism. — 22.  Insert, 
with  Sam.,  LXX,  etc.,  "  to  the  Hebrews  "  after  "  every 
eon  that  is  bom."'  The  rabbis  argued  from  tho  Heb. 
text  that  even  Egyptian  boys  v,  ere  to  be  killed. — the 
river:  the  word  used  here  and  in  all  this  Egyptian 
section  is  not  the  word  luihar  regularly  used  for  other 
great  riveiy,  but  Yeor,  appaix^ntly  derived  from  an 
Egyptian  word  which  had  come  to  serve  for  the  Nile  in 
place  of  tho  older  and  more  venerable  Ilapi. 

II-IV.  31.  Preparation  and  Call  of  Moses. 

II.  1-10  E.  His  Birth  and  Upbringing.— If  the  text 
can  be  trusted,  wo  are  informed  tiiat  "a  man  of 
the  house  of  Levi  took  (to  wife)  the  (only)  daughter 
of  Levi  ■"  (cf.  iizo,  Xu.  2O59  P),  who  would  thus  be, 
according  io  the  gem^logy  of  P.  his  aunt,  or  the  sister 
of  his  father  Kohath.  Possibly,  however,  the  text  has 
been  abridged,  and  ran,  as  LXX  with  some  variations 
suggests,  "took  one  of  the  daughters  of  Levi  to  wife 
and  made  her  his  own  "  (lit.  had  her).  It  is  implied 
in  2  t  hat  iloses  was  the  firttbom.  But  in  4,  8  he  has 
a  grown-up  sister.  Moreover,  in  1520  Miriam  is  called 
pointedly  "  the  sister  of  Aaron,"  and  in  Nu.  12  com- 
plains with  him  against  Moses.  This  would  all  bo 
explained  if  E  had  related  the  birth  of  Aaron  and 
Miriam  from  Jochebed,  and  of  Moses  from  a  second 
wife  having  another  name,  and  if  the  editor  had  by 
abridgment  removed  the  discrepancy  with  P.  Another 
suggestion  has  been  that  Moses  was  in  the  oldest 
tradition  of  unknown  parentage,  and  Aaron  and  Miriam 
unrelated  to  him.  Maternal  love  and  pride  would 
sufficiently  explain  the  three  months'  concealment. 
In  Heb.  II23,  where  LXX  {cf.  Syro-Hexaplar)  is 
followed  in  ascribing  the  action  to  both  parents,  a 
deeper  motive  is  found  in  an  intuition  of  faith  in  the 
child's  future,  based  on  his  comeliness  [cf.  Ac.  I20). 
The  "ark  "  (3)  or  chest,  in  which  tho  child  was  laid 
was  made  of  papyrus  (mg.)  strips,  cut  from  the  pith 
of  the  tall  leed-iike  plant  which  then  grew  along  tho 
lower  Nile,  though  now  only  found  higher  up  the  river. 
Cf.  Is.  I82  for  liglit  boats  or  canoes  made  of  this 
material.  The  ark  was  made  watertight  with  asphalt 
("slime"),  which  was  imported  into  Egypt  from  the 
Dead  Sea  (pp.  32f.,  Gen.  14io)  for  embalming  and.other 
puqKjses,  and  with  pitch.  It  was  then  placed  in  the 
reedy  growth  by  the  river's  brink.  It  is  not  clear 
whether  sufh,  which  furnished  tho  Heb.  name  for  tho 
Red  Sea  (Yum  Suph)  denoted  any  specific  plant.  Tho 
Nile  banks  in  tho  S.  half  of  the  delta  are  now  bare,  but 
so  late  as  1841i  were  tliickly  fringed  with  reeds.  That 
tho  Divinely-called  hero  or  heroine  must  overcome  all 
obstacles  in  the  path  of  destiny  was  a  widespread 
faith  in  antiquity,  as  shown  by  tho  stories  of  Semi- 
ramis,  Perseus,  C'yrus,  and  Romulus.  AVhat  Driver 
calls  "  the  singularly  similar  story  of  Sargon,  king 
of  Accad  (381X)  B.C.),  is  worth  ([uoting.  "My  lowly 
mother  conceived  me,  in  secret  she  brought  me  forth. 
She  sot  mo  in  a  basket  of  nishcs,  with  bitumen  she  closed 
my  door ;  she  cast  me  into  the  river,  which  rose  not 
over  mo.  The  river  bore  me  up ;  unto  Akki,  tho 
irrigator,  it  carried  me  Akki,  tlio  irrigator,  as  his 
own  son  .  ,  .  reared  mo  "  (Rogers,  Ciuieifortn  Parallels, 
1912,  p.  130).  In  s[)ite  of  E's  fondness  for  naming, 
the  princess  has  no  name  in  the  text.  Later  traditions 
supply  the  lack  with  Thamiuth,  Thermuthis,  Bathja, 
and  jilerris.  The  last,  given  by  Eusebius,  recalls  Mori, 
tho  name  of  ono  of  tho  59  daughters  of  Rameaes  II, 


her  mother  being  a  Kheta  princess.  Of  tliis  the  first 
two  may  be  variant  forms.  While  tho  princess  bathed, 
perhaps  from  a  bath-house,  her  ladies-in-waiting 
guarded  her  privacy  from  the  bank.  From  the  water 
she  saw  the  chest,  and  sent  the  female  slave  who  was 
in  attendance  on  her  in  the  water  to  fetch  it.  Josephua 
suppresses  the  circumstance  of  the  bathing.  Com- 
passion for  the  little  foundhng,  whose  exiX)8ure  proved 
his  Hebrew  parentage,  led  tho  princess  to  evade  her 
father's  edict.  The  .sister  intervened  at  the  psycho- 
logical moment  with  her  otler  to  find  "  a  w  oman 
giving  suck,'  and  the  child's  mother  is  bidden  to 
"suckle  ■'  it  under  the  guise  of  a  wet-nurse  or  foster- 
mother.  An  Egyptian  woman  would  hardly  have 
undertaken  the  task.  So  he  "grew,"  .i.e.  (cf.  Gen. 
218)  till  he  was  weaned,  which  would  be  at  three  or  four 
years,  and  "became  a  son  to  her."  On  this  slender 
statement  tradition  built  largely,  Josephus  and  Philo 
much  amplifymg  the  modest  inference  of  Stephen 
that  he  was  "  instructed  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the 
Egyptians "  (Ac.  722).  Driver  points  out  that  if, 
according  to  Erman,  a  good  Egyptian  education  "  com- 
prised such  things  as  moral  duties  and  good  manners, 
reading,  writing,  composition,  and  arithmetic,"  it 
also  included  such  imdesii-able  items  as  "  mythology, 
astrology,  magic,  and  superstitious  practices  in  medi- 
cine." It  is  safer  to  say  that  the  most  certain  historical 
inference  from  li5-2io  is  that  Moses  had  an  Egyptian 
name  (meaning  "bom,"  cf.  Thutmosis,  "  Thoth  is 
bom,"  Ra-mses,  etc.).  If  he  had  been  invented  he 
would  have  had  a  Heb.  name.  The  derivation  (10) 
is  a  jjurely  popular  play  on  tho  sound  of  the  word 
in  Heb. 

6.  Render,  "  And  she  (the  princess)  opened  it  and 
saw  him."  "The  child"  is  an  ungrammatical  gloss 
not  found  in  LXX.  The  next  words,  "and,  behold, 
a  boy  weeping,"  may  be  derived  from  J,  tho  sound  of 
the  child  weeping  being  in  his  narrative  the  clue. 

11-22  J.  Moses's  Flight  to  Mldlan.— Here  is  inter- 
posed an  incident  from  J,  who  uses  the  same  word 
"grow  "  (contrast  10)  of  Moses  reaching  man's  estate, 
interpreted  in  Ac.  723  as  40  years  of  age  (cf.  42  yejirs 
in  Jubilees).  The  "  Egyptian  '"  slain  by  Moses  may 
have  been  some  bully  of  a  gangmaster  (cf.  87).  Tho 
well-intentioned  but  unjustifiable  assumption  of  the 
authority  to  punish  committed  Moses  to  the  career 
of  a  patriot  (cf.  Heb.  II24-26).  But  the  incident  wjis 
distorted  by  rmnour,  and  not  only  aroused  the  king  a 
anger,  but  set  his  own  countrymen  against  him. 
Midian,  whither  he  tied,  is  on  some  maps  placed  in  tho 
S.E.of  theSinai  [)oniiisulaon  the  W. of  the  tiulf  of  Akaba. 
But  the  evidence  of  Ptolemyand  thcArabic  geographers, 
confirmed  by  Burton,  locates  it  on  tho  E.  Its  people, 
regarded  in  Gen.  25i-6  J  (cf.  1  Ch.  246f.,  4i7)  as 
distant  blood-relations  of  Israel,  had,  at  the  time  when 
this  story  took  shajje.  apparently  not  yet  come  to  be 
regarded  as  tho  bitterest  of  national  foes  (as  in  Nu. 
31,  perhaps  based  on  Nu.  6f.).  The  later  view  has  led 
to  "  tho  troops  of  Midian  "  being  taken  as  symbolising 
the  enemies  of  tho  soul.  "  The  priest  of  Midian  '  is 
introduced  without  explanation  or  apology  ;  and  in 
18  he  becomes  the  counsellor  of  Moses.  It  is  possible 
that  a  real  religious  conncvion  existed  between  tho 
Konites  (to  whom  tho  family  of  Jetliro  belonged,  see 
Jg.  4ii)  and  early  Israel  (cf.  18*). — Burckhardt  round 
that  the  pasturing  of  Hocks  was  still  "  the  exclusive 
duty  of  the  unmarried  girls  "  (cf.  Rachel  in  Gen.  29o)- 
M'Neilo  renders  19b,  "and  he  actually  drew  water  for 
us,"  pointing  out  that  "  Mosos  and  Jacob  drew  water 
for  women,  while  a  slave  (Gen.  24i9f.)  allowed  a  woman 
to  draw  for  him."    The  tradition  that  Moeca  married 


EXODUS.  III.  8 


171 


a  Midianitish  woman  would  hardly  have  been  pre- 
served unless  it  had  been  widespread,  for  in  Nu.  256ff. 
(P)  Buch  an  act  is  regarded  as  worthy  of  death.  Zip- 
porah  means  "  bird,''  and  is  the  feminine  of  Zippor.  the 
name  of  the  father  of  Balak.  In  Jg.  72  5  the  Midianitish 
chiefs  are  named  Oreb  (raven)  and  Zteb  (wolf).  It 
has  been  suggested  that  this  points  to  a  primitive 
totemistic  belief,  betrayed  when  obsolete  by  the 
ancient  names  (Gen.  2931-33*).  A  family  or  clan  is  by 
this  system  linked  as  having  the  same  totem  animal. 

18.  Reuel:  the  name,  meaning  "God's  friend,"  which, 
if  original  here,  would  have  been  given  in  16,  is  oddly 
inserted  by  the  editor  from  Nu.  lOag*.  Possibly,  like 
some  Sabaean  kings  and  priests,  he  had  two  names. 
The  LXX  has  Jethro  twice  in  16.  The  AV  "  Raguel  " 
reproduces  the  same  Heb.  differently,  following 
LXX. — 22.  a  sojourner  In  a  strange  land.  Driver 
notes  that  "  strange  "  is  no  longer  in  English  an  equiva- 
lent of  "foreign,"  and  gives  instances.  The  word 
"  sojourner "  impHcs  a  popular  play  upon  the  first 
syllable  of  the  word  Gershom.  In  Jg.  I830  the  priests 
of  Dan  claim  descent  from  Closes  through  Gershom. 

n.  23-m.  The  Call  of  Moses  (first  account).  230,  J. 
2  3&-25  P,  3i  E,  2-40  J,  4&  E,  5  J,  6  E,  7-90  J,  96-14 
E,  15  Rje. 

n.  23a  J.  many  will  refer  to  the  67  years'  reign  of 
Rameses  II,  unless  it  is  a  gloss  by  a  scribe  (Old  Latin 
omits)  or  editor  (so  Baentsch)  to  suit  P"s  view  of 
Moses  as  80  years  old  (77).  In  J  (420,25)  Gershom  is 
still  an  infant  at  the  return.  It  is  hkely  that  4i9f., 
24-26,  should  follow  here  but  have  been  displaced  by 
the  compiler.  The  death  of  the  king  is  clearly  men- 
tioned as  removing  the  obstacle  to  Moses's  return. 
But  after  the  solemn  call  a  merely  negative  reason 
seems  inadequate.  If  this  view  be  correct,  the  appear- 
ance at  the  bush  will  have  been  placed  by  J  (82)  on 
the  way  back  to  Egypt  or  in  Goshen  itseK. 

23b-25.  The  sequel  in  P  of  I14.  God's  "  remem- 
bering "  and  His  "  covenant  "  are  favourite  ideas  with 
this  writer,  and  have  passed  into  the  devotional  language 
of  the  Church.  In  Gen.  all  the  sources  agree  in  linking 
the  patriarchs  by  bonds  of  purpose  and  promise  with  a 
God  who  was  their  faithful  and  watchful  friend. 

25.  The  last  words  are  strictly  "  and  God  knew," 
and  are  usually  taken  in  an  intensified  sense  of  interested 
and  sympathetic  knowing,  as  frequently  (c/.  3?  below). 
But  the  omission  of  the  object  is  strange,  and  has 
led  some  to  correct  the  text.  The  LXX  "  and  made 
Himself  known  unto  them "  only  requires  a  shght 
alteration  of  the  vowel  points  (p.  35),  and  gives  a 
good  sense. 

m.  1-10.  The  Revelation  at  the  Bush.— According 
to  E  (i,  46.6)  Moses  had  "led  the  flock  to  the  back  of  the 
wilderness,"  j.e.  the  W..  since  the  E.was  always  regarded 
as  being  in  front  (as  the  N.  is  with  us),  N.  and  S.  being 
left  and  right.  The  flock  belonged  to  "  the  priest  of 
Midian,"  a  term  not  used  elsewhere  by  E.  but  which 
suits  the  representation  of  Jethro  in  18  (E),  and  need 
not  be  a  glo&s  from  2i6  J.  Thus,  accidentally.  Moses 
"  came  to  the  mountain  of  God."  and  Icamt  that  it  was 
Buch  by  the  voice  of  God  ("out  of  the  midst  of  the 
bu.sh  "  is  probablj'  a  gloss  from  J).  By  this  di.scovery, 
it  is  implied,  Horeb  became  a  sacred  mountain,  i.e. 
a  place  whore  God  was  peculiarly  at  home,  and,  there- 
fore, where  man  was  specially  eu.sceptible  to  Divine 
influences,  oven  as  the  mediaeval  candidate  for  knight- 
hood would  be  most  likely  to  tee  visions  or  hear 
voices  during  his  midnight  ^•igil  before  the  altar.  In 
primitive  thought  the  tie  with  locality  was  no  doubt 
crudely  conceived,  but  not  a  few  OT  references  show 
that  the  association  of  places  with  God's  special  presence 


long  retained  its  value,  as  symbolising  and  concentrat- 
ing an  aspect  of  reaUty  to  which  the  abstract  doctrine 
of  omnipresence  fails  to  do  justice.  Modems,  who 
reckon  it  unspiritual  to  call  any  place  sacred,  because 
God  is  everywhere,  may  condemn  themselves  to  finding 
Him  nowhere.  It  has  been  usual  to  identify  Horeb  (i) 
with  Sinai,  or  at  most  to  distinguish  the  former  as 
covering  the  district  in  which  the  latter  was  placed, 
and  to  locate  the  whole  region  in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula, 
where  Christian  tradition  has  loved  to  find  it.  Recently, 
however,  it  has  been  sought  by  Sayce  and  others  to 
prove  that  Sinai  was  not  in  the  peninsula  at  all,  but 
N.E.  of  it,  near  Edom;  and  by  M'Ncile  to  show  that, 
as  in  regard  to  other  places,  the  sources  differ,  and  that 
while  Sinai  was  near  KadcFh,  N.  of  the  head  of  the  gulf 
of  Akaba,  Horeb  was  S.E.,  on  the  E.  shore  of  the  gulf. 
Horeb  is  mentioned  only  by  E  (here,  and  in  176,  336) 
and  by  D,  while  J  and  P  refer  only  to  Sinai.  Really  the 
evidence  is  conflicting  and  obscure,  and  it  matters  little 
which  identification  is  adopted  (p.  64). — As  E  told  how 
Horeb  became  sacred,  so — we  must  suppose — originally 
J  related  here  how  Sinai  also  was  shown  to  be  holy  by 
the  revelation  at  the  bush  (Seneh).  Fire  is  constantly 
a  symbol  of  God's  presence  (c/.  137,  "  the  pillar  of 
fire,"  19x8,  24i7,  Ezek.  I27,  82).  In  view  of  the  large 
number  of  undoubted  cases,  like  that  of  Joan  of  Arc., 
in  which  visions  and  voices  have  been  authentically 
reported  by  the  original  subjects  of  the  abnormal 
experiences,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  it  was  so 
in  this  case,  though,  in  view  of  the  long  oral  transmission, 
it  would  be  rash  to  assert  it  positively.  In  any  event 
the  storj^  embodies  a  lofty  and  suggestive  symbolism. 
The  unconsumed  bramble  bush  may  signify  Israel, 
burnt  by  the  Divine  wrath  yet  spared  destruction  (c/. 
Keble,  quoted  by  M'Neile) ;  or  Moses,  the  fleshly  pole 
or  contact-point  for  the  transmission  of  the  stream 
of  redemptive  energy,  unclean  (like  Isaiah),  yet  not 
slain  by  the  Divine  holiness,  which  was  then  conceived 
imder  quasi-physical  representations.  Only  once  (Dt. 
33 16)  is  the  sacred  bush  again  mentioned  in  OT  (c/. 
Mk.  1226). — "  The  angel  of  Yahweh  "  is  sometimes 
distinguished  from  Yahweh  and  sometimes  (as  here,  2) 
identified  with  Him  (Gen.  I67*).  But  the  phrase  always 
marks  some  sensible  manifestation  of  the  Divine.  As 
the  term  is  missing  in  4  and  7,  probably  "  the  angel  of  " 
is  here  a  gloss  due  to  the  reverence  of  a  later  age.  It 
is  never  found  in  P. — The  removal  of  the  "  shoes  "  or 
sandals  (5)  was  a  traditional  mark  of  reverence,  arising 
more  probably  from  ancient  custom  than  from  fear  of 
soihng  the  sanctuary,  and  is  maintained  by  Mohammed- 
ans (Gen.  352*).  The  place  was  already  holy  "ground." 
and  did  not  merely  become  so  through  the  manifesta- 
tion. So  now  worshippci-s  do  not  wait  for  service  to 
begin  before  removing  their  hats. — Moses  is  sent  by 
no  new  God,  but  by  the  God  of  the  patriarchs  (6). 
Each  advance  in  revelation  or  redemption  is  due  to 
the  same  Being  ;  and  the  religious  experience  of  to-day 
is  continuous  with  the  experience  of  yesterday  out  of 
which  it  has  been  developed.  In  Jlk.  I226  Christ 
further  draws  from  this  verse  the  inference  that  God 
will  not  allow  death  to  break  the  conscious  fellowship 
He  has  establislied  with  His  creatures. — That  Mosce 
"  hid  his  face  "  (6)  was  a  sign  of  reverence  parallel  with 
the  baring  of  the  feet  noted  in  5  (J).  In  this  source 
(cf.  7)  there  is  a  fearless  use  of  human  terms  ("  seen," 
"heard,"  "come  down")  to  make  God's  i-elations 
with  man  real  and  intelUgible.  Such  language  is  for 
plain  people  more  effectively  true  than  coldly  abstract 
words. — In  8  we  first  meet  with  the  phrase,  so  frequent 
in  J  and  D,  "  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey," 
see  RV  references.      "  Honey,"  like  the  prceent-day 


172 


EXODUS,  III.  8 


Arabic  cognate  dib.'^,  probably  includes  the  grape-juice 
Byrup,  used  with  food,  like  jam.  The  lists  of  Palestinian 
peoples  (as  in  8,  cf.  (Jen.  1.519-21*,  and  IIV  references) 
arc  common  in  JE  and  D,  but  have  probably  often  boon 
ampliliod.  The  term  Canaanite  is  used  (cf.  Gen.  126  J) 
generally  of  the  pro-Israelitic  inhabitant*  of  Canaan, 
but  has  a  narrower  sense,  of  the  dwellers  on  the  sea 
coast  and  in  the  Jordan  valley.  It  is  a  question 
whether  the  inclusion  of  the  Hittitcs  among  the  peoples 
contjuei-ed  by  Israel  is  justified  by  victories  over  some 
Hittito  colony  {cf.  Nu.  13^9  JK,  Gen.  23*  P) ;  for 
the  main  body  of  the  nation  was  established  N.  of 
the  Lebanon  and  was  never  subject  to  Israel.  Amorite 
(p.  53,  Gen.  147*)  also  is  used  as  a  comprehensive 
term,  but  properly  refers  to  a  distinct  people,  ruled 
by  Sihon,  N.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  settled  early  N. 
of  Canaan  (Tell  el-Amama  Letters,  1400  B.C.).  For 
the  Perizzites,  see  Gen.  I.37*.  The  Hivites  belonged 
to  the  centre,  and  the  Jebusitos  held  Jerusalem  till 
David  took  it  (2  S.  56-9). 

4a.  The  Heb.  is  "  And  Yahweh  saw  .  .  .  and  God 
called,'  so  that  the  division  of  the  verse  between  J 
and  E  is  grammatically  natural. 

llf.  Moses's  First  bifUcuIty — personal  unfitness  (rf. 
the  cases  of  Gideon.  Jeroboam,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel). 
Once  Moses  was  rash  and  impulsive.  Now  ho  is  older 
and  sees  the  difficulties.  All  the  sources  agree  in  this 
representation.  A  fugitive,  a  shepherd,  and  unknown, 
how  shall  he  interview  the  Pharaoh,  or  lead  Israel  ? 
The  promise,  "  I  wiU  be  with  thee  "  (omit  "  certainly  "), 
draws  aside  the  veil  and  shows  him  his  Unseen  Divine 
Companion  ;  cf.  RV  references. — The  "  token  "  or  sign 
(12)  is  but  a  further  promise  that  on  the  sacred  mount 
(I*)  the  people  should  offer  God  worship;  unless  a 
reference  to  the  "  rod  "  or  the  "  pillar  "  has  been 
displaced. — The  awkward  "ye  shall  serve"  (12) 
becomes,  by  changing  the  Heb.  initial  t  to  y,  "  they  shall 
serve." 

13-15.  Moses's  Second  Difficulty — ignorance  of  the 
Name  under  which  Israel  was  to  worship  God.  This 
is  expressed  in  two  of  the  sources  (E  here,  and  P  in  6). 
He  must  learn  the  name  of  the  God  who  was  sending 
him.  In  ancient  religions  generally  the  knowledge 
of  the  name  was  a  necessity  for  prayer  or  sacrifice 
(Gen.  3229*),  and  its  meaning  was  sometimes  an  indica- 
tion of  the  nature  of  the  God.  Four  points  arise  here  : 
(i)  the  original  pre-Mosaic  meaning  of  the  name 
Yahweh  ;  (ii.)  its  meaning  for  Moses  ;  (iii.)  the  idea 
of  it  in  the  mind  of  the  author  ;  (iv.)  the  identification 
of  the  author.  As  to  (i.)  there  has  been  much  dis- 
cussion, but  little  agreement.  Possibly  it  may  have 
had  reference  to  nature  processes — "  He  who  comes 
down  as  the  rain  or  the  lightning-flash,"  or  He  who 
makes  these  come  down.  But  the  solution  of  this 
problem  matters  little.  The  greatest  words  may 
grow  in  meaning  from  the  humblest  seed  of  suggestion. 
Driver  considers  that  there  is  enough  Assyriological 
evidence  "  to  show  that  a  We«t-Semitic  deity,  Ya-u, 
was  known  as  early  as  c.  2100  B.C."  Taking  (iv.) 
next,  it  is  clear  that,  for  the  prophetic  writer  E,  the 
name  Yahweh  was  regarded  as  unknown  both  to  the 
Israelites  in  Egj-pt  and  also  to  the  patriarchs.  The 
t«xt  here  and  the  usage  of  this  source  in  Gen.  prove 
this.  Indeed,  it  is  possible  that  the  identification  of 
Yahweh  with  the  God  of  the  fathers  is  due  to  a  later 
editor,  and  that  the  contrast  between  old  and  new 
was  originally  thought  of  as  a  revolution,  a  passage 
from  tlie  worship  of  EHm  ("gods'")  to  the  worship 
of  one  God,  Yahweh,  greater  than  all  else,  and  alone 
revered  in  Israel.  Besides  the  link  with  the  past 
through  Jethro    (I812*)  it  has  been  suggested  that 


one  or  more  of  the  tribes  may  have  been  worshippers 
of  Yahweh.  (iii.)  The  diversity  of  views  on  tho  point 
of  translation  is  shown  by  the  four  renderings  of  RV. 
For  other  alternatives,  see  M'Noile,  Ex.,  p.  22,  or  HDB 
ii.  199  (Davidson),  or  EBi.  3320  (Kautzsch).  The  third 
mg.,  "  I  will  be  that  I  will  be,"  is  supported  by  Robert- 
son Smith,  Davidson,  Driver,  M'Neile,  and  others.  [Tlio 
meaning  would  Ixj  more  clearly  conveyed  to  the  English 
reader  by  the  translation,  "I  will  be  what  I  will  be." 
— A.  S.  P.]  It  brings  out  the  implications  both  of  the 
root  and  tense  of  the  verb  hayah.  The  root  denotes 
rather  becoming  than  being,  and  the  tense  (imperfect) 
marks  uncompleted  process  or  activity.  AV  and  RV 
rendering  ("I  am  that  I  am  " — the  unnamablo  and  in- 
expressible One)  involves  an  amount  of  reflectiveness 
alien  to  the  Hebrew  mind.  And  so  with  others  :  "  I  am 
because  I  am,"  "  I  am  who  am."  Heb.  syntax  and 
thought  analogies  favour  decisively  the  beautiful  render- 
ing adopted  above,  found  as  early  as  Rashi  (a.d.  1105), 
and  now  preferred  by  British  scholars.  The  temper  of 
noble  adventure  which  belongs  to  faith  is  here  shown  to 
spring  out  of  the  very  Name  {i.e.  Being)  of  Y^'ahweh 
(  =  "  He  will  be  ")  :  no  one  can  limit  the  inexhaustibly 
fresh  possibilities  of  One  so  named.  Tho  question  (ii.) 
of  the  meaning  of  the  name  for  Moses  is  too  large 
for  treatment  here  ;  but  hia  must  have  been  the  parent 
conception  which  the  historian  has  so  grandly  ex- 
pressed here.  In  14  read  the  last  clause.  "  I-will-bo 
hath  sent  me."  Tho  spelling  "Jehovah"  (at  least 
as  early  as  a.d.  1278)  arose  from  misunderstanding 
the  Jewish  practice  of  placing  under  tho  four-lettered 
word  (or  tetragraramaton)  Yhwh  (or  Jhvh)  the  vowels 
of  tho  word  Adonay  ("  Lord  '")  which  they  pronounced 
in  place  of  it,  out  of  mistaken  reverence  based  on  Ex. 
2O7  or  Lev.  24ii,i6.  The  correctness  of  the  form 
here  adopted,  Yahweh,  is  established,  not  merely  by 
analogy  with  other  names  derived  from  verbs  (Isaac, 
Jacob,  etc.),  but  from  tho  transliterations  used  by  early 
Christian  Fathers,  before  the  tradition  of  substituting 
Adonay  had  become  established  :  Theodoret,  reporting 
Samaritan  speech,  and  Epiphanius  have  'Ia/3^,  and 
Clement  of  Alexandria  has  'laoi/ai  (or  '\aovi,  the  occur- 
rence in  which  of  all  the  five  vowels  prompted  certain 
magical  uses). 

15.  Observe  that  in  14,  15,  and  16  there  are  three 
instructions  of  identical  or  similar  scope  in  regard  to 
the  announcement  of  the  Divine  Name.  The  simplest 
explanation  of  the  repetition  is  that  16  comes  from 
J,  and  14  from  E,  15  being  a  link  verso  by  the  redactor 
of  JE. 

in.  16-18  J.  Message  to  the  Elders.— This  paragraph, 
which  overlaps  tho  last,  contains  J's  account  of  Moses's 
instructions,  which  are  to  bo  passed  on  (not  as  in  15  E, 
to  the  people  at  largo,  but)  to  "the  elders  of  Israel." 
We  here  first  touch  on  an  important  Hebrew  institution 
which  both  preceded  and  outlasted  tho  monarchy. 
The  tribal  "elders"  (p.  112)  or  sheikhs  were  them- 
selves a  development  from  the  heads  of  famihes,  and 
gave  place,  after  the  settlement,  to  a  localised  aristo- 
cracy, "  tho  elders  of  the  city."  In  any  case  their  au- 
thority was  wide,  but  somewhat  undefined  and  lack- 
ing in  coercive  power.  They  wore  official  representa- 
tives of  weight  and  character,  but  they  needed  to  carry 
with  them  the  body  of  men  who  stood  beliind  them, 
and  they  admitted  of  a  chief  sheikh  (such  as  Mo.ses) 
or  a  judge  or  king  over  them,  whoso  senato  they  formed. 
The  message  assures  them,  that  Yahweh.  their  fathers' 
God  and  their  watchful  Friend,  would  "  bring  them 
up "  from  low-lying  Egypt  to  the  high  Canaanite 
table-land,  and  bids  them  join  Moses  in  asking  per- 
mission to  leave  Egypt  for  sacrifice  to  *'  Yahweh,  the 


EXODUS.  V.  6-19 


173 


God  of  the  Hebrews."  This  demand,  seven  times 
urged  in  J,  was  a  natural  one  in  an  ago  of  national 
rites.  At  this  juncture  such  sacrifice  was  a  fitting 
response  to  the  Divine  revelation.  "  Three  days' 
journey  "  would  not  bring  them  to  any  of  the  supposed 
sites  of  Sinai,  only  to  some  nearer  shrine  in  "  the 
wilderness,"  i.e.  of  Et-Tiy,  the  limestone  plateau  S. 
of  Palestine.  The  proposal  may  have  been  meant 
as  a  feeler,  or  it  may  have  been  a  ruse  to  deceive  the 
national  enemy,  the  Pharaoh. 

16.  visited  .  .  .  Egypt  should  rather  bo  "  taken 
notice  of  you  and  that  which  is  done  to  you  in  Egypt." 
— 17.  Perhaps  read  with  LXX,  "And  he  hath  said 
(moreover),"  a  more  natural  way  of  referring  to  8. 
So  Baentsch.  On  the  list  of  peoples,  see  8.  Here  its 
omission  improves  the  connexion. 

in.  19-22  E  (19f.  amplified).  First  Announcement 
of  Plagues. — For  the  spoiling  of  the  Egjrptians,  see  I236. 
— Road  in  19,  "  except  by  a  mighty  hand." 

IV.  1-9  J  (following  3i8).  Moses's  Third  Difficulty— 
Israel's  unbehef.  To  overcome  it,  he  is  enabled  to 
authenticate  his  mission  by  three  signs — the  rod  that 
became  a  serpent  and  again  a  rod  (2-5),  the  leprosy  of 
his  hand  that  came  and  went  (6-8),  and  the  turning 
of  water  into  blood  (9).  The  first  is  in  P  a  sign  to 
Pharaoh  (78-i2),  and  the  third  is  in  E  and  P  the  first 
plague  (714-25). — The  rod,  in  J,  is  Moses's  ordinary 
shepherd's  staff,  turned  to  a  special  use ;  in  E,  it  is 
"the  rod  of  God,"  given  him  to  use  as  a  miraculous 
instnmient ;  in  P,  it  is  Aaron  who  uses  it.  All  three 
sources  must  mention  the  rod,  so  firmly  was  it  entwined 
in  the  thread  of  tradition  (ITisf.*).  In  9,  "river" 
should  be  "  Nile." 

IV.  10-16  J.  Moses's  Fourth  Difficulty — slowness  of 
speech.  This  is  met  by  a  promise  of  prophetic  in- 
spiration, the  fulfilment  of  which  not  only  Dt.  34io, 
but  the  whole  representation  of  J,  endorses.  It  is 
followed  here  by  a  further  exhibition  of  unreadiness, 
which  evokes  Yahweh's  wrath.  The  association  of 
Aaron  with  Moses  has  been  compared  to  Deborah's 
co-operation  with  Barak.  But  since  Aaron  may  only 
say  what  Moses  teUs  him,  this  arrangement  is  no  very 
clear  mark,  of  Divine  anger.  Moreover,  in  J,  Moses 
habitually  acts  and  speaks  alone,  and  not  by  the  mouth 
of  Aaron,  except  in  29f.*,  which  obviously  foUows  this 
passage.  Perhaps,  therefore,  the  reference  to  Aaron  has 
been  inserted  by  a  somewhat  later  hand  to  explain  the 
undoubted  sacredness  of  the  teaching  office  of  the  priest 
(c/.  Priests  and  Levites,  HDB,  iv.).  Aaron  is  in  14 
called  "theLevite"  (p.  106).  But  Moses  himself  was  (2 1) 
traditionall}"  descended  from  Levi.  So  here,  as  else- 
where {cf.  JTg.  177,  "a  young  man  ...  of  the  family 
of  Judah  who  was  a  Levite  "),  "  Levite  "  "was  a  term 
which  connoted  not  ancestry  but  profession  ;  it  was 
equivalent  to  clergyman"  (M'Neile,  Ex.,  p.  Ixvi). 
14b  may  bo  due  to  an  editor,  who  thus  led  up  to  27  E. 
— That  Moses  was  to  be  to  Aaron  "  as  God  "  (16)  was 
a  particular  case  of  what  may  be  called  the  Divine 
policy  of  mediation.  Parents  are  to  young  children 
in  the  place  of  God,  and  like  relations  to  superiors  are 
frequent ;  but  such  a  phrase  may  not  be  pressed  to 
cover  the  Jesuit  claim  to  override  a  subordinate's 
conscience. 

IV.  17f.  Moses  obtains  from  Jethro  leave  of  absence. 
For  "this  rod"  in  17,  cf.  2*  and  20b;  also  Jg. 
C21. 

IV.  19-20a  J.  Moses  is  Recalled  by  Yahweh  to  Egypt. 
— This'picce  probablyori^'inallyfolk)\\ cd  ^j^a.tlie  nan-a- 
tive  of  the  revelation  at  the  bush  having:  born  antedated 
by  the  compiler,  to  dovetail  in  with  E's  story.  The 
pi.  "  sons  "  is  probably  due  to  the  editor,  to  fit  I82-4  : 


in  J  (£24  and  425)  only  one  "  son  "  is  mentioned. — 
20b  E  continues  17. 

IV.  21-23  J.  The  Death  of  Pharaoh's  Firstborn  Is 
Threatened. — 22f.  seems  to  have  been  moved  back 
hither  from  before  IO28  to  serve  as  a  general  intro- 
duction to  the  Plagues,  receiving  21  as  preface.  The 
"  portents  "  of  21  are  not  the  "  signs  "  of  2-9  J,  to  be 
done  for  Israel's  benefit,  but  those  of  17  E,  to  be  done 
with  the  rod  before  Pharaoh. — With  22  cf.  Hos.  11 2. 
The  prophetic  intuition  which  saw  Yahweh's  love  for 
Israel  as  a  father's  for  his  firstborn  became  one  of 
the  grand  commonplaces  of  Heb.  religion.  Wo  find 
it  "  christened  "  in  Gal.  826-47.  It  may  have  had  its 
root  in  a  cruder  notion,  found  outside  the  OT,  of  a 
physical  relation  between  a  people  and  a  divine  ancestor, 
but  in  Israel,  as  Driver  points  out,  the  idea  was  spiritual. 

rv.  24-26  J.  Moses  Threatened  with  Death  because 
Uncircumcised. — This  is  an  old  and  strange  "  boulder  " 
of  tradition.  The  incident  here  follows  20a.  It 
appears  to  relate  in  strongly  anthropomorphic  phrase 
a  grave  illness  which  Moses's  wife  interpreted  as  a 
punishment  for  neglect  of  the  rite  of  circumcision, 
and  remedied  by  symbohcally  substituting  the  circum- 
cision of  his  son.  The  rite  appears  here  as  one  pre- 
Uminary  to  marriage,  and  not  in  the  milder  form  of 
Gen.  17",  administered  in  infancy  [cf.  pp.  83,  99f.).  The 
use  of  "flint"  is,  no  doubt,  a  survival  of  an  archaic 
practice,  begun  before  metal  knives  were  in  use  (Jos. 
52  *).     Ritual  is  ever  conservative. 

IV.  27f.  E.  29-31  J.  Aaron  meets  Moses,  and  together 
they  meet  the  elders  of  Israel. — 27f.  E,  which  tells  of 
Aaron  being  called  to  meet  Moses  at  Horeb,  is  indepen- 
dent of  14-16  J,  for  it  ignores  the  part  there  assigned 
to  Aaron,  whereas  29-31  J  is  the  obvious  sequel  of 
that  passage,  though  the  Heb.  rather  suggests  that 
even  in  this  passage  Aaron  was  not  originally  men- 
tioned. In  30a  read,  "  And  he  (Moses)  did  the  signs." 
Aaron  was  not  to  have  done  them.     With  31  cf.  I227&*. 

V.  1-VI.  1  (If.  and  4  E,  the  rest  J).  Pharaoh's  first 
refusal  to  let  Israel  go,  and  his  increase  of  their  burdens. 
— The  bulk  of  the  story  is  taken  from  J,  but  part  of  the 
opening  shows  that  E  told  it  too.  One  spoke  of  "  tho 
God  of  Israel,"  the  other  of  "  the  God  of  tho  Hebrews  "  : 
both  related  the  demand  for  leave  of  absence  in  order 
to  worship.  Observe  in  J  the  primitive  dread  of  an 
approach  of  the  Divine  Being  imless  an  acceptable 
ofl'ering  be  at  hand  (3,  c/.  Nu.  23$,  "  met  him,"  as  here  ; 
and  Jg.  13i5f.). 

1-5.  In  1,  "  hold  a  feast  "  (Heb.  hag)  is,  more  exactly, 
"  make  a  pilgrimage  "  to  a  sanctuar3^  as  pious  Moham- 
medans make  the  haj  to  Mecca  (cf.  23i4ff.  and  p.  103). 
The  Pharaoh,  who  by  the  custom  of  the  time  was  often 
approached  by  suitors  with  private  grievances,  pro- 
fesses blank  ignoranoo  of  YoHwph.  nnd  treats  tho 
request  as  a  mere  pretext  for  a  holiday. 

6-19.  Increase  of  Burdens. — The  brickmaking  was 
organised  by  Egyptian  "  taskmasters  "  working  under 
Pharaoh,  very  much  as  a  "  clerk  of  the  works  "  super- 
intends a  building  in  progress  to  watch  the  interests 
of  the  owner  and  to  see  the  instructions  of  the  architect 
fulfilled.  These  in  turn  chose  Hebrew  "  officers  "  or 
foremen  who  were  responsible  for  the  work  of  their 
gangs.  At  Pithom  (In)  some  of  the  bricks  that  have 
been  dug  up  contained  chopped  straw  and  some  did 
not.  But  elsewhei-e  such  use  of  straw  is  unusual. 
Perhaps  it  was  needed,  Petrie  suggests,  to  separate 
tho  soft  bricks.  In  any  case  the  refusal  to  provide 
a  necessary  imposed  more  work.  Driver  (CB,  p-  39) 
reproduces  illustrations  from  the  monuments  of  the 
processes  of  brickmaking  and  building  by  Asiatic 
captives  under   supervision,  and    quotes   an   inscrip- 


174 


EXODUS,  V.  6-19 


tion  (p.  31),  "The  taekmastor  saye  to  his  labourora, 
'  Tho  stick  is  in  my  hand,  be  not  idle.'  "  The  Nile 
mud  had  to  be  dug,  carried  in  baskets,  kneaded  with 
water,  moulded,  dried,  carrted  to  the  site,  and  built 
into  tho  walls.  Nu.  II5  warns  us  that,  for  slaves,  "  tho 
Hebrews  were  on  the  whole  well  treated"  (MNeile). 
— 8.  tale:  i.e.  set  amount.  To  "tell"  used  to  mean 
to  "count"  (Gen.  los"). — 9.  Read  (with  LXX,  Sam., 
Peeh.)  "  that  they  may  attend  to  it  (their  work), 
and  not  attend  to  lying  words." — 14.  task  :  in  this 
verse  should  be  "  prescribed  portion." — 16.  Read  (with 
LXX,  Peeh.)  "  and  thou  shalt  sin  against  thy  people." 
The  Heb.  is  corrupt,  and  the  EV  is  false  to  the  facts. 

20-VI.  1.  Moses,  reproached  for  tho  failme  of  the 
appeal  to  Pharaoh,  casts  himself  on  God.  and  wins 
promise  of  effectual  aid.  Dawn  follows  the  darkest 
hour. 

21.  "  Yo  have  brought  us  into  ill  odour  with  Pharaoh" 
would  be  a  more  modem  rendering. — 22.  evil  entreated  : 
i.e.  ill-treated. 

VI.  2-12.  Ps  Second  Account  of  Moses's  Call.— Till 
the  method  of  Hebrew  compilers  was  imderstood,  it 
waa  natural  to  take  this  as  the  account  of  a  second 
call.  It  is  now  seen  to  be  the  account  of  his  call 
in  the  latest  source,  as  written  by  priestly  annalists 
after  the  Exile.  Moreover,  it  was  this  passage  which 
put  in  the  hands  of  the  French  physician,  Jean  Astruc 
(p.  122),  the  clue  to  the  criticism  of  tho  Mosaic  books. 
For  tlie  writer  who  says  that  God  was  known  to  the 
patriarchs  as  "God  Almighty"  (El  Shaddai,  Gen. 
17i*,  Jl.  I15*),  but  was  not  known  to  them  by  His 
name  Yahweh.  could  not  be  the  same  who  declared 
(Gen.  426)  that  man  Ijegan  to  call  upon  the  name  of 
Yahweh  in  the  days  of  Seth.  and  who  used  it  freely 
in  connexion  with  all  tho  patriarchs.  Observe  that  the 
analysis  which  began  with  distinguishing  the  Divine 
Name  has  revealed  so  many  fresh  clues  as  to  become 
virtually  independent  of  its  original  starting-point  (p. 
123).  The  great  idea  of  a  Divine  covenant,  a  Testament 
conditional  upon  moral  and  spiritual  terms,  is  domi- 
nant in  P  (Gen.  17*).  It  involved  remembrance  (5), 
redemption  (6,  cf.  Is.  41 14,  etc.),  fellowship  {7a),  and 
the  assurance  of  faith  (76),  as  well  as  the  settlement  in 
Canaan  (8).  The  summary  of  the  Divine  programme 
closes  with  "  I  am  Yahweh,"  the  "  Everlasting  Yea  " 
which  sounds  out  again  and  again,  like  the  deep  boom 
of  a  church  bell,  in  the  Law  of  Holiness  (Lev.  I85, 
etc.).  But  tho  people  (9)  "  hearkened  not  for  im- 
patience"  {mg.).  Here  the  priestly  abridgment  dis- 
regards the  first  expressions  of  popular  conviction 
in  431  J,  and  Moses  {12)  (juails  before  the  harder  task 
of  making  Pharaoh  hear  (contrast  4 10  J). 

8.  The  covenant  had  been  confirmed  by  an  oath 
in  Gen.  247 — "T  liftori  up  my  hand"  (cf.  Gen.  1422, 
iNu.  1430),  the  hand  being  raisetl  to  heaven  by  one  taking 
an  oath. — 12.  unclrcumcised  lips :  as  though  needing 
a  surgical  operation  for  dumbness. 

1^-30.  An  insertion  by  the  editor,  who  in  13  anti- 
cipates the  mention  of  Aaron  (7if.),  and  in  14-27 
compresses  a  wider  genealogy  to  give  tho  pedigree 
of  Moses  and  Aaron,  and  in  28-30  recapitulates  61-12. 
From  Gen.  5  onwards  genealogies,  original  and  inserted, 
abound  in  P,  reflecting  the  post-exilic  interest  in 
pedigrees  (Ch..  Ezr.,  Noh.).  A  Canaanite  strain  is 
indicated  for  Simeon  (15).  as  well  as  for  Judah  (Gen. 
38),  by  the  mention  of  Shaul's  Canaanite  mother. 
The  post-exilic  tradition  found  sanction  for  tho  current 
distribution  of  duties  about  the  Temple  among  certain 
hereditary  guilds  in  tracing  back  their  descent  to  Levi 
(i6-io).  and  their  appointment  to  Moses  (Nu.  311^49*), 
their  dutiee  being  revised  by  David  (1  Ch.  236-24*). 


For  the  writer's  purpose  Kohath's  descendants  are 
important.  To  his  first  son,  Amrara,  "  Aaron  and 
Moses"  (Nu.  2659  ttud  1  MS,  Sam.,  LXX,  Syr.  hero 
add  "and  Miriam  their  sister  ")  were  bom  (20),  Joche- 
bed  his  wife  (22*)  being  his  aunt.  As  Lev.  I812 
forbids  such  a  marriage,  we  may  infer  that  an  old 
tradition  is  here  preserved. 

VII.  8-13  P.  Aaron  and  the  Magicians :  Hardening 
of  Pharaohs  Heart. — Magic  and  rehgion  are,  in  the 
last  analysis,  fundamentally  diverse  ;  for,  while  magic 
claim.s  to  put  a  compelling  constraint  upon  occult 
powers,  rehgion  implies  a  relation  and  dependence 
upon  a  personal  Being  of  which  prayer  is  the  char- 
acteristic expression  (p.  187).  But  the  two  have  been, 
and  are  still,  almost  inextricably  intermingled.  It  is  nob 
surprising,  therefore,  to  find  magical  powers,  in  all  good 
faith,  claimed  for  tho  servants  of  Yahweh.  and  allowed, 
in  inferior  degree,  to  exist  among  His  enemies.  Magic 
has  been  called  the  science  of  primitive  times,  and 
itfl  obvious  success  is  duo  to  a  mixture  of  bluff,  shrewd 
prognostication,  cunning  contrivance  (cf.  "  secret  arte," 
II  Tng.).  and  .sleight-of-hand.  Serpent-charming  still 
persists  in  Egypt,  and  experts  can  stiffen  serpents  by 
hypnotic  devices  into  rods.  What  is  pocuUar  in  tho 
present  story  is  that  the  rods  become  serpents,  and 
Aaron's  rod  swallows  up  the  rest.  Tho  mg.  on  "  ser- 
pent "  distinguishes  tho  term,  meaning  a  reptile, 
jwrhaps  a  young  crocodile,  from  the  ordinary  word 
used  in  43  J,  where  the  sign  was  to  convince  Israel, 
not  Pharaoh.  The  word  for  "magicians"  is  used 
only  of  Egyptian  wizards.  Jewish  tradition  (2  Tim. 
38)  knew  the  names  of  the  two  leaders,  Jannes  and 
Jambres.  Though  their  success  was  marred  by  the 
swallowing  up  of  their  rods,  "  Pharaoh's  heart  was 
hardened  "  (13).  Here  is  one  of  the  leading  ideas  of  this 
part  of  tho  Bible.  Three  words  are  used — one  only 
in  73  P,  another  (mg.  "strong  ")  by  P  and  E,  and  tho 
third  {7ng.  "heavy")  by  J.  The  various  forms  of 
expression,  hard  (in  fact),  self-hardened,  and  God- 
hardened,  together  with  Paul's  treatment  in  Rom. 
915-18,  raise  difficult  questions.  A  httle  reflection 
lightens  the  cUfficulty.  In  all  human  conduct  there  is 
a  mysterious  combination  of  man's  choice  and  God's 
enabling.  And  God  uses  events  to  produce  opposite 
effects  upon  diffeix»nt  characters,  as  fire  melts  wax 
but  hardens  clay.  Assertions  of  Gods  sovereignty 
must  not  be  isolated,  but  interpreted  in  harmony 
with  His  moral  mle.  Thus  read,  tho  cumulative 
assaults  upon  Pharaoh's  i-esolution  call  forth  one  of 
the  most  dramatic  exhibitions  in  literature  of  tho 
merely  poUtic  vacillations  of  a  man  whose  conscience 
has  been  weakene<l.  or  silenced,  bv  scilf-will. 

VII.  14-XII.  36.  The  Ten  Plagues.— How  deeply 
this  series  of  events  imprinted  itself  on  the  mind  and 
heart  of  the  nation  is  shown  by  the  fulness  with  which 
the  three  sources  report  them. 

J  1»  2°  —  4''  5"  —  r  8°  9"  10" 
E  1°  —  —  __  —  7°  8°  9°  lO** 
P      1°     2^     3°     _    _    6°     —    —    —     10» 

1  °,  river  turned  to  blood  ;  2'',  frogs  ;  3°,  lice  (gnats) ; 
4°,  flies  ;  .5°,  murrain  ;  6^,  boils  ;  7°,  hail ;  8",  locusts  ; 
9°,  darkness  ;   10^.  death  of  firstborn. 

A  sound  historical  judgment  will  conclude,  both 
from  this  fact  and  from  tho  natun>  of  the  occurrences 
mentioned,  as  well  as  from  the  need  for  some  such 
group  of  causes  to  .^count  for  tho  escape  of  tho  tribes, 
that  tho  traditions  have  a  firm  foothold  in  real  events. 
But  since  not  less  than  four  centuries  intervened 
between  the  events  and  tho  earliest  of  our  sources, 
it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  details  of  the  narra- 


J 


EXODUS,  VIII.  20-32 


175 


tives  can  all  bo  equally  correct.  And  there  are  not 
only  literary  distinctions  between  the  sources,  but 
differing,  and  in  some  points  contradictory,  representa- 
tions of  matters  of  fact.  The  Great  European  War 
illustrates  the  difficulty  of  weighing  even  contem- 
porary testimony.  But  it  is  important  to  observe 
that  even  such  a  legend  as  that  a  force  of  Russians 
was  brought  through  England,  though  it  stated  what 
was  incorrect,  yet  would  have  conveyed  to  posterity  a 
tiTie  reflection  of  two  fundamental  features  in  the  Euro- 
pean situation  of  1914,  viz.  that  Russia  was  alhed 
with  England,  and  that  powerful  reinforcements  were 
needed  to  meet  an  enemy  across  the  English  Channel. 
So  the  general  situation  m  Egypt  in  1220  B.C.,  and  the 
contrasted  characters  of  Pharaoh  and  Moses,  may 
reasonably  be  taken  as  rightlv  given,  while  the  order, 
details,  and  precise  nature  of  the  events  in  which 
they  were  concerned  may  have  been  more  or  less  dis- 
torted by  tradition.  One  of  the  marks  of  the  shaping 
power  of  the  reporting  process  is  that  each  source  can 
still  be  seen  to  have  had  its  own  uniform  skeleton 
of  narration  in  this  section.  This  phenomenon  may 
be  concisely  exhibited.  It  should  be  contrasted  with 
the  form  of  narratives  (such  as  those  in  2  S.)  which 
are  more  nearly  contemporary  with  the  events  they 
relate. 

a.  JEP  :  and  Yahwoh  said  unto  Moses, 

b.  J  :  Go  unto  Pharaoh,  and  say  unto  him.  Thus 
saith  Yahweh,  the  God  of  the  Hebrews,  Let  my  people 
go  that  they  may  serve  me.  And  if  thou  refuse  to 
let  them  go,  behold  I  will  .  .  . 

E:  Stretch  forth  thy  (('.e.  Moses's)  hand  (with  thy 
rod  toward  .  .  .  that  there  may  be  .  .  . 

P :  Say  unto  Aaron.  Stretch  out  thy  rod,  and  there 
shall  be  .  .  . 

e.  J  :  And  Yahweh  did  so,  and  there  came  ...  (or 
"and  he  sent ") 

E  :  And  Moses  stretched  forth  his  hand  (or  his  rod) 
toward  .  .  .  and  there  was  .  .  . 

P :  And  these  did  so :  and  Aaron  stretched  out  his 
rod,  and  there  was  .  .  • 

d.  P :  And  the  magicians  did  so  (or,  could  not  do 
bo)  with  their  secret  arte  .  .  . 

e.  J :  And  Pharaoh  called  for  Moses,  and  said  unto 
him.  Entreat  for  me,  that  .  .  .  And  Yahweh  did  so, 
and  removed  .  .  . 

f .  J  :  But  Pharaoh  made  his  heart  heavy. 

E  :  But  Yahweh  made  Pharaohs  heart  hard. 
P  :  But  Yahwehs  heart  was  hardened. 

g.  J  :  And  he  did  not  let  the  people  go. 

E  :  And  he  did  not  let  the  children  of  Israel  go. 

P  :  and  he  hearkened  not  unto  them  as  Yahweh  had 
spoken. 

The  reader  who  will  mark  with  letters  in  the  margin 
of  the  text  the  parts  assigned  to  J,  E.  and  P  will  dls- 
cem  for  himself,  more  fully  by  the  help  of  the  RV  refer- 
ences, the  points  of  contrast  and  resemblance,  or  he 
can  consult  the  larger  commentaries.  In  any  case  he 
should  note  that  J  is  fullest  and  most  graphic,  and 
describes  the  plagues  as  natural  events  providentially 
ordered,  Yahweh  bringing  them  after  the  prophets 
mere  announcement ;  that  E  is  briefer,  has  not  been 
so  fully  preserved  by  the  editor,  heightens  the  miracu- 
lous colouring,  and  makes  Moses  bring  on  the  plagues 
with  a  motion  of  his  wonder-working  rod,  or  a  gesture 
of  his  hand  ;  and  that  P  makes  Aaron  the  spokesman 
and  wielder  of  the  rod.  and  introduces  the  magicians, 
the  supernatural  clement  transcending  tiie  historical 
throughout.  Another  feature  is  that  in  J  the  IsraeUtes 
are  apart  in  Goshen,  but  in  E  are  mixed  up  with  the 
Egyptians  in   Egypt.     Each  source  has  its  own  word 


for  "  plague  "  (9r4  J,  111  E,  I2i3  P) ;  and  three  other 
words  ("signs"  and  "wonders" — two  Heb.  words) 
are  also  employed.  It  will  appear  that  the  plagues 
were  "  miraculously  intensified  fonns  of  the  diseases 
or  other  natural  occurrences  to  which  Egypt  is  more 
or  less  liable  "  (Driver). 

VII.  14-25.  1'.  Water  turned  Into  Blood  (14-15a 
J ;  15b  Er  ;  16-17a  J  :  17b,  "  with  the  rod  .  .  .  hand," 
E;  17C-18  J;  19-20a,  "commanded,"  P;  20b,  to 
"servants,"  E;  20c-21ab,  J;  21c-22,  P  ;  23-25  J).— 
In  Egypt  not  only  prosperity,  but  Ufe  itself,  was  bound 
up  with  the  Nile,  iloses  meets  Pharaoh  on  his  morn- 
ing visit  to  the  Nile  (c/.  820),  either  for  bathing  (as 
25)  or  worship,  repeats  the  Divine  demand,  and 
announces  the  smiting  of  the  Nile,  by  turning  its 
waters  into  blood.  "  Each  year  the  water  of  the  river 
becomes  Uke  blood  at  the  time  of  the  inundation  " 
(Sayce).  The  pecuharity  in  Ex.  is  that  the  water 
was  rendered  unwholesome,  as  it  sometimes  is  just 
before  the  redness  begins.  In  P  all  the  water  in 
the  land  takes  the  poisonous  tinge :  the  irrigation 
"canals"  (9  mg.)  and  "ponds"  or  reservoirs  being 
specially  mentioned.  The  artificial  character  of  P's 
representation  is  shown  when,  after  the  water  has 
been  reddened,  the  magicians  can  yet  find  water  to 
prove  their  powers  upon.  The  death  of  the  fish 
would  be  a  grave  calamity,  fish  being  a  staple  article 
of  diet. 

15.  the  rod  (E) :  is  noted  by  the  editor  as  that  which 
was  turned  to  a  serpent  (43  J). — 17b.The  sentence  about 
Yahwehs  smiting  is  dislocated  by  the  insertion  of  a 
scrap  from  the  command  to  Moses  in  E  (15b),  "with 
the  rod  that  is  in  mine  ""  (altered  from  "thine,"  yet 
spoiling  the  sense  all  the  same)  "  hand." — 20b.  and 
he  lifted  up :  not  Aaron  {20a  P)  but  Moses  (E).  for 
onl_v  "  the  waters  that  were  in  the  river  "  were  smitten. 
— 23.  heart :  in  Heb.  covers,  and  indeed  often  denotes, 
mental  not  emotional  acti^'ity  :  render  "  give  his  mind 
even  to  this." 

Vin.  1-15.  2°.  Frogs  Swarm  from  the  Nile  (1-4  J, 
5-7  P,  8-15a  J,  "  heart,"  15b  P).— "  Each  year  the 
inundation  brings  with  it  myriads  of  frogs"  (Saj'ce), 
amounting  in  certain  years  to  a  veritable  plague, 
but  they  do  not  infest  houses  or  die  suddenly  in  heaps. 
In  3  they  were  to  come  upon  the  persons  of  the  people, 
and  into  their  earthenware  stoves  ("  ovens  "")  and  the 
shallow  wooden  bowls  they  used,  as  do  the  Arabs 
still,  for  "  kneading-troughs."  ^^^len  Pharaoh  prays 
for  reUef,  Moses  concedes  him  the  "glory"  or  ad- 
vantage of  naming  the  time  when  the  pests  should 
be  removed,  that  the  Divine  control  of  the  visitation 
might  be  the  more  conspicuous. 

12.  brought  upon  :  read  "  appointed  for  Pharaoh," 
i.e.  as  a  sign. — 14,  gathered:  render  "piled." — 
15.  that  there  was  respite:  better  "that  the  respite 
had  come." 

VIII.  16-19  P.  3°.  Lice  or  Gnats  (i.e.  mosquitoes) 
Swarm. — In  autumn,  when  much  water  is  standing 
in  the  rice  fields,  swarms  of  mosquitoes,  like  clouc^ 
of  dust,  arise  from  their  breeding-grounds.  Perhaps 
that  is  why  they  are  here  described  as  generated  from 
dust.  Both  renderings  can  plead  ancient  authority, 
but  both  scholarship  and  experience  favour  the  second. 

VIII.  20-32  J.  4^  Flies  Infest  the  Land.— Driver 
argues  that  "  some  definite  insect  is  evidently  meant 
•  .  .  some  particularly  irritating  kind  of  flj',  "  and 
renders  "  dog-fly "  after  LXX.  The  S.  wind  con- 
stantly brings  flies  in  swarms,  and  their  germ-carrying 
habits  make  them  a  peril  aa  well  as  an  annoyance. 
The  exemption  of  Goshen  (22,  Gen.  45io*)  is  illustrated 
by  the  definite  boandariee  containing  such  swarms. 


176 


EXODUS,  VIII.  20-32 


This  plague  calls  forth  Pharaoh's  first  conoossion. 
that,  as  it  would  be  indecent  and  impracticable  to 
carry  out  sacrificial  worship  in  Egypt  (26!.),  Israel 
may  "  sacrifice  ...  in  the  wildemoaa.  only  .  .  .  not 
.  .  .  very  far  away.  "  The  "  three  days'  journey " 
(27)  repeats  3i8,  03. 

IX.  1-7  J.  5".  Murrain  upon  Cattle.— The  word 
"cattle""  is  a  wide  tenn,  and  includes  all  domestic 
animals.  The  "  camels ""  must  have  been  those  of 
vnsiting  Bedouins,  as  they  wore  not  naturalised  in 
ancient  Egypt.  Cattle  plagues  have  been  rare  in 
Egypt,  but  there  have  been  several  in  the  last  century. 
One  of  the  most  severe  was  traced  to  the  Nile  ;  and 
cattle  on  land  far  from  the  river  escaped,  as  did  the 
cattle  of  Israel  in  Goshen.  "All  the  cattle"  (6)  may 
mean  "  all  kinds  of  cattle,"  for  some  survived  (19-21). 

8-12  P.  G°.  Boils  on  Man  and  Beast. — Skin  diseases 
are  common  troubles  in  Egypt.  This  may  bo  meant 
for  the  Nile-scab.  "  an  irritating  eruption,  consisting 
of  innumerable  little  red  bhsters.  which  is  frequent 
in  Egypt  at  about  the  time  when  the  Nile  begins  to 
rise  in  June,  and  often  remains  for  some  weeks  upon 
those  whom  it  attacks '"  (Driver).  The  method  of 
infliction  is  peculiar.  Moses  and  Aaron  were  to  take 
their  two  hands  full  of  soot  from  a  lime-burner's  or 
potter's  kiln  and  toss  the  fine  dust  into  the  air,  that  it 
might  spread  as  a  pestilential  cloud  of  duet.  Scots 
ancl  Yorkshiremcn  still  call  a  big  boil  a  "  blain ""  ! 
This  plague  effects  the  discomfiture  of  the  magicians, 
who  suffer  from  but  cannot  inflict  the  disease. 

13-35.  7°.  A  Devastating  Hailstorm  (13-21  J,  22f. 
E,  24-30  J,  31f.  E,  33f.  J.  35ab  E.  35c  11).— Into  the 
announcenent  oi  the  coming  storm  a  short  passage 
(14-16)  has  been  with  impressive  effect  inserted  by 
an  early  e.\:pander  of  J.  It  accounts  for  the  series  of 
partial  judgments,  instead  of  one  overwhelming  doom, 
by  the  Divine  pui-pose  to  illustrate  more  at  length 
the  object  lesson  of  the  vanity  of  human  pride  and 
resolution.  Since  Yahweh  speaks  of  "  all  my  plagues," 
it  may  have  been  originally  written  for  some  other 
connexion,  and  probably  should  be  read,  "  I  will 
.  .  .  send  all  these  my  plagues  upon  thee,  and  upon 
.  .  .",  "thine  head'"  being  a  misreading  of  a  letter 
by  a  scribe.  In  15  it  would  be  clearer  to  render  with 
Driver,  "  For  else  I  should  now  have  put  forth  .  .  . 
and  thou  wouldst  have  been  cut  off."'  In  16  "  I  made 
thee  to  stand"'  means  "I  preserved  thee,"  not  as 
Paul,  -possibly  following  a  late  meaning  of  the  Heb. 
verb,  took  it,  "I  raised  thee  up,"'  though  the  differ- 
ence does  not  affect  the  argument  in  Rom.  9 17.  The 
very  power  of  the  Pharaoh  makes  his  subjection  to 
Yahwehs  purpose  more  impressive,  and  the  fame  of 
it  more  wiciespread.  In  19  the  idea  is  rather,  "  As  yet 
Btandcst  thou  in  the  way  of  my  people  ..."  A  new 
feature  about  this  plague  is  the  chance  given  to  Pharaoh 
and  his  servants  of  averting  its  perils  by  "  fearing  the 
word  of  Yahweh."  and  hastening  in  the  cattle.  The 
repetitions  in  the  description  of  the  hailstonn  are  due 
to  the  combination  of  sources,  as  the  suggested  analy- 
sis shows.  It  was  peculiarly  the  function  of  Yahweh 
to  "send  thunder,"'  23  (Hob.  "give  voices."  see  28 
nig.),  cf.  Ps.  293-9,  etc. :  the  cloud  was  His  chariot, 
the  lightning  His  dazzUng  robe,  and  the  thunder  His 
mighty  voice.  The  fire  was  "  mingled  with "'  or 
Hashing  right  through  (cf.  nig.)  "  the  hail,""  24.  Goshen 
again  escaped.  Pharaohs  admission  (27)  that  he  and 
his  were  "  wicked  ""  was  a  politic  approach  to  a  power- 
ful but  unfriendly  deity.  He  anticipated  Nietzsche  in 
the  doctrine  that  weakness  is  wickedness.  Moses  in 
promising  to  "  spread  abroad  his  hands  "  in  prayer 
for  removal  of  the  plague  (29,  35*).  was   under  no 


illusions :  Pharaoh  had  but  half  learned  hifl  lesson. 
From  31f.  it  may  bo  inferred  that  the  hailstorm  wa.s 
dated  in  January,  the  fia.\  being  in  bud  and  the 
barley  ripe,  but  the  wheat  and  spelt  still  immature. 
Egyptian  flax  was  often  very  fine ;  linen  was  mutii 
used  by  those  who  could  afford  it.  Saj'co  refers  to  a 
desolating  thunderstorm  with  hail  in  the  Nile  valley 
in  the  spring  of  1895.  The  presence  of  the  cattle  in 
the  field  would  agree  with  the  January  date. 

X.  1-20.  8°.  A  Locust  Swarm  (1-11  J ;  12-13a. 
"Egypt."  E;  13b  J;  14a  E;  14b  "and  rested  ""  to 
15a  "  darkened,'  J  ;  15b  E  to  "  left  "  ;  15c-19  J  ;  20 
E). — The  opening  paragraph  has  been  expanded  in  the 
Deuteronomic  stylo  (cf.  Dt.  49,  d?  with  2).  Christian 
instinct  avoids  such  a  conception  aa  Yahweh  "  mock- 
ing the  Egyptians  "  (so  correctly  2  mg.,  cf.  Ps.  24). 
The  most  notable  description  of  a  plague  of  locusts 
is  in  Joel  (2*,  cf.  Joel  in  CB).  They  are  not  very 
common  in  Egypt ;  striking  cases  have  been  reported 
by  modern  traveUers.  It  is  a  traveller  who  wrote, 
"  Nothing  escapes  them,  from  the  leaves  of  the  forest 
to  the  herbs  on  the  plain.'  Morier  repoi-ted  from 
Persia,  ' '  They  were  found  in  every  comer,  stuck  to 
our  clothes  and  infested  our  food."'  The  mere  threat 
alarmed  the  courtiers,  and  even  Pharaoh  tried  a  fresh 
concession,  that  "the  men'"  only  should  go  (10); 
but  Moses  had  issued  the  ultimatum  that  the  whole 
nation  must  "  keep  Yahwch's  festival  "(9).  The  men- 
tion of  Moses's  rod  comes  from  E  ;  and  the  references 
to  the  natural  causes,  the  E.  wind  or  sirocco  bringing, 
the  W.  wind  removing  the  locusts,  are  from  J.  When 
it  is  said  (15a)  that  "  the  land  was  darkened,"  it  is 
meant  tliat  they  formed  a  continuous  dark  layer  all 
over  the  ground.  In  1865  near  Jaffa  several  miles 
were  covered  inches  deep.  When  an  army  of  locusts 
invades  a  locality,  the  end  is  usually  that  it  is  blown 
into  the  sea  (as  in  19)  or  the  desert. 

X.  21-29.  9°.  The  Palpable  Darkness  (21-23  E. 
24-26  J,  27  E,  28f.  J). — The  wonder  again  lay  in  the 
coincidence,  that  of  time :  sandstorms  producing 
darkness  as  thick  as  a  London  fog  have  often  been 
experienced  in  Egypt,  the  sand  and  heat  being  only 
too  painfully  "  felt.  "  Pharaohs  new  concession,  that 
entire  families  might  go.  but  not  the  cattle,  was  re- 
jected by  Moses :  ' '  there  shall  not  a  hoof  be  left  behind  " ' 
(26).  The  demand  that  the  Pharaoh  should  contribute 
animals  for  "sacrifices"  (i.e.  peace  offerings)  and 
"  bumt-offerings  "  is  not  now  noted  in  the  sequel  as 
fulfilled.  In  sacrificial  contexts  the  word  "  do,"'  m 
Heb.  as  in  Gr.,  Latin,  and  Ass.,  is  equivalent  to  "  offer." 
IU29  J  finds  its  immediate  sequel  in  II5-8  J,  the  look 
of  contradiction  being  due  to  the  insertion  of  11 1-3, 
from  E,  following  on  IO27  E. 

XI.-XU.  36.  10°.  Death  of  Egyptian  Firstborn;  Pass- 
over and  Mazzoth  (II1-3  E,  4-«  J.  gf-  R.  12i-2o  P, 
21-23  J,  24  P,  25-27a  "houses"  Rd.  276  J,  28  P, 
29-34  J,  35f.  E). — The  narrative  now  reaches  its  cUmax 
in  the  last  plague,  which  finaUy  breaks  the  resolution 
of  the  Pharaoh,  and  result.s  in  the  Exodus  of  Israel. 
But  the  last  editor,  whoso  interest  was  in  the  institu- 
tions ho  loved,  has  weakened  the  dramatic  force  of 
the  seciuonce  of  events  by  iiiserting  at  length  the  cere- 
monial details  of  Passover  and  Mazzoth.  The  account 
)>egin8  with  the  announcement  from  E  in  11 1-3  of 
"  one  plague  (or  stroke)  more,"  and  the  direction 
(anticipated  82 if.,  and  executed  1235f.)  to  beg  jewels 
from  neighboui-s.  Add  in  2  (with  LXX,  Sam.)  "and 
raiment."'  The  prestige  of  "the  man  Moses"  (cf. 
Nu.  123)  is  noted  as  ground  for  the  rctiueet.  Then 
in  4-8  comes  the  conclusion  from  IO29  J  of  Moses's 
last  address  to  Pharaoh,  specifying  the  death  of  the 


EXODUS.  XII.  21-28 


177 


firstborn  of  Egyptian  men  and  cattle.  The  maid 
crouching  behind  the  household  hand-mill  (5)  re- 
presents the  lowest  grade  of  sufferers.  The  desire  to 
get  rid  of  Israel  in  8  J  is  in  agreement  with  the  giving 
of  jewels  described  in  E.  In  9f.  the  editor  has  given 
a  summary  from  P,  perhaps  belonging  to  an  earlier 
place. 

XII.  1-13  P.  Rules  for  the  Passover  (first  set).— 
On  the  history  of  the  Passover,  see  pp.  102f.  Most 
ceremonial  rules  are  dated  from  Sinai  or  the  land  of 
Moab :  so  these  that  follow  are  noted  in  1  as  given 
in  Egypt.  The  first  month  (2)  is  in  J.  E,  and  D  Abib, 
and  later  (Neh.  2i)  Nisan.  As  the  Quakers  dropped 
the  names  of  the  days  of  the  week  on  account  of  their 
pagan  origin,  so  P  avoids  the  Canaanitish  or  Phoenician 
names,  using  numJjers  only,  as  in  the  later  Biblical 
books.  The  critical  months  in  autumn  and  spring, 
which  closed  or  began  the  harvest,  were  natural  start- 
ing points  for  the  year  among  an  agricultural  people. 
Before  the  Exile  the  autumn  epoch  controlled  the 
reckoning  (c/.  23i3  E,  3422  J),  and  even  in  P  a  New 
Year's  Day  is  to  be  kept  on  the  first  day  of  the  seventh 
month  (Lev.  2824)  ;  but  the  text,  ascribing  the  begm- 
ning  of  the  spring  reckoning  to  the  Exodus,  reflects 
the  later  custom,  perhaps  under  Babylonian  influence. 
P"s  record,  in  this  as  in  other  details,  is  not  a  historical 
datum,  but  a  witness  to  the  fact  that  points  of  con- 
venience, hke  the  construction  of  the  Calendar,  require 
the  co-operation  of  the  Divine  Wisdom  if  they  are  to 
be  wisely  settled.  It  is  only  the  antedating  of  a 
custom  by  legal  theorists  which  gives  the  appearance 
of  contradiction.  In  fact,  both  reckonings  were  in 
vogue,  but  their  relative  importance  changed.  The 
animal  (3)  might  be  a  lamb  or  a  kid  (mg.),  but  must 
be  an  unblemished  male  yearling.  It  might  serve 
for  one  or  two  households,  according  to  the  size  and 
eating  capacity  of  the  family  groups.  Ten  was  the 
traditional  minimum.  The  command  is  addressed 
to  "all  the  congregation  of  Israel"  (3),  the  term, 
constantly  used  in  P,  reflecting  the  transformation  of 
a  nation  into  a  Church  which  took  place  in  and  after 
the  Exile.  The  time  was  to  be  "  between  the  two 
evenings  "  (6,  wgr.).  This  has  been  traditionally  taken 
as  practically  equivalent  to  afternoon,  but  originally 
meant  "during  the  interval  of  dusk  between  sunset 
and  darkness  "  (c/.  Dt.  166,  where  the  hour  of  sunset 
is  specified).  The  ritual  had  two  essential  features — 
the  apphcation  of  the  blood  to  the  top  and  sides  of 
the  door,  and  the  hurried  feast  upon  the  roasted  flesh, 
with  unleavened  biscuit  and  bitter  herbs,  no  vestige 
being  left  for  later  eating.  This  use  of  the  blood,  in 
view  of  numerous  parallels,  ancient  and  modem,  is 
thought  to  be  a  survival  of  an  earlier  rite,  intended  to 
consecrate  the  house  or  tent  and  protect  the  indwellers. 
From  its  being  a  night-feast  (8)  some  have  conjectured 
that  the  influence  of  the  spring  full  moon  was  dreaded. 
The  feast  bound  the  household  to  their  God  and  to 
one  another.  The  unleavened  cakes  (lleb.  pi.)  were 
a  kind  of  flat  biscuit  quickly  baked,  and  still  com- 
monly eaten  by  the  Bedawin.  Modem  Jews  make 
them  a  foot  across  and  half  an  inch  thick.  The 
bitter  herbs  (perhaps  wild  lettuce  or  endive)  served 
as  a  salad,  their  sharp  flavour  suggesting  the  bittemess 
of  bondage  (so  Gamaliel).  The  flesh  must  not  be  eaten 
raw,  as  in  some  archaic  Arabian  rites,  because  blood, 
as  the  hfe-current,  was  too  sacred  to  bo  eaten  (c/. 
Gen.  94*,  Lev.  7io-i2*)  ;  nor  must  it  be  boiled,  as  the 
ordinarj'  custom  anciently  was  with  sacrifices  (Jg.  fiigf, 
1  S.  213),  and  as  Dt.  I617  prescribed,  but  roasted,  as 
in  primitive  day.s,  p<;rhap8  to  provide  that  the  internal 
fat  might  drip  down  into  the  fire  and  be  consumed, 


for  the  fat  also  might  not  be  eaten  (Lev.  723-25). 
Moreover,  it  was  easier  to  roast  whole  {gb,  "its  head 
with  its  legs  ")  than  to  boil  anything  so  large.  Those 
who  shared  in  the  meal  were  (11)  to  "  eat  it  in  haste  " 
or  (better)  "  trepidation,"  girt  and  clad  for  travel, 
their  sandals  on,  instead  of  laid  aside  at  the  door. 
Later  Jews  regarded  the  "  haste,"  as  well  as  the  choice 
of  the  victim  on  the  tenth  day,  and  the  domestic 
sprinkling  of  the  blood,  as  obsolete  features,  and  not 
meant  to  be  repeated ;  but  the  Samaritans  regard 
all  as  binding.  The  whole  was  "  a  pesah  unto  Yahweh  " 
(11),  and  the  term  is  explained  in  13  {rf.  23,  27,  Is. 
31 15)  as  signifying  His  promise  to  "pass  over,"  i.e. 
to  spare  Israel ;  but  the  actual  etymology  is  uncertain, 
though  the  general  idea  is  clear  (see  p.  102,  and  Driver's 
fuU  Appendix  in  CB,  p.  405). 

XII.  14!-20.  P's  Rules  for  Mazzoth. — Immediately 
following  the  one  feast  of  the  Passover  came  the 
seven-day  pilgrimage  feast  (c/.  5i)  of  Unleavened 
Cakes,  probably  originally  an  agricultural  festival  to 
mark  the  beginning  of  barley  harvest  (pp.  102f . )  Falling 
at  the  time  of  year  when  the  Exodus  took  place,  it 
received  a  commemorative  interpretation,  Avhich  the 
plain  and  quickly  prepared  mazzoth  fitted.  The 
ritual  prejudice  against  leaven  (15)  extended  to  all 
altar-gifts  (23 18),  and  may  be  due  to  the  persistence 
in  rehgious  ceremonial  of  primitive  usage  before  leaven 
was  known  (425*),  though  the  thought  that  fermenta- 
tion involved  corruption  may  also  have  had  effect. 
Later  Jews  became  most  scrupulous  in  searching  for 
the  forbidden  leaven,  and,  since  unleavened  cakes 
were  eaten  at  the  Passover,  expelled  all  leaven  be- 
fore that  feast.  Paul  (1  Cor.  56-8,  Gal.  5g),  as  well 
as  our  Lord  (Mk.  815,  but  contrast  the  Paralile  of  the 
Leaven),  makes  leaven  symbolic  of  evil.  The  penalty 
for  disobedience  was  (15)  excommunication:  "that 
soul  shall  be  cut  off  from  Israel  "  (c/.  Gen.  17i4,  Ezr. 
108).  The  first  and  seventh  days  (16)  were  to  be  "an 
holy  convocation"  (Lev.  232ff. *),  kept  with  almost 
the  rigour  of  the  Sabbath.  The  reference  to  the 
Exodus  as  past  (17)  shows  that  14-17  did  not  originally 
follow  1-13,  but  rather  41,  and  probably  came  from 
another  hand.  And  18-20  may  also  be  an  independ- 
ent piece,  inserted  here  by  R.  The  reference  to  the 
"  sojourner"  (48*)  is  the  only  new  feature  :  he  might 
eat  the  mazzoth,  for  that  was  an  act  of  temperance,  not 
a  partaking  of  holy  food.  The  phraseology  in  1-20  is 
unifoimly  of  the  P  school. 

14.  this  day  :  is  not  the  I4th  (Passover)  but  the  15th 
(1st  of  Mazzoth). 

21-27  J,  28  P.  Rules  for  the  Passover  (second  set) 
(for  analysis  see  1 1 1 ). — These  verses,  though  they  come 
second,  embody  in  the  main  J's  account  of  the  institu- 
tion, which  P  has  elaborated  in  1-13,  adding  many 
details,  but  not  mentioning  the  hyssop,  or  the  basin, 
or  the  confinement  to  the  house.  Hyssop  was  a  wall 
or  rock  plant  (1  K.  .433).  with  pliant  twigs,  probably 
marjoram,  a  branch  of  which  made  a  simple  sprinkler 
for  rites  of  purification.  The  Israelite  elders  were  to 
"draw  out"  enough  "lambs'"  (21,  cf.  3*)  from  the 
flock,  as  the  shepherd  would  catch  the  log  of  a  sheep 
with  his  crook  to  separate  it  from  the  rest.  They  are 
told  to  "  kill  the  Passover,"  as  though  it  were  a  familiar 
rite  employed  for  a  special  purpose.  They  were  (22) 
to  "apply  [cf.  425)  some  of  the  blood  to  the  lintel." 
and  to  remain  all  night  within  the  guarded  precincts. 
In  32a  it  is  Yahweh  who  is  to  smite  the  Egyptians, 
but  in  23b  "  the  destroyer  "  (cf.  2  S.  24i6)  is  a  distinct 
agent:  Holzinger  infers  that  J  and  E  are  both  drawn 
upon  hero,  and  notes  that  "  the  people  "  in  27b  replace 
"the   elders"    of   ^1.     Baentsch   also   doubts   if   this 


178 


EXODUS,  XII.  21-28 


section,  implying  a  risk  of  lerael  eharing  ilie  most 
terrible  j)laguo  upon  Egypt,  can  havo  come  from  the 
author  of  116,  etc.  But  this  may  bo  an  early  supple- 
mont  of  J,  of  which  there  were  not  a  few.  The  order 
for  peri>e(ual  obtservanco  (j4)  is  probably  P'e  sequel 
of  20,  though  the  phrase  "an  ordinance  for  ever" 
[hoq  'ad  '61dm)  is  not  in  P's  usual  form  {huqqath  'olam). 
The  duplicate  order  for  repetition  is  one  of  the  few 
Deuteronomic  additions  (25-270)  that  can  certainly 
bo  traced  in  Ex.  (c/.  1.83,  etc.).  The  shrewd  insistence 
on  systematic  instruction  in  26  (see  "RX  references)  is 
characteristic  of  D,  and  is  observed  to  this  day  (p.  109, 
Pr  43f.").  The  graphic  touch,  "  bowed  the  head  and 
worshipped,"  connects  27b  with  431,  c/.  Ssf.*  In  28 
we  have  P"s  conclusion  of  1-13.  For  the  Christian 
apphcation  of  the  Passover,  r/.  1  Cor.  Sjyi.  * 

22.  bason:  see  2  S.  1728.  etc.;  elsewhere  "thresh- 
old,' as  in  Jg.  1927,  etc.,  and  Gr.  here.  Trumbull 
(Threshold  Covenant)  ingeniously  builds  on  this  mean- 
ing a  theory  that  the  Passover  was  a  threshold  sacrifice, 
and  that  Yahwch  crossed  the  threshold  as  a  protective 
gueat,  and  c\cn  as  the  Bridegroom  of  His  people. 
Other  theories  being  also  conjectural,  this  merits 
attention.  Driver  ignoi-es  it,  but  M'Ncile  calls  it 
"attractive."  The  bcUef  in  the  sanctity  of  the  thresh- 
old is  widespread.  The  household  deities  were  pro- 
bably resident  there.  To  step  over  it  into  the  house 
brought  whoever  entered  it  into  covenant  with  the 
inmates.  This  would  prevent  him  from  doing  them 
harm.  Thus,  in  the  ceremony  of  manumission  the 
slave  is  brought  to  the  Elohim,  to  the  door  or  door- 
post (216*,  Dt.  15i7),  and  his  ear  is  bored  "unto  the 
door."  Robbers  dig  through  the  clay  walls  of  houses 
(Job24i6,  Mt.  61 9f.)  becau.se  their  "  reverence,"  i.e.  their 
superstitious  dread  of  the  consequences  which  might 
follow  on  a  violation  of  the  sanctity  of  the  threshold,  for- 
bids them  to  enter  by  the  door.  The  priests  and  wor- 
shippers of  Dagon  do  not  tread  on  the  threshold  of  his 
temple  (1  S.  55,  c/.  Zeph.  I9,  "all  those  that  leap  over 
the  threshold").  To  step  on  the  threshold,  all  the 
more  when  this  was  sanctified  by  blood,  would  be  to 
reject  the  offered  covenant  with  in.sult :  a  thought 
which  gives  a  fuller  meaning  to  Heb.  IO29,  "who  hath 
trodden  under  foot  the  Son  of  God,  and  hath  counted 
the  blood  of  the  covenant  wherewith  he  was  sanctified 
an  unholy  thing.  '  The  Roman  bride  was  carried  over 
the  threshold  of  her  husband's  house,  presumably  to 
make  it  impossible  for  her  to  step  on  it  by  accident. 
It  is  customary  even  to-day  to  welcome  an  honoured 
guest  wilh  blood  on  llie  threshold. 

XII.  29-36.  Egyptian  Firstborn  Die:  the  Israelites 
Prepare  to  Depart. — In  11 1-3*  E  and  4-8*  J  the 
spoiling  of  the  J^gyptians  and  the  death  of  their  fii-st- 
bom  eons  were  announced,  and  the  events  are  now 
given  by  the  editor  in  reverse  order,  29-34  J  preceding 
35f.  E.  The  last  plague  was  a  sudden  outbreak  of 
pestilence,  cf.  2  K.  I935,  which  was  believed  to  have 
stricken  every  firstborn  son.  The  fact  that  the  eldest 
son  of  the  king  and  other  notable  E.gj'ptians  fell  victims, 
along  with  the  practice  of  dedicating  first-bom  sons 
(13i-i6',  Nu.  3i  1-13').  and  pofisil)ly  the  connexion  of  the 
Bpring  festival  with  the  sacrifice  of  firstiincs,  may  havo 
led  to  the  tradition  assuming  the  sharply  defined  form 
of  the  text.  The  number  of  eldest  sons  appearing  in 
The  Timrs  obituaries  of  oflicors  in  1914—15  was  such 
as  to  suggest  to  some  minds  the  idea  of  an  evil  fate. 
Behind  the  tradition  is  a  faith  that,  whether  God 
inflicts  calamity  on  themselves  or  their  enemies.  His 
people  gain  some  good  and  the  victims  do  not  suffer 
m  vain.  And  the  plagues  of  Egypt  were  among  the 
events  which  nourished   this  faith.    The  climax   of 


decision  with  which  Pharaoh  at  la«t  grants  the  request 
recorded  in  .'53  and  defined  in  IO26  is  put  clearly  in 
31f.  The  "  haste  "  with  which  the  alarmed  Egyptians 
thrust  the  Hebrews  forth  (33f.  J)  is  mentioned  to  ac- 
count for  their  starting  without  waiting  foi-  a  supply  of 
leavened  bread,  the  historical  link  with  the  Fea«t  of 
Mazzoth  or  Unleavened  Cakes  being  thus  indicated. 
But  in  35f.  E  the  situation  is  rather  differently  con- 
ceived, there  being  time  to  organise  a  levy  upon  the 
stores  of  gold  and  silver  ornaments  and  festal  gannenta 
which  the  Egyptians  had,  which  the  Hebrews  needed 
for  due  rehgious  service  (cf.  3.34-6*).  The  threefold 
relation  (822,  11 3,  and  here)  shows  with  what  relish 
the  story  was  told.  From  II3  we  should  suppose  the 
levy  was  made  before  the  stroke  fell.  If  that  be  the 
meaning,  this  will  be  an  editorial  repetition,  and  the 
verbs  in  35f.  should  be  pluperfects,  "  had  done  .  .  .  had 
asked  .  .  .  had  given."  The  night  was  an  impossible 
time  for  such  a  collection.  The  RV  rendering,  "they 
let  them  have,"  suggests  that  the  things  were  given 
outright.  But  the  word  "gave"  is  avoided,  and  the 
phrase  may  well  mean  "  lent  '  (as  in  Sjt.).  In  that 
case  the  transaction  would  be  justified  because  Pharaoh's 
later  pursuit  made  return  after  the  wilderness  festival 
impossible ;  or  else  because  by  Hebrew  standards  all 
was  fair  in  dealing  with  tyrants.  Keble  (Chrislian 
Year,  3rd  Sunday  in  I^ent)  has  adopted  from  Augus- 
tine an  allegorical  apphcation  of  the  spoiling  of  the 
Egjrptians. 

34b.  Render:  "their  kneading-bowls  (83*)  being 
bound  up  in  their  mantles  "  (Jg.  825,  Ru.  3i5). 

XII.  37-XVin.  From  Egypt  to  Sinai. 

XII.  37-40  J.  The  Exodus.— From  Rameses  (I116*) 
the  first  stage  of  the  journey  took  the  people  10  miles 
W.  to  Succoth  (Eg.  Thikke),  the  district  round  Pithom 
(I116).  The  number  600,000  (cf.  Nu.  II21),  not  in- 
cluding "children"  (rather  "little  ones,"  i.e.  women 
and  children,  as  1010,24,  and  often  in  J),  implies  a 
total  of  about  two  millions,  which  not  only  involves 
a  complex  and  long-continued  miracle,  for  "  not  more 
than  5000  could  be  taken  out  of  Goshen  or  into  Sinai  " 
(Petric),  but  is  wholly  at  variance  with  the  general 
impression  made  either  by  J  or  E.  It  had  probably 
been  inserted  by  Rp  to  suit  Ps  late  and  artificial  reckon- 
ing (Nu.  11-46*).  With  the  partj-  (38)  "  a  great  mi.xed 
mass"  (rf.  Nu.  II4,  different  Heb.)  of  non-IsraeHtea 
went  also  :  connexions  by  marriage  (cf.  Lev.  24 10), 
Bedawin,  and  fellow-workpeople  glad  to  escape  the 
corvee.  The  food  for  the  journey  (39,  cf.  34)  consisted 
of  suhcinerarii  jxines  (Vulg.),  cakes  "  baked  on  the  hot 
stones  ■■  (1  K.  196,  mg.)  under  the  ashes  of  the  fire  that 
had  heated  the  stones. 

40-42  Rp.  Time  spent  in  Egypt. — The  Biblical  writers 
are  not  in  agreement  about  the  length  of  Israel's  stay 
in  Egypt.  Here  it  is  given  (probably  by  Rp)  as  430 
years  (cf.  400  yeare  in  (Jen.  15 13  Rje,'  Ac.  76.  and 
Josephus).  But  in  614-27  (also  Rp.  cf.  Gen.  15i6  E) 
Moses  and  his  contemporaries  are  the  fourth  genera- 
tion. To  reconcile  the  two  estimates,  the  words  "  and 
in  the  land  of  Canaan,"  i.e.  before  the  entry  into 
Egjrpt,  are  interpolated  in  41  by  LXX,  Sam.,  reducing 
the  time  to  twenty-five  years.  The  fact  is  that  neither 
the  Bible  nor  the  monuments  enable  us  to  solve  the 
problem.  Gressmann,  however,  argues  that  "  the 
sojourn  of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt  cannot  well  have 
lasted  longer  than  one  or  two  generations,  because 
they  still  kept  a  clear  memory  of  their  homeland, 
and  because  their  connexion  with  their  brothers  who 
remained  in  S.  Palestine  was  not  yet  destroyed." 
But  if  some  clans  stayed  in  Canaan,  or  went  back 
after  the  famine,  their  "kinsfolk  might  keep  in  touch 


luse 

md,  J 

trbo  i 

Ki."  I 

lack  I 

uch  I 


EXODUS.  XIII.  17-20 


179 


■with  them,  since  the  inscriptions  prove  there  was  much 
coming  and  going  across  the  desei-t. 

42.  Render  as  mg.  Further,  the  suggestion  of 
Budde,  based  on  Heb.  idiom  and  Gr.,  and  followed  by 
Bacon,  Nowack,  Baentsch,  and  Driver,  is  attractive: 
"  A  night  of  watching  was  it  for  Yahweh  to  bring 
them  out,"  i.e.  a  night  when  He  kept  vigil  to  protect 
and  dehver  Israel.  Then  42b,  implying  a  vigil  kept 
year  by  year  to  Yahweh,  must  be  by  a  later  hand, 
and  42a  may  be  an  early  fragment  of  J  following  on 
21-27. 

4S-50  P.  Supplementary  Passover  Rules.— From  the 
days  of  "the  mixed  multitude"  and  onwards  diffi- 


layi 
3ult: 


culties  arose  about  the  status  of  non-IsraeUtes,  and  the 
line  was  drawn  differently  and  kept  more  or  less  strictly 
according  to  circumstances.  In  JE  and  D  (c/.  222i, 
239,  Ct-  10i8f.,  etc.)  the  "stranger"  {ger) — better 
"sojourner"  (Lev.  178f.*,  Dt.  Ii6*,  p.  110) — is  inevit- 
ably in  an  inferior  and  dependent  position.  In  P  he  has 
practical  equaUty  within  his  reach.  So  LXX  already 
renders  g&r  by  "proselyte."  But  (43)  "no  aUen " 
(better  "foreigner")  as  such  might  even  ^"  eat  the 
Passover,"  i.e.  share  in  the  feast  as  a  guest.  If, 
however  (44),  he  were  bought  as  a  slave  and  cir- 
cumcised, he  was  admissible.  (A  slave's  son,  as 
home-born,  was  admitted  as  a  matter  of  course.)  Yet 
(45)  a  sojourner  (rather  "settler,"  toshab)  "and  a 
hired  servant  "  were  to  be  excluded.  Perhaps  this 
means  that  not  only  foreigners  passing  through,  but 
even  those  settling  and  taking  temporary  service  in, 
the  land  were  excluded,  it  being  presumed  that  they 
did  not  wish  to  be  naturalised  and  to  submit  to  circum- 
cision. If,  however  (48),  "  a  sojourner  should  sojourn 
with  thee,  and  will  do  the  passover  to  Yahweh,"  i.e. 
in  his  own  right  "  offer  the  Passover  sacrifice  "  (M'Neile), 
or  better  "  celebrate  the  Passover  feast  "  (Baentsch, 
Driver),  circimicision  was  the  sole  condition  of  ad- 
mission. The  Kiku5ai  controversy  arose  about  the 
admission  of  members  of  other  churches  to  commimion 
while  sojourning  outside  the  borders  of  their  own 
church.  The  Hebrew  rule  required  virtual  identifica- 
tion before  admission  to  communion.  Aichbishop 
Davidson  advised  AngUcans  to  admit  "  sojomners  " 
without  confirmation.  It  seems  precarious,  with 
Driver,  on  etymological  grounds  to  regard  the  "  settler  " 
as  "  more  permanently  settled  than  an  ordinary  gr^r." 
That  the  irrelevant  section  46f.  separates  the  two 
passages  about  ahens  suggests  that;  they  may  have 
liad  an  independent  origin,  which  would  account  for 
the  seeming  conflict  between  45  and  48.  In  the  inter- 
vening verses  four  points  are  dealt  with.  Though 
small  households  might  combine,  the  mystic  unity 
of  the  group  must  be  maintained :  the  lamb  must 
be  eaten  in  one  house,  and  no  pait  taken  to  a  neigh- 
bour's across  the  road.  So,  too,  no  bone  might  be 
broken,  or  one  part  severed  from  another.  And  tho 
observance  was  binding  on  all  Israelites.  (C/.  the 
Anglican  rubric,  "  Every  parishioner  shall  com- 
municate three  times  in  the  year,  of  which  Easter 
shall  be  one.") 

51  is  repeated  by  the  Redactor  of  P  from  41  to 
round  off  the  section. 

XIII.  1-16.  Laws  about  Firstborn  and  Mazzoth: 
If.  P.  Law  of  Firstborn. — Here  all  are  sacred  to 
Yahweh  ;  in  J  (12f.,  34i9f.)  and  E  (2229f.)  all  males, 
tho  ass  to  be  redeemed  with  a  lamb  ;  in  D  male  first- 
lings of  herd  and  Hock,  to  constitute  a  sacrificial  feast 
for  the  owner  and  his  family  at  the  sanctuary  ;  in  P 
(Nu.  I815-18,  c/.  Lev.  2726f.  P»)  the  firstborn  of  men 
and  unclean  beasts  to  be  redeemed,  of  clean  beasts 
to  be  sacrificed  and  eaten  by  the  priests  not  the  owner. 


Animal  firstlings,  as  among  other  peoples,  were  sacrificed 
either  simply  in  thankfulness  for  fruitiulnoss  bestowed 
and  expected,  or  with  the  further  idea  of  sanctioning 
the  use  and  enjoyment  of  later  offspring.  Tho  sacred- 
nesB  of  human  firstborn  (1229*,  2229",  Nu.  311-13") 
followed  by  analogy,  or,  as  Driver  supposes  (GB,  p. 
409f.),  as  the  unrecognised  8ei|uel  of  a  long-forgotten 
primitive  practice  of  the  actual  sacrifice  ol  the  first- 
born, of  which  the  discovery  at  (jezer  of  infante  buried 
in  jars  is  probable  evidence.  [J.  G.  Frazer,  however, 
thinks  that  they  were  still-bo'.n  or  died  soon  after  birth, 
and  were  preserved  in  tliis  way  by  the  parent.'J  in  hope 
Ihat  they  would  ho  re- bom.  He  points  to  the  absence 
of  signs  that  they  had  been  put  to  death. — A.  8.  P.] 
An  edifying  justification  of  the  custom  was  foimd  in 
the  sparing  of  Heb.  firstborn  at  the  Exodus.  Modem 
study  of  the  mysteries  of  heredity  has  lent  new  ground  ' 
for  attaching  saoredness  to  the  birth  which  proves 
the  due  transmission  of  the  capacity  for  parentage  to  the 
individual  mother.  And  if  the  firet  is  reckoned  sacred, 
it  is  not  so  likely  that  later  births  will  be  counted 
common.  Christian  tradition  from  the  earUest  times 
loved  to  tell  of  the  Presentation  of  the  infant  JesuB 
in  the  Temple,  not  without  symbohc  sacrifice  (Lk. 
223).  The  late  idea  that  the  Levites  replaced  the 
firstborn  is  found  in  Nu.  3ii-i8*. 

3-lC  J  (Rd).  Law  of  Mazzoth  (3  Rd,  4  J,  5  Rd,  6  J 
7-9  Rd,  10  J). — Hardly  any  legislation  can  be  traced 
to  J  beyond  the  httle  code  in  3414-28  which  prescribes 
(i8a)  the  observance  of  Mazzoth.  But  it  appears 
that  this  and  the  next  paragraj^h  in  the  main  belong 
to  J,  and  are  reproduced  here  to  enforce  their  historical 
connexions.  The  verses  assigned  above  to  Rd  show 
marks  of  the  school  of  D.  Possibly  in  part  they  may 
be  due  to  Rje,  a  precursor  of  D.  Points  of  comparison 
with  P  are : — ^the  old  Canaanitish  name  for  the  first 
month,  "  Abib,"  i.e.  the  month  of  the  fresh  young 
ears  (Lev.  2i4  Heb.) ;  the  hag  or  pilgrimage  on  the 
seventh  not  the  first  day  ;  no  "  holy  convocations  " 
with  enforced  rest.  "  This  day  ye  go  forth  ''  (4  J) 
applies  to  the  day  of  the  Exodus  :  "  Remember  this 
day  "  (3  Rd)  enforces  the  later  observance.  For  the 
terms  of  the  promise  and  the  oath  in  5,  see  38  *  and  Gren. 
247*,  and  for  the  stress  on  instraction  in  8-14  see 
1226*.  The  restriction  to  unleavened  bread  was  (9) 
to  be  an  equivalent  of  the  pagan  practices  of  branding 
or  tattooing  some  sacred  mark  on  the  body  as  a  charm, 
or  wearing  some  badge  on  the  forehead  (c/.  p.  HO,  and 
Driver,  CB).  In  9  there  is  a  mixture  of  the  styles  of 
D  and  P  which  suggests  a  late  editor.  The  Heb.  of 
10  is  characteristically  different  from  I224. 

11-16  J  (Rd).  Law  of  Firstborn  (11-13  J.  14-16  Rd). 
— On  llf.  see  3-10*.  Tho  ass,  as  unclean,  could 
neither  be  eaten  nor  sacrificed  (contrast  Jg.  64'') :  so 
its  firsthng  must  be  redeemed  by  a  lamb,  less  valuable, 
while  I.«v.  277  prescribes  a  higher  scale,  and  makes 
the  rule  general,  "if  it  be  an  unclean  beast."  Obedi- 
ence to  this  law  also  was  to  serve  (16)  for  a  badge 
(c/.  9)  and  for  "  frontlets  "  (c/.  Dt.  68*). 

17-20.  Route  of  the  Exodus  (17-19  E,  20  P).— Tho 
rehgious  insight  of  the  writer  ("  God  led  the  people  ") 
is  sounder  than  his  knowledge  of  history :  tho  Philis- 
tines' presence  cannot  have  been  the  reason  for  avoid- 
ing tho  usual  and  shortest  route,  the  N.  or  coast  road, 
for  they  were  immigrants  of  a  later  date  (p.  56,  Am.  97  *). 
The  choice  of  tho  more  easterly  route,  of  the  two  now 
as  then  most  practicable,  probably  arose  from  the  aim 
to  reach  Kadesli.  The  host  went  "  by  the  way  to  the 
(Egyptian)  wilderness  to  the  Rod  Sea  '" —  bctt-er  "  Reed- 
sca,"  as  Luthor.  Tho  N.W.  ami  then  probably  ex- 
tended from   Suez   into   Lalce  Timsah,  which   grows 


180 


EXODUS,  XIII.  17-20 


reods.  which  aro  not  now  found  in  the  salt  Red  Soa. 
(On  the  route  see  further  p.  G4.)  It  ie  not  certain  that 
the  rare  Hob.  (i8b)  is  rightly  rendered  "armed"; 
"in  ordered  ranks  "  is  porhajw  better.  For  19  see 
Gen.  5O25.  In  20  we  firut  meet  the  formula  with 
which  the  stages  of  the  journey  are  described  in  P 
[cf.  Nu.  335-49,  etc.).  Etham  may  best  be  placed 
near  Ismailia,  N.  of  L.  Timsah. 

21f.  J.  The  Guiding  Pillar.— Faith  in  the  Divine 
guidance  (cf.  17*  K)  is  by  J  expressed  in  symbolic 
form.  On  a  wildemciss  journey  everyone  needfl  a 
guide.  By  night  and  day  the  unsleeping  keeper  of 
Israel  leads  them  with  His  pillar  of  fiery  cloud.  E, 
who  comiects  guidance  with  "the  angel  of  God" 
(14i</i),  also  tells  of  a  "pillar  of  cloud  "  (339f.,  etc.) 
which  descends  to  the  door  of  the  sacred  tent,  as  the 
sacramental  sign  and  pledge  of  Yahweh's  approach 
to  speak  with  Moses.  In  P  the  fiery  cloud  that  had 
shrouded  .Sinai,  the  mount  of  vision  (24 15-180),  rests 
on  the  completed  Tabernacle  (4O34-38),  and  its  rising 
is  the  signal  for  resuming  the  march.  That  Gode 
people  should  achieve  faith  in  God's  presence  with 
them  as  Guide,  Revealer,  and  Protector  was  the  essential 
thing.  Under  what  specific  aspect  and  through  what 
particular  sjnnbol  they  expressed  their  faith  at  different 
times  it  is  less  important  to  know.  Possibly  some 
practice,  Uke  the  carrying  of  a  brazier  with  its  smoke 
and  flame  at  the  head  of  a  Greek  or  Persian  army  or 
Arab  caravan,  was  the  outward  and  visible  source  of 
the  symbolic  expressions.  Gressmann  picturesquely 
compares  the  appearance  of  Vesuvius  in  eruption  in 
1905,  fumisliing  a  landmark  by  day  and  night  with 
its  smoke  and  fire.  Presumably  ho  jjclieves  Mt.  Sinai 
to  have  been  an  active  volcano  on  the  horizon  {rf.  next 
paragraph). 

XIV  (1-4  P,  5f.  J,  7a(b)  E,  8  P.  9a  E,  9(b)c-10a 
("afraid")  J.  10b  E,  11-14  J,  15a  E,  15b  P.  16a 
("  rod  )  E,  16b-18  P.  19a  E.  19b  J,  21a  P,  21b  ("  dry 
land  ')  J,  21C-23  P,  24a  ("cloud")  J.  24b  E,  25  J, 
26-27a  P.  27b  ("and  the  sea")  J,  28a  ("sea")  P, 
28b  J,  29  Rp,  30  J,  31  Rje). — The  dramatic  last  phase 
of  the  escape  of  Israel  from  the  Egyptians,  by  passing 
dryshod  over  the  water  barrier  that  seemed  to  hem 
them  in.  is  unanimously  presented  by  all  the  narrators. 
Space  will  not  allow  any  display  of  the  disentangling 

Erocess  by  which  the  threads  of  narrative  are  identified. 
1  J  once  more  the  scene,  though  wonderful,  is  built 
up  of  every-day  elements.  No  sooner  is  Israel  gone 
than  Pharaoh  (5)  sees  what  he;  has  lost.  So  the  hard 
fact  constantly  belies  the  merely  fancied  future.  He 
and  his  men  pui-sue  and  bring  terror  (10).  The  Faint- 
heart family  give  eloquent  tongue  (iif.).  Moses  ealme 
them  (13)  with  a  word,  "Stand  firm  (not  "still") 
and  see  the  salvation  {i.n.  "  deliverance  ")  of  Yahweh." 
The  pillar  of  fiery  cloud  moved  to  guard  their  roar 
(196) ;  the  east  wind  drove  back  the  ebb  tide  till  the 
shallows  were  dry  ;  at  dawn  Yahweh  flashed  defiance 
from  the  cloud  upon  the  pursuing  foes,  and  "  bound 
(mg.)  their  chariot  wheels  and  made  them  drive  heavily 
(mg.),  and  Egypt  said,  J^t  me  flee  "  ;  the  tide  coming 
back  to  its  wonted  flow  (mg.)  caught  and  destroyed 
them  (27b);  "and  Israel  saw  Egypt  (so  Heb.)  dead 
upon  the  sea-shore  "  (30).  Of  E's  story  we  have  loss  : 
the  pursuit  (7.  <xt) ;  the  Israelites'  frenzied  prayer, 
apparently  (c/.  15a)  echoed  by  Moses;  tlie  order  to 
lilt  up  his  wonder-working  rod  (i6a)  ;  "the  angel  of 
God"  as  rear-guard  (i^k/,  20a);  and  the  discomtilint; 
of  the  Egyptians  (24/>).  In  P  we  find  a  seeming 
precision  about  places  (2)  which  ie  of  no  avail  since 
we  cannot  identify  them ;  the  purpose  of  Israel's 
peril  is  the  enhancement  of  Yahwehs  "  honour  "  (4) ; 


the  pursuit  is  the  result  of  Divine  hardening,  and  Israel 
does  not  escape  in  haste  but  goes  out  defiantly  (8)  ; 
no  wind,  but  the  hand  of  Moses,  like  the  mantle  of 
Ehjah,  must  divide  the  sea  (166) ;  the  waters  are 
"a  wall"  on  cither  hand  (22),  in  this  writer  perhaps 
not  a  mere  metai)hor  for  a  iDarrier  on  either  flank  ; 
and  the  pursuers  aro  enveloped  at  the  signal  of  the 
outstretched  hand  (26).  The  locaUty  of  this  "  baptism 
unto  Moses  in  the  cloud  and  in  the  sea"  (1  Cor.  IO2) 
has  sometimes  been  fixed  on  either  side  of  Suez,  where 
there  is  a  ford  at  low  tide  ;  but  not  a  Uttle  historical 
and  scientific  evidence  goes  to  prove  that  the  sea 
penetrated  far  across  the  isthmus  (cf.  13i8*),  and  that 
at  several  pointe  S.  of  L.  Timsah.  or  N.  or  S.  of  the 
Bitter  Lakes,  the  conditions  would  then  have  made 
the  crossing  possible.  Driver  discusses  the  evidence 
and  alternatives  fully  (CB,  122-128).  Gressmann 
thoroughly  carries  through  liis  idea  (cf.  132 1*)  of  a 
volcanic  explanation.  He  refers  to  an  eruption  of 
Monte  Nuovo  near  Naples  in  1538,  when  the  sea  was 
laid  bare  for  200  paces,  and  waggon-loads  of  fish  were 
gathered  before  the  water  returned.  This  attractive 
theory  demands  the  further  assumption  that  the  cross- 
ing was  over  the  Gulf  of  Akaba.  as  only  there  are  vol- 
canic rocks  to  be  found.  For  the  bearing  of  this  on 
the  site  of  Sinai,  see  19i  *. 

4.  follow  after:  pursue  (8f.,  23).— 7.  captains: 
rather  "knights  "  (cf.  Driver's  note  for  the  Heb.  term). 
— 9.  all  the  horses  .  .  .  army :  omit  as  a  gloss. 
"  Horsemen  "  here  and  elsewhere  are  an  anachron- 
ism :  Egyptians  did  not  ride  till  much  later,  cf.  Is. 
31 1. — 20b.  The  text  seems  corrupt,  cf.  Jos.  24?  E. 

XV.  1-21.  The  Song  of  Triumph  (1  J,  2-18  (psalm), 
19  R,  20f.  Yj). — The  oldest  undoubtedly  genuine  frag- 
ments of  Heb.  song  are  short  (p.  44).  And  Miriam  s 
brief  burst  of  unpremeditated  song  (21)  ranks  with  the 
surest  and  greatest  of  these.  ' '  Sing  to  Yahweh,  for 
He  rose  in  His  might,  horse  and  chariot  (reading 
recheb)  He  flung  into  the  sea."  Gressmaim  claims  this 
song  as  confirming  his  volcanic  theory  of  the  crossing. 
At  least  it  is  complete  in  itself,  and  has  double  attesta- 
tion, being  found  as  lb  in  J.  But  the  rest  of  the  poem 
(2-18),  like  Hannah's  song,  which  is  also  imbedded 
in  a  definite  historical  contest,  is  a  much  later  addition 
— in  fact,  an  exihc  or  post-exilic  psalm  implying  the 
settlement  in  Canaan  (13)  and  the  building  of  the 
Temple  (17),  and  breathing  throughout  the  spirit  of 
D  and  II.  Isaiah.  For  its  close  connexion  with  the 
Psalms  and  later  literature,  see  RV  references.  Driver 
and  CJressmann  still  assign  the  psalm  to  the  time  of 
David  or  Solomon.  Freshness  and  fire,  however, 
are  not  the  monopoly  of  any  period.  But,  whenever 
written,  the  song  is  grand  poetry  and  fits  its  place 
magnificently.  As  it  stands,  its  metrical  scheme  is 
not  regular  throughout.  P.  Haupt.  who  adds  abundant 
courage  to  patience  and  ingenuity,  has.  by  adding, 
altering,  omitting,  and  transposing  words,  got  rid  of 
all  exceptions,  and  reduced  it  to  the  formula :  2 
accented  syllables  or  "  beats  "  =  1  clause;  2  clauses 
=  1  lino;  2  linos  =1  couplet;  2  couplets ^1  stanza; 
3  stanzas^  1  strophe;  3  strophes  =1  psalm.  But  it 
is  safer,  with  Driver,  to  recognise  the  above  as  the 
normal  clause  and  couplet  construction  (cf.  the  basal 
couplet  of  Miriam's  Song  above),  and  to  mark  throe 
paragraphs,  each  l)cginning  witli  praise  of  Yahweh, 
followed  by  the  evidence  of  His  acts.  In  2-7  Yahweh, 
the  ancestral  (!od.  is  praised  as  a  warrior,  and  His 
exploit  sung  in  the  drowning  of  the  foe  ;  in  6-10 
Yahweh's  "right  hand"  or  His  energy  in  action,  is 
honoured,  constraining  the  element*  to  confound  the 
enemy  ;    and  in  11-18  the  unique  Deity  of  Yahweh, 


EXODUS.  XVI.  31-36 


181 


His  guidance  of  Israel,  His  conquest  of  Canaan,  and 
His  home-coming  to  Mount  (Zion)  are  crowned  by 
His  perpetual  reign. 

2.  Yah  for  "  Yahweh,"  as  176*,  Is.  (late  passages), 
and  Pes.  (mostly  in  Hallelu-yah). — 5.  cover:  better 
"  did  cover." — 6.  dasheth  :  "  did  dash." — 7.  Render 
"  didst  break  down  them  that  usurp,  .  .  .  sentest 
forth  .  .  .  devoured  "  (for  "  consumeth  "). — 9b.  My 
lust :  "  my  soul  shall  take  her  fill  of  them  "  ;  destroy  : 
"  dispossess." — 12.  holiness  :  in  such  passages  as  these 
rather  of  the  grandeiu-  than  the  goodness  of  Godhead. 
— 13.  hast  led  :  "  didst  lead,"  "  didst  guide." — 14. 
"  The  peoples  heard,  they  trembled  :  pangs  took  hold." 
— 15.  "  took  hold,"  "  melted." — 16.  "  foil,"  "  were," 
"passed  through"  (twice). — 17.  "Thou  didst  bring 
them  in,  and  plantedst,"  "  hadst  made." — 19.  This 
link  verse  would  not  have  been  left  to  bo  supplied 
by  Rp  {see  references)  if  the  whole  song  were  already 
in  J. 

20  E.  Women  Singing  and  Dancing.— Miriam  is 
significantly  called  "the  sister  of  Aaron"  (2i*,  c/. 
Nu.  12if.),  as  well  as  "the  prophetess"  (Nu.  12i, 
cf.  44).  At  her  lead  the  women  celebrate  the  victory 
with  a  choral  dance,  beating  the  time  with  the  "  tim- 
brel "  (a  hand  dmm  or  tambourine).  In  the  absence 
of  set  Uturgical  forms  of  words  the  dance  has  every- 
where, and  especially  in  the  East,  furnished  "  the 
language  of  reUgion  "  (K.  J.  Freeman),  cf.  Jg.  II34, 
1  S.  186f.,  Wimdt,  Elements  of  Folk  Psychology,  pp. 
94-97,  249,  262-264.  Only  the  briefest  snatch  of  im- 
provised song  could  win  remembrance,  because  caught 
up  and  preserved  by  many  and  fixed  by  incessant  re- 
petition (see  15i-2i*  at  beginning).  The  same  form 
was  sung  as  solo  and  chorus,  "Miriam  answered  them." 
22-27.  Bitter  Waters  made  Sweet  (22-25a  J,  25b  E, 
26  Rje,  27  J).— The  wilderness  of  Shur  stretched  E. 
of  the  present  Suez  Canal.  No  very  plausible  site  for 
Marah,  three  days'  journey  E.,  can  be  suggested  on 
the  ordinary  theory ;  but  Gressmann  finds  Mara, 
along  with  Massa  and  Meriba,  among  the  high  ground 
near  Petra,  beyond  the  Gulf  of  Akaba,  which  he  takes 
for  the  "  Reed-sea."  There  are  three  springs,  the 
spring  of  Kadesh  and  two  others.  The  brackish  water 
was  undrinkable,  and  set  the  people  murmuring.  This 
constant  feature,  so  unflattering  yet  so  true  to  the  ex- 
perience of  a  big  caravan  over  desert  ground,  and  so 
testing  to  the  capacity  of  the  leader,  is  one  that  illus- 
trates the  faithfulness  of  the  tradition.  "  Yahweh 
showed  Moses  a  tree,"  or  "taught  him  (the  heahng 
properties  of)  wood."  No  tree  has  been  found  with 
this  power ;  but  a  later  compiler  (26)  has  based  on 
the  story  the  beautiful  conception  of  Yahweh  as  the 
Physician  of  His  people. — 25b  E  seems  to  belong  to 
E's  story  of  Massah  ("  proving "),  cf.  \l2-7.  Its 
proximity  to  the  Marah  story  here  favours  Gress- 
mann's  view. — Some  dehghtful  oasis  is  denoted  by  Elim 
("  sacred  trees  "),  but  its  locality  is  uncertain. 

XVI.  Manna  and  Quails  (1-3  P.  4a(b)-5  J,  (6f.,  8) 
Rp.  9-13a  ("morning")  P,  13b-15  J,  16-18  P.  19f. 
P«  21  J,  22-26  P^  27-30  and  31b  J,  31a  and  32  P, 
33f.  P,  35ac  P,  35b  J,  36  Rp).— Food  and  drink  in  the 
desert  reassert  their  primitive  primacy  among  the 
objects  of  human  desire.  For  these  travellers  pray, 
and  for  lack  of  them  will  complain.  Whatever  stories 
were  dropped  from  the  cycles  of  tradition,  those  about 
manna  and  quails,  wells  and  springs,  will  be  plentiful. 
So  between  the  water-tales  of  Marah  in  l.'>23  and  Massah 
and  Meribah  in  177  come  memories  of  evening  quails 
and  morning  manna  in  16.  The  chaj)ter  is  a  crux 
for  critics.  Here  only  that  analysis  can  be  stated 
and  assumed  which  rests  on  the  latest  surveys  of  the 


facts  {cf.  especially  Driver,  Baentsch,  Gressmann). 
Dispute  turns  on  the  question  whether  J  or  E.  and  how 
much  of  either  is  present,  and  if  more  or  loss  of  P. 

1-12.  Murmurs  met  by  Promise. — The  framework 
is  P,  and  the  murmurs  of  the  people  are  expressed 
with  a  vividness  perhaps  dependent  on  J  (3).  The 
charms  of  Egypt  have  grown  brighter  since  they  were 
forgone.  Moses  shows  no  sympathy,  and  summons 
the  congregation  through  Aaron  before  Yahweh,  who 
is  lenient  to  their  complaint  (the  first  in  P),  and  pro- 
mises quails  and  manna.  The  terms  used  imply  that 
the  sanctuary  is  already  erected,  and  "  wilderness  " 
(10)  should  probably  be  iiiiqddsh  (sanctuary)  or  mishkdn 
(dwelhng,  tabernacle).  This  and  other  indications 
suggest  that  the  whole  of  16-18  has  been  misplaced, 
and  should  foUow  the  departure  from  Sinai.  In  J, 
Moses  would  appear  to  have  shared  in  the  complaints, 
the  reply  only  to  which  (4f.)  we  possess.  Yahweh 
promises  to  "rain  bread  from  heaven."  Note  that 
6f.  and  8  parallel  one  another,  anticipate  12,  and 
conflict  with  10  ("glory"  in  varying  sense),  and  so 
are  best  taken  as  variant  glosses. 

13-21.  Quails  and  Manna. — In  P  both  come  together 
here.  In  J  the  quails  follow  much  later  (Nu.  11), 
when  the  people  are  tired  of  the  manna,  which  is  here 
described  as  "  a  thin  flake,  thin  Uke  hoar-frost  upon 
the  ground "  (14),  "  white  hke  coriander  seed,  and 
with  a  taste  Uke  honey-wafers  "  {^ib).  The  revulsion 
of  sentiment  in  Nu.  11 4-6  J  is  natural,  according  to  the 
French  mot,  "  Partridge  again !  "  and  the  Scotch 
servants'  request,  "  Salmon  not  more  than  once  a  day  ! " 
The  best  things  pall  with  frequency.  P  describes 
how  the  supply  of  manna  fitted  the  demand.  Its 
corruption  after  one  day  (igf.)  is  hardly  described  by 
the  writer  who  records  without  comment  the  perpetual 
preservation  of  the  pot  of  manna  (33).  Possibly  it 
comes  from  J  through  Rp.  J  works  up  to  a  play 
upon  the  name,  What-is-it  (15a),  linguistically  doubtful, 
but  satisfying  for  his  circle.  P  merely  records  that  "  the 
house  of  Israel  "  (one  of  his  terms)  "  called  the  name 
thereof  manna."  No  doubt  a  real  experience  of 
providential  help  imderhes  the  accounts.  Quails  do, 
in  migration,  "  cover  the  ground,"  and  are  easily 
caught  after  flying  far.  And  from  the  tamarisk  tree 
there  does  fall  a  sugary  whitish  substance  still  called 
manna,  eaten  as  a  reUsh  ;  it  melts  in  the  sun  (Nu. 
11 7-9").  And  if  the  scale  and  details  of  the  mercy 
were  varied  in  the  often  telling  of  it,  that  must  not 
blunt  the  edge  of  the  reminder  that  man's  extremity 
is  God's  opportunity,  and  that  human  faith  fails  before 
the  resources  of  Divine  grace  are  spent  (Dt.  83,i6f., 
Jg.  63 iff.),  cf.  Driver's  note,  CB,  pp.  153f. 

22-30.  Manna  and  the  Sabbath. — Recent  scholar- 
ship has  found  here  J's  missing  reference  to  the  Sabbath. 
In  5  a  double  portion  of  the  manna  is  to  be  prepared 
on  Friday,  and  in  27  some  search  vainly  on  Saturday, 
and  the  Sabbath  nile  is  explained  by  Moses  in  29f., 
28  being  a  gloss  by  an  editor  who  assumed  the  Sabbatii 
law  as  known.  Even  in  P,  who  told  of  the  Sabbath 
at  Creation  (Gen.  2  iff.),  the  rule  is  introduced  as  a 
novelty  (aaff.).  perhaps  by  a  supplementer  after  the 
section  was  placed  here  {cf.  for  the  Sabbath  20ii  Rp, 
31 12-17  H  and  P^).  Such  writers  loved  to  base  rules 
on  incidents. 

31-36.  The  Memorial  Pot  of  Manna. — This  paragraph 
implies  the  Ark  and  DweUing.  cf.  Nu.  I74.  For  31b 
J  see  above.  The  note  (35)  on  the  persistent  supply 
of  manna  is  duplicated  :  one  clause  may  come  from 
J  or  Rje.  It  is  odd  that  though  the  tenth  part  of 
an  ephah  (36)  is  often  mentioned,  the  t<'rm  "  omer," 
perhaps  obsolete,  is  preserved  only  by  tliis  chapter. 


182 


EXODUS,  XVII. 


XVII.  Water  from  the  Rock  (1  P  (Rephidim).  lb-2a 
("etrovo,"  "Htrive'  )  E,  3  and  2b  ("tempt")  .1.  4  E. 
5a  C'peoplo")  J.  5bd  ('and  go)  E,  5c,  6a  .),  6b  E, 
7a  ("Maasah")  J,  7b  ("Israel')  E.  7c  J). — After  an 
extract  from  P"8  itinerary  (in)-  a  Bocond  water  story 
is  given  from  JIC.  The  blooming  oasis  near  Kadeah, 
with  its  spring  and  its  trees,  was  a  lasting  reminder 
of  the  goodness  of  God.  The  two  variants  relate  to 
Massah  (.J)  and  Meribah  (E)  respeetively,  while  a 
Meribah  story  is  also  given  in  Nu.  2O2-13  (J  and  P), 
and  a  trace  of  Es  Massah  story  has  been  found  in 
15256,  Yahweh  "  proving '"  Israel  there,  while  here 
Israel  "tempts'"  (same  Heb.)  Yahweh.  Both  uses 
of  the  word  are  found  in  D,  and  the  ancient  Blessing 
of  Moses  names  both  places  (Dt.  333).  The  anal^'sis 
rests  on  various  clues,  and  can  only  bo  conjectural. 
In  J,  Moses  passes  on  alone  before  the  people,  but  the 
account  of  the  descent  of  Yahweh  (c/.  I920-24,  Gen. 
28i3ff.)  has  been  displaced  by  E's  narrative  of  Moses's 
striking  the  rock  with  his  rod  (42*)  in  the  presence 
of  some  "  of  the  elders  of  Israel  "  (c/.  I812  E). 

2b,  7b.  tempt:  better  "  put  to  the  proof." — 6.  the 
rock  in  Horeb:  the  phrase  is  peculiar;  perhaps  the 
name  has  been  misread. 

8-16  E.  The  Fight  with  Amalek, — This  incident  is 
latest  in  order  of  time  in  Ex.  Moses  is  old  and  feeble, 
and  does  not  head  the  host  himself,  though  he  settles 
the  details  of  time  and  command.  Joshua  is  the 
well-known  commander  of  the  host  (contrast  33ii, 
24i3)  ;  and  "  Israel  "  has  gained  a  unity  over  against 
"  Amalek  "  (both  sing.).  The  people  are  begimiing  to 
move  northwards  after  their  prolonged  stay  at  Kadesh. 
But  Amalek,  a  nomad  Bedawin  tribe  (c/.  the  Azazimeh 
Arabs  in  that  region  now),  roaming  over  the  southern 
Negeb,  was  bent  on  blocking  the  way  to  Canaan. 
Out  of  many  encounters  (cf.  Nu.  I440-45)  this  was  a 
pronounced  success  after  a  desperate  struggle.  Moses 
surveys  the  battlefield  from  high  ground  above,  and 
holds  up  the  symbol  of  power  and  victory,  the  rod, 
in  his  hand  (Jos.  818*).  So  long  as  thus  visibly  he 
trusts  God  and  prompts  man,  liis  side  wins.  When 
his  strength  flags  his  cause  fails.  So  Aaron  and  Hur, 
his  two  aged  companions,  set  a  stone  under  him  as 
seat  and  take  turn.s  in  holding  up  the  hand  that  holds 
the  rod.  In  15  the  old  form  of  memorial  of  the  event 
is  described,  an  altar  (probably  based  on  the  "  stone," 
12)  for  sacrifice,  in  honour  of  the  victory  and  its 
Bymbohc  means,  as  the  title  "  Yahweh  my  stall " 
shows.  A  snatch  of  song  has  survived  in  a  corrupt 
text.  It  ran  probably,  "  liand  on  the  staff  of  Yahweh, 
war  for  Yahweh  with  Amalek  [on  and  on].  '  Perhaps 
the  last  words  and  all  14.  which  gives  a  variant  "  me- 
morial in  a  book,"  are  glosses  based  on  Dt.  2.5i7ff., 
where  the  action  of  Amalek  in  cutting  off  Israel's 
tired  stragglers  does  not  fit  anything  here.  The  long 
feud  was  ended  only  by  Saul  (1  8.  1.5)  and  David  (1  S. 
30).  With  the  rod  we  may  compare  the  king's  sceptre, 
the  field-marshal "s  baton,  the  chamberlain's  staff  or 
wand,  the  mayor's  mace,  and  the  ecclesiastical  crozier, 
pastoral  staff,  and  verge  (or  "  poker  ").  They  all  mean 
more  than  in  themselves  they  are,  and  have,  or  may 
have,  something  sacramental  about  them. 

XVIII.  1-12.  Jethro  as  Priest,  la  ("Midian  ")  J, 
lb  E.  Ic  (supj.lv  "  heard  ")  J,  2-4  Rje,  5  E,  6a(b)-7  J, 
8ab  r'was  ")  E,8c-9a("  Israel  ")  J.  9b  E,  lOafb)-lla(b) 
J,  12  E. — The  analysis  of  18  as  shown  hero  is  that  of 
Gressmann.  In  J,  Jethro  hears  of  Israel's  deliverance 
by  Yahweh  (zac),  and  sends  to  announce  his  arrival 
(6).  Moses  welcomes  him  with  Eastern  courtesy  (7), 
and  t«ll8  him  the  pood  news  fully  (8c).  Jethro  rejoices 
(ga),  and  pronounces   a  B<ilemn  priestly  ascription  of 


praise  to  Yahweh  (ion,  iia).  as  though  he  were  a  bishop 
visiting  some  place  witliin  his  diocese.  Similarly  in 
E,  but  with  the  additional  reason  that  ho  might  bring 
his  wife  and  two  sons  (contrast  222),  "  Moses"  father- 
in-law,  "  hearing  of  all  that  God  had  done,  comes  and 
hoars  the  story  more  fully  (8,  read  "  God,"  96).  and 
then  (12)  "  took  a  bimit-offering  and  sacrifices  for  God  ; 
and  Aaron  came,  and  all  the  elders  of  Israel,  to  eat 
bread  with  Moses"  father-in-law  before  God,'  i.e.  to 
share  in  a  solemn  sacrificial  feast.  What  does  all  this 
mean,  but  that  the  Jlidianitish  priest  acted  as  it  were 
as  godfather  to  Moses  and  Israel,  and  that,  as  the 
N.  Israelite  priest  (2  K.  1726ff.)  taught  the  settlers 
in  Samaria  "  the  manner  of  the  God  of  the  land,"  so 
Jethro  imparted  to  Israel  the  ritual  customs  and  rules 
of  the  God  of  Sinai,  Horeb,  Seir,  Edom,  Teman  or 
Paran  (Jg.  54f.,  Dt.  332,  Heb.  33),  for  all  these  places 
are  named  as  the  early  centres  of  Yahweh's  presence. 
Midian,  geographically  close,  may  also  have  been  thus 
named,  but,  if  so,  was  omitted  by  the  final  priestly 
editoi-s  for  reasons  of  prejudice  (Nu.  256-i8,  31), 
which  show  the  strength  of  the  tradition  which  retained 
so  much  about  Moses's  relations  with  Midian  (cf.  2i8*). 
13-27.  Moses  as  Judge.  13  (should  begin  a  new  para- 
graph) J,  14a  E.  14b  J.  15  E,  16a  ("neighbour")  J, 
16bf.  E,  18a  J,  18b-19a  ("  voice  '")  E,  19b  ("  council  "), 
19c  E  ("God-ward").  19d  J,  20-21a  ("gam")  E,  21b 
(including  "  able  men  ")  J,  22a  ("  seasons  ")  E,  22b  J. 
23-24a  E,  24b  J,  25f.  Rje,  27  E.— A  second  pair  of 
narratives  relatuig  to  the  visit  of  Jethro  unite  in 
describing  him  as  the  sagaciouB  and  experienced 
counsellor  who  taught  Moses  as  judge  to  delegate 
the  bulk  of  the  work  to  subordinates.  J  tells  how 
Jethro  watched  Moses  sitting  all  day  among  a  crowd 
of  suitors  (13,  146,  156),  wearing  out  his  own  strength 
and  theii-s  (18).  When  evening  came  the  astonished 
visitor  gave  his  counsel  (igb),  not  all  of  which  has  been 
preserved.  It  seems  to  have  been  twofold :  first, 
in  apijeals  and  graver  matters  to  "  bring  the  causes 
imto  God"  (igd),  i.e.  to  resort  to  the  sacred  oracle 
(c/.  1  S.  1441  *),  and  so  reheve  himself  of  the  load  of 
unshared  responsibihty ;  and,  secondly,  to  appoint 
"  able  men  "  [cf.  Gen.  4766  J)  as  delegates  in  descend- 
ing grades  to  sift  out  the  greater  matters  and  settle 
the  minor  affairs  (216,  226),  advice  which  Moses  took 
(246).  E,  to  which  it  has  been  usual  to  assign  the  whole 
passage,  is  rather  more  explicit  in  any  case.  In  reply 
to  his  father-in-law,  Moses  asserts  that  the  people 
already  come  to  him  "  to  inquire  of  God  "  (15a) :  i.e. 
the  plan  of  consulting  the  oracle  is  already  in  opera- 
tion. Further,  he  "  makes  them  know  the  statutes  of 
God  "  (i.e.  those  already  formulated),  "  and  his  laws  " 
(or  directions,  i.e.  those  called  forth  by  fresh  circum- 
stances, 166.  cf.  20).  The  statutes  must  bo  those  given 
on  the  mount  (24i2,  cj.  3),  this  passage  being  out  of 
place.  The  advice  (19a)  Moses  receives  is  that  he  shall 
still  himself  "be  for  the  i>eople  to  God-ward"  (19c). 
i.e.  solve  the  graver  problems  by  resort  to  the  oracle 
('/•  PP-  lOOf.),  "  warn  them  of  the  statutes  and  laws, 
and  make  them  know  their  way  and  work  "  (20),  but 
that  he  shall  also  appoint  suitable  delegates  (21a)  to  be 
always  accessible  (22(1),  and  so  "be  able  to  endure" 
(23).  This  Moses  did  (24a,  25f.  being  a  gloss),  and  let 
his  father-in-law  go  (27).  It  is  a  vivid  and  moving 
picture  that  is  brought  before  us  :  the  amazing  energy  of 
Moses,  his  sense  of  duty,  his  judicial  capacity,  his  pos- 
session in  full  measure  of  ail  the  quaUties  his  deputies 
needed — abihty,  piety,  truth,  integrity.  So,  and  with 
good  reason  in  this  instance,  Israel  looked  back  to  Moses 
as  at  once  the  organ  of  Divine  justice  and  the  organiser 
of  it«  duo  administration.    Another  parallel  variant 


i 


EXODUS,  XIX. 


183 


is  to  be  found  in  Nu.  Ili4,i6f.,246f.  Es  on  tlie  70 
elders.  There  is  also  a  sequel  to  J  in  Nu.  IO29-32  J, 
where  Hobab  (=Jethro)  refuses  to  act  as  guide  in  the 
original  story,  possibly  indicating  the  Ark  (33.  35f.) 
as  the  pledge  of  Yahweh's  presence  as  Guide  (c/.  the 
cloud  in  34  P). 

21b.  rulers:  better  "captains"  (c/.  Ex.  In,  gang- 
mastera  or  labour-captains  as  Dt.  lii,  where  alone 
the  sequence  1000,  100,  50,  10  is  found).  The  grading 
seems  impracticably  minute,  unless  the  reference  is 
siinpl}'  to  the  varying  size  of  the  clan-miits.  The  Dt. 
passage,  based  as  usual  on  E,  confirms  the  dating  of 
Ex.  18  after  the  giving  of  the  Law  and  the  departure 
from  Kadesh. 

III.  Israel  at  Sinai  (XIX.-XL.). 

The  division  19-40  presents  diflicultios  due  to  its 
very  importance,  see  introduction  to  Ex.  (last  para- 
graph). But  25-31,  35-40  readily  fall  apart  from  the 
rest,  as  containing  P"s  account  of  tlie  Tabernacle  (see 
on  25i),  the  introduction  to  which  is  found  in  19i-2a 
and  24i56-i8a,  3^29-35  being  a  Link  section.  All 
critics  confess  that  in  the  remainder  many  details  must 
remain  doubtful.  The  Oxf.  Hex.  is  for  the  most  part 
followed  here.  It  does  not  differ  very  widely  from 
Baentsch,  who  has  made  a  special  study  of  this  part. 
Gressmann's  drastic  reconstruction  is  liighly  suggestive 
in  particulars,  but  as  a  whole  is  over-bold.  The  note- 
worthy fact  is  that  both  J  and  E  preserve  important 
traditions.  In  each  there  is  an  older  stratum  pre- 
serving these  elements  of  the  national  memory  of  the 
reUgious  and  political  confederation  of  the  tribes : 
an  awful  appearance  of  God  upon  Sinai-Horeb  (19  JE, 
2O18-21  E),  and  the  giving  of  a  sacred  code,  the  (Ten) 
Covenant  Words,  inscribed  upon  stone  tablets  (31 186  E, 
3428  J)  and  sealed  by  a  solemn  sacrificial  feast  (245  E, 
II  J).  Now  these  passages  concur  in  presenting  a 
favourable  view  of  Israel  at  tliis  period :  he  is  the  son 
gratefully  responding  to  the  compassionate  love  of  his 
Father  [cf.  422*).  or  the  lowly  bride  retmning  the 
affection  of  her  Husband.  And  this  agrees  with  the 
view  of  the  period  taken  by  all  the  pre-exiUc  prophets 
who  refer  to  it  (see  Hos.  2x5,  lli.3f..  129,13.  Am.  29-11, 
3if.,  Jer.  2i-3,  34).  Even  Ezekiel's  severe  view  rather 
points  to  the  ancestral  heathenism  of  the  tribes 
(Egyptian,  233,  but  Canaanite  or  Amorite-Hittite, 
I63)  than  to  any  apostasy  just  at  this  epoch.  Only 
Hos.  9ii,  if  it  refers  to  the  incident  Nu.  25i-5  JE, 
implies  such  a  lapse.  On  these  groimds  it  is  probable 
that  32  JE  (the  Golden  Calf  and  its  destruction  E, 
and  the  vengeance  of  the  Levites  J),  together  with  not 
a  Uttle  expansion  elsewhere,  belongs  to  a  later  stage 
in  the  moulding  of  the  tradition.  The  order  of  mcidents 
is  hard  to  follow,  because  the  editor  who  united  J  and 
E,  in  his  care  to  preserve  as  much  as  possible  of  both, 
took  the  story  of  the  tablets  in  J  as  a  re-giving  and  re- 
writing of  them  with  a  renewal  of  the  broken  covenant. 
Much  of  33  containing  the  colloquies  with  the  Divine 
Lreader  belongs  to  this  stage.  All  this,  of  course, 
involves  a  considerable  disturbance  of  the  Bible  order 
and  representation  in  Ex.,  which,  but  for  one  section, 
is  substantially  followed  by  D.  But  the  essence  of  the 
great  rehgious  facts  is  irrefragably  secure  :  Israel  did, 
by  whatever  stages  short  or  long,  emerge  from  a  condi- 
tion little  removed  from  contemporary  heathenism,  and 
learned  to  worship  one  gracious  and  holy  God  (p.  84). 
Differences  concern  only  the  manner  and  form  of  events, 
and  their  times.  Later  historians  have  so  accustomed 
us  to  having  at  least  the  main  events  fitted  neatly  into 
their  centuries  B.C.  or  a.u.  that  we  find  it  hard  to 
think  that  serious  writers  could  be  centuries  out  in  their 
reckoning.     But   just  ae  prophets  saw  future  events 


near  and  distant  in  a  foreshortened  perspective,  so 
it  may  bo  that  the  Bible  historians — called  "  the  former 
prophets  "  (pp.  38,  244)  by  the  Jews — saw  their  in- 
stances of  the  nation's  glory  and  shame  as  more  closely 
crowded  together  than  they  actually  were.  The  main 
thing  is  that  they  actually  saw  them,  and  that,  too,  in 
the  "  mii-ror  of  eternity.'  Throughout  the  whole  we 
see  the  material,  as  it  were,  in  a  plastic  state.  As  older 
conceptions  were  outgrown  new  touches  could  modify 
the  details,  though,  fortimately  for  our  chances  of 
recognising  the  earUer  levels  of  inspiration,  traces  of 
the  old  were  not  always  obliterated.  Sometimes  we 
must  suppose  that  these  modifications  had  already 
been  made  during  the  period  of  oral  tradition. 

XIX.  Awful  Revelation  of  God  in  Fire  and  Cloud. 
l-2a  P,  2b-3a  E,  3b-6  Rd,  7-lla  E,  llb-13  J,  14-17 
E,  18  J,  19  E,  20-22  J,  23  Rje,  24f.  J.— This  highly 
composite  chapter  will  be  most  easily  followed  if  the 
component  somces  are  taken  separately.  From  P 
we  have  only  the  note  of  the  arrival  at  Sinai.  The 
order  of  clauses  should  be:  2a,  "And  they  took  their 
journey  (I61)  from  Rephidim  and  came  to..  .Sinai, 
and  pitched  in  the  wilderness  "  ;  1,  "  in  the  tliird  month 
came  they  ..."  From  E  also  we  learn  of  the  pitch- 
ing of  the  camp,  and  that  "  Moses  went  up  unto  God." 
But  the  very  beautiful  passage  which  follows  (36-6) 
was  probably  written  for  another  context :  it  would 
well  foUow  Jos.  24.  It  comes  from  a  disciple  of  the 
prophets,  and  describes  God's  redemptive  care  and  His 
pride  of  possession  of  His  people  (cf.  Tit.  214,  1  P.  29), 
God's  priest-nation  on  earth  (cf.  Is.  6l6),  and  so  "  called 
to  be  holy"  (Rom.  I7).  Displaced,  perhaps  from  after 
20 17,  7f.  has  found  lodgment  here.  Then  in  9-lla 
the  promise  is  given  of  an  interview  with  Moses  in  a 
thick  cloud  within  hearing  of  the  people,  who  must 
guard  theii"  persons  for  two  days  from  defilement  and 
wash  their  clothes  (Gen.  352*).  Then  14f-17,  after  re- 
lating the  preparations,  describes  the  descent  of  the 
thunder-cloud,  hghtning  flashing  forth  from  it,  and  a 
supernatural  trumpet  (cf.  I  Cor.  I552)  booming  out 
its  summons.  The  trembling  people  are  led  out  "  to 
meet  God."  We  leave  them  there,  standing  at  the 
foot  of  the  mount  (see  next  20 18-21),  and  turn  to  J's 
parallel.  Restoring  what  seems  clearly  the  right 
order,  we  have  a  picture  (in  20a,  18,  20b)  of  the  moimtain 
flaming  and  smoking  hke  a  furnace  on  the  descent  of 
Yahweh  (cf.  142 if.*)  in  an  eaithquake  (contrast  1  K. 
19n,  where  "  the  still  smaU  voice  ""  marks  a  yet  higher 
species  of  revelation).  Then  in  the  present  text,  after 
Moses  has  been  caUod  up  "  to  the  top  of  the  mount  " 
(20),  he  is  immediately  sent  down  again  (21,  24a, 
to  "down'")  merely  to  give  directions  to  prevent 
the  people  profaning  the  sacred  mount  by  coming  too 
near,  while  llb-13  toUs  of  his  obedience,  and  ends  : 
"  when  the  ram's  hom  soundeth  long,  they  "  (emphatic 
"these,"  i.e.  the  "priests"  of  22)  "shall  come  up  to 
the  moimt."  After  23  (an  obvious  gloss),  24b-2S 
summons  Moses,  with  Aaron  but  no  one  else,  though 
some  render,  "  Come  up,  thou  and  Aaron  with  thee, 
and  the  priests;  but  .  .  .,"  and  ends,  "And  Moses 
went  down  unto  the  people,  and  Siiid  imto  them." 
The  sequel  is  34 it!.,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  the 
stringent  regulations  against  sacrUege  reflect  a  later 
stage  of  feeUng,  and  may  have  been  added  to  the 
original.  On  the  other  hand,  the  injimctions  may 
merely  rest  upon  tlie  idea  of  taboo,  which  is  of  great 
antiquity.  The  allusion  to  "  priests  "'  shows  that  J 
took  them  as  a  matter  of  course,  hke  altars  and  .sacri- 
fices (yet  see  3229*,  and  cf.  p.  106).  P  does  not 
recognise  "  priests  '  till  Lev.  8.  It  is  important,  in 
conclusion,    to    note    that,  while    God    uses    natural 


184 


EXODUS,  XIX. 


occunciiccB,  which  ai"e  ainoiit;  Iho  lower  maniftvstationa 
of  His  being  and  power,  as  channels  for  arousint;  men 
to  a  sense  of  things  unseen.  His  messages  can  be 
received  only  by  one  whose  mind  and  conscience  and 
lieart  are  attuned  to  the  right  i)itch. 

[22.  The  presence  of  Yahweh  is  so  dangerous  that 
even  the  priests,  whose  function  it  is  to  approach  Him, 
have  to  sanctify  themselves  (Gen.  352*)  as  a  precaution 
against  His  breaking  out  upon  them.  Ho  reacts  against 
ritual  unclcanness,  almost  automatically.  For  this 
barely  etliical  idea  we  might  compare  the  attack  on 
Moses  at  the  inn  (424-26)  or  the  smiling  of  the  men  of 
Bcth-shemesh  (I  S.  619)  and  of  Uzzah  (2  S.  66f.).— 
A.  S.  P.] 

XX.-XXIV.,  XXXIV.  The  Codes  in  Exodus.— Recent 
study  has  by  many  converging  lines  of  argument, 
based  on  subject  matter,  choice  of  words,  relation  to 
the  context,  idiomatic  phrasing,  comparison  Avith  the 
historical  and  prophetical  literature,  etc..  and  from 
an  immense  accumulation  of  Biblical  facts,  proved 
the  extraordinary  complexity  of  the  laws  in  the  Penta- 
teuch. Only  results  can  be  given  here.  1.  Perhaps 
the  oldest  collection  is  the  Uttle  code  m  34i7-26*  J, 
all  short  rehgious  laws,  and  called  in  the  present  text 
"  the  Ten  AVorde  of  the  Covenant."  ii.  Closely  parallel 
with  this,  both  in  form  and  substance,  is  a  somewhat 
larger  collection  called  "  The  Words  of  Yahweh " 
(243)  or  "The  Book  of  the  Covenant"  (247),  now 
dislocated  by  the  insertion  of  iii.  It  seems  to  have 
consisted  of  2O23-26,  2218-31,  23i-i9,  and  perhaps 
21 1 2-17  E.  religious  and  moral  laws,  distinguished 
by  fonn  and  substance  from  their  context,  iii.  Into 
this  a  code  of  laws  (21f.),  mainly  about  jjroperty, 
and  embodying  judicial  decisions,  has  been  thrust, 
"The  .TudgmcntB  "  (21 1  E).  The  best  explanation  of 
its  position  is  Kuenen's,  that  D,  when  it  was  united 
with  JE,  took  the  place  of  this  code,  many  of  whose 
provisions  it  embodied,  and  which  may,  like  D,  have 
been  assigned  to  the  plains  of  Moab.  On  its  insertion 
the  clause  "  and  all  the  judgments  "  was  presumably 
added  in  243.  iv.  Last  of  all.  or  at  an}  rate  later  than 
ii.,  the  Decalogue,  called  "  The  Ten  Words  "  (Dt.  413, 
IO4),  took  its  place  as  spoken  by  the  mouth  of  God 
from  the  top  of  the  mount  (2O1-17).  In  its  present 
position  it  contradicts  2O19,  and  breaks  the  connexion 
between  19i7  and  its  obvious  sequel  20i8.  As  will 
be  seen,  it  bctrajs  large  Dcuteronomic  expansion, 
and  may  have  been  inserted  here  as  a  last  step  towards 
the  position,  only  found  in  Dt.,  that  the  Covenant  at 
Horeb  was  on  the  basis  of  the  Decalogue.  With  these 
four  early  codes  we  have  to  place  v.,  the  repetition  of 
iv.,  in  Dt.  5 ;  vi.,  the  collection  (the  first  and  twelfth 
being  additions)  of  ten  curses  upon  moral,  especLiUy 
sexual,  offences,  in  Dt.  27i6-25 ;  vii.,  the  D  code,  re- 
hgious, moral,  civil,  and  criminal  (Dt.  12-20),  called 
"Statutes  and  Judgments"  (12i);  and  vifi.,  the 
Holiness  (religious-moral)  code.  Lev.  17-2(5  (esp.  19). 
called  H.  Lev.  193f .  (cf.  26if .),  i  if.,  may  bo  the  remains 
of  a  concise  rehcious-moral  decalogue. 

These  are  all  the  laws  that  can  fairly  bo  compared 
with  one  another.  The  great  ma^  of  "  priestly " 
laws,  to  which  2.5-:>l,  35-40  belong,  fall  i-eadily  apart 
from  these,  but  turn  out  when  examined  to  have  also 
a  complicated  sti-ucturc  {see  25i*).  Now  1.  and  Ii., 
which  involve  agricultural  observances,  are  not  hkely 
to  be  Mosaic.  In  their  oral  form,  of  which  the  frequent 
groups  of  a  and  10  arc  a  reminder,  the  earliest  likely 
date  would  be  the  reign  of  David  or  Solomon,  when 
more  settled  ways  came  in.  But  it  is  hard  to  reach 
as-svi  ranee  a«  to  dates.  These  laws  have  even  been 
ascribed  to  the  period  in  N.  Israel  when,  aft«r  the  exile 


of  the  bulk  of  the  Hebrew  inhabitants,  the  now  colonists 
demanded  and  obtained  a  priest  to  teach  them  "the 
manner  of  the  God  of  the  land."  i.e.  Yahweh  (2  K. 
1724-28*).  But  the  whole  complex  of  legal  material, 
regarded  as  reflecting  a  long  historical  process,  reveals 
to  us  Hebrew  law  as  no  cast-iron  cage,  cramping 
the  growing  soul  of  Israel,  but  as  an  adjustable  fence, 
that  could  be  drawn  in  here,  and  pushed  out  there,  as 
the  Spirit  of  Yahweh,  the  Living  God,  might  prompt, 
to  fit  changing  conditions  of  life  or  (juickened  con- 
science of  duty. 

XX.  1-17  E  (expanded).  The  Decalogue. — Here  the 
reader  treads  on  holy  groimd.  But  it  is  firm  ground, 
trodden  by  the  feet  of  many  generations  of  pilgrims. 
Let  liini  therefore  fearlessly  examine  the  material  of 
which  this  road  of  righteousness  is  composed,  and  the 
process  by  which  it  took  its  present  form.  Though 
it  were  not  let  down  out  of  heaven,  it  will  servo  if  it 
lead  mens  steps  towards  heaven.  Welcome  or  un- 
welcome, the  views  that  scholars  hold  to-day  all  differ 
from  the  Bible  story  taken  Uterally.  It  wUl  be  least 
confusing  to  take  by  itself  the  view  that  on  the  whole 
commends  itself  most.  i.  If  the  Ten  Words  were  old 
they  are  likely  to  have  been  short  ;  and  on  examina- 
tion all  the  longer  ones  betray  marks  of  expansion  by 
editors  of  later  schools,  P  being  recalled  by  the  reference 
to  the  Divine  Sabbath  after  creation  (11),  but  D 
furnishing  parallels  to  the  others,  see  RV  references. 
ii.  It  is  hkely  that  not  eight  only  but  all  the  Words  were 
prohibitions.  The  sins  forbidden  will  then  be :  I. 
the  worship  of  other  gods — "  Thou  shalt  have  none 
other  gods  before  me "  {cf.  2023a,  34i4,  Hos.  134, 
129);  U.  idolatry — "Thou  shalt  not  make  to  thyself 
any  graven  image  "  {cf.  2O23?*,  34i7,  Hos.  4i7,  846-6, 
132);  III.  perjurj' — "Thou  shalt  not  take  the  name 
of  Yahweh  in  vain "  {cf.  23i«,  Hos.  42,  IO4) ;  IV. 
Sabbath-breaking — "  Thou  shalt  not  do  any  business 
on  the  sabbath  day"  {cf.  23i2,  342i,  Hos.  2ii)  ; 
V.  disrespect — "Thou  shalt  not  set  light  bj'  thy 
father  or  thy  mother"  {cf.  2115.17)  ;  VI.  murder  {cf. 
2I12,  Hos.  42) ;  VII.  adultery  (226f.,  Hos.  42) ;  VIII. 
stealing  {cf.  21i6,  22i-4,  Hos.  42);  IX.  false  witness 
{cf.  23i6,  Am.  610-12) ;  X.  greed — "  Thou  shalt  not 
covet  thy  neighbour's  house ""  {cf.  Am.  26,  84-7). 
iii.  It  is  clear  from  the  references  that  E  furnishes 
parallels  for  all  the  Words  except  the  last,  while  all 
but  the  5th  (obviously  a  non-signifieant  omission) 
can  be  matoiicd  from  Hosea  or  Amos.  As  clearly, 
moreover,  these  prophets  are  not  preaching  moral 
novelties,  but  recaUing  old  principles.  Iv.  Only  three 
commands  can  be  plausibly  described  as  unhkeh*  to 
belong  in  substance  to  the  Mosaic  age.  Coveting  is 
the  only  pmely  inward  sin  condemned,  and  its  place 
is  justified  by  M'Neile  as  practically  incluchng  op- 
pression and  bribery  ;  but  the  use  of  the  tenn  "  house  " 
instead  of  tent  implies  the  passage  from  the  nomadic 
and  pastoral  to  the  settled  and  agricultural  life.  The 
Sabbath,  too,  was  impracticable  for  nomads  in  charge 
mainly  of  hve  stock.  Moreover,  the  historj'  of  rehgion 
in  Israel  seems  to  prove  that  there  wa^  no  clear  eon- 
Bcieneo  against  all  images  till  a  much  later  time  {see 
pp.  83f.).  The  lirst  steps  in  this  direction  may  bo 
seen  in  2O23.  34i7-  Hence  Kautzsch  (HDB.  Exira  Vol., 
p.  6346),  following  Eerdmans,  accepts  the  remaining 
seven  only  as  Mosaic.  For  a  recent,  competent  defence 
of  the  Mo-iaic  Origin  of  the  Decalogue  see  Exp.  for  1916 
(Prof.  M'Fadyen).  V.  It  must  always  be  remembered 
that  negatives  imply  a  positive,  and  that  those  of  the 
Decalogue  rest  upon  a  principle,  the  foundation  both 
of  religion  and  morality,  tiiat  mans  true  life  involv<^8 
fellowship  :    Thou  shaft  hve  in  fellowship  both  with 


EXODUS.  XX.  1-17 


185 


thy  God  and  with  thy  family,  tribe,  nation,  and 
(eventually)  fellow-mon.  Ancient  religion  as  a  univer- 
sal social  bond  profoundly  affected  morality  ;  but  it 
might  consecrate  immoraUty  or  condone  it  by  offer- 
ing non-moral  ways  of  pardon.  It  is  the  distinction  of 
Hebrew  rehgion  that  it  neither  ordered  evil  nor  made 
light  of  it,  but  called  the  worshippers  of  a  righteous 
God  to  be  hke  Him.  And  even  those  who  doubt 
whether  moral  duties  had  been  gathered  so  early  hito 
a  code  must  admit  both  that  the  sense  of  moral  obliga- 
tion must  have  been  present,  and  that  it  must  have 
been  connected  with  fidehty  to  Yahweh  from  Mosaic 
times,  or  otherwise  Israel  would  never  have  preserved 
itself  as  distinct  as  it  did  from  the  Canaanites,  whose 
civilisation,  as  being  more  advanced,  left  a  deep  impress 
upon  Hebrew  hfe.  vl.  The  numbering  here  adopted 
is  that  of  Philo,  Josephus,  the  Ancient  Church,  CahTn, 
the  later  Greek  Church,  and  Anglo-Saxon  Christians, 
and  is  undoubtedly  the  best.  But  the  Roman  CathoHc 
Church  fwith  Augustine  and  Luther)  followed  the  MT 
in  imiting  the  1st  and  2nd  Words  and  di\ading  the 
10th.  The  Jews  take  the  preface  as  the  1st  Word, 
and  combine  our  1st  and  2nd  as  the  2nd.  vii. 
Also  the  order  has  varied  in  regard  to  the  three  Words 
after  the  5th.  In  MT,  LXX^(AFM.  etc.),  Mk.  IO19 
RV.  Mt.  021.27,  19i8.  it  is  6-7-8  ;  in  LXX  (B)  and  the 
Nash  papyrus  (c.  2nd  century  a.d.)  it  is  7-8-6  ;  and  in 
Lk.  I820,  R.  139,  Jas.  2ii,  Mk.  IO19  AV,  Philo,  and 
some  Fathers  it  is  7-6-8.  viil.  Fiaally,  it  remains  to 
comment  briefly  on  the  words  as  they  now  stand. 
When  first  they  became  part  of  the  Horeb  story  of 
E,  they  must  have  followed  19i9,  which  relates  God's 
answering  Moses  by  a  voice,  and  which  may  have 
originally  gone  with  20i8,  the  alarm  of  the  people. 
20ia,  "  God  spake  all  these  words,"  has  behind  it  not 
only  the  editor  who  wrote  it,  but  the  later  Hebrew 
and  Christian  centuries  which  have  endorsed  it.  How- 
ever spoken,  these  words  have  found  their  way  to 
man's  heart  as  the  voice  of  God.  The  preface  lb  is 
a  vital  part  of  the  whole ;  the  pecuhar  loyalty  de- 
manded in  the  OT  can  be  paid  only  to  a  Divine  Law- 
giver, who  is  first  of  all  Redeemer.  Hos.  I29,  I34 
are  vouchers  that  lb  is  earher  than  D,  though  probably 
erpanded  (cf.  133*).  The  1st  Word  (3)  was  probably 
not  at  first  taken  as  denying  the  existence  of  other 
gods,  but  as  forbidding  Israel  to  affront  Yahweh  by 
recognising  them  in  worehip  "in  front  of"  Him. 
Later,  it  was  seen  that,  if  the  practice  was  forbidden, 
the  misbehef  wa«  condemned.  The  age-long  struggle 
against  "other  gods"  may  be  traced  in  the  con- 
cordance. The  2nd  Word  (4)  forbids  even  the 
making  of  a  graven  image :  no  doubt  the  purpose  of 
worship  was  impUed.  Images  were  of  carved  wood, 
of  wood  cased  with  metal,  of  stone  or  soUd  metal. 
The  pesel  or  "graven  image,"  as  the  commonest, 
included  all.  Images  of  Yahweh  were  not  onlj'  tolerated 
among  His  worshippers,  but  "widely  used  .  .  .  till 
the  times  of  the  prophets "  (Driver,  CB).  In 
its  present  form  the  2nd  Word  reflects  a  definite 
stage  of  later  religious  progress.  The  editor  (46)  in 
general  terms  excludes  images  of  beasts,  birds,  and 
heavenly  bodies,  and  fishes,  all  represented  as  objects 
of  worship  in  lands  surrounding  Israel.  See  also 
Idolatry  (Seviitic)  in  ERE.  Observ^e  that  the  flat 
earth  is  regarded  as  floating  on  "  the  waters  under  the 
earth  "  {cf.  Gen.  l6-8»,  4925).  Yahweh  is  "a  jealous 
God"  (5,  cf.  3414);  the  Divine  Husband  is  keenly 
sensitive  to  the  sacredness  of  the  bond  that  links  Him 
with  His  Bride  Israel  (Hos.  1-3,  etc.),  flaming  forth 
against  her  when  disloyal  or  on  her  behalf  when  un- 
justly oppressed.     But  evil  has  less  lasting  effects  than 


good,  for,  whereas  disloyalty  only  injurea  posterity 
"to  the  third  and  fourth  generation,"  thousands 
"  belonging  to  "  loyal  lovers  of  Yahweh,  as  descending 
from  or  influenced  by  them,  shall  share  in  His  mercy. 
Observe  that  love  to  God  is  part  of  what  we  may  call 
the  gospel  of  D  (Dt.  65,  etc.),  which  seems  to  be  itself 
dependent  upon  the  revelation  of  Divine  love  in  Hosea. 
The  3rd  Word  forbids  misuse  of  the  sacred  Name, 
either  by  perjury,  blasphemy,  or  irreverence,  or  in 
connexion  with  magic  or  divination  (7).  Names  in 
antiquity  were  thought  to  caiTy  with  them  the  power 
of  the  person  named  (Gen.  3229*).  The  modem 
apphcation  is  that  the  names  of  God  actually  impart 
spiritual  power  to  those  who  pronounce  them  with 
due  sense  of  the  wealth  and  the  weight  of  meaning  in 
them,  but  the  careless  or  formal  use  of  them  throws 
them  out  of  gear  for  this  high  function.  The  4th 
Word  is  the  only  one  which  refers  to  a  positive  religious 
institution,  the  Sabbath  (pp.  lOlf.).  With  profound 
rehgious  insight  it  is  seen  that  unless  some  time  is 
regularly  offered  to  God,  710  time  is  likely  to  be  con- 
sciously  spent  in  His  service.  So  at  sunset  on  the  sixth 
day  the  "  Cease  work  "  sounds  out  ("  sabbath,"  a  word 
perhaps  of  Bab.  origin,  means  this)  for  "  the  Lord's 
day"  (8,  cf.  Is.  5813).  Israel  is  to  "remember" 
(Dt.  5i2  less  forcibly  "observe")  to  mark  each  week 
with  its  seal  of  sacred  rest  and  joyous  observance. 
It  is  "business,"  i.e.  week-day  work  for  gain,  that  is 
forbidden.  The  humanitarian  side,  exempting  de- 
pendants, children,  slaves,  cattle,  and  naturalised 
ahens  from  toil  (10),  is  further  emphasised  in  Dt.  65. 
For  the  priestly  supplement  (n),  see  Gen.  23*,  where 
it  wiU  be  observed  that  the  editor  of  Gen.  con- 
siders that  Ex.  2O11  is  not  dependent  on  Gen.  23  {see 
Introd.  to  Gen.  Ii— 24a).  On  this  he  accepts  the  argu- 
ment of  Budde,  Die  biblii-che  Urgesckichte,  pp.  493- 
495.  For  the  weekly  rest-day  there  is  a  Bab. 
parallel,  but  the  social  and  rehgious  character  of  the 
Hebrew  Sabbath  is  its  own.  The  priestly  laws  elaborate 
ana  refine  the  4th  Word.  The  5th  Word  (12)  impresses 
a  duty  widely  recognised  by  ancient  sages  {e.g.  Plato 
and  Confucius),  respect  for  parents  {cf.  Ecclus.  3 1-6,  Mk. 
710-13).  The  "promise"  (Eph.  62)  offers  length  of 
days  to  Israel  and  not  to  the  Israehtes  :  "  the  founda- 
tions of  national  greatness  are  in  the  home  "  (King 
George  V.).  Respect  for  parents  may  be  taken  as 
the  last  duty  of  piety,  they  bemg  in  God's  place,  or 
as  the  first  duty  of  morals  ;  and  so  may  close  the 
first  table  (as  origmallj^).  or  begin  the  new  (as  in  the 
Catechism).  The  6th 'Word  (13)  secures  the  sanctity 
of  human  hfe,  the  word  used  referring  to  violent  and 
unauthorised  kifling.  The  absence  of  any  penalty  is 
specially  noticeable  here,  and  favours  the  view  that 
the  whole  is  a  summary  of  prophetic  teaching,  not  a 
judicial  code.  For  Christ's  teaching,  set  Mt.  521-26. 
The  7th  Word  (14)  affinus  the  sanctity  of  the  marriage 
tie,  and  the  8th  (15)  the  sacredness  of  private  property  ; 
while  the  9th  (16)  lays  down  the  law  of  hbel,  imtruth- 
fulncss  bemg  a  besetting  sin  among  the  Hebrews  from 
Jacob  onwards.  The  10th  is  understood  by  Paul  (Rom. 
77)  as  forbidding  the  unseen  spring  of  wrong  action, 
unlawful  desire  :  but  M'Neile  observes  that  it  becomes 
m  Mk.  IO19,  "Defraud  not."  [Those  who  take  it  as 
deahng  with  the  inward  desire  are  often  inclined  to 
rcgard  it  as  exhibiting  a  much  more  advanced  stage  of 
ethical  reflection  than  the  other  commandment.s. 
Eerdmans  has  elaborately  defended  tho  other  alterna- 
tive noted  above,  that  it  is  directed  not  simply  against 
a  desire,  but  against  a  desire  associated  with  an  act. 
Ho  refers  to  3424  in  support.— A.  S.  P.]  The  clauses 
after  "house"  were  probably  added.    See  also  Dt.  621 


186 


EXODUS,  XX.  18-21 


18-21  E.  Alarm  of  the  People,— This  roeumes  19i7 
or  19),  and  doscribes  how  the  frightened  people  (read 
in  186  "and  the  people  were  afraid  and  trembled") 
aeked  that  Moses  and  not  Clod  should  speak  to  them. 
Then  "  Moses  drew  near  unto  the  tliick  darkness  where 
God  was  "  (21).  Tliis  idea,  afterwards  much  developed 
by  the  mystics,  is  reflected  in  the  windowless  Holy 
of  Hohes  in  the  Temple  (cf.  1  K.  616-20,  813,  and  RV 
references). 

22-26  E.  Laws  of  Worship.— This  begins  the  "  Book 
of  the  Covenant,"  a  small  collection  of  roUgious  and 
moral  laws.  The  reference  to  (Jod  as  talking  with  tho 
people  from  heaven  (226)  was  probablj^  added  after 
the  insertion  of  the  Decalogue.  In  23  tho  pi.  "ye" 
shows  that  this  was  not  part  of  the  Horeb  "  book," 
in  wliich  "  thou  "  is  used.  The  RV  seems  to  bo  right 
(against  LXX )  in  making  23a  a  doublet  of  2O3 .  Perhaps 
it  ran,  "  Ye  shall  not  serve  (make)  along  with  me  other 
(silver)  gods."  In  any  case,  it  is  over-costly  images 
only  that  are  forbidden.  The  rules  for  the  rude  altar  of 
earth  or  stone  (24-26)  reflect  piimitive  usage  (cf.  1  S. 
1432-35*),  imply  the  right  of  lajTnen  to  sacrifice 
{cf.  2  S.  613,17),  and  refer  only  to  the  two  oldest  and 
commonest  kinds  of  sacrifice' (c/".  245,  and  pp.  981, 
197f.).  Moreover,  such  an  altar  may  be  set  up 
wherever  Yahweh  may  cause  His  Name  to  be  re- 
membered (24  vig.),  i.e.  by  a  vision,  a  victory,  or 
other  gracious  act  (p.  130).  Stones  were  to  be  un- 
hewn (25),  from  old  custom  (cf.  425*,  Jos.  831*)  or 
from  the  survival  of  a  prejudice  against  risking  driving 
away  the  deity  by  altering  the  shape  of  the  natural 
rock.  Steps  were  (26)  not  allowed,  in  the  interests 
of  decency  (cf.  a  different  provision  in  2842). 

XXI.  1  E.  The  Judgments. — This  is  best  taken  aa 
the  heading  of  a  fresh  collection,  "  The  Judgments  " 
(p.  184),  consisting  of  case-law,  mainly  about  property, 
and  containing  some  striking  parallels  with  the  Code 
Of  Hammurabi  (see  p.  51,  HDB,  vol.  5,  pp.  584-612, 
and  Johns'  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Laws,  Contracts, 
and  Letters,  pp.  44-68).  The  Bab.  code  was  much  longer, 
containing  248  laws,  and  is  represented  as  given  by  tho 
seated  sun-god  Shamash  to  the  king  standing  before 
him.  The  Code  deals  only  with  civil  and  criminal 
laws,  not  with  morals  and  religion,  and  the  chief 
parallels  are  with  the  Judgments  (see  Driver,  CB, 
420£f.).  Tho  Judgments  do  not  borrow  from  tho 
CJode,  but  they  aro  often  too  like  it  to  be  independent 
(e.g.  in  the  case  of  tho  vicious  ox,  21 28!.).  Either  both 
rest  on  ancient  Semitic  custom,  or  the  Hebrew  law 
is  based  on  a  survival  in  Canaan  of  Bab.  civilisation 
from  the  time  of  the  TeU  el-Amama  letters.  Parallels 
are  found  in  2I2, 11, 15, i6,i8f., 22,23-25,26,28,29-31, 32, 
22i-4  (two  cases),  5,7, 9,iof., 12, 14^,26. 

2-11  E.  The  Laws  of  Slavery.— In  the  19th  cent, 
slaves  were  bought  and  sold  as  chattels  in  Liverpool. 
Here  we  see  one  of  the  stages  towards  (ho  abohtion 
of  slavery,  i.e.  regulation,  then  the  only  practicable 
course.  Hebrews  might  become  slaves  through  sale 
by  parents,  or  forced  sale  for  theft  or  insolvency,  or 
through  poverty  (p.  110).  Later  stages  of  law  aro  re- 
flected in  Dt.  15i2-i8*  and  Lev.  2039-55*.  A  male 
slave  by  six  years'  service  earned  the  right  to  rest  from 
servitude  in  the  seventh  year,  his  wife  accompanying 
him  only  if  he  were  already  married  (3f.),  but  if  he 
could  say,  in  the  terms  of  a  customary  oath,  "  I  love 
my  master,  my  wife,  and  my  children ;  I  will  not 
go  out  free"  (5),  then  he  could  become  a  slave  for 
life.  The  ratifying  ceremony  was  the  boring  of  tho 
oar,  tho  symbol  of  obedience,  to  the  "  door  "  or  "  door- 
post "  (6),  obviously  that  of  the  home  in  which  he  was 
to  serve.    That  being  so,  the  bringing  of  him  "  unto 


God  "  win  not  mean  to  tho  sanctuary  but  to  the  home- 
altar,  the  threshold  (1222°),  or  (so  Kautzsch,  HDB,  vol. 
5,  p.  642)  to  tho  teraphiin  (p.  101)  or  houBehold  image  of 
Yahweh  [cf.  1  S.  19i3,i6).  A  female  slave  had  no  such 
right  (7) ;  but  if  she  did  not  suit  the  man  who  had 
"  designed  her  for  himself  "  (i.e.  as  his  concubine),  her 
relatives  might  redeem  her,  or  she  might  bo  sold  to 
another  Israehte  (8) ;  and  if  he  bought  her  for  his 
son,  she  should  have  a  daughter's  rights  (9).  If  she 
were  supplanted  by  another  concubine  he  must  main- 
tain her  allowance  of  flesh  food  and  of  clothing  and 
her  conjugal  rights,  or  free  her  (lof.).  Driver  also  dis- 
cusses a  slightly  different  view  (CB,  p.  214). 

12-17  E.  Capital  Offences. — This  group,  varying  in 
fonn  from  the  main  Iwdy  of  the  Judgments,  is  here 
regarded  as  a  part  of  the  smaUer  Book  of  the  Covenant 
(p.  184).  The  punishment  of  murder  was  death  (12), 
inflicted  in  Israel,  as  elsewhere,  according  to  the  wide- 
spread custom  of  blood-revenge,  by  the  next-of-kin 
as  "avenger  of  blood'  (2  S.  14ii).  For  accidental 
homicide,  not  distinguished  in  Homer  from  murder, 
a  place  of  asylum,  a  sanctuary  of  special  rank,  was  pro- 
vided (13,  (•/.  Nu.  359-34"  P,  Dt.  19I-I3*,  Jos.  20*). 
But  a  murderer  coxild  be  dragged  from  the  horns  of 
the  altar  (14,  cf.  1  K,  I50,  £28).  Smiting  or  cursing  a 
parent  was  also  (15,  17)  pimishable  with  death,  Bab. 
and  Gr.  law  being  less  severe  ;  and  so  was  kidnapping, 
as  in  Bab.,  Gr.,  and  Roman  law. 

18-27  E.  Injuries. — If  one  man  injiures  another  in 
a  quarrel  (18),  he  must,  on  the  recovery  of  the  other, 
compensate  him  for  the  loss  of  time  and  pay  his  doctor's 
bill  (19).  He  who  beat  a  slave  to  death  must  pay  a 
penalty  (20),  no  doubt  fixed  at  the  judge's  discretion  ; 
but  only  if  death  was  immediate  (21).  If  two  men 
quarrelling  injured  the  wife  of  one  of  them  inter- 
vening and  brought  on  a  miscarriage  without  per- 
manent injury,  her  husband  could  levy  a  fine  (22, 
read  "  shall  pay  it  for  tho  untimely  birth,"  changing 
one  letter).  Further  injury  was  to  be  punished  (23-25) 
acording  to  the  lex  talionis,  hke  for  like,  as  in  the  old 
Bab.  and  Roman  law,  and  among  many  races  still. 
A  slave  whose  eye  or  tooth  was  knocked  out  could 
claim  freedom  (26f.). 

28-36  E,  Damages  by  or  to  Cattle. — An  ox  goring 
anyone  to  death  must  be  stoned,  and  might  not  be 
eaten,  as  tainted  with  blood-guilt  (28).  In  ancient 
Greece  and  elsewhere,  and  even  in  mediaeval  Europe, 
animals  were  tried  in  court.  But  the  owner  of  an 
ox  known  to  be  vicious,  and  yet  left  at  large,  must  die, 
or  pay  a  fine  to  tho  relatives  (29f.),  the  same  rule 
holding  good  of  a  mmor  of  either  sex  (31).  A  slave's 
death  required  a  fine  of  30  shekels  (worth  £4,  2s.  6d. 
now,  and  much  more  then)  and  the  ox's  death.  These 
two  (30,  32)  are  the  only  cases  in  the  OT  of  the  "  wer- 
gild "  or  death-price  so  common  in  antiquity.  Further, 
if  a  well  or  grain-pit  were  left  uncovered,  and  an  animal 
fell  in  and  died,  the  offender  had  to  pay  tho  value, 
but  might  have  tho  carcase  for  its  skin  and  (possibly 
at  that  time)  for  its  flesh  (33f.).  And  if  one  ox  killed 
another,  the  owners  were  to  divide  tho  price  of  the 
pair ;  but  if  it  was  a  vicious  ox  let  loose,  the  owner 
must  pay  in  full,  but  have  the  carcase.  Doughty 
testifies  that  this  is  now  "  the  custom  of  the  desert," 
though  Thomson  writes  aa  if  it  wore  still  a  much- 
needed  rcfonn. 

XXII.  1-6  E.  Theft  and  Damage.— Fourfold  restitu- 
tion was  due  (i).  as  in  Roman  law  and  Bedawin  custom, 
for  theft  of  a  sheep  (though  fivefold  for  tho  doubly 
useful  ox),  reduced  to  twofold  (4)  if  returned  alive 
(i.e.  the  stolon  animal  and  another).  A  similar  prin- 
ciple is  found  in  Bab.,  Gr.,  Roman,  and  Indian  law. 


I 


EXODUS,  XXIII.  10-19 


187 


Probably  3b  links  4  directly  to  1,  providing  that  a 
pauper  thief  shall  be  sold  to  provide  restitution  money. 
Then,  Budde  suggests,  2-3a  will  be  a  wrongly  placed 
Bupplement,  giving  imnaunity  if  a  robber  be  killed  in 
the  act,  unless  it  bo  in  daylight.  The  next  case  is 
clearer  if,  with  sUght  changes  of  letters,  wo  read, 
"if  a  man  cause  a  field  ...  to  be  burnt,  and  let  the 
burning  spread,  and  it  burn  in  another  man's  field," 
etc.  In  that  case,  if  his  bonfire  kindled  a  thorn  hedge 
and  burnt  up  good  crops — an  easy  matter  in  the  heat 
of  summer — he  must  replace  with  the  best  of  his  own 
crops  ( 5 ) ;  but  an  accidental  fire  called  for  bare  com- 
pensation only  (6). 

7-17  E.  Breach  of  Trust. — A  man  going  on  a  journey 
would  make  his  neighbour  his  banker.  If  the  money 
or  valuables  were  stolen,  the  thief,  if  found,  was  to 
pay  double  (7) ;  otherwise  the  surety  must  purge  him- 
self of  the  crime  by  oath  at  the  local  sanctuary  (8).  A 
similar  procedure,  including  some  ordeal  or  divining 
process,  was  to  be  used  when  lost  property  was  found 
under  suspicious  circumstances  (9).  Where  any  mis- 
chance happened  to  an  animal  left  in  a  man's  charge, 
he  might  free  himself  from  blame  by  taking  "  the  oath 
of  Yahweh "  (lof.),  just  as  among  the  Arabs  still, 
according  to  Burckhardt  and  Doughty.  If  he  let  it 
be  stolen,  he  must  make  restitution  ;  but  if  it  was 
torn  by  wild  beasts  (c/.  Gen.  31 39).  he  had  only  to  pro- 
duce the  carcase  to  escape  blame,  as  in  Bab.  and  Indian 
law.  If  harm  befell  a  borrowed  animal,  the  hirer  must 
make  it  good,  unless  its  owner  was  in  charge  of  it  (i4f .). 
Seduction  was  regarded  as  damage  to  the  father  of  the 
girl,  and  compensation  required  equal  to  the  usual 
marriage  gift  (not  "dowiy"),  as  in  Gen.  34i2,  with 
marriage  unless  the  father  refuse.  Probably  the  Judg- 
ments end  here. 

18-31  E.  Various  Ordinances. — From  this  point  up 
to  239  we  have  to  do  with  miscellaneous  laws,  differ- 
ing in  the  main  both  in  form  and  substance  from  the 
Judgments,  and  therefore  here  regarded  as  belonging 
to  the  Book  of  the  Covenant.  But  they  may  have 
come  independently  of  either  code.  The  death  penalty 
for  a  sorceress  (18)  sounds  unduly  severe,  and  this 
law  may  be  taken  as  a  classical  instance  of  the  pro- 
gressive nature  of  revelation.  Conditions  change,  and 
conscience  gains  light :  hence  Hebrew  laws  must 
not,  it  is  at  last  perceived,  bind  Christian  men,  unless 
ratified  afresh  by  the  conscience.  For  lack  of  tliis 
perception  witches  were  executed  up  to  1716.  But 
it  is  proper  to  note  the  tremendous  power  of  magic 
in  the  ancient  world  and  among  heathen  races  to-day 
(c/.  the  eight  types  in  Dt.  18iof.),  and  its  deadly  nature 
as  a  negation  of  true  rehgion.  Magic  proudly  claims, 
by  non-moral  means,  to  master  the  powers  of  the  unseen 
world  :  religion.humbly  seeks,  through  prayer,  sacrifice, 
and  service,  to  win  effective  fellowship  with  an  unseen 
person  (p.  174).  And  the  modem  apphcation  is.  Thou 
slialt  not  suffer  the  magical  idea  or  temper  to  hve  in  the 
worship  or  institutions  of  rcUgion.  Unnatural  forms 
of  vice  were  rife  in  Canaan,  and  were  made  capital 
offences  (19,  c/.  H  and  D).  Sacrifice  to  another  god,  as 
involving  treason  to  the  nation  and  its  Divine  Lord,  was 
(20)  to  be  visited  with  the  "  ban  "  (i.e.  devotion  to 
Yahweh,  the  jealous  God,  by  destruction,  see  pp.  99, 
114).  Consideration  for  the  stranger  or  resident  alien, 
to  whom  custom  gave  no  legal  status,  as  well  as  for  the 
widow  and  orphan  (21-24),  is  a  marked  feature  in 
the  Hebrew  laws :  the  clauses  with  plural  "  ye " 
are  added  notes.  Legislators  and  prophets  were 
perpetually  alert  to  protect  the  weak  against  corrupt 
judges  and  the  power  of  the  purse  generally.  Here 
is  one  of  the  "notes"  of  a  living  religion.    So,  too, 


in  times  when  commercial  loans  were  unknown,  and 
the  only  loans  were  of  the  nature  of  charity,  it  was 
natural  that  interest  ("  usury  "  in  its  old  sense)  should 
be  prohibited  (25,  «ee  p.  112,  Dt.  23i9f.,  Lev.  2536f.*). 
But  usury,  in  its  present  meaning  of  excessive  interest, 
is  still  condemned  by  the  spirit  of  this  law.  Loans 
on  pledge  were  allowed,  but  a  pledged  mantle  must 
be  returned  for  use  at  night  (26f.,  c/.  Dt.  246,io-i3, 
23i9f.).  Special  bedclothes  are  still  strange  to  the 
poor  of  Palestine.  In  28-31  we  have  a  group  more 
closely  connected  with  religion.  Irreverence  (c/.  Lev. 
24i5  H)  and  disrespect  to  rulers  are  condemned  (28). 
Firstfrmts,  firstborn,  and  firstUngs  were  all  due  to 
God  (2  9ff.,  see  pp.  99,  102).  Firstfruits  are  concisely 
specified  (29)  as  the  full  share  {i.e.  from  the  threshing- 
floor)  and  the  tear-like  trickling  {i.e.  from  the  wine- 
press). It  is  not  said  here  (29b)  how  the  offering 
of  firstborn  boys  was  to  be  made  (c/.  13i2f.*  J),  but 
the  obvious  analogy  of  the  firstlings  (30,  "  give  me," 
as  296)  suggests  that  the  form  at  least  of  the  law  goes 
back  to  the  time  when  children  were  actually  sacri- 
ficed {cf.  Gen.  22*).  In  all  three  cases  we  have  the 
survival  of  a  primitive  beUef  that  fife  is  sacred,  and  that 
the  first,  fresh  products  of  fertihsing  power  are  specially 
fit  for  sacramental  and  sacrificial  use  (Nu.  3ii-i3*).  It 
is  a  symbolical  recognition  of  the  need  to  consecrate 
the  beginnings  of  enterprise,  if  real  blessing  is  to 
follow.  Observe  that  the  sacrifice  "  on  the  eighth 
day  "  could  only  be  at  some  near  local  shrine,  not,  as 
in  D,  at  the  central  sanctuary ;  and  that  E  says 
nothing  of  imclean  animals  like  the  ass,  untess  LXX 
rightly  adds  "and  thine  ass"  {see  18130  J).  This 
group  closes  with  a  law  against  eating  any  flesh  that 
is  torn  of  beasts  in  the  field  (31),  no  doubt  because 
the  blood  could  not  be  properly  drained  from  it  (Gen. 
94*).  The  reason  given,  that  they  were  to  be  "  holy 
men  "  (13a),  illustrates  the  process  by  which  the  word 
"holy"  {i.e.  devoted  to  or  associated  with  God's  life 
and  being)  was  first  practised  upon  the  outward  (what 
is  ritually  holy)  and  then  apphed  to  the  moral  and 
spiritual  realm. 

XXIII.  1-9  R.  Justice. — Form  and  substance  also 
separate  thi>i  group  from  the  Judgments  and  ally  it 
with  the  Words  of  Yahweh  in  the  Covenant  Book. 
Circulating  groundless  reports  (10),  conspiring  with 
"  him  that  is  in  the  wrong  "  {cf.  213)  to  be  a  mahciouB 
witness  (16),  siding  with  the  strongest  in  action  or 
witness- bearing  (2),  and  partiahty  in  judgment  (3) 
are  condemned.  Read  in  3,  for  "poor,"  "great": 
partiahty  for  the  poor  needed  no  prohibition.  The 
injunctions  about  a  straying  or  fallen  beast  of  an 
enemy  (4f.,  render  5  as  mg.}  breathe  a  generous  spirit : 
they  are  hero  out  of  place,  and  were  perhaps  a  marginal 
illustration  to  9.  Justice  must  be  administered  fairly 
and  strictly,  and  bribes  must  be  rejected,  and  not 
suffered  to  "  pervert  the  cause  of  the  righteous  "  (8). 
In  7b  it  is  better  to  read  with  LXX  "  and  thou  shalt 
not  acquit  the  guilty."  The  alien,  like  the  poor,  is 
to  have  justice  (9a,  96  being  a  gloss).  We  see  the  true 
democratic  ideal  of  law  and  justice  emerging  in  this 
paragraph,  and  also  the  obstacles  before  it:  the  man 
with  money,  or  a  large  family  (cf.  Ps.  127 3-5),  or  many 
friends  had  a  tremendous»advantage  ;  he  has  not  lost 
it  all  yet. 

10-19  E.  Calendar  and  Rules  for  Worship.— This 
passage  may  originally  have  followed  23-26  in  the 
Covenant  Book.  It  has  been  expanded,  13  being  a 
conclusion  (perhaps  displaced  from  after  19),  and 
15b,  17,  and  19  copied  by  a  harmonist  from  3418,20,23,25 
J.  Every  seventh  year  the  land  (i.e.  probably  each 
owner's,  not  the  whole  country  at  once)  was  to  be  faUow, 


188 


EXODUS,  XXIII.   10-19 


not  from  a  religious  or  agricultural  motive  (as  Lev. 
25i-7*,20-22*),  but  on  charitable  grounds  (lof.).  The 
origin  of  the  custom  probably  lay  in  the  ancient  rights 
of  the  village  community  as  distinct  from  thost^  of  its 
members  (p.  1U2).  The  weekly  Sabbath  also  is  enjoined 
on  social  grounds,  for  the  ease  and  refreshment  of  cattle, 
slaves,  and  foreign  hirehngs.  Field  work  seems 
mainly  in  view.  Next  are  named  the  three  "  times  " 
( 14,  ht.  feet,  i.e.  "footprints injthe  sands  of  time  '" )  in  the 
year  when  each  Israehtc  was  to  keep  a  pilgrimage-feast 
(hag).  See  on  these,  pp.  102-104.  The  spring  festival 
was  mazzolh  or  ujileavened  cakes,  when  the  barley 
harvest  began  in  late  April  or  early  May.  the  idea 
possibly  being  to  ensure  the  fertility  of  the  seed  for 
the  next  harvest,  and  the  abKcnce  of  leaven  being  due 
to  the  stress  of  work  (but  cf.  1234,39  J)-  The  com- 
pletion of  wheat  harvest  in  June  was  to  be  marked 
by  the  "  harvest  festival '"  projDer  (in  E  and  D.  "  feast 
of  weeks"),  when  the  worshipper  presented  "the 
firstfruits  of  (his)  work"  on  the  land  (i6rt),  the  year 
being  crowned  by  "  the  feast  of  mgathering "  in 
autumn,  when  threshing  was  over  and  the  juice  pressed 
out  from  grapes  and  ohves  (166).  This  was  the  grand 
occasion  in  the  year  for  festivities,  lasting  seven  days, 
spent  by  custom  in  booths  (AV  "  tabernacles "), 
whence  came  a  common  title  for  it.  Leavened  bread 
must  not  accompany  a  sacrifice,  being  regarded  as 
unsuitable  because  unknown  in  primitive  times  when 
the  only  bread  was  like  the  "  dampers  "  of  the  Aus- 
traUan  bush,  or  because  more  liable  to  corruption 
(i8a);  and  the  fat,  the  portion  best  esteemed,  must 
be  consumed  while  fresh  in  sweet  smoke  as  an  offer- 
ing. A  kid  might  not  be  seethed  in  its  mother's  milk, 
but  it  is  not  clear  for  what  reason.  [The  prohibition 
was  hardly  inspired  by  the  sentimental  desire  to  keep  the 
feelings  delicate  and  refined ;  it  was  aimed  presumably 
at  some  religious  or  magical  ])ractice.  Goat's  milk 
was  used  as  an  agricultural  charm  to  produce  fertility. 
But  this  docs  not  e.\ plain  this  special  injunction. 
Robertson  Smith  connects  it  with  the  taboo  on  blood 
as  food,  and  thinks  milk  may  bo  regarded  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  blood.  This  hardly  explains  why  the  kid 
is  specially  selected  for  mention,  nor  yet  the  mother. 
He  supposes,  with  several  .scholars,  that  "mother's 
milk  "  simplj'  means  goats  milk.  This  is  very  dubious ; 
and  if  we  interpret  the  term  strictly  of  relationship  we 
get  a  clearer  light  as  to  the  meaning.  Goat's  imilk 
possessing  a  magical  quality,  we  might  infer  that  a 
sucking  kid  would  po.sscss  the  same  quality,  and  this 
would  be  intensified  if  the  two  were  united,  especially 
when  the  relation  was  already  so  close  as  between  the 
kid  and  its  own  dam.  We  have  to  do,  then,  with  a 
charm  to  which  a  peculiar  magical  efficacy  was  attrib- 
uted. Probably  it  was  originally  a  pastoral  charm 
designed  to  secure  the  fertihty  of  the  flocks.  It  was 
natural  that  it  should  survive  as  an  agricultural  charm 
when  the  nomad  tribes  settled  down  to  till  the  soil. — 
A.  S.  P.] 

20-33  E.  Closing  Discourse  (23-25a,  27,  and31b~33 
Rd). — This  passage  is  highly  complex.  The  verses 
just  noted  bear  marks  of  the  scliool  of  1)  ;  they  condemn 
"  pillars,"  which  E  approves  (244  and  elsewhere) ; 
their  warning  tone  is  inconsistent  with  the  dominant 
tone  of  promise  ;  and  they  reflect  the  view  of  the 
Conquest  as  a  clean  sweep,  which  Rd  expresses  through- 
out Jos.  E'e  Covenant  Book  has  its  epilogue  (cf. 
Ix^v.  26  and  Dt.  28)  presenting  God  as  the  Guide  and 
Guardian  of  His  faithful  people.  Wlxile  J  regards  the 
pillar  of  cloud  (Uzi)  and  the  Ark  (Nu.  IO23).  if  not 
llobab  (Nu.  IO31),  as  the  instrument  of  the  Divine 
guidance,  E  here  promises  the  companionship  of  "  an 


angel,"  who  is,  however,  equivalent  to  God,  whose 
"name  is  in  Him"  (21,  cj.  Gen.  247,  etc.).  The 
conception  of  God  as  manifested  under  the  guise  of 
an  angel  may  be  viewed  as  a  preparation  for  the 
revelation  of  the  Incarnate  Son  and  the  Indwelling 
Spirit.  Abundance,  health,  fertility,  long  hfe,  and 
national  stability  should  follow  loyalty  to  His  leading 
(25(/-26).  A  plague  of  hornets  should  help  in  the 
conquest  (28),  which  should,  however  (29f.),  be  gradual 
(cf.  Jg.  I19,  etc.),  till  it  reached  the  Euphrates  (31), 
as  once  happened  under  David  and  Solomon.  In 
31b-33  Rd,  Israel,  not  God,  is  to  drive  out  the  Canaan- 
ites.  Perhaps  originally  in  E  this  epUogue  followed 
the  ratification  of  the  covenant  (243-8)  and  the  con- 
struction of  the  Tent  of  Meeting  (337-ii). 

XXIV.  vision  and  Covenant.  If.  J,  3-8  E,  9-11  J, 
12-15a  E,  15b-18a  P,  18b  E.— Taking  the  J  elements 
first,  it  must  be  noted  that  they  must  have  followed 
the  giving  of  the  code  now  transposed  to  3417-26 
(see  343*).  The  inclusion  of  Aaron,  Nadab,  and  Abihu 
along  with  the  70  elders  recalls  1922. 24*,  but  the 
stratum  of  tradition  from  which  this  piece  is  drawn 
seems  highly  primitive.  The  meaning  appears  to  be 
that  the  people  remained  at  the  base  of  the  mountain, 
the  priest  and  elders  went  half  way  up,  and  only  Moses 
reached  the  top.  But,  perhaps  later,  all  these  last 
(9-11)  "  went  up,"  "and  they  saw  the  God  of  Israel," 
the  description  of  the  surroundings  (10)  bearing  out 
the  conjecture  that  the  old  tradition  was  that  heaven 
itself  was  at  the  top  of  this  moimtain  (cf.  Ez.  I26,  2814). 
It  was  ordinarily  death  to  see  God  (3320*),  but  on  this 
occasion  He  "  put  not  forth  his  hand  '"  for  destruction 
"  upon  the  nobles  "  (ht.  "  comer-stones  "  of  men),  and 
"they  beheld  God"  with  the  seers  eye,  and  shared 
in  the  heavenly  banquet,  the  covenant  feast  (u). 
Undying  symbols  here  lie  at  hand  of  the  glorious  vision 
of  God  which  is  given  to  the  pure  in  heart  in  the  face 
of  Jesus  Christ,  while  He  gives  to  His  members  (living 
stones  in  the  Temple  of  His  Body)  His  very  flesh  to 
eat.  Returning  to  Es  story,  the  request  of  2O19, 
that  Moses  would  be  God's  spokesman,  is  here  made 
good,  and  the  people  promise  loyal  obedience  (3, 
"and  all  the  judements,"  being  a  gloss  ignored  in  36, 
cf.  lil.  p.  184).  The  mention  of  writing  the  Words  in 
"  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  "  is  perhaps  a  mark  of  a 
stage  of  tradition  later  than  the  earhe^t.  in  wliich  only 
the  living  voice  could  convey  the  knowledge  of  God's 
will.  Mohammed  would  not  have  the  Koran  written. 
The  rest  of  the  description  is  thoroughly  primitive : 
altar  (cf.  2O24),  standing-stones,  or  pillars  for  dignity 
and  witness  (cf.  Jos.  2427).  bumt-ofleringe  and  peace- 
offerings,  and  the  distribution  of  the  "  blood  of  the  cove- 
nant '■  (Mk.  142.) )  between  God  (represented  by  the  altar), 
and  the  people  (4-8).     [The  significance  is  to  be  ex- 

f)lained  in  the  light  of  the  custom  of  blood-biotber- 
lood.  When  two  men  wished  to  make  a  blood-oovenant 
each  would  drink  a  little  of  the  other's  blood,  perhaps 
in  water,  or  lick  an  incision  made  in  the  other's  skin, 
as  is  done  by  the  blood-lickers.  In  that  way  each 
incorporated  something  of  the  other's  life.  I.Ater  this 
was  refined  into  the  rite  of  dipping  the  hand  into  a 
bowl  containing  the  blood  of  an  animal.  The  sprink- 
ling of  blood  from  the  same  ves.sel  on  both  parties 
similarly  creates  a  covenant  bond.  The  blood  is 
sprinkled  on  the  altar,  because  in  it  Yahweh's  presence 
is  supposed  to; be  manifested. — A.  S.  P.]  There  may 
also  have  been  a  covenant  feast  on  the  vict iins,  displaced 
because  of  11.  or  the  l)Iood-ritual  may  have  stood  by 
itself.  As  in  Jg.  I75,  the  young  men  were  as  a  matter 
of  course  entrusted  with  the  laborious  work  of  slaying, 
preparing,  and  offering  the  sacrifice  (5).     But  it  was 


EXODUS,  XXV.  10-22 


189 


Moses  who  "  threw  the  blood  against  the  altar  "  (6). 
The  covenant  idea  had,  and  has.  dangers,  as  if  God  would 
bo  tied  to  His  people,  and  be  bound  to  protect  them,  if 
the  ritual  was  duly  maintained.  It  foimd  its  crowning 
OT  expression  in  the  "  new  covenant  "  of  Jer.  3I31-34. 
In  the  next  piece  from  E  (i 2-1 5a)  there  is  some  con- 
fubion.  The  words  "and  the  law  (or  teaching)  and 
the  commandment  to  teach  them  '"  seem  to  refer  to 
the  Judgments.  Perhaps  the  confusion  is  connected 
with  the  insertion  of  the  Decalogue.  The  "  tables  of 
stone  "  are  perhaps  more  likely  to  have  been  an  idea 
suggested  by  inscribed  tablets  in  Canaan  than  to  have 
actually  belonged  to  the  journey  thither.  Like  the 
"  book  "  (7)  they  may  reflect  a  later  stage  of  tradition 
than  the  earhest.  It  is  not  clear  how  this  passage 
is  related  to  what  goes  before,  and  13b  seems  to 
anticipate  15a.  Perhaps  "  elders "  in  14  should  be 
"  people."  altered  to  fit  the  70  in  1.  Moses's  temporary 
comnussion  to  Aaron  (here  rather  elder  than  priest) 
and  Hur  confirms  the  view  that  18,  describing  a 
permanent  judiciary,  ia  later  than  the  Horeb  scenes. 
The  40  days  upon  the  sacred  mount  would,  it  has 
been  pointed  out,  better  fit  a  time  of  exalted  com- 
muning and  enhghtenment  than  a  mere  visit  to  receive 
the  tablets.  In  15b-18a  we  have  Ps  parallel  to  the 
appearance  of  God  in  19.  The  cloud  is,  as  elsewhere, 
the  sign  in  P  of  the  Divine  presence. 

XXV.-XXXI.  p.  The  Tent  of  Meeting  or  Dwelling  of 
Yahweh. — To  pass  from  the  action  and  movement, 
and  the  jostling  of  old  and  new,  in  19-24  into  the 
group  of  chapters  25-31  is  like  passing  from  the  cross- 
currents and  broken  waters  of  an  open,  storm-tossed 
bay  into  the  calm  and  order  of  an  enclosed  harbour. 
It  is  explained  by  the  theory,  now  generally  accepted, 
that — strange  as  it  seems  to  our  ideas — we  have  here 
no  ancient,  much  less  contemporary,  account  of  the 
planning  of  the  Tabernacle  in  minutest  detail,  but  the 
leisurely  elaboration,  by  that  school  of  scribes  of  which 
Ezra  was  the  tj^pe  and  leader,  of  their  view  of  what 
must  have  been  in  the  mind  of  Moses,  on  the  general 
assumption  that  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  before  its 
destruction,  Ezekiel's  sketch  (Ez.  40-48).  and  Zerub- 
babels  reconstructed  building  could  be  taken  as  im- 
perfect copies  of  the  ideal  once  reaUsed  in  the  golden 
age  of  Moses.  That,  therefore,  which  to  these  scribes 
seemed  to  point  most  clearly  to  what  they  believed 
best  for  the  Temple  worship  of  their  own  times,  they 
Bet  down  without  hesitation  as  what  actually  was 
long  ago. 

The  grounds  for  this  view  can  only  be  barely  indi- 
cated here.  The  practical  conditions,  quietly  assumed, 
as  to  leisure,  materials,  labour,  and  skill,  are  all  con- 
tradicted by  the  artless  narratives  of  JE,  and  are 
incredible  in  themselves ;  e.g.  the  weight  of  metals 
required  was  eight  and  a  half  tons,  and  its  value  at 
present  rates  about  £200,000.  There  was.  indeed,  a 
sacred  Tent  of  Meeting,  but  it  was  utterly  different  in 
all  respects  from  the  splendid  portable  t«mple  of  P  {see. 
pp.  123f.,  3.37-1 1*).  And  the  existence  of  this  last  is 
virtually  excluded  by  those  passages  of  Judges  and 
Samuel  where  it  must  have  been  referred  to.  Further, 
the  account,  for  all  its  minuteness,  is  quite  incomplete 
ae  a  specification  of  work  to  be  done  (cf.  M'Neile,  p.  Ixxx). 
The  religious  value,  however,  remains  the  same,  while 
an  insoluble  historical  difficulty  is  removed.  Indeed, 
just  because  it  is  late,  this  account  presents  profounder 
religious  ideas.  These  will  be  noted  in  their  place. 
Only  here  and  there  is  the  inner  meaning  of  the  whole 
or  the  parts  specified,  but  each  main  element  will  have 
had  its  symbolic  idea,  and  will  often  also  bear  s 
typical   apphcation   to   that   eystem   which    replaced 


shadow  by  substance  (see  Heb.  8-10*,  and  com- 
mentaries by  Westcott  and  Kaime)  The  best  working 
out  of  the  details  as  a  whole  is  in  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy's 
article  on  the  Tabernacle  (HDB).  M'Neile  is  also  clear 
and  full  on  all  aspects.     See  further  on  35-40. 

XXV.  1-9  P  (6  R).  Appeal  for  Materials.— Man's 
Uberality  must  provide  Gods  Dwelling,  the  materials 
of  which  must  come  by  way  of  "  contribution  "  (i-3a, 
not  "  offering,"  but  "  what  is  '  taken  off  '  from  some 
larger  mass,"  Driver).  The  metals  needed  (36)  were 
gold,  silver,  and  bronze  [i.e.  copper  hardened  by  tin, 
the  precursor  of  iron,  not  brass,  i.e.  copper  and  zinc). 
The  spun  and  woven  materials  required  costly  dyes, 
violet  and  piu"plo-red  from  Mediterranean  shell-fish, 
and  scpvrlet  from  an  insect  reared  on  the  Syrian  holm- 
oak  ;  and  they  included  fine  hnen  (not  cotton,  as  mg, 
or  silk)  and  goats-hair  (4).  Skins  of  rams  and  por- 
poises were  needed  for  outer  coverings  of  the  tent  (2614), 
and  acacia  wood  for  the  framework  (5),  as  well  as  oil 
and  spices  (6),  and  gems  (7).  AH  were  needed  to  make 
for  Yahweh  "  a  sanctuary  "  where  He  may  "  dwell  in 
their  midst  "  (8). 

The  Godward-tending  spirit  of  man,  cUmbing  up- 
wards, has  clung  to  the  beUef  in  some  Real  Presence 
of  God  in  the  world,  and  has  found  in  sacred  places 
points  of  attachment  for  this  faith.  In  2024f .  we  have 
an  early  stage  of  this  beUef .  But  the  rude  altars  of  earth 
or  imhewn  stone,  set  on  gromid  fragrant  with  some 
gracious  memory  of  a  very  present  God,  lost  their 
simplicity.  Coimtless  "high  places"  were  scenes  of 
the  degradation  of  worship  into  riotous  pleasure- 
seeking,  through  the  rivalry  of  local  priesthoods. 
The  reform  under  Josiah  centrafised  worship  at  Jeru- 
salem, and  cleared  the  ground  for  the  unchallenged  and 
unique  sanctity  assumed  in  these  chapters  to  belong 
to  the  One  DweUing  of  Yahweh  in  the  midst  of  Hia 
people. 

The  general  truth  that  God  is  the  author  of  all 
wisdom  and  skill  is  here  expressed  in  the  statement 
that  Moses  was  to  make  both  the  sanctuary  and  its 
"furniture  "  {i.e.  fittings  and  utensils)  according  to  a 
model  shown  him  in  the  mount  (9).  Driver  recaUa 
how  "  Gudea,  king  of  Lagash  (c.  3000  B.C.),  was  shown 
in  a  dream,  by  the  goddess  Nina,  the  complete  model 
of  a  temple  which  he  was  to  erect  in  her  honour : 
gold,  precious  stones,  cedar,  and  other  materials  for 
the  purpose  were  collected  by  him  from  the  most 
distant  coimtries."  Any  "thing  of  beauty"  must  be 
first  seen  upon  the  mount  of  vision  before  the  artist 
can  give  it  external  form. — The  AV  confused  the  two 
Hebrew  names  'ohel  and  mishkan  by  the  indiscriminate 
use  of  "  tabernacle."  It  is  best  to  render  the  former 
always  "tent"  with  RV  (see  272i*),  and  the  latter 
"  dwelling "  with  'KVmg.,  thus  preserving  the  idea 
of  8  throughout  the  manv  repetitions  of  the  title. 

10-22  P.  The  Ark  (r/.'37i-9).— Three  stages  of  tra- 
dition may  be  distinguished  with  regard  to  the  Ark  (pp. 
lOof.,  123f.)  :— (n)  In  JE,  and  in  the  earher  historical 
books,  it  is  the  visible  seat  of  Yahweh's  presence,  guid- 
ing and  protecting  H  is  people.  Various  explanations  are 
offered.  Other  ancient  peoples  carried  images  in  similar 
chests  ;  the  ark  mav  have  held  some  such  symbol ; 
Kennett  (ERE,  vol."  i.  791-793)  suggests  the 'brazen 
serpent.  Or  it  may  have  contained  a  stone  from  the 
sacred  mount  to  serve  as  a  throne  for  Yahweh  as  He 
went  forth  with  His  people  to  find  a  new  home  amongst 
men  {cf.  Naaman's  "  mules'  burden  of  earth  ").  But  it 
ie  not  thought  likely  that  it  originally  held  the  tablets, 
which  would  be  publicly  exhibited  not  hidden  from  sight. 
Dibelius  and  Gressmann  expound  the  attractive  view 
that  the  Ark,  with  its  cover  and  cherubim,  was  the  throne 


190 


EXODUS,  XXV.  10-22 


of  the  invieible  Yahwoh.  the  rider  upon  the  slonn-cloiid, 
and  the  occupant  of  the  sacred  height  of  Sinai.  They 
support  this  by  referring  to  the  box-bcats  which  on  tho 
monuments  servo  as  thrones,  and  claim  with  justice  that 
ail  early  references  to  the  Ark  are  made  more  intxjUigiblo 
on  this  view,  which  also  ixjrmits  the  beUef  that  tho 
official  pubhc  worship  of  Israel  was  imageless  from 
Mosaic  times,  (h)  In  D  (see  Dt.  IO1-5*)  tho  Ark,  per- 
haps in  order  to  rescue  it  from  superatitious  venera- 
tion, such  as  gave  occasion  to  the  disparaging  words  of 
Jer.  3i6,  was  regarded  as  tho  receptacle  of  tho  tablets, 
and  was  called  "  the  ark  of  the  covenant,"  since,  for 
D,  tho  covenant  at  Horeb  was  on  the  basis  of  tho 
Decalogue.  So  it  became  rather  a  memorial  of  the 
once-for-all-concluded  alliance  between  Yahweh  and 
Israel,  than  the  instrument  of  the  Divine  presence, 
(c)  In  P  wo  find  it  here  set  in  the  forefront  of  Israel's 
sacred  things,  as  that  for  the  sake  of  which  the  whole 
sanctuary  was  made.  It  is  minutely  described  as 
about  3  feet  9  inches  long,  2  feet  3  inches  wide,  and  2 
feet  3  inches  high,  heavily  gilded  inside  and  out,  with 
a  rim  or  moulding  of  solid  gold  (11),  and  with  gold 
rings  and  gilded  polos  (12-15)-  It  is  to  hold  "the 
testimony,"  i.e.  the  Decalogue,  which  Yahweh  would 
give  to  Moses,  no  allusion  being  made  to  the  awful 
sights  and  sounds  pubUcly  manifested  according  to 
19f.  (IG216).  Upon  it  (172ia)  was  to  rest  a  slab  of 
gold,  "tho  mercy-seat"  (Tyndale's  word,  and  still 
the  best,  as  the  Hebrew  verb  never  means  "  to  cover  " 
in  the  literal  sense).  For  its  use  and  meaning  see  Lev. 
162,i4f.,  and  Deissmann  in  EBi.  Two  golden  cherubs, 
i.e.  winged  figures  (cf.  the  bearers  of  Y'ahwoh's  throne 
in  Ez.  Isff.),  were  fixed  to  the  mercy-seat  at  its  ends, 
and  overshadowed  it,  facing  one  another  (18-20). 
Contrast  the  great  gilded  cherubs  that  guarded  tho 
Ark  on  either  side  in  Solomon's  Temple  (1  K.  623-28). 
Here  (21),  "  above  the  mercy-scat  "  and  "  between  the 
two  cherubim,"  was  to  be  tho  scone  of  Yahwoh's 
gracious  approach  as  the  invisible  King  and  Law- 
giver, the  meeting-point  between  earth  and  heaven, 
the  place  of  those  solemn  meetings  between  God  and 
man's  representative,  from  which  the  commonest 
name  for  the  sanctuary,  "  the  tent  of  meeting,"  was 
derived.  "  The  blood-stained  mercy-seat  "  has  thus 
become  the  pledge  of  that  loving  search  of  the  Father 
for  spiritual  Avorshippers  which  is  described  in  Jn. 
421-24,  while  the  hedging  of  it  round  with  courts  and 
chambers  of  graduated  sanctity  symbolised  the  pro- 
gressive stages  of  "  holy  fear  "  by  which  alone  man 
can  draw  nearer  and  nearer  to  God. 

23-30  P.  The  Table  of  Shewbread  (cf.  37 10-16).— 
It  was  an  ancient  custom  to  spread  tables  with  food 
and  drink  as  oblations  to  the  gods,  who  were  supposed 
to  need  food  and  drink  (Lev.  245-9*).  And  the  custom 
persisted  long  after  men's  ideas  had  changed,  coming  to 
be  an  acknowledgment  of  Gods  gift  of  daily  bread. 
It  may  well  typify  the  sympathetic  share  that  "  the 
Creator  and  Preserver  of  all  mankind  "  takes  in  tho 
creaturely  needs  and  interests  of  His  children.  Tho 
table  was  of  gilded  wood,  3  x  1 J  x  2i  feet,  with  a  gold 
rim  or  bead  (23f.),  strengthened  by  a  3-inch  beaded 
frame  round  the  legs  (25),  and  with  rings  and  poles 
for  carrying  (26-28).  There  were  to  bo  broad  gold 
dishes  for  tho  flat  cakes,  and  cups  for  the  frankincense 
(Lev.  247) ;  flagons  and  chalices  also  wore  needed  for 
the  libations  of  wine  which  completed  the  provision 
(29).  Tho  term  "  shewbread,"  through  Tyndale  and 
Luther  from  Jerome,  fits  better  the  wording  of  1  Ch. 
932  ("  bread  set  out,"'  i.e.  exhibited  or  arranged)  than 
30  here,  where  render  as  )nq.  "  Presence-bread." 

31-40  P.    The  Golden  Candlestick  (or  Lampstand, 


cf.  37 1 7  and  24). — This  was  of  massive  gold,  weighing 
96  lbs.,  with  its  vessels  (40),  having  a  baao,  a  central 
stem,  and  six  branches,  all  ornamented  with  bosses 
shaped  hko  almond  flowers,  each  "cup"  or  entire 
blossom  being  made  up  of  the  outer  "  knop  "  or  calyx 
and  the  inner  "  flower  "  or  corolla,  three  bosses  on 
each  branch  and  four  on  the  central  stem,  as  weU  as 
"  knops  '  at  the  three  points  whore  the  pairs  of  branches 
met  the  stem  (31-36).  Tho  seven  lamps  were  probably 
shaped  Uke  sauce-boats,  tho  wick  protruding  at  the 
narrow  end,  and  were  to  bo  "  fixed  on  "  (not  "  lighted  ") 
so  as  "  to  give  Ught  over  against  it,"  i.e.  in  front  of  it, 
with  the  wicks  pointing  north  (37).  "  Tongs "  or 
tweezers  for  diawing  up  the  wicks,  and  "  snuif-dishes  " 
were  ordered  also  (38).  This  design  coiTesponds  to 
that  used  in  the  post-exilic  Temple  (I  Mace.  I21)  as 
shown  on  the  Arch  of  Titus  (contrast  the  ton  in 
Solomon's  Temple,  1  K.  749). 

XXVI.  P.  The  DwelUng.— This  chapter  deals  with  the 
tent,  or  tabomaclo  proper,  describing  in  succession 
the  four  thicknesses  of  different  materials  which  were 
to  make  its  covering  (1-14.  cf.  368-19) ;  the  framework 
that  should  support  them  (15-30,  cf.  3620-34);  the 
inner  partition  or  veil  (31-33,  cf.  3635f.)  and  the 
contents  of  the  interior  (34f.,  cf.  4020,22,24) ;  and 
lastly,  the  entrance  screen  (36f.,  cf.  3637f.).  The 
Ulterior  was  to  consist  of  ten  "  curtains,"  or  breadths 
of  the  finest  linen,  embroidered  in  blue,  purple,  and 
scarlet  threads,  with  figures  of  cherubs,  "  the  work 
of  the  designer"  (i).  The  ten  breadths  were  to  be 
made  into  two  large  curtains,  each  made  up  of  a 
"coupling"  or  "set'  of  breadths,  these  two  to  bo 
attached  to  one  another  by  fifty  gold  clasps,  work- 
ing in  loops  of  blue  tape  (2-6).  The  single  curtain 
thus  resulting  hung  down  to  the  ground  at  the  back, 
but  left  the  front  to  be  closed  by  the  screen.  Over 
this  was  to  be  placed  a  sUghtly  larger  tent  of  eleven 
breadths  of  goats'-hair  cloth,  such  as  the  Bedawin 
use  still ;  two  great  curtains  of  five  arid  six  coupled 
breadths  being  joined  by  bronze  clasps  for  use  (7-1 1). 
Removing  from  12  the  words  "the  half  curtain  that 
rcmaineth,"  ae  a  hasty  gloss,  the  idea  is  clear:  the 
sixth  curtain  was  to  be  doubled  over  in  front,  to  make 
a  kind  of  valance  over  the  screen,  thus  ensuiing  com- 
plete darkness,  and  leaving  just  enough  to  reach  the 
ground  at  tho  back,  as  well  as  the  sides  (i2f.).  Over 
this  again  two  leather  coverings  were  to  be  placed, 
such  as  the  Romans  used  over  their  tents  in  winter, 
j'.e.  one  of  ram-skins  dyed  red,  probably  with  madder, 
and  the  other  of  porpoise  or  dugong  skins. 

Next  comes  the  accoimt  of  the  supporting  framework. 
The  exact  sense  of  tho  word  rendered  "  boards  "  being 
uncertain,  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy's  view  has  been  widely 
accepted  that  these  wore  open  frames,  letting  the  colours 
and  embroidery  of  the  inner  linen  tent  show  through, 
and  not  sohd  boards  or  rather  beams.  His  view  is 
best  given  by  quoting  his  rendering  of  15-17:  "And 
thou  shalt  make  the  frames  for  the  Dwelling  of  acacia 
wood,  standing  up — 10  cubits  the  length  of  a  framq, 
and  IJ  cubits  tho  breadth  of  a  frame, — namely,  two 
uprights  for  each  frame,  joined  one  to  another  by 
cross- rails.  '  The  frames  were  to  st-and  in  sockets  of 
silver  (18-22),  two  extra  frames  being  provided  to 
strengthen  the  comers  at  tho  back  (23f.).  To  keep 
the  frames  in  place  bars  ran  through  rings  on  both  sides 
and  tho  end— one  long  middle  bar,  with  two  shorter 
bare  above  and  two  below,  in  each  case  (26-28).  The 
rings  were  to  bo  of  gold,  and  tho  wood  gilded  (29). 

The  oblong  chamber  thus  formed  was  to  be  divided 
by  an  embroidered  veil  of  partition  into  the  inner 
shrine  or  "  most  holy  place,"  10  cubits  square,  and 


1 


EXODUS,  XXIX. 


191 


"  holy  place  **  occupying  two  euch  squares,  the  veil 
being  hung  by  golden  hooks  ujoon  four  pillars  of  gilded 
acacia  wood  in  silver  sockets  or  bases,  and  exactly  under 
the  clasps  joining  the  two  great  curtains  (31-33). 

The  mercy-seat  was  to  be  set  upon  the  Ark  within 
the  inner  slirine,  and  outside  the  veil  the  table  on  the 
north  and  the  candlestick  on  the  south  (34f.).  The 
screen  which  closed  the  entrance  was  of  the  same 
material,  but  less  elaborately  embroidered,  and  was 
hung  with  gold  hooks  upon  five  pillars  fixed  in  bronze 
sockets. 

XXVII.  p.  Altar  and  Outer  Court  (c/.  381-7,9720).— 
In  strongest  contrast  to  2O24,  with  its  sanction  of 
many  altars,  rudely  made  of  earth  or  rough  stone 
blocks,  wo  find  instructions  for  "  the  altar "  to  be 
made  of  wood  plated  with  bronze,  7^  feet  square  and 
4|  feet  high,  with  hom-hke  projections  at  the  corners, 
according  to  a  widespread  custom  of  uncertain  mean- 
ing (if.). 

Its  vessels  were  to  be  of  bronze  (3) ;  and  the 
(usual)  ledge  "  for  the  priests  to  stand  on,  half  way  up 
the  altar,  was  to  be  supported  by  a  bronze  grating  with 
rings  at  the  comers  for  the  bearing  poles  (4-8).  The 
authors  of  the  description  do  not  seem  to  have  thought 
it  out  practically,  for  if  the  fu'e  were  on  the  ground 
the  hollow  wood  sides  would  bum,  and  nothiag  is  said 
about  fiUing  it  with  earth.  It  is  probably  an  attempt 
to  copy  in  portable  form  Solomons  huge  bronze  altar 
of  Phoenician  design  and  craftsmanship  (2  Ch.  4i, 
c/.  1  K.  713-16).  But  if  their  idea  was  not  expressed 
reahstically,  it  was  yet  clear  enough  :  without  sacrifice 
no  acceptable  approach  to  the  one  God  of  the  one 
altar. 

But  the  altar  must  stand  on  groxmd  marked  as  holy  : 
so  an  outer  court  must  enclose  both  Dwelling  and  altar 
(7-19).  It  was  not  very  large,  the  breadth  25  yards 
(httle  more  than  a  cricket  pitch)  and  the  length  50 
yards,  and  the  hangings  that  enclosed  it  were  to  be 
of  plain  Hnen,  7J  feet  high,  enough  to  keep  anyone 
from  looking  over,  and  hung  by  silver  hooks  from 
wooden  pillars,  set  in  bronze  sockets,  and  adorned 
with  silver  bands  or  "  fillets."  A  colovired  and  em- 
broidered screen,  30  feet  long,  closed  the  entrance  (16). 
The  tools  and  tent-pins  were  to  be  of  bronze  (19). 
The  little  piece  at  the  end  (aof.)  about  the  oil  for  the 
ever-burning  fight  has  been  added  here  as  a  note  from 
Lev.  242f.*  by  a  late  editor. 

XXVIII.  P  (26-28,  41  later).  Priestly  Vestments.— 
After  the  sanctuary  and  its  fittings  have  been  ordered, 
the  vestments  for  the  priesthood  come  up  for  mention. 
For  the  strange  story  of  the  development  of  the  priest- 
hood in  Israel,  see  pp.  106f.  Here  we  find,  no 
doubt,  a  simple  assumption  that  Aaron  and  his  sons 
wore  the  same  vestments  as  were  worn  by  the  Zadokite 
High  Priest  and  his  assistants  in  the  Temple  of  Zorub- 
babel.  Ecclus.  459-22  and  5O1-21  are  a  complete 
proof  that  the  splendour  of  the  Temple  ritual  and  its 
reUgious  value  were  fully  appreciated  by  the  Hebrew 
sages,  cultivated  men  of  the  world  who  cared  deeply 
for  reUgion  as  well  as  for  morality.  Of  Aaron's  four 
eons,  Nadab  and  Abihu  are  named  in  24i,9  J,  and 
Eleazar  in  Dt.  IO5  and  Jos.  2433  (both  probably  E). 

Churches  that  have  come  to  possess  a  distinctive 
dress  for  ministry  could  desire  no  happier  phrase  to 
describe  them  than  "  holy  garments  ...  for  glory 
and  for  beauty"  (2).  And  the  need  of  the  uplift  of 
Divine  inspiration,  as  distinct  from  mere  business 
capacity,  for  the  ecclesiastical  craftsman  is  as  fitly 
noted  in  3.  Aft«r  a  list  of  the  vestments  (4),  their 
materials  are  specified  (5),  as  253f.*  The  first  garment 
described  is  the  ephod  {see  p.  101,  cf.  392-7).    The 


pouch  (not  as  AV,  "breastplate  "  :  it  was  a  bag  7  inches 
square)  was  to  sparkle  with  gems  in  four  rows  (17-20, 
cf.  Rev.  21i9f .),  the  stones  being,  according  to  the  most 
probable  identifications  :  (i.)  comehan  or  red  jasper, 
chrysolite,  rock-crystal  ;  (ii.)  red  gamet,  lapis  lazuU, 
sardonyx  (a  stratified  stone,  red,  whitish,  and  brown) ; 
(iii.)  caimgorai,  agate,  amethyst ;  (iv.)  yellow  jasper, 
onyx  (or  beryl  or  malachite),  green  jasper.  These  were 
to  be  set  in  gold,  and  engraved  with  the  names  of  the 
tribes  (21).  The  fastenings  of  the  pouch  are  described 
minutely  (22-28),  and  it  is  explained  that,  as  the  namea 
were  upon  the  shoulder  as  marking  Aaron's  repre- 
sentative office,  so  they  are  to  be  on  his  heart  to  mark 
his  personal  remembrance  of  the  tribes  (29).  It  is 
the  "  pouch  of  judgment,"  because  the  Urim  and 
Thummim  (words  of  uncertain  origin  and  meaning, 
pp.  lOOf.),  i.e.  the  sacred  lots  (1  S.  I441*),  were  "put 
mto  the  pouch"  (30).  With  15-28,  cf.  398-21.  So 
the  liigh  priest  represented  man  to  God  by  the  engraved 
stones,  and  God  to  man  by  the  sacred  lots.  A  long 
blue  or  violet  robe  is  next  specified  (31-35,  cf.  3922-26) 
to  be  worn  under  the  ephod,  and  made  without  sleeves 
or  fastenings,  but  sUpped  over  the  head  ;  adorned  at 
the  bottom  with  embroidered  pomegranates  (like  a 
red  orange)  and  golden  bells.  The  meaning  of  either 
can  only  be  guessed  at.  A  gold  plate,  engraved  with 
the  words  Holy  to  the  Lord,  was  to  be  tied  to  the  front 
of  the  turban  with  a  violet  ribbon,  as  marking  the 
fitness  of  the  high  priest  to  atone  for  any  unholiness 
of  the  people  (36-38,  cf.  393of.).  Besides,  Aaron  was 
to  have  a  tunic,  a  tight-fitting  sleeved  garment  like 
an  alb  or  cassock,  a  linen  turban,  and  a  long  embroidered 
sash  (39),  while  his  sons  were  to  have  tunics,  sashes, 
and  caps  (40).  The  reference  to  the  consecration  of 
the  priests  is  premature  in  41.  The  note  about  the 
linen  drawers  for  the  priests  (42f.)  should  obviously 
follow  40.  At  a  great  Phrygian  sanctuary  the  ordinary 
priests  were  in  white  with  caps,  and  the  high  priest 
alone  wore  purple  and  had  a  golden  tiara. 

Observe  that  "  the  holy  place  "  in  43  is  used  in  a 
wide  sense  to  cover  the  court. 

XXIX.  P  (21,  3&-42  later).  Consecration  of  the  Priest- 
hood {cf.  Lev.  8). — The  ritual  of  consecration  is  de- 
scribed at  length.  For  the  various  sacrifices,  see  the 
appropriate  sections  of  Lev.  1-7*,  which  belong  to 
an  older  stratum  of  P,  and  are  presupposed  through- 
out, (i.)  The  materials  for  the  sacrificial  ceremonial 
include  a  bullock  and  two  rams,  bread  of  unleavened 
cakes,  perforated  cakes  (perforations  are  still  made 
in  the  Passover  cakes),  and  large  thin  wafers,  all  un- 
leavened, and  to  be  brought  in  a  basket  (1-3).  (II.) 
All  the  priests  to  be  consecrated  must  be  bathed  (4) : 
the  defiling  distractions  of  the  world  must  be  cleansed 
away,  (iii.)  The  investiture  of  the  High  Priest  ■with 
the  vestments  of  28  foUows  :  holy  persons  must  have 
holy  habits.  Moses  is  to  put  upon  Aaron  the  under- 
tunic,  the  long  robe,  the  ephod  (whether  skirt  or  waist- 
coat), and  the  pouch,  fastening  this  to  him  with  the 
band  of  the  ephod,  placing  the  turban  on  his  head, 
and  putting  the  holy  diadem  (a  fresh  word,  meaning 
the  blue  band  that  held  the  golden  plate  in  place) 
upon  the  turban  (5-7).  (iv.)  The  anointing  comes 
next,  the  oil  (3O22-33*)  being  poured  upon  the  head, 
and  none  but  Aaron  receiving  unction.  Already  in 
Zech.  46  and  its  context  oil  is  a  symbol  of  the  Spirit, 
(v.)  The  investiture  of  the  ordinary  priests  with  their 
tunics,  sashes,  and  caps  is  now  described  (S-ga) ; 
but  the  words  "  Aaron  and  his  sons  "  after  "girdles  " 
{i.e.  sashes)  should  be  omitted,  with  LXX,  as  a  gloss. 
(vi.)  Next.  Moses  is  to  "  consecrate  "  or  rather  "install 
Aaron  and  his  sons."   The  Hcb.  {gb)  is  "  fill  the  hands  " 


192 


EXODUS.  XXIX 


(c/.  3229  J,  Ijov.  8*,  Nu.  33*,  1  Ch.  295*),  i.e.  cither 
with  tho  first  sacrifices  (in  wliich  case  this  section 
becomes  merged  in  tho  next),  or  with  some  sacred 
object  or  implement  (cf.  the  dehvory  of  chalice  and 
paten  in  tho  Roman  and  of  tho  Bible  in  the  AngUcan 
Ordinal),  (vii.)  Tho  bullock  is  then  (10-14)  to  be 
offered  as  the  sin-otforing  (since  the  priest  must  lead 
the  way  in  penitence),  Aaron  and  his  son  marking 
it  as  thoir  sacrifice  by  laying  their  hands  upon  its 
head.  For  tho  details  see  I^v.  44-12,  except  that  tho 
offerers  are  treated  as  laymen  (cf.  Lev.  425)  in  that 
the  blood  is  put  on  the  altar  of  bumt-oflering  though 
tho  riesh  is  not  eaten,  there  l)eing  no  priests  yet 
qualified  to  cat  it ;  so  fiesh,  skin,  and  onal  are  all 
burnt  outside  tho  camp.  (viii.)  One  ram  is  then  to 
be  treated  as  a  bumt-offering,  tho  blood  being,  not 
"sprinkled  upon,"  but  "thrown  against"  tho  sides 
of  the  altar  out  of  a  basin  (15-18.  rf.  Lev.  1*).  The 
Ufe  of  the  priest  is  to  bo  one  of  entii'o  devotion,  (ix.) 
The  second  ram  is  called  in  22  "  a  ram  of  installation," 
and  is  to  be  offered  as  a  peaco-offering  (19-34.  cf-  Lev. 
3*),  i.e.  to  become  a  sacrament  of  Divine  fellowship 
and  human  joy  through  tho  partaking  of  the  offerers 
(32f.).  Ear,  hand,  and  foot  are  to  be  touched  with  the 
sacrificial  blood,  that  the  priest  may  worthily  hear 
God's  commands,  handle  the  sacred  gifts,  and  tread 
the  holy  courts  (30).  The  direction  in  21  to  "  sprinkle  " 
blood  and  oil  on  all  the  priests  and  their  garments, 
placed  earher  in  LXX,  is  a  late  gloss  :  observe  (against 
M'Neile)  that  it  is  "  the  anointing  oil  "  (not  conmion 
oil  as  in  Lev.  I415-18  in  tho  case  of  the  leper)  which 
is  specified  here,  and  which  is  reserved  for  the  High 
Priest  in  tho  earher  strata  of  P.  Tho  ceremony  of 
"waving"  (22-26)  certain  parts  of  the  offerings  was 
a  characteristic  part  of  priestly  ceremonial,  signifying 
that  they  were,  as  swung  towards  the  altar,  offered 
to  God,  and,  as  swung  back,  received  again  from  Him 
as  consecrated  gifts  for  reverent  consumption.  Here 
the  parts  are  burned  (25)  because  the  priests  are  not 
yet  fully  installed.  (The  two  regulations,  about 
the  "  wave  breast  "  and  "  heave  "  or  "  contribution- 
thigh  "  being  priestly  dues  (27),  and  about  the  handing 
on  of  tho  High  Priest's  robes  to  his  successor  (29), 
occupy  a  parenthesis.)  The  flesh  is  next  to  be  boiled 
and  eaten  by  the  priests,  with  the  bread  in  the  basket. 
at  a  sacrificial  meal  on  the  spot  (3 if.).  Nowhere  else 
is  the  peace-offering  said  to  effect  "atonement"  (33a, 
i.e.  reconcifiation,  at-onc-ment,  not  expiation).  No 
"stranger"  (336),  i.e.  layman  (different  words  in 
222,  1248)  might  partake,  (x.)  The  whole  series  of 
ceremonies  is  to  be  repeated  on  seven  successive  days 
(35)-  (xi.)  The  same  provision  is  made  in  regard  to 
the  offering  of  "  a  (not  "  tho  ")  bullock  of  sin-ofTcring," 
in  order  to  "  purge  from  sin  "  (regarded  as  capable  of 
chnging  to  a  material  object)  "  the  altar  "  for  seven 
days  (36f.).  Observe  that  the  holiness  of  the  altar 
is  such  (376)  as  to  infect  any  unqualified  person  or 
thing  touching  it,  so  that  he  or  it  should  be  mysteri- 
ously at  the  disposal  of  the  Deity  (cf.  Ezek.  46206). 

A  disconnected  paragraph  (38-42)  about  the  daily 
bumt-offering  has  been  introduced  here  from  Nu. 
283-8*.  The  last  section  (43-46)  serves  as  conclusion 
to  25-29.  It  falls  into  two  parts.  In  the  first  Yahweh 
promises  to  meet  "there"  (i.e.  at  the  altar,  37)  with 
Israel — tent,  altar,  and  priests  being  hallowed  by  His 
glorious  prescmce.  In  the  second,  which  rocallB  tho 
style  of  H,  and  may  have  been  the  conclusion  of  an 
earher  and  simpler  account.  Ho  promises  to  "  dwell 
among  "  them.  So  tho  directions  for  sanctuary  and 
priesthood  close  with  the  profound  promise  of  nialised 
fcllowsliip  between   God  and   His   people.     Still,   in 


any  ctjmmunity  of  worshippers,  religious  revival  will 
depend   on   the   effective   realisation   of   this    promise 
(c/ 2  Cor.  614-7 1). 
XXX.-XXXI.  P«    Priestly  Supplements.— These  two 

chaptere  form  an  appendix  to  25-29.  The  golden 
incense  altar  finds  no  place  in  25  or  2G33-36  or  Lev. 
16  (where  tho  aimual  rite  of  30io  is  ignored).  Instead 
wo  hear  of  censers  in  Lev.  I612  and  Nu.  166f.,  while 
the  great  altar  in  the  court  is  called  "the  altar,  "  as 
if  no  other  were  recognised.  Similarly  3U30,  requiring 
the  unction  of  Aaron's  sons,  betrays  itself  as  later  than 
the  series  of  passages  in  which  the  High  Priest  alono 
receives  it,  being  often  indeed  called  "  the  anointed 
priest."  Hence  these  features,  mention  of  the  incense 
altar,  refcrcnco  to  anointing  of  priests,  and  distinctive 
naming  of  "  the  brazen  altar  "  or  "  tho  altar  of  bumt- 
offering,"  are  all  marks  of  secondary  elements,  wherever 
they  occur.  From  their  contents  or  phraseology  tho 
other  sections  of  30f.  betray  themselves  as  supple- 
ments. 

XXX.  1-10  P«  The  Altar  of  Incense  (cf.  3725-28. 
4O26). — This  altar  was  to  be  of  gilded  acacia  wood, 
18  inches  square  and  3  feet  high,  with  horns  at  the 
corners,  and  a  gold  rim  round  it,  with  gold  rings  for 
the  bearing  poles  (1-6),  and  it  was  to  be  placed  in  front 
of  the  veil  in  the  holy  place.  Incense  was  to  be  burnt 
on  it  (7f.)  every  morning  and  every  evening  (7f.) 
' '  when  Aaron  fixeth  on  the  lamps  between  the  even- 
ings "  (126*).  No  other  sort  of  offering,  and  no  un- 
authorised incense,  was  to  be  used  (9)  on  it.  And 
an  annual  rite  of  atonement  (see  Driver's  note)  with 
the  blood  of  the  sin-offering,  was  prescribed  (10,  see 
above). 

11-16  Ps  The  Hall-Shekel  Ransom-Money.— There 
was  a  primitive  dread  of  counting  persons  and  things 
(cf.  2  S.  24).  So  whenever  a  census  was  made,  a 
ransom  of  half  a  shekel  (say  Is.  4Jd.)  was  to  be  re- 
quired from  every  person,  rich  or  poor,  the  standard 
being  "  the  sacred  shekel,"  perhaps  tho  old  Hebrew 
shekel,  equal  in  weight  to  the  Phoenician  (12-15). 
The  money  was  to  go  to  the  upkeep  of  worship  (16). 
The  annual  Temple  tribute  (Mt.  I724*)  was  based 
on  this  ordinance.  Perhaps  the  levy  of  one-third 
of  tho  smaller  Persian  shekel  (say  8Jd.)  in  Neh.  IO32 
was  the  origin  of  it,  the  increased  amount  showing 
the  growth  of  devotion  to  tho  Temple  worship  amongst 
the  post-exihc  community,  after  Nehemiah's  time. 

This  passage  imi)lios  the  completed  sanctuary,  and  the 
census  (Nu.  1),  and  so  is  out  of  place  hero.  The  bind- 
ing obligation  upon  all  members  of  a  religious  com- 
munity to  contribute  towards  tho  cost  of  worship  is 
still  very  imperfectly  recognised  among  Christians. 

17-21  P«  The  Bronze  Laver  (cf.  388,  4O30).— This 
passage  is  an  obvious  supplement,  for  it  should  have 
come  after  the  law  of  the  altar  (27i-8)  in  the  order 
followed  in  388.  and,  unhko  the  preceding  laws,  this 
has  no  note  of  design  or  size.  It  is,  moreover,  a  frag- 
ment, as  its  opening  should  bo  "  And  thou  shalt  make." 
In  Solomons  Temple  there  were  ten  large  movable 
lavors,  as  well  as  a  "molten  sea"  (1  K.  738f.).  Tho 
single  laver  was  to  stand  on  a  bronze  base  between 
the  tent  and  the  altar,  so  that  the  ofliciating  priesls 
might  wash  their  hands  and  feet  and  so  bo  clean  and 
safe  when  entering  into  tho  sanctuary  itself  or  serving 
at  tho  altar.  The  parallel  ancient  ceremony  of  hand- 
washing (Luvabo)  at  tho  Communion  has  symbofisra 
as  well  as  decency  in  its  favour  :  "  holy  things  demand 
holy  persons." 

22-33  P"  The  Anointing  Oil  (cf.  3729a.  4O9-11).— 
This  pas.sage  is  another  late  supplement,  giving  minutely 
the  costly  composition  of  the  "  holj'^  anointing  oil " 


EXODUS,  XXXIII. 


193 


(23-25)  to  be  applied,  not  only  to  Aaron,  but  to  his 
eons,  and  to  the  tent  and  its  fittings  (26-30).  The 
ceremony  of  miction  is  an  old  and  widespread  religious 
practice,  to  mark  consecration,  and  endowment  with 
Divine  powers  (c/.  Is.  61 1).  If,  in  later  Israel,  unction 
was  extended  from  the  high  priest  to  other  priests  and 
to  the  sanctuary,  in  the  English  Church  wo  find  a 
converse  process — unction,  which  used  to  be  applied 
at  baptism  and  confiimation  and  to  the  sick,  being 
now  restricted  to  the  khig.  Prophets  as  well  as  kings 
seem  in  ancient  Israel  to  have  sometimes  received 
anointing  (1  K.  19i5f.).  This  law  comes  from  a  time, 
when  priests  alone  came  into  consideration;  for  not 
only  may  the  oil  not  be  put  to  common  use  even  for 
priests,  or  even  its  composition  imitated,  but  it  must 
not  be  applied  to  any  layman  on  pain  of  excommunica- 
tion (31-33)- 

34-38  Ps-  The  Incense  (cf.  37296). — In  early  days 
it  was  the  "sweet  smoke"  from  the  burning  victims 
on  the  altar  that  was  meant  by  the  term  Ketoreth. 
But  Orientals  are  passionately  fond  of  perfumes,  and 
as  civiUsation  became  more  elaborate  it  was  natural 
that  the  ceremonial  use  of  incense  should  be  intro- 
duced into  worship.  In  still  later  times  it  became  a 
beautiful  symbol  of  acceptable  prayer  (Pe.  14i2,  cf. 
Rev.  58).  Knobel,  Driver  states,  had  this  recipe  made 
up  at  Giessen,  and  found  the  product  "  strong,  refresh- 
ing, and  very  agreeable." 

XXXI.  1-11  P'  The  Inspiration  of  the  Craftsmen 
(cf.  3530-863). — The  inclusion  of  tho  incense  altar 
and  laver  in  their  proper  places  in  the  list  of  things 
to  be  made  (7-1 1)  shows  that  this  section  also  is  part 
of  the  appendix.  It  contains  a  clear  recognition  of 
tho  Divine  calHng  of  the  artist,  and  of  the  principle 
that  only  the  best  of  man's  handiwork  is  good  enough 
for  the  sanctuary  (3f.).  The  chief  of  the  craftsmen 
is  Bezalel,  and  his  colleague  is  Ohohab  (6).  The  name 
Bezalel  is  late  in  form,  and  ho  is  in  1  Cli.  2i9f.  noted 
as  of  Calebite  descent,  while  Oholiab  is  a  foreign  name 
and  he  is  a  Danite.  Following  M'Neile,  we  may  con- 
jecture that  some  old,  obscure  tradition  connected 
the  Danites  with  the  Calebites  and  Judahites  in  tho 
south,  and  hnked  them  with  the  sanctuary  {cf.  Jg. 
18*).  The  phrase  "finely  wrought  garments"  in 
10,  perhaps  meaning  with  plaiting  like  basket-work, 
is  not  in  28  P,  but  recurs  in  35 19,  39 1,  41  Ps- 

12-17  Ps-  (12b-14a  H).  The  Sabbath.— One  of  the 
late  editors,  devoted  to  the  institution  of  the  Sabbath 
(pp.  lOlf.),  and  seeing  deep  into  its  reUgious  value,  has 
expanded  an  older  law  into  what  M'Neile  calls  "  the 
locus  classicus"  on  Sabbath  observance  in  the  OT. 
The  weekly  rest-day  is  the  sacrament  of  time,  linking 
God  and  His  people  in  mutual  remembrance,  and 
revealing  the  invisible  God  to  an  unbeUeving  world. 
Read  in  13,  as  in  the  close  parallel,  Ez.  2O12,  "that 
men  may  know  that  I  am  Yahweh,  which  sanctify 
you."  The  older  law  of  H  punished  the  profanation 
of  the  Sabbath  with  death  (14) ;  the  later  demands  a 
"sabbath  of  entire  rest,"  breach  bringing  death  upon 
the  excommunicated  offender  (146-15,  cf.  Nu.  I535). 
The  disuse  of  sacrifice  among  the  Jews  had  emphasised 
it  as  the  mark  of  a  "  {Kjrpctual  covenant."  The 
strong  phrase  for  the  Divine  rest  after  creation,  "was 
refreshed"  (lit.  "took  breath"),  supports  the  view 
that  the  priestly  writer  is  here  dependent  upon  an 
earlier  writing  from     simpler  age. 

18a  P,  18b  E.  The  Tables  of  Stone.— This  is  now  a  link 
verse,  loading  up  to  32-34,  by  relating  tho  gift  of  "  tho 
two  tables  of  the  testimony"  {cf.  25i2,2i6  P),  "the 
tables  of  stone,  written  with  the  finger  of  God  "  {cf. 
Dt.  9 10.  based  on  E). 


XXXII.  1-6  E,  7-14  Rje,  15-24  E,  25-29  J,  30-34 
Es,  35  E.  The  Golden  CaU.— 32-34  stand  between  the 
instructions  for  the  Tent  and  their  fulfilment.  Their 
religious  value  is  high  and  clear.  But  their  literary 
growth  has  been  too  complex  to  trace  here  {see  Driver, 
CB  346fi.).  It  is  possible  (note  "these,"  4,  8)  that 
they  are  a  reflection  of  prophetic  criticism  on  Jero- 
boam's two  calves  (1  K.  I228,  2  K.  IO29,  cf.  Hos. 
84-6  and  RV  references).  In  1-6  tho  withdrawal 
of  the  inspired  and  inspiring  leader  leaves  the  people 
at  tho  mercy  of  heathenish  suggestion.  They  cry  to 
Aaron  for  an  image  to  represent  Yahweh,  and  supply 
him  with  their  gold  earrings  as  covering  for  the  wooden 
figure  of  a  young  bull  which  ho  makes.  An  altar  is 
next  made  and  a  feast  proclaimed ;  songs  and  dances 
follow.  Though  the  priests  of  1  K.  I231  were  non- 
Levitical,  from  this  passage  it  would  appear  that  an 
Aaronie  priesthood  had  at  some  time  been  concerned 
with  image-worsliip,  the  idea  of  which  came,  not  from 
Egypt,  but  probably  from  the  Hittites  or  Sumerians, 
both  agricultural  peoples.  In  7-14,  interrupting  the 
story,  is  a  solemn  expression  of  God's  abhorrence  of 
idolatry,  and  a  moving  description  of  Moses's  effectual 
intercession.  The  dramatic  account  of  Moses's  discovery 
and  destruction  of  the  image  (15-20)  follows  best  on  6. 
In  18  the  noise  heard  by  Joshua  (17)  is  recognised  as 
song,  not  the  cries  of  victors  or  vanquished.  Perhaps 
the  breaking  of  the  tables  (19)  reflects  a  consciousness 
that  they  had  been  lost.  The  writing  on  both  sides 
(156)  may  be  an  archaic  feature,  the  words  "  of  the 
testimony  "  being  a  gloss  by  Rp.  The  weak  apologies 
of  Aaron  (21-24)  complete  the  picture  of  a  leader 
who  camiot  lead.  The  patriotic  zeal  of  the  Levites 
(25-29  J)  probably  refers  to  a  different  occasion  or 
another  view  of  Aaron's  sin  {cf.  Dt.  920)  as  rebellion, 
and  29  (see  mg.)  may  have  begun  J's  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  priesthood  {cf.  2924*),  cut  short  by  R 
in  view  of  Lev.  8.  A  second  and  more  moving  accoimt 
of  Moses  as  intercessor  follows  in  30-34 :  he  offers, 
not  to  suffer  eternal  death,  but,  like  Ehjah  (1  K.  I94), 
to  die  and  be  blotted  out  of  the  roll  of  Uving  citizens. 
The  closing  verso  is  obscure  and  isolated. 

XXXIII.  1-4  J,  5-11  E,  12-23  J.  Yahweh's  Presence. 
— The  sections  of  34  have  been  glossed  and  disarranged. 
In  1-4  J,  Yahweh's  refusal  to  "go  up  in  the  midst 
of  "  Israel  leads  the  people  to  put  off  their  omame.its. 
In  5f.  follows  from  E  Yahweh's  order  to  put  off  orna- 
ments and  its  execution.  This  may  have  been  con- 
nected with  the  construction  of  the  sacred  Tent  which 
is  assumed  as  known  in  7-11,  tho  details  being  dropped 
in  view  of  25-28.  Anyhow,  we  have  here  the  earlier 
representation  of  the  simple  tent  outside  the  camp, 
as  were  the  "  high  places  "  outside  the  towns.  The 
visits  to  the  tent  were  (7ii)  more  for  obtaining  oracles 
than  for  offering  sacrifice,  and  Joshua,  not  Aaron, 
had  charge.  The  sequel  is  to  be  found  in  Nu.  11 16-170, 
246-30,  Ex.  18,  where  sacrifice  impUes  a  sanctuary. 
The  more  natural  order  of  verses  in  12-23  would  be : 
17, 12-16, 19, 18,  20-23,  leading  up  to  the  sequel  345-9. 
The  whole  then  gives  a  remarkable  account  of  tho  yearn- 
ing for  Yahweh's  "presence"  (Ut.  "face")  amongst 
His  ix3ople.  Moses  is  granted  a  view  of  Yahweh's 
back  as  He  passes  by  (Driver,  "  the  afterglow  which 
He  leaves  behind  Him  ").  [Obser\-e  the  difference  of 
this  and  24ii.  Here  it  would  seem  that  the  sight  of 
Yahweh's  face  must  ine\'itably  bring  death,  as  if 
Yahweh  Himself  could  not  prevent  the  fatal  conse- 
quence. In  24ii  the  preservation  of  those  who  see 
Him  is  ascrilxd  to  His  gracious  self- restraint.  Ho 
docs  not  jHit  His  hand  upon  them,  or  "  break  forth 
upon"  them  as  1922  puts  it.— A.  S.  P.]     It  may  bo 

7 


194 


EXODUS,  XXXIII. 


that  originally  the  Ark  was  here  expressly  named  as  the 
sj-mboland  means  of  the  real  but  invisible  presence. 

XXXIV.  1-28  J.  The  Covenant  Words.— Alter  re- 
movinu  5-9,  the  .sii'oUmo  accumat  of  the  revelation 
of  Yahweh's  nature  as  "mercy  and  truth"  in  their 
unity,  which  follows  on  33^3,  the  remainder  is  the 
sequel  of  J's  account  of  the  descent  upon  Sinai  in  19, 
and  the  clauses  (i,  3)  referring  to  "  the  first  (tables) " 
are  glosses  of  the  editor  who  diBplaced  this  section 
(cf.  p.  183).  And  it  may  l)o  that  originally,  as  in  Dt. 
IO1-3,  the  construction  of  the  Ark  was  included  here. 
The  announcement  of  the  covenant  in  10  leads  up 
to  its  conclusion  in  27!.,  and  the  ratifj-ing  covenant- 
feast  in  J  is  described  in  24if..9f.*  The  VVords  have 
been,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Decalogue  and  E's  Covenant 
Book,  freely  glossed,  lOb-13,  151.,  18b,  24,  at  least 
being  additions.  The  several  laws  are  parallel  to  others 
already  given  in  E  :  i.e.  14a  li  203.23^  ;  17  1!  2O4.23&  ; 
18  II  23i5  ;  19-20a  !|  2230  ;  20b  ||  22296  ;  20c  ||  23i5  ; 
21  ':  23i2  ;  22ab  1|  23i6ab  ;  23  H  23i7  ;  25ab  li  23i8ab  ; 
26ab  231916.  It  is  probable  that  the  original  "Ten 
Words  "  {28)  have  been  increased  by  additions  from 
E.  The  pecuharity  of  this  code  is  that  it  is  exclusively 
concerned  with  reUgion.  As.  however,  morality  rests  on 
rehgion,  and  rehgion  is  weakened  by  disunion,  the  im- 
portance for  morals  of  wise  and  generally  accepted 
regulations  for  rchgious  practice  is  obvious. 

XXXV.-XL,  Ps-  The  Construction  and  Erection  of 
the  Sacred  Tent. — This  division  of  the  book  is  generally 
recognised  as  coming  from  the  latest  stratum  in  the 
Hexateuch.  This  conclusion  can  be  denied  (as  recently 
by  A.  H.  Finn  in  JThS  I6449-481)  only  by  those 
who  ignore  the  number,  variety,  and  independence 
of  the  converging  hnes  of  proof  which  jwint  to  it. 
The  clearest  aiid  most  specific  gro-ond  for  it  is  that 
the  later  elements  in  the  appendix  (30f.)  to  25-29  are 
here  redistributed  and  put  in  their  proper  places. 
Further,  the  radical  differences  of  order,  and  astonish- 
ing omissions— as.  in  places,  of  the  incense  altar  and  the 
lavcr  (both  among  the  supplements  in  30) — in  LXX 
require  the  assumption  that  the  Gr.  translators  had 
the  material  before  them  in  an  earlier  and  less  well- 
arranged  draft  of  the  Heb.  text.  It  does  not  follow 
that  all  differences  are  due  to  this  cause,  and  the  sug- 
gestion that  the  translatoi-s  were  not  the  same  for 
25-31  and  35-40  is  shown  by  Fimi  to  be  ill-supported, 
as  the  present  writer  had  independently  pointed  out 
in  1914.  But  the  general  conclusion  (arrived  at  by 
Popper  in  1862)  that  the  Alexandrian  Jews  c.  250  B.C. 
had  not  yet  received  the  Heb.  text  in  ita  final  form  as 
wO'  have  it,  sheds  a  fiood  of  Ught  on  the  flexibility  and 
capacity  for  growth  and  adaptation  which  the  Penta- 
teuchal  laws  of  worship  preserved  even  at  that  late 
date.  The  virtual  stereot  j'ping  of  the  text  was  probably 
subsequent  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  A.o.  70. 

The  repetition  of  detail  is  minute  and  the  verbal 
correspondence  is  close,  but  the  copying  is  not  slavish 
or  unintelligent ;  e.g.  clauses  that  relate  to  erection 
and  use  are  disregarded  till  the  right  point  is  reached 
in  40.  Besides  the  two  full-length  descriptions,  the  plan 
(25-31)  and  its  execution  (3.5-39),  there  are  no  less 
than  five  summaries,  3I7-10,  35ii-i9,  3933-41.  4O2-15, 
4O18-33.  The  differences  of  order  and  contents 
between  these,  and  between  the  Heb.  and  LXX, 
confirm  the  conclusions  as  to  the  gradual  elaboration 
of  these  chapters.  From  the  point  of  view  of  the 
student  of  Religion  this  last  division  adds  little  to  what 
went  before  (but  see  3520-29  below). 

XXXV.  1-3  P»  The  Sabbath. — Tliis  Bummarises 
31 1 2-17.  hut  the  kindling  of  fire  is  not  elsewhere 
expressly  forbidden  in  OT. 


4-19  P»-  Summary  of  materials  needed  and  thmga 
to  be  made.  This  follows  generally  the  order  of  35-39, 
but  veil  and  screen  are  put  in  order  of  erection,  not 
together  as  3635flf. 

20-29  P^  The  Willing  Contributors.— The  picture 
presented,  of  generous  and  general  giving  for  the 
sanctuary,  in  its  spirit  happily  expresses  the  joyous 
readiness  of  Yahwchs  worsliippers  in  the  earhest  times 
to  bring  their  best  gifts  in  His  honour,  while  the  costly 
gifts  reflect  an  age  when  wealthy  individuals  had 
become  numerous.  The  contribution  of  fabrics  by 
the  women,  stiU  the  spinners  of  the  East,  is  noted 
in  251. 

30-XXXVI.  7  P  The  Craltsmen  and  their  SuppUes. 
— The  first  paragraph  (to  36i)  describes  the  caU  of 
Bezalel  and  OhoUab  [cf.  SUQ.).  The  second  (2-7) 
relates,  with  a  glowing  ideaUsation  of  the  conditions 
of  that  golden  age,  how  the  craftsmen  had  to  restrain 
the  givers  from  bringing  too  much. 

8-38  Ps-  The  Tent. — This  section  comes  first  instead 
of  following  the  accoimt  of  its  contents  as  in  26.  The 
fourfold  ciutains  are  described  first  (8-19,  cf.  261-14) ; 
then  the  framework  (20-34,  cf.  2615-29) ;  and  lastly 
the  veil  and  screen  (35-38,  cf.  263if.,36f)-  The  only 
new  feature  is  the  gradation  m  gilding  by  which  the 
vefl  pillars  were  all  gilt  and  the  screen  pillars  had 
gilded  capitals  (38),  while  the  piUars  at  the  entrance 
of  the  court  had  silvered  tops  (3819). 

XXXVII.  ps-  Furniture  of  the  Tent.— The  several 
items  are  named  in  due  order :  the  ^Vrk  ( 1-9.  rf.  25io-2o), 
the  Table  (10-16,  rf.  2523-29),  the  Lampstand  (17-24, 
cf.  2531-39),  the  Altar  of  Incense  (25-28,  cf.  3O1-5  P«-, 
but  not  in  LXX),  the  holy  Anointing  Oil  and  the  Incense 
(29,  cf.  3022-25.34f.),  the  last  two  being  quite  dififer- 
ently  placed  in  the  various  summaries  and  in  LXX 
here. 

XXXVIII.  Ps-  Altar,  Laver,  and  Court.— The  great 
"altar  of  burnt-offering"  is  now  so  distinguished  in 
1-7  (in  27i-8*  it  is  "  the  altar  ").  The  laver  is  briefly 
mentioned  (8a,  cf.  3O18-21),  the  reference  to  the 
"  mirrore  of  the  host  of  women  "  (86)  being  regarded  as 
a  gloss  because  presupposing  the  erection  of  the  Tent. 
In  9-20  the  Outer  Court  is  described  {cf.  279-19), 
the  latter  part  containing  variations.  In  15  the  words 
"on  this  hand  .  .  .  court,"  not  in  27i5,  are  an  obvious 
gloss,  misplaced  here.  In  21-31  we  have  a  late  supple- 
ment specifving  the  metals  used.  The  census  of 
Nu.  1  and  "the  appointment  of  Levites  in  Nu.  3 
are  presupposed,  and  the  poU-tax  for  maintenance  is 
taken  as  a  contribution  of  silver  for  manufacture  into 
utensils.  Driver  renders  21,  "These  are  the  reckon- 
ing of  (the  metals  employed  for)  the  Dwelling,  even 
the  Dwelling  of  the  testimony,  which  were  reckoned 
.  .  .  Moses  r  (being)  the  work  of  the  Levites.  under  the 
hand  of  Ithamar."  Then  in  22f.  the  leading  crafts- 
men, Bezalel  and  Oholial),  arc  reintroduced.  The 
silver  reckoned  in  25-28  is  solely  the  product  of  the 
tax,  worth  £16,262  at  present  rates  ;  and  the  silver 
given  according  to  305.24  is  ignored.  Three  specimens 
of  the  "  beka "  (26)  have  been  found  in  Palestine, 
their  weight  averaging  under  100  grains,  indicating 
that  they  were  Phoenician  half-shekels  of  112  graiuB 
when  new. 

XXXIX,  P^  Vestments  and  Summary.— la  and  lb 
are  doublets,  and  la  perhaps  once  began  a  full  account 
of  the  woven  fabrics,  now  given  in  auothor  place. 
The  explanation  in  3  as  to  the  way  in  which  they 
worked  in  the  gold  is  new  here.  There  is  abndgment 
in  some  verses,  and  after  a  sentence  concluding  tha 
fuU  account  of  the  constructive  process  a  fresh  sumr 
mary  follows,  the  workers  being  generalised  {32,  4H 


EXODUS,  XL. 


195 


as  "  the  children  of  Israel."  The  chapter  closes  with 
the  inspection  of  the  work  by  Moses  and  liis  benediction 
upon  the  worlcers,  a  feature  reproduced  in  the  Order 
for  the  Consecration  of  Churches  as  commonly  used. 

XL.  Ps-  The  Erection  of  the  Tent.— After  a  further 
summary  of  instructions  mostly  given  before  {1-15), 
and  involving  the  very  latest  developments  (c/.  the 
anointing  of  the  assistant  priests  in  15),  the  actual 
erection  is  described  in  16-33,  Mosos  himself  in- 
augurating the  ceremonial  of  worsliip  (23.  25  27.  29). 
Botli  in  this  section  and  in  39i-3i  a  studied  parallel 
with  the  Divine  work  of  creation  in  Gen.  1  is  produced 
by  the  refrain,   seven  times  repeated,   "  as   Yahweh 


commanded  Moses."  The  present  book  fitly  closes 
(34-38,  c.f.  132if.*)  with  the  description  of  the  descent 
of  the  Divine  glory,  its  unearthly  hght  visible  by  night 
and  day  within  the  cloud,  which  yet  shrouded  its 
insufferable  brilliance  from  mortal  eyes.  By  this 
symbolic  representation  the  subhme  conception  of  the 
perpetual  presence  of  the  invisible  God  was  reconciled 
with  His  unapproachable  majesty.  Observe  that  Lev. 
8f.,  describing  the  preparation  of  the  priesthood, 
must  originally  have  immediately  followed.  I'ossibly 
the  account  of  the  descent  of  the  glory  in  T^v.  923 
has  been  anticipated  in  4O34-38,  which  belongs  to  a 
later  stratum  of  P. 


LEVITICUS 


By  Professor  W.  F.  LOFTHOUSE 


1.  Structure  of  Leviticus The  book  falls  into  two 

cloarly-marked  parts :  (a)  1-10,  27  ;  and  (b)  17-26. 
The  latter,  known  as  tho  "  Holiness  Code,"  or  H,  is 
itself  made  up  of  five  main  sections  :  (n)  sacrifices  (17), 
(fe)  sexual  and  social  legislation  (18-20),  (c)  priests  and 
sacrifices  (21f.),  (il)  the  calendar  (23,  25,  with  24  in- 
serted), and  (e)  epilogue  (26).  In  (b)  20  was  originally 
independent  of  18,  as  is  also  shown  by  the  insertion  of 
19,  and  in  (d)  25  is  distinct  from  23.  That  H  is  a 
compilation,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  a  compilation  of 
compilations,  is  further  shown  by  the  numerous  repeti- 
tions, misplaced  sections  {e.g.  2O27),  and  fragments  of  H 
found  elsewhere  (e.(7.  ll43-45,andNu.  1537-41).  Certain 
later  laws  are  also  embedded  in  the  sections  (see,  e.g., 
notes  on  23).  But  at  least  tliree  ideas  appear  in  H, 
with  a  prominence  unlaiown  in  the  rest  of  the  Law  : 
Holiness  (whence  the  name  "  Holiness  Code  )  ;  "I 
am  Yahweh  "  ;  and  the  land  as  itself  polluted  by  sin. 
The  stress  on  social  morality  (see  especially  19)  is  also 
foreign  to  P.  All  this  suggests,  as  the  authors  of  H, 
a  group  of  reformers,  filled  with  an  enthusiasm  at  once 
legislative,  moral,  and  religious.  Their  action  was 
selective  (for  much  is  neglected  that  a  complete  code 
would  necessarily  have  mentioned)  ;  conservative  (cf. 
laws  on  blood,  171 1,  slaves,  253off.,  and  feasts.  23,  and 
see  note  on  I74) ;  and  innovating  (cf.  laws  on  Levirate, 
I816,  Jubile.  25,  and  Chief  Priest.  21ioff.).  There  are 
certain  striking  similarities  to  Dt.  (central  sanctuary, 
social  duties,  and  the  epilogue).  Like  Dt. .  they  are  in 
strong  sympathy  with  the  prophetic  emphasis  on 
morality,  and,  like  Dt.,  they  are  convinced  that  this, 
by  itself,  is  insufficient.  But  tho  language  is  very 
different  (cf.  on  innovations,  above).  There  are  also 
similarities  to  P  (.sacrifices,  High  Priest,  and  calen- 
dar) ;  but  again  the  language  is  different,  and  tho 
leading  ideas  (see  above)  are  not  found  in  P.  Far 
closer  is  the  relation  to  Ezek.  (especially  holiness,  "  I 
am  Yahweh,"  the  land,  tho  attitude  to  social  morality). 
Language  and  style  are  also  very  similar.  But  we 
cannot  identify  the  author  with  Ezek.  ;  for  (a),  the 
author  i^  not  a  single  individual ;  and  (b),  discrepancies 
between  tho  laws  in  Lev.  and  Ezek.'s  sketch  of  law  in 
40^8  disprove  actual  dejjcndenco  of  either  one  or  the 
other  (2 Iff.*).  H,  therefore,  must  I>o  placed  between 
Dt.  and  P  ;  and,  from  its  relation  to  Ezek.,  probably 
Ijetween  600  and  570  B.C.  ;  i.e.  tho  group  of  rt'forraers 
was  at  work  in  tho  last  days  of  tho  Judajan  kingdom 
or  at  the  beginning  of  tho  Exile,  perhaps  in  Babylon 
between  tho  two  deportations.  Later,  H  was  worked 
over  by  WTitcrs  of  tho  school  of  P,  and  later  still  em- 
bedded in  the  final  edition  of  P. 

1-16,  with  27.  This  also  embraces  five  sections;  (a) 
sacrifice  (1-7) ;  (b)  consecration  of  priests  (8-10),  (c)  im- 
purities ( 1 1-15),  (rf)  tlio  "  Day  "  ( 16),  (e)  vows  and  tithes 
(27).  Of  these  (a )  forms  an  independent  whole,  breaking 
the  sequence  between  Ex.  and  Ijev.8.  Lev.  2,  however, 
is  a  later  insertion,  and  6f.  forms  an  appendix  to  1-5  i 


(b)  is  homogeneous  and  continues  Ex.  40  ;  (c)  contains 
four  independent  but  allied  bodies  of  law,  in  which 
older  principles  are  worked  up  into  harmony  with  tho 
spirit  of  P  ;  (d)  is  ma<le  up  of  three  separate  elements, 
rules  for  the  Holy  of  Holies,  the  yearly  day  of  penitence, 
and  the  elaborated  ritual  (see  notes  for  date) ;  (e)  is 
probably  secondary.  Thus,  like  H,  these  chapters 
contain  a  body  of  tradition  developed  by  a  special 
school  of  thought ;  as  in  the  rest  of  P,  the  sections,  or 
portions  of  sections,  were  apparently  at  least  in  part 
independent,  and  then  placed  side  by  side  ;  properly 
speaking,  P,  like  H,  is  not  a  single  code  at  all  but  a 
collection  of  rules  (seo  Introd.  to  Pent.).  Eordmana 
holds  that  H  as  a  separate  code  is  non-existent,  and 
that  the  whole  of  Lev.  was  the  law-book  of  Hozeidah'a 
reformation.  That  tho  book  contains  elements  of  law 
far  older  than  Dt.  is  certain.  But  the  affinities  to  Ezek. 
and  to  P  make  it  impossible  to  suppose  that  H,  in  its 
present  form,  was  written  in  the  eighth  century.  Both 
parts  of  the  book  breathe  a  spirit  quite  different  from 
that  of  Isaiah  and  of  Hebrew  religion  in  the  eighth 
centurj',  and  both  imply  Dt. 

2.  Holiness  is  a  term  characteristic  of  both  parts  of 
Lev.  and  of  all  the  ritual  law.  Properly,  what  is  holy 
possesses  a  quality  which  demands  caution  and  restric- 
tion in  its  use  (if  an  object),  in  approach  to  it  (if  a 
place),  or  in  intercourse  with  it  (if  a  person).  H  these 
are  not  observed,  there  is  danger,  and  the  quality  itself 
is  communicable  and  infectious  (Ezek.  4620,  Is.  655). 
This  conception  in  possible  for  animistic  or  pro- 
animistic  stages  of  religion,  but  as  religion  comes  to 
centre  round  a  god  or  gods,  these  restrictions  will  be 
regarded  as  imposed  by  the  god  for  his  own  often 
inscrutable  purposes.  They  will  have  no  necessary 
connexion  with  morality  (cf.  primitive  "  taboos,"  and 
see  on  11-15) ;  but  as  the  desires  and  demands  of  tho 
god  are  brought  more  and  more  within  tho  sphere  of 
what  is  moral,  tho  restrictions  demanded  by  holiness 
will  assume  an  incroa-singly  moral  character.  Every 
advance  in  culture  and  knowledge  of  hygiene  will  also 
tend  to  react  on  tho  list  of  those  restrictions  ;  tho  list 
thus  becomes  an  index  of  tho  social  and  moral  con- 
dition of  tho  people,  ancient  survivals  occurring  beside 
new  developments.  To  the  Hebrew,  and  specially  in  H, 
tho  conception  of  holiness  is  inseparable  from  that  of 
Yahweh.  Yahweh  is  the  fount  of  holiness.  It  is  be- 
cause tho  holiness  of  Yahweh  is  fenced  round  by  re- 
strictions, that  persons,  places,  and  objects  brought 
into  close  "  touch  "  with  Him  are  holy,  i.e.  dangerous 
or  taboo  for  common  intercourse.  Hebrew  ritual  law 
is  simply  a  body  of  instruction  how  to  act  in  face  of 
these  restrictions.  The  prophets  of  tho  eighth  century 
were  tho  first  to  realise  that  tho  only  distinctions  of 
value  in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh  are  moral  (in  P  this  ia 
unmontioned) ;  but  in  H,  honesty  and  kindliness  are 
included  in  what  is  necessitated  by  Yahwoh's  holiness  : 
and  H  goes  beyond  the  rest  of  tho  Law  (Dt.  and  P)  in 


196 


LEVITICUS.  II. 


197 


asserting  that  from  Yahweh's  holiness  follows  the  holi- 
ness of  the  whole  people  and  of  the  land.  (On  the  dis- 
tinction between  hohness  and  cleanness,  see  on  11-15.) 
However  imperfect  such  a  conception  of  holiness  may 
appear,  the  emphasis  laid  in  H  on  the  moral  by  the 
side  of  the  ritual  prepares  the  way  for  such  passages 
as  Ps.  15,  Is.  57i5  and  Col.  I22. 

3.  Sacrifice  and  Atonement  In  Lev. — The  impulses 
which  first  led  to  sacrifice  (social  feeling,  gratitude, 
fear,  etc)  and  the  primitive  conceptions  of  sacrifice 
(gift,  meal,  payment,  bribe,  etc.)  are  mostly  unnoticed 
in  H  and  P,  which  content  themselves  with  laying 
down  the  details  for  the  various  sacrificial  rites.  In 
this  connexion,  the  eariy  ideas  of  "  memorial " 
(2i6  *),  "  food  of  Yahweh,"  and  "  sweet  savour  "  are 
preserved  ;  but  the  important  elements  are  the  pre- 
sentation, slaughter  and  disposition  of  the  victim,  and 
the  manipulation  of  the  blood  ;  these  are  common  to 
all  the  four  types  of  sacrifice,  though  they  vary  in  each. 
All  centre  round  the  actual  application  of  the  blood 
to  some  holy  thing  or  place,  or  to  the  person  of  the 
worshipper.  The  most  characteristic  phrase  used  in 
connexion  with  sacrifice  is  "  to  make  atonement." 
Usually  the  priest  is  said  to  make  atonement  for  the 
worshipper ;  often,  "  concerning  his  sin."  Whether 
atonement  means  "  covering  "  or  "  wiping  "  is  im- 
material for  Lev.  ;  but  all  atonement  is  for  sin.  Sin, 
however  (4i  *)  is  not  deliberate  disobedience.  Gener- 
ally, it  is  unwitting  infraction  of  the  laws  of  holi- 
ness or  cleanness ;  also  certain  diseases  or  morbid 
states.  (Note  also  5i4  on  the  guilt  offering,  when 
restitution  is  necessary  as  well.)  In  the  latter  cases, 
sacrifice  only  takes  place  after  the  disease  is  gone  ;  in 
the  former,  after  the  error  is  discovered,  or,  for  "  sins  " 
known  and  unknown,  on  the  Day  of  Atonement. 
Thus,  the  distinctive  sacrifices  of  P  (sin  and  guilt) 
mark  the  resumption  of  relations  interfered  with,  or 
made  dangerous,  by  "  sin  "  ;  and  the  older  sacrifices 
(peace  and  burnt)  are  regarded  in  a  similar  Ught  in  P 
(cf.  I4).  There  is  no  idea  of  appeasement.  Yahweh 
Ls  regarded  by  H  as  graciously  providing  means  for 
this  resumption  (17ii).  To  "make  atonement"  is 
nothing  but  to  recover  for  a  person  this  free  access 
to  Yahweh.  There  is  no  theorising,  save  that  (in  a 
different  connexion,  17ii)  the  blood  is  said  to  be  the 
vehicle  of  the  life  ;  but  underlying  the  whole  Ls  a 
deep-seated  dread  of  the  semi-physical  pollution  which 
bars  safe  access  to  Yahweh  and  even  prevents  unfettered 
intercourse  with  the  community,  and  which  can  only 
be  removed  by  certain  fixed  traditional  rites.  For  the 
bulk  of  deliberate  sins,  there  Ls  no  sacrifice  ;  only  an 
entire  breaking  off  of  relations,  in  excommunication,  or 
death  (cf.  \lg,  20i8f.)  (See  article  on  Religious 
Institutions.) 

Literature.-  Commentaries  :  (a)  Kennedv  (Cent.B), 
Chapman  and  Streane  (CB),  Driver  and  White  (SBOT 
Eng.) ;  (c)  Dillmann  (KEH),  Baentsch  (HK),  Bertholet 
KHC).  Other  Literature  :  Driver  and  White  (SBOT) 
Heb.),  Eerdmans,  Alt  estamentliche  Studien,  IV.  See 
further,  bibiiograpiiies  to  articles  '"  Pentateuch," 
and   "  Religious  Institutions  of  Isreiel." 

L-VII.  The  Law  of  Sacrifices:  Burnt  Offering  (1), 
Meal  Offering  (2),  Peace  Offering  (3),  Sin  Offering 
(4i-5i3),  Trespass  Offering  (514-67),  Directions  chiefly 
for  Priests  (68-738). 

L  Burnt  Offering  or  Whole  Burnt  Offering.— ThLs  is 
a  constant  element  in  the  worship  of  the  community  ; 
it  is  too  solemn  for  the  victim  to  be  shared  by  the 
offerer.  In  the  historical  books,  we  find  it  practised 
before  some  great  occasion  or  entorprL^o  or  after  a 
rever8e^(Gen.  820,  Jg.  626,  2  S.  2425).     Only  domestic 


and  "  clean  "  animals  and  birds  could  be  offered  (a 
restriction  pecuUar  to  Heb.  practice).  The  part  of  the 
worshipper  is  to  lay  his  hand  on  the  victim,  kill,  flay, 
cut  it  up,  and  wash  it,  on  the  N.  side  of  the  altar  ; 
the  priest  does  the  rest  at  the  altar  itself — pouring  out 
the  blood,  bringing  the  fire,  arranging  the  parts  of  the 
victim.  For  further  sacrificial  arrangements,  see 
Nu.  15i-i6. 

If.  Introductory  formula,  common  throughout  P. 
The  original  of  "  oblation  "  is  a  technical  and  general 
word,  identical  with  "'  Korban  "  (Mk.  7ii)  ;  "  brought 
near." 

3-9.  First  Kind  of  Burnt  Oflering :  Cattle.— The  Wo 
conditions  (male,  and  without  blemish)  are  indispen- 
sable for  all  burnt  offerings,  cf.  2217-25  ;  contrast  for 
peace  offerings,  3i.  For  the  laying  on  of  hands,  cf.  32, 
822,  I621,  24i4  ;  Ex.  2915.  It  denotes,  not  substitu- 
tion, but  responsibility  and  sharing  ;  it  is  a  solemn 
declaration,  and  the  gesture  itself  has  its  importance. 
P  does  not  remove  this  element  in  the  sacrifice  from 
the  laity.  References  in  the  Law  to  sacrifice  as  atoning 
are  pecuhar  to  P.  The  term  is  nowhere  explained  ;  it 
is  evidently  of  far  wider  apphcation  than  an  act  of 
personal  renunciation  for  another's  wilful  disobedi- 
ence ;  it  Ls  used  for  all  those  acts  which  are  regarded 
in  the  cultus  as  putting  the  individual  into  the  right 
relation  with  Yahweh.  The  layman  kills,  as  in  older 
Heb.  and  Arab  practice  ;  but  the  blood  is  regarded  in 
P  as  too  sacred  (and  dangerous)  for  the  layman  to 
manipulate.  It  is  presented,  or  brought  near  (the  root 
is  that  of  the  word  "  oblation  ") ;  and  sprinkled  from 
a  bowl  (for  sprinkling  from  the  fingers,  another  word 
is  used,  I614).  The  skin  is  flayed,  because  it  is  the 
perquisite  of  the  priests  (cf.  2  Ch.  2934).  The  parts 
are  arranged  on  the  altar,  as  if  a  meal  for  the  Godhead 
were  being  prepared.  The  fat,  or  the  suet  round  the 
entrails,  is  a  special  dehcacy.  The  entrails  themselves 
and  the  legs  must  be  washed  as  being  the  unclean 
parts.  The  text  does  not  make  it  clear  whether  this 
is  to  be  done  by  priest  or  offerer.  "  Sweet  savour  "  is 
a  term  almost  confined  to  P  ;  it  is  used  of  offerings 
made  by  fire,  and  suggests  a  smell  of  rest  and  content- 
ment, almost  as  if  it  were  a  narcotic.  The  hint  of 
archaism  here,  as  in  the  sprinkling  and  laying  in  order, 
vnQ.  be  noted.  Certain  elements  in  the  cultus  must  be 
retained,  however  completely  their  original  purpose 
may  be  forgotten  or  even  repudiated.  Note  also  that 
Levites  are  not  mentioned  here,  or  elsewhere  in  Lev. 
Contrast  Ezr.  815,  Neh.  87,  11 18,  etc.,  and  note  Ezek. 
44ii. 

10-13.  Offering  of  Sheep  or  Goat.— The  ritual  is 
identical.  The  choice  of  victim — more  or  less  ex- 
pensive— is  left  to  the  worshipper.  11  adds  the  deteiil 
of  "  northward  "  (cf.  424,  and  72).  Eastward  is  the 
"  tent  "  or  Temple  building  (the  whole  sanctuary  hes 
E.  and  W.)  ;   W.  is  the  "  laver,"  S.  is  the  approach. 

14-17.  Birds. — This  class  is  not  mentioned  in  2,  and 
may  be  a  later  addition  to  the  ILst  of  possible  offerings 
(it  Ls  not  referred  to  in  the  narrative  books  of  OT)  for 
the  sake  of  the  poor  (Lk.  224).  Turtle  doves  and 
pigeons  are  always  mentioned  together  in  Lev.,  and 
no  other  birds  are  allowed.  Doves  have  a  sacred 
character  in  both  Babylonian  and  Greek  rituals.  The 
head  of  the  bird  Ls  to  be  nipped  off  (cf.  RVm),  not 
wholly  severed  ;  separate  parts  of  a  bird  (so  17)  are 
too  small  to  lay  on  the  altar.  The  blood  is  drained  off, 
as  there  will  not  be  enough  for  sprinkling  from  a  bowL 

II.  The  Meal  Offering.— In  7i-ii,  the  meal  offering 
is  regarded  as  the  regular  accompaniment  of  the  peace 
offering,  as  bread  is  naturally  eaton  with  meat.  Hero 
it  is  apparently  an  independent  offering  ;  note  also  the 


198 


LEVITICUS,  II. 


use  of  the  second  jiersonal  pronoun  in  4S.,  not  in  the 
other  chaptera.  Probably  wo  have  hero  an  older 
ritual  (f/.  2  K.  I()i5).  C'h.  1  is  naturally  followed  by 
eh.  3.     This  offering;  is  not  caton  by  laymen. 

1-3.  General  Ritual. — The  term  used  here  for  meal 
offering  was  orighially  used  for  any  present,  either  to 
God  or  man  ((Jen.  4^,  32i4) ;  in  P  it  la  confined  to 
vegetable  offerings.  The  material  was  most  probably 
a  somewhat  coarse  meal,  avS  that  used  by  the  Aralw 
for  their  sacrifices.  Oil  is  the  natural  Heb.  accom- 
paniment of  a  baked  flour  cake.  Part  of  the  offering 
belongs  to  Yahweh  {i.e.  must  bo  burnt),  part  to  the 
priests  ;  this  is  the  ca.se  with  all  offerings  classed  as 
"  most  holy  "  (holy  in  the  first  chiss).  A  "  holy  "' 
thing  (holy  in  the  second  class)  could  be  eaten  by  a 
layman,  but  not  by  a  foreigner  (cf.  22io).  Sin  and 
guilt  offerings  could  not  be  eaten  at  all.  The  actual 
proportion  to  bo  given  to  Yahweh  Ls  not  stated,  nor 
the  amount  to  be  offered  ;  contrast  the  measurementa 
in  regard  to  the  High  Priest's  offciring  in  620. 

4-13.  Additional  Directions.— The  different  kmds  of 
meal  offerings,  and  some  further  general  rules.  The 
offering  might  be  in  the  form  of  thin  wafers,  or  of 
"  girdle  cakes  "  (a  baking  pan  is  a  flat  plate  or  grid), 
or  small  "  puddings  "  (in  which  case  the  oil  is  necessary 
as  flavouring) — whichever  form  is  most  convenient  in 
view  of  the  worshipper's  menage.  Leaven  (see  Ex.  23 
18),  like  honey,  will  set  up  fermentation,  or  go  sour. 
For  tliis  reason  it  is,  perhaps,  that  milk  is  never 
allowed  in  offerings.  Honey  would  also  be  unfamiUar 
to  nomads  ;  contra,st  Ezek.  16ig.  Salt,  as  a  relish, 
is  also  noces.san^'  for  its  purifying  effect,  and  as  a 
symbol  of  the  covenant  (Nu.  ISkj*). 

14-16.  Meal  Offering  as  Firstfruits.— These  are  not 
to  bo  offered  "  raw,"  but  if  from  garden  growth  (RV, 
"  fresh  ear  ")  in  the  form  of  bruised  grits.  The  ritual 
is  as  in  1-3.  The  part  of  it  which  is  burnt  is  called  a 
"  memorial  "  ;  this  term  is  regularly  connected  with 
the  term  "  offering  made  by  fire."  Its  original  is 
probably  the  ritual  calling  upon  the  name  of  Yahweh 
(calling  the  sacrifice  to  His  remembrance)  which  would 
accompany  the  actual  burning,  the  culminating  point 
of  the  whole  rite. 

III.  Peace  Offerings. — Tliis  properly  follows  ch.  1, 
and  describes  the  ritual  of  the  next  groat  class  of 
sacrifices,  the  peace  offerings.  These  are  famiUar  in 
the  narrative  parts  of  the  OT,  and  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant.  The  root  of  the  Heb.  term  for  "  peace 
offering  "  denotes  not  simply  "  ixjace  "  in  our  sense, 
but  "  being  quits  '  with  another.  In  the  t)T  generally, 
the  peace  offering  is  a  common  meal,  wherein  God, 
priest,  and  worshipjxjrs  sit  down,  as  it  were,  together, 
in  token  that  there  Ls  nothing  which  separates  them, 
and  that  all  causes  of  displeasure  on  the  part  of  God 
are  at  an  end.  Tliis  offeruig  is  often  spoken  of  as 
"sacrifice"  par  excellence  (r/.  1  S.  II15,  I  K.  I19). 
It  often  takes  the  form  of  a  family  or  communal 
commemoration,  of  a  joyous  and  festal  character 
(1  S.  2O29).  In  the  Levitical  system,  each  j)er8onngo 
at  the  banquet  has  his  own  portion  ;  to  Y'ahweh  belong 
the  blood  and  the  fat  (the  former  as  sacred  or  "  taboo  " 
— too  dangerous  for  mortals  to  consume  ;  the  latter 
for  the  same  reason  or  as  being  the  special  delicacy)  ; 
the  rest  of  the  victim  is  boiled  (cf.  1  S.  2i3ff.)  ;  to  the 
priest  go  the  breast  and  shoulder  ;  to  the  worshippers 
the  rest  (7i2ff.,  Nu.  ir>i7ff.).  Here,  however,  only 
Y'ahweh's  portions  are  mentioned.  Originally  this 
would  seem  to  have  been  the  commonest  form  of  sacri- 
fice ;    by  P  it  is  subordinated  to  the  burnt  offering. 

1-5.  Cattle. — Females  as  well  as  males  are  allowed 
here,  though  not  for  the  burnt  offering.     Tho  different 


kinds  of  fat,  all  of  which  belong  to  Yahweh,  are  oare« 
fully  specified  (cf.  Dt.  32i4,  Is,  346).  The  fat  on  tho 
kidneys  is  thought  of,  as  tho  Arab  proverb  shows,  as 
the  soat  of  life,  like  the  blood  (17 14).  By  the  caul  is 
meant  the  caudate  lobe.  Tho  liver  itself,  by  many 
peoples,  has  been  used  for  divination,  notably  in 
Babylonian  ritual  ;  perhaps  for  this  reason  it  is  in- 
cluded among  the  iwrts  to  bo  burnt. 

6-11.  Sheep. — '  Flock  "  (6)  includes  either  sheep  or 
goats,  but  note  that  by  implication  only  lambs,  and 
not  full-grown  sheep,  are  to  be  offered.  The  ritual  is 
the  same  as  for  cattle,  save  that  the  fat  tail  (another 
special  delicacy,  properly  tho  fat  lying  close  to  tho 
tail  in  certain  breeds  of  sheep)  is  carefully  mentioned. 
The  offerer  denies  himself  the  pleasantest  parts  Tho 
old  anthropomorphic  view  survives  in  the  mention  of 
"the  food"  in  II.  These  words  may  have  formed 
part  of  the  ritual  language  used  from  time  immemorial 
by  tho  priest  at  tho  altar. 

12-16.  Goats. — The  language  is  the  same  as  in  the 
preceding  paragraph,  save  that  the  tail  is  not  mentioned. 
Birds  are  not  included  among  the  victims  for  peace 
offerings.  They  could  hardly  be  divided  among  the 
participants.  The  whole  chapter,  and  specially  17, 
shows  that  Ps  interest  is  not  with  tho  sacrifice  as  a 
whole,  but  one  particular  part  of  it,  the  scrupulous 
devoting  of  the  fat  and  the  blood  to  Yahweh.  We 
can  distinguish  here  and  elst>where  in  P,  as  in  the 
other  codes,  the  hand  of  the  legislative  reformer. 

IV.  1-V.  13.  The  Sin  Offering.— This,  and  the  guUt 
offering,  whose  ritual  follows,  are  unknown  l>efore  the 
Exile,  save  as  fines  (2  K.  12i6,  Am.  28).  Ezek.  mentions 
both,  but  is  conscious  of  no  difference  between  them. 
Probably  the  distinction  between  them  grew  up 
gradually  (see  on  5i4ff.).  Tho  ritual  is  derived  partly 
from  that  of  the  burnt  offering  and  peace  offering ; 
partly  from  other  old  rites.  No  idea  of  substitution 
seems  to  be  implied  (though  it  is  true  that  a  ritual 
tablet  from  Babylonia  states  that  idea  very  clearly ; 
"  the  life  of  the  kid  has  he  given  for  his  own  Ufe,  its 
head  for  his  head,"  etc.),  since  the  sin  offering  is  "  most 
holy,"  a  term  which  could  not  be  applied  to  the 
offerer  ;  a  meal  offering  is  included,  as  if  the  sacrifice 
were  thought  of  originally  as  an  offering  of  food  ;  and 
the  sacrifice  is  offered  for  sins  not  demanding  death, 
though  the  victim  is  always  killed,  and  by  the  wor- 
shipper. [Observe  also  that  were  the  sacrifice  substi- 
tutionary, the  chief  point  would  be  the  slaughter.  But 
it  was  rather  tho  manijmlation  of  the  blood. — A.  S.  P.] 
On  tho  other  hand,  the  conception  of  a  gift  or 
payment  in  return  for  a  wrong  done  is  prominent 
throughout.  The  offeror  has  no  more  share  in  his 
offering  than  in  tho  case  of  the  burnt  offering,  though 
the  priest  has.  This  becomes  clearer  when  it  is  seen 
that  "  sin  "  is  used,  not  of  deliberate  disobedience  or 
defiance  of  Yahweh's  moral  law,  but  more  particularly 
of  ritual  or  ceremonial  mistakes  or  defilement  com- 
niiltod  through  inadvertence  or  ignorance.  The  sin 
offering  often  accompanies  other  sacrifices  ;  in  Ezek., 
tho  consecration  of  tlie  altar  (4:ho).  WhWo  the  later 
legislation  thus  purifies  the  sacrificial  ritual  from  any- 
thing that  could  remotely  savour  of  irreverence,  it  is 
very  far  from  th(»  standjwint  of  Ps.  51  ;  it  simply 
perpetuates,  for  good  and  evil,  the  primitive  conception 
of  sin  as  an  infraction  of  tho  restrictions  or  "  taboos  " 
imposed  on  human  conduct  by  the  deity.  The  main, 
characteristics  of  the  sin  offering  are  the  killing  of  the. 
victim  by  the  worshij)per  and  the  pouring  out  of  the! 
blood,  as  in  the  burnt  offering  ;  the  flesh  is  burnt  out 
side  the  camp  or  eaten  by  the  priest,  i.e.  it  is  "  mc 
holy."     The  manipulation  of   the  blood,  however. 


LEVITICUS,  V.  14- VI.  7 


199 


more  complicated  {cf.  sff.).  and  different  kinda  of 
animals  are  to  be  offered,  according  to  the  rank  of  tho 
offerer — High  Priest,  congregation,  ruler,  private 
person,  or  the  poor.  The  seven  times  repeated  sprink- 
ling of  the  blood  "  before  Yalnveh  '-  (6)  recalls  the 
ritual  of  ch.  16  ;  both  may  well  be  among  the  latest 
developments  of  Priestly  legislation. 

If.  General  Statement. — These  sins  are  committed 
"  through  error  "  (RVm),  when  the  "  sinner  "  thinks 
that  he  is  doing  something  else,  or  does  not  know  that 
what  he  is  doing  is  wrong  ;  i.e.  to  us,  they  are  not 
"  sins  "  at  all.  Cf.  22,  Nu.  1524-29,  Jos.  2O3,  and 
contrast  tho  phrase,  sinning  "  with  a  high  hand," 
i.e.  dehberately  (Nu.  I530 ;  cf.  penalties  in  Lev.  202ff.) ; 
for  this,  only  excommunication  or  death  is  possible. 

3-12.  Sin  Offering  of  the  High  Priest. — Inadvertences 
at  the  altar,  wliich  would,  if  unatoncd  for,  have  the 
most  dangerous  consequences  for  the  whole  com- 
munity. The  "  anointed  "  priest  is  tho  High  Priest 
(622,  812,30,  2I10),  He  is  the  representative  of  the 
whole  people  ;  his  guilt  or  error  is  therefore  theirs. 
There  is  no  choice  of  animals  here,  as  in  3.  The  chief 
part  of  tlio  rite  is  the  presentation  of  the  blood,  the 
"  life  "  of  the  animal,  to  Yahweh.  It  is  brought  to 
the  tent  of  meeting,  i.e.  the  actual  shrine  of  the 
sanctuary,  where  alone  Yahweh  "  meets  "  with  the 
priest.  The  more  important  the  offence  and  the 
offerer,  the  nearer  the  blood  must  be  brought  to 
Yahweh  ;  hence,  in  this  case,  sprinkling  on  the  altar 
would  not  be  enough.  The  priest  stands  with  the 
blood  inside  the  outer  compartment  of  the  shrine,  and 
sprinkles  the  blood  upon  the  curtain  that  separates 
the  outer  from  the  inner  compartment — the  latter 
being  regarded  as  the  special  abode  of  the  Shekinah, 
or  glory  of  Yahweh  on  earth.  (For  the  .se?;e/i-fold 
sprinkling,  rf.  Jos.  615,  2  K.  5io.)  The  analogy  with 
the  special  rite  of  Lev.  16  is  clear  ;  but  nothing  is  said 
in  Lev.  16  of  the  altar  of  incense  ;  in  Ex.  30io,  the 
sprinkling  on  the  altar  of  incense  is  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion with  the  Day  of  Atonement,  but  its  use  is 
restricted  to  that  rite.  Probably,  therefore,  unlike 
the  altar,  it  was  within  the  shrine.  Not  even  the 
priests  may  eat  of  this  sacrifice  ;  they  are  involved 
in  the  "  sin."  The  duty  of  burning  the  carcase  belongs 
to  the  High  Priest  himself  ;  but  in  the  text  of  the  LXX 
and  Sam.  it  is  assigned  to  the  priests.  The  "  clean 
place  "  to  which  the  carcase  is  taken  may  possibly 
be  a  euphemism. 

13-21.  The  Sin  Offering  for  the  Whole  Congregation. 
— The  offering  is  the  same  as  for  the  priest,  but  the 
elders,  as  acting  for  the  congregation  or  assembly, 
are  to  lay  hands  on  the  victim.  These  elders  are  not 
elsewhere  mentioned  in  P.  Some  of  the  ritual  direc- 
tions are  here  omitted  (8f.,  11),  but  the  significant 
clause  is  added  that  by  the  offering  the  people  have 
atonement  made  for  them,  and  they  are  forgiven. 
The  formula  for  sin  in  13  is  a  quite  general  one,  and 
the  word  used  for  "  forgive  "  is  not  peculiarly  ritual 
in  its  use  ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  sins  could  be 
committed  by  the  congregation  as  a  whole  save  ritual 
ones  ;  and  this  is  borne  out  by  the  words  "  when  (it) 
is  known."  Such  a  sin  as  that  of  Achan  (Jos.  7), 
though  it  involved  the  whole  nation  in  its  consequences, 
was  punished  in  a  very  different  way.  What  if  such 
a  "  sin  "  never  became  known  ?  It  was  covered  on 
the  Day  of  Atonement.  In  53,  however,  tho  guilt  is 
said  to  follow  on  the  discovery  of  the  unintentional 
wrong-doing.  Contrast  this  ritual  with  that  of 
Nu.  ir)24ff. 

22-26.  The  Sin  Offering  for  a  Ruler,  or  tribal  chief 
or  representative.     Tho  word  is  also  used  of  the  ono 


chief  of  the  nation  in  post-exilic  writers  when  tho 
succession  of  kings  had  come  to  an  end.  It  would 
apply  to  Nehemiah,  or  perhaps  to  a  foreign  ruler  like 
the  Persian  Bagoas,  governor  of  Jerusalem  in  402  B.C. 
The  offering  is  a  goat  instead  of  a  bullock,  and  its 
blood  is  only  smeared  on  the  horns  of  the  altar,  not 
sprinkled,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  by  an  ordinary 
priest,  not  the  High  Priest. 

27-35.  The  Laymen's  Sin  Offering.— The  victim  is 
here  either  a  goat  or  a  lamb — the  offerer  could  appa- 
rently choose  wliich,  and  in  each  case  a  female.  In 
other  points  the  ritual  is  the  same.  For  "  common 
people  "  RVm  is  better.  Tlie  phrase  is  used  in  the 
histories  for  the  people  as  a  whole,  or  the  popular 
party  in  opposition  to  the  court.  In  Ezra  it  denotes 
the  semi-heathen  population  surviving  after  the  return 
from  exile.     Cf.  Jn.  749. 

V.  1-6.  Sins  for  which  Offerings  are  Necessary.— The 
first  case  is  that  of  one  who,  when  evidence  in  a  trial 
is  called  for  under  a  curse,  deliberately  conceals  what 
he  knows  (there  is  no  "  unwittingly "  here)  ;  the 
crime  of  silence  is  paralleled  with  ceremonial  unclean- 
ness.  The  second  case  is  that  arising  from  contact 
either  with  an  unclean  animal  or  from  other  defilement. 
Further  details  of  these  taboos  are  given  in  12-15, 
and  a  harsher  law  is  found  in  Nu.  19i3,20.  The  third 
case  is  that  of  one  who  finds  that  he  has  not  carried 
out  an  oath  uttered  in  rashness  or  thoughtlessness 
{cf.  Ps.  104).  Guilt  is  regarded  as  following  on  dis- 
covery ;  confession  must  then  be  made,  and  the 
animal  to  be  offered  is  the  same  as  in  428,32.  Confession 
is  mentioned  only  hero  and  in  Nu.  67  ;  it  is  made  by 
the  priest  for  the  whole  nation  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment ( I62 1 ).  These  verses  break  the  order  of  thought ; 
they  join  moral  to  ritual  cases  of  guilt,  and  they  make 
no  difference  between  guilt  and  sin  offerings  ;  the 
directions  as  to  ritual  are  simpler  than  in  what  pre- 
cedes and  follows  ;  and  there  is  no  distinction  of 
classes  ;  the  offering  stated  is  that  for  the  common 
people  in  4.  The  fact  that  guilt  and  sin  offerings 
are  identical  in  14i2ff.,  and  the  absence  of  the  mention 
of  guilt  offering  in  9,  suggests  that  the  guilt  offering 
was  not  known  in  the  eariier  sections  of  P,  and  that 
the  differentiation  in  4  and  5  is  a  later  development. 
The  two  kinds  of  offerines,  however,  are  mentioned 
together  in  2  K.  12i6. 

V.  7-13.  Concessions  to  Poverty  in  the  case  of  sin 
offerings.  This  section  takes  up  the  last  verses  in  4. 
("  Guilt  offering  '"  in  7  should  be  "  sin  offering  "  as  is 
shown  by  8f.)  If  the  offerer  cannot  afford  a  lamb, 
two  turtle  doves  or  young  pigeons  may  be  offered. 
Only  one  of  these  is  properly  a  sin  offering  ;  but 
another,  for  a  burnt  offering,  has  to  be  given  as  well, 
as  one  would  hardly  be  enough.  Part  of  the  blood  is 
sprinkled  on  the  side  of  the  altar,  part  poured  out  at 
the  base  {cf.  47).  If  not  even  this  can  be  afforded,  a 
small  meal  offering  will  be  accepted  as  a  sin  offering. 
A  tenth  of  an  ephah  would  form  about  6|  pints.  Oil 
and  frankincense  are  the  natural  accompaniments,  aa 
in  215.  These  concessions  are  doubtless  because  the 
"  sin  "  is  of  an  "  unwitting  "  character.  Whether  the 
offerer  or  the  priests  is  to  decide  as  to  the  kind  of 
victim,  is  not  stated. 

V.  14-VI.  7.  The  Trespass  or  Guilt  Offering.— This  is 
of  two  kinds,  though  the  principle  of  amendment  is  the 
same,  Tho  first  kintl  is  stated  vaguely  ;  committing 
a  trespa.ss  (tho  word  means  actmg  unfaithfully  or 
treacherously  ;  it  is  coupled  with  sinning  "  unwit- 
tinglj'  "  in  15,  17).  The  offence  consists  in  treating 
what  is  Y'ahweh's  as  if  it  were  not  Yahweh's,  i.e.  in- 
correctness, really  unintentional,  connected  with  some 


200 


LEVITICUS,  V.  14-VI.  7 


offering.  If  not  unintentional,  tho  jxjnalty  is  different 
(Nu.  1530).  Tho  offeror  is  not  sjxid  to  kill  tho  jruilt 
offering  ;  though  elsewhere,  tho  offerers  aet  of  killing 
is  carefully  mentioned,  and  it  seems  to  bo  implied  in 
72.  Tho  second  case  Ls  intentional — trickery  in  a 
matter  of  deposit  or  pledge  (RVra),  or  theft,  or  "  oppres- 
sion," or  keeping  another's  property,  or  falsehood  ;  all 
these  are  trespasses  against  Yahwefi,  and  as  such  must 
bo  atoned  for  by  a  trespass  or  guilt  offering.  This 
offering  consists  in  restitution  and,  in  the  first  case, 
amends  ;  the  restitution  is  a  ram  ;  the  amends  is  one 
fifth  of  the  value  of  the  ram.  In  tho  second  case,  tho 
object  held  back  is  itself  restored  with  an  addition  of 
one-fifth  of  its  value  ;  and  a  ram  is  offered  to  Yahweh 
as  well.  Tho  "  amends  "  necessitates  a  valuation  ; 
tills  is  to  be  made  in  "  sanctuary  shekels  "  (see  on  27 
16-25).  17-19  seems  to  add  nothing  to  the  preceding  ; 
there  is  no  mention  of  "  amends,"  and  "  guilt  offer- 
ing "  is  spoken  of,  with  reference  to  tho  subjects  of 
sin  offering  in  4.  Perhaps  it  is  an  older  fragment; 
cf.  Ezr.  IO19,  where  for  the  sin  of  marrying  foreign 
wives,  a  ram  is  offered  by  the  people  "  for  their  guilt." 
In  the  case  of  trespass  against  one's  neighbour,  the 
procedure  is  parallel  ;  in  this  case,  the  restitution 
is  mentioned  before  the  ram  of  the  guilt  offering.  But 
the  latter  is  as  neccssarj'  as  the  former  ;  all  morality 
is  the  concern  of  Yahweh,  and  in  every  trespass  He 
is  injured.  This  is  one  of  the  few  references  to  social 
morality  in  P.  The  earlier  prophets  refer  to  little 
else,  and  Ezekiol,  in  ch.  18,  confines  iiis  catalogue  to 
non-ritual  offences,  to  be  purged  only  by  repentance. 

VI.  8-  VII.  38.  Special  Manual  for  Priests,  given  to 
"Aaron  and  liis  sons  "  (9,  14,  25,  etc. ;  contrast  42,  etc.). 
The  peace  offering  is  hero  placed  last.  It  may  be 
noted  that  two  sections  (77-io  and  722-27)  seem  to 
break  the  connexion ;  they  are  perhaps  insertions 
from  independent  laws.  None  of  these  provisions 
affect  laymen. 

VI.  8-13.  The  Priests  and  the  Burnt  Offering  {cf. 
ch.  1 ). — This  section,  however,  obviously  refers  specially 
to  the  "  continual  "  or  daily  sacrifice.  The  fire  on 
the  altar  is  to  be  perpetual,  like  the  Roman  Vesta-fire  ; 
the  victim  is  to  rest  on  the  "  hearth  "  or  plate  on  the 
top  of  the  altar.  The  priest  is  to  be  clothed  in  linen, 
as  conducing  to  bodily  cleanliness  and  avoiding  sweat 
{cf.  also  Ex.  2842).  When  the  priest  carries  away  the 
ashes  {cf.  on  4i2),  he  is  to  change  his  garments  ;  tho 
altar  garments  must  not  risk  '"  infecting  "  common 
objects  {cf.  Ezek.  44i9*).  Originally  there  wa.s  but  one 
burnt  offering  daily  {cf.  2  K.  I615),  as  here  ;  in  Ex.  29 
38ff.  and  Nu.  283ff.,  two  ;  so  Dan.  92 1.  Lev.  here 
gives  what  is  relatively  the  earlier  usage. 

14-18.  The  Dally  Meal  Oflering  {cf.  ch.  2  for  occa- 
sional meal  offerings).  A  meal  offering,  however, 
accompanies  every  Ijunit  offering.  This  section  repeats 
the  provision  that  no  leaven  must  bo  used  in  the 
baking,  and  adds  that  the  priests  who  eat  their  portion 
of  it  must  do  so  in  a  holy  place,  and  that  no  women 
must  partake  of  it ;  tho  women  of  the  priests'  families 
are  in  a  lower  grade  of  holiness  ;  to  them,  as  to  la5rmen, 
tho  "  holy  "  offerings  are  taboo.  This  provision  is 
mentioned  hero  ))ecauRe  the  priests  wotdd  have  to  see 
to  its  being  carried  out. 

19-23.  The  High  Priest's  Special  Offering.— The 
High  Priest  offers  a  meal  offering  every  day,  half  in 
the  morning,  half  at  evening.  The  amotmt  is  the 
same  as  that  of  tho  smallest  class  of  sin  offerings  (5ii). 
Priests  do  not  consume  their  own  sin  offering  ;  this 
sacrifice  must  therefore  be  burnt  entire.  The  refer- 
once  to  the  day  of  installation  (20ft)  must  be  a  mistaken 
gloss  (as  ia  clear  from  "  perpetually,"  2ofe). 


24-30.  Special  Directions  for  the  Sin  Offering.— It  is 

'■  most  holy  '"  ;  that  is,  it  nuist  l)e  killed  by  the  altar, 
like  a  burnt  offering,  and  it  can  only  bo  eaten  by  priests. 
"Victims  whoso  blood  is  brought  within  tho  shrine  are 
for  priests  as  well  as  laymon,  and  therefore  their 
flesh  must  not  bo  eaten  at  all.  [The  reason  for  this 
regulation  (30)  is  that  the  holiness  is  present  in  a 
degree  so  intense  that  it  is  dangerous  even  for  tho 
priests  to  eat  the  flesh.  It  has  to  be  burnt,  not  of 
course  to  convey  the  sacrifice  to  God,  for  this  has 
already  been  done  in  tho  offering  of  the  fat  and  the 
blood  (45-10),  but  to  dispose  of  the  flesh  sjifely 
and  effectively. — A.  S.  P.]  Even  a  splash  of  "  holy 
blood  is  contagious  ;  it  can  (and  must)  be  removed 
from  a  garment  or  brass  vessel  by  rinsing  or  scouring  ; 
a  porous  (and  less  valuable)  pot  wliich  has  been  used 
for  cooking  the  animal  must  be  destroyed.  ( Cf.  W.  R. 
Smith,  RS^,  pp.  349,  451.)  [The  idea  is  that  the 
"holiness  "  in  the  liquid  will  sink  into  the  very  texture 
of  the  porous  earthenware,  so  that  no  washing  will 
remove  it ;  accordingly  it  must  be  broken,  that  it  may 
not  bo  used  again.  On  the  other  hand,  tho  broth 
could  not  sink  into  the  closer  texture  of  the  brazen 
vessel,  so  that  cleansing  of  the  surface  sufficed  to  remove 
the  holiness. — A.  S.  P.] 

VII.  1-10.  Supplementary  Regulations  for  guilt  offer- 
ings and  priestly  dues.  1-7  supplements  5i6b.  The 
blood  of  tho  victim  is  to  be  dashed  (not  sprinkled) 
round  the  altar.  The  fat,  as  in  other  offerings,  is  to 
be  carefully  removed  and  offered  to  Y'ahweh.  Tho 
priests'  dues  are  the  same  with  the  guilt  offcruig  as 
with  the  sin  offering.  (Every  guilt  offering  is  also  a 
sin  offering,  though  the  reverse,  of  course,  is  not  the 
case.)  The  notice  about  priests'  dues  is  fragmentary 
(see  28-34).  The  priests  are  to  have  the  hide  of  the 
victim  ;  in  the  sacrificial  tariffs  of  Marseilles  and  Sippar 
the  hide  goes  to  tho  priests  ;  at  Carthage,  to  the  offerer. 
Baked,  fried,  and  "  griddled  "  meal  offerings  {cf.  24-7) 
go  to  the  officiating  priest,  meal  offerings  with  or 
without  oil  to  the  priests  as  a  whole  ;  presumably  a 
larger  offering  is  here  referred  to. 

11-21.  The  Peace  Offerings.— These  are  of  two  kinds, 
thanltsgiving  and  vow  or  free-will  offerings.  The 
former  is  specially  connected  with  the  "  bread  "  or 
meal,  m  its  character  of  a  banquet  {cf.  3iff.).  But  the 
relative  portions  of  priest  and  offerer  are  here  more 
closely  defined.  One  cake  is  to  be  lifted  up  from  tho 
rest,  as  a  "  heave-offering  "  (Nu.  Sg"*),  the  due  of  the  offi- 
ciating priest.  The  second  class  of  peace  offerings  is 
holier,  and  greater  precautions  are  needed  against  the 
flesh  going  bad.  The  meal  is  to  begin  on  the  day  of  offer- 
ing ;  ancl  no  part  is  to  bo  kept  more  than  one  clear 
day.  There  may  be  a  remini.scenco  of  tho  early  limita- 
tion of  the  duration  of  a  festival  to  two  days.  (For 
another  suggestion,  see  RS*,  p.  387.)  Special  care  is 
needed  to  avoid  the  touch  or  presence  of  any  uucloan- 
ness  in  connexion  with  this  sacrifice.  Tho  caution 
was  doubtless  necessitated  by  the  licence  of  tho  older 
sacrifices,  where  tho  circumstances  of  the  feasts  might 
easily  be  and  actually  were  {cf.  Am.  27f.)  conducive  to 
much  worso  things  than  ritual  uncleanness.  Hence 
the  sternness  of  the  tone  here. 

22-27.  General  Prohibition  of  Eating  Fat  and  Blood 
{cf.  36).—  Tlie  fat  of  sacrificial  animals  is  to  bo  offered 
to  Yahweh  ;  the  fat  of  other  animals  may  be  used  for 
anything  except  food.  For  disobedience  to  this  pro- 
hibition, no  atoning  sacrifice  avails.  One  of  the  most 
distinguishing  marks  of  Judaism  has  been  its  avoidance 
of  nil  save  "  kosher  '"  meat. 

28-34.  Continuation  of  Peace  Offerings. — An  addition 
to  the  provisions  of  8-10.     The  breast  and  tho  thigh 


LEVITICUS.  X.  1-7 


201 


go  to  the  priests,  the  latter  to  the  officiator,  the  former 
to  the  priests  in  general  (c/.  I  S.  213-16,  Dt.  I83)  ;  hero, 
a  still  larger  portion  is  surrendered  by  the  offerer. 
The  breast  is  to  be  "  waved,"  moved  backwards  and 
forwards  in  the  direction  of  the  altar  ;  the  thigli  is 
simply  "  heaved,"  i.e.  lifted  out  of  the  rest  of  the 
offerinti  and  laid  aside,  as  in  14. 

35-38.  Conclusion.—"  Portion "  (mg.)  is  correct, 
not  "  anointing  portion."  36  is  therefore  a  gloss 
(cf.  also  620).  The  priests  have  not  yet  been  anointed. 
The  mention  of  Sinai  (38  ;  contrast  li)  shows  that  the 
words  are  intended  to  form  the  conclusion  of  6f.  only. 
VIII.-IX.  The  Consecration  and  Induction  of  Priests, 
to  which  10  is  an  appendix.  8  properly  follows  Ex.  40. 
Ex.  29  gives  the  law  of  consecrations,  Ex.  30-40  the 
building  of  the  Tabernacle,  and  Lev.  8  describes  the 
actual  performance  of  the  rite  ordained  in  Ex.  29. 

VIII.  Consecration  of  Aaron  and  his  Sons.— The 
actual  stages  in  the  process  are  as  follows  :  1-5,  assem- 
blage of  the  persons  and  materials  ;  6-13,  washing, 
anointing,  and  clothing  of  the  priests  ;  14-17,  sacrifice 
of  the  bullock  (here  Aaron  acts  as  the  offerer,  Moses 
as  the  priest) ;  18-21,  sacrifice  of  the  first  ram  ;  22-32, 
sacrifice  of  the  second  ram,  "  of  consecration,"  which 
constitutes  the  "  differentia  "  of  the  whole  ceremony  ; 
33-36,  the  continuance  of  the  ceremony  for  a  week. 
For  notes  on  the  details,  see  on  Ex.  29.  The  definite 
articles  refer  back  to  Ex.  292f.,5,  etc.  Neither  the  "  con- 
gregation" nor  the  Urim  and  Thummim  (Ex.  £830, 
pp.  lOOf .)  are  mentioned  in  Ex.  29.  The  insignia  and  the 
anointmg  suggest  actual  royalty.  The  anointing  of  the 
tabernacle  and  the  altar  is  not  in  Ex.  29,  nor  the  sancti- 
fication  of  the  altar  and  the  "  atoning  for  it  "  by  means 
of  the  bullock's  blood  (cf.  the  more  detailed  ritual  in  46), 
nor  the  anointing  of  Aaron's  garments  ( 30).  The  special 
reference  to  the  touchmg  of  the  extremities  (2  3f.)  is 
symbolical  of  the  whole  body.  In  Ex.  2927,  both  the 
"  wave-breast "  and  the  "  heave-thigh  "  are  mentioned, 
as  in  Lev.  734  ;  Moses  (29)  receives  these  as  being  the 
officiating  priest ;  but  it  is  curious  that  neither  here 
nor  in  Ex.  29  does  Moses  actually  receive  the  thigh  ; 
in  view  of  834,  this  would  have  been  more  naturally 
mentioned  than  the  breast ;  perhaps  the  latter,  as 
Moses'  special  portion,  is  a  later  insertion.  Ex.  2936 
states  that  a  bullock  i**  to  be  sacrificed  on  each  of  the 
eight  days.  "  Consecrate  "  (33),  ht.  (mg.),  "  fill  the 
hands"  (Ex.  299*,  Nu.  83*,  1  Ch.  295*).  So  in  28, 
consecration  is  fit.  "  fiJhng  "  {cf.  27);  in  Ezek.  4326, 
the  consecration  of  the  altar  is  spoken  of  as  a 
filhng  the  hands  thereof  (?«//.).  A  similar  phrase 
in  Babylonian  means  "  to  confer  office  upon."  (The 
words  are  also  used  in  Ass.  inscriptions  about  nations 
whom  God  entrusts  to  the  victorious  king.  "  Asshur 
fills  the  king's  hands  with  them  "  ;  meaning  little 
more  than  "  he  delivers  them  into  the  victor's  hands.") 
It  is  noteworthy  that  here  the  action  which  gives  its 
name  to  the  whole  proceeding  Ls  not  the  sprinkling  of 
blood,  but  the  holding  of  the  offerings  whicli  are  to  be 
presented  to  Yahweh.  Originally,  it  would  seem,  the 
main  duty  of  the  priest  was  to  present  the  offering  of  the 
worshipper  to  the  god.  He  is  thus  formally  inducted 
into  office  by  the  placing  of  the  offerings  in  his  hands 
(cf.  Heb.  83).  Noteworthy  also  is  the  reference  to  atone- 
ment (34).  It  was  necessary  to  remove  all  trace  of  un- 
cleanness,  i.e.  of  whatever  was  not  suitable  to  such  special 
purposes,  previous  to  the  ceremony.  For  similar  reasons 
the  priests  must  not  leave  the  special  precincts  of  the 
shrine  throughout  the  week.  The  whole  intention  is 
to  emphasize  the  special  dedication  of  both  priest  and 
altar,  and  it  may  be  said  to  imply  the  thought  of  a 
covenant  between  Yahweh  and  the  priest* 


K.  The  Installation  Functions. — ^Theso  take  place 
at  the  end  of  the  consecration  "  octave."  Here  Aaron, 
assisted  by  his  sons,  as  now  consecrated,  is  the  officiator, 
and  not  Moses,  as  in  8. 

1-7.  Preparation  ol  Priests  and  People.— The  cere- 
mony and  it«  purpose  are  closely  similar  to  those  of 
the  Day  of  Atonement.  For  the  priests  themselves, 
a  sin  olJering,  a  bull-calf,  and  a  burnt  offering,  a  ram  ; 
for  the  people,  a  sin  offering,  a  he-goat,  a  burnt  offer- 
ing, caLf  and  lamb,  and  also  a  peace  offering,  ox  and 
ram.  No  choice  of  animals  is  given  here,  as  in  1, 
and  m  4  the  goat  is  for  the  prince  and  the  bullock  for 
tho  whole  people.  The  meal  offering  accompanies,  aa 
in  2,  etc.  The  altar  is  the  altar  of  burnt  offering,  the 
only  altar  known  to  P  ("  altar  of  incense,"  47*). 
Elders  (i)  are  mentioned  nowhere  else  in  P  save  415. 
Why  is  no  guilt  offering  mentioned  ?  Cf.  5i7*.  "  And 
for  the  people  "  (7)  should  be  "  and  for  thy  house." 

8-14.  The  Priests'  Offering. — The  sin  offering 
naturally  preceded  the  burnt  offering.  The  ritual  of  the 
sin  offering  conforms  to  that  of  4i-i2.  For  the  burnt 
offering,  note  "piece  by  piece"  (13),  suggesting  the 
leisurely  solemnity  of  the  whole  rite. 

15-21.  The  People's  Offering. — First  the  sin  offering, 
as  before,  then  the  burnt  offering  ;  part  of  the  meal 
offering  is  consumed  on  the  altar  ;  the  rest  will  be 
eaten  by  the  priest  (10 12).  The  burnt  offering  is  thought 
of  as  the  daily  sacrifice ;  "  the  burnt  offering  of  the 
moniing."  The  peace  offering  comes  last.  Nothing 
is  said  here  of  any  participation  by  the  people  in  this  ; 
the  part  of  the  priests  in  the  ritual,  however,  is  very 
fully  described.  The  thigh,  as  well  as  the  breast,  is 
said  to  be  waved,  not  heaved  (732*) ;  in  8  the  thigh 
is  not  mentioned ;  perhaps  here,  therefore,  it  is  a 
gloss,  added  from  730.  In  IO14  the  distinction  of  732 
is  preserved. 

22-24.  The  Blessings. — The  first  blessing  immediately 
follows  the  sacrifice  ;  the  second  follows  a  ceremonial 
entrance  of  Aaron,  with  Moses,  into  the  shrine — the 
outer  chamber,  not  "  within  the  veil."  Consecration 
gives  to  Aaron  a  special  power  to  bless,  i.e.  to  approach 
the  nearer  presence  of  Yahweh,  and  so  to  bestow  a 
special  blessing  on  the  people.  The  "  glory "  of 
Yahweh,  naturally  connected  with  fire,  was  ordmarily 
shrouded  from  the  people  by  day,  with  a  cloud.  For 
fire  as  consuming  the  offering,  cf.  Jg.  621,  1  K.  I838, 
I  Ch.  2I26,  2  Ch.  7i.  The  consuming  of  the  fat  Ls 
specially  mentioned.  This  appearance  of  fire  must 
have  taken  place  before  the  sacrifice  and  the  blessings, 
unless  the  author  neglects  the  fact  that  the  offerings 
had  been  already  burnt. 

Oh.  X  contains  four  appendices  on  the  priests' 
duties,  of  which  the  first  and  the  fourth  are  in  the 
form  of  ideal  narratives  (a  caution  and  a  misunder- 
standing), like  chs.  8f. 

1-7.  The  Sin  ol  Nadab  and  Abihu.— Nadab  and 
Abihu,  the  eldest  .sons  of  Aaron  (Ex.  623),  had  been 
privileged  to  '"  go  up  and  see  the  God  of  Israel  "  with 
Moses  and  Aaron  and  seventy  elders  (Ex.  24iff.,  J). 
Here,  they  offer  fire  wh.ich  has  not  been  taken  from  the 
altar  "  hearth  "  or  was  not  in  accordance  with  the 
proper  receipt  for  tho  sacred  incense,  and  are  them- 
selves at  once  consumed.  Tlio  bodies  are  withdrawn 
from  the  camp  by  their  father's  cousins,  and  Aaron 
and  his  remaining  sons  are  forbidden  to  mourn  for 
them.  The  catastrophe  is  here  described  very  briefly, 
in  contrast  to  that  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abirani, 
Nu.  16;  cf.  Nu.  3i-4  ;  in  I  Ch.  242,  Nadab  and  Abihu 
are  simply  mentioned  as  dying  before  their  father. 
Bertholet  suggests  that  the  narrative  points  back  to 
a  struggle  with  a  class  of  priests  in  the  N.  Kmgdom 

la 


202 


LEVITICUS,  X.   1-7 


who  attempted  to  become  naturalised  at  Jerusalem, 
and  who  were  recognised  as  previously  existing,  but 
illegitimate ;  cf.  Ezekiels  insistence  on  the  solo 
legitimacy  of  tlie  sons  of  Zatlok,  the  Jorusalomite 
priest',  an  insistence  which  could  not  bo  carried  out 
after  the  Exile.  This  narrative  would  thus  V)e  intended 
to  account  for  their  illoi^itimacy.  The  fire  which  "  con- 
sumed "'  them  Ls  probably  thought  of  as  overwhelming 
them  with  a  sudden  tlash.  Their  bodies  are  still 
covered  with  their  outer  garments.  For  Mishael,  etc., 
see  Ex.  Gi8-::2.  All  the  prie,-;ts  are  here  forbidden  to 
show  the  ordinarj-  signs  ot  mourning.  These  would  be 
regarded  as  an  interference  with  their  ritual  condition 
which  would  me^xn  general  danger  or  disa-stor  ;  here, 
too,  all  the  priests  are  regarded  as  anointed.  The 
reference  to  the  tent  of  meeting  obviously  refers  to  the 
prohibition  in  835.  In  21iof.  (H)  and  in  Ezck.  4425, 
mourning  is  restricted,  but  not  entirely  prohibited,  for 
all  priests. 

8-11.  Prohibition  ol  Alcohol. — The  prohibition  refers 
to  periods  when  the  priasts  aro  "  on  duty  "  (so  Ezek.  44 
21)  ;  but  the  reason  given,  that  the  priests  may  be 
able  to  iastruct  the  ijouple,  seems  to  imply  a  wider 
abstinence.  The  priestly  excesses  referred  to  in  the 
earlier  prophets  (Is.  287,  Ezek.  2226)  are  thus  guarded 
against.  In  Rome,  the  Flamcn  Dialis  was  even  pro- 
hibited from  walking  on  a  path  between  vineyards 
(p.  217).  Yahweh  does  not  elsewhere  speak  ta  Aaron 
alone. 

12-15.  The  Eating  of  the  Priests'  Dues  (cf.  614-18, 
728-34).  The  meal  offering  is  "  most  holy,"  i.e.  it  ia 
to  be  eaten  only  V\V  the  jjriests  themselves,  and  in  a 
holy  place  ;  the  flesh  is  "  holy,"  and  may  be  eaten  by 
the  priests'  famihes,  and  in  a  clean  place.  The  dis- 
tinction is  not  easy  to  explain  ;  but  degrees  of  holiness 
are  simply  equivalent  to  degrees  in  restrictions  sur- 
rounding the  object  or  action.  The  thigh  as  well  as 
the  breast  is  to  be  waved  (cf.  732*) ;  this  statement  may 
be  intended  to  correct  an  earlier  custom  of  waving 
only  the  breast ;  the  distinction  between  the  two, 
however,  remains  quite  plain  in  this  passage,  as  else- 
where. 

16-20.  Explanation  of  a  Ritual  Error. — Aaron  and 
his  sons  had  not  eaten  the  sin  offering.  Moses  is 
anirered  with  the  sons  ;  but  the  reason  is  given  that 
such  an  act  would  have  been  inapposite  after  the 
catastrophe  of  1-7.  Moses  accepts  the  explanation. 
But  w  hy  should  they  have  eaten  the  sin  offering  ? 
Cf.  626,  29.  421  (cf.  4i2)  implies  that  the  sin  offering 
for  the  assembly  is  not  to  be  eaten.  4,  however,  must 
be  looked  upon  as  earlier.  IQ  looks  on  the  eating  as 
a  priestly  duty  on  l>ehalf  of  the  community.  Accord- 
ing to  t>2  3,  the  sin  offering  is  not  to  be  eaten  when  its 
blood  is  brought  into  the  sanctuary  ;  in  this  case  (Og) 
th<5  bloud  is  not  so  brought  in.  Thas,  according  to  4 
(probably  earlier),  no  excuse  was  needc(L  Aaron's 
explanation  is  based  on  the  fact  that  through  the 
deat  h  of  his  sons,  he  feels  himself  to  bo  under  the  wrath 
of  God,  and  therefore  unable  to  consume  a  holy  thing. 
The  representation  of  Aaron  as  correcting  or  reminding 
Moses  is  unique  in  P. 

XI.-XV.  Ritual  Cleanliness  and  Uncleanliness.— II, 
Animals  ;  12,  C'hiidbir. h  ;  1.3,  Skin  diseases  (including 
tainted  garments)  ;  I41-32,  Purgation  for  skin 
diseases  ;  I433-57,  "  Leprosy  "  in  houses,  and  general 
conclusion  to  the  I-aw  ;    1."),  "  Issues." 

Probably  to  most  modem  readers,  this  section  is  the 
least  intelligible  in  the  Ixtok.  We  must  consider  it 
(a)  in  its  ethnological  and  (b)  its  specifically  Hebrew 
aspect,  (n)  These  laws  arc  properly  "  taboos."  The 
term  is   Polynesian,  signifying  what  is  in  itself,  or 


artificially,  forbidden,  either  for  the  whole  community, 
or  else  for  common  people,  or  priests,  or  kings  (p.  629). 
Taboos  may  relate  to  places,  or  to  the  sexes,  or  to  certain 
ages.  Certain  kinds  of  food  may  be  taboo,  universally, 
or  as  determined  temporarily  by  a  cliief ;  individuals  may 
be  taboo  to  one  another — speech  with  a  mother-in-law 
is  very  widely  forbidden,  and  also  approach  to  one's 
wife  after  childbirth  ;  or  the  wife  must  not  pronounce 
her  husband's  name.  In  the  Australian  initiation 
ceremonies,  speaking  is  taboo  to  the  initiates  for 
certain  periods.  The  origin  of  taboo  is  still  obscure. 
What  is  not  customary  comes  in  time  to  excite  horror 
(cf.  the  varying  laws  of  decency  in  different  primitive 
tribes).  This  horror  is  felt  to  be  religious,  and  it  can 
be  easily  used  by  chiefs  or  priests,  for  selfish  or  for 
hygienic  purposes,  (b)  Hob.  practice  shows  a  notable 
restriction  in  the  institution.  In  early  times  a  chief 
could  temporarily  impose  a  ban  (Jos.  618,  I  S.  I424)  ; 
and  taboos  are  recognised  on  priests  (106,  etc.)  and 
in  connexion  with  animals,  birth,  and  certain  diseases. 
Why  ?  From  the  nature  of  things,  or  for  moral  or 
hygienic  or  ritual  reasons  ?  The  suggestion  of  Nature 
is  an  insecure  guide,  since  taboos  on  animals  (e.g.  swine, 
holy  animals  among  Greeks  and  Arabs)  and  actions 
(e.g.  sexual  rules)  vary  so  widely.  MoraUty  will  not 
explain  taboos  on  animal  flesh  (save  that  perhaps  some 
kintls  of  flesh  may  arouse  paasion)  or  the  restriction 
on  the  young  mother.  Hygiene  may  explain  some 
taboos  ;  but  why  the  restriction  of  food  to  animals 
Levitically  clean,  or  why  shoidd  a  mother  be  unclean 
for  forty  days  after  the  birth  of  a  boy,  eighty  days 
after  the  birth  of  a  girl  ?  Ritual  may  explain  some 
prohibitions,  as  of  animab  which  were  only  used  in 
heathen  rites  ;  it  may  be,  as  Bertholet  suggests,  that 
whatever  is  under  the  protection  or  power  of  an  alien 
god  is  unclean  or  taboo  (hence  perhaps  the  rejection 
of  horseflesh  for  food  ;  horses  were  sacred  among  the 
heathen  Saxons  ;  camels  are  forbidden  to  Thibetan 
lamas).  What,  then,  of  the  infected  house  ?  Probably 
all  four  reasons  were  operative  ;  given  the  concept  of 
things  not  to  be  associated  with  ordinary  life,  the  class 
would  grow  by  the  addition  of  things  which,  for  various 
reasons,  were  disliked.  Note  the  traces  of  systemisa- 
tion  in  the  code.  The  connexion  of  the  ideas  under- 
lying it  with  institutions  so  widespread  in  primitive 
thought  shows  that  the  law  carries  us  back  to  a  period 
far  anterior  to  Moses,  though  the  distinction  between 
clean  and  unclean  is  not  mentioned  in  Ex.  21-23. 
"  Clean  "  must  be  distinguished  from  "  holy."  The 
former  is  the  condition  of  intercourse  with  all  society  ; 
the  latter  of  approach  to  God.  Hence,  there  aro 
grades  of  holincas  ;  but  uncleannoss  exhibits  only 
differences  of  duration  ("  until  the  evening,"  etc.). 
The  holy  and  the  unclean,  however,  arc  alike  in  being 
untouchable  by  man,  though  for  different  reasons ; 
hence  the  Rabbinic  phrase,  used  of  canonical  books, 
"  they  defile  the  hands  '  ^p.  39).  [We  may  ioler  from 
Hag.  211-13  that  the  infection  of  uncleanness  was  more 
virulent  than  the  infection  of  holiness.  Holy  flesh 
could  convey  hohness  to  the  skirt  but  the  skirt  could 
not  convey  it  to  the  food  it  touched.  The  corpse 
could  convey  uncleanness  to  the  person  who  touched 
it,  and  ho  in  turn  coidd  convey  it  to  the  food.  The 
holy  communicates  its  ((uality  only  to  one  remove, 
theimcleAn  to  two.  The  reason  is  apparently  that  the 
holiness  of  a  holy  thing  is  always  derivative,  since 
nothing  is  holy  in  "itself  but  becomes  holy  only  throughJ 
consecration  to  God.  the  sole  fount  of  hoUness  (p.  196).j 
A  thing  may,  however,  be  unclean  in  itself.  Theroj 
are  therefore*  really  four  terms  in  the  holy,  only  thr 
in  the  imclcan   series  in  this  passage :    viz.  (a) 


LEVITICUS,  XIII.  29-37 


203 


holy  flesh,  skirt,  food ;  (5)  corpse,  man  unclean  through 
contact,  food.  Holiness  and  uncleanness  are  thus 
each  infectious  at  two  removes  from  the  source,  hut 
no  further. — A.  >^.  P.]  The  section  is  probably  not 
original  in  this  place  ;  it  breaks  the  connexion  between 
chs.  10  and  16.  Some  parts  are  distinct  from  the  rest, 
e.g.  II24-40,  43-45  ;  181-46  must  have  been  originally 
distinct  from  I43-20.  A  similar  code  is  found  in  Dt.  14. 
Probably  Dt.  14  is  a  copy  of  an  older  version  of  Lev.  11, 
e.g.  Dt.  omits  the  cormorant  (17).  In  one  respect  Lev. 
is  milder  than  Dt.  (contrast  11 39!  with  Dt.  142 1). 
Lev.  adds  the  permission  of  leaping  insects,  and  gives 
a  special  direction  as  to  fishes. 

XL  1-23.  First  Prohibition.  —  Animals,  etc.,  not 
allowed  for  food.  The  test  is.  Is  it  cloven-footed,  and 
does  it  chew  the  cud  ?  For  fishes.  Has  it  fins  and 
scales  ?  No  test  of  this  nature  can  be  given  for  birds  ; 
leaping  insects  are  clean,  insects  which  only  fly,  un- 
clean. The  tests,  especially  the  first,  are  clearly 
artificial  and  not  original  ;  e.g.  in  the  case  of  swine. 
Undoubtedly,  in  primitive  thought,  each  species, 
allowed  or  banned,  is  classed  "  on  its  merits  "  ;  but 
later  legislators  would  naturally  be  puzzled  by  the 
apparent  caprice,  and  desire  to  find  some  principle. — 
5.  "  Coney,"  as  RVm  (Pr.  3O26*).— 13.  "  Eagle  "  denotes 
the  majestic  and  abundant  carrion  vulture,  though  prob- 
ably it  is  also  a  generic  word  for  eagle  or  vulture. 

24-42.  Second  Prohibition. — The  dead  bodies  of  un- 
clean animals  are  not  to  be  touched ;  scrupulous  dread 
could  hardly  go  further.  The  distinction  is  repeated 
from  1-23,  but  a  special  list  of  unclean  insects  is  given, 
corresponding  to  the  list  of  clean  insects  in  22.  If  the 
dead  body,  or  any  part  of  one,  is  carried  or  touched, 
the  clothes  must  be  washed,  and  the  person  remains 
unclean  himself  for  the  rest  of  the  day.  Utensils 
which  touch  the  dead  body  are  to  be  washed,  and  then 
thej^  remain  unclean  the  rest  of  tlw  day  ;  earthenware 
is  to  be  broken.  Water  which  may  be  used  for  drinking 
is  not  to  be  regarded  as  affected,  nor  seeds,  unless  the 
seeds  have  been  moistened,  and  so  spoilt.  These 
regulations  are  plainly  ruled  by  considerations  of  con- 
venience, though  the  existence  of  the  taboo  is  pre- 
served. The  touch  of  the  dead  body  of  a  clean  animal 
will  cause  uncleanness  for  the  rest  of  the  day,  as  the 
blood  will  be  in  it,  and  the  blood  is  untouchable.  The 
section  closes  with  a  prohibition  of  insects  that  creep 

(c/.  29f.). 

XI.  43-46.  Brief  Summing  up  of  the  general 
Principle,  in  the  manner  of  H. 

46f .  Conclusion  of  the  section. 

XII.  Uncleanness  after  Childbirth  and  Circxunclslon. 

— The  period  of  uncleanness  lasts  twice  as  long  after 
the  birth  of  a  girl  (see  on  11).  After  the  first  week, 
when  the  uncleanness  may  be  said  to  be  milder,  the 
child,  if  a  boy,  nuist  be  circumcised.  At  the  end  of 
the  period  of  "  her  purifying,"  for  a  child  of  either 
sex,  sacrifices  are  to  be  offered,  a  combination  of  burnt 
and  sin  offering,  to  "  make  atonement  for  her  "  ;  a 
lamb,  and  a  pigeon  or  a  dove,  except  in  case  of  poverty, 
when  two  pigeons  or  doves  may  be  substituted. 

These  provisions  go  back  a,s  far  as  those  of  9.  Birth, 
like  menstiuation,  is  naturally  regarded  as  uncanny, 
and  sometimes  as  demon-caused.  Hence,  the  woman 
must  1x5  set  apart.  The  residts  are  doubtless  hygienic, 
though  the  emotional  effect  must  often  have  been 
dangt-rous  in  early  times  ;  the  code,  which  keeps  up 
the  n^striction,  says  nothing  about  the  original  reason. 
Parallels  for  the  period  of  forty  days,  and  for  a  longer 

E^riod  for  girls  than  for  boys,  are  quoted  from  Greece, 
srypt,  Russia,  etc.     On  circumcision,  see  pp.  99f.,  also 
Gen.    17»,  2I4,  34i5,   Ex.   I244,  Jos.   52£f*.     In  the 


codes,  its  existence  is  assumed,  not  definitely  com- 
manded ;  nor  is  a  priest  necessary  (c/.  the  history  of 
Baptism) — sufficient  proof  of  the  antiquity  of  the 
custom.  The  fullest  commentary  is  Lk.  221-23,  which 
also  shows  that  the  Jewish  usage  interpreted  Lev.  126 
of  the  first  period  of  uncleanness  only.  The  language 
of  Lev.  imphcs  the  reverse.  Among  modem  Jews  the 
rite  is  generally  performed  by  a  member  of  a  recognised 
society  of  Mohclim  or  circumcisors.  Eerdmans  asks 
v.hether  a  woman  could  in  all  cases  be  expected  to 
journey  all  the  way  to  Jerusalem  at  such  a  time,  and 
suggests  that  the  section  properly  refers  to  an  earlier 
law  of  a  local  shrine  at  .Jerusalem  ;  it  must  be  noticed, 
however,  that  circumcision  docs  not  take  place  at  tho 
Temple,  that  the  mother  need  not  bo  present  at  the 
rite,  that  the  sacrifice  need  not  immediately  follow 
the  end  of  the  period  of  "  uncleanness,"  and  that  for 
the  inhabitants  of  Judah,  for  whom  P  was  primarily 
intended,  the  journey  would  never  bo  greater  than 
traversing  an  average-sized  English  county. 

XIII.  and  XIV.  Spreading  and  Non-spreading  Dis- 
eases. The  distinction  between  them  ;  precautions  to 
be  observed  with  leprosy  ;  infected  garments  and  tho 
law  of  cleansing  houses  ;  infected  hoases. — The  exact 
disease  referred  to  by  the  Heb.  word  for  "  leprosy  "  is 
uncertain.  Naturally  no  true  medical  diagnosis  Ls 
given  ;  the  symptoms  that  are  mentioned  pomt  to 
one  or  more  Idnds  of  skin  cUsease,  perhaps  ringworm, 
or  even  a  harmless  fungoid  growth  known  as  lepraria. 
For  houses,  some  kind  of  dry-rot  seems  intended  ;  for 
garments,  mould  or  mildew.  In  regard  to  the  human 
disease,  if  leprosy  is  intended,  the  symptoms  here 
mentioned  are  not  the  most  striking,  scientifically  or 
popularly.  There  is  no  mention  of  the  swelling  of 
features  or  Umbs,  the  dropping  off  of  the  extremities, 
or  anaesthesia  ;  nor  can  this  silence  well  bo  explained 
by  the  suggestion  that  only  the  initial  or  quasi- 
symptoms  are  referred  to,  as  tlie  cure  is  also  considered. 
The  cause  of  true  leprosy  is  said  to  be  eating  putrid 
food,  especially  fish.  It  is  rare  in  Palestine  to-day, 
though  skin  diseases  are  common  enough.  No  help  ia 
gained  from  the  narratives  in  OT  or  NT.  Naaman 
(2  K.  5i,  c/.  155)  was  not  isolated.  True  leprosy  may 
be  inherited ;  tuberculous  leprosy  is  not  curable. 
Nothing  is  here  said  of  any  medical  treatment ;  the 
priest  merely  pronounces  ;  there  is  no  analogy  to  the 
Greek  priests  of  Aschpios.  The  real  interest  of  the 
code  is  ritual,  not  medical  or  hygienic. 

XIII.  1-44.  General  Procedure. — Certain  classes  of 
signs  arouse  suspicion.  The  priest  is  to  inspect.  If 
he  sees  them  to  be  distinctly  leprous,  the  patient  is  to 
be  so  treated  ;  othemdse  he  is  to  be  secluded  for  one 
or  two  periods  of  seven  days  ;  if  there  is  no  further 
spreading,  he  is  discharged  "  clean." 

1-8.  First  Case. — A  ring  or  scab  on  the  flesh.  If 
there  are  white  haira  more  than  skin-deep,  the  disease 
is  present. 

9-17.  Recovery  of  Cleanness. — The  grounds  for  de- 
ciding as  to  whether  the  leprosy  has  run  its  course  are 
as  forio%\  s  ;  if  the  hair  is  white  and  there  is  raw  flesh, 
the  patient  needs  no  isolation  for  inspection  purposes, 
the  decision  can  bo  made  at  once ;  but  if  he  is  white 
all  over,  the  disease  is  regarded  as  at  an  end  ;  probably 
a  case  of  leiicoderma  is  in  mind. 

18-23.  Second  Case. — A  bright  or  pale  spot  occurring 
after  a  boil.  The  word  for  boil  ia  used  in  connexion 
with  Job's  di'^ea-^c  (Job  2;^ 

24-28.  Third  Case. — Symptoms  in  a  burned  place  ; 
the  same  appearances  are  to  be  looked  for  by  the  priest. 

29-37.  Fourth  Case. —Ringworm.  The  word  trans- 
lated "  scall  "  is  from  a  root  meaning  to  rub  or  scratch  ; 


204 


LEVITICUS,  XIII.  29-37 


an  itching  place.     Hero,  tho  spreading  occasions  the 
diinfrcT. 

38-44.  Fifth  and  Sixth  Cases. -If  the  white  spots 
are  only  dull,  th<'  t  ruptions  aro  harmless.  The  root 
of  the  "ileb.  word  fur  "  totter  "  signifies  "  shining.' 
An  indamed  appearance  constitutes  what  is  dangerous  ; 
and  here  no  isolation  for  iaspection  is  necessary. 

46f.  Duty  of  the  Infected  Person. — He  is  to  tear  his 
clothes,  like  a  mourner :  his  hair  is  to  be  unkempt  (106), 
marking  him  out  at  once  ;  and  he  is  to  cover  his  mouth — 
perhaps  an  ancient  precaution  to  prevent  tho  entrance 
or  exit  of  a  demon.  Strikingly  similar  are  the  regula- 
tions for  medieval  lepers  and  pariahs  in  India  ;  but 
how  different  from  the  attitude  of  Christ  !  Shrinking 
from  ritual  nncleanness  is  here  clearly  connected  with 
popular  and  quite  uninstructed  fear  and  disgust. 

47-59.  Leprosy  in  Garments. — Xo  mere  disea.se  of 
wool  is  meant,  or  why  should  skin  garments  be  in- 
cluded ?  The  same  isolation  is  prescribed  as  for  human 
i>eings  ;  the  infected  garment  L"  to  be  burnt.  If  there  is 
no  sign  of  spreading,  there  is  to  bo  washing  and  further 
seclusion.  A  further  inspection  is  then  to  take  place. 
If  the  garment  is  found  to  be  as  it  was  before,  in  spite 
of  the  washing,  the  whole  garment  must  be  burnt ; 
if  it  is  dulled,  the  infected  part  is  to  bo  torn  out  and 
burnt  ;  if  there  is  a  further  appearance,  the  garment 
must  be  burnt  ;  if  not,  after  a  second  washing,  the 
ban  Is  removed. 

XIV.  consists  of  two  distinct  sections,  the  cleansing 
of  the  leper  (1-32)  and  the  leprosy  of  a  house  (33-53). 
Probably  13  was  the  original  document  on  leprosy,  or 
141-32  would  have  preceded  1347ff.,  while  134/2.  and 
1433ff.  would  naturally  have  come  together  (as  their 
subject-matter  is  placed  in  145  5).  On  the  other  hand, 
the  law  of  ceremonial  cleansing  may  be  as  old  as  13. 
13  deals  with  the  tests  whether  leprosy  is  present  or 
not  (I334  deals  only  with  the  object  of  a  mistaken 
suspicion) ;  14  deals  only  with  what  has  to  be  done 
after  leprosy  has  gone.  14  shows  into  what  a  distant 
period  the  whole  law  must  be  pushed  back.  The 
articles  to  be  dipped,  the  letting  loose  of  the  bird 
(cf.  the  goat  for  Azazel.  16,  and  the  red  heifer,  Nu.  19*), 
the  shaving  of  the  hair,  all  suggest  ideas  which  had 
very  possibly  an  original  connexion  with  what  would 
now  be  called  magic — getting  rid  of  the  spirit  or  demon 
of  disease.  With  P,  the  remains  of  magical  have  not 
begun  to  yield  to  the  beginnings  of  medical  treatment. 
The  interval  of  seven  days  (9)  and  the  partial  repetition 
of  the  cereinony  may  be  the  addition  of  later  lawyers. 
The  threefold  sacrifice  (guilt,  with  meal,  .sin,  and  burnt) 
recalls  the  general  sacrificial  law  ;  but  why  guilt  ? 
There  is  no  suggestion  of  the  extra  1th,  as  in  5f.,  and 
there  are  ritual  differences,  e.g.  oil  is  used,  and  the 
whole  offering  is  waved.  The  double  sprinkling  of  the 
extremities  (with  blood  and  oil)  reminds  us  of  the 
consecration  of  priests  (8),  but  ethnic  parallels  show 
that  an  older  rite  is  here  taken  over  ;  it  is  called  a 
guilt  offering,  because,  as  additional  to  the  sin  and 
burnt  offerings,  it  could  be  called  nothing  else.  The 
whole  rite  had  to  be  brought  under  the  familiar 
categories.  Even  "  atonement"  (19),  though  there  is 
of  course  no  actual  "  sin,"  is  necessary,  because  rites 
hke  those  alone  can  secure  power  to  join  again  in  the 
"  communio  sacrorum."  A  modification  for  poverty 
ia  prescribed,  as  in  .5i  i,  128.  If  true  leprosy  alone  had 
been  intended,  apart  from  eczema  or  skin-disease,  the 
rite  could  hardly  over  have  been  needed.  But  we 
cannot  consider  such  a  rite  as  this  invented,  or  "  in 
the  air."  This  chapter,  as  12,  may  have  originally 
referred  to  local  sanctuaries  ;  but  there  would  bK3  even 
less  diCBculty  about  the  journey  to  Jerusalem  than  in  12. 


1-20.  Normal  Law  of  Cleansing  after  tho  disease  has 
disappeared. — Tho  patient  brings  to  tho  priest  two 
birds,  and  he  is  sprinkled  with  the  blood  of  one  of  them, 
killed  in  an  earthenware  (and  therefore  cheap)  bowl,  for 
mixing  the  blood,  over  running  (and  therefore  pure) 
water,  along  with  cedar  wood  (perhaps  becaase  of  its 
supposotl  healing  properties),  scarlet  wool,  and  hyssop 
(cf.  Nu.  196  ).  The  other  bird  carries  away  the  pollu- 
tion. He  then  removes  his  hair  and  washes  himself  and 
his  clothes  {cf.  Dt.  21 12,  Nu.  6i8»).  In  the  second 
part  of  the  rite,  next  day,  the  semi-magical  elements 
(except  perhaps  in  14,  17)  are  not  found.  The  guilt 
offering,  a  he-lamb,  along  with  meal  and  oil,  is  pre- 
sented, and  with  the  blood  and  the  oil  the  extremities 
of  the  offerer  aro  touched  ;  then  follow  the  sin  offering 
and  the  burnt  offering,  with  the  meal  offering.  In 
Nu.  154,  only  fV  of  an  cphah  is  mentioned  as  a  meal 
offering.  t%  of  an  ephah  is  equivalent  to  some  20  pints, 
and  a  log  (of  oil)  to  one  pint.  The  reference  to  the 
loft  hand  (15)  and  "  upon  the  blood  "  (17)  show  how 
carefully  the  ritual  is  thought  out,  in  order  that  the 
whole  may  be  done  neatly. 

21-32.  Modification  of'  the  Offering  for  Poverty. — 
Less  flour  is  required,  and  doves  instead  of  animals 
are  allowed  for  sin  and  burnt  offerings  (cf.  07).  The 
first  part  of  the  rite  and  the  "  guilt  offering  "  are 
unmodified. 

33-53.  Ceremonies  for  a  "  Leprous  "  House. — Doubt- 
less the  result  of  the  working  of  analogy  ;  a  secondary 
section,  like  134/2.  When  "  Yahweh  puts  the  plague 
of  leprosy  "  upon  a  house  (cf.  Am.  36),  the  house  is  to 
be  emptied,  for  ritual  purposes,  and  if  suspicion  ia 
aroused  by  the  priest's  inspection,  the  house  is  sealed 
up  for  a  week.  If  on  a  further  inspection  the  infection 
is  still  there,  the  mortar  is  to  be  scraped  off,  and  the 
stones  of  the  infected  place  removed.  The  house  is 
then  repaired,  but  if  the  "  plague  "  appear  again,  the 
house  is  torn  down  and  its  materials  carted  away. 
Palestinian  houses,  as  is  shown  bj-  the  debris  on 
excavated  sites,  were  built  of  stones  loosely  put 
together  with  mortar  (not  always  properly  tempered  ; 
cf.  Ezek.  13 10).  It  was  not,  therefore,  difficult  to  dig 
through  and  remove  (cf.  Ezek.  I25,  ilt.  619)  part  of 
the  wall  ;  though  when  a  house  was  destroyed,  the 
debris  was  generally  left  on  the  spot,  to  servo  for  a 
fresh  building.  Entering  the  house  involves  unclean- 
ness,  and  when  the  house  is  pronounced  clean,  the 
older  rite  is  prescribed  for  the  ratification  of  its  habita- 
bihty  (birds,  cedar,  running  water,  etc.),  and  by  it  is 
made  the  atonement  which  for  a  human  being  is  made 
by  the  three  kinds  of  offerings. 

XV.  Issues. — Four  kinds  are  considered  ;  the  first  of 
these  (1-15)  is  apparently  pathological,  though  there 
is  no  reference  to  venereal  diseases,  which  aro  unknown 
intheOT  ;  the  second  (16-18)  normal  ;  the  third  (19-24) 
normal  and  periodic  ;  the  fourth  (25-30),  an  abnormal 
occurrence  or  prolongation  of  tho  normal.  Whether 
normal  or  not,  all  these  occurrences  are  regarded  as 
causing  "  taboos  "  in  ethnic  religions,  and  as  cormcctod 
with  supernatural  powers  ;  the  third  kind  is  constantly 
associated  with  tho  bite  of  a  demon  (as,  for  example, 
in  Australia).  Possibly  a  similar  behef  existed  origin- 
ally among  the  Hebrews,  but  it  is  not  necessary  in 
order  to  account  for  the  feeling  of  repulsion  which 
causes  all  such  phenomena  to  be  regarded  as  unclean. 
The  first,  third,  and  fourth  kinds  need  wa.sliing,  and 
whether  this  was  originally  so  intended  or  not,  it  ia 
certainly  in  practice  entirely  hygienic.  Only  the 
abnormal  kinds,  the  first  and  fourth,  have  prescribed 
for  them  an  interval  of  a  week,  followed  by  a  sacrifice  ; 
this,  however,  is  of  the  cheapest  kind  (cf.  07,  1422). 


LEVITICUS,  XVI.  16-19 


205 


The  uncleanness  is  regarded  as  breaking  the  com- 
munion (31)  ;  hence,  a  sin  offering  is  needed  to  remove 
its  traces,  and  a  burnt  offering  to  signahsc  resumption 
of  relations.  To  most  primitive  peoples,  the  sexual 
life  is  surrounded  by  taboos  (cf.  Crawley,  Mystic  Rose). 
The  savage  fear  of  evil  spirits  is  hero  specially  active. 
In  this  chapter,  however,  the  entire  absence  of  any- 
thing that  could  be  called  magical  must  be  noted  (the 
same  is  true  of  the  early  Hcb.  narratives  in  the  form 
in  which  we  now  have  them),  as  of  initiation  ceremonies 
at  puberty  (whether  of  boys  or  girls)  or  of  marriage 
rites.  For  all  their  ethnic  affinities,  the  codes,  on  this 
subject,  are  puritj"^  itself,  although  so  often  traditional 
customs  connected  with  marriage  have  been  made  the 
ministers  of  impurity. 

1-15.  Discharges  from  Males. — These  are  evidently 
regarded  as  abnormal.  The  greatest  care  is  taken  to 
mark  the  contagion  arising  from  them.  Keener  pre- 
cautions could  not  be  taken  with  what  is  the  most 
loathsome  disease  of  our  modern  civihsation.  The 
bed,  the  seat,  anyone  who  has  touched  the  bed  or  the 
seat  or  the  afflicted  person  himself,  or  has  been  touched 
by  his  sahva,  is  infected.  In  each  case  of  infection, 
washing  and  seclusion  for  the  rest  of  the  day  is  pre- 
scribed ;  wooden  vessels  are  to  be  rinsed,  earthenware 
(cf.  628,  II33)  to  be  destroyed.  The  infected  person 
himself,  however,  when  free,  is  simply  to  wait  for 
a  week,  wash  his  clothes  and  his  body  in  running 
water ;  on  the  next  day  he  offers  a  sin  offering  and 
a  burnt  offering  in  resuming  his  intercourse  with  holy 
things.  Only  small  birds  are  needed  for  this  purpose 
(cf.  128). 

16-18.  Emissions,  Voluntary  or  Otherwise. — Here 
only  washing  is  needed.  The  existence  of  the  first 
part  of  the  law  may  well  help  to  allay  the  horror 
with  which  the  phenomenon  is  often  needlessly  re- 
garded. In  the  second  part,  there  is  no  suggestion  of 
sin,  as  in  the  writings  of  Augustine  and  other  fathers, 
or  in  the  medieval  deductions  from  Gen.  3.  Cf.,  how- 
ever, Ex.  19i5,  1  S.  2I5,  2  S.  llii,  1  Cor.  I5,  Rev.  144  ; 
in  the  OT  passages  the  ritual  aspect  of  the  act  is 
emphasized,  in  the  NT  the  moral.  To  primitive 
thought,  the  act  has  its  significance  for  good  or  evil 
quite  apart  from  considerations  of  wedlock  (cf.  also  24). 

19-24.  Here  the  ceremonial  has  become  almost 
identical  with  what  would  now  be  considered  the 
hygienic.  The  prescriptions  for  infected  persons  are 
the  same  as  those  in  1-15.  24  conveys  a  very  salutary 
caution  :  contrast  20 18 — the  two  cases,  however,  may 
not  be  the  same.  The  impurity  is  held  to  disappear 
of  itself  after  an  interval  of  a  week  from  its  bcgmning. 

25-30.  Abnormal  Prolongation  of  Discharge.— Here 
the  treatment  of  the  patient  is  identical  with  that  of 
the  man  in  1-15.  In  neither  case,  however,  is  any 
"  treatment "  in  the  modem  sense  of  the  word  men- 
tioned. Even  if  the  law  is  by  imphcation  hygienicj  it 
is  not  medical. 

31-33.  Conclusion. — These  five  chapters,  and  espe- 
cially the  last,  throw  a  strong  hght  on  the  conception 
of  sin  in  P.  Sin  is  not  an  act,  but  a  condition.  The 
eacrificcs  prescribed  for  it  are  not  punishments,  nor 
even  methods  of  escape,  but  means  by  which,  the 
abnormal  conditions  gone,  the  functions  of  the  normal 
can  be  safely  resumed.  But  the  connexion  of  the 
abnormal,  as  well  as  the  strictly  pathological,  with  a 
sense  of  sin  and  guilt,  Ls  a  truth  familiar  to  psychology, 
and  is  illustrated  by  common  feelings  about  all  four 
of  the  cases  in  15.  But,  in  fairness  to  P,  it  must  be 
remembered  that  P  does  not  brand  as  sins,  in  our 
modem  sense,  acts  or  states  for  which  the  individual 
cannot  bo  held  responsible  :  it  simply  assorta  that  they 


necessitate  ritual  seclusion,  and  that  escape  from  them 
demands  the  performance  of  certain  ceremonies  not 
by  any  means  particularly  burdensome. 

XVI.  The  Day  of  Atonement  (see  p.  104). — The  intro- 
duction (i)  shows,  by  its  reference  to  IO1-7,  that  16 
originally  followed  IO7  ;  i.e.  after  the  law  for  the  High 
Priest's  consecration  came  the  law  of  his  entrance  into 
the  holy  place.  It  is  possible  that  the  kernel  of  16 
is  this  law  of  the  High  Priest's  entrance  (1-4,  6,  12,  13, 
23-25),  and  that  the  separate  rite  of  atonement  for 
the  sins  of  the  people  with  the  curious  rite  of  the 
second  goat  was  added  later,  or  that  two  originally 
mdependent  rites  coalesced.  This  is  the  more  probable 
because  the  rite  is  nowhere  else  mentioned  in  the  OT. 
Ezek.  prescribes  two  days  of  atonement  (in  1st  and 
7th  months  ;  cf.  Ezek.  45x8,  and  20,  where  omit  "  day 
of").  In  Neh.  Sgff,  the  law  is  read  pubUcly,  on  the 
1st  day  of  the  7th  month  ;  on  the  2nd,  the  feast 
of  booths  is  decided  on,  and  carried  out  (probably  as 
Lev.  2334ff.)  m  the  week  from  the  15th  to  the  23rd. 
The  following  day,  24th,  is  kept  as  a  fast.  There  is 
here  no  place  for  the  "  Day  "  of  Lev.  16.  It  is  men- 
tioned, indeed,  in  Lev.  2327ff.,  and  259ff.,  but  with  no 
hint  of  the  special  ritual  of  16.  Hence,  probably, 
16  embodies  the  latest  ceremony  of  the  whole  of 
P,  though  the  actual  rites  which  it  prescribes,  side  by 
side  with  burnt  and  sin  offerings,  breathe  a  very 
different  spirit,  and  one  which  carries  us  back  to  a 
distant  antiquity.  In  earher  times,  when  heathenism 
was  still  a  danger,  these  rites  were  discountenanced 
by  the  priestly  legislators ;  now,  the  menace  of 
heathenism  broken,  they  are  taken  over,  as  survivals 
and  still  popular,  on  account  of  their  suggestive 
symbohsm.  Logically,  there  is  no  place  for  this 
peculiar  rite  in  the  system  of  P,  which  elsewhere  re- 
gards sacrifice  as  sufficient  by  itself.  (On  "  Azazel," 
see  p.  104.) 

In  Lev.  2324,  the  1st  day  of  the  7th  month  ia  a 
solemn  rest ;  in  259,  the  lOth  day  of  the  7th  month 
of  the  50th  year  begins  the  year  of  Jubiie.  The  old 
Heb.  year  began  in  the  autumn  (Ex.  23i6,  3422),  when 
the  harvests  were  complete  (p.  118).  But  in  the  Exile 
the  Hebrews  leamt  the  Babylonian  reckoning,  which 
began  in  spring  ;  hence  the  ecclesiastical  New  Year's 
festivals  would  be  considered  £is  taking  place  in  the 
7th  month.  Lev.  259  shows  that  the  10th  day  of 
the  month  was  actually  regarded  as  New  Year's  Day. 
It  is  characteristic  of  later  Judaism  to  hold  what  was 
once  a  joyous  festival  in  this  fashion  ;  a  clean  start 
was  to  be  made  by  a  solemn  rite  for  rchallowing  the 
whole  people. 

1-15.  Atonement  Rite  for  High  Priest  and  his 
Family. — The  holy  place  within  the  veil,  i.e.  the  inner 
of  the  two  compartments  of  the  shrine,  is  not  to  be 
entered  at  will,  but  only  on  New  Year's  Day  (29). 
Otherwise  the  intruder  would  be  killed  by  the  Shekinah 
which  dwelt  there  in  sohtary  majesty.  (For  the  veil, 
see  Ex.  2631*  ;  for  the  mercy-seat,  see  Ex.  25i7ff.*) 
The  priest,  wearing  less  omate  robes  than  at  his 
consecration  (87ff.),  presents  the  bullock  as  his  own  sin 
offering,  and  the  two  goats  ;  on  these  he  casts  lota 
("  to  make  atonement  for  him  "  ( 10)  is  probably  a  gloss  ; 
atonement  is  not  mentioned  in  connexion  with  this 
goat ;  and  to  whom  does  "  him  "  refer  ?).  He  enters 
the  inner  shrine  tv.ice  ;  first  with  the  censer  to  produce 
the  protecting  cloud  (cf.  Jg.  622;  Is.  65,  Ex.  24i,9).  and 
then  with  the  bullock's  blood,  which  he  has  to  sprinkle 
seven  times  on  the  mercv  seat  (cf.  811). 

16-19.  The  Atonement  for  the  People.— The  priest 
has  now  to  offer  the  goat  assigned  by  lot  for  the 
atonement   of   the  people ;   less    valuable   than    the 


206 


LEVITICUS,  XVI.   16-19 


bullock,  aa  the  holiness  of  the  priost  is  more  important 
than  that  of  the  jxjople.  With  the  people  is  joined 
the  holy  place,  and  the  shrine,  which  will  suffer  by 
infractions  of  ritual  duty  (cf.  the  defilement  of  tiio 
land  by  disobedience,  Ezek.  3Gi8).  The  atonement  is 
made  witliiii  the  shrine,  as  before  (the  prohibition  in 
17  is  curious  ;  but  a  priest,  who  might  enter  the  outer 
shrine,  might  have  wisliod  to  see  the  passage  of  the 
High  Priest  within).  The  altar  is  abo  atoned  for, 
"  un-sinned  "  (cf.  815),  by  sprinkling  it  with  the  blood 
seven  times.  The  altar  of  burnt  offering  Ls,  of  course, 
the  altar  referred  to  here. 

20-22.  The  Scape-Goat. — Over  the  second  goat 
confession  is  now  made  (for  the  first  time  in  the  rite) 
with  the  laying  on  of  the  High  Priest's  hands  [cf.  the 
laying  on  of  hands  by  the  offerer  at  every  sacrifice). 
The  Alirfhna  tractate  "  Yoma  "  gives  the  text  of  this 
prayer.  Tlie  goat  is  then  led  off  into  the  "  wilderness  " 
or  untitled  land,  sueli  as  constituted  a  large  part  of 
SE.  Judah,  especially  after  the  Exile.  To  some  minds 
this  "  carrying  away  '"  of  sin  would  bo  symbolic,  to 
others  doubtless  a  real  transaction. 

23-28.  Conclusion  of  the  Ceremony.— The  High 
Priest  must  leave  his  robes  in  a  holy  place,  so  as  not 
to  communicate  their  character  to  the  people,  who,  of 
course,  would  not  bo  allowed  to  enter  there  (cf.  Ezek.  44 
19*,  Is.  (J05*).  He  must  then  bathe,  as  having  been  in 
contact  with  sin  (cf.  26,  28).  Finally,  he  must  offer 
the  bunit  offering,  the  reconciliation  having  now  been 
made  by  the  sin  offering.  The  sin  offering  itself  is  not 
burnt  at  the  altar — neither  the  bullock  nor  the  goat — 
but  earned  away  and  burnt  outside  the  camp  or  city. 
The  fat,  however,  is  burnt  by  the  priest  (cf.  48-io) 
(R.S^  p.  351). 

29-34.  Final  Directions. — For  the  date,  see  above. 
The  people  are  to  afflict  their  souls,  i.e.  to  fast ; 
this,  and  the  whole-day  service,  are  the  chief  features 
of  the  modem  Day  of  Atonement.  It  is  also  a 
Sabbath,  i.e.  no  work  is  to  be  done,  to  secure  leisure 
for  the  solemn  import  of  the  day.  The  solemnity  of 
this  occasion,  when  all  the  sins  of  the  year  not  definitely 
atoned  for  before  are  got  rid  of,  is  natural  to  P.  To 
the  mass  of  the  people  it  might  otherwise  have  occa- 
sioned feelings  of  a  very  different  kind. 

XVII.-XXVI.  The  "  HoUness  Code  '  (see  Introd.  §  2). 

XVII.  Restrictions  on  Sacrifice.— The  whole  chapter 
recalls  P,  yet  there  are  differences  of  phrase  (e.g.  "  what 
man  soever,"  3)  and  of  tone  (e.g.  the  giving  of  a  reason 
for  a  command,  11)  and  of  contents  (e.g.  the  explicit 
prohibition  of  slaughter  exceptat  the  central  sanctuary). 
Of  the  four  sections  of  the  chapter,  each  with  its  intro- 
ductory phrase,  the  second  is  an  extension  of  the  first, 
the  fourth  of  the  third. 

1-7.  All  Slaughter  must  be  Sacrificial,  i.e.  at  the 
Banctuarj'  (cf.  Dt.  122ff.,  2  K.  238,  Jer,  7i8).  All 
slaughter  had  originally  this  sacrificial  character, 
among  the  Hebrews,  as  among  other  pastoral  and  some 
agricultural  peoples  ;  animals  were  practically  never 
killed  except  for  sacrifice.  Then,  any  other  kind  of 
slaughter  easily  came  to  be  regarded  as  impious.  To 
Hindus,  there  is  no  greater  crime  than  slaughtering 
an  ox  (cf.  Manu,  v.  3 1 ),  and  to-day,  except  among  out- 
castes,  sacrifices  of  animals  are  a  thing  of  the  past. 
The  abolition  of  sacrifices  in  the  country  (the  "  open 
field,"  5),  first  definitely  proclaimed  in  Dt.  I26f.  (cf. 
2  K.  238)  involves  that  of  sacrifices  to  "  he-goats," 
i.e.  field  demons  (7,  cf  mq.  and  see  Sntyr  in  F,I?i.) ;  the 
Bimple,  primitive  agricultural  rites  (for  further  examples 
BOO  Frazer,  Qolden  Dough),  now  become  "  fornication" 
(cf.  Ezek.  6g,  16).  Even  field  sacrifices  to  Yahwoh  are 
by  implication  forbidden.     For  thosfo  demons  cf.  Is. 


132 1*,  3414.  On  the  dangers  felt  in  int«nnitting  the 
old  sacrifices,  cf.  Jer.  44 17.  For  the  older  practice, 
cf.  1  iS.  1432,  1  K-  1921.  It  was  always  dangerous  to 
shed  blood,  unless  on  an  altar  ;  as  field  altars  are  now 
prohibited,  all  field  sacrifices  will  lie  dangerous  (4). 
In  Dt.,  killing  as  distinct  from  sacrifice  is  allowed 
(I215)  ;  also,  by  implication,  in  P  (Gon.  92)  ;  it  ia 
unmentionod  in  Ezek.,  and  not  referred  to  elsewhere 
in  H.  Eerdmans  suggests  that  we  have  hero  the 
direction  for  a  local  shrine  in  Jerusalem  (cf.  on  12) ; 
more  probably  it  is  an  extension  of  the  principle  of 
Dt.  12,  which  was  later  found  to  bo  impracticable,  or, 
as  centralisation  became  more  deeply  rooted,  needless. 

8f.  Extension  of  the  Rule  to  Resident  Aliens.— 
"  Strangers,"  often  referred  to  in  H  (cf.  I934),  are  men 
of  alien  race,  frequently  broken  men  from  other 
countries,  living  more  or  less  permanently  in  Palestine, 
and  therefore  naturally  expected  to  conform  to  many 
of  its  religious  practices  (cf.  12),  while  without  the 
special  rights  of  a  Hebrew,  and  therefore  liable  to 
oppression  unless  specially  protected,  as  by  H  (Dt. 
I16*,  p.  110). 

10-12.  Prohibition  of  "  Eating  Blood,"  i.e.  of  eating 
flesh  not  properly  drained  of  blood  (Oen.  94»). — The 
reason  given,  that  the  life  is  in  the  blood  (11),  underlies 
the  special  importance  of  the  blood  .in  the  earlier 
chapters  and  the  whole  sacrificial  practice.  The  blood 
"  makes  atonement,"  i.e.  it  is  the  part  of  the  sacri- 
fice brought  into  contact,  so  to  speak,  with  Yahweh, 
which  therefore  secures  the  worshipper's  power  to  ap- 
proach Yahweh  Himself,  the  main  object  of  the  sacrifice. 
As  such,  the  blood  would  naturally  be  dangerous  for  man; 
its  use  would  be  an  invasion  of  Yahweh's  prerogative 
(cf.  the  prohibition  of  fat,  817).  The  prohibition  of 
blood  has  therefore  been  applied  by  Jews  to  all  slaughter, 
in  every  age  (cf.  13).  Disobedience  is  as  dangerous  for 
aliens  (12)  as  for  Hebrews.  Note  that  Yahweh  Himself 
is  felt  to  "  cut  off  "  the  criminal  (10,  contrast  9),  and  to 
provide  the  ancient  taboo  as  a  means  of  approach  to 
Himself  (11). 

13-16.  The  Blood  of  Non-sacrificial  Animals.— To 
these,  of  course,  3-7  does  not  apply.  But  all  blood, 
even  theirs,  is  regarded  as  dangerous.  Hence,  it  must 
be  covered  with  dust,  or  it  will  "  cry  from  the  ground  " 
(cf.  Gen,  4io*),  The  whole  class  of  non-sacrificial 
animals  includes :  (a)  wild  animals,  which  may  be 
eaten,  if  properly  drained  of  blood  ;  (b)  animals  not 
killed  ;  and  (c)  animals  killed  by  other  animals  ;  cf. 
Dt,  1421,  where  they  are  allowable  for  the  alien  and 
the  foreigner,  and  Lev.  11 39,  where  bathing  is  un- 
mentioned.  Evidently,  such  a  light  penalty  would 
make  it  still  possible  for  the  poor  to  enjoy  such  a 
cheap  class  of  food  ;  cf.  Ex,  2231,  whore,  as  in  Dt., 
no  provision  for  purification  is  mentioned.  Thus  to 
the  later  law,  H  and  P,  the  general  prohibition  of 
blood  has  partly  lost  its  terrors  ;  but  to  the  modern 
Jew,  '■  tripha  "  (torn)  is  the  opposite  of  "kosher" 
(drained). 

XVIII.  Degrees  of  Affinity. — The  chapter  ia  closely 
coiuiected  in  subjcct-inattcr  with  2O11-20,  though  the 
details  are  different,  and  the  two  sections  must  be 
indejwndent.  20  omits  mention  of  mother  (as  distinct 
from  father's  wife),  and  the  oases  of  10,  11,  18.  In 
four  cases,  20  adds  a  penalty  (20i  I,  12,  14,  17  ;c/.  is,  16), 
and  in  two  others  a  consequence,  cliildlessneas  (2of.). 
These  prohibitions,  from  their  similarity  to  widespread 
talx)08,  are  obviously  pro-Mosaio  (cf.  Wostormarck, 
HiMorij  of  Unnutn  Marrmgr).  The  origin  of  prohib.tcd 
degrees  is  doubtful ;  the  recognition  is  universal ;  the 
actual  prohibitions  differ  widely.  They  are  generally 
the    most    complicated    among    the    least    advanced 


LEVITICUS,  XIX.  9-18 


207 


peoples  (c/.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Central 
Au-ftralia),  and  regarded  as  visited  with  the  severest 
Divine  penalties.  H,  however,  completely  negleets  two 
points  common  outside  Israel ;  (a)  the  distinction  be- 
tween exogamous  groups,  restmg  on  the  dread  of 
kindred  blood,  and  (6)  the  special  importance  of  the 
mother  ;  in  primitive  society  the  father  hardly  counts 
(c/.  Qen.  4'i27,  Jg.  819)  ;  hence  the  so-called  "  matri- 
arehate,"  where  genealogy  is  traced  through  the  mother, 
not  the  father.  For  the  general  recognition  of  these 
"  taboos "  in  earlier  times,  see  Gen.  193ofi.,  20i2, 
2  S.  13i3. 

1-5.  General  Warning  against  Conformity  to  Indi- 
genous Practices. — The  phrase  "  I  am  Yahweh  "  is 
characteristic  of  Ezck.  and  H,  occuning  twenty-ono 
times  in  18-20.  If  a  command  is  understood  aa 
coming  from  Yahweh,  it  is  thereby  authoritative,  but 
the  legislation  is  also  doing  explicitly  what  is  implied 
in  all  the  codes,  viz.  indicating  traditional  customs  as 
the  express  order  of  Yahweh. 

6-18.  Forbidden  Degrees  of  Marriage. — After  a 
general  preface  (6)  the  relationsliips  are  given  in  detail. 
The  phrase  "  uncover  the  nakedness  "  is  almost  con- 
fined to  17-20,  Ezek.,  and  Gen.  9.  No  penalties  or 
consequences  are  given,  though  reasons  are  sometimes 
added  {e.g.  14,  i6f.).  Two  special  cases  should  be 
noticed  ;  prohibition  of  marriage  with  a  father's  wife  (8), 
which  has  often  been  familiar  in  Oriental  royal  families 
(c/.  1  K.  222),andof  "levirate"  marriages  (16,  see  p. 109). 
Contrast  Dt.  255-10  ;  also  Ruth,  where,  however,  there 
is  more  thought  for  the  widow,  as  needing  to  be  looked 
after,  than  for  her  first  husband.  The  more  importance 
is  attached  to  population  and  the  preservation  of 
families,  the  stronger  will  be  the  hold  of  such  a  law. 
From  Mt.  22 2  3!?.,  it  would  seem  that  the  prohibition 
of  Lev.  could  not  overcome  an  old-estabhshed  custom 
whicli  was  able  to  give  a  reason  for  itself.  There  is 
no  prohibition  of  the  marriage  of  uncle  and  niece,  or 
of  cousins.  In  older  societies  {e.g.  Fiji)  the  marriage 
of  paternal  cousins  is  allowed,  and  even  encouraged,  but 
(hat  of  maternal  cousins  strictly  forbidden,  through 
the  infiuence  of  matriarchal  ideas.  Marriage  with  a 
daughter  is  not  actually  mentioned,  probably  by  in- 
.  advertence.  Bigamy  is  never  prohibited  in  the  OT  ; 
in  18  its  existence  is  implied  ;  it  gradually  fell  out  of 
use.  The  restriction  of  18  (observe  also  "  in  her  life- 
time ")  is  noteworthy  (cf.  1  S.  l6).  [In  view  of  frequent 
misuse  it  may  be  explicitly  stated  that  this  passage 
has  nothing  to  do  with  marriage  to  a  deceased  wife's 
sister.  A  man  may  not  marry  his  wife's  sister  while 
the  wife  is  still  hving. — A.  S.  P.]  The  Semitic  name 
for  a  fellow-wife  is  significantlj^  derived  from  a  root 
meaning  "  hostile"  {cf.  1  8.  l6*). 

19-23.  Appendices. — The  grouping  of  offences  is 
noteworthy,  and  the  presence  of  21  (perhaps  not 
original)  with  the  rest.  For  19,  see  on  1524,  and 
cf.  Ezek.  186.  For  20,  cf.  Ex.  2O14.  If  the  charac- 
teristic words  "  to  defile  thyself,"  were  taken  seriously, 
they  would  revolutionise  the  still  prevailing  moral 
estimates  of  sexual  sins.  For  the  custom  of  the  cere- 
monial passing  of  children  through  the  fire,  cf.  lyjv  82 1  *, 
2  K.  23io,  Jer.  731*,  Ezek.  2025f.*  It  is  not  certain 
that  this  meant  a  horrible  death  ;  it  might  simply 
involve  (as  in  other  countries)  a  leaping  through 
flames,  regarded  either  as  purificatory  or  as  an  equiva- 
lent for  such  a  sacrifice  as  that  of  Gen.  22.  The 
name  I^Iolech  is  connected  with  the  Heb.  word  for 
"king"  {cf.  Baal  =  "  lord  " ),  possibly  pronounced  by 
later  Jews  with  the  vowels  of  the  word  "  Bosheth  " 
(shame,  rf.  Nu.  ."5238*,  1  S.  I447-51*,  1  K.  I632*). 
Doubtless    Molech    was    identified    by    the    populace 


with  Yahweh.  The  horror  of  the  unions  prohibited 
in  22f.  is  deep-rooted  {cf.  Gen.  195 ).  By  "  confu- 
sion "  (23)  is  meant  a  disturbance  and  violation 
of  the  order  of  nature,  and  therefore  something 
repulsive.  The  chapter  does  not  refer  either  to 
fornication  or  to  simple  unchastity.  The  former  is  a 
recognised  histitution  in  the  OT  {cf.  Gen.  38,  1  K.  2238, 
not  RVm),  but  regarded  by  the  better  minds  with 
loathing  (Hos.  1-3,  Ezek.  23).  The  latter  is  seldom 
referred  to  (in  Ex.  22i6  and  Lev.  1920,  unchastity  is 
thought  of  as  a  sin  chiefiy  against  property,  as  often 
in  English  and  other  law) ;  independently  of  the 
codes,  however,  moral  feeling  on  the  subject  definitely 
though  perhaps  slowly  advances  in  Israel,  doubtless 
owing  in  part  to  the  intensity  of  family  hfe  and  feeling  ; 
but  it  first  finds  clear  expression  in  the  NT. 

23-30.  Epilogue. — These  sins  mean  defilement  for 
those  who  commit  them,  whether  Canaanites  or 
Israelites,  and  also  for  the  land  itself.  Hence  the  land 
also  must  be  punished,  and  will  vomit  out  its  inhabi- 
tants as  so  much  unclean  or  noisome  food  {cf.  Ezek.  36 
6ff.,  17).  26  is  parallel  to  30,  which  forms  an  impressive 
conclusion  to  the  whole  chapter ;  29,  however,  where 
alone  in  this  chapter  an  actual  punishment  is  stated, 
is  rather  in  the  manner  of  17  and  20. 

XIX.  Itliscellaneous  Collection  of  Precepts,  some  of 
them  obscure,  and  placed  in  a  strange  order.  The 
order,  however,  is  easier,  if  we  may  excise,  as  later 
insertions,  5-8  and  20-22.  With  a  httle  ingenuity, 
these  laws  may  be  arranged  (as  also  those  of  18)  in 
groups  of  five  and  ten  (see  Kent,  IsraeVs  Laws  and 
Legal  Precedents,  p.  39),  corresponding  to  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  Decalogue.  Or  laws  which  use  the  second 
person  singular  may  be  different  in  their  origm  from 
those  which  use  the  plural  {e.g.  5,  9,  11,  15,  and  10,  13!, 
16).  It  is  more  important  to  notice  the  meaning  of 
holiness  here.  Originally  ritual  rather  than  moral  (see 
p.  196),  it  is  now  to  be  preserved  by  morahty  even  more 
than  by  ritual  acts  ;  and  the  morality  demanded  soars 
as  high  in  this  chapter  as  anywhere  in  the  OT,  especially 
18.  But  there  is  no  sense  of  the  gradation  of  duties  ; 
18  is  followed  by  19,  and  19  by  20  !  A  threefold  attitude 
can  be  observed ;  reverence  for  old  practices  and 
prohibitions  of  which  the  reasons  were  lost  in  a  primi- 
tive antiquity  ;  for  the  sacrificial  system  ;  and  for  the 
prophetic  ideals  of  humanity  and  honourable  dealing. 
A  sufficient  sanction  for  all  these  is  that  they  proceed 
from  Y'ahweh,  the  deliverer  of  Israel  from  Egjrpt  (36). 

l-«.  Holiness,  Piety,  Idolatry,  Peace-oflerings. — Note 
the  mention  of  the  mother  first.  On  the  Sabbath,  see 
l)p.  lOlf..  Ex.  208*.  Idols,  lit.  "  things  of  nought " ;  only 
here  and  in  26i  in  Pentateuch  ;  common  in  2  Isaiah  {cf. 
449ff.).  "  Molten,"  specially  prohibited  also  in  Ex.  34 
17  ;  not  in  Ex.  264.  On  consimiption  of  peace  offer- 
ings, see  7 1 5-18,  which,  however,  only  allows  this 
latitude  for  a  vow.  Since  pt^ace  offerings  alone  were 
consumed  (in  part)  by  lajTuen,  this  restriction  has  its 
place  in  a  manual  of  holiness  for  laj'men. 

9-18.  Humanity  and  Uprightness. — Gleaning  is  to  be 
encouraged,  both  in  field  and  vineyard.  It  may  well 
be  that  the  comers  of  the  field  were  origmally  left  so 
as  to  avoid  driving  out  the  vegetation  spiiit.  [See 
article  Corners  by  Barton  in  ERE,  and  Frazer,  Spirits 
f'f  (he  Com  and  of  Ihe  Wild,  i.  234f.  Frazer  suggests 
that  the  original  intention  may  have  been  to  leave 
some  of  the  corn  for  the  nourishment  of  the  com  spirits 
on  whom  tlio  coming  of  next  years  harvest  depended, 
who  might  starve  and  die  if  the  field  was  completely 
stripped.  Similarly  with  the  regulation  of  Dt.  242i. 
— A.  S.  P.].  That  motive  is  now  forgotten  ;  the  prac- 
tice remains,  and  a  now  motive,  characteristic  of  the 


208 


LEVITICUS,  XIX.  9-18 


codifior  and  the  period,  is  found.  Honesty  in  word 
and  di^cd  is  to  be  maintained,  and  swearing  falsely  is 
prohibited  ;  it  is  notcwortliy  that  here,  thouf^li  not 
in  the  Decalogue,  this  prohibition  is  joined  to  that 
against  stealing  and  Ij-ing.  The  hired  man  is  to 
bo  paid  at  the  end  of  each  day  (c/.  Dt.  24i4f., 
Jer.  22i3,  Mt.  20nff.,  Jas.  64).  The  lot  of  the 
hired  servant  was  often  worse  than  that  of  the 
slave  (cf.  the  famous  words  in  Homer,  0<L  xv. 
640).  The  deaf  man  is  not  to  be  cursed,  because  ho 
could  not  hear  the  curse  and  defend  himself  ;  and  the 
inabilities  of  deaf  and  blind  put  them  under  the  special 
protection  of  Yahwch.  There  is  to  be  no  partiality  ; 
to  "  respect  the  person  "  is  literally  to  lift  up  the  face 
of  the  suppliant  bowing  before  you.  This  might  per- 
haps be  done,  in  the  case  of  the  poor,  out  of  spito  or 
fear  of  a  powerful  adversary' ;  but  there  is  no  instance 
in  the  OT  of  what  must  have  been  in  any  case  a  rare 
temptation.  Gossip,  even,  is  forbidden  {cf.  Ex.  20i6), 
and  "  standing  against  the  blood  '"  of  a  neighbour. 
I.e.  endangering  his  life  by  slanderous  accusation.  In- 
stead of  lea\nng  him  to  his  own  sin  or  its  punishment, 
you  must  warn  him,  so  as  not  to  incur  the  guilt  of 
sin  on  liis  account.  But  there  must  be  no  ill-will  to 
him  ;  hLs  interests  must  be  to  you  as  your  own.  This 
command  shows  how  far  the  conception  of  holiness 
could  transcend  the  purely  ritual.  The  nearest  parallel 
is  Rom.  12iff.,  where  "  service  "'  (a  ritual  word)  is  ex- 
pounded in  a  series  of  precepts  which  hardly  surpass 
this  ritual  of  true  neighbourliness.  The  "  neighbour,"' 
however,  is  only  a  kinsman  or  fellow-countryman. 
Contrast  Lk.  IO29,  but  cf.  33!  and  Ex.  222i. 

19-25.  Holiness  in  Farm  Life  and  between  the  Sexes. 
— Hybrids  are  forbidden  ;  a  rule  which,  with  its  curious 
extensions,  is  found  in  Dt.  22yf.  ;  but  contrast  2  S.  1829, 
1  K.  IO25,  Ezek.  27i4  ;  mules  were  highly  valued  in 
Palestine.  Perhaps  some  magical  heathen  practice  is 
the  real  object  of  the  prohibition.  [Mixtures  of  wool 
and  cotton  played  a  part  in  magic,  and  that  probably 
accounts  for  the  prohibition  of  '"two  kinds  of  stuff,  " 
which  is  explained  in  Dt.  22ii  as  "wool  and  Unen 
together.'"  In  Dt.  22io  the  prohibition  of  hybrids 
is  absent,  and  in  its  place  plouahing  with  ox  and  ass 
together  is  forbidden. — A.  S.  P.]  The  punishment  of 
the  seduction  of  a  betrothed  slave  (20-22)  should  follow 
2O12.  In  19,  no  penalties  are  stated.  The  woman  is 
not  to  be  put  to  death,  as  her  master  would  lose  her. 
With  the  necessary  guilt  offering  (015),  no  extra  fifth 
is  here  mentioned.  Newly-planted  trees  are  not  to  be 
plucked  for  three  years,  possibly  because  the  first- 
fruits  must  in  any  ca.se  be  given  to  Yahweh,  and  these 
are  not  good  enough  for  such  a  gift.  The  "  circum- 
cision "  of  a  tree  is  its  ceremonial  stripping.  Not 
till  the  fifth  year  can  it  be  safely  used  for  food. 
[The  point  is  perhaps  that  during  the  first  three  years 
it  is  taboo  and  must  be  left  alone  ;  it  may  originally 
have  been  left  for  the  field-spirits.  Notice  that  animal 
firsthngs  were  also  not  used  till  they  were  three  years 
old.  Iho  Aiabs  pmpitLate  the  jinn  with  blood  when  a 
piece  of  land  is  ploughed  for  the  first  time. — A.  S.  P.] 

26-32.  Miscellaneous  Precepts,  all  found  elsewhere, 
except  the  last.  Most  of  the  forbidden  actions  have 
some  magical  significance,  c.r/.  cutting  the  hair  in  a 
special  fashion,  or  maiming  oneself  (originally,  to  delude 
the  dangerous  spirits  of  the  dead  while  they  are  still 
near,  at  or  after  a  funeral,  or  perhaps  as  a  respectful 
offering  to  them,  see  p.  1  l(t).  29  probably  refers  to  the 
licentious  cults  of  nature  and  other  pagan  deities.  For 
31,  cf.  1  S.  28'^ff.,  Dt.  I81 1.  Is.  819.  Note  that  wizards 
defile  those  who  visit  them,  as  bringing  them  into 
contact  with  an  alien  deity  or  power. 


[27.  A  similar  practice  ia  attested  for  the  Arabs  by 
Herodotus,  and  is  allude  1  to  in  Jer.  926*  2323.  I*  is 
not  unlikely  that  the  hair  was  offered  in  sacrifice;  the 
practice  would  then  l>e  an  iastance  of  the  widespread 
custom  of  making  hair-offerings  (Nu.  G13-21*). — 
28.  print  any  marks  :  this  tattooing  was  probably  a 
religious  usage;  the  name  of  a  deity  (Is.  445*),  or  it 
might  be  tlie  clan  totem  or  other  tribal  mark,  being 
tatooed  on  the  jK-ison  in  sign  that  tlic  bearer  was  conse- 
crated to  that  deitv  or  belonged  to  that  clan. — A.  S.  P.] 

33-36.  Final  Rules  0!  Humanity  and  Justice.— Resi- 
dent aliens  are  to  bo  respected  ;  fraud  is  to  Ije  banished. 
For  the  "  stranger,"  cf.  i78f.*.  Straightfonvard  dealing 
is  here  placed  in  a  position  of  si)ccial  importance.  It 
is  uniformly  emphasized  by  the  prophets  (Am.  624, 
Mi.  68,  Ezek.  459ff. ).  In  early  stages  of  society,  un- 
tested and  unstandardised  weights  and  measures  make 
dishonesty  easy.  The  weights  unearthed  in  the  soil 
of  Palestine  (e.^.  at  Gezer)  make  no  pretence  to  exact- 
ness. The  isolated  fragment  in  Nu.  I537-41*  (provision 
of  fringes  on  garments)  seems  to  belong,  in  style  and 
matter,  to  H,  and  would  best  be  inserted  after  193 1. 

XX.  A  second  hst  of  the  crimes  catalogued  in  IS, 
together  with  the  penalties  for  them,  and  a  final 
appeal.  The  special  interest  of  the  chapter  Ues  in  the 
variations  of  penalty  assigned  ;  but  the  real  "  sanction  " 
of  such  prohibitions  as  these  lies  in  the  popular  horror 
with  which  they  were  regarded  rather  than  in  their 
public  punishment.  A  distinction  is  also  to  be  made 
between  penalties  inflicted  by  man — stoning,  putting 
to  death,  and  by  Yahweh — "  cutting  off."  The  purpose 
and  result  of  both  were  to  preserve  the  holiness  of 
the  people,  i.e.  to  preserve  it,  and  its  God,  from  the 
contamination  which  inevitably  followed  certain 
actions,  and  which,  once  it  had  taken  place,  could 
be  removed  only  by  the  "  excision  "  of  the  offending 
member  of  the  community. 

1-9.  Worship  of  Molech,  etc.  — Offering  children 
to  Molech  (see  1821*)  is  to  be  punished  by  stoning; 
such  a  dcatli  emphasizes  the  repudiation  by  the  whole 
community  and  involves  everyone  in  the  act,  always 
serious,  of  killing  a  fellow-tribesman  (cf.  Jos.  725). 
Y'ahweh  Himself  will  see  that  the  sinner  does  not 
survive  his  crime  even  if  he  is  not  publicly  punished ; 
his  whole  family  will  be  destroyed.  Cursing  parents 
is  also  a  capital  crime  ;  in  such  a  case,  the  dead  mans 
blood  does  not  "  cry  from  the  earth  "  ;  it  is  on  his 
own  head,  i.e.  its  power  to  hurt  comes  to  an  end  with 
his  life  (cf.  1  K.  231-33.  44.  and  contrast  Mt.  2725). 

10-21.  Penalties  for  Sexual  Sins — generally  death, 
the  manner  being  unspecified.  Adulter}',  incest, 
sodomy  head  the  list  ;  the  special  case  of  14  (contrast 
Am.  27)  is  followed  by  the  burning  of  all  three  persons 
(cf.  2I9).  Special  enormity  (RVm)  requires  special 
penalty.  Bestiahty,  and  other  cases  of  incest,  and 
neglect  of  the  regulation  of  prohibited  periods,  are  all 
to  be  punished  by  death.  Union  with  an  aunt,  either 
on  the  mother's  or  fathers  side,  is  regarded  less  harshly, 
with  a  thwat  of  Divine  vengeance  rather  than  a 
penalty  ;  for  union  with  the  wife  of  an  uncle  or  brother 
no  action  is  enjoined,  but  childlessness  is  foretold. 

22-26.  The  Final  Appeal,  empha.sizing  the  motive  of 
separation  from  the  customs  of  the  original  inhabi- 
tants, complementary  to  that  of  fear  of  defilement 
(I830).  Refusal  to  make  the  due  distinction  between 
clean  and  unclean — here  singled  out  as  typical  of  full 
observance — entails  expulsion  by,  as  well  as  from,  the 
land  and  roiises  abhorrence  ('i  strong  and  semi-physical 
loathing)  in  Yahweh  Himself.  Holiness  in  Lsrael'a 
conduct  is  necessary  as  corresponding  to  Israel's  own 
holiness  or  position  of  .separation  among  the  nations. 


LEVITICUS,  XXII.  26-33 


209 


27.  This  warning  against  witchcraft  should  properly 
foUow6(c/.  1931). 

XXL,  XXII.  Regulations  for  Priests  and  for  Matters 
In  which  Priests  are  specially  Responsible.  — Tho 
chapters  offer  distinct  points  of  comparison  with  P, 
and  also  with  Ezck.,  which  will  bo  noticed  below.  All 
point  to  tho  superiority,  in  point  of  time,  of  H  to  P  ;  the 
relation  to  Ezekiel  is  dubious  (see  Introd.).  They  are 
best  explained  aa  rising,  Uke  Ezckiel's  provisions,  in  a 
state  of  transition,  when  several  minds,  possessed  1)y 
the  same  leading  ideas,  and  probably  in  oral  though 
not  written  communication  with  each  other,  wore 
working  independently  towards  what  later  became  P. 

XXI.  Priests,  their  Mourning,  Marriage,  Consecration 
and  Inabilities.— The  special  holiness  of  priests  follows 
from  the  fact  that  they  were  in  specially  close  contact 
with  Yahweh.  Holiness  was  at  once  negative — what 
was  safe  elsewhere  would  be  dangerous  in  such  close 
proximity  to  Yahweh  ;  and  positive — a  special  state 
of  fitness  was  something  inconvenient  for  ordinary 
laymen,  though  it  might  be  conferred  upon  them 
(Ezek.  44i9).  Ritual  taboos  surround  priests  and 
kings  (who  regularly  perform  priestly  functions)  in 
ethnic  religions.  For  the  later  law  of  consecration,  see 
8f.  The  distinction  between  priests  and  Levites  is  not 
here  mentioned,  nor  are  Levites  referred  to  in  H,  save 
in  25328.  Ezekiel  also  speaks  of  the  priests  and 
Levites  as  if  they  were  synonymous,  while  he  emphasizes 
the  distinction  (absent  from  H)  between  the  country 
and  the  Jerusalem  (or  Zadokite)  priesthood  (44ro,  15). 
In  P,  the  Levites  are  the  subordinate  clergy  (Nu.  izQ., 
etc.). 

1-9.  Restrictions  for  the  Priests. — To  approach  a 
corpse  was  to  suffer  defilement  (c/.  Nu.  52*  19*,  Tob. 
28fl.,  Ecclus.  3425)  ;  this  is,  therefore,  forbidden  to  the 
priest,  except  in  the  case  of  the  nearest  relations  ; 
Ezekiel  (4426)  prescribes  a  period  of  seven  days' 
cleansing  even  in  this  latter  case.  The  mourning  is 
looked  upon  as  something  needed  by  the  dead  or  due 
to  their  memory  ;  a  married  sister  would  ordinarily 
be  mourned  by  her  husband — this  is  probably  the 
meaning  of  the  original  text  of  4  ;  if  his  sister  were  a 
widow,  the  priest  might  act  in  place  of  her  husband. 
Similar  restrictions  are  common  elsewhere  for  priests. 
as  also  are  the  prohibitions  of  the  outward  signs  of 
mourning.  A  scandal  or  profanation  in  the  priest's 
household  defiles  the  priest  himself  ;  hence  he  must 
not  marry  a  prostitute  or  a  divorcee.  A  striking  con- 
trast is  to  be  found  in  the  laxness  of  Hindu  law  with 
regard  to  the  morality  cf  priests.  If  a  priest's  daughter 
contaminates  her  father's  household  by  prostituting 
herself,  she  is  to  be  burnt ;  the  most  emphatic  warning 
possible  against  temple  harlotry  (cf.  penalty  in  CH  for 
votary  who  keeps  or  enters  a  tavern).  These  taboos 
are  far  less  embarrassing  than  those  which  surrounded 
the  Flamens  at  Rome,  the  King  Archons  in  Athens,  or 
Bantu  chiefs  at  the  present  time. 

10-15.  Restrictions  for  the  High  Priest.— The  title 
occurs  here  for  the  first  time  in  the  Law  ;  the  phrase 
used  is  literally  "  the  priest  who  is  chief  among  his 
brothers."  It  is,  however,  implied  in  P  in  IG  (cf.  also 
the  references  to  Aaron  (8f.).  Ezekiel  does  not  mention 
it,  but  he  too  seems  to  imply  it  in  45 19,  as  do  the  earlier 
narratives  of,  e.g.  Eli,  1  S.  Iff.),  Zadok  (1  K.  l26ff.), 
Aniaziah  (Am.  7ioff.),  and  Hilkiah  (2  K.  224ff.).  Be- 
fro  tho  Exile,  tho  chief  priest  would  naturally  be  a 
\  al  ecclesiastical  official ;  afterwards  ho  tended  to 
I  (^  the  place  of  the  king  in  tho  community  (Ecclus.  50 
and  1  Mac).  In  view  of  his  special  functions,  which, 
however,  are  nowhere  stated  in  H,  all  mourning  rites 
are  forbidden  him  ;   he  is  to  avoid  all  risk  of  pollution 


by  taking  up  his  dwelling  in  the  sacred  precincts. 
The  special  restriction  for  hLs  marriage  (a  widow  ia 
not  to  bo  married),  Ezekiel  extends  to  all  priests 
(Ezek.  4422).  The  modiscval  law  of  priestly  celibacy 
was  founded  on  the  quite  non- Hebrew  idea  of  the 
"  worldlinoss  "  of  marriage  ;  here,  a  pure  marriage 
leaves  "  holiness  "  untouched. 

16-24.  List  of  Bodily  Defects  which  prevent  a  priest 
from  actually  joining  in  the  priestly  rites,  though  he  is 
still  supported  by  the  dues.  Tho  presence  of  a  de- 
formed or  mutilated  priest  at  the  altar  would  destroy 
the  holiness  with  which  Yahweh  has  dowered  it. 
Blemish  in  a  priest,  as  in  a  victim,  may  have  been 
regarded  originally  as  tho  sign  of  the  presence  of  a 
demon ;  but  tho  aesthetic  repulsion  is  very  deep- 
seated.  Ritual  mutilations  were  allowed  and  encour- 
aged in  other  cults  ;  cf.  especially  tho  worship  of  the 
Phrygian  Cybele  (Erazer's  Adonis,  Attis,  Osiris). 

XXII.  1-8.  Further  Restrictions  as  to  the  priests'  uso  of 
holy  things,  i.e.  objects  sacrificed  or  vowed.  Temporary 
uncleanness,  touching  a  corpse  (Nu.  52*)  or  an  unclean 
object,  as  distinct  from  bodily  defects,  prevents  priests 
from  eating  these  things,  while  it  lasts.  This  rule 
applies  to  leprosy,  which  is  also  (14)  temporary. 
Animals  which  have  died  naturally  or  been  killed  by 
other  animals  are  not  to  bo  eaten  at  all  by  the  priests 
(cf.  on  17i5,  also  724).  The  rule  is  found  also  in 
Ezek.  4431. 

9-16.  Rules  for  Priests'  Families,  etc. — A  priest's 
slave  is  a  member  of  his  family,  and  may  eat  of  tho 
dues  ;  a  hired  servant  or  a  guest  is  not.  Nor  is  a 
married  daughter,  unless  she  returns,  a  childless  widow, 
to  her  father's  house.  Infringement  by  a  layman  of 
the  rules  for  holy  things  means  a  guilt  offering  (5 15), 
i.e.  restoration  of  an  equally  valuable  object  plus  one- 
fifth. 

17-25.  Conditions  to  be  Satisfled  by  the  Victims  in  the 
case  of  certain  sacrifices.  This  set  of  rules  is  given  to 
"  Aaron  and  his  sons  "  as  containing  guidance  for  the 
priests'  examination  of  the  animals.  For  vows  and 
freewill  offerings  (1-3)  the  victim  is  to  be  a  male, 
without  blemish.  In  the  case  of  a  peace  offering, 
which  is  to  accomplish  a  vow  or  freewill  offering  (un- 
mentioned  in  3),  the  sex  of  the  animal  is  not  mentioned, 
but  certain  blemishes  are  specified.  Malformations 
are  allowed  in  the  case  of  freewill  offerings,  but  not  of 
vows,  which  are  of  the  nature  of  a  debt.  Castration 
renders  an  animal  unfit  for  sacrifice,  even  if  the  opera- 
tion had  been  performed  before  it  came  into  Hebrew 
hands  ;  it  is  a  destruction  (RV  "corruption  ")  of  its  true 
nature. 

26-33.  Concluding  Rules  for  Sacrifice,  not  specially 
directed  to  Aaron,  as  they  concern  all  pei-sons  intending 
to  sacrifice.  A  calf  or  lamb  or  kid  offered  (as  first- 
bom)  is  to  be  kept  till  the  eighth  day  (cf.  the  rule  of 
circumcision,  12).  The  law  is  an  ancient  one ;  cf. 
Ex.  2229!  (Book  of  the  Covenant),  where  it  is  joined 
with  the  law  of  tho  offering  of  the  first-bom  which 
underlies  the  practice  of  circumcision.  For  tho  pro- 
hibition of  tho  sacrifice  of  cow  and  calf  on  the  same 
day,  cf.  Ex.  23i9  ;  perhaps  in  certain  forbidden  ritos 
the  calf  was  treated  as  the  kid  evidently  was.  Or  tho 
motive  may  have  been  similar  to  that  of  Dt.  226. 
Thank  offerings,  like  peace  offerings,  are  to  be  offered 
with  a  view  to  acceptance,  i.e.  with  tho  observance  of 
all  the  rules.  Nothing  must  be  left  over  t<5  tho  next 
day  ;  cf.  7 15,  and,  for  the  Passover,  Ex.  12 10  ;  contrast 
Lev.  7i6  and  196  ;  also  (a  more  general  rule)  Ex.  23i8. 
The  final  exhortation  to  this  section  is  brief,  but  it 
lays  its  emphasis,  now  familiar  on  tho  holiness  of  tho 
whole  people,  and  its  connexion  with  that  of  Yahweh. 


210 


LEVITICUS,  XXIII. 


XXIII.  The  Sacred  Calendar  (pp.  103-10.1).— The 
chapltT,  though  R-adiiiir  as  one  whole,  has  been  coii.sider- 
ably  expaiuk-il  hy  a  later  priestly  writer.  The  origiual 
sections  apparently  referred  to  the  throe  great  feasts  : 
(passover  and)  unleavened  broad  (98.),  "  weeks  "  (isfE.), 
ingathering  (j'jff.).  That  the  chapter  is  not  a  unity 
is  shown  by  the  new  commencement  in  9,  the  repetition 
of  199  in  22,  the  reference  to  I630  in  26ff.,  and  the 
parallel  sections  in  33ff.  and  39!!.  The  festivals  now 
belong  to  the  whole  community  (not  to  a  family  or 
village,  1  S.  I65)  ;  H  empha«ize.j  their  connexion  with 
agriculture  (10,  42);  to  P  their  three  characteristics 
are  rest,  assemblage  at  the  sanctuary,  and  the  set 
Bacrifico. 

1-3.  The  Sabbath,  which  is  to  bo  kept  holy,  i.e. 
unprofaned  by  any  kind  of  work  for  individual  profit, 
and  marked  by  a  religious  gathering,  apparently  at  a 
synagogue.  The  term  "  set  feast  "  (RV)  means  "  an 
assembly."  The  same  word  is  used  in  the  name  for 
the  shrme,  "  the  tent  of  meeting."  The  older  name 
for  those  feasts  was  had,  properly  a  pilgrimage  ;  this 
term,  liowever,  would  not  apply  to  the  Sabbath. 

4-8  (P).  The  Passover  (i)p.  102f.),  which  was  regu- 
larly followed  by  a  week  when  no  leaven  was  to  be  eaten 
(c/.  Dt.  I61-S,  Ex.  121-14).  The  first  month  (see  on 
16)  is  Nisan  (March-April).  The  Passover  commences, 
like  all  Jewish  feasts,  at  evening,  or,  in  the  Heb.  phrase, 
"  between  the  two  evenmgs,"  i.e.  between  sunset  and 
dark  :    for  the  sacrifice,  see  Nu.  2817-25. 

9-14  (H).  The  Festival  of  Unleavened  Bread  or 
Mazzoth  (see  pp.  102f.). — The  "  wave  sheaf  "  is  to  be  cut 
on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  apparently  after  the  Sab- 
bath of  the  passover  week,  i.e.  on  the  16th  of  the  month 
(but  no  date  is  actually  given).  For  the  4  th  ephah 
(about  3^  quarts),  cf.  214.  Wine  has  not  hitherto  been 
mentioned  in  H  :  in  P  only  in  Ex.  2940.  No  part  of 
the  new  crop  is  to  bo  used  till  the  offering  to  Yahweh 
has  been  made. 

15-22.  The  Harvest  Festival,  or  "  Weeks,"  i.e.  of 
the  completion  of  the  corn  harvest  (p.  103,  Nu.  2826- 
31).  In  a  countrj'  so  varied  topographically  as  Pales- 
tine, there  may  be  two  months'  ditfercnce  between  the 
harvest  in  the  valleys  and  in  the  high  lands.  The 
fixing  of  a  definite  date  would  follow  the  centralisation 
of  the  festival.  The  loaves  waved  at  this  festival  are 
the  same  in  size  as  at  Mazzoth,  but  two  instead  of  one, 
and  they  are  leavened.  There  is  no  need  of  haste,  as 
when  the  sheaf  of  the  first-fruits  had  to  be  presented 
without  any  delay  seven  weeks  before.  Instead  of  one 
lamb,  as  at  the  earlier  festival,  two  lambs  and  one 
goat ;   all  belong  to  the  priest.     For  22,  sec  I99*. 

23-25.  The  Festival  of  Trumpets  (p.  104)  wliich  appears 
here  for  the  first  time.  The  early  Hebrew  year  (see  on  10) 
began  on  what  is  now  the  seventh  month  ;  hence  this 
is  a  New  Years  festival,  and  it  is  useful  also  in  marking 
the  month  in  which  fell  both  the  Day  of  Atonement 
and  "  Tents."  It  was  on  the  1st  day  of  the  7th  month 
that  Ezra  publicly  read  the  Law  (Neh.  82). 

26-32.  The  Day  of  Atonement  (P).— No  details  aro 
here  given :  a  knowledge  of  IG  is  implied.  The 
humihation  of  the  day's  services  is  alone  mentioned. 
If  the  ritual  of  the  "  Day  '"  Is  later  than  444  B.C.  (see 
on  16)  this  section  must  be  a  still  later  addition. 

33-44.  The  Festival  of  "Tents  (pp.  102f.)."— This 
the  final  harvest  homo  (fruit  and  vmtage).  It  would 
naturallj'  be,  as  elsewhere,  of  a  joyous  character.  The 
Hebrew  countryside,  indeed,  had  turned  the  vintage  into 
an  organised  picnic  and  camped  out  for  a  week ;  t  ho 
celebrations  are  referred  to  in  Jg.  21 19,  1  K.  82,  I232 
(Jeroboam  fixed  the  celebration  in  N.  Israel,  not  un- 
naturally, a  month  later)  and  Ezek.  4525,  Ezr.  84,  etc. 


It  is  definitely  ordained  in  Dt.  16i3f.  Here  two 
descriptions  of  the  festival  are  given,  broken  by  37f., 
which  is  properly  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  section. 
39-43  is  probably  the  earlier ;  no  sacrifices  are  men- 
tioned, but  the  character  of  a  solemn  commemoration 
of  the  wilderness  years  is  given  to  the  joyous  week, 
as  the  Church  connected  pagan  winter  and  spring 
festivals  with  the  Incarnation  and  Pvcsurrection.  33-36 
prescribe  sacrifices,  though  in  quite  general  terms, 
and  a  universal  co.jsation  of  work.  This  holding  of 
the  feast  in  the  more  religious  post-exilic  spirit  Is 
described  in  Neh.  813-18  (where  "  the  second  day  "  (13) 
is  probably  a  mistake),  and  greatly  enlarged  provisions 
are  detailed  in  Nu.  2912-38.  For  the  celebration  in 
NT  times,  cf.  Jn.  714.37. 

XXIV.  Four  Additional  Ordinances. 

1-4.  The  Holy  Lamp  (P). — 2f.  is  partially  identical 
with  Ex.  2720* — a  section  which  may  not  be  in  its 
right  place.  The  candlestick  with  seven  fights  (cf. 
"  lamps,"  4)  is  represented  on  the  Areh  of  Titus ; 
1  K.  749  mentions  ten  candlesticks ;  2f.  probably 
represents  the  earlier  cu.stom  of  one  lamp  {cf.  1  S.  83). 

5-9.  The  Shewbread  (P).— First  mentioned  in  1  S.  21 
1-7  (cf.  Mk.  225ff.),  also  1  K.  748  (cf.  Ex.  2030*,  Nu.  4 
7).  Putting  food  before  the  gods  (as  distinct  from 
offerings)  is  a  not  infrequent  element  in  pagan  rites ; 
cf.  the  Roman  '"  lectistemia  "  ;  twelve  cakes  of  bread 
are  offered  in  a  Babylonian  ritual  (cf.  Is.  6011,  Jer.  7 18). 
Each  of  the  twelve  cakes  is  to  bo  one-fifth  of  an  ephah 
(cf.  23 1 7).  By  the  later  regulation  the  bread  was  to 
be  unleavened  (leaven  coming  to  be  looked  on  as 
a  symbol  of  corruption,  cf.  24,  69,  7i2,  etc.);  the 
incciisc  placed  by  the  bread  (7)  is  then  burnt  on  the 
altar.  The  bread  is  offered  on  the  Sabbath  and  then 
eaten  by  the  priests. 

10-16,  23.  The  punishment  for  blasphemy  connected, 
as  in  10 1 -7  and  Sabbath  breaking,  with  an  actual 
example.  Language  and  literary  manner  suggest  that 
the  section  is  later  than  H,  as  also  the  new  beginning 
in  15  and  the  position  of  23.  The  guilty  man,  the  off- 
spring of  a  mixed  marriage  (forbidden  m  Dt.  73,  Ex.  34 16), 
is  a  proselyte  or  "  stranger  "  (16).  "  The  Name  "  (for 
the  name  of  Yahweh)  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in  OT, 
though  frequent  in  later  Jewish  writings.  The  man  is 
to  be  brought  "  outside  the  camp  '  as  being  unholy  and 
polluting  the  community.  The  sin  is  more  than  the 
careless  invocation  of  the  Name  in  a  moment  of  passion 
(Ex.  2O7).  The  "  stranger  "  renounces  his  allegiance 
to  Yahweh  altogether  (cf.  Job  In,  where  the  word  is 
different  though  the  meaning  is  probably  the  same). 
For  the  laying  on  of  hands,  see  on  I4  :  the  sinner,  like 
the  sacrificial  victim,  purges  the  whole  community  by 
his  death.  For  the  stoning,  cf.  Dt.  177.  The  whole 
ceremony  is  purgative,  not  judicial. 

17-22.  The  "  Lex  Talionis  "  (cf.  Ex.  2I23,  Mt.  638). 
An  early  and  simi)le  form  of  the  assessment  and  ad- 
ministration of  judicial  penalties.  For  17,  cf.  Gen.  95  : 
in  Ex.  21 20,  the  principle  is  not  yet  allowed  full  scope. 
Another  oarlj'  system  was  that  of  fines  (assessed  in  a 
sort  of  tariff)  for  crimes  (cf.  Anglo-Saxon  law  and 
Code  of  Hammurabi;  cf.  also  Ex.  21 18).  A  middle 
course  is  taken  in  the  "  guilt  offering  "  when  an  extra 
one-fifth  is  to  bo  restored ;  but  this  is,  of  course,  im- 
possible in  the  case  of  bodily  injuries  contemplated 
here.  For  22,  cf.  16  and  I934.  The  whole  code  is 
markedly  stronger  in  humanitarian  than  in  judicial 
reform  (but  note  tho  significant  distinction  in  2646). 

XXV.  The  Year  of  Sabbath  and  of  Jubile. 

1-7.  The  Year  of  Sabbath  (II).— This  is  an  ancient 
Hebrew  institution  (p.  102);  cf.  Ex.  23io«,  where  the 
law  of  a  fallow  every  seventh  year  is  set  side  by  side  with 


LEVITICUS,  XXVI.  If. 


211 


that  of  the  rest  every  seventh  day.  In  Ex.,  however, 
apart  from  this  reference,  there  is  no  suggestion  that  the 
sabbath  year  is  to  be  the  same  for  the  whole  country, 
nor  is  this  actually  stated  here.  Only  that  which 
grows  up  without  human  labour  is  to  bo  oaten.  "  Un- 
dressed "  (5)  is  literally  "  Nazirite-like  "  (the  "  hair  " 
being  allowed  to  grow) ;  c/.  192 3.  In  the  seventh  year 
Hebrew  slaves  were  to  be  released  and  debts  remitted 
(Ex.  2I2,  Dt.  15i,i2,  Jer.  34s-i6).  The  origin  of 
the  law  was  possilily  an  agricultural  custom  with 
humanitarian  and  religious  motives  supervening. 

8-38.  The  Year  of  Jubile. — This  law  contains  two 
large  provisions,  the  return  of  estates  to  their  original 
owners,  and  the  liberation  of  Hebrew  slaves,  both  in 
the  fiftieth  year.  It  also  contains  a  section  which 
refers  to  the  sabbatical  year  (17-24)  and  a  law  against 
the  exploitation  of  poor  Israelites  (35-38).  Of  these 
the  second  at  least  (as  perhaps  the  first)  belongs  to  H. 
With  the  law  of  Jubile  the  case  is  different  (see  p.  102). 
A  '■  right  of  redemption  "  certainly  did  exist  (c/.  Ru.  3 
and  Jer.  32/,  and  the  reference  to  the  "  year  of  liberty," 
Ezok.  4617) :  but  where  we  should  have  expected  a 
reference  to  this  law  had  it  been  known  (Is.  58,  Mi.  25, 
Neh.  5ii,  IO31 ;  cf.  Chapman,  Introd.  to  Pent.,  p.  129) 
there  is  a  significant  silence.  It  is  easiest  to  understand 
the  appearance  of  the  law  if  we  suppose  the  idea  of  the 
Jubile  to  have  arisen  after  the  downfall  of  the  Judsean 
kingdom,  when  the  evils  of  the  "latifundia"  could  be 
attacked  by  legislators  who  could  work,  as  it  were,  in 
vacuo.  As  an  ideal,  however,  it  deserves  high  praise, 
and  it  forms  the  most  explicit  statement  of  the  two 
deep-rooted  Hebrew  convictions,  alike  social  and  re- 
ligious, that  the  unlimited  growth  of  estates  was 
contrary  to  the  will  of  Yahweh,  the  real  and  sole 
owner  of  the  land  (see  especially  23),  and  that  Hebrews 
must  always  be  treated  by  Hebrews  in  the  last  resort 
as  brothers.  The  section  contains  many  marks  of  the 
special  language  of  H,  though  it  has  apparently  been 
worked  over  later. 

8-18.  The  Proclamation  of  the  Year  of  Release.— 
The  analogy  between  Jubile  and  Pentecost  is  clear. 
"  Jubile  ■'  is  probably  derived  from  a  word  meaning 
"ram"  (ram's  horn  trumpet).  On  the  seventh  month 
as  the  beginning  of  the  year,  cf.  16.  According  to  this 
law,  there  can  be  no  permanent  alienation  or  sale  of 
property  {cf.  1  K.  21i-i6),  but  only  a  lease,  with  its 
price  regulated  according  to  the  distance  of  the  Jubile 
year. 

19-22.  A  practical  difficulty  connected  with  the 
seventh  year  of  fallow  (cf.  6).  It  seems  to  be  hero 
assumed  that  the  year  begins  in  spring  (as  according 
to  the  later  reckoning),  hence  there  ia  neither  harvest 
nor  sowing  ;  thus  in  the  next  year  also  there  will  bo 
no  harvest  and  nothing  to  eat  till  the  harvest  of  the 
year  after.  It  is  said  that  in  modem  Palestine  when 
a  field  lies  fallow  there  is  no  sowing  till  after  three 
seasons'  ploughing.  This  difliculty,  however,  is  not 
implied  in  Ex.  23iof.     For  the  sentiment,  cf.  Ex.  I623. 

23-28.  Redemption  at  the  Jubile. —  If  possible, 
alienated  land  is  to  be  redeemed  before  the  Jubile,  if 
necessarj'  by  the  help  of  a  relative.  In  each  ca.se,  the 
price  is  to  bo  in  proportion  to  the  interval  before  the 
{  fiftieth  year,  when  the  land  will  "  go  out,"  i.e.  revert 
to  its  original  owner  automatically. 

29-34.  Urban  Property. — An  exception  is  made  in 
this  case  :  if  not  repurchased  within  a  year  the  trans- 
ference is  absolute.  The  general  idea  of  "  redemption  " 
goes  back  to  the  period  when  Hebrew  life  was  almost 
entirely  agricultural  and  rural,  and  wallod  cities  mostly 
Canaanite.  Lovitical  property,  however,  dofis  not 
come  under  this  exception  ;    33  should  probably  read. 


"  If  a  Lovite  does  not  redeem  his  property  before  the 
jubile,  it  shall  revert  to  him  then." 

35-38.  Generosity. — A  broad  command  to  prevent 
anything  approaching  pauperism,  characteristic  of  H. 
The  same  rule  is  obeyed  by  the  different  castes  in 
India  and  makes  a  poor-law  unnecessary.  Usury  does 
not  simply  mean  "  unwarrantably  high  interest."  In 
a  community  of  small  holders,  to  ask  a  return  for  a 
loan  would  be  to  take  an  unneighbourly  advantage  of 
another's  need  (p.  112). 

39-46.  An  extension  of  Ex.  21 2*,  Dt.  15i2*,  from  the 
master's  point  of  vicv/,  substituting  for  slavery  proper 
a  mild  kind  of  serfdom,  but  for  the  seventh  year  the 
fiftieth.  To  foreign  slaves,  however,  the  law  is  not  to 
apply  (cf.  Dt.  153,  232o).  Cf.  Johns,  C.  H.  W.,  Rela- 
tions  bttween  Laws  of  Babylonia  and  Laws  of  Hebrews, 
pp.  41  ff.     On  slavery  in  Israel  see  p.  110. 

47-55.  Redemption  of  Hebrews  from  Aliens. — The 
right  of  redemption  is  to  hold  in  the  case  of  a  Hebrew 
who  has  sold  himself  to  a  resident  alien.  His  services 
are  regarded  as  leased  till  the  fiftieth  year,  and  the  price 
to  be  paid  for  his  freedom  by  a  relative  will  vary  with 
the  number  of  years  to  run.  He  is  to  be  treated  like 
a  wage  earner.  Just  as  Yahweh  alone  is  the  owner 
of  the  land,  so  Israelites  can  be  slaves  of  Him  alone. 

XXVI.  Final  Exhortation.— The  bulk  of  this  chapter 
(3-45)  forms  a  noble  and  impressive  conclusion  to  the 
foregoing  code.  Few  passages  in  the  Bible  reach  a 
higher  level  of  impassioned  rhetoric.  In  form  and 
position  it  is  most  naturally  compared  with  the  similar 
conclusion  to  the  Deuteronomic  code  (Dt.  28),  where, 
as  here,  the  blessings  of  obedience  precede  the  much 
more  detailed  curses  pronounced  on  disobedience. 
Dt.  has  no  reference  to  repentance  and  restoration 
(Lev.  2640-44).  In  language  and  thought  the  chapter 
shows  the  influence  of  Jeremiah  (44,925, 14i9,  losf.),  but 
still  more  of  Ezekiel  {cf.  4off.  with  Ezek.  1 660-63,  363 iff.; 
Baentsch  has  paralleled  almost  every  verse  from 
Ezekiel  j  see  also  Chapman,  Introd.  to  Pent.,  pp.  246ff.). 
Certain  phrases,  however  ("'  fall  towards  the  sword,"  7, 
and  "  upright,"  13)  do  not  occur  in  Ezekiel ;  the  end  of 
the  chapter,  impressive  as  it  is,  is  only  sketchy  as  com- 
pared with  the  statement  of  the  doctrine  of  restoration 
(here  only  hinted  at)  in  Ezek.  36,  while  39  is  directly 
opposed  to  Ezekiel's  characteristic  doctrine.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  interpretation  of  the  Exile  and  the  pre- 
diction of  repentance  and  restoration  remind  the  reader 
strikingly  of  Ezekiel.  The  picture  of  disasters,  indeed, 
(27-32)  might  have  been  written  by  any  man  of  deep 
religious  feeling  and  literary  imagination  in  the  previous 
century  ;  the  same  might  even  be  said,  as  Eerdmans 
urges  (suggesting  Hezekiah's  reign),  of  33-38  ;  but  the 
conjunction  of  the  four  motives  of  humiliation,  con- 
fession, the  covenant,  and  the  land,  could  not  well 
have  been  written  before  Jeremiah  or  even  before 
Ezekiel.  Everything  points  to  the  work  of  some 
member  or  members  of  the  company  of  reformers  in 
which  both  Ezekiel  and  the  authorsof  H  were  prominent, 
and  which  fused  the  prophetic  and  priestly  ideals  in  a 
passion  of  obedience  to  Yahweh's  revealed  will.  The 
actual  period  may  have  boon  the  reign  of  Zedekiah, 
when  Ezekiel,  already  in  exile,  was  foretelling,  like 
Jeremiah,  the  final  downfall  of  Jerusalem.  It  may  bo 
added  that  this  chapter,  Dt.  28,  and  the  other  hortatory 
passages  in  Dt.  show  that  the  Law  was  thought  of, 
not  simply  as  a  bodj'  of  mechanical  precepts  with 
their  appropriate  "  sanctions,"  but  as  a  moral  challenge 
given  to  Israel  either  to  accept  or  refuse,  even  though 
refusal,  like  the  rejection  of  Christ  in  the  NT,  involves 
certain  and  terrible  penalties. 

If.  Idols  forbidden  {cf.  I94,  Ex.  204*).     Images  of 


212 


LEVITICUS,  XXVI.  If. 


both  stone  and  metal  are  forbidden,  aa  well  as  pillars 
(masseboth   pp.  98f.). 

3^13.  The  blessings  of  obedience  :  fertility,  freedom 
from  wild  beasts,  victory  over  enemies,  and  the  presence 
of  Yahweh  Himself  in  the  midst.  For  the  first  reward, 
c/.  Am.  9i3  ;  for  the  thought  in  general,  Dt.  281-14, 
£zek.  3425-28  ;  and  for  iif.  the  expansion  in  Ezek.  40- 
48.  No  distinction  is  made  hero  or  in  many  other 
passages  between  "  temporal  "  and  "  spiritual  "  bless- 
ings ;  each  is  appropriate,  and  the  future  happiness 
naturally  suggests  to  a  Jew,  perhaps  actually  in  exile, 
the  memory  of  the  Exodus. 

14-26.  The  punishments  of  disobedience  :  plague 
and  defeat,  to  be  followed,  after  neglect  of  this  warning, 
by  infertility  and  wild  animals  and,  if  repentance  is 
still  withheld,  by  the  threefold  penalty  of  sword, 
pestilence,  and  famine.  Sin  is  to  be  paid  for  seven 
times  over  (contrast  Is.  402 ).  This  is  the  great  pro- 
phetic "  commonplace  "  from  Am.  (44-13)  onwards. 
In  the  famine  what  would  have  been  the  portion  of  one 
family  has  to  be  eked  out  among  ten. 

27-39.  The  results  of  neglect  of  the  third  warning  : 
the  extremities  of  famine  and  captivity  ;  siege  ;  desola- 
tion of  the  country,  destruction  of  the  cities,  uselessness 
of  all  religious  observances  ;  dispersion  of  the  nation  ; 
desertion  of  Palestine  and  abject  misery  of  the  sur- 
vivors. Such  experiences  of  famine  and  siege  as  are 
described  in  2  K.  625!!.  would  be  familiar  in  the  last 
years  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  reference  to  exile  (more 
definite  than  in  Dt.  28 ;  cf.  "  to  Egj-pt,"  68)  suggests 
the  years  after,  and  immediately  before,  586  B.C.  The 
mention  of  the  local  sanctuaries  (31)  shows  that  they 
cannot  all  have  been  destroyed  in  the  reformation  of 
621  B.C.  The  reference  to  the  Sabbaths  of  the  land 
breaks  the  sense  and  appears  to  be  an  insertion. 

40-45.  Confession  and  Restoration. — The  order  of 
thought  is — confession  by  the  exiles  of  the  sin  of  their 
own  and  of  previous  generations,  Yahweh's  memory 
of  His  ancient  covenant,  and  His  (implied)  deliverance 
of  His  people.  The  order  is  simplified  if  41-43  is 
regarded  as  an  insertion  ;  '"  if  "  (41),  which  should  be 
translated  "  or,"  suggests  this.  The  double  mention 
of  the  covenant  (note  the  order  of  the  names  in  42), 
and  the  reference  to  the  respite  of  the  land  {cf.  34!),  are 
arresting,  but  not  related  to  the  rest  of  the  section.  On 
confession,  cf.  55,  I621,  Here  the  confession  is  of  the 
whole  nation's  disobedience,  past  and  present ;  until 
this  is  called  forth  by  suffering,  God's  wrath  remains. 
In  Ezekiel's  section  on  restoration,  confession  is  re- 
placed by  self-loathing  (after,  not  before,  the  return  ; 
Ezek.  3631).  Ezekiel  expressly  denies  the  motive  "  for 
their  sakes,"  and  the  ancient  covenant  (45,  contrast 
Ezek.  3622)  and  the  inlluenee  of  the  past  on  the  present, 
both  for  evil  and  good,  is  unmentioned  by  him. 

46.  Conclusion  of  the  whole  H  code. 

XXVII.  This  chapter  must  be  regarded  as  a  portion 
of  the  later  priestly  legislation,  distinct  from  H.  It 
follows  the  definite  close  of  H  in  2()46,  and  it  is  a  purely 
business-like  treatment  of  the  priestly  income  (cf.  10 
12-15),  For  the  position  of  the  priest  as  authoritative 
valuer  in  8,  12  15,  cf.  13,  where  ho  appears  as  the 
person  qualified  to  decide  questions  of  contagion. 
After  the  Exile,  when  the  community  was  (at  any  rate 
in  the  earlier  years)  impoverished,  and  the  priestly 
establishment  was  already  becoming  expensive,  the 
question  of  fixed  monetary  e(|uivalcnts  in  the  cjvse  of 
sacrifices  and  vows  would  become  important.  An 
interesting  though  general  comparison  is  afforded  by 
a  Phoenician  inscription  known  as  the  "  Tariff  of 
Marseilles,"  whore  tlio  exact  proportion  of  each  kind 
of  i^acrifice  due  to  the  priest  is  carefully  stated  and 


the  priest  is  forbidden,  on  penalty  of  a  fine,  to  take 
more  ;  whore  poverty  necessitates  a  very  small  offering, 
the  priest  receives  nothing, 

1-8.  Commutation  for  a  Person. — Where  an  indi- 
vidual vows  liiinsolf  or  herself  to  Yahweh  (cf.  Jg,  ll3of,, 
1  S.  I28)  the  commutation  price  will  vary  in  proportion 
to  the  valuation  of  his  or  her  labour  ;  for  a  man  in 
the  prime  of  life  this  will  amount  to  50  sacred  silver 
shekels  (cf.  "thirty  pieces  of  silver").  This  would 
be  equivalent  in  early  post-exilic  times  to  something 
under  £7  (the  sacred  silver  shekel  probably  being 
equivalent  to  the  heavy  Phoenician  silver  shekel,  p,  116). 
For  an  infant  or  young  child,  a  boy  is  valued  at  a  sum 
roughly  equivalent  to  14s.,  a  girl  about  8s.,  and  so  on. 
In  cases  of  poverty  a  special  valuation  is  to  be  made, 

9-13.  Commutation  for  an  Animal. — An  animal  once 
vowed  is  treated  as  holy  ;  any  attempt  to  substitute 
another  less  valuable  renders  the  second  holy  (and 
forfeit)  also.  An  "  unclean  "  animal  cannot  be  directly 
offered  for  sacrifice  ;  it  must,  therefore,  be  sold  and 
the  price  paid  to  the  Temple  ;  if  the  owner  wishes  to 
have  it  back  he  must  pay  an  extra  20  per  cent.  (cf.  15, 
65,  2214), 

14f.  For  a  house,  the  same  principle  holds  good  ; 
the  price  is  offered  to  the  Temple  funds, 

16-25.  Commutation  for  Land. — In  this  case  the 
question  of  the  interval  before  Jubile  arises,  as,  in 
the  case  of  a  man,  the  period  when  he  will  be  past  work 
(7),  The  standard  taken  is  "  the  sowing  of  a  homer 
of  barley,"  which  is  regarded  as  equivalent  to  the 
labour  of  a  man  in  his  prime,  about  £7,  A  homer= 
about  11  bushels  (p.  115).  Kennedy  (HDB,  "  Weights  ") 
points  out  that  in  the  Mishna  the  size  of  a  field  is 
often  computed  by  the  amount  of  seed  needed  to  sow 
it.  "  The  area  of  2  scabs  "  is  fixed  in  the  Mishna  as 
the  area  of  the  Tabernacle,  100  x  50  cubits.  Thus,  the 
standard  taken  is  a  field  wliich  will  need  11  bushels 
to  sow  it,  i.e.  about  4  acres.  If  the  period  of  fifty 
years  has  run  part  of  its  course,  deductions  are  made 
on  the  principle  of  a  partly  expired  lease.  If  the  field 
is  bought  back  for  a  lump  sum,  the  additional  20  per 
cent,  is  to  be  paid.  If  the  person  who  has  vowed  the 
land  had  himself  bought  it  "  on  lease  "  (i.e.  till  the 
Jubile)  he  must  pay  the  price  in  cash,  as  the  original 
owner  could  at  any  time  "  redeem  "  the  field.  The 
sacred  shekel  weighed  nearly  twice  the  ordinary  shekel ; 
the  gcrah  (25)  weighed  probably  about  10  grains. 

26f.  For  Firstlings. — Firstlings  of  oxen  and  sheep 
and  goats)  belong  to  Y'ahweh  in  any  case,  and  thus 
cannot  be  voluntarily  offered  or  come  under  valuation 
(cf.  Dt,  2321-23).  Animals  that  fall  outside  this 
category  are  treated  according  to  the  rule  in  11-13, 

28f.  The  '■  Ban." — "  Devoted  '"  things  are  things 
dedicated  to  God  without  possibiUty  of  "  redemption," 
i.e.  put  under  the  ban  and  not  to  be  touched  by  men 
(nj).  99,  114,  Dt.  234*,  Jg.  I17*).  Hence,  according  to 
tlie  old  rule,  a  human  being  so  devoted  must  be  put 
to  death  (cf.  Jos.  617*,  1  S,  152i),  There  are  no  later 
instances.  Such  an  act,  mentioned  as  it  is  here,  if  not 
simply  looking  back  to  historical  instances,  must  refer 
only  to  capital  crimes,  all  of  which  now  come  under 
the  cognisance  of  the  priests,  Ezek.  4429  assigns  all 
objects  so  devoted  (?  including  human  beings)  to  the 
priests. 

39-33.  Tithes  (cf.  Dt.  1422ff.,  26i2ff.,Nu,  21-32*).— 
The  tithe  offered  in  kind  may  bo  commuted  for  its 
value  (estimated  presumably  by  the  priest)  plus  20  per 
cent,  (cf.  13,  15,  27),  A  titlie  on  cattle  is  not  men- 
tioned elsewhere  save  in  2  i"h.  3l5ff,  (q.r.),  though  a 
royal  tax  of  a  tenth  on  animals  is  spoken  of  in  1  S.  819 
(see  p.  99). 


J 


NUMBERS 


Edited  by  Professor  G.  W.  WADE 


INTRODUCTION 

Numbers  is  the  name  given  in  the  LXX  to  the 
fourth  book  of  the  Pentateuch,  and  is  due  to  the  promi- 
nent place  occupied  in  it  by  the  details  of  a  twofold 
census  of  the  Israelite  people.  But  the  contents  of 
the  book  are  very  varied,  and  embrace,  amongst  other 
matters,  laws  and  regulations  attributed  to  Moses,  an 
account  of  the  forty  years'  wanderings  in  the  wilder- 
ness, and  a  description  of  the  settlement  of  part  of 
the  people  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  ;  so  that  some  adapta- 
tion of  the  usual  Hebrew  title  Bemidbar.  "  In  the 
wilderness  (of  Sinai),"  taken  from  an  expression  used 
in  li,  would  be  more  appropriate.  The  period  of  time 
included  extends  from  the  first  day  of  the  second  month 
in  the  second  year  after  the  Exodus  (li)  to  an  imdefined 
date  between  the  first  day  of  the  fifth  month  and  the 
first  day  of  the  eleventh  month  in  the  fortieth  year 
(3338.  Dt.  I3).  But  of  the  greater  part  of  this  period 
scarcely  anjrthing  is  recorded,  the  principal  events  re- 
lated being  confined  within  nineteen  days  ( 1 1  compared 
with  lOii)  at  the  beginning  of  it;  and  six  months 
(3338  compared  with  Dt.  I3)  at  the  end.  The  scene 
of  the  history  is  partly  the  wilderness  of  Sinai,  partly 
the  wilderness  of  Paran  (N.  of  Sinai,  but  W.  of  the 
Arabah),  and  partly  the  plains  (or  steppes)  of  Moab 
(l}-ing  E.  of  the  Arabah,  the  Dead  Sea,  and  the  Jordan). 

The  book  has  been  compiled  from  the  three  post- 
Mosaic  sources  symbolised  by  J,  E  (united  as  JE),  and  P 
(pp.  124-130).  Incidental  indications  of  its  post-Mosaic 
date  are  I23  (the  wan  Moses  u-as  very  meek),  I532  (u-hile 
the  children  of  Israel  u-ere  in  the  wilderness),  and  22i  (in 
the  plains  of  Moab  beyond  the  Jordan).  The  sections 
derived  from  JE  comprise,  besides  other  narratives, 
those  relating  to  Hobab,  the  seventy  elders,  the  quails, 
the  dissension  of  Aaron  and  Miriam  with  Moses,  the 
espial  of  Canaan,  the  rebellion  of  Dathan  and  Abiram, 
the  unfriendliness  of  Edom,  the  fiery  serpents,  the 
conquest  of  Sihon,  and  the  episode  of  Balak  and 
Balaam.  Since  JE  was  probably  composed  400  or 
500  years  after  the  events  recorded  by  it  in  this  book, 
the  value  of  the  record  depends  upon  the  worth  of 
the  materials  which  the  writers  of  it  used  and  upon 
the  judgment  with  which  thev  handled  them.  But  at 
the  time  when  they  wrote,  historical  materials  for  the 
period  covered  bj'  Nu.  were  neither  good  nor  abundant, 
and  a  science  of  historj'  had  not  yet  been  developed. 
Historical  data  of  some  sort  were  doubtless  available 
in  collections  of  poems  and  ballads,  like  "  the  book  of 
the  wars  of  Yahweh,'  which  is  quoted  in  21i4f.  and 
which  may  have  preserved,  amongst  others,  the  .songs 
celebrating  Israel  s  efforts  to  establish  itself  in  the  S. 
or  the  E.  of  Palestine  ;  and  there  must  have  been 
numerous  traditions  associated  with  persons  and  places 
(see  113,34.  2O13,  2I3).  But  Jewish  historians  wore 
more  interested  in  the  religious  lessons  which  the  past 
could  be  made  to  convey  than  in  the  ascertainment  of 


the  circumstantial  truth  about  it ;  and  the  traditions 
upon  which  they  were  largely  dependent  were  fluctu- 
ating (the  same  incidents  being  often  attached  to 
different  personages,  and  different  incidents  being  re- 
counted to  explain  the  same  place-names).  Accord- 
ingly it  is  impossible  to  repose  confidence  in  all  parts 
of  JE's  history  contained  in  Nu.,  or  to  feel  sure  that 
any  of  the  details  recorded  in  it  occurred  exactly  as 
related.  The  second  source,  symbolised  by  P,  is 
mainly  concerned  with  the  numbers  of  the  people,  the 
arrangement  of  the  camp,  and  legal  provisions  ;  but 
it  includes  a  certain  amount  of  narrative,  giving  an 
alternative  version  of  the  spies,  and  recording  the 
rebellion  of  Korah,  the  death  of  Aaron,  and  the  relations 
of  Israel  with  the  Midianites.  To  it  also  belongs  the 
chronological  scheme  which  runs  through  the  book  aa 
a  whole.  The  composition  of  P  was  separated  from 
the  time  of  Moses  by  about  800  years  ;  and  its  historical 
value  is  even  less  than  that  of  JE.  The  interests  of 
its  author  were  mainly  centred  in  ecclesiastical  insti- 
tutions, the  antiquity  of  which  he  desired  to  magnify  ; 
and  by  an  imaginative  treatment  of  history  (as  shown 
by  a  comparison  of  manj'^  of  his  statements  with  the 
contents  of  the  historical  books  from  Judges  to  Kings) 
he  sought  to  invest  with  Mosaic  authority  certain 
ordinances  which  he  wished  to  expound  or  to  emphasize. 
Nevertheless,  though  P  has  little  or  no  worth  as  an 
account  of  conditions  existing  in  Mosaic  times,  it  is 
valuable  for  the  illustrations  that  it  affords  of  the 
reUgious  ideas  which  were  current  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury B.C. 

But  while  Nu.  as  an  account  of  the  Israelite  people 
between  their  sojourn  in  Egypt  and  their  conquest  of 
Canaan  presents  many  improbabilities,  and  whilst 
even  the  most  plausible  details  can  pass  as  history  only 
in  the  absence  of  anything  more  trustworthy,  the 
general  representation  that  Israel,  after  an  abortive 
attempt  to  invade  Canaan  from  the  south,  pursued 
for  a  generation  or  more  a  nomadic  life  in  the  desert, 
and  finally,  for  tJhe  most  part,  entered  Canaan  from 
the  east,  after  a  circuitous  route  round  Edom,  is,  no 
doubt,  true  to  fact.  Moreover  the  book  is  of  con- 
siderable interest  owing  to  the  light  which  it  throws 
not  only  on  the  importance  of  Moses  in  the  develop- 
ment of  Israels  nationality  and  religion,  but  also  on 
the  primitive  ideas  which  must  once  have  lain  at  the 
back  of  a  good  deal  of  Hebrew  religious  usage.  Thus, 
though  much  of  the  legislation  ascribed  to  Moses  in 
Nu.  is  manifestly  of  later  origin  than  his  age,  yet  the 
book,  in  common  with  Ex.,  Lev.,  and  Dt.,  witnesses 
to  Israel's  belief  that  a  commanding  personality  guided 
its  fortunes  at  a  fonnative  period  in  its  past,  and  gave 
a  direction  to  its  religious  beliefs  from  which  afterwards 
it  never  permanently  diverged.  And  embedded  in  the 
ritual  of  later  times  with  which  the  book  i.s  filled,  there 
are  numerous  survivals  of  a  rudimentary  stage  of 
thought  illustrative  of  the  rude  level  from  which  th« 


214 


NUMBERS 


Hebrew  religion  was  raised  by  successive  spiritual 
leaders.  There  are  rites  which  point  to  a  magical 
conception  of  religious  practices.  There  are  crude 
identilications  of  the  Deity  with  His  symbol  the  Ark. 
There  are  materialistic  ideas  of  "  sanctity  "  and  of 
"  spirit."  Yet  whilst  the  contents  of  Nu.  arc  chiefly 
of  antiquarian  vahie,  nevertheless  this  is  not  the  sole 
aspect  of  them.  In  the  account  given  of  Moses,  traits 
of  character  are  depicted  that  are  of  permanent  re- 
ligious worth.  His  faithfulncis  to  his  God,  and  his 
self-devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  wayward  and 
intractable  countrj'men,  afford  examples  of  conduct 
which  can  never  become  antiquated.  And  even  the 
sensuous  notions  of  the  Divine  holiness  which  pervade 
so  many  of  the  ritual  regulations  prescribed  are  at 
least  suggestive  of  something  higher  and  more  spiritual. 
The  measures  enjoined  for  protecting  the  sanctity  of 
the  emblems  of  Yahweh's  presence  were  dovsigncd  to 
inspire  reverence  for  the  transcendent  purity  of  the 
Divine  natvire  and  to  instil  into  His  worshippers  a 
conviction  of  the  Divine  separat^ness  from  everj'thing 
unclean  and  polluting. 

The  book  is  most  appropriately  divided  as  follows  : 

(a)  li-lOio,  dealing  exclusively  with  legislation 
enacted  at  Sinai. 

(6)  IO11-2O13,  embracing  occurrences  and  legisla- 
tion falling  between  the  departure  from  Sinai 
and  the  final  advance  towards  Canaan. 

(c)  20i4-3Gi3.  relating  events  connected  with  the 
occupation  of  eastern  Canaan. 

Literature.  —  Commentaries :  {a)  Espin  (Sp.), 
McNeile  (CB).  Kennedv  (Cent.B)  :  (6)  Gray  (ICC), 
Paterson  (SBOT  lleb.) :"  (c)  Dillmann  (KEH),  Holzin- 
ger  (KHC).  Baentsch  (HK) :  Id)  Watson  (Ex.B).  Other 
Literature :  Articles  in  HDB  and  EBi. ;  Addis,  Docu- 
ments of  the  Hexateuch  ;  Bacon,  Triple  Tradition  of 
the  Exodus  :  Carpenter  and  Harford-Battersby,  Hexa- 
teuch ;  Colenso.  Pentateuch  and  Joshua  critically 
examined;  W.  R.  Smith,  Religion  of  the  Semites^; 
Frazer,  Golden  Bough ,  Tylor,  Primitive  Culture  ; 
Stanley,  Sinai  and  Palestine  ;  G.  A.  Smith,  Historical 
Geography  of  the  Holy  Land. 

I.  1-46  (Irom  P.  which  is  used  uninterruptedly  as  far 
as  1028)  The  Numbering  of  the  Secular  Tribes.— 
The  date  of  this  census  is  about  eleven  months  after  the 
arrival  ai  Mt.  Sinai  (Ex.  19i),  and  exactly  a  month 
after  the  erection  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  40 17).  The 
numbering,  which  was  to  proceed  by  famiUe^i  (i.e.  by 
clans)  and  by  f'thos''  hotises  {i.e.  by  families),  was  to 
embrace  all  men  over  twenty  (who  might  be  thought 
capable  of  bearing  arms).  In  the  undertaking,  Moses 
and  Aaron  were  to  be  assisted  by  a  representative  of 
each  of  the  tribes.  Since  the  method  by  which  a 
large  proportion  of  the  names  afhxcd  to  these  repre- 
sentatives are  formed  is  characteristic  of  a  lato  date, 
the  list  is  probably  unhistorical.  The  total  number, 
winch  is  given  as  G03..").50  (in  round  numbers  600,000, 
11 21.  Ex.  1237*).  implies  a  population  of  both  sexes 
and  all  ages  of  more  than  2,000.000  (a.ssuming  that 
those  capable  of  bearing  arms  formed  one-fovirth  of 
the  whole,  cf  Ca?sar,  Bell.  Gall.  i.  29).  This,  according 
to  the  data  given  elsewhere,  represents  the  increa.so, 
in  the  third  generation,  of  the  twelve  .sons  of  Jacob 
who  settled  in  Egypt  (see  Ex.  616-22,  Ku.  I61  (Levi), 
Ex.  614,  Nu.  265-9  (Keubcn)),  and  is  beyond  all  belief. 
It  is.  of  course.  pos.siblo  and  even  probable  that  the 
numbera  of  the  Hebrew  immigrants  into  Egypt  were 
in  excess  of  what  is  recorded  ;  but  the  numljers  of 
those  that  accompanied  .Moses  into  the  wiUlonicsa  at 
the  Exodus  cannot  possibly  have  amounted  to  the 
Bum  hero  mentioned.     A  bodj'  of  2,(.K)0,000  persons  is 


far  beyond  the  capacity  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  to 
support,  for  the  country  is  largely  desert  (as  described 
in  204f.,  Dt.  815.  Jer.  2(>),  broken  only  by  occasional 
spots  of  verdure,  where  the  soil  is  irrigated  by  springs; 
and  its  present  population  is  calculated  to  bo  only 
4000  or  6000.  The  incrcdibihty  of  the  figures  in  Nu. 
is  increased  by  the  fact  that  the  Israelites  are  not  re- 
garded as  dispersing  over  the  country  to  seek  pasture 
for  their  flocks,  but  as  marching  in  a  compact  body, 
close  enough  together  for  their  movements  to  Ijo 
directed  by  signals  conveyed  by  two  trumpets  (lOi-io). 
A  camp  comprising  2.000,000  persons  'would  cover 
several  square  miles  ;  and  it  has  been  reckoned  that 
the  same  number  on  the  march,  if  arranged  50  abrea^.t, 
with  a  yard  between  each  rank,  would  constitute  a 
column  22  miles  long.  Elsewhere,  the  jxioplo  are  re- 
garded as  few  in  number  (Dt.  722),  as  too  weak  to 
subdue  all  the  Canaanites  (Jg.  119,27-35),  and  as  not 
numerous  enough  to  occupy  Canaan,  even  if  vacant 
(Ex.  2328f.);  wliilst  the  fighting  men  that  could  bo 
furnished  at  a  much  later  period  by  half  the  tribes  are 
estimated  at  only  40,000  (Jg.  6»).  The  total  of  603.550 
here  given  must  bo  fictitious.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  figure  603  has  been  got  from  the  sum  of  the 
numerals  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  for  the  children  of 
Israel,  the  550  being  arbitrary.  The  numbers  assigned 
to  the  separate  tribes  seem  to  have  been  reached  by 
dividing  the  total  by  12,  and  then  adding  to,  or  de- 
ducting from,  the  quotient  various  figures  at  dis- 
cretion. It  is  significant  that  of  the  12  tribes  six  are 
above  and  six  below  50.000. 

2.  names:  i.e  individuals;  cf.  Ac.  I15,  Rev.  34. — 
16.  thousands  :  the  term  w&s  used  to  denote  tribal 
divisions  of  varying  size ;  here  it  is  equivalent  to 
"clans  ■"  or  "  families  "  (4). — 44.  Read,  "  and  the  princes 
of  Israel  were  twelve  men,  each  one  for  a  tribe,  every 
one  head  of  his  father's  house." 

47-54.  The  Functions  of  the  Tribe  of  Levi.— The 
omission  of  the  Levites  from  the  census  was  due  to  the 
circumstance  that  the  Levites  weio  a  consecrated  body, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  surround  the  Tabernacle  and  so 
safeguard  the  secular  tribes  from  incurring  danger  by 
coming  in  contact  with  so  holy  an  object.. 

48.  For  Yahweh  spake :  in  the  Heb.,  *•  And  Yahweh 
ppakc."  The  direction  not  to  number  the  Levites  (48-54) 
should  logically  precede  the  actual  numbering  of  the 
other  tribes  (17-46). — 50.  the  tabernacle  of  the  testi- 
mony: Ex.382i,c/.  25Q7n7.  16. — 51.  stranger  :  I'.f.  any 
(including  Israohtes)  who  did  not  belong  to  the  tribe  of 
Levi ;  c/.'3io. — 52.  by  his  own  standard  :  bettor.  '"  by 
his  own  company"  (see  2z'). — 53.  wrath:  cf.  I646, 
I85,  Jos.  22;:o. 

il.  1-34.  The  Position  of  the  Tribes  in  the  Canip 
and  on  the  March. — The  encampment,  when  stationary, 
was  arranged  as  a  quadrilat^-ral,  containing  within  it 
the  Tabernacle,  surrounded  by  the  consecratod  tribe 
of  Ixn-i,  and  having  each  of  its  four  sides  constituted 
by  the  camps  of  tluee  tribes.  On  the  E.  (or  front) 
were  Judah,  Issachar,  and  Zebulun  (de-sconded  from 
Leah,  Grin.  2935,  30i8-2o);  on  the  S.  were  Reuben. 
Simeon  (also  descended  from  l.eah.  Gen.  2932f. ).  and 
Gad  (dc.sce!ided  from  Zilpah.  (Jen.  .30iof.) ;  on  the  W. 
were  Ephraim.  Manasseh.  and  Jk>njamin  (descendants 
of  Rachel.  Gen.  3O24.  35i6-i8,  4l5if.);  on  the  N. 
wore  Dan,  Asher,  and  Naphtali  (descended  from  either 
Zilpah  or  Billiah,  CtOU.  .SOsf..  i2f..  7f.)-  The  four 
groups  of  tribes  were  reckoned  as  the  camps  of  Judah, 
Reuben,  Ephraim,  and  Dan  respectively.  When  the 
encampment  was  in  motion.  Judah's  camp  went  first, 
followed  by  Reuben's;  then  came  the  Levites  with 
the  Tabernacle;   behind  it  followed  Ephraim's  camp; 


NUMBERS,  IV.  46-49 


215 


whilst   Dan's   camp  closed   the   rear.       A   somewhat 
different  arrangement  is  described  in  ch.  10. 

2.  standard:  better,  "company"  or  'division" 
(LXX,Ta7//a),  a  meaning  more  ai)propriate  in  3  and  suit- 
able in  i;f..  25,  31,  34. — ensigns  :  the  use  of  a  pennon 
or  other  device  attached  to  a  spear  is  said  to  be  still 
a  custom  of  the  Arabs,  to  mark  the  sit©  of  a  camp. 

III.  1-4.  Aaron's  Sons. — These  constituted  a 
priestly  order  (10).  The  description  of  these  (who 
during  their  father's  lifetime  were  only  ordinary 
priests)  as  anointed  (3)  agrees  with  Ex.  40 15  but  not 
with  the  earlier  eh.  29,  where  only  Aaron  (7)  and  his 
descendants  who  should  succeed  him  (29)  in  the  high 
priesthood,  are  directed  to  be  anointed.  As  the  earliest 
unguents  were  animal  fats,  and  many  animals  were 
sacred,  the  practice  of  anointing  was  doubtless  origin- 
ally designed  to  impart  to  a  priest  or  other  important 
personage  the  virtues  of  the  sacred  animal  from  which 
the  unguent  was  derived. 

1.  The  mention  of  Moses  here  is  an  error. — 3.  whom 
he  consecrated :  Ut.,  "  who.se  hand  he  filled "  (Ex. 
299",  I^v.  833'.  1  Ch.  29.=i'),  the  object  placed  in  the 
hand  being  perhaps  the  offering  which  the  priests  were 
to  present  (r/.  2  Ch.  189,  Ex.  2924).  The  phrase 
eventually  lost  its  primary  sense  and  could  be  used  of 
consecrating  an  altar  (Ezek.  4326). — 4.  died  :  see  Lev. 
IO1-7. 

5-10.  The  Relations  of  the  Levites  to  the  Priests.— 
The  Levites  (i.e,  the  non-Aaronit©  descendants  of  Levi), 
who  are  here  regarded  as  "  given  "  (f )  by  Israel-to  the 
priests  to  be  their  servants,  are  to  have  no  share  in 
the  priesthood  itself,  which  is  hmited  to  the  descendants 
of  Aaron  (10.  I87).  This  limitation  seems  to  have 
been  of  late  origin.  In  early  times  there  was  no  re- 
Btriction  to  a  particular  family  or  tribe,  for,  according 
to  Ex.  245,  sacrifice  was  offered  by  "  young  men  of 
the  children  of  Israel "  (without  any  mention  of  their 
belonging  to  a  special  priestly  tribe) ;  and  in  the  time 
of  David  his  sons  tof  the  tribe  of  Judah)  and  Ira 
(probably  a  Manas-site)  were  priests  (2  S.  818',  2O26'). 
But  after  the  promulgation  of  Dt.  the  priesthood  was 
limited  to  the  tribe  of  Levi ;  and  after  the  time  of 
Ezckiel  (see  Ezek.  44ro-i6*)itwas  confined  to  the  sons 
of  Zadok,  a  descendant  of  Aaron  (1  Ch.  63-8). 

10.  priesthood:  LXX  adds,  "  and  everything  about 
the  altar  and  within  the  veil  "  (cf.  I87). — stranger : 
i.e.  everyone  (including  Levites,  contrast  I51)  who  is 
not  a  descendant  of  Aaron. 

11-13.  Th9  Relation  of  the  Levites  to  the  People. — 
The  Levites  are  here  considered  as  dedicated  to 
Yahweh  in  heu  of  the  first-born  of  Israel  to  whom  He 
had  a  claim,  and  for  whom  no  redemption  money  had 
been  paid  in  the  past  (in  the  future  every  first-bom 
child  is  to  be  redeemed  by  the  payment  of  5  shekels 
(I816) ).  Yahweh's  claim  is  here  based  on  the  sparing 
of  the  Hebrew  children  at  the  Exodus  (Ex.  I311-15); 
but  elsewhere  all  first-born  creatures  are  regarded  as 
Yahweh's  (Ex.  llz^i.,  34igf.)-.  Perhaps  originally 
supernatural  qualities  were  associated  with  the  first- 
bom  (in  whom,  if  a  family  were  thought  to  bo  de- 
scended from  a  Divine  ancestor,  the  Divine  strain 
might  seem  to  be  strongest,  r/.  Gk>n.  493*),  so  that 
such  were  held  to  be  more  than  ordinarily*  sacred  ;  and 
if  a  sacrifice  were  required,  the  holiest  victina  would 
appear  the  most  appropriate  (f/.  Gen.  222,  2  K.  327, 
Ezek.  2O26,  jri.  07). 

14  39.  The  Numbers  of  the  Levites,  their  Position 
and  Duties. — The  census  here  described  included  all 
Levites  above  one  month,  whose  numbers  amounted 
to  22,000.  Their  three  divisions,  when  the  camp  was 
stationary,   formed  a  cordon  round  the  Tabernacle. 


The  Gfershonites  on  the  VV.  had  the  care  of  the  external 
hangings,  the  Kohathitea  on  the  S.  that  of  the  con- 
tents, the  Merarites  on  the  N.  that  of  the  framework. 
On  the  E.,  the  position  of  most  honour,  Moses,  Aaron, 
and  the  priests  had  their  station. 

25.  the  tabernacle:  i.e.  the  linen  curtama  of 
Ex.  26i*. — the  tent:  i.e.  the  goats'-hair  cui-tains  of 
Ex.  267.— the  covering:  i.e.  the  rams'  skins  of  Ex. 
2614*. — 26.  the  altar:  i.e.  of  bumt-offering. — 28.  Read 
"  eight  thousand  three  hundred." — 31.  the  table : 
i.e.  of  shewbread. — the  altars:  i.e.  of  bumt-offering 
and  of  incense.  The  latter,  which  is  ignored  in  26,  was 
probably  of  late  origin  :  incense  was  at  first  burnt  in 
censers  (lOof.).— the  Screen  :  i.e.  the  veil  (45)  between 
the  Holy  of  HoHes  and  the  Holy  Place.  The  laver 
(Ex.  30i8*)  is  overlooked  in  this  enumeration. 

40-43.  The  Numbers  of  the  First-bom  Males  in 
Israel  above  one  Month. — The  figure  (22.273)  is  out  of 
proportion  to  the  total  population  given  in  I46;  for 
if  it  is  doubled  (for  an  equal  number  of  females),  the 
result  is  only  44,546,  so  that  for  every  first-born  person 
there  were  approximately  44  who  were  not  first-bom, 
which  implies  that  the  average  family  numbered  45. 
It  has  been  sought  to  evade  this  conclusion  by  assuming 
that  account  is  taken  of  only  those  first-born  who  were 
not  themselves  heads  of  famiHes  ;  but  there  is  no  hint 
of  this  restriction  in  the  text. 

41.  and  the  earth,  etc.  Since  the  firsthngs  of  clean 
cattle  could  not  be  redeemed  (1815,17),  read,  "  and  the 
cattle  of  the  Levites  instead  of  the  cattle  of  all  the 
first-bom  among  th(>  children  of  Israel" 

44-51.  The  Redemption  by  Money  of  the  Residue  of 
the  First-born. — Cf.  izi.  Since  the  first-bom  of  Israel 
(22,273)  exceed  the  Levites  (22,000,  see  39),  those  in 
excess  are  to  be  redeemed  at  5  silver  shekels  (about 
13.s\  M. )  a  head. 

47.  Read,  "  after  the  sacred  shekel."  This  was  the 
ancient  Hebrew  or  Phoenician  weight  (224  grains),  as  con- 
trasted with  the  later  Perso-Babylonian  weight,  which 
was  hghter  (173-3  grains)  :  cf.  Ex.  3O13*,  p.  116. 

IV.  1-45.  A  Census  of  the  Levites  QualiQed  to  Serve 
about  the  Tabernacle,  and  the  Apportionment  of  their 
Duties. — This  census  includes  all  males  l>etween  30  and 
50  (cf.  1  Ch.  233).  In  823-26  the  limits  of  age  are  25 
and  50  (and  the  LXX  substitutes  25  for  30  inthis  pas- 
sago  also);  in  1  Ch.  2824-27,  2  Ch  31 17,  Ezr  38  the 
inferior  hmit  is  20,  and  no  superior  limit  is  specified. 
The  variation  no  doubt  corresponds  to  changers  which 
prevailed  at  different  periods.  '  The  task  of  packing  the 
contents  of  the  Tabernacle  for  transport  was  undertaken 
by  the  priests  alone  ;  but  the  actual  work  of  transport 
was  the  duty  of  the  Kohathites  (kinsmen  of  Aaron  and 
his  sons),  who  carried  the  Ark  and  other  thmgs  on  their 
shoulders  (Tg).  The  external  hangings  and  the  wood- 
work of  the  Tabernacle  were  conveyed  in  wagons  by 
the  Gershonites  and  Merarites  respectively  (77fj. 

6.  sealskin:  or  "dugong-skin."  The  staves  men- 
tioned in  this  verse,  and  in  8,11,14,  were  probably 
pa.ssed  under  the  cords  that  ftistened  the  wrappings  in 
which  the  Ark,  the  table,  and  the  two  altars  (see  on  831) 
were  packed. — 15.  the  sanctuary  :  better,  as  mg.,  "  the 
holy  things'"  (and  so  in  16,20). — 20.  die:  c/.  the  in- 
cident in  I  S.  619. — 27.  in  charge:  better  (LXX),  "by 
name." 

46-49.  The  Number  of  the  Levites  between  the  Ages 
of  30  and  50. — This,  which  amounts  to  8580.  bears  to 
the  number  of  Levites  over  one  month  a  higher  pro- 
portion (39  per  cent.)  than  is  probable,  the  actual  ratio 
of  persons  between  the  ages  stated  to  the  whole  popula- 
tion being  (it  is  said)  in  Europe  25  per  cent.,  and  in 
the  United  States  even  less. 


216 


NUMBEES,  IV.  49 


49.  Read,  "  According  to  tho  commandment  of 
Yahweh  by  the  hand  of  Moses  they  were  appointed, 
every  one  according  to  his  service,  and  according  to 
his  burden,  as  Yahwt-li  commanded  .Moses." 

V.  1-4.  The  Seclusion  of  Persons  Rendered  Unclean 
through  Leprosy,  Issues,  or  Contact  with  the  Dead.— 
Such  seclusion  was  the  result  of  a  primitive  beUef  that 
persons  in  tho  conditions  specified  were  the  seat  of,  or 
had  been  exposed  to,  some  supernatural  inlluence  wliich 
they  might  extend  to  any  who  approached  them. 
Rules  relating  to  the  leprous  and  to  sufferers  from 
issues  are  found  in  Lev.  13-15*.  For  historical 
instances  of  the  seclusion  of  lepers,  see  12ro-i5,  2  K. 
73.  155. 

2.  the  dead:  literally,  "a  soul"  or  "ghost."  A 
dead  body  was  thouglit  to  be  dangerous  bccau.se  the 
disembodied  spirit  hovered  round  it,  and  such  a  spirit 
was  potent  for  harm. 

5-10.  The  Restitution  of  Misappropriated  Property.— 
This  regulation  supplements  the  law  contained  in 
Lev.  6i-7,  wliich,  dealing  with  the  restituti.on  of  pro- 
perty wrongfully  appropriated,  omits  to  explain  how 
it  is  to  be  disposed  of,  if  tho  owner  has  died  without 
leaving  any  kinsman  to  whom  restitution  may  be 
made.  The  present  enactment  enjoins  that  the  pro- 
perty in  such  a  case  shall  pass  to  the  priest  as  Yahweh's 
representative. 

9.  heave  oflering:  better.  "  contribution  "  the  word 
meaning  in  strictness  anything  "  heaved  "  (or  "  lifted  ") 
from  a  larger  aggregate. 

11-31.  An  Ordeal  in  Cases  of  Jealousy.— A  married 
woman  suspected  of  unfaitlrfulness  is,  in  the  absence 
of  evidence,  to  bo  subjected  to  an  ordeal  by  being  made 
to  drink  holy  water  with  which  dust  from  tho  floor  of 
the  Tabernacle  has  been  mingled,  and  in  which  a 
writing  inscribed  with  a  curse  has  been  steeped.  In 
the  event  of  her  innocence  the  potion  proves  harmless, 
and  she  becomes  fruitful ;  in  the  event  of  her  guilt, 
it  injures  her  (probably  by  producing  abortion). 
Ordeals  similar  to  the  one  here  enjoined  were  not  un- 
common in  antiquity  Pausanias,  for  instance,  men- 
tions that  at  a  sanctuary  of  Earth  (Tt)),  in  Arcadia,  tlie 
chastity  of  the  priestesses  was  tested  by  their  being 
made  to  drink  bulls  blood,  which  brought  down  instant 
retribution  upon  tho  unchaste.  In  the  Hebrew  ordeal 
the  potion  which  the  suspected  woman  was  compelled 
to  drink  had  a  threefold  potency.  In  the  first  place, 
the  water  (described  as  holy,  5i7)  was  doubtless 
originally  taken  from  a  sacred  spring  and  could  not  be 
drunk  by  a  guilty  person  with  impunity.  (Similarly 
at  Tyana  the  water  of  the  Asbamaean  lake,  if  drunk 
by  a  person  guilty  of  perjury,  caused  disease,  though 
it  was'innocuous  to  the  innocent).  Secondly,  the  dis- 
criminating property  of  the  water  was  intensified  by 
admixture  with  the  du.st  of  the  sacred  Tabernacle 
(which  no  lay  person  might  ordinarily  approach).  And 
thirdly,  the  water  was  impregnated  with  the  written 
words  of  a  curse,  a  curse  in  itself  being  an  active  agent 
(c/.  226,  Mk.  Il2i),  fulfiUmg  itself  mechanically  upon 
the  wrong-doer  (r/.  Gen  924*,  Zech.  5i-4).  But  though 
among  tiie  Hebrews  tho  ritual  observed  was  thus  of  a 
very  primitive  character,  the  ideas  that  originally  lay 
behind  it  had  come  to  be  replaced  by  others  of  a  more 
spiritual  nature  ;  for  the  punishment  that  foliowod  in 
thecase  of  the  guilty  woman  was  regarded  as  proceeding 
from  Yahweii  (21),  to  whom  the  oath  was  an  appeal 
(c/.  Ex.  22ii,  I  K.  8uf.).  Ordeals  by  water  and  fire 
were  common  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

13.  and  be  liept  close,  etc.  :  better,  "  and  she  be  un- 
detected, though  she  bo  defiled."— 15.  the  tenth  part 
ot  an  ephah :   about  7  pints. — no  oil  .  .  .  nor  frank- 


incense :  the  exclusion  of  these  has  been  explained  as 
due  to  the  sad  character  of  the  occasion. — 16.  before 
the  Lord :  t.e.  before  the  altar  of  Yahweh. — 17.  holy 
water:  the  LXX  has  'holy  hving  (i.e.  running) 
water."  Among  the  Semites  as  well  as  among  other 
races  sanctity  was  ascribed  to  all  running  water,  which, 
as  giving  fertihty  to  the  soil  and  sustaining  animal 
life,  would  naturally  appear  as  the  embodiment  of 
Divine  energy.  It  Ls  said  that  in  Palestmc  to  this  day 
all  springs  are  viewed  as  the  seats  of  spirits  (W.  R. 
Smith,  RSS  p.  169),  and  some  rivers  bore  in  antiquity 
the  names  of  deities  (e.g.  the  Adonis  and  the  lielua 
(j.e.  Baal)). — 18.  let  .  .  .  loose:  a  token  of  sorrow  or 
distress  of  mmd.  cf.  Ix'v.  lOr.,  1845.  21 10. — water  of 
bitterness  :  i.e.  water  productive  of  bitterness  (or  mis- 
chief).— 21.  make  thee  a  curse :  i.e.  make  thy  fate 
such  that  it  wUl  be  tho  worst  that  anyone  can  wish  to 
imprecate  on  another;  cf.  Jer.  2922,  Is.  65i5.  Zech. 
813,  Ps.  1028. — 22.  Amen:  literally.  "  a-ssured,"  an 
expression  of  assent  (cf.  Dt.  27i5f..  Neh.  5i3),  LXX 
y(voLTo. — 23.  a  book :  any  material  on  which  writing 
could  be  inscribed. — wave:  Ex.  :^924,  Lev  730*. — 
26.  make  .  .  .  drink  the  water:  this,  following  the 
same  command  ui  24,  does  not  mean  that  the  priest 
gives  the  woman  a  second  draught ;  it  merely  repeats 
the  earher  direction.  The  occurrence  of  this  and  other 
repetitions  (cf.  16  with  18,  19  with  21,  and  the  duphcates 
in  18)  ha,s  suggested  that  the  law  here  is  a  compilation 
from  more  than  one  account. 

VI.  1-12.  Regulations  lor  Nazirites.— A  Nazu-ite  was 
one,  whether  man  or  woman  (2),  who  undertook  either 
for  hfo  or  for  a  shorter  time  a  vow  to  observe  certain 
rulco,  involving  various  abstinences.  An  instance  of 
a  lifelong  vow  is  afforded  by  Samson  (Jg  137) ; 
examples  of  temporary  vows  occur  only  outside  the 
OT  (1  Mac.  349.  cf.  perhaps  Ac.  I818,  2l23f.),  though 
it  is  to  the  latter  kind  alone  that  the  regulations  here 
prescribed  relate.  The  three  requirements  insisted  on 
are  (I)  abstinence  from  all  intoxicants  and  all  products 
of  the  vine  (cf.  Am.  2iif.);  (2)  aljstinence  from 
cutting  the  hair;  (3)  precautions  against  incurring 
defilement  through  contact  with  tho  dead.  Of  these 
certainly  the  second  (Jg.  185).  and  probably  the  first 
(Jg.  137,14),  were  observed  by  a  lifelong  Nazirite  like 
Samson,  but  the  thiixl  must  have  been  impossible  to 
such  (Jg.  liig.  15s,i5).  As  the  Nazirite  was  conse- 
crated "unto  Yahweh"  (2,5,8),  it  seems  likely  that 
the  first  of  the  specified  requirements  had  its  origin 
in  certain  religious  associations  attaching  to  intoxicants. 
Intoxication,  hke  other  abnormal  conditions  (such  as 
madness,  1  S.  I614),  was  doubtless  at  an  early  time 
ascribed  to  the  entrance  into  the  person  affected  of 
some  Divine  power  (cf.  amongst  tho  Greeks  the  con- 
nexion of  Dionysus  with  the  vine).  To  the  Israelites, 
originally  a  pastoral  people,  tho  vine  and  ita  products 
were  unfamiliar  until  Canaan  was  reached  ;  and  since 
the  Canaanites  ascribed  the  gift  of  wine  to  the  Baahm 
(cf  Hos.  25,8),  the  use  of  it  might  be  regarded  by 
strict  adherents  of  Yahweh  as  a  secession  from  the  cult 
of  the  God  of  Israel  to  that  of  another  god  (p.  85,  cf.  the 
attitude  towards  the  vine  displayed  by  the  nomadic 
Rechabites,  Jer.  .356-10°).  The  second  requirement, 
that  the  man  should  not  be  shorn,  goes  back  to  the 
belief  that  the  hair  (inasmuch  as  it  grows  more  quickly 
than  any  other  pait  of  tho  body)  was  in  a  special  degree 
the  seat  of  Divine  energy  (cf.  Jg.  I617);  so  that  if  a 
man  cut  his  hair,  tho  Divine  virtue  m  him  would  be 
impaired.  The  third  regulation,  that  the  Nazirite 
should  not  come  near  a  dead  body,  was  only  a  special 
application  of  a  principle  which  extended  to  ordinary 
persons.     Contact  with  the  dead  always  involved  do- 


J 


NUMBERS,  IX.  14 


217 


filement  (52*) ;  but  in  the  case  of  one  who  waa  conse- 
crated it  wa3  particularly  to  bo  avoiilcd,  and  if  in- 
curred, it  entailed  the  renewal  of  the  whole  period  of 
the  vow.  To  the  prohibitions  here  named  parallels 
are  forthcoming  from  elsewhere :  for  instance,  the 
Roman  jlamen  ditdis  might  not  walk  under  a  vine, 
touch  a  dead  body,  or  enter  a  place  where  one  was 
burned.  Examples  have  also  been  adduced  from  the 
early  Saxons  and  from  modern  savages,  of  men  ^owmg 
to  keep  their  hair  unshorn  until  they  should  fulfil  some 
desired  act  of  vengeance,  the  primitive  idea  involved 
in  such  vows  being  that  during  periods  of  stress  the 
Divine  powers  on  which  men's  strength  depends  aro 
manifestly  estranged,  so  that  it  becomes  desirable  to 
propitiate  them  bv  cherishing  what  ia  a  special  seat 
of  the  virtue  they  "impart  (RS*,  323-335.  481-485). 

2.  Nazirite :  the  word  means  "  one  separated  "  unto 
God  (c/.  Jg.  135). — 4.  kernels  .  .  .  husk:  better, 
"pips  .  .  .  skins."  but  the  real  meaning  is  uncer- 
tain.— 10.  turtle  doves  :  these  were  the  least  costly  of 
animal  sacrifices  (Lev.  57,  128). — 12.  for  a  guilt  offering: 
the  guilt  was  incurred  tlirough  the  discharge  of  the 
vow  being  delayed  in  consequence  of  the  accidental 
defilement. 

13-21.  The  Offerings  Required  at  the  Termination  of 
the  Nazirite  Vow. — The  most  distinctive  feature  of  the 
concluding  ritual  was  the  shaving  of  the  hair  (c/.  Ac. 
I818)  and  the  burning  of  it  in  the  fire  on  the  altar. 
This  was  probably  at  first  of  the  nature  of  an  offering, 
the  primitive  idea  being  that,  as  the  hair  was  the  seat 
of  vitality  and  energy,  to  present  it  to  the  Deity  was 
to  present  to  Him  the  best  of  one"s  self.  Offerings  of 
hair  have  been  common  in  many  religions,  and  were 
made  on  various  occasions,  particularly  by  girls  just 
before  marriage,  and  by  mourners  for  the  dead  (see 
Pausanias,  Description  of  Greece,  i.  43,  ii.  32;  iEsch., 
Cho.  C;  Hom.  II.  xxiii.  141).  Of  the  sacrifice  offered 
by  the  Kazirite  a  larger  share  than  ordinary  fell  to  the 
priest ;  for  of  the  ram  of  the  peace  offering,  in  addition 
to  the  usual  perquisites  (Lev.  734),  he  received  also 
the  shoulder. 

13.  shail  be  brought :  this  is  inappropriate,  and  the 
text  is  probably  in  some  disorder. — 15.  their  meal 
offering  and  their  drink  offerings :  see  lo4f. — 20.  heave 
thigh:  better,  "'thigh  of  the  contribution." — 21.  be- 
side that  which  he  is  able  to  get:  i.e.  besides  that 
which  his  means  shall  allow.  The  sacrifices  expUcitly 
prescribed  are  the  minimum,  but  they  are  not  to  ex- 
clude others,  if  the  offerer  can  afford  them. 

22-27.  The  Priestly  Blessing. — This  blessmg,  though 
incorporated  in  P,  has  probably  been  derived  from 
some  earher  source  (perhaps  a  psalm,  c/.  Ps.  46,  29ii, 
3I16,  67i,t)f.,  803,7,19,  119135,  etc.).  At  the  Temple 
the  blessing  is  said  to  have  been  used  every  morning, 
the  sacred  name  being  pronounced  in  ita  real  form, 
Yahweh  (instead  of  in  the  disguised  form  Jehovah, 
which  has  the  vowels  of  the  title  Adoiuii,  see  Ex.  3i4'). 

27.  put  my  name,  etc. — An  idea  prevalent  among 
primitive  races  was  that  between  the  name  and  the 
person  there  waa  a  mysterious  Unk  (the  name  in  a 
sense  was  the  personality),  so  that  to  pronounce  the 
Divine  name  was  to  set  in  motion  the  Divine  activity : 
c/.  Gen.  3227*.  Mt.  722,  Mk.  9,58,  Ac.  36. 

VIL  1-9.  Offerings  ol  Wagons  and  Oxen  for  the 
Transport  of  the  Tabernacle. — The  offerings  here  men- 
tioned are  represented  as  having  been  made  immedi- 
ately after  the  erection  of  tlio  Tabernacle  (i),  so  that 
the  date  implied  is  a  month  earlier  than  that  of  ch.  1, 
though  the  census  there  described  is  here  presupposed 
(2).  The  wagons  were  to  be  used  only  for  the  con- 
veyance of  the  hangings  and  woodwork  of  the  Taber- 


nacle. The  Ark,  as  being  more  sacred,  could  only  be 
borne  by  the  Kohathites  upon  their  shoulders.  The 
idea  that  this,  with  the  other  contents  of  the  Taber- 
nacle, was  too  holy  to  be  transported  in  wagons,  and 
might  bo  carried  only  on  the  shoulders  of  consecrated 
Levites,  seems  to  have  really  been  a  post-Mosaic  de- 
velopment. Even  in  David's  time  the  Ark  was  con- 
veyed in  a  cart  (2  S.  63);  but  the  death  that  befell 
Uzzah  (2  S.  6jf.)  tended  to  augment  feehngs  of  awe  in 
respect  of  it,  which  led  to  other  arrangements  (c/.  2  S. 
613,  1024). 

10-89.  Offerings  of  Vessels,  Animals,  and  other 
Materials  for  Use  in  Sacrifice. — The  weights  of  each 
charger, bowl, and  spoon(or  cup)presented  bythe several 
princes  were  about  60,  33,  and  4J  oz.  respectively. 

10.  for  the  dedication  :  better  (mg.),  "  the  dedication 
gift "  ;  and  so  in  1 1,84,88. — 89.  This  verse  is  incomplete 
at  both  its  beginning  and  its  close;  for  the  words 
"  with  him  "  must  refer  to  Yahweh,  who  is  not  men- 
tioned in  the  preceding  context,  whilst  the  statement 
"  he  spake  imto  him  "  is  not  followed  (as  might  be  ex- 
pected) by  any  speech. 

VIII.  1-4.  Directions  Relating  to  the  Candlestick. — 
An  account  of  the  candlestick  (really  a  "  lampstand  ") 
ia  contained  in  Ex.  2531-40*. 

2.  lightest:  render -as  in  mg.  (and  so  in  3). — give 
light  .  .  .  candlestick:  i.e.  illuminate  the  opposite 
(N.)  wall  of  the  Holy  Place,  the  candlestick  being  on 
the  S.  side. — flowers:    flower-like  ornaments. 

5-22.  The  Puriflcation  of  the  Levites.— This  differed 
from  that  of  the  priests  (Ex.  29,  I^ev.  8),  for  the 
Levites  (a)  were  only  sprinkled  with  water  instead  of 
being  washed  altogether  and  anointed  with  oil; 
[h)  merely  washed  their  ordinary  garments  instead  of 
being  clad  in  special  garments.  The  shaving  of  ail 
their  hair  waa  in  pursuance  of  the  behef  mentioned  on 
p.  216:  if  ceremonial  impurity  infected  the  person  at 
all,  it  would  exist  in  a  concentrated  form  in  the  hair. 
The  ceremonies  described  in  10-13  could  obviously  be 
only  performed  symbolically  :    cf.  Ex.  2924. 

13.  thou:  here  and  in  13  it  is  Moses,  whereas  in 
11,21  it  is  Aaron  who  ''  waves  "  the  Levites. — 16.  even 
the  first-born  of  all:  read,  '  even  all  the  first-boni 
among";  cf.  18. — 19.  make  atonement:  better, 
"  afford  a  covering  (or  screen)."  The  Hebrew  here 
cannot  mean  to  expiate  sin,  but  has  in  view  the  pre- 
vention of  it,  inasmuch  as  sin  would  be  involved  in 
the  profanation  of  the  Tabernacle  by  the  approach  of 
unhallowed  laymen. 

23-26.  The  "Age-Limit  for  the  Levites'  Service. — ^The 
hmits  here  given  (25  and  30)  differ  from  those  fixed  in 
ch.  4  (where  they  are  30  and  30). 

24.  This  is  that  which  belongeth  unto  :  read  (Vulg.), 
"  This  is  the  law  of." 

IX.  1-14.  Regulations  for  a  Supplementary  Pass- 
over.— The  institution  of  such,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of 
the  second  (instead  of  the  first)  month,  was  required 
to  meet  the  needs  of  those  who  were  prevented  by 
some  adequate  cause  from  participating  in  the  ceremony 
at  the  proper  time  (cf.  2  Ch.  302f.).  The  occasion 
when  the  law  hero  described  was  enacted  was  the 
second  anniversary  of  the  Passover,  so  that  the  date 
of  this  chapter  precedes  that  of  ch.  1.  As  the  people 
at  this  tmie  were  dwelling  in  tents  (not  in  houses),  it 
must  1)6  supposed  that  the  command  respecting  the 
smearing  of  the  lintel  and  side-posts  of  the  door  with 
blood  (Ex.  127.22)  was  modified. 

2.  Moreover:  omit  (with  Vulg.). — 5.  at  even:  Ex. 
126*. — 6.  cf.  02*. — and  before  Aaron:  omit;  note  him 
(i.e.  Moses)  in  7. — 14.  stranger:  i.e.  a  settlor  who  had 
become  a  member  of  the  IsraeUte  community  (LXX 


218 


NUMBERS.  IX.  14 


haus  "proselyte"),  not  a  mcro  temporary  sojourner 
(who  was  forbidden  to  oat  the  J'as.sovor.  Ex.  I245*). 

15-23.  The  Movement  of  the  Camp  Determined  by 
the  Fiery  Cloud. — Since  according  to  P  tlie  Tabernacle 
was  in  the  centre  of  the  camp  when  it  was  btationary, 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  column  when  it  was  on  the 
march  (2 17,  IO21),  the  setting  or  rising  of  the  cloud 
above  it  only  gave  the  signal  for  encamping  or  for 
breaking  up  the  camp  :  the  direction  of  the  march  was 
conveyed  from  Yahweh  through  Moses  (IO13).  The 
view  of  the  writer  of  IO33-36*  is  quite  different.  The 
conception  of  the  cloud  as  fiery  (15)  maintains  the 
idea  of  fire  as  the  sjnnbol  of  Yahweh's  presence,  which 
occurs  in  Gen.  15i7,  Ex.  82-4.  Fire  was  also  asso- 
ciated with  the  presence  of  heathen  deities  :  for  in- 
stance, it  was  beUeved  to  play  around  a  temple  of 
Aphrodite  at  Aphaca,  and  around  a  sacred  oUve-tree 
near  Tyre  (Ex    13^ if.*). 

16.  covered  it:  add  (with  LXX)  "by  day."— 
22.  a  year:   Uterally,  "  days,"  i.e.  an  indefinite  period. 

X.  1-10.  The  Silver  Trumpets. — These  were  straight 
in  shape  and  about  18  or  20  in.  long  (Ezr.  3io*).  The 
various  signals  given  by  them  were  distinguished  partly 
by  the  number  of  the  blasts,  partly  by  their  character, 
some  being  "  alarms "'  (martial  notes,  9),  others  not. 
Instances  of  their  use  occur  in  31 6,  1  Ch.  13s,  1024, 
2  Ch.  13i2f.,  Ez.  3io,  1  Mac.  440,  533- 

6.  The  LXX  adds  that  when  a  third  and  a  fourth 
alann  were  blown,  the  camps  on  the  W.  and  the 
N.  were  to  move. 

11-28.  The  Departure  from  Staai. — The  stay  at 
Sinai  laste<l  about  11  months  (c/.  11  with  Ex.  19i), 
and  the  people  now  moved  to  the  wilderness  of  Paran 
(the  modem  El  Tih).  N.  of  Suiai.  The  order  of  the 
march  here  differs  in  some  respects  from  that  de- 
scribed in  ch.  2  ;  for  there  it  is  assumed  that  all  the 
Levites  kept  together  (2 17),  whereas  here  the  Ger- 
shonites  and  Merarites.  with  the  hangings  and  frame 
of  the  Tabernacle,  are  to  follow  the  division  of  Judah, 
Issachar,  and  Zebulun,  whilst  the  Kohathites,  with  the 
Ark  and  the  furniture  of  the  Tabernacle,  are  to  follow 
the  division  of  Reuben,  Simeon,  and  Gad.  The 
arrangement  was  intended  to  secure  that  the  Taber- 
nacle should  l>e  set  up  before  the  arrival  of  its  contents. 

21.  sanctuary:  better,  "  holy  things"  (cf.  415,  7«<7.). 

29-32.  Moses'  Request  to  his  Father-in-law. — Thi.s 
section  and  the  next  (derived  from  JE)  are  parallel  to, 
and  not  the  sequel  of,  1 1  -28  ;  for  whereas  in  1 2  the 
leraeUtes  have  reached  Paran,  in  33  they  are  only 
starting  from  Sinai.  Moses'  father-in-law,  called  here 
(J)  and  in  Jg.  4n  {»ig.)  Hobab,  is  named  in  Ex.  3i, 
4i8  (E)  Jethro,  and  in  Ex.  2i8*  Reuel  (where,  however, 
the  name  should  probably  be  omitted).  It  is  imphed 
that  Ilobab,  by  accompanying  Israel  going  north, 
would  be  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  Midianites 
who  roamed  over  the  desert  E.  of  Canaan  (Jg.  63. 
cf.  (Jen,  2oi-6) ;  and  this  favours  the  view  that  Sinai 
was  not  in  the  S.  of  the  peninsula  ;  otherwise  his  route 
and  Israels  would  have  coincided  for  some  distance. 
From  Jg.  I16  it  may  bo  mfent>d  that  Moses"  fatlier-in- 
law  (see  vig.)  accompanied  the  Israehtes  into  Canaan, 
though  this  is  denied  in  Ex.  I827. 

33-36  (JE).  The  Movements  of  the  Ark.— Hero  the 
Ark  is  not  n^garded  as  carried  in  the  middle  of  the 
column  (a.s  m  21),  but  as  precodmg  it  {cf.  Ps.  G87). 
The  address  to  it  assumes  that  it  was  the  seat  or  symbol 
of  Yahweh.  and  the  particular  expressions  u.sed  are 
more  appropriate^  to  a  time  after  the  settlement  in 
Canaan,  when  the  Ark  accompanied  the  Israelite 
armies  to  war  (1  S.  43,  2  S.  11 11),  than  to  the  period 
spent  in  the  wilderness. 


33.  After  "  1)efore  them,"  omit  "  three  dajrs'  jour- 
ney "  (as  an  accidental  repetition). 

XI.  1-3.  (JE).  The  Chastisement  of  the  People  at 
Taberah. — The  occabion  was  discontent  at  some  hard- 
ship, the  nature  of  which  is  not  explained.  The  agency 
by  which  the  discontent  was  punished  was  probably 
hghtning  (cf.  Ex.  923,  Job  I16,  2  K.  lio).  The  place 
is  unknown. 

1.  Render,  "  And  the  people  were  as  mourners  at 
misfortune." — 3.  Taberah:  i.e.  "Burning,"  from  the 
Heb.  root  ba'ar,  "  to  burn." 

4-35  (JE).  The  People's  Lust  for  Flesh  and  Moses' 
Complaint  of  his  Excessive  Burden. — This  section  is  a 
combination  of  two  narratives  (from  J  and  E),  relating 
(1)  a  demand  of  the  people  for  ilesh  (instead  of  manna), 
which  was  satisfied  by  a  flight  of  quails  ;  (2)  a  com- 
plaint of  Moses  that  the  responsibility  of  leadership 
was  too  great  for  him,  which  was  met  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  70  elders  to  assist  him.  But  the  separation 
of  the  two  stories  cannot  be  effected  with  perfect 
confidence,  and  some  verses  may  originally  have  stood 
in  a  different  context. 

4-10.  The  Discontent  with  the  Manna,  and  the 
Desire  for  Flesh. — The  complaint  about  the  lack  of 
flesh  is  inconsistent  with  the  possession  by  Israel  of 
the  flocks  and  herds  implied  in  32i,  Ex.  I232.38,  I73. 
The  use  of  fish,  onions,  and  leeks  as  food  in  Egypt  is 
mentioned  by  Herodotus  (ii.  92,  125).  The  description 
of  the  manna  (7-9)  is  probably  based  on  that  of  a 
natural  product,  the  yellowish,  sweet-tasting  gum  that 
exudes  from  a  variety  of  tamarisk.  This  natural 
manna,  however,  flows  only  in  small  quantities,  quite 
inadequate  to  serve  as  food  for  a  multitude  of  people, 
so  that  tradition  has  magnified  both  its  amount  and 
its  sustaining  qualities.  The  account  given  in  Ex. 
I614-36*  presents  even  more  marvellous  details  than 
the  present  passage;  cf.  also  Neh.  9i5,  Ps.  7824, 
10040. 

4.  the  mixed  multitude. — Of  the  various  foreigners 
(Egj^ptians  and  Arabs)  with  whom  the  IsraeUtes  had 
become  associated  in  Egypt,  some  had  accompanied  them 
on  their  departure  thence  :  cf.  Ex.  I238. — 6.  OUT  SOUl: 
i.e.  our  appetite. — 7.  bdellium  :  a  resinous  substance  of 
a  yellow  colour  (Gen.  2ii).— 8.  beat  it  in  mortars:  This 
was  one  of  the  earliest  modes  of  preparhig  com,  before 
the  more  satisfactory  method  of  grinding  it  between 
two  stones  was  devised.  Both  the  mortar  and  the 
pestle  were  of  wood  (rf.  Hesiod,  Works  and  Days,  423). 
Robinson  Crusoe  on  his  island  had  to  have  recourse  to 
this  shift. — fresh  oil:  the  word  is  of  uncertain  mean- 
ing ;   Vulg.  pd Ill's  oleatits. 

llf.  Moses'  Remonstrance  to  Yahweh  that  Ws  Burden 
Exceeds  his  Capacity. — This  complaint  has  no  obvious 
connexion  with  the  subject  of  the  people's  murmurs, 
but  relates  to  the  responsibility  of  leading  Israel  into 
Canaan  (cf.  Ex.  33ijf.) ;  anil  clearly  requires  for  its 
proper  sequel  not  the  satisfaction  of  the  demand  for 
flesh,  but  the  relief  afforded  to  Moses  himself  by  the 
appointment  of  a  body  of  colleagues.  There  is  thus 
introduced  hero  quite  a  distinct  story  from  the  fore- 
going. 

13.  This  verse  is  a  continuation  of  4-10,  though 
some  words  (like  "  Moses  said  unto  Yahweh  ")  have 
been  lost  bt^tween  them. 

14-17.  A  resumption  of  Moses'  expostulation  in  iif., 
and  a  promise  from  Yahweh  to  relieve  his  burden 
by  giving  him  70  colleagues  to  share  it.  The  spirit 
resting  upon  Moses  is  regarded  as  a  g(/fl.'!i'- physical  fluid, 
capable  of  being  divided  and  imparted  to  others 

14.  kill  me:    cf.  Elijah's  desixjndency  (I  I\.  I94). 
18-24n.  A  return  is  made  to  the  people's  demand 


NUMBERS,  XIII.  29 


219 


for  flesh  (4-10,13),  which  Yahweh  promises  to  gratify, 
even  to  satiety. 

18.  sanctify  yourselves:  i.e.  practise  the  abstinence 
and  perform  the  lustrations  necessary  before  witnessing 
a  manifestation  of  Divine  power  (c/.  Ex.  19iof.,  Jos. 
35). — 20.  come  out,  etc. :  presumably  by  vomiting. 

246-30.  This  section  continues  14-17.  Yahweh 
performs  the  promise  which  is  there  expressed,  and  the 
influence  of  the  sphit,  hitherto  confined  to  Moses, 
affects  with  prophetic  frenzy  (c/.  1  S.  lOio,  192of.) 
not  only  the  70  elders  gathered  at  the  Tabernacle, 
but  two  others  not  included  amongst  them,  an  incident 
which  renders  Moses'  servant  Joshua  jealous  for  his 
master's  sake,  but  ehcits  a  noble  reply  from  Moses 
himself  (c/.  Ac.  IO34-48). 

25.  the  cloud :  the  conception  is  probably  derived 
fi'om  the  early  association  of  Yahweb  with  the  sky, 
where  the  storm-cloud  formed  His  chariot  (Ps.  1 89-1 2). 
— 25.  they  did  so  no  more :  i.e.  the  prophetic  frenzy 
was  only  of  temporary  duration. — 26.  written :  i.e.  re- 
gistered as  elders  (Neh.  I222). — 28.  one  .  .  men: 
better  {mg.),  "  from  his  youth." 

31-35.  Here  there  is  again  a  return  to  the  people's 
demand  for  flesh  (i8-24a),  which  is  satisfied  by  im- 
mense fhghts  of  quails.  Quails  migrate  in  great 
numbers  from  Africa  to  Europe  in  the  spring,  and 
return  in  the  autumn,  and  are  captured  for  the  market. 
As  they  occur  in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  it  is  thus 
probable  enough  that  at  certain  times  they  afforded 
food  for  the  Israehtes  in  the  wilderness ;  and  the 
incident  is  regarded  even  by  the  writer  (who  explains 
that  the  wind  was  the  immediate  agency  employed) 
as  an  example  of  special  providence  rather  than  as  a 
miracle.  Another  mention  of  the  reUef  of  the  people's 
needs  by  flights  of  quails  is  found  in  Ex.  I613  ;  and 
references  to  such  incidents  occur  in  Ps.  7826-31, 
10613-15- 

31.  the  sea:  the  gulf  of  Akabah. — two  cubits,  etc. 
The  quails  flew  at  the  height  of  a  yard  above  the  ground, 
and  were  probably  netted. — 32.  ten  homers:  about 
110  bushels. — spread  them:  i.e.  for  drjing  in  the  sun, 
with  a  view  to  curing  them  for  keeping. — 33.  while 
.  .  .  teeth :  i.e.  while  the  supply  lasted. — ere  it  was 
chewed :  better,  "  ere  it  (the  supply)  was  cut  off  (or 
failed)." — 34.  Kibroth-hattaavah :  this  site  is  un- 
known.— 35.  Eazeroth :  identified  by  some  with  Ain 
el  Hadra,  a  pleice  two  days'  journey  N.E.  of  Sinai. 

XII.  1-16  (JE).  Miriam's  and  Aaron's  Jealousy  of 
Moses,  and  Yahweh's  Vindication  of  Him.— The  chal- 
lenge of  Moses'  prerogative  to  be  Yahweh's  sole 
spokesman  is  strangely  combined  with  a  complaint 
respecting  his  marriage  with  a  Cushite  woman  (perhaps 
another  story  in  which  Miriam,  without  Aaron,  figured). 
Elsewhere  Moses'  wife,  Zipporah,  is  represented  as  a 
Midianite  (Ex.  2i6-2i)  or  a  Kenite  (Jg.  I16,  4ii):  so 
that  if  Zipporah  is  here  alluded  to,  this  description  of 
her  as  a  Cushite  may  refer  not  to  the  African  Cush 
(  =  Ethiopia)  but  to  an  Arabian  Cush  (perhaps  the 
Cushan  of  Hab.  87).  Otherwise  it  must  be  assumed 
that  the  woman  here  in  question  was  a  second  wife. 
The  uniqueness  of  Moses'  position  consisted  in  his 
intimacy  with  Yahweh,  who  spoke  with  him  not  as 
with  other  men  through  visions  (Gen.  15i)  and  dreams 
(Gen.  20  3,  1  S.  286),  but  plainly,  face  to  face  (c/.  Ex. 
33x1,  Dt.  34io),  and  revealed  to  him  His  form.  The 
latter  statement  conflicts  with  the  tenor  of  some  other 
pas.sages,  which  represent  the  sight  of  God  as  fraught 
with  death  to  men  (Ex.  332o,  Jg.  1322),  though  see 
Ex.  24ii. 

3.  meek:  better  "  humble."  the  proper  attitude  of 
man  to  God.— 6.  Render  (LXX  and  Vulg.),  *'  If  there 


be  a  prophet  of  Yahweh  among  you,  I  will  make,  etc." — 
8.  even  manifestly  .  .  .  speeches:  it  has  been  pro- 
posed to  read,  "  not  in  a  vision  and  not  in  a  dream  "  ; 
c/.  6. — 14.  Heal  .  .  .  thee:  read,  "  Now  heal  her,  I 
beseech  thee." 

XIII.  1-33.  The  Espial  of  Canaan.— This  narrative 
is  marked  by  numerous  dLscrepancies,  duo  to  its  being 
a  fusion  of  two  accounts  drawn  from  JE  and  P.  In 
the  one  (JE)  the  spies  start  probably  from  Kadesh 
(26,  328,  cf.  Dt.  ligf.,  Jos.  I47),  the  survey  is  limited 
to  the  S.  of  Palestine  (2  2f.),  and  the  report  of  the  land 
is  favourable,  but  of  the  inhabitants  alarming  (27-29), 
Caleb  alone  dissenting  from  the  latter  representation. 
In  the  other  (P)  the  spies  start  from  Paran  (3),  the 
survey  extends  to  the  N.  border  of  the  Holy  Land 
(21,  cf.  343),  and  the  report  of  the  country  is  unfavour- 
able (32),  both  Joshua  and  Caleb  dissenting. 

l-17a  (from  P).  The  Names  of  the  12  Spies.— These 
are  styled  princes,  but  are  not  identical  with  those 
named  in  ch.  1 .  Caleb,  the  representative  of  Judah,  is 
caUed  a  Kenizzite  in  32i2,  Jos.  146,i4.  The  statement 
that  Joshua's  birth-name  was  Hoshea,  and  was  changed 
by  Moses  (8,16),  is  connected  with  the  fact  that  the 
name  Joshua  involves  the  Divine  name  Yahweh, 
which,  according  to  P,  was  not  known  until  after 
Moses',  and  presumably  Joshua's,  birth. 

176-20  (from  JE).  The  Commission  given  to  the 
Spies.— The  "  South  "  (Heb.  Negeh.  p.  32)  was  the 
parched  high  ground  which  aftenvards  formed  the  S. 
portion  of  Judah  (Jos.  152i),  though  lying  N.  of  the 
locahty  where  the  Israehtes  now  were  (Kadesh).  The 
time  of  the  first-ripe  grapes  was  about  the  end  of  July. 

21  (from  P).  An  Account  of  the  Territory  Explored.— 
This  represents  it  as  extending  from  the  wilderness  of 
Zin,  afterwards  the  southern  border  of  Israel  (343),  to 
Rehob  or  Beth-rehob  (2  S.  106,8),  near  to  Laish  or 
Dan  (Jg.  I828),  a  city  not  very  far  from  the  valley 
between  Lebanon  and  Hermon  ("  the  entering  in  of 
Hamath  "),  which  ideally  defined  the  N.  frontier  of 
Israel  (see  1  K.  865,  2  K.  142  5).  The  distance  to 
Rehob  is  about  200  miles. 

22-24.  (from  JE).  A  Second  Account  of  the  Region 
Explored. — This  imphes  an  outward  journey  of  about 
60  miles,  making  it  extend  only  to  Hebron  (19  miles  S. 
of  Jerusalem,  p.  31)  and  the  valley  of  Eshcol  (some  un- 
identified wady  near  Hebron,  cf.  Jos.  149,14).  The 
country  round  Hebron  is  still  covered  with  vineyards. 
Zoan  (the  later  Tanis,  Is.  19ii*)  is  said  to  have  been 
built  about  1670  b.c.  The  separate  mention  of  Heb- 
ron (22)  and  of  Eshcol  (23)  points  to  a  slight  divergence 
between  J  and  E. 

25-26a  (P).  The  Return  of  the  Spies  to  Paran.— The 
addition  "  to  Kadesh  "  (the  modem  Ain  Kadis,  p.  32) 
probably  comes  from  JE,  for  by  P  Kadesh  is  placed 
in  the  wilderness  of  Zin  (3336),  not  Paran. 

266-31  (from  JE).  The  Report  of  the  Spies.— This, 
in  resjject  of  the  land,  was  favourable  and  was  con- 
firmed by  samples  of  its  products  {cf.  Dt.  I25);  but  in 
respect  of  the  formidable  character  of  its  population 
and  their  cities  was  unnerving  (though  contradicted  by 
Caleb). 

28.  the  children  of  Anak:  i.e.  (long)-necked  men, 
Anak  being  a  proper  noun  signifying  '"  neck "  (cf. 
Dt.  l28*,2io,92). — 29.  Amalek  :  the  Ajmalekites  wore 
nomads  who  roamed  over  the  desert  S.  of  Judah  (cf. 
1  S.  157,30i).— the  Hlttite  (np.  53,  5of .) :  these  wero 
anon-Semitic,  perhaps  Mongolian,  race,  who  as  a  nation 
dwelt  outside  the  N.  hmits  of  the  Holy  Land  (Car- 
chemish  being  one  of  their  chief  cities),  hut  of  whom 
individual  settlers  may  have  made  thoir  homes  in  cen- 
tral or  southern  Palestme  (Gen.  233f.*).— the  Jebusite: 


220 


NUMBERS,  XIII.  29 


the  inhabitants  of  Jcbus  (or  Jerusalem,  Jos.  1563*). — 
the  Amorite  :  lere  regarded  as  the  population  of  the 
country  W.  of  Jordan  occupying  the  hills  (as  in  Dt. 
I19).— (he  Canaanite:  hero  (contrast  1445)  repro 
sented  as  the  dwellers  in  the  low-lying  maritime  plain 
(aa  in  Ut.  I7,  Zeph.  25f.)and  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan 
(Dt.  1 1 30). — 30.  stilled :  this  presumes  the  weeping  and 
murmuring  mentioned  in  14if. 

32a  (from  P).  Another  Report  of  the  Sples.^-This  is 
unfavourable  to  the  land,  representing  it  as  barren 
and  producing  insufficient  to  support  its  inhabitants 
(for  the  phraseology  see  Ezek.  8613.  cf.  Lev.  2638). 
The  estimate  probably  reflects  the  conditions  prevail- 
ing during,  and  after,  the  Babylonian  exile  (Hag.  1^). 

32i-33  (from  JE).  A  Continuation  of  the  Report  in 
266-31.— The  Nephilim  are  described  in  Gen.  62-4*  as 
the  offspring  of  intercourse  between  angels  and  -women 
(like  many  of  the  heroes  of  classical  mythology)  : 
the  LXX  renders  the  word  by  "  giants."  In  33  read, 
"  And  there  we  saw  the  Nephilim  (the  sons  of  Anak 
are  of  the  Nephilim):  and  we,  etc."  The  words 
within  the  parenthesis  form  a  note,  which  is  absent 
from  the  LXX. 

XIV.  1-10  (P).  The  Peoples  Discouragement  at  the 
Report  of  the  Spies. — This  section  is  also  a  fusion  of 
JE  and  P  :  its  composite  character  is  suggested  by  the 
repetitions  in  i.  In  6  the  minority  report  proceeds 
from  Joshua  and  Caleb  (not  from  Caleb  only,  as  in 
1330,  JE),  and  so  is  derived  from  P.  But  the  protest 
in  ;f..  thouch  appearing  to  be  made  by  both  jointly, 
is  really  Caleb's,  for  like  1830  it  is  directed  against  the 
argument  (1328)  that  the  Canaanites  were  too  strong 
to  be  overcome. 

9.  are  bread  for  us:  i.e.  can  be  consumed  aa  easily 
&s  men  consume  bread  (cf.  248,  Dt.  7i6,  Ps.  I44). — 
their  defence  (literally,  '"shadow"):  i.e.  their  gods 
{cf.  Is.  2.54,  .302,  Ps.  9I1).— 10.  the  glory  of  Yahweh: 
i.e.  the  fire  that  symbohzed  the  Divine  presence  (9i3*, 
Ex.  24i7). 

11-25  (JE).  Yahweh's  Threat  to  Disinherit  the 
People,  and  Moses'  Intercession  for  them. — This  section 
is  derived  from  JE,  as  appears  from  the  exemption  of 
Caleb  only  (24)  from  the  sentence  of  exclusion  from 
Canaan  pronounced  on  the  existing  generation.  Moses 
here  shows  the  same  self-eilacement  as  in  Ex.  32iif. 
[The  pica  that  Yahweh  should  do  nothing  which  would 
damage  His  reputation  among  the  heathen  emphasizes 
a  motive  for  the  Divine  action  which  is  specially  pro- 
minent in  Ezckicl. — A.  S.  P.]. 

14.  they  will  tell  It :  literally,  "  they  will  say  "  ;  but 
what  will  be  said  is  not  related,  bo  that  there  is  prob- 
ably some  corruption.  The  LXX  preferably  has,  "  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  land  have  heard  Ihat,  '  etc. — 
22.  tempted:  better,  "tested." — ten  times:  around 
number,  as  in  Gen.  3I7,  Neh.  4i2,  Job  I93.  Zech.  823.—- 
25.  Now  .  .  .  valley:  contrast  45  (where  the  people 
here  named  occupy  the  mountain) :  the  clause  should 
probably  be  omitted  (as  in  Dt.  I40). — the  Red  Sea: 
i.e.  the  gulf  of  Akabah  {cf  2I4). 

26-38  (P).  The  Condemnation  of  the  People  to  Forty 
Years'  Wanderings  in  the  Wilderness.— This  pas,sage 
comes  from  P,  ]>eing  parallel  to,  but  divergent  from, 
11-25,  for  both  Joshua  and  Caleb  (not  the  latter  alone, 
as  in  24)  are  exempted  from  the  sentence  of  exclusion 
(cf.  146).  The  subseijuont  history  assumes  that 
exemption  was  extended  to  Eleazar  also  (see  3228, 
Jos.  14i,  2433). 

31.  know:  read  (with  LXX),  "  inherit." — 33.  wan- 
derers: better  (with  mg.),  "shepherds"  (living  as 
nomads  and  not  as  occupiers  of  land). — forty  years  :  a 
conventional  figure  equivalent  to  a  generation  {cf.  Jg. 


3ii,  631). — whoredoms:  i />.  acts  of  mistrust  (not  of 
idolatry,  as  usual,  Ezek.  23ii,  Hos.  25). — 37.  the 
plague. — Paul,  who  alludes  to  the  occurrence  in  1  Cor. 
10 10,  substitutes  "  the  destroyer."  thus  attributing  the 
infliction  of  the  plague  to  an  angelio  agent  (as  is  done 
in  the  case  of  the  pestilence  sent  to  punish  David's 
offence  in  1  Ch.  21 12,15). 

39-45.  An  Abortive  Invasion  of  Canaan. — This  comes 
from  JE. 

40.  the  mountain:  cf.  1317. — 44.  the  ark:  this 
was  wont  to  accompany  the  army  as  a  jxiUad- 
ium  :  cf.  1035f. — 45.  Hormah:  afterwards  reckoned 
in  the  territory  of  Judah  or  of  Simeon  (Jos.  1630, 
194). 

XV.  A  Number  of  detached  Regulations  (from  P). 

1-16.  The  Quantities  of  Flour,  Oil,  and  Wine  appro- 
priate to  various  Sacrifices. — The  practice  of  adding 
such  accompaniments  to  flesh-offerings  preserves  the 
primitive  idea  that  certain  sacrifices  were  meals  of 
which  the  deity  partook  {cf.  Jg.  9 13,  1  S.  1 24,  Bel.  3-6). 
The  use  of  com  and  wine  in  sacrifice  could  have  come 
into  vogue  only  after  Israel  ha<l  ceased  to  be  a  pastoral 
and  had  become  an  agricultural  people.  Wine  prob- 
ably replaced  milk,  which,  though  it  does  not  occur 
among  the  offerings  prescribed  in  the  Jewish  law,  was 
offered  by  the  Arabs,  as  also  by  the  Carthaginians  (a 
Phoenician  race).  Milk  formed  the  hbation  at  the 
early  Latin  festival,  the  feriae  Latinae.  An  ephah 
(p.  115)  measured  aj)proximately  a  bushel  (71  pints); 
a  hin  (p.  115),  1^  gallons  (12  pmts). 

14.  stranger,  i.e.  prosel\-te  (LXX);    and  so  in  16,29. 

17-21.  A  "  First  Part"  ol  a  Batch  of  Bread  to  be 
Offered. 

20.  dough:  the  LXX  supports  this  rendering  aa 
against  the  mg. — heave  offering — heave:  better.  "  con- 
tribution— contribute." 

22-31.  Offerings  Required  as  Atonement  for  Sins  of 
Ignorance. — This  law  differs  in  some  respects  from  the 
corresponding  one  in  Lev.  4. 

32-36.  The  Form  of  Execution  for  a  Sabbath-breaker. 
— This  law  is  supplementary  to  that  in  Ex.  31 14. 
The  execution  of  the  offender  by  stoning  at  the  hands 
of  the  congregation  distributed  the  responsibUity  of 
destroying  the  life  of  a  fellow  kinsman. 

37-41.  Tassels  to  be  Attached  to  the  Comers  of 
Garments. — Such  tassels  {mg.)  are  here  regarded  as 
reminders  of  Yahweh's  commandments  (39);  but  at 
an  earlier  period  they  were  probably  amulets,  and  in 
origin  perhaps  sui-vivals  of  a  totemistic  stage  of  re- 
Ugion.  When  animals  were  thought  to  be  divine,  the 
wearing  of  their  hides  would  be  one  means  of  securing 
participation  in  their  superhuman  qualities;  and  it 
may  therefore  be  suggested  that  a  tasselled  garment 
really  represented  a  skin  once  worn  in  barbarous 
religious  rites,  the  tas.sels  at  the  four  comers  answering 
to  the  animals  four  legs.  Such  tassels  are  the 
"  borders  "  of  Mt.  I436,  285. 

XVI.  The  Rebellion  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram 
(JE  and  P). — The  narrative  fuses  together  accounts  of 
distinct  revolts  led  by  tliflereut  individuals  and  inspired 
by  different  motives.  The  first  (from  JE)  had  forits 
instigators  Dathan  and  Abiram.  who  are  mentioned 
separately  in  12,25,27.  Dt.  Il6,  and  who,  aa  Rcubenitos 
(a  tribe  that  onoo  possessed  the  primacy,  (Jen.  493), 
disputed  the  civil  authority  of  Moses  (13,15),  appeal 
being  made  for  Yahweh's  decision.  The  ringleiaders 
and  their  belongings  were  Bwaliowed  up  by  an  earth- 
quake. The  inclusion  with  these  of  On  is  probably 
duo  to  a  textual  error  :  he  is  not  named  elsewhere. 
The  second  (from  an  early  form  of  P)  was  headed  bv 
Korah   (mentioned  separately   in   sf.  16,19,   273)  with 


NUMBERS,  XVIII.  8-20 


221 


250  adherents  ;  and  was  <*  repudiation  of  the  rehgious 
supremacy  of  Moses  and  Aaron  (representing  the  tribe 
of  Levi).  In  this  version  Korah  could  scarcely  have 
been  a  Lovite,  and  certainly  some  of  his  Supporters 
camo  from  other  tribes  (see  27i-3).  A  challenge  to 
him  and  his  supporters  to  offer  incense  before  Yahweh 
and  so  leam  whether  they  were  acceptable  to  Him 
resulted  in  their  being  consumed  by  fire,  whilst  a 
subsequent  murmuring  on  the  part  of  the  people  was 
punished  by  a  plague.  Another  version  of  the  second 
story  (from  a  later  form  of  P)  represents  Korah  as  a 
Levite  disputing  Aaron's  exclusive  right  to  the  priest- 
hood. The  various  stories  may  reflect  real  struggles 
against  the  predominance  of  tribes  or  individuals,  and 
the  accidental  death  of  any  of  the  actors  in  such 
struggles  would  readily  be  construed  as  a  Divine  judg- 
ment :  but  what  proportion  (if  any)  of  the  narratives 
is  actual  fact  it  is  impossible  to  say. 

If.  These  verses  combine  Korah,  Dathan.  and  Abiram 
into  one  body.  The  two  stories  must  originally  have 
begun  something  like  this  :  (a)  "  Now  Dathan  and 
Abiram,  the  sons  of  Ehab,  the  son  of  Peleth  (in  268, 
Pallu),  the  son  (LXX,  c/.  Dt.  Il6)  of  Reuben  rose  up 
before  Moses,  and  certain  of  the  children  of  Israel " ; 
(6)  "  Now  Korah,  the  son  of  Izhar,  the  son  of  Kohath, 
the  son  of  Levi,  took  an  offering  (see  15),  and  with 
him  were  two  hundred  and  fifty  princes  of  the  congre- 
gation, called  to  the  assembly,  men  of  renown." 

3-7.  These  verses  (from  P)  continue  the  story  of 
Korah  alone,  whose  contention  is  that  the  whole 
congregation  are  as  holy  as  Moses  and  Aaron.  Moses 
invites  him  and  his  supporters  to  .submit  (with  Aaron) 
to  the  ordeal  of  approaching  Yahweh  with  incense. 

3.  Ye  .  .  .  upon  you :  better,  "  Enough  of  your 
claims." — 6.  censers  :  or  fire  pans,  for  carrying  glowing 
charcoal. — 7.  ye  sons  of  Levi :  a  mistaken  addition, 
due  to  8,  where  the  words  are  in  place. 

8-11.  This  section  (from  a  secondary  form  of  P) 
represents  Korah  and  his  supporters  not  as  claiming 
the  privilege  of  drawing  near  to  God  (as  in  5),  but  as 
seeking  to  share  the  priesthood. 

12-15.  (from  JE).  A  return  is  here  made  to  the 
revolt  of  the  Reubenites,  Dathan  and  Abiram,  against 
Moses  (not  Aaron).  They  remain  m  their  tents,  and 
do  not,  like  the  adherents  of  Korah,  attend  at  the 
Tabernacle  (7,16,18). 

14.  put  out  the  eyes  0!  these  men .  i.e.  throw  dust 
in  their  eyes. — 15.  their  offering:  this  has  no  refer- 
ence to  the  incense  of  7,  but  must  relate  to  something 
which  the  narrative  no  longer  preserves. 

16-24.  This  section  (from  P)  reverts  to  the  revolt 
of  Korah  (the  "  one  man  "  of  22) ;  but  there  is  some 
confusion  between  the  claim  of  the  Levites  to  equahty 
with  Aaron  (17)  and  the  assertion  of  the  rights  of  the 
whole  congregation  as  against  both  Moses  and  Aaron 
(i9f.,22).  Yahweh  first  threatens  to  destroy  the  whole 
congregation,  but  at  Moses'  intercession  changes  His 
purpose  and  directs  the  congregation  to  withdraw 
from  Korah  and  his  250  companions.  In  24,  as  in  i, 
the  story  of  Korah  has  been  united  by  the  editor  with 
that  of  Dathan  and  Abiram.  Probably  the  command 
to  the  congregation  was  originally,  "  Get  you  up  from 
about  the  tabernacle  of  Yahweh  "  (see  19  and  c/.  17i3) 
The  Hebrew  for  "tabernacle"  (in  the  sing.)  is  else- 
where used  exclusively  for  the  habitation  of  Yahweh, 
except  in  Is.  22 16. 

25-34.  These  verses  (with  the  exception  of  the  first 
half  of  27  and  the  last  half  of  32)  come  from  JE,  and 
are  the  sequel  of  12-15.  As  Dathan  and  Abiram 
refuse  to  go  to  Moses  (14),  the  latter,  attended  by  the 
eldera  of  Israel,  goes  to  them  ;   and  on  his  leaving  his 


prerogative  to  be  determined  according  a3  his  antago- 
nists die  a  natural  death  or  a  violent  death,  his  autho- 
rity is  vindicated  by  their  destruction.  Probably  the 
first  half  of  27  in  its  original  fonn  was  "  so  they  gat 
them  up  from  the  tabernacle  of  Yahweh  on  every 
side." 

28.  not  .  •  .  of  mine  own  mind:  this  waa  the 
distinction  l)otwcen  the  true  and  false  prophet 
(Jer.  2326f.,  Ezek.  183).— 30.  the  pit:  better,  '•  Sheol" 
(and  so  in  n),  the  nether  world  of  departed  spirits; 
c/.  Is.  149-15*. — 32.  and  ail  the  men  . . .  goods :  this 
is  inconsistent  with  35  ;  Korah's  supporters  perished 
by  fire,  not  by  an  earthquake.  The  clause  mast  be 
due  to  an  editor 

35.  This  verse  (from  P)  is  the  sequel  of  18-24  and 
27a  (as  corrected  above). 

36-40.  This  section  belongs  to  the  second  version  of 
the  Korah  story  (c/.  40  with  8-1 1).  Since  the  censers 
of  the  250  men  destroyed  by  fire  (35)  had  been  rendered 
holy  tlirough  being  offered  before  Yahweh,  Eleazar, 
the  son  of  Aaron,  was  bidden  to  convert  them  into 
plates  to  cover  the  altar,  ix)  the  intent  that  they  might 
be  a  reminder  that  none  but  the  descendants  of  Aaron 
should  draw  near  to  Yahweh.  The  section  is  incon- 
sistent with  Ex.  272,  where  the  altar  of  burnt  offering 
is  represented  as  covered  with  brass  when  constructed. 

37.  for  they  are  holy :  these  words  should  be  con- 
nected (LXX)  with  38,  and  rendered,  "  for  holy  have 
become  the  censers  of  these  sinners  at  the  cost  of  their 
hves." 

41-50.  This  passage  (from  P)  continues  35.  The 
congregation,  whose  claims  to  equahty  with  Moses  and 
Aaron  had  been  championed  by  Korah,  regret  his 
death  and  begin  to  murmur;  but  are  smitten  by  a 
plague,  which  is  stayed  only  when  Aaron,  at  Moses' 
command,  makes  atonement  with  incense.  Aaron's 
offering,  unhke  that  of  Korah  and  his  supporters,  is 
accepted. 

XVII.  1-13.  The  Budding  of  Aaron's  Rod  (from  P).— 
The  superiority  of  Levi  over  the  other  tribes  is  finally 
vindicated  through  the  budding  of  the  rod  of  Aaron 
(the  representative  of  that  tribe)  when  a  rod  for  each 
tribe  is  laid  up  before  the  Ark.  Rods  (or  staves)  were 
usually  carried  by  persons  of  distinction  among  the 
Hebrews  (21 18,  Gen.  38i8,  I  S.  I443).  as  among  the 
Babylonians  ( Herodotus,  i.  1 95 ).  Fanciful  stories,  which 
are  in  some  degree  parallel  to  this  story,  and  describe 
the  sprouting  of  sapless  staves  or  shafts,  occur  in  the 
classical  tales  of  Hercules'  club  and  Romulus'  spear 
(which  took  root  and  grew) 

2.  fathers'  house  :  i.e.  tribe  (not,  as  usual,  family). — 
twelve  rods :  i.e.  one  from  each  of  the  twelve  secular 
tribes. —  4.  the  testimony:  short  for  "the  ark  of 
the  testimony  "  (c/.  Ex.  I634). — 10.  Contrast  Heb.  94. 

XVra.  1-7.  The  Duties  of  the  Levites.— The  functions 
of  the  Levites  are  here  defined  in  relation  both  to  the 
priestly  order  and  to  the  people.  In  respect  of  the 
priests,  they  are  to  act  as  their  ministers,  and  to  be 
responsible  for  the  custody  of  the  Tabernacle,  but  not 
for  the  care  of  ita  contents  (with  which  they  are  for- 
bidden to  come  in  contact).  In  respect  of  the  people, 
they  are  to  constitute  a  fence,  safeguarduig  the  laity 
from  the  danger  attending  profanation  of  the  holy 
things  by  a  near  approach  to  them.  The  general 
trend  of  the  passage  is  in  accord  with  I49-54,  85-10, 
415. 

1.  bear  .  .  .  priesthood :  i.e.  bear  the  consequences 
of  guilt  incurred  in  connexion  with  it. — 2.  Joined : 
there  is  a  play  on  the  meaning  of  Levi  /see  Gen. 
2934). — 4.  a  stranger:    t.e.  any  non-Levite. 

8-20.  The  Dues  to  be  Received  by  the  Priests  from 


222 


NUMBERS.  XVIII.  8-20 


the  People. — These  embrace  all  those  portions  of  the 
things  offered  unto  the  Lord  which  are  not  roiiuirod 
to  be  burnt;  and  in  detail  are  («)  the  meal  offerings, 
less  a  handful  or  other  small  quantity  (Lev.  22f.,  gf., 
6i5f.) ;  (i*)  the  sin  offerings  (except  those  for  the  high 
priest  and  the  congregation),  less  the  fat  (Lev.  426,31, 
35);  (r)  the  guilt  offerings,  less  the  fat  and  certain 
other  parts  (Lev.  lit);  (d)  the  breast  and  the  thigh 
of  the  "gift"  (('.e.  the  peace  offerings.  Lev.  728f.); 
(e)  the  best  of  the  oil,  wino,  and  com  (the  amount  not 
being  defined);  (/)  the  first-ripe  fruits  (of  trees); 
(g)  devoted  things  {i.e.  probably  things  dedicated  to 
Yahweh  by  individuals.  Lev.  2728) ;  (h)  the  flesh,  less 
tlie  fat,  of  the  first-born  of  clean  animals,  and  the 
redemption  money  (five  shekels)  for  the  first-bom  male 
of  man,  and  the  value  (wliatevcr  it  might  be,  Ivcv.  27 12) 
of  the  firstUngs  of  unclean  animals.  This  list  of  pre- 
Bcribed  emoluments  is  not  exhaustive,  for  the  priests 
were  also  (according  to  P)  to  receive  a  tithe  of  the 
tithes  of  com,  wine,  and  oil  (see  25-32),  the  skin  of  the 
burnt  offerings  (Lev.  78),  the  shewbrcad  (Lev.  245-9), 
imrtions  of  the  offerings  made  by  Nazirites  (Nu.  Gigf.), 
and  the  money  payments  required  in  various  cases 
(Nu.  5r,  Lev.  2214) ;  and,  in  addition,  they  would 
naturally  participate  in  the  48  cities  assigned  to  the 
tribe  of  Levi  (Nu.  35i-8).  The  share  of  the  sacrifices 
here  assigned  by  P  to  the  priests  brings  into  relief  the 
incompatible  character  of  many  of  the  statements 
made  in  Nu.,  inasmuch  as  the  only  persons  who  in  the 
time  of  jMoscs  could  profit  by  the  offerings  made  by 
the  vast  numbers  of  people  represented  in  I46,  were 
Aaron  and  his  two  surviving  sons,  Eleazar  and  Ithamar. 

8.  the  charge  of  mine  heave  offerings:  ))cttcr,  "  the 
reserved  parts  of  the  contributions  made  to  me." 
— by  reason  of  the  anointing:  better  (»ig.),  "for  a 
portion.'" — 10.  as  the  most  holy  things :  better,  "  in  a 
holy  place,"  i.e.  in  the  court  of  the  Tabernacle  (Lev. 
616-26). — 11.  the  heave  offering:  better,  "the  con- 
tribution "  (the  breast  and  the  thigh,  of  which  the 
former  was  specifically  the  wave  offering,  18). — 12.  the 
best:  in  Heb.  (see  7ng.)  "  the  fat,"  which  was  the  best 
part  of  an  animal  sacrifice  (and  hence  offered  to 
Yahweh'*  :  the  temi  was  accordinglj'  applied  to  the 
choicest  of  other  things  also  (cf.  Dt.  32i4). — 13.  the 
first-ripe  fruit:  the  offering  of  such  was  a  common 
practice  among  primitive  j)eoples,  for  since  the  growth 
of  vegetation  was  ordinarily  regarded  as  due  to  the 
power  of  a  local  or  tribal  god,  the  earliest  produce  was 
naturally  thought  to  embody  the  god's  creative  force 
in  the  most  intense  degree,  and  so  to  be  dangerous  for 
any  but  a  sacred  person  to  eat. — 15.  redeem  :  bettor, 
"  cause  to  be  redeemed,"  and  so  in  i6f. — 16.  and 
those,  etc.:  render  (after  LXX)  as  in  mg. — shekel  .  .  . 
sanctuary:  see  on  847. — 17.  sprinkle:  better, '■  pour  "; 
the  sprinkling  enjoined  in  194, 18  was  a  different  process 
from  that  prescribed  here. — 19.  a  covenant  of  salt  : 
i.e.  an  inviolable  covenant  (based  on  the  idea  that  the 
sharing  of  the  same  food,  of  which  salt  was  an  accom- 
paniment, involved  a  bond  of  friendship)  ;  cf.  Lev.  213, 
2  Ch.  135.  [F5ut  this  "ordinance  of  salt  "  creates  only 
a  temporary  bond  (R8^.  270) ;  and  Trumbull  has  shown 
that  salt  is  often  a  symbol  for  life,  since  it  arreste  decay. 
This  explains,  better  than  the  usual  view,  how  salt 
came  to  stand  for  perpcf  nit  v.  See  Salt  in  HSDH,  and 
Trumbull's  C<>ve»a»t  of  ."^nlt'.-A.  S.  P.] 

21-24.  The  Dues  to  be  Received  by  the  Levites  from 
the  People. — These  are  here  confined  to  the  tithes 
(p.  99)  of  all  vegetable  produce  :  but  in  Ix;v.  2732f. 
reference  is  also  made  to  a  tithe  of  cattle.  The  dedica- 
tion of  tithes  (p.  99)  to  religious  purposes  was  probably 
a  more  highly  regulatod  form  of  the  dedication  of  first- 


frait«,  originating  at  a  time  when  the  organisation  of 
religion  l>ccame  more  costly.  The  principle  .of  tithing 
was  not  confined  to  religious  purposes,  but  was  adopted 
in  the  contributions  exacted  from  the  people  by  their 
rulers  (1  S.  815). 

25-32.  The  Dues  to  be  Received  by  the  Priests 
from  the  Levites. — These  consisted  of  a  tenth  of  the 
tithe  paid  to  the  I>evites  by  the  peoi)lc. 

29.  every  heave  offering:  better,  "the  whole  con- 
tribution." The  tithe  of  the  tithe  is  to  be  of  the  best. — 
30.  it  shall  be  counted,  etc. :  the  pronoun  refers  to  the 
nine-tenths  of  the  tithe  which  the  Levites  are  to  have 
for  themselves.  As  soon  as  they  liave  paid  their 
sacred  dues  to  the  priests,  they  will  be  as  free  to  enjoy 
the  rest  as  tlio  husbandmen  are,  who  have  discharged 
their  obligations  to  them. — 32.  ye  shall  not  profane 
the  holy  things  :  the  Levites,  by  possessing  the  tithe-s, 
will  have  no  temptation  to  take,  and  so  profane,  the 
offerings  which  are  reserved  for  the  priesfs. 

XIX.  1-22.  The  PuriQcatlon  of  the  Unclean  through 
Contact  with  the  Dead. — This  was  effected  by  sprinkling 
the  unclean  person  twice  within  seven  days  (12  mg.,  19) 
with  running  water,  the  virtue  of  which  had  been 
intensified  by  various  ingredients,  viz.  the  a.shes  of  a 
red  cow,  cedar  wood,  hyssop,  and  scarlet  thread.  The 
use  of  running  water  in  such  lustrations  was  doubtless 
based  on  the  belief  that  springs  and  wells  (pp.  100,  210) 
were  the  abodes  of  superhuman  powers,  and  that  a 
Divine  quality  pertained  to  water  drawn  from  them, 
which  was  capable  of  neutralising  impurity.  Amongst 
the  Greeks  a  v&ssel  of  spring  water  was  placed  at  the 
door  of  a  house  where  a  death  had  occurred,  for  the 
purification  of  those  who  might  become  contaminated 
{cf.  Eurip.  Ale.  98-100).  But  in  the  rite  here  prescribed 
the  water  was  not  regarded  as  having  in  itself  sufficient 
purifying  virtue,  but  was  fortified  by  other  things 
which  were  likewise  believed  to  possess  potent  qualities. 
The  admixture  with  it  of  the  ashes  of  an  animal  finds 
a  parallel  in  the  use  by  the  Romans  of  the  ashes  of 
unborn  calves  mixed  with  the  blood  of  a  horse,  at  the 
purificatory  festival  of  the  Parilia  (Warde  Fowler, 
Roman  Fcsti^•al'!,  pp.  71,  83) ;  and  the  original  idea 
behind  it  probably  goes  back  to  a  totemistic  stage  of 
religious  thought.  The  requirement  that  -the  cow 
should  be  red  in  colour  is  more  difficult  to  explain. 
The  selection  of  red-haired  puppies  for  sacrifice 
at  the  Roman  festival  of  the  Robigalia  to  promote 
the  ripening  of  the  crops  is  not  an  illuminating  parallel, 
for  the  choice  of  animals  of  such  a  colour  for  such  a 
purpose  was  obviously  due  to  their  resembling  the 
ruddiness  of  ripe  com.  the  sacrifice  of  them  being  a 
piece  of  sympathetic  magic.  Some  have  thought  that 
the  redness  of  the  cow  hero  required  was  associated  with 
the  idea  of  blood  (Gen.  94*),  wherein  was  the  life  (the 
antithesis  of  death).  Possibly  this  is  the  right  explana- 
tion of  the  scarlet  thread  ;  but  with  regard  to  the  red 
cow,  another  suggestion  may  be  hazarded,  viz.  that 
the  colour  was  chosen  as  bemg  that  of  the  red  earth 
beneath  which  the  dead  dwelt,  and  that  the  cow  was 
originally  a  sacrifice  to  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  (Among 
the  Romans,  victims  of  a  hhic/c  colour  were  offered  to 
chthonic  deities.)  The  cedar  and  the  hyssop  (the  'ast 
the  caper,  or  else  a  species  of  marjoram)  were  dojibtlcsa 
credited  with  magical  virtue ;  for  trees  were  con- 
sidered to  be  sacrod,  and  tiie  mjTtle,  laurel,  and  olive 
have  been  used  for  religious  purposes  by  various 
peoples.  That  the  whole  rite  origuially  involved  con- 
tact with  holy  powers  is  implied  in  the  circumstances 
that  the  cow  had  to  bo  burnt  outsitle  the  camp  {cf. 
Heb.  13iif.),  and  that  everyone  concemed  with  the 
preparation  of  it,<?  nshes,  or  with  the  water  with  which 


NUMBERS,  XXI.  4-9 


223 


they  were  mingled,  was  rendered  unclean  until  the 
evening ;  for  "  uncleanness,"  in  tliis  and  some  other 
instances,  was  equivalent  to  sanctity,  which  incnpaci- 
tated  for  secular  occupations  all  who  became  infected 
■     with  it. 

[         2.  heifer :    better,   "  cow,"  since  the  Hebrew  word 
[      is  used  of  cows  in  1  S.  67.     The  choice  of  a  female 
animal   occurs   also   in   the   sin   offering   and    in  the 
sacrifice  offered  in  atonement  for  a  murder  by  an  un- 
known   person    (Lev.    4:271,    Dt.    21 3) — wherein  .  .  . 
blemish :     cf.    Lev.    2220 ;     it   was   thought   that   the 
potency  of  the  sacred  animal  would  be  reduced  by 
any   physical   imperfection. — upon   which  .  .  .  yoke: 
'      this  was   a  condition  generally  observed  in  the  case 
i     of  animals  intended  for  religious  purposes  {cf.  Hom. 
(      II.  X.  293,  Od.  iii.  383,  Verg.  ^«.  vi.  38),  for  it  was 
'      felt  that  use  in  the  field  generally  impaired  the  virtue 
I     or  acceptability  of  the  victim. — 9.  water  of  separation : 
strictly  "  water  (for  the  separation)  of  impurity." — a  sin 
offering :  better  (as  suggested  by  LXX),  "  a  means  of 
purification  from  sin  "  (and  so  in  17)  ;  the  slaughtered 
cow  was  not  a  sacrifice  but  a  physical  agent  for  re- 
moving impurity. — 12.  Render  (v*ith  LXX)  as  in  nig.  ; 
cf.  19.— 13.  sprinkled  upon  him:    strictly,   "poured 
(or  dashed)  over  him  "    (cf.   I817),  the  verb  differing 
here  and  in  20  from  that  used  in  4,18- — 18.  hyssop: 
cf.  Ps.  5I7.     Amongst  the  Romans  branches  of  olive 
and   of  laurel   were   similarly   used   as   sprinklers   in 
lustrations  (Verg.  jEn.  vi.  230,  Juv.  ii.  158). — 21.  xmto 
them:    read    (with   LXX),    "unto   you." — imclean : 
this  consequence  was  due  to  the  holiness  of  the  water, 
just  as  in  later  times  the  Jews  held  that  the  Holy 
Scriptures  "  defiled  the  hands  "  (pp.  39.  202). 

XX.  1  (JE  and  P).  The  Death  of  Miriam  at  Kadesh. 
— As  the  narrative  is  now  arranged,  this  must  be 
assumed  to  have  occurred  at  the  close  of  the  forty 
years'  wanderings.  Zin,  which  is  identified  with 
Kadesh,  was  reached,  according  to  P,  immediately 
before  the  final  advance  towards  Canaan  {cf.  3336). 
But  according  to  JE  the  arrival  at  Kadesh  took  place 
before  the  penal  wanderings  (1326)  ;  the  omission  of 
the  j'cars  here  is  perhaps  due  to  the  compiler's  effort 
to  conceal  the  discrepancy. 

XX.  2-13  (mainly  JE).  The  Lack  of  Water  SuppUed 
by  a  Miracle.- — The  account  of  the  peoples  demand  for 
water,  and  of  the  means  bj^  which  it  was  supplied, 
seems  to  be  a  duplicate  of  the  narrative  in  Ex.  17i-7, 
for  the  name  Meribah  appears  in  both;  but  whereas 
there  the  scene  is  Horeb,  here  it  is  Kadesh.  Probablj' 
the  account  in  Ex.  comes  mainly  from  E,  whilst  this 
account  proceeds  from  J.  These  stories  of  water 
having  been  produced  miraculously  from  a  rock  l^y 
the  stroke  of  a  leader's  rod  are  perhaps  prosaic  inter- 
pretations of  poetical  descriptions  (like  that  preserved 
m  21 16-18)  of  the  procuring  of  water  by  more  ordinary 
means.  The  explanation  of  the  offence  through  which 
both  Moses  and  Aaron  were  excluded  from  Canaan  is 
very  defective.  In  12  the  offence  is  represented  as 
unbelief,  but  in  24  {cf.  27 14)  it  is  declared  to  have  been 
rebellion  ;  whilst  there  is  nothing  in  the  present  narra- 
tive to  support  either  statement.  There  must  be  some 
considerable  textual  corruption  (probably  hi  8  and  10) ; 
and  it  has  been  conjectured  that  in  the  original  of  one 
of  the  sources  there  was  something  like  this,  "  And 
Yahweh  spake  unto  Moses  and  Aaron,  and  said,  Speak 
ye  unto  the  rock  before  their  eyes,  and  ye  shall  bring 
forth  to  them  water  out  of  the  rock.  But  Moses  and 
Aaron  rebelled  against  the  commandment  of  Yahweh 
and  said,  Can  we  bring  forth  water  for  them  out 
of  this  rock  ?  "  To  this  Yahweh  replied,  "  Hear  mo 
(so  LXX),  ye  rebels,"  and  bade  them  strike  the  rock 


(which  previously  they  had  only  been  directed  to 
address,  8),  and  this  command  was  obeyed  (9).  It 
must  be  supposed  that  to  draw  water  from  the  rock 
by  striking  it  with  the  wonder-working  rod  was  less 
of  a  marvel  than  to  do  so  by  mere  words,  and  that 
Moses  and  Aaron  were  punished  for  doubting  Yahweh's 
power  to  effect  the  latter  miracle  :   cf.  Ps.  IO633. 

9.  the  rod  from  before  the  Lord:  i.e.  Aaron's  rod 
(see  17io). — 11.  his  rod:  read  (LXX),  "the  rod" 
{of.  9).  Aaron's  rod  is  used  ia  the  miracles  related  in 
Ex.  79,19,  85,16.-13.  Meribah:  from  the  Heb.  ribh, 
"  to  strive."  Perhaps  the  right  reading  is  "  Meribah 
of  Kadesh,"  as  in  27i4,  Dt.  3251. — was  sanctified: 
i.e.  vindicated  Himself  ;  cf.  Is.  5i6.  The  Heb.  con- 
tains a  reference  to  the  name  Kadesh. 

XX.  14-21.  Israel's  Abortive  Appeal  to  Edom  ( JE).— 
Israel's  desire  to  cross  Edom  was  due  to  the  wish  to 
attack  Canaan  on  the  E.  instead  of  on  the  vS.,  where 
they  had  met  with  defeat  (144  5).  As  Kadesh  was  W- 
of  Edom,  the  encompassing  of  the  coimtry  (2I4)  in- 
volved a  march  from  Kadesh  to  the  SE. 

16.  border:  The  term  here  means  territory  {cf.  22 
36). — 19.  without  .  .  .  else:  better,  "it  is  no  great 
matter  (of  annoyance)." 

XX.  22-29.  The  Death  of  Aaron  (P).--Mt.  Hor,  the 
scene  of  Aaron's  death,  has  been  identified  by  some 
with  Jebel  Madurah,  an  isolated  hill  not  far  from  the 
S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  which  must  have  been  near 
to  the  NW.  frontier  of  Edom.  If  the  identification 
is  correct,  P  must  have  believed  that  Israel  crossed, 
instead  of  compassing,  Edom.  Others  identify  it  with 
Jebel  Haroun,  near  Petra.  According  to  Dt.  106, 
Aaron's  death  took  place  at  Moserah  (the  Moseroth  of 
Nu.  3330).  The  date  of  it  is  defuiitelj^  assigned  in  3338 
to  the  fortieth  year  after  the  Exodus. 

XXI.  1-3.  Success  over  the  King  of  Arad. — Since 
Arad,  the  modem  Tell  Arad,  17  miles  from  Hebron, 
was  in  the  south  of  Canaan,  and  a  successful  advance 
of  the  whole  people  in  that  direction  would  hardly 
have  been  followed  by  a  circuit  round  Edom  (4f.) 
with  a  view  to  the  invasion  of  Canaan  from  the  E.,  it 
is  likely  that  this  section  relates  to  an  independent 
movement  on  the  part  of  the  tribes  of  Judah  and 
Simeon  {cf.  Jg.  Ii6f.,  where,  however,  the  advance 
is  represented  as  made  from  Jericho). 

1.  Atharim :  the  place  and  the  meaning  of  the  name 
are  unknown. — 2.  utterly  destroy:  persons  and  (in 
general)  property  "  devoted  "  (mg.)  to  a  deity  were 
destroyed  as  being  taboo,  and  therefore  likely  to  in- 
volve danger  to  all  who  might  come  in  contact  with 
them  (pp.  99,  114,  Dt.  234',  Jos.  617*).— 3.  Hormah: 
for  the  meaning,  see  7ng.  The  name  hero  seems  to 
designato  a  district  including  more  cities  than  one. 
The  place  had  been  the  scene  of  a  defeat  (I440-45). 

XXI.  4-9.  The  Fiery  Serpents. — This  incident  is 
alluded  to  by  Paul  in  1  Cor.  IO9.  The  serpents  are 
described  as  fieiy  by  reason  of  the  inflammation 
caused  by  their  bite.  The  means  whereby  the  injury 
they  inflicted  was  remedied  wa.s  perhaps  originally  an 
instance  of  sympathetic  magic  inverted  (like  the  cure 
of  a  dog's  bite  by  a  iiair  of  the  dog),  though  in  antiquity 
serpents  were  widely  credited  with  healing  virtues  in 
general,  and  were  by  the  Greeks  associated  with 
Asclepius.  The  writer  of  Nu.  naturallj^  assigns  the 
cure  of  the  snake-bite  not  to  magic  but  to  Yahweh 
(cf.  Wisd.  I65.7).  It  is  held  by  several  scholars  that 
the  present  story  is  mainly  an  JBtiological  legend  (p.  134) 
to  explain  the  practice  of  the  serjjcnt -worship  recorded 
in  2  K.  I84.  By  our  Lord  the  uplifting  of  the  brazen 
serpent  was  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  His  crucifixion 
(Jn.  3i4). 


224 


NUMBERS,  XXI.  4 


4.  To  compass,  etc.:  this  connccla  with  2O14-21. — 
5.  light:    bitttr,  "  contoniptil>l< .' 

XXI.  10-20.  An  Itinerary.— I'll  i.s  cuntimits  4  ('  and 
they  jounicyod  from  Mount  Hor  "").  but  tho  immediato 
place  of  dejwrtuio  in  lo  its  omitted.  In  3342f.  two 
stations  arc  inserted  between  li<>r  and  Oboth. 

lOf.  Oboth  .  .  .  lye-abarira:  l)<>th  unknown.— be- 
fore Moab :  i.e.  E.  of  Moab.— 12.  the  valley  of  Zered : 
probably  the  Wady  el  Ahsa  at  the  SE.  angle  of  tho 
Dead  Sea.— 13.  the"  other  side  of  Arnon :  it  is  dilFicult 
to  decide  whether  this  means  N.  of  the  river  from  tho 
point  of  view  of  those  on  tlie  march,  or  S.  of  the  river 
regarded  from  the  8tandp)int  of  later  times.  Tho 
Amon  (p.  3l')  is  the  modem  Uadyel  Mujib. — cometh  out 
of :  i.e.  stretches  away  from. — 14.  the  book  of  the  wars 
of  the  Lord :  probably  a  collection  of  8on<is  relating  to 
the  wars  of  Israel,  the  interests  and  undertakings  of 
a  nation  and  of  its  national  God  being  regarded  as  the 
same.  Israel's  battles  were  Yahweh's  battles  (1  S.  18 
17,  2528),  and  Israels  enemies  were  Yahweh's  enemies 
(1 S.  30j6).— Vaheb  in  Suphah :  unknown.— the  valleys  : 
The  gorge  of  the  Anion.  13  miles  from  its  mouth, 
divides  into  two  branches,  and  each  of  these  into 
other  two. — 15.  the  dwelling  of  Ar :  Ixstter,  "  the  site 
of  At,"  an  unknown  locality  but  somewhere  on  the 
upper  Anion.— 16.  Beer:  perhaps  the  Beer-tlim  of 
Is.  158. — 17f.  The  song  here  (juoted  really  refers  not 
to  a  well  made  to  Mow  by  miraculous  means  (as  16 
suggests,  cf.  2O2-13,  Ex.  17i-7).  but  to  one  dug  by 
labourers  working  under  the  authority  of  theii-  rulers, 
who,  with  their  sceptres,  suijerintended  the  digging. — 
from  the  wilderness:  read  (LXX)  "  from  Beer.' — they 
Jotirneyed  to  Mattanah:  Mattanah  is  unknowTi.  Tho 
words  "  journeyed  to  "  are  not  in  the  Heb.  ;  and  the 
name  "  Mattanah "  means  Ut.  "  a  gift."  Accord- 
ingly the  Targum  of  Onkelos  renders,  "  it  was  given  to 
them  in  the  wilderness  '  ;  whilst  a  later  Targum  ex- 
plains that  the  well,  which  had  Ijeen  hidden,  was 
restored  to  them  through  the  merits  of  Miriam. — 19. 
Nahaliel:  an  unknown  locality.  The  name  means 
"  tho  torrent-valley  of  God  "  ;  and  the  Targum  of 
Onkelos,  taking  this,  like  the  preceding  name  Mattanah, 
literally,  paraplirases  "  and  from  (the  time)  that  it  was 
given  to  them,  it  (i.e.  the  well)  descended  with  them 
to  the  rivers."  This  is  tho  source  of  the  curious  legend 
(referred  to  by  Paul  in  I  Cor.  IO4')  of  a  rock  that 
accompanied  the  Israelites  in  their  journeys  and  sup- 
plied them  with  water  (see  Thackeray,  Tlie  Rdaiion 
of  St.  Paul  to  Contemporary  Jewish  ThougJit,  p.  205). — 
Bamoth:  perhaps  the  Bamoth-baal  of  2241  nig.— 
20.  the  valley:  probably  the  Wady  'Ayun  Musa. 
— Pisgah:  one  of  the  spurs  jutting  out  from  tho 
table-land  overlooking  the  barren  shore  of  the  Jordan 
(near  its  mouth),  a  waste  which  Ls  here  (»«(/.)  called 
'■  the  Jeshimon  "  (p.  31 ). 

XXI.  21-32.  The  Conquest  of  tho  Amorites.— This 
narrative  jjre.supjiosjs  the  position  reached  in  13  (not 
in  20).  for  the  embissy  to  Sihoii  would  naturally  be 
despatched  before  the  Amoritc  border  was  crossed. — 
23.  Jahaz:  the  Jahzah  of  Jer.  4821.  probably  not  far 
from  Uibon. —  24.  Jabbck :  the  modem  Nahr  ez- 
Zerka.— was  strong:  read  (LXX)  "  was  Jazer  '  (32). — 
25.  all  these  cities:  a  litit  of  cities  seems  to  have  been 
omitted  by  the  compiler. — Heshbon :  the  n.odem 
Hesban,  18  miles  E.  of  the  Jordan. — 26.  out  of  his 
hand:  LXX  lias  "from  Aroer  '  (Jo.-^.  I325) ;  but 
perhaps  the  correct  roading  Ls  '  from  Jabbok  '"  (24). — 
27.  The  poem  here  quoted  is  appealed  to  by  the  com- 
piler as  evidence  that  Heshbon  had  been  taken  by 
Rihon  from  the  Moabite.s,  and  29  at  first  sight  confiniis 
tho  supposition  that  it  relates  to  an  Amorite  triumph 


over  Moab.  But  tho  allusion  to  Silion  in  29  makes 
the  verse  too  long,  and  it  is  omitted  in  Jer.  4846,  where 
tho  rest  of  the  verse  is  cited  ;  and  since  28  celebrates 
tho  burning  of  "  the  city  of  Sihon,"  it  is  probable 
that  tho  poem  really  refers  to  a  conquest  of  Moab 
subsofiuent  to  Sihon's  time,  achieved  by  Israel  (cf. 
2  K.  34  and  the  inscription  of  Mesha). — that  speak  In 
proverbs:  better  "that  recite  ballads."' — the  city  of 
Sihon :  Heshbon  is  so  termed  in  consequence  of  having 
once  been  taken  by  Sihon  from  tho  Moabites,  just  aa 
Jerusalem  was  called  "  the  city  of  David  "  through 
•having  been  wrested  by  David  from  the  Jebusit«8 
(2  S.  59). — be  built:  i.e.  bo  rebuilt.  The  counsel  is 
given  in  mockery. — 28.  implies  that  Heshbon  was  the 
fii-st  town  fired  by  the  enemy,  and  that  the  conflagra- 
tion extended  toAr,  further  S.  The  foe  clearly  came 
from  the  N.  In  the  last  line  render  (with  LXX),  "  It 
hath  consumed  the  high  places  of  Amon.'' — 29.  0 
people  of  Chemosh:  C'hemosh  was  the  god  of  tho 
Moabites  (1  K.  II7),  who  were  called  his  people  just 
as  the  Israelites  were  styled  Y'ahweli's  people  (Jg.  5ii). 
— He  hath  given,  etc  :  Moab's  disasters  are  attributed 
to  Chemosh,  as  Israel's  were  ascribed  to  Y'ahweh 
(Jg.  61). — his  sons  ...  his  daughters:  a  Semitic 
nation  was  regarded  as  being  of  the  stock  of  the  god 
whom  it  woi-shipi)ed.  Similarly  the  Israelites  were 
termed  "  the  children  of  Y^ahweh  "  (Dt.  14i). — Road 
(for  the  fourth  and  fifth  lines),  "  And  his  daughters 
into  captivity  unto  tho  king." — 30.  Read  (partly  after 
LXX  and  Viilg.),  "  Their  offspring  have  perished  from 
Heshbon  even  unto  Dibon,  and  their  women  from 
Nophah  unto  Medeba.  "  But  if  tliis  emendation  is 
thought  too  drastic,  and  the  third  line  is  retained,  as 
in  the  text,  the  fourth  is  best  altered  (cf.  mg.)  to,  "  With 
fire  unto  Medoba."  Dibon  is  the  modern  Dhiban, 
4  miles  N.  of  the  Amon ;  Nophah  is  unknown ; 
Medeba  is  Madeba,  a  few  miles  S-  of  Heshbon.  Nophah 
and  Medeba  may  perhaps  mark  the  westem  and  eastern 
Umits  of  the  devastation  (as  Heshbon  and  Dibon  the 
northern  and  southem). — 32.  Jazer:  identified  with 
Sar,  8  miles  W-  of  Rabbath  Ammon  After  the  con- 
quest it  was  included  in  Gad  (Jos.  I325). 

XXI.  33-35.  The  Conquest  of  Bashan.— This  passage 
is  substantially  identical  with  Dt.  81-3.  and  is  generally 
regarded  as  trant^fcrred  hither  from  thence.  It  is 
ignored  in  222.  Bashan  (the  country  N.  of  the 
Y^armuk),  the  modem  Hauran,  was  probably  occupied 
by  Israelite  Fettlers  who  migrated  thither  from  the  W. 
of  Jordan  in  post-Mosaic  times.  It  was  famous  for  its 
oaks,  sheep,  and  cattle  (Is.  213,  Dt.  .'i2i4,  Ps.  22i2). 

33.  Edrei:  the  modem  Edreat.  30  miles  E.  of  the 
Lake  of  Gennesaret. — 35.  and  his  sons :  omit  (cf.  33f., 
Dt.  33). 

XXII.-XXIV.  (JE).  The  Episode  of  Balak  and 
Balaam. — It  may  reasonably  be  assumed  that  the 
Moabites  at  first  regarded  with  some  satisfaction  the 
tlofeat  of  their  former  conquerors,  the  Amorites,  by 
their  own  kinsmen  the  Israelites.  But  the  latter's 
occupation  of  tho  Amorites'  land  aroused  their  jealousy 
and  their  fears,  and  accordingly  Balak  the  king  of 
Moab  sent  for  Balaam,  a  foreigner,  whose  blessings 
and  curses  were  believed  to  bo  exceptionally  effectual 
for  good  and  for  ill,  to  curse  Israel.  Balaam  so  far 
acceded  to  Balak's  appeal  as  to  come  to  him.  but  re- 
fused to  utter  anything  but  what  Yahweh  inspired  him 
to  say  ;  and  by  Yahweh  the  Moabite  king's  wish  to 
injure  Israel  was  made  conducive  to  his  own  undoing, 
Balaam  bemg  inspired  to  bless  Israel.  The  narrative 
is  designed  to  display  the  providential  care  for  Israel 
manifested  bj-  Yahweh,  who  overruled  to  their  advan- 
tage  tho  devices   of   their  enemies ;    and   illustrates 


NUMBERS.  XXIII.  9 


225 


alike  (a)  the  belief  that  the  God  of  Israel  did  not 
entirely  confine  His  revelations  to  His  own  people, 

(b)  the  belief  in  the  potency  of  the  spoken  word,  and 

(c)  the  belief  that  the  lower  animals  have  occasionally 
been  endowed  with  the  gift  of  speech.  The  story  is 
derived  from  JE  ;  and  the  composite  character  of 
this  source  is  disclosed  by  the  presence  of  certain 
repetitions  and  discrepancies  which  are  pointed  out 
below.  A  reference  to  Balaam  also  occurs  in  P,  which 
connects  liim  with  Midian  (3l8,i6);  and  by  a  com- 
bination of  the  passages  taken  from  all  tliree  sources 
Balaam  has  been  regarded  in  the  sinister  light  in  which 
he  appears  in  2  P.  2i5f.,  Jude  ii,  Rev.  214.  But  the 
worst  feature  of  the  conduct  attributed  to  him — his 
advice  to  Israel's  enemies  to  s-educc  them  by  means 
of  their  women — is  found  only  in  P,  the  latest  and  least 
trustworthy  of  the  Pentatouchal  sources.  In  J,  though 
he  is  represented  as  going  to  Balak  without  the  Divine 
permission,  yet  he  is  depicted  as  steadfast  in  com- 
municating faithfully  Yahweh's  revelation  ;  whilst  in 
E  there  is  nothing  at  all  in  his  behaviour  to  afford  a 
handle  to  censure. 

XXII.  1-4.  Moabs  Fear  of  Israel. — Of  these  verses 
I  comes  from  P,  the  rest  from  JE  (the  presence  of  both 
constituents  being  shown  by  the  repetitions  in  3).  As 
the  Moabites  were  great  breeders  of  sheep  (2  K.  84), 
they  feared  that  the  pasturage  would  not  suffice  for 
both  themselves  and  Israel  (likewise  a  pastoral  people). 
The  reference  in  4  (and  also  7)  to  Midian  is  probably 
duo  to  an  editor  who  wished  to  bring  P"s  allusions  to 
Balaam  in  Sis.  16  mto  connexion  with  the  present 
stor}'. 

1.  beyond  the  Jordan :  i.e.  E.  of  the  river,  described 
from  the  point  of  view  of  a  resident  on  the  W.  of  it. — 
S.  was  distressed  because  of:   better,  "  loathed." 

XXII.  5-14.  Balak's  first  Summons  to  Balaam,  and 
Yahwehs  Refusal  to  Let  him  Go.— This  comes  mainly 
from  J.  But  in  5,  if  "  the  land  of  the  children  of  his 
people  "  (which  can  only  refer  to  Balak  and  yields 
little  sense)  be  corrected  (after  Sam..  Sjt.,  Vulg.)  to 
"  the  land  of  the  children  of  Amnion,"  there  is  a  dis- 
crepancy m  the  account  of  Balaam's  home,  which  is 
diversely  represented  as  (a)  Pethor  on  the  River 
(i.e.  Pituru  on  the  Euphrates,  mentioned  in  an 
inscription  of  Shalmaneser  II),  nearly  a  month's 
journey  from  Moab,  and  (h)  Ammon,  only  a  few  days' 
journey  distant.  The  discrepancj'  is  explicable  as  due 
to  a  difference  in  the  sources  used  :  the  first  statement 
probably  comes  from  E,  the  second  from  J.  Balak's 
Jjclief  (6)  in  the  potency  of  words  uttered  hi  blessing 
or  cursing  (Gen.  925-27*)  is  illustrated  by  the  narrative 
of  Isaac's  blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen.  27,  especially  33) 
and  by  the  requisition  (cited  by  Gray)  which  was  made 
in  69-6.3  B.c  to  Onias  by  the  troops  of  Hyrcanus  II 
to  curse  the  forces  of  Aristobulus.  The  offer  to  a  seer 
or  a  prophet  of  a  reward  for  his  services  (7)  has  parallels 
in  1  S.  08,  1  K.  143,  2  K.  M. 

XXII.  15-21.  Balak's  second  Summons  to  Balaam, 
and  Yahweh  s  Consent  that  he  should  Go.— This  section 
probably  comes  from  E,  and  represents  not  a  change 
of  purpose  on  the  part  of  God,  but  a  dilference  of 
attitude  a.scribed  to  Him  by  the  second  of  the  two 
sources  here  used,  Balaam  being  allowed  to  go  but 
not  to  curse. 

XXII.  22-35.  Balaams  Journey  to  Balak  without 
Gods  Consent. — This  section  is  clearly  not  the  sequel 
of  the  preceding,  but  the  continuation  of  5-14,  and 
(as  far  as  34)  is  derived  from  J.  Balaam  disregards  the 
l)ivinc  prohibition  to  go  to  Balak  whicli  is  recorded  in 
.  12,  but  is  made  aware  of  Yahwehs  anger  in  the  course 
I    cf  his  journey.     The  a£S  was  the  animal  commonly 


used  by  the  Hebrews  for  riding  in  times  of  peace 
(Gen.  223.  Ex  42o,  Jg.  IO4,  I  K.  240,  2  K.  422,  Zech.  99). 
The  speaking  of  a  dumb  animal  (alluded  to  in  2  P.  2 16) 
is  paralleled  in  the  OT  only  by  the  speaking  of  the 
serpent  in  Gen.  3  ;  but  similar  fanciful  stories  of 
animals  that  used  human  language  occur  in  Homer, 
II.  xix.  407,  Livy,  iii.  10,  xxiv.  10.  In  35  the  dis- 
obedient prophet  is  apparently  allowed  to  continue 
his  journey  ;  but  the  words  uttered  bj^  the  angel  are 
virtually  identical  with  God's  words  in  20  (E) ;  so  that 
possibly  J's  version  of  the  angel's  reply  has  been  lost 
and  replaced  by  a  passage  from  the  other  source.  It 
may  perhaps  be  inferred  from  37  that  Balaam  returned 
home  and  that  Balak  went  to  seek  him  there. 

32.  thy  way  is  perverse:  better  (with  Syr.),  "  thou 
hast  made  thy  way  (or  journey)  headlong  "  {i.e.  pre- 
cipitate). 

XXII.  36-40.  The  Meeting  of  Balak  and  Balaam.— 
Partly  from  E.  and  partly  from  J,  but  the  distribution 
between  the  two  sources  is  uncertain.  Probably  36 
and  38  belong  to  E,  describing  (in  continuation  of  21) 
Balaam's  journey  to  Moab,  where  he  is  met  by  Balak 
at  the  frontier  city  of  Moab  (the  Ar  of  2I15) ;  whilst  37 
and  39  belong  to  J,  and  imply  that  Balak  went  in 
person  to  fetch  Balaam,  who  returned  with  him  to 
Kiriath-huzoth  (an  unknown  locality).  The  sacrifices 
mentioned  in  40  formed  part  of  a  feast  of  welcome, 
shares  of  the  feast  being  sent  both  to  Balaam  and  to 
the  princes. 

XXII.  41-XXIII.  6.  Balak's  Sacrifices  preliminary 
to  Balaam's  first  Oracle. — This  section  proceeds  from 
E.  Balak  brought  Balaam  to  Bamoth-baal  (41  mg.), 
the  site  of  a  sanctuary  placed  where  Balaam  could 
have  the  objects  of  his  expected  curse  before  him. 
The  sacrifices  offered  by  Balak  were  designed  to  dispose 
God  to  favour  his  wishes  ;  and  the  altars  and  the 
victims  were  reckoned  by  sevens,  because  seven  wae  a 
sacred  number  among  many  ancient  peoples  (Gen.  2I28, 
Jos.  64,  Verg.  /En.  vi.  38).  The  sacrcdnesa  attaching 
to  it  was  perhaps  derived  from  the  sun,  moon,  and 
five  planets  kno^\^^  in  antiquity  (Mercury,  Venus,  Mars, 
Jupiter,  Saturn).  The  idea  of  its  sanctity  was  prob- 
ably derived  by  the  Israelites  from  Babylonia,  where 
it  occurs  in  inscriptions. 

XXII.  41.  the  utmost  part :  i.e.  the  end  nearest  to 
the  spectator.  The  LXX  rightly  gives  the  sense 
"  some  portion." — XXIII.  2.  omit  "  and  Balaam  "  ; 
the  offermgs  were  Balak's  (3). — 4.  and  he  said  .  .  . 
altar :  these  words  must  have  been  spoken  to  Balaam 
by  Balak  and  should  be  transposed  to  the  end  of  2. — 
5.  And  Yahweh:  this  should  follow  the  first  clause 
of  4. — 7.  took  up  his  parable :  i.e.  took  upon  his  lips 
the  oracle  he  was  inspired  to  utter. 

XXIII.  7-10.  Balaam's  First  Oracle.— Its  purport  is 
that  the  secure  independence,  the  imposing  numbers, 
and  the  undisturbed  prosperity  of  Israel  are  proof 
that  the  people  have  not  been  cursed  by  God  and 
therefore  cannot  be  cursed  by  Balaam.  The  poem, 
which  may  have  been  incorporated,  rather  than  com- 
posed, by  the  author  of  the  narrative,  seems  to  date 
from  a  period  when  Israel  was  most  prosperous  (i.e. 
some  time  duruig  the  undivided  monarchy  ;  cf.  on 
247,17). 

7.  Aram:  I'.r.  Aram-naharaim(Cien.24io*,Dt.234  jnj.), 
the  country'  near  the  Euphrates.  This  agrees  with  E's 
view  that  Balaam's  home  was  at  Pethor.— defy :  better, 
"  execrate." — 9.  that  dwell  alone,  i.e.  that  live  .secure 
and  unmolested. — shall  not  be  reckoned,  etc.  :  better, 
"  reckoneth  not  itself  among  the  nations,"  i.e.  regards 
itself  as  above  the  level  of  others  by  reason  of  its  good 
fortune,  duo  to  its  unique  relation  with  Yahweh  (see 

8 


226 


NUMBEES,  XXIII.  9 


Ex.  195f.,  33i6,  Lev.  2O24).— 10.  Read,  "  Who  can 
count  the  dust  {i.e.  the  nunibery,  G'on.  13i6)  of  Jacob  ? 
Who  can  reckon  (LXX)  tlic  tens  of  thousands  of 
Israol  ?  " — Let  me  die,  etc. :  the  death  of  such  righteous 
people  as  the  Israi'litos  is  so  long  deferred  and  ho 
jwaceful  that  the  speaker  can  desire  no  ))etter  sequel 
of  Life  for  Limsolf.  For  "end"  cf.  Pr  23i8  vig.,* 
though  the  LXX  takes  the  word  to  mean  "  posterity  " 
(Ps.  10913).  The  epithet  "  rif'htcous."  here  applied 
to  individual  Israelites,  is  applied  collectively  to  tho 
nation  in  tho  title  "  Tho  book  of  Jashar  (or  the 
Righteous).'  given  to  a  collection  of  poema  cele- 
brating national  achievements  (p.  45,  Jos.  lOi^f.,  2  S. 
I18).  The  name  "  Jeshuruu  "  (a  word  from  the  same 
root  and  of  similar  meaning)  '•''  also  used  to  describe 
Israel  in  Dt.  32i5,  8.35.26,  Is.  442. 

XXIII.  11-17.  Balak's  Sacrifices  preliminary  to 
Balaam's  second  Oracle. — Balak's  disappointment  at 
Balaams  first  utterance  leads  him  to  take  Balaam  to 
the  field  of  Zophim  (or  "  the  watchmen '")  in  the 
hope  that  the  different  locality  might  dispose  God  to 
accept  his  renewed  sacrifices  and  to  grant  his  wishes. 
Some  places  were  thought  to  be  regarded  by  a  divinity 
with  greater  favour  than  others  (1  S.  58*).  For  Pisgah, 
see  21 20*. 

13.  Shalt  not  see  them  all :  it  might  be  expected 
that  Balak  on  the  second  occasion  would  show  Balaam 
the  whole  of  Israel,  and  not  a  part  onty  (a.s  on  the 
first)  ;  and  these  words  may  have  been  introduced  by 
the  editor  because  of  the  third  occasion  in  242  (which 
probablv  comes  from  another  source). 

XXIli.  18-24.  Balaams  Second  Oracle.— This  goes 
beyond  the  preceding  in  frustrating  the  liopes  of  Balak, 
for  it  declares  that  God  has  not  only  not  cursed  Israel, 
but  has  jxjsitivcly  blessed  it,  and  describes  Israel's 
freedom  from  adversity  and  its  formidable  strength. 

19.  Cf.  1  S.  1529.— 20.  he  hath  blessed,  etc. :  read 
(LXX),   "  I  must  bless  and  I  must  not  reverse  it." — 

21.  He  hath  not  beheld,  etc.  -.  read  (Syr.),  "  I  have  not 
beheld  calamity  in  Jacob,  nor  have  I  seen  trouble  in 
Israol." — the  shout  of  a  king:  i.e.  tho  shouting  in 
honour  of  a  king  (a  title  of  Yahweh,  1  S.  87),  whoso 
symbol,  the  Aik,  was  welcomed  with  shouts,  1  S.  45). 
The  parallc'iism  favours  tho  mterpretation  of  "  king  " 
here  as  a  Divine,  not  a  human,  ruler  (as  in  24;),  and 
for  "  shout  "  the  LXX  has  "  glory  "  (cf.  Zech.  25). — 

22.  tho  Wild  ox:  an  extinct  species  (bos  priinigciiius),  of 
great  size  and  fierceness  ('/.  Dt.  33i7). — 23.  enchant- 
ment: bettor,  "divining."  God's  favour  towards 
Israel  was  due  to  the  absence  in  it  of  the  practice  of 
ol)ser\ing  omeas  wliich  was  so  common  in  other 
nations. — Nov/  Shall  it,  etc.  :  read  "  At  tlie  due 
season  (LXX)  it  is  wont  to  be  told  to  Israel  and  to 
Judah  what  God  will  do,"  i.e.  Israel,  instead  of  seeking 
to  discover  the  future  by  divination,  receives  revela- 
tions from  the  Almighty  (cf.  Am.  37).  But  the  trans- 
lation is  precarious  ;  and  as  the  whole  verse  interrupts 
tho  setiuence  of  22  and  24  (both  of  which  compare 
Israels  strength  to  that  of  the  strongest  animals),  it 
is  iK-rliaps  intrusive. 

XXIII.  25-XXIV.  2.  Balak's  Sacrifices  preliminary 
to  Balaam's  third  Oracle.— The  scene  of  tluse  was  Peor, 
some  mountain  overlooking  tlio  de.sert  bordering  the 
Dead  Sea  on  the  W.  The  inconsistency  l>etween 
Balak's  indignant  dismissal  of  Balaam  hi  25  and  his 
renewed  attempt  in  27f.  to  gain  what  he  wanted  has 
suggested  that  witli  25  one  account  of  tho  episode 
ends,  and  tliat  what  follows  comes  from  another, 
with  editorial  links.  The  nihision  in  24i  to  the  use 
of  enchantments  (bettor,  "  divinations  "  or  "  omens  '") 
on  previous  occasions  certainly  does  not  correspond 


to  the  accounts  in  233f..  or  23i5f.,  so  that  the  con- 
elusion  that  here  tho  editor  has  used  another  source, 
of  which  a  portion  has  boon  omitted,  seems  justified. 
Probably  E  has  been  mainly  employed  in  23,  and 
J  in  24.^ 

XXIV.  3-9.  Balaam's  Third  Oracle.— This  varies  the 
tenor  of  the  two  previous  utterances  by  dwelling  upon 
the  fertility  of  Israel  s  soil,  and  the  eminence  of  its 
ruler.  It  was  probably  constructed,  like  the  preceding 
oracle,  in  distichs,  but  in  two  places  this  arrangement 
has  been  disturbed.  The  reference  to  a  king  in  Israel 
points  to  the  poem  having  been  written  in  the  time 
of  the  monarchy. 

3f.  The  seer  is  represented  as  i-eceiving  the  Divine 
revelations  in  a  trance  or  dream,  tho  "  clcsed  eye  "  of 
3  being  the  eye  of  the  body,  and  the  "  open  eyes  "  of  4 
being  the  eyes  of  the  mind.  But  the  rendering  "  was 
closed  "  in  3  is  doubtful — Balaam  .  .  .  salth:  better, 
"  Utterance  of  Balaam,"  etc  (and  60  in  tho  next  two 
lines).  The  word  rendered  "  utterance  "  is  almost  ex- 
clusively used  of  communications  from  Yahwoh  through 
His  prophets,  and  has  an  impressiveness  which  the 
RV  inadequately  expresses. — Falling  down  :  i.e.  (seem- 
ingly) in  sleep  :  cf.  2219.  In  4  one  line  of  a  distich  is 
lacking  ;  comparison  with  the  similar  16  suggests  that 
after  the  fii-st  lino  there  should  bo  inserted,  "  And 
knoweth  the  knowledge  of  the  Most  High." — 6.  Render, 
"  As  valleys  wliich  spread  themselves  out."  The  rows 
of  Israel's  tents  appear  like  diverging  valleys.  Tho 
third  and  fourth  lines  should  probably  bo  rearranged 
and  emended  thus,  "  As  cedar  trees  which  Yahweli 
hath  planted  (cf.  Ps.  104i6),  As  terebinths  beside  the 
waters."  Cedars  do  not  grow  near  water,  and  lign 
aloes  were  to  the  Hebrews  foreign  trees,  coming  from 
Arabia,  India,  or  China,  the  wood  of  which  was  im- 
ported for  its  fragrant  odour  (Ps.  458,  Pr.  7i7,  Ca.  4i4). 
— 7.  Israel's  water-supply  is  abimdant,  and  his  soil  well 
irrigated  (Gen.  4925) :  with  the  .second  line  cf.  Ec.  lli. — 
The  comparison  with  Agag  (a  king  of  Amalek)  suggests 
that  the  poem  was  composed  in  the  time  of  Saul  or 
David  (cf.  1  S.  158)  ;  but  the  fact  that  the  Anialekites 
were  never  so  powcrftd  a  nation  as  to  make  their  ruler 
an  appropriate  .standard  of  comparison  (though  cf.  20) 
throws  doubt  upon  the  correctness  of  the  text. — 8.  In 
this  ver.se.  A\hich  shoukl  seemingly  consist  of  three 
distichs,  one  distich  is  mcomplete.  The  last  hue  (with 
its  nuntion  of  arrows)  is  out  of  harmony  with  the 
adjoining  comparison  to  a  fierce  animal,  and  should 
be  conected  to  "And  smite  their  loins  (Dt.  33ii)  m 
simder."'  or  "  And  smite  their  oppressors  m  sunder.'' — 
9.  Cf.  Gen.  49^. 

XXIV.  10-14.  Balak's  Dismissal  of  Balaam.— Balak 
shows  his  contempt  for  the  seer,  who  had  failed  to  earn 
tho  promised  reward,  by  clapping  his  hands  together 
(a  mark  of  scorn.  Job  2723) ;  whilst  Balaam,  before 
departing,  utters  unasked  another  oracle  concerning 
the  future  relations  of  Israel  with  Moab. 

XXIV.  15-19.  Balaams  Fourth  Oracle.— Li  this  it 
is  pro<lieted  that  Israel,  previously  declared  to  bo 
fonnidable  to  its  foes  in  general,  will  bring  destruction 
upon  Moab  and  Edom  in  particular. 

17.  not  now  ...  not  nigh:  i.e.  the  prediction  re- 
lates to  the  distant  future. — a  star:  a  figure  for  an 
illustrious  king  (</.  Is.  14i2.  Rev.  22i6).  The  pa,s.sage 
possibly  influenced  the  belief  that  the  birth  of  the 
Messiah  would  bo  heralded  by  a  star  (Mt.  22) ;  and  the 
name  of  Bnr-cochha,  "  son  of  a  star."  was  assumed  by 
a  pretended  Messiah  in  a.v.  120. — In  the  la.st  two  lines 
read,  "  And  shall  smite  through  tho  temples  of  Moab, 
And  the  crown  of  the  head  of  the  so'ns  of  tumult" 
(i.e.  tho  people  of  Moab).     But  some,  instead  of  the 


NUMBEES,  XXVII.  1-11 


227 


last  four  words,  would  read  "  the  eons  of  pride,"  the 
pride  of  Moab  being  notorious  (la.  166,  Jer.  4829, 
Zcph.  2 10). — 18f.  The  repetitions  and  ellipses  make  it 
probable  that  the  text  is  very  corrupt.  It  has  been 
proposed  to  read,  "  And  Edom  shall  })0  a  possession. 
And  the  remnant  shall  perish  from  Soir  ;  While  Israel 
doeth  valiantly,  And  Judah  shall  have  dominion  over 
his  enemies."  The  subjugation  by  Israel  of  Moab 
and  Edom,  which  is  here  contemplated,  took  place  in 
the  reign  of  David  (2  S-  82,13  7ng.,  14).  Tho  predicted 
overthrow  of  Edom  (or  Seir,  cf.  Gen.  368)  is  irrelevant 
to  Balaam's  ptirpose  as  stated  in  14  ;  and  some  have 
thought  that  these  verses  are  a  later  addition. 

XXIV.  20-24.  Three  Appended  Oracles These  ad- 
ditional oracles,  relating  to  other  peoples  than  the 
Moabites,  are  probably  derived  from  neither  E  nor  ,1, 
but  have  been  inserted  by  an  editor  from  other  sourccj. 

20.  On  Amalek. — This  prophecy,  predicting  the  de- 
struction of  Amalek,  received  a  fulfilment  in  the  time 
of  Saul,  who  put  them  under  the  ban  (I  S.  157f.); 
but  some  of  the  Amalekites  survived  to  be  slaughtered 
by  David  (1  S.  3O1-17),  and  a  remnant  existed  even  in 
the  time  of  Hezekiah  (1  Ch.  443). 

21  f.  On  the  Kenite. — These  were  a  wandering  people 
connected  by  name  with  Cain  or  Kain  (Gen.  4i,22), 
who  generally  had  their  home  to  the  S.  of  Palestine, 
mixing  with  the  Amalekites  (1  S.  156)  or  with  Judah 
(Jg.  I16*,  1  S.  27io).  The  oracle  predicts  their  de- 
portation by  Asshur,  which  is  the  usual  designation 
of  the  Assyrians,  though  there  was  also  an  Arabian 
tribe  called  the  Asshurim  (Gen.  203).  When  or  how 
the  prediction  was  thought  to  be  fulfilled  cannot  be 
determined. 

21.  nest:  the  word  in  Heb.  involves  a  play  upon 
the  name  Kain  or  Kenite. — 22.  Render  as  in  the  yng., 
"  How  long  (will  the  Kenites'  fancied  security  last)  ?  " 

23f.  On  Asshur. — The  victorious  career  of  the 
Kenites'  captors  threatened  the  extermination  of  all ; 
but  the  oracle  predicts  destruction  for  the  conquering 
power  at  the  hands  of  the  people  of  Kittim.  Kittim 
properly  means  Cypnis  (from  its  capital,  Kition),  which 
was  subject  to  Assyria  in  the  seventh  century  b.c.  ; 
and  it  is  possible  that  the  writer  anticipates  that  the 
Cypriots  will  rebel  against,  and  subdue,  Assyria.  But 
the  name  is  also  used  to  denote  alike  the  Mediterranean 
countries  in  general  (Jer.  2io),  and  Greece  or  Rome 
in  particular  (1  Mac.  li,  Dan.  II30).  If  it  here  stands 
for  either  of  the  two  latter  peoples,  the  name  Asshur 
probably  means  not  Assyria  (which  was  brought  to 
an  end  long  before  Greece  and  Rome  became  world- 
powers)  but  Persia  (as  in  Ezr.  622  and  perhaps  Is.  27i3. 
cf.  11 11°);  and  the  prophecy  may  have  in  view  the 
overthrow  of  the  Persian  Empire  by  the  Greeks  under 
Alexander  the  Great. 

23.  Render,  "  Alas,  who  shall  live  after  God's  ap- 
pointing him  (to  be  an  agent  of  destruction  ;  cf.  Is.  lOsf., 
3726)?  — 24.  Eber:  (p.  34)  lit.  the  country  or  people 
"across"  (the  Euphrates),  and  probably  here  a 
synonym  for  Asshur,  whether  this  means  Assyria  (on 
the  Tigris)  or  Persia  (still  further  east). 

XXV.  In  this  chapter  fragments  of  two  distinct 
narratives  have  been  united.  In  the  first  (from  JE), 
the  Israelites  sin  with  Moabite  women,  and  tho  sin  is 
punished  by  the  judicial  execution  of  tho  offenders.  In 
the  second  (from  P),  the  sin  is  committed  with  Midianite 
women,  and  is  avenged  by  a  plague.  The  first  frag- 
ment lacks  a  conclu-sion,  the  second  its  begiiming. 

XXV.  1-5.  (JE).  Immorality  with  Moabite  Women 
at  Shlttlm. — This  was  followed  by  participation  in  tho 
idolatrous  worship  of  the  Moabite  god  Chomosh  (2I29), 
who  was  styled  (3  mg.)  the  Baal  (or  lord)  of  Peor  (juat 


as  there  was  a  Baal  of  Hermon,  and  a  Baal  of  Lebanon). 
The  carrying  out  of  Moses'  sentence  (5)  is  not  recorded. 

XXV.  '6-18.  (P).  The  Slaying  of  Zimri  and  Cozbi  by 
Phinehas. — This  narrative  begins  abruptly  ;  but  it 
must  be  a.ssumed  that  the  people  were  suffering  under, 
and  bewailing  (6),  a  plague  (8)  inflicted  for  mtercourse 
or  intermarriage  with  Midimito  women,  who  had 
seduced  tlie  Israelites  at  the  suggestion  of  Balaam 
(31 16).  Zimri  aggravated  his  offence  by  bringing  a 
Midianitess  into  the  Israelite  camp  instead  of  visiting 
her  at  her  own  home.  Tho  story  of  Phinehas'  zeal  in 
slaying  the  offenders  is  designed  to  support  the  ex- 
clusive claim  to  the  priesthood  of  the  descendants  of 
Zadok  {cf.  Ezok.  44i5f.-*-),  who  traced  their  descent  from 
Phinehas  (1  Ch.  G1-15). 

9.  twenty  and  four  thousand.— Paul,  who  alludes  to 
tho  mcident  in  1  Cor.  IO3,  gives  the  number  as  three 
and  twenty  thousand  (perhaps  by  a  lapse  of  memory). — 
11.  he  was  jealous  .  .  .  jealousy:  i.e.  Ms  resentment 
adequately  expressed  the  Divine  resentment. — 12. 
covenant :  here  used  with  the  meaning  of  promise,  not 
compact  {cf.  Gen.  99,11,16.  Jer.  3l3if.). — 15.  head  of 
the  people  of:  better,  ■'  head  of  the  clans  of." — 18.  the 
matter  of  Peor:  the  editor  confuses  the  two  distinct 
stories  contained  m  1-5  and  6-15  ;  cf.  Ps.  IO628-31. 

XXVI.  ParticuJars  of  a  Second  Census  taken  38 
Years  after  the  First. 

XXVI.  1-51.  The  Numbers  of  the  Twelve  Secular 
Tribes. — The  census  was  again  confined  to  men  over 
twenty.  The  total  is  1820  less  than  on  the  earlier 
occasion  ;  there  are  increases  in  seven  tribes,  and  de- 
creases in  five.  Some  of  the  names  which  purport  to 
be  those  of  persons  are  identical  with  the  names  of 
localities,  e.g.  Gilead,  Jezer  {i.e.  Abiezer,  Jg.  82), 
Tirzah  (1  K.  152 1).  Many  of  the  appellations  appear 
in  a  variant  foim  in  Gen.  468-24,  1  Ch.  4,  7,  8. 

3f.  Read,  "  And  Moses  and  Eleazar  the  priest 
numbered  them  ...  at  Jericho  from  twenty  .  .  . 
commanded  Moses.  And  the  children  of  Israol  ...  of 
Egypt  were  (5)  Reuben,"  etc. — 10.  together  with 
Korah  :  the  story  of  Korah  is  here  fused  with  that  of 
Dathan  and  Abiram,  as  in  various  parts  of  16. 
Korah  and  his  company  m  the  original  version  of  the 
story  were  probably  consumed  by  fire. — a  sign  :  this 
refers  to  I636-40.— the  sons  of  Korah,  etc. :  this 
observation  is  intended  to  account  for  the  later  exist- 
ence of  a  guild  of  Korahites  (mentioned  in  the  titles  of 
Pss.  42,  44,  e  c). — 34.  and  they  that  were  nimibered  of 
them  were:  read,  "according  to  those  that  were 
numbered  of  them  "  (and  similarly  in  41)  ;  cf.  37. 

XXVI.  52-56.  The  Method  to  be  FoUowed  in  Dividing 
Canaan. — The  position  of  the  different  tribal  posses- 
sions is  to  be  determined  by  lot,  but  the  extent  of  them 
is  to  be  proportionate  to  the  population  of  the  several 
tribes,  Eor  the  casting  of  lots  cf.  1  Ch.  245,  and  sec 
on  3354. 

XXVI.  57-62.  The  Numbers  of  the  Levites.— The 
census  (as  before,  839)  comprised  all  males  above  one 
month.  Tho  figures  show  an  increase  of  1000  over 
those  of  the  earlier  occasion. 

58.  For  the  descent  of  the  families  here  mentioned 
seo  Ex.  6i6ft. 

XXVII.  1-11.  The  Right  of  Daughters  to  Inhorit,  in 
Default  of  Male  Issue. — To  guard  against  the  alienation 
of  property  from  a  family  through  the  absence  of 
male  heirs  by  natural  descent,  the  system  of  the 
Lovirato  marriage  was  instituted  (Dt.  255-10*,  p.  109); 
and  that  law,  which  assumed  that  only  males  could 
inherit,  is  here  supnlemcntod  by  another  law  allowing 
daughters,  in  default  of  sons,  to  become  heirs.  For  a 
qualification  of  the  present  law,  see  36  ;  and  for  the 


228 


NUMBERS,  XXVII.   1-11 


fulfilment  of  the  claim  made  by  Zelophehad's  daughters. 
sw  Jos.  173f' . 

3.  The  denial  that  Zelophohad  (a  Mana.ssito)  waa 
implicated  in  the  rebellion  of  Korah  presumes  that 
Korah  led  a  movement  of  the  secular  tribes  against  tho 
Levites.  not  a  movement  of  the  Ixjvites  against  Aaron. 
This  passage  thus  agrees  with  the  earlier,  not  the  later, 
version  of  the  Kt)rah  story  in  1(5. — 4.  iielophchad, 
being  no  worse  than  tho  re.st  of  his  generation,  did  not 
deserve  to  have  his  name  extinguished  through  the 
want  of  male  heirs. 

XXVII.  12-23.  The  Nomination  of  Joshua  to  be 
Moses'  Successor. — Between  the  announcement  of 
Moses'  approaching  death  and  the  account  of  its 
occurrence,  not  only  the  rest  of  Nu.  but  the  whole  of 
Dt.  intervene,  this  being  due  to  the  arrangement  of 
the  Pentateuch  (or  Hexateuch)  by  the  final  compiler. 
12-14  is  virtually  repeated  in  Dt.  3248-52.  Though 
Joshua  Is  named  as  Moses'  destined  successor,  the 
position  which  he  is  to  enjoy  is  inferior  to  that  of  Moses  ; 
for  whereas  Moses  received  Yahweh's  communications 
directly  (128),  Joshua  is  to  receive  them  through 
Eleazar  the  priest. 

12.  this  mountain:  i.e.  Nebo  (so  LXX);  cf.  Dt.  32 
49. — 14.  See  2O2-13. — 18.  lay  .  .  .  upon  him:  here 
the  action  is  doubtless  symbolical  (cf.  Ac.  66,  I33), 
but  originally  such  pliysical  contact  was  probably 
thought  to  be  a  magical  means  of  conveying  special 
powers.— 21.  the  Urim:  Ex.  283o^  pp.  lOOf. 

XXVIII,  XXIX.  The  Nature  and  Amount  of  the 
Offerings  Required  on  various  Holy  Days. — The  quan- 
tities prescribed  for  special  festivals  did  not  exhaust 
all  the  sacrifices  offered  upon  them  :  on  every  festival 
tho  special  sacrifices  were  supp  emonted  by  the  daily 
offerings  ;  on  the  first  of  the  seventh  month  the  dis- 
tinctive offerings  were  supplemented  by  the  offerings 
required  for  the  first  of  each  ordinary  month  ;  whilst 
oil  the  tenth  of  the  seventh  month  the  sin  offering  of 
atonement  (Lev.  16)  was  supplementary  to  the  other 
sacrifices  here  enjoined.  For  the  "  ephah  "  and  "  hin," 
see  154*. 

XXX.  1-16.  The  Circumstances  under  which  Vo^ws 
are  Binding. — The  vows  coming  under  review  are  of 
two  kinds  :  (a)  promises  to  give  or  dedicate  something 
to  Yahweh,  (6)  pledges  to  practise  some  form  of 
abstinence.  These,  if  undertaken  by  men,  or  by  women 
in  positions  of  independence,  are  unconditionally  bind- 
ing. But  young  unmarried  women  (under  the  control 
of  their  fathers)  and  married  women  (under  control  of 
their  husbands)  are  only  to  bo  bound  bj'  their  vows  if, 
when  the  vows  were  undertaken,  no  objection  was 
raised.  Interference  by  father  or  husband  at  a  later 
date  entails  guilt  on  the  man.  The  case  of  unmarried 
women  who  have  passed  their  youth  is  not  expressly 
considered.     See  p.  lO.O. 

9.  Apparently  misplaced,  since  10  continues  tho 
subject  of  8. 

XXXI.  1-18.  The  Extermination  of  the  Midianltes.— 
This  story  of  a  war  of  extermination,  waged  to  avenge 
tho  wiles  j)ractlsed  on  Israel  by  Midian  (as  descril>ed 
in  2.56-15)  is  marked  by  various  fanciful  elements, 
such  as  (a)  the  huge  number  ma-ssaered  (for  if  the  girls 
and  unmarried  women  amounted  to  32,000,  tho 
married  women  and  the  males  of  all  ages  must  have 
been  three  times  as  manv)  ;  (h)  tho  vast  quantity  of 
spoil  taken  ;  (c)  the  complete  immunity  of  the  Israelite 
force  from  all  loss  of  life.  If  any  war  with  Midian 
occurred  at  this  time,  it  certainly  did  not  result  in  the 
extermination  of  the  people,  who  were  a  powerful 
tribe  m  the  period  of  the  Judges  (Jg.  6).  The  real 
object  of  the  story  (whether  it  has  any  baais  in  fact  or 


not)  Is  to  illustrate  by  moans  of  an  ostensibly  historical 
occurrence  the  laws  relating  to  purification,  and  tho 
division  of  booty  taken  in  war. 

5.  delivered :  i-c  to  Mo.scs.  But  LXX  has  "  num- 
bered."— 6.  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  :  this  pos.sibly 
means  the  Ark  (see  1  S.  i^l.,  and  cf.  Xu.  I444),  but  it 
is  an  unusual  phrase  for  it.  Some  render.  "  the  holy 
garments'  (for  the  Heb.  cf.  Dt.  225).— 8.  The 
Slidianite  kings  are  represented  in  Jos.  132 1  as  princes 
of  Sihon  the  Amorite  ;  and  as  slain  when  he  waa  killed. 
The  a.ssociation  here  of  Balaam  with  Midian  differs 
from  the  conception  of  him  in  22-2  J,  where  ho  is 
brought  into  relation  with  Moab. — 16.  Since  the  refer- 
ence to  Balaams  advice  comes  in  abruptly,  probably 
some  account  of  it  once  preceded  256-15.  The  refer- 
ence to  I'eor  is  due  to  confusion  with  the  story  of  the 
Moabite  women  in  25i-5  (cf.  2.518). 

XXXI.  19-24.  The  Puriffcatlon  of  the  IsraeUte  Army 
after  tha  Slaughter. — Tho  purification  of  warriors  after 
a  battle,  practised  in  antiquity  as  by  savage  peoples 
to-day,  was  due,  not  to  any  desire  for  physical  cleanU- 
ness,  but  to  the  dread  of  tho  mystery  involved  in 
spilt  blood  and  in  dead  bodies  :  those  who  had  been  in 
contact  with  such  were  sources  of  danger  to  the  com- 
munity until  ritually  purified.  Tho  rules  observed  are 
those  prescriljed  in  lOiif.  ;  but  in  addition  it  is  here 
enjomed  that  everything  that  can  stand  firo  shall  be 
purified  by  fire  and  by  the  water  of  separation  (199), 
whereas  for  everything  likely  to  suffer  from  fire  ordinary 
washing  shall  suflicc. 

XXXI.  25-54.  The  Division  of  the  Booty.— The  prin- 
ciple of  equal  division  between  those  who  went  forth  to 
fight,  and  those  who  remained  in  tho  camp  was  ob- 
served by  David  (1  S.  3O22-25),  who  seems  to  have 
been  the  first  to  establish  such  a  rule.  The  tax  of 
-ji;^  of  the  combatants'  share  for  tho  priests  and  of  ,^ 
of  the  residue  for  the  Levites  is  not  elsewhere  mentioned. 

50.  ankle  chains:  the  use  of  these  made  the  steps 
of  tho  wearers  short  and  tripping  (Is.  3i6*.2o).  But 
some  translate  "  bracelets  "  (cf.  2  S,  lio),  and  render 
the  next  word  "  wristlets." — to  make  atonement,  etc. : 
>eo  Ex.  30i  1-16.  The  offence  thought  to  bo  involved  in 
taking  the  number  of  the  jx^ple  (cf.  2  S.  24i*,  1  Ch.  21  r), 
was  perhaps  originally  due  to  the  feeling  that  a  Divine 
prerogative  had  been  trenched  upon,  for  to  number 
Israel  was  believed  to  be  as  hard  a  task  as  to  number 
the  stars  (Gen.  I.55),  and  only  God  was  equal  to  the 
latter  (Ps.  1474,  Is-  4026). 

XXXn.  1-27.  A  Request  by  Reuben  and  Gad  for 
Permission  to  Settle  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.— The  character 
of  the  high  moorland  S.  of  the  Jabbok  still  bears  out 
the  description  of  it  as  suitable  for  pasturage  (1,4)  ; 
and  a  traveller  declares,  "  Wo  should  never  nave  be- 
lieved the  amount  of  (tho)  flocks,  had  we  not  seen  and 
attempted  to  count  them."  The  pastoral  associations 
of  Reuben  are  alluded  to  in  Jg.  5i6. 

1.  Gilead:  ihe  term  hero  denotes  the  country  S.  of 
the  Jabbok,  for  the  towns  enumerated  in  3  are  all 
thus  situated.  — 17.  ready  armed  to  go:  read, 
"  equipped  in  arrav. " 

XXXII.  28-33.  The  Request  Granted  conditionaUy 
on  their  Taking  Part  in  the  Conquest  of  VI.  Canaan. — 
The  assistance  rendered  Ly  Gad  in  tho  conquest  of 
W.  Canaan  (sec  Jos.  1 12-18)  seems  to  be  referred  to  in 
Dt.  3321.  The  statement  that  besides  Reuben  and 
Gad  tho  half  tril>e  of  Manasseh  received  from  Moses  a 
piece  of  territory  E.  of  the  Jordan  (33)  appears  to  be 
an  anachronism,  for  39  implies  that  tho  establishment 
of  Manasseh  in  E,  Canaan  was  effected  by  settlers 
who  went  thither  after  the  conquest  of  W.  Canaan  had 
been  accomplished. 


NUMBERS,  XXXV.   1-8 


229 


XXXII.  34-38.  A  List  of  Towns  built  (or  rebuilt)  by 
Gad  and  Reuben. — The  towns  hero  assigned  to  lloubon 
form  a  group  within  the  territory  of  Gad,  for  the  most 
northerly  and  the  most  southerly  of  tho  places  named 
are  Gadite  :  contrast  Jos.  1 815-38.  The  rebuilding  of 
the  towns  must  be  regarded  as  effected  after  the  two 
tribes  returned  from  the  conquest  of  W.  Canaan. 

34.  Dibon:  the  modem  Dhiban. — Ataroth:  Attarus, 
9  miles  NW.  of  Dibon. — Aroer:  probably  the  place 
of  that  name  on  the  Amon  (Jos.  13i6). — 35.  Atroth 
Shaplian  :  unknown. — Jogbehali:  the  modem  Ajbohat. 
— 36.  Betli-nimrall :  the  Nimrah  of  3  and  the  modem 
Nimrin,  13  miles  E.  of  the  Jordan  and  9  miles  from  tho 
Dead  Sea.  Beth-haran  :  the  modem  Beit-harran. — 37. 
Heshbon:  (21 25*)  modem  Hesban.  Elealeli:  modem 
El  Al.  2  miles  NE.  of  Heshbon.  Kiriatiiaim :  modem 
Kereiyah.  some  distance  8.  of  Heshbon. — 38.  Nebo: 
near  Mt.  Nebo,  5  miles  S\V.  of  Heshbon.  Baal-meon : 
the  Boon  of  3,  and  tho  modem  Main,  5  miles  S.  of 
Nebo.  The  parenthesis  should  be  rendered,  "  these 
names  are  to  be  changed,"  a  direction  to  the  reader 
to  substitute  some  other  names  for  the  last  two,  which 
contain  the  hated  appellations  of  heathen  gods  (Nebo 
and  Baal).  The  repugnance  to  tho  name  of  Baal 
similarly  led  to  the  change  of  the  personal  names 
Eshbaal  to  Ishbosheth,  and  Sleribbaal  to  Mephibosheth 
(1  S.  1447-51*,  I  K.  I632*).  The  writer  of  the  paren- 
thesis was  seemingly  not  aware  that  the  tribe  of  Gad 
itself  bore  the  name  of  a  heathen  deity  (Is.  65ii  7ng.). 
— Sibmall :  the  Sebam  of  3  ;  its  site  is  unknowii. 

XXXII.  39^2.  The  Settlement  of  certain  IVIanas- 
Sites  in  Gilead. — This  is  a  fragment  relating  to  a  period 
later  than  the  Mosaic  age.  Machir  was  a  Manassite 
clan,  and  Jair  and  Nobah  (4 if.)  were  probably  sub- 
divisions of  Jlachir.  Manasseh  and  Ephraim  were  at 
first  established  together  on  the  W.  of  Jordan  by 
Joshua  (Jos.  17i4f.),  and  any  Manassite  occupation  of 
Gilead  was  probably  subsequent  to  his  time. 

39.  Gilead:  the  name,  here  and  in  40,  is  applied 
to  the  country  between  the  Jabbok  and  the  Jarmuk. — 
40.  This  verse  (which  contains  an  anachronism)  is  an  in- 
terpolation, for  m  41  the  towns  (better  "tent- villages"') 
thereof  are  the  habitations  of  the  Amorites  mentioned 
in  39,  the  connexion  between  these  veraes  being  broken 
by  40. — 41.  Jair  the  son  of  Manasseh :  i.e  the  descend- 
ant of  Manasseh,  and.  according  to  Jg.  10 3f.,  a  judge 
who  lived  much  later  than  Moses. 

XXXIII.  1-49.  The  Itinerary  of  the  IsraeUtes  be- 
tween Egypt  and  the  Jordan  (P)  — The  time  covered  is 
rather  more  than  forty  years  (3,  38),  and  there  is  pro- 
bably an  artificial  correspondence  between  tlie  number 
of  the  years  and  the  number  of  the  stations,  which,  ex- 
cluding the  terminus  (the  plain  of  Moab),  amount  to 
40.  The  names  in  5-15  designate  stations  on  tho 
march  from  Egypt  to  Sinai;  those  in  16-36  places 
visited  during  the  forty  years'  wanderings  ;  and  those 
in  37-49  stations  on  the  march  from  Kadcsh  to  the 
Jordan.  The  writer  seems  to  assume  that  Kadesh 
was  reached  at  the  end  (not  the  beginning)  of  tho 
wanderings,  and  that  Israel  did  not  compass  but 
crossed  Edom.  Tho  citation  in  2  of  Moses'  authority 
for  tho  itinerary  can  at  most  imply  that  tho  writer 
used  some  writing  which  he  attributed  to  Moses. 

8.  Read,  "  from  Pi-hahiroth "  (7,  Ex.  142,9).— 
31.  Moseroth  .  .  .  Bene-jaakan:  the  Moscrah  and 
Bceroth  Bene-jaakan  of  Dt.  106  (in  reverse  order)  — 
Hor-haggidgad :  tho  Gudgodah  of  Dt.  10;.— 35.  Ezlon- 
geber:  this  was  at  the  N.  end  of  the  Gulf  of  Akabah, 
nnd  at  a  later  date  a  Hebrew  seaix)rt  (1  K.  926»). — 
40.  This  parenthetic  notice  about  the  king  of  Arad 
laclis  a  conclusion. — 45.  lyim :   the  lyc-abarim  of  44. 


— Dibon-gad:  the  name  reflects  tho  occupation  of 
Dibon  by  the  Gadites  (3234).— 49.  Abel  Shittim :  the 
Shittim  of  2.")i. 

XXXIII.  50-56.  A  Command  to  Destroy  the  Objects 
of  Canaanite  Worship. — The  substance  of  this  is  given 
also  in  Ex.  2824,  34i3,  Dt.  122f.  With  55  cf.  Jos.  23 
13.  Jg.  23. 

52.  figured  stones:  stones  covered  with  idolatrous 
emblems. — high  places :  since  these  could  be  "  de- 
molished," the  expreiision  must  here  mean  not  natural 
heights  (Is.  152,  IGiz)  but  artificial  mounds  or  shrines 
{cf.  1  K.  II7). — 54.  Pvondcr,  "'  wheresoever  the  lot 
falleth  for  any  (family  or  clan),  to  that  it  shall  belong." 
The  lot  was  an  appeal  to  God  (cf.  I  S.  I441  mg.,  Ac.  I24- 
26.  Pr.  I633.  Jon.  I7). 

XXXIV.  1-15  (from  P).  The  Boundaries  of  Israel's 
Possessions  in  Canaan. — These,  as  hero  set  forth,  are 
ideal  rather  than  actual,  since  the  area  described  never 
wholly  belonged  to  Israel.  The  S.  border  ext€nda 
from  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  (the  "  Salt  ")  Sea  in  a 
SW.  direction,  ha\nng  Edom  on  the  SE.,  and  following 
probably  the  Wady  el  Fikreh  (in  which  was  "  the 
ascent  of  Akrabbim  ")  to  Kadesh  (Ain  Kadis) ;  there 
it  turns  NW.  and  follows  partly  the  "  brook  of  Egypt  " 
(Wady  el  Ai'ish)  to  its  mouth.  The  W.  border  ia 
formed  by  tho  Mediterranean  (the  "  great  ")  Sea,  the 
shore  of  which  was  never  possessed  by  Israel,  though 
Joppa  in  the  second  century  b.c.  was  captured  by  the 
Maccabees.  The  N.  border  extends  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Nahr  el  Kasimiyeh  (6  miles  N.  of  Tyre)  to 
"  Mt.  Hor  "  (quite  distinct  from  the  Mt.  Hor  of  2O22, 
and  probably  a  spur  of  Lebanon),  and  crossing  the 
gorge  leading  to  Hamath  reaches  its  easterly  termina- 
tion at  Hazar-enan  (probably  near  Banias,  close  to  the 
sources  of  the  Jordan).  The  E.  border  apparently 
rans  in  an  easterly  course  to  the  eastern  margin  of 
the  sea  of  Chinnereth  (Gennesaret),  and  thence  follows 
the  Jordan  to  the  Dead  Sea.  Many  of  the  localities 
named  are  unidentified. 

6.  Omit,  and  the  border  thereof. — 15.  The  descrip- 
tion bayond  the  Jordan  .  .  .  eastward  represents  the 
point  of  -s-iew  of  a  writer  residing  on  the  W.  of  tho 
Jordan. 

XXXIV.  16-29.  The  Names  of  the  Commissioners 
Appointed  to  Divide  the  Land  (from  P). — Joshua  and 
Caleb  are  represented  as  sur^'i^'ing  to  enter  Canaan,  in 
accordance  with  I430. 

XXXV.  1-8.  Appointment  of  Levitical  Cities  and 
Cities  of  Refuge. — This  law  must  be  supplementary  to, 
and  later  than,  the  law  in  I8S-32,  which  does  not 
contemplate  the  assignment  to  the  Le\atcs  of  cities 
in  addition  to  the  tithes,  and  indeed,  definitely  denies 
to  them  any  territorial  possessions  (I820  ;  cf.  Dt.  I81). 
The  cities  here  bestowed  on  the  Levites  are  forty-eight 
in  number,  and  are  enumerated  in  Jos.  21  ;  but  the 
facts  (a)  that  some  did  not  come  fully  under  Israelitish 
ownership  until  after  Joshua's  death  (e.g.  Gezer,  see  p. 28, 
Jg.  I29*.  1  K.  9i6»),  and  (b)  that  priests  (who naturally 
shared  the  lands  conferred  upon  tho  tribe  of  Levi) 
dwelt  at  a  later  time  in  several  places  (e.g.  Nob  and 
Shiloh)  which  are  not  included  in  the  list  of  cities 
named  in  Jos.  21 13-19,  render  the  grant  of  such  cities 
extremely  doubtful.  In  the  delimitation  of  the  pasture 
grounds  (2  mg.)  of  the  cities,  there  is  a  curious  over- 
sight, for  smce  they  are  to  extend  1000  cubits  from 
each  city  in  every  direction,  forming  a  square  of  wiiich 
each  side  is  only  '2000  cubits,  the  city  within  the  square 
is  reduced  to  a  point,  Included  within  the  forty-eight 
cities  were  six  cities  of  refuge  where  involuntary-  homi- 
cides could  find  protection.  In  Dt.  197f.  only  tliree 
cities  (which  are  named  in  Dt.  441-43)  are  represented 


230 


NUMBERS.  XXXV.  1-8 


as  assigned  at  onoe,  it  being  directed  that  other  three 
are  to  be  added  if  Israel's  territory  should  bo  enlarged, 
•whilst  in  Jos.  207f.  the  seloolion  of  all  of  them  is 
ascribed  to  Joshua.  Historically,  however,  the  limita- 
tion of  asylum  to  particular  cities  was  doubtless  intro- 
duced at  a  later  date  even  than  Joshua's  age.  At 
first  any  altar  of  Yahweh  afforded  refuge  (E.\.  21 13!; 
c/.  1  K.  I50,  228) ;  but  after  the  abolition  of  the  local 
altars  and  the  centralisation  of  worship  enjoined  in 
Dt.,  the  rij^ht  of  asylum  was  reserved  f<jr  certain 
ancient  sacred  places.  The  connexion  of  the  right  of 
asylum  with  sanctuaries  was  common  in  antiquity, 
and  existed  (for  example)  among  the  Phojnicians  at 
Tyre,  Paphos,  and  Amalthus,  among  the  Syrians  at 
Daphnae,  near  Antioch.  and  among  the  Greeks  at 
Tegea.  The  privilege  belonged  to  Christian  churches 
in  the  Middle  Ages  ;  and  some  Indian  tribes  in  N. 
America  also  have  places  where  man-slayers  are  pro- 
tected (Frazer,  Paiisatiias,  iii.  p.  315).  See  further 
Dt.  19i-i3*.  Jos.  20*. 

6.  Read,  "  And  as  for  the  cities  which  ye  shall  give 
unto  the  Levitcs,  six  cities  of  refuge  ye  shall  give,"  etc. 

XXXV.  9-34.  Conditions  Limiting  the  Privilege  of 
Sanctuary. — Anciently  the  holiness  of  a  sanctuary  ex- 
tended to  all  who  came  in  contact  with  it,  so  that  the 
right  of  asylum  was  liable  to  be  abused  ;  but  by  this 
law  protection  at  a  city  of  refuge  was  to  be  refused  to 


those  homicides  who  in  the  judgment  of  the  com- 
munity, on  the  evidence  of  two  witnesses,  were  guilty 
of  murder,  as  inferred  from  (a)  the  existence  of  previous 
enmity  or  evidence  of  premeditation,  (6)  the  use  of  a 
murderous  weajx)n.  Those  who  were  guilty  of  man- 
slaughter only  (see  Dt.  194f.)  were  safe  within  the 
city  during  the  lifetime  of  the  high  priest :  after  liis 
death  they  ceased  to  be  liable  to  vengeance.  Though 
the  law  juomoted  justice  by  discriminating  between 
the  mtentional  and  the  unintentional  homicide,  it  still 
left  the  punishment  of  the  former  to  private  revenge 
instead  of  committing;  it  to  tlio  community. 

XXXVI.  1-13.  Heiresses  Required  to  Marry  within 
their  own  Tribe. — Tlrs  law  supplements  the  enactment 
in  27i-ii,  which  allowed  daughters  to  inherit  their 
father's  property,  but  still  left  open  the  possibility  of 
the  property,  on  their  marriage,  passing  with  them  to 
another  tribe.  In  practice,  the  transfer  of  lands  from 
one  tribe  to  another  seems  to  have  been  not  infrequent, 
for  the  same  cities  are  sometimes  represented  as  be- 
longhig  to  dilfcrent  tribes  (presumably  at  different 
periods).  Thus  Dibon  is  Gaditc  in  3234,  but  Reubenito 
in  Jos.  I3i7 ;  Heshbon  is  Reubenito  in  3237,  but 
Gadite  ui  Jos.  21 39  ;  Hormah  belongs  to  Judah  in 
Jos.  I630,  but  to  Simeon  in  Jos.  I94. 

1.  Before  Moses :  the  LXX  adds,  "  and  before  Eleazar 
the  priest"  ;  cf.  272. 


DEUTERONOMY 


By  Professor  T.  WITTON  DA  VIES. 


I.  Name. — Deuteronomy  is  the  English  form  of  Gr. 
Deuteronamion  (non-occurrent  in  classical  Gr.,  Vulg. 
Deuteronotnium),  taken  from  the  LXX  rendering  of 
Dt.  17i8,*  where  "  a  copy  of  this  law"  is  in  Gr.  in- 
accurately translated  "  this  repetition  of  the  law," 
this  Deideronomion.  In  post-biblical  Heb.  the  book 
is  called  by  the  two  first  words  of  the  book  :  sometimes 
by  the  second  word  alone  :  and  also  by  the  Heb.  for 
'■  a  copy  of  the  law  "  (17i8). 

II.  Place  in  the  Canon. — It  occurs  in  the  Heb.  and 
modern  Bibles  as  the  fifth  book  of  what  in  post-biblical 
Heb.  is  called  the  Torah  (I5*),  and  m  what  is  now 
called  "  The  Pentateuch  "  (p.  121,  this  name  was  due 
to  Origen,  who  died  a.d.  253). 

III.  Contents. — The  book  consists  ostensibly  of  seven 
addresses,  delivered  by  Moses  before  his  death  at  the 
close  of  the  wilderness  wanderings  and  immediately 
before  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan.  Since  the  recoi-d 
begins  with  the  first  day  of  the  eleventh  month  of  the 
fortieth  year  of  the  Exodus  (I3),  and  closes  with  the 
tenth  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  following  year  (see 
Jos.  4i9  P,  cf.  Dt.  348),  it  covers  a  period  of  forty  days 
only.     Mos&s'  seven  discoui'ses  are  as  follows  : 

First  discourse,  I6-440,  with  an  historical  introduc- 
tion (I1-5) ;  a  short  survey  of  the  events  of  the 
journey  from  Mt.  Sinai  to  the  Jordan,  with  practical 
reflections  on  Israel's  duty. 

Second  discourse,  5-11,  with  an  historical  introduction 
(445-49).  This  comprises  D  laws  {cf.  the  Decalogue, 
,^6-21)  but  mainly  exhortations  on  Israel's  duty  to 
worsliip  and  serve  Yahv/eh  as  the  only  true  God.  The 
sin  of  idolatry  is  coiistantly  emphasized. 

Third  Discourse,  12-26  with  28,  including  an  his- 
torical introduction  (444).  This  consists  of  laws 
political,  social,  and  religious  (with  promises  and 
threats  in  28),  ostensibly  for  the  government  of  the 
nation  when  it  has  settled  in  its  new  home.  Here  for 
the  first  time  in  the  book  (see  I25)  the  fundamental 
principle  of  the  D  legislation,  the  centraUsation  of 
worship,  is  taught,  the  earlier  laws  of  J,  E,  etc.,  being 
modified  to  suit  this  principle  (see  especially  I61-17, 
the  laws  of  the  three  annual  festivals). 

Fourth  discourse,  29i-302o  ;  exhortations  to  observe 
the  terms  of  the  covenant  with  Yahweh,  with  threats 
of  punishment  for  disoljedieucc  and  promise  of  restora- 
tion from  exile  for  obedience. 

Fifth  discourse,  31 1-13  ;  Moses  encourages  the  people, 
appoints  Joshua  his  successor,  and  places  the  new  (D) 
law  in  charge  of  the  Levites. 

Sixth  discourse,  the  so-called  Song  of  Moses  (821-47), 
with  introduction  (31 16-30,  except  23). 

Seventh  discourse,  33  ;  containing  the  "  Blessing  of 
Moses."  The  rest  of  the  book  has  been  intensoven  or 
added  to  so  as  to  complete  the  history  and  literary  form, 
such  as  the  accounts  of  the  death  and  burial  of  Moses 
(3248-52  P,  34  P,  J,  E,  RD). 

It  is  interesting  that  in  Ex.-Nu.  God  is  the  speaker. 


Moses  being  the  reporter.  In  D,  on  the  contrary, 
Moses  is  the  speaker  (see  Siff.) :  this  is  in  accordance 
with  the  wish  of  the  people  expressed  to  Moses  (see 
15,25-31,  I815 ;  Ex.  -'019  (E)). 

IV.  Authorship  and  Date.  1.  Negatively. — The  fol- 
lowing statements  arc  capable  of  conclusive  demonstra- 
tion, (a )  That  Moses  is  not  the  author  of  Dt.  Nowhere 
throughout  the  Pentateuch  does  he  appear  as  author 
(p.  121).  Many  passages  in  Dt.  imply  that  the  writer 
resided  W.  of  the  Jordan,  i.e.  in  Canaan  ( 1 1  *,  etc. ).  There 
are  innumerable  passages  which  Moses  could  not  have 
written  (see  234  ("'  at  that  time"),  3ii,  and  especially 
3410-12).  The  teaching  of  the  book  is  later  than  that 
of  Amos,  Hosea,  and  even  Isaiah,  not  to  speak  of 
Moses.  The  present  writer  holds,  nevertheless,  that 
the  basal  teaching  about  God,  pure  worship,  and  right 
conduct  taught  in  Dt.  (cf.  especially  the  Decalogue, 
56-2 1 )  is  traceable  farther  back  than  even  the  age  01 
Moses,  (h)  That  the  author  or  authors  of  Dt.  could 
not  have  written  the  preceding  four  books  of  the 
Pentateuch,  because  the  laws  in  Dt.  (cf.  those  about 
the  festivals,  16),  representing  a  certain  stage  in  the 
evolution  of  Heb.  legislation,  contradict  those  of  J,  E. 
and  P  in  the  previous  books,  and  the  same  is  true  of 
the  general  teaching  about  God,  sin,  sacrifice,  etc. 
There  are,  besides,  many  historical  discrepancies  be- 
tween Dt.  and  the  preceding  books  {cf.  I79-13  and 
Ex.  I813-26  (J),  etc.)  (c)  That  Dt.  cannot  have  pro- 
ceeded from  one  hand,  though  the  sources  used  (J,  E, 
P,  D,  etc.)  have  been  so  selected  and  manipulated  that 
the  whole  book,  with  slight  exceptions,  bears  the  stamp 
of  one  man's  dominating  mind  and  is  pervaded  by  the 
same  practical  rehgious  spirit.  Dt.  stands  in  sharp 
contrast  \^dth  the  first  four  books  of  the  Pentateuch  in 
this  respect. 

,  2.  Positively. — The  peculiar  legislation  of  Dt.  does 
'  not  seem  to  have  been  apphed,  even  if  it  was  known, 
before  the  last  quarter  of  the  seventh  century  B.C. 
If  the  reforms  instituted  by  Josiah  (640-609  B.C.) 
about  620  B.C.  (see  2  K.  23i-i5)  be  compared  with  the 
teaching  of  Dt.  I2£E.,  it  will  be  seen  that  he  acted  in 
harmony  with  this  code.  Thus  the  high  places  were 
suppressed  (I23;  cf.  2  K.  238-io,i3),  heathen  altars 
and  idols  destroyed  (I23;  <-/.  2  K.  234-12),  etc.  Now 
it  is  expressly  stated  in  2  K.  22f.  that  Josiah  was 
induced  to  set  about  these  religious  reforms  by  the 
discovery  in  the  Temple  of  a  book  of  the  Law  in  accord- 
ance with  which  he  acted.  Most  modern  scholars 
agree  that  this  "*  book  of  the  Law  "  is  identical  with  the 
original  part  of  Dt.  (at  least  Dt.  12-19i3  with  shght 
omissions).  It  is  notewortiiy  that  the  doctrine  of  one 
sanctuary  and  the  consequent  sinfulness  of  sacrificing 
at  high  places  is  not  taught  by  any  prophet  before 
Jeremiah,  who  lived  when  Josiah's  Law-book  was  dis- 
covered and  that  king's  refonns  were  inaugurated. 
Moreover,  the  peculiar  phraseology  of  Dt.  occurs 
throughout  Jeremiah  (see  Driver,  ICC,  p.  xciii).     It  is 


232 


DEUTERONOMY,  I.  1-7 


natural  to  concludp  from  these  and  many  other  con- 
Biderations  tliat  Josiah's  Law-book  and  D  arc  the  same. 
The  influence  of  D  is  traceable  in  jwrtions  of  Samuel, 
throughout  Kint,'s  (see  on  these  books),  and  in  late  (P) 
parte  of  Gon.,  Nu.  :  or  must  we  assume  an  earlier  date 
than  621  b.c.  for  centnilisation  of  worship  and  the 
consecration  of  Levi  to  tiie  priesthood  ?  (See  lOsf.* 
and  338-11*.)  Yet  that  the  Law-book  found  by 
Hilkiah  was  not  identical  ^rith  our  Dt.  is  almost 
certain,  (a)  It  was  read  through  twice  in  one  day 
(2  K.  228,  232).  (6)  It  was  pre-eminently  a  book  of 
precepts  about  worship,  sacrifice,  etc.  (c)  It  is  in 
12-19i3  that  the  doctrine  of  a  central  sanctuary  and 
its  consequences  are  taught,  and  tliis  may  represent 
the  original  D.  {d)  On  the  other  hand,  12-26  with  28 
go  well  together,  and  fonn  a  unity  as  regards  teaching 
and  style,  and  not  improbably  these  chapters  (with 
slight  omissions)  constitute  the  original  code.  The 
curses  of  28  for  disobedience  would  explain  Josiah's 
fears  of  the  consequences  if  the  new  law  wore  not 
obeyed  (2  K.  22 13).  We  must  add  444,  apparently 
an  introduction  to  12fl.  5-11  is  an  independent  piece 
in  which  no  notice  at  all  is  taken  of  the  great  law  of 
D — that  all  sacrificial  worship  must  be  at  the  one 
place  which  Yahweh  should  choose. 

It  is  evident  from  2  K.  22  that  the  Law-book  found  in 
the  Temple  had  been  written  long  enough  before  it 
was  discovered  to  have  been  lost  and  even  forgotten. 
According  to  2  K.  I81-8  (unnecessarily  rejected  by 
some)  Hezekiah  (727-699  B.C.)  inaugurated  reforms 
similar  to  those  required  by  D  and  carried  out  by 
Josiah  (2  K.  22).  It  seems  a  likely  hypothesis  that 
the  Dt.  code  was  compiled  about  that  time,  but  that 
owing  to  the  religious  persecutions  of  the  next  reign 
(Manasseh,  698-643  b.c.)  the  reform  movement  was 
Btopped  and  its  literary  endorsement  (D)  suppressed 
(but  see  pp.  45,  74f..  129). 

The  present  Dt.  makes  large  use  of  JE,  the  laws  in 
which  are  adapted,  and  the  historical  parts  of  which  it 
follows,  but  a  lat-er  editor  has  drawTi  upon  P.  though 
in  a  very  few  instances  (I3,  3248-52,  341,7-9,  etc.). 
It  may,  however,  be  safely  assumed  that  Dt.  was 
written  in  ignorance  of  P  and  before  P  was  compiled. 
I.e.  before  c.  500  B.C.  :  though  an  editor  of  subsequent 
times  made  some  additions  as  late  as  c.  400  B.C. 

Jerome  (died  a.d.  420)  was  the  first  to  suggest  that 
Dt.  and  Josiah's  Law-book  were  identical ;  but  his 
suggestion  was  ignored  by  nearly  all  scholars  until 
comparatively  recent  times. 

Staerk,  Steuemagel,  and  Oomill  (TOT,  p.  60)  hold 
that  the  parts  where  Israel  is  addressed  in  singular 
("  thou,"  etc.)  and  plural  (""  ye,"  etc.)  represent 
dlflferent  sources,  a  view  which  involves  an  unnatural 
breaking  up  of  sections  and  verses. 

Bearing  of  the  Aramaic  Papyri  on  the  Question  of 
the  Date  of  D. — According  to  the  Aramaic  papyri 
(p.  79,  Jer.  248)  recently  discovered  in  Upper  Egypt  and 
edited  by  Sayce-Cowlcy,  Sachau,  and  others,  there  was 
at  8}'eno  (=  Assouan)  in  525  B.C.,  when  Cambyses  in- 
vaded Egypt,  a  Jewish  temple  with  its  priesthood  and 
ritual  (sacrifice,  etc.).  This  was  in  contravention  of  the 
law  of  one  sanctuary.  Some  have  drawn  the  con- 
olusion  that  D  is  later  than  525  B.C.  Others,  sup- 
porting an  early  (Mosaic  ?)  date,  see  in  those  papyri 
evidence  that  the  non-observarico  of  the  D  code  is  no 
proof  of  its  non-existence.  The  present  writer  makes 
the  following  suggestions  :  (a)  This  temple  may  have 
been  erected  immediately  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Jenisalem  sanctuary  and  intended  to  take  its  place, 
at  least  temporarily.  (6)  It  is  possible  that  the 
Jews   of   Egypt,   finding   the  Jerusalem  Temple   too 


distant,  felt  themselves  justified  in  setting  up  a  temple 
of  their  own.  There  might  well  have  been  among 
them  members  of  the  Levitical  guild,  (c)  Perhaps 
this  temple  at  Syene  was  erected  by  priests  and  others 
belonging  to  the  northern  kingdom  soon  after  its  fall 
in  722  B.C.,  i.e.  prior  to  the  publication  of  D:  indeed, 
this  kingdom  could  hardly  be  expected  to  recognise  a 
code  which  implied  its  own  effacement  and  the  cessation 
of  its  own  religious  life, 
fl  Peculiar  Teaching  of  Deuteronomy. — The  main 
points  are  the  following :  (u)  That  Yahweh  is  the  only 
true  God,  the  only  God  that  really  exists  (see  824, 
64).  (b)  That  He  has  chosen  Israel  to  be  His  peculiar 
people  (IO15,  etc.).  (c)  That  the  tribe  of  Levi  is  to 
be  set  apart  for  the  priesthood  (see  lOs).  {d)  That 
all  sacrificial  worship  should  be  performed  at  the  one 
place  which  Yahweh  should  choose  (i.e.  Jerusalem, 
see  121-28*),  (c)  That  obedience  to  Yahweh  pays 
hero  and  now  (see  4i). 

Literature. — For  works  dealing  with  the  sources  of 
the  Hexateuch  in  general  (including  Dt.),  see  p.  132. 

Commeniarie-s :  (a)  Wheeler  Robinson  (Cont.B.  a 
skilfid  compend  of  notes  based  on  the  latest  authori- 
ties) ;  (h)  Driver  (ICC,  the  best  in  English,  makes  largo 
but  independent  use  of  Dillmann) ;  (c)  Dillmann 
(KEH,  very  full  and  scholarly);  Steuemagel  (HK); 
Bertholet  (KHC);  Hoffmann  (on  I1-2I9  cites  Jewish 
authorities  and  defcncls  traditional  views).  Other  litera- 
ture: P.  Kleinert,  Das  Deid.  ;  Staerk,  Das  Deut.  ; 
Steuemagel,  Der  Rahmen  des  Dent,  and  Die  Enlsiehung 
des  Deut.  ;  Pukko,  Das  Deut.  ;  McNeile,  Deuteronomy, 
its  place  in  Revelation  ;  Articles  in  Bible  Dictionaries, 
especially  EBi.  (Moore). 

I.  1-5.  Historical  introduction  to  leff. :  a  compHa- 
tion,  perhaps  intended  to  introduce  the  whole  book. 

1.  beyond  Jordan:  therefore  the  writer  dwelt  W.  of 
the  Jordan  ;  so  5  and  often,  33,20,25. — Arabah  (lit. 
"  waste  region  ') :  the  low-lying  valley  of  the  Jordan, 
the  Sea  of  Galilee  and  Dead  Sea,  extending  from  the 
Sea  of  Gahlee  to  the   Red   Sea  (Gulf   of  Akabah  — 

2.  Horeb  in  D  and  E  =  Sinai  in  J  and  P  (see  332). — 

3.  From  P :  its  P  origin  is  revealed  by  the  date  note  and 
the  word  translated  "  eleventh." — 4.  Sihon :  Nu.  2I21*. 
— Og:  p.64,  Nu.  2I33*. — Amoritesin  Eand  D  =  Oanaan- 
itesin  J,  i.e.  the  pre-Lsraelito  population  of  W.  Palestine. 
Read  (with  LXX)  "  and  at  Edrei  "  :  Og  had  two  royal 
residences. — 5.  began :  the  Hob.  means  "  to  under- 
take "  or  "  set  about  a  task.'" — this  law :  i.e.  the  D 
law  which,  however,  begins  at  12.  The  word  trans- 
lated "  law  "  (torah)  means  "  instruction,"  though 
following  the  LXX  (nomas)  and  Vulg.  (lex)  it  is 
rendered  by  a  word  =  "  law"  in  most  modem  VSS. 
The  Heb.  word  came  to  denote  the  authoritative 
teaching  of  prophets  (1  S.  IO25,  Is.  lio*,  otc.)  and  of 
priests  (see  Lev.  lOii,  etc.).  In  D  and  in  writings  of 
the  D  school  it  iK-comes  a  t<>chnioal  terra  for  the  D  code 
(see  Ezra  (Cent.B),  pp.  8ff.).  The  Jews  use  the  word 
for  the  Pentateuch,  but  it  never  has  that  sense  in 
the  OT.     See  p.  121.  Pr.  3i*. 

I.  6-IV.  40.  Moses'  first  discourse,  based  on  JE  in 
Ex.  and  Nu.  though  possessing  peculiar  features  due 
to  a  Doutoronomic  editor. 

I.  6-III.  29.  iWoses  Reviews  the  Journey  of  the 
Israelites  from  Horeb. — I.  6-8.  The  words  suggest  that 
the  Israrlites  would  be  able  to  take  possession  of  the 
land  inimeiliately  they  entered  it ;  cf.  Joshua,  which 
describes  such  an  entrance  into  Canaan.  The  more 
historical  view  is  that  given  bj'  Judges. 

6.  The  Lord  .  .  .  spake:  where?  (cf.  Ex.  33 1).— 
7.  hill  country,  etc.  :  a  common  name  for  W.  Pales- 
tine   from    its    leading    physical    characteristics ;    4* 


DEUTERONOMY,  II.  34 


233 


( Avioritcs). — all  the  places,  etc.  :  render,  "  all  their 
bordering  peopled"  (or  tribes). — Arabah:  i*.  Here 
it  means  that  part  of  it  wliich  stretched  from  S.  of 
Sea  of  Gahlee  to  some  fifty  miles  S.  of  Dead  Sea. — 
lowland:  (pn.  31f.).  the  fiat 'country  of  the  Philistines. 
— South:  Heb.  Negeb,  the  teclmical  term  for  the 
barren  region  S.  of  the  Judaean  mountains  (p.  32). 
The  writer's  use  of  the  word  for  S.  shows  that  he  lived 
VV.  of  the  Jordan. — the  sea  shore:  i.e.  the  maritime 
plain  to  the  K  of  PhiUstia. — the  land  of  the  Canaanites: 
probably  an  interpolation. — Lebanon  .  .  .  Euphrates: 
the  ideal  boundaries  N.  and  E. ;  II24,  c/.  Jos.  I4. — 
8.  This  oath  is  often  mentioned  by  JE  (Gen.  247,  ecc.) 
and  in  Dt.  (35,  610,18,23,  etc.).  The  contents  of  the 
oath  are  expressly  stated  in  Gen.  22i6f.  only  (see  Gen. 
263f.  (J)— 9_l&_c/.  Ex.  I813-26*  (E)).  The  idea  of 
appointing  judges  to  assist  Moses  is  in  Ex.  I817-23 
suggested  by  Jethro  not,  as  here,  by  Moses  himself. 
The  parallel  passage  differs  also  as  to  the  time.  See 
I618-20*  and  178-13*,  where  further  provision  is 
made  for  the  administration  of  justice. — 15.  officers: 
I618*. — 16.  a  man  and  his  brother:  a  Hebraism 
meaning  "one  man  and  another."  —  the  stranger: 
better  "sojourner"  (p.  110,  Lev.  178f.*).  The  Heb. 
word  (gcr)  denotes  an  ahen  who  has  settled  perman- 
ently among  the  Israelites.  In  the  earher  codes  he 
had  no  legal  status,  and  was,  therefore,  hable  to  be 
oppressed  and  wronged;  see  Ex.  222i,  289  (JE).  In 
post-exilic  times  (P,  etc.)  he  had  become  a  naturalised 
Jew  {i.e.  a  prosel}i;e,  the  word  used  in  the  LXX), 
having  the  privileges  and  responsibihties  of  full  citizen- 
ship ;  cf.  Ex.  1249  (P),  Lev.  2422  (H),  etc.  See 
HSDB,  Stranger.  Heb.  treated  the  alien  much  more 
humanely  than  Bab.  law  (15i2-i8*). — 17.  God  decides 
through  the  Urim  and  Thummim  (Ex.  2830,  pp.  lOOf.). 
and  through  His  laws. — In  19-46  (from  Horeb  to 
Kadesh)  the  narrative  interrupted  by  9-18  is  resumed. 
— 19.  great  and  terrible  wilderness  (815) :  i.e.  the  desert 
of  et-Tih  between  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  and  S.  Pales- 
tine.—as  .  .  .  commanded  us:  cf.  7. — 24.  valley 
of  Eshcol:  Nu.  1323*.— 28.  sons  of  the  Anakim: 
Heb.  "  necked,"  i.e.  "  long-necked "  people.  The 
phrase  means  simply  tall,  giant-like  folk.  Anak  is 
not  a  proper  name  (see  Nu.  1328). — 32.  Render,  "  Yet 
in  spite  of  this  utterance  "  (of  mme),  etc. — 33.  Ex.  13 
21*  (J)  and  4O34-38*  (P),  cf.  Nu.  915-22,  lOiif., 
Nu.  14i4,  Ps.  10539  (see  note  in  Cent.B).— 35.  of  this 
evil  generation:  omit  with  LXX  and  Nu.  142  2ff.  ; 
its  omission  is  required  by  the  sense  and  by  Heb. 
grammar. — 36.  save  Caleb :  so  D  and  J  (Nu.  I424) ; 
in  P  (Nu.  1430)  Joshua  is  added. — the  land:  i.e. 
Hebron  and  neighbourhood  (Nu.  1322ff.  (JE),  Jos.  14 
12-14). — the  Lord  (Yahweh)  :  read,  "  me  "  (Heb. 
consonants  identical). — 37.  According  to  D  (see  also 
826,  421)  Moses  is  prevented  from  entering  Canaan  on 
account  of  the  people's  disobedience  at  Kadesh  in  the 
second  year  of  the  Exodus,  but  according  to  P  (325of., 
Nu.  2O12,  27i3f.)  it  is  on  account  of  his  own  presump- 
tion at  the  same  spot  thirty-seven  years  later  when  he 
struck  the  rock. — 38.  standeth  before :  the  attitude  of 
one  who  serves  (see  1  K.  108,  cf.  Ex.  33 11).— 39.  The 
verse  should  begin  with,  "But  your  children";  the 
foregoing  words,  absent  from  the  LXX  and  superfluous 
for  the  sense,  are  taken  from  Nu.  I431. — 40.  Red  Sea: 
80  LXX,  VuJg.  ;  Heb.  "  Sea  of  Reeds  "  ;  probably 
the  Gulf  of  Akabah.— 41-46.  Nu.  I439-45  (JE). 

II.  1-15.  From  Kadesh-bamea  to  Wady-Zered. — 
The  present  pa.ssage  seems  to  contradict  the  parallel 
narrative  in  Nu.  20f. — lb.  i.e.  we  lingered  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Mt.  Seir  a  good  length  of  time,  viz.  thirty- 
eight    years    (7,14). — 4.    border:    better,    "bordered 


teiTitory,"  the  Heb.  word  means  both. — your  brethren : 
t.e.  kinsmen  (see  Gen.  2523-26,  8643,  Am.  In,  Ob. 
10,12,  Mai.  l2j.  In  237  the  Israelites  are  commanded 
to  treat  their  Edomite  kinsmen  in  a  friendly  way. 
But  from  the  destruction  of  Jei'usalem  in  586  B.C. 
onwards,  the  feelings  between  the  Jews  and  Edomites 
(from  Edom  =  Esau)  continued  to  be  bitterly  hostile. 
—6.  cf  Gen.  I423.— 8.  by:  read  (with  LXX,  Vulg.) 
"  through."  —  8i.-25.  They  are  to  pass  through 
the  territory  of  Moab  and  Ammon,  but  without 
hara.ssing  them  (cf.  3ff.  of  the  Edomites).  Moab  and 
Ammon  were  sons  of  Lot  by  his  elder  and  younger 
daughter  respectively  (Gen.  1936f.).  Since  Lot  was 
Abraham's  nephew,  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  were 
hkewise  kinsmen  of  the  Hebrews.  But  in  Gen.,  etc. 
personal  names  stand  generally  for  famihes  or  tribes. — 
9.  Ar:  Nu.  2I15*  (E).— 10-12.  An  archaeological  note 
by  an  editor.  The  men  of  a  fabled  past  have  often 
figured  in  folklore  as  giants  (see  ERE,  vL  pp.  191ff.) — 
Id/.  Emlm,  Rephaim :  Gen.  I45*. — Anakim:  I28*.— 
12.  Horites:  Gen.  146*.— as  Israel  did:  betraying  a 
writer  who  hved  long  after  the  Conquest. — 13.  Zered : 
i.e.  the  modern  Wady  Kerak,  which  enters  the  Dead 
Sea  at  its  N.  end. — 20-23.  Antiquarian  note  by  an 
editor  (cf  10-12). — 20.  Zamzimimim :  the  Zuzim  of 
Gen.  145*,  so  Keil  and  others. — 22.  unto  this 
day:  frequent  in  Dt.  (814,  etc.),  Jos.,  and  Jg.  in  a 
similar  context.  The  implication  is  that  the  state  of 
things  described  continued  do^^■n  to  the  writer's  day. — 
23.  Avvim  (better  "  Awwim  '")  dispossessed  by  the 
Phihstines  (12,  2 if.)  with  whom,  however,  they  are 
mentioned  in  Jos.  184. — Caphtor  (the  home  of  the 
Phihstines,  Am.  97*,  Jer.  474)  is  Crete.— 24-37.  Nu. 
21 2 1-32*  (JE),  wliich  is  older.  The  Israchtes  were 
not  restrained  by  ties  of  kinship  from  attacking  the 
Amorites  and  their  king  Sihon  when  their  request  was 
refused. — 24.  Amon  :  pp.  o2f.,  Nu.  21i3f.* — 29.  It  is  not 
distinctly  stated  (except  in  the  LXX)  in  2-8  that  the 
Edomites  ("  chUdien  of  Esau  '")  acceded  to  Israel's 
request ;  nor  is  the  contrary  stated  or  suggested. 
Accorchng  to  284  and  Nu.  2O18-21  (JE)  they  definitely 
rejected  Israel's  proposal  and  according  to  284  the 
Moabites  did  the  same.  We  have  to  do  simply  with 
different  traditions.  Many,  however  (Driver,  etc.), 
hold  that  Edoms  refusal  belongs  to  an  earher  period, 
and  that  it  took  place  in  VV.  not  E.  Moab. — 30.  hard- 
ened: Ex.  421  (E),  73*  (P).— his  spirit,  his  heart: 
i.e.  him.  The  emphatic  personal  pronoun  is  often 
thus  expressed  (49*).  The  parallel  clauses  "hardened 
him,"  ■■  made  him  obstinate,'"  mean  the  same  thing. — 
32.  at:  render,  "to" — 34.  utterly  destroyed:  Heb. 
"  to  put  under  a  ban,"  "  to  tabu.  '  The  verbal  root 
occurs  in  the  cognate  languages  as  well  as  Heb.,  and 
denotes  hterally  to  cut  off,  to  separate  ;  then  to  \>'ith- 
draw  from  common  use  (tabu)  with  a  view  to  complete 
surrender  to  deity  as  a  sacrifice.  Hence  it  comes  to 
mean,  "  to  destroy  utterly."  In  the  Moabite  Stone 
(hnes  11-17)  Mesha  says  he  had  devoted  (same  Semitic 
word)  Israel  to  Ishtar.  Generally  among  the  Israehtes, 
as  among  other  people,  the  ban  arose  from  a  vow  to 
devote  to  deity  a  part  or  the  whole  of  the  booty 
obtained  in  the  event  of  victor^'.  In  the  OT,  and 
especially  in  Dt.  (see  20i7ff.),  the  ethical  character  of 
the  ban  is  strongly  insisted  upon.  The  goim  or  non- 
Israelites  are  to  be  offered  up  as  a  sacrifice  to  Yahweh 
lest  they  should  corrupt  the  morals  and  religion  of 
the  chosen  race.  Three  degrees  of  the  war-ban  may  be 
traced  in  Dt.  and  in  other  parts  of  the  OT.  (a)  That 
in  which  every  man,  woman,  and  child  of  the  enemy 
and  also  their  property  of  every  kind  was  devoted, 
».c  utterly  destroyed  (see  13 16,  etc.).     (b)  The  ban  oi 

8a 


234 


DEUTERONOMY,  II.  34 


tho  second  degree  stopped  Bhort  with  the  devotion, 
i.e.  the  destruction,  of  mon,  women,  and  ciiildrcn  ; 
cattle  and  the  rest  of  the  spoil  being  reserved  by  tlie 
victors  for  their  own  use  (see  34f.  36f.  72,  etc.).  (c)  The 
third  degree  is  represented  by  the  law  laid  down  in 
2O10-15,  men  alone  beiny;  devoted  to  destruction.  In 
Nu.  31 171  (P  8)  and  J;/.  21iif.  (LXX^J)  it  is  the 
virgins  only  that  are  spared  (see  p[)  99,  114,  Jos.  617*, 
and  "Ban"  in  HSDiJ). — 36.  Gilead  proper  was  divided 
by  tho  Jabbok  into  a  northern  and  southern  half. 
Sihou's  kingdom  lay  S.  of  this  river  (3io*). 

III.  1-7.  A  shorter  account  of  tho  victory  over  Og, 
king  of  Bashan,  occui-s  in  Nu.  2I33-35,  based  on  tho 
present  passage,  the  first  person  ])lural  being  changed 
to  tho  third  to  suit  the  new  conte.xt. — 8-17  gives  an 
account  of  tho  distribution,  between  Reuben,  Gad,  and 
half  Manassch,  of  the  territories  taken  from  the  two 
Amorito  kings,  Sihon  and  Og. — 8.  beyond  Jordan: 
see  1 1. — 9.  Tho  same  mountain  bore  the  namen 
(a)  Hennon,  i.e.  sacred  mount,  perhaps  the  root  is  that 
of  the  verb  '"  to  devote  "  (234*),  cf.  luirem  (Arabic), 
temple,  women's  enclosure  ;  (6)  Sirion,  the  Sidonian 
name  ;  (c)  Senir  (so  read  in  448  for  "  Sion  "),  the 
Amorite  name.  Yet  in  1  Ch.  623  and  Ca.  43  Senir 
and  Hermon  are  differentiated. — 10  continues  8,  9 
being  an  editorial  insertion. — plain :  the  elevated 
plateau  N.  of  the  Anion  on  which  Moab  lay  (443, 
Jos.  189). — Gilead  here  includes  the  two  halves  (so 
Nu.  3229).  In  236*  the  southern,  in  Jos.  1831  tho 
northern  half  is  alone  meant. — 11.  his  .  .  .  iron: 
render,  "  his  sarcophagus  was  a  sarcophagus  of  black- 
basalt."  Tho  Heb.  barzel  is  used  not  only  for  iron,  but 
also  for  black-basalt,  one-fifth  of  which  is  usually 
iron  (89).  Hugo  black-basalt  sarcophagi  have  been 
discovered  in  the  region  here  spoken  of.  There  is  a 
later  and  fuller  version  of  the  narrative  of  12-20  (settle- 
ment of  the  E.  Jordan  tribes)  in  Nu.  321-38*.  The 
two  accounts  differ  in  many  respects. — 14^17  (supple- 
mentary notices  of  the  territory  of  the  E.  Jordan 
tribes)  is  evidently  a  late  and  clumsy  compilation, 
repeating,  and  in  part  contradicting  i2f.,  designed 
probably  to  reconcile  i2f.  with  Nu.  S239*,  41*,  from 
which  i4f.  is  in  part  taken. — 14.  Jair,  i.e.  Hawoth- 
jair:  Nu.  3241*  (F).— unto  this  day:  222*.— 16.  Omit 
(with  LXX)  the  words,  "  Tho  middle  .  .  .  thereof," 
or  render,  "  tho  middle  of  tho  Wady  being  the  border 
(or  boundary)."— 17.  slopes:  the  same  Hob.  word 
occurs  in  Nu.  21 13. 

III.  18-20.  The  E.  Jordan  tribes  had  promised  to  help 
the  others  to  coiujiier  the  territory  W.  of  the  Jordan 
(Nu.  3228-32*). — 21-29.  Moses  encourages  his  suc- 
cessor (2if.  absent  from  Nu.  832)  and  prays,  though  in 
vain,  to  be  allowed  to  cross  the  Jordan  (23-29  recorded 
here  only). — 24t'.  Which  of  the  gods  in  whose  existence 
and  power  the  heathen  believe  can  perform  the  mighty 
things  wliich  Thou  hast  wrought  ?  The  words  do  not 
necessarily  prove  that  tho  writer  believed  in  the  real 
existence  of  heathen  deities  (rf.  Ex.  I5ii  (J),  I811  (E), 
Pss.  71 19,  77i3.  etc.,  see  64).— 25.  beyond  Jordan: 
1 1  *.-  that  goodly  mountain :  render,  "  that  good 
(fertile)  mountainous  country." — 26.  800  I37*. — 27. 
Seo  34 1 -4. 

IV.  1-40.  Second  Part  of  Moses'  First  Address.— 
This  contains  exhortations  to  obedience  from  motives 
of  sell-interest  and  of  gratitude  to  Yahweh,  and  forms 
an  apparent  logical  unity  with  16-829  :  but  the  two 
pieces  had  probably  a  separate  origin.  The  lessons  in 
1-40  are  not  drawn  imniediately  from  ch^.  1-3.  The 
writer  of  1-3  has  in  mind  the  events  which  follower!  the 
departure  from  Horeb  :  that  of  41-40  concentrates 
attention  upon  the  theophany  on  Horeb. — 27-31  seems 


to  imply  that  the  exile  has  taken  place.  Yet  the 
editor  of  Dt.  evidently  regarded  I6-440  as  a  unity, 
and  the  charactoristic  language  and  spirit  of  I)  runs 
through  the  whole. 

IV.  1-4.  Long  life  and  possession  of  Canaan  aro  often 
mentioned  in  L>t.  aa  rewards  of  obedience. — statutes 
and  judgments  :  445*.  The  principle  of  a  fixed  Canon 
of  Scripture  is  involved  in  2.  At  tho  close  of  his  Code 
Hammurabi  pronounces  a  blessing  upon  the  man  who 
will  not  defacio  or  alter  his  law,  and  a  curse  upon  any- 
one who  will  change  it  in  tho  least  degree. — 3.  because 
of:  read,  "in"  (see  Nu.  25i-5).---4.  The  idea  of 
cleaving  to  Yahweh  is  peculiar  to  Dt. — 5.  Render,  '"  I 
teach,"  etc. — 7.  a  god:  render,  "gods." — 9.  thy  soul: 
Hebraism  =  "  thyself  "  (emphatic),  230*. — thy  chil- 
dren :  Dt,  lays  stress  on  the  duty  of  trainuig  children 
(67,  etc.).— 10/.  Cf.  Ex.  199f.,'i7f.— 10.  in  Horeb: 
i.e.  in  the  space  in  front  of  Horeb,  so  98,  I816,  The 
duty  of  fearing  Yahweh  (Job  li)  is  often  insisted  upon 
in  Dt. — 13.  The  idea  of  a  covenant  between  Yahweh 
and  Israel  holds  a  conspicuous  place  in  Dt.  and  in 
allied  writings  of  the  OT, especially  in  Jer.  Dt.  mentions 
three  covenants :  (a)  That  made  with  tho  fathers  in 
which  Yahweh  promises  a  numerous  posterity  (13i7) 
and  the  possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan  (618,  cf. 
Gen.  15i8  (JE),  etc.).  {b)  The  covenant  made  at 
Horeb  based  upon  the  Decalogue  (see  57ff.,  9gi.,  cf.  423). 
(c)  That  made  in  the  land  of  Moab,  sharply  distin- 
guished from  that  of  Mount  Horeb  in  29i  (Heb.  rightly 
2869),  see  299,12,14,^1,  2617-19.  It  is  not  strictly 
true  that  the  conception  of  a  covenant  between  Y'"ahweh 
and  Israel  occurs  first  in  D  (seo  Hos.  2i8,  67f.,  Gen.  loiS 
(J),  26i-4  (J),  and  28i3f.  (J). — ten  commandments: 
Heb.  "  ten  words  "  (Ex.  3428),  hence  the  technical 
term  "  Decalogue "  from  the  Gr,  (LXX)  rendering 
{fir'ka  logoi). — two  tables  of  stone:  in  P  "the  two 
tables  of  the  testimony"  (Ex.  31 18). — 15-24  gives 
reasons  why  Israel  should  not  worship  idols. — 16.  cor- 
rupt yourselves:  render,  "act  coiTuptly." — graven 
image:  Ex.  2O4*.  The  specific  forms  follow  (rf. 
"  molten  image,"  9i2). — 18.  the  water  under  the  earth : 
the  abyss  of  waters  on  which  tho  earth  wa-s  supjwsed 
to  rest;  seo  Gen.  l6-8*,  4925  Ex.  204,  and  Cent.B, 
"Psalms,"  vol.  ii.  p.  174f. — 20.  iron  furnace:  one 
heated  sufficiently  to  melt  iron  (seo  Jer.ll4,  etc.). — a 
people  of  inheritance:  a  Hebraism,  meaning  "a  pos- 
sessed people  "  (see  76).— 21.  for  your  sakes :  I37*,  cf- 
826. — sware:  Yahweh's  oath  to  exclude  Moses  from 
Canaan  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere.  Some  omit  the 
clause. — giveth:  better  here  and  elsewhere  in  the  same 
connexion,  "  is  about  to  give." — 25-31  seems  to  presup- 
pose the  Exile  if  not  also  tho  Restoration. — 25.  provoke: 
the  Heb.  word,  common  in  Dt.,  Jer.,  etc.  means,  "  to 
annoy,"  "  bother,'"  not  "  to  make  angry  "  (so  9i8, 3I29, 
32i6,2i;  cf.dya*). — 26.  Heaven  and  earth  are  summoned 
a«abidingwitncsses;sce30i9, 8128,32  ;  Is.  l2,Jer.  2i2, 
619. — 31.  merciful:  better,  "compassionate." — 33/. 
God:  render  in  both  verees  "a  god." — 34.  tempta- 
tions: better,  "testings"  (see  616).  These  and  also  the 
"  signs  "  and  "  wonders  "  (fit.  outstanding  acts)  refer 
all  of  them  to  the  plagues  of  Egypt  viewed  on  different 
sides. — by  a  mighty  hand.  etc.  :  a  frequent  expression 
in  Dt.  (615,  etc.),  cf.  Jer.  322i.— 35,  39  teach  absolute 
monotheism, — 36.  instruct :  in  tho  moral  and  reUgiou, 
sense  (seo  85,  "  chasten,"  same  verb). — Add  to  36 
"  and  didst  live  "  (see  33),  and  omit  the  first  word  of  37. 
The  difference  in  the  Heb.  is  slighr. — 37.  loved:  Dt. 
dwells  much  on  Y'ahweh's  love  (7s,  13,  etc.)  and  also  on 
Israels  duty  to  love  Yahweh. — with  his  presence: 
Hebraism  for  "  Himself  "  :  "  my  presence  '  (fit. 
"face")  in  Heb.  means,   "  I  myself '    (see  Ex.  33i4 


DEUTERONOMY    IX.  7b-X.  11 


235 


(J),  and  cf.  230*,  49*).— 40.  Obedience  pays,  so  Dt. 
constantly  teaches  (see  516,33,  etc.).  41-43  (three 
cities  of  refuge  E.  of  tlie  Jordan)  is  an  interpolation, 
and  has  no  connexion  here  with  the  preceding  or  suc- 
ceeding verses.  Tlio  sites  are  unknown  (see  19ifT.*, 
where  the  subject  is  introduced  as  if  for  the  first  time. — 
45-49  is  the  proper  introduction  to  6-1 1  as  44  is  that 
to  12-26  and  28.— 44.  law:  I5*.— 45.  Render  "these 
arc  the  admonitions  "  (lit.  "  commands  given  in  the 
presence  of  witnesses  ")  "  and  the  statutes  "  (ht.  what 
is  engraved  on  wood  or  stone,  cf.  CH)  "  and  the  ordi- 
nances "  (ht.  judicial  decisions,  then  precedent  laws). — 
Moses  .  .  .  Egypt :  Moses  could  not  have  written  so. 
■ — 48.   Sion:    a  clerical  slip  for  "  Sirion  "  (89*). 

V.-XI.  Moses'  Second  Address. — This  contains  laws 
(56-21)  and  (mainly)  exhortation  based  on  the  funda- 
mental conception  of  Yahweh's  uniqueness.  This  dis- 
course had  probably  an  independent  origin,  but  it  is 
exceedingly  homogeneous,  and  conforms  throughout 
with  the  type  of  composition  characteristic  of  D. 
Many  of  the  best  scholars,  including  Driver,  regard 
5-26  with  28  as  one  continuous  composition,  not  im- 
probably (they  think)  the  original  D  code. 

V.  1-21.  Yahweh's  covenant  (413*)  with  Israel  at 
Horeb  (la*)  and  its  obligations  (6-21).  With  D's 
version  of  the  Decalogue  (6-21)  compare  the  earlier 
form  in  Ex.  2O1-17*  (E).  Wellhausen  is  wrong  in 
holding  that  there  is  a  third  (an  older)  version  in 
Ex.  3410-26.  The  following  are  the  piincipal  charac- 
teristics of  Dt.'s  rendering  :  (a)  There  are  hortatory 
additions,  (h)  The  statements  are  more  definite  and 
emphatic,  (c)  The  wife's  status  is  higher,  {d)  Dt. 
substitutes  a  humanitarian  motive  for  the  observance 
of  the  Sabbath  (c/.  Ex.  20ii  *).  (e)  Dt.  gives  additional 
motives  for  honouring  parents.  (/)  14  adds  ox,  ass, 
man-servant,  woman-servant  to  the  Mst  in  Ex,  20iof. 

VI.-XI.  Consists  of  a  lengthy  homily  based  on  the 
first  commandment  (56).  Israel  is  to  worship  and 
serve  Yahweh  alone. 

VI.  1-3.  Exhortation  to  obey  Y'ahweh's  commands, 
referring  to  the  Decalogue  (06-21)  or  to  12ff.  to  which 
it  would  make  an  excellent  introduction,  as  it  may 
have  been  originally. — 1.  commandment:  better, 
"  commandments  "  ;  Heb.  uses  the  singular  where  in 
other  languages  the  plural  would  stand. — 2.  fear: 
4io*.— 3.  See  4i*. — milk  and  honey:   Ex.  38*. 

VI.  4-XI.  General  precepts  resting  upon  the  doctrine 
that  Yahweh  is  the  only  true  Grod.— 4-9.  Called  by 
Jews  the  Shema  from  the  first  word — "  Hear."  The 
Shema,  with  other  words  from  Scripture,  is  written  on 
the  parchment  in  the  two  phylacteries  and  in  the  door 
mezuzah,  but  that  8f.  had  no  reference  to  such  prac- 
tices is  evident  from  the  context  and  from  Ex.  189-16, 
Pr.  I9,  33,  621,  where  the  figurative  sense  is  alone 
possible.  Phylacteries  as  the  name  impUes,  and  also 
the  mezuzah,  were  originally  counter-charms  among 
the  Jews,  as  similar  articles  were  among  the  Egyptians 
and  other  peoples.  They  are  never  referred  to  in  the 
OT  or  in  the  Apocrypha,  but  they  are  mentioned  by 
Josephus  {Ant.  iv.  1,  viii.  13),  as  phylacteries  are  in 
the  NT  (Mt.  233*,  etc.).— 10-15.  In  the  land  promised 
them  they  will  bo  tempted  to  substitute  Canaanito 
deities  for  Yahweh  and  to  swear  by  them.  Oaths 
formed  part  of  the  social  and  commercial  fabric  of  the 
time,  and  they  are  not  forbidden  hero.  Contrast 
Christ's  teaching  (Mt.  534f.).  In  trading  with  Caanan- 
itcs  it  would  require  courage  to  refuse  to  swear  by 
their  gods.— 16.  See  Ex.  l??*.  cf.  Mt.  47.  — tempt: 
better  "  test  "  ;  cf.  the  cognate  noun  ("  temptation 
=te8ting)  in  434*. — Massah  (^testing)  is  another 
cognate  noun  (Ex.  17;*).     The  word-play  is  lost  in  the 


translation. — 20-26.     See  4io. — 25.  righteousness:  i.e. 
prosperity  as  in  II  laaiaii. 

VII.  The  native  races  of  Canaan  are  to  be  exter- 
minated and  everything  connected  with  their  religion 
destroyed,  lest  Israel  bo  seduced  by  them  to  idolatry. 
For  the  hst  of  nations,  see  Gen.  I519-21*  and  Ex.  38*  ; 
sec  also  Dt.  I4. — 2.  utterly  destroy:  234*. — 4.  me: 
render  "  Y''ahweh  "  (same  Hob.  consonants).  Moses 
is  the  speaker. — 5.  pillars  (pp.  98f.)  :  lofty  altars, 
obelisks,  used  in  heathen,  perhaps  sun-worship. — 
Asherim:  p.  100,  l  K.  I5i3*.  (A.V.  "groves";  so 
Welsh,  following  LXX,  Vulg.),  representations  in 
wood  of  the  old  Semitic  goddess  Ashera,  mentioned 
(Ashirta)  in  the  Toll  el-Amama  tablets  (p.  55).  That 
pillars  and  Asherim  are  so  often  mentioned  together 
supports  the  theory  that  the  first  were  such  altars  as 
were  used  in  sacrificing  to  the  second. 

6-24  gives  reasons  why  Israel  ought  to  serve 
Yahweh, — 9.  Render,  "  know  therefore  that  Yahweh 
thy  God  is  the  "  (i.e.  the  true,  see  435)  "  God,  the 
faithful  God,  one  who  keeps  His  covenant  to  show 
lovingkindness  to  them,"  etc. — 10.  Note  the  indi- 
vidualism of  Dt.  (see  21 1-9*).— 13.  corn  .  .  .  wine 
(fresh  made  wine)  and  fresh  (olive)  oil  are  Yahweh's 
gifts,  not  those  of  the  BaaUra  or  Ashtaroth  (gods  and 
goddesses  of  the  Canaanitcs). — 15.  evil  diseases  of 
Egypt:  e.g.  dysentery,  elephantiasis,  and  ophthalmia. 
— 16.  snare:  i.e.  what  leads  to  ruin,  not  what  acts 
as  an  enticement  to  sin  (see  Is.  292i). — 20.  homet: 
Ex.  2328.-26.  See  Jos.  7.— devoted  thing:   234*. 

VIII.  Israel's  duty  to  be  faithful  and  obedient  to 
Yahweh  enforced  bj-  a  recital  of  His  loving  treatment 
of  them  in  the  wilderness  (1-17).  Unless  they  are 
faithful  they  will  perish  as  the  Canaanites  did  (18-20). — 
2.  prove:  616*  ("tempt,"  same  Heb,  verb). — 3. 
manna:  Ex.  I614-35,  Nu.  II7-9*.  The  lesson  of  the 
manna  is,  that  "Yahweh  can  sustain  human  hfe  by 
whatever  means  He  wills  or  commands.  Jesus  quotes 
but  spirituahse^the  words  (Mt.  44). — 4.  The  miracle 
of  the  food  was  matched  by  another  of  the  clothing 
— they  wore  not  out  during  all  the  forty  years  (see  IO18, 
Ge:i.  2820).  Rashi  on  this  passage  sajs  that,  as  the 
children  grew  older,  their  clothes  grew  also,  just  as 
the  shells  of  snails  do. — swell:  render  "blister." — 5. 
chasteneth:  436*  ("instruct"). — 7.  brooks  of  water: 
better,"  water  wadies,"  i.e.  such  wadies  as  never  become 
dry. — depths:  i.e.  the  waters  under  the  earth  (see 
4i8*.— 9.  iron:  render  "basalt"  (3ii*). — brass: 
render  "  copper,"  Brass  was  then  unknown. — With 
11-18  cf.  the  similar  warning  in  612. — 11.  judgements, 
etc.:  445*.— 15.  flery  (i.e.  "stinging")  serpents: 
Nu,  2l6*,  cf.  Jer.  817. — The  scorpion  (mentioned  in 
Dt.  only)  belongs  to  the  spider  family,  its  sting  causing 
extreme  pain  and  sometimes  even  death.  The  proper 
name  "  Akrabbim  "  (Jos.  ISs)  means  scorpions. — 
18.  as  at  this  day:  222*. 

IX.  l-7rt.  Israel's  victory  over  the  Canaanites  due 
to  the  wickedness  of  their  foes  and  Yahweh's  promise. — 
6.  stiffnecked:  ht.  hard,  i.e.  obstinate,  of  neck 
(Ex.  329).  The  figure  is  that  of  an  animal  which 
refuses  to  take  the  yoke.— 7rt.  provokedst  ...  to 
wrath:  42.'5*  where  a  Heb.  verb  of  different  meaning 
is  similarly  translated. 

IX.  76-X.  11  (or  X.  9).  Narrative  of  the  legislation 
on  Mount  Horeb  ;  for  the  purpose  apparently  of  illus- 
trating 7fl.  This  historical  survey  suddenly  thrust 
into  a  hortatory  context  closely  resembles  1-3,  and  is 
thought  by  Horet  and  Bertholet  to  be  by  the  same 
author.  They  agree  with  Steuemagel  (who,  however, 
says  its  closest  alHnities  are  witli  5)  in  holding  it  to  bo 
an  interpolation  here.     But  surely  the  iiiatory  in  tlu3 


236 


DEUTERONOMY,  IX.  7b-X.  11 


section  is  didactic  and  tliereforo  hortatory.  lOet 
is,  however,  evidently  an  editorial  addition.  The 
narrative  in  Oyb,^.  follows  JE  (Ex.  24i2f.,  3210,15,19, 
34i). 

IX.  9.  tables  of  stone:  Ex.  24i2*. — covenant:  413*. 
—9-11.  forty  days:  Ex.  24i8*  (E).— I  did  .  .  .  water: 
so  Ex.  342S,  but  the  latter  refers  to  Moses'  third 
ascent  of  the  mountain,  not  the  first. — 10  is  perhaps  a 
marginal  ploss.  10a  essentially  =  116. — finger  of  God: 
not  of  Vahweh  ;  so  the  Divine  finger  (Ex.  31 18*). — 
12.  molten  image:  Ex.  324  (cf.  graven  image,  4i6, 
etc.). — 13  repeats  substance  of  12;  Bertholet,  there- 
fore, rejects  it.— 14/.  See  Ex.  3210,15,19.— 18.  I  fell 
down  :  better,  "  I  lay  me  down." — as  at  the  first :  as 
regards  time  (forty  days)  and  accompanying  action 
(fasting,  9).  Moses  spent  forty  days  on  the  mountain 
waiting  to  receive  the  tables  (J)  and  another  forty  days 
making  intercession. — 19.  that  time  also:  when  be- 
sides did  Yahweh  listen  to  Moses'  intercession  ?  All 
the  incidents  of  Moses'  Ufe  arc  not  recorded. — 20.  Not 
mentioned  in  Ex. — 21.  Sin :  that  by  which  they 
sinned  (see  Am.  814,  Mi.  I5).  Ex.  3220  adds  that 
Moses  made  the  people  drink  the  water  of  the  wady. — 
25.  A  continuation  and  in  part  a  repetition  of  18. 
Though  in  vocabulary  and  matter  26-29  resembles 
Ex.  3211-13  (the  first  intercession)  the  occasion  is 
different,  the  latter  belonging  to  the  time  before  the 
first  descent  (i5  =  Ex.  32i5).— 28.  Cf.  Ex.  32i2, 
Nu.  14i6. 

X.  1-3.  FollowsEx.34if.,4(JE),  adding  the  allusion 
to  the  Ark,  which,  according  to  Ex.  37i-io  (P),  was 
made  by  Bezalel — a  proof  that  D  is  independent  of  P 
and  at  times  even  of  JE. — 6/.  A  fragment  of  a  lost 
itinerary,  perhaps  from  E  (Nu.  3331-33  (P)).  These 
verses  are  obviously  an  interpolation. — 6.  there :  i.e.  at 
Moserah  ;  according  to  the  fuller  account  in  Nu.  2O22- 
29  (P)  Aaron  died  on  Mount  Hor.  The  Levitical 
priesthood  characteristic  of  D  (see  I79,i8,  etc.)  is  here 
implied.  If  with  Dillmann  and  Drivfr  we  refer  6f.  to 
E  and  8f.  to  JE  we  have  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
the  Levitical  and  even  of  the  Aaronic  (see  6)  priesthood 
about  800  B.C.  The  duties  imposed  upon  the  Levites 
in  8  belong  exclusively  to  the  Aaronites  in  P  (see 
Nu.  4if.,  3io,  623).  The  words  unto  this  day 
prove  that  the  writer  knew  nothing  of  the  Priestly 
Code  or  of  Ezek.  40-48. — 9.  The  Invites  are  to  be 
supported  o\it  of  the  Temple  gifts  (see  12i2,  1427,29, 
and  especially  18if. ;  cf.  Jos.  1314,33).  They  are  often 
commended  to  the  practical  sympathy  of  Israel,  but 
more  especially  the  disestablished  Levites  ("  the 
Levites")  of  the  local  sanctuaries  (I81-8*).  — 10 
(render,  "And  I,  even  I,  had  stayed')  summarises 
9i8f.,  II  concluding  the  Horcb  narrative,  though  it  is 
doubtful  whether  lof.  belnnjrs  to  what  precedes  (Dill- 
mann, Driver)  or  to  what  follows  (Bertholet).  Perhaps 
it  should  be  omitted. 

X.  12-XL  32.  Resumes  Mo-ses'  second  address  int«r- 
rupt«d  by  the  long  didactic  narrative  of  976-IO11. 

X.  12^22-XL  Reasons  why  Israel  should  fear  and 
serve  Yahweh. — 12.  Cf.  Mi.  68. — 16.  Physical  circumci- 
sion implied  consecration  of  the  entire  man  to  Yahweh. 
The  verb  "  to  circumcise  "  came  thus  to  l)C  used 
figuratively  of  the  heart  (230*)  as  hero  (so  306,  Jef.  44), 
of  the  lips  (Ex.  O12),  of  the  ear  (Jer.  610).— 17.  God  of 
gods  and  Lord  of  lords :  one  form  of  the  Hcb.  super- 
lative, i.e.  the  greatest  God,  lord  (324*). — reward: 
better,  "  bribe  "  (see  16 iq.  2725,  Ex.  238).— 18.  Render, 
"  securing  justice  for  the  orphan  and  widow  and 
loving  the  sojourner"  (see  1 16*),  etc.  The  three 
classes  mentioned  were  specially  exposed  to  injustice 
through  bribery,  social  influence,  etc.     They  are  often. 


therefore,  along  with   the   Levites  (9*)  described   r? 
objects  of  pity  and  help. — 21.  praise:    i.e.  object  of 
praise  (Jer.  I714).— 22.   Omit  with.     The   Heb.    con-  , 
struction  (beth  essentiae)  implies  that  they  went  down  as  ; 
(not  with)  seventy  persons. — threescore  and  ten  persons :  1 
i.e.  all  the  IsraoUtes  in  Egypt  at  the  time.     In  Ex.  15(F) 
it    covers    all    the    descendants    of    Jacob    (includin  ■ 
Joseph,  his  sons,  etc.).     In  Gen.  46  (P)  the  two  tradi- 
tions are  combined. 

XI.  Continues  the  exhortation  to  love  and  obey 
Yahweh,  giving  motives  and  promises  and  pointinu 
out  the  consequence  of  disobedience. — 2-7.  Pwcad  (add- 
ing one  Heb.  consonant),  "  for  ye  are  not  as  your 
children  who  know  not  and  have  not  seen  .  .  .  midht 
of  all  Israel :  for  your  eyes,  etc." — chastisement :  436*. 
—5.  See  Ex.  15,  Nu.  32.-6.  See  Xu.  1625,27,32  (JE). 
Dt.  using  JE  is  silent  about  Korah  mentioned  by  P 
(Nu.  269-11).— 86.  See  4i.— 9.  land  .  .  .  honey:  Ex. 
3)*. — 10.  wateredst  .  .  .  foot:  probably  some  irriga- 
tion contrivance  is  meant,  by  which  water  sluices  com- 
municating with  the  Nile  were  opened  and  closed. 
Erman  affirms,  but  W.  Max  Miiller  denies,  that  the 
water-wheel  (cf.  modem  Egypt)  was  used  in  ancient 
Egypt.  A  plentiful  supply  of  rain,  a  great  necessity 
in  Palestine,  is  often  mentioned  in  the  OT  a.s  a  proof 
of  Yahweh's  loving  care;  see  Lev.  264,  Is.  55iof., 
Ezek.  3426,  Hos.  63. — 14.  former  rain :  in  November 
and  December  after  seed-sowing. — latter  rain:  in 
March  to  April,  it  matures  the  grain,  vitalised  by  the 
autumnal  showers. — 18-20.  Almost  verbatim  as  66-9*, 
though  21  {cf.  9)  adds  a  promise.  Steuemagel  and 
Bertholet  omit  18-21. — 24.  Read, "  from  the  wilderness  " 
(in  the  S.)  "to  Lebanon  "  (in  the  N.)  "  and  from  the 
great  river  "  (Euphrates  in  the  E.)  "  to  the  western  sea  " 
(the  Mediterranean).  For  these  ideal  boundaries,  see 
I7*.  The  Hebrews  commonly  named  the  cardinal 
points  from  their  direction  looking  east,  hence 
"  hinder  "=  west. — 30.  Read,  "Are  they"  (Gerizim 
and  Ebal)  "  not  on  the  other  side  of  the  Jordan,  west 
of  it  "  (adding  one  consonant)  "  on  the  western  road 
in  the  land  of  the  Canaanites,  opposite  to  that  Gilgal 
which  is  alongside  the  diviner's  terebinth  ?  "  Omit 
which  dwell  in  the  Arabah:  it  is  senseless.  The 
Gilgal  named  is  the  modem  Julejib,  2^  miles  SE.  of 
Nablous  (Shechem). — oaks  of  Moreh:  render,  "the 
diviner's  terebinth  "  (Gen.  126.  13i8,  I81,  Jos.  24^6, 
Jg.  611).  The  oak  (including  the  terebinth)  was 
among  the  ancient  Semites  and  Kelts  a  sacred  tree  ; 
hence  oracles  were  sought  from  the  deity  supposed  to 
dwell  in  it. 

XII.-XXVI.  and  XXVIII.  A  code  of  lawfj  (1-26) 
followed  by  promises  to  the  obedient  and  thrcata  of 
punishment  for  the  rest  (28) :  see  Introd.,  p.  231. 
The  great  Dcuteronomic  law  of  one  sanctuary  is  taught 
or  implied  in  12i-19i3  and  hardly  in  any  other  part 
of  Dt.  This  section  may,  therefore,  represent  essenti- 
ally the  original  Dcuteronomic  code  (see  Introd.). 

XII.  1-28.  The  Law  of  One  Sanctuary.— The  local 
sanctuaries  (originally  Canaanite)  with  everything  be- 
longing to  them,  are  to  be  destroj'cd,  and  all  sacrifices 
are  to  be  offered  at  the  place  which  Yahweh  should 
choose.  Yet  (i5f.)  animals  intended  for  food  alone 
may  be  killed  and  eaten  locally.  Though  the  name 
Jerusalem  does  not  occtir  in  D,  it  is  fairly  evident  that 
no  other  place  can  be  intended  by  "  the  place  which 
Yahweh  .  .  .  shall  choose,"  etc.,  though  A,  Duff 
holds  that  the  Deut.  code  originated  in  the  Northern 
Kingdom  before  its  fall,  and  that  it  aimed  at  making 
Shechem  the  one  worship  centre  for  both  kingdoms 
(see  his  OT  Theology,  ii.  24ff.).  Jer.  and  Dt.  have  so 
much  in  common  (see  Introd.)  that  one  may  be  used 


DEUTERONOMY,  XV.  1-18 


237 


to  interpret  the  other.  In  Jer.  74-9,  3l6-i2  Zion  ia 
distinctly  mentioned  as  the  one  sanctuary.  In  P  and 
related  writings  (Ezek.,  Ch.,  etc.)  centralisation  of 
worship  at  Jerusalem  is  assumed  as  undisputed.  If 
Shechem  were  intended  it  is  strange  that  no  hint  of 
this  occurs  in  any  extant  document.  Besides,  there 
is  evidence  to  show  that  D  was  not  written  until 
after  the  fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  in  722  b.c. 
(see  Introd.). 

5.  place:  the  Heb.  word  (maqom),  as  the  cognate 
Arabic  one,  means  a  sacred  place.  Dt.  does  not  use 
the  word  bamah,  "  high  place." — 6.  The  sacred  gifts 
(pp.  98—100)  to  be  brought  to  the  one  sanctuaiy  are  the 
following  (note  the  translation)  :  (a)  Whole-offerings, 
'olofh  (Gen.  820,  Lev.  1  *) ;  lit.  "  that  which  goes  (wholly) 
up  "  (to  Yahweh) ;  "  burnt  offerings  "  (EV)  is  mis- 
leading since  other  offerings  were  in  part  burnt.  The 
idea  of  pure  worship  is  best  seen  in  this  species  of 
sacrifice,  since  the  whole  was  offered  up  to  Yahweh  in 
the  form  of  sacrificial  smoke,  (b)  Partial  offeiings 
(EV  "  sacrifices  ").  The  Heb.  word  (zebahim)  usually 
denotes  animal  sacrifices  in  general,  in  P  as  contrasted 
with  the  cereal  (meal)  offerings  (see  Nu.  28) ;  but  in 
6,  II,  27,  etc.,  it  represents  shdamiia  (Lev.  .3*),  com- 
pensation offerings  (EV  wrongly  "peace  offerings"), 
part  of  which  was  offered  to  Yahweh,  the  rest  being 
reserved  for  the  social  meal  (7).  The  latter  Heb.  term 
occurs  in  Dt.  but  once.  277.  which  is  dependent  on  Ex. 
2O24  (E).  (c)  Tithes  (Lev,'  2730,  Nu.  I821-24*).  (d) 
Contributions  (EV,  "  heave  offerings  of  your  hand  "  (see 
on  Ex.  252  (P)).  (e)  Votive  offerings, and  (/)  voluntary 
offerings,  i.e.  such  as  were  given  in  addition  to  the  legal 
requirements  with  (e)  or  without  (/)  a  preceding  vow 
(2321-23).  Neither  sin  nor  guilt  ( trespass )  offerings  are 
mentioned  ;  sacrifice  in  D  has  a  joyous  character. — 
11.  your  choice  vows :  better,  "  your  chosen  votive 
offerings,"  i.e.  "  what  you  choose  to  vow." — 12.  the 
Levite :  10s. — within  your  gates :  i.e.  in  cities  other  than 
Jerusalem  (see  15). — 15/.  is  probably  a  marginal  sum- 
mary of  20-25  and  should  be  omitted. — 15.  the  unclean 
and  the  clean:  i.e.  ceremonially  so  (1  S.  2O26) ;  the 
law  concerning  sacrificial  was  more  rigid  than  that 
concerning  ordinary  food. — 17  continues  14,  but  re- 
stores partial  offerings  (EV  sacrifice). — 20-22.  This 
concession  was  due  to  the  suppression  of  the  local 
sanctuaries :  animal  food  (formerly  partaken  of  at 
sacrificial  meals  only)  could  imder  the  Deuteronomio 
law  be  eaten  at  Jerusalem  alone.  Animals  killed  and 
eaten  locally  came  now  under  the  category  of  food 
and  not  sacrifice,  the  regulation  being  less  stringent 
(I44ff.). — 23-25.  The  prohibition  of  blood  (because 
containing  the  "soul"  not  "hfe'  is  common  to 
many  peoples  (see  Gen.  94*,  Lev.  817,  and  of.  Frazer, 
Tabho  and  the  Perils  of  the  Soul,  i)p.  239-251).— 26. 
Holy  things  .  .  .  and  .  .  ,  vows=obhgatory  and 
voluntary  altar  gifts. 

Xn,  29-Xni,  I'^ahwism  must  be  kept  free  from  all 
taint  of  Canaanite  heathenism  when  Israel  has  entered 
Canaan.  The  danger  would  arise  from  the  ancient 
belief  that  everyone  should  worship  the  god  of  the 
rountry  in  which  he  resides.  D  is  an  uncompromising 
Yaliwist. 

xn.  32-XIII.  18.  Three    classes    of    seducers     to 

try  to  be  put  to  death,     (a)  The  false  prophet 

133).      (b)    The     friend     or    relative     ( 136-1 1). 

'.\'.,rthless  Israelites  (13i2-i8).     In  the  la.st  case  the 

Kcducers  and  the  city  seduced  shall  be  devoted  (234*) 

In  the  Heb.   I232  rightly  begins   13. — 1.  Dreams  are 

one  medium  of  prophetic  inspiration,  especially  in  E 

(Nu.  126,  Jl.  228)  ;    but  it  is  not  of  the  highest  kind 

(Jor.   2328). — 2.  A   false   prophet   may   foretell   what 


really  comes  to  pass.  In  I822  ho  is  known  by  the  fact 
that  what  he  foretells  does  not  come  to  pass.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  word  of  the  true  prophet  is  fulfilled 
(Jer.  289).  What  stamps  the  prophet  as  false  in  the 
present  context  is  the  doctrine. — 6.  Read  (with  LXX 
Sam.)  "If  thy  brother  the  son  of  thy  father"  (=a 
half-brother)  "or  the  son  of  thy  mother"  (=a  full 
brother),  see  Gen.  2729,  Ps.,  5O20.  In  a  polygamous 
(non-polyandrous)  state  of  society  (see  21 15)  the  same 
man  has  often  two  or  more  wives.  In  the  East  the 
woman  never  marries  a  second  time. — 9.  The  con- 
victing witness,  however  nearly  related  to  the  culprit, 
must  begin  the  punishment. — 10.  See  Ex.  826.  Stoning 
is  the  only  form  of  capital  punishment  recognised  in 
Heb.  law.  Perhaps  it  originated  in  the  desire  of  avoiding 
blood-shedding  (see  I223-25,  2I22*,  Gen.  4io*). — 
13.  base  fellows :  fit.  "  sons  of  worthlessness;  "  "  sons 
of  "  in  Heb.  means  persons  possessing  the  quality  of 
'see  Cent.B  on  Ps.  79ii).  Even  if  the  Heb.  word  for 
the  latter  (Belial)  is  a  proper  name  for  the  Babylonian 
Pluto  (so  Chejfne,  Hommel,  see  Pr.  612*)  the  phrase 
bears  the  same  sense  (see  Cent.B  on  Ps.  101 5). — 15.  See 
234. — 16.  every  whit:  better,  "as  a  whole  offering," 
(of.  mg.).  The  Heb.  word  is  used  in  33io  ;  it  does 
not  occur  in  126. — a  heap:  Heb.  tel  {cf.  Telel-kebir  = 
"  the  great  hill  ") ;  see  Jos.  828  (Ai),  Jer.  492  (Rabbah), 
cf.  Is.  17i,  252,  Jer.  30x8. 

XIV.  1-21.  Heathen  customs  to  be  avoided. — 1/. 
Heathen  mourning  rites. — 1.  cut  yourselves:  Lev.  1928*, 
cf.  Lev.  2I5. — baldness:  the  custom  in  mourning  of 
shaving  the  hair  between  the  eyes  {i.e.  on  the  top  of 
the  forehead).  These  are  merely  extreme  forms  of  ex- 
pressing grief  ;  but  most  recent  scholars  regard  them  as 
survivals  of  acts  of  sacrifice,  the  blood  and  the  hair 
being  offered  up  to  heathen  deities  or  to  dead  but 
deified  ancestors  (p.  110).  Sec  Jer.  166,  where  both 
these  customs  are  mentioned  without  censure. 

3-20.  Living  creatures  which  may  and  which  may 
not  be  eaten;  see  Lev.  II2-23*  (P),  with  which  the 
present  section  agrees  closely,  and  Introduction  to 
that  chapter;  also  pp.  82f.  No  earlier  code  men- 
tions these  laws,  nor  have  they  any  logical  connexion 
with  the  fundamental  principle  of  D  (one  sanctuar} ) 
or  with  Josiah's  reform  (2  K.  22f.).  The  Bible  does 
not  explain  the  origin  of  the  distinction  between  clean 
and  unclean  animals  beyond  tracing  it  to  the  Divine 
command  (Lev.  11  if.).  Very  many  theories  have  been 
proposed:  see  the  Bible  Dictionaries. 

21.  What  is  forbidden  to  the  Israolitos  (animals  that 
have  died  of  themselves  and  have,  therefore,  the  blood 
in  them,  I223-25)  may  yet  be  offered  to  the  sojourner 
(see  I16*)  or  sold  to  a  foreigner  because  their  rehgion 
allowed  the  consumption  of  such  food. — Thou  Shalt  not 
seethe  .  .  .  milk:   see  Ex.  2819*  (E). 

XIV.  22-29.  Regulations  respecting  tithes.  See  Lev. 
2730-33*  end  Nu.  I821-32*  (both  P).  The  older 
codes  are  silent  about  tithes,  but  cf.  Gen.  2822  (E). 
The  clause  concerning  firstlings  in  23  is  an  interpola- 
tion. They  were  given  whole,  not  tithed,  and  the  law 
as  to  them  occurs  in  I519-23*.  The  tithing  of  cattle 
and  sheep  is  mentioned  in  Lev.  2732  (P)  only.  Accord- 
ing to  28f,  the  tithe  of  the  third  year  is  to  be  kept  in 
the  several  villages  and  towns  (not  taken  to  the  one 
sanctuary-  to  form  a  sacrificial  meal,  26)  and  distri- 
buted locally  among  the  poor  and  needy.  In  P 
(Nu.  I821)  the  whole  is  to  bo  divided  among  the  clergy, 
showing  the  increased  iniluenco  and  selfishness  of  the 
priesthood  (see  I519-23  ♦).  On  Tithes,  see  p.  99; 
also  Driver,  ICG,  160-173,  and  the  Bible  Dictionaries. 

XV.  1-18.  Three  laws  in  the  interest  of  the  poor: 
the  Sabbatical  year,  or  year  of  release  (p.  102,  Ex, 


238 


DEUTERONOMY,  XV.  1-18 


21 2-1 1*,  Lev.  2639-55*).— 1-6.  Every  seventh  year 
(probably  the  same  year  was  observed  throughout 
the  country)  a  creditors  right  to  distrain  for  debt 
was  suspended  (not,  as  some  say,  pormanontly  oan- 
oolicd).  FortMgnors,  however  (not  sojourners, see  li6*) 
wore  deprived  of  this  privilege  (1-3).  W.  hov/ever, 
obedient  to  Yaliweh,  Israel  would  not  need  to  borrow 
(4-6). — 1.  release:  ht.  "  a  lotting  drop." 

7-11.  The  proximity  of  the  year  of  release  must  not 
bo  allowed  to  oheok  the  flow  of  ordinary  charity. — 
9.  The  evil  eye  (2854-56)  implies  among  many  peoples 
jealousy  (see  Mt.  20 15). 

12-18.  See  Ex.  21 2-6*  (JE),  the  older,  and  Lev,  25 
39-46  (H),  the  later  law,  also  p.  1 10.  D  goes  beyond  JE 
by  including  woman  ( 1 2).  H,  however,  allows  foreigners 
(not  sojourners)  only  to  be  slaves  to  Hebrews.  OH, 
though  it  shows  some  concern  for  widows  and  the 
oppressed  (§§  171,  177)  is  yet  on  the  whole  a  code  of 
justice  rather  than  one  of  pity  for  the  needy  ;  it  makes 
a  striking  difference  in  the  treatment  of  men  and 
women  (§  193)  and  rich  and  poor  (§§  14,  196,  202). 
D  shows  great  concern  for  the  sojourner  (I16*),  the 
poor  and  the  slave  (23i5f.),  and  reoognis^es  the  claims 
of  oven  dumb  animals  (226f.,  25.t);  the  Babylonian 
code  does  none  of  those  things.— 17.  For  tliis  rite  (here 
a  domestic  one)  see  Ex.  2l6  *,  where  it  is  a  religious 
act.  The  change  is  necessitated  by  the  Deuteronomic 
law  of  one  sanctuary.  The  servant  could  not  travel  to 
Jerusalem  ui  all  such  cases.  [Tiiis  is  the  view  taken  on 
p.  128,  but  possibly  Ex.  2l6  contemplates  taking  the 
slave,  not  to  the  local  sanctuary  but  to  the  threshold 
deities  of  the  master's  house  (Ex.  I222*).  In  that 
case  the  regulation  is  the  same  as  here ;  but  tho 
Deuteronomist  natuially  drops  the  too  heathenish 
reference  to  tho  Elohim.— A.  S.  P.]— 18.  the  double,  etc. : 
i.e.  the  master  would  have  had  to  pay  double  what  tho 
slave  had  cost  to  a  labourer  hired  in  the  usual  way  to 
do  the  same  quantity  of  work. 

XV.  19-23.  Tho  law  concernmg  the  first-bom  of 
cattle  (not  to  be  ploughed  with)  and  sheep  (not  to  be 
shorn)  (see  Ex.  I3ii-i6*,  2229!*,  34i9f.  (all  JE). 
and  Nu.  I815-18*  (P)).  The  older  laws  are  here 
modified  to  suit  the  law  of  one  sanctuary,  ^horo  alone 
the  sacrificial  family  meal  is  now  to  be  eaten.  Ex.  2230 
cannot  tlierefore  be  carried  out.  P  reserves  all  tho 
flesh  for  the  priesthood  (I422-29*).— 22.  See  I215. 

XVI.  The  Deuteronomic  Laws  of  the  Three  Annual 
Pilgrimage  Feasts. — These  are  adaptations  of  the  older 
laws  in  Ex.  23i8*,  34i8-20,22f.  (general  regulations)  ; 
1221-27  (Passover);  I33-10  (Unleavened  Bread),  all  J 
or  E  (see  also  Lev.  23*  (H)  and  Nu.  28f.,  9i-4,  Ex. 
12i-20*,  43-49*.  (all  P),  also  ])p.  102-104.  D  in  the 
present  chapter  lays  stress  upon  the  following  points  : 
((t)  The  feasts  are  to  be  observed  at  the  one  sanctuary 
(16),  i.e.  at  Jerusalem.  (6)  The  occasions  are  to  be 
characterised  by  joyousness  and  Uberality  (i6f.,  etc.). 

(c)  Tho  Passover  ( i )  becomes  now  a  memorial  feast. 

(d)  See  1-8*. 

XVI.  1-8.  i-3rt,  46-7  alone  deal  with  the  Passover, 
the  rest  treating  of  Massoth  (Unleavened  Breads  It 
is  in  D  that  these  two  originally  distinct  festivals  are 
first  fused  into  one,  the  former  becoming  virtually  the 
opening  day  of  the  second  (as  in  P). — 7.  roast :  render, 
"  boil  "  (c/.  vig.).  EV  renders  "  roa«t  "  to  reconcile 
with  Ex.  129*  (P),  which,  however,  refleota  tho  later 
custom. 

XVI.  9-12.  Law  of  the  Feast  of  Weeks.— See  Ex.  34 
22.  It  has  these  features  :  (o)  D  makes  no  allusion 
to  the  first-fruits  as  the  other  codes  do.  (6)  D  agrees 
with  H  (IjCV.  23i5f.)  in  fixing  the  date  of  its  observance 
(seven  weeks — a  week  of  weeks,  hence  the  name- 


after  tho  Passover),  only  the  later  law  H  mentions 
the  specific  day  from  which  the  calculation  is  to  be 
made,  (c)  D  shows,  as  usual,  a  special  interest  in  the 
social  and  joyous  aspect  of  the  feast. 

XVI.  13-15.  D  is  the  first  to  fix  the  duration  of  the 
feast  of  Booths,  though  he  does  not  name  the  exact  days 
as  H  does  ^Lev.  2339).  An  eighth  day  is  added  in  P 
(Lev.  2336,  Nil.  2935),  and  is  mentioned  in  later  litera- 
ture (see  Cent.B  on  Ex.  34).— 16/.  See  Ex.  23i7 
(JE).— 16.  appear  before:  read,  "see"  (c/.  31 11, 
Is.  1i2*). 

XVI.  18-XVIII.  22  (except  XVI.  21-XVII.  7,  see 
below).  Laws  Concerning  the  OlUcIals  of  the  Nation.— 
Those  mentioned  are  :  judges,  the  king,  priests,  and 
prophets.  Tiiese  laws  reveal  an  acquaintance  with 
tho  pohtical,  social,  and  religious  circumstances  of  the 
late  monarchy. 

XVI.  1&-20.  Ix)cal  tribunals  to  be  set  up  (the  local 
sanctuaries  used  as  such  being  now  suppressed),  pre- 
sided over  by  lay  judges  and  priestly  assessors. — 
18.  officers:  Heb.  "writers,"  c/.  "scribes."  Probably 
priests  (associated  in  178-13  with  lay  judges)  are 
meant ;  they  acting  as  tho  legal  authorities  (c/.  our 
"  town  clerk  ■). 

XVI.  21-XVlI.  7.  Laws  Demanding  Pure  Worship 
and  Suitable  Sacrifices. — This  breaks  the  connexion ; 
its  proper  place  is  probably  between  12  and  13. 

XVI.  21/.  Asherah  .  .  .pillar:  75*.— XVII.  1.  See 
Lev.  2217-25*. —ox:  Heb.  means  any  head  of  large 
cattle,  bull,  cow,  calf. — sheep:  Heb.  means  any  head 
of  small  cattle,  ram,  ewe,  lamb,  goat,  kid. — 2-7  pro- 
bably preceded  ch.  13  with  which  it  has  close  affinities. 
—2.  within  .  .  .  gates:  12 12*.— covenant:  413  .— 
6.  two  witnesses :   19ii-2i,  Nu.  3530. 

XVII.  fr-XVIII.  22.  Office-bearers.— This  continues 
I618-20*. 

XVII.  8-13.  A  central  tribunal  to  be  estab- 
lished (at  Jerusalem)  to  try  cases  too  hard  for  the 
local  courts  (I618-20);  see  I9-18*. — 8.  Two  (three?) 
sample  cases  are  mentioned,  viz.  trials  for  murder  (see 
Ex.  21 18)  and  for  personal  injur;. — between  plea  and 
plea:  probably  a  dittograph  (cf.  Heb.)  If  genuine,  tho 
reference  will  be  to  dispuies  about  property,  one  putting 
his  right  or  claim  against  another's  (see  Ex.  22 if.). — 
9.  In  primitive  times  sanctuaries  were  asylums  and 
courts  of  justice  (I91-13*),  the  priests  acting  as 
magistrates.  Here  they  seem  to  act  as  assessors 
(16i8ff.*). 

XVIL  14^20.  Law  about  the  King  that  Is  to  be.— This 
deals  exclusively  with  the  theocratic  aspect  peculiar 
to  D  :  the  picture  of  the  ideal  king  here  drawn  was 
probably  suguested  by  «ay  of  contrast  to  the  reigning 
lung  (Hczekiah  or  Manasseb ;  cf.  1  S.  85,  where  D's 
antipathy  to  the  numarchy  inspired  by  what  he  saw 
is  reUected).-15.  choose:  cf.  1  S.  IO24,  2  S.  621.— 
6.  horses  (for  war,  20i*).— 17.  wives:  1  K.  I  l-tf.— 
sliver  and  gold  (</.  Is.  30) :  as  in  Solomon's  case. — 18.  he 
shall  write  him:  Hebraism  =  "  there  shall  be  written 
for  him." — a  copy :  i.r.  a  duplicate  of  the  Deuteronomic 
law.  The  LX\  translates  wrongly  by  "  this  repetition 
of  the  law,"  thus  originating  and  confirming  the 
common  mistake  that  D  is  essentially  a  later  edition 
of  the  laws  in  the  previous  books  of  tho  Pentatt^uch. 
This  is  contrary  to  the  .sen.se  of  the  Heb.  and  to  the 
contents  of  Dt.,  which  omits  most  of  the  laws  in  Ex., 
Lev.,  and  Nu,.  and  contauis  laws  absent  from  these 
books  (I714-20,  etc.). 

XVIII.  1-5.  The  Priests,  the  Levltes  to  be  Supported 
by  Altar  Gifts. — The  Jerus*\l< m  priests  are  intended. 
Zf.  (Contrast  tho  later  laws  of  I^ev.  734,  Nu.  I818,  and 
I812  (all  P). 


I 


DEUTERONOMY.  XXI.  15-17 


239 


7111.  6-8.  Tho  TjGviteg  {i.e.  the  disestablished  local 
(-,  SCO  10')*)  are  on  coming  to  Jerusalem  to  bo 
'  rdcd  the  ijtatiis  and  emoluments  ot  tho  priests  of 
IJic  central  sanctuary.  Contrast  2  K.  23i)  ;  perhaps 
tiio  indiscriminato  application  of  this  law  was  found 
Hiipraoticable. — 8.  beside  .  .  .  patrimony:  read  and 
rtiulor  (with  Stcaornascl)  "  except  fiioso  who  acted  as 
luathen  priests  and  practised  necromanc3^'"  Tho 
change  in  the  Hcb.  is  insignificant ;  the  MT  is  bad 
Heb.  and  eives  no  suitable  sense. 

XVIII.  9-22.  Concerning  the  Prophet.— The  Israelites 
are  to  consult  Yahwoli  through  His  accredited  mes- 
senger tho  jjrophct,  and  not  through  diviners  who  seek 
oracles  by  heathen  methods.  There  is  no  parallel  law 
in  JE  because  about  800  B.C.  and  earlier  the  religious 
community  was  simple  and  undifferentiated  :  nor  in  P, 
where  the  priest  is  everything.  For  the  several 
technical  terras  in  lof.  (all  denoting  diviners  of  various 
kinds),  see  EBi.  1117,  2895,  and  especially  later  and 
longer  articles  on  ''  Divination  "  and  "  Magio  "  in 
International  Standard  Bible  Encyclopoiditt.  — 10. 
maketh  .  .  .  Are,  etc. :  read  (with  Geiger)  "  that  burnetii 
.  .  .  in  the  fire"  (transposing  two  consonants).  The 
reference  is  to  child-sacrifice  (common  among  the 
Phoenicians,  etc.)  practised  as  a  meajis  of  obtaining 
an  oracle. 

XVIII.  15-18.  Contains  no  primary  reference  to 
the  Messiah,  though  the  words  naturally  suggest  to 
Christian  readers  the  Great  Prophet  (Ac.  822,  737). 
15a.  prophet :   i.e.  a  succession  of  prophets. 

18.  The  true  prophet  utters  what  comes  to  pass. 
Yet  tho  false  prophet  may  do  the  same  (132*). 
The  Heb.  prophet  is,  however,  one  who  speaks  as 
Yahweh  directs  (the  Heb.  word  means  one  inspired, 
lit.  one  made  to  bubble  up),  though  his  message  may 
have  reference  to  the  future,  especially  in  an  ethical 
sense. 

XIX.  1-13.  The  cities  of  refuge  (ht.  of  reception, 
Nu.  .3.5 1 2  P)  were  in  criminal  law  the  substitute  for 
the  local,  now  disestablished,  sanctuaries,  each 
sanctuary  in  ancient  times  affording  temporary  pro- 
tection for  cnminals  whose  guilt  was  not  obvious 
(Nu.  3.5*.  Jos.  20*j.  British  churches  have  served  the 
same  purpose,  (c/.  the  Sanctuary  Knocker  of  Durham 
Cathedral  and  Frithstool  of  Beverley  Minster  and  of 
Hexham  Abbey).  Blood  revenge  was  the  police  of  the 
primitive  Aryan  and  Semitic  peoples,  and  it  needed  such 
restraint  as  the  law  of  asylum  supplied.  For  the  earlier 
law,  see  Ex.  21 12-14*  (JE),  and  for  the  later,  Nu. 
35  and  Jos.  20i-6  (both  P).  The  need  for  this  law 
arose  through  the  operation  of  the  principle  of  one 
eanctuary.  In  i9i-7  Moses  commands  the  establish- 
ment of  three  such  cities  W.  of  the  Jordan,  when  tha 
Israelites  have  settled  in  CJanaan — no  doubt  on  the 
sites  of  disused  sanctuaries.  When,  however,  Yahweh 
has  extended  their  territory  (8-10,  see  I7),  they  are  to 
appoint  three  other  cities  of  refuge,  almost  certainly 
E.  of  the  Jordan.  Nu.  35i.3ff.  speaks  of  six  such 
cities,  three  E.  and  three  W.  of  tho  Jordan. — 8-10  may 
be  an  addition  based  on  Nu.  35i3ff.,  as  Dt.  441-43 
almost  certainly  is. — 11-13  provides  sufficient  security 
against  the  abuse  of  the  right  of  asylum. 

XIX.  14r-XXV.  Consists  of  miscellaneous  laws  having 
no  apparent  connexion  with  D's  great  law  of  the 
centralisation  of  worship.  They  deal  witli  crime,  war, 
marriage,  family  relations,  and  other  matters.  This 
part  of  Dt.  is  perhaps  made  up  of  additions  appended 
from  time  to  time  to  tho  original  code,  and  for  that 
reason  has  double  versions  of  the  same  laws  (r/.  2O7 
and  243)  and  double  references  to  the  same  thing 
(r/.  2O1-20  and  2I10-14,  239-14).     CJ.  the  miscellane- 


ous character  of  tho  books  in  the  third  canon  of  the 
OT  (tho  Kethubim  or  Hagiographa,  p.  38). 

XIX.  14.  In  the  East  plots  of  ground  lx;loncring  to 
different  owners  were  conterminous,  not  separated  by 
hedges  (as  in  Great  Britam)  or  canals  (as  in  Holland), 
and  were  frequent  subjects  of  dispute.  See  Hos.  010. 
CJ.  the  Eoman  god  Terminus  and  the  sacred  character 
of  boundaiy  stones  among  the  Babylonians  and  other 
ancient  peoples  (C/ay  Trumbull,  The  Threshold  Cove- 
nant, pp.  IGGf.).— 15-21.  See  176.— 16.  an  unrighteous 
witness :  Heb.  "  a  witness  intending  violence." — 17. 
before  the  Lord  (Yahweh) :  i.e.  at  the  central  tribunal 
(179,  c/.  127).— 21.  Lex  talionis  :  see  Ex.  2I24*  (JE), 
cf.  Lev.  24i8,2o  (H),  CH,  §§  192,  195,  218,  232-235; 
Quran,  2273ff.,  cf.  Mt.  538. 

XX.  Laws  to  be  Observed  during  War. — Peculiar  to 
Dt. ;  cf.  21 10-14  (which  some  attach  immediately  to 
ch.  20)  and  239-14,  245  (see  remarks  prefixed  to  19i4ff.). 
The  general  effect  of  these  laws  is  to  soften  the  bar- 
barities of  war,  though  in  some  respects  (13-18)  they 
perpetuate  its  gi'ossest  cruelties.  What  were  tho  wars 
which  suggested  these  regulations  ? — 1.  horses,  and 
chariots:  17i6,  The  Assyrians  and  Egyptians  were 
rich  in  these,  and  Israel  had  great  fear  of  them  (Jos.  17 

16,  Jg.  119).  Palestine  was  unsuitable  for  both  on 
account  of  its  mountains  ;  Israel  is  to  trust  in  Y^'ahweh 
(Hos.  143,  Is.  27,  31 1,  Pss.  2O7,  33i6f.,  147io).— 2.  the 
priest :  these  wars  were,  as  those  of  early  Islam,  rehgious 
ones  ;  cf.  the  phrase  "  to  consecrate  a  war  "  (Mi.  35),  i.e. 
to  begin  it  with  sacrifice  (pp.  99,  114).  Why  is  the 
king  not  mentioned  ?  Had  the  monarchy  ceased,  this 
war  code  being  then,  hke  Ezek'el  40-48,  an  ideal 
programme  ? — 5-9.  Men  to  be  excused  from  the  war. — 
10-18   reminds   one   of   the   early   wars   of   Islam. — 

17.  utterly  destroy:  234*.  This 'drastic  treatment  is 
reserved  for  the  Canaanites  alone. — 19.  This  law  ia 
infringed  in  2  K.  3io,25. 

XXI.  1-9.  See  W.  R.  Smith,  Kinship\  p.  203 
(  =  64f.  in  Kinship-)  for  a  similar  law  among  tho 
ancient  Arabs.  The  ground  of  this  law  may  be  the 
belief  that,  until  avenged  or  atoned  for,  a  murdered 
man's  blood  defiles  a  land  and  its  people.  Note  the 
idea  that  the  community  (here  the  nearest  town)  is 
responsible  for  the  act  of  an  individual.  The  concep- 
tion of  individual  responsibihty  becomes  specially 
prominent  m  Jer.  31 29,  Ezek.  14i2ff.,  182f.  The 
solidarity  of  the  faraily,  tribe,  and  nation  had  been 
emphasized  in  early  writings,  tho  whole  suffering  for 
the  sins  of  each  one;  see  I37,  Ex.  205f..  CH,  §§  23f., 
and,  for  modem  Arabia,  Doughty,  Arabia  Deserta,  i. 
176;  also  the  valuable  treatise  of  M.  Lohr,  Socialismit-i 
and  Individiudismu-<}  im  AT  (reviewed  by  the  present 
writer  in  RTP,  viii.  p.  o78ff.). 

XXI.  10-14-.  Another  regulation  (only  here)  per- 
taining to  war  (see  ch.  20,  wliich  it  should  perhaps 
immediately  follow^.  It  is  another  example  of  D's 
humanitarianism  (15i2-i8*).  The  relief  claimed  for 
the  captive  woman  could  not  apply  to  a  Canaanitish 
woman,  as  no  Israelite  was  allowed  to  many  such  a 
woman  (73)  ;  besides,  when  conquered,  the  entire 
Canaanite  foe  (including  women  and  children),  was  to 
bo  utterly  destroyed  (20i6-i8). 

2.  Shaving  the  head  (14i*)  and  paring  the  nails  are 
acts  of  mourning  (p.  1 10)  as  among  the  Arabs  (see  Lane, 
Arab  Lex.  2409  *  ;  Wellhausen,  ReMe  \  p.  156  ;  W.  R. 
Smith,  Kinship  \  p.  178,  Kinship  \  p.  209;  OTJC», 
p.  368  ;  RS  -,  428.  n.  3  ;  Bertholet,  p.  G6.  The  woman 
in  the  present  case  mourns  her  parents  as  if  they 
were  dead. 

XXI.  15-17.  Only  in  Dt.  The  first-bom  of  the  first 
wife  is  to  inherit  a  double  portion. — 15.  two  wives; 


240 


DEUTERONOMY,  XXI    15-17 


Gen.  2930  and  1  S.  l6. — hated :  better,  "  less  loved." 
— 17.  acknowledge,  etc.  :  read  (with  Graetz,  Steuer- 
nagcl,  and  also,  though  hesitatingly.  Driver  and 
Bortholct)  "  accord  the  first-born,  first-bom  rights." — 
double  portion  :  among  the  Babylonians,  sons  inherited 
equally,  though  the  father  might  in  his  life  make  a 
special  present  to  any  son  (see  OH,  §  165f.). 

XXI.  1&-21.  Peculiar  to  D.  Here  respect  for  both 
parents  is  enforced  (see  Ex.  20i2,  21 15)  ;  cf.  CH,  §  195, 
"  The  son's  hand  wliich  has  smitten  his  father  shall  bo 
cut  off"  (see  15i2-i8*).— 22/.  This  law  (pecuUar 
to  D)  rests  upon  the  early  belief  that  the  soul  of  a 
dead  person  wanders  about,  often  working  mischief. 
— 22.  hang:  render  "impale,"  a  common  form  of 
punishment  in  the  ancient  East.  In  the  present  case 
the  criminal  would  be  first  stoned,  the  only  Hebrew 
mode  of  capital  punishment — his  body  being  then 
spiked  and  exposed  as  a  disgrace  and  a  warning 
(see  13io*,  Gal.  813,  and  Cent.B  on  Ezr.  611). 

XXII.  1-4.  See  Ex.  234f.*  (JE)  and  Lev.  61-7*  (P), 
and  cf.  CH.  §§  9-13. — 5.  Peculiar  to  Dt.  In  one  of 
the  rites  of  Canaanite,  Phoenician,  and  Syrian  heathen- 
ism the  sexes  changed  dresses  {see  references  in  Driver). 
— 6/.  Respect  for  parenthood,  so  prominent  in  Dt. 
(21 18-21,  cf.  5i6)  is  tiie  probable  source  of  this  law 
(peculiar  to  Dt.). — 8.  Another  example  of  the  humani- 
tarianism  (15i2-i8*)  so  characteristic  of  Dt.  In  the 
East  people  spend  much  of  their  evenings  on  the  flat 
roof  of  their  houses  (Jg.  I627,  1  S.  925,  2  S.  II2,  etc.). 
They  were  used  for  religious  ceremonies  (Neh.  816, 
Jer.  19i3,  Zeph.  I5)  and  for  private  prayer  (Ac.  IO9). 
Without  such  a  parapet  as  is  here  prescribed,  accidents 
would  be  common.  The  present  writer  has  spent  many 
a  social  evening  in  Palestine  on  such  a  house-top, 
always  protected  bj^  a  parapet  or  surrounding  wtill. — 
blood:  19io.— 9-11,  Lev.  I9i9*  (H).— 12.  See  Nu. 
1537-41*. — fringes:  an  inaccurate  rendering  due  to 
LXX  (rf  Mt.  920,  "hem")  [RV.  "l)order"].  \Vhat 
is  meant  is  a  kind  of  tassel  found  still  attached  to  the 
Jewish  talith  or  prayer-shawl. 

XXII.  13-30.  Sins  against  Pure  Marriages. — 14. 
tokens  of  virginity :  their  absence  is  now  known  not 
to  bo  necessarily  a  proof  of  prc-nuptial  unchastity, 
though  the  ancient  peoples  held  the  contrary,  as  some 
peoples  do  still  (see  J.  D.  Michaelis,  7'he  Laws  of 
Moses,  i.  p.  478ff.  ;  Burckhardt,  The  Bedouins,  etc., 
p.  62f.  ;  Westermarck,  History  of  Human  Marriage, 
p.  123f.).  The  severe  punishment  for  unchastity  before 
(21)  and  after  (22-29)  marriage  shows  the  uncompro- 
mising attitude  of  Dt.  towards  sexual  sins — a  striking 
contrast  to  the  prevailing  customs  of  surrounding 
nations:  why  the  difference? — 22.  See  Lev.  I820*,  cf. 
CH,  §  129.— 23/.  In  CH  (§  130)  the  man  is  put  to  death, 
the  woman  set  free.— 28/  See  Ex.  22i6f.*  (JE).— 30. 
See  Lev.  ISs*.  20ii  (H).— skirt:  bedshcet  ;  in  Lev. 
188,  "  nakedness."  Among  the  ancient  Hebrews  a 
man  inherited  his  father's  wives  and  concubines  as  his 
other  property  (Grcn.  8022,  494,  etc.),  cf.  W.  R.  Smith, 
Kinship^,  p."l04f. 

XXIII.  1-8.  Classes  to  be  refused  admission  into  the 
religious  community. — 1.  Here  two,  but  in  Ix;v.  2224 
two  atklitional  methods  of  making  eunuchs  are  men- 
tioned. Such  mutilations  were  required  in  Syrian  und 
other  religions,  and  for  that  reason  disquahfy  for 
Yahweh's  Church  ;  but  see  Is.  564! — 2.  bastard  :  the 
offspring  of  an  incestuous  union. — the  assembly  of  the 
Lord  (Yahweh) :  P"s  designation  of  Israel  as  a  leligious 
community.  The  expression  belongs  almost  wholly 
to  post-exilic  Judaism,  whence  and  for  other  (uncon- 
vincing) reasons  Bertholct  dates  1-8  in  the  time  of 
Neheraiah. — 3/    The    exclusion    of    Ammonites    and 


Moabites  follows  from  2  (see  Gen.  193of.),  bnt  the  only 
reason  given  here  is  a  historical  one  and  the  history 
seems  to  contradict  229  as  regards  the  Moabites,  though 
Driver  denies  this. — 4A.  See  Nu.  225ff. — 5.  See  Nu.  11 
25,  24io. — 6.  They  are  to  do  them  no  good,  but  neither 
are  thoy  commanded  to  do  them  harm.  This  verse  is 
in  conflict  with  the  general  spirit  of  D  (see  15i2-i8*). — 
peace:  better,  "  wellbeing."  The  Heb.  means,  "  com- 
pleteness, cf.  "  health  "  (derived  from  "  whole  "), 
nothing  lacking  (see  Ezr.  612,  Jer.  297). — 3/.  is  cited 
and  the  principle  taught  followed  in  Neh.  13 iff.  (see 
notes  in  Cent.B). — 7.  brother:  better  "kinsman" 
(24*). — 8.  third  generation :  i.e.  of  such  Edomites  and 
Egyptians  as  settled  in  Canaan  and  embraced  Yahwism. 

XXIII.  9-14.  Another  Section  DeaUng  with  War 
(see  2O1,  21 10-14). — Regulations  for  securing  the  cere- 
monial purity  of  the  camp  (see  Nu.  02-4  (P)).  The 
reason  stated  (14)  is  that  Yahweh  is  in  the  camp 
{cf.  2O1) ;  Schwally  and  others  suspect  that  the 
original  motive  is  the  belief  that  impurity  attracted 
evil  spirits.  [J.  G.  Frazer  {Taboo  and  the  Perils  of  the 
Soul,  pp.  158f.)  points  out  that  the  rules  of  ceremonial 
purity,  by  which  the  Hebrew  warriors  weie  bound, 
are  "  identical  with  iiiles  observed  by  Maoris  and 
Australian  black-fellows  on  the  wai-path.'  He 
connects  these  with  the  well-known  dread  lest  anything 
belonging  to  the  person  should  be  procured  by  an  enemy 
to  work  destruction  by  magic.  In  war  the  precautions 
are  naturally  more  rigorous,  and  warriors  are  often 
taboo  in  the  highest  degree. — A.S.P.]  Note  the  con- 
nexion here  between  physical  cleanliness  and  holiness. 
—15/  Contrast  with  this  law  demanding  shelter  for 
the  runaway  slave,  CH,  §§  15f.,  which  forbids  such 
shelter  (15i2-i8*).— 17/  harlot.  .  .  sodomite:  Heb. 
"  a  holy  woman  ...  a  holy  man  "  {cf.  7ng.).  Among 
the  Greeks  and  other  ancient  nations  temple  prostitutes 
were  very  niimerous,  as  they  arc  in  modern  India  (see 
JThS,  April  1913).  They  are  often  called  after  the  Greek 
name  hierodules  (see  I  K.  I424,  2  K.  237).  [R-  H. 
Kennett  thinks  they  were  the  sacred  male  slaves  of  the 
temples,  ♦*  temporary  or  permanent  embodiments  of  the 
deity,  possessed  from  time  to  time  by  his  divine  spirit, 
acting  in  his  name  and  speaking  with  his  voice.'  J.  O. 
Frazer,  Adonis  Allis  Osiris^,  i.  72f.— A.  S.  P.]— 18. 
dog :  a  term  of  contempt  among  Semites  :  but  hiero- 
dules  were  apparently  called  "  dogs  "  among  the  Phoe- 
nicians (see  Driver  and  Bertholet). — hire  .  .  .  wages : 
many  Indian  temples  are  supported  mainly  from  the 
proceeds  of  sacred  prostitution.— 19/,  p.  112,  Ex. 
2225*  (JE) ;  Ixv.  2536f.*  (H).  That  a  foreigner 
could  be  charged  interest  is  stated  here  only  (see 
Cent.B  on  Neh.  5i-3).  Pledges  could  bo  taken  from 
an  Israelite  (24io-i3).— 21-23.  On  vows,  see  p.  105. 
126*  and  Nu.  30*.— 23.  a  freewill  offering:  see  126*. 
— 24/  Grapes  may  be  plucked  and  com  taken  to  be 
eaten  on  the  spot,  but  not  to  bo  carried  away  in  a  bag 
(see  Mt.  12if..  MU.  223f..  Lk.  6if.). 

XXIV.  1-4.  The  right  of  divorce  on  man's  part  (not 
woman's)  is  taken  for  cranted  here  and  elsewhere  in 
the  OT  (see  2219,29,  U-v.  2l7,i.(,  22i3f.,  Nu.  SOo  ; 
cf.  Mt.  199).  Tjater  Judaism  (  Kethuboth,  vii.  10)  ex- 
tended to  woman  the  richt  of  divorce  under  certain 
specified  conditions. — 1.  some  unseemly  thing:  the 
Heb.  as  in  23 14  (c/  mg.^t,  "  unclean  thing,"  LXX  "  an 
ugly'  (lit.  "unshapely")  "thing."  Unchastity  is 
hardly  meant,  that  is  dealt  with  in  2213-30,  but 
probably  physical  incapacity  of  some  Idnd. — 5.  Cf.  20?. 

XXIV.  6/,  10-13,  which  stood  perhaps  originally 
together,  belong  to  the  many  humanitarian  laws  of  I) 
(15i2-i8*).  Com  is  still  ground  in  the  home  in 
Palestine  :    this  is  done  by  the  rotation  of  an  upper 


DEUTERONOMY,  XXVIII.  5 


241 


on  a  lower  round  stcne  {cf.  the  British  quern  used  in 
Scotland  in  1880  according  to  E.  B.  Tylor  (Academy, 
vol.  xviii.  (1880)  p.  204).— 7.  Ex.  21 16  (JE).  Here  the 
law  is  narrower.  In  CH  (§  14)  it  is  only  the  noble- 
man who  may  not  be  stolen  (15i2-i8*).— 8/.  See 
Lev.  13i4f.*  (P).  JE  is  silent  on  the  matter.  Prob- 
ably some  lost  code  or  lonih  is  referred  to  in  8. — 
10-13.  Ex.  2226f.*  Modern  Arabs  often  sleep  in  their 
day  clothes  (Aba,  etc.)  as  the  present  writer  has  himself 
in  Palestine  had  to  do  on  occasions,  even  when  spend- 
ing the  night  in  an  Arab  sheikh's  house. — 12.  Cf.  6. — 
14/.  Lev.  19i3  (H).  In  CH  (§  268-277)  there  is  a 
scale  of  charges  for  the  lure  of  animals  (ox  for  thresh- 
ing, etc.)  or  of  things  (ships,  etc.). — 16.  See  21 1-9*. 

XXIV.  17-22.  Laws  in  the  interest  of  the  sojourner 
(see  1 16*),  the  orphan  (EV,  "  fatherless  "  because  the 
motherless  orphan  would  be  seen  to  by  the  father), 
and  the  widow  (10 18*),  classes  for  which  D  shows 
great  concern  (15i2-i8*),  the  Levite  (I81-8*)  being 
often  added  (26i2,  etc.).— 17/.  Ex.  222if.*  (JE).— 
19-22.  Lev.  lOg*,  2322,  cf.  Ru.  2.  The  language 
here  is  that  of  D. 

XXV.  1-3.  Another  of  Dt.'s  humanitarian  laws. 
Punishment  by  the  bastinado  among  the  ancient 
Hebrews  and  Egyptians  was  common  (see  Wilkinson- 
Birch,  Ancient  Egyplian-s,  i.  pp.  .305,  308).  The 
present  writer  saw  it  in  Egypt  in  1888;  see  Ex.  2I20 
(showing  that  a  slave  was  sometimes  beaten  to  death), 
Pr.  IO13,  1929. — 3.  The  forty  stripes  became  thirty- 
nine  (2  Cor.  11 24)  in  later  times  to  prevent  the  proper 
number  from  being  exceeded. — 4.  God  cares  even  for 
oxen  (1  Cor.  9qf.*  misapplies  this  verse)  and  other 
dumb  animals  (i5i2-i8,  cf.  Jon.  4ii).  Oxen  should  be 
allowed  to  partake  of  the  com  on  wliich  in  threshing 
they  tread. 

XXV.  5-10.  Levirate  (Lat.  levir,  husband's  brother) 
marriage  (p.  109)  prevailed  widely  in  ancient  times ; 
McLennan  traces  it  to  polyandry.  Here  the  motives 
are  to  secure  succession  on  the  male  side  and  to  pre- 
vent the  family  estate  from  being  alienated  (9).— 9. 
loose  his  shoe :  a  sign  of  transference  (Ru.  47*),  here  of 
the  man's  honour. — spit:  Nu.  I214,  Job  30io,  Is.  506. 
— 10.  His  family  shares  his  disgrace  (21 1-9*). 

XXV.  11/.  Cf.  CH,  §  195 :  "  H  a  man  has  struck  his 
father  his  hands  shall  be  cut  off  "  (often  wrongly  trang- 
latcd  and  then  compared  with  25iif.). 

XXV.  13-16.  Lev.  IBssf.*  (H).  That  this  pro- 
hibition was  needed  is  shown  by  Am.  85,  Mi.  6iof.  ; 
cf.  Ezek.  45io.  The  great  weight  was  used  for  buying, 
the  small  for  selhng. 

XXV.  17-19.  Repeats  Ex.  178-13*  (H).  Snice  the 
Amalekites  had  been  exterminated  under  Saul  (1  S.  I448, 
15,  278)  and  by  David  (1  S.  3O17,  2  S.  812  ;  cf.  Nu.  20) 
how  could  a  command  go  forth  in  the  seventh  century 
B.C.  to  destroy  them  ?  D  writes  from  the  point  of 
view  of  Moses'  time. 

XXVL  l-ll.  A  prehminary  offering  of  first-fruits 
(I84)  is  to  be  presented  annually  in  a  basket  (285,17) 
at  the  Temple,  a  hymn  or  hturgy,  acknowledging 
Yahweh's  goodness,  to  be  recited  at  the  same  time. 
1.— 1714a. — 2.  Render,  "some  of  the  first-fruits  of 
the  ground."  Tliis  seems  to  have  constituted  a  small 
sacrificial  meal,  anticipatory  of  that  supplied  by  the 
rest  of  the  first-fruits.— 3.  the  priest  (I79,  19i7) :  i.e. 
the  principal  of  the  priests  at  the  central  sanctuary, 
not  the  high  priest  of  post-exilic  times,  of  whom  ever 
Ezekiel  knows  nothing. — 4  ("  the  priest  ")  and  10 
("  thou  ")  seem  to  contradict  each  other.  For  this 
and  other  reasons  Steuemagel,  Bertholet,  and  others 
omit  3f.  ;  5  follows  2  well. — 5.  answer:  better, 
"  speak."     The  Hcb,  ('anah)  means  to  be  prompted 


to  speak  by  something  done  or  said. — A  Syrian: 
render,  "A  wandering  {mg.)  Syrian  was  my  father." 
Jacob  is  so  called  on  account  of  his  Syrian  (Heb. 
"  Aramaean  ")  descent  (see  Gen.  244.  lo)-- — lew :  seventy 
according  to  Gen.  4627  (MT.,  Syr.,  Sam.,  Targ.,  Vulg.) 
though  the  LXX  (followed  in  Ac.  714)  has  seventy- 
five. — 6-9  consists  mostly  of  bits  taken  from  older 
sources  (see  RV  refs.). 

XXVI.  12-15.  The  liturgical  formula  to  be  used  when 
the  triennial  ciiarity  tithe  (the  Deuterononiic  poor  rate) 
is  offered  in  the  various  localities  (1428f.) ;  for  the  tithes 
of  the  first  and  second  year,  see  126,  1422f.* — 
14.  The  offerer  must  declare  that  this  triennial  tithe 
was  free  from  pollution  through  contact  with  a  moumei 
(Hos.  94)  or  with  an  unclean  person  (Lev.  22 if.),  or 
through  liaving  been  in  part  eaten  at  a  funeral  feast 
(or  in  a  sacrifice  to  the  dead  ?  14 1*). 

XXVI.  16-19.  Concluding  exhortations  to  obedience 
based  upon  the  covenant  (4i3*)  between  Yahweh  and 
Israel,  with  its  mutual  obUgations. — 17/.  avouched : 
Heb.  "  caused  to  say,"  each  of  tlie  contracting  parties 
causing  the  other  to  acknowledge  the  obligations 
entered  into  ;  a  strong  anthropomorphism  when  applied 
to  Yahweh. 

XXVII.  Consists  of  five  jjaragraphs  loosely  strung 
together,  none  of  them  having  affinities  of  thought  or 
expression  with  26  or  28.  Moreover  Moses  is  no  longer 
the  speaker,  but  is  spoken  of  in  the  third  person. 
This  chapter  is  not  consistent  with  itself  (see  1-8*). 
Most  modem  scholars  regard  it  as  a  late  addition  to  D. 

1-8.  Seems  to  contain  two  distinct  instructions : 
(o)  The  Israelites  are  immediately  after  crossing  the 
Jordan  to  set  up  stones  inscribing  on  them  the  (D  ?) 
law  (1-4,  8).  (6)  They  are  subsequently  (5-7)  to  erect 
on  Mount  Ebal  (p.  30)  an  altar  of  unhewn  stones  (Jos. 
830-35"*  (R"^).  Ex.  2O25*,  JE).— 7.  peace  offerings: 
see  126*. 

9/   Cf.  2616-19. 

11-13.  Refers  to  11 26-30.  Six  of  Jacob's  sons  by 
his  legitimate  wives  are  chosen  to  pronounce  the  bless- 
ings, which  are  omitted  from  this  chapter.  The  four 
sons  by  his  two  concubines,  with  the  eldest  and 
youngest  sons  of  Leah,  are  to  utter  the  curses  (15-26). 
The  execution  of  the  commandment  is  described  in 
Jos.  830-35  (Rf>). 

14-26.  Twelve  curses  against  the  same  number  of 
offences  are  to  be  pronounced  by  the  Levites  (this 
contradicts  13).  About  some  of  the  sins  mentioned 
hero  D  is  silent.  On  the  other  hand,  the  sins  empha- 
sized most  in  D  are  unnamed  here.  For  parallels  in 
the  other  Codes  see  RV  refs.  and  the  notes  on  earher 
passages. — 16.  See  21 18-21*. 

XXVIII.  Blessings  and  Curses. — This  chapter  is  held 
by  Kuenen,  Dillmann,  Driver,  Addis,  etc.  to  belong  in 
the  main  to  D  (12-2G  or  5-26?).  In  favour  of  this 
conclusion  note  :  (a)  Moses  spoaks  in  the  first  jierson 
as  in  5-26.  (6)  It  forms  a  fitting  hortatory  conclusion 
to  12-26  (or  5-26) ;  cf.  Ex.  2320-33,  and  Lev.  263-43, 
which  close  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  (Ex.  2O22-2333) 
and  H  (Lev.  17-26)  respectively,  (c)  JIany  styfistic 
features  characteristic  of  D  recur  in  this  chapter. 
(d)  The  curses  of  i5ff.  may  easily  have  excited  in  Josiah 
the  strong  emotion  described  in  2  K.  2211-13;  rf.  i6f. 
Of  this  chapter  the  followang  parts  are  probably  late 
additions  :  256,  36f.,  41,  47f.,  63-67,  all  of  which  pre- 
suppose the  Exile  ;  49-57,  which  imply  the  Chaldean 
invasion,  and  10  (cf.  Lev.  24ii). 

1-14.  The  blessings  annexed  to  obedience  to  the 
new  laAv  are  all  of  a  temporal  character  (the  consecra- 
tion to  Yahweh  in  gf.  is  to  special  privileges  as  His 
elect  ix>(>ple).— 5.  basket :  sec  262  ;  it  shall  be  blessed, 


242 


DEUTERONOMY,  XXVIII.  6 


%.e.  full.— kneading-trough:  sec  Ex.  83,  1234, — 
6.  comest  In  and  goest  out:  all  the  activities  of  human 
life  (sec  3I2,  P.s.  Vila). — 7.  seven:  an  indefinite 
number,  implying  many  (see  22,  seven  plagues),  25. — 
12.  See  Uio*.— 15-68.' The  curses  to  follow  disobedi- 
ence. These  answer  gonerallj'  to  the  blessings  of  1-6, 
only  that  the  order  5,  4  is  presumed  and  16  and  26 
are  ignored. — 21.  pestilence :  a  general  term  ;  so  Jer. 
14i2. — 22.  See  7*. — flery  beat:  i.e.  a  violent  fever. — 
sword  :  read  (with  Targ.,  Vulg.,  same  Heb.  consonants), 
"  drought."— 23.  thy  heaven  .  .  .  brass:  so  that  no 
rain  can  come  through. — the  earth  .  .  .  iron :  so  that 
nothing  can  grow  out  of  it. — 25.  seven:  see  7*. — 
26.  See  1  S.  1744.  2  S.  21'.o.— Iray :  frighten.— 27.  boil, 
cVc. :  see  I.x.  99*. — 28.  They  will  suffer  in  mind  as 
well  as  in  body :  see  Zech.  I24. — 34.  for  .  .  .  see : 
i.e.  through  what  thou  shalt  see. — 35.  CJ.  27,  as  a 
dittograph  of  which  it  should  probably  be  omitted. — 
36.  thy  king :  i.e.  probably  Jehoiachin,  who  in  .597  B.C. 
was  taken  blS  captive  to  Babylon  (see  2  K.  248f.). — 
other  gods:  see  324*. — 41.  repetition  of  32:  omit. — 
43.  stranger:  better,  "sojourner  '  (I16*). — 49.  a 
nation,  etc.:  i.e.  the  Chaldeans  (see  Jer.  .515,  Hab.  1 
6-*). — 58.  this  law  .  .  .  written:  implying  that  the 
Deuteronomic  law  (if  here  meant)  existed  already  in 
writing  (see  56,  292of.,  30io).  This  contradicts  3I9  : 
perhaps  a  section  of  D  is  meant :  it  may  be  the 
genuine  parts  of  the  present  chapter. — name :  i.e.  the 
person  named ;  see  Lev.  24ii  and  Ps.  799  (.Cent.B). 

XXIX.  1  belongs,  as  in  the  Heb.  Bible,  to  the  pre- 
ceding chapter.  It  Ls  the  formal  ending  of  the  great 
discourse  (444,  12-26,  28).  29  (except  i)  and  30  form 
ostensibly  Moses'  third  address,  in  the  course  of  which 
Israel  is  urged  to  obey  Yahweh  and  to  enter  into 
covenant  relations  with  Him  (292-15),  words  of  warn- 
ing (29i6-29)  being  followed  by  words  of  promise 
(30i-io)  and  of  exhortation  (31 1 1-20).  These  chapters 
are  probably  later  than  D  proper :  (a)  The  Exile  in 
Babylon  is  implied  (see  2928)  and  also  the  Return 
(30 1 -10).  (h)  There  are  several  words  and  phra-ses 
that  are  absent  from  12ff.  (see  Addis,  Hexateiich,  i. 
p.  139).  (r)  They  have  much  in  common  with  41-40, 
which  also  implies  the  Exile.  Perhaps  all  these  belong 
to  one  writer  who  desired  to  point  out  the  lessons  of 
the  Exile. 

XXIX.  3.  See  434*.-^.  See  82,  Am.  2io.— 7.  See 
232f.,  3if.,i2f.— 9.  covenant:   4i3*. 

XXIX.  10-29.— 10.  tribes :  read  (as  implied  in  LXX, 
"  judges  "  (Heb.  letters  much  alike).  Sec  Jos.  833,  232, 
24i. — 11.  The  inclusion  of  the  sojourner  (EV 
"  stranger,"'  116"*)  and  the  hewer  of  wood,  etc.  (Jos.  9 
21-27*  P)  in  the  Israehtish  community  that  covenants 
with  Yahweh  belongs  to  post-exihc  times  (see  HSDB, 
Slranger). — 17.  abominations:  the  Heb.  word,  frequent 
in  Jer.  and  Ezek.,  is  not  Vhat  usually  so  translated  ; 
cf.  725,  etc. :  render,  "  detestable  things."  The  word 
(gillul,  lit.  what  is  rolled,  blocks  of  wood  or  stone) 
rendered  fdols  is  common  in  Ezek. — 18.  lest,  etc.  : 
render,  "  Beware  lest,"  etc.  Tho  Heb.  word  translated 
"  lest  "  impUes  the  word  supplied  ;  bo  Is.  36 18,  Job 
32i3,  36i8,  Jer.  5I46 ;  or  render,  "let  there 
not  be,"  eta — a  root,  etc.  :  referring  to  the  fruits 
of  idolatry  (see  Heb.  I215). — gall:  Heb.  poison 
•  Jer.  814*1. — wormwood:  represents  bitterness  (see 
3232).  Both  words  occur  in  Lam.  319;  cf.  Am. 
612,  Hos.  IO4.  The  Heb.  word  rendered  "curse" 
(19-21)  is  translated  "  oath  "  in  12,  14.  In  2815  the 
Heb.  word  rendered  "  curses  "  means  "  what  bring 
into  contempt,"  the  Heb.  for  "  cursed  '  in  16  having  a 
third  (different)  root.  The  sj.-oken  word  of  blessing  or 
curse  was  believed  as  ."-uch  to  realise  itself  (Gen.  925- 


27*) ;  see  Magic,  Divination,  and  Demondogy  among  the 

Hebrews,  by  the  present  writer,  pp.  32ff, 

XXX.  1-10  seems  like  an  expansion  of  429-31,  and 
sums  up  the  promises  of  D,  expressing  them  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  Exile. — 1.  the  blessing  and  the  curse : 
referring  to  28. — 3.  tum  thy  captivity :  render,  '  re- 
store thy  fortunes  '  (Job  42io}.— -6.  circumclse  thy 
heart:  IO16*. — If.  The  curse  now  resting  on  L'rael 
will  be  transferred  to  their  enemies, 

XXX.  11-20  was  probably  intended  to  close  Dt. — 
11-14  is  applied  and  adapted  by  Paul  in  Rom.  6-8. — 
Prefix  to  16  the  following  words  found  in  the  LXX  and 
necessary  for  the  sense  :  "  If  thou  wilt  listen  to  the 
commandments  of  Yahweh  thy  God  "  ("which,"  etc.). 
—19  =  426.-20.  to  love:  65.— thy  life:  i.e.  the  one 
that  gives  thee  life. 

XXXI.-XXXIV.  Moses'  last  words  and  the  closing 
events  of  his  life.  The  narrative  parts  (based  on  JE 
and  in  part  on  P)  resemble  chs,  1-3,  and  are  probably 
by  the  same  author  or  compiler.  32 1-4  (the  Song  of 
Moses)  and  33  (the  Blessing  of  Moses)  are  independent 
pieces  of  unknown  origin. 

XXXI.  1-8.  See  RV  rcfs.  for  parallel  passages. — 
1.  Read  (with  LXX),  "'And  when  Moses  had  finished 
speaking  these  words,"  etc. — 7.  go  with:  read  (with 
Sam.  .Syr.,  Vulg.,  and  two  Heb.  MSS),  "  bring,"  as 
in  23. 

XXXI.  9-13.  Part  of  D  according  to  Kuenen,  Dill- 
mann,  etc.  It  is  this  law  (D)  which  is  to  be  read  at 
Tabernacles  (16 13-15)  and  septennially  in  the  year  of 
release  (15iff.*).— 11.  appear  before:  1 616*,— 12.  See 
29ii,— 13.  children:  49*,— your:  read  (with  five  MSS., 
Sam.,  S>T.,  Vulg.),  "  their," 

XXXI.  14/.,  23  (.JE).  Cf.  Nu.  2722f.  (?) :  two 
accounts  of  the  appointment  of  Joshua  to  succeed 
Moses.     See  I37,  32  if.  for  a  third  version. 

XXXI.  16-30.  Introduction  to  Moses'  Song.— In 
16—22  Yahweh  tells  Moses  of  what  will  happen  after 
his  death.— 16.  sleep  with  thy  fathers :  Gen.  4730. — 
whoring:  Ex.  .34i6  {cf.  Ezek.  69).  Temple  prostitu- 
tion (23i7f.*)  is  hardly  meant. — 21.  Read  (with  Sam., 
LXX,  Syr,) ,"  sware  to  their  fathers."— 24,  26.  this  law : 
read  with  Staerk,  Steuemagel,  Bertholet,  "  this  song." 
The  entire  section  (16-30)  forms  the  prologue  to  the 
song  of  321-43.  If  we  retain  the  MT,  24-26  essentially 
repeats  9,-25.  LevJtes:  lOs*,— 28.  these  words:  i.e. 
the  song  (32ifi,). 

XXXII.  1-43.  Moses'  Song  is  a  didactic  poem,  a 
theodicy  in  which  Yahweh's  ways  are  vindicated.  In 
its  iientiments  and  artistic  form  it  is  unsurpaased  in 
the  jjoetry  of  the  OT,  Its  dominant  theme  is  Yahweh's 
justice  and  lovingkindness  to  Israel  notwithstanding 
the  nation's  sinfulness.  It  is  impossible  to  fix  the 
date  of  this  poem  with  any  confidence.  But  points  of 
contact  with  Jer.,  Is,  40-5.5,  Ezek.,  and  tho  Wisdom 
literature  suggest  the  closing  years  of  the  Exile  (say 
550  B.C.).  Moses  is  certainly  not  the  author,  for  to  the 
latter  the  Exodus  Ixlongs  to  his  distant  past  (7-12), 
and  the  Israelites  are  already  in  Canaan  (i3f.).  The 
words  translated  "  doctrine  "  (2),  "  abominations  " 
(16),  "  vanities  "  (21),  and  many  others,  together  with 
several  expressions,  "'  tho  day  of  their  calamitj'  "  (35), 
"  as  I  five  "  (40,  etc.),  are  common  in  exilic  and  post- 
exihc,  but  hardly  exist  in  pre-exilic  writings  (see 
Driver,  p,  .348). 

1.  heaven  .  .  .  earth:  see  Is,  I2, — 3.  name:  2858*, 
— 4.  Rock :  when  a  name  oi  Yahweh,  tho  I^XX  almost 
uniformly  translates  by  "  God  "  to  obviate  any  sug- 
gestion of  idolatry  (see  Cent,B  on  Ps,  755). — ftender 
"  A  God  faithful  and  without  iniquity,  " — 5.  Read 
(with  Driver,  etc),  "  those  not  His  sons  have  corrupted 


DEUTEEONOMY,  XXXIV.  10-12 


243 


their  faithiulnesa  to  Him,  a  perverse,"  etc. — 6.  bought : 
render  "  begotten." — 8.  children  of  men :  a  Hebraism, 
meaning  "  men." — 9.  Read,  '"  But  Yahwehs  portion 
is  His  people  Jacob  ;  Israel  is  the  lot  which  He  in- 
herited "  (j.e.  possessed) ;  so  essentially  LXX.— 10.  the 
apple:  ht.  "the  little  man";  so  called  because  it 
reflects  an  onlooker's  face  ;  so  in  Arabic  and  Assyrian. 
— 11.  For  the  imagery,  see  ET,  xxvi.  jip.  lOlff. — 12. 
strange:  better  "foreign"  (see  31 16). — 14.  Render, 
"  of  rams  ...  of  goats." — Kidney-fat  is  the  richest 
(Lev.  34,  Is.  346).— blood:  Gen.  49ii*.— 15.  Prefix 
the  following  (found  in  the  LXX,  Sam.,  etc.),  "  Jacob 
ate  and  was  satisfied,"  then  continue,  "  and  Jcshurun 
waxed  fat." — Jeshurun :  i.e.  "  the  upright  one,"  an 
ideal  designation  of  Israd  (335, ::6,  Is-  44->  cf-  Nu.  23io*. 
Jos.  IO13  7ng.). — 17.  demons:  so  LXX  daimonia  ; 
heathen  deities  are  meant.  The  Ileb.  shed  =  the  Assyrian 
shidu=a.ny  Assyrian  deity  (see  Cent.B  on  Ps.  IO637). — 
20.  froward:  Heb.  "  perverse  "  (plural  of  intensity). — 
faith :  render  "  faithfulness." — 21.  not  God :  what  is 
no  live  god. — not  a  people,  ht.  "  a  not  people  "  ;  i.e.  a 
mere  rabble  or  crowd. — 22.  the  lowest  Sheol  (mg.) : 
i.e.  the  lowest  part  of  Sheol. — 24.  burning  heat :  Heb. 
"  the  fire  bolt,"  supposed  to  bring  pestilence  and 
death. — 26.  Render,  "I  should  have  said"  (i.e.  "to 
myself  ")  "  I  will  scatter  "  (so  LXX). — 29.  Read, 
"  They  are  not  wise,  nor  do  they  understand  this  or 
consider  their  latter  end  "  (cf.  Sam.  LXX).  Tliis  verse 
continues  the  description  of  28. — latter  end :  the  issue 
of  their  present  conduct  (cf,  20).^ — 31.  their  rock :  i.e. 
the  god  of  the  heathen  (4*).--32.  vine:  Israel  is  the 
genuine  vine  (see  Hos.  lOi,  Jer.  221),  "  Sodom  "  and 
"  Gomorrah  "  are  often  types  of  wickedness  (Is,  lio,  39, 
Jer.  23i4,  Ezek.  I646-49).  It  is  the  sin  of  Israel's  foes, 
not  that  of  Israel,  that  is  referred  to  m  32f. — 33.  dragons 
in  Old  English  =  "  serpents." — asps:  better  "cobras." 
— 34.  treasures:  vig.  is  better.  The  sin  of  Israel's 
enemies  will  be  stored  up  (see  Job  14i7,  Hos.  13i2). — 
35.  Read  (with  LXX,  Sam.),  "  for  the  day  of  vengeance 
and  of  recompense,  for  the  time,"  etc.,  joining  immedi- 
ately to  34  and  continuing  the  question  to  "  shdc." 
Another  reading  is  imphed  in  Rom.  12 19  and  Heb.  IO30, 
where  35a  is  quoted. — 36.  shut  up  or  left  at  large :  a 
Hebraism  meaning  all ;  cf.  1  K.  14io,  In  the  original 
the  words  are  alhterativc :  cf.  "  fettered  and  free," — 
40.  to  lift  the  hand:  in  Arabic  and  Heb.  means  to 
make  an  oath  api»aling  to  deity  (Gen.  1422 ). — As  I 
live:  Yahweh  swears  by  Himself  (see  Gen,  22x6,  and 
cf.  Heb.  613-18). — 42.  the  blood  is  that  which  oozes 
from  the  head  :  render  as  RV. — 43.  Render,  "  Sing 
joyously  of  this  people,  0  ye  nations ''  (i.e.  the 
heathen). — 44.  "  Hoshea  "  read '(with  VSS)  "  Joshua  "  : 
cf.  31 1 9.— 45-47.  Moses'  last  words  commending  the 
song. — 46.  law:  read  (with  Staerk,  Steuemagol  and 
Bertholet),  "  song."  H  the  MT  is  retained  this  section 
attaches  immediately  to  3I29,  the  intervening  verses 
being  an  interpolation. 

XXXII.  4«-52.  See  Nu.  2712-14  (P),  on  which  it 
seemfi  based. 

XXXIII.  The  Blessing  of  Moses. — Of  this  poem  (quite 
unconnected  with  the  context)  the  following  statements 
may  be  made  :  (a)  It  was  composed  during  the  pros- 
perous reign  of  Jeroboam  II  (786-746  BC.)  A  date 
after  the  disruption  is  required  by  7  ;  a  period  of  pros- 
perity by  13-17.  Prior  to  786' B.C.  Israel  had  been 
ruled  by  petty  kings,  and  after  748  B.C.  the  Northern 
Kingdom  had  a  long  and  disastrous  struggle  with 
Damascus.  (6)  The  writer  belonged  to  tho  Northern 
Kingdom,  and  therefore  gives  far  more  prominence  to 
Israel  (Joseph)  than  to  Judah.  (c)  He  was  a  member 
of  the  priestly  class  (8-1 1).    Accepting  the  above  con- 


clusions, it  follows  that  Levi  was  a  priestly  tribe  long 
before  the  date  of  D  ;  Steuemagel  and  Bertholet  hold 
that  6-25  (the  blessings)  form  an  independent  piece 
by  a  native  of  the  north  who  hved  in  the  prosperous 
days  of  Jeroboam  II  ;  i,  at  least,  must  go  with  6-25. 
Moses  could  not  be  the  author  of  12,  27b.  Besides, 
the  whole  chapter  imphes  the  non-existence  of  enemies. 

2/.  For  the  theophany  here  described,  see  Jg.  04, 
Hab,  33,  Ps.  eSsf. — 2.  Yahweh  came  from  His  abode 
in  Sinai  (Ex.  3i)  to  Palestine  to  His  people's  help. — 
from  the  ten  thousands  of  holy  ones :  render,  "  from 
Meribah  of  Kadesh  "  (325 1 ).  The  late  Jewish  tradition 
(Ac.  753,  Gal.  3 1 9,  Heb.  22)  arose  through  a  misunder- 
standing of  the  original  text. — At  .  .  .  them:  read 
"  From  his  right  hand  was  a  burning  fire  for  them." — 
3.  peoples :  read  (with  LXX)  "  the  people." — saints 
better,  "  holy  ones."  Driver  (Kittel's  text)  for  the 
rest  of  the  verse,  which  is  very  corrupt,  reads,  "  and 
he  supports  thy  lot  and  keeps  his  covenant  with  thee." 
— 5.  king:    i.e.  "Yahweh." — Jeshurim:   32 15*. 

6-25.  Moses'  blessings  on  the  tribes.  This  passage 
should  be  compared  with  Jacob's  blessings  on  his 
twelve  sons  in  Gen.  49  J  (see  notes,  and  for  a  thorough 
discussion  ICC,  pp.  o07ff.).  The  present  section  bears 
marks  of  dependence  and  is  therefore  later,  Simeon, 
now  absorbed  into  Judah,  is  here  unmentioned. — 
7d.  Read,  "  with  thy  hands  strive  thou  for  him." — 
8.  Thummim  .  .  .  Urim:  pp.  lOOf. — godly:  render, 
"favoured,"  i.e.  Levi. — Massah:  see  616*.  Ex.  171-7. 
— Meribah:  see  Nu.  2O2-13*. — 10.  Levi's  duties. — 
Incense  (in  the  older  sense)  means  the  smoke  of  ordinary 
sacrifice. — whole  burnt  offering  :  see  126*. — 12.  by 
him:  take  these  words  with  the  next  line  and  read, 
"  the  lofty  one  covereth  (i.e.  defends)  him." — his 
(i.e.  Benjamin's)  shoulders:  i.e.  the  mountains  amid 
which  the  Temple  was  erected.  This  verse  implies  that 
the  Temple  was  already  built. — 13.  heaven  •  .  .  dew: 
read,  "heaven  above.  ' — the  deep:  a  pci-sonification  ; 
hardly  a  reference  to  the  Babylonian  Creation  Myth, 
see  Oxford  Apoc.  i.  p.  653. — 16.  Render,  "  May  the  good 
will  of  Him  that  dwelt  in  the  bush  "  (Ex.  82-4*)  "come 
upon  Joseph's  head." — separate:  render  "crowned." — 
17.  Read  "  May  he  "  (Joseph)  "  be  glorious  and 
his  horns  as  those  of  a  wild  ox"  (Nu.  2322*, 
Cent.B,  Ps.  92io) :  "  with  them  may  he  gore  tho 
nations,  even  all  the  ends  of  the  earth  together." — 
19.  call:  i.e.  summon  to  such  reUgious  festivals  as 
accompany  fairs,  etc.  in  the  East. — mountain :  sacred 
site. — hidden  .  .  .  sand:  probably  small  shell-fish 
from  which  dyes  were  made. — 20.  lioness:  see  Gen. 
499. — 22.  lion's  whelp:  cf.  Laish  (  =  lion).  which  Dan 
seized  (Jos.  I947), — 23.  west:  read  (transposing  and 
slightlj'  changing)  "  the  district  of  the  sea  "  (of  Galilee). 
— 24.  Render,  "  most  blessed  "'  (i.e.  fortunate)  "  of 
sons  be  Asher  "  (  =  fortmiateone). — let  hira  dip  ...  in 
oil:  i.e.  may  his  territory  abound  m  ohve-trees. — 
25a.  i.e.  "  may  thy  bars  '"  (of  city  gates)  "  be  strong," 

26-29.  Israels  Good  Fortune  (conclusion  of  poem).— 
26.  Read  (with  VSS),  "  the  God  of  Jcshurun  "  (32i5*) 
— 27.  Read  (changing  sUghth'),  "  Above  Ls  the  God  o 
olden  time,  and  below  are  the  everlasting  arms." 

XXXIV.  The  Death  of  Moses  on  Mount  Pisgah  (JE). 
(16-6.) — 1.  over  against:  Ht.  "in  front,"  i.e.  E. 
Render,  "  the  land,  that  is,  Gilead  to  Dan." — 2.  hinder : 
render  "  western  "  (II24*,  cf.  i). — 6.  nuf.,  though  jx-r- 
mitted  by  the  Heb.,  Ls  opposed  to  6b. — 7.  See  31 2, 
Ex,  77.  and  Nu.  3339  (Aaron). — 8.  thirty  days:  Nu. 
2O29*  (for  Aaron).  The  custom  continues  among 
modem  Jews. — 10.  prophet,  etc.  :  seo  lSi5,iS,  cf. 
Nu,  126-8  (E).— 10-12  imphes  a  date  long  after  tha 
death  of  Moeea. 


THE  HISTORICAL  BOOKS  OF  THE 
OLD  TESTAMENT 

By  Dii.  F.  J.  FOAKES  JACKSON 


Bible  History,  "Prophetical." — The  OT  contains 
books  wliich  may  be  termed  liistorical,  but  altliougii 
tliey  are  grouped  toj^etlier  in  our  Bibles,  this  is  not  the 
case  in  tlie  arrangement  adopted  by  the  Jews.  The 
only  book  which  they  perhaps  recognised  as  history, 
the  Chronicles  [Dibhre  Imuydmim,  "  words  of  years  "), 
is  placed  at  the  very  end  of  the  sacred  volume,  whilst 
the  main  portion  of  ihe  books  known  to  us  a.s  "  his- 
torical "  is  styletl  "  iTophetical."  Thus  the  story  of 
Israel  is  to  the  Jews  in  itself  a  prophecy  (that  is,  a 
telling  forth)  of  Gods  will  and  purpose  to  His  people. 
In  accordance  with  this  ideal  we  find  historical  episodes 
interwoven,  as  in  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  with  prophetic 
utterances.  In  judging  the  historical  books,  there- 
fore, we  must  bear  in  mind  that  they  do  not  conform 
to  the  standard  demanded  of  modem  historical  writ- 
ing. They  are  "  prophetical  " — that  is,  written  with 
a  view  to  edify  and  instruct — and  are  not  designed 
to  be  text-books  replete  with  colourless  if  accurate 
historical   infonnation. 

Main  Features  of  Historical  Writing  in  the  Bible.— 
The  Hebrews  are  remarkable  for  the  interest  taken  in 
the  pa.>t  of  their  nation,  and  this  is  the  more  strange 
as  the  Jew  does  not  seem  by  nature  to  be  disposed  to- 
wards historical  composition.  Between  the  close  of 
the  OT  story  and  the  dissolution  of  the  Jewish  nation 
in  the  days  of  Hadrian,  the  people  passed  through 
some  of  the  most  stirring  crises  in  the  tragedy  of 
humanity,  yet  many  of  the  most  important  are  scarcely 
recorded.  But  for  the  renegade  Joseph  us  we  should 
have  had  no  particulars  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  before 
the  army  of  Titus.  Yet  in  the  OT,  though  the  interest 
is  almast  entirely  religious,  we  have  a  fairly  complete 
record  of  Israel's  fortunes  from  the  conquest  of  its 
inheritance  in  Palestine  to  the  restoration  of  the  Jewish 
polity  by  Nehcmiah. 

Variety. — Bible  history  is  remarkable,  among  other 
things,  for  its  variety.  No  book  in  its  present  form  is 
arranged  like  the  others.  Judges  is  unmistakable  as 
compared  with  Joshua  ;  Samuel  and  Kings  have  little 
resemblance ;  whilst  Ezra-Nehemiah  belongs  to  an 
entirely  different  school  of  thought,  and  Esther  is 
absolutely  unique  in  tiie  OT  and  even  in  the  Apocrypha, 
The  materials,  moreover,  of  ^vhich  many  cf  the  books 
are  composed  arc  of  the  most  varied  description.  We 
have  in  Kings,  to  take  but  a  single  example,  the  frame- 
work of  a  chronological  history  arranged  in  regnal 
vears,  chronicles  of  the  kingdoms.  Temple  records, 
biographies,  intermingled  with  which  are  stories  told 
with  ail  the  magic  art  of  portraying  scenes  inherent 
in  the  Easteni  raconteur.  \\c  find  in  other  books  an 
admixture  of  pious  exliortation,  legal  formiila?,  gene- 
alogies, and  the  like.  In  short,  it  may  be  said  of  the 
OT  books  of  history  that  each  has  its  own  variegated 
pattern,  which  reveals  the  indi^•iduality  of  its  author 
or  compiler. 


Choice  ol  Subjects. — In  their  choice  of  subjects  the 
prophetical  historians  of  the  Hebrew  nation  display 
characteristic  pecuharities.  We  are  surprised  alike  at 
what  they  tell  us  and  what  they  omit.  They  are 
in  a  sense  the  least,  and  in  another  the  most,  patriotic 
of  historians.  They  dwell  but  httle  on  the  national 
glories.  How  briefly  are  the  successes  of  Saul  over 
the  Phibstines,  or  the  \nctories  of  Omri  or  Jeroboam 
II,  or  even  those  of  the  pious  kings  of  Judah,  re- 
corded !  Their  story  is  often  rather  that  of  the 
nation's  failure  to  reach  its  ideal,  and  even  of  how 
it  fell  short  of  the  standard  attained  by  less  favoured 
peoples.  And  yet  we  cannot  read  the  historical  books 
without  feeling  that  they  are  instinct  with  a  love  of 
country  and  filled  with  a  sense  of  Yahweh's  protecting 
power.  But  the  seeker  after  historical  information 
will  often  be  disappointed  at  the  lack  of  facta  where 
he  most  desires  them.  No  details  are  given  as  to  how 
Joshua  conquered  Central  Palestine  and  conducted 
the  nation  to  Shechem,  its  ancient  capital  We 
leam  nothing  about  the  arrival  of  the  Phibstines, 
those  formidable  enemies  of  Israel.  Notliing  except 
the  bare  fact  is  preserved  of  the  conquest  of  Og  and 
his  seventy  cities.  We  seek  in  vain  for  the  cause  of 
David's  feebleness,  which  made  the  revolt  of  Absalom 
so  formidable.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  abimdant 
details  about  the  feuds  with  the  Shechemites  of  a 
person  so  comparatively  unimportant  as  Abimelech, 
the  son  of  Gideon,  of  David's  flight  and  his  escapes 
from  Saul,  etc.  The  historical  books  were,  as  has  been 
asserted,  written  for  edification  rather  than  for  infor- 
mation ;  and  it  is  not  always  easy,  at  times  it  is  even 
impossible,  to  make  a  connected  narrative  out  of  them. 
Much  of  the  storj'  as  related  b}'  the  biblical  writers 
must  be  reconstructed  by  a  process  which  can  hardly 
receive  a  name  more  honourable  than  that  of  guess- 
work. 

Chronology. — One  of  the  most  formidable  difficulties 
which  the  student  of  OT  history  has  to  face  is  that  of 
chronology.  In  the  later  parts  of  the  historical  and 
prophetical  books  we  are  on  fairly  sure  ground,  because 
the  writers  give  us  the  date  by  the  year  of  the  reign- 
ing kings  of  Persia.  Even  in  the  Books  of  Kings, 
though  there  are  serious  discrepancies  in  the  periods 
assigned  to  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  respec- 
tively, we  are  able  to  date  an  event  within  say,  ten 
years  or  so.  We  arc  also  assisted  by  the  more  accu- 
rate clironology  of  tiie  Assyrians.  But  the  earliest 
ilato  in  Israelite  historj-  is  that  of  a  defeat  in- 
flicted on  Aliab  and  his  allies,  which  is  not  alluded 
to  in  the  Bible.  This  is  854  B.C.  From  it  we  can 
infer  that  David  lived,  roughly,  about  KXX)  B.C.,  but 
beyond  this  all  is  uncertainty.  According  to  1  K.  4i, 
Solomon's  Temple  was  erected  480  years  after  the 
Exodus ;  but,  by  adding  together  the  periods  of 
affliction  and  repose  given  in  the  Book  of  Judges,  we 


THE   HISTORICAL  BOOKS   OF    THE   OLD    TESTAMENT 


245 


get  an  even  longer  period.  But  we  are  told  in  Ex.  In 
that  the  Israelites  during  their  oppression  built  Pithom 
and  Raamses  in  Egypt,  presumably  under  the  great 
Rameses  II,  whose  long  reign  wa-s  in  the  thirteenth 
century  B.C.  Consequently  the  Exodus  must  have 
taken  place  not  much  earlier  than  200  or  250  years 
before  the  building  of  the  Temple.  The  fact  is  that 
the  ancient  Hebrews  seem  to  have  used  the  number  40 
and  its  multiples  to  express  a  period  of  time  with 
considerable  vagueness,  and  we  really  cannot  tell 
whether  they  are  speaking  literally  when  they  mention 
periods  of  40,  20,  or  120  years.  To  give  a  date  even 
approximately  before  David  is,  to  say  the  least,  hazard- 
ous. We  know  that  Jaddua,  the  last  high  prie.st 
mentioned  in  the  OT,  was  aUve  in  333  B.C.,  and  that 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah  were  in  Jerusalem  about  432  B.C.  ; 
but  as  to  when  the  Exodus  took  place,  or  Joshua 
conquered  Palestine  and  the  events  related  in  the 
historical  books  strictly  so  called  begin,  we  have  only 
the  faintest  idea. 

Survey  ol  Period  of  "Prophetic  History." — Tlie 
Book  of  Joshua,  with  which  the  history  of  Israel 
opens,  has  now  generally  been  recognised  as  an  integral 
part  of  the  Pentateuch  or  five  books  of  the  Law.  It 
certainly  possesses  the  same  structural  peculiarities. 
It  begins,  where  Deuteronomy  leaves  o£E,  when  Israel 
is  encamped  in  the  plains  of  Moab.  Moses  is  dead,  and 
Joshua  is  recognised  as  his  successor.  To  him  God 
says :  "  As  I  have  been  with  Moses,  so  will  I  be  with 
thee."  The  conquest  of  W.  Palestine  by  Joshua  is 
related  under  two  headings  :  (1)  the  reduction  of  the 
south — the  fall  of  Jericho  and  Ai  and  the  defeat  of 
the  five  kings ;  (2)  the  victory  over  the  northern 
king,  Jabin  of  Hazor  (but  see  Jg.  4).  Central  Pales- 
tine, viz.  Shechem,  is*  assumed  already  to  have  fallen 
into  Israehte  hands.  Only  two  tribes,  Joseph  and 
Judah,  receive  inheritances  from  Joshua,  Gad  and 
Reuben  having  already  been  allotted  territory  in  E. 
Palestine  by  Moses'.  The  remaining  seven  tribes  cast 
lots  for  the  territory  which  they  are  permitted  to 
conquer.  The  different  inheritances  are  given  with 
an  abundance  of  detail,  characteristic  of  P.  Joshua 
charges  Israel,  as  Moses  did  before  his  death,  and  dies 
on  his  property  at  Timnath  Serah. 

Judges  is  professedly  a  continuation  of  Joshua,  but 
it  is  verj' different  in  style,  scope,  and  arrangement; 
whereas  Joshua  is  closely  akin  to  the  legal  books, 
Judges  rather  resembles  the  historical.  It  covers  a 
much  longer  period,  extending  over  twelve  judgeships, 
and  is  arranged  on  a  distinct  plan.  In  each  case 
Israel  sins,  God  punishes  by  an  invasion,  the  nation 
repents,  and  a  deliverer  is  raised  up.  Two  supple- 
mentary narratives  close  the  book,  to  show  the  state 
of  the  country  when  there  was  no  king.  It  may  be 
that  the  Book  of  Ruth  is  a  third  supplement,  to  show 
the  origin  of  the  great  royal  house  of  David. 

The  next  four  books,  Samuel  and  Kings,  are  called 
by  the  Greek  translators  Books  of  "  Kingdoms " 
(fiCLffiXeiwv).  1  S.  opens  with  the  story  of  Samuel's 
birth  in  the  days  of  Eli,  the  priestly  jud?e,  and  gives 
an  account  of  the  loss  of  the  Ark  and  the  utter  degrada- 
tion of  Israel  under  the  Phili.stine  yoke.  Samuel,  the 
first  of  the  prophets,  is  the  leader  in  the  great  struggle, 
and  is  compelled  by  the  people  to  set  a  king  over  the 
nation  in  the  person  of  Saul,  who  does  much  for  the 
emancipation  of  his  people,  but  is  rejected  by  God 
and  falls  in  battle  against  the  PhiHstines.  The  main 
part  of  the  la.st  half  of  I  S.  is  chiefly  occupied  with 
the  hairbreadth  escapes  and  adventures  of  David, 
the  real  founder  cf  the  monarchy,  who  is  described  as 
the  "  roan  after  God'a  own  heart."     More  space  is 


given  to  him  than  to  any  other  person  mentioned  in 
the  Bible,  about  half  I  S.,  all  2  S.,  and  two  chapters 
of  1  K.  forming  his  biographj%  1  Kings  is  divided 
between  the  reign  of  Solomon,  with  an  elaborate 
account  of  the  Temple  and  its  dedication,  and  the 
story  of  the  division  of  the  kingdom  till  the  death  of 
Ahab.  The  second  book  carries  the  reader  down 
through  the  later  history  of  the  divided  monarchy, 
relating  the  fall  of  the  northern,  and  concluding  with 
a  history  of  the  southern  kingdom,  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  and  the  Captivity,  to  the  restoration  of 
Jehoiachin  to  a  certain  degree  of  honour  by  the  son  of 
Nebuchadrezzar.  The  latter  period  has  to  be  supple- 
mented by  the  historical  portions  of  Jeremiah  and  the 
allusions  to  contemporary'  events  in  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel. 

Characteristics  of  Prophetical  History. — The  books 
we  have  already  considered  represent  the  standpoint 
of  the  prophets  of  Israel ;  and,  as  we  have  seen, 
Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings  are  known  as  the 
first  four  of  the  prophetical  books.  Generally  speak- 
ing, the  view  they  take  of  the  nation  is  that  it  is  the 
people  of  God,  who  are  specially  bound  to  act  in  accor- 
dance with  their  high  calling,  though  as  a  rule  they 
fail  lamentably  to  attain  the  standard  demanded  of 
them.  But  in  no  case  is  Israel  represented  as  having 
a  law  like  that  known  in  after  daj-s  as  the  "  Law  of 
Moses  "  ;  or,  if  it  had,  the  majority  of  the  nation, 
priests  and  prophets  included,  were  completely  ignorant 
of  its  contents.  The  ritual  practices  of  all  the  saints 
and  heroes  of  Israel  throughout  these  books  are  quite 
different  from  those  prescribed  in  Lev.  and  Xu.,  and 
if  there  is  any  Law  it  is  rather  that  of  the  earhest  legal 
chapters  m  Ex.  (20-23). 

Later  Historical  Writings. — Of  the  remaining  his- 
torical books.  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah  (the 
two  latter  beiug  often  reckoned  as  one  book)  form  a 
complete  series.  Chronicles  is  a  sort  of  revised  edition 
of  all  the  earlier  history,  whilst  the  two  other  books 
continue  the  narrative.  The  object  of  the  )sTiter  of 
Chronicles  is  to  give  the  impression  that  the  kings  of 
Judah— for  Israel  is  only  incidentally  mentioned — 
were  scrupulous  in  carrying  out  the  Pcntateuchal  Law 
as  it  appears  in  the  Priest's  Code.  Thus  Da^^d  will 
allow  only  Levites  to  bear  the  Ark,  and  we  read  much 
of  his  care  to  provide  for  the  ritual,  and  especially 
the  music,  of  the  sanctuary.  Solomon,  represented  as 
a  powerful  though  not  always  faithful  monarch  in 
the  Book  of  Kings,  here  appears  as  a  blameless  niler. 
When  a  king  like  Uzziah  presumes  to  undertake 
priestly  functions,  he  is  smitten  with  disease.  In 
short,  the  whole  is  permeated  by  a  priestly  conception 
of  history  entireh'  foreign  to  the  Book  of  Kings. 
Chronicles  takes  us  to  the  end  of  the  Captivity,  and 
closes  with  the  decree  of  Cvrus  commanding  the  Jews 
to  return  and  rebuild  the  Temple  at  .Jerusalem. 
Ezra-Nehemiah,  for  the  two  books  are  really  .one, 
opens  with  this  edict,  relates  how  the  altar  was  set 
up  and  the  Temple  commenced,  and  how  the  proceed- 
ings were  hindered  by  the  "  adversaries  of  Judah  and 
Benjamin  "  (i.e.  the  Samaritans).  During  the  reign 
of  two  Persian  kings  nothing  was  done,  but  und^r 
Darius  the  work  was  resumed  and  completed  about 
516  B.C.  Then  there  is  a  complete  silence  for  nearly 
two  generations,  when,  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxea 
Longimanus  (464-424  B.C.),  Ezra,  a  Jewish  priest, 
was  permitted  to  lead  a  company  of  exiles  back  to 
Jerusalem.  A  Jewish  governor  named  Nehemiah  was 
then  appointed,  and  we  are  told  how  he  and  Ezra 
restored  Jenisalcm,  and  made  the  nation  o>M?y  the  Law 
of  Moses.  With  the.se  two  great  men  the  Bible  history 
ooncludos  about  the  year  432  B.0, 


246 


THE   HISTORICAL   BOOKS   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT 


Extant  Hebrew  History  the  Fragment  of  a  Lost 
Literature. — There  is  little  doubt  that  the  literature 
of  ancient  Israel  was  not  confined  to  the  OT  as  we 
now  have  it.  On  the  contrary,  the  books  bear  evident 
traces  of  having  been  couiprossed  into  thoir  present 
limits  by  the  omission  of  facts  which  must  have  been 
recorded,  and  arc  almost  necessary  to  a  right  under- 
standing of  what  stands  recorded.  To  take  but  a 
single  example:  the  reign  of  Omri  (1  K.  I629-34)  is 
related  witli  the  utmost  brevity,  and  many  things  are 
omitted  which  would  have  thrown  light  on  the  sub- 
sequent history,  and  cannot  fail  to  have  been  known 
by  the  author.  Nothing,  for  instance,  in  Kings  would 
lead  us  to  suppose  that  the  long  who  defeated  Tibni 
and  built  Samaria  was  so  important  that  rulers  of 
Israel,  though  belonging  to  the  very  dj-nasty  which 
had  supplanted  liis  ov/n,  should  call  themselves  "  sons 
of  Omri."  2  K.  3  relates  a  rebellion  of  Moab  against 
Israel,  and  we  know  from  the  Moabite  Stone  (p.  305) 
that  Omri  had  oppressed  Moab  and  probably  imposed 
upon  it  the  onerous  conditions  hinted  at  in  this  chapter. 
Further,  the  severe  t<^rms  exacted  by  the  Syrians  in 
the  days  of  Omri  (1  K.  20)  implj'  a  serious  defeat  of 
Israel,  to  which  no  allusion  is  made.  Although  it 
cannot  be  proved  that  these  were  recorded  in  the 
book  of  the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Israel,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  this  was  the  case,  and  that  the 
writer  of  Kings  deliberately  hurried  over  this  important 
reign  in  order  to  record  events  which  seemed  to  him 
to  be  of  greater  interest  or  more  to  the  edification  of 
his  readers. 

But  the  historical  writers  in  the  OT  openly  confess 
the  fact  that  there  was  a  considerable  literature  to 
which  their  readers  might  have  access.  The  Book  of 
Jashar  (Jos.,  2  S.),  the  Chronicles  of  Israel  and  of 
Judah,  alluded  to  in  Kings,  and  the  m&ny  works  cited 
in  the  late  Book  of  Chronicles,  show  that  there  was  an 
extensive  literature  in  existence  even  as  late  as  300 
B.C.  which  has  completely  disappeared,  and  that  wo 
have  only  fragments  from  which  to  reconstruct  the 
story  of  ancient  Israel. 

The  External  Sources  cl  Hebrew  History. — Besides 
the  sources  mentioned  in  the  historical  books  we  may 
mention  the  external  sources  which  connect  the  history 
of  the  Hebrews  with  that  of  the  world  at  large,  in 
addition  to  those  which  criticism  has  indicated  as  the 
materials  used  by  the  writers  and  redactors  of  the 
historical  books. 

(a)  One  of  the  most  serious  objections  to  the  anti- 
quity of  the  Je-.vish  people,  which  Joscphus  had  to 
answer,  was  the  silence  of  the  Greek  authors  regarding 
them.  He  accounts  for  this  by  the  fact  that  the 
ancest('r8  of  the  Jews  did  not  inhabit  a  maritime 
country  and  engaged  little  in  trade,  being  occupied 
in  living  their  own  peculiarly  religious  life  (Apion.  12). 
Josephus  appeals,  however,  to  the  Tyrian  records 
for  the  building  of  Solomon's  Temple,  quoting  Dius 
(ch.  17)  and  Menander  of  Piphesur  (ch.  18).  He  also 
quotes  the  testimony  of  the  Babylonian  Berossus 
(ch.  19)  to  the  story  of  Noah,  and  on  the  treatment 
of  the  Jews  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  he  relates  that 
a  writer  named  Jlegnsthenos  alludes  to  the  first  de- 
struction of  Jerusnlem.  But  Josephus  is  evidently 
able  to  give  his  readers  very  little  testimony,  external 
to  the  Scriptures,  for  the  history  of  Israel. 

(b)  Nor  was  more  light  thrown  upon  the  subject  till 
recent  years,  when  the  secrets  of  the  hieroglyphic  and 
of  the  cuneifonn  characters  were  rovealtKl.  Direct 
allusions  to  the  Israelites  are  few,  and  can  be  easily 
enumerated :  (a)  The  word  Is-rn-e-ni,  "  Israelite, 
occurs  on  the  stele  of  Merenptoh  (thirt^^nth  century 


B.C.),  describing  Egyptian  victories  over  Israel ;  (&) 
Shishak  (1  K.)  relates  his  devastation  of  Palestine 
(tenth  century  B.C.) ;  (c)  Aliab  is  mentioned  in  tho 
Qarqara  inscription  as  one  of  the  kings  alUed  against 
AssjTia  (854  B.C.) ;  (d)  Jehu's  name,  a»  of  a  king  pay- 
ing tribute  to  Shalniancser  II,  is  found  on  the  Black 
Obelisk  (British  Museum),  842  B.C.  ;  (e)  Pokah  and 
Hoshea  (2  K.  16)  appear  in  an  inscription,  737  B.C. 
and  the  fall  of  Samaria  in  722  b.c.  ;  (/)  Hezekiah'a 
name  appears  on  the  Taylor  Cylinder  (British  Museum), 
701  B.C.  ;  (g)  at  an  earlier  date,  probably  in  the  ninth 
century  b.c,  we  have  on  the  Moabite  stone  iSIesha's 
account  of  his  rebellion  against  Israel  (2  K.  3i). 

(c)  As  in  the  case  of  the  Pentateuch,  the  materials 
used  by  the  writers  other  than  those  specified  by  them 
are  mainly  matters  of  conjecture,  but  they  may  bo 
roughly  enumerated  as  follows  :  Judges,  like  the  Penta- 
teuch, is  probably  made  up  of  two  early  documents, 
J  and  E,  which  were  thrown  into  their  present  form — 
subject,  however,  to  revision — by  a  Deuteronomic 
editor,  whilst  portions  were  added  by  a  reviser  of  the 
school  of  P.  Tlie  Books  of  Samuel,  hke  Judges,  have 
been  subject  to  Deuteronomic  and  post-exilic  revisions  ; 
but  in  the  life  of  Saul  we  have  a  combination  of  two 
works,  one  hostile  and  the  other  friendly  to  monarchical 
mstitutions.  The  compiler  drew  upon  traditions  of 
David,  a  life  of  Samuel,  a:id  a  very  ancient  account 
of  David's  reign  (2  S.  9-20).  In  2  S.  I18  the  Book  of 
Ja.shar  (c/.  Jos,  lOi  2-1.1)  is  quoted.  The  author  of 
Kings  alludes  to  the  chronicles  of  the  Idngs  of  Israel 
and  the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah,  and  he  prob- 
ably had  before  him  independent  narratives  of  Solo- 
mon, Elijah,  Elisha,  etc.,  as  well  as  the  records  of  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem. 

The  Miraculous  in  Hebrew  History. — The  historian 
has  a  natural  distrust  of  the  miraculous  when  he  meets 
with  it  in  records,  not  because  he  cannot  believe  in 
its  possibihty — for  experience  has  taught  him  to  be 
very  cautious  in  saying  that  any  event  could  not  have 
occurred — but  because  a  natural  love  of  the  mar- 
vellous makes  men  credulous  in  accepting  supernatural 
explanations  of  events.  Moreover,  it  is  undeniable 
that  the  Hebrew  writers  regarded  the  whole  story  of 
the  nation  as  a  far  greater  miracle  than  any  apparent 
interference  with  the  laws  of  nature,  because  in  every 
event  they  thought  they  saw  the  hand  of  the  Lord  of 
the  whole  cartli  shajjing  and  directing  the  destinies 
of  Israel.  Nevertheless  the  impartial  reader  is  im- 
pressed more  by  the  absence  than  by  the  superabun- 
dance of  miracle  in  the  storj'  of  a  people  so  intimately 
connected  with  its  Cod  as  Israel,  in  so  ancient  and 
confessedly  so  religious  a  record  as  that  found  in  the 
historical  Scriptures.  When  we  divide  the  miraculous 
events  into  («)  subjective  wonders — i.e.  visions,  Divine 
messages,  and  the  like,  which  may,  at  any  rate,  be 
accounted  for  by  tho  state  of  mind  of  those  who  ex- 
perienced them  ;'  (b)  signs  which  were  an  acknowledged 
medium  of  God's  communication  with  Israel ;  and 
(r)  wonders  interrupting  the  natural  course  of  history, 
we  have  to  acknowledge  the  comparative  rarity  of 
the  last-named. 

Taking  1  K.  as  an  example,  the  presence  of  the 
miraculous  imder  the  above  classification  is  : 

In  1  K.  1-11,  which  relates  tho  accession  of  Solomon 
and  his  reign,  only  two  miracles  are  recorded — Solo- 
mon's vision  at  Gibeon  (1  K.  85),  and  the  cloud  filling 
tho  Temple  at  its  dedication  (1  K.  810).  These  may 
be  classed  under  (a)  visions  and  (b)  signs  respectively. 

1  K.  12-16,  the  account  of  the  division  of  the 
kingdoms.  No  miracle  appears  except  the  sign"*  which 
accompany  the  denunciation  of  the  schism  of  Jero- 


THE   HISTORICAL   BOOKS   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT 


247 


boam  in  13 — i.e.  the  temporary  drying  up  of  the 
king's  hand,  the  rending  of  the  altar,  and  the  punish- 
ment of  the  disobedient  prophet.  These  all  come  into 
the  category  (6),  signs. 

\  K.  17-2  K.  2.  Even  in  the  Hfo  of  Elijah,  a  man 
with  admittedly  supernatural  powers,  miracle  is  rare. 
His  being  fed  by  ravens  is  perhaps  a  doubtful  miracle 
(see  Commentary).  The  multiplying  of  the  widow's 
cruse,  the  raising  of  her  son  from  the  dead,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  captains  of  fifty,  come  under  class 
(c)  wonders  ;  unless  we  include  the  descent  of  fire  at 
Carmel  on  the  sacrifice,  which  may  be  regarded  as  a 
sign  (6),  or  the  prophet's  ascension,  which  may  also 
be  explained  as  a  vision  {a).  Considering  its  momen- 
tous character  and  the  great  men  who  lived  in  it,  in 
the  period  from  David  to  Elijah  miracles  are  con- 
spicuous by  their  absence. 

History  as  Compared  with  Propheey.  —Though,  as 
wo  have  seen,  the  supernatural  as  manifested  in  miracle 
is  of  comparatively  rare  occurrence  in  Hebrew  history, 
it  is  assumed  throughout  that  events  are  under  the 
control  of  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel.  This  is,  as  a 
rule,  revealed  in  history  by  the  prophets.  It  is  their 
function  to  declare  the  will  of  God  and  His  immodia,te 
purpose,  together  with  the  i)unishment  which  will 
follow  if  it  be  disregarded.  Rarely  is  the  prophet 
made  to  disclose  the  remote  future,  as  when  the  mes- 
senger to  Jeroboam  predicts  the  destruction  of  his 
altar  by  a  king  of  Judah,  "  Josiah  by  name."  As  a 
rule  the  prophets  in  history  i^lay  somewhat  the  same 
part  as  the  chorus  in  a  Greek  play  :  they  explam 
events  as  the  tragedy  of  Israel  progresses.  It  is  not 
till  a  late  period,  almost  at  the  close  of  the  history  of 
the  northern  kingdom,  that  we  get  the  Uterary  prophet 
supplementing  the  narrative,  and  that  wo  are  able  to 
construct  history  from  the  fragments  preserved  in 
the  utterances  of  the  prophets.  The  literary  prophets 
from  the  eighth  century  onward  stand  in  much  the 
same  relation  to  the  recorded  history  in  the  OT  as  do 
the  Epistles  of  Paul  towards  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 
Both  are  documents  contemporary  with  the  events, 
but,  as  a  rule,  these  abound  in  allusions,  the  meaning 
of  which  can  only  be  conjectured.  Amos  and  Hosea 
give  a  view  of  Israel's  later  history,  and  Isaiah  of 
Judah's  relations  with  Assyria,  differing  from  the 
records  in  Kings ;  just  as  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians 


gives  a  veiy  different  impression  of  the  controversy 
between  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  Christians  from  what 
could  be  gathered  from  the  Acts.  It  is,  however, 
necessary  to  exercise  much  discretion  in  the  use  of 
the  prophets  for  historical  purposes,  as  both  the 
Hebrew  text  and  the  genuineness  of  many  passages 
are  subjects  of  considerable  dispute. 

How  far  does  the  OT  Give  us  Strict  History?-— 
The  Bible,  it  has  been  already  suggested,  can  hardly 
be  said  to  record  history  with  the  strict  accuracy 
demanded  of  a  modem  ivork.  As  it  is  easy  to  see  from 
the  Pss.,  the  prophets,  the  Apocryphal  literature,  and 
the  NT,  the  religious  interest  in  history  practically 
ceased  with  David,  and  was  mainly  centred  in  the 
primitive  story  as  told  hi  Genesis  and  in  the  deliverance 
from  Egj'pt  and  the  wanderings  in  the  wilderness. 
The  record  from  Joshua  to  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem by  the  Chaldeans  as  it  appears  in  the  OT  is 
a  fragmentary  story  of  Israel,  gathered  from  a  number 
of  lost  sources  and  told  for  the  sake  of  showing  how 
the  nation  fell  short  of  the  ideal  designed  for  it,  and  of 
the  punishments  wliich  ensued.  The  writers  or  com- 
pilers, Uving  centuries  after  the  event,  are  usually 
less  interested  in  the  accuracy  of  their  narrative  than 
in  the  moral  they  wished  to  point.  Formerly  what  was 
called  inspiration  was  deemed  to  be  so  bound  up  with 
the  exact  truth  of  the  record  as  to  stand  or  fall  with 
it.  Consequently  the  unbehever  made  his  mam  point 
of  attack  some  disputable  statement,  which  the  faithful 
were  in  honour  bound  to  defend.  Now,  however,  it 
is  generally  recognised  that  no  early  record  can  bo 
expected  to  give  the  exact  circumstances,  especially 
when  much  of  it  is  demonstrably  not  contemporary 
with  the  events  ;  and  in  a  work  hke  the  historical 
section  of  the  OT  we  look  rather  to  the  purpose  of  the 
author  than  the  details  in  which  it  is  discoverable. 
The  former  is,  in  the  bibhcal  narrative,  sufi&ciently 
clear.  The  history  is  professedly  a  commentary  on 
the  dealing  of  Yahweh  with  His  people,  showing  in 
what  manner  He  bore  with  their  backslidings,  pun- 
ished and  delivered  them.  The  books  were  never  in- 
tended to  supply  an  accurate  and  exhaustive  chronicle 
of  events  for  the  modem  historian.  All  that  can  be 
claimed  for  them  is  that  they  give  an  outline,  often 
singularly  dispassionate  and  impartial,  of  the  fortunes 
which  befell  the  nation  of  Israel. 


JOSHUA 


By  the  Rev.  SAMUEL  HOLMES 


The  Book  of  Joshua  professes  to  narrate  the  invasion 
and  conquest  of  Palestine  by  the  Hebrews.  The  date 
of  those  events,  according  to  tradition,  is  about 
1450  B.C.  From  Egyptian  history,  however,  we  know 
that  Palestine  was  under  Egyptian  dominion  from 
about  IGOO  to  1200  B.C.,  so  that  the  traditional  date 
is  probably  wrong  by  about  200  years  and  must  be 
corrected.  We  have  also  to  correct  the  general  account 
of  the  invasion  given  in  this  book.  The  impression  is 
conveyed  that  Joshua  invaded  a  country  which  was 
previously  Canaanitish  and  on  his  death  left  it  practi- 
cally Israehtish.  That  this  view  is  erroneous,  we  see 
from  the  more  rehable  traditions  retained  in  Jg.  1  ; 
from  the  well-known  passage  in  Ex.  23  30,  repeated  in 
Dt.  722  ("  By  httle  and  httle  I  will  drive  them  out 
from  before  thee  ") ;  together  with  Jg.  220-36,  where 
three  reasons  are  offered  why  the  Canaanites  were  not 
driven  out  at  once.  The  representation  of  rapid  con- 
quest given  in  our  book  is  due  to  writers  of  a  much 
later  age,  who  summed  up  as  having  happened  in  a 
few  years,  events  that  required  gcneratiou3  for  their 
accomplishment. 

It  will  perhaps  be  well  to  state  shortly  what  we 
know  about  the  inhabitants  and  rulers  of  Canaan 
prior  to  the  occupation  of  the  country  by  the  Hebrews. 
(See  further  p.  03.) 

The  Canaanites,  like  the  Hebrews  themselves,  bo- 
longed  to  the  Semitic  stock,  and  had  occupied  the 
country  since  about  2000  B.C.  They  were  first  under 
the  rule  of  Babylon,  then  from  1600  to  1200,  except 
for  a  short  interval,  imder  Egyi>t.  Our  knowledge  of 
the  Babylonian  supremacy  is  indirect.  "  When,  or 
how,  this  (i.e.  the  Babylonian)  influence  began  we  do 
not  definitely  know  .  .  .  but,  at  all  events,  Canaan 
had  remained  under  it  so  long  that,  at  least  for  official 
purposes,  the  practice  of  using  the  language  and 
writing  of  Babylonia  continued  to  prevail,  even  after 
Canaan  had  become  a  province  of  the  Egyptian 
Empire "  (Driver,  Schweich  Lectures,  p.  31)."  Our 
knowledge,  however,  of  the  Egyptian  supremacy  rests 
upon  contemporary  inscriptions  and  other  documen- 
tary evidence.  In  1887  there  wore  discovered  the 
famous  Toll  el-Amarna  tablets  (p.  55),  dating  from  the 
reignsof  Amenhctcp  III  ( 141-1-1383)  and  Amenhotep IV 
(1383-1365),  which  throw  considerable  fight  upon  the 
dependent  condition  of  the  Canaanites  and  their  ex- 
posure to  attack  from  their  neighbours,  the  moment 
Egyptian  help  was  withdrawn.  We  leani  that  the 
Canaanites  were  at  tliis  time  attacked  by  certain  in- 
vaders whom  they  called  Khabiri  (pp.  34,  00),  and  being 
unable  to  defend  tliemsiives  sent  pitiful  supplications  to 
Egypt  for  help.  This  help  Amenhetep  IV  was  unable 
to  afford,  and  the  rule  of  Egypt  over  Canaan  practically 
lapsed.  Forty  or  fifty  years  later,  however,  the 
Egyptians  under  Sety  *I  (1326-1;KK))  recovered  their 
supremacy  and  kept  it  tUl  about  1200,  when  they 
themselves  fell  into  a  state  of  confusion  and  anarchy. 


Being  no  longer  able  to  maintain  their  hold  over 
Canatm,  they  loft  the  way  open  for  others  to  invade 
and  dominate  the  country.  The  Hebrew  invasion  was 
the  result. 

As  stated  above,  records  of  the  Egyptian  supremacy 
are  found  in  contemporary  inscriptions  wiiich  have 
been  discovered  in  the  last  twenty  or  tliirty  years. 
From  these  we  obtain  three  facts  which  have  an  im- 
portant beaiing  on  early  Hebrew  history.  (1)  In  an 
inscription  of  Thothmos  III  (1500-1450)  recording  his 
conquests  in  Palestine,  we  find  Jacob-el  certainly,  and 
Joseph-el  possibly,  as  names  of  places  in  Central  Pales- 
tine. (2)  Again  in  a  document  dating  from  the  reign 
of  Rameses  II  (1300-1234)  the  title  "  Mount  of  User  " 
{i.e.  Asher)  is  given  to  a  district  in  the  north  of  Pales- 
tine ;  and  finally  (3)  in  an  inscription  of  Merenptah 
(124.3-1214)  recording  the  overthrow  of  certain  places 
in  South  Palestine,  Israel  is  mentioned  after  Gezor,  as 
a  people  that  had  been  "  destroyed." 

The  significance  of  these  three  facts  in  helping  us 
to  reconstruct  the  history  will  appear  later  on. 

A  tentative  reconstruction  may  be  given  as  follows. 
It  is,  no  doubt,  liistorically  true  that  some  Semitic 
clans  or  tribes  known  as  Leah  tribes  and  Rachel 
tribes  established  themselves  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  and 
made  occasional  raids  into  Palostmo  across  the  river. 
In  doing  this  they  only  followed  the  practice  of  the 
E.  Jordan  tribes  they  had  conquered  or  alhed  them- 
seh'os  with,  as  we  see  from  the  Tell  el-Amama  tablets. 

On  the  basis  of  Gen.  38  some  scholars  have  gone  so 
far  as  to  affirm  that  there  was  no  organised  invasion 
of  Palestine  at  all  by  the  Hebrews  1  but  most  have 
been  content  to  admit  tiiat  some  time  after  the  sporadic 
raids  of  the  Leah  tribes,  Joshua  led  the  Rachel  tribe 
or  tribes  across  the  Jordan  and  wrested  a  considerable 
amount  of  territory  from  the  Canaanites  in  the  hill 
country  in  the  centre  of  Palestine. 

We  may  assume,  then,  that  the  first  incursions  into 
Palestine  by  the  Hebrews  were  probably  begun  by 
three  of  tiie  Leah  tribes — Judah,  Simeon,  and  Levi ; 
the  other  Leah  tribe,  Reuben,  remained  on  the  E.  of 
the  Jordan  contented  with  its  lot.  Tiio  invading  or 
immigrating  tribes  came  into  the  centra  of  Palestine 
round  about  Shechcm  and  settled  there  peaceablj'. 
But  Simeon  and  Levi  came  to  grief  on  account  of  a 
treacherous  attack  on  the  Shcciicmites,  Judah  was 
driven  S.  and  according  to  the  general  interpreta- 
tion of  Cen.  38  established  itself  by  alliances  with 
various  Canaanitish  clins:  the  alhancc  with  the 
Kenites,  Calebites,  and  others  took  place  bter.  So 
far  as  we  can  judge,  it  occupied  the  district  where  we 
find  Israel  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  of  Merenptah 
referred  to  above,  and  we  may  conjecture  that  it 
adopted  the  name  Israel  as  that  of  its  ancestor.  It 
is  true  that  there  is  in  Jg.  1  an  account  of  the  raids 
of  Simeon  and  Judah  which  is  inconsistent  with  the 
above,  but  the  uidirect  accounts  preserved  in  the  old 


JOSHUA,  I 


249 


legends  are  of  more  value  than  the  direct  statements 
of  later  times. 

Some  time  later  the  Rachel  tribes  or  tribe  invaded 
the  centre  of  Palestine.  The  notice  in  Jg.  1  of  Joseph's 
treacherous  capture  of  Bethel  may  have  some  historical 
basis,  and  indeed  may  be  a  doublet  of  the  original 
narrative  of  the  taking  of  Jericho.  These  Rachel  clans 
settled  down  in  districts  where,  as  we  learn  from  the 
inscription  of  Thothmes  III,  towns  named  Jacob-el 
and  perhaps  Joseph-cl  were  situated.  In  the  same 
way  as  Judah  had  adopted  Israel,  the  Rachel  tribes 
adopted  Jacob  and  perhaps  Joseph  as  their  ancestors  ; 
Joseph  being  regarded  as  the  son,  since  his  territory  was 
occupied  later  than  that  of  Jacob-eL  When  the  tribes 
wore  united  under  the  monarchy,  it  was  necessary  to 
identify  Israel  with  Jacob,  and  this  was  done  in  the 
well-known  story  in  Gen.  32. 

The  name  Joseph  was  still  remembered  as  the  desig- 
nation of  the  Rachel  tribe  when  the  earliest  part  of 
the  Book  of  Joshua  was  written.  The  tribe  subse- 
quently split  up  into  Ephraim,  Manasseh,  and 
Benjamin.  Ephraim,  no  doubt,  means  "  a  fertile 
tract,"  Benjamm  "  the  son  of  the  south,"  wliile  the 
meaning  of  Manasseh  is  still  unknown.  When  Joseph 
broke  up  into  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  Ephraim  re- 
tamed  the  centre  of  Palestine,  and  Manasseh  settled  a 
little  to  the  N,  ;  while  its  territory  on  the  E.  of 
the  Jordan,  wliich,  according  to  tradition,  was  allotted 
to  it  by  Moses,  was  probably  gained  by  conquest 
when  the  settlements  on  the  W.  side  were  found  to  be 
insufficient.  This  conjecture  is  as  early  as  Ewald,  and 
is  strengthened  by  Budde's  emendation  in  Jos.  17ii, 
where  the  tribe  of  Joseph  asks  for  more  territory.  (In 
passing,  it  may  be  noted  that  the  request,  and  the 
granting  of  it,  are  quite  inconsistent  with  the  division 
of  the  land  as  narrated  in  the  last  part  of  the  book.) 
Benjamin  was,  in  all  probabihty,  the  southern  part 
of  the  Joseph  or  Ephraim  tribe.  In  2  S.  1920,  Shimei, 
of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  claims  to  be  of  the  house  of 
Joseph. 

When  we  come  to  discuss  the  origin  of  the  other 
northern  tribes  we  are  involved  in  obscurities.  We 
can  only  say  that  the  Song  of  Deborah  shows  that  some 
two  or  three  generations  after  the  conquest  of  the  hill 
country  by  Rachel  tribes,  other  Hebrew  clans  had 
settled  in  the  N.  It  is  possible  also  that  some 
native  Canaanitish  tribes  allied  themselves  to  the 
invaders  and  became  members  of  the  confederacy. 
The  likehhood  of  this  is  illustrated  by  the  case  of 
Asher.  As  already  mentioned,  a  district  in  N.  Pales- 
tine was  called  User  or  Asher  before  the  date  of  the 
Conquest,  while  in  historical  times  Asher  was  the  name 
of  a  tribe  of  Israel  located  in  the  same  neighbourhood. 
The  explanation  of  this  may  be  that  a  Hebrew  clan 
took  possession  of  the  district  called  Asher  and  adopted 
the  ancient  name  as  its  own,  or  else  that  the  Asherites, 
a  Canaanitish  clan,  deliberately  allied  themselves  to  the 
Hebrews.  The  narrative  of  the  Gibeonites  shows  that 
the  latter  theory  has  some  probability  on  its  side. 
Whj'  Issachar  and  Zebulim  should  be  connected  with 
the  Leah  tribes  is  not  clear.  It  is  possible  that  they 
were  oarUor  settlers  than  the  Rachel  tribes,  and  were, 
on  that  account,  reckoned  to  Ijcah  by  the  early  writers. 
The  Zilpah  and  Bilhah  tribes — Gad  and  Asher,  Dan 
and  Naphtah — probably  joined  the  Hebrew  con- 
federacy laat.  Zilpah  and  Bilhah  were,  therefore,  said 
to  have  been  concubines  of  Jacob.  The  assignment  of 
two  sons  or  tribes  to  each  may  be  arbitrary,  but  it  is 
worth  noticing  that  it  corresponds  to  the  breaking  up 
of  Joseph  into  the  two  tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh. 

The  account  of  Judah's  marriage  and  offspring  in 


Gen.  38,  which  shows  very  plainly  that  this  tribe  made 
alliances  with  the  Canaanites,  is  no  doubt  the  reason 
why  some  scholars  have  denied  any  historicity  to  the 
account  of  the  Conquest  in  our  book.  But  against 
this  must  be  set  the  fact  that  Judah  apparently  took 
some  time  to  assimilate  the  other  clans  and  present  a 
united  front  to  its  neighbours  and  enemies  ;  while  the 
northern  tribes,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  Song  of 
Deborah,  were  capable  of  resisting  an  oppressor ; 
i.e.  were  more  of  a  fighting  unit  than  Judah  was. 
Such  unity  would  come  from  their  having  obtained 
their  temtory  by  conquest.  The  Rachel  tribes  may 
have  obtained  their  land  by  the  sword  and  the  Book 
of  Joshua  may  contain  reminiscences  of  it. 

If  tliis  reconstruction  of  the  history  of  the  Conquest 
is  approximately  true,  the  narratives  of  our  book  are 
simply  an  unscientific  endeavour  to  account  for  certain 
historical  facts  known  to  the  writers.  In  historical 
times  the  nation  was  divided  uito  twelve  tribes  (see 
the  Blessing  of  Jacob  and  the  Blessing  of  Moses). 
The  Israelitish  historians  naturally  asked  how  this 
division  came  to  pass.  Their  answer  is  given  in 
Joshua,  but  it  has  no  basis  in  history,  and  has  no 
more  value  than  the  stories  about  some  of  the  tribea 
in  1  Ch.  4f.  ;  or  to  take  an  instance  from  our  own  book, 
the  account  of  the  institution  of  circumcision  at  GilgaL 
The  events  recorded  in  chs.  1-12  can,  according  to 
most  scholars,  be  taken  as  having  some  historical  basis. 
We  have  the  capture  of  Jericho,  Ai,  and  Bethel,  and 
the  defeat  of  two  coaUtions  against  Israel,  one  in  the 
S.  at  Beth-horon,  and  the  other  in  the  N.  at  the 
waters  of  Merom. 

The  last  twelve  chapters  of  the  book  are  generally 
admitted  to  have  Uttle  if  any  historical  value.  The 
casting  of  lots  by  the  tribes  for  their  territory  is  purely 
"  ideal."  There  are,  however,  some  fragments  wliich 
contain  material  for  history,  e.g.  15i3fi.,  the  conquest 
of  Hebron  by  Caleb  and  of  Kirjath-sepher  by  Otlmiel. 
We  may  also  accept  ITiiff.,  referred  to  above,  as  show- 
mg  that  part  of  the  Joseph  tri))e  migrated  to  the  W. 
of  the  Jordan  in  search  of  further  territory.  Most  of 
these  later  chapters  come  from  the  Priestly  writer,  and 
were  written  after  the  Exile  ;  they  tell  us  the  positions 
which  the  tribes  occupied  in  historical  times,  and  are 
so  far  valuable  in  enabling  us  to  locate  roughly  where 
they  were  settled. 

lia  the  last  two  chapters  we  have  two  "  ideal " 
speeches  of  Joshua,  i.e.  they  contain  sentiments  such 
as  the  writers  thought  Joshua  would  be  likely  to  utter 
under  the  given  circumstances. 

The  great  uncertainty  which  exists  as  to  the  history 
of  the  Hebrews  before  the  Conquest  can  be  seen  from 
the  fact  that  Professor  Fhnders  Petrie,  the  eminent 
Egyptologist,  considers  that  the  invaders  of  Palestine 
were  descended  from  the  Hyksos  kings  who,  having 
reigned  over  Egypt  for  some  generations  were  finally 
expelled  about  1600  b.c.  and  found  a  temporary 
home  at  Sharuhcn  (see  196*).  These  kings  were  prol>- 
ably  Somites,  they  occupied  a  powerful  position  in 
Egypt,  and  were  subsequently  driven  out  (pp.  52,  54). 
These  are  historical  facts,  which  is  more  than  we  can 
say  for  the  accounts  in  Genesis. 

Literature. —  Commentaries  :  (a)  Cooke  (CB),  J.  S. 
Black  (SCB),  Bennett  (SBOT),  Robmson  (Cent.B),  (r ) 
Dillmann  (KEH),  Steuerna^rol  (HK),  Holzinger  (KHC). 
Other  Literature  :  articles  m  HDB,  EBi,  SDB'-;  Holmes, 
Joshua,  the  Hfhnw  and  Greek  T<xt'i :  Driver,  Modem 
Research  as  Illustrating  the  Bible  (Schwcich  Lectures). 
I.  Joshua's  Commission  ;  Preparation  for  the  Passage 
of  the  Jordan. — This  chapter  does  not  call  for  much 
comment.     It  is,  for  tiie  most  part,  an  introduction  to 


250 


JOSHUA,  I 


tlio  whole  book  from  a  Deuteronomic  writer.  There  may 
have  been  a  Deuteronomic  account  of  tlio  conquest  of 
tlic  land  which  the  compiler  of  our  book  used,  but  more 
jnobably  the  old  nanativo  of  JE  was  taken  over  by 
the  Deuteronomist,  wJio  managed  to  superimpose  his 
own  views  by  means  of  an  introduction  and  various 
additions.  These  additions  are  verj^  considerable ; 
hardly  any  chaptei-s  have  escaped. 

4.  The  boundaries  of  the  land  are  strangely  indicated, 
and  the  passage  should  no  doul)t  read,  "  From  the 
wiklerness  in  the  south  to  Lebanon;  and  from  the 
ri\er  Euphrates  to  the  western  sea  {i.e.  the  Mediter- 
ranean) sliall  be  your  border  " — or  rather,  territory.  In 
reality,  the  kingdom  never  extended  as  far  as  this 
from  E.  to  W.,  though  the  N.  and  S.  boundaries  would 
hold  good  for  David's  time. — 12-15.  See  Nu.  32. 

II.  Two  Hebrew  Spies  Visit  Jericho  and  Evade 
Capture. — The  narrative  is  inconsistent  with  lii, 
"  ^^'itllin  three  days  ye  are  to  pass  over  Jordan."  Tho 
events  in  eh.  2  must  have  taken  longer  than  three 
days,  for  22  tells  us  that  the  spies  abode  three  days  in 
the  mountains  ;  and  with  one  day  to  go  and  another 
to  return,  live  days  at  least  would  be  required.  This 
is  an  indication  that  2  and  1  are  from  different 
sources.  And  perhaps  2  itself  is  composite.  The 
narrative  reads  consistently  if  15-17  is  omitted,  for 
we  can  hardly  tliink  of  the  conversation  being  continued 
between  Rahab  at  the  window  and  tho  spies  on  the 
ground  outside  the  wall. 

1.  Shittim:  Nu.  25i.— 6.  Cf.  2  S.  I718-20.— 
lOf .  belongs  to  the  Deuteronomist.  The  passage  '  ia 
an  interesting  example  of  how  the  Biblical  writers 
ascribe  to  ancient  characters  their  own  ideas.  Rahab 
is  made  a  pure  monotheist  at  a  time  when  we  know 
that  the  Hebrews  themselves  were  only  monolatrous. 
The  great  example  of  this  method  of  writing  historj^ 
m  found  in  the  Books  of  Chronicles,  where  the  writer 
carries  back  to  David's  time  the  later  ecclesiastical 
usages  ;  but  no  greater  anachronism  can  be  found  than 
the  one  here,  where  a  Canaanitish  heathen  is  made  to 
utter  a  monotheism  worthy  of  Amos.  The  words  put 
into  Rahab's  mouth,  '"  Yahweh  is  God  in  heaven  above 
and  on  the  earth  beneath,"  are  an  exact  repetition  of 
Dt.  439.— 15.  Cf.  1  S.  19i2,  Ac.  925,  2  Cor.  II33. 

III.  i-V.  1.  The  Crossing  of  Jordan. — Here  we  begin 
to  meet  with  more  serious  difficulties.  The  old  tradi- 
tion was  that  after  tho  Israelites  had  crossed  the  Jordan, 
they  commemorated  the  event  by  the  erection  of 
twelve  stones.  But  this  simple  narrative  existed  in 
two  recensions,  which  differed  as  to  the  destination  of 
these  memorial  stones.  According  to  one  account, 
tlicy  were  to  be  placed  in  tho  midst  of  the  river ; 
according  to  the  other,  they  were  to  be  set  up  on  the 
W.  side  of  the  Jordan  in  the  place  where  the  army 
encamped  for  the  night.  Deuteronomic  additions  have 
been  made  to  these  narratives,  i.e.  additions  of  a 
religious  colouring  as  in  7,  "  And  Yahweh  said  unto 
Joshua,  This  day  will  I  begin  to  magnify  thee  in  the 
sight  of  all  Israel,  that  they  may  know  that  as  I  was 
with  Moses  so  I  will  be  with  thee."  In  spite  of  this, 
ch.  .3  on  the  whole  presents  an  intelligible  narrative  if 
the  first  clause  of  .),  which  speaks  of  tho  distance  to  bo 
maintained  between  the  Ark  and  the  people,  is  made  a 
parenthesis.  It  is  probably  an  insertion  in  the  spirit 
of  tho  priestly  writers,  emphasizing  tho  sacred  character 
of  tho  Ark  in  accordance  with  Nu.  4i5ff.  As  the  text 
stands,  we  must  take  5  as  spoken  the  day  before  6, 
and  in  6  insert  some  such  phrase  as  "  and  on  the 
morrow."  We  must  also  delete  12,  which  has  no  con- 
nexion with  what  precedes  or  follows.  With  these 
alterations,  the  narrative  is  straightforward.     In  ch.  4, 


however,  wo  get  into  hopeless  confusion.  In  i  the 
people  have  completely  passed  over  Jordan.  Then 
twelve  men  are  commanded  to  go  back  and  fetch 
twelve  stones  from  the  bed  of  the  river.  But  in  4f. 
tho  twelve  men  are  ordered  to  pass  over  before  tho 
Ark,  and  the  narrative  of  the  crossing  which  wo  have 
already  had  at  tho  end  of  ch.  3  is  repeated  down  to  19. 

Moreover,  instead  of  the  two  accounts  of  the  stones 
wliich  we  expect  in  the  two  narratives,  there  are, 
practically,  throe.  One  tells  us  quite  plainly  that 
twelve  stones  were  taken  out  of  the  midst  of  the  river, 
and  the  second  just  as  plainly  says  that  twelve  stones 
wero  set  up  in  the  midst  of  the  river ;  while  tho 
account  we  should  naturally  expect,  that  twelve  stones 
were  taken  across  the  river  from  one  side  to  another, 
only  appears  if  we  take  the  last  half  of  3  by  itself ; 
viz.  the  words,  '"  And  carry  them  over  with  you  and 
put  them  in  the  lodging  place  where  ye  shall  lodge 
to-night.  '  These  words,  taken  alone,  certainly  seem 
to  speak  of  the  transference  of  stones  from  one  side 
of  the  river  to  the  other.  Further,  the  four  worda 
previous  to  those  just  quoted  can  be  translated  as 
follows  :  "  Prepare  (hdkin)  twelve  stones  (and  carry 
them  over,"  etc),  a  command  which  fits  in  with  tho 
rest  of  the  verse.  But  by  tho  words  in  the  first  part 
of  3,  which  speak  of  taking  stones  out  of  the  river,  the 
purport  of  this  command  is  entirely  altered.  It  is 
here  maintained  that  all  the  references  to  stones  being 
taken  out  of  the  bed  of  the  river  are  insertions  which 
arose  from  a  misunderstanding  of  5.  But  it  will  be 
asked — Does  not  5  speak  of  taking  up  stones  from  the 
river  ?  At  first  sight  it  does ;  but  the  command, 
"  Cross  over  before  the  ark  into  Jordan  and  take  every 
man  of  you  a  stone  upon  his  shoulder,"  is  given  to  the 
men  who  are  already  on  the  bank  of  the  river  where 
the  stones  are  in  readiness,  so  that  the  taking  up  of 
the  stones  would  be  the  first  thing  to  be  done.  But 
as  the  words  "  hft  up  the  stones  "  came  after  the 
words  "  cross  over  before  the  ark,"  it  was  thought 
that  the  action  corresponded  with  this  order ;  that 
the  stones  wore  lifted  up  after  the  men  had  marched 
into  the  bed  of  the  river ;  hence  arose  the  erroneous 
idea  that  stones  were  taken  up  out  of  the  bed  of  tho 
river,  after  the  twelve  men  had  marched  into  position 
before  the  Ark.  This  led  first  to  the  insertion  of  the 
words,  "  out  of  the  midst  of  Jordan  "  in  8,  and  after- 
wards to  another  insertion  at  the  beginning  of  3. 

When  tho  text  has  been  cleared  in  this  way,  ch.  4 
gives  a  second  account  of  the  crossing,  with  the  usual 
additions  of  the  Deuteronomist.  9  is  out  of  placo 
unless  it  is  explained,  &h  the  Greek  translation  does,  by 
the  insertion  of  the  word  "  other  "  before  the  worda 
"  twelve  stones." 

[III.  3.  The  priests  the  Levites:  i.e.  the  Levitical 
priests.  The  tcnu  is  Deuteronomic.  In  Dt.  the  whole 
tribe  of  I^evi,  not  tho  descendants  of  Aaron  merely, 
exercise  priestly  functions.  Cf.  Dt.  i8i. — 4.  The 
sanctity  of  tho  Ark  was  such  that  the  people  must 
keep  far  from  it,  lest  Yahweh  should  "  break  forth 
upon  t.hem."  Cf.  1  8.  f.^*,  6rof.  2  S.  ()6-8.— A.  S.  P.] 
-5.  Sanctify  yourselves. — War  was  a  sacred  act  among 
tho  Israelites,  for  whiei\  they  prepared,  as  for  any  other 
sacred  function,  by  ceremonial  purification  (p.  99 and  see 
W.  R.  Smith,  RS-,  p.  455).— [16.  A  remarkable  parallel 
is  quoted  by  Clermont  Ganneau  (see  article  by  C.  M. 
Watson,  Pal.  E.rpl.  Fund  Quarterly,  1895,  pp.  253  ff. 
Soo  also  HDB,  ii.  p.  265,  EBi,  cols.  2399f.)  from  tho 
Arabic  chronicler  Nowairi.  He  describes  how,  in  Decem- 
ber 1267,  the  Jordan  was  dammed  for  several  hours  in 
this  neighbourhood  by  a  landsUp.  Smaller  landslipa, 
in  fact,  still  occur  in  the  district. — A.  S.  P.]— 20.  The 


JOSHUA,  VI.  26b 


251 


■words  "  out  of  Jordan  "  should  bo  "  from  Jordan." — 
IV.  3.  The  statement  that  twelve  stones  were  to  be 
set  up  in  the  lodging  place  is  doubtless  an  endeavour 
to  account  for  a  sacred  stone  circle  w  hich  existed  from 
prehistoric  times  at  Gilgal.  Large  stones,  or  rather 
pillars  (Heb.  mazzehoth-,  pp.  98f.),  formed  part  of  every 
holy  place  even  in  the  time  of  Hosea.  They  wore,  how- 
ever, forbidden  in  Dt.  For  an  excellent  photograph  of 
such  stones  at  Gezer,  sec  Driver,  Schweich  Lee,  p.  G3. 

V.  2-9.  Joshua  Circumcises  the  Israelites. — Here  we 
have  an  interesting  but  quite  unhistorical  account  of  the 
institution  of  circumcision.  Circumcision  (pp.  83,  99f.) 
is  a  prehistoric  rite  practised  by  many  nations  in  anti- 
quity and  by  the  South  Sea  Islanders,  African,  and 
Australian  aborigines  in  the  present  day.  Here  we  have 
an  attempt  to  date  its  origin  in  Israel  from  the  entry 
into  Palestine,  while  in  Gen.  17*  (P)  its  origin  is  dated 
from  the  command  given  by  God  to  Abraham.  The 
endeavours  of  subsequent  scribes  to  bring  the  two 
accounts  into  conformity  with  one  another  are  seen  in 
the  insertion  of  3-8.  The  original  nan-ative  is  probably 
to  be  found  in  2  and  9.  Joshua  is  ordered  to  circumcise 
the  nation  by  Yahweh,  who  says,  "  This  day  have  I 
rolled  away  the  reproach  of  Egypt  from  off  you." 
The  only  meaning  to  be  attached  to  these  words  is 
that  the  Egyptians  had  reproached  the  Israelites  with 
being  uncircumcised,  just  as  the  Israelites  themselves 
sub.sequently  reproached  the  Philistines.  Later  writers 
however,  especially  in  the  face  of  Gen.  17,  could  not 
admit  that  the  Israelites  were  uncircumcised  in  Egypt ; 
3-8  was  accordingly  added,  stating  that  the  Israelites 
who  were  circumcised  at  Gilgal  were  those  who  had 
been  bom  in  the  wilderness,  and  for  some  unexplained 
reason  had  never  undergone  the  rite,  though  this,  of 
course,  leaves  the  words,  "  This  day  have  I  rolled  away 
the  reproach  of  Egypt  from  ofE  you,"  quite  without 
meaning.  That  the  original  account  gave  offence  to 
later  editors  is  also  seen  from  the  uaterestiag  fact  that 
the  stone  knives  here  mentioned  are  again  found  in 
LXX  21 42  and  2430,  where  they  are  .said  to  have  been 
preserved  at  Timnath-rerah.  These  passages,  no  doubt, 
belong  to  the  old  tradition  that  circumcision  was  insti- 
tuted by  Joshua  at  Gilgal,  but  as  being  in  conflict 
with  the  priestly  account  in  Gen.  17  were  omitted 
from  the  Hebrew  text. 

[21.  knives  of  flint:  this,  like  the  parallel  case  of 
Zipporah's  circumcision  of  her  son  with  a  flint  (Ex.  425), 
is  an  example  of  what  is  known  as  "the  conservatism  of 
the  religious  instinct."  The  rite  dated  back  beyond 
the  period  when  metal  knives  were  in  use.  A  Central 
Australian  tradition  (Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes 
of  Central  Australia,  pp.  223f.,  394-402)  carries  us 
back  beyond  even  stone  knives  to  the  use  of  the  fire- 
stick  for  circumcision,  but  stone  knives  are  said  to 
have  been  introduced  because  so  many  of  the  boys 
died  under  the  operation  (pp.  224,  401f.).  Any 
deviation  from  traditional  routine  is  felt  to  be  dangerous 
in  religious  ceremonies,  and  just  as  the  fire-stick  was 
employed  after  flint  knives  were  known,  so  the  latter 
rehc  of  the  Stone  Age  continued  to  be  used  after  metal 
knives  had  been  introduced.     See  831*. — A.  S.  P.] 

V.  10-12,  which  records  the  eating  of  the  first  pass- 
over  in  the  Promised  Land,  belongs  to  the  Priestly 
writer.  The  editor  took  care  to  put  the  account  of 
the  circumcision  before  that  of  the  Passover,  for, 
according  to  Ex.  I248,  "  no  uncircumcised  person  shall 
eat  thereof." 

V.  IS-VI.  27.  The  Capture  of  Jericho.— The  narrative 
begins  at  613  ;  61  is  an  inst^rtion  (observe  that  RV 
places  it  in  brackets),  so  that  62  should  immediately 
follow  615.     The  captain  of  Yahweh'a  host  is  therefore 


Yahweh  Himself.  In  the  rest  of  the  chapter  we  have 
a  composite  narrative,  so  skilfully  compiled  that  at 
first  sight  there  is  not  much  fault  to  find.  Closer 
inspection,  however,  shows  that  there  are  two  signals 
for  the  fall  of  the  walls — (a)  a  shout  after  a  blast  of  the 
trumpets  (5),  and  (6)  a  shout  after  Joshua's  command 
(10).  Further,  the  priests  and  the  rearguard  also  are 
said  to  have  sounded  the  trumpets  during  the  circuit 
of  the  walls  :  this  is  probably  a  very  late  addition. 
Wellhauscn's  suggestion,  which  has  been  generally 
accepted,  is  that  two  accounts  are  combined  ;  in  the 
first  the  Israelites  marched  round  the  walls  once  a  day 
for  seven  days,  while  in  the  second  the  Israelites  went 
round  the  walls  seven  times  in  one  day.  These  stories 
were  combined  by  an  editor  who  may  have  added  the 
statement  that  the  trumpets  were  sounded  during  the 
circuit  of  the  walls.  Most  scholars  are  satisfied  that 
this  is  the  best  solution  as  yet  offered. 

It  is,  however,  possible  that  the  first  and  simplest 
narrative  is  based  on  a  still  earUer  and  simpler  account, 
of  which  traces  remain  in  the  LXX.  Here  we  find 
that  the  command  at  the  beginning  of  the  chapter 
contams  no  reference  at  all  to  marching  round  the 
walls  of  the  city.  sf.  runs  in  LXX  as  follows  :  "  And 
do  thou  set  the  men  of  war  round  the  city,  and  it 
shall  be  when  ye  blow  with  the  trumpet,  let  all  the 
people  shout  together,  and  when  they  shout,  the  walls 
of  the  city  shall  fall  dovm  of  themselves  and  all  the 
people  shall  hasten  to  enter  into  the  city."  Here  the 
command  is,  Surround  the  city,  give  a  signal  by  blowing 
a  trumpet,  raise  the  battle-cry  and  dehver  the  assault. 
That  the  walls  should  fall  down  of  themselves,  is  a 
vivid  statement  of  the  fact  that  the  army  would 
encounter  no  resistance.  The  Raliab  clan  in  the  city 
would  open  the  gates,  or  find  some  other  means  of 
letting  the  invaders  within  the  walls.  Tlie  capture  of 
Bethel,  as  recounted  in  Jg.  I24,  should  be  read  in 
connexion  with  this.  [The  recent  excavations  at 
Jericho  do  not  support  the  historicity  of  the  statement 
that  the  walls  collapsed.  Handcock  says,  "  none  of 
the  fortification  works  at  Jericho  shows  any  sign  of 
having  been  destroyed  to  the  extent  that  a  reader  of 
Joshua  VI  would  naturally  suppose  "  ( ArchcBology 
of  the  Holy  Land,  p.  101).— A.  S.  P.] 

The  original  and  simple  narrative  that  the  city  waa 
surrounded  and  taken  by  assavilt,  aided  by  the  co- 
operation of  some  of  the  inhabitants,  was  gradually 
enlarged.  The  additions  would  probably  begin  with 
the  introduction  of  the  Ark.  When  it  was  felt  that  the 
Ark  ought  to  have  some  place  of  honour  in  the  taking 
of  Jericho,  as  it  had  in  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan,  the 
command  to  surround  the  city  would  become  a  com- 
mand to  march  round  the  city,  with  the  Ark  in  a 
position  of  honour.  Naturally  the  priests  would  have 
to  accompany  the  Ark.  Hence  a  .simple  historical  fact 
has  been  altered  out  of  all  recognition.  {Cf.  the 
transformation  which  the  earlier  nairative  in  Jg.  5  has 
suffered  in  Jg.  4  and  the  similar  alterations  in  Ch.  ; 
especially  the  narrative  of  the  bringing  of  the  Ark  to 
Jerusalem  ;  cf.  2  S.  6  with  1  Ch.  13  and  15.) 

[17.  devoted:  i.e.  placed  under  the  ban  (herem),  de- 
voted to  utter  destruction.  To  save  anjthing  alive 
or  appropriate  anjlhing  thus  devoted,  as  Achan  did, 
was  counted  a  grievous  sin  (cf.  Dt.234*.  1  S.  15.  pj).  99, 
114)._A.  S.  P.] 

26b.  The  exact  meaning  of  these  words  is  difficult  to 
determine  (1  K.  H)34*).  Tho  simplest  solution  is  to 
believe  that  the  builder  offered  his  firstborn  as  a  founda- 
tion sacrifice  and  his  youngest  son  as  a  final  sacrifice 
on  tho  completion  of  the  rebuilding,  and  that  the  reli- 
gious feeling  of  later  times  (c/.  Mi.  0;)  transformed  the 


252 


JOSHUA,   VI.   26b 


sacrificoa  into  a  punishment.  It  v/as  a  well-known 
custom  in  primitive  times  for  the  foundation  of  a  houno 
to  be  inaugurated  with  a  human  sacrifice.  Wo  feel  re- 
luctant to  admit  that  this  custom  obtained  in  Israel, 
but  after  the  excavations  at  Gezcr  it  is  impossible  to 
deny  the  existence  of  human  foundation  sacrifices  aa 
late  as  "  the  latter  half  of  the  Jewish  monarchy  "  (pp.  83, 
99,  Ex.  1.32*).  See  Driver,  Schweich  Lectures,  pp.  69- 
72,  where  a  photograph  is  given,  and  objections  to  the 
theory  that  a  foundation  sacrifice  is  here  referred  to 
are  stated.  The  actual  rebuilding  of  the  Canaanitish 
city  of  Jericho  appears  not  to  have  been  attempted. 
ArchfPological  evidence  seems  to  show  that  another  city 
was  built  not  far  from  the  old  site  (see  Driver,  p.  92). 

VII.  Achans  Trespass,  Israels  Defeat,  Achan's 
Punishment.  -  1.  The  name  should  probably  be  Achar. 
The  narrative  presents  no  difficulties  till  tho  end  of  the 
chapter,  whore  Achan's  punishment  is  recorded. — 2.  Ai : 
probably  2  miles  SE.  of  Bethel  (p.  31  ).—9.  And  what  wilt 
thou  do  for  (or  on  account  of)  thy  great  name  ?  The 
meaning  is  that  if  Israel  is  destroyed  there  will  be  none 
to  worship  Vahwoh  ;  an  interesting  example  of  tho 
ancient  belief  in  the  close  connexion  between  the  deity 
and  his  worshippers. — [19.  Give  .  .  .  Lord  :  i.p..  tell  the 
truth,  cf.  Jn.  924.— A.  S.  P.].— 24.  The  text  has  under- 
gone considerable  alteration.  Originally,  as  the  Heb. 
shows,  the  clause  ran,  "  And  Joshua  took  Achan  tho 
son  of  Zerach  and  all  Israel  with  him  and  brought  him 
to  the  valley  of  Achor."  The  insertion  was  probably 
made  under  the  inlluence  of  Dt.  ISisf.  It  ha.s  been 
suggested  that  Achan  alone  was  put  to  death,  but  con- 
sidering the  views  of  ancient  times,  it  is  probable  that 
the  original  narrator  considered  "  him "  to  include 
Achan's  household. 

VIII.  1-29.  Capture  of  Al. — Here  we  have  the  second 
and  tho  successful  attempt  to  take  AL  That  two 
accounts  have  been  combined  Ls  obvious.  In  3  Joshua 
sends  30,000  men  as  an  ambuscade  against  the  city  ; 
in  12,  he  sends  .5000  men.  No  doubt  30,000  is  an  error 
for  3000.  7  he  writer  of  20,  who  tells  us  that  tho  whole 
population  of  Ai  was  12,000,  is  also  the  writer  of  3.  We 
may  take  it  that  he  was  far  more  likely  to  write  3000 
than  30,000.  In  17  the  words  "  and  Bethel  "  are  an 
unintelligent  insertion  of  a  late  editor.  They  are  not 
in  the  LXX,  and  if  the  ambush  was  between  Bethel 
and  Ai,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  inhabitants  of 
Bethel  could  come  out  to  pursue  after  the  main  army 
of  Joshua. 

13  requires  a  slight  emendation  to  give  sense.  We 
must  read.  They  placed  the  people,  the  whole  camp, 
i.e.  the  main  army,  north  of  the  city,  and  the  ambush 
in  tho  west.  This  gives  us  the  second  account.  In 
the  first,  Joshua  marches  from  the  E.  into  the  valley 
towards  Ai  and  sends  an  ambush  from  thence  to  the 
other.  I.e.  the  W.  side  of  the  city.  In  the  second  he 
draws  up  his  army  on  the  N.  of  Ai  and  sends  his 
ambush  as  in  the  firet  case  to  lie  "  behind,"  i.c  to  tho 
W.  of  Ai. — 11-13  is  more  detailed  in  giving  the  position 
of  Joshua  himself,  and  may  be  an  insertion  with  that 
end  in  view,  or  it  may  be  from  an  independent  account. 
— 14.  "  At  the  time  {vig.  to  the  place)  appointed, 
before  tho  Arabah  "  is  a  difficult  phrase.  As  it  stands 
it  is  unintelligible.  If  we  emend  "  to  the  flopc  (viorad 
for  vio'kI)  l)€fore  the  Arabah,"  then  we  get  a  possible 
meaning.  In  75  we  roarl  that  tho  men  of  Ai  in  the 
first  battle  smote  the  Israelites  on  the  "  morad,"  the 
slope  or  descent,  as  they  were  fleeing  to  their  camp. 
The  idea  may  be  that  on  the  second  occasion  Josima 
did  not  approach  so  near  to  the  city  aa  on  the  first, 
but  remained  near  the  sloping  ground  whore  tho 
Israelites  had  been  overtaken  and  slain  before.     But 


in  any  case  it  is  an  insertion  in  the  original  text.— - 
[18.  It  is  questionable  if  this  is  a  signal ;  it  looks  hke  a 
piece  of  sympathetic  magic.  The  p<jinting  of  the 
deadly  weapon  at  the  city  is  a  symbol,  but  not  an  empty 
symbol.  It  helps  to  achieve  what  it  represents.  We 
may  compare  the  ebb  and  flow  of  victory  a*  the  hands 
of  Moses  sank  or  rose,  his  hand  hold  the  wonder- 
working rod,  as  the  hand  of  Joshua  held  tho  javelin, 
(Ex.  179-13).  And  as  Moses'  hands  wero  upheld 
till  victory  was  won,  so  Joshua  did  not  withdraw  tho 
javelin  till  the  ban  was  e.xecuted  (26). — A.  S.  P.] — 
29.  We  should  read  with  LXX  "  cast  it  into   a  pit." 

VIII.  30-35.  Altar  Erected  on  Ebal,  the  Law  Inscribed 
and  Read. — This  comes  in  a  strange  place.  The  middle 
of  Canaan  has  not  yet  been  conquered,  so  that  such  a 
proceeding  was  impossible  if  our  narrative  is  complete. 
On  this  account  most  scholars  take  it  that  30-35  is 
the  end  of  an  account  which  narrated  the  conquest  of 
the  middle  of  the  country,  and  that  for  some  reason 
or  other  the  editor  omitted  it.  Tho  passage  is  Deutero- 
nomic,  and  the  objection  that  it  violates  the  law  of  the 
single  sanctuary  rests  on  a  misconception.  According 
to  the  Deuteronomic  view,  the  single  sanctuary  was  to 
be  set  up  when  "  Yahweh  hath  given  you  rest  from 
your  enemies  round  about."  This  refers  to  the  reign 
of  Solomon  :  until  then  a  multiphcity  of  altars  was 
regarded  as  legitimate,  as  is  seen  from  the  fact  that 
Samuel  is  not  considered  to  have  done  wrong  by 
sacrificing  at  various  places,  while  the  kings  and  people 
who  did  so  after  the  erection  of  Solomon's  Temple  are 
spoken  of  with  disapproval. 

[30,  Ebal:  pp.  30f.— 31.  an  altar  .  .  .  Iron:  see 
Ex.  2O25,  Dt.  275f.  It  is  another  example  of  the 
conservatism  of  the  religious  instinct  (see  52f.*). 
Iron  came  into  use  for  implements  last  of  the  metals, 
and  there  was  a  dread  for  long  after  of  using  it  in 
religious  rites.  Religion  remains  in  the  Bronze  Age 
after  ordinary  life  has  passed  into  the  Iron  Age.  Iron 
may,  however,  be  used  as  a  protective  against  spirits 
or  fairies  (thus  the  horse-shoe  brings  luck),  since  they 
have  an  aversion  to  the  new-fangled  metal  (see  HDB, 
iv.  833 ;  Frazer,  The  Magic  Art,  pp.  225-236).  — 
A.  S.  P.].— 33.  Gerizim:  p.  30. 

IX.  The  Stratagem  of  the  Glbeonltes.— This  account, 
though  composite,  is  straightforward  enough  if  17-21 
bo  omitted.  Th&se  verses  give  an  account  by  the 
priestly  writer  in  which  the  "  princes  of  the  congrega- 
tion "  take  the  leading  part,  and  make  a  treaty  which 
immediately  afterwards  is  made  again  by  Joshua. 
22  is  plainly  tho  continuation  of  16.  That  a  treaty 
was  made  with  the  Gibeonitos  at  an  early  date  is  a 
hLstorical  fact,  but  that  ti-eaty  was  very  far  from 
making  them  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  for 
the  Templo  (23.27),  which,  of  course,  did  not  yet  exist. 
We  read  in  2  S.  21  that  a  three  years'  famine  which 
occurred  was  considered  to  be  a  punishment  on  Israel 
for  an  attempt  made  by  Saul  to  extirpate  tho  Gibeonitos 
in  spite  of  the  existence  of  an  alhance.  This  looks  as 
if  the  Gilteonitcs  wero  independent  allies.  If  so,  they 
were  not  reduced  until  the  time  of  Solomon,  when 
with  the  rest  of  the  Canaanites  they  wero  made  to 
furnish  labourers  for  Solomon's  building  operations 
(see  I  K.  92  iff.)  including,  of  course,  tho  Temple — the 
house  of  Yahweh.  The  words  "  hewor  of  wood  and 
drawer  of  water  "  in  Dt.  29io  show  that  the  phrase 
simply  means  menial  labourers,  and  it  is  with  this 
meaning  that  tlio  words  wero  used  in  the  earlier 
narrative.  The  Priestly  writer  is  responsible  for  turn- 
ing it  into  tho  definite  meaning  of  Temple  servants. 

X.  1-27.  Defeat  and  Death  of  the  Five  Kings — Here 
we  have  the  account  of  the  famous  battle  of  Beth- 


JOSHUA,   XVIf, 


253 


horon.  Five  kings  band  themselves  together  against 
Gibeon ;  the  Gibeonit«s  send  for  help  to  Joshua,  who 
comes  upon  the  enemy  suddenly  and  completely  routs 
them.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  saj^  that  the  adjuration 
to  the  sun  to  stand  still  Is  purely  poetical,  and  is  to  bo 
compared  with  the  words  of  Deborah's  song,  "  The  stars 
in  their  courses  fought  against  Siscra."  The  compiler 
of  this  book,  however,  took  it  as  an  actual  prayer  that 
was  really  granted,  as  is  seen  from  the  words,  "  So 
the  sun  stood  still  in  the  midst  of  heaven."  Mr. 
Stanley  Cook  would  omit  the  third  line  and  make  the 
fourth  lino  part  of  the  appeal,  which  would  then  run, 
"  Sun,  stand  thou  still  at  Gibeon,  and  thou,  moon,  on 
the  valley  of  Aijalon,  till  Yahweh  (not  the  people)  hath 
avenged  himself  on  his  enemies."  He  also  gives  the  in- 
teresting information  that  "  Syrian  peasants  still  cry  in 
song  to  the  sun  to  hasten  his  going  down  that  they  may 
rest"  (EBi,  article  "  Jashar)."  For  the  book  of  Jashar, 
see  p.  45. 

12.  Valley  of  Aijalon:  p.  31. — 15  must  be  omitted; 
it  is  not  in  the  LXX  and  is  suspicious  for  othsr 
reasons. 

X.  28-40.  Conquest  of  S.  Canaan. — This  section  is  late 
and  is  from  the  hand  of  the  Deuteronomist.  Well-known 
passages  in  this  and  other  books  show  it  to  be  quite 
unhistoricaL  In  33  the  king  of  Gezer  (Jg  l29*,l  K.9i6*,) 
is  said  to  have  been  slain  with  all  his  people,  though 
from  I610  we  know  that  Gezer  maintained  its  inde- 
pendence, and  from  Kings  it  appears  that  it  did  so  till 
the  time  of  Solomon.  In  36-39  Hebron  and  Debir  are 
taken,  and  all  the  inhabitants  destroyed,  though  later 
on,  in  15 1 3,  we  read  that  Caleb  goes  up  against  these 
towns  and  takes  possession  of  them.  According  to 
the  tradition  in  Jg.  1  this  happened  after  the  death  of 
Joshua. 

XI.  Defeat  of  Jabin  and  his  Coalition. — Jabin,  king 
of  Hazor,  gathers  a  vast  army  of  Canaanites  at  the 
Waters  of  Merom  (locality  uncertain,  p.  32).  The 
coalition  was  utterly  defeated,  the  king  was  slain,  and 
his  city  burnt.  In  Jg.  4,  a  king  of  the  same  jiame 
and  the  same  city  appears,  who  "  for  twenty  years 
mightily  oppressed  the  children  of  Israel."  Joshua's 
victory  here  seems  to  be  m consistent  with  the  account 
given  of  Jabin  in  Jg.  4.  The  original  story  of  Barak's 
campaign  (Jg.  5)  has  no  reference  to  Jabin,  but  only 
to  Sisera.  The  prose  narrative  (Jg.  4)  combines  the 
war  against  Sisera  with  that  against  Jabin,  and  makes 
the  former  the  general  of  the  latter.  It  is  noticeable 
that  the  terms  of  the  short  narrative  in  which  the 
battle  is  here  described  are  very  vague  and  general, 
and  8,  with  its  statement  that  the  Israelites  pursued 
their  enemies  as  far  as  Zidon  in  the  N.  and  Mizpah 
in  the  E.  is  simply  the  result  of  the  writer's  ignorance  ci 
the  distances  of  these  places  from  the  battle-field. 
That  there  may  have  been  some  severe  conflict  in  the 
N.  is  quite  possible,  but  that  such  a  .sweeping  victory 
took  place,  which  had  so  httle  effect  that  it  had  to  be 
repeated  some  time  afterwards,  is  against  all  probabihty. 
1-9  is,  in  the  main,  from  JE,  10-23  from  the 
Deuteronomist. 

13.  cities  that  stood  upon  their  mounds :  this  may 
be  illustrated  by  a  quotation  from  Driver's  Schweich 
Lectures  (p.  87).  He  says,  "  At  Gezer  we  have  first 
the  rough  earth  rampart,  with  stone  facings,  of  the 
aboriginal  Neolithic  population,  followed  by  the  more 
massive  stone  walls  built  by  subsequent  occupiers." 
The  "  rough  earth  rampart  "  would  constitute  the 
"  Tell  "  or  mound,  and  would  doubtless  be  known  to 
the  writer. 

XII.  List  of  the  Conquered  Kings.— The  whole  of  this 
chapter,  which  is  a  detailed  expansion  of  11 16,  "  So 


Joshua  took  all  that  land,"  is  a  late  composition  of 
the  Deuteronomic  school ;  of  which  it  can  only  bo  said 
that  the  first  six  verses  are  probably  less  removed  from 
liistorical  verity  than  the  last  eighteen.  The  statement 
(6)  that  Moses  had  given  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  land 
on  the  east  of  the  Jordan  is  unliistorical  (ch.  17*).  10 
(c/.  Jg.  I7)  mentions  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  butc/.  1563 
and  Jg.  I21. 

XIII.  Parts  of  the  Land  as  yet  Unconquered.  In- 
heritance of  the  Two  and  a  Half  Tribes  on  the  E.  of 
Jordan. — In  i  wo  meet  with  a  statement  which  causes 
surprise.  The  whole  land  has  been  subdued  (II23-I2), 
yet  now  we  read  that  even  in  Joshua's  old  age  there 
remained  "  very  much  land  to  be  possessed."  This 
plainly  comes  from  an  older  source  than  ch.  12,  and 
is  very  much  nearer  the  true  state  of  things.  The 
later  writer,  however,  in  order  to  bring  the  statement 
into  harmony  with  what  he  has  written  in  12,  pro- 
ceeds to  explain  the  phrase  "  very  much  land  "  by 
referring  it  to  distant  places  in  the  W.  and  N.  (2-6), 
some  of  which  certainly  never  came  into  the  possession 
of  Israel  at  all.  And  these  places  were  to  be  divided 
amongst  the  tribes  and  constitute  their  inheritance  ! 
For  29-31,  which  is  unhistorical,  see  end  of  ch.  17.* 

XIV.-XIX.  The  Division  of  the  Land  on  the  W.  of 
Jordan. 

14i-5  is  P's  introduction  to  the  division  of  the 
land  by  lot,  but  instead  of  going  on  at  once  with  his 
account  of  the  inheritance  of  Judah  the  editor  inserts 
(6—15)  a  Deuteronomic  account  of  Caleb's  claim  to 
Hebron  in  accordance  with  the  promise  given  him  by 
Moses  in  Nu.  After  this  we  get  in  15i-i2,  P"s  accoimt 
of  the  boundaries  of  Judah.  But  before  giving  the 
names  of  the  various  cities  of  Judah,  the  editor  inserted 
another  account  (13-19)  of  Caleb's  conquests  from  a 
source  older  than  the  Deuteronomic  section  just  men- 
tioned in  146-15.  Then  in  20-62  we  get  the  names  of 
the  cities  of  Judah.  In  63  we  have  an  old  fragment  of 
genuine  historical  interest  statuig  that  the  Jebusites 
maintained  their  ground  in  Jerusalem,  a  duplicate  of 
which  is  found  in  Jg.  I21  with  the  erroneous  alteration 
of  Benjamin  for  Judah. 

XIV.  1-5  reads  rather  confusedly.  The  statement 
is  made  that  the  following  is  the  inheritance  of  Israel — 
a  late  writer,  wishing  to  be  more  exact,  says  the  9^ 
tribes,  and  then  proceeds  to  point  out  how  the  number 
9^  was  obtained. 

XVIf.  This  section  deals  wiih  the  inheritance  of 
the  Joseph  tribes,  Ephraim  and  Manasseh.  It  is 
composite,  but  the  different  parts  are  easily  sepa- 
rated. The  old  narrative  speaks  of  the  tribe  of 
Joseph,  the  new,  i.e.  P,  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh- 
The  section  begins  with  three  verees  (I61-3)  from 
the  older  source  which  give  the  dividing  line  of  the 
lot  of  Joseph,  i.e.  the  boundary  between  the  N. 
and  S.  ;  the  line  goes  from  Jordan  near  Jericho,  leaving 
Jericho  on  the  S.',  and  is  drawn  by  Bethel,  Beth-horon, 
and  Gezer.  One  would  naturally  expect  that  this  line 
would  be  the  same  as  the  southern  border  of  Ephraim 
which  P  gives  in  the  following  verses  (4-9).  But  for 
some  reason,  which  we  can  only  conjecture,  the  borders 
of  Ephraim  are  confused  and  unintelligible.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  as  P  was  written  after  the  Exile 
by  a  scribe  in  Judah,  his  knowledge  of  the  northern 
part  of  Palestine  would  be  very  imperfect,  hence  the 
unsatisfactory  nature  of  the  account.  10,  which  states 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Gezer  maintained  their  ground, 
is  another  fragment  of  the  same  kind,  as  I063,  and 
like  it,  has  a  duplicate  in  Jg.  1,  viz.  in  29. 

17i-io,  from  a  Priestly  writer,  describes  the  in- 
heritance of  Manasseh.     In  7-10  the   boundaries  are 


254 


JOSHUA,   XVIf. 


given,  but  as  in  the  case  of  Ephraim,  no  definite 
boundaiy  line  can  bo  drawn  from  the  names  pivon  in 
the  text.  The  only  point  of  interest  is  the  assignment 
of  inheritance  to  the  daughters  of  Zelophehad  in  accord- 
ance with  Nu.  27 iff.  There  Moses  ordains  that  the 
daughters  of  a  man  who  has  no  sons  shall  take  their 
fatiuTs  inheritance.  This  is  in  opposition  to  ancient 
law,  wliich  recognised  the  soas  only  as  heirs.  Later 
feeling  was  against  this,  and  the  writer  of  Nu.  27iS, 
gave  effect  to  it  by  the  imaginary  instance  of  Zelophehad 
and  his  daughters.  For  a  discussion  of  this  kind  of 
"  legal  fiction,'  see  W.  R.  Smith,  OTJO  2,  p.  386.  The 
remainder  of  the  chapter  (11-18)  consists  of  two 
passages  from  an  older  source,  the  first  of  which  states 
that  Manasseh  could  not  drive  out  tlie  Canaanites  from 
Bethshean  and  some  other  cities.  This  resembles  1563, 
and  should  be  compared  with  Jg.  I27.  The  second 
passage  (14-18)  gives  the  demand  of  "  Joseph  "  for  an 
extension  of  territory.  The  request  is  granted,  but  in 
somewhat  obscure  tenns.  The  statement  ascribed  to 
the  Joseph  tribe,  "  Thou  hast  given  me  but  one  lot," 
shows  that  the  oldest  tradition  knew  nothing  of  any 
territory  E.  of  the  Jordan  being  assigned  to  Manasseh 
by  Moses,  and  this  view  is  supported  by  the  fact  that 
in  the  song  of  Deborah,  Machir,  which  is  only  another 
name  for  Alanasseh,  is  regarded  as  a  W.  Jordan  tribe. 
It  has  therefore  been  argued  with  great  probability 
that  the  settlements  of  the  Manassite  clans  E.  of  the 
Jordan  were  subsequent  to  the  settlements  on  the  W. 
But  the  passage  in  the  text  does  not  put  this  definitely  ; 
accordingly  Budde  emends  Joshua's  answer  as  follows  : 
"  But  the  hill  country  of  Gilead  shall  be  thine." 
Whether  this  emendation  is  accepted  or  not,  a  large 
number  of  scholars  are  agreed  that  the  first  settlements 
of  Manasseh  were  in  W.  Palestine  and  that  those  in 
the  E.  were  acquired  later ;  the  present  passage,  with 
its  distinct  statement  about  the  "  one  lot,"  certainly 
supports  that  view. 

The  first  verse  of  ch.  18  belongs  to  P,  and  its  original 
position  was  before  14i.  It  was  placed  here  by  the 
editor  before  what  is  probably  a  Deuteronomic  passage 
(3-10)  with  which  it  does  not  connect  very  well  So 
far,  only  Judah  and  Joseph  (Ephraim  and  Manasseh) 
have  had  their  inheritance  assigned  to  them  by  lot. 
The  old  tradition  was  that  Judah  and  Joseph  were  the 
first  to  obtain  their  territory  by  conquest ;  the  way 
in  which  P  conformed  to  this  was  by  saying  that  their 
inheritance  was  a.ssigncd  to  them  first  by  lot  when  the 
whole  of  the  W.  Jordan  tciritory  was  divided.  The 
writer  of  2-10  (D  ?)  apparently  follows  the  older 
narrative,  that  Judah  and  Joseph  obtained  their  lands 
by  conquest,  but  thinks  that  the  remaining  seven  tribes 
obtained  th(;irs  by  lot.  This  the  editor  retained.  But 
the  passage  has  suffered  from  subsequent  revision,  for 
the  LXX  shows  that  it  did  not  originally  contain  the 
references  to  Shiloh  in  8-10.  These  references  were 
inserted  to  make  the  passage  agree  with  i.  After  this 
passage,  P  is  res\imed  and  the  lot«  of  the  seven  triljcs 
given  in  the  remainder  of  18  and  in  19.  In  I947,  we 
have  a  fragment  of  the  older  history,  or  rather  the 
fragment  of  a  fragment.  The  meaningless  words 
"  went  out  beyond  them  "  should  be  "  were  too  narrow 
for  them."  This  restores  sense  to  the  passage  as  it 
stands.  But  the  original  passage,  as  wo  see  it  from 
the  LXX,  corresponded  to  Jg.  I34,  fn>ra  which  it 
appears  that  the  Amorit-es  effectually  prevented  the 
Danites  from  settling  in  the  SW.  of  Palestine.  The 
last  editor  of  Joshua  dcsii-ed  that  this  should  not 
i-emain  on  record,  and  accordingly  cut  down  the 
original  passage  to  its  present  form. 

XIX.  y.  Sharuhen  is  interesting  as  the  city  to  which 


the  Hyksos  (pp.  52,  54)  or  Semitic  Shepherd  Kings  fled 
when  they  were  driven  out  of  Egypt,  and  where  they 
are  said  to  have  been  besieged  for  six  years  (Driver, 
1'Jxodu.s.  p.  xiiii). 

XX.  TheCitiesof  Refuge.— The  cities  of  refuse  (p.  113) 
were  not  appointed  till  after  the  Deuteronomic  reform 
under  Josiah  in  G21.  In  early  times  the  asylum  or  refuge 
for  the  manslayer  was  the  altar  at  the  local  sanctuary. 
This  is  seen  from  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  (Kx.  2 1 14)  : 
"  If  a  man  como  presumptuously  upon  bis  neighbour 
to  slay  him  with  guile,  thou  shalt  take  him  from  my 
altar  that  he  may  die."  See  also  1  K.  I50,  where 
Adonijah,  in  fear  of  his  life,  floes  to  the  altar  for  safety. 
When  the  law  of  the  single  sanctuary  was  promulgated 
in  Dt.,  other  provision  had  to  be  made  for  asylum  ; 
hence  the  institution  of  the  cities  of  refuge.  As  Dt. 
says  that  Moses  commanded  the  institution  of  these 
cities,  a  later  writer,  ignorant  of  the  exact  standpoint 
of  the  Deuteronomic  school,  naturally  concluded  that 
Joshua  carried  out  that  command  ;  he  accordingly 
stated  that  what  he  thought  must  or  ought  to  have 
occurred,  did,  as  a  fact,  actually  occur.  The  stand- 
point of  Dt.  was  that  the  cities  of  refuge  were  to  be 
appointed  after  the  Temple  of  Solomon  had  been  built 
and  the  law  of  the  single  sanctuary  had  thus  become 
possible.  Tliis  being  so,  there  was  no  need  for  Joshua 
to  appoint  these  cities.  See  further  Nu.  35'*,  Dt. 
191-13=*. 

XXI.  1-42.  The  Levitical  Cities.— The  cities  pro- 
mised by  Moses  to  the  Levitcs  are  here  assigned  to 
them.  The  sons  of  Aaron  have  13  in  Judah,  the 
Levites  10  in  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  13  in  Galileo, 
and  12  in  the  E.  Jordan  territory.  Both  promises  and 
performance  are  unhistorical.  The  simple  fact  that 
the  descendants  of  Aaron  could  at  tliis  time  have 
numbered  only  a  few  families  shows  the  assignment  of 
13  cities  to  them  to  be  purely  imaginary.  For  the  true 
history  of  tho  priesthood,  reference  must  be  made  to 
the  Introduction  to  the  Pentateuch. 

11  is  an  interesting  piece  of  "  harmonising."  The 
conquest  and  possession  of  the  city  of  Hebron  by 
Caleb  was  so  prominent  in  the  old  tradition  that  the 
assignment  of  it  to  the  Priests  had  to  be  explained. 
The  fields  and  villages  are  therefore  said  to  have  been 
assigned  to  Caleb,  wliile  the  city  and  the  suburbs  go 
to  the  Priests. 

XXI.  4a-XXII.  8.  Yahweh's  Promise  of  Conquest 
Completely  Fulfilled,  so  that  the  E.  Jordan  Tribes  are 
Set  Free  to  Return  Home. — Wo  have  here  the  introduc- 
tion to  the  last  section  of  our  book.  The  land  has  now, 
according  to  the  Deuteronomist,  been  con(iuered  and 
divided  amongst  tiio  9.V  tribes  ;  con^ioquentij'  the  2^ 
tribes,  having  fulfilled  their  duty,  are  dismissed  with 
thanks  to  their  own  possessions  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Jordan. 

XXII.  9-34.  The  Altar  of  Witness  Erected  by  the  E. 
Jordan  Tribes. — This  narrative  is  clearly  not  historical, 
and  the  question  arises,  Why  should  it  have  been  com- 
posed ?  Tho  answer  is  that  it  is  a  Midrash  (p.  314,  2  Ch. 
L'i^^"")  of  the  same  nature  as  those  in  Nu.  I532,  the  man 
gathering  sticks  on  the  Sabbath,  and  31 25,  tho  law  for  the 
division  of  the  spoil.  In  this  connexion  we  may  quote 
tho  admirable  words  of  Mr.  Ball  :  "  We  have  to  bear 
in  mind  a  fact  familiar  enough  to  students  of  Talmudio 
and  Midrasliio  literature,  the  inveterate  tendency  to 
convey  their  doctrine  not  in  the  form  of  abstract 
discourse,  but  in  a  mode  appealing  directly  to  the 
imagination.  .  .  .  The  Rabbi  embodies  his  lesson  in  a 
story,  whether  parable,  or  allegory,  or  seeming  his- 
torical narrative  ;  and  the  laat  thing  he  or  his  disciples 
would  think  of  is  to  ask  whether  tho  selected  persons. 


JOSHUA,    XXIV. 


255 


'  events,  and  circumstancoa  wliich  so  vividly  suggest  the 
doctrine  are  in  theaisolvcs  real  or  fictitious.  T'ao 
doctrine  is  everything  ;  the  mode  of  presentation  has 
no  independent  value."  {Speaker's  Comm.  on  the 
Apocrypha,  vol.  ii.  p.  307.) 

There  is  only  one  legitimate  altar,  according  to  the 
Deuteronomist,  but  this  regulation  was  supposed  to 
come  into  force  only  after  the  building  of  the 
Temple  by  Solomon.  This  view  is  not  accepted  by  the 
Priestly  writers  :  accordiuig  to  them,  the  command  to 
sacrifice  at  the  central  sanctuary  was  valid  from  tho 
very  beginning.  It  was  to  emphasize  this  that  tho 
story  was  written.  Not  even  for  tribes  so  far  away 
from  Jerusalem  as  Reuben  and  Gad,  was  another  altar 
to  be  allowed.  The  story  has  been  skilfully  composed, 
and  the  time  skilfully  chosen  for  the  purpose.  The 
doctrine  of  tho  single  sanctuary  is  emphasized  in  an 
unmistakable  manner,  and  yet  no  blame  attaches  to 
those  who  erected  the  second  altar.  It  has,  however, 
been  suggested  that  tho  narrative  may  have  reference 
to  some  ancient  altar  whoso  existence  had  to  be 
explained  and  made  consistent  with  the  law  of  the 
single  sanctuary.  In  support  of  this  it  should  be 
noticed  that  Joshua  does  not  appear  in  the  narrative, 
or  Eleazar  either,  so  that  it  could  not  have  originally 
been  written  in  connexion  Avith  the  return  of  the 
2J  tribes.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  words 
"  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  "  are  a  later  insertion 
where  they  occur  ;  in  25,  32,  and  34,  they  do  not 
appear  ;  the  narrative  originally  concerned  the  tribes 
of  Reuben  and  Gad  only. 

[29.  The  E.  side  of  Jordan  might  seem  a  different 
land  from  W.  Palestine,  and  therefore  cut  off  from  the 
sanctifying  influence  of  the  Tabernacle.  If  that  was 
really  the  case,  the  law  of  the  single  sanctuary  must 
remain  inviolate,  and  E.  Jordan  be  regarded  as  miclean. 
Since  the  2^  tribes  could  not  remain  in  an  unclean 
land  they  would  have  to  cross  the  Jordan  and  settle 
in  the  West.— A.  S.  P.] 

XXIII.  Address  by  Joshua. — We  have  in  this  chapter 
a  Deuteronomic  homily  or  exhortation  such  as  we  find 
in  Dt.  28.  In  both  places  the  writer  points  out  the 
evil  consequence  of  disobedience  to,  and  the  beneficial 
results  of  compliance  with,  the  commandments  of 
Yahweh.  These  discourses  are  an  amplification  of 
the  well-known  words  of  Isaiah,  "  If  ye  be  willing  and 
obedient,  ye  shall  eat  the  good  of  the  land,  but  if  ye 
refuse  and  rebel  ye  shall  bo  devoured  with  the  sword, 
for  the  mouth  of  the  Lokd  hath  spoken  it."  If  this 
chapter  is  compared  with  tho  next,  the  reader  will  see 
at  once  tho  difference  between  the  exhortations  of  the 
Deuteronomic  school  and  those  of  the  earlier  "  pro- 
phetic "  writers.  Tho  Deuteronomist  generalises,  the 
earlier  writer  refers  to  historical  facts. 

XXIV.  Joshua  Addresses  the  People,  Makes  a 
Covenant,  and  Erects  a  Stone  of  Witness.    Death  of 


Joshua. — ^This  chapter  is  unanimously  assigned  to  tho 
Elohist  (E).  Tho  appeal  of  Joshua  is  to  the  history  of 
tho  nation,  beginning  with  Abraham.  In  9  tho  words 
"  and  fought  against  Israel "  should  be  omitted. 
Balak  did  not  join  battle  with  Israel.  In  11  "  tho 
Amorito,  etc."  should  be  omitted.  Tfie  hornets  hero 
in  12  and  in  Ex.  2328  and  Dt.  720  are  a  well-known  per- 
plexity. Could  it  have  been  a  picturesque  way  of 
referring  to  tho  fact  that  before  1200  the  Canaanites 
had  been  in  subjection  to  the  Egyptians  and  Hittites, 
and  therefore  unprepared  to  oppose  an  invader  ?  In  12 
for  the  "  two  "  kings  of  the  Amorites  we  may  read 
with  the  LXX,  "  twelve."  It  is  quite  possible,  how- 
ever, that  in  the  original  no  number  at  all  was  given. 
Tn  14  and  23  the  exhortation  to  put  away  false  gods 
is,  no  doubt,  a  reference  to  the  idols  which  we  know 
were  worshipped  by  tho  Israelites  even  in  Isaiah's 
time.  The  writer,  as  a  member  of  tho  prophetic  school, 
opiJosed  them,  and  puts  his  own  teaching  into  Joshua's 
speech.  As  to  the  book  of  the  law  mentioned  in  26, 
it  is  diflficult  to  say  what  is  meant.  Some  scholars 
have  thought  that  a  "  book  of  the  law  "  was  in  exist- 
ence of  which  we  know  nothing  ;  but  it  has  been 
pointed  out  (Oxf.  Hex.)  that  if  there  had  been  such 
a  book  of  the  law  there  would  have  been  no  necessity 
to  erect  a  stone  as  a  witness  :  the  book  would  be  a 
much  better  one.  The  words  are  therefore  probably 
a,n  insertion.     On  32  r/.  Gen.  33ii)*. 

Tho  LXX  has  three  or  four  additional  verses  which 
are  not  represented  in  the  Hob.  or  in  our  version. 
As  one  of  them  says  that  the  Ark  was  carried  about 
among  the  Israelites,  later  editors  would  not  care  to 
preserve  a  notice  which  militated  against  their  ideal 
view  of  the  early  history  of  the  nation. 

On  looking  back  over  the  Book  of  Joshua,  the  student 
will  probably  experience  a  feehng  of  disappointment. 
According  to  critical  investigation  the  book  appears  to 
be  a  medley  of  contradictory  narratives,  most  of  which 
are  unhistorical.  It  has  to  be  admitted  that  tho  Hebrew 
writers  knew  nothing  of  lustory  in  the  modem  sense  of 
the  term:  myth,  legend,  tradition  were  all  accepted 
without  question.  But  on  the  other  hand  they  beUeved, 
and  that  rightly,  that  the  destiny  of  theii'  nation  was 
ono  of  great  importance  in  tho  historj-^  of  the  world; 
and  the  Book  of  Joshua  was  written  and  echted  in  the 
behef  that  events  contributory  to  the  reahsation  of  that 
destiny  are  to  be  seen  in  the  conquest  and  occupation 
of  Palestine.  The  traditional  and  legendary  accounts 
of  these  events  were  narrated  in  all  good  faith  by  the 
aid  of  the  only  materials  then  available.  Such  con- 
siderations as  these  will  always  render  the  investigation 
of  the  obscure  lustory  of  early  Israel  a  subject  of  abid- 
ing interest  to  modern  students  of  religion.  In  the 
great  epic  of  Israel's  history  the  Book  of  Joshua  has  ita 
place. 


JUDGES 


By  Professor  JAMES  STRAHAN 


Israel's  New  Environment. — YVTicn  the  Israelites  came 
up  from  the  Arabian  Desert  and  invaded  the  fertile 
lands  of  Sj-ria,  they  took  the  most  important  step  in 
human  progress.  They  ceased  to  be  nomads  and  be- 
ca.me  tillers  of  the  ground.  Their  contact  with  Egypt 
had  made  a  profound  impression  upon  them.  WhUe 
it  rekindled  their  passion  for  freedom,  it  gave  them 
a  new  sense  of  the  benefits  of  civilisation.  It  spoiled 
them  for  ever  for  the  old  Bedouin  life.  They  could 
never  again  feel  themselves  doomed  to  the  drudgery 
of  wandering  as  shepherds  from  well  to  well,  and 
from  one  scant  pasture  to  another.  It  dawned 
upon  them  that  they  and  their  children  were  called 
to  a  fuller,  richer  life,  in  which  they  would  have  all 
the  desert  freedom  without  any  of  the  desert  poverty. 
\Miat  was  their  redemption  from  Egj-pt  worth  if  they 
were  simply  to  be  flung  back  into  the  treeless,  waterless 
waste  ?  Inspired  \^-ith  a  new  faith  in  Yahweh,  who 
had  brought  them  out  of  the  house  of  bondage,  they 
felt  that  He  was  summoning  them  to  inherit  a  land  of 
their  own  in  which  He  would  make  them  a  great 
nation.  There  are,  indeed,  indications  that  the  life 
in  walled  cities  was  bcgim  with  some  qualms  and  fears, 
while  the  taste  and  aptitude  for  husbandry'  and  vine- 
dressing  were  doubtless  but  slowly  acquired.  Even 
after  centuries  in  the  goodly  land  of  Canaan  there 
were  stiU  adherents  of  the  pld  order,  who  lived  in  tents 
and  abjured  wine  (Jer.  35*;,  for  ever  harking  back  to 
the  time  when  Yahwehs  people  were  not  contaminated 
and  enfeebled  by  the  luxuries  and  the  ^^ces  of  cities 
fp.  85).  But  no  nation  can  live  on  its  past.  TMien  the 
Jordan  was  once  crossed,  the  die  was  cast,  and  the 
new  era,  for  good  or  ill.  commenced  in  the  country  of 
the  Canaanites  and  Amorites. 

The  Times  of  the  Judges. — This  era,  extending 
roughly  from  1250  to  1000  B.C.,  was  the  raw,  crude, 
formative  period  of  Israel's  history.  Each  tribe,  or 
group  of  clans,  acting  independently  of  the  others,  had 
first  to  find  for  itself  a  home,  and  then  to  adapt  it.self 
to  its  new  conditions.  Even  in  the  most  desirable  place 
of  rest  it  was  difiicult  enough  to  abandon  the  habits  of 
ages.  The  spirit  of  the  nomad  was  not  to  be  tamed  and 
domesticated  in  a  day  or  a  year.  The  language  of  the 
settler  continued  to  smack  of  the  desert.  "  To  your 
tents,  0  Israel."  was  a  cr\-  heard  long  after  the  tribes 
had  ceased  to  roam  the  desert.  And  many  generations 
passed  before  a  real  national  union  was  consolidated. 
Fused  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  in  the  fierce  heat  of 
a  new  religious  passion,  the  old  individualism  yet 
inevitably  reasserted  itself  in  the  widely-scattered 
settlements.  No  tribe  exercised  an  undisputed  pre- 
eminence. No  second  ma,ster-mind  completed  the 
work  of  Moses.  In  the  absence  of  social  and  economic 
interests  common  to  the  whole  nation,  and  of  an 
authority  effective  over  a  wide  area,  the  trilx-s  were 
outwardly  held  together  only  by  ties  of  the  loosest 
kind.     There  was  neither  court  nor  capital,   neither 


high-priest  nor  central  shrine,  to  focus  the  political 
and  religious  aspirations  of  the  j'oung  nation.  The 
key  of  the  situation  would  appear  to  be  found  in  the 
fact  which  this  Book  emphasizes  by  frequent  repeti- 
tion :  "In  those  days  there  was  no  king  in  Israel,  but 
every  man  did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes  " 
(Jg.  176;  cj.  18i,  19i,  2I25).  Yet  that  was  only  half 
the  truth.  For  Yahweh  had  become  the  Lord  of 
Israels  conscience,  and  in  the  days  of  its  youth  the 
nation  slowly  learned  to  remember  its  Creator  and  to 
do  that  ■which  was  right  in  His  eyes.  Therein  lay  the 
whole  secret  of  Israels  coming  greatness. 

The  School  of  War. — Like  aU  the  other  nations  which 
have  plajed  a  conspicuous  part  in  historj-,  the  Israelites 
had  to  be  disciplined  in  warfare.  The  territory-  which 
thej'  had  won  could  not  be  maintained  without  great 
difficulty.  They  were  surroimded  on  every  hand  by 
jealous  neighbours,  and  their  life  and  property  were 
in  constant  danger.  Not  only  was  every  unconquercd 
Canaanite  town  a  hotbed  of  rebellion,  but  the  land  waa 
frequently  invaded,  now  by  a  wild  horde  of  Midianites 
from  the  desert,  now  by  a  regular  army  of  Ammonites 
from  beyond  the  Jordan,  or  of  Philistines  from  the 
Maritime  Plain.  "  These  are  the  nations  which  Yahweh 
left,  to  prove  Israel  by  them  ...  to  teach  them  war  "' 
(Jg.  3if .).  Without  this  discipline  the  Israelites  might 
have  become,  like  the  Phoenicians,  a  nation  of  mer- 
chants, but  in  the  defence  of  their  country  they  perforce 
became  martial  and  heroic.  Nearly  all  the  wars  in 
the  time  of  the  Judges  were  wars  of  defence,  not  of 
aggression,  and  the  recurrent  dangers  evoked  not  only 
the  dauntless  spirit  but  the  religious  passion  of  the 
race.  It  was  Israel's  firm  belief  that  Yahweh  wont 
with  them  into  battle  and  gave  them  the  victorj*. 
Their  first  liistory  was  "  The  book  of  the  Wars  of 
Y'ahweh.'  There  never  was  a  more  thrilling  war-cry 
than  "  The  sword  of  the  Lord  and  of  Gideon  "  ; 
patriotism  never  found  so  magnificent  expression  aa 
in  the  Song  of  Deborah  ;  and  no  maiden  ever  rose  to 
a  grander  height  of  self-sacrifice  than  Jephthah's 
daughter,  when  she  realised  that  her  life  was  the  price 
to  be  paid  for  her  father's  victory  over  Ammon. 

The  Title  of  the  Book. — Among  the  neighbouring 
nations  with  which  Israel  wa.s  destined  to  be  brought 
into  verj-  close  contact  were  the  Phoenicians.  Cen- 
turies, indeed,  elapse  before  they  receive  more  than  a 
passing  mention,  but  in  the  title  of  our  Book  there  is 
an  interesting  evidence  of  the  early  intercourse  be- 
tween the  two  kindred  races.  During  an  interregnum 
the  Phoenicians  wore  in  the  habit  of  entrusting  the 
supreme  power  in  their  country  to  a  suffct,  and  in 
Carthage  and  other  Punic  cities  the  sujjeies  were  the 
chief  magistrates,  corresponding  to  the  Roman  consuls. 
It  cannot  be  a  mere  coincidence  that  the  highest  power 
in  Israel  was  for  some  centuries  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  shophet,  or  Judge,  a  term  w  hich  had  a  much  wider 
meaning  than  our  English  word.     When  a  man  of 


JUDGES,  I.  1-21 


257 


vaiour  was  raised  up  to  be  a  Judge  in  Israel,  his  first 
tat;k  was  to  deliver  hLs  tiil>e,  or  group  of  tribes,  from 
an  oppressor  ;  and  when  peace  was  restored,  he  became 
the  political  head  of  one  or  more  tribes,  though  never 
of  the  whole  nation.  The  office  of  the  Judge  is  thus 
"  the  first  trace  of  the  influence  of  SjTian  usages  on 
the  fortunes  of  the  Chosen  People,  the  first-fruits  of 
the  pagan  inheritance  to  which  the  Jewish  and  the 
Christian  Church  has  succeeded "  (Stanley,  Jewish 
Church,  p.  258). 

The  Influence  of  the  Philistines. — From  this  western 
people  (pp.  56f. )  the  land  of  the  Canaanites  received  the 
name  by  which  it  is  still  best  known — Palestine  (p.  26). 
Their  influence  in  Syiia  was  undoubtedly  great,  though 
tlie  OT  gives  us  but  a  glimpse  of  the  facts.  They  were 
for  centuries  Israel's  most  stubborn  enemy,  and  it  was 
in  a  life-and-death  struggle  with  them  that  the  tribes 
ultimately  became  a  united  nation.  "  Philistine  "  has 
now  become  a  term  for  a  person  of  a  boorish  mind. 
But  the  monuments  unearthed  during  the  last  few 
years  in  Palestine.  Egj'pt,  and  Crete  have  begim  to 
revolutionise  our  ideas  of  that  ancient  people.  They 
were,  as  Professor  ^Macalister  says,  '"  of  the  remnant  of 
the  dying  glories  of  Crete  "  ( J.  Hist,  of  Civilisation  in 
Pal.,  p.  54).  Sprung  from  that  ancient  home  of  art, 
they  brought  with  them  the  itistincts  of  their  race, 
and  were  the  only  cultured  people  who  ever  occupied 
the  soil  of  Palestine  till  the  tune  of  the  Greeks.  "  What- 
soever things  raised  life  in  the  country  above  the  dull 
animal  existence  of  the  Fellahin  were  due  to  this 
people "  (p.  58).  Through  contact  with  them  the 
Israelites  made  two  strides  forward — they  learned  the 
use  of  iron  and  of  alphabetic  writing.  Without  the 
second  of  these  arts  how  different  would  all  our  sacred 
and  classical  books  have  been  !  The  Phoenicians  used 
to  be  regarded  as  the  givers  of  this  boon  and  blessing 
to  men.  But  opinion  is  changing.  "  \Mioever  in- 
vented the  alphabet  laid  the  foundation-stone  of 
ci\'ilisation.  Can  it  be  that  we  owe  this  gift  to  the 
Philistines,  of  all  people  ?  "  (R.  A.  S.  Macalister,  The 
Philidines,  p.  130). 

The  Sources  of  the  Book. — The  style  is  the  man,  and 
variety  of  styles  indicates  divei-sity  of  authorship. 
The  literary  analysis  of  this  Book  is,  on  the  whole, 
not  difficult,  (a)  The  main  and  central  part,  26-I631, 
consists  of  traditions  which  have  been  fitted  into  a 
framework  by  a  writer  (D)  imbued  ^vith  the  ideas  of 
the  Book  of  Deuteronomy.  His  thoughts,  and  the 
language  with  which  he  clothes  them,  make  liis  contri- 
bution very  apparent.  His  work  is  not  history  but 
commentary.  He  indicates  the  moral  of  the  traditions 
which  he  edits.  Like  the  prophets,  he  sees  the  hand  of 
God  so  controlling  events  that  Israel  invariably  enjoys 
prosperity  as  the  reward  of  faithfulness,  and  endures 
adversity  as  the  wages  of  sin.  It  will  be  found  that 
in  appljTng  this  moral  to  successive  eras,  he  regards 
the  heroes  of  particular  tribes  as  if  they  were  the 
Judges  of  the  whole  of  Israel.  He  probably  wrote 
about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  b.c.  He 
utilised,  without  materially  altering,  the  work  of  two 
earlier  writers,  or  schools  of  writers,  the  Yahwist 
(J)  of  Southern  Israel  and  the  Elohist  (E)  of  Northern 
Israel,  whose  works  had  already  been  combined  into 
a  pre-Dcuteronomic  Book  of  judges.  The  ultimate 
source  of  most  of  the  materials  embodied  in  the 
writings  of  both  these  earlier  authors  was  the  oral 
traditions  preserved  in  the  different  tribes  of  Israel. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  Song  of  Deborah, 
which  unquestionably  dates  from  the  time  of  the 
events  which  it  celebrates,  was  extracted  from  one  or 
other  of  two  books  which  have  not  come  down  to  ns — 


"  The  book  of  the  Wars  of  Yahweh,"  or  "  The  book  of 
the  Just."  {h)  The  introduction,  I1-25,  which  is 
almost  identical  with  fragments  scattered  throughout 
the  Book  of  Joshua  (13i3,  1013-19,63,  I610,  17n-i3), 
is  of  very  great  value  to  the  historian.  It  states  in 
the  most  explicit  terms  that  Israel's  conquest  of 
Canaan  was  at  the  outset  by  no  means  complete,  but 
that  many  cities  and  great  tracts  of  country  remained 
unsubdued,  (c)  The  last  five  chapters,  17-21,  form 
two  supplements  which  D  omitted,  though  he  doubtless 
found  them  in  the  earlier  Book  of  Judges.  These 
chapters  were  afterwards  edited  with  extensive  addi- 
tions, and  restored  to  their  original  position,  by  a 
redactor  of  the  post-exilic  priestly  school  (R).  His 
hand  is  unmistakable  in  the  last  two  chapters.  He 
probably  wrote  in  the  fourth  century  b.c. 

The  Value  of  the  Book. — Not  only  to  the  historian, 
but  to  the  student  of  life  and  character,  this  is  one  of 
the  most  interesting  books  in  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
■^Tiat  a  wealth  of  incident  and  experience,  what  food 
for  mind  and  heart,  are  found  in  its  mingled  comedy 
and  tragedy !  One  can  readily  imagine  how  the 
stories  were  told  with  weeping  and  with  laughter  in 
ancient  Israel.  And  they  have  a  message  for  all  ages 
and  lands.  'What  reader's  spirit  is  not  findled  by  the 
fervent  patriotism  of  Deborah,  thrilled  by  the  valour 
of  Gideon  and  Jephthah  and  Samson,  awed  by  the 
meek  submission  of  Jephthah's  daughter  ?  How  re- 
luctant we  still  are  to  condemn,  how  ready  to  applaud, 
even  the  vnld  justice  of  Jael !  "  Other  portions  of 
Scripture  have  been  more  profitable  for  doctrine,  for 
correction,  for  reproof,*  for  instruction  in  righteous- 
ness ;  but  for  merely  human  interest — for  the  lively 
touches  of  ancient  manners,  for  the  succession  of 
romantic  incidents,  for  the  consciousness  that  we  are 
living  with  the  persons  described,  for  the  tragical 
pathos  of  events  and  character — there  is  nothing  like 
the  history  of  the  Judges  from  Othniel  to  Eli " 
(Stanley,  p.  252). 

Literature.  —  Commentaries :  (a)  Cooke  (CB), 
Thatcher  (Cent.B),  Moore  (SBOT  Eng.) ;  (6)  Moore 
(ICC);  (c)  Budde  (KHC),  Nowack  (HK),  Lagrange. 
Other  Literature :  The  Histories  mentioned  in  the 
article  on  the  "  Historv  of  Israel  " ;  Budde's  Religion  of 
Israel  to  the  Exile,  Kaut2sch's  Religion  of  Israel  in 
HDB.  Marti's  Religion  of  the  OT.,  Loisy's  Religion  of 
Israel,  and  other  works  mentioned  in  article  "  Religion 
of  Israel,"  Macalister's  History  of  Civilisation  in 
Palestine. 

I.  l-II.  5.  The  Conquests  and  Settlements  of  the 
Israelites  in  Western  Palestine. — From  this  introduc- 
tion, which  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  parts  of  early 
Hebrew  history,  we  learn  that  the  various  tfib^ 
invaded  the  land  either  singly  or  in  small  groups  ; 
that  they  had  failures  as  well  as  successes  ;  that  in 
many  instances  they  did  not  destroy  the  older  popula- 
tion, but  settled  peacefully  among  them  ;  and  that, 
in  particular,  the  lai^er  cities  of  Canaan,  as  well  as 
the  fertile  valleys  and  the  Maritime  Plain,  remained 
in  the  possession  of  the  Canaanites.  The  conquests 
of  Judah  were  separated  from  those  of  Joseph  by  a 
belt  of  walled  cities  with  Jerusalem  in  its  centre. 
Another  line  of  strongholds,  extending  from  Beth-shan 
near  the  Jordan  to  Dor  on  the  sea  coast,  shut  up 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh  in  the  central  highlands,  and 
separated  them  from  the  tribes  of  .iVsher.  Zebulim, 
and  Naphtali.  which  settled  in  Gahlee.  The  fortunes 
of  Israel  in  the  time  of  the  Judges  were  largely  deter- 
mined by  these  facts. 

I.  1-21.  The  Settlements  of  Judah.— At  Jericho  (16) 
the  tribes   inquire   of   the   oracle — probably    by   the 


258 


JUDGES.  I.  1-21 


casting  of  lots — which  tribe  shall  open  the  attack  upon 
Canaan,  and,  in  accordance  with  the  response,  Judah 
and  8inieon  begin  the  invasion.  They  capture  the 
mountain  towns  of  Hebron,  Debir,  and  Hormah,  but 
fail  to  conquer  the  coa-it  pliiin. 

1.  The  words  "'  after  the  death  of  Joshua."  added 
probably  by  R,  are  meant  to  connect  this  book  with 
the  end  of  the  previous  one  (see  Jos.  2429) ;  but  events 
are  })iescntly  narrated  which  expressly  occurred  in 
the  lifetime  of  Joshua  (26).  The  Canaanites  were  the 
inhabitants  of  Western  Palestine  generally.  The 
Phoeniciaas  also  called  their  land  Canaan  and  them- 
selves Canaanites. — 2f.  The  tribes  of  Israel  are  figur- 
atively regarded  as  individuals.  Judah  has  the 
precedence,  as  in  the  story  of  Joseph  (Gen.  43f.). 
He  is  accompanied  by  Simeon.  Both  were  Leah  tribes 
(Gen.  2933,35).  An  attempt  made  by  Simeon  and  Levi 
to  securca  settlement  at  Shechem  (pp.  65,  248) — prob- 
ably about  this  very  time,  though  no  allusion  is  made 
to  it  hero — ended  in  disaster  (Gen.  495-7).  Simeon  was 
thereafter  merged  in  the  tribe  of  Judah. — 3.  The  idea 
suggested  by  "  my  lot  "  and  "  thy  lot "  is  that  the 
Oracle  assigned  to  each  tribe  the  region  which  it  was  to 
conquer — its  allotment. — 4.  The  Porizzites  (Gen.  1.3-*) 
were  the  peasantry  of  Palestine,  who  lived  in  unwallod 
villages  (Ptrazoth).  The  text  is  in  some  confusion,  the 
victory  Ijcing  mentioned  before  the  battle.  The  roimd 
number  10,000  was  probably  added  by  R. — 5.  Adoni- 
bezek  may  be  another  form  of  the  name  Adonizedek 
(Jos.  lOi ,  3).  Moore  suggests  that  the  oldest  narrator  (J) 
wrote  "  Adonizedek,  king  of  ^enisalem."  Bezek  was 
near  Jerusalem,  but  the  site  is  unknown.  The  Bezek  of 
IS.  lis  is  far  to  the  north  of  Judah. — 6.  The  cutting 
off  of  thumbs  and  great  toes  was  a  mild  barbarity  in 
comparison  with  many  of  the  atrocities  of  modem 
warfare. — 7.  The  seventy  kings  may  be  regarded  as 
another  round  number.  In  those  days  every  jwtty 
chief  was  the  "  king  "  of  his  town  or  village.  The 
eating  under  the  table  is,  of  course,  hyperbolical. 
Adonibezek  felt  and  expressed  the  grim  irony  of  a 
fate  which  he  accepted  as  a  Divine  retribution.  In 
the  end  of  the  verse,  "  they  "  is  ambiguous,  meaning 
either  the  men  of  Judah  or  the  king's  oa^ti  servants. 
The  latter  interpretation  gives  a  good  sense,  and  avoids 
an  historical  contradiction,  for  the  capture  of  Jerusalem 
did  not  take  place  till  long  after  Israel  invaded 
Canaan,  being  one  of  David's  great  achievements 
(2  S.  56-9) — 8.  This  must  be  regarded  as  a  late  in- 
sertion, intended  to  explain  how  the  men  of  Judah 
could  take  the  king  to  Jerusalem.  Its  variance  with 
21  is  unmistakable. — 9.  The  mountain  (or  Highlands), 
the  South  (or  Negeb  (p.  32)),  and  the  lowland  (or  She- 
phclah  (p.  31))  are  the  familiar  names  of  the  three 
constituent  parts  of  the  land  of  Canaan — the  central 
backbone,  the  steppe  which  merges  in  the  Sinaitic 
desert,  and  the  coast  pLam.  — 10.  The  capture  of 
Hebron  (p.  31),  which  is  eLsewhero  ascribed  to  Caleb 
(Jos.  15i3f.),  is  here  attributed  to  Judah.  Kiriath- 
arba,  the  original  name  of  Hebron,  probably  means 
Tctrapolis,  or  city  of  four  quarters  {cf.  Tripoli).  It 
lay  in  an  upland  valley,  20  m.  S  of  Jenisalom,  and 
3040  ft.  above  the  sea.  Its  modem  Arabic  name  is 
el-Halil,  "the  Friend,"  from  its  association  with  Abra- 
ham, the  friend  of  God  (2  Ch.  207,  Is.  418,  Jas.  223)- 
After  the  names  of  the  three  giants  the  LXX  adds 
"  the  sons  of  Anak  "  (but  see  20). — 11.  The  pronoun 
"  he  "  means  Caleb  (see  20).  Debir  is  probably  ed- 
Daharlyeh,  to  the  SW.  of  Hebron.  It  once  bore  the 
name  of  Kiriath-sepher,  "  Book  City."  which  has  sug- 
gested to  scholars  many  curious  fancies.  In  Jos.  I549 
the  name  is  given  as  Kiriath-sannah. — 12-16.  Caleb's 


offer  of  his  daughter's  hand  brings  on  the  scene  hia 
nephew  Othniel,  who  bravely  captures  a  city  and  wins 
a  bride.  Caleb  and  Othniel  were  really  clan  names, 
and  the  lattor's  marriage  doubtless  points  to  an 
ancient  union  of  the  two  clans. — 14.  Instead  of  "  she 
moved  him,"  the  LXX  and  Vulg.  have  the  more 
obvious  reading  "  he  moved  her,"  but  the  text,  which 
means  "  she  persuaded  him  that  they  should  ask," 
may  be  correct.  Achsah  Hghted  down  from  her  ass 
in  token  of  respect  {cf.  Gen.  24^4). — 15.  The  "  blessing  " 
she  asks  is  not  verbal  but  substantial — a  present.  Her 
plea  is  that  she  has  received  a  home  in  the  waterless 
South  (the  Negeb),  and  she  begs  that  most  covet«d  of 
eastern  possessions — an  estate  in  which  there  are 
springs  of  water.  She  has  her  desire,  becoming  the 
happy  owner  of  Upper  and  Lower  Springs  (these  are 
really  proper  names).  In  the  clan  of  Othniel  the  story 
would  ever  afterwards  be  as  good  as  a  title-deed.  The 
wells  must  have  lain  between  Debir  and  Hebron,  and 
were  probably  the  fourteen  springs  of  the  modem 
Seil  ed-Dilbeh.— 16.  Probably  "  Hobab  "  or  "  Jethro  " 
has  fallen  out  of  the  text  before  "  the  Kenite."  The 
Kenites,  a  branch  of  the  nomadic  Midianites,  lived  in 
the  Negeb  on  friendly  terms  with  Judah  (1  S.  3O29),  in 
which  they  were  ultimatelj-  absorbed.  This  verse,  if 
the  text  is  correct,  seems  to  indicate  that  the  fusion 
took  place  even  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  But 
for  "  the  jjeoplo  "  ('am)  we  should  probablj'  read,  with 
some  MSS.  of  the  LXX,  "  the  Amalekites."  In  that 
case  the  meaning  is,  that  as  j'et  the  Kenites  were  true 
to  their  nomadic  instincts  ;  they  still  heard  the  call 
of  the  desert.  "  Arad  "  survives  in  the  modem  Tell 
'arad,  18  m.  SE.  of  Hebron. — 17.  Zepheth  is  named 
only  here ;  site  unknown.  The  city  was  ''  utterly 
destroyed,"  Ut.  "  devoted,"  "  put  imder  a  ban  "  {herein. 
pp.  99, 114),  which  means  that  it  was  razed  to  the  ground 
and  its  inhabitants  exterminated,  to  the  glory  of  God  ! 
Such  being  its  fate,  the  city  was  called  Hormah,  "  De- 
voted City."  The  derivation,  however,  is  fanciful, 
and  the  more  likely  meaning  is  "  Sacred  City  "  {cf. 
Hermon). — 18.  The  statement  that  three  of  the  cities 
of  the  Philistines  were  captured  is  at  variance  Nv-ith  the 
very  next  verse,  and  with  Jos.  ISsf.  The  sentence 
must  bo  regarded  as  an  interpolation.  The  LXX  reads 
"  Judah  did  not  take." — 19.  The  "  chariots  of  iron," 
which  rendered  the  dwellers  in  the  plains  invincible, 
were  wooden  chariots  plated  or  studded  with  iron.  On 
the  use  of  iron  (pp.  57,  252)  in  Palestine,  see  Macalistcr, 
History  of  Civilisation  in  Palestine,  pp.  43,  59. — 20.  This 
verse  would  bo  in  its  proper  context  before  10.  Instead 
of  "  sons  of  Anak  "  read  ''  giants,"  lit.  "  sons  of  (long) 
neck  "  {'anak).  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  there 
was  a  giant  called  Anak  (Nu.  1328*.  Dt.  128*).— 21.  In 
Jos.  1563*,  which  is  almost  identical  with  this  verse, 
Judah  stands  in  the  place  of  Benjamin,  and  the  former 
word  is  doubtless  original.  Benjamin  was  introduced 
by  R,  who  regarded  Jcrusa'om  as  Ix-ing  in  the  territory 
of  that  tribe. 

I.  22-26.  The  Josephites  Capture  Bethel.— This  is  the 
only  exploit  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  recorded  here, 
the  purpose  of  the  writer  being  rather  to  empha-size 
the  incompleteness  of  the  conquest  than  to  enumerate 
victories.  Bethel  is  the  modem  Beitin,  10  m.  N.  of 
Jonisalera.  —  24.  What  "the  watchers,"  or  scouts, 
wished  to  discover  was  not  the  gate,  which  they  could 
see  with  their  own  eyes,  but  the  point  where  the  do- 
fences  were  weakest  and  an  entrance  could  be  most 
easily  effected. — 25.  The  citizen  whom  tho^  questioned 
was  put  on  the  horns  of  a  dilemma,  having  either  to 
defy  hia  enemies  or  to  betray  his  friends.  He  chose 
the  safe  ooui-se,  which  meant  death  to  all  the  inhabi- 


JUDGES,  III.  1-6 


259 


tants  of  the  town  except  himself  and  his  own  family. — 
26.  With  no  apparent  qualms  of  conscience,  or  sense 
of  dishonour,  he  went  and  founded  a  new  Luz  in  the 
"land  of  the  Hittites,"  i.e.  Northern  Syria,  as  the 
Amama  tablets  indicate.  The  exact  site  of  the  new 
Luz  is  unknown. 

I.  27-34.  Partial  Successes. — Several  of  the  tribes 
failed  to  win  the  prizes  they  coveted.  Much  of  the  al- 
lotted territor}'  remained  in  the  liands  of  the  Canaanites. 

27.  Beth-shan  is  now  Beisan.     Situated  in  a  fertile 

part  of  the  Jordan  Valley,  3  m.  VV.  of  the  river,  it 
commanded  the  Vale  of  Jezreel  (Wady  Jalud),  which 
led  up  to  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  Its  "  daughters  " 
are  its  daughter  towTis,  or  dependencies.  Taanach  and 
Megiddo  (p.  30),  towns  5  m.  apart,  were  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Great  Plain  ;  the  one  is  now  Ta'annek,  the 
other  probably  Tell  el-MuteselUm,  the  ancient  name 
being  lost.  Both  have  been  recently  explored,  and 
have  jaelded  a  wealth  of  pre-IsraeUte  and  Israelite 
remains  (Driver,  Schwcich  Lectures,  1909,  pp.  80-86), 
Ibleam  may  be  Khirbet  Bal'ame,  8  m.  SE.  of  Taanach. 
The  Canaanites  "  would  dwell "  in  that  territory, 
t.e.  they  emphatically  and  resolutely  maintained  them- 
selves in  it. — 28.  It  was  not  till  the  days  of  David 
that  the  Israelites  "  waxed  strong  "  and  captured  those 
cities,  after  which  Solomon  put  the  Canaanites  to 
task  work  (1  K.  915-17)— 29.  Gezer  (Jos.  IO33*.  1  K. 
9 16*).  now  Tell-.Jezer,  was  in  the  SW.  of  Ephraim,  at 
the  edge  of  the  Shephelah.  It  has  been  lately  explored 
by  Professor  Jlacalister  (Driver,  Schiveich  Lectures,  pp. 
46-59). — 30-32.  The  sites  of  Kitron  and  Nahalol  are  un- 
known. The  tribe  of  Zebulun,  whose  allotment  was  in 
S.  Galilee,  was  more  successful  than  that  of  Asher 
(pp.  248f .  I,  which  settled  in  the  Hinterland  of  Phoenicia, 
or  that  of  Naphtali,  which  penetrated  the  eastern  half 
of  Upper  Galilee.  Wliile  "  the  Canaanites  dwelt  among  " 
the  first  of  these  Galilean  tribes,  and  were  put  to  task 
work,  the  other  two  "  dwelt  among  the  Canaanites," 
i.e.  they  achieved  at  first  no  real  conquest,  but  settled 
as  best  they  could.  Acco  (p.  28),  Zidon,  and  Achzib  are 
now  Akka,  Saida,  and  ez-Zib.  The  sites  of  the  other 
towns  are  unknown. — 34f.  The  Danites  took  possession 
of  a  fertile  valley  in  the  SW.  of  Ephraim,  and  tried  to 
get  a  footing  in  the  rich  land  towards  the  coast,  but  were 
driven  back  into  the  district  about  Zorah  and  Eshtaol 
(see  Jg.  13-16).  Cramped  in  this  territory,  the  main 
body  of  the  tribe  migrated  to  the  source  of  the  Jordan 
(Jg.  18).  Mount  Heres.  Aijalon,  and  Shaalbim.  along 
with  Jerusalem  and  other  towns,  formed  a  belt  of 
Canaanite  strongholds  separating  .Judah  from  Ephraim. 
Har-heres  ("  mount  of  the  sun  ")  is  named  only  here. 
It  is  probably  the  same  as  Beth-shemesh  ("  temple  of 
the  sun  "),  the  modem  Ain-shems.  Aijalon  is  now 
Yalo,  14  m.  W.  of  Jerusalem.  Shaalbim  has  not  been 
identified. — 36.  The  text  is  uncertain,  and  there  was 
no  proper  "  border  "  between  the  Israelites  and  the 
Amorites.  Some  recensions  of  the  LXX  read  "  the 
Edomites,"  which  is  accepted  by  most  scholars.  The 
ascent  of  Akrabbim  ("  the  scorpions ")  is  perhaps 
Nakb  e-s-Saf a,  on  the  way  from  Hebron  to  Petra.  The 
position  of  Sela  is  not  known  (2  K.  14;*)  ;  it  is  natural 
to  think  of  Petra.  but  that  is  too  far  south. 

II.  1-5.  The  Consecration  of  Bethel. — The  Israelites 
having  now  entered  the  land  of  Canaan,  the  religious 
centre  was  changed  from  (^lilgal.  in  the  plain  of  Jericho, 
to  Bethel,  in  the  central  highlands,  where  sacrifice  was 
offered  to  Yahwoh.  The  "  angel  of  Yahweh  "  (Gen. 
I67*)  is  not  a  prophet,  as  the  Rabbis  taught,  but  Yahweh 
Himself  manifesting  His  presence,  here  in  some  un- 
defined way,  often  in  human  fonn  {e.g.  611,  183).  His 
moving   from   Gilgal,    where    He   appeared   as   "  the 


captain  of  the  host  of  the  Lord,"  to  Bethel  suffices  to 
create  a  new  sanctuary.  The  LXX  reads  "  Bethel  " 
instead  of  "  Bochim,"  the  latter  finding  its  fitting 
place  only  in  5.  The  speech  (of  the  nature  of  a 
Midrash)  contained  in  16-3,  reproving  the  Lsraclitoa 
for  associating  with  the  Canaanites  and  not  breaking 
down  their  altars,  is  post-exilic  m  spirit  and  diction. — 
3.  The  words  "  as  thorns  "  are  taken  over  from  Nu.  33 
55  to  make  sense,  the  Hebrew  text — "  they  shall  be 
sides  to  you  " — being  evidently  at  fault.  The  LXX 
suggests  "  they  shall  be  enemies  to  you."  The  name 
Bochim  ("  weepers  ")  is  found  only  here  :  cf.  the  Oak 
of  Weeping  (Gen.  358),  and  the  Valley  of  Weeping 
(Ps.  846).  Perhaps  Bochim  may  be  another  form  of 
Bekaim  (balsam  trees,  2  S.  o23f.).  Probably  56 
originally  followed  i. 

II.  6-in.  6.  The  Deuteronomist's  Introduction  to 
the  Book  of  Judges  proper  (35-I631).— In  the  view  of 
this  uiterpreter  of  sacred  history,  the  whole  era  of  the 
Judges  falls  into  longer  or  shorter  times  of  national 
prosperity,  in  which  Yahweh  protects  and  blesses  His 
faithful  people,  alternating  with  times  of  national 
calamity,  in  which  He  withdraws  His  favour  and 
blessing  from  apostatas.  On  the  beneficent  strength 
of  the  Judge  the  pillars  of  state  rest  secure  for  a  whole 
generation,  and  Bs  decease  is  Uke  the  removal  of  the 
key-stone  of  an  arch.  The  writer's  general  principle-— 
his  philosophy  of  history — is  based  on  sound  prophetic 
teacliing,  but  his  application  of  it  to  the  period  of  the 
Judges  involves  a  tour  de  force,  for  the  traditions  deal 
for  the  most  part  not  with  national  but  with  local 
heroes  whose  exploits  affect,  in  the  first  instance, 
only  their  own  tribe  or  group  of  tribes. — 6-9  is  almost 
identical  with  Jos.  2428-30.  The  influence  of  Joshua 
and  the  "  elders  that  outlived  him " — a  plirase  of 
frequent  occurrence  in  Dt.  (426.40,  533,  etc.)— kept  all 
Israel  true  to  Yahweh  during  their  lifetime. — 7.  "  The 
great  work  of  the  Lord  "  was  the  miracles  of  the 
Exodus,  the  Wanderings,  and  the  Conquest. — 9.  Tim- 
nath-heres,  where  Joshua  was  buried,  may  be  the 
modem  Tibneh,  about  10  m.  NW.  of  Bethel.  Gaash 
is  unknown  — 11.  The  Baalim  (p.  87),  whom  the  Israel- 
ites of  the  generation  after  Joshua  began  to  serve,  were 
the  local  gods  of  Canaan,  the  "  lords  "  of  different  cities 
and  districts,  who  were  distinguished  from  one  another 
by  the  addition  of  place-names,  e.g.  Baal  of  Hermon 
(33),  Baal  of  Tamar  (2O33).  For  centuries  after  the 
Conquest  it  was  legitimate  to  call  Yahweh  himself  the 
Baal  of  the  countrj-,  and  Hosea  (2i6f.)  was  apparently 
the  first  to  denounce  this  practice.  Thereafter  it  be- 
came the  custom  to  change  such  names  as  Ish-baal  (man 
of  Baal)  into  Ish-bosheth  (man  of  shame),  Jembbaal 
into  Jembbesheth  (2  S.  II21).  Seep.  280.— -13.  For  "the 
Ashtaroth  "  read  "Ashtoreth,"  i.e.  the  goddess  who  was 
the  Phoenician  Astarte  and  the  Babylonian  Ishtar  ( 1  K. 
11 5*  . — 14-23.  The  Israelites  having  become  apostate, 
God's  anger  is  kindled  (14);  He  gives  them  over 
to  His  enemies  (14)  ;  they  are  distressed,  and  groan 
under  oppression  (14,  18) ;  He  is  moved  to  pity  and 
raises  up  a  Judge  (16) ;  and  when  the  Judge  dies,  the 
people  return  to  their  evil  -naya  (19). — 17  breaks  the 
connexion  between  16  and  18,  and  is  probably  an 
editorial  insertion.  The  figure  of  whoring  after  other 
gods — spiritual  adulteiy — is  taken  from  Hosea  (1-3) 
(cf.  Jg.  827-33,  Ex.  :Ui5f.,  Dt.  31x6).— 18.  Instead  of 
"  it  repented  the  Lord  "  read  "  the  Lord  was  moved 
to  pity." 

III.  1-6.  Yahwehs  Purpose  in  Sparing  the  Nations 
round  about  Israel. — The  most  ancient  source  (J) 
simply  states  that  the  individual  tribes  couhl  not  over- 
come some  of  their  enemies  (1 19,  etc.).    But  this  raised 


260 


JUDGES.  III.  1-6 


tho  question,  ^Vhy  did  not  Yahweh  give  them  power, 
as  He  might  have  done,  to  subdue  even  those  who 
fought  in  iron  chariots  ?  He  must  have  had  reasons 
for  His  determination  to  spare  tlio  nations.  They  are 
stated  hero:  He  wished  to  prove  His  people  (i,  4); 
and  He  thought  it  necessary  or  expedient,  to  teach 
them  the  art  of  war. — 2.  This  sentonoo  is  scarcely 
grammatical :  after  "  might  know  "  we  expect  an 
object,  but  a  new  clause,  "  to  teach  them  war,"  is 
introduced.  Perhaps  we  should  read,  with  the  LXX, 
"  solely  for  tho  sake  of  the  successive  generations  of 
the  Israelites,  to  teach  them  war." — 3.  The  "  five 
lords  ''  of  the  Philistines  were  the  chiefs  of  their  five 
principal  cities  (1  S.  617).  The  word  for  "lord" 
(seren)  is  almost  the  only  native  Philistine  word  which 
has  come  down  to  us.  "  Zidonians  "  is  a  general  term 
for-  Phoenicians.  For  "  Hivites  "  we  should  probably 
read  "  Hittites  "  (c/.  I26),  to  whom  the  Lebanon  region 
belonged  in  those  daj's.  Instead  of  "  Hermon  "  the 
Heb.  has  "  the  mount  of  (the  town  of)  Baal- Hermon  " — 
a  very  unlikely  phrase.  Probably  ''  mount"  should  be 
omitted.  The  town  is  commonly  identified  with  Banias, 
at  the  source  of  the  Jordan.  Hamath  (2  K.  1425*,  Is. 
IO9*,  Am.  G2*)  is  Hama  on  the  Orontes.  Its  "  entering 
in,"  or  Gateway — which  -was  afterwards  known  as  Ccele- 
Syria,  and  is  now  called  el-Bi!>a — was  often  mentioned 
as  the  ideal  northern  boundary  of  Israel  (Am.  G14,  etc.). 
— 6.  Intermarriage  with  alien  races  led  to  a  tolerance 
of  their  religion  {cf.  1  K.  11  if.).  The  practice  was, 
therefore,  condemned  all  through  the  history  of  Israel, 
and  became  the  subject  of  legislation  (see  Ezr.  9f.), 
though  such  marriages  as  that  of  Boaz  and  Ruth 
proved  that  the  law  might  be  more  honoured  in  the 
breach  than  the  observance. 

III.  7-11.  Othniel  the  Kenlte.— The  brief  account  of 
the  oppression  of  Israel  by  the  Aramseans,  and  of  their 
deliverance  by  Othniel,  is  the  work  of  D,  whose 
familiar  categories — apostasy.  Divine  anger,  oppres- 
sion, repentance,  deliverance,  peace — practically  make 
up  the  whole  narrative.  Not  a  single  detail  of  the 
conflict  is  suppUed.  The  statement  that  the  invaders 
from  the  far  north  of  Syria  were  turned  back  by 
Othniel,  whose  seat  was  at  Debir,  in  the  extreme  south, 
is  not  historically  probable.  The  basis  of  the  narrative 
may  be  the  tradition  of  a  struggle  between  Othniel 
(i.e.  the  Kenizzites)  and  the  Bedouin  of  the  south- 
east, for  "  Cushan  "  means  Lydian.  Graetz  proposes 
to  read  Edom  instead  of  Aram. — 9.  On  Othniel,  see 
1 1 3. — 10.  The  spirit  of  Yahweh  came  upon  him,  as 
later  upon  other  Judges  (634,  II 29,  1325,  146, 19). 
Any  extraordinary  display  of  power — physical  force, 
heroic  valour,  artistic  skill,  poetic  genius,  prophetic 
insight — is  ascribed  in  the  OT  to  the  spirit  (ruah)  of 
God.  For  the  gigantic  tasks  of  the  Judges,  in  a  rude, 
semi-savage  timo,  there  was  need  of  phj'sical  prowess, 
patriotic  fervour,  religious  enthusiasm  ;  and  it  was 
not  by  mere  human  might  or  power,  but  by  Yahweh's 
spirit,  that  their  victories  were  achieved — Cushan- 
Rishathaim  means  "  Nubian  of  double-dyed  wicked- 
ness," evidently  the  nickname  of  some  ruthless  invader. 
Mesopotamia  is  in  Hob.  Aram-naharaim,  Syria  of  the 
two  rivers,  t.e.  the  whole  region  between  the  Tigris 
and  the  Euphrates  (Gen.  24io*). 

III.  12-30.  Ehud,  the  Benjamlte.— D's  setting  of 
the  story  of  Ehud  is  apparent  in  12-150  and  30.  The 
story  itself  is  a  genuine  folk-tale,  handed  down  from 
century  to  century  before  being  committed  to  writing. 
One  can  readily  imagine  with  what  zest  it  was  told 
in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  where  the  left-handed  Ehud 
was  a  popular  hero.  On  the  moral  question  raised 
by  his  conduct,  the  facts  at  our  disposal  do  not  enable 


us  to  pronounce  with  confidence.  To  our  minds  Ehud 
is  not  very  attractive  either  as  a  man  or  as  a  patriot. — 
12.  The  Edomitts  were  in  possession  of  the  country  to 
tho  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  with  the  Arnon  (pp.  32f. )  as  their 
northern  border  (Jg.  11 18).  They  had  kings  before  the 
Israelites  (Gen.  3G3 1-39),  a  people  with  whom  their  feud 
was  chronic.  The  name  of  the  king  who  figures  in  this 
story — Eglon,  meaning  "  calf  " — speaks  of  primitive  bu- 
colic simplicity — 13.  Hero,  as  elsewhere  (2  Ch.  20 1,  Pa. 
836f.),  Ammon  is  the  ally  of  Moab.  His  territory  was  to 
the  NE.  of  tho  country  of  Moab.  The  Amalekites  were 
nomads  in  the  N.  and  NE.  of  the  Sinaitio  Peninsula, 
At  Jericho,  tho  city  of  palm-trees,  which  the  Edomitea 
contrived  to  seize,  there  still  wave  a  few  isolated  palms. 
Recent  excavations  have  laid  bare  its  famous  walls 
(Jos.  65,20). — 15.  Ehud  is  called  the  son  of  Gera,  but 
Gei-a  is  probably  the  clan  to  which  ho  belonged ; 
cf.  Shimei  ben  Gcra  (2  S.  I65).  He  was  a  man  left- 
handed,  lit.  "  restricted  as  to  his  right  hand,"  like 
many  others  of  his  tribe  (Jg.  20i6).  This  peculiarity 
h£is  a  bearing  on  what  is  to  follow,  as  it  was  turned  to 
advantage  in  his  daring  plot  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
oppressor.  The  "  present "  of  which  he  was  the 
bearer  was  only  euphemistically  so  called,  being  really 
the  tribute  which  subjects  had  to  pay  to  their  over- 
lord.— 16.  The  right  thigh  was  the  natural  place  for 
the  sword  of  a  left-handed  man,  while  the  guards,  if 
their  suspicions  were  aroused,  would  feel  for  a  con- 
cealed weapon  in  the  usual  place — at  the  left  side. 
Ehud's  dirk  was  13  in.  long.  The  word  translated 
cubit  is  found  only  here,  and,  according  to  the  Rabbis, 
means  the  length  from  the  elbow  to  the  knuckles  of 
the  clenched  fist  (Gr.  Trvynrj).  This  detail  also  has  its 
connexion  with  the  narrative  which  follows. — 18f. 
The  "  people  that  bare  the  present  "  were  the  Israelite 
carriei-s  of  the  tribute.  For  "  quarries  "  we  should 
read  "  graven  images,"  rudely  sculptured  stones. 
These  were  connected  with  the  sanctuary  of  Gilgal,  a 
proper  name  which  itself  probably  means  "  circle  of 
sacred  stones,"  such  as  is  called  in  the  West  a  crom- 
lech.— 19.  Ehud  persuades  tho  king's  servants  to  take 
in  to  their  master  the  message,  '"  I  have  a  secret 
communication  to  thoo,  0  king."  The  punctual  pay- 
ment of  the  tribute  had  disarmed  suspicion ;  the 
"  secret  communication "  suggested  something  re- 
vealed in  a  dream  or  by  an  oracle  ;  and  the  king, 
favourably  impressed,  gives  his  servants  the  order 
"  Keep  silence,"  meaning  "  Leave  me  in  privacy." — 
20.  The  king  was  sitting  in  his  "  summer-parlour," 
his  cool  roof-chamber.  The  Arabs  still  give  this  room 
its  old  name  {'alii/ah).  While  Ehud,  left  alone  with 
the  king,  repeats  that  he  has  a  message — he  now  dares 
to  call  it  a  message  from  God — his  mind  ia  bent  upon 
other  things,  and  his  hand  is  feeling  for  his  hidden 
dagger.  The  king's  rising,  out  of  respect  for  the 
messenger  of  God,  gives  Ehud  his  chance.  With  one 
fierce  thrust  he  plunges  his  dagger,  haft  and  all,  into 
tho  king's  body. — 22.  The  ugly  words  at  the  end  may 
be  deleted  as  a  dittograph,  being  similar  to  23a. — 
23.  The  word  for  "  porch  "  is  found  only  here,  and 
the  translation  is  a  guess  ;  "  staircase  "  and  "  vesti- 
bule '  have  also  been  suggested.  The  "  doors  "  were 
the  two  leaves  or  wings  of  the  door.  A  grammatical 
error  suggests  that  "  and  locked  them "  is  a  later 
addition. — 24.  Finding  the  door  locked,  the  servants 
thought  their  master  was  "  covering  his  feet " — a 
Heb.  euphemism — and  waited  till  they  began  to  be 
"  ashamed,"  surprised  and  confused. — 25.  The  Eastern 
door-key,  which  is  probably  tho  same  to-day  as  in 
tho  time  of  Ehud,  is  described  by  Lane,  Modem 
Egyptians  ',  igf . — 28.  We  might  read  "  and  crossed  (the 


JUDGES,  V 


261 


Jordan)  near  the  sculptured  stones."  The  site  of 
Seirah  is  unknown,  but  it  was  evidently  in  the  high- 
lands of  Ephiaim. — 27.  After  "  como  "  we  have  to 
understand  "  thither."  The  "  hill  country,"  was  the 
whole  backbone  of  Palestine  from  the  Great  Plain  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem. — 28.  Ehud  and  liis 
followers  seized  the  fords  of  Jordan — those  nearest  the 
Dead  Sea,  beside  Gilgal — and  cut  ofE  the  retreat  of  the 
Moabites  who  were  on  the  western  side.  The  numbers 
slain  are  not  to  bo  taken  as  rigidly  accurate. 

III.  31.  The  Exploit  of  Shamgar.— The  absence  of 
D's  formulae,  and  of  a  chronological  scheme,  suggests 
that  this  verse  was  introduced  by  an  editor  who  wished 
to  bring  the  number  of  the  Judges  up  to  ten,  not 
counting  Abiraelech  worthy  to  rank  as  one.  The 
verse  interrupts  the  flow  of  the  narrative — observe 
"  when  Ehud  was  dead  "  in  42.  Shamgar  ben  Anath 
is  a  foreign  and  heathenish  name,  Aiiath  being  a 
goddess  whose  name  is  found  on  an  Egyptian  stele 
now  in  the  British  Museum ;  and  a  reference  to 
Shamgar  in  the  Song  of  Deborah  suggests  that  he  had 
been  an  oppressor  rather  than  a  deliverer  of  Israel 
(cjf.  Moore,  143).  The  ox-goad,  with  which  Shamgar 
performed  his  exploit,  is  a  pole  from  6  to  8  ft.  long, 
tipped  with  an  iron  spike. 

IV.-V.  Deborah  and  Barak  Deliver  Israel. — ^The  record 
of  this  deliverance  appears  first  in  a  prose  and  then  in 
a  poetical  form,  of  wliich  the  latter  is  the  older,  written 
without  doubt  under  the  inspiration  of  the  actual 
events.  There  are  some  striking  differences  between 
the  two  versions.  In  the  prose  narrative  the  oppressor 
of  Israel  is  Jabin,  king  of  Hazor,  whose  captain  is 
Sisera  ;  Deborah's  home  is  in  Mount  Ephraim  ;  only 
the  tribes  of  Zebulun  and  Naphtali  fight  the  tyrant ; 
and  Jael  murders  Sisera  when  he  lies  asleep  in  her 
tent.  In  the  triumphal  Ode  there  is  no  Jabin  ;  Sisera 
is  at  the  head  of  the  kings  of  Canaan,  himself  the 
greatest  king  of  all ;  Deborah  appears  to  belong  to  the 
tribe  of  Issachar  ;  all  the  tribes  around  the  Great  Plain 
(p.  29)  take  part  in  the  conflict ;  and  Jael  slays  Sisera 
while  he  is  standing  and  drinking.  The  discrepancies 
are  due  partly  to  the  prose  \^Tite^'s  attempt  to  combine 
the  story  of  Sisera  with  an  independent  story  of  Jabin, 
king  of  Hazor  (see  Jos.  11 1-5),  and  partly  to  liis  mis- 
understanding of  some  hues  in  the  Ode  (626). 

IV.  1-13.  The  Preparation  for  War. — D's  framework 
is  found  in  1-4  and  23f. — 2.  He  gives  Jabin  the  title 
"  king  of  Canaan,"  an  evident  misnomer,  for  Canaan 
had  no  single  king,  but  a  great  many  petty  chiefs — called 
in  5i9  "  the  Idngs  of  Canaan  '' — each  governing  his 
own  town  or  district.  Jabin  reigned  in  Hazor  (p.  29), 
which  was  near  Kedesh- Naphtali  (Jos.  I936,  2  K.  1629) 
on  the  west  side  of  the  lake  of  Huleh,  far  north  from  the 
Plain  of  Esdraelon.  Sisera,  on"  the  other  hand,  dwelt  in 
Harosheth  (p.  29),  which  is  identified  with  Harithiyeh, 
at  the  SW.  comer  of  the  plain.  His  town  was  called 
"Harosheth  of  the  nations,"  or  foreigners,  and  Professor 
Macalister  "  wonders  whether  it  might  not  bear  the 
special  meaning  of  the  foreigners  par  excellence,  the 
most  outlandish  people  with  whom  the  Hebrews  came 
into  contact — that  is  to  say,  the  Philistines  and  their 
cognate  tribes."  This  idea  leads  to  the  further  sug- 
gestion that  the  war  of  Deborah  and  Barak  was  waged 
not  against  the  Canaanitcs,  but  against  the  Philistines. 
But  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  the  Philistine  kings 
could  bo  called  "  the  kings  of  Canaan."  And  the  ring 
of  finality  in  the  triumphal  Ode — "  So  let  thine 
enemies  perish,  O  Yahwoh  '  (531) — would,  on  this 
theory,  aft«r  all  bo  dclusi\o,  since  the  Philistines,  in- 
stead of  being  crushed,  were  at  the  beginning  of  their 
great  and,  for  a  time,  victorious  career.     These  argu- 


ments, however,  are  not  quite  decisive,  and  it  must 
be  admitted  that  Sisera's  "  chariots  of  iron  "  (3)  are 
strongly  in  favour  of  the  new  theory,  for  it  seems 
cex-tain  that  the  use  of  iron  was  introduced  into  Syria 
by  the  Philistines  (pp.  57,  257^  and  that  they  kept  the 
monopoly  of  the  iron  trade  for  a  long  time  in  their  own 
hands  (1  S.  1819-23). — 4.  Deborah  was  a  prophetess,  a 
woman  inspired  to  declai'e  the  will  of  God — 5  is 
probably  a  late  addition,  made  by  a  writer  who  com- 
mitted two  mistakes,  confounding  the  Deborah  of  this 
story  with  the  one  in  Gen.  358,  and  giving  the  word 
"  Judge  "  (4)  a  legal  significance.  Deborah  sitting 
under  a  palm-tree  as  an  arbitrcss  of  disputes  is  an 
imaginary  figure.  Ramah  was  5  m.  and  Bethel  12  m. 
N.  of  Jerusalem,  while  Deborah  in  all  probability  be- 
longed to  the  tribe  of  Issachar,  far  in  the  north  (5i5). — 
6.  The  champion  whom  she  summoned  to  her  side 
bore  the  name  of  Barak,  which  means  "  lightning  "  ; 
cf.  the  Punic  name  Barkas.  Kedesh-Naphtali  (p.  29),  so 
called  in  distinction  from  Kedesh-Bamea  in  the  Negeb, 
is  now  Kades,  4  m.  NW.  of  the  lake  of  Huleh.  Tabor 
(p.  29),  the  dome-shaped  mountain  at  the  NE.  comer 
of  the  Great  Plain,  was  the  natural  mustering  place  for 
the  Galilean  tribes.  Naphtali  and  Zebulun  had  their 
settlements  in  the  region  to  the  west  of  the  Sea  of 
GaUlee,  and  hi  this  narrative  it  appears  as  if  they 
alone  were  involved  in  the  conflict  with  Sisera. — 7.  The 
Kishon  (p.  29),  on  whose  banks  the  battle  was  fought, 
rises  near  Jenin,  and  flows  westward  through  the  Great 
Plain,  at  one  season  contracted  into  a  small  muddy 
stream,  at  another  swollen  into  a  raging  torrent. — 
8f.  Barak  wishes  the  prophetess  to  accompany  him  in 
his  campaign,  that  she  may  counsel  himself  and  inspire 
his  followers.  She  consents  to  go,  but  predicts  that  the 
glory  of  the  victory  will  not  be  his.  For  the  reader, 
certainly,  the  interest  of  the  story,  and  still  more  of 
the  poem,  liinges  on  the  action  of  two  women,  and  in 
the  end  he  divides  the  honours  between  them. — 11.  This 
is  inserted  to  explain  how  Heber  the  Kenite,  whose 
home  would  naturally  be  in  the  Negeb,  came  to  bo 
encamped  so  far  north.  For  "  in  Zaanannim  "  read 
Bezaanim  ;   site  doubtful. 

IV.  14-23.  The  Battle  of  the  Kishon  and  the  Death 
of  Sisera. — The  GaUlean  highlanders  rushed  like  a 
torrent  down  the  slope  of  Mt.  Tabor,  and  swept  the 
enemy  before  them.  WTien  Sisera  left  his  chariot  and 
fled  on  foot  (15),  he  made  westward  for  Harosheth. 
The  tent  of  Jael  was  pitched  somewhere  in  the;  Great 
Plain,  not  (as  11,  17  would  imply)  away  north  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Kedesh  or  Hazor.  The  account  of 
Sisera's  death  given  in  this  chapter  differs  materially 
from  the  representation  in  the  triumphal  Ode.  Jael 
covers  him  "  with  a  nig."  or  perhaps  the  word  (wliich 
is  found  only  hero)  means  '*  a  tent  curtain  "  ;  she  opens 
her  milk-slun,  and  bids  him  druik ;  she  apparently 
agrees  to  stand  at  the  tent  door  and  put  his  pursuers 
off  the  scent ;  and  she  waits  till  he  has  fallen  into  a 
deep  sleep  before  she  lifts  her  hammer  and  drives  a 
tent-pin  through  his  temples.  Contrast  with  this  the 
older  account  which  is  found  in  624-27.  We  cannot 
doubt  for  a  moment  which  of  these  versions  is  to  be 
accepted.     Criticism  has  vindicated  a  woman's  honour. 

V.  The  Song  of  DeUverance. — The  Song  of  Deborah — 
so  called  because  of  the  words  '  I,  Deborah,  arose  " 
(7) — is  a  splendid  battle-ode,  evidently  contempo- 
raneous with  the  events  which  it  celebrates.  It 
breathes  the  patriotic  fervour  and  rehgious  enthusiasm 
which  inspired  the  loftiest  minds  hi  Israel,  and  proves 
that  a  great  faith  was  already  working  wonders  in 
the  tribes  which  till  lately  had  been  desert  nomads. 
"  It  is  a  work  of  genius,  and  therefore  a  work  of  that 


262 


JUDGES,  V 


highest  art  which  is  not  studied  and  artificial,  but 
spontaneous  and  inevitable "  (Moore,  135).  R.  H. 
Hut  ton  calls  it  "  the  greatest  war-song  of  any  age 
or  nation."  Unfortunately  the  text  has  suffered  a 
good  deal,  and  in  some  passages  we  can  do  no  more 
than  guess  the  sense. — If.  Yahweh  is  praised  for  two 
reasons :  because  the  leaders  of  the  people  wtrt 
leaders,  taking  their  proper  place  at  the  post  of  honour 
and  danger ;  and  because  the  battle  was  fought  not 
by  conscripts  but  by  volunteers  (c/.  PS.IIO3). — 3.  Read 
"  I,  to  Yahweh  I  will  sing,"  where  it  is  possible, 
though  not  necessary,  that  "  I,"  as  in  many  of  the 
Psalms,  means  collective  Israel.  "  I  will  sing  praise  " 
means,  I  will  make  melody  with  voice  and  instruments. 
— 4f.  Yahweh's  special  place  of  abode  was  still  Seir, 
in  the  field  of  Edom,  from  which  He  is  conceived  as 
coming  forth  in  a  thunderstonn.  As  Ho  passes,  the 
earth  trembles  and  the  heavens  are  in  commotion  (so 
the  LXX).  The  second  half  of  5  disturbs  the  flow  of 
ideas,  and  is  probably  a  marginal  gloss  which  has 
found  its  way  into  the  text  — 6.  If  Shamgar  was  one 
of  the  Judges  (831),  it  is  very  strange  that  ho  should 
be  named  here  as  if  he  had  recently  been  a  leading 
oppressor  of  Israel,  perhaps  the  immediate  forerunner 
of  Sisera.  Moore  treats  the  words  "  in  the  days  of 
Jael  "  as  a  gloss.  The  Heb.  of  76  is  ambiguous,  mean- 
ing either  "  till  I,  Deborah,  arose,"  or  "  till  thou, 
Deborah,  didst  arise.  '  The  LXX  has  "  till  Deborah 
arose."— 8a  yields  no  certain  sense — 8b  means  that 
the  Israelites  had  to  fight  with  such  poor  weapons  as 
they  could  find. — lOf.  Very  obscure. 

V.  12-18.  Glory  and  Shame. — Deborah  and  Barak 
are  apostrophised.  vShe  is  called  to  awake  and  utter 
a  battle-song,  such  as  will  arouse  a  slumbering  people 
like  the  sound  of  a  trumj^et ;  a  Men  0/  Harlech  or  a 
Marseillaise,  that  summons  heroes  to  victory  or  death  ; 
not  a  song  ajter  battle,  hke  the  psean  we  are  inter- 
preting.— ^13.  Read,  "  Then  came  down  Israel  Uke 
noble  ones,  the  people  of  Yahweh  came  down  for  Him 
like  heroes." — 14^-18.  The  response  to  the  martial  call 
is  varied.  Some  of  the  tribes,  leaping  to  arms,  achieve 
deathless  honour  ;  others,  lagging  at  home,  are  covered 
with  eternal  shame  and  contempt.  Phrase  after 
phrase  seizes  the  reader's  memory.  How  striking  is 
the  contrast  between  shirkers  and  heroes — Reuben 
sitting  among  the  sheep-folds,  listening  to  the  calUng 
of  the  fiocks.  Gilead  abiding  beyond  Jordan,  Dan  re- 
maining by  his  ships,  and  Ashor  sitting  still  in  his 
creeks  at  the  shore,  while  Zebulun.  Ephraim,  Mana.sseh, 
and  Benjamin  quit  their  mountain  homes,  Is.sacliar 
provides  a  commander-in-chief.  Zebulun  and  Naphtali 
come  down  from  the  high  places  to  jeopardise  their  lives 
unto  the  death  ! — 14.  Machir  was  the  eldest  son,  i.e.  the 
chief  clan,  of  Manasseh  (Jos.  17i). — 15.  In  Reuben 
there  are  great  searchings  or  soundings  of  heart — to 
be  or  not  to  be — craven  deliberations  and  discussions 
while  the  enemy's  chariots  arc  thundering  through  the 
land  and  a  nation's  existence  is  at  stake. 

V.  19-22.  The  Battle  of  Megiddo.— The  waters  of 
Mcgiddo  were  tributaries  of  the  Kishon.  Taanach  and 
Megiddo  (p.  80)  were  lx)th  towns  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  river.  The  battle-field  of  Megiddo  long  afterwards 
suggested  the  name  of  the  last  weird  battle  of  the 
nations — the  apocalyptic  Armageddon  (Rev.  I616). — 
20.  The  veiy  stars  take  part  in  the  fight — a  magnifi- 
cent poetical  way  of  saying  that  aU  the  forces  of  the 
imivei-so  are  arrayed  on  the  side  of  righteousness. 
The  battle  must  have  been  fought  in  winter  or  spring. 
Y'^ahweh's  storm-clouds  burst,  and  the  swollen  river 
swept  many  of  Israt  I's  enemies  away. — In  22b  there 
is  an  attempt  to  imitate  the  galloping  of  horses  in 


flight. — 23.  The  curse  of  Meroz  brands  with  everiaat- 
ing  guilt  and  shame  an  otherwise  long-forgotten  town, 
whose  inhabitants  missed  the  greatest  opportuiuty 
ever  given  to  man  or  nation — the  opportunity  of  help- 
ing God.  Venturing  nothing,  Meroz  lost  everything 
that  men  of  honour  care  to  five  for,  while  she  earned 
the  cowards  curse.  This  verse  was  a  favourite  text 
of  the  old  Covenanters.  Instead  of  "  against  the 
mighty "  one  may  equally  well  read  "  among  the 
heroes  "  ;  a  great  idea  either  way. 

y.  24-26.  The  Blessing  of  Jael.— Jael's  deed  is  un- 
hesitatingly and  emphatically  approved.  While  the 
oppressor  of  Israel  stood  in  her  tent,  drinking  the 
milk  she  gave  him,  she  suddenly  felled  him  to  the 
earth  with  her  tent-hammer.  In  26  read,  "  She  put 
her  hand  to  the  mallet.  Her  right  hand  to  the  hammer. 
And  she  hammered  Sisera."  It  is  often  supposed  that, 
seizing  a  wooden  tent-peg  in  her  left  hand  and  a 
hammer  in  her  right,  she  drove  the  peg  through  his 
temples  into  his  brain — surely  a  difficult  thing  to  do 
to  a  standing  warrior.  But  according  to  the  laws  of 
Heb.  parallelism,  the  second  Une  of  26  is  merely  a 
variation  of  the  first,  so  that  she  had  only  one  weapon, 
called  now  a  mallet  and  now  a  hammer,  with  which 
she  dealt  the  death-blow.  And  when  a  woman  of 
leonine  courage,  burning  with  a  sense  of  intolerable 
wrongs,  becomes  the  minister  of  a  country's  vengeance 
and  of  Y^ahweh's  justice,  we  hold  our  breath  and  are 
silent.  WTio  will  blame  her  ?  If  her  victim  had 
fallen  in  battle,  or  been  led  a  captive  to  his  doom, 
everj'one  would  have  given  thanks.  And  if  the  spirit 
of  the  Lord  came  mightily  upon  Gideon  and  upon 
Jephthah  when  they  went  to  overthrow  the  enemies 
of  Israel,  who  will  say  that  the  same  spirit  did  not 
impel  the  wife  of  Heber  to  take  the  life  of  Sisera,  and 
inspire  the  prophetess  Deborah  to  call  her  blessed 
among  women  ? — 25.  For  "  butter  "  read  "  sour  milk," 
which  is  still  the  most  refreshing  drink  among  the 
Bedouin. 

V.  28-30.  The  Mother  of  Sisera.— There  is  irony- 
almost  matchless  irony — in  the  closing  lines  of  the 
poem,  but  it  is  not  cruel  mocking  irony.  The  words 
were  neither  written,  nor  meant  to  be  recited  or  sung, 
in  a  spirit  of  derision.  Can  any  one  read  them  now 
without  emotions  of  pity  and  fear  ?  With  inimitable 
art.  in  the  manner  of  the  highest  tragedy,  the  poet 
depicts  a  group  of  high-bom,  Ught-hearted  women, 
upon  whom  is  falling,  imseen,  the  shadow  of  death. 
The  scene  in  the  harim  of  Sisera's  palace — the  face  at 
the  lattice-window,  the  feverish  waiting  for  the  home- 
coming hero,  the  chiding  of  luigering  chariot  wheels, 
the  questions  of  fretful  impatience,  the  quick  and 
confident  rejoinders,  the  feeding  of  fancy  with  visions 
of  conquest  and  sjx)il — how  vividly  all  this  has  been 
conceived !  And,  having  piinted  his  picture,  the 
artist  leaves  it.  A  lesser  poet,  like  the  writer  of  a 
famous  French  war-song  would  have  sent  a  messenger 
with  the  tidings  that  the  hero  was  mort  et  enierri. 
Nothing  of  the  kind  happens  here.  That  face  is  left 
at  the  lattice — the  face  of  a  mother  for  ever  waiting 
a  son  who  never  will  return.  [Perhaps  wo  should 
adopt  vig.  in  29:  the  mother,  too  anxious  to  accept 
the  reassurance  of  her  ladies  keeps  muttering  her  fore- 
bodings to  herself — a  fine  touch  of  nature. — A.  S.  P.] 
With  31,  cf.  Pss.  682f.,  929.  It  is  assumed  that,  the 
enemies  of  Israel  being  Yahweh's  enemies,  the  victory 
is  a  victory  for  Him  ;  and  it  is  remarkable  that  even 
thus  early — perhaps  in  the  twelfth  century  B.C. — those 
who  serve  Him,  and  fight  His  battles,  are  described 
not  as  those  who  fear  Him  but  as  those  who  love 
Him.     Does  not  that  fact  explain  everything  7 


JUDGES,  VII.  1-8 


263 


VI.-Vin.  Gideon  Delivers  Israel  from  the  Midianites, 

— ^Thc  next  war  was  waged,  not  against  disciplined 
soldiers,  but  against  a  horde  of  nouiads  from  the 
eastern  desert.  The  Midianites  are  represented  in  the 
OT  sometimes  as  peacofid  shepherds  (Ex.  2i5f.*),  some- 
times aa  caravan  traders  (Gen.  3728.36),  and  sometimes 
as  Bedouin  marauders.  It  was  in  the  last  of  these 
roles  that  they  became  a  plague  to  the  Israelites, 
especially  to  the  tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Manassoh. 
The  hero  chosen  to  deliver  the  nation  from  them  was 
the  Manassite  Gideon,  who  was  impelled  by  various 
motives — patriotism,  for  he  identified  himself  with  his 
oppressed  people  (613) ;  personal  revenge,  for  some  of 
his  own  brothers  had  been  murdered  by  the  raiders 
(819)  ;  and,  above  all,  the  consciousness  of  a  Divine 
vocation  and  inspiration  (614,34).  The  memory  of  his 
victory  became  a  proudly  cherished  tradition,  and 
centuries  afterwards  a  reference  to  "  the  Day  of 
Midian  "  still  reminded  Israel  how  "  the  yoke  of  hia 
(Israel's)  burden,  and  the  staff  of  his  shoulder,  and  the 
rod  of  his  oppressor  "  had  been  broken  (Is.  94  ;  c/.  IO26, 
Ps.  889).  Time  added  picturesque  details  to  the 
original  story,  and  editors  attempted,  without  complete 
success,  to  fuse  the  various  elements  into  a  literary 
whole. 

VI.  1-6.  The  Depredations  of  the  Midianites. — 
D,  whose  phrases  occur  in  if.,  6,  sees  in  the  ebb  and 
flow  of  Israel's  fortune  an  index  of  their  moral  and 
spiritual  condition.  National  suffering  he  regards  as 
the  punishment  of  national  sin  ;  the  hand  of  Midian 
is  in  a  sense  the  hand  of  God ;  yet,  while  he  blames, 
he  cannot  help  sjTnpathising. — 2.  Dens,  caves,  and 
mountain  fastnesses  were  the  only  refuges  for  peaceful 
citizens,  fleeing  in  terror  from  hearth  and  home 
(c/.  1  S.  136,  Heb.  11 38).  The  invaders  swarmed  like 
locusts,  which  devour  every  green  thing  and  turn  a 
fertile,  smiling  country-side  into  a  bare  waste.  The 
spoilers  left  no  "  sustenance "  for  man  or  beast  in 
Israel.  [Observe  that  the  ass  was  at  this  time  used  for 
food  in  Israel,  c/.  2  K.  625.  It  is  still  eaten  by  the 
Arabs  and  Persians.  It  is  forbidden  in  Lev.  11.  Dt.  14. 
— A.  S.  P.] — 5.  "  They  came  unto  the  land  to  destroy  it," 
as  the  Huns  in  the  fourth  century  overran  France  and 
Italy,  and  the  Germans  in  the  twentieth  century 
devastated  Belgium. 

VI.  7-10.  A  second  writer  (probably  E)  introduces 
a  prophet  who  reproves  Israel  for  disloyalty  and  in- 
gratitude to  Yahweh  their  God.  The  brief  speech  is 
a  torso.  Reflective  rather  than  prophetic,  it  opens 
impressively,  but  ends  abruptly,  like  a  sermon  with- 
out application  ;  and  then  one  of  the  main  traditions 
begins. 

VI.  11-24.  The  Call  of  Gideon.— The  destined  de- 
liverer received  his  call  at  Ophrah,  on  what  was 
thereafter  holy  ground.  An  altar,  with  the  distinctive 
name  of  Yahweh-shalom  (Yahweh  is  jx^aco),  commemo- 
rated a  theophany,  and  there  God  was  worshipped  for 
ages.  The  site  of  Ophrah  is  unknown  ;  it  belonged  to 
the  Abiezrites,  a  clan  of  the  Benjamites,  and  must  have 
been  near  Shechem. — 11.  On  the  angol  of  Yahweh  see 
2i,  Gen.  I67*.  For  "oak"  read  "terebinth."  While 
the  primitive  Semites  were  animists.  the  Israelites  came 
to  associate  Yahweh's  own  presence  with  sacred  trees 
(p.  100,  Gen.  I81). — 12.  With  the  assurance  "  Yahweh  is 
with  thee  "  c/  the  faith  grandly  expressed  in  the  name 
Immanuel,  "God  i.s  with  us"  (Is.  714).  On  hearing 
the  words  "  Yahweh  Ls  with  thee,"  Gideon  replies,  "  Oh, 
my  lord,  if  Yahweh  Ls  with  ws  "  (used  five  times  in  13). 
He  cannot  detach  himself  from  the  community.  He 
becomes  heroic  because  he  has  a  public  soul. — 14. 
"  Looked  upon  him  "  is  better  than   '  turned  towards 


him."  Thus  far  Yahweh's  angel  is  to  Gideon  a 
Traveller  Unknown,  though  His  glance  is  so  searching, 
His  tones  so  commanding.  He  has  more  faith  in 
Gideon  than  Gideon  in  himself.  "  Go  in  this  thy 
might  "  LS  an  injunction  to  a  hero  to  realise  himseli. 
He  is  to  go  in  the  strength  of  his  manhood — with  all 
his  physical  and  moral  force,  native  and  acquired. — 
15.  Gideon  has  that  humility  which  is  praiseworthy  if 
it  remembers,  blameworthy  if  it  forgets,  the  Great 
Companion.  He  keenly  feels  his  insufiiciency,  till 
Yahweh,  at  once  rebuking  and  reassuring  him,  pro- 
mises, "Surely  I  will  bo  with  thee"  (c/.  Ex._  813, 
2  Cor.  35). — 17-24.  Gideon  prepares  a  meal,  which  to 
his  astonishment  becomes  a  sacrifice.  When  the 
stranger  touches  the  food  with  the  tip  of  his  staff,  a 
supernatural  fire  leaps  from  the  rock,  and  consumes 
the  food.  Realising  at  length  that  he  has  seen 
Yahweh's  angel  face  to  face,  Gideon  fears  death 
(c/.  Jg.  1322).  [The  rock  may  have  had  one  or  more 
cup-holes  on  the  surface,  into  which  the  broth  would 
be  poured.  Many  examples  have  been  discovered  in 
Palestine  of  rooks  in  which  cup-like  holes  had  been 
carved,  some  of  them  of  considerable  size.  They  date 
back  in  many  instances  to  the  pre-Semitic  cave-dweUers 
of  the  Neohthic  period.  An  easily  accessible  account 
is  given  in  Handcocks  The  Archceology  of  the  Holy 
Latul. — A.S.  P.] — 21.  The  departure  of  Yahweh's  angel 
is  mentioned  too  soon,  for  he  still  speaks  in  23.  The 
words  have  probably  been  misplaced  from  the  end  of  23. 
VI.  25-32.  The  Destruction  of  the  Altar  of  Baal.— 
We  have  seen  that  after  the  Conquest  Yahweh  was 
reverently  and  innocently  called  the  Baal  (Lord)  of 
the  land,  and  that  loyal  Israelites  gave  their  children 
Baal  names.  The  present  section,  in  which  the  Baal 
of  Ophrah  is  distinguished  from  Yahweh,  and  regarded 
as  a  heathen  god,  must  have  been  written  after  the 
time  of  Hosea,  who  was  the  first  to  condemn  the 
practice  of  applying  the  name  Baal  to  the  Grod  of 
Israel  (Hos.  2i7).  The  point  of  the  story  is  that  Baal, 
who,  if  worth  his  salt,  should  be  able  to  "  plead  for 
himself,"  is  challenged  to  do  so,  and  found  to  be 
impotent.  Baal  has  fallen  on  evil  days,  when  any 
daring  spirit  can  laugh  at  him  with  impunity  as 
Elijah  mocked  the  Phoenician  Baal  (1  K.  I827). — 
32.  It  need  not  be  said  that  originally  the  name 
Jerubbaal,  given  to  a  son  by  a  father  who  worshipped 
Yahweh  as  Baal,  had  a  different  meaning  from  what 
is  suggested  here,  being  another  form  of  Jeremiah, 
i.e.  "  Baal  {or  Yahweh)  founds." 

VI.  33-40.  The  Midianite  Raid,  and  the  Sign  of  the 
Fleece. — The  broad  and  deep  Vale  of  Jezreel,  lying 
between  Gilboa  and  Moreh,  leads  up  from  Jordan  to 
the  Great  Plain. — 34.  Gideon  now  felt  the  Divine  im- 
pulse— the  spirit  of  Yahweh  came  upon  him,  lit. 
"  clothed  itself  with  him,"  put  him  on  like  a  garment, 
possessed  him,  inspired  him.  He  then  blew  his  trumpet 
to  awaken  others.  It  was  his  own  Abiezer  clansmen 
who  answered  his  call,  and  they  apparently  became 
his  famous  three  hundred. — 36—40.  The  sign  of  the 
fleece  is  probably  the  record  of  a  dream.  Gideon  had 
often  seen  the  heavy  dew  fall  on  a  summer  night  upon 
the  hills  of  Manasseh,  and  his  perceptions  wove  them- 
selves into  mysterious  visions,  in  which  he  seemed  to 
have  power  to  bend  the  Divine  will  to  his  own.  He 
thus  became  more  than  ever  convinced  that  Yahweh 
designed  to  save  Israel  by  his  hand. 

VII.  1-8.  The  Reduction  of  Gideon's  Anny.— This 
section  teaches  that  Yahweh  is  the  giver  of  victory, 
and  that  it  is  as  easy  for  Him  to  save  by  few  as  by 
many  (I  S.  146).  Tlie  spring  of  Harod  ("trembling,  ' 
c/-   3)  may  bo  'Ain  Jalud,  2  m.  from  Jezreel,  at  tho 


264 


JUDGES,  VII.  1-8 


foot  of  Gilboa  (p.  30).  The  hill  of  Moreh  may  bo  Little 
Hormon.  Gilead  (3)  is  on  tho  eastern  sido  of  the 
Jordan,  and  wo  should  probably  read  Gilboa. — 3.  The 
number  of  those  who.  m  modem  phrase,  showed  tho 
white  feather,  is  surprisingly  great.  Gideon  lets  them 
go,  having  no  use  for  tho  "  fearful  and  trembling." — 
5.  The  second  tost  is  a  very  singular  one,  and  has 
given  interpreters  much  trouble.  Tho  words  ''  putting 
their  hand  to  their  mouth  "  arc  evidently  wrong  whore 
they  stand.  They  should  either  be  struck  out  as  a 
gloss,  or  transferred  to  tho  end  of  the  verse,  where 
they  would  explain  how  tho  majority  drank  on  their 
knees.  But  why  should  those  who  put  their  lips  into 
the  stream  and  lapped  like  a  dog.  in-stead  of  using  their 
hands,  be  choson  as  alone  fit  for  the  combat  ?  Was 
it  because  they  did  not  let  their  weapons  leave  their 
hands  for  a  moment  ?  Or  because  they  were  satisfied 
with  a  little  water,  when  they  might  have  drunk  their 
fill  ?  Or  was  the  test  purely  arbitrary  ?  "If  any 
significance  may  be  ascribed  to  the  way  in  which  the 
3(X)  drank,  we  should  find  it  in  the  comparison  to  dogs  ; 
they  were  the  rude,  fierce  men  ;  compare  tho  name 
Caleb  "  (Moore). 

Vn.  9-15.  Gideon's  Visit  to  the  Mldlanlte  Camp.— 
Tho  heroic  leader  was  next  encouraged,  not  by  a 
dream  of  his  own,  but  by  one  which  he  heard  told  at 
night  in  the  camp  of  the  enemy.  Tho  significant 
features  of  the  dream  are  the  tout,  the  symbol  of  the 
Midianite  nomads,  and  the  cake  of  barley  bread,  the 
symbol  of  the  Israelite  peasants.  As  the  little  barley 
cako  overturns  the  huge  tent,  so  Israel  is  to  defeat  the 
host  of  Midian. — 14.  Read  "  This  is  nothing  but  tho 
men  of  Israel,"  the  words  "  Gideon  the  son  of  Joash  " 
being  probably  a  later  insertion.  It  is  not  Gideon,  but 
Gideon's  little  band  of  gallant  j^eomen  (156),  that  corre- 
sponds to  the  dreamer's  cake. 

VII.  lfr-25.  The  Night  Alarm  and  Rout.— Gideon's 
stratagem  consisted  in  the  division  of  his  small  force 
into  three  companies,  who  charged  the  enemy  from 
three  sides  at  once,  making  an  uproar  and  producing 
a  panic. — 18.  The  battle-cry  agreed  upon  was  "  For 
Yahweh  and  for  Gideon  !  "  When  the  actual  conflict 
began,  many  or  all  prefixed  to  this  "  A  sword,"  sug- 
gested by  the  gleaming  weapons  they  had  uasheathed. 
The  words  express  with  splendid  terseness  a  double 
loyalty,  to  God  and  a  trusted  leader ;  an  ideal, 
Yahweh's  victory  and  glory  ;  and  a  means  of  attaining 
it,  the  sword. — 20.  If  each  soldier  carried  a  trumpet,  a 
torch,  an  empty  pitcher,  and  a  sword,  his  hands  were 
too  full.  There  are  awkward  repetitions  in  tho  narra- 
tive (see  20  and  22),  and  it  is  possible  that  tho  trumpets 
are  derived  from  one  source,  the  jars  and  torches 
from  another. — 23.  It  is  strange  to  see  how  tho  men 
who  had  no  heart  for  the  attack  are  ready  to  join  in 
the  pursuit.  Some  think  that  tho  verso  is  a  later 
addition. — 24.  The  words  "  even  Jordan  "  (twice) 
seem  meaningless.  Perhaps  we  should  read  with  the 
Peshitto  "  as  far  as  Bethbara  upon  (tho  bank  of) 
Jordan." 

VIII.  1-3.  The  Ephralmltes  Appeased.— After  de- 
feating the  mighty  foreign  foe,  Gideon  had  to  settle  a 
domestic  dispute  which  might  easily  have  become 
serious,  and  he  again  proved  liim-self  equal  to  tho 
occasion.  He  is  a  man  of  wit  and  humour  as  well  as 
of  military  prowess.  He  knows  that  a  soft  answer 
turns  away  wrath,  and  he  can  make  tho  tongue  as 
effective  a  wea{X)n  as  the  swnid.  He  stoops  to  conquer. 
Wlien  the  jealous  Ephraimitcs  complain  that  ho  has 
not  given  them  the  first  place  in  his  army  (which  would 
have  entitled  them  to  tho  best  of  the  spoils),  ho  returns 
a  humble  answer,  in  which  they  do  not  perceive  any 


flavour  of  delicate  irony.  How  should  he  ever  compare 
his  little  clan  with  a  mighty  tribe  ?  The  mere  glean- 
ings of  Ephraira  are  more  than  the  vintage — the  wholo 
harvest — of  Abiezor.  We  shall  find  later  that  wliilo 
such  treatment  appeased  tho  Ephraimites  it  did  not 
euro  them.  Jephthah  had  oxporionce  of  tho  same 
jealous  temper,  and  was  not  so  patient  with  it  (12 1-6). 
VIII.  4-21.  The  Pursuit  on  the  East  of  Jordan.- This 
section  is  not  continuous  with  the  preceding  one.  Tho 
men  of  Israel,  who  were  gathered  together  after  tho 
battle  (723),  and  tho  Ephraimites,  who  were  so  eager 
to  prove  what  they  could  do,  are  heard  of  no  more. 
Gideon  is  again  alone  with  his  300  (84) ;  the  men  of 
Succoth  and  Ponuol,  ignorant  of  any  battle  or  rout, 
think  his  campaign  against  the  Midianites  a  hopeless 
affair  ;  and  when  he  at  length  reaches  the  enemy  he 
finds  them  "  secure,"  apparently  havin;^  neither  been, 
nor  expecting  to  be,  disturbed  (11).  Plainly  we  have 
here  a  different  tradition. — 4.  For  "  faint  and  (not 
'  yet ')  pursuing  "  the  LXX  has  "  faint  and  hungry," 
which  suits  the  next  verse,  where  there  is  a  request 
for  bread.  Succoth  (Gen.  33 17)  and  Penuol  (Gen. 
323of.)  have  not  been  identified ;  they  must  have 
been  near  the  Jabbok. — 7.  For  "  tear  "  read  "  thresh." 
Provoked  by  the  inhospitality  of  tho  princes  of  Succoth, 
Gideon  threatens  to  throw  them  naked  into  a  bed  of 
thorns  and  trample  them  down — 10.  The  site  of 
Karkor  is  also  unknown.  The  enormous  figures,  as  in 
19-21,  were  probably  due  to  R. — [14.  This  lad  could 
write  {mg.)  an  interesting  and  rather  suggestive  fact, 
but  it  would  be  extravagant  to  infer  that  writing  was 
a  universal  accomplishment.  —  A.  S.  P.]  — 16.  For 
"  taught  "  read  with  LXX,  "  threshed."  The  savage 
threat  is  carried  out.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
the  Gideon  of  this  tradition  is  the  man  whom  we  know 
and  love  in  the  other  stories.  But  compare  what  even 
David  is  said  to  have  done  (2  S.  I231).  and  contrast 
Lk.  956. — 18-21.  The  two  nomad  chieftains  faced 
death  with  the  stoical  fortitude  of  American  Indians. 

VIII.  22-27.  Gideon  Refuses  a  Kingdom,  and  Erects 
an  Ephod. — Long  before  the  Israelites  had  any  human 
kings.  Yahweh  was  regarded  as  their  Di\nne  King, 
and  Gideon,  like  Samuel  (1  S.  87,  10 19,  1212,17,19), 
expresses  the  view  that  the  Divine  kingship  leaves  no 
room  for  a  human  sovereignty.  This  view  became 
prevalent  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  when  a  succession 
of  wicked  kings  was  mining  tho  northern  kingdom 
(Hos.  84,1311).— 24-27.  In  gratitude  to  Yahweh,  who 
had  stood  by  him  and  given  liim  victory.  Gideon  uses 
tho  spoils  of  war  to  make  a  golden  ephod,  which  ho  sets 
up  to  Yahweh's  glory  at  Ophrah.  This  act  is  spoken 
of  without  disapproval,  except  in  27b,  which  many 
scholars  regard  as  an  etlitorial  addition.  "  A  later  ago, 
trained  in  more  spiritual  conceptions,  took  offence  at 
Gideon's  action,  and  saw  in  it  the  cause  of  the  disaster 
which  befell  his  house '"  (G.  A.  Cooke).  The  nature 
and  purpose  of  an  ephod  in  the  time  of  the  Judges  are 
not  explicitly  stated.  It  certainly  was  not  a  sacred 
vest,  such  as  was  worn  by  the  High  Priest  in  tho 
second  Temple.  It  was  clearly  an  image  of  some  kind, 
and  it  was  used  in  the  service  of  Yahweh  (p.  100). 

VHL  33-35  contains  the  familiar  phrases  of  D,  who 
is  grieved  at  Israel's  ingratitude,  first  to  Yahweh  their 
deliverer,  and  then  to  Gideon  their  earthly  benefactor. 
[Observe  also  tho  characteristic  generalisation  of  the 
purely  local  and  Canaanito  cidt  of  Baal-borith  (94,46) 
into  a  cult  a<li)ptpd  bv  Israel  <is  a  wholo. — A.  S.  P.] 

DC.  The  Kingship  and  Fall  of  Ablmelech.— The  story 
of  Gideon's  half-Canaanito  son  does  not  equal  the 
finest  parts  of  the  book  in  dramatic  interest,  but  the 
glimpse  which  it  affords  of  the  relations  subsisting 


JUDGES,  X.  1-5 


between  the  mixed  racoa  of  Palestine  in  the  time  of 
the  Judges  is  of  great  value  to  the  historian.  The 
•whole  narrative  is  ancient,  though  not  quite  uniform. 
Here  D  makes  no  contribution.  Apparently  he  did 
not  regard  Abimelech  as  worthy  to  rank  among  the 
Judges,  and  therefore  he  omitted  this  section,  which 
was  restored  to  its  place  by  R. 

IX.  1-6.  Abimelech  Made  King  of  Shechem.— 
"  Abimelech  "  probably  means  "  the  (Divine)  King  is 
Father,"  which  throws  some  light  on  Gideon's  con- 
ception of  his  God.  He  and  other  Israelites  were 
already  feeling  after  that  great  truth  of  the  Divine 
Fatherhood,  which  is  the  heart  of  Christianity. 
Shechem  (  1  K.  12i*),  now  called  Nablus  (the  Roman 
Neapolis),  lies  in  a  fertile  valley  between  Mount  Ebal 
and  Gerizim.  Abimelech  was  not,  of  course,  made  king 
of  all  the  twelve  tribes,  nor  even  of  one  whole  tribe, 
but  only  of  the  town  of  Shechem  and  its  neighbour- 
hood. His  rule  was  on  a  par  with  that  of  the  kings 
who  are  mentioned  in  the  Song  of  Deborah  (Jg.  Sig). — 
2.  The  young  man  made  a  skilful  use  of  his  pedigree. 
Would  not  the  Shechemites  prefer  that  one  of  them- 
selves, one  who  had  lived  among  them  all  his  days, 
rather  than  a  stranger,  should  reign  over  them  ?  His 
mother,  as  a  aadlca  wife  (W.  R.  Smith,  Kinship,  93f.), 
would  be  among  her  own  people  at  Shechem,  not  among 
Gideon's  at  Ophrah.  The  idiom  "  your  bone  and  your 
flesh"  answers  to  the  English  "your  flesh  and  blood." 
— 4.  Abimelech  begins  his  reign,  as  new  kings  so  often 
do  in  the  East,  by  hiring  assassins  to  put  all  possible 
rivals  out  of  the  way  (c/.  2  K.  lOi-ii,  lli).  For  "  vain 
and  light  "  read  "  reckless  and  worthless." — [5.  Upon 
one  stone  :  as  if  it  was  an  altar  and  the  murder  a  sacri- 
ficial rit«  (1  S.  1433-35).  Thus  presumably  the  blood 
was  safely  disposed  of.  and  would  not  cry  for  venge- 
ance.— A.  S.  P.] — 6.  The  coronation  took  place  at  "  the 
oak  of  the  pillar,"  or  "  Monument- tree,"  i.e.  a  holy 
oak  beside  which  there  was  a  standing  stone.  For 
"the  house  of  IMillo"  read  "  Beth-miUo,"  apparently  a 
town  near  Shechem. 

IX.  7-21.  Jotham's  Fable. — Only  in  an  apologue 
could  Jotham,  the  sole  survivor  of  Abimelech's 
massacre,  express  what  was  in  his  bitter,  broken  heart. 
The  point  of  his  fable  is  easily  caught.  His  father 
and  his  brothers  were  the  fruitful  trees — olive,  fig-tree 
and  vine — who  declined  to  rule  over  the  other  trees  ; 
his  half-brother  is  the  bramble  who  has  accepted  the 
kingship,  but  who  vnW  presently  set  on  fire  the  cedars 
of  Lebanon.  If  the  Shechemites  have  acted  in  good 
faith  to  Jerubbaal  in  choosing  Abimelech  as  king, 
may  they  have  joy  of  the  choice  ;  but  if  not,  may  their 
king  be  a  devouring  fire  among  them ! — 7.  How 
Jotham  got  an  audience  at  the  top  of  Gerizim  is  not 
said.  The  language  is  not  to  be  pressed,  and  a 
well-known  crag  overlooking  the  town  has  been  pointed 
out  as  a  natural  pulpit. — 9.  Read  "  Shall  I  leave  my 
fatness,  with  which  gods  and  men  are  honoured  ? 
This  plain  sense  was  avoided,  from  motives  of  rever- 
ence, in  some  versions,  but  see  13,  where  read  "  gods  " 
for  "  God."  Oil  was  used  in  Semitic  religious  observ- 
ances, being  poured  upon  the  sacred  stones  which 
were  associated  with  the  Divine  presence  (Gen.  28i8, 
3014).  Wine  was  used  in  libations  and  sacred  feasts. — 
15.  The  bramble  is  the  rhamnus  ;  "  thorns  ''  in  Ps.  689. 
The  exquisite  absurdity  of  the  political  situation  at 
Shechem,  as  conceived  by  Jotham,  is  suggested  by 
the  bramble's  self-complacent  "  Gome  and  put  your 
trust  in  my  shadow."  Fine  words,  but  the  bramble 
will  soon  show  its  tnie  character ;  the  crackling  of 
thorns  under  the  codars  will  rcvoal  the  incendiary. 

IX.  22-41.  The  Sedition  of  the  Sbecbemites.— The 


statement  that  Abimelech  was  "  prince  over  Israel " 
ia  an  exaggeration,  and  the  chronological  not©  is  prob- 
ably by  R. — 23.  The  Shechemites  soon  tired  of  the 
government  of  their  "  brother "  (3).  God  sent  an 
evil  spirit  between  the  king  and  his  subjects  ;  cf.  the 
evil  spirit  from  the  Lord  that  possessed  Saul  (1  S.  I614, 
I810),  and  misled  the  prophets  of  Ahab  (1  K.  2219-23) ; 
and  recall  the  classical  saying,  Que^n  Dens  vuU  perdere, 
prills  dementat. — 26.  The  spirit  of  disaffection  at 
Shechem  gave  a  self-seeking  demagogue  his  chance. 
Gaal  is  called  "  the  son  of  Ebed,"  i.e.  of  a  slave.  That 
was  probably  a  popular  nickname ;  his  real  name 
would  be  Gaal  ben  Obed  (  =  Obadiah).— 27-29.  The 
sedition  is  described  with  great  vividness.  When  the 
vintagers  were  heated  with  wine,  Gaal  made  a  speech 
in  the  heathen  temple,  contrasting  the  rule  of  the 
IsraeUte  half-breed  with  the  government  of  the  honour- 
able house  of  Hamor,  the  native  and  ancient  aristocracy 
of  the  city. — 27.  The  heathen  festival,  or  reUgious 
festivities,  consisted  largely  in  merry-making. — 28. 
Most  critics  now  read,  "  Were  not  this  Abimelech  and 
Zebul  his  lieutenant  subjects  of  the  family  of  Hamor  ? 
Why,  then,  should  we  serve  him  ?  "—30.  The  LXX 
greatly  improves  the  sense  by  reading,  not  "  and  I 
said,"  but  "  and  I  would  say." — -31.  Read  "  in 
Arumah "  (where  Abimelech  Uved,  41),  instead  of 
"  craftily  "  ;  and,  at  the  end  of  the  verse,  "  they  are 
stirring  up  the  city  against  thee." — 37.  Read  with  mg. 
"  the  navel  of  the  land"  and  "  the  augurs'  oak,"  places 
which  would  be  familiar  to  every  Shechemite. — 38. 
Zebul,  the  absent  king's  governor  in  the  city,  takes  the 
demagogue  down  by  asking  him  "  Where  is  now  thy 
mouth  ?  "  At  the  approach  of  danger  the  man's 
boastings  and  vapourings  cease. — 40.  Read  "  fell 
slain."-— 41.  The  site  of  Arumah  is  uncertain  ;  it  may 
be  el-'Orme,  two  hours  SE.  of  Shechem. 

IX.  42-49.  Abimelech  Destroys  Shechem. — ^These 
verses  seem  to  contain  a  second,  independent  account 
of  the  attack  on  Shechem,  the  sequel  to  22-25. — 43. 
Abimelech  adopts  the  same  tactics  whereby  his  father 
routed  the  Midianites  (7i6). — 44.  Read,  with  the 
LXX,  "  the  company  that  was  with  me."— 45.  To  sow 
a  city  with  salt  was  to  declare  symbolically  that  it 
was  henceforth  to  be  as  fruitless  and  desolate  as  a 
salt  desert  (Dt.  923,  Ps.  IO734).  But  in  the  case  of 
Shechem,  nature  itself  made  that  impossible. — 46.  Read 
"  Migdal-Shechem,"  evidently  a  town  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. El-berith  is  another  name  for  Baal-berith 
(833),  which  the  LXX  has  here.  The  translation 
"  hold  "  is  a  guess  ;  the  word  may  mean  an  under- 
ground chamber.  Mount  Zalmon  is  unknown. — 49. 
Abimelech  bums  the  town  of  Shechem ;  King 
Brambles  fire  devours  the  cedars  as  Jotham  had 
predicted. 

IX.  50-59.  The  Death  of  Abimelech.— He  went  on 
burning  and  destrojong  till  from  the  tower  of  Thebez 
(p.  30)  a  woman  threw  a  mill-stone  which  crashed  through 
his  skull.  That  he  might  not  be  said  to  have  died  by 
a  woman's  hand  he  begged  his  armour-bearer  to  give 
him  the  coup  de  grace.  His  death  scene  is  strikingly 
like  that  of  Saul,  in  whose  person  the  kingship  was 
revived  (2  S.  I9). — 56.  The  closing  verses  point  the 
moral  of  a  tale  which  Greek  poets  would  have  woven 
into  a  tragic  drama  of  fate.  In  the  field  of  destiny 
men  reap  as  they  have  sown. 

X.  1-5.  Tola  and  Jair.— These  are  the  first  of  five 
minor  Judges,  the  other  three  being  named  in  1 23-15. 
Of  the  exploits  of  those  Judges  wo  know  nothing. 
Only  a  few  bare  facts  regarding  their  parentage,  place 
of  abode,  years  of  rule,  number  of  sons,  and  place  of 
burial,  are  set  down.     Three  of  the  five  are  elsewhere 

da 


266 


JUDGES,  X.  1-5 


spoken  of  not  as  individuals  but  as  olans,  and  the 
other  two  are  naturally  to  be  regarded  in  the  same 
light.  Probably  they  were  not  introduced  by  D.  but 
by  a  later  editor. — 1.  Tola  is  here  the  son  of  Fuah. 
Elsewhere  these  are  brothers,  sons  of  lasachar,  » e. 
brother  clans  (Gen.  4613.  Nu.  2623.  1  Ch.  7i).  The 
site  of  Shemir  is  unknown. — 3.  Jair  was  a  son,  i.e.  a 
clan,  of  Manasseh  (Nu.  32i4,  Dt.  314).  Gilead  was  a 
mountainous  region  on  the  eaatem  side  of  the  Jordan, 
well  watered  and  wooded,  providing  rich  pasturage. 
Havvoth-Jair  means  "  tent  dwellings  of  Jair,"  a 
reminiscence  of  nomadic  days,  thougn  encampments 
had  now  given  place  to  cities.  Jair's  thirty  "  sons  " 
are  thirty  settlements  of  the  clan,  just  as  our  Colonies 
are  the  '  daughtera  "  of  Britannia.  Kamon  may  be 
the  Kamun  of  Polybius  (v.  70,  12). 

X.  &-18.  Introduction  to  the  Story  of  Jephthah. — In 
this  section  we  see  the  hand  of  D.  and  hoar  the  re- 
current notes  of  sin,  sutlering.  repentance,  and  deliver- 
ance.— 7.  The  reference  to  the  Philistines  seems  to  be 
out  of  place,  unless  the  section  is  meant  to  serve  as 
an  introduction  to  Samson's  as  well  as  Jephthah's 
erploits. — 8.  Text  faulty  ;  "  eighteen  years  "  should 
probably  stand  at  the  end  of  7,  and  8  should  perhaps 
read  "  and  they  vexed  and  oppressed  the  children  of 
Israel  that  were  bej'ond  Jordan,"  the  rest  being  a 
gloss. — 11.  Moore  thinks  t  hat  all  the  proper  names  after 

'  the  Egyptians  "  have  )>een  added  by  the  latest 
editor.  "  Maonites "  may  survive  in  Ma'an,  seven 
hours  from  Petra  ;  some  read  •'  ilidianites"  with  IjXX 
(mg.). — 171.  A  mere  editorial  summary  of  11. 

XI.  1-11.  Jephthah's  Youth. — Jephthah  (God  opens 
the  womb)  is  the  Othello  of  Israelitish  history,  a 
splendid  barbarian,  "  little  blessed  with  the  soft  phrase 
of  peace,"  familiar  with  "  moving  accidents  by  flood 
and  field,"  who  by  his  valour  delivers  his  country, 
and  by  a  mysterious  fate  sacrifices  a  life  dearer  to  him 
than  his  own.  A  great  warrior,  he  was  handicapped 
in  the  race  of  life,  and  persecuted  by  lus  own  flesh  and 
blood,  because  he  came  into  the  world  with  the  cruel 
stain  of  illegitimacy.  All  the  greater  honour  will  be 
his  if  he  can  '  burst  his  birth's  inv-idious  bar."  Tradi- 
tion did  not  preserve  the  real  name  of  the  hero's  father, 
who  is  simply  called  Gilead,  which  was  properly  the 
name  of  a  district  or  its  people  (see  IO3).  Like  Ishmael, 
another  "  unwanted  "  son,  Jephthah  was  driven  from 
his  homo  and  cast  upon  a  cold  world.  But  he  found  liis 
way  to  the  land  of  Tob  ('"  good  ").  which  proved  a 
good  land  to  him,  a  land  where  a  brave  youth  could 
carve  his  way  to  fortune.  (It  is  mentioned  again  in 
2  S.  106-8;  district  unknown.)  For  a  time  he  was,  like 
young  David,  a  free-booter ;  he  and  his  comrades 
"  went  out  " — a  well-understood  term,  meaning  went 
out  on  raids.  In  this  way  he  got  himself  ready  to  be 
the  deliverer  of  his  countiy — Srom  raiders  I  He  had 
the  chance  of  his  Ufetime  in  his  country's  day  of  peril. 
The  elders  (sheikhs)  of  Gilead — some  of  his  own 
brothers  jierhaps  among  them — came  to  Tob  to  beg 
him  to  come  home.  Gilead  was  in  need  of  a  military 
leader  to  break  the  power  of  the  enemy.  The  hour 
was  come,  and  Jephthah  was  the  man.  Desiring  to  be 
sure  of  his  position,  ho  put  to  the  elders  some  awkward 
questions,  which  they  evaded.  Note  their  solemnly  in- 
consequent "  therefort,"  a  touch  of  comedy  on  the 
writer's  part.  Jephthah  did  not  think  the  word  of  the 
elders  as  good  as  their  lx)nd,  and  would  not  budge  an 
inch  without  their  adjuration.  "  Yahweh  be  witness 
between  us." — lib  scarcely  makes  sense  here,  and 
many  scholars  think  its  right  place  is  after  31.  Such 
errors  frequently  occurred  in  the  copying  of  MSS. 

XI.  12-28.  Jephthah's  Negotiations  with  the  King 


of  Ammon. — As  generally  happens,  there  was  a  war 
of  diplomacy  before  the  war  01  swords.  The  hitAory 
of  300  years  was  reviewed  in  an  attempt  to  settle  a 
present  question  of  mcum  and  tuum.  Jephthah 
speedily  acquainted  himself  with  the  rights  and  wrongs 
of  the  case,  and  would  not  have  it  said  that  he  made 
no  effort  to  settle  matters  amicably.  But  he  argued 
in  vain.  Perhaps  he  was  not  sorry  when  the  solemn 
palaver  was  over,  and  the  hour  come  for  the  stem 
arbitrament  of  war.  He  was  essentially  a  soldier, 
only  incidentally  and  reluctantly  a  politician. — 1^28. 
The  point  of  the  long  speech  of  Jephthah's  messengers 
is  that  the  Israelites,  in  their  journey  from  Egypt, 
scrupulously  respected  the  neutrality  of  Ammon.  They 
failed  to  obtain  a  transit  through  either  Edom  or 
Moab.  and  rather  than  trespass  on  forbidden  ground 
they  "  compassed  '"  both  these  lands.  The  only  terri- 
tory which  they  seized  to  the  oast  of  Jordan  was  that 
of  Sihon,  king  of  the  Amorites.  (These  facts  are 
stated  in  Nu.  20i4-i3,  2I21-24,  only  there  is  no 
reference  to  an  embassy  to  Moab.)  It  will  be  observed 
that  from  15  onwards  there  is  a  flaw  in  the  argument 
of  the  messengers,  who  reason  as  if  they  wore  negotiat- 
ing with  Moab  instead  of  Ammon  ;  and  the  error  be- 
comes most  apparent  in  24.  where  they  speak  of 
'■  Chomosh  thy  god."  Chemosh  was  the  god  of  Moab, 
Milcom  of  Ammon.  The  Israelites  speak  as  men  who 
have  a  national  deity,  Yahweh,  to  men  who  have  a 
national  deity,  Chemosh.  \Vhile  they  devoutly  wor- 
shipped the  one,  they  did  not  question  the  reality  of 
the  other.  The  truth  of  monotheism  had  not  yet 
dawned  on  even  the  greatest  minds  in  Israel. 

XI.  29-33.  Jephthah's  Vow,  and  his  Campaign 
against  Ammon. — 29b  is  probably  an  editorial  note, 
"  a  somewhat  unskilful  attempt  to  fasten  the  new 
cloth  (12-28)  into  the  old  garment'"  (Moore.)  Jeph- 
thah's vow  was  made  at  the  holy  place  of  Mizpah  in 
Gilead,  like  Jacob's  at  Bethel  (Gen.  2824f.,  31 13)-  In 
hope  of  victory,  or  dread  of  disaster,  men  vowed,  or 
devoted,  to  Yahweh  something  very  precious — it  might 
even  be  a  human  life — believing  they  would  thus  pro- 
pitate  His  favour  and  secure  His  aid. — 31.  *'  What- 
soever" is  entirely  wrong;  read  "  whosoever "  (wjy.). 
Jephthah  intended  a  human  sacrifice.  To  suggest 
that  he  thought  of  an  animal — say  a  sheep  or  a  goat — 
crossing  his  path  when  he  ueared  his  home,  is  to 
trifle  with  tragedy. — 33.  Aroer  is  not  the  city  of  that 
name  on  the  Axnon  (26),  but  another  near  the  ancient 
Rabbah,  which  is  the  modem  Amman  (Jos.  I325). 
Minnith  wa.s  probablj'  near  Heshbon.  Abel-ch"ramim, 
"  Vineyard-meadow,"  is  unknown. — 34.  Read  "  came 
to  liis  home  at  Mizpah."  Lilie  Miriam  at  the  Red 
Sea  (Ex.  152o).  and  the  women  who  welcomed  home 
Saul  and  David  (1  S.  186),  Jephthah's  daughter  came 
forth  to  meet  her  father  with  timbrels  and  dances. 
This  implies  that  she  had  companions  (cf.  37),  but  the 
poignant  fact  was  that  she,  as  the  conqueror's  daughter, 
was  leading  the  dance. — 34b  is  unsurpassable  m  its 
pathos  ;  equalled  only  by  Gen.  222.  The  sacrifice  of 
an  only  child — what  sorrow  can  compare  with  that  ? 
(cf.  Jor.  426.  Am.  810,  Zech  12io).  "  What  is  a 
victory,  what  are  triumphal  arches,  and  the  praise  of 
all  creation,  to  a  lonely  man  ?  "  (Mark  Rutherford). — 
35.  Read  "  thou  hast  stricken  me,  thou  (emphatic)  art 
one  that  bringeth  disaster  upon  me." — 36.  The  pure 
and  innocent  maiden  whose  life  was  to  be  sacrificed 
is  known  only  as  Jephthah's  Daughter,  and  she  was 
worthy,  more  than  worthy,  of  that  name.  With  her 
father  s  heroic  spirit,  she  had  a  still  nobler  nature. 
There  is  nothing  in  all  literature  finer  than  her 
answer   in  this  verse.     No  wonder  that  her  words 


JUDGES,  XI.  25 


267 


have  inspired  poots.     Tennyson  paraphrases  them  in 
"  My  God,  my  land,  my  father,"  and  Byron  in  "  Since 
our  country,  our  God — oh,  my  sire." — 37.  She  asks 
for  a  respite  of  two  montlis.     "  Life  is  sweet,  brothers, 
who  would  Vrish  to  die  ?  " — 39.  But  Jephthah  "  did  to 
her  as  he  had  vowed  to  do."     That  is  the  last  act  of 
t!ic  tragedy.     It  is  only  suggested.     No  angel  of  the 
Lord  interposed,   as  in   the  story  of    Isaac,   with  an 
injunction   "'  Lay   not   thine   hand   on   the   maiden " 
(c/.  Gen.  22i2).     No  prophet  had  yet  arisen  to  ask, 
"  Shall  I  give  the  fniit  of  my  body  for  the  sin  of  my 
soul  ?  "  (Ali.  67).     From  the  Christian  point  of  view 
we  may,  with  Dante,  think  Jephthah  was  wrong 
"  Blindly  to  execute  a  rash  resolve. 
Whom  better  it  had  suited  to  exclaim 
'  I  have  done  ill.'  than  to  redeem  his  pledge 
By  doing  worse." 

But  his  blindness  detracts  nothing  from  the  heroism 
of  his  daughter,  who  gave  herself,  without  a  murmur, 
to  her  people  and  her  God  ;  who  was  led  to  the  altar, 
not  as  a  bride  adorned  for  her  husband,  but  as  a 
virgin-martyr  ;  whose  love  of  life  was  less  than  her 
love  of  her  countiy  and  its  freedom.  Did  not  Byron 
right  1}-  (hvine  that  she  smiled  as  she  died  ?  [The  view 
that  she  was  not  put  to  death  but  doomed  to  remain 
unweddcd,  is  almost  certainly  incorrect,  though  it  has 
been  recentlv  revived  by  Benzinger. — A.  S.  P.] 

XII.  1-6.  Civil  War  between  Gilead  and  Ephralm.— 
The  Ephraimites  hankered  after  the  primacy  among 
the  tribes.  Their  amour  propre  was  easily  offended, 
their  anger  quickly  enflamed.  Instead  of  praising 
God  for  Jephthah's  great  victory,  they  were  furious 
because  he  won  it  without  their  aid.  They  insulted 
him  as  they  once  insulted  Gideon,  and  perhaps  ex- 
pected an  equally  meek  and  flattering  answer.  But 
Jephthah  was  a  man  of  a  different  mould  and  temper. 
Hurling  a  few  scathing  words  at  heroes  who  were 
brave  when  the  war  was  over,  he  presumed,  judging 
from  their  insolence,  that  they  now  wished  to  fight 
with  him,  and  he  was  ready.  The  result  deeply 
stirs  the  readers  imagination.  Led  by  a  general 
like  Jephthah,  Gilead  was  more  than  a  match  for 
Ephraim,  and  the  western  tribe  was  not  only  put  to 
flight,  but  found  the  fords  of  Jordan  guarded  to  bar 
their  passage.  Every  man  who  wished  to  cross  was 
subjected  to  a  singular  test.  His  life  hung  on  the 
pronunciation  of  a  sibilant.  He  was  asked  to  say 
"  Shibboleth  "  (ear  of  com),  and  if  ho  said  "  Sibbo- 
leth,"  he  was  slain  there  and  then.  His  speech 
betrayed  him.  "  So  in  the  Sicilian  vespers,  March  31, 
1282,  the  French  were  made  to  betray  themselves  by 
the  pronunciation  of  ceci  e  ciceri ;  those  who  pro- 
nounced c  as  in  French  (sesi  e  siseri)  were  hewn  down 
on  the  spot."  (Moore).--4.  The  words  "  because  they 
said.  Ye  are  fugitives  of  Mount  Ephraim  "  make  no 
sense  in  their  present  position,  and  probably  should 
stand  after  "  Jordan  "  in  6.  The  huge  numbers  are 
doubtless  the  work  of  R. — 7.  The  Heb.  text  "  in  the 
cities  of  Gilead,"  is  evidently  wrong  ;  the  LXX  has 
"  in  his  city  of  Gilead."' 

XII.  8-15.  The  Three  Minor  Judges.— Ibzan's  home 
was  probably  Bethlehem  in  Zebniun  (Jos.  19i5),  7  m. 
from  Nazareth,  still  called  Beit-Iahm.  For  Aijalon 
wo  should  probably  read  Elon  (so  the  LXX).  Pirathon 
is  perhaps  Far'ata.  near  Nabliis. 

XIII.-XV.  Samson  and  the  Philistines.— About  the 
same  time  as  the  Israelites  entered  Canaan  from  the 
cast  the  Punvsati  (of  the  Egj'ptinn  monuments),  or 
Philistines,  came  over  the  sea  from  C^phtor  (Crete), 
and  settled  in  the  rich  coast-lands  between  Carmel  and 


Gaza  (p.  28).  For  centuries  it  was  a  question  vvliich  of 
the  two  races  was  to  have  the  mastery.  The  inevitable 
conflict  began  early,  and  was  not  ended  till  the  time 
of  David.  Samson,  Israel's  Hercules,  is  said  to  have 
saved  and  judged  Israel  in  the  days  of  the  Philistines 
(I35,  1020,  I631),  but  ho  did  not,  like  the  other  Judges, 
call  his  tribesmen  to  arms  and  lead  them  into  battle. 
His  exploits  were  single-handed  adventures.  As  a 
popular  hero  he  is  on  a  somewhat  lower  level  than 
Gideon,  Barak.  Jephthah,  David,  and  Samuel,  with 
whom  he  is  named  in  Hob.  11 32.  That  the  tales  of 
his  escapades  were  popular  can  well  be  believed. 
"  The  scrapes  into  which  Samson's  weakness  for 
women  brought  him,  the  way  in  which  he  turned  the 
tables  on  those  who  thought  they  had  got  the  best 
of  Mm,  the  hard  knocks  he  dealt  the  uncircumcised, 
and  the  practical  jokes  he  played  on  them  must  have 
made  these  stories  great  favourites  with  the  story- 
loving  race,  such  as  all  the  Semites  are "  (Moore, 
315). 

XIII.  1-24.  The  Birth  of  Samson.— 1.  D's  usual 
introduction. — 2.  Zorah  (p.  31)  is  now  Sar'a.  800  ft. 
above  the  valley  of  Sorek  (Wady  es-Surar),  17  m.  W.  of 
Jerusalem.  In  Jos.  I033  and  2  Ch.  11 16  it  is  no  longer 
Danite,  but  Judahite,  evidently  because  the  Danites 
of  the  town  had  moved  to  the  north  (Jg.  18). — 3.  On 
the  angel  of  the  Lord  see  2i*.  The  words  "but  thou 
shalt  conceive  and  bear  a  son  "  belong  to  5,  and 
should  be  deleted  here. — 4-.  The  idea  was  that  a  person 
who  partook  of  anything  fermented  or  putrified  was 
thereby  rendered  unfit  for  consecration  to  the  Deity. — ■ 
5.  As  a  Nazirite  (pp.  103,  105)  Samson  was  "set  apart," 
not  by  his  own  voluntary  act  but  by  the  will  of  God, 
from  the  day  of  his  birth  and  during  his  whole  Ufo, 
the  sign  of  hLs  consecration  being  his  imshom  hair. 
He  was  not  required  to  abstain  from  wine.  The  post- 
exilic  Nazirite  (Nu.  6*)  bound  himself  by  a  vow  for  a 
time,  during  which  he  abstained  from  wine,  and  on 
the  expiry  of  his  vow  he  cut  off  his  hair  and  presented 
it  at  the  sanctuary.  In  56  read  "  ho  will  be  the  first 
to  deliver  Israel." — 6.  A  man  of  God  was  an  inspired 
man,  a  prophet  (1  S.  227,  96-8;  1  K.  I222,  etc.).  So 
impressed  was  Manoah's  wife  that  she  abstained  from 
asking  the  questions  which  she  would  have  put  to  an 
ordinary  stranger  :  "  What  is  thy  name  ?  Whence 
comest  thou  ?  " — 12.  Manoah  asks  (1)  what  will  be 
the  "  manner "  of  the  child,  the  mode  of  his  up- 
bringing, tho  regimen  prescribed  for  him.  and  (2)  what 
will  be  his  calling  or  occupation.  Instead  of  answer- 
ing liis  questions,  Yahweh's  angel  repeats  the  injimc- 
tions  already  given  to  the  mother. — 16.  With  His 
refusal  to  eat  bread  contrast  Gen  ISs,  noting  tho 
gradual  spiritualising  of  ideas  regarding  God. — 1  7  f. 
Like  Jacob  (Gen.  3229*),  Manoah  asks,  but  in  vain, 
what  is  tho  Divine  name,  which  is  inscrutable.  Not 
God's  unwillingness  to  reveal  Himself,  but  man's 
incapacity  for  a  fuller  revelation,  is  tho  ground  of 
mystery. — 19.  Cf.  619-21.  Many  scholars  read  "imto 
the  Lord  that  doeth  wondrously. ' '  The  remaining  words 
belong  to  20. — 21  indicates  another  advance  in  theo- 
logical reflection.  Once  on  a  time  God  walked  and 
talked  with  men  ;  now  it  is  death  to  see  God  (cf.  1  S. 
2813).  Yet  a  woman's  quick  instinct  conquers  fear. — 
24.  "  Samson  "  comes  from  Shfmesh.  "tho  sun,"  and 
means  either  "  sunny  "  or  "  little  sun.'"  Only  the  width 
of  the  valley  separated  Zorah  from  Beth-Shemesh  ( p.  31 ), 
"the  house  of  the  sun,"  evidently  an  ancient  centre 
of  sun-worship. — 25.  The  superhuman  energy  which 
Samson  began  to  display  is  ascrilx>d  to  tlie  working  of 
Yahweh's  spirit  in  him  (see  3io*).  What  is  said  of 
Mahanoh-dan  does  not  agree  with  I812  ;  and  some  pro- 


!68 


JUDGES.  XI.  25 


pose  to  read  Manahath-dan,  the  homo  of  tho  Manoah 
clan. 

XIV.  1-4.  Samson  at  Timnath. — Samson's  adven- 
tures are  all  Ixjuntl  up  with  his  rclatioas  to  Phiiistmo 
women — one  in  Timnath.  a  second  in  Gaza,  and  a 
third  in  the  valley  of  Sorck.  Tho  name  of  only  one 
of  them  is  given,  and  it  has  become  sjTionjTuous  with 
an  evil  enchantress. — 1.  Timnath  (p.  31)  is  the  modern 
Tibnah,  3J  m.  to  tho  SW.  of  Zorah.— 2.  The  young 
man's  parents  objected  to  a  marriage  with  an  alien 
(cj.  Gen.  24^.  2634f.,  2746). — 3.  Among  tho  neighbours 
of  the  Israelites  the  Philistines  alono  did  not  practise 
circumcision,  and  all  the  racial  hatred  of  those  dreaded 
rivals  is  put  into  tho  opprobrious  epithet,  "  tho  un- 
circumcised "  (1  S.  146,  etc.). — 4.  Even  tho  best 
Israelites  (among  them  the  writer  J)  assumed  that 
Yahweh  was  "  agaiast  tho  Philistines,"  and  that  He 
sought  "  an  occasion  "'  for  a  quarrel  with  them. 

XIV.  5-20.  Samson's  Marriage.— As  ho  could  not  take 
an  unwelcomed  bride  to  his  father's  house.  Samson 
resolved  to  contract  a  marriage  in  which  his  wife 
would  remain  at  her  father's  house  (92*).  5  conveys 
the  idea  that  his  parents  after  all  gave  their  consent, 
and  even  went  down  with  him  to  the  wedding.  This 
in  itself  is  improbable,  and  there  is  no  indication  of 
their  presence  at  Timnath  or  of  their  returning  home. 
Moore  plausibly  suggests  that  a  later  writer,  taking 
offence  at  the  storj'  of  an  improper  marriage,  inserted 
"  and  his  father  and  his  mother  "  in  order  to  regularise 
it.  The  same  applies  to  10. — 6.  Cj.  David's  and 
Benaiah's  exploits  (1  S.  I734-36,  2  S.  232o)  and  Her- 
cules' fight  with  a  Nemean  Hon. — 8.  Omit  "  to  take 
her,"  a  gloss  which  spoils  the  sense.  Samson  was 
returning  home  when  he  turned  aside  to  see  the  lion's 
carcase. — 10.  Read  "  And  he  went  down  to  tho 
woman,  and  made  a  feast  there."  For  "  young  men  " 
read  "  bridegrooms." — 11.  The  sense  is  not  good, 
"  they "  being  undefined,  flaking  a  slight  change, 
read  "  and  ho  took  thirty  companions,  and  they 
were  with  him."  At  SjTian  village  weddings  tho  bride- 
groom is  still  attended  by  a  bodyguard  of  younj:  men 
(Ca.  3if .). — 14.  As  a  poetical  expression  of  a  remarkable 
incident,  Samson's  couplet  is  perfect ;  but  it  was  not 
a  good  riddle,  as  the  Philistines  could  know  nothing 
of  the  facts  alluded  to  — 15.  They  got  the  answer  not 
by  wit,  but  by  guile.  Probably  "  in  three  days  "  and 
"  on  the  seventh  day  "  should  be  omitted.  Read 
"  And  they  were  not  able  to  guess  the  riddle,  so  they 
said  to  Samson's  wife,"  etc.  He  is  called  her  hus- 
band, and  she  his  wife,  though  as  j'ct  they  were  only 
betrotlied. — The  end  of  15  reads  in  some  MSS  and  the 
Targum,  "  Have  ye  called  us  hither  to  impoverish 
us  ?  " — 18.  The  word  for  "  sun  "  cannot  bo  right,  and 
a  very  slight  change  gives  tho  reading  :  "  Before  he 
entered  into  the  chamber."  The  week  of  ante-nuptial 
festivities  was  ending,  the  marriage  day  had  at  length 
come,  when  the  thirty  youths  read  the  riddle  and  en- 
joyed their  triumpii. — Samson's  retort  expressed 
his  fierce  contempt  for  the  Philistines  who  had  played 
him  false,  the  women  and  the  men  alike. — 19.  In  his 
rage  he  rushed  away  home,  leaving  the  marriage  un- 
consummated,  regardless  of  the  feelings  of  the  bride 
and  her  family. — 19a  is  evidently  a  later  insertion. — 
20.  The  indignant  father  at  once  gave  the  bride  to 
Samson's  groomsman,  and  the  interrupted  wedding 
was  com  plot  eil. 

XV.  Samson  against  the  Philistines.— His  anger 
having  cooled,  Samson  went  down  to  appease  his 
betrothed  and  complete  the  marriage.  \\'hon  ho 
learned  how  things  stood,  ho  was  angrier  than  ever, 
and  determined  to  wreak  his  revenge  upon  tho  Philis- 


tines. The  stories  of  the  burning  of  their  com  and 
the  slaughter  of  a  thousand  of  them  with  an  ass's 
jawbone  are  good  examples  of  Heb.  folklore.  [For 
parallels,  especially  to  a  Roman  ceremony  at  tho 
Cerealia,  to  the  story  of  the  foxes,  see  ICC  and  CB, 
also  Frazer,  Spirits  of  the  Com  and  of  the  Wild,  i.,  pp. 
296  f.  The  corn-spirit  is  sometimes  thought  to  assumo 
the  shape  of  a  fox,  but  this  has  probably  no  bearing 
on  this  story. — A.  S.  P.] — 4.  Instead  of  foxes  (which 
do  not  roam  in  packs)  read  "  jackals."  The  feud 
between  Samson  and  the  Philistines  now  became 
deadly. — 6.  Read,  with  some  Heb.  MSS.  and  ancient 
VSS.,  "  her  and  her  father's  house  "  (t.e.  family). — 
The  rock  Etam  is  not  certainly  known. — 17-19.  The 
etymologies  are  of  course  popular,  not  scientific. 
Ramath-lelii  did  not  originally  mean  "  tho  throwing 
away  of  the  jaw  bone,"  but  (cf.  my.)  Jawbone  Hill  (c/. 
Ramuth-giload).  The  "  hollow  pkeo  "  that  is  in  Lehi 
— called  tho  Maktcsh  or  Mortar  from  its  shape — was 
cleft  by  God  long  before  Samson  came  on  the  scene. 
And  En-hakkore  did  not  signify  "  the  well  of  him  that 
called,"  but  the  Partridge's  (Caller's)  Spring. 

XVI.  1-3.  Samson  Carries  off  the  Gates  of  Gaza. — 
Gaza  was  tho  last  coast  town  on  tho  way  down  to 
Egypt,  about  30  m.  from  Samsons  home;  to-day  a 
town  of  16,000  inhabitants. — 2b  does  not  agree  with 
2a.  There  would  bo  no  need  to  keep  watch  by  night, 
when  the  gates  were  closed.  The  Philistines  "  were 
quiet  all  the  night,"  i.e.  they  took  no  precautions. 
Probably  the  words  "  compassed  .  .  .  city "  are  a 
later  addition. — 3.  The  gate  consisted  of  two  wings, 
which  were  flanked  by  two  posts  and  '  secured 
by  a  bar  let  into  the  posts.  Samson  pulled  the  posts 
out  of  the  ground,  put  the  whole  framework  on  his 
shoulders,  and  carried  it  to  the  top  of  the  hill  that 
faces  Hebron,  40  m.  from  Gaza, 

XVI.  4-22.  Samson  and  Delilah. — It  was  quite  near 
his  own  home,  in  tho  Vale  of  Sorek  ("  Grape  Valley  "), 
that  the  Philistines,  aided  by  the  woman  who  had 
him  in  thrall,  ultimately  got  the  giant  under  their 
power.  A  ruined  site  near  Zorah  is  still  called  Sdrlk. 
The  Jaffa-Jerusalem  railway  now  nms  through  the 
valley.  The  meaning  of  "  DeUlah "  is  unknown : 
perhaps  it  was  a  Philistine  word,  as  the  term  for 
"  lords  "  or  "  tyrants  "  {siren,  pi.  .fame)  certainly  was. 
Delilah  was  to  receive  £150  from  each  of  the  five  for 
the  betrayal  of  her  lover. — 7.  Instead  of  "  withes," 
or  flexible  twigs,  read  "  seven  cords  of  fresh  sinews," 
i.e.  moist  gut ;  Moore  has  "  bowstrings."  Seven  was 
first  a  magical  and  then  a  sacred  number  (cf.  13). — 
10-13.  In  the  second  attempt  to  discover  the  secret 
everj'thmg  is  clear. — 13b  is  an  unfinished  sentence. 
The  LXX  has.  "  If  thou  weave  the  sovon  braids  of 
my  head  along  with  the  web,  and  bc4it  up  with  the 
pin.  my  strength  will  fail  and  I  shall  be  Uke  other  men. 
So  while  he  slept  Dehlah  took  the  seven  braids  of  his 
head,  and  wove  them  .  .  .  and  said,"  etc.  She  wove 
his  hair  into  the  warp  with  her  fingers,  beating  it  tight 
with  the  pin  or  batten.  Samson  awoke,  and  pulled 
up  the  whole  framework — fixed  posts  and  loom — by 
the  hair  of  his  head.  Omit  "  tho  pin  of,"  which  was 
inserted  by  some  reader  who  mistook  the  nature  of 
tho  pin. — 19.  Probably  we  should  read  "  and  he  shaved 
him  "  ;  and  the  LXX  proceeds  "  and  ho  began  to  be 
afflicted,"'  or  "  humbled." — 20.  Yahweh  departed  from 
him  because  ho  had  ceased  to  bo  a  Nazirite. 

XVI.  23-31.  The  Death  of  Samson.— Dagon.  the  god 
of  the  Philistines,  had  been  worshipped  in  the  Maritime 
Plain  long  before  their  coming.  They  adopted  the 
god  of  the  district,  just  as  many  Israelites  learned  to 
worship  the  Baals  of  Canaan.     One  of  the  Amama 


JUDGES,  XIX-XXI 


269 


letter-writers  was  called  Dagon-takala.  There  is  still 
a  Beit  Dajan  near  Joppa,  and  another  near  Nablus. — 
24.  In  the  Heb.  the  words  "  Our  god  .  .  .  many  of 
us  "  form  a  rhynied  five-line  song,  each  short  line 
ending  m  enu. — 25.  The  blind  giant  apparently  made 
sport  by  harmless  exhibitions  of  his  strength. — 27. 
"  And  all  the  lords  .  .  .  women  "  Ls  probably  a  later 
insertion  to  heighten  the  effect.  Codex  B  of  the  LXX 
has  70  instead  of  3000. — 28.  In  the  Heb.,  Samson 
prays,  with  grim  humour,  for  strength  to  avenge 
himself  for  one  of  liis  two  eyes.  The  Eng.  trans, 
follows  the  VSS. — 30.  Lit.  "  Let  my  soul  die  with  the 
Philistines."  The  soul  was  not  immortal ;  when  a 
man  died  liis  soul  died  ;  after  death  he  still  existed, 
but  only  as  a  shade,  not  as  a  soul.  The  chapter  ends 
with  a  note  by  D.  [A  discussion  of  the  narrative  is 
given  in  R.  A.  S.  Macalister's  Bible  Side- Lights  from 
the  Mound  of  Oezer,  pp.  127-138.  It  is  argued  there 
that  Samson  performed  his  feats  in  front  of  the  temple. 
The  lords  were  in  a  large  deep  portico,  the  crowd  on 
the  roof  of  the  portico.  Samson  was  brought  within  the 
portico  to  rest  in  the  shade.  The  pillars  were  wooden, 
and  what  Samson  did  was  to  push  them  off  their  stone 
bases,  so  that  the  lords  in  the  portico  and  the  crowd  on 
its  roof  were  killed,  but  not  those  on  the  roof  of  the 
temple  itself,  except  such  as  might  be  killed  in  the 
panic. — A.  S.  P.] 

XVU.-XVni.  This  section  is  the  first  of  two  supple- 
ments. It  explains  the  origin  of  the  famous  shrine 
at  Dan,  and  the  naivete  of  its  moral  and  religious 
ideas  proves  how  ancient  it  is.  In  not  a  few  places 
the  text  has  evidently  been  tampered  with  by  scribes, 
who  took  offence  at  practices  which  were  from  a  later 
point  of  view  irregular.  The  events  in  question  must 
have  occurred  before  the  time  of  Deborah  (017). 

XVII.  1-6.  Micah's  Graven  Image. — The  dread  of  a 
curse,  uttered  by  an  indignant  mother  against  the 
unknown  thief  of  her  money,  made  the  culprit,  her 
own  son,  confess  his  guilt.  At  a  certain  stage  of 
religious  development,  blessings  and  curses  are  sup- 
posed to  have  supernatural  potency  (p.  143).  In  this 
instance  the  mother  made  her  curse  still  more  effective 
by  "  devoting  "  the  lost  money  to  Yahweh — 2f.  Change 
the  order  :    "I  took  it ;   now  therefore  I  restore  it  to 

thee.     And  his  mother  said,"  etc 4.  Comparing  "  a 

graven  image  and  a  molten  image  "  with  "  it  was  in 
the  house  "  and  "  the  graven  image  "  in  183of.,  we 
conclude  that  "  a  molten  image  "  is  throughout  a  later 
addition. — 5.  Read  "  house  of  God  "  (Beth-elohim), 
Micah  being  a  worshipper  of  Yahweh.  As  a  wealthy 
man  he  had  his  own  shrine.  On  ephod  see  827*. 
Teraphim  were  also  images,  but  for  private,  domestic 
use  (p.  101).  Micah  consecrated,  lit.  "  filled  the  hand 
of"  (Lev.  8*.  Nu.  33*,  1  Ch.  295*),  one  of  his  sons,  as 
priest. — 6.  This  is  the  apology  of  a  later  writer  for 
proceedings  of  which  his  age  could  not  approve. 

XVII.  7-13.  Micah  Secures  a  Levite  as  Priest.— 7.  The 
young  man  was  a  Judsean  by  birth,  and  a  Levlto  by 
profession.  It  is  a  contradiction  to  say  that  he  "  so- 
journed "  among  his  own  people.  The  clause  should 
perhaps  stand  after  "  a  man  '  in  11. — 8.  End  with  "  to 
fulfil  the  purpose  of  the  journey." — 10.  Even  a  young 
Levite  could  be  a  "  father,"  the  title  being  given  out 
of  respect  for  himself  or  his  sacred  office.  Ten  pieces 
of  silver  is  about  thirty  shillings. — 14.  Micah  had  a 
priest  before  (5),  but  only  a  layman,  his  own  son. 
Now  ho  has  a  Levite,  trained  for  the  sacred  office, 
skilful  in  using  the  oracles  and  interpreting  Yahweh's 
mind. 

XVin.  1-7.  The  Danlte  Scouts  at  the  House  ot 
Micah. — This  chapter  is  of  great  value  as  an  iUustra- 


tion  of  the  mode  in  which  an  Israelitish  tribe  found  a 
settlement  in  the  country.  We  are  taken  back  almost 
to  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  On  the  difficulty  wliich 
the  Danites  had  in  taking  possession  of  the  territory 
first  allotted  to  them  see  I34.  Some  of  them  deter- 
mined to  seek  their  fortune  in  fresh  fields.  Their  five 
scouts  passed  the  house  of  Micah  on  the  way  north. 
How  they  knew  the  Levite's  voice  we  are  not  told. 
Either  he  was  an  old  acquaintance,  or  the  words  mean 
that  they  heard  a  voice  intoning,  which  they  knew  to  be 
a  Levite's.  Seizing  their  opportunity,  they  bade  him 
ask  counsel  of  God  for  them,  and  obtained  a  gratifying 
response. 

XVni.  8-10.  The  Scouts  at  Laish.— Laish  was  at  the 
source  of  the  Jordan,  being  either  the  modem  Tell  el 
Kadi  or  Banias  (p.  32).  "Zidonians"  stands  here  for 
Phoenicians  (cf.  IO12).  These  were  a  quiet,  industrious 
trading  people,  and  the  men  of  Laish  were  after  their 
"  manner,"  being,  indeed  perhaps  a  Phoenician  settle- 
ment. They  were  the  kind  of  people  for  whom  the 
Danite  scouts  were  looking — a  people  easy  to  conquer  ! 
The  moral  question  as  to  the  right  of  overpowering 
and  disinheriting  a  "  quiet  and  secure  "  peasantry  was 
never  raised.  At  the  Bedouin  stage  of  culture,  might 
is  right. 

XVni.  11-26.  The  Danites  Get  Possession  of  a 
Sacred  Image. — Kiriath-jearim  (the  city  of  forests)  is 
perhaps  Kuriat  el  'enab.  There  was  a  Mahaneh-dan 
(camp  of  Dan)  between  Zorah  and  Eshtaol,  but  more 
than  one  place  might  bear  such  a  name. — 14.  "  Con- 
sider what  he  hath  to  do  "  is  the  language  of  high- 
waymen. What  had  the  Danites  to  do  ?  To  respect 
the  rights  of  property  ?  To  avoid  sacrilege  ?  They 
knew  better. — 19.  They  stole  not  only  the  sacra  but 
the  priest,  whose  "  heart  was  glad,"  for  was  it  not 
better  to  be  the  "  father  and  priest "  of  a  tribe  than 
of  a  single  family  ?  — 25.  Unmoved  by  the  despairing 
cry  of  one  who  had  been  robbed  of  his  most  sacred 
treasures,  the  Danites  warned  Micah  that  there  were 
angry  fellows  among  them,  who  might,  if  molested, 
proceed  to  extremities.  Finding  no  redress,  Micah 
turns  back,  and  disappears  from  the  scene.  At  least 
his  life  had  been  spared ;  but  the  "  angry  fellows  " 
treat  their  next  victims  differently.  "  They  came 
unto  Laish,  and  to  a  people  quiet  and  secure,  and 
smote  them  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  they 
burned  the  city  with  fire,  and  there  was  no  deliverer." 
How  modem  it  all  seems — with  the  exception  of  the 
last  clause  !  Beth-rehob  ("  house  of  the  broad  place  ") 
may  be  another  name  of  Banias. — 30.  The  name  and 
descent  of  the  young  Levite,  who  was  the  first  priest 
of  the  famous  sanctuary,  are  stated  at  the  end  of  the 
story.  He  was  a  grandson  of  Moses  ;  but  by  the 
insertion  of  an  "  n  "  the  great  name  was  afterwards 
changed  into  Manasseh,  the  idolatrous  king  !  "  The 
day  of  the  captivity  of  the  land  '  was  either  73-1  or 
721  B.C. — 31.  It  is  nowhere  stated  how  or  when  Shiloh 
lost  its  importance  as  a  sacred  shrine.  The  destruction 
of  its  temple  is  first  distinctly  mentioned  in  Jer. 
112.14,  269. 

XIX-XXI.  In  the  story  of  the  outrage  of  Gibeah, 
there  is  a  combmation  of  history  and  midrash.  Hosea 
(Og)  makes  allusion  to  the  "  days  of  Gibeah,"  as  a 
time  of  notorious  moral  depravity  in  Israel,  and  the 
events  which  he  had  in  view  doubtless  form  the  basis 
of  the  present  chapter.  But  when  Israel  is  called  "  the 
congregation"  (20i8),  when  the  "elders  of  the  con- 
gregation "  are  introduced,  and  when  the  tribes  come 
automatically  together"  as  one  man  "  (20i,ii).  making 
a  national  army  ten  times  as  great  as  Barak's,  it  is 
apparent  that  this  is  a  modemi.scd  version  of  the  story. 


270 


JUDaES,  XIX-XXI 


written  in  the  language  of  the  "  congregation."  It  is 
tlio  task  of  criticism  to  separate  the  original  narrative 
from  its  accretions. 

XIX.  The  Outrage  of  Gibeab. — 1.  On  "  sojourning," 
see  176.  The  "farther  side"  of  the  highlands  of 
Ephraim  meant  the  northern  part.  The  relation  of 
concubinage  had  the  sanction  of  widespread  custom 
(c/.  831,  Gen.  2224,  etc.),  and  the  concubine's  father 
became  the  man's  father-in-law  (4). — 6-8.  The  repeti- 
tions are  very  awkward,  and  nothing  is  lost  if  the 
whole  of  66  to  8  is  omitted. — 10.  It  used  to  bo  supposed 
that  Jcbus  was  the  old  Canaanito  name  of  the  city. 
But  the  Amama  tablets,  wriyon  before  the  coming  of 
the  Israelites,  have  the  name  Uru-salim.  Jebus  is  a 
literary,  not  an  historical  name. — 12.  "  Stranger  " 
means  alien,  foreigner ;  and  "  that  "  refers  to  city, 
not  to  stranger.  In  Gibeah,  an  Isra«litish  city,  a 
kindlier  welcome  was  to  be  expected  than  among  tho 
Jebusites. — 13.  Gibeah  is  perhaps  Toll  el-Fid,  3  m. 
N.  of  Jerusalem.  Some  seven  Gibeahs  are  mentioned 
in  the  OT.  The  word  means  "  an  isolated  hill,"  as 
distinguished  from  the  hill-country  (har). — 15.  For 
"  street  "  read  "  broad  place  "  or  "  market-place,"  the 
Jiehii)  of  an  eastern  town,  corresponding  somewhat  to 
the  Agora  or  Forum  of  Greek  and  Roman  cities. — 
18.  As  in  Sodom,  so  in  Gibeah,  the  one  hospitable  man 
was  a  stranger.  166  is  probably  a  late  addition,  for 
what  early  writer  would  require  to  tell  his  readers  that 
"  the  men  of  the  place  were  Benjamites  "  ? — 22.  "  Sons 
of  Belial "  meant  vile  scoundrels.  "  Belial "  (worthless- 
ness)  did  not  become  a  proper  name  till  the  apocalyptic 

Seriod  (Pr.  612*). — 23.  "  Folly"  is  too  weak  ;  "  wanton 
eed  "  comes  nearer  the  sense.  The  Heb.  "  fool  "  was  a 
person  as  devoid  of  moral  as  of  religious  feeling  (p.  344. 
Pr.  I7*). — 24.  This  horrible  detail  is  dehberat«ly  added 
for  the  purpose  of  making  the  picture  of  Gibeah  as 
like  that  of  Sodom  as  possible  (Gen.  198).  Happily 
nothing  more  is  said  of  the  maiden,  and  the  whole 
verse  seems  to  be  an  irrelevant  addition. — 25.  To  tho 
modem  mind  the  Levite,  who  throws  his  wife  out  into 
the  dark  street,  is  as  guilty  as  the  rabble  to  whom  he 
surrenders  her.  But  that  was  not  the  ancient  point 
of  view.  This  is  the  story,  not  of  the  avenging  of  a 
woman's  \'iolated  honour,  but  of  the  vindication  (1)  of 
a  man's  sacrtd  rights  of  property  (in  his  wife),  and 
(2)  of  the  laws  of  hospitality. — 27.  The  picture  of  the 
woman  lying,  when  tho  day  dawns,"  at  the  door  of  the 
house,  with  her  hands  upon  the  threshold,"  has  a 
tragic  pathos  of  which  tho  narrator  of  tho  story  seems 
but  dimly  conscious. — 30.  The  LXX  reads,  "  and  he 
commanded  tho  men  whom  he  sent  out  :  Thus  shall  ye 
say  to  all  the  men  of  Israel,  Did  ever  a  thing  like  this 
happen,  from  the  day  .  .  .  unto  this  day.  And 
everyone  who  saw  it  said,  Such  a  thing  as  tliis  has  not 
happened  or  been  seen  from  tho  day  .  .  .  unto  this 
day." 

XX.  The  Outrage  Avenged. — "  Tho  congregation  " 
(LXX  SjTiagoge)  is  a  post-exilic  term.  The  words  "  as 
one  man  "  suggest  a  unity  of  action  such  as  was  not 


secured  till  long  after  the  time  of  the  Judges.  "  The 
assembly  of  tho  people  of  God'"  was  a  phrase  often 
heard  in  tho  second  Tomple,  but  not  in  the  days  of  the 
Judges. — 2.  Contrast  the  army  mustered  against 
Siscra,  40.000  men  strong  (Jg.  58). — 10.  Each  of  the 
three  clauses  means  precisely  the  same  thing. — 15.  Tho 
figures  are  in  some  confusion,  the  size  of  the  Benjamito 
force  being  indicated  tlireo  times,  and  each  time 
differently  (15.  35,  44-47). — 16.  According  to  the  VSS, 
16a  should  be  omitted  (note  the  repetition  of  "  700 
chosen  men  ") ;  and  "  every  one  "  means  each  of  the 
26,000  men  who  were  all  left-handed.  The  skill  of 
tho  Benjamites  as  archers  and  slingers  is  alluded  to  in 
2  Ch.  122f. — 23  should  evidently  stand  before  22-27!. 
The  words  in  brackets  were  added  by  an  editor  or 
scribe  who  counted  it  improper  to  offer  sacrifice  except 
where  the  Ark  was  housed,  and  who  therefore  inferred 
that  Bethel,  instead  of  Shiloh,  possessed  the  sacra 
for  a  time.  History  gives  no  hint  of  this  arrangement. 
— 30-48.  The  account  of  the  third  day's  fighting  is 
extremely  confused.  In  35  tho  battle  is  over ;  in  366 
it  begias  again. — 33.  Baal-tamar  is  unknown.  For 
"  Maareh-geba  '  read  (with  LXX)  "  the  West  of 
Gibeah.'" — 37.  The  ruse  practised  is  verj'  like  that 
emi^loyed  by  Joshua  against  Ai  (Jos.  81 4f.). — 40.  The 
last  words  may  bo  translated,  "  And.  behold,  the  holo- 
caust of  the  city  went  up  to  heaven."  The  smoking 
and  blazing  city  are  imaged  as  a  sacrifice.  Heaven 
has  been  offered  many  such  "  holocausts  of  barbarian 
vengeance." — 43.  Text  corrupt.  Moore  suggests  "  they 
cut  Benjamin  to  pieces  from  Nohah  as  far  as  opposite 
Geba,  eastward." — 45.  The  rock  Rimmon  is  now 
Rammon,  3  m.  E.  of  Bethel. — 48.  Benjamin  is  made 
a  heran,  as  if  it  were  a  heathen  tribe  "  devoted  "  in  war. 
XXI.  Benjamia  Saved  from  Extinction.— Two  ver- 
sions of  this  story  have  been  editorially  combined. 
The  second  is  evidently  the  older.  It  was  stated  that 
the  children  of  Israel  came  together  as  one  man  (20i,ii), 
but  it  now  appears  that  .Jabesh-gilead,  the  city  that 
was  so  loyal  to  Saul  the  Benjamite  (I  S.  11  if.,  3Iiif., 
2  S.  251,  21i2f.),  did  not  send  a  single  man  to  fight 
against  Benjamin.  For  this  sin,  all  tho  inhabitants 
are  "  devoted,"  except  the  maidens,  who  are  given, 
willing  or  unwilling,  to  the  Benjamite  remnant.  The 
second  version  (16-24)  is  quite  independent  of  the 
first,  and  entirely  different  in  spirit.  It  is  unques 
tionably  very  ancient,  and  tho  glimpse  which  it  gives 
of  an  autumn  "  feast  of  Yahweh  "  at  Shiloh,  when 
young  maidens  performed  choral  dances  in  the  vine- 
yards, is  full  of  interest.  Tho  Benjamite  marriage  by 
capture  strongly  resembles  the  famous  rape  of  the 
Sabine  women  (Li\-y,  i.  9). — 22.  Text  uncertain.  For 
"  complain  unto  us  "  read  "  strive  with  you  "  (LXX). 
"With  an  emended  text  226  may  run,  "  Be  gracious  to 
them,  for  if  ye  had  given  them  (j'our  daughters)  unto 
them,  you  would  surely  now  Ix)  guilty."  The  rest  of 
the  verse,  "  Because  .  .  .  battle,"  is  an  editorial 
attempt  to  join  the  early  Shiloh  story  to  the  late 
Jabesh-gilead  one. 


RUTH 


By  Professor  JAMES  STRAHAN 


Thb  Book  of  Ruth  is  found  near  the  end  of  the  Heb. 
Bible.  It  is  the  second  of  the  five  "  Festal  Rolls" 
{McgiUofh.  p.  418),  Ca.,  Lam.,  Ec,  and  Est.  being  the 
other  four.  Its  transference  by  the  LXX,  followed 
by  the  Vulgate  and  the  modem  versions,  to  a  position 
between  Jg.  and  Sam.  is  due  to  its  opening  words, 
"  Now  it  came  to  pass  in  the  days  when  the  judges 
ruled."  But  in  spirit  it  differs  entirely  from  Jg.  It 
is  like  a  pastoral  symphony  after  a  surfeit  of  martial 
music.  Even  the  Bible  scarcely  contains  a  sweeter  tale 
of  love.  Goethe  characterised  it  as  "  the  loveliest 
little  idyll  that  tradition  has  transmitted  to  us." 
Only  in  later  portions  of  the  OT  do  we  find  somewhat 
similar  pictures  of  pastoral  peace  and  dom&stic  love, 
e.g.  in  Job  I1-5,  Pss.  127,  128,  133,  Pr.  31 10-31.  (See 
further,  p.  22.) 

Several  facts  indicate  that  the  book  was  not  written 
before,  but  probably  a  considerable  time  after,  the 
Exile :  the  fairly  numerous  Aramaic  words  and  forms 
which  the  writer  uses ;  his  allusion  to  a  custom 
familiar  enough  in  the  seventh  century  b.c.  (Dt.  259f.), 
but  obsolete  in  his  own  day  (Ru.  iy)  ;  and  his  attitude 
towards  mixed  marriages,  which  points  to  a  time 
subsequent  to  that  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  The 
writer  was  evidently  a  man  of  wide  sympathies  and 
warm  affections.  To  him  the  laws  of  Israel  were  not 
as  "  the  laws  of  the  Modes  and  Persians,  which  alter 
not."  For  his  book  quietly  ignores,  if  it  does  not 
deliberately  oppose,  the  law  in  Dt.  233  =  "  An  Am- 
monite or  Moabite  shall  not  enter  into  the  assembly 
of  the  Lord  ;  even  to  the  tenth  generation  shall  none 
belonging  to  them  enter  into  the  assembly  of  the 
Lord  for  ever."  Ezra  found  it  necessary  to  enforce 
the  law.  and  demanded  the  divorce  of  foreign  women 
married  to  Israelites  (Ezr.  9f.;  cf.  Neh.  1323f.).  But 
even  Ezra  would  not  have  had  the  heart  to  divorce 
Ruth  from  Boaz.  Their  marriage  was  too  manifestly 
made  in  heaven,  planned  by  a  God  who  educates  His 
people  by  giving  laws  to  one  generation  and  modifying 
them  for  another,  never  destroying  but  always  per- 
fecting His  work. 

Literature. —  Commentaries:  (a)  Cooke  (CB), 
Thatcher  (Cent.B);  (c)  Nowack  (HK),  Bertholet 
(KHC).  Other  literalurr  :  G\jnke\,  Reden  utid  AufsdUe, 
pp.  65-92. 

L  1-22.  Ruth  and  Naomi. — Bethlehem  ceased  for  a 
time  to  te  what  its  name  signified — a  house  of  bread. 
Under  stress  of  famine  EUmelech,  with  his  wife  Naomi, 
left  his  Juda?an  home,  and  went  to  sojourn  in  the 
land  of  Moab,  where  he  died.  His  two  sons  married 
women  of  Moab,  Orpah  and  Ruth,  but  died  childless, 
so  that  Naomi  and  her  daughters-in-law  were  left 
together  in  lonely  widowhood. — 1.  Seen  from  the  up- 
lands of  Judea,  the  mountains  of  Moab  are  like  an 
immense  wall  rising  beyond  the  mysterious  gulf  of 
the  Dead  Sea. — 2.  Elimelech,  meaning  "  my  God  is 
king,"  is  an  ancient  Palestinian  name,  which  ocoura 


in  the  Amama  tablets.  Naomi  means  "my  sweet 
one,"  a  mother's  fond  name  for  her  child.  Ephrath  was 
a  district  round  about  Bethlehem  (c/.  Gten.  35i9*,  1  S. 
17i2). — 4.  The  derivation  of  Orpah  and  Ruth  is  un- 
certain, but  the  latter  appears  to  mean  "  the  friend  " 
or  "  companion." — 6.  Yahweh  sometimes  visited  His 
people  in  grace  {e.g.  Ex.  431,  1  S.  22 1),  and  sometimes 
in  displeasure  (Jer.  615,  498). — 7.  Strictly  speaking, 
only  one  of  the  three  women  could  be  said  to  "  return  " 
to  the  land  of  Judah — 8.  The  writer  belonged  to  a 
time  when  Yahweh's  power  was  known  to  extend  far 
beyond  the  limits  of  Canaan.  Jephthah  spoke  of 
Ghemosh  as  the  god  of  Moab  (Jg.  11 24)  but  Naomi 
knows  better,  and  prays  that  Yahweh  may  be  kind  to 
her  daughters-in  law  in  the  land  of  Moab. — 11-13.  It 
was  the  custom  in  Israel  that  a  childless  widow  became 
the  wife  of  her  brother-in-law,  and  his  first  son  by  her 
was  counted  the  heir  of  the  deceased  husband,  whose 
name  was  thus  preserved  (p.  109,  Dt.  205-10*).  But 
Naomi  has  no  more  sons.  She  knows  the  Levirate  law 
(p.  109),  but,  alas,  with  the  best  will  in  the  world  she 
can  do  nothing  for  her  daughters-in-law.  It  grieves 
her  sore,  not  for  her  own  sake,  but  for  the  sake  of  the 
girls  whom  her  sons  had  wedded,  that  Yahweh's  hand 
(not,  a.s  we  say,  ''  things  ")  has  gone  against  her. — 
15-17.  But  though  she  can  give  her  daughters  no 
levirs  (brothers-in-law),  one  of  them  has  found  her 
heart's  treasure  in  Naomi  herself,  and  the  passionate 
words  in  which  she  expresses  the  determination  to 
remain  with  her  in  life  and  in  death  are  unsurpassably 
beautiful.  Y'ahweh  had  already  become  Ruth's  God, 
and  her  words  are  prompted  not  only  by  a  tender 
human  affection,  but  by  a  deep  religious  foeUng. — 
19.  When  the  women  came  to  Bethlehem,  "  the  city 
was  moved,"  as  any  quiet  eastern  town  still  is  upon 
the  arrival  of  strangers. — 20.  Naomi  sadly  asks  her 
old  neighbours  to  change  her  name  from  Naomi  to 
Mara — from  "  sweet  "  to  "  bitter."  It  is  remarkable 
that  she  uses  nearly  the  same  words  as  Job  (272).  giving 
God  the  same  antique  name  of  Shaddai  (the  Almighty). 
And  was  there  not  in  her  heart,  as  in  Job's,  a  sense 
of  the  mystery  of  pain,  a  pathetic  protest  (in  her  case 
unspoken)  against  the  old  doctrine  that  suffering  is 
always  deserved  ?  It  would  be  difficult  for  any  doctor 
of  the  old  school  to  say  why  Yahweh  had  dealt  very 
bitterly  with,  testified  against,  afflicted  Naomi. — 
22.  The  beginning  of  barley  harvest  was  in  the  month 
of  April. 

II.  1-23.  The  Meeting  of  Boaz  and  Ruth.— Naomi's 
"  kinsman  " — quite  a  different  word  from  the  "'  near 
kinsman  "  (gocl)  of  20 — is  introduced  in  Heb.  words 
which  sometimes  denoted  "  a  wealthy  man."  and 
sometimes  '  a  valiant  man,  "  so  that  a  peaceful  farmer 
like  Boaz  is  characterised  in  the  same  tenns  as  warriors 
like  Gideon  and  Jephthah  (Jg.  612,  Hi).  The  name 
Boaz  may  mean  "  in  Him  is  strength." — 2.  It  was  a 
custom,  and  it  became  a  law,  in  Israel  that  the  poor. 


272 


RUTH,  II.  1-23 


the  stranger,  tho  orphan,  and  the  widow  should  be 

Crmittod  to  glean  in  tho  harvest  fields  (Dt.  24i9f., 
V.  2322). — 3.  It  was  Ruth's  "  hap  "  to  glean  in 
Boaz's  field.  Even  a  writer  who  seas  tho  hand  of  God 
in  evorj'thing  {I13)  may  speak  of  some  tilings  as 
"  happening  "  :  cj.  our  Lord's  words,  "  By  chance  a 
certain  priest  camo  dovm  that  way"  (Lk.  IO31). — 
7.  Text  uncertain,  and  "  in  tho  liouso "  cannot  be 
right.  Probably  tho  clause  means  simply  "  without 
resting  a  moment."- — 8f.  It  waa  tho  task  of  the 
"  young  men  "  to  reap  and  of  the  "  maidens  ''  to  gather 
the  sheaves,  as  in  western  lands  before  tho  daj's  of 
machinery. — 12.  Boaz  offers  a  devout  prayer  for  lluth, 
a  prayer  which  he  is  to  be  instrumental  in  fulfilling, 
though  as  yet  this  has  not  occurred  to  him. — 13.  Ruth 
gratefully  acknowledges  that  he  has  comforted  her  by 
speaking  kindly  to  her,  lit.  speaking  to  her  heart  [cJ. 
Hos.  214.  Is.  4O2).  She  was  a  stranger  in  a  strange 
land,  not  without  memories  of  homo,  and  she  needed 
to  be  comforted,  though  Keats  goes  somewhat  too 
far  in  his  sympathy  for  "  the  sad  heart  of  Ruth, 
when  sick  for  home  she  stood  in  tears  amid  the  alien 
com."  Her  home  was  now,  in  truth,  where  Naomi 
was,  and  her  refuge  imder  tho  wings  of  Yahweh,  the 
God  of  Israel  (12). — 14.  Ruth,  in  tho  eyes  of  the  law 
a  mere  heathen,  is  invited  to  dip  her  morsel  in  the 
vinegar  along  with  the  reapers  of  Bethlehem,  though 
the  orthodox  Jew  has  always  avowed  to  the  Gentile, 
"  I  will  not  eat  with  thee,  drink  with  thee,  nor  pray 
with  thee." — 16.  The  "  bundles  "  were  the  anifula 
that  were  being  gathered  into  sheaves. — 17.  At  the 
end  of  the  day  Ruth  had  an  ephah — almost  a  bushel — 
of  barley  to  take  home. — 18.  A  more  graphic  reading 
is  found  in  the  ancient  VSS,  "  and  she  showed  her 
mother-in-law  what  she  had  gleaned." — 20.  This 
sounds  Uke  a  recantation  ;  after  all  Yahweh  haa  not 
left  off  His  kindness  (contrast  laof.).  "  One  of  our 
near  kinsmen  "  means  "  one  of  those  who  have  the 
right  to  redeem  for  us."  Naomi  and  Ruth  need  a 
"redeemer"  (goel).  else  Elimelech's  property  would 
go  to  strangers.  The  function  of  the  "  near  kinsman  " 
was  of  great  importance  in  Heb.  family  life.  If  a  man 
waa  so  unfortunate  as  to  have  sold  himself  or  his 
property,  the  go  el's  part  waa  to  redeem  him  or  it ;  if 
he  waa  killed,  the  got-l  was  tho  avenger  of  blood  ;  and 
if  he  died  without  personal  issue,  the  goi-1  endeavoured 
to  prevent  his  estate  from  passing  to  strangers  (Lev. 
2647-49)- 

in.  Boaz  as  a  Goel. — Elimelech  and  his  two  sons 
were  dead.  Would  any  member  of  tho  family  have 
enough  right  and  proper  feeling  to  save  his  name  from 
extinction  ?  Tho  nearest  relative  waa  in  this  case 
silent  and  inactive.  But,  with  the  originality  of  love, 
Naomi  devised  a  plan  not  merely  for  the  redemption 
of  her  late  husband's  estate  and  tho  continuation  of 
the  family  succession,  but  for  tho  happy  settlement  of 
Ruth  in  a  Juda?an  home.  Ignorant  of  the  customs 
of  Bethlehem,  Ruth  follows  her  mother-in-law's  in- 
structions to  the  letter.  According  to  the  sentiment 
of  the  time  there  was  nothing  immodest  or  unwomanly 
in  their  bold  and  unusual  line  of  action.  Rightly 
understood,  it  waa  only  a  gentle  and  delicate  way  of 
appealing  to  a  kinsman's  chivalrj' ;  and  Ruth  did  not 
appeal  in  vain. — 1.  Better  "  a  resting-place  "  (mg.)  ; 
the  beautiful  Heb.  word  (/;ie«wM)  has  much  tho  same 
associations  as  our  "  homo  "  (Ps.  i32i4). — 8.  Tho  time 


of  the  threshing  waa  from  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
till  half  an  hour  aftt-r  sunsot,  during  which  timo  a 
cool  wind  blows  up  from  tho  sea. — 4.  The  peasants  of 
Palestine  still  sleep  in  the  open  air  at  the  threshing 
time  (Robinson,  ii.  720). — 7.  The  morriness  of  Boaz's 
heart  seems  as  natural  aa  its  unaffected  piety.  The 
charm  of  this  idyll  lies  in  ita  perfect  humanity. — 8-10. 
The  hero  of  a  western  son^  is  represented  as  saying, 
"  0  wort  thou  in  tho  cauld  blast  .  .  .  my  plaidie  to 
the  angry  airt,  I'd  shelter  thee  "  ;  here  it  is  the  un- 
sheltered woman  who,  greatly  daring,  takes  the 
initiative  with  the  prayer,  "  Spread  thy  skirt  over  thine 
handmaiden."  This  act  had  a  sjTnbolic,  indeed  a 
sacred,  meaning,  being  a  kinsman's  mode  of  signifying 
that,  in  loyalty  to  the  dead,  he  was  ready  to  act  the 
part  of  a  "redeemer,"  wedding  and  protecting  one 
who  would  othorwi.se  be  homeless  and  friendless. — 
11.  By  this  time  all  the  city,  lit.  the  "  gate,"  knew 
Ruth's  character.  Just  inside  the  gate  of  the  city 
was  "  the  broad  place  "  (the  lielidb),  where  all  business 
was  transacted  and  the  news  of  the  day  discussed  (4i). 
Ruth  was  a  "  virtuous  woman  "  in  the  seaso  of  Pr.  31io. 
— 16.  Naomi's  question.  '"  \Vho  art  thou  ?  "  can  only 
mean  How  is  it  with  thee  ?  How  hast  thou  fared  ?  (mg.). 
IV.  Ruth's  Marriage. — 1.  Instead  of  •  such  an  one  !  " 
Boaz  called  the  person's  actual  name,  which  the 
narrator  either  does  not  know  or  docs  not  see  any 
need  for  bringing  into  the  story. — 2.  The  elders  of  the 
city  are  called  in  as  witnesses  of  an  important  trans- 
action affecting  the  rights  of  a  family.  For  "  selleth  " 
wo  ought  to  read  '  hath  sold."  The  point  is  that  the 
property  had  passed  out  of  the  family's  hands  and 
required  to  be  redeemed. — 5.  Here  the  meaning  is 
entirely  missed  in  our  translation.  Read,  '"  Thou 
buyest  Ruth  also "  (c/.  10).  Marriage  by  purchase 
was  the  ancient  Semitic  practice,  but  no  more  is  meant 
hero  than  that  the  redeemer  of  the  property  of  Naomi 
was  required  at  the  same  time  to  marry  her  daughter- 
in-law.— 6-8.  The  next-of-kin,  who  at  first  expressed 
his  willingness  to  redeem  the  property,  drew  back  on 
second  thoughts.  Feeling  that  ho  could  not  afford  to 
bo  so  generous  to  the  widow  of  a  dead  relative,  he 
declined  to  '"  build  up  his  brother's  house  "  (Dt.  259). 
And  in  token  of  the  fact  that  he  renounced  his  rights, 
alike  to  the  estate  and  to  Ruth,  he  took  off  his  sandal 
and  handed  it  to  Boaz,  in  the  presence  of  the  witnesses. 
The  writer  explains  that  this  was  "  the  custom  in 
former  times."  The  right  to  walk  over  an  estate  at 
will  belonged  only  to  tho  owner,  and  tho  shoe  was  the 
natural  symbol  of  possession  (c/.  Ps.  60s). — 9.  Boaz 
buys  tho  estate  which  had  belonged  to  Naomi  ;  another 
indication  of  tho  lateness  of  tho  book,  for  the  Mosaic 
Law  did  not  admit  tho  right  of  a  widow  to  inherit  her 
husbands  property  ;  but  see  Judith  S7. — 14.  "  Near 
kinsman  "  conveys  only  part  of  the  meaning  of  go^  ; 
to  get  the  full  sense  we  need  the  combination  "  kinsman 
and  redeemer.''  Some  of  the  best  interpreters  think 
that  in  this  verse  a  second  goel  now  comes  on  the 
scene — tho  new- bom  child  ;  but  that  is  scarcely  likely, 
though  it  k  certainly  tho  babe  who  is  referred  to  at 
tho  end  of  this  verso  and  m  the  next. — 17.  "  Obed  " 
means  servant,  i.e.  servant  of  God.  Here  the  idyll 
projK-r  ends,  tho  genealogy  being  doubtless  the  addition 
of  another  hand.  It  "  may  well  have  been  added  long 
after  tho  Book  itaelf  was  written,  in  an  age  that  was 
devoted  to  the  study  of  pedigrees  "  (Driver). 


I.  AND  II.  SAMUEL 


By  Principal  W.  H.  BENNETT 


Title.-  Our  two  Books  of  Samuei  are  the  first  and 
second  parts  of  what  was  originally  a  single  book  in 
the  Heb.  In  LXX  the  books  are  called  1  and  2  King- 
doms. 

Composition. — The  history  of  the  book  is  very 
eimilar  to  that  of  the  Hex.  and  Jg.  ;  indeed  it  is  some- 
times thought  that  the  books  Gen.-Jg.  and  Samuel  were 
compiled  from  the  same  sources,  by  the  same  literary 
process,  and  by  the  same  series  of  editors.  The  reader 
should  supplement  the  brief  statement  here  by  a 
careful  study  of  the  account  of  the  methods  of  historical 
composition  in  Israel  given  in  the  previous  commen- 
taries and  articles. 

Samuel  includes  material  from  the  period  before  the 
pubhcation  of  Dt.  in  621  ;  material  written  under  the 
influence  of  Dt.  ;  and  later  material.  The  pre-Dt. 
material  included  three  groups  of  sections  : 

(A)  Sections  often  regarded  as  similar  in  character 
to  the  Pentateuchal  material,  J.  The  symbol  (J)  is  used 
here  for  these  sections,  not  as  asserting  their  identity 
with  the  Hex.  source,  but  as  a  recognition  of  the 
similarity  between  the  two  sets  of  material.  This  (J) 
includes  a  History  of  Saul  and  a  History  of  David. 
These  may  be  merely  parts  of  the  same  work  ;  or  on 
the  other  hand,  the  (J)  material  concerning  each  of  the 
two  kings  may  be  derived  from  two  or  more  sources. 

(B)  Sections  similar  to  the  Pentateuchal  E;  these 
are  denoted  here  by  (E);  cf.  previous  paragraph. 
These  include  a  fragment  of  a  History  of  the  Ark,  and 
material  from  a  Historj'  or  Histories  of  Saul  and  David. 

(C)  Sections  similar  to  the  later  additions  to  the 
Pentateuchal  source  E  ;  these  sections  are  denoted 
here  by  the  sjrmbol  (E^) ;  cf.  above.  They  include  a 
History  of  Samuel,  and  perhaps  material  from  other 
sources.  (E^)  was  compiled  about  the  same  time  as  the 
publication  of  Dt.  Some  sections  given  to  (E^)  here 
are  sometimes  regarded  as  Deuteronomic. 

The  Deuteronomic  material  is  denoted  by  (D) ;  and 
the  later  material  by  (R), 

The  general  history  of  the  book  is  as  foUows  :  During 
the  early  Monarchy,  various  accounts  were  written  of 
the  times  of  Samuel,  Saul,  and  Da^nd  ;  the  material 
ascribed  to  (J)  and  (E)  is  derived  from  these  accounts. 
Later  on,  especially  towards  the  close  of  the  Monarchy, 
other  narratives  were  written  and  supplements  were 
added  to  the  earlier  works.  The  material  ascribed  to 
(E*)  was  derived  from  these  accounts. 

Also  towards  the  close  of  the  Monarchy,  an  editor, 
corresponding  to  the  Pentateuchal  R,  made  a  compila- 
tion from  (J),  (E),  (E^),  which  may  be  described  as  a 
first  edition  of  the  Book  of  Samuel.  During  or  after 
the  Exile,  scholars  writing  under  the  influence  of  Dt. 
revised  this  first  edition,  thus  producing  the  second  or 
Deuteronomic  edition  ;  the  additions  made  by  these 
scholars  are  denoted  by  (D).  There  was  further  re- 
vision later  on  by  other  editors  and  scribes ;  the 
additions  made  by  them  are  denoted  by  (R).     They 


273 


gave  the  book  its  present  form.  Some,  however, 
regard  the  Deuteronomic  as  the  first  edition ;  or 
otlierwise  vary  somewhat  the  above  scheme. 

For  the  sake  of  simplicity  we  have  given  a  very 
rough  and  approximate  statement,  omitting  many 
details,  qualifications,  and  possible  alternatives.  The 
theories  and  ascertained  facts  as  given  in  the  standard 
commentaries  are  detailed,  various,  and  complicated  ; 
if  we  could  fully  determine  the  actual  facts,  they  would 
probably  turn  out  to  be  more  complicated  stilL 

We  have  tried  to  indicate  that  it  is  often  difficult 
to  decide  how  and  how  far  the  different  sections  are 
connected  with  each  other ;  whether,  for  instance, 
1  S.  19ii-i7  is  the  sequel  of  I827  or  of  19io,  or  is  not 
connected  with  either  of  them.  There  are,  however, 
groups  of  sections  where  there  is  clearly  a  connected 
sequence  ;  we  do  not  take  into  account  minor  addi- 
tions.    The  more  important  of  these  groups  are  : 

The  Early  Life  of  Samuel  (IS.  1,  211-26,  3i-4a). 

The  History  of  the  Ark  (1  S.  4i6-7i). 

The  History  of  Saul  (1  S.  9i-10i6,  11,  182-70, 
I3i5b-U46). 

David  at  Ziklag,  Gilboa,  David  at  Hebron,  etc 
(1  S.  27-2  S.  6). — The  insertions,  editorial  and 
from  other  sources,  are  rather  large  in  this 
series  of  sections,  and  there  is  imcertainty  as  to 
1  S.  28,  which  see. 

David,  Bathsheba,  Amnon,  Absalom,  Sheba  (2  S.  9- 
20). — Sometimes  called  "  The  Court  History  of 
David." 

The  editorial  process  through  which  our  book  waa 
developed  from  its  sources  can  be  only  very  imperfectly 
reconstructed  ;  little  can  be  added  here  to  what  has 
been  said  above.  It  is  often  suggested  that  2  S.  9-20 
was  omitted  from  the  Deuteronomic  edition  and  re- 
stored by  a  later  editor.  The  editorial  arrangement  of 
material  has  not  always  followed  the  order  of  time, 
e.g.  the  events  described  in  2  S.  21-2-1:  are  earlier  than 
those  in  1  S.  9-20.  See  the  commentary  on  these 
and  other  passages. 

It  must  be  understood  that  all  our  statements  as  to 
derivation  of  sections  from  sources  are  largely  approxi- 
mate. WTien  a  section  is  said  to  be  early,  that  does 
not  exclude  the  possibility  of  its  having  been  to  some 
extent  annotated  or  modified  by  later  editors  ;  and 
when  a  section  is  said  to  be  late,  that  does  not  mean 
that  a  late  writer  sat  down  and  made  it  all  up  out  of 
his  own  head  ;  he  usually  worked  on  the  basis  of  older 
material,  and  it  may  often  happen  that  phrases  or 
sentences  from  ancient  documents  are  preserved  ver- 
batim in  late  sections.  Throughout,  a  number  of 
minor  additions  and  modifications  have  been  ignored, 
partly  because  of  the  limitation  of  space,  partly  in 
order  not  to  bewilder  the  reader.  This  neglect  of 
details,  mostly  trivial  and  often  merely  technical!,  pro- 
motes, rather  than  hinders,  the  forming  of  a  correct 
impression.     In  the  following  table,  the  figures  are 


274 


THE  BOOKS   OF   SAMUEL 


even  more  approximate  than  clsowhoro  ;  in  some  casea 
the  ascription  in  tho  table  of  a  section  to  a  source 
merely  moans  that  the  bulk  of  tho  section  is  from  that 
source  ;  the  more  important  of  the  additions  will  bo 
found  in  other  columns  of  the  table  or  in  the  commen- 
tary. Especially  see  1  S.  I71-I85,  28  for  the  compli- 
cated problems  connected  with  those  sections. 


(.') 

(R) 

(E->) 

(I>) 

(R) 

IS.  9i-10,  16 

4ib-7i 

1,  2ii-i6 
3i-4,  la 

'Tf 

2i-io 

11 

IO17-27 

llijff. 

13i-7a 

13,  7b-.5a? 

12 

137b-.5a? 

13.sb-23 

14 

15 

1447-51 

10m  23 

I7.-I85 

lCi-13? 

16I-I3? 

18 

I817-19 

18iof 

19.-I7 

19i8-24? 

1918-24? 

20-23 

24 

21:o-is 

25-31 

2  S.  1-6 

1  6-10 
I13-16 

7.  S 

9-20 

21 

22 

!l  23  8-39 

23:-7 

24 

Evidence  of  Composition. — Our  book  abounds  in  the 
duplicate  narratives  discrepant  statements  and  differ- 
ences of  standpoint  which  indicate  composite  author- 
ship. For  instance,  there  are  two  accounts  of  the 
institution  of  tho  Monarchy.  In  1  S.  9i— IO16,  11, 
Samuel  is  an  obscure  local  seer,  and  the  Monarchy  is 
a  boon  from  Yahwoh  ;  in  8,  IO17-27,  12,  Samuel  is  the 
Judge  of  all  Israel,  and  the  Monarchy  is  an  evil  thing, 
granted  as  a  punishment  for  the  ungrateful  importunity 
of  the  people.  C'/.  also  1  S.  227-^6  and  3 :  137ff.  and 
16;  16i4ff.  and  ITssff. ;  18iof.  and  lOsff. :  18i7ff.  and 
20  ff. :  21 10  ff.  and  27;  24  and  26;  1  S.  3l4  and  2  S. 
Iio:  1  S.  1750  and  2  S.  2I19. 

History  and  Teaching. — Our  book  covers  the  period 
from  the  birth  of  Samuel  to  almost  tho  close  of  the 
reign  of  David.  Probably  in  an  earlier  and  better 
division  of  the  books,  the  history  of  Eli  and  Samuel, 
as  the  last  of  the  judges,  was  included  in  Jg.,  and  tho 
account  of  the  last  days  of  David  formed  part  of  our 
book  ;  so  that  Samuel  began  with  1  S.  13i  and  ended 
at  1  K.  2ii. 

(J)  and  (E)  preserve  tho  primitive  tradition,  and 
are  of  the  greatest  value  for  the  historian  ;  see  especially 
on  2  S.  9-20. 

These  documents  also  provide  us  with  important 
information  as  to  the  early  rehgious  beliefs  and  prac- 
tices of  Israel  ;  see  especially  on  1  S.  33,  44,  5,  lOioff., 
1436ff.,  16i4ff.,  19i3,  26i9ff.,  28  ;  2  S.  (K>f.,  1525f..  21, 
and  24.  A  comparison  of  the  earlier  sources  with  tho 
later  additions  and  with  tho  prophetical  and  other 
later  portions  of  OT,  teaches  us  much  concemmg  tho 
methods  and  progress  of  the  Divine  Revelation  to 
Israel.  Cf.  further  the  articles  on  the  History  of 
Israel  and  tho  Religion  of  Israel. 

UteT&ture.— Cmtnnentaries  :  (a)  Kennedy  (Cent.B), 
Kirkpatrick  (CB) ;  {b)  Driver,  Notes  on  the  Jlcb.  Text 
of  the  Booki  oJSaviuel*,  Smith  (ICC);  (c)  Budde  (KHC 
and  SBUT),  Klostemiann  (KHS),  Nowack  (HI-^)  ; 
((/)  Blaikie  (Ex.B).  Other  Literature  :  Budde,  Bichter 
w.  Sam.,  1890;  Cheyne,  Aid-'*  to  the  Devout  Stud;/  of 
Criticism;  Cook,  Hehraiai,  1900,  p.  145fF.  ;  and" the 
relevant  portions  of  dictionaries  and  of  works  on  UT 
Hist.,  OTT,  OTI,  etc. 


THE  FIRST  BOOK   OF   SAMUEL 

i.-Vll.  Samuel,  Eli,  and  the  Arlc.— This  portion  ot 
1  S.  begins  with  an  account  of  the  judgeship  of  Eli 
and  the  misdeeds  of  his  sons,  combined  with  the  story 
of  the  birth  and  early  life  of  Samuel  (li^ia).  So  far 
the  material  is  taken  from  a  life  of  Samuel  probably 
composed  towards  the  close  of  the  Monarchy  (c/.  Intro- 
duction, p.  273)  except  2i-io,  the  Song  of  Hannah, 
an  independent  lyric  inserted  by  the  editor,  and  227-36, 
the  Mission  of  the  Man  of  God  to  Eli,  which  was 
probably  added  by  a  Douteronoraic  editor.  Next  4i- 
7i  is  occupied  with  the  fortunes  of  the  Ark  and  the 
fate  of  Eli  and  his  family.  Samuel  is  not  mentioned. 
This  is  one  of  the  oldest  portions  of  the  book  {cf.  Intro- 
duction, p.  273). 

In  72-17  Samuel  reappears  ;  the  Temple  pago-boy 
and  youthful  seer  has  now  become  the  leader  of  all 
Israel  and  their  deliverer  from  the  Philistines.  The 
source  of  this  section  may  be  the  life  of  Samuel  re- 
ferred to  above  or  it  may  be  Deuteronomic.  See, 
however,  the  separate  notes  on  these  verses. 

I.  1-8.  Elkanah  and  his  Rival  Wives.— Tho  book 
opens  with  a  domestic  scene  whicli  throws  light  on  the 
practical  working  of  polygamy  in  ancient  Israel.  The 
husband  is  an  Ephraimite,  Elkanah  of  Ramah,  i.e.  "  the 
Height  "  perhaps  Rimo,  twelve  miles  west  of  Shiloh. 
Elkanah  had  two  wives  (a  very  common  arrangement, 
cf.  Rachel  and  Ivcah)  whose  names  were  Hannah  (Grace) 
and  Peninnah  (Coral  or  Pearl).  Peninnah  had  children, 
Hannah  had  none.  The  hero  of  the  story,  Samuel, 
was  bom  as  an  answer  to  prayer  to  a  mother  hitherto 
banen — so  Sarah  and  Isaac  ;  Rebekah,  Jacob  and 
Esau  ;  Rachel  and  Joseph.  Elkanah  and  his  family 
went  yearly  to  a  festival  at  Shiloh,  probably  the 
Vintage  Festival,  which  was  called  later  on  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles,  a  sort  of  Christmas  away  from  home. 
What  corresponded  roughly  to  the  Christmas  dinner 
was  the  meal  to  which  the  sacrifice  served  as  a  some- 
what elaborate  grace.  An  ox  or  sheep  was  slain  ; 
portions  wore  burnt  on  the  altar  with  appropriate 
ritual ;  portions  were  given  as  a  fee  to  the  priest ;  the 
rest  was  eaten  by  the  offerer,  his  household,  and  his 
guests  {cf.  2i3,  912-24).  It  should  have  been  a  very 
happy  occasion,  but  the  two  wives  were  jealous  rivals, 
again  like  Rachel  and  Leah,  This  natural  result  of 
bigamy  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  the  one  is  called 
the  Qdra  or  rival  of  the  other  (6,  so  also  in  the  Heb. 
Eccltis.  37ii,  cf.  Dt.  2I15).  Accordingly  Peninnah's 
nagging  spoilt  the  feast. 

1.  of  Ramathaim  Zophim :  we  should  perhaps  read 
"  of  Ramah,  a  Zuphite." — 3.  Lord  of  Hosts:  Yahweh 
Sebaoth,  an  ancient  name  of  tho  God  of  Israel,  a 
contraction  of  Yahweh,  God  of  Hosts.  The  hosts  were 
originally  the  armies  of  Israel,  so  I745,  Ex.  I241. 
Later  on  tho  hosts  seem  to  have  been  understood  as 
angels,  so  perhaps  Jos.  5i4f  ,  or  stars,  2  K.  17i6. — 
5.  a  double  portion:  tho  original  reading  of  the 
Heb.  caimot  be  detcnnined ;  LXX  (cf.  RVm)  reads,  "  a 
single  portion,  because  she  had  no  child,  yet,  etc," 
This  is  probably  nearer  to  the  original  than  "  a  double 
portion." 

I.  9-18.  Hannah  Prays  for  a  Child. — In  her  distress 
Hannah  betook  herself  to  the  sanctuary  and  prayed 
l>efore  Y'ahwch,  i.e.  before  tho  Ark,  for  a  son.  She 
vowed  that  if  a  son  wci-o  given  her,  she  would  devote 
him  to  Y'ahweh ;  the  outward  sign  of  his  devotion  being 
one  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  Nazirites  (pp.  103. 105.  Jg. 
135*.  Nu.  I)*),  viz.  that  his  hair  should  be  allowed  to 
grow.    The  priest  of  the  sanctuary,  EU,  a  local  magnate. 


I.  SAMUEL,  U.  35 


275 


also  spoken  of  as  "judge,"  (4i8)  occupied  an  official 
seat  close  by :  he  knew  that  the  religious  character  of 
the  occasion  did  not  always  prevent  feasting  from  de- 
generating into  excess  (Ih.  287,  Am.  28),  so  that  whe» 
he  saw  Hannah  moving  her  lips  without  making  any 
audible  sound,  he  thought  she  was  drunk  and  rebuked 
her  ;  but  she  told  him  she  was  in  trouble  and  he  dis- 
missed her  with  his  blessing. 

9.  The  LXX  seems  to  show  that  in  the  original  the 
first  sentence  read,  '•  So  Hannah  rose  up  after  they  had 
eaten  in Shiloh  and  stood  before  the  Lord,"  i.e.  presented 
herself  at  the  Temple. — EH  :  perhaps  a  contraction 
of  "  Eliel,"  "  God  is  exalted,"  a  name  found  in  Semitic 
languages  outside  Israel.  The  names  of  Eli's  sons, 
Hophni  and  Phinheas,  were  also  apparently  not  Israelite. 
Eli  is  ignored  in  the  genealogy  of  high  priests  (1  Ch. 
61-15),  and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  our  docu- 
ment connected  Eli  with  Aaron. — 16.  The  phrase  "  sons 
of  Belial"  (Dt.  1813*,  Pr.  612*),  "bad  characters," 
is  common,  but  daughter  of  Belial  occurs  only  here. 
Under  the  conditions  of  Eastern  life,  women  had  fewer 
opportunities  for  getting  into  mischief  publicly. — 18. 
Sec  p.  105. 

1. 19-28.  Samuel  is  Born  and  Dedicated  to  Yahweh.— 
The  family  went  home  and  in  due  time  a  son  was  born 
to  Hannah,  whom  she  called  Shemuel  (Samuel),  pos- 
sibly, "  His  name  is  God."  "  His  Name  "  =  Yahweh, 
I.e.  "  Yahweh  is  God  "  ;  cj.  Elijah  and  Joel,  which  have 
a  similar  meaning.  When  Samuel  was  weaned,  i.e. 
after  two  years  at  least,  perhaps  longer,  as  he  is  said 
to  have  "  ministered  "  apparently  at  once,  Hannah 
took  him  to  Shiloh,  made  an  offering  of  a  bullock 
(LXX  of  24 ;  c/.  25) ;  and  devoted  the  boy  to  the  service 
of  Yahweh  as  an  attendant  at  the  Temple.  Note  that 
he  was  not  a  Levite  (c/.  li).  Samuel  has  nothing  to 
do  with  Sha'al,  "  asked  "  ;  possibly  the  etymology 
"  because  I  have  asked,  etc.,"  is  due  to  some  similarity 
of  sound,  more  probably  to  some  alteration  of  the 
original  text.  It  is  curious  that  the  etjTnology  would 
suit  Sha'ul  (Saul),  which  means  "  asked." 

24.  was  young :  read  "  was  with  her  "  or  "  them  " — 
28.  See  below  on  2ii. 

n.  1-10.  Song  of  Hannah. — ^This  poem  is  quite  un- 
suited  to  Hannah's  circumstances  ;  its  theology  is  too 
advanced  for  primitive  times  (2,  6,  8),  and  the  reference 
to  the  "  king  "  (10)  either  implies  an  actual  king  and 
indicates  the  period  of  the  Monarchy,  or  is  Messianic. 
i.e.  connected  with  the  hope  of  an  ideal  king,  and  im- 
plies a  post-exilic  date.  The  natural  occasion  of  the 
poem  would  be  a  victory  which  delivered  Israel  from 
distress  and  danger.  The  ascription  to  Hannah  is  due 
to  56,  "  the  barren  hath  borne  seven," 

The  Song  praises  Yahweh  for  help  given  to  Israel, 
whose  horn  is  exalted — God  has  given  him  power 
and  glory  ;  his  mouth  is  enlarged — he  can  speak  big 
words  against  his  enemies  (c/.  Ps.  352i).  Yahweh  is 
unique,  a  firm  strong  refuge,  the  Rock  of  Israel.  His 
impartial  justice  humiUates  the  proud  and  exalts  the 
lowly  ;  He  protects  His  own  people  and  punishes  the 
wicked. 

3.  by  him  actions  are  weighed:  better  than  R'V^m 
"  though  actions  be  not  weighed  "  ;  the  difference  in 
the  Heb.  Ls  very  slight. — 5.  have  ceased :  i.e.  to  hunger  ; 
better,  by  a  slight  alteration  of  the  text,  "  have  ceased 
to  labour." — 6.  maketh  alive:  perhaps  hterally  re- 
ferring to  resuscitation  or  resurrection ;  if  so,  an 
indication  of  late  post-exilic  date  (Is.  20io*,  Dan.  122*) ; 
it  may,  however,  mean  "  keepcth  alive."  —  grave: 
rather  Sheol  (see  Is.  I-Iq-is*).— 10.  anointed:  Mashiah, 
"  Messiah,"  originally  a  title  of  the  kings  of  Israel. — 
11.   Originally   the  immediate  sequel  of  I28.     Read 


instead  of  the  last  sentence  of  I28  and  the  first  of  2ii, 
"  And  she  left  him  there  before  Yahweh  and  went  to 
Ramah  to  her  house,"  partly  on  the  authority  of  LXX. 

II.  12-17.  Wickedness  of  the  Sons  of  EU.— 12. 
Belial  (see  1 16). — 12f.  Move  full  stop  from  after  "  Lord  " 
to  after  "  people,"  and  render  "  they  did  not  regard 
the  Lord,  nor  the  custom  [i.e.  customary  share)  of  the 
priests  from  the  people."  What  follows  in  isf.  is  an 
abuse  regularly  practised,  followed  in  isf.  by  an 
account  of  a  more  serious  abuse. — 15.  Burning  the  fat 
was  an  essential  part  of  the  sacrifice  ;  so  that  to  cut 
off  some  of  the  flesh  before  this  rite  had  been  performed 
was  gross  irreverence  and  spoilt  the  whole  act  of 
worship. — 16.  thy  soul:  better  "thou"  emphatic. — 
17.  men  abhorred:  render  "the  men"  [i.e.  the  sons 
of  Eli),  "despised"  (mg.). 

11.  18-21.  Samuel's  Ministry;  his  Mother's  Yearly 
Gift ;  her  Other  Children. — 18.  ephod :  priestly  gar- 
ment (p.  lOL  Ex.  257,  c/.  28).— 20.  blessed  .  .  .  said 
.  .  .  went :  used  to  bless,  etc.,  on  each  yearly  visit. 

II.  22-26.  Eli  Remonstrates  with  his  Sons.— 22.  and 
.  .  .  how  that.  .  .  meeting:  should  probably  be  omitted 
with  LXX  (c/.  Ex.  388).— tent  of  meeting  :  see  Ex.  337. 
— 24.  that  I  hear,  etc. :  better, "  which  I  hear  the  Lord's 
people  do  spread  abioad ' '  {mg. ). — 25.  judge  him :  render 
"  mediate  for  him."— 26.  Cf.  Lk.  252. 

II.  27-36.  A  Prophet  Foretells  the  Death  of  Eli's 
Sons,  and  the  Expulsion  of  his  Family  from  the  Priest- 
hood.— Composed  by  the  Deuteronomic  Editor  (see 
above,  p.  273),  to  connect  the  misconduct  of  the  sons 
of  Eli  with  the  massacre  of  his  house  at  Nob  and 
deposition  of  his  descendant,  Abiathar,  from  the  priest- 
hood in  favour  of  the  house  of  Zadok  (I  K.  226f.)  ; 
and  perhaps  also  with  the  unhappy  condition  of  the 
priests  of  the  high  places,  after  these  were  suppressed 
(2  K.  238f.),  though  there  is  no  indication  that  the 
priests  of  the  high-places  as  a  class  were  reckoned 
descendants  of  Eli. 

27.  man  of  God :  see  Jg.  136.— Did  I  reveal,  etc. : 
these  questions  are  a  form  of  emphatic  statement.  The 
earlier  sources  of  Samuel  do  not  connect  Eli  with 
Aaron  or  Moses,  but  the  author  of  this  passage  probably 
considered  that  because  Eli  was  priest,  he  was  de- 
scended from  Aaron  and  inherited  his  election  to  the 
priesthood. — in  bondage  to :  read  with  LXX  "  slaves 
to." — 28.  wear  an  ephod:  rather  "carry  an  ephod"; 
ephod  here  not  the  same  as  the  linen  ephod  in  18,  but  an 
image  or  other  piece  of  Temple  furniture  used  in  con- 
nexion with  the  sacred  lots  (p.  100);  (see  Jg.  824-27*, 
and  cf.  143,  2I9,  236).— 29.  kick  ye  at:  rather  follow 
the  LXX,  "  look  at  with  shameless  ej'o,"  and  render 
"  cast  an  evil  eye  upon,"  i.e.  "  treat  with  contempt." — 
30.  the  Lord  saith  (twice) :  ne^um  Yahweh,  a  solemn, 
emphatic  phrase,  "  Oracle  of  Y."  (see  Gen.  22i6). — I 
said,  etc. :  this  oracle  is  not  in  the  Hex.  {cj.  27). — Be 
it  far  from  me:  lit.  "  abominable  to  me  "  (see  Gen.  447). 
—31/.  These  verses  do  not  make  sense;  the  present 
wording  cannot  be  the  original  one,  but  must  bo  due 
to  mistakes  in  the  copying.  Wo  cannot  now  discover 
the  original  form.  LXX  omits  "  that  there  shall  not 
be  to  .  .  .  habitation."  Tho  general  sense  is  that 
the  house  of  Eli  shall  bo  brought  low,  "  arm  cut  off," 
and  none  survive  to  old  age  ;  the  reference  is  to  the 
massacre  at  Nob  (222o).— 33.  The  man,  Abiathar,  the 
sole  survivor  of  that  massacre,  whoso  deposition  by 
Solomon  will  "  consume  the  eyes,  etc"  of  Eli,  who 
may  be  supjjosed  to  foresee  it. — shall  die:  in  the 
massacre.- in  the  flower  of  their  age:  rather,  with 
LXX  "  by  tho  sword  of  men.' 

84.  C/.  4ii.— 35.  faithful  priest :  Zadok  (see  above). 
— build  him  a  sure  house :   tlio  priesthood  shall  remain 


276 


I.  SAMUEL,  II.  35 


permanently  in  his  family.  —  anointed:  Mdshiah, 
'■  Messiah,"  as  consecrated  to  God  and  endowed  with 
His  Spirit  by  the  ceremony  of  anointing. — 38.  piece 
of  silver:  tlie  word  translated  "  piece"  occurs  only 
hero     it  should  perhaps  be  translated   "  paj-nient." 

III.  1-IV.  la  .  .  .  all  Israel.— Another  section  of  the 
Life  of  Samuel  (see  above,  p.  21:)). 

III.  1-10.  Call  of  Samuel. 

1.  child:  na'ar,  anything  from  a  baby  to  a  man  of 
forty.— precious  .  .  .  open,  rather  "  rare  .  , .  frequent  " 
{mg.).~2.  in  the  temple,  etc.:  Samuel  slept  in  the 
slirine  where  the  Ark  was,  in  order  to  protect  it.  Con- 
trast this  with  the  later  arrangement  which  placed  the 
Arlc  in  the  Holy  of  Hohes,  only  entered  by  the  high 
priest  one  day  in  the  year. — temple:  a  building,  not 
a  tent ;  note  the  door  in  15. — 3.  ark:  V/z-on.  "Ark" 
in  '■  Noah's  ark  "  and  "  the  ark  in  the  bulrushes  "  is 
tthliah. — 4,  6.  Samuel:  LXX  "Samuel.  Samuel,"  aa 
in  10. — 7.  know  the  Lord:  explained  by  the  rest  of 
the  verse. — 10.  came  and  stood:  the  writer  is  still 
in  the  primitive  stage  in  which  God  is  thought  of  as  a 
glorified  man. 

III.  10-18.  In  Obedience  to  the  Command  of  the 
Lord.  Samuel  Announces  to  Eli  the  Doom  of  iiis 
House. — Parallel  to  the  Deuteronomic  section  (227). 

12.  Probably  an  addition  by  the  Deuteronomic 
writer  to  connect  with  227S.. — 13.  I  have  told :  read, 
"  thou  shalt  toll." 

III.  19-IV.  la  .  .  .  aU  Israel.— Samuel  established 
as  Prophet. 

IV.  lb.  Now  Israel  .  .  .-VII.  1  (E).— From  Ancient 
History  of  the  Ark  (c/.  above,  p.  273). 

IV.  lb-11.  The  Israelites,  Defeated  by  the  Philistines, 
Fetch  the  Ark.    They  are  again  Defeated. 

1.  PhiUstines:  pp.  5Uf ..  66f.— Eben-ezer :  "  Stone  of 
Help''  (c/.  Ii2\.  Sites  of  Eben-ezer  and  Aphek  (1  K. 
2O26*)  not  known,  probably  NW.  of  Jerusalem,  either 
nea»  the  city,  or  on  the  inland  edge  of  the  Maritime 
Plain.— 3.  ark  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord:  c/.  83. 
Deuteronomic  title  of  the  Ark  ;  "  covenant  "  is  equiva- 
lent to  the  stone  tables  of  the  Ten  Commandments 
which  Dt.  102,5  place  in  the  Ark.  In  this  History  of 
the  Aik  the  title  was  originally  either  "  A.  of  Yahweh  " 
or  ■•  A.  of  God  .  .  .  our,  etc.  God  "  ;  the  additional  words 
in  the  titles  having  been  added  by  editors.  Here  read 
"  A.  of  our  God,"  with  LXX. — ^that  it  may  become : 
perhaps  read  "  that  He,  etc."  The  Ark  is  a  talisman 
or  Palladium,  identified  with  Yahweh,  or  carrj-ing  His 
presence  with  it  (2  S.  11 11*). — 4.  which  sitteth  upon  the 
cherubim :  editorial  addition  (see  al)ove).  The  .^Vrk  is 
thought  of  as  the  throne  of  Yahweh. — cherubim  :  see 
Gen.  324. — 4/.  Lord  . . .  God  . . .  Lord :  note  variation 
of  Divine  Names ;  it  has  been  suggested  that  this  is  an 
indication  of  compilation  from  two  sources,  but  this 
view  is  not  generally  adopted.  At  present  there  is  no 
satisfactory  explanation  of  this  u.se  of  the  Divine 
Names  ;  possibly  it  is  due  to  partial  revision  :  origin- 
ally the  same  name  was  used  throughout. — 6.  Hebrews : 
the  name  for  Israelites  used  by  foreigners. — 8.  In  the 
wilderness:  the  plagues  were  in  Egypt  and  not  in 
the  wildcmess  ;  apparently  either  the  author  or  an 
annotator  got  confused  ;  unless  we  read  "  and  with 
pestilence,"  wliich  would  require  only  a  very  slight 
change  in  the  Hebrew. — 10.  thirty  thousand:  prob- 
ably an  exaggeration,  even  if  it  was  a  contemporary 
guess. 

IV.  12-22.  Death  of  Eli,  Birth  of  Ichabod. 

12.  clothes  rent,  etc.  :  signs  of  mourning.— 18. 
forty:  LXX  twenty. — And  he  .  .  .  years:  formula 
used  by  Deuteronomic  editor  of  Jg.  (Jg.  l()2f.,  i27,o, 
11,14,  I'^'^o)  to  conclude  account  of  a  Judge.      Tliia 


story  may  once  have  stood  in  Jg. — 21.  Ichabod :  no- 
glory  {VUJ.). 

V.  The  Ark  in  the  Philistine  Cities. 

!•  Ashdod.  8.  Gath.  10.  Ekron:  see  Jos.  II22, 
133;  p.  28. — 2.  Dagon:  see  Jg.  I623*. — 3.  The  Ark  is 
thought  of  as  possessing  marvellous  inherent  powers  ; 
it  brings  disaster  on  those  who  treat  it  disrespectfully,, 
Philistines,  Bethshemites,  Uzzah ;  and  blessing  on  those 
whom  it  favours,  Obed-edom  (Jos.  84*). — 4.  stump: 
this  word,  absent  from  the  Heb.,  is  found  in  the  versions, 
and  belonged  to  the  original  text. — 5.  Erroneous 
theory  ;  the  rite  is  found  elsewhere  [Zeph.  I9.  for 
tlie  prol>able  explanation  .'^ee  Ex.  1222*. — A.  S.  P.] — 6. 
tumours:  better  "  plague  boils "  {mg.).  A  natural 
theory  would  be  that  contagion  was  carried  from  one 
Pliilistine  city  to  another,  and  then  to  Beth-shemesh. — 
[8.  The  advice  seems  strange,  for  if  the  Ark  inflicted 
such  miscluef  on  Ashdod,  similar  calamities  might,  be 
expected  to  fall  on  Gath  ;  and  the  Ekronites  in  fact 
anticipate  fatal  consequences  after  its  deadly  work 
at  Ashdod  and  Gath.  The  principle  seems  to  be 
analogous  to  that  on  which  Balak  acts.  When  after 
sacrifice  on  one  spot  Balaam  is  forced  to  bless  Israel, 
Balak  changes  the  place,  hoping  that  Yahweh  who 
has  frustrated  liis  purpose  in  one  locality  will  prove 
more  amenable  in  another  (Nu.  23i3*,27).  So  the 
Philistines  seem  to  argue  ;  at  first  the  thought  does 
not  occur  to  them  to  send  back  this  most  precious 
trophy,  this  powerful  taUsman.  But  obviously  the 
deity  resident  in  the  Ark  dislikes  Ashod,  perhaps 
Gath  will  be  more  agreeable. — A.  S.  P.] 

VI.  1-VII.  1.  Ark  Brought  back  to  Beth-shemesh ; 
Plague  Breaks  out  there;  Ark  Housed  at  Kiriath- 
jearim. 

1  may  not  belong  to  the  main  story  ;  2  would  l>e 
a  better  continuation  of  5 12.  At  the  end  of  the  verse 
LXX  adds  "  And  their  land  swarmed  with  mice." 
This  would  prepare  for  the  "mice"  in  4!,  11,  18. 
Possibly  these  references  to  mice  are  survivals  from  a 
fuller  form  of  the  story,  in  which  the  mice  figured  more 
largely,  or  mice  may  have  symbolised  plague.  One 
doubts  whether  it  was  known  then  that  vermin  carried 
the  infection. — 2.  diviners:     qosem  (see  Dt   I810). — 

3.  guilt-offering:  'asham,  here  not  a  sacrifice,  but  a 
compensation  for  injury  ;  so  also  2  K.  12i6  ;  later 
on  in  the  Priestly  Code,  a  form  of  sacrifice  (Lev.  56). — 

4.  tumours :  homoeopathic  treatment ;  magic  often 
seeks  to  control  a  person  or  thing  by  an  image  thereof. 
[This  is  especially  the  case  with  disease  or  loss.  The 
sufferer  takes  to  the  sanctuary  "  a  figure  of  the  diseased 
part  of  liis  body,  fashioned  of  clay,  bronze,  or  wax, 
and  the  peasant  who  has  suffered  a  loss  of  cattle  brings 
a  representation  of  the  animal."  In  the  animistic 
stage  of  thought  the  image  is  thought  to  have  a  soul. 
"  Through  its  immanent  psychical  power  it  is  to  exer- 
cise magical  coercion  over  the  soul  of  the  god."  See 
Wundt,  Elements  of  Folk  Psycholoqy,  pp.  438-440.— 
A.  S.  P.] — 6.  wrought  wonderfully  among  them:  better 
"  made  a  mock  of  them'  (mg.). — 8f.  If  the  kine  made 
straight  for  the  nearest  point  of  Israelite  territory,  it 
would  show  that  they  were  under  the  control  of  the  God 
of  Israel  and  that  it  was  His  will  that  the  Ark  should 
be  returned  to  its  own  country. — 8.  Coffer :  The  word 
so  translated  occurs  only  in  this  narrative  and  its 
meaning  is  not  certain. — 9.  Beth-shemesh :  Jos.  I5io,  p. 
31 . — 14.  There  is  no  question  of  limiting  sacrifice  to  the 
Tabernacle.  The  great  stone  may  have  been  a  sacred 
stone,  or  may  have  been  used  as  an  altar  (I43  3-35). — 15. 
Editorial  addition  ;  later  custom  required  that  Levites 
should  be  present,  both  in  connexion  with  the  sacri- 
fice, and  as  guardians  of    the  Ark.      The  offering  of 


I.  SAMUEL,  IX.  14 


277 


further  sacrifices  seems  out  of  place. — 16  continues 
14. — 17.  Gaza:  p.  28,  Jg.  I61*. — Ashkelon:  see  p.  28. 
— 19.  Read  img.)  with  LXX,  "And  the  sons  of 
Jeconiah  did  not  rejoice  with  the  men  of  Beth-shemesh 
when  they  saw  the  ark  of  the  Lord,  and  he  smote  of 
them  seventy  men,  and  the  people  mourned,  etc." — 
20.  Identifies  the  Ark  with  Yahweh.  "  Holy  "  here 
denotes  terrible  majesty,  which  brings  disaster  on 
those  who  do  not  show  due  reverence. — 21.  Kiriath- 
jearim:  see  Jos.  9i7. — VII.  1.  sanctified:  perfonued 
certain  rites,  ablutions,  etc.,  which  would  be  thought 
necessary  to  qualify  Eleazar  to  become  the  custodian 
or  priest  of  the  Ark,  and  to  protect  him  from  its  baleful 
holiness. — The  Ark  now  disappears  from  the  history 
till  2  S.  62,  which  see  for  its  fortunes  in  the  interval. 
Its  presence  in  1  S.  14 18  is  due  to  a  mistake  of  a 
scribe.  Probably  the  sanctuary  at  Shiloh  was  de- 
stroyed at  this  time,  and  our  documents  contained  a 
statement  to  that  effect,  which  for  some  reason  has 
been  omitted  (cf.  Jer.  7i2*). 

VII.  2-17.  Samuel  as  Judge.— Philistines  subdued 
by  Divine  intervention  ;  probably  an  ideal  picture,  by 
the  Deuteronomic  writer,  of  the  happy  results  of 
Israel's  repentance  and  Samuel's  piety- — peace,  victorj', 
and  orthodoxy.  The  section  is  the  typical  form  of 
the  Deuteronomic  accounts  of  the  Judges— apos- 
tasy, oppression,  repentance,  deliverance.  The  state- 
ments that  the  Philistines  ceased  to  invade  Israel, 
and  that  the  Israelites  recovered  the  Philistine  cities 
from  Ekron  to  Gath,  are  inconsistent  with  the  older 
narratives.  On  the  other  hand,  the  writer  sees  no 
difiiculty  in  Samuel  building  an  altar  at  Ramah,  be- 
cause his  view  was  that  the  limitation  of  sacrifice  to  a 
central  sanctuary  did  not  come  into  force  till  Solomon 
built  the  Temple. 

2-4.  The  return  of  the  Ark  leads  the  people  to 
repent ;  Samuel  encourages  them  in  this  by  promising 
deliverance  if  they  worship  Yahweh  only. 

2.  that  the  time  .  .  .  twenty  years :  probably  these 
words  should  be  omitted  so  that  repentance  immediately 
follows  the  return  of  the  Ark. — 3.  lamented  :  probably 
read  "  repented."— 3f.  Ashtaroth  .  .  .  Baalim :  see 
Jg.  211-13*. 

5-12.  Samuel  calls  all  Israel  together  at  Mizpah,  N. 
of  Jerusalem  (Jg.  20i),  for  fasting  and  confession  ;  the 
Philistines  suspect  that  the  assembly  has  a  warhke 
purpose,  and  advance  to  attack  Israel ;  Samuel  inter- 
cedes ;  Yahweh  routs  the  Phihstines  by  a  thunder- 
storm {cf.  Jos.  lOii)  ;  Israel  pursues  and  slaughters  ; 
Samuel  sets  up  a  memorial  stone,  Eben-ezer,  "  Stone 
of  Help"  (see  4i). 

6.  water,  etc. :  cf.  Da\id  at  Adullam,  2  S.  23i6,— 
12.  Shen:  "tooth,"  i.e.  crag,  but  perhaps  Jeshanah, 
2  Ch.  13i9,  should  be  read  with  LXX  :   site  unknown, 

13-17.  Israel  Uves  in  complete  peace  under  Samuel, 

16.  Beth-el:  Gen.  128,— Gilgal:  Dt,  II30.— 17. 
Ramah:   Jos.  I825. 

VIII.  Demand  for  a  King. — Opening  section,  con- 
tinued IO17,  of  later  account  of  Saul's  appointment 
as  king  :  either  Deuteronomic  or  late  stratum  of  E. 
Probably  10 1 7-1  yi  (to  "over  us")  in  the  Deutero- 
nomic document  stood  in  the  place  of  810,  gi\'ing 
the  following  sequence  of  events  :  appeal  of  the  elders, 
convocation  of  assemblj'  (as  in  75),  Saul's  election,  etc. 
Also,  in  22,  "  Go  yc  every  man  unto  his  city,"  is,  like 
10,  an  editorial  insertion,  necessitated  by  the  combina- 
tion of  different  documents.  In  the  Deuteronomic 
document  IO196,  "  Now  therefore  present  yourselves, 
etc,"  immediately  followed  "  And  Samuel  said  unto 
the  men  of  Israel  "  in  22.  Note  the  hostile  attitude 
to  the  Monarchy,  as  in  Dt.  I714-20, 


1-10.  In  Samuel's  old  age,  hia  sons  act  as  his  repre- 
sentatives at  Beersheba,  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah 
(p.  32):  they  take  bribes.  The  ciders  (p,  112,  Ey,  3 16*) 
ask  Samuel  for  a  king,  Samuel  is  reluctant  and  lays  the 
matter  before  Y^ahweh,  who  tells  him  that  the  request  is 
a  rejection  of  Himself ;  He  should  be  their  only  king. 
Samuel  is  to  bring  homo  their  iniquity  to  the  people, 
but  is  to  grant  their  request,  explaining,  however,  that 
the  request  is  granted  as  a  punishment.  (Here  followed 
in  the  original  arrangement,  in  the  Deuteronomic 
document,  the  calling  of  an  assembly  at  Mizpah ;  see 
above,) 

11-22.  Samuel  explains  that  the  advantages  of 
Monarchy  would  be  dearly  bought.  The  king  would 
be  a  selfish  tjo-ant  of  the  usual  Oriental  type  :  he 
would  confiscate  the  best  land  for  himself  and  his 
favourites,  institute  conscription  and  forced  labour, 
and  levy  taxes.  The  primitive  state  of  things,  which 
knew  little  of  either  the  authority  or  the  burden  of 
an  organised,  central  government,  would  pass  away. 
In  spite  of  this  warning,  the  people  pressed  their  de- 
mand ;  by  the  direction  of  Y'ahweh,  Samuel  granted  it. 

13.  confectlonaries :  rather,  as  RVm  "perfumers." 
— 16.  menservants  .  .  .  maidservants:  male  and 
female  slaves. — young  men:  better  "cattle,"  with 
LXX 

EX.*  1-X.  16.  Samuel  Anoints  Saul  as  King.— (J), 
taken  from  one  of  the  oldest  narratives  (see  Introduc- 
tion, p.  273),  Note  the  absence  of  any  connexion  with 
the  Deuteronomic  narrative  in  the  previous  chapter — 
also  the  inconsistencies  ;  in  7i3  the  Philistines  were 
permanently  disposed  of ;  in  9i6,  IO5,  they  are 
oppressing  Israel  and  have  a  garrison  in  the  heart  of 
the  country  ;  in  our  present  narrative  we  have  no 
trace  of  hostihty  to  the  Monarchy.  This  section  pre- 
serves important  features  of  primitive  religious  life  and 
faith  ;  the  local  seer,  taking  fees  for  fortune-teUing, 
standing  in  some  relation  to  the  ecstatic  prophet, 
nabhf  ;  Samuel,  seer,  and  possibly  also  prophet,  but 
yet  an  outstanding  inspired  personality,  far  more  than 
the  mere  professional  seer  or  prophet,  a  forerunner  of 
Elijah,  Elisha,  and  the  canonical  prophets.  At  the 
same  time  the  ecstatic  prophets,  in  conjunction  with 
Saul,  had  their  share  in  keeping  Israel  loyal  to  Yahweh 
and  in  rousing  the  people  to  the  patriotic  struggle 
with  the  Phihstines  (pp.  66,  8.5).  Note  also  how  tho 
Spirit  of  Yahweh  "  leaps  "  upon  a  man,  takes  violent 
possession  of  him,  and  moves  him  to  violent  acts, 
especially  deeds  of  warlike  prowess  (Jg.3io*).  as  in  the 
story  of  Samson.  Og,  IDs  are  editorial  additions  (see 
below). 

1-14.  Kish,  a  Benjamite  chief,  had  a  son  Saul,  ex- 
ceptionally tall  and  handsome.  Kish  had  lost  some 
asses,  and  sent  Saul  and  a  slave  to  look  for  them. 
After  a  long  and  futile  search,  they  found  themselves 
at  Ramah,  the  home  of  Samuel.  Saul  proposed  to 
abandon  the  search,  but  adopted  a  suggestion  of  the 
slave  that  thcj-  should  consult  Samuel.  They  learnt 
that  Samuel  was  about  to  preside  over  a  sacrificial 
feast  at  the  local  sanctuary,  "  high  place,"  bama  (see 
7i7,  Lev.  2630,  p.  98),  As  they  went  to  the  high  place, 
they  fell  in  with  Samuel,  who  was  also  on  hia  way 
thither. 

1.  mighty  man  of  valoiu":  rather  man  of  wealth  and 
position, — 2.  Saul:  Sfui'ul,  asked  (of  God)  {cf.  I20), — 
4.  Shalishah  .  .  .  Shaalim:  sites  unknown^.  Zuph, 
see  li, — 8.  shekel:  Gen,  23i5*, — 9.  An  explanatory 
note  ;  perhaps  originally  seers  and  prophets  were  two 
distinct  classes,  afterwards  merged  in  one  under  the 
title  "  prophet,"— 14.  Within  the  city:  read  probably 
"  within  the  gate  "  {cf.  18). 


278 


I.  SAMUEL.  IX.  15-21 


15-21.  Yahweh  had  prepared  Samuel  for  this  meet- 
ing ;  He  would  send  to  him  the  future  kinc.  When 
they  met,  Samuel  rocognLsod  tlie  man  chosen  by 
Yahweh  and  made  hiiusolf  known  to  Saul ;  invited 
him  to  the  feast  ;  told  him  the  asses  were  found,  and 
that  all  tliat  Israel  could  offer  of  wealth  and  honour 
were  at  his  disi)osal,  thus  practically  offering  hiin  the 
throne.  According  to  tlii'  formula  of  (Jricntal  etinuotte 
— which  is  no  more  to  be  t^iken  literally  than  "  Your 
obedient  servant  "  at  the  end  of  a  letter — Saul  pro- 
tested his  unworthincss. 

16.  upon  my  people :  read  with  LXX.  "  upon  the 
affliction  of  my  poojjle." 

22.-X.  12.  Samuel  brings  Saul  to  the  sacrificial 
feast,  gives  him  the  place  of  honour  and  the  portion 
reserved  for  the  chief  ;^u('st.  Saul  spends  the  nijiht 
on  the  housetop  of  Samuels  house — a  usual  guest- 
chamber.  In  the  morning  he  leaves,  and  Samuel  set3 
him  on  his  way.  Before  thej'-  part,  Samuel  keeps  him 
with  him,  while  the  slave  goes  on.  Then  Samuel 
anouits  him,  and  tells  him  plainly  that  ho  is  to  bo 
king  ;  and  that  certain  things  are  to  happen  to  hira 
as  signs.  After  ho  leaves  Samuel,  these  duly  come  to 
pass.  The  last  sign  is  Saul's  encounter  with  a  band 
of  ecstatic  prophets,  i.e.  men  who  excited  themselves 
by  music  (2  K.  3i  5)  to  wild  singing  and  dancing,  like  tho 
Mohammedan  dervishes.  When  Saul  left  Samuel  "  God 
gave  him  another  heart  "  ;  when  he  mot  the  prophets, 
"  the  Spirit  of  God  leaped  upon  him  ''  ;  he  caught  the 
contagion  of  their  ecstasy  and  prophesied — joined  in 
the  singing  and  dancing,  to  the  astonishment  of  his 
friends  :  "  Is  Saul  also  among  the  prophets  ?  "  (I924). 
Respectable  people,  of  good  family,  with  a  "  father," 
did  not  join  in  the  antics  of  these  mad  fanatics — that 
would  be  the  common  view  (cf.  2  K.  9ii).  Then  Saul 
went  home. 

IX.  24.  that  which  was  upon  it:  read  "  the  fat  tail  " 
— of  the  sheep,  a  special  delicacy.— 25f.  he  communed 
.  .  .  arose  early:  read  with' LXX,  RVm,  "They 
spread  a  couch  for  Saul  on  tho  housetop,  and  ho  lay 
down." — X.  2.  Rachel's  sepulchre:  see  Gen.  SoiG"^. — 
Zelzah:  unknown. — 3.  going  up  to  God:  i.e.  to  tho 
sanctuary. — [7.  Tho  occasion  or  opportunity  which 
actually  presents  itself  is  the  appeal  from  Jabcsh- 
gilead,  II4-7  (p.  GO). — A.  S.  P.] — 8.  An  editorial  inser- 
tion, to  connect  this  narrative  with  1376-150,  an  excerpt 
from  another  document. 

X.  14^16.  Sauls  uncle  tells  him  that  the  asses  are 
found.  Saul  tells  of  his  visit  to  Samuel,  but  says 
nothing  as  to  the  kingship, 

X.  17-27.  Saul  Elected  King  by  Lot.— Contuiues 
Deuteronomic  narrative,  sequel  to  8  (see  above). 

17-19a  (to  "over  us").  Sequel  to  8f.  Samuel 
calls  an  a.ssembly  "  unto  Yahweh  to  Mizpah,"  i.e.  at 
the  sanctuary  there,  and  reproaches  them  for  wanting 
a  king.  [In  tho  Deuteronomic  document  this  partL- 
graph  was  followed  by  Samuels  speech  (811-22). 
Then  came  .  .  .] 

19b-24.  Lota  are  cast  "  before  Yahweh,"  i.e.  by  tho 
priests  at  the  sanetuarj',  and  Saul  is  indicated  as  tho 
king.  Saul  had  liidden  himself,  but  his  hiding-place 
is  made  known  by  the  oracle,  and  Samuel  presents 
him  to  the  peoj)U>,  who  receive  him  with  enthusiasm. 

20f.  Cf.  Jos.  TK.ff.— 21.  Matrites  was  taken:  add 
after  this,  with  LXX,  "  and  the  family  of  tho  .Matrites 
was  brought  near  man  by  man." — 22.    stuff:    baggage. 

25-27.  Samuel  repeats  his  statement  (811-22)  as 
to  the  behaviour  of  the  king,  makes  a  copy  of  it,  and 
places  it  in  the  archives  of  the  sanctuary.  (In  the 
Deuteronomic  document,  Samunl's  farewell  spt>ech, 
oh.   12,  came  at  this  point.]     Samuel  dismisaoe  the 


aasembly.  Saul  goes  home,  accompanied  by  the  r©- 
Yiutablo  citizens  (so  LXX) ;  but  some  disreputable 
folk  are  disaffected. 

XI.  Saul  Delivers  Jabesh-gilead  and  Is  Made  King.— 
(J)  continues  the  ancient  narrative,  sequel  to  IO16. 
Putting  aside  12-14,  inserted  by  an  editor  to  connect 
this  chapter  with  the  Deuteronomic  document,  the 
rest  shows  clearly  that  the  writer  knew  nothing  of 
any  previous  public  appointment  of  Saul  to  be  king : 
when  the  messengers  come  to  Gibeah,  they  do  not 
ask  for  Saul,  and  no  one  thinks  of  him  until  he  himself 
intervenes.  8  is  probabh'  a  later  addition  ;  the  refer- 
ence to  Judah,  before  David  comes  upon  the  scene, 
and  the  exaggerated  numbers,  are  not  characteristic 
of  the  earlier  documents  in  Samuel. 

1-10.  About  a  month  after  Saul's  interview  with 
Samuel,  Nahash,  king  of  Ammon,  attacks  Jabesh- 
gilead,  which  offers  to  submit  on  conditions.  This  is 
met  by  a  proposal  that  they  should  allow  their  right 
eyes  to  bo  put  out.  They  obtain  seven  days'  respite 
to  seek  help  and  send  messengers  throughout  Israel 
When  Saul  hears,  he  is  possessed  by  the  Spirit  of  God, 
and  summons  the  Israelites  to  follow  him  to  tho 
rescue  :  they  respond,  and  Saul  sends  word  that  he 
will  reheve  the  city.  In  order  to  lull  the  Ammonites 
into  false  security,  the  men  of  Jabesh  promise  to 
surrender  unconditionally  the  next  day. 

X.  27,  XL  1.  But  he  held  his  peace.  Then  Nahash : 
read,  with  LXX,  "  And  it  came  to  pass  after  about  a 
month,  that  Nahash." — 1.  Jabesh-gilead:  see  Jg.  2l8. 
— 4.  Gibeah:  Jos.  1557. — 7.  Cf.  Jg.  1929. — and  alter 
Samuel :  an  addition  ;  Samuel  does  not  appear  in  this 
episode. — 8.  Bezek:  Khirbet  Ibzik,  W.  of  Jordan, 
nearly  opposite  Jabesh-gilead. 

XL  11-15.  Saul  surprises  and  routs  the  Ammonites. 
[Here  the  editor  again  introduces  Samuel  into  the 
story.]  The  people  install  Saul  king  at  the  sanctuary 
at  Gilgal,  with  sacrifices — the  equivalent  of  a  modem 
coronation  service. 

11.  morning  watch:  last  of  the  three  divisions  of 
the  night.— 15.  peace  offerings:   Ex.  2O24. 

XIL  Samuel's  Farewell. — From  the  Deuteronomic 
document,  where  it  separated  tho  two  clauses  of  IO25, 
which  see. 

l-^i  (to  "  witness ").  In  response  to  a  solemn 
adjuration  from  Samuel,  the  people  agree  that  his 
administration  haa  been  pure. 

3.  to  blind  mine  eyes  therewith :  LXX  "  even  a  pair 
of  shoes  ?     Answer  against  me,  and  I  will,  etc."  (mg.). 

6^-11.  Samuel  briefly  reviews  the  history  of  Israel, 
showing  tho  gracious  dealings  of  Yahweh  with  His 
people  and  their  ingratitude.  The  author  forgot  that 
he  was  composing  a  speech  for  Samuel,  and  mentions 
him  in  the  tliird  person,  as  one  of  the  deliverers  of 
Israel. 

8.  made  them :  road  with  LXX,  "  He  (Yahweh) 
made."' — 11.  Bedan:   read  "Barak,"  with  LXX. 

12-25.  Samuel  reproaches  the  people  for  their  dis- 
loyalty to  Yahweh  in  asking  for  a  king ;  in  the  future 
obedience  will  be  rewarded,  and  disobedience  punished. 
AtSamuol's  prayer,a  miraculous  thunderstorm  (r/.Tio), 
at  a  time  ("  wheat-harvest,"  May-June)  when  thunder 
was  unusual,  confirms  his  words.  The  terror-stricken 
people  beg  for  Samuel "s  intercession.  He  reassures 
them   and  promises  to  pray  for  them  and  guide  them. 

XIIL,  XIV.  Sauls  Early  Struggles  with  the  PhiUs- 
tines.— (J),  chioHy  from  tho  ancient  narrative  concern- 
ing Saul.  Eiiitorial  notes,  or  additions  from  other 
sources,  are  l.'Ji  ;  yh,  "  but  as  for  Saul  .  .  .  Benjamin," 
15a;    19-22;    1447-51. 

Xni.  1.  If  the  present  Hebrew  text  were  regarded  as 


I.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  36-46 


279 


correct  and  complete,  the  translation  (rf.mg.)  would  be, 
"  And  Saul  was  a  year  old  when  he  became  Idng,  and 
he  reigned  two  years  over  Israel."  Both  periods  are 
absurd.  The  editor  intended  to.  provide  for  Saul 
the  usual  introductory  formula,  as  in  1  K.  142i,  etc. 
Not  having  any  express  information  on  the  subject, 
he  intended  to  calculate  the  periods  later  on  ;  mean- 
while, that  he  might  not  forget,  he  inserted  the  blank 
schedule,  "  Saul  was  .  .  .  years  old,  when  ho  became 
king;  and  he  reigned  ,  .  .  years" — leaving  blanks 
to  be  filled  afterwards  ;  and  then  forgot.  The  fact 
that  the  blanks  were  not  filled  in  by  copyists,  shows 
that  from  a  certain  date,  later  than  the  time  of  the 
editor  or  scribe  who  inserted  this  verse,  the  text  was 
copied  with  mechanical  fidelity,  without  correcting 
patent  absurdities.  As  the  words  for  "  two  "  and 
"  years  "  are  very  similar  in  Hebrew,  it  seems  that  the 
word  for  "  years  "  was  accidentally  repeated,  and  then 
one  of  the  words  was  slightly  modified  to  read  as 
"  two."  The  "  thirty  "  of  RV  is  derived  from  two 
late  MSS  of  the  LXX  ;  the  verse  is  wanting  in  most 
MSS  of  the  LXX,  and  is  probably  a  very  late  insertion. 
As  Jonathan  was  grown  up  when  Saul  became  king, 
the  latter  must  have  been  about  forty  at  the  time  of 
his  accession.  Ac.  132i  and  some  texts  of  Josophus 
(Ant.  VI.  xiv.  9)  give  Saul  a  reign  of  forty  years,  but 
this  is  clearly  too  long  ;  Ant.  X.  viii.  4  and  some  texts 
of  VI.  xiv.  9,  give  twenty  years,  which  is  probably 
much  nearer  the  mark. 

2-7a  (to  "  Gilead  ").  Saul  institutes  a  standing  army. 
Jonathan  having  slain  a  Phihstine  official  (not  "  garri- 
son), [Saul  makes  a  general  levy  of  Israel  at  Gilgal  ?]. 
But  when  the  Philistines  advanced  in  force,  the  Israelites 
were  seized  with  a  panic,  and  fled  to  hiding-places  or 
across  the  Jordan, 

2.  Michmash :  Mvkhtnas,  7  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem  (p. 
31). — Gibeah:  here  and  in  15,  142,i6,  read  Geba,  as  in 
183,  16,  145. — 3-5.  These  verses  can  hardly  be  in  their 
original  form.  "  Hebrews  "  is  out  of  place  in  Saul's 
mouth  ;  it  is  the  name  given  to  Israelites  by  foreigners. 
There  are  grounds  for  reading  instead  of  "  And  the 
Philistines  ,  .  .  hear,"  "  And  the  PhiUstines  heard 
saj-ing  :  The  Hebrews  have  revolted."  The  assembly 
at  Gilgal,  and  the  impossible  numbers  in  5,  are  editorial. 
Probably  in  the  ancient  narrative,  the  Philistines  drove 
Saul  back  from  Michmash  to  Geba,  where  we  find 
him  in  16  (ICC). 

7b.  but  as  lor  Saul  .  .  .  Benjamin,  15a.— An  ex- 
tract from  a  lato  document,  whose  history  and  date 
cannot  be  further  determined.  The  editor  has  pre- 
pared the  way  for  this  section  by  inserting  lOs  and 
134,  which  may  bo  based  on  the  same  document.  It 
is  not  quite  clear  what  Saul's  sin  was,  but  the  following 
gives  a  probable  interpretation  : — Samuel  had  arranged 
with  Saul  to  come  to  Gilgal  on  a  certain  day  to  offer 
the  sacrifices  which  were  necessary  to  inaugurate  the 
campaign  (p.  99).  Samuel  did  not  keep  his  appoint- 
ment ;  time  pressed,  and  Saul  offered  the  sacrifices 
himself.  Immediately  Samuel  appears  and  declares 
that  Yahweh  will  punish  Sauls  impatience  by 
transferring  the  kingship  to  "a  man  after  his  own 
heart,"  i.e.  David.  Possibly  in  the  document,  in  its 
complete  form,  the  condemnation  of  Saul  seemed  less 
harsh  and  arbitrary  than  it  does  here. 

15b-18.  The  ancient  narrative,  continuing  7a.  Saul 
and  Jonathan  remain  at  Geba  with  600  men  ;  the 
Philistines  make  Michmash  their  headquarters  and 
send  out  detachments  te  plunder  the  countiy. 

17.  Ophrah:  Jos.  I823.— 18.  Shual:  not  identified. 
— Beth-horon:  p.  31,  Jos.  lOio.  —  Zeboim:  not 
identified. 


19-22.  An  editorial  note  representing  the  Israelites 
as  almost  entirely  disarmed,  which  would  be  an  ex- 
aggeration (p._  57,  Jg.  42*).  As  regards  details  the  text  is 
corrupt  and  it  is  not  clear  how  it  should  be  restored. 

23.-XIV.  15.  The  ancient  narrative,  continuing  18. 
Saul  was  at  Geba  (see  on  132),  having  with  him  the 
priest  Ahijah,  carrying  the  cphod — here  not  a  garment, 
but  some  article  used  in  casting  the  sacred  lot  (see 
228*.  Jg.  827).  A  valley  lay  between  the  two  camps, 
dominated  on  either  side  by  a  steep  crag,  called  re- 
spectively Bozez,  "  Shining,"  and  Seneh,  "  Thorny." 
Unknown  to  Saul  and  the  Israelites,  Jonathan  and  his 
arniourbearer  descended  into  the  valley,  exchanged 
taunts  with  the  Philistines  on  the  crag  above,  climbed 
up,  took  the  enemy  by  surprise,  and,  assisted  by  an 
earthquake  (15),  created  a  panic  amongst  them. 

2.  Migron :  not  identified.— lib.  The  text  is  corrupt 
and  it  is  not  clear  how  it  should  be  restored. 

XIV.  16-23.  The  Israelites  observe  the  confusion 
among  the  Philistines,  and  find  that  Jonathan  and  hia 
armour-bearer  are  missing.  Saul  propo.ses  to  obtain  an 
oracle  by  means  of  the  ephod.  (Thus  with  LXX  ;  the 
references  to  the  Ark  have  been  introduced  by  an  editor. ) 
But,  seeing  the  growing  panic  amongst  the  enemy,  the 
king  cuts  short  the  priest  in  his  ritual,  and  leads  the 
people  in  pursuit.  They  are  joined  by  their  fellow- 
countrymen  who  were  serving  with  the  Philistines, 
and  by  Israehte  refugees.  The  pursuit  is  carried 
beyond  Beth-horon.  (So  probably,  instead  of  Beth- 
aven,  which,  however,  some  would  retain  and  under- 
stand as  Beth-el.) 

24-30.  In  order  to  propitiate  Yahweh  and  secure 
His  continued  assistance,  Saul  had  laid  a  solemn  taboo 
upon  the  people,  forbidding  them  to  take  food  till 
nightfall.  Then  there  was  honeycomb  upon  the 
ground,  and  the  people  came  to  the  honeycomb,  and 
behold  the  bees  had  gone  away,  but  no  one  put  his 
hand  to  his  mouth,  for  the  people  were  afraid. 
Jonathan,  however,  knowing  nothing  about  the  taboo, 
tasted  a  little  honey,  and  was  much  refreshed.  When 
he  was  told  of  it,  he  treated  the  matter  lightly. 

25f.  Here  we  have  followed  the  reconstruction  of 
the  text  in  SBOT,  partly  based  on  the  LXX.  The 
words  for  "  forest  "  and  "  honeycomb  "  are  the  same 
in  Hebrew. 

31-35.  The  pursuit  continued  as  far  as  Aijalon. 
Wlien  it  stopped,  the  exhausted  people  flow  upon  the 
cattle  and  sheep  and  ate  them  with  the  blood,  a  ritual 
sin  (Gen.  94*.  Lev.  17io-i2*),  at  which  Saul  was  greatly 
distressed  ;  he  was  evidently  punctilious  as  to  religious 
observances.  He  had  a  great  stone  set  up  as  an 
altar,  and  had  the  animals  for  food  slain  in  proper 
sacrificial  fashion. 

36-46.  The  next  episode  strikingly  illustrates  the 
primitive  religious  faith  and  practice  of  Israel.  Saul 
proposed  to  make  a  night-attack  upon  the  Philistines, 
and  asked  the  priest  to  obtain  an  oracle  as  to  whether 
Yahweh  would  approve.  The  silence  of  the  oracle 
showed  that  some  sin  had  roused  the  Divine  displeasure. 
Saul  proceeded  to  discover  the  sinner  bj'  lot,  and  in 
the  first  instance  the  lot  was  to  bo  cast  between  Israel 
generally  on  the  one  hand,  and  Saul  and  Jonathan 
on  the  other.  "  And  Saul  said  ;  0  Yahweh,  God  of 
Israel,  why  hast  thou  not  answered  thy  servant  this 
day  ?  If  this  iniquity  bo  in.  me  or  in  my  son  Jonathan, 
O  Yahweh,  God  of  Israel,  give  Urim  ;  but  if  it  be  in 
thy  people  Israel  give  Thummim.  And  Jonathan  and 
Saul  were  taken  and  the  people  escaped."  A  further 
casting  of  lots  showed  that  Jonathan  was  the  culprit. 
Saul  sought  to  put  him  to  death,  but  the  people 
rescued  him.     There  was  no  more  fighting. 


280 


I.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  41 


41.  The  rendering  of  this  vereo  is  from  the  text  as 
reconstructed  in  SBOT  on  the  basis  of  the  LXX. 
Urim  and  Thummim  were  the  sacred  lots,  perhaps 
stones  kept  in  the  cphod.  The  Jewish  scholars  who 
added  the  vowels  to  the  text,  interpreted  the  words 
as  "  Lights  "  and  "  Perfection,"  but  their  meaning  is 
uncertain  (pp.  lOOf..  Ex.  2830*).— 42.  In  the  LXX,  the 
people  make  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  prevent  the 
lot  being  cast  between  the  king  and  his  son. — 43.  and, 
lo,  I  must  die:  rather,  "Here  I  am,  let  mo  die," 
I.e.  (Cent.B)  "  I  am  ready  to  die." — 45.  wrought  this 
great  salvation  :   rather,   '  won  this  great  victory." 

47-51.  In  this  section  the  editor  gives  a  concluding 
summary  concerning  Saul  as  king,  before  narrating  his 
deposition  in  the  next  chapter.  In  the  editor's  eyes, 
Saul  ceased  to  be  king  de  jnrc,  when  Samuel  anointed 
David  to  supersede  him.  But,  according  to  the  older 
documents,  David  himself  did  not  take  this  \new 
(246,  26i  I ).  Saul  fought  successfully  against  a  number 
of  the  neighbouring  tribes  :  Moab  ;  Ammon  ;  Etlom  ; 
Zobah,  a  SjTian  state  to  the  NE.  of  Palestine  ;  Philis- 
tines ;  Amalekites.  Next,  a  list  of  Saul's  children ; 
here  "  Ishvi  "  is  for  "  Ishyo,"  a  contraction  of  "  Ish- 
Yahweh,"  "  Man  of  Yahweh,"  the  same  as  Lshbaal. 
In  early  times  Baal  was  used  quite  innocently  as  a 
title  of  Yahweh  (cf.  Hos.  2i6).  In  2  S.  2s,  otc,  the 
name  is  given  in  the  form  Ishbosheth,  "  Man  of 
Shame,"  the  later  Jews  expressing  their  repugnance  to 
Baal  by  substituting  "  bosheth  "  for  his  name  (Nu. 
3238*,  1  K.  I632*).  Then  we  are  told  that  the  com- 
mander-in-chief was  the  king's  cousin :  we  should 
probably  follow  Josephus  {Ant.  Yl.  vi.  6)  in  reading  51 
as  "  And  Kish,  the  father  of  Saul,  and  Ner,  the  father 
of  Abner,  were  the  sons  of  Abiel."  Ner  is  Saul's  uncle, 
not  (as  I  Ch.  833,  936)  Abner  (Driver  and  Cent.B). 

52.  The  ancient  narrative,  continues  46. 

XV.  The  War  against  Amalek ;  Saul's  Disobedience 
and  Deposition  (E-).  -  A  section  of  a  secondary  narra- 
tive ;  according  to  the  scheme  adopted  here,  the  last 
section  of  this  document  was  33-4i. 

1-9.  Samuel  bids  Saul  attack  Amalek  and  subject 
it  to  the  herem  (pp.  99,  114),  or  sacred  ban,  by  which  all 
living  creatures  were  put  to  death  in  honour  of  Yahweh. 
(Cf.  the  cases  of  Jericho  and  Achan,  Jos.  6f.)  Saul 
called  a  general  levy  to  a  rendezvous  in  the  south  of 
Judah — tho  numbers  are  probably  exaggerated — and 
advanced  against  "  the  city  of  Amalek,"  possibly  a 
tribal  sanctuary  which  served  as  the  headquarters  of 
this  nomad  tribe  ;  and  lay  in  ambush  in  a  neighbour- 
ing valley.  The  Kenites  (Gen.  1.5i9,  Jg.  I16)  were 
dwelUng  amongst  the  Amalekites,  but  at  a  warning 
from  Saul  they  departed.  Then  Saul  carried  out 
Samuels  instructions,  except  that  the  Amalekito  king, 
Agag,  and  the  best  of  the  cattle  were  spared. 

7.  from  Havilah  to  Shur :  ICC  Ls  probably  right  in 
suggesting  that  "  our  author  [i.e.  the  author  of  the 
document  from  which  this  section  is  taken],  whose 
geography  is  not  very  distinct,  borrowed  the  whole 
phrase  from  Genesis,"  without  verifjTng  it,  as  a 
description  of  the  whole  extent  of  tho  Amalekito 
territory,  wrongly  identifying  the  latter  with  the 
Ishmaolitos.  The  statement  that  the  whole  tribe  was 
exterminated  need  not  be  taken  literally  ;  there  would 
be  refugees.  The  tribe  appears  again  in  ch.  30,  and 
in  1  Ch.  443. 

10-31.  "i'^ahweh  tells  Samuel  of  SauPa  disobedience. 
Samuel's  sympathies  were  with  Saul  ;  no  doubt  ho 
still  regarded  him  as  the  hope  of  Israel ;  and  was  angry 
with  Yahweh — OT  ideas  of  reverence  were  more 
elastic  than  ours — and  spent  the  night  in  intercession, 
which  clearly  met  with  no  response.     In  the  morning 


he  set  out  to  look  for  Saul,  and  was  told  that  he  had 
gone  to  Carmol  ( 1 2 ),  a  place  to  the  S.  of  Hebron,  also  the 
scene  of  tho  Nabal  story,  not  the  Ijettor-known  Carmel 
on  the  coast.  Here  he  had  set  up  a  trophy  of  his 
victory,  and  had  gone  on  to  the  sanctuary  at  Gilgal 
to  sacrifice  thank-offerings  (21).  Samuel  followed  him 
and  was  met  by  Saul  with  a  profession  that  ho  had 
ftdfilled  his  commands.  He  explained  that  the  best 
of  the  cattle  had  been  reserved  for  sacrifice.  Such  a 
proceeding,  however,  would  not  have  been  entirely 
disinterested,  as  an  ordinary  sacrifice  was  a  feast,  and 
the  Amalekite  spoil  would  have  provided  a  magnifi- 
cent banquet.  Samuel  rejects  Saul's  excuses,  saying 
finally : 

Is  Y''ahwch   pleased  with  whole  burnt  offerings  and 
sacrifices 

As  with  obedience  to  the  voice  of  Yahweh  7 
Behold,  obedience  is  better  than  sacrifice. 

And  to  hearken  than  the  fat  of  rams. 
For  rebellion  is  as  the  sin  of  witchcraft. 

And  self-will  as  the  iniquity  of  teraphim. 
Because  thou  hast  rejected  the  word  of  Y''ahweh, 

He  hath  rejected  thee  from  being  king. 

This  oracle,  like  many  of  the  prophetic  utterances, 
is  given  in  tho  form  of  verse,  which  imparted  to  it  a 
special  solemnity.  It  summarises  much  of  the  teach- 
ing of  the  prophets  of  the  eighth  century — Amos, 
Hosea,  Isaiah,  Micah — teaching  which  was  repeatedly 
endorsed  by  their  successors  ;  m  true  religion  conduct 
and  character  come  before  the  external  obsers'ances  of 
worship,  especially  those  which  have  no  intrinsic 
spiritual  value.  The  cruelty  of  the  particular  act  of 
obedience  with  which  these  fines  are  associated  de- 
tracts from  their  impressiveness  ;  but  there  was  no 
question  of  humanity  at  issue  between  Saul  and 
Samuel ;  Saul  had  slain  men,  women,  and  children, 
and  the  writer  probably  means  us  to  understand  that 
he  had  spared  Agag  to  gratify  his  vanity  by  exhibitmg 
the  conquered  prince  as  his  captive.  If  the  document 
comes  from  the  closing  period  of  tho  Jewish  monarchy, 
men  were  not  only  under  the  influence  of  the  lofty 
teaching  of  the  prophets  ;  at  the  same  time  their 
feeings  were  embittered  towards  foreigners  by  the 
nithless  cruelties  they  had  so  often  experienced  at 
their  hands.  Dt.  gives  us  an  example  of  humanity 
towards  fellow-countrymen  combined  with  savage 
cruelty  towards  foreigners  (Dt.  72,  22i-4).  Saul's 
penitent  prayer  for  pardon  was  rejected,  and  he  was 
told  that  the  kingship  would  be  given  to  someone 
more  worthy. 

23.  teraphim :  Gen.  31 19,  p.  100.— 29.  the  Strength  ol 
Israel :  the  meaning  of  the  word  translated  "  Strength  " 
is  uncertain;  RVm  "Victory"  or  "Glory";  LXX. 
"  and  Israel  shall  be  rent  m  two." 

32-35.  Then  Samuel  executed  the  hcrcm  upon  Agag, 
howing  him  in  pieces  at  the  altar  at  Gilgal.  The  text, 
and  translation  of  32  are  uncertain ;  R'Vm  gives 
"  cheerfully  "  for  "  delicately,"  but  we  should  probably 
accept  the  rendering  of  ICC,  based  on  the  LXX,  "  And 
Agag  came  unto  him  trembling.  And  Agag  said. 
Surely  death  is  bittor." 

Then  Saul  and  Samuel  separated,  never  to  meet 
again,  though  Sanniel  mourned  for  SauL  In  I923 
Saul  comes  to  Samuel  at  Naioth,  but  this  of  course 
beloncs  to  a  different  document. 

XVI.  1-13.  Samuel  Anoints  David  (E^)  or  (R).— A 
l)etter  division  would  bo  in  the  middle  of  I535,  so  as 
to  begin  the  new  section  with  "  And  Yahweh  repented, 
etc,''  Many  authorities  regard  this  section  as  a  late, 
possibly  post-cxilio,  addition  ;  but  it  seems  the  natuial 


I.  SAMUEL,  XVII.  40-51 


281 


sequel  to  the  preceding  chapter,  and  may  probably  be 
referred  to  the  same  document. 

By  the  direction  of  Yahweh  Samuel  goes  to  Bethle- 
hem, ostensibly  to  sacrifice,  but  really  to  anoint  a  son 
of  Jesse  to  the  kingship.  He  sanctified  Jesse  and  his 
sons,  i.e.  he  made  them  perform  certain  ritual  acts, 
such  £is  washings.  At  the  sacrifice,  seven  sons  of 
Jesse  passed  before  Samuel,  but  Yahweh  gave  no  sign, 
then  David  was  sent  for,  and  came.  "  and  he  was 
niddy  [or  perhaps,  red-haired],  a  youth  with  beautiful 
eyes  and  comely,"  as  we  should  probably  read  and 
translate.  At  the  bidding  of  Yahweh,  Samuel  anointed 
him,  and  the  Spirit  of  Yahweh  leaped  upon  him. 

13.  David:  the  only  Biblical  character  bearing  this 
name  ;  the  etymology  is  uncertain  ;  the  name  may  be 
a  contraction  of  Dodavahu,  *"  Beloved  of  Yahweh,"  or 
"  Y'ahweh  is  beloved  "  (2  Ch.  2O37)  ;  or  it  may  be 
connected  with  a  deity :  an  Israelite  sanctuary  of 
DVDH,  E.  of  Jordan,  is  mentioned  on  the  Moabite 
Stone. 

XVI.  14-23.  David,  Sauls  Minstrel.— (J),  the  ancient 
narrative,  continues  I452.  The  earlier  and  more 
authentic  of  the  two  accounts  of  David's  introduction 
to  Saul  (c/.  1755ff.). 

Saul  became  possessed  with  some  form  of  recurrent 
mania,  which  the  primitive  combination  of  pathology 
and  theology  explained  by  saying  that  the  Spirit  of 
Yahweh  had  departed  from  him,  and  that  Yahweh 
had  sent  an  evil  spirit  to  torment  him  ;  so,  according 
to  Micaiah,  I  K.  2223,  Yahweh  put  a  lying  spirit  in 
the  mouth  of  Ahab's  prophets.  For  us  such  state- 
ments connect  themselves  with  the  problem  of  the 
relation  between  the  Divine  Omnipotence  and  the 
origin  of  e\'il,  but  here  they  show  that  the  Israelites 
did  not  yet  fully  understand  the  ethical  perfection  of 
God.  At  the  suggestion  of  his  courtiers,  Saul  seeks 
reUef  from  music,  and  sends  for  David,  a  skilful 
musician,  a  brave  and  experienced  warrior,  an  orator, 
a  man  of  fine  presence,  and  happy  in  the  favour  of 
Yahweh.  Saul  is  greatly  taken  with  David,  and  makes 
him  his  armourbearer.  WTien  his  spirit  is  troubled, 
he  obtains  relief  from  David's  music. 

18.  a  mighty  man  of  valour  and  a  man  of  war: 
HK  and  Cent.B  propose  to  omit  these  words  as  irrele- 
vant in  an  enumeration  of  the  qualifications  of  a 
minstrel,  and  because  the  post  of  armourbearer  would 
have  been  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  "'  man  of  war." 
Neither  consideration  is  cogent ;  the  clause  is  a  general 
panegyric,  and  to  be  the  royal  armourbearer  would  be 
a  post  of  importance.  The  omission  would  lessen  the 
discrepancy  with  ITssff.,  and  so  far  it  is  tempting  ; 
but  this  kind  of  temptation  should  be  resisted. — 20. 
an  ass  laden  with  bread:   read  "  ten  loaves  of  bread." 

XVII.  1-XVlII.  5.  David  and  Goliath  (E,  with  addi- 
tions by  R). — In  this  section  two  narratives  seem  to 
have  been  interwoven.  For  the  sake  of  convenience, 
•we  may  denote  one  set  of  passages  by  (A),  and  the 
other  by  (B),  thus  : 

(A)  171-11,32-54. 

(B)  1712-31,  I755-I85. 

The  (B)  passages,  together  with  I741  and  50,  are 
omitted  by  very  many  MSS.  of  the  LXX,  including 
the  very  important  Vatican  Codex.  (A)  by  itself 
would  form  a  complete  narrative,  and  would  not 
present  any  very  glaring  inconsistencies  with  the 
previous  chapters  (c/.,  however,  below),  (B),  even 
with  the  addition  of  I741  and  50,  could  hardly  be  read 
as  a  complete  narrative. 

Two  explanations  have  been  given  of  these  facta  : 
(i)  Apart  from  minor  textual   changes,   the  whole 
section,  I71-I85,  belongs  together  and  wa.s  taken  from 


the  same  document.  The  (B)  passages  were  omitted 
by  LXX  on  account  of  the  contradiction  between 
them  and  I610-23,  In  IGioff.,  David  is  a  member  of 
the  court,  in  favour  with  Saul,  and  known  to  Saul 
and  his  courtiers  ;  in  (B)  David  is  introduced  as  if  he 
had  not  been  mentioned  Ixjfore  (I712-15),  and  neither 
Saul  nor  Abner  knows  anything  about  him. 

The  objection  to  this  view  is  that  such  omissions 
"  imply  a  critical  insight  which  we  cannot  suppose  in 
the  translators  " — their  treatment  of  the  text  else- 
where does  not  suggest  that  they  possessed  such  in- 
sight. Moreover,  LXX  makes  similar  omissions  in 
the  next  section,  where  it  seems  clear  that  they  are 
following  a  Hebrew  original  and  not  improving  the 
story  to  suit  their  own  critical  judgment. 

We  should,  therefore,  prefer  : 

(ii)  That  (B)  was  added  to  the  Hebrew  text  from 
some  document  other  than  that  from  which  (A)  was 
taken,  and  may  be  classed  as  R. 

It  remains  to  consider  the  origui  of  (A)  and  (B) 
resjjectively. 

The  simplest  and  most  obvious  view,  is  that  (A)  ia 
from  the  ancient  narrative,  and  continues  I623.  The 
difficulty  is  that  David  is  spoken  of  as  a  youth,  and 
apparently  as  unaccustomed  to  armour  (I733,  3S,  40,42), 
whereas  in  16i8,2i,  he  is  an  experienced  warrior, 
and  an  armourbearer.  It  may  be  possible  to  reconcile 
these  verses,  especially  if  we  omit  "  a  mighty  man  of 
valour  and  a  man  of  war  "  in  I618,  but  most  authorities 
refer  (A)  and  I610-23  to  different  sources,  (A)  being 
from  a  secondary  source  (E)  (c/.  p.  273).  In  2  S.  21 19, 
it  said  that  Elhanan  slew  Goliath, 

(B),  as  we  have  said,  is  not  a  complete  story.  It  ia 
probably  taken  from  another  independent  source,  the 
rest  of  which  is  lost ;  it  would  probably  be  of  late  date. 

These  facts  are  important  as  showing  that  either 
the  Hebrew  text  was  substantially  modified  after  LXX 
was  made,  or  that  as  late  as  that  time  different 
Heb.  MSS.  presented  substantial  differences. 

41  and  50  should  perhaps  be  included  in  (B),  or  they 
may  be  independent  editorial  insertions,  as  is  54. 

XVII,  1-11.  There  was  again  war  with  the  Philis- 
tines; the  opposing  armies  were  encamped  opposite 
each  other,  probably  rather  more  than  half-way 
from  Bethlehem  to  Gath,  when  Goliath  made  his 
challenge. 

4.  six  cubits  and  a  span :  about  9  ft.  6  in. — 5.  Ave 
thousand  shekels:   probably  about  220  lb. 

12-15.  David  is  introduced  in  a  brief  notice. 

17-31.  Jesse  sends  David  to  the  army  :  he  hears 
Goliath's  challenge,  and  learns  that  if  any  man  kills 
him,  the  king  will  reward  the  victor  by  giving  him  his 
daughter  with  a  large  dowr\>  and  will  exempt  his 
kinsfolk  from  taxes  and  tithes  and  forced  labour. 
Eliab,  David's  eldest  brother,  rebukes  his  presumption 
in  meddling  in  these  high  matters — apparently  David's 
manner  suggested  that  he  might  accept  the  challenge. 
David's  answer  is  not  clear ;  perhaps  it  should  run, 
"  What  have  I  now  done  ?  Is  it  not  a  matter  of  import- 
ance ?  "  David  continued  his  excited  talk  to  all  and 
sundry,  and  at  last  they  took  him  to  the  king  (so  im- 
portant LXX  MSS.,  instead  of  "  and  he  sent  for  him  "). 

32-39.  David  induces  Saul  to  allow  him  to  fight 
Goliath,  and  Saul  clothes  him  with  his  own  armour 
(so  better  than  "  apparel."  The  last  clause  of  38, 
"  and  he  clad,  etc.,"  may  be  omitted  with  LXX). 
But  David  found  that  Saul's  arms  and  armour  embar- 
ras-sed  him,  and  put  them  off. 

40-51.  So  he  went  to  meet  Goliath,  armed  only 
with  a  sling  and  stones.  After  an  interchange  of 
taunts,  David  brought  down  GoUath  with  a  shot  from 


282 


I.  SAMUEL,  XVII.  40-51 


hie  sling,  and  then  out  off  his  head  witli  his  own 
(Goliath's)  sword.     Tho  PhiUstinea  tied. 

52-54.  Tho  IsracUtcs  pui-sue  aa  far  as  Gath  (not  Gai) 
and  Ekron,  and  then  return  and  spoil  their  camp. 
54  is  apparently  a  very  late  addition.  Jerusalora  was 
still  in  the  hands  of  the  Jobusitcs,  and  aa  David  had 
only  just  arrived  from  Bethlehem,  ho  would  have  no 
tent. 

55.-XVIII.  5.  Saul  finds  out  who  David  is,  and 
makes  him  one  of  his  captains.  It  can  hardly  be 
meant  that  ho  took  the  place  of  Abner  as  commander- 
in-chief,  but  the  author  may  write  in  a  rhetorical  vein 
and  ignore  the  actual  circumstances.  Jonathan  forms 
a  passionate  friendship  for  David- 

[3f.  Tho  covenant  seems  to  bo  actually  formed  by 
this  investiture  of  David  with  Jonathan's  clothes 
and  weapons.  The  clothes  are,  so  to  speak,  impreg- 
nated with  the  personality  of  the  wearer ;  there  is  thus 
an  actual  physical  bond  cr&ated  between  the  original 
wearer  and  his  successor.  David  carries  about  with 
him  always  soractlung  of  Jonathan's  personaUty. 
This  physical  contact,  which  in  other  forms  plays  a 
large  part  in  covenants,  is  doubled  if  there  is  an  ex- 
change of  garments.  Nothing  is  said  of  such  an 
exchange  here,  and  David,  of  course,  had  no  weapons. 
Cf.  RS«.  p.  335.— A.  S.  P.] 

XVIII.  6-9.  Saul's  Jealousy  (J). — The  victors,  as 
they  return,  are  greeted  by  the  women  with  songs  and 
dances  ;  Saul's  jealousy  is  aroused  because  David's 
achievements  are  spoken  of  as  greater  than  his. 

XVIII.  10-XIX.  17.— Sauls  Plots  against  David. 
Compiled  from  various  sources. 

lOf.  (R).  Saul  makes  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to 
kill  David.  A  premature  duplicate  of  IQgf.  The 
verses  are  omitted  by  tlie  LXX  MSS  which  omit  (B) 
in  I71-I85,  and  will  be  from  the  same  source  as  (B). 
I2ff.  is  the  natural  sequel  to  9. 

12-16  (J).  Saul  alarmed  at  David's  popularity,  re- 
moves him  from  court  and  gives  him  a  military  com- 
mand. David's  behaviour  and  success  ingratiate  him 
with  the  people 

12.  Omit,  "  because  the  Lord  .  .  .  Saul  "  with 
Vatican  LXX. 

17-19  (E  ?).  A  variant  of  tho  next  section,  of  un- 
certain origin,  omitted  by  Vatican  LXX.  To  stimu- 
late Davids  warlike  ardour,  Saul  offers  him  liis  elder 
daughter  Merab,  but  eventually  gives  her  to  Adricl 
(c/.  2  S.  218). 

18.  life:    rather  as  RVm,  "  kinsfolk." 

20-30  (J).  Michal,  Saul's  daughter,  loves  David. 
Saul  offers  her  to  him  on  condition  that  he  slays 
100  Philistines  ;  in  the  hope  that  ho  will  be  slain  in 
the  attempt.  David  accomplishes  the  task  and 
marries  Michal. 

25.  dowry:  rather  the  price  paid  by  a  man  for  a  wife. — 
27.  two  hundred :  Vatican  LXX,  "  one  hundred  "  (c/.  2  S. 
3i4,.— 29b,  30.  Omitted  by  Vatican  LXX,  late  addi- 
tion. 

XIX.  1-7  (E).  Saul  bids  Jonathan  and  his  followers 
slay  David,  but  Jonathan  brings  about  a  reconciliation. 

8-17  (E).  It  is  uncertain  whether  11-17  is  the 
sequel  of  8-10,  or  comes  from  a  different  source.  In 
any  case  the  whole  of  8-17  probably  belongs  to  the 
ancient  tradition. 

Saul  tries  to  kill  David,  but  David  escapes.  Saul 
has  his  house  watched,  but  Michal  lets  him  down 
through  the  window  and  he  escapes.  She  deceives 
Saul's  messengers,  by  placing  in  the  bo<l  a  dummy 
David,  constnicted  out  of  tho  family  toraphim  (p.  100), 
with  something — it  is  not  clear  what — for  a  pillow,  and 
covering  it  up  with  a  garment.     ICC  suggests  that  the 


Israelites,  like  tho  modem  Arabs,  may  have  covered 
their  heads  when  they  went  to  sleep. 

XIX.  18-24.  David  at  Ramah  (R).— Of  uncertain 
origin,  probably  lato.     Partly  parallel  to  lOioff. 

David  takes  refuge  with  Samuel  at  "  Naioth  "  in 
Ramah.  "  Naioth  "  is  apparently  not  a  proper  name, 
but  if  it  is  not,  its  meaning  is  quite  unknown.  It  has 
been  conjectured  that  it  may  have  been  the  quarter 
of  tho  town  inhabited  by  the  prophets.  The  conta- 
gious nature  of  this  ecstatic  prophecy  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that,  first  Saul's  messengers,  and  then  Saul  him- 
self, are  seized  by  it  when  they  come  to  Naioth.  [For 
246  cf.  lOiif.,  another  story  as  to  the  origin  of  tho 
proverb. — A.  S.  P.] 

XX.  David  and  Jonathan  (J).— 20  has  no  obvious 
connexion  with  any  of  tho  preceding  or  following 
sections  :  "  And  David  fled  from  Naioth  in  Ramah," 
is  an  editorial  iasertion  to  connect  this  section  with 
the  preceding  after  the  events  narrated  in  19i-i7, 
Jonathan  could  hardly  assure  David  that  Saul  would 
not  kill  him,  and  that  ho  was  privy  to  all  his  father's 
plans.  Similarly  the  Uteral  translation  of  21 1  is  "  And 
David  came,  etc."  20  is  probably  an  extract  from 
an  early  document,  but  the  editor  has  omitted  its 
context  and  supplied  the  gaps  from  other  sources. 

1-10.  David  tells  Jonathan  that  he  is  convinced  that 
Saul  seeks  his  life.  They  arrange  that  Jonathan  shall 
test  Saul's  intentions.  To-morrow  is  the  feast  of  the 
new  moon  ;  in  the  natural  course  of  things,  David 
would  be  amongst  tho  king's  guests,  but  saith  he,  "  I 
will  not  sit  with  the  king  at  meat,'"  so  LXX;  "  let  me 
go  that  I  may  hide  myself  in  the  field  until  the  even- 
ing," so  LXX.  Jonathan  will  gather  Saul's  intentions 
from  what  he  says  about  David's  absence  ;  but  how 
will  David  know  ? 

11-17  (E).  An  insertion  from  another  parallel 
narrative,  probably  also  early.  There  is  no  reason 
why  the  conversation  should  be  interrupted  that  they 
may  "  go  out  into  tho  field." 

Jonathan  promises  to  tell  David  his  father's  inten- 
tions. At  Jonathan's  request,  David  swears  that  if 
he  becomes  king,  ho  will  show  favour  to  Jonathan's 
family. 

18-23  (J).  Continues  10;  perhaps  18  is  an  editorial 
addition. 

Jonathan  arranges  that  on  tho  thurd  day  David  shall 
be  "  by  yonder  heap  of  stones,"  so  LXX,  not  "  by 
the  stone  Ezel."  Jonathan  will  come  with  a  boy,  as 
if  to  practise  archery ;  by  his  words  to  tho  boy,  he 
will  give  the  desired  information. 

24-34  (J).  Continues  23. 

Accordingly,  at  tho  feast,  Jonathan,  sitting  opposite 
his  father  (so  LXX,  not  "  stood  up '"),  watches  to  see 
what  Saul  will  say  as  to  David's  absence.  The  first 
day,  Saul  thinks  he  is  kept  away  by  some  ceremonial 
uncleanness,  but  the  next  day,  ho  asks  Jonathan  for 
an  explanation.  He  gives  the  reply  agreed  upon  be- 
tween himself  and  David  :  Da^'^d  s  family  are  holding 
their  annual  sacrifice  at  Bethlehem.  Such  a  sacrifice 
would  bo  a  great  banquet  and  reunion,  at  which  every 
member  of  the  family  would  be  expected  to  be  present, 
if  it  were  in  any  way  possible.  The  new  moon  (p.  101) 
would  be  a  natural  occa.sion  for  such  a  function:  obvi- 
ously tho  writer  has  no  idea  that  it  is  lawful  to  offer 
sacrifices  only  at  a  single  central  sanctuary.  Saul 
bursts  into  a  passion,  abuses  David  and  Jonathan, 
insinuating  that  Jonathan  is  not  his  son,  and 
throws  a  spoar  at  him,  so  that  he  leaves  the  table  in 
anger. 

29.  my  brother:  read,  "my  brethren"  with 
Vatican  LXX. 


I.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  14-18 


283 


86-42  (J).  The  next  morning,  Jonathan  gives  David 
the  signal  agreed  upon.  Afterwards  he  dismisses  his 
attendant  and  takes  personal  leave  of  David,  who 
arose  from  the  heap  of  stones,  where  he  had  hidden 
(c/.  19,  so  Vatican  LXX),  not "  out  of  a  place  toward  the 
south."  According  to  many,  40-42  are  an  editorial 
addition  ;  the  elaborate  arrangements  for  the  signal 
would  not  have  been  necessary,  if  it  had  been  safe  for 
the  friends  to  have  a  personal  interview. 

XXI.  David  at  Nob  and  Gath.— 1-9  (J).  From  one 
of  the  ancient  documents ;  it  is  not  clear  which  of  the 
previous  sections  finds  its  sequel  here.  It  is  often 
connected  with  19i7  :  if  this  is  right,  David  fled  straight 
from  his  own  house  to  Nob.  It  is  likely  that  originally 
stories  of  single  episodes  of  David's  adventures  circu- 
lated separately  by  oral  tradition  or  otherwise,  not 
forming  a  connected  narrative.  When  they  were  col- 
lected, different  editors  might  arrange  and  connect 
them  in  different  ways. 

David  fled  to  Nob  to  Ahimelech  the  priest.  Nob 
was  probably  a  little  N.  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  way  from 
Gibeah  to  Bethlehem.  According  to  229  Ahimelech 
was  the  son  of  Ahitub,  and  therefore  (I43)  the  great- 
grandson  of  Eli.  Probably  Ahijah  (I43)  and  Ahime- 
lech are  equivalent  names  of  the  same  person,  the 
Divine  title  Melech,  "  king,"  replacing  the  Divine 
name  Jah.  In  LXX  this  priest  appears  as  Ahimelech, 
and  in  Mk.  £26  as  Abiathar.  Ahimelech  is  usually  the 
father  of  Abiathar,  but  in  2  S.  817,  we  have  Ahimelech, 
the  son  of  Abiathar ;  facts  which  illustrate  the 
tendency  to  an  inaccurate  transmission  of  names  ;  a 
tendency  not  confined  to  the  Bible.  The  LXX  has 
Ahimelech  here.  The  genealogies  imply  that  after  the 
destruction  of  the  sanctuary  at  Shiloh,  (p.  277),  its 
priesthood  migrated  to  Nob.  They  no  longer  had 
charge  of  the  Ark  (7i). 

David  appeared  before  Ahimelech  alone,  unarmed, 
and  without  provisions,  showing  in  his  person  the 
signs  of  sudden  departure  and  hurried  flight ;  all  of 
■which  would  be  explained  by  precipitate  descent  from 
a  house  beset  by  enemies.  Ahimelech  is  startled  to 
see  the  foremost  captain  of  his  day,  the  king's  son-in- 
law,  in  this  plight.  David  asks  for  food  ;  the  priest  can 
only  offer  him  the  shewbread  (Lev.  245-9"') ;  but  he  is 
willing  to  give  him  this,  if  he  and  the  companions,  whom 
David  has  invented  for  the  occasion,  are  ceremonially 
clean.  David  reassures  him  on  this  point,  entering 
into  technical  details  which  we  cannot  altogether 
understand,  partly  because  both  text  and  translation 
are  uncertain.  David  also  obtained  Goliath's  sword, 
which  was  kept  behind  the  ephod  (here  again  some- 
thing standing  by  itself  and  not  a  garment ;  cf.  p.  275). 
All  this  was  witnessed  by  Doeg,  one  of  Saul's  officers. 
The  nature  of  Doeg's  office  is  uncertain,  owing  to 
doubtful  text  and  translation  :  alternatives  are,  "  chief 
of  the  herdmen,  muleherd,  chief  of  the  runners."  He 
•was  detained  before  Yahweh,  i.e.  he  had  to  remain  in 
the  sanctuary  for  some  time  in  order  to  undergo 
purificatory  rites — spiritual  quarantine. 

10-15.  David  at  Gath. — Another  anecdote,  of  un- 
certain origin  and  not  connected  with  its  present  con- 
text :  it  is  a  premature  duplicate  of  27if.  It  is 
commonly  regarded  as  a  late  addition  ;  possibly  the 
sequel  of  I918-24,  and  by  the  same  hand.  "  The  con- 
ception of  the  author  who  could  put  the  question  [Is 
not  this  David,  the  king  of  the  land  ?]  into  the 
mouth  of  the  Philistines  at  this  date  is  naively  un- 
historical  "  (ICC). 

David  floes  to  the  court  of  Achish,  king  of  Gath  : 
fearing  the  vengeance  of  the  Philistines,  he  feigns 
madness,  taking  advantage  of  the  fact  that  in  the  East 


then,  as  now,  lunatics  were  respected  as  inspired. — 
13.  scrabbled:    scrawled;    LXX  has  "  drummed." 

XXII.  David  at  Adullam  and  Moab:  Massacre  at 
Nob  (J). — The  series  of  narratives  in  ch.  22  may  very 
well  come  from  the  same  ancient  document,  and  be 
the  continuation  of  21 1-9. 

If.  David  takes  refuge  at  Adullam  (p.  31),  about  12 
miles  SW.  of  Bethlehem :  he  is  joined  by  his  clan  and 
by  various  unsatisfactory  characters,  to  the  number 
of  about  400,  i.e.  he  becomes  a  captain  of  bandits. 

3-5.  David  takes  his  father  and  mother  for  safety  to 
the  king  of  Moab  at  Mizpeh  (not  identified).  Accord- 
ing to  Ru.  42if.,  David's  great-grandmother  was  a 
Moabitess,  Ruth.  The  prophet  Gad  (cf.  2  S.  24ii, 
1  Ch.  2929)  appears,  and  bids  David  leave  Mizpeh  and 
return  to  Judah — probably  so  with  Syr.,  instead  of, 
"  Abide  not  in  the  hold,"  i.e.  Adullam,  as  the  latter 
was  in  Judah. 

6-23  (J).  Saul  is  sitting  in  state  at  Gibeah,  under 
a  tree  on  the  height  (so  with  RVm,  not  "  in  Ramah  "), 
with  his  spear  sceptre-wise  in  his  hand,  and  his  ofiScers 
and  courtiers  about  him  ;  he  hears  from  Doeg  what 
has  happened  at  Nob.  Ho  sends  for  the  priests,  and 
charges  Ahimelech  with  treason.  The  priest  protests 
that  in  helping  the  king's  son-in-law,  the  commander 
of  his  bod5'guard  (HK  ;  or  chief  of  his  subjects,  ICC, 
v/ith  LXX,  not  "  and  is  taken  into  thy  council  "),  he 
thought  he  was  serving  a  loyal  servant  of  the  king, 
and,  therefore,  the  king  himself.  Nevertheless,  Saul 
bids  his  guard  slay  the  priests  ;  but  they  refused, 
regarding  their  persons  as  sacred.  However,  a  similar 
command  to  the  Edomite  Doeg  was  obeyed,  and  Doeg 
slew  eighty-five  priests  who  could  work  the  ephod- 
oracle  ;  only  Abiathar,  one  of  the  sons  of  Ahimelech, 
escaped  and  fled  to  David.  Doubtless  Saul  would 
still  have  priests  of  his  own,  but  the  story  does  not 
mention  them,  and  the  primitive  tradition  in  its  extant 
form  attaches  special  importance  to  the  house  of  Eli. 

18.  that  did  wear  a  linen  ephod :  so  RV,  rendering 
the  Heb.  text,  which  makes  the  ephod  here  the  priestly 
garment  (218"") ;  the  above  follows  the  LXX. — 19.  Saul 
subjects  Nob  to  the  herem  (see  pp.  99,  114).  Some 
regard  this  verse  as  a  late  addition. 

XXin.  David  Escapes  from  Saul  (J). 

1-13.  David  hears  that  the  Philistines  are  raiding 
the  territory  of  Keilah  (p.  31),  a  httle  S.  of  Adullam. 
He  ascertains  by  oracles,  probably  using  the  ephod 
and  the  Urim  and  Thummim  (pp.  lOOf.),  that  Yahweh 
approves  of  his  going  to  the  rescue  ;  he  thus  overcomes 
the  reluctance  of  his  men.  The  expedition  is  entirely 
successful,  but  the  ungrateful  citizens  of  Keilah  offered 
to  surrender  David  and  his  men  to  Saul.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  this  troop  of  bandits,  now  grown  to  600, 
had  quartered  themselves  on  Keilah,  and  were  treating 
it  as  a  conquered  cit}'.  It  would  be  interesting  to  hear 
the  story  from  the  point  of  view  of  Keilah  ;  they  may 
have  felt  that  this  act  of  treachery  was  the  only  way 
of  getting  rid  of  an  intolerable  burden.  David,  how- 
ever, heard  rumotirs,  which  were  confirmed  by  the 
oracle,  and  left  the  place  ;  so  the  scheme  was  frustrated. 
It  is  possible  that  the  whole  affair,  oracle  and  all,  was 
a  device  to  induce  David  to  leave  the  city,  and  that 
there  waa  no  real  intention  of  delivering  him  up  to 
Saul. 

6.  Perhaps  a  later  insertion,  to  explain  the  presence 
of  the  ephod  in  9. 

14-18.  Continually  hunted  by  Saul,  David  comes  to 
Choresh,  in  the  wilderness  of  Ziph,  S.  of  Hebron,  in 
fear  of  his  life.  Jonathan  visits  him  and  '"  strengthens 
his  hand  in  God,''  i.e.  encourages  him  by  a^urances 
of  Divine  favour. 


284 


I.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  15 


15.  saw  that:  rather"  feared  because.'' — 151.  wood: 
better,  as  a  proper  name,  Choresh. 

19-29.  Under  the  guidance  of  the  Ziphites,  Saul 
pursues  David,  and  is  on  the  point  of  capturing  him, 
when  he  is  recalled  by  the  news  of  a  Philistine  invasion. 
David  goes  to  Engedi,  "  the  fountain  of  the  kid," 
about  half-wav  along  the  W.  coast  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

19.  Jeshlmoii:  (/«f/.)  Nu.  21 20,  p. 31.— 23.  thousands: 
famihes. — 24.  wilderness  of  Maon :  part  of  the  wilder- 
ness of  Judah. — Arabah:  tiie  valley  extending  along 
the  Jordan,  the  Dead  Sea,  and  southward. — 28.  Sela- 
hammahlekoth :  the  better  rendering  is  "  liock  of 
Divisions,"  perhaps  in  reference  to  Saul  having  been 
divided,  or  separated,  from  Da^Tid. 

XXIV.  David  Spares  Saul  at  Engedi  (E).— Chs.  24 
and  2t)  give  two  versions  of  the  same  story,  located 
at  different  places.  Probably  both  versions  are  early. 
It  is  not  clear  which  is  the  earlier,  but  it  is  often 
considered  that  26  has  the  more  primitive  flavour.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  either  story  has  been 
developed  from  the  other ;  they  are  probably  inde- 
pendent developments  from  the  actual  facts. 

1-7.  Saul  resumes  the  pursuit  of  David  ;  under  the 
stress  of  a  necessity  of  nature,  he  goes  alone  into  a 
cave,  in  the  recesses  of  which  David  and  his  men  are 
hidden.  His  followers  urge  him  to  slay  Saul,  but  he 
contents  himself  with  secretly  cutting  off  the  skirt  of 
his  robe  ;  and  even  then  he  has  qualms  of  conscience 
as  to  taking  this  liberty  with  "  his  master,  the  Anointed 
of  Yahweh."     Saul  goes  out,  unconscious  of  his  danger. 

8-15.  David  calls  after  Saul,  tells  him  what  has 
happened,  and  protests  his  innocence. 

14.  Commonly  regarded  as  an  editorial  addition. 

16-22.  Saul  is  touched,  and  acknowledges  David's 
consistent  loyalty,  of  which  his  recent  conduct  has 
been  the  climax.  He  induces  David  to  swear  that 
when  he  becomes  king  he  will  not  put  to  death  Sauls 
family.     They  separate. 

XXV.  la,  (to  '  Ramah  ").  Death  and  Burial  ol 
Samuel.     (An  editorial  addition.) 

1.  in  his  house :    in  the  grounds  belonging  to  it. 

XXV.  lb-44.  David,  Nabal.  and  Abigail  (J).— From 
one  of  the  oldest  sources.  The  story  is  complete  in 
itself,  and  has  no  obvious  connexion  with  any  of  the 
other  sections. 

lb-13.  David  goes  to  the  ■wilderness  of  Paran  at 
the  S.  of  the  Arabah  (2824*).  (Some  read  "Maon" 
for  "  Paran  "  with  LXX.)  At  Carmel  ( 15i2*)  there  was 
a  wealthy  sheikh,  Nabal,  a  member  of  the  clan  Caleb, 
whose  headquarters  were  at  Hebron  (Jg.  I20).  It  is 
possible  that  the  clan  was  not  yet  reckoned  as  part  of 
Israel  Ho  had  a  beautiful  and  sensible  wife,  Abigail  ; 
he  himself  was  an  Ul-behaved  churl,  in  fact  a  cur — 
Caleb  means  "  dog."  He  was  sheepshearing,  an  occa- 
sion for  fea8ting(  p.  1 01 ).  David  heard  of  it,  and  as  he  had 
protected  Nabal's  flocks  and  herds  from  other  bandits, 
when  they  were  grazing  on  the  outlying  pastures,  he 
felt  that  the  time  had  come  when  he  should  be  re- 
warded. He  sent  a  courteous  request  that  ho  and  his 
followers  should  bo  allowed  to  share  in  the  "  good 
day,"  i.e.  the  feast,  and  in  anticipation  of  a  generous 
response,  he  sent  ten  young  men.  Nabal  replied  that 
there  wore  plenty  of  runaway  slaves  about,  and  ho 
was  not  going  to  give  them  the  food  ho  had  pro 
pared  for  his  shearers.  On  the  receipt  of  the  message, 
David  set  out  for  Nabal's  house  with  400  armed 
men. 

14-19.  But  one  of  Nabal's  men  told  Abigail  what 
had  hapiwned.  He  dared  not  remonstrate  with  his 
master  on  account  of  his  evil  temper.  Abigail 
promptly  prepared  a  generous  present,  and  set  out  to 


meet  Da\'id,  sending  the  present  on  in  front.  She  said 
nothing  to  her  husband. 

17.  son  of  Belial:  Dt.  1313*,  Pr.  612*.— 18.  bottles: 
skins. — measure:  seah,  a  third  of  an  ephah,  which 
latter  probably  contained  about  8|  gallons. 

20-35.  Abigail  met  David  coming  with  the  expressed 
intention  of  slajring  every  male  of  Nabal's  household. 
She  alighted  and  offered  him  the  homage  due  from  a 
subject  to  a  prince.  Lot  him  leave  Nabal  out  of 
account,  as  an  ill-natured  fool,  and  regard  her  as  the 
guilty  party,  so  that  he  may  accept  apology  and  com- 
pensation from  her.  "  Yahweh,"  she  says,  "  is  pre- 
paring a  great  future  for  David  as  the  issue  of  his 
present  troubles.  The  life  that  Saul  threatens  will 
be  preserved  among  the  hving,  treasured  by  Yahweh 
with  His  most  precious  possessions  ;  while  his  enemies 
will  be  hurled  out  of  life,  Uke  a  stone  out  of  a  sUng. 
Let  not  that  happy  future  be  clouded  by  the  guUb 
of  shedding  innocent  blood."  David  accepted  the 
present,  and  desisted  from  his  purpose. 

31.  grief:  the  word  so  translated  occurs  only  here, 
and  its  meaning  is  not  certain  ;  BDB  "  staggering  " 
(c/.  7)ig.),  fig.  '"for  qualm  of  conscience." — offence  of 
heart:  lit.  stumbUng-block,  etc.,  i.e.  as  BDB,  "ground 
for  remorse." 

36-44.  Meanwhile  Nabal  had  been  holding  a  royal 
feast,  and  by  the  time  Abigail  got  back,  he  was  too 
drunk  to  be  told  what  had  happened.  When  his  wife 
told  him  in  the  morning,  he  had  a  stroke  ;  a  second 
stroke,  ten  daj's  later,  killed  him  ;  or,  as  it  is  put, 
"  Yahweh  smote  him."  David  sent  Abigail  an  offer 
of  marriage  which  she  accepted.  According  to  ICC, 
widows  remarry  in  the  East  without  much  delay. 
David  had  already  married  AJiinoam  of  Jezreel  in 
Judah,  near  the  southern  Carmel.  VThen  David  fled, 
Saul  gave  Michal  to  a  certain  Phalti  of  Gallim,  between 
Gibeali  and  Jerusalem. 

41.  This  must  not  be  taken  literally  ;  it  need  not 
denote  excessive  humility,  but  may  bo  largely  con- 
ventional etiquette. — 42.  The  damsels  walked  behind 
their  mistress. — 44.  Probably  David's  outlawry  dis- 
solved the  marriage  according  to  current  custom. 

XXVI.  David  Spares  Saul  in  the  Wilderness  of  Ziph 
(J). — From  one  of  the  oldest  sources  (c/.  on  ch.  24). 

1-12.  if.  repeats  briefly  the  substance  and  part  of 
the  wording  of  2319-25  :  David  is  in  the  wilderness  of 
Ziph,  and  Saul  pursues  him.  But  instead  of  the  sequel 
given  in  23,  we  have  another  version  of  the  story  in 
24  of  David's  generous  treatment  of  Saul. 

David  learns  that  Saul  is  again  pursuing  him  and 
is  in  his  immediate  neighbourhood  :  "  of  a  certainty  " 
is  clearly  wrong,  and  RVm,  "  to  a  set  place,"  is  not 
much  more  likely.  There  may  be  a  scribal  error,  and 
the  name  of  a  place  may  have  stood  here  originally. 

David  went  to  see  for  himself,  and  found  Saul  and 
his  followers  in  a  camp  protected  by  a  circle  of  baggage- 
wagons — a  "  laager."  He  returned  to  his  own  men  to 
find  someone  to  accompany  him  in  an  expedition  into 
Saul's  camp  ;  he  offered  the  opportunity  to  Ahimelooh 
the  Hittite  (cf.  Gen.  152o),  and  to  Abishai,  one  of  the 
Bi^no  Zeruiah :  Abishai  volunteered  to  go.  They 
reached  the  camp  and  found  Saul  and  all  his  people 
asleep.  Abishai  proposed  to  slay  the  king,  but  David 
refused,  and  they  went  away,  taking  with  them  the 
spear  and  pitcher  of  water  which  had  been  beside  the 
sleeping  king  ;  the  spear  stuck  in  the  ground,  probably 
as  a  sign  of  the  royal  authority.  Meanwhile  nobody 
had  wakened,  because  Yahweh  had  east  them  into  a 
supernatural  tranoo,  such  as  Ho  had  caused  to  fall 
upon  Adam  (Gen.  221)  while  Ho  was  constructing  Eve 
out  of  one  of  his  ribs. 


I.  SAMUEL,  XXX.  17 


286 


13-20.  David,  having  got  far  enough  off,  mounted 
an  eminence  and  shouted,  calling  on  Abner  by  name. 
Wiien  he  replied,  David  taunted  him  with  his  lax 
guard  of  his  master.  When  Saul  intervened,  David 
protested  against  Saul's  persecution.  David  spoke, 
of  course,  according  to  the  primitive  religious  ideas  of 
the  time  and  place.  They  may  seem  strange  to  us, 
but  they  were  perfectly  natural  to  the  speaker  and  his 
hearers.  What  could  have  led  an  honourable  man 
like  Saul  to  be  guilty  of  this  cruel  injustice  ?  Perhaps 
it  was  the  evil  spirit  from  Yahweh  ;  His  dealings  were 
often  arbitrary  and  unaccountable,  "  His  ways  past 
finding  out  "  ;  no  one  knew  what  might  please  or  dis- 
please Him.  Possibly  He  had  taken  offence  at  some- 
thing that  David  had  done  quite  innocently.  But,  if 
so.  He  could  be  conciliated  by  an  offering,  and  then 
He  would  set  Saul  free  from  the  delusion  under  which 
He  had  caused  him  to  labour.  But  possibly  the  king 
had  been  misled  by  mere  human  slanderers  ;  if  so, 
may  He  curse  them,  for  they  had  deprived  David  of 
his  God,  and  Yahweh  of  a  faithful  and  important 
servant.  How  could  one  worship  Him,  away  from 
His  own  land?  [ — any  more  than  one  could  attend 
Protestant  services  in  a  country  where  there  were  only 
Romanist  churches].  Let  Yahweh  see  to  it.  David 
had  been  careful  to  imply  that  no  blame  could  rest  on 
the  king,  but  Saul  acknowledges  that  he  has  been  in 
the  wrong.    David  returns  the  spear,  and  they  separate. 

6.  Zeruiah:  Abishai,  Asahel,  and  Joab  are  called 
"  sons  of  Zeruiah."  According  to  1  Ch.  2i6,  Zeruiah 
was  the  sister  of  David.  The  mother's  name  may  be 
given  instead  of  the  father's  because  of  her  relationship 
to  David,  or  because  the  father  was  a  foreigner  and 
did  not  count  (ICC).  The  relationship  to  David  would 
explain  the  distinguished  part  played  by  this  family 
during  his  reign.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  curious  that 
the  relationship  is  never  referred  to  except  in  Ch., 
which  is  often  of  very  slight  authority. — 19f.  C/.  2  K.  5 
17,  where  Naaman  needs  two  mules'  burden  of  earth 
from  the  land  of  Yahweh,  apparently  in  order  that  he 
may  build  an  altar  to  Yahweh  ;  so  here,  to  die  outside 
the  territory  of  Israel  is  to  die  "  away  from  the 
presence  of  Yahweh." — 20.  flea:  a  mistaken  coixec- 
tion  from  24i4  ;  read,  "  my  life  "  (so  LXX). 

XXVII.  1-XXVIII.  2.  David  at  Gath  (J).— Sequel  to 
2625  (c/.  21 10-15). 

1-6.  As  a  last  resource  David  takes  refuge  at  Gath. 

6.  Ziklag:    Jos.  I531. 

7-12.  This  paragraph  does  not  simply  give  an 
account  of  a  single  epLsode,  but  describes  David's 
habitual  occupation  during  this  period.  He  made  raids 
upon  the  heathen  tribes  to  the  S.  of  Judah,  the  in- 
habitants of  the  land  from  Telam  (so  Driver  and  others, 
with  some  LXX  MSS.,  for  "  of  old  ")  to  the  borders 
of  Egypt.  These  were  hostile  to  Israel,  so  that  David 
was  fighting  for  his  own  people.  But  in  order  to 
ingratiate  himself  with  Achish,  David  said  that  ho 
had  raided  the  districts  of  the  Negeb  (p.  32)  or  extreme 
S.  division  of  Palestine,  which  were  inhabited  by  the 
allied  and  kindred  tribes  of  the  Judahites,  Jerah- 
meelites,  and  Kcnitos.  In  order  that  Achish  should  not 
leam  the  truth,  David  massacred  those  whom  he 
plundered,  both  men  and  women.  The  primitive 
documents  do  not  seem  to  attach  much  importance  to 
veracity,  especially  to  foreigners  (cf.  the  stories  of  the 
Patriarchs).  When  the  Philistines  are  preparing  for 
another  campaign  against  Israel,  Achish  notifies  David 
that  he  and  his  men  will  be  expected  to  fight  on  the 
side  of  the  Philistines.  David  gives  an  ambiguous 
answer,  "  Thou  shalt  see  what  thy  servant  will  do," 
which  Achish  would  take  to  mean,  "  You  shall  see  the 


great  things  I  will  do  to  help  you."  Achish  proposes 
to  make  him  the  captain  of  his  bodyguard. 

10.  Jerahmeelites :  a  tribe  in  the  Negeb,  probably 
not  originally  Israelite,  but  later  on  reckoned  to  Israel. 

XXVIII.  2  is  continued  by  29 1  ;  the  connexion  is 
broken  by  the  insertion  of — 

XXVIII.  3-25.  Saul  and  the  Witch  of  Endor.— This 
section  interi-upts  the  connexion  ;  moreover,  it  would 
come  naturally  immediately  before  the  battle  of  Gilboa. 
Saul  is  at  Gilboa  (p.  29)  in  284.  Opinions  are  divided  : 
some  hold  that  this  section  is  from  another  source  (E) 
than  the  bulk  of  25-31,  and  some  that  it  is  from  the 
same  source  (J),  that  originally  it  stood  in  that  docu- 
ment immediately  before  ch.  31,  and  that  it  has  got 
into  the  wrong  place,  because  it  was  omitted  from 
an  edition  of  Samuel,  and  reinserted  in  a  later  edition 
(see  p.  273).     3  is  probably  an  editorial  note. 

4.  Shunem:  2  K.  48*. 

3-14.  The  two  armies  are  encamped  opposite  each 
other  in  the  E.  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  ;  Saul's  heart 
fails  him  when  he  sees  the  superior  numbers  of  the 
enemy.  He  seeks  guidance  from  Yahweh,  but  can 
obtain  no  oracle  by  the  regular,  legitimate  methods. 
He  goes  by  night,  in  disguise,  to  Endor  (p.  30),  some 
distance  to  the  N.  in  the  rear  of  the  Philistine  camp,  to 
consult  a  woman  with  an  'obh,  or  "  familiar  spirit,"  some 
kind  of  witch,  often  regarded  as  a  necromancer,  which 
would  suit  this  narrative.  He  induced  her  with  some 
difficulty  to  work  her  magic,  and  bade  her  call  up 
Samuel.  So  far  the  disguised  king  had  not  been 
recognised,  but  at  this  point  she  looked  more  closely 
at  him,  and  saw  that  it  was  Saul,  who  had  done  his 
best  to  rid  the  land  of  witches.  She  was  alarmed,  but 
Saul  reassured  her,  and  the  magic  went  on. 

15-25.  The  king  himself  saw  nothing,  and  only 
heard  what  the  witch  told  him  as  to  what  she  saw  ; 
he  heard,  or  thought  be  heard,  Samuel  speaking  ;  but 
this  too  has  been  explained  by  supposing  that  in 
reality  the  witch  spoke  after  the  fashion  of  a  ventrilo- 
quist or  a  spirituaUst  medium.  Samuel  announces  the 
doom  of  Saul. 

19.  be  with  me :  Driver  and  others  read  with  LXX, 
'*  with  thee  be  fallen." 

XXIX.-XXXI.,  2  Samuel  I.  1-5  (J).  Substantially 
these  sections  are  a  continuous  narrative  from  the 
same  document. 

XXIX.  David  is  Dismissed  from  the  Philistine  Army. 
—Continues  28i£f. 

As  the  Philistines  are  mustering  for  the  battle,  Achish 
reluctantly  dismisses  David  at  the  instance  of  the 
princes,  and  bids  him  withdraw  next  morning,  adding 
(so  Driver  and  others,  with  LXX),  '"  And  go  ye  to  the 
place  [Ziklag]  which  I  have  appointed  for  you,  and  do 
not  harbour  evil  thoughts  in  thy  heart,  for  thou  hast  my 
full  confidence  and  favour,"  lit.  "  Do  not  put  a  pestilent 
word  in  thy  heart,  for  thou  art  good  before  me." 
Probably  the  original  Heb.  for  "  pestilent  word  "  waa 
"  word  of  Belial." 

XXX.  Amalekite  Raid  on  Ziklag.— (?/.  above. 

1-6.  On  reaching  Ziklag,  David  found  that  the 
Amalekitcs  had  sacked  the  town  and  carried  off  the 
families  and  property  of  himself  and  his  followers. 
Apparently  he  had  taken  his  whole  force  to  Achish, 
leaving  Ziklag  without  any  adequate  garrison. 

7-20.  Encouraged  by  an  oracle  from  Yahweh,  David 
went  in  pursuit,  probably  southwards,  overtook  the 
raiders,  annihilated  them  all  but  400,  and  recovered 
the  captives  antl  the  spoil. 

14.  Cherethites :  a  tribe  in  the  South  or  Negeb  {cf. 
27 10),  probably  akin  to  the  Philistines  (p.  .'>6'. — 17.  ol 
the  next  day :   a  copyist's  mistake  ;  it  is  uncertain  what 


286 


I.  SAMUEL,  XXX.  17 


the  original  reading  was,  but  we  may  be  sure  that  the 
slaughter  only  lasted  "  from  twilight  even  unto  the 
evening." — twilight:  evening  twilight.  —  20.  As  it 
•stands,  this  verse  states  that  David  appropriated  all 
the  recovered  cattle,  which  would  not  bo  consistent 
either  with  custom,  policy,  or  David's  character.  The 
text  and  translation  are  hopelessly  obscure  and  corrupt. 
Probably  the  verse  in  its  original  form  stated  that 
David  not  only  recovered  what  had  been  lost,  but  also 
captured  much  other  spoil. 

21-25.  During  the  pursuit  200  men  had  become  too 
exhausted  to  keep  up,  and  had  been  Ic^ft  behind.  It 
was  decided  that  they  should  share  equally  in  the 
spoil.  This  became  a  precedent,  and  was  the  origin 
of  the  custom  that  those  who  guarded  the  camp  and 
the  baggage  should  share  equally  in  the  spoil  with 
those  who  did  the  fighting, 

26-31.  Out  of  the  spoil  David  sent  presents  to  the 
authorities  of  the  various  places  he  had  frequented 
during  his  outlawry.  They  seem  to  have  all  been  in 
the  Negeb,  from  Hebron  southwards. 

XXXI.  Battle  of  Gilboa.— 6'/.  p.  285,  and  2  S.  l6-i6*. 

1-7.  Israel  was  routed,  Saul's  sons  slain,  and  he 
himself  in  danger  of  being  taken  prisoner.  To  avoid 
this  he  fell  upon  his  own  sword. 

3.  he  was  greatly  distressed :  perhaps  read,  with  LXX. 
"  he  was  wounded  by  the  archers." — 4.  and  thrust 
me  through  {■-■Tcond  occurrence)  :  omit  with  1  Ch.  IO4. 
What  Saul  fears  is  not  mutilation  after  death,  but  being 
taken  alive,  and,  like  Samson,  being  made  to  provide 
sport  for  the  Philistines. — 7.  they  that  were  beyond 
Jordan :  omit  with  1  Ch.  IO7. 

8-13.  The  PliiUstines  announced  their  victory  by 
sending  Saul's  head  round  their  land,  "  to  carry  the 
tidings  to  their  idols  and  to  the  people"  (1  Ch.  IO9  and 
LXX).  They  put  his  armour  in  the  "  House  of  Ash- 
taroth,"  i.e.  the  temple  of  Astarte  (p.  299),  and  fastened 
the  bodies  of  Saul  and  his  sons  outside  the  wall  of  Beth- 
shan  (J^'.  I27*).  The  men  of  Jabesh-gilead  (lli-ii) 
went  by  night,  brought  them  away,  and  buried  them. 
[Robertson  Smith  (KS*,  p.  373),  says  :  "Saul's  body 
was  burned  possibly  to  save  it  from  the  risk  of  ex- 
humation by  the  PliiHstines,  but  perhaps  rather  with 
a  rehgious  intention,  and  almost  as  an  act  of  worship, 
since  his  bones  were  buried  under  the  sacred  tamarisk 
at  Jabesh."— A.  S.  P.] 

10b.  Ch.  alters  this  into  "  and  fastened  his  head  in 
the  house  of  Dagon,"  and  omits  "  from  the  wall  of 
Beth-shan  "  in  12.  The  S.  text  is  the  more  correct.— 
12.  blU'nt  them  there :  many  read  "  and  lamented  for 
them  there,  '  because  burning  was  "  incompatible  with 
the  established  custom  of  Israel,"  SBOT.  But  ICC 
prefers  to  retain  the  present  text,  otherwise  why 
"  bones  "  in  13  ?     1  Ch.  IO12  omits  the  clause. 

THE  SECOND  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL 

L  1-16.  David  Receives  the  News  of  Saul's  Death.— 

The  account  of  the  death  of  Saul  told  by  the  fugitive 
here  is  different  from  that  in  1  S.  31,  A  common 
explanation  is  that  the  fugitive  falsely  represented 
himself  as  the  slayer  of  Saul,  in  the  hope  of  receiving  a 
reward  from  David.  But  it  is  now  widely  held  that 
here  also  wo  have  a  blending  of  two  documents : 
1-4,  iif.  are  from  the  same  document  (J)  as  the  bulk 
of  2.5-31  ;  6-10,  13-16  are  from  another  source  which 
may  be  fairly  early.  5  is  inserted  by  an  editor  to 
combine  the  two  accounts. 

1-5.  A  fugitive  Israelite  (?)  from  Saul's  camp  brings 
David  the  news  of  the  disaster. 

6-10.  An   Amalekite  tells  how,  seeing  Saul  closely 


pursued  by  chariots  and  horsemen,  he  slew  him  at  his 
own  request,  and  took  his  crown  and  armlet,  and 
brought  them  to  David. 

llf.  David  and  his  men  rend  their  clothes  and  fast 
till  evening. 

12.  and  for  the  people  of  Yabweh:  possibly,  the 
army.  LXX,  "'  people  of  Judah."  The  clause  may 
be  an  editorial  insertion. 

13-16.  David  asks  the  messenger  who  he  is.  Ho 
replies  :  an  Amalekite,  the  son  of  a  ger,  or  foreigner 
settled  as  a  dependent  among  the  Israelites  (Lc^v 
17sf.*,  Dt.  Ii6'^,  p  110).  David  has  him  executed  (c/. 
49). 

I.  17-27.  David's  Lament  over  Saul  and  Jonathan. — 
This  poem  is  almost  universally  accepted  as  the  work 
of  David.  It  was  included  in  the  Book  of  Jashar 
(Jos.  10i2fE..  p.  4.0),  and  probably  borrowed  from  that 
book  by  the  author  of  one  of  the  documents  from 
which  Samuel  was  composed  (p.  273). 

"  Let  the  evil  tidings  be  kept  from  the  Philistines, 
lest  they  triumph  over  Israel.  May  Gilboa  be  accursed. 
Saul  and  Jonathan  were  mighty  warriors,  united  in 
life  and  death.  Let  the  Israehte  women  lament  them. 
Alas  for  Jonathan." 

18.  he  bade  them  .  .  .  bow:  the  RV  insertion  of 
"  the  song  of  "  represents  a  theory  that  "  The  Bow  " 
was  the  title  of  the  poem  :  this  is  hardly  likely  to  be 
correct.  Probably  the  text  is  corrupt.  The  favourite 
explanation  is  that  i8a  contains  a  corruption  of  the 
opening  words  of  the  poem.  Eg.,  SBOT  proposes  the 
following  reconstruction  of  i8f.  : 

"  Behold  it  is  written  in  the  Book  of  Jashar. — And 
he  said  : 

Think  on  calamity,  0  Judah  ! 
Grieve,  0  Israel  I 
On  thy  heights  are  the  slain  ; 
How  are  the  mighty  fallen  !  " 

21.  not  anointed  with  oil:  i.e.  uncared  for. — 25. 
Jonathan  is  slain  upon  thy  high  places :  the  text  and 
rendering  are  uncertain  ;  Cent.B,  followmg  Budde, 
proposes  to  restore  25  thus  : 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen 
In  the  midst  of  the  battle  ! 
Jonathan,  my  heart  (?)  by  thy  death 
Is  pierced  through. 

2  S.  II.-VI.  (J).  Apart  from  minor  additions  and 
changes,  it  is  very  commonly  held  that  these  chapters 
form  a  continuous  narrative  from  the  same  source. 

II.  l-III.  5.  Civil  War  between  David,  ruling  at 
Hebron,  and  Ish-bosheth,  ruling  at  Mahanaim  (J). 

1-7.  David  occupies  Hebron  (Jg.  lio*.  p.  31  ^  and 
is  anointed  king  by  the  men  of  Judah,  doubtless  with 
the  consent  of  the  Phihstines,  and  as  their  vassal.  He 
thanks  the  men  of  Jabesh-gile«,d  for  their  loyalty  to 
Saul. 

8-11.  Abner  makes  Ishbaal  king  over  all  Israiel. 
except  Judah,  with  his  capital  at  Mahanaim.  The 
connexion  between  Judah  and  the  other  tribes  was 
always  loose,  and  Israel  is  constantly  used  as  here. 
The  sentence  enclosed  by  RV  in  brackets  is  an  editorial 
addition;  it  interrupts  the  sequence.  The  "  two  years  " 
is  dillicult ;  the  impression  conveyed  by  5i-6  is  that 
Ishbaal  reigned  all  the  time  David  was  reigning  at 
Hebron.     11  is  also  commonly  regarded  as  editorial. 

9.  Ashurites:  read,  "  Asherites." — 10.  Ish-bosheth: 
Ishbaal  (1  S.  I449*). 

12-17.  The  opposing  forces  meet  at  the  pool  at 
Gibeon,  N.  of  Jerusalem  (Jos.  93) ;  a  contest  between 
twelve   champions    from    each     party    brought  on   a 


1 


II.  SAMUEL,  V.  17-25 


287 


general  engagement,  in  which  David's  men  were 
victorious. 

18-23.  Asahel  pursued  Abner.  He,  anxious  to  avoid 
a  blood-feud  with  Asahel's  grim  ana  powerful  brother 
Joab,  warned  Asahel  not  to  drive  him  to  extremities. 
But  Asahel  would  not  be  warned,  and  Abner  slew  him. 

23-32.  At  the  appeal  of  Abner,  Joab  stays  the 
pursuit.     Both  parties  return  home. 

24.  Ammah  .  .  .  Giah,  29.  Bithron:  none  of  these 
places  are  identified. 

III.  1-5.  An  editorial  note,  including  an  account  of 
David's  family.  It  is  curious  that  the  last-named  wife, 
Eglah,  and  she  only,  is  expressly  called  "  David's  wife." 
The  letters  in  the  Heb.  may  be  a  corruption  of  some 
description  which  would  have  conveyed  further  in- 
formation. ICC  suggests  that  the  original  reading 
was  "  sister  of  David."  13 13  shows  that  such  mar- 
riages were  legitimate  in  Israel  at  the  time. 

UI.  6-IV.  12.  Quarrel  between  Abner  and  Ishbaal. 
Treachery  of  Abner.  Death  of  Abner,  and  of  Ishbaal 
(J).-Cf.  p.  286. 

6-11.  Abner  went  in  to  Rizpah,  Saul's  concubine  ; 
an  act  of  Use  majeste,  as  the  harem  of  a  king  was  the 
property  of  his  successor  (12s,  I622).  He  met  Ishbaal's 
remonstrances  with  contemptuous  and  indignant  anger. 
Was  he,  to  whom  the  house  of  Saul  owed  so  much,  to 
be  treated  like  a  dog,  on  account  of  a  trifling  matter 
about  a  woman  ?  He  would  soon  show  the  nominal 
king  who  was  master.     Ishbaal  dared  not  answer  him. 

8.  a  dog's  head  that  belongeth  to  Judah  :  the  ex- 
pression "  dog's  head  ",  is  not  found  elsewhere.  The 
words  "  that  belongeth  to  Judah  "  should  be  omitted. 
Some  scribe  reading  Dog  (caleb)  took  it  to  mean  the 
tribe,  and  added  an  explanatory  note  on  that  sup- 
position. 

12-21.  Abner  offers  to  bring  all  Israel  imder  the 
authority  of  David.  As  a  pre'iminary  Michal  is  re- 
stored to  David.  Having  sou.,  led  the  elders  of  the 
various  tribes,  Abner  visited  David  to  arrange  matters. 

22-27.  Joab  had  been  absent  on  a  foray  during 
Abner's  visit ;  on  his  return,  he  induced  Abner  to 
come  back  and  meet  him  and  then  treacherously 
assassinated  him,  to  avenge  the  death  of  Asahel. 

26.  Sirah:  not  identified. — 27.  midst:  read,  'side 
of  "  with  LXX. 

28-39.  David  made  it  clear  that  he  had  nothing  to 
do  with  the  murder.  He  gave  Abner  honourable 
burial,  and  king  and  people  lamented  him.  The  dirge 
m  33f.  is  generally  accepted  as  the  work  of  David. 

IV.  1-12.  It  was  clear  that  Ishbaal's  authority  could 
not  long  survive  Abner.  It  was  only  a  question  who 
should  carry  out  the  schemes  which  Abner  had  set  on 
foot.  Two  of  Ishbaal's  captains  came  to  his  house  aa 
he  was  enjoying  his  midday  siesta.  "  And,  behold 
the  portress  was  cleaning  wheat,  and  she  had  fallen 
sound  asleep,  and  they  got  into  the  house  without 
being  noticed  "  (following  LXX  of  6  cf.  mg.),  and  slew 
Ishbaal  and  took  his  head  to  David,  who  had  them 
put  to  death. 

There  are  two  insertions  in  this  narrative.  26,  3  is 
an  archseological  note  as  to  Beeroth  (Dt.  106).  Its 
inhabitants,  probably  on  the  occasion  of  some  hostile 
inroad,  had  fled  to  Gittaim  (not  identified),  and  were 
sojourners  (gerim,  2  S.  1 13*)  there,  when  the  note  was 
written. 

4  probably  impUes  that  the  only  other  legitimate 
(c/.  2l8)  representative  of  the  house  of  Saul  was  a 
crippled  boy,  so  that  the  murder  of  Ishbaal  left  the 
way  open  for  David.  The  boy's  name  was  really 
Meribbaal  (1  Ch.  834),  "  Baal  contends,"  or  1  Ch.  940, 
Meribaal,    perhaps    "  Hero    of     Baal "    (Gray,    Heb. 


Proper  Names,  p.  201)  ;  Baal  being  a  title  af  Yahweh. 
Mephibosheth  has  been  explamod  (ICC),  "  that  puffs 
at  the  shameful  thing,"  but  according  to  Gray  it  is  a 
"  mere,  meaningless  corruption."  On  the  matter 
generally  and  for  the  change  to  boshetli,  see  1  S.  1'449*. 
4  would  be  more  in  place  at  the  beginning  of,  or  at 
some  point  in,  ci\.  0.  It  might  also  have  come  at  the 
end  of  this  chapter. 

V.  1-16.  David  Becomes  King  of  united  Israel  and 
Judah.  He  Captures  Jerusalem  (J).  {Cf.  p.  282.)— 
Two  notes  have  been  added  to  this  section  (4f.  and 
13-16),  of  the  same  character  as  2ioa,ii,  81-5,  and 
probably  by  the  same  hand. 

1-3.  On  the  basis  of  terms,  "  a  covenant,"  agreed 
upon  between  him  and  the  elders,  or  Sheikhs,  of 
Israel,  David  is  anointed  king  over  Israel,  thus  be- 
coming king  of  both  Israel  and  Judah.  This  act 
brought  Judah  into  organic  union  with  the  other 
tribes,  for  the  first  time,  at  any  rate  since  the  Settle- 
ment in  Canaan.  The  looseness  of  the  bond  is  shown 
by  the  ease  with  which  it  was  broken  at  the  death  of 
Solomon. 

4f.  A  chronological  note,  accepted,  for  the  most  part, 
as  substantially  correct. 

6-12.  David  takes  Jerusalem,  in  spite  of  the  boast 
of  the  Jebusites  that  the  place  was  so  strong  that  it 
could  be  successfully  defended  by  the  bUnd  and  lame. 
8  is  unintelligible,  and  the  text  is  hopelessly  corrupt. 
The  corresponding  verse  (1  Ch.  Il6)  runs,  "  And  David 
said.  Whoever  smiteth  the  Jebusites  first  shall  be  chief 
and  captain.  And  Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah  went  up 
first,  and  was  made  chief."  Possibly  Ch.  preserves 
the  original  text ;  the  corruption  would  be  due  to  the 
introduction  of  glosses,  and  perhaps  also  to  the  desire 
to  give  David,  and  not  Joab,  the  credit  for  the  capture. 
Zion  is  usually  held  to  have  occupied  part  of  the 
eastern  of  the  two  hills  covered  hj  the  modem  city 
(1  K.  81*).  Millo  here  is  apparently  some  part  of  the 
fortifications  of  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem  (EBi)  (c/.  1  K. 
9i3*).     There  was  a  "  Millo  "  at  Shechem  (Jg.  96). 

By  the  establishment  of  the  capital  at  Jerusalem,  a 
fortress  of  exceptional  strength,  David  did  much  to 
secure  the  permanence  of  the  Jewish  state,  and  the 
continuity  of  Revealed  Religion. 

David  is  encouraged  by  the  friendship  of  the  king 
of  Tyie.  His  name  is  given  as  Hiram,  i.e.  Hiram  I, 
the  ally  of  Solomon  ;  but  the  other  data  show  that 
Hiram  I  cannot  have  been  reigning  so  early  m  David's 
reign.  Either  the  name  of  the  famihar  Hiram  has 
been  substituted  for  that  of  his  less-known  father, 
Abibaal,  or  the  incident  is  transfeiTed  from  the  time 
of  Solomon. 

13-16.  Note  on  David's  familv.  Ehada  is  a  variant 
of  Baaliada  (cf.  1  S.  I449). 

V.  17-25.  Victories  over  the  Philistines  (J).  {Cf.  p.  07.) 
— David  twice  defeats  the  Philistines  in  the  Valley  of  Re- 
phaim  (p.  31,  Is.  175*).  The  growing  strength  of  David 
had  roused  the  apprehensions  of  his  suzerains.  These 
incidents  seem  prior  to  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  and 
are  sometimes  supposed  to  have  been  inserted  from 
another  document  ;  they  may,  however,  bo  from  (J), 
having  been  transposed  by  the  editor.  The  "  hold  " 
is  perhaps  Adullam.  The  fact  that  we  are  told  that 
David  named  the  place  Baal-perazim,  "'  Baal  of 
Breaches,"  shows  that  the  author  saw  nothing  wrong 
in  the  use  of  Baal  as  a  title  of  Yahweh  (1  S.  449*.) 
The  ^-ictor3  "  took  .  .  .  away"  the  gods  (so  LXX  and 
1  Ch.  1-112)  of  the  Philistmes.'  The  Chronicler,  an.xious 
that  his  readers  should  not  suppose  that  David  intended 
to  worship  them,  changed  21b  into  "and  they  wero 
burned  with  fire,"  AV  here  followed  s.iit  by  altering 


288 


II    SAMUEL,  V.  17-25 


"took  away"  into  "burned,"  In  24,  it  is  Vahwoh 
who  marches. 

25.  Gezer:   Jos.  IO33*, -If;  1-'<A  1  K.  ni6*. 

VI.  David  Brings  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem.  Mlchal's 
Scorn.  Hor  Punisliment  (J),  {('f.  p.  2s(\.) — Nothing.' 
lias  been  heard  of  tho  Arli  siiico  1  S.  7?,  before  the 
accosfion  of  Saul.  The  introduction  of  the  Ark  in 
1  S.  14i8,  is  due  to  corruption  of  tlie  text.  This  silence 
is  sometimes  accounted  for  by  supposing  that  the  Ark 
was  under  the  control  of  tlie  Piiiliotines  and  inaccessible 
to  the  Israelites  (r/.  CVnt.B,  and  EBi,  "Ark"). 
David's  action  gave  added  importance  to  tho  new 
capital  ;  and  the  building  of  Solomon's  Temple  prob- 
ably provided  Jerusalem  with  the  chief  sanctuary  in 
Israel. . 

1-11.  David  and  the  people  go  to  Baal,  or  Baalah, 
Judah  (not  Baale),  to  fetch  the  Ark.  This  place  is 
identified  (Jos.  logf.,  1  Ch.  136)  with  Isjrjath-joarim, 
whore  tiic  Ark  was  left  in  1  S.  7i.  The  identification 
however,  may  be  due  to  a  comparison  of  tho  two 
passages,  and  may  not  be  correct.  The  two  passages 
may  come  from  different  sources  (c/.  p.  2~(>)  which 
took  different  views  of  the  history.  They  sot  out  for 
Jorusalom  in  solemn  procession  ;    but  a  certain  Uzzah 

fut  his  hand  on  the  Ark  to  steady  it  "  and  God  smote 
im  for  his  error."  Da\nd  abandoned  his  purpose, 
placed  the  Ark  for  a  time  in  the  house  of  Obcd-edom 
of  Gath,  doubtless  a  ger  (lis"").  There  is  no  question 
as  to  the  regulations  of  tho  Priestly  Code  concerning 
Priests  and  Lovites.  Apparently  Uzzah's  fault  con- 
sisted in  handling  the  Ark  roughly  and  unceremoni- 
ously. The  narrative  illustrates  the  imperfect  morality 
ascribed  to  Yahweh  by  the  earlier  documents  (c/.  1  S. 
2619). 

According  to  some,  the  Uzzah  episode  is  mythical, 
having  arisen  as  a  conjectural  and  mistaken  interpre- 
tation of  the  place-name  Porez-uzzah,  "  Breach  of 
Uzzah."  If  this  were  so,  David  found  the  Ark  at  the 
house  of  Obed-odom  ;  which  would  lend  some  support 
to  the  view  that  up  to  this  time  the  Ark  was  under 
Philistine  control.  But  a  mythical  explanation  is  not 
probable.  Another  improbable  view  is  that  Uzzah 
died  from  the  shock  which  came  upon  him  when  ho 
realised  that  he  had  committed  an  act  of  irreverence. 
[Parallels  to  this  may  be  found  in  Frazer's  'J'aboo  and 
the  Perils  of  the  Soul.— A.  S.  P.]  Sometimes,  in  the 
case  of  those  ancient  narratives,  the  safest  course  is  to 
accept  their  substantial  historicity  without  trying  to 
explain  everj'thing.  If  we  are  to  venture  an  explana- 
tion here,  we  might  suggest  that  tho  death  of  Uzzah 
was  due  to  excitement  at  the  prospect  of  the  Ark 
being  thrown  violently  to  the  ground  and  broken  ; 
and  to  the  sufldcn,  strenuous  effort  needed  to  save  it. 
Death  under  such  circumstances  would  bo  interpreted 
as  a  sign  of  Divine  displeasure  and  an  "  Act  of  God." 

5.  with  all  manner  of  instruments  made  of  fir  wood : 
read,  with  1  Ch.  138,  "  with  all  their  might  and  with 
songs." 

12-23.  Obed-edom  prospering,  David  gathers  that 
Yahweh  is  appeased,  and  makes  another  attempt  to 
bring  tho  Ark  to  Jerusalem.  As  soon  as  a  start  is 
made,  sacrifices  are  offered  and,  nothing  luitoward 
happening,  the  procession  marches  on  and  reaches  its 
destination  in  safety.  David,  intoxicated  with  religious 
fervour,  abandons  himself  to  an  ecstatic  dance  before 
Yahweh,  i.e.  the  Ark.  David  was  merely  clothed  with 
tho  priestly  linen  ephod,  which  hardly  supplied  a  decent 
covering  in  the  wild  movements  of  the  dance  (Cent.B)  ; 
1  Ch.  1527  provides  him  with  a  robe.  When  David 
went  home,  5Uchal  railed  at  him  for  his  lack  of  dignity  ; 
probably  not  the  first  exhibition  of  temper  on  tho  part 


of  this  much-tried  lady.  David  protected  himself  from 
similar  experiences  by  relegating  Michal  to  a  separate 
establishment.     This  is  probably  tho  moaning  01  23. 

19.  a  portion  of  flesh:  represents  the  single  Heb. 
word  'eslijxir,  tho  meaning  of  which  la  unknown  ;  it 
occurs  only  hero  and  1  Ch.  IG3. 

VII.  David  Proposes  to  Build  a  Temple  for  the  Ark 
but  Yahweh  Prefers  to  Dwell  in  a  Tent,  as  heretofore. 
He  Promises  David  that  his  Dynasty  shall  always  Occupy 
the  Throne  (D). — An  indejx'iident  narrative,  complete 
in  itself  ;  not  from  any  of  tho  main  sources,  but  prob- 
ably composed  towards  the  close  ol  the  Jewish 
Monarchy  by  a  writer  of  the  Deuteronomic  school. 
13,  referring  to  Solomon  and  his  Temple,  is  a  later 
addition.  This  Divine  promise  of  permanence  to  the 
Davidic  dynasty  is  an  early  form  of  the  Messianic 
Hope  of  Israel. 

1-3.  David  proposes  to  build  a  house  of  cedar  for 
the  Ark  ;   Nathan  aasures  him  of  the  Divine  approval. 

4-17.  Nathan,  however,  was  premature.  Clearly, 
we  are  shown  here  that  we  are  not  intended  to  regard 
every  utterance  of  a  prophet  recorded  in  Scripture  as 
an  infallible  word  of  God.  Yahweh  bids  Nathan  tell 
David  that  He  does  not  desire  a  house  of  cedar.  There 
are  some  traces  in  OT  of  a  view  that  the  Temple  of 
Solomon  was  a  mistaken  innovation.  Yahweh  will 
be  gracious  to  His  people,  and  the  dynasty  of  David 
shall  always  rule  over  them. 

7.  tribes:   read,  "  judges  "  with  1  Ch.  176. 

18-29.  David  gives  thanks  glorifyuig  Yahweh  and 
His  dealings  with  liimself  and  with  Israel. 

19.  and  this  too  after  the  manner  of  men :  the  Heb. 
is  unintelligible,  and  the  text  is  hopolossly  corrupt. 

VIII.  Davids  Victories.  His  Ministers  (D).— A  con- 
cluding summary,  corresponding  to  the  similar  section 
on  Haul  (1  S.  1447ff.)  and  by  the  same  hand.  Appar- 
rently  it  formed  the  conclusion  of  an  early  edition  of 
the  Book  of  Samuel.  It  includes  material  and  infor- 
mation from  earlier  sources. 

1-8.  David  subdues  the  Philistines,  Moabites,  and 
Syrians. 

1.  the  bridle  of  the  mother  city:  the  text  is  hope- 
lessly corrupt. — 2.  Two-thirds  were  put  to  death. — 
3-8.  Apparently  a  summary  with  variations  of  106-19. 
—3.  Zobah:  1  S.  1447.-^the  River:  Euphrates. — 
8.  Betah  .  .  .  Berothai:   not  identified. 

9-12.  The  king  of  Hamath  sends  presents  to 
David  ;  these,  with  the  spoil  from  his  various  con- 
quests, he  dedicates  to  Yahweh,  i.e.  stores  in  the  Temple 
treasury,  primarily,  possibly,  for  the  use  of  the  Temple, 
especiaJl}'  for  equipment,  decoration,  and  building  ; 
but  probably  also  as  a  national  reserve  for  other  pur- 
poses, e.g.  wars,  which  were  "  Wars  of  Y'ahweh,"  a 
sacred  activity,  waged  by  consecrated  warriors  ( pp.  99, 
114).  Temples  in  ancient  times  served  as  banks,  the 
deity  being  supposed  to  protect  the  treasure  committed 
to  his  care  ;  though  doubtless  other  precautions  were 
taken. 

9.  Hamath:  2  K.  Hjs*,  Is,  IO9*,  Am.  62*. 

13f.  David  subdues  Edom. 

13.  Syrians:  read  Edom  (y)i^.)  with  Ch.,  LXX,  etc. — 
Valley  of  Salt:    probably  to  the  S.  of  Judah,  in  Edom. 

15-18.  In  addition  to  a  commander-in-chief,  David 
had  a  "  recorder,"'  lit.  "  remembrancer,"  and  a  "  scribe." 
There  are  no  express  statements  as  to  the  functions  of 
these  olhcials.  We  should  expect  that  the  scribe 
would  have  charge  of  any  secretarial  work  needed  at 
the  court;  the  "recorder''  was  probably  not  tho 
public  annalist,  but  the  king's  confidential  adviser. 
There  were  two  groups  of  priests  :  the  more  strictly 
professional  priests,  who  were  probably  described  in 


II.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  1-8 


289 


tho  original  text  as  Zadok  and  Abiathar  tho  son  of 
Ahimelech  tho  son  of  Ahitub  ;  and  the  sons  of  David. 
In  the  present  text  Zadok  is  son  of  Ahitub,  and  there- 
fore of  tlio  house  of  Eli,  which  is  at  variance  with  the 
rest  of  the  history :  Zadok  became  sole  priest  (i.e.  of 
the  royal  sanctuary)  when  the  house  of  Eli  was  deposed. 
A  description  of  Zadok  may  have  been  lost ;  it  is  not 
clear  that  the  early  document  connected  cither  Eli 
or  Zadok  with  Aaron.  Note  that  in  any  case  the 
priesthood  is  not  hmited  to  either  the  house  of  Aaron 
or  the  tribe  of  Levi ;  the  royal  princes  are  priests. 
This  seemed  impossible  to  late  writera  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Priestly  Code,  and  so  1  Ch.  18 17  alters 
"  priests  "  to  "  chief  men  about  the  king,"  AV  and 
RVm  follow  suit  with  "  chief  rulers "  and  "  chief 
ministers  "  ;   both  mistranslations. 

Then  there  was  a  captain  of  the  Cherothites  (1  S.  3O13) 
and  Pelcthites  (p.  56),  the  bodyguard  of  foreign  mer- 
cenaries now  first  appearing  in  Israelite  history.  This 
body  was  often  of  great  importance,  on  account  of 
their  personal  devotion  to  the  king,  and  their  freedom 
from  local  ties.  Pelethite  only  occurs  in  the  phrase 
"  Chcrethites  and  Pelethites,"  the  title  of  the  body- 
guard ;  it  is  generally  regarded  as  a  variant  of  Philis- 
tine (HDB). 

2  S.  IX.-XX.  (J.)  These  chapters  are  of  the  utmost 
value,  both  as  literature  and  as  history.  They  seem  to 
be  the  work  either  of  a  contemporary,  or  of  some  one 
who  was  familiar  with  the  facts  through  the  testimony 
of  contemporaries. 

IX.  David  shows  Favour  to  Meri-baal  (J).— David, 
asldng  as  to  survivors  of  the  house  of  Saul,  hears  of 
Meri-baal  (44*)  j  he  bestows  upon  him  Saul's  private 
estates,  and  gives  him  the  status  of  a  royal  prince  at 
his  court. 

X.  War  with  the  Ammonites  and  the  Syrians  (J). 

1-5.  The  king  of  Ammon  insults  David's  ambassa- 
dors, [J.  G.  Frazcr  (Taboo  and  the  Perils  of  the  Soul, 
p.  273)  connects  Hanun's  action  with  the  well-known 
belief  that  to  get  possession  of  the  hair  of  a  person  is 
to  have  him  in  one's  power.  He  supposes  that  Hanun, 
distrusting  Davids  designs  and  desirous  to  have  some 
guarantee  of  peace,  thought  he  secured  this  by  retaining 
half  the  beards  and  garments  He  quotes  as  a  parallel 
the  treatment  of  a  traitor  by  two  Moabite  Arabs  who 
shaved  completely  one  side  of  his  head  and  his  mous- 
tache on  the  other,  and  set  liim  at  liberty. — A.  S.  P.] 

6-14.  The  Ammonites  hire  mercenaries  from  the 
Syrian  states  ;  Joab  takes  command  of  the  general 
levy  of  Israel  and  the  standing  army  (read,  "  the  host 
and  the  mighty  men  "  ;  probablj'  David's  600  were 
continued  as  the  nucleus  of  a  standing  army).  Joab 
marched  to  the  gate,  i.e.  of  Rabbah,  the  capital  of 
Ammon  ;  and  though  caught  between  the  Ammonites 
and  the  Syrians,  won  a  signal  victory. 

6.  Beth-rehob:  Nu.  ISai*.— Maachah:  Dt.  314.— 
Tob:  Jg.  11 3*. 

15-19.  Further  victories  over  the  Syrians.  Appa- 
rently a  variant  of  83-8,  which  see ;  perhaps  an 
editorial  addition, 

XI.  David,  Bath-sheba,  and  Uriah  (J). 

1-6.  In  tho  spring,  at  the  beginning  of  the  season 
suitable  for  military  operations,  joab  and  the  army  set 
out  to  besiege  Kabbah  (Jor.  492*)  ;  David  stayed  at 
home.  Ho  committed  adultery  with  Bath-sheba,  the 
wife  of  Uriah  tho  Hittite,  who  was  in  the  field  with 
Joab.  Uriah  would  be  a  (7cr(l  1 3*):  his  name,  "  Yahweh 
is  light,"  sliows  that  he  was  a  worshipper  of  Yahweh. 

6-13.  David  makes  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  con- 
ceal tho  facts.  Note  that  the  Ark  was  taken  into  tho 
field  as  a  talisman  (11),  as  in  1  S.  43. 


14^27.  By  David's  instructions,  Joab  arranges  that 
Uriah  is  slain  by  the  enemy.  On  hearing  the  news, 
David  marries  Bath-sheba. 

21.  Cf.  Jg.  Osoff.— Jerubbesheth :  Jerubbaal  (cf.  1  S. 
1441)*). — 22.  After  this  verse,  LXX,  probably  giving  the 
correct  text,  adds  that  David  was  angry  and  addressed 
the  messenger  in  very  much  tho  words  of  2of. 

XII.  David's  Repentance.  Capture  of  Rabbah  (J).— 
Tho  section  concerning  Nathan  (i-iyi)  is  sometimes 
regarded  as  a  later  addition  by  some  one  who  was 
anxious  to  point  out  and  emphasize  the  moral ;  but 
this  view  is  not  generally  held.  Only  10-12  need  bo 
regarded  as  editorial.  Tho  chapter  is  important  be- 
cause it  shows  that  the  primitive  ideas  as  to  the  morality 
of  Yahweh  were  very  real,  though  they  might  be  de- 
fective in  some  directions. 

1-14.  Nathan,  by  parable  and  admonition,  brings 
David's  guilt  home  to  him  ;  he  makes  penitent  con- 
fession. Yahweh  puts  away  his  sin,  which  is  thought 
of  as  a  kind  of  disease,  which  would  of  itself  kill  the 
sinner,  if  it  were  not  taken  away. 

15-25.  David's  child  by  Bath-sheba  dies,  but  another 
Fon,  Solomon,  is  bom  to  them. 

25.  for  the  Lord's  sake :   an  addition. 

26-31.  Joab  having  made  sure  of  the  capture  of 
Rabbah  by  maldng  himself  master  of  the  water  supply, 
(read,  "  citj^  of  waters  "  for  "  royal  city  "  in  26  as  in 
27),  David  takes  the  command  that  he  may  have  the 
formal  credit.  Amongst  other  spoil,  he  took  the  crown 
from  the  idol  of  Milcom,  the  god  of  Ammoii ;  in  this 
crown  was  a  jewel  which  was  set  on  David's  head, 
probably  in  his  crown  or  diadem  ;  so  with  1  Ch.  2O2. 
He  made  his  captives  industrial  slaves  (mg.).  Ch., 
however,  makes  him  cut  them  with  saws,  etc. 

XIII.  Amnon,  Tamar,  and  Absalom  (J). 

1-22.  Amnon,  David's  eldest  son,  forces  his  half- 
sister,  Tamar,  the  full  sister  of  Absalom.  He  might 
have  married  her  (85*)  but  did  not  choose  to  do  so. 
She  rent  her  royal  tunic,  probably  a  garment  reaching 
to  the  hands  and  feet  (c/.  Gen.  373*) ;  Joseph's  "  coat  of 
many  colours  "  represents  the  same  Heb.  word.  David 
was  angry,  but  he  did  not  vex  him  by  punishing  him,  for 
he  loved  him  because  he  was  his  first-bom  (so  LXX). 

23-29.  Two  years  later,  Absalom  induced  Amnon  to 
be  his  guest  at  the  sheepshearing  (p.  101)  at  Baal- 
hazor,  near  Beth-el ;  the  other  sons  of  David  were  also 
present.  Absalom  made  them  a  royal  feast  (so  LXX 
addition  at  the  end  of  27).  Absalom  had  Amnon 
murdered  at  the  feast. 

30-39.  The  rumour  reached  tho  court  that  all  the 
princes  were  slain,  but  Jonadab,  Amnon's  friend,  re- 
assured the  liing  :  only  Amnon  was  dead  ;  for  Absalom 
had  been  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  kill  him  ever 
since  the  outrage  upon  Tamar.  Meanwhile  the  watch- 
man, on  some  neighbouring  tower,  lifted  up  his  eyes 
and  saw,  and  behold  much  people  were  coming  on  the 
Beth-horon  road  (p.  31),  on  the  descent;  and  tho 
watchman  came  and  told  tho  king,  saying  :  I  see  men 
coming  on  the  Both-horon  road  on  the  side  of  tho  hill 
(so  ICC,  with  LXX).  Soon  after,  tho  princes  arrived. 
Absalom  fled  to  the  king  of  Geshur,  his  grandfather 
(33),  and  remained  there  three  years,  and  all  the  time 
David  pined  for  his  return. 

37-39.  The  text  is  cormpt,  but  the  sense  is  clearly 
as  above. 

XIV.  The  Return  of  Absalom  (J). 

1-8.  Joal)  perceives  the  king's  longing  for  his  son 
(p.  67),  and  sends  to  him  a  woman  of  Tekoa  (p.  31), 
about  5  miles  S.  of  Beth-lehem,  with  a  trumped-up 
tale  that  she  was  in  danger  of  being  left  childless, 
because  one  of  her  two  sons  had  killed  his  brother, 

10 


290 


II.  SAMUEL,  XIV.   1-8 


and  tho  kinsfolk  wished  to  put  the  survivor  to  death. 
Tho  king  promised  to  intervene. 

9-17.  The  woman  continued  to  importune  him,  and 
at  last  she  seems  to  admit  that  her  story  is  a  parable 
and  to  apply  it  to  tho  king.  14  is  difficult ;  tho  first 
part,  no  doubt,  means,  "  Life  is  uncertain,  cither  tho 
king  or  his  son  may  die  at  any  time  ;  then  it  will  bo 
too  late  for  them  to  be  reconciled,  or  for  Absalom  to  be 
reinstated."  In  the  latter  part,  the  text  is  probably 
corrupt ;  the  favourite  restoration  is  :  "  And  God  will 
not  take  away  the  life  of  him  that  thinketh  thoughts 
in  order  not  to  banish  from  liim  (i.e.  keep  in  exile),  one 
that  is  banished,'"  i.e.  God  will  not  condemn  David  for 
icniencj'  to  Absalom  (c/.  Driver).  It  seems  a  round- 
about way  of  putting  things,  but  that  may  be  in  keep- 
ing with  the  occasion  and  the  woman's  character. 

15-17.  These  verses  may  have  stood  originally  some- 
where before  13,  in  which  the  woman  reveals  her  real 
purpose. 

18-24.  The  woman  admits  that  she  has  been  sent 
by  Joab.  The  king  allows  Joab  to  fetch  Absalom 
home,  but  will  not  allow  the  returned  exile  to  enter 
the  royal  presence. 

2&-27.  Absalom's  beauty  ;  his  family.  Probably  a 
later  addition. 

26.  two  hundred  shekels,  after  the  kings  weight: 
Cent.B  estimates  the  weight  at  '.if  lb.,  and,  with  others, 
regards  this  phrase  as  modelled  on  legends  on  foreign 
weights,  and  as  an  indication  of  post-exilic  authorship. 
— 27.  In  18 18  Absalom  has  no  sons,  and  in  1  K.  152, 
we  read  of  Maacah,  the  daughter  of  Absalom. 

28-33.  Joab  having  refused  to  visit  Absalom,  tho 
prince  secures  liis  attendance  by  a  ruse,  and  induces 
Joab  to  complete  the  reconciliation  between  father 
and  son. 

30.  Perhaps  we  should  add  at  the  end  of  this  verse, 
'"  And  Joab's  servants  came  to  him  with  their  clothes 
rent  and  said  :  The  servants  of  Absalom  have  set  the 
field  on  fire." 

XV.  1-XVI.  14.  Revolt  of  Absalom.  FUght  of  David 
(J). 

1-6.  Absalom  makes  himself  popular  by  professing 
an  interest  in  the  litigation  of  the  people. 

7-12.  After  four  j^ears  (so  read  with  Syr.  and  some 
texts  of  LXX),  having  obtained  the  king's  permission 
on  a  false  pretext,  Absalom  goes  to  Hebron  and  organises 
revolt. 

12.  Glloh:   Jos.  155 1. 

13-29.  i7f.  should  be  emended  on  the  basis  of  LXX 
(so  Driver  and  others),  giving  the  following  :  David 
leaves  Jerusalem  with  his  ministers  and  officers,  "  ser- 
vants ■'  ;  they  take  their  stand  by  the  last  house  E.  of 
the  city,  that  the  rest  of  David's  partisans  may  pass 
before  them.  The  general  body  come  first,  then  the 
bodygunrd  of  foreign  mercenaries,  the  rear  of  the  latter 
being  brought  up  by  a  recent  reinforcement  under 
Ittai  of  Gath.  David  offers  Ittai  the  opportunity  of 
leaving  him  ;  he  refuses.  The  fugitives  pass  on 
amidst  the  lamentation  of  the  jx'ople  ;  David  stands 
by  the  brook  Kidron  and  watches  them  pass  on  toward 
the  oUve-tree  in  tho  wilderness  ;  23  should  be  read 
thus,  witli  SBOT,  etc.  24  must  bo  emended  to  read, 
'■  And  behold,  also  Zadok  and  Abiathar  carrying  the 
ark  of  God,  and  they  set  down  the  ark  until  all  the 
people  had  done  passing  out  of  the  city."  David  bids 
them  take  the  Ark  back  to  the  city.  Yahweh  could 
give  him  victory  without  this  talisman,  just  as  well  as 
with  it.  This  act  shows  that  David  had  reached  a 
more  spiritual  view  of  religion  than  that  which  had 
been  generally  held  ;  his  example  would  tell  on  others. 
At  any  rat©,  we  hear  nothing  mote  of  the  Ark  being 


carried  to  war  ;  little  importance  need  bo  attached  to 
the  obscure  passage,  2  Ch.  363.  David  arranges  with 
the  priests  for  their  two  sons  to  act  as  spies. 

27.  Art  thou  not  a  seer :  read, '•  Behold  do  thou," 

30-37.  David  arranges  for  Hushai  the  Archite  (Jos. 
I62),  "  David's  friend '"  (so  LXX),  his  confidential 
adviser,  an  official  title,  to  remain  in  Jerusalem  as  his 
secret  agent  and  to  attach  himself  to  Absalom — become 
Absalom's  "  Friend.  ' 

XVI.  1-4.  Soon  after  passing  the  summit  of  the 
Mt.  of  Olives  David  is  met  by  Ziba,  the  servant  of 
Meri-baal  (44),  with  a  present  of  two  asses  laden  with 
provisions.  Ziba,  representing  that  Meri-baal  has 
turned  traitor,  obtains  a  grant  of  his  property. 

5-14.  At  Bahurim,  somewhere  on  tho  way  to  the 
Jordan,  Shimei,  a  kinsman  of  Saul,  follows  David, 
uttering  curses  and  throwing  stones.  David  refuses  to 
retaliate,  feeling  that  his  sufferings  may  move  Yahweh 
to  pity  him. 

14.  It  is  probable  that  the  name  of  some  place  has 
dropped  out. 

XVI.  15-XVII.  14.  Absalom  Comes  to  Jerusalem. 
Ahithophei  and  Hushai  (J). 

15-23.  Hushai  joins  Absalom.  On  the  advice  of 
Aliithophel,  Absalom  takes  over  his  father's  harem 
(37*>. 

XVII.  1-14.  Ahitliophel  advises  the  instant  pursuit 
and  capture  of  David.  "  I,"  he  says,  "  will  bring  back 
all  the  people  unto  thee,  as  a  bride  returns  to  her 
husband  ;  thou  seckest  the  life  of  only  one  man,  there 
shall  be  peace  for  all  the  people  "  ;  read  3  thus  with 
LXX.  Hushai  advised  delay,  till  an  overwhelming 
force  could  be  gathered  which  would  overcome  any 
possible  resistance.  Yahweh  makes  Absalom  follow 
Hushai's  counsel,  to  his  own  ruin. 

XVII.  15-29.  David  Comes  to  Mahanaim  (J). 

15-21.  Meanwhile  Da%'id  was  in  constant  communica- 
tion with  his  agents  in  Jerusalem  through  Jonathan 
and  Ahimaaz.  But  one  day,  apparently  when  the  news 
of  Ahithophel's  advice  was  being  convoyed  to  David, 
they  were  seen  and  pursued,  but  escaped  by  being 
hidden  in  a  well  {cf.  Jos.  26),  and  got  away  and  brought 
the  news  to  the  king. 

17.  En-rogel:  I  K.  Iq*. — 20.  brook:  michal,  a  word 
of  unknown  meaning,  occurring  only  hero, 

22-26,  David  moves  to  Mahanaim,  and  Absalom 
pursues  him  with  the  whole  levy  of  Israel,  Ahithopliol 
had  committod  suicide.  Absalom's  commander-in- 
chief  was  Amasa,  son  of  Jether  the  Ishmaelite  (so  with 
1  Ch,  217),  and  of  Abigail,  the  daughter  of  Je?,se,  (So 
Klostermann  and  others,  with  LXX  and  1  Ch.  2i7.) 
The  '■  Nahash  "  of  tho  Heb.  text  will  bo  due  to  con- 
fusion with  Abigail,  wifo  of  Nahash,  and  perhaps  also 
to  the  presence  of  the  name  m  27.     (Cf.  on  1  S,  2t)6.) 

27-29.  Tlio  Sheikhs  in  the  lands  E,  of  the  Jordan 
supply  David  and  his  followers  with  provisions,  Shobi 
may  now  have  been  king  of  Amnion,  tributarv  to 
David. 

27.  Rogelim:  not  identified.  —  28.  beds:  read 
"  couches  and  rugs,'  with  Buddo  and  others,  on  the 
basis  of  LXX. — parched  pulse:  omit, — cheese:  shphoik 
only  occurs  iiere,  meaning  unluiown ;  is  as  likely  to  be 
cheese  as  anvthiiig  else. 

XVIII.  1-XIX.  8.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Absalom. 
David  s  Grief  (J), 

1-8.  Absalom's  followers  are  defeated  with  great 
slaughter.  Nothing  is  known  as  to  the  battle-field, 
"  the  Forest  of  Ephraim,"  beyond  what  may  lie 
gathered  from  this  story.  Many  fugitives  lost  their 
uves  by  falhng  headlong  in  the  broken,  rocky  country ; 
some  perhaps,  especially  the  wounded,  died  of  hunger 


II.  SAMUEL,  XX.  13-22 


291 


and  exhaustion  in  these  inhospitable  tracts,  with  which 
they  were  not  familiar.  "  Forest  "  here,  as  often  in 
England,  e.g.  Ashdown  Forest,  denotes  the  kind  of 
country  described  above,  and  not  a  continuous  mass 
of  trees  (cj.  Budde). 

9-18.  Absalom,  fleeing,  was  caught  by  his  head  in  an 
oak  and  left  hanging  there,  while  his  mule  galloped 
away.  Nothing  is  said  about  his  hair,  and,  in  spite  of 
the  famiUar  pictures,  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  how  ho 
could  be  caught  by  the  hair  so  that  he  could  not 
extricate  himself.  Budde  suggests  that,  riding  head- 
long on  uneven  ground,  ho  was  carried  with  force  into 
an  oak,  that  his  head  stuck  in  a  fork  between  two 
branches,  and  he  perhaps  lost  consciousness.  Tidings 
of  his  plight  being  brought  to  Joab,  he  and  his  attend- 
ants slew  Absalom,  and  buried  him  in  a  neighbouring 
pit.  The  existing  text  seems  to  contrast  this  with  the 
arrangements  Absalom  himself  had  made.  But  it  is  not 
clear  what  these  were.  The  Heb.  as  it  stands  would 
naturally  mean  that  Absalom  took  a  mdgi^ebhd  (p.  98), 
or  sacred  pillar,  which  was  standing  in  the  King's 
Dale,  and  removed  it  and  set  it  up  somewhere  else  as 
a  memorial  to  himself.  In  view  of  the  sacred  character 
of  the  pillar,  Absalom  probably  founded  a  sanctuary 
where  family  rites  for  the  dead  would  be  celebrated  ; 
something  roughly  corresponding  to  a  Romanist 
memorial  chapel  in  which  masses  are  said  for  the  de- 
parted. As,  however,  such  rites  were  performed  by 
sons  or  descendants,  it  is  curious  that  his  action  ia 
explained  by  the  fact  that  he  had  no  son.  Possibly 
the  more  enlightened  religion  of  later  times  objected 
to  both  the  sanctuary  and  the  ritual ;  and  the  narrative 
was  modified  accordingly  in  order  to  transform  the 
sacred  pillar  into  a  purely  secular  monument.  The 
ritual  may  possibly  have  been  originally  derived  from 
ancestor- worship  (p.  83) ;  though  religious  rites  in 
coimexion  with  the  dead  need  not  have  involved 
ancestor-worehip  in  ancient  Israel  any  more  than  in 
modem  Italy.  In  142/  Absalom  has  three  sons.  LXX 
differs  from  Heb.,  and  Ivlostermann  adduces  reasons 
for  supposing  that,  in  the  original,  David  erected  the 
pillar  to  the  memory  of  Absalom. 

18.  the  kings  dale:   Gen.  14i7. 

19-23.  Ahimaaz  and  the  Cushite  race  to  Mahanaim 
to  carry  the  news  of  the  victory. 

24-33.  David,  sitting  between  the  inner  and  outer 
gates  of  the  city  is  waiting  for  tidings.  Ahimaaz 
arrives  first  and  salutes  the  king  with  the  usual  greeting, 
"  Shalom,"  "  Peace  "(not"  All  is  well  ")  ;  he  announces 
the  victory  but  evades  the  king's  question  about 
Absalom.  But  this  is  answered  by  the  Cushite,  who 
comes  up  soon  afterwards.  David,  overwhelmed  with 
grief,  secludes  himself. 

XK.  1-8.  Joab  induces  the  king  to  present  himself 
to  the  people. 

XIX.  9-^.  The  Return  of  David  (J). 

9-15.  The  two  parts  of  ii  must  be  trarusposed  with 
the  LXX.  giving  the  following  :  Absalom's  death  left 
Western  Palestine  in  a  state  of  anarchy  ;  the  obvious 
remedy  was  the  restoration  of  David,  so  that  men  said, 
"  Why  speak  ye  not  a  word  of  bringing  the  king  back  ?  " 
And  the  king  learned  what  wa.s  being  said  throughout 
Israel ;  and  king  David  sent  to  Zadok  and  to  Abiathar 
the  priests,  saying.  Speak  unto  the  elders  of  Judah, 
saying.  Why  are  ye  the  laat  to  bring  the  king  back  ? 
They  were  to  promise  Amasa  that  he  should  supplant 
Joab  as  commander-in-chief.  The  men  of  Judah  invite 
the  king  to  return,  and  come  down  to  the  Jordan  to 
meet  him. 

1&-23.  Shimci  makes  his  peace  with  David  (c/.  I65). 

24-30.  Mori-baal  (44)  comes  to  clear  himself  of  the 


charges  brought  against  him  by  Ziba  (I63).  David 
despairs  of  arriving  at  the  truth,  or  is  too  busy  to  give 
time  to  the  matter,  or  does  not  think  it  poUtic  to  offend 
either  party  ;  so  he  divides  the  property  (9;,  I64) 
between  them.  Meri-baal,  with  the  usual  exaggerated 
Eastern  courtesy,  rephes,  "  Let  him  take  the  whole, 
now  that  my  lord  the  king  is  safe  home  again  " — words 
which,  we  may  be  sure,  were  not  intend^  to  be  taken 
literally. 

31-39.  Barzillai  ( I727)  escorts  the  king  to  the  Jordan. 
It  is  generally  agreed  that  the  text  and  translation 
must  be  emended  so  as  to  make  it  clear  that  Barzillai 
came  to  the  Jordan,  but  did  not  cross  the  river,  thus : 
Barzillai  docUnes  an  in-vitation  to  accompany  the  king 
to  court ;  ho  will  only  (36)  come  with  him  as  far  aa 
the  Jordan  ;  he  commends  Chimham,  probably  hia 
son,  to  the  royal  favour.  As  the  king  stood  (so  read 
for  ■'  went  over  "  in  39),  watching  his  followers  cross 
the  river,  he  bade  farewell  to  BarzillaL 

40-43.  David  crosses  the  Jordan,  escorted  by  Judah 
and  a  contingent  from  Israel  The  two  parties  engage 
in  an  unseemly  wrangle  as  to  their  relative  claims  on 
the  king  and  rights  in  bringing  him  back.  The  episode 
shows  how  little  Judah  was  even  yet  regarded  as  an 
integral  part  of  Israel  In  43,  instead  of,  "  And  we 
have  also  more  right  in  David  than  you,"  we  should 
read  with  LXX,  "  And  I  also  am  the  firstborn  rather 
than  thou  "  ;  i.e.  compared  to  Israel,  Judah  is  a  late 
and  inferior  addition  to  the  community. 

XX.  The  Revolt  of  Sheba  (J). 

If.  The  result  of  this  altercation  was  a  fresh  re- 
bellion under  a  Benjamite,  Sheba  ben  Bichrl 

3.  The  membei-s  of  the  king's  harem  whom  he  had 
left  in  Jerusalem  are  condemned  to  pass  the  rest  of 
their  days  in  seclusion  (c/.  I621). 

4-12.  David  bade  his  new  commander-in-chief, 
Amasa,  assemble  the  general  levy  of  Judah  by  a  given 
day  ;  the  day  came,  but  Amasa  and  the  army  did  not 
appear.  A  few  days  before  Amasa  heid  been  in  com- 
mand of  an  army  fighting  against  Judah,  and  the  men 
of  Judah  might  be  slow  to  trust  him.  I'ime  pressed ; 
David,  still  unwilling  to  forgive  Joab,  placed  hia 
brother,  Abishai,  in  command  of  the  bodyguard  and 
the  standing  army,  with  Joab  as  a  subordinate.  Read, 
in  7,  on  the  basis  of  the  LXX,  "  And  there  went  out 
after  Abishai,  Joab  and  the  Cherethites,  etc."  Mean- 
while Amasa  had  collected  his  force  and  also  started 
northwards.  The  two  armies  met  near  Gibeon  ;  Joab 
treacherously  murdered  Amasa  b}'  some  ruse  which 
is  not  clearly  explained — the  latter  part  of  8  is  unin- 
telligible.    Joab  then  assumed  the  command. 

13-22.  Joab  led  the  united  force  in  pursuit  of  Sheba, 
who  had  been  traversing  the  country  trying  unsuccess- 
fully to  gather  adherents.  14  is  obscure  and  the  text 
doubtful ;  it  is  not  clear  how  it  should  be  restored. 
Some  find  in  it  a  statement  that  Sheba  was  treated 
with  contempt.  Further,  we  should  probably  read  "  to 
Abel-beth-maacah,"  in  the  extreme  N.  of  Palestine ; 
"  all  the  Bichrites,"'  Sheba's  kinsfolk.  Joab  shut  up 
the  rebels  in  Abel,  and  was  preparing  to  storm  the 
city.  The  inhabitants  opened  negotiations  through  a 
"  Wise  Woman,''  probably  someone  on  'ae  border  line 
between  a  prophetess  and  a  witch,  two  classes  which 
were  not  always  clearly  distinguished.  She  appealed 
to  the  reputation  of  Abel  as  a  stronghold  of  national 
tradition  :  '"  They  used  to  say  formerly  :  Let  them  ask 
in  Abel  and  in  Dan  whether  what  the  faithful  in  Israel 
established  has  come  to  an  end  "  (so  ICC,  etc.,  on  the 
basis  of  LXX).  Such  a  city  Joab  was  proposing  to 
destroy.  The  negotiations  ended  in  the  people  of 
Abel  putting  Sheba  to  death ;   whereupon  Joab  and 


292 


II.  SAMUEL,  XX.   13-22 


his  army  returned  to  Jcnisaleni.  Apparently  the  king 
did  not  venture  to  dispute  Joab's  right  to  resume  his 
post  of  commandor-in-ciiiof. 

2^26.  A  second  ii.st  of  David's  officers,  varying  some- 
what from  that  in  8i6ff.,  wliich  see.  There  is  a  new 
office.  Master  of  the  Trihutc,  or  rather  the  forced 
labour  (c/.  1  S.  8i6).  David's  sons  disappear  from  the 
list  of  priests,  but  Ira,  who  takes  tiioir  place,  is  neither 
Levite  nor  Aaronitc,  but  belongs  to  Jair,  a  clan  of  E. 
Manasseh.  The  ditTcrcnccs  between  the  two  lists  may 
bo  due  to  changes  in  the  course  of  the  reign  or  to 
variations  in  the  traditions.  Probably  neitiier  list  is 
exhaustive  ;  no  doubt  there  were  other  oflicers  and 
other  priests  who  might  have  been  mentioned.  The 
list  will  have  been  composed  by  an  editor  from  ancient 
material,  and  at  one  time  was  the  conclusion  of  an 
edition  of  the  book  which  ended  at  this  point. 

XXI.-XXIV.  These  chapters  form  an  appendix  of 
material  from  various  sources.  One  of  the  editors, 
prhaps  the  one  to  whom  the  book  substantially  owes 
its  present  form,  seems  to  have  met  with  difficulties  in 
an  attempted  reanangement  of  some  of  the  material ; 
finding  no  other  convenient  place  for  2I1-14,  24,  he 
added  them  at  the  end,  as  a  kind  of  appendix.  He  or 
someone  else  inserted  between  them  the  catalogue  of 
heroes  (2I15-22,  238-39)  ;  ^SiteT  on  someone  inserted 
22  and  238-39  in  the  middle  of  the  catalogue.  The 
reader  must  remember  that  ancient  editors  and  scribes 
had  no  assistance  from  divisions  of  chapters  and  verses 
or  headings ;  and  that  only  the  consonants  were 
written,  so  that  it  was  not  possible  to  see  at  a  glance 
where  was  the  most  suitable  place  for  an  addition. 

The  proper  continuation  of  ch.  20  is  1  K.  1. 

XXI.  1-14.  The  Story  of  Rizpah  (J).  {Cf.  above.)— 
This  section  and  ch.  24  are  probably  by  the  same  hand. 
They  are  no  doubt  ancient,  but  do  not  belong  to  the 
same  source  as  9-20.  We  have  here  striking  illustra- 
tions of  the  primitive  theology  of  Israel :  misfortune. 
e.g.  famine,  is  regarded  as  necessarily  the  punishment 
of  sin.  When  misfortune  comes,  the  obvious  course 
is  to  inquire  what  sin  has  caused  it.  Owing  to  the 
solidarity  of  the  nation  and  the  family,  punishment 
of  sin  may  fall  on  the  fellow-countrymen  or  the  kinsfolk 
of  the  sinner.  Saul  treacherously  massacres  the 
Gibeonites  ;  therefore  Israel  is  afflicted  with  a  famine 
till  the  Gibeonites  and  Yahweh  are  appeased  by  the 
execution  of  seven  of  Saul's  sons  and  grandsons.  This 
event  probably  happened  not  long  after  David  became 
king  of  all  Israel. 

1-9.  To  ascertain  the  cause  of  a  prolonged  famine, 
David  seeks  the  face  of  Yahwoh,  i.e.  inquires  of  an 
oracle ;  and  learns  that  it  is  due  to  Saul  having 
massacred  the  Gibeonites  in  spite  of  their  covenant 
(Jos.  9),  with  Israel.  In  i  read  with  LXX,  "  The  guilt 
of  blood  rests  on  Saul  and  on  his  house."  The  Gibeon- 
ites decline  compensation  in  money,  and  demand  seven 
descendants  of  Saul,  to  be  put  to  death  at  the  sanctuary 
at  Gibeon  as  a  sacrifice  to  Yahweh.  (So  generally  ICC, 
on  the  basis  of  LXX.)  Tlie  meaning  of  the  word,  RV 
"  hang,"  denoting  the  mode  of  execution,  is  unknown. 
Their  request  was  granted  and  the  famine  ceased. 
[J.  G.  Frazer  thinlcs  that  the  "  execution  was  not  a 
mere  punishment,  but  that  it  pailook  of  the  nature 
of  a  rain-charm,"  since  magical  ceremonies  to  procure 
rain  are  often  performed  with  dead  men's  bones 
( Adonis  Atti.s  Osiri.i,  i.  22).  The  famine  was  no 
doubt  due  to  iaelc  of  rain. — A.  S.  P.]  In  8  read  Merab 
(IS.  I819)  for  Michal. 

10-14.  Rizpah,  the  mother  of  five  of  the  victims, 
watches  day  and  night  over  their  remains  till  Da\nd 
has  them  buried  with  the  bones  of  Saul  and  Jonathan. 


XXI.  15-22.  David's  Heroes  (first  section).  Cf.  above. 
(J). — These  verses  are  prol>ably  from  the  same  source 
as  238ff.,  and  the  source  is  no  doubt  ancient.  The 
events  in  21i5ff.  and  238ff.  belong  to  various  periods  in 
the  life  of  David. 

15-17.  Ablsha'i  Rescues  David.— The  text  of  16  is 
corrupt ;    the  general  sense  seems  to  have  been  : 

At  Gob,  some  place  otherwise  unknown,  David  was 
in  danger  from  a  giant  whose  name  lias  been  lost 
through  corruption  of  the  text. 

18-22.  Davids  warriors  slay  three  Philistine  giants  ; 
one  of  them  Goliath,  who  is  slain  by  Elhanan  the  son 
of  Jair  (so  with  1  Ch.  2O5).  Note  the  varying  tradi- 
tion as  to  Gobath  ;  it  seems  more  likely  that  the 
exploit  of  an  obscure  individual  should  be  credited  to 
David  than  vice  verm.  Ch.  removes  the  discrepancy 
by  altering  Bethlehemite  into  "  Lahmi  the  brother  of  " 
(Goliath),  and  AV  has  made  a  similar  alteration. 

XXII.  Ps.  18. — This  poem  is  dealt  with  in  the  com- 
mentarvon  the  Psalms  (pp.  367,  376f.). 

XXlil.  1-7.  The  Last  Words  of  David  (cf.  above).— 
This  poem  is  generally  held  to  be  a  late  production 
and  not  composed  by  David.  "  Saith  "  (twice)  in  i, 
is  the  solemn  iie\im,  "  oracle  "  (Nu.  243).  Instead  of 
"  sweet  psalmist  of  Israel,"  render  "  him  whom  Israel 
delights  to  praise  "  (cf.  RVm).  4  should  run  : 
He  shall  dawn  like  the  light  of  morning, 
Like  the  sun  on  a  morning  without  clouds. 

The  text  and  translation  of  the  last  line,  and  of  5-7,  are 
uncertain  ;  there  is  no  agreement  amongst  scholars 
as  to  how  they  are  to  be  restored,  so  that  one  cannot 
offer  anything  which  is  an  assured  improvement  on 
RV,  except  at  one  or  two  points.  5  should  open, 
"  Verily  my  house  is  sure  with  God  "  ;  the  last  line  of 
the  verse  should  be  taken  with  what  follows. 

XXIII.  8-39.  DavidsHeroes(co/!/ni«e^).— The  Three 
and  the  Thirty  (J).     (Cf.  above.) 

8-12.  8  must  be  emended  to  read,  instead  of  Josheb, 
etc.,  "  Ishbaal  the  Hachmonite,  chief  of  the  three,  he 
lifted  up  his  spear  against  eight  hundred,  etc."  9 
should  read  "  Eleazar  ben  Dodo  the  Ahohite,  one  of 
the  three  mightj'  men,  was  with  David  at  Pas-dammim 
(1  S.  17i),  when  the  Philistines  were  there  gathered 
together  to  battle,  and  the  men  of  Israel  retreated." 
Shammah's  exploit  was  when  the  Philistines  were 
assembled  "  at  Lehi  "  (Jg.  I59),  not  "  into  a  troop." 

13-17.  Read  13  :  And  three  of  the  thirty  went  down 
and  came  to  the  rock  to  David  to  the  hold  of  AduUam," 
SECT. 

18-23.  Read  18  :  "  And  Abishai  .  .  .  was  chief  of 
the  Thirty  .  .  .  and  had  a  name  among  the  Thirty,'"  or 
"  like  that  of  the  Three."  In  20,  the  text  is  hopelessly 
corrupt ;  but  apparently  Bcnaiah  slew  two  young  lions 
and  a  hon,  "  Ariel  "  having  arisen  through  tlie  mistaken 
combination  of  'art,  '"  lion  "  with  letters  belonging  to 
another  word.  22  should  be  emended  at  the  end 
like  18. 

24-39.  Note  that  the  Three  are  men  of  whom  we 
learn  nothing  elsewhere,  apparently  remarkable  for 
nothing  but  personal  strength  and  skill  in  hand-to- 
hand  tigiiting.  Tliey  would  enjoy  public  importance 
and  popularity  comparable  to  those  accorded  to  famous 
cricketers  and  footballers  nowadays  ;  the  Thirty  en- 
joyed the  same  distinction  in  a  less  degree.  They 
indeed  include  men  of  note  in  other  ways  :  Asahel  ben 
Zoruiah  ;  also  a  son  of  Aliithoi)hel,  and  Uriah  the 
Hittito,  besides  Abislmi,  and  Benaiah,  the  Captain  of 
the  Bodyguard.  But  the  bulk  of  tiie  Thirty  are  other- 
wise unknown.  Joab,  the  most  powerful  man  and 
the  finest  military  commander  in  Israel,  David  himself 


II.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  18-25 


293 


not  excepted,  belongs  to  neither  body  ;  but  his  armour- 
bearers  belong  to  the  Thirty  ;  that  indicates  the  value 
of  the  distinction.  According  to  39  the  Tliirty  num- 
bered thirty-seven.  Possibly  the  original  number  was 
not  adhered  to  ;  or  the  list  may  include  some  who 
were  slain  like  Asahel  and  Uriah,  together  with  those 
wlio  replaced  them. 

XXIV.  The  Census  (J).  (C/.  p.  292.)— This  event  also 
may  belong  to  the  beginning  of  David's  reign  over  all 
Israel. 

1-9.  Here  is  another  illustration  of  the  imperfect 
recognition   of  the   moral  nature   of   Yahwch   in   the 
primitive  documents.     No  one  is  conscious  of  sin,  yet 
I     Yahwch,   for   some   inscrutable,    arbitrary   reason,  is 
■     angry    with    His    people.     Accordingly,    He    induces 
i     David  to  commit  an  obvious  sin,  so  that  He  may  have 
'     a  justification  for  punishing  Israel.     It  is  useless  to 
;     ask  why  a  census  was  sinful ;  such  ideas  go  too  far  back 
for  us  to  trace  their  origin  (Nil.  31 50*).     In  the  Priestly 
Code  censuses  are  taken  quite  happily.    The  subsequent 
advance  of  religious  thought  in  Israel  is  indicated  by 
the  fact  that  in  1  Ch.  21 1,  it  is  Satan  who  induces 
David  to  take  the  census.     Controlled  by  a  baneful 
inspiration,  David  is  incapable  of  listening  to  reason,  he 
turns  a  deaf  ear  to  the  protests  of  Joab  and  his  officers, 
and  the  census  is  taken.     In  considering  the  theology 
of  this  chapter,  the  reader  will  appreciate  the  relief 
which  we  obtain  when  we  realise  that  such  passages 
are  records,  preserved  by  the  Divine  Providence  for 
our  instruction,   of  a  primitive  and  imperfect  inter- 
pretation of  the  ways  of  God.     The  enumerators  began 
at  the  S.  of  E.  Palestine  ;    went  to  the  extreme  N.  ; 


then  westward ;  then  they  traversed  W.  Palestine 
from  N.  to  S.  The  numbers  differ  in  Ch.  and  in  MSS 
of  LXX,  and  are  no  doubt  exaggerated. 

6.  Tahtim-hodshi  .  .  .  Dan-jaan:  corrupt  read- 
ings ;  there  is  no  certain  restoration  ;  but  it  is  clear 
that  the  enumerators  went  to  the  northern  Dan,  the 
extreme  point  of  the  territory  of  Israel  north- 
wards. 

10-17.  Yahweh  now  removes  the  misleading  influ- 
ence from  David,  so  that  he  comes  to  himself  and  is 
penitent.  Yahwch  offers  him  a  choice  of  three  punish- 
ments ;  famine  for  three  (so  with  1  Ch.  2I12)  years; 
disastrous  war  for  three  months  ;  pestilence  for  three 
days.  In  15  most  scholars  follow  LXX  in  reading : 
"  So  David  chose  the  pestilence.  And  in  the  days  of 
the  wheat  harvest,  the  plague  began  among  the  people 
and  slew  of  the  people  seventy  thousand  men."  Then, 
when  the  plague  was  on  the  point  of  reaching  Jeru- 
salem, David  interceded  with  Yahwch,  and  He  stayed 
the  plague,  apparently  before  the  three  days  had 
elapsed. 

18-25.  By  Gad's  direction  David  builds  an  altar 
and  offers  sacrifices ;  the  plague  is  stayed.  If  i6f. 
belongs  to  the  original  story,  Yahweh  was  not  placated 
by  the  sacrifices,  but  had  already  bidden  the  destroying 
angel  stay  his  hand.  David  buys  a  threshing  floor  and 
oxen  for  fifty  shekels  of  silver — Araunah's  offer  of 
them  as  a  gift  is  only  another  piece  of  Oriental  courtesy. 
The  site  of  this  altar  is  identified  with  that  of  the  altar 
of  burnt  offering  in  Solomon's  Temple.  In  1  Ch.  21 
David  buys  "  the  place  "  for  six  hundred  shekels  of 
gold. 


I.  AND   II.    KINGS 


By  Dr.  F.  J.  FOAKES  JACKSON 


The  Books  of  Kings,  originally  contained  in  a  single 
book,  cover  the  history  of  Israel  from  the  death  of 
David  (c.  1000  B.C.)  to  the  death  of  Jehoiachin,  king 
of  Judah,  who  was  treated  with  favour  by  the  kings 
of  Babylon  from  his  liberation  by  Evil  Merodach 
(562  B.C.)  till  the  end  of  his  life.  It  cannot  therefore 
be  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  Babjionian  Captivity. 
The  diSerent  periods  are  not  treated  uniformly,  some 
being  dealt  with  in  detail,  whilst  others  are  hastily 
passed  over.  The  divisions  of  the  books  are  roughly  : 
(a)  1  K.  1-11.  The  death  of  David  and  reign  of 
Solomon,  a  considerable  portion  being  devoted  to  the 
building  and  dedication  of  the  Temple,  (b)  1  K.  12- 
2  K.  17.  The  history  of  the  two  kingdoms,  Israel  and 
Judah,  especial  prominence  being  given  to  the  northern 
one.  Tlie  lives  of  the  northern  prophets  Elijah  and 
Elisha  occupy  a  large  proportion  of  this  section.  From 
IK.  16  to  2  K.  8  the  chief  theme  is  their  actions  and 
adventures,  whilst  9f.  relates  the  consummation  of  their 
work,  the  destruction  of  the  Baal  worship  in  Israel, 
(c)  2  K.  18-25.  The  historv-  of  Judah  after  the  ruin 
of  Israel,  the  virtuous  reigns  of  Hezekiah  (18-20),  and 
Josiah  (22f.)  occupy  the  main  portion. 

The  general  object  is  to  trace  the  fall  of  the  two 
kingdoms  to  their  refusal  to  maintain  the  worship  of 
Yahweh  in  its  purity.  The  standpoint  of  the  writer 
is  Deuteronomic,  i.e.  he  considers  that  sacrifice  should 
be  offered  to  Yahweh  at  a  single  national  sanctuary 
only,  and  that  the  high  places  to  which  the  Israelites 
were  accustomed  to  resort  were  homes  of  a  cultue 
little  better  than  that  of  false  gods.  Hence  the  sin 
of  Israel,  which  brought  both  nations  to  ruin,  was 
that  of  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Nebat,  who  set  up  rival 
sanctuaries  to  Jerusalem,  and  employed  a  non-Levitical 
priesthood.  The  author  does  ample  justice,  however, 
to  the  great  work  of  Elijah  and  Elisha  in  striving 
against  the  Baal  worship,  although  neither  seems  to 
have  insisted  on  the  one  sanctuary. 

The  tone  as  well  as  the  stnicture  of  the  work  is 
distinctly  Deuteronomic  throughout ;  but  ancient 
sources  were  avowedly  consulted,  three  being  men- 
tioned, the  Acts  of  Solomon,  and  the  separate  books  of 
the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah.  In 
the  opening  chapters  the  author  continues  the  reign 
of  David,  which  was  not  brought  to  its  conclusion  in 
w^  the  Books  of  Samuel  ;  he  evidently  had  access  to  much 
^  valuable  information  regarding  the  Temple,  and  the 
accounts  of  Hezekiah  and  of  the  last  days  of  Jerusalem 
find  parallels  in  the  books  of  Is.  and  Jer.  respec- 
tively. 

Literature. — Comwevtaries  :  (a)  Rawlinson  (Sp.), 
Skinner  (Cent.B).  Barnes  (CB),  Box ;  (6)  Burney, 
Stade  and  Schwally  (SBOT  Heb.)  ;  (c)  *  Keil,  KIttel 
(HK),  Bonzinger  (KHC)  ;  (,1)  Farrar  (Ex.B).  Other 
IJterature  :  see  biblioprapliios  in  articles  on  "  The 
History  of  Israel,"  "  Tlie  Holy  Land,"  articles  on 
"  Kings,"  "  Israel,"    "  Temple,"  etc  in  HDB,  EBi, 


294 


EB,  ERE,    The  article  on  The  History  of  Israel  in  this 
volume  may  be  consulted  throughout. 

THE    FIRST   BOOK   OF  KINGS 

I.  1-53.  Last  Days  of  David  and  Accession  cf 
Solomon. — This  chapter  with  the  following  has  many 
analogies  with  the  court  history  of  David  (2  S.  11-20). 
The  narrative  bears  every  sign  of  an  authentic  account 
of  actual  events,  told  with  complete  impartiality,  and 
without  any  attempt  to  comment  favourably  or  other- 
wise on  the  events  related.  David  is  represented  as  a 
very  aged  man  nursed  by  his  youngest  wife,  Abishsg 
the  Shunammite  (3).  Her  beauty  is  especially  noticed 
as  it  maj'  have  caused  the  death  of  David's  son, 
Adonijah.  Shunem,  her  native  place,  was  a  slope 
overlooking  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  near  Jezreel,  and 
she  is  the  Shulammite  in  the  Song  of  Songs  (Ca.  613). 
The  pivot  around  which  all  revolves  is  the  succession. 
The  chief  claimant  waa  Adonijah  the  son  of  Haggith 
(9).  whose  conduct  as  well  as  his  appearance  (6)  recalls 
Absalom.  Adonijah  evidently  considered  himself  the 
legitimate  heir,  and  assumed  a  semi-royal  state  with- 
out rebuke  from  David.  Like  Absalom  he  made  use 
of  chariots,  which  are  first  mentioned  as  employed 
by  the  Hebrews  in  connexion  with  these  two  princes 
(5,  2  S.  15i,  but  see  1  S.  1013  LXX).  Adonijah 
was  supported  by  David's  older  counsellors,  Joab  the 
son  of  Zeruiah,  David's  sister,  and  Abiathar,  the  sole 
representative  of  the  house  of  Eli,  who  had  escaped 
the  massacre  of  the  priests  at  Nob  (1  S.  222off). 
Adonijah  and  his  supporters  e\-idently  intended  to 
force  the  aged  David  to  acknowle«^lge  his  claim.  A 
great  feast  was  held  outside  Jerusalem  by  the  stone 
Zoheleth  which  is  beside  En-rogel  (the  fuller's  well), 
probably  near  the  village  of  Siloam  (9),  to  which 
Adonijah   invited   all   the   great   men   of  Judah,    but 

Eurposely  excluded  his  brother  Solomon,  son  of 
>avid's  favourite  wife  Bathsheba,  together  with  his 
supporters,  Zadok,  Nathan  and  Benaiah,  the  captain 
of  David's  bodyguard  of  Oihhorim  (2  S.  23sfl.).  The 
plot  was  defeated  by  the  machinations  of  Nathan, 
the  prophet,  who  had  so  fearlessly  rebuked  David 
(2  S.  12i),  and  Bathsheba.  Nathan  persuades  the 
queen  to  go  to  the  king  and  a-sk  whether  it  was  not 
his  intention  that  Solomon  should  be  his  successor. 
He  promised  to  come  in  afterwards  to  "  confirm  her 
words."  Observe  the  art  with  which  the  historian 
makes  Bathsheba  expand  the  instructions  given  her 
by  Nathan  (17-21).  and  the  prophet's  diplomatic 
question  as  to  whether  the  king  had  really  appointed 
Adonijah  (24-27),  The  old  king  is  aroused  to  vigorous 
action.  He  orders  Zadok,  Nathan  and  Benaiah  to 
take  Solomon  at  once,  and  make  him  ride  on  the 
royal  mule(33)to  Gihon  (p.  31),  probably,  like  the  stone 
Zoheleth,  outside  Jerusalem  (2  Ch.  3230.  33i4),  and  in 
the  valley  of  the  Kidron.     There  Zadok  the  priest 


I.  KINGS,  III.  1 


295 


took  the  oil  from  the  Tent  Sanctuary  in  Jerusalem 
(2  S.  617,  72,  1  K.  228),  and  anointed  Solomon,  pro- 
claiming to  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  that  he  was  king 
(39).  This  is  the  only  example  in  Israel  of  a  son  being 
anointed  king  in  his  father's  lifetime.  The  RV  has 
Tent  and  not  Taberaaclo  here  fas  in  Ex.  33ii,  because 
this  sanctuary  could  not  have  oeen  the  "  Tabernacle  " 
of  the  Priestly  Code,  which,  however,  preserves  the 
tradition  that  tlic  anointing  oil  was  kept  in  the  sanctu- 
ary (Ex.  3I11,  3938).  Though,  according  to  2  Ch.  I3, 
the  Tabernacle  at  this  time  wa3  at  Gibeon,  the  Tent  in 
which  the  oil  was  kept  together  with  the  Ark  (2  S.  I2) 
must  have  been  in  Jerusalem.  The  only  kings  after 
Solomon  who  are  said  to  have  been  anointed  in  Judah 
are  Joash  (2  K.  11 12),  and  Jehoahaz,  the  son  of  Josiah 
(2  K.  2330).  An  anointed  king  was  considered  a 
sacrosanct  person,  the  Jlessiah  of  Yahweh. 

The  scone  now  shifts  to  the  banquet  of  Adonijah, 
which,  since  the  revellers  heard  the  trumpets,  must 
have  been  near  the  place  where  Solomon  was  pro- 
claimed. Jonathan  the  son  of  Abiathar  (2  S.  I536, 
177)  announces  the  news  (43-49).  Thereupon 
Adonijah 's  guests  disperse  in  terror,  and  the  pretender 
claims  the  protection  of  the  altar  (Nu.  35*,  Dt. 
I91-13*).  Solomon,  with  a  magnanimity  rare  in 
Eastern  story,  promises  to  spare  his  brother's  life  if 
he  wiU  prove  himself  a  "  worthy  man."  Adonijah  does 
homage  to  the  new  king,  and  is  allowed  to  retire  to 
his  house  (50-53). 

II.  1-46.  Death  of  David;  Solomon  Established 
on  his  Throne. — The  main  source  of  this  chapter  is 
the  same  as  that  of  1,  but  interspersed  are  Deutero- 
nomic  additions  (3f.,  10-12,  27).  Tlie  authenticity  of 
David's  advice  to  Solomon  has  been  disputed,  especially 
the  reasons  given  for  procuring  Joab's  execution. 
Judged  by  any  standard  it  places  his  character  in 
an  unamiable  light.  Solomon  was  advised  to  find  a 
pretext  for  putting  Joab  and  Shimei  to  death,  and 
perfidy  is  inculcated  as  wisdom  (6  and  9).  Without 
attempting  to  justify  its  morality,  two  reasons  for 
it  may  be  suggested.  The  king  may  have  felt  that 
his  son  could  never  have  been  secure  on  his  throne 
BO  long  as  Joab  was  alive.  No  character  is  more 
clearly  drawn  in  the  Bible  than  Joab's.  His  fidelity 
to  David  was  as  undoubted  as  his  ruthlessness  in 
removing  all  who,  like  Abner  (2  S.  322-27),  or  Amasa 
(2  S.  20sff.).  stood  between  him  and  the  king.  The 
slaying  of  Absalom  contrary  to  David's  express  com- 
mand (2  S.  I814),  and  the  suppression  of  Sheba's 
revolt  (2  S.  20),  prove  that  he  was  more  alive  to  his 
master's  interests  than  the  king  himself ;  and  his 
treacherous  character  was  notorious  in  Israel  (2  S. 
.I811-13).  If  he  were  allowed  by  Solomon  to  intrigue 
with  impunity  for  Adonijah  the  young  king's  reign 
would  have  been  brief.  But  there  may  have  been  a 
deeper  reason,  that  urged  by  David  (5).  which  we  may 
accept.  Joab,  in  slajing  Abner  and  Amasa.  had 
brought  blood-guiltiness  upon  the  house  of  David. 
In  this  ca.se  David  would  be  swayed  by  the  same 
motive  as  prompted  the  slaying  of  Saul's  seven  sons 
to  relieve  his  land  from  blood-guiltiness  (2  S.  21). 

The  pons  of  Barzillai  (7)  were  commended  to 
Solomon's  care  (2  S.  1727ff.,  lO^ifE.).  Another  enemy 
to  be  destroyed  was  Shimei  (2  S.  I65,  19i8ff.).  Here 
Rgnin  was  David's  advice  prompted  by  policy  or 
Biiperstition  ?  Shimei  belonged  to  Saul's  family,  and 
may  well  have  had  influence  to  exert  against  David's 
successor.  But  David  may  also  have  dreaded  the 
effect  of  the  curse  Shimei  had  pronounced  on  his  family 
(see  44f.), 

In  order  to  understand  the  request  of  Adonijah  and 


the  conduct  of  Solomon  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
the  wives  of  the  deceased  king  passed  to  his  successor. 
WTien,  therefore,  Abner  had  relations  with  Rizpah, 
Saul's  concubine,  Ishbosheth  instantly  suspected  him 
of  treason  (2  S.  37*).  In  the  same  way  Ahithophel 
advised  Absalom  to  take  David's  concubines  publicly 
in  order  to  convince  the  people  that  he  laid  claim  to 
his  father's  throne  (2  S.  I621).  Adonijah  asks  Bath- 
sheba  to  assist  him  in  obtaining  Abishag,  and  appeals 
to  her  pity  and  good  nature.  As  the  eldest  son  he 
had  a  right  to  the  throne,  but  he  has  lost  that.  May 
not  he  have  the  beautiful  Abishag  ?  As  queen-mother 
Bathsheba  enjoys  a  far  more  honourable  position  than 
as  wife  of  the  king  (cf.  19  with  li5f.).  Solomon  re- 
cognised behind  her  request  the  existence  of  a  wide- 
spread conspiracy.  Benaiah  was  at  once  ordered  to 
slay  Adonijah  (24).  Abiathar  the  priest,  as  the  com- 
panion of  David,  was  treated  with  comparative  leniency, 
Solomon  allowed  him  to  retire  to  his  estate  at  Anathoth 
(p.  31),  a  village  two  and  a  half  miles  NE.  of  Jerusalem. 
It  was  a  priestly  town  in  the  days  of  Jeremiah  (Jer. 
li,  327;  see  also  Jos.  21 18,  1  Ch.  660).  Why  Zadok 
was  associated  with  Abiathar  in  the  priesthood  does 
not  transpire.  The  writer's  object  is  to  show  how  the 
priesthood  passed  out  of  the  line  of  Eli  (27 ;  see  1  S.  2 
27-36).  The  view  that  Abiathar  and  the  house  of 
Eli  were  representatives  of  Ithamar,  the  younger  son 
of  Aaron,  while  Zadok  was  descended  from  Eleazar, 
cannot  be  substantiated  (1  Ch.  653).  Zadok  is  said  to 
have  been  made  priest  (35)  in  the  room  of  Abiathar, 
as  if  the  latter,  though  it  is  otherwise  implied  else- 
where (2  S.  817,  20 2 4),  were  the  superior  (35).  Joab 
e\'idently  was  conscious  of  guilt,  and  escaped  to  the 
Tent  sanctuary  in  Jerusalem  (I33*).  The  altar  of 
Yahweh  with  the  Hebrews,  as  with  other  nations,  was 
a  place  of  refuge  (for  "  horns  '  see  Ex.  272). 

Solomon  had  respected  it  in  the  case  of  Adonijah 
(I50) :  but  Joab.  having  been  guilty  of  wilful  murder 
in  the  cases  of  Abner  and  Amasa,  was  actually  slain 
at  the  altar  itself,  and  not  taken  from  it  to  his  death 
(Ex.  21 14).  In  33  Solomon  accepts  the  view  suggested 
in  5  that  the  death  of  Joab  was  necessary  to  remove 
from  David's  house  any  trace  of  guilt  in  respect  to  the 
death  of  Abner  and  Amasa.  The  fate  of  Shimei  is  next 
related  (36-46).  He  was  warned  that  if  he  passed 
the  Kidron  he  would  die.  Strangely,  he  did  not 
violate  the  letter  of  the  command  in  going  to  Gath. 
Nevertheless  he  was  slain,  and  with  his  death  the 
kingdom  was  said  to  have  been  "  established  in  the 
hand  of  Solomon." 

m.  l-IV.  34.  Early  Days,  Reign,  and  Wisdom  ol 
Solomon. — The  sources  of  this  section  are  various,  and 
the  arrangement  of  the  narrative  in  the  LXX  should 
be  noticed.  There  are  (a)  a  statistical  account  of 
Solomon's  reign,  referred  to,  apparently  in  II41,  as 
"  the  book  of  the  acts  of  Solomon  ;  (6)  a  number  of 
narratives  about  this  reign  ;  (c)  several  Deuteronomio 
additions — e.g.  36.14.  etc.  :  and  (d)  some  very  late 
pa.ssages.  possibly  originally  explanatory  notes.  The  his- 
tory of  Solomon's  reign  really  extends  from  3i  to  11 43, 
and  the  sources  throughout  are  practically  the  same, 
with  a  special  one  on  the  Temple.  The  LXX  has 
a  different  arrangement  and  some  long  additions, 
which,  however,  are  as  a  rule  only  repetitions  from 
other  parts  of  the  section  belonging  to  Solomon. 
Two  of  the  longest  are  found  after  235  and  246.  The 
chapters  also  are  somewhat  differently  arranged,  and 
espociallj'  4  and  5. 

m.  1.  The  verse  describing  Solomon's  alliance  with 
Pharaoh's  daughter  is  misplaced.  In  the  LXX  it  is 
combined  with  9i6,  the  taking  of  Gczer  by  Pharaoh, 


296 


I.  KINGS,  III.  1 


and  placed  at  the  end  of  4.  According  to  the  Tell  el- 
Amarna  tablets  (p.  55)  an  Eg5rptian  princess  might  not 
marry  a  foreigner.  It  is  therefore  supposed  that  Solo- 
mon's father-in-law  was  a  king,  not  of  Egypt  (Mizraim), 
but  of  Musri,  in  N.  Arabia.  But  the  tablets  are  at 
least  four  centuries  earlier  than  iSolomon. 

The  high-placo  worship  alluded  to  in  3  is  acknow- 
ledged and  deplored  throughout  the  book,  and  it  is 
confessed  that  it  existed  oven  under  virtuous  monarchs. 
The  high  places  were  the  regular  sanctuaries,  and  no 
attempt  was  made  to  abolish  them  till  the  time  of 
Hezekiah  (2  K.  184,22).  or  possibly  as  late  as  Josiah 
(2  K.  2:?).  The  verso  appeai-s  to  bo  an  explanatory 
gloss,  for  we  find  it  repeated  (1  K.  ISi.j,  2  K.  I23,  etc.). 
It  ia  obviously  not  a  contemporary  judgment  of  Solo- 
mon's age.  The  high  place  used  by  Solomon  was 
Gibeon.  A  tradition  preserved  in  2  Ch.  I3  placed  the 
Mosaic  Tabernacle  there.  But  this  is  not  borne  out 
by  what  we  read  in  the  OT.  Gibeon  was  a  Hivito 
city  (Jos  G^flF)  which  had  made  a  treaty  with  Israel. 
Josephus  {Ant.  viii.  2)  reads  Hebron,  with  some 
plausibility,  because  Hebron  was  the  ancient  seat  of 
the  Davidjc  monarchy  (2  S.  21-3),  and  was  the  early 
Banctuary  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (2  S.  157).  Ho  also 
tells  us  that  Solomon  was  fourteen  years  old  at  the 
time  of  his  accession.  Solomon  made  a  great  sacrifice 
of  a  thousand  burnt  offerings  (4)  at  Gibeon  ;  when  he 
returned  to  Jerusalem  he  offered  burnt  offerings  and 
peace  offerings  before  the  Ark  (15).  Some  commen- 
tators see  in  15  an  addition  made  to  correct  the  im- 
pression that  Solomon  neglected  the  lawful  altar. 
But  the  two  sacrifices  are  different.  At  Gibeon  the 
victims  were  wholly  consumed  ;  at  Jerusalem  only  a 
few  "  burnt  offerings  "  were  made,  and  the  peace 
offerings  formed  a  great  sacrificial  meal. 

It  is  remarkable  that  God  speaks  to  Solomon  not 
by  prophets,  but  in  dreams  (c/.  9 if.).  Solomon  chose 
wisdom,  and  was  promised  riches  and  honour  in 
addition,  and  16-28  is  given  as  an  example  of  his 
"  wisdom."  To  the  Hebrews  "  wisdom  "  did  not  mean 
philosophy  so  much  as  shrewdness).  The  young  king's 
astuteness  in  the  case  of  the  two  women  would  be 
particularly  admired,  especially  as  the  duty  of  a  king 
was  to  be  accessible  as  a  judge  (c/.  the  widow  of  Tekoa 
and  her  alleged  case  submitted  to  David.  2  S.  144ff.). 
The  simple  device  by  which  the  youthful  Daniel  pro- 
cured the  acquittal  of  Susanna  is  similar  to  the  story 
of  the  judgment  of  Solomon  (Sus.  44-62). 

IV.  The  list  of  Solomon's  officers  begins  with 
Azariah  the  son  of  Zadok,  whereas  in  4  we  read 
"  Zadok  and  Abiathar  were  priests."  This  shows  that 
the  work  of  compilation  leaves  something  to  be  de- 
sired, and  the  duplicate  list  in  the  LXX  (246)  is  rather 
different.  In  the  case  of  Saul  (1  S.  I450)  only  the 
captain  of  the  host  is  mentioned  with  Saul's  father 
and  imcle.  David  (2  S.  Sisff.)  has  a  captain  of  the 
host,  a  recorder,  two  j)ricsts,  a  scribe,  and  a  com- 
mander of  the  Cherethitcs  and  Pclethites  ;  in  2  S. 
2O24  Adoram  is  said  to  have  been  "  over  the  tribute." 
In  Solomon's  court  (2)  the  priests  stand  first  ;  next, 
two  scribes,  a  recorder,  a  commander  of  the  hosts, 
n  chief  of  tlie  governors,  a  superintendent  of  the 
household,  a  "  king's  friend,"  and  a  ruler  of  the 
*•  tribute  "  or  forced  labour.  In  the  LXX  list  {2(6f.) 
a  son  of  Joab  is  said  to  be  commander  of  the  host. 
The  names  of  many  of  David's  officers  occur  in  Solo- 
mon's list.  Both  here  antl  in  2  S.  818,  2O26  the  name 
"  priest  "  (Heb.  cohen)  is  applied  to  officers  and  princes 
{e.g.  David's  sons,  who  apparently  did  not  exercise 
the  priestly  office,  or  at  any  rate  could  not  have  been 
even  Lovites).     The  "  tribute  "  (6)  over  which  Adoram 


presided — whether  the  same  person  or  not  is  ques- 
tionable— under  David,  Solomon,  and  Rchoboam,  was 
the  forced  labour  or  levy  (1  K.  9i5,  12i8),  so  unpopular 
among  the  Israelites. 

In  dividing  his  kingdom  Solomon  seems  to  have 
ignored  or  been  ignorant  of  the  tribal  divisions  men- 
tioned in  Joshua.  Only  four  tribe  names — Naphtali, 
Asher,  Issachar,  and  Benjamin — occur  in  8-19.  JIany 
of  the  place  names  are  entirely  unknown,  but  the 
districts  can  generally  be  conjectured.  They  are 
twelve  in  number :  (a)  Mount  Ephraim  (p.  30,  Jos.  17i5, 
etc. ;  Jg.  29).  (h)  The  name  Beth-shemesh  in  9  shows 
that  the  ancient  territory  of  Dan  and  the  Phili.stine 
border  is  intended  (Josh,  loio,  1  S.  67-20).  (c)  Tho 
third  district,  Arubboth,  is  unknown  ;  there  are  two 
Socohs,  one  on  tho  Philistine  border  (1  S.  17 1),  and  the 
other  south  of  Hebron  (for  Hepher  see  Jos.  I217). 
The  country  here  is  probably  that  around  the  S.  of 
Hebron,  (d)  Dor  is  S.  of  Carmel.  (e)  consisted  of 
towns  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  (p.  29).  (/)  and  {g)  were 
on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  (h),  {i)  Naphtali  and  Asher.  (/) 
Issachar.  (k)  Benjamin.  (1)  Gilead.  Of  the  names 
of  the  rulers  five  are  patronymics,  and  in  all  cases  the 
father's  name  is  mentioned.  It  is  remarkable  that 
the  name  of  the  ruler  of  Benjamin  is  Shimei. 

In  21  Solomon  is  said  to  have  ruled  over  all  the 
petty  princes  from  the  Euphrates  (for  this  is  alwas^s 
called  "  the  River  "  in  the  Bible)  to  the  border  of 
Egypt.  This  was  the  ideal  territory  of  Israel  (Dt. 
II24),  but  probably  Solomon's  dominions  were  not 
so  extensive,  tho  verse  being  a  comparatively  late 
addition.  The  words  translated  "  on  this  side  the 
River  "  really  mean  "  beyond  the  River  "  (ing.),  and 
are  used  in  this  sense  by  dwellers  to  the  E.  of  the 
Euphrates.  In  Persian,  and  perhaps  in  Assyrian  and 
Babylonian  days,  the  western  provinces  were  called 
"  beyond  the  River  "  (Ezr.  03,  60).  If  this  verse  is 
post-exilic,  it  would  be  the  natural  way  of  describing 
Solomon's  empire. 

In  26  we  have  an  allusion  to  Solomon's  horses  ; 
"  forty  thousand  "  should  probably  be  (cf.  mg.)  "  four 
thousand."  The  horse  was  not  used  in  early  Israel, 
and  the  employment  of  chariots  made  the  plains  of 
Palestine  very  difficult  to  conquer  from  the  inhabi- 
tants (Jos.  17i8,  Jg.  I19).  The  Philistines  used 
chariots  (2  S.  l6).  Even  David  destroyed  most  of 
the  hor.ses  lie  captured  from  the  Syrians  (2  S.  84), 
though  he  reserved  a  few  for  his  chariots.  After 
Solomon,  the  lungs  of  both  Israel  and  Judah  habitually 
used  horses  in  war.  In  the  AV  (28)  tho  word 
"  dromedaries  "  occurs  ;  tho  RV  renders  it  "  swift 
steeds."  It  is  used  in  Est.  810,  and  Mi.  I13.  The 
dromedary  must  be  dropped  from  the  list  of  Bible 
animals.  The  wisdom  of  Solomon  (29-34)  is  described 
as  consisting  in  '"  largeness  of  heart  "  and  superior  to 
the  wisdom  of  the  East,  of  Egypt,  and  of  four  famous 
sages.  His  poems  were  twofold — gnomic,  composed 
of  proverbs  or  similitudes  ;  and  lyric,  i.e.  songs.  The 
subjects  were  taken  from  the  vegetable  and  animal 
kingdoms.  In  later  days  it  was  assumed  that  Solo- 
mon was  possessed  of  magical  powers  and  could  control 
spirits,  and  that  ho  understood  the  language  of  all 
birds  and  animals.  His  superhuman  wisdom  is  com- 
memorated by  Jews,  Christians,  and  Mohammedans, 
and  the  legends  concerning  it  are  inexhaustible. 

V.  1-18.  Solomon's  Alliance  with  Hiram.  Prepara- 
tion for  the  Temple. — This  chapter  has  a  few  Deutero- 
nomic  additions  (3-5  and  12).  In  4  there  is  a  truly 
Douteronomic  touch  :  tho  one  sanctuary  could  not 
come  into  existence  tiU  God  had  given  the  people  rest 
(2  S.  7ii  ;  Dt.  129,  25i9). 


I.  KINGS,  VII 


297 


The  alliance  was  of  mutual  importance  to  the 
Israelites  and  the  Tynans.  The  corn-growing  dis- 
tricts of  N.  Palestine  were  the  granary  of  the  Phoe- 
nicians in  the  time  of  Solomon  (9),  as  in  the  days  of 
of  the  Herods  (Ac.  122o).  David  had  made  a  treaty 
with  Tyre  (2  S.  5ii).  Zidon  was  probably  the  older 
city,  and  Hiram's  people  are  called,  in  6,  Zidonians. 
The  Tyrian  trade  was  very  extensive,  and  had  reached 
to  the  Atlantic,  and  even  to  our  o\vti  islands,  in  search 
of  the  tin  mines.  Hiram  helped  Solomon  in  his  trade 
with  the  East  (see  below).  Owing  to  the  reading  of 
the  LXX,  "  And  Hiram  king  of  Tjtc  sent  his  servants 
to  anoint  Solomon,"  it  has  been  supposed  that  Israel 
■w&a  a  subject  nation.  There  is,  however,  no  hint  of 
this  elsewhere  in  the  Bible.  Tyre  is  the  subject  of 
two  great  prophecies  (Is.  23  and  Ezek.  27).  In  Ezekiel 
there  is  a  striking  description  of  the  trade  and  pros- 
perity of  the  great  city.  From  the  prophets  we  see 
that  Israel  looked  on  Tyre  as  the  home  of  a  civilisation 
greatly  superior  to  their  own.  The  skill  of  the  Phoe- 
nician worlcmen  (6)  is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of 
Homer,  Herodotus,  and  Strabo.  Hiram  was  ap- 
parently overlord  of  the  Phoenician  coast  and  Zidon. 

Hiram's  name  is  variously  spelt  as  Hiram,  Hirom, 
and  Huram  ;  Josephus  calls  him  Eiromos.  The  name 
is  Phoenician,  and  was  probably  Ahi-ram,  "  brother  of 
the  exalted  one  "  (Stenning  in  HDB).  Josephus  de- 
clares {Ant.  viii.)  that  copies  of  the  letters  between 
Hiram  and  Solomon  were  preserved  in  the  Tyrian 
archives.  He  also  (Apion,  i.  17 18)  quotes  the  his- 
torians Dius  and  Menander  of  Ephesus,  who  say  that 
Hiram  was  son  of  king  Abibalus  (Abi-baal)  and 
therefore  plainly  an  historical  personage.  Hiram  pro- 
vided timber  for  Solomon,  which  was  brought  on  rafts 
to  Joppa  (2  Ch.  2 1 6),  and  in  return  Solomon  supplied 
him  with  wheat  and  beaten  oil — i.e.  oil  of  the  finest 
kind  (11). 

13-18  relates  to  Solomon's  "  levy  "  of  forced  service 
under  Adoniram  (or  Adoram  ;  see  46).  The  great 
stones  were  hewed  by  the  servants  of  Hiram  and  the 
Gebalites.  The  LXX  (B)  omits  the  verse,  and  reads 
for  Gebalites  Bihlioi  (Ezek.  279) ;  the  AV  has  "  stone- 
equarers."  Gebal  is  a  city  on  the  sea  at  the  foot  of 
Lebanon.  The  modem  name  is  Jubeil.  The  reading 
of  18  is  very  doubtful. 

VI.  1-37.  Description  of  Solomon's  Temple. — The 
Temple  area  is  on  the  eastern  hill  of  Jerusalem,  which 
overlooks  the  valley  of  the  Kidron,  with  the  Mount 
of  Olives  on  the  opposite  side.  It  was  probably  not 
the  Zion  captured  by  David  (2  S.  5),  but  the  site  was 
purchased  by  him  from  Oman,  or  Araunah,  the  Jebusito 
(2  S.  2418-25).  It  is  marked  by  an  outcrop  of  rock,  now 
called  the  Sakrah.  The  Temple  hUl  is  divided  from  the 
Upper  City  on  the  western  hill  by  a  valley  called  the 
Tyropaan  (cheese-makers).  The  Temple  was  part  of 
a  great  scheme  of  building  which  has  been  restored  by 
Stade,  whose  reconstruction  is  now  generally  adopted 
in  descriptions  of  early  Jerusalem.  To  understand 
aright  the  difficult  account  of  Solomon's  buildings  in 
these  chapters,  Ezekicl's  restored  Temple  (Ezek.  40-48) 
and  Josephus'  sketch  of  Herod's  Temple  (Wars,  v.  5), 
should  be  consulted. 

The  foundations  of  the  Temple  were  laid  in  the  four 
hundred  and  eightieth  year  after  the  Exodus,  and  in 
the  fourth  year  of  Solomon  (i).  This  is  the  earliest 
date  given  in  the  Bible.  But  the  reading  is  doubtful. 
(a)  The  arrangement  of  chs.  5  and  6  is  very  different 
in  the  LXX.  (b)  Oripen  did  not  know  the  date,  (c) 
Josephus  says  that  the  Temple  was  built  592  years 
after  the  Exodus,  1020  after  Abraham  left  Meso- 
potamia, 1440  after  the  Flood,  and  3102  after  the 


Creation  {Ant.  viii.  3i).  The  number  480  can  be  best 
explained  by  the  Hebrew  reckoning  of  a  generation 
to  be  40  years.  By  this  reckoning,  approximate  at 
best,  a  similar  period  might  be  said  to  intervene  be- 
tween Solomon  and  the  Captivity  (430  years  to  the 
time  of  the  last  king,  Zedekiah,  and  50  years  for  the 
Captivity,  the  70  being  reckoned  from  the  fall  of 
Jehoiachin). 

The  Temple  was  sixty  cubits  long  and  twenty  broad. 
It  was  approached  by  a  porch,  and  around  it  were 
rooms  or  side  chambers  in  three  stories.  The  dimen- 
sions are  twice  those  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  267-13). 
Small  as  they  were  even  then,  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  an  ancient  temple  was  intended  not  as  a 
place  in  which  a  congregation  might  assemble,  but  as 
a  shrine  or  abode  of  the  Deity.  The  Greeks  drew  a 
distinction  between  the  whole  building  and  grounds 
of  a  temple  {hieron)  and  the  sanctuary  {tuios).  The 
"  house  "  described  in  this  chapter  is  the  latter,  though 
it  consisted  (i6f.)  of  two  parts,  the  hekal  or  temple, 
and  the  debir,  translated  "  oracle,"  which  was  the 
naos,  strictly  speaking.  The  former  corresponded  to 
the  "  holy  place  "  in  the  Tabernacle,  the  latter  to  the 
"  holy  of  holies  "  (16,  a  P  addition).  The  "  oracle  " 
was  a  perfect  cube,  being  twenty  cubits  in  length, 
breadth,  and  height  respectively  (20).  the  "  holy 
place  "  being  a  double  cube  forty  cubits  in  length. 
The  table  for  the  shewbread  was  of  cedar  (748).  The 
huge  winged  cherubim  were  placed  in  the  inner 
sanctuary.  The  Temple  was  seven  years  building, 
and  was  finished  in  the  eighth  month,  Bui  (Oct.-Nov.). 

VII.  Solomon's  Palace  (1-12).  The  Temple  Imple- 
ments (13-51). — Twenty  years  (c/.  9io  with  i)  was 
Solomon  engaged  in  building.  After  completing  the 
Temple  he  built  his  own  palace,  with  its  courts  and 
approaches.  These,  according  to  Stade,  were  erected 
on  the  Ophel  hill,  which  lay  S.  of  the  Temple  moun- 
tain, and  were  constructed  so  as  to  lead  up  to  the 
sanctuary  itself.  The  whole  chapter,  like  most  of 
the  6th ,  is  from  a  source  descriptive  of  the  Temple. 

First  came  what  was  called,  probably  from  its  rows 
of  cedar  pillars,  "  the  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon  " 
(2).  Part  of  this  was  used  as  an  armoury  (IO17).  It 
was  by  far  the  largest  of  all  the  buildings.  Passing 
onward,  one  came  to  "  the  porch  of  pillars  "  (6),  the 
same  word  being  employed  for  the  porch  before  the 
Temple  (63).  Next  was  the  hall  of  judgment  or  throne- 
room  (7),  again  called  "  a  porch."  Beyond  this  waa 
Solomon's  palace  and  the  harem,  in  which  must  have 
been  the  "  house  for  Pharaoh's  daughter  "  (8).  The 
whole,  including  the  Temple,  was  surrounded  by  an 
outer  waU,  forming  the  "  great  court  "  (12).  The  last 
clause  of  12  is  very  obscure.  The  LXX  reading  has 
been  amended  into  "  round  about  the  inner  court  of 
the  house  of  Yahweh  and  the  court  of  the  porch  of 
the  palace  "  (Bumey,  p.  83). 

The  £iccount  of  Solomon's  buildings  is  supplemented 
by  a  description  of  the  implements  fashioned  by  an- 
other Hiram,  a  worker  in  metals,  who  set  up  his 
foundry  in  the  Jordan  valley  between  Succoth  and 
Zarethan  (46).  The  chief  works  of  this  Hiram  were  : 
(a)  the  great  twin  pillars,  Jachin  and  Boaz  (15-22); 
(6)  the  molten  "  sea."  supported  by  twelve  oxen 
(23-26) ;  (c)  the  ten  brasen  bases  (27-45).  The  re- 
mainder of  7  (48-51)  is  occupied  by  an  account  of  the 
lesser  vessels  of  the  Temple. 

Hiram  (13)  in  2  Ch.  2i3ff.  is  introduced  in  a  letter 
written  by  the  king  of  Tyre  to  Solomon.  He  is  there 
called  Huram-abi  (RV  Huram  my  father's).  In 
Kings  he  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  a  \^^dow  of  Naphtali. 
but  the  Chronicler  changes  this  to  Dan,  the  tribe  of 

10  a 


298 


I.  KINGS,  VII 


Aholiab,  who  assisted  in  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  3l6). 
It  is  not  certain  whether  the  pillars  were  set  up  to 
support  the  porch  (21).  Probably  they  were  not,  but 
were  intended  to  represent  the  sacred  stones  or 
obelisks  set  up  in  nearly  every  Semitic  sanctuary. 
The  Hebrew  word,  however,  is  not  the  same  as  that 
usually  employed  (mar<^ehah).  Some  scholars  consider 
they  were  used  as  altars.  The  molten  sea  (23)  was 
perhaps  the  same  as  the  "  laver  of  brass  "  (Ex.  30i8) 
in  connexion  with  the  Tabernacle  for  the  priests' 
ablutions.  According  to  1  Ch.  188  (cf.  the  parallel 
passage  2  S.  8tj),  the  brass  was  taken  by  David  from 
two  cities  of  Hadadczer,  king  of  Syria.  The  measure- 
ments in  23  cannot  be  quite  accurate,  as  the  circum- 
ference is  not  three  times  the  diameter.  Burney 
accounts  for  this  rough  calculation  by  supposing  that 
by  ten  cubits  and  thirty  cubits  is  meant  "  ten  by  the 
cubit,  etc." — so  Heb.  literally — and  that  the  great  basin 
was  first  measured  across  and  then  a  line  was  drawn 
round  and  measured  on  the  ground  by  a  measuring 
rod,  and  that  the  result  was  given  approximately. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  this  "  molten  sea  "  had  not 
a  practical  purpose,  as  is  indicated  in  Exodus  and 
also  2  Ch.  46,  but  was  intended  to  represent  the 
world-wide  ocean,  the  teh/ytn  of  Gen.  I2.  The  lavers 
(27ff.)  and  bases  were  probably  large  bowls  placed 
on  wheeled  carriages  and  used  to  convey  water  for 
purposes  of  ablution,  so  necessary  in  a  sacrificial 
worship.  Burney  gives  miniature  specimens  of  such 
apparatus  discovered  at  Larnaka  in  Cyprus. 

VIII.  1-66.  Solomon's  Dedication"  of  tha  Temple, 
Prayer  and  Address. — This  chapter  is  mainly  Deutero- 
nomic,  being  clearly  written  from  the  standpoint  of 
one  who  has  seen  the  Temple  as  the  one  national 
sanctuary  of  Israel,  and  has  either  witnessed  its  down- 
fall or  perceived  that  it  was  imminent,  i-ii  is, 
however,  probably  from  the  early  record  of  how  the 
house  of  Yahweh  was  dedicatediby  Solomon,  of  which 
62-66  is  the  continuation,  the  prayer  of  Solomon 
being  Deuteronomic.  In  i2f.  we  may  have  preserved 
an  authentic  poetic  utterance  of  Solomon  himself 
in  the  words  of  the  dedication  of  the  Temple.  As 
they  are  given  in  the  LXX  they  read  as  follows  : 
"  Yahweh  set  the  sun  in  heaven. 

He  said  lie  (himself)  would  dwell  in  thick  darkness  ; 

Build  thou  my  house,  a  house  suitable  for  thyself 

To  dwell  (for  ever). 

Behold,  is  it  not  written  in  the  book  of  the  song  7  " 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  "  book  of  the  song  " 
Bhould  be  the  "  book  of  Jashar  "  (p.  45,  Jos.  IO13,  2  S. 
I18). 

The  Ark  was  brought  to  the  Temple  (i-ii).  The 
LXX  has  some  very  striking  omissions  in  1-5,  most  of 
which  is  from  a  Priestly  source.  It  is  interesting  to 
observe  the  differences  between  our  account  and  that 
in  2  Ch.  52-14.  which  is  obviously  copied  from  it.  In 
the  latter  the  Levites,  who  are  not  mentioned  in  Kings, 
are  introduced  as  bearers  of  the  Ark.  The  Ark  was 
brought  from  "  the  citj'  of  David,  which  is  Zion." 
Here  Zion  is  clearly  distinguished  from  the  Temple 
mountain,  though  not  unfrequently  in  the  OT  the 
Temple  is  described  as  Zion.  In  the  days  of  Josephus 
Zion  was  on  the  western  or  northern  hill  (Conder, 
City  of  Jerusalem,  p.  39).  It  is,  however,  now  generally 
as-sumed  that  by  Zion  at  this  time  is  meant  the  lower 
part  of  the  eastern  hill  on  which  the  Temple  stood. 
Hence  the  phrase  "  to  bring  up."  The  Zion  of 
Josephus  was  higher  than  the  Temple  hill. 

The  orations  of  Solomon  consist  (Skinner,  Cent.B) 
of  three  parta :   (1)  Solomon's  address  to  the  people. 


15-21  ;  (2)  dedicatory  prayer,  22-53  ;  (3)  the  bene- 
diction,  54-61.  Because  these  speeches  are,  after  the 
fashion  of  ancient  writings,  put  into  the  mouth  of 
Solomon,  though  composed  at  a  later  date,  their  value 
is  considerable  as  showing  the  idea  of  the  Jews  con- 
cerning past  history.  The  Temple,  for  example,  was 
the  one  sanctuary  which  Yahweh  had  promised  (Dt. 
12ii)  to  provide  for  Israel  when  He  had  given  them 
rest  from  their  enemies  (16).  The  prayer  (22ff.) 
consists  first  of  a  petition  that  God  will  fulfil  his  promise 
to  David  (22-26).  But  though  God  cannot  be  con- 
tained by  any  house,  Solomon  prays  that  He  may 
hearken  when  prayers  are  addressed  to  this  Temple 
(27-30).  Next  he  gives  instances  of  how  he  prays  that 
God  will  hear:  in  case  of  disputes  (3 if.),  in  defeat 
(33f.),  when  rain  is  needed  (35f.),  in  time  of  plague  or 
famine  (37S.),  in  case  of  strangers  (4if.),  in  time  of 
battle  and  captivity  (44£f.).  The  chapter  concludes 
with  the  blessing  of  the  people  by  Solomon,  and  an 
account  of  the  sacrifices  offered. 

IX.  1-10.  The  first  few  verses  are  a  continuation 
of  8,  and  are  likewise  cast  in  a  thoroughly  Deutero- 
nomic mould.  Yahweh  again  appeared  to  the  king 
and  assured  him  of  His  protection.  In  6  there  is  a 
sudden  change  from  the  singular  "  thou  "  and  "  thee  " 
to  the  plural  "  ye,"  as  if  Yahweh  were  addressing 
Israel,  threatening,  in  case  of  disobedience,  to  destroy 
the  Temple  and  tnake  its  ruins  a  warning  of  the  punish- 
ment He  inflicts  on  those  who  do  not  obey  His  laws. 
Thus  the  section  about  the  Temple  closes,  and  the  rest 
of  the  chapter,  devoted  to  the  reign  of  Solomon,  takes 
up  the  account  in  5,  and  deals  with  his  public  work, 
his  splendour,  his  sin,  and  the  adversaries  whom 
Yahweh  raised  up  against  him. 

IX.  10-27.  Solomon's  Dealings  with  Hiram.  The 
Levy. — The  source  of  this  section  seems  to  be  the  Acts 
of  Solomon  (see  above). 

After  Solomon  had  completed  his  buildings  he  was 
obliged  to  give  Hiram  cities  in  Galilee  (11).  The 
Chronicler,  regarding  this  as  unworthy  of  the  great 
king,  makes  Hiram  give  the  cities  to  Solomon  (2  Ch.  82). 
Galilee  (pp.  28-30)  is  mentioned  in  Jos.  20;,  21 32,  1  Ch. 
676,  and  in  2  K.  1529,  nearly  alwaj'S  in  connexion  with 
Kedesh  in  Naphtali  in  the  extreme  north.  In  Is.  9i 
we  have  the  expression  "  Galilee  of  the  nations  " 
(cf.  Jos.  1223,  LXX).  The  word  Galilee  is  common 
in  1  Mac,  Tob.,  and  Judith.  Josephus  has  a  long 
description  of  Upper  and  Lower  Galilee.  The  name 
means  "  a  circuit,"  and  is  connected  with  Gilgal, 
Golgotha,  etc.  Hiram  called  the  cities  "  the  land  of 
Cabul  "  (p.  29).  Josephus  (Ant.  viii.)  tells  us  that  there 
is  a  similar  Phoenician  word  meaning  "  not  pleasing." 
A  place  named  Cabul  is  mentioned  (Jos.  192 7)  on  the 
frontier  of  Asher,  and  there  seems  no  ground  for  the 
assertion  of  Josephus.  For  "  the  levy  "  (15)  see  46. 
The  Egyptian  taskmasters  (Ex.  lii)are  " princes  of  the 
levy"  (c/.  Est.  lOi).  This  organised  forced  labour  was 
much  resented  by  the  free  Israelites,  and  was  one  of 
the  causes  of  the  disruption  of  the  two  kingdoms. 
Solomon's  public  works  were  the  Temple,  the  palace, 
the  Millo,  the  wall  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  cities  Hazor, 
Megiddo,  and  Gezcr. 

The  Millo,  always  with  the  article,  is  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  some  mound  or  filling  up  of  a  ravine  in 
Jenisalem  (see  2  S.  59*.  1  K.  1127)-  Hazor  in  the  N. 
commanded  Lake  Huleli  and  Kadesh  in  Naphtali. 
Megiddo  dominated  the  rich  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  the 
trade  route  to  Damascus.  Gezer  (16)  is  on  the  road 
from  Joppa  to  Jerusalem,  now  Tel  Jezer.  It  has 
recently  been  excavated  by  the  Palestine  Exploration 
Society.     Tliere  are  several  cities  buried,  one  beneath 


I.  KINGS,  XI.  1-43 


299 


tho  ruins  of  the  other.  The  city  is  mentioned  in  tho 
Tell  el-Amama  tablets.  It  was  a  most  important 
military  position  in  the  days  of  the  Maccabees.  It  was 
before  Solomon  an  old  Canaanite  city,  apparently  inde- 
pendent of  both  Philistines  and  Israelites,  and  had  been 
taken  by  the  Pharaoh  in  an  expedition  into  Palestine 
only  recorded  here,  and  given  to  Solomon  as  a  dowry 
with  Ms  daughter.  Beth-horon,  which  was  also  forti- 
fied, commands  the  road  from  the  sea  to  Jeiiisalem. 
It  was  t  iO  scene  of  three  famous  battles — the  defeat  of 
the  live  kings  by  Joshua  (Jos.  lOiof.),  of  Seron  by  Judas 
Maccabajus  (p.  607).  and  of  Cestius  Gallus  (p.  610)  at  tho 
outbreak  of  the  Jewish  war  (a.d.  66).  Tamar  (i8)  is 
called  (2  Ch.  84)  Tadmor,  which  Josephus  {Ant.  viii.  61) 
Bays  is  Palmyra,  the  famous  city  in  the  desert,  N.E.  of 
Damascus.  But  it  is  more  probable  that  Tamar  in 
Judah  is  meant  (Ezek.  47i9).  It  is  expressly  said  here 
that  Solomon  did  not  put  the  Israelites  to  forced 
service,  but  only  the  subject  Canaanites.  This  is  con- 
tradicted by  5 1 3,  and  more  forcibly  by  11 28,  "  the  levy 
of  the  house  of  Joseph."  Israel,  however,  may  still 
have  been  at  this  time  an  aristocracy  ruling  over  a 
subject  population  (522). 

Solomon  does  not  seem  (26)  to  have  himself  traded 
in  the  Mediterranean,  but  to  have  given  his  Phoenician 
allies  access  to  the  East  by  way  of  the  Gulf  of  Akabah, 
the  eastern  gulf  of  the  Red  Sea.  Ezion-geber,  which 
is  beside  Elath,  was  the  port,  and  was  in  the  land  of 
Edom,  which  was  disaffected  in  the  reign  of  Solomon 
(11 14).  The  port  was  of  such  importance  to  the 
kings  of  Judah  as  its  one  outlet  to  the  sea  that  they 
kept  the  road  to  it  open  as  long  as  possible  ( 1  K.  2248, 
2  K.  820,  1422,  IGe).  The  situation  of  Ophir,  whether 
in  S.  Arabia  on  the  coast  of  Africa  or  in  India,  is  a 
matter  of  conjecture  (Is.  13i2*).  The  account  of  the 
sea  trade  of  Solomon  is  continued  in  10. 

X.  Visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba.— By  Sheba  or  Saba 
a  district  in  S.  Arabia  is  meant.  The  Sabjeans  were 
known  to  the  Israelites  as  exporters  of  gold  (Is.  606, 
Ps.  7215) ;  Ezekiel  (2723)  says  that  they  dealt  exten- 
sively with  Tyre.  In  Job  (I15,  619),  they  are  repre- 
sented as  marauders.  The  civilisation  of  Arabia  was 
considerable,  and  much  light  has  been  thrown  on  it 
by  scholars  like  Hommel  and  Glaser.  Our  Lord  calls 
the  queen  of  Sheba  the  "  queen  of  the  south  "  (Mt.  12 
42)  ;  for  an  Eastern  queen  reigning  mdependently,  cf. 
Candace,  queen  of  the  Ethiopians  (Ac.  827).  The  rest 
of  the  chapter  is  occupied  by  an  account  of  Solomon's 
wealth  and  magnificence  and  his  trade.  "  The  ships 
of  Tarshish  "  (22)  were  Phoenician  trading  vessels 
suitable  for  a  visit  to  that  place,  which  was  either 
Tarsus  in  Asia  Minor  or  Tartessus  in  Spain  (Is.  2i6*). 
Ships  used  in  the  Red  Sea  naturally  did  not  go  there, 
nevertheless  they  are  so  called  ;  see  1  K.  2248,  where 
Jehoshaphat  "made  ships  of  Tarshish  to  go  to  Ophir 
for  gold." 

XI.  1-43.  Sin  of  Solomon,  and  the  Adversaries 
Raised  up  In  Consequence. — From  various  differences 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  earlier  venses  in  the  LXX 
and  Heb.,  it  has  been  supposed  that  in  its  original 
form  tho  narrative  merely  recorded  the  fact  that 
Solomon  had  a  number  of  wives,  and  that  he  built 
sanctuaries  and  offered  sacrifice  to  their  gods.  In  its 
present  form  the  influence  of  a  Deuteronomic  editor 
is  unmistakable.  But  the  account  of  Solomon's 
"  adversaries  "  (i4ff.)  must  be  derived  from  an  earlier 
source  ;  and  even  as  it  stands  does  not  necessarily 
mean  that  they  were  raised  up  in  punishment  of  his 
sin.  Hadad,  the  Edomite  (14-22)  mu.st  have  troubled 
him  early  in  his  reign  (2if.),  and  Rezon  was  an  adver- 
sary of  Israel  "  all  the  days  of  Solomon  "  (25),  whereas 


Solomon's  apostasy  is  expressly  assigned  to  the  end 
of  his  reign  (4)  "  when  Solomon  was  old."  His  adver- 
saries belonged  to  the  three  nations  which  were  des- 
tined to  cause  trouble  to  his  successors  on  the  throne 
of  David,  Edom  represented  by  Hadad,  Syria  by 
Rezon,  and  Israel  by  Jeroboam. 

In  the  LXX  of  8  it  is  implied  that  not  only'did  the 
king's  wives  sacrifice  to  their  gods,  but  Solomon  him- 
self. The  verse  (3)  giving  the  number  of  his  wives 
appears  in  different  places  in  the  Heb.  and  LXX,  and 
is  perhaps  a  late  insertion.  The  number  is  incredible. 
A  large  harem  was  not  allowed  in  the  Law  to  a  king  of 
Israel  (Dt.  17i7).  In  fact,  polygamy  was  the  excep- 
tion and  not  the  rule.  The  prohibitions  to  intermarry 
with  the  surrounding  nations  are  Dt.  7i-4,  Ex.  34ii-i"6 
(P).  In  these,  however,  only  the  Hittites  occur  in 
the  list  of  the  nationalities  of  Solomon's  wives  (i), 
unless  we  include  Zidouians  as  Canaanites.  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  discouraged  marriages  with  Moabites  and 
Ammonites  (Ezr.  9i,  Neh.  1823). 

The  deities  to  whom  Solomon  erected  sanctuarios 
(5-7)  were:  [a)  Ashtoreth,  the  goddess  of  the  Zidonians 
(2  K.  2313).  She  was  extensively  worshipped,  but 
especially  in  Phoenicia.  Her  name  was  probably 
"  Ash  tart/'  and  the  Heb.  word  is  probably  this  pointed 
with  the  vowels  of  "  bosheth,"  i.e.  "shame"  (I632*, 
1  S.  1449*,  Jg.  2x1*).  She  is  the  Ishtar  of  Baby- 
lonia, and  probably  the  Aphrodite  of  Greece.  Lucian 
mentions  a  temple  to  her  at  Zidon  {De  Dea  Syra,  E.  4) : 
see  Driver,  EBi.  167.  (6)  Milcom  (5)  is  the  same  as 
Molech  ( 7)  or  Moloch  :  they  are  aU  varieties  of  the 
word  mdek,  king  (Lev.  I821*,  Jer.  731*).  Except 
here  the  name  has  the  article  in  Heb.  "  the  Moloch  " 
(or  king).  This  worship  was  terribly  common  at 
Jerusalem,  with  its  accompanying  sacrifices  of  children. 
The  god  of  Tyre  was  called  Melkarth,  and  was  identified 
by  the  Greeks  with  Hercules,  (c)  Chemosh,  the 
national  god  of  Moab  (Jg.  11 24),  is  mentioned  fre- 
quently on  the  Moabite  Stone.  The  scene  of  these 
idolatrous  rites  is  described  as  "  the  hill  that  is  before 
Jerusalem  "  ( 7).  This  is  probably  the  Mt.  of  Olives, 
perhaps  once  known  els  the  moimt  of  anointing — the 
words  anoiniiiuj  and  corruption  being  similar  in  Hebrew. 
In  2  K.  23i3  we  have  the  Mt.  of  Corruption.  The 
hill  S.  of  Jerusalem  is  now  known  by  this  name. 

The  narrative  (14-22)  concerning  Hadad  (Heb. 
Adad,  17)  is  somewhat  confused.  The  difficulty  is  that 
in  17  Hadad  is  represented  as  a  child  when  he  went 
to  Egypt,  and  in  19  as  old  enough  to  secure  the 
Pharaoh's  favour.  Two  narratives  may  have  been 
combined,  one  of  an  Edomite  chief  Hadad,  and  another 
of  a  child  named  Adad.  As  the  subsequent  history 
shows,  Hadad,  though  able  to  annoy  Solomon,  did  not 
emancipate  his  country.  Why  he  was  so  well  received 
in  Eg5rpt  is  not  known.  Is  it  possible  that  here  Egypt 
{Mizraim)  is  Musri  in  N.  Arabia  ? 

Rezon  (23),  the  founder  of  the  kingdom  of  Damascus, 
was  a  vassal  of  Hadad-ezer,  the  king  of  Zobah  in 
Syria,  who  after  his  master's  defeat  (2  S.  Ssff.),  estab- 
lished himself  as  an  independent  prince.  In  1  K.  15i8, 
the  king  of  Syria,  Benhadad,  is  called  the  son  of  Tab- 
rimmon,  the  son  of  Hezion.  The  Vatican  MS.  of  the 
LXX  calls  Rezon  (Esrom  ?)  Hczron  or  Hezion. 

The  story  of  Jeroboam's  rise  to  a  position  of  influence 
is  diflBcult  for  two  reasons,  (a)  The  whole  account  of 
him  in  1  K.  is  coloured  by  the  prejudices  of  a  much 
later  age,  and  in  view  of  all  the  evil  which  followed 
from  the  partition  of  the  two  kingdoms,  (h)  The  LXX 
gives  an  independent  account  of  his  early  progress  at 
the  court  of  Solomon.  Two  narratives  have  been  com- 
bined— an   Israelite  one   which   does   not  regard  his 


300 


I.  KINGS.  XI.   1-43 


rebellion  as  a  crime,  and  an  antagonistic  Judaean 
Btory  told  from  a  Deuteronomic  standpoint.  The 
LXX  has  the  following  particulars  not  in  the  Heb. 
Jeroboam  was  an  Ephraimit«.  His  mother's  name 
was  Sareisa.  He  built  a  citj',  and  called  it  after  his 
mother,  and  was  banished  to  Egypt,  where  he  was 
favourably  recoived  by  Shishak.  He  married  Anoth, 
the  sister  of  Shishak's  wife  ;  and  like  Hadad,  to  whom 
he  in  this  story  bears  a  marked  resemblance,  insisted 
on  going  back  to  his  native  land. 

29.  Ahijah  was  a  native  of  Shiloh,  where  Eli's 
sanctuary  had  been. — 31.  This  is  the  first  recorded 
symbolical  act  by  a  prophet,  so  common  later.  Ahijah 
rent  his  garment  into  twelve  pieces,  giving  ten  to 
Jeroboam.  But  it  is  repeatedly  said  (32,  122o)  that 
only  one  tribe  remained  to  Rehoboam.  Benjamin  was 
sometimes  reckoned  with  Judah,  but  Bethel,  the  rival 
sanctuary,  was  in  its  territory. — 37.  Jeroboam  is  to 
be  king  over  Israel.  Since  David,  Judah  had  been 
reckoned  apart  (2  S.  24,  194iff.,  2O2).— 4lf.  The 
duration  of  Solomon's  reign  is  given  at  the  end,  and 
not,  as  is  usual,  at  the  beginning  of  the  account. 
Forty  years  is  probably  an  approximate  figure,  being 
the  same  as  the  reign  of  David.  It  is  not,  however, 
necessarily  so,  as  the  forty  years  of  David  are  made 
up  of  two  periods,  seven  as  king  of  Judah,  and  thirty- 
three  as  ruler  over  all  Israel.  Solomon  was  a  mere  youth 
at  his  succession,  so  that  even  forty  years  would  not 
have  brought  him  to  old  age  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

Xn.  1-24.  The  Revolt  of  the  Northern  Tribes.— 
It  is  doubtful  whether  this  section  is  Judsean  or  not. 
It  bears  some  resemblance  to  2  S.  9-20,  and  the  parts 
of  1  K.  which  seem  to  be  a  continuation  of  that  history. 
On  the  other  hand  it  is  not  favourable  to  the  house 
of  David.  The  writer  assumes,  that  Israel  has  a  right 
to  elect  a  king,  and  that  Solomon  could  not,  like  David, 
have  nominated  his  successor.  This  passage  may  be  an 
extract  from  a  northern  source,  perhaps  the  chronicles 
of  the  kings  of  Israel.  Difficulty  is  occasioned  by  the 
LXX  additions,  and  has  to  be  discussed  in  connexion 
with  12  and  14.  Evidently  Jeroboam's  rebellion 
against  Solomon  was  more  serious  than  is  implied  in 
11,  and  the  prestige  of  his  throne  had  suffered  con- 
siderably. 

Shechem. — At  the  end  of  Solomon's  reign  the  prestige 
of  the  older  scenes  in  Israel's  history  seems  to  have 
revived.  Jerusalem  is  no  longer  the  important  centre, 
and  Ahijah,  the  prophet  of  the  ancient  sanctuary  of 
Shiloh,  is  the  religious  leader.  Shechem  (p.  30)  was  con- 
nected with  the  names  of  Abraham  (Gen.  126).  Jacob 
(Gen.  32ifi),  Joshua  (Jos.  24i),  Gideon,  whose  son 
Abimelech  was  the  first  Israelite  to  assume  the  title 
of  king  (Jg.  96).  It  was  the  site  of  Abraham's  first 
altar,  and  of  the  joint  worship  of  Baal-berith  (Lord 
of  the  Covenant)  by  the  Israelites  and  Canaanitea 
(Jg.  833).  Joseph  was  buried  here  (Jos.  2432),  and  it 
was  oi|^  of  the  cities  of  refuge.  It  continued  to  be 
regarded  as  a  holy  place  for  many  years,  and  on  the 
neighbouring  Mount  Gerizim  the  Samaritans  built 
their  temple.  Its  political  importance  declined  after 
the  building  of  Samaria  ;  but  in  the  later  days  of  the 
monarchy  the  Deutcronomist  recognises  it  as  the  scene 
of  the  solemn  recitation  of  the  blessings  and  curses 
of  the  Law  (Dt.  27i2.  Jos.  833).  According  to  142i, 
Rehoboam  ascended  the  throne  at  the  mature  age  of 
forty.  The  Vatican  MS.  of  the  LXX  in  I4240  says 
he  waa  only  sixteen.  This  is  more  probable.  The 
old  men  advise  the  king  to  use  crafty  moderation  (6). 
A  few  concessions  and  gracious  words  would  win  a 
people,  and  make  a  monarch  able  to  do  what  he  chose. 
The  young  men  believed  that  a  haughty  and  threaten- 


ing demeanour  would  best  become  the  heir  of  the 
great  Solomon.  They  did  not  understand  the  inten- 
sity of  the  hatred  felt  by  the  Israelite  people  for  forced 
labour.  The  war  cry  of  Israel,  "  What  portion  have 
we,  etc.,"  was  uttereid  when  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri 
raised  a  revolt  against  David  (2  S.  20i).  The  revolt 
of  the  ten  tribes  was  remembered  two  centuries  later 
as  the  worst  misfortune  which  had  ever  fallen  uiwn  the 
house  of  David  (Is.  7 17).  In  the  additional  account 
of  Jeroboam  in  the  LXX  (I224)  it  is  Shemaiah  (I222) 
"the  Enlamite,"  and  not  Ahijah  who  gives  the  pieces 
of  the  garment  to  Jeroboam. 

xn.  25-XIII.  34.  The  Sin  of  Jeroboam.  The 
Prophet  at  Bethel. — The  sources  cannot  be  exactly 
determined.  Some  (see  Cent.B)  may  belong  to  the 
annals  of  the  northern  kingdom,  but  the  tone  is  de- 
cidedly Deuteronomic.  The  prophet's  message  to 
Jeroboam  is  certainly  late. 

Jeroboam's  first  act  as  recorded  was  to  build  or 
fortify  Shechem  (25).  Then  for  some  reason  he 
transferred  his  seat  of  government  to  the  E.  of  Jordan 
to  Penuel.  Possibly  he  was  hard  pressed  by  his 
former  patron  Shishak,  who  invaded  Israel  in  his  reign 
(1  K.  1425-28).  There  is  no  proof  of  this  ;  but  Abner 
afttr  Saul's  death  set  up  Ishbosheth  as  king  of  Israel 
in  the  same  district  at  Mahanaim  (2  S.  28f.).  Jeroboam 
may  have  established  himself  at  Penuel  in  anticipa- 
tion of  a  SjTian  invasion.  26f.  tells  of  his  apostasy. 
Fearing  lest  the  Israelities  would  return  to  the  house 
of  David  if  they  continued  to  visit  Jerusalem,  he  built 
two  sanctuaries,  at  Bethel  in  the  S.  and  Dan  in  the  N. 

As  Kings  attributes  Israel's  spiritual  ruin  to  his  sin 
we  must  state  what  is  here  said  to  have  been  its 
features,  (a)  Dissuading  the  people  from  going  up  to 
Jerusalem  ;  (b)  setting  up  Bethel  and  Dan  as  sanc- 
tuaries ;  (c)  making  "  houses  of  high  places  "  ;  (d) 
ordaining  priests  who  were  not  Levites  ;  (C)  keeping  a 
feast  in  the  eighth  instead  of  the  seventh  month. 
The  question  is  whether  any  of  those  offences  could 
have  been  considered  acta  of  apostasy  in  the  daj^  of 
Jeroboam,  as  they  were  undoubtedly  in  the  reign  of 
Josiah  three  centuries  later.     (/)  The  "  calf  "  worship. 

(a)  Jerusalem  was  certainly  not  considered  to  be  the 
one  legal  sanctuary.  In  the  days  of  the  Judges  it 
was  regarded  as  a  heathen  town  to  be  avoided  by 
Israelites  (Jg.  19iif.).  Even  the  prophets  shortly 
before  the  fall  of  Samaria  never  reproach  the  people 
for  the  sin  of  schism  in  deserting  Yahweh's  Judaean 
Temple,  (b)  Bethel,  connected  with  Jacob,  was  an 
ancient  and  honoured  holy  place  (Gen.  2819.  1  S.  IO3), 
and  Dan  was  served  by  a  priesthood  which  was  de- 
scended perhaps  from  a  descendant  of  Moses  himself 
(Jg.  I830).  (r)  The  high  places  or  local  sanctuaries 
had  existed  from  the  dayB  of  the  patriarchs,  and 
were  part  of  the  worship  of  ancient  Israel  (33*). 
Gideon,  Samuel.  Elijah,  made  use  of  them  for  solemn 
sacrifices,  (d)  The  Levitical  priesthood  was  preferred 
to  any  other  ( Jg.  1 79-13) ;  but  in  early  Israel  the  priestly 
office  was  certainly  not  confined  to  a  tribe.  In  2  Ch. 
11 13,  the  Levites  are  said  to  have  deserted  Jeroboam's 
kingdom  and  settled  in  Judah.  but  this  is  a  very  late 
view  of  the  affair,  (e)  Tlie  feast  in  the  eighth  month 
is  said  to  be  the  vintage  festival  or  Feast  of  Tabernacles. 
In  Neh.  817,  it  is  said  to  have  been  kept  in  accordance 
with  the  Law.  but  that  it  had  never  been  kept  since 
the  days  of  Joshua.  (/)  The  only  point  remaining  for 
discussion  is  the  "  calves."  The  following  points  must 
be  borne  in  mind  :  (i.)  the  second  commandment  was 
not  at  this  time  strictly  interpreted,  or  cherubim, 
lions,  and  bulls  would  not  have  been  allowed  in 
Solomon's  Temple  and  palace  ;  (ii.)  the  bull — for  "  calf  " 


KINGS,  XV.  25-32 


301 


is  not  used  in  a  contemptuous  sense — was  the  special 
Bjonbol  of  the  Joseph  tribes  (Dt.  33 17),  and  even  of 
Yahweh  (Ex.  325)  ;  (iii.)  calf-worship  had  existed  even 
in  the  wilderness,  and  in  Ex.  32,  when  Aaron  made  the 
golden  calf,  he  proclaimed  a  feast  to  Yahweh.  Indeed 
the  whole  story  in  Exodus  has  a  remarkable  affinity 
to  that  here  related,  (iv.)  As  Jeroboam  was  not  an 
innovator  in  .setting  up  altars  at  Bethel  and  Dan,  he 
may  here  not  have  introduced  a  new  worship,  but  one 
which  was  already  common  in  Israel.  He  may  have 
imitated  an  Egyptian  form  of  worship  ;  but  this  is 
highly  improbable.  The  ceremony  of  kissing  the 
calves  is  alluded  to  just   before  the  fall  of  Samaria 

iHos.  132).  Calf-worship  apparently  never  infected 
Tudah. 

The  story  of  the  prophet's  visit  to  Jeroboam  has  been 
called  "  one  of  the  strangest  in  the  OT  "  (Cent.B).  The 
prophet,  who  is  not  named,  predicts  the  destruction 
of  the  altar  of  Bethel  bj'  a  Idng  of  Judah  named 
Josiah.  The  definiteness  of  this  prediction  would  not 
necessarily  render  it  impossible,  any  more  than  the 
mention  of  Cyrus,  nearly  two  centuries  before  his 
birth,  attributed  to  Isaiah  (Is.  4426).  But  the  whole 
tone  of  this  story,  as  of  that  of  Is.  iOff.,  forbids  us  to 
accept  it  as  contemporary.  To  take  but  one  instance, 
the  allusion  to  the  "  cities  of  Samaria  "  (32)  is  a  patent 
anachronism  (I624).  That  the  tradition  of  a  pro- 
phet's visit  to  Jeroboam  was  current  may  be  witnessed 
to  by  2  K.  23 1 6.  The  prophet  or  "  man  of  God,"  aa 
he  is  consistently  called  (except  in  23,  where  the  refer- 
ence to  the  prophet  is  an  obvious  interpolation),  in 
contrast  with  the  old  prophet,  does  not  denounce 
Jeroboam  but  curses  the  altar.  Apparently  tho 
punishment  of  the  man  of  God,  who  was  very  excusably 
deceived,  is  intended  to  emphasize  the  extreme  wicked- 
ness of  rebellion  against  God.  The  story  throughout 
is  intentionally  miraculous  ;  the  withering  of  the  king's 
hand,  the  death  of  the  prophet  by  a  lion  who  re- 
fused to  touch  the  corpse  or  to  injure  the  ass,  can- 
not be  explained  by  any  attempt  to  rationalise  the 
story. 

33.  consecrated:  lit.  "filled  the  hand"  (Lev.  S*, 
Nu.  33*,  1  Ch.  295*)  of  each  new  priest.  This  term 
(found  also  in  Assyrian)  is  used  of  regular  consecra- 
tion, e.g.  Aaron's  (Ex.  2841),  and  irregular,  e.y.  Micah's 
Levite  (Jg.  I75).  It  probably  means  to  put  him  in 
possession  of  the  office. 

XIV.  1-20.  Visit  of  Jeroboam's  Wife  to  Ahijah.— 
Here  we  have  an  ancient  story  with  Deuteronomic 
additions.  According  to  the  LXX  (I224  g-m),  Jero- 
boam sent  his  wife  (Ano)  to  the  prophet  before 
he  became  king."  Ahijah  foretells  the  child's  death, 
and  the  ruin  of  Jeroboam's  house,  but  gives  no  reason 
for  either  calamity.  He  is  introduced  as  a  new  person, 
and  he  is  not  blind.  Ano  is  not  yet  queen,  so  she  has 
no  need  to  disguise  herself.  As  7-1 1  in  the  Heb. 
is  obviously  Deuteronomic,  probably  the  early  story 
merely  related  that  Ahijah  foretold  the  death  of  Aliijah. 
Notice  that  even  in  the  Deuteronomic  amplification 
Jeroboam's  sin  is  not  that  of  neglecting  Jerusalem, 
but  making  "  other  gods  and  molten  images  "  (g). 

XIV.  21-31.  Reign  of  Rehoboam.— The  formula  in  21 
is  regularly  employed  in  Kings.  The  LXX  make  his 
age  sixteen,  and  gives  him  twelve  j'cars.  Tho  name  of 
the  king's  mother  is  given,  since  she,  and  not  the  wife, 
was  tho  chief  lady  of  the  court.  The  title  she  bore 
was  not  queen,  but  larly  {g'bhirah.  I513).  Being  an 
Ammonitess,  Nanmah  would  naturally  have  encou- 
raged her  son  in  idolatry.  But  in  23,  whereas  it  is 
usual  in  Kings  to  give  the  verdict  on  the  king  "  he 
did  good,"  "  he  did  evil,"  in  this  case  Judah  is  blamed  ; 


the  LXX,  however,  says  "  Rehoboam  did  evil,"  etc. 
The  sins  of  Judah  are  enumerated  as  building  high 
places,  setting  up  pillars  {ma(;r^eboth),  and  Asherim 
(A.V.  "  groves  ")  on  every  high  hill,  and  under  every 
green  tree,  and  doing  according  to  the  abominations 
of  the  nations  (2  3f.).  Even  in  Judah  down  to  tho 
days  of  Hezekiah  there  were  many  sanctuaries  (for 
"high  places'  see  on  3i,  and  for  "groves,"  etc.  on 
15 1 311.).  The  chief  event  of  the  reign  was  the  invasion 
of  Shishak  or  Sheshcmq,  a  kuig  of  the  22nd  Egyptian 
dynasty  (pp.  58,  71 ).  This  invasion  is  mentioned  in  the 
lists  in  the  temple  of  Amun  in  Karnak,  and  Ephraimite 
as  well  as  Judsean  cities  are  enumerated.  Here  appa- 
rently it  is  introduced  only  to  explain  how  tho  shields 
of  gold  disappeared  from  the  Temple.  In  2  Ch.  12 
Rehoboam  is  said  to  have  repented  of  his  sin  at  the 
exhortation  of  the  prophet  Shemaiah  after  Shishak's 
invasion. 

XV.  1-32.  Abijam  and  Asa  of  Judah,  and  Nadab 
and  Baasha  of  Israel.— Abijam,  called  Abijah  (2  Ch. 
13i),  had  a  short  and  evil  reign.  It  would  appear, 
notwithstanding  8,  that  be  was  succeeded  by  his 
brother  Asa,  as  both  are  said  to  have  had  the  same 
mother,  Maacah,  the  daughter  of  Abishalom. 
Josephus  says  the  granddaughter  of  Absalom  ;  see 
2  Ch.  II20).  Except  that  Asa  could  not  remove  the 
high  places  he  is  said  to  have  done  right  during  his 
long  reign  of  forty -one  years.  Asa  deposed  Maacah 
from  the  position  of  queen-mother  for  ber  idolatry. 
She  had  made  (13)  an  abominable  image  (Heb.  a 
horror  of  an  image)  for  an  Asherah.  The  AV  renders 
"  an  idol  in  a  grove."  The  Heb.  word  Asherah  (p.  100) 
is  translated  in  the  LXX  by  the  word  Halsox,  a  grove. 
It  was  a  sacred  pole  set  up  by  an  altar  (Dt.  I621), 
probably  to  represent  a  tree.  Two  roots  are  suggested 
for  this  word  :    (a)  one  meaning  happy,   (b)   upright. 

(a)  would  mean  "  the  happy  woman,"    i.e.  Ashtoreth, 

(b)  upright.  In  the  latter  case  it  may  have  been  an 
unseemly  emblem  almost  universal  in  idolatrous 
worship.  Asa  also  purified  the  Temple  by  putting 
away  the  dedicated  men  who  under  the  name  of 
religion  encouraged  vice.  The  high  places  continued 
till  tho  end  of  the  seventh  century  B.C. 

Three  kinds  of  false  worship  are  mentioned  in 
Kings :  (a)  The  schismatical  worship  of  N.  Israel, 
which  was,  however,  condemned  only  after  the  days 
of  the  Deuteronomic  revival  in  the  time  of  Josiah. 
(b)  The  high  places,  Asherim  (groves),  pillars  [mcu^- 
both),  and  sacrifices  under  trees.  These  were  used, 
with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  the  "  groves,"  in  patri- 
archal times,  but  by  the  prophetic  era  (eighth  century) 
they  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  idolatrous  by  the 
more  religious  spirits  in  the  nation.  In  both  these 
cases  Yahweh  was  professedly  worshipped,  (c) 
Apostasy,  forsaking  Yahweh  for  the  gods  of  other 
nations,  e.g.  the  Baal  of  Tj-re. 

16-21.  The  Syrians  of  Damascus  now  made  their 
appearance  as  the  chief  enemies  of  Israel  (pp.  68f.). 
Owing  to  tho  pressure  exercised  on  Asa  by  his  rival 
Baasha  in  Israel,  tho  king  of  Judah  called  in  the  aid 
of  Ben-hadad,  son  of  Tabrimmon.  son  of  Hezion 
(II23*).  Ben-hadad  ravaged  northern  Israel  down  to 
the  Sea  of  Galilee  or  Chinneroth  (20).  Asa  is  said  by 
the  Chronicler  to  have  been  delivered  from  Zerah  the 
Ethiopian  (2  Ch.  I49-15),  and  to  have  been  rebuked 
by  the  seer  Hanani  for  his  unpatriotic  action  in  calling 
in  the  help  of  Ben-hadad  (2  Ch.  1 6 7). 

25-32;  Nadab,  the  son  of  Jeroboam,  was  killed  by 
Baasha  in  accordance  with  Ahijah's  prophecy.  The 
complete  extirpation  of  tho  king's  family  happened 
at  every  change  of  dynasty  in  Israel.     The  males  of 


302 


I.  KINQS,  XV.  25-32 


the  houses  of  Jeroboam,  Baasha,  Ahab,  were  all  of 
them  put  to  the  sword. 

XV.  3a-Xyi.  34.  Baasha's  Dynasty.  Rise  of  the  House 
of  Omrl. — Nothing  is  told  us  of  Baasha  except  the 
usual  annalistic  details,  and.  that  a  prophet  named 
Jehu  foretold  the  destruction  of  his  whole  hou.se. 
Hia  son  Elah  was  at  war  with  the  Philistines  (15), 
but  remained  at  Tirzah  (p.  30),  which  at  this  time 
was  the  chief  residence  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  Zimri 
slew  him  and  reigned  but  seven  days,  and  was  then 
attacked  by  the  army  under  Omri,  and  burned  hirasoif 
in  his  house.  For  four  years,  (cf.  15  with  23),  there  was 
civil  war  between  Omri  and  Tibni.  Finally  (22)  Omri 
prevailed.  Omri  is  described  as  more  wicked  than 
any  of  his  predecessors.  The  only  thing  recorded  of 
him  is  that  he  built  a  city  on  a  hill  bought  from  a  man 
named  Shemer  (24),  and  called  it  after  his  name 
Shomcron,  more  familiar  to  us  as  Samaria  (p.  30),  the 
Greek  form,  which  is  more  akin  to  the  Assyrian  word 
found  on  the  monuments,  Sa-ma-ri-na.  Omri  was  so 
important  that  on  the  Assyrian  monuments  Jehu,  who 
destroyed  his  djTiasty,  is  called  "  son  of  Omri,"  and  in 
the  eighth  century  the  district  of  Samaria  is  the  "  Land 
of  Hurari  "  (Omri). 

Ahab,  according  to  the  Heb.,  began  to  reign  in  the 
thirty-eighth  year  of  Asa  (29);  but  the  LXX  has 
"  the  second  year  of  Jehoshaphat."  The  Greek  version 
makes  the  reign  of  Omri  begin  with  the  fall  of  Tibni 
(23),  and  not  with  the  death  of  Zimri  four  years  earlier 
(15).  Ahab  is  singled  out  for  especial  condemnation. 
His  personal  religion  was  that  of  his  people.  That  is, 
"  he  walked  in  the  sins  of  Jeroboam  "  (31).  Strangely 
enough,  after  him  names  compounded  with  Yahweh 
first  became  common  both  in  Israel  and  Judah.  His 
sons  were  Jchoram  and  Aliaziah.  his  daughter  (or  sister, 
2  K.  826),  Athaliah,  his  trusted  servant  Obadiah.  He 
may  be  said  to  have  followed  Solomon's  policy  in 
making  a  close  alliance  with  the  Zidonians.  The  god 
of  his  wife,  Jezebel  is  called  Baal  (32).  The  word  baal 
(p.  87)  is  ambiguous :  it  means  (a)  an  owner,  e.o-  of  an  ox 
(Ex.  21 28),  or  iu  the  case  of  a  woman  she  is  baalath  of 
familiar  spirits  (1  S.  287) ;  (6)  a  local  god — so  in  Judges 
we  have  the  plural  Baalim ;  (c)  applied  to  Yahweh,  who 
is  called  the  haal  of  Israel  (Hos.  2i6)  ;  {d)  as  here  a 
proper  name,  the  Baal  of  Tyre,  i.e.  Mclkarth.  In  the 
LXX  the  fem.  article  is  generally  prefixed  to  Baal 
since  the  Hebrews  sometimes  called  him  Shame 
{bosheih,  a  fem.  noun.  Nu.  3238*,  1  S.  1 447-51*).  In 
this  narrative  the  masc.  article  is  used.  Jezebel  was 
the  daughter  of  Ethbaal  (31).  Josephus  {Apion,  i.  18) 
enumerates  the  kings  of  Tyre  ;  the  last  are  Ithobalus 
(Ethbaal)  a  pri  st  of  Astarte,  Bedezor  his  son,  Matgen 
and  Pygmalion,  the  brother  of  Dido.  Jezebel  was  thus 
an  aunt  of  Dido.  But  as  she  lived  m  the  ninth 
century  B.C.  she  can  hardly  be  fitted  in  with  the 
scheme  of  chronology  which  makes  Dido  live  at  the 
time  of  the  fall  of  Troy. 

34.  The  rebuilding  of  Jericho  by  Hiel  the  Bethelite. 
Joshua  pronounced  a  curse  on  the  man  who  should 
rebuild  Jericho;(Jos.  626*),  and  it  was  fulfilled  when 
Hiel  built,  i.e.  fortified  it.  But  it  had  been  a  place  of 
some  importance  in  the  interval  (2  S.  IO5),  and  soon 
after  Hiel  it  was  called  a  citj'  (2  K.  219).  The  plain 
meaning  is  that  Hiel  lost  his  firstborn  son  when  he 
laid  the  foundations  of  the  city,  and  his  younger  son 
when  he  set  up  the  gates.  It  has  even  been  sug- 
gested that  he  inaugurated  and  finished  his  work  by 
a  human  sacrifice  as  was  usual  among  the  Canaanit-cs 
— witness  the  excavation  of  human  bones  at  Taanach 
and  Gezer  (pp.  83,  99,  Ex.  132*). 

XVIL-XK. — These  chapters   como    from    another 


source,  which  relates  the  adventures  of  the  great 
prophet  Elijah.  They  are  rightly  reckoned  among 
the  finest  pieces  of  prose  writing  in  the  OT.  They 
abound  in  miracle  and  marvel  which  ought  neither  to 
be  rationalised  nor  explained  away,  for  on  their  super- 
natural character  the  vindication  of  Yahweh  as  the 
God  of  Israel  depends.  Rightly  therefore  does  Skinner 
(Oent.B)  declare  that  the  explanation  of  such  a 
miracle  as  the  feeding  of  the  prophet  by  "  ravens  " 
{prebim)  is  that  the  neighbouring  Arabs  brought  him 
food  is  "a  rationalistic  absurdity."  Though  the 
prophet  appears  throughout  as  "  a  man  of  like  passions 
with  ourselves  "  (Jas.  617),  he  is  yet  clearly  represented 
as  one  with  supernatural  powers,  which  he  freely 
exercises. 

In  a  sense  Elijah  is  the  most  "  supernatural  "  figure 
in  the  historical  books,  though  this  does  not  make  him 
unhistorical.  He  moves  in  an  atmasphere  of  wonder 
and  miracle,  appearing  and  vanishing  in  the  most 
unexpected  manner,  and  his  ascension  is  only  in 
keeping  with  the  rest  of  his  life.  As  he  is  described  in 
Kings,  so  was  he  regarded  in  subsequent  ages,  a 
mysterious  figure,  likely  to  reappear  as  suddenly  to 
the  world  as  he  did  from  time  to  time  to  Ahab  (Mai.  45, 
Mt.  17io,  etc.),  and  the  forerunner  of  Messiah. 

XVn.  1-24.  Elijah  Is  Fed  by  Ravens,  and  Raises  the 
Widows  Son. — Elijah  appeared  suddenly :  we  hear 
nothing  of  his  birth  or  parentage.  He  simply  an- 
nounced to  Ahab,  in  the  name  of  Yahweh,  "  before 
whom  I  stand  "  (cf.  Jer.  3oi()),  that  there  should  be 
no  rain  for  three  years.  Elijah  is  described  as  "  one  of 
the  sojourners  of  Gilead."  Probably  the  LXX  is  correct 
in  saying  that  he  came  from  Tishbe  (mg.),  said  to  be 
in  Gilead  to  distinguish  it  from  another  Tishbe  in  Galilee 
(Tob.  I2).  He  then  retired  (3-7)  to  the  brook  Cherith, 
E.  of  Jordan,  where  he  was  fed  by  ravens.  In  the 
valley  of  the  Jordan  was  the  rock  of  Oreb — the  raven 
(Jg.  725,  Is.  IO26),  and  this  may  have  suggested  the 
legend.  By  Divine  guidance  he  next  went  into  the 
heart  of  the  country  whose  "  worship  "  he  denounced — 
namely,  Zidon  (9).  At  Zarephath  (Sarepta,  LXX  and 
Lk.  426)  he  was  received  by  a  widow  whose  oil  and 
wheat  he  miraculously  multiplied  and  raised  her  son 
(17).  Josephus  (Ant.  viii.  I33)  says  the  child  only 
appeared  to  be  dead.  Elijah  raised  him  in  the  same 
way  as  Elisha  raised  the  son  of  the  Shunammite  (2  K. 
434),  and  Paul  Eutvchus  (Ac.  20io). 

XVni.  1^1.  Elijahs  Meeting  with  Ahab  and  his 
Contest  with  the  Priests  of  Baal.— The  history  of 
Ahab's  reign  must  have  been  something  like  the  fol- 
lowing :  On  his  marriage  with  Jezebel  he  must  have 
allowed  the  worship  of  the  Baal  of  Tjto  and  been  met 
with  the  remonstrances  of  the  prophets.  Furious  at 
their  opposition,  Jezebel  had  massacred  a  large  number, 
but  the  king's  steward  had  supported  the  cause  of 
Yahweh  (4) ;  so  Ahah  cannot  have  been  wholly  ill- 
disposed  to  those  who  were  faithful  to  the  God  of 
Israel.  But  he  had  no  mercy  for  the  leader  of  the 
whole  movement,  Elijah,  who  had  prophesied  the 
drought.  He  was  sought  in  every  neighbouring  king- 
dom as  the  author  of  all  the  agitation,  "  the  troubler 
of  Israel."  In  the  meantime  Jezebel  had  organised 
the  worship  of  the  Baal,  and  supported  at  her  own 
cost  four  hundred  and  fifty  prophets  (19).  Public 
opinion  was  evidently  setting  against  her  policy, 
owing  to  the  long  drought,  which  was  regarded  as  a 
Divine  punishment  for  the  neglect  of  Yahweh.  It 
was  at  this  juncture  that  Elijah  revealed  himself, 
first  to  Obadiah  and  then  to  Ahab.  and  demanded  a 
public  trial  of  strength  between  himself,  as  repre- 
senting Yahweh,  and  the  prophets  of  the  foreign  god 


I.  KINGS,  XX.  1-34 


303 


(19).  The  account  of  the  contest  on  Mount  Carmel 
is  most  dramatically  told,  and  the  object  is  to  bring 
out  the  contrast  between  the  ecstatic  worship  of  the 
Baal  and  the  pure  and  calm  trust  of  the  prophet  when 
he  calls  upon  Yahweh  as  the  only  God. 

3.  The    name    Obadiah    shows    that    Ahab's    high 
steward  was  pre-eminently  a  worshipper  of  Yahweh. 
Obad  or  obed  means   "  servant  of,"  and  its   nearest 
equivalent    would    be    "  Abdullah  "    (the    LXX    has 
.466^205=  Obadiah).      The  Celtic  name  Gilchrist  (ser- 
vant of  Clirist)  may  be  compared  with  it. — 5.  From 
the  Qarqara  inscription   we  learn  that  Ahab  had  a 
large  force  of  chariots  ;  hence  his  anxiety  for  his  horses. 
— 12.  Obadiah's    fear    that    Elijah    would    disappear 
shows  the  mystery  which  surrounded  his  person.     The 
spirit  of  Yahweh  would  remove  him  to  some  unknown 
spot   (c/.   Ac.    839). — 18.  he    that    troubleth   Israel: 
Ahab  uses  the  same  verb,  achar,  as  Joshua  does  when 
he  asked   Achan,    "  Wliy  hast   thou    troubled   us  ?  " 
(Jos.   725). — 19.  Besides  the  four  hundred  and   fifty 
prophets  of  the  Baal,  four   hundred    prophets  of  the 
Asherah  (or  grove,  AV)  are  mentioned.     In  this  case 
Asherah  ( loi  3*)  must  be  the  name  of  a  goddess ;  but  the 
reading  is  open  to  suspicion  (LXX  omits).     Here  for 
the  first  time  we  leani  that  the  gods  of  Canaan  as  well 
as  Yahweh  had  their  prophets.     Carmel  (pp.  28-30)  was 
chosen  as  a  spot  recognised  as  sacred  by  both  parties. 
According  to  Robertson  Smith  (RS^,  p.  156)  it  was  a 
Phoenician  sanctuary,  and  we  know  (30)  that  there  was 
an  altar  of  Yahweh  there  which  had  been  destroyed. 
Elijah  may  have  wished  to  put  the  matter  to  the  test 
at  the  scene  of  his  rivals'  triumph,  as  evidenced  by 
the  broken  altar  of  the  God  of  Israel.     The  traditional 
scene  of  the  sacrifice  is  not  the  headland  of  Carmel, 
but  some  miles  inland,  at  a  place  still  called  Muhrakah 
(burning),  which  overlooks  not  the  sea,  but  the  plain 
and  city  of  Jezreel  (p.  30).     The  Kishon  (p  29)  runs  at 
the  foot  of  the  cliff  ;  at  a  place  called  Tel  el-Kassis  the 
priests  are^aid  to  have  been  slain. — 21.  Elijah's  question 
is  difficult  to  render  exactly  from  the  Hebrew.     The 
LXX  renders  it  "  How  long  go  ye  lame  "  (Heb.  "  pass 
over  ")    "  on    both    knee-jointfi  ?  "     His    meaning    is 
clear  enough  :   the  people  want  to  serve  both  Baal  and 
Yahweh.     The  prophet's   words  here,   as  in   27,   are 
bitterly   sarcastic. — 28.  lancets:     the   form   given   to 
the  word  in   all   English   Bibles  down  to   1762   was 
"  lancers,"  i.e.  "  throwing  spears  "  (HDB). — 29.  The 
votaries  of  Baal  "  prophesied  " — that  is,  raved,  just 
as  Saul  did  in  his  madness  (1  S.  I810,  I924).— 32.  The 
making  of  a  trench  round  the  altar  is  generally  ex- 
plained as  a  precaution  against  any  form  of  imposture. 
Probably,  however,  the  pouring  out  of  the  water  had 
a  symbolical  purpose  [originally  a  form  of  sympathetic 
magic. — A.  S.  P.j.  to  procure  rain  (cf.  the  pouring  oi 
water   on    the   altar   at   the    Feast   of   Tabernacles). 
Yahweh  was  about  to  answer  by  fire,  but  He  was  also 
going  to  give  rain.     Elijah  and  the  prophets  of  the 
Baal  were  doubtless  agreed  that  the  object  of  their 
sacrifice  was  to  save  the  land  by  the  gift  of  rain.     The 
fire  was  the  sign  of  Yahweh's  presence,  as  at  Sinai 
(Ex.  19),  and  approval  (Jg.  621).     After  the  prophets 
of  the  Baal  had  been  slain  and  His  honour  vindicated, 
the  rain  came. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  Elijah  is  pre-eminently  the 
prophet  of  Yahweh  manifested  by  fire.  Here  on 
Carmel  the  fire  consumes  the  sacrifice ;  at  Horeb  the 
wind,  the  earthquake,  and  the  fire  precede  the  "  still 
small  voice  "  ;  the  captains  of  fifty  are  destroyed  by 
fire  (2  K.  lio) ;  and  the  prophet  ascends  in  a  chariot 
of  fire  (2  K.  2ii). 
XVIII.  41-46.  The  Sending    of    the  Rain.— EUjah 


and  his  servant  agam  ascended  Carmel.  where  the 
prophet  prayed  and  the  servant  watched.  The  nearest 
point  of  Carmel  is  about  17  miles  from  Jezreel. 
Elijah's  feat  (46)  of  outrumimg  the  chariot  was  re- 
garded as  a  proof  of  Divine  inspiration,  like  the 
exploits  of  a  Samson.  The  hand  of  Yahweh  is  an 
equivalent  to  this  power  (2  K.  3i5,  and  commonly  in 
Ezek.). 

XIX.  1-21.  EUjah's  FUght  to  Horeb.  His  Com- 
mission.— Jezebel,  it  will  be  noticed,  can  do  no  more 
than  threaten  Elijah  :  her  power  is  limited.  Elijah 
escapes  to  the  southern  extremity  of  Judah,  to  Beer- 
sheba,  a  sacred  place  of  pilgrimage  frequented  (Am. 
55,  814)  even  by  N.  Israelites.  In  the  desert,  under  a 
juniper  or  broom  tree,  he  received  his  vision  (5),  and 
went  to  Horeb,  the  "  Mount  of  God."  Horeb  is 
Sinai :  the  name  is  employed  in  the  N.  Israelite 
Hexateuchal  narrative  E  and  in  Deuteronomy.  It 
was  supposed  to  be  Y'ahweh's  special  dwelling-place 
(Jg.  54,  Ps.  688,  Hab.  33),  and  is  placed  in  Edom. 
The  theophany  (9)  reminds  us  of  the  appearance  to 
Moses  (Ex.  20 1 8-21).  It  is  finely  recorded  that  the 
message  of  Yahweh  came  not  in  storm  or  fire,  but  in 
"  a  still  small  voice  "  (lit.  a  sound  of  thin  silence). 
Elijah  received  a  threefold  commission — to  anoint 
Hazael  king  over  Syria.  Jehu  king  of  Israel,  and 
Elisha  to  be  prophet. '  Elijah  himself  simply  appointed 
Elisha,  and  even  here  nothing  is  said  of  his  anointing. 
An  unnamed  prophet,  commissioned  by  Elisha, 
anointed  Jehu  (2  K.  9i).  and  Elisha  foretold  Hazael'a 
accession,  but  did  not  anoint  him.  "  Yet  have  I 
left"  (18)  is  a  wrong  rendering  by  the  AV,  though 
supported  by  Paul  (Rom.  lU)-  The  LXX  has  "  And 
thou  shalt  leave."  The  meaning  is  that,  after  all  the 
slaughter  by  Hazael,  Jehu,  and  Elisha,  a  faithful 
remnant  shall  be  left  ;  for  7000  is  a  jound  number. 
It  was  by  casting  his  mantle  on  Elisha  that  Elijah 
called  hini,  and  the  mantle  at  his  ascension  gave  him 
a  double  portion  of  his  spirit.  Elijah's  words  (20) 
show  that  his  action  is  nothing  unless  the  younger 
man  accepts  the  call. 

XX.  1-34.  Ahab's  Victory  over  Ben-hadad.— Cha. 
20  and  22  come  from  another  source.  Elijah  does  not 
appear,  the  religious  interest  is  less  prominent,  and 
Ahab  is  presented  in  a  far  less  hostile  light.  He  acta 
as  a  brave  and  chivalrous  king,  bold  in  the  battle  and 
merciful  in  victory.  In  the  Book  of  Bangs  the  kings 
of  Israel  are  seldom  represented  in  a  hostile  spirit 
when  confronted  by  the  common  enemy,  Syria  {cf. 
2  K.  7). 

Syria,  we  learn,  had  become  a  formidable  power. 
Ben-hadad's  father  had  taken  some  of  Omri's  citiea, 
and  had  compelled  him  to  allow  his  merchants  to  have 
"  streets,"  i.e.  bazaars,  in  Samaria  (34).  The  power 
of  Syria  was  such  that  the  king  could  treat  the  Israelite 
sovereign  as  his  despised  vassal.  VMien  the  Syrian 
army  filled  the  valley,  the  Israelite  forces  appeared 
like 'two  small  flocks  of  goats  (27).  Ahab,  who  is 
almost  always  called  in  this  chapter  "  the  king  of 
Israel,"  was  helped  by  an  unnamed  prophet  (13)  or 
man  of  God  (28).  Ben-hadad  behaved  throughout 
with  arrogance  (3-10).  and  Ahab  with  dignified  calm- 
ness. His  reply  in  three  Hebrew  words,  "  Let  not 
him  that  girdeth  on  ^i.s  armour  boast  himself  as  he 
that  putteth  it  off  "  (11),  is  as  brave  as  it  is  terse. 
The  first  year  Ben-hadad  with  his  thirty-two  subject 
Icings  was  defeated  ( 20).  The  second  he  returned  with 
a  stronger  army,  led  by  ius  own  captains  instead  of 
the  kings.  The  Syrians  believed  that,  because  the 
Israelites  were  helped  by  mountain  gods  (23  ;  LXX, 
"  a  god  of  the  hills  "),  they  would  not  gain  a  victory 


304 


I.   KINGS,  XX.  1-34 


on  the  level  plain.  Ever  since  the  Judges  the  Israelites 
had  failed,  as  a  rule,  in  the  plains,  because  of  the 
chariots  of  iron  (Jg.  I19).  Ahab,  however,  had  a  large 
force  of  chariots.  A  man  of  God  announced  that 
Israel  would  prevail  because  the  Syrians  boasted  that 
Yahweh  was  not  a  god  of  the  plain  as  well  as  of  the 
hill.  In  the  battle  Ben-hadad  was  utterly  defeated, 
and  threw  himself  on  Ahab's  mercy.  The  kings  of 
Israel  had,  it  is  interesting  to  know,  the  reputation 
of  being  merciful  (31),  and  Ahab  (32)  declared  that 
Ben-hadad  was  after  all  "  his  brother."  A  highly 
advantageous  treaty  with  Israel  was  the  result. 

[26.  Apbek:  there  has  been  much  discussion  about 
the  site;  see  EBi  and  G.  A.  Smith's  Atlas  pp.  xviii., 
XX.  Probably  it  was  in  the  Plain  of  Sharon,  near 
the  Philistine  border.  The  Syrians  seem  to  have  come 
down  by  the  road  through  Megiddo  to  Aphek,  and 
used  it  as  the  point  from  wliich  to  attack  Samaria,  or 
Philistia.  Observe  that  in  2  K.  1322  Lucians  text  of 
the  LXX  adds,  "and  Hazael  took  the  Philistine  from 
hist  hand  from  the  Western  Sea  to  Aphek." — A.  S.  P.] 

XX.  35-48.  Ahab  s  Death  Foretold  for  Sparing  Ben- 
hadad. — This  section  reminds  us  of  1  S.  15.  Saul's 
sparing  of  Agag.  It  does  not  appear  to  be  part  of  tho 
foregoing  narrative,  but  may  be  of  great  antiquity. 
The  sin  of  Ahab,  like  that  of  Saul,  seems  commendable 
in  our  eyes,  but  to  the  Hebrews  it  was  the  most  deadly 
of  all — the  violation  of  the  herem  or  ban  (pp.  99,  114), 
the  sparing  of  a  person  "  devoted  "  to  Yahweh  (42). 
The  "  sons  of  the  prophets  "  are  mentioned  here  for 
the  first  time  in  the  Bible  (35). 

XXI.  1-29.  The  Story  of  Naboth.— This  is  evi- 
dently not  a  part  of  the  Elijah  storj'  of  17-19.  There  are 
certain  differences  of  style  ;  e.g.  Ahab  is  described  as 
"king  of  Samaria  "  (i) ;  and  Elijah  does  not,  as  in 
17-19,  occupy  the  central  place.  Nor  does  the  story 
come  in  a  very  suitable  place  between  20  and  22,  which 
have  points  in  common.  In  the  LXX  it  occurs  before 
20.  It  is  probably,  though  not  certainly,  an  inde- 
pendent narrative  about  Elijah.  Ahab,  as  is  usual, 
is  not  represented  in  the  worst  possible  light ;  the 
great  offender  is  Jezebel,  who  acts  not  as  a  Baal  wor- 
shipper so  much  as  a  queen  of  Israel.  Some  critics 
ie^.  Bumey)  connect  this  passage  with  2  K.  9f.,  the 
story  of  tho  destruction  of  the  house  of  Omri  by  Jehu, 
where  the  mention  of  the  "  burden  "  laid  on  Ahab  on 
thatoccasiondemandsthe  recital  of  thesecircumstances. 
Naboth  refused  to  sell  his  vineyard  because  it  was  his 
ancestral  property  (3).  The  Priestly  Code  forbids  the 
alienation  of  laiid,  and  probably  reliects  a  strong 
prejudice  in  favour  of  not  surrendering  an  inheritance 
(Lev.  2523,  Nu.  367).  Naboth  was  falsely  accused  of 
blasphemy  and  treason  (10),  cursing  (lit.  blessing,  i.e. 
bidding  farewell  to  or  renouncing,  but  see  Job  1 5*)  God 
and  the  king.  According  to  the  LXX  Ahab  (16)  was 
horrified  at  the  crime,  and  put  on  sackcloth  on  hear- 
ing of  I^aboth's  death,  but  nevertheless  took  posses- 
sion of  the  vineyard  (i8f.).  Elijah  did  not  foretell 
that  the  place  of  tho  destruction  of  Ahab's  family 
would  be  on  Naboth 's  land,  but  this  is  implied  in 
2  K.  936.  Tlie  incident  may  not  be  placetl  in  its  true 
historical  position,  and  there  is  no  hint  that  Jezebel 
or  Ahab  represented  a  false  religion,  and  Elijah  the 
true.  Nevertheless  the  conduct  of  those  concerned 
may  shew  how  the  Baal  worship  had  corrupted  the 
morals  of  the  times.  The  elders  of  Jezreel  came  no 
better  out  of  the  transaction  than  Ahab  or  even 
Jezebel  herself.  It  has  been  maintaine<l  that  this 
crime  more  than  idolatry  caused  the  ruin  of  the  house 
of  Omri. 

XXII.   1-40.    Ahab's    Attack     on    Ramoth-gilead 


and  his  Death. — The  death  of  Ahab  must  have  taken 
place  before  or  during  the  year  854  B.C.,  when  the 
battle  of  Qarqara  was  fought,  and  his  name  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Assyrian  inscription  (p.  69).  The  ques- 
tion is,  did  he  take  part  in  that  battle  as  a  vassal 
of  Bir'idri  (Ben-hadad)  before  or  after  the  war  related 
in  20.  In  the  latter  case  his  death  was  probably  later 
in  854  B.C.  The  chapter  is  a  continuation  of  20,  and 
from  the  same  source  with  additions.  Jehoshaphat, 
whose  son  married  Ahab's  daughter  (2  K.  818),  is 
present  as  Ahab's  ally.  Here,  as  in  20  and  21,  there  is 
no  allusion  to  the  Baal  worship.  Ahab's  prophets  are 
prophets  of  Yahweh,  and  the  king  can  muster  four 
hundred.  The  rivalry  is  between  true  and  false 
prophecy.  It  Ls  not  known  where  Ramoth-gilead 
(the  heights  of  G.)  actually  was.  It  was  a  most  im- 
portant place,  mentioned  (413)  in  the  list  of  Solomon's 
provinces,  and  in  2  K.  92,14  as  the  scene  of  the  anoint- 
ing of  Jehu,  so  that  it  had  been  evidently  retaken 
from  the  Syrians.  The  general  opinion  that  it  is  the 
modem  Es  Salt  has  not  much  to  recommend  it,  this 
being  too  far  S.  (I3ff.).  Micaiah,  the  son  of  Imlah,  is 
the  one  true  prophet.  His  vision  (19)  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  scene  in  Job  when  the  sons  of  God 
present  themselves  before  Him  (Job  l6).  Whether  the 
prophets  tell  the  truth  or  no,  it  is  acknowledged  that 
they  are  inspired  by  Y'ahweh  (24).  The  Chronicler's 
account  of  ftlicaiah's  prophecy  and  of  the  battle  is 
given  in  2  Ch.  18.  There  Jehoshaphat's  cry  (32)  is 
explained  (2  Ch.  I831)  as  a  praj'er  which  God  answered. 
Ahab's  death  is  told  in  a  manner  creditable  to  him. 
He  bore  himself  bravely,  and  was  the  soul  of  the 
battle.  38  looks  like  an  addition.  Elijah's  words  in 
21 19  were  not  fulfilled,  for  Ahab  was  buried  at 
Samaria.  Even  here,  the  point  that  the  dogs  were 
to  lick  up  his  blood  where  they  had  done  that  of 
Naboth,  i.e.  outside  Jezreel,  was  not  made. 

XXII.  41-50.  Reigns  of  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah 
and  Ahaziah  of  Israel, — These  reigns  are  related  in  the 
usual  annalistic  style. — 47,  which  says  there  was  no 
king  in  Edom,  is  very  obscure.  It  seems  to  imply 
that  Jehoshaphat  owned  Edom,  and  ruled  by  his  own 
nominee,  but  in  2  K.  3  we  read  of  a  king  of  Edom. 
— 48.  On  Ophir  and  Ezion-geber,  see  926,28.  The 
Chronicler  (2  Ch.  2O37)  sa)'8  that  the  ships  were 
wrecked  as  a  punishment  for  Jehoshaphat's  alliance 
with  the  king  of  Israel.  The  book  concludes  abruptly, 
and  there  is  no  real  gap  between  1  and  2  K. ;  indeed 
51-53  should  really  be  joined  to  2  K.  li. 

THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  KINGS 

1.  l-II.  25.  Last  Days  and  Ascension  of  Elijah: 
EUsha     Established    as     his     Successor. — Here     wt 

have  perhaps  a  third  Elijah  narrative,  in  which  the 
prophet  is  represented  as  playing  a  part  scarcely 
worthy  of  the  Elijah  of  1  K.  17-19  or  21,  who  in  th© 
first  section  represents  Yahweh  against  the  Tyrian 
Baal,  whereas  in  the  latter  he  stands  for  righteousness 
oppo.«cd  to  legalised  violence.  Here  the  king's  offence 
is  that  he  sent  to  a  Philistine  oracle  instead  of  inquiring 
of  Yahweh,  and  his  soldiers  are  punished  by  fire  for 
summoning  tho  prophet  to  surrender.  The  spelling 
of  the  prophet's  name  in  Hebrew  differs  from  th.-.t  in 
the  rest  of  the  OT.  Tlio  story  is  mentioned  in  the 
Gospel  (Lk.  954). 

2.  Baal-zebub  the  God  of  Ekron.— Ekron  is  the  most 
northern  Philistine  city,  and  therefore  tho  nearest  to 
Samaria.  This  is  the  only  mention  of  the  god  in  the 
OT.  In  the  NT  he  is  the  prince  of  demons.  The 
word  means  "  lord  of  flies  "  ;  Beelzebul,  the  alternative 


II.  KINGS,  IV.  8-37 


305 


reading  in  NT,  would  mean  "  lord  of  the  house " 
(Mk.  322*). — 8.  The  description  of  Elijah  as  an  hairy 
man,  lit.  "  a  possessor  {baal)  of  hair,"  is  repeated  in 
Mk.  l6  of  the  Baptist.  The  hairy  garment  (c/.  mg.) 
was  the  dress  of  the  ancient  prophet  (Zech.  184). — 
18  naturally  stands  before  17,  and  the  date,  the 
second  year  of  Jehoram,  is  misleading.  There  have 
evidently  been  some  sweeping  editorial  revisions  at 
this  point  (sec  Cent.B.). 

With  ch.  2  we  seem  to  enter  upon  a  series  of  Elisha 
stories  which  occupy  the  greater  part  of  the  earlier 
chapters  of  2  K.  Elijah  and  Elisha  lived,  apparently, 
at  "  the  Gilgal  "  (i),  not  the  place  of  that  name  in  the 
Jordan  valley,  or  they  could  not  have  "  gone  down  " 
from  thence  to  Bethel.  At  Bethel  and  Jericho  there 
were  prophetic  settlements  (3)  or  companies  (1  S.  IO5). 
These  associations  play  an  important  part  in  the 
story  of  Elisha,  who  is  in  a  sense  their  leader,  whereas 
Elijah  was  a  solitary  prophet.  "  Son  "  simply  means 
"  disciple."  Amos  (7i4)  denied  that  he  himself  was 
a  professional  prophet.  By  the  doable  portion  of 
Elijah's  spirit  (g)  is  meant  the  share  of  the  first-bom. 
Elisha  desires  to  be  appointed  his  master's  represen- 
tative. Elijah's  answer  (10)  shows  how  difficult  it  is 
to  transmit  a  spiritual  office.  The  chariots  of  fire 
were  a  sign  of  the  Divine  presence  (617).  When 
Elisha  crossed  the  Jordan  he  could  not  have  been 
seen  from  Jericho,  which  is  not  in  sight  of  the  river 
(15).  He  was  recognised  by  the  prophets  as  the 
successor  of  Elijah,  whose  spirit  rested  upon  him. 
Two  signs  of  Elisha's  power  are  given,  the  healing 
of  the  spring  at  Jericho  (19-22),  which  made  the 
land  miscarry,  by  casting  in  salt,  the  symbol  of 
purification  (Lev.  2i3,  Mt.  5i3,  etc.),  and  the  punish- 
ment of  the  children — not  youths  but  "  little  boys," 
who  mocked  his  baldness  (23-25).  Baldness  is  not 
an  honourable  sign  of  age  in  the  East,  but  (a)  of  grief 
(voluntary  baldness) ;  (6)  a  discredit  (see  A.  ilacalister. 
Baldness,  HDB).  The  bear  (24)  is  rare  in  Western 
Palestine  (but  see  1  S.  I734,  Am.  619).  The  children 
were  not  necessarily  punished  by  death,  but  were  at 
least  severely  wounded. 

[12a.  Apparently  describes  EUjah  as  Israel's  defence, 
her  chariots  and  horsemen,  c/.  the  application  by  Joash 
to  Elisha  of  the  same  description  in  1814. — A.  S.  P.] 

III.  1-27.  Reign  of  Jehoram.  War  with  Moab.— 
The  only  two  kings  of  Israel  on  whom  the  censure 
pronounced  is  in  any  way  qualified  are  Jehoram,  the 
last  of  the  house  of  Omri,  and  Hoshea  (172),  the  last 
king  of  Israel.  All  the  others  are  said  to  have  done 
evil. 

The  war  with  Moab  is  the  subject  of  the  famous 
inscription  of  Mesha  discovered  in  1868  (pp.  34,  69). 
On  this  Mesha  states  that  Omri  occupied  the  land  of 
Mehedebah  (Medeba,  Nu.  2I30,  Jos.  I89,  Is.  152)  his 
days,  half  his  son's  days,  forty  years.  In  Kings  it  is 
specially  said  that  Mesha's  rebellion  was  after  the  death 
of  Ahab.  Omri  and  Ahab  together  according  to  Kings 
reigned  only  thirty-four  years  ;  Ahaziah  and  Jehoram 
fourteen  years,  making  only  forty-eight  years  from 
the  accession  of  Omri  to  the  extinction  of  his  dynasty. 
Mesha  must  not  only  have  thrown  ofE  the  yoke  of 
Israel,  but  have  engaged  in  considerable  building 
operations  after  his  victory,  which  makes  it  probable 
that  the  war  to  reduce  him  took  place  some  time  after 
his  rebellion  against  the  house  of  Omri.  Jehoshaphat 
(7)  used  the  same  language  to  Jehoram  as  he  did  to 
Ahab  (224).  Judah  and  its  dependent  Mesha.  a 
Noked  (Am.  li*),  state  of  Eklom,  were  evidently 
vassals  of  the  more  powerful  king  of  Israel.  The  king 
of  Edom  (I  K.  2247)  may  have  been  the  "  deputy  " 


appointed  by  Jehoshaphat.  but  26  may  imply  that  he 
was  a  native  king.  The  three  kings  did  not  directly 
attack  Moab,  which  according  to  Mesha's  inscription 
was  strongly  fortified,  but  approached  it  by  a  circuitous 
route.  Elisha,  unknown  to  the  kings,  was  with  the 
army,  and  was  called  the  servant  (11)  "  which  poured 
water  on  the  hands  "  (c/.  Ps.  608)  of  Elijah.  He  was 
accustomed  (15)  to  prophesy  under  the  influence  of 
music  (1  S.  IO5*),  and  the  formula  (14)  "As  Yahweh 
liveth,  before  whom  I  stand  "  (c/.  Jer.  8019)  is  the  same 
as  that  used  by  his  master  (1  K.  17i).  The  supplying 
of  water  by  the  digging  of  pits  in  the  sand  is  a  known 
expedient  (see  Cent.B).  [K.  H.  Kennett  suggests  that 
the  "Moabites  took  the  ruddy  light  on  the  water  for 
an  omen  of  blood  rather  than  for  actual  gore."  (See 
J.  G.  Frazer,  Adonis  Atlis  Osiris,  i.  bZ.y—k.  S.  P.] 
Elisha  (19)  foretells  all  the  barbarous  methods  which 
Israel  would  employ  in  victory  in  the  same  manner  as 
he  does  the  atrocities  Hazael  would  commit  when  he 
became  king  of  Syria  (812).  The  acts  committed  when 
Moab  was  defeated  (25)  were  forbidden  (Dt.  20i9f.). 
The  war  ended  by  the  desperate  act  of  the  king  of 
Moab  offering  his  son  as  a  burnt  sacrifice  (27)  on  the 
wall  of  Kir-hareseth  (Is.  I67,  Jer.  4831,  the  modem 
Kerak).  Mesha  attributes  all  his  troubles  to  the 
wrath  of  his  god  Chemosh  (Moabite  Stone,  1.  5).  Che- 
mosh  certainly  dehghted  in  human  sacrifices.  The 
great  wrath  which  came  forth  against  Israel  was  from 
the  god  of  Moab  who  had  accepted  the  supreme  sacri- 
fice of  his  worshipper. 

IV.  1-yi.  23.  stories  about  EUsha  as  a  Wonder- 
worker.— The  miracles  of  Elisha  fill  a  considerable 
part  of  the  early  chapters  of  2  K.  They  are  mostly 
beneficent  in  character,  and  this  prophet  was  evidently 
more  in  touch  with  the  people  than  his  stem  pre- 
decessor. There  is  no  reason  to  confine  these  tales 
to  the  reign  of  Jehoram,  because  the  death  of  that 
king  is  recorded  later  in  the  book.  The  king  of 
Israel  is  not  mentioned  by  name,  and  was  evidently 
on  good  terms  ^vith  the  prophet,  which  could  hardly 
be  expected  of  Jehoram.  Probably  some  of  the 
occurrences,  especially  in  the  SjTian  wars,  belong  to 
the  age  of  Jehu's  dynasty.  The  biography  of  EUsha 
in  2  K.  consists  of  21-25,  41-623,  81-15,  1814-21. 
In  624-720  and  9i  -IO31  Elisha  is  the  leading  prophet, 
but  the  source  seems  to  be  mainly  some  chronicle  of 
the  northern  kingdom. 

IV.  1-7.  MultipUcation  of  the  Widow's  Oil  to  Pay 
a  Debt. — This  is  like  Elijah's  miracle  at  Zarephath 
(1  K.  18sff.).  The  oil  is  sold,  and  the  chUdren  of  the 
prophet's  widow  are  saved  from  being  sold  as  slaves. 
The  prophetic  communities  were  not  monastic  in  the 
sense  of  being  celibate ;  such  an  idea  was  repugnant 
to  the  ancient  Hebrew.  Isaiah's  wife  is  called  "  the 
prophetess  "  (Is.  83).  Perhaps  both  Elijah  and  EUsha 
were  unmarried,  but  there  can  be  no  proof  ot  this. 

IV.  8-37.  Elisha  and  the  Shunammite  Woman.— 
This  gives  one  of  the  most  delightful  pictures  of  mral 
life  in  ancient  Israel.  It  describes  the  kindly  hospi- 
tality of  the  great  lady  of  Shunem.  the  accommodation 
provided — a  "  chamber  with  walls  "  {mg.)  and  fur- 
niture— no  makeshift  arrangement,  but  such  as  be- 
fitted an  honoured  guest ;  the  description  of  the  boy's 
death,  her  drive  from  Shunem  to  Carmel  to  the  prophet, 
Elisha's  behaviour,  as  revealing  his  naturally  con- 
siderate demeanour,  is  vividly  portrayed.  More  than 
one  expression  recalls  the  Elijah  story  (c/.  1  K.  I826 
with  31,  and  1  K.  I842  with  33).  Shunem  (8)  is  where 
the  Philistines  encamped  opposite  Mt.  Gilboa  (1  S. 
284).  It  is  about  5  miles  from  Jezreel,  and  20  or  more 
from  Carmel  (25),  where  Elisha  usually  abode,    Elisha 


306 


II.  KINGS.  IV.  8-37 


is  evidently  on  friendly  terms  with  the  king  (13), 
which  phows  that  the  incidents  are  later  than  the 
destruction  of  Ahab's  sons.  The  independence  of  the 
lady  may  be  compared  with  that  of  Nabal  (1  S.  25io) 
and  Naboth  (1  K.  21).  We  have  (23)  one  of  the  rare 
hints  in  this  book  of  the  religious  observances  of  the 
time;  "the  new  moon  or  the  sabbath"  (pp.  lOlf. )  was 
considered  a  suitable  occasion  to  go  to  a  prophet,  even 
though  as  long  a  journey  were  necessary  as  from 
Shunem  to  Carmel  (Am.  85,  Hos.  2ii).  There  are 
some  interesting  illustrations  of  this  chapter  in  the 
NT — e.g.  the  prohibition  of  a  messenger  on  urgent 
business  to  salute  anybody  {29  ;  c/.  Lk.  IO4),  the  fur- 
niture of  the  prophet's  chamber,  bed,  and  lampstand 
(Mk.  42i).  Shunem  was  near  to  Nain,  where  our 
Lord  raised  the  widow's  son  (Lk.  7ii). 

[31.  The  bones  of  the  dead  Elisha  (132i*)  have 
more  life-giving  virtue  than  the  prophet's  staff  in  the 
hands  of  the  livint;  Gehazi. — A.  S.  P.] 

IV.  38-M.  Two  Minor  Miracles  of  Elisha.— The 
"  death  "  (poison)  in  the  pot  healed  and  the  feeding 
of  a  hundred  prophets.  The  bread  of  the  firstfraits 
(42)  was  by  the  Law  the  property  of  the  priests  (Nu. 
I813,  Dt.  I84).  Here  the  loaves  and  ears  of  corn  are 
offered  to  prophets.  In  the  Christian  Teaching  of  the 
Twelve  Apastles  the  prophets  are  to  be  given  of  the 
firstfruits,  "  for  they  are  your  priests."  There  is  no 
similar  instance  in  the  OT. 

V.  1-27.  Naaman  Healed  of  his  Leprosy. — This 
story,  familiar  to  all,  presupposes  a  time  of  peace 
between  Israel  and  Syria.  As  in  1  K.  20,  the  king 
of  Syria  addresses  the  king  of  Israel  (unnamed  here) 
as  his  vassal  (611.).  Elisha  was  living  in  Samaria, 
apparently  in  his  own  house.  Naaman,  on  being 
healed,  returned  to  Elisha,  who  refused  to  take  any 
present,  using  Elijah's  formula  (1  K.  17i*).  Naaman 
thereupon  declared  himself  a  worshipper  of  Yahwch 
(it  is  remarkable  that  i  ascribes  his  victories  to 
Yahweh).  asking  pardon  if  in  his  official  capacity  he 
bows  himself  before  Rimmon  (Ramman,  the  thunder- 
god  of  the  AssjTians).  Readers  of  Tom  Brmon's 
Schooldays  will  remember  the  not  unnatural  discussion 
amongst  the  boys  as  to  why  Elisha  bade  Naaman 
"  go  in  peace."  as  though  he  approved  his  action. 
The  phrase  merely  means  "  farewell."  Gehazi  pur- 
sued Naaman  and  returned  to  the  hill  (24) ;  the  word 
is  Ophel,  elsewhere  in  the  Bible  only  applied  to  Jeru- 
salem (p.  297),  but  also  found  on  the  Moabito  Stone 
(1.  22 ;  Driver,  Samuel  2,  p.  Ixxxvii.  renders  "  the 
Mound  ").  Elisha's  rebuke  (26?*)  becomes  in  the  LXX 
and  Vulg.  "  and  now  thou  hast  received  money  .  .  . 
and  the  leprosy  of  Naaman  shall  cleave  to  thee."  As 
though  the  infection  of  the  disease  clave  to  the  present 
which  Gehazi  had  received. 

12.  p.  .-^S.— 17.  cf.  2  S.  26i9f. 

VI.  1-23.  An  Axehead  Swims.  Elisha  and  the 
Syrians  at  Dothan. — In  several  minor  miracles  Elisha 
is  always  represented  as  working  them  not  by  his 
word,  but  by  some  expedient.  Thus  he  heals  the 
miscarrying  waters  by  salt,  and  the  pot  by  meal,  and 
recovers  the  axehead  by  casting  a  stick  into  the  water. 

The  prophet  appears  in  the  second  narrative  as  the 
moving  sjiirit  in  the  Syrian  war.  Wliencver  the  king 
of  Syria  devised  an  ambush  (8,  with  a  slight  alteration 
of  reading).  Elisha  revealed  the  secret.  P'lisha  waa 
at  Pothan  (13).  a  city  standing  on  a  hill  about  10  miles 
N.  of  Samaria,  on  the  caravan  road  from  Egypt  to 
Damascus  (Gen.  .37i7,  p.  30).  Elisha  was  defended,  as 
we  are  finely  told,  by  horses  and  chariots  of  fire  (17). 
His  blinded  adversaries  were  led  to  Samaria,  and 
Elisha  ordered  them  not  to  bo  destroyed,  but  to  be 


treated  with  kindness.  Throughout  the  long  war 
between  Syria  and  Israel  similar  acts  of  chivalrous 
courtesy  are  manifested  (cf.  Ahab's  sparing  Ben-hadad 
as  "  his  brother,"  1  K.  20,  and  Naaman  the  Syrian's 
conduct  throughout  5). 

VI.  24.-VII.  20.  The  Siege  of  Samaria.— The  date 
and  source  of  this  episode  need  discussion.  The  name 
of  the  king  of  Syria,  as  in  1  K.  20,  was  Ben-hadad  ; 
the  king  of  Israel  is  not  named  at  all.  Two  Ben- 
hadads  arc  possible,  the  king  in  1  K.  20  who  was  de- 
feated by  Ahab,  and  the  son  and  successor  of  Hazael 
(I324).  If  the  first  is  meant,  then  Jehoram  was  king 
of  Israel ;  if  not,  Jehoash,  the  grandson  of  Jehu. 
Elisha  waa  called  in  the  days  of  Ahab,  and  lived  under 
Ahab  and  his  two  sous  Ahaziah  and  Jehoram,  Jehu, 
Jehoahaz,  and  Joash,  dying  under  the  last-named  king. 
It  is  true  that  Elisha  called  the  king  "  this  son  of  a 
murderer,"  which  may  be  applicable  to  a  son  of  Ahab : 
but  "  son  of  "  may  bo  used  as  the  common  periphrasis, 
and  the  phrase  simply  mean  "  murderer."  On  the 
other  hand,  the  scene  seems  better  suited  to  the  later 
stages  of  the  Syrian  war,  and  the  king,  despite  his 
threat  to  kill  Elisha,  when  distraught  with  misery  at 
the  tale  of  the  two  women,  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  on  bad  terms  with  the  prophet.  The  event  may 
therefore  be  placed  late  in  Elisha's  life  (p.  69).  The 
source  is  also  uncertain.  Elisha  plays  a  conspicuous 
part,  and  therefore  it  may  well  belong  to  his  biography. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  bears  some  affinity  to  1  K.  20  and 
22,  and  may  be  from  the  same  source — viz.  a  history  or 
chronicle  of  the  northern  kingdom.  The  famine  may 
have  been  in  part  caused  by  the  scarcity  mentioned 
in  81. 

The  famine  was  so  severe  that  an  ass's  head  was 
sold  for  eighty  pieces  of  silver,  and  the  fourth  part  of 
a  kab  [i.e.  less  than  a  pint)  of  dove's  dung  for  five  (25). 
A  yet  more  terrible  example  was  shown  in  the  case  of 
the  two  women  (28f.).  The  head  of  an  ass,  which  would 
not  be  eaten  in  ordinary  circumstances  (Jg.  64*),  fetched 
an  immense  sum.  What  "  dove's  dung  "  means  it  is 
impossible  to  say  ;  it  may  be  some  common  vegetable. 
Josephus  (Wars,  vi.  3)  relates  that  in  the  last  siege  of 
Jerusalem  a  woman  devoured  her  own  child.  The 
king  stood  (not  passed  by)  on  the  wall,  and  when  he 
rent  his  clothes  in  horror,  the  people  saw  that  he  was 
secretly  wearing,  as  Thomas  Becket  did,  a  garb  of 
penitence  (30).  He  attributed  all  the  calamity  to 
Elisha  (31),  probably  for  not  having  delivered  him  as 
on  previous  occasions  (see  9).  The  words  in  Heb.  for 
"  messenger  "  and  "  king  "  are  very  similar,  and  per- 
haps it  is  not  necessaiy  to  suppose  that  anyone  came 
but  the  king,  32  having  been  amplified,  instead  of 
fulfilling  his  oath  to  kill  Elisha,  the  king  gave  way  to 
despair  (33).  Elisha,  however,  foretold  that  pro- 
visions would  soon  be  cheap,  and  four  lepers  at  the  city 
gate  went  into  the  Syrian  camp,  and  found  that  the 
enemy  had  lied  in  a  j)anic,  believing  that  the  king  of 
Israel  had  hired  Hittit«s  and  Egyptians  to  attack  them 
(76).  It  seems  unlikely  that  tlie  Egyptians  would  at 
this  time  have  combined  with  the  Northern  Hittitcs, 
who.se  home  was  in  Asia  Minor,  and  it  is  suggested 
that  not  Egyptians  (Mizrim)  but  Muzrites  should  be 
read  (see  1  K.  IO28).  The  Muzrites  (from  Cappadocia, 
see  Cent.B)  were  among  the  allies  of  Israel  and  Syria 
against  Assyria  in  8.'')4  B.C. 

VIII.  1-29.  Elisha  and  the  Shunammite.  Hazael 
King  of  Syria. — This  chapter  is  somewhat  varied  as  to 
composition.  It  opens  with  a  short  story  about 
Elisha  (1-6),  of  which  we  may  presuppose  (a)  that  it 
is  earlier  than  5,  because  Gehazi  (4)  is  not  a  leper ; 
(b)  that  the  king  of  Israel  is  an  admirer  of  the  prophet. 


II.  KINGS,  X.  1-31 


S07 


ByEIisha'sadvice  the  Shunammite  lady,  whose  husband 
is  apparently  dead,  leaves  her  home  to  avoid  a  famine 
(c/.  Ru.  li),  and  her  lands  were  restored  when  the 
kmg  ascertained  who  she  was.  6-15  is  a  second  narra- 
tive of  the  prophet.  Jehoram  must  have  been  king 
of  Israel  at  the  time,  as  Hazael  was  contemporary 
with  Jehu.  The  diificulty  the  story  presents  to  us 
is  that  the  prophet  appears  to  suggest  to  Hazael  the 
crime  of  which  he  was  to  become  guilty.  Elisha  did  not, 
as  might  have  been  supposed  from  1  K.  19i5,  anoint 
Hazael.  This  king's  name  is  found  in  the  inscription 
of  Shalmaneser  II,  which  contains  the  name  of  Jehu 
(842  B.C.).  Elisha's  visit  to  Damascus  (7)  implies  a 
truce  between  Israel  and  Syria,  and  he  was  evidently 
highly  honoured.  11  is  a  hard  verse  ;  Elisha  evidently 
put  Hazael  to  shame  by  the  searching  gaze  with  which 
he  regarded  him.  The  cruelties  which  Hazael  was  de- 
clared to  be  about  to  perpetrate  were  the  ordinary 
excesses  of  a  conqueror.  Hazael  did  not  regard  the 
idea  with  horror,  but  doubted  whether  he  would  ever 
become  great  enough  to  perform  such  deeds.  "  What 
am  I  ?  "  he  says  (13).  "  A  mere  dog.  How  can  I 
ever  do  such  famous  acts  ?  "  The  subject  Ls  not  named 
in  15,  and  Ewald  (see  Cent.B)  suggests  that  Ben-hadad 
may  have  been  murdered  by  someone  else,  possibly 
his  bath  attendant.  This  seems  unlikely.  16-29, 
with  the  exception  of  20-22,  comes  from  the  armals 
which  gave  the  regnal  years  of  each  king,  etc.  There 
was  a  king  of  the  same  name,  Jehoram  or  Joram,  on 
both  thrones.  Jehoram  married  the  daughter  of 
Ahab  (18),  who  is  called  Athaliah,  "  daughter  of 
Omri  "  (26).  This  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that 
Jehu  is  himself  described  as  Omri's  son,  though  no 
relative,  and  the  destroyer  of  his  family.  But  for 
inscript-ions  we  could  never  have  known  how  important 
Omri  was.  Jehoram  of  Judah  is  remarkable  only  for 
the  revolt  of  Edom.  This  was  a  very  serious  blow  to 
Judah,  as  it  was  thus  deprived  of  the  trade  by  the 
Red  Sea  (p.  71).  Joram  apparently  won  a  victory 
at  a  place  called  Zair  (21),  otherwise  unknown.  The 
chronicler  (2  Ch.  21)  says  that  the  prophet  Elijah 
wrote  this  king  a  letter  of  rebuke.  The  notice  of  the 
one-year  reign  of  Ahaziah  (25ff.)  is  only  an  introduc- 
tion to  the  momentous  facts  recorded  in  9. 

K.  1-X.  31.  The  Revolution  and  Overthrow  of 
the  Baal  Worship. — This  spirited  narrative  is  probably 
derived  from  the  same  source  as  1  K.  20  and  22  ;  and, 
if  we  strike  out  the  short  Deuteronomic  portion  (97-10), 
we  cannot  fail  to  notice  the  detachment  of  the  writer, 
who  neither  condemns  nor  approves,  but  merely 
relates  the  tragedy.  Hosea  (I4),  a  little  more  than  a 
century  later,  evidently  condemns  the  whole  trans- 
action, and  traces  the  fall  of  Jehu's  house  to  the  blood 
of  Jezreel.  This  is  in  strong  contrast  with  the 
Deuteronomic  passage,  IO28-31. 

Hazael  was  evidently  able  to  do  very  little  against 
Israel  as  long  as  the  house  of  Omri  was  on  the  throne. 
Ramoth-gilead,  where  Ahab  was  slain,  had  been  re- 
covered (c/.  1  K.  21 3  with  2  K.  914),  but  Jehoram 
had  been  wounded  in  some  battle. 

IX.  1.  Elisha  is  mentioned  only  here  in  connexion 
with  Jehu,  perhaps,  because  of  1  K.  19i6.  The  prophet 
took  no  part  in  the  horrors  which  followed. — 6. 
Elisha's  messenger  anointed  Jehu  privately,  exactly 
as  Samuel  had  anointed  Saul  (1  S.  lOi)  and  David 
(I  S.  I613). — 11/.  The  captains  of  the  army  spoke 
with  a  certain  contempt  of  the  mid  prophet  who  had 
interrupted  their  conference,  but  would  not  be  put 
off  by  Jehu's  evasive  answer.  Their  words,  "  It  is 
false ;  tell  us  now,"  are  very  ambiguous.  A  slight 
change  in  the  Heb.  would  alter  "  false  "  into  "  con- 


spiracy," the  word  used  by  Athaliah  when  she  called 
"Treason"  (11 14)- — 13.  When  Jehu  told  them  that 
he  had  been  anointed  king,  they  took  their  garments 
and  made  an  extemporary  throne,  and  proclaimed 
him  with  a  trumpet  blast. — 15.  Jehu  asked  his  con- 
federates if  they  were  really  on  his  side  (LXX),  closed 
the  city  gates,  and  started  for  Jezreel. 

1&-28.  Jehu  Murders  Jehoram  and  Ahaziah. — Jehu 
is  recognised  by  the  messengers  because  he  drove 
"  furiously "  (20).  The  LXX  renders  the  word 
parallage  (?  "in  a  trance ").  Josephus  and  the 
Targum  render  it  "  quietly."  Jehu  was  driving  at 
his  leisure  and  in  good  order,  says  the  latter.  The 
Heb.  may  mean  "  in  meditation  "  or  "  in  a  spirit  of 
madness,"  i.e.  headlong.  Jehu  met  Jehoram  in  the 
land  which  belonged  to  Naboth  (21),  and  taunted  him 
with  the  idolatry  (whoredom,  cf.  Hos.  1  and  2)  of 
Jezebel  his  mother.  He  commanded  Bidkar  to  cast 
Jehoram 's  body  on  the  portion  of  Naboth,  in  accordance 
with  the  "  oracle  "  (burthen)  which  Jehu  himself  had 
heard  (25f.).  The  tradition  is  apparently  not  the 
same  as  1  K.  21.  Naboth's  sons  are  omitted  in  1  K.  ; 
Elijah  is  not  mentioned  here.  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah, 
was  pursued  for  some  distance.  He  first  escaped 
southwards  towards  his  own  kingdom,  to  Beth- 
haggan  ("  the  garden  house  "),  probably  En-gannim 
(Jos.  192 1 ).  There  he  was  overtaken  and  wounded, 
and  his  retreat  to  Judah  cut  off ;  so  he  escaped  north- 
ward to  Megiddo,  where  he  died  (27).  2  Ch.  229 
gives  a  different  account :  Ahaziah  hid  in  Samaria, 
whence  he  was  brought  to  Jehu.  Samaria  was  a 
more  likely  place  for  him  to  flee  to  than  Megiddo. 

30-37.  The  Death  of  Jezebel. — Jezebel  met  her  end 
with  fortitude.  She  put  antimony  on  her  eyehds 
(Jer.  430'*),  arrayed  herself  as  a  queen,  and  taunted 
her  son^  murderer,  addressing  him  as  "  Zimri " 
(31) :  "  Hail,  Zimri,  thy  master's  murderer  "  (1  K. 
I69).  Jehu's  horses  passed  over  her  corpse  (read  in 
33,  "  they  (the  horses)  trode  her  underfoot  ").  In  the 
whole  narrative  of  Kings  Ahab  and  Jezebel  are  repre- 
sented as  wicked,  but  never,  save  Aliab  in  the  case  of 
Naboth  (1  K.  21),  as  contemptible.  Even  Jehu  recog- 
nises (34)  that  Jezebel  is  a  "  king's  daughter  '■  (1  K. 
I631). 

X.  1-31.  Destruction  of  the  House  of  Ahab  and  of 
the  Baal  Worshippers. — The  same  source  is  con- 
tinued, but  28-31  are  from  a  Deuteronomist.  The 
whole  story  is  one  of  the  most  terrible  in  the  OT. 
Ahab  had  a  large  family  in  Samaria.  Jehu  with  a 
sort  of  rude  chivalry  invited  the  elders  of  the  city  to 
choose  one  of  them  as  king,  and  to  fight  for  the  throne. 
But  the  cowardly  rulers  promised  submission,  and 
at  Jehu's  command  sent  the  heads  of  the  seventy  sons 
to  Jezreel  in  baskets  (7).  A  further  massacre  of  aU 
Ahab's  adherents  at  Jezreel  followed,  and  of  forty- 
two  of  the  family  of  Aliaziah,  king  of  Judah  (13). 

Jehu  next  ( isf .)  formed  an  alliance  with  Jehonadab, 
the  son  of  Rechab.  From  Jeremiah  we  le^im  (Jer.  35*) 
that  this  man  was  the  founder  of  an  ascetic  community 
which  repudiated  tlie  whole  civilisation  that  Israel 
learnt  in  Canaan.  They  dwelt  in  tents,  refused  to 
practise  agriculture  or  to  live  in  houses,  and  rigorously 
abstained  from  wine  (p.  85).  The  rise  of  such  a  move- 
ment, says  Skinner  (Cent.B),  at  this  juncture  in  the 
history  is  a  sign  of  the  profound  and  far-reaching  issues 
involved  in  the  conliict  between  Yahweh  and  Baal. 
The  sect  of  Jehonadab  continued  till  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  by  the  Babylonians,  and  the  priestly  or 
prophetic  office  was  promised  to  them  for  ever,  as 
they  were  to  "  stand  before  Yahweh  "  (Jer.  35i8). 

The  treacherous  maasacre  of  the  Baal  worshippers 


308 


II.  KINGS,  X.  1-31 


in  Samaria  (17-27)  has  several  points  of  interest.  It 
is  not  easy  to  see  how  Jehu  could  have  posed,  as  he 
undoubtedly  did,  as  a  devotee  of  Baal,  especially  as 
(23)  the  professors  of  the  two  cults  were  distinct ; 
there  was  no  syncretism  of  Yahweh  and  Baal  worsliip, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  old  Canaanitish  idolatry.  The 
description  of  the  service  is  noteworthy,  especially 
the  use  of  sacred  vestments  which  were  lent  to  the 
worshippers  (Oen.  352*).  The  expression  "the  city  of 
the  house  of  Baal  "  (25)  is  very  difficult,  and  is  found 
in  all  the  VSS.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  Heb. 
letters  slightly  altered  would  make  it  the  "  oracle  "'  (1 
K.  622),  I.e.  the  most  aacrcd  ad t/tum  in  the  Baal  temple, 
answering  to  the  holy  of  holies.  The  promise  to  Jehu 
that  his  sons  to  the  fourth  generation  should  inherit 
his  throne  was  fulfilled  in  Jehoahaz,  Joash,  and 
Jeroboam  II.  Israel's  power  was  evidently  shattered 
by  the  destruction  of  Aliab's  family,  and  the  house  of 
Jehu  could  not  hold  the  territory  E.  of  the  Jordan 
(32f.).  In  the  words  of  the  writer,  "  Yahweh  began 
to  cut  Israel  short." 

XI.  Usurpation  of  Athallah.  Coronation  of  Joash 
and  Execution  of  Athallah. — Athaliali,  mother  of 
Ahaziah,  a  daughter  of  Ahab,  destroyed  the  royal 
family  of  Judah,  except  Joash,  a  child  who  was  saved 
by  Jehosheba  and  kept  concealed  for  six  years,  during 
which  time  Athaliah  reigned  (1-3).  The  author  gives 
no  notice,  as  is  customary,  of  her  regnal  years  ;  and 
S.  A.  Cook  (EBi,  col.  381)  remarks  on  her  maintaining 
herself  on  the  throne  for  six  years  as  "  a  singular  fact, 
which  raises  questions  more  easily  asked  than  an- 
swered." At  the  end  of  this  period  Jehoiada,  accord-  , 
ing  to  2  Ch.  22ii,  the  husband  of  Jehosheba,  made  a 
conspiracy  with  the  troops,  showed  them  the  king's 
son,  and  arranged  for  the  overthrow  of  Athaliah  (4-12). 
At  this  point  we  have  a  second  narrative  (so  Stade, 
see  Ccnt.B).  in  which  the  people  play  their  part 
(13-18).  Athaliah  was  slain,  and  Mattan,  the  priest 
of  Baal ;  for  it  appears  that  the  revolution  was  a 
religious  one  (17a),  like  that  of  Jehu.  This  narrative  is 
supplemented  in  2  Ch.  22f.,  where  Jchoiada's  relation- 
ship to  the  royal  family  is  mentioned,  the  names  of 
the  officers  with  whom  he  conspired  are  given,  and 
particular  care  is  taken  to  show  (236)  that  the  sanctuary 
was  not  profaned  by  non-Levitical  soldier^'. 

4.  Jehoiada. — Though  the  high  priest  is  mentioned 
in  12io,  Jehoiada  is  always  called  "  the  priest '  here 
and  in  the  parallel  passages  in  Chronicles.  Nor  does 
his  name  appear  in  the  high-priestly  line  in  1  Ch.  6, 
nor  in  Josephus  (Ant.).  He  was  evidently  the  chief 
priest  in  the  Temple  ;  but  the  high-priestly  office  is 
probably  post-exilic,  and  there  is  no  one  analogous  to 
him  in  the  records  of  the  Temple  in  Kings. — the 
Carites:  probably  foreign  mercenaries.  The  Heb. 
name  is  akin  to  the  Chercthites,  who,  with  the  Pele- 
thitcs,  played  a  part  in  the  army  of  David  and  Solo- 
mon (p.  56,2  S.  818,  etc.;  IK.I38).  It  is  remarkable  that 
in  Jerusalem  these  foreign  guards  continued  to  be  the 
important  leaders  of  the  army,  and  we  have  no  trace 
of  any  such  in  Israel. — 10.  The  spears  and  shields 
which  Jehoiada  delivered  to  the  guard  were  possibly 
sacred  weapons  to  bo  used  at  a  coronation  Accord- 
ing to  2  Ch.  23,  the  priest  armed  the  Lcvites,  as  the 
presence  of  foreign  troops  in  the  Temple  was  deemed  a 
profanation.-^12.  Hero  is  an  interesting  account  of  a 
coronation  :  (a)  crowning,  (b)  giving  of  "  the  testi- 
mony,' (c)  anouiting,  (d)  the  king  took  his  stand  by 
the  pillar  (14)  "  as  the  manner  was.  '  (o)  The  crown 
(nezer,  cf.  Nazirite)  is  only  mentioned  here  in  making 
a  king,  but  Saul  wore  a  nezer  at  the  battle  of  Mt. 
Gilboa  (2  S.  lio).     (6)  The  "  testimony  '   may  bo  the 


"  law  book,"  but  was  more  probably  part  of  tha 
regalia.  A  slight  emendation  would  make  it  mean 
"  the  bracelets  "  {cf.  2  S.  lio).  (c)  Anointing  waa 
evidently  the  essential  ceremony.  "The  king  was  the 
Messiah  (Christ)  of  Yahweh.  (rf)  The  pillar  or  plat- 
form was  at  the  entrance  of  the  Temple  (2  Ch.  2313). 
It  was  here  that  Josiah  (2  K.  233)  made  his  covenant 
with  Yahweh  (17). — 18.  The  execution  of  Mattan,  the 
priest  of  Baal,  shows  that  the  rebellion  against  Atha- 
liah was  essentially  religious. 

XII.  Reign  of  Joash  and  his  Repair  of  the  Temple. 
— 1-3  is  in  the  usual  annalistic  style  of  the  Deutero- 
nomist.  It  is  followed  by  a  curious  extract  from  the 
Temple  records  (4ff.),  similar  to  those  found  in  IC10-18 
and  223-2324.  This  relates  to  the  provision  of  money 
for  the  repair  of  the  Temple.  Two  thmgs  deserve 
attention  (4).  The  first  is  that  the  sources  of  the 
Temple  revenue  are  given  as  (a)  an  assessment  on  each 
individual  {cf.  Lev.  272)  and  (6)  voluntary  offerings. 
The  second  is  the  part  taken  by  the  king.  Jehoash 
(for  so  Joash  is  here  termed)  takes  the  lead  through- 
out ;  the  priests  are  merely  his  servants.  Even 
Jehoiada  (here  called  the  "  high  priest  "  ;  see  on  II4) 
is  quite  subordinate  to  the  king.  In  all  the  Temple 
records  in  Kings  the  sanctuary  is  under  the  king's 
absolute  control.  This  representation  is  carefully 
corrected  in  the  parallel  passages  in  Chronicles,  where 
the  priests  and  Levites  are  given  more  prominence. 
But  even  there  we  can  see  that,  as  at  Bethel,  so  at 
Jerusalem,  the  Temple  was  "  the  king's  chapel  ' 
(Am.  7i3). 

17-21.  Hazael,  king  of  Syria  {cf.  IO32,  183)  ex- 
tended his  ravages  into  Judah,  and  was  bought  off 
by  Temple  treasures.  Joash,  like  his  son  Amaziah 
(1419),  was  murdered  in  a  conspiracy.  In  2  Ch.  24i9£E. 
Hazael's  invasion  and  the  murder  of  Joash  are  repre- 
sented as  punishments  for  his  refusal  to  listen  to 
Zechariah,  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  and  causing  him  to 
be  stoned. 

XIII.  1-XVU.  6.  The  remainder  of  the  history  of 
Israel  to  the  fall  of  Samaria,  with  the  contemporary 
armals  of  Judah,  is  of  the  nature  of  chronicle  rather 
than  history.  There  are  few  interesting  narratives  like 
those  in  the  earlier  parts  of  the  book.  The  exceptions 
are:  (a)  the  death  of  Elisha  (13i4ff.);  (6)  the  war 
between  Israel  and  Judah  (14s-i6) ;  (c)  the  repairs 
of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  by  Ahaz  (IG10-16).  The 
main  sources  are :  {a)  the  records  of  the  kings  of 
Israel  and  Judah  ;  (b)  the  biography  of  Elisha ; 
(c)  Dcuteronomic  noter.  of  reigns,  etc. ;  (d)  later  addi- 
tions. 

XIII.  1-9.  The  Reign  of  Jehoahaz  of  Israel. — 
Israel  is  reduced  to  the  lowest  straits  by  Hazael. 
Yahweh  left  of  Israel's  army  10,000  soldiers  and  10 
chariots.  (Ahab  had,  according  to  the  inscriptions, 
2000  chariots.)    For  5<'  cf.  p.  09. 

XIII.  10-21.  The  Reign  of  Joash  or  Jehoash  of  Israel. 
— During  this  reign  Elisha  died.  He  is  represented,  as 
in  6,  as  Israel's  champion  ui  the  great  war  with  Syria, 
"  the  chariots  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen  thereof" 
{cf.  2l2). 

[16/.  The  action  is  a  piece  of  sympathetic  magio 
{cf.  Ex.  179-12,  Jos.  818,26),  but  it  is  something  more. 
The  Hebrews  thought  of  the  prophetic  word  as  acliioving 
its  own  fulfilment  (Is.  55iof.,  Ezek.  374-10).  Still 
more  would  this  be  so  with  the  prophetic  act,  for  such 
the  king's  act  was  made  by  Elishas  participation.  It 
is  not  mere  symbolism,  it  does  not  simply  announce 
the  future,  it  sots  in  motion  the  forces  which  are  to 
create  the  future.  Hence  the  prophet's  anger  at 
the  king's  slackness,  when  two  or  throe  more  arrows 


II.  KINGS,  XVI.  17f. 


309 


•would  have  sealed  Syria's  doom.  The  eastward 
direction  is  rather  strange.  Damascus,  the  object 
to  be  hit,  lay  more  to  the  N.  than  the  E.  On  Aphok 
see  1  K.  2O26*. — 21.  In  primitive  psychology  the 
bones  of  the  dead  are  often  beUeved  to  retain  the 
psychical  powers  possessed  in  Ufe.  See  ERE,  ii.  791f. 
—A.  S.  P.] 

XIII.  22-25.  The  Death  of  Hazael  the  redoubtable 
Usurper  of  the  Syrian  Throne. — His  son  Ben-hadad 
was  less  successful,  and  was  thrice  defeated  by  Jehoash, 
in  accordance  with  the  prophecy  of  the  dying  Elisha. 

XIV.  1-22.  The  Reign  of  Amazlah,  son  of  Joash, 
King  of  Judah. — Amaziah  was  a  virtuous  king  like 
his  father  Joash,  but  not  according  to  the  standard 
of  David.  This  is  the  judgment  of  the  Deuteronomist, 
who  refers  to  the  law-book  of  his  age,  approving  the 
king's  forbearance  in  not  punishing  the  sons  of  his 
father's  murderers  (Dt.  21i-<)*,  24i6).  Amaziah  was 
successful  in  his  wars  with  Edom,  whose  territory  was 
peculiarly  important  to  Judah  as  giving  access  to  the 
Red  Sea.  The  Edomites  were  defeated  in  the  Valley 
of  Salt  as  m  David's  time  (2  S.  813,  LXX).  There  is 
a  place  of  the  same  name  near  Beersheba,  but  the 
topography  here  seems  to  require  it  to  be  in  the 
southern  Arabah,  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  especially  as 
the  result  of  the  campaign  was  the  recovery  and  re- 
building of  Elath  (22).  "  The  Rock  "  (Sela)  was  cap- 
tured, and  its  name  changed  to  Joktheel  (7).  Whether 
the  famous  rock  city  Petra  is  meant  is  doubtful. 
Petra  lies  in  the  extreme  S.  of  the  Edomite  Arabah, 
between  the  Dead  and  Red  Seas,  and  is  approached 
by  a  wady  on  the  eastern  side  (see  Stanley,  Sinai  and 
Palestine,  pp.  91ff.).  It  is  possibly  mentioned  in 
Jg.  I36.*  Stanley  identified  Sela,  "  the  cliff,"  with 
Kadesh  Bamea,  and  this  is  the  name  of  the  "  rock  " 
which  Moses  smote  there  (Nu.  208ff.) ;  but  Kadesh 
would  lie  outside  the  sphere  of  operations  if  the  king 
of  Judah  was  trying  to  get  to  the  port  of  Elath. 
Amaziah,  elated  by  his  conquest  of  Edom,  challenged 
Jehoash,  king  of  Israel,  to  "  look  him  in  the  face." 
Whether  this  means  in  battle  or  to  regard  him  no 
longer  as  a  vassal  is  uncertain.  The  king  of  Israel 
replied  in  a  parable  comparing  the  king  of  Judah  to 
a  thistle,  and  himself  to  a  cedar  of  Lebanon.  After 
ignominiously  defeating  Amaziah,  Joash  demolished 
the  northern  wall  of  Jerusalem.  Amaziah,  like  his 
father,  was  killed  in  a  conspiracy,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Azariah. 

XIV.  23-29.  Reign  of  Jeroboam  II.— The  Deuterono- 
mist in  a  short  section  gives  the  dry  details  of  Jeroboam's 
reign,  the  most  famous  of  Israel's  kings.  During  his 
forty-one  years  he  completely  freed  Israel  from  the 
Syrians,  and  extended  his  territory  from  the  entering 
in  of  Hamath  to  the  Dead  Sea.  Israel's  flourishing 
condition  during  his  reign  is  depicted  by  Amos,  who 
saw  the  hollowness  underlying  the  apparent  prosperity 
of  his  age.  Hamath  (Is.  IO9*)  lies  far  N.  of^the  Holy 
Land,  on  the  Orontes  in  Syria.  It  was  the  limit  of  the 
kingdom  of  David  and  Solomon  (2  S.  89,  1  K.  865).  The 
words  "  which  had  belonged  to  Judah  '  (28)  are  very 
obscure.  Bumey  proposes  a  bold  emendation,  and 
reads  instead  of  Hamath  the  similar  Heb.  word 
"  wrath  "  :  "  he  turned  away  the  wrath  "  of  Yahweh 
against  Israel.  Amos  speaks  of  Hamath  (Am.  62*)  as 
an  independent  kingdom,  and  its  fall  in  Sennacherib's 
days  deeply  impressed  Judah  (2  K.  I834). 

25.  Jonah  the  son  of  Amittai:  this  prophet  can 
hardly  be  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Jonah,  called  the 
son  of  Amittai,  whoso  adventures  are  there  related. 
His  native  village  of  Gath-hepher  is  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Nazareth  (Jos.  I913).     Jonah  is  mentioned  in 


Tob.  144-8,  but  the  reading  is  doubtful.  Tobit's 
home  was  in  Naphtali. 

XV.  1-7.  Reign  of  Azariah  (Uzziah).— The  long 
reign  of  this  king  passes  almost  unnoticed  in  this  book. 
He  is  called  Uzziah  elsewhere  in  Chronicles  and  Isaiah, 
except  1  Ch.  3i2. 

5.  Yahweh  smote  the  king  with  leprosy.  The 
isolation  of  men  thus  afflicted  was  enforced  (2  K.  73 ; 
see  Lev.  1846,  Nu.  53).  It  is  uncertain  what  is  meant 
by  a  several  house.  The  Heb.  word  means  "  free." 
Azariah  reigned  but  did  not  rule  during  his  latter 
years.  If  most  of  the  sixteen  years  of  Jotham's  reign 
fell  within  his  father's  lifetime,  the  discrepancy  of  the 
totals  of  the  regnal  years  of  Israel  and  Judah,  reckoned 
from  Jehu  to  the  fall  of  Samaria,  is  sensibly  diminished. 

XV.  8-38.  Last  Kings  of  Israel.— Zechariah,  the 
son  of  Jeroboam,  reigned  but  six  months  (8),  and  was 
killed  by  Shallum,  probably,  as  LXX  (L)  reads,  "  in 
Ibleam,"  instead  of  the  Heb.,  which  is  doubtfully 
rendered  "  before  the  people  "  (10).  After  a  month's 
reign  Shallum  was  killed  by  Menahem  (14-22). 

19.  Pul,  the  king  of  Assyria,  has  been  identified  with 
Tiglath-pileser  III  (58f.,  70f.),  who  ravaged  Northern 
Israel  (29).  This  is  the  first  direct  mention  of  an  Assyrian 
king  by  name  in  the  Bible.  Menahem 's  name  occurs 
in  an  Assyrian  inscription  738  B.C. — 20.  The  tribute 
was  exacted  from  the  wealthy  men  (AV  renders 
"  mighty  men  of  valour,"  the  last  word,  both  in  Heb. 
and  English,  having  the  twofold  meaning  of  "  bravery" 
and  "  property  "). — 23.  Menahem 's  son,  Pekahiah, 
after  a  short  reign  was  murdered  by  Pekah,  who  is 
also  mentioned  in  Tiglath-pileser's  annals  under 
733  B.C. — 29.  The  district  ravaged  by  the  Assyrians 
(p.  29)  corresponds  with  that  attacked  by  Ben-hadad  of 
Syria  (1  K.  152o).  Pekah  had  made  an  alUance  with 
Rezin  of  Syria  agamst  Judah  (1 65,  Is.  7  and  9i). 

XVI.  Reign  of  Ahaz. — This  chapter  is  assigned  to 
different  sources,  and  deals  mainly  with  the  king's 
alteration  of  the  Temple,  though  it  alludes  to  his 
apostasy  and  his  wars.  The  Temple  record  (10-18) 
may  be  compared  to  similar  passages  in  2  K. — e.g. 
11,  124ff.  The  verdict  on  Ahaz  is  more  unfavourable 
than  on  any  king  of  Judah  except  Manasseh. 

1.  Ahaz. — The  full  name  was  Yehoahaz,  and  it 
appears  in  almost  this  form  in  an  inscription  of  Tiglath- 
pileser.  The  king  mentioned  m  2331  is  properly 
Jehoahaz  II. — 3.  Ahaz  is  the  only  Israelite  king  who 
is  expressly  said  to  have  been  guilty  of  sacrificing  his 
son  in  this  manner  (327*).  Child  sacrifice  became 
dreadfully  common  in  the  last  days  of  the  monarchy. 
According  to  23io,  the  place  was  Tophet  (Jer.  731*),  in 
the  Valley  of  Hinnom. — 5.  For  the  invasion  of  Judah  by 
Rezm  and  Pekah  see  pp.  70f .,  Is.  7if.,  and  the  parallel 
passage  2  Ch.  281-15.— 6.  Elath:  1  K.  926*;  it  could 
not  have  been  "  recovered  "  by  the  Syrians  since,  so  far 
as  we  know,  they  had  never  owned  it.  Read  "  the 
Edomites  '*  (mg.),  who  as  the  natural  owners  of  the 
country  came  and  occupied  Elath  after  Rezin  had  dis- 
possessed the  Judseans. — 7-9.  Ahaz  became  an  As- 
sj^ian  vassal  by  sending  a  present,  i.e.  tribute,  to 
Tiglath-pileser.  Damascus  was  besieged  by  the 
Assyrians  in  732  B.C.  There  is  no  other  record  of  the 
Syrians  being  taken  captive  to  Kir,  nor  is  the  place 
mentioned  in  the  LXX.  But  see  Am.  I5*,  98. — 10-16. 
Ahaz  went  to  do  homage  to  his  master,  Tiglath-pileser, 
at  Damascus.  There  he  saw  an  altar,  the  pattern  of 
which  took  his  fancy,  and  he  had  it  copied  for  his 
Temple  at  Jerusalem.  No  blame  is  here  suggested, 
though  asinister  interpretation  is  given  in  2  Ch.  2816-27. 
— Uiijah  is  mentioned  in  Is.  82. — 17/.  Ahaz  was  com- 
pelled to  diminish  the  splendour  of  the  Temple  in 


310 


II.  KINGS,  XVI.  17f. 


order  to  pay  the  Assyrian  tribute.  For  the  "  bas&s," 
"  sea."  and  "  oxen,"  see  1  K.  723,27.  Brass  was 
valued  higlily ;  when  the  Temple  was  finally  de- 
stroyed, ail  the  brazen  vessels  in  it  were  broken  up 
and  carried  to  Babj'lon  (Jer.  5217-24). 

XVII.  1-6.  Reign  of  Hoshea  and  Destruction  of 
Samaria. — Hoshea  has  been  previously  mentioned 
(1030).  According  to  the  inscription  of  Tiglath-pileser, 
Hoshea  was  put  on  the  throne  by  the  Assyrians. 
ShalmaneserV  (pp.  59,70)  reigned  from  727  to  722  B.C., 
and  the  fall  of  Samaria  was  in  722.  So,  king  of 
Egypt  (4),  has  been  identified  with  Sabako,  the 
founder  of  the  25th  Dynasty.  Our  narrative  presents 
considerable  historical  difficulties.  Shalmaneser  is 
said  (3)  to  have  attacked  Hovhea  becau.se  he  refused 
tribute,  and  to  have  shut  him  up  in  prison.  Then 
(5)  the  king  came  and  besieged  Samaria  for  three 
years,  and  in  the  ninth  year  of  Hoshea  he  took  it. 
But  the  short  reign  of  Shalmaneser  leaves  little  time 
for  three  years'  siege  and  an  earlier  expedition.  The 
king  of  A^yria  who  took  Samaria  was  Sargon  (722- 
706  B.C.). 

XVn.  7-23.  A  Recapitulation  of  the  Reasons  for 
Israers  Captivity. — The  language  recalls  Deuteronomy 
and  Jeremiah.  The  sins  for  which  Israel  is  condemned 
are :  (a)  the  building  of  high  places,  pillars,  and 
Asherim  (gf.  ;  1  K.  12*,  pp.  98-100);  (b)  idolatry 
(12,16);  (c)  making  their  children  pass  through  the 
fire  and  using  divination  and  enchantments  (Is.  26) ; 
{d)  walking  in  the  sins  of  Jeroboam  (see  1  K.  12).  A 
statement  of  Judah's  sin  is  added  in  19. 

[9.  from  the  tower  .  .  .  city :  every  type  of  city 
from  the  most  insignificant  upwards. — A.  S.  P.] 

XVn.  24-41.  The  Origin  of  the  Samaritans.— This 
is  a  somewhat  mixed  account.  24-28  describes  the 
settlement  of  the  land  with  captives  from  other  parts 
of  the  Assyrian  empire,  and  the  sending  of  a  priest  to 
teach  them  "  the  manner  of  the  God  of  the  country." 
Next,  29-33  relates  that  the  new  settlers  not  only 
"  feared  "  (i.e.  worshipped)  Yahweh,  but  also  served 
their  o-mi  gods.  Finally  (34-41)  there  is  a  general 
statement  regarding  the  sin  of  Israel.  This  has  no 
connexion  with  what  precedes,  nor  does  it  in  any  way 
describe  the  Samaritan  religion.  It  is  perhaps  nothing 
more  than  a  new  description  of  the  sins  for  which 
Israel  and  Judah  were  carried  away  captive. 

XVII.  24.  the  king  of  Assyria:  see  above.  In  Ezr. 
42  the  king  who  settled  Northern  Israel  is  called  Esar- 
haddon  (pp.  69f.),  the  son  of  Sennacherib  (681-668  B.C.). 
In  Ezr.  4io  it  is  said  to  have  been  "  the  great  and  noble 
Osnappar,"  probably  Asshurbani-pal  (p.  60),  Esar-had- 
don's  successor.  The  mention  of  Babylon  as  a  city  con- 
quered by  the  Assyrians  is  a  mark  of  accuracy.  In 
later  days  it  was,  of  course,  the  great  oppressor  of 
Judah  (see  on  2O17).— 25.  The  rabbia  called  the 
Samaritans  "  proselytes  of  lions."  The  lion  has  long 
disappeared  from  Palestine,  but  was  evidently  common 
enough  in  OT  times.  A  depopulated  district  soon 
became  dangerous  owing  to  the  rapid  multijjlication 
of  wild  beasts,  and  it  was  necessary  to  go  armed 
(see  Ex.  2328-30,  Is.  724).  The  sending  of  the  lions 
was  thought  to  indicate  the  displeasure  of  Yahweh, 
the  God  of  the  country,  at  the  rites  in  His  honour  not 
being  duly  performed. — 32.  The  high-place  worship 
continued  after  the  Exile,  but  we  find  no  trace  of  it 
later  in  Samaria. — 41.  At  the  time  of  the  Return  the 
Samaritans  expressly  claimed  that  they  had  the  same 
religion  as  the  Jews  (Ezr.  42).  The  first  expression 
outside  the  OT  of  the  Jews'  bitter  hatred  for  the 
Samaritans  is  in  Ecclus.  5O26.  Josephus  and  the 
rabbis  call  them  Cutheans  (see  24).     The  antagonism 


between  Jews  and  Samaritans  in  the  NT  is  notorious 
(Jn.  49). 

XVI1I.-XX.  The  Reign  of  Hezeklah.— These  three 
chapters  give  an  account  of  the  reign  of  the  best  kuig 
of  Judah,  and  a  parallel  but  somewhat  less  full  account 
is  found  in  Is.  30  39.  There  is  another  account  in 
2  Ch.  2yf.  The  annalistic  tablets,  etc..  of  the  Assyrian 
kings  give  us  more  information  about  Hezekiah  than 
about  any  other  king.  They  confirm  the  good  un- 
pre.ssion  given  in  the  Bible ;  but  the  chronology,  if  we 
follow  them,  has  to  be  completely  modified.  To  under- 
stand the  history  contained  in  18-20  the  following 
facts  and  dates  should  be  borne  in  mind  :  (o)  Samaria 
fell  in  the  reign  of  Sargon,  in  722  B.C.  (b)  Merodach- 
baladan  (2O12)  established  himself  as  king  in  Babylon 
(721),  and  held  his  own  against  Sargon  till  710.  (c) 
Sargon 's  army  overran  Judah  about  711  (Is.  20i). 
{(i)  Sargon  died  706  and  his  son  Sennacherib  invaded 
Judah  701.  (e)  Sennacherib  died  681.  Conse- 
quently (i.)  the  illness  of  Hezekiah  and  the  mission  of 
Merodach-baladan  took  place  before  711,  so  that 
2  K.  20  really  comes  earlier  than  2  K.  I813  ;  (ii.)  Sen- 
nacherib's invasion  was  near  the  end  of  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  ;  and  (iii.),  despite  1937,  Sennacherib  lived 
nearly  twenty  years  after  the  loss  of  his  army.  See 
further,  p.  59. 

XVm.  1-12.  Accession  of  Hezekiah.  FaU  of 
Samaria. — Hezekiah 's  reforms  were  in  full  accord 
with  the  commands  in  Dt.  It  is  frequently  stated  in 
Kings  that  no  king  of  Judah,  however  good  he  had 
otherwise  been,  dared  to  do  this.  It  gave  much 
offence  (c/.  I822),  and  provoked  a  reaction  under 
Manasseh. — the  brazen  serpent:  cf.  Nu.  2l8f.*  The 
serpent  which  Moses  made  was  a  fiery  serpent,  Heb. 
saraph  (cf.  the  seraphim  in  the  Temple,  Is.  62*). 
— Nehushtan :  the  word  is  obscure.  If  Hezekiah 
called  the  serpent  this  name  it  would  be  reproachful, 
"  a  thing  of  brass  "  (cf.  mg.).  If  it  was  the  popular 
name  by  which  it  was  worshipped,  it  may  be  connected 
with  nahash,  "  a  serpent." — 9.  Shalmaneser :  see  on 
173. — 10.  they  took  it:  perhaps  the  writer  knew  that 
the  king  who  besieged  Samaria  (9)  was  not  the  captor 
of  the  citv. 

XVm.  13-XIX.  37.  Sennacherib's  Campaign.— 
13.  In  the  fourteenth  year:  if  Hezekiah  began  to 
reign  five  years  before  the  fall  of  Samaria  (722  B.C.), 
and  Sennacherib  did  not  succeed  till  706  B.C.,  this 
date  cannot  be  correct.  The  king  of  Assyria  took 
upwards  of  200.000  Jewish  captives. — 14.  Lachish  (p.  28) 
was  besieged  by  Sennacherib,  and  his  exploits  there  are 
depicted  on  a  bas-relief  in  the  British  Museum. — 16. 
which  Hezekiah  overlaid:  Skinner  asks,  "Should  it 
be  Solomon?"  Like  Ahaz  (lOs),  Hezekiah  despoiled 
the  Temple  to  buy  off  the  Assyrians. — 17.  Taitan  {the 
commander),  Rabsaris  (chief  eunuch),  RabshaKeh 
(chief  cupbearer),  were  three  great  Assvrian  officials. 
— the  conduit  of  the  upper  pool :  cf.  2O20 ;  see 
also  2  Ch.  3230.— 19.  the  great  king  was  a  very 
ancient  title,  and  was  later  assumed  by  the  Persians. 
It  is  frequently'  used  in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  from 
very  ancient  tunes. — 21.  The  Jews'  confidence  that 
Egypt  would  protect  them  from  the  Assyrians  and 
other  inva<lers  was  denounced  by  Isaiah  (Is.  3O1-5), 
and  continually  proved  fallacious.  A  similar  confi- 
dence had  caused  the  rum  of  the  northern  kingdom 
(I74).  Sargon  defeated  the  Egyptians  at  Raphia  in 
718  B.C.  (pp.  .'J9,  71  I.  Sennacherib  had  just  before  this 
won  the  victory  of  El-tekeh  (pp.  59,  71).  A  century 
later  their  intrigues  with  Egypt  proved  fatal  to  the 
Jews  in  the  days  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel. — 22.  Most 
critics  regard  this  reference  to  Hezekiah's  reform  as 


II.  KINGS,  XXII.  1-XXIII.  13a. 


311 


an  interpolation.  But  if  genuine  it  bears  witness 
alike  to  the  unpopularity  in  some  quarters  of  Heze- 
kiah's  reform  and  the  shrewd  appreciation  of  the 
political  situation  by  the  observant  Rab-shakeh. — 
26.  The  Syrian  language  was  widely  diffused  through- 
out the  East,  and  is  known  as  Aramaic  (p.  30).  It 
was  used  by  the  Jews  in  Egypt  in  the  fifth  century 
B.C.,  as  the  Mond  and  other  papyri  testify. 

XIX.  2.  unto  Isaiah :  from  the  Book  of  Isaiah  we 
learn  that  the  prophet  had  steadily  opposed  Hezekiah's 
intrigues  against  Assyria. — Shebna  .'  Is.  2215-25*. — 
9.  Ethiopia  was  the  country  S.  of  Egypt.  At  a  time 
later  than  this  (681  B.C.  ?),  Tirhakah  seems  to  have 
established  his  government  in  Egypt.  There  is,  there- 
fore, a  chronological  difficulty  in  the  mention  of  him 
here  (p.  72).  He  is,  however,  not  called ' '  king  of  Egj^pt," 
and  he  may  have  been  acting  as  an  ally  of  the  princes 
of  the  NUe  valley. — 10-13.  Sennacherib's  letter  to 
Hezekiah,  showing  how  hopeless  it  was  for  a  king  of 
Judah  to  resist  him  after  all  his  victories  over  powerful 
nations. — 15-19.  Hezekiah's  prayer  to  Yahweh,  "  who 
sitteth  upon  the  cherubim  "(IS.  U,  2  S.  62,  1  K.  6*), 
praj-ing  Him  to  vindicate  His  honour  against  the  false 
gods  of  the  heathen. — 21-31.  Isaiah's  "  taunt  song  " 
against  Sennacherib,  and  the  sign  given  to  Hezekiah. 
The  king  of  Assyria  destroyed  the  nations  because 
their  gods  were  idols,  but  since  he  had  blasphemed  the 
living  God,  he  would  be  turned  back  by  the  way  he 
came.  The  "  sign  "  was  that  for  two  years  the 
people  of  Jerusalem  would  eat  the  com  that  sprang  up 
from  old  harvests,  but  that  in  the  third  year  they 
would  sow  and  reap  as  usual  (29).- — 35.  the  angel  of 
the  Lord  :  Herodotus  (ii.  141)  has  a  story  that  Sen- 
nacherib's army  was  destroyed  by  a  pestilence  owing 
to  the  prayers  of  a  pious  king  of  Egypt.  The  pes- 
tilence is  connected  with  the  angel  in  2  S.  24i5. — 37. 
Sennacherib  was  murdered  by  his  sons  in  681  B.C., 
twenty  years  after  the  invasion  of  Judah,  if  the  date 
(701  B.C.)  is  correct. 

XX.  1-11.  Sickness  of  Hezekiah. — This  is  related 
in  the  parallel  passage.  Is.  38,  in  a  much  abbreviated 
form,  save  that  it  adds  the  prayer  of  Hezekiah  after 
his  recovery.  Is.  38  omits  4  (Isaiah  being  recalled 
"  afore  he  was  gone  out  of  the  middle  court  "  (mg.) 
of  the  palace,  56  (promising  that  Hezekiah  shall  go 
up  to  the  Temple  on  the  third  day),  8  (Hezekiah's 
request  for  a  sign),  9-1  la  (the  alternative  sign,  Heze- 
kiah's choice,  and  Isaiah's  crying  to  Yahweh). 

11.  the  dial  of  Ahaz:  Heb.  "the  steps"  (mg.). 
Probably  the  shadow  on  certain  steps  indicated  the 
hours  of  the  day.  Sundials  were  used  in  Babjdonia, 
and  Ahaz  seems  (I610-16)  to  have  been  interested  in 
what  he  saw  when  away  from  Jerusalem,  and  anxious 
to  introduce  curious  and  artistic  novelties  (see  also 
23i2).  [Hezekiah  regards  the  going  forward  of  the 
shadow  as  a  trifle  since  it  simply  accelerated  the 
motion  in  the  direction  in  which  it  was  already  travel- 
ling; for  it  to  go  backward  was  hard,  because  it  reversed 
the  natural,  inevitable  direction.— A.  S.  P.] 

XX.  12-21.  The  Embassy  of  Merodach-baladan.— 
The  correct  name  of  this  king  {mg.)  is  preserved  in  the 
parallel  passage.  Is.  39.  The  siclmess  of  Hezekiah  and 
the  embassy  for  which  his  recovery  was  an  excuse  must 
have  taken  place  before  the  events  in  chs.  18f.  (see 
above). — 13.  Hezekiah's  display  of  his  treasures  and 
armour  was  eWdently  intended  to  impress  the  king  of 
Babylon  with  his  readiness  to  enter  upon  a  concerted 
rebellion  against  Assyria.  This  must  have  been  before 
the  spoliation  of  the  Temple  to  pay  the  tribute  to 
Assyria  (I81 6). — 17.  Isaiah,  as  we  see  from  his 
propheciea,  waa  consistently  opposed  to  any  intrigues 


with  foreign  nations  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  x\ssyria. 
The  inscriptions  show  that  Hezekiah  was  exceedingly 
active  in  concerting  rebellions  to  free  himself  and  his 
nation  from  the  oppressor.  The  prophet  here  fore- 
tells the  Babylonian  Captivity,  which  took  place  after 
the  fall  of  Nuieveh.  Babylon  at  this  time  was  not  the 
head  of  a  mighty  empire,  but  had  been  seized  by 
Merodach-baladan,  who  was  afterwards  expelled  by 
the  Assyrian  conqueror. — 20.  the  pool:  perhaps  the 
remarkable  canal  connecting  the  Temple  Hill  with 
Siloam,  a  great  engineering  feat  celebrated  in  the 
Siloam  inscription  (2  Ch.  3230,  EccJus.  47i7). 

XXI.  1-26.  Reigns  of  Manasseh  and  Amon.— The 
fact  that  the  refonnation  begun  by  Hezekiah  was  so 
thoroughly  undone  at  his  death,  and  that  his  son  was 
able  to  reign  undisturbed  for  fifty-five  years,  proves 
that  his  reforms  were  only  superficial  and  could  not 
have  been  popular.  The  thoroughly  Deuteronomic 
tone  of  this  chapter  is  very  noticeable.  The  idolatry 
of  Manasseh  is  specially  condemned  in  Dt.  4 19,  17 13, 
18iof.  He  is  the  only  king  of  Judah  who  is  compared 
to  Ahab  (3  and  13).  According  to  2  Ch.  33i-20, 
Manasseh  repented  when  he  was  in  captivity  in  Baby- 
Ion,  was  restored  to  his  kingdom,  and  on  his  return 
reformed  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple,  very  little  being 
said  of  their  purification  by  Josiah.  The  progress  of 
the  reforms  in  Judah,  as  described  in  Kings,  is  com- 
parable to  the  swing  of  the  pendulum  during  our 
Refonnation.  Hezekiah  removed  the  high  places  and 
destroyed  some  of  the  idolatrous  objects  in  the  Temple. 
Manasseh  and  his  son  reverted  to  the  older  practices, 
and  for  seventy-five  years  nothing  was  done.  Then 
came  the  drastic  reformation  under  Josiah  ;  but  after 
his  death,  to  judge  from  Jeremiah,  things  drifted  into 
their  ancient  condition  tiU  the  fall  of  the  citj'.  The 
kings  of  AssjTia  in  Manasseh 's  reign  were  perhaps 
Sennacherib  (705-681),  Esarhaddon  (681-668),  and 
Assur-bani-pal  (C68-626).  Manasseh,  in  one  case  as 
king  of  the  city  of  Judah,  appears  in  Assyrian  inscrip- 
tions by  Esarhaddon  (677  b.c.)  and  Assur-bani-pal 
(668  B.C.). 

3.  the  host  of  heaven:  the  worship  of  the 
heavenly  bodies  is  forbidden  in  Dt.,  but  there  are  no 
allusions  to  it  till  we  reach  the  times  of  the  Assyrian 
invasions.  It  is  (if  we  except  Am.  626)  first  mentioned 
in  connexion  with  Manasseh,  and  after  his  time  it  was 
the  form  of  idolatry  most  prevalent  in  Judah.  G.  A. 
Smith  (Jerusalem,  vol.  ii.  pp.  181ff.)  says  that  Jeru- 
salem stands  in  a  position  peculiarly  fitted  for  observing 
the  rise  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  The  worship  was 
conducted  on  roofs,  where  altars  were  placed,  and  in 
private  houses.  See  Dt.  4i9,  Jer.  7i8,  44i7ff.  f worship 
of  the  queen  of  heaven),  Zeph.  I5,  Ezek.  816  (worship 
of  the  sun).  Esarhaddon  formally  established  his  owa 
religion  in  Zidon,  and  possibly  Manasseh  became  a 
worshipper  of  the  host  of  heaven  to  please  his  master. 
— 5.  the  two  courts:  this  is  supposed  to  be  a  post- 
exilic  gloss,  as  there  was  but  one  court  in  the  older 
Temple.  But  there  was  both  an  inner  (1  K.  636)  and 
an  outer  court  there,  and  G.  A.  Smith  {Jerusalem, 
vol.  ii.  p.  181,  note)  does  not  consider  the  post-exilic 
theory  necessary.— 13.  the  line  .  .  .  plummet:  cf. 
Am.  78*.  Is.  34ii*,  Lam.  28.  In  all  of  these  passages 
the  metaphor  is  destruction.  But  it  is  hard  to  see 
why  the  line  and  plummet,  which  are  used  for  con- 
struction, should  have  this  meaning.  Perhaps  they 
are  used  as  tests  or  standards,  and  here  Jerusalem  and 
Ahaz  are  to  be  submitted  to  the  same  crucial  moral 
test  and  punishment  as  Samaria  and  the  house  of 
Ahab.     (See  HDB,  "  Plummet.") 

XXn.  l-XXm.  SOa.  The    Reign   and  Reforms   of 


312 


II.  KINGS.  XXII.   1-XXIII,  13a. 


Joslah. — The  fifty-seven  years  of  the  reigns  of  Manassch 
and  Amen  were,  according  to  Kings  (not  Chronicles), 
a  period  of  apostasy,  whicli  probably  continued  for 
the  first  ten  years  of  Josiah.  The  prophetic  party 
had  consequently  remained  out  of  power  since  the 
persecution  of  Manassch  (21i6).  They  regained  their 
influence  by  the  discovery  of  the  "Book  of  theLaw"{8). 
The  prophetess  Huldah,  on  bemg  consulted,  foretold 
that  all  the  calamities  predicted  in  the  book  would 
come  true,  but  that  Josiah  should  go  to  his  grave  in 
peace  and  not  witness  the  ruin  of  his  people  (16-20). 
The  result  of  this  message  was,  first,  a  drastic  reforma- 
tion of  the  Temple  and  the  kingdom  of  Judah  (23i-i4), 
and,  secondly,  the  destruction  of  the  famous  northern 
sanctuary  of  Bethel  (15-20).  Finally,  Josiah  kept  a 
solemn  passover  (21-23),  and  suppressed  those  who 
practised  occult  arts  (24).  Yet  for  all  his  unique  good- 
ness the  judgment  due  to  Manassch  was  not  averted 
(25-27).  Josiah  was  killed  at  Mcgiddo  in  an  attempt 
to  prevent  the  march  of  the  king  of  Egypt  to  the 
Euphrates  (29f.). 

These  chapters,  like  21,  are  much  influenced  by  Dt. 
The  main  part,  like  2  K.  11,  124ff.,  I610-18,  may  come 
from  the  Temple  archives. 

XXII.  4.  Hilkiah  the  high  priest:  it  is  doubtful 
whether  this  title  was  used  before  the  Exile.  Jehoiada 
is  once  thus  called  (12io),  but  he  and  Hilkiah  are 
generally  styled  "  the  priest."— 8.  the  book  of  the 
law :  the  general  identity  of  this  book  with  a  large 
section  of  Dt.  is  now  commonly  assumed,  though  the 
question  is  by  no  means  decided  (pp.  74f. ,  89f.,  231f.). 
The  facts  related  in  Kings  which  nmst  be  borne  in  mind 
are  :  (a)  The  "  apostasy,"  after  the  death  of  Hezekiah, 
had  lasted  for  over  seventy  years,  and  the  persecu- 
tion (21i6)  may  have  included  the  destruction  of  the 
law-books.  The  "  finding  "  of  a  copy  is,  therefore, 
not  incredible,  (b)  It  is  called  "  the  book  of  the  law  " 
here,  and  more  generally  "  a  book  "  in  10.  In  2825 
mention  is  made  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  but  he  was  re- 
garded as  the  source  of  all  Israelite  law.  The 
Chronicler  (2  Ch.  34i4)  expressly  identifies  the  dis- 
covery of  Hilkiah  with  the  Law  of  Moses,  (c)  The 
book  contained  prophecies  of  destruction,  and  caused 
certain  reforms  to  be  carried  out.  These  latter  were : 
(i.)  objects  of  idolatry  and  for  the  worship  of  the 
"  host  ot  heaven  "  were  destroyed  ;  (ii)  the  priests 
of  the  high  places  were  removed,  and  Jerusalem  was 
made  the  only  sanctuary  ;  (iii.)  Bethel,  the  great  rival 
sanctuary,  was  destroyed.  Deuteronomy,  in  addition 
to  being  fall  of  threats  against  apostasy  like  those 
implied  in  this  chapter,  denounces  the  same  sort  of 
evils  as  those  which  Josiah  endeavoured  to  extirpate. 
It  should  be  noted  that  the  account  of  Hilkiah 's  dis- 
covery does  not  directly  attribute  the  book  to  Moses 
(but  see  2825) ;  it  is  the  Chronicler  who,  more  than 
three  centuries  later,  assigns  it  to  Moses,  and  implies 
that  Hilkiah  discovered  the  Pentatcucli.  The  sug- 
gestion that  Hilkiah  himself  forged  the  book  and  pre- 
tended to  discover  it  is  unworthy  of  consideration. — 
14.  in  the  second  quarter:  the  AV  has  the  strange 
rendering,  "  in  the  college."  The  fact  that  at  this 
great  crisis  an  otherwise  unknown  person  like  the 
prophetess  Huldah,  and  not  Jeremiah,  was  consulted, 
is  an  argument  for  the  genuineness  of  the  statement. — 
19.  The  Heb.  as  it  stands  indicates  that  something 
has  fallen  out.  Perhaps,  following  LXX  and  Vulg., 
we  should  read  :  "  Inasmuch  as  thou  hast  heard  my 
words  and  thine  heart  was  tender."  Josiah,  like 
Ahab  (1  K.  2I29),  was  told  that  he  should  not  see  the 
downfall  of  his  house.  Between  1  K.  2230  and  2  Cli. 
3522  there  is  a  curious  coincidence,  that  both  these 


kings,  so  different  m  character,  disguised  themselves 
before  entering  into  the  battles  in  which  they  died. 

XXIII.  3.  by  the  pillar  .  .  .  covenant:  for  the  word 
"  pillar  "  see  II14  and  1  K.  72i.  In  the  latter  passage 
it  is  used  for  the  two  great  brazen  pillars  set  up  by 
Solomon  before  the  jx>Tch  of  the  Temple.  In  making 
the  covenant  the  king  takes  the  lead.  The  ceremony 
was  accompanied  by  a  sacrifice  ;  hence  the  phrase  in 
Heb.  is  to  cut  a  covenant  (Gen.  15i7*,  Jer.  34 18)  or 
divide  the  victims.  The  newly  discovered  volume  is 
called  (2)  the  book  of  the  covenant ;  c/.  Ex.  247,  where 
the  "  book  "  was  sprinkled  with  sacrificial  blood.  In 
a  covenant  there  was  not  necessarily  an  implication 
that  there  were  two  parties.  The  king  made  this 
before  Yahweh.  Skinner  (Cent.B)  says,  "  The  effect 
of  the  covenant  was  to  give  to  the  Deuteronomic  Code 
the  force  of  statute  law." 

Josiah's  reformation  (6-16)  may  be  classified  under 
the  following  heads : 

A.  4,  6/.,  10-12.  Reformation  of  the  Temple. — 
(i.)  4,  6.  Hilkiah  and  the  "  second  priest "  (?  for 
priests  of  the  second  order;  cf.  2oi8,  Jer.  5224)  were 
ordered  to  bring  all  idolatrous  objects  and  vessels  out 
of  the  Temple,  which  were  burned  by  the  Kidron. 
fii.)  7:  All  the  votaries  of  impure  rites  were  ejected, 
(iii.)  10.  The  Moloch  worship  was  abolished,  and 
Tophet  (Jer.  731*)  in  the  valley  of  the  children  of 
Hinnom  (Gehinnom,  Gehenna,  Mt.  622)  was  defiled, 
(iv.)  llf:  The  cult  of  the  heavenly  bodies  (2I3*)  was 
put  down  by  the  destruction  of  the  "  horses  of  the 
sun  "  and  the  altars  on  the  roofs. 

B.  5,  8/.,  13/.  Reformation  in  Jerusalem  and 
Judah. — (i )  5.  The  idolatrous  priests,  Kemarim  (Hos. 
IO15,  Zeph.  I4),  were  put  down,  together  with  their 
high  places,  (ii.)  8!.  The  priests  of  the  ordinary  high 
places  where  Yahweh  was  worshipped  were  removed 
to  Jerusalem  and  recognised  as  priests,  for,  though  not 
allowed  to  sacrifice,  they  were  permitted  to  eat  the 
unleavened  bread  provided  for  priests,  (iii.)  8,  ISf; 
The  "  high  places  of  the  gates  "  (or  perhaps  of  satyrs 
or  demons)  and  the  idolatrous  shrines  erected  by 
Solomon  on  the  "  mount  of  ofEence,"  S.  of  the  Mt.  of 
Olives,  were  defiled  by  the  king. 

C.  15.  Josiah's  Destruction  of  the  Altar  of  Bethel. — 
This  showed  that  the  misfortunes  predicted  in  the 
"  law  book  "  which  had  already  befallen  Israel  were 
due  to  the  sin  of  Jeroboam. 

XXIII.  16-20.  The  grave  of  the  prophet.  Thisisevi. 
dently  an  addition  to  the  original  story.  The  altar,  which 
in  15  had  been  destroyed,  is  supposed  to  be  still  stand- 
ing. "  The  man  of  God  "  is,  of  course,  the  disobedient 
prophet  of  1  K.  13.  Samaria  (i8f.)  is  evidentlj'  the 
province  and  not  the  city.  Josiah  is  represented  as 
purifying  the  whole  district  from  the  high-place  worship. 
From  Jer.  4I9  we  learn  that  even  after  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple  the  niins  were  visited  by  devout  Israel- 
ites from  that  district. 

XXIII.  21-24.  Celebration  of  the  Passover.  The 
mention  of  the  eighteenth  year  (23  ;  cf.  223)  shows  that 
the  reforms  of  Josiah  occupied  six  months.  The  book 
was  discovered  in  the  fii-st  month  of  the  civil  year,  in 
autumn.  It  was  read  {cf.  Dt.  31 10-12)  at  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles.  The  Paf5sover  contemplated  in  Dt.  166 
was  celebrated  in  the  central  sanctuary.  It  was  not 
the  domestic  feast  of  the  Priestly  Code  (Ex.  12),  but 
a  general  assembly  of  the  nation.  In  2  Ch.  30  Hezekiah 
is  said  to  have  kept  a  similar  feast,  but  this  is  denied 
in  22. 

XXIII.  29/.  Death  of  Josiah.— Pharaoh-necoh  (pp.  60, 
72)  is  the  first  Pharaoh  in  the  Bible  whose  name  is  given. 
He  belonged  to  the  26th  Dynasty.     Apparently,  when 


II.  KINGS.  XXV.  27-30 


313 


he  advanced  to  occupy  a  position  on  the  Euphrates, 
Josiah,  prompted  either  by  loyalty  to  his  former 
masters,  the  Assyrians,  or  confident  that  his  reforms 
bad  secured  him  Divine  support,  tried  to  stop  the 
progress  of  the  Egyptians  at  Megiddo.  His  defeat 
sealed  Judah's  ruin  (Jer.  22io).  Megiddo  is  the 
Armageddon  (Har-magedon)  of  the  Apocalypse  (Rev. 
I616).     The  date  of  Josiah's  defeat  is  about  608  B.C. 

XXIII.  31-XXV.  21.  Fall  and  Captivity  of  Judah.— 
The  last  kings  of  Judah  were  Jehoahaz  and  Eliakim 
(Jehoiakim),  sons  of  Josiah  ;  Jchoiachin,  son  of 
Jehoiakim  ;  and  Zedekiah  (Mattaniah),  another  son 
of  Josiah.  The  history  of  this  period  is  related  or 
alluded  to  throughout  the  Book  of  Jeremiah.  Its 
most  important  feature  is  the  rise  of  the  Babjdonian  or 
Chaldean  empire  under  Nabopolassar  and  his  son 
Nebuchadrezzar  (pp.  60,  72f. ). 

XXIII.  31-35.  Jehoahaz. — This  king  was  also  called 
Shallum  (Jer.  22ii).  His  captivity  in  Egypt  is  the 
subject  of  an  elegy  by  Ezekiel  (Ezek.  I91-4).  The 
scene  of  his  first  imprisonment,  "  Riblah  in  the  land 
of  Hamath,"  was  also  that  of  Zedekiah 's  humiliation 
(2  K.  2521,  Jer.  395). 

XXm;  36.-XXIV.  7.  Jehoiakim.— A  fuller  account 
of  the  reign  is  given  by  Jeremiah,  who  consistently 
opposed  the  king  (see  Jer.  25-27,  35f.,  and  especially 
2213-19). 

The  external  events  of  the  time  are  as  follows  (p.  60). 
The  Assyrian  empire  came  to  an  end  with  the  fall  of 
Nineveh,  about  606  B.C.  In  605  B.C.  the  Egyptians 
were  utterly  defeated  and  driven  out  of  Syria  after 
the  battle  of  Carchemish  (Jer.  462  ;  see  2  K,  247). 
Nebuchadrezzar  succeeded  his  father  in  that  year, 
when  Jehoiakim  transferred  his  allegiance  from  Egj^pt 
to  Babylon  (24i).  After  three  years  he  rebelled,  and 
was  harried  by  raids  (2).  His  end  is  obscure ;  Jere- 
miah (2219)  foretold  a  disgraceful  burial.  2  Ch.  366 
says  that  he  was  taken  captive  to  Babylon.  Here  (6) 
it  is  simply  said  that  "  he  slept  with  his  fathers." 

XXIV.  4.  The  innocent  blood  (Jer.  2716-24).  The 
king  tried  to  lull  Jeremiah,  but  the  elders  remonstrated. 
He  actually  put  to  death  a  prophet  named  Urijah. 

XXIV.  7.  The  king  of  Egypt  had  been  at  first  the 
suzerain  of  Jehoiakim.     The  Jews  to  the  last,  as  they 


had  done  in  the  time  of  Isaiah  (Is.  31),  hoped  for  help 
from  Egypt  (Jer.  377). 

XXIV.  8-17.  Jehoiachin  and  the  First  Captivity  of 
Judah.  —  The  name  of  this  king  is  also  given  as 
Coniah  (Jer.  2224)  and  Jeconiah  (Jer.  292).  Evidently 
Babylon's  vengeance  for  his  father's  treachery  fell  on 
him.— 8.  Eighteen  years  old:  2  Ch.  369  has  "  eight," 
an  obvious  error,  for  Jchoaichin  was  evidently  grown 
up  (Jer.  2228).  The  Captivity  dates  from  his  reign, 
and  he  is  considered  the  last  of  the  kings  of  Judah. 
Only  the  most  desirable  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jeru- 
salem (16)  were  made  captive.  The  rest  were  left 
under  the  king's  uncle,  Mattaniah,  whose  name  was 
changed  to  Zedekiah  (righteousness  of  Yahweh),  as 
was  customary  in  the  case  of  vassal  monarchs 
(2334). 

XXIV.  18-XXV.  7.  Zedekiah.  Destruction  of  Temple 
and  City. — This  event  is  related  more  fully  in 
Jeremiah.  Zedekiah  seems  to  have  been  well-meaning 
but  weak,  and  inclined  to  favour  Jeremiah  when  not 
hindered  by  his  nobles.  The  siege  of  Jerusalem,  which 
lasted  nearly  two  years  (25 1-4),  is  more  fully  related 
in  Jer.  37-397- — XXV.  6.  and  they  gave  judgement 
upon  him:  Zedekiah 's  offence  was  intriguing  with 
Egypt  and  breaking  liis  treaty  with  Nebuchadrezzar 
(Ezek.  17i5). 

XXV.  8-26.  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.  Fate  of  the 
Remnant. — This  again  is  more  fully  related  in  Jere- 
miah (Jer.  398-4222),  of  which  the  passage  before  us 
is  probably  an  abridgement. — 8.  Nebuzar-adan  treated 
Jeremiah  with  marked  favour  (Jer.  408). 

22.  Gedaliah  established  himself  at  ]\Iizpah  in 
Benjamin  (Jos.  826).  HiB  murder  by  Ishmael  was  the 
ruin  of  the  remnant,  which  escaped  to  Egypt,  taking 
Jeremiah  with  them  (p.  73). 

XXV.  27-30.  Jehoiachin  Restored  to  Honour.— 
Nebuchadrezzar  succeeded  his  father  605  B.C.,  and 
reigned  till  562  B.C.  The  first  captivity  took  place 
thirty-seven  years  before  Jehoiachin's  release,  or 
about  598  B.C.  Evil-Merodach,  the  successor  of 
Nebuchadrezzar,  only  reigned  two  years,  till  560  B.C. 
There  is  no  record  ot  the  year  of  Jehoiachin's  death, 
and  consequently  of  the  earliest  possible  date  of  the 
Book  of  Kings  in  its  present  form. 


I.  AND  II.  CHRONICLES 


By  Dr.  W.  O.  E.  OESTERLEY 


Title. — The  present  title  is  duo  to  Jerome,  and  well 
represents  the  Hebrew  Dibre  ha-jamtm,  lit.  "  Things 
of  tlie  days,"  i.e.  Annals.  1  and  2  Ch.  were  originally 
not  divided  ;  in  tiio  Hebrew  Bible  they  form  a  single 
book.  Tlie  division  into  two  separate  books  comes 
from  the  LXX.  We  shall  treat  it  here  as  one  book. 
For  the  relationsliip  between  Ch.  and  Ezr.-Neh.,  all  of 
which  formed  originally  one  large  work,  see  Intr.  to 
Ezr.-Neh. 

Divisions. — There  are  four  main,  clearly-marked 
divisions,  viz.  (i.)  The  history  from  Adam  to  David, 
1  Oh.  1-9;  (ii.)  The  history  of  David,  1  Ch.  10-29; 
(iii.)  The  history  of  the  reign  of  Solomon,  2  Ch.  1-9  ; 
(iv.)  The  history  of  Judah  from  Rehoboam  to  the  edict 
of  Cyrus,  2  Ch.  10-36.  It  is  noticeable  that  the 
Chronicler  devotes  much  more  attention  to  the  history 
of  his  people  during  the  period  prior  to  the  division 
of  the  kingdom. 

Place  in  the  Canon.— In  the  EV  the  book  follows 
immediately  after  1  and  2  K.,  but  in  the  Hebrew  Bible 
it  is  placed  at  the  end  of  the  Hagiographa,  and  is  thus 
the  last  book  of  all.  That  thLs  was  its  original  position 
is  to  be  gathered  from  Christ's  words  m  Mt.  2335*,  Lk. 
II51  (cf.  2  Ch.  2420-22),  where  He  is  not  referring  to 
the  limits  of  time,  but  to  the  limits  of  the  Sacred  Canon, 
from  Gen.  to  Ch.  (Ryle,  The  Canon  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment [1892],  p.  141). 

Characteristics. — The  most  outstanding  of  these  is 
to  bo  seen  in  the  purpose  for  which  the  book  was 
written.  The  writer,  or  compiler,  does  not  write  as 
a  historian,  but  with  the  object  of  interpreting  history 
in  the  light  of  later  developments  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
he  desires  to  utilise  past  history  for  the  practical  pur- 
pose of  placing  the  circumstances  and  conditions  of  his 
day  in  what  he  considers  the  right  perspective  ;  so 
that  ho  has  often  to  read  the  past  in  the  light  of  the 
present,  and  to  modify  his  version  of  the  records 
accordingly.  By  this  moans  ho  is  able  to  place  before 
his  readers  what  he  conceives  to  be  historical  authority 
for  doctrines  and  practices  which  are  near  to  his  heart. 
It  would  be  the  greatest  mistake  to  impute  bad  faith 
to  the  Chronicler  on  this  account ;  if  he  altered, 
modified,  or  added  to  the  sources  before  him  in  making 
his  compilation,  he  did  so  from  right  motives  and  in 
obedience  to  fixed  convictions.  Two  authorities  existed 
to  which  he  had  recourse  in  undertaking  this  work  for 
his  people  :  the  historical  records  of  the  past,  and  the 
Pentateuch  together  with  the  oral  tradition  inseparably 
connected  witli  it.  To  the  Chronicler  there  could  be 
no  sort  of  doubt  as  to  which  wa,s  the  more  authorita- 
tive ;  the  Law  was  immeasurably  more  holy  than  the 
numerous  and  oft^^n  faulty  historical  records  of  which 
1  and  2  S.  and  1  and  2  K.  were  examples  ;  so  that  it 
was  by  the  Divine  Law  that  he  felt  himself  bound  to 
be  guided.  Now,  in  many  respects,  the  historical 
records  manifested  not  only  divergence  from,  but 
direct  contradiction  to,  the  Law  both  in  its  written 


and  oral  form  ;  they  could  not,  therefore,  both  be 
right.  Since  it  was  unthinkable  to  the  Chronicler  that 
the  Divine  Law  could  bo  \vrong  he  was  obviously 
forced  to  regard  the  historical  records  as  in  error ;  ho 
was,  therefore,  in  duty  bound  to  reconstruct  these, 
in  the  compilation  he  was  drawing  uj),  in  such  a  way 
as  to  bring  them  into  harmony  with  the  teaching  of 
the  Law.  The  Chronicler  acted  not  only  in  good 
faith,  but  in  a  way  to  which  there  was  no  alternative  ; 
any  other  coui-so  vv'ould  have  been,  to  his  mind,  disloyal 
to  the  Law  and  a  grave  dereliction  of  duty  to  tho 
people  of  the  Law,  as  the  Jews  of  his  day  claimed  to 
be.  His  main  attention  is,  therefore,  centred  upon 
what  he  regarded  as  the  highest  things  of  the  Law, 
namely,  ritual  and  worship,  the  Temple,  its  budding 
and  furniture  down  to  minute  details,  the  celebration 
of  the  festivals,  and,  most  important  of  all,  tho 
ministers  and  officers  ;  and,  regarding  the  latter,  it  ia 
noticeable  that  he  is  chiefly  interested  in  the  Levites, 
much  more  so  than  in  tho  priests  ;  and  among  those 
things  with  which  the  Levites  were  specially  con- 
cerned the  Temple  music  has  most  attraction  for  him. 
Everything  of  a  secular  character  which  he  finds  in 
his  sources  is  either  passed  over  altogether  or  only 
cursorily  referred  to,  and  then  with  the  manifest 
purpose  of  showing  that  the  religious  side  of  things  is 
what  is  really  important.  One  striking  way  whereby 
the  Chronicler  carries  out  his  purpose  is  by  means  of 
developing  a  historical  narrative  into  a  Midrash  (2  Ch. 
1322*),  thus  turning  it  into  a  didactic  and  edifying 
religious  story.  This  midrashic  element  is  very  pro- 
nounced in  our  book,  and  it  usually  serves  the  purpose 
of  glorifying  either  the  Temple  worship  or  something 
connected  with  it,  or  else  the  Levitical  priesthood. 
(See  on  Jos.  229-34. ) 

Other  characteristics,  but  of  less  importance,  are  tho 
writer's  fondness  for  genealogies  and  statistics.  There 
is  also  considerable  exaggeration  where  numbers  are 
concerned  ;  not  that  tho  Chronicler  has  the  slightest 
intention  to  deceive,  it  is  simply  the  rodult  of  his 
tendency  to  idealise  and  magnify  the  past  history  of 
his  nation. 

Historical  Value. — As  a  whole  our  book  cannot  be 
said  to  offer  trustworthy  history  about  the  times  of 
which  it  professes  to  tell,  excepting  whore  details  are 
taken  from  the  historical  books  and  have  not  been 
coloured  by  the  compiler.  In  some  ca.ses,  however,  it 
is  possible  that  a  narrative  ef  Samuel  or  Kings  may  be 
supplementod  by  the  Chronicler's  account;  e.g.  1  Ch.  11 
10-41  may  have  been  taken  from  tho  same  source  as 
2  S.  23S-30  (cf.  Coniill,  lOT,  E.  tr.  p.  234);  other 
examples  are  2  Ch.  II18-23,  132,2i,  261-23,  27i-7, 
281-27,  321-23,  331-20.  (On  the  subject  of  this  and 
tho  two  preceding  paragraphs,  see  pp.  4Sf..  75-77.) 

Language. — The  Heb.  of  Ch.  is  that  of  the  last  stage 
of  the  language  of  the  OT  ;  it  lacks  the  easy  flow 
and  simple  dignity  of  classical  Hebrew,  offering  instead 
314 


I.  CHRONICLES,  XII.  1-40 


315 


a  style  which  is  stiff  and  tedious,  and  cumbrous  in 
expression.  Many  new  words  are  used  which  approxi- 
mate to  Aramaic  and  adumbrate  the  vocabulary  of 
the  Mishna  (pp.  35f.). 

Date. — The  language,  as  just  pointed  out,  stamps 
Ch.  as  among  the  very  latest  books  of  the  OT.  The 
main  indications  as  to  date  in  the  book  itself  are  as 
follows  :  in  2  Ch.  3622f.  reference  is  made  to  the 
edict  of  Cyrus  permitting  the  return  of  the  Jews,  so 
that  at  the  earliest  the  book  belongs  to  the  Persian 
period  ;  that  it  cannot,  however,  belong  to  the  be- 
ginning of  this  period  is  clear  from  1  Ch.  297,  where 
the  daric  is  mentioned  ;  the  daric  was  introduced  by 
Darius  I.  But  the  book  must  belong  to  a  much  later 
date  than  this,  for  in  1  Ch.  817-24  (even  if  the  RV  in 
21  represents  the  correct  text)  the  genealogy  from 
Zcrubbabel  is  carried  down  to  the  sixth  generation, 
which  would  give  c.  350  B.C.  as  the  earliest  date  of  the 
book.  But  in  v.  21  the  reading  of  the  LXX,  Pesh., 
and  Vulg.,  which  in  all  probability  represents  the  right 
one,  brings  the  genealogy  from  Zerubbabel  down  to 
the  eleventh  generation  ;  this  means  that  the  book 
cannot  have  been  written  until  well  into  the  Greek 
period.  We  shall  probably  not  be  far  wrong  in  assign- 
ing the  middle  of  the  third  century  b.c.  as  the  approxi- 
mate date  of  our  book.  The  religious  standpoint  of 
the  writer  (see  above)  accords  with  this  estimate  of 
the  date. 

Sources. — A  considerable  list  can  be  made  of  the 
sources  mentioned  by  the  Chronicler  which  he  utilised 
in  making  his  compilation.  They  fall  into  two  cate- 
gories :  (1)  historical  records,  (2)  prophetical  writings. 
The  former  comprise  a  large  work  on  the  history  of 
the  kings  cited  under  several  names  :  "  The  book  of 
the  kings  of  Israel  "  (1  Ch.  9i,  2  Ch.  2O31,  33i8) ; 
"  The  book  of  the  kings  of  Judah  and  Israel  "  (2  Ch.  16 
II,  2526,  2826,  3232);  "The  book  of  the  kings  of 
Israel  and  Judah  "  (2  Ch.  277,  3527,  368),  and  "  The 
chronicles  of  king  David "  (1  Ch.  2724),  which 
was  probably  a  section  of  the  same  large  work.  In 
addition  to  this  there  is  "  The  commentary  (midrash) 
of  the  book  of  the  kings  "  (2  Ch.  2427).  There  were 
thus  two  historical  sourc&s,  the  large  work  and  the 
midrash  on  it.  The  former  was  not  our  Book  of  Kings  ; 
this  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  it  contained  matter 
which  is  not  in  the  canonical  Kings  (see,  e.g.,  2  Ch.  27i-7; 
cf.  2  K.  1531-36,  33i8,  36s)  ;  but  it  was  a  work  of 
later  date  than  the  canonical  Kings,  because  this  latter 
used  separate  sources  for  the  histories  of  the  northern 
and  southern  kingdoms,  whereas  in  the  Chronicler's 
source  the  histories  of  both  kingdoms  are  combined. 
The  reason  why  the  Chronicler  did  not  use  the  canonical 
Kings,  assuming  that  it  was  available  for  him,  was 
that  in  the  source  which  he  utilised,  both  the  ecclesi- 
astical point  of  view  and  the  method  of  handling  the 
material  were  more  in  accordance  with  his  own  taste. 
The  other  historical  source  is  the  "  midrash  of  the  book 
of  the  kings  "  ;  many  scholars  believe  that  this  is 
really  the  same  as  the  source  just  referred  to,  because 
it  is  evident,  judging  from  the  Chronicler's  excerpts, 
that  the  Book  of  the  Kings  was  itself  of  a  midrashic 
character;  on  the  other  hand,  the  fact  that  the 
Chronicler  uses  a  distinct  title  in  reference  to  it  suggests 
that  it  was  a  different  work.  It  is  true  that  the  Book 
of  the  Kings  utilised  by  the  Chronicler  was  of  a 
midrashic  character,  but  between  this  and  a  book 
which  has  the  specific  title  of  "  Midrash,"  and  whicii 
Is  therefore  a  Midrash  and  nothing  else,  there  is  a  great 
difference.  The  balance  of  probability  jx)ints  to  the 
two  sources  being  different. 

Of  the  other  sources,  prophetical  writings,  the  names 


are :  "  The  history  (lit.  '  words '  and  so  below)  of 
Samuel  the  seer,  the  history  of  Nathan  the  prophet, 
and  the  history  of  Gad  the  seer  "  (1  Ch.  2929)  ;  "  The 
history  of  Shemaiah  the  prophet,  and  of  Iddo  the  seer  " 
(2  Ch.  12i5)  ;  "  The  history  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Hanani, 
which  is  inserted  in  the  book  of  the  kmgs  of  Israel " 
(2  Ch.  2O34) ;  "  The  acts  of  Uzziah,"  written  by 
Isaiah  the  prophet  (2  Ch.  2622) :  "  The  history  of  the 
seers  "  (2  Ch.  33 19).  While  all  these  were,  no  doubt, 
originally  independent  works,  they  were  most  probably 
all  incorporated  into  the  large  Book  of  the  Kings, 
mentioned  above,  by  the  time  of  the  Chronicler  ;  this 
is  specifically  stated  to  have  been  so  in  the  case  of  one 
(2  Ch.  2O34).  In  addition  we  have  "  The  midrash  of 
the  prophet  Iddo  "  (2  Ch.  1322),  which  seems  to  have 
been  an  independent  work,  and  "  The  vision  of  Isaiah 
the  prophet  "  in  the  books  of  the  kings  of  Judah  and 
Israel  (2  Ch.  3232).  The  Chronicler  does  not,  there- 
fore, appear  to  have  had  any  sources  more  authoritar- 
tive  than  the  canonical  books  known  to  us. 

Literature. — Commentaries:  (a)  Elmslie  (CB),  Ball 
in  EllicoU's  Commentary,  Bennett  (Ex.B),  Harvey- 
Jellie  (Cent.B).  (6)  Curtjss  (ICC),  (c)  OettJi,  Bertheau 
(KEH),  Kittel  (SBOT)  (HK),  Benzinger  (KHS). 
Other  Literature:  Introductions  to  OT.,  Robertson 
Smith,  0TJ0,2  pp.  140-148;  articles  in  the  Bible 
Dictionaries. 

THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  CHRONICLES 

PART  I  (1  Ch.  1-9).  Genealogical  Lists,  together 
with  Geographical  and  Historical  Notes.— These  chapters 
form  a  general  introduction  to  the  whole  work.  They 
contain  the  following  genealogies,  often  in  an  incom- 
plete form  :  Adam  to  Israel  (1-22) — with  the  exception 
of  Cain's  descendants  (Gen.  4x6-22) — the  whole  material 
is  taken  from  Gen.  1-36 ;  Judah  (23-55)  ;  David 
(3i-24) ;  Judah  again,  and  made  up  of  fragments 
(4i-23) ;  Simeon  (424-43) ;  Reuben,  Gad,  and  half 
the  triije  (the  eastern)  of  Manasseh  (5i-26) ;  Levi  and 
the  Levitical  cities  (61-81)  ;  Issachar  (7i-5) ;  Ben- 
jamin (76-12) ;  Naphtali  (7x3) ;  half  the  trite  of 
Manasseh  (the  western)  (714-19) ;  Ephraim  (720-29) ; 
Asher  (730-40)  ;  Benjamin  again,  together  with  the 
house  of  Saul  (81-40).  Then  follows  an  enumeration 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  given  in  the  order : 
sons  of  Judah,  Benjamin,  Ephraim,  JIanasseh,  priesta, 
Levites,  doorkeepers  (91-44) ;  35-44  are  repeated 
verbally  from  829-38. 

PART  II  (1  Ch.  10-29).  The  Reign  of  David.— 
X.  1-14.  The  Death  of  Saul  (see  notes  on  1  S.  31 1-13). 
— 10.  the  house  of  their  gods:  altered  purposely  by  the 
Chronicler  instead  of  "  the  house  of  Ashtaroth  "  in 
1  S.  31 10  (LXX  Ashtoreth). — his  head  in  the  house  of 
Dagon  :  1  S.  31 10  "  his  body  to  the  wall  of  Beth-Shan." 
— 12.  burled:  according  to  1  S.  31 12  the  bodies  were 
first  burned  ;  this  detail  was  purposely  omitted  by  the 
Chronicler  as  such  a  practice  was  revolting  to  him, 
being  against  the  Law  (cf.  Dt.  21 23)  excepting  as  a 
punishment  for  grievous  forms  of  sin  (Lev.  2O14.  2I9). — 
13f.  An  addition  by  the  Chronicler  in  order  to  explain 
why  Yahwehs  anointed  camo  by  such  a  terrible  end. — 
inquired  not  of  the  LORD :  1  S.  286  does  not  bear  this 
out. 

XI.  1-47.  David  Made  King  in  Hebron ;  Jerusalem 
Taken ;  David  s  Mighty  Men  (see  notes  on  2  S.  5i-3. 
6-10  238-39). — 42-47.  An  addition  by  the  Chronicler 
from  some  unknown  source. 

XII.  1-40.  Davids  Supporters. — An  enumeration  of 
those  who  rallied  round  David  during  his  outlaw  life 
in  Ziklag  (c/.  1  S.  275f.),  and  a  list  of  those  who  were 


316 


I.  CHRONICLES,  XII.  1-40 


instrumental  in  setting  him  upon  the  throne. — 2.  they 
were  of  Saul's  brethren  of  Benjamin :  c/.  i6ff.,  29 ;  it 
is  clitlicult  to  believe  that  Saul  was  deserted  by  his  own 
kinsfolk  (see  2  S.  225,31)  in  any  great  numbers. 
Benjaminitcs  occupiod  positions  of  importance  in 
post-exilic  times  (sec  Neh.  II7-9),  which  probably  has 
something  to  do  with  the  Chronicler's  assertions. — 
15.  In  the  first  month  .  .  .  :  i.e.  NLsan  {  =  April  (ap- 
proximately).— 18.  the  spirit  came  upon:  lit.  "  clotlicd  " 
(Jg.  Gu*)'  Thine  are  we  .  .  .  thy  God  helpeth 
thee:  a  poetical  fragment,  probably  old,  even  though 
it  does  not  occur  in  2  S.— 2311.  Cf.  11 1-3.— 29.  of 
the  children  of  Benjamin  ...  the  greatest  part  of 
them :  but  see  2  S.  29f. 

XIII.  1-14.  The  Bringing  up  of  the  Ark  from  Kiriath- 
Jearim  to  the  House  of  Obed-Edom  (c/.  2  S.  61-11).— 
The  event  here  mentioned  is  put  in  its  wrong  place  by 
the  Chronicler  (see  2  S.  5 11-2=;)  with  the  object  of 
emphasizing  David's  zeal  for  the  worship  of  Yahweh, 
which  is  represented  as  his  first  care  after  being  made 
king  and  the  taking  of  Jerusalem. — 1-4.  An  introduc- 
tion inserted  by  the  Chronicler  setting  forth  his  own 
point  of  view.— ^.  Shihor :  conceived  of  as  the  southern 
boundary  of  ancient  Israel ;  there  is,  of  course,  no 
mention  of  this  in  the  parallel  account  in  2  S. — the 
entering  hi  of  Hamath:  the  northern  boundary  (cf. 
Nu.  1321,  Jos.  135.  Jg.  33).— 6-14.  See  notes  on  2  S.  6 
i-ii. — 14.  The  KV  rendering  here  is  misleading;  the 
words  should  run.  following  the  Hebrew  text  as  it 
stands :  "  And  the  ark  of  God  abode  among  the 
people  (lit.  '  house  ')  of  Obed-edom  in  its  house  .  .  .  "  ; 
it  Is  possible,  in  view  of  2  S.  61  of.,  that  "  in  its  house  " 
is  a  textual  error  for  "  the  Gittite."  If,  however,  the 
Hebrew  text  as  it  stands  is  correct,  the  difference  be- 
tween this  passage  and  its  parallel  2  S.  611  is  signifi- 
cant, for  in  the  latter  the  Ark  is  stated  to  have  been 
placed  in  the  house  of  Obed-edom,  while  the  Chronicler, 
regarding  the  Ark  as  too  holy  to  abide  in  an  ordinary 
house,  supposes  a  special  one  (presumably  a  tent ; 
cf.  15i),  to  have  been  erected  for  it. 

XIV.  1-17.  David's  Victory  over  the  Philistines.— 
See  notes  on  2  S.  511-25. — 17.  An  addition  by  the 
Chronicler. 

XV.  1-XVI.  43.  The  Bringing  up  of  the  Ark  to  Jeru- 
salem [cf.  2  S.  6i2-2oa). — The  account  given  by  the 
Chronicler  is  much  more  elaborate,  stress  being  laid 
on  the  part  played  by  the  priests  and  Levites  ;  they 
are  not  mentioned  in  2  S. — XV.  2.  Cf.  Nu.  I50,  4i5, 
79,  IO17.  On  tho  previous  occasion  of  the  removal  of 
the  Ark,  the  Law  had  not  been  observed  (137  ;  '"/•  15i3). 
— 12.  sanctify  yourselves:  this  was  done  by  washing  of 
garments  (Ex. I910-14),  by  sexual  abstinence  (Ex.l9i5), 
and  by  bodily  cleansing  (Gen.  352). — 13.  made  a  breach 
upon  us:  cf.  13ii  ;  for  the  underlying  idea,  see  14ii. 
—17.  Neman  .  .  .  Asaph  .  .  .  Ethan:  cf.  631-48; 
those  three  names  became  the  designations  of  guilds 
of  Temple-singers  and  musicians.  Asaph  Ls  usually 
mentioned  first,  and  his  office  was  probably  the  most 
important.  The  office  which,  as  far  as  we  know,  ho 
was  the  first  to  fill  continued  as  long  as  the  Temple 
stood,  for  the  Temple  official  of  later  days,  whose 
special  duty  it  was  to  superintend  the  psalmody,  may 
he  regarded  as  essentially  the  successor  of  Asaph  ; 
under  him  was  a  largo  number  of  musicians,  including 
singers  and  instrumentalists  who  accompanied  with 
singing  of  psalms  and  playmg  of  stringed  instruments 
the  daily  burnt  offering  (Mishna,  Yoma.  iii.  1 1  ; 
Tamid,  vii.  3).  For  Ethan  the  more  usual  name  is 
Jcduthun.— 18.  their  brethren  of  the  second  degree: 
it  is  impossible  to  say  with  certainty  what  were  the 
specific  duties  of  these,  but  as  those  of  the  first  degree — 


Asaph,  Homan,  and  Ethan — were  primarily  singera 
(though  they  also  played  on  the  cymbals),  possibly 
those  of  the  second  degree  were  those  who  restricted 
themselves  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  singing  on 
stringed  instruments,  etc.  —  20.  psalteries  set  tO 
Alamoth:  by  "  psalteries"  are  meant  harps  (iiebcl) ; 
the  expression  "  set  to  Alamoth,"  or  "  upon  Alamoth," 
is  difficult ;  it  means  lit.  "  after  the  manner  of 
maidens."  and  may  thus  refer  to  high  pitch  ;  in  the 
case  before  us  the  meaning  would  thus  bo  that  the 
harps  which  accompanied  the  singing  were  to  be 
played  on  a  high  pitch  {cf.  Ps  466  Title,  4814*).  On 
the  question  of  singing-women  in  the  Temple,  see  the 
note  on  Ezr.  265  >  here  reference  may  bo  made  to 
Am.  83*,  where,  according  to  the  probably  correct 
emendation  of  the  Hebrew  text,  it  is  said,  "  then  will 
the  women-singers  in  the  Temple  howl." — 21.  with 
harps  set  to  Sheminith:  the  harp  here  mentioned 
(kinnor)  was  probably  of  smaller  size  than  those 
spoken  of  in  the  preceding  ver.se.  Jerome  says  ( Comm. 
in  Ps.  3O2)  that  the  kinnor  had  six  strings  while  the 
nebel  had  ten.  ''  Set  to  Sheminith  "  (lit.  "  upon  the 
eighth  ")  refers,  according  to  the  Midrash  Tehillim  on 
Pss.  6,  12,  to  an  eight-stringed  instrument  played  an 
octave  lower  than  the  voices. — to  lead :  i.e.  the  kinnor- 
players  led  off,  and  were  presently  joined  by  the  voices 
with  the  fuller  accompaniment  of  the  wefce^-players. — 
22.  was  over  the  song :  cf.  27  ;  read  "  in  the  carry- 
ing," i.e.  of  the  Ark.  Reference  to  song  is  not  found 
in  the  Hebrew,  and  would  be  out  of  place  here  since 
the  singing  has  been  dealt  with  in  the  preceding  versos, 
and  was  under  the  direction  of  Asaph,  etc.,  not 
Chcnaniah.  Further,  that  it  is  the  Ark  which  is  here 
referred  to  is  shown  by  the  context,  23f. — 24.  trumpets : 
the  clmzdzerah  was  a  long,  straight  metal  tube  opening 
out  at  tho  end  ;  quite  different  from  the  ancient  shufar, 
'■  ram's  horn,"  also  called  keren. — 25-XVI.  3.  See  notes 
on  2  S.6  12-19. — XVI.  4-6.  This  appomtment  of  Lovitea 
to  serve  before  the  Ark  refers  to  the  permanent  arrange- 
ments as  distinct  from  tho  temporary  appointment  of 
Levites  to  bring  up  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem  (15i7ff.). — 
7-36.  This  psalm  of  thanksgiving  and  praise  is,  with 
only  slight  variations,  a  compilation  from  the  Psalter, 
viz.  8-22  =  Ps.  1051-15;  23-33  =  P8.  116;  34-36  =  P3. 
106i,47f.  (see  the  notes  on  these  Pss.). — 37-43.  A 
contmuation  of  4-6  dealmg  further  with  the  duties 
of  the  priests  and  Levites. 

XVn.  1-27.  David  s  Purpose  to  Build  a  Temple  Is 
Hindered  by  Nathan ;  God's  Promise  to  him ;  his 
Prayer  (see  notes  on  2  S.  7). — 1.  in  his  house:  the 
words  in  2  S.  7i,  "  and  the  Lord  had  given  him  rest 
from  all  his  enemies  round  about,"  are  omitted  hero 
as  the  Chronicler,  looking  back  upon  tho  history  of 
those  times,  saw  that  this  "  rest "  had  been  of  but 
short  duration. 

XVin.  1-17.  David's  Wars  (see  notes  on  2  S.  8).— 
Gath  and  her  towns :  lit.  "  and  her  daughters  "  ;  in 
2  S.  81  the  words  "  tho  bridle  of  the  mother  city  "  are 
probably  corrupt. — 17.  the  sons  of  David  were  chief 
about  the  king:  the  words  in  2  S.  818,  "  and  David's 
sons  were  priests,"  were  altered  by  the  Chronicler,  who 
hold  that  only  the  descendants  of  Aaron  could  bo 
priests. 

XIX.  1-19.  The  Ammonite  War  (see  notes  on  2  S.  10). 

XX.  1-3.  The  Ammonites  Subdued  (see  notes  on 
2S.  Ill,  123of.). 

XX.  4-8.  Incidents  during  the  Philistine  War  (see 
notes  on  2  S.  21 18-22). 

XXI.  l-XXII.  1.— The  Numbering  of  the  Hosts  ;  the 
Punishment  (see  notes  on  2  8.  24i-25). — There  are 
many  variations  from  the  corresponding  passage  in 


I.  CHEONICLES,  XXVI.  23-25 


317 


2  S.,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  the  Chronicler  used 
any  other  source  or  not. — 1.  And  Satan  stood  up :  in 
2  S.  24 1  the  temptation  comes  from  Yahweh  ;  the 
Chronicler  altered  this  as  unfitting  in  view  of  the 
developed  doctrine  of  God  which  had  supervened.  In 
the  eailier  literature  the  term  "  Satan  "  incans  "  adver- 
sary "'  (Nu.  2222,32)  ;  its  use  here  as  a  proper  name  is 
a  development  due  to  the  influence  of  Persian  demon- 
ology  on  Jewish  belief;  cj.  Job  l6*,  22,  Zech.  3if. — 
6.  Probably  added  because,  according  to  Nu.  I49,  the 
Levitcs  might  not  be  numbered  for  military  purposes  ; 
he  mentions  Benjamin  as  not  being  counted  because 
of  Jerusalem,  the  Holy  City,  Iving  on  his  borders. — 
9.  God:  cf.  2929,  2  Ch.  2925.— 15.  the  threshing-floor 
of  Oman :  this  was  on  the  top  of  Mount  Zion  where 
the  Temple  was  built  {cf.  22i).  In  2  S.  24i6  and  else- 
where Oman  occurs  in  the  form  Araunah. — 16.  Not  in 
2  S.  24. — between  the  heaven  and  the  earth:  the 
Hebrew  way  of  expressing  "  in  mid-air."  The  de- 
scription of  the  angel  is  a  development  due  to  the 
influence  of  Persian  angelology  ;  the  earlier  Hebrew 
conception  pictured  angels  as  men. — 18.  The  reference 
to  the  angel  here  and  in  20  is  added  by  the  Chronicler 
for  the  purpose  of  enhancing  the  supernaturalness  of 
the  episode  ;  in  2  S.  24i8ff.  there  is  no  mention  of 
the  angel. — 23.  wheat  for  the  meal- offering :  a  char- 
acterist  c  addition  by  the  Chronicler  [cf.  Lev.  2iff.). — 
25.  six  hundred  shekels  of  gold:  this,  too.  is  charac- 
teristic of  the  Chronicler,  who  desires  to  emphasize  the 
value  of  everything  connected  with  the  Temple,  even 
down  to  its  very  site.  In  2  S.  2424  the  price  is  fifty 
shekels  of  silver,  including  the  oxen. — 26.  from  heaven 
by  fire :  another  addition  by  the  Chronicler  (c/.  Lev.  9 
24). — 28-XXII.  1.  29f.  forms  a  parenthesis  ;  28  and 
22i  describe  the  definite  choice  of  Oman's  threshing- 
floor  as  the  site  of  the  Temple. — 29.  the  high  place  at 
Gibeon:  cf.  1639. 

XXII.  2-XXIX.  30.  The  whole  of  this  section  is  the 
work  of  the  Chronicler,  though  it  is  probable  that  he 
utilised  some  earlier  sources  in  compiling  it ;  a  good 
deal  of  OT  material  is  woven  into  it,  but  it  has  no 
parallel  in  earlier  books,  as  in  the  case  of  the  chapters  so 
far  considered. 

XXII.  2-19.  David's  Preparation  for  the  Building  of 
the  Temple. — This  is  an  imaginative  elaboration  of 
2  S.  71-3,13. — 3.  couplings:  the  word  is  used  only 
here  (in  reference  to  an  iron  object)  and  in  2  Ch.  34ii 
(in  reference  to  a  wooden  object).  It  refers  probably 
to  hinges.  A  word  from  the  same  root  occurs  in 
Ex.  36i7  of  the  "  place  of  joining  "  of  curtains,  and  in 
Ex.  2817  of  the  "  place  of  joining  "  of  the  shoulder- 
pieces  of  the  ephod. — 7.  Taken  from  1  K.  817. — 
8.  because  thou  hast  shed  much  blood :  cf.  283  ;  the 
Chronicler  s  inference  from  1  K.  .53. — 9.  Solomon,  and 

1  will  give  peace  :  a  word-play  ;  in  Hebrew  "  Solomon  " 
—  Shfdumoh,  and  "  pca.ce  "  =  SMddm  ;  but  the  two 
words  are  not  radically  connected  — 10.  Taken  from 

2  S.  7i3,i4a  =  l  Ch.  17i2,i3nf.--12f.  This  stress  laid 
on  the  observance  of  the  Law  is  characteristic  of  the 
Chronicler. — 14.  in  my  affliction :  better  "  in  my 
poverty  "  ;  the  Chronicler  desires  to  teach  that,  how- 
ever great  the  amount  devoted  to  the  building  of  the 
Temple,  any  contribution  to  such  an  object  can  at 
best  be  but  a  poor  one  ;  hence  also  the  enormous 
exaggeration  in  stating  the  amount  so  bestowed. — • 
16.  there  Is  no  number:  the  reference  is  not  to 
the  gold  and  silver,  etc.,  which  were  weighed  {cf. 
"  without  weight "  in  14),  but  to  the  number  of 
the  workmen  mentioned  in  15.  The  Chronicler,  with 
characteristic  exaggeration,  speaks  of  tlie  metal  as 
being    without    weight    and    tho    workmen    without 


number ;  the  quantity  in  each  case  defied  enumera- 
tion. 

XXIII.  1-XXIV.  31.  The  Levites  and  the  Priests.— 
The  Chronicler  implies  that  tho  organisation  of  the 
Levites  and  priests  and  the  settling  of  their  duties — as 
existing  in  his  day — was  all  the  work  of  David. — 5. 
princes  of  the  sanctuary:  a  title  corresponding  to  an 
official  in  Babylonian  sanctuaries  of  earlier  days,  and 
probably  borrowed  and  adapted  by  the  returned  exiles  ; 
it  is  not  identical  with  the  '"  princes  of  God." — 6-23.  An 
enumeration  of  the  sons  of  Levi,  and  the  sacred  duties 
of  the  various  Levitical  families. — 24.  from  twenty 
years  old  and  upward:  see  note  on  Ezr.  38.-28-32. 
The  duties  of  the  Levites  in  the  sanctuary. — 30.  and 
to  stand  every  morning  .  .  .  and  likewise  at  even :  it 
is  permissible  to  gather  from  this  mention  of  the  two- 
fold daily  services  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  that  set 
forms  of  prayer  were  already  in  existence  at  this  time, 
and  one  naturally  thinks  of  the  earliest  prayer  in  the 
Jewish  Liturgy  still  in  daily  use,  the  Shemoneh  '  Esreh 
("  Eighteen  Benedictions "),  the  constant  part  of 
which  (viz.  the  first  three  and  last  three  benedictions) 
consist  of  praise  and  thanksgiving,  while  the  inter- 
mediate benedictions  are  variable,  and  consist  of 
petitions. — 31.  the  set  feasts:  viz.  Passover  and  the 
feast  of  unleavened  bread  {MazzOth)  (Nu.  2816-25), 
Pentecost  (Nu.  2S26-31),  and  Tabernacles  (Nu.  29i2- 
38) ;  cf  also  Dt.  I61-17,  pp.  101-104.— XXIV.  1-19.  The 
courses  of  the  priests  (the  sons  of  Aaron),  twenty-four  in 
number,  took  their  turns  in  the  service  of  the  Temple, 
and  each  course  cast  lots  for  the  particular  place  of 
service  of  each  priest  {cf.  Lk.  Isf.). — 20-31.  Another 
List  of  Levites  ;  this  is  probably  from  a  later  hand  ; 
the  names  coincide  to  a  large  extent  with  those  already 
given  in  237-23,  though  some  new  ones  are  added. 

XXV.  1-31.  The  Temple  Singers  and  Musicians.— 
The  musicians,  according  to  the  Chronicler,  also  con- 
sisted of  twenty-four  courses. — 1.  Asaph  .  .  .  Heman 
.  .  .  Jeduthun:  see  note  on  15i7. — who  should 
prophesy  with  harps  .  .  . :  accordmg  to  the  Chronicler 
the  Temple  musician  ranked  with  the  prophet ;  but  he 
had  authority  for  doing  so,  smce  it  is  evident  from 
I  S.  lOsf.  that  the  plajang  of  musical  instnimenta 
was  associated  with  the  prophetic  office.  In  2  Ch.  2O14 
it  is  said  that  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  came  upon  Jahaziel, 
one  of  the  sons  of  Asaph. — 4.  Hananiah  .  .  .  Maha- 
zioth:  although  these  appear  now  as  proper  names 
they  were  possibly  not  so  originally  ;  the  words,  with 
a  few  slight  emendations,  form  the  fragment  of  a 
prayer,  viz.  :  "  Be  gracious  unto  me.  Yah,  be  gracious 
unto  me  ;  my  God  art  Thou,  Thee  do  I  magnify  and 
exalt ;  my  helper  when  I  am  in  trouble,  I  say,  give 
me  fulness  of  visions."  At  the  same  time  it  is  well  to 
remember  that  all  these  words  occur  as  proper  names 
elsewhere  in  this  chapter  (23-31). 

XXVI.  1-32.  Further  Levitical  Temple  Officials.- 
These  include  the  gatokeeixjrs  (1-19),  those  who  were 
over  the  treasuries  (20-28).  and  the  officers  and  judges 
who  were  "  for  the  outward  business  over  Israel  " 
(29-32). — 12fr.  In  what  the  Chronicler  says  about  the 
Temple  he  is  guided  by  the  Temple  with  which  he 
was  familiar,  viz.  the  post-exilic  one  built  by  Zerub- 
babel.  — 18.  Parbar:  see  RVni ;  perhaps  from  a 
Persian  word -moaning  that  which  is  light;  i.e.  an 
open  structure  on  tho  western  side  of  the  Temple. 
This  is,  however,  uncertain.  WTiethor  the  word  has 
anything  to  do  with  parvarim  (translated  "  precincts  " 
in  RV)  in  2  K.  23ii,  is  doubtful.- 20.  Although  two 
kinds  of  treasuries  are  mentioned,  those  of  the  house 
of  God  and  those  of  the  dedicated  things,  the  latter 
were  but  a  part  of  the  former.— 23-25.  The  names  are 


318 


I.  CHRONICLES,  XXVI.  23-25 


obviously  those  of  families,  not  of  individuals,  for  a 
grandson  of  Moses  could  not  have  been  living  in  the 
reign  of  David  (24).  nor  could  representatives  of  six 
generations  have  boon  contemporaries  (25). — 29.  the 
outward  business  over  Israel:  by  this  is  probably 
meant  the  business  of  coilocting  taxes  for  both  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  purposes  from  Israelites  living  out- 
side of  Palestine  proiwr. 

XXVII.  1-34.  Organisation  of  David's  Army; 
Enumeration  of  his  Ofllcials  (r/.  llioff.).— 1.  According 
to  tills  \  oi-sc  the  army  comprised  288,000  soldiers  ;  this 
is  an  exaggeration. — 32.  David's  undo :  better  "  kias- 
man  "  ;  tiie  Hebrew  word  dOd  is  used  in  this  general 
sense.— 33.  Cf.  2  S.  1012,37.— the  king's  friend:  a 
title  of  honour  probably  adapted  from  the  Egyptian 
court ;   it  occurs  several  times  in  1  Mac,  e.g.  2i8.  33?^. 

XXVIII.  1-21.  Davids  Address  to  the  Great  Ones  ct 
the  Land :  he  Gives  Solomon  the  Plans  of  the  Temple.— 
In  this  chapter  the  thread  of  the  narrative  is  taken 
up  from  whore  it  was  left  at  the  end  of  ch.  22. — 
2.  my  brethren  and  my  people:  seeDt.  1715,  where  it 
is  said  that  "  one  from  among  thy  brethren  shalt  thou 
set  king  over  thee.'  As  so  often  elsewhere,  the  ideas 
of  the  Chronicler  are  dominated  by  the  Law  ;  an 
oriental  king  does  not  place  himself  on  a  level  with  his 
subjects  in  this  way.  2  S.  19i2f.  does  not  contradict 
this,  for  there  David  is  si)eaking  in  reference  to  the 
elders  of  the  land,  some  of  whom  were  his  kinsmen  ;  it 
was.  moreover,  a  time  of  grievous  stress  for  the  king, 
so  that  there  was  a  special  reason  for  calling  them  his 
brethren. — the  footstool  of  our  God :  either  in  reference 
to  the  Ark  (Pss.  995,  1.327)  or  to  the  sanctuary  itself 
(Lam.  2i,  Is.  OO16).  The  "  footstool  "  spoken  of  in 
2  Ch.  9i8  is  a  different  word  in  Hebrew.— 5.  he  hath 
Chosen  Solomon  my  son  ... :  The  Chronicler  repre- 
sents Solomon  as  having  been  Divinely  chosen  as  king. 
The  history  is  different.  Solomon  usurped  the  throne, 
thanks  to  the  machinations  of  Bathsheba  aided  by 
Nathan  and  Benaiah  ;  the  rightful  heir.  Adonijah,  was 
thus  ousted  (see  1  K.  1-2 36). — It.  Note  the  stress  laid 
upon  keeping  the  commandments,  i.e.  the  Law. — 
11-19.  The  Chronicler  credits  David  with  having 
thought  out  all  the  details  of  the  building  of  the  Temple 
and  of  its  furniture  ;  this  is  unhistorical.  With  the 
whole  passage  cf.  Ex.  25.-12.  by  the  spirit:  better 
"in  his  mind";  ritnch  (lit.  "spirit")  has  here  the 
meaning  which  the  heart  (leb)  ordinarily  has  in  the 
OT.  viz.  the  seat  of  the  understanding  (cf.  Ex.  35io). 
This  use  of  ruach  is  late. — 19.  All  this  .  .  .  from  the 
hand  of  the  Lord  :  it  is  probable  that  the  LXX  reflects 
a  better  reading  here  :  according  to  it  David  gives 
■'  all  this  "  in  -wTiting  to  Solomon  by  the  hand  of  the 
Lord.  i.e.  by  God's  guidance. — 20.  David's  address  to 
Solomon,  broken  by  11-19.  is  taken  up  again  here. 

XXK.  1-30.  Response  to  David's  Appeal  for  Offer- 
ings: his  Thanksgiving  and  Death.— 1-9.  Cf.  Ex.  35 
4-9,20-29. — 1.  the  palace:  the  Hebrew  word  occurs 
only  in  the  later  OT  books,  and  is  mostly  used  in 
reference  to  a  Persian  palace  :  in  Neh.  2>i.  Dan.  82  it  is 
used  of  the  Temple  as  here.— 5.  to  consecrate  himself  : 
lit.  "  to  fill  his  hand,"  a  technical  terra  for  instituting 
into  the  priesthood  {rf.  Ex.  2841.  3229,  I^ev.  833*), 
which  is  u.sed  here  in  a  wider  sense.  On  the  analogy 
of  the  parallel  oxpres.sion  in  A.ssyrian  the  "  filling  " 
referred  to  the  office  with  which  the  candidate  was 
endowed.  From  Jg.  I75.12,  where  the  term  first 
occurs,  it  is  evident  that  the  hand  was  not  filled  with 
anything  in  a  literal  .'-cnse,  whatever  may  have  Ijcen 
tho  case  in  later  daj-s.  when  the  meaning  of  the  terra 
had  been  forgotten. — 10-19.  Much  of  this  prayer  and 
thanksgiving  waa  probably  based  upon  acme  form  of 


prayer  in  the  TemjJe  Liturgy.  The  form  as  well  as 
much  of  the  substance'  is  still  reflected  in  some  of  the 
more  ancient  elements  of  the  Jewish  Liturgy. — 22b. 
contrast  with  this  tho  history  given  in  I  K.  1  ;  the 
deliberateness  of  the  Chronicler's  omissions  is  empha^ 
sized  by  his  knowledge  of  tho  details,  there  given, 
betrayed  in  24,  "  and  all  the  sons  likewise  of  king 
David  submitted  themselves  unto  Solomon  the  kmg." — 
25.  as  had  not  been  ...  In  Israel:  this  is  probably 
no  more  than  a  conventional  phrase,  since  the  Chronicler 
is  not  likely  to  have  recognised  any  kings  other  than 
Saul  and  David  before  this  time,  such  as  Abimelech 
Jg.  9)  or  Ish-bosheth  (2  S.  2af.)— 26-30.  The  end  of 
Davids  reign.— 27.  See  1  K.  2u  and  cf.  2  S.  54f. — 
29.  the  history  of  Samuel  .  .  .  Gad  the  seer:  the 
histories  (lit.  "  words  "  or  "  acts  ")  of  these  three  are 
spoken  of  as  distinct  sources  ;  that  they  were  so  ia 
possible  ;  but  they  may.  on  the  other  hand,  be  merely 
sections  of  the  large  historical  compilations  represented 
by  the  books  of  Samuel  and  Kings,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  history  of  Jehu  (2  Ch.  2O34)  and  of  the  vision  of 
Isaiah  (2  Ch.  3232)  ;  cf.  also  2  Ch.  33i9.— 30.  ai!  the 
kingdoms  of  the  countries:  cf.  2  Ch.  128,  17io,  2O29. 

THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  CHRONICLES 

PART  m  (2  Ch.  1-9).  The  History  of  the  Reign  of 
Solomon. — I.  1-13.  Solomon  at  Glbeon  (see  notes  on 
1  K.  34-15). — 1-5.  There  is  nothing  corresponding  to 
these  verses  in  1  K.  excepting  the  reference  to  Gibeon 
in  1  K.  34. — 3.  for  there  was  the  tent  of  meeting:  the 
earlier  history  makes  no  mention  of  this  ;  it  was  pro- 
bably inserted  by  the  Chronicler  in  order  to  explain 
away  what  would  to  him  have  appeared  unthinkable 
in  a  God-fearing  king,  \iz.  worshipping  at  a  high 
place  (bamah) ;  cf.  Lev.  178f.  The  presence  in  Gibeon 
of  the  brazen  altar,  according  to  the  Chronicler,  would 
also,  in  his  eyes,  have  justified  Solomon  in  worshipping 
there  ;  no  mention  is  made,  however,  in  1  K.  34  of  the 
brazen  altar  being  at  Gibeon. — 7-13.  See  notes  on 
1  K.  35-15,  upon  which  this  passage  is  based  ;  the 
variations  are  unimportant. 

I.  14-17.  Solomons  Wealth  (see  notes  on  1  K.  10 
26-29  and  cf.  1  Ch.  925-28). — The  position  of  this 
section,  as  compared  with  the  sequence  of  the  history 
in  1  K..  suggests  that  the  source  which  the  Chronicler 
had  before  him  was  not  in  all  respects  identical  with 
the  present  fonn  of  1  K. 

II.  1-18.  Preparations  for  the  Building  of  the  Temple 
(see  notes  on  1  K.  55-30). — Though  the  general  narra- 
tive in  the  parallel  pas.sages  is  the  same,  the  Chronicler's 
account  varies  in  detail  sufficiently  from  that  in  1  K. 
to  suggest  the  probability  that  the  Chronicler  used  a 
different  source.— 14.  of  the  daughters  of  Dan:  in 
1  K.  7i4  "  of  the  tribe  of  Naphthali"  ;  a  number  of 
other  variations  of  this  kind  bears  out  what  has  just 
been  said  as  to  the  Chroniclers  source. 

III.  1-V.  1.  The  Building  of  the  Temple  and  its 
Equipment  (see  notes  on  1  K.  G,  713-51). — What  was 
said  in  reference  to  the  preceding  section  applies  also 
to  this  one.  The  Chronicler  omits  all  mention  of 
Solomon's  other  buildings,  his  interest  being  centred  on 
the  Temple  ;  he  has,  on  the  other  hand,  many  additions 
not  found  in  1  K.— III.  1.  mount  Moriah:  cf  Gen. 
222*;  this  name  for  the  Temj^Ie  mount  does  not  occur 
elsewhere  m  the  OT. — 6.  Parvalm:  i^crhaps  the 
Hebrew  name  of  a  gold-mine  in  north-oast  Arabia 
called  d-farwmn. — 10.  Imige  work:  the  meaning  of 
the  Hebrew  word  is  quite  uncertain  ;  the  LXX  "  of 
wood  "  is  a  mere  guess,  ba.sed  probably  on  1  K.  623, 
where  tho  cherubim  are  stated  to  have  been  made 


1 


II.  CHRONICLES,  XIV.  9-15 


319 


olive  wood. — 14.  No  mention  is  made  of  a  veil  in  1  K. — 
lY.  Iff.  It  is  probable  that  the  Chronicler,  in  describing 
the  Temple  furniture,  was  hitluenced  by  what  ho  saw 
in  Zerubbabel's  Temple. — 9.  the  court  of  the  priests . . . : 
the  courts  are  described  by  the  Chronicler  as  he  saw 
them  in  his  day  ;  they  were  dift'erent  in  the  first 
Temple  (see  1  K.  636,  7 12). 

V.  2.-VII.  10.  The  Dedication  of  the  Temple  (see 
notes  on  1  K.  8). — The  chief  points  of  difference  be- 
tween the  Chronicler's  account  and  1  K.  8  are  :  (a)  that 
in  4  the  Levites  are  the  bearers  of  the  Ark  (cf.  1  Ch.  15 
2,26f.)  instead  of  the  priests  as  in  1  K.  83  ;  (6)  that 
in  3  "  and  "  is  omitted  between  "  the  priests  the 
Levites,"  the  two  beuig  thus  identified  ;  the  omission 
may,  however,  be  merely  a  textual  error  ;  (c)  further, 
the  words  "  for  all  the  priests  ...  for  his  mercy 
endureth  for  ever  "  (ii&-i3a)  are  not  found  in  1  K.  ; 
they  are  from  the  Chronicler,  or  possibly  the  addition 
of  a  later  editor.  These  three  variations  illustrate  the 
ecclesiastical  standpoint  of  the  Chronicler  and  the 
school  of  thought  to  which  he  belonged,  (d)  In  64if. 
there  is  a  prayer,  made  up  of  Pss.  I3O2,  132 1,8-10,  in 
place  of  the  conclusion  to  Solomon's  prayer  given  in 
1  K.  853.  (e)  In  7i  the  mention  of  fire  coming  down 
from  heaven  (cf.  1  Ch.  21 26)  is  not  found  m  1  K.  854. 
(/)  A  comparison  between  78f.  and  1  K.  865f.  well 
illustrates  the  way  in  which  the  later  usage  of  the 
Chronicler's  times  was  read  into  that  of  earlier  days. 

VII.  11-22.  A  Second  Divine  Appearance  to  Solomon 
(see  notes  on  1  K.  9 1-9). — With  the  exception  of  13-15 
this  section  is  substantially  identical  with  the  corre- 
sponding passage  in  1  K.  ;  there  are  some  variations, 
but  none  of  importance. 

VIII.  1-18.  Solomon's  Various  Religious  and  Secular 
Undertaliings  (see  notes  on  1  K.  910-28). — A  striking 
difference  occurs  between  2  and  1  K.  9ii  ;  here 
Hiram  gives  Solomon  an  unspecified  number  of  cities, 
whereas  in  the  historical  account  Solomon  gives  Hiram 
twenty  cities.  The  discrepancy  is  not  difficult  to 
account  for ;  in  the  Chronicler's  days  when,  with  the 
lapse  of  time,  the  popular  conception  had  greatly  in- 
creased the  wealth  and  power  of  Solomon,  it  was  not 
thought  credible  that  such  a  monarch  could  really 
have  ceded  Israelite  cities  to  a  heathen  in  lieu  of 
pavment.  This  is  not  to  say  that  the  Chronicler 
deliberately  falsified  history  ;  the  sources  from  which 
ho  compiled  his  record  were  various,  and  upon  these 
the  intiuence  of  tradition  is  not  likely  to  have  been 
without  effect ;  moreover,  the  authority  of  the  Book 
of  Kings  was  not,  in  his  day,  what  it  became  in 
later  da3's,  so  that  he  naturally  felt  himself  at  liberty 
to  correct  this,  or  any  other,  source  where  he  believed 
it  to  be  erroneous.  It  must  be  remembered  that  what 
we  understand  by  "  the  authority  of  Scripture  "  did 
not  arise  until  the  idea  of  a  Canon  had  come  into 
being  after  the  Maccabsean  period,  and  that  prior  to 
this  it  was  only  the  Pentateuch  wliich  was  regarded 
as  of  binding  authority. — 11.  my  wife  .  .  .  hath  come: 
these  words  would  truly  have  been  strange  in  the 
mouth  of  Solomon,  but  the  Chronicler  had,  as  far  as 
he  could,  to  mitigate  the  effects  of  the  extraordinary 
proceeding,  as  it  appeared  to  the  Jews  of  his  day,  of 
an  Israelite  king  marrying  the  daughter  of  a  king  of 
Egypt.— 12-16.  An  expansion  of  1  K.  925.— 14.  the 
courses  of  the  priests  .  .  .:  cf.  I  Ch.  24f.— 17f.  Cf. 
1  K.  926-28. 

DC.  1-31.  The  Visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba ;  Solo- 
mons  Wealth ;  his  Death  (see  notes  on  1  K.  10 1-2 9, 
II41-43). — The  variations  between  the  two  records  are 
unimportant. 

PART  IV  (2  Ch.  10-36).  The  History  of  Judah  from 


Rehoboam  to  the  Edict  of  Cyrus.— X.  1-19.  Rehoboam 

is  Rejected  by  the  Israelites  (see  notes  on  1  K.  121-9). — 
The  variations  between  the  two  records  are  unim- 
portant. 

XI.  1-4.  Sheraaiah  Restrains  Rehoboam  from  At- 
tacking Jeroboam  (see  notes  on  1  K.  1221-24). — The 
variations  between  the  two  records  are  unimportant. 

XI.  5-23.  Rehoboam  Establishes  himself  in  Jeru- 
salem.— There  is  nothing  corresponding  to  this  section 
in  1  K. — 5-12.  Rehoboam's  cities  of  defence.  Although 
these  are  not  enumeratec^  in  1  K.  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  the  Clironicler  got  the  list  of  them  from 
an  authentic  source. — 13-17.  This  account  of  how  the 
priests  and  Levites  joined  Rehoboam  was  probably 
inserted  by  the  Chronicler,  who  would  naturally  assume 
that  Yahweh's  ministers  would  follow  Rehoboam  as 
king  of  Judah. — 18-23.  These  details  of  Rehoboam's 
wives  and  family  probably  come  from  some  reliable 
source  ;    they  are  not  given  in  1  K. 

XII.  1-16.  Shishak  Invades  Judah;  Summary  of 
Rehoboams  Reign  ;  his  Death  (see  notes  on  1  K.  14 
2if., 25-28, 29-31).  —  The  words  in  26  ("  because  they 
had  trespassed  .  .  .")  to  the  end  of  8,  which  do  not 
figure  in  1  K.,  are  regarded  by  many  commentators 
as  a  midrash  (see  note  on  1322)  which  the  Chronicler 
either  wrote  himself  or  incorporated  from  some  source 
to  which  he  had  access. — 3.  Sukkiim :  not  mentioned 
elsewhere  ;  the  LXX  renders  "  troglodytes  "  (cave- 
dwellers),  but  the  Hebrew  word  rather  suggests 
"  dwellers  in  booths." — 15.  the  histories  .  .  .  the  seer: 
see  note  on  1  Ch.  2929. 

XIII.  1-22.  The  Reign  of  Abijah. — Most  of  this  section 
has  nothing  corresponding  to  it  in  1  K.,  though  refer- 
ences to  the  history  of  this  reign  occur  in  1  K.  15i-8. — 
If.  Cf.  1  K.  15if.,  where  the  name  of  Abijah's  mother 
is  given  as  Maacah  ;  so,  too,  2  Ch.  11 20. — 4ff.  The 
representation  of  Abijah  here  (contrast  I  K.  I53)  as 
a  God-fearing  champion  of  the  Levitical  worship  is  a 
good  illustration  of  the  Chronicler's  idealising  tend- 
ency.— 22.  the  commentary  of  the  prophet  Iddo:  the 
Hebrew  word  for  "  commentary  '  here  is  midrash, 
which  in  Rabbinical  literature  means  inquiry  into  tho 
meaning  of  Scripture  and  its  exposition  ;  the  word 
comes  from  a  root  meaning  to  '"  search,"  so  that  a 
midrash  represents  the  results  of  a  search  that  has 
been  made  into  the  traditional  text  of  Scripture,  and 
the  consequent  exposition  is  intended  to  elucidate  the 
te;xt.  In  the  case  of  Iddo's  midrash  it  is,  of  course, 
impossible  to  say  upon  what  text  it  was  based.  The 
Chronicler  makes  it  clear  that  it  was  a  source  entirely 
different  from  the  Book  of  Kings  (see  2O34),  but  as 
its  name  implies,  it  was  a  late  production  (this  is  the 
first  mention  of  a  midrash  in  the  OT),  and  cannot  be 
regarded  as  having  been  of  any  historical  value. 

XIV.  1-XVI.  14.  The  Relgri  of  Asa  (see  notes  on 
1  K.  1.58,11-23). — Most  of  this  section  has  no  parallel 
in  1  K. — XIV.  1-8  describes  Asa's  loyalty  to  Yahweh, 
his  defences,  and  his  armv.  For  the  "  sun-images  " 
in  5  cf.  Lev.  2630,  Ls.  178,  279,  Ezek.  64.6;  the 
Hebrew  word  is  hammanim,  "  sun-pillars  "  [hamma  is 
a  poetical  expression  for  the  sun  in  Is.  2+23,  Job  3O28), 
which  were  used  in  connexion  with  Phoenician  Baal- 
worship  ;  this  worship  had  been  imported  into  Pales- 
tine (see  I  K.  16 3 iff.). — 9-15  tells  of  Asa's  victory  over 
Zerah  the  Cushito.  This  piece  reads  like  a  midrash 
on  some  narrative  of  an  actual  historical  occurrence 
(see  1  K.  152  3,  where  unrecorded  doings  of  Asa  are 
hinted  at).  Whether  the  Chronicler  was  here  using  tho 
source  itself  or  a  vtidrash  on  some  portion  of  the 
source,  or  whether  ho  himself  composed  this  midrashic 
account,  is  an    open    question.     The    Cushitcs    were 


320 


II.  CHRONICLES,  XIV.  9-15 


probably  a  people  living  in  Arabia  (see  21i6). — 15.  tents 
of  cattle) :  an  improbable  expression;  probably,  as  ia 
suggested  by  the  LXX  rondi-ring,  the  text  is  not  in 
order ;  see  tlio  Hebrew  of  Gen.  izo. — XV.  1-19.  The 
words  of  Azariah  tlie  son  of  Oded  (not  mentioned 
elsewhere)  form  a  kind  of  introduction  to  the  account 
of  Asa's  rcliyious  reforms  ;  if  the  words  in  3-6  refer 
to  any  definite  period,  it  must  be  to  that  of  the  Judges, 
for  the  description  of  the  state  of  the  nation  does  not 
agree  with  any  other  period  recorded  in  the  OT.  The 
whole  of  this  section,  however,  reads  like  a  midrashic 
expansion  of  1  K.  loii-i."). — XVI.  1-6.  Taken  from 
1  K  15i6-22  with  unimportant  variations. — XVI.  7-10. 
With  the  words  of  0.  "  from  henceforth  thou  shalt 
have  wars,"  contrast  1  K.  15i6,  "  and  there  was  no 
war  between  As.a  and  Baasha,  king  of  Israel,  all  their 
days." — XVI.  11-14.  With  the  words  "  a  very  great 
burning  "  (14)  cf.  21 19,  Jcr.  345  ;  the  reference  is  to 
sacrifice  for  the  dead. 

XVII.  1-XX.  37.  The  Reign  of  Jehoshaphat.— This 
section  is.  in  the  main,  from  the  hand  of  the  Chronicler, 
whose  spirit  and  aim  are  visible  throughout ;  ho  has 
utilised  all  the  information  concerning  Jehoshaphat  to 
bo  got  from  1  K.  viz.  in  1024,  221-35,41-50  (see  notes). 
— XVII.  1-6  deals  with  Jehoshaphat's  defensive 
measures ;  he  ia  prosperous  because  he  obeys  the 
commandments  of  Yahweh. — 6.  he  took  away  the  high 
places :  but  see  2O33  (  =  1  K.  2243).— 7-9.  It  is  difficult 
to  regard  these  statements  as  historical,  they  betray 
too  clearly  the  tendency  charactei'istic  of  the  Chronicler ; 
moreover,  what  is  stated  is  in  itself  improbable  at  the 
time  the  occurrence  is  said  to  have  taken  place.  As 
an  example  of  a  "  prince  "  as  a  teacher  in  the  Law,  the 
ease  of  Nehemiah  is  the  most  suggestive,  for  he  clearly 
took  a  leading  part,  together  with  Ezra  and  the  Levitcs, 
in  pressing  home  the  need  of  observing  the  Law  (see 
Neh.  89-12). — 10-19.  An  account  of  Jehoshaphat's 
erreat  prosperity,  and  details  concerning  his  army. 
The  fabulous  numbers  here  given  stamp  the  section 
as  unhistorical  so  far  as  its  details  are  concerned  ; 
that  Jehoshaphat's  reign  was  a  prosperous  one  ia 
implied  in  1  K.  2241-50.— XVIIL  1-31.  The  alliance 
between  Jehoshaphat  and  Ahab  against  SjTia  ;  their 
defeat.  See  notes  on  1  K.  22 1-35  ;  the  variations  are 
unimiKjrtant. — XIX.  1-3.  Jehu  the  prophet  reproves 
Jehoshaphat  for  having  allied  himself  with  Ahab. 
These  verses  are  mainly  from  the  Chronicler,  but  see 
1  K.  IGiff.— XIX.  4-11."  This  section,  a  kind  of  midrash 
ontho  name  Jehoshaphat (  ="  Yahwoh  judgoth"),is  also 
from  the  Chronicler  ;  he  imagines  the  judicial  arrange- 
ments of  his  own  day  to  have  been  already  in  existence 
in  much  earlier  times.  The  section  is,  in  a  sense, 
analogous  to  I77-9. — XX.  1-30.  Jehoshaphat's  victory 
over  the  Ammonites  and  Moiibites.  This  story  of  a 
miraculous  battle  is  perhaps  a  midrash  on  the  war 
described  in  1  K.  84!!.,  and  has,  in  so  far,  some  his- 
torical basis  ;  but  the  details  are  purely  imaginary. — 
5.  before  the  new  court :  perhaps  the  same  as  "  the 
great  court  "  in  40  ;  the  Chronicler  has  in  his  mind's 
eye  the  Temple  as  he  knew  it.— 7.  Abraham  thy  friend : 
cf.  Is.  418,  Jas.  223.— 10.  Cf.  Nu.  2O21.— 14.  By 
speaking  of  Jahaziel  as  one  upon  whom  "  the  spirit  of 
the  Lord  "  came,  the  Chronicler  puts  him  in  the  same 
category  as  the  prophets ;  see  note  on  1  Ch.  25 1. — 
18.  the  ascent  of  Ziz  .  .  .  the  wilderness  of  Jeruel: 
both  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Engedi  in  all  proba- 
bility ;  neither  name  occurs  elsewhere  (Gen.  22i4*). — 
31-37.  see  notes  on  1  K.  224 1-4 3, 48f.— 37.  This  account 
is  qviito  different  from  what  is  said  in  1  K.  2248  ;  the 
destruction  of  the  ships  at  Ezion-geber  is  explained  by 
the    Chronicler    as    being    Yahwoh's    punishment    on 


Jehoshaphat  for  having  allied  bimsolf  with  the  king 
of  Israel,  the  reprobate  kingdom  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Chronicler. 

XXI.  1-20.  The  Reign  of  Jehoram  (see  notes  on 
1  K.  22 so,  2  K.  817-22).- A  large  part  of  this  section 
has  nothing  corresiwnding  to  it  in  1  and  2  K. — 1.   Cf. 

1  K.  2250.— 5-7.  Cf.  2  K.  817-22.— 7.  a  lamp  to  him 
and  .  .  . :  the  "  lamp  "  is  an  expression  symbolic  of 
a  man's  life  commemorated  and  thus  continued  in  his 
posterity  ;  cf.  the  "  torch  of  life  "  illustrated  by  the 
J^mpadephoria  of  the  Greeks. — 8-10.  Cf.  2  K.  820-22  ; 
in  9  the  Chronicler  omits  the  words  of  2  K.  8216, 
'■  and  the  people  fled  to  their  tents,"  which  refer  to 
Jehoram's  army. — 11-15.  This  supposed  letter  of 
Elijah  can  scarcely  be  historical  ;  he  was  a  prophet 
of  the  northern  kingdom.  It  is  probably  due  to  the 
Chronicler,  who  wished  to  emphasize  the  fact  that 
Jehoram's  disease  was  the  work  of  Yahweh  (18)  by 
making  the  prophet  of  Y'ahweh  foretell  it ;  cf.  the  case 
of  Ahaziah  (2  K.  I4).— 16f.  the  Arabians  .  .  . :  cf. 
notes  on  149ff. — Jehoahaz:  Ahaziah  (see  22 1). — the 
burning:  see  note  on  I614. — without  being  desired: 
for  the  idea  see  Jer.  22 18. 

XXII.  1-9.  The  Reign  of  Ahaziah.— Taken,  in  part, 
from  2  K.  824-29.  the  notes  on  which  .see. — 2.  forty 
and  two:  this  should  bo  twenty  and  two  (see  I  K.  826). 
— 7-9.  The  contradiction  between  this  account  and  that 
of  2  K.  927ff.  is  sufficiently  striking  to  suggest  that 
the  Chronicler  utilised  an  entirely  different  source  ;  it 
is  not  improbable  that  more  than  one  account  of  the 
occurrence  existed,  and  that  the  Chronicler,  for  some 
reason  of  his  own,  followed  the  one  different  from  that 
in  2  K.  There  would  have  been  no  sufficient  reason 
for  the  Chronicler  to  have  altered  the  account  in  2  K., 
which  is  the  only  alternative  to  that  of  postulating  a 
different  source. 

XXII.  10-12.  The  Reign  ol  Athaliah  (see  notes  on 
2K.  11 1-3). 
XXIII.,  XXIV.  The   Reign   of  Joash  (see  notes  on 

2  K.  11 4- 122 1. — While  the  Chronicler  bases  his  narra- 
tive, in  the  main,  on  the  parallel  passage  in  2  K.,  he 
makes  changes  by  means  of  additions  and  omissions 
which  leave  an  entirely  different  impression  on  the 
mind  of  the  reader ;  this  applies  more  especially  to 
the  passage  2;!i-ii.  According  to  2  K.  it  is  the 
captains  of  hundreds,  the  royal  body-guard  com- 
posed of  foreigners,  who  enter  the  Temple  at  the 
instance  of  Jehoiada  and  proclaim  Joash  king  ;  the 
Chronicler,  on  the  other  hand,  imputes  this  action, 
not  to  the  soldiery  but  to  the  priests  and  Levitcs,  be- 
cause the  Law  allowed  none  but  priests  and  Levites 
to  enter  the  sanctuary.  He  thus  makes  the  entire 
coup  (Velat  due  to  ecclesiastical,  not  military,  action. — • 
XXIII.  1-11.  Joash  is  made  king.  2.  An  addition  by 
the  Chronicler. — 12-15.  Athaliah  is  slain. — 16-21.  Re- 
formation under  Jehoiada's  guidance. — XXIV.  1-14. 
Joash  as  king  ;  his  restoration  of  the  Temple.  There 
are  some  significant  points  of  difference  between  this 
account  and  that  of  2  K.  According  to  the  latter,  the 
house  of  God  having  fallen  into  disrepair,  Joash 
commands  that  certain  duos  and  free-will  offerings  of 
the  people  are  to  be  utilised  by  the  priests  for  under- 
taking the  repairs  ;  the  priests,  however,  while  taking 
the  money,  do  nothing  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple. 
As  the  result  of  a  protest  against  this  on  the  part  of 
the  king,  the  priests  promise  not  to  receive  any  mora 
money  from  the  people  ;  but  they  refuse  to  repair  the 
Temple.  Thereupon  Jehoiada,  presumably  at  the 
command  of  the  king,  places  a  chest  lieside  the  nltai 
into  which  the  worshipjKjrs  cast  their  gifts.  When 
sufficient  money  has  been  received,  the  repair  of  tlia 


II.  CHRONICLES.  XXXIII.  1-20 


321 


Temple  is  proceeded  with.  In  the  hands  of  the 
Chronicler  this  account  becomes  considerably  modified. 
He  could  not  understand  the  Temple  being  permitted 
to  fall  into  disrepair,  so  he  explains  that  the  sons  of 
Athaliah  "  had  broken  up  the  house  of  God  "  (7). 
Again,  to  him  the  idea  of  the  king  deciding  in  regard 
to  gifts  for  the  Temple  on  his  own  initiative  was  un- 
fitting, so  he  represents  Joash's  decision  to  have  a 
chest  placed  by  the  altar  for  receiving  these  gifts  as  a 
compliance  with  the  Mosaic  command  in  Ex.  30i2-i6, 
which  the  people  joyfully  fall  in  with  (6,  8-10).  Onco 
more,  that  the  priests  should  appropriate  to  their 
own  use  the  gifts  of  the  people  for  the  repair  of  the 
Temple  is  unthinkable  to  the  Chronicler,  so  he  leaves 
this  part  out.  An  addition  by  the  Chronicler  is  that 
the  money  collected  was  suificient  not  only  for  tho 
repair  of  the  Temple  but  also  for  acquiring  holy  vessels 
(14). — 15-22.  The  death  of  Jehoiada  ;  Joash  forsakes 
Yahweh-woi-ship.  There  is  no  parallel  to  this  in  2  K.  ; 
indeed  Joash's  apostasy  is  very  improbable  in  view 
of  2  K.  127,  where  his  zeal  for  Yahweh's  house  is  an 
example  to  the  priesthood.  The  Chronicler's  version 
may,  perhaps,  be  accounted  for  by  his  desire  to  give 
a  reason  for  the  disasters  that  befell  Joash  as  recounted 
in  the  section  that  follows. — 23-27.  Joash  defeated  by 
the  Syrians  ;  his  death.  According  to  2  K.  I2i7f.  the 
worst  effects  of  the  SjTian  invasion  are  avoided  because 
Joash  gives  to  the  king  of  Syria  the  treasures  of  tho 
house  of  Yahweh.  The  Chronicler  makes  no  mention 
of  this.— 25f.  C/.  2  K.  122of.  In  saying  that  Joash 
was  not  buried  in  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings  the 
Chronicler  contradicts  the  statement  in  2  K.  122i. — 
27.  the  greatness  of  the  burdens  laid  upon  him  :  in 
reference  to  what  he  had  to  give  the  king  of  Syria  ; 
see  2  K.  12 18.— the  commentary  of  the  book  of  the 
kings:   see  note  on  I322. 

XXV.  1-28.  The  Reign  of  Amaziah.— This  section 
is  taken  from  2  K.  14i-2  2  with  some  considerable 
additions  and  modifications  characteristic  of  the 
Chronicler. — 1-4.  See  notes  on  2  K.  14 1-6 ;  the 
Chronicler  omits  all  reference  to  worship  on  the  high 
places. — 5-10.  A  midrashic  expansion  of  2  K.  147, 
forming  a  background  to  the  verses  which  follow. — 
7.  a  man  of  God:  i.e.  a  prophet  (c/.  1  S.  227,  etc.).— 
11-13.  the  VaUey  of  Salt:  cf.  2  K.  I47,  1  Ch.  I812.— 
12.  and  cast  them  down  from  .  .  .:  cf.  Ps.  1416. — 
14-16.  This  account  of  Amaziah's  idolatry  has  no 
parallel  in  2  K.  ;  it  is  perhaps  the  work  of  the 
Chronicler,  who  added  it  in  order  to  give  a  reason  for 
the  defeat  of  the  southern  kingdom  (17-24). — 17-24. 
Amaziah  is  defeated  by  the  northern  kingdom  (seo 
notes  on  2  K.  I48-14). — 20.  An  addition  by  the 
Chronicler;  cf.  i^i.  —  24.  This  is  an  addition  by 
the  Chronicler.  For  Obed-edom,  see  1  Ch.  2(115. — 
25-28.  Tho  remaining  years  of  Amaziah's  reign  ;  his 
death  :  sec  notes  on  2  K.  I417-20. — 27.  The  conspiracy 
here  referred  to  may  well  have  taken  place  owing  to 
tho  discontent  which  Amaziah's  disastrous  policy  must 
have  occasioned  ;  it  is  mentioned  in  2  K.  14i9f.  Tho 
reference  to  Amaziah's  falling  away  from  Yahweh  is 
again  due  to  the  Chronicler. 

XXVI.  1-23.  The  Reign  of  Uzziah  (see  notes  on 
2  K.  1421-15;). — The  Chronicler  amplifies  considerably 
the  account  of  this  reign  in  2  K.  which  is  very  meagre  : 
iiis  additions  are  in  all  probability  ba.sed,  in  the  main, 
upon  some  historical  source,  since  fuller  records  of  this 
reign,  which  was  one  of  the  longest  in  the  history  of 
Judah,  must  have  been  in  existence. — 1.  Uzziah: 
called  Azariah  in  2  K.  142 1,  15i,  etc,  which  is  probably 
R  mistake;  in  2  K.  1513,30,32.34,  and  especially  in 
the  titles  of  tho  books  of  Am.,  Hos.,  Is.,  he  is  called 


Uzziah  as  hero. — 5.  And  he  set  himself  to  seek  God  .  .  , : 

but  contrast  with  this  2  K.  I54  ;  the  reference  to  the 
worship  on  the  high  places  is  omitted  bj'  the  Chronicler. 
— God  made  liim  to  prosper :  tho  prosperity  of  Uzziah's 
reign  is  referred  to  in  Is.  27ff.  ;  it  is  also  brought  out 
by  the  Chronicler  in  6-15,  which  are  not  taken  from 
2  K. — 6.  Jabneh:  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the 
OT  ;  called  later  Jamnia,  the  most  important  centre  of 
Jewry  for  some  time  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  a.d. 
70  (pp.  38f.). — With  the  other  names  of  places  in  these 
verses  cf.  Jer.  31 38,  Neli.  213,  Sis.igff.— 16-21.  The 
reason  of  Uzziah's  leprosy,  according  to  the  Chronicler  ; 
in  2  K.  only  the  fact  of  the  leprosy  is  referred  to. — 
22.  did  Isaiah  .  .  .  write:  cf.  Is.  li,  6i,  though  these 
merely  mention  Uzziaii's  name  ;  it  is  not  likely  that 
the  Chronicler  was  here  referring  to  the  Book  of 
Isaiah  ;  there  may  possibly  have  been  some  pseudepi- 
graphic  work  bearing  Isaiah's  name  which  he  had  in 
mind.— 23.  With  this  contrast  2  K.  I57. 

XXVn.  1-9.  The  Reign  of  Jotham.— See  notes  on 
2  K.  1533-36,  from  which  this  section  is  taken,  with 
the  exception  of  4-6,  which  is  probably  derived  from 
some  other  source. 

XXVm.  1-27.  The  Reign  of  Ahaz.— See  notes  on 
2  K.  16,  but  the  Chronicler's  account  of  this  reign  is 
largely  independent  of  2  K.  ;  he  makes  tho  Sjoro- 
Ephraimite  War  two  separate  campaigns,  Ahaz  being 
in  turn  defeated  by  the  Syrians  and  then  by  the 
northern  Israelites.  This  cannot  be  regarded  as  lus- 
torical  in  face  of  2  K.  16  ;  the  Chronicler  has  probably 
reconstructed  the  history  with  a  view  to  bringing  into 
greater  relief  the  punishment  of  Ahaz  on  account  of 
his  faithlessness  to  Yahweh.  In  a  number  of  other 
ways  this  section  differs  from  the  account  in  2  K.  16. — 
27.  they  brought  him  not  ... :  but  see  2  K.  I620. 

XXK.  1-XXXII.  33.  The  Reign  of  Hezekiah  (see 
notes  on  2  K.  182f.,  13-37,  19,  2O1-21).— The  Chronicler 
in  this  long  section  writes,  from  his  own  point  of  view, 
much  that  is  quite  unhistorical.  The  three  main  sub- 
jects treated  by  him  here  are  Hezekiah"s  reopening  of 
the  Temple,  tho  Passover,  and  the  appouitmeut  of  the 
Temple  officials.  In  321-23  the  invasion  of  Senna- 
cherib is  described  ;  this,  though  corresponding  to  a 
large  extent  with  2  K.  I813-I937,  seems  to  be  an 
independent  account ;  it  is  probable  that  another 
source  (or  sources  ?)  was  utilised  by  the  Chronicler, 
but  he  himself  is  evidently  responsible  for  many  of 
the  variations. 

XXXm.  1-20.  The  Reign  of  Manasseh  (see  notes 
on  2  K.  2I1-18).— i-io  is  based  upon  2  K.  21i-io, 
which  is  fairly  accurately  followed;  but  11-20  is 
almost  wholly  from  the  hand  of  the  Chronicler  ;  it 
deals  with  Manasseh's  captivitj'  and  consequent  re- 
pentance ;  in  answer  to  his  prayer,  Manasseh  is  re- 
stored and  devotes  the  rest  of  his  life  to  the  loyal 
service  of  Yahweh.  As  far  as  Manasseh's  repentance 
and  subsequent  good  works  are  concerned,  it  is  diihcuit 
to  believe  that  it  can  have  been  historical,  both  from 
the  entire  silence  of  2  K.  and  because  of  the  words 
in  Jer.  I54  ("  And  I  will  cause  them  to  bo  tossed  to 
and  fro  among  all  tho  kmgdoms  of  the  earth  because  of 
Manasseh  .  .  .").  Tho  insertion  of  the  account  may 
be  explained  on  the  supposition  that  the  Chronicler 
wished  to  offer  a  satisfactory  reason  for  Manasseh's 
long  reign  :  to  him  it  would  have  appeared  impossible 
that  a  king  who  reigned  for  fifty-five  years  could  have 
been  wholly  bad.  As  regards  the  story  of  Manasseh's 
captivity  and  restoration,  it  can  only  be  said  that 
there  is  nothing  intrinsically  impossible  about  it — 
analogous  cases  could  bo  cited  :  and  although  no 
reference  to  cither  event  is  found  in  2  K.,  it  is  quite 

11 


322 


II.  CHRONICLES,  XXXUI.  1-20 


possible  that  the  Chronicler  utilised  some  other  source 
for  the  purpose  of  incorporating  them  in  hid  com- 
pilation.— 19.  Hozai :  rea^l  with  the  LXX  "  seers  "  ; 
c/.  i8. 

XXXIII.  21-25.  The  Reign  of  Amon  (see  notes  on 
ti  K.  21ii)-24). — 22.  (,'/.  tho  words  of  this  verse  witli 
2  K.  2I21  ;  tho  Chronicler  has  modifiod  tho  words  of 
the  latter,  wh  ch  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  idea 
of  Manassch's  icjjentance. 

XXXIV.  1-XXXV.  27.  The  Reign  of  Joslah.— vSee 
notes  on  2  K.  22,  23i-3o,  which  form  the  bas  s  of  the 
Chronicler's  account ;  but  ho  has  made  many  altera- 
tions in  accordance  with  his  general  tendencies.  One 
important  difference  between  tho  two  accounts  is  that, 
according  to  the  Chronicler,  Josiah'e  Reformation  takes 


place  before  the  finding  of  the  book  of  the  Law,  an 
obviously  illogical  sequence  ;  but  the  Chronicler  desires 
to  emphasize  Josiah's  piety  even  in  his  tender  years. 
Tho  description  of  tho  celebration  of  the  Passover 
(3oi-io)  is  far  fuller  than  that  given  in  2  K.  2321-23. 

XXXVI.  1-4.  The  Reign  of  Jehoahaz  (see  notes  on 
2  K.  233f>-34). 

XXXVI.  5-8.  The  Reign  of  Jehoiakim  (see  notes  on 
2  K.  2336f.). 

XXXVI.  9f.  The  Reign  of  Jehoiachln  (sco  notes 
on  2  K.  245-17). 

XXXVI.  11-21,  The  Reign  of  Zedeklah :  the  De- 
struction of  Jerusalem  (see  notes  on  2  K.  24i8-2o, 
251-7,13-15). 

XXXVI.  22f.  The  Decree  of  Cyrus  (see  Ezr.  1 1-3). 


I 


EZRA-NEHEMIAH 


By  Dr.  W.  O.  E.  OESTERLEY 


Chronology. — As  a  preliminary  step  in  the  study  of  this  book  the  two  following  tables  of  dates  will  be  found 
useful : 


(a)  Dates  of  the   Kings  of  Persia — 

Cyrus     .... 

.     539-529 

Cainbyses 

.     529-522 

Darius  I          .        .         . 

.     621-485 

Xerxes  I 

.     485-464 

Artaxerxes  I  . 

/H       J-l_a..      7       J.     J.- J     .-..        CT KT-l -■     T. 

.     464-424 

(b)  Dates  and  events  mentioned  in  Ezra-Nehemiah — 
Ezr.  li.  1st  year  of  Cyrus  (c/.  613,63)  as  ruler  of  the 

Jews. 
Ezr.  3 1.  7th  month  (Tisri),  presumably  the  same  year 

(cf.  36). 
Ezr.  38.  2nd  month  (lyar),  2nd  year,  presumably  of 

Cyrus. 
Ezr.  45.  Cyrus-Darius 


Ezr.   46.  Xerxes,   presumably   the  beginning  of  his 

reign. 
Ezr.  47.  Artaxerxes,  date  not  mentioned 


Ezr.  48.  Artaxerxes,  date  not  mentioned. 


Ezr.  424.  2nd  year  of  Darius  {cf.  45). 


Ezr.  615.  6th  year  of  Darius,  3rd  of  Adar  (12th 
month). 

Ezr.  619.  1st  month  (Nisan),  14th  day,  presumably 
the  following  year. 

Ezr.  7 if.  7th  j'car  of  Artaxerxes,  5th  month  (Ab). 

Ezr.  IO16.  10th  month  (Tebeth),  presumably  same 
year. 

Ezr.  IO17.  Ist  month  (Nisan),  presumably  the  follow- 
ing year. 

Neh.  li,  2i.  20th  vear  of  Artaxerxes,  in  the  month 
Clii^evVoth  month). 

Neh.  614.  20th-32nd  year  of  Arta.xerxes 


637.  The  return  of  the  Jews  from  Babylon  to  Jeru- 
salem under  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua. 

537.  The  rebuilding  of  the  altar  and  restoration  of 
the  sacrificial  system. 

536.  The  laying  of  the  foundation-stone  of  the 
TemjJe. 

536-520.  Cessation  of  Temple  building  "  all  the  days 
of  Cyrus  .  .  .  evenuntil  the  reign  of  Darius," 
i.e.  his  2nd  year ;  see  below,  424. 

485.  Samaritan  accusation  against  the  Jews  sent  to 
the  king. 

464-424.  A  letter  written  in  Syrian  to  Artaxerxes, 
contents  not  specified. 

464-424.  A  letter  written  to  Artaxerxes  by  different 
authors  from  those  of  the  preceding  letter, 
in  reference  to  the  building  of  the  walls  oJE 
the  city. 

520.  Oe<?sation  of  the  Temple  building,  which  had 
been  begun  in  536  (see  38).  until  the  2nd  year 
of  Darius.  [Note  that  according  to  Hag., 
Zech.  the  2nd  year  of  Darius  was  that  in 
which  the  building  of  the  Temple  was  begun.'] 

516.  Completion  of  the  Temple. 

515.  Celebration  of  the  Passover. 

458.  Arrival  of  Ezra  in  Jerusalem. 

458.  Investigation  in  the  matter  of  mixed  marriages. 


Neh.  615.  Elul  (6th  month)  25th  day.  presumably  the 

year  following  Neheniiahs  arrival. 
Neh.  81.  7th  month  (Tisri),  presumably  the  same  year. 
Neh.  136.  32nd  year  of  Artaxer.xes. 


Title  and  Place  in  Canon.— Although  in  the  EV  the 
book  is  divided  into  two  parts,  each  with  a  di  He  rent  title, 
this  was  not  so  originally  ;  for  in  the  Hebrew  MSS  they 
appear  as  one  book,  and  the  contents  them-sclves  show 
that  they  belong  to  one  book,  since  the  details  of 
Ezra's  work  occur  partly  in  "  Ezr."  (7-10)  and  partly 


457.  Investigation  concluded. 

445.  Nchemiah  arrives  in  Jerusalem. 

445-433.  The  twelve  years  of  Nchemiah 's  adminis- 
tration. 
444.  Completion  of  the  walls  in  fifty-two  days. 

444.  The  reading  of  the  Law  by  E/ra. 
433.  Nehemiah's  return  to  Jerusalem  (his  dej^arture 
is  nowhere  mentioned). 

in  "  Neh."  (770-812).  wliich  are  found  all  together  in 
the  LXX.  But,  further,  it  is  in  the  highest  tlegree 
probable  that  originally  1  and  2  Ch.,  Ezr..  Neh.  formed 
one  large  work  under  the  title  Dibre  ha-j<imim, 
"  Annals."  dealing  with  the  history  of  Israel  from  the 
beginning.     The  fact  that  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  (though 


324 


EZRA-NEHEMIAH 


not  in  the  LXX)  Ch.  follows  Ezr.-Neh.  ia  no  argument 
against  this,  because  Ch.  was  not  admitted  into  the 
Canon  until  aft«r  Ezr.-Neh.  ;  the  former  differed 
largely  from  the  parallel  history  in  the  canonical  his- 
torical books,  while  Ezr.-Neh.  was  the  only  book 
which  gave  the  history  of  the  jieriod  dealt  with  (Hag., 
Zi-ch.  are  primarily  pn>f)hetical,  not  historical  books). 
So  that  originally  "the  facts  wore  probably  as  follows  : 
the  large  Dibre  ha-jamim  was  compiled  from  a  number 
of  sources  ;  it  was  not  part  of  the  Scriptures  ;  in  course 
of  time  the  portion  dealing  with  the  Persian  period 
was  detached  and  added  to  the  Scriptures,  but  not  in 
its  logical  place  after  1  and  2  K.,  because  it  was  not 
sanctihed  by  antiquity  ;  later  still,  when  the  question 
as  to  what  books  "  defiled  the  hands "  (i.e.  were 
"  canonical,"  see  p.  39)  or  not  became  a  burning  one, 
it  was  ultimately  decided  to  admit  Ch.  into  the 
"  Canon."  The  order  of  Ch.  and  Ezr.-Neh.  in  the 
Hebrew  Bible,  therefore,  is  not  chronological,  but  that 
of  their  admission  into  the  Canon. 

Sources. — That  the  book  is  a  compilation  made 
from  several  sources  may  be  regarded  as  certain  ;  but 
to  assign  its  source  to  each  component  part  of  the 
compilation  can  only  Ixj  done  tentatively.  In  a 
number  of  instances  the  source  from  which  a  passage 
is  taken  may  be  indicated  with  practical  certainty  ; 
but  with  regard  to  others  opinions  not  unnaturally 
differ  because  of  the  indefinite  data  in  such  passages 
themselves.  The  following  enumeration  will  probably 
be  regarded  as  correct  in  its  general  outline,  though 
agreement  as  to  all  the  details  is  not  to  be  expected. 
The  sources  utilised  by  the  Chronicler  are  the  following  : 

(a)  The  Memoirs  of  Ezra. — The  Chronicler  made 
use  of  this  source  in  two  ways  :  he  made  verbatim  ex- 
tracts, as  in  Ezr.  "zji.,  81-36,  9i-i5;  and  he  utilised 
this  source  without  making  verbal  extracts,  as  in 
Ezr.  712-26,  and  in  a  number  of  passages  in  which  ho 
has  worked  over  extracts  from  this  source  and  stamped 
them  with  the  impress  of  his  own  point  of  view, 
viz.  Ezr.  I1-4,  268-70,  7i-io,  IO1-44,  Neh.  7736-812, 
13-18,  9-11  (with  the  exception  of  a  few  verses  in 
11).  The  passage  Ezr.  21-67  "(=Neh.  76-730)  is  also 
probably  from  the  memoirs  of  either  Ezra  or  Nehe- 
miah,  though  originally  from  some  other  ofi&cial 
source. 

(6)  The  Memoirs  0/  Nehemiah. — Here  again  the 
Chronicler  has  utilised  his  source  in  two  ways  :  first, 
by  making  direct  extracts  from  it  (Neh.  li-75,  I34-31) 
and  also  by  working  over  material  from  it  in  accord- 
ance with  his  own  ideas  (Neh.  11 3-36,  I227-47,  13i-3). 

(c)  A  Temple  Record. — Extracts  from  what  may 
well  have  been  a  document  kept  among  the  Temple 
records  were  made  by  the  Chronicler  in  the  accounts 
he  gives  of  the  building  of  the  Temple  (Ezr.  46-23, 
5i-6,i5). 

(d)  An  Official  List. — The  list  of  the  heads  of 
priestly  and  Levitical  families  given  in  Neh.  12i-26  is 
taken  from  another  source  ;  but  the  document  used, 
like  that  found  in  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  (II3-36). 
was  in  all  probability  kept  among  the  Temple  records. 

(f)  Other  Sources. — The  remaining  passages  of  the 
book  (Ezr.  I5-11,  3i-i3,  41-5,24,  014,16-22,  7ii, 
835f.)  are  largely  the  work  of  the  Chronicler  ;  but 
they  are  based  on  material  gathered  from  various 
sources.  impossi})l<>  to  s[Kcifv  now. 

Treatment  of  Material,  and  Historicity  of  the  Book.— 
The  sources  at  the  disjxjsal  of  the  Chronicler  in  making 
his  compilation  were  thus  various  and  of  unequal 
value,  and  they  evidently  did  not  supply  data  for  the 
whole  period  of  which  he  intended  to  give  the  history. 
In  reading  through  the  book  one  is  struck  by  the  want 


of  historical  sequence  and  by  the  looseness  of  the  way 
in  which  the  different  incidents  are  jotted  down. 
That  the  book  as  we  now  have  it,  was  intended  to  l>e 
its  final  form  cannot  be  believed.  Judging  from  the 
narrative  as  given  in  the  Greek  Ezra  one  is  justified 
in  believing  that  our  book  existed  in  more  than  one 
form  ;  and  this  may  imply  that  several  efforts  were 
made  to  bring  it  into  final  shape,  but  that  this  really 
never  took  place.  At  any  rate,  the  material  wliicli 
lay  before  the  Chronicler  was  used  in  an  arbitrary  ami 
selective  manner,  with  the  result  that  it  is  quite  im- 
possible to  get  a  clear  and  certain  picture  of  tiie 
course  of  events  during  the  period  treated.  But  the 
difficulties  which  this  treatment  of  the  material  have 
occasioned  to  historical  students  have  not  deterred 
them  from  seeking  solutions,  even  though  these  involved 
drastic  courses  ;  nor  can  it  be  denied  that  in  some 
points  the  suggested  solutions  have  much  in  their 
favour.  It  is  contended  that  the  account  of  the  return 
of  exiles  under  Zerubbabel  in  537  (Ezr.  liff.)  is  unhis- 
torical ;  that  the  Temple  and  the  walls  were  rebuilt 
not  by  the  returned  exiles,  but  by  those  who  (according 
to  2  K.  25i2,22)  had  been  left  in  Palestine  when  their 
brethren  were  led  away  captive  ;  that  the  return  from 
the  Exile  took  place  under  the  leadership  of  Ezra  after 
Nehemiahs  term  of  administration,  namely  in  the 
year  433,  after  which  the  public  reading  and  accepta- 
tion of  the  Law,  as  recorded  in  Neh.  8,  took  place. 
The  history  as  told  in  Ezr.-Neh.  is  thus  regarded  as 
having  been  theoretically  constructed  by  the  Chronicler 
in  accordance  with  what  he  conceived  it  to  have  been. 
For  the  arguments  and  deductions  which  have  been 
put  forward  in  favour  of  this  theory  recourse  must  be 
had  to  the  larger  commentaries  and  other  works  (see 
Bibliography  SjIow).  It  must  suffice  to  point  out 
hero  that  while  the  chaotic  state  in  which  our  book 
has  come  down  to  us  does,  in  some  respects,  justify 
the  drastic  solution  just  outlined  (especially  when  the 
books  of  Hag.  and  Zech.  and  the  Greek  Ezra  are  taken 
into  consideration),  there  are,  on  the  other  hand, 
grave  difiiculties  in  accepting  it  in  its  entirety.  It  is 
said  in  2  K.  25 12  that  only  the  poorest  of  the  land 
were  left  to  bo  vine-dressers  and  husbandmen  when 
the  great  leading  away  captive  to  Babylon  took  place. 
That  these  poverty-stricken  labourers  should  have 
been  able  to  rebuild  the  Temple  and  the  city  walls  ia 
highly  improbable.  It  is  true  that  this  description  of 
the  people  Is  contradicted  by  what  is  said  in  the  same 
chapter  (238.);  but  according  to  26  (rf.  Jer.  434-7) 
the  flower  of  even  the  remnant  of  those  left  in  the 
land  emigrated  to  Egypt.  From  a  religious  point  of 
view,  too,  the  remnant  in  the  land  lacked  the  requisite 
zeal  for  rebuilding  the  Temple.  Their  ancestral  faith 
cannot  have  been  very  deep-seated  if  what  is  said  in 
Ezr.  9f.  and  Neh.  13  about  their  settling  down  among 
the  heathen  and  intermarrying  with  them  be  true  ;  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  this. 

The  estimate  of  the  historical  value  of  our  book 
will,  of  course,  largely  depend  upon  the  extent  to  which 
the  views  just  mentioned  are  accepted  ;  but,  at  any 
rate,  all  that  has  been  incorporated  from  the  personal 
memoirs  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  must  be  regarded  as 
having  a  high  liLstorical  value,  even  where  it  is  evident 
that  the  Chronicler  has  to  some  extent  coloured  them. 
Some  of  the  other  documents  utilised  also  give  his- 
torical importance  to  the  book,  especially  as  some  of 
the  Temple  records  were  laid  under  contribution.  It 
is  the  fatal  intnision  of  the  Chronicler's  own  ideas 
which  has  been  so  harmful  to  the  history  ;  neverthe- 
less, the  indi8i)ensability  of  the  book  is  seen  at  ono« 
when  it  is  realised  that  it  constitutes  our  only  authority 


EZRA,  II.  40-42 


325 


for  the  period  dealt  with.  (On  the  subject  of  the  two 
preceding  paragraphs  see  pp.  "57-79,  572f.). 

Authorship  and  Date. — In  what  has  been  said  it  has 
been  taken  for  granted  that  the  author — more  strictly 
compiler^ — was  the  Chronicler  to  whom  wo  are  indebted 
for  the  books  of  Chronicles.  And  this,  indeed,  does 
not  admit  of  doubt ;  the  special  features  of  1  and 
2  Ch.  are  precisely  those  of  Ezr.-Neh.  ;  peculiarities 
of  st^^le,  particular  words  and  expressions,  and,  above 
all,  the  religious  point  of  view  whereby  the  nan'ative 
is  coloured,  are  characteristic  of  these  books  and  of 
these  onlj' ;  they  come  from  the  same  hand.  In 
dealing  with  the  date  it  has  to  be  remembered  that 
since  the  book  has  incorporated  material  from  various 
sources  belonging  to  different  ages,  no  one  date  can 
be  assigned  to  it  excepting  as  it  exists  in  its  present 
form.  In  so  far  as  these  sources  are  brought  into 
connexion  with  the  names  of  Persian  kings,  and 
assuming  that  this  is  correctly  done,  the  dates  of  the 
kings  in  question  will,  of  course,  be  the  approximate 
dates  of  those  parts  of  the  book.  So  that  the  earliest 
portion  will  belong  to  the  time  of  Cyrus,  about  537, 
while  the  latest  parts  of  the  sources,  the  memoirs  of 
Nehemiah,  cannot  have  been  written  later  than  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxas,  about  424.  As  to  the 
date  of  the  book  in  its  present  form,  we  have  two 
definite  data  ;  in  Neh.  12io,22  Jaddua  is  mentioned 
in  the  list  of  high  priests,  and  he  lived  in  the  time  of 
Alexander  the  Great  (Josephus,  Antiq.,  XI.  vii.  2, 
viii.  7),  and  in  the  same  passage  the  expression  "  the 
Persian  "  applied  to  Darius  implies  that  the  Persian 
empire  was  no  more  in  existence.  Our  book,  there- 
fore, in  its  present  form  belongs  to  the  Greek  age  ;  in 
all  probability  later  than  300  B.C. 

Literature.— (a)  Ryle  (CB),  T.  Witton  Davies 
(Cent.B),  Crafer,  Adeney  (Ex.B).  (h)  Guthe  and  Batten 
(SBOT),  Batten  (ICC),  (c)  Bertheau-Rvssel  (KEH), 
Oettli  und  Meinhold  (KHS),  Siegfried  (HK),  Bertholet 
(KHC).  Other  Literature  :  Sayce,  Intr.  to  Ezra,  Neh., 
and  Esther ;  van  Hoonacker,  Nouvelles  Etudes  sur  la 
restaurationJuive;  Kosters,  Die  W iederhcrstellung  Israels 
in  der  persischen  Periode ;  E.  Meyer,  Die  Entstehung  des 
Judenthums ;  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve 
Prophets,  ii.  pp.  187-252  ;  Sellin,  Sludien  zur  Entsteh- 
ungsgeschichte  der  jitdischen  Gemeinde  ;  Torrey,  Ezra 
Studies  ;  Sir  Henry  Howorth,  PSBA  1901-1902.  The 
Introductions  mentioned  in  the  Literature  to  1  and 
2  Ch.,  and  the  relevant  articles  in  the  Bible  Dictionaries. 

EZRA 

PART  I  (Ezr.  1-6).  The  Return  under  Zenibbabel 
to  the  Completion  of  the  Temple. 

I.  1-4.  The  Edict  of  Cyrus— C/.  2  Ch.  3622f.,  where 
1-30  is  reproduced  almost  verbally.  These  verses  are 
here  in  their  proper  place  ;  they  were  added  to  the 
end  of  2  Ch.,  when  thLs  wa,s  separated  from  Ezr.-Neh. 
in  order  to  make  that  book  conclude  with  a  joyous 
note.  The  edict  here  reported  docs  not  give  the 
oricinal  wording  ;  it  is  an  abbreviation  in  the 
Chronicler's  words,  who  has  also  moulded  it  in  accord- 
ance with  his  ideas. — 1.  the  first  year:  537  B.C.— 
Cyrus :  on  Babylonian  inscriptions  the  form  of  the 
name  is  Kurash  and  Kurshu  ;  he  became  king  in 
S.'iO  B.C.,  but  from  the  Chronicler's  point  of  view,  as  a 
Jew,  the  first  year  of  his  reign  was  that  in  which  his 
direct  connexion  with  Jewish  history  began. — the  word 
.  .  .  accomplished:  r/.  Jer.  25ii*,  29io;  the  "  seventy 
years  "  is  a  designation  for  a  long  period  of  time,  and 
is  not  to  bo  taken  in  a  literal  sense. — the  Lord  stirred 
up  .  .  .  Persia:    cf.  Is.  45i,  where  Cyrus  is   spoken 


of  as  Yahweh's  anomted. — he  made  a  proclamation: 
lit.  "  he  caused  a  voice  to  pass,"  i.e.  that  of  a  herald. — 
throughout  ail  his  kingdom:  this  could  hardly  have 
been  necessary  as  the  edict  only  concerned  Jews,  and 
they  were  congregated  in  definite  districts,  all  of  which 
were  probably  in  Babylonia  ;  the  words  are  due  to 
the  Chronicler. — 2.  Ail  the  kingdoms  .  .  .  given  me: 
Oriental  exaggeration  ;  that  Cyrus  should  have  ascribed 
his  victories  to  Yahwoh  is  improbable  ;  but  this  would 
be  the  Chronicler's  belief.  The  expression  "  God  of 
heaven  "  ("/.  Neh.  l4f ,  24,20,)  was  not  Israelite,  it 
does  not  occur  in  pre-exilic  times  ;  in  all  probability 
it  was  borrowed  from  Babylonian  use. — he  hath  .  .  . 
Judah:  according  to  the  form  of  the  edict  given  by 
the  Chronielcr  it  was  issued  for  the  purpose  not  so 
much  of  proclaiming  liberty  to  the  Jews  as  for  further- 
ing the  building  of  the  Temple. — 4.  The  text  is  not 
in  order  ;  the  meaning  probably  is  not  that  the  Baby- 
lonians are  to  send  gifts  for  the  building  of  the  Temple, 
but  that  the  wealthier  Jews  who  would  prefer  to 
remain  in  their  present  homes  should  help  their  poorer 
brethren  who  were  about  to  return. 

I.  5-11.  The  Return  of  the  Jews  under  Sheshbazzar 
with  the  Holy  Vessels. — The  carrying  out  of  the  decree. 
— 5.  even  all  .  .  .  Jerusalem:  implying  that  many 
did  not  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunity  of  return- 
ing. The  lot  of  many  of  the  exiles  was  far  from  un- 
happy, while  the  prospect  for  those  who  might  decide 
to  return  was  not  bright. — 6.  all  they  that  were  round 
about  them:  i.e.  those  of  their  own  race. — beside  all 
that  was  willingly  offered:  the  free-will  offerings  for 
the  Temple;  the  other  gifts  were  personal. — 7.  the 
vessels  ...  his  gods:  see  2  K.  2413,  25i4f.,  2  Ch. 
367. — 8.  Mithredath:  "dedicated  to  Mithra,"  the 
Persian  sun-god. — Sheshbazzar:  not  to  be  identified 
with  Zerubbabel,  whose  predecessor  he  was  as  governor 
(nasi)  of  Judah  (Stade,  Gcschichte  des  Volkes  Israel, 
ii.  lOOf.). — 11a.  The  Chronicler's  exaggeration  in  num- 
bers is  characteristic. 

n.  1-67.  A  List  of  the  Exiles  who  Returned  under 
Zerubbabel. — See  the  Greek  Ezra  (1  Esdras)  57-45 
and  Neh.  76-7  3a,  where  this  list  also  occurs,  though 
with  some  variations. — 1,  2a.  province :  Heb.  ynedinah, 
equivalent  to  the  Persian  satrapy.  It  refers  hero  to 
the  tract  of  country,  with  Jerusalem  as  its  centre 
(c/.  .58,  Neh.  I3,  11 3).  over  which  Zerubbabel  was 
governor,  "the  province  of  Judah." — Zerubbabel: 
"seed  of  Babel";  according  to  1  Ch.  3i6-io  the 
grandson  of  Jehoiakim  ;  he  was  thus  of  royal  blood, 
but  though  chosen  as  leader  of  the  returned  exiles 
the  idea  of  re-establishing  the  monarchy  does  not  find 
expression. — Jeshua:=  Joshua  (c/.  Hag.  li.  Zech.  3i. 
etc.),  grandson  of  Seraiah  the  high  priest  (2  K.  25i8), 
and  son  of  Jehozadak  (1  Ch.  32,  614).  In  this  list  he 
is  not  yet  spoken  of  as  high  priest. — Nehemiah:  not, 
of  course,  the  Nehemiah  who  rebuilt  tho  walls  of  the 
city  nearly  a  century  later. — 2b-35.  The  list  of  the 
men  of  Israel  who  returned  ;  it  includes  the  names  of 
clans  and  cities  as  well  as  personal  names,  though  it  is 
not  possible  to  determine  in  every  case  whether  a 
name  is  that  of  a  city  or  an  individual. — 36-39.  The 
families  of  the  priests  ;  these  coincide  with  the  corre- 
sponding lists  given  m  Neh.  and  tho  Greek  Ezra. — 
38.  Pashhur:  cf.  Jer.  20iff.,  where  it  is  told  how 
Pashhur,  the  son  of  Immer  the  priest  "  smote  Jeremiah 
the  prophet,  and  put  him  in  the  stocks." — 39.  Harim : 
in  32  this  name  occurs  among  those  of  tho  men  of 
Israel,  i.e.  the  laymen  ;  it  means  "  consecrated.'  and 
would  thus  be  more  appropriate  for  a  priest. — 40-42. 
The  families  of  tho  Levitos  ;  these  include  the  Ixjvites 
proper,  the  siugera,  and  the  |x)rtcrs.     For  the  Invites, 


326 


EZRA.  II.  40-42 


cf.  Neh.  IO9,  1  Ch.  2420-31  ;  for  the  singera  1  Oh.  25i-7, 
9-31  ;  and  for  the  portera  (better  "  door-keepors  "), 
1  Ch.  261-19.  The  very  small  number  of  the  Lovitoa 
is  surprising ;  c/.  Sisff.,  wiioro  the  number,  although 
small,  is  much  preat^r  than  hero  ;  it  is  probaV>lo  that 
the  list  given  here  Ls  fragmentary'.  It  is  also  note- 
worthy that  the  priests  and  Ixivitos  are  reckoned  as 
distinct  classes  ;  by  the  end  of  the  pre-exilic  period  all 
Lcvites  were  priests  although  they  might  be  differenti- 
ated (see  Ezck.  48iifE.)  ;  but  now  a  Levite  was  not 
necessarily  a  priest.  A  partial  explanation,  at  any  rate, 
of  this  is  to  bo  found  in  Neh.  13io.  according  to  which  the 
Ijcvites  gave  up  their  calling  because  there  was  nothing 
for  them  to  live  on  ;  but  the  tendency  for  them  to 
enter  a  purely  secular  life  must  have  arisen  during 
the  Exile. — 43-54.  The  Nothinim  ;  the  name  means 
"  given,"  i.e.  to  the  sanctuary.  They  constituted  an 
inferior  grade  of  Temple  slaves  ;  they  were  originally 
captives  of  war  {cf.  Jos.  923,  Nu.  3128,30)  and  there- 
fore not  Yahweh  worshippers  (c/.  Ezek.  447ff.)  ;  their 
foreign  origin  is  clear  from  the  names  Meunim, 
Nephisim  ;  but  they  were  reckoned  as  belonging  to 
the  Israelite  community  (see  Neh.  102q)  because  of 
their  having  been  circumcised,  so  that  on  their  return 
from  the  Exile  they  were  no  more  regarded  as  slaves, 
but  as  free  men  who  received  their  share  from  the 
Temple  revenues.  It  is  probable  that  ultimately  the 
Ncthinim  were  absorbed  by  the  Levites. — 50.  Meunim : 
=  Mina;ans  {cf.  Horamel,  The  Ancient  Hebrew 
Tradition,  pp.  271-274).— NephisIm :  cf.  1  Ch.  I31, 
5i8-22. — 55-58.  Solomon's  servants  ;  these  formed  a 
subdivision  of  the  Ncthinim,  as  is  implied  by  one 
number  being  given  for  both  classes  ;  cf.  Neh.  IO28, 
and  see  also  Neh.  76o,  11 3. — 59-63.  Israelites  and 
priests  who  were  unable  to  trace  their  descent ;  as 
these  were  on  this  account  not  regarded  as  genuine 
members  of  the  community  they  do  not  figure  in  the 
lists  in  Ezr.  IO25-43,  Neh.  IO1-27. — 62.  were  they  .  .  . 
priesthood:  cf.  Neh.  764. — 63.  the  Tirshatha:  =  "  him 
that  is  feared  "  (Lagarde.  Symmicta,  i.  p.  60) ;  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  king  of  Persia  ;  cf.  Neh.  765.70,  89,  lOi ; 
it  is  equivalent  to  the  Bab.  "  Pekhah  "  (Neh.  I226). — 
the  most  holy  things:  i.e.  those  things  which  only 
a  priest  might  touch  {cf.  Num.  I89-11). — till  there  .  .  . 
Thummim:  i.e.  until  there  appeared  one  who  under- 
stood the  ritual  {cf.  1  Mac.  446). — Urim  and  Thummim  : 
(pp.  lOOf . )  Heb.  forms  of  the  Ass.  words  Urtu  and  Tamiiu, 
'  Decisions  ''  and  Oracles,"  the  "  Tablets  of  Destiny," 
often  mentioned  in  the  Babylonian  story  of  the 
CYeation  ;  to  possess  these  meant  the  attainment  of 
supremacy  among  the  gods.  Babylonian  priests  gave 
oracles  by  means  of  the  power  accorded  to  them  by 
Ea  and  his  son  Marduk  ;  to  the  latter  belonged  the 
"  Tablets  of  Destiny  "  (see  Muss-Amolt,  in  the  Ameri- 
can Journal  of  Semitic  Languages,  July  1900). — 
64-67.  A  summary  of  what  has  preceded  ;  the  total 
of  the  returned  exiles,  42,300,  is  the  same  as  that  given 
in  Neh.  766  and  in  the  Greek  Ezra  .O41,  but  the 
numliors,  when  reckoned  up.  give  a  different  total. — 65. 
Singing  men  and  singing  women  :  cf.  Neh.  767  ;  either 
{a)  professional  singers  employed  to  sing  at  fea,sts  and 
banquets  {cf.  2  S.  19^'5,  Ec.  27f.),  this  is,  however,  im- 
probable in  this  case  in  view  of  Neh.  62-5,  from  which 
It  would  appear  that  the  people  wore  scarcely  able  to 
procure  the  bare  necessaries  of  life  ;  moreover,  luxuri- 
ous ideas  such  as  {wssessing  singers  of  this  kind  would 
scarcely  have  been  in  the  minds  of  the  returning  exiles. 
Or  (6)  Temple  singers  ;  it  is  true,  singers  of  this  kind 
have  already  been  mentioned  in  41,  but  the  section 
before  us  is  a  summary,  and  a  repetition  is  the  less 
surprising  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  Chronicler's 


main  interest  is  centred  hi  the  Temple  cultus.  That 
there  were  women-smgers  in  the  Temple  Ls  evident 
from  the  references  given  above  (1  Ch.  1520  *). — 
67.  their  camels  four  hundred  thirty  and  five :  this 
number  seems  excessive  for  those  who  were  so  poor 
as  the  returned  exiles  ;  either  the  text  is  faulty  or 
the  Chronicler  has  exaggerated. 

U.  68-70.  The  Free-will  Offerings  of  the  Heads  ot 
Families,  and  the  Settlement  of  the  Exiles  {cf.  Neh. 
770-72). — The  gifts  are,  of  course,  for  the  Temple  and 
its  worship. — 68.  when  they  came  to  the  house  of 
Yahweh:  these  words  would  imply  that  the  Templo 
was  already  in  existence  ;  if  not  a  gloss  they  are  an 
oversight  of  the  Chronicler,  especially  in  view  of  the 
words  which  follow,  "  to  set  it  up  in  its  place." — 69. 
This  is  obviously  an  exaggeration  ;  all  that  we  learn 
of  the  returned  exiles  shows  them  to  have  been  poor. — 
70.  priests'  garments:  these  were  made  of  linen 
(Lev.  I64),  and  had  embroidered  work  (Ex.  284,  3927). 

III.  1-3.  The  Building  of  the  Altar  for  Burnt  Offer- 
ings.— 1.  the  seventh  month:  presumably  of  the  year 
of  the  return,  537.  The  seventh  month  is  called  Tisri 
in  the  Jewish  calendar  and  is  approximately  equivalent 
to  October.  The  first  day  of  Tisri,  which  was  probably 
that  on  which  this  ceremony  took  place,  was  known  aa 
the  feast  of  Trumpets  (lit.  Horns)  (see  p.  104,  Nu.  29i), 
or  Y6m  Teru'nh,  "Day  of  Shdfar-blowmg,"  and  ZikrSn 
TeriCah,  "  IMemory  of  Shdfar  -  blowing  "  (see  Lev. 
2324*;  cf.  Ps.  8I3).— 2.  builded  the  altar:  this  would, 
of  course,  precede  the  Temple  building  because  it  was 
necessary  that  the  public  burnt  offerings  for  the  people 
as  a  community  should  bo  offered  first ;  the  private 
sacrifices  could  wait. — as  it  Is  written :  see  Nu.  29i-6. 
—the  man  of  God:  cf.  1  Ch.  23i4,  35i2,26.— 3.  upon 
its  base:  better,  "in  its  place"  {mg.),  i.e.  where  it 
had  formerly  stood  {cf.  268). — for  fear  .  .  .  countries : 
read,  "  for  the  peoples  of  the  land  were  at  enmity 
with  them";  see  the  Greek  Ezra  550;  the  Heb. 
text  is  corrupt.  When  once  the  altar  had  been  set 
up  the  returned  exiles  could  feel  greater  confidence  in 
Yahweh's  protection. — morning  and  evening :  see  Ex. 
2938,  Nu.  283-S. 

III.  4-6.  The  Observance  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles. 
—4.  And  they  kept .  .  .  :  see  Ex.  23i6,  Lev.  2334-42. 
Dt.  I613-15,  and  cf.  Neh.  814-17.  This  feast  (the 
vintage  feast)  was  observed  on  the  15th  of  Tisri  and 
lasted  seven  days  '(pp.  102-104).  The  Heb.  name  is 
Sukkdth  ("Booths  "),  in  reference  to  the  way  in  which  the 
Israelites  dwelt  in  booths  during  their  jouniey  through 
the  wilderness  ;  this,  at  least,  is  the  traditional  ex- 
planation of  the  dwelling  in  booths  during  the  whole 
of  the  feast. — by  number.  .  .:  see  Nu.  2912-38. — 
5.  the  continual  burnt  offering:  i.e.  the  daily  sacri- 
fices, morning  and  evening,  of  a  lamb  of  the  first 
year  (.see  Ex.  293S-42,  Nu.  286). — the  offerings  of  the 
new  moons:  i.e.  the  offerings  at  the  feast*  of  the 
new  moon  {cf  Nu.  2811-15,  1  S.  2O5,  2  K.  423).— all 
the  set  feasts  of  Yahweh :  see  Lev.  231-44,  Nu.  232-37  ; 
these  feasts  were,  in  addition  to  tho.se  of  the  Sabbath 
and  new  moons,  Passover,  Weeks,  Trumpets,  Atone- 
ment, Tabernacles.  The  enumeration  of  all  these 
feasts  signifies  the  reinstatement  of  the  whole  sacri- 
ficial system. — 6.  but:  better  "although";  it  was  in- 
conceivable to  the  Jews  of  the  Chronicler's  day  that 
offerings  could  be  sacrificed  without  the  Temple,  henco 
the  addition  of  the.se  words.  The  occasion  was  wholly 
exceptional. 

in.  7-13.  The  Laying  of  the  Temple  Foundation 
and  the  Joy  of  the  People.— 7.  masons  .  .  .  carpenters : 
those  referred  to  were  the  men  who  hewed  the  stono 
from  the  quarries  and  those  who  prepared  the  rough 


EZRA,  IV.  8-23 


327 


stone  thus  obtained. — them  of  Zldon  .  .  .  them  of 
Tyre :  as  in  the  case  of  the  first  Toiuplc,  see  1  K.  56-ii. 
— according  .  .  .  Persia:  sec  Is  ;  the  Lebanon  range 
belonged  now  to  the  Icings  of  Persia. — 8.  in  the  second 
year  ...  in  the  second  month :  i.e.  a,s  the  text  stands, 
the  second  year  of  tlie  return,  536  B.C.,  which  was  also 
the  second  month  of  the  year  (according  to  the  Chroni- 
cler's mode  of  reckoning)  ;  the  second  month  was  lyar 
(=  approximately  May).  But,  according  to  the  con- 
temporary prophets  Plaggai  and  Zeehariah,  the  begin- 
ning of  the  building  of  the  Temple  took  place  in  the 
sixth  month  of  the  second  year  of  Darius  I,  i.e.  the 
month  Elul  (=  approximately  October)  .520  (see  Hag.  1 
1,15,  <■/•  2io,i5,i8.  Zech.  11,7-9),  while  in  Ezr.  424  it 
is  said  that  owing  to  the  obstruction  of  the  people  of 
the  land  the  l)uiJding  of  the  Temple  had  to  cease,  and 
was  not  taken  up  again  until  the  second  year  of 
Darius  ;  in  this  verse,  as  well  as  in  the  one  before  us, 
the  Chronicler's  chronology  is  at  fault,  the  text  here 
also  being  corrupt.  Batten's  reconsti-uction  of  8-ior/, 
being  in  part  supported  by  the  Greek  Ezra,  is  to  be 
commended,  viz.  :  And  in  the  second  year  of  Darius, 
in  the  sixth  month,  Zcrubbabel,  the  son  of  Shealtiel  and 
Jeshua  the  son  of  Josadak,  and  their  brethren,  and  the 
priests,  the  Levites,  and  all  (others)  who  had  come  in  from 
the  captivity  to  JertLsalem,  began  and  laid  the  foundation 
of  the  house  of  God.  On  the  first  day  of  the  secoml  month 
of  the  second  year  of  their  coming  to  Judah  and  Jeru- 
salem, then  they  appointed  the  Levites  of  twenty  years 
and  upuKird  for  the  work  on  the  house  of  Yahweh  ;  then 
arose  .Jeshua  and  Bani  and  Ahijah  and  Kadmicl,  the 
sons  of  Hodaviah  and  the  sons  of  Henadad,  their  sons 
and  their  brothers,  all  the  Levites  doing  the  work  on  the 
house  of  God,  and  the  builders  were  erecting  the  Temple 
of  Yahweh.  As  Batten  explains,  "  the  dates  are  given 
with  the  particularity  characteristic  of  the  time,  as  in 
Hag.,  first  by  the  king's  reign,  and  then  by  the  sojourn 
in  Jerusalem.  That  two  dates  were  in  the  original  is 
suggested  by  the  separation  of  the  year  and  month  by 
several  intervening  words."  For  further  justification 
of  the  reconstruction,  see  Batten's  notes. — 8.  from 
twenty  years  old  and  upwards :  the  law  as  to  the  age 
when  the  Levites  might  begin  their  work  in  the 
sanctuary  varied  ;  in  Nu.  824f .  it  is  twenty-five  years, 
in  Nu.  43,23.30,35.  thirty,  which  is  also  the  age  given 
in  1  Ch.  233,  while  in  24  of  the  same  chapter  it  is 
twenty. — 9.  the  sons  of  Judah  ...  the  Levites:  the 
text  is  corrupt,  read  as  above.  In  240  the  Levites  are 
enumerated  as  the  children  of  Jeshua  and  Kadmiel 
and  the  children  of  Hodaviah,  but  in  Nch.  IO9  the 
children  of  Henadad  are  added. — 10.  they  set  the 
priests:  read  '"  the  priests  stood  "'  with  a  number  of 
Heb.  MSS,  the  LXX  and  Vulgate  ;  cf.  also  the  Greek 
I'.zra  550.— In  their  apparel:  cf.  2  Ch.  5i2.— with 
trumpets :  cf.  Nu.  lOs*  ;  a  straight  metallic  tube,  quite 
unlike  tiie  curved  ram's  horn  (1  (,"h.  1.024*).  Regarding 
their  use  in  the  worship  of  the  Temple  they  were,  as  a 
rule.only  used  for  the  purpose  of  giving  signals  at  certain 
tunes  during  the  service;  in  2  Ch.  511-13,  however, 
it  is  stated  that  the  trumpets  accompanied  the  singing  : 
this  was  not  the  general  rule,  though  in  later  times  it 
appears  to  have  l>ecome  more  usual  to  employ  trumjiots 
in  the  worship  itself  (cf.  1  Mac.  440,  633). — cymbals: 
made  of  brass  according  to  1  Ch.  ISig. — after  the  order 
of  David  :  the  Chronicler  traces  all  these  arrangements 
back  to  David  although  the  Temple  did  not  exist  in 
his  day  ;  he  was  following  the  traditional  belief  (cf. 
2  f:h.  2925-30).— 11.  they  sang  one  to  another :  i.e.  they 
sang  anti})hona!1y  ;  for  the  words  of  praise  which  follow 
cf.  P.ss.  lu(>r,  13<ii,  1  Ch.  I634,  2  Ch.  5i3,  73.— 12.  that 
had  seen  the  first  house :  cf.  Hag.  23. 


IV.  1-5.  The  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple  Opposed. — 

1.  the  adversaries  :  i.e.  the  northern  Israelites  of  mixed 
race,  Samaritans  ;  they  are  called  adversaries  by 
anticipation,  as  they  did  not  oppose  the  building  of 
the  Temple  until  their  co-operation  had  been  refused. — 
builded  a  temple :  better  "  were  building  "  ;  note  that 
while  here  the  building  of  the  Temple  is  in  question 
the  next  section  deals  with  the  building  of  the  walls. — 

2.  we  seek  your  God :  the  words  show  that  these  i)eople 
were  not  true  worshippers  of  Yahweh,  whatever  their 
mtention  for  the  future  might  be. — and  we  do  sacrifice 
unto  him:  but  the  Massoretic  text  reads  (cf.  mg.), 
"  we  have  not  offered  sacrifice." — the  days  of  Esar- 
haddon:  cf.  2  K  19  37*;  he  was  king  of  AssjTia  from 
681-668  B.C.  (pp.  59f.)— -which  brought  us  up  hither: 
they  were,  therefore,  not  Israelites ;  they  had,  in  some 
sort,  accustomed  themselves  to  the  worship  of  the  land 
because  they  had  been  in  danger  of  wild  beasts  (see 
2  K.  1728)  ;  but  it  was  not.  according  to  2  K.  1741, 
of  a  genuine  character,  and  they  evidently  soon  re- 
verted to  their  ancestral  worship. — 3.  Ye  have  nothing 
to  do  with  us  ... :  this  refusal  is  quite  comprehen- 
sible suice  these  mixed  people  were,  for  the  most 
part,  non- Israelites  ;  so  that  neither  in  relation  to  race 
nor  worship  could  there  bo  any  bond  of  sympathy 
between  them  and  the  Jews. — as  king  Cyrus  .  .  .  hath 
commanded  us  (c/.  li-3)- — 4.  the  people  of  the  land: 
in  Heb.  'am  ha'aretz,  the  name  given  in  post-exilio 
times  to  those  dwelling  in  Palestine  who  were  of  non- 
Israelite  extraction.  M.  Friedlander  {Die  religiosen 
Bewegungen,  pp.  78fE.)  in  writing  of  somewhat  later 
times,  has  shown  how  erroneous  it  is  to  maintain  that 
the  expression  "  people  of  the  land  "  became  a  synonym 
for  the  unlearned  and  ignorant ;  the  passage  usually 
quoted  in  support  of  this  idea  (Jn.  749)  refers  to  the 
multitude  in  Jerusalem,  and  does  not  mention  the 
'am  ha'aretz,  which  became  a  recognised  name  for 
those  of  anti-Pharisaic  tendency. — troubled  them  In 
building:  read  "  tenified  them  from  building." — 
5.  all  the  days  of  Cyrus  .  .  . :  since  what  is  recounted 
in  the  previous  verses  presumably  took  place  in  the 
second  year  of  Cjtus  (see  38),  i.e.  536  B.C.,  and  Darius 
came  to  the  throne  in  521  (though  it  was  not  until  the 
second  year  of  his  reign  that  the  building  recommenced), 
there  is,  according  to  the  text,  a  period  of  about 
sixteen  years  during  which  nothing  was  done  ;  there 
is  clearly  a  displacement  of  the  text. 

rV.  6f.  These  are  two  stray  verses  which  have  been 
left  in  the  text  here  by  mistake.  This  offers  a  good 
example  of  the  way  in  which  fragments  of  sources  are 
jumbled  together  in  our  book.  6  refers  to  a  letter  (the 
writer  is  not  mentioned)  written  to  Xerxes,  who  is 
not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  book,  containing  an 
accusation,  not  specified,  against  the  Jews.  7  refers 
to  another  letter  written  in  Aramaic  hy  Mithredath 
(mentioned  in  Is  as  the  treasurer  of  Cyrus)  and  others 
to  Artaxerxes  ;  but  it  does  not  say  what  the  letter 
was  about.  In  5  we  are  in  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  536, 
and  Darius,  521  ;  in  6  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Xerxes,  485  ;  in  7  in  the  days  of  Artaxerxes,  464-424  ; 
in  8ff.  again  in  the  days  of  Artaxerxes,  but  a  different 
letter  from  that  referred  to  in  7  is  dealt  with.  This 
shows  the  inextricable  tangle  in  which  these  verses  are 
as  they  now  stand.  Scholars  have  suggested  a  number 
of  solutions,  but  they  differ  from  each  other  con- 
sideraljly. 

IV.  8- VI.  18.  Extract  from  an  Aramaic  Document. 
IV.  8-23  contains  a  letter,  together  with  the  king's 
reply  to  it.  written  by  adversaries  of  the  Jews  to 
Artaxerxes  for  the  purpose  of  fnistrating  the  building 
of  the  city  walls.    The  writers  are  different  from  those 


328 


EZRA,  IV.  8-23 


mentioned  in  7  as  writing  to  Artaxerxes  ;  two  letters 
are,  therefore  spoken  of,  so  that  what  Ls  said  in  7 
cannot  bo  in  reference  to  the  lettor  now  dealt  with. 
Moreover,  this  letter  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  events 
recorded  in  4 1-5,  for  it  refers  to  the  building  of  tho 
Temple,  while  8-23  refers  to  tho  building  of  tlie  city 
walls.  8-23  is,  therefore,  out  of  place  iicre. — 8.  Rehum 
and  Shinishai  are  probably  both  foreign  names.  The 
"  chancellor  "  =  the  governor  of  the  province  ;  "  scribe  " 
=  here  the  governor's  secretary. — 9.  The  names  of 
these  nationalities  to  which  the  .Samaritans  belonged 
show  the  non-JewLth  origin  of  tho  latter,  or  at  least 
of  the  bulk  of  them. — 10.  Osnappar :  i.e.  Assurbanipal, 
668-626  B.C.,  the  son  and  successor  of  Esarhaddon. — 
12.  and  have  finished  the  walls :  see  note  on  38  ;  this 
was  tho  point  of  supreme  importance,  for  with  the 
walls  of  the  city  comjiletc,  Jerusalem  could  defy  her 
enemies. — 13.  if  .  .  .  finished :  cf.  16  ;  these  words 
do  not  agree  with  what  is  said  in  12,  whore  tho 
walls  are  spoken  of  as  completed. — 14.  we  eat  the 
salt  of  the  palace:  i.e.  since  we  are  in  tho  service  of 
the  kmg  and  receive  maintenance  from  him. — 15.  the 
book  of  the  records  of  thy  fathers:  cf.  6if.,  Est.  223, 
61,  IO2  ;  the  words  show  tho  care  with  which  the 
records  of  the  past  were  kept  by  tho  Persian  kings. — 
16.  .  .  .  thou  Shalt  have  no  portion  beyond  the  river : 
i.e.  he  will  lose  his  Syrian  province. — 18.  hath  been 
plainly  read :  cf.  Neh.  88,  and  see  note  there  ;  read 
"  translated,"  the  lung  was  not  likely  to  understand 
Aramaic. — 22.  why  .  .  .  kings :  read  "  lest  damage 
should  increase  to  the  kings'  loss  "  ;  there  is  no  inter- 
rogative in  the  Aramaic. 

IV.  25-V.  17.  The  narrative  which  was  broken  off 
at  the  end  of  5  is  now  resumed.  There  is  silence 
regarding  the  period  536-520  B.C.  ;  in  5i6,  however, 
it  is  said  that  the  Ijuilding  had  been  proceeding  during 
the  whole  of  this  time.  Owing  to  the  action  of  Haggai 
and  Zechariah,  the  Jews  are  once  more  roused  to 
undertake  the  work,  which  had  been  interrupted 
si.xteen  yeai's  before,  of  rebuilding  the  Temple  (so 
according  to  our  present  tex't).  This  time  there  is  no 
objection  ;  on  the  contrary,  application  is  made  to 
Darius  by  the  governor,  who  is  supported  herein  by 
some  of  the  Samaritans  (the  Aphai-sachites),  to  permit 
tho  Jews  to  go  on  with  their  work  (which  is  contmued, 
however,  pending  the  arrival  of  the  kings  reply)  on 
the  ground  that  a  former  king  (i.e.  Cyrus)  had  given 
permission  for  the  work  to  be  undertaken.  The  reply 
is  favourable.  The  very  different  attitude  from  that 
spoken  of  in  4 1-5.  adopted  by  the  Samaritans  (the 
Apharsachitos  are  mentioned  in  both  passages,  possibly 
this  word  means  eparchs,  ('.e.  "  rulers,"  but  this  would 
not  affect  the  point)  shows  that  the  relationship  l>ctween 
them  and  the  Jews  had  undergone  a  change  for  the 
better.  Presumably  during  the  sixteen  years  of  which 
nothing  ia  recorded,  a  more  friendly  feeling  had  by 
degrees  sprung  up,  and  this  resulted  in  the  inter- 
marriages so  bitterly  resented  by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
later  on.  Wo  must  suppose  that  it  was  owing  to  this 
change  of  feeling  that,  so  far  from  antagonism,  tho 
governor,  supported  by  the  Samaritans  themselves, 
now  seeks  jMjrmLssion  on  behalf  of  the  Jews  to  build, 
and  even  raises  no  objection  to  their  continuing  opera- 
tions pending  the  arrival  of  the  reply  to  his  letter. 
The  governor  regarded  it  as  his  duty  to  get  legal 
sanction  from  headquarters  for  this  building,  seeing 
that  it  had  previously  been  specifically  forbidden  ; 
otherwise  wo  may  well  suppose  he  would  have  per- 
mitted it  to  go  on  without  taking  further  official  notice 
of  it. — 24.  the  second  year  of  Darius:  520  b.c. — 
V.  1.  Now  the  prophets  .  .  .:  rf.  Hag.  li.  Zech.  1 1.— 


in  the  name  of  ... :  read  "  in  the  name  of  the  God 
of  Israel  which  was  upon  them,"  cf.  Dt.  28io. — 3.  this 
work:  i.e.  of  the  TemiJJe. — 4.  Then  spake  we  .  .  .: 
read  "  Then  spake  they  unto  them." — 11.  a  great  king 
of  Israel  .  .  .:  i.e.  Solomon  (see  1  K.  61). — 15.  put 
them  In  the  temple  that  is  in  Jerusalem:  these  words 
are  so  directly  contrary  to  what  immediately  follows 
that  they  can  only  be  regarded  as  an  uaskilful  gloss  ; 
they  should  bo  deleted. — 16.  Since  that  time  .  .  .: 
clearly  out  of  harmony  with  42.^.  Wha.t  ia  said  of 
Sheshbazzar  hero  does  not  agree  with  38. 10. 

VI.  1-12.  The  King's  Reply  according  his  Permission 
for  the  Building  to  be  Continued.— 1.  a  decree :  the 
actual  decree  does  not  begin  until  8. — 2.  Achmetha: 
cf.  Tob.  37  ;  i.e.  Ecbatana,  in  Media,  tho  summer 
residence  of  the  Persian  kings. — a  roll  :  in  this  case 
more  probably  a  cylindrical  clay  tablet  inscribed  with 
cuneiform  characters  ;  but  the  fact  that  a  "  roll  "  ia 
mentioned  shows  that  the  Jews  of  Ezra's  time  were 
unfamiliar  with  that  form  of  writing. — 3-5.  This  pur- 
ports to  be  a  copy  of  Cyrus'  decree  (cf.  Ii-ii)  ;  it  is, 
however,  not  a  transcript  of  this,  but  contains  the  gist 
of  the  original  coloured  by  the  Chronicler  ;  the  text  ia 
not  in  good  order. — 6f.  The  formal  injunction  to  the 
governor  to  permit  the  building  to  proceed.  Tho 
abrupt  commencement "'  Now  therefore  "  suggests  that 
some  intervening  matter  in  Darius'  reply  has  been  left 
out,  presumably  because  the  Chronicler  did  not  con- 
sider it  important. — be  ye  far  from  thence:  i.e.  keep 
away  from  there,  namely,  where  the  building  was  going 
on  ;  there  was  to  be  no  interference  with  the  Jews  ; 
tho  more  friendly  feeling  which  had  sprung  up  would 
not  be  known  of  in  Persia. — 8-12.  The  decree  of 
Darius.  Here  again  it  is  abundantly  clear  that  this 
Ls  no  transcript,  but  merely  the  general  drift  of  the 
decree  emboULshed  according  to  the  Chronicler's  ideas. 

VI.  13-18.  The  Carrying  out  of  the  Decree; 
the  Temple  Completed  and  Dedicated. — 14.  This 
cannot  be  in  its  original  form  ;  the  success  of 
the  building  is  ascribed  both  to  the  commandment 
of  God  and  to  tho  decrees  of  Cyrus,  Darius,  and 
Artaxerxes  ;  this  is  not  the  way  of  a  Jewish  writer. 
One  can,  of  course,  by  doing  violence  to  the  thought 
of  the  verse,  explain  it  by  saying  that  the  promul- 
gating of  the  decrees  was  according  to  the  will  of  God  ; 
but  this  is  pressing  a  meaning  into  the  text  which  is 
not  really  there.  We  have  here  probably  material 
culled  from  two  sources.  Further,  the  mention  of 
Artaxerxes  shows  that  a  gloss  has  been  added  by  a 
later  copjast,  who  was  thinking  of  the  later  benevolent 
attitude  of  this  kaig  in  the  matter  of  tho  building  of 
tho  walls,  and  thoughtlessly  mentioned  him  here. — 
15.  Adar:  the  twelfth  month  =  March  approximately. 
— the  sixth  year:  516  b.c. 

VI.  19-22.  The  Celebration  of  the  Passover. — Hebrew 
ia  resumed  hero. — 19.  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first 
month:  cf.  Ex.  126. — 20.  The  leading  part  taken  by 
the  Jjovites  here  is  not  in  accordance  with  earlier 
practice  ;  this  had,  however,  been  gradually  modified 
(see  Ex.  126.  2  Ch.  3O17,  35io-i4).— 21.  all  such  .  .  . 
the  land:  i.e.  the  descendants  of  those  who  had  not 
gono  into  captivity,  but  had  remained  in  the  land. — 
22.  the  king  of  Assyria :  one  expects  "  the  kins  of 
Porsid.'  but  cf.  Neh.  136,  where  Artaxerxes  Ls  called  the 
king  of  Babylon  ;   cf.  76. 

PART  II  (Ezr.  7-10).  The  Work  of  Ezra. 

VII.  1-10.  Ezra's  Genealogy ;  his  Return  to  Pales- 
tine.— 1.  Now  after  these  things:  i.e.  those  recorded 
as  having  taken  place  in  tho  sixth  year  of  Darius  ((ii.s)- 
— in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes:  465-425  b.c.  What  is 
now  recorded  took  place  in  tho  seventh  year  (see  7) 


EZRA,  X.   15 


329 


of  Artaxerxcs.  i.e.  in  458,  so  that  a  i)oriod  of  nearly 
sixty  years  is  passed  over  in  silence.  For  the  genealogy 
of  Ezra  cf.  1  Ch.  64-14.  It  is  not  complete ;  in 
addition  to  1  Gh.  64-14  see  also  1  Oh.  9iof.,  Neh.  llii, 
Greek  Ezra  8if.,  2(4)  Esd.  I1-3.— 6.  a  ready  scribe 
in  the  law  of  Moses :  for  tlie  rise  of  the  scribes  and  their 
activitj^  see  the  present  writer's  The  Books  of  the 
Apocrypha,  Prolegomena,  ch.  vi. — all  his  request: 
i.e.  as  contained  in  the  letter  in  12-26. — 7.  Cf.  815II.  ; 
that  in  addition  to  the  lay  element  there  should  have 
been  not  only  priests  and  Levitos,  but  also  singers, 
doorkeepers,  and  Nethinim  in  Babylon  or  its  neigh- 
bourhood (see  817-20)  witnesses  to  a  considerable 
communal  organisation  among  the  Jews  during  the 
captivity. — 8.  the  fifth  month:  Ab= August  approxi- 
mately.—9.  on  the  flrst  day  of  the  first  month:  in  832 
it  is  the  twelfth  day  of  the  first  month,  i.e.  of  Nisan 
(=  March  approximately)  ;  they  arrived  in  Jerusalem 
in  the  fifth  month,  so  that  the  journey  from  Babylon 
took  about  three  months  and  a  half. — began  he  to  go 
up:  read  "  he  decided  to  go  up."  i.e.  the  matter  was 
settled  on  this  day ;  the  actual  start,  owing  to  the 
delay  mentioned  in  Sisif.,  was  not  until  the  twelfth 
day  of  the  same  month. — 10.  For  Ezra  had  set  his 
heart  .  .  .  :  He  only  continued  to  do  more  fully  what 
he  had  been  doing  among  liis  people  in  Babylon. 

VII.  11-26.  Decree  of  Artaxerxes.— This  decree 
granted  a  further  return  of  exiles  for  the  purpose  of 
reorganising  the  Temple  worship.  With  the  exception 
of  the  introductory  words  of  11,  this  section  is  in 
Aiamaic.  There  is  no  reason  for  doubting  the  sub- 
stantial genuineness  of  this  document,  though  in  the 
form  here  given  the  Chronicler,  with  his  love  for  ail 
that  has  to  do  with  the  Temple  ritual,  has  introduced 
some  of  his  own  ideas. 

VII.  27f.  Ezra's  Thanksgiving. — This  purports  to  be 
in  the  very  words  of  Ezra.  The  narrative  is  here 
continued  in  Hebrew  again. 

Vni.  1-14.  A  List  of  Heads  of  Families.— It  contains 
the  names  of  the  heads  of  the  families  who  returned 
to  Palestine  with  Ezra. 

VIII.  15-30.  The  Gathering  together  of  the  Exiles  at 
Ahava. — The  nairative  is  told  here  in  the  first  person. — 
15.  Ahava:  cf.  21,31  ;  this  seems  to  have  been  a  place 
which  gave  its  name  to  one  of  the  many  canals  con- 
structed in  Babylonia  for  irrigation  purposes. — none 
of  the  sons  of  Levi :  as  the  main  object  of  the  return 
was  the  resuscitation  of  the  Temple  worship  the 
Levites  were,  of  course,  indispensable. — 17.  Caslphia: 
the  exact  locality  is  unknown  ;  there  appears  to  have 
been  a  colony  of  Levites  and  Netliinim  here. — 25f.  The 
amount  of  money  here  mentioned,  equivalent  to  nearly 
a  million  pounds  sterling,  is  a  characterLstic  exaggera- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  Clironicler. 

VIII.  31-36.  The  Arrival  in  Jerusalem.— 31.  on  the 
twelfth  day  .  .  .:  cf.  Tsf.,  815.— 35.  Cf.  Zerubbabel's 
offerings  at  the  dedication  of  the  Temple,  617. — 36.  the 
king's  commissions:  mentioned  in  721-24. — satraps 
.  .  .  governors :  the  satrap  was  a  higher  official,  being 
ruler  of  a  province ;  the  govoniOT  (pelchah)  administered 
a  smaller  district. 

IX.  1-4.  Report  Is  Made  to  Ezra  of  the  Marriages 
of  Jews  with  the  Heathen. — Ezras  zeal  in  this  matter 
resulted  in  his  going  beyond  the  requirements  of  the 
Law  (r/.  Dt.  2.37).— 1.  the  Canaanites  .  .  .  Amorites: 
with  the  Gentiles  here  enumerated  cf.  Dt.  7i. — 2.  holy 
seed:  cf.  Is.  613. 

DC.  5-15.  Ezra's  Confession. — 5.  at  the  evening 
oblation:  therefore  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
worshippers. — 7.  from  the  days  of  our  fathers :  i.e.  from 
the  times  of  the  patriarchs  onwards. — 8.  a  nail  in  his 


holy  place:  lit.  "a  tent-peg  in,  etc.";  the  rendering 
in  the  Greek  Ezra  is  to  be  preferred,  viz.  :  "a  root 
and  a  name  in  the  place  of  thy  sanctuary."' — In  OUT 
bondage :  the  expression  is  a  strong  one  ;  the  Jews, 
though  dependents  of  the  Persian  king,  were  not  in 
servitude  in  the  sense  that  their  fathers  had  been  in 
Egypt. — 9.  a  wall:  lit.  "a  fence";  cf.  Is.  55;  the 
word  is  used  of  a  fence  round  vineyards  ;  it  is  used 
metaphorically  for  "  protection,"  and  does  not,  of 
course,  refer  to  the  wall  of  the  city,  which  was  in 
ruins  (see  Neh.  2ri-i7). — 11.  by  thy  servants  the 
prophets  saying  .  .  .:  cf.  Dt.  71-3,  237.  Ezra  re- 
gards the  teaching  of  the  Law  as  identical  with  that 
of  the  prophets,  and  vice  versa,  and  is  thus  the  first 
to  enunciate  a  principle  which  is  often  insisted  upon  in 
later  Jewish  literature. 

X.  1-5.  The  People  Swear  to  Put  away  their  Foreign 
Wives. — The  narrative  now  proceeds  in  the  third 
person. — 2.  Shecanlah :  a  common  name  ;  not  neces- 
sarily identical  with  the  person  of  this  name  referred 
to  in  26. — yet  now:  i.e.  "nevertheless";  the  evil 
could  be  done  away  by  making  a  covenant  with  God 
(see  3). — 3.  to  put  away  all  the  wives  .  .  .  them:  it 
does  not  seem  to  have  struck  Ezra  that  a  better  and 
more  humane  way  would  have  been  to  receive  the 
wives  and  children  into  the  pale  of  Judaism. 

X.  6-17.  The  Jews  Assemble  in  Jerusalem  ;  Officers 
are  Appointed  from  each  City  to  See  that  the 
Foreign  Wives  are  Put  away.— 6.  Jehohanan:  cf. 
Neh.  1213. — and  when  he  came  thither:  read, 
"  and  he  lodged  there  '"  (mg.).  i.e.  spent  the  night 
there. — 8.  forfeited:  "devoted,"  i.e.  put  under  a 
religious  ban  (see  pp  99,  114,  Dt.  234*  Jos.  617*). — 
separated  from  the  congregation :  equivalent  to 
the  later  "  put  out  of  the  sjTiagogue "  ;  cf.  Jn. 
922. — 9.  within  ...  of  the  month:  Chislev  was  the 
ninth  month  =  December  approximately,  in  the  rainy 
season.  Ezra  arrived  in  Jerusalem  on  the  first  day 
of  the  fifth  month  of  the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes 
(78f.)  ;  after  three  days  a  great  burnt  sacrifice  was 
offered  (8323.) ;  immediately  after  this  (9i)  the  matter 
of  the  mixed  marriages  was  brought  to  Ezra's  notice  ; 
this  culminated  in  the  calling  of  the  assembly  (107ff.), 
which  took  place  three  days  after  having  been  pro- 
claimed, on  the  twentieth  day  of  the  ninth  month  ! 
Clearly  the  sources  have  been  somewhat  mixed  up. — 
the  broad  place  before  the  house  of  God :  i.e.  the  open 
space  l)efore  the  water  gate  (see  Neh.  826,  81). — trem- 
bling because  of  this  matter  and  .  .  . :  the  conjunc- 
tion of  these  two  thoughts  is  somewhat  incongruous  ; 
it  is  possible  that  the  words  "  because  of  this  matter 
and  "  are  a  later  addition.  The  parallel  passage  in 
the  Greek  Ezra  (96)  ruiis  more  naturally  :  "  trembling 
in  the  broad  place  before  the  Temple  because  of  the 
present  foul  weather  "  ;  by  "  trembling  "  we  must 
undei-stand  '  shivering,"  not  the  result  of  fear,  but  the 
physical  discomfort  of  standing  in  the  rain. — 10.  Ezra 
the  priest:  cf.  7ii,2i,  Neh.  1226.— 11.  make  confes- 
sion: see  I,  where  the  ordinary  word  for  making 
confession  is  used  ;  the  Heb.  word  hero  means  lit. 
"  give  praise,"  but  that  is  incongruous  in  this  con- 
nexion. If  the  text  is  out  of  order  the  corruption 
must  bo  old,  for  the  same  reading  occurs  in  the  Greek 
Ezra.  Perhaps  Batten  is  right  in  saying  that  the  idea 
may  be  that  praise  was  due  to  God  because  the 
culprits  were  brought  to  a  state  of  amendment. — the 
God  of  your  fathers :  read,  with  the  Greek  Ezra.  "  our 
fathers."— 12.  As  thou  hast  said  ...  do:  the  LXX 
has  wliat  certainly  seems  to  bo  a  more  natural  reply, 
viz.  "  Groat  is  tills  thv  demand  for  us  to  do,  "  i.e.  thou 
hast  asked  a  hard   thing  of   us.— 15.  Only:     better, 

11a 


330 


EZEA,  X.  15 


"  but."— stood  up  against  this  matter:  the  RVm, 
"  were  appoiutod  over  thU,"  may  Ije  didregardcd  ;  for 
the  Heb.  phnwe  c/.  Lev.  I9i6.  I  Ch.  21 1.  Although 
here  only  a  few  are  mentioned  who  witli;^tood  Ezra's 
tyranny,  it  is  clear  (17*)  from  the  Book  of  Neh. 
that  they  were  followed  by  many  others  who  pro- 
tested against  thoir  homos  being  broken  up. — 16.  the 
teath  month:  Tebeth  =  . January  approximately. — 
17.  This  does  not  agree  with  what  is  said  in  Neh.  92, 
1323.26-28.— the  first  day  of  the  first  month:  i.e. 
the  1st  of  Nisan,  in  the  cightii  year  of  Artaxerxes  ; 
the  matter,  therefore,  took  about  three  months. 

X.  1&-44.  A  List  of  those  who  had  Married  Foreign 
Wives. — These  include  seventeen  priests,  together  with 
Jievites,  singers,  and  doorkeepers,  and  also  laymen. 

NEHEMIAH 

PART  in  (Neh.  l-773«).  The  Work  of  Nehemiah. 

I.  1-1  la-  Nehemiah,  Hearing  of  the  Evil  Plight  of 
his  Brethren  in  Jerusalem.  Prays  for  Divine  Aid.— 
1.  The  words  .  .  .  Hacaliah:  tiicse  introductory 
words  are  not  likely  to  have  stood  here  originally  when 
Ch.-Ezr.-Neh.  formed  one  continuous  book ;  tliey 
were  probably  added  by  a  later  scribe. — the  month 
Chislev,  in  the  twentieth  year:  i.e.  the  ninth  month 
(Ezr.  IO9*).  The  last  date  mentioned  was  in 
Ezr.  10 1 7,  the  first  day  of  the  first  month  of  the 
eighth  year  of  Artaxerxes.  By  the  twentieth  year 
hero  is  presumably  meant  the  twentieth  year  of 
Artaxor.xes  (see  2i),  so  that  an  interval  of  about 
thirteen  years  would  have  elapsed  from  the  .settlement 
of  the  mixed  marriages  question  and  the  arrival  of 
Hanani  at  Shushan.  The  month  here  ^iven  is,  how- 
ever, obviously  wrong  (see  2i);  but  the  year  is  in 
agreement  with  014,  trom  which  it  was  probably  taken 
by  the  Chronicler  and  inserted  here. — Shushan:  also 
written  Susa  ;  the  winter  residence  of  the  Persian 
kings,  and  later,  in  the  Macedonian  period,  it  gave  the 
name  Sasiana  to  the  whole  province. — palace :  better 
"castle."' — 2.  Hanani:  probably  the  actual  brother 
of  Neheniiali  (see  "2).  It  does  not  appear  that  Hanani 
himself  had  come  from  Judah,  he  merely  brings  to  his 
influential  brother  certain  men  who  had. — the  Jews  .  .  . 
Jerusalem:  there  appears  to  be  a  reference  here  to 
some  well-known  occurrence  which  had  happened  to 
the  "  captivity  "  in  Judah  ;  the  reference  Ls  perhaps  to 
Ezr.  4»ff.,  which  is  out  of  place  where  it  now  stands 
(there  had  clearly  been  some  strengthening  of  the 
walls)  ;  this  Ls  further  borne  out  by  what  is  said  in 
the  next  verse  (cf.  23,17). — 5-lla.  This  prayer  is  full 
of  Deuteronomic  phrases.  Its  form  Ls  strongly  liturgi- 
cal in  character,  and  ^vith  the  exception  of  the  last 
sentence  is  quite  general,  and  can  be  paralleled  with 
several  pas.sagcs  in  the  more  ancient  elements  of  the 
Jewish  Liturgj'.  If  we  liad  here  the  actual  words  of 
Nehemiah  some  more  direct  reference  to  the  purpose 
for  which  the  supplication  was  offered  would  a.ssured!y 
have  been  forthcoming.  It  is  more  than  proliable  that 
the  Chronicler  took  this  prayer  from  the  Temple 
Liturgy  and  put  it  into  the  mouth  of  Nehemiah.  The 
text  runs  jjcrfoctly  smoothly  if  one  reads  116  ("  Now 
1  was  cupbearer  to  the  king "  .  .  .)  immediately 
after  4. 

I.  Ub-II.  8.  Nehemiah  Receives  Permission  from 
Artaxerxes  to  Go  to  Jerusalem  and  Rebuild  the  City 
Walls.— 1.  the  twentieth  year  of  Artaxerxes :  444  b.c. — 
I  had  not  been  aforetime  sad:  ihis  cannot  be  got  out 
of  the  Heb.  which  says  simply  "  I  wa«  not  sad  '"  ;  the 
meaning  would  appear  to  be  "that  Nehemiah,  knowing 
as  a  courtier  that  it  was  contrary  to  usage   at  court 


for  a  royal  servant  to  appear  sad  in  the  pro<5once  of 
the  king,  had  determined  that  he  would  not  offend 
in  this  manner  even  though  he  had  received  the  bad 
news  about  his  brethren  in  Judah  ;  nevertheless,  his 
looks  betrayed  him  in  spit«  of  his  resolution  :  hence 
hij  words,  "  then  I  was  very  sore  afraid  "  when  the 
king  noticed  thk.  To  the  best  of  his  knowledge 
Nehemiah  had  not  appeared  sad. — 2.  And  the  king 
said  .  .  . :  better,  "  nevertheless  the  king  said.  .  .  ." 
—  3.  Let  the  king  live  lor  ever:  cf.  Dan.  24,  89. — 
6.  For  how  long  shall  «  .  .:  514*.— 8.  the  castle: 
cf.  72  ;  the  word  in  Heb.,  birah,  is  a  loan-word,  per- 
haps fiom  the  Babylonian  ;  in  the  Greek  it  is  called 
haris,  so  too,  by  Josephus.  This  castle  was  intended 
as  a  defence  for  the  Temyjle  ("  the  hou.sc  ").  That 
Nehemiah  should  have  had  all  these  particidars  ready 
to  explain  to  the  king  without  ever  having  been  in 
Jerusalem  is  not  easy  to  account  for.  Probably  the 
Chronicler's  hand  has  to  some  extent  filled  in  the 
details. 

II.  9-20.  Nehemiah  Arrives  in  Jerusalem  and  Surveys 
the  Walls. — 9.  The  account  of  the  journey  is  omitted, 
interest  being  centred  upon  what  Nehemiah  was  going 
to  do  in  Jerusalem. — the  governors  beyond  the  river: 
namely  of  the  provinces  on  the  west  of  the  Euphrates  ; 
as  Nehemiah  would  almost  certainly  pass  through 
Hamath  and  Dama.scus,  the  two  most  important  cities 
in  Syria,  the  governors  here  resident  are  probably 
intended. — the  king  .  .  .  horsemen:  cf.  416.23;  this 
body-guard  remained  with  Nehemiah  in  Jerusalem 
Contrast  Ezr.  822. — 10.  Sanballat  the  Horonite:  more 
correctly  Sinuballit ;  an  inhabitant  of  Beth-horon  in 
Samaria  {cf.  Jos.  163,5,  I813,  2I22).  One  of  the 
Elephantine  pap3'ri  (p.  79)  refers  to  him  as  the  governor 
of  Samaria. — Tobiah  the  servant:  lit.  "  slave"  ;  the  epi- 
thet is  difficult  to  account  for ;  perhaps  Tobiah  had  onco 
held  a  menial  jwsition  under  the  Persian  king,  and  had 
been  raised  to  a  place  of  honour. — a  man  :  in  the  Heb. 
there  is  a  note  of  contempt — 11.  and  was  there  three 
days:  cf.  Ezr.  832. — 12.  neither  .  .  .  Jerusalem:  this 
secrecy  was  duo  to  what  is  recounted  in  10  ;  whatever 
plans  Nehemiah  might  have  in  view  would  necessarily 
require  to  be  kept  secret  lest  their  carrying  out  should 
be  forestalled  by  the  enemy's  partisans  in  the  city 
(see  610-14). — 13.  the  valley  gate:  so  called  because 
it  led  to  tho  valley  of  Hinnom. — the  dragon's  well :  not 
mentioned  elsewhere  ;  it  cannot  be  located  with  cer- 
tainty. Robertson  Smith  (The  Religion  of  the  Se)iiile.<<, 
p.  172  [1894])  says  :  "  In  1  K.  I9.38,  the  fountains  of 
En-rogel,  where  Adonijah  held  his  sacrificial  feast,  and 
of  Gihon.  where  Solomon  was  crowned,  arc  plainly 
the  original  sanctuaries  of  Jerusalem.  Tho  former  was 
by  the  '  serpents  stone.'  and  may  perhaps  be  identi- 
fied with  the  '  dragon  well '  of  Neh.  213.  Here  again, 
as  m  Arabia  and  at  tho  Orontos,  the  dragon  or  serpent 
has  a  sacred  significance."  [See  also  G.  A.  Smith, 
Jfruvaldii,  i.  pp.  74,  11  If.  Ho  considers  that  it  was 
a  spring  opened  by  earthquake  which  subsequentlj' 
disappeared.  We  have  no  Reference  to  tho  name  or 
to  a  well  in  the  position  doscrilx-d  before  or  after  tho 
time  of  Nehemiah. — A.  S.  P.] — the  dung  gate:  probably, 
aa  the  name  seems  to  imply,  the  gate  t)ut  of  which  the 
town  refuse  was  carried. — 14.  the  fountain  gate :  cf  3 
15,  1237  ;  on  the  east  side  of  the  mouth  of  the  Tyro- 
poeon  Valley,  though  thw  is  not  quite  certain,— ^the 
kings  pool :  i.e.  Solomon's  pool  ;  it  lay  to  the  oast 
of  the  pool  of  Siloam. — but  there  was  no  place  .  .  .: 
because  tho  path  was  blocked  with  the  ruins  of  tho 
walls. — 15.  the  brook:  i.e.  the  Kidron  ;  cf.  2  S.  ir)23. — 
and  I  turned  back:  this  reads  as  though  Nehemiah 
did  not  finish  his  inspection  of  the  walls ;    Ryle  is. 


NEHEMIAH,  IV.  7-20 


331 


however,  probably  right  in  thinking  that  "we  have 
here  an  instance  of  condensation  on  the  part  of  the 
compiler,  v.-ho  at  this  point  passes  at  once  to  the  return 
journey  without  giving  us  sufficient  material  to  judge 
whether  the  complete  circuit  of  the  walls  was  made." — 
16.  And  the  rulers  knew  not :  as  "  mlcrs  "  occurs  again 
later  in  this  verso  it  is  perhaps  better  to  follow  the 
LXX  here  and  read  "guards.' — to  the  test  that  did 
the  work  :  "  the  work  "  can  only  refer  to  the  building 
of  the  walls  ;  but  these  had  not  been  begun  seeing  that 
Nchemiah  had  not  yet  disclosed  his  purpose.  The 
words  were  probably  added  by  the  compiler,  writing 
later  from  his  own  point  of  view. — 17.  The  compiler 
is  only  utilising  Nehcmiah's  memoirs,  he  is  not  tran- 
scribing them,  and  he  leaves  out  the  account  of  the 
calling  of  the  assembly,  the  meeting  of  which  is  im- 
plied by  what  follows,  in  order  to  come  to  what  he 
regards  as  more  important. — that  we  be  no  more  a 
reproach:  cf.  Pss.  4413,  794. — 18.  the  hand  of  my 
God :  i.e.  God's  guidance ;  this  did  not,  however, 
mean  that  human  means  were  not  to  be  made  the 
most  of,  so  he  recalls  the  promise  of  the  king  of 
Persia. — they  strengthened  their  hands :  i.e.  they  took 
heart ;  the  approximate  converse  expression  of 
"weakening  the  hands"  of  someone,  in  the  sense  of 
discouraging  by  hindering,  occurs  in  Ezr.  44. — 19. 
Gsshem  the  Arabian :  in"  66  Gashmu. — what  is  this 
thing  that  ye  do  ?  The  words  imply  that  the  building 
had  already  commenced. — 20.  we  his  servants :  if 
the  reading  of  the  LXX  is  right,  "  we  his  innocent  (ht. 
"pure")  servants,"  the  words  convey  a  repudiation 
of  Sanballat's  suggestion  of  rebeUion. — ye  have  .  .  . 
Jerusalem :  c/.  Ezr.  43. — memorial :  viz.  among  their 
posterity  ;  the  thought  of  the  memory  of  the  departed 
living  amongst  their  posterity  was  the  forerunner  of 
the  belief  in  the  life  hereafter,  and  with  it  in  the  resuj- 
rection  of  the  body,  which  became  a  dogma  of  Judaism 
soon  after  the  Maccabaaan  struggle.  The  normal 
Sheol-conception — modified  by  the  adumbration  of  a 
higher  belief  in  a  few  isolated  passages — pictured  only 
the  existence  of  the  shades  of  the  departed  in  the  under- 
world with  only  a  vague  idea  of  personaUty  (Is.  lig-i  5  *). 
m.  1-32.  The  Building  of  the  Walls.— This  is  an 
independent  section  which  breaks  the  connexion  be- 
tween 220  and  4ifi. ;  it  is  an  excerpt  which  commences 
with  "And  Eliashib  .  .  ."  (not  "then  Ehashib  .  .  ." 
as  RV),  thus  betraying  a  connexion  with  something 
which  mu.st  originally  have  preceded  it.  As  the  text 
now  stands,  the  contents  of  the  section  do  not  follow 
on  logically  after  220.  Further,  the  description  here 
given,  in  it.sclf  incomplete,  of  the  distribution  of 
the  work  represents  the  different  parts  of  the  wall  as 
having  been  repaired  simultaneously,  but  this  is  contra- 
dicted by  61.— 1.  EUashib  the  high  priest :  c/.  Ezr.  82, 
Neh.  12 10,  134  ;  in  this  last  passage  he  is  spoken  of 
as  the  priest  and  as  closely  connected  with  Tobiah. — 
the  sheep-gate :  cf.  32,  1239,  .Jn.  62  ;  it  by  to  the 
north  of  llie  Temple,  and  probably  received  this  name 
because  the  sacrificial  animals  were  led  through  it  to 
the  Temple. — set  up  the  doors  of  it:  but  see  61. — the 
tower  of  Hammeah  (sec  RVm.) :  cj.  I239,  the  only 
oti'.er  place  where  it  is  mentioned ;  nothing  is  known 
of  it  otherwise. — the  tower  Of  Hananel :  see  Jer.  .31 38, 
Zcch.  14io  ;  it  was  probably  situated  on  the  north- 
east comer  of  the  city. — 3.  the  flsh-gate :  cf.  1239 
and  see  2  Ch.  33i4,  7eph.  lio*.— 5.  the  Tekoites: 
Tekoah  (p.  31),  which  lay  close  to  the  Juda^an  wilderness, 
was  the  home  of  the  prophet  Amos  (cf.  Am.  1 1 ). — their 
nobles  .  .  .  lord :  i.e.  the  elders  of  Tekoah  did  not 
join  the  humbler  members  of  their  community  in  the 
work. — of  their  lord  :   read  "  lords,"  t.e.  Nehemiah  and 


the  other  leaders.— 0.  the  old  gate :  read  "  the  gate  of 
the  old  city"  (nig.).— 7.  which  appertained  .  .  ."river: 
"  throne  "  must  be  used  here  symbolically  for  "  rule  "  ; 
but  the  Heb.  construction  of  the  sentence  is  faulty, 
and  the  text  is  not  in  order. — 8.  apothecaries :  better 
"perfumers"  (mg.),  or  "makers  of  ointment"  (cf. 
Ex.  3025,35'  2  Ch.  I614).— they  fortified  Jerusalem :  the 
Heb.  reads  "  they  abandoned  J.,"  but  the  text  is,  of 
course,  corrupt.  Perhaps  we  should  read,  on  the  basis 
of  one  of  the  emendations  proposed,  "  they  girded 
(i.e.  with  a  wall)  Jerusalem." — the  broad  wall :  cf.  I238  ; 
the  portion  of  the  wall  between  the  tower  of  the 
furnaces  (see  11)  and  the  gate  of  Ephraim  (see  Stade, 
Geschichte,  ii.  pp.  167,  175). — 9.  ruler  of  half  the  dis- 
trict of  J. :  cf.  12  ;  the  reference  is  to  the  surrounding 
coimtrj^  included  within  the  city's  jurisdiction  (cf.  the 
LXX  rendering,  "the  country  round"). — 11.  the 
tower  of  the  furnaces:  situated  between  the  gate  of 
Ephraim  and  the  valley  gate. — 12.  he  and  his  daughters: 
read,  "it  (i.e.  ha'if  the  district  of  Jerusalem)  and  its 
villages"  (see  llasff.). — 15.  Shelah:  the  same  as 
yhiloah  (cf.  Is.  86*).— the  stairs  .  =  .:  cf.  1237.— 
22.  the  men  of  the  Plain  :  i.e.  the  Plain  of  Jordan  (seo 
Gen.  13io*).— 28.  the  horse-gate :  cf.  Jer.  3I40,  2  K. 
11 16. — 32.  Batten  points  out  that  at  the  beginning 
oi  this  verse  there  is  a  Massoretic  note,  "  the  middle 
ot  the  book,"  which  proves  that  Ezr.-Neh.  is  a  single 
book. 

IV.  1-23.  Samaritan  Attempt  to  Frustrate  the  Build- 
ing of  the  Walls. — In  2f.  the  text  is  veiy  corrupt, 
though  the  general  sense  of  the  passage  is  fairly  clear, 
viz.  the  Samaritans  mock  the  efforts  made  by  the  Jews 
in  building  the  walls  ;  Sanballat's  wrath  in  conjunction 
with  his  contempt  is  a  little  incongruous.  The  mention 
of  the  Samaritan  army  is  difficult  to  account  for ;  if 
an  army  had  really  been  there  some  attempt  would 
assuredly  have  been  made  there  and  then  to  stop  the 
building ;  probably  we  must  picture  a  crowd  of 
Samaritans  and  not  warriors.  But  the  corrupt  state 
of  the  text  makes  it  impossible  to  feel  sure  what  the 
meaning  really  is. — 2.  will  they  fortify  themselves  ? 
The  Heb.  "  will  they  leave  to  them  ?  "  is  meaningless  ; 
Ryle  emends  the  text  so  as  to  read,  "  will  they  commit 
themselves  to  their  God  ?  "  This  gives  excellent  sense 
and  is  supported  by  the  words  which  follow,  "  will 
they  sacrifice  ?  "  i.e.  to  their  God  ;  at  the  same  time 
one  must  remember  the  words  in  Ezr.  42,  spoken  by  the 
Samaritans,  "  we  seek  your  God,  as  ye  do  ;  and  wo 
do  sacrifice  vmto  him  .  .  . "  ;  if,  as  is  clear,  the 
questions  in  the  verse  before  us  are  intended  to  be 
words  of  mockery,  we  should  hardly  expect  the 
Samaritans  to  have  made  reference  to  the  God.  whom 
they,  too,  worshipped,  in  such  an  unfitting  manner. 
Perhaps  it  is  best  to  follow  the  reading  of  one  of  the 
Greek  MSS,  "  Shall  we  leave  them  alone  ?  "  (so  Batten), 
implying,  of  coui-se.  a  negative  answer. — revive :  read 
"  restore."— 4f.  An  interjected  prayer  (cf.  Sig,  69,14, 
1314,22). — 7-20.  A  critical  time  is  here  described; 
on  the  one  hand,  the  Jews  were  getting  wearied  with 
the  work,  while,  on  the  other,  the  enemy,  as  Nehemiah 
had  found  out.  were  planning  an  attack.  To  make 
things  worse,  the  Jews  living  round  about  Jerusalem, 
who  were  better  able  to  see  what  was  going  on  among 
their  enemies,  and  who  realised  what  was  being  planned 
by  them,  called  upon  their  brethren  at  the  walls  to 
flee.  Nehcmiah's  firmness  and  presence  of  mind  alone 
saved  the  situation.  But  he  saw  that  the  only  way 
whereby  the  work  could  be  continued  and  the  danger 
of  a  sudden  attack  avoided  was  to  arm  the  builders, 
while  he  himself  kept  a  general  look-out  •with  a 
trumpeter  by  his  side,  who  would  l>c  ready  to  give  the 


332 


NEHEMIAH,  IV.  7-20 


iilaiin  at  any  moment. — 21.  This  would  read  more 
iiitcUigibly  if  the  words  "and  half  of  them  held  the 
spears  "  were  omitted  ;  for  (a)  there  is  nothing  in  the 
context  to  show  who  are  referred  to  in  the  words  "  half 
of  them  "■ ;  and  (b)  there  was  no  point  in  this  holding 
of  the  spears  ready  during  the  day-time,  seeing  that 
Nehemiah  had  just  said  that  his  trumpeter  would 
give  the  signal  immediately  any  danger  of  attack 
showed  itself.  The  time  for  holding  the  spears  was 
in  the  night  when  the  labour  had  to  cease  (see  22). 
Read,  "So  we  wrought  in  the  work  from  the  rising 
of  the  morning  till  the  stars  appeared." — 23.  every- 
one .  .  .  water :  the  text,  as  it  stands,  is  corrupt 
(see  mg.)  and  quite  meaningless  ;  a  slight  emendation 
makes  the  passage  read,  ' '  each  had  his  weapon  in  his 
hand." 

V.  1-13.  Distress  among  the  Jews. — Neither  this  nor 
the  ne.xt  section,  514-19  (the  two  belong  closely  to- 
gether) can  be  in  their  right  pljice.  1-13  deals  with 
the  economic  straits  to  which  the  Jews  had  been  reduced 
through  want  of  food  ;  yet  the  text  nowhere  hints  that 
their  evil  plight  was  in  any  way  the  result  of  the 
building  of  the  walls ;  besides,  this  building  did  not 
take  long  enough  (see  615)  to  occasion  such  widespread 
Buffering  as  the  narrative  seems  to  indicate,  even  sup- 
posing the  entire  population  to  have  ceased  their 
ordinary  work  in  order  to  give  themselves  to  the  work 
of  building,  a  thing  which  4i2  apparently  precludes. 
Moreover,  it  is  evident  from  14  that  the  building 
had  been  finished  for  years,  and  that  Nehemiah  was 
writing  after  he  had  been  governor  for  twelve  years. — 
1.  their  brethren  the  Jews :  i.e.  the  returned  exiles, 
as  distinct  from  those  who  had  not  gone  into  captivity 
but  had  remained  in  the  land. — 3.  This  shows  that  the 
complainants  were  the  country  folk,  and  that  the 
cause  of  their  distress  was  famine.  The  word  rendered 
"dearth"  is  the  usual  one  for  famine  (rf.  Gen.  12io 
and  very  often  elsewhere) ;  it  was  owing  to  famine 
that  they  had  to  mortgage  their  lands  and  sell  their 
children  into  bondage. — 5.  The  text  is  in  part  corrupt, 
but  the  general  sense  is  that  some  had  been  forced  to 
sell  their  children  into  slavery  (c/.  Ex.  2I7). — 6-13.  The 
description  of  how  Nehemiah  was  able  to  put  things 
right  again  illustrates  his  dominating  and  powerful 
personahty. — 11.  the  hundredth  part  of:  read,  by  a 
sUght  emendation  of  the  text,  "  the  interest  on  "  ;  the 
text,  as  it  stands,  gives  no  sense,  since  the  remission  of 
the  hundredth  part  could  have  given  no  appreciable 
relief. — 13.  lap  :  road  "  sleeve." 

V.  14-19.  Nehemiah  Enumerates  the  Outstanding 
Features  of  his  Beneficent  Rule. — The  main  points  here 
arc  that  Nchemiali  and  his  subordinate  otticials  had 
not  taken  advantage  of  their  undoubted  right  of 
exacting  provisions  from  the  people  ("I  and  my 
brethren  have  not  eaten  the  bread  of  the  governor," 
i.e.  the  sustenance  which  he,  as  the  governor,  had  a 
right  to  claim) ;  secondly,  he  recalls  how  tenaciously 
he  clung  to  his  purpose  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls 
(iC) ;  and  thirdly,  he  remmds  the  people  of  the  way 
in  which  he  had  supported  the  poor  (lyf.). — 14.  from 
the  twentieth  ...  the  king :  i.e.  445-433  b.c;  in  the 
latter  year  he  went  back  to  Babylon  for  a  short  visit 
(lS6f.).  It  is  said  in  26  that  Nehemiah  gave  the  king 
a  set  time  for  leave  of  absence,  and  in  view  of  the 
king's  words  ("For  how  long  shall  thy  journey  be  ? 
and  when  wilt  thou  return  ?  ")  a  prolonged  period  of 
absence  cannot  have  been  comtem  plat«d.  Yet,  according 
to  the  verse  before  us,  Nohomiah  was  away  for  about 
twelve  years  !  No  doubt  if  more  fragments  of  his 
memoirs  had  been  preserved  this  difficulty  would  hare 
been  explained.    Some  new  arrangement  must  have 


been  made  between  Nehemiah  and  the  king,  according 
to  which  the  former  was  granted  an  indefinite  loavo 
of  absence  owing  to  the  serious  condition  of  affairs  in 
Judah,  the  full  extent  of  which  he  realised  only  when 
he  arrived  there. 

VI.  1-9.  Nehemlah's  Enemies  Make  a  further 
Attempt  to  Frustrate  his  Work. — The  narrative  about 
the  rebuilding  of  the  walls,  which  was  broken  by 
ch.  5,  is  here  taken  up  again.  Sanballat  and  his  con- 
federates seek  to  allure  Nehemiah  to  a  conference  in 
order  thus  to  get  him  into  their  power.  Nehemiah 
refuses  to  go  to  this  meeting  on  the  groimd  that  he  is 
too  busy  with  the  work  which  he  has  in  hand.  San- 
ballat, having  tried  four  times  in  vain  to  persuade 
Nehemiah  to  come,  at  length  tries  to  intimiclate  him 
by  sending  him  a  letter  in  which  he  accuses  him  of 
aspiring  to  the  kingsliip,  and  threatens  to  report  this 
to  the  king.  Sanballat  thinks  that  by  this  means 
ho  may  induce  Nehemiah  to  come  and  meet  him. 
Nehemiah,  however,  merely  denies  Sanballat's  allega- 
tions, telling  him  that  he  has  made  them  uj). — 2.  the 
plain  of  Ono  :  cf.  1 135  ;  near  Lydda  (p.  28),  twelve  miles 
to  the  north  of  Jerusalem. — 7.  thou  hast  also  appointed 
prophets:  cf.  1  K.  221-28,  Jer.  281-17,  etc.;  the 
prophets  had  taken  a  leading  part  in  times  past  in  the 
setting  up  of  kings.— 9.  But  now  .  .  .:  LXX  "But 
now  will  I  strengthen  mv  hands  "  (cf.  7ng.). 

VI.  10-14.  A  further  Attempt  to  Entrap  Nehemlah.-;- 
This  section  is  very  compressed  ;  important  links  in 
the  narrative  are  wanting,  so  that  it  is  impossible  to 
grasp  the  details  of  what  liappened.  The  general  sense, 
however,  is  that  Sanballat  induced  one  Shemaiah  to 
try  and  convince  Nehemiah  that  liis  life  was  in  danger 
owing  to  a  plan  to  kill  him  at  night,  for  which  reason 
Shemaiah  was  to  urge  Nehemiah  to  seek  asylum  in 
the  inner  sanctuary.  But  no  layman  (let  alone  a  man 
who  was  ceremonially  unclean  like  Shemaiah)  was 
permitted  by  the  LaV  to  enter  here ;  only  priests 
might  do  so.  If,  therefore,  Nehemiah  could  be  induced 
to  enter  with  Shemaiah  he  would  be  gmlty  of  a  grave 
breach  of  the  Law  and  thereby  become  di.scrcdited  in 
the  eyes  of  the  people.  But  Nehemiah  sees  through 
the  plan  and  avoids  the  danger. — 10.  was  shut  up : 
i.e.  he  was  ceremonially  unclean  (cf.  Jer.  865*). — 11. 
read  mg.  "  could  go  into  the  Temple  and  Uve  "  ;  any- 
one, with  the  exception  of  a  priest,  who  entered  was, 
according  to  the  Law,  to  be  put  to  death  (see  Nu.  I87). 
— 14.  and  also  the  prophetess  Noadiah  .  .  . :  these 
words  show  that  only  part  of  the  episode  has  been  put 
down  here.  They  also  show  that  Sanballat  had  con- 
siderable support  among  the  Jews  living  in  Jerusalem. 

VI.  15-19.  The  Rebuilding  of  the  WaU  is  Completed. 
Tobiah's  Friends  in  Judah.— 15.  Elul:= August  ap- 
proximately. The  rebuilding  of  the  walls  was  com- 
pleted in  444  B.C.,  having  taken  fifty-two  days. — 16. 
feared :  the  RVm.  can  be  disregarded  ;  the  Heb.  is 
defectively  written. — were  much  cast  down  .  .  . :  read 
"and  it  was  very  marvellous  in  their  eyes"  ;  this  is 
gained  by  a  slight  emendation  of  the  Hob.  text,  which 
gives  no  sense  as  it  stands. — 17f.  These  verses  bear 
witness  to  the  intrigues  which  wore  being  carried  on 
in  the  city  itself. 

VII.  1-4.  Nehemlah's  Precautions  for  Guarding  the 
City  from  Sudden  Attack. — The  internal  intrigues  just 
referred  to  ((>  17-19)  necessitated  constant  vigilance  on 
the  part  of  Nehemiaii ;  his  measures  are  described  in 
this  section. — 1.  porters:  better  "gatekeepers." — the 
singers  and  the  Levites:  a  mistaken  addition  by  the 
rhronicler ;  their  duties  were  concerned  with  the 
Temple  and  its  services,  not  with  the  city  gates. — 
2.  the  castle :   see  note  on  28. — 3.  and  .  .  /let  them : 


NEHEMIAH,  IX.  6-37 


333 


the  text  gives  no  sense ;  read,  with  a  shght  emenda- 
tion, "and  while  it  (i.e.  the  sim)  is  still  standing  let 
them  "  ;  the  meaning  being  that  the  gates  were  to  be 
closed  while  it  is  yet  light.  The  caution  was  needed 
in  view  of  the  enemies  both  without  and  within  the 
walls. 

VII.  5-73a.  Enumeration  of  the  Returned  Exiles. — 
This  section  — P]zr.  21-70  ;  cf.  the  Greek  Ezra  57-45. 
As  this  hst  is  approximately  the  same  as  that  of  the 
exiles  who  returned  under  Zenibbabel,  it  must  have 
come  originally  from  the  archives  in  Jerusalem. 

PART  IV  (Neh.  773i'-1039)-    Ezra  and  the  Law. 

VII.  73b-VIII.  12.  The  Reading  of  the  Law.— 73b. 
These  words  are  repeated  by  mistalio  from  Ezr.  3i. — 
VIII.  1.  Cf.  Ezr.  76-IO.  It  is  clear  that  we  have  here 
only  part  of  the  original  narrative.  It  is  diliticult  to 
understand,  knowing  what  we  do  about  Ezra  from 
other  parts  of  the  book,  how  the  initiative  regarding 
the  reading  of  the  Law  should  have  been  taken  by  the 
people  as  is  here  implied.  Something  must  originally 
have  preceded  this  section,  which  probably  recorded 
how  Ezra  first  impressed  upon  the  people  the  need  of 
studying  and  observing  the  Law.  This  would  explain 
why  the  people  gathered  together  and  requested  Ezra 
to  read  the  Law  to  them. — 2.  all  that  could  hear  with 
understanding :  as  men  and  women  are  mentioned 
immediately  before,  presumably  children  are  to  be 
imderstood  and  referred  to  by  these  words,  though 
see  7. — upon  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month ;  see 
not«  on  Ezr.  3i,  and  cf.  Lev.  2323-25,  Nu.  29i-6. — 
4.  a  pulpit  of  wood  :  read  "  a  wooden  platform  "  (lit. 
"  tower  ") ;  "  pulpit  "  does  not  convey  quite  the  right 
idea,  as  a  number  of  men  in  addition  to  Ezra  stood  on 
it.— 6.  Cf.  Dt.  7i5,  1  Ch.  I636.— 7f.  None  of  those 
here  mentioned  are  among  those  who  stood  on  the 
platform  with  Ezra  ;  they  were  all  Levites  (see  93, 
IO9-14,  so  that  the  word  "  and  "  before  "  the  Levites  " 
should  be  deleted.  But  the  whole  of  7,  with  the 
exception  of  "and  the  people  stood  in  their  place," 
seems  to  be  an  interpolation,  for  the  procedure  as  now 
described  in  the  text  is  illogical  because  the  under- 
standing of  the  Law  is  made  to  precede  the  reading 
of  it  (see  8).  In  6  it  is  said  that  the  people  "  worshipped 
the  Lord  with  their  faces  to  the  ground,"  i.e.  they  were 
prostrate;  so  that  the  words  at  the  end  of  7,  "and 
the  people  stood  in  their  place,"  evidently  mean  that 
they  rose  up  from  their  prostrate  position.  In  8  it 
then  goes  on  to  say  that  they  read  in  the  book,  etc. ; 
but  "they  "  should  be  "he."  i.e.  Ezra  ;  the  second 
"  they  "  ("  they  gave  the  sense  ")  refers  to  the  Levites  ; 
while  the  third  "  they  "  refers  to  the  people.  The 
text  in  both  verses  is  confused,  and  differs  from  the 
LXX  as  well  as  from  the  Greek  Ezra  (948-50).  The 
word  "  distinctly  "  (liVm.  "  with  an  interpretation  "  ; 
Heb.  mephdraah)  comes  from  a  root  meaning  "  to 
explain  "  or  "  expound  "  ;  in  Aramaic  the  root  means 
"  to  translate  "  {cf.  Ezr.  4i8) ;  and  in  rabbinical  Heb. 
it  came  to  bo  used  as  a  technical  term  for  expounding 
Scripture,  and  especially  the  Law  ;  hence  tho  name 
Phaiisee,  since  the  PharLsecs  were  par  excellence  tho 
expoundc^rs  of  the  Law.  Taking  8  with  the  emendation 
suggested  above  (though  the  whole  text  as  it  stands 
must  be  regarded  with  suspicion)  the  meaning  seems 
to  be  that  Ezra  read  the  Law,  ])rcsumably  sentence 
by  sentence,  and  briefly  expounded  it,  whereupon  the 
lievitcs  made  his  explanation  clear  to  the  people.  It 
must  bo  confessed  that  it  is  not  easy  to  picture  the 
exact  procedure  :  whether  the  Levites  spoke  to  small 
groups  of  the  people  after  each  passage  read  by  Ezra  ; 
or  whether,  after  Ezra  had  finally  concluded,  the 
Levites  began  their  explanation  on  tho  basis  of  hia 


words.  But  though  our  text  fails  to  give  a  satisfactory 
account  of  the  details  of  what  actually  took  place,  tho 
really  important  point  is  clear  enough,  viz.  that  by 
Ezra's  imspiration  and  under  his  guidance  the  Law  was 
now  for  the  first  time  put  before  the  Jews  in  such  a 
way  as  to  convince  them  that  it  was  tho  most  important 
thing  in  the  world  that  their  hves  should  be  conducted 
wholly  in  accordance  with  its  precepts. — 9.  And 
Nehemlah  .  .  .  the  Tirshatha :  these  words  do  not 
belong  here,  they  have  been  intej-polated  by  tho 
Chronicler. — your  God :  one  would  rather  expect 
"  our  "  ;  this  is,  moreover,  what  the  LXX  reads. — For 
all  the  people  wept :  the  Jews  having  learned  the  great 
demands  which  the  Law  made  upon  them  now  realised 
in  how  many  ways  they  had  fallen  short  of  its  require- 
ments ;  hence  their  consternation  and  sorrow  ;  cf.  the 
action  of  king  Josiah  on  hearing  the  book  of  the 
Law  read  for  the  first  time  (2  K.  22ii). — 12.  because 
they  had  understood  .  .  . :  this  had  been  the  very 
cause  (see  end  of  9)  of  the  people's  weeping  ;  here  it  is 
said  to  be  the  cause  of  "  great  mirth  "  ;  the  words 
were  probably  added  by  the  Chronicler  in  forgetfulness 
of  what  had  been  written  above. 

VIII.  13-18.  Celebration  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles. 
— The  fiirther  reading  of  the  Law  and  its  more  minute 
study  show  that  this  is  just  the  time  at  which  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles  ought  to  be  celebrated ;  the 
people,  who  are  apparent!}'  quite  ignorant  of  this  feast, 
forthwith  proceed  to  celebrate  it. — 14.  they  found 
written  in  the  law:  see  Ex.  2826,  Lev.  2839-43, 
Nu.  2912-38,  Dt.  I613-15.— 17.  for  since  .  .  .  done 
so :  these  words  are  not  in  accordance  with  other 
passages  of  Scripture,  for  this  feast  had  been  observed 
by  Solomon  (2  Ch.  78,  813)  and  by  Zenibbabel  (Ezr.  84). 
It  is  an  oversight  of  the  Chronicler's. — 18.  he  read : 
i.e.  "one  read.'' — the  eighth  day:  see  Lev.  2836,39, 
2  Ch.  78f .,  2  Mac.  106 ;  in  earUer  days  the  eighth  day 
was  not  kept  as  part  of  the  feast. 

IX.  1-37.  The  Fast  and  a  National  Confession. — All 
that  took  place,  as  described  in  this  section,  was  the 
result  of  the  reading  of  the  Law.  The  command  to 
celebrate  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  having  been  ob- 
served, there  followed  a  spontaneous  outburst  of  self- 
condemnation  on  the  part  of  the  people,  who  were 
conscience-stricken  on  account  of  having  hitherto 
neglected  to  observe  the  Law  ;  they  had  clearly  been 
desirous  of  expressing  their  sorrow  before  (see  89),  but 
it  would  have  been  inappropriate  during  the  feast. 
Fasting  and  prayerful  confession  were  fitly  followed 
(see  next  section)  by  a  solemn  act  of  resolution  of 
amendment. — 1.  the' twenty  and  fourth  day:  the 
sex3ond  day  after  the  celebration  of  the  feast,  i.e.  in  the 
seventh  month  (see  82). — 2.  the  seed  of  Israel:  an 
appropriate  expression  in  this  connexion. — separated 
themselves  .  .  . :  the  incongruity  of  those  w  ho  were 
not  strictly  Jews  taking  part,  in  what  was  to  follow  is 
obvious.— confessed  their  sins  :  viz.  of  non-obsers^ance 
of  tho  commandments  of  tho  Law,  not  necessarily 
offences  of  a  moral  character.  The  confession  was  not 
personal  but  national ;  this  has  always  been  a  charac- 
teristic of  the  Jew  ish  Liturgy  ;  both  m  prayer  and 
praise,  as  well  as  in  confession,  the  act  is  neither  per- 
sonal nor  even  congregational,  but  national ;  each 
congregation  is  representative  of  the  Jewish  nation  as  a 
whole. — 4.  the  stairs :  presumably  of  the  platform 
mentioned  in  84. — 5.  The  text  is  not  in  order  and  there 
is  uncertainty  about  the  names. — 6-37.  It  is  not  said 
by  whom  this  long  prayer  and  confcs.sion  was  spoken, 
nor  do  the  contents  of  it  (a  review  of  past  history-  re- 
minding one  of  Pss.  105,  106.  107)  seem  very  appro- 
priate in  this  connexion.     Its  general  tone  is  prophetic 


334 


NEHEMIAH,  IX.  6-37 


rather  than  priestly.  The  whole  of  the  passage,  6-37, 
is  probably  a  lat«r  msortion.  The  opening  words,  the 
declaration  of  God  as  One  and  aa  the  Creator  of 
heaven  and  x-arth.  strike  a  ilistinctly  hturgical  note. 
The  passjige  calls  for  hi  tie  comment,  as  it  is  made  up 
of  references  to  the  OT  history  and  of  quotations, 
mainly  from  the  Pentateuch  ami  the  Pss.  It  is  worth 
mentioning  that  a  characteristic  of  the  Jewish  Liturgy 
is  the  Scriptural  tone  of  the  prayers,  into  which  OT 
phrases  aro  woven.  The  Uvte  date  of  the  passage 
before  us  is  shown  by  the  words  in  20,  "  Thou  gavest 
also  thy  good  spirit  to  instruct  them,"  which  echo  a 
late  conception  (c/.  Is.  63ii).  The  abrupt  ending 
should  be  noted.  [In  the  Hcb.  the  new  chapter  begins 
with  what  is  marked  as  38  in  RV.] 

IX.  38-X.  39.  The  Covenant. — This  section  is  pro- 
bably originally  from  Ezra's  memoirs,  though  it  has 
been  considerably  worked  over,  presumably  not  by 
the  Chronicler,  since  he  writes  in  the  third  person.  It 
is,  in  the  main,  written  in  the  first  person  plural,  and 
may  in  its  present  form  have  come  from  some  loyal 
follower  of  Ezra  or  Nehomiah  who  writes  as  repre- 
senting one  of  the  people.  The  special  points  of  the 
covenant  are  the  undertaking  not  to  marry  foreigners, 
to  observe  the  Sabbath  more  strictly,  to  remit  debts 
in  the  seventh  year,  to  pay  a  third  of  a  shekel  to  the 
Temple,  to  supply  wood  for  burning  the  sacrifices,  to 
offer  all  the  first-fruits,  and  to  give  tithes  ;  with  all 
this  r/.  ch.  13.— 38.  And  yet  .  .  .  this  :  better  "  be- 
cause of  all  this  "  ;  these  words  are  either  intended  to 
refer  to  the  contents  of  6-37,  but  this  gives  no  sense ; 
or  else  they  are  meant  to  introduce  what  follows.  The 
text,  however,  is  not  in  order.  The  vei-se  is  probably 
an  addition  by  the  Chronicler,  and  the  abnipt  way  in 
which  it  is  introduced  suggests  that  it  was  inserted 
after  ch.  10  had  found  its  way  in  here. — X.  1.  those 
that  sealed  :  c/.  Jer.  .'3214.  The  number  of  seals  which 
in  recent  years  have  been  discovered  during  the 
excavations  on  different  ancient  sites  in  Palestine 
shows  that  there  is  nothing  improbable  about  what  wo 
are  here  told.  Apparently  a  document  of  some  kind 
was  drawn  up  stating  the  nature  of  what  was  to  be 
undertaken  ;  to  this  the  seal  was  appended  by  each 
man,  who  tliereby  bound  himself.  Wo  know,  however, 
too  httlc  about  all  tliis  to  picture  to  ourselves  with 
any  certainty  the  actual  procedure.  In  the  hst  that 
follows,  twenty-one  names  are  those  of  priests,  seven- 
teen those  of  Levites.  in  addition  to  which  there  are 
forty-four  names  of  "chiefs  of  the  people"  (1-27). 
The  rest  of  the  people,  not  having  any  seal  of  their 
own,  did  not  sign  but  took  an  oath  "  to  walk  in  God's 
law"  (28f.). — 30.  The  first  person  plural  is  taken  up 
here  again  and  continued  to  the  end  of  the  section. — 
31.  Cf.  13 16  and  see  Lev.  202-7. — 32.  This  is  a  modi- 
fication of  the  written  law  (Ex.  30ii-i6),  according  to 
which  a  half  shekel  was  the  amount  due. — 34.  The 
mention  of  priests  among  those  who  were  to  supply 
wood  shows  that  this  section  is  not  likely  to  have  come 
from  the  Chronicler,  to  whom  such  a  thing  would  have 
appeared  unfitting.— 37.  the  cities  of  our  tillage: 
f.c.  our  agricultural  villages. — 39.  the  chambers  .  .  . : 
i.e.  the  rooms  situated  round  the  sanctuary;  rj.  13.t-i2. 

PART  V  (Neh.  11-13).  The  Population  of  Jerusalem 
and  Judah.  The  Dedication  of  the  Walls.  Internal 
Organisation. 

XL  1-36.  The  Population  of  Jerusalem  and  Judah.— 
This  section  consist.s  of  lists  of  the  dwellers  in  Jemsalem 
and  in  the  provincial  towns  of  Judah. — If.  The  need 
of  increasing  the  population  of  Jerusalem  was  obvious 
from  what  is  said  m  74.  for  the  bulk  of  the  people  lived 
in  the  provincial  towns  and   in  the  coimtry  villages 


(c/.  773). — 3-24.  The  lists  hero  given  enumerate  the 
chief  laymen  dwelling  in  Jerusalem  (3-9),  the  priests 
(10-14),  the  Levites  (15-18;  cf.  1  Ch.  914-18),  and  the 
patckeei)ors  (19);  in  20-24  some  miscellaneous  notes 
are  added. — 25-36.  Then  follows  a  geographical  list 
of  the  provincial  towns  in  which  the  children  of  Judah 
dwelt;  Judasan  towns  (25-30),  Benjaminite  towns 
(31-36). 

XII.  1-26.  Priests  and  Levites  who  Returned  with 
Jeshuaand  Zerubbabel,  and  Extracts  from  other  Lists. — 
The  details  here  uiven  were,  in  all  prolKibility.  taken 
largely  from  the  Temple  archives. — 1-9.  CJ.  Ezr.  2 
36-40,  I^eh.  739-43. — lOf.  A  fragment  from  a  genea- 
logical hst. — 12-26.  Further  lists  of  priests  and 
Invites. 

XII.  27-43.  Dedication  of  the  Walls  of  Jerusalem. 
— We  should  naturally  expect  this  section  to  come  after 
615,  where  the  completion  of  the  walls  is  recorded  ; 
like  so  many  others,  this  section  has  become  misplaced 
from  its  original  position.  It  is,  in  the  main,  taken 
from  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  (see  31,38,40),  though 
probably  the  compiler  has  left  his  marks  upon  it. — 
27,  they  sought  the  Levites  .  .  . :  the  Levites  at  this 
time  were  not  hving  in  Jerusalem,  but  in  the  country 
villages  round  (see  28f.). — 28.  the  villages  of  the 
Netophathites :  cj.  1  Ch.  9i6,  E2x.  222,  Neh.  726.— 
30.  purified  themselves :  viz.  by  means  of  sacrifices 
and  sprinkhng  with  the  blood  of  the  sacrifices. — 33-36. 
This  list  contains  some  strange  names  not  fovmd  else- 
where ;  in  the  main  it  is  a  list  of  Levites. — 40.  The 
two  processions,  having  made  the  circuit  of  the  walls, 
took  up  their  positions  in  the  open  space  to  the  east 
of  the  Temple. 

XII.  44-47.  Provision  for  the  Priests  and  Levites. — 
Probably  an  insertion  by  the  Chronicler. — 44.  on  that 
day:  better,  with  AV,  "at  that  time,"  which  is,  in 
accordance  with  the  Hcb.,  more  indefinite  (c/.  13i). — 
the  chambers  for  the  treasures :  cj.  1813  ;  "  provisions  " 
would  be  loss  ambiguous  than  "  treasures." — the 
Levites  that  waited:  "better  "that  served,"  i.e.  the 
Temple. — 45.  kept  the  ward :  i.e.  performed  the 
service. — and  so  did :  i.e.  according  to  what  their 
special  duties  were. — according  .  .  .  son  :  this  was  in 
accordance  with  the  Chronicler's  ideas,  so  also  46. — 
47.  This  insertion  shows  that  Zenibbabol  and  Nehemiah 
were  the  two  outstanding  jiersonaUties  during  the 
period  so  far  as  the  civil  government  was  concerned. — 
and  they  sanctified  .  .  . :  this  is  difficult  to  imderstand, 
but  .see  103Sf. 

XIII.  1-3.  The  Separation  of  the  Mixed  Multitude 
from  Israel. — A  fiagim-nt  inserted  by  way  of  intro- 
duction to  the  episode  which  follows.— -If.* (/•  I")t.  23 
3-C. — 3.  The  fact  that  this  separation  is  not  undertaken 
by  Nehemiah  himself  shows  that  this  passage  is  not 
part  of  his  memoirs. 

XIII.  4-31.  Some  Details  of  Nehemlah's  Rule.— This 
section,  taken  for  the  most  part  from  Nehemiahs 
memoirs,  deals  with  his  zeal  for  the  sanctity  of  tho 
Temple  (4-9),  his  organisation  for  tho  maintenance  of 
tho  Levites  (10-14),  his  reform  regarding  Sabbath 
observance  (15-22),  and  his  measures  against  those 
who  had  contracted  marriages  with  aliens  (23-29). 
28f.  contains  some  concluding  words  of  Neliemiah. 
When  it  is  remembered  that  for  twelve  years  he  had 
been  working  among  tlie  people,  enforcing  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Law,  and  introducing  refonns.  so  that  ho 
had  got  the  jjcople  as  a  whole  to  follow  his  guidance 
willingly,  it  must  strike  ono  as  very  extraordinary 
that  after  a  fow  months'  absence  the  abuses,  as  de- 
scribed in  this  chapter,  should  have  become  rampant. 
It  is,  indeed,  mcrcdible.    The-  fact  is  that,  with  tho 


NEHEMIAH,  XIII.  30f. 


335 


exception  of  the  Tobiah  episode,  the  sections  of  this 
chapter  (10-14,15-22,23-29)  are  fragments  from 
Nehemiah's  memoirs  referring  to  the  earlier  periods  of 
his  adminiotration.  They  have,  like  other  excerpts 
from  the  same  source,  been  jumbled  together  in  a  hope- 
less manner  ;  so  much  so  that  an  orderly  arrangement 
of  them  now  is  impossible,  especially  as  so  many  of 
the  connecting  links  are  wanting.  Eliashib's  action, 
recorded  in  this  chapter,  needed  stern  repression  from 
Nchemiah"s  point  of  view ;  the  episode  is  one  among 
others  which  witnessed  to  the  beginning  of  a  great 
contest  within  Judaism,  lasting  for  centuries,  between 
the  champions  of  univorsalistic  and  particularist 
tendencies  ;  in  later  days  this  resulted  in  tho  formation 
of  clearly  defined  parties  with  opposing  tenets. 
Nehemiah,  like  Ezra,  tho  champion  of  the  Law  and  of 
Jewish  exclusiveness,  could  not  do  otherwise  than 
strain  every  nerve  to  try  and  eradicate  the  vicious 
growth,  as  it  appeared  to  him,  of  foreign  influences 
which,  as  ho  rightly  foresaw,  were  bound  to  result  in 
loosening  the  people's  devotion  to  the  Law,  or,  in 
other  words,  to  Judaism.  Hence  hLs  hurried  return 
from  Babylon  for  a  purpose  which  at  the  first  glance 
might  not  appear  to  bo  of  serious  import. — 4-9.  The 
episode  here  recounted  happened  while  Nehemiah  was 
away  in  Babylon  ;  no  indication  is  here  given  as  to 
the  length  of  his  absence  (see,  however,  the  note  on 
6  below). — 4.  Now  before  this:  the  reference  is  not 
to  what  is  said  in  1-3,  which  are  a  later  addition,  but 
to  something  in  Nehemiah's  memoirs  which  preceded 
th.s  extract. — Eliashib  the  priest:  c/.  3i,2o,  and  28 
of  this  chapter. — being  allied :  the  Heb.  word  is  used 
in  Ruth  220  ;  a  better  rendering  would  be  "  being 
related." — 5.  CJ.  I244  ;  but  tho  oiferings  here  enume- 
rated differ  from  those  named  in  I244. — 6.  in  all  this 
time :  there  is  no  mention  of  "  time  "  in  the  Heb., 
the  reference  is  to  what  has  been  said  in  4f. — in  the 
two  and  thirtieth  year:  433  b.c.  It  is  said  in  614  that 
Nehemiah  returned  to  Babylon  in  this  year  after 
twelve  years'  sojourn  in  Jerusalem,  so  that  as  it  was 
in  this  same  year  that  he  returned  again  to  Jerusalem, 
he  could  have  been  in  Babylon  only  quite  a  short 
time,  not  more  than  a  few  months  probably.  The  dis- 
quieting news  regarding  affairs  in  Jerusalem,  which 
had  evidently  come  to  his  ears,  was  the  cause  of  his 
return  here ;  we  are  not  told  how  long  he  remained 
in  Jerusalem. — 7.  the  evil  that  Eliashib  had  done:  to 


the  rigid  legalistic  mind  of  Nehemiah  it  seemed  to  bo 
a  profanation  of  tho  Temple  for  anyone  not  a  strict 
Jew  to  dwell  in  one  of  "  tho  courts  of  the  house  of  God." 
— 9.  they  cleansed  the  chambers:  viz.  from  the  im- 
purity which  clung  to  them  from  the  presence  of  a 
non- Jew.  Yet  Nehemiah's  action  must  not  be  harshly 
judged,  for  the  circumstances  of  the  times  demanded, 
from  his  point  of  view,  drastic  measures. — 10-14.  Tho 
Levitos,  according  to  these  verses,  had  not  been  properly 
supported  ;  this  must  necessarily  have  resulted  in  tho 
Temple  worship  being  inadequately  attended  to,  for 
in  order  to  find  support  they  had  to  go  and  work  in 
the  fields.  Nehemiah  rectifies  this  by  appointing 
officers  to  see  to  the  collection  and  proper  distribution 
of  tithe.— 15-22.  The  spc^cific  charges  of  Sabbath- 
breaking  which  Nehemiah  brings  are  that  Jews  trod 
out  the  winepress,  brought  in  com,  wine,  grapes,  and 
figs  into  Jerusalem  and  sold  them  there  on  the  Sabbath 
day ;  also,  that  they  bought  fish  and  other  wares 
from  the  men  of  Tyre.  He  recalls  the  fact  that  then: 
fathers  had  done  such  things  and  had  thereby  brought 
evil  upon  succeeding  generations  (c/.  Jcr.  17 19-23). 
The  method  he  adopts  to  prevent  this  lawlessness  is 
to  cause  the  city  gates  to  be  closed  before  dark  on 
the  eve  of  the  Sabbath  and  not  to  be  opened  again 
until  the  Sabbath  was  over.  The  merchants  try  to  cir- 
cumvent this  by  remaining  close  to  the  walls  with 
their  wares  and — as  one  is  led  to  surmise — selling 
them  to  the  people  on  the  walls ;  Nehemiah  threatens 
further  coercive  measures  if  this  continues,  so  tho 
merchants  desist.  —  23-29.  Another  abuse  which 
Nehemiah  sets  himself  to  rectifj%  viz.  mixed  marriages 
[cf.  92,  1028,30,  Ezr.  9io). — 24.  half:  it  is  uncertain 
whether  this  refers  to  the  children  or  to  the  language. — 
the  speech  of  Ashdod :  a  dialect  of  Hebrew.— the  Jews' 
language:  i.e.  Hebrew  (c/.  2  K.  1826,28,  Is.  36ii,i3, 
2  Ch.  32i8).— 26f.  This  argumentative  stram  after  Nehe- 
miah's violence  described  in  25  sounds  strange  ;  these 
verses  can  hardly  have  come  from  the  memoirs,  but 
are  more  likely  to  have  been  added  by  the  Chronicler. — 
28.  The  most  grievous  part  of  this  offence  was  that  tho 
family  of  the  high  priest  had  become  contam  nated  by 
a  foreign  alliance  (cf.  29). — 30f.  A  brief  summary  of 
what  has  preceded ;  it  is,  however,  incomplete,  aa 
there  is  no  mention  of  what  had  been  recounted 
in  15-22  about  enforcing  the  observance  of  the 
Sabbath, 


ESTHER 


By  Profbssor  ARCHIBALD  DUFF 


In  Windsor  Castle  seven  fine  Gobelin  tapestries  with 
scenes  from  Esther  adorn  the  very  chief  apartments, 
and  fittingly  do  these  tell  their  great  tale  there.  For 
chief  interest  in  the  story  arises  when  we  realise  how 
nearly  all  scholars  agree  that  it  was  written  in  and 
for  the  last  few  generations  before  Jesus  lived  ;  so  it 
gives  us  material  for  knowledge  of  His  audiences,  and 
of  Himself.  We  are  bound  also  to  see  whether  the 
common  imputation  of  cruelty  to  the  storj',  and  to 
the  people  of  that  time,  is  correct.  It  is  said  that 
Rsther  is  revengeful,  and  so  also  were  the  Jews  in 
those  generations.  Is  this  tnie,  or  is  it  a  traditional 
but  unfortunate  way  of  uttering  illwill  against  the 
folk  among  whom  Jesus  was  killed  ?  It  is  said,  more- 
over, that  the  book  is  irreligious,  for  it  never  speaks 
of  God.     Is  this  true  ? 

A  word  must  be  said  here  concerning  a  common 
theory  that  it  was  written  originally  in  the  Heb. 
language,  and  in  the  form  given  in  the  common  MT. 
Against  this  we  hold  that  MT  is  a  truncated  version 
of  a  longer  Heb.  story,  and  pcrliaps  there  is  a  nearer 
approximation  to  the  original  in  our  present  LXX.  Wo 
do  not  claim,  indeed,  that  our  LXX  is  actually  the  exact 
translation  of  the  original,  nor  that  it  is  the  original 
itself,  in  case  the  tale  was  written  originally  in  Greek  ; 
but  that  original  had  certainly  passages  much  like 
what  we  find  in  what  are  known  as  "  the  Greek 
additions."  It  is  well  to  state  at  once  the  arguments 
of  those  from  whom  we  dissent;  and  Dr.  L.  B.  Paton 
in  ICC  may  be  taken  as  a  thorough  representative  of 
that  school.  His  objections  to  our  view  are :  (a) 
"  There  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence  of  Semitic 
originals  for  these  paseage.«."  No,  nor  is  there  any 
such  for  the  existence  of  the  original  of  J,  E, 
D ;  nor  is  there  even  much  for  P.  (b)  But  Dr. 
Paton  says,  "  The  additions  themselves  bear  no  evi- 
dence of  having  been  translated  from  Heb.  or  Aram." 
This  is  a  better  argument ;  yet  I'aton  himself  follows 
it  up  by  saying,  "  This,  of  course,  does  not  preclude  the 
idea  that  they  may  have  been  derived  from  traditional 
Jewish  oral  sources."  Now  that  is  exactly  our  position, 
(c)  He  says,  "  The  interpolations  contradict  the  Hob. 
text  in  so  many  particulars  that  it  is  impossible  to 
regard  them  as  having  once  formed  an  integral  part 
of  the  Book  of  Esther.'  This  is  well  answered  by  what 
he  has  said  in  the  quotation  just  given.  Then  when 
he  gives  ten  instances  of  contradiction,  one  is  that  in 
Heb.  Haman  is  hanged,  but  in  Gr.  he  is  crucified. 
This  is  simply  a  variation  of  the  translation  of  words 
which  really  say  that  he  was  neither  hanged  nor 
crucified,  but  was  "  impaled."  Other  instances  of 
contradiction  could  be  as  easily  answered  :  but  in 
general,  wo  know  well  that  writers  in  those  days  wore 
not  careful  to  avoid  contradictions.  See  the  remark- 
able contradictions  between  J,  E,  and  P.  (rf)  Dr.  Paton 
says,  "  The  additions  do  not  come  from  the  hand  of 
the  original  translator  of  Father,  but  are  interpolations 


in  Gr.  itaelf."  Yes,  certainly,  they  were  made  by  a 
later  editor  in  order  to  preserve  those  early  additional 
traditions  just  as  J  and  E  were  inserted  in  P.  Now, 
on  the  other  hand,  if  Paton's  objections  fall  away  thus 
easily,  we  may  watch  as  we  read  the  story  how  necessary 
are  the  Gr.  additions,  or  something  of  the  same  nature, 
in  order  to  give  the  story  a  reasonable  verisimilitude. 
We  shall  discover  one  in  the  very  first  verse  of  ch.  1. 
Then  since  Heb.  never  mentions  God,  while  LXX  speaks 
of  Him  constantly,  we  note  how  certain  it  is  that  no 
Jew  would  write  at  first  hand  a  story  with  absolutely 
no  mention  in  it  of  his  God  Yahweh.  Here,  in  the 
total  absence  of  the  sacred  and  dearly-loved  name,  is 
a  sure  mark  of.a  scholastic  and  purposed  truncation  of 
an  earlier  and  fuller  tale  through  some  cause  which 
we  may  possibly  be  able  to  point  out  ere  wo  have  done 
with  the  book. 

[The  reader  should  remember  that  the  view  here  ad- 
vocated that  LXX  represents  the  original  work  better 
than  Heb.,  has  found  hitherto  practically  no  acceptance 
among  scholars  (Willrich  being  the  most  notable  excep- 
tion), and  the  general  editor  must  express  his  decided 
dissent  from  it. — A.  S.  P.] 

A  general  outline  of  the  book  is  :  (A)  If.,  A  foreplay 
and  account  of  the  i^ersonages.  (B)  3f.,  The  Gentile 
plot  to  massacre  all  Jews.  (C)  5-82,  Esther  pleads 
and  Haman  falls.  (D)  83-17,  The  Jewish  queen  cries, 
"  Do  not  kill !  "  the  Persian  king  cries,  "  Yes  :  fight 
and  slay !  "  (E)  9i-i6,  The  tight  and  its  result. 
(F)  917-32,  Purim  or  Phrourai :  memorial  of  Yahweh'a 
salvation.  (G)  10,  Postscript,  Mordecai's  excellence. 
Recapitulation.     Translator's  note. 

Literature. —  Commentaries  :  (a)  Rawlinson  (Sp.), 
Streane  (CB),  T.  W.  Davies  (Cent.B) ;  {b)  L,  B.  Paton 
(ICC);  (c)  Cassel.  Rvssel  (KEH),  Wlldeboer  (KHC). 
Siegfried  (HK) ;  (d)  Adeney  (Ex.B).  Olhtr  Literature  : 
Articles  in  Dictionaries,  Discussions  in  Introductions 
to  OT,  Histories  of  Israel,  Handbooks  on  Religion  of 
Israel,  P.  Haupt's  Critical  Notes  on  Esther,  Lagardo's 
Purim,  Wilhelm  Erbt,  Die  Purimsage  in  der  Bibel, 
J.  G.  Frazcr,  The  Scapegoat,  pp.  360fr.  The  literature 
on  the  book,  while  for  the  moiit  part  valuable,  is  marred 
by  anti-Semitic  prejudice  which  passes  too  unfavour- 
able a  judgment  on  the  Jews.  Haupt  is  an  exception, 
so  also  is  ftlcClymont  in  HDB. 

I.  The  Royal  Feast.  Vashti's  Disobedience  and 
Degradation. — The  opening  words  in  MT  ( "  and  it 
came  to  pass  ")  are  in  good  Heb.  stj'le,  which  shows 
(hat  an  able  scribe  wrote  here.  But  they  prove  that 
something  once  stood  before  them.  Even  Paton  trans- 
lates, "  And  afterward  "  !  After  what  ?  Ho  says 
strangely,  "  This  expression  is  used  in  continuation 
of  a  historical  narrative,"  and  adds,  lamely  and  in- 
correctly, "  It  is  an  imitation  of  the  beginnings  of  the 
older  histories."  The  tale  has  clearly  been  truncated 
here,  doubtless  because  the  original  s|X)ko  of  Yahweh. 
A  version  of  the  original  still  exists  in  LXX :  it  is  a  sort 


ESTHER.  Ill 


337 


of  preface,  sayin^  that  a  Jew  lived  in  Shushan  (Dan. 
82*),  who  had  a  rerao-Babylonian  name  Mordocai,  i.e. 
"  related  to  Mardiik,  Lord  of  Fate  " — which  the  scribes 
would  dislike — and  ho  was  descended  from  the  house 
of  king  Saul,  also  disliked  by  scribes.  He  was  a  court 
servant  of  king  Artaxerxcs,  and  ho  was  a  "  saint," 
one  who  waited  for  the  Consolation  of  Israel.  He  had 
a  vision  liko  Isaiah's,  amid  an  earthquake,  where  a 
Voice  predicted  cruelties  from  the  Gentiles  to  Yahweh's 
people.  But  a  little  fountain  arose  and  soon  grew 
into  a  stream,  and  quenched  the  evil  fires  of  cruelty 
so  that  "  the  lowly  wore  exalted."  This  LXX  picture 
is  full  of  God's  name,  and  love,  and  saints.  Pondering 
on  the  vision,  Mordocai  hears  .whisperings  :  two  mis- 
creants are  plotting  regicide.  He  reports  this,  and 
the  fellows  are  executed  ;  but  another  officer,  Haman, 
is  jealous  of  Mordocai,  of  his  discovery,  and  his  possible 
rewards. 

Now  begins  the  MT  with  a  shortened  story,  telling 
first  of  "  the  drinkings  "  arranged  by  the  king,  who  is 
called  Ahasuerus  by  the  Heb.  writer.  This  is  a  name 
slightly  altered,  no  doubt,  from  the  Persian  Kshj'arsha, 
t.e.  the  Xerxes  of  486-465.  The  character  of  that 
prince  is  fairly  well  reproduced  in  the  features  attri- 
buted to  the  prince  in  our  tale.  He  rules  liko  Alexander 
from  India  ("  Hoddu  ")  to  Africa.  The  LXX  calls 
the  "  drinking  "  a  wedding  feast,  and  thinks  perhaps 
of  the  royal  nuptials  with  Queen  Vashti,  who  becomes 
notable  very  soon  in  the  story.  By  the  way,  the  term 
"  drinking-feast  "  used  in  Heb.  is  found  in  Est.  as 
many  times  as  in  all  the  rest  of  the  OT  taken  together, 
and  the  writer  probably  meant  to  suggest  that  drink- 
ing was  a  Gentile  vice,  as  in  Alexander's  case.  Wine 
flowed  lavishly  at  the  tables  in  our  scones,  and  there 
was  no  check  laid  on  any  man's  appetite.  This 
sumptuous  aSair  with  all  its  splendours  was  for  princes 
onlj%  and  it  lasted  for  six  months.  A  second  followed, 
a  week  long,  for  Shushan's  citizens.  At  this  the  king 
grew  merry,  bethought  him  of  his  queen,  and  sent  her 
his  commands  to  appear  and  show  his  guests  her 
charms.  So  far  as  we  can  tell,  this  proposal  was  not 
at  all  improper  for  those  times,  but  Queen  Vashti 
refused  to  obey.  Possibly  Ahasuerus  was  vinous  and 
excited  :  but  Vashti  herself  had  held  a  "  drinking,"  and 
may  have  forgotten  herself.  All  the  king's  councillors 
supported  his  Majesty,  declaring  that  Vashti's  example 
would  ruin  the  peace  of  all  husbands  and  all  homes. 
She  is  dethroned. 

II.  1-20.  Esther  Chosen  Queen. — Ere  long  Ahasuerus 
longs  for  his  lost  qtieen's  comradeship.  He  is  moved 
to  issue  a  summons  throughout  all  his  territories,  com- 
manding all  fair  maidens  to  appear  as  candidates  for 
the  queenship.  This  command  removes  the  fancy  that 
a  Jewess  had  no  right  to  come.  She  had  to  come. 
Among  the  assembled  fair  ones  was  the  cousin  and 
ward  of  Mordocai,  called  Hadassah,  t.e.  Myrtle.  Let 
U8  notice  that  this  name  is  the  same  as  that  of  the 
place  Adasah  in  Judah  where,  on  Adar  13th,  161  B.C., 
the  Maccabees  defeated  Nicanor,  the  general  of  the 
armies  of  Syria  (p.  607).  That  final  victory  set  Judah 
free  from  foreign  rule,  so  that  the  throne  of  David  was 
established  again  after  its  destruction  about  600  B.C. 
(see  1  Mac.  7396.).  The  maiden  seems  intended  by 
our  writer  as  a  symbol  of  that  victory.  She  surpasses 
all  her  rivals,  and  is  chosen  by  Ahasuerus  as  his  queen  ; 
and  now  she  receives  the  name  "  Esther,"  which  is  a 
form  of  "  Lshtar,"  or  "  Star,"  the  name  of  the  Perso- 
Babylonian  Venus,  goddess  of  wedded  love.  Wo  may 
count  all  these  things  as  utterances  of  the  rising 
apocalyptic  faith  of  Jesus's  times,  that  the  Jews  wore 
to  rule  all  things  on  behalf  of  Yahweh.     Quite  unim- 


portant are  the  theories  of  Jensen,  who  finds  in  these 
names  features  of  Babylonian  mythological  folk-lore, 
appropriated  by  the  writer.  Such  folk-lore  could 
influence  only  very  slightly  a  writer  who  seems  to  have 
lived  in  Egypt.  More  remarkable  and  thorotighly 
correct  is  Haupt's  suggestion  that  the  picture  of  Esther 
is  modelled  on  the  story  of  the  Persian  lady  Phsedymia, 
wife  of  Darius- Hystaspis  and  mother  of  Xerxes,  who 
saved  her  people  from  the  cruel  rule  of  the  Magi. 
Herodotus  (iii.  69-79)  tells  the  story  of  Phwdymia,  and 
our  writer  could  well  know  Herodotus.  Moreover,  the 
Persian  festival  of  Magophonia  celebrating  tho  slaughter 
of  the  Magi  (Herodotus,  iii.  79)  is  much  like  the  Purira 
festival  that  celebrates  Haman's  defeat,  and  which  our 
book  was  written  to  exalt.  Esther  is  a  Greek  Herodo- 
tean  story  adapted  to  Jewish  affairs,  written,  doubtless, 
by  a  Greek  in  Egypt. 

After  purifyings  and  porfumings,  dressings  and 
adornings,  Esther  is  summoned  in  her  turn  before  the 
king  by  the  notes  of  a  trumpet.  Ero  she  goes,  Mordecai 
warns  her  to  conceal  her  Jewish  parentage  :  our  writer 
is  not  consistent  over  this  matter,  but  lets  her  bo 
known  as  Mordocai's  relative.  Yet  the  note  of  fear  in 
the  matter  shows  the  writer's  sense  of  tho  terrors  under 
which  the  Jews  lived  about  200  b.c.  and  onwards.  In 
219-23  onward,  there  are  several  doublets  of  statements, 
evidently  the  work  of  tho  Heb.  editors  who  sought 
thus  to  smooth  over  the  defects  caused  by  their  trunca- 
tion of  the  original.  19  is  clearly  a  mistake  :  no  maiden 
would  appear  again  at  court  after  the  king  had  made 
his  choice.     It  is  absent  from  LXX. 

II.  21-23.  Mordecai  Detects  a  Plot  to  Murder  the 
King. — A  story  of  tho  conspiracy  of  regicides  is  set  here 
in  both  Heb.  and  LXX,  because  the  earlier  mention 
of  it  had  boon  cut  out.  But  this  insertion  is  badly 
made  ;  for  Mordocai  would  surely  not  send  his  report 
of  the  conspiracy  to  the  king  through  Esther,  and  so 
violate  his  own  advice  to  her  to  conceal  her  relationship. 
Probably  it  was  Haman  that  was  trusted  by  Mordecai 
to  carry  the  message  ;  hence  followed  Haman's  jealousy 
and  hence  also,  doubtless,  resulted  Mordocai's  con- 
tempt for  Haman,  and  the  refusal  to  honour  him. 
Mordocai  has  often  been  condemned  for  this  stiff 
refusal :  it  is  called  Jewish  narrowness.  But  why 
condemn  the  man  for  his  stern  honesty  and  for  his 
obedience  to  the  Decalogue  ? 

III.  Haman,  to  Avenge  a  Slight  Put  on  Him  by 
Mordecai,  Persuades  the  King  to  Order  a  Massacre  ol 
the  Jews. — The  Grand  Vizier  Haman,  Heb.  calls  a  de- 
scendant of  that  mysterious  people,  the  Amalekites,  and 
even  of  their  king  Agag  (IS.  15).  To  suppose  that  the 
word  "Agag"  really  moans  "  Gog,"  and  to  gather  that 
we  have  here  a  sting  for  the  memory  of  the  Scythians, 
is  a  rather  helpless  device.  The  Heb.  writer  seems  to 
have  wished  to  avoid  saying  that  Haman  was  a 
Macedonian,  i.e.  a  Syrian.  In  ch.  8  LXX  says  he  was 
so.  Perhaps  that  was  dangerous  politics :  those  were 
the  nations  of  the  bloodthirsty  Alexander  and  An- 
tiochus.  Haman,  in  his  jealousy  of  Mordecai,  would 
murder  every  Jewish  man,  woman,  and  child.  Here 
is  horrible  blood-thirst,  but  it  is  Gentile  blood-thirst. 
It  is  not  Jewish,  and  it  passes  comprehension  why  this 
ferocious  character  of  Haman  has  been  so  often  attri- 
buted to  the  Jews.  In  liistory  we  find  that  Antiochus 
(175-164  B.C.)  did  order  just  such  murders  for  all  Jews 
who  "would  not  bow  down "'  to  Zeus  ( p.  607  ),as  Mordecai 
would  not  bow  before  Haman.  Mordocai's  brave  refusal 
becomes  known  to  the  court  ofhcials,  and  all  are  amazed 
that  a  man  should  so  calmly  defy  the  Grand  Vizior,  which 
Haman  now  is.  Haman  is  enraged,  and  approaches 
the  king  to  sue  for  a  decree  to  kill  all  Jews,  whom  he 


338 


ESTHER.  Ill 


dcnouncoa  as  a  pestilent  element  in  the  land.  Ho 
offers  a  bribe  of  enormous  amoimt,  tiio  figures  of 
which  are,  uo  doubt,  exaggerated  ;  although  in  those 
days  Oiiias  and  Menelaus  (p.  oSl)  did  pay  to  SjTian 
kings  immense  sums  to  secure  for  themselves  the  High- 
Priesthood  with  all  its  perquisites.  The  weak  Gentile 
king  Ahasuerus  is  oa-sily  persuaded  :  ho  decrees  the 
massacre  and  also  a  confiscation  of  all  Jewish  proijerty. 
The  whole  of  tiiLs  property  is  to  be  handocl  over  as 
booty  to  the  siayirs. 

In  3?  we  find  that  Haman  is  superstitious,  like  many 
cruel  jHjrsons  ;  and  ho  casts  lots  for  a  lucky  day  for 
his  awful  deed.  At  last  Adar  13th  ia  chosen,  the  very 
month  and  day  on  which,  as  we  have  seen,  Nicanor 
made  his  last  terrible  attack  on  Judah,  when  ho  was 
defeated  by  the  Maccabees.  A  strange  word  '  pur  " 
is  translated  by  our  word  "  lot  "  :  LXX  makes  it 
"  plirour."  But  no  such  word  with  such  meaning  is 
found  in  Hob.  or  in  any  language  that  the  Jews  then 
spoke.  Now  the  fast  posts  carry  tho  decree  of  death 
to  all  peoples  in  the  empire.  The  LXX  gives  a  sup- 
posed decree  :  not  so  Heb.  ;  yet  Heb.  does  quote  it 
(3 1 3)  as  saying,  "  Destroy,  slay,  cause  to  perish  all 
Jews,  young  and  old,  little  children  and  women,  in  one 
day  "  !  The  decree  in  LXX  is  no  doubt  unreal,  yet 
the  story  of  it  is  founded  on  fact,  for  Alexander  and 
Antiochus  did  similarly.  Tho  blood-bath  is  prepared. 
Shushan's  citizens  are  in  consternation,  but  king  and 
vizier  sit  down  to  a  reckless  driiiking-feast.  Mordecai 
wanders  in  the  city,  lamenting.  He  dare  not  lift  his 
cry  in  or  near  tho  palace,  for  a  king  mudt  never  hear 
the  sound  of  grief.  Yet  many  citizens  go  about  in 
sackcloth  and  bestrewed  with  ashes.  Li  some  way  the 
awful  tidings  penetrate  to  the  queen's  palace,  and  she 
sends  words  of  comfort  to  Mordecai.  But  he  cannot 
be  silent. 

IV.  The  Dismay  of  the  Jews.  Mordecai  Overcomes 
Esther's  Reluctance  to  Intercede  with  the  King. — 
And  now  the  gloom  spreads.  At  this  point,  the  LXX 
has  a  pathetic  message  from  Mordecai  to  his  niece, 
the  queen.  .Surely  the  original  had  a  passage  of  this 
kind  :  here  the  Heb.  scribes  have  probaljlj'  excised 
something  that  was  very  fitting  because  it  spoke  of 
Yahweh's  omnipotence  and  His  certain  care  for  Israel. 
Such  a  passage  would  bo  true  to  Israelitish  character, 
as  wo  know  it,  from  the  time  of  Amos  down  to  Jesus. 
The  omission  is  unnatural,  and  is  therefore  the  work 
of  an  editing  hand.  Mordecai  cries,  "  O  Esther,  pray 
thou  too  to  Yahweh  for  help,  and  plead  with  thy 
husband  to  save  us."  Mordecai  says  that  Providence 
has  set  her  in  the  queenly  place  to  the  end  that  she 
may  now  do  nobly  and  stay  tho  disaster  ;  therefore 
she  must  undertake  the  sacrocl,  though  dangerous,  task. 
It  is  probable,  from  the  description  of  Persian  courts 
as  given  by  Herodotus,  that  tho  story  exaggerates  the 
danger  of  approach  to  tho  monarch  ;  and  so  wo  may 
conclude  that  tho  writer  lived  long  after  tho  Persian 
empire  had  passed  away,  and  no  one  was  surprised 
that  the  real  conditions  of  things  were  thus  incorrectly 
described. 

Esther  replies  that  she  will  venture  all  (4i5f.).  And 
now  the  prayers  of  intercession  offered  are  given  in 
LXX,  and  very  naturally  so  ;  whereas  Hob.  cuts  out 
all  this.  Mordecai's  prayer  is  full  of  faith  that  his 
fathers"  God,  Yahweh,  is  Lord  of  all.  So  He  can  save. 
Esther  cries,  "  O  Yahweh,  do  not  let  Gentile  deities 
dethrone  Thee."  In  this  sho  is,  no  doubt,  making  a 
pointed  allusion  to  Antiochus,  who  set  up  an  image 
of  Zeus  in  the  holy  place  (p.  (j(i7).  ^ 

V.  Esther  Obtains  the  King's  Favour  and  Invites 
him  with  Haraan  to  a  Banquet.    Haman's  Elation  is 


Dashed  by  Vexation  at  Mordecai's  Refusal  to  Honour 
him. — In  5-8.3  we  read  how  these  prayers  are  answered 
by  bleasing  after  blessing.  Tho  girl-queen  is  filled 
with  purpose,  courage,  and  ability.  She  enters  the 
audience-hall  trembling,  but  is  welcomed  by  tho  king. 
LXX  gives  a  fine  picture  of  this,  saying  that  tho  king 
kissed  his  wife  tenderly,  and  restored  her  when  sho 
fainted  through  excitement.  The  Heb.  has  -excised 
that.  Esther  aslcs  simply  that  Ahasuerus  and  his 
vizier,  Haman,  shall  come  to  a  drinking-feast  (0. 
They  come,  but  are  only  bidden  to  come  again  next 
day  (7).  The  wretched  Haman  goes  home  chuckling 
over  tho  (|ueon's  graciousness  to  him  (<)) :  ho  littlo 
knows  that  she  ls  one  of  the  hated  folk,  a  Jewess  ;  and 
less  knows  he  of  tho  morrow's  fate.  As  he  goes,  he 
passes  Mordecai,  and  Ls  more  bitterly  enraged  than 
ever  by  the  man's  stiff  contempt  (9).  Wife  and 
friends  all  counsel  that  a  tall  stake  be  set  up  whereupon 
Haman  may  have  thLs  Jew  impaled.  This  stake  would 
be  some  ten  feet  high,  but  set  aloft  upon  a  citadel,  as 
in  the  case  of  Nicanor  (2  Mao.  I035). 

VI.  Haman  is  Compelled  to  Do  Public  Honour  to 
Mordecai. — Now  comes  a  dramatic  scene.  Pro\idence 
ia  at  work,  and  the  clouds  are  opening.  In  the  night 
between  Esther's  two  drinking-feasts,  the  king  cannot 
get  sleep  (1).  Evidently  tho  story- writer  means  to 
point  thus  to  the  care  of  tho  ever-watchful  Y'^ahweh, 
and  His  management  of  all  things.  The  court 
annalist  is  brought  with  his  records,  to  read  tho  roj'al 
soul  to  slumber.  Why  did  this  reader  choose  the  record 
about  the  regicides  ?  Did  ho  sympathise  with  tho 
Jews,  for  some  hidden  reason  ?  The  king  listens  :  ho 
is  startled  and  cries,  "  What  reward  did  wo  give  to 
Mordecai  ?  "  "  Naught,"  is  the  reply.  "  Then  do  it 
now  !  What  officer  is  near  ?  "  saj^s  the  king.  With 
that,  Ic  !  in  the  dim  hour  of  dawn  the  hungry  hyena, 
Haman,  is  prowling  at  tho  gates,  awaiting  admission 
to  get  his  death-warrant  for  Mordecai.  Entering,  ho 
is  commanded  to  perform  the  highest  possible  honour 
to  a  man  whom  tho  king  delights  to  honour  ;  and, 
to  his  consternation,  this  is  not  Haman  himself,  as 
for  a  while  Haman  expects,  but  of  all  men  it  is  tho 
Mordecai  whom  ho  hates  (6).  Through  all  the  city 
ho  conducts  his  enemy,  robed  and  mounted  like  a 
king,  while  ever  and  anon  he  cries  out  before  him  the 
royal  decree  of  praiso  for  the  hated  one.  The  tide  is 
turning  fast ! 

VII.  Esther  Accuses  Haman,  and  he  is  Hanged  on 
the  Gibbet  he  had  Prepared  for  Mordecai.— On  the 
same  day,  at  her  second  drinldng-foast,  Esther  sud- 
denly bursts  out  in  impassioned  denunciation  of  Haman 
(6),  and  in  cries  for  help  from  his  murderous  intent 
against  her  and  all  she  loves.  A  passage  hero  (3f.)  has 
fretted  students,  but  it  is  simple  when  simply  trans- 
lated. "  We  are  sold,"  cries  Esther,  "  I  and  my  race, 
to  death  and  utter  ruin  !  Would  that  it  had  been  for 
slaves  and  handmaids  wo  were  sold  !  Then  had  I 
been  silent.  But  in  our  adversary  there  is  lacking 
everything  that  will  equal  the  king's  loss."  She  means 
that  slaves  sold  bring  in  cash,  but  murdered  subjects 
bring  none.  Tho  king's  eyes  are  opened  :  in  his  rage 
at  Haman  he  can  scarce  restrain  himselt  When  the 
wretched  Haman,  in  his  terror,  appeals  to  tho  Jewish 
queen,  and  seems  to  Ih)  dishonouring  her  by  kneeling 
at  her  couch,  the  king  has  him  hurried  out  and  away 
to  death  by  impali-mcnt  on  tho  very  stake  ho  hati 
prepared  for  Mordecai.  Tho  king  then  confers  on 
Esther  all  the  immense  wealth  that  Haman  had 
aina.ssed,  and  makes  Mordecai  Grand  Vizier.  So  the 
apocalyptic  faith  that  Israel  would  receive  material 
exaltation  is  fulfilled  in  some  senses  (8if.). 


ESTHER,  IX.  20-32 


339 


VIII.  The  King  Decrees  that  the  Jews  may  Defend 

Themselves. — \Vc  come  now  to  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant parts  of  the  tale.  Esther  has  seen  Haman 
pass  out  to  death — not,  bo  it  noted,  at  her  request. 
Now,  what  docs  she  seek  further  ?  Many  have  accused 
her  of  cruelty,  her  and  her  race.  Not  so  the  reality. 
She  implores  that  the  bloody  decree  bo  annulled  (5), 
and  thus,  had  she  boon  heard,  no  blood  at  all  would 
have  been  shed.  But  the  Gentile  mind  is  not  of  this 
kindly  sort.  Oh  no.  The  king  hkes  to  see  blood  :  he 
is  a  sportsman.  '.'  No,  no,  Esther,"  the  king  answers, 
"  blood  must  flow.  Ye  Jews,  defend  yourselves. 
Fight !  "  So  they  are  forced  to  take  arms,  directly 
against  their  own  mind.  LXX  gives  a  supposed  form  of 
the  new  royal  order,  fanciful,  perhaps,  but  based  on 
fact.  Away  out  the  fast  posts  speed,  to  order  this  anti- 
massacre  (loff.).  One  point  in  the  LXX's  decree  is 
of  much  interest :  Haman  is  called  a  Macedonian  (see 
above),  and  understood  to  be  a  representative  of  the 
cruel  djTiasty,  of  Macedonian  descent,  with  its  Alexander 
the  Great,  Antiochus,  and  Nicanor.  Now  all  Shushan 
is  glad  because  Mordecai  is  made  Vizier  in  place  of 
Haman  (isff.),  and  this  pictures  the  joy  in  Palestine 
when  Judas  Maccabaeus  became  ruler.  Moreover,  in 
view  of  the  coming  conflict,  many  Persians  get  them- 
selves ■■  circumcised  "  {17) :  this  surely  means  a  direct 
reference  to  the  action  of  Antiochus  in  condemning 
to  heavy  penalties  any  person  who  boro  the  circum- 
cision-marks (1  Mac.  l48,6of.). 

IX.  6-16.  The  Jews  Successful  against  their  Enemies. 
— Adar  13th,  the  dreadful  day,  comes  at  last.  What 
were  the  Jews  to  do  ?  There  were  many  partisans  of 
Haman,  some  500  at  least  in  the  city  alone  ;  there 
were  thousands  more  in  the  land,  ready  to  carry  out 
the  first  decree.  Should  Mordecai  and  all  Jews  sit 
still  and  see  their  wives  and  children  butchered,  and 
be  butchered  themselves  ?  The  Hamanites  attack : 
the  Jews  defend  themselves.  There  fell  of  those  who 
attacked,  in  Shushan  itself,  some  500,  and  in  all  the 
empire  15,000  as  the  LXX  says,  although  the  Heb. 
exaggerates  and  says  75,000.  Was  this  mere  wanton 
bloodshed  on  the  Jews'  part  ?  The  tale  rather  pic- 
tured for  the  suffering  people  of  Judah  how  their  bravo 
comrades,  the  Maccabees,  had  faced  and  fought  and 
felled  the  cruel  armies  of  Antiochus  under  Nicanor. 
And  now  the  writer  adds  a  touch  of  fine  national  self- 
respect,  saying  :  "  No  Jew  took  booty  of  the  fallen 
men's  goods."  The  Jew  believed  it  would  be  base 
thus  to  steal,  as  the  Persians  had  meant  to  do.  We  see 
what  sort  of  society  Jesus  arose  among,  and  sought  to 
bless. 

This  chapter  is  full  of  repetitions,  easily  detected, 
as,  e.g.  thrice  we  read,  "  The  Jews  took  no  booty." 
Erbt  has  suggested  that  only  the  following  were  in  the 
original :  1-3,  5-10,  16,  24!,  29,  3i«,  32.  All  the  rest 
are  later  marginal  remarks,  that  have  slipped  into  the 
text.  The  most  unfortunate  of  the  additions  is  13, 
which  pictures  Esther  asking  permission  for  the  Jews 
to  go  on  killing  on  a  second  day.  The  LXX  is  clearly 
the  earlier  and  truer  text :  it  has  no  liint  that  such  a 
request  was  made.  It  is  probably  correct  that  Esther 
was  represented  by  the  novelist  as  asldng  that  Haman's 
ten  sons — already  dead — be  impaled  like  their  father  ; 
and  that  is  pitiable,  although  not  so  cruel  as  it  looks, 
and  it  is  not  at  all  strange.  It  resembles  our  English 
use  of  the  spikes  of  Temple  Bar  :  it  is  the  one  hard 
feature  imputed  to  any  Jew. 

EX.  20-32.  Institution  of  the  Feast  of  Purim.— We 
come  now  to  the  establishment  of  the  perjijetual 
annual  festival  of  Purim  (j).  l04!,  commemorating  the 
gi-eat  salvation.    Quite  posaibly  our  tale  was  written  to 


provide  a  short  epic  that  could  be  read  at  the  festival : 
and  so  Esther  is  read  every  year  at  the  celebrations 
lasting  from  the  13th  to  the  15th  of  Adar.  This  festival 
had  become  very  popular  by  the  time  of  Josephus, 
A.D.  37-100,  and  he  repeats  the  story  of  it  much  aa 
we  find  it  in  the  Gr.  version.  He  includes  much  which 
the  Heb.  has  cut  out  (see  Anl.  xi.  U).  In  the  Middle 
A"es,  Purim  became  a  central  season  of  rejoicing,  with 
all  sorts  of  merry-making  combined  around  it.  Especi- 
ally did  the  men  and  boys  at  the  celebration  services 
in  the  synagogues  beat  with  wooden  hammers  on  the 
benches,  whereon  was  written  in  chalk  the  word 
Haman.  We  may  see  herein  that  the  festival  was  a 
sort  of  sharing  and  rejoicing  in  the  Maccabee  victories, 
for  the  word  "  Maccabee  "  is  the  Heb.  for  "  Hammerer," 
as  "  Maccab  "  means  a  "  hammer."  Judas  hammered 
Antiochus  and  his  hosts.  [This  popular  explanation 
of  the  name  is  open  to  objections;  see  EBi.  cols.  1947, 
2850f.— A.  S.  P.] 

Our  tale  tells  how  there  was  a  strong  desire  to  prolong 
the  time  of  festival,  and  so  two  days  were  devoted  to 
it  (21),  whereon  all  provision  of  help  was  made  for 
poor  folk,  and  there  were  also  mutual  kindly  trcatings. 
Since  we  read  in  2  Mac.  I536  that  the  victory  over 
Nicanor  fell  on  "  the  13th  of  Adar,  the  day  before  the 
day  of  Mordecai,"  two  days  seem  to  have  been 
employed  from  the  first.  Perhaps  even  three  days 
were  occupied  in  the  great  feastings,  for  Adar  13th 
was  the  day  of  victory,  and  while  that  was  "to  be 
honoured "  says  2  Mac,  with  thanksgiving,  the 
addition  in  Est.  917-23  says  that  the  14th  and  the 
15th  came  to  be  honoured  as  the  times  of  special 
festivities  (p.  104).  Then  the  14th  would  come  to  be 
called  specially  "  Mordecai's  Day."  W^e  need  not  be 
surprised  that  the  Jews  devoted  two  and  even  three 
days  to  these  rejoicings  :  indeed  they  added  ere  long 
another  celebration  called  Hanukkah  (p.  104^,  in  Chislew 
(December),  three  months  earlier,  to  honour  the  earliest 
victories  of  Judas  in  168-166  and  also  his  cleansing  and 
restoration  of  the  Temple  after  its  sad  desecration  by 
Antiochus.  The  importance  to  the  Jews  of  that  great 
Maccabaean  salvation  has  not  been  fully  realised  by  us. 
But  it  was  indeed  the  re-establishment  of  the  Throne 
of  David,  and  it  was  also  the  initiation  of  those 
wonderful  apocalyptic  and  Messianic  movements  which 
culminated  in  Christianity. 

There  is  notably  very  little  said  about  the  Memorial 
Festival ;  and  its  name,  the  word  Purim,  is  mysterious  : 
perhaps  it  was  made  so  purposely.  There  is  no  real 
Heb.  explanation  for  it.  An  old  Assyrian  word, 
"  Puhru,"  was  used  long  before  as  the  name  of  "  the 
annual  assembly  of  the  Gods  under  the  presidency  of 
Marduk,  tho  God  of  Fate  ;  at  which  assembly  were 
determined  the  fates  of  men  for  the  year  to  come." 
The  Assyrian  em])iro  had  been  destroyed  c.  607  B.C., 
but  this  term  "  Puhru  "  may  have  remained  in  popular 
speech  for  centuries,  to  be  adopted  at  last  by  the 
Jews.  Do  Lagardo  pointed  out  that  LXX  uses  the 
word  "  Phrourai,"  and  not  Purim  ;  and  he  thought 
at  one  time  that  Phrourai  represented  the  Persian 
"  Pharwardigan,"  which  was  a  Festival  for  the  Dead, 
a  sort  of  All  Saints'  Day  at  the  close  of  the  year.  But 
he  abandoned  this  view  later  on.  [Driver  (lOT®,  p. 
485)  says  with  reference  to  tho  LXX  form  of  the  word 

§  referred  by  LauaTde,  "  Whatever  the  etymological 
ifficulties  attaching  to  tho  tenn,  the  form  '  Purim  '  is 
supported  hy  Ihe  Irndilion  of  the  feast  itself."—  A.  S.  P.] 
In  any  case,  tho  origin  of  the  term  seems  to  have  been 
among  a  non-Jewish  people,  and  this  may  account  for 
the  evident  effort  that  the  scribes  made  to  liiscourago 
the  festival.      For  some  such  reason  thoy  may  havo 


340 


ESTHER,  IX.  20-32 


cut  out  of  the  origmal  tale  all  ita  references  to  Yahwoh, 
the  God  of  Israel,  and  much  else  that  was  reUgious  in 
the  story. 

X.  Conclusion  of  the  Book. — The  final  chapter  is  a 
short  panegj-ric  on  Mordecai :  he  is  praised  as  wise 
and  kind,  a  man  of  high  importance  in  iniporial  affairs 
as  well  as  belo%-ed  by  all  Jews.  This  is  really  praise  of 
Judas  Maccaba3us.  But  the  scribes  did  not  like  the 
praise  of  that  hero.  Ho  was  the  founder  of  the  Has- 
moncan  dj-nasty,  which  the  Sadducees  supported ; 
but  the  Pharisees  hated  that  dynasty,  because  it 
placed  both  princedom  and  high  priesthood  in  one 
and  the  same  person's  hands  (p.  608).  The  Pharisees 
were  the  masters  of  the  scribal  body  and  methods, 
hence  the  effort  of  these  scribes  to  weaken  the  respect 
for  Mordecai,  Esther,  Purim,  and  our  tale  :  and  hence, 
perhaps,  the  truncations  in  the  Heb.  version. 

LXX  has  a  paragraph  following  the  praise  of 
Mordecai,  which  sums  up  the  tale  as  a  record  of 
Yahweh's  love  and  care  for  His  people,  and  as  a  token 
of  His  purpose  to  rule  the  world  by  the  hand  of  the 
Jews.  It  is  a  genuine  utterance  of  the  apocaljrptio 
doctrine  and  faith.  Probably  a  summary  of  this  sort 
was  in  the  original.  Finally,  a  note  has  been  appended 
to  the  LXX,  to  tell  how  a  certain  Dosithous  brought 
the  story  in  some  form  to  Jerusalem  and  "  interpreted 
it  "  there,  all  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra. 
Among  the  royal  pairs  bearing  these  names,  the 
most  suitable  reigned  just  at  100  b.c.  And  as  the 
MS.  was  brought  from  Egypt,  we  are  tempted 
to  believe  that  the  original  was  in  Gr.  Perhaps 
it  was  interpreted  later  on  into  Heb.  by  a  scribe 
with  a  skilful  Heb.  style. 


CONCLUSION 

1.  Esther  is  a  fiction  picturing  the  Maccabsean  Re- 
volution a;:ainst  the  Scleucids.  which  the  Feast  of 
Purim  celebrates.  But  neither  feast  nor  story  was 
favoured  by  the  ruling  literary  men  about  a.d.  1.  (On 
the  dispute  as  to  its  canonicity,  see  pp.  39,  411.) 

2.  Spinoza  of  Amsterdam  showed,  250  years  ago,  in 
his  Theological  and  Political  Trad,  that  the  story,  and 
other  works  like  it,  must  have  originated  because  of 


the  defeat  of  the  Syrian  armies  by  Judas  Macoabsena 
and  liLs  comrades. 

3.  The  story  was  for  the  ordinary  folk,  and  it 
honoured  among  these  the  Jewish  generous  treatment 
of  poor  by  rich,  and  oven  of  enemies  by  the  suffering 
Israelites.  The  people  abhorred  blood-thirst,  and  selfish 
spoiling  of  conquered  persons.  They  were  deeply  re- 
ligious, attributing  all  guidance  to  Yahweh,  and  they 
expected  to  rule  the  whole  world  for  Him.  The 
common  fancy  that  Esther  is  a  cruel  book  is  entirely 
mistaken,  even  when  the  short  Heb.  edition  is  taken 
as  authoritative. 

4.  It  would  Ije  well  that  we  studied  more  carefully 
the  Revolution  with  its  new  "David,"  as  the  fore- 
runner of  Christianity,  and  as  a  remarkable  pre- 
paration for  the  coming  of  Jesus.  The  apocalyptic 
confidence  of  the  Jews,  and  their  high  level  of  moral 
conduct,  are  signs  that  the  world  was  ready  to  have 
the  great  Saviour  come  and  take  His  throne  in  Jewish 
hearts. 

5.  The  readiness  of  the  scribes  to  alter  the  narrative 
and  to  make  it  appear  non-religious  is  quite  explicable. 
In  those  days  there  was  no  superstitious  unwillingness 
to  alter  literature,  and  even  "  sacred  writings,"  as  w© 
see  in  the  frequent  enlargements  of  the  Pentateuch 
and  in  the  alterations  of  many  Psalms  in  this  period. 
But  the  scribes  were  moved  chiefly  by  poUtico-religioua 
motives,  arising  out  of  their  stem  nonconformity  aa 
against  the  Sadducce  and  Hasmonean  court. 

6.  Nevertheless  the  people  were  always  deeply 
attached  to  the  Esther  story  and  to  the  Purim  Festival, 
which  indicates  how  important  are  the  events  of  those 
days  for  an  understanding  of  the  common  people  from 
whom  were  drawn  the  audiences  of  Jesus,  and  who  heard 
Him  gladly.  Were  we  to  study  those  times  thoroughly, 
we  should  be  much  more  certain  of  His  real  historicity. 
These  common  folk  were  His  comrades  in  His  home, 
they  were  the  weary,  heavy-laden  men  and  women 
whose  sufferings  aroused  Him  to  preach  ;  it  was  they 
that  were  waiting  for  the  Consolation  of  Israel,  both 
as  against  the  cruel  Syrians  or  Romans  without,  and 
the  stem,  stiff  theological  scribes,  or  the  cold  court 
party,  within  their  nation. 

[On  the  literary  characteristics  of  the  book,  see  p.  22. 
—A.  S.  P.] 


THE  POETICAL  AND  WISDOM  LITERATURE 


By  the   editor 


This  article  is  concerned  simply  with  the  general  criti- 
cism of  the  poetical  and  wisdom  literature.  For  Hob. 
poetry  see  pp.  22-24,  for  Heb.  wisdom  pp.  24,  93-95, 
343-345.  Heb.  metre  is  discussed  in  the  "  Intro- 
duction to  the  Pss."  (372f.),  parallelism  in  the  article 
on  "  The  Bible  as  Literature  "  (p.  23).  The  commen- 
taries on  the  individual  books  should  also  be  consulted. 
Poetical  passages  are  of  course  found  outside  the  books 
dealt  with  in  this  section.  Some  of  these  are  quite 
early,  for  example  Jg.  5,  Gen.  49,  the  oracles  of  Balaam, 
to  say  nothing  of  briefer  pieces  in  the  Hexateuch, 
some  of  which  may  be  earlier  still ;  and  several  are  to 
be  found  scattered  through  the  later  books,  for  example 
1  S.  2I-I0,  2  S.  1 19-27,  433f.,  23i-7,  Is.  38io-20, 
Jon.  22-9,  Hab.  3.  For  these  reference  must  be  made 
to  the  commentaries.  Our  section  includes  Job, 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Song  of  Songs  ; 
the  Book  of  Lamentations  properly  belongs  to  it 
also. 

When  Reuss  in  1834  expressed  the  conviction  that 
the  true  chronological  order  was  Prophets,  Law, 
Psalms,  not,  as  was  commonly  believed.  Law,  Psalms, 
Prophets,  he  was  giving  utterance  to  an  intuition 
which  recent  criticism  has  on  the  whole  justified. 
Dt.  has  behind  it  the  prophets  of  the  eighth  century. 
P  rests  mainly  on  Dt.  and  Ezek.  The  Psalter  is  in 
the  main  a  creation  of  post-exilic  Judaism,  and  has 
behind  it  both  the  Law  and  the  Prophets.  This 
applies  also  to  Proverbs,  which  suggests,  to  borrow 
Cornill's  metaphor,  that  Prophecy  and  Law  have  been 
closed  and  minted  into  proverbial  small  coin.  The 
existence  at  a  very  early  date  of  poetry  so  great  as  the 
Song  of  Deborah  shows  that  the  period  of  the  Judges 
was  equal  to  the  composition  of  the  finest  poetry,  and 
Davids  elegy  on  Saul  and  Jonathan  is  ample  guarantee 
that  he  may  have  written  religious  poetry  of  high 
quality.  The  shrewd  mother  wit  of  Solomon  and  liis 
practical  sagacity  may  well  have  found  expression 
in  aphorism,  in  epigram,  and  in  parable.  Indeed  the 
traditional  connexion  of  the  father  with  Psalmody,  of 
the  son  with  Hebrew  Wisdom,  must  have  a  substantial 
foundation.  But  it  would  be  a  hasty  verdict  which 
argued  that  the  Davidic  authorship  of  many  Pss., 
the  Solomonic  authorship  of  Pr.,  Ec.  and  Ca.,  were 
thus  guaranteed.  David  probably  wrote  psalms,  but 
how  can  we  be  sure  that  they  are  preserved  in  our 
Psalter,  and  if  so,  which,  seeing  that  the  first  collec- 
tion was  formed  after  the  return  from  captivity  ? 
And  how  can  we  feel  confident  that,  even  if  authentic 
proverbs  of  Solomon  are  preserved  in  the  Canon,  we 
can  detect  which  they  are  ?  Titles  are  notoriously 
untrustworthy  (pp.  366f.),  and  other  criteria  must  be 
applied.  The  Unguistic  test  is  not  so  helpful  as  we 
could  wish.  Its  verdict  is  clearest  in  the  case  of  Ec, 
pp.  35, 411,  which  on  this  ground,  if  for  no  other  reason, 
cannot  be  the  work  of  Solomon.  It  shows  that  some 
PsB.  must  be  late,  it  does  not  prove  that  any  muat  be 


early.  It  is  the  place  which  the  literature  fills  in  he 
development  of  thought  and  rehgion  which  is  decisive. 
The  literature  as  a  whole  belongs  to  the  post-exilic 
period.  The  Psalter  in  the  main  is  secondary  and 
imitative.  It  does  not  strike  out  new  lines  in  theology 
or  ethics,  as  do  the  great  prophets.  Even  in  reUgious 
experience  the  writers  are  rarely  pioneers.  It  is  true 
that  their  religious  experience  was  their  own.  They 
do  not  merely  give  Hterary  expression  to  states  of 
feeling  of  which  they  have  learnt  from  others,  but 
into  which  they  have  never  entered.  In  that  sense 
their  experience  is  original  and  not  second-hand.  Yet 
we  may  say  that  they  were  not  the  first  to  realise  them. 
The  glory  of  discovery  belongs  to  the  great  adven- 
turous spirits  who  preceded  them  ;  as  it  has  been  said. 
Without  Jeremiah  we  should  have  had  no  Psalter. 

Yet  we  ought  not  to  assume  that  no  pre-exilic  Pss. 
have  come  down  to  us.  Some  at  least  of  the  royal 
Pss.  are  best  placed  in  the  time  of  the  monarchy,  and 
not  regarded  as  referring  either  to  a  foreign  king  or  a 
Maccabean  ruler.  But  even  if  this  is  admitted,  since 
historical  allusions  are  too  vague  for  any  definite 
results,  we  cannot  do  more  than  recognise  the  possi- 
bility that  a  few  of  our  Pss.  are  earlier  than  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem. 

At  present  critics  are  rather  preoccupied,  not  with 
the  question  whether  we  have  any  early  Pss.,  but 
whether  a  large  number  should  not  be  regarded  as 
very  late.  The  same  tendency  appears  here  as  in 
recent  criticism  of  the  prophetic  literature,  only,  of 
course,  in  a  more  extreme  form.  It  has  long  been 
debated  whether  any  Maccabean  Pss.  are  preserved 
in  the  Psalter.  Even  conservative  scholars  were 
inclined  to  recognise  that  a  few,  especially  in  Books  II 
and  III,  should  be  so  regarded.  Robertson  Smith, 
w-hile  allowing  their  presence  in  the  third  collection — 
i.e.  Books  IV  and  V — argued  strongly  that  the  history 
of  the  compilation  forbade  us  to  recognise  them  in 
Books  I  to  III.  The  tendency  of  recent  criticism  has 
been  to  adopt  an  extreme  position.  Duhm,  whose 
treatment  of  the  Psalter  reflects  his  most  unsympa- 
thetic mood,  not  only  recognises  a  large  number  of 
Maccabean  Pss.,  but  dates  not  a  few  in  the  first  century 
B.C.,  interpreting  them  as  party  lampoons  written 
by  Pharisees  and  Sadduceea  on  their  opponents. 
Dates  so  near  the  Christian  era  seem  to  the  present 
writer  antecedently  most  improbable,  and  while  he 
beheves  that  there  are  Maccabean  Pss.  in  Books  IV 
and  V,  and  possibly  in  Books  II  and  III,  he  regards 
it  as  unlikely  that  anything  in  the  Psalter  should  be 
later  than  130  B.C. 

The  books  a.scribed  to  Solomon  are  probably  one 
and  all  post-exilic  in  their  present  form,  and  belong 
to  the  Greek  rather  than  to  the  Persian  period.  The 
Praise  of  Wisdom  (Pr,  1-9)  contains  a  description  of 
the  Divine  Wisdom  (822-32)  so  speculative,  so  unlike 
what  we  find  elsewhere  in  the  OT,  that  Greek  influence 


841 


342 


THE  POETICAL   AND   WISDOM   LITERATURE 


may  be  plausibly  suspected,  but  in  any  case  it  is  un- 
thinkable in  Heb.  literature  of  an  early  date.  The 
two  main  collections,  Pr.  10i-22i6  and  2o-29,  seem 
also  to  be  pobt-exilic.  The  struggles  of  the  monarchical 
period  lie  in  the  past.  There  is  no  attack  upon  idolatry, 
and  many  of  the  aphorisms  suggest  the  standpoint 
of  post-e.xilic  Judaism.  Nevertheless  many  in  both 
collections  bear  the  stamp  of  no  particular  time,  so 
that  they  might  (juite  well  have  originated  in  the  pre- 
exilic  period  ;  and  while  many  could  not  be  attributed 
to  Solomon,  there  is  no  decisive  objection  to  the  view 
that  seme  proverbs  from  his  lips  may  have  been 
preserved,  even  though  not  one  can  be  pointed  out 
with  any  confidence.  There  is  no  solid  reason  for 
mistrusting  the  good  faith  of  the  title  in  25i,  but  if 
a  collection  of  proverbs  alleged  to  be  Solomons  was 
made  in  Hezekiahs  reign  (Pr.  251),  it  probably  in- 
cluded a  large  number  which  had  no  title  to  be  regarded 
as  his,  and  the  collection  itself  must  have  undergone 
considerable  expansion  at  a  later  time.  The  minor 
collections,  together  with  the  three  interesting  sections 
at  the  close — 30,  311-9,10-31 — are  also  late.  The 
Song  of  Songs  is  also  attributed  by  tradition  to 
Solomon.  Unhappily  no  unanimity  has  been  attained 
either  as  to  its  character  or  to  its  date.  Till  recently 
modem  scholars  have  regarded  it  as  a  drama,  the  most 
plausible  form  of  this  theory  being  that  it  celebrates 
the  fidelity  of  a  country  maiden  to  her  shepherd  lover 
in  spite  of  Solomons  attempts  to  win  her  love  for 
himself.  More  probably,  however,  it  is  a  collection 
of  disconnected  wedding  songs,  such  as  are  still  sung 
in  connexion  with  the  King's  Week — that  is,  the  week 
of  festivities  at  the  celebration  of  a  wedding.  It  is 
by  some  dated  not  so  long  after  the  time  of  Solomon ; 
more  probably,  however,  it  belongs  to  the  Greek  period. 

Ecclesiastes  was  probably  written  about  the  close 
of  the  third  or  beginning  of  the  second  century  B.C. 
It  may  perhaps  be  earher  ;  it  belongs  either  to  the 
late  Persian  or  late  Greek  period.  Behind  it  there  i.H 
a  background  of  unstable,  oppressive  government  and 
acute  social  misery.  The  writers  attitude  to  life 
need  not  have  been  borrowed  from  Greek  philosophy  ; 
his  pessimism  and  scepticism  had  their  root  in  his  own 
experience  and  sympathetic  observation  of  the  hope- 
less misery  of  his  fellows.  The  book  has  not  come  to 
us  quite  as  he  left  it.  The  theory  of  Siegfried  and 
P.  Haupt  that  a  whole  scries  of  writers  have  annotated, 
inlorpolated,  and  mutilated  the  original  nucleus  is 
improbable  ;  BickeU's  ingenious  suggestion  that  by 
an  accident  the  sheets  of  the  original  manuscript  were 
disarranged,  and  that  an  editor  produced  our  present 
book  by  interpolating  connecting  links  and  polemical 
passages,  is  well-nigh  incredible.  But  in  its  original 
form  it  was  felt  to  be  dangerous  to  piety.  Its  alleged 
Solomonic  origin  was  held  to  guarantee  its  real  or- 
thodoxy ;  but  inasmuch  as  its  surface  meaning  was 
frequently  heterodox,  passages  were  added  whose 
sound  theology  neutralised  the  author's  dangerously 
ambiguous  statements.  That  the  book  was  not  actu- 
ally written  by  Solomon  is  proved  by  its  linguistic 
piunoniena,  and  its  whole  lenor  is  incompatible  with 
its  origin  in  so  early  a  period. 

About  the  year  400  we  may  perhaps  date  the  Book 
of  Job.  Probably  the  prologue  and  epilogue  belong 
to  an  earlier  work,  in  which  the  friends  adopted  much 
the  same  attitude  as  Job's  wife,  while  Job  maintained 
against  them  his  attitude  of  resignation.  If  so,  the 
poet  has  cancelled  the  dialogue  which  originally  stood 


between  the  prologue  and  epilogue  and  substituted 
one  of  an  entirely  difiEerent  character,  in  which  the 
friends  will  accuse  Job  of  anything  rather  than  admit 
that  God  has  dealt  unjustly  with  him.  A  wcsler.i 
reader  is  impressed  with  the  curious  inconsequence 
in  the  dialogue  :  the  antagonists  develop  their  case 
with  very  little  reference  to  the  position  they  are 
formally  attacking.  The  book  has  received  rather 
extensive  additions ;  the  most  important  is  the 
speeches  of  Elihu,  the  author  of  which  felt  that  the 
friends  had  not  made  the  best  of  their  case,  and  was 
especially  shocked  at  the  language  put  into  Job's 
mouth,  and  the  impropriety  of  representing  Yahweh 
as  condescending  to  answer  him,  a  task  to  which  the 
bombastic  and  unduly  inflated  Elihu  feels  himself 
quite  adequate.  The  poem  on  wisdom  (28)  is  also 
an  insertion,  and  probably  the  same  judgment  should 
be  passed  on  the  description  of  Behemoth  and  Levi- 
athan. On  the  other  hand,  it  would  sadly  mutilate 
the  poem  to  treat  the  speech  of  Yahweh  as  an  addition. 
The  prologue  is  indispensable,  the  epilogue  hardly  less 
so;  neither  is  really  incompatible  with  the  author's 
view,  though  he  might  have  expressed  himself  somewhat 
differently  had  he  himself  written  them  rather  than 
taken  them  over  from  an  earlier  work.  In  the  main, 
however,  he  endorses  them.  Unhappily  there  haa 
been  a  serious  dislocation,  and  probably  some  drastic 
excision,  in  the  third  cycle  of  the  debate. 

The  Book  of  Lamentations  is  ascribed  to  Jeremiah 
by  an  early  tradition,  but  for  various  reasons  this 
view  cannot  be  accepted.  Nor  indeed  is  it  probable 
that  any  portion  of  it  is  Jeremiah's  work.  But  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem,  which  forms  the  background 
of  a  large  part  of  the  book,  is  that  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
in  580.  Lam.  2  and  4  were  presumably  written  by 
one  who  had  lived  through  the  terrible  experiences 
of  the  siege  and  capture.  Lam.  5  was  apparently 
written  some  time  later,  but  yet  before  the  return 
under  Cyrus,  and  Lam.  1  also  during  that  period. 
Lam.  3,  which  is  detached  from  the  other  poems  in 
subject-matter,  probably  belongs  to  a  later  period 
still.  Some  scholars  have  suggested  that  the  whole 
book  might  be  post-exilic.  But  it  is  unnatural  to 
place  a  long  interval  between  Lam.  2  and  4  and  the 
siege  which  they  describe.  The  writer  of  the  commen- 
tary in  this  volume  brings  the  book  into  connexion 
with  Pompey's  capture  of  Jerusalem.  A  first-century 
date  would  be  in  line  with  Duhms  criticism  of  the 
Psalter  ;  but,  although  it  is  not  open  to  quite  the  same 
objections,  the  present  writer  feels  that  so  late  a  date 
would  require  strong  positive  evidence  to  remove  the 
antecedent  objections. 

Literature. — The  literature  mentioned  in  the  com- 
mentaries on  the  different  books  contains  much  valu- 
able matter.  Of  the  older  literature  Lowth,  De  mcra 
poesi  Ilebracormn  ;  Herder,  Vnm  Geist  dcr  ebrdischen 
Poetic ;  and  Ewald,  Die  Dichter  des  Alien  Bundes 
may  bo  mentioned.  Among  the  later  works,  in  addi- 
tion to  those  given  in  the  article  on  "The  Bible  as 
Literature,"  the  following  :  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the 
OT  ;  G.  A.  Smith.  The  Early  Poetry  of  Israel  ;  Konig, 
Die  Poesie  dr.i  Allen  Testaments  ;  N.  Schmidt,  Tlie 
Messages  of  the  Poets  ;  W.  T.  Davison,  The  Praises  of 
Israel  and  The  Wisdom  Literature  of  the  OT  ,■  Cheyne, 
Job  and  Solomon ;  articles  in  HDB  (Budde)  and 
EBi  (Duhm).  On  metrical  and  similar  problems 
Cobb,  A  Criticism  of  Systems  of  Hebrew  Metre  ;  Gray, 
Forms  of  Hebrew  Poetry: 


HEBREW  WISDOM 


By  Principal  W.  T.  DAVISON 


Amongst  the  teachers  of  Israel  for  some  time  before 
the  Exile  there  were  three  main  classes — the  priests, 
the  prophets,  and  the  wise  men  (Hakamim).  "  The 
Law,"  it  was  said,  "  shall  not  perish  from  the  priest, 
nor  counsel  from  the  wise,  nor  the  word  from  the 
prophet "  (Jer.  I818).  The  priest  gave  the  people 
instruction  based  upon  law  and  tradition  ;  the  prophet 
was  bidden  to  carry  to  them  a  message  with  which  he 
had  been  directly  inspired  by  the  Spirit  of  God  ;  it 
was  the  dutj'  of  "  the  wise  "  to  translate  general  prin- 
ciples into  terms  of  everyday  life  and  to  give  counsel 
for  everyday  conduct.  "  Hear  the  word  of  the  wise  " 
is  the  injunction  of  Prov.  22i7;  "These  also  are 
sayings  of  the  wise  "  introduces  a  new  section  of  the 
book  in  Prov.  2'l23.  Their  influence  grew  considerably 
duruig  the  period  immediately  after  the  Captivity ; 
it  was  naturally  strongest  when  the  direct  inspiration 
of  prophecy  was  no  longer  felt,  and  when  the  reflective 
period  in  the  religion  of  Israel  was  at  its  height.  They 
have  been  described  as  the  "  humanists  "  of  Israel; 
their  teaching  has  also  been  compared  with  the  "  philo- 
sophy "  of  other  nations,  especially  with  the  "  sophists  " 
of  pre-Socratic  times  ;  they  have  been  styled  ' '  moral 
casuists."  But  none  of  these  names  fits  the  case,  and 
the  associations  connected  with  them  should  not  be 
allowed  to  prejudice  a  first-hand  study  of  Hebrew 


Five  extant  books  represent  the  Uterature  of  Wisdom 
(Hokma).  Three  of  these  are  canonical — Job,  Pro- 
verbs, and  Ecclesiastes  ;  two  are  outside  the  Canon — 
a  work  by  the  son  of  Sirach,  known  as  Ecclesiasticus, 
and  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon.  The  Song  of  Solomon 
should  not  be  included  in  the  hst,  but  certain  Pss. 
illustrate  the  work  of  the  school,  such  as  Pss.  1,  37, 
49,  50,  73,  112.  The  Book  of  Baruch  (39-27)  contains 
a  remarkable  eulogy  of  Wisdom,  while  the  succession 
of  "  wise  "  teachers  lasted  till  the  time  of  Philo  of 
Alexandria,  4  Maccabees,  and  the  treatise  Pirke  Aboth. 
The  last-named  "  sayings  of  the  Fathers  "  arc  purely 
Jewish,  while  the  writings  of  Philo  and  the  Book  of 
Wisdom  are  attempts,  only  partially  successful,  to 
harmonise  Hellenic  philosophy  with  Jewish  reUgion. 
Traces  of  the  influence  of  Ecclesiasticus  are  tolerably 
obvious  in  the  NT — for  example,  in  the  Epistle  of 
James — and  parallels  are  traceable  between  some  pas- 
sages of  Wisdom  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as 
well  as  other  parts  of  the  NT.  It  is  the  object  of  this 
article  not  to  discuss  these  books  severally  (see  intro- 
ductions to  Job,  Proverbs,  and  Ecclesiastes),  but  briefly 
to  characterise  Wisdom  Literature  in  general 

L  In  discussing  the  meaning  of  Wisdom  in  the  OT, 
the  distinction  between  Divine  and  human  must  be  kept 
in  mind.  The  writers  assume  throughout  that  there 
is  one  God,  Creator  and  Preserver  of  all,  who  alone  is 
perfect  in  knowledge,  as  in  power  and  holiness.  But 
the  Divine  attribute  of  Wisdom  is  contemplated  in  and 
by  itself,  as  is  never  the  case  with  power  or  righteous- 


ness ;  it  is  the  quality  in  virtue  of  which  God  knows 
"and  plans  and  purposes  all  things,  possessing  as  He 
does  perfect  comprehension  of  all  creatures  and  their 
capacities,  and  perfectly  adopting  the  best  means  for 
the  accomplishment  of  the  highest  and  best  possible 
ends.  Wisdom  on  the  part  of  man  impUes  a  capacity 
of  entering  to  some  extent  into  the  meaning  and  scope 
of  Divine  wisdom,  so  far  as  that  is  possible  to  finite, 
ignorant,  and  sinful  beings.  Creation — "  nature,"  as 
we  call  it — is  one  field  of  knowledge.  The  proverbial 
wisdom  of  Solomon,  extolled  in  1  K.  429-34,  included 
"  trees,  from  the  cedar  in  Lebanon  to  the  hyssop  that 
springeth  out  of  the  wall,"  and  a  knowledge  of  beasts 
and  fishes  and  birds.  But  nature,  animate  and  in- 
animate, was  not  the  chief  theme  of  "  Wisdom."  The 
Jewish  sage  was  not  concerned  with  physical  science 
and  natural  law  in  the  modern  sense  ;  it  was  human 
fife  in  aU  its  relations,  and  especially  in  its  moral  and 
religious  aspects,  with  which  he  had  to  do.  Wisdom 
for  him  meant  th(>  power  to  understand,  discriminate, 
and  form  just  estimates  of  value  in  this  all-uuportant 
region ;  the  ability  rightly  to  conceive  the  ends  of 
life,  the  end  of  ends,  and  fully  to  master  the  best  means 
for  securing  the  highest  good.  All  this,  however,  is 
conceived  not  in  a  philosophical  but  in  a  deeply  re- 
hgious  spirit.  Hence  the  subject  of  Providence,  the 
moral  government  of  the  world,  the  distribution  of 
rewards  and  punishments,  and  the  relation  between  a 
man's  character  and  his  lot  and  condition  in  life, 
occupied  much  of  the  attention  of  the  students  of 
Wisdom. 

2.  Close  definition  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  since 
a  measure  of  progress  is  discernible  in  the  conception 
of  Wisdom  during  the  centuries  covered  by  the  litera- 
ture. In  the  earliest  stage  it  has  been  described  as 
"  a  kind  of  common-sense  philosophy  of  life,  with  a 
strong  rehgious  tendencj'."  But  this  will  not  cover 
the  subUme  conception  embodied  in  Pr.  8,  nor  the 
description  of  Job  28,  nor  the  process  of  grappling 
with  life-problems  characteristic  of  Job  and  Ecclesi- 
astes. Still  less  does  it  correspond  to  the  subject  of  the 
high  eulogies  in  Ecclus.  4ii,24  and  24,  or  to  the  weU- 
kno\vn  description  in  WLsd.  722-30.  "  She  is  a  breath 
of  the  power  of  God  and  a  clear  effluence  of  the  glory 
of  the  Almighty.  She  is  an  unspotted  mirror  of  the 
working  of  God  and  an  image  of  His  goodness.  She, 
being  one,  hath  power  to  do  aU  things  ;  and  remaining 
herself,  reneweth  all  things ;  and  from  generation  to 
generation,  passing  into  holy  souls,  she  maketh  men 
friends  of  God  and  prophets."  It  remains  true,  how- 
over,  that  among  tlie  Jews  "  philosophy  "  was  practical 
and  religious,  in  contrast  with  the  speculative  and 
dialectic  t^^ndoncies  of  the  Greeks.  Man  is  represented 
as  engaged  in  a  search  after  wisdom  ratlier  than  as 
having  attained  it,  and  advance  is  made  in  the  soarob 
as  time  goes  on. 

3.  But  there  are  certain  general  characteristics  which 


344 


HEBREW  WISDOM 


distinguish   Hebixjw   Wisdom   throughout,   and   thcso 
may  bo  briefly  summarised  as  follows  : 

(o)  It  is  human  rather  than  national  Every  careful 
reader  must  iiave  noticed  that  Job,  Proverbs,  and 
Ecclesiast.es  are  less  distinctively  Jewish  than  the  other 
canonical  books.  They  appeal  neither  to  law  nor  to 
prophets  as  final  authorities.  For  better,  for  worse, 
they  strike  a  "  cosmopolitan  "  note.  The  absence  of 
sacrificial  and  Messianic  ideas  has  been  made  a  ground 
of  objection  against  these  books,  some  portions  of 
which,  it  is  urged,  might  have  be^en  written  by  Pagans. 
But  religion  is  never  forgotten  by  the  writers,  and  in 
the  wider  outlook  and  freedom  from  national  prejudice 
compensation  may  be  found  for  somo  alleged  de- 
ficiencies. It  may  be  remarked  in  passing  that  tho 
Book  of  Wisdom,  which  is  characteristically  univer- 
salist  in  the  earlier  chapters,  takes  up  a  strongly  national 
and  particularist  tone  in  its  later  portion,  which 
presents  a  sort  of  philosophy  of  history  from  a  Jewish 
standpoint. 

(b)  The  details  of  daily  social  life  in  their  moral 
aspects  are  prominent  m  the  Wisdom  Literature. 
The  king  and  the  day-labourer,  the  tradesman  in  his 
business  and  tho  guest  in  the  home,  women  in  the 
management  of  their  houses  and  the  due  control  of 
their  tongues,  tho  oppressor,  the  usurer,  the  cheat, 
the  talc- bearer — all  receive  sound  and  wholesome  ad- 
vice. The  tone  of  the  counsel  is  often  "  secular,"  and 
the  motives  urged  often  run  on  a  low  and  prudential 
rather  than  a  lofty  and  ideal  plane.  But  religious 
considerations  are  always  in  the  background,  and  often 
come  notably  to  the  front.  It  would  not  be  difficult 
to  select  from  Proverbs  a  store  of  profound  spiritual 
aphorisms,  such  as  "  His  secret  is  with  the  righteous," 
"  The  spirit  of  man  is  the  candle  of  tho  Lord,"  "  Where 
no  vision  is,  the  people  perish,"  and  "  He  that  winnoth 
souls  is  wise."  Self- regarding  virtues  are  not  foremost 
in  the  estimation  of  writers  who  tell  us  many  times  that 
"  before  honour  is  humility,"  who  tenderly  enjoin 
submission  to  tho  fatherly  chastening  of  the  Lord, 
and  who  remind  the  vindictive  that  to  feed  and  help  an 
enemy  is  the  best  revenge,  one  that  will  not  pass  un- 
noticed by  tho  Lord  of  all. 

(c)  The  ethical  spirit  of  the  "  wise  "  is  not  opposed 
to  the  legalism  of  the  priest  or  tho  fiery  earnestness  of 
the  prophet ;  rather  does  it  supplement  and  complete 
both.  Religion  has  its  ceremonial  and  mystical  side, 
but  there  is  always  danger  lest  its  close  connexion 
with  pro.saie  duties  in  everyday  life  should  bo  forgotten. 
Priest,  prophet,  and  sage,  all  have  a  place  in  the  old 
covenant,  and  each  has  a  truly  religious  message  to 
deliver.  "  The  fear  of  the  Lord,  that  is  wisdom," 
occurs  in  Job  and  Ecclesiastcs,  as  well  as  many  times 
in  Proverbs.  But  the  God  whom  these  writers  fear 
and  trust  is  one  who  is  Himself  righteous  and  loves 
righteousness  in  man,  across  tho  counter  as  well  as 
in  the  Temple.  Ho  abominates  a  false  balance,  lazy 
habits,  a  greedy  appetite,  and  a  smoothly  flattering 
as  well  as  a  scolding  and  contentious  tongue. 

{d)  These  writers  were  orthodox  in  their  religious 
beliefs,  but  they  wore  not  closely  tied  by  dogmatic 
considerations,  and  they  expressed  themselves  with 
freedom  and  force.  The  criticism  which  styles  them 
"  sceptics  "  makes  very  free  with  the  text  of  Job  and 
Ecclesiast«s  in  order  to  establish  tho  position.  But 
it  is  perfectly  tnie  that  in  deahng  with  tho  facts  and 
deep  problems  of  life  the  writers  of  these  two  l)Ooks 
do  exhibit  considerable  freedom  from  traditional  and 
conventional  beliefs,  while  maintaining  their  faith  in 
the  C!od  of  Israel  and  of  the  whole  world.  It  is  largely 
to  them  that  wo  owe  tho  trains  of  thought  which  in 


Judaism  prepared  the  way  for  the  doctrine  of  immor- 
tality, as  tho  saints  of  earlier  days  groped  their  way 
through  the  problems  of  pain  and  death,  first  to  the 
hope,  and  afterwards  to  tho  assurance,  of  life  beyond 
the  grave. 

4.  Much  may  bo  learned  concerning  the  current 
ideas  of  Wisdom  on  it«  human  side  by  a  study  of  the 
various  synonyms  used  for  it  and  the  somewhat  copious 
vocabulary  which  describes  its  opposite,  Folly.  In 
addition  to  the  phrase  "  wisdom  and  understanding  " 
as  used  in  Dt.  45f .  and  Is.  1 1 2,  in  which  stress  is  laid 
upon  intelligent  comprehension  of  the  Divine  law  of 
righteousness,  we  may  draw  attention  to  a  number 
of  synonyms,  without  professing  to  enumerate  them 
all  Binah  may  be  rendered  "  intelligent  perception  "  ; 
td'am-  is  good  taste  or  discernment  applied  to  morals ; 
tushiyah,  often  used  for  strength  or  help,  in  Proverbs 
indicates  tho  solid,  sound  knowledge  that  may  be 
reUed  on  as  a  stay  in  time  of  need  ;  ormah  is  on  tho 
border-line  between  prudence  and  cunning,  and  stands 
for  a  ■■  subtlety  "  of  perception  that  will  enable  a  wise 
man  to  steer  his  vessel  "  craftily  "  and  well ;  while 
sekel  indicates  discretion,  or  good  sense  in  active 
operation. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  foolish  man  is  described 
sometimes  as  peihi,  simple,  ignorant,  easily  misled ; 
or  as  kesil,  heavy,  stupid,  obstinate ;  or  as  evil, 
rashly,  wantonly  foolish.  He  may  be  boar,  coarse, 
brutish,  or  nabal,  churlish  and  ignoble.  The  empti- 
ness and  unworthincss  of  folly  are  employed  in  one 
group  of  words,  and  its  unsavoury  and  corrupt  char- 
acter, without  wholesome  salt  of  reason  and  understand- 
ing, in  another  (Pr.  I7*).  Tho  Bunyan-like  picture  of 
Madam  Folly  in  Pr.  9 13- 18  stands  out  in  bold  contrast 
with  tho  picture  of  Wisdom  and  her  seven-pillared 
palace,  at  the  opening  of  the  same  chapter. 

The  subject  of  tho  literary  form  of  tho  Hohna  books 
does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  this  chapter  (p.  24). 
But  it  maj'  be  noted  how  skilfully  the  elementary  form 
of  thewMJ^AoZ,  or  "  proverb,"  consisting  of  a  short,  bare 
couplet,  is  expanded  for  the  presentation  of  symboUc 
pictures  and  of  ideas  far  beyond  the  scope  of  the 
original  saw  or  maxim.  The  structure  of  Ecclesiasticus 
is  like  that  of  Proverbs,  but  Job,  Koheleth,  and  Wisdom 
exhibit  different  attractive  developments  of  what 
might  have  appeared  an  intractable  form  of  verse. 

5.  One  notable  feature  of  this  literature  is  a 
certain  'personification  of  Dit-ine  Wisdom,  and  there 
is  some  difhculty  in  interpreting  its  exact  scope 
and  meaning.  Is  the  writer  of  Pr.  822f.,  for 
example,  simply  using  in  bold  and  vivid  fashion  a 
well-known  grammatical  figure,  endowing  Wisdom 
with  personal  qualities  only  for  the  purpose  of  literary 
and  poetical  effectiveness  ?  Or  is  Wisdom  here  truly 
hj'postatised — i.e.  was  it  regarded  by  tho  writer  as  a 
personal  being,  distinct  from  God  Himself  ?  Tho 
answer  would  seem  to  be  that  in  these  passages  the 
religious  imagination  is  at  work  under  special  condi- 
tions, and  forms  of  expression  are  used  which,  if 
literally  pressed  by  VW-stem  readers,  would  imply 
distinct  personal  existence,  but  that  this  was  never 
intended  by  the  Oriental  readers,  who  would  probably 
have  been  shocked  by  such  a  turning  of  their  literature 
into  dogma.  A  somewhat  similar  development  is 
discernible  in  tho  use  of  tho  phrases  "  Spirit  of  God  " 
ami  "  Word  of  God,"  neither  of  which  in  the  minds 
of  OT  writers  implied  personal  distinctions  either 
within  or  outside  the  personality  of  the  one  true  Grod, 
who  was  tho  solo  object  of  faith  and  worship. 

None  the  less  the  language  employed  is  very  bold. 
Wisdom  not  only  cries  and  puts  forth  her  voice,  aa  in 


HEBREW   WISDOM 


345 


Pr.  8i — an  obvious  metaphor ;  of  }\er  it  is  also  said, 
"  Yah  well  possessed  me  in  the  bcgimiing  of  liis  way. 
...  I  was  brought  forth  or  ever  the  earth  was.  .  .  . 
I  was  by  him  as  a  master-workman  "  (or  "  foster- 
child,"  sporting  as  children  will  do),  "...  daily  his 
delight,  rejoicing  in  his  habitable  earth,"  ete.  Wis- 
dom, says  Ben-Sira,  "  came  forth  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Most  High.  ...  He  created  me  from  the  begin- 
ning, and  to  the  end  I  shall  not  fail  "  (Ecclus.  243,9). 
In  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  the  prayer  is  offered 
"  Give  me  wisdom,  that  sitteth  by  theo  on  thy  throne  " 
(94) ;  Wisdom  "  fills  the  world  "  (I7),  was  present  at 
and  was  an  instrument  in  the  creation  (92,9) ;  Wisdom 
makes  men  prophets  (927),  gives  knowledge  of  the 
Divine  counsel,  and  confers  glory  and  immortality 
(810,13).  One  of  the  most  recent  commentators  on 
this  book.  Rev.  J.  A.  F.  Gregg,  holds  that  in  it  Wisdom 
"  is  not  hypostatised  ...  is  personal  but  not  a  per- 
son .  .  .  possesses  the  moral  qualities  of  God  without 
His  self-determination.  .  .  .  Tho  writer  of  Wisdom 
regards  her  as  far  more  than  a  merely  literary  personi- 
fication ;  he  conceded  to  her  a  refined,  supersensuous 
personality."  We  agree  with  this  if  the  phraseology 
of  hterary  personification  is  to  be  judged  by  modem 
and  Western  standards.  But  greater  latitude  of  ex- 
pression was  permitted  to  the  Jewish  and  Hellenistic 
writers  of  two  thousand  years  ago,  and  it  is  necessary 
to  remember  that  psychological  analysis  was  then  in 
its  infancy.  Mr.  Gregg  admits  that  "  no  modern 
psychologist  would  allow  personality  to  Wisdom  on 
the  data  advanced  in  tho  book."  The  line  of  person- 
ality is  now  drawn  at  the  possession  of  self-conscious- 
ness and  self-determination,  and  none  of  these  writers 
held  that  Wisdom  apart  from  God  was  personal  in 
this  sense. 

The  standpoint  of  these  passages  is  most  nearly 
gained  if  we  bear  in  mind  that  at  the  foundation  of  the 
writers'  theology  lay  the  idea  of  a  living  God,  whom 
they  were  attempting  to  realise  not  as  transcendent 
only,  but  as  immanent  in  the  world.  They  desired  to 
bring  all  the  Divine  attributes — and  Wisdom  had 
almost  come  to  include  them  all — into  living  relation 
with  the  world,  and  graphic  personification  was  the 
best  means  at  their  disposal.  If  the  one  living  and 
true  God  is  to  be  brought  into  close  relation  and  com- 
munion with  His  creatures,  neither  the  abstractions 
of  philosophy  nor  the  language  of  mere  transcendence 
will  suffice.  Hence  we  find,  both  within  and  outside 
the  canonical  Scriptures,  a  use  of  the  terms  "  Word 
of  God,"  "  Spirit  of  God,"  or  "  Wisdom  of  God  "  as  a 
supreme  intermediary,  preparing  the  way  for  the  idea 
of  Incarnation  and  the  fuller  revelation  of  the  NT. 

Another  subject  of  great  importance  can  barely 
be  touched  on  here.  All  these  writers,  covering  a 
period  of  more  than  five  hundred  years,  believed  'm. 
the  moral  government  of  God,  His  perfectly  wise  and 
gracious  ordering  of  the  affairs  of  the  world  and  of 
man.  How  do  they  regard  the  standing  problems  of 
pain,  sin,  and  death  ?  Is  there  any  progress  in  ability 
to  grapple  with  these  difficulties,  and  is  any  continuous 
development  of  thought  with  regard  to  them  dis- 
cernible ?  What  may  be  called  the  orthodoxy  of  the 
period  before  the  Exile  is  substantially  expressed  in 
the  earliest  Wisdom  document  (Pr.  10-24).  Obedience 
to  God  is  rewarded  by  prosperity,  disobedience  will 
be  punished  by  calamity  and  overthrow.  Ihe  disci- 
plinary character  of  suffering,  it  is  true,  is  not  ignored  ; 
chast<"ning  is  necessary  for  Ciod'a  children  ;  but  this 
is  quit€  compatible  with  tho  fatherly  government 
which  secures  that  justice  shall  be  dnnc — in  this  life. 


for  no  other  comes  into  the  account.  Justice  is  also 
mainl)'  concerned  with  tho  nation  and  the  family  as 
units  ;  individual  character  in  relation  to  individual 
condition  and  destiny  is  not  a  main  theme  with  the 
writers  before  the  Captivity. 

The  Book  of  Job — and,  in  a  minor  transitional 
fashion,  some  of  tho  Pss. — represents  a  revolt  against 
this  doctrine  as  not  in  accordance  with  tho  facts  of 
life  and  as  not  adequately  describing  the  righteous 
government  of  God.  A  different  interpretation  of  life 
is  set  forth  in  this  sublime  poem.  Tho  writer  of  Job, 
impressed  by  the  vastness  and  variety  of  the  Divine 
wisdom,  faces  tho  difficulty  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
righteous  and  the  prosperity  of  the  wicked  very  much 
— if  we  may  so  express  it — in  the  spirit  of  the  prologue 
to  Tennyson's  "  In  Memoriam."  He  desires  that 
knowledge  should  grow  from  more  to  more,  but  that 
more  of  revoi-enco  should  dwell  in  the  sons  of  men, 
who  ought  to  know  themselves  "  fools  and  slight  "  in 
comparison  with  Divine  Wisdom.  The  absence  of 
definite  dogma  docs  not  diminish,  but  rather  increases, 
the  profound  religious  impression  made  by  a  book 
which  teaches  men  how  to  draw  near  to  the  very  heart 
of  God,  even  while  bold  enough  to  put  searching 
questions  concerning  His  mysterious  ways. 

The  son  of  Sirach,  "  one  who  gleaneth  after  the 
grape-gatherers,"  who  is  a  sage  but  hardly  a  poet, 
inculcates  a  subdued  resignation,  a  passive  submission 
to  the  Divine  will,  which  is  devout  in  spirit  and  ex- 
cellent in  practice,  though  it  does  httle  or  nothing  to 
answer  the  passionate  questionings  of  anxious  souls. 
The  writer  of  Ecclesiastcs  is  not  the  cynic,  or  the 
pessimist,  or  the  agnostic,  that  he  is  often  represented 
to  be.  (We  are  discussing  the  books  of  Job  and 
Ecclesiastcs  as  they  have  come  do\vn  to  us,  without 
entering  here  on  the  critical  questions  raised  by  their 
composite  authorship  as  it  is  accepted  by  most  modern 
scholars.)  It  is  true  that  as  the  preacher  contemplates 
the  working  of  what  we  should  call  natural  law,  life  seems 
to  be  Uttle  but  "  emptiness  and  striving  after  wind." 
But  if  Koheleth  sometimes  seems  httle  better  than  a 
Hebrew  Stoic,  ho  remains  a  Hebrew,  not  a  Stoic. 
Apart  from  the  teaching  of  the  last  verses  con- 
cerning judgment,  it  would  seem  to  be  the  aim  of  the 
writer  to  show  how  vain  and  empty  is  the  hfe  of  the 
senses,  viewed  at  its  best,  and  the  wisdom  of  stead- 
fastly performing  duty  in  reliance  upon  God,  how- 
ever He  may  hide  Himself.  He  must  be  trusted  and 
obeyed  amidst  much  in  life  that  is  and  will  remain 
unintelligible. 

The  writer  of  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  while  pos- 
sessing much  in  common  with  his  predecessors,  is  dis- 
tinguished from  them  by  his  clear,  explicit  teaching 
concerning  immortality.  God  "  made  not  death  "  ; 
He  "  created  man  for  incorruption."  Love  of  Wisdom 
and  obedience  to  her  laws  form  the  path  to  immor- 
tality. "  The  souls  of  the  righteous  are  in  the  hands 
of  God,  and  there  shall  no  torment  touch  them." 
Towards  this  doctrine  earlier  saints  and  worthies  were 
but  dimly  groping  their  way,  and  even  the  writer  of 
this  book  discerns  the  truth  "  darkly  as  in  a  mirror." 
The  doctrine  of  the  natural  immortality  of  the  soul, 
which  ho  accepts  in  Hellenic  fashion,  dot^s  not  abohsh 
death  and  bring  life  and  immortality  to  light,  aa  does 
the  Christian  gospel.  One  of  the  chief  features  of 
interest  in  tho  study  of  the  Wisdom  Literature  of  the 
OT  is  to  trace  out  the  various  ways  in  which  its  mes- 
sengers, like  heralds  before  the  dawn,  were  prci>aring 
the  way  for  the  revelation  of  the  "  manifold  wisdom 
of  God  "  in  the  New. 


JOB 

By  Principal  R.  S.  FRANKS 


The  inteipretation  of  the  Book  of  Job  depends  in 
it3  larger  scope  upon  the  answer  given  to  certain 
fundamental  critical  questions.  In  the  following  com- 
mentary there  is  accepted  as  the  basis  of  exposition 
the  theory  of  Duhm,  according  to  which  the  prose 
Prologue  (chs.  1  and  2)  and  Epilogue  {427-17)  are  the 
surviving  fragments  of  a  "  Volksbuch  "  or  popular 
story-  of  a  comparatively  early  date  ;  while  the  inter- 
vening poetical  sjieeches  arc  to  be  attributed  to  a 
much  later  age,  and  reflect  a  very  different  point  of 
view  from  that  of  the  Volksbuch. 

It  w  probable  that  within  the  largest  section  of  the 
book  (3i-426)  thus  distinguished  as  of  later  date,  there 
are  a  good  many  insertions  themselves  again  later  still. 
But  for  the  moment  we  may  confine  ourselves  to  the 
broad  contrast  between  the  prose  and  the  poetry, 
and  explain  why  it  seems  necessary  so  widely  to  sever 
them  from  one  another.  The  following  is  a  summary 
of  the  reasons  on  which  Duhm's  theory  is  founded. 

(1)  The  prose  story,  like  .J  in  the  Pentateuch,  makes 
Job  speak  of  God  as  Yahweh  ;  the  poetry,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  practice  of  P,  never  allows  him  or  his 
friends  as  Edomitea  to  use  this  peculiarly  Israelite 
name  for  God.  (2)  In  the  prose  Satan's  disbelief  in 
Job  is  the  cause  of  his  trial ;  in  the  poetrj-  it  is  regarded 
as  coming  direct  from  God.  (3)  In  the  prose  Job  takes 
all  his  misfortunes  with  patience,  and  is  finally  recog- 
nised as  having  spoken  rightly  of  God  (427f.).  In  the 
poetry  Job's  attitude  is  precisely  the  reverse,  and  he 
ultimately  admits  that  he  has  not  spoken  rightly  of 
God  (426).  (4)  In  the  prose  God  is  enraged  with  the 
speeches  of  the  friends.  In  the  poetry  they  represent 
an  unsatisfactory  theology  ;  but  speak  like  pious  men, 
and  recommend  the  very  submission  for  which  Job  is 
commended  in  the  prose.  "  This  point  alone,"  says 
Duhm,  "  altogether  excludes  the  possibility,  that  the 
author  of  the  popular  story  and  the  poet  are  one  and 
the  same."  (5)  The  prose  regards  the  misfortunes  of 
the  righteous  as  an  exception.  In  the  poem  it  is 
viewed  as  all  too  common — only  the  friends  approxi- 
mate somewhat  to  the  standpoint  of  the  prose.  (6)  Re- 
ligion in  the  prose  consists  in  reverence,  above  all  in 
an  anxious  dread  of  offending  God  in  word.  In  the 
poetry  this  idoa  is  represented  by  Eliphaz :  while  in 
Job  is  represented  mans  moral  independence  of  God, 
who  is  regarded,  although  He  manifasts  His  infinite 
superiority  to  man,  as  the  comrade  and  friend  of  the 
pious.  Moreover  when  tho  prose  was  written  the 
supernatural  world  seemed  very  near :  the  poetry 
represents  the  view  that  God  cannot  be  found  m  the 
world  of  men,  but  only  in  nature.  (7)  The  prose 
itself  avoids  all  objectionable  expressions  and  subati- 
tutes  euphemisms  (Is,  42s) — the  poet  is  most  fi-eo  in  his 
mode  of  s|)eech.  (8)  The  prose  reflects  an  age  when 
sacrifice  was  regarded  as  effective,  but  the  technical 
sin-offering  of  the  Law,  and  the  restriction  of  sacrifice 
to  the  Temple  and  ita  priesthood,  was  still  unknown ; 


when  the  Sabeana  were  not  aa  yet  merohants,  nor  the 
Chaldeans  a  great  power,  and  when  an  Edomite  might 
in  all  simplicity  be  cormected  with  the  religion  of 
Yahweh.  In  a  won!,  it  belongs  to  the  pre-Doutero- 
nomic  period.  On  the  other  hand  the  poetry  belongs 
to  a  later  age  which  looks  back  upon  the  wars  of  great 
world-empires  (12i8f.)  and  apparently  the  Jews  them- 
selves were  groaning  under  tho  yoke  of  oppression 
(924) ;  ch.  3  deiJends  on  Jer.  20x4^,  and  the  glorifica- 
tion of  God  as  revealed  in  nature  remind  us  of 
Deutero-Isaiah. 

These  reasons,  if  not  all  equally  strong,  taken  together 
seem  conclusive.  As  to  the  exact  date  of  the  poem, 
Duhm  points  out  that  I5io  suggests  that  the  days 
when  no  stranger  was  in  the  land  were  still  vividly 
remembered,  and  that  384f.  displays  views  of  tho 
creation  less  advanced  than  those  of  P.  He  therefore 
dates  the  poem  in  the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century  B.a 

[Possibly,  however,  we  should  accept  a  somewhat 
later  date.  If  7i7*  is  rightly,  in  spite  of  Duhm's 
denial,  regarded  as  a  bitter  parody  of  Ps.  84,  and  that 
Ps.  is  dependent  on  Ps  creation  story  (Gen.  1 1-240), 
Job  must  be  later  than  the  publication  of  P  (c.  444 
B.C.),  about  the  close  of  the  fifth  century  B.C.  at  the 
oariiest. — A.  S.  P.] 

The  popular  story  and  the  poem  convey  very  different 
lessons.  The  Volksbuch  teaches  that  a  pious  man  may 
in  spite  of  all  scrupulosity  of  life  fall  into  misfortune 
through  the  malice  of  the  Satan,  but  that  if  he  is 
submissive  and  patient  God  will  in  the  end  richly 
reward  him.  The  poet  conceives  the  subject  of  mis- 
fortune very  differently.  For  him  the  misfortune  of 
the  pious  is  only  too  common.  The  prevailing  doc- 
trines of  his  age  are  that  God  invariably  rewaiSs  the 
righteous  and  punishes  the  wicked  (Dt.  28.  Ps.  37), 
or  that  if  He  sends  misfortune  to  the  pious  it  is  as  a 
temporary'  chastisement  intended  to  withdraw  him 
from  some  sin  into  which  he  has  fallen.  These 
doctrines,  however,  afford  him  no  satisfaction.  He 
sees  no  necessary  cormexion  between  character  and 
misfortune.  The  whole  of  the  working  of  God's 
I)rovidence  has  become  to  him  an  insoluble  riddle. 
The  current  theory  is  represented  in  the  poem  by  the 
friends,  but  denied^  by  Job.  The  poem  shows  us  the 
friends  silenced.  Upon  Job  himself,  however,  the 
doubt  of  God,  occasioned  by  tho  break-up  of  tho 
orthodox  doctrine,  presses  keenly.  What  solution 
docs  the  poet  offer  of  the  tremendous  problem  which 
he  has  hereby  laid  upon  his  hero  ?  There  is  a  double 
solution.  ( 1 )  The  personal  solution  is  that  of  Faith,  "  tho 
will  to  believe"  (1925).  (2)  Such  wider  solution  as 
there  is  is  found  in  turning  from  the  contemplation  of 
God  in  history  to  that  of  God  in  Nature.  There,  at 
least,  His  Providence  is  visible.  We  are  left,  therefore, 
with  Job  bowing  in  humility  before  the  greatness  of 
God,  and  thence  deriving  a  kind  of  freedom  and  ability 
to  bear  his  fate.     Tho  origin  of  evil  is  not  explained. 


346 


JOB,  I.  6-12 


347 


That  it  comes  from  the  Satan  cannot  be  the  meaning 
of  the  poet ;  though  he  has  used  the  Volksbuch  to 
give  the  setting  for  iiis  poem. 

The  speeches  of  Elihu  would  appear  to  be  an  addition 
to  the  original  poem.  Elihu  is  unmentioned  elsewhere 
in  the  book,  and  he  repeats  the  point  of  view  of  the 
friends  with  practically  no  difference.  There  appears 
to  be  no  room  for  his  speeches  between  the  challenge 
of  Job  (3135)  and  the  Divine  reply  (38if.).  Elihu 
quotes  the  preceding  speakers  so  minutety  as  to  suggest 
a  reader  of  the  poem  rather  than  a  listener  to  the 
debate.  Moreover  his  language  is  imlike  that  of  the 
rest  of  the  book.  ''  It  is  strongly  marked  by  AramaLsms, 
and  uses  words  which  rarely  or  never  occur  elsewhere 
in  the  poem  ""  (Peake). 

The  poem  on  Wisdom  (28)  has  no  connexion  with 
the  context,  and  is  also  to  be  regarded  as  an  addition. 
It  is  generally  agreed  also  that  4O15-4I34  on  Behemoth 
and  Leviathan  is  not  an  original  part  of  the  Divine 
speeches.  See  the  commentary,  to  which  the  reader 
is  also  referred  for  the  discussion  of  other  minor  in- 
sertions and  di-ilocations. 

As  regards  the  origin  of  the  original  story  of  Job, 
it  is  clear  that  even  in  the  Volksbuch  we  aro  dealing 
vnth  saga,  not  history  ;  as  the  ideal  character  of  Job's 
original  prosperity,  of  his  misfortunes  and  his  restora- 
tion show  (see  the  commentary).  An  historical  basis 
for  the  story  is  hereby,  of  course,  not  made  impossible. 
Ezek.  14i4,20  shows  a  knowledge  of  the  story,  perhaps 
of  the  Volksbuch. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Davidson  (CB) ; 
Peake  (Cent.B).  Strahan  ;  (6)  Davidson,  Commentary 
(on  1-14).  1862;  (c)  Dilhnann.  Budde  (HK),  Duhm 
(KHC).  Other  Literature:  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon; 
Peake,  The  Problem  of  Suffering  in  the  OT ;  J.  E. 
M-Fadyen,  The  Problem  of  Pain;  articles  in  HDB, 
HSDB.  EBi,  EB»i,  and  Standard  Bible  Dictionary. 

I.-II.  Jobs  Fortune  and  Misfortune. — These  chapters 
come  from  the  original  "  Volksbuch  "  of  popular  story, 
and  relate  how  a  certain  Job  in  the  land  of  Uz  was  the 
most  pious  man  of  his  time  and  more  fortunate  than 
all  his  neighbours.  It  is  further  related  how  the  Satan 
disputed  the  sincerity  of  his  religion,  and  twice  by 
God's  leave  put  him  to  the  severest  proof :  these 
tests,  however.  Job  triumphantly  endured.  Finally 
it  is  told  how  three  friends  came  to  comfort  him. 

I.  1-3  describes  Job,  his  piety  and  good  fortune.  The 
literal  translation  of  the  opening  words  would  be 
"  Once  upon  a  time  there  was  a  man."  The  use  of 
the  perfect  denotes  that  we  are  dealing  not  with 
history  but  saga.  Its  purpose  is  to  call  attention,  not 
to  the  exact  time  of  events,  but  to  the  individual 
typical  case.  It  is  uncertain  what  land  is  meant  by 
XJz.  Sjnia  and  Edom  have  been  suggested  ;  on  the 
whole,  Edom  is  perhaps  the  most  likely.  Job's  name 
is  introduced  without  the  addition  of  his  descent,  as 
is  usual  in  the  case  of  a  thoroughly  historical  person- 
age (1  S.  1 1 ).  The  meaning  of  the  name  is  not  kno^-n — 
it  formed  part  of  the  original  tradition.  When  it  is 
said  that  Job  was  p<Tfect  and  upright,  this  is  from  the 
point  of  view  of  civil  morality — it  is  not  meant  in  a 
theological  sense.  Job's  fear  of  God  in  the  stor}'  of 
the  Volksbuch  is  particularly  evidenced  by  his  scrupu- 
lousness and  dread  even  of  offending  in  woixl  (l5.22,2io). 
The  ideal  character  of  the  description  of  Job's  family 
and  wealth  is  noteworthy.  The  perfect  numbers,  seven 
and  three,  predominate'  Moreover  to  complete  Job's 
happiness,  sons  being  more  esteemed  than  daughters, 
ho  has  the  larger  number  of  the  superior  sex.  In  a 
•word,  he  is  fortunate  all  roimd.  As  to  the  details  of 
his  wealth,  as  a  great  Eastern  Emeer,  he  has  oxen, 


asses,  sheep,  and  camels.  The  oxen,  being  for  plough- 
ing, are  counted  by  the  yoke  ;  Job's  she-asses  only  are 
mentioned,  as  being  more  precious  than  he-asses,  be- 
cause of  their  milk  and  their  foals — the  reader  is 
expected  to  supply  the  necessary  number  of  males. 
The  camels  were  used  for  heavy  burdens  and  distant 
journeys.  All  this  implies  that  Job  had  very  extensive 
lands.  The  amount  of  arable  land  is  measured  by  the 
number  of  yoke  of  oxen.  The  seven  thousand  sheep 
require  extensive  pastures.  Finally,  of  course,  to  such 
wealth  in  cattle  and  land  corresponds  a  "  great  house- 
hold." 

I.  4f.  illustrates  in  particular  the  above-given  general 
description  of  Job's  piety  and  happiness  by  a  picture 
of  the  usual  life  of  hiinself  and  his  family.  Jobs  sons 
are  all  like  the  sons  of  a  king,  each  of  whom  has  his 
own  house  and  possessions  (2  S.  137,  14 30).  Job's 
children  are  apparently  all  unmarried,  and  Uvo  for  a 
joyous  life,  each  day  a  feast.  "  It  is  to  be  remem- 
bered, that  we  do  not  stand  on  the  ground  of  mere 
history  here.  The  idea  shapes  its  material  to  its  own 
ends  "  (Davidson). 

Along  with  this  joyous  life  goes  the  most  scmpulous 
piety.  Job  continually  unites  with  his  children  in 
sacrifice,  to  atone  even  for  unintentional  impiety,  of 
which  they  may  have  been  guilty.  The  sanctification 
preparatory  to  sacrifice  would  consist  of  ablutions, 
change  of  raiment,  etc.  (Gen.  352,  Ex.  19io,i4).  Tho 
sacrifice  offered  is  the  pre-exilic  sacrifice  of  atonement, 
viz.  the  burnt  offering  only;  the  LXX  adds  the  sin 
offering,  to  conform  Job's  worship  to  post-exiUc  usage. 
The  particular  sin  that  Job  fears  is  that  his  sons,  when 
their  hearts  were  loosed  with  wine,  may  have  had 
blasphemous  thoughts  of  Gk)d.  Actual  blasphemy  was 
in  ancient  Israel  punishable  by  death  (1  K.  2I13) ;  but 
for  Job,  even  blasphemous  thoughts  must  be  atoned 
for  by  sacrifice.  The  Volksbuch  regards  irreverence 
as  the  most  to  be  dreaded  of  sins  (I22,  2 10,  42;).  Job 
is  so  careful,  that  he  makes  atonement  for  unconscious 
and  perhaps  even  non-exiitent  sins.  For  "heart- 
speech,"  cf.  Ps.  14i. 

I.  5.  The  above  exposition  follows  RVm  against  RV 
text,  accepting  the  translation  '  blaspheme  "  in  prefer- 
ence to  "renounce."  AV,  in  virtual  agreement  with 
RVm,  translates  "  curse."  The  Hebrew  literally  means 
"  bless.  '  It  is  suggested  by  Davidson  and  others  that 
since  partings  were  attended  by  blessing,  to  bless  came 
to  mean  "  to  say  good-bye,  to  renounce."  If  we  trans- 
late "  curse,"  "  blaspheme"  (Duhm,  Peake)  then  we  have 
to  do  with  a  euphemism  which  seems  very  natural  in 
the  writer  of  the  Volksbuch. 

I.  6-12.  The  disinterestedness  of  Job's  piety  is 
brought  into  question  by  the  Satan  in  the  council  of 
heaven.  We  are  now  to  see  how  misfortune  may  come 
absolutely  unprovoked  by  sin.  The  sons  of  God,  who 
come  to  "present  themselves  before  Yahweh,  are  the 
angels.  They  are  referred  to  in  887  as  ^^-itnesses  of 
the  creation.  In  Ps.  29i  (see  RVm)  they  appear  as 
ministers  of  God's  heavenly  temple.  Here  they  form 
the  court  and  coimcil  of  Yahweh.  For  a  similar  scene 
in  heaven,  cf.  1  K.  2219. 

Amongst  these  sons  of  God  appears  one,  who  is 
known  by  the  name  of  the  Satan,  or  the  Adversary. 
"  The  word  Satan  means  one  who  opposes  another  in 
his  purpose  (Nu.  2223.32)  or  pretensions  or  claims 
(Zech.  3i,  1  K.  1114,23,25),  or  generally"  (Davidson). 
Here  Satan  appears  as  one  of  the  angels,  a  minister  of 
Yahweh,  who.se  office  it  is  to  oppose  men  in  their 
pretensions  to  a  right  standing  before  God.  We  find 
the  same  conception  in  Zech.  3i*  (in  1  Ch.  21 1*  Satan, 
without  tho  article,  has  become  a  proper  name).    Tho 


348 


JOB,  I.  6-12 


character  of  the  Satan  is  thnt  of  an  observer  of  men, 
whose  affair  it  is  to  see  whothor  they  live  well  or  ill, 
but  who  exceeds  liis  office  in  so  far  as  he  betrays  a 
spiteful  interest  in  tlie  discovery  of  thoir  failures. 
TJiia  testing  of  Job  is  carried  out  with  the  greatest 
refinement  and  evident  delight.  He  is  not  at  all 
moved  by  Jobs  patieiieo  (2fj.  "  To  a  certain  extent 
the  Satan  Ls  a  pcreonitication  of  the  spite  of  circum- 
stance "  (Duhm).  No  one  can  escape  from  him  since 
all  have  faults  unknown  to  themselves.  Ancient 
Israel  ascribed  the  blows  of  fate,  otherwise  inexplicable, 
to  the  machinations  of  some  inimical  power.  The 
Satan  is,  like  the  angels  in  general,  a  relic  of  a  poly- 
djemonistic  stage  of  religion.  With  tlio  disappear- 
ance of  polydicmonism  before  monotheism,  the  Satan 
has  become  a  minister  of  the  Divine  Providence.  But 
he  is  still  somewhat  of  a  free  lance — even  Yahweh  has 
to  ask  where  he  has  been  ( 7). 

Yahweh  calls  the  Satan's  attention  to  the  integrity 
of  Job  (8).  But  the  Satan  cannot  conceive  of  any 
man  serving  Gk)d  without  reward  (9),  and  complains 
that  Yahweh  has  made  a  hedge  round  about  him,  as 
one  makes  about  a  valuable  vineyard  (Is.  05)  to  keep 
out  marauders.  If  there  had  been  the  least  gap  in  the 
hedge,  the  Satan  would  have  found  it  out  long  ago. 
Let  Yahweh  touch  his  substance  (11)  and  Job  will 
curse  Him  to  His  face.  The  Satan  uses  the  form  of 
an  oath  :  lit.  he  will  curse  Thee,  if  not  (may  e\al 
betake  me). — 12.  Yahweh  gives  permission  to  try  Job, 
conceding  the  Satan's  right  to  have  the  matter  cleared 
up,  though  Himself  knowing  that  the  Adversary  is 
wrong.  The  Satan  having  obtained  this  leave,  loses 
no  time  })efore  he  acts  upon  it. 

I.  13-19.  Job's  Misfortune. — The  activity  of  the 
Satan  is  depicted,  though  he  himself  remains  invisible. 
"  Between  12  and  13  there  is  an  interval,  an  ominous 
silence  like  that  which  precedes  the  storm.  The  poet 
has  drawn  aside  the  curtain  to  us,  and  we  know  what 
is  impending.  Job  Icnows  nothing  ...  he  does  not 
know  that  he  is  being  played  for  like  a  pawn.  Suddenly 
the  catastrophe  overtakes  him.  Messenger  after 
messenger,  each  taking  up  liis  tale  of  ruin  before  the 
other  has  concluded  his.  announces  that  all  has  been 
taken  from  him  "  (Davidson).  The  ideal  character  of 
the  narrative  should  be  observed.  The  catastrophe 
takes  place  on  the  day  when  the  feast  was  in  the 
eldest  brother's  house,  i.e.  the  very  day  on  which  Job 
had  just  purified  his  children  by  sacrifice.  Heaven 
and  men  alternate  their  strokes,  which  follow  with 
ever-increasing  severity.  In  each  case  one  alone 
escapes  to  tell  the  tale. 

14-15.  The  First  Stroke. — "  The  asses  were  feeding," 
a  touch  reflecting  an  absolute  peace.  The  Sabeans  are 
the  Bedouin,  Saba  (1  K.  10*)  being  S.  Arabia.— 16.  The 
second  stroke. — The  fire  of  God  is  the  lightning.  "  to 
be  sure  lightning  on  the  scale  of  a  saga,  .since  it  destroys 
in  a  moment  1000  shf«p  and  their  shepherds  ''  (Duhm). 
— 17.  The  third  stroke. — The  Chaldeans  are  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Persian  Gulf,  who  are  not  yet  a  great 
world-power.  The  division  of  the  force,  so  as  to 
attack  on  three  sides  at  once,  marks  an  organised  raid. 
The  camels  might  othervviso  have  escaped  by  their 
Bwiftness. — 18.  The  fourth  stroke. — The  wind  wa.s  a 
"whirlwind  of  the  south"  (Is.  21 1),  or  from  the 
desert.  The  "  young  men  "  includes  of  course  Job's 
daughters,  and  the  servants,  all  but  the  one  who 
brings  the  tale. 

I.  20-22.  In  the  preceding  section  the  narrative 
surged  forward,  depicting  the  unbridled  rage  of  the 
Satan.  Hero  on  the  contrary  we  have  a  beautiful 
picture   of   complete   rest   and   resignation,    and   are 


taught  how  a  truly  pious  man  bears  trials.  Job  rises  : 
as  a  man  of  rank  he  had  received  the  messengers 
sitting.  He  rends  liis  mantle  and  shaves  his  head, 
making  himself  like  a  beggar  or  a  slave  in  token  of  his 
humiliation.  Then  he  aba.ses  himself  to  the  ground  in 
silent  prayer,  acknowledging  his  submission  to  the 
decree  of  God. 

Job's  words  (21)  are  not  to  God,  but  to  man.  "  This 
sentence  and  the  related  2 10  may  well  be  described  as 
the  creed  of  all  Oriental  piety "  (Duhm).  Observe, 
however,  that  in  the  poem  tlio  attitude  of  resignation 
is  not  that  of  Job,  but  of  the  friends,  especially 
Eliphaz  (.58.2221).  Note  also  that  Job  does  exactly 
the  opposite  of  what  the  Satan  expected — he  does  not 
curse,  but  blesses  God.  The  lesson  of  this  chapter  Ls 
that,  as  suffering  is  not  always  the  result  of  sin,  so  in 
the  case  of  a  pious  man  it  is  not  even  a  temptation 
to  sin. 

22.  The  exact  meaning  of  the  second  clause  is 
uncertain — perhaps  we  should  follow  Syr,  and  trans- 
late "  offered  God  no  irreverence." 

II.  1-10.  The  Narrative  of  the  Second  Conversation 
between  Yahweh  and  the  Satan  and  its  Issues. — Again 
the  heavenly  council  comes  together,  and  Yahweh 
reproaches  the  Satan  with  instigating  Him  to  bring 
undeserved  affliction  on  Job.  The  terrible  trial  has 
been  shown  to  be  unnecessary.  Job  still  holds  fast 
his  integrity.  Satan's  answer  is  ready.  He  speaks 
impudently,  using  a  common  proverb,  the  origin  of 
which,  however,  we  do  not  know.  Perhaps,  says 
Duhm,  the  Bedouin  may  have  threatened  the  shepherd, 
that  he  should  pay  with  his  own  skin,  if  the  cattle  he 
tended  were  lost.  The  meaning  is,  as  the  second  part 
of  the  sentence  shows  :  nothing  is  more  precious  than 
life.  What  the  Satan  would  say  then  is  :  the  wager  ia 
not  lost  yet,  the  trial  did  not  touch  Job  near  enough. 
His  goods,  his  children  indeed  have  been  touched,  but 
that  is  not  enough.  His  life  has  been  spared.  Yahweh 
consequently  permits  the  Satan  further  to  afflict  Job, 
and  this  time  personally.  But  He  still  makes  the  re- 
servation that  his  life  be  spared,  which  indeed  is 
necessarj%  as  his  death  would  make  the  trial  useless. 
The  malicious  craft  of  the  Satan  is  seen  in  the  stroke 
with  which  he  afflicts  Job,  the  kind  of  leprosy  known 
as  elephantiasis,  the  symptoms  of  which  are  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  poem.  (This  is  the  usual  identifica- 
tion of  Job's  disease ;  others  are  the  Oriental  sore  (Mao- 
alister  in  HDB,  iii.  p.  330)  and  ecthjnna  (see  Peake's 
Commentary,  p.  66) ).  Leprosy  is  a  disease  from  which 
no  recovery  is  to  be  expected,  wliich  therefore  cuts  off 
from  Job  even  the  possibility  of  hope  for  the  return 
of  happiness.  Thus  the  test  of  Job's  piety  is  made 
absolute.  If  he  still  holds  on,  it  can  only  be  because 
his  service  of  God  is  purely  disinterested — every 
motive  of  interest  has  been  removed.  Note  too  that 
the  Satan  in  his  malice  anticipates  the  usual  course  of 
the  leprosy,  which  is  normally  gradual  in  its  develop- 
ment, breaking  out  first  in  one  point  only,  and  by 
degrees  spreadmg  over  the  body.  Job  is  smitten  at 
once  "  from  the  sole  of  his  foot  to  the  crown  of  his 
head  "  (7).  As  a  leper,  he  is  driven  forth  from  men  ; 
and  his  sole  rofutro  is  the  village  dunghill  or  refuse 
heap,  the  only  resting-place  of  outca-sts.  who,  stricken 
with  some  loathsome  disease,  are  excluded  from  the 
dwellings  of  men.  Wo  now  see  how  the  natural  man 
would  behave  under  Job's  misfortune.  This  is 
exemplified  by  the  behaviour  of  his  wife.  Her  advice 
means  that  an  instantaneous  death  as  the  result  of 
blasphemy  would  be  a  less  evil  than  Job's  perpetual 
torment.  She  is  not  a  godless  woman,  but  hop«^lessly 
embittered  by  Job's  misfortunes.     Her  religion  is  just 


JOB,  IV.  1-11 


349 


what  the  Satan  said  Job's  was,  a  fair-weather  religion 
only.  Compare  Mr.  By-ends  in  the  Pilgrims  progress. 
"  'Tis  true  we  differ  in  religion  from  those  of  the  strict 
sort,  yet  but  in  one  or  two  small  points  :  (1)  we  never 
strive  against  wind  and  tide,  (2)  we  are  always  most 
zealous  when  religion  goes  in  his  silver  slippers  :  we 
love  most  to  walk  with  him  in  the  street,  if  the  sun 
shines  and  the  people  applaud  him." — 10.  Job's 
answer :  "  Foolish  "  means  godless  because  of  thought- 
lessness. Job  bows  before  the  absoluteness  of  God  : 
ho  recites  again  "  the  creed  of  Oriental  pioty  "  (c/.  I21, 
22).     Job  stands  where   he  was  before. 

II.  11-13.  Job's  Three  Friends  Come  to  Condole 
with  him. — The  friends  are  Eastern  princes  like 
himself  (LXX  kings),  hence  live  at  a  distance. 
"  They  knew  him  not,"  because  he  was  so  disfigured. 
They  threw  dust  upon  their  heads,  symbolising  that 
Job's  fortune  and  they  themselves  along  with  it  are 
ruined  by  heaven-sent  calamities,  as  a  fertile  land 
might  be  by  dust-showers.  They  are  so  overwhelmed, 
that  they  sit  seven  days  and  seven  nights,  mourning 
for  Job  as  if  he  were  dead.  "  Seven  days  are  the  days 
of  mourning  for  the  dead"  (Ecclus.  22i2).  Thus  we 
come  to  the  end  of  the  prologue,  between  which  and 
the  epilogue  (427-17)  in  the  old  Volksbuch  must  have 
been  an  account  of  the  debate  between  Job  and  his 
friends,  very  different  from  the  poem  which  we  now 
possess.  The  friends  evidently  tried  to  comfort  him, 
but  what  they  said,  wo  can  now  only  infer.  They 
certainly  did  not  speak  to  him  like  his  wife,  but  yet 
they  spoke  so  wrongly  of  God,  that  He  would  have 
taken  vengeance  on  tlaem,  had  it  not  been  for  Job's 
intercession  (427). 

III.  1-20.  Job's  Lamentation. — Here  the  later  poem 
begins,  and  at  once  we  pass  into  another  world.  The 
patient  Job  of  the  Volksbuch  is  gone,  and  we  have 
instead  one  who  complains  bitterly  that  ever  he  was 
born.  This  cry  of  misery  is  thrice  repeated,  ever  in 
deepening  pathos  (i-io,  11-19,  20-26). 

1-10.  The  first  cry  of  misery — Would  to  God  I 
had  never  been  born.  "  This  is  the  idea  when  Job 
curses  his  day,  and  wishes  it  blotted  out  of  existence. 
First  he  curses  the  day  of  his  birth  and  the  night  of 
his  conception  together  (3)  and  then  each  separ- 
ately, the  day  in  two  verses  and  the  night  in  four ' ' 
(Davidson). — 2.  The  day  is  here  regarded,  not  as  a 
measure  ot  time,  but  as  a  hving  being,  which  of  its 
own  accord  brings  forth  men  and  things.  "  So  in 
Ps.  19  the  da5-s  and  nights  are  animated  beings,  who 
narrate  what  they  have  experienced "  (Duhm). — 
4.  The  days  have  to  appear  when  their  turn  comes, 
and  God  takes  care  that  they  do  so,  just  as  He  marshals 
the  stars  (Ls  4O26).  God  calls  the  days  all  in  turn  to 
appear,  but  this  day  may  remain  unsummoned  I  The 
name  used  for  God  here  is  Eloah,  a  late  form.  The 
poet  does  not,  like  the  Volksbuch,  put  into  the  mouth 
of  an  Edomite  the  Israelite  name  Yahweh.  This,  like 
the  form  he  uses,  is  the  mark  of  a  later  age.  Let  dark- 
ness and  deep  gloom  {mg.)  reclaim  that  day  for  their 
own.  It  is  to  be  restored  to  the  realm  of  "  chaos  and 
old  night,"  whence  the  world  first  arose.  Let  all  that 
makc5  black  the  day  terrify  it,  i.e.  eclipses,  etc. — 
8.  Ix-t  thick  darkness  seize  upon  that  night  and  carry 
it  off  to  its  monstrous  realm  (as  Pluto  carried  off 
Persephone).  In  that  land  there  is  no  time,  no  years 
or  months,  no  order.  Let  that  night  be  barren  ;  let 
no  joyful  voice  tell  of  the  birth  of  a  child  upon  it. — 
8.  Let  enchanters  curse  it,  who  have  skill  to  rouse  up 
Leviathan  (the  twisted  serpent),  i.e.  the  great  dragon 
of  the  abyss,  the  enemy  of  the  light.  His  arising  from 
the  deep  at  the  enchanters'  summons,  would  mean  the 


return  of  the  primitive  chaos  (Gen.  I2*). — 9.  Let  the 
stars  of  the  twilight  that  end  that  night  be  dark,  i.e.  go 
out.  Let  it  never  greet  the  dawn.  [The  exquisite 
phrase  "  the  eyelids  of  the  morning  "  (41 18)  presupposes 
a  Dawn  myth,  the  Dawn  being  thought  of  as  a  lovely 
goddess,  as  in  Is.  14i2.  Such  "faded  mj'ths  '  add 
much  to  the  beauty  and  picturcsqueness  of  poetry. — 
A.  S.P.] 

11-19.  Would  to  God  I  had  died  from  my  birth.  If 
Job  must  bo  born,  why  did  he  not  die  at  once  ?  Why 
was  he  kindly  received  upon  the  father's  knees  (Gen.  50 
23)  ? — 12  retiecta  a  time,  when  the  father  could  choose 
whether  to  bring  up  the  child  or  not.  If  he  did,  he 
took  it  upon  his  knees  as  a  sign  of  adoption,  and  then 
handed  it  to  the  mother  or  the  nurse.  Job  thinks  of 
all  the  chances  of  death  which  he  has  lost.  His  misery 
makes  the  mercies  that  compassed  his  infancy  seem 
a  cruelty.— 13f.  Had  Job  died,  he  would  have  been  at 
peace  in  Sheol,  where  small  and  great  are  alike  at  rest : 
"  Golden  lads  and  girls  all  must. 

As  chimney-sweepers,  come  to  dust  "  (Cynibeline). 

Job  is  fascinated  by  the  picture  of  the  painless  stillness 
of  death,  and  dwells  upon  it  long,  enumerating  with 
minute  particularity  those  who  enjoy  a  common  peace. 
"  The  thought  of  the  stillness  of  death  brings  a  certain 
calm  to  the  sufferer's  mind,  and  the  passionateness  of 
his  former  words  subsides  "(Davidson). 

14.  Davidson  interprets  "  waste  places  "  as  meaning 
ruined  cities,  which  these  princes  had  rebuilt.  This 
meaning  is,  however,  too  general.  Job  speaks  of 
something  which  they  built  for  them.selves.  Duhm 
translates  "  pyramids,"  which  sense,  however,  cannot 
be  proved.  The  text  is  probably  incorrect.  The  best 
emendation  seems  to  be  Chejme's,  "  who  built  ever- 
lasting sepulchres  "  {qibrcth  'ola/n). — 16.  Duhm  places 
this  verse  immediately  after  11. 

III.  20-26.  Why  does  God  continue  life  to  the 
wretch  who  longs  for  death  ?  Job's  words  again  rise 
to  a  passionate  intensity.  The  vision  of  the  peaceful- 
ness  of  death  vanishes,  and  he  reawakens  to  the  con- 
sciousness of  his  actual  state.  In  20f ,  Job  generalises 
from  his  own  position,  to  which  he  returns  in  23 :  he 
is  hedged  in  like  a  captive  beast.  His  sighs  have 
become  his  daily  meat  {mg.  "  like  my  meat,"  c/.  Ps.  423), 
and  his  roarings  resemble  an  overflowing  stream. 
"  Let  me  fear  a  fear,"  he  says,  "and  it  comes  upon 
me."     It  is  a  terrible  picture  of  misery. 

IV.-V.  First  Speech  of  Eliphaz.— Oh.  3  as  a  whole 
means,  Why  is  misfortune  ?  We  are  now  to  hoar 
from  Job's  friends,  what  the  theology  of  the  poet's 
age  had  to  say  on  the  matter.  Eliphaz,  who  speaks 
first,  is  no  doubt  the  eldest  of  Job's  friends.  He  is 
the  calmest  and  most  considerate  in  his  speech.  He 
is  a  mystic,  who  claims  for  his  doctrine  the  authority 
of  a  vision  (4i2f.).  The  great  idea  of  Eliphaz  is  the 
"  fear  of  Grod,"  i.e.  a  reverence  very  much  like  that 
attributed  to  Job  in  the  Volksbuch. 

IV.  1-11.  Eliphaz  is  provoked  to  reply,  in  spite  of 
his  unwillingness,  by  the  tone  of  Job's  speech,  which 
seems  to  him  altogether  irreverent.  He  wonders  that 
Job,  who  had  comforted  so  many  others  in  trouble, 
should  fall  into  such  despair,  when  trouble  has  come 
to  himself.  Eliphaz  assumes  that  Job  is  a  righteous 
man ;  6  is  not  meant  as  sarcasm.  Eliphaz  would 
suggest  simply  that  Job's  trouble  has  caused  him  to 
leave  the  standing-ground  of  religion.  His  complaint 
(ch.  3)  was  unsuitable.  Eliphaz  does  not  see  that 
Job  had  been  occupied  with  the  problem  of  God's 
behaviour  to  him,  a  problem  which  is  quite  outside 
the  circle  of  the  ideas  in  which  Eliphaz,  Uke  the  rest 


350 


JOB,  IV,  1-11 


of  the  friends,  morcr!.  For  thom  religion  has  no 
concern  with  God's  behaviour  to  man,  but  only  with 
man's  behaviour  to  God.  Eliphaz,  therefore  recalls 
Job  to  the  fear  of  God,  whence  ho  ha3  fallen  by  his 
unsuitable  complaints.  He  should  know  (7)  that  the 
righteous  never  peri'^h,  as  do  tho  wicked  (8).  If  God 
sends  trouble  to  the  righteous,  then  its  function  can 
bo  disciplinary  only.  TliL'?  is  the  explanation  of  Job's 
trouble  which  Eliphaz  suggests.  The  friends  at  first 
assume  that  Job  is  not  a  wilful  shiner  such  as  God 
punishes,  but  one  whom  God  chastens  to  purify  from 
unintentional  sin,  and  who  b}^  humbling  himself  before 
God,  can  be  restored  again  to  prosperity.  The  funda- 
mental opposition  between  the  friends  and  Job  is 
that  they  invariably  find  tho  cause  of  misfortune  in 
man,  while  Job,  at  least  aa  concerns  himself,  finds  it 
in  God.  In  fact  the  one  cause  of  suffering  is  for  them 
in  sin  :  suffering  is  either  chastisement  or  punishment, 
according  as  it  is  visited  upon  the  righteous  or  the 
uniighteous.  The  friends  begin  by  making  the  more 
charitable  supposition  in  Job's  case.  In  It.  Eliphaz 
guilelessly  states  his  accepted  theory  as  a  fact  of 
experience  (cf.  Ac.  284).  The  figure  of  the  lion  in  lof. 
suggests  both  the  strength  and  the  violence  of  the 
wicked. 

IV.  12-16.  Eliphaz  confirms  the  truth  of  his  doctrine 
by  telling  of  a  vision  which  he  had  had.  A  revelation 
came  upon  him  like  a  thief  in  tho  night  (lit.  a  word 
stole  upon  me).  His  thoughts  were  raised  to  a  higher 
power  by  the  ecstasy  of  the  vision.— 14f.  describes  the 
presence  of  the  supernatural. — 16  tells  how  the  spirit, 
being  of  a  finer  matter,  could  hardly  be  perceived  by 
the  human  eye  and  ear.  "  Stillness  and  a  voice  I  heard  " 
means  "  I  heard  a  still  voice  "  (hendiadys).  The  tenses 
used  in  the  Hebrew  are  all  present.  "  A  spirit  passes 
by  me  ...  it  stands,  and  I  cannot  discern  its  appear- 
ance ;  a  form  is  before  mine  ej'es,  I  hear  a  still  voice." 
Eliphaz,  in  recalling  the  experiences  of  that  awful 
night,  feels  as  if  ho  were  passing  through  them  again, 
and  falls  into  the  present  in  describing  them. 

IV.  17-21.  "  This  is  what  the  vision  said.'  Trans- 
late as  mg.  :  "  Shall  mortal  man  be  just  before  God, 
shall  a  man  bo  pure  before  his  maker  ?  "  Even  the 
angels  are  fallible,  how  much  more  man,  who  inhabits 
a  house  of  clay,  i.e.  a  body  formed  from  the  dust 
(Gen.  27,  3i9,  2  Cor.  5i).  Observe  that  wo  are  not 
yet  at  tho  point  of  view  of  tho  later  Judaism  and  the 
NT,  according  to  which  some  angels  are  good,  some 
bad.  All  are  fallible.  Again,  observe  that  man's  sin- 
fulness is  deduced  simply  from  his  creaturoliness, 
especially,  however,  from  his  being  made  from  the 
dust  The  spirit  that  appears  to  Eliphaz  knows  no- 
thing of  tho  Fall  as  an  explanation  of  human  sin.  His 
thought  is  rather  that  if  the  angels,  who  are  of  spirit 
(which  was  conceived  by  tho  ancient  world  in  general 
as  a  finer  kind  of  matter),  are  not  perfect  in  God's  sight, 
man,  who  is  of  the  dust,  must  even  less  bo  so.  Men 
arc  ephemerals  (20)  they  are  crushed  like  the  moth 
(19  vig.) :  how  can  such  creatures  claim  perfection 
before  God,  or  have  a  right  against  Him.  Men  die, 
just  as  a  tent  is  taken  down  when  tho  tent  cord  is 
plucked  up.  and  their  life  comes  to  an  end  without 
their  having  obtained  wisdom,  i.e.  in  tho  context,  the 
fear  of  God,  that  aljsoluto  submission  to  Him, 
which  is  the  onlj-  wisdom  for  such  "  moths." 

V.  1-7  contains  tho  application  of  the  principles  just 
laid  down. 

1-2.  If  the  angels  are  imperfect,  it  is  no  use  for  Job 
to  appeal  to  thorn  as  intercessors  with  God.  Duhm. 
following  Siegfried,  rejects  this  verse  connecting  42 1 
closely  with  62.     The  foolish  man,  he  says,  means  in 


this  context,  tho  man  without  tho  fear  of  Grod.  "  A 
man  must  bo  an  impious  fool,  Eliphaz  would  say  in 
acrcement  with  tiio  Job  of  the  Volksbuch  (2ro),  if  in 
misfortune,  instead  of,  like  a  wise  man,  feeling  his 
worthlessness  and  submitting  to  God,  he  allows  himself 
to  be  carried  away  into  rebellion  against  God  and 
therewith  invokes  upon  himself  instant  destruction,  as 
Job's  wife  advised  him  "  (29).  It  mu.st  be  admitted 
that  this  is  attractive.  But  Peake  defends  the  text, 
arguing  that  the  connexion  is  only  superficially  good : 
"  421  speaks  of  tho  common  lot  of  frail  man,  52  of  the 
destruction  of  the  fool  through  his  own  irritation." 
He  gives  the  following  moaning  to  the  passage  :  "  Do 
not  appeal  to  the  angels  who  cannot  help  you,  and  thus 
draw  down  the  penalty  of  your  exasperation,  but 
commit  your  cause  to  tho  all-powerful  omniscient  God, 
who  can  save  you  out  of  your  distress."  Translate  2  : 
"  Impatience  killctb  the  foolish  one,  and  tho  simple 
one  his  indignation  slayeth."  A  rebellious  impatience 
is  with  Eliphaz  the  sin  of  sins  : 

"  It  shows  a  will  most  incorrect  to  Heaven." 

Eliphaz  wishes  to  point  out  to  Job  whither  hie  im- 
patience must  necessarily  lead.  He  enforces  his  teach- 
ing by  examples  from  his  own  experience  (3).  He  has 
seen  the  miserable  end  of  the  foolish,  and  of  his 
children  (4).  The  habitation  of  the  foolish  decays  and 
his  children  have  no  one  to  stand  up  for  them,  but 
are  "  crushed  in  the  gate,"  i.e.  overpowered  at  law 
(contra.st  Job  3I21,  Ps.  1275*).  The  gate  is  the  place 
of  justice,  where  the  elders  of  the  city  sit  to  hear 
causes.  Fur  the  precepts  implied  in  4,  that  the  children 
suffer  for  the  sin  of  the  father,  cf.  Ex.  2O5. 

5-6-7  are  all  diffieult.  The  usual  explanation  of  5  is 
that  the  hungry  break  through  the  thorn  hedge  (lio) 
to  get  at  the  harvest.  This  is  not  very  i)robable  ;  why 
should  they  trouble  to  do  this  in  order  to  get  into  the 
field  ?  (Peake).  Perhaps  the  text  is  corrupt :  tho  last 
clause  of  the  verse  is  also  questioned  by  many  scholara. 
The  text,  however,  seems  better  than  mg.  Duhm  gets 
a.  good  sense  by  the  emendation  "  and  tho  thirsty 
draws  out  of  their  well."  Davidson  explains  6f.  as 
follows  t  "  Eliphaz  now  sums  up  into  an  aphorism  the 
great  general  principle  which  he  seeks  to  illustrate  in 
this  section  of  his  speech  (4i2-57).  It  is  that  aflBLicticn 
is  not  accidental,  nor  a  spontaneous  growth  of  the 
earth,  but  men  acting  upon  the  impulses  of  their  evil 
nature  bring  it  upon  themselves."  According  to  this 
explanation  6  repeats  in  another  form  tho  maxim 
"  they  that  sow  trouble  reap  tho  same  "  (4s) ;  while 
the  words  "  man  is  born  unto  trouble  "  mean,  "  it  is 
his  nature  through  his  sin  to  bring  trouble  upon  him- 
self ;  evil  rises  up  out  of  his  heart  as  the  sparks  fly 
up  out  of  tho  tlame.  '  It  Is  not,  however,  really  certain 
that  tho  "  sons  of  Uame  "  or  "  of  lightning  "  (mg.)  are 
to  bo  understood  as  tho  sparks  ;  and  it  has  to  be 
admitted  that  Davidson's  explanation  in  general  reads 
a  good  deal  into  the  text  which  is  not  clearly  expressed 
in  it.  A  possible  view  is  that  the  "  sons  of  flame  " 
are  the  demons,  who  aro  here  regarded  as  the  ultimate 
cause  of  human  trouble.  The  meaning  of  the  two 
verses  must,  however,  be  regarded  as  in  the  end 
uncertain. 

V.  8-27.  Eliphaz  advises  Job  to  accept  the  Divine 
discipline  so  that  God  may  again  show  Himself  gracious. 
"  As  for  mo,"  instead  of  being  impatient  like  a  fool, 
"  I  would  seek  unto  God"  (cf.  I21,  2io).--9-l6  gives 
tho  motive  for  submission,  viz.  the  omnipot<»nco  of 
God,  which  is  also  a  reason  for  hope.  God's  power 
is  manifest  in  nature  (10).  He  also  shows  it  by  the 
restoration  of   those  who  abase  themselves  (11).  and 


JOB,  VII.  I-IO 


351 


equally  by  crushing  the  impious  (12-14). — [13  is 
quoted,  1  Cor.  819* — the  ouly  quotation  from  Job  in 
NT  apart,  perhap.'s,  from  Rom.  II35.] — 151.  continues 
the  theme  of  11-14.  But  in  15  the  text  is  undoubtedly 
corrupt.  "  The  usual  parallelism  is  wanting,  and  the 
words  '  he  saveth  the  poor  from  the  sword,  from  their 
mouth  '  jaeld  no  satisfactory  sense  "  (Peako).  Duhm 
accepts  Siegfried's  emendation  :  '"He  saves  from  the 
sword  the  needy,  and  from  the  hand  of  the  mighty  the 
poor." — 17-26  paints  an  idyllic  picture  of  the  happy 
condition  of  the  man  who  submissively  accepts  the 
Divine  disciplme  and  so  is  restored  to  prosperity.  — 
17f.  takes  us  back  to  8.  The  reason  of  Divine  chastise- 
ment is  not  in  some  obscure  mystery  of  Gods  nature 
(Job's  why  ?  323),  but  in  man's  o\vn  sinfulness  ;  it  is 
educational  (Pr.  3ii*).  Observe  that  the  poet  often 
puts  the  name  Shaddai  (the  Almighty)  into  the  mouth 
of  Job  and  his  friends,  as  a  name  of  God  suitable  to  non- 
Israelites  (Jl.  1 15*).  It  is  the  name  by  which,  according 
to  P,  God  made  Himself  known  to  Abraham  (Gen.  17 1*) 
long  before  the  revelation  of  the  name  Yahweh  (Ex.  63). 
The  "  six  '"  or  "  seven  "  troubles  from  which  Eliphaz 
promises  Job  that  God  wiD  deliver  him  (19)  is  a  round 
number  meaning  many  or  all :  so  three,  four  (Pr.  616, 
Am.  I3).  The  wHd  beasts  will  not  devour  Job's  flocks, 
the  stones  will  keep  out  of  his  field  (2  2f.).  Duhm 
quotes  in  illustration  the  couplet :  "  vom  Acker,  den 
sein  Pilug  beruhrte,  schwand  das  Gestein,  als  obs  der 
Wind  entfuhrte."  The  idea  of  a  syrnpathy  between 
man  and  nature  is  often  expressed  in  the  OT,  e.g. 
Ps.  104,  but  especially  belongs  to  the  picture  of  the 
Messianic  age  (Is.  II5-9.  6021-23).  The  climax  of 
blessings  promised  to  Job  is  that  he  shall  have  a  large 
posterity,  and  die  in  a  ripe  old  age  (asf-).  [An  inter- 
esting theological  point  in  connexion  with  26  is  that 
death  is  here  conceived  not  as  the  punishment  of  sin, 
but  merely  as  the  natural  close  of  life.  In  general 
the  OT  Ls  not  governed  by  Gten.  83,  as  are  the  later 
Judaism  and  the  NT.  The  true  OT  idea  is  rather 
that  a  premalure  di-ath  is  the  punishment  of  sin 
(Ps.  0023).]  Eliphaz  concludes  his  speech  (27)  by 
bidding  Job  lay  to  heart  the  truth  which  it  contains. 

The  first  speech  of  Eliphaz  Ls  a  literary  masterpiece  ; 
yet  how  out  of  touch  with  facts  it  is  !  "  Eliphaz  does 
not  perceive  that  he  is  stating  a  mere  doctrine  ;  ho 
has,  like  the  vast  majority  of  both  cultured  and  im- 
culturcd  men,  continually  found  in  life  his  own 
opinions  confirmed,  because  he  has  always  presupposed 
them,  and  has  finally  taken  them  for  experiences  " 
(Duhm).  Thus  he  cannot  enter  into  Job's  problem. 
His  prejudices  prevent  him  from  understanding  his 
friend's  perplexity.  To  Eliphaz  it  is  as  plain  as  the 
sun  in  heaven  that  affliction  is  due  to  human  sin,  and 
Job's  questionings  about  God  seem  simply  impious. 
Hence,  with  the  best  intentions  in  the  world,  he  fsiils 
in  sympathy;  and  the  psalm  like  conclusion  (17-27), 
in  spite  of  its  beauty,  can  in  Job's  circumstances  only 
be  an  irony. 

VI.  1-13.  Job  m  his  reply  deals  first  of  all  with  the 
charge  of  impatience.  He  catches  up  the  word  used 
by  Eliphaz  (02),  and  declares  that  his  impatience  does 
but  balance  his  calamity  (if.).  The  dreadfulness  of 
the  latter  is  that  it  is  from  God  Himself  (4).  The 
image  is  that  of  poisoned  arrows,  whose  points  have 
penetrated  (within  me).  Job's  spirit  drinks  their 
poison,  so  that  he  cannot  help  roaring.  No  creature 
complains  without  reason,  no  more  does  he  (5).  What 
is  loathsome  and  unbearable  is  thnist  upon  him  (6f.). 
So  keenly  does  he  feel  the  truth  of  what  he  is  saying 
that  he  forgets  his  defence,  and  once  more  cries 
passionately  for  death  (s-io).     Patience,  he  says,  is 


impossible  ;  he  is  not  stone  or  brass  (iif.).  All  re- 
source is  at  an  end  with  him. 

VI.  14-27.  Job's  Sorrowful  Disappointment  in  his 
Friends. — He  begins  by  citing  a  proverb.  The  despair- 
ing man  who  is  slipping  from  religion,  looks  for  help 
and  sympathy  from  his  friends.  The  friends,  however, 
have  proved  Uke  a  brook  that  disappoints  the  thirsty 
caravan  (15-20).  When  the  thaw  comes,  the  brooli 
are  swollen  black  ^vith  broken  ice  and  melting  snow 
( 16).  But  in  summer  thoy  dry  up  (17),  and  the  caravan, 
finding  no  water  where  they  expected,  as  a  last  despe- 
rate resource  turn  aside  from  the  path  into  the  desert 
to  look  for  water,  and  perish  misei-ably  (18).  Tema 
(Is.  21 14*)  and  Sheba  (I15*)  are  Arabian  tribes.  The 
whole  simile  of  the  brook  is  very  fuio.  Its  point  is  that 
Job's  friends  have  been  effusive  in  their  friendship  in 
the  days  of  his  prosperity,  when  he  did  not  need  their 
help.  Now  in  his  adversity  and  his  dire  need  they 
fail  him.  With  21  Job  tunxs  directly  to  the  friends. 
They  are  terror-stricken  by  his  calamity.  Yet  he  had 
not  asked  from  them  so  much  as  a  ransom  in  money 
from  some  powerful  oppressor  (22!.).  All  he  asks  is 
real  instruction.  Let  them  explain  to  him  the  error 
of  his  speech,  and  he  will  cease  from  his  complaint. 
Job  cannot  feel  that  EUphaz  has  said  anything  to  the 
purpose.  In  27  he  bursts  out  into  strong  invective. 
The  friends  would  cast  lots  over  the  fatherless,  and 
bargain  over  their  friend.  The  fatherless  is  to  be 
understood  as  the  child  of  the  debtor.  '"  After  his  death 
the  ruthless  creditors  cast  lots  for  the  possession  of  the 
child  as  a  slave  "  (Davidson). 

14  is  difficult :  in  the  above  exposition  "  despair- 
ing "  is  substituted  for  "  ready  to  faint."  Duhm  reads, 
"  He  who  withholdeth  kindiiess  from  the  despairing 
forsaketh  the  fear  of  the  Almighty,  '  and  regards  the 
verse  as  a  gloss  on  15f . — 15.  Instead  of  ''  pass  away  " 
translate  "'  overflow.'' — 21.  Neither  text  nor  mg.  is 
satisfactory  in  the  first  clause.  Emend  '"  so  have  ye 
been  to  me.'" — ^27  does  not  seem  verv  suitable  in  present 
context.  Perhaps  it  should  follow  23.— 28-30.  Job 
appeals  to  his  friends  to  give  him  a  fair  hearing.  Let 
them  look  him  in  the  face  (28).  We  must  imagine, 
says  Duhm,  that  during  Job's  speech,  and  especially 
during  the  last  sharp  sayings,  they  have  exhibited  their 
disapproval  by  turning  away  from  him.  Surely  (28)  is 
the  formula  of  oath — literally,  "  if  I  shall  Lie  to  your 
face"  (then  may  evil  befall  me)  (cf.  In). — 29  means 
' '  Turn  to  me  and  hear  me :  it  is  not  injustice  to  complain 
as  I  do." — 30  means  '"  Cannot  I  correctly  discern  the 
nature  of  my  calamity  (and  perceive  its  injustice)  ?  " 
The  first  clause  means  the  same  as  the  second — has  my 
tongue  become  perverted  so  that  it  cannot  tell  good 
from  bad  ? 

Vn.  1-10.  Job  complains  of  the  misery  of  his  life 
and  destiny.  How  is  it  that  Job  does  not  go  on  to 
maintain  his  iimocence  ?  Instead  of  this  he  proceeds 
to  show  how  dreadfully  he  suffers,  and  to  accuse  God 
of  cruelty  (iif.).  The  point  is  that  he  cannot  think 
of  his  suffering  vrithout  viewing  it  as  a  ground  against 
God.  The  ideas  of  Eliphaz  about  suffering  being  due 
to  sin  make  no  impression  on  him  :  moreover  he  feels 
that,  if  he  had  simied,  that  would  give  God  no  reason 
to  treat  him  as  Ho  does.  Agam  Job  can  hardly  be- 
lieve as  yet  that  Eliphaz  really  meant  to  accuse  him 
of  sin.  He  indulges  himself,  therefore,  freely  again  in 
the  complaint  of  his  miserj-.  As  before,  however,  in 
820,  he  is  led  to  think  of  his  own  case  as  one  among 
many  (if.).  Life  is  a  soldier's  campaign,  hard 
drudgery,  wounds,  and  exposure,  till  the  campaign  is 
over.  It  is  a  hireling's  day.  Working  through  the 
sultry  midday  he  thirsts  for  the  coolness  of  evening 


352 


JOB,  VII.  1-10 


and  his  -n-agea  (2).  Such  is  war's  life  in  general  But 
with  3  Job  comes  back  to  his  own  case.  His  troubles 
too  are  laid  on  hira,  like  the  soldiers  or  the  labourer's, 
by  the  will  of  another.  Like  them  he  lonps  for  the 
end  of  his  mlserA-.  In  4f.  he  paints  a  graphic  jncture 
of  this.  He  esjjecially  dwells  on  the  long  interminable 
nights  of  pain.  His  sores  breed  worms.  They  form  a 
hard  crust  (clods  of  dust)  and  then  break  out  afresh 
and  run.  In  spit«  of  his  long  nights  of  pain,  yet  his 
time  goes  by  more  swiftly  than  a  weaver's  shuttle 
(r/.  925f.),  and  he  is  utterly  hopeless  (6).  With  7  ho 
turns  to  God  and  pitifully  appeals  to  Him.  For  a 
moment  he  thinks  of  God  as  the  God  who  has  loved 
and  cared  for  hira,  and  is  carried  on  to  the  further 
thought  (8)  that  when  he  is  gone  God  will  look  for  him 
and  not  find  him.  It  is  the  first  indication  of  the 
path  upon  which  ultimately  he  Is  to  find  the  personal 
solution  of  liis  trouble.  By  slow  degrees  he  comes  to 
believe  that  God  who  had  once  cared  for  him  must 
need  him,  and  therefore  ultimately  must  deliver  him. 
But  at  present  all  he  says  is  that  God  will  one  daj'  look 
for  him  and  fail  to  find  him.  There  is  just  the  faintest 
suggestion  that  God  will  miss  him.  It  is  the  first 
gleam  of  light  in  the  midst  of  Job's  darkness.  But  it 
vanishes,  and  in  9f.  he  dwells  on  the  impossibility  of 
a  return  from  SheoL  "  The  Babylonians  called  the 
underworld  '  the  land  of  no  return  '  "  (Peake).  Ac- 
cording to  the  ancient  Hebrew  view,  the  dead  in  Sheol 
were  cut  off  from  all  communion  with  God  (Pss.  63, 
8810-12,  Is.  38i8).  Here,  says  Duhm.  Job  completely 
rejects  the  idea  of  immortality.  "  Of  course  this  is 
not  to  say,  that  it  cannot  reoccur.  On  the  contrary, 
just  because  Job  again  and  again  comes  back  to  the 
comfortless  idea,  that  all  is  over  with  death,  the 
observant  reader  is  led  to  form  the  suspicion  that  he 
is  suppressing  a  hope,  which  contuiually  reawakens 
in  secret  within  him,  that  after  all  things  may  be 
otherwise." 

VII.  11-21.  Job  again  gives  utterance  to  his  com- 
plaint. In  the  previous  passage  Job's  tone,  as  in 
311-19,  had  become  quieter,  and  his  complaint  almost 
an  elegy  on  human  misery.  But  now  he  bursts  forth 
again  with  the  utmost  violence  of  expression,  and  now, 
as  he  had  not  ventured  to  do  in  3,  directly  attacks 
God.  He  will  not  refrain.  Though  Gk)d  destroy  hira, 
he  will  speak  (11).  Ho  asks  if  he  is  the  sea,  fretting 
against  the  earth  with  its  turbulent  waves,  or  the  sea- 
monster,  the  great  dragon  of  the  deep,  once  conquered  by 
God  long  ago  (26i2,  Is.  olg  Rev.  21 1*),  but  always  liable 
to  attempt  a  fresh  assault  upon  God  and  the  world. 
When  Job  seeks  rest  in  sleep,  God  sends  hira  awful 
dreams  ( i  ^f.).  He  has  no  conception  of  second  causes, 
and  attributes  the  misery  of  his  dreams  directly  to 
God.  He  wishes  that  he  could  die  outright  (15).  If 
only  God  would  let  him  alone  ( 16).  In  17f.  he  bitterly 
parodies  Ps.  84.  The  Psalmist  in  devout  ecstasy 
speaks  of  the  littleness  of  man,  and  the  wonderful 
condescension  of  God,  who  has  made  liira  his  vice- 
gerent and  lord  of  the  creation.  But  Job  thinks  of 
God  as  the  great  Watcher  of  men  ( 1 2,  20).  the  Almighty 
Eye,  always  regarding  human  conduct  to  try  and  prove 
it  according  to  its  worth.  This  is  precisely  the  same 
idea  of  God  which  we  have  already  had  from  Eliphaz, 
the  God  who  watches  men  and  rewards  or  punishes 
them.  But  Eliphaz,  like  the  Psalmist,  glorified  this 
conception  of  God.  To  Job  in  his  present  mood  it 
seems  nothing  but  darkness  and  terror,  and  he  cries 
out  against  it.  "  If  religion  is  conceived  as  a  strict 
moral  order,  which  lays  on  man  full  responsibility  for 
every  action  and  impulse,  it  must  crush  him  ;  the 
poet"  of  Job  anticipates  Paul  in  recognising  this  truth. 


The  above  propositions  are,  however,  as  little  the  last 
word  of  the  poet  on  the  true  nature  of  God,  as  his 
previous  statements  on  the  questions  of  life  after  death 
give  his  last  judgment  on  the  question  of  immortality. 
On  the  contrary,  there  is  here  merely  the  weighing  of 
the  possibility  that  Jobs  sufferings  are  the  result  of 
Divine  repressive  measures,  and  through  the  sarcastic 
conclusions  dra\vn  from  it  rather  an  indirectly  negative 
than  an  affirmative  answer  '  (Duhm).  In  19  Job 
pleads  for  a  moment's  respite.  In  20  he  suggests  that 
even  if  he  has  sinned,  his  sin  cannot  have  injured  God. 
who  is  infinitely  above  aught  that  man  can  do  tp_ 
him.  The  inference  is  that  God,  instead  of  making 
Job,  by  watching  him  so,  into  a  perpetual  stumbling- 
block  (mark)  that  always  seems  to  be  in  His  way, 
might  simply  forgive  his  sins.  We  see  that  Job 
is  already  moving  from  the  idea  of  God  as  an  Almighty 
Judge  to  the  thought  that  at  bottom  His  nature  is 
pardoning  love,  Cf.  Ps.  I3O4,  t^hich  makes  it  clear 
that  if  God  be  simply  a  Judge,  fellowship  between 
man  and  Him  is  impossible  ;  if  He  is  to  be  feared,  i.e.  if 
religion  is  to  be  possible,  it  can  onlj'  be  on  a  basis  of 
forgiveness.  The  conclusion  of  21  shows  that  Job  is 
begirming  to  feel  that  the  God  who  tortures  him  is 
not  the  real  God,  but  only  a  passing  phase  (Ps.  3O5, 
mg. ).  Wlien  Job  is  dead  at  least  God  will  want  him. 
From  the  real  God,  who  is  love,  it  is  not  then  too  much 
to  hope  even  the  forgiveness  of  sin.  The  two  thoughts 
— that  of  the  God  who  is  great  enough  to  pardon  sin, 
and  of  the  God  who  needs  him — are  intimately  con- 
nected together. 

15.  The  interpretation  of  the  second  clause,  "  I 
choose  death  in  preference  to  being  this  skeleton," 
is  forced.  Read,  emending  the  text  very  slightly,  "  I 
choose  death  rather  than  my  pains."" — 20.  According 
to  Jewish  tradition  the  original  text  was  "  a  burden 
on  Thee,"  which  was  altered  by  the  scribes  into  ""  a 
burden  to  myself."  The  tradition  is  probably  correct, 
and  the  alteration  has  been  made  because  the  original 
text  seemed  ineverent. 

VIII.  1-7.  Opening  of  Bildad's  First  Speech.— The 
two  younger  friends,  says  Duhm,  make  a  less  favour- 
able impression  than  Eliphaz.  Bildad's  great  point  is 
the  discriminating  rectitude  of  God,  who  unfailingly 
rewards  the  righteous  and  punishes  the  \vicked.  His 
whole  idea  of  fortune  and  misfortune  is  even  more 
mechanical  than  that  of  Eliphaz.  The  idea  that  God 
remains  an  unchangeable  factor,  and  the  relation  of 
man  to  Him  only  changes,  comes  out  if  possible  even 
more  clearly  in  opposition  to  Jobs  idea  of  a  God  who 
has  changed  and  may  again  change  his  relation  to 
him.  The  other  point  of  importance  in  Bildad's  speech 
is  that  he  supports  his  doctrine,  not  like  Eliphaz  from 
revelation,  but  from  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients. 

Bildad,  in  beginning  his  speech,  passes  over  in  com- 
plete silence  all  that  Job  has  said  as  to  the  lack  of 
sympathy  evinced  by  the  friends.  He  expresses  the 
dislike,  natural  to  the  sober  man  that  he  is,  of  Job's 
passionateness,  and  above  all  of  Job's  doubta  of  God's 
righteousness  ;  for  such  to  him  was  the  meaning  of 
Job's  "  why,"  though  Job  himself  was  really  more  con- 
cerned about  God's  love.  He  says  in  a  veiy  few  words 
all  that  can  be  said  from  his  "  miserable  standpoint  " 
(Duhm).  God  is  righteous  (3).  Jobs  children  have 
perished  ;  that  proves  that  they  were  sinners  outright. 
Read  (cf.  mg.),  If  thy  cliildreij  have  sinned  against  him. 
He  has  delivered  them  into  the  hand  of  their  trans- 
gression. Job,  however,  has  not  been  wiped  out  of 
existence  as  a  hopeless  sinner,  but  God  is  calling  him 
to  rejxsntance.  If  he  repents,  God  will  show  His  re- 
gard for  his  righteousness  in  no  uncertain  manner  by 


JOB,  IX.  9 


353 


a  visible  restoration  to  prosperity  (5-7).  Bildad  un- 
hesitatingly interprets  the  facts  by  his  dogma.  His 
counsel  to  Job  is  the  same  as  that  of  Eliphaz,  but  it 
is  much  more  bluntly  and  cuitly  stated.  Bildad 
wastes  no  words. 

VIII.  8-19.  The  Wisdom  of  the  Ancients.— Bildad 
recalls  Job  to  tradition  as  enshrined  in  the  proverbs 
of  the  fathers  (8).  Authority  belongs  to  the  voice  of 
the  past  (9).  "  The  respect  which  our  age  has  for 
boolcs,  each  of  which  is  collected  from  a  hundred  older 
ones,  a  non-literary  civilisation  has  for  tradition  and 
usage.  Bildad  is  conscious  of  his  limitation,  but 
ascribes  the  same  also  to  all  others,  whom,  as  medio- 
crity is  wont  to  do,  he  holds  without  hesitation  as  his 
equals  :  a  common  combination  of  modesty  and  un- 
conscious shamclessness  "  (Duhni). 

With  11  begin  the  wise  sayings  of  the  ancients. 
"  These  maxims  of  the  ancient  world  are  clothed  in 
rich  and  gorgeous  similes  drawn  from  the  luxuriant 
plant  life  of  the  sultry  East  "  (Davidson).  It  is  note- 
worthy that  the  imagery  of  1 1  is  Egyptian.  The  rush 
is  (as  mg.)  the  papyrus.  It  grows  12  feet  high  ;  but 
to  do  this  requires  mire  in  which  to  grow.  The  flag 
is  the  Nile  grass.  An  Egyptian  word  (ahu)  is  used, 
which  Ls  found  only  twice  elsewhere  in  OT  (Gen.  4I2, 18). 
It  is  clear  that  the  poet  was  acquainted  with  Egypt. 
He  probably  means  to  reprasont  Bildad  as  viewing 
Egypt  as  the  source  of  the  oldest  wisdom.  13  is 
Bildad's  application ;  cf.  Eliphaz  (03),  also  Ps.  3736f. 
The  godless  man  shall  perish.  His  confidence  shall 
give  way  like  a  spider's  web  (14)  (lit.  "  house  "  ;  cf.  the 
use  of  the  latter  word  in  15).  In  the  last  the  flimsiness 
of  the  spider's  house  is  proverbial.  Davidson  quotes 
Koran  (294o) :  "  Verily  the  frailest  of  houses  is  the 
spider's  house."  With  16f,  we  have  a  new  figure, 
that  of  a  spreading  luxuriant  plant,  suddenly  destroyed, 
60  that  not  a  trace  of  it  is  left.  The  lesson  is  the  same 
as  before. 

13.  Instead  of  "  paths  "  (orlioth)  read  aJiarith,  and 
translate,  "  Such  is  the  end  of  all  that  forget  God." — 
17  is  difficult.  Instead  of  "  heap  "  we  might  translate 
"  spring."  The  meaning  of  the  second  Une  is  very 
uncertain.  Duhm,  slightly  emending  the  text  (after 
LXX),  translates,  "  Its  roots  are  twined  about  the 
spring,  it  lives  in  a  house  of  stones."  The  meaning  is 
then  that  the  plant  has  established  itself  in  the  best 
place  in  the  garden,  the  stone  building  over  the  spring, 
growing  upon  its  walls,  and  surpasses  in  its  growth  all 
other  plants  in  the  garden  rooted  in  their  beds  of  earth. 

VIII.  20-22.  Bildad  has  warned  Job  of  the  fate  of 
the  impious.  Now  he  returns  to  the  other  half  of  his 
doctrine  also,  and  sums  up  his  whole  position  in  20. 
God  can  neither  reject  the  blameless,  nor  uphold  the 
wicked.  If  Job  is  really  blameless,  i.e.  if  he  humbly 
accepts  the  Divine  chastisement,  God  will  yet  reward 
him  (2if.). 

IX.  1-24  is  Job's  answer  to  the  position  taken  up 
by  Bildad,  viz.  that  the  Almighty  cannot  judge  falsely 
(83).  In  2  Job  accepts  the  general  principle  that  God 
judges  according  to  merit.  But  of  what  use  is  this  ? 
Man  has  no  chance  of  asserting  his  righteousness  before 
God,  of  putting  ui  his  claim  to  reward.  There  is  no 
equality  between  the  Judge  and  the  person  judged. 
If  man  wishes  to  maintain  an  argument  with  God 
(3  mg.)  God  can  ask  him  a  thousand  questions  that  will 
baffle  him.  God  is  all-wise  and  almighty  :  who  can 
withstand  Him  ?  (4).  He  is  almighty  (sf  ).  There 
follows  a  series  of  illustrations  of  His  almightincss.  He 
overthrows  the  mountains  in  His  anger  (6).  He  shakes 
the  earth  (6). — 5-6  together  describe  an  earthquake. 
The  earth  is  conceived  aa  a  house  with  pillars.     These 


are  the  mountains,  which  support  the  sky  (26ii) 
Their  roots,  however,  are  deep  below  the  surface  of 
the  earth  in  the  water  under  the  earth  (Pr.  825).  "  An 
earthquake  is  for  the  ancients  something  different, 
something  more  violent  than  with  us,  since  they  con- 
ceive the  whole  earth  to  be  moved  from  its  fixed  place 
and  from  its  foundations  "  (Duhm). — 7  continues  the 
examples  of  the  Divine  omnipotence.  When  He  wills, 
He  blots  sun  and  stars  out  of  the  sky.  The  reference 
is  to  eclipses,  obscurations,  etc  The  stars  are  sealed 
up  in  the  place  where  God  keeps  them,  and  whence  at 
His  will  He  brings  them  forth  to  shine  in  the  heavens 
(Is.  4O26).  Further  illustrations  of  God's  power  are 
contained  in  8f . — 10,  which  sums  up  the  whole,  is  quoted 
from  the  speech  of  Eliphaz  (59).  But  how  differently 
are  the  words  used  ?  Eliphaz  regards  the  Divine 
omnipotence  as  a  reason  v.'hy  man  should  humble 
himself  before  God,  Job  as  a  reason  why  it  is  impossible 
for  man  to  maintain  his  right  before  Him. — 11  passes 
on  to  the  thought  of  God's  mysterious  invisibilitj'. 
This  makes  His  omnipotence  all  the  more  dread.  He 
is  no  judge,  but  an  absolutely  arbitrary  Sovereign  (14). 
If  the  primeval  monsters  of  Chaos  could  not  stand 
before  God,  how  much  less  a  mere  man  (i3f.). 

Rahab  is  here,  like  the  dragon  in  Is.  51 9,  a  name  for 
Tiamat,  the  original  Chaos,  who  was  conquered  by  God 
at  the  creation  (Gen.  1 2*).  Her  helpers  are  the  brood  of 
monsters  who  assisted  her  in  the  terrible  conflict,  but  were 
also  crushed  by  God.  How  impossible,  then,  is  it  for  Job 
to  maintain  his  cause  against  God  (14)?  Even  if  he 
were  innocent,  he  could  not  confront  Him,  but  would 
have  to  cast  himself  upon  His  mercy  (15).  There  is 
no  chance  of  even  getting  God  to  listen  to  a  human 
plea  (16). — 17f.  is  a  description  of  how  God  acta  when 
He  comes  to  judgment ;  at  the  same  time  Job  is 
describing  God's  present  treatment  of  him.  He  re- 
gards himself  even  now  as  engaged  in  a  contest  with 
God. — 19  is  difficult  to  translate  with  certainty,  but 
the  sense  is  clear.  "  If  one  speaks  of  the  strength  of 
the  mighty,  lo,  here  am  I  (saith  He)  !  and  if  of  judg- 
ment, who  will  set  me  a  time  (saith  He)."  This  de- 
scribes the  overmastering  strength  and  absolute 
sovereignty  of  God,  which  gives  man  no  chance.  Job, 
therefore,  though  innocent,  feels  that  under  the  con- 
straint of  the  Divine  presence  he  could  not  assert  his 
innocence  (20).  Ho  therefore  does  so  now  ;  let  God 
slay  him  for  his  audacity  if  He  will  (21).  It  is  all  one 
to  him  whether  he  live  or  die.  "  The  poet  exhibits 
great  wealth  in  the  psychology  of  the  moods.  Fear  of 
death,  desire  for  it,  contempt  of  life,  longing  for  a  con- 
tinuance of  peaceful  existence,  all  alternate  throughout 
Job's  speeches,  always  with  a  psychological  basis — and 
in  themselves  a  proof  that  the  poet  is  a  bom 
dramatist  "  (Duhm). 

Job  proceeds  to  deny  that  there  is  any  moral  order 
in  the  universe.  God  sends  the  pestilence  and  cares 
nothing  that  the  innocent  die  as  well  as  the  wicked  (23). 
He  gives  over  the  world  to  oppressors.  He  blinds  the 
judges  so  that  they  cannot  tell  right  from  wrong  (the 
vci'se  probably  reflects  the  feeling  of  the  Jews  under 
Persian  oppression).  "  If  it  be  not  he,  who  then  is 
it  '!  "  asks  Job.  Observe  that  the  poet  recognises  no 
Satan  like  the  Volksbuch,  no  laws  of  the  universe, 
like  us.  He  is  an  absolute  monothcist,  and  traces 
everything  that  happens  directly  to  God.  The 
problem  of  God's  dealings  is  thereby  made  verj-  intense. 

5.  Syr.  reads  "  he  knows  it  not."  Probably  this  was 
the  original  reading  (Duhm,  Peake).  God  uproots  the 
mountains  without  even  noticing  it ;  it  is  nothing  to 
His  almighty  strength. — 9.  The  identification  of  the  con- 
stellations, other  than  Orion,  is  only  probable  (Am.  58*), 

12 


354 


JOB,  IX.  9 


What  tho  chambers  of  the  south  aro  is  uncertain. — 
16.  Duhm  reads,  after  LXX,  "  If  I  called  Ho  would 
not  answer  me,  I  cannot  Ijcliovo  that  Ho  would  hearken 
to  niv  voice."     This  is  jK-rhaps  bettor  than  tho  toxt. 

IX.  25-35.  Job  again  takes  up  his  complaint,  hut 
in  a  quieter  tone,  so  that  he  is  able  to  imagine  after 
all  a  way  in  which  he  might  maintain  his  cause  Ixjfore 
God.  Ho  complains  first  of  the  shortness  of  his  life. 
His  time  runs  swiftly  as  a  runner,  as  the  light  papyrus 
boats  used  on  the  Nile,  as  an  eagle  in  its  fiight  (^sf.)- 
If  he  should  resolve  to  brighten  up  and  treat  his 
misery  as  a  bad  dream,  what  use  ?  God  will  again 
put  him  on  tho  rack.  (Wc  may  associate  Job's  quieter 
moods  with  temporary  relief  from  paroxysms  of  pain, 
which  ho  knows  full  well,  however,  to  be  only  tempo- 
rary). All  purifications  are  useless  (^of.).  God  and 
lie  camiot  come  together  on  etiual  terms.  If  only 
there  were  an  umpire  between  them,  who  could  lay 
his  hand  upon  both  disputants,  and  enforce  hLs  decision 
upon  them  (33).  Or  if  God  would  cease  smiting  him 
with  pain,  and  lay  a.«ido  His  terrifying  majesty  (34). 
Then  Job  would  speak  without  fear  (35). 

We  may  view  the  cry  for  a  daysman,  for  God  with 
His  majesty  laid  aside,  as  an  instinctive  prophecy  of  the 
Incarnation,  though  the  poet  has  no  such  thing  in  his 
mind.  Cf.  David  in  Browning's  Saul  : 
"  'Tis  the  weakness  in  strength  that  I  cry  for,  my 
fiesh  that  I  seek 

In  tho  Godhead." 

Duhm  finely  points  out  the  psychological  truth,  that 
he  only  can  belicvo  God  to  be  his  enemy,  who  seeks  Him 
as  his  friend.  Job's  invectives,  he  further  says,  are 
very  like  those  of  a  modern  pessimist :  yet  they  im- 
press us  very  differently,  because  thej'^  spring  from  a 
heart  that  needs  God. 

30.  In  both  cases  mg.  is  better  than  text.  Lye  is 
potash,  used  for  cleansing  purposes. 

X.  1-22.  Job's  tone  becomes  sharper.  He  accuses 
God  of  having  created  him  only  to  torment  him.  What 
profit  is  there  to  God  in  destroying  the  work  that  has 
cost  Him  so  much  pains  ?  (3)  V  Is  God  short-sighted,  so 
that  He  sees  faults  whore  they  do  not  exist  (4)  ?  How 
can  He  be,  when  He  is  eternal  (5)  ?  Yet  Ho  inquires 
after  Job's  sin,  torturing  to  make  him  confess  (6f.). 
Job  reminds  God  how  He  has  made  him  (lof.  describes 
according  to  the  poet's  physiology  the  formation  of 
tho  embryo  ;  cf.  Ps.  139i3).  God  had  given  him  life 
and  preserved  him  (12);  yet  all  the  while  secretly 
pui-posing  to  torture  him.  ThLs  is  Job's  darkest 
thought  concerning  God  (compare  the  thoughts  of 
Caliban  upon  Hetebos  in  Browning's  poem) :  God 
appears  as  tho  Great  Inquisitor  (i4f.):  contrast 
Ps.  I303f.  Job,  marvellously  made,  is  marvellously 
treated  (16).  .God  renews  His  witnesses  against  Him, 
i.e.  sends  ever  fresh  and  fresh  pains  to  accuse  him  of 
sin.  Host  after  host  is  against  him  (17).  Again  as 
in  3,  Job  asks  why  ho  was  born  (i8f.).  Since, 
however,  God  has  not  spared  him  the  tragedy  of  life, 
let  Him  grant  that  at  least  his  last  few  days  may  bo 
painless,  before  he  departs  into  tho  deep  gloom  of 
Sheol  (20-:: 2). 

3.  Probably  the  last  clause  should  be  struck  out 
(Duhm,  Poake).  It  does  not  harmonise  with  the  con- 
text.— 15.  Peakc  would  road  with  slight  emendation 
"  sated  with  shame  and  drunken  with  sorrow.'" — 
16.  The  fii-st  lino  is  diliicult  and  the  meaning  is  some- 
what uncertain. 

XI.  1-20.  Speech  ol  Zophar. — "  Job  has  shown  that 
the  assumption,  that  on  account  of  the  Divine  right- 
eousnesa  only  human  sin  can  be  tho  cause  of  misfortune. 


loads  to  tho  worst  conclusions  as  to  Gtod'a  natare^ 
What  answer  can  the  friends  make  ?  "  (Duhm).  Job 
has  charged  God  with  a  brutal  misuse  of  His  strength 
and  a  refined  cruelty  to  His  creature  : 

"  Oh  it  Is  excellent  to  have  a  giant's  strength 
But  it  is  tyrannous  to  use  it  like  a  giant.'' 

Zophar,  the  youngest  and  most  fiery  of  tho  friends, 
simply  sees  in  Job's  questionings  about  God,  a  denial 
of  tho  Divine  omnisccncc.  If  God  treats  Job  as  a 
sinner.  Ho  cannot  bo  in  error.  Again,  therefore,  ho 
calls  Job  to  repent. 

He  begins  by  criticising  Job's  verbosity :  "  words 
and  nothing  else  "  are  his  defence  (af.).  Job  declares 
that  Ids  walk  is  pure  (emending  "  my  doctrine  '  into 
■'  my  walk,"  Duhm,  Pcako).  But  if  God  were  to 
accept  Job's  challenge  to  meet  him,  tho  result  would 
be  very  different  from  Job's  anticipation  (sf.).  Let 
Job  know  that  God  by  no  means  remembers  against 
him  all  his  sin.  Zophar  here  breaks  out  into  a  pane- 
gyric on  the  Divine  wisdom  (7-9).  God  knows  tho 
iniquity  of  the  wicked,  without  considering  it,  i.e.  in- 
tuitively (11).  With  13  Zophar  begins  his  exhortation. 
Let  Job  turn  to  God  and  stretch  out  his  hands  in 
prayer  to  Him,  let  him  put  away  his  sin  (14).  Then 
follows  the  promise.  Then  Job  shall  be  able  to  lift  up 
his  face  (cf.  IO15)  and  be  steadfast  (contrast  fluctuating 
feelings,  927f.).  His  misery  shall  pass  away  (i6f  ). 
Ho  shall  be  secure,  because  there  is  hope  (contrast 
Job's  despondence,  76,  925,  IO20,  etc.).  He  shall 
search  about  him  (as  one  does  before  Ijing  down  to 
rest),  and  shall  sleep  in  safety  (18).  Many  shall  seek 
his  favour  {cf.  297-10,  21-25,  and  contrast  19i8,  30i-io). 
— 20  gives  the  dark  reverse  to  the  picture  of  the  happi- 
ness of  the  righteous.  "  Bildad's  prediction  of  the  fate 
of  the  wicked  is  here  repeated,  but  whereas  ho  identified 
the  wicked  with  Job's  enemies,  Zophar  leaves  open 
the  possibility  that  Job  himself  may  bo  included  iu 
that  categorj',  and  in  the  last  line  significantly  alludes 
to  Job's  repeated  wish  that  he  may  die  "  (Peake). 

6.  Last  clause  lit.,  "  God  brings  a  part  of  thy  sins 
into  forgotfulness  for  thee." — 7.  First  clause,  7ng.  is  to 
l)o  followed  rather  than  text. — 10.  Zophar  takes  up 
Job's  own  words  in  9iif.  Duhm  thinks  the  verse  is 
out  of  place  here  altogether :  it  suits  Job's  idea  of 
God's  arbitrary  sovereignty,  not  Zophar's  conception 
of  His  unsearchable  wisdom.  He  therefore  omits  as 
a  marginal  note  out  of  place.  "  Shut  up  "  means  "'  put 
in  prison,"  "  gather  for  judgment  "  (cf.  Ps.  5O5). — 12  is 
very  difficult.  Perhaps  the  best  translation  is  :  "  and 
so  an  empty  man  becomes  wise,  and  a  wild  ass's  colt 
is  bom  a  man."  Tiiis  yields  a  good  connexion  with 
the  preceding  verse  :  God  chastens  the  wicked,  and 
so  tho  empty  man  becomes  wise.  The  change  is  as  if 
a  wild  ass's  colt  were  bom  a  man  (probably  a  pro- 
verbial illustration).  The  wild  ass  is  an  emblem  of 
undisciplined  freedom  (395),  and  thus  of  rebellion 
against  God  (Jer.  224). 

XII.  1-25.  Eli])haz  had  appealed  to  revelation, 
Bildad  to  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients,  Zophar  assumes 
that  he  himself  is  the  oracle  of  God's  wisdom.  Job 
answers  this  assumption.  Firstly  Zophar  is  not  tho 
only  wise  man  in  tlie  world,  and  secondly,  as  to  this 
wisdom  of  God,  which  explains  everj'thing,  Job  has 
himself  studied  tho  Mays  of  God,  and  whatever  wisdom 
there  may  be  in  them  there  is  certainly  also  the  most 
arbitrary  exercise  of  Divine  power. 

The  friends  take  themselves  to  bo  the  wholo  people 
( 2) ;  in  your  own  estimation,  Job  says,  "  you're 
everybody"  (Peake).  Job,  however,  is  not  Behind 
them  in  wisdom  :  they  aro  not  its  sole  oracle  (3). 


JOB,  XIII.  15 


355 


4-6.  According  to  Duhm  an  interpolation.  They 
treat  of  the  contrast  Ixitwoen  the  fate  of  the  pious  and 
the  rebellious  men  of  the  world,  and  contain  sentences 
suitable  enough  for  Job,  but  not  in  this  place.  The 
LXX  has  the  passage  in  a  much  shorter  form.  Peake 
defends  the  passage.  "  Job  speaks  out  of  the  conscious- 
ness of  his  own  piety,  and  in  his  reference  to  the  mockery 
to  which  he  is  exposed  he  does  not  mean  that  he 
was  mocked  on  account  of  his  godliness,  which  was  not 
true  in  his  case,  but  that  in  spite  of  it  he  was  taunted 
with  impiety." — 5  says  that  the  prosperous  despise 
and  buffet  the  unfortunate. — 6  contrasts  with  this  the 
happiness  of  the  wicked.  As  so  often  in  the  Psalms, 
the  prosperous  and  the  wicked,  the  unfortunate  and 
the  pious  are  identified. 

7-10  Duhm  also  treats  as  an  interpolatior  He 
says  that  these  verses  come  from  another  poet,  and 
express  the  thought  that,  as  the  animal  world  teaches, 
the  life  of  all  living  beings  Is  in  God's  hand.  Between 
this  and  the  context  he  sees  not  the  slightest  connexion. 
The  usual  interpretation  of  the  passage  when  it  is 
retained  for  Job  (Davidson,  Peake)  is  that  in  reply  to 
the  boasted  wisdom  of  Zophar,  Job  intimates  that 
such  knowledge  is  the  veriest  commonplace.  The 
observation  of  the  animal  world  may  teach  it  (David- 
son), or  perhaps  the  very  animals  possess  it  (Peake); 
"  antiquity  did  not  draw  the  same  sharp  line  between 
human  and  animal  intelligence  as  we  draw."  Duhm 
sees  a  confirmation  of  his  theory  that  the  passage  ia 
an  interpolation  in  the  use  of  the  name  Yahweh  in  9. 
"  If  the  poet  wrote  Yahweh  it  must  have  beeu  by  an 
oversight  "  (Peake).     Some  MSS.  read  Eloah  (God). 

With  11  Duhm  admits  that  we  return  to  the  genuine 
speech  of  Job.  "  The  ear  decides  as  to  the  sense  or 
senselessness  of  what  is  heard,  the  palate  itself  knows 
best  how  things  taste  (c/.  66),  man  can  therefore  by 
means  of  his  senses  judge  of  the  things  of  the  external 
world,  with  which  he  has  to  do — why  should  he  then 
require  to  be  told  by  others,  how  anything  tastes  or 
soimds  ?  Job  stands  upon  his  own  individuahty ;  if 
he  has  observed  God's  working,  as  he  describes  it  in 
14ff.,  no  one  need  try  to  persuade  him  of  the  opposite 
of  his  own  impressions  and  preceptions."  12  we  must 
translate  as  ing.,  "  With  aged  men,  ye  say,  is  wisdom." 
No,  says  Job,  it  is  God  who  possesses  both  wisdom  and 
might,    'Varied  illustrations  of  this  truth  follow  (14-25). 

The  above  interpretation  of  11-25  is  based  on  the 
assumption  that  it  is  to  be  retained  for  Job.  We  have 
seen  that  Duhm  questions  4-6,  7-10.  Siegfried,  how- 
ever, goes  further  and  would  reject  not  only  4-6,  but 
I27-I31  ;  he  thinks  that  the  latter  passage  is  an  inter- 
polation intended  to  bring  the  speeches  of  Job  into 
harmony  with  the  orthodox  doctrine  of  retribution. 
The  passage,  however,  rather  illustrates  the  sovereign 
might  of  God's  working,  and  is  thus  more  in  harmony 
with  the  thought  of  Job  than  with  that  of  the  friends. 

5.  Take  the  word  translated  "  it  is  ready  "  as  a 
noun  meaning  "  a  blow." — 6.  Translate  as  mg.  "  that 
bring  their  god  in  their  hand,"  i.e.  they  worship  their 
own  power  and  make  it  their  god  (c/.  Hab.  1 11,16). 

XIII.  1-12.  Job  has  shown  that  he  can  speak  of 
God's  working  in  the  world  ;  the  friends,  however, 
offer  an  aiwlogy  for  God,  which  He  Himself  must 
reject.  "  1  am  not  inferior  to  you  in  laiowledgo," 
says  Job  (2).  "  But  I  would  speak  and  reason  with 
God — this  you  do  not  understand  "  (3).  The  friends 
had  failed  to  diagnose  his  case  (4) ;  his  want  is  a  fresh 
Divine  revelation.  They  are  "  plasterers  of  lies  "  in 
their  zeal  for  God.  Their  best  wisdom  were  silence  (5) 
"  si  tacuisseR,  philosopluis  mansissoe."  God,  how- 
ever, will  not  approve  their  respect  of  persons,  their 


partiality  in  becoming  His  advocate  (8).  "  It  will  not 
be  a  pleasant  experience  for  them  when  God  stripe 
bare  their  paltry  souls  and  shows  that  which  masque- 
raded as  pious  reverence  to  be  cowardly  sycophancy  (9). 
It  is  noteworthy  as  showing  the  coniiict  of  feeling  in 
Job,  that  while  he  attacks  with  the  utmost  boldness 
the  unrighteousness  of  God's  conduct  he  should  have 
such  deep-rooted  confidence  in  His  righteousness  as  to 
believe  Him  incapable  of  tolerating  a  lying  defence 
even  of  Himself "  (Peake).  God's  appearance  will 
terrify  the  friends  (11) :  how  miserable  their  proverbs, 
their  defences,  are  (12). 

XIII.  13-28.  Job  turns  to  plead  his  cause  with  God. 
He  will  speak  whatever  it  costs  (13-15).  "  This  also," 
he  says,  "  shall  be  my  deliverance,  that  a  godless  man 
will  not  come  before  Him."  Job  means  that  his 
deliverance  must  come,  not  as  the  friends  say,  from 
submission  and  confession,  but  from  courageous  self- 
defence.  Job  seems  to  gain  confidence  from  his  resolve 
to  speak  without  fear.  He  feels  that  God,  the  natural 
protector  of  innocence,  must  in  the  end  be  on  his  side  : 
Job's  very  boldness  will  appeal  to  His  better  nature. 
This  is  the  first  time  that  Job  really  shows  confidence 
in  God.  Behind  His  wrath,  he  feels,  there  is  some- 
thing that  is  on  his  side.  It  seems  as  if  Job's  firm 
resolve  to  mamtain  his  consciousness  of  innocence 
gave  him  a  basis  whence  to  feel  after  the  true  nature 
of  God.  Such  is  Job's  confidence,  as  he  prepares  to 
plead  his  cause  (18),  that  he  cries,  "  Who  is  there  that 
can  contend  with  me  ?  For  (if  any  such  be  found) 
then  I  would  hold  my  peace  and  give  up  the  ghost " 
(19).  This  forms  a  splendid  climax  to  Job's  declara- 
tion of  innocence  (c/.  Is.  508,  Rom.  833!).  As  in  934, 
however,  Job  asks  of  God  to  remove  his  affliction  and 
not  to  overwhelm  him  with  His  terrors,  that  they  may 
contend  upon  equal  terms  (20—22).  "  \\liat  have  I 
done?  "  he  says.  "  Why  is  God  become  mine  enemy  ?  " 
(23f.).  Why  does  God  persecute  one  so  weak  ?  (2s). 
God,  like  a  judge,  ordains  him  bitter  punishment.  To 
do  so,  He  brings  up  the  sins  of  his  unwitting  childhood, 
which  he  had  supposed  long  ago  forgiven  and  forgotten. 
God  hampers  his  movements  (27). 

14  is  difficult.  To  take  one's  life  in  one's  hand 
means  to  prepare  for  death  (Jg.  I23).  In  accordance 
with  this  the  first  clause  must  be  explained.  By 
several  it  is  understood  of  a  wild  beast  defending  its 
prey  by  carryuig  it  off.  Then  the  verse  means,  "  'Why 
should  I  seek  to  save  my  life  ?  Nay,  I  will  expose  it 
to  the  utmost  peril."  By  attaching  the  opening  words 
of  14  {'at  mdh)  to  13  (Duhm),  or  more  smiply  by  re- 
moving them  as  due  to  dittography  of  the  last  words 
of  13  {'alay  mah)  (Peake),  we  leave  the  meaning  of  13 
unaltered  and  obtain  for  14,  "I  will  take  my  flesh  in 
my  teeth  and  will  put  my  life  in  my  hand."  The 
interrogation  is  now  gone  from  the  first  clauses,  and 
the  two  lines  of  the  verse  mean  the  same  thing,  as  the 
parallelism  requires  that  they  should. — 15  is  also 
difficult.  "  The  AV  translation,  '  Though  he  slay  me, 
yet  will  I  trust  in  him,'  which  is  that  of  the  Vulgate, 
IS  impossible,  since  it  is  utterly  out  of  harmony  with 
the  context.  It  is  very  beautiful  in  itself,  and  no 
doubt  what  Job  ought  to  have  said,  and  what  he 
would  have  said  after  the  vision  of  God.  But  it  is 
singularly  unfortunate  since  it  is  one  of  the  few  frag- 
ments in  the  poem  which  are  widely  known,  and  has 
thus  created  an  entirely  false  impression  as  to  Job's 
real  attitude  "  (Peake).  The  first  clause  is  to  be  trans- 
lated "  Behold  he  slayeth  me  "  :  the  second  either 
(reading  Id)  "  I  wait  for  him  "  (to  do  it)  or  '  for  it,'  or 
else  (reading  15')  "  I  have  no  hope  "  or  "  I  cannot  hold 
out '  '(Duhm ).    The  general  sense  is  the  same,  whichever 


356 


JOB,  XIII.  15 


of  these  readings  or  translations  be  adopted.  The  second 
clause  is  an  expression  of  Job's  despair. — 27.  Instead 
of  "  the  stocks  "  translate  "  the  block,"  i.e.  a  block 
of  wood  fastened  to  the  foot  of  a  prisoner  imi)eding 
his  movements. 

XIV.  1-6.  How  sorrowful  the  lot  of  man,  whom  God 
80  straitly  o\erlook.s  !  Man's  life  is  transitory  and 
insubstantial  (if.),  why  does  God  act  the  inquisitor 
with  one  so  frail  ? — 3.  Let  God  cease  to  torment 
him  (6). 

4  is  to  be  translated  as  i7ig.  "  Oh  that  a  clean  thing 
could  come  out  of  an  unclean  !  not  one  can."  This  is 
probably  a  gloss.  "  It  is  the  sigh  of  a  pious  reader, 
written  on  the  margin,  and  mistakenly  introduced  into 
the  text  "  (Peake). — 6.  For  "  accomplish  '"  substitute 
mg.  "  have  pleasure  in." 

XIV.  7-12  gives  the  reason  why  God  should  let  man 
have  v/hat  little  pleasure  ho  can  (6)  :  Death  ends  all. 
In  Damascus  it  is  still  customary  to  cut  down  trees, 
the  stumps  of  which  being  watered  send  forth  new 
shoots.  Job  refers  to  such  a  jiractice,  which  shows  the 
indomitable  \atality  of  tree  life  (7-9).  But  man,  when 
he  dies,  knows  no  rejuvenation  (lof.). 

11  may  perhaps  be  a  gloss,  quoted  from  Is.  195, 
where  both  '"  the  sea  "  and  "  the  river  "  mean  the 
NUc. 

XIV.  13-15.  If  God,  moved  by  longing  for  His 
creatures,  would  only  restore  Job  to  life  !  He  who 
rejuvenates  the  tree,  could  reanimate  the  man.  Death 
would  then  be  a  proof  of  the  Divine  love  :  it  would 
be  God's  hiding  Job  in  Sheol  from  His  own  wrath,  till 
it  was  over  (13).  In  this  case  Job  would  welcome  death 
( 14).  For  after  it  would  come  a  time  of  uninterrupted 
communion  with  God  (15).  The  first  emergence  of 
hope  was  in  72 1.  Here  the  hope  is  stronger,  and  it 
will  be  stronger  again  yet. 

14.  Duhm  follows  LXX  "  If  a  man  might  die  and 
live  again  !  "  This  seems  best :  if  we  retain  the  text, 
the  question  is  asked  without  being  answered  :  the 
second  line  continues  the  thought  of  13. 

XIV.  16-22  turns  to  the  contrast  of  Job's  present 
misery  and  hopeless  end.  Now  God  watches  Job  (16). 
God  writes  down  his  sins,  and  seals  up  the  indictments 
in  a  bag  (17).  The  mountains  perish  and  the  stones  are 
worn  away  :  so  God  destroys  man's  hope,  and  the 
man  himself  (18-20).  He  is  sunk  in  Sheol  where  he 
neither  knows  nor  cares  for  the  concerns  of  his  fainilj' 
(21).  "  Only  his  flesh  upon  him  hath  pain  and  his 
soul  within  him  moumeth  "  (22).  [The  flesh  suffers 
pain  through  the  process  of  decomposition  in  the  grave ; 
out  the  soul  in  Sneol  also  participates  in  the  pain  of  its 
body,  for  though  death  has  rent  them  apart,  they  still 
belong  to  the  same  self  and  sympathetically  feel  each 
other's  experiences.  Cf.  Jer.  82*. — A.  S.  P.]  He  is 
wholly  shut  up  in  his  own  misery. 

XV.  1.  Hero  begins  the  second  cycle  of  the  debate. 
Eliphaz  had  Ix'fore  said  everytiiiiig  possible,  presuming 
Job's  real  goodness — he  had  explained  how  he  must 
accept  his  sufTerings  as  a  Divine  chastisement,  and  be 
instnicted  by  them.  Job,  however,  rejects  all  this,  and 
Eliphaz  is  consequently  compelled  to  conclude  that 
Job  is  a  dospiser  of  religion  and  wholly  impious  :  all 
he  can  do  is  to  point  out  the  consequences  of  such 
irreligion  and  impiety. — 2-19  is  a  jx)lemic  against  Job's 
arrogance  and  pretence  of  wisdom.  Job's  words  are 
empty  and  violent  (2f.).  He  does  away  with  all 
religion  (4)  and  breaks  the  reverential  stillness,  which 
should  be  observed  in  the  presence  of  Grod.  It  is  his 
wickedness  that  inspires  iiis  wonls  and  gives  to  his 
tongue  the  craft  of  the  serpent  (Gen,  3i)  (5).  So  he 
stands  aeif-condemned  (6).     Is  he  the  primaeval  man, 


of  whom  the  myths  tell,  who  sat  in  the  council  of  God  T 
(7f.).  This  mj'thical  figure  is  not  elsewhere  found  in 
the  OT  'but  cf.  the  figure  of  Wisdom  in  Pr.  822-31); 
it  is,  however,  "  a  conception  which  spreads  its  branchee 
wide  over  the  most  various  regions  of  religion " 
(Bousset,  JIauptproblcme  der  Gliosis,  1907,  p.  160). 
What  does  Job  know,  Eliphaz  continues,  that  the 
friends  do  not  know  ?  (o)-  Age  is  on  their  side  (10). 
Why  did  ho  despise  Eliphaz's  former  gentle  speech, 
roll  his  eyes  in  anger,  and  defy  God  ( 1 1-13)  ?  Eiliphaz 
can  only  repeat  that  no  man  or  angel  is  pure  (14-18). 
What  he  says  is  ancient  wisdom,  come  down  from  the 
fatliers,  b(^fore  intermixture  with  strangers  had  defiled 
the  pure  tradition  (17-19). 

16  refei-s,  as  the  context  indicates,  to  man  in  general. 
To  drink  like  water  means  to  drink  in  large  draughts, 
whereas  strong  liquor  is  drunk  more  cautiously. 
20-35  describes  the  fate  of  the  ungodly.  "  The  teach- 
ing which  the  wise  have  handed  down  is  now  given. 
While  the  wicked  lives  in  outward  prosperity  he  is 
constantly  tonnented  by  forebodings  of  disaster " 
(Peake).  These  forebodings  proceed  from  his  impiety 
against  God  {2 si.).  With  28  cf.  Dt  13i6,  Jos.  626, 
1  K.  I634.  The  impious  man  shall  perish  hopelessly 
(29-35).  Eliphaz  does  not  even  yet,  however,  apply 
this  doctrine  to  Job ;  he  leaves  Job  to  make  the 
application  for  himself  From  29  onwards  the  text  is 
in  disorder.  —  29b  is  hoi)elessly  corrupt.  It  is  best  to 
omit  the  verse.  Delete  30a  as  a  variant  upon  that  of 
22a  and  read  the  last  lino  '  and  his  fruit  is  whirled 
away  by  the  wind."' — 31  is  probably  a  gloss  ;  it  inter- 
rupts the  continuity  of  the  description  of  the  fate  of 
the  impious  with  an  admonition. — 32  is  perhaps  best 
read,  after  LXX,  "  His  stem  shall  wither  before  his 
time,  and  his  palm-branch  shall  not  be  green."  With 
these  alterations  30-33  pursues  the  metaphor  of  a 
withering  tree. — 35  is  also  probably  a  gloss  (cf.  Is.  594). 

XVI.-XVII.  Job's  Answer. — We  see  that  the  speech 
of  Eliphaz  has  not  missed  its  mark.  Job  complains 
that  everyone  is  against  him.  But  Job's  realisation 
how  vain  is  the  help  of  man,  serves  to  drive  him  back 
to  God.     Thus  the  friends  indirectly  help  Job. 

XVI.  1-5.  Job  has  had  enough  of  his  tormenting 
comforters  (af.).  He  could,  if  the  positions  were  re- 
versed, well  enough  offer  them  such  mere  verbal  con- 
solation (the  stress  in  5  is  on  "  mouth  "  and  "  lips  "). 
Translate  5  as  a  continuation  of  4.  "  I  could  strengthen 
you  with  my  mouth,  and  my  lip's  compassion  I  would 
not  spare  "  (the  last  clause  after  LXX). 

XVI.  6-17  contain  a  bitter  complaint  of  God's 
ferocity  against  Job,  in  spite  of  his  innocence.  The 
connexion  of  6  with  the  context  is  not  clear :  RV 
translation  is  probably,  however,  correct.  With  7  the 
enumeration  of  God's  unkindness  begins.  Davidson 
explains  the  change  from  "  ho  "  to  "  thou  "  by  tho 
rise  of  emotion.  God  has  such  hold  on  Job  (8)  by 
afflicting  him. — 9  compares  His  onslaught  to  that  of  a 
wild  beast— lOf.  speaks  of  the  hostility  of  men,  not 
Job's  friends,  but  the  outcasts  who  mock  him  (30if.). 
The  sense  is  improved  by  putting  11  before  10.— 12 
describes  once  more  God's  attack :  the  first  two  lines 
appear  to  continue  the  figure  of  9  :  with  the  third  line 
we  have  a  new  figure,  that  of  an  archer.  In  13  translate 
as  ntg.  "  arrows  ' — so  the  Versions. — 14  introduces  tho 
figure  of  an  assault  upon  a  fortress  ;  "  giant  "  means 
"  hero,"  7ng.  "  mighty  man." — 15  describes  Job's 
humiliation. — 16.  Jobs  face  is  "  inflamed  "  with  weep- 
ing {ing.  "  red  "),  liLs  eyes  are  dimmed. — 17.  .i\Jid  yet  in 
spite  of  Eliphaz  (I54-5)  Job  is  innocent. 

XVI.  18-21.  Job  cries  to  the  avenger  of  blood  to 
avenge  his  innocence.     He  ia  a  martyr,  and  feels  that 


JOB,  XX.  20 


357 


his  blood  must  cry  for  vengeance  (Gen.  4io*,  Rev.  6io). 
Job  arrives  at  the  astounding  thought  that  God  will 
be  his  avenger,  though  it  is  God  that  slays  him.  Wo 
have  noticed  how  in  Job's  bitter  complaint  against 
God,  the  thought  that  the  God,  who  had  loved  him  in 
the  past,  will  one  day  turn  to  him  once  more,  had 
again  and  again  broken  through  (78,2i,  I413-15).  Job 
now  sets  the  God  of  the  past  and  the  futui-e  against 
the  God  of  the  present,  one  side  of  God  against  another, 
God  against  Himself  (21).  God  is  his  "  witness  "  (19). 
Davidson  translates  "  advocate  "  and  says,  "  There 
was  no  difference  between  advocate  and  witness  in 
the  Hebrew  courts,  the  part  of  a  witness  being  to 
testify  on  behalf  of  one  and  see  justice  done  him." 

XVI.  22-XVII.  16.  Job  pleads  in  favour  of  his 
prayer  for  Divine  vindication,  that  death  is  before  him 
and  he  has  no  hope,  if  he  must  now  die. — XVII.  2  is 
obscure  ;  "  the  general  sense  seems  to  be  that  Job 
complains  of  the  delusive  hopes,  held  out  by  the 
friends,  of  return  to  health  and  prosperity  "  (Peake). 
— 3  continues  the  idea  of  162of.  God,  as  Job's 
advocate,  is  to  give  to  God  as  his  creditor  a  pledge 
that  He  will  in  the  future  vindicate  him.  Who  else 
will  '■  strike  hands  "  with  Job  over  such  a  bargain  ? 
— 4.  Not  Job's  unintelligent  friends.— 5  as  translated  in 
RV  is  a  threat  to  the  friends  that  their  denunciations 
of  Job  will  be  punished  by  the  suffering  of  their  children 
(Duhm  regards  the  verse  as  a  gloss). — 6f.  resumes  Job's 
complaint  of  his  misery. — 8f.,  its  effect  on  the  righteous. 
These  verses,  as  they  stand,  must  express  Job's  con- 
viction of  final  victory.  But  are  they  not  rather  an 
extract  from  some  speech  of  the  friends  ?  (Duhm, 
Peake). — 10-12  appears  to  be  a  repudiation  of  the 
friends'  delusive  hopes  of  recovery.  But  the  whole 
passage  is  verj^  obscure  except  11a. — 13-15.  Translate 
as  mg..  Job  has  no  hopes.  In  166  the  sense  is  not 
certain. 

XVin.  Second  Speech  of  Bildad.— "  Bildad  speaks 
this  time  at  unusual  length,  but  his  speech  has  no 
significance,  since  it  simply  describes  the  fate  of  the 
godless.  Into  the  description  of  this,  however,  there 
are  intenvoven  direct  allusions  to  Job's  case,  so  that 
to  this  degree  it  serves  to  increase  Job's  perplexity 
and  bring  on  the  crisis  "  (Duhm). — 2-4  contains  the 
usual  personal  polemic  ;  in  2  we  must  read  sing,  for 
plur.  ;  4  asks  Job  if  the  earth  is  to  be  turned  upside 
down  to  suit  him.  —  5-21  contains  an  extended  picture 
of  the  fate  of  the  godless.  In  13  "  the  first-born  of 
death  "  is  probably  "  the  worst  pestilence."  In  14 
the  "  king  of  terrors  "  is  death.  — 15  perhaps  alludes  to 
the  fate  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  In  20  it  is  best  to 
translate  as  mg. 

XIX.  Job's  Answer. — Here  the  gradual  progress  of 
Job's  soul  towards  faith  reaches  its  climax  (asf.).  It 
is  to  be  remembered  that  Job's  problem  is  in  reality 
twofold  :  it  has  a  personal  side,  the  problem  of  his 
individual  relation  to  God,  but  also  a  more  general 
aspect,  the  problem  of  the  Divine  providence.  In  this 
chapter  we  read  the  solution  of  the  first  half  on  the 
basis  of  a  great  venture  of  faith  ;  the  second  half  is 
really  never  fully  solved. 

1-^.  Job  sorrowfully  remonstrates  with  hia  friends. 
Even  if  he  has  sinned,  his  sin  cannot  hurt  them  (4). 
But  the  truth  Ls  that  it  is  God  who  is  responsible  for 
Job's  calamity  (6). 

7-20.  Complaint  of  God's  dealings.  In  17  it  is 
better  to  follow  RV  text  and  supply  "  mother's  "  than 
mg.,  and  translate  instead  of  '•  womb,"  "  body."  Job's 
children  wore  all  dead,  unless  he  had  others  by  concu- 
bines ;  31 1,  however,  is  against  thK  In  20b  the  exact 
meaning  of  the  "skin  of  my  teeth  '*  is  not  certain. 


21f.  Appeal  to  the  friends.  They,  however,  fail  the 
suppliant.  In  23  accordingly  he  turns  to  posterity  and 
anticipates  that  history  will  justify  him.  Let  hia 
words  bo  written  in  a  book,  or  better  still  for  durability, 
graven  in  the  rock  with  an  iron  stylus  and  then  filled 
in  with  lead. 

25-27.  This,  however,  is  impracticable.  So  Job 
turns  to  God.  "  But  I  know  that  my  Vindicator  lives, 
and  that  as  my  successor  he  shall  stand  up  (i.e.  appear 
for  me)  upon  the  dust  "  (i.e.  "  my  grave  ").  When  Job 
dies  as  a  martyr,  there  will  be  One  to  vindicate  him. 
So  far  the  sense  is  clear.  In  26,  however,  most  un- 
fortunately the  text  is  badly  cori'upt.  The  literal 
translation  of  the  first  line  is  "  and,  after  my  skin,  they 
have  destroyed,  this."  All  translations  are  more  or 
less  guesses.  "  The  second  line  may  boar  quite  opposite 
meanings.  The  word  translated  '  from  '  may  mean 
'  without '  or  it  may  mean  '  in,'  since  '  from  '  may 
mean  '  away  from  '  or  '  from  the  standpoint  of  '  " 
(Peake).  Probably  we  should  translate  "  without,"  re- 
ferring the  passage  to  an  experience  after  death.  Job 
expresses  his  confidence  that  not  only  will  God  appear 
as  his  vindicator,  but  that  he  will  see  Him.  Not  only 
will  his  character  be  cleared,  but  ho  will  know  it. — 
27a  is  put  best  taken  as  mg.  It  will  be  the  old  familiar 
Friend,  not  the  present  Enemy,  whom  Job  will  see. 
In  27b  Job  says  "  I  faint  "  either  with  longing  for  or 
anticipation  of  the  Divine  vision.  (Cf.  Dante  in 
Paradise,  Paradiso,  xxxiiL  132). 

28-29.  "  The  last  two  verses  bring  us  back  from 
heaven  to  earth.  They  are  difficult  and  probably 
corrupt  "  (Peake).  Job  warns  the  friends  to  beware 
of  punishment  (29).  Read  in  28,  "  If  ye  say.  How 
will  we  persecute  him,  and  find  the  root  of  the  matter 
in  him  "  {i.e.  the  real  cause  of  his  afliiction).  In  29  the 
general  sense  only  is  clear :  the  text  requires 
emendation. 

Ch.  19  is  the  watershed  of  the  book.  Here  is  solved 
the  first  great  problem — how  Job  in  his  misery  can 
maintain  faith  in  God.  He  does  it  by  drawing  upon 
the  future.  After  his  death  God  will  vindicate  him 
and  he  himself  will  be  permitted  to  see  his  Vindicator. 
Sheol  cannot  finally  hold  one  who  on  earth  has  enjoyed 
communion  with  God.  The  stages  by  which  Job 
reaches  this  conclusion  are  marked  in  78-21,  14 13-15, 
I618-21,  1925f.  After  ch.  19  we  descend,  as  Christian 
descended  from  the  house  Beautiful  into  the  Valley  of 
Humiliation,  once  more  into  the  region  of  doubt  and 
perplexity.  The  second  great  problem  still  remains 
unsolved.  Is  there  a  possible  justification  of  God's 
providence  in  general  ? 

XX.  Second  Speech  of  Zophar. — Zophar  helps  the 
return  to  the  wider  problem  by  appearing  once  more 
with  a  strong  doctrine  as  to  the  shortness  of  the  pros- 
perity of  the  wicked.  His  theme  is,  Sin  brings  its  own 
reward. 

1-3.  Zophar  replies  to  Job's  exasperating  words 
(19 1-6).  In  2b  mg.  is  probably  to  bo  followed.  In  3b 
Duhm,  on  the  basis  of  LXX,  reads,  "  and  with  wind 
void  of  understanding  thou  answerest  me." 

4-29.  The  portion  of  the  wicked.  How  short  is  his 
joy,  how  utter  his  destniction !  In  4  the  literal  trans- 
lation of  the  Heb.  is  "  knowest  thou  this  of  old."  "  Li 
that  case  the  qtiestion  is  a  mocking  one  "  (Peake).  In 
10  Budde  reads  for  his  "  hands  "  his  "  children  "  with 
shght  alteration  and  better  sense. — 11  says  that  while 
his  bones  are  still  full  of  youth  "' it  "  (his  youth)  is 
prematurely  buried  in  the  grave. — 12f.  describes  sin  as 
a  dainty  morsel  kept  in  the  mouth  ;  but  (14)  it  is 
poison  when  swallowed.  In  15  the  morsel  swallowed 
becomes  ill-gotten  gain.     In  20  "  within  him"  13  lit. 


358 


JOB,  XX.  20 


"  in  his  belly,"  which  ia  regarded  as  the  seat  of  in- 
satiable greed.  With  23  we  come  to  the  Divine  judg- 
ment upon  the  wicked  man  ;  here  mg.  is  to  bo  preferred  : 
"Let  it  be  for  the  filling  of  his  belly  that  God  shall 
cast  the  fierceness  of  his  wrath  upon  him,  and  shall 
rain  it  upon  him  as  his  food.'"— 24  represents  the 
wicked  man  as  attacked  by  warriors.— 25  moans  that, 
hoping  to  save  his  Ufe,  ho  draws  out  the  arrow  which 
has  struck  him  ;  but  the  terrors  of  death  seize  upon 
him. 

XXI.  Job's  Reply. — Zophar  was  graphic  and  vigor- 
ous, but  had  nothing  to  say.  Nevorthelesa  his  speech 
suggests  to  Job  his  next  argument.  The  facts  are 
quite  the  opposite  of  what  Zophar  has  said  :  the  wicked 
do  not  die  prematurely.  "  Is  the  doctrine  of  Providence 
true  ? 

1-6.  Job  invites  the  friends  to  listen  in  silence  (5) 
at  the  terrible  truths  he  has  to  disclose  (6).  In  4  read 
"  of  man  "  [mg.) :  the  meaning  is  that  Job  complains 
of  God. 

7-13.  The  prosperity  of  the  godless.  In  8f.  the 
descriptions  are  quite  idyllic. 

14-22.  Yet  they  renounced  God  :  hke  the  friends,  they 
regarded  religion  from  the  point  of  \new  of  profit  and 
loss  (15),  but  with  opposite  results.  It  is  best  to 
treat  16  as  an  anticipated  objection  of  the  friends  (as 
mg.) :  after  all,  the  prosperity  of  the  wicked  is  not  in 
their  own  jjower.  God  will  destroy  it.  17f.  will  then 
be  Job's  reply.  19a  agahi  must  be  given  to  the  friends, 
19b  is  Job's  reply.  The  dogma  that  a  man  is  punished 
in  his  children  only  means  that  he  goes  scot  free.  In 
ancient  Israel  the  idea  of  "corporate  personality  "  made 
the  man  and  las  descendants  so  closely  one,  that  the 
punishment  of  the  one  was  the  punishment  of  the 
other.  But  from  the  Exile  onward,  a  growing  indi- 
vidualism made  this  doctrine  seem  unsatisfactory 
(Jer.  3I29,  Ezek.  3i6-2i,  I81-32).  In  21  "what 
pleasure  "  means  what  concern. — 22.  The  friends  pro- 
fess to  know  God's  dealings  better  than  He  appears 
to  do  Himself,  though  He  Ls  the  judge  of  the  angels. 

23-26.  How  God  actually  governs.  The  lot  of  men 
differs,  but  at  last  all  alike  die. 

27-34.  Job  understands  the  insinuations  of  the 
friends  {27).  Ho  apjwals  to  the  testimony  of  travellers 
(20).  The  wicked  is  spared  in  the  day  of  calamity  and 
led  away  in  the  day  of  wrath  (trans,  as  mg.  though  it 
involves  slight  alteration).  In  31  Job  speaks:  Who 
will  rebuke  the  wicked  ?  He  rests  peacefully  in  the 
grave  and  has  innumerable  imitators  (32f.).  In  32 
if  wo  translate  as  text,  the  moaning  is  that  the  dead 
man's  effigy  watches  over  his  tomb,  if  as  mg.  that 
prerautions  are  taken  against  desecration. 

XXII.  Third  Speech  of  Eliphaz.— The  only  new  thing 
that  Eliphaz  has  to  say,  is  definitely  to  describe  the 
sin  of  Job  !  Yet  his  mildness  makes  him  end  with 
bright  promises. 

1-5.  Is  it  not  to  Job's  advantage  to  be  pious  ?  Will 
God  chasten  him  for  anything  else  but  sin  ?  Eliphaz 
would  point  out  that  it  is  Job  s  advantage  to  be  pious, 
but  he  completes  his  statement  by  adding  that  it  is 
no  advantage  to  God.  He  means  that  God  is  too 
exalted  to  take  any  interest  in  man,  oxcejjt  to  reward 
and  punish  him.  Henco  the  cause  of  man's  calamities 
cannot  bo  in  CJod,  but  only  in  man  (6-1 1). — 6-9  ascribes 
to  Job  the  sins  tyiiical  of  the  rich  man.  — 8,  if  not  a 
gloss,  seems  to  refer  to  tho  sin  of  land-grabbing  (Is.  58). 
— 101.  deduce  Job's  calamities  as  the  natural  reward 
of  his  sin. 

12-20.  Job  argues  from  God's  oxaltedneas  that  Ho 
cannot  see  through  tho  clouds  and  darkness  down  upon 
the  earth  (12-14).     But  He  punished  the  rebels  of  old 


time  (i5f-) :  apparently  the  reference  ia  to  the  Flood, 
when  the  solid  earth  (their  "  foundation")  was  over- 
flowed.— 171.  (c/.  2114a,  15a,  i6b)  breaks  the  connexion, 
and  is  to  be  removed  as  a  gloss.  Then  191.  tells  how 
the  righteous  rejoiced  over  the  fall  of  the  wicked  (16). 
With  LXX  we  may  change  verbs  in  19  to  perfects. 

21-30.  Eliphaz  recommends  Job  to  return  to  God, 
and  once  more  promises  his  restoration. — 22  means 
that  Job  is  to  regard  his  sufferings  as  diseiplinaiy  (017). 
— 29f .  is  very  obscure  :  the  text  is  dubious.  The  general 
sense  of  29  is  that  God  casta  down  pride  and  saves  the 
humble. — 30  aa  it  stands  aeema  to  mean  that  CJod 
will  deUvor  even  him  that  is  not  innocent  because  of 
Job's  innocence  (c/.  42s).  The  conclusion  of  Eliphaz's 
speech  is  very  beautiful  Duhm's  comment  is,  how- 
over,  worth  giving.  "  Humility  and  purity  are  also, 
according  to  this  passage,  for  Eliphaz  the  essential 
elements  of  religion  and  tho  secure  foundationa  of 
good  fortune  :  both  lie  in  tho  power  of  man,  whose 
conduct  God  reviews  and  honours  according  to  fixed 
principles.  Theology  makes  salvation  depend  on  the 
doing  of  men,  religion  on  the  heart  of  God." 

XXIII.-XXIV.  Job's  Reply  to  Eliphaz.— He  dwells 
on  the  mystery  of  Providence.  He  cannot  put  hia 
own  personal  conviction  of  final  justification  forward 
as  a  general  solution  of  the  problem.  Hence  he  seems 
to  lose  the  vantage  ground  already  reached  and  viewing 
his  ovm  case  as  a  part  of  the  general  world- problem, 
restates  it  as  a  prelude  to  stating  this  on  the  large 
scale.  His  tone  is,  however,  very  different  from  what 
it  was  before.  Job  dwells  little  on  hia  own  misery, 
but  much  on  the  misery  of  the  world. 

To  solve  the  world-problem  a  revelation  here  and 
now  seems  requisite.  The  question  Ls  no  longer.  Shall 
I  again  find  God  on  my  side  ?  but.  Does  God  govern 
the  world  righteously  ?  Job,  therefore,  puttmg  out 
of  sight  the  thought  of  meeting  God  by  and  by,  comes 
back  to  the  thought  expressed  in  1322,  though  in  a  very 
diiTerent  mood,  of  meeting  Him  here  and  now. 

XXIII.  1-7.  Job  still  rebels,  though  he  does  his  best 
to  repress  his  complaints  (2).  Tianslate  as  mg. — 
6f.  shows  the  gain  Job  has  got.— 8-12.  He  is  still  in 
quest  of  Gtod,  but  now  is  convinced  that  if  he  could 
find  Him,  God  would  treat  him  reasonably  (contrast 
914-16).  God's  inscrutableness  (Si.)  now  causes  him 
no  fear  (10).  Trial  will  but  be  the  touchstone  that 
will  reveal  his  innocence  (10-12).  Read  in  12b,  with 
LXX  and  Vulgate,  for  "  more  than  my  necessary  food," 
"  in  my  bosom."' 

XXIII.  13-17.  But  God  follows  His  own  will  and 
docs  what  He  pleases.     Therefore  Job  is  afraid. 

In  13a  read  with  Duhm.  "  But  he  has  decreed." 
— 14  points  out  that  Job's  case  does  not  stand  alone. 
— 17  is  obscure.  Read  "  For  I  am  cut  off  by  the  dark- 
ness, and  thick  darkness  covers  my  face  "  (Duhm). 

XXIV.  This  cliapter  has  since  Merx  in  1871  been  sub- 
jected to  much  criticism,  tho  general  trend  of  which 
has  been  to  deny  the  whole  or  a  considerable  part  of 
the  chapter  to  Job.  Peako,  however,  considers  that 
the  chapter  as  a  whole  reilects  Job's  point  of  view, 
thougli  alien  elements  are  to  be  recognised  in  it. 
Davidson  sums  up  the  chapter  under  the  heading  : 
The  Divine  rectitude  which  Job  misses  in  his  own 
instance  he  equally  misses  in  the  broad  field  of  the 
world.— 1  asks  why  days  of  assize  are  wanting  in  tho 
universe  ?  With  2  begms  a  series  of  examples  of  in- 
justice. In  5-8  we  have  the  description  of  a  wretched 
tribe  of  pariahs,  nameless  outcasts,  probably  aborigines. 
In  6  "  provender  "  is  literally  fodder  aa  for  animals. 
But  as  the  Hob.  Is  literally  "  his  fodder,'"  jx^riiaps  it 
would  bo  bettor  to  emend  "  They  reap  by  night  in  the 


JOB,  XXVIII 


359 


field "  (Merx). — 9  should  probably  bo  put  after  4. 
Then  lOf.  may  contmue  the  description  of  the  out- 
casts who  by  stealth  raid  the  sheaves  and  the  oil 
and  wine  of  the  rich,  or  it  may  be  that  we  have 
a  fresli  description  of  day  labourers,  who  starve  in 
the  midst  of  the  harvest  they  gather  and  press. — 
12  speaks  of  equal  injustice  in  the  cities.  But  God 
took  no  heed  of  it.— 13f.  describes  the  night-birds, 
who  hat«  the  light.  In  14  for  "with  the  light"  read 
"when  there  is  no  light."  — 16  Seo  Ex.  1222*. — 
17  means  that  the  morning  is  to  them  a  time  of  peril, 
on  the  other  hand  they  know  and  care  little  for  the 
terrors  of  the  deep  darkness.— 18-24  describes  what 
haijpens  to  these  wrong-doers,  but  18-21  takes  the 
popular  view.  The  Revisers  recognise  this  by  insert- 
ing "  Ye  say  "  in  the  margin  :  according  to  which 
Job  is  here  to  be  regarded  as  anticipating  the  views 
of  the  friends.  Or  else  we  must  regard  the  passage  as 
misplaced  from  one  of  their  speeches,  or  as  a  later 
gloss  of  an  orthodox  scribe.  The  text  of  18  is  obscure. 
As  it  stands,  it  seems  to  mean  that  the  wicked  is 
swept  away  like  a  twig  upon  the  waters  (Hos.  IO7). 
He  no  longer  Adsits  his  vineyards,  which  a  curse  has 
made  barren.  In  19t.  again  the  text  is  not  good. — 
22  resumes  Job's  speech  :  translate  as  mg.  "  Yet  God 
by  His  power  maketh  the  mighty  to  continue  :  they 
rise  up,  then  they  believed  not  they  should  live." 
The  meaning  is,  they  recover  even  from  an  apparently 
fatal  illness. — 23  refers  to  God's  watching  their  ways 
to  keep  them  from  harm. — 24  is  most  naturally  under- 
stood in  the  sense  that  the  prosperity  of  the  wicked  is 
brief,  and  is  therefore  contrary  to  Job's  point  of  view 
and  to  be  regarded  as  a  gloss. 

XXV.-XXVII.  offer  a  difficult  critical  problem.  "  The 
phenomena  which  excite  attention  are  these :  (a) 
Bildad's  speech  is  unusually  short ;  (6)  Job's  reply 
contains  a  section  (265-14)  very  like  Bildad's  speech  ; 
(c)  Zophar  fails  to  speak  ;  (d)  eh.  27  has  a  title  pre- 
fixed, which  has  no  real  parallel  elsewhere  in  the  middle 
of  a  speech  belonging  to  the  original  poem  (ch.  29 
forming  no  real  exception)  ;  (e)  the  greater  part  of 
ch.  27  so  completely  contradicts  Job's  views  as  else- 
where expressed,  that  it  seems  very  hard  to  believe 
that  it  can  have  formed  part  of  this  speech  "  (Peake). 

Here  what  is  a  very  usual  rearrangement  will  be 
adopted.  We  shall  take  25  and  265-14  as  Bildad's 
speech,  261-4  and  272-6  as  Job's  reply,  and  277-23 
as  the  missing  third  speech  of  Zophar,  This  seems  the 
simplest  arrangement,  though  it  is  open  to  objections. 
For  this  and  alternative  views,  see  Peake's  Commentary. 

XXV.  Opening  of  Bildad's  Third  Speech.— Unable  to 
reply  to  the  facta  of  experience  adduced  by  Job,  he 
nevertheless  makes  his  protest  against  his  argument. 
Let  the  facts  be  what  they  \vill,  God  is  great  in  power 
and  man  is  unclean  and  sinful  in  his  sight. 

In  2  the  reference  is  to  battles  of  the  angels,  perhaps 
rebellions  against  God,  who  vanquishes  the  rebellious 
angels,  as  long  ago  Ho  vanquished  the  chaos-monster 
Tiaraat  and  her  brood  (9i3,  2612-13,  Is.  5I9).  With 
4-6  cf.  the  words  of  Eliphaz,  417-21,  I514-16. 

XXVI.  2rA.  Beginning  of  Job's  Reply  to  Blldad.— 
He  speaks  sarcastically  of  the  helpfulness  and  instruc- 
tiveness  of  Bildad's  speech.  He  must  have  been 
inspired  (4)  ! 

XXVI.  5-14.  Conclusion  of  Bildad's  Speech.— Bildad 
pursues  the  theme  of  the  greatneea  of  God,  begun 
in  252-3. 

The  giants  (Dt.  2ii-2o)  tremble  at  God  (5).  Rephaim 
fOen.  145*)  means  both  shades  (mg.)  and  "giants  ";  per- 
haps the  connexion  is  that  the  giants,  the  oldest  inhn bit- 
ante  of  the  earth,  were  the  first  to  go  down  to  Sheol, 


and  so  gave  their  name  to  all  the  shades.  In  any  case  it 
is  best  to  translate  here  "giants."  It  gives  an  excellent 
illustration  of  God's  power  that  these  mighty  men, 
who  are  conceived  as  having  once  done  battle  with 
Him,  tremble  under  it.  Abaddon  (6)  is  a  synonym  for 
Sheol,  which  hes  open  to  God's  eyes  (Pr.  ISii"").  The 
"  north  "  in  7  is  that  part  of  the  earth  known  to  the 
Jews  as  the  place  of  great  mountams,  whose  weight 
makes  the  wonder  that  the  earth  rests  upon  nothing 
more  wonderful  still.  "  Nothing  "  and  "  empty  space  " 
mean  chaos. — 8  passes  to  the  wonder  of  the  clouds,  the 
bottles  of  heaven  (8837),  whose  thin  skins  do  not  burst 
in  spite  of  their  enormous  content.— 9a  is  somewhat 
obscure  ;  the  meaning  apparently  is  that  God  conceals 
His  throne  behind  the  clouds. — 10  is  to  be  explained 
by  reference  to  the  Babylonian  cosmologj',  adopted  in 
Gen.  1.  The  earth  is  a  flat  disc  resting  on  the  "  great 
deep  "  or  chaos,  an  ocean  of  waters.  Above  it  rises 
the  vault  of  heaven  or  firmament,  which  is  the  sphere 
of  light.  Outside  is  darkness.  In  11  the  pillars  of 
heaven  are  the  mountains.  In  the  Babylonian  cos- 
mology these  rise  from  the  extreme  edge  of  the  diso 
of  the  earth,  and  upon  them  is  set  the  vault  of  heaven : 
their  roots  go  down  into  the  "  great  deep." — 12  refers 
again  to  the  "  great  deep  "  or  chaos  under  the  names 
of  the  sea  and  Rahab  (  =  Tiamat),  the  chaos  monster 
{cf.  7i2,  9i3).  We  may  translate  either  "  stirroth  up," 
when  the  meaning  is  God  first  incites  and  then  destroys 
the  rebelhon  of  Tiamat,  or  else  "  stilleth,"  when  the 
two  lines  of  the  verse  become  parallel. — 13  refers  to  the 
clearing  of  the  storm-clouds.  "  By  his  breath  the  heavens 
are  bright."  The  swift  serpent  is  the  leviathan  of  38. 
• — 14.  Bildad  has  enumerated  all  these  instances  of  tho 
Divine  power,  but  concludes  by  saying  that  all  this  is 
only  the  mere  fringe  of  its  manifestation. 

XXVII.  2-6.  Continuation  of  Job's  reply  to  Bildad. 
1  must  be  removed  as  a  gloss.  Job  swears  by  God  that 
he  (in  full  possession  of  his  powers,  3)  tells  the  truth  (4). 
God  forbid  that  he  should  justify  the  friends  (5), 
i.e.  declare  them  in  the  right ;  on  the  contrary  he  \vtJ1 
maintain  his  irmocence  (6).     In  6b  follow  mg. 

XXVn.  7-23.  Third  Speech  of  Zophar.— He  once 
more  reiterates,  in  spite  of  all  Job  has  said,  that  the 
wicked  shall  perish.  He  bursts  out  "  Let  mine  enemy 
be  as  God's  enemy.  I  can  wish  him  no  worse  doom." 
In  8  translate  as  mg. — 11  is  quite  in  the  vein  of  Zophar, 
who  feels  very  much  in  the  secrets  of  God  (II5-6).  The 
plurals  "  you  "  and  "  ye  "  have  probably  been  substi- 
tuted for  singulars  when  Zophar's  speech  had  become 
attributed  to  Job.  (Peake.  however,  gives  11  and  12 
to  Job,  taking  them  as  the  opening  and  closing  verses 
of  a  suppressed  description  of  the  immorality  of  God'a 
government  of  the  world.)  From  13  onward  we  have 
the  conventional  description  of  the  fate  of  the  wicked. 

In  15  read  "  their  widows  "  with  LXX.  In  18  read 
for  "  moth  "  with  Syr.  "  spider  "  (814).  For  the  frail 
"  booth  "  made  for  the  use  of  the  night-watchman  in 
a  vineyard,  cf.  Is.  Is. — 19  is  obscure. — In  19a  follow 
LXX  and  Syr.  with  mg. — 19b  perhaps  means  he  wakes 
and  is  immediately  destroyed. 

XXVIII.  Here  again  we  come  to  a  critical  question. 
It  is  difficult  to  fit  this  chapter  into  the  argument, 
whether  277-23  is  given  to  Job  or  to  Zophar.  It  is  a 
widely  accepted  conclusion  of  scholars  that  the  chapter 
is  an  independent  poem  on  Wisdom  (a  vory  fine  one) 
which  has  somehow  found  its  way  into  the  text  of  the 
Book  of  Job.  In  its  present  form  it  opens  with  the 
word  "  For,"  marking  a  connexion  with  something 
that  has  gone  before  ;  .so  that  the  beginning  appears 
to  be  lost.  Duhm  has  suggested  that  since  the  word 
"  whence  cometh  wisdom   (or   "  where   shall  wisdom 


360 


JOB,  XXVIII 


bo  found  ")  and  wliore  i3  the  place  of  understanding  ?  " 
occur  as  a  refrain  in  the  poem,  it  probably  also  began 
with  them.     The  poem  has  a  parallel  in  Pr.  8. 

1-11.  The  First  Strophe. — (Wlicre  .shall  wisdom  be 
found  ?)  For  silver,  gold,  iron,  and  copper  can  be 
found  by  mining  (if.).  The  minors  sot  an  end  to  the 
darkne-ss  (with  their  lamps)  and  so  search  the  dark 
depth  of  the  earth  (3).— 4  i.s  very  obscure.  Duhm 
reads,  "  He  brcakoth  open  a  shaft  away  under  the  foot. 
He  hangs  beneath  swinging  on  a  rope."  Some  such 
emendation  is  absolutely  necessary. — 5  suggests  a 
contrast  between  the  peaceful  growth  of  the  com 
above  ground  and  the  blasting  of  the  rocks  beneath 
(read  "  by  fire  "  instead  of  "  as  by  fire  ").  From  6 
we  should  probably  pass  on  to  9-11,  completing  the 
description  of  mining.  Peake  much  improves  the 
sense  by  transferring  7f.,  wliich,  as  Duhm  says,  clearly 
speaks  of  the  path  to  tho  home  of  wisdom,  to  a  position 
after  12. 

12-19.  The  Second  Strophe. — Here,  as  above  men- 
tioned, wo  should  probably  insert  after  12,  It.,  which 
hero  fits  in  admirably.  Where  shall  wisdom  bo  found  ? 
No  bird's  eye  has  seen  the  path,  nor  boast  trodden 
it.  Man  knows  not  tho  way  thereof  (in  13  "way" 
is  read  by  LXX  uistead  of  "  price  ').  The  deep  and 
the  sea  possess  it  not.  It  is  absolutely  priceless  ( 1 5-1 9). 
"  There  i.s  great  difficulty  in  identifying  the  precious 
stones  of  this  passage,  and  the  ancient  versions  do  not 
lielp  us  much.  For  '  onyx  '  we  should  perhaps  read 
'  beryl '  or  '  malachite  '  ;  the  '  sapphire  '  is  the  lapis 
lazuli ;  '  coral '  is  only  a  guess  ;  '  rubies  '  should 
probably  be  '  red  corals  '  ;  and  the  '  topaz  '  may  be 
either  serpentine  or  the  peridot  "  (Strahan). 

20-28.  Third  Strophe. — Whence  then  cometh  wis- 
dom? Man  and  beast,  Abaddon  (see  266)  and  Death  are 
all  in  the  dark.  God  alone  knows  (23).  At  the  time  of 
the  creation,  when  God  weighed  out  the  wind  and  the 
waters,  and  regulated  the  rain  and  the  lightning  (asf.), 
then  He  created  wisdom  and  understood  its  innermost 
nature.  "  Declare "  (27)  perhaps  means  that  God 
named  the  name  of  wisdom,  expressing  thereby  her 
qualities.  Duhm  translates  "  study.'"  "  Estabhshed  "' 
(27)  perhaps  means  "  created  "  (Peake)  or  "  took  it 
as  a  pattern  "  (Strahan). 

28  is  a  gloss.  The  chapter  regards  wisdom  as  be- 
longing to  none  but  God  and  as  His  instrument,  or 
perhaps  model,  in  the  work  of  creation.  This  ver.se 
represents  wisdom  as  a  human  possession  ;  it  is  the 
fear  of  God.  The  verso  expresses  the  interest  of  some 
scribe  in  practical  piety.  Cf.  the  similar  addition, 
Ec.  1213. 

XXK.-XXXI.  Job's  Reply  to  Zophar.— He  sums  up 
his  whole  case,  ending  with  an  appeal  to  God.  In  29 
he  surveys  his  former  happy  day«,  in  30  his  present 
misery.  31  is  his  great  "  oath  of  clearing  "  :  Job 
solemnly  protests  his  innocence  and  invites  God  to 
judge  his  case.  In  3O21-24  Job  almost  returns  to  his 
former  feeUng  against  God.  Since  1925f-  he  has 
moved  away  from  his  great  conviction  that  God  will 
ultimately  right  him,  to  face  the  general  problem  of 
Providence,  and  has  come  to  the  dreadful  conclusion 
that  there  is  no  moral  law  in  tho  universe.  He  comes 
back,  therefore,  to  tho  point  from  wliich  ho  started, 
and  demands  that  God  .should  clear  up  matters  here 
and  now.  It  was  necessary  to  the  poet  that  Job  should 
thus  present  his  case  in  order  to  prepare  for  the  Divine 
revelation  which  is  tho  answer  to  the  problem  of 
f*rovidence.  Ho  allows  Job  to  gain  the  \'ictor\'  of 
faith  and  then  to  lose  grovuul  again,  so  as  to  state  the 
wider  problem  and  deal  with  it. 

XXIX.  Job's  Former  Happy  Days.— 1-8.  Job  longs 


that  ho  might  once  again  live  as  of  old  under  God's 
favour.     In  4  "  secret  "  means  intimacy  {cf.  Ps.  25i.t). 

7-10.  Job  describes  the  reverence  done  to  him  by 
not  only  tho  young,  but  even  the  aged  and  the  honour- 
able. The  gate  of  the  city  is  the  place  of  assembly, 
the  "  counsel-house."  Job  Uvos  on  his  country  estate, 
but  goes  into  the  city  to  give  counsel. 

21-25  should  probably  now  follow  (Budde,  Peake). 
These  verses  continue  the  subject  of  7-10.  In  22 
"  dropped  "  means  dropped  as  rain  (23).  In  24a  7ng. 
yields  a  better  sense  than  text.  Budde  reads  "  I 
laughed  on  them  and  they  wore  confident."  In  25, 
"  their  way  '"  probably  means  "  their  course  of  action." 
Job  means  that  he  chose  out  their  line  of  action  in  the 
counsel. 

11-17.  Tliis  follows  well  upon  25.  In  this  beautiful 
passage  Job  classifies  himself  as  a  helper  of  the  help- 
less. In  11  "  blessed  me  "  means  called  mo  happy, 
i.e.  because  of  his  good  fife  which  must  bring  pros- 
perity ;  the  eye's  witness  means  that  it  saw  what  Job 
was  doing  and  testified  his  praise.  In  14a  "  diadem  " 
is  as  in  7ng.  "  turban." 

18-20.  Consequently  Job  looked  forward  to  a  long 
and  untroubled  life.  In  18b  read  as  7ng.  "  as  tho 
phoenix."  The  poet  refers  to  the  Egyptian  story  of 
this  bird,  which  renewed  its  life  every  500  years, 
and  was  naturally,  therefore,  an  illustration  of  great 
longevity.     The  "  bow  "  in  20  is  the  symbol  of  strength. 

XXX.  Job's  Present  Misery. — As  the  text  stands  at 
present.  Job  begins  by  complaining  that  the  very 
abjects  of  society  now  despise  him.  Many  scholars, 
however,  detach  2-8  as  a  misplaced  section  of  the 
description  of  the  outcasts,  which  wo  have  already  met 
in  245f.  "  When  we  look  at  the  passage  apart  from 
verse  i,  the  impression  it  makes  is  not  one  of  con- 
tem])t  for  their  abject  condition,  but  of  pity  for  their 
misery.  Hence  the  greater  part  would  have  been 
better  suited  to  one  of  Job's  delineations  of  human 
wretchedness  than  to  tho  picture  he  is  painting  of  his 
owii  distress,  from  which  he  is  diverted  at  a  surprisingly 
early  point  "  (Peake).  Duhm.  followed  by  Strahan, 
treats  i  as  an  insertion  intended  to  connect  2—8  with 
its  present  context.  Peake  allows  it  to  stand  as  part 
of  Job's  speech,  which  is  perhaps  better,  as  9  seems 
to  require  some  introduction. 

1.  Job  complains  of  the  mockery  of  his  inferiors. — 
2-8.  Misery  of  the  outcast. — 2a  works  tho  passage  into 
the  context  by  making  them  into  orowhilc  servants  of 
Job.  Duhm  reads,  "  Yea,  the  strength  of  their  hands 
fails,  vigour  (.so  77ig.)  is  perished  in  them." — 3b  needs 
emendation  ;  Duhm  reads,  "  They  grope  in  wastencss 
and  desolation."  In  7  their  imcouth  speech  is  called 
braying  (cf.  245).  In  8  "  base  men  "  is  hterally  "  men 
of  no  name." 

9-15.  Here  we  join  on  to  1,  reading  mstead  of  "  and 
now,"  "  but  now."  Job  describes  how  his  enemies 
msult  him.  In  10  translate  "  spit  before  me."  In  11 
read  as  mg.  "  my  cord."  God  has  loosed  Job's  bow- 
string (rf.  2[)2o),  and  afflicted  him  ;  his  persecutors 
therefore  cast  off  all  restraint.  In  12f.  the  text  is 
corrupt.  For  12  Peake  and  Strahan  rcad  "  against  mo 
rise  the  rabble  ;  they  have  cast  up  their  ways  of  de- 
stniction."  For  13-14a  Duhm,  with  help  of  LXX, 
reads,  "  They  break  up  my  path,  they  destroy  my 
way.  His  helpers  surround  mo,  and  through  a  wide 
breach  they  come."— 14b,  15a  go  together.  "  Tho 
fortress  is  stormed,  and  terrors  let  loose  upon  tho 
vanquished "  (Strahan).  In  15  read  for  "  they 
chased  "  "is  chased  "  or  else  follow  mg. 

1&-31  describes  Job's  affliction.  God"s  cruelty  to 
him,   and  ends   upon  a  note  of  the   most  poignant 


JOB,  XXXIII.  19-30 


lamentation.  In  17a  vig.  gives  the  right  sense,  in  17b 
the  text.— 18  is  obscure.  Duhm  reads  for  18a,  "  By- 
reason  of  my  great  wasting  my  garment  is  crumpled 
together." — 18b  means,  "  It  clings  to  me  like  a  vest." 
"  It  is  not  clear  whether  this  line  also  refers  to  his 
emaciation.  But  the  garment  would  surely  hang 
loosely  on  his  shrunken  body,  so  that  wo  should  perhaps 
suppose  that  here  the  reference  is  to  the  abnormal 
swelling  of  other  parts  of  the  body  which  makes  his 
garment  fit  tight  to  these  "  (Peako). 

20-23  describe  God's  cruelty.     In  20,  as  the  text 
stands  "  thou  lookest  "  must  mean  lookest  maliciously. 
Some   read   "  thou  lookest  not."     Syr.,  however,  in- 
tensifies meaning  of  present  text  by  reading,  "  Thou 
standest." — 24  is  obscure.     Either  follow  7ng.  or  read 
with   Pillmann,  "  Howbcit  doth  not  a  sinking  man 
stretch   forth   his   hand  ?       Or   doth   he   not   in   his 
calamity  cry  for  help  ?  "     Job  had  wept  for  others 
(25),  why  not  for  himself  ?     With  26,  therefore,  his 
complaint  begins  anew. — 27a  describes  the  ceasel&ss 
turmoil  of  his  inner  emotions.    Compare  Goethe's  lines: 
"  Nur  wer  die  Sehnsucht  kennt 
Weiss  was  ich  leide. 
Es  sch-ivindelt  mir  :  es  brennt 
Mein  Eingeweide." 

In  28a  follow  7ng. — 28b  is  strange  ;  what  assembly 
is  meant  ?  Duhm  emends,  "  I  stand  up  in  the  assembly 
of  jackals." — 28a  as  translated  in  7ng.  and  30  describe 
the  symptoms  of  Job's  disease. 

XXXI.  "  The  Oath  of  Clearing." — Job's  final  pro- 
testation of  his  innocence,  and  appeal  to  God  to  judge 
him.  This  chapter,  says  Duhm,  is  the  high-water 
mark  of  the  OT  ethic,  higher  than  the  Decalogue  or 
even  than  the  prophets,  since  they  deal  with  social 
not  private  morahty.  Duhm  notes  especially  the 
humanity  towards  the  slave  based  on  the  fact  of  a 
common  creation,  also  that  we  are  not  to  hate  our 
enemies.  (Job  does  not  go  so  far  as  to  say,  "  Love 
your  enemies  ;  "   that  is  Christ's.) 

1-4.  Job  cleai-s  himself  of  secret  sensual  desires.  He 
remembered  that  the  all-seeing  God  punishes  the  evil- 
doer. Job  speaks  from  the  standpomt  he  had  occupied 
before  his  trials  made  him  doubt  the  Divine  justice. 

5-8.  He  clears  himself  of  falsehood  and  covetousness. 
— 9-12  of  adultery.  If  he  has  been  guilty  of  this  let 
his  wife  become  another's  slave  and  concubine  (10). 
The  slave-woman  at  the  mill  was  the  lowest  female 
slave  (Ex.  11 5). 

13-23.  Job  clears  himself  of  the  abuse  of  power,  or 
the  selfish  indifference  of  wealth. — 21  means  that  Job 
knew  that  with  his  great  influence  he  could  always 
win  his  cause  in  the  courts. 

24-34.  Job  clears  himself  of  trust  in  his  wealth,  of 
idolatrous  tendencies,  of  hating  his  enemy,  of  inhospi- 
tableness,  of  other  secret  sin. 

27b  is  literally,  "  and  my  hand  hath  kissed  my 
mouth."  "  This  strange  form  is  chosen  because  the 
hand  is  the  main  instrument  in  the  act ;  first  it  touches 
the  lips  to  receive  the  kiss,  then  wafts  the  kiss  to  the 
object  of  worship.  The  kiss  of  homage  was  given  to 
images  by  the  worshipper,  and  of  course  '  thrown  '  to 
such  deities  as  the  distant  heavenly  bodies  "  (Peake). 
Of  29  Duhm  saj-s  that  if  ch.  31  ie  the  crown  of  the 
ethical  development  of  the  OT,  then  this  verse  is  the 
jewel  in  the  crown.  In  33  probably  instead  of  text 
"  like  Adam  "  we  should  translate  as  mg.  "  after  the 
manner  of  men." 

35-37.  Oh  that  one  would  hear  him  !  Let  God  give 
him  his  indictment,  he  would  proudly  confront  Him 
and  declare  his  innocence. 


361  ^ 

In  35  "  signature  "  ia  the  "  mark  "  which  Job  in 
imagination  appends  to  his  declaration  of  mnocence. — 
35c  is  incomplete,  but  the  sense  is  rightly  given  by  RV. 
The  adversary  is  God.  The  language  in  this  verse 
reflects  a  judicial  procedure  where  the  charge  and  the 
defence  were  laid  before  the  court  in  writing. 

38-40.  Job  cleai-s  himself  of  having  violently  dis- 
possessed others  of  their  land  (as  Ahab  did  Naboth). 
The  cry  of  the  land  (38)  is  to  be  understood  as  the  cry 
of  the  blood  of  the  dispossessed  owners.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  these  verses  are  out  of  place ;  where 
during  the  earlier  part  of  the  chapter  we  should  insert 
them  is  not  clear.  Unfortunately,  however,  their 
presence  where  they  are  spoils  the  magnificent  close 
of  37. 

XXXn.-XXXVII.  Speech  of  Elihu.— Reasons  have 
already  been  given  in  the  Introduction  for  regarding 
this  as  a  later  addition  to  the  poem.  The  point  of 
view  of  Elihu  is  very  much  that  of  Eliphaz,  viz.  that 
suffering  is  disciplinary.  If  it  is  rightly  accepted,  and 
its  lesson  learned,  God  will  graciously  restore  the 
sufferer.  An  interesting  point  in  the  theology  of 
Elihu  is  the  idea  of  the  intercession  of  angels  (3323ff.). 

XXXII.  1-5.  Prose  introduction,  explaining  the 
intervention  of  Elihu.  Observe  that  whereas  Job  and 
his  friends  are  introduced  without  genealogy  it  is  not 
so  with  EUhu.  His  name  means  "  He  is  my  Grod," 
that  of  Barachel  his  father  "  God  blesses."  Buz  is  a 
Nahorite  clan,  according  to  Gen.  222 1.  Uz  and  Buz 
were  brothers. 

XXXII.  6-14.  Elihu  had  remained  silent  because  of 
his  youth.  However  wisdom  is  not  a  matter  of  age, 
but  of  Divine  inspiration.  Where  the  friends  have 
failed,  Elihu  will  succeed  :  there  is  no  need  to  call  in 
God. — 13  "  is  a  direct  polemic  against  the  poet,  a 
strong  assertion  that  the  DixHne  speeches  which  follow 
had  been  better  omitted  "  (Peake). 

XXXII.  15-22.  If  the  friends  have  nothing  to  say, 
that  is  no  reason  for  Elihu's  silence.  He  is  full  of 
words,  and  must  give  them  vent.  The  fear  of  God 
will  prevent  his  showing  partiahty. 

XXXIII.  1-7.  Elihu  turns  to  Job  and  bids  him 
answer  him,  if  he  can.  He  will  not  terrify  him  into 
silence,  as  Job  said  God  would  (034,  I32i). 

4  should  follow  6  and  thus  5  follow  immediately 
on  3.  This  gives  a  much  better  connexion.  In  7  for 
"  my  pressure  "  read,  with  LXX,  "  mj'  hand.'' 

8-13.  Job  has  declared  that  he  is  innocent,  and  that 
God  is  his  enemy.  He  is  unjust  in  doing  so.  God  is 
great.  Observe  that  10b  quotes  I324,  11  quotes  132  7. 
In  13  read,  "  \\Tiy  dost  thou  strive  agamst  Him,  for 
that  He  does  not  answer  any  of  thy  words  ?  " 

XXXIII.  14-18.  God  answers  man  in  two  waj's. 
One  is  by  visions  of  the  night,  to  withhold  him  from 
destruction. 

In  14  read  "  God  speaketh  in  one  way,  yea  m  two  if 
man  rcgardoth  it  not."  With  the  vision  of  the  night, 
c/.  4i2f.  "  Sealeth  theur  instruction  "  (16)  means  that 
God,  after  opening  the  car,  closes  it  and  seals  the 
instruction  communicated,  or  ebe  that  God  impresses 
the  instruction  on  the  hearer  as  a  seal  is  stamped 
upon  wax.  In  18  read  as  in  mg.  "  That  he  may  keep 
back." 

XXXIII.  19-30.  There  is  a  second  way,  when  a  man 
is  brought  near  to  death,  and  the  destroying  angela 
wait  to  take  his  life.  Then  an  angel  of  mercy  instructs 
man  in  the  meaning  of  his  suffering,  mtcrcedes  for  him, 
and  provides  a  ransom  from  tho  destroyer,  so  that  he 
is  restored  to  health,  and  avows  before  men  his 
own  sin  and  Gods  mercy.  In  these  and  other  ways 
God  savingly  deals  with  men. 

12  a 


362 


JOB,  XXXIII.   21 


In  21  read  "  his  tlcsh  is  consumed  by  wasting " 
(Duhm),  instead  of  "  consumed  that  it  cannot  bo  seen."' 
The  developed  angelology  of  tlio  above  passage  is 
very  notable.  Uulun  says  that  it  makes  it  probable 
that  the  Etihu  speeches  are  verj'  lato.  "'  The  idea  of 
spirits  hostile  to  or  protective  of  the  soul  can  hardly 
have  originated  without  foreign  influence,  though  wo 
can  hardly  determine  whetiier  we  have  before  us 
Persian  or  Egyptian  or  other  ideas."  Compare  the 
angels  in  Daniel  and  Tobit.  What  the  ransom  men- 
tioned in  24  is,  we  are  not  told  ;  it  is  supposed  to  bo 
the  sufferer's  affliction  (36i8). 

XXXIII.  31-33.  Let  Job  Hsten  in  silence  to  EHhu, 
who,  however,  will  gladly  hear  if  Job  has  any  reply. 

XXXIV.  1-9.  EUhu  summons  the  wise  men  %sho 
hear  him  to  seek  a  right  decision.  Job  has  accused 
God  of  injustice,  when  he  is  innocent.  But  in  reaUty 
Job  is  the  worst  of  scomers,  for  he  denies  the  profit 
of  religion. 

3  is  quoted  from  12ii.     With  It.,  cf.  Ps.  li. 

10-15.  God  will  not  do  wickedly,  but  will  render  to 
each  man  retribution.  Ho  is  no  deputy  of  some  higher 
power  (13),  but  the  Sovereign  Lord  of  man's  breath  ; 
when  He  withdraws  it.  man  returns  to  dust. 

In  13l>-14  read,  "  Who  setteth  his  heart  on  the  whole 
world.  If  he  cause  his  spirit  to  return  to  him 
and  gather  in  to  him  his  breath  "  (Duhm,  transferring 
"his  heart"  from  14  to  136).  The  meaning  of  136 
then  is  that  God  can  see  all  that  takes  place  in  the 
whole  world,  nothing  escapes  His  notice.  With  14, 
cf.  334,  Ps.  10429f.,  Ec.  127. 

XXXIV.  16-28.  Injustice  is  incompatible  with  rule. 
How  does  Job  condemn  God,  before  whom  even  king.s 
and  princes  arc  vile,  and  who  regards  rich  and  poor 
ahke?  He  sees  the  oppressor  and  suddenly  destroys 
him. 

In  16  follow  mg.  "  only  understand."  In  18  read 
with  LXX,  Vulg.  "  Who  saith  to  a  king.  Thou  art 
vile,  and  to  nobles.  Ye  are  wicked  ;  that  rcspcctcth 
not  the  persons  of  princes."  It  is  God  who  so  speaks. 
In  20b  read  for  "  the  people  "  with  Budde  "  the  rich  "  ; 
*'  without  hand  "  means  by  the  act  of  God.  In  23 
read.  "  For  he  appointeth  no  set  time  for  a  man  that 
ho  should  go  before  God  in  judgment  "  (Wright, 
Budde,  Duhm).  In  26a  some  emendation  is  necessary ; 
the  oppressors  were  wicked  and  cannot  well  be  struck 
"  as  wicked  men."  Perhaps  we  should  read,  "  His 
wrath  breaks  the  wicked,  Ho  striketh  at  them  in  the 
open  sight  of  the  others  "  (Bickell,  Budde). 

XXXIV.  29-37.  If  God  docs  not  intervene,  who  can 
condemn  Him,  even  if  Ho  set  up  the  wicked  to  rule  ? 
If  only  man  penitently  confesses  his  sin,  is  Job  to  pre- 
sume to  fix  his  punishment  '!  Wise  men  will  say  that 
Job  has  s}X)ken  without  wisdom.  Would  that  Job  were 
tried  to  the  end,  for  to  his  sin  he  adds  rebellion  against 
God. 

29-33  is  very  difficult.  In  29a  render,  "  If  ho  re- 
mains quiet."  Budde  reads  in  29b  "  blame "  for 
"  behold,"  and  omits  29c  as  a  gloss.  In  30  read  with 
Thcodotion  and  the  Targum,  "  If  he  cause  a  godless 
man  to  reign.  One  of  them  that  ensnare  the  people." 
The  best  construction  of  31-33  seems  to  be,  "  If  any 
one  say  unto  God,  I  have  borne  chastisement  .  .  . 
shall  his  recompense  bo  as  thou  wilt  that  thou  rcfusest 
it  ?  "  "  Job  is  asked  in  amazement  if  any  man  who 
uses  the  language  of  i)enitence  will  presume  to  dictate 
to  God  the  chastisement  which  ho  should  receive. 
Elihu,  in  pohte  sconi,  declines  to  join  in  such  impiety  " 
(Strahan).  In  83b  Ley  reads  "  For  thou  must  choose 
and  not  God."     This  gives  a  much  better  sense. 

XXXV.  1-8.  Elihu    inquires    whether    it    is    Job's 


righteousness  which  finds  expression  in  his  question 
as  to  the  profitableness  of  religion.  Lot  him  look  to 
the  heavens  and  see  how  far  God  is  above  him.  Man's 
sin  or  righteousness  in  no  way  injures  or  profits  God,  but 
otdy  other  men.  In  2  instead  of  "  Or  sayest  thou,  my 
righteousness  is  more  than  God's,"  translate  "  And 
callest  it  my  righteousness  before  God."  With  5,  6,  7, 
cf.  222,3,12. 

XXXV.  9-16.  Men  cry  out  by  reason  of  oppression, 
but  do  not  inquire  after  God,  who  gives  songs  in  the 
night  and  makes  us  wiser  than  the  animals.  They 
cry  because  of  the  pride  of  evil  men,  but  God  does  not 
answer,  since  the  cry  is  "  vanity,"  has  no  real  religious 
character.  How  much  less  will  He  hear  Job,  who  is 
frankly  irreligious  (14)?  In  15  follow  wig.,  But  now, 
because  he  hath  not  visited  in  his  anger.  Thou  sayest, 
He  does  not  greatly  regard  arrogance  (16).  Thus  doth 
Job  open  his  mouth  in  vanity,  etc.  This  is  EUhu's 
condemnation  of  Job's  criticism  of  God's  government. 

XXXVI.  1-4.  Elihu  has  yet  words  to  uttor  for  God. 
By  a  wide  survey  ho  will  establish  the  righteousness  of 
Ilia  Maker.  All  that  Elihu  says  is  true  and  his  know- 
ledge perfect. 

XXXVI.  5-12.  God  is  mighty,  yet  despises  none. 
He  destroj's  the  wicked,  but  watches  over  the  righteous, 
exalting  them  to  honour.  If  He  afflicts  them  it  is  to 
bring  home  to  them  their  sin.  Thus  God  instructs 
them  and  teaches  them  repentance.  If  they  repent 
they  prosper,  but,  if  not,  destruction  is  their  portion. 

In  5b  read  "  He  is  mighty  in  strength  and  under- 
standing "  (Ley).  In  7  read  "  hLs  sight  "  with  LXX 
instead  of  "  his  eyes." 

XXXVI.  13-21.  The  godless  cherish  angry  thoughts 
about  God's  discipline — they  refuse  to  cry  for  God's 
help  (13).  They  die  young,  perishing  like  the  sodomites 
(those  rehgiously  consecrated  to  unnatural  vice  ;  see 
Dt.  2317).  God  saves  the  afflicted  by  his  affliction, 
and  opens  their  car  by  advei-sity  (following  in  15b  wg. 
instead  of  text).  So  God  would  have  dealt  with  Job 
(16).  As  it  is.  Job  is  visited  by  the  Divine  judgment 
(17).  Let  not  Job  bo  led  astray  by  his  sufferings  (18). 
Nothing  but  suffering  can  avail  to  save  him  (19).  Let 
him  not  desire  the  calamity  that  overwhelms  nations 
(20),  or  choose  iniquity  rather  than  affliction. 

16-20  is  a  very  obscure  and  corrupt  passage.  The 
general  sense  may  be  as  above  given  ;  but  almost 
every  lino  is  matter  of  dispute.  In  18  read  "  Because 
there  is  wrath  (i.e.  with  God),  beware  lest  thou  be  led 
away  into  mockery  "  (Pf^ako).  The  ransom  alluded 
to  in  18b  is  the  suffering  which  is  the  only  way  of 
deliverance  and  escape  for  Job.  In  19a  wo  should 
perhaps  translate  "  will  thy  riches  suffice,  without 
distress."  Tliia  is  tho  rendermg  above  implied  but  is 
by  no  moans  certain. — 20  is  a  crux  intei prelum — why 
should  Job  desire  tho  night  when  peoples  are  cut  off 
(c/.  however,  I84)  ?  In  any  case,  what  ia  tho  con- 
nexion with  the  context  ? 

XXXVI.  22-26.  God  is  great^-who  can  teach  hko 
Him  ?  Can  man  command  or  criticise  Him  ?  Man's 
part  is  to  magnify  his  work  in  psalms,  though  only 
beholding  it  from  afar,  and  unablo  to  comprehend  it. 

XXXVI.  27-33.  God  draws  up  the  water-drops  and 
lets  them  fall  in  rain.  Who  can  undcratand  the  dis- 
tribution of  tho  clouds,  the  thunders  which  fill  the 
cloud  where  He  dwells?  (c/.  Ps.  I811).  He  is  sur- 
rounded with  light  (30).  By  the  thunderstorm  Ho 
judges  tho  peoples  and  supplies  humanity  with  food 
(by  the  fortiUsing  rain).  Ho  fills  His  hands  with  the 
lightning  and  sends  it  homo  to  its  mark. 

30b  b  unintelligible.  Budde  roads,  "  and  tho  roots 
of  the  sea  He  lays  bare."     Duhm  corrects  the  whole 


JOB,  XXXVIII.  36 


363 


verse,  "  Behold  He  spreadeth  His  cloud  about  him, 
and  He  covereth  the  tops  of  the  mountains."  In  33 
read  "  His  war-cry  announceth  Him,  kindling  His 
wrath  against  iniquity  "  (Duhm). — 33b,  as  it  stands,  is 
quite  >mintelligible. 

XXXVII.  1-13.  Elihu  trembles  at  this.  Listen  to 
the  thunder.  First  the  lightning  flashes  (3)  then  the 
thunder  follows  (4f.). — 2  suggests  that  a  thunderstorm 
was  actually  taking  place  while  Elihu  was  speaking, 
and  many  see  in  this  a  preparation  for  the  manifesta- 
tion of  Yahwoh  in  cb.  38.  It  is  not  clear,  however, 
that  the  author  intended  this,  as  he  passes  on  from  the 
thunderstorm  to  snow  and  rain.  These  God  sends  on 
the  earth  (6).  They  stop  the  work  of  man  (7)  and 
drive  the  beasts  to  the  covert  of  their  dens  (8).  The 
storm  comes  out  of  the  chamber  (where  it  dwells), 
and  cold  from  the  granaries  where  it  is  treasured 
(reding  "granaries  "  for  the  word  translated  "  north  " 
in  9b,  and  omitting  the  words  "  of  the  south  "  in  9a,  to 
which  there  is  nothing  corresponding  in  the  Hebrew). 
Ice  is  formed  by  the  breath  of  God  {i.e.  the  winter 
wind),  and  the  waters  are  congealed  (so  mg.).  God 
fills  the  cloud  with  moisture,  and  guides  the  light- 
ning to  do  His  will,  whether  for  correction  or  for 
mercy. 

Omit  "  or  "  in  13a  as  a  mistaken  repetition,  and 
reawi,  "  Whether  it  be  for  correction  for  His  land,  or 
for  mercy." 

XXXVU.  14-18.  Job  is  invited  to  consider  God's 
wonders.  Does  he  know  how  God  lays  His  charge 
upon  them,  i.e.  probably  the  phenomena  just  described 
by  Elihu  in  1-13'  Does  he  understand  the  flashing 
of  the  lightning,  the  balancing  of  the  clouds,  the 
warmth  and  stillness  accompanying  the  sirocco  ?  Can 
he  spread  out  the  firmament  firm  and  bright  aa  a 
metal  mirror  ? 

XXXVII.  19-24.  How  can  he,  whose  mind  is  dark, 
address  God  ?  Shall  I  invite  Him  to  converse  and 
court  destruction  ?  (igf.).  In  21  follow  mg.  "  And 
now  men  cannot  look  on  the  light  when  it  is  bright  in 
the  skies  when  the  wind  hath  passed  and  cleansed 
them  "  {i.e.  when  it  has  cleared  away  the  clouds). 
But  if  man  cannot  look  on  the  light  in  the  skies  how 
much  less  can  he  look  on  God  ?  (22).  "  The  north  " 
was  conceived  by  the  post-exilic  Jews  as  the  home  of 
God  (c/.  Is.  14i3).  The  golden  splendour  is  therefore 
the  radiance  streaming  from  God's  throne.  The 
Almightj'^  is  unsearchable.  He  is  great  in  power,  yet 
not  unjust  (23).  Men  must  fear  him.  Ho  regards  not 
those  who  think  themselves  wise  (24).  In  23  render, 
"  Toiiching  the  Almighty  we  cannot  find  Him  out. 
He  is  excellent  in  power  and  in  judgment,  and  to 
plenteous  justice  He  doeth  no  violence  "  (Peake). 

XXXVIII.  1-XLII.  6.  The  Divine  Speeches,— Here 
after  the  Elihu  interpolation  32-37,  we  return  to 
the  original  poem  and  the  solution  of  31,  in  which 
Job  summed  up  his  second  problem,  that  of  Divine 
Providence,  by  challenging  God  to  show  the  justice 
of  His  treatment  of  himself.  The  poet  has  no  direct 
answer  to  give  to  the  problem  Job  has  raised.  He 
cannot  lift  the  veil  of  the  future,  and  show  another 
world  where  wrongs  are  righted  and  the  balance  of 
this  world  is  redressed.  He  can  only  point  to  the 
creation  and  say,  "  God  is  there  ;  how  wonderful  is 
His  creative  power."  The  world  is  certainly  an  enigma  ; 
well,  let  it  be  an  enigma.  God  is  greater  than  we. 
Moreover,  the  poet  teaches  that,  enigma  or  no  enigma, 
piety  is  still  possible.  Though  Job  never  comes  to 
understand  the  Divine  Providence,  yet  he  sees  God 
face  to  face  and  bows  in  humility  before  Him.  We 
may  compare  with  the  argument  of  the  poet,  "  Provi- 


dence ia  a  mystery,  but  so  is  the  creation,"  that  of 
Butler's  Analogy,  "  Revelation  is  a  mystery,  but  so 
is  nature," 

XXXVIII.  1-3.  Yahweh,  speaking  to  Job  out  of  the 
storm,  challenges  him  to  the  contest,  which  he  has  so 
often  demanded, 

XXXVHI.  4-38.  The  Wonders  of  the  Inanimate 
Creation. — Where  was  Job  when  the  earth  was  made  ? 
The  work  of  creation  is  described  as  the  building  of  a 
house.  In  7  the  stars,  which  are  older  than  the  world 
(contrast  Gen,  I16),  are  thought  of  as  animated  beings  : 
the  "  sons  of  God  "  are  the  angels.  The  morning  stars 
and  the  angels  then  composed  the  choir  at  the  laying 
of  earth's  foundation-stone  ;  the  stone-laying,  there- 
fore, took  place  in  the  morning, 

8-11  speaks  of  the  taming  of  the  sea  :  when  it  burst 
forth  from  the  womb  of  chaos,  God  clothed  the  new- 
born child  with  the  cloud  and  swaddled  it  with  thiok 
cloud.  In  10  read  as  mg.  "  and  brake  for  it  a 
boundary,"  The  verse  as  a  whole  describes  how  God 
set  the  rocky  coast  as  the  bound  of  the  sea,  -12-15 
speaks  of  the  miracle  of  the  dawn.  In  13  "  The 
personified  Dawn  is  represented  as  seizing  the  coverlet 
of  darkness  under  which  the  earth  has  been  sleeping, 
and  shaking  the  wicked  out  of  it  like  flies  ''  (Strahan). 
— 14  describes  how  with  the  coming  of  the  dawn  the 
shapelessness  of  the  earth  by  night  is  suddenly  changed 
into  definiteness  as  when  a  seal  is  stamped  upon  clay  : 
"  as  a  garment  "  seems  to  describe  the  varied  colours 
of  the  landscape  :  mg.  "as  in  a  garment  "  gives  the 
sense,  continuing  14a,  things  are  defined  by  the  hght 
as  a  garment  by  its  cUnging  to  the  wearer.  In  15  the 
light  of  the  wicked  is  the  darkness  (24i7). 

In  16  Job  is  asked  if  he  has  penetrated  the  fountams 
of  the  great  deep,  whence  the  sea  is  fed.  These  are 
openings  in  the  floor  of  the  ocean  just  as  the  "  windows 
of  heaven  "  are  openings  in  the  sky, — 17  asks  if  Job 
has  gone  still  deejjer  and  penetrated  Sheol.  With  18 
we  pass  on  from  depth  to  breadth.  Light  and  dark- 
ness have  their  dvrelling-places  at  the  horizon,  whence 
in  due  order  they  issue  forth  (Gen.l  3-5*),— 22  describes 
the  snow  and  hail,  the  artillery  of  heaven  (23),  In  24a 
perhaps  "  mist  "  should  be  read  for  light :  light  has 
already  been  mentioned.  In  25  the  waterflood  ''  is  the 
torrential  rain,  supposed  to  pour  from  the  upper  ocean 
down  a  channel  specially  cleft  for  it  by  God  through 
the  vault  of  the  sky.  So  the  lightning  has  a  track 
along  which  to  shoot  "  (Peake),  As  Strahan  observes, 
the  meteorology  is  primitive, — 26-27  are  of  great 
beauty,  and  also  of  great  importance.  The  poet  points 
out  that  nature  has  not  only  man  as  its  end  ;  there 
are  other  and  wider  purposes  served  by  the  order  of 
creation.  Jobs  fault  has  been  to  narrow  things  down 
to  his  own  human  outlook.  With  28-30,  wo  have  the 
further  mysteiies  of  dew,  ice,  and  frost.  In  30a  follow 
rag.,  in  3db  "  froz  n  "  is  literallj'  "  hidden  '"  :  the  ice 
hides  the  surface  of  the  water  under  it, 

31f.  God  aska  Job  if  he  controls  the  constellations. 
Here  and  on  to  the  end  of  ch.  39  "  canst  "  should  be 
•'  Dost,"  In  31a  either  cluster  or  chain  (mg.)  is 
possible  ;  but  what  the  bands  of  Orion  are  is  not 
certain.  In  32  it  is  not  certain  what  coastellation  is 
meant  by  "'  the  Mazzaroth," — 33-38  asks  if  Job  con- 
trols the  heavens.  In  33a  translate  with  different 
Kointing,  "  Dost  thou  make  the  heavens  to  know  the 
iws,"  i.e.  lay  down  the  laws  for  them.  In  34  read 
with  LXX,  "  that  abundance  of  waters  may  answer 
thee,"  In  36  the  meaning  of  the  words  translated 
"  inward  parts  "  and  "  mind  "  ia  uncertain.  But 
physical  not  psychical  phenomena  must  bo  meant,  as 
the  context  shows :   follow  therefore  mg.  in  botii  cases. 


364 


JOB.  XXXVIII.  37 


The  bottles  of  heaven  in  37  are  the  clouds,  conceived 
as  skins  full  of  water  (263). 

XXXVIII.  39-XXXIX.  30.  The  Wonders  of  the 
Anhnate  Creation. — In  39f.  God  fust  names  the  lion. 
Man  would  rather  hunt  and  destroy  the  lion  than  feed 
him.  But  God  cares  for  the  lion  as  well  as  for  man. 
So  also  for  the  raven  (41) ;  but  perhaps  as  the  raven 
seems  out  of  place  here  among  the  beasts,  we  should 
road,  "  \Vho  providcth  at  evening  its  food  ?  "  In  this 
case  41  continues  the  description  of  God's  care  of 
the  lion. 

XXXIX.  1-4  passes  to  the  wild  goats.  Does  Job,  like 
God,  care  for  them  in  their  parturition  ?  The  Hebrew 
word  translated  "  wild  goats  "  is  masculine,  but  if  the 
text  is  correct,  it  is  used  as  a  feminine.  Duhm  emends 
"  Dost  thou  teach  the  wild  goats  heat  ?  "  Then  lb  is 
to  bo  translated,  "  Dost  thou  watch  over  the  calving 
of  the  hinds  ?  "  In  2b  read,  "  Dost  thou  determine  the 
time  they  bring  forth  ?  "  The  point  is  that  it  is  not 
Job  who  regulates  the  course  of  nature.  In  3b  "  their 
sorrows  '"  is  used  poetically  for  '"  their  offspring."  In 
4b  following  :  the  young  of  the  wild  goats  return  no 
more  to  their  parents. 

&-8.  The  wild  ass,  a  picture  of  freedom. 

9-12.  The  wild  ox.  In  10a  read  "  Dost  thou  bind 
liim  with  the  furrow-rope  ?  "  (Duhm). 

13-18.  The  ostrich.  This  passage  is  by  many 
scholars  regarded  as  an  interpolation.  "  The  absence 
of  the  pais.sage  from  the  LXX.  the  position  of  the  bird 
between  the  wild  ox  and  the  horse,  the  altered  form 
of  address,  and  the  reference  to  God  (who  is  elsewhere 
the  Speaker)  in  the  third  person,  suggast  a  different 
authorship "  (Strahan),  Peake,  however,  regards 
these  reasons  as  "  weighty,  but  not  decisive."  He 
thinks  that  the  passage,  the  omission  of  which  would 
be  a  distinct  loss  to  the  Divine  speech,  may  have 
originally  stood  among  the  other  descriptions  of  birds, 
and  been  transferred  to  its  present  position  because 
of  the  reference  to  the  horse  in  18.  In  13a  translate 
"  the  wing  of  the  ostrich  beata  joyously  "  :  the  second 
half  of  the  verse  refers  to  the  proverbial  cruelty  of  the 
ostrich  (Lam.  43).  The  word  for  "  kindly  "  is  used 
as  the  name  of  the  stork  because  of  its  kindness  to 
its  young  (c/.  mg.)-  ^Vhile  mg.  is  not  the  right 
translation  a  contrast  between  the  two  birds  is  no 
doubt  suggested.  14f.  describes  the  unkindness  of  the 
ostrich.  In  16b  the  meaning  apparently  is  that  the 
ostrich  is  so  much  without  natural  affection  that  she 
does  not  care  if  her  labour  in  laying  eggs  is  all  for 
nothing.  17  refers  to  the  proverbial  stupidity  of  the 
ostrich. 

19-25.  The  horse,  a  passage  that  has  drawn  the 
special  admiration  both  of  Bunyan  and  Carlyle.  In 
19b  tlie  tran  ;lation  "  f|uivoriiig  mane  "  is  not  certain  ; 
AV  ■■  thunu-jr  "  1-  certainly  wrong :  LXX  gives 
"  terror."  With  20,  c/.  Jl.  2.4,  Rev.  97.  In  21b  ^{7- 
"  the  weapons  "  is  the  literal  translation.  In  23  follow 
mg.  "  Upon." — 24  means  that  the  horse  careers  so 
swiftly  over  the  ground  as  to  annihilate  it,  and  when 
he  hears  the  trumpet  cannot  believe  it  for  joy.  Scholars 
genorailv,  however,  prefer  as  24b  mg. 

26.  The  hawk.  The  translation  in  the  text  refers 
to  its  migratory  instinct:  if  we  render  "  to  the  south 
wind "  the  reference  is  to  the  bird's  courage  in 
facing  it. 

27-30.  The  eagle  closes  the  series,  as  the  lion 
opened  it. 

The  point  of  the  Divine  speech  throughout  is  that 
the  world  is  not  only  for  man  :  the  poet  takes  refuge 
in  this  idea,  which,  however,  involves  a  break  with 
earlier  religious  conceptions  (Gen.  laGff.,  2^bS..,  Pa.  8). 


Duhm  quotes,  aa  illustrative  of  the  poet's  attitude,  the 
couplet : 

"Die  Welt  ist  volkoramen  uberall 
Wo  der  Mensch  nicht  hinkommt  mit  seiuer  Qual." 

He  finds  in  nature  a  region  where  human  questions 
about  righteousness  and  uruighteousnoss  have  no 
meaning ;  but  where  the  religious  soul  experiences 
the  immediate  working  of  God. 

XL.  1-14.  Divine  Irony.  The  pa.ssage  opens  with  a 
challenge  to  Job  (2)  in  which  God  drives  home  the 
lesson  of  the  previous  speech. — 1  is  wanting  in  LXX 
and  is  a  gloss. — 3-5  contains  Job's  reply,  in  which  he 
humbles  himself  before  God.  Peake  and  Strahan, 
however,  both  think  that  these  verses  are  properly  to 
be  taken  immediately  before  42 1-6  ;  so  that  there  is 
only  one  reply  from  Job.  If  Job  had  already  humbled 
himself,  there  seems  no  need  of  a  second  Divine  speech. 
If,  however,  3-5  are  part  of  Job's  one  and  only  reply 
then  6f.  is  a  gloss  (7  is  repeated  from  883),  and  2,  8-14 
are  to  be  read  continuoiLsly  ;  8  joins  on  well  to  2. 
"Disannul  my  judgment  "  means  "  deny  my  justice." 
Job,  in  order  to  demonstrate  his  own  innocence,  has 
been  led  to  challenge  the  moral  order  of  the  universe. 
He  has  not,  however,  taken  a  sufficiently  wide  point 
of  view. —9-14  explains  why  Job  has  failed.  He  carmot 
put  himself  in  the  place  of  God,  and  govern  the  world  : 
thus  neither  can  he  understand  the  method  of  its 
government.  In  13c  "  the  hidden  place  "  seems  to 
mean  Sheol. — 14.  "  Then  will  I  praise  thee,  that  thy 
right  hand  getteth  thee  victory."  Duhm  explains  this  : 
"  Thou  hast  so  much  care  for  my  government  of  the 
world,  thou  wouldast  no  doubt  maintain  it  better  than 
I  can  do,  for  thou  wouldst  straightway  smite  down 
everyone  who  in  any  way  seemed  to  thee  dangerous 
or  made  himself  displeasing  to  thee  by  arrogance. 
Man  would,  if  he  had  God's  power,  in  his  zeal  for 
righteousness  and  for  his  own  honour  become  a  tyrant. 
God  because  of  His  true  superiority  is  patient,  His 
apparent  equanimity  is  therefore  no  proof  of  want  of 
feeling  for  the  rijiht." 

XL.  15-XLI.  34.  Behemoth  and  Leviathan.  Most 
scholars  regard  this  pas.sage  as  a  later  addition  to  the 
poem.  The  point  of  4O8-14  is  God's  reply  to  Job's 
criticism  of  His  righteousness  ;  the  description  of  these 
beasts,  however,  illustrates  at  great  length  man's  im- 
potence, which  is  only  a  secondary  thought  in  the 
previous  Divine  speech.  They  therefore  divert  atten- 
tion from  the  main  issue.  Moreover,  there  is  a  great 
difference  between  these  descriptions  and  those  of 
8839-3930.  "  Here  the  descriptions  are  heavy  and 
laboured,  gaining  their  effect,  such  as  it  is,  by  an 
accumulation  of  details,  a  catalogue  of  their  points 
and  minute  descriptions  of  the  various  parts  of  their 
bodies.  But  the  poet  who  gave  us  the  pictures  of 
the  wild  a,ss,  the  horse,  and  the  eagle  was  a  swift 
impressionist,  springing  imagination  with  a  touch,  not 
stifling  it  with  the  fullness  of  detail  proper  to  a  natural 
historian  "  (Peake). 

A  further  question  is  whether,  in  accordance  with  the 
generally  accepted  view.  Behemoth  is  the  hippo- 
potamus, and  Leviathan  the  crocodile.  Some  modem 
scholars  think  they  are  mythological  figures.  Gunkel, 
followed  by  Zimmem,  identifies  Leviathan  with  the 
chaos-monster  Tiamat,  and  Behemoth  with  her  consort 
Kingu.  In  some  cases  this  identification  suits,  while 
certain  details  do  not  fit  the  usual  explanation.  Still 
the  mythological  interpretation  has  not  l>een  generally 
accoptefl ;  the  inappropriatenesa  of  details  on  the 
asual  theory  is  explained  by  the  imperfect  knowledge 
or  the  poetical  exaggeration  of  the  author. 


JOB,  XLII.  7-17 


365 


XL.  15-44.  Behemoth.— The  name  means  a  huge 
beast ;  it  is  an  intensive  plural  of  b'^hemdh,  beast.  In  17 
"  He  movoth  his  tail  like  a  cedar  "  is  an  exaggeration  : 
the  tail  is  only  a  short,  naked  stump. 

The  statement  that  Behemoth  is  the  chief  of  the 
ways  of  God  (19)  suggests  that  he  is  God's  masterpiece. 
We  may,  however,  render  "  the  begmning  of  the  ways 
(if  God."  The  idea  that  Behemoth  was  the  first 
animal  might  be  derived  from  Gen.  I24,  where  cattle 
{Miemdh)  are  placed  first. — 19b  is  corrupt.  Giese- 
brecht  reads  "  who  is  made  to  be  ruler  over  his  fellows." 
In  23  translate  "  a  Jordan,"  the  appellative  denoting 
any  torrent :  the  hippopotamus  is  not  found  in  the 
Jordan.  In  24  "  when  he  is  on  the  watch  "  is  Hterally 
"  in  his  eyes."  The  parallelism  suggests  that  the 
meaning  is  "  attack  liim  in  his  eyes." 

Duhm  would  place  41 9-1 2  here  as  the  conclusion  of 
the  description  of  Behemoth. 

XLI.  Leviathan. — The  author  regards  the  crocodile 
as  impossible  of  capture.  In  lb  perhaps  the  meaning 
is  that  when  caught  the  crocodile  cannot  be  led  about 
by  a  rope  round  his  tongue  and  lower  jaw.  In  8 
"  Remember  the  battle  "  seems  to  mean,  "Bethink  thee 
of  the  struggle  involved."  We  have  already  noted  that 
Duhm  places  9-12  after  3924.  In  10b  "  me  "  is  of 
course  God,  but  Targ.  and  some  MSS.  read  "  him  " 
80  mg.).  Whatever  we  do  with  9f.  the  following 
verses,  llf .  present  difficulty.  If  10b  is  to  be  under- 
stood of  God,  then  11  is  very  loosely  attached  to  it. 
12  seems  unsuitable  in  the  mouth  of  God.  Duhm 
reads,  "  Who  has  assailed  him  and  been  safe  ?  Under 
the  whole  heaven  not  one  !  He  would  not  renew  his 
boastings  and  the  talk  of  valiant  deeds  and  his  rich 
outfit."  The  meaning  is  Behemoth  will  soon  stop  the 
hunter's  boast  of  his  exploits. 

With  13  we  return  to  Leviathan.  The  double  bridle 
in  his  jaws.  LXX  his  double  breastplate,  i.e.  his  scales 
and  hide  together.  The  doors  of  his  face  (14)  are  the 
jaws.  Neesings  in  18  is  an  old  form  of  "  sneezings." 
The  spray  breathed  through  the  nostrils  of  the  crocodile 
is  luminous  in  the  sunshine.  His  eyes  are  compared 
to  the  dawn  (89*)  because  they  are  visible  some  distance 
under  water.  The  Egj^jtians  used  them  in  the  hiero- 
glyphs as  a  symbol  of  the  dawn.  19-21  is  an  exagge- 
rated description  of  the  crocodile's  steaming  breath. 
22b  describes  the  terrified  convulsions  of  other  creatures 
when  the  crocodile  appears.  "  The  flakes  of  his  flesh  " 
refers  to  his  under  parts,  which  are  not  flabby  like  those 
of  other  animals.  In  30  it  is  said  that  the  scales  on 
the  under  part  are  like  sharp  potsherds,  making  a 
mark  on  the  mire  like  that  of  a  threshing  sledge. 
31  describes  how  the  crocodile  chums  the  Nile  (often 
called  the  sea,  Is.  I95,  21 1,  or  the  deep,  Ezek.  3I4-5) 


into  froth.  In  34a  read  "everything  that  is  high 
feareth  him":  "the  sons  of  pride"  (34b)  are  the 
proud  beasts  of  prey. 

XLII.  1-6.  Job's  final  speech  (continuation  of  4O3-5), 
—  1  is  to  be  removed  as  a  gloss  :  as  are  also  3a,  4b, 
which  are  quoted  from  882?.,  and  probably  came  in 
from  the  margin.  Job  abases  himself  before  the 
Almightiness  of  God  as  displayed  in  the  creation,  and 
acknowledges  that  ho  has  spoken  ignorantly.— 5  con- 
tains "  the  supreme  lesson  of  the  book  "  (Peake).  No 
new  theoretical  knowledge  concerning  God  and  His 
ways  has  been  given  to  Job,  but  in  direct  intuition  ho 
has  seen  God  face  to  face,  and  that  is  enough.  This 
mystical  solution  is  the  only  solution  the  author  of 
the  poem  has  to  give  to  the  mysterious  problem  of  the 
Divine  Providence. 

XLII.  7-17.  The  Epilogue,  taken  from  the  old  Volks- 
buch,  which  must  also  have  contained,  after  the  debate 
between  Job  and  his  friends,  a  Divine  speech.  "  These 
words  "  (7)  will  refer  to  this,  and  not  to  the  speech 
of  the  Almighty  we  have  just  been  studying.  In  the 
original  Divine  speech  of  the  Volksbuch  Job  was  not 
reprimanded,  as  in  the  poem,  but  on  the  contrary 
Yahweh  must  have  praised  Job  because  he  held  fast 
to  his  integrity  and  blessed  God,  whether  He  sent 
good  fortune  or  bad.  Then  (7-9)  Yahweh  turns  upon 
the  friends,  and  severely  reprimands  them.  They  must 
offer  sacrifice  and  Job  must  intercede  for  them. 
Finally  in  10-17  we  have  Job's  restoration  and  happy 
end.  God  "  turned  the  fortune  "  of  Job  (10).  Before, 
Job's  sacrifices  had  not  availed  for  his  children,  now 
they  avail  both  for  his  friends  and  himself.  "  Whoever, 
when  God  sends  suffering,  maintains  his  obedience 
without  a  murmur,  wins  for  himself  a  position  of 
honour  and  also  becomes  a  mediator  between  God  and 
his  fellow-men."  So  Duhm  sums  up  the  lesson  of  the 
Epilogue.  We  may  compare  the  position  of  the  Sei-vant 
of  God  in  Is.  53,  that  of  the  Goel  martyrs  in  the  later 
Judaism,  and  that  of  the  early  Christian  martyrs  and 
confessors.  In  11  we  read  how  the  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances of  Job  come  to  congratulate  him  and  give  him, 
as  a  congratulatory  present,  each  a  piece  of  money 
and  a  ring  of  gold  (Jg.  824).  Job's  possessions  are  all 
doubled  (10-12):  cf.  Is.  6I7,  Zech.  9i2.  Only  the 
children  remain  the  same  in  number  as  before  (13). 
The  names  of  Job's  daughters  were  Jemima  (dove), 
Keziah  (cassia),  Keren-happuch  (horn  of  eye-paint). 
Job  gave  them  inheritance  among  their  brethren, 
which  was  contrary  at  least  to  the  post-exiUc  practice, 
which  allowed  the  daughters  to  inherit  only  when 
there  was  no  son  (Nu.  27i-ii).  From  Job's  great  age 
(16)  we  infer  that  his  history  is  assigned  to  primitive 
times.     With  the  Epilogue  as  a  whole,  cf.  Jas.  5ii. 


THE  PSALMS 


By  the  Rev.  W.  E.  ADDIS 


Ottr  word  "  Psalm  "  ie  derived  from  the  LXX,  and 
signifies,  though  only  in  very  lato  Gr.,  a  song  or  hymn 
accompauiod  by  a  stringed  "instrument.  It  represents 
the  Hcb.  term  "  mizmor."  In  the  Alexandrine  MS 
of  the  LXX  the  word  used  for  the  collection  of  sacred 
lyrics  is  "  psaltery,"  i.e.  stringed  instrument.  "  Miz- 
mor "  never  occurs  in  the  t*xt  of  the  Pss.,  though 
found  no  less  than  fifty-seven  times  in  the  titles  of 
individual  Pss.  Sometimes  the  Pss.  are  descriljed  as 
"  songs,"  without  reference  to  instrumental  accompani- 
ment. The  Heb.  title  of  the  book  is  "  praises,"  a 
name  partly,  but  not  altogether,  appropriate.  At  the 
end  of  Ps.  72  the  foregoing  Pss.  which  bear  David's 
name  are  styled  "'  the  prayers  of  David.'  The  number 
of  poems  is  150,  David's  song  of  triumph  over  Goliath, 
added  in  the  LXX,  being  confessedly  "  outside  of  tiie 
[canonical]  number."  Closer  inspection  shows  that 
this  numljer  is  artificial  The  LXX  reckon  9  and  10 
as  one  Ps.  and  similarly  unite  113  and  114.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  turn  116  and  147  each  into  two  Pss. 
Hence,  there  is  a  different  numeration  in  the  LXX, 
followed  by  Greek  and  Latin  Christians,  and  in  the  MT, 
followed  by  Reformed  Churches  and  EV.  Neither  is 
absolutely  correct.  Pss.  9  and  10  are  doubtless  one  Ps., 
Pa.  148  is  probably  two  ;  but  there  is  no  valid  reason 
for  dividing  Ps.  1 16  into  two  Pss.  Again  MT  and  LXX 
recognise  two  Pss.  in  42,  43  which  are  really  one. 

We  may  pass  next  to  the  Heb.  titles  which  assign 
the  Pss.  to  their  supposed  authors.  One  is  ascribed 
to  Moses  (90),  seventy-three  to  David.  The  LXX 
give  eighty-three  to  David,  and  this  increase  by  ten 
does  not  cover  the  difference,  for  Pss.  122,  124,  131 
are  attributed  to  David  in  MT  but  not  in  important 
MSS  of  the  LXX.  Twelve  Pss.  (50,  73-83)  bear  the 
name  of  Asaph,  a  leader  of  David's  choir ;  one  (89) 
is  a-ssigncd  to  Ethan,  who  was  abo  chief  in  the  guild  of 
Temple  musicians  ;  ton  Ixslong  to  the  "  sons  of  Korah," 
viz.  42-49,  84,  85,  87.  88  has  a  double  title,  viz. 
"  For  the  Sons  of  Korah  "  and  "  A  Maschil  of  Ethan 
the  Ezrahite."  72  and  127  are  said  to  be  Solomon's. 
Fifty  Pss.  are  in  Rabbinical  language  "  Oi"phan," 
I.e.  have  no  titles.  Of  these  sixteen  have  no  title 
containing  origin  or  source,  though  they  have  musical 
directions  prefixed ;  the  remaining  thirty-four  are 
absolutely  "  Orphan "  Pss.  Thirteen  Pss.  give  both 
the  author's  name  and  the  circumstances  under  which 
he  wroto. 

This  arrangement,  or  rather  want  of  arrangement,  ia 
perplexing,  and  the  confusion  becomes  worse  when  at 
the  end  of  Ps.  72  we  find  the  words,  "  The  prayers  of 
David  the  son  of  Jesse  are  ended."  Ps.  72  is  assigned 
not   to    David    but   to   Solomon ;     moreover,  David's 

Erayers  are  not  ended  but  continued,  though  with 
irge  insertion  of  Pas.  from  other  authors  or  collec- 
tions, almost  to  the  end  of  the  Psalter.  As  a  rule  the 
Pss.  of  Asaph  and  those  of  tiie  Korahites  are  placed 
together  or  in  proximity,  though  it  is  puzzling  to  find 


one  Ps,  of  Asaph  (50)  separated  from  the  rest  of  the 
Asaphic  productions.  Another  difficulty  arises  from 
the  use  of  a  Heb.  preposition  which  may  mean  either 
"  by  "  in  the  sense  of  authorship  or  "  belonging  to," 
"  used  by."  It  seems  almost  certain,  that "  by  David  " 
is  a  correct  translation  of  the  titles  in  which  David's 
name  appears.  The  present  writer  at  least  can  see  no 
shadow  of  evidence  for  the  supposition  that  this  was 
a  "  Davidic  Psalter,  not  composed  by  David,  but 
gathered  together  from  different  authors  and  periods 
of  composition  under  David's  name."  It  is  different 
with  regard  to  Asaphito  and  Korahite  Pss.  A  guild 
may  sing  a  hymn  together  or  make  a  collection  of 
hymns  for  its  own  use,  but  a  guild  can  scarcelv  writ« 
a  hymn  by  joint  effort.  Nor  is  the  order  of  the  Pss. 
fixed  by  subject  or  tone.  Occasionally,  but  only 
occasionally,  kindred  Pss.  are  linked  together.  The 
reader  who  examines  Pss.  1-10  will  see  that  the  order 
has  no  comiexion  with  the  subject-matter. 

There  is,  however,  a  division  of  the  Psalter  which 
throws  some  Ught  on  the  inquiry  before  us.  In  imita- 
tion probably  of  the  Pentateuch,  the  Pss.  are  divided 
into  five  books,  each  closing  with  a  doxology,  Ps.  150 
forming  a  doxology  which  ends  the  last  book  and  also 
the  whole  collection.  Wo  thus  got  Book  I  (1-41), 
Book  II  (42-72),  Book  III  (73-89),  Book  IV  ;90-106), 
Book  V  (107-150).  How  old  is  this  arrangement  ? 
No  one  can  say.  It  is  recogiused.  indeed,  by  the  LXX, 
but  we  do  not  know  when  the  Pss.  were  first  turned 
into  Gr.,  except  that  the  task  must  have  been  accom- 
plished some  time  before  the  earliest  books  of  the  NT 
were  written.  We  are  on  surer  ground  when  wo  turn 
to  1  Ch.  1 67-36.  There  a  Ps.  is  inserted  which  consista 
of  Pss.  105i-i5,  96,  \0Cn,47{.  Now  the  remarkable 
thing  is  that  the  Chronicler  includes  the  doxology 
(Ps.  IO648*)  at  the  close  of  Ps.  106  and  treats  it  as  an 
integral  part  of  Ps.  106.  It  has  been  very  naturally 
inferred  that  the  Chronicler,  writing  about  300  b.c.  or  a 
little  later,  was  not  only  familiar  with  the  division  into 
five  books,  but  mistook  altogether  the  purpose  of  the 
doxology  to  which  ho  was  used.  This  argument,  how- 
ever, is  loss  certain  than  it  seems.  It  is  very  doubtful 
whether  1  Ch.  I67-36  belonged  to  the  oricinal  text  of  Ch. 
The  connexion  between  6  and  37  gains  oy  its  removal. 
Additions  were  undoubtedly  made  from  time  to  time 
and  at  a  date  much  later  than  that  of  Ch.  In  the  Book 
of  Psalms  the  analogy  of  modem  hymn  books  favours 
this  view,  and  it  is  beyond  all  reasonable  dispute  that 
Pss.  of  the  Macoabean  ago  do  occur  in  the  Psalter. 

There  is  another  feature  peculiar  to  certain  Pss. 
viz.  42-83.  In  these  Pss.  the  personal  name  Yahweh 
is  usuallj'  omitted  and  Elohim  (  =  God)  substituted. 
This  ia  in  accordance  with  later  usage.  In  Ek)closia8tes 
the  sacred  name  never  occurs  ;  the  Book  of  Daniel 
employs  it  in  ch.  9  and  nowhere  else,  and  the  Chronicler, 
when  ho  is  not  copying  from  his  sources,  prefers  to 
use  Elohim. 


366 


PSALMS 


367 


Can  wo  discover  the  collections  out  of  which  our 
Psalter  grew  ?  Book  I  furnishes  us  with  an  example 
of  such  a  collection.  It  consists  entirely  of  Davidic 
P&s.  with  rajo  exceptions  which  admit  of  easy  explana- 
tion, viz.  Pss.  1  and  2,  which  were  probably  added 
later,  as  respectively  moral  and  theocratic  introductions 
to  the  Psalter  ;  10,  which  has  no  iascription,  because,  aa 
the  LXX  saw,  it  is  the  second  half  of  Ps.  9  ;  33,  which 
is  assigned  expressly  to  David  in  the  LXX,  the  omis- 
sion in  MT  being  a  scribal  error. 

Next  come  Pss.  by  David  and  his  contemporaries, 
42-89  (84-89  being  an  appendix).  Here  the  question 
is  more  complicated.  We  have  aheady  referred  to  the 
subscription  of  72,  "  The  prayers  of  David  the  son  of 
Jesse  are  ended."  Here  and  only  here,  we  have  Pss. 
in  considerable  number  connected  with  other  names, 
such  as  those  of  Moses,  Solomon,  Asaph,  and  the  sons 
of  Korah,  and  in  LXX  Jeremiah,  Haggai.and  Zechariah. 
Generally  critics  have  agreed  to  place  42-50  after  72, 
BO  as  to  unit<3  50  to  the  rest  of  Asaphic  Pss.  Thus 
we  obtain  the  following  arrangement :  51-72  Davidic, 
the  subscription  being  now  quite  appropriate  ;  42-49 
Korahite ;  50,  73-83  Asaphic  Pss.  Note  carefully 
that  all  these  are  Elohistic.  To  them  an  appendix 
has  been  added,  84-89.  Here  we  have  four  which  are 
Korahite,  one  by  Da\-id,  one  by  Ethan.  Their  second- 
ary character  can  hardly  be  doubted.  Why  else  was 
the  Davidic  Ps.  here  separated  from  51-72  ?  It  is  a 
still  stronger  argument  that  84r-89  show  no  trace  of 
Elohistic  revision ;  the  name  of  Yahweh  is  again 
dominant. 

Our  third  and  last  collection  extends  from  90  to 
the  end  of  the  Psalter  (Books  IV  and  V).  It  entirely 
ignores  the  musical  terms  so  frequent  in  the  two  pre- 
ceding collections.  Probably  some  radical  change  had 
been  made  in  the  Temple  music,  and  the  old  musical 
titles  had  fallen  out  of  use  because  they  were  no  longer 
intelligible.  These  three  collections  were  originally 
independent  of  each  other.  This  is  true  of  the  first 
and  second  collections,  for  14  of  the  first  collection  re- 
appears as  53,  except  that  it  has  undergone  an 
Elohistic  revision;  4O13-17  recurs  aa  70;  31i-3  is 
identical  with  71 1-3.  It  is  also  true  of  the  third 
collection  in  relation  to  the  second,  since  the  beginning 
of  108  is  a  repetition  of  578-i3.  There  are  also  distinct 
traces  of  smaller  collections.  Of  these  the  most 
valuable  Is  the  "  Little  Psalter  of  the  Pilgrims  "  (120- 
134),  sung  by  those  who  were  thronging  from  other 
lands  to  keep  one  of  the  great  feast?  at  Jerusalem. 

We  have  also  Michtam  Pss.  in  16,  56-60,  the  real 
.      sense  of  the  word  being  quite  unknown  ;    and  Pss. 
which  begin  and  end  with  Hallelujah,  viz.  146-150. 

What,  then,  Ls  the  value  of  these  titles  ?  We  will 
state  the  case  in  words  taken  from  Professor  Ivirk- 
patricks  Commentary,  because  he  is  as  conservative 
as  a  candid  scholar  can  be.  "  It  is  now  admitted  by  all 
competent  scholars  that  the  titles,  relating  to  the 
authorship  and  occasion  of  the  Pss.  cannot  be  regarded 
as  prefixed  by  the  authors  themselves,  or  as  repre- 
senting trustworthy  traditions  and  accordingly  giving 
reliable  information"  (p.  31):  Availing  ourselves  of 
this  liberty,  we  may  examine  some  of  the  Pss.  for 
J  which  the  titles  claim  Davidic  origin. 
I  Ps.  69  cannot  be  by  David.     The  words  "  God  will 

I  save  Zion  and  build  the  cities  of  Judah,  so  that  men 
may  dwell  there,"  are  those  of  a  post-exilic  writer, 
not  of  a  successful  warrior  and  popular  king.  Nor 
could  David  say,  "  For  thy  sake  have  I  borne  reproach." 
"  The  reproaches  of  tho^e  that  reproached  thee  fell 
aponji^e."  Did  David  ever  suffer  reproach  for  his 
devOtSk^to  Yahweh  ?     Religious  persecution,  so  far 


OIL  ^8. 

rotfi^tc 


aa  we  know,  began  in  Maccabean  times.  What  ia 
meant  by  the  words,  "  The  zeal  of  thine  house  hath 
CAten  me  up  "  ?  The  Temple  was  still  unbuilt  when 
David  died.  And  why  should  zeal  for  the  Temple, 
even  if  it  had  existed,  "eat  up'"  the  worshipper? 
Because  he  pined  for  the  Temple  and  its  worship,  from 
which  his  enemies  excluded  lum.  Ps.  3  cannot  have 
been  composed  by  David  when  he  was  fleeing  from 
Absalom.  The  reference  to  "  his  holy  hill  '"  points 
clearly  to  the  Temple.  Nor  does  Ps.  3  contain  a  single 
allusion  to  this  crisis.  All  is  Ufeless  and  vague. 
Contrast  the  true  account  of  Davids  pathetic  sorrow 
in  2  S.  or  his  noble  and  authentic  lamentation  over 
Saul  and  Jonathan. 

The  Aramaic  tinge  of  139  precludes  of  itself  any  idea 
that  it  is  by  David.  In  110  a  king  Ls  the  subject  of 
the  poem  :   there  is  no  trace  of  a  royal  author. 

We  come  last  of  all  to  18,  a  Ps.'  assigned  to  David 
by  scholars  who  show  little  bias  in  favour  of  the  late 
Jewish  opinion  embodied  in  the  titles.  "  The  internal 
evidence  of  its  contents,'"  says  Prof.  Kirkpatrick, 
■'  corroborates  the  external  tradition.'"  Certainly  there 
is  prima  facie  ground  for  giving  this  Ps.  a  position 
of  its  own.  Of  others  we  have,  as  has  l)een  already 
said,  a  double  recension  within  the  Psalter  itself.  For 
this  we  have  external  evidence,  since  it  is  repeated  at 
length  in  2  S.  22.  But  closer  examination  reduces  this 
witness  to  nothing.  2  S.  22  and  23r-7,  "  the  last  words 
of  David,"'  are  late  additions  to  the  text,  since  21 22 
finds  its  natural  and  obvious  continuation  in  238 
(p.  292).  The  internal  evidence  is  decisive  not  for, 
but  against  the  Davidic  authorship.  There  is  a  want 
of  concrete  detail,  so  that  even  the  advocates  of  Davidic 
origin  differ  about  the  period  of  David's  history  to 
which  the  Ps.  belongs.  The  conventional  theophany 
would  suit  any  victory  won  by  a  champion  of  Judah  in 
later  times.  How  could  David  have  written  "  Thou 
savest  a  poor  (or  humble)  people "  ?  or  described 
himself  in  the  language  of  Pharisaic  piety,  as  one 
"  who  kept  the  ways  of  Yahweh  ...  for  all  his  judg- 
ments are  before  me  and  I  did  not  put  his  statutes 
from  me  "'  ?  Such  language  presupposes  faraiUarity 
with  the  Pentateuch,  or  at  least  with  a  notable  part  of 
it.  The  monotheism  of  the  Ps.  is  in  keeping  with  that 
of  the  Psalter  throughout :  it  is  absolute  and  dogmatic. 
"  "Who  is  God  save  "i'ahweh  ?  '"  Very  different  were  the 
views  of  the  real  David,  who  kept  idols  called  teraphim 
(p.  101)  in  his  house  (1  S.  19i3,i6)  and  assumed  that 
when  his  enemies  drove  him  forth  from  Yahweh's  land 
he  would  have  to  worship  other  gods  (1  S.  2619).  Nor 
could  David  (who  died  long  before  the  Second  Isaiah) 
have  realised  the  missionary  vocation  of  Israel  and 
said,  "  Therefore  will  I  give 'thanks  to  thee  among  the 
nations  and  sing  unto  thy  name." 

It  may  be  well  to  add  that  scholars  who  have 
accepted  a  small  number  of  Pss.  as  Davidic  are  unable 
to  agree  which  those  Psfi.  are. 

How,  then,  did  the  legend  of  David  the  Psalmist 
arise  ?  It  has  no  attestation  prior  to  the  Exile.  We 
are  all  famiUar  with  his  beautiful  dirge  over  Saul  and 
Jonathan  (2  S.  1 19-27);  and  the  fragment  from  a 
similar  lyric  on  Abner  (2  S.  333f. ).  But  neither  of  theeo 
mentions  reUgion  at  alLj  Further,  an  old  tradition 
(1  S.  I614-23)  makes  much  of  his  musical  skill.  Other- 
wise the  only  pre-exihc  mention  of  David  aa  a  miisician 
is  found  in  Am.  65.  The  prophet  is  denouncing  the 
frivolous  luxury  of  the  rich,  and  taunta  them  with 
de\T3ing  for  themselves  "  instruments  of  music  Uke 
David."  This  negative  evidence  is  clinched  by  the 
fact  that  Ezekiel,  with  all  his  elaborate  rules  for  the 
restored  Temple,  makes  no  mention  of  singers.    Oar 


368 


PSALMS 


conception  of  David  as  a  sacred  poet  is  mainly  due  to 
the  Chronicler.  It  is  ho  who  idealises  David  after  his 
own  fashion  and  turns  him  into  a  saint  of  the  Lovitical 
pattern.  Chanvcteristically  he  omits  David's  sin 
against  Uriah,  and  all  the  scandals  in  the  royal  family. 
David's  niiin  boring  of  the  people  is  his  solitary  error, 
and  that  had  to  bo  related  because  of  its  connexion 
with  the  huildini:  of  the  Temple.  The  Chronicler  dis- 
misses military  matters  in  a  brief  and  perfunctory 
way,  though  ho  magnifies  the  military  forces  of  Judah 
and  Israel  in  the  most  extravagant  fashion.  On  the 
other  hand  he  attributes  to  David  his  own  absorbing 
interest  in  ritual.  According  to  him  the  pious  king 
divided  the  Temple  service  between  twentj'-four  courses 
of  piiests  and  Levites,  and  twenty-four  courses  of 
Bingers  (1  Ch.  2r>).  Now  the  first  clear  reference  to 
Temple  singers  is  in  Ezr.  241,  and  in  this  passage,  as 
generally  in  the  oldest  parts  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
they  are  distinguished  from  Ijcvites.  But  the 
Chronicler  turns  the  Temple  musicians  into  Levites, 
and  traces  their  descent  to  Asaph,  Heman,  and  Ethan. 
Moreover,  the  sons  of  Korah  arc  door-keepers  in  1  Ch.  9 
19,  26if),  but  appear  as  singers,  2  Ch.  2O19.  Evidently, 
after  the  Exile,  music  has  become  more  prominent  in 
Temple  worship,  and  the  pious  Jews  could  not  imagine 
this  sacred  function  as  left  at  one  time  to  laymen.  In 
the  time  of  Herod  Agrippa  (Josephus,  Anl.  xx.  9,6)  the 
Levitical  musicians  obtained  leave  to  wear  the  white 
robe  of  the  priests.  It  was  easy  for  the  Chronicler  to 
identify  the  remote  past  with  his  own  time,  as  we  see 
from  his  ascribing  to  David  admittedly  post-exilic  Pss. 
We  set  out  to  prove  that  there  are  no  Pss.  certainly 
or  even  probably  Davidic.  We  have  in  reality  ad- 
vanced further.  The  Psalter,  as  a  whole,  presumably 
belongs  to  the  Second  Temple  and  even  to  the  later 
history  of  that  Temple.  It  cannot,  of  course,  be 
proved  that  there  are  no  prc-exilic  Pss.  Pss.  20  and  21 
presuppose  the  existence  of  a  Jewish  king,  and  if  wo 
take  the  royal  title  in  its  strict  sense,  we  have  to  choose 
between  a  king  of  Judah  who  reigned  before  586  B.C. 
and  the  Maccabean  prince,  Aristobulus  (p.  608),  who  took 
the  title  of  king  in  105  B.C.  Ps.  137  must  have  been 
composed  after  the  Exile,  while  the  hatred  of  the  Baby- 
lonian conqucrer  was  still  fierce  and  bitter.  Observe, 
also,  that  it  speaks  of  '"  Yahweh's  songs."'  though  we 
are  not  told  when  the  songs  were  sung.  Possibly  thej' 
were  popular  hynms  preserved  by  oral  tradition.  With 
these,  and,  it  may  be,  with  some  other  exceptions,  the 
general  rule  holds  good,  that  when  historical  allusions 
are  definite  and  certain,  the  Ps.  containing  them 
belongs  to  the  Maccabean  age.  Yet  we  can  but  rarely 
state  with  precision  the  dato  and  explain  the  historic 
reference  of  a  Ps.  Much  learning  and  ingenuity  have 
been  spent  on  such  questions,  and  with  meagre  results. 
Conjecture  has  been  piled  upon  conjecture.  Again, 
the  history  of  the  Jews  under  Persian  rule  from  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century  B.C.  to  the  conquest  of 
Persia  by  Alexander  the  Great  is  all  but  a  blank  to  us  ; 
otherwise  we  might  have  understood  many  Pss.  much 
better  than  we  do,  and  escaped  the  temptation  to  find 
a  clue  for  every  difficulty  in  the  Maccabean  history. 
As  specimens  of  Pss.  certainly  Maccaliean  we  may  take 
44,  60.  74,  79,  and  8.*^.  The  reasons  for  this  judgment 
will  be  found  in  the  notes  on  the  Pss.  in  question. 
Here  it  will  be  enough  to  noto  the  following  points  : 
(1)  Maccabean  Pss.  plead  that  the  people  of  Judah  are 
RuflFering  by  no  fault  of  their  own.  On  the  contrarj', 
they  are  faithful  to  the  covenant  and  free  from  any 
enoi-mous  sin,  especially  from  the  sin  of  idolatry-.  W«> 
know  from  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  that  the  state  of 
things  in  this  respect  was  wholly  different  among  the 


exiles  of  597  and  586.  Not  only  had  the  {people  sinned, 
but  they  continued  to  sin  with  obstinate  impenitence. 
(2)  From  certain  Pss.  wo  gather  that  the  Jews  were 
scattered  over  all  lands,  but  had  an  army  of  their  own 
in  Palestine.  This  was  the  case  in  Maccabean  times 
but  not  before.  (3)  In  .Maccabean  Pss.  the  Jews  are 
undergoing  religious  persecution.  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
was  the  first  to  persecute  the  Jews  for  their  religion. 
In  his  mind  Greek  religion  was  bound  up  with  Greek 
culture ;  ho  tried  to  enforce  both,  or  at  least  to  make  the 
observance  of  the  Jewish  Law  a  crime.  The  Assyrians 
and  Babylonians  came  seeking  land  and  tribute,  and 
displayed  no  interest  in  Jewish  religion.  (4)  P".  47 
complains,  if  the  text  is  sound,  that  while  the  Sanctuary 
is  profaned  and  partially  destroyed  there  is  no  prophet. 
At  the  time  when  the  first  Temple  was  destroyed  there 
were  many  prophets,  including  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel. 
(See  also  the  notes  on  Pss.  GO  and  74  with  the  historical 
references  there  pointed  out.)  Add  to  this  the  use  of 
the  word  hnsid  or  "  godly  "  man  (see  on  Ps.  4),  and 
anav  or  humble.  This  latter  word,  very  rare  elsewhere, 
is  found  twelve  times  in  tho  Psalter,  where  it  has 
become  almost  a  technical  term  to  describe  a  pious 
Israehte. 

It  is  hard  to  say  when  the  Psalter  was  completed. 
It  probably  received  no  addition  after  the  Pss.  of 
Solomon.  These  Pss.  were  composed  in  Heb.,  though 
preserved  only  in  Gr.  translation.  They  seem  to  have 
been  written  as  late  as  63  B.C.,  the  year  in  which 
Pompey  entered  Jerusalem.  Their  belief  in  immortality 
and  the  coming  of  the  Messiah  is  more  pronounced  than 
in  tho  canonical  Psalter.  But  they  resemble  that 
Psalter  in  the  general  tone  of  their  piety,  and  on  the 
whole  they  share  the  same  faith  and  hope.  If  we 
ask  why  they  did  not  gain  a  place  in  the  OT  Canon, 
the  answer  is  because  they  were  not  yet  written  or  at 
least  not  yet  generally  known.  Of  course  glosses 
might  be  and  were  added  later  still.  In  one  way  or 
another,  Pss.  which  represented  the  spiritual  history 
of  a  devout  Jew  may  have  been  altered  for  liturgical 
use.  Wo  may  remark  in  passing  that  the  number  of 
Pss.  intended  from  tlie  first  as  the  voice  of  collective 
Israel  is  still  a  subject  of  dispute. 

The  chief  value  of  the  Pss.  lies  in  the  insight  they 
give  into  the  common  faith  of  the  Jews,  and  also  into 
the  experience  of  saintly  men  who,  in  moments  of 
inspiration,  reached  heights  inaccessible  as  yet  to  the 
ordinary  believer.  It  ^vill  be  convenient  to  treat  these 
two  subjects  separately.     See  further  pp.  93f. 

The  Unity  of  God. — This  truth  is  put  in  a  dogmatic 
form,  hardly  known  before  the  time  of  2  Is.  In 
Ps.  115  we  hav((  a  confession  of  monotheistic  faith, 
and  this  was  tho  common  heritage  of  I.^rael.  No  doubt 
we  read  in  Ps.  14  of  "  impious  "  persons  who  say  there 
is  no  God,  but  it  is  not  certain  that  the  Psalmist  was 
thinking  of  Jews,  rather  than  of  heathen.  In  any 
case,  their  atheism  is  not  theoretical  but  practical ; 
God  seeks  for  those  who  pay  attention  to  IILs  law  and 
finds  none.  The  Peualmist  held  no  strict  doctrine  of 
creation.  It  is  not  till  wo  almost  touch  the  Christian 
era  in  2  Mac.  728  that  we  light  or  a  definite  statement 
(contra.st  Wisd.  11 18)  that  God  made  all  things  out  of 
nothing  (but  see  p.  136).  It  is  needless  to  say  that  the 
Jewish  conception  of  the  world  differed  greatly  fnom 
ours.  It  was  supposed  (.«eo  Ps.  104)  that  the  heavens 
were  spread  out  like  a  tent,  and  that  upper  etories  were 
built  above  them  with  water  instead  of  wood  for 
beams.  There  was  Yahweh's  palace.  Below  the  earth 
was  Sheol,  "  the  silent  land  "  (1 1017),  to  which  men  go 
down  after  death  and  cea.se  to  be  concerned  with 
religion.     Certain  mythological  matter  is  adopted  (see 


PSALMS 


36d 


on  7413)  but  only  for  purpose  of  embellishment.  We 
have  a  mythological  allusion  to  the  "  broad  of 
heaven "  in  IO540.  We  also  meet  with  anthropo- 
morphism which  jars  on  modem  feeling.  Not  only 
has  God  a  right  arm.  hands,  fingers,  eyes,  eyelids, 
nostrils,  but  He  is  said  to  awake  like  a  warrior  out  of 
sleep,  as  one  who  had  been  overcome  with  wine 
(7865). 

Still  the  monotheism  of  the  Pss.  upon  the  whole,  is 
pure  and  noble.  Yahweh  is  God  from  everlasting  to 
everlasting  (90).  He  knows  everything,  is  present 
everywhere,  even  in  Sheol.  Observe  that  even  in  139, 
the  most  spiritual  in  some  respects  of  all  the  Pss., 
no  abstract  terms  are  employed  :  indeed  such  abstract 
terras  do  not  exist  in  Biblical  Heb.  But  the  cuiicrete 
language  used  is  a  gain,  rather  than  a.  loss,  for  concrete 
terms  i^reserve,  as  abstractions  could  not  do,  purest 
belief  in  the  personal  nature  of  God.  One  striking 
point  illustrates  the  Hebrew  conception  of  God.  Why 
did  God,  who  can  do  according  to  His  will,  tolerate  the 
wicked  ?  To  tliis  question  the  Psalmist  gives  no 
reply  :  no  philosophic  answer  is  attempted.  He  is 
content  to  pray  for  their  destruction  and  to  express 
his  own  hoiTor  and  hatred  of  them. 

God's  Character. — The  view  given  in  IS^jf.  is  not 
a  lofty  one.  Every  man,  it  is  implied,  finds  the  God 
he  deserves  to  find.  "  With  the  pure  thou  showest 
thyself  pure,  but  with  the  perverse  thou  showest 
thyself  perverse."  This  falls  short  not  only  of  pro- 
pfietic  but  of  the  higher  heathen  teacluug,  as  is  shown  in 
the  notes  on  tliis  Ps.  Very  different  is  the  teaching  C)f 
Ps.  8,  where  belief  in  God's  absolute  elevation  above 
man  is  united  veith  the  thought  of  God's  loving  care 
for  man  and  man's  greatness  as  a  fellow -worker  with 
God.  God  is  much  more  than  a  personification  of 
mere  power.  Rather  "  righteousness  and  equity  are 
the  foundation  of  his  throne."  Indeed,  the  usual 
doctrine  of  the  Jewish  Church  is  that  God  is  a  Being 
who  can  be  safely  trusted.  This  is  well  illustrated  by 
Ps.  11.  The  author  is  m  desperate  case  :  his  friends 
would  have  him  flee  like  a  bird  to  the  mountain.  The 
vcrj;^  ])illars  of  the  earth,  i.e.  the  powers  which  maintain 
moral  order,  are  shaken.  Nevertheless  God  is  in  His 
holy  temple  :  He  is  enthroned  in  the  heaven  :  He  con- 
stantly tries  the  children  of  men.  He  is  righteous  and 
the  righteous  shall  see  His  face.  Thus  man  is  indebted 
to  God,  not  only  for  his  creation  but  also  for  his 
preservation  at  each  moment.  The  needy  and  afflicted 
may  take  refuge  in  Him.  Even  the  Gentiles  share  in 
His  goodness,  though  of  course  they  are  not  admitted 
to  the  same  religious  privileges  which  the  Jews 
enjoy.  Still  God  governs  the  whole  world  with 
equity  (98). 

God  and  Nature. — The  Pss.  acknowledge  wisdom  and 
goodness  as  displayed  in  the  material  world  ;  but  none 
of  them  can  be  said  to  love  nature  as  Virgil  loved  it. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  call  the  author  of  Ps.  104  "  the 
Wordsworth  of  the  OT  "  (Kirkpatrick,  p.  60.5)  :  he  is 
too  utilitarian  for  that.  Biblical  Heb.  has  scarcely 
ariy  word  for  colours,  except  with  reference  to  the 
cloth  and  garments  used  in  the  Sanctuary  ;  this  shows 
that  the  Jewish  feeling  for  nature  was  widely  separated 
from  our  own  (p.  24).  Still  Gods  relation  to  nature  is 
portrayed  in  imaginative  language,  which  is  sometimes 
Bublime  :  "  Thou  clothest  thyself  with  light  as  with  a 
garment."'  We  have  a  fine  picture  of  God's  beneficence, 
of  the  hill-streams  where  the  wild  as.ses  quench  their 
thirst,  of  the  birds  that  sing  among  the  branches,  of 
the  mountains  that  arc  a  refuge  for  the  wild  goats,  of 
Yahweh's  trees  which  are  full  of  sap.  "  The  young 
lions  roar  after  their  prey  and  seek  their  meat  from 


God."  Generations  pass  away  but  the  spirit  or  breath 
of  God  is  continually  replacing  them  and  renewing  tho 
face  of  the  earth.  Perhaps  tho  most  imaginative  and 
original  thought  of  God  in  nature  occiirs  in  Ps.  19 : 
"  Day  unto  day  uttereth  speech,  night  unto  night 
conveyeth  knowledge."  The  poet  personifies  the  days 
and  nights.  He  pictures  them  as  a  long  series  of 
personal  beings  born  of  each  other.  Each  day  and 
each  night,  before  it  dies,  passes  on  the  story  of  crea- 
tion. The  sun,  ever  young,  goes  forth  like  a  bride- 
groom from  his  nuptial  chamber  in  joy  and  strength. 

God  and  Man. — In  nature  God  has  manifested  His 
care  for  man.  He  brings  forth  from  tho  earth  fodder 
for  man's  cattle,  bread  to  eat,  wine  to  gladden  hia 
heart,  oil  which  makes  his  face  shine  (104).  But  Ho 
has  crowned  all  His  mercies  by  giving  man  the  Law. 
"  He  showeth  his  word  unto  Jacob,  his  statutes  and 
judgments  unto  Israel."  "  He  hath  not  dealt  so  with 
any  nation."  And  as  God  seeks  man  and  strives  to 
bring  man  into  union  with  Himself,  so  man  naturally 
longs  for  God.  "  As  a  hind  which  panteth  for  the 
water- brook,  so  panteth  my  soul  after  thee,  0  God." 
The  pilgrim  goes  to  God's  altaj-.  But  the  altar  is  onlj' 
the  means  of  approach  :  God  Himself  is  the  goal  which 
the  pilgrim  seeks. 

What  God  Requires  of  Man. — A  general  answer  is 
given  to  this  question  in  Pss.  15,  24.  Liberality  to  the 
poor  is  also  a  prominent  feature  in  the  morahty  of  the 
Psalter.  The  morality  does  not  transcend  that  of  tho 
Egyptian  "  Book  of  the  Dead,"  though  the  Psalter  is 
quite  free  from  the  magical  superstition  of  Egyptian 
religion.  Fair  dealing  between  man  and  man  is  often  in- 
culcated in  the  Pss.  :  nowhere,  however,  do  they  require 
a  man  to  forgive  his  enemies,  if  they  continue  to  be 
such.  (For  the  apparent  exception  in  74,  see  the  note.) 
Observe,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  righteousness 
required  is  that  of  the  heart.  The  Psalmist  knew  little 
of  that  "  war  of  the  members  "  which  tortured  Paul, 
or  even  of  that  "  enslaved  will  "  of  which  Jeremiah 
speaks.  The  good  Jew  felt  that  he  knew  the  Law  and 
had  strength  to  keep  it.  ''  The  word  of  the  law  was 
very  nigh "  him,  and  God  would  pardon  defective 
observance  if  the  will  to  keep  a  law  was  there.  Prayers 
like  "  Teach  me  to  do  thy  will  "  (143io)  or  "  Take 
not  thy  holy  spirit  from  me"  (51 11)  are  rare.  If  a 
Jew  was  faithful  to  the  national  covenant,  then  God 
rewarded  him,  and  was  indeed  bound  to  do  so  by 
solemn  and  reiterated  promise.  No  less  was  God 
bound  to  punish  the  wilful  transgressor.  If.  again,  a 
man  sinned  and  repented,  then  God  withdrew  the 
stroke  of  punishment  from  the  sinner  and  from  others 
involved  in  the  penalty.  The  reward  or  punishment 
must  overtake  a  man  in  this  life,  for  there  was  no 
intercourse  with  God  after  death.  "  In  death  there 
is  no  remembrance  of  thee,  and  who  will  give  thee 
thanks  in  the  pit  ?  "  (65).  This  is  the  habitual 
assumption  of  the  Pss.  (See  further  8810-12,  115i7.) 
The  sting  of  death  lay  in  the  behef  that  God  and  man 
took  no  knowledge  of  each  other  in  the  lower  world. 
For  this  reason  his  view  of  death  is  radically  different 
from  the  Greek  view,  which  it  resembles  supierficially. 
But  it  had  a  disastrous  effect  on  Jewish  religion.  If 
a  man  was  pious  and  his  affairs  prospered,  he  was  apt 
to  indulge  in  self-complacency.  See  among  niany 
other  passages,  41 12,  "  As  for  me  because  of  mine 
integrity  thou  has  supported  me  and  established  mo 
before  thy  face  for  ever."  In  contrast  to  this,  if  a 
just  man  suffered  it  was  taken  for  granted  that  there 
was  some  seci-et  Haw  in  his  character.  God  was 
p\mishing  him  for  secret  sin,  hidden,  it  might  be,  even 
from  the  sinner  him.self.     It  might  be  also  that  God 


370 


PSALMS 


was  correctiug  him,  strengthoning  and  purifying  hia 
character.  Henco  the  Psalmist's  prayer  tliat  God 
would  manifest  His  favour  again  by  restoring  hia 
fortune.  Hence  also  the  passionate  cry  for  deliverance 
was  reallj'  a  cry  for  absolution.  Nay  oven  the  curses 
which  the  Psiilmist  hurls  at  his  foes  are  a  prayer  that 
God  would  assert  Himself  as  the  moral  governor  of  the 
universe.  Of  course  such  words  should  not  be  adopted 
by  Christians,  and  belong  to  a  religion  which  was  still 
rude  and  undeveloped. 

Where  is  Man  to  Find  God,  or,  in  other  words,  where 
does  God  Dwell? — The  answer  in  Ps.  139  is  that  God 
is  everywhere.  But  He  was  to  be  found  specially  in 
heaven  and  in  the  Temple.  No  attempt  is  made  to 
reconcile  these  two  answers.  He  dwells  in  heaven,  and 
is  surrounded  by  the  angels,  who  are  the  ministers  of 
His  mercy  and  justice.  Those  constitute  the  heavenly 
court  (2'Ji7).  They  inflict  physical  suffering,  but  they 
are  not  in  themselves  good  or  bad,  nor  do  they  incite 
to  sin.  This  heavenly  God  is  also  called  the  Lord  of 
Hosts,  probably  because  the  elemental  powers  are  on- 
listed  on  His  side  and  do  His  bidding. 

Over  against  this  theory  we  have,  as  has  been  said, 
to  Bot  another,  viz.  that  God  dwells  in  the  Temple, 
which  is  a  second  Paradise.  It  is  enriched  {464)  and 
gladdened  by  a  river,  of  course  metaphorical.  Thence 
God  hears  the  prayer  of  His  people  and  blesses  them. 
Occasionally,  as  in  14  and  20,  those  two  views  stand 
side  by  side.  The  lower  view,  as  we  must  needs  think 
it,  did  most  to  secure  the  steadfastness  of  Jews  in 
their  rehgion.  In  a  world  out  of  joint  the  Temple 
was  the  one  place  where  light  and  blessing  flowed. 
"  We  have  thouglit  of  thy  lovingkindness,  0  Yahweh, 
in  the  midst  of  thy  temple  "  (48(j).  "  This  is  my  rest 
for  ever:  heie  will  I  dwell,  for  I  have  desired  it" 
(I3214).  Gods  manifestation  in  Zion  is  the  pledge 
that  He  will  in  the  end  reverse  the  doom  of  His  people 
and  alter  the  course  of  history  hi  their  favour.  See 
especially  Ps.  46.  Moreover  the  Temple  held  Jews 
together  all  the  world  over.  "  Hear  my  supplications 
when  I  cry  unto  thee,  when  I  lift  up  my  hands  unto 
thy  holy  temple "  (282).  Ps.  87  is  jxjculiarly  in- 
structive. Tl'.is  Ps.  regards  every  Jew,  whatever  his 
birthjilace  may  have  been,  as  a  spiritual  citizen  of 
Jei-usalem.  That  is  liis  true  home,  and  Yahweh,  when 
He  makes  up  the  register  of  the  peoples,  sets  do\vn  the 
pious  Jew  as  a  native  of  Jerusalem. 

We  turn  next  to  spf^cial  passages  in  the  Pss.  which 
cannot  be  taken  as  representing  the  accepted  orthodoxy 
of  Jewish  religion  because  they  transcend  it.  Some  of 
the  Psalmists  rise  above  litual  religion,  or  at  least  suffer 
sacrificial  worship  to  fall  into  the  l)ackgroiuid.  One 
reason  is  that  the  later  Jews  had  the  writings  of  the 
prophets,  and  looked  upon  them  as  part  of  the  sacred 
Kcriptnres,  though  inferior  in  authority  to  the  Law. 
Further,  the  Deuteronomic  limitation  of  sacrifice  to 
the  one  altar  at  Jerusalem  made  sacrifice  imiKjs.siblo, 
except  at  rare  intervals,  to  the  mass  of  Jews  scattered 
in  distant  lands.  Something  also  may  be  due  to  the  bad 
repute  of  priestvS  like  Alcimus  (pp.  382,  385,  607)  and 
the  worldliness  of  the  later  Maccabeans,  which,  as  both 
high  priests  and  secular  rulers,  they  could  hardly  escape. 
We  can  scarcely  qur>tc  Ps.  50  in  this  connexion.  It 
denounces  "  the  severance  of  religion  fn>m  morality," 
a  denunciation  which  p11  pious  Jews  would  have 
approved  ;  it  p<<urB  contempt  on  the  notion  that  God 
needs  to  be  fed  with  tlie  flesh  and  to  drink  the  blood  of 
the  victim.  The  strange  thing  is  that  the  Psalmist 
thought  it  worth  while  to  refute  so  gross  an  idea  of 
the  Godhead. 

More  to  the  pur|i08e  is  Ps.  1 IP108,  where  the  accepted 


sacrifices  are  the  freewill  offerings  of  the  mouth,  the 
sacrifice,  not  of  animals,  but  of  praise.  Ps.  51  syjeaka 
in  still  clearer  tones,  '"  Thou  desirost  not  sacrifice  elae 
would  I  give  it  thee  :  thou  delightest  not  in  burnt 
offerings.  The  sacrifice  of  God  is  a  broken  spirit :  a 
broken  and  a  contrite  heart,  0  God,  thou  wilt  not 
despise."  Similarly  in  I's.  69  we  are  told  that  praise 
and  thanksgiving  please  God  better  than  the  sacrifice 
of  a  bullock.  The  most  interesting  deprecation  of 
material  sacrifice  is  to  be  found  in  Ps.  40.  The 
Psalmist  does  not  exclude  sacrificial  worship :  the 
offerings  prescribed  by  the  Law  for  the  congnigation 
remained  as  they  were.  But  private  )aety  was  directed 
into  another  channel :  the  tnie  sacrifice  consists  in 
joyful  resignation  to  Gotl's  will.  "  Sacrifice  and 
offering  thou  wouldest  not  :  mine  ear  hast  thou 
opened  '  {i.e.  to  hear  God"s  voice)  "...  In  the 
roll  of  the  book  it  is  laid  down  for  me  :  to  do  thy 
will  have  I  desired  and  thy  law  is  within  my  heart  " 
(r/.  Jer.  31 33).  This  Ps.  is  a  notable  preparation  for 
Ohristianit}'. 

The  Pss.  now  and  again  rise  above  Eudseraonism, 
i.e.  the  doctrine  that  prospcrit}'  here  and  now  is  the 
reward  of  virtue,  and  that  affliction,  though  it  may  be 
imposed  for  a  time  in  order  to  test  and  strengthen 
piety,  is  as  a  rule  the  punishment  of  sin.  No  doubt 
there  is  an  important  element  of  truth  in  this  doctrine  : 
Temperance,  industry.,  honesty  promote  success  in 
life  on  the  whole  ;  the  doctrine  becomes  false,  when 
applied  to  all  cases  indiscriminately.  The  ordinary 
Jew  did  not  look  forward  to  a  life  with  God  after 
death  :  hence  he  had  to  face  t!ie  difliculty  that  men, 
apparently  devout,  were  often  unfortunate  in  life  and 
died  with  their  misery  unredressed.  There  could  bo 
no  question  of  educative  suffering  in  such  cases.  Still 
the  obstinacy  of  Jewish  faith  discovered  a  way  of 
escape  even  here.  It  found  the  supreme  blessedness 
in  communion  with  God,  even  if  temporal  ble.ssings 
were  withheld.  For  the  classical  example  of  a  life 
lifted  high  above  the  changes  of  fortune  we  may  turn 
to  Ps.  4.  The  Psalmist  is  surrounded  jxirtly  by  godless 
men,  partly  by  men  who  would  fain  bo  pious  but  are 
driven  almost  to  despair,  l)ecause  God  does  not  recognise 
their  piety  by  outward  and  visible  blessing.  Such 
persons  seem  to  be  righteous  in  vain.  From  the  depth 
of  their  despondency  they  cry,  "  ^Vho  will  show  us 
any  good  ?  "  Wo  may  imderstand  the  good  meant 
to  be  fruitful  harvests,  strong  and  healthy  children, 
in  some  cases  positions  of  dignity  and  influence.  The 
Psalmist  answers  indirectly  with  the  priestly  blessing 
(Nu.  14)  in  his  mind,  "  Yahweh,  Hft  thou  up  the 
light  of  thy  countenance  upon  us."  Thus  in  com- 
munion with  God  lies  the  supreme  blessedness.  "  Thou 
hast  put  joy  in  my  heart  more  than  they  had  when  their 
wine  anfl  corn  and  new  wine  aboiinded."  Further, 
we  are  told  the  secret  of  this  joy  :  "  When  I  call  upon 
him,  Yahweh  will  hear."  He  will  hear  though  the 
answer  did  not  come  in  accordance  with  the  current 
expectation. 

The  Hope  of  Immortal  Life.— One  or  two  Pss.  may 
be  considered  which  have  been  supposed  to  hold  this 
hope,  but  on  insufficient  grounds.  To  this  category 
Ps.  16  belongs.  The  poet  believes  that  his  God  will 
not  abandon  his  soul  to  Sheol,  "  neither  wilt  thou  suffer 
thy  holy  one  to  see  corruption.  Thou  wilt  show  me 
the  path  of  life.  In  thy  presence  is  fulness  of  joy,  at 
thy  right  hand  are  pleasures  evciTnore."  The  author 
ajiparently  refers  to  salvation  from  sudden  death.  Wo 
may  compare  6l7f.  Ho  (the  king)  shall  abide  l)eforo 
C!od  for  ever.  "  Oh  prepare  mercy  and  tnith  which 
may  preserve  him."     Mercy  and  truth  would  not,  of 


PSALMS 


371 


course,  presei-ve  him  from  dying  at  last,  but  they 
would  secure  an  easy  departure  in  ripe  old  age.  So 
Ps.  17  also  fails  us,  wlien  we  search  for  trace  of  this 
hope.  Heie  tlie  Psalmist  is  confident  enough,  but  not 
of  life  after  death.  "  I  shall  behold  thy  face  in  righte- 
ousness :  when  I  wake  up  I  shall  be  satisfied  with  thy 
appearance "  (i.e.  the  manifestation  of  thyself,  the 
vision  of  Divine  glory.  Cf.  Is.  6).  Beholding  the 
face  of  God  usually  means  to  participate  in  Temple 
worship  :  the  words  "  When  I  awake  "  raaj"^  be  taken 
t|uite  literally  as  referring  to  the  morning  worship  in 
the  Tcjuple. '  Much  more  to  the  point  is  49i5*,  "  God 
will  redeem  my  soul  from  the  power  of  death,  for  he 
shall  receive  me."  Finally  we  have  to  consider  132 ^S. 
"  Nevertheless  I  am  continually  with  thee  :  thou  hast 
holden  me  by  my  right  hand.  Thou  shalt  guide  me 
with  thy  counsel  and  afterwards  receive  me  into  glorj'. 
Whom  have  I  in  heaven  but  thee  and  who  is  there  on 
earth  that  I  desire  beside  thee  ?  My  flesh  and  my 
heart  fail :  God  is  the  strength  of  my  heart  and  my 
portion  for  ever."  The  meaning  seems  to  be  that 
communion  with  God  begun  here  and  faithfully  main- 
tained cannot  be  broken  by  death.  At  all  events 
belief  in  immortality  becomes  inevitable  when  man 
has  advanced  so  far.  In  the  supreme  bliss  of  Divine 
communion  the  thought  of  death  and  even  of  time 
fades  away.  Such  knowledge  of  God  is  eternal  life 
and  liolds  within  itself  the  promise  of  endless  con- 
tinance.  We  may  note  in  conclusion  the  follow- 
ing points  with  regard  to  the  Jewish  doctrine  of  personal 
immortality.  It  Is  not  physical  or  metaphysical  but 
religious.  Next,  Hebrew  thought  observes  the  true 
order  :  it  begins  with  God  and  through  Him  reaches 
the  hope  of  immortal  life  in  Him.  The  reverse  order 
has  constantly  led  to  reliance  on  magical  superstition 
of  one  kind  or  another,  or  else  to  physical  and  meta- 
physical "  proofs  "  which  are  not  convincing.  The 
OT  rehgion  contemplates  the  immortality  of  faithful 
souls,  and  not,  with  one  or  two  possible  exceptions 
(Ps.  I5,  Dan.  122),  the  immortality  of  man  as  such. 
But  the  Divine  communion  of  elect  souls  ^-itli  God 
discloses  the  possibilities  inherent  in  human  nature, 
and  therefore  open  to  all.     See  further  pp.  378f. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  Psalter  frequently  insists  that 
the  highest  spiritual  privileges  belong  to  the  Jews,  but 
there  are  striking  passages  in  which  the  Psalmists 
address  themselves,  not  merely  to  fellow-Jews  but 
g('n(  rally  to  mankind.  This  hbcral  spirit  may  be  duo 
to  the  conc|uests  of  Alexander,  which  brouglit  different 
races  into  immediate  contact  with  each  other.  From 
Assyria  and  Babylon  little  was  to  be  learnt.  They 
represented  for  the  mqst  part,  though  not  of  course 
exclusively,  the  rule  of  hruto  force.  Alexander  the 
Great  and  his  successors  inherited  the  loftiest  ci\-ilisa- 
tion  then  known.  Ps.  46  may  have  been  written  in  tl'.e 
time  of  Alexander  or  one  of  his  early  s\icce88ors. 
Jerusalem  has  been  wonderfully  preserved  :  the  poet 
expects  a  time  of  universal  i)eaoe.  He  calls  on  the 
warriors  to  be  still  and  know  that  Yahweh  is  God  and 
is  exalted  above  all  nations.  In  a  considerable  number 
of  Pss.  it  is  not  Jew  or  Gentile  but  man  as  man — man 
in  his  relation  to  God — that  comes  into  question.  The 
Gentiles,  moreover,  are  invited  to  rejoice  in  Gods  care 
for  Israel.  They  are  to  bow  down  before  Him,  to 
worship  and  serve  Him  ;  they  are  even  to  offer  sacrifice 
to  Him.  Ps.  828  goes  so  far  as  to  speak  of  the  foreign 
nations  as  the  future  "  inheritance "  of  Yahweh,  a 
term  reserved  elsewhere  for  Israel.  We  have  a  trace 
of  proselytising  zeal  in  Ps.  II946,  "  I  spake  of  thy 
testimonies  before  kings  and  was  not  ashamed."  It 
is  best  to  treat  Pss.  15  and  24  as  catechetical  instruction 


for  those  who  desired  to  attach  themselves  to  the  Jewish 
Church  and  become  the  clients  of  Yahweh.  In  Ps. 
IO022  we  have  the  first  appearance  of  the  theory, 
constantly  asserted  in  Philo  and  in  the  Christian 
Fathers,  that  Gentile  wisdom  was  borrowed  from  the 
Hebrews. 

The  Messianic  Age. — The  most  remarkable  thing  in 
the  character  of  the  Jews  generally,  and  especially  in 
the  Jews  of  the  post-exilic  age.  was  the  firmness  of  their 
faith  and  hope.  They  have  been  well  called  the  nation 
of  hope.  They  were  suffering  from  the  oppressive  rule 
of  foreigners,  who  mocked  at  their  rehgion  and  at  one 
time  tried  to  exterminate  it.  Nor  was  there  any 
escape  by  human  means  from  the  exile  which  threatened 
them.  Therefore  their  faith  rose  higher  and  its  light 
burned  clearer.  They  were  confident  that  God  would 
reverse  the  order  which  pressed  so  severely  upon  them 
and  was  besides  an  insult  to  the  Divine  majesty.  Grod 
had  wrought  wonders  for  them  in  the  past  (see  e.g.  77), 
Surely  He  could  do  again  what  He  had  done  long  ago. 
This  behef  was  stimulated  by  the  actual  cond  tion  of 
Israel.  In  the  Maccabean  age  the  heart  of  the  nation 
was  set  in  tlie  right  direction  :  the  people,  as  a  whole, 
were  free  from  idolatry  and  faitMul  to  their  covenant 
with  their  God.  Here  was  another  reason  for  Divine 
interference.  It  is  no  doubt  for  God  to  keep  the 
"  times  "  in  His  own  hands.  Nevertheless  the  author 
of  102  felt  that  the  appointed  time  of  restoration  could 
not  be  far  off.  "  It  is  time  to  have  pity  upon  her, 
yea,  the  time  is  come."  Then  the  heathen  were  to 
be  shattered,  the  righteous  rewarded,  and  Yahweh  to 
be  enthroned  for  ever  (lOisf.)  The  future  is  to  be 
rich  in  temporal  blessings  for  Israel.  Zion  and  the 
cities  of  Judah  are  to  be  ))uilt  up  again.  But  spiritual 
blessings  were  not  forgotten,  and  the  author  of  Ps.  84 
draws  a  charming  picture  of  the  approaching  age  from 
its  spiritual  side — "  Mercy  and  truth  are  met  together  : 
righteousness  and  peace  have  lussed  each  other. 
Truth  springeth  out  of  the  earth  and  righteousness 
looketh  down  from  heaven.'"  The  Pss.  just  cited  and 
many  others  inspired  by  the  same  hope  are  usually 
called  Messianic  in  a  wide  and  general  sense.  The 
term  is  apt  to  be  misleading,  for  they  do  not  make  any 
reference  to  the  ideal  King,  to  the  anointed  One  or 
Messiah  who  was  to  establish  the  Kingdom  of  God 
upon  earth.  The  pious  Jew,  however,  did  not  appre- 
hend as  clearly  as  wo  do  this  distinction  between  Pss. 
which  are,  strictly  sj)eaking.  Messianic  and  others 
which  are  eschatological  rather  than  Messianic.  The 
hope  of  the  Jewish  saints  and  heroes  was  satisfied  if 
sin  was  punished  and  righteousness  rewarded  and 
triumphant.  They  cared  little  for  the  exact  means 
by  which  the  momentous  change  was  brought  about. 
It  might  be  effected  (so,  e.g.,  MaL  4)  directly  by  Yahweh 
Himself,  or  by  an  ideal  King  or  b}-  a  succession  of 
ideal  kings.  All  tliis  was  of  secondary  moment,  and 
in  any  case  the  promised  salvation  must  come  ulti- 
mately from  Yahweh. 

Still  the  distinction,  which  did  not  greatly  interest 
the  Jews,  has  very  great  interest  for  us,  |>artly  because 
belief  in  a  i»ersonal  Messiah  marks  a  stage  in  the 
development  of  rchgious  ideas,  and  still  more  because 
it  left  so  deep  an  intpress  on  the  NT  writers  and  ufion 
the  early  Chri.stians  in  general,  not  to  sjieak  of  its 
strong  infiuence  on  the  mind  and  career  of  our  Lord 
Himself.  Observe  that  the  word  Messiah  or  ideal 
prince  in  its  technical  sense  is  not  found  or  is  scarcely 
found  in  any  part  of  the  OT.  1  S.  2io  and  Ps.  2  are 
said  to  furnish  instances  of  its  use,  but  this  is  at  least 
doubtful.  That  the  notion,  if  not  the  name,  baa  a 
place  iu  the  Pss.  ia  beyond  question.     Some  of  the 


37: 


PSALMS 


mo8t  clefiiiito  roforenccs  to  an  ideal  King  may  have 
been  intcrpolalcd  >)y  a  later  hand.  But  tliis  only 
proves  how  strongly 'Messianic  expectation  had  seized 
niK>n  the  heart  of  'the  jK^ople.  The  writer  of  Ps.  89 
approaches,  though  he  does  not  actually  reach,  the 
Messianic  faith.  He  pleads  the  promise  made  to 
David  that  his  seed  is  to  be  established  for  ever.  It 
is  to  endure  like  sun  and  moon.  In  72  the  Messianic 
belief  is  made  more  definite  :  it  speaks,  moreover,  of 
a  Messiah  who  is  superlunujin.  Ho  is  to  rule  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  All  kings  are  to 
do  Him  horaago  ;  all  nations  arc  to  serve  Him.  His 
rule  is  to  be  a  beneficent  one  ;  the  needy  and  the  poor 
are  to  be  the  siwcial  objects  of  His  care.  All  men  are 
to  be  blessed  in  Him.  He  comes  down  like  refreshing 
rain  on  the  grass.  Ho  is  to  live  (725  in  LXX)  as  long 
as  the  sun  and  moon.  Psalm  2  is  also  distinctly 
Messiaruc.  The  conquering  King  is  victorious  by 
Divine  decree,  nay.  He  is  the  Son  of  God.  True  Hos. 
(Hi)  speaks  of  Israel  as  the  son  of  God.  Concerning 
Solomon  also  as  the  representative  of  the  nation  the 
promise  ran  (2  S.  7 14),  "I  will  be  Ids  father  and  he 
shall  be  my  son."  Probably,  however,  we  are  justified 
in  a  stricter  and  eschatological  interpretation  of  the 
title  in  Ps.  2.  From  a  religious  and  ethical  point  ol 
view  tliis  Ps.  is  greatly  inferior  to  72. 

The  OT  knows  nothing  of  a  suffering  Messiah.  The 
belief  found  a  measure  of  support  among  Jewish  doctors. 
They  distinguished  between  the  Messiah,  the  Son  of 
David,  and  the  Son  of  Joseph.  The  latter  was  to 
gather  the  ten  tribes  once  mure  together,  but  was 
after\vards  to  fall  in  battle  against  the  Romans,  led 
on  by  a  sort  of  Anticlirist.  The  Jews  were  then  to 
endure  redoubled  sufferings,  from  which  they  were  to 
be  finally  delivered  by  the  true  Messiah,  who  was  the 
Son  of  David.  Ihis  idea,  however,  cannot  be  traced 
beyond  the  third  century  A.n.  and  has  no  shadow  of 
support  in  any  part  of  the  Bible.  Ps.  22  has  been 
generally  accepted  as  a  prophecy  of  Messiah's  sufferings 
uttered  by  the  Christ  in  His  own  jx-rson.  So  in  the 
ancient  Church  Cassiodorus  called  it  "  a  history  rather 
than  a  prophecy,"  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  who 
thought  it  referred  to  the  Psalmists  own  time,  was 
condemned  bj'  the  general  feeling  of  the  Church.  We 
must  bear  in  mind  that  its  fvdfilmcnt  in  Jesus  by  no 
means  implies  that  the  Ps.  itself  is  Messianic.  It 
speaks  not  of  an  ideal  King  but  of  an  ideal  sufferer.  It 
is  a  striking  feature  that  the  man  who  suffers  so 
terribly  refrains  from  the  usual  curses  of  the  jx^rsecu- 
tors.  There  is  nothing  unreasonable  in  the  belief  that 
the  imago  of  an  ideal  sufferer  here  portrayed  was 
realised  above  all  human  expectation  in  the  passion 
and  death  of  Jesus,  and  a  psalm  which  Jesus  Himself 
quoted  as  He  hung  on  the  cross  makes  a  unique 
appeal  to  the  Christian  heart.  Only  we  must  refrain 
from  jiressiug  the  details.  "  They  have  pierced  my 
hands  and  feet  "  is  a  favourite  text,  but  the  moaning 
of  the  words  so  translated  is  more  than  doubtfid.  The 
parting  of  the  vestments,  and  the  vinegar  given  t<i 
Jesus  that  He  might  drink,  are  instances  of  the  wa}'  in 
which  the  Gospel  history  was  conformed  in  detail  to 
OT  prophecy.  Not  that  the  Gospel  story  is  mythical — 
very  far  from  it ;  but  there  may  be  and  probably  aix) 
a  few  mythical  accnitions  even  in  the  Sj'noptic  narra- 
tive, of  which  accretions  Ps.  22  furnishes  two.  One 
important  point  n-mains  to  be  mentione<l.  In  22-31 
agony  changes  into  joy  and  triumph.  Not  only  is  all 
Israel  to  exult,  but  "  all  the  ends  of  the  earth,"  and 
"  all  the  kindreds  of  the  nations  are  to  be  converted 
and  acknowledge  Yaluveh  and  are  to  bow  down  before 
Him."     It  is,  therefore,  natural  to  regard  the  sufferer 


in  the  former  half  as  a  being  of  suixjrhumau  grandeur. 
How  else  could  His  suffering  and  deliverance  affect 
the  whole  world  in  so  marvellous  a  degree  ?  But  the 
last  nine  verses  are  jirohably  a  separate  Ps.  or  a 
liturgical  addition.  The  siifferings  depicted  in  1-2 1 
have  no  apparent  connexion  with  the  triumphant  song 
which  follows. 

On  a  superficial  view  the  Pss.  are  intensely  national 
They  speak  nf  the  struggle  for  national  existence,  of 
Israel's  past  glories  and  present  trials.  They  magnify 
the  .Jew  :  they  console  and  encourage  those  who  are 
faithful  to  Judaism.  The  uidividuals  who  T>our  out 
their  complaint,  their  confession,  or  their  thanksgivings 
before  God  are  all  loyal  Jews.  No  Psalmist  reached 
the  standpoint  of  Paul,  from  which  all  national  dis- 
tinctions are  lost  in  a  higher  unity.  Nevertheless 
there  is  an  element  of  universnlism  m  the  Psalter, 
easj'  to  see  and  more  promuient  here  than  cLsewhero 
in  the  OT.  The  more  the  Jews  wei-e  scattered  among 
the  cities  of  the  Mediterranean,  the  harder  did  the 
literal  observance  of  the  Law  become.  Hence  Jews 
were  forced,  almost  in  spite  of  themselves,  to  lay  the 
stress  on  the  moral  element  in  religion  and  on  the 
great  central  tnith — on  God's  spiritual  nature  and  on 
man's  communion  with  Him.  No  sacrifice  was  lawful 
unless  offered  in  the  Tcmplo  ;  but  a  \asit  to  the  Temple 
In  the  case  of  many  foreign  Jews  involved  a  long  and 
l^erilous  journey,  and  could  }>e  made  but  seldom.  The 
obligation  of  paying  tithes  was  Umited  in  the  Law  to 
the  fruits  of  the  earth  and  cattle.  A  Jew  engaged  in 
trade  at  Alexandria  or  Rome  had  no  need  to  give  thera 
a  thought.  A  religion  thus  purified  from  ritual  observ- 
ance could  address  itself  to  mankind,  and  this  the 
Psalmists  often  do.  God  requires  obedience  from  men 
as  such,  not  merely  from  Jews.  "  Yahwch  looked 
from  heaven  and  behold  the  children  of  men,  to  see  if 
there  were  any  that  did  understand,  that  did  seek 
after  God  "  (Ps.  142).  Yahweh  is  to  rule  the  world 
in  righteousness  (98).  God's  care  for  man  is  wonderful, 
considering  the  gulf  which  i)art,s  mau  from  God : 
"  \\Tiat  is  man  that  thou  art  mindful  of  him  or  the  son 
of  man  that  thou  visitest  him  ?  "  (81).  The  relation 
of  the  Psalmists  to  the  heathen  world  is  best  understood 
^^hen  we  remember  that  they  are  invited  to  rejoice 
with  Israel  over  Yalnveh's  victories.  He  triumphs  for 
their  good.  "  Oh  let  the  nations  rejoice  and  be  glad 
and  sing  for  joy,  for  thou  shalt  judge  the  peoples  with 
equity." 

^\liat  has  been  said  may  partially  explain  the  charm 
which  has  made  the  Psalter  a  bond  of  union  between 
the  Churches  of  Christ  and  even  between  church  and 
synagogue.  The  sublime  and  pathetic  utterances  of 
the  best  Pss.  came  straight  from  the  heart  of  Israelites 
thousands  of  years  ago — and  they  go  straight  to  the 
heart  still. 

Appendix  on  Heb.  metre,  the  musical  directions  in 
the  titles,  and  a  brief  comparison  of  Heb.  with  Baby- 
lonian and  Egyptian  hymns. 

1.  Hebrew  Metre. — The  parallehsm  in  Heb.  poetry 
has  been  discussed  elsewhere  (p.  23).  The  rhythm  or 
metre  of  Heb.  poetry'  is  still  imperfectly  known,  but 
the  following  points  may  be  taken  as  fairly  certain. 
Heb.  metre  is  accentual,  i.e.  a  line  has  a  certain  number 
of  accented  syllables.  A  line  contains  two,  three,  or 
four  accento<l  syllables.  One  lino  with  the  same 
number  of  accents  may  follow  another,  or  the  number 
may  vary  to  lines  with  three  and  two  accents  alter- 
nating with  each  other.  An  example  will  best  illus- 
trate the  metre  intended,  though  a  representation  in 
English  must  obviously  bo  very  imperfect.  The 
passage  selected  is  Ps.  197ff. 


PSALMS,  II 


373 


"  The  law'  of  Yahw'eh  ia  perfect  /  enliven'ing  the  so'ul. 

The  wit'ness  of  Ya'hweh  ia  au'ro  /  making  w'iae  the 
si'mple. 

The  prec'epts  of  Yahw'eh  are  right  /  rejoio'ing  the 
hea'rt, 

Yahweh"8  corama'nd  iapu'ro  /  enli'ghtoning  the  ey'es. 

The  fe'ar  of  Yah'weh  is  clo'an  /  endu'ring  for  ev'er." 

So  far  we  may  speak  with  reasonable  confidence, 
especially  as  a  Babylonian  hymn  has  been  discovered 
in  which  the  numbers  of  the  verses  are  marked  by 
signs.  The  question  becomes  more  difficult  when  wo 
attempt  to  divide  a  Ps.  into  strophes.  The  refrains 
which  recur  in  some  of  the  Pss.,  perhaps  also  the 
occurrence  of  the  enigmatical  word  Selah,  may  be  our 
warrant  for  believing  that  strophes  exist.  Each  strophe 
in  a  poem  should  preserve  the  same  metre  and  number 
of  verses,  but  we  are  still  far  from  being  able  to  carry 
out  the  strophic  arrangement  in  the  Pss.  and  metrical 
portions  of  the  prophetic  books. 

2.  It  may  be  well  to  give  a  specimen  of  Babylonian 
hymns,  many  of  which  are  found  in  the  cuneiform 
inscriptions.  The  hymn  from  which  a  few  verses  are 
subjoined  is  much  above  the  average  in  moral  tone. 
It  is  addressed  to  Shamash  the  Sun  God. 

"  As  for  him  who  plans  wickedness  /  Thou  dost  destroy 

him : 
As  for  him  who  meditates  oppression  /  his  abode  is 

overthrown. 
As  for  the  evil  judge  /  Thou  dost  cast  him  into  fetters. 
On  him  who  takes  bribes  and  doth  not  guide  aright.  / 

Thou  imposest  punishment. 
With  him  who  takes  no  bribe  /  and  intercedes  for  the 

poor 
Shamash  is  well  pleased  /'and  promotes  his  life. 
The  true-hearted  judge  :  /  who  passes  just  sentence, 
Prepares  for  himself  a  palace  ;  /  a  princely  mansion 

is  his  dwelling." 

3.  We  conclude  with  a  few  words  on  a  barren  subject, 
viz.  the  technical  and  musical  titles  which  occur  in  the 
titles.  Fifty-five  Pss.  are  "  for  the  Chief  Musician." 
Here  the  rendering  is  certainly  correct.  Possibly  the 
title  "  for  the  Chief  Musician  "  refers  to  an  official 
collection  of  Temple  hymns.  Higgaion  (9i6)  is  said 
to  mean  resounding  music.  Maschil  occurs  in  the 
title  of  Pss.  32,  42,  44,  52,  53,  74,  78,  88.  It  is  ex- 
plained as  meaning  a  didactic  poem,  but  most  of  the 
Pss.  to  which  it  is  prefixed  are  not  specially  didactic. 
"  Wisely  "  is  another  conjecture  ;  really  the  meaning 
is  unknown.  The  meaning  of  Michtam  is  also  unknown. 
Neginoth  is  rightly  translated  "stringed  instrument" 
in  RV.  Nehiloth  (5i)  is  rendered  in  mg.  "  wind 
instruments  "  ;  this  may  be  right,  but  the  moaning  is 
uncertain.  Selah,  according  to  the  LXX,  signifies  a 
change  in  the  music.  No  better  conjecture  has  been 
made.  The  origin  and  sense  are  both  obscure.  It  is 
found  very  frequently,  almost  always  in  the  middle 
of  the  Ps.,  but  now  and  then  at  the  end.  Shiggaion  is 
plausibly  said  to  mean  wild  or  tumultuous  music. 

A  number  of  inscriptions  admit  of  easy  translation, 
though  it  is  hard  to  determine  their  meaning  in  the 
context  or  absence  of  context.  These  are  "  after  "  or 
"  according  to  the  death  of  the  son  "  (9) ;  "  after  "  or 
"  according  to  the  hind  of  the  dawn  "  (22) ;  "  the  silent 
dove  of  those  that  are  afar  "  (56)  ;  titles  which  speak 
of  lilies  (45,  60,  69,  80) ;  "  Thou  shalt  not  destroy  " 
(57,  58,  59,  75,  c/.  Is.  658).  It  has  been  supposed  that 
these  titles  refer  to  popular  airs  to  which  certain  Pss. 
were  set.  It  ia  an  objection  to  this  theory  that  e.g. 
Pss.  45  and  65  both  have  a  "  lily  "  superscription  but 
are  in   widely  diflFerent   metres.     Shemini   (  =  eighth) 


occurs  at  the  head  of  6  and  12.  but  its  meaning  is  un- 
known (1  Ch.  1521*).  The  Gittith  (8,'  81,  84)  may 
refer  to  some  instrument  or  song  invented  at  CJath  or 
to  the  wine-presses  and  the  vintage  songs.  Mahalath 
(53,  88)  =  "  sickness  of,"  but  of  whom  or  what  we  are 
not  told,  nor  can  we  say  what  is  the  point  of  the 
words  "  to  teach  "  in  60. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Kirkpatrick  (CB), 
W.  T.  Davison  and  T.  Witton  Davies  (Cent.B),  Well- 
bausen  (SBOT  Eng.);  (b)  Cheyne  (1st  ed.),  Briggs, 
(ICC);  (c)  *Ewald,  Olshausen,  Hupfeld-Nowack, 
Hitzig,  *Dolitzsch,  Baethgen  (HK),  Duhm  (KHC). 
Stark  (SAT);  (d)  Maclarcn  (Ex.B),  Spurgeon,  The 
Treasun/  of  David.  Other  Literature  :  Chevne,  Origin 
of  the  Psalter  ;  Davison,  The  Praises  of  Israel  ;  W.  R. 
Smith,  0TJC2,  pp.  188-225  ;  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the 
OT,  pp.  97-201  ;  Driver,  The  Parallel  Psalter.  Sludie-i 
in  the  Psalms;  Jordan,  Religion  in  Song;  M'Fadyen, 
The  Psalms  in  Modern  Speech,  Messages  of  the 
Psalmists. 

BOOK  I.— PSS.  I-XLI. 

I.  The  Jewish  Saint.— This  and  Ps.  2  (see,  how- 
ever, on  Ps.  33)  are  the  only  Pss.  in  Book  I.  which 
have  no  title  or  superscription.  In  Ac.  I333,  there  is 
very  ancient  authority  for  reading  "  in  the  first  Ps.," 
though  the  Ps.  quoted  stands  second  in  the  Psalter,  as 
wo  have  it.  Origen  had  seen  Ps.  1  joined  with  Ps.  2 
in  a  Heb.  copy,  and  the  same  arrangement  is  still 
found  in  some  Heb.  MSS.  Probably  then  Ps.  1  was 
prefixed  as  an  introduction  to  the  rest  of  the  Psalter 
after  its  completion.  But  it  is  not  one  with  Ps.  2, 
nor  even  resembles  it.  It  expresses  the  general 
spirit  of  the  Psalter  admirably.  For  that  very  reason 
it  does  not  reach  a  high  level.  It  has  nothing  of  the 
spiritual  tone  whibh  is  so  striking  in  4,  73,  and  in  other 
Pss.  Rather  it  represents  the  current  orthodoxy  of 
its  time,  which  must  have  been  a  very  late  one.  It  is 
legalistic,  and  accentuates  the  doctrine  of  retribution 
here  and  (probably)  hereafter.  It  is  not  metrical,  and 
its  best  imagery,  that  of  the  tree  planted  by  the  river- 
side, is  borrowed  from  Jer.  17s,  and  has  lost  something 
of  its  original  beauty  in  the  appropriation. 

1-3.  Negatively  the  righteous  man  avoids  those  who 
are  wicked  and  who  turn  religion  into  mockery.  These 
last  scorn  self-restraint  and  piety,  and  in  effect,  though 
not  in  theory,  are  atheists.  They  scorn  God  and  He 
scorns  them  (Pr.  334).  Positively  the  saintly  scribe 
delights  in  the  fear  of  Yahweh  (so  emend  2a).  He 
spends  day  and  night  in  the  study  of  the  Law  and 
therefore  prospers  in  all  that  he  undertakes. 

4f.  The  contrary  fate  of  the  wicked.  They  will  not 
be  able  to  maintain  themselves  (or  their  cause)  in  the 
Day  of  Judgment.  They  are  to  be  condemned  in  the 
congregation  of  the  righteous,  i.e.  of  the  new  Israel, 
sifted  by  judgment  and  absolutely  pure.  Judgment 
is  given  on  a  moral  principle.  Yahweh  takes  cog- 
nisance of  the  righteous,  whereas  the  way,  or  conduct, 
of  the  wicked  brings  about  their  own  ruin. 

II.  Messiah's  Reign.— Also  without  a  title.  Here 
we  have  a  distinctly  Messianic  Ps.,  put  in  this  place, 
possibly,  as  an  introduction  to  other  Messianic  Pss. 
which  follow.  Messianic  it  is  in  the  strictest  sense  of 
the  word,  for  it  does  not  look  forward  to  a  dynasty  of 
Davidic  kings  (cf.  Jer.  234ff.,  Ezek.  342  3).  t>r  to  the 
direct  intervention  of  Yahweh,  as  2  Is.  and  Malachi  do. 
Rather  the  Kingdom  of  God  is  to  bo  founded  and  main- 
tained by  an  anointed  King  who  is  the  Son  of  God 
and  His  vicar  on  earth.  The  poet  speaLs  as  if  the  ideal 
King  had  already  ascended  His  throne.  But  we  cannot 
be  sure  that  the  Ps.  refers  to  an  actual  king  then  alive. 


374 


PSALMS,  II 


flo  is  present  to  the  imagination  of  the  Psalmist :  that 
is  all  we  can  say.  Much  less  can  we  point  to  any 
contemporary  in  whom  his  dream  was  already  realised. 
Commentators  have  put  the  Ps.  back  as  far  as  David's 
time  or  on  to  that  of  Alexander  Jannasus  (p.  608),  a 
bloodthirsty  prince  of  Maccabean  race  who  died  in 
78  B.C.  The  Ps.  is  freqiit-ntly  quoted  in  the  NT  (Ac.  425, 
1333;  Heb.  I5,  55  ;  Rev.  227,  19i5).  But  it  does  not, 
except  in  a  very  general  sense  and  with  large  allowance, 
prepare  the  way  for  the  Christian  Messiah.  Certainly 
it  docs  not  breathe  Christ's  spirit.     Sec-  p.  372. 

1-3.  The  heathen  strive  to  rid  tliemselves  of  Messiah's 

froke. — 4-6.  But  in  vain  :  Yahwoh  enthroned  on  high 
aughs  at  this  conspiracy  and  will  at  the  appointed 
time  annul  it.  According  to  tho  LXX  it  is  the  Messiah 
who  speaks.  "  But  I  have  been  installed  by  him  on 
Zion  hia  holy  mountain." — 7-9.  Men  are  Yahweh's 
servants.  Israel  collectively  is  Yahweh's  child  (Hos. 
Ill):  Israel's  kings  are  individually  sons  of  Yahweh 
(2  S.  7i4).  The  Messiah  is  Son  of  Yahweh  in  a 
unique  sense.  As  such  he  is  the  Lord  of  the  world, 
and  the  heathen  have  no  chance  against  Him.  The 
Psalmist  includes  all  this  in  the  oracle  ("  the  decree  ") 
given  to  Him  on  the  day  of  His  coronation. — 10-12. 
Kings  of  other  lands  are  invited  to  do  homage,  eie 
is  too  late.  "  Kiss  the  son  "in  12a  is  an  impossible 
rendering,  and  those  in  mg.  are  no  better.  The  text 
is  hopelessly  corrupt,  though  probably  some  outward 
mark  of  submission  is  referred  to. 

III.  A  Morning  Hymn  of  Triumph  and  Peace. — It 
is  a  king  or  party  leader  who  speaks,  but  who  he  was 
or  when  he  wrote  we  cannot  say.  The  conjecture  in 
the  title  is  of  no  value  except  as  an  extreme  instance 
of  failure  on  the  part  of  editors  to  understand  the 
Ps.  before  them  and  the  real  character  of  David  their 
hero.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  pathbs  natural  in  such 
a  situation  (contrast  2  S.  18).  No  tenderness  mingles 
with  the  thought  of  victory.  Tho  Psalmist  was  hard 
beset.  He  cried  to  the  Gk)d  who  lived  in  the  Temple. 
The  victory  was  won.  The  Psalmist  sleeps  in  peace, 
and  awakes  full  of  trust  now  that  his  enemies  have 
suffered  a  cnishing  defeat. — 6i.  Translate  "  people," 
not  'the  people." — la.  Yahweh  has  already  saved 
him. 

IV.  An  Evening  Hymn  by  a  Man  High  in  Office 
whose  Rule  Excites  Jealousy  and  Resistance.— The 
Psalmist  begins  with  an  appeal  to  "  the  God  of  his 
righteousness,"  i.e.  tho  God  who  declares  that  his 
case  is  good.  Tho  Heb.  words  usually  translated 
"  righteousness,"  "  righteoas,  "  "  make  righteous  " 
were  originally  legal  in  their  impUcation.  A  righteous 
man  was  one  whose  cause  was  decided  in  his  favour, 
so  that  he  was  clear  of  guilt  in  the  judgment  of  the 
Court.  Next  (2-5)  he  appeals  to  his  foes  who  slander 
him  and  bring  reproach  upon  his  office,  possibly  that 
of  High  Priest.  However  angry  they  may  be,  they 
are  exhorted  to  quiet  their  hearts  with  silent  medita- 
tion. They  are  moreover  to  "  offer  the  sacrifices  of 
righteousness,"  i.*-.  sacrifices  in  which  the  Pentateuchal 
ritual  was  strictly  observed.  "  Grodly "  in  3  is  a 
technical  term,  and  represents  tho  Heb.  Hasid.  in  Gr. 
Asidcan.  It  was  applied  in  Maccabean  times  to  Jews 
who  adhered  to  the  Law  in  the  face  of  opposition  and 
opposed  the  introduction  of  Greek  culture  by  tho  Greek 
kings  of  Syria.  It  occurs  only  in  the  Ps-s.  and  chiefly 
in  Pss.-  which  on  other  grounds  are  assigned  to  a  late 
period  (see  1  Mac.  7i3ff.).  There  is,  however,  some 
doubt  about  its  occurrence  here,  3a  being  difficult  as 
it  stands  and  capable  of  easy  emendation  into  "  Thou 
hast  wondrous  loving  kindness  for  me." — Tho  meaning 
of  4  is  very  doubtful ;  RV  and  RVm  are  both  possible. 


— 11.  Ls  one  of  the  nobiobt  passages  in  the  Psalter,  and  is 
of  extreme  importance  for  tho  history  of  religion  (see 
p.  370).  Men  are  on  the  watch  for  signs  of  coming 
prosperity  ;  they  hope  for  plenteous  harvests  and  tho 
like.  The  Psalmist,  on  the  other  hand,  recalls  tho 
blessing  of  tho  High  Priest  in  Nu.  G24ff.  "  Yahweh 
bless  thee  and  keep  thee,"  etc  He  finds  his  rest  in 
God,  and  is  happier  in  Divine  communion  than  other 
men  are  in  the  possesaion  of  their  wealth.  Ho  lies 
down  and  is  soon  asleep  in  tho  pc-aco  God  gives. 

V.  A  Hymn  for  Morning  Sacrifice  in  the  Temple.— 
1-3.  Solemn  invocation  of  Yahweh.  Tho  Psalmist  seta 
in  order  (3),  not  perhaps  Ixis  prayer  (RV),  but  his 
sacrifice,  the  victim  and  the  kindled  wood  upon  the 
altar.  Laying  out  or  ordering  in  this  sense  is  a  common 
technical  use  of  the  Heb.  verb.  "  Keep  watch  "  may 
refer  to  a  watch  for  favourable  signs  before  or  during 
the  sacrifice. — 4-7.  The  bloodthirsty  can  find  no 
acceptance  before  God.  Unlike  them,  the  Psalmist 
approaches  God  "  in  fear."  This  word  is  used  as  a 
summary  of  Jewish  religion,  though,  of  course,  men 
like  Hosea  and  the  DeuteronomLst  knew  very  well  that 
Israel  was  bound  not  only  to  fear  but  also  to  lovo 
Yahweh.  Many  Psalmists  placed  God's  dwelling-placo 
in  heaven,  but  the  belief  that  God  also  dwelt  "  in  hia 
holy  temple  "  still  held  its  ground,  at  least  in  the 
popular  creed. — 8-12.  The  poet  prays  for  Divine 
guidance,  for  the  defeat  of  the  wicked,  and  the  triumph 
of  the  righteous,  concluding  with  that  note  of  absolute 
confidence  in  God,  which  is  the  most  strildng  charac- 
teristic of  the  Psalter.  Translate  9,  "  Their  inward 
desire  is  one  of  engulfing  ruin,"  i.e.  the  ruin  of  the  good. 
Hence  (10)  God  "  declares  them  guilty,"  and  does  so 
by  the  calamities  He  inflicts,  which  are  the  tokens  of 
His  wrath.  The  "  name  "  of  Yahweh  is  His  revealed 
character  ;  so  we  speak  of  a  man  as  having  a  good 
or  bad  "  name,"  i.e.  reputation. 

VI..  A  Righteous  Mans  Prayer  in  Distress.— (a) 
Notice  (i-7)  the  recognition  of  the  fact  that  suffering 
is  not  always  the  proof  of  guilt  and  of  God's  wrath. 
Sometimes  it  is  sent  to  prove,  correct,  and  purify  the 
righteous.  So  here  i,  Ps.  6(>3-i2,  Job  5i7,  and 
especially  Pr.  3iif.* 

(h)  Reward  or  penalty,  if  they  come  at  all,  must, 
according  to  the  general  teaching  of  the  Psalter,  come 
in  this  lifii ;  the  life  beyond  tho  grave  is  scarcely 
worthy  of  the  name.  The  dea<l  are  gathered  together 
in  the  subterranean  pit  of  Sheol.  They  are  cut  off 
from  the  light  of  the  world,  and  above  all,  from  the 
light  of  Gods  presence  and  from  communion  with 
Him.     See  Ps.  30o,  8810-12,  11.5i7.  Is.  38i8. 

(c)  Yahwoh  has  heard  the  Psiilmist's  prayer  and  will 
grant  it  still  more  by  defeating  his  enemies  (8-10). 

VII.  A  and  VII.  B. — Here  two  Pss.  have  been  welded 
together.  In  1-5,  12-17  a  man  hard  bestead  in  spite 
of  his  innocence  pleads  his  cause  before  God.  In  6-1 1 
Israel  personified  asks  for  justice  at  God's  hands  and 
bi'gs  Him  to  summon  all  nations  to  the  groat  assize, 
that  they  may  attest  the  Divine  sentence  whioh  declares 
Israel  innocent. 

A.  1-5,  12-17.  The  parenthesis  in  4  ia  difficidt. 
Read  with  slight  change  of  MT  and  with  support  of 
Syr.  and  Targ.,  "  And  oppressed  him  that  without 
cause  was  mine  enemy."  In  this  way  we  recover 
sense  and  gramniar,  nor  do  we  lose  anytliing  by  re- 
moving the  love  of  enemies  from  the  OT  and  confining 
it  to  its  proper  place  in  the  NT.  In  12  follow  mg. 
The  enemy  is  the  subject  in  12-15.  In  13  translate, 
"  It  is  for  himself  that  ho  has  (unwittingly)  prepared 
the  instruments  of  death." 

B.  6-11.  Read  m  lb  ''  over  them  be  enthroned  on 


PSALMS,  XV 


375 


high.'  " — 96  may  be  a  reminiscence  of  Jer.  11 20. — 
10!.  is  hopelessly  corrupt.  Read,  jierhaps,  "  My  shield 
over  mo  is  God." 

VIII.  A  Nature  Psalm.— If.  The  majesty  of  God.  In 
MT  2  defies  the  rudiments  of  Hob.  grammar  and  all 
attempt  at  translation.  Of  many  emendations  the 
following  is  the  most  ingenious  and  does  least  violence 
to  the  text,  "  Let  me  sing,  I  pray  thee,  of  thy  glory 
above  the  heavens,  [though]  with  the  mouth  of  babes 
and  sucklings.  Thou  hast  founded  a  stronghold  be- 
cause of  thine  enemies,  to  still  the  foe  and  the  avenger." 
The  reference  may  be  to  the  chaotic  power  of  darkness 
dispelled  by  the  God  of  hght,  whom  the  Hebrews 
identified  with  Yahweh. — 3f.  The  insignificance  of 
man. — [Observe  that  "son  of  man"  is  equivalent 
to  "man."  It  has  not  the  special  significance 
it  bears  in  the  apocalyptic  hterature  and  the  NT. 
Probably  it  bears  the  same  significance  in  the  quota- 
tion in  Heb.  as  in  the  Ps.  The  author  of  Heb.  26-8* 
gives  a  temporal  sense  to  5a,  referring  it  to  man's 
temporary  inferiority  ("a  little  while  lower")  to  the 
angels,  and  turns  5b  into  a  contrast  rather  than  a 
parallel  with  5a,  expressing  man's  lordship  of  the 
world  to  come,  not  as  yet  realised,  it  is  true,  but 
guaranteed  to  us  by  the  fact  that  Jesus  is  already 
crowned. — A.  S.  P.]— 5-8.  Man's  greatness  as  God's 
vicegerent.  Elohim  is  translated  "  angels "  in  AV 
and  "  God  "  in  RV.  It  includes  the  angels,  who  were 
originally  gods,  and  were,  under  the  influence  of  mono- 
theism, degraded  to  the  rank  of  Yahweh's  servants. 

IX.  and  X.  Yahweh  the  Refuge  of  His  People.— 
These  two  Pss.,  divided  in  MT,  were  originally  one, 
This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  they  are  one  in  LXX. 
and  Vulg.,  by  the  absence  of  title  over  Ps.  10,  and, 
conclusively,  by  the  evidence  that  9  and  10  form 
one  acrostic  poem.  It  was  arranged  in  strophes  of 
four  lines  each,  the  first  letter  of  each  strophe  being 
one  of  the  lettei's  of  the  Heb.  alphabet  in  regular 
succession.  This  system  is  carried  out  in  the  whole 
of  Ps.  9  to  2  in  Ps.  10.  So  far  we  have  the  first 
twelve  letters  of  the  alphabet,  the  only  omission  being 
that  of  the  fourth  letter,  which,  however,  can  be  supplied 
by  an  easy  and  convancing  emendation.  Then  from 
IO3  to  lOii  the  acrostic  character  disappears  and  can 
be  recovered  only  by  precarious  emendation.  It  re- 
appears in  12  and  continues  to  the  end,  where  the 
strophes  begin  with  the  last  four  letters  of  the  alphabet. 
This  irregularity  impUes  great  corruption  in  MT,  and 
shows,  like  the  comparison  of  Ps.  18  with  2  S.  22,  that 
any  absolute  trust  in  that  text  is  misplaced. 

The  subject-matter  raises  a  further  difficulty.  The 
poem  is  in  part  a  triumphal  song  over  Israels  foes, 
but  the  writer  oscillates  between  the  thought  of  foreign 
oppressors  and  of  godless  Israelites  who  defy  Yahweh 
and  spoil  the  orphan  and  the  afflicted.  A  very  slight 
envendation  in  16,  "  proud  "  instead  of  "  nations," 
removes  this  second  difficulty.  But  a  third  remains  : 
the  Psalmist  begins  with  gratitude  for  the  defeat  of  liis 
adversaries  and  changes  his  song  to  one  of  supplication 
for  a  victory  which  is  not  yet  secure. 

IX.  13f.  Observe  the  contrast  between  the  gates  of 
Sheol  and  those  of  Zion. — X.  4.  Here,  as  always  in  the 
OT,  the  atheism  meant  is  practical  not  theoreticaL 
The  "  godless  "  believe  in  a  God  who  lives  far  away 
and  does  not  trouble  Himself  with  human  afifairs. — 
5.  Read,  "  He  prospers  in  his  ways  at  all  times.  '  The 
villages  in  Ps.  10  may,  being  unwalled,  have  fallen  an 
easy  prey  to  the  enemy,  or,  more  probably,  they  have 
become  nests  of  robbers.  The  LXX.  108  reads,  "  He 
eitteth  in  ambush  with  the  rich." 

XI.  Yahweh  the  Sure   Refuge.— 1-3.  Tlie  problem 


stated.  The  wicked  are  bold  :  the  righteous  cannot 
meet  their  attack.  They  can  but  flee  Uko  a  "  littlo 
bird  "  (the  habitual  meaning  of  the  word  translated 
"bird").  "The  mountain"  (LXX)  is  preferable  to 
"  your  mountain."  An  eagle  might  be  poetically  de- 
scribed as  lord  of  the  mountain,  not  so  a  "  little  bird," 
which  seeks  refuge  there.  The  reason  for  this  despair 
is  that  while  the  very  foundations  of  social  order  have 
been  shaken,  the  righteous  have  made  no  head  against 
prevailing  evil.  After  all  "  what  hath  the  righteous 
done"  or  effected  ?  (mg.).  The  answer  (4-7),  Yahweh 
is  in  His  heavenly  Temple.  But  far  from  dwelling 
apart.  He  ])roves  or  tests  the  righteous.  He  rains 
burning  wood  on  the  wicked  (so  emend  the  senseless 
word  "  snares  "  in  6).  "  Tho  righteous  behold  his 
face,"  i.e.  have  the  sense  of  His  gracious  presence. 

XII.  A  Prayer  of  Faithful  Jews  against  the  Arrogant 
Tongue  of  the  Ungodly.— 1-4.  "  The  godly  man 
ceaseth  "  (see  Ps.  4 1-5).  The  wicked  acknowledge  no 
responsibility  for  their  words  :  they  say,  "  To  our 
tongues  we  give  might,"  i.e.  free  rem. — 5-8.  Yahweh 
declares  His  intention  of  rising  in  defence  of  tho  poor 
and  needy.  Here  the  author  quotes  (unless  the 
identity  of  the  words  be  mere  coincidence)  Is.  33 10. 
He  relies  on  a  Divine  promise  there  given,  to  which 
he  now  (56)  appeals.  Well  may  he  rely  on  the  promise, 
for  Yahweh's  words  are  like  silver  purified  from  dross 
seven  times  over.  The  Ps.  must  be  very  late,  if  it 
really  quotes  Is.  33*  as  Scripture,  for  that  chapter 
probably  belongs  to  the  second  century  B.C. — 6.  furnace 
on  the  earth :   the  words  are  of  unlmown  meaning. 

XIII.  A  Prayer  in  Distress  with  Confldence  of  Final 
Victory. — 2.  Read,  "  How  long  must  I  bear  affliction 
on  my  soul  ?  "  (ii«)  and  in  the  same  verse  "  day  and 
night "  (LXX,  in  some  codices)  or  by  conjecture  "  day 
after  daj'." — 5f.  confidence  in  coming  deliverance. 

XIV.  and  LIII.  This  Ps.  occurs  twice  in  the  Psalter, 
and  an  examination  of  the  double  form  in  which  we 
have  it,  is  important  for  the  light  it  throws  on  the  value 
of  MT.  It  proves  that  the  text  presented  variants 
and  corruptions  which  go  back  beyond  the  present 
compilation  of  the  Heb.  Pss.  This  Ps.  was  inserted 
in  an  early  collection,  and  afterwards  in  the  Elohistic 
Psalt«r,  Pss.  42-83.  In  this  latter  collection  the  namo 
Y^ahweh  seldom  occurs,  Elohim  (God)  constantly  re- 
placing it.  Hence  whereas  in  14  Yahweh  is  found  four 
times,  in  53  it  is  always  replaced  by  "  God."  In  4 
each  recension  is  corrupt,  for  though  EV  gives  good 
sense  it  is  not  philologically  justified.  The  addition 
of  one  letter  would  make  this  translation  possible. 
Either  emend  thus  or  read,  "  though  they  have  eaten 
the  bread  of  Yahweh,  on  Y'ahweh  they  have  not 
called."  In  5  the  texts  are  in  complete  discord.  Ps.  14 
has,  53  has  not,  the  words  "  where  no  fear  was."  In 
146  mg.  gives  good  sense  ;  the  Heb.  particle  trans- 
lated "  but  "  cannot,  however,  bear  that  meaning, 
unless  preceded  by  a  negative.  The  corresponding 
line  in  53  runs  thus  :  "  For  God  hath  scattered  the 
bones  of  him  that  encampeth  against  thee." 

The  Ps.  falls  mto  two  parts. — 1-6.  The  cruelty  and 
practical  atheism  of  wicked  Jews,  for  it  was  Jews,  not 
heathen,  who  could  be  expected  to  "  seek  after  God." — 
7.  The  Messianic  hope.  The  Psalmist  anticipates  a 
time  when  Y'ahweh  will  "  bring  back  the  capti\ity  of 
his  people."  This  expression  need  not  mean  more  than 
a  radical  change  for  tho  better  in  the  state  of  the 
people.  ■■  Restore  the  fortune  "  would  be  an  awiequate 
translation  (cf.  Job  42io). 

XV.  Yahwehs  Client.— The  Phoenicians  were  familiar 
with  the  idea  that  a  man  might  become  tho  client  of 
a  god  and  so  put  iiimself  under  Divine  protection. 


376 


PSALMS,  XV 


They  used  tho  Banie  word  for  "  client  "  as  the  Hebrews, 
\\z.'ger.  Hcnco  we  have  such  names  in  Phoenician,  as 
Gcrastart,  "  client  of  Astarte,"  Gorhekal.  ""  client  of 
the  temple,"  etc.  But  to  be  Yahweh's  client  moral 
qualities  are  necessary  ;  indeed  no  others  arc  mentioned 
here.  With  the  whole  Ps.  c/.  Is.  .33 1 3-16.— 1.  tent 
(so  Heb.,  c/.  mg.)  is  a  poetical  name  for  tho  Temple. — 
4.  "  To  his  own  hurt  "  is  abbreviated  from  "  to  hia 
own  advantage  or  to  his  own  hurt  "  ;  whatever  the 
result  of  keeping  his  oath  may  be  to  himself.  CJ. 
Nu.  24 1 3,  "  I  cannot  go  beyond  tho  word  of  Yahweh 
to  do  either  good  or  bad." — 5.  The  Law  forbade  a 
Hebrew  tu  take  interest  from  a  compatriot :  it  was  no 
fault  to  take  it  from  a  Gentile  (see,  e.g.,  Dt.  23 20). 
I*robably  tho  Psalmist  was  thinking  only  of  interest 
taken  from  a  brother,  i.e.  a  Jew  (p.  112). 

XVI.  God,  the  Supreme  Good.— 1-3.  The  Psalmist's 
devotion  to  God  and  His  saints. — 26,  3.  The  text  is 
cori-upt ;  RV  requires  a  slight  emendation  or  we  may 
supply,  "  I  have  said,"  from  2.  "  And  I  havo  said 
of  the  holy  ones  that  are  in  the  land  :  they  are  tho 
excellent  ones  in  whom  is  all  my  delight.  "  But  the 
LXX  had  a  verj'  different  text.  Some  ancient  autho- 
rities omit  zh  or  read,  "  because  thou  hast  no  need  of 
my  goods."  In  LXX  3  reads,  "  For  the  holy  ones  that 
are  in  the  earth,  he  hath  made  all  his  good  pleasure 
marvellous."  Many  attempts  have  been  made  to 
restore  the  original  toxt  by  conjecture  or  with  the  help 
of  the  LXX.  Such  are,  "  He  dealeth  nobly  with  the 
holy  ones  who  arc  in  the  earth  :  all  his  good  pleasure 
is  in  them  "  ;  "I  have  no  bliss  apart  from  thee  and 
from  the  noble  ones  ;  all  his  good  pleasure  is  in  them." 
'•  I  have  no  bliss  apart  from  thee  and  from  the  noble 
ones  in  whom  is  all  my  delight." 

4-6.  The  Psalmist  will  have  nothing  to  do 
with  idols  :  God  is  his  portion. — 4.  The  meaning  is 
again  obscured  by  textual  corruption.  Ihc  following 
renderings  have  been  given,  e.g.  "'  They  shall  multiply 
their  sins  who  hurry  backwards,"  i.e.  by  apostasy  : 
"  Many  praise  those  who  multiply  their  idols."  In 
reality  their  drink  offerings  arc  no  better  than  sacrifices 
of  blood,  i.e.  of  muider  (r/.  Is.  663),  and  the  Psalmist 
will  not  pollute  his  lips  with  the  names  of  foreign  gods. 

7-11.  The  contrasted  lot  of  the  righteous.  Yahweh 
maintains  him  in  the  land  he  has  inherited  and 
fills  his  cup  with  joy.  His  reins,  a  chief  seat  of 
emotion,  suggest  to  him  in  the  lonely  night  the  steps 
he  shall  take.  He  is  secure  in  body  and  soul.  RV 
renders  rightly  "  Thou  shalt  not  leave  his  soul  to 
Sheol  "  ;  AV  "  in  Hell  "  (Hades)  is  quite  misleading. 
The  Jewish  saint  docs  not  expect  to  live  after  death. 
For  the  present  at  least  ho  is  not  to  die  at  all.  Sheol 
will  not  lay  hold  of  him  :  he  will  not  see  the  pit  (vig.), 
which  is  a  synonj-m  for  Sheol.  Tho  rendering  "  cor- 
ruption "  is  false.  What  is  meant  by  exompticm  from 
death  ?  It  is  tcmjiting  to  regard  the  promise  as  one 
made  to  the  ideal  Israel.  The  nation  once  purified 
would  endure  for  ever.  But  nothing  in  tho  context 
suggests  this  interpretation.  Probably  the  poet  is 
thinking  merely  of  long  life,  tho  reward  of  the  pious 
(c/.  Ps.  63).  To  sum  up.  (11)  Yahweh  instructs  the 
good  man  in  the  way  of  righteousness.  He  rewards 
him  with  length  of  days  and  is  ready  to  confer  the 
fullness  of  joy,  spiritual  and  material. 

XVII.  The"  Prayer  of  a  Godly  Man  for  Deliverance 
from  his  Foes. — Those  foes  are  not  foreign  enemies 
but  worldly  Jews  who  persecute  their  pious  and  innocent 
neighbours.  The  crj*  for  Divine  help  is  made  in  i 
and  is  repeated  in  6  and  13. 

1-5.  In  2  follow  mg.—Zb.  With  slight  alteration  of 
the  text  translate  "  Thou  shalt  find  no  evil  thought 


in  me  ;  my  mouth  shalt  not  transgress."  Such  self- 
complacency  is  common  in  the  Pss.  and  is  a  marked 
point  of  divergence  from  Christian  piety. — 4  is  hope- 
lessly corrupt ;  even  RV  requires  an  emended  text 
and  "  As  for  the  works  of  men  "  gives  no  satisfactory 
sense. 

6-12. — lOf/.  "  They  have  closed  their  fat"  (c/.  mg.), 
i.e.  their  gross,  unreceptive  heart.  This  is  a  good  de- 
scription of  worldly  Jews,  but  is  quite  unsuitable  if 
applied  to  foreign  invaders. 

14.  Translate,  "  from  men  with  thy  right  hand,  O 
Yahweh,  from  men  whoso  portion  is  from  this  world 
all  their  life  long,  and  whose  belly  thou  fillest  with  thy 
hid  treasure,"  etc.  Another  admirable  description  of 
worldly  Jews.  Two  points  descrt'c  notice,  (a)  The 
Psalmist  rises  above  the  common  notion  which  prevails 
in  the  Pss.  and  OT  generally,  that  material  pros- 
perity is  always  a  token  of  Divine  approval.  (6)  Tho 
PsalrtiLst,  probably  though  not  certainly,  has  in  his 
mind  the  hope  of  Hfe  after  death.  But  this  hope  is  not 
definitely  expressed  (p.  371).  In  15  "  When  I  wake" 
is  best  taken  in  its  literal  sense.  The  Psalmist  when 
morning  dawns  will  visit  the  Temple.  Then  like  Isaiah 
(Is.  6)  he  hopes  to  see  the  "  glory  "  of  Yahweh  or  Hia 
"  beauty  "  (Ps.  274).  "  Glory  "  indeed  is  the  LXX 
rendering  of  the  word  which  is  commonly  and  more 
strictly  translated  by  "  likeness." 

XVIII.  See  p.  367  for  tho  reasons  which  make  it 
impossible  to  ascribe  this  Ps.  to  David.  Even  scholars 
who  hold  traditional  views  admit  that  he  cannot  havo 
written  it  as  it  stands,  and  that  additional  matter  has 
been  interiwlated  by  later  scribes.  The  language, 
which  is  Aramaic  in  its  colouring,  confirms  the  view 
that  it  is  late,  and  so  does  tho  theophany  in  3-20  when 
compared  with  Dt.  32.  Possibly  a  later  writer  com- 
posed it  and  put  it  by  a  very  permissible  license  in 
Davids  mouth.  If  so,  he  paints  David  not  as  he  was, 
but  as  a  later  age  conceived  him  to  be,  a  warrior  on 
the  one  hand,  a  strict  observer  of  the  Law  upon  the 
other.  The  portrait  would  then  agree  with  that  given 
in  Chronicles.  It  is,  however,  quite  as  likely  that  tho 
Ps.  is  intended  to  glorify  the  success  of  a  hero  in  tho 
Maccabcan  age,  the  first  time  known  in  which  legal 
piety  was  united  with  leadership  in  battles.  Little  is 
to  be  said  for  the  view  that  the  writer  speaks  in  the 
name  of  the  Jewish  nation. 

We  have  another  recension  in  2  S.  22.  There  are 
numerous  divergences  which  testify  to  the  uncertain 
state  of  the  text  here  and  by  inference  elsewhere. 
The  Ps.  and  the  last  words  of  David  that  follow  it  are 
a  late  insertion  in  2  S.  They  destroy  the  connexion 
between  2  S.4il22  and  238. 

1-6.  Introductory,  i  is  absent  in  2  S.  which,  on 
the  other  hand,  adds  at  the  end  of  2,  "  And  my  refuge, 
my  saviour  that  savest  me  from  violence." — 2.  the 
horn  of  my  salvation :  i.e.  the  weapon  which  secures 
victory.  The  metaphor  is  taken  from  a  bull's  horn. — 
5.  Read  with  2  S.,  "  breakers  of  death  "  for  "  snares 
of  death." — 6.  the  heavenly  palace  is  meant. 

7-19.  Yahweh  appears. — 10.  For  tho  chenibim,  who 
bore  the  throne  of  Yahweh  from  place  to  place,  see 
Ezek.  1.  The  word  cherub  and  the  idea  it  represents 
were  probably  borrowed  from  the  Babylonian  winged 
bulls  which  were  the  protecting  genii  of  the  house  (Gen. 
324*,  Is.  62*).  In  Jg.  54f.  Yahweh  strides  northwards 
to  help  His  people. — 12.  Translate  "  without  radiance 
before  him  thick  clouds  passed." 

20-30.  Yahweh  has  rewarded  the  Psalmist  for  liia 
strict  observance  of  the  Law,  and  this  is  the  general 
principle  of  His  government. — 266.  CJ.  1  K.  2220, 
2  S.  24 1,  and  contrast  Laotse,  the  Chineee  sage,  in 


PSALMS,  XXXI 


377 


Grill's  translation.  "  I  deal  well  with  him  who  deals 
well  with  me  :  I  deal  well  likewise  with  him  who  is 
not  good."  To  repay  injury  with  kindness  is  indeed 
a  principle  with  I^aotse.  He  was  born  in  604  B.C. — 
28.  In  2  S.  "  Thou  art  my  lamp,  0  Yahweh."— 29. 
"  I^ap  over  a  wall,"  i.e.  of  a  besieged  city. 

31-45.  The  Psalmist  recurs  to  a  success  in  battle 
given  by  Yahweh. — 35.  "  Thy  gentleness  hath  made 
me  great."  Un parallelled  in  OT.  2  S.  points  differ- 
ently, "  thy  answer,"  i.e.  to  my  prayer.  The  LXX  also 
point  differently,  "  thy  discipline  has  made  me  great." 
— 41.  The  Psaimisfs  foes  call  on  Yahweh  and  must 
therefore  have  been  at  least  in  part  Jews  or  Samaritans. 

46-60.  Ascription  of  praise. 

XIX.  A.  1-6.  The  Revelation  of  God  in  Nature.— A 
fragment  of  a  longer  poem.  Day  and  night  are  pic- 
tured as  living  beings  who  hand  on  the  tradition  of 
God's  creative  act  from  age  to  ago  (see  Job  83-10*). — 
3  is  a  prosaic  gloss  to  guard  agauist  any  idea  that 
the  heavenly  bodies  speak  in  the  literal  sense. — 4. 
for  "  line  "  read  "  voice.'"- — In  them  :  i.e.  "  in  the 
heavens,"  but  the  text  is  probably  corrupt. 

XIX.  B.  7-13.  An  Independent  Poem  in  Praise  of 
the  Law. — In  13  follow  mg.  The  "  proud  "  are  bad 
Jews. 

XX.  A  prayer  for  deliverance  from  national  disaster, 
changing  (probably  after  the  sacrifice  has  been  offered) 
into  confidence  at  6 ;  ''  Now  know  I,"  etc.  The  mention 
of  a  king  or  "  anointed  one  "  would  seem  to  place  the 
Ps.  in  pre-cxilic  times,  unless  we  are  prepared  to 
carry  it  down  to  the  reign  of  Aristobulus  I  m.  60S),  the 
first  of  the  Maccabees  who  took  the  royal  title  (105 
B.C.).  Certainly  the  religious  tone  is  in  favour  of  a 
Maccabean  date. 

9.  Follow  WM/. 

XXI.  A  Thanksgiving  for  Royal  Victory.— The  in- 
dications of  date  are  the  same  as  in  20,  though  the 
tone  is  less  religious. 

46.  For  the  hyperbole  cf.  1  K.  I31,  Ps.  6l7f.— 6.  in 
thy  presence:  the  king  dwelt  hard  by  the  Temple. — 
9.  Read,  perhaps,  "  Thou  as  a  furnace  shalt  destroy 
them,  like  a  fire  at  the  time  when  thou  appearest." 

XXII.  This  Ps.  (p.  372)  consists  of  two  parts.  In  1-21 
a  godly  man  in  deep  and  manifold  distress  complains 
that  the  God  of  his  fathers,  the  God  who  has  been  with 
him  from  the  beginning,  has  deserted  him  (see  p.  372). 
22-31  is  a  liturgical  addition  :  it  expresses  the  pious 
Israelite's  gratitude  for  Israel's  glory,  which  is  to  be 
acknowledged  even  by  the  heathen.  No  attempt  is 
made  to  bridge  the  gulf  between  the  despair  of  1-2 1 
and  the  confidence  of  the  added  verses,  which  depict 
Israel's  prosijcrity  as  already  come. 

3.  The  LXX  read,  "  Thou'dweilest  in  the  holy  place, 
0  thou  that  art  Israel's  praise,"  i.e.  the  theme  of  his 
praise. — 16.  MT  has,  "  They  dug  into  my  hands  and 
feet,"  or  according  to  another  reading,  "  As  a  lion 
[they  compassed]  my  hands  and  my  feet."  Neither 
men  nor  lions  would  make  a  special  attack  on  hands 
or  feet.  It  is  impossible  to  give  any  satisfactory 
explanation. — 18.  The  "  garments  "  and  the  "  vesture  " 
are  two  parallel  words  for  the  same  thing,  so  that  the 
interpretation  in  Jn.  I924  is  untenable. — 21.  thou  hast 
answered  me:  read,  "  Help  me."  The  parallohsra  re- 
qtiiros  some  such  verb. 

XXm.  Yahweh  as  Shepherd  (1-4)  and  Host  (5/.).— 
2fj.  "  waters  of  rest "  as  in  mg. — 3.  Read,  "  right 
path.s  "  :  the  metaphor  is  still  inaintained. — 4a.  Read 
mg.—V).  The  staff  supportn,  the  rod  protects. 

XXIV.  If.  Yahweh  the  f'leator. 
r      2.  For  the  water  under  the  earth,  c/.  Ex.  2O4.     There 
\  was  sea  below  the  earth,  another  on  a  level  with  the 


earth,  and  a  third  ocean  above  the  firmament  (Gen. 
I6f.*). 

3-6.  The  moral  qualities  required  of  the  worshippers 
m  the  Temple  {cf.  Ps.  15). 

7-10.  Once  more  Yahweh  m  His  glory  enters  the 
Temple.  The  Ps.  may  have  been  composed  for  the 
feast  of  the  Encaenia  (cf.  Jn.  IO22*,  p.  104),  which 
celebrated  the  purification  of  the  Temple  in  165  B.C. 
by  Judas  Maccabajus  (p.  607). 

XXV.  An  acrostic  poem  composed  of  religious 
maxims  and  prayers  which  have  little  or  no  connexion 
with  each  other.  The  text  is  imperfect,  for  in  i8f. 
the  letter  Q  is  omitted  and  R  is  repeated  twice. 

9.  In  post-exilic  times  the  pious  Jews  were  usually 
poor.  Hence  the  favourite  virtue  of  the  good  Jews 
was  submission  to  God,  gentleness,  resignation  ;  such 
are  the  persons  here  called  "  meek."  See  Ps.  62  for 
the  estimate  of  riches  in  later  times. — 11.  for  it  is 
great:  and  so  too  hard  for  me. — 14.  The  secret  of 
Yahweh  is  His  purpose  of  exalting  the  meek. — 22  Ls 
an  addition  to  the  original  acrostic. 

XXVI.  A  persecuted  man  protests  his  absolute  inno- 
cence, his  avoidance  of  unfaithful  Jev/s,  his  joy  in  the 
Temple  service.  The  claim  to  innocence  is  repugnant 
to  Christian  feeling,  scarcely  less  so  than  the  impre- 
cations upon  enemies  which  occur  frequently  in  other 
Pss.  Men  become  humble  in  the  Christian  sense 
through  the  vision  of  Him  in  whom  there  was  no  sin. 

3.  in  thy  truth:  i.e.  in  the  confidence  that  Thou 
art  faithful. — 6.  This  is  the  only  direct  evidence  in  the 
Bible  for  the  festal  procession  round  Yahweh's  altar. — 
12.  congregations :    probably  guilds  of  singers,  etc, 

XXVn.  Many  scholars  hold  that  we  have  here  two 
Pss.,  and  not  without  reason.  1-6  is  the  expression 
of  childlike  trust  under  favourable  circumstances  :  in 
7-14  the  poet  is  in  grievous  auction  and  implores 
Yahweh's  help. 

10.  Read  mg. 

XXVIII.  Prayer  for  deliverance  from  godless  Jews, 
and  for  vengeance  upon  them.  The  Ps.  ends  with 
thanksgiving  and  prayer  for  ruler  and  people. 

2.  Read  mg. — 4.  Yahweh's  "  anointed  "  may  be 
either  a  king  or  a  high  priest. 

XXIX.  Y'ahweh's  glory  in  the  storm  (1-9):  He  is 
enthroned  for  the  protection  of  His  people  (lof.). 

1.  the  sons  of  God  {mg.)  are  superhuman  beings 
('/.  Gen,  61*,  Job  \6*)  who  minister  in  the  heavenly 
Temple.— 26.  Follow  mg.  The  LXX  read,  "in  his 
holy  court." — 6.  Sirion  is  another  name  for  Hermon. — 
7.  MT  makes  no  sense.  Probably  some  word  has 
fallen  out  and  the  meaning  is  that  the  thunder  cleaves 
rocks  or  the  like  [with  flames  of  fire], — 96.  Read 
with  a  different  punctuation,  "  shaketh  the  terebinth 
trees." 

XXX.  Trust  in  God,  not  in  Sell.— The  Ps.  was  not 
intended  originally,  as  the  title  suggests,  for  the  purifi- 
cation and  dedication  of  the  Temple  in  165  B.C.  after 
its  pollution  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (p.  lOi),  Rather 
it  is  the  hymn  of  an  individual,  who  (1-5)  thanks 
Yahweh  for  deUveranco  in  sickness  which  threatened 
death. 

36.  Read  mg. 

6-10.  He  had  made  too  sure  of  his  prosperity,  and 
was  taught  by  pain  his  dependence  on  God.  The 
Hebrew  horror  of  death  (y)  arose  chiefly  from  the  telief 
that  in  death  all  intercourse  with  God  ceased,  Tliis 
differentiates  the  Hebrew  fear  of  death  from  that  of. 
e.g.,  the  Greeks. 

11/,  He  renews  his  thanlugiving. — my  glory:  i.e. 
my  soul  as  the  seat  of  honour  and  dignity. 

XXXI.  Prayer    in    distress    strangely    intermingled 


378 


PSALMS,  XXXI 


w  itli  such  confidence  in  Grod  that  the  deliverance  seema 
to  be  already  accomplished. 

i-3u.  Recurs  wilh  textual  variants  in  Ps,  7 1 1-3. — 
5.  The  poet  commends  liis  spirit  to  God,  that  God  may 
prosorvo  it  from  death.  In  Lk.  2246  the  application 
is  different. — truth:  i.f,  faithfulness. — 15.  The  crises 
of  life  are  in  the  hands  of  Yahwch,  and  Israel  has,  there- 
fore, no  room  for  such  comfort  as,  e.g.,  astrology. — 
21.  The  words  "  in  a  strong  city,"  make  no  sense.  We 
may  translate,  "  althougJi  in  the  heat  of  trouble,"  or 
with  a  slight  emendation  of  MT  "in  the  time  of 
affliction.' 

XXXII.  Pardon  of  Sin.— If.  The  joy  of  Divine  pardon. 
— 3-5.  Sin  remitted  on  confession.— ^f.  The  security 
of  the  godly.  Read,  "  in  time  of  stress  "  and  omit 
*'  surely." — S.  Their  guidance  by  God.  The  general 
sense  13  "  Do  not  wait  till  affliction  compels  re- 
course to  God." — 9.  Read,  "  Be  not  like  horse  and 
mule  which  have  no  understanding,  which  must  be 
brought  to  thee  by  bit  and  bridle."  The  rest  of  the 
verse  is  probably  a  gloss. 

XXXIII.  A  Song  of  Praise.— Tliis  Ps.  has  no  title  in 
!MT.  It  may  have  been  added  at  a  later  time  to  an 
older  collection,  probably  3-41.  The  LXX  prefix, 
"  By  David,  when  he  changed  his  face  before  Abimelech 
{sic)  and  he  loosed  him  and  ho  went  away."  The  Ps, 
is  an  invitation  to  praise  Yahweh  as  the  Creator  and 
for  His  care  of  Israel  throughout  its  history.  Yahweh 
alone  can  save  His  people,  and  for  that  salvation  the 
P.salraist  will  wait. 

XXXIV.  Yahweh's  Care  for  His  Own.— An  acrostic 
Ps.,  the  letter  Waw  being  omitted  aa  in  Ps.  25. 
Yahweh's  care  of  the  j)Oor  who  fear  Him. 

5.  Read  with  LXX.  "  look  to  him,"  "  be  radiant," 
"  your  faces.'" — 7.  "  The  angel,"  i.e.  the  angel  who 
represented  Yahweh  (c/.  Mai.  3i,  Is.  689). 

The  acrostic  is  complete  with  21  ;  22  is  an  addition 
for  liturgical  use  (c/.  2522*). 

XXXV.  Prayer  against  Treacherous  Foes  by  One  who 
is  "  quiet  In  the  land." — 66  should  replace  5b.  Chaff 
driven  before  the  wind  may  well  suggest  the  image  of 
the  angel  pursuing  the  foe — but  not  that  of  pushing 
or  thrusting. — 7.  Read,  •'  Without  a  cause  have  they 
hid  for  me  their  net :  \vithout  a  cause  have  they  dug 
a  pit  for  my  life." — 9f.  "  Soul  "  and  "  bones  "  stand 
for  the  whole  person.—  126.  The  text  cannot  be  right. 
"  Laj-ing  snares  for  my  soul  "  is  a  possible  conjecture. — 
13.  His  prayer  returned  into  his  own  bosom,  because 
his  head  was  bowed  down  and  he  did  not  look  up. — 
15.  abjects:  read  probably  "aliens." — 16.  MT  is 
senseless.  A  conjecture  (c/.  LXX)  is,  "  They  have 
reproached  me  and  mocked  mo  exceedingly.'' 

XXXVI.  We  have  here  two  Pss.  or  fragments  of  two 
Ps%  :    A,  1-4  and  possibly  12,  and  B,  5-1 1- 

XXXVI.  A.  1-4.  A  denunciation  of  wicked  Jews,  who 
might  well  be  in  terror  of  Yahweh  but  are  not.  The 
general  sense  seems  to  be  that  as  God  inspires  His 
prophet",  so  wicke<lness  personified  inspires  sinners 
with  a  false  confidence.  The  sinner  thinks  that  he  has 
made  everything  smooth  for  his  own  interests  and 
need  not  fear  that  God  will  discover  and  hate  his 
iniquity. 

If.  The  text  is  very  doubtful.  We  mav  perhaps 
emend  (cf.  LXX)  and  render  :  "  Thus  saith  the  inspira- 
tion of  the  transgressor.  My  inmost  heart  is  set  on 
doing  evil."  "  And  be  hatod  "  can  scarcely  be  right 
and  mav  be  a  misplacetl  gloss. 

XXXVI.  B.  5-11.  Yahwehs  Lovlng-klndness.— 6. 
mountains  of  God:  i.e.  on  which  God  dwells.  See 
Ezek.  2814. — a  great  deep:  i.e.  Hke  the  great  deep 
which  surrounded  and  bore  up  the  earth  (Crf>n.  l6f.). 


Note  the  universalism ;  Yahweh  preserves  men  aa 
such,  not  merely  Jews  ;  all  nations  are  to  worship  in 
the  Temple. — 96.  The  Ught  of  God's  favour  makes  all 
our  lives  full  of  light  and  joy. 

XXXVII.  An  acrostic  poem.  Its  object  is  to  teach 
patience  and  hope.  The  pious  Jews,  the  Hasidim  of 
Ps.  43*  who  observe  the  Law  strictly,  are  at  present 
poor  and  oppressed.  They  are  to  wait  for  the  end, 
when  God  will  separate  the  good  from  the  bad  and 
will  recompense  men  according  to  their  deserts. 

1  agrees  almost  verbally  with  Pr.  29i4.  For  the 
"  envy  "  intended,  see  Ps.  783. — 4a.  Render  as  mg. 
Godly  men  find  their  delight  in  Yahweh  because  they 
do  His  will,  and  He  in  return  answers  their  prayers. — 
6.  God  manifests  the  "  righteousness  "  of  the  godly, 
i.e.  the  fact  that  they  are  in  the  right.  Their  "  judg- 
ment "  is  their  plea,  which  in  the  end  gains  the  day. 
The  language  is  borrowed  from  the  courts  of  law. — 
8.  to  evil-doing:  render  "  to  thine  own  hurt,"  i.e.  by 
fruitless  anger  and  jealousy. — 11.  peace:  substitute 
'■  prospt>rity." — 13.  his  day:  i.e.  the  day  of  judgment. 
— 166.  Read  "  than  the  great  abundance  of  the 
wicked" — 20.  Neit'ner  RV  nor  RVm  makes  any  sense. 
Wellhausen's  brilliant  conjecture  sets  matters  right. 
"  The  enemies  of  Y'^ahweh  shall  bo  as  the  burning  of 
ovens,"  i.e.  as  the  stubble  and  other  rubbish  thrown 
into  the  oven.  "  As  fuel  they  vanish  in  smoke,  they 
vanish.'  The  LXX  has  a  completely  different  text : 
"  When  they  are  glorified  and  exalted,  the  enemies  of 
the  Lord  fail  utterly  like  smoke." — 35.  Read  with 
LXX,  "  I  have  seen  an  impious  man  exalted  and  rising 
like  the  cedars  of  Lebanon  •.  And  I  passed  by  and 
behold  !  he  was  gone." — 37.  Translate,  "  There  is  a 
future  for  the  peaceable  man  "  (cf.  mg.).  in  tho  Measianio 
age,  when  Y'^ahweh  will  establish  the  pious  and  expel 
sinners  from  the  land  of  Israel. 

XXX  VUI.  A  Penitential  Psalm.— After  a  short  prayer 
for  pity  (verbally  identical  with  Ps.  62),  the  poet 
describes  his  bodilj'  and  mental  pains,  the  desertion 
of  his  friends,  and  the  unscrupulous  attack  of  his  foes. 
But  he  waits  in  silence  for  Y'ahwoh's  answer  and  is 
ready  to  confess  his  sin,  turning  eagerly  and  hopefully 
to  h3a  God. 

2.  arrows:  the  pains  God  sends. — 86.  Road,  "I 
have  cried  out  louder  than  the  roaring  of  a  lion." — 
18.  It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  the  poet  is  referring 
to  some  detinito  sin  or  only  to  tho  general  sinfulneas  of 
human  nature. 

XXXIX.  Prayer  of  a  Pious  Israelite  In  Distress.— 
3.  The  poet,  afflicted  though  he  is,  is  silent  in  presence 
of  the  wicked,  lest  they  should  impugn  or  ridicule  God's 
righteous  government  of  tho  world.  But  silence  is 
unendurable. 

I.  Read,  "  I  will  set  a  muzzle  on  my  mouth  "  (LXX). 
— 2.  The  LXX  suggests  a  better  text :  "  I  am  bowed 
down  with  misery,"  "  I  am  far  from  welfare." 

4-6.  Tho  Psalmist  bogs  Grod  to  teach  him  how  brief, 
uncertain,  and  vain  life  is. 

5.  Read,  "  Surely  every  man  standing  firm  is  vanity  " 
{cf.  mg.).     But  the  text  is  evidently  corrupt. 

7-13.  The  Psalmist,  repeating  his*  former  complaints, 
prays  for  pardon  and  deliverv. 

II.  like  a  moth:  cf.  Job  '419.— 12.  The  Psalmist  is 
a  "  stranger  and  settler  "  ;  ho  is  therefore  under  the 
Divine  protection  and  is  entitled  to  claim  it. 

It  has  been  maintained  by  Duhm  that  in  this  Ps. 
the  author  had  the  i^ea  of  conscious  and  personal 
immortality  before  him.  He  longs  to  know  whether 
his  life,  or  at  least  his  full  conscious  life,  is  to  cease 
with  death,  and  asks  God  to  teach  him  this  raystei 
"  Let  me  know  whether  I  shall  cease  to  be  "  (4  emend 


1 


! 


PSALMS.  XLIV 


379 


But  there  is  no  clear  indication  that  the  Psalmist  had 
any  such  question  in  his  mind.  The  same  scholar  puts 
a«ide  8,  lo,  laf.  as  no  part  of  the  original  poem.  They 
are,  no  doubt,  inconsistent  with  the  rest  of  the  Ps.,  aa 
Duhm  interprets  it.  In  these  the  poet  is  busy  not 
with  thoughts  of  life  after  death,  but  with  external 
adversity,  and  13  takes  for  granted  that  death  ends  all. 
If  we  accept  Duhm's  interpretation,  Ps.  39  would  be 
one  of  the  most  interesting  in  the  Psalter,  because  it 
would,  in  a  very  striking  manner,  prepare  the  way  for 
belief  in  the  immortality  of  the  righteous.  But  Duhms 
reasons  are  very  precarious,  and  can  be  read  into  the 
Ps.  only  by  the  help  of  emendation.  Surely  if  the 
question  of  immortality  had  occasioned  the  poet's 
perplexity,  he  would  have  expressed  himself  more 
clearly. 

XL.  A.  1-11.  A  Thanksgiving  for  Deliverance.— The 
Psalmist  believes  that  his  own  gratitude  will  give 
confidence  to  others.  God,  he  says,  takes  no  special 
delight  in  sacrificial  worship.  It  is  gratitude  and  sub- 
mission to  God's  will  which  find  acceptance  with  HinJ. 

Do  the  contents  of  the  Ps.  furnish  any  real  indica- 
tion of  its  date  ?  It  has  been  attributed  to  Jeremiah 
for  reasons  which,  though  plausible,  are  not  convincing, 
and  have  now  been  generally  abandoned,  (a)  2a  cer- 
tainly recalls  the  prophet's  fate  as  told  in  Jer.  281-13. 
But  the  language  of  the  Ps.  is  evidently  metaphorical, 
and  the  words  "  set  me  on  a  rock  "  have  no  parallel 
in  Jeremiah's  case,  [h)  The  Ps.,  like  Pss.  50  and  51, 
depreciates  sacrifice.  So  does  Jeremiah  in  72 if.,  and 
this  indeed  is  the  general  teaching  of  the  prophets. 
At  most,  then,  this  would  prove  the  Ps.  anterior  to  the 
publication  of  P,  which  enforced  the  obligation  of 
sacrifice.  Jloreover  P  imposes  the  duty  of  sacrifice  on 
the  community  as  a  body,  whereas  the  Psalmist  is 
thinking  of  individuals.  God,  as  he  believes,  regards 
sacrifice  with  indifference  and  desires  obedience, 
(c)  Other  resemblance  to  Jeremiah  may  be  reasonably 
explained  by  supposing  that  the  Psalmist  was  familiar 
with  his  writings. 

2.  miry  clay  is  doubtful.  "  Clay  bottom  of  the 
sea  "  is  a  possible  emendation. — 46.  Read,  perhaps, 
"  And  hath  not  turned  to  vain  things,"  i.e.  idols.  The 
poet  is  thinking  of  apostate  Jews.— 5c.  Read,  "  There 
is  none  to  be  compared  with  thee  "  (ing.). — 6.  God  in 
creating  man  has  bored  ears  in  his  body,  i.e.  He  has 
given  him  ears  that  he  may  know  the  Divine  Law. 
God  regards  sacrifices  with  indifference.  The  Psalmist 
"  comes  "  obedient  to  His  call  and  fulfils  the  com- 
mandment "  prescribed  to  him  "  {mg.)  in  the  sacred 
roll.  By  a  slip  of  the  pen  the  LXX  scribe  wrote  "  a 
body "  (somation)  instead  of  "  ears "  {otia)  and  an 
argument  has  been  founded  on  the  corrupt  text  in 
Heb.  IO5*. 

XL.  B.  13-17.  A  Ps.  or  fragment  of  a  Ps.  completely 
diverse.  It  describes  the  sufferings  of  a  man  punished 
for  his  sins  and  surrounded  by  unscrupulous  foes. 

12  is  by  an  editor  who  wished  to  connect  the  Pss. 
with  each  other. — 13-17  recurs  in  Ps.  70. — 15.  Read 
with  LXX  of  7O3,  "  l^t  them  bo  turned  back  by  reason 
of  thoir  shame," '  i.e.  of  their  disapjxjintment. 

XLI.  The  Prayer  of  a  Sick  man  against  Cruel  and 
Treacherous  Foes. — 1.  Kindness  to  the  poor  is  a 
favourite  virtue  in  the  OT,  but  seems  to  have  no 
natural  place  at  the  beginning  of  this  Ps.  We  gain  a 
better  connexion  by  reading  :  "  BIcased  ia  ho  who  acts 
circumsjxictly  though  poor." — 3.  thou  makest  all  his 
bed  is  a  rendering  which  the  Hctb.  scarcely  admits,  and 
the  change  from  the  third  lo  the  second  jx-rson  is 
suspicious.  A  plausible  conjecture  is,  "  On  liis  couch 
ho  supporteth  him  in  hia  sickness."— -8.  Follow  ttig. — 


9.  lifted  up  his  heel:  read  probably,  "Made  his 
mouth  (?)  against  me." — 10  is  far  removed,  further 
perhaps  than  any  verse  in  the  Psalter,  from  Christian 
feeling.  The  Psalmist  desires  to  recover  that  he  may 
requite  his  enemies. — 13  is  no  part  of  the  previous  Ps. 
It  is  a  doxology  added  to  mark  the  close  of  Book  I. 

BOOK  II.— PSS.  XLII.-LXXII. 

Pss.  42-83  are  Elohistic,  i.e.  they  use  the  word  God 
(Elohim)  and  avoid  the  proper  name  Yahweh,  probably 
from  motives  of  reverence.  Here  and  there,  however, 
the  name  Yahweh  has  crept  into  the  text  by  a  natural 
slip  of  the  Bcribes. 

XLIL,  XLIII.  Originally  these  two  Pss.  were  one. 
This  is  proved  by  the  long  refrain  common  to  each, 
"  Why  art  thou  cast  down,  0  my  soul,"  etc.  It  recurs 
in  425,  II  and  435,  and  thus  divides  the  Ps.  mto  fairly 
equal  portions.  The  theme,  moreover,  is  the  same  in 
both,  and  43  is  an  "  orphan  "  Ps.  (p.  366),  i.e.  it  has 
no  title,  because  it  did  not  originally  rank  as  an 
independent  poem. 

1-5.  The  misery  of  exile  from  the  Temple  and  the 
memory  of  happy  worship  there.  1.  For  "  hart " 
read  with  many  scholars  '"  hind."  Grammar  requires 
a  feminine  subject. — 2.  Read  by  a  change  in  the  point- 
ing, "  and  see  God."  Probably  the  other  reading, 
"  appear  before  God,"  is  due  to  fear  of  anthropo- 
morphism.— 4.  The  rendering  "  led  them  "  presup- 
poses a  slight  correction  of  the  Heb.  text,  and  even 
then  the  meaning  is  doubtful. 

6-11.  The  poet  lives  far  north,  below  the  peaks  of 
Hermon  (notice  the  plural  form)  and  near  Mizar. 
Nothing  is  known  of  the  last  mountain.  The  evil  ia 
aggravated  by  the  winter  floods  and  by  the  fierce 
hatred  of  his  enemies.  Several  cataracts  would  be 
audible  at  one  place,  so  that  they  seemed  to  answer 
each  other. — 8-11  appears  to  be  out  of  harmonj  with 
the  context ;  the  insertion  of  "  yet  "  (8)  is  illegitimate. 

10.  Render  "  crushing  "  (mg.). 

XLIII.  1-5.  Hopeful  prayer  for  restoration  to  the 
Temple.  It  is  impossible  to  say  who  are  meant  by 
the  "  ungodly  nation,"  the  nation  that  is  not  hasvi 
(see  Ps.  43*)  or  pious.  Following  this  clue  we  might 
understand  by  the  nation  that  is  not  pious,  the  mass 
of  careless  or  apostate  Jews,  since  nobody  would  expect 
zealous  piety  from  heathen.  But  it  is  doubtful  if  goi, 
the  word  translated  "  nation,"  could  mean  here  a 
party  in  a  nation.  Besides,  ha«id  may  be  used  in  a 
more  general  sense,  viz.  "  merciful." 

3.  The  light  is  that  of  God 's  countenance,  His  favour : 
His  truth  is  His  faithfulness.  Thej'  are  here  per- 
sonified.— The  plural  form  "  tabernacles  "  refers  to  the 
Temple  with  its  various  rooms  and  courts. — 4.  the 
gladness  of  my  joy  (mg.)  is  almost  as  strange  in  Heb. 
aa  in  English.  We  may  perhaps  reswl  "  I  will  go  to 
the  altar  of  God,  the  Gk>d  of  my  joy,  I  will  exult  and 
upon  the  harp,"  etc 

XLIV.  A  National  Prayer  in  Unmerited  Distress. — 
The  Ps.  evidently  depicts  the  situation  of  Israel  under 
Antiochus  Epiphancs  [but  see  OTJC^  pp.  207f.,  437- 
440. — A.  S.  P.]  So  much  was  plain  long  ago  to  tho 
Antiochene  Fathers  and  at  a  later  date  to  Calvin. 
Antiochus  promulgated  a  decree  enforcing  unity  of 
worship  in  his  dominions  and  especially  in  Palestine. 
Ho  also  polluted  the  Temple  at  Jemsak-m  bj'  heathen 
sacrifice.  He  encountered  fierce  opposition  from  tho 
Asidaians  (=Hasidim),  led  by  the  Maccabees,  and  died 
in  164  B.C.  without  effecting  his  purptjsc  (p.  607).  This 
Ps.  was  written  when  the  cause  of  tho  faithful  Jews  was 
under  a  temporary  cloud.  The  following  arc  the  chief 
points  which  enable  us  to  place  it  with  confidence  in 


380 


PSALMS,  XLIV 


Maccaboan  times,  (a)  The  Jews  have  an  army  of  tlieir 
own,  and  therefore  enjoy  some  measiiro  of  indeni-ndent 
government,  but  at  tlio  same  time  many  of  their 
brothrcn  are  "scattered  among  the  nations"  (ii). 
{b)  Israel  suffers,  though  faithful  to  its  covenant  with 
its  God  (i7f.)-  (c)  There  is  no  idolatry  among  the 
Jews  (:;o).  ((/)  The  Jews  are  suffering  religious  pei-secu- 
tiori  ftjr,  so  far  as  we  know,  the  first  time.  They  are 
killed  for  the  sake  of  their  God  and  their  I^w.  "  For 
thy  sake  are  we  killed  all  the  day  long"  (22).  The 
earlier  enemies  of  Israel  and  Judah,  viz.  the  Assyrians, 
Babylonians,  and  the  Greek  successors  of  Alexander 
down  to  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphaues,  had  shown 
no  inclination  to  interfere  with  the  Jewish  religion  as 
such.  To  what  period  in  the  Maccabean  ago  does  this 
Ps.  belong  ?  Possibly  to  the  time  which  followed  hard 
on  the  dcfojit  and  death  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (p.  608). 
But  no  certain  answer  can  be  given. 

1-3.  God's  wonderful  work  in  olden  days,  when  He 
uprooted  the  peoples  of  Canaan  and  planted  the  Israelites 
in  their  placo. 

2.  drive  out:  read,  "root  out." — afQict:  read,  "break 
down. '— "  Thou  didst  spread  them  (t.e.  the  Israelites) 
abroad."  The  image  is  that  of  a  tree  spreading  its 
branches. 

4-8.  Petition  for  renewed  help  :  the  people  of  Israel 
rely  on  God  alone. 

9-16.  The  present  distress. 

126.  "  Thou  hast  not  made  their  price  great."  We 
learn  from  1  Mac.  841  that  slave-dealers  followed  the 
Sjrian  army  to  purchase  the  captive  Israelites  as  slaves. 
-^14.  The  shaking  of  the  head  was  a  gesture  of  scorn 
(c/.  Ps.  22-). 

17-22.  The  mi.sery  is  quite  undeserved.  The  Jews 
have  been  faithful  to  the  covenant. — 19.  "  place  of 
jackals,"  i.e.  in  desolate  ruins  such  as  jackals  haunt. 

23-26.  A  renewed  cry  for  Divine  help. 

XLV.  A  Royal  Marriage  Song.— Tliis  Ps.  owes  its 
place  in  the  Canon  to  tliat  allegorical  interpretation 
which  has  been  accepted  by  the  S3Tiagogue  and  the 
Church,  the  Messiah  being  the  bridegroom  and  Israel 
the  bride.  The  friends  of  the  bride  are  the  convert 
nations  who  bring  tributary  gifts.  But  any  such  theory 
is  untenable,  (a)  The  friends  of  the  bride  in  14  are 
clearly  distinguished  from  the  nations  in  12.  (b)  The 
bride  is  urged  to  forget  her  people  and  her  father's 
house,  whereas  Israel  is  exhorted  by  the  prophets  to 
remember  her  Maker  and  her  origin,  (c)  The  king  is 
said  to  desire  the  beauty  of  the  bride,  while  on  the 
contrary  the  prophetic  n-ligion  teaches  that  Israel  must 
first  \x>  united  to  God  and  the  Messiah  :  then  and  then 
only  docs  she  become  beautiful. 

VVo  have  accordingly  to  deal  with  an  actual  king, 
not  with  an  ideal  Messiah  yet  in  the  future.  The  king 
was  an  Israelite,  for  it  is  assumed  (7)  that  Yahwoh  is 
his  God.  Who  this  king  was  we  cannot  say.  One 
living  scholar  would  place  the  Ps.  in  Solomon's  time — 
alx»ut  1000  B.C.,  another  would  carry  it  down  to  Macca- 
bean days.  Intermediate  dates  are  suggested.  But 
all  this  is  mere  guesswork.  The  language  supplii«  no 
sure  test. 

1.  Introduction.— the  things  which  I  have  made: 
i.e.  "my  poems  '  (</.  our  word  "  jwem,  "  originally  a 
thing  that  is  made  and  then  a  metrical  composition). 

2-7.  Praise  of  the  king  as  a  hero  in  war  and  also  as 
an  equitable,  attractive,  and  kindly  ruler. 

3f.  The  text  is  corrupt.  Read,  "  In  thy  gloiy  and 
thy  majesty  ride  prosjx^rowsly  on  behalf  of  truth  and 
meekness  and  (LXX)  rigiiteousness."  "  Fearful  is  thy 
right  hand  in  glory  and  in  mn  j<^sty." — 6.  The  rendering 
a  "  divine  throne  "  (c/.  my.)  is  perhaps  possible.     For 


^'  thy  throne,  0  God,"  the  original  text  must  have  had 
"  thy  throne,  0  Yahweh,"  "  God  "  being  due  to  the 
editor  of  the  Elohistic  Psalter.  But  "  Yahweh  "  was 
itself  a  mistake  of  the  scribe  for  "  will  be  "  (yih^yeh 
being  changed  into  "  Yahweh  ").  Read,  therefore, 
"  Thy  throne  will  exist  for  ever  and  ever." 

8-17.  The  kings  marriage  with  a  foreign  princess. 

8.  For  ■■  ivor}'  palaces  "  see  Am.  815*  and  1  K.  2'2i<). 
The  walls  were  panelled  with  ivory. — 11.  Read  with 
LXX,  "  For  the  king  desiroth  thy  beauty." — "  Wor- 
ship "  is  a  legitimate  rendering  if  taken  in  it^  Old 
English  sense.  It  docs  not  imply  adoi-ation. — 12.  The 
daughter  of  Tyre  is  a  personification  of  the  city  and 
its  inhabitants  bke  "  daughter  of  Zion,"  "  daughter  of 
Babel,"  etc. — 13.  "  Within  "  [the  palace!  makes  no 
sense.  An  ingenious  emendation,  '"  all  glorious  with 
corals,"  restores  the  parallelism  with  vorv  little  change 
in  the  MT.— 17.  Read,  "  They  "  (t.e.  the  princes)  "shall 
cause  thy  name  to  bo  remembered  in  all  generations." 

XLVI.  God  the  Refuge  of  His  People.— The  poem  is 
divided  into  tliree  parts  by  the  word  "  Selah,"  which 
also  marks  its  close.  It  was  further  divided  by  the 
refrain  which  occurs  after  6  and  10  and,  no  doubt, 
originally  stood  after  3  also. 

The  Ps.  looks  back  to  the  deliverance  from  Senna- 
cherib. Cf.  5,  "  God  shall  help  her  at  the  dawn  of  the 
morning,  '  with  Is.  3736  :  "  Early  in  the  morning  they  " 
(i.e.  Sennacherib's  troops)  "  were  all  dead  men."  But 
it  may  bo  much  later  than  the  time  to  which  it  alludes. 
The  confused  state  of  the  known  world,  the  exaltation 
of  Judah's  Grod,  the  promise  of  future  peace,  are  well 
suited  to  the  strife  among  the  successors  of  Alexander 
the  Great.  This,  however,  is  no  more  than  plausible 
conjecture. 

Title:  set  to  Alamoth:  1  Ch.  1520*. 

1-3.  In  ail  physical  catastrophes  God  is  the  refuge 
of  His  people. 

2.  The  mountains  are  planted  like  pillars  in  the 
ocean  wliich  is  beneath  the  earth. 

4-7.  They  are  no  less  safe  amidst  political  tumult. 

4.  The  "  river  "  is  symbolical  {cf.  869,  also  Is.  8821). 
The  river  here  is  not  to  be  confoiuided  with  the  material 
river  which  was  to  issue  in  Messianic  times  from  the 
Temple  (see  Ezek.  475).  The  LXX  reads,  probably 
correctly,  "  The  Most  High  hath  sanctified  liis  taber- 
nacle," i.e.  has  put  it  beyond  the  possibility  of  pro- 
fanation. The  author  wrote  before  the  very  beginning 
of  the  outrages  on  the  Temple  committed  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes. 

8-11.  Promise  of  peace. 

9.  chariots:    translate,  "wagons." 

XLVII.  Joy  of  aU  Mankind  In  Yahweh.— All  nations 
are  invited  to  rejoice  in  Yahweh's  exaltation.  It  seems 
strange  that  they  should  bo  expected  to  rejoice  in 
their  own  defeat ;  but  this  is  explained  by  the  belief  (9) 
that  the  heathen  nobles  are  to  be  gathered  together 
with  the  ixjople  of  the  God  of  Abraham.  In  other 
words,  thej'  are  to  share  in  the  promise  made  to 
Abraham  (Gen.  I23),  "  In  thee  shall  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth  bo  blessed."  The  Ps.  is  sung  in  the  .<;yna- 
gogues  on  the  "  Feast  of  Tnimpets  "  (p.  104 ',  the  Jew- 
ish New  Year's  Day.  This  ritual  use  may  have  boc-n 
suggested  by  5,  or  on  the  other  hand,  the  Ps.  may  have 
been  composed  for  liturgical  use. 

3.  Translate  "  Ho  subduoth  "  (ing.).-A.  chooseth 
(W1/7.),  I.e.  chooseth  anew,  by  restoring  it  to  us. — excel- 
lency of  Jacob  :  substitute  "  pride  of  Jacob,"  i.e.  the 
land  of  which  the  Jews  are  so  proud. — 5.  God  is  gone 
up :  the  meaning  may  Ix*  that  God  came  down  to  the 
sacrifices  in  the  Temple  on  New  Year's  Day,  and  while 
the  trumpets  sounded,  returned  to  His  throne  on  high. — 


PSALMS,  LI. 


381 


7.  The  rendering  sing  with  understanding,  though  sup- 
ported by  the  VSS,  is  certainly  inadmissible.  "  A 
didactic  poom  "  is  a  possible  rendering,  so  far  as 
linguistic  grounds  go,  but  is  quite  out  of  keeping  with 
the  context.  Probably  some  musical  direction  is 
intended,  or  wo  may  write  the  word  "  Maschil  '"  in  the 
plural  and  translate  "  Sing  ye  that  are  skilful  "  [in 
music]. — 9.  tlie  shields  of  the  earth:  i.e.  its  princes 
and  protection. 

XLVUI.  A  Psalm  which  Describes  the  Impression 
made  on  a  Pilgrim  by  his  Visit  to  Zion.— If.  Praise  of 
Zion. — sides  of  the  north  is  hard  to  comprehend.  It 
has  been  explained  as  contrasting  Zion,  the  true  moun- 
tain of  the  North,  with  the  Oriental  Olympus  (Is.  14i3). 
The  text,  however,  does  not  oveii  hint  at  any  such 
contrast.  Mount  Zion  did  indeed  occupy  the  NE. 
comer  of  Jerusalem,  but  what  of  that  ?  It  has  been 
suggested  that  the  pilgrim  came  from  the  extreme  S. 
of  Egypt.  But  even  then  he  must  have  known  that 
there  were  mountains  far  further  N.  Really  the  text 
is  unintelligible  and  probably  corrupt. 

3-7.  God's  protection  of  His  own  city.  The  poet  is 
thinking  of  Sennacherib's  fate  (see  on  Ps.  46)  though 
he  may  well  have  written  centuries  later.  Notice  in  4 
the  vague  word  "  kings,"  which  can  hardly  refer  to 
Sennacherib  and  his  princes. 

7.  Tarshish  is  an  unkno\\ni  place.  It  has  been  identi- 
fied with  Tartessus  in  S.  Spain,  with  the  land  of  the 
Tyrseni  or  Etruscans,  with  Phoenicia  and  Sardinia. 
The  phrase  "  ships  of  Tarshish  "  came  to  mean  largo 
ships  of  any  kind.  The  author  borrows  the  phrase 
from  Is.  2i6*.  But  neither  "  great  ships  "  or  "  E. 
wind  "  are  appropriate  here  when  the  reference  is  to 
a  siege  of  Jerusalem. 

8-14.  The  pilgrim  has  often  heard  of,  now  he  has 
seen  and  worshipped  at  Jerusalem  and  would  tell 
others  of  its  marvels. 

10.  The  congress  of  pilgrims  proves  that  the  praise 
of  Yahweh  has  reached  the  remotest  parts  of  the 
world. — 11.  The  "  daughters  of  Judah  "  are,  according 
to  a  common  Heb.  idiom,  the  country  towns  in  Judah. — 
14.  RVm  is  possible,  RV  is  not.  But  it  is  highly 
probable  that  the  last  two  words,  'al-7nuth,  are  a  musical 
direction,  and  belong  to  the  title  of  the  next  Ps. 

XLIX.  The  Immortality  of  the  Righteous.— The  poet 
takes  a  popular  proverb  for  his  theme.  This  proverb 
recurs  as  a  refrain  in  12  and  20,  and  it  probably  stood 
originally  after  8  and  15  also.  Adopting  this  supposi- 
tion we  find  that  the  Ps.  falls  into  five  parts,  1-4,  5-8, 
9-12,  13-15,  16-20. 

1-4.  The  question  stated  ;  if  we  supply  the  refrain 
here,  the  sense  becomes  clear.  Why  is  it  that  man, 
however  high  in  stato,  does  not  continue  in  that  state 
but  perishes  like  the  beasts  ? 

5-8.  There  is  no  escape  from  death.  God  will  accept 
no  bribe  and  give  exemption  from  death  in  retvim. 
90  belongs  to  6,  "  He  must  give  up  for  ever  the  thought 
of  living  always."     Then  insert  the  refrain  as  in  12. 

9-12.  Continues  the  same  thought. — 9.  Shall  he  fail 
to  see  the  pit  ?  Nay,  he  seeth  that  wise  men  die,  etc. — 
11.  Follow  mg. 

13-15.  The  wicked  like  the  righteous  die,  but  the 
righteous  alone  have  the  prospect  of  immortality. 

13.  Translate  with  slight  emendation,  "  This  is  the 
way  of  those  who  have  confidence  in  themselves  and 
the  end  of  those  who  approve  their  sajrings." — 14. 
Death  shall  be  their  shepherd:  Cheyne  quotes  an 
interesting  parallel  from  the  Hamasa — the  great  collec- 
tion of  Arabic  jK^try.  There  a  plague-stricken  tribe 
is  described  as  a  herd  of  camels  driven  by  death. — 
And  the  upright,  etc.,  read,  "  They  shall  go  down 


straight  [i.e.  to  Sheol] :  Soon  their  form  shall  waste 
away.  Sheol  shall  be  their  abode  for  ever." — Soon, 
literally,  "In  the  [next]  morning"  (c/.  Ps.  9O14). — 
15.  One  of  the  most  important  verses  in  the  OT.  The 
Heb.  word  for  "  take "  is  technical.  It  is  applied 
(Gen.  524)  to  the  translation  of  Enoch  and  in  2  K.  29f. 
to  that  of  Elijah.  Where  were  the  righteous  to  go  after 
death  ?  Some  have  interpreted  the  Ps.  as  the  voice 
of  the  nation.  The  individual  saints  might  perish,  but 
not  Israel,  God's  son.  The  language,  however,  gives 
no  hint  of  any  such  personification.  Possibly  the  writer 
hoped  that  righteous  souls  would  be  translated,  like 
Enoch  or  Elijah,  to  some  unknown  Paradise.  Or  he 
may  have  been  looking  forward  to  the  sudden  advent 
of  a  Messianic  Age,  in  which  men  did  not  die,  or  at 
least  lived  to  patriarchal  ages.  Nothing  is  said  about 
the  immortality  of  the  wicked. 

16-20.  Again  the  poet  thinks  of  the  destruction  of 
the  wicked. 

16.  Read  mg. — 18.  Read  "  Though  in  his  lifetime  ho 
congratulated  liis  soul  [i.e.  himself]  and  praised  it 
because  it  did  well  for  itself." — 20.  Correct  the  refrain 
in  agreement  with  12, 

L.  God  Looks  to  Conduct  rather  than  to  Sacrifice.— 
For  the  attitude  to  sacrifice,  cf.  Ps.  40*. 

1-6.  The  expected  Tbeophany. 

I.  Read  7ng.  with  LXX. — called  the  earth :  since  the 
calling  occurs  in  4,  which  is  a  more  appropriate  place, 
read  "  the  earth  feared." — 5.  The  LXX  reads  "  Gather 
his  saints  together  unto  him,  those  that  have  made  hLs 
covenant  with  him  by  sacrifice."  The  last  words  refer 
to  Ex.  245£f.     For  "saints  "  (hasldlm),  see  on  Ps.  4. 

7—15.  God  does  not  ask  for  abundance  of  sacrifice. 
He  does  not  eat  flesh  or  drink  blood.  It  is  surprising 
that  a  Jewish  poet  should  have  found  occasion  to 
rebuke  such  gross  materialism. 

II.  Read  with  LXX,  "  birds  of  the  heaven,"  i.e.  of 
the  air. — 14f.  Prayer  and  thanksgiving  are  better  than 
material  sacrifice. 

16-21.  The  show  of  piety  in  men  of  corrupt  life  ia 
hateful  to  God.  The  requirements  implied  are  all 
negative. 

22/.  Final  admonition  and  summary. 

23.  To  offer  a  material  sacrifice,  for  the  technical 
1  mguago  compels  us  to  imderstand  no  less,  is  well,  but 
a  well-ordered  life  is  better. 

LI.  A  Penitential  Psalm. — 1-12.  Prayer  forpardonand 
inward  renewal. — 13-17.  A  promise  to  proclaim  God's 
mercy  and  bring  sinners  back  to  Him. — 18f.  Prayer  for 
the  restoration  of  Jerusalem,  which  will  make  sacrifice 
possible  and  jx)pular  once  more. 

The  Ps.  was  not  written  by  David,  and  still  less  by 
David  after  his  double  sin  of  murder  and  adultery. 
How  could  David  have  said,  "  Against  thee,  thee  only, 
have  I  sinned  "  ?  Besides,  the  Ps.  shows  the  influence 
of  exilic  and  post-exilic  literature.  The  mention  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  occurs  here  only  and  Is.  63io  in  the  so- 
called  "  Third  Isaiah."  Again  the  conception  of  a 
"new  heart"  ia  found  here  and  also  in  Ezek.  11 19 
and  3626. 

It  has  been  held  by  many  scholars  that  it  is  the 
nation  or  church  of  Israel  which  speaks.  This  opinion 
finds  some  argument  in  its  support  from  the  missionary 
activity  which  is  to  follow  the  Psalmist's  pardon,  and 
which  reminds  one  of  the  Second  Isaiah.  But  the 
words  "  Against  thee  only  have  I  sinned,"  are  nearly 
as  unsuitable  in  the  mouth  of  collective  Israel  as  they 
would  bo  in  the  mouth  of  David.  Thoy  have  lx>en 
taken  to  mean  that  Israel  had  indeed  In-on  unfaithful 
to  its  God  but  had  done  no  harm  to  other  nations,  eg. 
the    Babylonians.     What    evil    could    Israel   do    the 


382 


PSALMS,  LI. 


mighty  power  of  PJabylon.  and  what  scruple  would 
Israel  have  felt  on  such  a  point  of  international 
morality  ?  Nor,  again,  could  Israel.in  spite  of  Ezok.  ItJs, 
confess  that  it  was  "  conceived  in  sin."'  True,  the 
prayer  for  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  fits  in  with 
national  rather  than  individual  pardon,  but  probably 
i8f.  is  a  liturgical  addition.  On  the  whole,  therefore, 
we  may  assign  the  Ps.  to  one  who  in  Persian  or  Greek 
times  had  sinned  against  liis  God  by  undue  compliance 
with  foreign  worship,  but  was  otherwise  blameless. 

1  12.  The  Psalmist  "  acknowk>dgc3  "  his  sin  in  order 
that  God's  justice  in  punishing  him  m.ay  bo  clearly 
seen.  Ho  comes,  like  all  men,  of  a  sinful  stock.  Tho 
reference  is  to  actual  and  not  to  original  sin.  True, 
he  inherited  sinful  tendencies,  but  this  is  quite  a 
different  thing  from  inheriting  guilt. 

6.  inward  part :  of  doubtful  meaning. — 7.  Hyssop,  a 
plant  of  uncertain  identification  (Ex.  1222*),  was  used 
in  pnriiication  of  a  \oper  and  of  one  who  had  touched 
a  corpse  (Nu.  196*). — 8.  joy  and  gladness  are  the  signs 
that  God  has  forgiven  the  suppliant. — 10.  Render 
■■  steadfast  spirit "'  {mg.),  and  in  12  "  a  willing  spirit '" 
(mg.).  Tho  Holy  Spirit  in  Is.  63  leads  the  people 
through  tho  wilderness  and  directs  them  by  tho  pro- 
phetic revelation  of  Moses ;  so  also  it  admits  the 
Psalmist  to  God's  presence,  i.e.  tho  Temple  worship. 

13-17. — 14.  bloodguiltiness  has  been  understood  of 
Uriah's  murder  by  David.  That,  however,  was  a  sin 
ab^ady  done ;  prayer  could  then  only  avert  the 
consequences  of  the  murder,  and  the  Hob.  ddmim 
(■'  blood-guiltiness  ")  never  has  the  sense  of  punishment 
for  homicide.  It  is,  however,  not  unlilcely  that  the 
word  here  used  was  misundei-stood,  and  led  to  the 
account  of  the  psalm's  origin  given  in  the  title.  It  is 
best  then  to  take  the  word  as  meaning  "  Save  me  from 
the  shedding  of  my  blood,"  from  death  brought  upon 
mo  by  God  or  man.  The  word  ddmlm  need  not  mean 
actual  bloodshed  (c/.  Ps.  3O9) :  it  may  refer  to  death 
by  disease  which  God  sends. — 16.  Tho  poet  does  not 
repudiate  legal  sacrifice.  But  God,  he  tliinks,  does 
not  accept  sacrifice  as  in  itself  a  proof  of  piety:  a 
broken  spirit  is  the  sacrifice  which  He  loves. 

18f.  is  from  tho  hand  of  one  who  did  not  approve 
the  low  estimate  of  sacrifices  just  given.  Ck)d  did  not 
indeed  allow  them  in  tho  evil  time  when  altars  and 
temples  were  gone,  but  these  being  restored,  sacrifices 
will  be  restored  also. 

LII.  Tho  Psalmist  denounces  an  enemy  of  his  who 
trusts  in  his  wealth  and  in  unscrupulous  falsehood. 
Ho  is  confident  that  this  adversary  will  be  rooted  up 
and  that  he  himself  will  flourish  and  abide  in  the 
Temple.  The  reference  to  the  Temple  and  the  com- 
plete silence  about  tho  massacre  of  the  priests  shows 
that  the  title  gives  an  impossible  explanation  of  the  Ps. 

16.  Read,  "  Against  the  godly  man  continually." — 
2.  Translate  '"  O  thou  that  workest  deceitfullj'."  But 
tho  text  is  probably  corrupt. — 5.  Translate  "  Shall 
snatch  thee  away  and  pluck  thee  up  tontless." — 7. 
wickedness:  read  (T.)  "  wealth." — 8.  The  simile  may 
liave  been  suggested  by  the  actual  presence  of  olive- 
troes  in  tho  Temple  courts.  ^See  Zech.  43.) — ^9.  See 
Pb.  5. 

LUI.  See  Ps.  14. 

LTV.  The  Psalmist  Prays  for  Deliverance  from 
Powerful  and  Bitter  Foes. — He  trusts  in  God  who  will 
destroy  his  enemies.  When  that  is  done,  he  will  offer 
sacrifice  in  thank'sgiving.  His  enemies  are  Jews — for 
who  would  expect  heathen  to  "  set  God  befoi-o  thoii- 
eyes  "  (3)  ?  True,  we  arc  told  expressly  in  3  that 
the  adversaries  arc  '  strangers,"  i.e.  foreigners,  but  we 
should  read  "  insolent  men."     C/.  also  Pfl.  8614. 


1.  The  name  sums  up  all  the  attributes  of  God,  but 
especially  His  power.  See  on  Ps.  5  and  cf.  Ps.  1248. — 
7.  hath  delivered:  a  future-perfect  of  confident 
expectation. 

LV.  A  Prayer  for  Deliverance  from  Treacherous  Foes. 
— 1-11.  Tho  Psalmist  tislls  God  of  his  disquiet  and 
terror.  His  desire  to  lioe  from  Jerusalem  to  the 
wilderness. — 12-15.  A  description  of  the  treacherous 
friend,  ending  with  an  imprecation  :  let  them  go  down 
suddenly  to  the  pit.  — 16-19.  The  Psalmist's  eontiimous 
prayer  and  his  trust  that  God  will  defeat  his  enemies. — 
20f.  Tho  treachery  of  his  foes  described. — 22f.  God's 
care  for  tho  godly :   His  vengeance  on  the  wicked. 

On  the  traditional  view  that  David  wrote  this  Ps., 
commentators,  beginning  with  T.,  have  identified  the 
treacherous  friend  with  Ahitophsl  (2  S.  15-17).  He, 
however,  was  not  David's  "  equal"  (14).  With  better 
reason  it  has  been  suggested  that  Alciraus  (pp.  38.5,  607) 
is  the  traitor  intended.  He  bomg  a  descendant  of  Aaron 
lx)came  High  Priest  with  the  assent  of  the  Hasidim 
(see  Ps.  4),  but  afterwards  took  tho  side  of  the  Hellen- 
i.sing  party.  He  died  in  159  ac.  But  this  ingenious 
conjecture  is  only  a  conjecture  after  all.  We  do  not 
know  even  approximately  the  date  of  the  Ps.,  though 
we  cannot  doubt  that  it  is  post-exilic,  nor  can  we 
explain  the  historical  reference  with  any  confidence. 
The  text  is  very  corrupt,  but  the  corruption  leaves 
its  general  sense  unaltered,  and  the  difficulties  are 
mostly  grammatical  merely.  There  is  no  sufficient 
reason  for  dividing  the  Ps.  into  two. 

6.  A  reminiscence  of  Jer.  92.  The  words  "  like  a 
dove  "  are  absent  from  Jer.  and  may  be  a  gloss.  Doves 
do  not  find  their  home  in  tho  wilderness. — 9.  Tho 
Psalmist's  enemies  go  alx)Ut  the  city  walls  like  watch- 
men, but  with  ovU  purposes. — 12.  The  traitor  was 
apparently  a  high  official  in  the  Temple  who,  in  the 
struggle  between  Jews  of  strict  observance  and 
Hellenising  Jews,  had  changed  sides. — 15.  The 
Psalmist  is  thinking  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram, 
and  of  their  fate,  as  recorded  in  Nu.  16.  The  section 
ends  with  a  sudden  imprecation. — 18.  Road  "will 
redeem  "  and  ''  strive." — 19.  Translate,  "  He  will  hear" 
(j'.e.  "  will  hear  "  the  Psalmist)  and  "  will  humble  them, 
ho  that  is  enthroned  of  old."  The  rest  of  the  vei-se  is 
unintelligible.     "  The  men  who  have  no  changes  "  is 

fenerally  taken  to  mean  "  Men  who  do  evil  incessantly." 
tut  tliis  is  a  far-fetched  and  unnatural  mode  of  expres- 
sion. The  VSS  gives  no  help  and  no  plausible  emenda- 
tion has  been  made. — 22.  Translate,  "  Cast  thy  lot  " 
(I.e.  the  cares  which  are  tliy  portion)  '  upon  Yahweh." 

LVI.  A  Prayer  against  Strong,  Numerous,  and  Crafty 
Foes. — 2.  For  ■'  enemies  "  reatl  "  they  that  lie  in  wait 
for  me"  {mg.). — proudly:  read  "bitterly." — \.  Will 
praise  his  word,  i.e.  the  fulfilment  of  His  promise.  The 
fulfilment  comes,  of  course,  "  tlirough  God."  The 
verse  recurs  in  lof.,  which  is  probably  its  original  place 
since  it  cannot  be  a  refrain.  It  has  Ix^eii  anticipated 
here  by  a  mistake  of  the  scribe.  —66,  c,  la.  Read,  with 
shght  change  in  text,  "  As  for  them  that  watch  for 
my  footsteps,  since  they  have  hoped  for  my  death, 
even  so  requite  them  accortling  to  their  iniquity." — 
76.  For  "  peoples  "  read,  by  changing  only  one  letter, 
"  strong  "  or  "  bold."  Nations  were  not  concerned  in 
the  petty  espionage  which  the  Pa.  describes. — 8.  tellest, 
I.e.  "count<\st"  (Gen.  155*).  Yahweh  preserves  the 
tears  of  the  godly  that  He  may  remember  and  revenge 
them. 

LVII.  Here  two  Pbs.  are  united  :  A  containing  1-6, 
B,  7-11. 

1-6.  The  Ps.  ia  closely  allied  to  the  preceding,  also 
a  "  miohtam  "  Ps.  (p.  373)k    Tlio  author  floes  to  God' 


1 


PSALMS,  XLI.  2b 


383 


protection  against  his  foes  and  is  confident  in  his  own 
Bafoty  and  their  overthrow. 

1.  will  I  take  refuge:  read,  "  I  will  hide." — 2.  per- 
formeth  all  things  for  me:  read,  "  will  requite  me." — 
3.  save  me  .  .  .  reproacheth :  read,  perhaps,  "  and 
save  my  life  from  the  hand  of  him  tiiat  would  swallow 
me  up." — 4.  Road,  "  I  dwell  among  them  that  greedily 
devour  the  sons  of  men." — 5.  Quito  out  of  place  hero ; 
finds  its  proper  position  in  ii. — 6.  My  soul  is  bowed 
down:  this  cannot  bo  right.  The  idea  of  the  verse 
is  that  the  wicked  are  caught  in  their  own  trap.  Road 
b,  "  In  the  not  they  have  set  for  my  feet  their  owti 
hand  was  caught." 

LVn.  B.  A  Morning  Hymn.— Found  also  in  Ps.  IO82-6 
with  variants. 

7.  Translate,  "ready,"  i.e.  to  sing  and  play.— 8. 
awake  up  my  glory :  in  Ps.  108  wo  have  "  also  my 
glory,"  which  is  meaningless  but  probably  presupposes 
the  original  reading,  ''  Thou  art  my  glory." — Translate 
"  I  will  awake  tho  dawn  "  (mg.).  This  is  a  natural 
personification.  The  dawn  has  eyeUds  (Job  89*,  41 18) 
and  wings  (Pa.  ISDg). — 9.  among  the  peoples:  i.e. 
wherever  the  exiled  Jews  fomid  a  home. 

LVin.  A  Prayer  for  Vengeance  on  Unrighteous 
Judges. — ^This  Ps.  is  closely  allied  to  Ps.  82.  The  re- 
proaches in  3,  where  the  enemies  of  the  Psalmist  are 
said  to  have  gone  astray  from  the  womb,  and  4,  where 
they  are  compared  with  deaf  adders,  point  to  Jewish 
tyrannj',  such,  e.g.,  as  that  of  the  Sadducean  priests, 
rather  than  to  a  foreign  power.  Nobody  would  have 
expected  heathen  to  hear  the  voice  of  Jewish  re- 
ligion. 

1.  We  ought  certamly  to  read,  "  Do  ye  indeed  speak 
righteousness,  0  ye  gods  ?  "  {mg.).  The  title  was  given 
in  tlatteiy  (cf.  2  S.  I714-20,  where  see  my.),  or  with 
rhetorical  exaggera^;ion  as  in  Zech.  128.  Here  it  is 
ironical.  [But  heathen  deities  may  be  intended.  They 
were  regarded  as  the  unseen  rulers  of  the  heathen 
nations,  responsible  for  the  hostility  they  showed  to 
Israel  (see  Is.  242if.*,  Dan.  10i3*,2of.— A.  S.  P.]— 
26.  i.e.  when  people  come,  hoping  that  justice  will  be 
weighed  out  to  them,  it  is  violence  which  is  really  put 
into  the  scale. — 76.  Read,  "  like  tender  grass  let  them 
be  cut  otf." — 86.  Translate,  "  unseen  by  the  sun." — 
9.  Hopelessly  corrupt.  We  may  perhaps  translate 
with  moderate  emendation,  "  Or  ever  your  pots  have 
felt  "  (i.e.  have  been  heated  by)  "  the  thorns,  whether 
they  be  briars  or  thistles  he  "  (i.e.  Yahweh)  "  shall  sweep 
them  away."  The  pots  are  the  means  by  which  the 
enemies  of  the  Psalmist  mature  their  plans.  Fuel  for 
the  tlame  lies  about  m  abundance,  but  Yahweh  sweeps 
it  away  with  the  tempest, 

LIX.  The  Ps.  seems  to  be  directed  against  Jewish 
and  not  foreign  enemies.  It  might  well  be  a  prayer 
for  the  downfall  of  the  aristocratic  Sadducees.  On  the 
other  hand  in  5  and  8  the  Psalmist  prays  against 
"  heathen."  But  a  shght  change  gives  the  word  we 
need,  viz.  "  proud  "  (cf.  Ps.  917). 

6  is  a  variant  of  14  ;  it  is  in  its  right  place  after  13. — 
7.  Swords:  read '•  insulting  words." — Who  doth  hear  ? 
Nobody,  they  ttiink,  hears,  i.e.  nobcjdy  of  any  conse- 
quence. Especially  God  does  not  hear. — 11.  Tho 
Psalmist  desires  not  a  sudden  victory  over  the  wicked. 
That  might  make  a  great  impression  at  the  timo  and 
soon  be  forgotten.  He  prays  rather  that  they  may  be 
gradually  displaced,  till  the  Law  reigns  supreme  in 
Israel. — 14f.  Translate  "  Every  evening  they  come 
again  and  howl  like  a  dog."  Probably  the  meaning 
is  that  the  enemies  of  the  pious  make  raids  on  the  city 
by  night. — tarry:    read  "'  murmur  "  (LXX). 

LX.  This  Ps.  really  consists  of  two  bound  together 


in  an  abrupt  style.  In  A,  i.e.  in  1-5,  106,  iif.  wo  have 
a  lament  over  the  desperate  condition  of  Israel,  though 
the  Psalmist  is  driven  by  his  despair  to  renewed  trust 
in  God.  In  B  (6-ioa)  the  tone  is  quite  different. 
Appeal  is  made  to  a  Divine  oraclo  and  the  poet  exults 
in  the  confidence  that  Israel  will  recover  its  possessions 
and  utterly  subdue  Moab  and  Edom.  Tho  whole  of  B 
recurs  in  Ps.  108  7-1  la  :  so  also  does  the  conclusion  of 
Ps.,  viz.  in  11-13. 

LX.  a  was  written  in  a  time  of  such  depression  that 
tho  very  earth  seemed  to  be  shaken  by  tho  calamities  of 
the  Jews.  Beyond  this  there  is  no  indication  of  date. 
With  60  B  it  is  different.  According  to  its  most 
natural  interpretation  the  oracle  predicts  the  complete 
recovery  of  territory  lost,  and  now  at  least  partially 
regained.  It  is,  therefore,  not  a  mere  summary  of 
Joshua's  conquests.  Nor  can  it  be  Da%'idic.  David 
did  not,  so  far  as  we  know,  fight  for  the  complete 
recovery  of  central,  southern,  and  eastern  Palestine. 
It  must  have  been  composed  after  the  captivity  of 
N.  Israel  in  721,  and  that  being  granted  we  must  go 
down  to  the  Maccabean  period,  since  then  for  the 
first  time  after  the  Exile  Judah  possessed  an  anny  of 
its  own  and  led  it  against  N.  Israel.  But  we  caimot 
determine  the  precise  point  in  the  Maccabean  wars 
which  the  poet  has  in  mind. 

LX.  A. — 3.  Translate  with  slight  emendation,  "  Thou 
hast  drenched  us  with  hard  things." — wine  of  stagger- 
ing, a  common  metaphor  in  Heb.  (see,  e.g..  Is.  51 17, 
Jer.  2515-17).  The  writer  means  misfortunes  which 
bewilder,  like  excess  of  wine  which  robs  a  man  of  his 
senses. — 4.  Read  mg. — 10.  The  continuation  of  1-5 
in  106  is,  "  Thou  hast  cast  us  off  and  goest  not  forth, 
0  God,  with  our  armies." 

LX.  B.  The  anthropomorphism  is  very  roiparkable  if 
the  very  w'ords  of  the  oracle  are  given.  But  another 
interpretation  is  possible  :  "  God  hath  spoken  in  His 
hoiy  place,"  i.e.  the  Temple.  Therefore  the  Jewish 
general,  or  the  poet  identif\-ing  himself  with  hun, 
breaks  forth  mto  a  song  of  triumph  and  anticipates 
\'ictory.  Ephraim  and  Shechem  were  m  the  centre  of 
Palestine,  the  latter  being  the  seat  of  Samaritan 
worship.  So  also  was  a  part  of  Manasseh ;  Gilead 
and  Succoth  are  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  The  victories 
anticipated  are  quite  unlike  those  ascribed  to  Joshua 
and  are  wholly  unlike  those  of  David. — 7.  sceptre: 
translate  "  marshal's  staff  "  (cf.  Gen.  49io). — 8.  The 
poet  passes  to  Israel's  ancient  foes.  Moab  is  to  be 
like  the  slave  who  presents  the  bason  for  the  washing 
of  his  master's  feet :  Edom  a  slave  who  removes  the 
dusty  shoes  (cf.  Mk.  I7). — 10.  In  the  first  words  of  10 
and  tho  last  of  9  we  have  the  end  of  60  B,  "  who  leads 
me  into  the  strong  city  ?  "  (i.e.  Bozrah,  with  a  play 
on  the  meaning  of  the  name,  viz.  "  stronghold  ")  "  Is 
it  not  thou,  0  God  "  ?  But  there  was,  no  doubt,  a 
fuller  close,  now  lost. 

LXI.  The  Psalmist  praj's  from  the  end  of  the  earth 
in  the  confidence  that  God  -will  protect  him.  He  ex- 
presses his  desire  to  dwell  in  the  Temple  and  ends 
with  a  prayer  for  the  king.  The  Exile  is  presupposed  : 
further  we  have  no  clue  to  the  date  except  in  the 
mention  of  the  king  (see  on  Ps.  20).  We  may  add, 
however,  that  this  king  seems  to  be  high  priest  also, 
for  he  is  to  dwell  m  tho  tabernacle  (4)  and  to  "abide 
before  God  "  (7).  This  suits  later  Maccabean  times, 
but  scarcely  any  other  period  after  tho  Exile. 

26.  The  LXX,  with  a  different  text,  translates, 
"  Thou  hast  exalted  me  on  a;  rock  :  thou  hast  led 
me."  Jerome,  with  tho  present  text,  translates.  "When 
the  strong  man  shall  bo  exalted  against  me,  thou  wilt 
be  my  guide."     We  may  with  a  shght  emendation 


384 


PSALMS,  XLI.  2b 


translati,",  "'  In  straits  that  aro  too  mighty  for  mc, 
lead  thou  me." 

LXII.  Rest  In  God. — Tho  Psalmist,  who  is  closely 
allied  in  thought  and  style  to  tho  author  of  Ps.  4, 
exhorts  to  complete  trust  in  God.  Ho  expresses  his 
trust  in  if.,  his  rest  in  3  ;  in  4  he  denounces  sinners  ; 
in  5-1::  ho  reverts  to  his  original  theme,  which  ho  states 
with  greater  fullness.  All  other  trust  is  vain.  Ho 
repeats  if.  in  .sf.,  probably  as  a  refrain,  though  tho 
words  may  be  variants  of  tho  same  text. 

1.  Read  tho  imperative  as  in  5,  "  Wait  in  stillness 
upon  God"  (c/.  try.). — 3.  Omit  "against  a  man," 
which  is  an  erroneous  gloss,  and  read,  "  How  long  will 
they  cry  out  and  exclaim,  as  if  at  a  burning  wall,  a 
tottering  fence  ?  " — 4.  From  his  excellency  :  another 
erroneous  gloss.  Translate,  "  They  only  consult  to 
throw  down,"  i.e.  the  wall.  The  tottering  wall  repre- 
sents tho  tottering  state  or  community.  For  this  con- 
dition of  things,  his  enemies  blame  the  Psalmist,  while 
they  themselves  are  bringing  on  the  catastrophe. 

LXIII.  Written  by  one  who  has  seen  Gods  glory  in 
the  Temple  and  resolved  to  praise  Him  all  his  Ufe. 
He  is  confident  his  enemies  will  perish. — 11  refers  to 
a  Hebrew  king,  possiblj'  Maccabean.  The  language  of 
the  Ps.  is  late. 

1.  Follow  7ng. — In  a  dry ;  read,  "  as  a  dry."  As  tho 
parched  soil  pmes  for  rain,  so  the  Psalmist  for  union 
with  God. — 2.  So:  read  "as." — Place  4  immediately 
after  2. — 6.  When  has  no  apodosis  :  read  "  also." — 
106.  Render  jackals  (7iig.). 

LXIV.  Prayer  of  a  Righteous  Man  against  Treacherous 
Foes. — 6.  The  text  needs  correction.  We  may  read, 
"  They  plan  evil  deeds  :  they  have  hidden  a  well- 
devised  plot,  for  the  inner  man  is  incurable  and  their 
heart  is  deep." — 8.  Read,  "  Ho  shall  make  them 
stumble  because  of  their  tongue." 

LXV.  A  Psalm  of  Thanksgiving.— -1-4.  For  pardon 
and  the  joy  of  Temple  worship. 

1.  waiteth  for:  read  "  beseemeth  "  (LXX). — 2.  all 
flesh  may  mean  no  more  than  "  all  Jews  "  (cf.  Is.  6623 
and  Jl.  228),  but  is  better  taken  in  a  wider  sense. — 
3.  Read,  "  against  us  "  (LXX). 

5-8.  For  God's  sovereignty  in  nature.  In  5  read 
"  afar  off  on  the  sea-coasts,"  and  observe  in  5  and  8 
the  approach  to  a  universal  rehgion,  the  religion  of 
humanity,  as  distinct  from  a  merely  national  religion. 
They  imply  much  more  distinctly  than  2  some  "  feeling 
after  God  "  on  the  part  of  the  heathen. 

8.  1  he  evening,  like  the  day,  is  personified  and  goes 
forth  from  its  house  to  cover  the  earth. 

9-13.  For  an  abundant  harvest,  which  probably 
furnished  tho  immediate  occasion  of  the  hymn. 

9.  waterestlt:  substitute  "  givest  it  abundance." — 
The  river  of  God  is  the  ocean  above  the  firmament 
(Gen.  l6f.*,  7ii),  which  descends  in  rain  from  time  to 
time — for  so  prepares!  thou  the  earth  (vig.) :  i.e.  as 
described  in  10,  viz.  by  watt'ring  the  furrows,  etc. — 
11.  Wherever  God  passes  over  the  earth,  fruitfidnoss 
attends  His  steps. 

LXVI.  A  and  LXVI.  B.  Here  again  we  have  two  Pss., 
rather  unskilfully  joined  together,  for  the  former  ends, 
the  latter  begins  abruptly.  In  66  A  (1-12)  the  speaker 
alwajs  uses  the  first  person  plural  in  speaking  of 
himself.  He  represents  the  people,  or  at  least  a 
section  of  the  people.  He  deals  with  matters  of  public 
concern.  In  GOB  (13-20)  the  poet  uses  the  singular 
number  and  thanks  God  for  grace  bestowed  upon 
himself  personally. 

LXVI.  A.  Tho  author  invites  the  Jews,  and  indeed 
tho  whole  world,  to  praise  God's  wondrous  dwjds.  God 
had  guided  the  Hebrews  in  their  trials,  as  He  had  led 


them  long  ago  through  the  Red  Sea  and  across  the 
Jordan  dry-shod.  The  most  notiible  thing  in  tho  Pa. 
is  its  universalism.  Tho  heathen,  though  no  doubt 
in  a  subordinate  jxjsition,  are  to  share  in  the  good  time 
coming  and  to  rejoice  in  Israel's  deliverance.  Partly 
their  submiasion  is  extorted  by  terror  {3  vtg.)  but 
partly  also  proceeds  from  nobler  motives. 

12.  wealthy  place:   read,  "  place  of  rehef." 

LXVI.  B. — 15.  incense:  smoke  of  sacrifice  (c/.  Is.  I13). 
— 16.  for  my  soul:  i.e.  "  for  myself";  no  contrast  is 
implied  between  soul  and  body. — 176,  18.  The  text  is 
hopelessly  coiTupt.  The  following  is  a  plausible  emenda- 
tion :  "  and  thou  didst  exalt  me  above  them  that  hate 
me.     If  there  is  deceit  in  my  heart,"  etc 

The  Ps.  takes  for  granted  that  God  is  pleased  with 
sacrifice,  and  assumes  the  common  Jewish  doctrine 
that  by  prosperity  God  approved  innocency  of  life. 

LXVII.  An  Expansion  of  the  High  Priest's  Blesshig 
(Nu.  624-26). — The  Jews  have  had  an  abundant  harvest, 
and  the  Psalmist  hopes  that  Yahweli's  favour  to  Israel 
may  lead  other  nations  to  a  knowledge  cf  the  true  God. 

LXVIII.  A  Song  of  Triumph.— Tho  most  difficult  of 
all  the  Pss,  In  some  places  the  text  is  so  corrupt 
that  it  defies  any  attempt  at  emendation,  and  the  \'SS 
give  little,  if  any,  help.  The  historical  allusions  are 
obscure.  The  poet  makes  use  of  older  works,  especially 
of  "  Deborahs  Song  "  in  Jg.  5. 

1-6.  Praise  of  God  for  His  power  and  lovingkindnega. 
This  section  begins  with  a  quotation  from  Nu.  IO35, 
the  words  used  when  tho  Ark  moved  for^vard  in  the 
forty  years'  wandering  through  tho  wilderness. 

4.  rideth  through  the  deserts  or  rather  steppes  {cf. 
Is.  4O3). 

7-14.  God's  care  of  Israel  in  the  past.  The  poet 
illustrates  tliis  by  his  picture,  borrowed  from  Jg.  5,  of 
the  great  victory  over  the  Canaanite  kings  at  the  battle 
of  Megiddo  in  Central  Palestine. 

8.  The  words  "  even  yon  Smai  "  here  and  in  Jg.  55 
aro  an  erroneous  gloss.  They  are  ungrammatical  and 
are  absent  in  one  of  the  oldest  MSS  of  the  LXX. 
Besides  the  poet  is  thinking  of  the  time  of  Deborah, 
not  Moses. — 13f.  is  unmeaning  as  it  stands,  and  no 
emendation  helps  matters  much.  The  "  snow  that  fell 
at  Salmon  "  is  also  unintelligible  :  perhaps  the  poet 
knew  some  traditional  feature  of  the  story  lost  to  us. 
Salmon  was  near  Shechem. 

15-23.  Yahweh  is  enthroned  on  Zion  for  the  do- 
hverance  of  His  people. 

15.  A  mountain  of  God:  i.e.  a  mountain  fitted  by  ita 
height  to  be  the  abode  of  superhuman  beings.  But 
even  tho  peaks  of  Bashan,  the  range  on  tho  NE.  of 
Palestine,  may  well  look  with  envy  on  Zion. — 17.  Read 
perhaps, "  Ho  hath  come  from  Sinai  into  the  sanctuar}-." 
Sinai  was  His  old  homo. — 18.  ascended  on  high :  per- 
haps to  contend  with  tho  powers  of  the  air  and  sky  (r/. 
Is.  242 1 ). — 22.  Some  have  interpreted  tliis  as  a  refer- 
ence to  the  exploits  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  in  Gilead, 
as  recorded  in  I  j\Iac.  7.  The  Ps.  has  also  been  placed 
later,  in  the  time  of  Alexander  .Jannteus  (p.  608),  who 
died  in  78  B.C.     There  is,  in  fact,  no  certain  or  even 

fjrobahle  indication  of  date.  Hero  we  have  a  Jewish 
eader  hard  pressed  by  the  foe  but  cheered  by  a  priestly 
oracle  with  promise  of  dehverance  and  revenge.  ThtVb 
is  all  that  we  know, 

24-27.  Tho  Festal  Procession.  Judah,  Benjamin, 
and  Galilee  were  the  orthodox  Jewish  lands  in  tha 
Maccabean  times.  So  here  again  we  may  have  a  faint 
sign  that  tho  Ps.  is  Maccabean. 

"26«.  Translate,  "  Bless  God  in  tho  choirs." — 27. 
their  ruler:   read,  "  in  front." 

28-36.  Zion  the  spiritual  centre  of  the  whole  world. 


i 


PSALMS.  LXXIII.  13-22 


385 


God  is  to  maintain  Hia  rule  in  Jerusalem  :  nay,  the 
Temple  is  to  attract  foreign  kings.  Egypt  and  Ethiopia 
are  specially  mentioned. 

30,  except  the  last  clause,  is  hopelessly  corrupt.  We 
only  know  that  beasts  are  the  symbols  for  foreign 
kings. 

LXIX.  A  Prayer  for  Deliverance  and  Revenge.— The 
author  was  a  pious  Jew,  burning  with  zeal  for  the 
purity  of  the  Temple  worship  (9).  He  was  a  repre- 
sentative man,  so  that  the  reproaches  of  those  that 
reproached  Yahweh  fell  upon  him.  If  he  was  de- 
feated, the  pious  throughout  Israel  would  lose  hope. 
He  was  in  great  danger  of  his  life,  and  that  from  his 
fellow- Jews  (8).  Maccabean  times  suit  the  situation 
best,  though  Maccabean  origin  is  incapable  of  proof. 
Cf.,  e.g.,  the  career  of  Alcimus  (pp.  382,  607)  the 
Hcllenised  High  Priest  as  related  in  1  Mac.  9,  where  he 
is  said  to  have  pulled  down  the  wall  of  the  inner  court 
of  the  sanctuary.  The  Psalmist,  when  he  wrote,  was 
apparently  excluded  from  Temple  service,  for  he  is 
content  to  offer  the  sacrifice  of  praise,  confident  that 
such  a  spiritual  offering  will  please  God  better  than 
the  slaughter  of  a  dumb  beast. 

2-4.  Cry  for  Help. — The  poet  suffers  metaphorically 
what  Jeremiah  f  Jer.  38)  suffered  literally. 

4.  while  I  wait;  read,  "from  waiting"  (LXX). 
Read  also,  "  I  (emphatic)  had  to  restore  that  which  I 
took  not  away." 

5-12.  The  Psalmist  acknowledges  his  sin  before  God, 
but  it  is  his  virtue,  not  his  fault,  which  has  brought  ruin 
upon  him. 

13-18.  Prayer  for  deliverance. 

13.  in  an  acceptable  time :  read,  "  do  thou  accept 
me."     The  time  was  the  reverse  of  acceptable. 

19-28.  The  Psalmist's  suffering  and  thirst  for 
vengeance. 

226.  Read  "  and  let  their  peace-offerings  become  a 
trap." — 266.  Read,  "  They  add  to  the  affliction  of  thy 
wounded  ones  "  (LXX).  This  may  refer  to  the  defeat 
and  death  of  Judas  Maccabsbus  and  his  men. — 27.  into 
thy  righteousness :  i.e.  into  the  assembly  of  those  whom 
God  declares  righteous. — 28.  the  book  of  life:  the 
burgess  roll  of  citizens  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

29-33.  The  Psalmist's  confidence  and  gratitude. 

The  whole  Ps.  is  intensely  individual :  it  depicts 
the  agony  of  a  lonely  soul.  But  the  compiler  of  the 
Psalter  has  added  the  three  final  verses,  in  which  the 
popular  desire  for  the  restoration  of  the  county  towns 
of  Judah  and  the  faith  of  the  pious  in  the  Gk)d  of  the 
whole  earth,  find  expression. 

LXX.  See  Ps.  40 14-18. 

LXXI.  A  Psalm  of  Gratitude  for  God's  Constant  Care 
of  His  Servant  from  Youth  to  Old  Age.— The  Psalmist 
expresses  himself  in  language  borrowed  from  older 
sources. 

1-3.  Quoted  from  Ps.  31.  Use  is  also  made  of 
Ps.  22.  But  the  Psalmist  is  a  man  of  original  power, 
and  the  Ps.  has  a  definite  character  of  its  own.  He  has 
powerful  enemies  and  has  been  brought  to  death's 
door,  but  he  is  full  of  trust  that  God,  who  has  led  him 
from  his  infancy,  will  lead  him  to  the  end.  He  is 
already  growing  old.  The  writer  cannot  be  speaking 
in  the  name  of  Israel  (s<-*e  9). — 6c.  Read,  "  my  hope  shall 
bo  continually  in  thee." — 7.  The  Psalmist  was  a 
wonder  to  many,  for  why  should  a  pious  man  suffer  so 
severely  ?  —  20.  Follow  nvj.  The  Psahnist  was  in 
imminent  danger  of  death,  but  did  not  lose  hope. 

LXXII.  Prayer  for  the  Ideal  King.— The  king  is  to 
be  just,  beneficent,  renowned.  But  he  is  in  no  sense 
superhuman.  On  the  contrary,  in  15  wo  are  told  that 
men  will  pray  for  him  constantly.     But  in  5-1 1  another 


view  presents  itself.  Not  only  is  he  to  rule  all  nations, 
but  lus  pre-existenco,  as  some  have  thought,  seems  to 
be  assumed  in  6,  and  clearly  his  immortality  is  implied 
in  5.  The  insertion  breaks  the  connexion  between  4 
and  12.  Hence  it  is  now  generally  admitted  that  5-1 1 
iS;  at  least  in  part,  a  later  addition.  The  king  prayed 
for  was  certainly  Jewish  'see  2)  and  not  improbably 
Maccabean.  The  passage  inserted  (5-1 1)  assumes  a 
Messianic  doctrine  of  very  late  age  ;  how  late,  it  is 
impossible  to  say.     See  further  p.  372. 

3.  A  reminiscence  of  Is.  458. — 7.  Read  "  righteous- 
ness "  (LXX). — 9.  Read,  "  Adversaries  shall  bow." — 
10.  Tarshish  was  probably  a  Phoenician  colony  in  Spain, 
Sheba  (1  K.  10*)  in  S.  Arabia,  Seba  in  Ethiopia.— 15. 
Read,  "  May  he  Uve  and  may  there  bo  given,"  etc. — 
16.  Only  the  first  nine  words  are  intelligible  ;  the  rest  of 
the  verse  is  hopelessly  corrupt. — 17.  Read,  "  His  name 
shall  be  established."  This  is  not,  as  in  5-1 1,  a  personal 
immortality,  but  one  of  fame.  Translate  also  "  men 
shall  bless  themselves  in  him  "  {mg.),  i.e.  take  him  as 
the  standard  of  prosperity  (cf.  Gen.  I23).  So  we  say 
"  as  wise  as  Solomon,"  "  as  rich  as  Croesus." — 18f.  is 
no  part  of  Ps.  72.  It  is  the  doxology  which  closed  the 
book  of  "  the  prayers  (LXX  '  Pss.)  of  David,"  and  at 
a  later  time  was  used  to  mark  the  end  of  Book  II 
of  the  Psalter. 

BOOK  m.— PSS.  LXXIII.-LXXXIX. 

LXXm.  The  Hope  of  Immortality.— Here  the  Psalter 
reaches  its  highest  elevation.  Job,  in  1925!*,  beUevea 
that  God  will  vindicate  his  innocence  even  after  death, 
and  is  confident  that  he  himself,  in  spite  of  death, 
will  see  God.  Job,  however,  expresses  no  belief  that 
he  vnW.  hve  for  ever.  He  is  to  see  God  for  a  moment ; 
he  does  not  expect  that  he  will  abide  with  God  con- 
tinually. This  is  just  what  the  Psalmist  does  expect. 
This  belief  flows  from  the  depths  of  his  spiritual 
experience,  and  he  utters  it  vdxh  intensity  of  conviction 
and  in  calm  and  measured  language.  He  has  seen  the 
prosperity  of  the  godless  and  has  all  but  lost  his  faith 
in  God.  He  will  not,  however,  condemn  the  generation 
of  God's  children,  or  admit  that  their  piety  has  been 
in  vain.  God  teaches  him  how  precarious  the  pros- 
perity of  the  wicked  is,  and  leads  him  to  the  conviction 
that  communion  with  God,  the  source  of  life,  is  the 
supreme  and  eternal  blessing.     See  p.  371. 

1-12.  The  pride  of  the  wicked  and  their  pros- 
perity. 

1.  As  the  text  stands,  Israel  means  the  spiritual 
Israel,  but  the  Psalmist  makes  no  such  distinction. 
Read,  "  to  the  upright." — 4.  Read,  with  new  division 
of  consonants,  "  They  have  no  pangs :  sound  and 
firm  is  their  body." — 7.  LXX  reads,  "  Their  iniquity 
goeth  forth  from  their  fat,"  i.e.  from  their  gross, 
sensual  nature.  In  yb  read  mg. — 8.  oppression :  trans- 
late, "  perverse  words." — 9f.  These  practical  atheists 
discuss  all  questions,  human  and  Divine.  This  attracts 
many  to  their  side.     Nothuig  can  be  made  of  106. 

13-22.  The  Psalmist's  temptation  and  his  deliver- 
ance. He  is  tempted  to  thuik  piety  of  no  account. 
Temporal  prosperity  was  its  promised  reward,  but 
under  the  later  Greek  rulers,  especially  Antiochus,  a 
Jew  would  profit  far  more  by  adopting  Greek  fashions 
than  by  strict  observance  of  the  Law.  But  the 
Psalmist  will  not  be  disloyal  to  the  revelation  which 
belonged  to  the  Hebrews  as  the  children  of  Yahweh 
(Dt.  14i).  In  the  "  sanctuary  of  God,"  i.e.  the  Tcraplo 
(for  there  is  no  need  to  think  of  secret  rehgious  societies 
like  the  Greek  mysteries),  the  truth  flashes  upon  him. 
"  As  a  dream  when  one  awakcth  they  are  gone,  as  a 
phantom   which    thou    despisest    when    awake "   (20 

V6 


386 


PSALMS,  LXXIII.  13-22 


emended).     The  Psalmist  confesses  that  ho  has  been 
like  a  beast  which  has  no  spiritual  sight. 

2S-28.  Now,  on  the  contrar>%  ho  enjoys  unbroken 
communion  with  God  and  learns  that  tliis  is  t!io 
supremo  good.  God  is  liis  guide  here  and  will  receive 
hini  into  glorv  hereafter.     ^  is  an  interpolation. 

LXXIV.  The  date  may  be  fixed  with  certainty  and 
that  within  narrow  limits.  The  Jews  are  suffering 
extreme  distress,  but  apparently  by  no  fault  of  their 
own,  for  there  is  no  confession  of  siii.  The  persecution 
is  a  religious  one,  since  we  are  told  repeatedh'  ( lo,  i8,  22) 
that  their  foes  blaspheme  God.  S3Tiagogues,  unknown 
in  pre-exilic  times,  exist  throughout  the  land. 
Calamities,  to  some  extent  similar,  existed  in  .586  B.C. 
when  the  Babylonians  took  Jerusalem  and  burned 
down  the  Temple.  But  if  the  writer  had  lived  in  the 
time  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  ho  could  not  have  com- 
plained that  no  prophet  had  arisen  (9).  This,  however, 
is  just  the  complaint  which  befits  Maccabean  times 
(1  Mac.  927,  446,  1441).  Everything,  therefore,  points 
to  the  composition  of  the  Ps.  between  168  B.C.,  when 
Antiochus  defiled  the  Temple  with  heathen  sacrifice, 
forbade  Jewish  rites,  and  burnt  copies  of  the  Law, 
and  16.5,  when  Judas  Maccabseus  cleansed  the  Temple 
and  reorganised  the  worship  (p.  607). 

1-11.  The  miserj'  of  Israel  beneath  the  oppression 
of  the  heat  lien,  prayer  for  deUvcrance. 

3,  perpetual  is  a  strange  expression,  for  the  ruins 
were  of  verj^  recent  date.  But  the  Psahnist  may  have 
despaired  of  their  restoration. — 4  may  refer  to  Greek 
inscriptions,  weapons,  etc.,  hung  in  the  Temple  as 
"  signs  ""of  the  Greek  ascendancy. — 7.  The  Temple  was 
not  burnt  down,  but  the  door-posts  were-  set  on  fire  and 
destroyed  (1  Mac.  438).— 9.  OUT  Signs:  all  the  outward 
token  of  religion,  e,g.  ot^ervance  of  Sabbaths  and 
feasts. — 11.  Read,  "  Why  dost  thou  hold  back  thy 
hand  and  keep  thy  right  hand  in  the  midst  of  thy 
bosom  ?  " 

12-17.  Gods  Omnipotence  as  Creator. 
131.  The  Psalmist  draws  from  the  popular  mythology. 
He  refers  to  the  struggle  between  the  powers  of  light 
and  darkness,  the  latter  being  personified  as  "  dragons  " 
and  Lc\-iathan  (Job  38*). — 146.  The  carcase  of  Levia- 
than was  food  for  the  wild  beaste  of  the  desert  wliich 
feed  on  carrion. 
18-23.  Arise,  0  God  ! 

18.  Emend,  "  In  spite  of  this  (i.e.  in  spite  of  God's 
wonders  in  creation)  the  enemy  hath  blasphemed 
Yahweh  and  a  foolish  (i.e.  impious,  see  Ps.  14i,  Is.  358*) 
people  hath  hlasphcmed  thy  name."  It  is  perhaps 
worth  noting  in  this  connexion  that  the  great  adversary 
of  the  Jewish  Law,  Epiphancs,  i.e.  "  the  illustrious," 
was  nicknamed  Epimanes,  i.e.  "  the  madman." — 20. 
Render,  "  Look  to  the  fat  ones  for  they  are  full."  The 
wealthy  oppressors  are  compared  to  fatlings.  The 
pious  .lews  repair  to  dark  holes  and  corners  (1  Mac.  I53, 
227ff. ),  but  even  there  the  oppressors  find  them  out. 

LXXV.  The  Inevitable  Judgment.— The  Ps.  opens 
with  praise  of  God  and  His  wondrous  works.  After  i 
it  is  God  who  si)oaks.  God  will  surely  judge  the  world, 
though  He  waits  for  His  appointed  time.  He  holds 
the  brimming  cup  of  wine,  and  all  must  drink. 

1.  for  .  .  .  works :  read,  "  We  have  called  on  thy 
name  :  we  have  told  of  thy  wondrous  works  "  (LXX). 
—2.  For  the  appointed  time  long  delayed  but  sure  to 
come,  rj.  Hab.  23. — 3.  Follow  mg. — 66.  Read,  "  Nor 
yet  from  the  wilderness  or  the  mountains  (cf.  mg.) 
Cometh  it  "  (the  sentence  of  exaltation  or  depression). — 
8.  The  imagery  of  the  cup  Is  found  in  Jer.  2oi5ff.  and 
elsewhere. — mixture  refers  to  herbs  which  increased 
the    intoxicating    power   of    the    wine. — Road,    "  He 


poureth  it  out  to  one  after  another  "  (LXX). — ^9.  de- 
clare :  read,  "  rejoice." — In  91.  the  poet  again  speaks. 

LXXVI.  The  Majesty  of  God  In  Zion:  Homage  of 
the  Nations. 

2.  Salem  :  a  poetical  name  for  Jerusalem  (Gen.  14i8*). 
— 3.  lightnings  of  the  bow  [mg.),  i.e.  arrows.— 4.  Read, 
'■  from  the  eternal  mountains "  (LXX)  or  rather 
"  mountain,"  i.e.  Zion. — 7.  Read,  "  because  of  the 
strength  of  tliinc  anger." — 9.  The  Divine  sentence  is 
given  from  heaven  :  the  earth  trembles  and  is  still, 
perjocuting  tho  meek  of  the  land  no  more. — 10.  For 
■■  wrath  "  in  each  case  read  "  nations,"  and  for  "  shalt 
thou  gird  upon  thee,"  read  "  shall  keep  feast,"  i.e.  at 
Zion.  By  '"  the  residue  of  nations  "  the  poet  means 
those  who  are  loft  after  the  judgment.  All  mankind 
are  to  acknowledge  the  God  of  Israel. 

LXXVII.  Israels  Present  Distress  and  Past  Glory. 

1-3.  Tho  present  distress. 

1.  with  my  voice:   i.e.  with  a  loud  voice. 
4-15.  Past  glory. 

4.  Perhaps  we  should  translate,  "  Mine  eyelids  are 
held  fast,"  i.e.  so  that  they  cannot  close  in  sleep. — 
6.  The  first  words  ought  to  stand  at  the  end  of  5, 
"  The  years  of  ancient  time  I  call  to  remembrance." — 
my  song :  inappropriate  ;  we  need  some  such  Mord  as 
"  I  mused." — 106.  Render,  "  This  Is  my  affliction  that 
the  right  hand  of  the  Most  High  is  changed  "  (r/.  mg.). 
Of  course  Gods  right  hand  had  not  really  lost  its 
power  ;  but  that  power  was  no  longer  displaj'od  to  His 
people. — 13.  hoUness  (mg.):  God's  presence  with  His 
people  and  in  their  Manderings  sanctified  all  tho  way 
they  went.     See  especially  Is.  63'jff. 

16-19.  Hero  \\c  have  the  fragment  of  another  poem. 
It  describes  a  theophany  and  has  no  connexion  with 
its  context. — 20  belongs  or  mav  belong  to  Ps.  77. 

LXXVm.  The  Lesson  of'  Israel  s  History.— The 
northern  tribes  have  been  perverse  fiom  tho  fii-st. 
Their  wickedness  has  culminated  in  the  schismatieal 
religion  of  the  Samaritans.  God,  on  the  contrary,  has 
chosen  Zion,  the  sanctuary  of  Judah.  The  Ps.  must 
have  been  written  before  John  Hyrcanus  (134  B.C.) 
destroyed  the  Samaritan  shrine  on  Mt.  Gerizim  (p.  608). 

1-11.  Introduction. 

2.  parable;  rathor  "  poem." — dark  sayings:  rather 
enigmas  in  the  history  of  Israel  and  Judah  which  tho 
Psalmist  explains. — 4.  Point  with  LXX,  "  It  was  not 
hid  from  their  children  :  they  told  it  for  the  generation 
that  was,"  etc. — 5.  testimony  :  i.e.  the  Law  which  bears 
witness  to  the  Divine  will. — 9.  Correct  from  57,  "  The 
ehildren  of  Ephraim,  like  a  deceitful  bow,  turned 
back,  etc  They  were  hke  mercenaries  who  fled  when 
danger  came  "  [cf.  Hos.  7i6).  The  Psalmist  would 
find  a  plausible  support  for  his  theory  in  the  Book  of 
Judges,  a  North-Israelite  production,  and  concerned 
with  Israel's,  not  Judah's  sins. 

12-39  dwells  chietly  on  Gods  wonderful  work  on 
His  people's  l)ehalf,  though  it  also  relates  instances  of 
their  perversity  and  God's  merciful  forgiveness. 

12.  Zoan:  tanis  (Is.  lOii*).  It  was  at  the  NE. 
comer  of  Egypt. — 25.  Manna  was  the  ordinarj-  food  of 
the  "  strong,"  t.f.  angels  (see  Ps.  103,20). — 30.  Thoy 
were  as  yet  in  full  enjoyment  of  tho  flesh  ;  they  wei-e 
not  tired  or  sick  of  it.— 33.  in  vanity:  i.e.  in  aimless 
wanderings  through  tho  desert. 

40-58.  Israel's  constant  ajwsta-sy  despite  all  that 
God  had  done  for  them,  especially  by  punishing  their 
enemies  in  Egj'pt  and  by  destroying  tho  Canaanitee. 

48.  hail:  read,  '  pestilence."— 49f.  Here  th 
Psalmist  adds  to  tho  story  as  told  in  Exodus.  Th 
"  band  of  evil  angels,"  and  the  general  plague,  arc  noi 
mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  Bible. — 51.  Ham :  a  n&m 


,t 

it 

1 


PSALMS,  LXXXIV.  3 


38< 


for  Egypt  in  late  Pss.  (IO523*).  Egypt  was  the  greatest 
of  Ham's  sons. — 54.  Follow  mg. — 556.  Read,  '"  and 
allotted  their  (the  Canaanites')  inheritance  by  line" 
fr/.  Is.  3717). 

59-72.  Shiloh  replaced  by  Jerusalem.  The  Kingdom 
of  David. 

59.  Israel  in  the  old  language  included  the  central  and 
northern  tribes,  as  distinct  from  Judah,  though  after 
the  captivity  of  the  northern  nation,  Judah  adopted 
the  now  vacant  name.  Shiloh  was  the  great  shrine 
and  was  destroyed,  wo  know  not  how,  probably  by  the 
PhiUstincs  (see  1  S.  7i*.  Jer.  712-14*,  260-9  .—64.  Read 
with  LXX,  '■  No  lament  was  made  for  their  widows." — 
656.  Translate  with  LXX,  "  hke  a  mighty  man  who 
had  been  overpowered  by  wine."  The  Ephraimites 
and  the  other  tribes  associated  with  him  are  the 
"  adversaries  "  :  God  has  been  imtient  with  them  too 
long ;  now  He  rises,  as  from  sleep  or  wine,  to  punish 
the  Samaritans,  who  in  their  rejection  of  the  shrine 
at  Jerusalem  upheld  the  old  evil  tradition.  But  the 
sequence  of  thought  is  far  from  clear. 

LXXIX.  The  Sanctuary  Profaned,— The  Ps.  is  of  the 
same  date  as  74.  It  does  not  suit  the  earlier  destruc- 
tion of  the  city  and  the  Temple  in  586  b.c.  The  words 
'■  war,"  '■  overthrow,"  and  the  Uke  do  not  occur  :  the 
Temple  is  profaned,  not  destroj^ed.  On  the  other 
hand,  3  is  in  striking  accord  with  the  picture  drawn  in 
1  Mac.  1 37.  Notice  also  the  mention  of  the  godly  or 
Asideans  in  2  (see  Ps.  43). 

21.  is  quoted  in  1  Mac.  7 17. — 6f.  is  from  Jer.  IO25, 
and  was  perhaps  inserted  here  by  a  later  hand. — 11. 
preserve:  read,  "loose." — 12.  The  eastern  flowing 
jobes  were  well  adapted  for  caiTs-ing  burdens  in  the 
front  folds  (see  Is.  606,  Jer.  32i8,  Lk.  63S). 

LXXX.  Then  and  Now.  The  Messianic  Hope.— The 
Ps.  depicts  Judah's  forlorn  condition,  first  directly  (1-7) 
and  then  under  the  figure  of  a  vino  (8-19).  It  is  divided 
into  strophes  by  the  refrain  in  3,  7,  19.  (In  3  insert 
"  of  hosts  "  (LXX)  as  in  7,  19.)  Probably  also  the 
refrain  has  fallen  out  after  13. 

Ic.  A  rhetorical  reminiscence  of  the  time  when  the 
Ark  {\  S.  44,  2  8.  62)  represented  Yahweh  and  was 
carried  out  to  battle. — 2.  The  Psalmist  looks  forward 
to  the  recovery  of  the  northern  tribes  and  their  union 
with  Judah  before  the  advent  of  the  Messianic  age. — 
4.  Translate,  "Wilt  thou  fume  at  the  prayer?" — 5. 
Read  with  LXX,  "  fed  us,"  "  given  us." — 6.  strife :  i.e. 
an  object  of  contention,  such  as,  e.g.,  Poland  or  the 
Italian  States  have  been  to  the  greater  powers. — among 
themselves :  read,  "  at  us." 

8-11.  The  vine  in  its  glory.  For  the  allegory  c/. 
Gen.  4922,  Is.  5i-7,  Jer.  221. 

10.  cedars  of  God :  i.e.  so  great  that  they  are  in  a 
special  sense  due  to  Divine  action. — 11  gives  the  ideal 
boundaries  of  the  Davidic  kingdom,  viz.  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  the  Euphratos. 

12/.  The  vine  in  its  abandonment. 
14-19.  Prayer  for  revival. — 15.  stock  :  a  word  of 
uncertain  meaning. — 156  is  the  original.  176  is  an 
inferior  variant.  The  context  shows  that  the  "  son  of 
man  whom  thou  madest  so  strong  for  thyself "  is 
primarily  Israel  personified. 

LXXXI.  This  Ps.  is  probably  composite. 
A.  1-4. — A  Festal  Hymn,  specially  adapted  for  the 
old  New  Year's  Day  or  Feast  of  Trumpets  (p.  104), 
which  was  held  on  the  new  moon  of  Tishri,  the  seventh 
month,  and  for  the  Feast  f(f  Tabernacles  (pj).  l()3f.)  at 
the  full  moon  of  the  same  month.  The  old  New  Year 
in  the  autumn,  when  the  cycle  of  agricultural  work 
was  complete,  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Baby- 
lonian New  Year  in  the  spring  month  of  Nisan  (see  p. 


118,  Lev.  2324ff.  and  Nu.  29).     Possibly  81  A  is  a  mere 
fragment. 

B  is  different  in  tone  and  subject.  It  relates  (5-10) 
God's  care  for  His  people  in  Egypt  and  the  wilderness, 
(ii-iG)  Israel's  disobedience.  The  triumph  through 
God's  favour,  if  Israel  would  do  as  He  commanded. 

5.  The  '■  testimony,"  i.e.  Gods  witness  for  the  effect 
of  disobedience  and  obedience,  relates  to  the  verses 
which  follow,  but  probably  the  text  of  5  has  suffered 
from  the  union  of  81  B  with  81  A.  Read  with  LXX, 
"  He  heard  a  language  that  he  knew  not.'' — 7.  "  I 
proved  thee  "  :   the  reference  is  to  some  lost  tradition. 

LXXXII.  Against  Iniquitous  Rulers.  Jewish  rulers 
are  meant,  as  is  plain  from  3! 

6f.  The  use  of  the  word  "  God  "  in  6f.  is  ironical. 
The  great  men  bear  themselves  as  if  Divine,  but  have 
to  die  like  other  men.  [But  see  on  Ps.  081. — A,  S.  P.] 
— princes:  read,  "  demons."  The  writer  may  have  had 
Gen.  61-4"^  in  mind. — 8.  inherit:  read,  "rule."  But 
the  verse  is  a  later  addition.  God's  rule  over  the 
heathen  has  nothing  to  do  with  administration  of 
justice  in  Israel,  and  there  is  no  reason  for  begging 
God  to  rise  and  judge,  for  this  He  is  already  doing. 

LXXXIII.  The  date  can  bo  fixed  with  a  near  approach 
to  certainty.  The  clue  is  fumished  by  1  Mac.  5.  The 
victories  of  Judas  Maccabseus  and  the  cleansing  of  the 
Temple  in  165  B.C.  (]).  G07)were  followed  by  a  general 
uprising  of  the  neighbouring  States,  which  were  jealous 
of  Judah  and  bent  on  hindering  its  national  revival. 
So  far  as  we  know,  no  simultaneous  attack  of  this  kind 
Lad  ever  occurred  before  or  ever  occurred  again.  But 
the  political  situation  exactly  corresponds  to  that  here 
presupposed.  To  each  account  the  names  of  the 
Edomites,  Ammonites,  Philistines,  Arabians,  Tyriana 
are  common.  The  object  of  the  attack  is  also  identical. 
\iz.  to  "  cut  off  Israel  from  being  a  nation."  The  poet 
recalls  past  victories  in  the  time  of  the  Judges  and 
prays  that  Israel's  enemies  in  his  own  time  may  meet 
with  crushing  defeat.  Of  the  hostile  nations  mentioned 
Edom  was  on  the  S.,  Ammon  on  the  E.  of  Israel,  the 
Lshmaelites  seem  to  have  lived  on  the  N.  of  the 
Sinaitic  wilderness,  the  Hagarenes  (mentioned  only 
here  and  1  Ch.  010, 19!)  were  an  Arab  (or  Aramaean) 
tribe  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  Gebal  was  the  mountainous 
region  (c/.  Arabic  '"  Jebel  "  =  "  mountain ')  S.  of  the 
Dead  Sea  ;  the  Amalekites  dwelt  originally  on  the 
S.  of  Canaan.  Some  of  these  nationalities  existed  no 
longer,  and  are  used  here  poetically  as  types  of  Israel's 
foes.  It  is  surprising  to  find  AssjTia  Unked  with  these 
petty  powers.  But  Assyria  m  late  Heb.  stands  for  SjTia 
(Nu.  2423"*),  which  indeed  is  a  mutilated  form  of  the 
same  word.  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  withdrawn  to 
Persia  and  left  only  a  detachment  under  Gorgias 
(1  Mac.  559)  as  a  defensive  against  the  Jews.  The 
"  children  of  Lot  "  wereMoab  and  Ammon  (Gen.19376). 
9-12.  For  the  victories  over  the  Canaanites  and 
Midianites,  sec  Jg.  4-7.  For  habitations  (12)  read 
"  habitation  "  (LXX). 

Since  the  Ps.  makes  no  mention  of  the  victories 
which  Judas  iVIaccaba?us  won  over  the  hostile  States, 
wo  must  place  it  after,  but  not  much  after,  Kin  B.C. 

LXXXIV.  A  Pilgrim  Psalm.— 3.  sparrow  (rather 
"  little  bird  "  generally)  and  swallow  are  metaphorical 
for  pious  Jewish  pilgrims.  As  the  birds  find  their  nests 
and  homes,  so  the  Jew,  worthy  of  the  name,  finds 
his  rest  and  joy  in  proximity  to  the  altars  of  his  Crod. 
'■  Altars  "  may  be  a  poetical  plural,  like  "  holy  places  " 
inPs.  6835  (r/.  especially  1325,;).  To  take  "the  words 
as  if  they  meant  that  the  birds  in  the  literal  sense 
found  a  home  at  the  altar  would  involve  manifest 
absurdity.     The    swallow    still    haunts    the    temple- 


388 


PSALMS,  LXXXrV.  3 


mosquo  at  Jerusalem,  but  an  altar  with  its  crowd  of 
worshippers  and  its  sacrilicoB  by  fire  is  surely  the  last 
place  which  a  bird  would  chooso  for  its  nest  or  even  aa 
a  favourite  resort. — 5.  Read,  "  in  whose  heart  are 
ascents  "  (LXX),  i.e.  pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem  on  tho 
height, — -6.  Tho  meaning  is  very  doubtful.  The 
"  valley  of  balsam  shrubs  "  (?  cf.  mg.)  is  mentioned  only 
here.  Possibly  there  was  such  a  valley  on  the  way 
to  Jerusalem.  Tho  Psalmist  by  a  play  of  words  thinks 
of  it  as  a  vale  of  weeping,  barren  and  repulsive. 
Cf.  Bab  el  Mandeb,  "  Gate  of  lamentation,"  at  the 
nan-ow  and  perilous  entrance  of  the  Rod  Sea.  Read, 
perhaps,  "  As  they  pass  through  tho  valley  of  Baca,  He 
(i.e.  God)  maketh  it  a  spring." — blessings:  road 
"  pools."  The  early  rain  falls  in  October,  before  the 
now  farming  year  begins. — 7.  Instead  of  growing 
weary,  the  pilgrims  are  strengthened  by  that  journey. 
Road,  "  seeth  God  in  Zion." — 9.  Translate  "  0  God, 
behold  our  sloield  and  look,"  etc.  The  "  anointed  one  " 
may  be  the  High  Priest  (see  Lev.  43,5,16,  615). — 
10.  Read,  "  A  day  in  thy  courts  is  bettor  than  a 
thousand  away  "  ;  mg.  gives  better  the  sense  of  what 
follows. 

It  has  been  thought  that  9,  iif.  have  been  in  whole 
or  part  interpolated  into  this  Ps.  as  a  liturgical  con- 
clusion. 

LXXXV.  Prayer  for  the  Completion  of  Israel's 
Restoration. — The  Ps.  falls  clearly  into  two  halves. 
1-7  is  a  pra\'cr  to  God.  It  begins  (1-3)  by  commemo- 
rating God's  mercy.  He  had  restored  His  people  (see 
on  147)  and  forgiven  their  sin,  but  the  expectation  of 
Jewish  saints  remained  unfulfilled  (4-7).  The  refer- 
ence may  be  to  the  hopes  raised  by  tho  "  Second 
Isaiah  "  (Is.  40-55).  Israel  did  return  under  Gyrus  (pp. 
77f.).  but  the  hopes  of  coming  glory  were  disappointed. 

The  second  half,  on  the  contrary  (8-13),  is  not  a 
prayer  to  God  but  a  revelation  from  God,  uttered 
perhaps  by  a  prophet.  The  long-looked-for  glory  will 
surely  come. 

Sb.  unto:  read,  "concerning," — saints:  see  Ps.  43*. 
— 8c.  Read,  "  and  concerning  those  who  turn  to  Him 
with  their  heart  "  (LXX). — 9.  his  salvation :  i.e.  the 
Messianic  age. — glory:  the  light  in  which  God  lives 
(see  Is.  2423).  It  was  present  in  Solomon's  Temple 
and  in  the  Tabernacle  but  not  in  the  second  Temple, 
but  it  was  to  return.  Observe  that  the  religious 
blessing,  the  glory  of  God,  comes  first ;  then  tho 
moral  virtues,  mercy,  truth,  righteousness,  peace ; 
lastly  the  material  blessing  of  abundant  harvests. 

LXXXVI.  The  Prayer  of  a  Godly  Man  in  Affliction.— 
This  Ps.  is  little  more  than  a  cento  from  tho  rest  of  the 
Psaltor. 

1-10.  The  Psalmist  prays  for  succour,  pleading 
God's  mercy  and  his  own  piety.     For  piety,  see  Ps.  4$. 

8-10.  The  incomparable  greatness  of  God,  which  all 
nations  will  in  tho  end  acknowledge. 

11-17.  Prayer  for  Divine  guidance  and  for  a  token 
that  God  is  on  his  side,  not  on  that  of  his  more  prosper- 
ous foes. 

11.  to  fear:  road,  "  to  them  that  fear."  Tho  LXX 
roads,  "  lot  my  heart  rejoice  to  fear  thy  name." 

LXXXVIL  Zion  the  Mother  of  all  Yahweh's  People. 
— When  this  Ps.  was  written,  the  Jews  wore  scattered 
everywhere  in  the  known  world.  But  every  true  Jew 
recognised  Jerusalem  as  his  mother  city.  The  glory 
of  Zion  was  due  to  the  establishment  there  of  David's 
court  and  to  tho  greot  principle  of  the  Deutoronomic 
reform,  "  one  Yahweli  and  one  altar,"  viz.  at  Jerusalem. 
Attempt  was  made  by  interpolation  in  ancient  records 
(see  Gen.  14i8-2o*  and  22.;*)  to  carry  tho  consecra- 
tion of  Jenisalem  back  into  patriarchal  times. 


3.  are  spolcen:  read,  "he  speaketh." — 4,  5a.  A 
short  speech  by  Yahweh.  Render,  "  because  of  them 
that  know  "  (or  "  acknowledge  ")  "  me,"  i.e.  the  Jews 
who  are  settled  there.  Rahab  (Job  9i3*,26i2,  Is. 
51 9*)  was  a  mythical  sea-monster,  identified  here  with 
Egypt  {rf.  Is.  3O7*).  Many  Jews  had  been  bom  in 
Egypt,  Babylon,  etc.,  but  their  spiritual  birthplace  was 
in  Jerusalem. — 5a.  Read  "  I  call  Zion  mother  "  ;  every 
one  was  born  there  (LXX),  whatever  the  place  of  his 
physical  birth  may  have  been,  if  he  be  a  true  Jew. 
—6.  when  he  writeth  up :  read,  "  in  the  register  of 
peoples  "  (LXX). — 7.  Tlio  dance  and  song  are  sacred, 
and  the  springs  are  metaphorical. 

LXXXVIII.  A  Leper's  Prayer.— This  Ps.  has  striking 
peculiarities.  The  suffering  hero  portrayed  has  been 
long  and  terrible.  The  Psalmist  has  been  tormented 
by  sickness  from  his  youth  (15).  Yahweh  has  "  put 
lover  and  friend  away  from  him."  This  seclusion  was, 
no  doubt,  due  to  leprosy,  which  was  a  living  death, 
separating  a  man  from  his  dearest.  The  malady  was 
supposed  to  come  directly  from  God  :  it  was  His 
"  stroke  "  par  excellence.  The  Psalmist  mentions  no 
enemies,  he  confesses  no  sin,  he  pleads  no  merits.  Nor 
does  he  draw  comfort  from  the  thought  of  an  after- 
life. On  the  contrary,  he  shares  the  common  belief 
in  Sheol  (10-12).  But  he  still  holds  to  his  faith  in 
God,  and  assumes  (14)  that  there  is  some  reason  for 
God's  wrath,  for  he  did  not  doubt  that  the  leprosy 
came  from  God's  anger  (7,  14,  and  16). 

1.  Read,  "  Yahweh  my  Gk)d  I  have  cried  in  the  day- 
time, and  my  plaint  is  before  thee  in  the  night." — 
5.  Cast  off :  the  meaning  is  doubtful,  perhaps  "  my 
bed  "  :  or  we  may  read  "  I  have  been  reckoned  "  or 
"  I  have  been  made  to  dwell." — 15.  distracted :  read, 
"  benumbed." — 18.  Read  perhaps,  "  and  only  dark- 
ness is  my  familiar." 

LXXXIX.  The  Covenant  with  David.— The  Ps.  may 
be  divided  thus  :  1-18.  The  promise  made  to  David 
(2  S.  7).  Yahweh  is  all-powerful,  so  that  He  can, 
faithful  so  that  He  will,  fulfil  His  word.  19-37.  The 
promise  considered  at  greater  length.  Observe  the  . 
sobriety  of  tone.  It  is  David's  djTiasty,  not  David 
himself,  which  is  to  endure  for  ever,  and  the  kingdom 
promised  is  not  world-wide  but  limited  to  the  old 
boundaries,  viz.  tho  Euphrates  and  the  Egyptian 
frontier.  38-51.  In  spite  of  this  great  promise  Israel 
is  in  abjoct  misery,  and  the  time  is  short,  for  human 
life  is  soon  over.  The  Ps.  is  generally  admitted  to  bo 
post-exilic.  The  sceptre  had  ali-eady  (39,44!)  fallen 
from  the  hands  of  the  Jewish  monarch.  The  Ps.  must 
have  been  composed  long  after  tho  Exile,  since  there  is 
no  prayer  for  restoration  to  Pak^stine,  no  confession  of 
sin.  But  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the  date  more 
precisely.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  poet  does  not 
look  for  any  one  man  as  the  "  anointed  "  (38  and  51), 
in  whom  the  covenant  is  to  be  fulfilled  ;  but  transfers 
tho  Davidic  promises  to  tho  idealised  and  personified 
Israel,  the  true  "  anointed  "  of  Yahweh.  On  the 
other  hand  the  Ps.  has  been  referred  to  late  Maccabean 
times,  and  in  particular  to  the  defeat  of  Alexander 
Jannjeus  (p.  608)  in  88  B.C.  by  Ptolemy  Eukairoa 
(Josophus,  AnI.,  xiii.  14,  If.).  Possibly  the  Maccabean 
princes  claimed  to  be  David's  heirs,  though  they  had 
no  Da\-idic  blood.  But  Alexander  was  a  brutal  and 
sanguinary  leader,  so  that  some  Jews  preferred 
Eukairos  to  him,  and  in  any  case  the  conjectural 
reference  has  little  or  nothing  to  support  it. 

2.  Read  with  LXX,  "  thou  didst  say,"  and  "  shall  I 
be  established." — 7.  Read  with  LXX,  '"Groat  is  hej 
and  to  be  feared  above,"  etc. — 8.  Jah:  a  contracted 
form    of    Yahweh.— 10.  Rahab:     the    mythical    J 


PSALMS.  XCIX.  7 


389 


monster  (c/.  874*,  Job  9i3*,  Is.  5I9*,  Ps.  83*).— 19. 
saints :  read,  "  saint,"  and  refer  to  Nathan. — laid  help: 
read,  "  I  have  set  a  diadom  on." — 27.  my  first-born: 
used  of  Israel  (Ex.  422)  as  dearest  to  the  heart  of 
Yahweh  his  Father. — 51.  reproached  the  footsteps : 
■ — either  because  his  advent  is  so  long  deferred  or  bo- 
cause  he  is  fleeing  before  his  foes, 

BOOK  IV.— PSS.  XC-CVI. 

XC.  Man's  Mortality  and  his  Refuge  in  the  Ever- 
living  God. — 1-6.  The  notliingness  of  man's  life,  the 
eternity  of  God's  life. — 7-10.  It  is  the  sinfulness  of 
man  which  makes  his  life  so  short. — llf.  Man's  lot 
should  teach  him  reverence  and  wisdom. — 13-17. 
Prayer  for  God's  blessing  in  the  future. 

1.  dwelling-place:  the  thought  is  beautiful  but 
irrelevant.  The  Psalmist  is  speaking  of  God's  eternity, 
not  of  His  dealing  with  Israel.  Moreover,  la  and  16 
are  out  of  order.  Read,  "  Lord,  thou  hast  been  in 
all  time.  Even  from  everlasting  to  everlasting  thou 
art  God.  Before  the  mountains  were  brought  forth 
or  ever  the  earth  and  the  world  had  been  formed." 
Not  "  thou  hadst  formed,"  for  no  one  would  need  to  be 
told  that  the  Maker  must  have  existed  before  the 
things  which  He  made. — 3.  Return  :  to  the  dust  from 
which  you  were  made.- — 5a.  RV  is  scarcely  possible. 
Read,  "  Thou  sowest  them  year  by  year."  New 
generations  spring  up,  flourish,  and  die,  God  lives  for 
ever. — lib.  Read,  "  And  who  looketh  upon  thy  fury  ?  " 

XCI.  God  Protects  His  Own. — If.  Read  perhaps 
"  Blessed  is  he  that  dwclleth."  "  that  abideth,"  "  that 
saith  of  Yahweh.'' — 3.  noisome  pestilence:  read, 
"  from  the  pit  of  destruction."  The  pestUence  is 
mentioned  with  greater  fullness  (6). — 5.  The  arrow 
may  be  a  metaphor  for  the  sun-stroke. — 9.  Read, 
"For  as  for  thee,  Yahweh  is  thy  refuge."  We  thus 
avoid  an  intolerable  confusion  of  persons. — 13a.  Read, 
"  Thou  shalt  tread  on  the  creeping  thing  and  adder." 

The  poet  holds  the  view  common  among  the  Jews 
in  the  second  century  B.C.  The  righteous  are  re- 
warded with  material  prosperity,  especially  long  life. 
The  prosperity  of  the  bad  is  precarious. 

XCII.  In  Praise  of  Providence. — God's  counsels  are 
too  deep  for  the  stupid  man.  But  in  fact  the  pros- 
perity of  the  wicked  is  superficial. 

106.  Read,  "  Thou  hast  sprinkled  me  with  fresh  oil." 

XCIII.  God  in  Nature  and  the  Law.— 16.  "  Y^ahweh 
is  apparelled  with  strength  :  He  hath  girded  himself 
with  "  ?  A  word  has  fallen  out  at  the  end. — 3.  The 
floods  are  the  chaotic  powers  which  Yahweh  reduced 
to  order  at  creation. — 4'.  The  same  God  gave  the  Law 
and  ordered  the  sanctity  of  His  house. 

XCW.  A  Prayer  for  Vengeance  on  Oppressive  Rulers 
and  for  Deliverance  from  them. — 1-6.  The  wickedness 
of  the  arrogant.  The  bad  rulers  here  aro  evidently 
Jews.  They  are  oppressors,  not  invaders,  and  their 
offences  against  the  moral  law  are  just  those  which 
the  prophets  had  denounced  in  the  Israel  of  their  day. 

7-11.  The  practical  (see  on  Ps.  14),  not  theoretical 
atheism  of  the  arrogant.  They  thought  God  did  not 
care  for  men's  conduct.  As  if  He  who  planted  ear 
and  eye  would  fail  to  hear  and  see  !  Only  a  Jew  could 
adopt  this  serai-sceptical  position  to  Israel's  God. 

106.  Emend,  "  He  that  teacheth  men — shall  he  be 
without  knowledge  ?  " 

12-23.  Hope  of  bettor  days.  Ho  with  whom  evil 
cannot  dwell,  will  in  the  end  vindicate  the  good  and 
destroy  the  wicked. 

13.  rest:  not  interior  rest,  but  security  from  the 
calamities  which  will  overtake  the  world. — 15.  Read, 
"  For  authority  shall  return   to   the  righteous  man. 


And  all  the  upright  of  heart  shall  follow  him  "  (S5T.). 
Good  rulers  will  replace  the  bad  (Pharisees  or  Saddu- 
cees  ?)  and  these  last  shall  win  the  loyalty  of  the 
people. 

XCV.  A  Hymn  of  Praise.— The  greatness  of  God  in 
nature.  A  warning  from  the  history  of  Israel  in  the 
wilderness.  There  is  no  cogent  reason  for  dividing  the 
Ps.  into  two.  For  Massah  and  Meribah,  see  Ex.  17  iff. 
and  Nu.  20 iff. 

4.  heights:  (not  "strength,"  mg.).  The  poet  con- 
trasts the  deep  place-s  of  the  earth  with  the  mountain 


XCVI.  The  Praise  of  Yahweh  in  Israel,  among  the 
Nations,  in  all  Creation. — This  Ps.  is  inserted  with 
considerable  variations,  in  1  C;h.  I623-33,  proljably  by 
a  later  hand,  and  not  by  the  Chronicler  himself.  It  is 
largely  compiled   from   other   sources,   notably   from 

2  18. 

1.  a  new  song:  a  song  evoked  by  some  new  and 
startling  event.  The  phrase  occurs  in  Is.  42 10,  where 
it  is  much  more  in  place. — 5.  Read  mg.  but  the  meaning 
of  Heb.  is  doubtful. — 6.  sanctuary:  ?.e.  the"  heavens." 
1  Ch.  has  "  place." — 9.  Translate  in  holy  array  {»ig.) ; 
but  "  on  the  holy  mountains,"  i.e.  on  the  heights  of 
Zion,  is  a  plausible  emendation. — 13  expresses  the 
Messianic  hope  in  a  general  form.  But  here,  as  in 
Mai.  46,  there  is  no  thought  of  any  personal  Messiah. 
Yahweh  Himself  is  the  deliverer. 

XCVn.  Yahweh  in  the  Storm.— The  appearance  of 
Yahweh  is  described  in  terms  of  primitive  religion,  when 
He  was  the  God  of  fire  and  tempest,  earthquake  and 
volcano.  These  traits  are  retained,  but  united  with 
that  later  and  far  more  perfect  religion,  which  recognised 
Him  as  the  only  God  (5,  7)  and  as  a  God  of  absolute 
righteousness. 

1.  isles:  really  means  "  coastlands." — 7.  See  on 
Ps.  29 1  where  sons  of  God = gods  here. — 10.  Read, 
"  Yahweh  loveth  them  that  hate  evil."' — 11.  Read, 
"  Light  is  risen  for  the  righteous  "  (LXX). 

XCVni.  A  Psalm  of  Grateful  Joy.— The  poet  calls  aU 
nations  and  all  mankind  to  rejoice,  because  Yahweh 
"  has  manifested  His  righteousness."  Here,  as  in  2  Is., 
righteousness  means  Yahweh's  \'indication  of  Israel's 
rights  (see  Ps.  1036,  Is.  4024).  It  is  almost  equivalent 
to  the  grace  which  Yahweh  shows  to  Israel.  Yahweh 
will,  moreover,  come  speedily  to  judge  the  world. 

1.  a  new  song:  see  on  Ps.  96i.  Yahweh's  arm  Ls 
holy,  because  separate  from  all  human  weakness  and 
defilement. — 6.  The  trumpets  are  possibly  mentioned 
here,  because  the  Ps.  was  meant  for  use  at  the  Feast  of 
Trumpets  (the  Jewish  New  Year's  Day.  p.  104). 

XCIX.  A  Temple  Song  after  Victory.— The  Ps.  is 
divided  into  three  parts  by  the  refrain  "  Holy  is  he  " 
(i.e.  separate  from  all  defilement)  at  3,  5  and  (in  an 
expanded  form)  at  9. 

1-3.  The  Psalmist  praises  Yahweh  as  exalted  above 
all  material  things.  The  cherubim  seem  to  recover 
what  was  perhaps  their  original  significance,  as  spirits 
of  the  tempest  (see  on  Ps.  I89).  Yahweh  is  seated  on  the 
cherubim,  i.e.  on  the  throne  which  they  guard. — 4f.  He 
extols  Yahweh's  righteousness  to  Israel. — 4a.  MT  is 
meaningless.  Read  with  different  pointing,  "  A  strong 
one  reigneth,  a  lover  of  judgment." — ^.  footstool: 
I.e.  Zion  or  the  Temple. 

6-9.  Yahweh  still  speaks  as  in  the  old  time  through 
priest  and  saint  and  through  the  Law. 

6.  Better,  "  a  Moses  and  an  Aaron  are  among  his 
priests  and  a  Samuel  is  among  them  that  call  upon  his 
name."  The  ptx>ple  still  has  its  priests  and  saints  who 
mediate  between  the  nation  and  its  God. — 7.  Translate, 
"  He  spoaketh  in  the  pillar  of  the  cloud  to  them  that 


390 


PSALMS,  XCIX.   7 


keep  his  testimonies  and  the  statutes  wliich  ho  hath 
given  them,"  i.e.  the  muno  God  still  speaks  from  the 
pillar  of  the  cloud  to  those  who  con  the  Icasona  of 
olden  days.  The  past  is  continued  in  the  present. — 
8c.  These  words  are  out  of  place  hero.  Road  perhaps, 
"  But  avenpcst  the  insults  that  fall  ui^n  thom."  God 
forgives  tlio  priests  and  their  adlieronts  (the  Saddu- 
ceea  ?),  but  takes  vengeance  on  the  insults  offered  to 
the  priestly  rulers. 

C.  A  Processional  Hymn  (soo  4). — The  Ps.  invites 
the  Israelites  to  bo  joyful,  declares  Yahwoh  is  tho  only 
Goil  and  the  Maker  of  all,  and  that  He  is  specially  tho 
God  of  Israel. 

2.  Serve:  offer  sacrifice  to  (see  Is.  1921,23). — 3.  we 
are  his :  this  suits  the  context  better,  but  "  He  hath 
made  us,"  i.e.  made  us  what  we  are,  viz.  the  people 
of  redemption,  is  also  a  possible  reading. 

CI.  The  Ideal  Ruler. — The  main  purport  is  clear. 
The  ideal  ruler  is  faithful  to  tho  high  standard  which 
he  sets  before  himself  (26-4).  He  retjuires  (5-8)  tho 
same  strict  observance  from  others.  The  crux  of  tho 
Ps.  is  I,  20.  Mercy  and  judgment,  unless  another 
meaning  is  suggested  by  the  context,  would  refer  to 
the  Divine  mercy  and  justice,  but  of  this  the  Psalmist 
makes  no  mention.  The  question,  moreover,  "  When 
wilt  thou  come  unto  me  ?  "  is  puzzling.  The  ruler 
seems  to  have  no  sjxjcial  difficulty  or  distress  such  as 
the  question  implies.  Perhaps  the  introduction  be- 
longed to  another  Ps.  and  was  prefixed  to  tho  didactic 
poem  which  follows  in  order  to  fit  tho  Ps.  for  liturgical 
use.  Or  wo  may  accept  the  emendation,  "  I  will  keep 
mere}-  and  judgment  ...  I  will  give  heed  to  tho  way 
of  tiie  ]jei-fect,  let  it  come  before  mc." 

8.  morning  by  morning:   i.e.  "  constantly." 

CII.  The  title,  which  is  unique  in  the  JPsalter,  de- 
scribes the  contents  of  i-ii  very  well.  So  far  the  Ps. 
ia  the  prayer  of  a  man  in  extreme  affliction.  Tho 
same  may  be  said  of  23  and  24a.  But  the  theme  which 
occupies  the  rest  of  the  Ps.  is  quite  different  and  indeed 
contrary.  Tho  poet  turns  to  the  eternal  life  of  Yahweh. 
He  has  already  "  built  up  Zion  "  :  His  glory  has  aj> 
pcared  :  not  only  the  Jews  but  other  peoples  and 
kingdoms  are  to  serve  Yahweh.  We  may  try  to  evade 
this  difficulty  by  treating  tho  perfect  verbs  as  futures 
of  prophetic  certainty.  Thus  in  16  the  translation 
would  bo  "  Yahweh  shall  build  up  Zion  "  :  and  so  in 
other  cases.  This  explanation  may  bo  right.  It  is, 
however,  moro  probable  that  i-ii  is  the  prayer  of  an 
individual  sufferer ;  that  a  later  poet  misunderstood 
the  meaning  and  took  tho  sufferer  to  Ix)  Israel  personi- 
fied, and  then  appended  now  verses  to  tho  older  poem, 
predicting  Israel's  glory  and  the  advent  of  the 
Messianic  age.  Thus  tho  Ps.  was  adapted  to  Tomple 
use.  It  bears  no  mark  of  date  except  that  2  agrees 
almost  verbally  with  Ps.  69 17.  Now  Ps.  69  is  certainly 
Maccabean,  and  as  the  Ps.  before  us  is  full  of  thoughts 
which  are  reminiscences  of  other  Pss.,  of  Job  and  Is., 
and  has  little  or  no  originality,  it  is  probably  later 
than  Ps.  69. 

5.  Emend,  "  My  flesh  cleaves  to  ray  bones."  An 
emaciated  man  does  look  as  if  his  flesh  was  drawn 
tight  to  his  bont«.  In  the  case  of  every  man  the  bones 
cleave  to  the  fiesh. — 6.  pelican :  what  bird  is  meant 
is  iu)t  known. — 8.  "  do  curst-  l>y  mo  "  (see  Jcr.  292-^). 

cm.  A  Hymn  of  Thanksgiving  for  Yahwehs  Par- 
doning Love.'-Tlui  Tuaiu  tiiemo  is  stated  in  6-14. 
Yahweh  is  just.  He  lights  the  oppressed,  but  above  all 
He  is  considerate  and  ready  to  pardon  sin.  Ho  acta 
like  a  father  to  His  children. 

1-5.  The  poet  speaks  from  liis  own  oxperionoe.  Ho 
calls  on  hia  own  aoul  to  bless  Yahwen.    Horo  tho 


singular  is  used :  not  so  in  6-14  (soo  above).  16-18.  A 
man's  life  is  short,  but  Yahweh  continues  His  kindness 
to  a  pious  man's  descendants. — 19-22.  Thanksgiving, 
in  which  men  and  angels  are  to  share,  for  Yahweh  s 
almighty  power, 

3.  diseases:  to  bo  taken  literally.  Tho  cure  of 
disease  was  the  proctf  that  Yahweh  had  forgiven  sin. — 
5.  mouth :  meaning  uncertain  (see  7ng. ).  "  Thy  desiro  " 
(LXX)  makes  good  sense  but  has  no  linguistic  justifica- 
tion.— 56  also  is  of  doubtful  interpretation.  It  may 
refer  to  some  forgotten  myth  about  tho  eagle  (or  rather 
vulture).  Otherwise  wo  must  accept  tho  prosaic 
solution  that  the  poet  refers  to  moulting. — 18.  There 
is  no  real  approach  hero  to  Mt.  548.  Here  God  is  com- 
pared to  a  kindly  father  who  knows  the  weakness  of 
His  children  and  does  not  expect  too  much  from  them. 
There  God  as  Father  demands  i)erfection  itself  from 
His  children,  and  lays  on  them  a  task  which  will  con- 
tinue for  ever. 

CIV.  The  Glory  of  the  Creator.— 1-4.  Yahweh'a 
power  in  tho  heavens.  He  is  clothed  in  the  light 
which  God  made  first  (Gen.  I3)  before  the  heavenly 
bodies.  He  lays  the  foundation  of  His  dwelling  in  tho 
waters  above  the  firmament  (Gen.  I7*).  Thence  Ho 
issues  from  time  to  time  in  person  riding  on  the  clouds 
(Is.  19i),  or  else  sends  His  message  by  wind  or  flame. 
— 5-9.  Separation  of  land  and  sea, — 10-18.  God's  care 
for  man  and  beast. 

136.  The  emendation,  "  Tho  earth  is  satisfied  from 
thy  clouds,"  i.e.  with  tho  rain  which  falls  from  them, 
implies  tho  use  of  a  word  for  clouds  wliich  means 
"  vapours  "  rather  than  actual  rain. — 14.  service  of 
man:  rather,  "for  man's  work,"  i.e.  in  tilling  tho 
ground  and  so  raising  grain. — 16.  The  cedars  of 
Lebanon  are  so  great  that  only  God  could  have 
planted  them. — 18.  conies:  Pr.  3O26*. 

19-23.  The  night.— 19.  for  seasons :  especially  holy 
seasons  such  as  Pa-ssover,  etc. 

24-30.  The  poet  Ijegins  with  tho  soa  and  passes  to 
tho  thought  of  God  as  giving  and  renewing  all  life. 

26.  Read  perhaps,  '"  There  go  the  dragons."  This 
preserves  the  parallelism. — leviathan :  a  mythical  sea 
monster  (see  Job  4O25-4I)  with  features  borrowed  from 
the  crocodile  and  tho  whale. — 31-35.  Ascription  of 
glory  to  God  who  Himself  rejoices  in  His  works. 

CV.  Hebrew  History  from  Abraham  to  Joshua.— 
1-6.  Introductory.  An  invitation  to  praise  God. — 
7-11.  The  covenant  and  promise  of  Canaan. — 12-25. 
Yahweh's  kindness  to  tho  Patriarchs. 

12.  nimiber:  road  perhaps,  "  Canaan." — 14.  kings: 
notably  Pharaoh  and  Abimclech  of  Gerar. — 15.  "  mine 
anointed  ones,"  i.e.  the  Patriarchs  who  were  great 
princes  {rf.  Gen.  236). — 22.  bind:  read  "admonish" 
(LXX).— 226  iK)Sslbly  refers  to  tho  belief  held  by  Philo 
and  other  Jews,  that  the  wisdom  of  tho  Gentiles  was 
stolen  from  tho  Jews, — 23.  Ham :  i.e.  Egypt.  Egypt 
(Mizraim)  was  a  son  of  Ham  ^Gen,  lOe),  and  the  native 
name  was  Kham,  i.e.  "  black,"  with  roforenco  to  the 
colour  of  the  soil. 

2&-41.  The  marvels  of  the  Exodus  and  the  Wander- 
ings. 

286.  This  contradicts,  aa  it  stands,  tho  writer's 
evident  meaning  ;  road,  "  But  they  did  not  observe 
his  words." 

42-45.  The  poet  recurs  to  the  thought  of  the  Cove- 
nant. 

CVI.  Israel's  Sin. — 1-5.  Introduction.  Praise  to 
Yahwili  for  His  jxjwer  and  greatness.  The  writer's 
desire  to  .share  in  Israel's  joy. 

3.  ho  that  doeth  :  read  "  they  that  'do." — 5.  read 
throughout  "  wo  "  for  "  I." 


PSALMS,  CXI.  AND  CXII 


391 


6-43.  Israel's  constant  relapse  into  sin. 

7c.  Read,  "  They  were  rebellious  against  the  Most 
High  at  the  Red  Soa  "  (Ex.  14io).— 156.  leanness: 
read  "  loathing." — 186.  There  was  no  need  of  fire,  if 
the  rebels  had  already  been  swallowed  up  by  the 
earthquake.  The  Psalmist,  however,  is  not  responsible 
for  this  confusion.  He  had  before  him  the  two  incon- 
sistent accounts  welded  together  in  Nu.  I631-35. — 
19f.  seems  to  imply  that  the  Israelites  foreook  Yahweh 
for  another  God.  They  had  no  intention  of  doing  so. 
That  it  was  an  image  of  Yahweh  which  they  made 
appears  plainly  from  Ex.  325. — 22.  Ham:  see  Ps.  10.^23*. 
—26,  taken  from  Ezek.  2O23. — lifted  up  his  hand:  i.e. 
took  a  solemn  oath.— 28.  the  dead:  contrasted  with 
the  living  God. — 33.  What  the  fault  of  Moses  was  is 
left  uncertain  in  Nu.  20sS.*,  which  may  have  been 
mutilated  in  the  interests  of  edification. — 37.  demons : 
i.e.  false  gods.  The  Psalmist  oscillates  between  the 
belief  that  the  false  gods  were  lifeless  blocks  or  malig- 
nant spirits. 

44-47.  Still  Yahweh  forgave  His  people.  A  prayer 
for  restoration  of  the  Diaspora  (the  Dispersion)  from 
the  many  lands  into  which  the  Jews  had  wandered. 

48  is  no  part  of  Ps.  106.  It  is  a  doxology  which 
separates  Book  IV  from  Book  V.  The  writer  in 
1  Ch.  I636  mistook  it  for  part  of  the  Ps.  But  the 
words  "  Praise  ye  the  Lord,"  are  rightly  placed  by 
LXX  at  beginning  of  Ps.  107,  because  all  the  super- 
scriptions over  the  first  three  books  end  with  Amen. 
[The  injunction  to  the  people,  however,  differentiates 
this  doxology  from  the  others,  which  like  Lam  Deo, 
express  the  scribe's  thankfulness  that  his  task  is  com- 
pleted. It  may,  therefore,  be  a  part  of  Ps.  106.  If 
so  it  would  seem  to  the  editor  who  was  responsible  for 
the  division  into  five  books  a  good,  ready-made  mark 
of  division. — ^A.  S.  P.] 

BOOK  v.— PSS.  cvn.-CL. 

evil.  A  Psahn  of  Thanksgiving  for  Yahweh's  Special 
Goodness. — It  is  divided  at  8f.,  isf.,  2if.,  3if.  by  a  re- 
frain :  viz.  "  Oh  that  men  would  praise  Yahweh  for 
Ills  goodness  and  for  his  wonderful  works,"  etc.  The 
Ps.  therefore  falls  into  the  following  divisions  :  1-9. 
Deliverance  of  homeless  wanderers.  In  our  text,  as 
it  stands,  there  seems  to  be  some  confusion  between 
deliverance  from  adversity  in  general  and  especially 
from  loss  of  way  in  the  desert  and  the  return  from 
exile  (3). — 10-16.  Dehverance  from  prison.  In  12  LXX 
has  "  was  brought  down." — 17-22.  Deliverance  from 
sickness  which,  according  to  the  accepted  doctrine, 
was  the  consequence  of  sin, — 23-32.  Deliverance  from 
perils  at  sea. 

After  this  the  refrain  recurs  no  more,  and  the  remain- 
ing verses  are  an  addition  by  a  later  hand,  and  have  no 
strict  connexion  with  the  preceding  Ps.  They  are 
chiefly  borrowed  from  Is.  and  Job.  They  treat  of 
Yahweh's  power  and  righteous  judgment,  not  specially 
of  His  mercy. 

CVIII.  A  composition  from  parts  of  Pss.  57  and  60. 
Thus  1-5  =Ps.  577-11  ;  6-i3  =  Ps.  60.5-12. 

That  Ps.  108  is  a  composition  from  two  Pss.  origin- 
ally distinct  appears  further  from  the  fact  that  Pss.  57 
and  60  are  Elohistic  (p.  360)  and  stand  naturally 
among  the  other  Elohistic  Pss.,  while  Ps.  108  is  also 
Elohistic,  but  stands  among  other  Pss.,  all  Yahwistic, 
The  compiler  has  combined  two  ptjrtions  of  neighbour- 
ing Elohistic  Pss.,  leaving  the  mark  of  Elohistic  re- 
vision. Owing  to  tlie  union  of  fragments,  thanlcs  and 
prayer  come  in  the  reverse  order. 

CIX.  A  Psalm  of  Cursing.— This  Ps.  is  further  than 
anything  else  in  the  whole  Psalter  from  the  spirit  of 


Christianity.  It  falls  into  three  parts :  1-5.  The 
Psalmist's  distress  in  persecution  ;  6-20.  Bitter  curses 
against  his  foes ;  in  21-31  he  recurs  to  his  suffering  but 
is  confident  of  final  dehverance.  Note  that  in  6-20  he 
does  not  merely  assert  that  Gud  will  punish.  Had  he 
done  so,  he  would  have  felt  his  pain  of  body  and  soul 
much  softened.  As  it  is,  he  is  in  utter  wretchedness, 
and  curses  his  foes  in  the  anguish  of  his  spirit.  No 
doubt  he  regards  his  enemies  as  utterly  wicked.  But 
we  do'  not  know  how  far  he  was  justified  in  so  doing, 
nor  even  who  his  enemies  were.  The  curses  strongly 
resemble  those  in  the  Psalms  of  Solomon  (Ps.  4),  which 
are  probably  pointed  at  Alexander  Jannaeus  (p.  608), 
the  Sadducee  leader,  and  must  have  been  written  before 
80  B.C. 

2.  wicked :  read,  "  wickedness." — 46.  literally,  '*  and 
I  [am]  prayer "  (note  italics).  The  Heb.  makes  no 
better  sense  than  the  English.  The  text  is  corrupt. — 
6.  Read  perhaps,  "  Let  his  wickedness  be  sought  out 
in  him." — 106.  Read  with  LXX,  "  and  let  them  be 
driven  out  of  their  ruins." — 11a.  Read,  "  search  out 
all  that  he  hath." — 136.  Read,  "  m  one  generation." — 
16.  Syr.  has  "  those  that  were  sorrowful  of  heart  even 
unto  death." — 23.  The  poet  is  thinking  of  a  swarm  of 
locusts  driven  helpless  before  the  storm  and  at  last, 
it  may  be,  drowned  in  the  sea. — 246  literally,  "  My 
flesh  faileth,  because  there  is  no  fat  upon  it." 

ex.  We  may  with  some  confidence  refer  this  Ps,  to 
141  B.C.,  when  Simon  the  Maccabee  prince  was  accepted 
by  the  people  as  supreme  Governor,  though  he  was 
not  a  descendant  of  David,  and  as  High  Priest,  though 
he  was  not  a  descendant  of  Aaron's  first-bom  (see 
1  Mac.  1435).  To  Jonathan  first  the  double  dignity 
belonged.  But  Simon  owed  his  dignity  as  High 
Priest  to  his  own  people,  and  not,  like  his  brother 
Jonathan,  to  the  favour  of  a  foreign  potentate  (p.  608). 
The  idea  of  supreme  priesthood  and  supreme  secular 
nile  over  Judah  being  united  in  the  same  person  does 
not  appear  elsewhere  in  the  OT  except  in  Jer.  3O21, 
a  very  late  and  possibly  a  Maccabean  passage.  These 
arguments  are  clinched  by  the  fact  that  the  oracle 
beginning  "  Sit  thou  "  forms  an  acrostic  on  Simon's 
name.  The  Maccabees  only  needed  a  prophetic 
sanction  for  their  inevitable  changes  in  the  constitution 
(1  Mac.  144  iff.),  and  the  first  four  verses  of  this  Ps. 
supply  the  desideratum. 

1-4.  The  twofold  dignity  of  the  royal  priest. — 1.  The 
Lord,  i.e.  Yahweh,  saith  imto  my  Lord,  i.e.  to  the  earthly 
ruler  :  here  Simon. — 3.  in  the  day  of  thy  power :  i.e. 
thy  proclamation  as  governor. — in  holy  attiro  (mg.): 
i.e.  in  the  High-priestly  vestment. — from  the  womb  of 
the  morning :  t.e.  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  pro- 
clamation.— 3c.  i.e.  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people 
makes  the  ruler  joung  again. — 4.  Simon  is  to  be  priest 
and  prince  "  for  ever,"  i.e.  for  his  lifetime,  Melchizedek 
is  mentioned  because,  though  not  a  Jew,  he  was  both 
priest  and  king  and  neither  by  hereditary  descent 
(Gen.  14i3ff.). 

6/.  The  warrior's  victories.  We  do  not  know  what 
the  victories  were,  and  some  of  the  language  is  strange. 
— 7  is  generally  taken  to  mean  that  the  warrior  is  so 
eager  that  ho  does  not  wait  to  eat  and  drink  in  the 
common  way.  He  drinks  from  the  first  brook  that 
he  sees,  and  so  recovers  strength.  But  why  should  a 
very  plain  thing  be  expressed  in  such  a  pompous  and 
enigmatic  style  ? 

Pss.  CXI.  and  CXII.  These  are  sister  Pss.  as  is  shown 
by  their  structure.  Each  contains  nine  verses.  Each 
verse  has  two  lines,  each  line  beginning  with  a  letter 
of  the  alpliabet  in  due  succession.  We  have  thus 
eighteen  lines,  so  that  we  get  eighteen  letters  of  the 


392 


PSALMS.  CXI.  AND  CXII 


acrostic  in  all.  To  get  twenty-one  lines  in  each, 
corresponding  to  the  numlx"r  of  kttors  in  the  alphabet, 
the  author  or  authors  added  at  the  end  of  each  Pa. 
a  vorso  with  three  lines,  which  is  precis<'ly  the  number 
wanted.  The  Hallelujah  at  tho  beginning  of  each  is 
a  later  liturgical  addition  which  destroys  tho  acrostic. 
Ps.  Ill  is  chiefly  occupied  with  the  greatness  and 
goodness  of  Yahweh.  Ps.  112  finds  its  thonio  chiefly  in 
tho  corresponding  truth,  viz.  tho  happiness  of  the  godly. 

CXI.  2.  Sought  out :  "  to  bo  sought  out "  would  to 
better. — 4.  to  be  remembered :  i.e.  in  the  ceremonial 
worship. — 5.  prey  (vig.)  instead  of  "meat"  is  due 
to  tho  (lifliculty  of  the  acrostic. — 9.  Yahweh  gave  His 
people  deliverance  from  Egypt  and  tho  covenant  or 
Law. — 10.  nut  the  beginning,  but  "  tho  best." — 
CXII.  9.  righteousness:  the  salvation  which  man  re- 
ceives (f/.  Ps.  245).  In  III3  righteousness  is  that 
which  God  docs. 

CXIII.  God  on  High  Cares  for  the  Lowly.— 7.  The 
dunghill  is  like  Job"s,  waste  and  refuse  heaped  up 
outside  tho  village  and  still  the  refuge  of  lepers  and 
diseased  persons  of  one  kind  or  another. 

CXIV.  The  marvels  on  the  way  from  Egypt  to  Zion, 
the  future  sanctuary  of  Y'ahweh,  and  to  Canaan  as 
Israel's  possession.     A  Passover  hymn. 

CXV.  The  Blindness  of  Idolatry  and  the  Virtue  of 
Utter  Trust  in  Yahweh.— 2f.  An  invisible  god  was 
unintelligible  to  the  average  heathen  ;  he  believed  that 
the  god  was  specially  present  in  the  idol,  his  energy 
being  focussed  there.  On  the  other  hand,  the  heathen 
did  not,  as  the  Psalmist  assumes,  identify  idol  and 
god. — 17,  like  Ps.  8O5,  expressed  the  common  Jewish 
belief  that  all  connexion  between  God  and  man  ends 
with  the  life  that  now  is.  After  death  God  remembers 
us  no  more. 

CXVI.  A  Song  of  Comfort  in  Affliction.— There  is 
nothing  to  justify  the  division  into  two  Pss.  (a)  1-9, 
{b)  10-19  (LXX) ;  the  same  theme  in  its  double 
aspect  is  continued  throughout. 

26.  Read,  "  and  I  will  call  on  the  name  of  Yahweh." 
— 3.  Cf.  Ps,  184f.  —  6.  simple:  in  a  good  sense: 
contrast  Pr,  I4,  etc. — 10«.  Pvcad,  "  I  believed  :  there- 
fore have  I  spoken  "  (LXX,  cf.  2  Cor.  413). — 11.  Trans- 
late (cf.  LXX),  "  I  said  in  my  alarm  (mg.),  all  men  are 
a  deceit."  Thoj'  do  not  tell  lies,  but  there  is  no  trusting 
them  :  they  lack  the  power  of  help. — 13.  The  cup  of 
salvation,""  i.e.  the  cup  poured  out  in  thanksgiving  for 
deliverance  vouchsafed.  No  such  rite  is  mentioned 
in  tho  OT,  but  on  the  pillar  of  Yehavmilk,  king  of 
Gebal,  the  king  is  represented  as  pouring  out  wine 
before  the  goddess  (after  victory). — 15.  The  sense  is 
that  Yahweh  will  not  easily  suffer  His  saints  (see  on 
Ps.  4)  to  perish  ;  the  cost  of  their  death  is  too  great. 
In  other  words  tho  godly  need  Yahweh's  help  :  He 
needs  their  service. 

CXVII.  All  nations  are  invited  to  worship  Yahweh, 
who  has  revealed  His  power  and  faithfulness  to  Israel. 
The  Ps.  is  Messianic  in  the  general  sense  that  it  con- 
templates the  union  of  all  nations  in  the  sole  worship 
of  the  one  and  only  God.  On  account  of  ita  brevity, 
but  with  no  solid  reason,  many  MSS  combine  this  with 
the  preceding  or  following  Ps. 

CXVIII.  A  Hymn  for  Festal  Procession  to  Zion.— The 
old  tradition  that  different  parts  were  appropriated 
to  different  voices  is  right  in  substance,  tliough  tho 
statement  of  the  Targuin  that  in  23-29  single  parts 
should  be  assigned  to  tho  Temple  builders,  to  the  sons 
of  Jesse,  the  tribe  of  Judah,  Samuel,  David,  is  fanta.stio 
enough.  The  Talmud  ((|uoted  by  Stark)  takes  a  more 
reasonable  view.  Accoi-ding  to  it  1-19  was  sung  by 
tho  pilgnms  not  yet  arrived  ;   20-27  by  the  priests  and 


scribes  who  welcomed  them  ;  28  by  the  pilgrims ; 
30  by  tho  whole  procession.  It  is  at  all  events  clear 
that  19  must  have  been  simg  toforo  tho  entrance  to 
tho  Temple,  276  at  the  altar,  and  that  "  the  day  which 
Yahweh  has  made  "  is  the  day  on  which  a  victory 
was  commcmoratod.  It  is  another  question  how  far 
wo  can  distinguish  tho  different  singers  and  the  jiarta 
they  take.  1-4  may,  on  plausible  grounds,  be  attri- 
buted to  different  voices.  We  may  also  find  in  the 
change  from  singular  to  plural  an  indication  of  change 
in  tho  singers,  but  it  is  impossible  to  recover  tho 
original  arrangement  in  detail. 

1-4.  General  introduction.  The  LXX  rightly  place 
tho  "  Hallelujah  "  at  the  beginning  of  this  Ps.,  not  at 
the  end  of  Ps.  117. 

5-18.  Distress  and  deliverance. — 13.  Read  with 
LXX,  "  Hard  was  I  pushed  that  I  might  fall,"  i.e. 
pushed  till  I  was  on  the  pf)int  of  falling. — 17f.  The 
singer,  possibly  a  solo  singer,  looks  back  on  all  the 
peril  and  pain  of  the  campaign  and  is  grateful  for  his 
deliverance. 

19-24.  The  demand  to  enter  the  Temple.  The 
exaltation  of  the  victor. — 20.  Render  "  The  righteous  " 
[and  only  they]  "  may  enter  into  it." — 22.  What  fbr- 
mcrly  appeared  worthless  has  proved  itself  strong  and 
glorious. — 24.  Tho  day  of  Yahwehs  victory  ma}'  bo 
that  of  victory  over  Nicanor  in  161  B.c.  (1  Mac.  74ff., 
p.  607). 

25-29.  Prayer  for  continued  help.  Here  it  is  the 
priests  who  chant  the  welcome. — 27b  defies  interpre- 
tation. RV  is  contrary  to  Jewish  ritual.  So  is  tho 
explanation  which  takes  the  verb  in  a  pregnant  sense, 
"  Bind  the  victim  [and  lead  it]  to  the  horns  of  tho 
altar,"  for  tho  priest  presented  the  blood  at  the  altar 
but  the  animal  was  not  brought  there.  Another 
explanation  is  attractive.  "  Wreathe  ye  the  dance 
with  thick  bows  even  reaching  to  the  horns  of  the 
altar."  But  this  primitive  use,  or  supposed  primitive 
use,  of  tho  word  translated  "  sacrifice  "  is  not  supported 
by  usage,  and  is  most  unlikely  in  a  Ps.  admittedly  late. 

CXIX.  Praise  of  the  Law. — This  is  tho  longest  and 
most  artificial  Ps.  in  the  whole  collection.  It  is  divided 
into  twenty-two  strophes,  each  beginning  with  one  of 
the  twenty-two  letters  of  the  Heb.  alphabet  in  regular 
order.  Again  each  strophe  contains  eight  verses,  and 
each  verse  begins  with  the  same  letter  which  introduces 
the  strophe.  The  number  of  strophes  then  is  deter- 
mined by  the  number  of  the  Heb.  letters.  But  what 
of  the  eight  verses  in  each  strophe  ?  The  Psalmist 
had  derived  from  a  kindred  Ps.,  viz.  Ps.  19,  the  eight 
synonyms  for  the  conception  "  Word  of  God  "  and 
impresses  these  terms  on  his  readers  by  introducing 
them  all  into  each  stanza  of  his  work.  So  Cheyne,  in 
his  Book-  of  Pmhiui  (1904),  following  D.  H,  Miiller.  It 
is  right,  however,  to  Ix'ar  in  miud  that  this  theory 
involves  considerable,  though  by  no  means  extravagant 
or  arbitrary,  changes  in  tho  received  text  both  of 
Ps.  19  and  Ps.  119.  There  is  no  progress  of  thought 
and  such  progress  would  scarcely  have  been  possible 
undor  tho  iron  rule  which  the  author  imposed  upon 
himself. 

23.  Omit  against  me.  Tho  meaning  is  that  princes 
take  counsel  with  their  chief  men,  whereas  the  Psalmist 
finds  his  counsellor  in  the  precepts  of  the  law. — 
26.  my  ways :  i.e.  perhaps  "  my  circumstances  "  :  with 
this  tho  rest  of  26  agrees,  viz.  "  God  sent  an  answer 
according  to  my  needs." — 296.  i.e.  "  lie  gracious  unto 
me  (in  giving)  thy  law." — 30.  Read,  "  Thy  judgements 
have  I  desired." — 32.  "  enlarge  my  heart,"  i.e.  fill 
it  with  joy  and  courage,  which  make  observanoo  of 
the  Law  easy  {cf.  Is.  6O5). — 376.  i.e.  Give  me  tho  life 


PSALMS,  CXXX.  1 


393 


and  strength  I  need  to  keep  thy  laws  and  resist  tempta- 
tion.— 386.  The  LXX  omits  the  relative  and  thus 
gains  a  simple  construction,  "  to  promote  thy  fear," 
"  fear  of  Yahweli  "  being  a  Heb.  synonym  for  religion 
generally. — 69.  Lit.  "  have  plastered  falsehood  over 
me,"  so  that  my  real  character  cannot  be  recognised. — 
78.  Lit.  "  have  perverted  mo,"  i.e.  deprived  me  of 
my  "  legal  rights." — 83.  The  wineskins,  when  not  in 
use,  were  apparently  hung  up  on  the  roof,  and  since 
in  ancient  houses  there  were  no  chimneys,  the  skins 
were  exposed  to  the  smoke  from  the  hearth  which 
dried  and  blackened  them. — 87.  Expunge,  "  upon  the 
earth."  Where  else  could  they  be  consumed  ? — 
96.  Perfection  in  all  other  cases  has  its  limits,  but  the 
Law  is  so  wide  and  ample,  that  no  man  can  exhaust 
its  manifold  excellence. — 109.  "  My  soul  "  {i.e.  "  life  ") 
"  is  continually  in  my  hand,"  exposed  to  constant 
peril  (c/.  Jg.  123,  Job  1814*).— 127.  Therefore  has  no 
meaning  here.  The  Psalmist  did  not  love  the  Law 
because  others  set  it  at  nought,  though  he  may  well 
have  loved  it  more  on  that  account.  Read,  "  Above 
all  I  love  thy  commandments,  above  gold,  yea  above 
fine  gold."- — ^130.  "  The  opening  of  thy  words,"  i.e.  the 
interpretation  of  them. — 164.  There  is  no  reason  why 
we  should  not  take  the  number  here  in  its  strict  and 
literal  sense.  The  later  Jews  observed  the  times  of 
daily  prayer:  so  Dan.  610  (cf.  Ps.  55i7,  where,  how- 
ever, the  words  "  evening,"  "  morning,"  "  noonday  " 
may  be  used  loosely  for  "  all  the  day  long.") 

CXX.  Prayer  Against  Calumniators.— Here  begin 
the  Psalms  of  Ascents,  i.e.  Pss.  intended  to  be  sung  by 
the  pilgrims  at  the  three  great  feasts  on  their  way  up 
to  Jerusalem,  which  stood  on  a  height.  Pss.  120-134 
all  bear  this  title  (see  also  Ps.  845).  The  title  "  Psalms 
of  Ascents  "  may  have  been  originally  given  to  the 
collection  and  then  written  over  each  Ps.  individually. 
1-4.  "  What  shall  he  (i.e.  Yahweh)  give  unto  thee  ?  " 
The  punishment  is  in  accordance  with  the  guilt.  In 
Jer.  97  the  deceitful  tongue  is  compared  to  a  deadly 
arrow.  It  is  therefore  fitting  that  Yahweh  should  send 
sharp  arrows  against  those  who  slander  the  righteous. 
The  author  adds  burning  broom,  which  emits  intense 
heat.  But  the  collocation  of  arrows  and  burning 
charcoal  is  awkward. 

5-7.  The  Psalmist  compelled  to  dwell  among  foes. 
The  men  of  Kedar  were  an  Arab  tribe,  deriving  their 
name  "  black "  from  their  swarthy  complexion  or, 
more  probably,  from  the  black  tents  in  which  they 
lived.  The  men  of  ileshech,  on  the  other  hand,  lived 
between  the  Caspian  and  the  Black  Sea.  The  names 
Kedar  and  Meshech  are  mentioned,  not  because  the 
Jews  of  the  Dispersion  found  a  home  among  them,  but 
because  they  are  types  of  wild  and  half-civilised  men. 
Compare  our  name  of  Tartar  or  Turk.  It  is  not  they 
who  attack  the  Jews,  they  would  have  found  other 
weapons  than  calumny,  but  men  who  are  Jews  them- 
selves and  yet  hate  their  godly  fellow-countrymen 
with  savage  fury.  It  is  remarkable  that  in  this,  the 
first  song  of  ascents,  there  is  no  reference  to  pilgrimage. 
Most  likolv  5-7  led  to  its  use  by  the  pilgrims. 

CXXI.  Yahweh's  Care  for  His  People.— 8.  going  out 
i.e.  to  the  feast  at  Zion,  and  coming  In  to  thy  homo 
far  away,  perhaps  in  heathen  lands. 

CXXII.  The  Glory  of  the  Temple.— 3.  The  Psalmist 
refers  probably  to  the  ideal  Jonisalom.  Every  true 
Jew  was  in  sentiment  a  loyal  burgher  of  Jonisalem. 
Jerusalem  was  like  Mecca  to  the  Mohammedan  or 
Rome  to  the  Roman  Catholic ;  therefore  the  tribes 
went  up  to  it  {cf.  Ps.  87). — 5.  are :  read,  "  were  "  (mg.). 
The  poet  recalls  the  ancient  glories  of  David's  time. 
CXXIII.  Waiting  for  God.— 4.  The  contempt  of  the 


proud  may  have  been  caused  by  their  own  wealth, 
and  by  the  poverty  of  the  godly  (see  on  Ps.  4).  "  Poor  " 
and  "  godly "  are  almost  synonymous.  The  Heb. 
Bible  often  uses  one  and  the  same  word  for  "  poor," 
"  afflicted,"  "  humble." 
CXXIV.  A  Song  of  Deliverance  from  Foreign  Foes. 
CXXV.  Yahweh's  Protective  Care  of  Israel. — 
Yahweh  will  not  allow  heathen  to  rule  over  Israel, 
because  this  would  tempt  Jews  to  please  their  masters 
by  adopting  heathen  usages. 

CXXVI.  Comfort  in  Tears.— An  apparently  easy  and 
really  very  difficult  Ps.  According  to  the  usual  inter- 
pretation which  is  adopted  in  RV  we  have  in  1-3  a 
picture  of  the  joy  felt  when  Cyrus  permitted  the  Jews 
to  settle  in  their  own  land.  The  time  is  that  of  2  Is. 
and  the  reference  to  the  restoration  under  Cyrus  seems 
to  be  inevitable.  But  in  4-6  it  is  startling  to  find  the 
poet  praj'ing  for  a  restoration  which  had  already  taken 
place  as  if  it  were  still  in  the  future.  To  express  this 
meaning  in  each  place,  he  has  the  same  phrase  "  turning 
the  captivity,"  on  which  see  Ps.  147  and  note.  We  get 
something  like  a  consistent  explanation  by  the  follow- 
ing changes,  not  in  the  text,  but  the  translation. 
(1)  "  If  Yahweh  had  turned  "  :  "  We  should  have  been 
like,"  etc.  (2)  "  Our  mouth  would  have  been  filled." 
"  Then  they  would." — 3.  "  Yahweh  would  have  done." 
After  this  the  Psalmist  naturally  prays  for  change  in 
Israel's  state.  He  compares  the  change  to  that  made 
by  the  torrents  of  fertilising  rain  in  the  Negeb  (p.  32) 
or  dry  region  in  the  S.  of  Palestine,  or  to  the  contrast 
between  painful  ploughing  and  the  joy  of  the  harvest 
home.  In  6  translate  with  a  slight  emendation,  "  trail- 
ing his  seed." 

(3XXVII.  A.  This  Ps.  is,  as  is  now  generally  admitted, 
composed  of  two  independent  Pss.  In  127  A,  i.e.  in 
if.  the  Psalmist's  theme  is  the  vanity  of  toil  without 
Yahweh's  blessing.  The  house  was  taken  to  mean  the 
Temple  :  hence  in  the  received  text,  but  not  in  the 
LXX,  the  Ps.  is  ascribed  to  Solomon.  At  the  end  of  2 
render,  "  So,"  i.e.  as  fully  as  others  get  by  their  toil — 
"  he  giveth  to  his  beloved  in  sleep."  But  the  text  is 
almost  certainly  corrupt. 

B.  S~5.  Sons  a  Gift  Bestowed  by  Yahweh. — 4.  chil- 
dren of  youth,  i.e.  begotten  in  the  N-igorous  youth  of 
the  fathers,  are  a  stalwart  bodyguard  round  their 
parent.  Thej'  are  compared  to  arrows  in  a  warrior's 
hand  and  quiver.  But  the  Ps.  points  to  a  time  of 
peace  rather  than  of  war.  It  is  not  in  the  battle- 
field but  in  "  the  gate,"  where  legal  cases  are  decided, 
that  a  man  with  many  sons  finda  redress,  corrupt  as 
Oriental  courts  have  usually  been.  His  numerous 
progeny  prevent  his  being  put  to  "  shame,"  i.e.  dis- 
appointed (Job  04*). 

CXXVIII.  The  Blessing  of  a  Pious  Home.— 2a.  i.e. 
without  being  robbed  by  the  oppressor.  This  shows 
how  low  peasant  hfe  in  Israel  has  sunk. — 3.  Observe 
the  seclusion  of  women. — olive  plants  are  a  tyix}  of 
fruitfulness.  As  the  parent  tree  decays,  new  plants 
sprout  from  the  roots.  They  are  also  an  image  of 
beauty  and  freshness. 

CXXIX.  Persecuted  but  not  Cast  Down. — 1-4.  Israel's 
tyrants  compared  to  ploughmen  who  have  extended 
their  ploughing  far,  but  Yahweh  in  His  righteousness 
cut  the  cord  which  fastened  the  ox  to  the  plough  and 
then,  of  course,  the  ploughing  ceased. 

5-8.  The  enemies  of  Zion  are  to  bt^  like  grass  which 
springs  up  casually  on  the  flat  roof,  but  before  it  reaches 
its  full  height  (?)  is  withered.  Nobody  would  think  of 
formal  benediction  on  a  crop  which  was  not  worth  the 
carrying. 
CXXX.  Waiting  for  God.— 1.  depths  refers  primarily 

13a 


394 


PSALMS,  CXXX.  1 


to  God's  exaltation  in  heaven,  mans  position  far  below 
on  earth. — 4.  The  fear  of  Yahwoh  waa  to  pious  Jews 
the  sum  of  religion.  If  Crod  withdrew  His  kindness 
and  pardon,  no  man  could  stand.  On  the  other  hand, 
forgiveness  encourages  a  sinner  to  "  fear  God  and  keep 
His  commandments."  The  LXX  reads,  "  for  thy 
name's  sake." 

CXXXI.  Rest  in  God.— The  Psalmist  accepts  the 
place  God  gives  him  :  he  does  not  concern  himself 
with  "  groat  matters,"  i.e.  with  high  positions  or  the 
like.  But  an  explanation  recently  suggested  is  also 
possible.  The  "  grcat  matters  "  may  be  the  questions 
raised  by  Greek  philosophy.  Instead  of  occupying 
himself  with  these  the  Psalmist  rests  on  Yahweh  like 
a  weaned  child  on  his  mother.  Cf.  Ec.  821,  "  Search 
not  out  that  which  is  too  wonderful  for  thee." 

CXXXII.  David  s  Zeal  and  its  Reward.— 1-5.  David's 
oath  to  find  a  worthy  abode  for  the  Ark  in  which 
Yahweh  dwelt. — \b.  affliction :  rather  "  pains,"  i.e.  the 
pains  he  took  to  find  a  dwelling  for  Yahweh.  He  had 
(1  Ch.  21)  made  elaborate  provision  for  the  material 
of  the  Temple  buildings  and  had  desired  himself  to 
erect  them.  The  oath  mentioned  here  is  an  addition 
to  the  sacred  legend. 

6-8.  The  finding  and  translation  of  the  Ark. — 6.  The 
exegesis  is  the  merest  guesswork.  Ephrathah  may 
mean  Bethlehem  (see  Mi.  62,  Ru.  4ii) ;  the  field  of  the 
wood  may  mean  Kiriath-jearim  (  =  "cityof  woods"), 
where  the  Ark  abode  twenty  years  (1  S.  72).)  Here 
the  general  sense  woiild  seem  to  be  that  David  heard 
oi  the  Ark  in  his  native  town  and  found  it  not  at 
Shiloh  where  it  used  to  be,  but  at  Kiriath-jearim.  Or, 
since  Ephrathah  is  said  in  1  Ch.  250  to  have  been  an 
ancestor  of  Kiriath-jearim,  we  may  understand  the 
verse  to  mean,  "  We  found  the  Ark  in  the  district  of 
Ephrathah  and  in  the  town,  of  Kiriath-jearim." 

llf.  Yahweh's  oath  in  return  for  David's  piety. 
David's  sons  and  sons'  sons  in  endless  succession  are  to 
sit  on  his  throne,  if  they  are  faithful  to  Yahweh. 

13-18.  The  prosperity  of  Zion,  the  beloved  of 
Y^ahweh. 

15.  provision :  read,  "  Zion." — 17.  A  lamp  is  the 
figure  of  prosperity.  David  (2  S.  2 17)  embodies  the 
prosperity  of  Israel,  and  is  therefore  said  to  be  its 
lamp  or  "light  {cf.  also  Job  293). — 18.  flourish:  rather 
"  shine." 

CXXXIII.  Fraternal  Love.— The  general  sense  is 
clear,  but  it  presents  difficulties  due  to  the  intrusion 
of  glosses.  The  "  unity  "  spoken  of  here  is  the  special 
good-will  which  becomes  those  who  join  in  Temple 
worship.  It  is  compared  to  precious  oil  with  which 
Aaron  was  consecrated  (Lev.  830),  and  which  was  used 
in  such  abundance  that  it  streamed  from  his  beard  to 
the  collar  of  his  vestment.  Next  this  fraternal  unity 
is  compared  with  the  life-giving  dew  (p.  29)  which 
falls  abundantly  on  Hermon  in  the  north,  its  freshness 
being  also  felt  far  south  on  Mount  Zion.  [See  also 
0TJG2,  p.  212— A.  S.  P.] 

CXXXIV.  Exhortation  to  the  Nightly  Service  of 
Yahweh. — If.  may  be  addressed  bj'  a  band  of  pilgrims 
to  Lovitcs  who  were  about  to  begin  their  nocturnal 
service.  To  them  in  response  comos  the  priestly 
blessing  of  3. — 2.  FYimitive  men  worshipped  towards 
the  place  whore  their  (iod  dwelt.  Wo  have  a  survival 
of  this  custom  here  in  the  exhortation  to  lift  up  the 
hands  to  the  Sanctuarv. — 3.  read,  "  bless  you." 

CXXXV.  The  Almighty  Power  of  Yahweh  and  His 
Favour  to  Israel. — This  Ps.  is  largely  borrowed.  Thus 
7  is  from  Jer.  IO13,  10-12  from  13ti7ff.,  14  from  Dt.  3236, 
15-20  from  Ps.  il5.  Particular  verses  were  probably 
assigned   to   different   soIoistB,  or   again   to   separate 


choirs.  Thus  in  5  the  transition  from  plural  to  singular 
("  Yea,  1  know  ")  may  be  explained,  if  we  suppose 
that  it  is  the  leader  of  the  choir  who  begins  to  epeak 
here.  It  is  likely  enough  that  in  i<)l.  different  choirs 
or  the  choir  proper  and  the  people  speak.  But  all 
this  is  uncertain,  and  becomes  much  more  uncertain 
when  the  division  is  carried  out  more  minutely. 

1-4.  Prologue.  An  invitation  to  praise  Yahwoh  for 
His  choice  of  Israel. — 3.  name:  of  Yahweh  (see 
Ps.  3ii). 

The  main  piece. — 5-18.  Yahweh's  greatness  in  nature 
and  in  the  wonderful  way  which  He  led  the  people  out 
of  Egypt  and  into  Canaan.  The  God  who  did  all  this 
is  contrasted  with  the  idols  which  are  only  senseless 
blocks.     Their  worshippers  become  as  blind  as  them- 


146.  Translate  "  will  show  mercy  on  his  servants." 

19-21.  Epilogue  renewing  the  invitation  to  praise 
Yahweh. 

21.  Read,  "  in  Zion." 

CXXXVI.  A  long  Hymn  of  Praise  for  Yahweh's 
Power  and  His  Care  of  His  People  from  Egypt  till  the 
Conquest  of  Canaan. — 1-9  based  on  Gen.  1.  Yahweh 
the  Maker  of  all. 

6.  For  the  waters  below  the  earth,  see  on  Ps.  242. 

10-22.  Yahweh's  vengeance  on  Pharaoh  and  the 
kings  who  opposed  Israel's  entrance  into  the  promised 
land.     His  mercy  to  Israel  in  later  days. 

23-26.  Gratitude  for  recent  deliverance. 

24  sounds  strange  in  a  Ps.  which  exults  in  the 
slaughter  of  the  heathen — but  it  is  easier  to  admit  an 
inconsistency  than  to  limit  "  all  flesh  "  to  all  Jews. 

CXXXVn.  The  Bitter  Memory  of  Babylon.— The 
vivid  picture  of  the  exiles  in  their  home-sickness,  the 
mockery  of  their  foreign  masters,  their  love  for  Zion, 
the  mention  of  Edom,  and  the  savage  thirst  for 
vengeance,  all  go  far  to  justify  the  supposition  that 
the  Ps.  was  written  not  very  long  after  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  by  the  Babylonians  in  586. 

1-3.  The  day's  work  being  over,  the  Jews  sit  by  one 
of  the  many  canals  between  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates. 
Fain  would  they  play  and  sing  but  they  cannot,  and 
they  hang  their  harps  on  the  poplar-trees  (Populus 
euphratico).  In  vain  their  oppressors  ask  them  for  a 
song  of  Zion.  They  cannot  sing  Yahweh's  songs  in  a 
land  which  is  not  Yahweh's.  They  cannot  forget  they 
are  Jews :  sooner  may  their  right  hand  wither  (5 
emended)  than  they  cease  to  set  their  joy  in  Jerusalem 
above  all  other  joy. 

7-10.  The  singer  denounces  the  Edomites  to  Yahweh 
for  their  joy  in  the  overthrow  of  Jenisalem  (see  Ezek.  25 
i2ff.,  Ob.  loff.)  and  ends  in  furious  tirade  against 
Babylon  "  the  destroyer  "  (so  read  in  8). 

CXXXVIII.  1-3.  The  Psalmist  praises  Yahweh,  in 
spite  of  the  false  gods  and  their  worshippers,  for  His 
grace  and  fidelity  to  himself  in  trouble. 

2c.  Omit  "  thy  word  "  (so  LXX),  and  read  simply, 
"  Thou  hast  magnified  thy  name  above  all.'" — 3b.  The 
text  is  very  doubtful.  Read  perhaps  (cf.  LXX), 
"  Thou  makest  thy  strength  great  in  my  soul." 

4-6.  Even  the  kings  of  the  earth  shall  sing  Yahweh's 
ways,  those  ways  by  which  He  withdraws  from  the 
proud  and  reserves  His  intimacy  for  the  lowly. 

71.  Whatever  danger  may  come,  Yahweh  will  protect 
His  worshippers. 

CXXXIX.  God  is  Everywhere  :  He  Knows  Every- 
thing—Oh that  He  would  Destroy  the  Wicked.— This  Ps. 
is  among  the  most  spiritual  i)rod)iction3  of  the  Ol.  It 
deals  with  the  mysterj'  of  Divine  providence,  a  theme 
frequently  discus.sed  after  the  Exile,  when  the  national 
life  had  died  out  and  each  individual  was  brought  face 


PSALMS,  CXLII 


395 


to  faco  with  the  difficulties  which  surrounded  him  and 
\dth  the  thought  of  his  ultimate  fate.  Other  nations, 
of  course,  have  engaged  in  similar  sijeculation,  but  i« 
very  different  tone  and  spirit.  Hero,  as  elsewhere,  the 
Hebrew  poet  manifests  intense  belief  in  the  personality 
of  God,  in  His  riglUcousncss,  in  His  care  for  the  men  He 
has  made.  He  speaks  in  the  first  person  singular, 
because  he  is  giving  expression  to  his  own  faith  and 
in  part  to  his  own  ex'ixjrience.  Again,  he  uses  no 
abstract  terms  such  as  omnipresence,  omniscience,  and 
the  like  :  indeed  in  Biblical  Heb.  no  such  words  are 
to  be  found.  There  is  no  indication  of  date,  except 
the  reason  given  above,  for  placing  the  Pa.  after  the 
Exile,  but  the  strong  Aramaic  colouring  of  the  vocabu- 
lary and  the  high  probability  that  in  13-16  we  have 
a  reminiscence  of  Job  IO9-11,  point  to  a  late  origin. 
Certainly  the  greater  originality  seems  to  be  with  the 
passage  in  Job. 

1-12.  God's  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Psalmist  and 
His  constant  proximity  to  him.  He  is  familiar  with 
all  his  ways  and  obsers^es  his  most  ordinarj'  movements 
and  actions.  He  knows  the  thought  which  is  still 
unformed  and  the  word  M'hich  is  still  unuttered.  The 
Psalmist  finds  such  Icnowledge  inconceivable.  Further, 
God  is  in  heaven  and  no  less  truly  in  Sheol,  the  latter 
assertion  marking  a  significant  advance  in  religious 
ideas,  for  the  old  notion  (Ps.  115i7)  was  that  all 
memory  of  God  ceased  in  Sheol.  Were  the  poet  to 
be  borne  on  the  wings  of  the  morning  (here  personified, 
<•/.  Job  39*)  and  fly  to  the  western  ocean,  God  would 
still  be  with  him.  To  God  darkness  and  light  are 
ahke. 

4.  Translate,  "  Before  there  is  a  word  on  my  tongue, 
thou,  O  Yahweh,  knowost  it  (the  unuttered  word) 
altogether,"  i.e.  exactly. — 116.  Follow  mg. 

13-16.  Man's  wonderful  creation. 

13.  reins:  hero  all  the  interior  organs. — 15.  Read, 
"  as  in  the  lowest  parts  of  the  earth." — 16  is  corrupt 
and  proposed  emendations  are  very  doubtful.  Read 
perhaps,  "  Thine  eyes  saw  my  days.  They  were  all 
being  written  in  thy  book  ;  they  were  formed  while 
as  yet  there  was  none  of  them  for  me."  The  days  of 
the  Psalmist's  life  were  preordained  by  God  and 
visible  to  Him,  long  before  they  had  actual  existence. 
For  the  Book  of  Life,  see  Ps.  568,  6928. 

17f.  Yahweh's  inscrutable  providence.  The  thought- 
ful care  which  God  takes  of  the  Psalmist  is  a  heavy 
burden.  The  common  interpretation,  "  How  precious," 
is  unsuitable  to  the  context,  and  the  rendering  just 
given,  though  Aramaic  and  not  Heb.,  is  quite  per- 
missible in  a  Ps.  like  this,  which  is  partly  Aramaic  in 
its  vocabulary.  Moreover  God's  care  extends  to  all 
men,  or  at  least  to  all  Israelites.  Great  then  is  the 
sum  (lit.  "  sums  ")  of  them,  i.e.  the  aggregate  of  God's 
care  for  countless  souls.  The  Psalmist  is  lost  in 
contemplation  of  this  mystery,  and  next  morning  when 
he  wakes  he  is  possessed  by  the  same  thought. 

19-24.  "  Oh  that  God  would  but  destroy  the 
wicked  !  "  The  Psalmist  has  no  theory  on  the  exist- 
ence of  evil.  His  solution  is  a  practical  one.  He  will 
ever  hate  the  wicked  utterly.  He  begs  Yahweh  to  see 
if  there  is  anything  in  him  which  is  sinful  and  must 
therefore  result  in  affliction,  and  prays  God  to  lead  him 
in  the  "  way  everlasting."  It  is  impossible  to  say 
whether  the  poet  was  thinking  of  a  hfe  beyond  death 
or  only  of  a  happy  life  prolonged  to  old  ago. 

CXL.  Tho  Prayer  of  a  Man  hard  Beset  by  Treacherous 
Foes. — It  seems  clear  that  the  foes  of  whom  tho  author 
complains  are  Jews,  not  foreign  assailants.  Slander 
and  violence  are  their  weapons,  and  tho  war  which 
they  stir  up  is  party  strife,  not  actual  battle.     Note 


further  that  the  Psalmist  characterises  his  enemies  (5) 
as  "  the  proud  " — a  very  natural  tenn  for  the  poor 
and  pious  Pharisee  to  use  of  the  rich  and  aristocratic 
Sadducce.  We  have  no  certain  indication  of  the  date 
at  which  tho  Ps.  was  written.  We  can  only  say  that 
it  is  natural  to  regard  it  as  a  Pharisee  Ps.  and 
to  compare  Pss.  50-59,  82,  94. 

1-5.  Tho  Ps.  begins  with  a  double  introduction,  or 
rather  with  two  variants  of  the  same  introduction,  1-3 
and  4f.  Note  that  the  words  '  Preserve  mo  from  the 
violent  man  "  occur  in  each  introduction. 

6-11.  Prayer  for  victory  and  imprecations  upon  his 
foes. 

86-10.  The  text  is  quite  uncertain.  We  may  emend 
and  translate  thus :  "  Grant  not,  0  Yahweh,  the 
desires  of  the  wicked  man  :  His  plot  do  not  thou 
promote.  Let  not  them  that  encompass  me  about  lift 
up  their  head  :  let  the  iniquity  of  their  lips  overwhelm 
them  :  may  he  rain  upon  them  coals  of  fire  :  may  he 
cast  them  into  floods  so  that  they  rise  not."  Of  course 
such  conjectures  can  do  no  more  than  give  the  general 
sense. 

12f,  The  poet  is  confident  that  the  cause  of  the 
godly,  who  are  as  a  rule  poor  and  needy,  wiU  prevail. 

CXLL  For  Loyalty  to  God  and  His  Saints.— If.  The 
Psalmist  begs  Yahweh  to  hear  his  prayer.  He  utters 
this  prayer  in  his  house,  and  in  true  prophetic  spirit 
hopes  that  it  will  be  as  acceptable  as  the  incense  or 
the  evening  sacrifice  offered  by  the  priest  in  the 
Temple.  For  similar  instances  of  the  same  spiritual 
view,  see  Pss.  40,  51,  6931.  Observe  that  the  Decalogue 
prescribes  no  ritual  observance  except  the  rest  on  the 
Sabbath. 

3-7.  A  petition  to  be  saved  from  rash  words.  He 
prefers  to  the  dainties  of  the  wicked  the  rebukes  of 
the  righteous.  The  words  here  condemned  may  refer 
to  disloyal  speech  occasioned  by  the  prosperity  of  the 
wicked,  always  a  puzzle  to  pious  Jews. 

4.  To  be  occupied  In:  rather  "to  take  part  in," 
"  to  join  in  doing." — 56-7.  The  general  sense  given 
above  is  correct  (cf.  Pr.  276)  and  the  RV  of  5  may  be 
right.  At  the  close  emend,  "  And  my  prayer  shall 
testify  against  their  wickedness  "  :  but  the  meaning 
obtained  is  far  from  satisfactory. — 6.  Many  attempts 
have  been  made  to  restore  the  text.  "  They  are  de- 
hvered  into  the  hands  of  their  judges  "  (men,  or  angel 
of  death,  or  Yahweh  Himself  may  be  the  agents  or 
executors)  "  and  they  will  hear  (t.e.  learn)  that  Yahweh's 
word  is  true,"  is  one  of  many  conjectural  emendations 
and  interpretations. — 7  is  still  more  difficult.  "  As 
when  one  breaks  and  splits  a  rock  (see  6,  where  nothing 
can  be  made  of  the  word  '  rock  ')  in  the  land,  so  are 
their  bones  scattered  at  (or  for)  the  mouth  of  Sheol." 
If  this  version  be  at  all  correct,  the  scattered  bones 
of  the  enemy  are  compared  with  the  splinters  of  a 
rock.  The  simile  is  forced  and  unnatural.  Besides, 
Sheol  was  not,  as  a  rule,  the  receptacle  of  dead  bodies 
but  of  departed  souls. 

8-19.  A  prayer  for  deliverance  and  the  ruin  of  his 
foes.     The  Psalmist's  confidence. 

CXLII.  The  Psalmist  prays  for  help  to  God  who 
knows  his  distress.  His  enemies  are  stroneer  than  he, 
and  there  is  none  to  help  him,  save  God.  The  righteous 
will  welcome  his  deliverance  from  tho  snares  around 
him  as  a  triumjih  of  their  own.  In  4  follow  vig. 
In  7  the  "  prison  "  need  not  be  taken  in  a  literal  sense. 
For  "  compass  me  about,"  render  "  shall  triumph 
because  of  me."  The  ascription  of  tho  Ps.  in  the  title 
to  David  in  tho  "  cave "  or  rather  "  fortress "  of 
Adullam  has  no  supj)ort  in  the  Ps.  itself.  There  is 
no  means  of  fixing  tho  date  even  approximately. 


396 


PSALMS,  CXLIII 


CXLIII.  There  is  no  internal  argument  to  justify 
tho  LXX  title,  "  A  Ps.  of  [or  by]  David  when  his  son 
persecuted  him."  On  the  contrary,  it  contains 
reminiscences  of  other  and  those  late  Pss.,  and  36  is 
borrowed  from  Lam.  36,  for  clearly  tho  author  of  tho 
latter  passage  is  more  vigorous  and  original  than  tho 
author  of  tho  Pe.  The  themo  ia  an  ordinary  one. 
The  Psalmist  prays  for  deliverance  from  his  foes,  who 
have  brought  him  to  death's  door,  and  imprecates 
vengeance  upon  them. 

But  wo  should  notice  one  or  two  points  important 
for  religious  history.  The  "  righteousness  of  God  " 
hero  and  in  other  writers  later  than  Deuteronomy  is 
equivalent  to  faithfulness,  and  especially  the  fidelity 
with  which  God  deUvers  and  guides  His  people  (c/.  Ps. 
68,  31 1,  71 2,  89i6,  11940).  Noxt,  in  contrast  to  the 
self-compliiccncy  which  finds  frequent  expression  in 
the  Pss.,  tho  Psalmist  confesses  that  no  man  is  just 
Ixifore  God  (c/.  Job  4i7).  Finally,  the  Psalmist  prays 
that  God's  good  spirit  may  lead  liim  in  tho  straight 
path  (so  read  for  "  land,"  which  is  meaningless  hero). 
God  is  to  teach  to  His  suppliant  what  His  will  is,  and 
instruct  him  how  to  do  it.  For  this  spiritual  concep- 
tion of  piety  compare  "  thy  holy  spirit  "  in  Ps.  51  n. 
In  8  read,  "  Satisfy  mo  with  thy  loving-kindness." 

CXLIV.  Ascribed  by  LXX  and  also  by  T.  "  to 
David  against  Goliath,"  but  without  any  shadow  of 
reason. — 1-11  is  really  a  mosaic  chiefly  taken  from 
Ps.  18,  but  also  from  8,  33,  104.  It  is  a  song  of  antici- 
pated triumph.  The  Psalmist  is  in  coniiict  with 
foreign  enemies  ("  strangers "  (7)  can  only  mean 
foreigners).  Grod  teaches  liis  fingers  to  fight,  for  it  is 
the  fingers  which  grasp  tho  bow  and  subdue  "  peoples  " 
(not  "  my  people  ")  under  him.  He  prays  that  a 
display  in  storm  and  lightning  may  discomfit  his  foes. 
They  can  be  bound  by  no  treat}',  for  the  right  hand  (8), 
which  is  raised  in  taking  an  oath,  is  false  and  treacher- 
ous. But  tho  Psalmist's  triumph  is  secure.  "  David  " 
(10)  is  an  erroneous  gloss  on  "  his  servant." 

12-15  is  a  Ps.,  or  more  probably  the  fragment  of  a 
Ps.,  describing  tho  blessed  lot  of  Yahweh's  people. 
Observe  that  the  blessing  is  wholly  material.  "  When  " 
(12)  has  in  Heb.  no  intelligible  meaning,  and  may  have 
belonged  to  the  original  continuation  of  i-ii.  The 
daughters  of  the  Jews  in  12  are  compared,  according 
to  one  interpretation  with  "  corner  pillars  carved  after 
the  fashion  of  a  palace."  But  there  is  no  authority 
for  the  rendering  "  pillars,"  and  it  is  unlikely  that  the 
Psalmist  knew  anything  of  Caryatides. 

CXLV.  The  Nature  of  Yahweh.— This  Ps.,  which 
borrows  from  very  late  sources  (13,  e.g.  is  translated 
verbally  from  the  Aramaic  of  Dan.  43),  is  a  useful 
summary  of  the  Divine  attributes,  as  a  pious  Jew 
conceived  them.  For  God  is  mighty  and  glorious, 
kindly  and  compassionate.  At  the  same  time.  He 
will  destroy  tho  wicked.  The  Ps.  is  alphabetical,  each 
verse  beginning  with  a  letter  of  the  Heb.  alphabet  in 
due  succession.  By  some  accident  the  letter  Nun  is 
omitted,  \n\\,  tho  lost  verse  can  be  supplied  from  the 
LXX.  It  stood  after  13  and  ran,  "  Faithful  is  Yahweh 
in  his  words  and  holy  in  all  his  works." 

5.  Render  after  LXX,  "  Of  the  glorious  majesty  of 
thine  honour  shall  they  speak.  Of  thy  wonders  shall 
they  discourse." — 9^;.  Hca<l,  "  Good  ia  Yahweh  to  ail 
who  wait  for  him  "  (LXX). 


CXLVI.  This  Ps.,  like  the  remaining  Psa.  to  the 
end  of  the  Psalter,  begins  and  closes  with  the  word 
Hallelujah  (Praise  Yah).  These  Pss.  may  originally 
have  formed  a  cnlleotion  by  themselves.  The  themo 
of  the  Ps.  is  much  tho  same  as  that  of  105.  It  is  vain 
to  trust  man  and  a  blessed  tiling  to  trust  in  God, 
who  made  the  heaven  and  the  earth,  who  protects  those 
who  love  Him  and  relieves  the  desolate  and  oppressed. 

CXLVII.  The  LXX,  periiaps  rightly,  divides  the  Ps. 
into  two,  i-ii  and  12-20. 

1-11.  An  invitation  to  praise  Yahweh  for  His 
almighty  power  and  His  kindness  to  Israel.  Observo 
how  the  two  thoughts  are  intertwined.  After  8c  the 
LXX  has,  "  and  herbage  for  the  service  of  men."  In 
10  "  the  legs  of  a  man  "  is  curious.  Swift  running  is  a 
characteristic  of  the  Homeric  heroes,  but  the  emenda- 
tion, "  armour  of  a  man,"  is  tempting. 

12-20.  The  thought  of  i-ii  recurs,  here  addressed 
to  Jerusalem  and  specially  to  Zion.  In  17  ice  is  said 
to  be  sent  forth  in  small  fragments.  Perhaps  .the 
Psalmist  was  thinking  of  haiL 

CXLVIII.  An  Invitation  to  Bless  Yahweh.— It  is 
addressed,  1-6  to  the  heavens  and  all  that  therein  is, 
7-12  to  the  earth  :  i3f.  gives  the  reason  for  which 
above  all  Yahweh  is  to  Ixi  praised,  viz.  for  bringing 
Israel  so  near  to  Himself. 

4.  ye  heavens  of  heavens :  to  bo  taken  literally  aa 
tho  heavens  above  the  visible  sky  (cj.  2  Cor.  122). — 
6.  Read  mg. — 14.  Translate  with  an  alteration  in  tho 
pointing,  "  He  will  raise  up  (LXX)  a  horn  for  hia 
people  ;  praise  for  all  his  saints,  for  the  children  of 
Israel,"  etc  Tho  "  horn  "  may  refer  to  the  Messianic 
ICing. 

CXLIX.  A  Song  of  Triumph  and  Messianic  Expecta- 
tion.— Obviously  this  Ps.  depicts  a  stage  in  the  Macca- 
boan  war.  It  is  addressed  to  "  tho  assembly  of  the 
saints,"  the  Hasidim  of  Ps.  43.  Tho  heroes  whom  the 
Ps.  celebrates  are  "  meek  "  (4)  towards  God,  but  they 
fight  fierceh'.  "  The  praises  of  God  are  in  their  mouth 
and  a  two-edged  sword  in  their  hands  " — an  admirable 
description  of  the  Maceabean  times,  but  unsuitable  to 
any  other  period  in  Jewish  liistory  known  to  us. 
Maceabean  also,  though  not  exclusively  Maceabean, 
is  tho  confident  belief  that  Israel  will  rule  over  all  the 
world  :  it  is  the  same  belief  which  finds  impressive 
utterance  in  the  Book  of  Daniel,  though  there  the 
victory  is  given  immediately  by  God,  here  it  is  to  be 
won  by  the  sword  of  the  saints.  The  Ps.  falls  into  two 
divisions.  In  1-5  we  hear  the  music  and  song,  wo 
see  the  dance  after  victory  won.  Such  is  the  joy  of 
the  saints  in  Yahweh  "  their  King."  Even  when  the 
exhausting  day  is  over  and  pious  souls  he  down  to 
rest,  the  triumphal  song  is  still  on  their  lips.  In  6—9 
the  vista  of  future  conquest  opens  out  before  ua. 
Israel  is  to  punish  and  crush  other  nations.  God  has 
long  ago  set  down  in  His  book  the  vengeance  which 
is  to  overtake  the  heathen  :  now  Ho  will  carrj'  it  out. 
The  Jewish  notion  of  "  meekness  "  is  xery  different 
from  that  which  Christians  hold,  or  at  least  profess 
to  hold. 

CL.  Each  book  ends  with  a  doxology.  Hero  we 
have  a  much  longer  doxology,  which  closes  Book  V 
and  the  whole  Psalter  also.  The  praise  of  God  begins 
from  His  sanctuary,  i.e.  proliably  from  His  sanctuary 
in  heaven,  not  from  the  Temple  on  Zion. 


THE    PROVERBS 


By  Professor  S.  H.  HOOKE 


Two  types  of  Wisdom-literature  may  be  distinguished 
in  the  OT.  The  earlier  probably  arose  out  of  the 
popular  -wisdom  of  experience,  couched  in  folk-stories 
and  parables  and  polished  into  epigrammatic  form  by 
the  reflection  and  literary  skill  of  a  professional  class 
of  wise  men.  This  type  is  represented  by  the  collections 
of  maxims  constituting  our  book,  by  certain  parts  of 
Eo.,  by  some  of  the  Pss.,  and  by  scattered  parables  and 
riddles  embodied  in  the  historical  parts  of  the  OT — 
e.g.  the  mdihdl  of  Jotham  in  Jg.  99-21,  and  Samson's 
riddle.  The  later  type,  as  seen  in  Job  and  the  greater 
part  of  Ec,  and  in  one  or  two  Pss. — e.g.  Ps.  73 — 
represents  the  direction  taken  by  the  speculative 
thought  of  the  Hebrew  people,  the  discussion  of  the 
moral  and  rehgious  problems  raised  by  God's  govern- 
ment of  the  universe.  For  a  fuller  discussion  see  the 
article  "  Hebrew  Wisdom." 

(a)  General  Character. — The  Book  of  Proverbs  offers 
hardly  any  points  of  contact  with  this  speculative 
activity,  except  in  8  and  30 1-4.  It  assumes  the 
current  orthodoxy,  the  existence  of  God,  man's  re- 
sponsibihty,  the  blessing  of  the  righteous  and  the 
punishment  of  the  wicked.  Its  general  attitude  is  a 
sane,  unspeculative  optimism.  The  passion  of  the 
Pss.,  the  vision  of  the  prophets,  the  doubts  and  despair 
of  Ec.  and  Job,  are  all  absent.  Its  negative  character- 
istics are  interesting.  None  of  the  national  features 
of  Hebrew  history'  appear.  Israel  is  not  mentioned, 
the  Law  and  the  cultus  are  not  referred  to,  events  in 
the  pohtical  or  religious  history  are  not  celebrated. 
Temple,  priest,  and  prophet  find  no  place  either  for 
praise  or  blame.  Idolatry  is  not  once  mentioned, 
and,  except  for  the  national  name  of  the  Deity, 
Yahweh,  it  would  be  hard  to  assign  this  book  to  any 
special  Semitic  people. 

(b)  Authorship  and  Literary  Analysis. — The  title  in 
li  apparently  assigns  the  authorsliip  of  the  whole 
book  to  Solomon,  but  the  existence  of  various  smaller 
collections  with  separate  titles  shows  that  this  title  is 
either  due  to  a  late  editor  at  a  date  when  Solomon 
was  regarded  as  the  fount  of  all  Heb.  wisdom — as  all 
Heb.  psalmody  was  ascribed  to  David — or  that  it 
refers  only  to  the  first  collection.  The  book  com- 
prises the  following  collections  : 

(i)  The  Praise  of  Wisdom  (1-9),  assigned  to  Solomon. 
In  this  section  61-19  and  97-12  are  misplaced. 

(ii)  10i-22i6,  entitled  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  prob- 
ably the  original  nucleus  of  the  whole  book. 

(iii)  22x7-2422  and  2423-34.  Two  short  collections, 
both  ascribed  to  "  the  Wise,"  the  professional  sages. 

(iv)  The  Hezekian  collection  (25-29),  with  a  title 
describing  the  contents  as  proverbs  of  Solomon  col- 
lected by  the  men  of  Hezekiah. 

(v)  The  appendix,  containing  several  short  collec- 
tions— viz.  the  words  of  Agur  (3O1-9,  or  possibly  only 
3O1-4) ;  miscellaneous  proverbs,  chiefly  numerical 
(3O10-33) ;    the  words  of  king  Lemuel  (3Ii-q);    an 


acroatic  poem  describing  the  virtuous  woman  (31 
10-31). 

Hence  the  literary  analysis  shows  that  Pr.,  like  its 
great  companion  the  Psalter,  must  have  reached  its 
present  fomi  through  several  stages  of  growth.  The 
correctness  of  the  titles  is  determined  by  the  dates 
assigned  to  the  collections. 

(c)  Date. — The  date  of  the  book  as  it  stands  must 
be  considered  apart  from  the  date  of  the  separate 
collections.  The  problem  is  almost  entirely  one  of 
internal  evidence,  hence  no  certain  result  can  be 
reached. 

(1)  The  earliest  collection  is  probably  that  contained 
in  10 1-22 1 6,  entitled  Proverbs  of  Solomon.  Early 
tradition  (I  K.  429-34),  which  there  is  no  reason  for 
rejecting,  regarded  Solomon  as  the  father  of  Heb. 
wisdom.  Other  Oriental  peoples  possess  collections  of 
fables  and  apothegms  going  back  beyond  his  time,  and 
the  folk-story  is  one  of  the  oldest  forms  of  popular 
literature.  Tradition  also  associated  Edom  with  the 
source  of  wisdom  (Jer.  497,  Ob.  8),  and  Ezekicl  speaks 
of  the  wisdom  of  Tyre  (283).  Egypt,  too,  prided  itself 
on  the  wisdom  of  its  counsellors  (Is.  19i  i).  But  whether 
10i-22i6  actually  preserves  any  authentic  sayings  of 
Solomon  is  very  doubtful.  The  general  point  of  view — 
social,  pohtical,  and  rehgious— suits  the  Persian  period 
better,  and  there  are  possible  traces  of  Greek  influence. 
Hence,  while  proverbs  of  an  older  date  may  certainly 
be  preserved  in  tliis  collection,  yet  the  absence  of 
strong  national  characteristics,  the  rehgious  and 
ethical  outlook,  and  other  considerations,  suggest 
a  date  between  400  and  300  b.c. 

(ii)  The  Hezekian  Collection  (25-29)  contains  features 
which  suggest  that,  while  it  may  preserve  an  older 
form  of  some  of  the  proverbs  common  to  it  and  10 1- 
22 16,  yet  it  is  as  a  whole  somewhat  later.  To  about 
the  same  date  also  may  be  assigned  22 17-242 2  and 
2423-34.  The  question  of  the  existence  of  a  class  of 
literary  wise  men,  such  as  these  collections  presuppose, 
in  the  time  of  the  pre-exihc  prophets  is  a  difficult 
one.  It  is  not  easy  to  suppose  that  the  wise  men, 
against  whom  the  polemic  of  such  passages  as  Is.  52 1, 
2914,  Jer.  89,  is  directed,  are  the  pious  sages  of  Pr. 
who  instruct  their  people  in  the  fear  of  God.  Also 
the  existence  of  a  second  and  more  pious  set  of  wise 
men  alhed  with  the  prophets  is  an  hypothesis  which 
finds  no  support  in  the  writings  of  the  prophets  them- 
selves. 

(iii)  The  Praise  of  Wisdom  (1-9)  presents  a  totally 
different  hterary  character.  It  is  clearly  a  unity  and 
not  a  collection  of  aphorisms.  It  is  a  series  of  moral 
addresses  on  the  value  of  wisdom,  reaching  their 
climax  in  the  magnificent  portrayal  of  Wisdom  as  the 
companion  of  Yahweh  before  creation.  The  traces  of 
Grcok  influence  in  the  social  environment,  and  pos- 
sibly in  the  philosophical  attitude  towards  wisdom  in  8, 
point  to  a  date  in  the  Greek  period,  possibly  about 


397 


398 


PROVERBS 


300-250  B.C.  Probably  the  author  waa  also  tho 
editor  of  tho  colJoctions  already  mentioned,  to  wliich 
ho  prefixed  his  own  short  treatise  as  both  introduction 
and  supplement. 

(Iv)  Lastly,  to  the  collection  thus  edited  were  added 
at  some  later  date  the  fragments  which  constitute  the 
appendix  (30f.).  They  all  bear  the  marks  of  late  date, 
especially  the  roUgious  standpoint  of  Agur's  prophecy 
and  the  acrostic  arrangement  of  31 10-31. 

(d)  Literary  Characteristics. — ^The  English  transla- 
tion may  conceal  from  the  general  reader  the  real 
nature  of  the  style.  Tho  book  is  poetic  in  form,  like 
the  Pss.  and  Job,  its  immediate  companions.  Paral- 
lelism (p.  23),  the  characteristic  feature  of  Heb. 
poetry,  is  found  throughout,  mainly  in  antithetic 
form,  the  thought  in  the  first  line  of  the  couplet  being 
balanced  by  a  contrasted  thought  in  the  second. 
Next  to  the  antithetic,  synonymous  parallelism  is 
more  frequent,  the  thought  in  the  first  clause  being 
repeated  in  a  varied  form  in  the  second.  On  the 
whole  tho  Heb.  vocabulary  and  syntax  of  Pr.  are  those 
of  the  classical  period,  although  a  number  of  rare 
words  occur,  and  Aramaisms  are  not  uncommon. 
Questions  of  metre  and  strophical  arrangement  are 
too  uncertain  and  intricate  to  be  discussed  in  the 
spaco  available.     See  pp.  372f. 

The  special  difficulty  lies  in  tho  number  of  aphorisms 
whose  text  is  obviously  corrupt.  Often  the  best 
service  to  the  ordinary  reader  is  to  save  him  from  a 
false  or  fanciful  exegesis  by  pointing  out  the  true  state 
of  a  passage  whose  meaning  is  uncertain.  Within  our 
limits  the  evidence  for  emendation  or  variant  readings 
cannot  bo  discussed,  but  only  necessary  emendations 
have  been  offered,  and  where  no  manipulation  of  the 
text  will  j'ield  any  satisfactory  sense  this  has  been 
plainly  stated.  The  reader  is  also  informed  where 
RVm  is  to  be  preferred  to  RV. 

UteTa,t\lTe.—  Catnmen(aries:  (a)  Perowne  (CB),  Mar- 
tin (Cent.B);  (b)  Toy  (ICC);  (c)  Nowack  (KEH), 
Wiidcboor  (KHC),  Frankenberg  (HK);  (d)  Horton 
(Ex.B).  Olher  Literature  :  Cheyno,  Job  and  Solomon  ; 
Malan.  Original  Notes  on  the  Book  of  Proverbs  ;  Monte- 
tiorc.  Notes  upon  the  Date  and  Religious  Value  of  the 
Book  of  Proierbs  (Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  1889-90) ; 
Elmslie,  Stxulics  in  Life  from  Jewish  Proverbs. 

I.-IX.  First  Section.  The  Praise  of  Wisdom.— 
I.  1.  Title,  either  of  the  whole  book,  or  of  this  par- 
ticular collection. 

The  word  for  proverb,  mdshal,  has  a  wide  significance 
in  Heb.  (see  BDB).  Probably  it  originally  expressed 
a  comparison  or  allusion,  drawn  from  history  or  nature, 
and  employed  to  convey  a  taunt  or  satire,  hence  the 
rendering  "  taunt-song."  For  different  meanings  cf. 
Nu.  21 27,  Dt.  2837,  Job  13i2,  Is.  144,  Ezek.  I223. 
Ezekiel's  use  should  be  specially  noted. 

2-6.  Introduction  specifying  the  purpose  of  tho 
book.  There  need  be  no  grammatical  connexion  be- 
tween the  title  and  the  infinitives  in  2-6. 

3.  Construction  obscure.  Possibly  render  "  tho 
discipline  that  causes  one  to  understand  (what  is) 
righteousness,  judgment,  and  equity." — 4.  Simple: 
from  root  meaning  "'  to  be  open,"  "  spacious."  Those 
who  are  lacking  in  reticence  and  self-restraint. — 
SUbtllty :  slinw dnoss,  used  of  the  serpent  in  Gen.  3i. — 
5.  sound  counsels:  lit.  "  ropti-pulling,"  henco  "  direc- 
tion," a  nautical  term,  "  steorsmanship "  (cf.  246, 
Job  37i2).— 6.  figure:  lit.  "satire"  (cf.  Hab.  26f.*), 
from  root  "  to  scorn." — dark  sayings:  read  "  riddles  " 
(cf.  Jg.  14i2,  1  K.  lOi,  Ezek.  172). 

7-20.  First  Discourse  warning  the  young  man  against 
the  allurementfl  of  those  who  are  in  hasto  to  got  gain 


by  oppression  and  spoliation.  Apparently  there  was 
a  persecuted  party,  the  innocent  and  the  perfect 
(ill.),  and  a  party  of  godless  oppressors  who  entice 
tho  young  man  by  the  promise  of  gain.  It  is  less 
likely  that  tho  speakers  were  a  band  of  highway 
robbers  (c/.  Pss.  lOsf.,  II2). 

7.  The  introductory  motto  of  the  whole  collection 
(cf.  9io,  Job  2828,  Ps.  Ill  10,  Eoclus.  1 1 4).— foolish: 
the  precise  shades  of  meaning  in  the  various  synonyms 
for  "  fool  "  in  Heb.  are  not  easy  to  define  (p.  314). 
Pethl  (4*)  means  "  open,"  "  simple,"  not  necessarily 
with  an  evil  significance ;  'evU  (7)  is  one  who  is  crass, 
stupid  (ht.  "bo  fat,"  "thick)";  k'sil  is  the  braggart 
fool  (22),  (cf.  the  mythological  significance  of  Orion)  ; 
nabdl,  less  frequent  in  Pr.  (only  1 77-21,  302 2),  the 
man  lacking  in  moral  sensibility  (cf.  Ps.  14i,  1  S. 
2.525) ;  sahil,  not  in  Pr.  (cf.  Ec.  219).— 17.  Obscure. 
May  mean  (a)  tho  net  of  the  allurements  of  the  wicked 
is  spread  in  vain  when  tho  victim  is  forewarned,  or 
(b)  the  net  of  retribution  is  spreaxi  in  vain  in  the  sight 
of  the  wicked,  they  will  not  be  warned. — spread:  a 
forced  rendering ;  Heb.  means  "  to  winnow," 
"  scatter." — 19.  ways:   read  "  fate  "  (LXX). 

20-33.  Second  Discourse. — Wisdom  personified  warns 
the  simple  of  tho  law  of  retribution,  that  they  cannot 
escape  tho  consequences  of  their  own  actions.  The 
future  judgment  haa  little  place  in  the  ordinary  Hebrew 
conception  of  tho  Day  of  Yahweh.  The  tendency 
to  personify  the  Divine  attributes  is  a  late  develop- 
ment due  to  the  increasing  sense  of  God's  transcen- 
dence. Cf.  the  growth  of  the  conception  of  Metatron, 
and  the  Memra  (pp.  401,  74G)  of  the  Targunis. 

n.  1-22.  Third  Discourse.— The  wise  man  praises 
Wisdom,  describing  the  blessings  of  obedience  to  her. 
The  deeper  religious  element  in  wisdom  appears,  tho 
fundamental  conception  of  Hebrew  prophecy,  that  the 
knowledge  of  God  is  the  supreme  good. 

1-11.  If  the  young  man  hearkens  to  wisdom,  prizes 
it  above  all  other  gain,  he  will  acquire  the  true  know- 
ledge of  God.  Yahweh  alone  gives  wisdom,  and  He 
gives  it  only  to  the  upright. 

5.  The  phrase  "  knowledge  of  God  "  occurs  in  the 
OT  only  here  and  in  Hos.  Also  Elohim  only  occurs 
elsewhere  in  Pr.  in  2 17,  34,  252,  3O9. — 7.  sound 
wisdom:  cf.  Job.  5i2.  The  root  possibly  means  "  to 
assist,"  "  support,"  hence  "  effectual  wisdom,"  imply- 
ing success  in  life. — 8.  his  saints:  rather  "  his  pious 
ones."  The  term  hasidim  (Ps.  43*)  occurs  only  here 
in  Pr. 

12-19.  He  who  possesses  true  wisdom  in  the  know- 
ledge of  God  will  bo  preserved  from  the  perverse  and 
self-opinionated  man  and  from  "  the  strange  woman." 
These  may  bo  personifications,  like  Wisdom,  repre- 
senting some  form  of  foreign  philosophy  or  heretical 
teaching,  so  the  lat«r  Jewish  commentators  explain. 
But  proI)abIy  the  rcffroace  is  to  Uteral  vice.  The 
strange  woman  is  the  professional  prostitute,  possibly 
a  foreigner  and  connected  with  foreign  idolatrous  culta 
(cf.  Josophus,  Ant.,  xii.  4-6  ;  Ecclus.  93-0,  23i6-26). 

17.  friend  of  her  youth:  "husband"  rather  than 
"  God."  For  the  phrase  cf.  Jer.  32-5.— 18.  LXX 
reads  "  she  has  sot  her  house  by  death,"  RV  pre- 
supposes a  change  in  the  accents,  MT  is  rendered  in 
RVm,  the  Targums  and  Peahitta  suggest  "  her  house 
is  a  pit  of  deep  gloom." — the  dead:  the  rephaim,  the 
inhabitants  of  Sheol,  beyond  God's  jurisdiction.  For 
historv  of  term  see  Charles'  Eschatdogy  (cf.  Gen.  145*, 
Job  2(55*,  Is.  149). 

20-22.  Blessing  of  the  upright  who  hearken  to 
wisdom,  and  punishment  of  tho  wicked.  The  result 
of  conduct  is  expressed  in  the  matorial  form  of  older 


PROVEEBS,  V.  4 


399 


Jewish  hopes.  A  long  hfe  in  the  land  of  Israel  was 
the  ideal  of  good,  but  the  phrases  "  to  possess,"  "  in- 
herit," or  "  dwell  in  the  land  "  remained  as  the  ex- 
pression of  blessing  when  its  local  and  temporary 
sense  had  been  forgotten  (cf.  Mt.  65).  Ps.  37  repre- 
sents this  point  of  view  very  fuUy. 

III.  1-10.  Fourth  Discourse. — The  sage  exhorts  the 
young  man  to  heed  his  oral  instruction  (torah),  and 
to  trust  in  Yahweh,  fear  Him,  and  honour  Him  in 
the  prescribed  manner  of  firstfruits.  It  is  interesting 
to  find  torah  used  in  its  earlier  prophetic  sense  of  oral 
instruction,  without  reference  to  its  lat«r  sense  of  the 
whole  body  of  legislation  represented  by  the  Penta- 
teuch. The  torah  of  the  wise  man  represents  not  his 
own  individual  authority,  but  the  accumulated  wisdom 
of  experience.  The  torah  of  the  prophet,  although 
dehvered  in  the  name  of  Yahweh,  represents  ulti- 
mately the  accumulated  moral  consciousness  of  the 
nation  ;  while  the  torah  of  the  priest — in  its  later  form 
at  least — represents  the  traditional  and  inherited 
ritual,  the  prescribed  method  of  the  cultus.  Hence  the 
primary  idea  of  torah  is  the  same  in  all  three  forms. 
(See  pp.  121,  620,  Dt.  I5*,  and  for  a  fuUer  discussion, 
"  Law  "  in  HDB.)  The  traditional  view  of  the  moral 
government  of  the  universe,  challenged  so  passionately 
in  Job,  is  here  accepted  as  axiomatic  ;  the  reward  of 
fearing  Yahweh  is  material  prosperity  and  long  life, 
there  is  no  outlook  into  the  future. 

8.  navel:  read  "flesh"  or  "body"  (LXX  and 
Peshitta). 

111.  A  comment,  possibly  by  a  later  hand,  on  the 
meaning  of  misfortune.  It  represents  the  beginning 
of  the  problem  discussed  so  fully  in  Job,  and  it  offers 
the  same  solution  as  Ehphaz  (Job.  5i7f.)  and  Elihu, 
a  solution  rejected  by  Job  as  inadequate.  Chastise- 
ment could  not  be  regarded  as  a  proof  of  God's  Jove 
until  the  belief  in  a  future  life  with  God,  where  its 
results  should  appear,  had  been  established.  Indeed, 
the  pressure  of  tlie  moral  problem  helped  largely  to 
establish  the  bohef  in  ethical  and  individual  immor- 
tahty.  (See  art.  on  "  Immortahty "  in  DAG ;  cf. 
also  Ecclus.  2i-6,  Pss.  of  Solomon  138f.) 

12.  as  a  father:  LXX  (Heb.  126)  reads  "  scourges," 
probably  representing  the  presumably  correct  reading 
"  afflicts,"  as  in  Job.  5i8. 

13-18.  Couplets  in  praise  of  wisdom,  possibly  a 
continuation  of  i-io,  but  probably  a  separate  frag- 
ment of  a  poem  in  praise  of  wisdom.  It  and  igf. 
are  closely  related  to  the  hymn  in  praise  of  wisdom 
in  8,  and  may  represent  an  excerpt  from  an  earher 
recension  of  it. 

15.  Repeated  in  a  shghtly  modified  form  in  811. 

19f.  A  comment  on  the  place  of  Wisdom  in  creation, 
expanded  in  823-31*.     See  13-18*. 

21-26.  Another  fragment  on  the  blessings  of  wisdom 
addressed  by  the  sage  to  the  young  man.  The  con- 
nexion is  clearly  broken,  "  them  "  (21a)  having  no 
antecedent,  since  21-26  is  not  a  continuation  of  igf. 
If,  however,  the  order  of  21a  and  21b  be  inverted,  the 
sense  may  be  restored. — depart:  Heb.  difficult. 
LXX  reads  "  shp  away,"  perhaps  the  source  of  "  sUp 
away  "  in  Heb.  2i. 

29-35.  Detached  exhortations  and  maxims  totally 
differing  in  stylo  from  the  rest  of  1-9,  and  more  closely 
resembUng  the  maxima  of  10i-22i6.  The  connecting 
thread  is  the  conception  of  kindhnasa  to  one's  neigh- 
bour as  a  fundamental  part  of  morality  which  underlies 
much  of  the  Code  of  the  Covenant  and  the  parallel 
portions  of  D  and  H. 

27.  for  them  to  whom  It  Is  due :  a  forced  rendering  ; 
Heb.  is  Ut.  "  from  its  owners."     LXX  has  "  from  the 


needy,"  Peshitta  omits.  Read  perhaps  "  from  thy 
neighbours." — power:  ht.  "God"  ('eZ),  illustrating 
the  primitive  conception  attaching  to  the  word  (cf. 
Gen.  3I29,  Dt.  2832).— 32.  secret:  Heb.  imphes  inti- 
mate association  (cf.  Pss.  25i4,  5014). — 34.  Neither 
RV  nor  RVm  is  satisfactory.  Read  "  with  the  scorners 
he  shews  himself  scornful  "  (Ps.  I826).  LXX  is 
quoted  in  Jas.  46,  1  P.  55. — 35b.  promotion  is  the  Heb. 
verb  "  to  exalt "  or  "  to  remove "  (as  Is.  57i4). 
"  Shame  exalts  fools,"  i.e.  "  makes  them  notorious," 
is  possible  but  forced.  An  attractive  emendation  is 
"  fools  change  their  glory  into  shame  "  (cf.  Hos.  47). 
14i8  may  give  the  original  text,  "  fools  await  shame." 

IV.  1-9,  10-19,  20-27.  Three  hortatory  discourses 
exactly  similar  to  those  in  2  and  3.  The  subject  is 
the  praise  of  Wisdom,  and  the  description  of  the 
blessings  she  confers. 

3f.  One  of  the  few  passages  referring  to  Heb.  educa- 
tional methods  (pp.  109f.).  Instruction  is  oral,  given 
by  the  father  or  the  mother  (Is).  Books  are  not  men- 
tioned, and  it  is  difficult  to  infer  tlie  nature  of  the 
teacliing,  whether  it  consisted  of  instruction  in  the  Law, 
or  merely  the  advice  of  experience  given  to  youth. 
The  date  may  be  about  the  third  century  b.c. — 7. 
Heb.  yields  no  good  sense,  "  the  begiiming  of  wisdom 
is,  get  wisdom."  LXX  probably  correctly  omits  the 
verse. — 9.  crown  of  beauty:  ht.  "glorious  crown" 
(cf.  Is.  28i,  Job.  199).  The  figure  is  from  the  custom 
of  wearing  wreaths  on  festal  occasions,  hardly,  aa 
Is.  28i  shows,  a  sign  of  Greek  or  Roman  influence. 

10-18.  A  discourse  describing  the  way  of  life  and 
the  way  of  death  (cf.  "  The  Two  Ways,"  the  earUer 
Jewish  portion  of  the  Didache). 

12a.  cf.  Job.  187a,  the  idea  being  the  cramping  and 
hindering  of  one's  steps  by  a  narrow  and  rocky  path. — 
13b.  cf.  Dt.  3247.  Note  the  gradual  deepening  of  the 
sense  of  "  Ufe,"  beginning  with  prolonging  of  days, 
as  in  Dt.  3247,  and  gaining  in  spiritual  content  until 
it  comes  to  mean  the  knowledge  of  God  and  com- 
munion with  Him  (Jn.  173  ;  cf.  "  the  life  which  ia 
life  indeed,"  1  Tim.  619). — 14-17.  Probably  the  same 
class  as  that  described  in  1 10-19,  belonging  to  city 
life  rather  than  to  an  agricultural  or  nomad  state  of 
society. — 18.  unto  the  perfect  day :  ht.  "  until  the  day 
is  estabhshed,"  which  may  mean  either  the  full  morn- 
ing hght  or  the  noon-day.  The  reference  may  be  to 
the  good  old  age  of  a  righteous  hfe,  its  radiant  cul- 
mination, or,  less  probably,  to  the  Day  of  the  Lord, 
which  will  be  light  for  the  righteous  (cf.  Is.  3O26,  348). 

20-27.  A  third  discourse  exhorting  the  young  man 
to  heed  the  instruction  of  the  sage  and  adhere  to  the 
path  of  uprightness. 

23.  heart:  in  Heb.  the  seat  not  of  the  emotions 
but  of  the  intellect  (cf.  Hos.  7ii,  where  "  without 
heart"  means  "without  intelhgence").  The  seat  of 
the  emotions  in  the  OT  is  represented  by  the  bowels, 
the  will  and  moral  perceptions  by  the  reins  (cf.  Jer. 
419,  Ps.  I67). — Issues  :  ht.  "  goings  forth  "  (c/.  Ps. 
6820). — it:  i.e.  the  obedience  recommended  in  230, 
hfe,  whether  material  or  spiritual,  is  the  result  of 
obedience  (cf.  Dt.  3247). 

V.  1-23.  The  first  discourse  against  sexual  vice,  and 
exhortation  to  purity  and  conjugal  fidchty  (cf.  624-35, 
7,  913-18).  A  comparison  of  the  later  codes  (e.g. 
Lev.  18,  20,  H)  with  the  earlier,  shows  the  increasing 
stress  laid  on  sexual  purity,  and  increasing  prevalence 
of  adultery. 

3-6.  Description  of  the  strange  woman  (2i6*). — 4. 
wormwood  (Am.  57,  Jer.  915) :  a  bitter  and  poisonous 
herb,  probably  a  species  of  Artemisia.  In  Rev.  8iof. 
it  has  become  an  eschatological  abstraction.     For  the 


400 


PROVEEBS,  V.  4 


thought  of  bitterness  and  poison  in  the  present  con- 
nexion cf.  the  water  of  jealousy  (Nu.  5).— 6,  Corrupt, 
Read  "  She  does  not  treed  the  way  of  life,  her  paths 
waver." 

7-14.  The  evil  results  of  relations  with  the  strange 
woman.  These  fall  into  three  divisions — loss  of 
wealth  and  position  (gf.),  physical  deterioration  (ii), 
legal  penalties  (14,  cj.  633*).  Adultery  is  treated  as 
more  serious  and  dangerous  than  intercourse  with  a 
harlot.  H  (Lev.  20 10),  Ezek.  2345-47,  and  D  (Dt. 
2222)  sentence  both  parties  to  death.  The  story  of 
David  and  Bathsheba  implies  the  death  penalty.  In 
later  practice  the  punishment  appears  to  have  been 
less  severe  {cf.  Ecclus,  23i8-26).  Jn.  85  imphes  that 
the  older  regulation  was  still  in  force,  although  it 
might  be  relaxed.  (Probably  the  ordeal  for  the  sus- 
pected wife  (Nu.  511-29*)  was  older  still.)  (See  Gray, 
Numbers,  ICC.) 

7a.  Read  "  son." — 9.  the  cruel :  the  text,  if  cor- 
rect, refers  apparently  to  the  outraged  husband,  but 
"to  foreigners"  (Targ.)  suits  the  parallolism  better. 
The  reference  would  then  bo  general  to  the  circle  of 
foreign  courtesans  and  panders. — 14.  Render  "  I  had 
almost  fallen  into  all  evil,"  i.e.  legal  penalties  inflicted 
by  the  local  synagogue. 

15-20.  Exhortation  to  conjugal  fidelity.  For  the 
metaphor  of  the  well  and  the  cistern  cf.  Ca.  412,15, 
and  for  that  of  the  roe  cf.  Ca.  45.  Some  find  a  parallel 
to  15a  in  Ec.  12 1,  reading  "  remember  thy  well  in  the 
days  of  thy  youth." 

21-23.  Closing  remarks  on  the  retributive  nature  of 
the  Divine  moral  government. 

21.  maketh  level :  the  same  word  as  in  6a ;  read 
mg.  here.  The  primary  meaning  is  "  weigh  "  (cf.  the 
noun  in  Is.  4O12,  "scales"). — 22.  the  wicked  (LXX 
omits) :  probably  a  gloss,  as  the  passage  is  a  general 
statement  of  the  principle  of  retribution,  a  man  suffers 
for  his  own  sin. 

VI.  1-19.  A  section  totally  dissimilar  from  the  rest 
of  this  division  of  Pr.  It  consists  of  four  short  sub- 
sections— 1-5  against  suretyship,  6-1 1  against  sloth, 
12-15  against  talebearing,  16-19  against  seven  sms. 
Then  the  subject  of  sexual  vice  is  continued  from  5. 
1-19  obviously  breaks  the  connexion,  and  was  probably 
inserted  after  the  compilation  of  1-9. 

1-5.  The  Dangers  of  Suretyship.— Early  Semitic 
legislation  does  not  deal  directly  with  suretyship, 
although  directions  relating  to  pledges  and  release 
from  debt  are  given.  In  Neh.  5  we  have  a  case  of 
mortgage  and  its  hardship.  The  practice  of  giving 
personal  security  probably  grew  up  in  post-exiho 
times.  See  also  II15,  17i8,  20i6,  2226f.,  27i3; 
Ecclus,  813,  2914-20, 

I.  stricken  hands:  cf  Job.  I73,  Ezek.  17i8,  Ezr. 
IO19. — 3.  The  context  favours  R,Vm. — importune:  the 
Heb.  means  "  to  rage  against,"  "  be  arrogant  "  (cf. 
Rahab  in  Is.  30;).  The  endangered  surety  should 
take  strong  measures  to  force  his  friend  either  to  meet 
his  habihties  or  to  set  him  free  from  his  bond. 

6-11.  The  Dangers  of  Sloth.— C/.  3O24  and  2430-34. 
The  latter  is  evidently  derived  from  the  same  source  as 
this  passage,  and  requires  69  to  make  the  connexion 
clear  between  32  and  33.  The  ant  figures  in  most  of 
the  ancient  proverbial  lore  as  the  type  of  provident 
thrift  and  industry.  The  LXX  adds,  probably  in- 
correctly, some  clauses  concerning  the  bee. 

II.  robber:  Ut.  "rover,"  almost  equivalent  to 
"  tramp." — armed  man:    lit.  "  man  with  a  shield." 

12-15.  Description  and  Retribution  of  the  Tale- 
bearer.— The  earliest  codes  reflect  the  prevalence  of 
this  social  crime  (cf,  Ex.  23 1,  Lev.  19i6). 


12.  worthless  person :  lit.  "  man  of  Belial,"  more 
commonly  in  Heb.  "son  of  Belial"  (Dt.  13i3*).  The 
usually  accepted  derivation  (see  BDB)  regards  "  Belial " 
as  a  compound  signifying  "  without  worth."  But  all 
the  uses  of  the  word  do  not  agree  with  this  derivation 
(cf.  Ps.  I84),  and  especially  its  use  as  a  proper  name 
(2  Cor,  615,  Asc.  Is.  323).  It  may  be  the  name  of  some 
Bab.  deity  (cf.  EBi). — 13.  Malan  cites  the  apposite 
parallel  from  the  Institutes  of  Manu  :  "  Beware  of 
having  nimble  hands  and  moveable  feet,  a  winking 
eye,  of  being  crooked  in  thy  ways,  of  having  a  voluble 
tongue,  and  of  being  clever  at  doing  mischief  to 
others." — 15b.  A  verbal  parallel  occurs  in  29i, 

16-19.  Seven  Things  Hateful  to  God. — Possibly  the 
insertion  of  this  short  passage  here  was  suggested  by 
the  recurrence  in  it  (19b)  of  the  unusual  phrase  in 
14b,  "  scattereth  strifes,"  It  reflects  throughout  a 
hterary  acquaintance  with  OT,  and  is  therefore  prob- 
ably late.  All  the  characteristics  mentioned  occur  in 
other  parts  of  OT  (cf.  Is.  2ii,  Ps.  31 18,  Is.  593,7, 
Gen.  65,  etc.), 

20-35.  Warning  against  the  Adulteress.— Here  the 
subject  of  ch.  5  is  resumed,  exhortation  to  sexual 
purity  (see  57-14*), 

22f.  The  change  to  the  sing.  ("  it ")  in  22  points  to 
some  disarrangement,  and  the  close  connexion  between 
20  and  23  suggests  that  23  should  follow  21,  and  that 
before  22  a  clause  introducing  wisdom  as  the  subject 
has  been  lost.— 25.  Cf.  Job  31 1,  Mt.  528.-26.  The 
text  Ls  ob-scure  and  probably  corrupt  (rf.  ICC),  AV  and 
RV  incorrect.  The  main  problem  is  whether  the 
harlot  is  synonymous  or  contrasted  with  the  adulteress. 
The  latter  is  more  probable  ;  the  harlot  only  hunts 
for  a  piece  of  bread — i.e.  for  a  Uvelihood — the  adulteress 
seeks  to  ruin  her  victim.  The  man  is  throughout  the 
foolish  victim,  and  the  adulteress  is  the  temptress. 

30-35.  A  contrast  between  the  fate  of  a  thief  and 
that  of  the  adulterer.  The  point  is  not  clear.  MT 
means  that  a  thief  who  steals  to  satisfy  his  desire  does 
not  lose  social  prestige,  nevertheless  he  must  pay  the 
penalty  in  a  fine.  Many  regard  this  as  unsatisfactory, 
and  30a  may  be  a  question  (so  some  MSS.),  "  do  they 
not  despise,  etc.  ?  " — i.e.  the  thief  only  loses  the  respect 
of  his  fellows,  but  escapes  further  punishment  by  pay- 
ment of  a  fine,  while  the  adulterer  loses  caste  and  cannot 
escape  the  penalty  of  the  law  by  private  arrangement 
with  the  jealous  husband.  But  can  a  thief,  who  steals 
to  satisfy  his  hunger,  pay  sevenfold  for  his  offence  ? 

31.  sevenfold :  for  the  law  of  restitution  in  cases  of 
theft  and  fraud  cf.  Ex.  22 1,  five-  or  fourfold  ;  224,7, 
double ;  lAi\.  65,  restoration  of  the  principal  plus 
one-fifth.  Lk,  198  and  2  S,  126  show  that  the  fourfold 
measure  was  apparently  the  prevalent  one.  Sevenfold 
is  probably  rhetorical  rather  than  legal. 

VII.  1-27.  The  longest  and  most  elaborate  descrip- 
tion of  the  adulteress,  the  fate  of  her  victim,  and  the 
value  of  wisdom  as  a  safeguard. 

1-5.  General  advice  to  the  young  man  to  observe  the 
commandments  and  the  torah  of  the  sage,  that  he 
may  bo  preserved  from  the  adulteress. 

3b.  cf.  2  Cor,  33,  and  for  the  opposite  thought 
Jcr.  I7i. — 4.  Idnswoman:  lit.  "one  well  known," 
"  familiar  friend,"  only  in  Ruth  2i,  32  besides. 

6-23.  A  vivid  and  dramatic  representation  of  the 
capture  of  a  young  and  foolish  man  by  an  adulteress. 

6-9.  The  sage,  looking  through  his  lattice  in  the 
evening,  sees  a  young  man  approach  the  comer  where 
the  adulteress  lives.  The  LXX  makes  her  look  out 
of  her  window  in  search  of  prey,  a  more  vivid  reading 
than  that  of  MT,  and  not  necessarily  incompatible  with 
the  next  picture,  in  10,  of  hor  eager  rush  to  meet  him. 


PROVERBS.  IX 


401 


10-12.  Deeoription  of  the  adulteress,  her  restlessness 
and  boisterous  heartiness  of  manner.  The  harlot  or 
temple  prostitute  could  probably  be  easily  distinguished 
by  her  style  of  dress  and  manner,  even  if  she  did  not 
wear  a  distinctive  garment,  or  veil,  as  in  Gen.  8815 
(c/.  Ca.  57). 

13-20.  Description  of  the  adulteress's  greeting  and 
allurements. 

13b.  i.e.  "  with  brazen  face  "  (c/.  mg.). — 14.  Read 
rng.  The  shelamim,  peace-  or  thank-offerings  (p.  98, 
Lev.  3*,  7ii-34*),  were  probably  common  to  the 
other  Semitic  cults  ;  they  are  mentioned  in  the  Mar- 
seilles temple  tariff,  c.  fourth  century  B.C.  Hence  the 
woman  need  not  be  an  Israehte.  Vows  (p.  105,  Lev. 
7i6f.*,  Nu.  30)  of  course  are  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  N.  Semitic  inscriptions. — 15.  carpets  of  tapestry : 
render  "coverlets"  (3I22). — striped  cloths:  perhaps 
correct.  Some  kind  of  covering  is  intended. — 20.  full 
moon :  only  here  and  Ps.  81 3.  The  husband's  absence 
will  extend  from  the  beginning  of  the  month  (9  may 
indicate  the  absence  of  the  moon)  until  the  mid-month 
feast  of  full  moon  (p.  101). 

22c.  The  text  is  plainly  corrupt  [mg.).  Toy's  emen- 
dation, "  hke  a  calf  to  the  stall,"  jdelds  a  good  sense. 

24-27.  The  fatal  results  of  yielding  to  her  wiles. 
The  nature  of  the  disaster  is  not  explained,  but  early 
death  seems  to  be  impHed,  either  by  judicial  penalty, 
by  the  vengeance  of  the  husband,  or  by  the  physical 
decay  resulting  from  excess. 

27.  chambers  of  death :  may  be  a  poetical  synonym 
for  Sheol,  but  if  the  section  be  late,  it  may  imply 
divisions  in  the  underworld  (c/.  "  the  treasuries  "  in 
2  Esdr.  732,  where  the  same  Gr.  word  is  used  as  in 
the  LXX  of  this  verse). 

VIIL  Wisdom  Speaks  in  her  own  Person. — This 
chapter  forms  at  once  the  nucleus  and  the  climax  of 
this  section  of  the  book.  The  series  of  addresses  on 
practical  wisdom  is  fitly  closed  by  a  profounder  pre- 
sentation of  wisdom  as  the  moving  principle  in  the 
ways  of  God.  It  reinforces  the  practical  maxims  of 
1-7  with  the  fundamental  principle  that  the  wise  man 
is  in  harmony  with  God.  Its  date  probably  fixes  the 
date  of  the  whole  section  (see  Introduction,  and  for  a 
fuller  discussion  especially  Cheyno,  Job  and  Solomon, 
pp.  156f.).  The  relation  of  the  conception  of  Wisdom 
personified  to  the  Stoic  Logos  and  to  Greek  philosophy 
in  general  cannot  be  discussed  here.  (See  Wisdom 
Literature  in  HDB,  and  especially  the  excellent  intro- 
duction by  Holmes  to  the  Book  of  Wisdom  in  Charles' 
Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha.)  The  two  main  lines 
of  development  of  this  conception  in  Heb.  thought  are  : 
(o)  the  growth  of  the  conception  of  the  Angel  of 
Yahweh,  developing  into  the  later  Jewish  theologou- 
menon  of  Metatron,  the  mediator  ;  {h)  the  tendency 
to  personify  the  Word  of  Yahweh  active  in  creation 
and  in  the  moral  government  of  the  world,  developing 
into  the  quasi-pereonal  Memra  of  the  Targums,  and 
the  Philonian  Logos. 

1-21.  The  Place  of  Wisdom  in  the  Government  of  the 
World. 

1-3.  Proem.  Wisdom  is  not  secluded  in  the 
chamber  of  the  sage,  but  cries  aloud  in  the  crowded 
concourse  of  the  mart  and  highway. — 4f.  The  class  of 
persons  addressed — those  who  are  in  need  of  wisdom, 
the  simple  and  the  fools. — 6-9.  The  nature  of  the  in- 
struotion  offered.  Its  essential  characteristic  is  truth 
and  righteousness,  God's  own  character  as  seen  in 
His  ways  (c/.  Dt.  324).  There  is  notliing  twisted  or 
crooked  in  it. — 6.  excellent  thiqgs :  i.e.  princely  things. 
The  word  is  unusual,  and  found  only  here  m  this  sense. 
— 101.  Preciousness    of    the   instruction.     In    u    the 


personification  breaks  down  for  a  moment,  and  the 
author  speaks  of  wisdom  in  the  third  person,  quoting 
315. 

12-16.  The  right  government  of  the  world  is  due  to 
Wisdom. 

12.  have . . .  dwelling ;  the  Heb.  is  strange ;  we  should 
perhaps  read  "  create  "  or  '"  possess  "  (Targ.,  Syr.), 

17-21.  The  rewards  of  those  who  receive  the  in- 
struction of  Wisdom.  Those  who  seek  Wisdom  not 
only  find  her,  but  gain  with  her  material  prosperity 
and  honour,  although  she  is  to  be  prized  for  her  own 
sake  and  not  for  her  rewards. 

18.  durable  riches:  ht.  "ancient  riches"  (mg.). 
The  same  idea  with  the  same  Heb.  word  occurs  in 
Is.  23i8  (RVm  "  stately  "). — The  LXX  has  a  curious 
and  interesting  addition  to  21  :  "  If  I  have  declared 
to  you  the  things  of  the  present,  I  will  bear  in  mind  to 
recount  the  things  of  the  past."  It  marks  the  separa- 
tion of  the  two  sections  of  the  chapter,  and  is  apparently 
an  exegetical  gloss,  intended  to  contrast  the  present 
government  of  the  world  by  Wisdom  with  its  creation 
in  the  past. 

22-31.  The  Place  of  Wisdom  in  the  Creation  and 
Ordering  of  the  Universe. — Wisdom  is  not  conceived  aa 
eternally  coexistent  with  God,  but  as  formed  before 
Creation  to  be  the  instrument  of  creation.  Cf.  the 
Rabbinical  doctrine  that  the  Law  was  created  before 
the  world,  and  the  Philonian  conception  of  the  Logos 
as  first  immanent,  and  then  for  creation  and  in  the 
act  of  creation  emanating  from  God  in  a  quasi-personal 
form  of  existence.  In  Ecclus.  the  conception  of  Wis- 
dom found  here  is  identified  with  the  Torah.  The 
whole  passage  should  be  compared  with  Job  28, 
For  the  Christian  apphcation  to  Christ  see  CoL  I15*. 

22f.  Wisdom  the  first  of  God's  works. — 22a.  Render 
"  the  Lord  formed  me  as  the  first  (or  chief)  of  His 
ways." — 24-26.  Wisdom  formed  before  the  world. 
As  in  all  the  OT  cosmologies  the  primeval  state  of  the 
world  is  conceived  of  as  a  watery  chaos.  See  Cos- 
mogony in  HDB. — 25.  settled:  ht.  "  sunk,"  according 
to  the  Semitic  idea  that  the  mountains  had  their 
bases  in  the  subterranean  ocean  {cf.  Job  26ii*,  Ps.  I87, 
Jon.  26.) — 26.  The  Heb.  is  almost  uninteUigible  and 
probably  corrupt.  No  satisfactory  emendation  has 
been  offered. 

27-29.  Wisdom  present  at  the  Creation.  The  Bab. 
conception  of  the  heavenly  ocean  above  separated 
from  the  ocean  below  by  a  solid  vault  is  reflected  here. 
In  the  Bab.  mythology  the  vault  is  represented  by  the 
divided  body  of  the  Cliaos  dragon  Tiamat,  slain  by 
Marduk  (Gen.  l6f.*). — 27.  circle :  rather  "  vault  " 
{cf.  Job.  2214). — 29.  For  the  idea  of  a  boundary  fixed 
for  the  ocean  by  God  cf.  Gen.  Igf.  ;  Job.  26io,  388-1 1  ; 
Ps.  1046-9  ;  Jer.  02 z. — 301.  Wisdom  the  companion 
of  God. — 30.  a  master  workman :  requires  a  shght 
alteration  of  MT  ;  so  also  AV,  "  one  brought  up." 
AV  seems  to  suit  the  context  better,  although  the 
LXX  and  the  Vulg.  seem  to  support  RV.  For  the 
corresponding  term  in  the  active  sense  cf.  Nu.  11 12. 
In  Wisd.  72  2  we  find  Wisdom  described  as  "  the 
artificer  of  all  things "  (see  Holmes'  note). — RVm 
"  had  dehght  continually  "  suits  the  context  better, 
and  is  a  justifiable  rendering. — rejoicing:  better 
"sporting"  (mg.). — 32-36.  Closing  exhortation  of 
Wisdom  to  the  sons  of  men. — 36.  Render  "  ho  that 
misseth  me  (mg.)  doth  violence  to  himself."  "To 
sin  "  in  Heb.  as  in  Gr.  has  the  force  of  "  to  miss  the 
mark."  Life's  aim  is  awry.  To  miss  intentionally 
that  which  is  the  spring  of  life  is  moral  suicide. 

DC.  The  Invitations  of  Wisdom  and  Folly  Contrasted. 
— This  section  closes  with  a  couple  of  graphic  pictures 


402 


PROVERBS.  IX 


of  Wisdom  and  Folly  personified,  each  bidding  for  tho 
attention  of  the  paasers-by  with  offora  of  hospitality. 
The  two  pictures,  each  consisting  of  six  stanzas,  are 
now  separated  by  six  stanzas  of  unconnected  proverbs 
(7-12). 

1-6.  Wisdoms  Invitation.— The  parable  of  the 
Great  Supper  in  Mt.  22  and  Lk.  14  may  perhaps  be 
modelled  on  this  pa-ssago.  Wisdom's  house,  with  its 
seven  pillars,  her  preparations  for  tho  feast,  and  her 
message  of  invitation  are  described.  The  appoint- 
ments imply  a  cit\'  life  and  setting  to  the  scene,  but 
whether  Jewish  or  Greek  is  not  determined  by  the 
details.  Tho  pillars,  viands,  and  messengers  naturally 
offer  themselves  to  allogorical  interpretations,  and  com- 
mentators from  Rashi  to  Hitzig  have  revelled  in  the 
opportunity  (see  ICC  and  other  commentaries), 

7-12.  Disconnected  aphorisms,  apparently  inserted 
by  a  later  scribe,  either  to  separate  the  two  pictures 
of  Wisdom  and  Folly,  or  (so  Toy)  because  this  was  a 
convenient  place  for  tho  preservation  of  this  small 
collection,  though  the  convenience  is  not  entirely 
apparent. 

7-9.  The  results  of  instruction  given  to  the  scoffer 
and  to  the  wise  man  respectively.  It  is  wasted  on  the 
scoffer,  but  bears  fruit  and  increase  in  the  wise. — 
10-12.  The  beginning  of  wisdom,  its  benefits,  and  the 
responsibility  it  brings. 

13-18.  The  Companion  Picture  of  Folly  and  her 
Invitation. 

13.  The  Heb.  Ls  obscure  and  uncertain.  Literally  it 
can  onlj'  be  rendered  "  the  woman  of  folly  is  bois- 
terous, simplicity,  and  knows  not  what."  Toy  reads 
"  Folly  is  loud  and  seductive,  she  knows  no  shame." 
Obviously  the  stanza  forms  a  contrast  to  the  quiet 
forethought  of  Wisdom  in  i.  Folly  offers  to  tho  fool 
those  dchghts,  described  in  detail  in  7,  which  lead  to 
the  inevitable  fate  so  repeatedly  pointed  out. — 15. 
right:  there  is  no  implication  of  moral  rectitude,  but 
simply  a  reference  to  those  who  are  passing  by  along 
the  highroad. — 18.  dead:  read  "shades"  (cf.  2iS*). 
For  the  juxtaposition  of  Rephaim  and  Sheol,  cf. 
Is.  14o. 

LXX  has  several  additional  stanzas  in  this  chapter, 
after  12  ampUfying  the  idea  of  responsibihty  and  the 
consequences  of  neglect  of  wisdom,  and  after  18  giving 
an  exhortation  to  avoid  folly's  invitation.  Both  are 
probably  from  the  pen  of  a  scribe,  and  illustrate  well 
the  possibility  and  the  motive  of  similar  additions 
in  Job  and  Ec. 

X.-XXU.  16.  Second  Section.  The  Proverbs  of 
Solomon. — For  the  character  and  date  see  Introduc- 
tion. The  general  plan  of  this  Commentary  requires 
that  the  paragraph  and  not  the  verse  be  taken  as  the 
unit  of  exegesis.  But  in  this  part  of  Pr.,  and,  indeed, 
almost  throughout  the  rest  of  the  book,  there  are  no 
paragraphs  and  very  little  indication  of  unity  of  pur- 
pose underlying  the  collection  of  aphorisms.  Hence, 
as  the  scale  of  the  Commentary  precludes  verse  by 
verse  annotation,  the  notes  will  be  devoted  chiefly  to 
the  elucidation  of  difficulties  and  obscurities,  giving 
the  renderings  to  be  preferred,  and  the  most  probable 
emendations  where  emendation  appears  necessary. 

2  (c/.  Ps.  37).  righteousness  :  the  growth  of  the  con- 
ception of  righteousness  is  an  imjwrtant  subject.  As 
in  the  Pss.,  there  is  a  specific  class  "  the  righteous  " 
opposed  to  "  tho  wicked."  The  righteous  are  generally 
eynonymous  with  the  poor  and  aflflictod  remnant,  some- 
times equivalent  to  the  Hasidim  of  tho  Greek  period. 
In  general  the  tendency  of  the  conception  of  righteous- 
ness is  towards  a  specific  moral  character,  rather  than 
towards  the  fulfilment  of  legal  duties.     This  is  im- 


portant in  view  of  the  impUed  contrast  in  the  Synoptic 
Gospels  between  the  righteousness  of  the  scribes  and 
Pharisees,  and  such  a  rigliteousness  as  our  Lord  taught 
to  be  the  condition  of  entrance  into  tho  kingdom  of 
God  (c/.  Mt.  620). — 5.  Proverbs  on  agriculture  abound 
in  tliis  section,  but  afford  no  indication  of  date.  They 
suggest,  however,  the  popular  source  of  many  of  the 
proverbs,  the  fruit  of  practical  experience  rather  than 
of  philosophic  reflection. — 6b  is  repeated  in  11,  whore  it 
is  evidently  in  place  ;  here  it  yields  no  satisfactory 
contrast,  and  has  probably  come  in  by  mistake  for 
the  real  contrasting  clause,  which  is  lost.  For  verbal 
parallel  cf.  Hab.  217. — 8b  is  repeated  in  10*,  where 
it  destroys  the  antithesis.  It  yields  no  satisfactory 
antithesis  here.  Possibly  the  contrast  is  that  the 
wise  man  listens  in  silence  and  is  saved,  while  the  fool 
is  too  busv  talking  to  heed  the  warning  which  would 
save  liim  Irom  a  faU. — 9.  shall  be  known :  some  con- 
trast to  "  walks  securely  "  is  required.  Read  "  shall 
suffer." — 10b  has  come  in  by  mistake  from  8.  The 
LXX  may  preserve  the  original  antithesis,  "  he  who 
reproves  openly  makes  peace "  (cf.  275f.).  If  so, 
the  "wanking  '  in  10  may  not  mean  "stirring  up 
strife  "  M  in  613,  but  rather  conniving  at  wrong- 
doing in  contrast  to  faithful  reproof. — 11.  a  foun- 
tain of  life:  13i4,  1427,  I622  (cf.  Ps.  369).— 12. 
love  covereth:  1  P.  48,  Jaa,  620,  give  an  inde- 
pendent version,  possibly  based  on  an  Aram,  original, 
and  it  may  be  ultimately  a  saying  of  our  Lord's. 
— 13b  occurs  in  263  in  a  much  more  obvious  con- 
nexion.— 14.  lay  up  knowledge:  this  quite  destro3r8 
the  antithesis.  Read  "  conceal  their  knowledge." 
The  contrast  between  wise  reticence  and  foolish  licence 
in  speech  is  the  subject  of  many  proverbs  (cf.  19, 
II13,  etc.;  Ecclus.  9i8,  2O5-7). — present  destruction: 
better,  "  imminent  niin." — 15.  The  power  of  wealth 
against  the  defencelessness  of  poverty  is  illustrated 
both  in  the  legal  codes  and  the  history  (cf.  Is.  58, 
Neh.  55). — 16.  labour:  read  "wages."  The  contrast 
is  between  the  reward  of  righteousness  and  wickedness. 
— 18.  The  form  apparently  deserts  the  usual  anti- 
thesis and  presents  a  synthetic  parallelism.  LXX 
reads  "  righteous  hps  cover  hatred,"  perhaps  the 
original  text. — 19-21.  Proverbs  relating  to  the  use  of 
speech. — 22b  may  be  rendered  as  RV,  or  with  many 
commentators  "labour  adds  not  to  it"  (cf.  rng.),  an 
excellent  sense,  but  hardly  in  harmony  with  the  out- 
look of  Pr. — 23b.  Both  the  Heb.  and  the  general  sense 
are  against  the  common  rendering.  Read  "  but  for 
a  man  of  understanding  it  is  a  matter  of  worth," — 
24f.  (cf.  27-30)  states  the  retributive  theory  of  the 
moral  government  of  the  world,  which  is  so  passion- 
ately challenged  in  Job  as  contrary  to  experience. — 
26.  One  of  the  many  aphorisms  about  the  sluggard, 
it  seems  to  interrupt  the  connexion  between  24?.  and 
27-30.  Possibly  it  belonged  originally,  as  its  form 
suggests,  to  25f. — 30.  dwell  in  the  land :  it  was  through 
the  E.xile  that  "  to  dwell  in  the  land,"  Yahweh's  land, 
came  to  be  the  expression  of  the  highest  hope  of  the 
pious  Jew,  and  became  a  part  of  the  Messianic  hope. 
Cf.  Hos,  93  for  an  early  expression,  and  Is,  33x7  for  a 
development  of  the  idea.  It  is  reflected  in  Mt.  65. — 
31f.  Connected  in  subject  with  19-21.  The  two 
groups — 19-21,  3if.,  and  24f.,  27-30 — may  originally 
have  formed  separate  collections. 

XI.  The  orthodox  view  of  strictly  retributive  justice 
found  in  1024f.,  27-30  is  represented  by  a  further 
group  (2-8,  18-21,  and  31).  Proverbs  concerning 
speech  are  also  frequent  (9,  i2f,).  There  arc,  moreover, 
several  new  points — e.g.  tho  value  of  wisdom  to  the 
community  (14)  ;    tho  popularity  of  the  prosperity  of 


PROVERBS,  XIII.  23 


403 


the  righteous  (lo),  possibly  referring  to  the  popular 
story  of  Mordecai  and  Haman  ;  the  value  of  discretion 
in  a  woman  (i6  and  22) ;  liberality,  especially  in  the 
handling  of  the  com  supply,  evidently  reflecting  a  city 
point  of  view  (24-26)  ;  also  a  proverb  dealing  with 
commercial  ethics  (i),  reflected  in  D  and  H  (Dt.  25i5, 
Ezek.  45io,  Lev.  I936). 

7.  Lit.  "  When  a  wicked  man  dies  hope  perishes, 
and  the  expectation  of  vigour  perishes."  There  is  no 
satisfactory  antithesis  in  7b,  and  7a  is  metrically 
irregular.  The  LXX  preserves  an  antithesis,  "  When 
the  righteous  man  dies  his  hope  does  not  perish,  but 
the  boasting  of  the  wicked  perishes."  The  original 
is  perhaps  preserved  here.  Toy's  objection  that  Pr. 
does  not  deal  with  a  future  life  (I432*)  depends  on 
the  date  of  individual  aphorisms,  and  a  collection  of 
early  proverbs  might  easily  contain  isolated  aphorisms 
of  a  much  later  period.— 8.  in  his  stead:  this  has 
occasioned  difficulty  ;  it  does  not  mean  that  the  wicked 
suffers  instead  of  the  righteous,  but  that  ultimately 
Divine  justice  assigns  his  proper  place  to  each.  It 
asserts  the  principle  of  1024f.* — 16.  An  antithesis 
between  women  and  men  is  found  only  here  in  Pr. 
The  contrast  is  not  apposite,  and  the  two  lines  may 
(so  LXX)  be  the  first  and  last  lines  respectively  of  two 
pairs  of  contrasts,  one  between  women  and  the  other 
between  men. — 18,  Render  "  wages  of  deceit,"  i.e. 
illusory  gain. — 19a  is  very  uncertain,  (a)  The  AV 
should  be  more  exactly  "  so  righteousness  tendeth,  etc.," 
and  "  he  that  pursueth,  etc.,"  connecting  the  verse  with 
the  previous  one.  (b)  RV  "  he  that  is  steadfast  "  is 
without  philological  justification,  (c)  The  LXX  reads 
"  son,"  which  yields  a  good  sense. — 21.  Read  mg. — 
22.  Jewel:  read  "  nose-ring  "  (Gen.  2422),  the  regular 
ornament  of   women   in   the   East. — 24.  Read    mg. — 

30.  Difficult.  Lit.  "  the  fruit  of  the  righteous  is  a 
tree  of  life,  and  a  wise  man  takes  souls  "  (i.e.  persons). 
Both  AV  and  RV  give  impossible  translations  of  30b. 
A  slight  change,  suggested  by  LXX,  gives  a  good  sense 
and  satisfactory  antithesis  :  "  the  fruit  of  righteousness 
is  a  tree  of  hfe,  but  violence  destroys  (men's)  Hves." — 

31.  There  is  probably  some  connexion  between  1  P. 
4i8  and  this  verse.  Possibly  we  should  substitute 
"  recompensed  "  for  "  punished,"  following  the  line 
of  exegesis  suggested  in  1  P.  The  Heb.  verb  means 
"  to  repay,"  "  give  what  is  due."  The  righteous  do 
not  escape  the  consequences  of  their  faults,  how  much 
less  will  the  sinner  ! 

XIL  Here  we  have  a  number  of  proverbs  handling 
the  favourite  subject  of  retribution  (2f.,  7,  14,  21,  28). 
Several  deal  with  speech  (6,  13,  16-19,  22f.).  Other 
subjects  treated  of  are  the  virtuous  woman,  humanity 
to  animals,  and  the  sluggard.    No  new  feature  appears. 

8.  of  a  perverse  heart:  Toy  happily  translates  "  a 
wrong-headed  man." — 9  is  interesting  as  pointing  to 
the  growth  of  social  distinctions  among  the  Hebrews. 
The  picture  of  later  Jewish  life  that  we  gather  from 
the  Rabbinical  literature  shows  an  aristocracy  of 
intellect  rather  than  of  wealth. — honoureth  himself: 
the  Heb.  implies  rather  "  plays  the  great  man." — 
10.  Reflected  in  D  (c/.  Dt.  614,  254).— 12.  Very  diffi- 
cult. The  RV  renders  the  Heb.  as  well  as  it  can  be 
rendered,  but  yields  no  satisfactory  meaning.  The 
LXX,  slightly  changing  the  word  for  "  net  "  and  trans- 
ferring it  to  the  end  of  the  verso,  gives  the  only  satis- 
factory solution  :  "  the  wicked  desire  evil  things,  but 
the  roots  of  the  pious  are  firm. ' ' — 16.  concealeth  shame : 
the  idea  conveyed  in  the  context  is  that  the  prudent 
man  take^  no  notice  of  an  insult ;  Toy  "  ignores  an 
affront." — 25.  Heaviness:  read  "  anxiety  "  (r/.  mg.). — 
26a  ifl  untranslateable.     RV  is  not  admiaaible.    The 


LXX  is  perhaps  best :  "  the  righteous  takes  thought 
for  his  neighbour."  Many  read  "  the  righteous 
searches  out  his  pasture.'" — 27  offers  no  clear  anti- 
thesis, and  the  text  is  corrupt. — 27a  appears  to  be  a 
hunting  metaphor,  but  the  word  translated  "  roast  " 
(so  the  Rabbis)  is  quite  unknown.  Modern  scholars 
derive  from  Arabic,  and  render  "  rouse  "  or  "'  start." — 
27b.  Read  "  there  is  valuable  wealth  for  the  dihgent 
man." — 28b.  MT  carmot  be  translated,  EV  contains 
about  as  many  mistakes  as  could  be  packed  into  so 
short  a  sentence.  The  LXX  shows  that  the  second 
clause  contains,  not  a  synthesis  as  it  Ls  now,  but  an 
antithesis.  The  original  probably  read  "  but  the  way 
of  the  wicked  (leads)  to  death." 

XHL  This  chapter  has  httle  that  is  fresh  and  no 
new  groups  of  proverbs.  We  have  a  well-known 
reference  to  the  weariness  of  waiting  for  a  hope  that 
comes  not  (12  and  19a).  There  is  a  new  proverb 
relating  to  the  faithfulness  of  messengers,  perhaps  with 
reference  to  diplomatic  missions. 

5.  Is  loathsome:  render  "  behaves  vilely." — 7.  Both 
AV  and  RV  obscure  the  point  of  the  aphorism,  which 
contrasts  two  equally  obnoxious  social  shams.  Trans- 
late, "  There  are  poor  people  who  pretend  to  be  rich, 
and  there  are  rich  people  who  feign  they  are  poor." — 
8.  The  last  words  appear  to  have  come  in  by  ditto- 
graphy  from  i.  The  real  point  of  the  contrast  in- 
tended appears  in  10 15 — the  social  disadvantage  of 
poverty— and  the  last  words  should  express  a  similar 
thought. — 9.  rejoiceth  is  hardly  appropriate;  read 
with  a  shght  emendation  "  ariscth  "  (c/.  Ps.  II24). 
LXX  reads  "  is  for  ever."  The  earUer  meaning  of 
"  light  "  and  "  lamp  "  is  the  preservation  of  the  family 
name  and  honour  (cf.  the  promise  to  David  to  give  him 
a  lamp  in  Jerusalem,  1  K.  11 36,  Ps.  132 17).  Later  it 
acquires  a  more  ethical  meaning,  "  the  path  of  the  just 
is  as  a  shining  light." — 10.  The  text  is  very  uncertain. 
The  first  three  letters  of  MT  are  probably  repeated  by 
scribal  error  from  9.  Omitt'ng  them  we  read  "  pre- 
sumption causes  strife."  But  the  proverb  is  probably 
a  corrupt  form  of  11 2,  as  comparison  with  it  suggests. — 

11.  The  Heb.  reads  lit.  "  Wealth  from  nothingness 
grows  less,  but  he  who  gathers  by  hand  increases." 
Some  change  is  clearly  needed.  The  LXX  gives  a 
better  sense  and  a  suitable  contrast,  "  wealth  got  in 
haste"  {cf.  2O21,  2822).  The  force  of  "by  hand" 
{cf.  mg.)  is  "  gradually,"  not  "  by  labour  "  as  the  RV. — 
13a  is  the  converse  of  1620a. — the  word:  the  moral 
law,  the  law  of  Yahweh. — 15b  gives  no  intelligible 
sense,  and  cannot  be  related  to  15a.  Lit.  it  reads 
"  the  way  of  the  treacherous  is  enduring "  ;  RV 
"  rugged "  has  no  justification.  LXX  reads,  with 
slight  change,  "  is  in  destruction."  But  the  two 
clauses  are  still  unrelated,  and  probably  belong  to 
different  couplets  {cf.  Ecclus.  41 10). — 17.  The  contrast 
is  apparently  between  the  mischief  cau^;ed  by  a  bad 
or  incompetent  messenger  and  the  prosperous  issue 
of  affairs  conducted  by  a  reUable  envoy  or  ambassador. 
The  word  used  for  ambassador  or  envoy  suggests 
rather  a  political  sense,  and  the  LXX  has  the  interest- 
ing though  probably  erroneous  rendering  "  a  rash  king 
gets  into  trouble,  but  a  wise  ambassador  will  dehver 
him."  Read  "  A  false  (or  untrustworthy)  messenger 
causes  (his  sender)  to  fall  into  trouble"  {cf.  2013). — 
19.  Another  case  of  two  unrelated  lines.     For  19a  cf. 

12,  and  for  19b  cf.  2937. — 23.  The  Hob.  gives  no  satis- 
factory sense  or  intelhgible  contrast.  It  reads  lit. 
"  The'fallow  ground  (as  Hos.  IO12,  Jer.  43)  of  the  poor 
is  abundance  of  food,  and  there  is  that  is  swept  away 
by  injustiot'.'  The  VSS  show  similar  confusion.  No 
satisfactory  emendation  haa  lieoQ  proposed. 


404 


PROVERBS,  XIV 


XIV.  In  this,  as  in  each  of  the  preceding  chapters  in 
this  section,  aphorisms  on  the  moral  povornnient  of  the 
world  come  first  in  number.  There  are  rather  more  in 
this  chapter  of  a  political  and  social  character,  while  a 
group  that  might  be  called  psychological  appears  for 
the  first  time  (e.g.  lo,  13,  and  in  part  30),  The  con- 
trast between  wisdom  and  folly,  simpUcity  and  pru- 
dence, also  jdelds  a  fairly  numerous  group. 

1.  MT  cannot  be  translated.  la  is  probably  the 
quotation  of  9ia,  and  ib  is  added  as  an  aphoristic 
and  antithetic  comment.  Read  "  Wisdom  hath 
buildod  her  house,  but  folly  tears  it  down  with  her 
hands." — 3.  rod:  lit.  "shoot"  (nig.)  or  "twig,"  as 
in  Is.  Ill,  the  only  other  place  where  the  word  occurs. 
Hence,  if  the  text  is  sound,  the  fool's  mouth  is  repre- 
sented as  sending  forth  a  branch  of  folly.  But  tliis 
leaves  the  antithesis  without  point.  We  expect  some 
word  conveying  the  harmfulneas  of  the  fool's  speech 
to  himself.— 4a  yields  no  intelligible  contrast ;  a  slight 
emendation,  "  where  there  are  no  oxen  there  is  no 
com,"  gives  it. — 7.  The  straightforward  rendering  of 
the  Heb.  is,  "  If  thou  go  from  the  presence  of  a  fool 
thou  hast  not  known  lips  of  knowledge  " — i.e.  time 
spent  in  a  fools  company  is  timo  wasted.  But  the 
text  is  very  uncertain.  LXX  may  preserve  the 
original,  "  All  tilings  are  contrary  to  a  fool,  but  wise 
lips  are  instruments  of  perfection,"  evidently  following 
2O15  for  7b. — 9.  Another  very  difficult  verac.  The 
lit.  translation,  as  far  as  one  can  be  given,  is  "  Guilt 
(or  a  guilt  offering)  mocks  fools,  but  among  (lit.  be- 
tween) the  upright  there  is  good  pleasure."  It  is  hard 
to  extract  any  sense  from  this.  LXX,  evidently  with 
a  widely  diflcrent  text  in  9a,  has  "  the  houses  of  trans- 
gressors need  purification,  but  the  houses  of  the 
righteous  are  acceptable  (i.e.  to  God)."  The  word 
"  mocks  "  is  the  trouble.  A  slight  emendation  would 
give  "  fools  go  astray  by  guilt,"  which  yields  a  possible 
sense. — 13.  Cf. 

"  Our  sincerest  laughter  with  some  pain  is  fraught. 
Our  sweetest  songs  are  those  that  tell  of  saddest 
thoughts." 

14.  Instead  of  the  difficult  "  from  himself,"  read  the 
necessary  "  from  his  deeds,"  the  same  verb  being  sup- 
plied as  in  14a. — 17b.  Omit,  with  LXX,  one  Heb. 
letter,  and  read,  to  the  improvement  of  sense  and 
antithesis,  "  but  a  man  of  thought  endures."  The 
Heb.  for  "  a  (juick-tempered  man  "  is  lit.  "  one  who 
is  short  of  nostrils  "  ;  a  patient  man  is  "  long  of 
nostrils  " — i.e.  his  anger  doe^  not  soon  become  ap- 
parent, by  a  snort ! — 18.  are  covered :  the  verb  (Job 
362)  is  Aram.  Render  "  the  prudent  wait  for  know- 
ledge."— 21.  is  happy:  rather  "is  blessed  by  God," 
as  in  Ps.  li,  "  bles.sc<l  is  the  man." — 24b  is  tautologous 
and  yields  no  antithesis.  Read  "  The  crown  of  the 
wise  is  their  wisdom,  the  chaplet  of  fools  is  their 
folly"  (LXX). — 32.  in  his  death:  read,  transposing 
two  letters,  "  in  his  integrity  "  (so  LXX). — 35.  causeth 
shame :  properly  "  disappoints  " — i.e.  in  a  political 
sense,  one  who  is  a  political  or  diplomatic  failure. 

XV.  This  chapter  makes  no  new  departure.  Pro- 
verbs concerning  the  moral  government  of  the  world 
again  occupy  the  chief  place.  One  (11)  is  noteworthy 
as  showing  an  extended  conception  of  the  sphere  of 
God's  govcmment.  Earlier  Heb.  religion  regarded 
Sheol  as  outside  the  kingdom  of  God  ;  there  the  dead 
do  not  praise  or  remember  Him.  Wo  have  also  some 
more  psychological  proverbs  dealing  with  the  value  of 
cheerfulness, 

2.  Uttereth   aright:     paraphrase  rather  than   trans- 


lation, lit.  '*  makes  good."  Read  "  drops  "  (as  Dt. 
322,  Job.  2922),  a  more  natural  contrast  to  "  pours 
out  "  in  2b. — 3.  The  conception  of  God's  omniscience 
and  omnipotence  begins  to  appear  clearly  in  the  later 
Wisdom-literature  (cf.  Job.  242 1,  2  Ch.  I69).  The 
earUest  occurrence  is  in  Jor.  3219. — 7.  disperse:  else- 
where only  in  a  bad  sense.  A  change  of  one  letter 
gives  "  preserve,"  which  suits  the  context  better. — 
doeth  not  so  is  poor  sense,  as  the  mind  cannot  be  said 
to  scatter  or  disperse  knowledge.  RVm,  though 
possible,  gives  no  contrast.  Read  "  does  not  under- 
stand."— 11.  See  above.  "  Abaddon  "  occurs  in  OT, 
principally  in  Wisdom-literature  (cf.  27 20;  Job  266, 
2822,  31 12  ;  also  in  Ps.  8811).  In  each  case  it  denotes 
a  region  of  the  underworld,  and  is  apparently  a 
synonj'm  for  Sheol.  In  Rev.  9i  i*  Abaddon  has  become 
the  name  of  the  angel  who  rules  the  abyss,  and  is 
identified  by  the  writer  with  ApoUyon.  The  same 
conception  is  found  in  Rabbinical  htorature.  Voltcr, 
in  his  commentary  on  Rev.,  identifies  Abaddon  with 
Ahriman,  suggesting  that  the  change  from  the  concep- 
tion of  Abaddon  as  a  place  to  that  of  an  angel  is  due 
to  Persian  influence,  the  source  of  much  of  later  Jewish 
angelology. — 17.  dinner:  elsewhere  only  in  2  K. 
2530 =Jer.  5234.  It  means  primarily  a  portion  for  a 
journey,  hence  here  a  slender,  frugal  meal.  A  "  stalled 
ox  "  is  a  fatted  ox,  one  kept  in  the  stall  and  fed. — 
19a.  Read  "  is  hedged  with  thorns." — 19b.  We  expect 
the  contrast  of  "  diligent "  with  "  sluggard,"  hence 
emend  "  upright  "  to  "  active  "  or  "  dihgent  "  (LXX). 
— an  highway  :  cf.  Is.  57 14.  The  road  is  prepared  for 
a  great  person  in  the  East  by  casting  up  stones  and 
earth  to  form  a  raised  way. — 25.  The  ease  with  which 
boundaries  can  be  altered  in  the  Ea,st  is  reflected  in 
early  legislation  (Dt.  19i4,  27i7). — 26b  is  clearlj'  in 
disorder,  as  the  VSS  show.  Transpose  the  first  two 
words  in  the  Hob.  and  understand  "  to  him,"  reading 
"  the  words  of  the  pure  are  a  pleasure  to  him." — 
30.  the  light  of  the  eyes:  may  be  taken  (a)  ht.  as  the 
light  of  the  sun  (cf.  Ec.  II7)  and  regarded  as  a  com- 
parison with  30b  or  (b)  symbolically  as  good  news 
which  is  reflected  in  the  lighting  up  of  the  face. 

XVI.  The  special  feature  is  a  group  of  aphorisms 
(10-15)  relating  to  kings.  The  sentiments  seem  rather 
to  reflect  the  picture  of  the  ideal  king  than  to  indicate 
any  particular  period.  The  motaphars  employed  and 
the  character  depicted  suggest  a  parallel  with  the 
ideal  king  of  Ps.  72. 

4.  The  ht.  rendering  of  4a  is  "  Yahweh  has  made 
every  work  for  its  answer  " — i.e.  the  nexus  of  cause 
and  effect  seen  in  the  moral  govcmment  of  the  world 
is  His  work,  a  kind  of  prearranged  harmony.  The 
supreme  instance  is  the  case  of  the  wicked,  their 
answer  is  the  day  of  evih  We  have  an  assertion  of 
the  righteousness  of  Yahweh's  government  rather  than 
of  their  predestination  to  judgment.  There  is  no 
doubt,  however,  of  the  existence  of  the  belief  in  pro- 
destination  to  blessing  and  judgment  in  later  Jewish 
theology.  This  determinism  is  the  fundamental 
feature  m  the  eschatology  of  the  Apocalyptists. — 
5.  II20*. — 6.  An  excellent  illustration  is  found  in 
Dan.  427  (cf.  also  Ezek.  1821,27).  Render  6b  "  And 
by  the  fear  of  Yahweh  there  is  escape  from  calamity." — 
8.  cf  1.5 16. 

10-15.  This  group  relating  to  kings  does  not  pre- 
serve the  antithetic  form  characteristio  of  tliis  section. 
— 10.  A  divine  sentence:  ht.  "divination."  For  the 
precise  meaning  see  Driver  on  Dt.  ISiof. — 11a.  Just: 
qualifies  "  scales  "  only.  Possibly,  in  view  of  the 
8ubj(!ct-matter  of  the  group,  "  the  Lord's  "  originally 
reail  "  the  king's,"  and  was  afterwards,  through  mis- 


PROVERBS,  XIX.  12 


405 


apprehension,  changed  to  the  present  reading.  The 
authorization  of  normal  weights  and  balances  is  then 
ascribed  to  the  king.  This  may  be  illustrated  from  a 
lion  weight  found  at  Abydos  (c.  vi.-v.  cent.  B.C.),  with 
the  inscription  "  correct  according  to  the  commissioners 
of  money.' —15b.  c/.  2  S.  23 sf.  ;  Pss.  65 lo,  726.— the 
latter  rain :  not  the  heavy  autumn  and  winter  rain  (Hob. 
"  the  pourer  "),  which  breaks  up  the  dry  clods,  but  the 
gentler  spring  rain  which  fertilizes  the  crops. — 20.  c/. 
13i3. — 21.  learning:  Toy's  rendering,  here  and  in  23, 
"  persuasiveness  "  or  "  power  of  persuasion,"  is  too  free. 
The  word  may  have  both  a  passive  and  an  active 
(c/.  Dt.  322)  meanmg.  The  sense  requires  the  latter : 
agreeable  speech  increases  a  man's  capacity  of  im- 
parting knowledge. — 25  =  14 12.  Like  the  doublets  in 
the  Synoptic  Gospels,  this  and  other  doublets  in  the 
same  section  suggest  that  the  editor  is  using  more 
than  one  source,  and  that  the  proverb  occurs  in  both 
his  sources — i.e.  he  is  handhng  groups  or  collections 
rather  than  selecting  isolated  aphorisms  and  arranging 
them. — 26.  Read  mg. — 27-30.  A  group  on  slander  (c/. 
612-14  *).— 28.  Chief  friends:  cf.  217,  Ps.  5513.  The 
word  means  "  prince  "  in  Gen.  3615,  Zech.  97,  and  the 
rendering  "  aUenates  the  prince "  is  possible.  But 
"  separates  friends  "  is  probably  the  best  rendering. — 
31b.  RVm  is  unwarranted.  The  meaning  is  that 
length  of  days  is  the  reward  of  righteousness  (c/.  Ps. 
91  r6  and  the  Deuteronomic  expression  "  that  thou 
mayst  prolong  thy  days." — 33.  In  primitive  Heb. 
religion  the  casting  of  the  sacred  lot  (p.  100)  seems 
to  have  been  the  priest's  prerogative  (see  H.  P. 
Smith  on  1  S.  144if.  in  ICG  and  art.  Lots  in  HDB), 
but  later  the  practice  of  obtaining  decisions  in  im- 
portant matters  became  a  practice  of  common  life 
(c/.  Jon.  I7,  Ac.  I26). 

XVII.  Fresii  pouits  are  the  rise  of  the  able  and 
clever  slave  to  a  place  in  the  family  (2),  the  practice 
of  bribes  (8,  23),  the  value  of  adversity  as  a  test  of 
friendship  (17)  ;  also  the  subject  of  suretyship,  dealt 
with  in  61-5,  is  resumed  ;i8). 

1.  For  the  connexion  between  sacrifices  {mg.)  and 
feasting  cf.  614.  For  "  sacrifice "  used  to  denote 
private  slaying  cf.  Dt.  12 15,  Is.  346. — 7.  Excellent: 
the  usual  meaning  is  "  abundance,"  and  possibly  the 
sense  is  that  copious  speech  only  betrays  a  fool.  A 
shght  change  gives  "  upright,"  with  a  somewhat  better 
antithesis. — prince :  cf.  26  and  Is.  325  for  the  sense  of 
moral  nobihty,  which  better  suits  this  passage,  and 
render  "  the  noble,"  or  as  Toy,  "  the  man  of  recti- 
tude."— 8.  The  most  intelligible  rendering  is  "  a  bribe 
is  counted  a  means  of  procuring  favour  (lit.  a  stone  of 
favour)  by  its  owner  {i.e.  the  briber)  in  all  that  he 
undertakes  he  succeeds."  The  expression  "  stone  ot 
favour "  is  without  parallel  in  Heb.  Frankenberg 
suggests  that  it  may  mean  "  a  lucky  stone  " — i.e.  a 
magic  stone  or  amulet. —  9b.  I628*. — 11a.  The  Ut. 
rendering  is  probably  "  surely  rebelhon  seeketh  evil  " 
{cf.  mg.).  The  abstract  for  the  concrete  is  not  sup- 
ported by  Heb.  usage,  and  a  shght  change  gives  "  a 
rebelhous  man."  The  reference  is  probably  not  re- 
ligious but  political,  but  cf.  Ps.  7849. — 12a.  cf.  2  S. 
178,  Hos.  138. — 16.  There  may  be  a  reference  to  the 
Gr.  custom  of  pajang  fees  to  sophists  and  philosopher, 
since  it  does  not  appear  that  the  Jewish  Rabbis  took 
payment  for  their  instniction. — 17.  RVm  is  more  exact 
than  RV.  The  sense  remains  on  the  whole  the  same, 
although  it  no  longer  implies  a  higher  degree  of  afleo- 
tlon  in  the  brother. — 18.  c/.  61-5*;  see  aLso  II15. 
2O16,  2226,  2713. — 19.  transgression  may  have  the 
social  .sense  that  it  ha.s  in  Ex.  229,  trespass  against  a 
neighbour's  property,  in  which  oa.'^e  the  unusual  phrase 


"  raiseth  high  his  gate  "  may  refer  to  encroachments 
upon  a  neighbour's  property. — 21.  The  word  for 
"  fool  "  in  2 lb  occurs  besides  only  in  Pr.  in  I77,  3O22. 
It  always  connotes  moral  insensibility  in  the  OT  {cf. 
Ps.  14i). — 22.  medicine:  the  word  occurs  only  here 
and  is  thus  translated  by  inference  from  Hos.  613. 
Read,  with  a  slight  change,  "  body."  The  sense  is  the 
same. — bones  is  another  synon3rm  for  "  body."  Render 
"  A  weary  heart  makes  a  sound  body,  but  a  crushed 
sjiirit  withers  the  body." — 23.  OUt  of  the  boSOm:  ht. 
''  out  of  the  lap  " — i.e.  out  of  the  fold  in  the  outer 
garment  which  serves  the  Oriental  as  a  pocket  {cf. 
I633,  Is.  40ii). — 26.  punish:  properly  "fine"  {mg.), 
cf.  Am.  28.  But  in  Pr.  the  word  seems  to  have  the 
wider  meaning  "  punish."  The  old  technical  sense  has 
been  lost. — for  their  uprightness  is  an  impossible  render- 
ing. Either  render  "  to  smite  the  noble  is  against 
justice,"  or  read  "  much  less  to  smite  the  noble." 

XVIII.  1.  MT  yields  no  satisfactory  sense.  The 
LXX  reads  "  The  man  who  wishes  to  separate  from 
his  friends  seeks  pretexts,  but  is  always  hable  to 
reproach."  Frankenberg  renders  "  the  ahenated 
friend  seeks  an  occasion  (emending  the  word  for 
'  desire  '),  seeks  by  all  means  to  stir  up  strife." — 
4.  RV  translates  correctly,  but  the  sense  is  strange. 
Read,  perhaps,  "  The  words  of  the  wise  are  deep 
waters,  a  flowing  brook,  a  fountain  of  life,"  but  this 
is  conjecture  rather  than  emendation. — 5.  cf.  1726, 
which  may  have  originally  followed  this  verse. — 6-8. 
A  group  on  rash  and  slanderous  speech. — 8.  Repeated 
in  2622. — dainty  morsels  (AV  "  wounds  ")  has  occa- 
sioned much  difficulty.  The  RV  translation  rests  on 
an  Arabic  form  meaning  "  to  swallow  eagerly."  The 
sense  refers  to  the  pleasure  with  which  slanderers' 
gossip  is  received. — 10  expresses  a  point  of  view  not 
common  in  Pr.,  but  frequent  in  Pss.  {cf.  Is.  268),  the 
attitude  of  the  pious  toward  the  character  of  God  as 
represented  by  His  Name.  There  is  no  suggestion 
here  of  the  magical  value  subsequently  attached  by 
the  Jews  to  the  "  ineffable  Name." — 11.  cf.  10 15. — 
16-18.  Three  reflections  on  the  ways  of  htigation — ^the 
value  of  a  bribe,  the  necessity  of  hearing  both  sides, 
and  the  use  of  the  lot  to  decide  doubtful  cases. — 19. 
MT  is  uninteUigible  (note  itahcs  in  RV).  No  satis- 
factory emendation  has  been  proposed. — 20f.  Two 
aphorisms  on  the  nemesis  which  overtakes  rash  speech. 
"  Curses  are  Hke  young  chickens,  they  always  come 
home  to  roost." — 22.  cf.  the  expansion  of  the  idea  in 
Ecclus.  261-3.— 23.  cf.  Ecclus.  I33.— 24.  Lit.  "  a  man 
of  friends  is  to  be  broken,  and  there  is  a  lover  that 
cleaveth  closer  than  a  brother."  There  is  no  satis- 
factory paralleUsm  ;  the  rendering  is  also  very  doubtfuL 
With  a  shght  change  24rt  reads,  "  There  are  friends 
whose  object  is  society,"  implying  a  contrast  between 
social  acquaintances  and  the  friendship  tested  by 
adversity.     LXX  omits. 

XIX.  A  shrewd  turn  of  sarcasm  in  3  suggests  the 
attitude  of  practical  wisdom  towards  that  questioning 
of  the  moral  government  of  the  world  which  we  find 
in  Job. 

1.  fool:  read  "  rich,"  as  in  286. — 2a.  Both  RV  and 
RVm  are  unsound  grammatically.  The  lit.  rendering 
shows  that  the  clause  is  defective,  "  Also  without 
knowledge  of  the  soul  ...  is  not  good."  Some  verb 
expressing  action  is  required. — 2b.  Sinneth:  read  mg. 
The  idea  is  "  more  haste  less  speed.' — 7c  is  defective 
and  untranslatoable.  RVm  approaches  the  ht.  ren- 
dering, which  IS  "  ho  who  pursues  words,  they  are  not." 
It  is  clearly  part  of  a  lost  couplet. — 8.  wisdom:  lit. 
"  heart  "  (mg.),  cf.  Ps.  90i2.— 12.  The  r<>forence  to  the 
royal  anger  {cf.  2O2)  suits  such  conspicuous  wrath  as 


406 


PROVEEBS,  XIX.  12 


is  depicted  in  Esther  in  the  Persian  period  better  than 
the  earlier  period  of  the  Jewish  monarchy. — 13b.  cf. 
271"). — 15.  deep  sleep:  the  word  is  generally  used  for 
the  sleep  of  a  trance  (Oen.  22 1  *),  or  siii>ematural  sleep. 
The  faculties  are  iK-numbed  through  disuse. — 16b.  RVm 
gives  the  lit.  sense  ;  RV  is  a  paraphrase.  Read  "  the 
word  "  for  "  his  ways  "  (c/.  13i3). — 19.  Many  explana- 
tions and  emendations  have  been  proposed,  but  none 
are  satisfactory.  Frankenbcrg's  may  be  nearest  to 
the  original  sense,  "  A  man  who  is  fined  is  very  angry, 
but  if  he  shew  contempt  (of  court)  he  has  to  pay 
more." — 22.  The  want  of  connexion  between  the 
clauses  and  the  words  the  RV  ha.s  had  to  supply,  show 
the  hopt^less  state  of  the  text.  The  only  possible  way 
of  establishing  a  connexion  is  by  the  interpretation  that 
a  poor  man  who  desires  to  show  kindness  but  cannot, 
is  better  than  a  rich  man  who  pretends  that  he  is 
unable  to  do  so.  But  this  forces  too  much  into  the 
text.  The  LXX  has  "  Almsgiving  is  fruit  to  a  man, 
and  a  righteous  poor  man  is  better  than  a  rich  liar." 
The  connexion  lies  in  the  later  identification  of 
righteousness  with  almsgiving. 

XX.  Wc  have  still  further  traces  in  9,  24  of  the 
sceptical  spirit  and  "  the  obstinate  questionings  of 
self  ■  characteristic  of  the  later  Greek  period  of  Jewish 
thought. 

6a.  RV  is  strained  and  the  Heb.  is  difficult.  Read 
(cj.  SjT.  and  Lat.)  "  Many  a  man  is  called  land." — 
8.  Winnoweth  [mg.)  is  more  literal  than  RV,  and  con- 
veys better  the  idea  of  personal  scrutiny  (cj.  the  ideal 
king  in  Ps.  72  and  Is.  11). — 9.  For  the' growing  sense 
of  personal  sin  as  distinct  from  national  responsibility 
and  guilt  cf.  Job  I44,  15i4  ;  Ps.  5I5.— lOf.  The  LXX 
places  10  after  22  ;  this  makes  it  possible  that  "  even  " 
in  II  is  a  continuation  of  g.  The  repetition  of  "  pure  " 
supports  tliis.— 12.  cf.  Ex.  4ii.— 14.  It  is  naught:  lit. 
"  bad,  bad,"  the  buyers  depreciation  of  the  object 
he  is  bargaining  for. — 15.  Probably  the  three  forms  of 
precious  possessions  mentioned  are  all  to  be  taken  in 
apposition  to  "  lips  of  wisdom." — 17b.  cf.  Lam.  3i6. — 
20.  blackest  darkness :  lit.  "  the  pupil  (of  the  eye)  of 
darkness,"  so  in  79.  For  the  thought  cf.  3O17.  The 
reference  is  probably  not  to  the  legal  penalty  of  the 
early  codes  (Ex.  2I17).— 22.  cf.  2429.  The  Jewish 
quietist  attitude  of  non-resistance  reflected  in  our 
Lord's  saying  in  Mt.  539,  grew  up  in  the  Hasid 
movement  (Ps.  43*)  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes. — 24.  cf.  Jer.  IO23.  The  passage  seems  rather 
to  reflect  the  growing  sense  of  the  antinomy  between 
the  b<-lief  in  predestination  and  freewill. — 25.  Very 
doubtful ;  rashly  to  say  and  to  make  inquiry  are  both 
uncertain.  The  former  may  be  supported  from  Job 
63.  The  LXX  probably  conveys  the  general  sense  : 
"  It  is  a  snare  for  a  man  hastily  to  consecrate  any  of 
his  property,  for  after  vowing  comes  repjentance " 
(cf.  Dt.  2321-23,  Ec.  54-6).— 26.  cf.  8  and  Is.  2827f., 
where  the  processes  of  threshing  are  described. — 27 
stands  alone  in  the  f)T  in  its  expression  of  the  Divine 
element  in  man  as  conscience. 

XXI.  1.  watercourses:  not  the  natural  brooks  and 
wadys  of  Palestine,  but  the  artificial  irrigation  canals 
of  Egypt  or  Babylonia,  which  could  be  diverted  in  any 
direction  at  will. — 4.  Apparently  two  unconnected 
lines  belonging  to  different  couplets.  A  connexion  can 
bo  established  only  by  forced  exege.sis.  The  Heb.  is 
lit.  "  lofty  ot  look  and  arrogant  of  heart,  the  tillage  of 
the  wicked  is  sin."  RV  "  lamp  "  for  "  tillage  "  de- 
jx^nds  on  a  different  pointing,  but  does  not  improve 
the  sense. — 6.  Lit.  '*  The  getting  of  treasures  by  a 
Ijnng  tongue  (is)  a  driven  breath,  seekers  of  death." 
RV  dearly  inserts  more  than  the  text  warrants  to  make 


sense  of  6b.  Read  "  a  snare  of  death  "  (LXX). — 
8.  him  that  is  laden  with  guilt :  a  rendering  of  an  un- 
known Heb.  form  ba.sc<i  on  a  doubtful  etyinology.  A 
slight  emendation  gives  "  the  insolent." — 9.  a  wide 
house:  text  is  emended.  MT  reads  "  house  of  a  com- 
panion " — a  difficult  phrase,  which  may  mean  a  house 
where  there  is  company,  in  contrast  to  the  quiet 
isolation  of  9a. — 11.  cf.  I925. — 12.  Lit.  "  A  righteous 
one  (i.e.  God,  cf.  Job  34 17)  considers  the  house  of  the 
wicked,  he  overturns  the  wicked  (pi.)  to  calamity." 
RV  is  inadmissible ;  read  mg. — 15a.  RV  destroys  the 
point ;  render  "  the  execution  of  justice  is  a  joy  to 
the  righteous."— 16.  the  dead:  2iS*. — 18.  An  ex- 
pansion of  the  thought  which  finds  a  more  restrained 
expression  in  lis  *,  a  strange  inversion  of  "just  for 
unjust  "  in  1  P.  3i8.  Toy's  weakening  of  the  thought, 
crude  as  it  seems,  is  hardly  justifiable.  Cf.  also 
4  Mac.  62 8f.  Ps.  295f.  exempHfiw?  the  line  of  thought 
that  could  yield  such  an  aphorism.  The  presence 
within  Jewish  theology  of  two  such  opy»osite  concep- 
tions of  vicarious  suffering  illustrates  the  extent  of  the 
divergence  of  the  national  and  the  individual  e,scha- 
tology. — 21.  cf.  Rom.  27. — 26a.  RV  is  inadmissible. 
Lit.  "  all  day  long  he  desires  desire,"  which  gives 
neither  sense  nor  antithesis.  LXX,  "  the  wicked 
desires  all  the  day,"  yields  both. — 27.  Both  RV  and 
RVm  are  possible,  but  RVm  seems  to  give  a  better 
sense.  The  sacrifice  of  the  wicked  is  doubly  hateful 
to  God  when  brought  with  the  superstitious  purpose  of 
escaping  thereby  from  the  consequences  of  sLn. — 28b 

S'elds  no  intelligible  sense.  RV  is  not  admissible,  and 
Vm  gives  an  unjustifiable  turn  to  the  Heb.  The 
Heb.  is  "  the  man  who  hears  will  speak  for  ever."  It 
is  possibly  another  example  of  two  discoimected 
stanzas. 

XXII.  6.  In  the  way  he  should  go  puts  more  into  the 
Heb.  than  it  contains.  It  is  lit.  "  train  up  a  child  in 
proportion  to  his  way  " — i.e.  train  him  suitably.  The 
moral  implication  is  absent.  The  stress  is  on  the 
effect  of  draining. — 11.  RV  hides  disorder  of  MT. 
Read,  probabl}%  "  The  king  loves  the  pure  in  heart, 
grace  of  hps  is  his  good  pleasure." — 12a  Is  difficult.  RV 
will  not  pass.  The  Ut.  Heb.  is  "  the  eyes  of  Yahweh 
guard  knowledge."  The  abstract  "  knowledge "  in 
Heb.  cannot  mean  its  possessors  j  the  eyes  of  Yahweh 
are  nowhere  said  to  guard  anybody,  and  no  Hebrew 
would  say  that  the  eyes  of  Yahweh  guard  knowledge 
in  the  sense  of  possessing  it,  nor  does  it  give  any 
connexion  with  12b.  Possibly  we  should  read  "the 
eyes  of  Yahweh  are  upon  those  who  keep  knowledge." — 
14.  The  parallel  in  2327  suggests  that  "  adulteress  "  is 
the  original  reading  for  "  strange  woman." 

Section  III.  The  Sayings  of  the  Wise.— This  section 
falls  into  two  divisions  :  (a)  22.17-2422,  (6)  2423-34. 
The  first  di\'ision  abandons  the  couplet  of  the  previous 
collection,  and  is  characterized  by  the  quatrain  form. 
The  first  hall  ot  the  quatrain  generally  consists  of  a 
prohibition,  the  second  ol  a  reason  for  it,  based  upon 
practical  cxporience. 

First  Division,  XXII.  17-XXIV.  22. 

XXII.  17-21.  This  collection  of  sayings  of  the  wise 
(17)  is  prefaced  by  a  short  introduction  exhorting  the 
pupil,  as  in  1-9,  to  study  them.  The  author  is  ap- 
I^arently  addressing  a  pupil  or  envoy,  and  states  that 
ho  has  written  down  those  sayings  that  his  pupil  may 
trust  in  the  Ixird  and  may  take  back  words  of  truth 
to  them  that  sent  him.— ^20.  excellent  things:  very 
doubtful  rendering,  resting  on  the  Heb.  mg.  The 
Heb.  text  has  a  word  which  usually  forms  part  of  the 
compound  adverb  "  formerly."  On  tho  whole,  though 
Toy  rejects  it,  "  formerly  "  Ls  the  best  that  can  be  done 


PROVERBS,  XXV.  13-20 


407 


with  a  word  that  is  probably  irretrievably  corrupt. — 
24.  cf.  Ecclus.  8i5f. — 26.  strike  hands:  i.e.  those  who 
pledge  themselves,  giving  their  hand  in  token  of  their 
engagement  {cf.  Is.  26).— 27.  c/.  20ir5. — 28.  The  second 
haK  of  the  quatrain  has  probably  fallen  out  by  scribal 
error  (cf.  23 lo  and  Dt.  19i4). — 29.  diligent:  read  mg. 
(cf.  Ezr.  76). — mean :   read  mg. 

XXIII.  1-3.  It  is  possible  to  take  these  three  verses 
together  as  a  wammg  against  treachery  lurking  in  the 
dainties  of  a  royal  table.  In  that  case,  in  i  we  should 
render  "  consider  dihgently  what  {ing.)  is  set  before 
thee,"  and  in  2  continue,  "  For  thou  wilt  put  "  {mg.). 
But  possibly  the  general  interpretation  represented  by 
RV  is  more  suitable,  and  3  has  come  in  by  error  from 
6,  where  it  more  naturally  belongs. — 4f.  The  uncer- 
tainty of  riches.  The  general  sense  is  clear,  but  the 
text  is  in  disorder,  as  RVm  shows. — 6-8.  Against  eat- 
ing with  a  grudging  host.  This  was  apparently  a 
double  quatrain  in  its  original  form,  but  has  suffered 
in  transmission  hke  many  of  the  quatrains  in  this 
section.  The  last  hne  is  restored  from  3b.  The  Heb. 
of  7a  is  very  doubtful  and  evidently  defective.  Toy 
conjectures  "  as  he  deals  with  himself  (that  is,  grudg- 
ingly), so  he  deals  with  thee."  sb  probably  belongs 
to  the  next  quatrain. — 9.  The  uselessness  of  teaching 
a  fool.  Here  also  the  quatrain  may  be  restored  by 
supplying  4b  for  the  second  hne,  and  8b  for  the  fourth 
line.  It  will  then  run  :  "  Speak  not  in  the  hearing 
of  a  fool,  cease  from  thy  wisdom,  for  he  will  despise 
the  wisdom  of  thy  sayings,  and  thou  wilt  lose  thy 
pleasant  words." — lOf.  Against  removing  the  landmark 
of  the  poor.  Possibly  in  10  we  should  read  the  land- 
mark of  the  widow. — 11.  redeemer :  cf.  Ru.  220*, 
43!  ;  Lev.  252  sf.  The  conception  passes  over  to  God 
(cf.  Job  1925). — 17f.  A  quatrain  on  the  fear  of  the 
Lord.  17b  is  defective  in  Heb.,  and  is  unjustifiable. 
A  shght  change  gives  the  imperative  "  fear  thou 
Yahweh,"  etc. — 18a  also  appears  to  be  in  disorder. 
The  Heb.  words  rendered  "  for  surely  "  always  indicate 
a  strong  adversative.  Either  one  word  must  be 
dropped,  gi"ving  "  for  there  is  an  end,"  or  a  verb 
must  be  inserted  with  the  LXX,  "  but  if  thou  keep 
her  (wisdom)  there  is,"  etc  Although  Toy  does  not 
admit  it,  "  end  "  may  refer  to  a  future  life,  since  some 
aphorisms  of  Pr.  may  represent  the  Pharisaic  indi- 
vidualistic eschatology,  with  its  hope  of  a  future  life 
in  the  Messianic  kingdom,  as  well  as  the  purely  national 
eschatology  of  the  earUer  type. — 19-21.  A  six-Une 
strophe  containing  two  positive  commands  to  exercise 
prudence,  two  prohibitions  against  drunkenness  and 
gluttony,  and  two  statements  of  the  effects  of  these 
vices.— drowsiness  (21b) :  the  general  benumbing  of 
the  faculties  following  on  excess. — 22-26.  A  series  of 
exhortations  to  wisdom  and  attention  to  parental 
advice.  This  section  interrupts  the  series  of  aphorisms 
and  seems  rather  to  form  an  introduction  to  a  collec- 
tion similar  to  those  introducing  the  discourses  in 
2-^. — 27f.  The  subject  of  the  harlot  is  resumed. — 
28b.  Possibly  we  should  read  "  and  she  multiplies 
treacheries  against  men,"  gaining  a  bettor  parallelism. — 
29-35.  A  short  pr.em  of  five  quatrains  depicting  vividly 
the  effects  of  dnmkenness. — 29a.  Lit.  "  Who  has  Oh  ! 
who  has  Alas!" — 29c.  redness:  or  "  dulness  "  {cf. 
Gen.  49i2  *). — 30b.  "  Those  who  go  to  test  mixed  wine  " 
(cf.  mg.)  are  connoisseurs. — 31c,  Lit.  "  it  goes  straight  " 
— I.e.  probably,  "  it  goes  down  smoothly,"  as  RV. 
The  clause  destroys  the  quatrain,  and  may  have  been 
a  marginal  note  from  Ca.  Tg. — 34.  upon  the  top  of  a 
mast  is  a  conjecture.  LXX  "  as  a  pilot  in  a  heavy 
sea  "  may  represent  the  original  text. 

XXIV.  7a.  Lit.   "  Wisdom  ia  corals  to  the  fooL" 


RV  involves  a  change  in  the  text,  which  gives  perhajw 
the  best  sense  that  can  be  made  of  an  obviously  corrupt 
stanza. — 9.  thought:  the  word  means  "plan"  or 
"  device,"  and  is  used  in  both  a  good  and  a  bad  sense 
in  Pr.  Here  the  meanmg  is  that  sin  is  the  kind  of 
plan  which  folly  engages  in,  "  sin  is  folly's  plan." — 
10.  An  incomplete  aphorism.  As  it  stands  its  probable 
meaning  is,  "  If  thou  art  slack,  thy  strength  will  be 
narrow  {i.e.  restricted)  in  the  day  of  trouble." — 
llf.  The  Heb.  is  not  unambiguous  and  shows  some 
disorder,  but  probably  the  two  verses  deal  with  the 
same  subject,  and  form  one  aphorism  exhorting  to  the 
dehverance  of  those  doomed  to  die.  It  would  appear, 
therefore,  to  be  addressed  to  some  one  in  power  or 
official  position,  and  to  relate  to  some  time  of  political 
oppression  such  as  the  Maccabcan  period. — 13f.  In 
praise  of  Wisdom.  An  incomplete  quatrain  with  a 
line  added  from  23 18,  obviously  out  of  place  here. — 
20.  reward  is  lit.  "end"  {cf.  23i8,  7ng.),  perhaps 
participation  in  the  future  Messianic  kingdom. — 20b. 
cf.  139,  2O20. — 21f.  This  quatrain  may  be  interpreted 
in  two  ways,  according  to  the  sense  put  on  the  pro- 
nouns in  22.  («)  Fear  God  and  the  king,  and  do  not 
meddle  (lit.  mix  thyself)  with  revolutionaries,  for  their 
calamity  is  sudden,  etc.  {b)  Fear  God  and  the  king, 
and  do  not  disobey  either  of  them,  for  the  calamity 
they  inflict  is  sudden,  etc. 

Second  Division,  XXIV.  23-34. 

This  section  constitutes  the  second  division  of  the 
Sayings  of  the  Wise,  as  23a  indicates.  It  contains  a 
short  collection  of  sayings  varying  in  form  and  char- 
acter, resembling  in  the  main  those  of  22i7-2422.  The 
greater  part  (30—34)  is  a  vivid  description  of  the  effects 
of  slothfulness,  which  may  be  compared  with  the 
passage  on  the  drunkard  in  2329-35.  Possibly  both 
belonged  to  a  collection  containing,  after  the  manner 
of  Theophrastus,  similar  characterizations  of  different 
vices.     For  33f.  cf.  6iof. 

Section  IV.,  XXV.-XXIX.— The  title  of  tliis  section 
adds  to  the  tradition  of  a  Solomonic  collection  of 
proverbs  the  further  tradition  of  Uterary  activity  in 
the  time  of  Hezekiah.  The  same  general  considerations 
hold  good  of  this  section  as  of  10^2-4.  (See  Introduc- 
tion.) It  also  shows  signs  of  compilation,  and  falls 
into  two  divisions  :  (a)  252-2722,  and  (6)  28f.,  sepa- 
rated by  a  discourse  in  2723-27. 

First  Division. — In  general  character  this  division 
shows  a  resemblance  to  the  Sayings  of  the  Wise,  con- 
taining a  number  of  quatrains  and  synthetic  couplets, 
and  but  few  antithetic  couplets. 

2-7b.  A  series  of  three  quatrains  relating  to  kings. — 
4lj.  Very  obscure.  Refining  silver  does  not  produce  a 
vessel,  and  the  parallehsm  with  5b  is  unsatisfactory. 
LXX  "  it  will  be  wholly  purified  "  probably  represents 
the  original  text. — 6f.  cf.  Lk.  148-ii. — 7c  destroys  the 
quatrain  form  and  is  obviously  weak  where  it  stands. 
The  majority  of  the  VSS  attach  it  to  8a.— 7c-10.  A 
couple  of  quatrains  on  hasty  speech.  7c  and  8a  form 
the  first  half  of  a  quatrain.  Render  "  What  thine  eyes 
have  seen,  bring  not  forth  hastily  to  the  multitude." 
6b  cannot,  as  RV  and  RVm  show,  be  rendered  without 
supplying  more  than  the  Heb.  allows.  Read  "  For 
what  will  thou  do  in  the  end  thereof  ?  " — llf.  Appa- 
rently a  quatrain  on  wise  speech,  but  both  text  and 
translation  arc  extremely  doubtful  (see  Toy  and 
Lagarde,  and  BDB  under  the  separate  words).  The 
most  probable  restoration  is  "  Like  graven  work  of 
gold  and  carved  work  of  silver  is  a  word  fith*  spoken. 
Like  an  earring  of  gold  and  an  ornament  of  silver  is  a 
wise  reproof  to  an  ear  that  hears." — fitly  (lit.  "on 
ita    wheels ")    is    an    inference    from    1023. — 13-20. 


408 


PROVERBS,  XXV.   13-20 


Synthetic  couplets  on  various  subjects. — 13.  The 
rofcrenco  is  not  to  a  fall  of  snow  in  Imrve.st,  which 
would  be  disastrous  rather  than  refreshing  (c/.  1  S. 
12i7),  but  to  the  cold  draught  of  water  from  a  snow- 
fed  mountain  stream. — 13c:  probably  an  explanatory 
gloss,— 14.  his  gilts  falsely:  ht.  "  a  gift  of  falsehood  " 
(mg.) — i.e.  a  gift  wiiich  is  not  given.  A  man  who 
boasts  of  his  intention  to  give  but  never  gives  is  like 
clouds  without  rain,  the  bitterest  disappointment  of 
the  agriculturist. — 19.  Confidence  in  an  unfaithful 
man  :  in  Heb.  "  the  hope  (i.e.  ground  or  object  of  hope) 
of  a  treacherous  man."  RV  gives  the  wrong  turn  to 
the  verso :  it  is  the  ground  of  hope  upon  which  the 
false  man  relies  in  trouble  that  fails  him.  "  False  " 
or  "  treacherous  "  may  have  a  religious  significance 
here,  the  man  who  is  false  to  Yahwch. — 20.  Very 
corrupt.  2oa  jaelds  no  satisfactory  sense,  and  is  also 
clearly  a  doublet  of  19&.  Originally  20  wa.s  probably 
a  couplet  of  which  206  was  tho  first  clause.  20&  is 
also  obscure  ;  "  nitre,"  or  more  correctly  "  natron," 
is  common  soda  (cf.  Jer.  222).  Vinegar  would  destroy 
its  value  for  wa.shing  purposes.  But  the  parallehsm 
of  this  idea  with  20c  is  difficult  to  detect.  The  LXX 
has  either  a  double  form  of  this  couplet,  or  represents 
an  original  Heb.  quatrain  on  the  subject.  It  reads 
"  vinegar  is  bad  for  a  sore,"  which  gives  a  nearer  ap- 
proach to  parallehsm. — 21f.  A  quatrain  on  kindness 
to  enemies  (cf.  Horn.  122o). — 23-^.  Synthetic  couplets 
on  various  subjects, — 24.  Repetition  of  21 9. — 26.  Tho 
couplet  may  refer  to  the  moral  ruin  of  a  righteous  man, 
or  to  his  loss  of  prosperity  through  the  plots  of  the 
wicked.  The  Heb.  favours  the  latter  interpretation. — 
27.  Lit,  "  To  eat  much  honey  is  not  good,  the  search- 
ings  out  of  their  glory  is  glory."  This  makes  no  sense. 
Probably  27a  and  27b  belong  to  different  aphorisms, 
or  276  may  be  a  corrupt  gloss  on  2b.  The  only 
plausible  emendation  of  276  is  "  the  investigation  of 
difficult  things  is  glory."  This  gives  good  sense,  but 
not  a  good  parallelism. 

XXVI.  1-12.  The  Book  of  Fools. — A  section  con- 
taining a  series  of  synthetic  couplets  dealing  with  folly 
(except  2).  The  text  is  unusually  corrupt  and  de- 
fective. 

1.  For  tho  opposite  use  of  snow  in  harvest  cf. 
25 1 3  *. — 2.  Directed  against  the  superstitious  belief 
in  the  magical  value  of  a  curse.  The  simile  refers  to 
tho  aimless  wandering  of  a  bird,  and  is  not  to  be  com- 
pared with  the  flying  roll  of  curses  in  Zech.  51-4. — 
4f.  An  antithetic  quatrain  enjoining  the  riglit  method 
of  answering  a  fool — not  to  descend  to  the  fool's  level, 
yet  tf)  make  him  conscious  of  his  folly. — .6.  damage: 
inaccurate.  Tho  word  means  "  violence,"'  and  the 
phrase  "  drinketh  \'iolenco  "  usually  means  to  practise 
or  delight  in  violence,  which  is  not  the  sense  required 
here.— 8a  is  very  uncertain.  RV  is  much  less  probable 
than  RVm,  to  give  honour  to  a  fool  is  as  absurd  as  to 
fasten  a  stone  firmly  in  a  sling. — 9.  Another  couplet 
on  the  fool's  inability  to  use  the  mashal. — 9a  is  very 
improbable,  although  supported  in  exegesis  by  a 
reference  to  tho  drunkard's  insensibility  to  pain  in 
2335.  It  is  better  to  interpret  "  thorn  "  aa  "  thorn 
bush  "  (cf.  2  K.  149).  Then  wo  have  the  figure  of  a 
drunkard  armed  with  a  thom-spiked  bough  aa  tho 
comparison  for  a  fool's  use  of  tho  mushal. — 10.  Tho 
text  is  too  corrupt  for  restoration.  RV  and  RVm  aro 
each  about  as  satisfactory  as  any  of  tho  numerous 
attempts  at  restoration. — 11a  occurs  in  2  P.  222  as 
part  of  a  saying  which  is  quoted  by  tho  author  as  a 
"  true  proverb."  Tho  quotation,  however,  is  not  from 
th(!  LXX,  anrl  seems  to  be  from  some  popular  Aramaic 
proverb  based  upon  this  couplet. 


13-16.  The  Book  of  Sluggards.— 13.  cf.  2213.— 15. 
cf.  1924*. — 16.  render  a  reason :  rather  "  return  a 
sensible  answer  "'  (cf.  mg.).  Apparently  aimed  at  the 
sluggard's  dislike  of  any  intellectual  effort. 

17-28.  A  collection  dealing  with  rash,  slanderous,  or 
false  speech. — 17.  by  the  ears:  LXX  has  the  more 
vivid  and  appropriate  "  by  the  tail." — 21.  coals: 
sense  uncertain.  Toy  renders  "  charcoal."  Perhaps 
we  should  read  "  bellows."— 22.  cf.  188.— 23.  RV 
inverts  the  order  of  the  clauses.  "  Fervent  "  is  Ut. 
"  burning,"  which  has  not  in  Heb.  a  metaphorical 
sense.  Read  "  smooth  "  (LXX).— 28.  hateth  .  .  . 
wounded:  extremely  doubtful.  Read  "  multipheth 
crushing  " — i.e.  causes  destruction  to  many. 

XXVIL  1-22.  A  collection  of  aphorisms  on  various 
subjects. 

3.  cf.  Ecclus.  22i4f.  The  comparison  suggests  that 
"  vexation  "  is  out  of  place.  It  is  the  fool  that  is  a 
bore,  not  his  anger. — 4a.  Lit.  "  ruthlessness  of  wrath, 
torrent  of  anger,"  or  "  wrath  is  ruthlessness,  anger  a 
torrent." — 6.  profuse:  a  doubtful  translation  of  an 
obscure  Heb.  word,  although  Mt.  2649  (viz.  the 
force  of  Kara  in  KaTt<p[\ri<T(v)  is  quoted  in  support. 
AV  "  deceitful  "  depends  upon  an  emendation 
following  the  Lat. — 8.  Cheyne  finds  a  reference  to 
the  Exile.  Toy  allows  only  a  general  reference  to 
home-sickness. — 9b.  The  Heb.  is  untranslatable.  It 
may  be  a  scribal  corruption  of  76.  The  LXX  reads 
"  but  the  soul  is  rent  by  misfortimes,"  which  yields  a 
bettor  sense  than  Toy  grants,  if  9a  be  taken  as  a  de- 
scription of  the  pleasures  of  prosperity. — 10.  Three 
unconnected  lines.  It  is  impossible  to  restore  the 
original  form.— 12.  cf.  223.-13.  cf.  20 16,— 14.  Prob- 
ably an  ironical  reference  to  fulsome  pubhc  flattery  as 
more  injurious  than  beneficial  to  its  object. — 15.  cf. 
1913. — 16.  Corrupt,  RV  connects  it  with  the  pre- 
ceding couplet.  The  force  of  166  is  that  the  woman 
of  15  is  as  difficult  to  restrain  aa  slippery  oil.  This  is 
the  traditional  Jewish  exegesis.  The  LXX  dis- 
connects it  from  15,  and  renders  "  The  north  wind  is 
a  bitter  wind,  but  by  its  name  is  called  well-omened." — 
19a.  The  ht.  rendering,  "  As  water  face  to  face,"  gives 
no  sense,  LXX  has  "  As  faces  do  not  resemble  faces, 
so  do  not  the  minds  of  men."  Probably  we  should 
read,  "  As  face  to  face,  so  mind  to  mind  " — i.e.  pos- 
sibly an  Oriental  equivalent  of  "  quot  homines  tot 
sententiae." — 20.  cf.  15ii. 

23-27.  A  short  poem  of  five  couplets  dealing  with 
the  value  of  cattle  to  tho  farmer ;  cf.  a  somewhat 
similar  fragment  of  agricultural  wisdom  in  Is.  2823-29. 
— 25.  cf.  Am.  7 if.  The  stages  indicated  are  :  (a)  the 
regular  hay  harvest  (in  Amos  appropriated  for  taxa- 
tion), (6)  the  after  growth,  [c)  the  produce  of  the 
mountain  pastures,  which  was  also  stored  by  the 
careful  farmer. 

Second  Division,  XXVIIIf.— In  general  character  this 
division  resembles  Section  II.,  consisting  chiefly  of 
antithetic  couplets. 

XXVIII.  2b.  The  text  is  uncertain,  and  various 
renderings  are  possible.  The  translation  "  state  "  is 
very  doubtful.  If  MT  bo  retained,  connect  tho  word 
for  "  state  "  with  the  preceding,  and  translate  "  by 
men  of  understanding  who  know  what  is  right  it  is 
prolonged."  LXX  reads  "  Through  the  sin  of  the 
ungodly  disputes  arise,  but  a  prudent  man  quenches 
them,"  possibly  tho  original  text. — 3.  A  needy  man : 
so  MT,  but  the  thought  is  not  in  keeping  with  tho 
conception  of  the  poor  in  Pr.  or  in  the  OT.  Wo  should 
probably  read  "  a  wicked  man  who,"  etc.  (LXX),  or 
possibly  "a  rich  man  wlio,"  etc.  Tho  simile  seems  to 
bo  that  of  a  heavy  unseasonable  rain  which  floods  and 


PROVERBS    XXXI.  1 


409 


destroys   tho   crops. — 12.  cf.   lof. — hide   themselves: 

lit.  (cf.  nig.)  "  are  sought  out  "  (cf.  28). — 13.  The  ethical 
conditions  of  forgiveness  are  noteworthy,  and  reflect 
the  standpoint  of  the  proplietic  teaching  (cf.  Hos. 
142-4,  Is.  1 16-18,  Ps.  325,  Mt.  2l3if.).— 16.  The 
prince:  perhaps  a  gloss  due  to  a  mistaken  connexion 
with  15. — 17.  Corrupt.  Lit.  "  A  man  oppressed  by 
the  blood  of  any  person  will  flee  to  pit,  do  not  lay 
hold  of  him,"  which  yields  no  sense.  LXX  has  "  he 
that  is  surety  for  a  man  charged  with  murder  shall 
be  a  fugitive  without  safety."  There  is  possibly  some 
reference  to  the  ancient  law  of  tho  blood  feud. — 18.  at 
once:  impossible.  The  change  of  one  letter  gives 
"  into  the  pit." — 19.  cf.  12ii. 

XXIX.  2.  cf  lliof.,  28 1 2-28.-4.  he  that  exacteth 
gifts:  lit.  "  a  man  of  presents." — 9b.  Who  is  the  sub- 
ject ?  If  it  is  tho  wise  man,  the  meaning  is  that, 
however  he  treats  his  opponent,  seriously  or  lightly, 
he  cannot  end  the  matter.  If  it  is  the  fool,  the  thought 
will  be  that  he  shows  no  decorum  of  manner.  The 
proverb  seems  directed  against  a  wise  man's  going  to 
law  with  a  fool. — 11.  Lit.  "  A  fool  sends  forth  all  his 
spirit,  and  a  wise  man  stills  it  backward."  This  is 
obscure.  The  general  sense  is  that  the  fool  cannot 
restrain  any  of  his  emotions,  while  the  wise  man  does 
so. — 13.  A  variant  of  the  theme  of  222. — llghteneth  the 
eyes — i.e.  preserves  ahve — cf.  Ps.  183. — 18.  The  ren- 
dering "  cast  off  restraint  "  rests  on  Ex.  8225.  The 
root  may  mean  "  to  loose,"  and  is  used  of  the  flowing 
locks  of  the  warriors  (Jg.  52  ;  cf.  ICC).  If  RV  is 
correct,  the  proverb  seems  to  contrast  the  inter- 
mittent prophetic  vision  with  the  Torah  as  means  of 
guidance.  When  the  vision  fails,  the  Torah  still 
remains.  Cf.  the  attitude  expressed  in  Is.  50 10. — 
21b.  Uncertain.  The  word  rendered  "  become  a  son  " 
does  not  occur  elsewhere,  and  seems  to  be  an  error. 
LXX  has  "  he  who  hves  in  luxury  from  childhood  shall 
he  a  servant,  and  in  the  end  will  come  to  grief  for 
himself."  Probably  the  proverb  is  connected  with 
20,  and  refers  to  the  unwisdom  of  too  lenient  a  disci- 
pline for  slaves. — 24b  must  be  explained  by  Lev.  5i, 
where  "  to  hear  the  voice  of  swearing  "  is  the  technical 
expression  for  to  put  a  person  on  oath.  The  man  is 
put  on  his  oath,  and  does  not  reveal  what  he  knows. 
Hence  he  runs  the  risk  of  Divine  (or  human)  judgment 
for  perjury. 

Section  V.  The  Appendix. — The  section  contains 
(a)  a  scries  of  short  collections  of  sayings  (30)  ;  (b)  a 
short  collection  of  aphorisms  for  kings  (81 1-9) ;  and 
(c)  an  acrostic  description  of  the  Virtuous  Woman 
(31 10-31).  Both  the  nature  of  these  collections  and 
their  position  in  the  book  suggest  that  they  are  later 
than  the  other  collections,  and  were  added  in  the  last 
stage  of  the  editing.     (See  Introduction.) 

First  Division,  containing  the  sayings  of  Agur,  a 
scries  of  tetradic  proverbs,  and  a  six-stanza  aphorism 
on  anger. 

XXX.  The  Sayings  of  Agur. — It  is  uncertain  whether 
the  title  embraces  the  whole  chapter  or  1-9,  or  1-4 
only. — 1.  The  title  is  extremely  obscure,  and  has  been 
much  discussed.  The  VSS  show  a  wide  divergence 
in  their  interpretation.  It  is  perhaps  simplest  to 
accept  the  title  as  referring  to  some  sage  of  repute 
among  the  Wisdom  circles  in  the  Greek  period. — lb  has 
been  interpreted  in  many  ways,  the  proper  names 
being  taken  as  significant  words.  The  most  interest- 
ing is  that  which  represents  the  sago  as  saying  (cf. 
mg.),  "  I  have  wearied  myself,  O  God,  I  have  wearied 
myself  and  have  not  succeeded."  This  otfers  a 
striking  connexion  with  2-4.  But  it  is  too  hypothetical 
to  be  adopted,  and,  as  in  10,  it  seems  best  to  retain  tho 


proper  names,  either  as  those  of  fellow-sages  or  pupils. — . 
2-4.  A  passage  reflecting  the  attitude  of  tlie  author  of 
Job  and  Ps.  78  towards  tho  problem  of  God's  real 
nature  and  His  government  of  tho  world.  The  sage 
declares  liis  ignorance ;  Uke  Socrates,  he  has  discovered 
tho  knowledge  of  his  ignorance,  and  feels  that  this  marks 
him  off  from  those  who  think  they  know.  For  "  brutish  " 
cf.  Ps.  7322,  with  its  passionate  confession  of  failure 
to  understand  God.  Our  passage  is,  of  course,  only 
a  fragment,  and  is  therefore  difficult  to  compare  with 
Job  or  Ps.  73,  but  we  do  not  find  in  it  the  passion  and 
yearning  for  God  which  underlies  the  apparent  scepti- 
cism of  the  author  of  Job  or  of  Ps.  73. — 4  seems  to 
imply  an  acquaintance  with  Job  38,  and  helps  to  fix 
the  date  of  the  passage  and  of  the  collection.  "  What 
is  his  name,"  etc.,  cannot  refer  to  God.  It  is  a  sar- 
castic inquiry  after  the  name  of  the  man,  or  of  his  son, 
who  has  ascended  up  to  heaven  and  returned  with  a 
knowledge  of  its  secrets.  Cf.  the  early  Christian  use 
of  the  idea  in  Jn.  813,  Eph.  49! — 5f.  It  is  not  clear 
whether  these  two  quotations  form  part  of  Agur's 
oracle.  They  are  from  Ps.  I830  (cf.  Ps.  126  also)  and 
J)t.  1232  respectively.  It  is  difficult  to  define  the 
reference.  The  Sadducees  regarded  the  Pharisees  as 
innovators  in  doctrine,  especially  in  their  eschatological 
beliefs  (cf.  Exp.,  Oct.  1914,  pp.  305f.). 

7-33.  Except  10,  17,  32!'.,  this  is  a  collection  of 
numerical  aphorisms,  a  literary  form  which  appears 
quite  early  in  Heb.  hterature  (cf.  Am.  I3-26). — 
7-9.  A  prayer  for  two  things,  sincerity  and  a  modest 
competency.— 11-14.  Four  evil  "  generations  " — de- 
spisers  of  parents,  self-righteous,  proud,  and  extor- 
tionate.— 15f.  Four  insatiable  things. — 15a  is  appa- 
rently a  fragment  of  a  lost  proverb.  MT  is  unin- 
teUigiblo,  and  no  satisfactory  emendation  can  be 
offered.  The  remainder  gives  the  regular  form  of 
tetrad.  The  four  things  are :  Sheol,  the  barren 
womb  (LXX  has  "  the  love  of  woman  "),  the  earth 
never  satisfied  with  water,  and  fire.  Malan  compares 
the  Indian  proverb  from  the  Hitopadesa  :  "  Fire  is 
not  sated  with  wood,  nor  the  ocean  with  the  streams, 
nor  death  with  all  the  Uving,  nor  women  with  men." — 
17.  Possibly  a  fragment  of  a  lost  tetrad,  or  a  gloss  on 
II,  just  as  20  is  ob^^ously  a  gloss  on  19J. — to  obey: 
purely  conjectural,  and  based  on  a  cognate  Ass.  form. 
LXX  "  old  age  "  is  probably  the  true  text. — 18-20.  Four 
inexphcable  things.  This  tetrad,  like  the  two  in  24-31, 
is  derived  from  observation  of  nature.  For  the  ship 
and  the  eagle  cf.  Wisd.  5iof. — 21-23.  Four  intolerable 
things.  Ironic  observations  on  the  vicissitudes  of 
life. — 23.  odious:  hardly  the  sense  of  the  word  in 
this  connexion.  It  might  almost  be  rendered  in 
English  idiom  "  an  old  maid,"  a  woman  unsought  in 
marriage. — 24-28.  Four  little  wise  things. — 25.  cf. 
66. — 26.  conies  is  erroneous.  Render,  as  in  Lev. 
II5  (mg.),  "  the  rock-badger."  It  is  the  hyrax,  a 
small  rock-dwclhng  animal,  mentioned  in  Ps.  104i8, 
Lev.  11 5,  and  Dt.  I47. — 27.  cf.  the  description  of  the 
locust  armies  in  Jl.  2. — 28.  Read  mg. — 29-31.  Four 
majestic  things. — 31.  Corrupt.  Tlie  original  cannot  be 
recovered.  RV  "  greyhound  "  is  one  of  many  guesses 
at  the  Heb.  expression  "  compressed  as  to  the  loins  " 
(cf.  mg.).  Tho  LXX,  with  most  'VSS,  reads  "  cock." 
It  gives  a  fuller  form  for  the  last  three,  which  is  prob- 
ably exegetical  paraphrase  rather  than  faithful  repre- 
sentation of  tho  original.  The  fourth  clause  also  is 
very  uncertain. — 32f.  An  aphorism,  apparently  in  six- 
line  fonn,  against  haste  in  speech  or  action.  The  text 
is  obscure  and  uncertain. 

XXXL  1-9.  Second  Division.  Sayings  of  Lemuel. 
— A   manual    of    directions  for  kings.      1.  The    title 


410 


PROVERBS.  XXXI.   1 


is  uncertain.  RV  is  not  grammatically  correct. 
Read  7ng. — Massa  {mg.),  rendered  "  oracle  "  in  30, 
and  here  by  RV,  is  the  regular  word  for  the 
oracles  of  the  earlier  prophets,  but  is  strange  in  this 
connexion.  There  is  a  Maaa  mentioned  in  the  in- 
scriptions of  Tiglath-pileser  IV  along  with  Teiraa  in 
N.  Arabia.  This  was  one  of  the  traditional  seats  of 
wisdom,  like  Edom,  and  possibly  the  name  was 
adopted  in  view  of  this.  But  "  of  Massa,"  both  here 
and  in  30 1,  is  coniectural  (cf.  Gen.  IO30,  2014,  and 
1  Ch.  I30,  also  article  in  HDB). — 3.  RV  is  incorrect; 
read  nig. — 8.  such  as  are  left  desolate:  too  free  a 
paraphrase.  Heb.  is  "  all  the  sons  of  change  "  (cf. 
mg.),  "  change  "  being  unwarrantably  interpreted  aa 
those  who  siiifer  a  change  of  fortune.  A  sUght  emen- 
dation gives  the  sense  "  those  who  suffer  " 

Third  Division.    The  Virtuous  Woman. 

10-31.  This,  the  last  division  of  the  appendix,  is 
in  form  an  acrostic  poem,  each  verso  commencing 
with  a  letter  of  the  Heb.  alphabet  in  order.  There  are 
several  more  or  loss  perfect  specimens  of  such  literary 


exercises  in  the  OT — e.g.  Pss.  11  If.,  Lam.  1-4,  and 
especially  Ps.  1 19.  Though  some  of  the  acrostics  may, 
as  their  imperfect  state  suggests,  have  been  early — 
e.g.  Nah.  I2-9 — yet  in  general  they  belong  to  the 
latest  period  of  OT  hterature. 

The  ideal  mistress  of  the  house  is  represented  as  a 
shrewd  manager  and  business  woman,  trusted  by  her 
husband,  praised  by  her  children,  obeyed  by  her 
servants,  caring  for  the  poor,  and  admired  by  the 
people.  The  only  religious  note  is  in  30b.  LXX  "  a 
woman  of  intelligence "  is  probably  original  No 
doubt  a  scribe,  such  as  the  pious  interpolator  of  Ec., 
missing  the  religious  note,  supplied  the  epithet.  Neither 
is  there  any  mention  of  such  an  intellectual  partnership 
as  we  find  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  more  famous  wives 
of  Rabbinical  times — e.g.  Beruria,  the  wife  of  R.  Meir. 

21.  clothed  In  scarlet  is  not  apposite  in  view  of  the 
cold  referred  to  in  21a,  A  transposition  of  21b  and 
22a  corrects  this  difficulty  and  makes  excellent  sense. 
In  22a  read  "  coverlets  '"'  for  "  carpets  of  tapestry,' 
and  cf.  7 1 6. 


EGCLESIASTES 


By  Principal  A.  J.  GRIEVE 


Name  and  Place  In  OT. — Ecclesiastes  is  one  of  the  five 
Megilloth  (p.  418)  or  "  Rolls  "  (which  were  read  on 
Bpecial  occasions  in  the  synagogue  services),  its 
appointed  day  being  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  It 
belongs  to  the  third  collection  in  the  Hebrew  Bible 
(the  Writings),  and  stands  much  nearer  the  end  of  the 
Hebrew  than  of  our  English  OT.  It  is  indeed  one 
of  the  latest  books  in  it,  only  just  managing,  like 
Esther  and  the  Song  of  Songs,  to  secure  inclusion  when 
the  rabbis  at  the  Sjmod  of  Jamnia  c.  a.d.  100  deter- 
mined the  limits  of  theii-  sacred  canon  (pp.  38f.).^  Its 
Hebrew  name  is  Qoheleth,the  nearest  Enghsh  equivalent 
of  which  seems  to  be  "  professor,"  or  "  lecturer  "  ;  more 
fully  "  one  who  speaks  in  an  assembly  (of  those  who 
seek  wisdom)."  The  title  "  Ecclesiastes  "  is  the 
attempt  of  the  Greek  version,  followed  by  Jerome,  to 
interpret  the  somewhat  unusual  Hebrew  form. 

Contents  and  Characteristics.* — The  professor's  theme 
is  a  gloomy  one,  "  The  Illusion  of  Life,"  and  he  illus- 
trates it  both  from  assumed  and  actual  experience. 
For  the  individual  and  the  race  alike,  existence  is  a 
meaningless,  barren  cycle  in  which  efEort  is  unavaiUng. 
If  there  be  a  Divine  purpose  in  it,  it  has  been  de- 
liberately withheld  from  men  (3ii,  817,  II5).  It  is 
futile  to  say,  as  the  ancients  did,  that  piety  is  rewarded 
with  success  ;  pitfalls  here  and  the  unreheved  gloom 
of  Sheol  yonder  await  the  good  man  and  the  evil 
alike.  There  is  no  summum  bonum  :  our  author  has 
sought  it  everywhere  in  vain,  and  his  philosophy  re- 
duces itself  to  something  less  than  a  guiding  principle, 
a  mere  modus  vivendi.  "  Carpe  diem  "  is  the  best  he 
can  suggest.  "  Have  as  good  a  time  as  you  can  "  (224), 
but  don't  overdo  it — "  medio  tutissimus  ibis  "  (the 
middle  course  is  safest),  excess  brings  retribution. 
Qoheleth's  God  is  not  Yahweh,  a  name  he  never 
uses,  but  Elohim  or  the  Elohim,  the  impersonal  deity 
manifested  in  the  irresistible  operations  of  Nature. 
He  lacks  the  sense  of  personal  intimacy  with  God  that 
marks  so  many  of  the  Psalms,  as  he  lacks  the  "  naive 
audacity  "  of  Job,  but  he  has  a  belief,  and  it  is  not  a 
pantheistic  one.  It  is  well  described  as  "  a  species  of 
natural  religion  which  has  fatalism  and  altniism 
among  its  ingredients "  (M'Neile).  There  has  been 
much  discussion  as  to  whether  he  was  influenced  by 
Greek  thought,  e.g.  whether  81-9  is  dependent  on 
Heraclitus.  Margoliouth  finds  the  influence  of  Aris- 
totle strong  (Exp.,  Nov.  1911)  ;   Tyler,  Plumptre,  and 

'  The  school  of  Hillel  favoured  It,  that  of  Shammai  did  not.  The 
Book  of  Wisdom  2i-q  (Ist  cent.  B.C.)  dLstlnctly  condemns  it. 
It  is  not  quoted,  proliably  not  even  alluded  to  in  NT,  nor  does 
Phllo  mention  it.  But  Hemiafl  (r.  a.d.  140),  .Tustln  Martyr, 
Clem.  Alex.,  TertuUian,  and  OriKcn  all  use  it.  The  Greek  version 
(LXX)  was  probably  made  by  Aauila  of  Pontua,  c.  a.d.  125-130 ;  he 
afterwards  made  a  second  translation  from  a  text  revised  by  his 
master  R.  Aqiba. 

»  Attempts  have  been  made,  at  heavy  cost  to  the  text,  to  prove 
that  Ecclesiastes  wa.s  written  in  metre.  But  prose  it  was  and 
prose  it  remains ;  not  flrat-clrwi  prose  either.  l)ut  marked  by 
monotony  and  repetition,  and  often  by  carelessness  in  composition. 
Yet  liere  and  tliere,  e.g.  I-18,  Hi-las,  the  book  rises  to  almost 
poetical  elevation. 


411 


P.  Haupt  argue  for  a  Stoic  strain  ;  others  find  Epi- 
cureanism pervasive.  The  safest  verdict  appears  to 
be  that  there  is  no  direct  connexion  between  his  work 
and  these  doctrines,  though  Qoheleth  need  not  have 
utterly  escaped  Greek  ideas  and  methods.  There  is 
nothing  that  a  post-exilic  Jew  could  not  have  written, 
and  we  may  bear  in  mind  that  Stoicism  itself  was  a 
product  of  Semitic  thought,  for  Zeno  was  of  Phoenician 
descent.  The  view  that  Buddhist  influence  is  trace- 
able has  little  to  commend  it.  We  are  justified  in 
seeing  in  Qoheleth,  not  exactly  a  Sadducee,  but  a 
herald  of  Sadduceeism,  a  representative  of  the  temper 
and  outlook  out  of  which  that  unlovely  school  de- 
veloped. In  like  manner  the  Pharisees  find  an  ex- 
ponent in  the  author  of  the  Psalms  of  Solomon,  and 
the  Essenes  in  the  Book  of  Enoch.  Qoheleth  has  no 
Messianic  expectations,  no  eschatology  worth  the  name, 
no  hope  of  a  resurrection,  no  bright  apocalypUc  vision 
of  a  golden  age,  or  a  new  earth.  Such  religion  as  he 
has  is  grey  and  chilly,  and  if  he  is  not  an  utter  pessi- 
mist, the  roots  of  meliorism,  to  say  nothing  of  optimism, 
in  him,  are  well  concealed. 

Date  and  Authorship.^ — We  know  more  of  the  writer's 
views  than  of  his  life,  but  we  may  say  that  the  man 
who  thus  delivered  himself  was  a  Jew,  no  longer  young, 
for  he  looks  back  on  the  pleasures  of  youth  and  early 
manhood.  He  lived  in  or  near  Jerusalem,  was  pro- 
bably rich  and  of  high  station  or  good  family.  Haupt 
thinks  he  was  a  physician  {cf.  I23-7).  He  paints  a 
sad  picture  of  contemporary  poHtical  and  social  con- 
ditions (104-7,16-20),  and  though  we  cannot  from 
413-16,  810,  or  913-15  draw  any  satisfying  evidence 
as  to  his  exact  date,  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  in 
supposing  that  he  lived  about  200  B.C.,  when  Palestine 
had  passed  from  Persian  rule  to  the  even  more  oppres- 
sive and  corrupt  domination  of  the  Greeks.  This 
decision  is  confirmed  (a)  by  linguistic  evidence.  His 
Hebrew  is  very  late,  approximating  to  that  of  the 
Mishna.  It  contains  many  Aramaisms  and  a  few 
Persian  words,  though  few  or  no  traces  of  Greek 
influence ;  (b)  by  the  fact  that  it  was  known  to  Jesus 
ben  Sira  the  author  of  Eccl&'»iasticus,  who  wrote 
c.  180  B.C.  This  rules  out  the  suggestion,  based  on 
IO7,  that  he  wrote  in  the  time  of  Herod  the  Great. 
Luther  indeed  thought  that  Ben  Sira  had  written  it ; 
he  saw  it  could  not  be  the  work  of  Solomon  even  in  a 
disenchanted  old  age.  The  Hebrew  Wisdom  htera- 
ture  attached  itself  to  the  name  of  Solomon,  as  the 
Legal  hterature  did  to  that  of  Moses,  and  the  Psalms 
to  David.  It  is  not,  however,  impossible  that  by  de- 
scribing himself  as  "king'"  in  Jerusalem  the  (1 12)  author 
moans  simply  that  he  was  head  of  a  school,  and  that  1 1, 
like  129f.,  is  an  editorial  addition.  As  the  book  most 
akin  to  it.  Job,  discusses  a  perplexing  moral  problem 
in  the  person  of  a  hero  of  antiquitj',  so  here  Solomon 
is  taken  as  the  type  of  a  wise  man  who  had  thoroughly 
explored  all  human  experience.     At  any  rate  the  dii- 


412 


ECCLESIASTES 


guise  is  transparent,  for  (li6,  £9)  many  generations 
had  preceded  the  writer  in  Jerusalem  (whereas  Solo- 
mon's father  David  was  the  first  Hebrew  to  occupy 
that  city),  and  it  is  not  a  king  but  a  subject  who  speaks 
in  3i6,  4i,  08,  IO20 — one  who  knows  what  it  is  to  live 
in  a  tributary  province  where  corruption,  injustice, 
and  e.?pionage  are  rampant. 

Unity. — What  makes  Ecclesiastes  particularly  inte- 
resting, however,  is  not  tlie  gloomy  verdict  of  the 
author,  but  the  occurrence  here  and  there  of  rays  of 
sunbght  and  faith.  In  the  first  place  his  sententious 
utterances  and  the  Solomonic  assumption  seem  to  have 
attracted  the  notice  of  one  of  the  "  wise  "  men  of  the 
time,  who  proceeded  to  sprinkle  Qoheleth's  discourse 
with  sundry  proverbs.  These  are  to  be  found  at  45, 
9-12,  67,9,  7ia,4-i2,i9,  81,  9i7f.,  10i-3,8-i4«,i5,i8f., 
12iif.  In  the  second  place  a  pious  man,  one  of  the 
Hasidim,  pained  b-r  the  nature  of  Qoheleth's  con- 
clusions and  fearing  for  its  clTect  on  the  average  reader, 
especially  if  it  came  from  an  important  personage, 
conceived  it  his  mission  to  inject  some  sound  orthodox 
observations  on  the  fear  of  God  and  the  Divine  judg- 
ment. These  arc  to  be  found  in  226,  3146,17,  5i-7, 
7186,266,29,  826,30,5,60,11-13,  II96,  12ia,i3f.  This 
is  the  best  explanation  of  the  varied  voices  in  which 
the  book  speaks — better  on  the  one  hand  than  sup- 
posing it  a  discussion  of  a  circle  of  students,  as  in 
Job,  or  a  dialogue  between  a  refined  sensuahst  and  a 
sensual  worldhng,  or  between  a  teacher  and  his  pupil, 
or  the  varying  moods  (higher  and  lower,  pessimistic 
and  optimistic,  Stoic  and  Epicurean)  of  the  same  man  ; 
better,  on  the  other  hand,  than  the  theory  of  eight  or 
nine  different  hands.  A  theory  of  interpolation  is 
necessary  to  meet  the  difficulties  of  the  book,  but  it 
need  not  be  carried  to  excess. 

Value. — Ecclesiastes  has  the  qualities  of  its  defects. 
Not  without  the  Divine  Providence  has  thLs  book  been 
included  in  the  Canon  of  Scripture.  It  shows  better 
than  any  other  the  need  for  the  Incarnation,  it  forms 
a  most  effective  background  for  the  Good  News  that 
life  is  earnest  and  real,  that  man  may  find  happiness 
in  work  and  play,  in  study  and  recreation,  in  the 
comradeship  of  his  fellows  and  the  joys  of  home  life, 
and  above  all  that  God  is  not  a  remote  abstraction, 
but  the  intimate  friend  and  comrade  of  His  children, 
that  the  kingdom  of  righteousness  and  peace  and  joy 
in  a  spirit  of  holiness  has  come,  and  that  life  and 
immortahty  have  been  brought  to  light. 

Literature. —  Commentaries  :  (a)  Plumptre  (CB), 
Martin  (Cent.B),  Gcnung,  Tyler,  Streane,  Marshall, 
P.  Haupt;  (6)  Barton  (ICC),  Ginsburg  ;  (c)  *Heng- 
Btenberg,  Hitzig-Nowack  (KEH),  Volck  (KH8), 
♦Zockler,  Gratz,  *Delitzsch,  Siegfried  (HK),  Wildcboer 
(KHC),  Podechard ;  (d)  Bradley,  Lectures  on  Ecclesi- 
astes ;  C!ox  (Ex.B)  ;  W.  P.  Paterson,  A  Sage  among 
the  Prophets  (Exp.  T.,  Dec.  1914);  Taylor,  Dirge  of 
Cohdeth  in  Ec.  12 ;  Moffatt,  Literary  Illustrations ; 
Maclarcn,  Expositions  oj  Holy  Scripture.  Other 
Literature  :  Articles  on  the  book  and  on  Wisdom  in 
HDB,  HSDB,  EB,  EBi,  and  other  dictionaries  ;  Dis- 
cussions in  Introductions  to  OT  and  Wisdom  Books  ; 
Peake,  Problem  of  Suffering  in  the  OT,  pp.  125-136  ; 
M'Neile,  Intraluction  to  Ecclesiastes ;  Margoliouth, 
Place  of  Ecclesiastes  in  Semitic  Literature  ;  Wright, 
Book  of  Kohclelh  in  Relation  to  Modern  Criticism ; 
Sanders,  The  Sages  (Messages  of  the  Bible) ;  Rcnan, 
V  EccUsiaste  ;  'FoThn?\i,  Ecrlrxiastcs  in  the  Metre  of 
Omar :  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  Jewish  Religious 
Life  after  the  Exile,  pp.  183-208  ;  Ewald,  Die  Dichter 
des  Alten  Bundes,  pt.  ii.  ;  Dillon,  Sceptics  of  OT. ; 
D.  R.  Scott,  Pessimism  and  Love. 


I.  1.  See  Introduotion. 

I.  2-11  may  be  called  an  introduction  to  the  book; 
it  also  presents  the  writer's  conclusions.  He  has  sur- 
vej'cd  life  from  many  angles  and  decided  that  all 
human  effort  is  fruitless  and  unavailing,  or  as  he  puts 
it,  vanity.  Tliis  is  Ms  key-word  (the  Hebrew  means 
"vapour,"  "breath,"  and  so  "nothingness"):  it 
occurs  forty  times. — Vanity  of  vanities  is  the  Heb. 
way  of  sajdng  "  utmost  vanity."  Man  toils  "  under 
the  sun,"  i.e.  upon  the  earth,  but  reaps  no  gain  ;  like 
players  on  a  stage  the  ever-changing  generations  come 
and  go,  while  the  earth,  man's  scene  of  toil,  abides. 
As  with  man  so  with  nature  ;  sun,  winds  (north  and 
south,  cf.  Ca.  4i6),  streams,  all  pursue  a  dreary  round 
of  endless  repetition  and  accomplish  nothing,  e.g.  the 
sea  is  never  filled.  The  whole  creation  groans  and 
travails  but  makes  no  ascent,  and  its  futile  activities 
so  react  on  man  that  liis  faculties,  e.g.  seeing  and  hear- 
ing, enter  on  equally  profitless  and  unsatisfying  orbits. 
Everything  moves  in  monotonous  and  steady  cycles, 
there  is  no  novelty  in  life  (cf.  815),  but  men  do  not 
f>erceive  the  repetition  because  each  generation  is 
ignorant  of  the  experiences  of  preceding  generations — 
"  there  is  no  remembrance  '"  (cf.  95). 

5.  hasteth:  lit.  "  panteth."  The  idea  is  that  of 
the  chariot  of  the  sun  dra\\n  by  panting  steeds. 
2  K.  23 1 1  shows  that  the  Hebrews  as  well  as  Greeks 
and  Romans  had  this  notion. 

I.  12-11.  26.  Qoheleth's  Investigations. — Assuming 
the  character  of  Solomon  the  writer  tells  of  his  search 
for  happiness  under  many  forms.  The  pursuit  of 
wisdom  (12-18),  absorption  in  pleasure  (2i-ii),  the 
study  of  human  nature  (12-17),  the  acquisition  of 
wealth  (18-23),  alike  faD  to  yield  satisfaction.  After 
all  his  experience  the  only  verdict  he  can  reach  is 
that  there  is  "  nothing  bettor  for  a  man  than  that 
he  should  eat  and  drink  "  and  enjoy  life  as  well  as  he 
can  while  he  has  it  (24-26). 

I.  12  and  16.  See  Introduction.— 13.  Cf.  I25,  816, 
and  for  God  as  a  hard  taskmaster  3 10. — seek  and 
search :  get  to  the  bottom  of  the  problem  and  survey 
it  on  all  sides. — 14.  striving  after  wind:  see  mg.,  a 
strong  phrase  for  aimless  and  futile  desire. — 15.  Life 
is  incurably  twisted  and  imperfect. — 17.  Qoheleth 
would  discover  truth  by  the  study  of  contraries.  For 
"  madness  and  folly,"  however,  LXX  by  a  shght 
change  of  the  Hebrew  reads  "  comparisons  "  (or 
parables)  and  "  science."  But  increased  knowledge 
only  means  increased  perplexity  (18). 

II.  1-11.  The  Epicurean  mood  is  just  as  ineffective. 
Like  Omar,  he  "  divorces  barren  reason  ''  and  t^ikcs 
"  the  daughter  of  the  vine  for  spouse."  Merriment, 
and  the  pleasures  of  the  table  (all  by  way  of  deUbcrate 
experiment,  laying  hold  of  folly  with  a  spirit  guided 
by  wisdom  ;  3,  cf.  9),  the  happy  and  healthy  deliplits 
of  a  country  gentleman's  life  when  the  king  (like 
Edward  VII  at  Sandringham)  is  a  simple  squire,  are 
tried  in  turn.  There  is  a  last  attempt  here  to  keep 
up  the  part  of  Solomon,  though  the  phrase  "  all  that 
were  before  me  over  Jerusalem "  (there  was  only 
Davad),  as  in  1 16,  gives  the  disguise  away.  Nor  were 
less  innocent  pleasures  left  unexplored  ;  see  mg.  for 
the  difficulty  of  the  word  rendered  "  concubines," 
though  this  probably  comes  nearest  to  the  meaning  ; 
there  is  a  cognate  Assj'rian  root  which  means  "  to 
love."  Thus  gratifying  every  taste,  Qoheleth  for  a 
while  seemed  to  have  found  satisfaction  (10),  but 
when  mere  absorption  gave  pl.noe  to  reflection  he 
found  that  there  was  nothing  substantial  or  abiding 
in  all  his  labours  and  all  his  pleasures.  126,  "  Wh&t 
can  a  man  do  .  .  .  already  been  done"  (i.e.  by  the 


EOCLESIASTES,  IV.  2f. 


413 


king)  may  perhapa  have  stood  immediately  after  ii. 
Apparently  the  meaning  is  that  where  a  Solomon  has 
failed,  though  equipped  with  wisdom  and  wealth,  no 
ordinary  man  has  any  chance. 

n.  12-17.  Qoheleth  turns  to  the  study  of  human 
nature  in  its  wisdom  and  its  folly.  Though  "  all  is 
vanity  "  yet  wisdom  is  better  than  folly  ;  it  is  better 
to  face  the  outlook,  dreary  though  it  be,  with  intelli- 
gence, than  to  be  stupid  and  dense.  The  wise  man 
can  at  least  see  where  he  is  going  ;  the  fool  is  in  a  fog, 
and  blind  ;  the  eyes  of  his  understanding  are  darkened. 
Yet  there  is  no  final  advantage  to  the  wise,  the  same 
death  overtakes  both  wise  and  foolish,  so  that  un- 
usual wisdom  is  really  a  useless  endowment.  Wise 
man  and  fool  are  alike  buried  in  oblivion  (c/.  lii). 
So  I  hated  life,  yet  he  continued  in  it.  "  A  pessimist 
who  is  able  to  vent  his  feelings  in  literary  expression 
do&s  not  commit  suicide  "  (Barton). 

II.  18-23.  Even  if  one  has  amassed  wealth  there  is 
the  bitterness  of  not  knowing  who  will  inherit  it  or 
how  the  heir  will  use  it.  Everything  has  to  be  left 
behind  to  an  uncertain  fate,  for  there  is  no  guarantee 
of  character  as  there  is  of  property.  The  latter  can 
be  entailed,  not  so  the  former.  Well  may  a  man  begin 
to  despair  as  he  sees  that  for  which  he  has  toiled  with 
sagacity  and  shrewd  insight  passing  into  the  hands  of 
one  who  has  not  laboured  and  so  does  not  properly 
appreciate.  The  thought  of  21  is  different  from  that 
of  19.  For  another  discussion  of  the  "  vanity  "  of 
riches  see  610-17. 

II.  24-26.  The  best  thing  for  a  man  is  to  get  what 
pleasure  he  can  out  of  life.  And  after  all  this  is  the 
Divine  scheme  of  life,  the  ordinance  of  God.  No  one 
can  eat  or  be  happy  apart  from  Him  (see  nig.).  26 
(except  the  detached  sentence  at  the  close  which  de- 
clares that  even  the  conclusion  reached  in  24  is  vanity), 
contradicts  Qoheleth's  central  contention,  and  must 
be  regarded  as  the  comment  of  a  pious  annotator. 
That  the  good  man  prospers  while  the  sinner  suffers, 
and  even  has  to  hand  over  his  gains  to  the  good  man, 
is  teaching  found  in  many  parts  of  OT,  but  certainly 
not  in  Ec.  It  did  not  square  with  the  facts  of  life,  as 
Qoheleth  and  the  author  of  Job  saw ;  but  while  the 
latter  made  a  brave  attempt  to  grapple  with  the 
problem  the  former  was  content  to  state  it  and  dwell 
in  the  gloom  which  he  could  not  dissipate. 

III.  1-15.  From  one  point  of  view  this  section 
may  be  entitled  In  Praise  of  Opportunism,  from 
another  Human  Helplessness.  Every  action  in  which 
man  can  engage  has  its  allotted  season,  but  who  can 
be  sure  that  he  has  found  this  sea-son  ?  God's  plan 
can  be  known  only  in  part,  hence  man's  efforts  to 
succeed  are  always  hable  to  fail ;  nothing  remains 
but  to  enjoy  the  present. 

1.  pxirpose:  read  "  business  "  or  "  affair."  In  the 
Heb.  the  antitheses  that  follow  are  in  parallel  columns 
like  a  Greek  sustoichia  or  Table  of  Contrasts. — 2.  Un- 
timely birth  and  untimely  death  are  both  abhorrent ; 
human  entrances  and  exits  have  their  parallel  in  the 
agricultural  operations  of  sowing  and  reaping.  There 
is  no  need  to  compare  Jer.  lio,  Zeph.  £4,  though  the 
Heb.  word  is  the  same. — 3  finds  particular  application 
in  time  of  war. — 4  reminds  us  of  Jesus'  parable  of  the 
children  in  the  market-place  and  the  contrast  between 
Himself  and  John  the  Baptist. — 5ft.  The  best  com- 
ment is  2  K.  319-25  and  Is.  .52  ;  others  make  it  synony- 
mous with  36.  To  take  the  "  casting  "  as  referring 
to  the  custom  of  throwing  stones  into  a  grave  at  a 
burial  leaves  the  "  gathering  "  unexplained. — 56  has 
to  do  with  the  marital  (or  an  illicit)  relationship 
(c/.  1  Cor.  729-31). — 6.  The  first  clause  refers  to  the 


acquisition  (and  loss),  the  second  to  the  protection 
(and  rejection)  of  property. — 7.  rend  may  betoken 
sorrow  and  mourning  or  perhaps  schism  (1  K.  II30  ; 
cf.  Mt.  1034!) ;  sew  would  then  mean  the  return  of 
joy  or  of  imity  (cf.  Is.  58i2)  ;  silence  and  speech  may 
also  have  to  do  with  sorrow  and  joy. — 9.  As  often  in 
this  book,  the  positive  question  is  a  negative  assertion. 
Man  has  to  go  the  round  of  all  these  activities  and 
experiences,  yet  he  wins  nothing  from  them. — With 
11  cf.  Gen.  I31  ;  the  word  rendered  "  beautiful"  will 
bear  the  translation  "  fitting  "  or  "  appropriate." — 
he  hath  set  the  world  in  their  heart:  for  "worid  " 
mg.  reads  "  eternity  "  ;  the  Heb.  word  is  that  which 
is  usually  translated  "  for  ever."  If  we  adopt  this 
we  must  understand  it  of  the  soul's  yearning  after  a 
larger,  fuller,  and  clearer  life  than  is  possible  on  earth — 
a  yearning  which  does  not  amount  to  a  belief  in  subse- 
quent existence  but  only  adds  to  the  burden  of  present 
experience.  But  by  reading  the  word  with  other 
voweLs,  'elem  for  'olam.  we  get  the  more  intelligible 
meaning  of  something  liidden  or  concealed,  and  may 
render  it  "  ignorance,"  God,  jealous  lest  man  should 
rival  Him,  has  set  ignorance  in  his  heart  [cf.  Gen.  2i6f,, 
35),  Another  slight  change  makes  the  word  mean 
"  wisdom,"  but  this  is  unlikely. — 12.  Cf.  224  ;  to  do 
good:  to  enjoy  life  {cf.  mg.). — 13  depends  on  the  "  1 
know  "  of  12.  "  God's  one  good  gift  to  man  is  the 
bit  of  healthy  animal  life  which  comes  with  the  years 
of  vigour "  (Barton), — 14.  If  this  is  Qoheleth's  it 
means  that  there  is  no  escape  for  man  from  the  scheme 
of  things,  he  wins  no  gain  from  the  course  of  life, 
nothing  except  Epicurean  enjoyment  with  the  dread 
of  God  as  a  shadow  in  the  background.  But  it  may 
be  from  the  hand  of  a  pious  annotator  who  make 
God's  unchanging  purpose  the  ground  of  man's  trust 
in  Him. — 15.  ]\Ian  is  bound  to  the  vheel  of  life  ;  events 
pursue  each  other  and  repeat  themselves  {cf.  I9),  and 
he  is  but  a  puppet  in  the  hands  of  the  master  showman. 

III.  16-22.  Man  no  Better  than  the  Beasts.— 16. 
Both  m  the  administration  of  the  law  and  the  obser- 
vances of  religion,  wickedness  is  prevalent ;  "  righte- 
ousness "  is  here  equivalent  to  "  pietj-." — 17  is  the 
insertion  of  the  orthodox  glossator  ;  Qoheleth  does  not 
regard  God  as  vindicating  the  godly. — 18  links  on  to 
16  ;  the  corruption  already  alluded  to  is  God's  way  of 
showing  that  man,  despite  his  vaunt  of  intelligence,  is 
really  on  a  level  with  the  beasts.  They  share  the 
same  breath,  and  when  it  leaves  them,  the  same  end, 
death.  Note  mg.,  reminding  us  of  Solon's  saying 
quoted  by  Herodotus,  "  Man  is  altogether  a  chance." 
In  Ps.  49x2-20  it  is  only  the  unworthy  man  that 
perishes  like  the  beasts  ;  here  all  men.  The  one  place 
(20)  is  not  Sheol,  but  the  earth  whence  all  spring  and 
whither  all  return. — 21,  like  9,  throws  a  negative  into 
the  form  of  an  interrogative.  Qoheleth  combats  the 
idea  that  man's  breath  goes  back  to  "  God  who  gave 
it  "  (though  in  changed  mood  he  allows  this  in  I27). 
No  one  can  prove  that  it  takes  a  direction  different 
from  that  of  the  breath  of  beasts.  No  man  knows 
what  will  happen  after  he  is  gone,  so  the  best  thing 
to  do  is  to  have  a  good  time  now. 

IV.  A  Gloomy  Survey. — The  chapter  falls  into  four 
parts,  which  treat  respectively  of  oppression  (1-3), 
rivalry  (4-6),  isolation  amounting  to  self-torture  (7-12), 
and  a  paragraph  on  a  young  king's  popularity  (13-16). 

1.  >Ian's  inhumanity  to  man  awakens  Qoheleth's 
compassion  ;  they  had  no  comforter  must  refer  in 
both  cases  to  the  oppressed  ;  the  words  are  repeated 
for  the  sake  of  emphasis. — 2f.  No  man  c^n  be  accounted 
happy  till  he  is  dead  {cf.  7i,  contrast  94) ;  indeed 
better  than  life  and  even  death  is  not  to  be  bom 


414 


ECCLESIASTES,  IV.  2 


(c/.  63  and  Job  3n-i6,  also  Sophocles,  (Ed.  Col.  1225, 
"  Non-exidtouco  is  better  than  highest  fame"). — 
4.  Note  vig.  Competition  is  as  inhuman  as  tyranny, 
it  is  only  another  form  of  oppression.  But  (5)  laziness 
is  no  virtue,  the  idle  man  starves.  The  verse  is 
perhaps  a  cuncnt  proverb  ;  it  might  mean  the  idler 
somehow  manages  to  get  a  living  without  the  worry 
of  the  toiler.  The  best  thing  is  to  follow  the  golden 
mean  (6).  The  words  for  handful  are  different — the 
first  denotes  the  open  palm,  the  second  the  grip. 
Another  woe  is  avarico  (ji.);  the  life  of  the  lonely 
miser  is  a  sore  travail. — 9-12,  pr<»\erbial  8a)rings 
on  the  advantages  of  coraradeship.  The  setting  is 
that  of  a  journey  v.ith  its  perils  from  bad  roads,  chilly 
nights,  and  brigands.  4nd  if  two  are  better  than 
one,  three  are  better  still.  The  section  is  often  taken 
as  a  parable  of  friendship  ;  Charles  Wesley  built  up 
a  hymn  on  it,  "  Two  are  better  far  than  one.  For 
coimsel  or  for  fight,"  The  allegorists  make  the  three- 
fold cord  a  reference  to  the  Trinity  or  to  the  union 
of  Faith,  Hope,  and  Love. 

13-16.  There  have  been  as  many  interpretations  of 
the  personage  here  referred  to  as  of  the  number  of 
the  Beast  in  the  Apocalypse.  The  most  obvious 
illustration  is  that  of  Joseph  and  Pharaoh,  the  one 
that  best  fits  the  date  of  the  book  Ptolemy  V,  who  at 
the  age  of  five  succeeded  his  aged  father,  Ptolemy  IV 
in  205.  Others  see  a  reference  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
and  Alexander  Balas,  who  was  of  humble  origin  and 
popular  with  the  Jews  (c/.  pp.  416,  008),  but  this  is 
perhape  too  late.  No  certainty  is  attainable. — 15.  the 
second  is  perhaps  a  gloss  ;  in  any  case  it  can  only  mean 
a  second  youth. — The  moral  is  driven  home  in  16  :  the 
popular  favourite  of  to-day  is  forgotten,  and  perhaps 
execrated,  to-morrow.  It  was  so  with  the  young 
Ptolemy  (Epiphanes),  whose  advisers  were  a  bad  lot, 
BO  that  when  Antiochus  III  (perhaps  "  the  second  "  of 
15)  annexed  Palestine  to  Syria  (p.  62)  in  198  the  Jews 
welcomed  the  change. 

V.  1-7.  Reality  in  Religion. — ^This  section  deals  with 
worship  and  vows.  Those  who  go  to  the  house  of 
God  (whether  Temple  or  synagogue  is  not  clear)  must 
go  reverently  and  thoughtfully.  "  Keep  thy  foot  " 
recalls  the  Oriental  practice  of  removing  one's  shoes  in 
sacred  places  (Ex.35).  The  great  recjuirement  in  religion 
is  not  the  ritual  sacrifice  but  the  spirit  of  discipleship 
and  obedience  (1  S.  1522  and  the  prophets  'paaaim). 
Read,  with  a  slight  change,  "  for  they  know  nothing 
except  how  to  do  evil." — 2  may  refer  to  prayer  (c/. 
Mt.  ()7)  or  to  vows  (cf.  4).  The  remotenass  of  God  was 
a  feature  of  late  Jewish  thought ;  the  gap  had  to  be  filled 
by  angels  (cf.  6)  and  by  abstractions  like  the  Wisdom, 
the  Word,  the  Glory,  and  the  Spirit  of  God. — 3  is  a 
gloss  which  breaks  the  line  of  thought.  It  seems  to 
mean  that  as  a  worried  mind  leads  to  dreams,  so  the 
fool's  much  speaking  leads  to  nothing  8ul>stantial ; 
or  "  a  multitude  of  business  "  may  refer  to  the  con- 
fused complexity  of  a  dream, — With  4f.  cf.  Dt.  232iff. 
The  Talmudic  tract  Nedarim  shows  that  evasions  of 
hasty  vows  were  frequent  in  late  Judaism.  The 
classic  example  of  a  rash  vow  in  OT  is  Jephthah  (Jg.  11). 
Read,  "  there  is  no  delight  in  fools  "  ;  it  is  fooLs  who 
make  hasty  vows.  Such  vows  lead  one's  whole  being 
into  sin,  the  lipe  involve  the  entire  body  (6).  "  Angel  " 
may  be  a  synonym  for  Gfxl  (r/,  LXX),  or  for  the 
priest  (Mai.  27)  or  other  Temple  official  who  recorded 
vows.  On  vows  see  p.  105.  In  7  read  mg.,  or,  with 
shght  change,  "in  a  multitude  of  dreams  and  words 
are  many  vanities."  It  is  an  interpolation  like  3,  and 
perhaps  originally  a  marginal  variant  of  it, 
V.  8-20.  Concerning   Despotism   and    Wealth.— 8f. 


The  oppression  and  injustice  that  one  sees  (in  an 
Oriental  satrapy)  are  not  to  be  wondered  at  when  wo 
remember  the  graded  hierarchy  of  officials  who  are 
all  eager  simply  to  enrich  themselves.  There  is  no 
reference  to  God  ;  read,  •  One  high  official  is  watching 
over  another,  and  there  are  higher  ones  (perliaps  the 
king)  over  them."  Yet  on  the  whole  a  king,  especially 
if  he  take  an  interest  in  agriculture,  is  an  advantage  to 
a  country.  So  we  may  interpret  the  extremely  difficult 
verse  9  {cf.  mg.). — lOfl.  The  avaricious  man  is  always 
poor  ;  though  his  wealth  increa-ses  he  lacks  satisfaction, 
enlarged  income  means  enlarged  expense,  any  gain 
that  he  has  is  outward  and  therefore  unreal.  And 
with  wealth  comes  worry  and  sleeplessness,  from  which 
the  humble  toiler  is  free.  Not  only  so,  but  disaster 
may  overtake  the  wealth  won  at  the  cost  of  health 
and  comfort ;  some  unlucky  adventure,  eg.  a  ship- 
wreck or  a  marauding  raid,  may  render  him  and  the 
son  for  whom  he  has  been  saving,  pennile&s. — With  15 
cf.  Job  I21,  1  Tim.  67.  All  the  rich  man's  toil  has 
yielded  nothing  more  than  wind  {cf.  Pr.  II29,  Is.  26i8). 
— 17  may  refer  to  the  days  succeeding  the  calamity  or 
to  the  inner  meaning  of  the  dajrs  preceding  it. — 18-20. 
It  is  far  better  to  enjoy  life  as  one  goes  along  {cf.  224,97), 
getting  the  best  out  of  each  day,  than  to  be  miserly. 
After  all,  it  is  God  that  "  giveth  us  all  things  richly 
to  enjoy"  (1  Tim.  617),  and  if  God  thus  "  occupies  a 
man  with  the  joy  of  liis  heart  "  (so  read  206),  he  will 
not  brood  over  the  swiftness  of  his  passing  days. 

VI.  Further  Reflections  on  Wealth  and  Fate.— Parallel 
with  the  bitter  experience  of  the  avaricious  man  who 
loses  his  wealth  is  that  of  the  rich  and  successful  man 
whose  cherished  desires  are  unfulfilled.  Having  no 
keen  satisfaction  himself  he  yet  hopes  to  see  his  son 
enjoy  his  acquisitions,  but  he  is  childless,  or  if  he  has 
the  blessings  of  a  large  family  (a  "  hundred  "  is  just 
a  round  number)  and  a  long  life — both  highly  prized 
by  the  Jews — the  children  may  disappoint  him  by  their 
conduct  and  so  fill  his  soul  with  soitow  instead  of 
satisfying  it  with  good,  and  he  may  even  yet  undergo 
the  supreme  dishonour  of  lacking  interment.  Cf. 
Jezebel  (2  K.  935)  and  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  2219),  and 
many  other  references  both  in  biblical  and  classical 
literature,  especially  the  Greek  legend  of  Antigone, 
The  corpse  of  Artaxerxos  Ochus  (p.  79)  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury B.C.  is  said  to  have  been  devoured  by  cats  ;  ho 
was  one  of  the  hundred  children  of  Artaxerxe.s  Mnemon, 
whose  old  age  was  saddened  by  his  sons"  evil  courses. 
These  ca.ses  were  probably  known  to  our  writer.  Bettor 
than  such  an  end  would  it  be  never  to  have  had  a 
beginning.  The  premature  babe,  still-bom,  comes 
into  a  lifeless  existence  ("  vanity  ") ;  "its  name  is 
covered  with  darkness,"  i.e.  it  has  no  name  {cf.  Job  3, 
Ps.  588),  and  it  has  no  consciousness  of  joy  or  sorrow, 
no  sensation  of  pleasure  or  pain.  A  man  may  live 
to  be  twice  as  old  as  Methuselah,  yet  "  enjoy  no  good  " 
(contrast  5i8i)  ever  toiling  for  unreached  satismotion 
(m  7  "  mouth  "  and  "  appetite  "  are  figurative) ; 
his  goal  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  abortion,  which  has 
the  good  fortune  to  reach  it  both  sooner  and  more 
easily.— With  8a  cf  214-16. — 86.  "  What  advantage 
has  a  poor  man,  who  has  got  on  in  Ufe  by  knowing 
how  to  walk  pnidentiy  and  successfully,  before  hie 
fellow  men  ?  "  (M'Nciie).  Better  is  the  enjoyment 
of  one's  possessions  ("  the  light  of  the  eyes  ")  than 
desire  for  the  unattainable  ;  cf.  5iSf. — 1()-12  speaks 
of  the  helplessness  of  man.  The  first  clause  of  10 
may  be  taken  as  in  text  or  mg.  or  as  "  that  which  is  "  ; 
"  the  name  was  given  long  ago  "  perhaps  simply  means 
"  is  in  existence."  There  is  a  play  on  the  word  man  = 
Adam  {mg.).     He  has  no  chance  against  the  President 


ECCLESIASTES,  VIII.  10 


415 


of  the  Immortals. — 11.  things :  better  "  words,"  a  refer- 
ence to  the  "  contention  "  of  lo,  or  perhaps  to  the 
discussions  of  different  sects  as  to  how  far  man  is  the 
child  of  circumstances  or  fate.  All  are  to  no  purpose. 
No  one  really  knows  what  is  the  ismnmum  honum,  life 
is  but  an  unsubstantial  shadow  (c/.  813,  1  Ch.  29i5, 
Job  89,  Jas.  414).  These  verses  find  apt  illustration 
in  Fitzgerald's  Ruhaiyut  of  Omar  Khayyam  (xxvii.- 
XXX,  and  Ivi.  ;    1st  edition,  1859). 

VII.  1-22.  Proverbs  and  Reflections.— After  asking, 
"  What  is  good  for  man  in  life  ?  "  (612),  Qoheleth  gives 
us  advice  as  to  what  a  man  may  do  by  way  of  miti- 
gating his  worries.  First  of  all  it  is  advisable  for 
l.im  to  cultivate  seriousness  rather  than  levity  (1-7). 
The  curious  remark  that  "  a  (good)  name  is  better 
than  precious  ointment"  (c/.  Ca.  I3*)  is  in  the  Heb. 
a  play  on  the  words  shem  and  shcinen ;  ointment  is 
highly  esteemed  in  the  East. — 16  reminds  us  of  the 
Thracian  tribe  mentioned  by  Herodotus  (v.  4)  who  at 
the  birth  of  a  child  bewailed  its  entry  on  life's  trials, 
and  celebrated  death  as  a  joyful  release  (c/.  also  64-6). — 
2.  Jewish  mournings  lasted  a  Meek  or  even  a  month, 
and  would  teach  the  visitor  to  number  his  days  and 
get  a  heart  of  wisdom  (Ps.  90 12). — 3.  the  heart  is  made 
glad:  better,  "  it  is  well  with  the  heart,"  "  to  suffer 
is  to  leara,"  "  pain  is  gain." — 4.  Like  draws  to  Uke. — 
5.  the  rebulte  ol  the  wise  (c/.  Pr.  13i) . . .  songs  of  fools: 
licentious  and  vulgar  tavern  songs  (c/.  Am.  65,  Eph.  54). 
— In  6  there  is  another  play  on  words  (s?V!?/t  =  thorns, 
5ir=pot),  which  we  may  reproduce  in  English  by 
nettles  and  kettles,  or  stubble  and  bubble.  Thorns 
as  fuel  produce  more  noise  than  heat.  The  words 
"  this  also  is  vanity  "  may  be  omitted  as  a  gloss. — 
7.  Surely  is  an  attempt  to  get  over  the  real  meaning 
of  the  Heb.  word,  which  means  "  for."  To  give  sense 
we  must  suppose  that  some  sentence  like  that  in  Pr.  168 
has  dropped  out,  or  perhaps  the  whole  verse  is  an 
insertion.  The  despotic  use  of  power  ("  extortion  ") 
unbalances  even  a  wise  man,  and  bribes  ruin  the 
moral  nature. — 8.  thing  perhaps  =  "  word  "  (c/.  611); 
the  verse  is  then  a  caution  against  uncontrolled  speech 
as  9  is  a  caution  against  its  source,  hasty  anger. — 
10.  The  aged  and  the  pessimist  are  aUke  unwisely 
prone  to  praise  the  "  good  old  times  "  at  the  expense 
of  the  present  and  the  future. — llf.  is  a  gloss ;  7ng.  is 
preferable.  It  is  good  to  have  wisdom  if  one  has 
nothing  else,  but  if  one  has  something  else  so  much 
the  better ;  "  them  that  see  the  sun  "  means  the 
living.  Wisdom  has  this  advantage  over  money,  that 
it  is  not  only  a  defence  (lit.  "  shade  ")  but  a  quickener 
and  stimulus  of  life. — 13  connects  with  10. — With 
136  c/.  I15. — 14.  God  has  so  balanced  and  mingled 
prosperity  and  adversity  that  man  cannot  foretell 
the  future.  Plumptre  quotes  a  striking  parallel  to 
i3i  from  the  Stoic  hsmin  of  Cleanthes  to  Zeus  (18) : 

"  Things  discordant  find  accord  in  Thee, 
And  in  one  whole  Thou  blondest  ill  with  good. 
So  that  one  law  works  on  for  evermore." 

— Qoheleth  now  goes  on  to  advocate  the  golden  mean. 
— 15  controverts  the  old  idea  that  righteousness  and 
wickedness  mean  respectively  a  long  and  short  life. — 
16  is  aimed  at  the  extreme  pietism  of  the  Hasidim 
(Ps.  43*),  the  early  Pharisees  whose  strict  legalism 
was  a  menace  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  nation  (2  Mac. 
146)  ;  like  an  excess  of  "  wisdom  "  it  meant  self- 
inflation  and  collapse.  Yet  there  is  greater  danger 
in  extreme  wicketlncas  and  folly  (17);  debauchery 
means  death.  Lay  firm  hold  of  both  those  cautions, 
medio  tutisaimus  tbia ;   he  that  feara  Grod  "  shall  be 


quit  in  regard  to  both  "  (Burton).  Both  186  and  19 
seem  to  have  been  inserted  by  later  and  different  hands. 
• — ten  rulers  reminds  us  of  the  Athenian  archons  (and 
the  Venetian  Council  of  Ten),  but  is  simply  a  round 
number.  The  usual  number  of  elders  who  act  as  a 
council  in  an  Oriental  village  is  five.  Wisdom  is  the 
individual's  borough  or  city  council. — 20.  Cf.  1  K. 
846  ;  for  "  surely  "  read  "  because,"  and  so  connect 
with  21.  There  is  so  much  folly  spoken  that  it  is 
waste  of  time  to  Usten  to  every  conversation  ;  besides, 
listeners  hear  no  good  of  themselves  (2 if.). 

yil.  23-29.  In  Dispraise  of  Women.— All  the  fore- 
going maxims  have  been  tested,  yet  Qoheleth  has  not 
attained  wisdom  (23) ;  the  true  inwardness  of  things, 
the  ultimate  reality,  is  beyond  his  efforts  (24  ;  cf.  Job 
28i  2-28,  also  Ec  If. ).  Yet  he  has  learned  that  "wicked- 
ness is  folly  and  folly  is  madness,"  and  has  made  the 
further  discovery  of  something  more  bitter  than 
death,  a  seductive  woman  {cf.  Pr.  5,  7).  His  investi- 
gation has  been  painstaking  and  thorough  (27),  and 
with  heart  as  well  as  head  (28),  and  his  conclusion 
is  that  while  perfect  men  are  very  scarce,  perfect 
women  are  still  scarcer.  Whether  Qoheleth  has 
Buffeted  some  bitter  personal  experience  or  has  in 
mind  the  intrigues  of  the  harem  in  Persian  and  Greek 
life  we  cannot  say.  He  (or  more  likely  a  glossator) 
however,  acquits  God  of  responsibility  for  human 
wrong-doing  ;  it  is  man's  inventive  faculty  that  has 
too  often  taken  the  wrong  course. 

Vin.  1-9.  Maxims  on  Wisdom  and  Government. — 
1.  Wisdom  (like  prayer  and  self-sacrifice ;  cf.  Lk.  929) 
transfigures  the  countenance,  it  takes  the  "  hardness  " 
or  coarseness  out  of  the  face. — 2.  Honour  the  king, 
remembering  his  Divine  appointment  and  the  oath 
taken  at  his  coronation  ;  do  not  rashly  leave  his  service 
or  rebel  against  him.  Or  we  may  (so  LXX)  connect 
26  with  3,  "  but  where  an  oath  of  God  is  in  question 
be  not  hasty  "  {i.e.  in  obeying  the  king) ;  "  go  out  of 
his  presence,  persist  not  in  an  evil  thing,  for,"  etc. 
Otherwise  we  must  interpret  "  persist  not  in  an  evil 
thing  "  as  "  enter  not  into  opposition  to  him."  If  5, 
60  is  Qoheleth's  own  counsel  it  refers  to  the  king's 
commandment  and  is  a  maxim  of  prudence  ;  the  wise 
man  will  keep  his  head  and  his  feet  even  when  such 
commandments  are  grievous.  It  may,  however,  be  a 
pious  commentator's  reference  to  the  commandment 
of  God.  66  connects  more  closely  with  4. — 7f.  One 
never  knows  what  a  despot  will  do  next,  and  a  wise 
man  grows  weary  with  uncertainty.  Human  help- 
lessness is  seen  everywhere :  a  man  has  no  more 
control  over  the  day  of  his  death  than  over  the  wind 
{mg.),  nor  can  he  escape  from  wickedness  once  he  has 
given  himself  to  it  any  more  than  the  mercenary  can 
obtain  furlough  when  the  war  for  which  he  is  engaged 
is  proceeding.  The  Persian  law  was  stricter  than  the 
Mosaic  (Dt.  2O5-8). — 9  suggests  that  these  observa- 
tions of  tyranny  were  taken  from  life,  though  this 
gives  us  no  clue  to  the  date.  Follow  mg.  in  the  first 
reference  ;  the  second,  which  brings  in  the  thought  of 
retribution  on  the  tyrant,  is  an  open  question. 

VIII.  10-15.  The  One  End  of  Righteousness  and 
Unrighteousness. — The  good  are  soon  forgotten,  the 
wicked  enjoy  honour  and  long  life  ;  the  best  thing  a 
man  can  do  is  to  enjoy  life  while  he  has  it. — 10  is 
difficult,  MT  is  probably  corrupt.  RV  is  a  fair  attempt ; 
others  would  emend  so  as  to  re^d,  "  I  saw  the  wicked 
buried,  carried  even  from  the  sanctuary,  and  they 
used  to  go  about  and  be  praised  in  the  city  because 
they  had  done  so  "  (i.e.  used  their  power  to  hurt  others  ; 
cf.  9).  This  excludes  all  mention  of  the  righteioua 
and   their  shameful  exclusion  from  the  holy  plaoo, 


416 


ECCLESIASTES.  VIII.  10 


which  in  any  cose  cannot  be  int<?rpret«d  as  conse- 
crated burial  ground. — i2t.  is  plaini}'  the  insertion  of 
an  ortliodox  annotator  ;  12  is  a  concession,  13  is  the 
general  rule  as  to  the  wicked  man's  long  life.  12b 
Bcenis  to  hint  at  some  compensation,  possibly  future, 
for  the  shorHivcd  good  man. — 14f.  shows  us  the  lypical 
mood  of  Qohcleth  ;  cf.  especially  3i2f.,22,  018,  1)7-10. 
VIII.  16-IX.  16.  Life's  Riddle  Baffles  the  Wisest 
Quest. — The  parenthesis  in  166  describes  the  ceaseless 
effort  of  the  keen  student  of  life,  or  perhaps  the  fate 
of  the  toiler  who  is  too  tired  to  sleep  ;  with  17  cf.  I24, 
Job  II6-9,  and  from  the  Christian  standpoint  Rom. 
II33,  Eph.  38  ("unsearchable  riches'").  By  heart 
(9i)  is  meant  the  whole  inner  nature,  intellectual  and 
emotional  ;  God  is  the  supreme  arbiter  of  human 
destiny.  \Vhether  He  regards  us  with  love  or  hatred 
we  cannot  tell ;  life  is  so  tangled  that  the  Divine  attitude 
is  inbcrutable.  Follow  LXX,  in  adding  the  first  word 
of  2  with  a  slight  change  to  i  and  read,  "  All  before 
them  is  vanity.     To  all  alike,  there  is  one  event." — 

2.  to  the  good:  see  mg.  "He  that  sweareth,"  the 
man  who  abides  by  his  oath ;  "  he  that  feareth  an 
oath,"  the  man  who  is  afraid  to  take  or  carry  out 
a  vow.  Thw  interpretation  is  in  line  with  the  other 
comparisons,  the  good  precedes  the  evil  example ; 
but  perhaps  we  should  take  "  sweareth  "  of  profanity 
and  "  feareth  an  oath  "  of  loyal  obedience  to  a  vow. — 

3.  an  evil  in  all:  a  supreme  evil. — full  of  evil:  fuU  of 
dissatisfaction.  Life  is  all  unrest  and  madness,  and 
after  that — "  to  the  dead." — 4.  a  dog  is  a  poor  creature 
in  the  East,  wliile  the  lion  stands  for  kingly  power. — 
5.  Even  to  know  that  one  must  die  i3  superior  to  being 
dead.  Death  ends  all,  it  extinguishes  all  the  passions 
and  emotions,  takes  a  man  from  the  only  sphere  of 
activity  there  is,  and  even  blots  out  the  remembrance 
of  him  (cf.  job).  This  bemg  so,  enjoy  yourself  while 
you  can ;  God  has  so  arranged  the  world  that  this  is 
the  only  thing  you  can  do,  so  it  must  be  acceptable 
to  Him. — 7-9  has  a  remarkably  close  parallel  in  a 
fragment  of  the  Giigamesh  epic  ;  "  Since  the  gods 
created  man.  Death  they  ordained  for  man.  Life  in 
their  hands  tliey  hold  ;  Thou  O  Giigamesh  fill  thy 
belly.  Day  and  night  be  thou  joyful,"  etc. — 9  is  less  a 
eulogium  of  quiet  home  life  than  advice  to  a  man 
to  enjoy  any  woman  who  appeals  to  him ;  there  is  no 
contradiction  to  726-28. 

The  advice  in  loa  must  bo  taken  as  referring  to  any 
form  of  enjoyment ;  it  finds  its  transfiguration  in 
Jn.  94. — the  grave:  Sheol,  described  in  Is.  I49-11*, 
Ezek.  3218-32.  In  11  Qohcictli  takes  up  the  idea 
again  that  life's  prizes  are  not  bestowed  for  merit  or 
ability  ;  men  are  the  creatures  of  time  and  chance, 
misfortune  attends  them  till  their  time  is  up.  Even 
that  hour  is  unknown,  they  are  trapped  miexpcctedly 
like  the  bird  and  the  fish.  The  closest  historical  parallel 
to  the  incident  pictured  in  13-16  is  the  siege  of  Abel- 
beth-maacah  (2  S.  2O15-22) ;  Qoheleth  would  not 
scruple  to  change  the  "  wise  woman  "  into  a  man. 
Other  suggestions  are  the  siege  of  Dor  in  218  B.C. 
(1  Mao.  1.5)  or  that  of  Bethsura  (1  Mac.  631, 2  Mac.  I39). 
The  point  of  the  story  is  that  the  wise  as  well  as  the 
righteous  are  soon  forgotten. 

IX.  17-X.  15.  Experience  Crystallised  In  Proverbs.— 
917-IO3  forms  a  series  of  proverbs  perhaps  due  to 
the  sage  who  worked  over  the  original  book.  In  17 
follow  mg.  ;  the  contrast  is  between  the  quiet  but  sure 
voice  of  the  wise  and  the  noisy  pretentious  clatter  of 
an  arch-fool.  With  18,  cf.  13-16. — sinner:  better, 
blunderer.  Evil  is  wrought  by  want  of  thought  aa 
well  as  by  want  of  heart.  10 la  is  obvious,  ih  less  so  ; 
it  is  simplest  to  say  that  "  as  dead  fliea  corrupt  the 


perfumer's  ointment  so  little  follies  in  a  man  outweigh 
and  thus  spoil  his  better  quahties  and  name."'  A 
wise  man's  heart  (intelligence  plus  conscience  plus 
will)  leads  him  in  the  right  direction,  that  of  a  fool  has 
a  sinister  bent  (2) ;  when  he  walks  out  he  thinks  all 
the  people  he  meets  are  fools  (3  mg.).  In  4  Qoheleth 
resumes  his  observations  on  princes ;  the  counsel  is 
similar  to  that  of  82-5.  The  courtier  will  do  beet 
by  bending  to  the  storm,  his  safety  is  in  complaisance. 
Yet  the  ruler  is  by  no  means  always  right  (5),  especially 
when  like  Edward  II  or,  nearer  Qoheleth's  time, 
Ptolemy  Philopator  (p.  62),  he  advances  the  unworthy 
to  positions  of  trust  and  honour  at  the  expense  of  the 
nobles  and  aristocracy,  here  called  "  the  rich  "  (6f.). 
The  mention  of  horses  is  an  indication  of  late  date ; 
in  earlier  Israel  kings  rode  on  asses  or  mules.  Cf.  also 
Pr.  19 10. — 8  and  9  are  isolated  proverbs  though  they 
illustrate  caution  as  an  element  of  wisdom.  "  He 
who  breaks  through  a  fence  "  or  a  wall,  is  perhaps  a 
robber,  perhaps  simply  a  wanton  destroyer,  perhaps 
even  a  reformer  who  is  stung  by  a  jealous  opponent. 
For  serpents  in  walls,  cf.  Am.  019.  The  quarrynnan 
and  woodcutter  must  be  careful ;  (yi  is  probably  not 
to  be  taken  of  "  removing  a  neighbour's  landmark  " 
(mg.). — lOf.  The  advantage  of  wisdom  is  to  give 
success ;  it  teaches  the  woodcutter  to  sharpen  his 
blunt  axe  instead  of  weai'jang  himself  with  brute  force  ; 
it  teaches  the  snake-charmer  to  exercise  his  skill  before 
the  snake  bites  (disregard  vig.).  Wisdom  is  foresight 
and  wins  favour,  the  ineffectual  man  is  a  fool  and 
suffers  (12).  His  course  may  even  be  a  progress  from 
stupidity  to  criminal  (perhaps  "  pitiful ")  madness 
(13);  he  is  a  perpetual  babbler"(i4a)  whose  verbosity 
is  the  measure  of  liis  ignorance  (14?)).  But  perhaps 
146  is  a  fragment  of  Qoheleth  (cf.  612,  714)  strayed 
from  its  context  into  this  collection  of  proverbs. — 
15  is  obscure,  but  probably  means  that  he  who  asks 
a  fool  the  way  to  a  city  is  likely  to  be  weary  before  he 
gets  there,  or  perhaps  that  the  simpleton  who  doesn't 
know  the  way  to  town  is  likely  to  have  a  deservedly 
tiresome  life. 

X.  16-20.  Reflections  on  Government. — ^These  verses 
are  in  the  strain  of  4-7. — 16.  whose  Iting  is  a  cliild : 
e.g.  like  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  who  became  king  of 
Egypt  (205  B.C.)  at  the  age  of  five.  Such  a  one  is 
often  in  the  hands  of  unworthy  regents.  The  word 
may  be  also  translated  "  eervant  "  (contrast  17)  or 
even  "  young  man  "  ;  hence  some  see  a  reference  to 
Herod  the  Great,  who  was  of  ignoble  birth,  or  to 
Alexander  Balas  (1  Mac.  IO47).  Feasting  in  the 
mommg  is  a  sure  sign  of  decadence  (cf.  Is.  5i  1,  Ac.  2i5), 
— 17.  It  is  just  possible  that  Qoheleth  is  eulogising 
Antiochus  III,  whose  accession  in  198  B.C.  was  well 
received  by  the  Jews  (p.  62). — 18  is  the  writer's  way  of 
saying  that  when  the  rulers  of  a  state  do  not  attend  to 
business  the  structure  of  government  falls  to  pieces. 
Feasting  means  revelry  instead  of  serious  attention  to 
state  affairs — those  who  indulge  in  it  have  only  to 
spend  money,  perhaps  from  the  public  funds  (19). — 20 
recalls  4f. ;  the  courtiers  must  be  cautious,  walls  have 
cars.  Kings  and  lords  get  to  hear  things  in  mysteri- 
ous ways. 

XI.  1-XII.  8.  Closing  Counsels.— It  is  well  to  do 
and  to  get  all  one  can,  in  the  way  of  industry  and 
pleasure,  before  old  age  draws  on.  i  and  2  are  best 
taken  as  referring  either  to  merchandise  or  generosity, 
though  "  bread  "  has  also  been  interpreted  as  seed 
sown  on  irrigated  land  (cf.  4  and  6)  or  even  as  human 
semen,  and  2  and  6  forced  into  line.  The  trader's 
venture  is  to  be  divided  between  several  ships,  for  it  is 
unsafe  to  put  all  one's  eggs  in  one  basket ;  similarly 


ECCLESIASTES,  XII.  14 


417 


it  is  well  to  make  friends  with  as  many  folk  aa  possible 
as  insurance  against  a  clay  of  disaster  {cf.  Lk.  I69). 
Man  is  the  child  of  circumstances,  ho  can  no  more 
control  his  fate  than  the  weather  (3)  ;  for  tree  perhaps 
read  "  stick,"  ami  see  a  reference  to  divination  by 
throwing  a  wand  into  the  air  and  determining  one's 
action  by  the  direction  in  which  it  comes  to  rest 
{cf.  Hos.  4i2).  The  wise  farmer  (4)  knows  that  his 
varied  operations  must  be  performed  at  the  proper 
time  whatever  the  weather  threatens  ;  he  who  waits 
the  more  convenient  season  and  ideal  conditions  gets 
nothing  done.  Rain  in  harvest-time  waa  rare  in  Pales- 
tine but  not  impossible  (1  S.  12i7,  Pr.  20 1).  Man, 
knowing  not  the  way  of  the  wind  (Jn.  38)  nor  the 
mystery  of  embryology  (Ps.  139i3-i6),  cannot  hope 
to  understand  the  operations  of  Providence  in  these 
matters  and  in  all  else;  all  perhaps ~ "  both  "  (5). 
All  he  can  do  (6)  is  to  peg  away  at  his  work  from  morn 
till  eve,  perhaps  from  youth  till  age,  bearing  gains 
and  losses  philosophically.  Light  and  life  are  good, 
but  even  while  we  enjoy  them  comes  the  thought  of 
their  brevity,  and  the  certainty  of  Sheol,  the  under- 
world of  shadows,  a  future  that  is  unsubstantial 
reality,  vanity,  and  emptiness  indeed.  So  (9)  make 
the  most  of  youth,  gratify  your  desires,  carpe  diem, 
gaudeamus  dum  iuvenes  swmus  {cf.  97-10,  1  Cor.  I532). 
Whether  we  regard  II7  to  I27  as  due  to  a  reviser  or 
not,  we  must  almost  certainly  see  an  interpolation  in 
96,  but  know  thou  .  .  .  Put  away  (10)  brooding  and 
melancholy  and  asceticism  ("  e\'il  "),  the  heyday  of 
life  is  soon  over  ("  vanity  ''),  so  make  the  most  of  it, 
for  the  dull  days  are  hastening  on  (12i&). — 12ia  is  also 
an  interpolation,  unless  with  a  shght  emendation  of 
the  Heb.  we  read,  "  remember  thy  well,"  or  cistern, 
i.e.  thy  wife  (Pr.  5i8).  Yet  the  injunction  in  its 
familiar  form  is  one  that  we  rightly  prize  ;  fellowship 
with  God  in  the  early  years  of  life  is  the  safeguard 
both  of  youth  and  age. — 12i6  "or  ever,"  etc.,  thus 
connects  with  11 10;  age  is  drawing  on  with  its  lack 
of  zest  and  of  joie  de  viire.  The  allegory  of  senility 
in  2-6  is  not  to  be  forced  into  any  single  line  of 
interpretation,  whether  anatomical  or  atmospherical 
(the  approach  of  night  or  a  stonu  or  winter).  "  The 
metaphors  change  and  intermingle  in  accord  with 
the  richness  of  an  Oriental  imagination  "  (Barton). 
"  Make  the  most  of  youth,"  says  Qoheleth,  "  while 
the  sun  is  not  darkened  .  .  .  "  (2)  ;  life  as  it 
advances  loses  its  brightness  and  that  increasingly — 
Bun,  moon,  stars  all  fail,  and  after  rain  there  is  no 
season  of  clear  shining  but  only  the  return  of  the 
clouds. — Arms  ("'  keepers  "),  and  legs  ("  strong  men  ") 
grow  weak  and  weary ;  teeth  ("  grinders,"  lit. 
"  grinding  women ")  and  eyes  (the  "  women  that 
look  through  the  windows  ")  are  alike  faint  (3).  This 
verse  suggests  the  inmates  of  a  house — two  sets  of 
men,  and  two  of  women,  menial  and  gentle.  "  Because 
they  are  few,"  better,  "  though  they  are  few."  The 
lips  ("doors  "  Ps.  1413),  or  perhaps  the  less  honour- 
able parts  of  the  body,  are  closed,  the  feeble  gums 


make  a  poor  attempt  at  mastication  ;  sleep  is  short, 
for  the  old  man  wakes  with  the  early  twitter  of  the 
birds  (possibly  "  he  shall  approach  to  the  voice  of 
the  bird,"  i.e.  "  his  voice  becomes  a  childish  treble  ") ; 
singers,  or  perhaps  their  musical  notes  ("  daughters 
of  song  ")  are  all  alike  low  to  him  in  his  deafness  ; 
c/.  2  S.  1635  (4).  A  hill  terrifies  him  and  indeed  any 
journey,  for  his  breath  is  scant  and  his  Umbs  stiff ; 
his  whitened  hair  is  like  the  almond  blossom  (possibly 
"  the  almond  is  rejected,"  i.e.  "  appetite  fails  even 
when  coaxed  ").  The  smallest  thing  (Is.  4O22)  Ls  a 
burden,  though  perhaps  the  reference  of  the  "  grass- 
hopper "  is  to  the  bent  and  halting  gait  of  old  age,  or 
even  to  sexual  intercourse,  an  interpretation  which 
gains  some  support  from  the  use  of  tlie  "  caper-berry  " 
as  an  aphrodisiac.  The  explanation  which  connects 
the  word  for  caper- berry  with  a  root  meaning  "  poor," 
and  renders  "  the  chrysalis  (grasshopper)  lies  inert 
till  the  soul  emerges  "  (for  "  fails  "  read  "  bursts," 
mg.)  is  rather  far-fetched.  The  "long  home"  is,  of 
course  the  grave.  For  mourners  cf.  Jer.  Oi/f.,  Mk.  638 
(5).  Enjoy  youth,  for  the  time  comes  when  the  golden 
lamp  bowl  (Zech.  42f.)  falLs  with  a  crash  because  the 
silver  cord  that  suspends  it  is  snapped,  or  in  homelier 
metaphor,  the  pitcher  is  smashed  at  the  well,  or  the 
water-wheel  is  broken.  There  is  no  need  to  bring  in 
skull,  spinal  column,  or  heart ;  the  picture  is  clearly 
one  of  death,  especially  sudden  death.  The  light  goes 
out,  the  water  is  spilt ;  the  long  comradeship  of  body 
and  soul  is  dissolved. — With  7  cf.  Gen.  27 ;  the  contrast 
with  Ec.  SiQf.  only  illustrates  the  variety  of  Qoheleth's 
human  moods..  His  reflections  end  as  they  began  ; 
128  is  identical  with  I2. 

XII.  9-14.  Epilogue. — 9-12  is  an  editors  praise  of 
Qoheleth,  who  is  identified  with  Solomon,  the  sage 
compiler  of  proverbial  wisdom,  who  wrote  "  words  of 
truth  "  in  a  pleasing  and  elegant  ("  acceptable ") 
style  ;  "  uprightly  "  may  also  refer  to  correctness  of 
form. — llrt  reminds  us  of  the  stimulus  of  a  good 
teacher ;  Socrates  called  himself  the  gadfly  of  Athens, 
and  the  words  of  Pericles  were  said  to  have  a  sting  in 
them. — 116  may  be  rendered  "  Like  nails  driven  home 
are  collections  of  sayings  made  by  one  master  "  ;  the 
only  difficulty  is  that  "  Shepherd  "  in  OT  usually  refers 
to  God.  As  to  what  lies  beyond  these  (cf.  mg.)  there 
is  need  of  warning  ;  one  can  easily  miss  the  true  way 
in  one's  reading,  perhaps  a  reference  to  heathen 
libraries,  and  a  good  deal  of  Jewish  literature  which 
the  writer  regarded  as  unedifying. — study :  cf.  1  iS  ; 
the  word  seems  to  mean  close  application. — 13f.  The 
last  words  of  the  pious  annotator  of  817,  11 96,  etc. 
What  man  should  really  devote  and  apply  himself 
to  is  the  fear  of  God  and  the  keeping  of  His  command- 
ments. "  Whole  "  belongs  to  "  man,"  and  should  be 
translated  "  every  "  ;  for  the  literal  expression,  "  this 
is  every  man,"  cf.  Ps.  IO94,  "  I  am  prayer  "  ;  Ps.  IIO3, 
"  Thy  people  are  free-wiU  offerings." — 14.  Render, 
"  For  God  shall  bring  every  work  into  the  judgment 
concerning  every  secret  thing,'^  etc. 


14 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 


By  Professor  W.  G.  JORDAN 


Its  Place  In  the  Canon. — Wo  cannot  be  certain  as  to 
the  precise  date  wlicii  this  lx)ok  was  admitted  into  the 
Sacred  Collcctiou,  but  we  have  reliable  evidence  that 
down  to  a  late  period  there  were  doubts  as  to  its 
canonicity.  The  OT  Canon  consists  of  the  Law,  the 
Prophets,  and  the  Writings  ;  Canticles  belongs  to  the 
third  division.  Towards  the  end  of  the  first  century 
A.D.,  Rabbi  Akiba,  who  defended  its  canonicity,  de- 
clared it  to  be  the  most  sacred  book  in  the  Kcthubim 
(Writings),  and  at  the  time  of  the  conclasiou  of  the 
MLshna,  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  its  iwsition 
was  secure  (pp.  38£.).  The  books  of  the*  Canon  were 
all  supposed  to  be  both  ancient  and  religious,  therefore 
the  two  ideas  that  enabled  "  The  Song  of  Songs  "  to 
gain  a  place  in  it  were  the  ascription  to  Solomon  as 
its  author,  and  the  belief  that  it  represented,  in  symbolic 
language,  the  relation  of  Yahweh  to  His  people.  This 
latter  belief,  no  doubt,  led  to  its  u.se,  as  one  of  the 
festival  rolls,  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  Passover.  (The 
other  four  rolls  (JJegiUoth,  Ps.  408)  were  Ruth  at 
Pentecost.  Lamentations  on  the  ninth  day  of  Ab  (the 
day  on  which  Jerusalem  was  destroyed),  Ecclesiastes 
at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  and  Esther  at  the  Feast 
of  Purim.)  As  at  the  l^egimiing  there  were  doubts  of 
its  suitability  for  its  present  position,  so  it  seems 
probable  that,  except  in  the  centuries  when  criticism 
was  quite  dead,  the  impression  concerning  its  real 
nature  was  never  completely  lost.  Unless  an  artificial 
system  of  interpretation  is  used,  which  puts  ideas  into 
the  text  instead  of  drawing  them  out,  the  book  has  no 
theological  significance ;  it  never  mentions  the  name 
of  Yahweh,  it  Ls  not  concerned  with  religious  problems, 
it  contains  no  word  of  prayer  or  praise. 

Its  Age  and  Authorshlp.-^-Seeing  that  the  Solomonic 
authorship  is  no  longer  tenable,  and  is  to  be  explained 
on  the  same  principle  that  led  to  the  ascription  of  the 
Jaw  to  Moses,  and  the  Pss.  to  David,  we  have  to 
confess  that  we  can  know  nothing  c<jncerning  the 
author  ;  the  view  that  we  take  as  to  the  structure  of 
the  book  will  decide  whether  we  regard  him  as  a  real 
author  or  merely  a.s  a  collector  and  editor.  The  place 
where  the  >xx)k  was  v.ritten  or  the  songs  collected  is 
also  in  dispute.  The  names  of  places  contain  references 
to  both  N.  and  S.  Palestine,  and  the  linguistic  style 
is  not  a  sure  proof  of  northern  origin,  though  it  cer- 
tainly jKjints  to  a  post-exilic  date.  This  date  is 
confirmed  by  the  constant  use  of  the  Aramaic  form 
of  the  relative  pronoun  and  the  presence  of  several 
foreign  words  (li.t  4i3,  89.  4i3f.).  Some  of  the  songs 
may  have  existed  earlier,  but  the  book,  as  we  now  have 
it.  probably  V>elong3  to  the  late  post-exilic  Jewish 
community,  some  two  or  thrc-e  centuries  b.c. 

The  Structure  and  Interpretation  ot  the  Book.— In 
the  brief  space  at  our  command,  wo  cannot,  either  in 
the  introduction  or  tlie  notes,  touch  question.^  of 
metrical  criticism,  or  enter  into  elaborate  disc-ussions 
concerning  conjectural   rearrangements  of   particular 


sections.  It  is  clear  that  in  this  region  there  aro 
difficulties  which  are  not  solved  by  any  general  theory, 
and  that  particular  proposals,  while  interesting  to  tho 
special  student,  aro  quite  tentative  and  uncertain. 
All  that  we  can  do  is  to  attempt  to  answer  in  tho 
simplest  fashion  the  question  :  What,  on  the  whole,  is 
the  view  of  the  structure  and  significance  of  tho  book 
which  is  most  in  accord  with  an  unprejudiced  reading 
of  the  text  and  our  present  knowledge  of  Hebrew  life 
and  literature  ?  (a)  The  allegorical  view  that  "  the 
song  "  sets  forth  the  relation  of  Yahweh  to  His  people, 
of  Christ  to  His  Church  or  to  the  individual  soul,  does 
not  now  call  for  lengthy  discussion.  Still  less  are  wo 
concerned  for  a  scheme  that  iinds  a  place  for  the 
Virgin  Mary.  This  view  played  its  part  when  it 
helped  to  preserve  for  us  this  specimen  of  Hebrew 
literature  ;  it  had  a  long  reign,  but  can  survive  only 
among  those  who  are  quite  free  from  any  historical 
method.  Those  who  held  the  theory  were,  in  their 
day,  "  learned  men,"  and  it  is  quite  interesting  to 
meet  this  statement,  which  sounds  quite  modem,  in 
an  exposition  wTitten  more  than  a  century  ago. 
"  M.  Bossuet  has  an  ingenious  conjecture,  though  it 
seems  to  be  without  a  solid  foundation,  that  whereas 
the  nuptial  feast  with  the  Hebrews  was  kept  seven 
days,  this  song  is  to  be  distributed  into  seven  parts,  a 
part  to  be  sung  on  each  day  during  the  celebration  " 
(Gill,  p.  26).  Of  course  it  was  alwaj-s  known  that, 
however  they  were  to  be  interpreted,  these  were 
nuptial  songs,  but  "  tho  king's  week  "  (p.  419)  has 
played  a  great  part  in  recent  discussion.  Tho  use 
of  marriage  as  a  symbol  of  the  relation  between 
Yahweh  and  the  nation  or  Christ  and  the  Church  is 
well  known  (Hos.  2,  Jer.  3,  Ls.  4914-21, 52i-5,  Eph.  532, 
2  Cor.  II2),  but  in  those  cases  there  is  no  uncertainty 
as  to  the  nature  of  the  allusions.  We  believe  in  true 
mysticism,  and  aa«  not  concerned  to  deny  that  wine 
may  be,  in  certain  cases,  an  Oriental  symbol  of  religi- 
ous* excitement,  but  that  does  not  lead  us  to  regard 
this  book  as  a  conscious  allegory  of  Divine  and  human 
relationsliips.  When  wo  remember  the  struggle  of 
the  Hebrew  religion  against  sensual  worship,  wo  cannot 
imagine  a  prophet  or  religious  p^^et  using  tliis  sensuous 
imagery  in  detail  to  express  such  relation.  Beautiful  j 
illustrations  as  Mt.  9i5,  Jer.  814,  Rev.  2I2  are  not  in  ■ 
the  same  cat<-gory  (see  Harper  on  the  Allegorical  " 
Interpretation,  and  Martin  on  its  influence  on  Christian 
poctrj-  and  hymnology). 

tb\  More  than  a  century  ago  great  literary  critics  as 
Herder  and  Goethe  frit  that  the  book  was  a  string  of 
pearls  or  collection  of  beautiful  lovc-ljTics.  but  during 
the  past  century  the  dramatic  theory,  in  some  form, 
has  received  the  support  of  raanj^  distinguished 
scholars.  (1)  Solomon  falls  in  love  with  a  pretty 
shepherd  maiden  and  has  her  taken  to  his  harem, 
where  he  pays  earnest  court  to  her,  and  discovers  that 
all  his  efforts  are  vain  since  she  remains  loyal  to  her 


418 


SONQ  OF  SONGS,  I.  5f. 


41! 


shepherd  lover.  The  theme  of  the  book  is,  therefore, 
the  victory  of  a  true  and  pure  love  over  temptation. 
(2)  It  i3  a"  dramatic  pastoral  which  sings  of  Solomon's 
love  for  a  shepherd  maid.  Ho  takes  her  to  be  his 
wife,  and  by  that  meaiLS  Is  converted  fiora  sensual 
passion  to  pure  love.  (3)  A  marriage  drama  or  melo- 
drama celebrating  true  betrothed  love.  The  scheme 
is  based  on  the  Syiian  marriage  ceremonies,  the  King 
(Solomon)  being  the  bridegroom  in  the  first  half  of 
the  book,  when  ho  disapjiears,  having  learned  in  a 
mysterious  manner  that  she  cannot  belong  to  him, 
the  same  scheme  goes  forward  (52)  with  the  new  and 
proper  bridegroom,  the  climax  being  the  production 
of  the  "  proofs  of  virginity  "  the  morning  after  the 
wedding  (HDB).  These  are  specimens  of  the  forms 
that  the  dramatic  theory  may  take.  These  theories 
show  an  effort  to  maintain  the  unity  of  the  book, 
while  it  is  questionable  v/hether  there  is  any  other 
unity  than  that  of  subject ;  unity  of  narrative  or 
dramatic  movement  cannot  be  proved.  There  is  no 
fully-developed  drama  in  ancient  Hebrew  literature  ; 
the  intellectual  and  social  conditions  required  to  pro- 
duce it  were  lacking.  Of  course,  stories  and  dialogues 
(as  in  Job)  have  dramatic  elements  found  in  all  living 
literature,  but  that  does  not  give  a  drama  in  the 
strict  sense.  If  a  Hebrew  scholar  had  really  set  himself 
the  task  of  producing  a  drama,  even  of  simple  kind, 
he  would  probably  have  produced  something  more 
elaborate  than  a  book  that  can  be  read  in  half  an  hour, 
and  whose  longest  scene  (7 12-84)  could  be  read  in  two 
minutes.  Why  should  the  names  of  the  persons ' 
speaking  have  been  lest  any  more  than  in  the  book 
of  Job  ?  It  is  not  the  variety  of  opinion  in  points  of 
detail  (for  we  might  ha^ve  that  difficulty  in  the  uiter- 
pretation  of  an  acknowledged  drama)  which  weighs 
most  heavily  against  the  dramatic  theory,  but  the  fact 
that  so  much  has  to  be  supplied  to  the  text  by  the 
imagination  of  the  expositor  to  work  any  such  theory 
at  ail. 

(c)  We  are  left  with  the  view  that  the  book  is  a  collec- 
tion of  love-lyrics,  many  of  which,  according  to  the 
customs  of  the  day,  were  sung  or  recited  in  connexion 
with  the  marriage  ceremonies  {cf.  Ps.  45).  This  view 
has  been  strengthened  by  the  comparison  with  other 
Oriental  poems,  and  specially  by  Wetstein's  reports 
(1873)  concerning  the  marriage  ceremonies  in  Syria 
and  the  poems  still  in  use  on  such  occasions.  The 
significance  of  this  contribution  was  noted  by  B.  Stade 
(1888),  and  its  application  to  our  book  worked  out  by 
K.  Budde  (1894).  It  appears  that  the  wedding  festival 
leists  a  week,  that  among  the  peasants  the  threshing- 
door  was  decorated  as  a  throne,  and  that  on  it  the 
bride  and  groom  received  homage  and  were  addressed 
as  King  and  Queen.  Further,  that  poems  are  sung 
and  specially  songs  describing  the  charms  of  the 
married  pair  ;  the  name  of  this  de8cri])tive  song  is 
wasf  (59,  7 iff.).  It  is  admitted  by  all  that  many  of 
these  customs  are  probably  ancient,  and  that  they 
throw  light  upon  the  literary  forms  and  poetic  imagery 
of  the  book.  It  is  scarcely  likely  that  all  the  poems  here 
given  were  woven  together  in  connexion  with  one 
particular  marriage  ;  it  is  rather  a  collection,  perhaps 
by  the  poet  himself,  of  different  types.  Connecting 
links  and  other  slight  additions  may  have  been  added 
by  later  scribes.  This  view,  while  it  does  not  give 
us  the  power  to  settle  all  textual  and  exegetical  diffi- 
culties, shows  us  why  such  difficulties  exist,  as  songs 
are  naturally  more  flexible  and  vague  than  any  other 
form  of  literature.  The  V»ook  glorifies  the  love  of  man 
and  woman,  and  associates  this  with  the  sweetness  of 
f5pring.    This  "  king's  week,"  among  peasants  seema 


to  have  been  "  a  purple  patch  "  in  a  life  that,  on  the 
whole,  was  pretty  drab.  We  also  have  a  large  litera- 
ture of  "  love-songs,"  but  in  our  religious  teaching  we 
lay  more  stress  on  quiet  loyalty  than  a  delirious  honey- 
moon. We  do  not  find  here  a  polemic  in  favour  of 
monogamy  or  the  clear  suggestion,  not  to  say,  explicit 
statement,  of  any  social  theory.  But  we  cannot  help 
feeling  that  the  presence  of  such  romantic  poetry 
shows  that  even  under  the  coarse  forms  of  Oriental 
life  "  love  "  comes  to  signify  a  high  human  relationship. 
It  would  be  strange  if  the  Church  that  gave  monotheism 
to  the  world  did  not  move  towards  a  nobler  view  of 
family  life  (Tit.  l6).  Though  the  book  is  not  a  social 
essay  or  problem  but  a  number  of  lyrics  in  thoroughly 
Oriental  style,  its  theme — the  purity,  sweetness,  and 
glory  of  love — is  an  everlasting  one.  It  needs  to-day, 
as  much  as  ever,  to  be  brought  into  relation  with  the 
highest  Christian  ideas  of  chastity,  self-sacrifice,  and 
mutual  helpfulness. 

Literature. — For  an  extensive  bibliography  the 
student  is  referred  to  the  commentaries.  The  Exposi- 
tion by  John  Gill  (Edinburgh,  1805)  is  a  good  specimen 
of  the  length  to  which  the  allegorical  interpretation 
was  carried  about  a  century  ago.  Haqjer  (CB)  makes 
a  vigorous  defence  of  the  dramatic  theory,  while 
Martin  (Cent.B)  gives  a  clear  statement  and  strong 
support  to  the  historical  or  lyrical  view.  See  also 
Adeney  (Ex.B),  Margoliouth  in  Temple  Bible,  and 
articles  in  Bible  Dictionaries ;  D.  R.  Scott,  Pessimism 
and  Love.  In  German,  the  works  of  the  following 
scholars  are  easUy  accessible  :  Budde  (KHC  and  in 
Kautzsch's  Heilige  Schrift),Sicgb:\ed  (HK),  Stark  (SAT). 

I.  1.  Superscription  by  the  collector  or  a  later  editor 
describing  the  whole  book  as  the  noblest  or  the  most 
beautiful  of  Solomon's  songs  (1  K.  432). 

I.  2-i.  A  brief  song  by  the  bride  or  one  of  the 
wedding  guests  expressive  of  the  bride's  love  for  the 
bridegroom,  and  suggesting  by  the  symbols  of  perfume 
and  wine  the  power  of  his  attraction.  2.  The  exchange 
of  person  is  puzzling,  and  it  is  proposed  to  change  thy 
to  his,  or  the  reverse,  but  MT  is  supported  by  LXX, 
and  there  may  have  been  much  freedom  in  dramatic 
songs  of  this  type,  helped  out  by  gestures. — love,  etc., 
i.e.  caresses  (LXX  has  "  breasts  ")  are  pleasanter  tlian 
wine  (I4,  4io). — 3.  In  the  original  the  words  for  name 
and  ointment  are  similar  in  sound  (cf.  Ec.  7i*) ;  in  such 
word-play  the  ancients  took  delight.  The  "  name  " 
is  not  a  mere  label,  it  lias  a  close  connexion  with  the 
person  (Gen.  8229*) ;  even  as  the  fine  ointment  or  per- 
fume that  he  uses,  he  spreads  abroad  an  air  of  pleasant- 
ness. Perhaps  for  poured  forth,  cosily  should  be  read. — 
virgins,  the  young  women,  companions  of  the  bride. — 
4.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  second  clause  of  this 
verse  should  be  placed  at  the  beginning  of  the  following 
verse  ;  it  suits  very  well  there,  and  is  difficult  to  ex- 
plain here. — make  mention  of  thy  love :  better  "  cele- 
brate thy  caresses  "  ;  but  some  scholars  suggest  a  verb 
of  similar  soimd  meaning  "'  to  intoxicate  with." 

I.  5f.  The  Bride  Rejoices  in  her  Beauty. — She  has 
lived  an  open-air  life  and  been  exposed  to  the  sun,  so 
that  she  has  not  the  white,  delicate  complexion  of  the 
city-dweller,  but  the  ruddy  appearance  (1  S.  I612)  of 
the  peasant  woman.  Her  brothers,  her  natural 
guardians,  have  been  severe  with  her,  for  what  reason 
we  cannot  tell  ;  they  have  set  her  to  this  work  of 
keeping  the  family  vineyard,  but  her  own  vineyard 
they  could  not  compel  her  to  keep,  her  heart  has  been 
given  to  another.  Love  conquers  disadvantages  and 
spurns  unreasonable  restraints. — Kedar,  name  of  a 
nomad  tribe  (Is.  21i6f.*,  Ps.  1205"*),  used  here  because 
of  its  resemblance  to  a  word  meaning  black.     It  is 


420 


SONG  OF  SONOS.  I.  5f. 


possible  to  take  "  the  curtains  of  Solomon  "  to  refer 
to  the  other  member  of  the  statement,  the  beauty  not 
the  blucL-ness ;  there  is  then  no  need  to  chan,<;i-  Soliimon  to 
Salma  (another  nomad  tribe). — daughters  of  Jerusalem, 
if  original,  may  refer  to  the  bridal  compaiiioiis  who 
repre.sent  "  court  latlios." 

I.  7f.  An  Inquiry  and  Reply.— There  is  difficulty 
in  fixing  the  connexion  of  thia  small  piece,  the  first 
specimen  of  dialogue  that  we  meet.  It  haa  the  motive 
of  seeking  and  finding  {28fi.,  3i).  The  woman  address- 
ing her  lover,  or  the  bride  sjx^aking  to  the  bridegroom, 
wishes  to  know  where  he  and  his  Hock  spend  the  hour 
of  rest  at  noon-tide  (2  S.  45),  so  that  she  may  vLsit  it 
and  enjoy  his  company  (Gen.  37 16).  She  is  advised 
by  her  lover,  or  the  chorus  of  girls,  to  go  forth  with 
her  kids,  following  the  track  of  the  flocks,  till  she 
coma"  to  the  shepherds'  tenta  (rf.  Gen.  8817,  Jg.  15i). 
The  one  difficult  phrase  in  the  passage  is  "  as  one  that 
is  veiled  "  (AV  "  that  tumeth  a«ide  ").  This  suggests, 
why  should  she  incur  suspicion  or  nm  into  danger  as 
a  woman  of  loose  character  ?  (Gen.  8815).  But  on 
the  whole,  it  is  bettor  to  translate,  witli  the  versions 
(mg.),  "  as  a  uxindering  woman,'"  i.e.  a  female  tramp. 

I.  9-17.  A  Mutually  Responsive  Song  of  Love  and 
Admiration. — (1)  The  comparison  of  the  richly-orna- 
mented horses  of  Pliaraohs  chariots.  Parallels  from 
ancient  literature  may  bo  found  in  the  commentaries. 
The  Arabs  had  fine  breeds  of  horses  which  they 
esteemed  very  higlily,  and  such  horses  were  splendidly 
adonied  when  driven  in  the  chari(jts  of  the  princes. 
The  rich  and  even  excessive  adornment  of  the  bride 
appealed  to  the  Orientals  as  much  as  the  simple  beauty 
01  the  maiden.  Hence  the  reference  to  flaits  of  hair, 
circlets  of  gold  with  silver  joints  is  appropriate  both  to 
a  woman's  headdress  and  the  trappings  of  a  gaily- 
decorated  steed  (Gen.  24.53,  34i2).  (2)  The  bride 
returns  the  comijliment.  Her  perfumes  and  her  own 
charms  exert  their  full  power  when  stimulated  by  the 
gracious  presence  of  her  king.  He  is  compared'  to  a 
bundle  or  bag  of  myrrh  which  Oriental  women  place 
between  their  breasts  at  night,  and  which  has  a  pro- 
tecting and  refreshing  influence,  as  well  as  to  the 
Paradise  flower  (henna-flower),  the  dye  from  which  is 
used  to  give  a  dehcato  tinge  to  the  hands  and  feet. 
These  flowers  are  said  to  be  found  only  in  Palestine 
at  En-gedi.  (3)  The  bridegroom  declares  again  the 
beauty  of  his  love  (lit.  friend,  in  the  OT  peculiar  to 
this  book  and  Jg.  11 37).  He  says  that  her  eyes  are 
doves,  meaning  that  they  have  the  softness  and 
innocence  of  doves'  eyes.  There  is  no  general  agree- 
ment about  the  exact  reference  of  i6f.  whether  it  is  a 

fjicture  of  a  fine  mansion,  or  a  poetic  description  of 
ife  among  the  trees  of  the  forest ;  '"  the  green  bed  " 
is  the  difficulty,  which  some  take  literally,  and  others 
figuratively,  or  according  to  the  custom  mentioned  in 
Pr.  7 17. 

II.  1-7.  Mutual  Praise  and  Praise  of  Love.— The 
bride  sets  herself  forth  as  the  Rose  (me-iulow  saffron 
or  crocus)  of  Sharon  (or  the  plain)  and  the  Lily  {scarlet 
anemone  ?)  of  the  valley.  To  this  the  lover  replies 
that  other  young  women  are  in  comparison  to  her  the 
thorns  amortg  which  those  lilies  often  grow.  This  is 
not  a  cynical  attack  on  womankind,  but  shows  the 
idealising  power  of  love  for  the  one.  The  appropriate 
reply  is  that  ho  also  stands  out  from  among  men  as 
the  apple  (or  quince)  tree  among  trees,  a  tree  which 
gives  grateful  shade  and  a  pleasant  aromatic  fruit ; 
it  is  joy  to  be  in  his  company  as  it  was  a  di-light  to 
sit  under  the  shadow  of  such  "a  tree.  This  thought  is 
now  expanded  as  the  young  woman  dwelLs  upon  the 
delights   of  love.     For   banqueting   house   the   literal 


rendering  of  mg.,  "hoiuie  of  wine  "  ia  to  be  preferred  :  a£ 
it  Ls  not  likely  that  the  phrase  is  a  proper  name,  it  is 
prol)ably  a  symbol  for  the  chamlier  of  love.  The 
banner  means  not  a,  flag  to  be  followed,  but  a  sign  for 
gathering.  It  is  possible  that  there  may  lie  an  allusion 
to  the  custom  of  the  ancient  wine-seller,  who  hoisted 
a  flag  to  show  that  he  had  wine  in  stock.  The  excite- 
ment and  ecstasy  induces  weariness  and  faintness,  so 
she  desires  to  be  restored  and  strengthened  by  raisins 
(2  S.  619)  or  raisin  cakes  (Jer.  7i8),  and  apples  with 
their  stimulating  aroma  and  .suggestions  of  love.  The 
passage  closes  with  the  refrain  wliich  occurs  again  in 
85  and  84,  in  a  similar  context.  On  the  whole,  though 
the  abstract  word  love  is  used  for  the  concrete  lover,  it 
seems  most  probable  that  the  charge  is  not  to  disturb 
the  enjoyinent  of  love  rather  than  not  to  u-akcn  the 
desire  for  it.  In  this  connexion  it  is  natural  that  the 
conjuration  should  not  bring  in  the  name  of  Israel's 
God,  but  rather,  as  here,  the  names  of  animals  that 
were  used  as  symbols  of  modest  gracefulness  and  by 
tradition  associated  with  the  ancient  worship  of  the 
goddess  of  love. 

II.  8-17  contains  one  of  the  most  beautiful  poema 
in  the  whole  book  ;  it  breathes  the  air  of  the  fresh 
spring-time,  when,  according  to  our  own  poet,  "  a 
young  man's  fancy  lightly  turns  to  thoughts  of  love  "  ; 
here  it  is  a  young  woman's  fancy  that  hears  the  steps 
of  the  beloved  hastening  over  the  mountains,  drawn 
by  the  sweet  attractiveness  of  love.  (1)  The  beloved 
comes  (8f.).  (2)  His  speech  (10-14).  (3)  The  bride 
calls  for  his  companionship  (i6f.).  Note  the  vividness, 
the  dramatic  force,  of  the  opening  words,  "  Hark  my 
beloved — There  he  comes — Hastening  over  the  moun- 
tams,  leaping  over  the  hills,"  etc.  The  first  clause  of 
9  is  probably  a  gloss  introduced  from  17,  where  the 
words  have  a  more  suitable  connexion  ;  the  LXX  has 
here  also  "  on  the  mountains  of  Bether  "  (baithel).  He 
gazed  from  the  outside  of  the  window,  i.e.  he  looks  in 
through  the  window,  etc.  10a  may  be  an  explanatory 
gloss,  it  is  clear  in  any  case  that  the  lover  now  speaks. 
The  word  for  winter  (found  only  here  in  OT)  and  that 
for  rain  botli  refer  to  the  same  season,  the  time  of 
heavy,  cold,  winter  rain.  The  spring  comes  with  a 
sudden  rush  and  reveals  itself  in  magnificent  colours. 
12b  should  probably  be  translated,  "  the  time  of  fruning 
has  come,"  the  time  when  rich  foliage  needs  careful 
attention.  The  turtle  dove  is  mentioned  because  its 
migration  is  a  sign  of  spring  (Jer.  87).  "  In  our  land  " 
is  probably  a  prosaic  addition.  The  winter  figs  begin 
to  swell  and  take  on  new  colour.  Translate  tlie  next 
words  with  RV:  And  the  vines  are  in  blossom,  They 
give  forth  their  fragrance.  In  endearing  tones  she  ia, 
in  her  character  of  a  dove,  summoned  from  her  refuge 
l)ehind  the  lattice,  whicli  is  rhetorically  described  as 
the  hiding-places  of  the  rock  and  the  secrecy  of  the  steep 
place.  It  is  difficult  to  form  any  connexion  for  15. 
It  is  mostly  taken  as  a  fragment  of  a  sarcastic  song 
which  warns  tlie  maidens  that  love  makes  havoc  with 
their  charms,  the  cares  of  wedlock  soon  rub  some  of  the 
glitter  from  these  fine  pictures.  The  passage  closes 
with  a  glowing  description  of  the  meeting  of  tho  lovers 
in  the  evening  time,  when  tlie  day  becomes  cool  and 
there  are  no  shadows  because  the  daylight  lias  gone. 
The  meaning  of  Bether  is  uncertain  ;  deft-riven  moun- 
tains, separating  tnountains,  mountains  of  spices  or  of 
cypresses  (Lebanon)  are  six»cimens  of  the  various  con- 
jectures. 

III.  1-5.  A  Dream  of  Love. — The  adjuration  5  (c/.  27) 
may  have  been  added  to  adapt  the  passionate  poem 
to  the  wedding  week,  in  which  there  was  much  noisy 
revelling.      For    another    song    with    similar    motive 


i 


SONG  OF  SONGS,  V.  4 


421 


c/.  62ff.  The  bride  tells  a  dream  which  came  to  her, 
night  after  night,  and  was  a  reflection  of  the  love  that 
moved  her  spirit  in  its  waking  hours.  It  is  the  story 
of  the  oft-repeated  and  at  last  successful  search  for 
him  who  was  the  object  of  her  love,  till  they  were 
happj^  in  her  mothers  home.  Tlie  city  may  bo  any 
town  or  village  ;  the  broad  ways  are  the  open  spaces 
in  contrast  to  tho  narrow  lanes. — watchmen  (c/. 
Ps.  127 1,  Is.  21  n). 

III.  6-11.  The  Coming  of  the  King.— These  verses 
are  generally  taken  to  describe  the  procession  of  the  king 
with  hLs  attendants  coming  to  the  wedding.  On  the 
dramatic  theory  it  is  Solomon  coming  to  the  north 
where  "  the  Shulammite  "  (see  on  613)  is  supposed  to 
be  ;  but  on  the  view  upon  which  this  exposition  is 
based,  we  regard  it  as  "  the  peasant  king  "  coming  to 
claim  his  bride.  The  same  form  of  address  is  applied 
to  the  Shulammite  in  610,  85,  and  by  LXX  and  Vulg. 
here.  The  pronoun  may,  however,  be  translated 
"  What  "  and  referred  to  "  the  litter  "  in  7.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  the  king  is  not  present  or  that  he 
takes  his  scat  on  "  the  palanquin  "  later,  but  we  should 
scarcely  have  all  this  splendour  and  protection  (8) 
with  the  central  personage  missing.  At  the  present 
time,  bridegrooms  in  that  region  masquerade  as  kings, 
receiving  the  homage  of  their  friends,  but  we  do  not 
look  for  a  precise  description  in  an  imaginary  picture 
of  this  kind.  The  speaker  may  be  a  watchman,  or  a 
chorus  of  male  voices,  representing  spectators.  The 
smoke  is  that  of  torches  or  incense  or  the  dust  raised 
by  the  cavalcade.  Befitting  the  person  and  the  occa- 
sion, the  richest  perfumes  are  used  (Pr.  7 17,  Ps.  459). 
The  companions  of  the  bridegroom  (Jg.  14ii)  are  here 
a  bodyguard  fit  for  a  king  ;  they  were  mighty  men 
(Gen.  IO9).  The  word  for  palanqxiin  (9),  which  occurs 
only  lierc,  is  probably  a  foreign  word.  The  name 
Solomon  is  used  as  the  name  of  the  most  splendid  king, 
or  is  a  later  addition. — paved  v/ith  love  (10)  cannot  be 
explauied  ;  a  plausible  conjecture  is  inlaid  tvith  ebony. — 
the  crown  is  not  that  of  royalty  but  the  bridegroom's 
crown,  the  use  of  which  is  said  to  have  been  abolished 
by  the  Romans. 

IV.  1-7.  Descriptive  Poem  (Wasf)  Setting  forth  the 
Beauty  of  the  Bride  (cf.  510-15,  64-7,  and  see  the 
Introduction). — On  the  allegorical  view,  Christ  here 
commends  the  beauty  of  His  Church  ;  the  eyes  are  the 
ministers  of  the  Gospel,  or  the  eyes  of  the  understand- 
ing ;  ministers  of  the  Gospel  are  to  be  like  doves  in 
Bincerity  and  simplicity,  and  the  eyes  of  doves  are 
clear  and  sharp-sighted  ;  that  the  eyes  are  within  her 
locks  shows  the  mingling  of  light  and  dark  in  the 
knowledge  of  ministers,  and  also  their  modesty  (J.  Gill). 
The  dramatic  theory  places  this  poem  in  the  mouth 
of  Solomon,  who,  in  pressing  his  suit  upon  "  tho 
Shulammite,"  praises  her  beauty.  It  is  now  admitted 
that  such  poems,  with  certain  conventional  forms, 
were  used  in  connexion  witli  ancient  marriage  cere- 
monies, and  also  imitated  in  love  songs.  It  is  in  such 
poems  that  the  difference  between  Eastern  and  Western 
taste,  both  as  to  the  general  idea  and  particular 
figures,  strikes  us  most.  It  is  well  also  to  remember 
that  the  admiration  for  "  the  human  form  divine," 
which  elsewhere  has  found  manifestation  in  painting 
and  sculpture,  is  here  limited  in  its  expression  to  words. 

1.  (cf.  1 1 5)  behind  thy  veil  is  better  than  u;i7/M'7t 
thy  locks  (AV)  ;  the  beautiful  eyes  shine  through  the 
thin  veil,  making  a  striking  impression.  The  ringlets 
of  black  hair  falling  down  over  the  shoulders  are 
likened  to  a  flock  of  black  goats  on  the  mountain  side. — 
2.  Note  the  word-play  in  Heb.  between  every  one  and 
barren.    The  compariaon  seema  to  be  meant  to  bring 


out  the  glistening  whiteness  and  perfect  evenness  of 
the  teeth,  as  is  suggested  by  7ng.,  which  are  all  of  them 
ill  pairs. — 3.  It  is  a  picture  of  high  colours  and  striking 
contrasts.  The  word  rendered  mouth  is  found  only  here 
in  this  sense  ;  it  is  connected  with  the  root  "to  speak," 
and  so  AV  may  be  correct. — Thy  temples,  etc.  :  to  ua 
tho  figure  is  obscure  ;  it  is  evidently  based  on  a  contrast 
of  colours  revealed  by  tho  rift  in  tho  fruit. — 4.  armoury 
(talj)iyydth)  has  caused  considerable  discussion  ;  fatal 
things,  poetic  for  weapons  (BDB),  but  this  is  not 
certain.  There  are  various  suggestions,  a  fortress,  a 
place  of  distant  vision,  Irophie-^,  Talfiath  (a  village),  etc., 
all  equally  uncertain. — shields :  the  word  may  mean 
armour  or  equipment. — 5.  Which  feed,  etc.  may  be  a 
conventional  phrase  that  has  crept  in  here  (cf.  216,63). — 
6.  Part  of  this  verse  may  also  have  come  from  2 17,  as 
it  breaks  the  connexion  and  Ls  difficult  to  explain. — 
7  closes  the  song  with  a  declaration  that  no  further 
details  are  needed  as  the  beloved  is  perfect  in  her 
form  and  charms. — 8.  The  dramatic  theory  puts  these 
words  into  the  mouth  of  the  present  lover  beseechmg 
the  Shulammite  to  come  from  Lebanon  where  she  is 
detained  ;  more  likely  it  is  a  gloss  by  a  reader  or  a 
fragment  of  a  song  on  "  the  wooing  of  a  mountain 
maiden."  Instead^of  look  we  should  probably  read 
deixirt. 

IV.  9-12.  The  Resistless  Charm  of  the  Beautiful 
Bride. — In  the  Oriental  manner  this  enchantment  is 
expressed  in  the  sensuous  terms  of  wine,  honey,  and 
delicious  odours. — sister  is  found  in  old  Egyptian  love- 
songs  for  the  bride. — ravish,  steal  away  the  heart, 
probably  expresses  the  meaning  of  tho  rare  Heb.  form, 
which  some  translate  hearten,  encourage.  The  word 
glance  seema  to  be  implied  after  eyes. — one  chain  of  thy 
neck  :  probably  a  mistake  for  something  that  we  cannot 
now  conjecture  ;  it  can  now  only  be  explained  as  a  refer- 
ence to  her  brilhant  jewellery. — iove,  i.e.  caresses 
{cf.  I2). — 10  may  refer  to  sweet  kisses  or  gentle 
speech  (Pr,  53) ;  on  Lebanon  see  Hos.  I37. — 12.  For 
spring  in  the  second  clause  read  garden  (gan  for  gal) ; 
her  chastity  and  loyalty  are  praised. 

IV.  13-V.  1.— The  Bride  as  a  Garden.— The  charma 
of  the  bride  are  now  described  under  the  figure  of 
the  fruits  of  the  garden. — 16  gives  the  gracious  invi- 
tation of  tho  bride  to  the  lover,  who  in  such  enthusi- 
astic terms  has  praised  her  beauty. — V.  1  declarea 
his  ready  acceptance  and  his  call  to  friends  to  enjoy 
similar  delights, 

V.  2-7.  Another  Dream-Poem. — It  is  not  certain 
where  the  division  should  be  made  here,  but  it  is 
possible  to  treat  these  verses  as  a  separate  poem  and 
regard  8f.  as  the  introduction  to  the  trasf  on  the  bride- 
groom (610-63).  The  originality  of  7  has  been  ques- 
tioned as  an  expansion  of  83,  but  it  may  well  be  part 
of  a  troubled  dream.  The  description  is  very  vivid 
and  beautiful.  The  voice  of  the  beloved  heard  at  an 
untimely  hour,  liis  plaintive  appeal,  the  delay,  natural 
under  the  circumstances,  the  disappointment  and  ad- 
venturous search,  the  rough  usage  by  the  watchmen 
which  brings  the  crisis  ;  and  lo  it  was  a  dream  with 
all  the  excitement  of  reality. 

2.  Note  the  pilmg  up  of  epithets  :  imdefiied,  lit, 
asmg.,  perfect,  "  my  paragon."— ^lew,  the  heavy  "  night- 
mist  "  of  Palestine. — 3.  coat  or  tunic,  the  single  under- 
garment, longer  in  the  case  of  women  than  men, 
worn  next  the  skin;  at  night  it  was  taken  off  and  the 
somelah  (Ex.  22i6)  thrown  over  the  body. — washed, 
etc.  cf.  Lk.  7.H. — 4.  hole:  probably  in  tho  lattice  for 
peeping  out  rather  than  one  in  the  door  for  unfastening 
the  lock. — bowels  (mg.  and  AV)  is  more  literal ;  in  OT 
psychology  the  heart  is  the  seat  of  thought  and  the 


422 


SONG  OF  SONQS,  V.  4 


bowelfl  of  intense  feeling  (Jer.  4i9). — Spake:  in  this 
passage  thore  is  a  bare  possibility  thnt  the  word  may 
mean  turned  away,  or  should  the  line  stand  before  sfi  ? — 
7.  She  received  the  rough  treatment  duo  to  a  suspicious 
character  (2  S.  18^4,  Is,  026.  Ps.  127i). 

V.  8-VI.  3.  Descriptive  Poem  ( Il(/>'/) :  The  Strength 
and  Beauty  of  the  Bridegroom. — On  this  view.  8f.  is 
taken  as  an  introduction  to  the  praises  of  "  the  be- 
loved," and  whetiier  there  is  any  real  comiexion  with 
"  the  dream  poem  "'  is  uncertain. —  8.  slck:  from  the 
disappointment  and  delays  of  love. — 9.  Or.  What  kind 
of  a  bilmed  is  thy  beloved  ? — 10.  dazzling  white  (l^im.  47) 
and  ruddy  (1  S.  I612). — cbiefest :  the  most  conspicuous 
or  distinguished. — 11.  bushy:  the  word  occurs  only 
here ;  probably  curly  or  uni-y. — 12.  Perhaps  this 
should  read :  'His  eyes  are  like  a  pair  of  doves 
sitting  by  the  water  courses  ;  Which  are  as  if  bathed 
in  milk  and  sitting  by  full  streams.' — 13.  Spices :  better 
balsam  shrubs  (62).— banks  of  sweet  herbs:  towers  of 
'perfume  {ing.)  is  the  literal  rendering,  but  to  follow  the 
versions  rcciuires  only  a  slight  change  in  the  pro- 
n\inciation,  viz.  producing  suect  odours  (cf.  Ps.  1332). — 
lilies:  scarlet  ilowers  (see  2i). — 14.  His  fingers  are 
cylinders  of  gold  set  uith  topaz  {mg.) ;  "  his  body  was 
as  beautiful  as  a  piece  of  ivory  work  studded  with 
sapphires."' — 15.  He  is  strong,  handsome,  and  attrac- 
tive in  speech.  —  16b,  c.  surely  a  full  answer  to 
the  question  of  9. — VI.  1-3.  These  verses  form  a  con- 
clusion to  the  descriptive  poem ;  if  we  carmot  take 
them  as  referring  to  an  absent  shepherd  lover,  then 
we  must  regard  the  symbols  of  the  enjoyment  of  love 
as  having  the  same  meaning  here  as  in  other  parts  of 
the  book.  The  bride  can  answer  questions  about  this 
wonderful  lover  by  saying  simply  that  they  possess 
each  other,  and  are  sufficient  for  each  others  happi- 
ness (412-16,  513). 

VI.  4-7.  The  Bride's  Powerful  Beauty.-^There  is 
much  uncertainty  as  to  the  best  way  of  dividing  this 
chapter,  and  especially  as  to  the  position  of  10 ;  this 
would  go  well  before  7i ;  a  place  at  the  beginning  of 
tliis  song  has  also  been  suggested  for  it.  This  small 
piece  consists  largelj'  of  quotations  from  or  reminis- 
cences of  other  poems  (cf.  4i,  23). — 4.  Tlie  originality 
of  these  two  names  has  been  questioned.  Tirzah  is  the 
name  of  a  famous  and  beautiful  city  of  the  N.  King- 
dom, whose  preci.se  site  is  not  settled  (p.  30) :  in  1  K.  14 
16  we  are  told  from  the  time  of  Jeroboam  I  to  Omri 
it  was  a  royal  residence  ;  the  name  means  pleasure 
or  beauty.  If  it  is  original,  the  use  of  this  old  name 
may  have  come  from  the  desire  of  the  writer  to  avoid 
the  (at  this  period)  hated  name  of  Samaria.  On  the 
beauty  of  Jerusalem,  see  Lam.  215,  Ps.  483. — Terrible 
or  awe-inspiring  as  bannered  (hosts) ;  she  is  dignified, 
standing  on  guard,  as  inaccessible  as  a  well-arranged 
army.  Tlie  chief  wea}K)n  of  the  virgin  is  her  eyes, 
which  she  uses  with  terrible  effect  to  terrify  or  confuse. 
For  the  remainder  of  the  passage,  see  41-4. 

VI.  81.  The  Simple  Home  Nobler  than  the  Royal 
Harem. — The  reference  is  probably  to  Solomons 
domestic  establishment  as  ])ictured  in  the  historical 
lx)oks  (1  K.  11 3);  some  critics  change  the  word 
translated  there  are  into  to  Sdcrmon,  i.e.  iSolomon  had. — 
concubines :  s>ibordinate  wives.  The  origin  of  the 
Hebrew  word  is  unknown. — virgins :  more  correctly 
tnaidcns  (nig.),  i.e.  si-rvants  and  attendants.  The 
bridegroom  would  ratlier  have  his  one  beloved  than 
all  these  ladies  of  the  court.  "  For  thy  sweet  love 
remembered  such  wealth  brings.  That  then  I  sconi  to 
change  my  state  witli  kings."  It  is  added  to  enhance 
her  value  that  she  is  an  only  daugliter. — Pure  (mg.) 
instead  of  choice  one  seems  to  bo  more  expressive ;  it 


would,  however,  have  to  be  taken  not  in  a  moral 
sense  (Ps.  73i)  but  of  the  physical  features  (clear  in  10). 
That  another  word  was  used  emphasizing  the  fact 
that  she  was  the  only  one  borne  by  her  mother  is 
mere  conjecture.  By  a  bold  effort  of  imagination  sUo 
is  pictured  as  the  object  of  admiration  even  to  those 
who  are  accustomed  to  the  richest  splendour  and  most 
dazzling  beauty. 

VI.  10-12.  It  is  very  difficult  to  explain,  as  they 
now  stand,  the  relation  of  these  verses  to  the  context 
and  each  other.  It  is  possible  that  10  is  misplaced, 
and  that  it  may  have  stood  as  an  introduction  to 
another  song.  The  interpretation  also  of  iif.  is  un- 
usually difficult. — 10.  See  4. — morning,  i.e.  dawn.  The 
poetic  (Heb.)  words  for  sun  and  moon  are  found  to- 
gether also  in  Is.  242  3,  3026,  II12.  — llf.  The  translation 
of  the  RV  is  the  best  that  can  be  done  with  the  existing 
text,  and  the  proposed  emendations  have  no  secure 
basis.  On  the  dramatic  view  tlie  bride  is  rehearsing 
all  that  happened  on  "  the  fatal  day  ""  when  she  was 
canied  ofE  to  the  court ;  but  that  her  SOUl  or  desire  set 
her  among  the  royal  chariots  is  surely  a  strange  way 
of  saying  that  "  when  she  was  engaged  in  inspecting 
and  enjoying  the  gardens,  suddenly  before  she  knew, 
her  longing  to  see  the  plants  brought  her  among  the 
chariots  of  her  noble  people,  etc."  Then  when  she 
would  have  fled  from  them  the  ladies  of  the  court 
cried  "  Return,  return,  etc."  ;  and  she  asks  why  they 
would  gaze  upon  the  Shulammite,  etc.  But  our  view 
of  particular  passages  must  bo  influenced  by  our  theory 
as  to  the  structure  of  the  whole  book  (see  Intro.). 
On  any  view  this  passage  has  great  difficulties,  12 
being  a  hard  riddle.  Tlie  other  suggestion  is  that 
when  the  lady  was  enjoying  the  beauties  of  nature 
her  lover  comes  suddenly  and  sets  her  in  the  wedding 
car,  which,  however,  was  not  a  modem  motor-car. 

VI.  13-VIII.  4.  The  Dancing  Bride  and  the  Rapture 
of  Love. — This  section  also  is  probably  composed  of 
different  lyrics,  though  it  is  difficult  to  separate  them  ; 
we  have  first  the  description  of  the  loved  one  or  bride 
in  the  act  of  dancing,  then  the  comparison  of  her  figure 
to  a  date  palm,  and  finally  a  song  of  love  and  spring, 
concluding  with  the  rci>etition  of  26f.  In  7 1-6  it  is 
possible  that  we  have  a  descriptive  poem  sotting  forth 
the  charms  of  the  bride  and  sung  by  a  chorus  of 
women  at  the  wedding  dance. 

VI.  13.  A  very  similar  word  would  give  turn  (instead 
of  return)  i.e.  in  the  dance. — Shulammite:  on  the 
dramatic  theory  "  the  maiden  of  Shunem  who  is  the 
heroine  of  the  stor>'."  More  likely  a  traditional  name 
for  a  very  beautiful  woman,  based  on  the  narrative  of 
1  K.  I3*.  Shunem  (now  Solam  or  Sulam),  a  village  a 
little  N.  of  Jczreel. — dance  of  Mahanaim:  another 
riddle  with  several  possible  answers  :  (a)  Mahanaim 
(Gen.  322)  was  a  sacred  place  famous  for  its  dances 
(cf.  Jg.  2I21) ;  (b)  adopt  mg.,  of  two  co/npanies,  explain- 
ing company  of  a  countrj  dance  or  bridal  sword-dance  ; 
circling  dance  of  the  armed  company  (LXX).  The  feet 
were  enclosed  in  jewolled  sandals  and  the  dancer  moved 
with  glittering  graceful  steps  (mg.). — VII.  1.  prince"s 
daughter  is  not  taken  literally  on  either  theory  ;  it  is 
supposed  to  rest  on  a  reminiscence  of  2  K.  48. —  The 
curved  lines  of  thy  thighs  (cf.  7ng.).  The  swaying  move- 
ment of  the  dance  brings  out  the  beauty  of  the  figure 
and  suppleness  of  the  limbs.  The  Orientals  delighted 
in  these  sensuous  descriptions,  as  may  be  seen  from 
the  quotations  in  the  commentaries.  It  is  exceedingly 
difficult,  in  many  cases  impo.ssible.  to  settle  the  precise 
point  involved  in  these  comparisons  of  various  parts 
of  the  body  to  different  natural  objects,  such  as  the 
decorated  body  of  the  dancer  and  the  heap  of  brown 


SONG  OF  SONGS.  VIII.  11 


423 


wheat  adorned  with  scarlet  flowers. — 3.  See  45. — 
4.  We  can  understand  eyes  that  are  like  pools,  on 
which  the  light  is  reflected,  but  undue  prominence  of 
the  nose  to  us  seems  to  border  on  the  grotesque. — 
Bath-rabbim  (daughter  of  many)  is  uncertain,  whether 
another  name  for  Heshbon,  or  of  a  village  near  by. 
She  holds  her  head  proudly,  and  her  dark  hair  has  an 
almost  purple  hue. — 5,  hair :  the  Hcb.  word  is  very  rare  ; 
in  Is.  38 1 2  it  seems  to  be  used  of  the  threads  of  the 
loom.  The  word  rendered  tresses  (AV  galleries)  means 
elsewhere  water-troughs  (Gen.  3O38,  41  ;  Ex.  2i6)  ; 
how  it  come^  to  mean  tresses  is  not  clear ;  the  idea  of 
floicing  is  supposed  to  make  the  connexion. — 6.  May 
be  an  interpolation  or  an  interlude.  How  stipretnely 
beauiifid  and  gracious  is  lore  among  all  the  delights  of 
life,  or  "  How  beautiful  art  thou,  how  gracious,  my  loved 
one,  in  the  delights  of  love." — 7.  stature  from  verb  to 
rise,  because  graceful  height  is  the  feature  made 
promment  (cf.  Tamar,  "  palm,"  as  name  of  a  woman). 
Perhaps  the  words  of  grapes  should  be  dropped  as  the 
reference  may  be  to  dates  {cf.  I14). — 9.  The  lover  de- 
cides on  bold  action  and  asks  for  favourable  reception. — 
Nose  (mg.)  same  word  as  in  5  ;  here,  however,  breath 
(RV)  is  probably  a  correct  interpretation. — 9b  is  difficult 
to  translate.  Neither  AV  nor  RV  is  satisfactory.  By 
conjecture  and  comparison  with  VSS  a  plausible  trans- 
lation is  secured  :  "  That  goes  down  pleasantly  for  my 
palate,  gliding  over  my  lips  and  teeth."—  10.  A  repeti- 
tion from  3i6,  63,  or  a  formal  opening  of  a  new  song. 
On  the  dramatic  view  "  uttered  with  an  almost 
triumphant  gesture  of  rejection  towards  Solomon." — 
11-13.  Cordial  mvitation  of  the  bride  to  the  lover  to 
enjoy,  at  the  same  time,  the  beauties  of  nature  in  the 
glory  of  spring,  and  the  delight  of  friendly  companion- 
ship.— in  the  villages  may  mean  among  the  henna- 
flowers  (4i3). — mandrakes  or  love-plants  :  perhaps  tho 
reference  here  is  rather  to  the  pleasant  taste,  peculiar 
smell,  and  stimulating  qualities  than  to  the  magical 
virtues  ascribed  to  it  (Gen.  3O14*). — The  transition  to 
thrifty  housekeeping  in  the  reference  to  fruits  new  and 
old  stored  up  mer  the  door  is  rather  prosaic  ;  if  we 
could  eliminate  new  and  old,  the  statement  would 
harmonise  better  with  the  spirit  of  the  song,  but 
even  then  stored  vp  would  be  troublesome.  Some 
interpret  the  fruit  symbolically  of  maidenly  charms 
{cf.  4i2ff.),  and  take  new  and  old  to  mean  all  kinds 
(Mt.  1352). 

Vin.  1-4.  It  is  difficult  to  say  whether  this  is  a 
continuation   of  the  foregoing   or  a   separate   piece  ; 


sf.  is  a  repetition  from  26f.,  35,  probably  by  an  editor. 
She  expresses  a  longing  for  closest  intimacy.  If  he 
were  a  near  relative  she  could  lavish  tenderness  with- 
out shame  or  fear  of  rebuke. — 2.  Probably  the  first 
two  lines  should  be,  /  would  lead  thee  into  my  mother's 
house,  and  into  the  chamber  of  her  that  bare  me  {cf.  LXX 
and  34). 

VIII.  5-7.  The  Power  of  Love. — The  verses  from  5 
to  the  end  of  the  book  are  difficult  to  weave  into  a 
connected  whole,  and  perhaps  wo  have  here  a  series  of 
lyrical  fragments.  It  is  possible  to  draw  an  imaginary 
picture,  and  assign  the  parts  to  the  villagers,  peasants, 
tho  Shulammito  quoting  from  her  brothers  and  speak- 
ing in  her  own  ^)erson,  but  the  result  is  not  convincing. 
The  song  consists  of  introductory  question,  the  re- 
minder by  the  lover  of  the  time  and  place  when  he 
first  called  forth  love  (23.10,  78)  and  the  beloved's 
noble  hymn  of  love. — 5.  thee  is  masculine  in  Heb., 
but  as  mother  in  the  book  is  always  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion with  the  woman  it  should  probably  be  feminine. 
—6.  seal  (see  Gen.  38i8,  Jer.  2224,  Hag.  223).— 
jealousy :  or  the  zeal,  the  ardour  and  passion  of  love,  ia 
resistless,  its  flames  are  the  flames  of  Yahweh,  i.e. 
the  lightning. 

Vm.  8-12.  The  Song  of  the  Uttle  Sister.— Whether 
part  of  the  story  or  as  a  fragment  of  a  song,  8-10 
introduces  the  brothers  of  a  young  woman  speaking, 
as  her  guardians,  and  telling  of  their  anxiety  about 
her  when  she  was  still  too  young  to  marry,  and  the 
precautions  they  would  take  for  her  welfare.  They 
would  reward  her  modesty  with  adornments  that 
might  serve  as  part  of  her  marriage  dowry,  and  they 
would  give  strong  protection  in  the  case  of  any  signs 
of  weakness.  The  bride  replies  that  she,  in  her 
maturity  has  the  strength  of  chastity  and  the  attrac- 
tion of  beauty. — 10.  one  that  found  peace  :  a  peculiar 
expression ;  we  would  rather  expect  "  that  bringeth 
peace  "  or  prosperity.  But  it  seems  far-fetched  to  make 
it  mean  one  to  whom  the  oppressor  (Solomon)  gave 
peace  because  he  could  not  conquer  her. — 11-13.  There 
is  probably  a  change  of  person  here  ;  the  bridegroom 
boasts  that  his  new-found  possession  is  prized  more 
than  Solomon's  famous  highly-cultivated  vineyard 
with  all  its  rich  revenues.  He  desires  to  share  in  the 
joy  of  her  companions  who  listen  to  the  sweet  music 
of  her  voice. — 11.  Repeated  from  2i7 ;  it  is  difficult 
to  form  a  connexion  here.  It  may  be  that  an  editor 
has  given  to  both  parties  a  farewell  cry  at  the  end  of 
the  collection  of  songs  (isf.). 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERATURE 


By  the  editor 


This  article  ie  restricted  to  the  literary  criticism  of  the 
prophetic  books.  On  the  nature  of  prophecy  see 
pp.  426-430,  on  its  Uterarv  character  see  pp.  24f.,  on 
its  history  and  the  teaching  of  the  prophets  see 
pp.  G9-78,  8.5-93,  and  the  commentaries  on  the  indi- 
vidual prophets. 

The  earhest  of  our  canonical  prophets  is  Amos.  We 
do  not  know  whether  any  of  the  earlier  prophets  wrote 
down  their  oracles.  If  so,  with  the  doubtful  exception 
of  Is.  15f.  probably  none  of  these  survive,  Joel,  which 
used  to  be  regarded  as  the  oldest,  being  now  regarded 
as  one  of  the  latest.  From  the  finished  style  of  his 
book  and  its  mastery  of  form  and  vocabulary  we  may 
assume  that  a  long  development  lay  behind  Amos, 
but  tliis  may  have  been  oral.  Certainly  we  have  no 
hint  that  his  great  predecessoi-s,  Elijah  and  Ehsha, 
committed  any  of  their  prophecies  to  writing  We  do 
not  know  why  the  canonical  prophets  supplemented 
oral  by  written  utterances.  Amos  was  silenced  by 
the  priest  at  Bethel,  who  accused  him  of  treason  and 
bade  him  begone  back  to  Judah.  He  may  have  re- 
sorted to  writing  because  speech  was  forbidden  him. 
His  example  might  then  be  followed  without  his 
reasons.  Isaiah  seems  to  have  committed  some  of 
his  prophecies  to  writing  owing  to  the  failure  of  his 
preaching  and  the  incredulity  of  the  people.  The 
written  word  entrusted  to  his  disciples  will  be  vindi- 
cated by  history,  and  the  genuineness  of  his  inspira- 
tion can  then  be  attested  by  appeal  to  the  documents. 

Hebrew  prophecy  ia  poetical  in  form.  The  paral- 
lelism (p.  32)  which  is  the  most  characteristic  feature 
of  Heb.  poetry  is  a  frequent  though  not  invariable 
feature  in  it,  and  rhj'thm  can  often  be  traced  in  it 
even  if  we  hesitate  to  speak  of  metre.  In  the  later 
period  prophecy  became  less  the  written  precipitate 
of  the  spoken  word  and  more  of  a  literary  composition. 
It  was  designed  for  the  reader  rather  than  for  the 
hearer.  Behind  not  a  little  of  it  there  was  probably 
no  spoken  word  at  all. 

Daniel  being  apocalypse  rather  than  prophecy,  the 
canonical  prophets  would  seem  to  be  fifteen — three 
major  ana  twelve  minor.  Really  the  writers  wore 
much  more  numerous.  Several  of  the  books  are  com- 
posite. They  contain  the  work  of  two  or  more  writers. 
Prophecies  originally  anonymous  were  attached  to  the 
oracles  of  well-known  writers,  all  the  more  easily  if 
they  immediately  followed  the  work  of  another  writer 
without  any  indication  that  a  new  work  was  beginning. 
Community  of  subject  may  be  responsible  for  enlarg- 
ing the  works  of  a  prophet  by  kindred  oracles  from 
unknown  authors.  The  Book  of  Isaiah  is  the  most 
conspicuous  example.  The  popular  expression,  "two 
isaiahs,"  a  caricature  of  the  critical  view.  It  implies 
that  Is.  1-39  was  the  work  of  one  prophet,  Is.  4U-0G 
of  another.  Even  when  the  last  twenty-seven  chapters 
were  regarded  as  a  unity  there  was  little  justification 
for  the  phrase.    True,  we  have  the  work  of  two  great 


prophets — Isaiah,  and  the  great  unknown  prophet  of 
the  Exile,  called  for  convenience  the  Second  Isaiah — 
but  it  was  clear  that  in  Is.  1-39  there  were  certain 
sections  which  were  non-Isaianic,  and  that  these  could 
not  all  be  assigned  to  the  Second  Isaiah.  These  obvi- 
ously non-Isaianic  sections  were  13i-1423,  21i-io, 
24-27.  34f.  To  these  would  now  be  added,  by  fairly 
common  consent,  11 10-16, 12, 33  the  historical  chapters 
36-39  being  generally  regarded  as  also  a  good  deal 
later  than  Isaiah's  time.  But  considerable  additions 
would  now  be  made  by  several  scholars  to  this  list. 
Similarly  with  the  Book  of  Jeremiah.  This  contains 
extensive  biographical  sections,  probably  from  Baruch 
the  secretary,  in  addition  to  the  prophet  s  authentic 
oracles  ;  but  the  latter  have  been  extensively  glossed 
by  later  supplementers,  and  some  entirely  non-Jere- 
mianic  sections  have  been  inserted  in  it.  In  this  case 
the  text  for  long  remained  in  a  fluid  state,  as  is  clear 
from  the  notable  variations  between  the  MT  and  the 
LXX.  It  is  probable  that  the  Book  of  HabakkuK 
includes  an  older  oracle  from  the  close  of  the  seventh 
century,  together  with  a  prophecy  from  the  middle 
of  the  Exile  and  a  post-exilic  Psalm.  Zech.  9-14  is 
from  another  author  or  authors  and  another  period 
than  Zech.  1-8.  It  is  held  by  some  scholars  that  Joel 
is  the  work  of  two  writers,  and  probably  not  all  of 
the  Book  of  Micah  belongs  to  Isaiahs  contemporary. 

We  touch  a  related  point  when  we  ask  how  far  pre- 
exihc  prophecies  have  been  systematically  revised  to 
meet  the  needs  and  satisfy  the  aspirations  of  the  po'^t- 
exilic  communitj'.  The  crucial  difference  between 
prophecy  before  and  prophecy  after  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  is  that  the  former  was  in  the  main, 
though  by  no  means  exclusively,  prophecy  of  judg- 
ment, the  latter  in  the  main  prophecy  of  comfort  and 
restoration.  We  must  not  press  this  to  an  extreme, 
but  it  has  an  important  bearing  upon  criticism.  Tho 
sceptical  inference  has  been  drawn  that  well-nigh  all 
prophecies  of  the  happy  future  belong  to  the  post- 
exihc  period.  It  must,  of  course,  be  recognised  that 
prophecies  of  the  return  from  exile  were  never  out  of 
date,  because  such  return  as  took  place  was  very 
partial,  and  the  conditions  of  the  community  in  Judah 
were  very  wretched.  It  was  only  natural  that  earlier 
writings  of  judgment  should  have  their  severity 
ameliorated  to  cheer  a  people  sorely  tried  and  desper- 
ately in  need  of  encouragement.  Glowing  description.^ 
of  the  latter-day  trlory  might  naturally  be  appended 
at  the  close  of  individual  prophecies  or  of  whole  books. 
It  is  a  grave  fault  in  method  to  reject  on  principle  the 
pre-exilic  origin  of  such  passages.  That  is  not  criti- 
cism but  prejudice.  Material  grounds  must  be  present, 
such  as  stylistic  differences,  discontinuity  with  the 
context,  inconsistency  with  the  standpoint  of  the  writer, 
or  some  similar  cause.  If.  for  example,  the  closing 
verses  of  Amos  are  regarded  as  a  post-exilic  inser- 
tion, this  is  justified  by  their  incompatibifity  with  the 
424 


PROPHETIC   LITERATURE 


425 


tenor  of  the  prophet's  teaching.  The  case  is  entirely 
different  with  the  last  chapter  of  Hosea,  whose  funda- 
mental doctrine  of  Yahweh's  love  makes  such  a  mes- 
sage of  comfort  entirely  fitting  as  a  close  of  his  book. 
And  similarly  other  cases  must  be  settled  on  their 
merits,  not  by  preconceptions  as  to  what  a  pro-exilic 
prophet  can  or  cannot  have  said.  Another  feature 
of  more  recent  criticism  has  been  the  tendency  to 
relegate  large  sections  of  the  prophetic  literature  not 
simply  to  the  post-exilic  period  in  general,  but  to  a 
very  late  date  in  that  period.  Duhm's  Commentary 
on  Isaiah,  publislicd  in  1892,  led  the  way.  The  gener- 
ally-accepted opinion  had  been  that  the  Canon  of  the 
Prophets  was  closed  about  200  B.C.  Duhm,  however, 
assigned  not  a  little  to  the  Maccabean  period.  Marti 
developed  this  position  in  a  still  more  thorough-going 
fashion,  and  more  recently  Kennett.  who  also  holds 
most  of  Is.  40-66  to  be  Maccabean.  The  history  of  the 
Canon  is  not  so  clear  that  a  Maccabean  date  should 
be  regarded  as  impossible,  however  cogent  the  internal 
evidence.  The  present  writer  is  not  convinced,  how- 
ever, that  a  case  has  been  made  out  for  the  origin  of 
any  part  of  Isaiah  in  the  Maccabean  period.  Nor  yet 
does  he  believe  that  there  is  any  need  to  descend  so 
late  for  any  section  of  Jeremiah.     If  any  part  of  the 


Prophetic  Canon  is  of  Maccabean  origin,  Zcch.  9-14 
might  most  plausibly  be  assigned  to  that  period.  At 
present,  however,  there  is  a  reaction  represented 
especially  by  Gunkel,  Gressmann,  and  Sellin  not  only 
against  excessively  late  dating,  but  against  the  denial 
to  their  reputed  authors  of  so  large  a  proportion  of  the 
writings  which  pass  under  their  names. 

Literature  (for  this  and  the  following  article). — In 
addition  to  commentaries,  articles  in  Dictionaries  (esp. 
Prophecy  and  Prophets  in  HDB),  works  on  OTI  and 
OTT  and  the  History  of  Israel,  the  following  ;  W.  R. 
Smith,  The  Prophets  of  Israel  ;  A.  B.  Da\'idson, 
OT  Prophecy  ;  Kuenen,  The  Prophets  and  Prophecy 
in  Israel ;  Duhm,  Die  Theologie  der  Propheten  ;  Kirk- 
patrick.  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets ;  Batten.  The 
Hebrew  Prophet ;  Comill,  The  Prophets  of  Israel  i 
Giesebrecht,  Die  Beruft^begabung  der  alttest.  Propheten ; 
Holscher,  Die  Profeten ;  Sellin,  Der  alttest.  Pro- 
phetismus ;  Findlay,  The  Books  of  the  Prophets ; 
Buttenwieser,  The  Prophets  of  Israel ;  Knudson, 
The  Beacon  Lights  of  Prophecy ;  Joj'co,  The  In- 
spiration of  Prophecy;  Edghill,  An  Enquiry  into  the 
Evidential  Value  of  Prophecy ;  Jordan,  Prophetic 
Ideas  and  Ideals;  Gordon,  The  Prophets  of  the 
OT. 


14  a 


OLD  TESTAMENT  PROPHECY 


By  Dk.  G.  C.  JOYCE 


In  Biblical  study,  as  in  all  living  sciences,  there  must 
be  continuous  progress.  Now  problems  arise,  the 
investigation  of  which  requires  the  use  of  new  in- 
strunie^its  of  research.  Amongst  recent  modes  of 
study  the  "  comparative  metliod "  has  of  late 
acciuired  a  considerable  measuro  of  popularity.  It 
claims  to  mark  an  advance  upon  the  preceding  "  his- 
torical method."  To  the  latter  belongs  the  merit  of 
basing  its  conclusions  upon  definite  data,  for  which 
historical  evidence  could  be  produced.  But  on  behalf 
of  the  former  it  is  urged  that  the  general  laws  determin- 
ing the  development  of  rehgion  come  into  view  only 
when  a  broad  survey  is  taken  over  a  wide  field  em- 
bracing many  nations  at  many  different  levels  of 
civilisation.  To  make  this  survey  is  the  task  allotted 
to  "Comparative  Religion." 

The  problem  of  OT  prophecy  invites  study  along 
both  these  hnes  of  approach.  It  is  intimately  connected 
with  questions  of  great  historical  interest.  There  are 
documents  to  be  investigated,  arranged  in  chrono- 
logical order,  and  interpn-tcd  in  accordance  with  the 
spirit  of  the  time  when  they  were  written.  At  the 
same  time,  the  mast  diligent  and  ingenious  historical 
study  will  of  necessity  leave  many  questions  unsolved 
and  even  untouched.  A  comparison  must  needs  be 
instituted  between  prophecy  as  we  know  it  in  Israel 
and  parallel  phenomena  (if  any  such  exist)  presented 
by  other  a^ligions.  In  this  way  it  may  prove  possible 
to  unravel  more  of  that  mysterious  secret  of  prophecy 
which  has  rendered  it  so  great  a  force  m  furthering 
the  religious  progress  of  the  world.  The  two  methods, 
the  historical  and  the  comparative,  will  need  to  be 
kept  in  close  allianct>.  A  mutual  dependence  binds 
tht^m  together,  the  one  advancing  securely  only  when 
supported  by  the  other. 

The  material  for  the  study  of  prophecy,  lying  ready 
to  hand  in  the  OT,  is  of  high  value.  It  is  contem- 
porary ;  it  is  various  ;  it  is,  in  a  senses  abundant. 
Whatever  doubts  may  be  raisfjd  about  particular 
passages,  there  can  be  no  reasonable  question  that  the 
bulk  of  the  prophetic  writings  prescrvc^d  in  the  Jewish 
Canon  arc  genuine  products  of  the  prophetic  age,  and 
were  composed  between  the  eighth  and  the  fifth  centuries 
B.C.  The  words  bear  the  stamp  of  originalitj'.  They 
throb  witii  the  live  emotions  of  hope  and  fear,  of  ela- 
tion and  despondency,  excited  by  the  sudden  changes 
and  chances  to  which,  during  that  eventful  period, 
the  national  life  was  exposed.  In  them  we  find  no 
carefully  consistent  poUtical  or  historical  theory, 
elaborated  from  reflection  upon  the  records  of  the 
past,  but  a  vivid  and  continually  changing  response 
of  the  heart  of  the  prophet  to  events  transacted  Ix'loro 
his  eyes  or  reported  in  his  hearing.  Tlie  reader  of 
these  writings  is  brought  into  immediate  touch  with 
definite  personalities  exhibiting  marked  and  distinctive 
traits  of  character.  In  being  all  alike  vehicles  of  a 
Divino  revelation  to  Cod's  jx-ople,  the  prophets  form 
a  class  by  themselves.  But  there  was  no  common 
mould  or    pattern   obliterating    their    idiosj'ncrasies. 


Amos  and  Hosea,  Isaiah  and  Micah,  speak  out  each 
his  own  message  in  terms  peculiar  to  hirasell  Indi- 
vidual character  manifests  itst^lf  unmistakably,  not- 
withstanding the  smiilar  tenor  of  the  warnings  uttered 
and  the  hopes  encouraged.  Undoubtedly  the  pro- 
phetic books  of  the  OT,  a-s  they  exist  to-day,  represent 
no  more  than  a  small  surviving  remnant  of  a  far  larger 
literature.  Much  lias  gone  beyond  recall  And  yet 
how  remarkable  a  providences  it  is  that  has  preserved 
for  the  use  of  the  world  the  writings  of  a  distant  past, 
composed  in  a  comer  of  W{>st<^rn  Asia  by  the  subjects 
of  a  petty  kingdom  ovei-shadowcd  by  far  more  powerful 
and  far  more  highly  civilLscd  neighbours  !  That  in 
the  course  of  centuries  these  writings  should  suffer  a 
certain  measure  of  dislocation  and  corruption  was 
inevitable.  There  are  not  a  few  passages  where  the 
critic  must  needs  exercise  his  ingenuity  in  attempting 
to  solve  the  riddle  of  a  text  obviously  damaged  in  tran- 
scription. But  when  all  necessary  deductions  have 
been  made,  it  remains  true  that  the  features  of  OT 
prophecy  stand  out  with  surprising  clearness  and 
definitenoss.  They  arrest  attention  and  challenge 
explanation. 

The  beginning  of  the  age  of  the  literary  prophets 
falls  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.  Yet  the  institution 
of  the  prophetic  order  (if  it  may  be  so  called)  dates 
from  an  earlier  period.  It  was  a  twin  birth  with  the 
monarchy.  And  even  further  back,  in  the  dim  period 
of  the  wandermgs  through  the  desert,  and  in  the 
troubled  times  of  the  judges,  the  national  history  was 
controlled  by  great  pei-sonalities  to  whom  the  name 
prophet  is  not  inappropriate.  This,  at  least,  was  the 
view  favoured  by  the  later  prophets  themselves 
(Jer.  7.25).  But  it  is  in  the  striking  figure  of  Samuel 
that  we  find  the  immediate  ancestor  of  the  true  pro- 
phetic line.  Of  his  influence  in  launching  the  new 
monarchy  tradition  speaks  with  unmistakable  clear- 
ness. Though  the  matter  is  differently  presented  in 
the  older  and  later  documents  combined  in  1  S.,  both 
narratives  bear  testimony  to  his  n-sponsibility  for  a 
political  development  big  with  possibiUties  for  the  I 
future.  His  successor,  Nathan,  was  a  worthy  follower  I 
in  his  footsteps,  not  flinching  from  the  duty  of  ad-  I 
ministering  rebuke,  and  ready  to  brave  the  conse- 
quences of  the  royal  displeasure.  Henceforward  and 
rejx^atediy  prophecy  intervened  to  determine  the 
channel  in  which  the  national  history  should  run.  A 
prophet  instigated  the  disruption  of  the  two  kingdoms. 
Elijah,  the  most  impressive  figure  in  all  the  OT,  thun- 
dere>d  against  the  policy  of  assimilating  the  religion  of 
Israel  to  that  of  Phoenicia.  The  revolution  which 
place^d  the  dynasty  of  Jehu  on  the  throne  owed  its 
original  impulse  to  Elisha's  suggestion.  The  prophet 
gained  his  end.  The  house  of  Aliab  was  deposed. 
The  popular  inclination  towards  the  worship  of  Baal 
was  checked.  But  the  close  alliance  thus  initiated 
between  Ehsha's  disciples  and  the  roj-al  house  seems 
to  have  exerted  an  injurious  influence  on  the  prophetio 
order.     It    is   significant    that    not    long    afterwards 


426 


OLD   TESTAMENT   PROPHECY 


427 


Amos,  the  first  of  the  prophets  whose  writings  are 
extant,  is  careful  to  dissociate  himself  from  the  pro- 
fessional caste  (Am.  7i4).  While  they  prophesied 
smooth  things,  he  predicted  the  appaUing  national 
disasttir,  which,  in  fact,  was  not  long  delayed. 

In  the  southern  kingdom  prophecy  achieved  its 
moment  of  triumphant  popularity  when  Isaiah's 
policy  of  resistance  to  the  As3}T:ian  was  brilUantly 
vindicated  by  the  city's  escape  at  the  last  moment 
from  apparently  inevitable  destruction.  But  it  v/as 
a  short-lived  triumph.  The  violent  reaction  under 
Manasseh  showed  how  little  real  hold  the  principles 
of  the  prophetic  religion  had  gained  on  the  mind  of 
the  people  at  laige.  A  httle  later  the  earnest  eifort 
of  the  Deutcronomic  Reformation,  supported  enthusi- 
astically by  king  and  prophet,  had  not  sufficient 
vitality  to  survive  the  disaster  at  Megiddo.  Jeremiah 
knew  the  anguish  of  speaking  to  deaf  ears,  and  of 
vainly  endeavouring  to  restrain  a  headstrong  people 
from  treading  the  way  to  ruin.  Thus  the  successive 
crises  of  history  serve  to  exhibit  the  figure  of  the 
prophet  in  a  conspicuous  light.  But  instructively  as 
these  dramatic  moments  reveal  the  principles  of  pro- 
phetic action,  yet  it  is  equally  important  to  remember 
how,  during  long,  uneventful  years,  the  prophets  were 
quietly  and  inconspicuously  at  work  contributing 
their  "share  to  the  shaping  of  the  national  religion. 
It  was  a  religion  with  several  aspects.  Some  students 
of  the  OT  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  there  were  practi- 
cally three  religions  existing  side  by  side.  In  the  first 
place,  there  was  the  religion  of  the  peasantry,  a  faith 
simple  and  naive,  but  grievously  unstable,  and  all  too 
easily  inclined  towards  nature-worship,  with  the 
attendant  evils  of  a  debased  idolatry  and  moral 
degradation.  In  the  second  place,  the  organised 
religion  of  the  priests  gave  strength  and  soUdity  to 
tradition,  and  in  a  measure  not  otherwise  attainable 
secured  the  transmission  of  truth  from  generation  to 
generation.  Religious  knowledge,  once  gained,  was 
enshrined  in  appropriate  formulas,  and  gradually  be- 
came common  property.  Thirdly,  the  religion  of  the 
prophets  possessed  a  quality  of  its  own.  It  protested 
not  only  against  the  impure  corruptions  of  the  peasant 
religion,  but  also  against  the  stiffness  and  formalism 
of  the  priests.  The  prophet  was,  in  the  true  sense  of 
the  word,  an  innovator.  He  was  the  man  of  spiritual 
vision  to  whom  came  revelations  of  new  truth,  and  of 
the  obligation  to  apply  old  principles  in  novel  ways. 
In  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  chronologically  ar- 
ranged, it  is  possible  to  trace  a  progress  of  thought,  a 
deepening  conviction  of  the  Divine  holiness  and 
majesty,  a  more  comprehensive  outlook  over  the 
world  and  its  problems.  To  imagine,  as  some  writers 
have  done,  a  radical  and  essential  opposition  between 
the  priest  as  an  obscurantist  and  the  prophet  as  light- 
bringer  is  to  misread  history.  Priest  and  prophet 
were  alike  necessary  factors,  discharging  comple- 
mentary functions,  the  one  preserving,  the  other 
initiating.  That  the  initiator  should  have  repeatedly 
incurred  opposition  and  even  persecution  at  the  hands 
of  the  preserver  is  sufficiently  inteUigible.  New  truth 
is  usually  frowned  upon.  The  prophet  must  needs 
pay  for  the  privilege  of  being  before  his  time.  In  all 
thr  history  of  religion  there  are  few  more  interesting 
fliapters  than  that  which  traces  the  growth  of  man's 
I.iiowledge  of  God,  together  with  the  gradual  elevation 
of  the  moral  ideal,  as  the  heavenly  tlame  was  passed 
ivom  hand  to  hand  in  the  order  of  the  prophets. 

fJareful  historical  study  of  the  OT  was  in  itself 
-ullicient  to  show  that  the  old  definition  of  prophecy 
RH  liistory  written  before  the  event  was  misleading 


and  inaccurate.  The  prophet  was,  in  the  first  instance, 
a  messenger  to  his  own  generation,  a  preacher  of 
righteousness,  a  missionary  of  repentance,  an  advocate 
of  reform.  All  this  is  admittedly  true  ;  and  yet  there 
is  need  of  caution  lest  a  reaction  against  the  crude 
conception  of  prophecy  as  prediction  should  obscure 
the  truth  that  the  prophet  did,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
add  force  to  his  exhortations  by  pointing  to  the 
future.  Ho  was  neither  a  mere  foreteller  of  isolated 
events  nor  a  mere  moral  preacher  ;  ho  was  inspired 
with  a  vision  of  the  coming  Kingdom  of  God.  The 
form  assumed  by  that  vision  in  the  heart  of  the  prophet 
was  necessarily  determined  by  the  idiosyncrasy  of  his 
own  genius,  by  the  circumstances  of  the  time  at  which 
he  wrote,  and  by  the  spiritual  intelligence  of  his 
hearers.  Wlien  the  Davidic  monarchy  was  newly 
established,  and  the  twelve  tribes  were  for  a  time 
united  and  prosperous,  the  hope  of  a  Divinely  ordered 
kingdom  seemed  close  at  hand.  It  was  conceived  as 
an  earthly  kingdom,  and  closely  associated  with  the 
house  of  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  (2  S.  Vsff.).  But 
these  bright  expectations  were  disappointed.  The 
disruption  of  the  two  kingdoms,  the  increasing  social 
disorder  within,  and  the  obvious  imminence  of  invasion 
from  without,  were  circumstances  that  could  not  bo 
ignored  by  the  prophets.  Under  the  enlightenment 
of  the  Spirit  of  God  they  were  aware  of  the  sinfidness 
of  their  nation,  and  recognised  the  inevitable  necessity 
of  a  discipline  of  punishment.  Nothing  could  be  more 
significant  than  the  contrast  between  the  unqualified 
brightness  of  the  outlook  of  Nathan  and  the  heavy 
gloom  of  the  predictions  of  Amos.  This  pioneer  of 
prophecy  in  its  new  and  severer  form  strove  his  hardest 
to  open  the  eyes  of  his  people  to  the  nature  of  the 
coming  catastrophe.  "  Wherefore  would  ye  have  the 
day  of  the  Lord  ?  It  is  darkness  and  not  light " 
(Am.  5i8).  How  could  a  deliverance  be  expected  by 
those  who  had  been  unfaithful  to  their  God  ?  Hosea, 
the  prophetic  successor  of  Amos,  though  speaking  of 
judgment  and  condemnation,  yet  dwelt  on  the  in- 
vincible strength  of  the  love  of  God  for  His  people. 
Isaiah  saw  in  the  miraculous  preservation  of  the  city 
a  confirmation  of  his  faith  that  God  would  not  bring 
the  sinful  nation  utterly  to  an  end.  A  remnant  should 
be  left,  and  be  the  recipients  of  the  Divine  bounty  in 
the  future.  National  distresses  interpreted  by  the 
Divinely  inspired  insight  of  the  prophets  led  on  con- 
tinuously to  new  conceptions  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 
To  Jeremiah  came  the  revelation,  at  once  desolating 
and  reassuring,  that  even  the  destruction  of  the  beloved 
city  and  its  Temple  could  not  permanently  thwart 
the  accomplishment  of  the  Divine  plan.  A  new  cove- 
nant should  replace  the  old,  and  a  new  kingdom  arise, 
of  which  the  inspiring  principle  should  be  the  know- 
ledge of  God.  Still  wider  and  more  glorious  became 
the"  outlook  of  the  unknown  prophet  of  the  Exile 
(Is.  40ff.).  The  God  of  Israel  shall  be  recognised  as 
God  of  all  the  earth,  and  everywhere  shall  His  name 
be  honoured.  This  is  the  prophet's  hope ;  this  is 
his  vision  of  the  future. 

The  interpretation  of  prophecy  has  thus  passed 
through  various  stages.  It  was  for  long  regarded  by 
Christian  apologists  as  a  convenient  collection  of 
proofs.  It  was  next  explained  by  students  of  Biblical 
history  as  essentially  a  protest  of  moral  indignation 
against  national  vices.  It  has  now  come  to  be  recog- 
nised as  intelligible  only  when  n^ferred  to  a  vision  of 
coming  disaster  and  coming  deliverance.  But  as  to 
the  source  of  that  vision  there  is  much  difference  of 
opinion.  It  is  at  the  present  moment  one  of  the  most 
keenly   debated    questions    connected    with   the    OT 


428 


OLD    TESTAMENT   PROPHECY 


Until  recently  it  was  assumed  that  the  outlook  of  the 
prophets,  thoir  provLsion  of  gloom  and  glory,  and  of 
a  predestined  ruler,  was  peculiar  to  Israel  Their 
unquestioning  Ix-licf  in  the  personal  power  of  God, 
their  conviction  of  His  choice  of  Israel  for  His  people, 
their  profound  sense  of  the  national  unright<>ousness, 
were  8upposi>d  to  provide  an  adequate  explanation 
of  their  reading  of  tlie  futurc.  What  else  (so  it  seemed) 
could  a  prophet  cxix>ct  but  that  God  would  judge  His 
people,  punishing  the  wicked,  and  after  purification 
granting  to  the  remnant  peace  and  prosjxritj^  under  a 
ruler  appointed  by  Himself  ?  That  there  is  truth  in 
thi.s  psj-chological  account  of  the  matter  is  evident. 
But  is  it  the  whole  trutii  ?  The  suggestion  has  been 
made  that  there  were  other  factors  at  work,  and  that 
these  ideas  about  the  future  may  have  been  less  ex- 
clusively the  monopoly  of  the  prophets  of  Israel  than 
has  bcM3n  hitherto  supposed.  It  is  a  suggestion  to  be 
considered  in  the  light  of  the  contribution  which  Com- 
parative Religion  can  make  to  the  study  of  prophecy. 

Biblical  archaeology  is  a  comparatively  reaait  science, 
yet  it  has  already  amassed  a  surprising  amount  of 
information  as  to  the  character  of  the  civilisation  of 
the  ancient  East.  No  scliolar  in  the  early  nineteenth 
century  would  have  deemed  it  credible  that  detailed 
knowledge  of  life  in  Babylonia  and  Egypt  con- 
temporary with  and  even  anterior  to  the  days  of 
the  OT  should  ever  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
student.  Yet  this  has  actually  come  about.  The 
spade  of  the  archaeologist,  together  with  the  ingenious 
decipherment  of  ancient  scripts,  has  succeeded  in  un- 
locking many  of  the  secrets  of  the  past.  The  OT  ia 
no  longer  an  isolated  document,  a  sole  authority,  a 
unique  record.  Not  only  are  there  contemporary 
inscriptions  from  Nineveh,  Babylon,  and  Egypt  by 
which  its  historical  statements  can  be  checked,  but — 
what  is  of  even  greater  importance — its  pictures  of 
life  and  manners  and  modes  of  thought  in  Israel  can 
be  set  side V^ by  side  with  our  knowledge  of  similar 
matters  throughout  the  ancient  East. 

No  sooner  was  the  comparison  instituted  than  the 
close  resemblance  between  the  religion  of  ancient 
Israel  and  the  general  type  of  contt^mporary  religion 
in  the  East  became  vividly  apparent.  In  all  external 
matters  the  points  of  likeness  are  numerous  and  im- 
portant. Sacred  places,  sacred  wells,  sacred  trees, 
sacred  stones  are  a  common  feature  of  Eastern  re- 
ligions, the  religion  of  Israel  included.  It  was  cer- 
tainly so  in  patriarchal  times.  Nor  did  the  Mosaic 
revelation  obliterate  these  resemblances.  Externally 
and  to  a  superficial  observer  it  may  well  have  seemed 
that,  even  in  the  times  of  the  monarchy,  the  religion 
of  Israel  was  di-stinguishable  only  in  a^rtain  minor 
points  from  th.e  religions  of  the  neighbouring  tribes. 
The  OT  books  flw  msclves  bear  witness  to  the  readiness 
with  which  foreign  rites  were  introduced  and  wel- 
comed. No  doubt  the  outward  similarities  rendered 
the  process  easy  of  accomplishment. 

Granted  that  the  same  kinds  of  holy  objects  were 
venerated  by  Israel  and  by  the  neighbouring  nations, 
an  important  question  remains  to  be  asked.  Were 
there  in  the  adjoining  countries  "  holy  men  "  similar 
to  the  "  holy  men  "  of  Israel,  the  "  men  of  God  "  ? 
Till  lately  it  was  generally  assumed  that  the  prophets 
of  Israel  stood  ajjart,  and  that  none  like  them  were 
to  be  found  elsewhere.  Recently,  however,  an  op- 
posite opinion  has  lx>(>n  put  fonvard,  and  a  certain 
amount  of  evidence  i)roduced  in  its  support.  It  is 
certain  that  other  Semitic  tribes  had  seers  whom  they 
believed  to  be  God's  messengers.  Thus  the  following 
BeDtence  appears  in  an  inscription  of  a  king  of  Hamath, 


dating  from  c.  800  b.c.,  the  very  age  when  the  prophets 
of  Israel  were  beginning  to  write  :  "  The  Lord  of  Heaven 
sent  to  mo  an  oracle  through  the  seers.  And  the  Lord 
of  Heaven  said  to  me.  Fear  not,  for  I  have  made  tiiee 
king."  In  Israel  the  seer  had  been  the  spiritual 
progenitor  of  the  prophet.  The  truth  is  brouglit  out 
with  great  clearness  in  one  section  of  the  composite 
narrative  of  1  S.  To  Samuel  the  seer  men  go  for  help 
in  practical  matters,  such  as  the  discovery  of  lost 
property,  and  arc  prepared  to  pay  a  fee  for  his  services 
(1  S.  96ff.).     It    is   exactly    the    kind  of  figure  which 

f  resents  itself  over  and  over  again  in  ethnic  religions, 
t  is  the  man  whose  abnormal  or  supernormal  psychic 
powers,  notably  the  power  of  clairvoyance,  give  him 
an  immense  ascendancy  over  his  fellows.  In  Israel 
the  seer  was  transformed  into  the  prophet.  Samuel 
the  clairvoyant  becomes  Samuel  the  upholder  of  the 
religion  of  Yahweh,  the  champion  of  national  righteous- 
ness, the  vehicle  for  the  revelation  of  the  Divine  will. 
Can  it  be  shown  that  any  similar  transformation  took 
place  outside  Israel  ? 

ilore  than  fifty  years  ago  a  monograph  was  written 
comparing  the  Greek  seer  with  the  Hebrew  prophet. 
And  certainly  the  Greek  seer  is  in  nearly  everj'  respect 
identical  with  the  seer  of  the  ancient  East.  But  that 
nothing  in  the  least  resembling  Hebrew  prophecy 
arose  from  Greek  divination  and  Greek  oracles  is 
historically  certain.  Among  the  Greeks  the  develop- 
ment of  the  seer  was  in  the  downward  direction. 
Instead  of  rising  in  response  to  his  opportunities,  ho 
yielded  unreservedly  to  the  temptations  incident  to 
his  profession.  He  prostituted  his  powers  in  order  to 
acquire  wealth  and  influence.  Degradation  was  the 
inevitable  result.  The  seer  who  in  the  Homeric  poems 
holds  at  least  a  dignified  position  becomes  in  process 
of  time  a  sorry  figure,  httle  better  than  a  detected 
cheat  and  charlatan,  able  to  impose  only  on  the  least 
educated  and  most  credulous  ranks  of  society.  Far 
more  creditable  on  the  whole  was  the  record  of  the 
oracle  of  Delphi.  It  is  only  fair  to  recognise  that  the 
famous  centre  of  Greek  religion  helped  in  many  re- 
spects to  maintain  a  standard  of  public  righteousness. 
It  did  something  more  than  issue  riddling  forecasts 
of  a  doubtful  future.  It  used  its  religious  influence 
to  point  out  a  line  of  right  conduct,  which  it  declared 
to  be  the  will  of  heaven.  But  though  this  much  can 
be  said  in  favour  of  Delphi,  it  never  succeeded  in 
giving  birth  to  anything  like  prophecy,  and  finally 
sank  into  decay  and  dishonour. 

But  whereas  fifty  years  ago  the  only  field  of  com- 
parison open  to  scholars  was  provided  by  Greek  and 
Latin  lit<"rature,  the  case  is  now  entirely  alterenl. 
To-day  it  is  possible  not  only  to  wonder  aimlessly  bni 
to  expect  an  answer  to  the  question  whether  any  tiguu 
like  that  of  the  Hebrew  prophet  ever  apix'ared  in 
Mesopotamia  or  Egypt.  In  spite  of  the  declaration 
of  some  scholars,  who  seem  to  regard  all  Israelitish 
religion  and  culture  as  a  plagiarism  from  the  greater 
states,  it  still  remains  tnie  that  no  satisfcu^tory  evidence 
is  forthcoming  to  prove  the  point.  An  obscure 
reference  in  an  Assyrian  text  to  a  man  who  offers 
intercession  for  an  Assyrian  kitig,  and  claims  reward 
accordingly,  affords  little  reason  for  supposing  him  to 
have  been  like  one  of  the  Hebrew  prophets.  In  some 
measure  both  Egypt  and  Babylon  recognise  the  moral 
law  to  be  the  will  of  their  gods.  Assyrian  kings  claimed 
to  be  the  protector  of  the  widow  and  the  orphan. 
But  though  facts  such  as  these  reveal  the  os.sential 
bond  between  religion  and  ethics,  they  in  no  wise 
prove  the  existence  of  an  order  of  men  whoso  vocation 
it  was  to  be  spokesmen  for  the  God  of  the  weak  and 


OLD   TESTAMENT   PROPHECY 


429 


the  oppressed,  and  in  His  name  to  denounce  oppression 
even  in  defiance  of  the  king's  majesty. 

But  while  the  prophets,  so  far  as  the  evidence  goes, 
are  seen  to  belong  to  Israel  and  to  Israel  only,  it  is 
nevertheless  true  that  in  their  pictures  of  the  future 
they  appear  to  be  making  use  of  materials  widely 
diffused  throughout  the  East.  Great  interest,  for 
example,  attaches  to  the  interpretation  of  an  Egyptian 
papyrus,  supposed  to  date  from  the  period  of  the 
Hyksos  (pp.  52,  54)  or  even  earlier.  In  this  writing 
some  scholars  have  thought  that  they  discovered  an  ex- 
pectation of  the  future  resembling  the  Messianic  hope 
of  Israel.  It  is  said  that  the  seer  predicts  a  time  of 
misery  to  be  followed  by  an  era  of  salvation  under 
the  government  of  a  Divinely  appointed  ruler.  The 
intricacy  of  the  problem  may  be  illustrated  from  the 
fact  that  the  very  papyrus  on  which  such  important 
inferences  were  based  has  recently  been  subjected  to  a 
further  investigation,  and  in  consequence  has  been 
retranslated  in  such  a  way  as  to  remove  most  of  the 
supposed  parallelisms  with  Hebrew  prophecy  [cf.  A.  H 
Gardiner,  The  Admonitions  of  an  Egyptian  Sage 
(Leipzig,  1909)].  However,  though  this  particular 
piece  of  evidence  may  have  proved  untrustworthy, 
yet  there  remains  sufficient  reason  for  recognising  the 
existence  of  a  general  expectation  of  some  great  world 
catastrophe  to  be  followed  by  some  great  restoration. 
Tlius,  though  it  is  impossible  as  yet  to  speak  with 
certainty,  it  is  probable  that  the  Hebrew  prophets 
were  not  the  originators  of  an  eschatology  of  doom, 
but  availed  themselves  of  a  conception  already  current 
and  gave  it  a  deep  ethical  significance.  If  this  be  the 
true  account  of  the  matter,  the  inspiration  under  ■which 
they  uttered  their  warnings  and  their  encouragements 
will  be  accounted  no  less  worthy  of  honour.  Pre- 
cisely as  the  revelation  to  the  patriarchs  and  to  Moses 
lay  in  the  transformation  and  purification  of  ideas 
already  prevalent  in  the  ancient  Semitic  religion 
rather  than  in  the  origination  of  a  completely  new 
faith,  so  it  may  have  been  with  the  prophets  and  their 
visions  of  the  future.  Moreover,  the  hopes  to  which 
Hebrew  prophecy  gave  currency  were  fulfilled.  The 
promised  Ruler  and  Saviour  came,  as  they  foretold, 
out  of  the  house  of  David.  And  it  was  no  matter  of 
chance  that  the  expectation  of  the  Messiah  had  thus 
been  fostered  ;  its  existence  in  Palestine  when  Christ 
came  provided  material  upon  which  He  worked.  In 
the  activity  of  the  prophets  the  operation  of  the  Spirit 
of  God  makes  itself  manifest,  preparing  long  before- 
hand the  conditions  requisite  for  the  revelation  that 
should  come  in  the  fullness  of  time. 

Nor  is  it  only  the  silence  of  the  ancient  records  which 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  in  Israel  alone  were  prophets 
to  be  found  speaking  in  the  name  of  a  God  of  righteous- 
ness. In  the  matter  of  divination  there*  is  a  significant 
difference  between  the  religious  atmosphere  of  Israel 
and  of  Babylon.  In  every  early  redigion  divination 
plays  a  large  part.  To  members  of  the  tribe  it  is  of 
e8.s<>ntial  importance  that  at  critical  moments  the  will 
of  their  God  should  be  declared.  So  it  was  in  early 
Israel.  There,  as  in  other  nations,  specific  means  were 
usi'd  for  discovering  the  will  of  Yahweh.  For  example, 
the  Urim  andThummim  (pp.  lOOf.)  were  evidently  some 
form  of  sacred  lot,  by  which  fateful  decisions  could  be 
reached.  In  Israel,  however,  there  was  a  gradual,  if  often 
interrupted,  advance  to  higher  levels  of  religious  belief. 
The  employment  of  such  crude  and  mechanical  means 
of  discovering  the  Divine  purpose  fell  more  and  more 
into  the  background.  The  prophet  rendered  them 
unnecessary.  He  came  forward  claiming  to  possess 
the  power  of  entering  into  the  meaning  of  the  Divine 


intention.  As  prophecy  rose  from  height  to  height 
of  religious  insight,  even  the  dream  and  the  ecstatic 
vision  played  a  less  essential  part.  Man  in  the  fullness 
of  his  self-oonscious  powers  was  admitted  to  inter- 
course with  his  Maker.  In  Babylon,  on  the  contrar}', 
religion  followed  a  different  line  of  development. 
There  divination  gained  a  complete  ascendency.  The 
interpretation  of  omens  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  fine 
art.  Every  possible  form  of  magic  was  practised. 
Chaldajan  soothsayers  were  famous  throughout  the 
Eastern  world.  The  contrast  with  Israel  is  patent. 
Prophecy  can  develop  only  where  personality  counts 
for  much.  In  Babylon,  so  far  as  the  evidence  enables 
a  judgment  to  be  formed,  it  counted  for  nothing. 
That  which  found  favour  there  was  not  the  rugged, 
outstanding  character  of  the  man  of  God,  but  the  smooth 
and  supple  skill  of  the  professional  reader  of  omens. 
The  exaggerated  prevalence  of  divination  imphes  the 
presence  of  conditions  that  must  have  stifled  prophecy. 
The  truth  is  that  prophecy  is  the  flower  of  a  faith 
in  the  living  God.  tVhere  such  faith  is  absent,  it  is 
idle  to  look  for  a  prophet.  If,  therefore,  it  be  asked 
why,  notwithstanding  her  highly-developed  civilisa- 
tion, her  complex  life,  and  her  elaborate  learning, 
Babylon  failed  where  Israel  succeeded,  the  answer  is 
not  difficult  to  find.  It  was  because  the  idea  of  God 
at  Babylon  was  fundamentally  different  from  that 
which  obtained  in  Israel  There  is  no  doubt  that 
monotheistic  conceptions  gained  some  hold  at  Babylon, 
Marduk  was  placed  in  a  position  of  isolated  superiority 
above  his  divine  competitors.  But  the  most  high  God 
of  Babylon  was  essentially  other  than  the  Most  Highest 
of  Israel.  Babylon's  God  was  a  personification  of 
natural  phenomena.  He  was  identified  with  the  fight 
in  which  he  manifested  himself.  The  conception  of 
his  nature  in  the  mind  of  his  worshippers  was  loose  and 
fluid,  easily  amalgamating  itself  with  that  of  other 
gods  in  their  pantheon.  It  was  far  otherwise  with 
Yahweh,  as  conceived  by  the  prophets.  He  mani- 
fested Himself  in  the  thunderstorm  (Ps.  18),  but  He 
was  not  the  storm.  He  sat  in  royalty  above  it.  Neither 
could  He  be  identified  with  other  gods.  Although  in 
the  early  days  of  the  monarchy  the  title  Baal  (Lord) 
was  without  scruple  accorded  to  the  God  of  Israel, 
yet  Elijah  had  learnt  that  between  the  God  of  Israel 
and  the  god  of  Phoenicia  there  was  an  irreconcilable 
oppasition.  Yahweh  was  before  all  things  the  personal 
God,  who  made  Himself  known  in  great  historical  acts, 
as  when  with  a  mighty  hand  and  stretched-out  arm 
He  had  delivered  His  people  from  their  bondage  in 
Egypt.  And  of  this  personal  Divine  Being  the  charac- 
teristic quality  was  holiness.  Not  that  tlie  use  of  the 
words  "  Holy  God  "  was  peculiar  to  Israel.  It  was 
almost  a  technical  expression  of  Semitic  religion.  The 
Phoenicians  used  it  constantly.  But  in  Israel  we  can 
trace  the  transformation  of  the  meaning  of  the  terra 
under  the  influence  of  prophetic  teaching.  ^Vhat  at 
first  signified  little  more  than  a  sujx'matural  aloofness, 
involving  danger  to  the  worshippi^r  who,  like  Uzzah 
(2  S.  67),  pressed  too  clase,  came  to  connote  the  highest 
ethical  qualities — purity,  truth,  and  mercy.  The  God 
in  whose  nature^  these  virtues  found  their  perfect  ex- 
pression demanded  them  also  from  His  worshippers. 
"  Ye  shall  be  holy,  for  I  the  Lord  j-our  God  am  holy  " 
(Lev.  192).  Metaphysical  terms  are  conspicuously 
absent  from  the  vocabulary  of  Isra(>].  Tlie  prophets 
did  not  discuss  the  Divine  transcendence  and  the  Dixino 
holiness  in  the  language  of  abstract  philosophy. 
Nevertheless  they  were  thrilled  with  the  conseiousneaa 
of  them.  Their  whole  religion  was  governed  by  the 
conception  of  the  Holy  One  who  was  raised  to  an  infinite 


430 


OLD  TESTAMENT   PEOPHEOY 


height  above  the  world,  and  would  yet  condescend  to 
make  known  His  designs  to  His  st^rvanta  the  prophets. 

This  conception  of  the  Divine  nature  was  the  root 
from  which  all  prophecy  derived  its  life.  How,  then, 
had  it  come  into  the  heart  of  the  prophet  ?  In  that 
question  lies  the  ultimate  problem  not  of  the  OT  only, 
but  of  all  revealed  ixli^ion.  What  the  prophets  thom- 
Belves  thought  about  the  matter  is  made  clear  in  thciir 
writings.  To  them  their  Ix-lief  in  God  was  neither  a 
product  of  their  own  reflections  nor  an  inference  drawn 
from  a  study  of  the  phenomena  of  the  world.  Again 
and  again  they  asserted  their  conviction  that  the  voice 
of  God  had  spoken  to  them.  Ho  had  shown  them  His 
glory.  They  know  Him  because  Ho  had  revealed 
Himself  to  them.  Of  the  overpowering  strength  of 
this  confidence  in  the  reality  of  their  own  inspiration 
there  can  bo  no  question.  It  nerved  them  for  the 
struggle  of  their  lives.  It  held  them  to  their  task. 
It  made  them  ready  to  faa^  obloquy,  persi-cution,  and 
death  in  discharge  of  their  duty.  To  doubt  their  sin- 
cerity would  bo  absurd.  But  the  inquiry  must  bo 
pushed  further  back.  What  is  the  justification  for 
thinking  that  they  were  right  ?  What  reason  is  there 
for  believing  that  they  had  indeed  been  in  touch  with  the 
living  God,  and  wero  the  ministers  of  His  revelation  ? 

The  claim  to  speak  as  God's  mcssengei-s  was  originally 
made  by  the  prophets  on  the  strength  of  experiences 
similar  to  thos<;^  of  seer  and  soothsayer.  In  all  early 
societies  the  abnormal  mental  states  of  vision  and 
ecstasy  are  as  profoundly  impressive  to  the  onlookers 
as  they  are  to  the  man  who  experiences  them.  Both 
he  and  they  arc  convinced  that  thesct  mysteries  are 
conclusive  evidence  of  intercourse  with  the  spiritual 
world.  In  the  opinion  of  his  hearers  no  less  than  in  his 
own  the  ecstatic  is  no  longer  himself ;  ho  has  become 
the  agent  of  a  spiritual  power,  and  even  tho  mouth- 
piece of  his  God.  Comparative  religion  has  produced 
plentiful  evidence  showing  how  universally  prevalent 
has  been  this  interpretation  of  tho  mental  phenomena 
in  question.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  for  demurring 
to  the  statement  that  psychologically  Hebrew  prophecy 
sprang  from  this  origin.  Even  to  the  last  prophecy 
was  organically  connected  with  the  psychic  capacity  to 
see  and  hear  things  for  which  no  material  cause  could 
be  assigned.  It  was  a  peculiarity  to  which  the  prophet 
in  the  first  instance  owed  his  influence.  But  now  the 
general  attitude  towards  these  attendant  circumstances 
of  early  inspiration  has  been  completely  reversed. 
Tho  unstable  psychic  ttnnperament,  with  its  tendency 
to  fall  into  trances,  instead  of  arousing  respect  as  of 
old,  is  tho  object  of  suspicion.  The  fact  that  any 
claimant  to  inspiration  was  subject  to  trances  and  other 
mental  disturbances  would  in  many  quarters  to-day 
raise  doubts  as  to  his  sanity,  and  would  certainly 
weaken  the  force  of  his  testimony.  Possibly,  however, 
the  present  strong  aversion  to  anything  but  tho  normal 
process  of  everyday  thought  may  be  less  justifiable 
than  it  assumes  itself  to  be.  The  study  of  tho  abnonnal 
psychology  of  genius  is  still  in  its  initial  stages.  But 
even  so  it  seems  to  indicato  that  something  similar 
to  ecstasy  or  trance  has  played  no  small  part  in  the 
achievements  of  tho  supremo  writers  and  artists  of 
the  world.  It  is  tho  fashion  to  refer  anything  of  the 
kind  to  the  supposed  action  of  the  subliminal  con- 
sciousness. Great  truths  and  great  conceptions, 
having  been  elaborated  in  tho  lower  and  hidden  strata 
of  tho  mental  life,  suddenly  emerge  into  consciousness. 
The  process  is  certainly  abnormal.  Considering  its 
results,  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  call  it  morbid.  And 
tho  distinction  between  the  abnonnal  and  the  morbid 
needs  to  bo  kept  steadily  in  view  when  the  psychology 


of  prophetic  inspiration  \a  being  investigated.  Un- 
doubtedly the  i^rophets  were  abnormal.  They  wer(^ 
men  of  genius.  They  were  visionaries.  Each  of  th.' 
greater  prophets  is  careful  to  recount  a  vivid  psychical 
experience  through  which  ho  felt  himself  called  U, 
play  tho  part  of  God's  messenger.  That  these  wen 
the  only  occasions  on  which  such  experience's  Ixfi  11 
them  is  in  itself  unlikely;  and  tho  testimony  of  their 
writings,  though  not  free  from  ambiguity,  suggests 
at  least  some  recurrence's  of  tho  prophetic  trance. 

The  evidence  for  the  truth  of  prophetic  revelation 
is  to  be  looked  for  not  in  any  particular  circumstance, 
such  as  trance  or  vision,  which  attended  its  original 
reception  by  the  prophet,  but  in  its  subsequent  veri- 
fication through  the  spiritual  oxjK'rienco  of  mankind. 
The  theology  of  Isaiah  is  guaranteed  not  by  tho  fact 
that  he  fell  into  a  trance  in  the  Temple,  but  by  the 
mighty  influence  which  his  teaching  about  God  haa 
exercised  over  the  hearts  of  succeeding  generations, 
and  by  the  response  which  it  continues  to  elicit. 
Moreover,  it  is  evident  that  in  the  gradual  devi  lop- 
ment  of  the  religion  of  Israel  the  prophets  thems<>lves 
came  to  attach  less  importance  to  vision.  From  their 
own  spiritual  experience  they  learned  how  Divine 
tnith  is  recognised  in  daily  intercourse  with  the  Spirit 
of  God,  It  may  well  be  that  on  certain  occasions  new 
truths  were  flashed  into  minds  rapt  in  trance  or  ecstasy, 
but  it  was  neither  the  only  nor  necessarily  the  highest 
method  whereby  God  revealed  Himself  to  His  prophets. 

Whether  the  inspiration  carao  suddenly  or  came 
gradually,  it  certainly  did  not  extinguish  the  indi- 
vidual personality  of  the  prophet.  It  did  not  reduce 
him  to  a  mere  passive  instrument  like  the  lyre  in  the 
hands  of  the  player.  A  later  age  of  Judaism,  when 
the  current  of  spiritual  life  was  running  low,  st>t  up 
this  crude  mechanical  theory  of  inspiration.  It  was 
an  a  priori  fabrication,  representing  what  its  authors 
imagined  ought  to  have  been  God's  way  of  speaking 
to  mankind.  It  cannot  be  supported  by  evidence 
from  the  prophetic  writings  themselves.  Nothing  can 
be  truer  than  that  the  prophets  felt  themselves  to  bo 
tho  transmitters  of  messages  -which  they  had  received. 
At  the  same  time,  nothing  can  bo  clearer  than  that 
these  same  prophets  wero  endowed  with  an  intensely 
individual  life  beyond  tho  ordinary  measure.  Their 
inspiration  accentuated  their  individuality.  It  pro- 
duced a  fullness  of  personal  life.  Tho  same  prophetic 
inspiration  served  also  to  promote  a  fullness  of  cor- 
porate life.  It  invigorated  and  defined  the  life  of  the 
people  of  God.  Frequently  the  prophet  was  fora-d 
by  the  inspiration  within  him  to  place  himself  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  majority  of  his  fellow-countrj'incn. 
By  his  own  generation  he  was  accounted  an  alien  and 
even  a  traitor.  Yet  it  was  ho  who  n>aliscd  the  true 
unity  and  continuity  of  tho  national  life,  and  tho 
magnificence  of  the  task  with  which  Israeli  was  entnisted. 
He  felt  that  he  was  helping  to  work  out  a  great  Divine 
plan.  And  he  was  not  mistaken.  The  significance  of 
OT  prophecy  will  be  altogether  missed,  unless  it  be 
recognised  that  the  various  prophets  were  all  contri- 
butoi-s  to  one  work.  Prophecy  is  a  unity.  A  great 
connecting  purpose  runs  through  it,  binding  it  all 
together.  It  is  also  part  of  a  still  greater  and  more 
august  unity.  It  is  an  essential  element  in  the  Divine 
scheme  of  tho  n^demption  of  the  world  through  Christ. 
His  work  rested  upon  theirs.  His  revelation  of  tho 
Father  was  the  consummation  and  tho  vindication  of 
their  revelation  of  the  God  of  Israel.  "  God  who  at 
sundry  times  and  in  divers  manners  spake  in  time  past 
unto  "the  fathers  by  the  prophets,  hath  in  thcso  la-^t 
days  spoken  unto  us  by  his  Son  "  (Hcb.  li). 


APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 


By  Professor  H.  T.  ANDREWS 


Some  of  the  greatest  discoveries  of  modern  biblical 
criticism  have  been  made  in  the  field  of  what  is  known 
as  Apocalyptic.  No  one  can  read  the  NT  without 
being  impressed  by  the  unique  character  of  the  Book 
of  Revelation.  It  seems  to  stand  alone.  There  is 
nothing  else  which  bears  any  resemblance  to  it  at 
all,  nob  only  in  the  NT,  but  in  the  literature  of  the 
world.  The  nearest  approach  to  it  is  the  Book  of 
Daniel  in  the  OT.  We  know  now,  however,  that 
Jewish  literature  in  the  two  centuries  before  and  the 
century  aftci  Christ  affords  us  many  parallels  to  the 
Book  of  Revelation.  Other  Apocaljrpses  Iiave  been 
discovered  of  a  similar  type,  and  it  is  now  proved 
beyond  all  question  that  the  Book  of  Revelation  is 
the  climax  of  a  very  important  hterary  and  theological 
movement  in  Judaism.  We  shall  try  to  show  (1)  the 
character  and  significance  of  the  movement,  (2)  the 
origin  of  the  movement,  (3)  its  hterary  and  theological 
development,  (4)  its  influence  upon  Christianity. 

The  Meaning  of  the  Term. — The  term  Apocal3rpse 
means  an  "  unveiling  or  "  disclosure,'  and  a  book 
that  bears  the  name  claims  to  reveal  and  make  plain 
things  which  are  ordinarily  hidden  from  human  eyes. 
An  Apocaljqjse,  therefore,  displays  very  Uttle  interest  in 
the  present  world — it  is  essentially  an  unveiling  of  the 
future,  and  it  strives  to  open  a  window  through  which 
it  is  possible  to  look  into  the  realities  of  the  unseen 
world.  The  nearest  approach  to  Apocaljrptio  in  other 
literature  is  to  be  found  in  the  vision  of  the  realm  of 
the  Dead  in  Homer's  Ihad  and  Virgil's  /Eneid,  and  in 
the  visions  of  Purgatory  and  Heaven  in  the  poems  of 
Dante. 

The  Relation  between  Apocalyptic  and  Prophecy.— 
Proi)hecy  was  the  forerunner  of  Apocaljrptic.  The 
Apocalyptists  were  the  successors  of  the  prophets. 
There  is  much  in  common  between  the  two.  Both 
prophet  and  Apocah'ptist  claim  to  be  inspired  by  God 
and  to  be  the  vehicle  of  His  revelation  to  man.  Both 
attempt  to  make  known  to  the  people  the  Divine  will 
and  purpose  in  history.  But  there  are  remarkable 
differences  between  them.  In  the  first  place  the 
prophet  was  primarily  a  preacher.  He  spoke  to  men 
directly.  It  is  often  a  mere  accident  that  his  words 
have  been  preserved  in  a  book.  There  were  prophets 
in  Israel  whose  messages  have  been  entirely  lost.  The 
Apocalyptist,  on  the  other  hand,  was  primarily  a 
writer.  He  spoke  to  the  world  through  his  book. 
His  own  personality  is  quite  irrelevant.  We  know 
nothing  about  the  man  behind  the  writing.  The 
prophet  flung  himself  into  the  thick  of  the  fray  :  he 
intervened  in  the  crises  of  his  nation's  history,  and 
tried  to  shape  his  country's  destiny  in  accordance  with 
what  he  conceived  to  be  the  will  of  God.  The  Apo- 
calyptist sat  apart,  veihng  his  identity  under  a 
pseudonym,  dreaming  his  dreams  and  seeing  his 
visions  in  solitude.     Then,  again,  the  prophet's  message 


was  concerned  with  the  plane  of  this  world.  He 
spoke  to  his  own  age.  When  he  promised  dehverance 
to  his  people,  he  looked  for  that  deliverance  to  happen 
in  his  own  time.  The  Apocalyptist  despairs  altogether 
of  the  present  age  and  the  present  world.  His  eyes 
are  directed  to  the  end  of  things,  to  the  final  Divine 
intervention  which  is  to  bring  down  the  curtain  on 
the  drama  of  history  and  usl>er  in  the  "  New  Jeru- 
salem which  Cometh  down  from  heaven. '  The  prophet 
rarely  looks  beyond  the  horizon  of  his  own  generation. 
He  is  engrossed  in  the  social  and  religious  problems 
that  confront  his  contemporaries.  The  Apocalyptist 
has  no  patience  with  the  futile  schemes  and  plans  of 
his  own  time.  To  his  mind  there  is  no  hope  for  the 
world  along  the  usual  lines.  God  must  break  into 
history  afresh  and  set  up  His  kingdom  with  His  own 
hand.  Nothing  but  a  supernatural  intervention — 
a  catastrophic  "  day  of  the  Lord  ' — can  save  the 
world. 

Moreover,  the  historical  horizon  of  the  Apocalyptist 
was  far  wider  than  that  of  the  prophet.  The  prophet 
was  concerned  with  the  position  of  Israel  among  the 
nations  of  the  world  in  his  own  time.  Egypt,  Babylon, 
Moab,  Ammon,  and  the  other  powers  which  happened 
to  dominate  the  situation  in  his  day,  form  the  subject 
of  his  utterances,  and  the  ultimate  triumph  of  Israel 
is  always  the  shining  hope  which  he  holds  before  the 
eyes  of  his  people.  A  period  of  five  hundred  years 
elapsed  between  the  age  of  the  great  prophets  and  the 
age  of  the  Apocalyi:)tists.  In  the  interval  much  had 
happened.  Israel  had  fallen  under  the  sway  of  Baby- 
lon, Persia,  Syria,  Egj'pt,  and  Rome  in  rapid  succes- 
sion. New  factors  had  arisen,  which  made  the  hopes 
of  the  prophets  vain,  and  induced  the  spirit  of  pessi- 
mism and  despair.  The  Apocalyptist,  therefore,  had 
far  more  historical  experience  beliind  him  than  the 
prophet,  and,  unfortunately',  the  greater  the  experience 
the  more  dismal  appeared  the  prospect  of  Israel  from 
a  pohtical  and  worldly  point  of  view. 

The  Problem  of  Apocalyptic. — Palestine,  it  must  be 
remembered,  was  the  Belgium  of  the  ancient  world, 
and  formed  the  buffer-state  between  the  empires 
which  were  contending  for  the  mastery  of  the  world. 
In  the  conflicts  between  Babylon  and  Egjrpt  in  earher 
times,  and  Syria  and  Egypt  in  later  times,  Palestine 
always  suffered  devastation  and  ruin.  Time  riter 
time  its  lands  were  ravaged,  its  cities  destroyed,  and 
its  people  slain  or  deported.  The  problem  wliich  the 
statesmen  of  Israel  had  to  face  was :  "  How  can  the 
country  be  kept  free  from  foreign  foes  ?  '  "  How 
can  Israel  avoid  being  embroiled  in  these  struggles  of 
empires  for  supremacy  ?  ■  Sometimes  a  policy  of 
neutrality  was  adopted ;  sometimes  Israel  sought 
safety  by  making  an  alliance  with  what  seemed  to 
bo  the  strongest  power.  But  neither  the  policy  of 
neutrahty  nor  the  policy  of  alliances  served  to  keep 


431 


432 


APOCALYPTIC   LITERATURE 


the  soil  of  Israel  sacrosanct.  Statesmanship  had  to 
confess  itself  bankrupt.  It  seemed  as  if  the  "  little 
nation  "  of  Israel  were  destined  to  be  the  prey  of  every 
great  empire  that  emerged  upon  the  field  of  history. 
But  the  problem  not  only  baffled  statesmanship,  it 
wa.s  a  challenge  also  to  faith.  The  earlier  prophets 
adopted  a  confident  tone.  Tliey  maintained  that 
Yahweh  would  prove  the  saviour  of  His  people  and 
deliver  the  nation  from  its  adversaries,  and  sometimes 
their  promises  were  marvellously  fulfilled.  The 
respite,  however,  was  always  brief,  and  it  was  never 
long  before  a  new  international  crisis  arose.  Gradu- 
ally the  splendid  optimism  of  the  earlier  prophets 
changed  to  pessimism,  but  it  took  centuries  before 
despair  really  settled  upon  the  spirit  of  the  nation. 
Apocalyptic  is  the  hterature  of  this  despair.  The 
Apocalyptist  recognises  that  there  is  no  hope  for  Israel 
along  the  ordinarj'  fines  of  history.  Palestine  can 
never  become  a  world-empire  and  the  centre  of  uni- 
versal dominion — at  least,  not  by  political  methods. 
Five  hundred  years  of  failure  have  made  that  lesson 
obvious.  But  how  could  the  failure  of  Israel  be  recon- 
cilcil  with  faith  in  God  ?  Were  the  promises  of  the 
prophets  futile  and  abortive  ?  That  was  the  main 
problem  which  faced  the  religious  leaders  of  Israel 
in  the  later  centuries.  The  answer  which  they  found 
to  it  was  not  the  abandonment  of  faith  but  its  in- 
tensification. What  could  not  be  realised  by  the 
ordinary  methods  of  national  development  would  be 
achieved  by  a  miraculous  intervention.  God  would 
break  into  history.  There  would  be  a  final  cataclysm, 
followed  by  the  destruction  of  Israel's  enemies  and  the 
establishment  of  God's  kingdom  upon  earth. 

The  Origin  and  Development  of  Apocalyptic. — 
Apocalyptic  proper  begins  with  the  Book  of  Enoch 
and  the  Book  of  Daniel,  but  neither  the  method  nor 
the  idea  was  altogether  new.  Germs  of  both  are  to 
be  found  in  the  prophets  themselves.  Most  of  the 
prophets  spoke  of  "  a  day  of  the  Lord."  "  Behold 
the  day  of  the  Lord  cometh  with  wrath  and  fierce 
anger  to  lay  the  land  desolate,"  says  the  unknown 
writer  of  Is.  13.  The  second  chapter  of  Joel  is  a 
splendid  illustration  of  Apocalyptic.  It  foretells  the 
advent  cf  "  the  day,"  and  describes  it  as  "  a  day  of 
darkness  and  gloominess,  a  day  of  clouds  and  thick 
darkness."  "  I  will  show  wonders  in  the  heaven  and 
in  the  earth,  blood  and  fire  and  pillars  of  smoke.  The 
earth  shall  be  turaed  into  darkness  and  the  moon  into 
blood  before  the  great  and  the  terrible  day  of  the 
Lord  come."  The  same  conception  forms  the  main 
theme  of  the  prophecy  of  Zephaniah  :  "  Wait  ye  upon 
me,  saith  the  Lord,  until  the  day  that  I  rise  up  to  the 
prey ;  for  my  determination  is  to  gather  the  nations 
...  to  pour  upon  them  mine  indignation  .  .  .  for 
all  the  earth  shall  be  devoured  with  the  fire  of  my 
jealousy."  Then,  too,  we  have  in  Is.  65  the  vision  of 
the  new  heavens  and  the  new  earth  which  God  is  to 
create  in  place  of  the  old.  But  though  the  idea  of 
"  the  day  of  the  Lord  "  is  found  commonly  in  the 
prophets,  it  is  often  a  "  day  of  the  Lord  "  against 
Israel's  foes  or  the  unrighteous  in  Israel  itself ;  and, 
moreover,  the  agent  in  the  intiiction  of  the  punish- 
ment is  generally  some  human  force — e.g.  "  the  northern 
army  "  of  Joel.  In  prophecy,  as  a  rule,  God  acts 
indirectly  through  human  agencies  ;  in  Apocalyptic 
He  acts  directly  by  a  personal  intervention. 

We  may  say,  therefore,  that  Apocalyptic  arose  out 
of  prophecy  by  developing  and  universalising  the  con- 
ception of  the  day  of  the  Lord.  Its  chief  interest  lay 
in  the  questions  and  problems  connected  with  this 
idea.     The  prophets  hjul  left  the  picture  vaguo  and 


indefinite ;  the  Apocalyptists  attempted  to  fill  ui  the 
details  and  give  concrete  form  and  body  to  the  vision. 
Wliat  would  happen  when  the  "  great  day  "  came  ? 
What  would  be  its  antecedents  ?  What  would  be  the 
character  of  "  the  judgment  "  and  the  punishment 
meted  out  to  the  guilty  ?  Wliat  would  be  the  nature 
of  the  new  kingdom  that  was  to  be  set  up  ?  \Vould 
it  be  composed  of  Israelites  only,  or  would  Gentiles 
be  admitted  to  it  ?  Would  it  be  permanent  or  only 
temporary,  and,  if  the  latter,  what  would  be  its 
duration  ?  Would  the  pious  dead  have  any  lot 
in  it,  and,  if  so,  what  would  be  the  nature  of  their 
resurrection  ?  Would  the  wicked  also  be  raised  for 
punishment  ?  What  was  the  nature  of  the  unseen 
world  and  heaven  and  hell  ?  These  and  many  other 
difficult  questions  naturally  arose,  and  it  was  the  task 
of  Apocalyptic  to  attempt  to  find  the  answers.  The 
main  interest  of  Apocalyptic,  therefore,  was  always 
in  the  problems  of  eschatology.  It  looked  beyond  the 
narrow  horizon  of  history  into  the  "  great  beyond." 
It  attempted  to  explore  the  "  dim  hinterland  "  of 
existence  and  find  some  token  of  its  nature  and  char- 
acter. It  abandoned  the  present  world  as  hopeless, 
but  it  found  its  comfort  and  consolation  in  a  vision — 
such  as  no  Israelite  had  ever  had  before — of  a  new 
heaven  and  a  new  earth. 

Some  Characteristics  of  Apocalyptic. — The  first 
important  characteristic  of  Apocalyptic  is  the  fact 
that  the  writings  are  always  pseudonymous.  The 
authors  never  write  in  their  own  names,  but  always 
adopt  the  name  of  one  of  Israel's  heroes  in  the  past — 
e.g.  Enoch,  Daniel,  the  Patriarchs,  Baruch,  Moses, 
Isaiah,  etc.  Many  motives  have  been  suggested  for 
this  pseudonymity.  Some  have  found  the  reason  in 
the  fact  that  the  Apocalyptists  were  devoid  of  literary 
ambition,  and  thought  only  of  the  message  which  they 
were  anxious  to  convey  to  the  people.  Others  have 
argued  that  they  concealed  their  identity  in  order  to 
avoid  the  risk  of  martjTdom.  The  real  motive,  how- 
ever, is  probably  that  which  has  recently  been  sug- 
gested by  Dr.  Charles.  At  the  time  when  Apocalyptic 
flourished,  the  Law  had  been  established  in  Israel  as  a 
complete  embodiment  of  the  Divine  revelation.  "  Thus 
theoretically  and  practically  no  room  was  left  for  new 
light,  or  any  fresh  disclosure  of  God's  will."  From 
the  third  century  B.C.  onward  (that  is,  after  the  for- 
mation of  the  Canon  of  the  OT  in  its  earliest  forms) 
writers  were  compelled  by  "  the  tyranny  of  the  Law 
and  the  petrified  orthodoxies  of  the  time  "  to  resort 
to  pseudonymity.  Their  only  chance  of  securing  a 
hearing  for  their  teaching  was  to  attribute  it  to  some 
consecrated  name  in  the  prc-legal  period.  New  hymns 
were  therefore  ascribed  to  David,  and  ijooks  like 
Canticles  and  Ecclesiastes  to  Solomon.  Pseudonj^mity 
was  a  literary  device  to  obtain  an  audience — an  act 
of  homage  paid  by  the  present  to  the  past. 

Another  well-marked  characteristic  is  the  use  of 
symbol  and  figure.  Apocalj^ptic  created  a  style  and  a 
vocabulary  of  its  own.  Its  writers  gave  full  play  to 
their  imagination.  Jewish  poetry  is  for  the  mast  part 
simple  and  restrained.  Jewish  Apocalyptic  revels  iu 
phantasies  and  allows  the  imagination  to  run  riot. 
One  of  the  earliest  illustrations  of  this  method  is  to 
bo  found  in  the  elaborate  vision  of  the  wheels  in  the 
first  chapter  of  Ezekiel.  Daniel's  visions  of  the  great 
image  with  head  of  gold  and  feet  of  iron  and  clay  (2), 
and  of  the  four  beasts  (7),  and  of  the  ram  and  the  ho- 
goat  (8),  are  further  examples  of  this  mode  of  writing. 
We  may  be  quite  sure  that  allusions  which  are  obscure 
to  us  to-day  owing  to  our  ignorance  of  the  details  of 
the  situation  were  clear  aa  crystal  when  the  books  were 


APOCALYPTIC   LITERATURE 


433 


first  written.  There  gradually  grew  up  an  apocalyptic 
tradition.  The  method  became  stereotyped.  The 
same  figures  and  symbols  reappear  in  ^vrite^  after 
writer.  The  Book  of  Revelation  in  the  NT  cannot  be 
understood  at  all  apart  from  the  other  literature  of 
Apocalyptic.  Nearly  every  picture  which  the  writer 
draws  has  a  history  behind  it,  and  we  need  to  know  the 
history  before  we  can  appreciate  the  picture.  To 
take  an  illustration.  In  the  Book  of  Revelation  the 
duration  of  the  rule  of  Antichrist  is  described  as 
"forty  and  two  months"  (II2,  ISs),  or  1260  days 
(11 3).  How  did  the  wiiter  get  this  figure  ?  We  have 
only  to  turn  to  the  Book  of  Daniel  to  find  the  answer 
to  this  question.  The  42  months  or  12G0  days  of 
Revelation  represent  the  three  and  a  half  years  of  the 
persecution  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (from  the  spring 
of  *168  B.C.  to  the  autumn  of  165  B.C.).  The  actual 
duration  of  the  persecution  under  Antiochus  became 
the  traditional  duration  of  the  reign  of  Antichrist. 
Thus  we  see  that  the  facts  and  events  of  the  Maccabean 
struggle  became  the  type  and  prophecy  of  the  final 
confiict  with  Antichrist  at  the  end  of  time.  The  figure 
of  Antichrist  is  very  largely  the  figure  of  Antiochus 
"  writ  large "  and  thrown  upon  the  screen  of  the 
future.  The  scenery  and  panorama  of  the  apocalyptic 
dream  were  slowly  evolved.  There  is  a  history  behind 
every  figure  and  nearly  every  phrase.  The  same  ideas 
constantly  recur,  modified,  of  course,  to  suit  the  needs 
of  the  time.  The  originality  of  the  Book  of  Revelation 
lies  not  so  much  in  the  sjnnbols  and  the  imagery  (which 
are  mostly  old),  but  in  the  adaptation  of  apocaljrptic 
tradition  to  the  circumstances  of  the  Christian  Church 
of  the  first  century. 

Apocalyptic  Literature. — Apocalyptic  hterature  be- 
gins with  the  Book  of  Daniel,  which  was  written  shortly 
after  the  sacrilege  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  upon  the 
Jewish  Temple  (about  165  B.C.).  Judaism  was  stirred 
to  its  very  depths  by  the  ruthless  attempt  of  Antiochus  to 
thrust  Greek  customs  and  usages  and  worship  upon  the 
peopleof  God(p.  607).  The  Book  of  Daniel  was  composed 
to  comfort  the  nation  in  the  hour  of  its  distress,  and 
to  urge  upon  it  the  duty  of  resistance  even  to  death. 
It  holds  out  the  promise  of  Divine  intervention.  God 
will  set  up  His  throne  of  judgment ;  the  enemies  of 
Israel  will  be  overthrown  ;  a  kingdom  of  saints  will 
be  established,  to  which  all  nations  shall  be  in  sub- 
jection ;  sin  will  be  abolished  and  a  reign  of  ever- 
lasting righteousness  inaugurated  ;  the  righteous  dead 
of  Israel  will  rise  to  an  eternal  life  of  glory  ;  the  Avicked 
will  be  punished  with  contumely  and  shame.  Next  in 
importance  to  Daniel  is  the  Book  of  Enoch,  the  earliest 
parts  of  which  probably  date  from  the  same  period. 
As  it  has  come  down  to  us,  the  book  is  a  composite 
document — a  library  rather  than  a  volume — and  con- 
tains at  anj-  rate  five  different  Apocalypses,  ranging 
in  date  from  about  170  b.c.  to  64  B.C.  It  deals  with 
such  problems  as  the  origin  of  sin,  the  judgment  of  the 
wicked,  and  the  ultimate  lot  of  the  righteous,  which  is 
depicted  as  a  long,  untroubled  life  in  an  ideal  Paradise 
on  earth.  The  part  known  as  "  the  Similitudes  ''  is 
famous  for  its  conception  of  the  Messiah,  whom  it 
portra\-s  as  the  "  Son  of  Man  "  sitting  beside  the 
"  Head  of  Days  "  (the  Almighty)  on  "  the  throne  of 
glory "  for  the  judgment  of  the  world.  A  third 
Ai)ocaiypse,  known  as  the  Book  of  the  Secrets  of  Enoch, 
which  is  quite  distinct  from  the  other  book  ascribed 
to  Enoch,  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  its  description  of  the 
"  seven  heavens.''  Each  of  these  heavens  has  its 
particular  class  of  occupants.  The  second  heaven,  for 
instance,  is  the  abode  of  the  fallen  angela  ?  the  third 
is  the  seat  of  Paradise  ;  the  seventh.  o^Ota  in?  th«^  tJjrono 


of  God.  The  book  belongs  to  the  first  half  of  the  first 
century  of  the  Christian  era. 

The  overthrow  of  Jerusalem  in  a.d.  70  raised  a 
terrible  problem  for  the  Jewish  mind :  How  could 
God  have  permitted  such  a  frightful  disaster  to  fall 
upon  His  people  ?  This  problem  was  discussed  in 
two  well-known  Apocalypses — the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch 
and  the  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra.  The  former  lays  stress 
on  the  certainty  of  Divine  retribution  upon  sin. 
"  Behold  the  days  come,  and  the  books  will  be  opened 
in  which  are  written  the  sins  of  all  who  have  sinned 
and  the  treasuries  in  which  the  righteousness  of  all 
those  who  have  been  righteous  is  gathered."  A  belief 
in  a  bodily  resurrection  is  strongly  affirmed.  "  The 
earth  will  assuredly  restore  the  dead  .  .  .  making  no 
change  in  their  form,  but  as  it  has  received,  so  will  it 
restore  them.''  It  is  in  this  Apocalypse  that  the  current 
conception  of  original  shi  is  challenged  and  the  statement 
made  that  "  every  man  is  the  Adam  of  his  own  soul." 
The  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra  is  a  Jewish  Apocalypse  in  a 
Christian  frame,  since  the  opening  and  closing  chapters 
are  Christian  additions — a  fact  which  shows  that  the 
book  was  highly  valued  in  early  Christian  circles.  It 
contains  seven  visions,  all  of  which  are  intended  to 
throw  light  upon  the  problem.  It  cannot  be  said, 
however,  that  the  book  chscovers  a  real  solution  of 
the  difficulty,  though  it  does  suggest  some  lines  of 
thought  in  which  comfort  can  be  found.  (1)  We  must 
remember  our  human  limitations,  and  that  it  is  im- 
possible for  us  to  understand  the  dealings  of  an  in- 
scrutable Providence.  (2)  We  must  trust  the  bound- 
less love  of  God.  "  Lovest  thou  the  people  better 
than  He  that  made  them  ?  "  (.3)  This  world  is  not 
the  end  of  things.  The  future  life  will  redress  the 
balance.  (4)  The  day  of  redemption  is  drawing 
near  when  the  Messiah  wiU  come  and  restore  the 
kingdom. 

Among  the  other  writings  which  belong  to  this  cla.s8 
of  literature  may  be  mentioned  (a)  The  Assumption  of 
Moses,  written  in  the  reign  of  Herod  the  Great,  which 
gives  a  rapid  sketch  of  Jewish  historj'  up  to  the  time 
of  writing,  and  foretells  the  advent  of  perilous  times, 
and  the  rise  of  a  new  Antiochus,  from  whose  persecu- 
tions, however,  the  people  will  be  delivered,  (b)  The 
Book  of  Jubilees,  or  "  httle  Genesis,"  which  rewrites 
the  narrative  of  Gen&sis  from  the  point  of  \iew  of  late 
Judaism,  leaving  out  stories  which  offended  the  re- 
hgious  sense  of  the  time,  and  inserting  allusions  to 
later  Jewish  laws  and  festivals.  The  book  is  generally 
dated  between  1.35  and  115  B.C.  (c)  The  Ascension  of 
Isaiah,  m  which  there  is  a  large  admixture  of  Christian 
elements,  contains  an  account  of  the  ascension  of 
Isaiah  through  the  seven  heavens,  and  the  descent  of 
the  Messiah  to  the  world  by  means  of  a  Virgin  Birth. 
The  book  is  compasite,  but  the  three  sections  into 
which  it  is  divided  seem  to  belong  to  the  first  century 
A.D.  {(l)  The  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs 
contains  twelve  ethical  tracts,  purporting  to  give  the 
last  utterances  of  the  twelve  sons  of  Jacob.  This  book 
too  has  been  worked  over  by  a  Christian  hand  ;  in 
fact,  some  scholars  have  assumed  that  it  was  a  Chris- 
tian production.  According  to  Dr.  Charles  the  bulk 
of  the  book  dates  from  109-107  b.c.  The  Testaments 
are  a  very  valuable  storehouse  of  information  with 
regard  to  the  ethical  teaching  of  the  time. 

Among  Christian  Apocalypses  the  chief  place  must 
be  assigned  to  the  Book  of  Revelation,  which  marks 
the  climax  of  the  apocalyptic  movement.  It  waa 
written  to  comfort  and  inspire  the  Christian  Cluirch 
in  a  time  of  persecution  which  threatened  to  reproduce 
all  the  horrors  of  the  regime  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 


434 


APOCALYPTIC   LITERATURE 


The  writer  has  undoubtedly  incorporated  in  his  book 
much  old  apocalyptic  material,  but  the  outlook  and 
the  teaching  are  his  own.  His  originality  conHists  in 
the  fact  that  he  has  infuBod  the  Christian  spirit  and  the 
Christian  doctrine  into  (he  apocalyptic  hope.  Many 
of  the  old  ideas  are  reproduced,  but  they  are  trans- 
formed and  glorified  by  the  radiance  of  the  Christian 
faith.  Another  Apocalypse  which  had  great  vogue  in 
early  Christian  circles  "is  the  Apocalypse  of  Peter, 
some  pages  of  which  have  recently  been  discovered. 
The  fragment  is  made  up  of  two  visions  :  (a)  the  vision 
of  the  saints  in  Paradise,  (b)  the  vision  of  Infenio. 
Paradise  is  described  as  a  land  "  blooming  with  un- 
fading flowers,  and  full  of  spices  and  fair  flowering 
plants."  The  picture  of  Inferno  is  very  lurid.  It 
depicts  the  various  forms  of  punishment  meted  out 
to  different  classes  of  offenders.  The  Apocalypse  of 
Peter  seems  to  have  exerted  a  great  influence  on  medi- 
spval  theology,  and  was  undoubtedlj'  the  indirect 
source  from  which  Dante's  picture  of  Inferno  was 
derived. 

The  Place  of  Apocalyptic  in  Jewish  Thought. — It  is 
often  argued,  especially  by  Jewish  scholars,  that  the 
modem  world  tends  to  overestimate  the  influence  of 
apocalyptic  hterature  on  Jewish  thought.  "  Apo- 
calyptic," it  maintains,  "  represents  a  backwater  and 
not  the  main  stream  of  Jewish  thought.  It  emanated 
from  certain  narrow  circles,  was  altogether  esoteric, 
and  made  no  permanent  mark  on  the  Jewish  faith." 
It  is  quite  true,  of  course,  that  Judaism  never  absorbed 
the  apocalyptic  ideals,  and  perhaps  the  chief  explana- 
tion of  this  is  the  fact  that  with  the  exception  of  the 
Book  of  Daniel,  the  Jewish  Apocalypses  were  written  too 
late  to  secure  a  place  in  the  OT  Canon  ;  and  when  the 
Canon,  especially  the  Law,  was  established  as  the 
form  of  Jewish  orthodoxy,  Judaism  became  more  or 
less  stereotyped  and  impervious  to  the  newer  forms 
of  theology.  Tliere  is  one  fact,  however,  which  proves 
conclusively  that,  whatever  the  later  attitude  of 
Judaism  to  Apocalyptic  may  have  been,  in  the  cen- 
turies immediately  preceding  and  following  the  birth 
of  Christ  it  exercised  an  overwhelming  influence — 
viz.  the  vast  circulation  which  these  different  Apo- 
calypses must  have  had  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  Judaism,  as  witnessed  by  the  large  number 
of  versions  or  translations  into  different  languages 
which  were  made  in  very  early  times.  The  Apocalypse 
of  Baruch,  for  instance,  seems  to  have  existed  in 
Hebrew,  Greek,  Latin,  and  Syriae  ;  the  Book  ol  Enoch 
in  Aramaic,  Ethiopic,  Latin  ;  the  Book  of  Jubilees 
in  Hebrew,  Greek,  Ethiopic,  Latin,  and  Syriae  ;  the 
Testaments  of  the  Patriarchs  in  Hebrew,  Greek, 
Armenian,  and  Slavonic.  These  translations  would 
not  have  been  made  unless  the  books  had  obtained  a 
very  wide  vogue.  If  translation  into  different  lan- 
guages is  any  gauge  of  the  popularity  of  a  book,  the 
Jewish  Apocalypses  must  have  been  among  the  most 
popular  books  of  the  time. 

The  Contribution  of  Apocalyptic  to  Theology. — As 
we  have  already  seen,  the  circumstances  which  created 
Apocalyptic  naturally  coloured  it,s  theological  outlook. 
The  contributions  which  it  made  to  the  thought  of 
the  time  are  in  the  main  cschatologieal,  though  the 
eschatology  in  its  turn  reacted  on  the  more  fundamental 
conceptions  of  religion — e.g.  the  doctrine  of  God.  Wo 
may  summarise  the  chief  theological  influences  of 
these  writings  as  follows  : 

(1)  Apocalyptic  accentuated  dualism  in  religious 
thought.  The  general  impression  which  wo  gain  from 
studying  the  literature  is  well  summed  up  in  the  words 
of  one  of  the  writers :   "  The  Lord  God  made  not  one 


world  but  two."  There  are  two  oppa<!ed  universes — 
the  universe  of  righteousness  under  the  rule  of  God, 
the  universe  of  sin  under  the  lordship  of  Satan. 

(2)  It  tended  to  widen  the  gulf  between  God  and 
the  world.  As  C.  A.  Scott  says :  "  The  tendency 
from  the  time  of  Isaiah  onwards  had  been  towards  a 
conception  of  God  as  removed  and  ever  further  re- 
moved from  contact  with  the  things  of  earth  and  from 
immediate  intercourse  with  men.  This  becomes  very 
marked  in  Ajjocalyptic  literature,  and  one  of  its  indi- 
cations is  the  development  in  this  period  of  a  doctrine 
of  angels,  an  order  of  created  but  superhuman  beings 
who  were  regarded  as  mcdiatoii?  of  intercourse  between 
God  and  man.  '  The  frequent  aUusion,  for  instance, 
to  hierarchies  of  angels  in  the  NT  is  very  largely  due 
to  the  influence  of  Apocalyptic. 

(3)  It  developed  the  doctrine  of  the  future  life.  The 
germ  of  the  belief  in  immortality  is  found  in  the  OT, 
but  the  development  of  the  doctrine  into  a  definite 
article  of  faith  was  the  work  of  Apocalyptic.  The  first 
unmistakable  reference  is  found  in  the  Book  of  Daniel : 
"  And  many  of  them  that  sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth 
shall  awake,  some  to  everlastmg  life,  and  some  to 
shame  and  everlasting  contempt  "  (122).  There  are 
varying  and  divergent  conceptions  of  the  future  life 
in  the  different  Apocalypses.  Sometimes  the  resurreO' 
tion  takes  place  on  the  plane  of  earth  in  a  kind  of 
millennial  Paradise,  sometimes  on  the  plane  of  heaven. 
Sometimes  a  bodily  resurrection  is  assumed,  sometimes 
a  spiritual.  In  some  writings  the  resurrection  is 
universal,  and  includes  the  wicked  as  well  as  the 
righteous;  in  others  there  is  only  a  resurrection  of 
the  good. 

(4)  It  gave  definite  shape  and  form  to  the  belief  in 
heaven  and  hell.  In  the  OT  the  picture  of  the  unseen 
world  is  dim  and  shadowy.  Apocalyptic  filled  in  the 
details  and  made  it  a  real  place  with  special  localities 
for  different  classes  of  spirits.  Tlie  description  of  the 
"  seven  heavens "  in  the  Book  of  the  Secrets  of 
Enoch  and  the  Ascension  of  Isaiah,  and  of  the  "  three 
heavens"  in  the  Testaments  of  the  Patriarchs,  coloured 
the  thought  of  the  NT,  and  passed  from  the  NT  into 
the  poetry  of  Dante  and  Milton. 

(5)  It  attempted  to  find  a  solution  for  the  problem 
of  the  origin  of  evil.  The  introduction  of  sin  into  the 
world  is  generally  attributed  to  the  fall  of  Adam. 
"  The  first  Adam  transgressed,"  says  the  author  of 
4  Ezra,  "  and  was  o^'ercome,  and  so  be  all  they  that 
are  bom  of  him."  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
doctrine  of  original  sin,  which  is  not  found  in  the  OT, 
was  really  the  creation  of  the  Apocalyptists.  There 
were  some  protests,  of  course.  The  Apocalypse  of 
Baruch,  as  we  have  seen,  challenged  the  doctrine,  and 
maintained  that  "  every  man  is  the  Adam  of  his  own 
soul."  There  was  an  altemative  suggestion,  too, 
which  is  found  in  several  Apocalypses,  that  sin  was 
introduced  into  the  world  through  the  angels,  who 
transgressed  with  the  daughters  of  men.  The  basis 
of  this  theory  is  the  narrative  in  Gen.  G1-4*. 

(())  Apocalyptic  developed  the  belief  in  the  advent 
of  a  Messiah.  The  wonderful  description  of  the 
"  Son  of  Man  "  in  tlie  Book  of  Enoch  has  already  been 
mentioned.  We  have  seen,  too,  how  the  Ascension 
of  Isaiah,  probably  under  Christian  influences,  de- 
scribes the  descent  of  "  the  B<'loved  "  (a  technical 
title  for  the  Messiah)  from  the  seventh  heaven.  The 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  foretells  the  destruction  of  the 
Roman  Empire  through  the  advent  of  the  Messiah. 
The  Psalms  of  Solomon  portray  the  advent  of  the 
"  Son  of  David  "  and  the  "  I-.ord  Clirist  "  to  save  his 
people  from  the  tjTanny  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and 


APOCALYPTIC   LITERATURE 


435 


4  Ezra  speaks  of  the  coining  of  a  Messiah  who  will 
reign  for  four  hundred  years  and  set  up  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  upon  earth.  The  conception,  however,  is 
not  uniform.  Sometimes,  as  in  the  Book  of  Enoch, 
the  Messiah  is  a  transcendent  Divine  being  ;  in  other 
writings — the  Psalms  of  Solomon,  for  instance — he 
is  merely  an  earthly  ruler  of  supreme  dignity  and 
power. 

(7)  The  conception  of  "  the  kingdom  of  God," 
which  in  the  teaching  of  the  prophets  was  mainly 
political  and  ethical,  became  in  the  hands  of  the 
Apocal3'-ptists  entirely  eschatological.  "  The  king- 
dom "  is  to  be  set  up  by  Divine  intervention  at  the 
end  of  time,  and  its  advent  is  always  closely  connected 
with  the  Day  of  Judgment. 

(8)  Apocalyptic  created  the  conception  of  the  final 
judgment.  As  Prof.  Burkitt  has  recently  said  :  "  The 
doctrine  of  a  future  general  assize  held  no  place  in 
the  Graeco-Roman  world  apart  from  the  belief  of  Jews 
and  Christians.  Possibly  the  belief  may  have  been 
fostered  by  the  influence  of  Zoroastrianism,  but  it  is 
difficult  in  that  case  to  explain  why  the  doctrine  is 
not  found  in  Mithraism,  which  came  far  more  under 
the  spell  of  Zoroastrianism  than  did  Judaism."  "  The 
doctrine  of  the  last  judgment  required  a  very  special 
set  of  circumstances  for  its  development,"  and  those 
circumstances  are  found  in  the  history  of  Judaism  in 
the  centuries  before  and  after  the  commencement  of 
the  Christian  era. 

The  Permanent  Value  of  Apocalyptic. — We  may 
commence  by  quoting  the  excellent  statement  of  Prof. 
Burkitt.  The  Jewish  Apocalypses  "  are  the  most 
characteristic  survival  of  what  I  will  venture  to  call, 
with  all  its  narrowness  and  incoherence,  the  heroic 
age  of  Jewish  history,  the  age  in  which  the  nation 
attempted  to  reahse  in  action  the  part  of  the  peculiar 
people  of  God.  It  ended  in  catastrophe,  but  the  nation 
left  two  successors,  the  Christian  Church  and  the  rab- 
binical schools,  each  of  which  carried  on  some  of  the 
old  national  aims.  And  of  the  two  it  was  the  Christian 
Church  that  was  most  faithful  to  the  ideas  enshrined 
in  the  Apocalypses."  The  exterior  forms  and  the 
weird  figures  and  symbols  of  Apocalyptic  were  aban- 
doned, of  course,  except  m  the  Book  of  Revelation, 
but  the  spiritual  substance  of  apocalyptic  faith  was 
incorporated  in  the  doctrine  of  Christianity.  Let  us 
briefly  note  what  are  the  elements  of  abiding  value 
in  Apocalyptic. 

(1)  The  first  and  fundamental  article  in  the  faith 
of  the  Apocalyptists  is  that  history  is  teleological. 
There  is  a  great  Divine  purpose  being  worked  out  in  the 
world-movements  of  the  time.  Things  do  not  happen 
by  accident,  and  history  will  not  end  in  chaos.  There 
is  always  the  "  great  far-off  divine  event  towards  which 


the  whole  creation  moves  " — the  final  dhumement  of 
the  drama. 

(2)  But  there  are  two  ways  of  writing  a  Utopia. 
There  is  the  Greek  way,  which  is  also  the  Enghsh  way, 
that  sees  Utopia  realised  in  the  slow  and  steady  im- 
provement of  human  society  ;  and  there  is  the  Jewish 
way,  which  says  that  Utopia  can  only  be  realised  by  a 
great  act  of  Divine  intervention.  Both  views  are 
right  and  both  are  wrong.  The  Greek  way  is  wrong 
because  it  ignores  the  action  of  God  ;  the  Jewish  way 
is  wrong  because  it  tliinks  that  God  can  work  only 
through  a  cataclysm.  The  true  view  hes  in  the  union 
of  the  Greek  and  Jewish  conceptions.  Utopia  is  the 
reahsation  of  the  perfect  will  of  God  worked  out  ia 
history. 

(3)  Apocalyptic  hfted  man's  vision  from  the  world 
that  is  seen  to  the  world  that  is  unseen.  "  It  called 
into  being  a  new  world  to  redress  the  balance  of  the 
old."  Pushed  to  extremes,  of  course,  Apocalyptic 
issues  in  the  form  of  "  other-worldliness,"  which  was 
so  strongly  and  so  justly  reprobated  by  George  Eliot. 
But,  stated  sanely,  the  doctrine  of  the  Apocalj'ptista 
seems  essential  to  a  vital  faith.  The  conception  of 
the  "  seven  heavens "  may  have  been  a  fantastic 
dream,  but  a  dream  is  sometimes  better  than  nothing 
at  all.  In  the  stern  times  in  which  the  Apocalypses 
were  written,  the  faith  of  men  could  not  have  been 
kept  alive  by  a  vague  and  dim  phantom-heaven.  The 
Apocalyptists  created,  largely  out  of  their  imagination 
of  course,  a  heaven  that  seemed  real  to  them,  and  the 
picture  of  that  heaven  made  men  heroes  in  the  fight 
for  faith. 

Such  are  some  of  the  ideas — and  they  were  un- 
doubtedly created  and  developed  by  Apocalyptic — 
■which  possess  abiding  value  for  Christianity. 

Llteratxire. — The  Oxford  Apocrypha  and  Psevdepi- 
grapha  (1913),  edited  by  Dr.  Charles,  contains  a  trans- 
lation of  all  the  Jewish  documents  with  introductions 
and  notes.  This  book  has  now  superseded  the  German 
collection  which  was  edited  by  Kautzsch.  Separate 
editions  of  most  of  the  Apocalypses — e.g.  the  Book  of 
Enoch,  the  Assumption  of  Moses,  the  Ascension  of 
Isaiah,  the  Book  of  Jubilees,  and  the  Testament  of  the 
Twelve  Patriarchs  (with  fuller  and  more  detailed  intro- 
ductions and  notes) — have  been  pubhshed  by  Charles. 
Other  sources  of  information  are  the  articles  in  the 
Bible  dictionaries,  especially  HDB  and  EBi ;  H.  T. 
Andrews,  The  Apocryphal  Books  (Cent.  B.  Hand- 
books); Porter,  The  Jlesmges  of  ike  Apocalyptic 
Writers ;  Charles,  A  Critical  History  of  the  Doctrine  of 
a  Future  Life;  Burkitt,  Jewish  and  Christian  Apoca- 
lypses ;  Ryle  and  James,  The  Psalms  of  Solomon  ; 
Box,  The  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra ;  Oesterley,  Introduc- 
tion to  the  Apocrypha. 


ISAIAH    I-XXXIX 


By  the  editor 


Of  Isaiah's  personal  life  we  know  but  little,  and  that 
of  slight  importance.  Bom  presumably  in  the  second 
quarter  of  tlio  eighth  century,  probably  in  Jerusalem, 
he  received  his  call  in  the  year  of  Uzziahs  death 
(c.  740  B.C.).  Unhke  Amos,  he  did  not  refuse  to  be 
called  a  prophet,  and  was  indeed  so  pre-eminently  a 
prophet  that  his  wife  could  be  called  the  prophetess 
(83).  In  735  he  had  a  son,  Shear-jashub,  old  enough  to 
accompany  him  to  the  famous  interview  with  Ahaz  ; 
and  soon  after  that  interview  a  second  son  was  bom, 
bearing,  like  his  elder  brother,  a  significant  name, 
Maher-shalal-hash-baz.  He  lived  through  the  reigns 
of  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and  much,  if  not  the  whole,  of 
Hezckiah's.  Whether  he  survived  into  the  reign  of 
Manassch  is  uncertain.  We  know  only  that  he  was 
still  active  at  the  time  of  Sennacherib's  invasion  (701). 
The  late  tradition  that  he  was  sawn  asunder  by  order 
of  Manasseh,  in  the  persecution  that  accompanied  the 
reaction  against  the  prophetic  teaching,  may  be  true 
(Heb.  11 37),  but  the  silence  of  Kings  is  strong  negative 
evidence  against  it.  His  work  was  doubtless  carried 
on  after  his  death  by  the  disciples  (816*)  whom  he 
had  gathered  about  liim,  and  who  kept  alive  the 
higher  prophetic  faith,  preparing  the  way  for  Deutero- 
nomy, for  the  Reformation  under  Josiah,  and  the 
teaching  of  Jeremiah. 

A  great  deal  in  our  present  book  belongs  to  later 
writers  than  Isaiah.  The  book  obviously  falls  into 
three  divisions  :  (n)  1-35.  (b)  36-39,  (c)  40-66.  The 
last  of  these  is  itself  a  compilation  :  it  includes  no 
Isaianic  matter,  and  the  earliest  sections  in  it  are  a 
century  and  a  half  later  than  Isaiah's  time.  The 
second  is  an  extract  from  2  K.,  but  it  contains  an 
oracle  attributed  to  Isaiah.  But  even  1-35  contains 
much  that  is  not  Isaiah's.  Indubitably  this  is  so 
with  13i-1423.  24-27,  34f.,  and  almo'st  universal 
consent  would  add  21i-io.  But  this  b}'  no  means 
exhausts  the  hst.  We  should  probablv  include  1 1 10-16, 
12,  15f.,  2I11-17,  23,  33,  to  which  in' the  judgment  of 
several  scholars  22-4,  42-6,  19  should  be  added.  And 
even  the  authentic  prophecies  have  probablj'  in  some 
instances  been  expanded  by  later  insertions.  Some 
scholars  insist  that  the  two  great  Messianic  passages, 
92-7,  11 1-9,  are  much  later  than  Isaiah's  time. 

Enough,  however,  of  certainly  authentic  matter 
remains  to  make  the  prophet's  significance  clear  to 
us  and  enable  us  to  measure  his  contribution  to 
religion.  The  account  of  the  vision  (6)  in  which  he  was 
consecrated  to  his  vocation  is  here  of  fundamental 
importance.  Overwhelmed  with  the  majesty  of 
Yahweh,  crushed  by  the  sense  of  his  own  uncleanness, 
as  it  stand.s  revealed  against  the  background  of  Gods 
holiness,  ho  realises  tliat  he  must  confess  also  his 
peoples  uncleannesfl,  since  his  solidarity  with  them 
made  it  his  own.  Such  sinfulness  merits  no  milder 
penalt}'  than  death.  Yet  Judah  may  repent  as  ho 
has  repented,  be  cleansed  as  he  has  been  cleansed  ; 


436 


but  since  the  prophetic  message  will  harden  rather 
than  persuade  them,  he  is  assured  that  irretrievable 
judgment  will  overtake  the  great  mass  of  the  nation. 
The  vision  indeed  suggests  complete  extermination ; 
but  the  fact  that  early  in  his  ministry  Isaiah  embodied 
in  the  name  of  his  son  Shear-jashub  his  faith  that  a 
remnant  would  turn  to  God.  makes  it  probable  that 
from  the  first  this  doctrine  formed  part  of  his  message. 
It  was  suggested  by  his  own  experience,  by  Yahweh's 
choice  of  Israel,  which  surely  would  not  be  stultified, 
and  by  the  assurance  the  vision  conveyed  to  him  that 
Yahweh  of  a  truth  dwelt  in  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem. 
His  forecast  of  the  future  was  thus  one  of  mingled 
gloom  and  hope  ;  only  a  remnant  would  turn  and  live, 
but  still  a  remnant.  Yet  the  sense  that  his  ministry 
was  destined  to  failure  did  not  lead  him  to  relax  his 
efforts.  The  uncleanness  of  his  people  was  expressed 
in  various  ways,  partly  in  idolatry  and  in  vice,  espe- 
cially, however,  in  the  oppression  of  the  poor  and 
defenceless  and  in  the  maladministration  of  justice. 
Reform  might  avert  disaster,  otherwise  ruin  waa 
inevitable.  Assyria  would  be  the  rod  of  Y'ahweh'a 
anger.  When  Ahaz,  panic-stricken  at  the  invasion 
of  Syria  and  Ephraim,  which  Avas  intended  to  force 
Judah  into  a  coahtion  against  Assyria,  was  medi- 
tating an  appeal  for  help  to  Tiglath-pileser.  the  king 
of  Assyria,  Isaiah  warned  him  against  a  step  which 
would  free  him  from  a  temporary  embarrassment  at 
the  price  of  accepting  the  Assyrian  king  as  his  suzerain. 
He  bade  him  trust  in  God  and  despise  his  foes,  "  two 
tails  of  smoking  firebrands,"  a  source  of  annoyance,  but 
impotent  for  serious  mischief  (74).  The  heavv  tribute 
to  AssjTia  would  have  to  bo  wmng  largely  from  the 
needy  ;  social  misery  would  be  aggravated,  reform 
indefinitely  postponed.  And  why  pay  Assyria  for 
doing  the  work  her  own  interest  would  compel  her  ta 
do  for  herself  ?  The  faith  of  the  mother,  who  would 
name  her  son  Immanuel,  thus  uttering  her  conviction^ 
that  God  was  with  His  people,  would  shame  the  policy 
of  the  unbelieving  king.  But  when  the  fatal  step  had 
been  taken  and  Judahs  independence  had  been  bar- 
tered for  Assyria's  help,  Isaiah  counselled  his  country- 
men against  futile  attemjits  at  revolt.  For  no  pause 
could  be  set  to  Assyria's  advance  by  any  human  power.. 
Assyria  was  indeed  to  be  broken  and  cast  aside,  but 
only  by  Yahweh,  and  not  till  she  had  achieved  His 
purpose.  Meanwhile  he  commends  his  motto,  "  In 
quietness  and  confidence  shall  be  your  strength." 
For  when  Assyria's  work  is  done,  her  haughtiness  and 
braggart  arrogance  will  be  punished.  Then,  when 
she  is  destroyed  and  Judali  is  free,  the  era  of  blessed- 
ness will  begin.  There  will  bo  a  st^able  government 
and  a  righteous  administration  under  the  Messianic 
king,  who  passes  through  victory  to  an  aViiding  peace. 
Agriculture  will  fiourish.  the  land  will  be  very  fniitful, 
prosperity  will  abound.  Judah's  reliance  will  bo 
placed  on  no  earthly  power,  but  on  Yahweh  alone. 


ISAIAH,  I.  20 


437 


No  Hebrew  prophet  has  a  style  more  majestic  than 
that  of  Isaiah.  The  loftiness  of  thought  and  feeling 
finds  a  fit  expression  in  his  lofty  eloquence.  In  the 
noble  splendour  of  his  verse  he  is  surpassed  by  no 
poet  of  his  race.  No  attentive  reader  can  fail  to  ob- 
serve the  felicities  of  his  rhythm,  the  choiceness  of  hia 
diction,  the  concise  power  of  his  descriptions,  the 
volcanic  force  of  his  denunciation,  the  serene  beauty 
with  which  he  suffuses  liis  pictures  of  Israel's  future 
blessedness.  Nor  can  he  miss  the  range  and  aptness 
of  his  metaphors.  No  adequate  estimate  of  the 
later  writers  in  1-39  can  be  attempted  in  our  space, 
but  although  the  gift  of  expression  is  naturally  at 
very  different  levels,  some  passages  are  of  high  literary 
quality. 

Literature. — Commentaries :  (a)  Skinner  (CB), 
Whitehouse  (Cent.B),  Wade  (West.C),  Cheyne  (SHOT 
Eng.),  McFadyen;  (6)  Gray  (ICC),  Cheyne  (Pro- 
phecies of  Isaiah)  ;  (c)  Gesenius,  Hitzig,  *DeUtz8ch, 
Dillmann  "  (6th  ed..  revised  by  Kittel).  Duhm  (HK). 
Marti  (KHC),  Condamin.  Schmidt  (SAT)  ;  (d)  G.  A. 
Smith  (Ex.B.).  Other  Literature :  Cheyne,  Introduction 
to  the  Book  of  Isaiah  ;  Driver,  Isaiah  :  his  Life  and 
Times  ;  Glazebrook,  Sttulies  in  the  Book  of  Isaiah  ; 
Kennett,  The  Composition  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah  ; 
Mitchell,  Isaiah  :  A  Sttuhj  of  Chapters  I-XII.  On  the 
text :  Cheyne  (SBOT  Heb.)  ;  Box,  T?te  Book  of  Isaiah 
(an  annotated  translation  from  an  emended  text,  with 
introductions).  For  special  literature  on  Is.  40-66  see 
p.  461. 

1. 1-31.  Israel's  Sin,  Its  Sore  Punishment,  False  and 
True  Divine  Service. — The  chapter  is  not  a  unity. 
The  main  part  of  it  (2-17)  represents  perhaps  two 
addresses  (2-0,  10-17),  but  they  connect  well,  and 
probably  belong  to  the  same  date.  The  description 
of  Judah's  condition  suits  the  invasion  of  Sennacherib 
(701  B.C.)  better  than  that  of  Syria  and  Ephraim 
(735-4  B.C.).  The  state  of  the  people  is  wretched  in 
the  extreme,  the  land  is  ravaged,  the  cities  burned, 
Jerusalem  alone  uncaptured.  This  agrees  with  the 
events  of  701,  when  Sennacherib  took  all  the  fenced 
cities  of  Judah  save  Jerusalem,  and  shut  up  Hezekiah 
in  his  capital  "  like  a  bird  in  his  cage."  On  the  other 
sections,  see  below. 

1.  Title  by  a  later  editor,  originally  prefixed  to 
chs.  1-12. 

2-9.  Let  heaven  and  earth  hear  with  amazement 
Yahweh's  complaint.  He  has  reared  His  people  with 
the  kindliest  care,  and  they  (pathetic  emphasis)  have 
repaid  Him  with  unfilial  ingratitude.  Ox  and  ass 
find  their  way  to  their  owners  house,  but  Israel  dis- 
plays no  such  intelligence  (Jer.  87).  With  fourfold 
term  of  reproach  the  prophet  expostulates  with  them 
for  their  mad  folly.  Do  you  wish  to  be  smitten  still 
more  severely,  to  go  on  revolting  more  and  more  ? 
The  whole  body  politic  is  all  wounds  from  head  to 
foot  ;  its  wounds  have  not  been  pressed  to  remove  the 
matter,  nor  bandaged,  nor  softened  and  soothed  with 
oil  (Lk.  IO34).  Their  country  is  devastated,  their 
cities  burned,  so  much  they  have  learnt  from  the 
refugees  ;  from  the  walls  they  can  see  for  themselves 
the  Assyrians  encamped  on  their  fields  and  devouring 
the  produce.  Zion  alone  remains,  frail  and  lonely,  and, 
but  for  Yahweh's  goodness,  their  fate  had  resembled 
that  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah. 

4.  seed :  not  descendants,  but  brood  (Mt.  37). 
They  are  themsolv(^s  the  evildoers.  Omit  last  clause 
mth  LXX. — 5.  Most  render  "  On  what  "  instead  of 
"  Why.  "  i.e.  on  what  part  of  the  body,  none  being 
left  untouched  by  the  rod.  This  suits  the  next  verso  ; 
but  chastisement  does  not  select  the  untouched  spot«. 


or  avoid  striking  what  it  has  struck  before. — the  whole 
head  :  better  than  mg.  Isaiah  is  thinking  of  the  State, 
not  of  individuals. — as  overthrown  by  strangers :  for 
thisfeeble  repetition  read  "  as  theovcrthrow  of  Sodom." 
Elsewhere  "  overthrow  "  always  refers  to  the  de- 
struction of  the  Cities  of  the  Plain  (Gen.  19*). — 
8.  daughter  of  Zion  :  Zion  is  not  the  mother,  but 
herself  the  daughter  ;  cities  were  often  personitied  as 
women. — booth  :  the  watchman's  slight  shelter  ;  the 
special  point  of  the  illustration  is  Zion's  isolation,  but 
her  frailty  also  is  suggested. — a  besieged  City  :  point- 
less ;  perhaps  "  a  watch-tower "  on  some  lonely 
elevation. 

10-17.  This  connects  admirably  with  9.  By  a  fine 
transition  Isaiah  intimates  that  it  is  no  merit  in  tho 
rulers  which  has  averted  Sodom's  fate.  Let  those 
lawless  and  shameless  administrators  listen  to  tho 
teaching  {mg.)  of  their  outraged  God.  What  end.  He 
asks,  do  their  sacrifices  serve  ?  He  loathes  them,  has 
not  demanded  them,  bids  the  worshippers  trample  His 
courts  no  more  to  send  up  the  reek  of  their  oblations, 
hates  their  new  moons  (p.  101)  and  sacred  seasons,  and 
will  not  hsten  to  their  prayers.  For  on  their  palms, 
uplifted  in  the  customary  attitude  of  prayer,  beneath 
the  blood  of  sacrifice.  He  sees  a  darker  stain,  the  blood 
of  their  fellows.  Yet  they  may  cleanse  themselves 
from  guilt  of  the  past  by  amendment  for  the  future, 
especially  by  restraint  of  the  oppressor  (mg.)  and 
succour  of  the  defenceless.  The  desperate  outlook 
had  probably  led  to  multiplied  sacrifices  ;  to  those  who 
were  thronging  the  Temple  to  offer  them  Isaiah 
seems  to  have  uttered  these  scathing  words  (cf.  Am. 
521-25  ;  Mi.  66-8  ;  Hos.  66  :  Jer.  620,  721-23).  The 
prophets  do  not  attack  sacrifice  in  itself  so  much  as 
sacrifice  divorced  from  morality  ;  j^et  their  tone  sug- 
gests that  they  attached  very  little  intrinsic  value  to 
the  sacrificial  ritual. 

10.  law  :  a  most  unfortimate  rendering,  as  the  Pen- 
tateuchal  Law  is  not  intended,  since  it  demands  many 
sacrifices.  Torah  means  "instruction"  (p.  121,  Dt. 
I5*,  Pr.  3i*);  here,  like  "the  word  of  the  Lord"  it 
is  equivalent  to  the  utterance  which  follows. — 11, 
Burnt-offerings  (Lev.  l"")  were  totally  consumed  on 
the  altar,  the  fat  of  peace  offerings  (Lev.  3*)  was 
burnt,  the  blood  of  all  sacrifices  was  sacred  to  God. 
He  rejects  it  all. — 12f.  Perhaps  we  should  render  : 
"  When  ye  come  to  see  my  face,  who  hath  required 
this  at  your  hand  ?  No  more  shall  ye  trample  my 
courts  to  bring  vain  oblations,  reek  of  sacrifice  is 
abomination  to  me ;  new  moon  and  sabbath,  the 
calling  of  assemblies,  I  cannot  away  with,  fasting 
(LXX)  and  festal  assembly."  Fasting  is,  among  many 
peoples,  a  preliminary  to  the  taking  of  sacred  food. 

18-20.  Perhaps  an  independent  oracle,  or  even 
two  (18  and  igi.)  ;  the  date  is  quite  uncertain.  Ac- 
cording to  the  usual  view  Yahweh  challenges  Israel 
to  a  lawsuit,  that  His  righteousness  may  be  vindicated 
and  its  guilt  clearly  seen.  But  it  is  not  certain  that  a 
legal  process  is  implied.  Nor  is  18  clear.  It  may  be 
a  gracious  invitation  (so  RV),  it  may  be  sarcastic  (let 
them  be  white  as  snow  !),  or  an  indignant  question. 
The  last  is  grammatically  uncertain,  but  it  gives  the 
best  sense  :  If  your  sins  are  as  scarlet,  how  should 
they  be  reckoned  white  as  snow  ?  if  they  are  red  like 
crimson,  how  should  they  bo  as  wool  ?  No  distinction 
is  intended  between  scarlet  and  crimson. — 19f.  is  a 
characteristic  ex-pression  of  the  earlier  view  that 
righteousness  and  prosperity  were  inseparably  associ- 
ated. 

20.  devoured  with  the  sword:  better,  "ye  shall 
cat  the  sword."  an  effective  contrast  to   19 ;    but 


438 


ISAIAH,  I.  20 


Cheyne'B  emendation,  "on  husks  [haruhim)  eball  ye 
feed."  ifl  tempting.  The  husks  are  the  carob-pods 
on  which  the  J'rodigal  fed  the  swine  (Lk.  1516). 

21-26.  A  complete  poem,  of  uncertain  date,  in 
elegiac  rhythm.  How  has  the  city  once  loyal  to 
Yahweh  become  faithless  to  her  husband  !  Her  silver 
has  become  dross,  her  wine  adulterated.  Her  princes 
rebel  against  Yahweh  ;  the  thieves  bribe  them  to 
Becure  acquittal,  but  the  widow  and  orphan  cannot 
even  get  their  case  before  the  courts.  So  Yahweh 
will  take  vengeance  and  purify  the  city  in  the  furnace 
of  trial,  smelting  out  all  the  lead  alloy  (mg.).  Then 
He  will  restore  righteous  judges  as  in  David's  time, 
when  Jerusalem  became  an  Israelite  city,  and  give  her 
a  new  name  expressive  of  her  true  nature. 

22.  mixed  :  generally  supposed  to  mean  "  circum- 
cised," i.e.  diluted,  or  flat,  if  "  with  water  "  is  omitted. 
Perhaps  we  should  read  "  thy  wine  is  a  thick  juice  " 
{mokal). — 25.  throughly :  "as  with  alkali  '  (c/.  mg.), 
but  read  "  in  the  furnace  "  {bakkur). 

21 1.  An  insertion.  It  is  colourless  and  generalising, 
and  has  several  points  of  contact  with  later  writings  ; 
it  imphes  the  division  of  the  ]x?ople  into  sharply  dis- 
tinguished classes.  Judgment  and  righteousness  ap- 
E5ar  to  mean  Yahwehs  acts  of  deliverance,  as  in  the 
ter  sections  of  the  book  ;  Isaiah  never  seems  to  use 
the  word  "  redeem  "  (see  2922). 

2&-31.  A  fragment  on  tree-worship,  possibly  late. 
but  probably  Isaiahs.  It  is  an  immemorial  form  of 
idolatry  (p.  100),  and  persists  to  the  present  time.  The 
prophet  warns  his  hearers  that  they  will  be  disap- 
pointed in  the  divine  denizens  of  terebinths  (mg.)  and 
springs  in  the  sacred  gardens  (cf.  6.53,  6617).  They  will 
themselves  fail  like  the  terebinth,  whoso  divine  hfe 
fails  with  the  fading  leaf  in  autumn  or  the  spring,  no 
longer  bubbling  with  divine  energy,  but  scorched  up 
by  the  heat.  The  parched  terebinths  and  gardens 
are  so  inflammable  that  a  spark  sets  them  ablaze. 
Thus  ripe  for  ruin  are  the  strong  ;  they  are  Uke  tow, 
and  their  own  work  will  be  the  spark  that  destroys 
them. 

II.  1-4.  Zion  the  Worlds  Religious  Centre,  and  the 
Reign  of  Universal  Peace. — Ihe  title  in  i  is  a  later 
addition,  unrelated  to  the  important  oracle  2-4. 
This  oracle,  with  verbal  differences,  occuns  in  Mi.  4i-3*. 
It  is  probably  post-e.vihc.  The  very  high  significance 
attached  to  Zion  is  strange  in  the  eighth  century  ; 
the  idea  of  its  physical  exaltation  is  akin  to  Apocalyptic 
rather  than  prophecy.  Moreover,  Jer.  26 18  suggests 
that  Micah  predicted  irretrievable  doom  for  Zion. 
Duhm  thinks  that,  like  92-7,  Hi-S,  it  belongs  to 
Isaiah's  old  age  ;  he  calls  them  his  swan-songs.  This 
would  accord  with  the  wide  outlook  and  large  charity 
of  this  poem  :   yet  the  late  date  is  more  pro  liable. 

In  the  latter  days,  i.e.  the  bcKinning  of  the  Messianic 
times,  the  Temple  hill  will  be  physically  exalted  above 
all  other  mountains,  and  all  nations  will  stream  to 
Zion  to  learn  Yahweh's  ways.  Jemsaleni  is  the  source 
of  religious  knowhdge,  it  is  there  that  Yahweh  makes 
known  His  will.  It  is  noteworthy  that  this  instruction 
(mg.)  is  not  imparted  by  messengers  sent  out  to  the 
heathen,  but  by  Yahweh  Himself  in  Zion.  Ho  acts 
not  only  as  teacher,  but  as  arbitrator.  The  nations 
accept  His  decisions  as  final,  and  therefore  do  not  need 
to  settle  their  disputes  by  war.  so  turn  their  weapons 
into  implements  of  husbandry.  (For  the  reverse  of 
this  see  Jl.  3io.) 

II.  5-22.  The  Day  of  Yahweh. — A  poem  dating  from 
Isaiah  s  earliest  {xriod,  dealing  first  with  the  sin. 
then  with  the  judgment,  of  Israel.  The  text  has  been 
badly  preserved.     Probably  th«  refrain  which  we  find 


in  various  forms  in  10,  19,  21,  stood  at  the  beginning 
of  the  poem,  before  6  (5  being  an  editorial  link). 
Another  refrain  occurs  in  11,  17,  and  a  variant  of  it 
in  9  and  in  615.  Probably  each  part  began  and  ended 
with  the  same  refrains.  The  first  part  may  have 
consisted  of  19,  6-8,  11  :  the  second  part  of  10,  12-1S. 
In  that  case  20  is  a  Later  addition.  22  is  absent  from 
the  LXX  and  is  the  reflection  of  a  reader. 

Yahweh  has  forsaken  Israel,  for  its  wealth  and 
idolatry.  The  people  may  well  cower  in  the  caves 
of  the  rocks  ancl  the  holes  of  the  earth,  for  the  Day  of 
Yahweh  (cf.  Am.  618-20)  is  at  hand.  It  comes  in 
stonn  and  earthquake,  which  works  wild  havoc  on 
land  and  sea,  smiting  low  all  that  is  exalted,  the  works 
of  nature  and  man  alike,  that  Yahweh  alone  may  bo 
high  and  lifted  up.  as  the  prophet  had  seen  Him  in 
his  vision  (61 ).  Thus  the  pride  of  man  is  abased  before 
God,  when  the  fortres&es  and  ships  in  which  he  trusted 
are  brought  to  nought.  The  path  of  destruction  is 
from  Lebanon  with  its  cedars  and  Bashan  with  its 
oaks,  southward  and  westward  to  Israels  towers  and 
fortifications,  and  then  westward  still  to  the  Jlediter- 
ranean,  where  it  strikes  the  Phoenician  ships,  or  per- 
haps southward -to  Elath,  the  port  on  the  Gulf  of 
Akabah,  now  Judahs,  but  shortly  to  be  captured 
from  her  in  the  war  with  Sj'ria  and  Ephraim  (2  K. 

1422,  166). 

6.  Perhaps  we  should  read  filled  "  with  sorcery  " 
or  "  sorcerers  '  (but  see  Gray  s  note). — 7.  The  prophets 
were  hostile  to  wealth  because  it  dulled  the  spiritual 
sensibiUties  and  caused  men  to  forget  God  ;  to  horses, 
because  they  were  used  for  war  and  men  trusted  in 
them  rather  than  in  God. — 16.  ships  of  Tarshish: 
probably  Tartessus  in  Spain,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Guadalquivir  (Ps.  48;*).  The  ships  may  have  been  such 
as  were  used  for  the  Tarshish  trade,  not  necessarily 
such  as  actually  went  there. — pleasant  imagery  :  sense 
uncertain  ;  read  perhaps  "  costly  barks  "  (fphinoth  for 
efikitioth). 

III.  1-12.  Judah  to  be  Punished  with  Anarchy. — 
The  date  is  uncertain.  That  it  was  early  in  the  reign 
of  Ahaz  is  a  dubious  inference  from  12.  The  pillars 
of  society  will  be  removed,  and  control  will  thus  be 
thrown  into  the  hands  of  young,  inexperienced  up- 
starts. Social  distinctions  will  be  swept  away,  age 
and  rank  no  Ioniser  secure  respect.  Tired  of  the 
anarchy,  the  people  will  offer  the  headship  of  their 
district  to  one  whom  they  imagine  ecjual  to  it,  ap- 
parently because  he  belongs  to  the  old  order  and  has 
hereditary  instincts  for  ailmiiiistration.  But  he  will 
refuse,  disclaiming  the  qualification.  This  impending 
ruin  is  due  to  Judahs  rebeUious  provocation  of  Yahweh, 
its  respect  of  persons  (nu/.),  Sodom-liUe  shamclessness 
in  its  sin.  Blessed  is  the  righteous,  woe  to  the  wicked  ; 
each  shall  reap  what  he  has  sown.  The  people  is 
governed  by  oppressors  and  usurers,  its  leaders 
mislead  it. 

1.  the  whole  .  .  .  water :  a  gloss ;  stay  and  staff 
are  the  pillars  of  society. — 6.  Render.  "  When  a  man 
shall  take  hold  of  his  brother  saying.  In  thy  father's 
(reading  2nd  person)  house  is  a  mantle  (?  robe  of  office), 
come  be  thou  our  ruler.  " — lOf.  Perhaps  a  gloss  ; 
the  Heb.  is  elliptical,  the  thought  generalising,  the 
standpoint  that  of  the  later  individualism,  which 
sharply  differentiated  the  pious  and  wicked  and 
asserted  a  correspondinir  difference  in  their  fate. — 
Say  ye  of :  read  "  Blessed  is  '  {'ashre  for  'imru). — 
12.  Bender,  "  tormentors  are  their  oppressors,  and 
usurers  (nonhim)  rule  over  them." — destroy  :   confuse. 

III.  13-15.  Yahweh  Judges  the  Rulers.— Probably 
an  mdepcndont  oracle,  presumably,  though  not  oer- 


ISAIAH,  V.  8-24 


439 


tainly,  uttered  early  in  Isaiah's  career.  Yahweh  haa 
taken  up  the  cause  of  the  wronged,  and  calls  elders 
and  princes  to  account.  They  are  the  keepers  of  the 
vineyard  (01-7),  but  they  have  abused  their  position 
to  their  own  profit  ;  they  crush  Yahweh's  people,  and 
grind  between  the  millstones  the  faces  of  the  poor. 

13.  Isaiah  would  hardly  speak  of  a  judgment  of 
the  nations.     Read  "  his  people  "  (LXX). 

III.  16-IV.  1.  The  Luxurious  Ladles  of  Jerusalem 
and  their  Doom. — As  Amos  attacked  tho  women  of 
Samaria  for  their  luxury,  made  possible  through  the 
oppression  of  the  poor  (Am.  4i),  so  Isaiah  assails  the 
luxury  and  haughtiness  of  the  women.  These  West- 
end  ladies,  disdainful  and  affected,  walking  with  short 
mincing  steps,  ogling  the  men  with  wanton  glances, 
tinkUng  with  their  step-chains  and  making  a  clanging 
BOimd  as  they  struck  their  ankle-rings  together,  will 
be  smitten  with  leprous  scab  in  their  scalps,  and  be 
stripped  bare  of  their  finery.  They  will  then  offer  a 
hideous  contrast  to  their  present  magnificence — for 
perfume  the  stench  of  scabs,  the  rope  of  captivity 
for  the  girdle,  baldness  of  mourning  (22i2)  for  their 
elaborate  coiffure,  sackcloth  for  costly  apparel,  brand- 
ing that  will  ruin  their  beauty.  The  ravages  of  war 
wUl  be  so  terrible  that  the  women  will  outnumber  the 
men  by  seven  to  one.  Their  pride  will  be  so  abased 
that  seven  will  entreat  one  man  to  marry  them,  while 
they  offer  to  maintain  themselves,  that  the  disgrace 
of  being  unwedded  may  be  removed.  The  list  of 
articles  of  dress,  jewelry,  and  toilet  is  perhaps  not 
Isaiah's.  It  is  not  in  his  manner  to  give  long  prosaic 
lists  of  this  kind  ;  ho  mentions  enough  to  bring  the 
picture  vividly  before  the  reader's  eye  without  weary- 
ing him  with  details.  If  omitted,  17  and  24  are  brought 
into  connexion. 

16.  Zion  :  in  the  narrower  sense,  the  quarter  of 
Jerusalem  where  the  palace  stood. — mincing :  the 
ankle-chains  (20)  which  connected  the  anklets  (18) 
forced  them  to  take  short  steps  (Nu.  3I50).  They  ex- 
aggerated their  feminine  characteristics. — 18-23.  For 
the  unprofitable  details  the  larger  commentaries  must 
be  consulted.  The  rendering  "perfimie  boxes"  (20) 
is  that  generally  accepted ;  BDB  says  the  meaning 
is  evident  from  the  context.  The  literal  meaning 
is  "  houses  of  soul."'  Since  souls  are  sometimes  placed 
for  safe-keeping  in  an  amulet,  J.  G-  Frazer  takes  the 
trinkets  mentioned  here  to  have  been  soul  boxes,  "safes 
in  which  the  souls  of  the  owners  are  kept  for  greater 
security"  (Balder  the  Beautiful,  ii,  155;  Anthro- 
pological £s-'^ays  Presented  to  E.  B.  Tylor,  pp.  148ff.). 
— 251.  The  curious  tran.sition  from  the  women  of  Jeru- 
salem to  Jerusalem  itself  under  the  figure  of  a  woman 
suggests  that  this  may  be  a  later  insertion,  unless 
some  lines  have  fallen  out. 

IV.  2-6.  Zion's  Happy  Estate. — Probably  post-exilic 
on  grounds  of  style,  ideas,  and  image^y^  In  the 
blessed  future  the  land  will  be  glorious  with  vegetation 
and  fruit  for  the  holy  remnant,  that  will  escape  the 
sifting  judgment  with  which  Yahweh  will  cleanse 
Jerusalem  from  its  impurity  and  bloodshed.  Then 
over  the  v,hole  city  and  its  assemblies  He  will  create, 
as  in  the  wilderness,  cloud  by  day  and  flame  by  night, 
and  a  shelter  from  heat  and  storm. 

2.  branch  of  the  Lord  :  that  which  Yahweh  causes 
to  spring  from  the  groimd.  There  is  no  reference  to 
the  Messiah,  as  is  clear  from  tho  unambiguous  parallel 
"  the  fruit  of  tho  land."  Predictions  of  Canaan's 
fertiUty  are  frequent  in  such  prophecies. — 3.  written 
unto  lUe  [mrj.)  :  their  names  are  in  the  Book  of  Life : 
when  the  great  judgment  falls  on  Israel  they  will 
Burvive  it  and  Uve  on  into  tho  Messianic  era,  while 


others  die.  The  reference  is  not  to  the  life  after  death, 
but  to  life  in  the  regenerate  community  on  earth. — 
5f.  difficult;  RV  gives  the  general  sense,  but  read 
in  6  "  And  he  will  be  "  (LXX). 

V.  1-7.  The  Parable  of  the  Thankless  Vineyard.— 
Isaiah  probably  at  a  vintage  festival,  when  Judseans 
from  the  country  (3),  as  well  as  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem,  are  present,  comes  forward  as  a  minstrel. 
He  sings  this  song  of  his  friend's  vineyard  in  fight 
popular  measure,  making  it  attractive  with  beautiful 
plays  upon  words.  He  skilfully  heightens  the  interest 
of  his  hearers,  and  by  conceafing  the  true  nature  of 
the  vineyard  he  wins  from  them  a  mental  self-condem- 
nation. Then  he  throws  off  the  mask  and  points  the 
moral  in  a  sentence  made  unforgettable  by  a  pair  of 
splendid  assonances.  The  date  is  quite  uncertain, 
but  it  may  belong  to  the  same  period  as  26-4 1. 

The  minstrel  sings  of  his  Beloved.  He  had  chosen 
for  his  vineyard  the  most  suitable  situation.  It  was 
on  a  hill  for  the  sake  of  the  sunny  exposure,  and  as 
the  soil  was  very  fertile,  it  had  the  best  position  that 
nature  could  offer.  He  lavished  also  every  care  on 
its  culture.  He  dug  it  up,  for  ploughing  M-as  impossible 
on  the  steep  hiUside,  and  cleared  the  ground  of  stones. 
Then  he  planted  the  soil  thus  prepared  with  choice 
vines.  In  anticipation  of  an  abundant  vintage  he 
built  a  tower,  not  a  mere  watchman's  hut  (l8),  and 
hewed  a  vat  (mg.)  out  of  the  sohd  Hmestone,  into  which 
the  juice  might  nm  from  the  wine-press.  He  also 
planted  a  hedge  and  built  a  wall  (5;  round  the  vine- 
yard. But  when  he  came  to  gather  the  grapes  he 
found  only  wild  grapes.  The  poet  now  speaks  in  the 
person  of  his  friend,  and  invites  the  judgnjcnt  of  the 
hearers  on  his  own  conduct  and  that  of  the  vineyard. 
The  people  are  silent-:  only  one  answer  is  possible 
to  the  question.  Where  does  the  blame  he  ?  But 
they  wait  to  see  what  fate  is  reserved  for  such  ingrati- 
tude. The  rhythm  becomes  heavier  to  reflect  the 
darkening  mood  of  the  speaker  as  the  doom  is  pro- 
nounced. The  hedge  is  removed,  the  wall  broken, 
and  the  wild  beasts  and  cattle,  no  longer  kept  at  bay, 
press  in  and  ravage  the  vineyard.  And  the  owner 
abandons  it,  unfilled,  unpruned,  to  thorns  and 
brambles  nay  more,  he  promotes  its  ruin  by  bidding 
the  clouds  pour  no  rain  upon  it.  Does  the  poet  then 
disclose  in  these  words  the  identity  of  the  owner, 
since  it  is  Yahweh  alone  who  can  command  the  clouds 
to  withhold  their  rain  ?  Not  necessarily,  for  David 
could  in  his  elegy  lay  a  similar  ban  on  the  mountains 
of  Gilboa  (2  S.  I21).  Only  in  the  closing  verse  is  the 
well-kept  secret  revealed,  that  Yahweh  is  the  Be- 
loved and  Judah  His  thankless  vineyard.  It  comes 
with  a  crash  that  reminds  us  of  Nathan's  "  Thou 
art  the  man  !  "  And  it  is  expressed  in  worda  which 
his  hearers  cannot  forget.  The  assonances  cannot 
be  tolerably  reproduced  in  EngUsh :  "He  looked 
for  mishpat  and  behold  mispah,  for  is^daqah  and 
behold  tsf'aqah."  The  meaning  of  the  word  rendered 
"  oppression  "  is  micertain  ;  it  is  generally  trans- 
lated "  bloodshed."  The  "  cry  "  is  the  cry  of  the 
oppressed. 

1.  The  text  is  uncertain,  but  has  not  been  satis- 
factorily emended. 

V.  8-24.  A  Series  of  Denunciations  on  Various 
Offenders. — This  section  contains  a  collection  of 
"  'Woes,"  originally  independent  and  even  now  not 
woven  into  a  single  symmetrical  address.  Whether 
they  come  from  different  periods  of  Isaiah's  ministry 
is  not  so  clear  ;  no  confidence  can  be  felt  in  the 
attempts  to  date  them.  The  text  has  not  been  very 
well  preserved. 


440 


ISAIAH,  V.  8-10 


8-10.  Woe  to  the  grasping  land-holdors  who  drive 
the  old  possesBors  from  their  ancestral  liomestoads 
that  they  may  have  large  estates  all  to  themselves. 
Soon  there  will  be  a  loneliness  thoy  will  not  desire, 
the  Bolitudo  of  desolation,  and  their  lands  will  yield 
a  harvest  far  less  tiian  the  seed.  Witli  their  land  tiie 
dispossessed  would  lose  their  eivil  rights,  to  which 
the  Hebrews  hung  tenaciously,  as  we  see  from  the 
story  of  Naboth  (1  K.  21). 

9.  Read.  "  tiicreforc  the  Lord  of  hosts  hath  sworn 
in  mine  oars." — 10.  acres  :  hterally  "  yokes."  a  yoke 
being  "as  m(ich  as  two  strong  oxen  could  plough 
from  morn  tiil  night." — a  bath  :  a  liejuid  measure 
equivalent  to  an  cphah  of  dry  measure,  about  nine 
gallons  of  wine,  a  very  small  vintage  from  so  large  a 
vineyard.  Since  an  ephah  was  the  tenth  part  of  a 
homer  (Ezek.  45ii),  the  harvest  amounts  to  only  a 
tenth  of  the  seed. 

11-17.  In  this  section  15!.  is  probably  a  marginal 
quotation  of  2ii  made  from  memory.  14  foretells 
utter  destruction,  a  prophecy  of  humiliation  is  out  of 

Slace  ;  the  woe  is  on  revellers,  these  verses  are  a 
enunciation  of  pride.  14,17  also  do  not  properly 
follow  13,  which  has  announced  the  penalty  ;  they 
seem  to  be  the  conclusion  of  another  woe  ;  in  which  a 
city  had  been  denounced  to  which  the  pronoun  "  her," 
incorrectly  rendered  "their,"  must  refer.  11-13  is 
a  Woe  on  the  drunkards  and  revellers,  who  practise 
the  disgraceful  habit  (Ec.  lOiCf.,  Ac.  215)  of  drinking 
in  the  morning,  and  leave  God  out  of  their  calculations. 
Blind  to  the  signs  of  His  working,  they  perish  by  cap- 
tivity and  famine.  14,17  describe  how  the  city, 
presumably  Jerusalem,  is  swallowed  by  Sheol,  the 
msatiable  underworld  (Pr.  30i6.  Hab.  25),  depicted 
as  a  monster  distending  its  mouth  to  devour  her. 
Then  the  lamljs  pasture  on  its  site,  and  the  ruined 
mansions  are  the  camping  ground  of  nomads. 

13.  Read,  "  Their  honourable  men  are  exhausted 
(mezeh)  with  famine." — 17.  We  need  a  parallel  to 
"  lambs  "  in  the  second  clause  ;  read  cither,  "  and  the 
waste  places  shall  fatlings  eat":  or  "and  the  waste 
places  shall  kids  [g«'hiiiu)  eat."  In  the  first  clause 
wo  should  perhaps  read  "  feed  in  their  desert  place." 

18-24.  Woe  to  the  scoffing  free-thinkers  who  believe 
the  Day  of  Yahweli  will  never  come,  and  challenge 
God  to  do  His  worst.  As  beasts  are  yoked  to  a  cart, 
so  they  yoke  tlicmselves  to  sin  with  strong  cords  of 
flippant  fi-ivolity,  and  drag  with  sin  the  punishment 
which  comes  in  its  train.  Woe  to  the  sophists  who 
pervert  the  radical  moral  distinctions.  Woe  to  those 
who  are  wise  in  their  own  eyes,  i.r.  the  smart,  self- 
satisfied  politicians,  who  flout  the  counsel  given  by 
Yahweh  through  His  prophet.  Woe  to  the  drunkards, 
heroes  not  for  the  fray  but  the  debauch,  with  the 
strong  head  of  the  hard  drinker.  Not  content  with 
ordinary  wine,  they  mix  spices  with  it  to  enhance 
its  flavour  and  increase  its  strength.  Woe  to  those 
who  take  bribes  to  acquit  the  guilty  and  condemn  the 
innocent.  They  shall  be  like  stubble  consumed  by 
the  flame  and  a  plant  with  rotting  root  and  blossom 
turned  to  du.st.     23  does  not  follow  naturally  on  22. 

V.  25-30.  The  Last  Stroke.— It  is  generally  agreed 
that  this  belongs  to  98-IO4,  each  strophe  of  which 
closes  with  the  same  refrain  as  25.  Unhappily, 
except  for  this  closing  verse,  the  strophe  of  which  25 
is  the  conclusion  has  been  lost,  unless  indeed  25,  apart 
from  the  refrain,  is  an  addition.  There  is  no  refrain 
at  the  end  of  26fl.,  so  this  will  form  the  close  of  the 
poem.  After  each  stroke  of  Yahweh's  wrath  a  fresh 
judgment  has  been  announced ;  now  the  final  stroke 
is  predicted  in  a  magnificent  picture  of  the  irresistible 


attack  of  a  loe  from  the  ends  of  the  earth.  Yahweh's 
last  blow  is  struck,  and  His  arm  is  no  longer  stretched 
out  to  smite.  As  in  Amos  the  foe  is  not  named,  and 
thus  the  impression  is  heightened,  but  A.s8yria  is  in- 
tended. It  is  Ephraim  s  God  who  lifts  the  standard 
to  summon  the  enemy  and  hisses  (7x8)  for  tiiem. 
They  come  unresting,  unwearied,  in  perfect  mihtarj' 
array,  the  hoofs  of  the  horses  hard  like  flint,  their 
chariots  swift  as  the  whirlwind.  The  foe  utters,  as 
he  advances,  a  loud  roar  Uke  that  of  the  lioness  or 
young  lion  as  they  seek  their  prey,  then  the  low  growl 
as  he  pounces  on  it  and  carries  it  away. 

26.  nations:  road  "nation"  (LXX).— 28.  The 
ancients  did  not  shoe  their  horses,  so  their  hoofs 
needed  to  be  hard  as  flint  to  go  over  the  hilly  and  rocky 
country  of  Palestine. — 30.  The  text  is  corrupt,  the 
meaning  imcertain,  the  probability  that  the  verse  is 
a  late  insertion  considerable,  the  problem  too  compli- 
cated to  be  discussed. 

VI.  The  Call  of  Isaiah. — This  chapter  contains 
Isaiah's  own  account  of  his  call  to  the  prophetic 
office.  Presumably  it  was  written  down  some  time 
after  the  event,  but  the  interval  need  not  have  been 
long,  nor  have  we  any  real  reason  for  assuming  that 
the  account  has  been  coloured  by  his  later  experience 
of  failure.  The  view  that  he  had  already  for  some' 
time  been  a  prophet,  and  that  this  vision  opens  a  new 
stage  in  his  ministry,  would  deserve  consideration  only 
if  the  order  of  the  prophecies  was  chronological.  But 
this  is  demonstraljly  not  the  case.  The  chapter  is 
of  the  highest  importance,  since  it  gives  the  true  point 
of  view  for  understanding  the  prophet.  The  revelation 
recorded  in  it  governed  his  teaching  throughout  his 
career. 

Isaiah,  standing  at  the  threshold  of  the  Temple,  falls 
into  an  ecstasy.  He  sees  Yahweh  seated  on  a  lofty 
throne,  while  the  skirts  of  His  robe  flow  out  from  the 
iimermost  shrine  and  fill  the  Temple.  The  reticence 
of  the  description  is  very  striking  ;  we  may  compare  it 
with  the  laboured  elaboration  of  Ezekiel.  He  sees  the 
seraphim  in  attendance.  They  cover  their  face  that 
they  may  not  see  the  face  of  God,  and  the  lower  part 
of  their  body  they  reverently  conceal  from  His  gaze. 
With  the  two  remaining  wings  they  are  poised  in  the 
air,  ready  to  fulfil  His  will  with  the  utmost  speed. 
They  celebrate  in  antiphonal  chant  the  hohness  and 
glorj'  of  Yahweh.  The  description  gains  its  efifect,  not 
by  details  as  to  Yahweh's  appearance,  but  by  showing 
how  it  affected  the  seraphim  and  Isaiah.  Such  is  Gods 
majesty  that  the  former  may  not  look  upon  Him,  and 
incessantly  magnify  His  holiness ;  while  the  latter  is 
penetrated  with  a  sense  of  his  own  unclcanness  which 
makes  the  vision  of  God  like  a  acntcnce  of  death.  The 
threshold  of  the  Temple  rocks  beneath  Isaiahs  feet  in 
response  to  the  song  of  the  seraphim,  while  the  house 
is  filled  with  smoke,  perhaps  the  resentment  of  Y''ahweh 
reacting  at  the  intrusion  of  an  unclean  man  into  His 
presence.  Such  anger  Isaiah  knows  to  be  only  what 
he  deserves.  Ho  realises  his  unclcanness  and  that  of 
his  people,  which  by  his  solidarity  with  them  he  feels 
to  be  his  own.  For  one  so  unclean  to  see  the  Holy  God 
was  to  incur  danger  of  death.  He  bewails  in  particular 
the  uncleanne-ss  of  his  lips,  because  he  is  in  the  Temple 
where  men  should  worship,  and  in  contrast  to  the 
.seraphim  he  feels  that  his  lips  are  not  pure  enough  to 
praise  God.  There  is  no  reference  to  his  prophetic 
vocation,  for  ho  has  not  yet  received  his  call.  The 
seraphim  if  they  wereguardians of  theTcmplc threshold, 
liad  it  as  part  of  their  charge  to  deny  or  permit  approach 
to  God.  Isaiah  had  intruded  into  the  Divine  presence 
while  yet  unclean.     But  he  had  shown  liimsolf  humble 


ISAIAH,  VII.  14-16 


441 


and  contrite,  so  the  seraph  does  not  drive  him  out,  but 
purifies  and  fits  him  to  draw  nigh.  Ho  takes  a  hot 
Btono  from  the  altar  and  touches  his  hps,  setting  him 
free  to  praise  God.  That  it  is  from  the  altar  indicates 
ahko  tlie  atonement  for  sin  and  consecration  to  Divine 
service.  Now  that  the  man  is  purified,  Yahweh, 
who  has  hitherto  been  silent,  may  speak  ;  yet  He  does 
not  speak  to  him,  but  to  the  heavenly  assembly  (IK. 
22i9f.),  still  so  that  Isaiah  may  overhear.  Conscious 
now  of  moral  fitness,  Isaiah  gladly  offers  himself  in 
response  to  the  appeal  he  detects  in  Yahweh's  words. 
He  offers  himself,  not  knowing  wnat  his  mission  is  to 
be.  Yahweh  bids  him  go,  but  warns  him  of  the  result. 
Since  the  prophet's  message  hardens  those  whom  it  does 
not  persuade,  he  is  here  said  to  do  what  his  preaching 
will  in  most  cases  bring  about.  The  word  tests  men, 
and  forces  them  to  take  up  a  position  on  one  side  or  the 
other.  The  earlier  prophets  had  seen  judgment  in  the 
withholding  of  the  word,  Isaiah  and  his  successors  saw 
it  in  the  abundance  of  revelation,  and  this  thought  is 
emphasized  in  the  NT.  In  reply  to  his  question,  how 
long  this  process  is  to  continue,  he  is  told  that  it  will  be 
tiU  the  land  is  stripped  of  its  inhabitants  and  becomes 
utterly  desolate.  Even  if  a  tenth  be  left  in  it,  that 
shall  be  consumed,  as  when  the  tree  is  cut  down  and 
the  stump  remains,  that  also  is  dug  up  and  burnt. 
It  is  most  striking  that  Isaiah  began  his  work  with 
the  certainty  of  failure. 

1.  The  date  is  c.  740  B.C.  Isaiah  looks  back  on  it  as 
lying  in  the  past. — 2.  the  seraphim  :  the  fiery  flying 
serpents  in  the  wilderness  narrative  and  in  306  (c/.  1429) 
bear  the  same  name.  The  brazen  serpent  (2  K.I84) 
was  presumably  in  the  Temple  at  this  time.  Serpents 
were  f  reciuently  regarded  as  tlie  protectors  of  temples, 
especially  of  the  threshold,  and  in  this  respect  they 
correspond  to  the  cherubim,  who,  hke  the  griffins, 
are  guardians  of  treasures  (Gen.  824*,  Ps.  I810*). 
But  other  indications  connect  the  cherubim  with 
natural  phenomena,  and  if  they  are  the  thmider 
clouds,  the  seraphim  will  be  the  forked  serpent-like 
lightning.  Here  they  are  winged  and  have  hands  and 
feet  (though  feet  may  simply  mean  the  lower  part  of  the 
body).  Presumably,  therefore,  they  have  lost  their  ser- 
pent form,  and  appear  in  human  shape  or  perhaps  part 
human  and  part  animal.  Their  duty  is  to  sing  Gods 
praise,  and  probably  to  guard  the  entrance  to  His 
presence. — 4.  smoke :  probably  a  symbol  of  anger. 
If  incense  was  on  the  altar,  it  might  as  a  symbol  of 
praise  be  kindled  by  the  praises  of  the  fiery  seraphim. — 
7.  purged  :  ht.  covered,  so  that  God  does  not  see,  and 
therefore  does  not  punish  it. — 13.  SO  the  holy  seed  is 
the  stock  thereof:  absent  in  the  LXX,  and  "holy 
seed  "  seems  to  some  a  late  phrase.  If  the  clause  is 
omitted,  the  prophecy  is  one  of  complete  destruction ; 
if  retained,  the  tree  is  cut  down  but  the  stump  is  still 
left,  i.e.  the  righteous  remnant  which  contains  the 
promise  of  the  future,  for  from  it  a  new  Israel  will 
shoot.  The  authenticity  of  the  words  is  very  dubious, 
but  the  doctrine  of  the  remnant  was  held  by  Isaiah 
so  early  that  he  probably  felt  it  to  be  implied,  if  not 
expressed,  in  his  \'ision. 

VII.  1-16.  Isaiah  Gives  Ahaz  the  Encouraging  Sign 
of  Immanuel  when  he  is  Dismayed  by  the  Alliance  of 
Syria  and  Ephraim  against  him.— For  the  historical 
circumstances  see  pp.  59,  70f.  Apart  from  i,  which 
is  derived  from  2  K.  I65  and  is  out  of  chronological 
order,  this  section  seems  to  have  been  written  by  an 
editor  on  the  basis  of  Isaiahs  autobiography  (contrast 
the  Ist  person  of  the  preceding  chapter  with  the  ."ird 
of  this).  The  alarm,  described  in  the  picturesque 
metaphor  of  2,  specially  affected  "  the  house  of  David," 


since  its  position  was  menaced  by  the  project  of  the 
alhes  to  abohsh  the  Davidic  dynasty  and  install  a 
creature  of  their  own.  The  news  which  caused  such 
dismay  was  that  Syria  had  ahghted  on  Ephraim 
(2,  cf.  mg.),  i.e.  it  was  on  the  march,  and  was  already 
within  striking  distance  of  Jerusalem.  Apparently 
the  enemy  was  prevented  from  making  an  assault  by 
news  that  Assyria  was  on  the  way  to  PhiHstia.  While 
Ahaz  attends  to  the  water  supply,  in  view  of  the  siege, 
Isaiah  is  sent  with  a  message  of  encouragement. 
His  foes  are  but  two  fag-ends  of  firebrands,  they  only 
smoulder  ;  their  smoke  may  aimoy,  but  they  have  lost 
all  power  for  mischief,  exhausted  by  strife  with  each 
other  and  Assyria  and  by  civil  war.  Their  project 
will  fail,  for  Rezin  is  head  of  Syria  and  Pekah  head  of 
Ephraim.  These  are  their  Divinely  appointed  spheres, 
they  have  no  control  over  Judah.  But  its  security 
depends  on  its  faith.  Unbehef  will  bring  ruin,  i.e.  at 
the  hands  of  Assyria.  The  king  seems  to  have  ex- 
pressed his  doubt  of  the  pohcy  recommended,  so 
Isaiah  offers  him  a  sign,  deep  in  Sheol  {my.)  or  in  the 
sky.  He  places  the  whole  realm  of  the  universe  at 
his  disposal  for  the  purpose,  and  therefore  confidently 
offers  a  miraculous  sign.  Ahaz  has  faith,  he  beUeves 
that  the  miracle  can  be  wrought.  But  he  has  not  the 
right  kmd  of  faith,  he  does  not  obediently  tnist  in 
God  for  dehverance.  Hence  he  refuses  the  sign,  just 
because  he  does  not  doubt  that  it  will  be  given,  for 
then  he  will  have  to  abandon  his  own  cherished  plan. 
He  hypocrirically  declines  under  the  pretext  that  he 
will  not  tempt  God,  as  if  it  could  be  tempting  Him  to 
accept  what  He  freely  offered.  Angered  by  his  refusal, 
the  prophet  still  does  not  change  his  attitude.  Yahweh 
will  Himseff  give  a  sign  that  the  attack  of  the  con- 
federates will  not  succeed.  Some  now  expectant 
mother  will  shortly  bring  forth  a  son  to  whom  she  will 
give  the  name  Immanuel,  thus  by  her  faith  that  God 
is  with  His  people  shaming  the  king's  unbelief. 
The  child  will  be  fed  on  curds  and  honey  as  soon 
as  he  has  become  old  enough  to  distinguish  between 
wholesome  and  harmful  food  (c/.  84  for  a  similar  time 
hmit).  Before  he  has  reached  this  age  Syria  and 
Ephraim  will  be  devastated. 

3.  Shear-jashub :  the  name  means  "  a  remnant 
shall  return  "  [mg.).  This  is  not  a  prophecy  of  disaster 
to  the  anny  of  Judah,  meaning  that  only  a  remnant 
is  to  come  back  from  the  war,  but  it  embodies  one  of 
Isaiah's  most  important  doctrines,  that  a  remnant  of 
the  people  should  turn  to  God.  It  is  a  name  both  of 
judgment  and  promise — only  a  remnant,  but  still  a 
remnant.  Since  this  son  was  old  enough  to  accom- 
pany his  father,  he  must  have  received  the  name  some 
years  before.  The  scene  is  that  of  the  Rabshakeh's 
speech  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem  (862).  Its  identifica- 
tion is  uncertain. — 6.  Tabee' :  an  Aramaic  name. 
Possibly  as  Pekah  is  designated  Eemaliah's  son.  the 
son  of  Tabeel  may  be  Rezin. — 8,9a.  The  meaning 
may  perhaps  be,  "  The  head  of  Syria  is  after  only 
Rezin.  and  the  head  of  Samaria  is  but  the  upstart 
son  of  Remaliah,  while  Yahweh  is  the  head  of  Jeru- 
salem. ' — 8i  is  clearly  a  gloss,  irrelevant  to  the  situa- 
tion, and  indeed  inconsistent  with  Isaiah's  purpose, 
which  was  to  assert  almost  immediate  relief.  It  refers 
probably  to  events  connected  with  the  planting  of 
foreign  colonists  in  Samaria  by  Esarhaddon  or  Asshur- 
banipal  (Ezr.  42, 10). — 14-16.  Space  will  not  permit 
of  any  thorough  discussion  ;  for  a  fuller  treatment 
the  editor  may  refer  to  his  article  "  Immanuel  "  in 
DCG.  He  is  now  inclined  to  give  15  a  favourable 
interpretation,  and  treat  it  as  part  of  the  original 
prophecy.     The  following  points  may  be  emphasized  : 


442 


ISAIAH,  VII.  14-16 


(a)  The  character  of  the  sijm  is  not  altered  by  the 
king's  unbelief  ;  it  is  fiifmificant  of  deliverance,  not 
of  disaster  (c/.  81-4).  (b)  A  sign  may  be  miraculous, 
or  it  may  not.  Here  it  is  probably  not  miraculous. 
For  (c)  the  rendering  "virgin  '  is  unjuslifiable  ;  for 
this  bHh  ulnh  would  have  been  used  ;  the  word  employed 
here,  'almah,  means  a  young  woman  of  marriageable 
age,  without  any  suggestion  that  she  is  not  married. 
{(l)  The  sign  is  to  be  fulfilled  in  the  near  future,  since 
it  is  given  for  a  pressing  emergency.  It  has  therefore 
no  reference  to  the  birth  of  Je.sus  more  than  seven 
hundred  years  later,  (e)  Isaiah  has  no  particular 
woman  in  view.  Any  young  woman  who  shortly 
gives  birth  to  a  son  may  call  him  Immanuel,  and  by 
this  expression  of  faith  that  God  is  with  His  people 
will  rebuke  the  king's  unbclit-f.  (/)  Her  faith  will  be 
vindicated  by  the  desolation  of  the  enemy's  land. 
(g)  The  sign  accordingly  consists  not  in  the  birth  of 
the  child,  nor  in  his  character,  position,  or  destiny, 
nor  j'et  in  his  conception  by  a  virgin.  He  has  in 
himself  no  significance.  The  sign  consists  in  the  name 
he  bears,  and  in  that  name  as  expressive  of  his 
mother's  faith  (c/.  818).  (h)  The  name  Immanuel 
means  "  God  is  with  us,"  not  "  God  with  us  "  ;  there 
is  no  reference  in  it  to  an  Incarnation  of  God.  {i)  If 
15  implies  the  desolation  of  the  land,  it  is  out  of 
harmony  with  the  rest  of  the  passage,  and  must  be 
struck  out.  But  the  prediction  that  curds  and  honey 
will  be  Immanuels  diet  may  quite  well  be  interpreted 
as  implying  plenty  rather  than  privation. 

17-25.  The  Devastation  of  Judah. — Probably  an 
independent  prophecy  rather  than  a  continuation  of 
2-16  ;  it  strikes  a  very  different  note.  It  may  belong 
to  the  same  date,  but  may  quite  well  be  later.  Disaster 
unparalleled  since  the  revolt  of  the  ten  tribes  (note 
the  Southern  point  of  view)  is  coming  on  Judah,  an 
Assyrian  inva.sion.  Yahweh  will  whistle  for  the  enemy, 
who  will  penetrate  the  mo.st  inaccessible  retreats  of  the 
land,  and  humiliate  and  spoil  the  people.  The  popu- 
lation that  will  remain  will  be  so  scanty  that  very  few 
cattle  will  yield  an  abundance  of  milk.  The  land  will 
not  bo  cultivated  ;  the  vineyards,  where  the  most 
valuable  vines  grew,  those  worth  a  shekel  apiece,  will 
be  overrun  with  briers.  The  thorn  thickets  will  be 
the  lurking-place  of  wild  beasts,  and  cannot  therefore 
be  safely  approached  without  weapons. 

18.  The  text  apparently  means  that  the  swarming 
tribes  of  Egypt,  numerous  but  not  formidable,  and  the 
compact,  fierce,  and  well-marshalled  Assyrians,  would 
meet  for  battle  in  Judah.  If  we  read  simply,  "  the 
Lord  shall  hiss  for  the  fly  and  the  bee,"  omitting  the 
descriptions  as  glosses,  As.sj'ria  only  is  intended. — 
hired  :  possibly  a  reference  to  the  purchase  by  Ahaz 
of  Assyria's  help.  Shaving  is  a  mark  of  degradation. — 
25.  The  text  may  be  corrupt ;  the  meaning  is  very 
uncertain. 

VIII.  1-4.  The  Sign  of  Maher-shalal-hash-baz.— 
The  date  of  the  incidents  is  some  time  before  the  fall 
of  Damascus  in  732  B.C.  The  writing  of  the  tablet 
may  be  as  early  as  735  B.C.,  the  birth  of  the  child  as 
734.  The  prophet  is  bidden  take  a  large  tablet,  since 
it  ia  to  bo  used  as  a  public  placard,  and  write  on  it 
in  common  characters  that  all  may  read,  "  For  Maher- 
shalal-hash-baz."  He  is  to  take  responsible  witnesses, 
that  when  the  prediction  is  fulfilled  they  may  bo  able 
to  assure  the  people  that  by  this  enigmatic  inscription 
Isaiah  foretold  the  speedy  downfall  of  Syria  antl 
Ephraim.  He  is  bidden  call  his  son,  bom  some  time 
later,  by  the  name  on  the  placard,  for  before  he  utters 
a  child's  first  words,  Damascus  and  Samaria  will  be 
despoiled  by  the  Assyrians. 


1.  pen  of  a  man :  mg.,  "  in  common  characters," 
is  perhaps  correct.  Tho  name  means  "  Swift  is  the 
spoil,  speedy  the  prey."  i.e.  the  spoliation  of  Damascus 
and  Samaria  will  speedily  take  place. — 2.  Read  "  and 
take  "  (LXX). 

VIII.  5-18.  More  Extracts  on  the  Crisis  from  Isaiah's 
Autobiography. — It  is  not  clear  how  many  bits  of  the 
autobiography  are  included  here,  but  the  section  for 
the  most  part  probably  deals  with  the  coaUtion  of 
Syria  and  Ephraim. 

5-10.  Date  of  the  earlier  part  about  735.  The 
latter  part  (from  "  and  the  stretching  ")  is  apparently 
a  late  addition.  Judah  despises  the  trickUng  waters 
of  Shiloah,  i.e.  Yahweh 's  gentle  working  ;  her  desire 
for  measures  less  tame  and  more  heroic  shall  be  satis- 
fied by  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates,  which  shall  burst 
their  bounds  and  flood  into  Judah,  reaching  to  the  neck 
and  threatening  the  existence  of  the  nation.  The 
reference  is  to  the  Assyrian  armies  (c/.  289-11).  Then 
with  an  abrupt  transition  and  a  change  in  metaphor 
we  read  of  the  sheltering  wings  protecting  .ludah.  and 
of  the  futility  of  the  coalition  formed  by  the  nations 
of  far  countries  against  her.  The  situation  does  not 
suit  Isaiah's  time  ;  it  has  its  parallels  rather  in  the 
later  Apocalyptic. 

6.  rejoice  in  :  Judah  did  not  rejoice  in  Rezin  and 
Pekah,  but  was  in  terror  of  them.  Possibly  we  should 
read  "  despond  because  of  "  {umasos  mijyjpfine). — The 
waters  of  Shiloah  flowed  in  a  channel  with  a  slight 
fall  from  the  Virgin's  Fountain,  a  spring  with  an  inter- 
mittent flow,  so  that  the  waters  went  softly. — 8.  Read 
at  the  end  "  the  land,  for  God  is  with  us."  "We  thus 
get  a  refrain  which  recurs  at  the  end  of  10. — 9.  Make 
an  uproar:  read  "Know"  with  LXX  {d^'u),  which 
gives  a  good  parallel  to  "  give  ear."  The  text  has 
apparently  been  expanded  by  mistaken  repetition. 

11-15.  Beyond  the  fact  that  this  is  earlier  than  the 
fall  of  Samaria  (rf.  14),  nothing  certain  can  be  said 
about  its  date,  but  probably  it  belongs  to  the  same 
period  as  the  earlier  part  of  the  chapter.  Isaiah  had 
felt  the  pressure  of  the  Divine  hand  upon  Him,  casting 
Him  into  the  prophetic  ecstasy  (c/.  Jer.  15i7  ;  Ezek. 
I3*,  314,22,  81,  37i).  In  it  he  had  been  cautioned 
against  acquiescence  in  the  popular  way  ;  he  and  his 
associates  (note  the  plural  "ye  ")  had  been  forbidden 
to  adopt  the  popular  catchwords,  and  call  the  coalition 
of  S\Tia  and  Ephraim  "  a  conspiracy  "  :  it  is  no  serious 
peril  to  the  State  (r/.  74)  ;  rather  let  them  call  Yahweh 
the  conspirator.  Well  may  He  be  their  dread  who 
will  overthrow  both  the  houses  of  Israel !  Do  the 
people  boast  of  Yahweh  as  the  Stone  of  Israel  (Gen. 
4924),  as  their  strong  Rock  ?  They  will  find  Him 
a  stone  against  which  they  will  stumble,  a  rock  on 
which  they  will  be  wrecked  ;  not  only  so.  but  a  snare 
luring  them  to  ruin.  As  tho  bird  is  attracted  to  it 
and  rests  upon  it,  and  by  this  very  act  of  trust  springs 
the  trap  upon  itself,  so  Judah's  false  confidence  will 
seal  her  doom. 

12f.  Very  difficult.  12  and  13  should  correspond  ; 
we  should  assimilate  one  to  the  other,  probably  flis 
above)  13  to  12,  rather  than  12  to  13,  by  reading  "a 
holy  thing  "  for  "  conspiracy  "  in  12.  a  truism  needing 
no  special  revelation.  We  should  also  omit  the  worda 
"for  a  sanctuary  but  "  in  14  as  incorrect  repetition 
of  the  word  rendered  "  snare." 

16-18.  Isaiah  seems  in  these  words  to  annonnco  tho 
close  for  a  time  of  his  ministry.  His  protest  had  been 
unavailing  ;  Yahweh  had  hidden  His  face  from  His 
disobedient  people.  He  entrusts  his  testimony  aa 
to  the  failure  of  the  allies  and  his  teaching  (mg.)  on 
faith  in  God  to  hie  disciples.     That  faith,  vainly  r»- 


ISAIAH,  IX.  15f. 


443 


quired  from  king  and  people,  he  will  still  exhibit,  and, 
■while  he  has  to  wait  in  silence,  ho  and  his  children  are 
a  perpetual  message — they  by  the  names  they  bear 
(73,  83!.),  he  by  his  name,  his  personality,  and  his 
work. 

16f.  Render,  "I  will  bind  up  the  testimony,  seal  the 
teaching."  The  mention  of  his  disciples  suggests 
that  he  had  formed  a  reUgious  brotherhood,  held  to- 
gether by  his  prophetic  teaching.  This  was  epoch- 
making.  It  secured  the  preservation  of  his  own 
prophecies,  and  perhaps  those  of  others.  It  created 
a  rehgious  organisation  to  carry  out  the  programme 
of  the  prophets,  which,  when  it  could  no  longer  work 
openly,  as  in  the  time  of  Manasseh,  could  work  under- 
ground and  issue  in  the  Deuteronomic  reformation. 
Recognising  that  his  labours  among  the  people  at  large 
had  been  a  failure,  he  gathered  the  nucleus  of  the 
remnant  to  which  was  entrusted  the  future  of  spiritual 
rehgion. — 18.  Notice  that  nothing  miraculous  is 
necessarily  impUed  in  "  signs  "  and  "  wonders." 

VIII.  19-IX.  1.  Some  Fragmentary  Utterances.— 
These  fragments  are  of  uncertain  date  and  author- 
ship, corrupt  in  text  and  obscure  in  sense.  The  first, 
igf.,  is  a  warning  against  necromancers.  Probably 
the  words  of  those  who  advocate  consulting  them 
continue  to  the  end  of  19.  We  should  render  19&, 
"  should  not  a  people  seek  vmto  their  elohim  ?  on 
behalf  of  the  living  should  they  not  seek  imto  the 
dead  ?  "  The  elohim  are  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  so 
described  in  1  S.  2813.  Possibly  20  gives  the  reply 
which  is  to  be  made.  They  must  bring  the  sorcerers 
to  the  test  of  the  teaching  and  testimony  (16)  ;  if 
they  do  not  conform  to  this,  no  morning  will  dawn 
after  their  night  of  distress.  But  the  translation  and 
sense  are  quite  uncertain.  The  revival  of  necromancy 
was  due  to  the  circumstances  of  the  time.  When  the 
small  states  were  falling  before  the  irresistible  power 
of  a  great  empire,  the  national  deities  seemed  power- 
loss  in  face  of  the  new  foe.  In  such  a  collapse  of  faith 
some  would  resort  for  help  to  other  powers,  especially 
occult  powers  such  as  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  In  a 
well-ordered  State  of  antiquity  such  practices  were 
sternly  repressed  as  inimical  to  the  welfare  of  the 
State  which  had  a  religion  of  its  own.  But  when  this 
reUgion  received  these  severe  blows,  old  superstitions 
which  had  maintained  an  underground  life  came  once 
more  to  the  surface. 

In  2  if.  we  have  the  picture  of  a  man  (the  pronouns 
are  singular)  driven  by  distress  and  famine  to  des- 
perate straits.  He  goes  "  through  it,"  i.e.  the  land, 
which  was  no  doubt  mentioned  in  the  context  from 
which  this  was  taken,  vainly  seeking  relief.  In  his 
agony  he  curses  God  (mg.)  because  He  will  not,  and 
the  king  because  he  cannot,  help  (Rev.  169,11,21) — 
a  blasphemy  punishable  with  death  (1  K.  2I9-13). 
He  looks  up  to  heaven,  then  down  to  earth,  but  wher- 
ever he  looks  there  is  nought  but  trouble.  9i  is  a 
connecting  hnk  with  what  follows.  The  first  sentence 
is  obscure.  The  next  affirms  that  the  parts  which 
bore  the  brunt  of  invasion  will  in  the  latter  time  be 
made  glorious.     For  "  the  way  of  the  sea  "  cf.  p.  29. 

IX.  2-7.  Israel's  Deliverer. — This  famous  passage 
on  the  Messianic  King  is  now  by  several  regarded  as 
late.  The  question  is  too  large  to  be  discussed,  but 
it  seems  more  difficult  to  explain  its  origin  in  the  post- 
exilic  period  than  under  the  monarchy.  This  was 
present  as  a  starting-point,  and  Isaiah  would  not  expect 
it  to  bo  eliminated.  The  bursting  of  the  enemy's 
yoke  and  the  establishment  of  a  righteous  rule  were 
quite  in  lino  with  his  aspirations.  In  the  later  period 
other  themes  would  have  been  added,  such  as  the  Ibring- 


ing  back  of  the  dispersed  exiles.  The  passage  does 
not  describe  a  state  of  things  which  has  already  come 
into  existence.  The  tenses  are  "  prophetic  "  ;  they  are 
written  while  the  people  still  dwell  in  the  land  of  deep 
darkness  {mg.).  But  the  poets  vision  has  already 
seen  the  glorious  dawn.  Yahweh  has  multiplied  their 
exultation  ;  it  is  like  the  joy  of  harvest  home  or 
division  of  the  spoil  after  victory.  He  has  broken  the 
oppressors  yoke  and  snapped  the  rod  with  which  he 
emote  his  victims  shoulder,  as  when  Gideon  over- 
threw Midian  (Jg.  6-8).  The  boot  (mg.)  worn  in  the 
battle  tumult,  the  garments  stained  with  the  wounds 
of  war,  will  be  consumed.  For  a  child  has  been  bom 
who  shall  wear  the  royal  dignity  on  his  shoulder.  He 
bears  a  fourfold  name,  expressive  of  his  marvellous 
wisdom,  his  prowess  in  war,  his  overwhelming  victory, 
his  reign  in  untroubled  peace.  He  will  sit  on  the  throne 
of  David,  ruling  a  wide  domain  in  peace  and  righteous- 
ness. Dark  the  prospect  may  be,  yet  the  zeal  of 
Yahweh  will  secure  the  accomplishment  of  this 
prophecy. 

3.  Read,  "  Thou  hast  multiplied  the  exultation 
(haggllah  for  haggoy  Id),  thou  hast  increased  the  joy." — 
6.  EV  wrongly  throws  the  emphasis  on  "  unto  us  " 
rather  than  on  "  child  "  and  "  son."  Render,  "  For 
a  child  is  bom  imto  us,  a  son  is  given  unto  us." — The 
names  are  four  (mg.),  not  five. — Mighty  God  :  perhaps 
better  "  God  of  a  hero,"  referring  to  his  exceptionally 
heroic  character. — Everlasting  Father :  one  who  will 
always  be  a  Father  to  his  people.  But  we  may  also 
render  "  Father  of  booty."  We  thus  get  a  progress 
in  thought  ;  the  Messiah  is  a  mighty  hero,  who  takes 
great  spoil  from  his  enemies,  and  reigns  hereafter  in 
unbroken  peace. 

IX.  8-X.  4.  Yahweh  Smites  Ephraim  with  Stroke 
after  Stroke. — It  is  generally  agreed  that  026-29 
formed  the  closing  strophe  of  this  poem  (p.  440). 
The  date  is  probably  before  the  coalition  of  Syria  and 
Ephraim  (9iif.),  i.e.  between  740  and  735.  It  is  one 
of  Isaiah's  carhest  prophecies.  It  is  very  uncertain 
whether  the  whole  is  a  prediction  of  the  future,  or 
whether,  with  the  exception  of  the  conclusion,  it  de- 
scribes calamities  that  have  already  overtaken  the 
people.  On  the  whole  the  former  view  is  preferable. 
It  is  that  adopted  in  RV,  the  tenses  being  taken  as 
prophetic  perfects,  the  alternative  view  being  given 
in  the  margin. 

IX.  8-12.  Yahweh  has  sent  crashing  into  Israel  His 
word  with  its  power  of  self-fulfilment,  which  will  soon 
teach  the  boastful  Ephraimites  another  lesson.  For 
they  believe  that  the  state  of  thinors  temporarily 
overthrown  bj'  disaster  was  mean  and  fragile  in  com- 
parison with  the  splendour  and  stability  they  will 
soon  attain.  So  Yahweh  will  incite  the  Syrians  and 
Philistines  against  them.  Yet  His  anger  is  not  turned 
away.  His  hand  is  still  stretched  out  to  smite. 

10.  To  the  present  day  houses  in  Palestine  are 
generally  built  of  sun-dried  bricks  and  beams  of  syco- 
more,  since  they  are  the  cheapest  material.  Hewn 
stone  and  cedar  would  bo  reserved  for  the  rich 
(p.  109). — 11.  adversaries  of  Rezin  :  since  the  Syrians 
are  Israel's  enemies,  and  Rezin  was  king  of  Syria, 
we  must  correct  the  text,  reading  probably  *'  his 
adversaries." 

IX.  13-17.  Since  this  will  have  no  salutary  effect, 
Yahweh  will  in  one  day  destroy  both  small  and  great. 
He  will  not  spare  the  sturdiest  or  the  most  helpless  ; 
the  whole  nation  is  evil.  Nor  yet  does  this  exhaust 
His  wrath. 

14.  palm-branch  and  rush :  the  lofty  and  the  low. — 
15f.  Ajq  insertion.     15  contains  an  incorrect  explana- 


444 


ISAIAH,  IX.  15f. 


tion  of  14  ;  for  16  cf.  3i2. — 17.  rejoice  over :   "  spare  " 
(yiphsah  for  yismah)  would  uivo  a  better  parallel. 

IX.  18-21.  Wickcdnees  is  like  a  firo,  which  first  laye 
hold  on  the  briers,  and,  gaining  strength,  sets  alight 
the  whole  dense  forest.  The  land  will  be  visited  by 
Yaliweh's  wrath,  the  people  will  be  like  cannibals, 
the  land  rent  by  a  ruthless  civU  war.  Yet  His  hand 
is  still  stretched  out. 

19.  burnt  up  :  of  (juite  uncertain  meaning. — as  the 
fuel  of  Are ;  wo  should  probably  read  "  like  canni- 
bals."— 20.  his  own  arm:  read,  "his  neighbour" 
(re'(5  for  zetd'o)  ;   cf.  Jer.  I99. 

X.  1-4.  This  section  differs  in  several  ways  from  the 
rest  of  the  poem,  and  may  be  derived  from  another 
context.  It  is  probably  Isaianic.  It  attacks  imjust 
judges,  who  deprive  the  poor  and  defenceless  of  justice, 
that  they  may  defraud  them.  What  will  they  do 
when  the  storm  of  vengeance  sweeps  on  them  from 
afar  ?     To  whom  can  they  turn  ? 

3.  glory  :  wealth.— 4.'  Very  difficult ;  the  text 
must  be  corrupt.  A  re-division  of  the  consonants 
gives  "  Beltis  crouches,  Osiris  is  broken  "  (Lagarde). 
This  may  be  correct,  but  we  have  no  evidence  for  the 
worship  of  these  deities  in  Palestine  at  this  time.  The 
meaning  would  be.  "  You  can  flee  to  no  one,  for  your 
false  gods  will  be  buried  under  heaps  of  slain."  Gray 
reads,  "  To  avoid  crouching  under  the  prisoners." 

X.  5-34.  Assyria  s  Boastfulness  and  Its  Punishment. 
— This  prophecy,  so  far  as  it  is  Isaiah's,  must  be  later 
than  the  capture  of  Carchemish  in  717  and  before 
Sennacherib's  invasion  in  701.  Narrower  limits 
cannot  be  fixed.  Non-Isaianic  material  appears  to 
be  present  in  it. 

5-19.  Assyria  is  Y^ahweh's  rod  to  smite  any  nation 
that  has  aroused  His  anger,  but,  inspired  by  lust  of 
blood,  plans  to  exterminate  many  peoples,  and  boast- 
fully thinks  to  destroy  Jerusalem  with  her  divine 
nonentities,  less  powerful  than  those  of  cities  she  has 
seized.  So,  when  she  has  served  His  purpose.  He 
will  punish  her  boastfulness  in  ascribing  her  conquests 
to  her  own  wisdom  and  might.  She  has  abolished  the 
boundaries  of  subject  peoples,  merging  them  in  her 
empire  ;  plundered  their  treasures  and  abased  their 
rulers,  robbing  the  nations  as  a  man  takes  the  eggs 
from  a  nest  abandoned  by  the  panic-stricken  birds, 
none  venturing  a  protest.  What  folly  for  God's  tool 
to  vaunt  itself  against  Him  who  wields  it  !  God  wUl 
punish  with  Avasting  disease,  and  with  fire  like  the 
conflagration  of  a  migiity  forest,  which  spares  so  few 
trees  that  a  child  can  count  them. 

5.  Read,  "  and  the  staff  of  mine  indignation." — 
8.  Assyrian  governors  were  in  some  cases  subject 
kings,  or  they  ruled  over  territories  larger  than  those 
governed  by  the  kings  of  the  small  Syrian  states. — 9. 
Calno.  (Am.  62*)  perhaps  Kullani, near  Arpad.  captured 
about  738  b.c.  Carchemish  (now  Jerabis)  was  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  the  capital  of  the  Hittites, 
50  miles  N.E.  of  Kullani,  captured  in  717.  Hamath 
<2  K.  1425*.  Am.  62*)  was  on  the  Orontes,  a  little 
more  than  100  miles  N.  of  Damascus,  reconquered 
by  Sargon  in  720.  Arpad  was  near  Aleppo,  about 
100  miles  N.  of  Hamath  ;  it  was  captured  in  740. 
Damascus,  the  capital  of  Syria,  was  captured  in 
732  by  Tiglath-pik-sor  ;  Samaria  by  Sargon  in  722. 
— 10-12.  Perhaps  an  insertion. — Idols:  lit.  nonentities. 
— 12.  fruit  of  the  stout  heart:  the  arrogant  boasting 
in  which  his  audacity  has  found  expression. — 13. 
Text  at  the  close  uncertain.  16-19.  The  metaphors 
are  confused  and  the  style  falls  off.  Possibly  the 
verses  are  late,  embodying  l)orrowed  Isaianic  phrase- 
ology;   more  probably  they  have  an  Isaianic  basis, 


but  have  suffered  in  transmission. — 16.  his  fat  ones : 
better,  "  his  fat  hrabs."  The  figure  is  that  of  a 
body  smitten  by  a  wasting  sickness. — 18.  The  clause 
"  as  when  a  sick  man  pineth  away  "  (mg.)  would  be 
more  in  place  after  16a. 

20-23.  Then  the  remnant  of  Israel  will  no  longer 
seek  support  in  an  earthly  power,  which,  instead  of 
helping,  only  smote  it.  but  in  Yahweh.  For  Israel, 
however  numerous,  will  suffer  Yahweh's  righteoufl 
judgment  of  extermination,  so  that  only  a  remnant 
shaU  be  left. 

24-27.  A  prophecy  of  encouragement  now  begins. 
God's  people  in  Zion  must  not  fear  the  Assyrian, 
though  he  smite  it  as  Egypt  did  before  the  Exodus. 
For  very  soon  Yahweh's  indignation  will  be  passed, 
and  His  anger  will  be  accomplished  in  the  destruction 
of  the  oppressor,  which  shaU  be  like  Gideon's  over- 
throw of  Midian  (Jg.  725)  and  the  lifting  of  the  rod 
over  the  Red  Sea,  which  opened  the  waters  for  the 
Hebrews  and  closed  them  over  the  Egyptians.  Then 
Israel's  shoulder  shall  be  freed  from  the  oppressor's 
burden  and  the  yoke  removed  from  its  neck. 

27.  and  the  yoke  .  .  .  anointing:  if  MT  is  right, 
we  should  render  as  mg.  But  the  meaning  that  Israel 
shall  grow  so  fat,  i.e.  prosperous,  that  the  yoke  is 
burst  from  its  neck,  is  unlikely.  The  clause  should 
probably  be  cormected  with  28  and  the  text  emended. 
We  should  perhaps  read,  "  He  hath  come  up  from 
Pene-Rimmon,  he  is  come  to  Aiath."  Pene-Rimmon 
is  about  10  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem. 

28-34.  The  march  of  the  Assyrians  on  Jerusalem 
is  depicted.  The  host  of  the  enemy  moves  on  till 
Jei-usalem  seems  to  be  within  its  grasp,  then  suddenly 
God  intervenes  and  cuts  it  down.  Probably  the 
Assyrian  army  did  not  advance  on  Jerusalem  by  this 
route.  We  are  reading  imaginative  poetry.  The 
central  point  is  that  the  enemy  will  threaten  Jeru- 
salem with  apparently  irresistible  power,  but  God 
will  intervene  in  the  city's  extremity  and  annihilate 
the  foe.  It  would  do  the  prophet  an  injustice  to  press 
the  details  of  this  brilliant  picture  with  prosaic 
literalness. 

28f.  Aiath  is  probably  Ai,  9  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem. 
Migron  may  be  identical  with  a  place  now  known  as 
Makrun.  Mlchmash  was  about  2J  miles  S.E.  of  Ai. 
The  pass  is  referred  to  in  1  S.  142.  The  enemy  leaves 
the  heavy  baggage  at  Michmash,  since  he  has  to  descend 
into  the  deep  Wady  es-Suw6nit  and  then  climb  up 
the  opposite  side  to  Goba. — 29.  Geba  is  about  5  miles 
N.  of  Jerusalem,  Ramah  hes  2  miles  to  the  W.  of 
Geba.  Gibeah  is  probably  between  it  and  Jcmsalem. — 
30f.  The  places  are  unidentified,  with  the  exception 
of  Anathoth,  which  lay  between  Geba  and  Jenisalem, 
and  was  Jeremiah's  native  city. — 306.  Read  mg. — 
32.  The  Assyrian  is  represented  as  in  sight  of  the  city. 
Nob  has  not  boon  identified  ( 1  S.  I2i*). — 33f.  Just  when 
the  Assyrian  army  catches  sight  of  the  city  and  it  seems 
to  be  helpless  in  its  grasp,  Yahweh  intervenes  and 
cuts  it  down,  as  a  forest  is  felled  by  the  axe.  Lebanon 
is  a  figurative  expression  for  the  Assyrians  on  account 
of  its  forest  of  cedars. 

XI.  1-9.  The  Messiah's  Divine  Equipment.— If  the 
reference  to  the  hewn  stump  of  David's  house 
implies  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  the  passage 
presumably  is  not  Isaiah's.  This  inference,  perhaps, 
is  not  necessary  ;  and  if  92-7  is  his,  the  same  judg- 
ment should  probably  be  passed  on  11 1-9.  The 
Messiah  is  to  spring  from  the  family  of  Jesse,  i.e.  he 
will  be  a  second  David.  This  family  is  described  as 
the  hewn  stump  of  a  tree.  It  is  in  a  fallen  condition, 
shorn  of  all  its  royal  glory.     Yet  it  has  the  sap  of  life 


ISAIAH,  XIII 


445 


in  it,  and  from  it  this  new  shoot  springs.  To  equip 
him  for  his  work  the  spirit  of  Yahweh  rests  upon  him — 
not  seven  spirits,  but  one  spirit  with  six  modes  of 
manifestation,  intellectual,  practical,  and  reUgious. 
Equipped  with  the  Divine  spirit  of  discernment,  the 
Messiah  will  not  need  to  depend  on  the  sight  of  his 
eyes  (i.e.  mere  appearances)  or  the  hearing  of  his  ears 
(i.e.  the  testimony  of  witnesses).  He  will  be  infalUbly 
guided  in  his  decisions.  He  will  judge  with  righteous- 
ness, smite  the  violent  (so  read  for  '"  smite  the  earth  "'), 
and  slay  the  wicked.  Righteousness  and  faithfulness 
will  be  his  equipment  for  action  or  contiict.  Natural 
enemies  will  be  at  peace,  and  the  earth  shall  be  full 
of  the  knowledge  of  Yahweh. 

3a.  Read,  "  and  he  will  cause  the  fear  of  Yahweh  to 
rest  upon  him."  The  clause  is  probably  a  variant  of 
the  first  clause  of  2. — 5.  The  girdle  binds  the  clothes 
together  and  prepares  for  marching  or  fighting. — 
6f.  Parallelism  suggests  that  two  enemies,  not  three, 
should  be  mentioned  in  the  third  clause,  and  that 
there  should  be  a  verb.  Read,  perhaps.  "  and  the 
calf  and  the  young  lion  shall  feed."  Instead  of  "  shall 
feed  "  in  7  read  "  shall  become  friends."  There  is  a 
redundant  clause  in  6f.  ;  either  the  parallel  line  has 
fallen  out.  or  the  redundant  line  is  not  original.  Per- 
haps the  last  clause  of  7  has  been  inserted  from  6-525, 
or  it  might  have  stood  originally  after  the  first  clause 
of  6.  in  the  latter  case,  the  last  clause  of  6  seems 
to  be  an  insertion. — 9.  Probably  the  reference  is  no 
longer  to  the  wild  beasts,  for  96  attributes  it  to  the 
dif&sion  of  the  knowledge  of  Yahweh.  Peace  among 
men  in  Yahwehs  holy  mountain,  i.e.  Canaan,  is  in- 
tended. 

XL  10-16.  The  Return  of  Israel  and  Judah  from  the 
Dispersion,  and  Victorious  Alliance  against  their 
Ancient  Foes. — This  is  probably  post-exUic.  The 
ideas  are  characteristic  of  that  period — Israel's  spiritual 
primacy,  the  latter-day  glory  of  Jerusalem,  the  flock- 
ing of  the  heathen  to  it  as  disciples.  iif.,i5f.  are 
more  natural  in  a  later  writer,  for  the  IsraeUtes  would 
hardly  be  so  widely  dispersed  in  Isaiahs  time.  10 
appears  to  be  an  editorial  addition  combining  elements 
from  22-4  and  from  42-6.  The  root  seems  to  be  a 
shoot  springing  from  the  root.  The  Messiah  dwells 
in  a  splendid  abode,  and  the  nations  resort  to  him  as 
an  organ  of  Divine  revelation.  The  remnant  will 
a  second  time  be  gathered  from  its  wide  dispersion. 
A  signal  is  lifted  up  to  the  nations  that  they  may 
bring  the  Israelites  back  ;  the  old  enmity  of  Ephraim 
and  Judah  will  disappear,  and  together  they  will 
pounce  on  the  shoulder-shaped  land  of  the  Philistines 
as  an  eagle  on  its  prey.  They  will  spoil  the  Arabs, 
smite  Edom  and  Moab,  and  subdue  the  Ammonites. 
Yahweh  will  dry  up  (mg.)  the  tongue  of  the  Red  Sea 
(1.^.  the  Gulf  of  Suez),  scorch  the  Euphrates  and 
spUt  it  into  seven  streams,  so  that  men  pass  over  it 
dry-shod.  Thus  the  remnant  will  return  from  Assyria, 
as  Israel  crossed  the  Red  Sea  at  the  Exodus. 

11.  the  second  time  :  a  first  return  from  exile  had 
already  taken  place.  This  was,  in  fact,  so  incomplete 
that  several  post-exihc  prophecies  predict  a  full  return 
from  the  Dispersion.  The  two  great  powers,  Assyria 
and  Egypt,  are  mentioned  first,  then  their  dependencies. 
By  Assyria  one  of  the  empires  which  succeeded  Assyria 
is  meant,  Persia  or  Syria. — Patbros  :  Upper  Egypt. — 
Cush:  Ethiopia. — Elam  :  Jer.  4934-39*- — Shlnar: 
Babylonia.— Hamath :  lOq*.— islands  ol  the  sea: 
the  coast  lands  of  the  Mediterranean. 

XII.  Songs  of  Thanlisgivlng.— This  is  a  late  appendix 
to  the  preceding.  It  is  imitative  throughout  and 
oopiea  late  passages.     11 16  compares  Israel's  return 


from  the  Dispersion  with  the  dehverance  of  the 
Hebrews  at  the  Exodus.  As  a  song  of  praise  (Ex.  15) 
celebrates  the  destruction  of  the  Egj'ptians  at  the 
Red  Sea,  so  two  brief  songs  (1-3,4-6)  are  inserted 
here,  which  have  close  points  of  contact  with  Ex.  15 
and  some  Pss.,  especially  Ps.  105,  also  with  parts  of 
Is.  24-27.  The  speaker  in  the  first  song  is  apparently 
the  redeemed  Israel.  He  utters  thanksgiving  for  the 
passing  of  Yahweh's  anger  into  comfort  (40 if.),  ex- 
presses his  trust  in  Him  as  his  salvation.  The  joy 
with  which  they  draw  water  from  the  wells  of  de- 
hverance (3)  is  conveyed  in  a  metaphor  far  more 
expressive,  where  water  is  so  scarce,  than  among  our- 
selves. The  second  psalm  is  an  exultant  celebration 
among  the  nations  of  the  wondeiiul  achievements 
He  has  wrought  for  Israel. 

XIII.  1-Xiv.  23.  The  Utter  Ruin  of  Babylon  and 
Triumphal  Ode  over  her  Monarch's  Death. — Historical 
conditions  are  here  presupposed  entirely  different 
from  those  of  Isaiah's  time.  The  subject  of  13  is  the 
overthrow  of  Babylon  by  the  Medes  a  century  and  a 
half  after  his  age.  Since  the  downfall  is  said  to  lie 
in  the  near  future,  the  prophecy  must  have  been  written 
very  near  the  close  of  the  Exile.  The  description  of 
Babylon  is  also  not  true  to  the  situation  of  Isaiah's 
day.  The  great  oppressing  empire,  whose  downfall 
he  predicted,  was  Assyria.  Babylon  was  subject  to 
it.  though  it  revolted  from  time  to  time,  and  it  was 
united  in  friendly  relations  with  Judah  by  hate  for 
the  common  oppressor.  In  our  prophecy  Babylon 
is  no  longer  a  subject  state,  but  "  the  glory  of  king- 
doms, the  beauty  of  the  Chaldeans'  pride,"  proud  and 
arrogant,  haughty  and  terrible.  The  ode  in  1 446-2 1 
probably  belongs  to  the  same  date.  It  is  a  song  of 
triumph  over  the  fall  of  an  unnamed  oppressor.  The 
writer  pictures  with  undisguised  exultation  the  taunts 
that  will  be  aimed  at  the  fallen  tyrant  in  Sheol.  Al- 
though the  king  is  not  named,  the  close  coimexion  with 
the  preceding  prophecy  makes  it  likely  that  the  king 
of  Babylon  is  meant.  14 1-40  is  apparently  an 
editorial  hnk  between  13  and  the  ode  that  follows. 
If  so,  the  reference  to  the  restoration  is  to  the  return 
from  the  Dispersion  rather  than  simply  from  Babylon. 
Prophecies  of  the  return  were  not  necessarily  com- 
posed before  the  return  under  Cyrus,  for  neither  that 
nor  the  subsequent  return  led  by  Ezra  embraced  more 
than  a  comparatively  small  remnant  of  the  Jewish 
population  out  of  Palestine.  Long  afterwards  the 
hope  of  restoration  was  still  cherished. 

XIII.  A  standard  is  to  be  set  on  the  bare  mountain, 
that  it  may  be  seen  far  and  wide.  The  warriors  are 
summoned  to  enter  the  gates  of  the  Babylonians, 
here  called  "  the  nobles,"  other  nations  being  the  com- 
mon people  in  comparison  with  these  world  rulers. 
The  warriors  are  summoned  to  execute  Yahweh's  anger. 
They  proudly  exult  in  prospect  of  victory.  They  are 
called  consecrated  because  war  was  regarded  as  a  holy 
enterprise,  and  those  who  took  part  in  it  as  specially 
dedicated  to  the  Divine  service,  which  imposed  upon 
them  several  restrictions,  or,  as  they  are  technically 
called,  taboos.  Yahweh  was  Himself  supposed  to  go 
with  His  armies  to  battle.  Campaigns  were  inaugurated 
with  sacrifice  (pp.99,114).  The  prophet  hears  the  Medes 
mustering  in  their  mountains  to  pour  down  on  the  plains 
of  Babylonia.  Though  they  howl,  for  Yahwehs  day  is 
at  hand,  men  shall  be  powerless  and  dismayed  in  pain 
and  perplexity.  The  day  comes,  cruel  and  angry, 
to  desohvte  the  land  and  extirpate  sinners.  The  sun, 
moon,  and  stars  will  bo  darkened  ;  the  wicked  will  be 
punished  and  the  haughty  be  brought  low  ;  a  man  will 
be  rarer  than  gold  ;    the  heavens  will  tremble,  the 


44« 


ISAIAH,  XIII 


earth  leap  from  her  place.  Then  the  traders  or  visitors 
who  have  como  from  all  nuarters  to  liabylon  will 
rush  home  in  headlong  flight.  The  atrocities  which 
were  the  usual  accomplishmonte  of  the  capture  of  a 
city,  especially  by  savage  warriors  like  the  Medes, 
will  be  perpetrated  at  Babylon's  fall.  For  they  will 
not  be  bought  oiT.  tliey  will  bo  pitiless  even  to  the  most 
helpless,  and  Babylon'  now  at  last  mentioned  by  name, 
the  capital  of  many  subject  kingdoms,  will  be  Uke 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  desolate  ifor  ever,  unvisited 
even  by  the  nomad  or  the  shepherd,  the  home  of  wild 
boasts  and  uncanny  monsters.  And  this  judgment  is 
near  at  hand. 

1.  burden  :  read  mg.  It  is  derived  from  the  verb 
"  to  lilt  up."  meaning  to  lift  up  the  voice. — 6.  Cf. 
Jl.  I15. — 8.  faces  of  flame:  variously  explained  as 
the  flame  of  pain,  shame,  or  excitement. — 10.  The 
failure  of  the  heavenly  bodies  to  shine  is  a  very  common 
element  in  prophetic  pictures  of  judgment.  Read, 
perhaps,  "  For  the  heavens  and  the  constellations 
thereof."  Constellations  means  such  constellations 
as  Orion. — 12.  Ophir  :  the  situation  has  been  much 
disputed.  It  has  been  located  on  the  W.  coast  of 
Inclia,  and  on  the  S.E.  coast  of  Africa,  opposite  Mada- 
gascar. The  most  probable  view  is  that  it  was  on 
the  S.E.  coast  of  Arabia,  but  the  name  may  also  have 
included  the  district  opposite  this  on  the  E.  coast 
of  Africa.  See  the  Dictionaries. — 15f.  The  atrocities 
were  not  actually  perpetrated,  for  Babylon  surrendered 
peacefully  to  Cyrus.— 17.  The  Medes  (pp.  58,  60)  were  a 
mountaineering  nation  to  the  N.E.  of  Babylon.  Cyrus 
united  them  with  the  Persians  under  his  sway,  and 
together  they  captured  Babylon  in  538.  See  pp.  61,  77. 
— 19.  The  Chaldeans  (pp.  58f.)  were  a  people  living  on 
the  coast  S.E.  of  Babylonia.  Merodach  Baladan  (p.  71 ) 
who  held  Babylon  for  a  time  again.st  Assyria,  was  a 
Chaldean.  But  they  were  not  in  any  sense  Babylonians 
till  Nftbopolassar,  the  father  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  who 
was  a  Chaldean,  founded  the  new  Babylonian  empire 
about  626  (p.  60).  The  name  was  subsequently  used 
as  synonymous  with  Babylonians.  In  Daniel  we  have 
the  curious  use  of  Chaldeans  in  the  sense  of  magicians 
or  wise  men  (pp.  524f.). — 21f.  Parallels  occur  in  Zeph. 
2i4f. ;  Jer.  5O39,  5I37  ;  Is.  34ii-i5.  The  creatures 
mentioned  belonged  not  merely  to  what  we  should 
call  natural  history,  but  supernatural,  which  were  not 
sharply  distinguished  by  the  ancient  mind.  The  names 
are  in  some  cases  of  uncertain  meaning.  The  satyrs 
are  demons,  probably  in  the  shape  of  goats.  It  is  a 
common  Arab  superstilion  that  ruins  are  haunted  by 
uncanny  creatures.  The  author  further  predicts  that 
this  desolation  is  to  come  quickly.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  the  city  remained  unharmed  under  Cvrus.  Its 
outer  walls  were  destroyed  when  it  revolted  from 
Darius  I,  and  it  gradually  decayed.  It  was  still  in- 
habited in  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Gre^t.  who  pur- 
posed to  make  it  his  capital,  and  who  died  there. 

XIV.  1-23.  For  Yahweh  in  His  pity  will  restore 
Israel  to  its  own  land,  and  some  of  the  heathen  will 
join  Israel  as  proselytes  (r/.  563,6f.).  The  nations 
will  bring  them  back  to  Palestine  (4922f.,  60g-i4, 
6620),  and  the  oppressors  will  servo  those  whom  they 
had  oppressed.  Then  when  Israel  has  been  rescued 
it  will  utter  this  taunting  song  over  the  king  of  Babylon. 
The  song  is  written  in  the  so-called  lamentation 
rhythm,  which  was  used  largely,  though  not  exclu- 
sively, for  dirges  and  elegies.  Now  has  the  oppressor 
ceased,  ceased  the  terror  !  The  tyrant  staff  is  broken 
that  smote  the  nations  in  incessant  anger  and  trampled 
them  with  a  trampling  that  none  could  check.  The 
earth  is  at  peace,  the  trees  rejoice  that  they  will  no 


longer  be  foiled  by  the  oppressor  to  provide  timlr 
for  ships,  buildings,  and  implements  of  war.  Tli 
poet  now  depicts  the  fortunes  of  the  fallen  tyrant  afl' 
his  death,  first  of  his  shade  (c>-i5),  then  of  his  corp- 
(16-20).  First  he  follows  the king'sshadotoSheoi.  Tli 
was  the  underworld,  to  which  the  shcadee  of  men  wero 
supposed  to  go  after  death,  leading  there  a  shadowy 
existence,  regarded  here  apparently  as  the  counter- 
part or  pale  reflection  of  the  life  which  they  led  on 
earth.  Thus  the  kings  of  the  nations  still  sit  on  thrones. 
The  passage  should  bo  compared  with  the  striking 
description  in  Ezek.  3218-32*,  which  differs  from  this 
to  some  extent  in  its  representation.  Hero  the  kings 
are  said  to  rise  in  amazement  to  meet  the  king  of 
Babylon.  They  had  not  expected  this  invincible 
monarch  to  be  overthrown,  but  now  he  is  with  tliem, 
as  weak  as  they.  This  is  the  end  of  his  pomp  and  his 
music ;  worms  are  his  couch  and  his  coverlet.  So  far 
from  sitting  on  a  throne  like  his  fellow-kings,  he  is 
doomed  to  lie  on  the  soil  of  the  underworld,  which  is 
pictured  as  infested  with  worms,  an  indication  of  the 
close  associations  between  Sheol  and  the  grave. 
Later  he  is  said  to  be  brought  down  to  the  furthest 
recesses  of  the  pit  (15).  He  is  thus  dishonourably 
cast  aside,  no  longer  the  centre  of  observation.  The 
reason  is,  it  would  seem,  the  fact  that  his  corpse  remains 
imburied  (19).  Son  of  the  Goddess  of  the  Dawn 
(Job  39*),  he  aspired,  as  himself  a  demigod  and  king  of 
a  world  empire,  to  become  one  of  the  gods  (Ezek.  28), 
sitting  in  their  assembly  on  their  mountain  homo  in 
the  far  North.  He  is  like  the  morning  star,  which 
shines  brightly,  but  only  for  a  brief  period,  quickly 
disappearing  before  the  sun.  The  falling  of  the  star 
[cf.  Rev.  9i)  is  probably  suggested  by  the  falling  of  a 
meteor.  How  startling  the  contrast  between  the 
height  he  hoped  to  reach  in  the  uttermost  North  and 
the  depth  into  which  he  is  plunged  in  the  furthest 
reees.ses  of  Sheol !  The  scene  changes  to  the  battle- 
field (16),  where  the  corpse  of  the  king  lies  unburied. 
Those  who  see  it  will,  as  they  closely  scrutinise  it, 
moralise  on  the  change  of  fortime.  Invincible  though 
he  had  been,  and  holding  his  conquests  so  firmly,  yet. 
unlike  other  kings,  he  is  not  honoured  with  burial 
in  his  own  tomb.  The  text  of  17-20  has  apparently 
suffered  from  transposition  and  eorniption  (see  below). 
Not  only  is  he  excluded  from  his  royal  tomb,  his  whole 
brood  falls  and  their  very  names  are  forgotten  (20). 
Let  the  conquerors  extirpate  his  children,  that  his 
dynasty  may  not  perpetuate  the  mischief  of  his  rule. 
22f.  is  perhaps  an  editorial  conclusion  describing  the 
desolation  of  Babylon.  When  its  irrigation  sj'stem 
fell  into  neglect,  the  overflow  of  the  Euphrates  formed 
marshes,  since  it  was  no  longer  carried  off  by  the 
canals  (p.  50). 

4.  golden  city  :  read  "  the  raging  "  or  "  terror." — 
9.  the  dead:  i.e.  Rephaim  (Gen.  145*). — H.  vloIs : 
perhaps  we  might  illustrate  from  21 5.  where  the  princes 
of  Babylon  arc  represented  as  at  a  banquet  when  the 
enemy  were  at  their  gates,  and  from  the  account  of 
Belshazzar's  feast  in  Dan.  5. — 19.  The  text  seems  to 
mean  that  the  king's  body  is  cast  away  unburied,  like 
a  worthless  branch,  cut  off  the  tree  and  thrown  aside ; 
that  it  is  (lung  into  a  pit  with  the  rest  of  the  bodies  of 
the  slain,  so  that  he  is  surrounded  by  them  on  every 
side.  But  the  langiiage  is  strange,  especially  the 
phrase,  "  that  go  down  to  the  stones  of  the  pit." 
Probably  we  should  read,  "  but  thou  art  east  forth 
with  the  slain  that  are  thrust  through  with  the  sword, 
that  go  down  to  the  base  of  the  pit,  as  a  carcase  trodden 
under  foot."  The  remaining  words  then  form  an 
introduction  to  20.     They  do  not  make  a  complete 


ISAIAH,  XV,  XVI 


447 


sentence,  and  probably  some  words  have  dropped 
r  out.  It  has  been  suggested  to  read :  "  [How  art 
'  thou  cut  off]  from  thy  grave.  Uke  an  abominable 
;  branch.  [How  liest  thou  there  without  honour! 
clothed  [with  shame]."  This  is  a  largely  conjectural 
restoration,  but  it  gives  a  good  sense  and  avoids  the 
difficulties  raised  by  the  present  text.  Something 
like  this  is  very  probably  right.  The  king  is  called 
"  an  abominable  branch  '"  in  the  sense  that  he  is  a 
shoot  disgraceful  to  the  family  tree,  and  therefore 
deservintr  to  be  lopped  otf  {cf.  11 1,  Jn.  156).— 20.  with 
them  in  this  context  can  refer  only  to  the  kings  of 
the  nations  (i8),  which  is  very  awkward,  since  the 
pronoun  ought  naturally  to  refer  to  the  slain.  But 
neither  is  satisfactory.  He  should  be  spoken  of  as 
buried  with  his  ancestors.  Read  with  Duhm,  "  as 
for  thy  fathers,  thou  shalt  not  be  joined,'"  etc. — 21. 
cities  :  read  "  heaps  of  ruins."'  unless  the  word,  which 
is  unnecessary  and  metrically  inconvenient,  should 
be  stmck  out.  With  tlxis  verse  the  ode  comes  to  an 
end. — 23.  porcupine  :  AV  "  bittern  "  probably  suits 
the  passages  where  it  occurs  better,  though  porcupine 
is  philologically  much  the  best  supported  (see  EBi, 
HDB,  SDB2). 

XIV.  24-27.  The  Destruction  of  Assyria.— Tliis  is 
usually  regarded  as  a  genuine  fragment  by  Isaiah, 
asserting,  as  in  IO5-34,  the  approaching  destruction 
of  Assyria  in  Palestine,  and  uttered  probably  not  long 
before  Sennacheribs  invasion  in  701.  Some  take  it 
to  be  post-exilic,  mainl}'  on  the  ground  that,  just  as 
in  the  later  eschatology,  the  judgment  is  to  be  in- 
tlicted  on  all  the  nations,  while  Isaiah  limits  his  view 
to  a  much  narrower  horizon.  It  is  also  said  to  be 
put  together  out  of  Isaianic  phrases.  It  is  true  that 
numerous  parallels  occur  in  the  other  prophecies,  but 
the  piece  is  so  free  and  vigorous  in  style,  that  it  does 
not  make  the  impression  of  having  been  composed 
by  a  mere  copyist.  Nor  was  it  possible  for  the  Assyrian 
Empire  to  be  broken  up  without  affecting  the  other 
nations  in  a  vital  and  far-reaching  way.  The  view 
taken  of  a  fragment  Uke  this  necessarily  depends  to 
a  large  extent  on  the  attitude  adopted  to  some  of  the 
larger  critical  questions  raised  by  the  book. 

Yahweh  has  sworn  to  accomplish  His  purpose  of 
breaking  Assyria  to  pieces  in  the  mountainous  land 
of  Palestine.  It  is  a  purpose  of  world-wide  import, 
and,  since  Yahweh  has  decreed  it,  none  will  be  able 
to  thwart  His  design. 

25a.  The  destruction  takes  place  in  Yahwehs  land, 
that  it  may  be  plain  to  the  world  that  Yahweh  has 
accomplished  it.  It  was  a  common  feature  in  Apoca- 
lyptic that  the  judgment  on  the  nations  should  take 
place  before  Jerusalem. — 256.  Perhaps  a  gloss.  We 
are  not  told  whom  the  prophet  means  by  "them." 
If  the  passage  is  original  here,  this  should  have  been 
clearly  expressed.  We  naturally  think  of  the  people 
of  Judah  as  in  the  writers  mind,  but  the  next  verse 
contemplates  a  wider  field.  Besides,  26  connects 
better  with  25a  than  with  256.  It  is  very  similar  to 
IO27  [cf.  94),  and  may  have  been  written  on  the 
margin  and  then  admitted  to  the  text. 

XIV.  28-32.  Phillstias  Exultation  is  Premature: 
Worse  Calamities  are  at  Hand. — The  Philistines  are 
warned  not  to  rejoice  that  the  rod  which  has  oppressed 
them  is  broken,  for  the  t>Tant's  successor  will  smite 
them  with  greater  severity.  At  first  sight  it  might 
eeem,  on  account  of  the  title,  that  the  breaking  of  the 
rod  referred  to  the  death  of  Ahaz.  But  we  do  not 
know  that  the  Philistines  were  at  this  time  in  any 
way  subject  to  Judah,  and  it  is  likely  that  both  Jews 
and  Philistines  were  subject  to  Assyria.     Nor  does 


the  prophecy  favour  this  view,  since  it  represents 
Judah  as  in  poverty,  while  the  description  of  the 
enemy  that  is  coming  upon  Phihstia  points  unmis- 
takably to  Assyria,  if  Isaiah  is  the  author.  Probably, 
then,  the  reference  is  to  the  death  of  an  Assyrian  king. 
We  might  think  of  Tiglath-Pilesers  death  in  727,  or 
Shalmanesers  in  722,  or  Sargon's  in  705  (pp.  59,  70f.). 
Titles  are  often  untrustworthy,  but  there  is  nothing  in- 
trinsically auspicious  in  the  title  to  this  prophecy,  while 
the  fact  that  the  year  727,  assigned  on  independent 
grounds  as  the  death-year  of  Ahaz,  was  also  the  death- 
year  of  Tiglath-pileser.  is  a  striking  coincidence,  which 
makes  it  probable  that  this  is  the  date  of  the  prophecy. 
Duhm  dates  it  between  the  battle  of  Issus  (3.33  B.C.) 
and  the  capture  of  Gaza  by  Alexander  the  Great  in 
the  following  year.  In  that  case  the  Persian  monarchy 
will  be  the  broken  rod  :  and  the  writer  warns  the 
Phihstines  that,  instead  of  gaining  their  freedom 
through  its  overthrow,  they  will  fmd  Alexander  a 
severer  oppressor.  But  the  breaking  of  the  staff 
probably  refers  to  the  death  of  a  king  from  whom  they 
had  greatly  suffered.  The  rod  and  the  serpent  mean 
the  same  thing,  viz.  the  oppressing  empire  or  king. 
The  serpent's  root  is  the  root  from  which  the  serpent 
has  spnmg,  probably  the  royal  house  of  AssjTia. 
Since  the  basilisk  springs  from  the  same  root  as  the 
serpent,  it  is  hardly  likely  that  the  prophet  can  mean 
that  one  oppressing  empire  will  be  succeeded  by  an- 
other. It  is  the  same  power  throughout  that  is  re- 
ferred to.  The  basilisk  and  fiery  flying  serpent  are 
symbols  of  worse  and  worse  oppressors.  The  Philis- 
tines seem  to  have  sent  ambassadors  to  Judah  to  form 
an  aUiance  against  the  enemy.  It  was  not  unusual, 
when  an  Assyrian  king  died,  for  numerous  rebellions 
among  the  subject  nations  to  break  out  in  the  empire. 
The  Phihstines  were  very  turbulent,  and  probably  it  is 
to  one  of  these  attempts  that  the  passage  refers.  The 
answer  is  quite  in  the  spirit  of  Isaiah.  Yahweh  has 
founded  Zion  ;  it  is  therefore  safe,  and  needs  no  earthly 
aUiance.  The  several  petty  kingdoms  which  make  up 
Philistia  are  all  rejoicing  at  the  oppressor's  death  \  but 
their  joy  is  premature,  for  his  successor  will  be  far 
more  formidable.  But  the  poor  shall  feed  on  Yahweh'a 
mountains  and  rest  in  safetj-,  but  the  seed  (LXX)  of 
Philistia  will  be  destroyed  by  famine  and  her  remnant 
shall  be  slain.  Phihstia  may  lament  for  her  exter- 
mination ;  the  Assyrians  are  coming  from  the  North, 
their  track  marked  by  the  smoke  of  blazing  towns. 
The  soldiers  march  in  a  close,  compact  order,  with 
no  straggler  in  the  ranks  (?/(^.).  The  Philistian  am- 
bassadors must  take  back  the  message  that  Yahweh 
has  established  Zion,  and  in  her  the  afflicted  people 
take  refuge. 

29.  basilisk  :  probably  a  mythical  creature. — 30. 
firstborn  of  the  poor  :  if  MT  is  correct,  this  means  the 
poorest  of  the  poor.  Probably  we  should  read,  "  and 
the  poor  shall  feed  on  mv  moimtains." 

XV.,  XVI.  Oracle  on  Moab.— In  IGisf.  we  read  that 
the  preceding  prophecy  had  been  spoken  in  time  past : 
now  it  is  confirmed,  and  its  fulfilment  exactly  dated. 
The  natural  moaning  of  this  is  that  the  main  body  of 
the  oracle  had  been  uttered  some  time  previously. 
Very  few  accept  the  \-iew  that  Isaiah  himself  wrote  it. 
It  is  generally  thought  that  he  quotes  the  work  of  an 
older  prophet  and  endorses  it.  This  is  suggested  by 
the  language  of  16i3f..  which  does  not  favour  the  view 
that  its  author  also  wrote  the  main  body  of  the  pro- 
phecv.  The  style  of  the  prophecy  is  archaic  and 
tedious,  and  there  are  many  peculiar  forms  in  the 
language.  The  sympathetic  tone  has  no  parallel  in 
Isaiah,  and  the  minute  Icnowledge  of  the  topography 


448 


ISAIAH,  XV.,  XVI 


of  Moab  is  rather  improbable  in  a  city  prophet.  If 
this  view  is  correct,  it  is  still  uncertain  when  the 
original  prophecy  was  spoken.  It  must  bo  late^  than 
the  time  of  Ahab.  since  cities  are  represented  as  be- 
longing to  Moab  which,  as  we  know  from  the  Moabito 
Stone,  were  recovered  by  Mesha.  Many  thuik  the 
original  occasion  was  a  conquest  of  Moab  by  Jero- 
boam II,  which,  though  not  expressly  mentioned,  is 
implied  in  the  history.  Since  Judah  is  supposed  to 
be  able  to  protect  the  fugitives  of  Moab,  she  must 
have  been  fairly  strong  at  the  time,  and  this  would 
suit  the  reign  of  Uzziah,  which  was  for  the  most  part 
contemporary  with  that  of  Jeroboam  II.  Isaiah  may 
have  republished  the  oracle  with  the  appendix  shortly 
before  Sargon's  campaign  against  Ashdod  in  711,  when 
Moab  was  intriguing  against  Assyria  with  Egypt  and 
Philistia,  or  he  might  have  done  so  shortly  before 
Sennacherib's  invasion  in  701.  Several  scholars 
believe  that  the  original  prophecy  is  post-e.xilic. 
Gray  (ICC)  analyses  into  an  elegy  consisting  of  15i- 
90,  16i(6)7-ii,  and  a  prophetic  interpolation  contain- 
ing 159i(-165,i2.  The  elegy  he  thinks  has  reference 
to  the  Nabatasan  conquest  of  Moab  in  the  fifth  century. 
The  oracle  forms  the  basis  of  the  much  longer  prophecy 
in  Jer.  48. 

XV.  1-9.  The  Overthrow  of  Moab.— A  sudden 
catastrophe  has  overwhelmed  Ar  (Nu.  21 15*)  and 
Kir  in  one  night.  The  daughter  (read  bath  for  Bayith  ; 
cf.  Jer.  48i8)  of  Dibon  (Nu.  2I30*)  has  gone  up  to 
the  high  places  to  lament  ;  every~where  are  signs  of 
mourning.  The  cry  of  distress  is  heard  from  Heshbon 
(Nu.  2I25*)  and  Elealeh  (Nu.  3237*)  in  Jahaz  (Nu. 
2123*).  The  fugitives  (mg.)  flee  to  Zoar  (Gen.  1922*) 
and  the  third  Eglath.  They  mount  the  ascent  of 
Luhith  (between  Rabba  and  Zoar),  and  lament  in 
the  way  of  Horonaim.  The  waters  of  Nimrim  have 
been  stopped  by  the  enemy,  the  pastures  are  parched. 
The  iloabites  carry  their  goods  across  the  brook  of 
the  willows,  apparently  into  Edom  ;  from  one  end  of 
the  land  to  the  other  the  howling  of  anguish  is  heard. 
All  bloody  are  the  waters  of  Dimon.  A  more  terrible 
enemy  (?  Assyria)  is  to  come  on  the  remnant  which 
has  escaped. 

1.  Kir  :  probably  Kerak,  a  very  strong  fortress  about 
17  miles  S-  of  the  Arnon. — 2.  Baldness  and  cutting  off 
the  beard  are  signs  of  mourning  (p.  110). — 5.  Probably 
there  were  three  places  named  Eglath,  near  together  ; 
the  third  would  be  intended  here.  The  sense  of  mg. 
is  that  Moab  (or  Zoar)  is  a  vigorous  power  hitherto 
unconqucred,  but  now  to  be  crushed  into  servitude. — 
Nlmrlm :  probably  not  Bath-nimrah  (Nu.  3236*), 
which  is  too  far  N.,  but  the  Wadi  Numeirah,  S.  of 
Kir. — 8.  Eglaim  :  probably  at  the  S.  extremity  of 
Moab.  Beer-elim  (Nu.  21i6*),  in  the  N. — 9.  DimOD  : 
probably  the  same  as  Dibon,  the  change  securing  an 
assonance  with  the  word  for  blood  {ddm). 

XVI.  1-12.  The  Moabitcs  now  in  Sela,  a  city  of 
Edom  (2  K.  14?*;  rf.  Jg.  I36,  m;/.*),  e.xhort  each 
other  to  send  the  tribute  of  lambs  once  paid  to  Israel 
(2  K.  34)  to  Jerusalem  to  secure  her  protection  and 
sJiclter,  since  Edom  was  under  the  suzeraintj'  of 
Judah.  Judah  can  protect  the  Moabitcs,  for  it  is 
under  a  righteous  government.  But  the  prayer  is 
rejected,  for  the  arrogance  of  Moab  (25ii^  is  such  that 
its  (lattery  of  Judah  must  be  insincere.  So  Moab 
must  mourn  still  more,  lamenting  for  the  raisin  cakes 
of  Kir-harcseth  (in  11  Kir-heres,  probably  identical 
with  Kir  of  Moab).  The  vineyards  of  Heshbon,  the 
vinos  of  Sibmah  languish,  whose  vintage  was  so 
choice  that  it  was  drunk  by  monarchs,  so  strong  that 
it  overcame  them,  accustomed  though  they  would  be 


to  powerful  intoxicants.  The  poet  shares  the  grief 
of  Jazor  (15  miles  N.  of  Heshbon),  for  the  vintage  is 
all  ruined.  Though  the  poet's  compassion  is  moved 
at  the  desolation,  the  prayers  of  the  doomed  people 
cannot  avert  it. 

2.  Out  of  place.  The  Moabites  are  here  back  at 
the  fords  of  Arnon  (Nu.  21 13*),  timid  and  irresolute. 
It  breaks  the  connexion  between  i  and  3. — 7.  raisin- 
cakes  :  grapes  pressed  together  in  the  form  of  a  cake 
usedat  reUgious festivals  (p.9!),Ho8.3i*). — 8.  Poetically 
the  author  describes  the  vines  under  the  figure  of  a 
single  \ane  branching  out  to  Jazer  on  the  north,  to 
the  desert  on  the  east,  and  the  Dead  Sea  on  the  west. — 
9f.  The  word  rendered  "  battle  shout "'  is  the  same  as 
that  rendered  "  vintage  shout."  It  is  the  technical 
name  for  the  shout  of  the  wino-treaders  as  they  press 
the  grapes.  There  will  be  a  vintage  shout,  but  it 
will  bo  that  of  the  soldiers  as  they  trample  the  vine- 
yards down  ;  cf.  Jer.  4833.  "  the  shouting  shall  be  no 
shouting." — 11.  As  the  harp  responds  to  the  touch 
of  the  musician,  so  the  poet's  heart  is  moved  by  the 
sorrows  of  Moab. 

13f.  The  preceding  prophecy  was  spoken  in  time 
past,  but  now  in  three  years  precisely  the  glory  of 
Moab  shall  be  brought  low,  and  only  an  insignificant 
remnant  be  spared. 

14.  The  hired  servant  serves  for  the  stipulated 
period  exactly.  The  master  sees  to  it  that  it  shall 
be  no  less,  the  servant  takes  care  that  it  shall  be  no 
more. 

XVII.  1-11.  Oracle  on  Damascus  and  Israel.— In 
spite  of  the  title  this  prophecy  deals  much  more  with 
Ephraim  than  Damascus,  which  is  not  mentioned 
after  3.  The  close  connexion  of  the  two  suggests 
that  they  have  formed  an  alliance,  and  this  is  con- 
firmed by  the  probable  reference  to  Syrian  forms  of 
worship  in  10.  The  prophecy  is  therefore  later  than 
98-IO4,  when  the  alliance  between  Syria  and  Ephraim 
had  not  been  formed.  It  must  be  earlier  than  732, 
since  at  that  date  Damascus  fell.  We  may  perhaps 
fix  the  date  a  little  more  precisely.  No  reference  is 
made  to  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  the  allied  forces, 
so  this  had  probably  not  j'et  taken  place.  We  may 
accordingly  date  it  about  736-5.  Damascus  is  to 
become  a  ruin,  the  Syrian  cities  desolate,  so  that 
flocks  will  pasture  undisturbed  on  their  site.  Ephraim 
will  thus  lose  her  bulwark  against  Assyria,  and  Syria 
sliall  fail  as  Israel's  glory  will  pass  away.  For  Israel 
also  shall  be  like  a  man  smitten  with  a  wasting  disease, 
or  like  the  standing  com  ready  to  be  reaped,  of  which 
the  gleanings  only  will  be  left  on  the  field,  as  when  a 
fruitful  olive  tree  is  beaten  and  only  a  very  few  berries 
are  left.  The  description  of  the  judgment  is  broken 
off  in  yf.,  which  may  be  an  insertion,  asserting  as  the 
effect  of  the  judgment  that  man  will  look  to  liis  Maker 
rather  than  to  the  idols.  The  description  is  resumed 
with  a  prediction  that  Israel's  fortresses  shall  be  Uko 
the  ruined  strongholds  out  of  which  the  Israelites 
at  the  conquest  drove  the  Amorites  and  the  Hivitcs 
(mg.).  For  Israel  has  forgotten  her  God,  she  has 
planted  plantings  of  Adonis  (mg.)  and  vineslips  of  a 
strange  god  (mg.).  The  harvest  ripens  speedily  but 
withers  quickly,  leaving  only  a  desperate  sorrow. 
Adonis  was  a  vegetation  deity  whose  worship  was 
widely  spread.  The  name  Tammuz  in  Ezek.  814*  is 
Babylonian.  The  myth  of  his  death  represented  the 
death  of  vegetation  in  autumn.  The  plantings  of 
Adonis  were  pots  or  baskets  of  earth  sown  with 
flowers,  which  were  stimulated  to  rapid  growth,  and 
quickly  withered.  So  quickly,  the  next  verso  inti- 
mates, will  the  plans  and  hopes  of  Israel,  which,  in 


ISAIAH,  XIX.  1-17 


449 


its  alliance  with  Syria,  had  adopted  this  Syrian  cult, 
be  rudely  crushed. 

2.  Aroer :  three  Arocrs  are  mentioned  in  the  OT — 
one  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah,  one  in  Ammon, 
the  other  on  the  Amon  in  Moab.  Tliesc  are  all  much 
too  far  south,  since  the  context  requires  a  district 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Damascus.  Read,  perhaps, 
"  cities  of  Aram." — 3.  The  meaning  may  be  that  the 
fortresses  of  Ephraim  will  be  overthrown  ;  but  as 
the  subject  is  Damascus,  it  is  better  to  render  "  the 
bulwark  of  Ephraim  "  and  explain  as  above. — 5.  The 
reapers  used  to  cut  the  stalk  close  to  the  ear,  not  close 
to  the  ground.  The  valley  of  Rephaim  (p.  31)  lay  S.W. 
of  Jemsalem. — 6.  A  rod  was  used  to  knock  the  ohve 
berries  from  the  tree,  but  a  few  might  be  left  on 
the  more  inaccessible  boughs. — 8.  the  work  of  his 
hands  refers  to  idols  more  naturally  than  to  altars. 
For  "  Asherim  "  c/.  p.  100,  1  K.  15i3*.  The  sun- 
images  are  probably  sun-pillars  (2  Ch.  145*)  ;  both  are 
probably  glosses. 

XVII."  12-14.  The  Overthrow  of  Assyria.— A  brief 
independent  prophecy  or  oracle  not  connected  with 
i-ii,  and  probably  not  with  i8.  Some  assign  it  to 
the  post-exilic  period  on  account  of  the  reference  to 
the  many  nations,  i.e.  the  hostile  world  gathering 
against  Judah  and  dispersed  by  the  intervention  of 
God.  It  is  also  not  impossible  that  so  fine  and  vigorous 
a  piece  of  Hebrew  should  be  composed  in  the  post- 
exihc  period.  But  while  this  may  be  freely  admitted, 
it  amounts  to  nothing  more  than  this,  that  if  the 
passage  stood  quite  alone  it  would  not  be  unnatural 
to  place  it  in  the  post-exilic  period.  There  is,  however, 
no  reason  for  denying  it  to  Isaiah,  since  the  many 
nations  may  be  adequately  explained  in  the  usual  way, 
as  the  many  nations  subject  to  Assyria  which  had  to 
send  contingents  to  fight  in  her  armies.  The  date  is 
uncertain  ;  it  is  most  probably  about  701. 

The  nations  rush  in  their  onset  with  an  uproar  like 
the  roaring  ocean,  but  Yahweh  will  rebuke  them  and 
drive  them  like  dust  before  the  storm.  The  host  that 
in  the  evening  is  so  terrible  will  be  no  more  before 
morning.  Such  is  the  lot  of  those  who  spoil  God's 
people. 

13.  chaff  of  the  mountains :  com  was  preferably 
threshed  on  high  ground,  so  that  the  wind  might  carry 
the  chafE  away. 

XVIII.  Isaiah  Discourages  the  Schemes  of  Ethiopia. — 
This  chapter  is  probably  connected  with  the  policy 
of  the  Egyptian  alliance  so  frequently  denounced  by 
Isaiah  in  29-31.  Here  the  negotiations  seem  to  be 
in  the  initial  stage,  and  the  courteous  language  of 
Isaiah  agrees  best  with  the  view  that  at  present  he 
did  not  regard  the  alliance  as  within  the  range  of 
practical  pohtics.  The  land  of  Ethiopia  is  described, 
with  special  reference  to  the  swarms  of  flies.  Its 
rivers  are  the  Blue  and  White  Nile.  Ambassadors 
have  been  sent  to  Jerusalem,  apparently  to  induce  the 
Jews  to  throw  ofE  the  Assyrian  yoke  and  assure  them 
of  support.  They  have  come  down  the  Nile,  here 
called  the  sea  ( 195*),  in  Ught  boats  of  papyrus  (Ex.  23). 
These  were  very  swift,  and  could  be  carried  along  the 
bank  where  the  river  was  not  navigable.  EV.  by  insert- 
ing "saying  "  in  2.  gives  a  wrong  sense,  as  if  Ethiopia 
addressed  the  following  words  to  the  ambassadors, 
sending  them  to  the  various  parts  of  the  empire. 
They  are  rather  the  words  spoken  to  them  by  Isaiah, 
bidding  them  return  from  Jemsalem  to  their  own  land. 
They  are  described  as  tall  and  with  polished  skins,  a 
people  of  great  military  strength,  trampling  other 
nations  beneath  its  feet,  and  inhabiting  a  land  inter- 
sected by  numerous  rivers,  unlike  Judah,  wliich  was 


so  poor  in  streams.  The  whole  world  is  bidden  observe 
the  signal  given  for  the  overthrow  of  Assyria,  since 
not  Ethiopia  alone  but  many  other  peoples  are  deeply 
concerned  in  her  fate.  Through  a  special  revelation 
Isaiah  has  learnt  the  explanation  of  Yahweh's  conduct 
and  his  knowledge  of  His  future  action.  Unlike  the 
busy,  intriguing  nations,  whose  action  all  ends  in 
nothing,  Yahweh  waits  quietly  till  the  time  is  ripe, 
when  He  intervenes  with  effect.  The  heat  and  cloud 
ripen  the  harvest,  and  they  also  fitly  symbolise  the 
stillness  in  which  Yahweh  bides  His  time.  He  waits 
because  Assyria  has  still  His  work  to  do,  and  only 
when  that  is  accomphshed  does  He  cut  her  down. 
Just  when  the  plans  of  Assyria  are  on  the  eve  of 
accompUshment  Yahweh  brings  them  to  nothing. 
Ravenous  beasts  and  birds  v/ill  prey  on  the  corpses 
of  the  Assyrian  soldiers.  Then  the  Ethiopians  will 
send  a  present  to  Zion  for  Yahweh. 

2.  that  meteth  out  and  treadeth  down :  render, 
probably,  "  a  people  of  strength  and  treading  down." 

XIX.  Oracle  on  Egypt. — This  is  one  of  the  most 
difficult  chapters  in  the  book.  It  falls  into  two 
sections,  1-17  and  18-25.  If  i-i7  is  in  the  main  from 
Isaiah,  it  probably  refers  to  an  anticipated  conquest 
of  Egypt  by  Assyria.  Three  possibihties  are  then 
open  :  (a)  the  defeat  of  Egypt  by  Sargon  at  Raphia 
in  720  B.C.  (pp.  59,  71)  ;  (b)  the  occasion  which  called 
forth  the  similar  prophecy  in  20  ;  (c)  the  early  part 
of  Sennacherib's  reign,  when  Judah  was  planning 
an  alliance  with  Egypt.  It  is  true  that  no  Assyrian 
king  ruled  over  Egypt  till  672,  when  Esarhaddon 
did  so  (p.  60).  But  it  is  better  to  regard  the  cruel 
lord  and  fierce  king,  into  whose  power  Egypt  is  to 
be  delivered,  as  an  Assyrian  rather  than  a  native 
ruler,  even  though  it  is  difficult  to  fix  the  precise 
historical  occasion  to  which  the  prophecy  belongs.  But 
its  Isaianic  authorship  is  by  no  means  unquestioned. 
No  agreement,  however,  has  been  reached  as  to  its 
date  U.  non-Isaianic.  The  cruel  lord  would  probably 
be  a  Persian  king.  Cambyses  (529-522),  Xerxes  (485- 
465),  and  Artaxerxes  Ochus  (359-338)  have  been 
suggested.  18-25  forms  an  appendix.  Its  tone  is 
strikinglj"-  different  from  that  of  the  earlier  part.  In 
the  former  part  of  the  prophecy  the  tone  is  both 
threatening  and  sarcastic  towards  Egjqit.  while  in 
the  latter  it  is  very  sympathetic.  Stylistically  the 
passage  does  not  resemble  Isaiah's  work,  and  it  is 
most  difficult  of  all  to  account  for  the  very  circum- 
stantial details  into  which  the  prophet  enters,  if  it  is 
Isaiah's.  The  main  objection  to  a  post-exilic  date 
has  been  the  reference  to  a  pillar  in  the  land  of  Egypt 
as  a  sign  that  Egypt  will  turn  to  God.  Since  pillars 
are  forbidden  in  Dt.  I622.  it  is  urged  that  the  prophecy 
must  be  earlier,  while  this  is  confirmed  by  the  fact 
that  the  altar  would  conflict  with  the  Deuteronomic  law 
of  a  single  sanctuary  (Dt.  12).  But  the  pillar  may  have 
merely  a  memorial  character,  and  be  mentioned  here 
because  pillars  were  so  numerous  in  Egypt.  And  in 
spite  of  Dt.  a  temple  was  actually  erected  in  Egypt 
in  the  second  century  B.C.  The  date  is  very  uncertain, 
especially  since  the  text  and  meaning  of  18  are  quite 
unsettled.  The  view  that  this  verse  refers  to  the 
temple  foimded  at  Leontopolis  about  160  B.C.  is 
dubious,  though  the  variation  in  the  text  may  have 
expressed  later  judgment  upon  this  temple. 

1-17.  Yahweh  rides  on  a  cloud  (cf.  Ps.  104 3,  and, 
if  the  cherubim  originally  represented  the  thunder- 
cloud, Ps.  18 10)  and  enters  Egypt.  He  strikes  dismay 
into  her  and  her  gods,  for  He  is  about  to  judcre  them. 
He  afflicts  Egypt  with  civil  war  ;  Egypt's  intellect 
is  paralysed,  so,  incapable  of  wise  counsel,  she  heia 

15 


450 


ISAIAH,  XIX.  1-17 


recourse  to  the  idols  and  occult  arts.  In  spite  of  this 
she  falls  under  the  sway  of  a  tyrant.  The  Nile,  hero 
called  the  sea  (rf.  1 82)— for  it  was  more  like  a  sea  than 
a  river  when  it  overtlowed  its  banks — will  dry  up, 
and  the  canals  on  wliich  tlie  country  depended  for  its 
sysleni  of  irrigation  will  also  bo  dry.  The  land  will 
bo  Ijarren,  vegetation  fail,  the  fishermen  and  weavers 
be  thrown  out  of  employment.  The  princes  and  coun- 
sellors of  the  king  have  become  foolish ;  how  can  they 
boast  their  descent  from  ancient  sages  and  kings  ? 
I'haraoh  is  twitted  with  the  helplessness  of  his  advisers, 
tlie  chief  caste  has  caused  Egypt  to  go  astray.  Yahwoh 
has  mixed  a  draught  for  tlie  leaders,  consisting  of  a 
spirit  of  infatuation  which  makes  them  incapable  of 
directing  the  people  aright.  The  people,  thus  mis- 
directed, go  astray  like  a  drunken  man.  No  one, 
either  high  or  low,  can  render  effective  help.  As 
Yahweh  smites  Egypt  with  blow  after  blow,  she  is 
filled  with  terror  like  a  woman,  and  the  very  mention 
of  Judah  will  dismay  her,  since  the  author  of  her 
trouble  is  Judahs  God. 

2.  Egypt  was  divided  into  email  provinces,  which 
were  very  jealous  of  each  other  and  constantly  at 
feud.  When  the  central  power  was  weakened, 
they  easily  drifted  into  civil  war. — 7.  The  text  is 
probably  corrupt;  the  LXX  is  quite  different. — 
9.  I^inen  was  worn  by  the  priests  and  used  for  ban- 
daging mummies.  Cotton  was  worn  by  the  non- 
priestly  classes. — 10.  The  pillars  of  society  may  bo 
the  upper  classes  or  the  labourers,  but  perhaps  we 
should  read  "  they  that  weave  it,"  i.e.  the  fabrics 
mentioned  in  9. — 11.  Zoan  is  Tanis  in  the  N.E.  of  the 
Delta,  once  the  chief  commercial  city  of  Egypt.  It 
was  the  capital  of  Egypt  during  the  Hyksos  dynasty 
(pp.  r)2,  54).  and  also  under  Rameses  II  and  other 
important  Egyptian  kings. — 13.  Noph  is  Memphis,  a 
city  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile,  shortly  before  it 
branches  to  form  the  Delia.  It  was  founded  by 
Mcncs.  the  first  monarch  of  the  1st  dynasty,  and  was 
for  a  long  time  one  of  the  most  important  cities  of 
Egypt. — tribes  :   render  "  castes." — 156.   Cf.  9i4- 

XIX.  18-25.  Five  cities  in  Egypt  will  speak  Hebrew 
and  swear  fealty  to  Yahweh.  One  shall  be  called 
"  city  of  the  sun.'  There  will  be  an  altar  to  Y^ahweh 
in  Egypt,  and  an  obeUsk  to  Him  at  its  border,  which 
shall  witness  for  Him  ;  and  He  will  send  a  deliverer 
from  their  oppressors,  so  that  they  will  worsliip  Him 
with  the  animal  and  vegetable  offerings  and  perform 
vows  to  Him.  Then  He  will  treat  them  as  He  had 
often  treated  Israel,  smiting  them  for  transgression. 
and  hcaUng  them  when  they  repented  after  their 
chastisement.  Then  a  highway  will  lead  from  Egypt 
through  Palestine  to  Assyria,  that  there  may  be  free 
intercourse  between  them  ;  for  not  only  Egypt  but 
also  Assyria  will  serve  Yahweh,  and  Israel  will  be 
united  with  these  two  empires  as  the  third  member 
of  the  league. 

18.  Herodotus  reckons  the  cities  of  Egypt  as  20,000. 
Five  is  thus  a  very  small  proportion.  These  cities 
are  apparently  inhabited  by  Hebrew-speaking  Jews. 
The  Jews  in  Egypt  nearly  all  spoke  CI  reek,  and  the 
LXX  translation  was  made  because  they  were  unable 
to  read  the  Scriptures  in  Hebrew. — The  City  of  destruc- 
tion :  the  text  is  uncertain.  There  are  two  Heb. 
variants — Heres,  "  destruction."  and  Hercs,  "  sun." 
The  former  is  also  rendered  "  lion,"  and  the  reference 
supposed  to  be  to  Leontopolis,  whore  Onias  IV  built 
a  Jewish  temple  in  170  B.C.  The  translation,  however, 
seems  far-fetched  :  the  rendering  "  destruction  "  does 
not  suit  the  favourable  tone  of  the  prophecy ;  it  may 
be  a  correction  made  by  Palestinian  Jews  to  express  the 


anticipated  doom  of  the  Egyptian  temple.  Similarly 
the  LXX,  "  city  of  righteousness,"  may  be  a  deliberate 
Alexandrian  alteration  to  secure  sanction  for  the 
Egyptian  temple.  On  the  whole  it  seems  best  to  read 
"  city  of  the  sun  "  ;  in  that  case  Heliopolis  (t.e.  sun- 
city)  is  meant.  LeontopoUs  was  situated  in  the  district 
of  Hehopolis. — 19.  The  altar  is  intended  for  sacri- 
fice, and  thus  the  author  rises  above  the  limitation  of 
sacrifice  to  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  The  pillar  is 
probably  simply  memorial,  and  in  that  case  does  not 
couilict  with  the  prohibition  of  pillars  in  Dt.  It  is 
placed  at  the  border  of  Egypt  to  testify  of  Yahweh  to 
all  who  enter  the  country. — 23.  Assyria  probably 
means  Syria  (llii*). 

XX.  The  Sign  of  Egypt's  Overthrow.— The  year  in 
which  the  Assyrian  Tartan,  or  commander-ui-chief, 
came  to  Ashdod  was  711.  This  city  had  been  in 
negotiation  with  Egypt  against  Assyria,  and  so  too 
had  Judah,  Moab,  and  Edom.  Isaiah  had  protested 
against  this  policy  by  the  sign  here  recorded.  To 
show  the  futility  of  trusting  in  Egypt  and  Ethiopia 
he  put  of!  his  outer  garment,  and  for  three  years  walked 
stiipped  and  barefoot  like  a  captive,  symbolising  the 
fate  that  was  coming  on  these  lands.  Ashdod  was 
quickly  captured,  many  of  its  inhabitants  were  taken 
to  Assyria  and  their  place  supplied  by  other  exiles, 
as  had  been  the  case  with  Samaria.  We  do  not  know 
how  Judah  was  treated.  The  desperate  measures 
taken  by  Isaiah,  and  the  summary  punishment  of 
Ashdod,  may  have  kept  Judah  from  open  rebellion. 
2  seems  to  represent  the  command  to  walk  in  captive's 
dress  as  given  to  Isaiah  in  the  year  that  Ashdod  was 
taken,  whereas  from  3  it  is  clear  that  by  this  time 
Isaiah  had  already  been  walking  so  for  three  years. 
It  is  simplest  to  regard  2  as  an  insertion,  and  this  is 
supported  by  the  use  of  the  phrase  "  by  Isaiah  "  instead 
of,  as  we  ought  to  have,  "unto  Isaiah."  If  2  is  re- 
tained, it  must  be  treated  as  a  parenthesis,  a  very 
loose  interpretation  must  be  given  to  "  at  that  time." 
and  we  must  translate  "  had  spoken "  instead  of 
'■  spake." 

At  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Ashdod,  Isaiah  had 
by  Divine  command  walked  for  three  years  in  cap- 
tive's dress.  This  was  a  sign  that  Assyria  would  carry 
captive  the  Egyptians  and  Ethiopians.  Then  dismay 
and  disappointment  would  overwhelm  those  who 
ti-usted  in  Egypt  and  favoured  alliance  with  her  and 
they  Avould  fear  for  their  own  safety. 

1.  Sargon  :  see  p.  59.  He  is  mentioned  here  only 
in  OT. — 2.  The  sackcloth  was  worn  by  mourners, 
also  by  prophets,  and  was  often  made  of  hair.  Isaiah 
removes  his  outer  garment,  and  appears  with  nothing 
but  the  long  linen  cloak  which  was  worn  next  the 
skin. — 6.  this  coastland:  i-e.  Palestine.  Strictly 
speaking,  Philistia  was  a  coastland,  while  Judah  was 
not.  The  prophet  has  in  mind  the  small  nations  of 
Palestine,  especially  Judah.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
conquest  of  Egypt  took  place  at  a  later  period. 

XXI.  1-10.  The  Capture  of  Babylon.— This  prophecy 
describes  a  siege  and  capture  of  Babylon  by  Elam  and 
Media.  It  is  almost  universally  considered  to  have 
been  written  shortly  before  the  capture  of  Babylon 
by  Cyrus  in  638.  The  attempts  made  by  a  few  critics 
to  refer  it  to  a  capture  of  Babylon  by  Assyria  in 
Isaiah's  time— 710,  703,  or  (>9()— have  not  been  suo- 
ces.'iful.  The  title  "  wilderness  of  the  sea  "  is  difficult. 
Possibly  the  point  is  that  Babylon  is  to  become  a 
marshy  do-sert  (142  3).     LXX  omits  "  of  the  sea." 

The  army  of  the  invader  swoops  into  Babylon  from 
the  de-sert,  the  terrible  land  which  separates  Babylon 
from  Elam,  like  as  a  whirlwind  sweeps  over  Judah 


ISAIAH.  XXII.  6 


451 


from  the  Negeb.  A  distressing  vision  Is  revealed  to 
the  prophet  ;  since  Babylon  treats  the  vanquished  so 
brutally,  Elam  and  Media  are  bidden  besiege  it,  for 
Yahweh  has  decreed  that  the  sighing  of  her  captives 
shall  be  made  to  cease.  The  prophet  is  overwhelmed 
with  pain  and  dismay  •  far  other  than  he  anticipated 
is  the  twilight  that  he  desired,  the  still  evening  hour 
when  the  spirit  is  exalted  to  receive  visions  or  other 
Divine  communications.  For  before  the  captives  can 
be  dehvered  there  are  the  horrors  of  war  and  of  tho 
siege  to  be  endured,  in  which  they  must  suffer  severely. 
He  now  describes  the  state  of  things  in  Babylon  with 
all  the  vividness  of  the  immediate  impression  of  his 
vision.  He  sees  the  foe  rush  on  Babylon,  he  sees  the 
unreadiness  of  the  Babylonians  for  the  conflict.  They 
are  feasting  when  the  foe  is  upon  them.  Next  the 
seer  describes  how  the  vision  has  come  to  him.  The 
watchman  is  the  prophet  himself  in  his  trance  condi- 
tion. The  description  casts  an  interesting  light  on  the 
psychological  character  of  this  state,  and  on  the  mode 
in  "which  revelation  was  mediated  (p.  430).  Similar  dis- 
tinctions in  self-consciousness  are  familiar  to  students 
of  anthropology  and  psychology.  The  watchman  is 
bidden  hsten  very  attentively,  when  he  sees  a  troop 
come  in  sight.  The  troop  is  the  army  which  is  to 
attack  Babylon.  For  a  long  time  nothing  happens, 
and  he  cries  out  in  his  impatience.  At  last  the  ap- 
pointed vision  comes,  and  he  divines  that  Babylon 
has  fallen.  The  prophecy  concludes  with  words  ad- 
dressed to  Judah.  The  metaphor  refers  to  the  severe 
treatment  that  Judah  has  undergone  at  the  hands  of 
the  Babylonians. 

5.  set  a  watch :  the  rendering  is  very  uncertain. 
Perhaps  we  should  accept  mg. — 8.  as  a  lion  t  perhaps 
a  metaphor  for  impatience,  but  the  text  is  corrupt. 
Read  either  "  I  see  "  or  "  in  my  ears." 

XXI.  llf.  Oracle  on  Edom.— This  is  probably  not 
by  Isaiah.  Date  and  authorship  are  uncertain.  It 
is  best  regarded  as  by  the  author  of  21  i-io.  It  might 
be  objected  to  an  exilic  date  that  the  prophecy,  though 
not  specially  cordial,  reveals  none  of  the  bitter  hatred 
against  Edom,  called  forth  by  the  eagerness  of  the 
Edomites  for  the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem.  But  the 
preceding  prophecy  similarly  shows  none  of  that 
hatred  of  Babylon  which  is  expressed  in  contemporary 
writings,  so  that  the  absence  of  a  violent  attack  on 
Edom  need  not  be  surprising  from  the  8am.e  author 
at  that  date.  One  from  Edom  asks  how  long  it  will 
be  ere  the  tedious  night  of  their  trouble  is  over.  The 
watchman's  reply  is  not  clear.  He  invites  them  to 
consult  him  again,  thinking  apparently  that  he  may 
learn  more  in  another  vision.  Meanwhile  he  tells  him 
that  morning  is  coming  and  also  night ;  apparently 
that  there  will  be  a  respite  from  trouble,  but  the  night 
of  calamity  will  settle  down  again.  The  words  may 
mean  that  there  will  be  happiness  for  some  but  distress 
for  others,  or  that  he  is  uncertain  which  of  the  com- 
peting forces  will  gain  the  upper  hand. 

11.  Dumah  :  i.e.  silence,  clearly  a  name  for  Edom» 
perhaps  with  a  reference  to  the  silence  of  desolation. — 
Watchman  :  not  the  same  word  as  that  in  6.  There 
it  meant  one  who  looks  out  from  his  watch-tower, 
here  it  means  one  who  keeps  watch  over  things. 

XXI.  13-17.  Oracle  on  the  Dedanltes. — Date  and 
authorship  are  unknown.  If  by  Isaiah  it  may  refer 
to  an  expected  invasion  in  720  or  711.  Probably  i6t, 
is  an  appendix,  the  original  oracle,  13-15.  beingr  from 
the  same  hand  as  i-io  and  iif.  The  title  should 
probably  be  rendered  "  oracle  in  the  wilderness."  If 
RV  is  correct,  Arabia  is  not  used  in  its  modem  signifi- 
cance, but  as  the  homo  of  an  Arabian  tribe. 


The  prophet  addresses  the  Dedanltes,  an  Arabian 
tribe  engaged  in  the  caravan  trade.  Their  caravans, 
fleeing  from  the  sword,  have  to  leave  the  ordinarj' 
routes  and  take  refuge  in  the  bush  of  the  desert. 
They  cannot  get  fresh  supplies  of  food  and  water,  so 
the  people  of  Tema,  a  tribe  about  250  miles  S.E.  of 
Edom,  are  bidden  (mg.)  show  them  hospitality.  The 
appendix  (cf.  1613!.)  says  that  in  a  year  exactly 
measured  Kedar  will  be  decimated.  Kedar  (Ps.  I2O5*) 
was  a  pastoral  tribe  of  nomads,  but  seems  to  be  used 
here  for  the  North  Arabian  tribes  generally. 

XXII.  1-14.  Jerusalem's  Inexcusable  Frivolity. — The 
prophecy  apparently  belongs  to  the  time  of  Sen- 
nacherib's invasion.  Its  menacing  tone  contrasts  with 
that  of  some  other  prophecies  of  the  time.  The  people 
had  provoked  Isaiah's  sternest  anger  by  giving  them- 
selves up  to  festivity.  Probably  this  was  after  the 
siege  had  been  raised,  either  temporarily  or  v.'hen 
Sennacherib's  army  had  been  withdrawn  after  the 
disaster  recorded  in  3736.  In  the  reaction  caused  by 
this  relief  the  inhabitants  recklessly  surrendered  them- 
selves to  riotous  merriment,  recognising  (13)  that  they 
might  still  be  doomed  to  die.  The  valley  of  vision 
cannot  be  Jerusalem  itself,  for  it  was  no  valley,  but 
must  be  some  valley  in  the  neighbourhood.  It  scema 
to  mean  the  valley  concerning  which  the  vision  was 
seen. 

The  prophet  is  amazed  at  the  manifestations  of 
festivity.  The  people  are  on  the  house-tops,  perhaps 
watching  the  retreat  of  the  Assyrians  or  some  spectacle 
in  the  streets.  But  another  vision  passes  before  the 
prophet's  inward  eye  in  strange  contrast  to  their 
riotous  exultation.  Her  slain  have  met  no  honour- 
able death  in  battle,  her  rulers  have  fled  before  the 
Assyrians  and  been  made  prisoners  by  the  archers. 
The  slain  have  been  killed  in  flight  or  executed.  The 
prophet  therefore  cannot  share  in  the  mirth  of  the 
citizens  and  refuses  to  be  comforted,  for  Yahweh  has 
sent  a  day  of  crushing  defeat  :  in  the  valley  of  vision 
they  are  shattering  the  walls,  and  a  cry  of  distress  goes 
up  to  the  mountains.  Elam  (Jer.  4934-39*)  sent  a  con- 
tingent of  archers  with  chariots  and  horsemen,  and  Kir 
(Am.  97*)  took  the  shields  from  the  cases  in  preparation 
for  battle.  The  vallcj's  were  crowded  with  chariots, 
and  the  cavalry  were  set  in  array  to  assault  the  gates. 
Then  the  defencelessness  of  the  city  was  laid  bare,  and 
the  Jews  made  hasty  attempts  to  atone  for  their  former 
blindness  by  putting  it  in  a  state  of  defence.  They 
examined  the  armour  in  the  arsenal  (I  K.  IO17), 
found  the  walls  of  Zion  in  a  ruinous  condition  ;  they 
retained  the  waters  of  the  lower  pool  ^situation  un- 
known) in  the  city  by  stopping  the  outlets,  to  secure 
an  adequate  water  supply  during  the  siege.  They 
numbered  the  houses  to  see  v/hich  furnished  the  most 
suitable  material,  and  could  most  easily  be  spared. 
They  used  these  to  mend  and  strengthen  the  walls. 
They  stored  the  water  of  the  old  pool  in  a  reservoir. 
But  in  all  these  preparations  they  had  left  God  out  of 
their  reckoning.  Yet  all  that  had  occurred  was  but  the 
working  out  of  His  long- premeditated  scheme,  but  they 
had  not  the  insight  to  see  His  hand  in  history.  Yahweh 
had  called  to  mourning  and  humiliation,  but  they  had 
given  themselves  to  mirth  and  feasting,  probably  on 
the  sacrifices  of  thank-offering  for  deliverance.  But 
in  their  festivity  there  was  a  tragic  undertone ;  they 
may  well  have  realised  that  their  position  might  soon 
be  desperate  again,  and  have  drowned  in  recklest 
gaiety  all  care  for  the  uncertain  future.  Sins  so  heinous 
must  be  punished  by  death. 

5.  Remove  tho  semi- colon  from  "  vision "  to 
"  hosts." — 6.  The   Elamites  were  famous  archers. — 


452 


ISAIAH,  XXII.  6 


Omit  "of  men." — 96-lla.  Poaaibly  a  prosaic  inter- 
ixjlation  ;  if  omitted,  we  get  a  liner  connexion  between 
<ja  and  iih — you  looked  to  the  breaches  of  the  city, 
but  you  did  not  look  to  Yahweh. — 11.  the  old  pool  : 
perhaps  the  pool  of  Siloam. — 12.  baldness  :  shaving 
of  I  he  head  in  token  of  sorrow. 

XXII.  15-25.  Shebna  to  be  Deposed  and  Eliaklra 
Installed  In  his  Office. — This  denunciation  of  Shebna, 
who  seems  to  have  been  a  forei<T:ner,  was  probably  due 
to  the  obnoxious  character  of  his  policy.  Presumably 
he  favoured  the  Egyptian  alliance.  The  sarcastic 
description  of  the  abuse  of  EUakims  position  by  his 
relatives,  and  their  subsequent  downfall  with  him, 
can  hardly  be  due  to  the  author  of  the  remarkable 
eulogy  that  has  just  preceded.  Accordingly  24f.,  at 
least,  must  be  regarded  as  a  later  addition,  probably 
by  a  scribe  unfriendly  to  Eliakim's  family.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  not  likely  that  19—23  is  also  an  ap- 
pendix. Isaiah's  address  to  Shebna  may  have  stopped 
with  18  or  19,  but  in  issuing  the  prophecy  he  may  well 
have  added  this  prediction  of  EUakims  elevation. 
The  thcorj'  of  two  appendices  is  intrinsically  improb- 
able, and  why  should  a  late  writer  have  composed 
this  glorification  of  Eliakim  ?  In  701  Eliakim  appears 
as  house-steward  (363),  while  Shebna,  if  the  same 
person,  is  secretary.  The  date  is  probably  somewhat 
earher  than  Sennacherib's  invasion.  The  office  of 
house-steward  (cf.  mg.)  was  one  of  great  importance 
and  influence.  Isaiah  not  only  detested  Shebna's 
policj-,  but  he  seems  to  have  resented  the  elevation 
of  a  foreigner  to  such  a  position. 

This  invective  is  apparently  uttered  at  the  site  of 
the  sepulchre  which  Sliebna  was  having  hewn  out  for 
him.  He  had  no  ancestry  in  Jerusalem  and  no  in- 
herited possession,  yet  he  was  howing  out  a  grave  on 
high  in  the  rock,  apparentlj'  in  a  distinguished  position 
where  members  of  old  Jerusalem  families  alone  had  a 
right  to  be  buried.  Shebna  aspired  to  found  a  family, 
perhaps  by  making  his  sepulchre  there,  just  as  now  a 
man  who  has  risen  from  the  ranks  might  try  to  found 
an  aristocratic  house  by  accepting  a  peerage.  Isaiah 
tells  him  that  he  will  be  flung  into  a  foreign  land  and 
die  there,  where  his  sepulchre  in  Jerusalem  will  be  of 
no  use  to  him.  In  166,  where  he  speaks  of  Shebna 
with  scornful  anger  in  the  third  jierson,  he  seems  to 
be  addressing  the  bystanders.  Then  in  language  of 
tremendous  energy  he  utters  the  upstart's  doom. 
Yahweh  lays  firm  hold  upon  him  {mg.),  winds  him 
round  and  round  like  a  ball  (mg.),  and  flings  him  vio- 
lently into  a  foreign  land  (probably  Assyria)  so  large, 
that  there  will  be  room  for  him  to  go  a  long  way  before 
he  stops.  In  contrast  to  the  glory  of  his  chariots, 
Isaiah  reviles  the  man  himself  as  a  disgrace  to  the 
court.  That  Y''ahwch  deposes  him  from  his  office 
seems  to  bo  a  subsequent  modification  of  the  original 
judgment.  It  may,  however,  simply  prepare  the  way 
for  the  prophecy  of  Eliakim's  elevation  to  Shebna's 
office.  "Yahwch's  serv'ant  Eliakim,  who  now  sympa- 
thises with  Isaiah's  point  of  \ncw,  and  whose  appoint- 
ment would  imply  a  change  in  the  king's  policy,  is 
to  be  invested  with  Shebna's  robe  and  office,  and  will 
worthily  use  his  high  position,  one  of  almost  absolute 
authority.  Ho  will  be  firmly  fixed  in  his  position  like 
a  nail  firmly  driven  into  the  wall.  His  family  will 
derive  advancement  from  his  dignity  ;  he  will  be  like 
a  throne  of  glory  on  which  they  will  be  seated.  From 
this  glowing  eulosiy  we  pass  to  a  sarcastic  enumeration 
(by  a  later  writer)  of  the  people  who  reap  advantage 
from  their  kinsman's  elevation.  The  nail  fastened 
in  a  sure  place,  bearing  the  burden  hung  upon  it,  gives 
way   under   the   strain.     Eliakim   falls   through    the 


favouritism  to  his  relatives  which  he  has  displayed  in 
his  office. 

18.  To  use  chariots  in  the  early  period  was  a  method 
of  claiming  the  crown,  as  we  see  from  the  stories  of 
Ab.salom  (2  S.  15i)  and  Adonijah  (1  K.  I5).  No  doubt 
it  had  lost  this  significance  in  l8;iiah'8  time,  but  it  was 
probably  still  a  dignity  reserved  for  those  of  high  rank 
(r/.  Jer.  1725). — 22.  The  key  is  the  symbol  of  authority 
\cf.  Mt.  I619,  Rev.  I18).  Its  holder  was  the  king  or 
kings  deputy.  The  keys  were  of  great  size  and  weight, 
and  carried  on  the  shoulder  (c/.  96).  The  passage  is 
practically  quoted  in  Rev.  87. — 25.  It  is  a  mistake  to 
suppose  that  this  verse  refers  to  Shebna. 

XXIII.  Oracle  on  Tyre. — The  date  and  authorship 
are  alike  very  uncertain.  If  by  Isaiah,  the  occasion 
may  be  the  siege  of  Tyre  by  Shalmaneser  about  727- 
722  fp.  59),  the  historicity  of  which,  however,  is  ques- 
tioned by  some,  or  Sennacherib's  invasion  in  701. 
The  text  of  1 3  is  very  suspicious,  and  its  interpretation 
very  uncertain,  or  it  might  have  helped  to  fix  the 
date.  15-18  is  probably  a  post-exilic  appendix. 
1-14  is  perhaps  best  referred  to  Nebuchadnezzar's 
siege  of  Tyre,  585-577  (p.  61). 

The  ships  of  Tarshish  (2i6*)  are  on  their  way  back 
to  Tyre,  and  after  they  have  left  Kittim,  i.e.  Cyprus 
(Nu.  2423f.*),  they  hear  the  news  of  Tyre's  fate  from 
ships  in  flight  from  that  city.  Let  the  inhabitants 
of  Phoenicia's  coastland  (mg.)  be  dumb  with  grief  and 
terror,  she  that  has  been  enriched  by  the  maritime 
trade  of  Zidon.  The  com  harvest  of  Egypt,  whose 
fertility  was  created  by  the  overflow  of  the  Nile,  was 
her  revenue,  and  this  revenue  was  the  gain  of  the 
nations.  The  sea  disowns  her  children,  and  Egvpt 
is  sorely  troubled  at  the  tidings  of  Tyre's  fall,  whether 
from  the  loss  of  her  market,  or  from  foreboding  that 
Tj're's  fate  may  be  her  own,  is  uncertain.  Let  the 
Phoenicians  emicrrate  to  Tarshish,  their  most  distant 
colony.  Can  this  be  the  prosperous  and  ancient  State 
whose  enterprise  had  taken  her  citizens  to  such  distant 
lands  to  trade  and  settle  in  them  ?  Who  has  purposed 
this  against  Tyre  ?  Tyre,  the  giver  of  crowns,  who 
appointed  the  kings  that  governed  her  colonies,  whose 
merchants  are  princes.  It  is  Yahweh.  whose  design 
it  is  to  humble  those  who  are  exalted  in  the  earth. 
(The  text  and  meanmg  of  10  are  uncertain.)  Yahweh 
has  stretched  His  hand  over  the  sea,  since  it  is  by  the 
Bca  that  Tyre  has  relation  with  her  colonies.  He  has 
commanded  that  the  strongholds  of  Phoenicia  shall 
be  destroyed.  No  more  shall  captured  Zidon  rejoice. 
Let  her  pass  over  to  Cyprus  :  even  there  she  will  find 
no  rest,  for  the  long  arm  of  the  conqueror  wiJl  reach  her. 
(On  13.  see  below.)    The  poem  closes  much  as  it  began. 

3.  Shihor:  i.e.  the  Nile  (Jer.  2i8). — mart:  render 
"gain." — 4.  Omit  "stronghold  of  the  sea"  as  a 
gloss. — 10.  Heb.  seems  to  mean.  Just  as  the  Nile 
in  time  of  flood  flows  over  the  land,  unhindered  by 
its  banks,  so  now  Tyre's  colonies  may  assert  their 
independence,  the  restraint  of  Tyre  being  removed. 
Usually  "  the  girdJe  "  is  explained  as  a  symbol  of 
restraint,  but  generally  its  removal  is  a  symbol  of 
weakness.  But  this  is  very  dubious,  and  the  LXX 
read  differently.  Duhm  emends  "  Wail,  fleet  of  Tar- 
shish, there  is  no  haven  any  more." — 11.  Canaan  t 
i.e.  Phoenicia. — 13.  Extremely  difficult.  Heb.  may 
be  translated  in  various  ways.  Of  these  RV  is  perhaps 
the  best,  but  it  involves  some  violence.  The  best 
suggestion  perhaps  is  that  of  E.  Meier,  that  we  should 
read  Kittim  for  Chaldeans.  The  general  sense  is 
then  that  no  rest  in  Kittim  is  possible  because  the 
Assyrians  have  laid  it  also  waste.  The  detailed  inter- 
pretation is  still  very  uncertain. 


ISAIAH,  XXV.  8 


453 


15-18.  For  seventy  years  Tyre  will  sink  out  of  notice 
and  carry  on  her  lucrative  trade  no  longer.  At  the 
end  of  that  period  she  will  return  to  her  former  com- 
mercial activity.  Yahweh  will  visit  her.  and  she  will 
make  great  gain  by  trading  with  all  nations,  but  the 
treasure  thus  acquired  will  be  dedicated  to  Yahweh 
to  support  His  servants. 

15.  seventy  years:  from  Jer.  25iif.,  29io. — the 
days  of  one  king  :  while  the  throne  is  held  by  one 
king,  there  is  a  continuity  in  policy,  the  state  of  things 
remains  settled  and  unchanged,  whereas  on  his  death 
his  successor  may  change  everything. — 16.  A  quota- 
tion from  the  song  mentioned  in  15. 

XXIV.-XXVII.  The  World  is  Judged,  Israel  is  De- 
livered.— This  section  of  the  book  is  certainly  not  by 
Isaiah.  It  has  points  of  contact  with  his  propTxebies, 
'Biit~with  the  work  of  later  prophets  as  well.  Its  style 
is  more  artificial,  and  there  are  several  characteristics 
which  distinguish  it  from  Isaiah's  writing.  Driver 
enumerates  the  following  :  many  plays  on  words  and 
aUiterations,  a  tendency  to  rhyme,  a  frequent  com- 
bination of  nearly  synonymous  clauses  often  without 
coimecting  conjunctions,  repetition  of  words,  many 
unusual  expressions.  But  in  addition  to  these  features 
of  style,  it  should  be  observed  that  the  ideas  are  far 
in  advance  of  those  of  Isaiah's  time,  and  go  even 
beyond  those  of  the  Second  Isaiah.  The  tone  is 
apocalyptic,  and  so  are  its  imagery  and'^tlie  forms  of 
representation." "  Che JTie  mentions  the  following  points 
in  this  connexion :  the  physical  convulsion  of  the 
world,  the  going  up  of  all  nations  to  the  Divine  feast 
at  Jerusalem,  the  committal  of  the  host  of  the  height 
and  the  kings  of  the  earth  to  prison,  the  mysterious 
designations  of  the  world-empires,  the  trumpet  blown 
to  recall  the  Jewish  exiles.  The  expectation  of  the 
resurrection  of  individual  Israelites  and  the  promise 


text  is  corrupt,  and  the  verses  do  not  fit  into  their 
present  context.  Possibly  the  remnant  is  described 
as  singing  songs  of  praise,  in  which  the  prophet  feels 
that  he  caimot  join.  With  17  we  return  to  the  pre- 
diction of  judgment.  The  world's  inhabitants  are 
menaced  by  terror,  pit  and  snare.  They  escape  from 
one  only  to  fall  into  another.  For  heaven's  windows 
are  opened  (Gen.  26f.*,  7ii),  and  the  waters  of  the 
heavenly  ocean  descend  in  flood,  while  earthquakes 
of  appalUng  violence  heighten  the  catastrophe. 
Then  Yahweh  will  punish  the  heavenly  principalities 
and  powers,  the  angels  of  the  nations,  their  guardian 
princes  (Dan.  IO13*),  along  with  the  earthly  rulers  of 
these  nations  who  have  been  incited  by  their  malign 
inspiration  to  oppress  Yahweh's  people  (c/.  Pss.  58*, 
82).  They  are  to  be  shut  up  for  a  season  in  a  sub- 
terranean dungeon,  the  pits  of  darkness  of  2  P.  24, 
to  await,  as  that  passage  also  says,  their  final  judgment. 
Then  Yahweh  in  person  will  reign  in  Zion,  so  re- 
splendent in  glory  before  the  elders  of  His  people  that 
the  sun  and  the  moon  shall  seem  dim  by  comparison. 

10.  city  of  confusion  :  city  of  fohu  (the  word  ren- 
dered "  waste  "  in  Gen.  I2).  possibly  so  called  here  to 
mean  the  city  that  is  to  become  waste,  but  more 
probably  the  meaning  is  city  of  false  gods  (rf.  1  S. 
1221).  The  city  is  not  Jerusalem,  but  the  capital  of 
the  kingdom  of  evil,  the  centre  of  the  forces  and  ten- 
dencies which  are  hostile  to  God. — 11.  is  darkened: 
read  perhaps  "  has  passed  away." — 16.  glory  :  render 
"  honour. " — 18.  windows  on  high  :  Gen.  7i  i. — a  hut : 
a  flimsy  structure  (c/.  l8). — visited  :  not  in  mercy  but 
in  judgment. 

XXV.  1-5.  A  Song  of  Praise  for  Yahweh's  Great 
Deliverance. — The  deUverance  still  hes  in  the  future ; 
the  song  is  written  from  the  standpoint  of  the  re- 
deemed community,  and  expresses  its  exultation  over 


that  death  will  be  abolished,  also  stamp  it  as  late.  It^V^  its  salvation.  Yahweh  has  overthrown  the  city,  its 
is  certainly  post-exilic.  It  seems  most  likely  that  it''  inhabitants  shall  stand  in  awe  of  Him.  He  has  been 
should  be  ptaced'ln'  tlie  late  Persian  period  at  the  a  shelter  to  His  distressed  people  when  the  blast  of 
earhest,  and  for  much  of  it  the  tremendous  convulsion,>V  the  violent  has  beaten  on  them  Uke  a  winter  storm, 
caused  in  the  East  by  Alexander  the  Greafs  overthrow,  He  has  assuaged  the  oppression  of  the  enemy,  as  the 
of  Persia,  seems  to  supply  the  worthiest  occasion.  The^ 
doctrine  of  individual  resurrection  is  less  developed 
than  in  Daniel,  and  there  is  no  necessity  to  bring  it 
down  to  a  Maccabean  date.  Probably,  as  Duhm  was 
the  first  to  point  out,  the  section  is  not  a  unity.  His 
analysis  has  been  largely  accepted:  (a)  the  oracle 
itself  consisting  of  24,  256-8,  2620,  27i,  27i2f.  ;  (6) 
25i-5  ;  (c)  209-11;  (d)  25i2,  261-19;  (e)  272-5- 
He  was  imcertain  whether  276-ii  belonged  to  the 
main  oracle  or  not.  Probably  it  is  a  separate  frag- 
ment. 

XXIV.  A  World-wide  Judgment  Foretold.— The 
apocalypse  opens  with  the  description  of  a  judgment 
on  the  whole  world.  This  judgment  is  predicted,  it 
has  not  already  happened.  It  \vilJ_  involve  all  in  .one 
CjeBttmon  ruin,  every  distincFioh  oF  class  will  be 
obliterated.  "TPor the  worlds  inhabitants  have  broken 
the  covenant  made  with  Noah,  in  which  bloodshed 
was  forbidden  (Gen.  95f.).  On  bloodshed  the  huge 
empires  have  been  founded  and  they  shall  perish  in 
the  blood  they  have  spilt.  Few  men  will  be  left, 
merriment  ceases  for  wine  is  scarce,  and  the  revellers 
who  drink  wine  and  strong  drink  find  no  pleasure  in 
it.  The  city  of  false  gods  has  its  walls  broken,  the 
houses  are  closely  barricaded,  all  gladness  has  gone, 
the  city  is  desolation,  the  gate  in  ruins.  The  survivors 
are  proportionately  as  few  as  the  olives  left  to  be 
beaten  off  the  tree,  or  the  few  grapes  to  be  gleaned 
when  the  principal  gathering  of  oUves  and  grapes  is 
past.     What  follows   (14-16)   is   very  difficult.     The 


svm's  scorching  heat  in  a  parched  land  is  ameUorated 
by  clouds. 

1.  counsels  of  old  :  God's  decrees  formed  in  the  far- 
distant  past. — 2.  a  city  :  the  identification  is  un- 
certaui ;  perhaps  it  is  that  of  24io. — palace  :  fortress 
(Am.  I4*).  —  strangers:  i.e.  to  God,  but  read 
"insolent,"  and  similarly  in  5. — 4.  storm  against  the 
wall :   read  "  storm  in  winter." 

XXV.  6-8.  Yahweh's  Feast  to  all  Nations  in  Mount 
Zion. — Here  the  apocalypse  is  resumed.  The  uni- 
versalism  of  the  passage  is  especially  noteworthy. 
"  We  have  hero  one  of  the  most  catholic  passages  in 
the  entire  Old  Testament,  and  one  of  the  tenderest 
presentations  of  Yahweh  "  (Gray).  Yahweh  will 
provide  for  all  nations  a  rich  feast  in  Mt.  Zion,  a 
banquet  of  fat  and  marrowy  dainties,  and  of  wine  on 
the  lees  well  strained  (p.  111).  Here  too  He  will 
tear  from  their  face  the  mourner's  veil  and  dry  the 
tears  He  then  sees  upon  the  face.  There  will  be  no 
more  death,  no  sorrow  or  shame. 

7.  face  of  the  covering  :  the  outer  side  of  the  veil  ; 
cf.  Job  41 1 3. — 8.  Duhm  regards  the  first  clause  as 
an  insertion,  breaking  the  connexion  between  the 
removal  of  the  veil  and  the  wiping  away  of  the  tears. 
This  may  be  correct,  for  the  line  has  no  parallel,  but 
the  anticipation  that  death  will  be  abolished  so  com- 
pletely harmonises  with  the  situation  that  one  would 
prefer  to  keep  it  in  the  passage,  assuminsr  a  dislocation 
of  the  text  and  tlie  loss  of  the  parallel  line.  The 
prophet    thinks    of    the    predictions    as   realised  on 


454 


ISAIAH,  XXV.  8 


earth  ;  there  ia  no  reference  to  the  Christian  idea  of 
heaven, 

XXV.  9-12.  A  Song  of  Deliverance.  Moab  is 
Crtished. — Then  they  will  sinj;,  ''  Yahweh  is  our 
Saviour,  let  us  oxult  in  His  salvation."  For  Moab 
shall  be  ignominiously  trampled  under  foot,  and  if 
he  tries  to  keep  himself  afloat,  Yahweh  will  bring  to 
nou;:;ht  all  his  clever  and  ingenious  movements. 

10.  Moab  :  may  be  singled  out  as  an  example  of 
Israel's  enemies  in  general,  but  more  probably  is  in- 
tended literally,  though  to  what  historical  situation 
the  catastrophe  belongs  is  quite  uncertain.  Cf.  lof., 
Jer.  48,  Ezek.  258-1 1,  Zeph.  28-io.— lln.  The  LXX 
has  no  reference  to  swimming  ;  the  spreading  forth 
of  the  hands  may  originally  have  referred  to  Moab's 
vain  prayers. — 12  is  perhaps  a  variant  of  2G5. 

XXVI.  1-19.  Memories  and  Anticipations.— The 
poem,  which  is  a  very  elaborate  composition,  seems 
to  have  been  written  in  confident  expectation  of 
deUverance,  though  the  actual  situation  is  still  one 
of  distress.  Jerusalem  has  been  made  impregnable, 
let  the  righteous  enter  in.  The  imwavering  mind  is 
kept  by  God  in  unbroken  peace  (c/.  vig.).  He  is 
worthy  of  trust,  for  He  is  an  everlasting  rock  ;  He 
has  laid  low  the  exalted  city,  the  afflicted  Jews  trample 
it  under  foot.  The  way  of  the  just  is  made  smooth. 
The  manifestation  of  Yahwchs  judgment  has  been 
eagerly  awaited,  for  the  world's  inhabitants  will  learn 
righteousness  when  Yahwch's  judgments  are  in  the 
land.  The  unrighteous  shall  not  find  favour,  for  they 
have  not  learnt  righteousness.  Though  Yahweh's 
hand  is  lifted,  they  fail  to  see  it.  See  it  they  shall, 
and  be  confounded  and  destroyed.  He  alone  has 
secured  their  peace.  Other  masters  have  ruled  them, 
but  they  are  dead,  and  will  never  return  to  exercise 
dominion ;  the  nation  is  multiplied,  the  land  enlarged. 
They  had  sought  Y'ahweh  in  distress,  they  writhed  in 
pain,  but  their  agony  was  in  vain,  the  land  remained 
unpeopled.  To  fill  the  depleted  land,  those  who  died 
in  loyalty  to  Y'ahweh  shall  be  raised  from  the  dead. 
God's  dew  shall  quicken  the  dead  bodies,  the  shades 
shall  return  to  the  upper  world. 

8.  The  name  of  Yahweh  in  the  OT  stands  for  His 
essential  nature  as  self-revealed. — 10.  Perhaps  we 
should  read  with  Marti,  "  Favour  will  not  be  shewed 
to  the  wicked,  who  has  not  learned  righteousness.' — 
13.  other  lords  :  not  false  gods  {cf.  14),  but  earthly 
lords,  I.e.  Israel's  oppressors. — 14.  deceased :  read 
mg.  ;  c/.  I49. — 18.  fallen  :  RV  means  that  the  enemy 
has  not  been  overthrown.  But  we  should  probably 
read  "  been  bom  "  (mg.),  and  take  the  meaning  to  be 
that  Palestine  remains  thinly  peopled. — 19.  An  ex- 
tremely important  verse,  the  earhest  mention  in  the 
OT  of  a  resurrection.  Here  it  is  restricted  to  the 
righteous ;  martyrs  may  possibly  be  specially  in- 
tended. The  much  later  passage,  Dan.  12 2*,  adds  the 
resurrection  of  the  apostates. — thy  dead:  Yahweh's 
worshippers. — dew  of  herbs  :  render  probably  "  dew 
of  light  "  (mg.),  i.e.  dew  from  the  realm  of  hght ; 
though  J.  G.  Frazer  thinks  that  the  evidence  ho  has 
collected  with  reference  to  the  customs  of  bathing  in 
dew  may  perhaps  favour  "  dew  of  hc'rl)s." 

XXVI.  20-XXVII.  1.  Let  Yahweh's  People  Take 
Shelter,  for  He  is  about  to  Execute  Judgment.— Here 
(he  apocalypse  is  resumed.  The  Jews  arc  warned 
that  Yahweh  s  indign;ition  is  about  to  break  loose 
on  the  earth,  which  will  reveal  the  bloodshed  she  has 
concealed  ;  let  them  take  shelter,  for  His  wrath  will 
soon  be  executed.  In  that  day  He  will  punish  the 
two  leviathans  and  the  dratron  in  the  sea. 

216.  Cf.  Gen.   4io*.— XXVU.    1.  It    ia    generally 


thought  that  the  three  monsters  here  mentioned  are 
to  be  identified  with  empires.  If  so,  the  dragon  ia 
probably  here,  as  elsewhere,  Egypt.  The  Seeing 
(»n^.)  serpent  has  been  idcntifii>d  with  Assyria,  Babylon, 
Peisia,  and  Syria  ;  the  winding  serpent  with  Babylon, 
Persia,  Greece,  or  Parthia,  according  to  the  historical 
circumstances  which  are  supposed  to  Ue  behind  the 
oracle.  It  is  possible  that  constellations  are  intended  : 
if  so,  Smend  and  Bumey  may  be  right  in  identifjing 
the  first  leviathan  with  Serpens,  the  second  with 
Draco,  and  the  dragon  with  Hydra.  The  sea  will 
in  this  case  bo  the  heavenly  ocean.  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  stars  were  thought  of  as  personal 
powers  (cf.  Jg.  620),  and  they  would  be  connected 
with  the  host  of  the  high  ones  on  high  of  242 1. 

XXVII.  2-6.  Yahweh  s  Cherished  Vineyard.— Hero 
another  song  is  inserted.  The  text  and  meaning  are 
alike  most  uncertain,  but  apparently  the  general 
thought  is  that  Israel  is  Y'ahweh's  pleasant  vineyard 
(mg.),  tended  and  protected  by  Him  with  the  most 
assiduous  care.  He  is  not  angry  with  it,  but  with 
its  enemies,  whom  He  is  longing  to  destroy,  but  whom 
He  is  willing  to  spare  if  they  will  surrender  their 
hostility.  Israel  will  become  a  vine  that  will  fill  the 
world  with  fruit.  On  this  interpretation  the  song 
forms  a  striking  contrast  to  Isaiah's  song  of  tho 
imgrateful  vineyard  (01-7).  There  Israel  is  threatene<l 
with  judgment,  here  Israel's  foes. 

3.  lest  any  hurt  it :  read  "  lest  its  leafage  be  miss- 
ing."— 4.  Fury  :  i.e.  against  Israel. — briers  and  thorns: 
Israels  enemies. — 6.  At  the  end  of  the  song  the  identity 
of  the  vineyard  is  disclosed,  aa  in  o;. 

XXVII.  7-11.  Israels  Gentle  Chastisement  and  the 
Terms  on  which  it  may  be  Pardoned. — This  is  an  in- 
sertion out  of  connexion  with  the  context,  and  it  does 
not  itself  hang  well  together.  The  writer  asks.  Has 
Yahweh  punished  Israel  as  severely  as  He  has  pun- 
ished Israels  oppressors  ?  No,  for  Israel's  oppressors 
have  been  slain,  while  Israel  has  been  simply  driven 
forth  into  exile.  Israels  guilt  may  be  removed  on 
condition  that  false  worship  is  given  up.  The  city 
is  deserted,  the  calf  pastures  on  its  site,  and  there  the 
women  collect  their  firewood,  for  its  people  are  without 
knowledge  of  God,  and  He  will  have  no  mercy  upon 
them. 

8.  in  measure :  the  meaning  is  quite  uncertain 
(mg.),  the  explanations  offered  quite  improbable. — 
east  wind  :  the  sirocco,  stifling  and  violent.  It  is 
vividly  described  in  the  opening  chapters  of  E.  F. 
Benson's  The  hnage  in  the  Sand. — 9.  by  this:  on 
these  terms. — fruit :  this  should  mean  result,  but  we 
rather  expect  the  cause  to  be  mentioned,  the  sur- 
render of  idolatry  being  the  reason  for  pardon  rather 
than  its  consequence. — altar:  i.e.  heathen  altars,  the 
stones  of  wliich  are  to  be  shattered. — the  Asherlm  and 
the  sun-images  :  178. — 10.  The  identity  of  the  city 
is  uncertain.  Apparently  it  is  not  Jerusalem  but 
Samaria,  or  some  heathen  city. 

XXVII.  12f.  End  of  the  Apocalypse. — These  verses 
link  on  to  27i.  The  general  subject  is  the  restoration 
of  Israel  from  the  Dispor.sion.  The  inteqiretation  of 
12  is  most  uncertain.  Perhaps  the  sense  is  that  from 
the  Euphrates  to  the  Wady  el-Arish  Ynhweh  will 
gather  His  people,  beating  out  the  good  grain  (that  is, 
the  Jews)  from  the  straw  (that  is,  the  heathen).  The 
trumpet  will  sound,  and  those  lost  (mg.)  in  Assyria 
and  outcasts  in  Egypt  will  assemble  for  the  worship 
of  Yahweh  at  Jenisalem. 

12.  beat  off:  like  olive  berries  from  the  tree  (176, 
2413),  but  perhaps  more  probably  "beat  out."'  i.e. 
like   grain  from   the   car.  —  flood :     the   word    also 


ISAIAH,  XXVIII.  23-29 


455 


means  "ear  of  com."  — 13.    Assyria:     Uii*,  Nu. 

242  3f.* 

XXVm.-XXXI.— In  the  main  these  chapters  belong 
to  the  period  before  Sennacherib's  invasion  in  701  (pp.59, 
71f.).  Special  prominence  is  given  to  the  project  of  an 
alhance  with  Egj^t,  which  was  strenuously  opposed 
by  Isaiah  but  carried  through  in  spite  of  him,  though 
the  attempt  was  made  to  keep  it  from  his  knowledge, 
a  signal  proof  that  his  opposition  was  feared  by  its 
promoters.  Several  recent  critics  have  regarded  much 
in  these  chapters  as  post-exilic,  in  some  cases  on  cogent, 
in  others  on  more  flimsy  grounds.  The  transitions 
from  gloom  to  radiance,  from  predictions  of  doom  to 
glowing  descriptions  of  the  happy  future,  are  in  some 
cases  very  abrupt  ;  the  phraseology  is  sometimes 
non-Isaianic,  and  the  ideas  have  more  affinity  with 
those  in  the  post-exilic  period  than  in  the  age  of  Isaiah. 
We  must  be  on  our  guard,  however,  against  pressing 
the  argument  from  theological  ideas  too  far,  in  view 
of  the  scantiness  of  the  earlier  prophetic  literature 
now  extant,  and,  remembering  that  Isaiah  held  the 
doctrine  of  the  happy  future  as  well  as  the  doctrine 
of  a  terrible  judgment,  we  should  not  too  readily 
condemn  the  optimistic  sections,  especially  when  they 
are  happy  endings,  as  necessarily  later  insertions. 

XXVIII.  In  1-4  Isaiah  predicts  the  speedy  overthrow 
of  Samaria.  The  date  is  therefore  not  later  than  the 
year  in  which  Samaria  fell  (722).  Apparently  it  was 
uttered  before  the  siege  began,  as  is  suggested  by  the 
reference  to  the  drunken  revelling  of  the  mhabitants. 
It  may  possibly  be  fixed  after  Hoshea  had  concluded 
his  alhance  with  Egypt  and  revolted  from  Assyria,  and 
before  Shalmaneser  had  actually  taken  steps  to  punish 
his  defection  (pp.  59,  70).  sf-  seems  to  be  a  later 
addition.  The  rest  of  the  chapter  belongs  in  the  main 
to  c.  703.  Probably  7-13  and  14-22  were  originally 
independent  oracles,  but  they  seem  to  deal  with  the 
same  circumstances.  There  is  no  valid  reason  for 
doubting  the  Isaianic  origin  of  23-29.  and  it  may  quite 
well  be  a  continuation  of  the  preceding  prophecies. 

1-6.  The  Doom  of  Samaria. — Samaria  crowned  the 
summit  of  a  beautiful  hill  (p.  30),  hence  it  is  here  de- 
scribed as  the  crown  of  pride  of  the  drunkards  of 
Ephraim.  But  there  is  also  an  allusion  to  the  garlands 
worn  by  revellers.  Just  as  they  fade  and  droop  in  the 
hot  atmosphere  as  the  banquet  goes  on,  so  the  gay  city 
which  crowns  the  rich  vallc}'  will  be  destroyed.  For 
Yahweh  has  the  mighty  Assyria  for  His  in.strument, 
which  will  come  hke  a  tempest  or  a  flood.  The  crown, 
of  which  Ephraim's  drunkards  were  so  proud,  shall 
be  flung  aside  all  withered,  to  be  trampled  under 
foot,  and  it  shall  vanish  as  quickly  as  the  first  ripe 
fig,  a  rare  delicacy,  scarcely  in  the  hand  before  it  is 
in  the  mouth.  If  sf.  belongs  to  this  prophecy,  Isaiah 
passes  from  the  disaster  to  the  blessedness  which  is 
to  follow  ;  then  the  crown  in  which  the  remnant  will 
rejoice  will  not  be  the  crown  of  a  stronsjr  fortress  or 
a  drunkard's  garland,  but  Yahweh  Himself.  He  will 
inspire  the  judge  with  the  true  spirit  of  judgment, 
and  the  warriors  with  strength  to  drive  the  battle 
back  to  (nig.)  the  gate.  But  apparently  the  verses 
mean  that  while  Samaria  is  overthrown,  righteous 
Judah  will  have  Yahweh  for  her  crown,  and  Ho  will 
equip  her  with  judgment  and  strength.  But  this  is 
contrary  to  several  expressions  of  Isaiah  elsewhere. 

4.  The  figs  were  ripe  in  August,  the  firstripe  figs  in 
June. 

7-22.  Jenisalem  also  is  Threatened  with  Destruc- 
tion.— But  Jerusalem  hke  Ephraim  reels  with  intoxica- 
tion, the  priests  and  prophets  especially.  The  prophet 
is  not  steady  in  his  vision,  the  priest  when  pronouncing 


judgment  has  his  faculties  clouded  by  wine.  TheiJt 
revels  are  carried  to  disgusting  excess.  The  scomera 
mock  Isaiah  :  Is  he  talking  to  children  that  he  goes 
over  his  lesson  again  and  again  with  such  wearisome 
monotony  ?  Well,  if  the  prophet's  message  will  not 
satisfy  them,  Yahweh  will  speak  to  thani  in  the  foreign 
language  of  Assyria.  They  had  refused  to  hsten  when 
He  told  them  of  the  true  rest,  and  so  now  He  will 
speak  to  them  with  a  wearisome  monotony  indeed, 
in  strange-sounding  words  which  they  will  not  be  able 
to  treat  with  supercihous  scorn,  for  they  will  be  in- 
volved in  utter  ruin.  The  prophet  now  turns  to  the 
rulers,  who  scoff  at  his  words,  because  they  flatter  them- 
selves that  they  have  secured  immunity  from  disaster. 
Death  itself  is  on  their  side,  and  will  do  them  no  harm  ; 
when  the  Assyrian  scourge  sweeps  through,  they  will 
be  sheltered  by  their  pohcy  of  double  dealing.  But 
while  the  pohticians  are  trusting  in  their  flimsy  refuge 
of  lies,  Yahweh  is  placing  a  real  refuge  in  Zion,  a  well- 
tested  stone  for  a  foundation ;  he  who  beheves  will 
not  give  way.  And  Yahweh  will  deal  with  the  scomers 
according  to  exact  justice  ;  He  will  test  the  quahty 
of  actions  by  judgment  and  righteousness,  as  a  builder 
uses  a  Une  and  plummet  (34 11)^  to  estimate  the  correct- 
ness of  a  building.  Then  their  covenant  with  death, 
their  agreement  with  Sheol,  will  not  stand,  and  the 
scourge  will  smite  them  down.  Assyria  wiU  give  them 
no  respite,  and  in  utter  terror  they  wiU  come  to  learn 
what  the  prophet's  warnings  meant.  The  pohticians 
fancied  they  had  made  themselves  secure  and  com- 
fortable, but  they  will  find  that  their  arrangements 
are  quite  inadequate,  and  will  place  them  in  a  very 
uneasy  position.  For  Yahweh  wUl  strike  as  when 
David  overthrew  the  Philistines  (2  S.  520-25).  Let 
them  cease  their  scorning,  for  if  they  mock  the  prophet's 
warning,  the  bands  of  Assyria,  already  fastened  upon 
them,  will  be  fixed  more  firmly  than  ever.  For  the 
prophet  has  heard  a  sentence  of  decisive  destruction 
from  Yahweh's  own  hps. 

10.  precept  upon  precept  .  .  .  line  upon  line :  the 
words  rhj^me  in  the  Heb.  ;  perhaps  they  should  be 
transliterated  rather  than  translated,"tsaw  la-tsaw  tsaw 
la-tsaw  qaw  la-qaw  qaw  la-qaw."  The  meaning  of  the 
words  is  uncertain. — 11.  In  1  Cor.  142i  this  is  apphed 
to  the  "tongues"  in  the  Corinthian  Church.  The  mean- 
ing, however,  is  that,  since  they  reject  the  prophet's 
message  as  too  childish,  Yahweh  will  use  the  Assyrians 
to  bring  them  to  their  senses.  Their  language  will 
be  hard  enough  to  suit  their  fastidious  desire  for  some- 
thing more  difficult.  The  best  parallel  is  in  85-7. — 
12.  Cf.  3O15,  the  keynote  of  Isaiah's  foreign  policy. — 
15.  We  have  .  .  .  agreement:  a  proverbial  expres.sion 
meaning  "  we  have  secured  immunity  from  all  dis- 
aster.'' Possibly  some  magical  rites  practised  for  this 
purpose  are  in  mind.  "  Death  "  is  hardly  to  be  ex- 
plained as  the  fatal  power  of  the  Assyrians. — over- 
flowing scourge  :  the  Assyrian  hosts,  which  rolled  like 
a  flood  over  Palestine.  The  mixed  metaphor  is  curious. 
Duhm  reads,  "  the  scourging  scourge.'' — a  stone  :  this 
is  variously  interpreted  as  "i'ahweh  Himself,  Zion,  the 
monarchy,  the  sanctuary,  Yahweh's  relation  to  Israel. 
The  last  is  perhaps  correct. — make  haste  :  read  "  give 
way." — 20.  Perhaps  a  proverb. 

23-29.  The  Husbandman  Adapts  his  Methods  to  the 
Circumstances  of  Each  Case. — This  parable  may 
perhaps  not  have  been  spoken  to  the  same  audience 
as  7-22,  but  there  is  no  valid  reason  for  denying  it 
to  Isaiah.  When  the  ploughman  has  finished,  doea 
he  begin  to  plough  over  again  ?  Of  course  not.  He 
does  not  go  on  plougliing  indefinitely  ;  he  levels  the 
surface  of  the  ground,  and  then  sows,  putting  each 


456 


ISAIAH,  XXVIII.  23-29 


kind  of  seed  in  the  soil  adapted  for  it.  For  eo  God 
has  taught  him.  Jn  threshing,  he  uses  the  measures 
suited  to  each  particular  kind  of  grain.  The  tenderer 
seeds  are  beaten  with  a  rod,  for  they  would  be  cru.shed 
or  spoiled  by  large  or  sharp  implements.  Bread  com 
is  not  crushed  ;  it  is  threshed,  it  is  true,  with  a  cart 
wheel,  but,  once  it  has  been  threshed,  the  husbandman 
does  not  keep  on  driving  the  cart  over  it.  Such 
wisdom  is  inspired  by  Yahweh,  and  thus,  the  prophet 
suggesls,  Yahweh  will  deal  with  His  people  ;  He  will 
temper  the  severity  of  His  methods  to  suit  each  case, 
and  even  where  harsher  methods  have  to  be  used.  He 
does  not  persist  in  them  to  the  point  of  extermination. 

25.  fitches  :    read  vtg. — 28.  Read  mg. 

XXIX.  The  Doom  of  Ariel.— Possibly  yf.,  with  most 
of  5,  is  an  insertion  to  turn  a  prophecy  of  judgment 
into  one  of  mercy.  i-6  is  then  a  prophecy  of  ruin  to 
Jerusalem,  "visited"  meaning  "visited  in  judgment 
(24i8)."  16-24  also  seems  to  be  late.  Woe  is  pro 
nounced  in  15  on  the  promoters  of  the  Egyptian  alli- 
iince,  who  sought  to  conceal  their  plans  from  Cod,  and 
we  should  expect  the  prophecy  to  continue  with  a 
prediction  of  punishment  and  frustration  of  their 
plans,  yet  in  17  the  prediction  of  the  happy  fulurc 
begins. 

1-8.  Within  a  year  Ariel,  i.e.  Jerusalem,  will  be  dis- 
tressed and  be  an  altar-hearth  indeed,  flowing  with 
the  blood  of  human  victims.  Yahweh  will  lay  siege 
to  her.  She  will  be  crushed  into  the  dust,  so  that  her 
moans  will  sound  as  feeble  as  those  made  by  a  necro- 
mancer (819)  when  he  imitates  the  voices  of  the  dead 
and  seems  to  make  them  arise  from  the  ground.  Very 
suddenly  the  scene  changes,  and  all  the  foes  of  Israel 
are  like  finely-powdered  dust  or  chaff  before  the  wind, 
driven  in  utter  rout.  Yahweh  will  intervene  in  tem- 
pest and  earthquake,  and  the  enemy  is  all  at  once  an 
unsubstantial  dream,  a  nightmare  from  which  Zion 
will  soon  awake.  Like  a  dream  too  will  be  the  foes' 
experience  ;  from  their  dream  that  they  will  soon 
slake  their  thirst  for  Jerusalem  they  will  awake  to 
the  unwelcome  reality. 

1.  Ariel :  of  the  two  margins  the  latter  is  to  bo 
preferred,  but  we  might  render  "  altar  hearth  "  (r/. 
31 9). — add  .  .  .  round  :  add  a  year  to  the  current 
year,  so  in  a  year's  time,  when  the  feasts  have  run 
their  course  once  more. — 6.  visited  :    i.e.  in  mercy. 

9-12.  The  people  are  stupefied,  for  Yahweh  has 
drenched  their  senses  with  a  trance-slumber  (Cien.  22 1*). 
He  has  shut  their  eyes  and  mufllcd  their  heads.  All 
alike  fail  to  understand  the  prophetic  vision  ;  to  the 
educated  it  is  a  sealed  book  which  they  cannot  read, 
the  illiterate  cannot  read  it,  though  no  seal  is  upon  it. 

9.  Substitute  margins. — 10.  Omit  "the  prophets, 
the  seers,"  glosses  which  miss  the  meaning. 

13f.  On  account  of  the  formalism  and  hypocrisy  of 
Judah's  religion,  Yahweh  will  achieve  a  marvellous 
work  which  will  bring  all  their  foresight  to  nought. 

13.  Substitute  AV  "  draw  near  me  with  their  mouth, 
and  with  their  lips  do  honour  mo." — taught  Ihcm  : 
they  have  learnt  their  religion  by  rote  {mg.),  but  have 
no  intelligent  interest  in  it. 

15-24.  Woo  to  those  who  seek  to  conceal  their 
plans  of  Egyptian  alliance  from  Yahweh  by  hiding 
them  from  His  prophet.  What  perversity  !  (cf.  nig.). 
They  reverse  the  true  order  ;  the  creature  passive  in 
the  Creator's  hand  dares  to  act  on  the  fancy  that  it 
is  independent  of  Him,  as  if  He  too  was  of  no  under- 
standing (IO15).  Soon  the  land  will  become  so  fruitful 
that  the  forest  will  be  as  fertile  as  garden  land,  and 
what  is  now  garden  land  will  be  thought  no  more  of 
than  forest  land.     Those  now  deaf  and  blind  (9f.), 


unable  to  understand  the  prophet's  vision  (iif.),  will 
both  hear  and  see.  The  humble  and  poor  will  rejoice, 
for  the  foreign  oppressor,  and  the  irreUgious,  tyran- 
nical Jew,  and  those  who  are  on  the  alert  to  cat<;h 
men  tripping,  will  all  be  brought  to  nought.  Jacob 
shall  no  longer  be  abashed.  The  sight  of  Yahweh "s 
work  shall  lead  him  to  hallow  Israel's  God,  and  those 
who  have  no  in.sight  and  inteUigonce  will  then  have 
right  understanding. 

22.  who  redeemed  Abraham  :  perhaps  an  insertion. 
— concerning  :   road,  "  the  god  of." 

XXX.  Denunciation  of  the  Egyptian  Alliance.  The 
Blessed  Future  of  Israel.  The  Destruction  of  Assyria. — 
We  should  probablv  pass  tlie  same  judgment  on  iS-zfi 
as  on  2916-24.  The  two  pasJ^ages  are  closely  related, 
and  are  not  improbably  by  the  same  author.  A  post- 
exilic  date  seems  on  the  whole  more  likely.  There 
are  no  substantial  reasons  for  rejecting  the  Isaianic 
authorship  of  27-33. 

1-5.  Woe  to  the  unfilial  rebels  who  negotiate  alli- 
ance with  Egypt,  leaving  God  out  of  their  counsels. 
intriguers  who  flout  the  prophetic  spirit,  piUng  one 
sin  upon  another.  Egypt  will  prove  no  refuge,  but 
a  bitter  disappointment.  Though  Pharaoh's  princes 
are  in  Tanis  (19ii)  and  his  envoys  in  Hanes,  yet  those 
who  tnist  in  their  help  will  find  that  it  is  not  forth- 
coming in  their  need. 

1.  Perhaps  we  should  render  "  weave  a  web  "  (ntg.), 
i.e.  carry  on  an  intrigue.  The  second  margin,  "  pour 
out  a  drink  offering,"  would  give  a  good  sense,  the 
allusion  being  to  the  libation  at  the  making  of  an 
alliance. — 4.  Hanes  :  Heraeleopolis  Magna,  the  Egyp- 
tian Hanes,  W.  of  the  Nile,  S.  of  the  Fayyum.  a  city 
of  great  importance.  It  has  been  inferred  from  this 
verse  that  the  prophecy  refers  to  negotiations  with 
Egypt  in  the  time  of  Sargon  rather  than  of  Sennacherib, 
Zoan  and  Hanes  marking  the  limits  of  the  Pharaoh's 
dominion. 

6-17.  This  passage  is  introduced  by  a  strange  title, 
"  Oracle  concerning  tlie  beasts  of  the  Negeb."  i.e. 
either  the  beasts  who  carry  the  treasure  to  Egypt 
(66),  or  the  wild  creatures  that  infest  the  Negeb. 
Duhm  supposes  that  the  oracle  began  "  In  the  wastes 
of  the  South,"  and  that  the  title  should  be,  "  Oracle. 
In  the  wastes  of  the  South."  the  title  being  taken  from 
the  opening  words,  which  have  fallen  out  of  the  text 
through  haplography.  With  great  trouble  and  ex- 
pense the  ambassadors  go  through  the  diiHcult  and 
dangerous  desert  to  negotiate  a  useless  alliance  with 
Egypt,  an  insolent  and  indolent  people.  The  prophet 
is  bidden  write  his  oracle  on  a  tablet  (81)  and  inscribe 
it  in  a  book,  that  it  may  be  a  witness  (mg.)  for  over 
(816),  to  prove  the  accuracy  of  his  foresight  when 
history  has  vindicated  it.  For  the  people  is  disobedient 
to  the  teaching  (mg.)  of  Yahweh.  They  will  not 
tolerate  harsh  realities  from  the  prophets,  but  bid 
them  turn  aside  to  a  smoother  message  and  a  more 
congenial  presentation  of  God.  But  this  scorn  of 
the  waraing  word,  this  trust  in  crooked  poUcy,  will 
prove  their  ruin,  sudden  and  complete,  like  a  crack  in 
a  wall,  small  at  first,  but  spreading  till  the  wall  comes 
crashing  down.  For  the  State  will  be  smashed  like 
an  earthenware  vessel  into  tiny  fragments.  For  their 
salvation  lay  in  renunciation  of  a  spirited  foreign 
policy  and  confidence  in  God,  but  they  had  refused  to 
listen.  They  had  relied  on  horses  (31 3)  for  battle, 
but  they  will  serve  them  only  for  flight.  A  thousand 
will  be  pursued  by  one,  till  they  will  bo  left  lonely 
as  a  flag-staff  on  the  summit  of  a  hill. 

6.  bunches :  humps.— 7.  Rahab  that  sitteth  still : 
Rahab  was  properly  the  chaos  monster  subdued  by 


ISAIAH.  XXXII.  9-20 


45? 


God  (Job  9i3,*  26i2  ;  le.  5I9*).  Here  it  is  applied 
to  Egypt,  as  in  Ps.  874.  If  the  text  hero  is  correct,  the 
suggestion  in  the  name  Rahab  may  be  the  etymo- 
logical one  of  arrogance.  Egypt's  stormy  bluster, 
however,  amounts  to  nothing.  When  the  crisis  cornea 
she  sits  still  (306).  This  is,  however,  very  uncertain, 
and  the  text  is  probably  corrupt.  Gunkel  reads, 
"  Rahab  the  subdued." 

18-26.  Yahweli  wails  till  the  time  is  ripe  for  inter- 
vention, and  then  shows  His  graciousness  and  mercy. 
Then  there  shall  be  no  sorrow  in  Zion  ;  Yahweh's 
answer  anticipates  (render,  "has  answered'")  His 
people's  prayer  (6624).  Even  though  they  have  been 
reduced  to  the  barest  necessities,  yet  Yahwch  Himself 
shall  be  the  teacher.  His  voice  guiding  them  in  the 
right  way.  The  idols  will  be  cast  away,  agriculture 
will  flourish,  the  early  rain  at  sowing-time  will  not 
fail,  there  shall  be  abundance  of  food  for  man,  ample 
pasturage  for  the  cattle.  The  oxen  and  asses  will 
eat  provender  separated  from  its  chaif  and  made 
savoury  with  salt  (mg.).  Even  the  mountains  will 
run  down  with  water  in  the  day  when  Yahweh  smites 
the  foe  with  a  great  slaughter.  The  moon  shall  shine 
like  the  sun,  and  the  sun  with  a  sevenfold  light. 

20.  Read  (cf.  mg.),  "  yet  shall  not  thy  teacher  lude 
himself  "  and  "  see  thy  teacher." — 22.  The  idols  were 
made  of  wood  and  coated  with  precious  metal. — 26.  aS 
the  light  of  seven  days  :  omit  (LXX). 

27-33.  If  this  is  the  work  of  Isaiah,  it  describes  the 
overthrow  of  Assyria.  The  description  is  very 
vigorous,  and  some  feel  that  the  loud  colours  are 
dashed  on  too  violently  to  make  Isaiah's  authorship 
probable.  And  the  zest  with  which  the  disaster  is 
painted  is  thought  to  be  unworthy  of  him.  But  these 
reasons  are  far  from  cogent.  Y'ahweh  comes  like  the 
dense  thunder-cloud  from  the  far  horizon,  from  which 
the  devastating  lightning  will  leap,  while  torrential 
rain  floods  the  land.  The  nations  will  be  passed 
through  the  sieve  till  they  are  destroyed,  and  wiU 
be  guided  in  the  way  of  ruin.  While  the  Assyrians 
are  being  overthrown  the  Jews  are  exultant,  as  when 
they  sing  their  song  by  night  at  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles (or  perhaps  Passover),  or  as  when  they  go  in 
procession  to  the  Temple.  For  Y^'ahweh's  voice  shall 
peal  out  in  thunder,  while  the  hghtnings  flash,  the 
clouds  burst,  and  the  hail  descends,  and  the  Assj^rian 
is  seized  with  panic.     A  funeral  pyre  has  been  pre- 

Eared  for  the  hosts  of  the  Assyrian  dead,  vast  in  extent, 
uming  fiercely  at  the  blast  of  Yahweh's  breath. 
27.  the  name  :  for  primitive  thought  the  name  was 
an  essential  part  of  the  personahty  (Gen.  32^7*).  The 
name  of  Yahweh  in  the  OT  usually  means  Yaliweh 
in  His  self-reveahng  aspect  ;  just  as  the  name  mani- 
fests the  nature,  so  Yahweh's  action  discloses  His 
character. — 32.  Unintelligible  (see  CB^). — 33.  Topheth : 
Jer.  731*,  and  note  on  that  passage  in  Cent.B. — for 
the  king  :   cither  the  king  of  Assyria  or  Molech. 

XXXL  The  Folly  of  Reliance  on  Egypt.  Jerusalem 
will  be  Protected,  and  Assyria  Overthrown. — 6f.  seems 
to  be  an  interpolation.  4f.  creates  serious  difficulties. 
4  apparently  represents  Yahweh  as  attacking  {mg.) 
Zion,  undismayed  by  its  rulers  as  a  lion  is  undismayed 
by  the  shepherds,  whereas  5,  with  an  abrupt  change 
of  metaphor,  represents  Him  as  Jerusalem's  pro- 
tector. By  drastic  measures  we  can  remove  the  dis- 
crepancy ;  the  passage  then  represented  Y''ahweh 
either  as  hostile  to  Jerusalem  or  as  its  protector. 
Of  the  two  the  latter  is  preferable,  but  it  involves  the 
omission  of  "  so  shall.  ...  As  birds  fly."  If  we  keep 
the  text  as  it  stands,  the  moaning  seems  to  be  that 
Yahweh  will  wrest  Jerusalem  from  its  present  rulers. 


but  will  protect  it  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Assyrians,  who  are  the  instruments  of  His  judgment. 
This  is  continued  in  8f.,  which  represents  the  Assyrians 
as  smitten  down  by  His  power  rather  than  by  human 
antagonists. 

Woe  to  those  who  trust  in  Egypt  and  her  cavalry 
and  not  in  Yahweh.  For  Yahweh  is  wise  as  well  aa 
the  sapient  politicians,  and  His  threat  of  evil  will 
certainly  be  fulfilled.  For  Egypt,  weak  and  perish- 
able, is  no  match  for  Y'ahweh,  who  is  spirit,  and  will 
involve  helper  and  helped  in  one  common  disaster. 
When  He  descends  to  fight  atrainst  Zion,  the  Egyptians 
wiU  be  as  powerless  to  rescue  it  as  the  shepherds  to 
rescue  the  prey  from  the  dauntless  Hon.  Yahweh 
will  protect  Jerusalem  as  birds  protect  their  young. 
Let  the  disobedient  turn  to  Him.  In  the  day  of  de- 
liverance all  will  cast  away  their  idols.  The  Assyrian 
shall  fall  by  no  human  hand,  he  shall  flee  in  panic. 

3.  A  classical  passage  for  the  OT  sense  of  "  flesh." 
It  is  the  weak  and  mortal  in  contrast  with  the  im- 
mortal and  omnipotent.  Flesh  stands  not  for  the 
lower  element  in  human  nature  in  contrast  with  the 
higher  (as  in  Rom.  77-25),  but  for  man  as  a  whole  as 
contrasted  with  the  immortals  (Gen.  63). — 8b.  This 
modification  of  8a  may  be  an  insertion. — 9.  his  rock  : 
the  parallelism  suggests  that  this  means  the  Assyrian 
king.  This  is  improbable  ;  AY  renders  "  and  he  shaU 
pass  over  to  his  strong  hold  for  fear.''  Duhm  '  renders 
"  his  rock  by  reason  of  terror  shall  he  pass  by,''  i.e. 
the  hunted  animal  in  its  terror  passes  by  its  usual 
shelter.  Duhm  ^  emends,  reading,  "and  his  heroes 
shall  be  dislodged  from  the  siege  works." 

XXXII.  This  chapter  is  regarded  by  some  scholars 
as  non-Isaianic  on  the  ground  of  phraseology  and  ideas, 
but  while  it  may  have  been  interpolated,  it  is  probably 
in  the  main  Isaiah's  work.  It  falls  into  two  parts  : 
(a)  1-8,  (b)  9-20.  The  date  of  the  former  is  uncertain. 
It  may  belong  to  the  same  period  as  28-31.  The 
address  to  the  women  which  follows  recaUs  the  de- 
nunciation in  316-24,  but  it  does  not  necessarily  belong 
to  the  same  period.  And  it  too  may  belong  to  the 
same  period  as  28-31.  There  is  no  need  to  detach 
the  Messianic  passage,  15-20,  from  it. 

1-8.  The  Blessedness  of  the  Messianic  Age. — A 
description  of  the  Messianic  time,  though  the  figure 
of  the  Messiah  is  probably  not  present  in  the  passage. 
King  and  princes  will  reign  in  righteousness,  each  of 
them  a  source  of  shelter  and  refreshment.  The 
present  failure  in  moral  insight  and  responsiveness 
will  be  removed,  the  inconsiderate  will  gain  judgment, 
the  halting  speaker  the  faculty  of  lucid  expression. 
Men  will  be  designated  in  harmony  with  their  true 
character  ;  the  fool  (pp.  344,  398)  s'haU  no  longer  be 
called  noble  (mg.),  nor  the  swindler  an  aristocrat. 
For  fool  and  swindler  will  act  in  accordance  with  their 
nature,  but  the  noble  will  resolve  on  noble  schemes  and 
persist  in  their  execution. 

1.  a  king:  i.e.  whatever  king  is  on  the  throne. — 
2.  a  man  :  render  "  each." — 6-8.  Probably  a  later 
insertion. 

9-20.  Startling  Rebuke  to  the  Women  for  their 
Indifference.  Sore  Calamity  is  at  Hand,  Ending  only 
with  the  Coming  of  the  Messianic  Age. — This  passage 
was  perhaps  spoken  at  a  vintage  festival,  for  Isaiah 
lays  special  stress  on  the  failure  of  the  vintage  and 
the  fruit.  He  addresses  the  women  of  the  upper 
classes,  who  show  an  ostentatious  indifference  to  his 
words  ;  cf.  3i6— 4i.  He  startles  them  with  the  pre- 
diction that  in  httle  more  than  a  year  thoy  will  have 
cause  for  trouble  ;  next  year's  vintage  will  not  come, 
lyct  them  put  on  mourning  attire  and  lament  for  the 

15  a 


458 


ISAIAH,  XXXII.  9-20 


failure  of  the  fruit,  for  there  will  be  an  irremediable 
desolation  of  Jerusalem.  Yet  the  desolation  will  not 
be  permanent ;  the  life-giving  energy  of  God  will 
be  poured  out,  the  wilderness  will  become  fruitful,  and 
what  is  now  a  fi-uitful  field  regarded  as  no  better  than 
woodland  (29i7).  Not  only  will  the  face  of  Nature  be 
changed,  but  justice  and  righteousness,  peace  and 
confidence,  will  abound.  Happy  the  people  who  can 
plant  beside  all  waters,  without  fear  that  any  will 
run  dry  or  that  the  foe  will  reap  what  they  have  sown, 
and  can  lot  ox  and  ass  roam  at  large,  since  there  is 
danger  neither  of  cattle-raiders  nor  of  dearth. 

14.  Ophel  (mg.) :  the  southern  side  of  the  Temple 
hill. — 19.  Generally  regarded  as  an  insertion. 

XXXIII.  Denunciation  of  the  Treacherous  Foe. 
Zion's  Extremity,  Yahwehs  Opportunity.— If  Isaiah's, 
the  date  is  apparently  701,  and  the  situation  pre- 
supposed is  Sennacherib's  demand  for  uucondiiional 
surrender  of  Jerusalem  after  he  had  received  an  enor- 
mous tribute  from  Hezekiah.  This  breach  of  faith 
would  cause  the  weeping  of  the  ambassadors  (7). 
But  the  chapter  is  now  usually  regarded  as  post- 
^Uc  The  parallels  in  language  are  with  late  Psalms, 
and  the  list  of  non-Isaianic  words  and  senses  of  words 
is  considerable.  Nor  is  it  clear  that  the  historical 
allusions  suit  the  actual  circumstances  of  Isaiah's  time. 
But  it  would  be  very  precarious  in  our  almost  complete 
ignorance  of  great  stretches  of  the  later  history  to  argue 
that  it  must  be  Maccabean,  even  if  we  have  reconciled 
ourselves  to  the  belief  that  there  are  Maccabean 
elements  in  the  Canon  of  the  prophets  (p.  42.5).  We 
must  accordingly  leave  the  date  indctenninate. 

1-6.  Woe  to  the  oppressor,  retribution  awaits  him  ; 
let  Yahweh  be  gracious  to  His  waiting  people  in  the 
daily  renewal  of  their  trouble.  When  He  arises,  the 
nations  flee  in  dismay,  the  spoil  shall  be  gathered  as 
locusts  gather  it.  Yahweh  is  exalted,  He  has  brought 
about  judgment  and  righteousness  in  Zion.  In  true 
reUgion  the  people  is  strong. 

2.  their  arm  :  it  is  simpler  to  read  "  our  arm  " 
(mg.)  than  to  suppose  that  a  line  has  dropped  out 
containing  an  antecedent  to  "  their." — 6.  A  verse  of 
quite  uncertain  meaning. 

7-13.  The  ambassadors  weep  bitterly,  for  the  foe 
has  treacherously  broken  the  agreement,  despised  the 
witnesses  (so  read  for  "cities");  travelling  has  be- 
come unsafe  (Jg.  56),  Nature  mourns.  Now  Yahweh 
will  exalt  Himself,  the  futile  plots  of  the  enemy  will 
prove  their  destruction,  their  furious  rage  will  devour 
them,  burning  them  as  if  to  lime. 

7.  valiant  ones:  perhaps  their  Ariels  (29i*)  or 
God's  Uons,  t.e.  picked  warriors,  but  the  meaning  is 
quite  uncertain. 

14^24.  Sinners  in  Zion  are  terrified  at  Yahweh'e 
judgment,  and  wonder  who  can  dwell  as  a  guest 
(Ps.  15i*)  with  the  consuming  (lame  (3I9),  the  inex- 
tinguishable wrath.  The  answer  is  parallel  to  Pss.  \F> 
and  26:^-6,  and  contains  a  beautiful  description  of  the 
morality  which  will  win  the  favour  of  Yahweh,  and 
secure  the  safety  of  the  pure  and  upright.  He  will 
be  in  an  impregnable  fortress  amply  provisioned.  In 
that  blessed  future  they  will  see  their  king  in  his 
splendour,  his  dominion  stretching  far  and  wide.  Thev 
will  think  on  the  time  of  terror,  now  for  ever  passed,. 
Where  are  the  enemy's  officials,  those  who  collected 
the  taxes  and  weighed  the  gold  and  silver  and  counted 
the  towers  ?  No  longer  will  they  see  the  foreigner 
and  listen  to  his  unintelligible  speech.  Zion  is  at 
peace,  firm  as  an  immovable  t«nt.  The  river  of 
Yahweh  will  take  the  place  of  the  broad  rivers  and 
streams   which   protect   other   cities ;     no   fleet   will 


attack  it,  none  bo  needed  for  defence.  The  ship  of 
State  is  disabled,  the  slack  ropos  could  not  support 
the  mast  or  spread  the  sail,  but  the  Jews,  all  incapable 
of  fighting  as  they  aoem,  divide  a  great  prey.  Sick- 
ness shall  be  no  more,  sin  shall  be  forgiven. 

18.  counted  the  towers :  perhaps  to  estimate  the 
strength  needed  for  an  attack,  perhaps  to  see  which 
ought  to  be  destroyed.  The  latter  is  preferable,  since 
the  verse  deals  not  with  invaders  but  with  foreign 
officials  governing  the  country.  Neither  is  satis- 
factory. Cheyne  reads,  "  Where  are  the  tablet 
writers,  where  are  the  measuring  clerks." — 21a.  Text 
uncertain  ;  read  perhaps,  "  But  there  the  river  of 
Yahwoh  will  be  with  us  instead  of  broad  streams." — 
23.  This  bardl}'  suits  the  context,  and  may  be  a  closs. 

XXXIV.-XXXV.  The  DownlaU  of  Edom,  and  Per- 
manent Desolation  of  its  Land.  The  Blessedness  of 
God's  People  and  Fertility  of  its  Land. — These  chapters 
are  generally,  and  probably  correctly,  attributed  to  the 
same  hand.  34  exhibits  the  fiercest  hatred  of  Edom, 
reminding  us  most  of  681-7.  This  hatred,  for  which 
we  may  compare  Lam.  42if.,  Ps.  1377,  Jer.  497-22, 
was  largely  due  to  the  exultation  displayed  by  the 
Edomites  at  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586,  and 
it  was  cherished  by  the  Jews  from  that  time  forward. 
The  desolation  of  Edom  is  described  in  language  very 
similar  to  that  used  in  13  for  the  desolation  of  Babylon. 
The  coimexion  of  Edom  with  the  judgment  of  all 
nations,  and  especially  the  reference  to  a  collection 
of  prophecies  as  a  Book  of  Yahweh,  points  to  the 
post-exilic  period  as  the  most  probable  date  for  its 
composition.  35  implies  the  Dispersion  and  a  know- 
ledge of  40-66. 

XXXIV.  1-4.  All  nations  are  summoned  to  hear 
their  doom.  Yahweh  is  infuriated  against  them,  He 
has  pronounced  the  ban  (pp.  99,  114,  Dt.  234*,  Joe. 
617*)  upon  them.  The  foul  odour  of  their  exposed 
and  putrefying  corpses  shall  fill  the  air,  the  mountains 
be  dissolved  with  their  blood.  The  sky  shall  be  rolled 
up  hke  a  scroll,  and  the  stars  drop  off  it  (Rev.  61  if.) 
lilce  a  fading  leaf  from  the  ^-ine  or  fig-tree. 

4.  host  of  heaven :  read  "  hilfi "  ;  the  line  is 
parallel  to  the  last  clause  of  3. 

5-8.  In  preparation  for  the  slaughter  of  earth 
Yahweh's  sword  has  drunk  its  fill  of  wrath  in  heaven. 
Now,  charged  and  sharpened  with  its  fury,  it  descends 
to  execute  the  ban  upon  Edom  {mg.).  His  sword 
reeks  with  blood  and  is  glutted  with  fat,  but  the 
victims  slaughtered  in  this  sacrifice  are  the  Edomites, 
commoners  (6)  and  aristocrats  (7)  alike  ;  for  it  is  the 
day  of  Yahweh's  vengeance  in  the  controversy  He 
has  with  Edom  for  the  wrongs  she  has  inflicted  on 
Zion. 

61.  The  animals  in  6  represent  the  common  people, 
those  in  7  the  chiefs  and  nobles. — Bozrah  ;  Jer.  49i3*. 

9-17.  Edom  is  near  to  the  Dead  Sea,  and  the 
country  is  volcanic,  and  these  facts  suggest  this  lurid 
picture  of  judgment.  Edom's  rivers  will  be  turned 
to  pitch,  its  dust  to  brimstone,  the  land  shall  be  a 
smoking,  desolate  wilderness  for  ever  and  ever. 
Pelican  and  bittern  (14 23*),  owl  and  raven,  shall 
dwell  in  it  ;  it  shall  be  reduced  to  utter  chaos.  Satyrs 
shall  dwell  in  it.  its  rulers  shall  be  destroyed.  The 
palaces  will  V)e  overrun  with  thorns  and  thistles,  and 
be  the  dwelling-place  of  wild  beasts  and  uncanny 
monsters.  Let  those  who  read  this  book  verify  the 
description  for  themselves,  for  Yahweh  has  allotted 
Edom  to  these  creatures  as  their  promised  land,  just 
as  He  allotted  Canaan  to  the  tribes  of  Israel. 

116.  Confusion  and  emptiness  are  the  words  which 
describe  the  primeval  chaos  in  Gen.   I2.    The  line 


p 


ISAIAH,  XXXVIII.  18f. 


459 


and  plummet  are  used  to  secure  exactness  in  building. 
Witli  just  the  same  care  and  completeness  Yahweh 
will  execute  the  work  of  deatmction. — 12.  Read, 
partially  followmg  LXX,  "  And  satj'is  shall  dwell 
therein,  Her  rulers  shall  not  bo  ;  There  shall  be  no 
kingdom  there  to  proclaim,  And  all  her  princes  shall 
be  no  more.' —13-15.  C'/.  132 if.*— 14.  night  monster : 
better  Liiiih  iJiifj.),  a  night  demon  among  the  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians.  The  Jews  of  Mesopotamia 
kept  up  the  superstition  about  her  till  late  in  the 
Christian  era,  and  she  is  the  subject  of  sevei'al  Rab- 
binical stories.  The  representation  of  her  as  Adam's 
first  wife  appears  in  Fa  mt. — place  of  rest :  cj.  Mt. 
1243.  Lk.  II24. — 15.  arrowsnake:  the  reference  to 
hatching  seems  to  favour  the  view  that  a  bird  is 
intended,  but  the  writer  may  have  been  unaware  that 
pythons  are  the  only  snakes  that  hatch. — gather  under 
her  shadow  :   read,  "  brood  over  her  eggs.' 

XXXV.  The  v,ildemess  shall  become  fruitful  as  the 
most  fertile  districts  of  Palestine.  Let  the  timid  take 
courage,  for  Divine  vengeance  on  the  enemy  is  at 
hand.  The  blind  and  deaf,  the  lame  and  dumb,  will 
be  healed.  The  thirsty  desert  shall  abound  with 
streams  and  springs.  In  the  haunts  of  wild  creatures 
will  be  grass  for  cattle.  There  shall  bo  a  holy  way 
for  pilgrims,  on  which  the  godless  will  not  be  per- 
mitted to  travel ;  it  wiU  be  unmolested  by  wild  beasts, 
so  that  the  pilgrims  may  travel  on  it  in  safety  as  they 
go  up  to  Zion. 

1.  rose:  better  "autumn  crocus"  {mg.)  or  "nar- 
cissus."— 3.  Carmel:  pp.  28-30. — Sharon:  p.  28.— 
5-7.  The  descriptions  are  Uterally  intended.  — 
7.  glowing  sand  :  the  rendering  "  mirage  "  (mg.)  is 
very  attractive.  The  phantom  lake  which  deceives 
the'  traveller  in  the  desert  will  be  replaced  by  real 
pools  of  water.  But  it  forms  no  good  parallel  to 
thirsty  ground,  and  is  not  suitable  in  49io*. — 76.  The 
text  has  been  mutilated.  Originally  it  may  have 
run  somewhat  as  follows:  "In  the  haunts  of  jackals 
and  wild  cats  VVdl  be  a  resting  place  for  your  flocks 
and  herds  ;  The  enclosure  of  the  ostriches  Will  be 
filled  with  reeds  and  rushes." — 8.  for  those  :  read, 
"  for  his  people,"  and  continue,  "  when  it  walks 
in  the  way,  and  fools  shall  not  go  to  and  fro  in  it." 
"Fools"  bears  a  moral  rather  than  an  intellectual 
sense.  They  are  the  irreligious,  and  they  will  be 
excluded.  The  EV  is  singularly  imfortunate,  since  it 
has  been  commonly  taken  to  mean  that  the  way  to 
heaven  is  so  plain  that  not  even  a  fool  can  miss  it. 

XXXVI.-XXXIX.  This  section  has  been  extracted 


from  2  K.  I813-2O19,  and  the  Song  of  Hezekiah  has 
been  added.  For  an  exposition  see  the  notes  on 
2  K.  ;  here  we  have  simply  to  deal  with  the  Song  of 
Hezekiah. 

XXXVIII.  10-20.  Thanksgiving  for  Deliverance  from 
Imminent  Death, — This  is  now  generally  regarded  as 
a  post -exilic  psalm.  Its  absence  in  the  parallel  narra- 
tine  in  Kings  is  significant.  Apparently  it  was  in- 
serted here  by  an  editor  who  thought  it  suitable  to 
Hezekiah's  circumstances.  If,  as  scerns  hkely,  it  has 
been  influenced  bj-  the  Book  of  Job,  it  must  be  post- 
exiUc.  The  title  cannot,  any  more  than  the  Psalm 
titles,  weigh  against  internal  evidence. 

Hezekiah's  writing  after  his  recovery  from  sickness. 
T  thought  that  when  I  had  reached  the  zenith  of  my 
life  I  should  be  banished  to  Sheol,  where  I  should  have 
fellowship  with  Yahweh  no  longer,  nor  yet  with  my 
feUow-men.  My  habitation  (mg.)  is  torn  from  the 
soil.  I  have  rolled  up  my  life  as  a  weaver  rolls  up 
his  web  when  it  is  finished  ;  He  will  cut  me  off  from 
the  thrum  {mg.),  day  and  night  Thou  deUverest  me 
to  my  pain.  I  cried  out  until  morning,  my  bones 
broken  with  torment.  I  twittered  like  a  swallow, 
moaned  hke  a  dove  ;  my  failing  eyes  looked  up  with 
appeal  to  Yahweh,  that  He  would  be  ray  surety. 
What  shall  I  say  to  Him  ?  It  is  He  who  has  done  it. 
T  toss  all  the  time  I  am  sleeping,  because  of  the  bitter- 
ness of  my  soul.  Lord,  for  this  my'  heart  waits  on 
Thee.  Quicken  me  and  restore  me  to  health.  Afflic- 
tion was  bitter,  but  it  has  been  for  my  peace.  Thou 
hast  kept  back  my  soul  from  the  pit,  and  utterly 
forgotten  aU  my  sins.  For  in  Sheol  there  can  be  no 
praise  of  Yahweh.  Those  who  descend  to  the  pit 
cannot  hope  for  His  faithfulness.  Only  the  living  can 
praise  God,  the  father  can  declare  to  his  children 
Yahweh's  faitUulness.  Here  the  song  closes.  20 
seems  to  be  an  addition  fitting  it  for  use  in  the  Temple. 

10.  noontide  :  lit.  "  stiUness."  The  metaphor  is  of 
the  sun  having  risen  to  its  height  and  pausing  before 
it  descends. — 12.  loom:  better  "thrum"  [mg.),  i.e.  the 
threads  that  fasten  the  web  to  the  loom. — From  day 
...  of  me :  better  "  day  and  night  thou  didst  de- 
Uver  me  up." — 13.  quieted  myself  :  better  "  cried." — 
14c.  He  is  hke  a  debtor  who  is  being  taken  to  prison  ; 
he  appeals  to  Y''ahweh,  to  the  creditor  Himself,  to 
become  his  surety  (Job  ITs). — 15.  Very  difficult. 
Duhm's  restoration,  adopted  above,  gives  the  probable 
sense. — 16.  Duhm's  emendations  of  the  obscure  text 
are  adopted  above — 181. — Observe  the  charaoteristio 
Hebrew  conocption  of  Sheol. 


ISAIAH  XL.-LXVI. 


By  Professor  W.  L.  WARDLE 


These  chapters  fall  into  two  woll-marked  divisions, 
which  may  be  considered  separately. 

(A)  XL.-LV. — These  chapters  contain  no  claim  to 
be  from  Isaiahs  hand  ;  and  no  critical  conclusion  is 
more  certain  than  that  they  belong  to  a  later  period. 
Jerusalem  has  been  laid  waste ;  many  of  its  people 
are  in  exile.  This  demands  a  date  subsequent  to 
its  siege  and  capture  by  the  Babylonians  in  587  b.c. 
The  date  can  be  more  precisely  determined.  Cyrus  is 
mentioned  by  name,  and  his  career  depicted  at  a  time 
when,  though  he  has  already  won  renown,  Babylon  is 
yet  to  fall  to  his  attack,  the  imminence  of  that  event 
being  one  of  the  keynotes  of  the  prophecy.  Wo  may 
then  with  confidence  assign  40^8  to  a  date  between 
546,  when  Gyms  gained  his  great  victory  over  Croesus, 
and  the  year  (538)  of  his  triumphal  entry  into  Babylon 
(pp.  61,  77)  :  since  the  latter  event  is  regarded  as 
imminent,  the  actual  date  may  be  c.  540.  Matter  and 
style  alike  suggest  that  49-55  comes  from  the  author 
of  40-48,  but  since  Cyrus  and  the  fall  of  Babylon  drop 
out  of  sight  this  section  is  probably  slightly  later  than 
538. 

The  aim  of  the  prophecy  is  to  console  and  hearten 
the  exiles  in  Babylon,  and  also  the  dejected  inhabitants 
who  had  not  been  deported  from  Judah.  Of  the 
author  we  know  nothing  save  what  we  can  deduce 
from  his  message  ;  it  is  not  even  certain  where  he 
resided.  Egypt  and  Phoenicia  have  been  suggested  ; 
but  more  probably  he  hved  in  Babylon  or  Jerusalem, 
rossibly  he  hved  in  Babylon  and  returned  to  Jerusalem 
before  the  prophecies  were  completed  ;  hence  the 
change  in  tone  which  begins  at  49.  Frequently  tliLs 
unknown  prophet  is  referred  to  as  "  2  Isaiah." 

The  four  so-called  "  Servant  Songs  "  (42 1-4,  49i-6, 
5O4-C),  52 1 3-5312)  deserve  special  attention.  In  metre 
and  style  they  stand  out  from  the  context  in  which 
they  are  found.  Their  teaching,  too,  possesses  greater 
depth  of  insight.  Moreover,  first  impressions  suggest 
that  they  might  easily  bo  removed  from  their  present 
positions  without  leaving  an  obvious  gap,  indeed  that 
the  connexion  would  gain  by  their  excision.  But  a 
close  examination  reveals  subtle  links  between  them 
and  their  context.  The  best  solution  of  a  complex 
problem  is  to  assign  them  to  2  Is.,  but  to  regard  them 
as  originally  independent  compositions,  subsequently 
inserted  by  him  in  their  present  position.  Round  the 
figure  of  "  The  Servant  of  Yahweh  "  in  these  songs 
has  raged  one  of  the  most  keenly  debated  problems 
of  interpretation.  Some  have  argued  that  the  Servant 
is  an  individual  But  almost  certainly  he  is  a  per- 
sonification of  Israel.  The  question  then  discussed 
is  whether  the  Israel  personified  is  "  ideal  Israel," 
the  nation  as  it  existed  not  in  concrete  reaUsation  but 
in  the  mind  and  purpose  of  God,  or  the  spiritual 
kernel  of  the  people,  "  an  Israel  within  Israel  "  :  or 
whether  it  is  not  the  actual  Israel,  the  nation  of  history. 
No  theory  will  square  absolutely  with  all  the  facta  of 


the  text,  but  the  difficulties  confronting  the  last- 
mentioned  are  much  more  naturally  and  easily  dealt 
with  than  those  which  he  in  the  way  of  the  other 
theories  ;  in  the  Commentary  the  view  is  adopted  that 
in  the  figure  of  the  Servant  we  are  to  see  the  nation 
Israel,  the  suffering  ambassador  of  Yahweh  to  the 
nations,  Israel  which  had  died  in  the  Exile  and  would 
be  raised  in  glory  by  a  miracle  of  restoration.  This 
recognises  that  though  the  nation  as  a  whole  is  referred 
to,  it  is  in  some  measure  idealised.  "  The  Servant  is 
not  an  ideal  distinct  from  the  nation,  but  the  nation 
regarded  from  an  ideal  point  of  view  "  (Peake,  Problem 
of  Suffering,  p.  193). 

The  stylo  is  lyrical  As  befits  a  prophecy  of  consola- 
tion, the  '•  wooing  note  "  is  predominant.  The  leading 
feature  of  the  theology  is  the  characterisation  of  God. 
No  OT  writer  has  given  us  a  loftier  conception  of 
Yahweh's  unique  majesty.  His  omnipotence  is  shown 
alike  by  His  creative  power  and  by  His  control  of  all 
the  processes  of  both  history  and  nature.  Nations 
and  kings  are  but  tools  whom  He  employs  for  His 
purposes.  Governing  the  march  of  history,  He  is 
perfectly  able  to  predict  its  course.  Y'ahweh  has 
proved  His  Divine  power  by  predicting  events,  such 
as  the  rise  of  Cyrus,  which  have  afterwards,  within  the 
experience  of  the  people,  been  realised.  In  words  of 
withering  scorn  the  prophet  contrasts  with  Yahweh 
the  impotent  idols  manufactured  and  worshipped  by 
the  nations. 

But  with  all  His  majesty  Yahweh  is  tender  of  heart. 
He  is  patient  and  long-suffering  like  a  gentle  shepherd. 
Nor  is  He  conceniod  for  Israel  alone  :  the  nations  too 
are  His  sheep,  though  they  have  wandered  from  Him. 
Israel  occupies  a  pccuharly  privileged  position  as 
Yahweh's  Servant :  but  the  very  purpose  of  that 
service  is  that  the  blessings  of  Yahweh's  rehgion  may 
be  extended  to  the  nations.  The  OT  reaches  no  greater 
height  than  the  portrayal  of  Israel  suffering  vicariously 
for  the  other  nations,  a  picture  of  such  deep  spiritual 
insight  that  Christians  have  rightly  felt  that  none  save 
Jesus,  who  concentrated  and  exhausted  in  His  own 
Person  Israel's  significance  for  the  world,  has  ade- 
quately met  its  demands.  The  immediate  message  of 
the  prophecy  is  that  Yahweh,  whose  faithfulness  is  as 
sure  as  His  power  and  compassion,  is  about  to  bring 
back  the  exiles  to  Jerusalem,  in  miraculous  fashion 
glorifying  His  people.  So  great  will  be  the  impression 
made  upon  the  nations  that  they  will  come  humbly 
to  join  themselves  to  the  worshippers  of  so  mighty  a 
God.     See  further  pp.  91f. 

(B)  LVI.-LXVI.— These  chapters  appear  to  be  later 
BtilL  The  Temple  seems  to  have  been  rebuilt,  though 
the  walls  of  the  city  have  not  been  restored.  Many 
Jews  are  in  exile  in  the  far  lands  ;  but,  though  thnir 
return  is  hoped  for,  the  prophet's  main  interest  centres 
in  the  Jerusalem  community  itself.  That  community 
seems  to  bo  sharply  divided  into  two  factions,  one  of 
460 


ISAIAH.  XL.  27 


461 


which  oontends  for  the  purii5ed  and  reformed  reUgioD, 
the  other  holding  by  the  old  Palestinian  ritual  practices, 
and  in  sympatliy  v/ith  the  Samaritans.  The  attitude 
to  the  nations  is  less  kindly  than  that  which  marks 
2  Is.  Ceremony  and  ritual  seem  to  be  put  on  the 
same  plane  as  the  more  vital  elements  of  religion  and 
morahty.  The  stylo,  while  in  some  parts  obviously 
imitating  that  of  2  Is.,  is  unablo  to  sustain  a  high  level. 
The  loose  way  in  which  much  of  the  matter  hangs 
together  suggests  indeed  that  the  prophecies  may  pro- 
ceed from  a  number  of  authors  rather  than  from  an 
individual.  The  period  most  suited  to  the  indications  in 
these  chapters  is  the  time  of  Ezra's  reforming  activity, 
shortly  before  Nehemiah's  advent,  say  450  B.C. 

Literature  (see  p.  437  for  literature  on  the  whole 
Book  of  Isaiah).— Budde  (in  Kautzsch),  Haller  (SAT)  ; 
Klostermann,  Deuteroje.<<aia  ;  Konig,  The  Exile's  Book 
of  Consolation  ;  Sellin,  Serubbabel ;  Sticdien  zur  Ensteh- 
ungsgeschichle  der  jiidischen  Gemeinde ;  Das  Rdtsel 
des  deuterojesaja7iischen  Buches ;  Grcssmann,  Ueber 
die  in  Jes.  c.  56-66  vorausgesetzten  zeitgeschichtlichen 
Verhdltnisse ;  Littmann,  tJber  die  Abfassungszeit  des 
Tritojtsaia  ;  Cramer,  Der  geschichtliche  Hintergrund  der 
Kapitel  56-66  i?n  Buche  Jesnia.  Special  hterature  on 
the  "  Servant  of  Yahweh  "  :  Giesebrecht,  Beitrage  zur 
Jesaiakritik,  pp.  146-185 ;  Der  Knecht  Jahves  des 
Deuterojesaia  ;  Buddo,  Die  sogennanien  Ebed-Jahwe- 
Lieder  (English  version  in  American  Journal  of 
Theology,  July,  1900)  ;  Roy,  Israel  und  die  Welt  in 
Jesaia  40-55  ;  Laue,  Die  Ebed-  Jahwe-  Lieder  ;  Schian, 
Die  Ebed-  Jahwe-Lieder  ;  Peake,  Problem  of  Suffering 
in  the  OT,  pp.  34-72,  180-193;  Kennett,  The  Ser- 
vant of  the  Lord;  Workman,  The  Servant  of  Jehovah  ; 
Staerk,  Die  Eberl-  Jahwe- Lieder  in  Jesaia  40ff. 

XL.  1-11.  Prologue  Announcing  the  End  of  the 
Exile. — If.  The  prophet  sees  in  the  triumphs  of  Cyrus 
the  coming  fall  of  Babylon's  empire,  and  a  revolution 
in  the  fortunes  of  the  exiles.  These  are  God's  voice 
bidding  the  prophet  and  aU  who  hear  it  encourage 
His  people.  Let  them  speak  tenderly  to  Jerusalem 
{i.e.  the  nation,  not  the  city).  Her  forced  service  is 
completed,  her  punishment  has  been  more  than 
adequate  to  her  offence. 

3-5.  Rapt  from  earth,  the  prophet  hears  a  heavenly 
being  in  Yahweh's  court  bidding  other  spiritual  beings 
prepare  in  the  wilderness  a  straight  path  for  Yahweh, 
who  shah  march  with  His  people  back  to  their  city. 
Let  all  hills  and  depressions  be  levelled. 

3.  Render,  "  Hark  I  One  is  calling.  Prepare  "  ;  so 
too  in  6. — 5.  A  gloss  added  after  9-1 1  had  been  cut 
off  from  4  by  the  insertion  of  6-8,  which  originally 
stood  after  n  (see  below). 

9-11.  Zion's  heralds  of  good  news  (render,  "  0  ye 
that  tell"),  those  who  have  received  the  commission 
of  I,  are  bidden  ascend  the  hills  to  watch  for  Yahweh's 
coming,  and  proclaim  it  as  they  see  Him  approach 
along  the  wondrous  way  through  the  do.  ert.  "  Look," 
cries  the  prophet,  "  He  comes  in  might ;  His  arm, 
long  inactive,  has  displayed  His  power.  Before  Him 
goes  the  booty  His  arm  has  won.  His  dehvered  people. 
Gently  He  cares  for  them  on  the  journey  as  a  shepherd 
for  his  sheep." 

11.  Read,  "  like  a  shepherd,  and  gather  them  with 
his  arm  ;  the  lambs  he  shall  carry  in  his  bosom  and 
the  ewes  shall  he  lead." 

6-8.  The  Message  which  the  Prophet  is  to  Deliver.— 
6-8  breaks  its  present  context  and  differs  metrically 
from  it.  It  forms  an  excellent  introduction  to,  and 
should  be  inserted  before,  12-31.  Another  heavenly 
voice  floats  to  the  prophet "s  ear,  bidding  him  proclaim. 
Ho  asks  (read,  "  I  said,"  mg.)  what  shall  be  his  pro- 


clamation, and  the  answer  comes,  "  Man  and  his  power 
are  but  transitory,  whereas  the  word,  the  proclaimed 
purpose,  of  God  endures  for  ever."  The  thought  is 
not  so  much  that  men  are  creatures  of  a  day  as  that 
the  great  kingdoms  are  doomed  when  Yahweh  inter- 
venes. 

6.  goodliness :  read,  "  glory  "  (LXX),  or  "  splen- 
dour." 

XL.  12-31.  An  Expansion  of  the  Text  Suggested  In 
&-8.— 12-17.  The  Majesty  of  God,  in  Whose  Eyes  the 
World  is  Insignificant. — God  is  the  Creator,  disposing 
of  earth  and  heaven  as  very  small  things.  No  adviser 
instructed  Him.  The  nations  in  His  sight  are  like 
the  drop  hanging  from  the  bucket,  or  the  dust  on  the 
scale,  too  small  to  count  in  the  bulk.  The  forests  of 
Lebanon  and  the  many  wild  beasts  that  range  them 
would  not  provide  fuel  and  victims  for  a  worthy 
sacrifice. 

14.  path  of  judgement :  rather, "  the  correct  way." — 
way  of  understanding:  "how  to  do  it." — 15.  isles: 
properly  "  coastlands,"  but  used  as  a  synonym  for 
"  (distant)  lands." 

17-20.  What  Material  Image  Can  Represent  so 
Mighty  a  God  ? — 4l6f.  should  be  inserted  to  fill  the 
obvious  gap  between  19  and  20.  In  their  present 
context  they  are  a  disturbing  element.  Addressing 
mankind  the  prophet  asks,  "  If  God  is  so  exalted, 
what  can  represent  Him  ?  A  molten  image  ?  Why 
the  founder  makes  a  core,  which  the  goldsmith  plates 
with  gold,  the  workmen  heartening  eaeh  other  as  they 
work !  A  wooden  idol  ?  Carved  from  a  tree  and 
propped  securely  lest  it  fall !  How  absurdly  inade- 
quate! " 

19.  graven  image :  the  original  sense  of  the  word ; 
here  simply  "  image  "  ;  a  molten  image  is  in  question. 
In  20  it  is  used  of  a  carven  image. — and  casteth  .  .  . 
chains :  LXX  omits  ;  delete  as  a  guess  at  unintelligible 
and  corrupt  Heb. — XLI.  6.  Render,  "  Each  helps  the 
other,  and  says  to  his  comrade,  Be  strong." — 7.  car- 
penter: render,  'artificer." — that  smiteth  the  anvil: 
what  has  the  blacksmith  to  do  here  ?  The  last  dehcate 
modelling  ? — fastened  it :  "  it  "  may  be  the  gold 
plating  :  the  next  clause  is  a  gloss  from  4O20. — XL.  20. 
He  .  .  .  oblation :  improbable  translation  of  unin- 
telligible text.  Possibly  emend,  "  He  who  cute  out 
an  imago  (of  wood)." 

XL.  21-26.  God's  Absolute  Power  over  the  Universe 
and  its  Inhabitants. — The  appeal  is  again  to  mankind. 
The  universe  from  the  beginning  has  shown  its  Maker's 
might.  Enthroned  high  above  the  diso-like  earth.  He 
spreads  the  heavens  over  it,  easily  as  if  they  were  but 
a  tent  (c/.  7ng.).  History  chows  that  no  earthly  power, 
however  august,  can  for  a  moment  survive  His  attack. 
Wliat  image  can  represent  such  an  one  ?  Even  the 
stars  (regarded  here  as  in  some  sense  personalities ; 
Gen.  2 1*,  Job  887*)  are  His  handiwork,  and  He 
summons  them  forth  each  night  to  take  their  ap- 
pointed stations  ;  so  great  is^  His  might  that  none  of 
them  dare  play  truant. 

24.  Their  reign  seems  to  end  before  it  has  begvm  (mg.). 
— 26.  Road,  "  For  fear  of  him  who  is  great  in  might 
and  strong  in  power  not  one  fails." 

XL.  27-31.  Yahweh,  the  Eternal  God.  shall  Strengthen 
All  who  Trust  In  Him. — Israel  complains  that  God  has 
forgotten  her  just  claims.  Does  she  not  see  that  God 
takes  long  views  beyond  her  absorption  in  the  moment? 
Let  her  not  fear  that  He  has  become  decrepit.  On 
the  contrary.  His  overflowing  strength  shall  fill  those 
who  trust  in  Him  so  that  they,  when  even  strong  men 
despair,  shall  rise  above  all  feebleness, 

27.  way:      reader,    "fate." — Judgement:     render 


462 


ISAIAH.  XL.  27 


"right." — passed  away  from:  i.e.,  is  forgoltcin  by. — 
31.  mount  .  .  .  eagles :  road,  "  Put  forth  wings  hke 
(tiioso  of)  eagles."  Tho  fnUowing  words  are  an  addition 
and  an  anticlimax. 

XLI.  1-5.  The  Conquering  Career  of  Cyrus  Claimed 
by  Yahweh  as  Evidence  of  His  Power. — 5  is  probably 
an  insertion  made  to  connect  4  with  6f.  after  6f. — for 
which  see  40 19 — had  been  wrongly  interiwlated  here. 
Yahweh  calls  the  nations  to  listen  while  He,  as  thoiigli 
they  might  be  in  a  court  of  justice,  puts  forward  His 
claim.  He  it  is  who  has  raised  up  Cyrus,  and  caused 
nations  to  bow  before  him :  He  who  ordains  the 
whole  course  of  history. 

1.  renew  .  .  .  strength:  accidental  repetition  from 
4O31,  i-eplacing  some  such  phrase  as  "  await  my  argu- 
ment."— 2.  whom  .  .  .  foot:  render,  "  whom  victory 
("  righteousness "  often  bears  this  sense)  attends 
wherever  he  goes." — Read  at  the  end,  "  His  sword 
makes  them  hke  dust,  his  bow  like  driven  chaff." — 
3.  So  swift  his  march  that  he  seems  not  to  touch  the 
road  with  his  feet. 

XLI.  8-10.  But  Israel,  who  in  the  person  of  Abraham 
was  summoned  from  Mesopotamia,  is  also  a  chosen 
instrument  of  Yahweh,  and  has  nothing  to  fear  amid 
these  commotions. 

10.  right  .  .  .  righteousness:  render,  "My  vindi- 
cating right  hand." 

XLI.  11-16.  All  the  Enemies  of  Israel  shall  Perish.— 
This  section  is  eschatological,  and  probably  later, 
perhaps  much  later,  than  its  context.  All  Israel's  foes 
shall  perish.  Yahweh's  people  shall  destroy  tlicir 
enemies  as  a  threshing-sledge  so  powerful  that  it  tears 
in  pieces  the  threshing-floor  itself,  and  even  the  hill 
upon  which  —  to  catch  the  breezes  —  the  floor  is 
situated. 

14.  ye  men  of:  read,  "  thou  worm,"  thus  restoring 
the  same  pair  of  synonyms  as  in  14ii  and  Job  256. — 
redeemer:  go' el,  Ru.  220*. 

XLI.  17-20.  Yahweh  wiU  Provide  Miraculous  Water 
and  Shade  In  the  Desert  for  the  Returning  Exiles.— This 
continues  10.  It  perhaps  combines  metaphor  with  a 
more  literal  meaning,  and  it  must  be  confessed  that 
the  reference  to  the  return  through  the  desert  is  not 
obvious.  The  vindicating  hand  of  Yahweh  will  so 
wonderfully  meet  the  needs  of  His  people  on  their 
homeward  way  that  the  nations — probably  the  subject 
in  20 — will  recognise  in  the  miracle  the  power  of 
Israel's  God. 

19.  The  kinds  of  tree  named  are  not  certainly 
identified  (rf.  mg.). 

XLI.  21-29.  Yahweh's  Challenge  to  the  Gods  of  the 
Nations. — The  nations  arc  bidden  to  produce  their 
case  and  bring  forward  their  champions— their  idols 
(bo  emend  "strong  reasons").  Let  the  idols  show 
that  in  days  gone  by  they  have  foreseen  the  ante- 
cedents of  present  developments,  or  explain  the  events 
now  happening  and  about  to  happen.  They  remain 
dumb,  and  Yahweh  taunts  them  with  their  impotence. 
He  has  raised  up  Cyrus  ;  who  among  them  had  fore- 
seen the  event  ?  Not  one  ;  how  patent,  then,  their 
nothingness ! 

22.  latter  end:  issue.— things  for  to  come:  the 
immediate  development  from  the  present  situation. — 
23.  be  dismayed:  rather  (cf.  mg.},  "  oj)en  our  eyes  in 
wonder." — 25.  come  upon:  read,  "  trample  upon." — 
26.  He  Is  righteous:  render,  "  Right !  "—Is  .  .  .  de- 
clareth :  render,  "  was  .  .  .  declared,"  so  in  the  two 
following  clauses. — 27-29.  Read,  perhaps,  "  At  the 
beginning  I  announced  it  to  Zion,  and  to  Jerusalem  I 
gave  a  herald  of  good  news.  But  among  these  gods 
there  was  none,  among  them  no  oounsollor  was  found. 


Lo  !  all  of  them  are  tiothing,  none  of  them  utters  a 
word.     Their  works,"  eto. 

Xm.  1-4.  The  Mission  of  Yahweh's  Servant  (the  first 
of  the  four  so-called  "Servant  Songs";  see  Introd.). 
— Yahweh  bids  the  nations  consider  His  Servant  Israel, 
whom  He  sustains  and  loves.  He  has  equipped  him 
like  the  prophets  with  His  spirit,  so  that  he  may 
pubUsh  the  true  reUgion  to  the  nations.  The  frenzy, 
however,  which  often  accompanied  the  utterance  of 
prophecy  in  the  public  ways  shall  not  characterise 
him  ;  he  shall  be  gentle,  not  crushing  the  damaged 
reed,  or  quenching  the  feebly-burning  wick.  Faith- 
fully shall  he  publish  the  true  religion.  He  shall  not 
be  crushed  or  grow  feeble  until  he  shall  have  estab- 
lished the  true  religion  universally,  and  all  lands  look 
to  him  for  direction. 

1.  judgement  here  and  in  3!  means  the  whole  col- 
lection of  Yahweh's  ordinances  and  decisions  possessed 
by  Israel,  i.e.,  in  effect,  "  the  true  rehgion." — 2.  lift 
up:  i.e.  "his  voice."— 4.  fall,  discouraged:  render 
as  mg.  Probably  "  till  "  is  to  be  supplied  in  thought 
before  the  Isles. 

XLII.  5-7.  An  Exposition  of  the  Theme  of  1-4.— 
Yahweh  the  Creator,  has  called  Israel,  taken  him  by 
the  hand,  made  him  a  covenant  and  light  to  the  nations, 
to  bring  them  forth  from  their  prison-house  of  gUm- 
mering  darkness. 

5.  God,  the  Lord:  read,  "  Yahweh,  the  (true)  God." 
— Insert  "  brought  forth  "  before  that  which.— 6.  In 
righteousness:  i.e.  truly,  of  set  purpf)se.— will  hold 
.  .  .  will  keep  .  .  .  and  give :  read,  "  have  held  .  .  . 
have  formed  .  .  .  and  have  given." — covenant  of  the 
people:  an  obscure  expr&ssion,  best  interpreted  as  a 
parallel  to  the  following  clause,  "  a  people  embodying 
a  covenant  which  Yahweh  \vill  make  with  the  nations." 

XLII.  8f.  The  fulfilment  of  His  earlier  predictions, 
the  "  former  things,"  differentiates  Yahweh  from  the 
gods  of  the  nations,  and  guarantees  the  fulfilment  of 
the  prophecies  now  made. 

XLII.  10-13.  The  Whole  Earth  is  Summoned  to 
Praise  Yahweh,  for  He  Is  "about  to  Take  the  Field 
against  His  Foes. — Nations  from  one  end  of  the  earth 
to  the  other,  the  sea,  the  far  lands,  the  deserts,  and 
all  dwellers  thenMn,  must  swell  this  psean.  Y^ahweh 
will  utter  a  war-crj',  and  go  forth  on  a  triumphant 
expedition  against  His  foes. 

10.  ye  .  .  .  sea:  read,  "let  the  sea  roar." — 11. 
Kedar :  the  wandering  tent-dwellers. — Sela :  the  rocky 
fastnesses. — 13.  jealousy:    warlike  rage. 

XLII.  14-17.  Yahweh  has  long  Restrained  Himself: 
at  last  He  will  Crush  His  Foes  and  Help  His  Servants. 
— Long  inactive,  Yahweh  is  now  filled  with  desire  to 
intervene.  He  will  ravage  and  lay  waste  tiie  lands 
of  His  foes  :  but  His  people  He  will  bring  carefully 
and  tenderly  homo,  thus  overwhelming  the  idolaters 
with  shame. 

15.  Islands:  read,  "parched  ground." — 16.  Read, 
'■  on  the  way,"  and  omit  the  next  four  words. — 
forsake:   "  leave  undone." 

XLU.  18-25.  Israel's  Piteous  Plight,  a  Punishment 
from  Yahweh. — The  prophet  bids  the  people,  who  have 
not  recognised  Yahweh's  working  in  their  distresses, 
look  beneath  the  surface.  To  all  appearance  they  are 
captives  whom  none  can  deliver.  Will  none  of  them 
see  that  Yahweh  Himself  is  the  author  of  their  mis- 
fortune ?  Ho  has  chastised  them,  though  they  have 
not  understood  the  discipUne. 

19.  A  gloss,  identifying  the  "  blind  "  and  "  deaf  " 
of  18;  a  second  gloss  (196)  has  been  added.  Both 
take  Yahweh's  Servant  to  be  Israel. — at  peace  with 
me:    difficult;    perhaps  read,  "my  devoted  one." — 


ISAIAH.  XLIV.  15 


463 


21.  Probably  editorial. — 22.  Figurative  reference  to 
the  restraints  of  captivity. — 23.  this:  i.e.  the  truths 
of  24f. — for  .  .  .  come:  however  bhnd  hitherto, — 
24.  All  after  robbers  is  a  pious  insertion.  Read,  "  they 
sinned  "  (LXX). — 25.  Continues  question  of  24. 
Render,  "  Who  poured  .  ,  ,  ?  " 

XLIII.  1-7.  Having  Chastised,  Yahweh  will  Redeem 
His  People. — Since  Yahweh  has  sent  Israel  into  exile. 
He  can  bring  her  back.  Ho  bitls  her  be  of  good 
courage.  His  people  shall  not  be  overwhelmed  by  the 
calamities  Ho  brings  upon  them.  He  will  ransom 
them,  compensating  the  conqueror  with  Egypt, 
Ethiopia,  and  Sheba.  The  sons  of  Israel  shall  be 
gathered  from  their  dispersion. 

16.  The  verbs  are  futures. — 2.  Read,  "  and  rivers 
shall  not." — 3.  Seba:  not  certainly  identified;  pre- 
sumably an  African  state  bordering  on  Ethiopia. — 
4.  men:    read  "  lands."- — 5a.  An  uisertion, 

XLUI.  8-13.  Israel  CaUed  by  Yahweh  as  His  Witness 
before  the  Nations. — The  scene  is  again  a  court  of 
justice.  The  nations,  Yahweh's  opponents,  are  already 
assembled  (read  "  are  "  for  "  let  be  ").  Yahweh  com- 
mands His  people  to  be  summoned  as  witnesses  for 
Him.  Blind  as  Israel  may  have  been  to  the  deeper 
significance  of  Yahweh's  actions,  yet  even  she  has 
eyes  to  see  the  facts  of  history.  What  god  can  fore- 
cast and  announce  the  future  as  Yahweh  has  done  ? 
Ijct  them  produce  any  witnesses  who  can  attest  the 
claim.  Israel  wiU  attest  Yahweh's  claims  and  con- 
vince the  heathen  of  His  uniqueness.  He  alone  who 
foretold  the  event  can  accomplish  it.  No  strange  god 
did  tliis.     His  control  of  history  is  absolute. 

9.  former  things:  possibly  read,  "beforehand." — 
or:  translate,  "  and  "  ;  "  witnesses  "  is  the  subject  of 
' '  hear,  and  say." — 10.  servant :  read  plural. — ye  may : 
read,  "  they  may." — 12.  and  I  am  God:  add,  "  from 
of  old." — 13.  since:  read  mg.,  and  connect  with  what 
precedes. — let :   render  as  mg. 

XLIII.  14-21.  Yahweh  wiU  Work  for  His  People  a 
Deliverance  more  Wonderful  than  the  Exodus. — 14  is 
too  cormpt  to  be  translated  with  confidence.  RV 
understands  it  to  refer  to  a  fliglit  by  water  of  the 
Babylonians  from  their  fallen  city.  Yahweh  recalls 
His  people's  passage  through  the  Red  Sea,  when 
He  overwhelmed  the  Egyptians.  So  much  more 
wondeiiul  will  be  His  new  achievement  that  it  will  be 
quoted  instead  of  the  Exodus  as  the  supreme  evidence 
of  His  redeeming  power.  He  will  make  a  road  for 
the  exiles  through  the  wilderness,  and  cause  rivers  to 
spring  forth  in  the  arid  desert ;  the  wild  creatures  of 
the  wilderness  shall  praise  Him  in  gratitude. 

15.  Omit  am. — 16.  Something  has  been  lost  after 
Lord. — 17.  Translate,  "  Army  and  warriors  together. 
They  he  down  and  cannot  rise." — 19.  Translate,  "  I 
am  doing  ...  it  is  springing  ...  do  ye  not  perceive 
it  ?  " — 206,  21.  A  late  gloss  ;  notice  the  change  from 
the  2nd  to  the  3rd  person. 

XLUI.  22-XLIV.  5.  Yahweh's  Intervention,  not  Pur- 
chased by  His  People  but  Entirely  of  His  Grace,  shall 
Bring  New  Life  to  Israel. — It  is  not  that  during  the 
exile  Israel  has  assiduously  sought  Yahweh's  aid  by 
prayer  and  sacrifice.  Nor  has  He  exacted  gifts  and 
incense.  So  far  from  requiring  tliem  to  buy  sweet- 
soented  cane  to  make  fragrant  their  clioice  sacrifices. 
He  has  been  compelled  to  do  service  for  them,  in  saving 
them  from  the  consequences  of  their  sins.  (Of  His 
grace  He  will  pardon  their  sins.  What  plea  can  they 
advance  ?)  Their  ancestor,  Jacob,  and  the  prophets, 
the  very  men  who  should  have  mediated  between 
Yahweh  and  Israel,  sinned  against  Him  ;  the  princes 
profaned  His  sanctuary.     So  He  had  given  His  people 


to  the  ban.  Yet  He  bids  His  chosen  people,  addressuig 
them  by  the  pet  name  Jeshurun — the  u^jright  one — 
fear  not.  Upon  thorn  Ho  will  pour  out  His  quickening 
Ufe-spirit  hke  rain  on  the  tliirsty  ground.  Their 
vigour  shall  be  renewed,  and  they  shall  flourish  hko 
grass  that  grows  amid  waters  (LXX)  or  willows  on  the 
banks  of  streams.  Unto  them,  to  share  their  pros- 
peritj^  shall  come  men  from  the  nations,  giving  their 
adherence  to  Yahweh,  and  marking  on  their  hands  the 
inscription,  "  Yahweh's  "  (c/.  mg.),  as  a  sign  that  they 
have  become  naturalised  Israelites. 

226.  Read,  "  nor  hast  thou  wearied  thyself  over  me, 
0  Israel." — 25f.  Probably  a  gloss.  The  oonnexioa 
would  be  improved  by  its  removal. — plead:  as  in  a 
law-court. — 28a.  Read  (c/.  LXX),  "  Thy  princes  pro- 
faned my  holy  sanctuary "  ;  a  succeeding  parallel 
clause  may  have  been  lost. — wiU  make:  read  m^g. — 
curse:  devoted  to  destruction  (p.  99). — XLIV.  2. 
Jeshurun:  Dt.  32i5*,  335,26,  c/.  Nu.  23io*.— 3a 
Metaphorical ;  read  mg. 

XLIV.  6-8,21-23.  The  Incomparableness  of  Yahweh, 
Who  Redeems  Israel. — Yahweh  of  (the  heavenly)  Hosts 
(Gen.  2i*,  1  S.  I3*)  asserts  His  uniqueness,  challeng- 
ing any  who  claim  to  have  foretold  the  future  aright  to 
make  their  pretensions  good.  His  people  need  not  fear : 
long  ago,  as  they  can  testify.  He  foretold  what  is  now 
coming  to  pass.  Let  them  remember  the  incom- 
parableness of  their  Master.  He  blots  out  their  sins 
as  the  sun  disperses  the  morning  clouds.  The  prophet 
adds  a  short  lyric,  calling  upon  aU  the  universe  to 
praise  Yahweh,  who  so  gloriously  redeems  His  people. 

7.  Read,  "  Who  is  hke  me  ?  Let  him  stand  forth 
(LXX),  and  cry  out,  and  declare  and  set  it  (his  case) 
forth  before  me.  'Who  foretold  long  ago  what  is  now 
coming  to  pass  ?  Let  them  declare  to  us  (c/.  VSS) 
what  is  yet  to  come  !  " — 86.  Read,  "  Is  there  a  God  or 
a  Rock  beside  me  ?  " — 21.  Read,  "  Thou  wilt  not  re- 
nounce me  "  (c/.  mg.). 

XLIV.  9-20.  The  FoDy  of  Idol-Worship.— This  late 
insertion  breaks  the  connexion  between  8  and  21,  and 
differs  from  its  context  in  style  and  spirit.  Makers  of 
images  are  as  nothing ;  their  beloved  idols  ("  delect- 
able things  ")  bring  them  no  gain.  The  devotees  are 
so  bhnd  that  they  must  inevitably  be  brought  to 
shame.  He  who  fasluons  a  god  has  merely  cast  a 
useless  image.  All  its  devotees  and  magicians  shall  be 
put  to  shame  (11).  The  metal-worker,  fashioning  hia 
image  over  the  hot  fire,  grows  faint.  The  maker  of  a 
wooden  idol  marks  out  his  block  with  line  and  pencil 
and  carves  it  into  human  shape  for  a  domestic  god. 
He  chooses  a  tree,  which  God  has  planted  and  nourished 
by  His  rain.  With  part  of  it  he  warms  himself  and 
cooks  his  food  ;  the  rest  he  makes  into  a  god  before 
whom  he  prostrates  himself,  seeking  help  from  it  1 
What  absurdity  !  yet  they  are  too  blind  to  see  it. 
Such  men,  getting  satisfaction  from  (not  "  feedeth  on  " 
as  RV)  wood  that  bums  to  ashes,  are  too  perverted 
to  save  themselves  by  reflecting  that  their  support 
is  a  delusion. 

9.  their  witnesses:  cf.  439.— that  they  may  t«: 
the  inevitable  result  of  conduct  is  often  represented  aa 
its  deliberate  aim. — 10.  An  assertion  rather  than  a 
question  :  "  He  who  has  fashioned  a  god,  has  but 
molten  .  .  ." — 11.  Obscure:  read  perhaps,  "All  its 
devotees  (cf.  mg.)  shaU  be  ashamed,  and  its  magicians 
confounded:  let  thetn,"  etc. — 12.  an  axe:  omit  as  a 
gloss  ;  Heb.  is  impossible. — 14.  Heb.  corrupt;  no  satis- 
factory emendation  is  proposed.  LXX  has  merely, 
"  He  outteth  wood  out  of  the  forest  whicli  the  Lord 
planted  and  the  rain  made  it  grow." — 15.  Connect  the 
first  clause  with  14  :  "  doth  nourish  it  for  kindling." 


464 


ISAIAH,  XLIV.  15 


— taketh  thereof:  read  "  kindles  fire  therefrom  "  (LXX). 
— 16.  with  part  thereof:  read,  as  in  19,  "upon  tlio 
coiils  tliercuf"  (LXX  Syr.)  Read  (c/.  LXX),  "he 
roiusteth  tio-sh,  ho  catoth  roa-st.'" — 18.  Read,  "  their 
eyes  are  smeared  over  "  (cj.  mg.). 

XUV.  24-XLV.  8.  Yahwehs  Commission  to  Cyrus. 
— Yahweh  reminds  Israel  of  His  power  as  sole  Creator 
of  the  universe.  What  He  created  He  still  controls, 
so  that  Ho  falsifies  the  predictions  deduced  by  the 
sooth-^ayers  from  tlie  omens,  and  makes  the  diviners 
look  foolish,  while  He  fulfils  the  predictions  of  His 
servants  (read  plural),  the  prophets.  Ho  it  is  who 
has  decreed  the  restoration  of  Jerusalem,  the  Temple, 
and  the  cities  of  Judah.  The  hindrances  are  compared 
to  a  flood,  which  He  will  dry  up  (Ex.  14).  He  it  is 
who  calls  Cynis  the  shepherd  of  His  people.  To  Cjtus, 
whom  He  has  anointed  for  this  commission,  whom  Ho 
supports  in  his  career  of  victory,  dehvcring  to  him  all 
fortified  cities.  He  has  promised"  that  Ho  will  go  before 
him,  smoothing  difticulties  from  his  path.  Brazen 
gate*  and  the  iron  bai-s  that  strengthen  them  He  will 
shatter.  He  will  give  him  the  treasures  hoarded  in 
secret  chambers,  Babylon's  spoils  of  conquest.  Yet 
not  for  his  own  sake,  but  for  Israel's,  has  Yahweh 
calletl  him,  though  he  knew  Him  not,  and  given  him 
a  title  of  honour.  He,  the  only  God,  will  gird  Cyrus 
with  strength,  but  kings  who  oppose  him  He  will 
disarm,  that  all  men  may  know  He  is  Yahweh,  sole 
controller  of  the  fates  of  mankind.  Let  the  heavens 
flood  the  earth  with  righteousness  :  from  the  womb  of 
the  earth  lot  deUverance  and  prosperity  spring  forth, 
and  let  the  earth  produce  the  triumph  of  His  people. 

24.  is;  rather  "  was,"  i.e.  at  the  creation. — 25. 
liars:  render,  "soothsayers." — 28.  Oriental  rulers 
often  styled  themselves  "  shepherd  ''  of  the  nation. — 
XLV.  1.  loose  the  loins  of:  i.e..  ungird,  and  conse- 
quently disarm. — 7.  peace:  render,  "prosperity." — 
create:  delete  as  repetition  from  preceding  clause. — 
[If  a  dualistic  doctrine  is  tacitly  attacked  here,  whoso 
doctrine  was  it  ?  J.  H.  Moulton  (  Early  Zoroastriani.-^m. 
p.  220)  says  it  was  "that  of  teachei-s  essentially  akin 
to  the  Magi."  He  adds:  "The  existence  of  such  a 
dualistic  tendency  within  the  field  from  which  ho  drew 
his  observations  does  not  prove  any  nexus  between  the 
Magi  and  Babylon,  unless  in  their  accepting  Babylonian 
ideas  as  thej^  accepted  Persian.  But  the  dualism  in 
question  may  rjuito  well  have  been  Magian  and  not 
Babylonian  at  all." — evil:  calamity,  not  moral  evil. — 
A.  8.  P.]. — 8.  Drop  down:  transitive,  having  same 
object  as  "  pour  down.  ' — righteousness  - :  "victory.". 
— together:   render,  "also." 

XLV.  9-13.  Yahweh  Justifies  His  Choice  of  Cyrus.— 

Whoever  questions  the  wisdom  of  Yahweh's  working 
through  Cyrus,  He  likens  to  clay  that  would  instruct 
the  potter.  "  Would  ye,"  He  asks,  "  question  Me  a.s 
t<j  the  things  that  are  in  process,  or  command  Me  as 
tf)  the  work  1  have  in  hand  ?  Let  it  suffice  that  I 
who  created  the  earth  and  mankind,  who  made  the 
heavens  and  control  the  stars,  have  raised  up  Cyrus, 
and  will  prosper  his  doings  to  the  end  that  he  may 
rebuild  Jerusalem  and  free  My  exiled  people.' 

9.  thy  work,  He:  read,  "  his  work.  Thou  hast. '— 
hands:  i.e.  iwwer. — 10.  A  gloai. — II.  Read,  "  Do  ye 
ask  ?  Would  ye  cf>mmand  ?  "—126.  Of.  40:;6.— 13. 
not  .  .  .  hosts:   proliably  an  addition;   oontra-st  4.^3. 

XLV.  14-17.  Heathen  Peoples  See  In  the  Deliverance 
of  Israel  the  Might  of  Israel's  God.— The  passage  is 
obscure,  but  pfissibly  represents  captives  wluim  Cyrus 
has  taken  from  the  nations  delivered  up  to  him  in 
exchange  for  Israel  as  pa-ssing  the  returning  exiles, 
and    entreating,    through    Israel,    Israel's    God  ;     for 


plainly  the  contrast  of  their  fates  shows  that  it  is  with 
Israel  alone  that  God  abides.  (Read,  "  With  thee 
God  hides  Himself;  Israel's  God  is  a  deliverer."  )  All 
idol-worshippers  and  enemies  of  Yahweh  are  brought 
to  ruin,  whereas  Israel  shall  never  be  confounded. 

14.  Corrupt;  read  perhaps,  "The  captives  of 
Egypt,  the  exiles  of  Cush,  and  the  tall  Sabseans,  shall 
pa.ss  before  thee."  LXX  reads,  "  there  is  no  God 
except  thee." — 16.  Render,  "  are  ashamed,"  "  are 
gone." — all  of  them,  together:  consecutive  in  Heb.  ; 
read,  "  all  that  rose  up  against  him  "  (LXX). — 17.  shall 
be  saved  :    render,  "  is  delivered." 

XLV.  18-25.  Yahweh  will  Deliver  AU  who  Look  to 
Him. — Yahweh  created  the  earth  to  be,  not  desolate, 
but  a  dwelling-place  for  man.  Nor  has  He  ooncealed 
Himself  in  some  remote  mysterious  shrine,  like  the 
oracles  of  some  heathen  deities.  He  has  declared  the 
truth  when  He  has  been  inquired  of.  Even  now  the 
end  of  the  conquests  of  Cyrus  is  not  that  the  earth, 
apart  from  the  land  of  Israel,  shall  become  a  desolation 
instead  of  a  dwelling-place.  The  survivors  are  bidden 
approach.  They  have  proved  the  impotence  of  their 
portable  gods.  But  Yahweh  long  ago  predicted  these 
events  ;  the  issue  has  demonstrated  His  control  of 
Iiistory,  With  surprising  grace  He  invites  all  men 
to  turn  to  Him  for  dehverance.  Yea,  He  has  pro- 
claimed, and  His  word  cannot  but  fulfil  itself,  that 
everj-  man  shall  swear  allegiance  to  Him.  He  is  the 
only  source  of  victory  and  strength.  His  opponents 
shall  be  discomfited,  but  Israel  shall  boast  of  her 
triumph  through  Him. 

19.  a  place  of:  delete. — in  vain:  read  vig. — 21. 
bring  forth:  i.e.  perhaps,  "  your  witnesses." — 23.  The 
word,  once  uttered,  becomes  almost  a  personality, 
certainly  a  force,  which  will  not  return  until  it  haa 
fulfilled  itself  (cf.  55 11).  Read  the  first  mg.  rendering, 
substituting  "truth"  for  "righteousness."  —  24. 
unto  me:  read,  '  to  Jacob." — righteousness:  victory. 
— even  .  .  .  ashamed:  read,  "for  his  sake  shall  be 
confounded  and  a-shamed  all  they  that  were  incensed 
against  him." 

XLVI.  1-13.  The  Helpless  Plight  of  Babylon's  Gods 
Contrasted  with  the  Saving  Might  of  Yahweh.— If.  In 
vision  the  prophet  sees  the  images  of  Babylon's  gods 
(two  of  the  most  promuient  are  named),  taken  from 
their  proud  pedestals  and  placed  upon  the  victor's 
beasts.  So  far  from  delivering  others,  or  even  their 
own  images,  Bel  and  Nabu  are  carried  away  captive. 
The  general  drift  is  clear,  but  dctaiLs  are  uncertain 
owing  to  corruption  of  the  text. — 1.  and  upon  the 
cattle:  delete  as  gloss  on  "  beasts." — the  things  that 
ye  carried  about:  the  images  carried  in  festive  pro- 
cessions, but  perhaps  afti»r  beasts  we  should  read 
simply,  "  laid  as  a  load  upon  the  weary  cattle." 

3-13.  Yahweh  addresses  all  the  survivors  of  Israel, 
wherever  they  may  dwell ;  He  compares  His  people 
to  an  infant ';  He  has  carried  them  from  birth,  and 
will  carry  them  to  the  end.  How  then  can  He  be 
likened  to  any  image,  which  is  a  burden,  not  a  bearer  ? 
(6-8  is  late,  probably  of  the  same  origin  as  449-20. 
It  pours  scom  on  the  men  who  weigh  out  precious 
metal  to  be  made  into  an  image  which  they  worjhip, 
though  they  have  to  bear  it  to  its  pedestal,  from  which 
it  cannot  move  to  the  help  of  its  devotees.  The  apos- 
tate Jews  are  bidden  reflect  on  their  idolatry.)  Let 
His  people  remember  His  former  predictions,  since 
fulfilled,  proving  His  power  to  carry  out  His  wilL 
He  is  calling  Cyrus  to  perform  His  plan,  rapid  in  execu- 
tion, like  a  swift-swooping  bird  of  prev.  The  down- 
hearted (LXX)  who  are  despairing  01  salvation  are 
promised  that  Yahweh  shall  bring  it  without  delay. 


ISAIAH.  XLIX.  7-12 


465 


4.  made:  read,  "borne." — 8.  shew  yourselves  men : 

read,  "  own  your  guilt." — 11.  counsel :  "  purpose." 
— 12f.  righteousness :   "  deliverance." 

XLVII.  1-15.  A  Taunt-Song  of  Triumph  on  the 
Fall  of  Babylon. — 1-7.  Babylon,  erroneously  personi- 
fied as  a  virgin,  as  if  never  before  captured,  is  bidden 
descend  from  the  effeminate  ease  of  her  throne  to  the 
menial  task  of  grinding  the  hand-mill.  The  garments 
of  a  secluded  princess  she  must  lay  aside,  to  wade 
through  the  fords.  For  Yahweh's  vengeance  is  in- 
exorable, and  she  who  queened  it  over  the  kingdoms  of 
the  earth  must  go  into  the  darkness  of  captivity. 
When  Yahweh,  angry  with  His  people,  suffered  His 
land  to  be  profaned  by  the  invader,  and  His  people 
to  be  taken  captive  to  Babylon,  she  treated  them  with 
cruelty,  thinking  ever  to  maintain  her  proud  position, 
unaware  that  this  was  Yahweh's  doing  and  that  He 
would  control  its  issue. 

8-15.  But  though  she  lives  in  voluptuous  ease  and, 
serenely  insolent,  boasts  her  unrivalled  position,  she 
shall  be  bereaved  of  husband — the  figure  changes  to 
that  of  a  favourite  wife  in  the  harem — and  children  in 
one  moment,  nor  shall  the  magic  in  which  the  Baby- 
lonians were  pre-eminent  and  arrogantly  confident 
ward  off  the  danger.  Calamity  shall  come  which  all 
these  resources  will  be  powerless  to  avert.  Let  her 
try  these  impotent  magical  arts  !  Let  the  astrologers 
and  compilers  of  the  monthly  calendars  of  lucky  and 
unlucky  days  help  her  now  !  They  shall  be  as  stubble 
hcked  up  by  the  flame  of  disaster.  Unable  to  save 
themselves,  how  can  they  dehver  her  ?  They  stumble 
to  destruction  and  she  is  left  to  her  fate. 

3f.  and  will  .  •  .  redeemer:  read,  "and  will  not 
refrain  saith  our  redeemer." — 7.  Render,  "  I  shall  live 
for  ever,  a  queen  to  eternity.  Thou  didst  not,"  etc. — 
8.  carelessly:  care-free. — 9.  in  their  full  measure: 
LXX  and  Syr.  "suddenly." — 11.  Read  mg. — 12. 
Stand  now:  render,  "persist,  pray." — strike  terror 
{mg.) :  i.e.  into  the  demon  who  causes  the  calamity. — 
13.  from  .  .  .  thee :  cormect  with  '  prognosticators," 
and  render,  "  prognosticators  of  the  quarters  whence 
(evil)  shall  come  upon  thee." — 156.  Render,  "  Such 
have  they  proved  to  thee  for  whom  thou  didst  toil 
from  thy  youth  "  (omitting"  thcythat  have  trafficked"). 

XLVill.  1-11.  A  Recapitulation  of  the  Argument 
from  Prophecy. — To  the  original  text  a  redactor  has 
added  a  commentary  (bracketed  below)  from  a 
different  standpoint.  ^\Tiereas  the  prophet  regarded 
Israel  as  having  more  than  paid  the  penalty  of  her 
sins,  the  additions  represent  her  as  obstinately  and 
inveterately  sinful,  and  long  addicted  to  the  worship 
of  images. 

"  Hearken,"  says  Yahweh  to  His  i>eople  [proud  of 
their  nationality  and  attached  to  His  cultus].  "  Long 
ago  I  predicted  what  later  I  suddenly  accomplished. 
[Knowing  thine  inveterate  obstinacy,  4]  I  announced 
beforehand  my  intentions  [lest  thou  shouldst  attribute 
the  events  to  thine  idols,  56].  Thou  hast  heard  .  .  . 
wilt  thou  not  admit  it  ?  Now  I  announce  things 
hitherto  unrevealed  [lest  thou  shouldst  say,  "  I  knew 
them,"  7c]  unheard  and  unknown  by  thee'  [because  I 
knew  that  thou  hast  ever  been  a  traitor.  For  My  own 
sake  I  am  not  destroying  thee.  I  have  refined  thee  in 
a  furnace,  but  no  silver  did  I  gain,  86-10].  For  My 
name's  sake  I  do  it  [how  it  is  profaned  !J  and  share  My 
glory  with  none  other." 

If.  All  after  "  Jacob  "  is  from  the  redactor  :  note 
the  change  from  2nd  to  3rd  person. — waters:  read 
"  loins."-— ^.  Render,   '' I   am   showing"   (c/.   mg.). — 

8.  Read,  "  thine  ear  have  I  not  opened  "  (LXX). — 

9.  Yahweh  will  not  extirpate  His  people  because  then 


His  cultus  would  come  to  an  end. — Read,  "  and  for 
my  praise  do  I  spare  thee." — 10.  Render,  "  but  not 
with  gain  of  silver." — Read  perhaps,  "  I  have  tried 
(mg.)  thee  in  the  furnace  in  vain." — 11a.  Read  simply, 
"  For  my  name's  sake  will  I  do  it." 

XLVIII.  12-16.  The  "  New  Things  "  which  Yahweh 
Shows. — Yahweh  emphasizes  His  incomparable  and 
eternal  majesty  as  Creator.  'Wlien  He  had  fashioned 
the  earth  and  the  heavens  at  His  word  they  took  their 
places.  Let  Israel  assemble  and  answer  His  question, 
"  What  heathen  god  has  foretold  that  which  is  now 
taking  place  ?  \\Tio  has  brought  Cjtus  forth  to  do 
His  will  on  Babylon  ?  "  It  is  He  who  has  called  him 
and  prospered  his  way.  He  is  not  speaking  in  secret 
but  from  the  time  when  the  event  comes  into  being  He 
announces  (its  end  ?). 

15.  he  shall  make:  read,  "  I  have  made  "  (LXX). — 
16.  The  last  clause,  suddenly  introducing  the  speaker, 
as  2  Is.  never  does,  is  a  gloss. — spirit:  prophetic 
spirit ;   object  to  "  sent." 

XLVm.  17-19.  Had  Israel  but  Obeyed  Yahweh!— 
This  is  a  later  passage,  looking  forward  to  a  grey  future 
far  other  than  the  glowing  picture  painted  by  2  Is. 
Yahweh  saith,  "  I  am  thy  God,  0  Israel,  and  would 
fain  lead  thee  in  paths  of  prosperity.  Hadst  thou 
but  followed  My  leading  thou  wouldst  have  enjoyed 
perpetual  peace,  hke  a  perennial  stream  ;  a  prosperity 
beyond  measure  and  a  posterity  beyond  counting. 
Nor  would  thy  name  have  been  cut  off." 

18.  righteousness:  the  prosperity  which  righteous- 
ness brings. — 19.  his :    read  "  thy  "  (LXX). 

XLVIII.  20-22.  The  Joyous  Song  of  the  Returning 
Exiles. — The  exiles  on  their  return  exhort  one  another 
to  pubhsh  the  salvation  which  Yahweh  has  brought, 
how,  repeating  the  wondei-s  of  the  Exodus,  He  miracu- 
lously provides  them  with  water  as  they  pass  through 
the  desert  to  Jerusalem. 

20.  from:  out  of  the  midst  of,  not  fearmg  the 
Chaldeans,  but  escaping  so  as  not  to  be  involved  in 
their  ruin. — 22.  An  insertion  from  572 1. 

XLIX.  1-6.  The  Preparation  of  Yahweh's  Servant, 
and  its  Purpose  (the  second  Servant  Song). — The 
Servant  of  Yahweh  speaks,  bidding  the  far  lands 
hearken  ;  for  them  he  has  a  glorious  message,  which 
is,  however,  not  uttered  at  once  but  forms  the  chmax 
of  the  song  (6).  "  Yahweh  has  from  my  earhest  days 
ordained  and  nominated  me  to  be  Hi3  Servant.  My 
mouth  He  has  made  hke  a  keen  blade,  for  I  am  to 
speak  for  Him  a  piercing  word.  Like  an  arrow  saved 
in  the  quiver  for  a  special  quarry  He  has  made  me 
ready  against  the  time.  But  when  He  told  me  that 
He  would  use  me  to  His  glory  I  answered,  '  With  no 
result  have  I  exhausted  my  strength  :  yet  my  right 
and  reward  are  in  Yahweh's  keeping.'  But  now  the 
moment  has  come.  Yahweh  purposes  to  bring  His 
exiles  home,  and  I  am  glorified  in  His  sight,  and  He 
is  become  my  strength.  Nor  will  this  task  suffice  Him  : 
He  will  make  me  a  light  for  the  nations  to  achieve  a 
world-wide  deliverance." 

4.  Judgement:  render  "right,"  i.e.  what  is  due  to 
me.— -5.  This  very  difficult  and  certainly  corrupt  verso 
has  been  variously  construed  and  emended.  Read 
perhaps,  "  And  now  Yahweh  that  formed  .  .  .  servant, 
promiscth  to  bring  .Jacob  again  to  him  and  to  gather 
Israel."  It  is  Yahweh,  not  the  Servant,  who  brings 
back  Jacob. — 6.  that  thou  shouldest  be  my  servant: 
delete  as  an  incorrect  gloss. — salvation :  i.e.  dehver- 
ance  ;  read  mg. 

XLIX.  7-12.  The  Glorious  Homo-Coming  of  the 
Exiles. — To  Israel,  defipised  and  oppressed,  Yahweh 
promises  a  reversal  of  fortune  so  wonderful  that  kings 


466 


ISAIAH,  XLIX.  7-12 


in  astonishment  shall  do  homage  to  Israel,  recognising 
him  a.s  Yahweh's  chosen.  When  the  time  is  ripe 
Yahwch  responds  to  his  appeal.  He  will  preserve  him 
and  restore  him  to  the  deserted  homeland,  bidding  tlie 
exiles  and  prisonors  cnnio  forth.  He,  their  shepherd, 
will  feed  them  on  their  way  through  the  barren  country. 
Nor  shall  tlio  sirocco  or  the  sun's  heat  strike  them,  for 
He  will  lead  them  from  the  most  distant  dispersion  by 
tree-shaded  streams,  along  a  road  miraculously  made 
over  mountain  and  plain. — 7.  Read,  "  whom  nations 
abhor." — rulers:  in  bad  sense,  "  tyrants." — worship: 
render,  "do  homage." — 8.  acceptable  time:  a  time 
of  favour.  The  perfects  are  perfects  of  certainty,  "  I 
will  answer,"  "  I  will  iielp."- — Render,  "  raising  up," 
"  making  "  ;  the  subject  is  Yahweh. — 10.  heat :  i.e. 
the  hot  wind  (LXX).  Mg.  is  wrong  ;  a  mirage  cannot 
"smite"  (3r)7*). — Sinim :  possibly  Syenc  in  the  S.  of 
Egypt,  where  tliere  was  certainly  a  settlement  of  Jews 
in  the  fifth  century  b.c. 

XLIX.  13.  A  Short  Lyric  Appended  to  the  Foregoing. 

XLIX.  14-21.  Jerusalem  shall  be  Forthwith  Rebuilt 
and  Repeopled. — Zion  has  believed  hcivelf  forgotten  of 
Yahweh.  But  though  a  mother  should  forget  her 
babe  He  will  not  forget  Zion.  His  plan  for  rebuilding 
it  He  has  cut  upon  the  palms  of  His  hands  that  it  may 
bo  ever  before  Him.  Zion's  builders  {mg.)  shall 
speedily  get  to  work,  while  her  destroyers  shall  haste 
out  of  the  city.  From  all  sides  the  dispersed  people 
return  ;  they  shall  be  to  the  newly-built  city  as  orna- 
ments to  a  new-made  wife.  Though  all  the  waste 
places  be  made  habitable  (?)  still  the  people  shall  more 
than  fill  them.  Oppressors  shall  be  far  away.  Those 
bom  while  the  city  lay  desolate  are  so  many  as  on 
their  return  to  strive  in  Zion's  hearing  for  room. 
And  Zion  shall  ask  herself  in  bewilderment,  "  Who 
hath  borne  and  reared  me  these  when  I  was  childless  ?  " 
(c/.  Gen.  I62). 

18.  CJ.  Jer.  232. — 19.  There  is  a  considerable  gap 
in  the  text  after  destroyed. — 21.  Read  mg. — an  exile 
and  wandering  to  and  fro :  omit  with  LXX  this  clause, 
which  spoils  the  picture.  In  the  last  clause  read, 
"  And  these,  whence  are  they  ?  " 

XLIX.  22-L.  3.  The  Promises  to  Zion  Elaborated 
and  Confirmed.— At  a  sign  from  Yahweh  the  nations 
shall  with  solicitous  care  bring  back  the  exiles  to  Zion. 
Kings  and  queens  shall  tend  them  and  do  them  abject 
homage  (is  it  too  abject  for  the  prophet  to  have  penned 
23  or  26  ?).  So  shall  His  people's  trust  in  their  God 
be  justified.  But  from  such  mighty  ones  can  the 
captives  be  freed  ?  Yes  :  for  Yahweh  will  fight  His 
people's  battle,  and  cause  their  oppressors  to  slay  one 
another  ;  all  men  shall  know  that  He  is  the  deliverer. 
He  has  not  finally  divorced  Israel — that  would  have 
required  a  bill  of  divorcement.  Nor  has  debt  compelled 
Him  to  sell  His  children  into  slavery  ;  He  has  banished 
them  as  a  punishment,  and  so  Ho  can  bring  them 
back.  Why  so  reluctant  to  respond  ?  Do  they  doubt 
His  power,  the  power  of  Him  who  can  dry  up  the  sea 
and  veil  the  heavens  in  darkness  ? 

22.  bosom:  the  fold  of  the  garment. — 24.  Read 
Vulg,  and  Syr.  [mg.). — L.  2.  Apparently  an  appeal  to 
a  well-known  tradition  of  Yahweh's  exploits  at  the 
creation,  l^ead  perhaps,  "  Their  fish  dry  up  (LXX), 
because  there  is  no  water,  and  their  monsters  on  the 
parched  land." 

L.  4-9.  The  Confidence  of  the  Servant  In  Yahweh 

(the  third  Servant  Song). — Here,  as  in  49i-6,  the 
Servant  is  the  speaker.  "  Yahweh  ha«  given  me  the 
eloquence  of  a  disciple  that  I  may  know  how  to  answer 
the  godless  with  upright  words.  Every  morning  Ho 
impart^s  instruotion  to  mo  as  to  a  disciple,  nor  have 


insult  and  cruelty  caused  me  to  shrink  from  the  tasks 
He  baa  set  me.  Through  His  help  I  have  not  been 
overwhelmed  ;  upon  me,  confident  that  I  shall  not 
finally  bo  put  Ui  shame,  these  cruelties  have  made  no 
more  impression  than  though  I  had  been  flint.  My 
vindication  is  near.  Let  any  accuser  come  forvvard 
and  we  wdl  submit  our  caRo  to  Him.  He  will  help 
me — who  will  pronounce  me  wrong  ?  My  adversaries 
shall  perish  like  a  moth-eaten  garment." 

4.  The  text  is  certainly  corrupt.  For  sustain,  a 
guess  at  an  othei-wise  unknown  word,  read  "  answer," 
and  for  with  words  him  that  Is  weary :  he  wakeneth : 
a  not  difficult  emendation  gives  "  the  godless  with 
upright  words." — 7.  Will:  render,  "doth." — 8.  justl- 
fieth:  i.e.  pronounces  in  the  right,  opposed  to — 9. 
condemn  :    i.e.  pronounce  in  the  wrong. 

L.  lOL  A  Late  Appendix. — The  song  (4-9)  is  apphed 
to  the  conditions  of  a  later  time  when  the  pious  Jews 
were  oppressed  by  their  fellow-countrymen. 

Let  the  pious  Jew  hear  (LXX)  the  Servant's  voice, 
and  despite  his  pitiful  plight  trust  in  Yahweh.  Those 
who  kindle  the  fiames  of  persecution  and  strife  shall 
become  the  victims  of  their  own  fire,  and  by  His 
doom  shall  he  in  a  place  of  pain  (Gehenna  may  he 
meant). 

10a.  is  not  a  question. — 11.  gird  .  .  .  with:  emend, 
"  set  aflame," 

LI.  1-8.  A  Heartening  Consolation. — Yahweh,  in 
words  that  echo  5O4-9,  bids  His  people,  who  seek  the 
victory  which  ever  eludes  them,  consider  their  origin. 
Abraham  was  but  one  ;  yet  He  made  him  a  great 
people :  how  much  more  from  a  people,  though  their 
numbers  be  decreased,  can  He  make  a  mighty  nation. 
He  win  comfort  Zion — the  perfects  of  3  are  "  perfects 
of  certainty " — her  ruins  shall  be  rebuilt  and  her 
waste  places  made  fruitfid  as  Eden.  Instruction  in 
the  true  religion  shall  go  forth  from  Him  as  a  hght 
for  the  nations.  His  vindicating  victoiy  is  near  at 
hand  ;  His  power  shall  judge  the  nations.  Though 
heaven  and  earth  pass  away,  and  men  perish  like  gnats 
{mg.).  His  victory  shall  bo  eternal.  Let  not  His 
people,  who  know  His  vindicating  power  and  imder- 
stand  His  instruction,  fear  the  taunts  of  men.  Their 
oppressors  shall  vanish  hke  moth-eaten  garments,  but 
His  victory  shall  endure  for  ever. 

1.  Read,  "  and  to  the  quarry  whence  ye  were 
digged." — 46-5a.  Read,  "  for  a  law  shall  go  forth  from 
me,  and  my  judgement  for  a  hght  of  the  peoples. 
Suddenly  I  bring  near  my  victory,"  etc. — 6.  Trans- 
late, "  and  the  earth  as  a  garment ;  the  world  shall 
fall  to  pieces  and  they,"  etc. — be  abolished:  read 
"fail"  (LXX,  Vulg.). 

LI.  9-11.  An  Appeal  to  Yahweh  to  Display  His 
Might  as  of  Old. — Let  Yahweh's  strong  arm  manifest 
its  power  as  it  did  in  slaying  the  dragon  Rahab,  the 
personification  of  the  mighty  deep  regarded  as  the 
power  of  Chaos  (Job  9 13*).  This  thought  naturally 
suggests  another  work  of  "Yahweh's  arm,  the  drying 
up  of  the  Red  Sea,  the  more  easily  that  Rahab  was 
an  emblem  for  Egypt  (r/.  307*).— 10.  great  deep :  this 
expression  makes  it  clear  that  the  reference  to  the 
Exodus  begins  only  with  the  following  words. — 11.  A 
scribe's  quotation  from  35 10. 

LI.  12-16.  Israel,  Trusting  in  Yahweh,  Need  Have 
no  Fear. — "  Since  it  is  I,  Yahweh,  who  am  comforting 
thee,  how  canst  thou  fear  mortal  man,  and  how  forget 
that  Yahweh  is  the  omnipotent  (h-eator,  so  that  thou 
art  ever  in  fear  of  the  (Chaldean)  oppressor  ?  The 
crouching  (prisoner  ?)  shall  soon  be  freed  :  ho  shall 
not  perish.  I  am  Yahweh.  controller  of  the  ocean. 
My  spokesman  have  I  made  thee,  and  jealously  liave  I 


ISAIAH,  LIII.  10-12 


467 


guarded  thee  that  I  may  stretch  out  (S3rr.)  the  (new  ?) 
heavens  and  establish  the  (new  T)  earth,  oaUing  Zion 
My  people."  (??). 

12.  who  art  thou,  that :  Heb.  idiom  for  "  how 
canst  thou  ?  " 

LI.  17-LII.  12.  The  Sorrow  of  Jerusalem,  which 
shall  Give  Place  to  Joy. — 17-20.  The  prophet,  obviously 
familiar  with  the  vision  of  Jer.  25i5,  pictures  Jeru- 
salem as  staggering  under  the  stupefaction  caused  by 
the  draught  which  Yahweh  in  His  anger  has  compelled 
her  to  drink.  Two  pairs  of  evils  (expressed  in  Heb. 
by  word-plays)  have  befallen  her,  and  who  is  there  to 
comfort  her  (read  "  who  shall  "  for  "  how  shall  I  " 
with  VSS).  Under  the  fury  of  Yahweh  her  sons  are 
hke  an  antelope  exhausted  by  its  vain  struggles  in  the 
net. — 18.  Apparently  a  quotation  added  by  a  scribe. 

U.  21-23.  But  Jerusalem  shall  no  more  drink  of 
the  stupefying  draught ;  the  oppressor  who,  hke  an 
eastern  conqueror  striding  over  the  prostrate  bodies 
of  his  captive  foes,  has  arrogantly  afflicted  her  shall  be 
compelled  to  drink  it  instead. — 23.  thy  SOUl :  render, 
"  thee  "  ;   "  soul  "  in  Heb.  often  means  "  self." 

LII.  If.  With  evidently  designed  contrast  to  47, 
where  Babylon  is  bidden  sit  in  the  dust  and  remove  her 
fair  apparel,  Zion  is  exhorted  to  awake  and  put  on 
garments  of  beauty.  She  shall  no  longer  be  the  slave 
of  the  uncircumcised  (Chaldsean) :  let  her  rise  from 
the  dust  and  free  herself  from  her  bonds. 

2.  sit  thee  down:  i.e.  on  a  throne  (c/.  47i).  But 
read,  "  arise,  0  captive  Jerusalem."  The  continua- 
tion of  2  has  disappeared  and  been  replaced  by  523-6. 

m.  3-6,  which  breaks  the  exhortation  to  Zion,  re- 
sumed in  7,  is  marked  by  a  view  of  Israel's  history 
different  from  that  of  2  Is.,  contains  late  phrases,  and 
is,  unlike  its  context,  in  prose  ;  it  is  therefore  a  late 
addition.  Yahweh  assures  His  people  that  they  were 
dehvered  to  their  oppressors  for  no  fault,  and  not  for 
money  shall  they  be  ransomed.  To  Egypt  they  went 
originaUy  as  guests  (Gen.  409-20)  ;  nor  had  Assyria 
just  cause  for  oppressing  them.  "  Now,  what  do  I 
find  here — My  people  unjustly  taken  away,  My  Temple 
overthrown.  My  name  constantlj'-  spumed  !  In  the 
day  of  reckoning  My  people  shall  know  the  meaning 
of  that  name,  and  that  it  is  I  who  am  now  speaking 
to  them." 

3.  sold :  in  the  sense  of  Jg.  11 14. — 5.  they  .  .  .  howl : 
difficult  in  form  and  meaning,  not  supported  by  LXX. 
Of  several  emendations  "  my  temple  is  cast  down  "  is 
accepted  above. — 6.  behold  It  Is  I :  these  words  belong 
to  the  beginning  of  7,  but  read  simply  "  behold." 

LII.  7-9.  Behold,  he  who  brings  glad  news  of  de- 
liverance is  speeding  over  the  mountains.  All  the 
watchers  from  the  city  shout  for  joy  because,  so  near 
that  they  can  look  in  His  face  ("  eye  to  eye  "),  they 
behold  Yahweh  approaching  to  reign  in  Zion.  Let 
the  ruined  city  break  forth  into  exultant  song  ! 

7.  Read,  "  Behold,  haatening  upon  the  mountains." 
— reigneth:  i.e.  is  about  to  assume  his  position  aa 
king. — 8.  Read  simply,  "  All  thy  watchmen  hft  up," 
otc. — shall  see  .  .  .  when:  render,  "see  .  .  .  how" 
[mg.). — 9.  waste  places:  ruins. 

LII.  10-12.  Yahweh  has  thrown  back  the  chnging 
garment  that  might  hamper  His  arm,  and  all  the 
world  shall  see  the  deliverance  He  will  work.  .  .  .  Let 
the  exiles  depart  from  Babylon,  the  people  and  the 
priests,  who  bear  the  sacred  vessels,  alike  having  made 
themselves  ceremonially  pure.  Nor  shall  their  de- 
parture be  a  hurried  flight  like  the  Exodus  from  Egypt, 
for  Yahweh  will  be  lx)th  vanguard  and  rearguard. 

UI.  13-Lm.  12.  The  Vindication  of  the  Servant  of 
Yahweh  (the  fourth  of  the  Songs  of  the  Servant  of 


Yahweh). — LU.  13-15.  Yahweh  announces  that  His 
Servant  Israel  shall  be  raised  to  a  position  so  glorious 
that,  even  as  many  were  appalled  at  his  pitiable  phght, 
so  nations  shall  do  him  homage  and  kings  be  reverently 
silent  in  his  presence,  beholding  so  wonderful,  so 
unheard-of  a  transformation. 

13.  shall  deal  wisely:  translate  "prosper"  (mg.), 
but  probably  the  easy  emendation  "  Israel  "  is  to  be 
accepted. — 14.  thee:  read  "him,"  with  Targum  and 
Syr.  A  parallel  line  such  as  "  and  princes  shuddered 
at  him  "  seems  to  have  been  lost. — The  words  in 
brackets  are  introduced  in  Heb.  by  "  so."  The  picture 
seems  to  be  that  of  a  leper  so  disfigured  as  hardly  to 
seem  human  {mg.).  Possibly  they  should  foUow  532. 
If  retained  here,  read  "  for  his  visage  was  marred." — 
15.  sprinkle:  an  impossible  translation,  nor  is  mg, 
well  based.  Read  "  shall  do  homage,"  with  nations 
as  subject. — shut  their  mouths :  c/.  Job  299f. 

Lin.  1-3.  At  this  point  the  nations  begin  to  speak, 
their  words  continuing  apparently  as  far  as  no. 
First  they  utter  their  thoughts  concerning  the  change 
in  Israel's  fortunes.  "  Who,'  they  ask,  "  could  have 
beheved  what  we  have  heard  {ing.)  ?  To  whom  was 
the  working  of  Yahweh  revealed  ?  Why,  Israel  afore- 
time (so  emend  "  before  him  ")  grew  up  like  a  shoot 
from  the  roots  of  a  tree  that  has  been  cut  down,  or  a 
feeble  plant  in  an  arid  soil  Far  from  possessing 
beauty  such  as  fascinates,  he  was  despised,  pain- 
stricken,  and  diseased,  so  that  men  turned  from  him 
in  revulsion,  and  we  paid  him  no  regard." 

2.  nor  comeliness:  delete  as  a  gloss,  and  render 
following  words  aa  mg. — 3.  rejected  of  men:  a  fine 
thought,  but  the  Heb.  is  very  dubious  ;  possibly 
emend,  "  hghtly  esteemed." — sorrows  .  .  .  grief: 
render,  "  pains  .  .  .  sickness,"  and  so  in  4. 

Lin.  4-6.  "  But  now  we  recognise  that  it  was  out 
sicknesses  and  pains  which  he  waa  bearing  when  we 
thought  him  stricken  with  leprosy  by  God  as  the 
punishment  of  his  sins.  Not  his  sins  but  ours  were 
the  cause  of  his  suffering  :  he  suffered  chastisement 
in  order  to  bring  us  prosperity  and  healing.  We,  not 
knowing  Yahweh  the  shepherd,  wandered  aa  sheep 
having  no  shepherd  :  but  upon  him  Yahweh  made  to 
hght  the  sin  of  us  all." 

4.  stricken :  this  term  is  used  especially  of  a  leper. — 
5.  bruised:  render,  "crushed." — of  our  peace:  i.e. 
which  was  to  bring  us  peace = prosperity. 

LIII.  7-9.  "  Though  he  was  oppressed  he  made  no 
protest,  but  suffered  with  the  meekness  of  a  sheep  led 
to  slaughter  or  shearing.  Debarred  from  (so  emend 
"  by  oppression  and  ")  justice  he  was  taken  off  (i.e.  by 
death)  and  who  considered  his  fate  (so  emending 
simply  "  and  as  for  his  generation  who  among  them 
considered  "  ),  cut  off  from  life  and  stricken  to  death 
(LXX)  for  our  (reading  "  our  transgressions  "  by  an 
easy  emendation  for  "  the  transgressions  of  my  people  ") 
rebellions  !  Hia  grave  was  made  with  the  wicked,  and 
with  evil-doers  (so  emend  "  rich  ")  his  tomb,  despite 
his  Ufe  of  innocence."  The  last  words  are  probably  a 
metaphorical  way  of  saying  that  Israel  had  lost  its 
national  existence  in  exile. 

7.  yet  he  humbled  himself :  possibly  the  text,  which 
is  awkward,  originally  read,  "  but  he  made  no  answer 
for  himself  "  (wlo  for  v^hu),  and  the  words  and  opened 
not  his  mouth,  the  repetition  of  which  is  suspicious,  are 
a  correct  gloss. — 9.  in  his  death:  literally  as  mg. 
This  seems  almost  absurd ;  the  text  by  a  slight 
alteration  might  perhaps  be  translated  "  his  burial- 
mound  "  ;  in  any  case  some  such  parallel  is  needed 
here. 

Lin.  10-12.  The  text  of  these  verses  is  so  corrupt 


468 


ISAIAH,  LIII.   10-12 


that  any  translation  is  hazardous.  This  is  apparent 
even  in  the  EngUsh,  in  which  Yahweh  is,  according  to 
the  usual  inttTpretation  third  ("  the  Lord  "),  second 
("  thou  "),  and  first  ("  I  ")  person. 

But  though  men  regarded  him  with  soom,  Yahweh 
took  pleasure  in  His  Servant,  and  delivered  his  soul 
(="him,"  in  Hcb.  idiom)  from  trouble.  He  caused 
him  to  see  Ught  and  be  satisfied,  in  his  descendants 
brought  him  justice.  (The  foregoing  is  an  attempt, 
removing  doublets,  ememling,  and  using  hints  from 
LXX,  to  give  approximately  what  is  now  rendered 
by  lof.  down  to  "  justify,"  except  the  words  "  my 
righteous  servant  "  which  in  Hcb.  follow  "  justify." 
From  this  point  it  would  seem  that  the  nations  cease 
to  speak  and  Yahweh  pronounces  His  verdict  upon 
His  Servant.)  "  An  object  of  scorn  (so  emending 
"  righteous  ")  my  servant  maj-  be  to  the  many,  though 
he  is  bearing  their  iniquities  ;  therefore  he  shall  inherit 
(so  LXX  for  ■'  I  will  divide  him  a  portion  ")  with  the 
great,  and  with  earth's  rulers  shall  he  share  dominion 
(this  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  "  dividing  the  spoil 
with  the  strong")  since  he  poured  out  his  life-blood, 
and  was  numbered  with  the  rebellious,  when  all  the 
while  he  was  bearing  the  sins  of  the  many,  interposing 
for  the  rcbclliouM." 

LIV.  Zlon  shall  be  Restored  to  her  Place  as  Yahwehs 
Wife,  Never  again  to  be  Rejected.— The  poet  pictures 
Zion  as  a  barren  wife,  left  desolate  by  her  husband. 
Let  her  break  into  transports  of  joy,  for  Yahweh 
promises  that  her  cliildren  shall  yet  be  more  than  the 
children  of  a  wife  not  deserted — so  many  that  her 
tent  must  be  enlarged.  He  bids  her  "  stretch  forth 
her  tent-hangings  "  (so  LXX),  without  stint  lengthen- 
ing the  cords  and  strengthening  the  tent-pegs  to  sup- 
port the  larger  tent.  For  Zion's  inhabitants  shall 
overllow  south  and  north,  overrunning  other  nations 
and  peopling  the  deserted  cities.  Let  Zion  not  blush 
for  shame  ;  the  shame  of  her  early  days  as  Yahweh's 
bride — the  Egyptian  captivity — and  her  widowhood — 
the  exile,  when  her  husband,  Yahweh,  forsook  her — 
shall  be  forgotten.  For  Yahweh  has  called  her  to 
Him,  as  a  husband  summons  to  his  favour  a  wife 
neglected  and  dejected — the  Heb.  "  forsaken  and 
grieved  "  is  an  assonance.  A  wife  of  youth — that  she 
should  be  utterly  rejected  !  it  carmot  be  (such  seems 
to  be  the  meaning)  saith  thy  God.  The  underlying 
idea  is  that  of  a  wife  in  a  harem,  neglected  for  other 
wives,  to  whom,  as  his  first  bride,  the  husband  in- 
evitably returns.  The  time  of  exile  shall  seem  but  a 
moment  when  Zion  looks  back  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  («ilcs  gatliered  in  their  mother  city.  In  anger 
(delete  "  overllowing  ")  Ho  has  turned  from  her,  but 
with  everlasting  kindness  He  will  compassionate  her. 
His  promise  is  hke  that  He  made  in  the  days  (mg.) 
of  Noah,  that  never  again  should  a  deluge  come,  more 
steadfast  than  the  "  everlasting  hilK" 

3.  Heb.  uses  right  and  left  where  we  use  "  south  " 
and  "  north." — 5.  Probably  a  gloss. 

LIV.  11-17.  The  Glories  ot  the  New  Jerusalem.— 
Yahweh  pictures  for  the  disconsolate  Zion  the  beauties 
of  the  rebuilt  city.  He  will  set  lier  liafies  (so  read  for 
"  stones  ")  in  malachite  (so  emending  "  fair  colours  "), 
her  foundations  in  sapphires.  Her  pinnacles  shah  bo 
rubies,  her  gates  carbuncles,  her  cncirchng  wall  of 
precious  stones.  All  the  builders  of  the  state  (Yaliwch 
Himself  rebuilds  the  city)  shall  be  instructed  by 
Yahweh  ;  her  prosperity  and  welfare  shall  be  great 
and  permanent.  She  shall  be  far  from  being  oppressed, 
fiir  there  shall  bo  nought  for  her  to  fear  (15  is  a  gloss 
onpablo  of  many  translations  ;  the  general  idea  is  that 
Zion's  enemies  shall  be  oonquerod),  beoause  Yahweh 


hath  made  equally  the  smith  who  as  a  matter  of 
craftsmanship  (so  render  "  for  his  work  ')  forges 
weaiKjns,  and  the  destroying  tyrant  who  uses  them 
on  his  ravaging  expeditions,  and  having  created  them 
to  serve  His  purposes  can  control  them.  No  weapon 
can  be  forged  that  shall  hurt  Zion  :  her  enemy  in  the 
court  of  justice  she  shall  prove  to  be  in  the  wrong 
(17^  is  a  gloss.     Readme/.). 

LV.  1-5.  The  Glorious  Blessings  of  the  New  Cove- 
nant which  Yahweh  will  Make  with  His  People.— 
Yahweh  bids  the  thirsty  come  to  the  waters,  the 
hungry  to  eat.  Their  life  ia  now  a  constant  striving 
issuing  only  in  disillusion  ;  but  Ustening  to  His  call 
they  shall,  without  effort  or  cost,  enjoy  the  utmost 
blessuig  (fat  or  oil  was  considered  a  great  deUcacy). 
He  will  grant  (as  a  condescension,  not  "  make  "  as  on 
equal  terms)  His  people  a  covenant,  transferring  to 
them  the  sure  promises  of  loving-kindness  which  He 
made  to  David.  Even  as  once  by  crowning  his 
career  with  success  He  made  David  an  evidence  to 
the  nations  of  His  power  and  their  suzerain,  Yahweh 
will  now  prosper  Zion  so  that  nations  as  yet  unknown 
shall  obey  her  call,  seek  union  with  her,  beholding  the 
wonderful  blessings  wherewith  Yahweh  honours  her. 

LV.  6-13.  Seek  Yahweh,  for  the  Great  Deliverance 
is  at  Hand.^Lct  the  exiles  seek  Yahweh,  for  the  time 
is  at  hand.  His  plans  for  His  people  reach  beyond 
their  own  as  far  as  the  heavens  are  exalted  above  the 
earth.  Even  as  the  rain  and  snow  descend  and  do 
not  return,  but  make  the  earth  fruitful,  so  Yahweh's 
promise,  that  has  gone  forth  from  His  Ups,  shall  be 
accomplished  without  fail.  (An  utterance  was  looked 
upon  by  the  Hebrews  almost  as  a  personal  power 
fulfilling  itself.)  He  will  lead  forth  the  rejoicing  exiles, 
mountains  and  trees  shall  rejoice  aloud  as  the  happy 
procession  passes.  The  thorn-bush  and  the  brier  (?) 
or  nettle  (?)  shall  give  place  to  the  fir  and  the  myrtle, 
an  everlasting  memorial  of  Yahweh's  gracious  de- 
liverance. 

LVL  1-8.  A  Gracious  Promise  to  Proselytes  and 
Eunuchs. — We  find  ourselves  conscious  in  this  oracle 
of  a  change  of  atmosphere  and  setting.  The  Temple 
is  built,  and  the  centre  of  an  elaborate  ritual.  Re- 
fraining from  evil  and  sabbath-keeping  are  equally 
yoked.     Wc  pass  now  to  the  oracles  of  "  Trito-Isaiah." 

An  exhortation  to  hold  fast  the  ordinances  of  rehgion 
("  judgeuK^nt "),  based  upon  the  imminence  of  Yahweh's 
vindicating  mtervention  ("  my  righteousness "),  ia 
followed  by  a  beatitude  upon  the  man  who  obeys  it. 
Let  not  the  foreigner  fear  exclusion  from  the  chosen 
people  ("  separate  "  is  a  technical  term  meaning  "  to 
excommunicate  '"),  nor  the  eunuch,  because  ho  can 
have  no  posterity,  refrain  from  joining  them.  For 
the  eunuch  who  follows  Yahweh's  precepts  (note  again 
the  emphasis  on  sabbath-keeping)  a  monument  shall 
be  erected  in  the  Temple-precincts,  indestructible  and 
thus  better  than  (mg.)  posterity.  Proselytes  of  what- 
ever nation  who  keep  His  laws  shall  bo  admitted  to 
the  Temple  courts  ("  my  holy  mountain  ").  share  the 
joyous  feasts,  and  have  tlicir  offerings  accepted.  The 
Jerusalem  community  shall  bo  increased  not  only  by 
the  return  of  the  dispersed  Jews  but  also  by  proselytes. 

4.  of:  j'.e.  "in  reference  to." — 6.  minister:  not  in 
the  technical  sense  of  exercising  priestly  functions. 

LVL  9-LVn.  2.  A  Denunciation  of  the  Rulers  of 
the  Community.— This  oracle  seems  not  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  preceding,  though  it  arises  out  of  the 
same  circumstances. 

Yahweh  bids  the  beasts  of  prey  (cf.  Jer.  I29),  hostile 
nations,  ravage  the  flock,  sinco  the  watchdogs  are  not 
alert,  but  crouched  in  the  slumber  of  gluttons.    Vividly 


ISAIAH,  LIX.  9-1 5a 


469 


then  one  of  the  rulers  is  introduced,  inviting  his  fellows 
to  a  drunken  orgy  (c/.  Am.  66),  and  gloating  over  a 
like  prospect  for  the  morrow.  But,  while  the  rulers  gorge 
and  swill,  the  man  who  keeps  the  law  and  is  godly 
(mg.)  perishes  through  these  evils  (mg.),  unnoticed  :  his 
only  rest  is  that  of  the  funeral  bier  ("  beds  "). 

10.  his:   read,  "  my." 

LVII.  3-13.  An  Invective  against  the  Pro-Samari- 
tans.— Yahwch  turns  now  bitterly  to  upbraid  the 
"  pro-Samaritan  "  party  in  the  community,  among 
whom  flourished  many  of  the  primitive  Palestinian 
rehgious  practices.  To  defame  his  mother  was  to  an 
Eastern  the  most  offensive  of  insults  ;  but  the  terms 
used  are  figurative  (idolatry  being  often  in  OT  de- 
scribed as  adultery).  How  can  this  false  brood  deride 
the  pious!  (5  is  probably  an  illustrative  quotation). 
The  adulteress  has  chosen  for  her  portion  the  "  smooth  " 
(perhaps  "  shppery  ones,"  i.e.  false  gods)  in  place  of 
Yahweh.  On  the  high  places  she  has  set  her  bed, 
i.e.  practised  heathen  rites,  which  were  in  fact  notori- 
ously sensual.  The  "  memorial  "  is  probably  a  phallio 
symbol ;  "  incited  by  it  "  (so  read  for  "  to  another 
than  me  ")  she  strips  and  prepares  her  bed  and  hires 
for  herself  such  as  she  loves  mtercourse  with  (shghtly 
emending  "  made  thee  a  covenant  ").  For  "  where 
thou  sawest  it  "  translate  probably,  "  thou  sawest  the 
phallus."  If  so,  some  clause  has  fallen  out.  She 
"  anoints  herself  for  the  King,"  i.e.  Melek  (  =  Moloch) 
the  Palestinian  god,  and  perfumes  herself.  Not  content 
with  Palestinian  deities  she  sends  representatives  to 
the  shrines  of  distant  gods,  even  to  the  deities  of  Sheol. 
She  refuses,  despite  her  weariness,  to  acknowledge 
failure.  Whom  has  she  feared  ?  For  she  has  entirely 
ignored  her  duty  to  Yahweh.  She  has  misinterpreted 
His  inaction.  But  he  will  expose  her  "  righteous- 
ness (!)  "  and  her  works.  When  she  cries,  her  abomina- 
tions the  idols  (c/.  7ng. )  will  not  rescue  her.  They  shall 
fly  hke  chaff  in  the  wind.  But  he  who  adheres  to 
Yahweh  shall  possess  the  land. 

LVII.  14-21.  A  Gracious  Promise  to  the  Party  of  the 
Pious. — This  oracle  is  modelled  on  40,  though  the 
"  way "  is  figurative.  Yahweh  commands  that  the 
way  of  His  adherents  be  raised  and  freed  from 
obstacles.  He,  the  High  and  Lofty  (cf.  61),  who, 
unlike  the  perishing  idols,  sits  upon  a  throne  of  eternity, 
dwells  also  with  the  (pohticaUy)  crushed  and  lowly, 
whose  fortunes  He  will  revive.  He  will  not  be  angry 
for  ever,  lest  all  creation  should  perish.  Because  of 
Israel's  iniquity  He  smote  him,  and  hid  Himself  from 
him,  so  that  he  turned  aside  to  his  own  ways,  which 
ways  Yahweh,  Himself  unseen,  has  watched.  ("  I 
have  seen  his  ways"  should  be  joined  to  17.)  He 
will  heal  and  give  rest  to  and  console  him.  For  his 
mourners  He  creates  the  fruit  of  the  hps,  i.e.  thanks- 
giving, and  for  the  Jew  at  home  or  m  exile,  far  off  or 
near,  He  will  create  peace,  i.e.  prosperity.  But  the 
wicked,  hke  the  uptossed  sea,  shall  have  no  peace. 

15.  In  the  high  and  lofty  place :  render,  "  on  high  as 
the  lofty  one." — 16.  spirit,  SOUl:  mean  no  more  than 
"  living  creature." — 19.  Peace :  object  to  "  create." 
The  sentence  is  not  an  exclamation. 

LVm.  1-14.  Fasting,  False  and  True.  — Yahweh 
bids  the  prophet  explain  to  His  people  wherein  their 
Bin  hes.  Daily  they  attend  the  Temple,  seeking  to 
know  His  will  for  all  the  world  a.s  though  their  one  aim 
were  to  do  it !  They  question  the  priests  as  to  correct 
ritual — "  righteous  ordinances  " — and  deUght  in  daily 
worship.  "  Why,"  they  ask,  "  when  we  fast  does 
Yahweh  take  no  notice  of  our  pleas  ?  "  Because  on 
their  fast-days  they  pursue  their  business — so  render 
rather  than    '  pleasure  " — and  exact  their  debta  (so 


emend  {cf.  LXX)  the  dubious  word  rendered 
"  labours  ").  Thus  their  fast-days  are  marked  by 
strife  and  oppression.  Such  fasting  will  not  speed 
their  prayers  on  high  !  Yahweh  desires  as  a  fast  not 
self-mortification,  gestures  of  woe,  symbols  of  humilia- 
tion :  but  the  loosing  of  unjust  bonds,  and  the  freeing 
of  the  crushed  ;  the  feeding  of  the  hungrj'  {cf.  Neh.  617) 
and  the  housing  of  the  homeless  ;  the  clothing  of  the 
naked,  and  brotherly  association  with  their  poor 
fellow-countrymen — "  their  own  flesh."  Thus  would 
come  prosperity  and  healing.  Their  righ1>doing  would 
be  as  their  vanguard  and  Yahweh  Himself  their  rear- 
guard. He  would  answer  their  petitions  without 
delay.  Let  them  put  away  oppression,  contemptuous 
action,  and  wicked  speech  ;  let  them  give  their  bread 
(so  some  MSS  and  VSS  for  "'  soul  ")  to  the  hungry  : 
and  their  deep  gloom  shall  be  exchanged  for  noonday 
hght.  Yahweh  will  be  their  guide,  giving  them  water 
in  arid  regions,  renewing  their  strength  (so  emend  the 
dubious  Heb.  "  make  strong  thy  bones  ").  They  shall 
flourish  like  an  irrigated  garden,  or  an  oasis  whose 
springs  do  not  disappear  in  the  hot  season.  Zion's 
sons  will  rebuild  her  ancient  niins,  restoring  the  time- 
honoured  foundations.  i3f.  bears  the  marks  of  a 
later  corollary  to  this  discourse  on  fasting.  It  consists 
largely  of  quotation,  and  differs  considerably  in  LXX. 
"  If  thou  regard  the  Sabbath  as  holy  ground,  from 
which  thou  tumest  a  profane  foot,  refraining  from 
business  ;  if  thou  callest  the  Sabbath  thy  dehght  and 
the  new  moon  of  Yahweh  (for  the  combination  cf.  I13) 
thy  joy  (emending  the  strange  and  tautologous  ex- 
pression "  the  holy  of  the  Lord  honourable  "),  refraining 
from  business  and  idle  talk  :  then  thou  shalt  have  thy 
dehght  in  Yahweh,  and  I  will  cause  thee  to  surmount 
all  difficulties  {cf.  Dt.  32i3)  and  assuredly  cause  thee 
to  enjoy  the  inheritance  of  thine  ancestors." 

8.  healing :  the  new  flesh  which  forms  in  the  heahng 
of  a  wound. — 11.  spring  of  water:  rather,  "a  place 
of  springs." — 12.  Read,  "  And  thy  sons  shall  build." — 
paths:    perhaps  read,  "  ruins." 

LIX.  1-8.  Solely  the  Sins  of  the  People  Delay 
Yahweh's  Intervention. — 5-8,  with  their  fantastic 
metaphors  and  bitter  invective,  are  probably  a  later 
addition  made  in  even  gloomier  times.  Note  the  third 
person,  and  the  good  connexion  between  4  and  9.  Not 
the  waning  of  Yahweh's  power,  nor  His  deafness,  ex- 
plains His  failure  to  aid  His  people.  Their  sins  are  like 
a  wall  between  them  and  the  Divine  Presence.  In  act 
and  word  they  are  cruel  and  false.  In  the  law-courts 
false  dealing  and  speaking  rule  ;  a  just  cause  counts 
for  less  than  lying  words.  (5-8  pictures  the  schemes 
of  the  wicked  under  two  figures.  They  hatch  out 
poisonous  serpents'  eggs  ;  anyone  who  eats  the  eggs 
dies,  and  if  an  egg  is  broken  a  young  viper  is  dis- 
closed. They  weave  spiders'  webs  ;  but  these  are 
useless  to  cover  their  iniquity.  They  haste  eagerly  to 
accomplish  their  wicked  purposes.  In  their  pathway 
they  leave  ruin.  The  path  of  peace  they  pursue  not, 
and  no  right-dealing  marks  their  tracks,  for  they 
choose  crooked  way>i.) 

2.  his  face:  literally,  "face,"  probably  a  proper 
noun  used  for  the  Divine  Presence,  the  Shekinah. — 
4.  pleadeth:    in  the  legal  sense. 

LIX.  9-15<i.  The  People  Confess  that  their  Piteous 
Plight  Is  the  Fruit  of  their  Wrongdoing.— The  poet 
now  joins  himself  to  his  people  and,  speaking  in  their 
name,  owns  the  truth  of  the  indictment  in  1-4.  True  ! 
that  is  why  we  do  not  attain  our  right,  and  victory  is 
not  ours  !  No  gleam  of  hope  hghtens  our  darkness. 
We  grope  like  bhnd  men  along  a  wall  instead  of 
treading  finnly.     We  stumble  in  broad  daylight.     We 


470 


ISAIAH,  LIX.  9-16a 


moan  and  murmur  like  growling  bears  or  cooing  doves. 
Right  and  deliverance  seem  ever  further  off,  for  our 
numberlesa  rebollionB  boar  witness  before  Thee  against 
us.  Their  guilt  is  ever  on  our  hearts — rebelhon  and 
transgreesion  against  Yahwoh,  uttering  pcrversenesa 
(BO  road  for  "  oppression  "),  defection,  and  lying  words. 
So  Right  turns  her  back  upon  us  and  Victory  keeps 
her  distance,  since  Truth  stumbles  in  our  market- 
square,  and  Straight-dealing  cannot  make  her  way  in. 
So  Truth  is  not  to  be  seen,  and  Insight  departs  from 
the  city  (rf.  LXX). 

10.  Read  (r/.  mg.)  "  Wo  dwell  in  darkness  like  the 
dead  "  (in  the  gloomy  underworld). — 13.  In:    delete. 

LIX.  15/>-21.  Yahweh  Himself  Becomes  the  Cham- 
pion of  the  Right. — Yahweh  is  indignant  tlmt  Right  is 
absent.  He  sees  there  is  none  to  interpose  [mg.)  for 
her,  so  His  own  power  brings  tlie  deliverance  He  desires, 
His  victorious  might  sustaining  Him  in  His  strife. 
He  arrays  Himself  as  a  warrior.  Victory  His  cuirass, 
Dehveranco  His  lielmct,  Vengeance  His  garments,  and 
the  Wrath  of  Indignation  His  cloak.  Thus  ctjuipped,  He 
proceeds  to  render  to  every  deed  its  recompence,  fury 
to  His  foes,  shame  (LXX)  to  His  enemies.  His  adminis- 
tration of  justice  among  His  people  shall  bring  Him 
world-wide  glory,  for  His  vengeance  shall  bo  swift  and 
sudden  like  the  movement  of  a  stream  pent  in  a  gorge 
(f/.  mg. )  and  driven  fiercely  before  the  breath  of  Yahweh. 
To  Zi(jn  He  shall  come  as  a  redeemer  to  remove  rebelhon 
from  Jacob  (LXX,  and  Rom.  11 26). 

16.  unto  him :  rather,  "  for  him,"  "  in  accord  with 
his  wish." — righteousness:  here  and  in  17  the  power 
to  make  things  riglit  =  might. — 18.  According  to  .  .  . 
repay :  read  probably,  "  according  to  deserts  so  is  their 
recompence." — to  the  islands  .  .  .  recompence:  an 
incorrect  gloss  on  "  enemies,"  absent  from  LXX. — 
19.  fear:  read,  "  see,"  with  many  MSS. — he:  rather, 
"  it,"  the  recompence. — 21.  A  late  gloss,  asserting  the 
permanence  of  the  covenant  with  the  reformed  com- 
munity. 

LX.  1-22.  The  Glories  of  the  New  Jenisalem.— This, 
with  61f.,  is  marked  by  close  imitation  of  the  style  of 
2  Is. 

1-3.  The  prophet,  taking  for  his  standpoint  the 
fulfilment  of  his  prediction,  pictures  as  accomplished 
facts  Zion's  coming  glories.  While  all  other  nations 
lie  in  darkness,  Yahweh  bids  Zion  stand  forth  radiant 
in  the  light  of  the  prosperity  Ho  bestows.  The  nations 
are  drawn  to  Zion's  bright  hght. 

3.  rising :    i.e.  dawn. 

4-9.  He  bids  her  behold  her  exiled  children  brought 
home  from  distant  lands,  her  daughters  carried  carefully 
upon  the  hip  (c/.  mg.),  as  is  the  custom  of  the  Oriental 
nurse.  Then  shall  her  face  become  radiant,  and  her 
heart  beat  wildly  for  joy.  Into  her  shall  flow  the 
treasures  of  sea  and  land.  The  Bedouin  tribes  send 
droves  of  camels.  Sheba's  inhabitant*)  ( 1  K.  10*)  come 
and  proclaim  Yahweh's  praises.  From  the  N.  Arabian 
tribes  —  Kedar  and  Nobaioth  —  flocks  arrive  for  the 
saorifices  of  the  glorified  Temple.  From  the  West  ships, 
so  numerous  that  their  sails  are  like  clouds,  come — 
unerringly  aa  homing-doves — treasure-laden.  The  sea- 
farers too,  those  of  Tarshish  in  the  van,  bring  returning 
exiles,  and  precious  metals,  as  a  tribute  to  Yahweh's 
name. 

5.  be  enlarged:  read,  "throb." — 6.  MIdian  and 
Ephah:  r/.  Gen.  254.  Here  apparently  representative 
of  the  camel-owning  Bedouin  tribes  of  neighbouring 
deserts.— Sheba:  in  S.W.  Arabia.— 7.  Kedar,  Nebaloth: 
r/.  Geu.  2513*;  N.  Arabian  nomads. — mmister  unto: 
emend  "seek  eagerly." — 8.  windows:  the  lattice 
openings    of    their    ootee.  —  9.    Read,    "  Surely    the 


ships  (or  mariners)  gather  to  mo,"  which  fits  what 
follows. 

10-16.  The  immigrants  shall  build  up  Zion's  walls, 
their  kings  minister  to  her  needs  ;  for  Yahweh's  im- 
pulsive anger  is  now  replaced  by  gracious  mercy.  So 
great  shall  be  the  throng  of  incoming  proples,  brins^ng 
their  treasures,  their  kings  leading  the  way,  that  the 
gates  of  Zion  must  be  open  day  and  night.  To 
beautify  the  Temple,  poor  beside  the  glories  of  its 
predecessor,  shall  come  the  most  precious  woods  from 
Lebanon's  forests.  The  chiklren  of  Zion's  arrogant 
oppressors  shall  be  her  humble  suppliants,  recognising 
the  dwelUng-plaoe  of  the  mighty  Yahweh.  Hitherto 
avoided  by  the  traveller,  because  of  her  poverty  and 
meanness,  she  shall  now  become  a  proud  city.  From 
the  nations  and  their  kings  she  shall  receive  new 
strength,  and  shall  realise  that  Yahweh  is  indeed  her 
redeemer. 

11.  led  with  them :    emend,  "  leading  them." 

17-22.  In  the  new  city  gold  and  silver  shall  replace 
brass  and  iron  :  Peace  sliall  be  her  magistrate,  and 
Right  her  governor.  Violence  and  ruin  shall  no  more 
be  found  in  her  midst :  the  walls  which  protect  her 
shall  be  called  "  Deliverance  "  and  the  gates  through 
which  throng  the  peoples  and  their  treasures  shall  bo 
called  "  Renown."  She  shall  need  no  stm  or  moon, 
for  Yahweh  shall  ever  be  her  hght  and  beauty,  and 
His  is  light  that  knows  no  setting.  All  her  inhabitants 
shall  then  be  upright ;  they  shall  never  be  dispossessed, 
but,  increasing  as  a  tree  planted  by  Yahweh  might  be 
expected  to  grow,  they  shall  become  a  numerous 
people.  Yahweh  will  hasten  the  accomplishment  of 
her  glory  in  His  own  good  time. 

21.  Read  probably,  "  The  branch  (i.e.  shoot)  of 
Yahweh's  planting,  the  work  of  His  hands.  .  .  ." 

LXI.-LXII.  The  Coming  Year  of  Grace.— LXL  1-4. 
The  prophet  speaks  of  his  "  call  "  in  language  reminis- 
cent of  the  "  Servant  Songs."  •'  Yahweh's  spirit  abides 
with  me,  because  He  has  ordained  mo.  He  has  sent 
me  to  bring  glad  news  to  the  distressed  ;  to  proclaim 
freedom  to  the  Jews  in  bondage  ;  to  herald  the  year 
of  favour  to  those  who  love  Yahweh,  which  shall 
prove  a  day  of  vengeance  upon  His  foes  ;  to  comfort 
all  mourners,  giving  them  a  '  coronal  for  a  coronach  ' 
(so  Box,  bringing  out  a  word-play  in  Heb.),  festal 
unguents  for  mourning  attire,  and  songs  for  sighs. 
They  shall  be  called  '  Terebinths  of  Triumph ' 
('  righteousness  ')  planted  by  Yahweh  for  His  glory. 
They  shall  rebuild  the  cities  that  have  long  been 
desolate  ruins." 

1.  meek :  Heb.  may  mean  either  "  poor "  or 
"  pious  "  ;  parallelism  favours  mg. — 3.  the  garment  of : 
should  precede  "  mourning." 

LXI.  5-11.  The  prophet  now  addresses  the  people 
directly.  Men  of  other  nations  shall  serve  as  labourers 
at  their  bidding  and  call  them  "  Yahweh's  priest-^," 
or  "  Servants  of  our  God,  "  recognising  Yahweh  as  such. 
As  a  priestly  caste  they  will  enjoy  the  wealth  of  the 
peoples,  as  priestly  tithe,  and  deck  (so  emend  "  boast  "  ; 
r/.  LXX)  themselves  in  their  splendours.  This  privi- 
leged treatment  is  justified.  For  as  their  (so  emend 
"  your  ")  shame  was  in  double  measure,  and  ignominy 
their  lot  (emending  "for  confusion  .  .  .  portion"), 
thoy  shall  have  in  their  own  land  a  double  portion  and 
everlasting  joy.  For  Yahweh  loves  justice,  and  hat«s 
ini(iuitou3  plundering ;  so  Ho  will  recompense  His 
wronged  people,  making  with  them  a  covenant  (cf.  .^s). 
Their  descendants  shall  be  so  prosperous  that  all 
nations  shall  recognise  their  pre-eminent  blessednejra. 
As  surely  aa  the  s^ed  germinates  in  the  soil  shall  their 
triumph  arrest  the  eyes  of  the  nations. 


ISAIAH,  LXIII.  15-LXIV.  9 


471 


10.  Seems  to  be  misplaced.  Zion  rejoices  because 
Yahweh  has  clothed  her  with  deliverance  and  victory 
like  a  bcgarlanded  bridegroom  or  a  bejewelled  bride. 

LXII.  1-5.  The  prophet  will  not  rest  in  his  mission 
(c/.  61 1 )  till  Zion's  triumph  is  resplendent,  her  brilliance 
dazzling  kings  and  nations.  Zion  shall  be  as  a  beautiful 
crown  which  Yahweh  takes  in  His  hand  to  adorn 
Himself.  Now  she  may  well  be  named  "  Forsaken," 
her  land,  "  Deserted  "  ;  but  then  Yahweh,  Israel's 
husband,  shall  restore  her  to  His  favour,  and  her  name 
shall  be  "  My  Delight,"  that  of  the  land,  "  Spouse." 
With  a  young  husband's  joy  in  his  young  bride  shall 
her  builder  (not  "  sons  "  which  completely  spoils  the 
figure),  Yahweh,  espouse  her. 

1.  lamp :    rather,  "  torch." 

LXII.  6f.  Y^ahweh  has  appointed  heavenly  beings  as 
an  invisible  guard  of  Jerusalem  :  their  duty  ever  to 
sound  in  His  ears,  till  its  fulfilment,  His  promise  to 
make  her  a  renown  in  the  earth. 

LXII.  8f.  Yahweh  has  pledged  His  omnipotence  that 
no  longer  shall  marauders  plunder  the  fields  and  vine- 
yards of  His  people,  but,  protected  from  invasion,  they 
shall  enjoy  their  produce  and  celebrate  in  the  Temple 
the  fea.sts  of  ingathering. 

LXII.  10-lla.  Anticipating  the  glad  return  to  Zion 
from  the  Dispersion,  the  prophet  bids  the  inhabitants 
go  forth  and  make  readj'  tlie  road  for  the  entry  of  the 
exiles,  banking  up  the  causeway  and  clearing  it  of 
stones,  and  raising  a  standard  to  which  they  may 
flock,  for  Yahweh  has  sent  forth  a  world-wide  pro- 
clamation to  her  exiled  sons. 

LXII.  116-12.  Say  ye:  does  not  introduce  the 
proclamation,  as  the  EngUsh  seems  to  suggest,  but  a 
new  exhortation  parallel  to  "  Go  through." 

LXIII.  1-6.  The  Triumph  of  Yahweh.— In  this  poem, 
isolated  from  its  context,  the  poet,  looking  into  the 
future,  sees  a  solitary  but  majestic  warrior  striding 
along,  his  splendid  garments  all  bloodstained.  "  Who," 
he  asks,  "  is  this  ?  "  To  which  Yahweh  Himself,  for 
it  is  He,  makes  answer,  "  I,  resplendent  in  triumph, 
mighty  to  deliver."  "  Why,"  asks  the  poet,  "  is 
Thine  apparel  stained  red  hke  the  garments  of  the 
grape- treader  ?  "  Yahweh  answers,  "  A  wine- trough 
indeed  have  I  trodden  and  the  nations  lent  Me  no 
aid.  In  fury  I  trampled  them,  so  that  their  juice 
spurted  out  and  I  stained  all  My  garments."  This 
terrible  figure  is  explained  in  4-6.  Yahweh's  day  of 
vengeance  on  the  nations  that  oppressed  His  people, 
the  year  (cf.  61 2)  of  ransom  {cf.  mg.)  was  come.  He 
sought  an  ally  among  the  nations — but  to  His  astonish- 
ment found  none  to  support  Him.  So  His  own 
strength  and  fury  wrought  deliverance  for  Him.  The 
nations  in  passion  He  trampled  and  smashed  (so  read 
with  some  MSS  for  "  made  drunk ")  in  His  fury, 
spilling  their  life-blood  (hterally  ''  juice,"  the  same 
word  as  in  3)  on  the  ground.  The  poem  ends  abruptly  ; 
the  end  of  it  seems  to  have  been  lost, 

1.  Edom,  Bozrah:  if  the  text  is  right  Edom,  and 
its  chief  city  Bozrah,  are  used  as  typical  of  the  nations. 
Cf.  34.  But  with  the  slightest  change  we  might  trans- 
late "  Cometh  all  crimsoned,  his  garments  redder  than 
a  vintager.'  We  migiit  read  in  the  last  clause  :  "  I 
resplendent  in  righteousness  (j'.e.  triumph),  mighty  to 
save." 

LXIIL  7-14.  A  Recital  of  Yahweh's  Kindness  to 
His  People  of  Old. — This  passage  seems  to  be  a  liturgy 
of  thanksgiving  :    resemblance  to  Pss.  is  obvious. 

I  will  recount  Yahweh's  acts  of  love.  His  deeds  of 
renown,  in  accordance  with  all  that  Yahweh,  great  in 
goodness  (cf.  LXX),  lias  done  for  us.  He  thought, 
'  Surely  they  are  My  people,  sons  that  will  not  play 


Me  false."  So  He  became  their  deliverer  in  all  their 
distress.  'Following  LXX,  connect  the  first  four  words 
of  9  with  8,  and  continue :  "  No  messenger  or  angel, 
but  His  own  presence  delivered  them.")  Yahweh 
Himself,  no  intermediary,  delivered,  ran-somed,  and 
led  them  with  tender  care.  But,  disappointing  His 
thought  (8),  they  were  perveree,  and  pained  His  holy 
spirit  (i.e.  "  His  manifested  presence  '")  so  that  He  was 
compelled  to  fight  against  them.  In  their  consequent 
distress  Israel  (cf.  mg.)  recalled  His  grace  in  times 
gone  by ;  "  where,"  they  lamented,  "  is  He  who 
brought  up  (delete  "  them  "  with  VSS  and  some  MSS) 
from  the  sea  the  shepherd  (mg.)  of  His  flock  ?  "  i.e. 
saved  Moses  from  the  Nile  (cf.  I95*).  "  Where  is  He 
who  put  His  holy  spirit  within  the  community,  lending 
His  wonder-working  power  to  Moses'  hand  and  bring- 
ing, to  His  eternal  glory.  His  people  through  the  Red 
Sea,  so  that  they  did  not  stumble  but  walked  as  surely 
as  a  horse  on  the  plain,  and  with  the  unerring  step  of 
cattle  descending  a  hillside  ?  "  Read  with  VSS, 
"  guided  "  for  "  caused  to  rest  "  in  14. 

LXni.  15-LXIV.  9.  A  Fervent  Prayer  to  Yahweh 
to  Intervene  again  lor  His  Children. — The  appeal 
rings  like  a  litany,  reminding  Yahweh,  who  has  with- 
drawn into  His  glorious  heavenly  palace,  of  His  former 
compassion.  To  Abraham  and  Israel  appeal  has  been 
made  in  vain  (some  approach  to  ancestor-worship 
seems  to  have  been  prevalent),  but  Yahweh  is  their 
father  and  redeemer.  His  severity  has  sent  them 
wandering  even  further  away,  and  hardened  their 
heart  so  that  they  cannot  "  fear  Him,"  i.e.  carry  out 
the  duties  of  religion.  If  only  He  would  come  back 
from  His  seclusion  !  18  is  corrupt ;  regrouping  of 
consonants  and  very  shght  changes  give  the  excellent 
sense,  "  Why  do  the  wicked  despise  thy  Holy  House, 
our  enemies  desecrate  thy  Sanctuary  ?  "  The  allusion 
is  not  to  a  destruction,  but  a  profanation,  of  the  Temple 
by  the  pro-Samaritans,  who  refused  to  accept  the  new 
standard  of  rehgious  practice,  adhering  tenaciously  to 
old  usages  now  regarded  as  heathenish.  The  strict 
party  is  left,  through  Yahweh's  seclusion,  as  a  shepherd- 
less  flock.  If  Yahweh  would  but  manifest  Himself  in 
a  glorious  theophany  (cf.  Jg.  64!),  rending  the  heavens 
and  causing  the  mountains  to  shake,  even  as  fire 
makes  brushwood  crackle  and  blaze  or  water  boil 
over,  that  He  might  "  put  the  fear  of  God  "  into  His 
adversaries,  and  make  the  peoples  tremble  while  He 
does  "  terrible  things  "—the  term  used  of  the  marvels 
of  the  Exodus — beyond  the  hopes  of  His  people  or  the 
experience  of  men  !  (Delete  36,  "  thou  earnest  .  .  . 
presence  "  an  accidental  repetition  from  i,  and  connect 
"  For  from  of  old  men  have  not  heard  "  with  what 
precedes,  changing  •'  For '"  to  "  and.'  On  the  basis 
of  LXX  the  rest  of  4  may  possibly  be  reconstructed, 
"  Ear  hath  not  heard  and  eye  hath  not  seen  the 
deeds  and  exploits  which  thou  wilt  work  for  those 
who  wait  on  thee.")  Oh!  that  He  would  meet,  i.e. 
be  gracious  to,  those  who  work  righteousness  and 
remember  His  ways  (cf.  LXX).  The  remainder  of 
this  corrupt  verse  (cf,  mg.)  may  read,  "  Behold, 
thou  wast  wroth  and  we  sinned,  wroth  at  our  doings, 
so  that  we  became  guilty.")  For  we  have  become 
like  the  unclean,  our  righteous  deeds  like  a  polluted 
garment :  we  are  withered  like  leaves,  and  our 
iniquity  (read  sing.)  has  whirled  us  away  like  the 
wind.  So  that  hardly  one  among  us  calls  on  Thy 
name  (cf.  Gen.  426),  or  is  zealous  to  lay  hold  on  Thee, 
because  Thou  hast  withdrawn  Thy  countenance  from 
us  and  deUvered  us  up  to  the  power  of  our  sins 
(mg.).  We  are  the  clay  which  Thou  hast  fashioned  ; 
destroy  not  Thy  work   by  unrelenting  anger  (cf.  Job 


472 


ISAIAH,  LXIII    15-LXIV.  9 


108-12).    Look  at  nfl,  we  entareat  Thcc,  we  arc  Thy 
people  ! 

LXIV.  10-12.  Thcdo  verses,  which  describe  the 
Temple  as  not  merely  deseoratcd  but  actually  burned, 
seem  to  be  a  late  addition  from  a  period  of  wliich  we 
have  no  exact  iiifunnation. 

The  cities  of  the  holy  land  are  become  a  desert, 
Jerusalem  a  curse  (LXX  and  Latin).  The  Temple, 
which  has  existed  long  enough  to  have  exchanged  its 
simplicity  for  adornment,  and  to  be  hallowed  by 
memorj','  is  burned.  All  that  the  people  took  deUght 
in  is  ruined.  Can  Yahweh  refrain  from  action  on 
behalf  of  his  people  ? 

LXV.-LXVI.  These  chapters  contain,  loosely  strung 
together,  a  number  of  promises  of  reward  to  the 
righteous  and  threats  of  doom  to  the  faithless. 

LXV.  1-7.  Retribution  Awaits  those  who  Cling  to 
the  Old  Ritual  Practices  and  Refuse  to  Adhere  to  the 
Reformed  Religion. — Yahweh  declares  His  readiness 
to  respond  to  this  people,  but  tliey  would  not  approach 
Him  or  call  upon  {mg.,  cf.  VSS)  His  name.  "  I  made," 
He  says,  "  unceasing  entreaty  to  them,  unruly  as  they 
were,  but  they  steadfastly  adhered  to  their  own  evil 
ways,  insulting  Me  in  My  own  holy  city  by  their  grove- 
worship  and  incense-burning.  They  pass  the  night 
among  the  tombs  and  recesses  (to  obtain  drcam-oracles 
from  the  dead).  They  eat  the  flesh  of,  and  drink 
'  magical  hell-broth '  made  from,  forbidden  animals 
that  they  sacrifice.  Havnng  acquired  m  these  mystic 
rites  a  '  taboo  '  holiness — physically  contagious — they 
caution  others  to  shrink  away  lest  they  too  should  be 
made  '  taboo  '  (read  in  5,  '  lest  I  make  thee  holy  ' :  '  am 
hoUer  than  '  is  an  impossible  translation).  Such  men 
are  to  Me  a  standing  offence.  But  My  remembrancer 
records  their  doings  in  his  book.  Nor  will  I  be  silent 
until  I  have  punished  their  (so  VSS)  sins  and  those  of 
their  fathers,  who  defied  (7ng.)  Me  with  their  sacrifices 
in  the  high  places.  I  will  measure  out  their  recompense 
upon  their  head  (so  emend  "  first  ")  and  requite  it  into 
their  bosom." 

1.  am :  the  Heb.  verbs  are  tolerative  ;  render  both 
times,  "allowed  myself  to  be." — 3.  bricks:  the 
meaning  is  obscure.  Perhaps  "  under  white  poplars  " 
should  be  read  ;    cf.  Hos.  413. 

LXV.  8-12.  The  Righteous  shall  Inherit  the  Land, 
but  their  Opponents  shall  be  Slaughtered. — Yahweh 
says,  "  Even  as  the  vintagers  say  when  they  see  a 
cluster  with  only  a  few  sound  grapes  in  it,  '  Destroj'  it 
not,  for  a  blessing  is  in  it,'  so  for  the  sake  of  those 
who  are  faithful  to  Me  I  will  not  utterly  destroy  My 
people.  The  righteous  survivors  shall  possess  the 
holy  land.  From  Sharon  (p.  28) — the  maritime  plain 
between  Joppa  and  Carmel — to  the  valley  of  Achor — 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jericho — the  plains  shall  teem 
with  cattle.  But  you  who  deUberately  ignore  My 
Temple  and  its  ritual,  spreading  instead  a  meal  for 
the  gods  Fortune  and  Destiny — you  will  I  destine  (a 
terrilile  jest)  to  destruction,  because  ye  were  deaf  to 
all  My  appeals,  defying  My  will." 

8.  Destroy  ...  In  It:  possibly  the  opening  words 
of  a  popular  vintage  song. — 11.  table:  the  rite  of  the 
shewbread  is  probably  to  be  traced  to  this  custom 
of  preparing  banquets  (lectisternia)  for  the  gods 
(Lev.  l'4.s-9*)- 

LXV.  13-20.  The  Coming  Good  Fortune  of  the 
Righteous. — Yahweh  again  is  the  speaker.  "  My 
people  shall  rejoice  in  the  satisfaction  of  their  wants 
when  ye,  rebellious  ones,  are  wailing  in  your  need. 
Nought  shall  be  left  of  you  but  your  name,  which  My 
people  shall  employ  as  a  curse,  saying,  '  As  Yahweh 
slew  those  so  may  He  slay  thee.'     But  My  people  shall 


be  called  by  a  new  name  ((/.  624).  The  fulfilment  of 
My  promises  shall  make  My  faithfulness  a  proverb. 
The  former  trials  shall  be  forgotten  because,  to  men's 
exultation,  I  shall  change  existing  conditions  so  that 
it  is  as  though  I  had  created  the  earth  anew.  I  will 
transform  Jerusalem  so  that  she  shall  be  joy  personified, 
and  in  her  people  will  I  find  My  joy.  There  shall  be 
no  more  mourning  in  Jerusalem,  for  none  shall  die  in 
infancj'  or  prematurely  :  all  shall  Uve  a  hundred  years." 
14.  vexation:  read  yng. — 16.  truth:  read,  with 
change  of  vowcl-point-s,  "  faithfulness." — 20.  and  the 
sinner  .  .  .  accursed :   j)robably  a  tlieological  gloss. 

LXV.  21-25.  An  Expansion  of  the  Theme  of  13-20.— 
They  maj'  build  houses  and  plant  -vineyards,  certain 
that  they  will  live  to  enjoy  them.  Their  fives  shall 
be  as  tiie  life  of  a  tree,  long,  and  imdisturbed  by 
calamity.  They  shall  not  bring  up  (so  read  for 
"  forth  ")  children  only  to  see  them  perish  :  their 
cliildren  and  they  alike  are  a  race  blessed  by  Yahweh. 
Their  prayers  shall  be  answered  even  while  they  are 
being  uttered.  Even  the  beasts  shall  lose  their  redness 
of  tooth  and  claw  [cf.  II6-9). 

25.  and  dust  .  .  .  meat:  a  glossator,  mindful  of 
Gen.  814,  has  excepted  the  serpent  from  the  general 
feUcit}'. 

LXVI.  Here  divisions  are  hard  to  define.  The 
theme — the  coming  punishment  of  the  apostates  and 
the  coming  glory  of  the  pious — is  pursued  now  on  one 
side,  now  on  the  other. 

1-4.  An  Attack  on  the  Projectors  of  a  Rival  Temple. — 
Those  Jews  who  refused  to  accept  the  reformed  religion 
apparently  proposed  to  set  up  a  rival  temple.  Yahweh 
scornfully  demands  of  them  in  what  manner  of  building 
they  would  house  Him,  whose  habitation  is  the  uni- 
verse. These  things — a  temple  and  a  resting-place — 
He  has  alrcadj'  made  for  Himself,  on  Zion  ;  for  despite 
His  loftiness  He  ever  considers  the  humble  and  obedient 
worshipper.  As  for  these  rebels  who  combine  for- 
bidden with  legitimate  rites,  such  as  human  sacrifice, 
the  sacrifice  of  a  dog  without  effusion  of  blood,  the 
sacrificial  use  of  swine's  blood,  and  honouring  of 
images,  just  as  they  choose  their  own  perverse  wayB 
so  will  He  choose  to  make  them  the  sport  of  fate  and 
bring  upon  them  the  things  they  dread.  For,  refusing 
to  hearken  to  His  commandments,  they  deUberately 
defied  Him. 

2.  but:  Heb.  simplv  "and." — 3.  Is  as  he  that: 
Heb.  literally,  "  He  that  killcth  an  ox,  he  that  killeth 
a  man  "  and  similarly.  The  same  man  practises  both 
the  recognised  and  the  illicit  rite. — 4.  delusions:  a 
rare  word,  meaning  possibly  "  wanton  blows  of  fortune." 
&-11.  The  Imminent  Satisfaction  of  the  Hopes  of 
the  Pious. — On  the  other  hand,  those  for  whom 
Yahweh's  word  is  law,  to  whom  the  opponents  of 
reform  have  mockingly  said,  "  Let  Yahweh  glorify 
Himself  (so  LXX)  in  accordance  with  your  confident 
hopes,  that  we  may  see  you  happy  !  "  are  comforted 
by  the  assurance  that  He  will  bring  these  mockers  to 
shame.  He  will  roar  from  His  Temple  (c/.  Am.  I2) 
as  He  comes  forth  to  punish  His  •enemies.  Zion,  to 
the  amazement  of  the  nations,  shall  become  so  suddenly 
populous  with  throngs  of  returning  exiles  that  she  is 
likened  to  a  woman  who  ere  the  birthpains  have  begun 
brings  forth  a  son.  Having  brought  His  purposes  near 
to  accomphshment,  Yahweh  ^vill  certainly  oompleto 
them.  Ho  bids  Jerusalem  rejoice,  and  those  who  have 
been  "  constant  in  her  iUs  he  joyous  in  her  joy," 
deriving  from  her  joy  to  the  full. 

8.  land:  probably  "the  people  of  a"  has  fallen 
out  before  this  word. — 10.  Rejolce  ye  with :  read  with 
LXX  "  rejoice  thou." 


ISAIAH,  LXVI.  23f. 


473 


12-18a.  The  Future  Felicity  of  the  Pious  Contrasted 
with  the  Impending  Doom  of  their  Opponents. — Yahweh 
promises  that  Ho  will  divert  to  Zion  prosperity 
("  peace  ")  like  an  overflowing  stream  ;  and  the  wealth 
of  the  nations  shall  pour  into  her  like  a  torrent.  Her 
children  shall  be  so  comforted  by  Him  that  they  are 
compared  to  an  infant  carried  on  the  side  (cf.  6O4)  and 
fondly  consoled  by  a  mother.  In  their  experience  of 
Yahweh's  grace  they  shall  rejoice,  and  their  bodies 
shall  be  full  of  life  like  the  now  grass  after  the  early 
rains.  But  while  Yahweh's  grace  (so  emend  "  hand," 
14)  shall  be  manifested  to  His  servants.  His  enemies 
shall  feel  His  wrath.  He  will  come  hkc  (so  some  MSS 
and  LXX)  fire,  the  storm-cloud  His  chariot  (cf.  Ps.  I810) 
scorching  His  foes  with  His  hot  indignation.  With 
fire  and  sword  He  will  enter  into  judgement  with  all 
men.  As  for  those  who  cling  to  the  old  superstitious 
cultus,  purifying  themselves  for  the  worship  not  of 
the  Temple  but  of  the  groves,  where  they  follow  the 
actions  of  "  one  in  the  midst  " — probably  a  leader  of 
the  ceremonies,  cf.  Ezek.  811 — and  eat  in  mystic  meala 
food  regarded  by  the  Law  as  unclean,  their 'works  and 
thoughts  shall  perish  together. 

12.  and  ye  shall  suck  ;  ye :  read,  "  and  your  chil- 
dren "  (LXX). — 17.  abomination  :  read,  "  swarming 
creatures." — 18.  Transfer  the  first  clause  to  17,  render- 
ing "  their  works  and  their  thoughts  shall  come,"  etc. 

186-22.  Yahweh  will  Gather  to  Zion  her  Dispersed 
Sons,  and  She  shall  Abide  for  Ever. — l^ahweh  will 
assemble  all  nations  before  Jerusalem,  and  manifest 
His  majesty  in  punishment ;  the  survivors  He  will 
send  into  the  furthest  regions  to  testify  of  what  they 


have  seen.  These  furthest  nations — evidently  the 
"  all  "  of  18  is  not  to  be  taken  literally — shall  bring 
all  the  dispersed  Jews  back  to  Jerusalem,  tenderly 
and  reverently  as  a  Jew  would  bring  an  offering  to 
Yahweh.  Yahweh  will  take  some  from  the  returned  exiles 
to  be  Levite- priests.  The  nation  shall  be  eternal,  like 
the  new  earth  and  heavens  which  Yahweh  will  make. 

18.  If  all  are  gathered,  who  are  the  nations  of  19  T 
Many  would  delete  "  all."  But  possibly  the  writer 
was  not  strictly  logical.— 19.  unto  the  nations  .  .  . 
Javan  :  a  gloss  explaining  the  far  lands.  In  any  case 
for  Pul  read  "  Put "  (LXX) ;  cf  Jer.  469,  Ezek.  27iof., 
and  for  that  draw  the  bow,  read  (cf.  LXX)  "  Mesheoh 
and  Rosh,"  cf  Ezek.  882.— Javan=the  lonians.— 
21.  priests  and  for  Levites :  the  "  and  "  is  inserted  by 
the  translators,  the  "  for  "  probably  due  to  accidental 
i-epetition  of  a  consonant  in  Heb.  ;  read  "  Levitical 
priests."  The  point  is  important,  as  it  would  date 
the  passage  before  the  sharp  distinction  made  in  the 
Priestly  Legislation  between  priests  and  Levites. 

23f.  A  Late  Appendix. — The  triumphant  note  upon 
which  the  book  ends  is  sadly  marred  by  this  late 
addition,  which  pictures  the  Jews — "  all  flesh  "  can 
hardly  here  be  of  wider  application — coming  each  new 
moon  and  Sabbath  to  worship  in  the  Temple,  and 
regarding  with  abhorrence  the  dead  bodies  of  the 
apostates  in  the  Valley  of  Hinnom  (Gehenna  Mk.  943*). 
But  the  picture  is  not  to  be  taken  too  hterally,  for  the 
fantastic  elements  of  the  ever-gnawing  worm  and  the 
undying  fire  cannot  be  reduced  within  the  limits  of 
experience.  The  addition  is  not  much  older  than  the 
second  century  b.c. 


JEREMIAH 


By  Professor  H.  WHEELER  ROBINSON 


1.  Jeremiah  is  the  prophet  of  the  closing  generation 
of  Judah's  political  existence  ;  his  personal  fortunes 
and  prophetic  activity  are  closely  related  to  the  cir- 
cumstances which  resulted  in  its  extinction  in  586  B.C. 
He  was  bom  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century 
under  Manasseh,  who  ruled  during  half  of  it  (until 
c.  641)  as  a  vassal  of  the  great  Assyrian  empire,  and 
even  fostered  the  astrological  religion  of  the  empire 
within  the  precincts  of  Yahweh's  Temple  at  Jerusalem 
(2  K.  21 3-5).  In  reaction  from  such  syncretism,  and 
from  the  contemporary  heathen  tendencies  in  general, 
the  nucleus  of  our  present  Book  of  Deuteronomy  was 
composed  (pp.  74f.,  89f.),  within  the  circle  of  those 
who  were  enthusiastic  for  the  ideas  of  the  eighth- 
century  prophets.  This  document  became,  in  621, 
the  basis  of  the  reformation  under  Josiah  (639-608), 
which  centralised  all  worship  in  the  one  sanctuary  at 
Jerusalem,  and  purified  it  of  alien  elements  (2  K.  22f.). 
But  peace  without,  and  reforming  zeal  within,  were 
destined  to  disturbance  through  the  approaching  de- 
cline and  fall  of  the  Assyrian  empue,  which  suffered 
invasion  by  the  Scythians  (p.  60)  from  about  630 
onwards.  By  608,  its  growing  weakness  had  tempted 
the  Babylonians  and  Medes  to  attack  Nineveh,  and 
the  Egyptians  under  Pharaoh  Necho  to  invade  the 
empire  from  the  west.  In  opposing  the  latter,  Josiah 
was  defeated  and  killed  at  Megiddo  (608 ;  2  K.  2329). 
Josiah 's  successor,  Jehoahaz,  was  displaced  by  Necho  in 
favour  of  Jehoiakim,  as  his  own  vassal.  But,  Nineveh 
having  fallen  by  606,  the  victorious  Babylonians  were 
free  to  turn  against  Necho.  who  was  defeated  at  Car- 
chemish  (60.5).  Judah  now  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Babylonians,  from  whoso  overlordship  Jehoiakim 
revolted  in  598.  In  the  following  year,  Nebuchadrezzar 
captured  Jerusalem  and  deported  Jehoiachin  (who  had 
succeeded  Jehoiakim  for  three  months),  together  with 
the  principal  people.  In  586,  provoked  by  another 
rebellion  under  Zedekiah,  Nebuchadrezzar  destroyed 
the  city,  and  made  a  second  deportation.  Those  of 
the  Judxans  who  remained  were  placed  under  a 
governor,  Gedaliah  ;  he  was,  however,  soon  treacher- 
ously murdered,  and  many  of  tho.se  in  his  charge  sought 
refuge  in  Egypt.  So  ends  the  history  of  Judah  as  a 
political  state,  and  such  were  the  circumstances  which 
shaped  the  personal  life  of  Jeremiah,  and  challenged 
his  propheiic  interpretation.  (See  further  pp.  60f. 
72f.) 

2.  Jeremiah  belonged  to  Anathoth  (p.  31)  in  Ben- 
jamin, 2\  miles  from  Jeru.salem.  We  may  see  in  him  the 
child  of  both  the  country  and  the  city,  for.  by  the  time 
he  received  his  call  to  become  the  prophet  of  Yahwoh 
(626),  his  emotional  nature  and  poetic  temperament 
had  brought  him  into  keen  sympathy  with  both  realms 
— nature  and  man.  In  thu  line  of  his  priestly  ancestry 
may  well  have  been  that  Abiathar  who  survived  Saul's 
ma.ssacre  of  the  priests  at  Nob  (1  S.  2220 ;  cf.  1  K.  226), 
and  was  descended  from  Eli  (1  S.  I43),  the  priest  of 


Shiloh  (cf.  Jer.  7 12,  266),  Ephraim'a  sanctuary. 
Jeremiah's  special  interest  in  the  men  of  Benjamin 
is  apparent  (61;  cf.  3I15).  The  stem  significance  of 
the  northern  kingdom's  fall,  a  century  earlier,  had 
already  been  enforced  by  the  great  prophets  of  the 
eighth  century  ;  their  iniluence  on  Jeremiah,  especially 
that  of  Hosea,  is  strongly  marked.  In  the  southern 
kingdom,  around  Jeremiah,  there  were  moral  and 
spiritual  conditions  which  seemed  to  call  for  a  judgment 
not  less  stem  than  that  of  Samaria  (3off.).  Altogether, 
then,  we  can  understand  that  keen  sympathies,  the 
home  influences  of  religion,  the  precedents  of  the  past, 
and  the  irreligion  of  the  present,  would  prepare  this 
youthful  interpreter  of  his  times  for  Yahweh's  call, 
and  for  the  recognition  of  the  Scythian  invaders  as 
Divinely  appointed  instruments  of  Judah's  punishment. 
This  is  the  significance  of  the  two  visions  which  are 
linked  to  the  prophet's  narrative  of  his  caU  (1); 
Y'ahweh  is  wakeful  over  His  word,  that  it  fail  not, 
and  the  foe  from  the  north  shall  bring  it  to  pass. 

What  was  the  attitude  of  Jeremiah  to  the  Deutero- 
nomic  Reformation,  which  occurred  five  years  after 
his  call  ?  He  does  not  appear  at  all  in  the  account  of 
that  event,  but,  if  Jer.  llr-14*  is  to  be  trusted,  he 
became  an  itinerant  preacher  of  "  the  covenant  "  in 
Jerusalem  and  the  cities  of  Judah.  With  much  in 
this  prophetic-priestly  book  he  would  be  in  svmpathy, 
though  its  insistence  on  the  external  aspects  of  religion 
(as  well  as  on  its  inner  essentials),  and  the  place  it 
gave  to  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  stand  in  marked 
contrast  with  Jeremiah's  emphasis.  In  any  case, 
Jeremiah's  later  attitude  to  this  reformation,  and  to 
the  document  on  which  it  was  based,  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  disapproval  (88,  p.  46).  Perhaps  the  sense 
of  alienation  from  the  current  forms  of  religious  zeal, 
combined  with  the  passing  of  the  Scythian  danger, 
will  account  for  tiie  silence  of  Jeremiah  during  the  last 
few  years  of  Josiah's  reign.  From  this  he  was  arou.sed 
by  the  new  political  outlook  at  the  death  of  Josiah, 
and  the  acct^sion  of  Jehoiakim  (608).  It  was  early 
in  the  reign  of  the  latter  that  Jeremiah  delivered  that 
"  Temple-sermon  "  (Tiff.,  26iff.,  botii  referring  to  the 
same  event)  in  which  he  denounced  false  trust  in  the 
inviolability  of  Yahweh's  sanctuary,  proclaiming  its 
imminent  desolation.  On  this  occasion,  the  prophet 
narrowly  escaped  with  his  life  ;  on  another  (202)  he 
was  Ijea'tcn  and  put  into  the  stocks  for  similar  teaching. 
The  victory  of  the  Babylonians  at  Carchemish  (605) 
led  him  to  see  in  them  the  Divinely  commissioned  "  foe 
from  the  north"  whom  he  had  first  found  in  the 
Scythians  ;  in  604,  accordingly,  he  dictated  to  Baruch 
a  collection  of  his  earlier  prophecies,  making  this  new 
application.  The  anger  of  Jehoiakim,  who  destroyed 
this  roll  (3G23),  i-esiiltod  in  its  reissue  (with  additions), 
the  prophet  remaining  in  hiding.  A  second  time, 
however,  the  fulfilment  of  Jeremiah's  anticipations 
was  postponed.     To  the  outward  opposition  and  ia- 


474 


JEREMIAH 


475 


ward  tension  of  these  years,  aa  well  aa  of  those  which 
followed  under  Zedekiah,  are  doubtless  due  the  ex- 
periences of  loneliness,  defeat,  and  despair  (e.g.  15io-2i, 
2O7-18)  which  are  characteristic  of  tliis  prophet. 

The  contemporary  unpopularity  of  Jeremiah,  ex- 
tending even  amongst  those  in  nearest  relationship  to 
him  (126),  was  not  simply  due  to  the  rebuke  of  sin 
(2322),  which  was  a  central  feature  in  tlie  mission  of 
all  the  pre-exilic  prophets  (288  ;  cf.  Mi.  38).  The  policy 
of  submission  to  the  Babylonians,  which  ho  urged 
consistently  on  Zedekiah,  was  clearly  unpatriotic, 
when  judged  by  ordmary  standards.  Moreover,  he 
believed  and  taught  that  the  future  of  Israel  lay  with 
those  who  had  been  deported  to  Babylon,  not  with 
those  among  whom  his  own  lot  was  cast  (24).  In  593, 
he  succeeded  in  turning  the  king  from  the  proposal  to 
revolt  which  was  made  to  him  by  other  vassal-states 
(27).  In  588,  however,  Egyptian  mfluences  prevailed, 
and  Egyptian  promises  were  so  far  kept  that  the 
besieging  army  of  the  Babylonians  was  drawn  off  for 
a  time  in  order  to  meet  Pharaoh  Hophra.  At  this 
juncture,  Jeremiah  was  arrested  under  suspicion  of 
desertion  to  the  Babylonians  (37n£f.),  though,  in 
fact,  he  was  simply  going  to  Anathoth  on  private 
business  (326£E.).  He  was  beaten  and  imprisoned  by 
the  "  prmces  ",  but  removed  to  the  better  conditions 
of  the  "  guard  court  "  by  the  king.  Here  his  con- 
tinued declarations  of  the  coming  capture  of  the  city 
again  provoked  the  "patriots",  and  they  forced  the 
king  to  surrender  him  to  them.  They  left  him  to  die 
in  a  pit,  but  a  foreigners  intervention  restored  him 
to  the  guard-court.  When  Jerusalem  fell  in  586, 
Jeremiah  was  well  treated  by  the  victors,  and  allowed 
to  stay  with  Gedaliah,  the  governor  of  the  district  (40). 
After  his  murder  (41),  Jeremiah  and  Baruch  were 
taken  against  their  will  into  Egypt  by  Jewish  fugitives. 
There  we  hear  of  him  for  the  last  time  as  protesting 
against  the  revival  of  heathen  worship  by  this  group 
of  Jews  (44).  A  late  tradition  says  that  he  was  stoned 
to  death  by  them  (cf.  Heb.  11 37). 

3.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  life  of  Jeremiah  was  one 
of  suffering  and  apparent  failure  ;  with  perfect  truth, 
he  compares  himself  with  "  a  lamb  that  is  led  to  the 
slaughter  "  (11 19).  But,  like  Him  of  whom  Jeremiah 
is  the  truest  and  most  impressive  OT  type,  Jeremiah 
won  his  victory  through  defeat.  The  influence  of  his 
life  on  posterity  is  a  striking  example  of  the  power  of 
great  ideas,  once  they  have  entered  the  world  by  the 
conquest  of  a  human  soul.  It  is  probable  that 
Jeremiah's  sufferings  have  largely  shaped  that  ideal 
for  the  nation  which  is  enshrined  in  Is.  53,  whilst  the 
contemporaries  of  Jesus  were  ready  to  see  in  Him  a 
returning  Jeremiah  (Mt.  1614).  Along  this  line  of  the 
personal  realisation  of  truth,  rather  than  that  of  its 
formulation  into  explicit  doctrine,  lies  Jeremiah's  par- 
ticular contribution  to  religion.  In  him,  as  never 
before,  religion  became  individual,  spiritual,  intimate, 
warm  with  the  life-blood  of  a  loving  and  sympathetic 
heart.  The  supreme  interest  of  his  prophecies  springs 
from  the  scattered  autobiographical  fragments  which 
tell  of  his  call  (I4-10),  his  mission  (I11-19),  his  anxious 
sympathies  (4i9,  8i8ff.,  13i7,  239),  his  awestruck  sense 
of  Yahweh's  power  (423-26),  his  lonely  sorrows  (15io- 
21).  and  the  Divine  compulsion  which  kept  him  to  his 
tausk  in  spite  of  its  difliculty  (2O7-18).  Such  passages 
do  not  merely  throw  a  light  on  the  nature  of  the 
prophetic  consciousness  which  we  gain  nowhere  else 
so  clearly  and  fully  ;  they  constitute,  in  their  sim- 
plicity and  sincerity,  a  new  revelation  of  religion  as 
personal  fellowship  with  God.  Tliis  finds  clearest 
articulation  in  the  prophecy  of  the  '*  new  coveoaut  " 


(3I31-34),  conceived  as  an  inner  personal  relation  to 
Grod,  in  contrast  with  dependence  on  the  Temple  and 
its  worship  (74),  and  with  conformity  to  an  external 
written  law  (c/.  88).  In  other  words,  ho  anticipates 
the  time  when  all  Israel  shall  share  his  own  prophetic 
consciousness  of  fellowship  with  God.  To  this  deep 
insight  into  the  essence  of  religion,  the  inner  qualities 
of  his  character  and  the  outer  troubles  of  his  life  have 
both  contributed.  His  affectionate  and  sympathetic 
heart,  his  intensely  human  interests,  his  need  for 
companionship,  and  the  clinging  instincts  of  self-dis- 
trust, were  all  checked  in  their  ordinary  social  satis- 
faction by  the  stern  force  of  circumstances,  which 
made  him  a  lonely  and  misunderstood  man — but  with 
the  result  that  the  treasures  of  a  loving  heart  were 
lavished  on  God,  to  the  permanent  enrichment  of  the 
whole  conception  of  religion. 

This,  then,  is  his  great  achievement — one  which 
entitles  him,  on  the  whole,  to  the  supreme  place  in 
Hebrew  prophecy.  Apart  from  this,  ho  is  not  the 
pioneer  of  great  ideas,  as  were  his  predecessors  in  tho 
eighth  century.  Amos  had  anticipated  him  in  the 
demand  for  the  moralisation  of  religion,  Hosea  in  the 
consciousness  of  Yahweh's  personal  love  for  His 
people,  Isaiah  in  the  sense  of  Yahweh's  transcendent 
control  of  the  nations,  Micah  in  the  separation  of  the 
fortunes  of  Jerusalem  and  thf  Tompln  from  the  essential 
interests  of  religion.  Further,  as  compared  with 
Ezekiel  and  Deutero-Isaiah,  he  is  without  the  massive 
sacramentalism  of  the  one,  which  did  so  much  for  the 
practical  maintenance  of  Jewish  nationalism,  and  he 
makes  little  explicit  advance  towards  the  evangelical 
universalism  of  the  other  (cf.  12i4ff.,  I619-21).  But, 
in  several  important  directions,  we  can  see  the  effect 
of  Jeremiah's  personal  experience  of  religion  on  his 
teaching  in  general.  There  is  a  deeper  conception  of 
sin,  as  springing  from  the  heart  itself  (44,  llg  ;  cf.  Igi., 
122),  and  showing  as  its  most  fatal  result  that  "hardness 
of  heart  "  (724,  9i4,  23i7)  which  makes  fellowship 
with  God  impossible,  and  undesired  ;  to  meet  man's 
need,  Yahweh  must  write  His  law  in  the  heart  (3I33; 
cf.  247),  of  which  He  is  the  searcher  (II20,  17io,  20i2  ; 
cf.  627-30).  There  is  a  clearer  differentiation  of  the 
true  prophetic  consciousness  from  the  false  (239-40  ;  cf. 
the  Hananiah  incident  in  28),  because  Jeremiah  has  so 
felt  for  himself  the  irresistible  might,  the  humbling 
power,  of  Y'ahweh's  real  contact  with  the  soul  (2329). 
There  is  more  explicit  rejection  of  the  value  of  ritual 
for  its  own  sake,  and  more  emphatic  concentration 
on  moral  obedience  to  Yahweh  than  we  find  elsewhere 
(721-26;  cf.  11 15  ing.),  except,  perhaps,  in  Mi.  66-8  and 
in  certain  Psalms  (406,  5O13,  51i6f.).  Jeremiah's 
characteristic  policy  of  submission  to  the  Babylonians 
may  itself  be  regarded  as  a  proof  that  he  had  con- 
ceived religion  on  a  higher  level  than  that  of  national 
pride,  whilst  his  confidence  in  the  future  restoration 
of  the  nation  (31i-6,i5-22,  Israel  ;  246,  29io,  32i5, 
Judah)  reminds  us  that  his  individualism  is  never  up- 
rooted from  its  social  en^-ironment. 

But  the  heart  of  Jeremiah  means  more  to  lis  than 
the  immediate  applications  of  his  teaching.  AVhilst 
Judah,  like  her  northern  sister  before  her,  is  passing 
away,  he  becomes  the  depository  of  the  spiritual 
treasures  of  both,  the  guardian  of  a  trust  like  that 
which  Paul  committed  to  Timothy,  only  to  be  kept 
by  the  obedient  heart  through  the  Holy  Spirit.  The 
legends  which  represent  him  as  hiding  away  the 
Tabernacle  and  the  Ark  and  the  altar  of  incense  until 
the  gathering  of  the  people  (2  Mac.  2 1-8).  and  as  giving 
the  golden  sword  to  Judas  Maccabaeus,  wliorewith  to 
smite  down  his  adversaries   (15 13-16),   are  woefully 


476 


JEREMIAH 


wrong  in  their  interpretation  of  his  spirit,  for  the 
Jeremiah  of  history  cared  little  for  the  sacramental 
emblems,  and  bade  men  sheathe  their  swords.  Yet, 
as  parables,  these  legends  are  profoundly  true.  For 
Jeremiah  was  the  guardian  of  Israel  a  most  sacred 
spiritual  treasures,  and  in  his  hand  was  the  sword  of 
the  Spirit,  which  is  the  word  of  God.  (See  further  on 
this  and  the  two  procodin'_;  paragraphs,  p.  90.) 

4.  The  reader  of  our  present  "  Book  of  Jeremiah  " 
may  be  disposed  to  think  this  estimate  extravagant, 
until  literary  criticism  has  helped  him  to  "  take  forth 
the  precious  from  the  worthless  "  (loicj).  Not  only 
is  there  much  in  the  book  on  a  lower  level  (partly,  at 
least,  due  to  later  expansion  and  addition),  but  the 
prophecies  are  often  difficult  to  arrange  in  order,  since 
they  have  little  explicit  indication  of  their  occasion, 
whilst  the  interspersed  statements  and  appended 
narratives  recjuire  careful  study  and  rearrangement 
{e.g.  7  and  26  refer  to  the  same  event).  One  of  these 
narratives  is  particularly  important  because  it  throws 
light  on  the  origin  of  the  book.  According  to  ch.  36, 
in  604  Jeremiah  dictated  to  Baruch  all  his  prophecies 
"  against  Israel  and  against  Judah  and  against  all  the 
nations "  since  626.  When  this  writing  had  been 
destroj'ed  he  dictated  them  again,  "  and  there  were 
added  besides  unto  them  many  like  words."  We  may 
Bupjvisn  this  roll  to  have  nnntained  all  existent  pro- 
phecies which  do  not  by  their  contents  fall  later  than 
604-603,  I.e.  "  it  will  have  included  certainly  chs.  1-10 
(except  IO1-16),  probably  some  part  of  11-18,  and  at 
least  a  nucleus  of  25,  perhaps  also  parts  of  46-4933  " 
(Driver ;  but  some  further  exceptions  are  made  in  the 
following  Commentary  ;  for  a  convenient  classifica- 
tion of  the  whole  book,  see  Gray,  lOT,  p.  193).  This 
roll  must  have  formed  the  foundation  of  the  present 
"  Book  of  Jeremiah  '"  ;  the  superstructure  built  upon 
it  includes  the  biographical  narratives  which  bulk  so 
largely  from  26  onwards.  These  last  it  is  plausible 
to  ascribe  to  Baruch,  the  secretary  and  faithful  com- 
panion of  the  prophet  (cf.  45),  who  was  even  accused 
of  influencing  his  prophecies  (433).  These  two  main 
elements — the  prophecies  up  to  604,  with  additions 
made  subsequently  by  Jeremiah,  and  the  narratives 
which  may  have  belonged  to  an  independent  life  of 
the  prophet  by  his  friend — have  been  combined,  and 
to  some  extent  rearranged  and  expanded,  by  later 
hands,  with  various  purposes  in  view,  e.g.  to  bring 
together  the  "  restoration "  prophecies  (30-33,  in 
part  only  Jeremianic).  The  foreign  prophecies 
(46-51)  especially  have  been  much  expanded,  and 
relatively  little  of  them  seems  to  be  by  Jeremiah.  It 
may  be  noted  as  an  evidence  of  the  rearrangement 
the  book  has  undergone  from  time  to  time,  that  the 
Greek  translation  of  it  known  as  the  Septuagint,  made 
from  a  Hebrew  text  often  differing  widely  from  that 
we  possess,  has  these  "  foreign  "  prophecies  after  25 13 
and  in  a  differing  order.  The  closing  chapter  of  the 
book  is  a  description  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  extracted 
verbatim  from  2  Kings.  Of  course,  no  attempt  is  made 
in  the  following  Commentary  to  discuss  the  minutia> 
of  criticism  ;  where  nothing  is  said  to  the  contrary,  it 
may  be  assumed  that  Jeremianic  authorship  of  the 
prophecies  can  be  reasonably  maintained,  though  not 
all  the  possible  expansions  or  insertions  could  be 
indicated.  Duhm's  extreme  position,  that  only  about 
sixty  metrical  poems  (270  verses)  belong  to  Jeremiah, 
has  not  carried  conviction  to  more  recent  commen- 
tators, e.g.  Comill. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Choyne  (PC),  Peake 
(C-ent.  B),  Streane  -^  (CB).  {b)  Driver  (Trans,  and 
notes  ;  specially  useful  and  here  often  followed),  Kent 


(Trans,  and  notes  in  Sermons,  Epistles  and  Apocalypses 
of  Israels  Prophets),  (c)  Duhm  (KHC),  Comill  {Daa 
Buck  Jeremia)  Giesebrecht  -  (HK).  {d)  Ball  (1-20, 
Ex.B),  Bennett  (21-52.  Ex.B).  (Jther  Literature  ; 
Articles  on  Jeremiah  by  Davidson  (HDB),  Schmidt 
(EBi);  Cheync,  "Jeremiah"  (Men  of  the  Bible), 
HGlscher,  Die  Profelen,  pp.  208-297.  Thomson  {The 
Land  and  the  Book,  ed.  1888)  has  been  frequently  cited 
in  the  Commentary',  for  its  details  of  Oriental  life. 

I.  J -3.  Title,  ascribing  the  prophecies  which  follow 
to  Jeremiah,  a  man  of  priestly  descent,  belonging  to 
Anathoth  (see  Introduction)  ;  his  prophetic  activity 
is  said  to  have  begun  in  626  b.c.  (the  thirteenth  year  of 
Josiah),  and  to  have  continued  under  Jehoiakim  (608- 
597)  and  Zcdekiah  (597-586).  The  present  book, 
however,  contains  prophecies  delivered  after  "  the 
carrying  away  of  Jerusalem  captive  "  (586  B.C.  ; 
cf.  2  K.  25sff.),  viz.  in  42-44.  Probably  2  was  originally 
the  title  of  this  chapter  only,  and  3  is  a  later  editorial 
addition.  Nothing  is  known  of  Jeremiah's  father, 
Hilkiah  (perhaps  descended  from  Abiathar  ;  see  Intro- 
duction), who  must  not  be  identified  with  the  Hilkiah 
named  in  2  K.  224ff. 

I.  4-10.  The  Prophets  Call.— The  account  of  this 
should  be  compared  with  similar  accounts  of  the  calls 
of  other  prophets  (see  Is.  6,  Ezek.  li-33,  Am.  7i2ff.) 
and  the  characteristic  differences  should  be  noted. 
Probably  all  such  experiences,  whilst  ultimately  due 
to  moral  and  religious  conviction,  involved  abnormal 
psychical  elements  ;  e.g.  Jeremiah  believed  that  he 
heard  an  external  voice,  and  felt  an  outward  touch. 
On  the  general  nature  of  the  prophetic  consciousness, 
see  H.  W.  Robinson,  Religious  Ideas  of  the  OT,  pp. 
113ff,  and  tlio  article  on  "Old  Testament  Prophecy" 
in  the  present  work-  Jeremiah  is  told  that  Yahweh 
predestined  him  for  a  particular  life-work  before  ho 
existed  ;  he  was  "  a  thought  of  God  "  (Duhm)  before 
the  Divine  hands  shaped  his  limbs,  according  to  this 
pattern,  in  the  mystery  of  the  embryo  (Ps.  139i3,i5f.  ; 
Job  lOf. ;  cf.  Is.  49i),  and  he  was  consecrated  to  the 
Divine  purpose  before  he  appeared  in  the  world.  This 
purpose  is  the  utterance  of  Yahweh's  message  to  the 
nations  of  the  world.  Jeremiah  shrinks  from  such  a 
task  on  the  ground  of  his  youthfulness  {i.e.  he  cannot 
claim  from  others  the  respect  due  to  ago  and  experi- 
ence ;  cf.  Job  326).  Yahweh,  however,  bids  him  think 
of  the  Divine  authority  and  strength  supporting  him  ; 
let  him  but  obey,  and  God  is  with  him.  Then  the 
Divine  touch  appropriates  his  mouth  as  the  instrument 
of  Yahweh's  address  to  men  ;  Jeremiah  is  to  be  an 
"  overseer  "  of  nations,  and,  according  to  his  prophetic 
word  (because  it  is  really  Yahweh's),  they  will  rise 
and  fall. — 5.  sanctified  means  "  set  apart  as  Gods 
property  "  ;  there  is  no  moral  reference  here. — unto 
the  nations :  Judah  was  a  politically  insignificant 
people,  but  its  fortunes  were  to  be  decided  in  the  great 
drama  of  general  history,  over  which  Yahweh  was 
supreme.  A  prophet  for  Judah's  needs  was  neces- 
sarily in  such  days  a  prophet  "  unto  the  nations  ". — 
6.  Child  :  the  Hebrew  word  should  here  be  rendered 
"  young  man  "  as  in  Gen.  I424. — 9.  The  act  is  not 
merely  symbolic  ;  according  to  Hebrew  ideas  of 
physiology  and  psychology  it  would  actually  affect 
the  organ  of  speech.  This  Divine  ajipropriation  of 
Jeremiah's  mouth  is,  however,  different  from  the 
cleansing  of  Isaiah's  lips  by  the  burning  coal  (Is.  67*), 
though  the  narrative  of  the  latter  may  have  had  a 
psychological  influence  on  the  experience  of  Jeremiah. 
— 10.  set  thee  :   lit.  "  made  tht»e  overseer  ". 

I.  11-19.  The  Two  Visions  ol  Judgment.— These 
form  a  separate  experience,  and  imply  some  change 


JEREMIAH,  II.  34 


477 


of  standpoint,  since  it  is  now  the  judgment  of  Judah 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  nations  which  is 
presented  to  the  prophet's  eye.  The  first  vision  (iif.) 
is  preparatory  ;  lie  sees  the  branch  (rod)  of  an  almond 
tree,  and  the  interpretation  of  his  vision  is  that  this 
shdked  stands  for  the  Divine  shoked,  the  "  watcher  " 
God  (who  slumbers  not  nor  sleeps,  Ps.  I2I4),  ever 
wakeful  unto  judgment.  The  almond  tree  is  here 
called  the  "  waker  ",  because  of  its  early  (February) 
blossoming  ;  see  Thomson,  The  Land  and  the  Book, 
p.  318.  Such  play  on  words  is  characteristic  of  Hebrew 
thought  ;  it  finds  a  parallel,  e.g.  in  Am.  82,  where  the 
prophet's  vision  of  a  basket  of  summer  fruit  (kaitz) 
suggests  that  the  end  (ketz)  of  Israel  is  near.  Such 
visions  as  these,  at  least  in  pre-exilic  times,  are  not 
merely  a  rhetorical  device  ;  they  imply  some  abnormal 
psychical  experience.  The  second  and  principal  vision 
(i3£f.)  is  of  a  boiling  caldron.  The  phrase  "  the  face 
thereof  is  from  the  north  "  is  obscure,  and  might  mean 
either  that  the  caldron  was  seen  north  of  the  prophet, 
in  which  case  its  contents,  as  they  boil  over,  represent 
the  northern  nations  as  they  descend  upon  Judah,  or, 
more  probably  (with  Duhm,  re  pointing  one  word)  that 
the  fireplace  on  which  the  caldron  stands  is  open  on 
the  northern  side,  from  which  the  fire  is  "  kindled  ". 
On  this  latter  view,  the  caldron  becomes  Judah  itself, 
whose  inhabitants  suffer  from  the  flames  kindled 
beneath  them  by  the  enemy.  On  either  interpretation 
of  the  object  seen,  the  emphasis  falls  on  the  quarter 
from  which  the  enemy  comes,  i.e.  the  north.  These 
"  kingdoms  of  the  north  "  are  doubtless  the  Scythians 
(p.  GO),  who  came  as  far  as  Syria,  intending  to  invade 
Egypt  (Herod,  i.  103-6),  about  this  time,  though  they 
did  not  do  what  the  prophet  here  expects  of  them. 
When  he  reissued  these  and  similar  prophecies  in  604 
(see  Introduction),  he  transferred  his  expectations  to 
the  Babylonians.  The  hostile  kings  set  up  their  thrones 
(15)  to  judge  the  vanquished  after  the  city  is  taken. 
Through  their  agency,  Yahweh  proceeds  to  judgment 
upon  Judah  (r6  7ng.),  because  of  the  heathen  worship 
appropriated  by,  or  practised  along  with,  the  worship 
of  Yahweh  in  the  reign  of  Manasseh  (heathenism  which 
the  Assyrian  supremacy  naturally  encouraged).  This 
is  the  judgment  Jeremiah  is  to  declare  fearlessly,  with 
a  Divinely  given  strength  comparable  with  that  of  a 
fortified  city  and  a  bronze  wall. — 14.  shall  break  forth  : 
read,  with  LXX,  shall  be  "  kindled  ",i.e.  "  blown  upon", 
with  a  play  on  the  Hebrew  word  for  "  seething  ". — 
15.  Omit,  with  LXX,  "  families  of  the". — 16.  burned 
Incense  :  "  sacrificed  ". — 18.  Omit  "  iron  pillar  ",  and 
read  "  wall  "  for  "  walls  ",  both  with  LXX. 

n.  1-IV.  4.  These  chapters  belong  to  the  time  of 
Josiah  (626ff.  B.C.),  and  contain  some  of  the  earliest 
prophecies  of  Jeremiah.  Their  central  thought  is  the 
faithlessness  of  the  people  as  Yahweh's  bride,  an  idea 
developed  in  the  previous  century  by  Hosea.  Note 
that  the  name  "  Israel  "  frequently  denotes  the  whole 
people,  including  both  kingdoms,  sometimes  (c/.  36ff.) 
the  northern  kingdom  only,  in  contrast  with  the 
southern.  The  aim  of  the  prophet  is  naturally  to 
rebuke  the  infidelity  of  the  surviving  Judah,  but,  in 
order  to  do  this,  he  reviews  the  conduct  and  character 
of  the  Hebrew  nation. 

II.  1-3.  Early  Loyalty  and  Security. — The  prophet 
reminds  the  people  of  its  desert  wanderings,  when  it 
loved  Yahweh  as  a  young  bride  does  her  husband.  In 
those  days,  Israel  was  safe  from  all  interference,  like 
a  gift  laid  on  the  altar,  Yahweh's  first-fruits  (Ex.  23 19). 
This  idealisation  of  the  nomadic  period  was  carried 
furthest  by  the  Rechabites  (35),  who  "  abstained  "  from 
the  civilisation  of  Canaan. — 3.  holiness  :  lit.  "  a  conse- 


crated thing  ",  the  word  has  no  moral  significance  here ; 
Israel  was  under  taboo,  and  so  inviolable. 

II.  4-13.  Yahweh's  Reproaches.— Yahweh  asks  why 
His  redeeming  acts  are  forgotten  and  His  (true)  worship 
abandoned  ;  other  nations  do  not  abandon  their  gods, 
though  these  are  worthless,  but  Yahweh's  people  have 
forsaken  the  one  true  God.  Jeremiah  here  treats  all 
other  gods  as  worthless,  though  explicit  monotheism 
is  not  found  until  the  next  century  (Deutero- Isaiah). 
When  Israel  entered  Canaan  under  its  desert-God, 
Yahweh,  it  was  natural  to  worship  the  local  Baalim 
(p.  87).  as  well,  since  they  were  regarded  as  the  gods  of 
agriculture  and  fertility.  But  when  the  land  came  to 
be  regarded  as  Yahweh's  heritage,  there  was  a  strong 
tendency  for  Him  to  be  worshipped  as  the  Baalim  had 
been,  and  under  the  name  of  Baal  ("  Lord  '').  Both 
the  worship  and  the  name  are  here  treated  as  heathen- 
ism.— 5.  vanity  :  lit.  "  breath  "  ;  cf.  819. — 10.  Kittim  : 
the  people  of  Kition  in  Cyprus  (Nu.  2423f.'*) ;  Kedar 
(Gen.  25i3,  Jer.  4928,  Ps.  1205"*)  :  an  Arabian  tribe; 
thus,  W.  and  E.  are  here  graphically  indicated. — 12. 
be  liorribly  afraid,  be  ye  very  desolate  :  read,  with 
LXX,  "  shudder  exceedingly  ". — 13.  For  the  contrast 
between  the  fountain,  or  spring,  and  the  cistern,  see 
Thomson,  op.  cit.,  p.  287  ;  the  latter,  though  hewn  in 
rock,  is  said  to  crack  easily,  and  its  water,  collected 
from  the  roof,  is  in  any  case  inferior. 

n.  14-28.  Israel's  False  Religion. — Israel  has  for- 
feited the  privileges  of  a  son,  and  incurred  disaster  by 
forsaking  Yahweh  for  the  sensuous  worship  of  the 
Baalim  (cf.  20,28).  14-17  may  be  a  later  insertion,  as 
it  seems  to  break  the  connexion  between  13  and  18; 
15  apparently  refers  to  the  devastation  of  the  northern 
kingdom  by  Assyria,  16  to  the  defeat  of  Judah  by 
Pharaoh  Nccho  (pp.  60,  72)  at  Megiddo  in  608  (Noph 
(Is.  1913'")  is  Memphis.  Tahpanhes  is  Daphne,  these 
being  taken  as  representative  cities  of  Egypt).  In  16, 
the  Hebrew  reads.as  mg.  The  last  clause  of  17,  "  when 
he  led  thee  by  the  way  ".  should  be  omitted  with  LXX. 
18  resumes  the  figure  of  13,  and  remonstrates  against 
the  pro-Egj^ptian  policy,  which  was  the  chief  alternative 
to  subjection  to  Assyria.  In  20,  read  as  mg.,  with  VSS. 
21  employs  the  familiar  figure  of  Israel  as  a  vine,  which 
might  be  called  the  national  emblem  (12ioff.,  Hos.  lOi, 
Is.  5i-7,  Ezek.  Hsff.).  In  22,  "lye"  and  "soap" 
denote  a  vegetable  and  a  mineral  alkali  respectively  ; 
"  marked  "  should  be  "  ingrained  ".  Israel  protests 
{cf.  27,35)  that  she  has  not  abandoned  Yahweh,  in 
worshipping  Him  according  to  the  manner  of  the 
Baalim  (23)  ;  she  is  answered  by  a  reference  to  the 
valley  (Huinom ;  731"*,  Mk.  943*).  and  the  sensuality 
of  her  worship  (so  repugnant  to  the  God  of  righteous- 
ness) is  suggested  by  the  figures  of  the  young  camel 
(23  mg.),  and  the  ass  (24)  when  in  heat.  Reference  is 
made  in  25  to  the  eager  pursuit  of  strange  gods,  in 
27  to  the  Asherah  (p.  100,  1  K.  1513"*)  and  Maz^ebah 
(p.  98)  emploved  in  their  worship  (Dt.  162if.'*),  in  each 
locality  (Hi 3). 

II.  29-37.  The  Deserved  Punishment.— Israel's  sor- 
rows are  well  deserved,  for  Yahweh's  love  has  been 
forgotten.  In  spite  of  wrong-doing,  there  is  no  peni- 
tence for  sin.  The  help  of  Egypt  will  be  as  futile  as 
that  of  Assyria. — 29.  plead:  "complain". — 30.  For 
your  own  read  "the"  with  LXX. — 32.  attire:  pro- 
perly "  sash  "  (Is.  320,  RV).— 33.  trimmest :  lit. 
"  makest  good  ",  i.e.  "  pickest  ". — wicked  women  : 
better,  "  evil  things  ",  same  word  as  in  35  ;  "  even  to 
evil  things  hast  thou  accustomed  thy  ways  ". — 34  aa 
it  stands  apparently  refers  to  social  injustice  (76)  ; 
men  are  slain  where  no  excuse  of  justifiable  homicide 
(mg.)  can  be  offered.     But  the  verse  seems  corrupt. 


478 


JEREMIAH,  II.  34 


and  the  last  clause  gives  no  good  sense,  even  if  wo 
supply  'garments"  with  "all  these". — 36.  gaddest 
should  be  simply  "  guest  "  ;  "  ashamed  of  "  (bis),  rather. 
"  put  to  shame  by". — 37.  The  gesture  is  one  of  deep 
sorrow  (2  iS.  ISiq).  The  precise  occasion  of  the 
political  re-fcrence  in  this  verse  is  not  known ;  cf. 
Is.  3O5II. 

III.  1-5.  Israel's  Infidelity. — (Some  introductory 
formula,  like  that  of  2i,  has  dropped  out  before  i  ; 
note  mg.).  Israels  marital  unfaithfulness  to  Yahweh 
is  too  gross  for  a  facile  repentance  to  avail.  The  analogy 
of  the  law  of  divorce  (mg.  reference)  suggests  that 
Israel  cannot  deal  with  her  Divine  Husband  as  lightly 
as  she  will.  She  has  waited  for  her  lovers  as  per- 
sistently as  a  nomad  plunderer  for  his  victims.  The 
loss  of  that  prosperity  which  depended  on  the  latter 
rain  (of  the  spring)  has  brought  no  compunction. 
Recent  promises  have  not  been  kept. — 1.  land  should 
be  '*  woman  ",  with  LXX  ;  vig.^  to  be  re^d. — 4.  Render 
"  Hast  thou  not  just  cried  "  ;  some  see  a  reference 
here  and  in  5  to  the  Reformation  under  Josiah.  and 
its  relative  failure. — guide  is  "  friend "  or  lover 
(cf.  tng.)  ;  for  the  idea  of  Yahweh  as  both  "  father  " 
and  "  husband  "  to  Israel,  see  Hos.  2i6,  lli. — 5.  hast 
.  .  .  done :  read  7ng. 

III.  &-18.  Israel's  Sin  less  than  Judah's.— This  pas- 
sage interrupts  the  continuity  of  819  with  85  (note 
also  the  interruptive  introductory  formula,  6),  and 
seems  to  bo  a  separate  prophecy,  though  it  employs 
the  predominant  figure  of  this  section,  i.e.  the  marriage 
of  Yahweh  and  His  people,  and  is  probably  by  Jeremiah 
(to  16).  The  northern  kingdom  was  faithless  to  this 
marriage,  through  the  Baal-cult ;  Yahweh  waited  for 
her  return  in  vain  (7  7ng.),  and  at  length  divorced  her 
(8;  see  on  81-5).  Judah  saw  the  consequences  of 
that  divorce,  in  the  devastation  of  Israel  (a  century 
earlier),  without  learning  the  lesson,  and  repeated  the 
offence.  Such  repentance  as  Judah  did  show  (in  the 
Dcuteronomic  Reformation  ?)  was  unreal,  and  her  sin 
was  worse  than  Israels,  because  the  fate  of  Israel 
was  before  her  eyes  as  a  warning.  The  prophet  now 
(i2fF.)  invites  Israel,  or  at  least  its  righteous  remnant 
(14 ;  cf.  Is.  l25f  )  to  return  to  Him,  that  they  may  be 
restored  to  theirlandunderworthykings  (""  shepherds'); 
the  Ark,  as  the  external  sign  of  HLs  presence,  will  no 
longer  bo  needed  (16.  both  mgg.).  This  prophecy  has 
been  expanded  by  a  ^lessianic  promise  that  Jerusalem 
shall  be  the  religious  centre  of  the  changed  world  (17) 
and  that  Judah  shall  share  in  the  return  of  Israel  (18). — 
9.  The  Hebrew  reads  "  She  was  polluted  with  the 
land  ",  which  RV  silently  emends,  as  often  ;  read  "  she 
polluted  the  land  "  with  Vulg.  and  Targ. — 10.  Omit 

her"  and  "sister  ",  with  LXX. — 17.  Omit,  with  LXX, 
'*  to  the  name  of  the  Lord  to  Jerusalem  ".  Note  that 
"backsliding"  (6,11,14,  t'tc.)  should  be  "back-turn- 
ing", with  play  in  '  return  "  (7,  etc.)  on  the  double 
sense  of  "  turn  back,"  i.e.  from  and  to  Yahweh. 

in.  19-IV.  4.  A  Dialogue  of  Yahweh's  Grace.— This 
directly  continues  85,  the  "  I  "  of  19  being  emphati- 
cally contrasted  with  the  "  thou "  of  5.  Yahweh 
expresses  His  desire  (19  mg.)  to  give  Judah,  though  a 
daughter,  a  son's  portion  in  the  best  of  lands  (,mg.~), 
but  Judah  (here  called  Israel  in  narrower  sense,  20) 
has  loft  Him.  When,  speechless,  she  weeps  in  peni- 
tence (21)  on  the  bare  heights,  the  place  of  her  former 
sin,  Yahweh  will  bid  her  return  to  Him  ;  she  comes 
making  confession  that  Baal  (24  mg.)  has  not  profited 
her.  Yahweh  assures  .Judah  (4i)  that  true  penitence 
will  be  followed  by  the  conversion  of  the  heathen,  who 
will  use  Yahweh's  name  in  blessings  (Is.  65i6).  I^et 
Judah,  then,  reform  in  earnest  (  ^  :  cf.  Hos.  IO12),  with 


an  inner  consecration,  before  Yahweh  punishes  (4). — 
19.  children:  "sons";  (cf.  Hos.  Uiff.) — 23.  Some 
word  parallel  to  "  tumult  "  (better  "  throng  "  with  mg.) 
has  fallen  out  (RV  italics)  ;  the  cult  of  Baal  is  meant 
by  both  ;  cf.  1  K.  1826fE.— IV.  1.  Read  mg.^  ;  for  the 
first  "  shalt  "  render  "  if  ". — abominations  denote  such 
heathen  emblems  as  are  named  in  227,  etc. 

IV.  5-VI.  30,  A  new  paragraph  should  begin  with 
45,  introducing  a  new  section  of  the  prophecies,  which 
deals  with  the  judgment  of  Judah,  its  causes  and  its 
instrument.  This  section  is  probably  somewhat  later 
than  2i-44  ;  it  amplifies  the  vision  of  the  boiling 
caldron  (I13).  The  "foe  from  the  north",  whom 
Jeremiah  expected  to  invade  Judah,  would  originally 
be  the  Scythians,  subsequentlv  the  Babylonians  (see 
on  li3ff.). 

IV.  5-18.  The  Enemy's  Approach. — Warning  is 
given  hj  the  horn,  and  guidance,  to  the  refugees  flee- 
ing to  Jerusalem,  by  the  standard  ;  they  are  bidden  to 
bring  (their  families)  into  safety  (not  "  flee  for  safety  "). 
The  lion-like  foe  draws  near  to  destroy,  and  the  courage 
(Hebrew  "heart",  9)  of  Judah's  leaders  fails  them. 
The  prophets  will  .say  that  they  have  been  deceived  in 
prophesying  prosperity  (cf.  614,  14i3,  23i7  ;  Jeremiah's 
own  prophecies  were  in  marked  contrast,  see  on  28). 
A  sirocco  blast  blows  on  Judah,  too  strong  (12  mg.) 
to  winnow,  and  to  distinguLsh  the  grain  from  the  chaff. 
The  foe  approaches,  cloud-like  in  numbers,  vulture- 
like  in  speed.  "  Hark  !  one  declareth  "  (so  15),  from 
the  extreme  north  of  the  land,  and  then  from  the 
mountains  a  few  miles  north  of  Jeni.salem  (Ephraim), 
that  the  "  watchers  '  (i.e.  besiegers)  are  at  hand.  The 
bitterness  of  heart-felt  sorrow  is  the  result  of  Judah's 
wickedness. — 10.  said  I :  read,  with  Cod.  A  of  LXX 
and  the  Arabic  Version,  "  they  will  say ". — 13.  The 
eagle  of  RV  is  the  griffon-vulture. — 15.  Dan :  cf.  the 
proverbial  phrase,  "  from  Dan  unto  Beersheba ", 
Jg.  2O1. 

IV.  19-22.  The  Prophet's  Grief  for  his  country  finds 
characteristic  expression  :  "  My  bowels  !  my  bowels  I 
Let  me  writhe  !  The  walls  of  my  heart  !  My  heart 
moaneth  within  me  !  ''  (Driver).  His  soul  hears  (mg. 
with  LXX)  the  battle,  and  identifies  itself  in  sympathy 
with  his  people,  whose  habitation  ("  tents  "  and  tent- 
"  curtahis  " ;  cf.  IO20)  is  destroyed,  because  they  are 
so  ignorant  of  Yahweh.  This  is  the  first  example 
(after  the  call)  of  that  revelation  of  the  inner  life  which 
especially  distinguishes  this  prophet,  and  forms  his 
great  contribution  to  spiritual  religion. — 19.  The 
bowels  are  the  seat  of  strong  emotion  according  to 
Hebrew  psychology. 

IV.  23-31.  The  Vision  of  Desolation  (23-26)  most 
impressively  describes  the  Divine  visitation  of  Judah. 
The  earth  becomes  like  the  chaos  before  creation  (mg.) 
under  a  sky  that  has  lost  its  lamps  ;  the  verj-  moun- 
tains have  no  longer  stability  ;  the  denizens  of  earth 
and  air  are  gone  ;  the  garden-land  is  wilderness  ;  the 
cities  are  overthrown  (cf.  lio).  Jeremiah  has  actually 
seen  all  this  in  some  ecstatic  state,  just  as  George 
Fox  saw  its  opposite,  the  paradise  of  God  in  which 
"  all  things  were  new  and  all  the  creation  gave  another 
smell  ! "  ( Journal,  i.  28).  There  follows  the  applica- 
tion of  the  vision  (27-29),  viz.  such  an  interpretation 
of  its  meaning  as  would  subsequently  come  into  the 
prophet's  more  normal  consciousness.  In  30  and  31 
there  is  an  effective  contrast  between  the  gaily-decked 
prostitute  and  the  travailing  woman,  though  both 
figures  are  used  to  express  the  same  fact,  i.e.  Jerusalem's 
helplessness  before  the  invader,  either  to  allure  or  to 
witli-tand. — 28.  Transpose,  with  LXX,  "  I  have  pur- 
posed it  " .  and  "  I  have  not  repented  ". — 29.  The  firpt 


JEREMIAH,  VII.  1-15 


479 


city  should  be  "  land  ",  with  LXX. — 30.  paint,  i.e.  anti- 
mony, which  was  and  is  used  in  the  East  to  darken 
the  rims  of  the  eyelids,  that  the  eyes  may  appear 
larger  ;  c/.  2  K.  930,  Ezek.  2840. 

V.  1-9.  The  Sins  of  Jerusalem. — Jeremiah  is  bidden 
to  seek  even  one  man  in  Jerusalem,  for  whose  sake 
Yahweh  may  spare  tlio  city  (cf.  Gen.  I816-33),  one 
man  of  justice  and  faithfulness  (mg.)  ;  even  the  oaths 
they  swear  by  Yahweh  mean  nothing.  The  prophet 
confesses  that  it  is  this  lack  of  faithfuhiess  that  has 
brought  a  hard  discipline  on  the  city,  though  in  vain  ; 
yet  he  turns  from  "  the  man  m  the  street  "  to  those 
of  high  degree,  for  they  (emph.)  know  the  ordinances 
of  Yahweh — only  to  find  them  united  in  disobedience 
(5  ;  for  the  figure  of  the  rebellious  oxen,  cf.  220).  So 
comes  the  foe,  like  forest  lion,  or  desert  wolf  {mg.), 
or  lurking  leopard  ;  since  Yahweh's  provision  of  a 
fertile  land  has  but  led  to  wantonness. — 7.  assembled 
themselves  in  troops:  read,  with  LXX,  "  lodged  ",  as 
1  K.  1720  ("  sojourn  "). — 8.  horses  in  the  morning 
should  probably  bo  "  stallions  "  (Driver)  ;  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  figure  is  actual  immorality,  which  may  or 
may  not  have  been  coupled  with  the  sensual  worship 
of  the  Baalim. 

V.  10-19.  The  Coming  of  the  Foe. — Let  the  enemy, 
therefore,  destroy  the  vmeyard  of  Judah,  for  of  its 
owner  Judah  has  said,  "  He  does  nothing "',  rejecting 
His  warnings  by  (true)  prophets.  The  word  they  have 
rejected  now  becomes  a  fire  to  consume  (cf.  2829  ; 
ancient  thought  attached  great  power  to  the  spoken 
word).  The  enemy  (Scythians  or,  later,  Babylonians) 
comes  to  destroy,  being  enduring  {mg.),  foreign  in 
speech  (Is.  28ii),  and  a  nation  of  warriors  ("  mighty 
men  "),  whose  arrows  do  not  miss  (16).  Heathenism 
at  home  shall  bring  exile  abroad  (19). — 10.  walls 
should  probably  be  "  vine-rows  "  ;  for  the  figure, 
cf.  221).— 12.  It  is  not  he  :  lit.  "  not  ho  "  ;  cf.  Zeph.  I12, 
end. — 18,  like  many  similar  remarks,  seems  to  be  a 
later  insertion,  meant  to  qualify  the  rigour  of  the 
destruction  in  17. 

V.  20^31.  Let  Evil-doers  Fear  Yahweh.— The  folly  cf 
not  fearing  Yahweh  is  rebuked  by  a  reminder  of  the 
power  of  Him  who  has  set  an  impassable  limit  even 
to  the  sea  {cf.  the  rebuke  of  Job's  presumption  by  the 
description  of  Nature  as  Yahweh's  work,  Job  38-41). 
Because  they  have  not  feared  Him  who  gives  the 
regular  rains  (the  "  former  "  in  October,  the  "  latter  " 
in  March- April),  and  the  resultant  harvest  (24),  they 
have  lost  these  gifts.  Punishment  is  brought  do-svn 
on  the  nation  by  evil-doers,  who  fill  their  houses  with 
(the  gains  of)  deceit,  as  bird-catchers  their  cages  with 
birds,  and  by  the  same  arts  ;  evil-doers  who  are 
prosperous  and  sleek,  and  unjust  to  the  helpless. 
Horrible  in  Yahweh's  eyes  is  the  degeneracy  of  the 
prophets  who  ought  to  teach  the  truth,  and  of  the 
priests  who  follow  the  suggestions  of  the  prophets 
(31  mg.),  and  of  the  people  who  are  satisfied  with  all 
this  ;  what  of  the  issue  ? — 24.  The  dependence  of 
Palestine  on  the  periodic  rains  for  its  fertility  was  felt 
to  link  it  to  Yahweh  in  a  unique  degree  ;  cf.  Dt.  II 10- 
12.— 28.  shine:    i.e.  with  fat;  cf.  Job  1527,  Ps.  787). 

VI.  1-8.  The  Siege  of  the  Sinful  City.— The  prophet 
bids  his  kinsfolk  (Anathoth,  his  birthplace,  being  in 
Benjamin)  to  abandon  the  capital,  and  to  gather  in 
the  southern  mountains  ;  the  northern  peril  is  now 
nearer  than  ever,  and  the  fair  and  luxurious  city  is 
to  be  destroyed.  Her  besiegers  are  around  her,  like 
shepherds  with  their  flocks,  ravaging  the  land.  We 
hear  the  foe  dLsoi.ssing  their  plans — a  surprise  at  noon 
when  men  arc  resting  from  the  heat ;  then,  when  they 
lament  the  loss  of  this  opportunity  ("  Woo  unto  us  !  "), 


a  night  attack.  The  trees  around  the  city  (6  mg. ; 
cf.  Dt.  20 1 9, 20)  are  cut  down,  and  earthworks  are 
thrown  up  as  part  of  the  enemy's  plan  of  attack. 
The  city  is  "  visited  ",  i.e.  punished,  because  she  "  keeps 
fresh  "  (7  mg.)  her  wickedness,  as  a  rock-cistern  does 
its  waters  ;  let  her  be  disciplined  (230,  53  ;  for  "  in- 
structed ")  before  Yahweh  casts  her  off. — 1.  Tekoa: 
(p.  81,  Am.  li)  10  miles  S.  of  Jerusalem. — Beth-hac- 
cerem :  perhaps  a  height  3  miles  NE.  of  Tekoa.— 4  mg. 
refers  to  the  sacrifices  which  began  a  campaign  (pp. 
99,  114);  war  and  religion  arc  in  closest  alliance 
amongst  ancient  peoples  ;  cf.  Dt.  20. — 7.  The  Rabbis 
found  the  middle  letter  of  the-  OT  hi  the  word  rendered 
"  cistern  "  (Comill). 

VI.  9-15.  The  Justification  of  Yahwehs  Wrath.— The 
turn  of  Judah,  the  "  remnant  of  Israel  ",  is  now  come, 
and  Yahweh  bids  the  foe,  figured  as  a  grape-gatherer 
at  work  on  the  vine  (see  on  221)  to  do  his  v/ork 
thoroughly  (9  mg.).  The  prophet  complains  that  the 
ears  of  the  people  are  closed  to  his  word,  jet  he  cannot 
hold  it  back  (2O9),  and  will  pour  it  out  (so  LXX)  even 
on  the  playing  children  and  the  irresponsible  youth. 
Calamity  falls  on  all  alike,  for  all  seek  gam,  and  the 
very  leaders  are  false  with  their  easy  talk  of  pros- 
perity (15  ;  both  mgg.). 

VI.  16-21.  Obedience  more  than  Sacrifice. — Yahweh 
vamly  bade  the  people  stand  at  the  parting  of  the 
ways  (Hebrew,  "  by  the  ways  "),  and  seek  the  ancient 
road  to  prosperity,  that  they  may  find  repose  for 
themselves.  The  watchmen-prophets  have  called  m 
vain.  Yahweh's  teaching  ("  law '",  not  necessarily 
written)  has  been  rejected.  For  these  moral  faults 
far-fetched  offerings  and  many  sacrifices  do  not  atone ; 
Yahweh  will  make  the  people  stumble  to  their  ruin. — 
16.  saith  should  be  "  said  ".  This  verse  must  not  bo 
taken  in  the  spiritual  sense  of  Mt.  II29  ;  the  "  good  " 
is  material  well-being,  the  "  rest  "  security,  and  "  your 
souls  "  is  no  more  than  a  reflexive  pronoun  here. — 
18.  The  latter  part  of  the  verse  is  corruj^t  and  yields 
no  good  sense. — 20.  The  Sabajans  of  S.  Arabia  (Sheba, 
cf.  1  K.  10 1- 1 3*)  exported  perfume  (Is.  6O0) ;  the 
calamus  {mg.)  used  for  incense  (Ex.  8O23)  may  have 
come  from  India. — frankincense  is  a  resinous  gum 
exuding  from  certain  trees  ;  it  became  a  usual  accom- 
paniment of  the  "meal-offering";  cf.  1726,  4I5, 
Lev.   2i. 

VI.  22-26.  The  Foe  from  the  North  is  agam  de- 
scribed {cf.  615-17)  in  his  advance  against  Jerusalem 
(22,23).  Its  inhabitants  utter  their  dismay  ("  wax 
feeble,"  24;  Heb.  "are  slack").  The  prophet  warns 
of  the  danger  without  (25),  and  bids  the  (individualised) 
people  mourn  (Am.  810,  Zech.  12io)  for  the  coming 
disaster. — 22-24  are  repeated  in  connexion  with 
Babylon  in  5O41-43. 

VI.  27-30.  The  Prophet's  Task.— The  record  ot 
earlier  prophecies  (1-6)  fitly  closes  with  the  application 
to  the  prophet  of  the  figure  of  the  "  trier  "  {mg.)  or 
assayer  ;  "  so  inextricably  is  the  alloy  mixed  with  the 
silver  that,  though  the  bellows  blow,  and  the  lead 
(which  was  added  to  carry  away  the  alloy)  is  oxidised 
in  the  heat,  no  purification  is  effected  ;  only  impui^e 
silver  remains  "  (Driver). — 27.  Omit  a  fortress,  which 
is  probably  a  marginal  note  on  the  rendering  "  tower  ", 
which  should  be  "  trier". 

VII.-X.  A  new  section  begms  here,  containing 
prophecies  jiresumably  uttered  in  the  earlier  years  01 
Jehoiakim  (608-604),  except  10i-i6*. 

VII.  1-15.  The  Temple  Sermon. — The  prophet  is 
sent  to  the  gate  of  the  Temple,  to  rebuke  the  false 
confidence  of  Yahweh's  worshipi)ers  in  the  jxisscssion 
of  this  block  of  buildings  ("  these",  4).     Yahweh  do- 


480 


JEBEMIAH,  VII.  1-15 


sires  social  justice  (6),  moral  conduct  (g),  and  whole- 
hearted worship  ;  otherwise  the  security  inspired  by 
the  fact  that  the  Templo  Ijelongs  to  Him  (lo,  note  mg.) 
La  utterly  baseless.  Yahweh  will  not  permit  His 
Temple  to  become  like  some  cave  which  shelters  robbers 
(ii ;  cf.  Mt.  21 1 3),  but  will  destroy  it  as  He  destroyed 
that  of  Shiloh,  and  will  banish  Judah  as  He  banished 
the  northern  tribes  (Ephraim)  from  His  land.  The 
confidence  in  the  possession  of  the  Templo  which  is 
here  rebuked  was  a  natural  outcome  of  tho  reforma- 
tion under  Josiah  (2  K.  22f.).  which  made  it  the  only 
centre  of  worship ;  the  remarkable  deliverance  of 
Jerusalem  from  Sennacherib  in  701  (2  K.  I935)  had 
also  contributed  to  the  belief  that  the  city  was  invio- 
lable. The  effect  of  the  prophets  words  in  denouncing 
this  sense  of  security  is  described  in  26,  which  refers 
to  the  same  occasion,  i.e.  soon  after  608  B.C. — 6. 
stranger  denotes  the  settled  foreigner ;  cf.  Dt.  1 16,  etc. 
— 12.  Shiloh:  in Ephraim,with  Eli  as  its  priest  (IS.  1-3), 
and  the  Ark  as  its  pride  ;  it  was  probably  destroyed 
by  tho  Philistines  after  the  victory  described  in  1  S.  4 
loff. ;  c/.  1  S.  7i*,  Ps.  7860.— 15.  Omit  the  first  "  all  ", 
with  LXX. 

VII.  16-20.  The  Worship  of  Astarte.— The  prophet 
is  forbidden  to  intercede  for  a  people  who  arc  even  now 
worshipping  other  gods,  to  their  own  deserved  ruin. 
Tho  cult  (p.  yy)  described  in  18  (and  more  fully  in 
4415-30)  is  that  of  Ashtoreth  (Astarte),  ''  the  queen  of 
heaven  ",  i.e.  the  planet  Venus,  who  was  worshipped 
under  the  name  of  Ishtar  by  the  Babylonians  (1  K. 
11 5*).  A  similar  offering  of  cakes  (p.  99)  by  women  to 
the  Virgin  Mary,  practised  by  an  Arabian  sect,  is  the 
continuation  of  this  (EBi.  col.  3993).— 18.  Cf.  the 
drink-offering  in  the  worship  of  Yahweh  (Nu.  ISsff.). 
— provoke  to  anger,  here  and  elsewhere,  should  be 
"  vex.'' 

VII.  21-28.  Obedience  Necessary,  not  SacriQce. — 
Yahweh  scornfully  tells  these  formal  worshippers  to 
eat  even  the  burnt-offering  (wholly  offered  to  God), 
as  well  as  the  peace-offering  (which  was  eaten  by  the 
worshippers,  except  the  blood  and  portions  of  the 
fat)  ;  both  are  mere  "  flesh,"  without  sacrificial  value 
in  the  hands  of  the  disobedient.  In  the  desert  days 
Ho  asked  for  obedience,  not  sacrifice  ;  but  Israel  has 
refused  it,  notwithstanding  the  continued  ministry  of 
the  prophets,  nor  will  Jeremiah's  own  message  be 
heard. — 22f.  clearly  show  that  the  Pentateuch  in 
its  present  form  was  not  known  to  Jeremiah  {cf.  Am.  5 
25),  for  the  Priestly  Code  lays  the  greatest  stress  on 
sacrifice  as  Divinely  prescribed  from  the  beginning. — 
28.  Read  as  both  jugj. 

VII.  29-VIII.  3.  Mourning  for  Judah's  Dead.— Let 
Jerusalem  mourn,  and  rai.so  a  dirge  on  tho  heights 
(where  she  sinned  by  her  idolatry),  because  of  tho  near 
approach  of  the  puni.shment  for  tho  desecration  of 
Yahweh's  house,  and  for  the  offering  of  human  sacrifice, 
which  Yahweh  never  ordered.  Tho  land  shall  l)e  full 
of  corpses  (32  7ng.),  and  all  joy  shall  cea.se.  The  valley 
of  Hinnom  shall  bo  renamed  "Slaughter",  and  buriala 
will  have  to  be  made  even  in  the  (unclean)  Topheth. 
Even  those  who  have  died  previously  shall  be  dis- 
honoured by  exposure  to  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars, 
which  they  have  worshipped,  whilst  the  living  shall 
wish  themselves  dead. — VII.  29.  The  hair  was  shorn, 
as  a  mourning  custom  ;  cf.  Mi.  I16,  Job  I20. — 31.  the 
valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom :  Heb.  "  Ge-ben-Hinnom." 
whence  "Gehenna"  (Mk.  943*);  near  Jerusalem,  but 
exact  site  disputed.  Recent  excavations  have  shown 
tho  frequency  of  the  sacrifice  of  children  in  Palestine, 
a  practice  which  is  condemned  in  ])t.  I810 ;  it  is  probable 
that  such  sacrifices  were  offered  to  Yahweh  as  "  king  " 


(Melck),  i.e.  that  "  Molech  "  in  this  connexion  is  a 
title,  rather  than  a  proper  name.  For  what  is  known 
of  this  Molech  cult,  see  EBi,  "  Molech,"  and  cf.  Mi.  67, 
Gen.  22x3,  Ex.  13i3,  Lev.  821*,  2  K.  I63,  2l6,  23io, 
Dt.  1231,  Jer.  195,  Ezek.  2O26.*— Topheth:  2  K.  23io; 
supposed  to  bo  the  Aramaic  word  for  "  fireplace", 
revocalisod  to  suggest  "  boshoth  ",  i.e.  "  shame  ",  a 
word  sometimes  substituted  for  "  Baal  "(IS.  I447-51*, 
1  K.  I632*).— VIII.  2.  the  host  of  heaven:  (Gen.  2i*) 
as  in  Dt.  4 19,  etc.,  with  reference  to  Assyrio- Babylonian 
star  worship.  Tho  significance  of  this  dishonourablo 
treatment  of  the  dead  lies  in  the  belief  that  the  shades 
in  Sheol  suffer  with  their  bodies  ;  an  enemy's  ghost  is 
still  vulnerable  through  his  corp.se  (Job  1422*). — 3. 
Omit  "  which  remain  ",  with  LXX  and  Syr. 

VIII.  4^17.  Judah's  Unnatural  Conduct  and  Its 
Punishment. — There  is  something  unnatural  in  tho 
persistency  of  tho  people's  misconduct  ;  they  show  no 
inclination  to  return  to  Yahweh,  but  pursue  a  head- 
strong course  away  from  Him  (6  7ng.).  They  put  them- 
selves below  the  level  of  the  very  birds  of  heaven,  the 
stork,  the  turtle-dove,  the  swift,  and  the  swallow  (so 
in  7),  who  know  the  time  of  their  return  in  spring  (after 
their  winter  migration  ;  cf.  Is.  I3).  Their  alleged 
knowledge  of  Yahweh's  teaching  ("  law,"  8;  is  de- 
lusive ;  they  have  been  misled  by  insincere  teachers, 
whoso  punishment  awaits  them.  (106-12  should  bo 
omitted,  with  LXX  ;  they  have  been  repeated  from 
613-15.)  They  shall  perish  like  a  fruitless  and  wither- 
ing tree  (13;  contrast  that  of  178;  cf.  Ps.  Isff.). 
The  stricken  people  urge  each  other  to  gather  into  tho 
cities,  but  they  cannot  escape  the  bitterness  of  their 
fate  (14).  The  invader  approaches  from  the  north 
(cf.  4i5),  nor  can  his  venomous  assault  be  avoided  as 
a  snake-charmer  avoids  the  bite  of  an  adder  (17  mg.  ; 
the  basilisk  of  RV  is  a  reptile  of  fable). — 5.  The 
emphasis  should  fall  on  "perpetual".  Omit  "of 
Jerusalem  ",  with  LXX. — 8.  The  reference  is  apparently 
to  tho  Book  of  Deuteronomy,  published  some  dozen 
years  before.  With  its  prophetic  attack  on  heathen 
modes  of  worship,  etc.  Jeremiah  was  in  full  sympathy  ; 
but  its  priestly  emphasis  on  the  sanctuary  and  its 
ritual,  and  tho  resultant  externalisation  of  religion, 
were  quite  alien  to  his  teaching.  [This  view  is  taken 
by  several  of  the  best  authorities,  and  may  be  concct. 
But  a  strong  case  can  be  made  out  for  the  view  that 
Jeremiah's  attitude  to  the  law-book  was  more  s>Tn- 
pathetic,  in  whicli  case  tho  reference  will  bo  to  regula- 
tions made  by  the  scribes,  whicli  wc-do  not  possess. — 
A.  S.  P.]. — 13f.  Read  mgg. — gall  or  bile  here  stands 
figuratively  for  some  bitt«r,  if  not  poisonous,  plant, 
which  has  not  been  identified  ;  it  is  rendered  "hem 
lock  "  in  Hos.  IO4. 

VIII.  18-IX.  1.  Jeremiah's  Sorrow  over  Judah's 
SuOering. — The  prophet,  in  sorrowful  sympathy  with 
his  people,  hears  in  anticipation  the  cry  of  the  exiles 
and  Yahweh's  answer.  They  reproach  Him  with  His 
abandonment  of  Zion  ;  He  points  to  their  idolatry, 
and  introduction  of  foreign  ("  strange  ")  deities.  The 
people  lament  (apparently  in  proverbial  form)  the 
disappointment  of  their  hope  of  deliverance  ;  it  is  as 
when  the  hope  of  harvest  (April-June)  has  been 
destroyed,  and  the  failure  of  the  autumn  ingathering 
(20  mg.)  has  removed  the  remaining  expectation  ;  they 
(emph.)  have  not  been  rescued  from  their  distress  (the 
reference  in  "  saved  "  is  to  material  prosperity,  not 
to  a  spiritual  change).  The  prophet  himself  goes 
arrayed  as  a  mourner  ("  I  am  black  ",  mg.),  appalled 
because  of  his  peoples  wound  ;  is  there  no  cure  ?  He 
cannot  sorrow  enough  for  tho  tragedy  of  Judah. — ■ 
22.  balm :    not  the  balsam,  but  mastic,  a  medicinally 


JEEEMIAH,  XI.  9-17 


481 


used  resin,  abundant  in  Gilead  (Gen.  3725,  mg.),  and 
exported  to  other  countries. — health :  Heb.  "  new 
flesh  ",  which  "  comes  up  ",  i.e.  forma  over  a  wound. 

IX.  2-22.  Faithlessness  and  its  Retribution:  the 
Dirge  of  Death. — The  humblest  caravanserai  would  be 
preferable  to  life  among  those  evil  men,  with  their 
calumnies  and  the  unfaithful  use  of  power  by  those 
in  authority,  their  mutual  deceit,  and  their  untruthful- 
ness (2-6).  Yahweh  will  prove  them  in  His  furnaco 
(G29),  "  because  of  the  wickedness  of  "  His  people  (so 
read  in  7,  with  LXX,  which  continues  preferably,  after 
''  arrow  ",  in  8,  "  the  words  of  their  mouth  are  deceit  ", 
and  omits  "  with  his  mouth  ").  9  occurs  in  59,29 
(7-9).  The  prophet  raises  (10-12)  the  mourner's  dirge 
for  the  devastated  country  and  ruined  towns  ;  it  ia 
by  Yahweh's  hand  that  they  have  been  laid  waste 
(rather  than  "  burnt  up  "),  as  the  discerning  recognise 
(Hos.  149).  Disobedience  to  the  (Deuteronomic)  law, 
seen  in  the  worship  of  the  local  deities,  brings  the  bitter 
result  of  exile  and  death  (13-16).  Let  Zion's  sorrows 
be  bewailed  by  the  singers  of  dirges.  Yahweh  Himself 
supplies  the  dirge  to  be  learnt  and  sung,  i.e.  2if. 
(which  are  in  the  appropriate  metre  of  the  dirge),  of 
which  Cornill  well  remarks  that  more  cannot  bo  said 
in  eight  short  lines — the  dirge  of  the  Reaper  Death 
(17-22).— 4.  supplant:  with  a  suggestion  of  the  story 
of  the  "  supplanter  "  (Gen.  2736). — 10.  wilderness : 
properly  a  place  to  which  cattle  are  driven  for  pasturage, 
not  a  desert. — 11,  jackals  often  haunt  the  ruins  of 
Syrian  towns;  c/.  Is.  1322,  34i3. — 15.  wormwood: 
cf.  23i5,  Pr.  54*;  some  bitter  herb,  always  named 
figuratively. — 17.  Professional  singers  of  dirges,  as  still 
employed  at  Syrian  funerals  ;  cunning  is  an  archaism 
for  "  skilful "  ;  cf.  Am.  5i6. — 21.  without   should  be 

streets",  and  streets  should  bo  "broad  places". — 
22.  The  words  "  Speak,  Thus  saith  the  Lord  ",  which 
interrupt  the  metre  of  the  dirge,  should  be  omitted, 
with  LXX.  This  prophecy  is  continued  in  IO17-25, 
the  intervening  sections  being  a  later  insertion ;  possibly 
913-16  also  is  not  by  Jeremiah. 

IX.  23-28.  The  Knowledge  of  Yahweh :  Uncircum- 
Clsed  Israel. — This  paragraph  contains  two  originally 
distinct  prophecies,  unrelated  to  their  present  context, 
though  quite  possibly  Jeremianic.  They  teach  the 
glory  of  Israel's  religion  (23!),  and  the  futility  of 
physical  without  spu-itual  circumcision  (25f.).  In 
the  second,  Israel  is  degraded  to  the  level  of  other, 
uncircumciscd  nations. — 26.  The  "  comer-clipt  "  (2523, 
4932)  are  those  shaved  around  the  brow,  according  to 
the  practice  of  some]  Arab  tribes  {cf.  Herod,  iii.  8, 
and  contrast  Lev.  I927*). 

X.  1-16.  The  FoUy  of  Idolatry.— This  passage  (like 
923-26)  interrupts  the  connexion  of  922  and  IO17  ; 
its  denunciation  of  the  idols  of  the  heathen  as  utterly 
futile  for  good  or  evil  relates  it  to  the  times  of  Deutero- 
Isaiah  {cf.  Is.  44iiff.),  and  sharply  distinguishes  it 
from  the  denunciation  of  Israel's  syncrotistic  worship, 
and  the  declaration  of  its  penalty,  found  in  7-9.  Israel 
is  urged  to  hold  aloof  from  the  heathen  religion  of  its 

,  environment.  The  idol  is  but  a  human  product  (3  mg.), 
j  as  lifeless  as  a  scarecrow  in  a  cucumber  garden,  needing 
I  to  be  carried  in  a  procession  (Is.  467).  Fear  is  not 
[necessary  before  these  things,  which  can  do  nothing  ; 
lit  is  fitting  towards  Yahweh  alone  {7  mg.).  The  wor- 
iBhippers  of  idols  are  one  and  all  senseless,  and  "  the 
■instruction  of  idols  is  wood."  i.e.  without  moral  or 
kpiritual  force  (so  Driver,  but  the  rendering  is  doubtful, 
pind  the  sentence  obscure).  The  idol  is  plated  with 
fcostly  metals,  and  dressed  in  fine  clothes  by  human 

hands,  but  it  is  Yahweh  who  is  truly  God  (10  mg.). 

There  follows  (11)  a  gloss  in  Aramaic,  which  breaks  the 


connexion  of  10  and  1 2,  and  ia  doubtless  some  marginal 
watchword  of  Jewish  faith  against  heathenism,  which 
has  crept  into  the  text.  The  remaining  verses  (12-16, 
repeated  51 15-19)  describe  the  manifestation  of 
Yahweh's  power  in  creation  and  in  tempest  (with  13 
cf.  Ps.  1357).  The  result  of  the  Divine  visitation  is 
that  the  idolater  is  struck  dumb  (14a),  and  the  idol- 
maker  put  to  shame  by  the  utter  inability  of  the  image 
to  do  such  things.  The  idol  is  a  lifeless  mockery, 
doomed  in  the  Day  of  Yahweh,  when  the  power  of 
Israel's  God  shall  be  revealed.—  2.  the  signs  oi  heaven : 
i.e.  eclipses,  comets,  etc.,  pointing  to  the  astrology  of 
Babylon,  amid  which  this  passage  was  probably 
written. — 5.  Read  as  mg.,  where  the  reference  suggests 
that  the  "  pillar  "  serves  the  purpose  of  a  scarecrow. — 
9.  Tarshish :  Tartessus  in  Spain,  Ps.  48?*,  Is.  2i6*  ;  for 
Uphaz,  not  known,  read  as  mg.  ;  Ophu'  was  perhaps 
in  S.E.  Arabia  (Is.  13i2*). 

X.  17-25.  The  Departure  Into  Exile. — ^The  personified 
community  is  told  to  pick  up  its  bundle  {mg.),  and 
prepare  for  the  inevitable  exile.  She  bewails  her  hurt 
and  her  spoilt  dwelling.  These  troubles,  says  the 
prophet,  come  from  her  unwise  rulers  ("  shepherds  "), 
and  already  are  upon  her.  Identifying  himself  with 
the  people,  ho  pleads  with  Yahweh  for  mercy  in 
judgment,  on  the  ground  of  man's  weakness.  (23 
should  be  repointed  and  rendered,  "  Not  for  man  is  it 
to  walk  and  direct  his  steps.")  25  can  hardly  be 
Jeremiah's  ;  its  cry  for  vengeance  on  the  heathen 
contradicts  his  attitude  towards  the  nations  as  the 
Divinely  commissioned  instruments  of  Yahweh's  wrath 
against  His  people's  sin.  (Omit  "  yea,  they  have  de- 
voured him,"  with  LXX,  and  with  the  parallel  cited 
in  mg.) 

XI.  1-XII.  6.  The  relation  of  the  prophet  to  the 
(Deuteronomic)  Covenant  (11 1-8)  ;  its  subsequent 
abandonment,  and  the  Divine  punishment  (9-17)  ;  the 
plot  at  Anathoth  (18-23)  ;  the  prophet's  problem 
(12i-6).  On  the  difificulties  raised  by  this  section, 
see  Introduction,  §  2  ;  it  seems  likely  that,  as  Duhm 
and  Cornill  have  argued,  11 1-14  is  an  unhistorical 
inference  as  to  what  the  prophet  might  be  expected 
to  do  at  the  time  of  the  Deuteronomic  Reformation 
in  621.  If  its  historicity  be  accepted,  then  Jeremiah's 
initial  approval  must  subsequently  have  passed  into 
disapproval,  in  view  of  the  religious  externalism  and 
false  confidence  which  followed  upon  the  Reformation. 
(See  on  7i-i5,  88.) 

XL  1-8.  The  Proclamation  of  the  Covenant.— 
Jeremiah  is  commissioned  to  enforce  solemnly  {cf.  Dt. 
2726,  299)  on  Judah  and  Jerusalem  the  covenant 
which  Yahweh  made  at  the  time  of  the  national  de- 
liverance from  Egypt,  as  the  condition  of  blessing. 
He  solemnly  accepts  this  commission,  and  is  sent  to 
the  smaller  cities,  as  well  as  to  the  streets  of  the 
capital,  to  declare  the  penalty  of  disobedience  to  this 
covenant,  as  shown  by  past  history. — 2.  The  verbs, 
"hear  ye",  and  "speak"  should  bo  emended  to  the 
singular,  in  view  of  .3. — 4.  the  iron  furnace  means 
one  for  smelting  iron,  here  a  figure  for  severe  trial ; 
cf.  Dt.  420,  1  K.  851. — 5.  Amen,  i.e.  "  truly  ",  implies 
the  confirmation  of  the  curse;  (cf.  Dt.  2715'ff.). 

XI.  9-17.  The  Failure  of  the  Reformation.— The 
first  part  (9-14)  of  this  passage  implies  the  failure  of 
the  Deuteronomic  movement  ("  They  are  turned  back  ", 
10),  and  is,  therefore,  often  referred  to  the  reaction 
under  Jehoiakim,  after  Josiah's  death  in  608,  on  the 
assumption  of  Jeremianic  authorship  ;  but  see  pre- 
fatory note  to  11  iff.  Judah  is  leagued  to  renew  the 
disobedience  of  tho  past ;  Yahweh  will  punish,  and 
will  refuse  to  answer,  whilst  the  false  gods  cannot,  the 

16 


482 


JEREMIAH,  XI.  9-17 


outciy  for  help  (130,  as  228b).  The  propli^t  'is  for- 
biddon  to  intercede  (14  as  iii-g.).  The  corrupt  verso  13 
is  emended  by  Driver  (c/.  mg.)  into  "  \Vliat  hath  my 
beloved  (to  clo)  in  mine  house,  (seeing)  she  bringoth 
evil  devices  to  pa.ss  ?  Will  vows  and  holy  tlcsh  remove 
thine  evil  from  off  thee  ?  then  niightest  thou  rejoice  !  " 
•.''.  Judahs  lavish  ritual  is  loallj'  u.scloss.  She  is  com- 
pared with  a  luxuriant  (not  simply  "  green  ")  olive, 
suddenly  struck  by  lightning  (16) ;  evil  will  come  upon 
her,  corresponding  to  the  evil  of  her  Baal-cult  (17, 
perhaps  an  expansion).  The  want  of  connexion  be- 
tween 1-14  and  isff.  supports  the  view  that  th<> 
former  has  been  prefixed  by  a  writer  wishing  to  connect 
Jeremiah  with  the  Deuteronoraic  Reformation.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  15  stands  m  marked  contrast  with  the 
Deuteronomic  emphasis  on  Temple  and  ritual  (Cornill). 

XI.  18-23.  The  Anathoth  Plot.— The  abrupt  intro- 
duction of  this  account  of  the  plot  of  the  men  of 
Anathoth  against  the  life  of  the  pfophet  might  be 
explained  by  the  supposition  that  his  advocacy  of 
the  Deuteronomic  Reformation  (lliff.)  would  seem 
treachery  to  his  kinsmen.  For,  as  stated  in  the  Intro- 
duction, they  may  have  traced  their  descent  from 
Abiathar,  a  priestly  lino  now  perpetually  set  aside  in 
favour  of  the  Zadokite  priests  of  Jerusalem.  If,  how- 
over,  Jeremiah's  advocacy  of  Deuteronomy  be  not 
accepted  as  historic,  then  the  Anathoth  persecution 
will  be  a  special  instance  of  the  general  unpopularity 
of  Jeremiah.  Whether  it  was  provoked  by  some  par- 
ticular utterance  like  that  of  Jesus  in  the  synagogue 
of  Nazareth  we  do  not  know.  Jeremiah  says  that  ho 
was  as  unconscious  of  this  plot  as  is  a  tame  ("  gentle  '") 
lamb  (c/.  2  S.  I23)  of  the  inirposo  to  kill  it.  Ho 
apjxjals  to  the  just  Judge,  who  knows  his  inmost 
feelings  and  thoughts,  against  tho  injustice  of  this 
plot.  Yahweh  answers  the  prophet's  appeal  with  a 
throat  of  vengeance  on  the  men  of  Anathoth  (see  on 
li). — 19.  fruit:  a  slight  emendation  gives  the  pre- 
ferable meaning  "sap". — 20.  In  Hebrew  psj-chology, 
the  reins  or  kidneys  are  the  seat  of  strong  emotions. 
e.g.  desires,  and  the  heart  is  the  general  centre  of 
psychical  activity,  including  thought.  Duhm  points 
out  that  this  is  the  earliest  declaration  of  Yahweh's 
knowledge  of  the  inner  life.  Comill  suggests  with 
considerable  plausibility  that  the  following  section, 
12i-6,  originally  preceded  11 18-2  3. 

XII.  1-6.  The  Problera  of  Unrighteous  Prosperity.— 
Jeremiah  raises  (for  tho  lirst  time  in  Hebrew  literature) 
tho  problem  of  the  prosperity  of  the  imrighteous, 
apparently  in  connexion  with  his  experiences  at 
Anathoth.  Ho  ventures  to  complain  (rather  than 
"  plead ")  unto  Yahweh,  since  He  should  award 
adversity  to  the  evildoers  who  dishonour  Him  in  their 
inner  man  ("  reins",  see  on  II20),  and  ho  appeals  for 
their  punishment.  God  answers  Jeremiah  (3)  with 
the  warning  that  he  has  worse  trials  to  face  than  the 
troubles  at  ^Vnathotlu  —  4  has  little  point  in  this  con- 
text except  for  ita  close,  "  He  shall  not  see  our  latter 
end",  which  apparently  means  that  Jeremiah  will  not 
hvo  to  sec  tho  vengeance  desired.  For  this,  however, 
LXX  reads,  "  God  will  not  seo  our  ways." — 5.  thoU  art 
secure :  the  change  of  one  letter  gives  tho  much 
better  sense,  "  thou  fleest ". — the  pride  of  Jordan  de- 
notes the  semi-tropical  jungle  of  the  Jordan  valley, 
marking  the  breadth  of  the  river  in  flood,  still  the  haunt 
of  wild  beast«  ;  c/.  49 19.  Zcch.  11 3.  This  waa  visible 
from  Jeremiah's  homo,  Anathoth. 

XII.  7-17.  The  Desolation  ol  Judah  by  her  Nelgh- 
boiU^,  and  their  Future. — This  isolated  i)rophecy  is 
most  naturally  referred  to  tho  ovente  of  2  K.  24if., 
when  Jehoiakim  had  revolted  against  Nebuchadrezzar 


(c.  ."iQS).  Yahweh  laments  His  enforced  abandonment 
of  His  house  (a  term  here  denoting  the  land  rather 
than  the  Temple  ;  c/.  Hos.  81,  9i5),  tecauso  Judah  has 
challenged  Him  ;  now  He  sees  her — a  speckled  bird- 
marked  out  for  the  attack  of  her  neighbours.  Nomad 
invaders  (the  "  shepherds  "  of  10)  have  laid  her  waste, 
so  that  Yahweh  Himself  grieves  ;  none  has  learnt  the 
lesson  in  time.  13  is  difficult  (read  "  they  shall  bo 
disappointed  of  their  fruits",  cf.  mg.)  becaiiso  it  does 
not  suit  the  context ;  it  must  refer  to  the  men  of 
Judah.  In  14-17,  Yahweh  says  that  He  will  exile 
these  neighbours  (Syrians,  Moabites,  Ammonites),  but 
they  shall  be  brought  back  if  converted  to  Judah's 
religion  (for  tho  oath  in  16,  cf.  42). — 11.  unto  me:  to 
my  sorrow  ;  cf.  mg.  of  Gen.  487  (Driver), 

XIII.  Five  detached  prophecies,  all  except  the  foui'th 
being  of  uncertain  dato. 

XIII.  1-11.  The  Symbol  of  the  Waist-cloth,  its 
removal  signifying  the  rejection  and  ruin  of  Judah, 
as  a  consequence  of  her  disobedience.  The  prophet 
buys  and  wears  a  linen  waist-cloth,  not  yet  put 
in  water,  as  a  declaration  of  Yahweh's  adoption  of 
His  people  into  closest  intimacy.  The  prophet  then 
removes  it,  and  buries  it  in  a  rocky  cleft  where  it  is 
spoilt  by  damp,  the  removal  being  a  sign  that  Yahweh 
puts  His  people  from  Him  into  the  ruin  of  exile.  Such 
symbolism  as  this,  so  frequent  on  the  part  of  Hebrew 
prophets  (for  Jeremiah,  cf.  IGsff.,  272ff..  28ioff.,  32'>ff., 
438tf.,  5I63),  has  still  something  of  the  "  symbolic 
magic  "  of  primitive  peoples  clinging  to  it  ;  it  has  the 
force,  and  more,  of  the  spoken  word,  and  helps  to 
secure  the  result  it  "symbohses"  (2  K.  13i6f.*).  Such 
symbolism  helps  to  explain  the  NT  emphasis  on 
baptism. — 1.  Tho  object  named  is  not  the  outer  girdle, 
but  a  covering  worn  next  the  skin. — 4.  Euphrates: 
Hebrew  "  Perath";  it  is  improbable,  owing  to  the  dis- 
tance, that  this  was  literally  the  place  of  the  burial ; 
i>erhaps  Parah  (Jos.  I832)  near  Anathoth  is  meant, 
this  spot  being  chosen  as  suggestive  of  the  Euphrates, 
and  so,  symbolical  of  the  place  of  exile. — 10.  shall 
even  be:  "  let  it  I>o". 

Xni.  12-14.  The  Figure  of  the  Wine-Jars.— The  fate 
of  the  men  of  Judah  is  that  they  shall  be  filled  like 
jars  with  tho  wine  of  drunkenness  (cf.  25i5ff.,  Ps.  6O3), 
and  then  shall  be  dashed  to  destruction  (as  a  potter 
might  dash  such  earthen  jars  together ;  cf.  Ps.  29). 

XIII.  15-17.  Israel's  Pride. — The  prophet  warns 
against  the  arroganc}'  that  persistently  refuses  to  obey 
(t.e.  "  give  glorv  to  "  ;  cf.  1  S.  65/  Yahweh,  and  compares 
the  disobedient  with  travellers  on  mountain  paths, 
who  wait  vainly  m  the  twilight  for  light,  until  the  night 
falls  (16  7ngg).  Ho  is  filled  with  grief  at  their  coming 
captivity. 

XIII.  18f.  A  Dirge  on  the  Doom  of  Jehoiachin 
and  his  Mother  (Nehushta,  2  K.  248, 15).  c.  597.— 
18  should  read,  *'  Say  ye  (LXX)  to  tho  king  and  tho 
queen-mother,  sit  ye  down  low  bng.),  for  come  down 
from  your  head  (VSS^  is  your  beautiful  crown  "  (njy). 
The  queen-mother  is  more  important  than  the  queen 
in  an  Oriental  court  (cf.  2226). — the  South  denotes  a 
particular  district,  the  Ncgeb  (p.  32),  in  the  soiith  of 
Judah  (Jos.  1521-32). 

XIII.  20-27.  Jerusalem's  Shame.— This  prophecy,  as 
perhaps  otliere  ui  this  chapter,  would  suit  the  position 
of  atfaiTs  under  Jehoiakim,  after  Carchemish  (6(15). 
Jerusalem  is  asked  concerning  the  welfare  of  her 
people,  in  the  day  of  invasion  by  tho  foe  from  tho 
north  (46,  etc.  •  here  of  the  Babylonians).  21  should 
read,  "  When  he  shall  set  over  thee  as  head  those  whom 
thou  hast  thyself  taught  to  bo  friends  unto  thee." 
t.c  those  who  have  been  courted  as  friends  are  now 


JEREMIAH,  XVI.  5 


become  masters.  Her  anguish  and  shamo  are  merited  ; 
a  change  seems  hopeless,  since  habit  has  become  second 
nature  (23).  Ruin  is  inevitable  (24  mg.).  The  shame- 
ful exposure  of  her  nakedness  ( 26  mg. )  is  an  appropriate 
punishment  of  her  sensuality  (Nah.  85  ;  c/.  Is.  473, 
Ezek.  I637).  27  reads,  "  Aiter  how  long  time  yet 
wilt  thou  not  be  cleansed  ?  "  For  the  force  of  nelgh- 
ings,  see  58. 

XIV.  1-XV.  9.  The  Drought  In  Judah,  and  Jere- 
miah's consequent  Intercession. — The  date  of  this 
disaster  is  unknown,  but  some  year  in  the  latter  half 
of  Jehoiakim's  reign  is  jnost  probable.  The  effects  of 
the  drought  are  graphically  described  in  2-6.  The 
personified  "  gates  "  represent  the  people  who  gather 
at  them  in  mourning  attire  and  attitude  {"  sit  in  black 
upon  the  ground";  cf.  821,  13i8).  The  empty  pita 
are  dried-up  storage  cisterns  {cf.  213).  Men  cover 
their  heads  because  of  grief  (2  S.  I530).  The  first 
clause  of  4  (to  "  chapt  ")  is  best  emended,  with  Duhm, 
after  LXX,  "  The  tillers  of  the  ground  are  dismayed  " 
{cf.  mg.).  The  eyes  of  the  wild  asses  fail  through 
fruitless  search  for  herbage  {cf.  Lam.  4i7).  In  7-9, 
the  prophet  confesses  the  people's  sin,  but  appeals  to 
Yahweh's  honour  (7),  and  His  ownership  of  Isra«l 
(9;  cf.  7io),  as  a  reason  for  His  permanent  presence 
and  effective  help.  In  10-18,  Yahweh  replies  that  Hia 
aloofness  corresponds  ("  even  so  ")  to  the  people's 
abandonment  of  Him  (106  as  Hos.  813),  and  announces 
evil  as  the  only  answer  to  their  sacrifice  ;  to  which 
Jeremiah  objects  (13)  that  the  people  have  been  misled 
by  the  prophets  (239ff.)  who  promised  peace.  Yahweh, 
disowning  these  prophets  (14),  announces  their  doom 
as  well  as  that  of  the  people,  and  Jeremiah  is  bidden 
to  lament  the  horrors  that  are  coming  on  Judah 
through  invasion  and  its  consequences.  In  19-22, 
Jeremiah  continues  the  dialogue  with  a  further  con- 
fession on  behalf  of  the  people,  and  with  an  appeal 
to  the  ties  that  bind  Yahweh  to  Israel  (21  mg.)  ; 
Yahweh  alone  can  remove  the  terrors  of  this  drought. 
In  15 1-9,  Yahweh  replies  that  even  such  pleaders  as 
Moses  (Nu.  I413-20)  and  Samuel  (1  S.  79)  would  not 
turn  Him  from  His  purpose  ;  let  the  people  go  forth  to 
pestilence  ("  death  ",  2),  sword,  famine,  and  captivity  ; 
let  them  be  "  an  object  of  consternation  "  (for  "  tossed 
to  and  fro",  4)  to  all,  because  of  the  heathenism  of 
Manasseh  (2  K.  21 1 iff.).  It  is  Jerusalem  that  has 
rejected  Yahweh  {thou.  6,  emphatic),  and  therefore  is 
winnowed  with  a  fork.  The  coming  destruction  is 
described  (8)  as  widespread  and  unexpected  ("  at  noon- 
day", as  in  64)  ;  even  the  (happy)  mother  of  seven 
(1  S.  25)  utterly  collapses. — ^XIV.  3.  Read  both  mgg. 
— 14.  divination,  and  a  tiling  of  nought:  read,  with 
Driver,  "  a  worthless  divination  "  by  omission  of  one 
letter. — 186  is  difficult  and  obscure  ;  for  "  go  about  " 
we  should  pprhaps  render  "go  begging",  or,  with 
second  mg.  alternative,  simply  "  journey  ". — 21.  the 
throne  of  thy  glory:  Jerusalem,  as  containing  the 
Temple;  cf.  17i2. — 22.  vanities:  i.e.  "gods." — XV. 
7.  fanned  with  a  fan  :  i.e.  winnowed  ;  cf.  4ii,  Is.  3O24, 
Mt.  3i2.  The  Eastern  threshing-floor  Ls  described  in 
Thomson,  The  Laml  and  the  Book,  pp.  538ff. 

XV.  10-21.  The  Sorrow  and  Strength  of  Prophetic 
Service. — The  experience  of  the  prophet,  as  described 
in  the  following  section  may  be  the  result  of  his 
unpopularity  at  the  time  of  the  drought,  and  therefore 
be  rightly  placed  after  14i-I59  ;  but  it  would  suit 
many  other  occasions  of  his  life.  On  the  groat  im- 
portance of  this  and  similar  passages,  l)oth  for  a  true 
conception  of  .Jeromiah's  personality,  and  for  his 
s^jecial  contribution  to  religion,  see  Introduction,  §  3. 
The  present  passage  is  interrupted  by  the  irrelevant 


483 


verses,  13!,  which  occur  again,  more  correctly  and 
in  their  proper  place,  in  17  3!  ;  they  relate  to  the 
people,  not  to  Jeremiah  (Hob.  of  14  is  as  mg.).  More- 
over, I  if.  ia  obscure  and  possibly  corrupt.  Jeremiah 
laments  his  birth  to  so  unpopular  a  role  as  that  of  a 
prophet  of  disaster,  aa  unpopular  as  that  of  the 
creditor  or  debtor  ("  usury  "  is  simply  "  interest",  as 
in  Dt.  2320).  Yahweh  had  promised  to  strengthen 
him  and  to  humiliate  his  opponents,  but  they  are  too 
strong  for  him  (12  £us  in  mg.,  the  "  northern  iron  and 
bronze  "  denoting  the  greater  strength  of  Jeremiah's 
Jewish  opponents  as  compared  with  himself  ;  but  this 
is  not  very  satisfactory).  Jeremiah  begs  Yahweh  not 
to  destroy  him  through  excessive  patience  ("  long- 
suffering  ")  towards  his  persecutora.  His  joy  has  been 
to  take  to  heart  Yahweh's  messages  (for  the  figure  of 
eatmg,  cf.  Ezek.  28-33),  and  he  belongs  to  Yahweh  (16 ; 
cf.  7 10  mg.).  The  compulsion  of  the  Divine  Hand  in 
prophetic  rapture  (Is.  811,  Ezek.  I3*.  814  ;  cf.  2  K.  815) 
has  separated  him  from  the  ordinary  joyous  fellowship 
of  men,  and  has  urged  him  to  a  message  of  indignant 
protest  against  men's  ways.  Obedience  seems  to  have 
brought  unending  pain,  and  Yahweh  is  "a  lying 
stream  ",  the  waters  of  which  are  dried  up  in  the  hour 
of  need  (18  ;  cf.  Job  615).  To  this  cry  of  distrust  and 
despair  Yahweh's  answer  is  to  bid  Jeremiah  turn  from 
such  a  spirit,  and  resume  his  service  ("  stand  before 
me",  1  K.  lOs,  I815)  ;  let  him  utter  the  precious,  and 
leave  out  the  worthless  elements  of  his  thinking,  that 
he  may  be  Yahweh's  "mouth"  (Ex.  4i6  ;  cf.  7i)  ; 
then,  at  length,  the  nation  will  come  to  see  with  him 
(19).  Meanwhile,  Yahweh  renews  the  promises  with 
which  his  ministry  began  (li8f.). 

XVI.  1-XVII.  18.  The  Coming  Distress  a  Penalty  for 
Sin. — The  prophet  is  forbidden  to  found  a  family,  be- 
cause of  the  coming  sorrows  {cf.  1  Cor.  729ff.),  in 
which  death  will  be  too  common  even  for  due  mourning 
and  burial.  He  is  to  stand  aloof  from  the  ordinary 
expressions  of  grief  (5-7)  or  social  joy  (8f. ;  cf.  734).  as 
a  sign  that  Yahweh  will  make  both  to  cease  in  the 
universal  disaster.  The  reason  for  this  great  suffering 
is  the  sin  of  disloyalty  to  Yahweh,  who  will  fling  out 
His  people  (like  a  javelin,  1  S.  2O33)  to  a  land  of  other 
gods  (13;  cf.  1  S.  2619).  The  two  following  verses 
(i4f.),  which  promise  a  future  restoration,  are  in- 
serted from  237f.,  and  interrupt  the  present  context. 
The  "  fishers  "  and  the  "  hunters  "  whom  Yahweh  will 
send,  to  net  in  shoals  or  hunt  down  singly,  are  Judahs 
invaders,  from  whom  there  is  no  escape.  The  heavy 
penalty  ("  double  "  as  in  Is.  4O2)  has  been  provoked 
by  the  peculiar  insult  to  Yahweh  of  the  sin  of  idolatry 
(18).  The  prophet  breaks  off  to  anticipate  the  day 
when  Yahweh  shall  be  known  by  all  the  peoples,  who 
will  abandon  their  no-gods  (19-21).  Judah's  sin  is 
ineffaceably  written  on  her  heart  ;  the  projections  at 
the  corner  "of  their  {mg.)  altars  (Ex.  272)  bear  the  blood 
of  heathen  sacrifice  ;  therefore  shall  Judah  be  spoiled 
and  her  people  become  exiles  (17 1-4).  The  rest  of 
this  section  (5-18)  is  an  editorial  collection  of  more  or 
less  disconnected  sayings,  probably  by  Jeremiah.  The 
fine  contrast  in  5-8  is  probably  the  source  of  Ps.  l3f. 
The  confession  of  inner  weakness  in  9  may  belong  to 
the  prophet's  prayer  for  healing  in  145.  (with  10 
cf.  II20,  3219).  II  is  a  proverb  based  on  the  alleged 
habits  of  the  partridge,  the  point  being  that  the 
adopted  brood  at  last  forsakes  its  pretended  mother. 
Unbroken  confidence  in  Yahweh  is  expressed  in  i2f., 
and  the  prophet  prays  that  he  be  not  forsaken  in  his 
prophetic  task  ;  ho  disclaims  any  malicious  joy  in  his 
prophecies  of  evil,  but  asks  to  bo  justified  (14-18). — 
XVI.   6.   On  mourning  the  dead,  see  p.  110,  HDB, 


484 


JEREMIAH,  XVI.  5 


"  Mourning  ",  EBL,  "  Mourning  Customs  ",  and  cf.  41 5, 
475,  Dt.  14i,  etc. — 13.  For  such  tacit  recognition  of 
heathen  deities,  combined  with  practical  monothoism. 
seo  the  contemporary  IX.  G4, 1 4. — 18.  carcases:  a  t<^rm  of 
contempt  for  idols  ;  omit  "  first "  with  LXX. — XVII.  1. 
pen  of  Iron :  i.e.  an  iron  instrument  used  for  carving 
on  rock ;  cf.  Job  19::4. — 2.  Whilst  .  .  .  Asherlm :  pro- 
bably a  gloss,  after  which  we  should  proceed,  "  upon 
the  spreading  (preen)  trees,  upon  the  high  hills,  the 
mountain  in  the  field."  As  it  stands,  the  last  phrase 
must  be  taken  as  a  title  of  Jerusalem  (but  seo  on  21 13). 
— 3f. :  partly  found  as  an  insertion,  15i3f. — 4.  thou 
.  .  .  discontinue  is  not  the  Hebrew  ;  a  slight  emenda- 
tion gives,  "  Thou  shalt  let  thy  hand  fall '". — 6.  heath : 
supposed  to  be  the  dwarf  juniper  tree. — 11.  fool :  de- 
noting moral  rather  than  intellectual  inferiority. — 
12,  hardly  likely  to  be  Jeremiah's,  refers  to  the  Temple. 
— 13.  written  in  earth :  i.e.  transient,  in  contrast  with 
what  is  carved  on  rock. — living  waters:  213. — 15. 
cf.  Is.  oiQ. — 16.  A  slight  vowel  change  (with  some  VSS) 
would  turn  "  from  being  a  shepherd  "  into  "  because 
of  evil  ",  a  parallel  to  the  following  clause. 

XVII.  19-27.  The  Sabbath  Day.— The  general  tone 
and  emphasis  of  this  paragraph,  which  makes  a  par- 
ticular ceremonial  ordinance  tho  condition  of  per- 
manent survival,  relate  it  rather  to  the  period  of 
Neh.  1315-2::  than  to  that  of  Jeremiah.  The  prophecy 
is  uttered  "  in  the  gato  '"  (72),  because  of  the  Sabbath 
traffic  through  it :  nothing  is  known  of  this  particular 
gate.  In  21  and  25  read  as  mg.  ;  omit  "  and  princes  " 
in  25.  26  designates  the  districts  around  tho  small 
post-exiUc  community,  viz.  the  '"  lowland  "  or  She- 
phelah,  towards  PhUistia,  the  hill-country  around 
Hebron,  and  the  "  south,"  the  country  S.  of  Judah 
(pp.  31f.).  For  the  bumt-o£Eering,  and  '"  sacrifice  '  {i.e. 
peaco-ofEering)  see  Ex.  2O24 ;  for  the  meal-offering 
(mg.).  Lev.  2 iff. ;  for  the  frankincense,  Jer.  620  ;  for 
the  thanksgiving  offering.  Lev.  7i2.  27b  is  drawn  from 
the  refrain  of  Am.  I3.  25  ;  cf.  Jer.  2I14,  492",  5O32. 

XVIIL  1-23.  The  Potter  and  the  Clay.— The  potter 
(1-4)  moulding  his  clay  on  the  upper  stone,  which  he 
makes  revolve  by  his  feet  resting  on  the  connected 
lower  stone,  is  compared  with  Yahweh  in  His  control 
of  Israel  (5-12).  The  point  of  the  comparison,  as 
worked  out  in  7ff.,  is  not  predestination  (contrast 
Rom.  9-1 1 ),  but  the  conditionality  of  Yahweli's  treat- 
ment of  a  nation,  according  as  it  turns  to  good  or  to 
evil  (cf.  the  story  of  Jonah  and  Nineveh,  also  Ezekiela 
individualism,  182ofi.).  Judah,  however,  will  not 
repent  (with  12,  cf.  225).  Some  commentators  think 
that  this  application  cannot  be  original,  since  tlie 
description  of  the  potter's  work  (the  tenses  in  4  denote 
habitual  practice)  suggests  rather  the  moulding  of 
Judah  into  something  useful  after  all.  On  this  ground, 
Comill  dates  1-4  between  620  and  610.  But  Semitic 
parable  is  frequently  employed  to  suggest  a  single  point, 
the  details  being  irrelevant,  and  often  unsuitable,  to 
the  main  truth.  The  prophet  declares  that  Judah's 
conduct  is  unnatural,  contrary'  to  the  steady  coui-so  of 
nature  (14)  ;  the  people  have  forsaken  the  good  old 
road  (616)  for  unmade  by-paths  of  futile  idolatry 
("  vanity  "  ;  the  idol  gods  being  the  antecedent  of 
the  following  "they",  15).  Therefore  Yahweh  will 
scatter  them  with  a  sirocco-blast  (east  wind,  4ii),  and 
turn  His  back  to  them  (17  mg.  ;  cf.  227).  In  conse- 
quence of  this  prophecy,  men  plot  (cf.  lli8fF.,  15i5ff.) 
against  the  prophet,  refusing  to  believe  that  the  settled 
order  of  life  will  ever  fail  (18  ia  probably  proverbial; 
cf.  Ezek.  726),  and  slander  him.  He  protests  against 
this  return  of  evil  for  good,  and  prays  for  vengeance 
on  them. — 3.  wheels:    see  Thomson,  op.  cit..  p.  521, 


and  cf.  Ecclus.  8829,30. — 11.  frame:  the  term  used 
describes  a  potter's  work. — 14  is  difficult  and  probably 
corrupt ;  as  it  stands,  the  reference  is  to  the  unfailing 
snows  and  ever-fiowing  streams  of  Lebanon  ;  cf.  Ca.  4i  5. 
— 21.  death :   denotes  "  pestilence  "  as  in  152. 

XIX.  1-XX.  6.  The  Earthenware  Flask;  Jeremiah 
In  the  Stocks. — This  section  seems  to  be  editorially 
grouped  with  the  last  because  of  the  further  reference 
to  pottery  ;  the  original  prophecy  may  have  been 
expanded  in  3-9  by  a  later  writer.  It  seems  more 
natural  to  date  these  incidents  after  tho  Temple-sermon 
(7)  rather  than  before  it ;  in  either  case,  in  tho  early 
years  of  Jehoiakim.  Jeremiah  is  to  take  representa- 
tives of  Judah  to  the  Valley  of  Hinnom  (731),  by  the 
gate  of  ix)tsherds  (mg.  ;  i.e.  where  these  were  tbo-own 
away),  that  he  may  warn  them  of  the  punishment 
about  to  come  for  their  introduction  of  alien  worsliip, 
their  injustice,  and  their  sacrifice  of  children  by  fire. 
A  new  name  shall  be  given  to  the  valley  (732)  to  denote 
the  coming  slaughter,  appalling  (18 16)  to  behold.  As 
a  symbol  of  this  destruction,  the  prophet  is  to  break 
the  flask  he  has  bought ;  deaths  shall  be  so  numerous 
that  burials  wiU  take  place  even  Ln  the  defiled  valley 
(2  K.  23io)  for  want  of  room  (11  mg.),  and  tho  city 
itself  shall  be  defiled,  because  of  its  Babylonian  cults 
(3229).  Jeremiah  repeats  liis  warning  m  the  Temple 
(14!),  with  the  result  that  the  responsible  officer 
put  him  in  the  stocks.  To  this  official  Jeremiah  gives 
a  symbolic  name  (2O3),  denoting  the  terror  of  his  fate 
and  that  of  liis  friends  at  the  hands  of  the  Babj'lonians. 
— 4.  estranged  this  place:  i.e.  Jerusalem,  by  the 
worship  of  other  gods. — the  blood  of  innocents :  234, 
2  K.  21 16,  244.-5.  Omit,  with  LXX,  "for  bumt- 
ofEerings  unto  Baal",  since  these  offerings  wore  made 
to  Jlolech,  3235,  i.e.  probably  to  Yahweh  under  this 
name ;  cf.  731  and  the  note. — 6.  Topheth,  see  on  731. — 
7.  make  void :  playing  on  the  Hebrew  word  for  "  flask  "  ; 
cf.  mg.—S.  plagues :  strokes  or  wounds. — 9.  cf.  Dt.  28 
5  3.  On  the  breaking  of  the  flask,  cf.  Thomson,  p.  641 ; 
for  the  significance  of  such  symbolism,  see  tlie  note 
on  13 1. — 13.  The  use  of  the  Oriental  roof  is  described 
in  Thomson,  p.  42. — ^XX.  2.  See  2926,  Ac.  I624 ;  a  more 
modem  parallel  in  Braithwaito,  The  Beginnings  of 
Qiuikerism,  p.  197. 

XX.  7-18.  The  Prophet's  Troubles,  Hopes,  and  Dark 
Despair. — In  passionate  protest  against  his  lot  (pos- 
sibly occasioned  by  the  incident  just  related)  Jeremiah 
complains  that  Yahweh  has  beguiled  him  into  the 
work  of  a  prophet,  only  that  ho  may  incur  bittor 
shamo,  and  suffer  violence.  Yet  tho  inner  compulsion 
of  the  prophetic  word  will  not  allow  him  to  restrain  it 
(i.e.  "forbear",  9),  though  it  subjects  him  to  tho 
charge  of  treasonable  utterance  (26ii).  11-13  (if 
originally  here)  mark  a  change  of  mood,  and  express 
Jeremiah's  confidence  that  Yahweh  will  avenge  him. 
Tho  depth  of  liis  despair  is  reached  in  14-18  (cf.  Job  3 
3-12),  in  which  he  curses  the  very  day  of  his  birth  ; 
ho  awards  a  curse  instead  of  the  usual  reward  for  good 
news  to  the  messenger  who  announced  it,  invoking 
on  him  the  fate  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  (Gen.  1925, 
Is.  1319),  and  tho  alarms  of  war  (4i9).  He  wishes  he 
had  never  been  bom,  because  of  his  hard  fate  (18). 
This  impressive  passage  is  of  great  importance  for  the 
study  of  the  prophetic  consciousness  ;  it  shows  clearly 
that  the  psychological  compulsion  which  underlies  a 
"  Thus  saith  the  Lord  "  is  the  guarantee  of  theprophot'a 
sincerity,  when  claiming  to  speak  by  Divine  inspira- 
tion.— 8.  Violence  and  spoil:  i.e.  as  l>emg  suffennl  W 
tho  speaker. — 17.  For  "  from  "  read  "  in  ",  with  LXX, 
Syr. 

XXI.  1-10.  The  Outcome  of  the  Siege  (588  b.c). 


JEREMIAH,  XXrV.  b 


485 


■ — Zedekiah,  apparently  at  an  early  stage  of  the  siege 
of  Jerusalem  (whilst  373-10  refers  to  a  similar,  but 
later,  incident)  sends  envoys,  Pashhur  (not  the  same 
as  in  2O1)  and  Zephaniah  (2925,  373,  5224),  to  ask  the 
prophet  if  Yahweh  will  cause  the  besiegers  to  with- 
diaw  (■'  go  up  ",  3421).  Jercmiali  replies  that  Yahweh 
is  against  Jerusalem,  and  will  deliver  king  and  people 
to  the  enemy.  Those  who  choose  (with  8  c/.  Dt.  11 26, 
3O15)  to  surrender  to  the  enemy  will  escape  with  bare 
life  ("  for  a  prey ",  382,  39i8).  There  follow  two 
fragments,  iif.  being  a  warning  to  the  royal  house 
(based  on  223  and  44),  and  13!,  in  the  present  context, 
a  warning  to  Jerusalem.  But  the  topographical  de- 
scription is  not  suitable,  and  the  origmal  reference 
was  perhaps  to  some  other  city. — 4.  Omit  "  I  will 
gather  them  ",  with  LXX  ;  the  Jewish  defenders  will 
be  driven  in. — 7.  with  the  edge  of  the  sword :  means 
"  without  quarter  ". — 13.  habitations :  "  dens  ",  Nah. 
2i2,  Ps.  10422. — 14.  forest:   used  here  figuratively. 

XXII.  1-XXm.  8.  This  section  contains  several 
distinct  Jeremianic  prophecies,  relating  to  contempo- 
rarj'  kings  of  Judah  ;  they  have  been  editorially  col- 
lected, probably  with  some  expansion. 

XXII.  1-9.  Introduction. — The  prophet  is  sent  down 
to  the  palace  (lower  than  the  Temple,  and  on  the  S.) 
to  declare  judgment  and  justice  as  the  condition  of 
permanence  in  the  royal  line.  He  bewails  in  a  dirge 
(6f.)  the  fall  of  the  royal  house,  which  is  like  that  of 
well-wooded  districts  (Gilead,  Lebanon)  delivered  over 
to  the  axe.  The  cause  is  the  disloyalty  of  the  city  to 
Yahweh  (8f.  ;  taken  from  Dt.  29  4.").— 5.  For  thia 
solemn  oath  by  Y'ahweh,  cf.  49 13,  and  Heb.  613-18. 

XXII.  10-12.  Josiah  and  Jehoahaz.— The  fate  of 
Josiah  ("  the  dead  "  ;  slain  in  battle  at  Zvlegiddo,  608, 
2  K.  2329f.  ;  cf.  2  Ch.  3525)  is  less  pitiful  than  that 
of  Jehoahaz  (Shallum),  who  reigned  (for  three  months 
in  608)  until  taken  captive  by  Pharaoh  Necho  into 
Egypt,  where  he  died  (2  K.  233iff.  ;  this  king,  like 
Jeremiah,  was  anti- Egyptian  in  his  policy). 

XXII.  13-19.  Jehoiakim  (608-597  ;  2  K.  2336-24;). 
■ — Hid  injustice  and  rapacity  (17  7ng.),  as  shown  in  hia 
sumptuous  palace-building,  are  contrasted  with  the 
normal  life  and  upright  rule  of  his  father,  Josiah. 
Jehoiakim  shall  not  be  honoured  in  death  by  his 
relatives  (1  K.  I330)  or  subjects  (Jer.  345),  but  flung 
forth  unburied  (0630 ;  cf.  2  K.  246,  where  there  is  no 
mention  of  burial). — 14.  chambers :  the  word  denotes 
structures  on  the  roof ;  cf.  Thomson,  p.  160.  In  146 
read  "  panelling  it  .  .  .  painting". 

XXII.  20-30.  Jehoiachin. — Jerusalem  is  bidden  to 
climb  the  heights  and  lament  (729),  because  her  lovers 
(430  ;  probably  of  allies)  arc  broken,  and  the  wind 
shall  "  shepherd  "  her  shepherds  (mlers).  Her  fancied 
security,  aa  of  a  bird  making  its  nest  in  Lebanon,  will 
be  turned  into  groaning  travail  (23  mg.).  Jehoiachin 
(Coniah  or  Jeconiah,  who  reigned  for  three  months  in 
597,  2  K.  248£f.,  252?)  is  rejected  by  Yahweh,  and  will 
be  exiled  with  his  mother  (Nehushta,  13 18,  2  K.  248) ; 
he  is  to  be  recorded  (Is.  43)  as  having  no  royal  successor. 
—20.  Abarim:  E.  of  Dead  Sea.— 24.  signet:  Hag. 
223. — 30.  Jehoiachin  was  not  childless  according  to 
I  Ch.  317. 

XXIII.  1-8.  Conclusion. — Denunciation  of  the  un- 
worthy rulers  (shepherds,  2222)  :  "  ye  have  scattered, 
/  will  gather  my  flock  (Ps.  907)  and  appoint  worthy 
rulers  ""  (1-4).  The  king  called  the  "  Shoot"  (5  mg.) 
will  continue  the  worthy  traditions  of  David  (2  S.  815) 
and  rule  over  a  united  people  (Israel  as  well  as  Judah). 
His  symbolic  name  shall  be  "  Yahweh  is  our  righteous- 
ness," i.e.  the  .source  of  all  our  well-being.  ThLs 
re'itoratioa  will  eclipse  the  original  deliverance  from 


Egypt  (5-8).  Note  that  this  "  Messianic  "  king  is  an 
ideal  human  ruler,  acting  as  Yahwehs  administrator, 
and  subordinate  to  him. — 5.  Branch:  "Shoot,"  i.e. 
from  the  ground,  as  in  Heb.  of  Gen.  I925  ;  for  the  later 
use  of  the  term  as  title,  cf.  Zech.  38,  612. — 6.  The  title 
is  used  of  Jerusalem  in  33 16  ;  cf.  Ezek.  4835  ;  there  is  a 
tacit  reference  here  to  Zedekiah  (597-586),  whose  name 
means  "  Yahweh  is  righteousness  ". 

XXIII.  9-40.  The  Prophets. — Jeremiah  is  overcome 
by  the  stern  message  given  him  to  deliver.  The  evil 
of  the  land  is  encouraged  by  prophet  and  priest  (613), 
even  the  Temple  being  dishonoured  (2  K.  2I5) ;  for 
this  they  shall  be  thrust  down  a  dark  and  slippery 
way  (9-12).  The  immorality  of  the  southern  propheta 
is  worse  than  was  the  false  religion  of  the  northern 
(13).  Hence  then:  punishment  (15;  cf.  9i5).  They 
inspire  baseless  hopes  ("  teach  you  vanity  ",  16),  which 
are  without  Divine  warrant  (14r4)  and  prophesy  well- 
being  (17,  as  mg.).  They  have  had  no  entrance  into 
Yahweh's  heavenly  council  (18;  cf.  22,  Job  158  mg. ; 
whereas  tnie  prophets  have.  Am.  37).  igf.,  describing 
the  ultimate  judgment,  appears  to  be  an  interpolation 
from  3023f.  The  teaching  of  the  true  prophet  can 
be  known  from  its  moral  quaUty  (22).  But  Y''ahweh  ia 
omnipresent  and  omniscient  (23!)  and  knows  the 
falsity  of  the  appeal  made  by  these  prophets  to  their 
dreams  as  revelation  (cf.  Job  4i3ff.).  Let  the  dream 
be  put  forward  for  no  more  than  it  is  ;  the  (direct) 
word  of  Yahweh  shall  be  known  by  its  powerful  effects 
(i.e.  its  appeal  to  the  sanctions  of  histor}-,  29).  Yahweh 
is  against  this  imitative,  second-hand  prophecy  (30), 
which  is  without  inner  confirmation  (31,  and  see  on 
2O9),  and  Divine  commission  (32).  This  passage  is 
important  for  the  study  of  the  prophetic  consciousness, 
especially  of  the  distinction  of  true  from  false  prophecy 
{cf.  14i3tf.,  Ezek.  13i-i6).  The  implied  marks  of  false 
prophecy  are  superficial  optimism  (17),  immoral  teach- 
ing (22),  futihty  of  result  (29),  lack  of  originality  and 
inner  conviction  (30). — There  follows  (33-40)  a  rather 
obscure  denunciation  of  the  term  "  burden  ",  as  used 
of  an  oracle,  i.e.  of  something  "  taken  up  "  on  the 
prophet's  lips.  When  men  scornfully  ask  about 
Yahweh's  "  burden  ",  the  answer,  playing  on  the  term, 
shall  be  "  Ye  are  the  burden  "  (33  mg.).  Men  make 
their  own  words  into  Yahweh's  "  burden  "  (36  mg.). 
If  men  persist  in  using  this  term  "  burden  "  of  Yahweh's 
oracles,  he  will  "  take  them  up  "  (39  7Jig.,  again  with 
play  on  the  word)  and  fling  them  away. — 9.  shake: 
"  be  soft,"  i.e.  strengthless. — 10.  Read  mg.  ;  "  for  be- 
cause .  .  .  dried  up "  inteiTupts  the  connexion. — 
13.  folly:  lit.  "  unsavouriness ",  Job  66. — 23.  at 
hand:  must  be  taken  to  mean  "locally  limited",  in 
view  of  context.  26.  The  verse  is  cornipt :  Driver 
suggests  "  how  long  ?  is  (my  word)  in  the  heart,  etc.", 

XXIV.  1-10.  The  Good  and  Bad  Figs.— The  prophet 
sees  (either  in  vision  or  actuality;  see  on  111,13; 
cf.  Am.  7i,  etc.)  baskets  of  good  and  bad  figs  respec- 
tively ;  Yahweh  tells  him  that  the  former  represent 
the  first  body  of  exiles  under  Jeconiah  (Jehoiachin, 
2  K.  24i5f.)  who  shall  be  restored,  and  the  latter  the 
people  remaining  under  Zedekiah,  together  with  those 
in  Egypt.  For  Ezekiel's  similar  judgment  of  the 
Palestinian  and  Babylonian  sections  of  Judah,  see 
Ezek.  17iiff.,  and  lli7fF.  ;  the  opinion  was  justified, 
those  deported  having  been  the  picked  men  of  the 
nation  ;  moreover,  the  future  of  Judaism,  as  matter 
of  history,  was  committed  to  their  charge. — 2.  For 
the  flrstripe  fig  as  a  delicacy,  see  Is.  284  ;  Mi.  7i. 
— 5.  Chaldeans:  i.e.  "Babylonians,"  as  often;  the 
Kaldu,  SE.  of  Babvlonia,  became  supreme  there,  c.  626 
(pp.  58-60) — 8.  Egypt:  see  2  K.  2334,  for  the  exik* 


486 


thither  of  Jehoahaz.  The  Elephantine  papyri  (p.  79) 
show  the  existence  of  a  Jewish  community  in  Egypt, 
possessing  a  temple,  before  525,  possibly  from  the 
seventh  century,  cf.  Dt.  17i6. — 9.  Read  mg.  ;  omit 
"  for  evil  "  with  LXX. 

XXV.  The  Supremacy  of  Babylon  over  Judah  and 
the  Nations.— 1-11.  In  the  year  ti(i4  (after  tho  Baby- 
lonian victory  over  Egyi)t  at  Carchomish,  GO')  B.C.,  cf. 
462),  Jeremiah  publicij-  reviews  hiw  ministry  (since  620  ; 
cf.  I2),  which  has  failed  to  produce  repentance  (1-7)- 
As  a  result,  Yahwoh  will  bring  the  victorious  Baby- 
lonians against  Iwth  Judah  and  the  surrounding  y)ooplc3 
to  lay  them  waste,  and  the  supremacy  of  Babylon 
shall  last  seventy  years.— 10.  the  sound  of  the  mill- 
stones: for  this  familiar  sign  of  normal  routine,  see 
Thom.son,  pp.  526f.,  and  cf.  Rev.  I822  ;  also  23  (where 
there  is  a  referenoo  to  the  light  of  the  lamp). — 11.  Cf. 
2l)io  and  Zoch.  I12  ;  seventy  is  a  round  number,  to 
denote  two  or  three  generations,  as  in  277. 

12-14,  proclaiming  final  judgment  on  Babj'lon  itself, 
is  a  later  addition.  It  interrupts  the  connexion,  and 
presupposes  tlie  existence  of  the  whole  book,  and 
in  particular,  of  the  prophecy  against  Babylon,  50 1- 
51 58,  which  is  certainly  later  than  this  chapter,  to 
say  nothing  of  other  sections  of  46-49.  LXX  makes 
the  foreign  prophecies  (46-51)  follow  13  and  precede 
26-45;  it  omits  14,  and  uses  13b  as  a  title  of  tho 
foreign  prophecies,  at  tho  end  of  which  it  resumes 
with  15. 

15-29.  The  Babylonian  advance  (tho  "  sword  '  of 
16)  against  the  nations  (cf.  lio)  is  figured  as  the  offering 
of  a  cup  to  be  drunk  (13i3,  4826),  producing  the  con- 
fusion of  intoxication  among  the  peoples  enumerated 
( 18-26  ;  on  their  relation  to  the  prophecies  given  in 
46-51,  sec  the  prefatory  note  to  46).  Yahweh,  who 
has  begun  with  His  own  people,  will  not  spare  the 
others. — 18.  Omit  with  LXX,  "as  it  is  this  day ", 
added  after  586  B.C.— 20.  mingled  people:  settled 
foreigners  (so  24  ;  cf.  5O37). — the  remnant  of  Ashdod: 
i.e.  the  survivors  of  the  Egyptian  siege  (Herod,  ii.  157). 
— 22  7)ig.  refers  to  the  slioros  of  the  Mediterranean. 
— 23b :  see  on  926. — 26.  The  last  clause,  omitted  by 
LXX,  is  a  later  addition  ;  note  vig. 

30-38  (eschatological  and  non-Jeremianic).  De- 
scription of  the  "  Day  ot  Yahweh  "  (33  ;  cf.  Is.  6616), 
when  He  will  judge  Judah  (His  "  fold  ")  and  the  whole 
world.  The  rulers  ("  shepherds '",  34)  and  their  chief 
subjects,  shall  cry  out  in  vain  ;  Y'ahwoh,  like  a  lion, 
shall  leave  His  lair  (i.e.  Judah),  now  desolated  by  the 
sword  (38  mg.  ;  cf.  Zech.  11 3). — 30  is  based  on  Am.  I2. 
For  the  shout  of  the  wine-press,  see  4833,  Is.  I610  ; 
for  tho  general  figure,  Is.  63i-6. — 31.  plead :  "  con- 
tend "  (29). 

XXVI.-XLV.  These  chapters,  usually  ascribed  in 
the  main  to  Baruch,  ohioUy  narrate  selected  incidents 
in  the  life  of  Jeremiah,  often  with  connected  pro- 
phecies ;  they  form  a  second  main  section  of  tho  book, 
in  contrast  with  1-25,  which  consist  chiefly  of  pro- 
phrcicH,  with  little  narrative. 

XXVI.  Destruction  of  the  Temple  Foretold:  Jere- 
miah's Peril  (608  B.C.). — Jeremiah  is  told  to  proclaim 
in  tho  Temple  (cf.  19i4  ;  probably  at  some  festival)  a 
jwriious  mcsHago  ("  keep  not  back  a  word  ",  2).  in  tho 
hope  that  it  may  produce  a  change  (18s).  Unless  tho 
people  obey  Yahweh,  He  will  destroy  the  Temple,  like 
that  of  Shiloh  (7 14)  and  make  the  city  (an  e.xample  of) 
a  curse  (2922).  The  jjiicsts  and  prophets  declare  that 
Jeremiah  must  die  for  this  blaspnemy  (Dt.  I820)  ;  it 
is  incredible  to  them  that  Yahweh  can  have  given 
such  a  word  as  this  (7-9).  Accordingly,  the  case  is 
referred  to  the  secular  authorities,  who  hear  it  in  "  the 


JEREMIAH,  XXIV.  8 


new  gate  ".  Jeremiah  reasserts  the  Divine  origin  of 
his  message,  and  warns  them  of  their  guilt,  if  they 
slay  him.  The  princes  and  people  acquit  him  on  tho 
ground  of  his  sincerity  (10-16).  This  decision  is  con- 
firmed by  the  century-old  precedent  of  Micah  of 
Moresheth,  who  also  announced  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  and  of  the  Temple  ("  the  mountain  of  the 
hou.4e"',  18),  a  fato  averted  by  the  repentance  of 
He^iekiah  (17-19).  The  writer  of  this  narrative  has 
added  (20-23)  an  account  of  tho  similar  charge  brought 
against  another  prophet,  Uriah  of  Kiriath-jearim 
(7  m.  W.  of  Jerusalem),  which  issued,  however,  in  his 
extradition  from  Egypt,  his  execution,  and  his  ex- 
clusion from  the  family  grave  (cf.  2  K.  236).  The 
closing  reference  to  Ahikam  (24)  seems  to  refer  back 
to  an  important  influence  contributory  to  Jeremiah's 
escape. — 4.  law  :  i.e.,  the  oral  teaching  of  the  prophets ; 
cf.  Is.  lio. — 8.  Omit  '*  and  all  the  people",  since  they 
are  friendly  in  i  iff. — 10.  the  new  gate :  36io  ;  perhaps 
that  of  2  K.  1535  ;  gates  were  usual  courts  of  justice, 
cf.  Thomson,  p.  27.— 15.  innocont  blood:  Jon.  I14, 
Dt.  2l8.  2  K.  2I16.— 18.  Hezekiah:  720-693;  this 
result  of  Micah's  preaching  is  not  otherwise  known. 
— 22.  Einathan:  one  of  the  princes,  3612,25. — 24. 
Ahlkam:  2  K.  22i2ff.  ;  cf.  39i4,  405f.  for  the  friend- 
ship of  his  son  Gedaliah  with  Jeremiah. 

XXVII.-XXIX.  Certain  linguistic  peculiarities  (e.g. 
the  incorrect  spelling,  NebuchadHozzar)  suggest  that 
these  three  chapters  may  have  circulated  as  a  separate 
pamphlet,  e.g.  in  Babylon.  They  deal  with  the  rebuke 
of  false  hopes  concernuig  a  speedy  return  from  exile. 

XXVII.  1-11.  The  Conspiracy  against  Babylon.— 
Probably  in  593  (note  correction  by  mg.  of  i  ;  the  more 
definite  date  of  28i  seems  to  belong  here)  Jeremiah  is 
told  to  make  and  wear  a  yoke  (as  sj'mbol  of  submission 
to  Babylon  ;  cf.  1  K.  22ii,  and  the  note  on  13iff.). 
He  is  to  send  an  interpretative  message  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  five  kings  who  are  seekuig  the  alliance 
of  Zodekiah  in  a  conspiracy  against  Babj-lon.  Yahweh, 
the  Creator  of  all,  has  given  all  into  the  power  of  the 
Babylonian  king.  Those  who  will  not  bear  the  yoke 
willingly  shall  be  given  into  his  hand  after  much 
suffering.  They  are  not  to  be  deceived  by  false 
guides.  On  Jeremiah's  characteristic  policy  of  sub- 
mission to  Babylon,  and  its  consequences  to  himself, 
see  Introduction,  §  2. — 3.  Omit  "  them  ",  with  the  LXX 
of  Lucian  ;  according  to  28 10,  Jeremiah  is  still  wearing 
the  yoke  himself. — 6.  the  beasts  of  the  field,  etc. :  the 
words  simj)ly  emphasize  tho  absolute  sovereignty  of 
the  Babylonian  king  ;  cf.  Dan.  238. — 7  (omitted  by 
LXX)  limits  the  Babylonian  tenure  of  power  to  two 
more  generations  ;  it  is  probably,  like  25i2-ti.  a  later 
addition. — 8.  consumed  ...  by :  should  probably  be 
emended  into  "  given  into  ". — 9.  dreams :  read 
"  dreamers  "  with  VS8. 

XXVIl.  12-22.  The  Warning  to  Zedekiah.— Jeremiah 
also  warns  Zedekiah  to  the  same  effect  (12-15),  and 
tolls  priests  and  ptiople  not  to  believe  the  prophets  who 
promise  an  early  return  of  tho  Temple  vessels.  Let  the 
prophcl-s  rather  pray  that  the  vesseb  left  by  the 
Babylonians  be  not  also  carried  off ;  for  Yahweh 
intend.s  to  remove  these  also,  that  they  may  remain  in 
Babylon  until  His  appointed  time,  'fhis  warning  was 
apparently  successful  ;  Zedekiah  did  not  revolt  until 
four  or  five  years  later.  In  order  to  quell  tho  sus- 
picions excited  by  the  cmba-ssies  of  273,  h^  m^.V  have 
made  the  journey  to  Babj'lon  mentioned  in  61 59. — 
16.  the  vessels  "of  Yahweh's  house:  the  popular 
emblems  of  patriotism  antl  religion,  carried  off  in  597; 
cf.  20. — 16-22.  LXX  has  a  shorter  text,  without  any 
promise  of  the  ultimate  restoration  of  these  vessels.— 


JEREMIAH,  XXXI.  2 


487 


19.  For  the  details,  see  on  1  K.  TisfE.  The  larger 
objects  were  broken  up  in  586,  and  the  metal  carried 
to  Babylon  (52i7)  ;  the  smaller  were  restored  by  Cyrus 
in  538  (Ezr.  l7-ii). 

XXVIII.  The  Prophecy  and  Fate  of  Hananlah.— 
Whilyt  Jeremiah  still  weai-s  tlio  symbolic  yoke  (272), 
his  testimony  concerning  it  is  opposed  by  another 
prophet,  Hananlah  of  Gibeon  (5  m.  NW.  of  Jerusalem), 
who  declares  that  the  yoke  shall  be  broken,  the  Temple 
vessels,  the  king,  and  the  exiles  brought  back,  within 
two  years  (1-4).  Jeremiah  wishes  it  might  bo  true, 
but  points  out  the  predominant  "  pessimism "  of 
prophecy  hitherto,  which  tlirows  the  onus  of  proof  on 
the  event  itself,  in  case  of  an  exceptional  prophecy  of 
■peace"  (5-9;  c/.  Dt.  ISaif.).  Hananiah  reasserts 
his  prophecy,  confu-ming  it  by  breaking  the  yoke  on 
the  neck  of  Jeremiah,  who  makes  no  reply  (lof.). 
But,  subsequently,  Jeremiah  receives  a  Divine  word 
telling  Hananiah  that  a  yoke  of  iron  shall  replace  the 
j'oke  of  wood,  that  he  ia  a  false  prophet,  and  shall  die 
within  the  year,  as  actually  takes  place  (12-17).  Note 
t!ie  dependence  of  the  prophetic  consciousness  on 
psychological  factors  beji^ond  the  prophet's  conscious 
control ;  on  general  grounds,  Jeremiah  does  not  believe 
Hananiah,  but  only  after  an  mterval  does  some  new 
psychological  experience  authorise  Jeremiah  to  embody 
his  disbelief  in  an  oracle  of  Yahweh.  Cf.  tlie  similar 
interval  of  waiting  for  the  "  word  "  in  42/. — 13.  thoU 
Shalt :   read,  with  LXX,  "  I  will." 

XXIX.  The  Future  of  the  ExUes  in  Babylon  (c.  595).— 
Jeremiah  sends  a  letter  by  royal  messengers  to  tell 
the  exiles  in  Babylon  to  settle  down  there  for  a  lengthy 
stay,  and  not  to  be  deceived  by  those  who  say  other- 
wise (1-9).  After  seventy  years  (see  on  25ii),  they 
shall  be  restored  in  accordance  with  Yahweh's  declared 
purpo.se  (244-7)  and  goodwill  (1-13)-  At  this  point, 
an  insertion  seems  to  have  been  made  in  the  original 
letter.  Most  of  14  (after  "  I  will  be  found  of  you  ")  is 
rightly  omitted  in  LXX  ;  the  reference  to  "  all  the 
nations  "  does  not  suit  tho  destination  of  this  particular 
letter.  LXX  also  omits  16-20,  threatening  Zedekiah 
("  the  king  "),  and  those  left  in  Jerusalem  (248,f.) ; 
this  passage  also  has  been  added  to  the  Hebrew  text. 
15,  which  is  quite  disconnected  from  its  context  where 
it  now  stands,  will  then  fitly  precede  21-23,  its  first 
word  being  rendered  "  because  "  instead  of  "  for  "  ; 
the  sequel  names  two  of  these  Babylonian  prophets  for 
condemnation.  The  remaming  verses  of  the  chapter 
(24-32)  are  in  some  confusion.  They  begin  as  prophecy 
in  a  message  to  Shemaiah  (24  mg.),  then  pass  (26ff.)  into 
the  quotation  of  a  letter  from  him  to  Zephaniah,  then 
break  off  abruptly  into  narrative  in  29,  and  become 
prophecy  again  in  30.  Shemaiahs  letter,  evidently 
prompted  by  Jeremiah's,  urges  Zephaniah  to  treat 
Jeremiah  as  Pashhur  had  done  (20 iff.),  i.e.  as  a  mad 
prophesier  (cf.  2  K.  9ii  ;  Hos.  97,  1  S.  lOioff.,  192off.)  ; 
but  Zephaniah  simply  informs  Jeremiah  of  this  advice, 
with  the  result  that  a  prophecy  is  uttered  against 
Shemaiah  and  his  descendants,  in  accordance  with 
Hebrew  ideas  of  "  corporate  "  personahty  {cf.,  e.g., 
2  K.  627).— 3.  Elasah  :  brother  of  Ahikam  (2624)  and 
of  a  Gemariah  (36io)  distinct  from  his  present  com- 
panion.— 18  as  mg.  ;  cf.  249. — 19.  Read  "  they  "  for 
"  ye",  asm  LXX  of  Lucian. — 22.  Nothing  further  ia 
known  of  these  men  or  their  fate,  presumably  assigned 
for  treason. — 23.  folly  :  "  senselessness  "  (Driver)  ; 
cf.  2  S.  I3i2.— 25.  Zephaniah:  cf.  21i,  373,  5224. 
Omit,  with  LXX,  "  unto  all  the  people  that  are  at 
Jerusalem  "  and  '"  and  to  all  the  priests  ". — 26.  officers  : 
read  singular  with  VSS. — 32.  After  "  seed  ",  we  should 
probabl3'  continue,  with  LXX,  "  there  shall  not  be  a 


man  of  them  in  the  midst  of  you  to  see  the  good  ",  eto. 
(omitting  last  clause). 
XXX.-XXXI.  The  Future  of  Israel  and  Judah.— 

These  two  chapters  of  prophecy,  dealing  with  the 
future  restoration  of  Israel  and  Judah,  appear  to  be  a 
later  editorial  insertion  ui  the  narrative  scheme  of 
26-45,  placed  here  perhaps  because  32  and  33  contain 
narratives  and  prophecies  dealing  with  the  same  sub- 
ject {cf.  also  29ioff. ).  In  30  and  31,  there  are  numerous 
points  of  contact  with  Doutero-Isaiah,  a  fact  which, 
with  other  features,  has  suggested  to  many  scholars 
an  exilic  or  post-exilic  date  for  much  that  these  chapters 
contain.  The  contrast  with  the  general  "  pessimism  " 
of  earlier  chapters  is  very  noticeable.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  internal  evidence  for  31 2-6,  15-22,  31-34 
entitles  us  to  regard  these  sections  as  Jereniianio. 

XXX.  1-4.  The  prophet  is  commanded  to  write 
down  his  prophecies  {i.e.  those  of  30,31,  in  view  of  4), 
because  of  their  approaching  fulfilment.  Note  the 
difference  of  this  (editorial)  introduction  from  the 
account  of  the  circumstances  leading  to  the  writmg 
of  the  roll  m  604  (362ff.). 

5-22.  Description  of  the  people's  terror  (5  mg.)  at 
the  "  Day  of  Yahweh  "  (Am.  5i8) ;  but  this  "  Day  " 
shall  bring  deliverance  from  the  (heathen)  yoke  (8), 
and  Israel  shall  have  (religious)  freedom  under  the 
future  "  Davidic  "  king.  The  gathered  people  shall 
be  delivered  from  fear  (Uko  a  protected  flock.  Is.  172) ; 
the  heathen  nations  shall  be  destroyed,  Israel  escaping 
with  proper  chastisement  only  (IO24).  At  present, 
Zion  is  sorely  wounded  (13  as  mg.^},  and  forsaken  of 
her  old  allies  ("  lovers  ",  14  ;  cf.  430,  222o).  Her  con- 
dition is  deserved,  yet  because  she  is  so  helpless 
("  therefore  ",  16)  her  foes  shall  be  overthrown,  and 
she  shall  be  healed  ;  the  city  shall  be  rebuilt  upon  its 
mound,  and  tho  palace  inhabited  as  usual  (18  mg.). 
There  shall  be  joy  (Ps.  126if.)  at  the  restoration  of  her 
numbers,  and  her  former  glory  ;  for  she  will  be  in  the 
care  of  Yahweh  ("  before  me  ",  20  ;  cf.  Ps.  IO228),  and 
under  a  native  ruler  (Dt.  17 15),  with  priestly  rights  of 
access  to  Yahweh  (Ezek.  44i3,  Nu.  I65),  such  as  none 
would  pi-esumptuously  claim.  23f.  is  an  eschato- 
logical  fragment  (found  elsewhere  as  in  mg.)  which 
describes  the  destruction  of  the  wicked  within  the 
Jewish  nation. — 5ff.  The  "  Day  of  Yahweh  "  is  a 
frequent  idea  of  prophecy  to  denote  the  dramatic 
intervention  of  Yahweh  m  human  history  ;  cf.  Is.  136ff., 
where  there  is  the  same  figure  as  here  of  men  overcome 
in  travail-like  anguish.--8.  Cf.  Is.  IO27  ;  "  thy  "  in 
both  cases  should  be  "  his  '" ;  cf.  LXX. — 9.  A  return  of 
the  original  David  is  not  meant,  but  the  coming  of 
an  idealised  descendant ;  cf.  Hos.  85. — lOf.  (LXX 
omits)  as  4627f.  ;  see  Is.  4l8f.  for  thought  and 
phrasing. — 20.  The  term  for  "  congregation  "  is  char- 
acteristic of  the  post-exilic  period,  when  Israel  had 
become  a  "  Church  "'  instead  of  a  "  State". — 21.  It  is 
difficult  for  us  to  realise,  in  view  of  the  Christian  sense 
of  direct  fellowship  with  God  in  Christ,  the  old  idea 
of  the  peril  of  any  approach  to  deity. 

XXXI.  1-6.  This  prophecy  of  the  restoration  of  tho 
northern  kingdom  may  belong,  like  ch.  3,  to  Jeremiah's 
early  period.  The  northern  Israelites  shall  be  gathered 
from  exile  ("  the  wilderness  ").  Yahweh  will  appear 
from  Zion  (3,  7ng.^ ;  cf.  5I50),  declaring  His  enduring 
love  (Hos.  11 4).  and  will  restore  general  happiness; 
in  the  security  of  tenure  the  vineyards  (which  require 
time  for  their  development)  will  be  replanted,  and  their 
keepers  ("  watchmen  ',  6)  will  caU  men  to  Zion  (thus 
marking  the  union  of  the  two  kingdoms). — 2.  The 
tenses  are  "prophetic  perfects ".  Render  26,  with 
Driver,  "I  will  go  that  I  may  cause  Israel  to  rest". 


488 


JEREMIAH,  XXXI.  4 


— 4.  tabrets :  tambourines  ;  rendered  "  timbrels  "  in 
Ex.  1520,  Jg.  II 34. 

7-14  (suggestive  of  Doutero-Isaiah).  Lot  there  bo 
joy  that  Yahwth  hath  saved  HLs  people,  for  Ho  will 
gather  all  to  Palestine  ("  hither",  8),  and  they  will  come 
l)enitently  to  the  Divine  provision  made  for  their 
need  (9  mg. ;  cf.  Is.  49io),  made  as  for  Yahweh'a  first- 
bom  (1  Ch.  5if.).  Let  the  nations  make  it  known  that 
Yahweli  is  the  rescuing  shepherd  (Is.  40ii)  of  Israel, 
which  is  now  gathered  l:o  the  good  things  ("  goodness  ", 
12  ;  cf.  Gen.  452o)  of  Zion  ;  these  are  sufficient  for  all, 
BO  that  they  shall  no  more  faint  through  hunger 
("  sorrow",  12,  should  be  "  pine  "  ;  cf.  25,  "sorrowful"). 
The  people  will  rejoice,  and  the  priests  will  receive 
abundant  offerings,  because  of  the  general  prosperity. — 
7.  save  thy  people:  read  with  LXX,  Targ. :  (Yahweh) 
"  hath  saved  his  people  "  ;  also  read  mg. — 10.  Isles: 
».e.  tiie  .Mediterranean  with  its  coasts. — 14.  satiate  the 
soul :   satisfy  the  appetite.  Is.  002. 

15-22.  Jeremiah  hears  Rachel  (the  mother  of  Joseph 
and  Benjamin,  Gen.  3O24,  35i6ff.)  weeping  at  (her 
grave  near)  Ramah,  for  her  children,  the  northern 
exiles.  He  bids  her  refrain,  in  the  certainty  of  their 
restoration.  Their  penitence  is  described  (i8f.). 
Yahweh  expresses  wonder  (20)  at  His  own  enduring 
love  for  this  very  precious  son,  this  child  of  delight ; 
He  is  moved  to  deep  emotion,  and,  in  spite  of  all, 
cannot  abandon  him.  Let  Israel  indicate  and  note 
the  way  of  return  (21),  and  persist  in  it  (22).  for  Y^ahweh 
will  now  bring  the  virgin  Israel  to  cling  around  Him, 
offer  herself  to  Him  in  true  marital  affection  (Hos.  2i6, 
Is.  5-l5f.),  as  never  before. — 15.  Ramah:  5  m.  N.  of 
Jerusalem  ;  cf.  1  S.  IO2.  Mt.  2i7f.  follows  the  different 
tradition  as  to  the  site  of  the  grave  (vicinity  of  Bethle- 
hem) given  in  Gen.  35ig*,  487. — 16.  Shall  be  :  emphatic. 
— 17.  is  :  emphatic. — 18.  turn  thou  me :  better,  "  bring 
me  back". — 19.  turned:  i.e.  from  thee;  for  the 
gesture  of  grief,  see  Ezek.  2I12  ;  tho  reproach  is  that 
springing  from  earlier  sins. — 20.  dear  .  .  .  pleasant: 
not  strong  enough  for  the  Heb.  Tho  bowels,  in  Heb. 
psj'chology,  arc  the  seat  of  deep  emotion  (419). — 21.  set 
thine  heart :  denoting  attention,  not  desire  or  affection. 
— 22  is  difficult  and  dubious  ;  some  commentators 
emend,  after  Ewald  and  Duhm,  into  "  A  woman  shall 
be  turned  into  a  man,"  i.e.  '"the  weak  shall  be  made 
strong  " ;  the  interpretation  already  given  follows 
Driver. 

23-26.  At  the  restoration  of  Judah  there  shall  be 
joyous  acclamation  of  the  city  and  the  Temple  (Zech. 
83) ;  agricultural  and  pastoral  life  shall  be  resumed  in 
peace;  the  thirsty  and  tho  hungry  (cf.  14)  shall  be 
satisfied.  26  appears  to  be  a  gloss,  which  hints  that 
those  bright  dreams  are  very  different  from  the  waking 
reality. 

27-30.  Yahweh  will  replenish  the  scanty  populations 
of  both  kingdoms,  and  will  establish  them  (for  the 
terms,  cf.  lie).  In  tho  future,  individual  rcsporusi- 
bility  for  sin  will  replace  tho  old  doctrine  of  "  cor- 
porate "  pci>ionality,  by  which  children  suffered  for 
the  sins  of  t.hoir  fathers  (e.g.  Achan's,  Jos.  724),  and 
Israel  seemed  to  be  suffering  for  the  sins  of  past 
generations  (Lam.  5;  ;  cf.  Dt.  24i6,  and  the  notes  on 
Ezek.  l)^2ff.). 

31-34.  The  prophecy  of  the  "  New  Covenant,"  con- 
tained in  tliese  verses,  may  have  been  written  in  58(5, 
when  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  had  suggested  that 
the  "  Old  Covenant  "  was  cancelled.  The  Jeremianic 
authorship  of  this  most  important  passage  has  been 
firmly  established  by  Comill's  arguments  against  tho 
criticisms  of  Duhm  and  otliers.  Yahweh  is  about  to 
establish  the  national  religion  on  a  new  basis.     When 


He  led  tho  Israelites  out  of  Egjrpt  (Hos.  II1-4),  He 
made  with  them  a  covenant  (that  of  Sinai,  involving 
the  Decalogue,  written  on  tables  of  stone,  Ex.  31 15, 
Dt.  4i3),  which  they  broke,  though  He  was  bound  to 
them  in  marriage  love.  His  new  covenant  He  will 
write  upon  their  hearts  (instead  of  upon  stone),  and 
He  will  maintain  (permanently)  the  bond  between 
God  and  people  (33).  The  common  knowledge  of 
God  (22i6,  Is.  5413)  resulting  from  this  inward  change 
will  make  tho  teaching  of  one  by  another  to  be  un- 
necessary ( i.e.  tho  prophetic  consciousness  of  a  Jeremiah, 
with  ita  direct  relation  to  God,  will  become  general)  ; 
the  barrier  of  (past)  sin  will  be  removed  by  an  act  of 
Divine  forgiveness,  to  make  this  new  covenant  pos- 
sible (34). — The  primary  truths  of  this  groat  passage 
are  to  be  grasped  only  in  the  light  of  the  personal 
history  and  inner  experiences  of  its  writer.  They  are 
in  general  (n)  the  moral  inwardness  of  true  religion, 
(b)  its  doiJendenco  on  supernatural  agencies,  (c)  ita 
realisation  of  a  direct  personal  fellowship  with  God. 
(See  further.  Introduction,  §  3.) — 32.  although  I  was 
an  husband  unto  them:  cf.  314;  but  LXX.  Syr. 
suggest  that  we  should  read  "  and  I  abhorred  them  "  ; 
cf.  14 1 9.— 33.  Cf.  44,  247,  and  the  dependent  Is.  .5I7  ; 
contrast  Jer.  17i.  For  the  suptirnatural  influences 
upon  which  this  new  and  more  individualised  relation 
to  God  is  conceived  to  rest,  see  Is.  592 1,  Ezek.  3626f. 

35-40.  Israel's  national  existence  shall  be  as  per- 
manent as  Y''ahweh"s  rule  of  nature  (35f.)  ;  it  is  as 
impossible  for  Israel  to  be  rejected  as  it  is  for  man  to 
compreiiend  the  created  world  (37).  In  the  future, 
Jerusalem  shall  be  rebuilt  from  the  NE.  to  tho  N\V. 
corner  (Zech.  14 10),  and  (apparently)  southwards,  and 
shall  include  oven  the  Valley  of  Hinnom  (desecrated 
by  human  sacrifices  to  Molech,  731)  as  far  as  the  SE. 
corner  ("  the  horse  gate  ",  Neh.  828). — 39.  Gareb  .  .  . 
Goah :  not  found  elsewhere,  and  not  known. 

XXXII.  The  Redemption  of  Land  at  Anathoth. — A 
token  of  confidence  in  the  future  restoration.  Pro- 
bably not  much  more  than  6-15  is  original.  This 
narrative,  it  should  be  noticed,  is  both  preceded  (30f.) 
and  followed  (33)  by  restoration  prophecies. 

1-5.  In  587  B.C.,  during  tho  siege  of  Jerusalem  by 
the  Babylonians,  Jeremiah  was  a  prisoner  in  tho 
"guard-court",  used  for  specially-treatod  prLsonei-s 
(372of.);  the  explanation  given  is  that  he  had 
prophesied  (2I7,  37i7,  etc.)  defeat  and  captivity  for 
Zedekiah  (fulfilled  as  in  2  K.  257).  2-5  are  parentheti- 
cal, and  should  bo  placed  in  brackets  ;  6ff.  are  not,  as 
they  might  seem,  an  answer  to  Zedekiah"s  question. 
According  to  37iiff.,  Jeremiah  was  arrested  in  tho 
interval  during  which  tho  Babylonians  had  withdrawn 
from  tho  siege,  for  alleged  desertion  to  tho  enemy  ; 
the  princes  were  hostile  to  him,  but  Zedekiah  showed 
him  kindness. 

6-15.  Jeremiah,  after  a  premonition  of  the  coming 
opportunity  (subsequently  confirmed  aa  being  of 
Divine  origin,  8)  uses  the  "  right  of  redemption  "  be- 
longing to  tho  next-of-kin  (Lev.  2523  ;  Ru.  43ff.)  to 
buy  family  property  in  Anathoth  (li)  from  his  cousin 
Hanamel  ;  he  duly  executes  the  purchase  with  all 
legal  precision.  By  this  prophetic  act,  he  exhibited 
his  confidence  that  land  now  in  the  enemy's  occupation 
would  ultimately  be  restored  to  Israel  (cf.  Livy  2Gii 
for  a  similar  incident). — 9.  The  weiglit  of  uncoined 
metnl  named  would  be  worth  about  £2.  f)s.  9,/.  to-day, 
but  tho  exchange  value  then  would  be  much  greater ; 
cf.  2  S.  2424. — 11.  Road  as  mg. — 14.  Excavation  has 
revealed  tho  similar  Babylonian  custom  of  keeping  in 
an  earthen  vessol  a  tablet  enclosed  in  an  outer  envelope, 
itself  inscribed  in  duplicate.     Baruch,  with  whom  the 


JEREMIAH,  XXXVI 


489 


deeds  were  deposited,  was  the  prophet's  secretary 
(36),  faithful  companion  (433),  and,  probably,  future 
biographer. 

16-25  (a  later  Deutoronomistic  expansion,  except 
perhaps  in  24!.).  Prayer  of  Jeremiah,  reviewing  the 
Divine  characteristics,  and  Yahwoh's  control  of  Isracrs 
histoiy,  up  to  the  present  distress,  and  implying  doubt 
a^3  to  the  issue. — 24.  mounts :  earthen  mounds  raised 
by  the  besiegers,  66.  384. 

26-44.  Yahwoh  answers  the  prophet  by  declaring 
the  issue  and  cause  of  the  present  distress,  and  by 
promising  (36ff.)  the  future  restoration  of  the  people 
to  Palestine,  whore  they  shall  dwell  in  religious  unity 
and  in  prosperity.  Most  or  all  of  this  seems  later  than 
Jeremiah  ;  e.g.  31  agrees  with  Ezekiel  (16),  rather 
than  with  Jeremiah  ;  43  presupposes  the  exile  ;  27-35 
is  irrelevant  to  the  cont«xt. — 29.  Cf.  19 13. — 34f.,  aa 
73of.  (see  the  notes).— 39.  Cf.  Ezek.  II19.— 40.  Cf. 
31 33-— 44.   Cf.  1726. 

XXXIII.  Promises  of  Restoration. — There  may  be  a 
Jeremianic  nucleus  in  the  first  half  of  the  chapter, 
but  14-26,  being  imitative,  and  omitted  by  LXX,  is 
probably  late.  Yahweh  the  Restorer  promises  to 
reveal  great  and  secret  things  (Is.  485).  In  spite  of 
the  present  state  of  the  city,  which  is  surrounded  by 
besiegers,  Yahweh  will  restore  it  to  health  (6,  "  new 
flesh",  822),  establish  its  prosperity  ("  truth  "  means 
"  firmness  "  ;  cf.  14i3),  renew  its  former  estate  (7,  as  at 
the  first,  Is.  I26,  1  K.  136),  cleansing  away  its  sin 
(31 34  ;  cf.  Ezek.  8625),  so  that  men  shall  be  awed  at  its 
glory  (1-9).  The  present  desolation  shall  be  replaced 
(contrast  734)  by  a  joyful  and  thankful  population, 
enjoying  pastoral  peace  (10-13).  Yahweh  will  per- 
form His  promise  (29io)  to  both  sections  of  the  nation 
by  raising  a  Davidic  "  Shoot  "  ;  the  royal  (2  S.  7i6) 
and  priestly  (Dt.  I85)  succession  shall  be  guaranteed 
with  a  certainty  like  that  of  natural  phenomena 
(3l35f.),  and  in  an  abundance  like  that  of  the  stars 
and  the  sand  (Gen.  22i7,  but  there  of  the  whole 
nation).  The  taunt  that  Yahweh  has  rejected  Israel 
and  Judah  ("  the  two  families  ",  24)  shall  be  disproved 
(14-26). — 2.  that  doeth  it:  i.e.  restoration  ;  in  Is.  22 
II,  on  the  other  hand,  the  phrase  denotes  the  Destroyer. 
— 3.  difficult:  i.e.  unattainable;  cf.  mgr. — 4.  mounts: 
see  on  3224. — 5  is  corrupt ;  a  slight  emendation  gives 
"  the  Chaldeans  are  commg  to  fight  and  fill  ",  etc. — 
10  presupposes  the  exile. — 11.  For  the  refrain,  see  Ps. 
IO61,  etc.  ;  for  the  offering,  Jer.  1726.— 13.  The  latter 
half  refers  to  the  counting  of  sheep  ;  for  the  districts 
named,  see  3244. — 15.  Branch:  see  on  235f.,  here  re- 
peated, though  the  city  instead  of  the  king  now  receives 
the  title  ;  cf.  Ezek.  4835. — 18.  For  the  sacrifices  named 
see  on  1726  ;  for  the  priestly  title,  Dt.  18 1. — 24  is 
difficult ;  as  it  stands,  "  this  people "  means  the 
heathen,  but  we  should  probably  emend  slightly 
{cf.  Duhm  and  Comill),  and  read  (after  "  off  "),  "  and 
spurns  His  people  .  .  .  before  Him ",  making  "  this 
people  "  then  refer  to  disconsolate  Jews. 

XXXIV.  1-7.  The  Fate  of  Jerusalem  and  of  Zedelilah. 
— In  the  course  of  the  siege  (588-6),  Jeremiah  is  sent 
to  Zedekiah  to  tell  him  that  the  city  will  be  taken  and 
destroyed,  that  he  will  be  brought  before  Nebuchad- 
rezzar and  sent  to  Babylon,  but  will  obtain  the 
customary  royal  honours  after  a  peaceful  death.  At 
this  time,  it  is  said,  the  only  other  uncaptured  cities 
were  Lachish  (Tell-el-Hesy,  35  m.  SW.  of  Jerusalem, 
see  p.  28)  and  Azckah  (Jos.  I535,  probably  15  m.  SW. 
of  Jerusalem).  For  the  actual  fate  of  the  king,  so 
different  from  that  here  promised,  see  Jer.  52 ii,  and 
cf.  Ezek.  12  13.  The  present  prophecy  must  be  ex- 
plained as  conditional  on  submission  to  Babylon,  a 


condition  not  fulfilled. — 5.  burnings:    with  reference 
to  the  spices  used  (so  mg.) ;  bodies  wore  buried. 

XXXIV.  8-22.  The  Cancelled  Liberation  of  Slaves.— 
In  the  interval  during  which  the  besiegers  had  with- 
drawn (21  ;  cf.  2I2,  37.5),  Jeremiah  is  commissioned  to 
condemn  the  breach  of  the  promises  made  by  king  and 
people  during  the  earlier  straits.  They  had  agreed  to 
emancipate  all  Hebrew  slaves,  and  had  solemrdy 
covenanted  to  this  effect.  They  broke  this  agreement 
(when  the  Babylonian  peril  seemed  to  be  removed), 
and  in  so  doing  they  "  profaned  "  (16)  Yahwoh's  name, 
by  disregard  of  His  original  covenant  (18),  when  the 
law  of  emancipation  after  six  years  of  service  was  first 
given  (13).  So  Yahweh  proclaims  a  "liberation"  of 
His  people  from  Himself  to  the  cruel  tyranny  of  war 
(17)  ;  He  will  cause  the  besiegers  who  have  temporarily 
retired  from  them  ("gone  up",  21)  to  return,  as  they 
have  caused  their  emancipated  slaves  to  return. — 
14.  The  original  covenant  of  Yaliweh  included  the  law 
of  Dt.  15i2ff.,  which  is  here  cited;  the  connexion 
with  this  law  is  not,  however,  very  precise,  since  the 
present  temporary  emancipation  is  represented  aa 
general,  apart  from  the  period  of  eix  years  of  service. 
— At  the  end  of  seven  years  (we  should  say,  "  in  the 
seventh  year  ",  or  "  at  the  end  of  six  j^ears  ". — 18.  This 
division  of  the  victim  is  usually  supposed  to  symbolise 
the  fate  invoked  on  those  who  break  the  covenant — 
but  Robertson  Smith  (RS^,  p.  481)  suggested  that 
"  the  parties  stood  between  the  pieces,  as  a  sjnnbol 
that  they  were  taken  within  the  mystical  life  of  the 
victim"  (Gen.  15i7*). 

XXXV.  A  Lesson  in  Obedience  from  the  Rechabites.— 
These  were  the  descendants  of  that  Jonadab  who,  in 
842,  aided  Jehu  to  overthrow  the  house  of  Ahab  and 
the  cult  of  Baal  of  T3Te  (2  K.  IO15-23*);  they  were 
connected  with  the  Kenites  (1  Ch.  255),  from  whom 
the  worship  of  Yahweh  may  have  passed  to  Israel 
(cf.  Jg.  Ii6).  The  incident  here  described  is  to  be 
dated  c.  598  {cf.  11  with  2  K.  242),  i.e.  after  the  events 
of  38. 

1-11.  Jeremiah  is  told  to  bring  the  family  ("  house  ") 
of  the  Rechabites  into  one  of  the  rooms  {cf.  36 12, 
Ezek.  40 1 7,  etc.)  erected  round  the  Temple  courts,  and 
to  offer  them  wine,  which  he  does.  They  reply  that 
it  is  an  ancestral  rule  with  them  to  drink  no  wine,  and 
to  dwell  in  tents,  having  no  share  in  vine-culture, 
agriculture,  or  housebuilding  {i.e.  they  are  loyal  to  the 
nomadic  tradition ;  the  civilisation  of  Canaan,  in- 
volving the  cult  of  the  Baalim,  they  regard  as  an 
influence  corrupting  the  true  worship  of  the  desert 
God,  Yahweh,  see  pp.  74,  85,  87,  2  K.  lOisf.*).  The 
Rechabites  explain  their  (exceptional)  presence  in 
Jerusalem  as  due  to  flight  before  the  invaders. — 2. 
The  incident  takes  place  in  the  Temple,  in  order  to 
give  it  publicity  and  solemnity. — 4.  the  keeper  of  the 
door:  5224,  where  three  of  these  high  officials  aro 
named  after  the  second  priest. 

12-19.  Jeremiah  'proceeds  to  contrast  the  loyal 
obedience  of  the  Rechabites  to  the  commands  of 
Jonadab  with  the  disobedience  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem 
generally  to  the  commands  of  Yahweh  Himself,  given 
through  a  line  of  prophets  (I811,  255f.)  ;  hence  the 
coming  punishment.  To  the  Rechabites  is  guaranteed 
the  continuance  of  their  line  (19 ;  cf.  33i7)  as  servants 
of  Yahweh. — 14.  I  is  emphatic. — 19.  stand  before  me: 
see  on  I519. 

XXXVI.  The  Writing  of  the  Roll.— This  chapter 
narrates  how  the  oral  prophecies  of  Jeremiah  were 
first  put  into  writing  (604  B.C.).  The  account  is 
obviously  important  for  the  criticism  of  this  book  • 
see  Introduction,  §  4,  for  the  probable  contents  of  the 

16  a 


490 


JEREMIAH,  XXXVI 


roll.  The  oircumstancoa  also  throw  light  on  the  origin 
of  written  prophecy  in  general  ;  the  failure  of  the  oral 
testimony  (3;  c/.  Is.  81,16,  SOs)  led  to  its  preservation 
through  writing.  The  pioneers  amongst  the  so-called 
"  literary  '"  prophets  are  not  primarily  writers  at  all ; 
the  written  records  of  their  work  are  largely  incidental, 
a  fact  which  helps  to  explain  the  fragmentary  and 
complex  character  of  much  of  the  prophetic  ''  litera- 
ture," duo.  as  it  largely  is.  to  the  work  of  disciples. 
On  Hebrew  writing  materials,  see  the  article,  "  Writ- 
ing ■■  by  Kenyon,  in  HDB. 

1-8  (The  iirst  roll  written).  Jeremiah  is  told  to 
write  down  his  prophecies  of  the  last  twenty-two  years 
(25i,3)  relatmg  to  Jerusalem  (so  read  with  LXX  for 
"  Israel  "  in  2),  Judah,  and  the  nations,  in  the  hope 
that  Judah  may  yet  repent  (263).  Accordingly,  he 
dictates  them  to  Banich  (32 12,  and  see  Introduction), 
and  tolls  him  to  read  them  publicly  in  the  Temple  on 
a  fast  day  (6  mg.),  since  he  is  unable  to  go  there  him- 
self. Baruch  does  this  (8  summarises  the  following 
narrative,  9-26).— 5.  I  am  restrained,  mg. :  this  cannot 
mean  "  imprisoned  '  in  view  of  19  ;  it  may  refer  to 
ceremonial  uncieanness  (c/.  I  S.  21;,  Neh.  610),  or, 
perhaps,  to  a  "  restraint "'  through  the  prophetic  spirit. 

9-26  (The  roll  read  and  destroyed).  In  the  winter 
(Nov.-Dec.)  of  the  following  year,  Baruch  uses  the 
opportunity  of  a  fast  to  read  the  roll  in  the  rooni  of 
Gomariah.  Its  contents  are  reported  to  the  princes 
in  the  secretary's  room  at  the  palace  (below  the  Temple, 
26io),  and  they  send  for  Baruch  to  read  it  again  to 
them.  They  are  alarmed  by  it,  and  decide  that  the 
king  must  be  told.  They  ask  how  it  came  to  be 
written,  and  Baruch  replies  that  it  was  dictated  to 
him.  They  tell  him  to  go  into  hiding  with  his  master, 
and  they  go  to  Jchoiakim ;  he  sends  for  the  roll,  and 
hears  it  in  his  "  winter  "  house  (Am.  815),  sitting  by  the 
fire.  Wlien  three  or  four  columns  (23  mg.)  of  the  roll 
have  been  read,  the  king  repeatedly  cuts  them  off,  and 
throws  them  into  the  fire,  till  all  has  been  read  and 
burnt.  This  he  does  in  spite  of  the  entreaty  of  some 
of  those  in  attendance  ("  which  stood  beside  the  king," 
21  ;  cf.  Jg.  319).  The  king  sends  in  vain  to  arrest  the 
prophet  and  his  secretary. — 9.  a  fast:  some  special 
day  of  humiliation;  cf.  2  S.  1222,  1  K.  2I27.  Zech.  75. 
— 10.  Gemariah :  son  of  the  Shaphan  of  2  K.  223ff., 
and  brother  of  the  Ahikam  of  2624. — 16.  Omit  "unto 
Baruch  "  with  LXX. — 17.  Omit  "at  his  mouth"  with 
LXX. — 20.  court  should  perhaps  be  emended  into 
"  chamber"  or  "  cabinet  "(c/.  I  K.  I15),  in  view  of  22. 
— 23.  The  tenses  denote  repeated  action. — 26.  king's 
son  :   "  royal  prince". 

27-32  (The  second  roll  written).  Since  the  king  has 
destroyed  the  first  roll,  owing  to  its  anticipation  of  a 
successful  Babylonian  invasion  (259f.),  Yahweh  an- 
nounces that  the  king  shall  leave  no  successor  to  hia 
throne  (as  a  matter  of  fact,  his  son  Jehoiachin  suc- 
ceeded him  for  three  months  only ;  cf.  37 1 ),  and  shall 
lie  unburied  (22i9),  whilst  the  evils  foretold  for  the 
people  shall  come  upon  them.  Jeremiah  is  to  rewrite 
all  that  was  written  ;  he  does  this  (through  Banich) 
on  a  second  roll,  with  many  additions. 

XXX VII. .  XXXVIII.  Fortunes  of  Jeremiah  during 
the  Siege  (588- 58G). 

XXXVII.  1-10.  Zedekiah,  made  vassal-king  in  place 
of  his  nephew,  Jehoiachin  (in  597)  sends  Jehucal  (38i) 
and  Zephaniah  (21 1,  where  a  similar  uiquiry  earlier  in 
the  siege  is  recorded)  to  ask  for  Jeremiahs  intercession 
with  Yahweh  {cf.  Is.  374),  at  a  time  when  the  siege 
has  been  raised  through  the  Egyptian  expedition  of 
Pharaoh  (Hophra,  589-564  ;  cf.  4430).  Jeremiah  sends 
back  to  say  that  the  Babylonians  will  return,  and  that 


the  capture  of  the  city  is  certain,  even  though  the 
Babylonian  army  had  but  a  few  wounded  survivors. 
(The  EgyiJtians  were  presumably  defeated  by  the 
Babylonians  on  this  occasion,  cf.  Ezek.  3O21). 

11-21.  Jeremiah,  during  tlie  interval  in  the  siege,  is 
leaving  the  city  by  a  northern  gate  on  private  busmeas 
(perhaps  connected  with  the  earlier  incident  of  326£[.), 
when  he  is  arrested  by  the  officer  on  duty  under  charge 
of  desertion  (plausible  in  view  of  2I9  ;  cf.  3819).  His 
denial  is  disregarded,  and  ho  Ls  beaten  and  imprisoned 
by  the  princes  (those  friendly  to  him,  cf.  26i6,  8619, 
were  now  probably  exiles).  After  a  lengthy  imprison- 
ment, the  king  sends  for  him  secretly  (885  suggeste  the 
rea.son)  to  ask  about  the  future  ;  Jeremiah  prophesies 
his  captivity,  declares  his  own  innocence,  reminds  him 
of  the  falsity  of  the  prophets  of  i^eace  (cf.  282,11),  and 
asks  not  to  be  sent  back  to  his  dungeon.  Accordingly, 
the  king  places  him  in  the  guard-court  (322),  giving 
him  daily  bread  (the  bakers,  cf.  Hos.  74,  were  grouped 
in  a  common  quarter,  as  Extern  trades  often  are). 

XXXVIII.  1-13.  Four  of  the  princes  (37 15)  hear 
Jeremiah  (confined  in  the  guard-court,  372 1)  foretelling 
the  fall  of  the  city  and  advising  individual  surrender 
(cf.  21 9f.).  They  denounce  him  to  the  king  as  a 
source  of  weakness  to  the  defence,  and  Zedekiah  gives 
him  over  to  them.  They  lower  him  into  the  mud  of  a 
waterless  cistern  in  the  guard-court,  belonging  to  a 
royal  prince  (8626,  not«).  This  is  reported  to  the  king 
by  a  negro  eunuch  called  Ebed-melech  (39i5-i8),  who 
points  out  that  he  will  die  on  the  spot  for  want  of  food 
(he  would  lose  the  special  court  rations  of  372 1).  The 
kmg  authorises  Ebed-melech  to  take  men  ("  thirty  " 
should  probably  be  "  three  "")  to  draw  Jeremiah  up  ; 
this  is  carefully  done,  "  torn  and  tattered  rags  " 
(Driver)  being  first  lowered  to  protect  the  armpits 
from  the  ropes. — 5.  LXX  reads  "  for  the  king  was  not 
able  to  do  anything  against  them". — 7.  eimuch:  in 
charge  of  the  harem,  22. 

1^28.  Zedekiah  asks  Jeremiah  about  the  future, 
swearing  immunity  to  him,  whatever  his  answer  (16). 
Jeremiah  urges  him  to  save  himself  and  the  city  by 
surrender  to  Nebuchadrezzars  princes  (Nebuchad- 
rezzar being  absent.  393,5)  ;  promises  that  the  Jews 
who  have  already  deserted  shall  not  illtreat  him  ; 
declares  a  Divine  vision  of  the  end.  contingent  on  the 
king's  refusal  to  surrender.  Jeremiah  has  seen  the 
women  of  the  harem  being  brought  out  for  the  Baby- 
lonian victors,  and  as  they  go  he  has  heard  them  singing 
a  dirge  (22)  for  Zedekiah.  The  king  bids  him  conceal 
the  true  nature  of  this  interview  from  the  princes, 
which  he  does  ;  he  is  allowed  to  return  to  (the  relatively 
favourable  conditions  of)  the  guard-court. — 14.  third 
entry  :  not  otherwise  known. — 19.  mock :  I.e.  work 
their  will  on.— 22.  The  terms  of  the  dirge  sung  by  the 
mocking  women  may  have  been  suggested  by  Jere- 
miah's recent  experience  in  the  cistern.  With  the 
reference  to  the  "  friends  ",  cf.  Ob.  7,  which  depends 
on  this.  Read  with  LXX,  "  they  have  made  thy  feet 
to  sink  '. — 23.  Read  with  VSvS.' "  this  city  shall  be 
burned'.— 26.  Jonathans  house:   87i5. 

XXXIX.  1-14.  The  FaU  of  Jerusalem:  Jeremiah 
Spared.— This  paragraph  well  illustrates  the  growth  of 
the  OT  text ;  cf.  2  K.  25i-i2  (also  reproduced  in 
524-16,  from  which  if.  and  4-10,  13  have  been  here 
interpolated.  The  former  verses  (if.,  bracketed  in 
RV)  break  the  Hebrew  connexion,  and  refer  back  to 
the  time  prior  to  the  capture  of  the  city  ;  the  latter 
(4-13  are  omitted  in  LXX)  include  events  connected 
with  Nebuzaradan,  who  arrived  a  month  later  than 
the  capture  (2  K.  25s,  Jer.  52i2).  14  properly  con- 
nects  with    3.     For  the   interpolated   verses,  see  on 


JEREMIAH,  XLIV 


491 


i  Kings.  The  special  instructions  as  to  Jeremiah 
(iif.  ;  not  in  2  Kings  or  Jer.  62)  would  be  due  to  hia 
known  policy  of  surrender.  The  closing  words  of  38, 
as  continued  in  393,14,  describe  what  happened  to 
Jeremiah  on  the  fall  of  the  city.  The  Babylonian 
officers  held  a  court  ("  sat  in  the  middle  gate  "",  3),  and 
directed  Gedaliah  (son  of  Jeremiah's  friend  Ahikam, 
2624)  to  take  the  prophet  homo,  where  he  was  set  at 
liberty. — 3.  Tho  personal  names  (note  m^.)  are  probably 
a  corrupt  expansion  of  the  two  names  correctly  given 
in  13.  [On  tho  meaning  of  Rah-mag,  see  J.  H. 
Moulton,  Early  Zoroaalrianism,  pp.  187f.,  430.  He 
argues  for  the  view  that  it  means  "  cliief  of  tho 
Magi " ;  if  this  is  correct  there  was  apparently  a 
priestly  caste  of  Magi  in  Babylonia  at  this  date.  For 
the  presence  of  Magi  at  Jerusalem  c/.  Ezek.  817*. — 
A.  S.  P.! 

XXXIX.  15-18.  Ebed-melech.— A  prophecy  of  his 
deliverance,  given  during  tho  siege  (c/.  387-13). — His 
enemies  (17)  may  be  either  the  Babylonians,  or  the 
hostile  princes. — 18.   CJ.  2I9,  455. 

XL.-XLIV.  The  next  five  chapters  continue  the 
biography  of  Jeremiah,  including  connected  events, 
after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem. 

XL.  1-6.  Release  of  Jeremiah.— This  paragraph  is 
possibly  a  later  expansion  of  39iif.  ;  the  opening 
words  do  not  suit  what  follows,  and  Nebuzaradan,  the 
Babylonian  general,  would  not  speak  as  in  af.,  whilst, 
according  to  39 14,  Jeremiah  had  been  given  into 
Gedaliahs  charge  a  month  before.  Jeremiah,  one  of 
a  band  of  captives  to  be  deported  to  Babylon,  was 
released  at  Ramah  (31 15)  by  the  Babylonian  com- 
mander, with  full  liberty  of  choice  as  to  his  future 
lesidence  ;  he  chose  to  join  Gtedaliah  (39 14)  at  Mizpah 
(4ri  m.  NW.  of  Jerusalem). — 5.  Omit  "  Now  .  .  .  gone 
back",  with  LXX  ;  the  Hebrew  is  strange,  and  the 
clause  awkward. 

XL.  7-12.  The  Governorship  of  Gedaliah.— The 
scattered  Jewish  forces  which  remained  heard  of 
Gedaliah'a  appointment  as  governor,  and  made  sub- 
mission to  him  at  Mizpah.  He  guaranteed  their 
security,  and  encouraged  them  to  proceed  with  agri- 
culture. Their  example  was  followed  by  Jews  who 
had  migrated  to  the  surrounding  districts.  The  hope 
of  this  community  to  become  the  nucleus  of  future 
growth  is  reflected  in  Ezek.  3324. — 8.  Netophah :  E.  of 
Bethlehem ;  Maacah :  a  district  SE.  of  Hermon. — 
9.  For  "to  serve"  read,  with  LXX  and  2  K.  2524, 
"because  of  the  servants  of". — 10.  to  stand  before: 
"to  serve",  15i9,  35i9  ;  i.e.  Gedaliah  is  responsible 
to  Babylon,  and  implies  that  he  will  protect  Jewish 
interests. — ye  have  taken :  should  be  "  ye  will  take  '. 

XL.  13-16.  Gedaliah's  Peril. — Johanan  warns  Geda- 
liah of  his  danger  from  Ishmael,  another  of  the  newly- 
submitted  leaders  (41 1),  alleged  to  be  an  agent  of  the 
king  of  Ammon  (273).  Gedaliah  refuses  to  beheve 
this,  or  to  avail  himself  of  Johanan's  offer  to  kill 
Ishmael. 

XU.  1-3.  Murder  of  GedaUah  by  Ishmael.— Three 
months  (392)  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  Ishmael, 
who  was  of  royal  blood  (and  so  perhaps  jealous  of  the 
governor's  position),  together  with  ton  followers,  took 
advantage  of  Gedaliah's  hospitality  to  murder  him, 
and  those  with  him  (in  his  house,  or  at  the  banquet). — 
3.  Omit,  with  LXX,  "  even  with  Gedaliah  ",  and  "  even 
the  men  of  war",  i.e.  the  body-guard. 

XLI.  4-18.  Ishmael's  Deeds  and  Flight.— Eighty 
pilgrims  from  N.  Israel  lo  Jerusalem,  mourning  its  fall, 
ana  carrying  offerings  (1726).  were  met  by  Ishmael  and 
enticed  into  Mizpah.  There  ho  kUled  them  all  except 
ten  who  acloiowledged  that  they  had  stores  of  grain. 


etc.  Ishmael  threw  all  the  dead  bodies  into  a  great 
cistern,  made  by  Asa,  and  started  for  Ammon,  with 
the  surviving  Jews  as  his  captives,  including  certain 
princesses  (doubtless  also  Jeremiah  and  Baruch ;  c/. 
422,  433).  Johanan  and  other  Jews  pursued  Ishmael 
and  overtook  him  at  Gibeon,  but  he  escaped  with 
eight  men.  His  captives  were  taken  by  Johanan  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Bethlehem,  with  a  view  to 
migration  into  Egypt  (for  other  refugees  there,  c/.  248). 
— 5.  For  the  ceremonial  cuttings,  cf.  166.  Tho  offer- 
ings would  presumably  be  made  on  the  site  of  the 
destroyed  Temple. — 6.  LXX  refers  this  weepmg  more 
naturally  to  the  pilgrims. — 8.  The  stores  "  hidden  in  the 
held  "  would  be  at  home  ;  underground  pits  are  still 
used  for  such  a  purpose ;  see  Thomson,  pp.  509f. — 
9.  by  the  side  of  Gedallati :  read  instead,  with  LXX, 
"  was  a  great  cistern ".  Asa  would  make  this  for 
water-storage,  when  he  fortified  the  place  (1  K.  1522). 
— 12.  Gibeon :  I  m.  N.  of  Mizpah  ;  for  the  waters,  see 
2  S.  213. — 16.  Emend  with  Hitzig,  "  Ishmael  .  .  . 
had  taken  captive "  for  "he  had  recovered  from 
Ishmael",  and  omit  "of  war".  The  eunuchs  would 
be  m  attendance  on  the  princesses  of  10. — 17.  Geruth 
Cliimham :  Geruth  should  perhaps  be  "  folds  of  " 
(so  Aquila^ ;  cf.  Josephus  {Antiq.  x.  9.  5) ;  for  Chim- 
ham,  see  2  S.  19  37-40. 

XLII.  1-XLIII.  7.  The  Migration  into  Egypt.-JTere- 
miah  is  asked  by  the  leaders  (i  mg.,  with  LXX)  and 
the  people  to  seek  Yahweh's  guidance,  which  they 
solemnly  (5  7ng.)  promise  to  follow  (1-6).  After  ten 
days,  the  Divine  revelation  comes  to  the  prophet  and 
is  communicated  to  the  people,  to  the  effect  that  they 
are  to  remain  in  Judah,  where  Yahweh  promises  to 
protect  them  from  the  Babylonians  ;  their  hope  of 
prosperity  hi  Egypt  will  be  found  delusive  ;  Yahweh 
will  treat  them  m  Egypt  as  He  has  treated  Jerusalem. 
They  are  doing  harm  to  themselves  by  their  (mtonded) 
disobedience  after  the  pledge  given  (7-22).  The 
leaders  (as  Jeremiah  had  anticipated,  from  42i7ff.) 
refuse  to  obey  the  oracle,  alleging  that  it  is  not  genuine, 
but  inspired  by  Baruch.  They  migrate  to  Egypt,  and 
reach  Tahpanhes  (Daphne,  a  frontier  fortres.s,  2i6). — 
XLII.  12.  Read  "to  dwell  in"  for  "to  return  to", 
with  SjT.  Vulg. — 20.  dealt  deceitfully:  should  be, 
with  LXX.  "done  evil". — souls:  simply  "selves". 
— XLIII.  2.  saying:  read  instead,  with  Giesebrecht, 
"  and  defiant".— 5.   Cf.  40iif.— 6.   Cf.  41  ro. 

XLIII.  8-13.  The  Future  Conquest  of  Egypt  by 
Nebuchadrezzar. — According  to  an  imperfect  inscrip- 
tion (given  in  Rogers's  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  OT, 
p.  367),  he  actually  invaded  Egypt  in  567  B.C.  Jere- 
miah symbolically  proclaims  this  by  placing  stones  on 
the  spot  where  the  Babylonian  king  shall  erect  his 
throne  and  glittering  canopy  (10  mg.).  He  will  make 
the  land  his,  as  easily  as  a  shepherd  puts  on  his 
garment  (12),  and  will  destroy  heathen  temples,  and 
the  obelisks  of  Heliopolis  ( 1 3  mg.  ;  6  m.  NE.  of  Cairo;. 
For  the  force  of  such  "  symbolism  "  see  on  13iff. — 
9.  in  mortar  in  the  brickwork :  a  very  doubtful  phrase ; 
LXX  reads  "  in  the  forecourt ",  and  other  Greek  VSS 
with  Vulg.  "  in  secret  "  ;  tho  latter  is  preferable,  as 
the  action  would  perhaps  have  to  be  done  by  night  • 
cf.  Ezek.  127.— 10.  Road  with  LXX,  Svr.  "  he  will 
set".— 12.  Read  with  VSS,  "he  wiU  kindle".— 13. 
"  Cleopatra's  Needle  "  is  one  of  these  obelisks. 

XLIV.  Denunciation  of  the  Jewish  Worship  of  Ishtar 
In  Egypt. — Jeremiah  points  to  the  desolation  of  Judah 
as  tho  experienced  consequence  of  idolatry,  notwith- 
standing Yahweh's  warnings  (1-6).  Why.  then,  do 
thev  repeat  tho  offence,  forgetting  the  past  ?  Yahweh 
will  destroy  the  remnant  in  Egypt,  leaving  fugitives 


492 


JEREMIAH,  XLIV 


only  (7-14).  The  assomblod  men  and  women  refuse 
to  abandon  the  worship  of  Ishtar  ("'  the  queen  of 
heaven",  7i8*),  which  they  have  vowed  (17,  "out 
of  our  mouth",  J^.  11 36);  prosperity  of  old  accom- 
panied that  worship,  whereas,  since  it«  abandonment 
(i.e..  in  621,  at  the  Doutoronomic  Reformation)  there 
has  been  nothing  but  disaster  (15-19).  Jeremiah  urges 
his  point,  i.e.  that  the  true  connexion  is  between 
Jewish  idolatry  and  Jewish  disaster  (20-23),  and 
ironically  tolls  them  to  fulfil  their  vows  of  idolatrous 
worship.  Yahweh  solemnly  declares  (26)  that  ail 
Jewish  reference  to  Him  in  Egypt  shall  cease  (a  grim 
hint  that  no  Jews  will  be  left).  He  is  wakeful  (I12, 
31 28)  to  bring  this  penalty  ;  as  its  token.  He  asserts 
that  the  fate  of  the  Egyptian  king  shall  be  like  that 
of  the  Jewish.  Pharaoh  Hophra  (589-564)  was  de- 
feated in  570  by  a  rebellion  under  AmasLs  (his  suc- 
cessor), and  was  strangled  in  564  ;  see  Herod,  ii.  169. 
— 1.  Mlgdol :  E.  of  Tahpanhes.  437  ;  Noph :  Memphis, 
near  Cairo,  2i6  ;  Pathros  :  S.  or  Upper  Egypt. — 2.  The 
first  ye  is  emphatic. — 3.  burn  Incense :  rather  "  offer 
saoritice",  I16;  so  8,17,  etc. — 9.  Read  "princes"  for 
the  first  "  wives  "  with  LXX  ;  cj.  17,  21. — 15.  Egypt 
must  denote  Lower,  Pathros  Upper,  Egypt ;  but  such 
a  gathering  is  improbable. — 19.  Some  M8S  of  LXX, 
with  Syr.,  put  this  verse  into  the  mouth  of  the  women, 
as  the  closing  words  require,  by  prefixing  "  And  (all) 
the  women  answered  and  said  '".  The  cakes  were  per- 
haps star-shaped ;  cf.  RVm.  For  the  point  of  the 
women's  reference  to  their  husbands,  see  the  later  law  of 
vows  in  Nu.  3U3-16. — 25.  Ye  and  your  wives  :  read, 
with  LXX,  ■'  yc  women  ". 

XLV.  1-5.  Baruch. — This  prophecy  concerning  him 
is  dated  604,  when  the  first  roll  ("  these  words  ")  was 
written  (36if!. ).  The  implied  reference  to  personal 
danger  might  be  explained  by  8626,  if  the  date  were 
a  year  later,  or  by  the  troubles  of  586,  if  we  disregard  \b. 
Probably  this  formed  the  (fitting)  close  of  Baruch's 
biography  of  the  prophet.  Baruch  has  complained 
that  to  his  pain  (perhaps  on  account  of  the  fortunes  of 
his  people)  sorrow  (concerning  hlg  personal  future)  is 
added.  Yahweh  asks  whether  he  can  expect  much 
when  Yahweh  has  to  be  destroying  His  own  work ; 
yet  Baruchs  life  shall  be  spared  (21 9). — 4.  The  opening 
and  closing  clauses  are  best  omitted  (the  latter  with 
LXX)  as  glosses. — 5.  thou  is  emphatic. 

XLVL-U.  The  Foreign  Prophecies.— These  form  the 
third  principal  division  of  the  Book  of  Jeremiah.  As 
alroadyseen  (l5,io,  25i5),  Jeremiah's  prophetic  horizon 
naturally  included  the  surrounding  nations  ;  how  far 
the  prophecies  that  follow  are  hu  can  be  decided  only 
by  detailed  criticism  in  each  case.  They  refer,  though 
in  somewhat  different  order,  to  the  several  nations 
enumerated  in  25io-26  (which  may  be  regarded  as  an 
introduction  to  tiu-in).  except  that  an  oracle  on  Damas- 
cus here  replaces  the  reference  to  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  tho 
Mediterranean.  (Tho  LXX,  which  places  this  group 
of  prophecies  afttT  25 13,  follows  a  third  order.)  It  is 
generally  admitted  that  the  long  prophecy  on  Babylon 
(50f. )  is  not  by  Jeremiah  (see  prefatory  note).  As 
to  46-49,  there  is  considerable  difference  of  opinion, 
ranging  from  Duhm's  rejection  of  the  whole,  through 
Giescbrecht's  acceptance  of  47  (except  towards  end), 
with  the  nucleus  of  462-12,  497-ii,  up  to  Cornill's 
acceptance  of  most  of  46-49  (so  also  Peako).  It  is  in 
any  caae  natural  to  suppose  that  there  arc  genuine 
prophecies  by  Jeremiah  which  underlie  these  chapters, 
though  they  have  boon  worked  over,  or  incorporated 
with  other  non-Jeroraianic  prophecies  (e.g.  48)  by  later 
writers.  For  details,  tho  larger  commentaries  must  bo 
consulted. 


XLVI.  Egypt.— (a)  2-12,  the  defeat  of  Pharaoh  Necho 
(610-594)  in  605  at  Carchemlsh  (NW.  Mesopotamia, 
near  junction  of  Sagur  with  Euphrates)  by  Xobuchad- 
rezzar  (who  became  formally  king  of  Babylon  in  604). 
The  prophet  summons  Egypt  to  battle  array  (3f.),  and 
dramatically  describes  its  defeat  (sf. ).  He  compares 
Egypt's  efforts  with  an  inundation  of  tho  Nile  (7 ;  c/. 
Is.  87,  of  the  Euphrates),  and  introduces  Pharaoh  (8) 
as  boasting  of  his  strength,  and  calling  his  warriors 
to  the  fray  (9  ;  the  contingents  here  named  are  those 
of  the  Ethiopians,  tho  Libyans,  and  some  unknown 
peoples  of  NE.  Africa,  respectively;  cf.  Ezek.  .3O5). 
The  prophet  declares  (10)  that  the  Babylonian  sword 
is  executing  the  vengeance  of  Yahweh,  and  (11)  ironi- 
cally bids  Egypt  (famed  for  its  skill  in  medicine)  seek 
a  plaster  for  its  wounds  (822,  30 13). — 4.  get  up,  ye 
horsemen:  rather  "mount  the  chargers". — 5.  Begin, 
with  LXX,  "  Wherefore  aje  they  dismayed,  ete."  ;  for 
tho  characteristic  phrase,  terror  is  on  every  side,  see 
625,  2O10,  4929.— 10.  CJ.  Is.  346,  and  note  the  defeat 
of  Israel  by  this  Pharaoh  at  Megiddo,  three  years  before 
the  date  of  this  prophecy. — 12.   Cf.  Lev.  2637. 

[h)  13-26,  the  coming  invtision  of  Egypt  by  Nebu- 
chadrezzar, either  as  sequel  to  its  defeat  at  Carche- 
mish,  or  with  reference  to  438-13.  The  Egyptiaas  are 
summoned  to  withstand  the  invaders,  and  their  utter 
overthrow  is  described  (14-17  ;  see  critical  notes).  Nebu- 
chadrezzar comes  in  towering  strength  (18),  and  Egypt 
must  prepare  for  exQe  (19,  mg.^;  cf.  Ezek.  I23),  since 
the  capital,  Noph  (Memphis)  is  to  be  destroyed.  She 
is  like  a  graceful  heifer,  stung  by  a  gad-fly  (20,  both 
mgg.),  but  her  mercenary  soldiers  (e.^.,  the  lonians  and 
Carians)  are  like  fatted  calves,  useless  to  defend  her  (21). 
The  foe  is  irresistible  (22-24).  Yahweh  is  punishing 
Anion  the  god  of  No  (Thebes,  Nah.  33)  and  Pharaoh, 
but  promises  ultimate  restoration  of  the  Egyptians  to 
their  land  (2  5f.).  A  promise  of  comfort  for  Israel 
(found  elsewhere  as  7ng.)  has  been  attached  to  this 
prophecy  (271.).— 14.  Omit,  with  LXX,  "  in  Egypt 
and  publish  ",  also  "  and  in  Tahpanhes  "  ;  cf.  2i6.  44i. 
—15.  Read  with  LXX  (cf.  mgg.),  "  'V\Tiy  is  Apis  lied  ? 
Thy  strong  one  (i.e.  Apis,  the  sacred  bull  of  Egypt — 
LXX,  "  thy  choice  calf  ")  stood  not,  because  Yahweh 
did  thrust  him  down." — 16.  Read,  after  LXX,  "  Thy 
mixed  people  (i.e.  tradmg  foreigners)  have  stumbled 
and  fallen,  and  they  said  one  to  another,  etc." — 17.  The 
Hebrew  consonants  should  be  read,  "  Call  ye  the  name 
of  Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt  (.so  far  LXX)  shd'dn  he'ehlr 
hammd'ed.  This  mocking  title  (see  on  Is.  3O7)  might 
be  freely  rendered,  "  Irretrievable  Ruin  "  (lit.  "  a 
Crash,  he  has  let  pass  the  fixed  time  ").  The  middle 
word,  he'ehlr,  perhaps  contains  a  play  on  the  Egyptian 
name  of  Hophra  (Uah-ab-ra),  589-564,  cf.  4430  ;  this 
would  fix  the  period  of  tho  prophecy  (so  Comill). — 
22.  As  mg.,  except  that  "  the  serpent  as  it  goeth  " 
should  probably  bo  "  a  hissing  serpent",  with  LXX  ; 
Egypt  withdraws  as  a  serpent  into  its  forest  (so  Is.  10x8, 
of  Assyria),  whilst  the  invaders  are  like  men  advancing 
to  hew  the  trackless  forest  dow^l  (23  mg.). — 25.  Omit, 
with  LXX,  "  Pharaoh  and  Egypt  with  her  gods  and 
her  kings  even". — 26.  Ezek.  29i3f.  promises  restora- 
tion to  P^gypt  after  forty  years  (from  587). 

XLVII.  Phliistla.— Instead  of  i,  LXX  has  simply 
"  On  the  Philistmes  ",  which  is  probably  original.  The 
"  watoi-s  rising  from  the  north  "  (2)  woiild  suggest 
Babylon,  not  Egypt,  as  the  foe  ;  the  editorial  reference 
to  Egypt  in  i  might  bo  suggested  (wrongly)  by  5. 
Pharaoh  is  supposed  to  have  smitten  Gaza  (Cadytis, 
Herod,  ii.  159)  in  608.  The  devastating  waters  (Is.  87f.) 
of  an  overflowing  wady  flood  the  land  (2)  ;  the  terror 
of  the  enemy's  approach  breaks  even  the  closest  bonds 


JEREMIAH,  XLIX.  7-22 


493 


of  affection  (3).  The  Philistines,  being  deatroyed,  will 
not  be  able  to  help  the  Phoenicians  (4).  The  cities  of 
Philistia  mourn  (5),  and  the  Pliilistines  appeal  to 
Yahweh'a  sword  for  mercy  (6)  ;  tlie  prophet  answers 
them  (7)  with  the  question  "  How  can  it  be  quiet?  "  (so 
read,  with  VSS.  and  note  mg.). — 4.  Tyre  and  SIdon : 
chief  cities  of  Phoenicia  ;  the  text  is  dubious,  "  every 
helper  that  remainoth  "  being  really  "  every  helping 
survivor",  an  improbable  phrase. — Caphtor:  the 
original  home  of  the  Philistines,  i.e.  Crete  (pp.  56f., 
Am.  97*)- — 5.  Baldness  ...  cut  thyself:  see  on  165f. 
For  "their  valley",  read  "of  tlie  Anakim "  (Jos. 
11 22).  with  LXX,  taking  the  phrase  as  a  vocative, 
"  O  remnant  of  the  Anakim  !  " 

XLVllI.  Moab  (the  territory  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
from  Wady  Kerak  in  the  S.  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
Heshbon  in  the  N.).  Many  of  tlie  numerous  places 
named  in  this  prophecy  will  be  found  on  G.  A.  Smith's 
map,  though  some  of  his  identifications  are  disputable  ; 
others  such  as  MLsgah  (i)  are  quite  unknown.  Much  of 
this  chapter  is  almost  certainly  later  than  Jeremiah,  as 
it  incorporates  parts  of  Is.  15f.  (note  mgg.),  an  elegy 
apparently  of  the  fifth  century. 

1-10.  The  spoiling  of  the  cities  of  Moab,  and  the 
end  of  her  glory  ("  praise,"  2),  are  declared.  The 
lamentation  of  the  Moabites  is  described  (5)  ;  they 
are  told  to  flee  like  the  wild  ass  (hard  to  capture  ;  so 
with  LXX,  instead  of  "  heath  ",  6).  Moab's  confidence 
in  her  strongholds  (so  LXX  for  "  treasures  "  ;  omit 
"in  thy  works  and")  is  misplaced;  Chemosh  (the 
national  god,  identified  with  his  people;  cf.  Is.  46 if.) 
is  exiled.  The  destruction  shall  be  general,  both  in 
the  valley  (where  the  Jordan  widens  out  above  the 
Dead  Sea)  and  on  the  table-land  (Dt.  3 10,  mg.)  ;  Moab 
would  need  wings  to  escape  it  (9).  The  prophet  incites 
to  the  slaughter  with  a  curse. — 2.  Heshbon  .  .  .  Mad- 
men :  the  Hebrew  plays  on  these  names. — 4.  her  little 
ones :  read  with  LXX  and  Is.  I05,  etc.  ;  "  to  Zoar  " — 
SE.  comer  of  the  Dead  Sea — (they  make  a  cry  to  be 
heard). — 5.  Omit  "contmual",  as  in  the  parallel  of 
mg.,  and  "  the  distress  of  "  with  LXX.— 9.  Render 
with  Driver,  "  for  she  would  fain  fly  away  ". 

11-19.  Moab,  hitherto  undisturbed,  is  compared  with 
wine  left  standing  on  its  sediment  (Is.  256),  and  retain- 
ing its  flavour  and  scent  (i.e.  being  self-centred  and 
undisciplined  ;  c/.  the  "  pride  "  of  29).  But  now  she 
is  roughly  handled,  and  the  jars  (12  mg."^)  broken.  She 
"  shall  be  put  to  shame  through  "  (the  helplessness  of) 
Chemosh  (so  render  in  13),  as  Israel  was  through  her 
false  trust  in  the  worship  at  Bethel  (Am.  55).  In  spite 
of  her  warriors,  she  is  soon  to  be  ravaged,  and  a  dirge 
(17-19  ;  in  the  characteristic  metro  of  lamentation)  is 
sung  over  her.  Dibon  is  bidden  to  "  come  down  " 
from  her  lofty  site,  N.  of  the  Anion,  between  which  and 
herself  lies  Aroer,  in  the  way  of  fugitives  (to  the  fords 
of  the  Anion). — 17.  staff :   for  the  figure,  see  Is.  I45. 

20-28.  Enumeration  of  the  cities  which  are  to  suffer 
(20-24).  The  strength  of  Moab  is  destroyed,  and  Moab 
\s  become  drunken  (with  the  cup  of  Yahweh,  25 15),  an 
object  of  present  derision,  as  Israel  formerly  was  to 
Moab,  when  Israel  was  treated  as  a  detected  thief  (226), 
Let  the  Moabites  seek  refuge  like  the  dove  in  the  in- 
accessible crannies  of  some  ravine. — 20ff.  Several  of 
these  sites  are  unknown  ;  Bozrah  is  not  the  Edomite 
city  of  4913. — 25.  horn:  a  figure  of  strength,  drawn 
from  the  bull;  c/.  Ps.  75io. — 26.  wallow :  rather 
"  splash  into  ",  but  LXX  has  "  Moab  has  clapped  hia 
hands",  t'.e.  in  derision  of  others. 

29-39.  Moab's  pride  is  without  foundation,  doomed 
to  a  fall  which  the  prophet  laments  ;  comparing  the 
paat  glory  with  the  far-reaching  tendrils  of  a  choice 


vine  (32).  There  is  no  longer  the  joy  of  the  mgather- 
ing  ;  the  shout  of  battle  replaces  that  of  the  vintage 
(33).  The  beginning  of  34  is  corrupt  and  yields  no 
sense,  but  the  general  meaning  k  that  there  shall  be 
widespread  ruin.  The  worship  of  tho  land  is  brought 
to  an  end  (35).  Hence  the  prophet's  sorrow  for  Moab, 
a  land.fiUed  with  mourning  (37;  cf.  475). — 30.  Render 
(after  "  Lord  ")  with  Driver,  "  and  his  boastings  are 
untruth  ;  they  do  untruth  ". — 32.  Omit  "  more  than  ", 
and  "the  sea  of",  both  with  LXX. — spoiler:  read 
"battle-shout",  as  in  the  source,  Is.  I69. — 33.  none 
shall  tread  with  shouting:  read  with  Is.  I610,  "no 
treader  shall  tread". — 35.  in  the  high  place:  involves 
a  slight  emendation,  as  is  often  tiie  case  with  RV. — 
36.  pipes :  a  flute-like  instrument,  specially  used  at 
funerals;  cf.  Mt.  923. — 37.  the  loins:  prefix  "all", 
with  LXX. 

40-47.  The  foe  swoops  down  vulture-like  (4i3)  on 
Moab,  destroyed  because  of  pride  against  Yahweh. 
One  disaster  succeeds  another  in  this  time  of  punish- 
ment ("  visitation,"  11 23,  23 12),  and  there  is  no 
asylum  to  be  found  in  Heshbon,  for  a  destructive 
flame  proceeds  "  from  the  house  of  Sihon  "  (so  read; 
cf.  Nu.  2126,28)  to  destroy  the  temples  of  Moab's  head. 
Moab  goes  into  exile,  but  Yahweh  will  ultimately 
change  her  fortunes.  The  closing  sentence  (47)  is  an 
editorial  note. — 40f. :  partly  taken  from  4922. — 
45.  Heshbon :  the  capital  of  Sihon,  who  captured  it 
from  Moab. — corner  :   i.e.  of  the  head,  9^6. 

XLIX.  1-6.  Ammon. — The  Ammonite  territory  lay 
eastward  of  part  of  that  assigned  to  Gad,  between 
Heshbon  and  the  river  Jabbok  ;  the  Ammonites  appear 
to  have  occupied  the  territory  of  Gad  aft«r  tho  deporta- 
tion of  its  inhabitants  in  734  (2  K.  I029).  Why  has 
Milcom  seized  the  land  of  Gad  as  his  inheritance 
(i  mg.'^)  ?  As  a  penalty,  there  shall  be  war  against 
Rabbah  (the  chief  city  of  Ammon,  at  the  upper  sources 
of  the  Jabbok),  and  it  shall  become  a  desolate  mound, 
its  dependent  cities  ("daughters",  Nu.  21 25)  being 
burnt.  Let  there  be  mourning  for  the  coming  exile  of 
the  Ammonites  (3).  Rabbah's  pride  in  her  site  and 
in  her  wealth  is  rebuked  (4).  The  Ammonites  shall 
be  driven  forth  by  their  (unnamed)  foe,  but  afterwards 
restored  (5!.  ;  but  LXX  omits  6). — 1.  Malcam:  read 
"  Milcom  ",  here  and  in  3,  with  VSS  ;  see  1  K.  115,33, 
for  this  Ammonite  god,  whose  relation  to  Ammon  is 
the  same  as  that  of  Chemosh  to  Moab,  or  that  of 
Yahweh  to  (early)  Israel. — 2.  The  last  clause  is  perhaps 
a  later  addition  [cf.  Zeph.  29)  since  Israel,  as  well  as 
Ammon,  was  helpless  before  the  foe. — 3.  Heshbon: 
must  bo  corrupt,  as  this  is  a  Moabito  city  ;  Ai  is  un- 
known. The  last  clause  of  the  verse  is  taken  from 
Am.  I15.  The  first  clause  should  be  emended  with 
Duhm  into  "  Howl,  0  palace,  for  the  city  is  spoiled." 
— fences:  "  folds  ",  e.^.  for  sheep  ;  the  women  are  sup- 
posed to  be  fugitives  from  the  cities,  but  the  word 
"  folds  "  is  probably  corrupt. — 4.  Read  "  Wherefore 
gloriest  thou  in  thy  valley  ?  "  (omitting  "  thy  flowing 
valley",  with  Syr.),  i.e.  in  the  lofty  valley- plain  facing 
NE,  and  drained  by  the  Jabbok,  in  which  Rabbah 
lies. — backsliding:  cf.  3I22 ;  we  should  perhaps 
emend  to  "  arrogant",  with  Duhm,  as  the  term  hardly 
suits  non- Israelites. 

XLIX.  7-22.  Edom.— For  tho  land,  and  the  rela- 
tions of  this  people  to  Israel,  see  on  Obadiah,  from  1-5 
of  which  the  present  prophecy  has  taken  verbally  9, 
14-16.  This  does  not,  in  itself,  disprove  the  Jeremianic 
authoi-ship  of  other  parts  of  this  prophecy,  e.g.  yi.,  lof., 
22.  The  Edomitos  are  paralysed  by  disaster.  Let 
the  Dedanites  (their  southern  neighbours,  Ezek.  2013) 
flee  to  some  inaccessible  refuge  ('  dwell  deep  ",  8).    The 


494 


JEREMIAH,  XLIX.   7-22 


foo  will  destroy  Edom  utterly  ( g  7ng. ;  in  different  sense 
from  that  of  its  source,  Ob.  5).  Yahweh  Himself  ("  I  " 
id  emphatic  in  10)  searches  out  Edom.  and  cannot  be 
escaped,  but  He  will  care  for  tlio  orphans  and  widows 
(of  the  slaughtered  Edomites).  Israel  undeservedly 
ha*j  drunk  the  cup  (of  Yahwoh's  wrath,  25i5£f.),  and 
now  it  is  Edom's  turn  ;  Bozrah  and  other  Edomite 
cities  shall  be  laid  waste  (13).  The  nations  are  com- 
bining against  Edom,  and  she  shall  be  humiliated  ;  her 
pride  in  being  inaccessible  to  the  invader  shall  be 
shaken  (14-16,  see  on  Ob.  1-4  ;  "  aa  for  thy  terrible- 
ness,"  not  found  there,  should  be  "  O,  thy  shudder- 
ing !  "').  Desolated  Edom  shall  become  an  object  of 
wonder  (198).  like  the  cities  of  the  plain  (Gen.  1924, 
Dt.  2923).  The  foo  comes  up  like  a  lion  from  the 
Jordan  jungle  (I25)  ;  through  him,  Yahwoh  will  drive 
them  forth  (mg.^)  as  He  chooses,  for  who  can  withstand 
Yahweh  ?  The  helpless  Edomites  shall  be  dragged  off 
(cf.  103, 7n<7.)  ;  theircalamity  is  known  far  and  wide  (21). 
Vulture-like  will  the  foe  swoop  down  (4840)  and  Edom 
be  iji  dire  extremity  (22). — 7.  Teman :  the  northern 
district  of  Edom. — vanished:  better,  "spoilt". — 
13.  Bozrah:  capital  of  Teman,  Is.  346,  perhaps 
Busaireh,  20  m.  SE.  of  Dead  Sea. — 19.  strong  :  should 
be  "permanent",  as  tug.;  19-21  recur  in  0O44-46, 
applied  to  Babylon. — appoint  me  a  time :  i.e.  for  trial 
or  contest.  Job  919. — Shepherd:  fig.  for  "ruler", 
25346. — 20.  Read  2nd  and  3rd  mg. 

XLIX.  23-27.  Damascus.— The  prophecy  refers  to 
the  Aramseans  ;  Haniath,  110  miles  N.  of  Damascus, 
and  Arpad,  95  m.  N.  of  Hamath,nevor  belonged  to  the 
Damascene  kingdom.  They  were  absorbed  into  the 
Assyrian  empire  c.  720  B.C.  ;  cf.  Is.  IO9.  There  is  no 
mention  of  these  cities  in  the  list  of  foreign  prophecies, 
25i8ff.  The  prophecy  announces  the  invasion  of 
certain  Aramaean  cities  in  conventional  terms  drawn 
from  other  prophecies. — 23.  Cf.  Is.  572o  ;  read,  after 
"  tidings  ",  partly  with  LXX,  "  they  surge  as  the  sea  ; 
they  are  anxious  and  cannot  be  quiet." — 24.  Cf.  624. 
— 25.  Spoken  by  the  inhabitants  ;  omit  the  negative ; 
cf.  Is.  3213. — 26  as  5O30  ;  "  therefore  "  has  no  point 
here.— 27.  Cf.  Am.  I4. 

XLIX.  28-33.  The  Arabian  Tribes.— Kedar  (2io),  a 
branch  of  the  Ishmaelitcs  (Gen.  25i3),  is  hero  used 
generically  for  Arab  tribes  E.  of  Palestine.  Hazor. 
perhaps  a  collective  term  meaning  "  settlements ", 
seems  to  denote  Arabs  in  village  communities,  as 
distinct  from  the  nomadic  tribes.  Yahweh  summons 
the  foe  (here  identified  with  the  Babylonians,  though 
no  campaign  of  Nebuchadrezzar  against  Arabs  is 
known),  and  promises  that  they  shall  capture  the 
nomads'  tents  and  camels.  The  village-dwellers  are 
told  to  seek  a  refuge  ("  dwell  deep  ",  as  in  8),  and  the 
foe  is  called  (31)  to  attack  this  defenceless  people, 
confident  in  their  isolation,  who  shall  be  spoiled  and 
scattered,  and  their  villagon  laid  waste  (33  ;  cf.  9ii). — 
29.  curtains :  "  tent-hangings  ",  420  ;  for  the  cry, 
cf.  625.— 81.  alone  :  Dt.  3328,  Ps.  4$  (mg.)  ;  with 
whole  verse  cf.  Ezek.  38ii,  its  source. — 32.  the  comers 
(of  their  hair)  polled :    "  corner-clipt  ",  see  926,  2523. 

XLIX.  34-39.  Elam. — Roughly,  this  was  the  modern 
Khuzistan.  E.  of  the  Tigris,  and  N.  or  NE.  of  the 
Persian  Gulf ;  the  date  given  is  c.  596,  and  the  occasion 
may  have  been  the  conquest  of  Elam  by  Toispos,  a 
Persian  ancestor  of  Gyrus.  News  of  this  could  have 
reached  Jeremiah  through  Jewish  exiles  in  Babylonia. 
Yahweh  is  destroying  the  military  strength  of  Elam. 
He  will  scatter  the  Elumitos  throughout  the  world,  and 
destroy  them  (9i6),  sotting  up  His  throne  (for  judg- 
ment) :  but  they  shall  ultimately  be  restored. — 35.  the 
bow  of  Elam :    la.  226*  (Elamite  archers  formed  part 


of  the  Assyrian  force  besieging  Jerusalem). — 36  (cf.  32) 
may  be  an  interpolation  baaed  on  Ezek.  612  ;  cf.  379  ; 
so  Cornill. 

L.-LI.  58.  Babylon. — This  long  and  monotonous 
prophecy,  which  Ls  without  order  or  logical  develop- 
ment of  ideas,  is  largely  a  compilation  from  the  pro- 
phetic writings  of  Jeremiah  and  others  (cf.,  e.g..  504iff., 
51 1 5).  It  presupposes  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
apparently  as  a  remote  rather  than  a  recent  event. 
Its  idea  of  Babylon  is  that  of  a  cruel  tyrant  to  be 
punished  by  Yahweh,  not  that  of  a  Divinely  commis- 
sioned agent  of  Yahwch's  wrath  against  Israel,  as 
Jeremiah  teaches.  Wo  are  not  at  liberty  to  make  it 
contemporaneous  with  such  exilic  writings  as  Is.  13 
and  40-55,  because  of  its  obvious  dependence  on  these 
amongst  other  prophecies  (see  the  notes)  ;  but  the 
survival  of  Babylon  (under  the  Persian  empire)  in  the 
post-exilic  period  would  provide  later  occasion  for 
such  a  compilation.  Moreover,  the  narrative  of  51 
5()-64,  which  tells  of  a  (private)  scroll  of  prophecy  sent 
by  Jeremiah  to  Babylon,  foretelling  its  end,  would 
easily  give  rise  to  such  a  compilation  by  some  later 
writer.  In  the  present  (editorial)  arrangement  of  the 
text,  this  narrative  is  made  to  date  the  prophecy  of 
5O-5I58  m  593  B.C.,  which  is  impossible  (cf.  Jer.  27-29 
for  the  actual  conditions  about  that  date). 

L.  2-4.  Declaration  of  the  overthrow  of  Babylon  by 
a  nation  from  the  north,  i.e.  Media,  which  lay  north  of 
Babylon  (5I28,  Ls.  ISi;).— 2.  set  up  a  standard:  to 
attract  attention,  but  derived  from  Ls.  132,  where  the 
phrase  is  used  in  a  different  sense. — Bel :  i.e.  Baal,  or 
■  Lord  "  of  Nippur,  the  earth-god  ;  cf.  Is.  46 1  ;  his 
place  and  title  were  usurped  by  Bel-Marduk  or 
Merodach. 

4-7.  United  Israel  will  return  to  Palestine  in  peni- 
tence ;  the  Lsraelites  have  gone  astray  and  become 
defenceless  through  their  sin. — 5.  Read  as  Syr.,  "  let 
us  join  ourselves  ". — 7.  Render  "  We  are  not  guilty  ", 
contrastmg  23.— the  habitation  of  justice :  here  a  title 
of  Yahweh,  derived  from  31 2  3,  where  it  is  used  more 
naturally  of  Jerusalem.  Omit  with  LXX,  "  even  the 
Lord  ■'. 

8-13.  Let  Lsrael  be  the  first  to  go  (the  "  he-goats  " 
are  the  natural  leaders  of  the  flock).  Yahweh  brings 
a  rasistless  foo  from  the  north  ;  Babylon,  instead  of 
enjoying  her  present  luxury,  shall  be  desolated. — 
9.  As  mg.-  ;  the  warrior  comes  back  laden  with  spoil. 
— 10.  The  spoilers  are  satisfied,  i.e.  they  get  all  they 
want. — 11.  because:  better  "  though  '",  in  all  cases. — 
your  mother :  Babylon. — 12.  Omit  "  she  shall  be  ', 
and  read  the  following  phrases  as  exclamatory. — 13. 
Cf.  198. 

14-16.  The  foe  is  urged  to  the  attack  ;  Babylon 
surrendere  ;  agriculture  is  brought  to  an  end  ;  the 
foreign  residents  (Is.  13i4)  tiee. 

17-20.  The  second  of  Israel's  two  assailants  (t.e. 
Assyria  in  722,  Babylon  in  586)  will  now  pay  the 
penalty  ;  Israel  will  be  restored  to  Palestine  (cf.  Mi.  7 
14),  and  pardoned  (31 34). — 19.  soul:   "  appetite". 

21-28.  The  foe  is  summoned  to  attack  Babylon, 
and  the  destroyer  of  others  (23;  cf.  5l2off.)  is  now 
to  be  "devoted"  (Dt.  13i5f.).  News  of  this  Divine 
vengeance  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  Temple  is 
brought  to  Jerusalem  (28). — 21.  Note  the  play  on 
names  as  in  mg. ;  miil  marrnlim,  "  the  .sea-country  ",  ia 
a  name  of  S.  Babylonia  ;  the  Pukudu  are  a  Babylonian 
poople  (Ezek.  2323). — 2*7.  bullocks:  figure  for  warriors 
(Ls.  347). 

29-32.  The  foe  is  again  summoned  to  recompense 
Babylon's  pride  \with  30  cf.  4926,  with  3if.  cf,  21 
I3f.). 


JEREMIAH,  LII.  30 


495 


33-40.  Yahweh  takes  up  the  cause  of  His  oppressed 
people  (Babylon  continuing  the  Assyrian  tjTanny  over 
the  northern  exiles,  33).  The  sword  destroys  Babylon, 
leaving  it  desolate. — 36.  boasters:  the  diviners  and 
oracle-mongers  (Is.  4423).— 37.  mingled  people  :  foreign 
residents  (252o). — 38.  drought:  should  be  "sword"' 
(figuratively  used)  as  in  LXX  of  Lucian,  Syr. — they 
are  mad  upon  Idols :  point  with  VSS,  "  they  boa«t  of 
idols  "  ;  c/.  Ps.  977.— 40.   Cj.  49i8. 

41-43  has  been  transferred  bodily  from  Jerusalem 
{as  m  mg.)  to  Babylon  ;  similarly,  44-46,  from  Edom 
{mg.)  to  Babylon. 

LI.  1-10.  Yahweh  is  stirring  up  "  the  spirit  of  a 
destroyer  "  (so  render  for  "a  destroying  wind  "  ;  c/.  11 
and  2  Ch.  8622)  against  Babylon  (cypher  as  mg. ; 
cf.  2026),  which  shall  be  '"  fanned  ",  i.e.  "  winnowed  ", 
by  her  assailants.  Yahweh's  people  are  not  abandoned  ; 
Babylon  is  held  guilty.  Let  the  Jews  flee  from  Babylon 
(c/.  45)  to  escape  the  vengeance  on  her  guilt.  Babylon 
has  been  a  cup  from  which  other  nations  drank  frenzy 
(25i5f.);  now  the  cup  is  broken  (so  Hebrew  for 
"  destroyed  ",  8),  and  her  hurt  is  mcurable.  The  Jews 
recognise  this,  and  urge  other  foreigners  to  depart  (9)  ; 
the  justice  ("righteousness",  10)  of  the  Jewish  cause 
is  to  be  manifested  by  the  overthrow  of  Babylon. — 

2.  strangers :   pomt  as  mg.'^  with  Syr.,  Vulg.,  Targ.— 

3.  Omit  the  first  and  second  "  not  ",  with  LXX,  making 
the  whole  verse  refer  to  the  assailants  of  Babylon  (so 
Cornill)  ;  as  it  stands,  the  first  half  refers  to  the 
Babylonians,  the  second  to  their  enemies. — 5.  Render 
"  but  their  land  ",  i.e.  that  of  the  Babylonians. 

11-14.  Let  the  assailants  polish  their  arrows  and 
put  on  their  shields,  for  the  king  (sing,  with  LXX, 
i.e.  Cyrus)  of  the  Medes  [cf.  Is.  1 817)  is  executing 
Divine  vengeance  on  Babylon  ;  let  the  blockade  be 
begun,  because  the  measure  of  Babylon's  destiny 
(13,  Ut.  "  cutting  ofl  ",  rather  than  "  gain  "  ;  cj.  Is.  38 
12)  is  accomplished,  and  a  swarm  of  invaders  shall  fill 
her. — 13.  many  waters :  with  reference  to  the  canals 
and  water-defences  of  Babylon. — 14.  cankerworm: 
the  locust  in  its  chrysalis  stage ;  cf.  27. 

15-19.  Yahwehs' power  and  the  powerlessness  of 
the  idols  are  contrasted.  The  verses  are  repeated  from 
10i2ff.  {mg.). 

20-27.  Babylon  has  been  Yahweh's  war-club  to 
destroy  other  nations  ;  now  it  shall  be  repaid  in  the 
sight  of  Israel  for  its  own  evil-doing,  and  the  destroyer 
shall  be  destroyed. — 20.  Render  "do  I  break",  and 
so  throughout  ;  cf.  5O23.  Others,  with  the  rendering 
of  the  RV,  suppose  that  Cyrus  is  addressed  in  20-23. 
— 25.  mountain  :  purely  figurative. — 26.  The  stone  is 
made  useless  for  building  by  being  burnt ;  cf.  Is.  8812. 

27-33.  The  nations,  especially  those  of  (the  present) 
Armenia  ("  Ararat",  etc.),  and  the  Medes.  are  called 
out  against  Babylon,  which  is  defenceless  ;  its  capture 
is  described  (30-32).  Babylon's  time  of  suffering  is 
come. — 27.  The  rough  cankerworm :  the  "  bristlmg  " 
locust-chrysalis,  its  most  destructive  stage. — 28. 
kings:  sing,  with  LXX.— 32.  For  the  corrupt  pools 
of  Hebrew  text  (see  mg.,)  read  "their  palisades" 
(i.e.  muzzabehem ;  cf.  Is.  293),  which  LXX  implies 
(though  it  pointed  the  consonants  ma~rabehem,  "  their 
garrisons"). — 33.  The  earth  of  the  threshing-floor  is 
trodden  hard  in  preparation  for  the  threshing. 

34-44.  Israel  declares  the  wrongs  done  to  her  by 
Nebuchadrezzar,  and  invokes  a  curse  on  Babylon. 
Yahweh  promises  vengeance  through  the  desolation  of 
Babylon.  The  Babylonians,  amid  the  very  feasting 
on  their  prey,  are  "  stupefied  "  (39  ;  so  LXX,  for  "  may 


rejoice  ")  and  brought  to  slaughter ;  tho  city  that  is 
the  glory  ot  the  earth  is  captured.  A  sea  of  invaders 
{cf.  Is.  87f.)  floods  her,  and  Babylon  is  compelled  to 
disgorge  her  prey  (i.e.  tho  captured  nations). — 34. 
crushed :  "  discomfited  "  ;  made :  "  set  "  (as) ;  cast : 
"  driven  "  (re-pointed).  For  the  figure  of  the  dragon 
or  sea-monster,  cf.  Ezek.  293,  Is-  27i. — 36.  her  sea: 
possibly  the  lake  for  defensive  purposes  made  by 
Nebuchadrezzar. — 38.  Omit  "  shall  "  m  both  cases. — 
44.  Bel :  see  on  .502. 

44-58.  Israel  is  told  to  escape,  and  not  to  be  afraid 
amid  wars  and  rumours  of  wars  ;  tho  judgment  of 
Babylon  is  greeted  with  universal  joy.  Israel  is  bidden 
remember  Jerusalem  (50)  ;  has  not  Jerusalem  been 
defiled  ?  (51).  Hence  the  irresistible  judgment  which 
sweeps  over  Babylon,  even  to  the  destruction  of  her 
walls  and  gates.  LXX  omits  446-490. — 49.  The 
doubtful  text  should  be  rendered  with  Driver,  "  Yea, 
Babylon  must  fall,  0  ye  slain  of  Israel  ;  yea,  for 
Babj'lon  have  fallen  the  slain  of  all  the  earth." — 55.  the 
great  voice :  referring  to  the  din  of  a  great  city's  life, 
here  overcome  by  the  greater  tumult  of  invasion. — 
57.  Cf.  39. — 58.  walls:  sing,  with  LXX  and  Vulg.,  and 
with  its  Heb.  adjective  "  broad  '. — overthrown :  should 
be  as  mg.  (the  foundations  are  bared). — 58b.  Note 
reference  o^mg.  ;  the  two  passages  are  drawn  from  some 
common  source  ;  here  the  application  is  to  the  vanity 
of  human  achievements,  as  represented  by  the  forti- 
fications of  Babylon. 

LI.  59-04.  The  Mission  of  Seralah.— This  royal 
official  (the  brother  of  Baruch.  32i2)  was  journeying 
to  Babylon  with  the  king  in  593,  being  concerned  with 
the  halting-places,  etc.  of  the  journey  (59  mg.).  Jeremiah 
gave  him  a  scroll  containing  a  prophecy  agauist  Baby- 
lon. He  is  to  read  this  at  Babylon,  to  remind  Yahweh 
of  His  word,  and  to  sink  the  scroll  in  the  Euphrates, 
as  a  symbolic  anticipation  of  the  sinking  of  Babylon 
(see  on  18iff.,  for  the  force  of  such  sjTubolism).  The 
closing  sentence  of  64  is  editorial,  and  is  omitted  by 
LXX,  as  also  are  the  words,  "  and  they  shall  be  weary  ", 
which  are  a  scribal  repetition  from  58,  by  error. — 
— 59.  with  Zedeklah :  nothing  is  known  of  this  visit, 
though  see  on  27i2fE.  for  its  possible  object. — 60.  Omit 
"  even  all  these  words,"  etc.,  which  has  been  added 
to  identify  the  scroll  with  the  prophecy  of  0O-5I58. — 
62.  thou:  emphatic. 

LII.  Historical  Appendix. — This  is  taken  from 
2  K.  24i8ff.,  and  gives  an  account  of  the  capture  of 
Jerusalem,  etc.,  in  586,  i.e.  of  the  fulfilment  of  Jere- 
miah's repeated  declarations.  Except  for  28-30,  this 
chapter  has  been  taken,  virtuallj'  verbatim,  from  its 
source,  which  should  be  consulted  for  the  commentary 
(see  mgg.).  The  differences  of  text  are  of  minor  im- 
portance, e.g.  the  addition  hero  of  106,  and  the  last 
clause  of  11,  the  reading  "tenth",  for  "seventh" 
(2  K.257)  in  12,  "  seven  ".  for  "  five  "'  in  25  (2  K.  25i9), 
"  five  ■'  for  "  seven  '  in  31  (2  K.  2525).  the  expansion 
hero  of  tho  details  of  i8ff.  In  15,  the  clause,  "  of  the 
poorest  sort  of  the  people  '"  (cf.  16)  should  be  omitted 
with  2  K.  25ii.  The  added  verses  (28-30),  which  are 
not  found  in  LXX,  give  the  number  of  the  Jews  de- 
ported under  Nebuchadrezzar.  They  serve  to  replace 
a  passage  in  2  K.  summarising  the  oventa  of  Jer.  40—43. 
— 28.  seventh :  usually  emended  to  "  seventeenth  ", 
as  the  number  of  exiles  differs  from  that  of  2  K.  24 16, 
the  deportation  under  Jehoiachin  in  697. — 30.  This 
third  deportation  is  probably  to  be  connected  with  tho 
campaign  of  Nebuchadrezzar  mentioned  in  Joeephus, 
Ant.  X.  9.  7. 


LAMENTATIONS 


By  Professor  ARCHIBALD  DUFF 


To  read  this  book  without  consideration  of  its  date  is 
to  receive  the  strong  impression  that  it  is  too  trivial 
to  be  a  portion  of  the  revered  and  sacred  writings  either 
of  Christians  or  of  Jews.  Here  and  there,  indeed,  fine 
utterances  of  faith  and  devotion  occur,  but  in  all  the 
five  Laments  the  verses  or  stanzas  are  carefully  arranged 
80  as  to  number  exactly  twenty-two,  that  being  the 
number  of  the  letters  in  the  Heb.  alphabet,  and  in 
chs.  1— t  the  initial  words  of  the  stanzas  are  chosen  so 
aa  to  begin  with  those  twenty-two  letters  successively. 
The  first  stanza  has  Aleph — the  Heb.  "  A  " — for  initial, 
the  second  has  Beth,  and  so  on.  One  cannot  help 
asking  whether  the  lamenting  poet  was  really  in  earnest 
in  his  lamentations :  how  could  any  deep  passion 
confine  itself  to  such  formalities  ?  And  there  are 
more  of  these  than  we  have  indicated. 

We  are  driven  to  question  whether  there  is  any  good 
reason  for  having  the  book  in  our  Bible,  or  in  any 
collection  of  sacred  writings.  So  we  turn  to  read  it, 
and  we  find  that  all  the  Laments  concern  a  siege  and 
Back  of  Jerusalem.  What  siege  was  that  ?  There 
were  sieges  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  in  599-588  B.C.  ;  also 
one  by  Antiochus  Epiphancs  in  170-168  ;  and  one  by 
Pompcy,  the  Roman  general,  in  63.  The  choice  lies 
between  the  first  and  third  of  these,  since  there  was  no 
Jewish  king  in  170  B.C.  "\Miich  of  those  two  is  the  date 
for  our  book  ?  We  can  see  at  once  that  if  the  later 
time  is  right,  then  the  book  must  be  a  series  of,  so  to 
speak,  autobiographic  pictures  of  the  society  into 
which  Jesus  was  bom  ;  and  the  Lamentations  will 
show  us  the  audiences  to  wliich  He  preached,  and 
among  whom  He  died.  Surely  this  light  on  Him  is 
very  desirable.  The  present  writer  confesses  an 
anticipatory  leaning  towards  the  late  date,  so  eagerly 
does  he  seek  for  more  and  more  exact  visions  of  the 
actual  historical  Jesus. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  the  arguments  in  the  whole 
case  within  the  limits  of  space  allowable  in  this  com- 
mentary ;  but  a  full  account  will  be  found  in  the 
Inlerpreter  for  April  1916.  A  mere  outline  is  the  fol- 
lowing :  (a)  The  writer  cannot  have  been  Jeremiah, 
and  surely  lived  long  after  Nebuchadrezzar's  siege  (see 
against  this  Peake,  Cent.B).  (h)  The  exiled  Hebrews  in 
Babylon  and  the  people  left  in  Judah  were  verj'  unlike 
the  society  pictured  by  our  booL  (c)  The  scholastic 
and  rather  potty  construction  of  serious  utterances  in 
alphabetic  acrostics  is  not  like  the  literature  of  the 
sixth  centurj'  B.C.,  but  it  is  very  much  the  way  of  the 
scribal  age  just  before  Jesus,  (d)  The  deeds  of  the 
besiegers,  bewailed  in  our  book,  were  exactly  those  of 
the  Roman  invaders,  with  some  added  colouring  taken 
from  the  cruelties  of  Antiochus  (167) ;  but  Nebuchad- 
rezzar and  his  armies  behaved  quite  differently  and 
generously,  (e)  The  picture  of  the  fallen  king"  suits 
Aristobulus  far  better  than  Jehoiachin  or  Zedekiah. 
(/)  The  language  of  our  book  has  many  late  touches  : 
(i.)  The  Prince  was  not  commonly  called  "  Mashiach  " 


until  late:  (ii.)  Ritual  terms  like  "  Mo'edh  "  came 
into  use  with  P  (450  B.C.)  ;  (iii.)  "  Zion  "  was  not  a 
sanctuary  name  until  after  the  Exile  ;  (iv.)  "  Medinah  " 
(li)  is  decidedly  a  late  governmental  term.  (Ezr. 
2 1, 2a*).  In  view  of  this  and  much  more  which  will 
emerge  in  our  commentary  we  may  perhaps  conclude 
that  Lamentations  is  a  product  of  the  sorrows  and 
the  faith  of  200  or  100  B.C.  onwards.  With  deep 
interest,  therefore,  we  turn  to  the  Laments.  We  shall 
look  at  their  curious  metrical  forms  as  we  read  each 
chant.  In  general  literary  quality  3  may  be  called 
the  most  skilful,  but  2  and  4  have  a  finer  spirituality  ; 
1  looks  hke  an  early  effort,  of  less  ability ;  5  is  probably 
an  unfinished  work,  and  is  not  alphabetical. 

[A  date  in  the  first  ccnturj'  b.c.  seems  incredibly 
late ;  nor  is  it  favoured  by  the  actual  phenomena.  In 
the  Cent.B.  the  view  that  the  writer  '*  surely  hved 
long  after  Nebuchadnezzar's  siege"  was  not  taken. 
The  book  was  there  regarded  as  the  work  of  at 
least  three  writers.  It  was  allowed  that  Lam.  3  was 
probably  post-exilic,  that  I^am.  5  was  little  earlier  than 
the  close  of  the  Exile,  and  that  Lam.  1  might  belong 
to  much  the  same  period.  But  Lam.  2  and  4  were 
regarded  as  the  work  of  an  eye-witness,  who  had 
observed  the  horrors  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  Jeru- 
salem in  586  B.C.,  not  composed,  indeed,  immediately 
after  the  event,  since  they  exhibit  the  influence  of 
Ezekiel,  but  not  necessarily  later  than  580  B.C.  There 
seems  to  be  no  valid  reason  for  abandoning  this  con- 
clusion.— A.  S.  P.] 

Literature.— Com  mentorie^;  (a)  Peake  (Cent.B), 
Streane  (CB*),  Adeney  (Ex.B) ;  (c)  Lohr  (HK),  good 
stanzaic  trans.,  Budde  (KHC),  metrics  valuable,  Thenius 
(KEH),  Ewald,  now  old-fashioned,  OettU.  Other  Litera- 
ture :  G.  B.  Grav,  The  Forms  of  JJeb.  Poetry,  pp.  87- 
120);  Lohr  (ZATW).  Introductions  :  Bennett,  Comill, 
Driver,  Wellhauscn's  Bleck,  Gray.  All  good,  save  on 
date.  Articles  in  HDB  (J.  A.  Selbie),  EBi  fCheyne), 
EB"  (Ball),  Jewish  Encyclopedia  (Lohr).     All  good. 

L  The  First  Lament.— This  is  an  alphabetical 
acrostic  poem  in  twenty-two  stanzas  of  three  lines  each, 
with  five  Heb.  beats  in  each  line.  It  has  two  equal 
parts  :  1-11  (Aleph  to  Kaph),  the  singer's  account  of 
Zion's  sorrows,  and  12-22  (Lamedh  to  Tau),  a  soliloquy 
thereon  by  the  city  herself.  In  detail :  1-6  tells  of  a 
Zion  once  populous,  now  widowed  ;  her  nights  full  of 
weeping,  unconsoled  by  foiiner  lovers  who  are  now  all 
faithle8.s.  The  people  have  migrated,  to  escape  tax- 
ings (note  that  they  are  not  exiled,  as  had  been  the 
case  in  586  B.C.),  but  even  abroad  they  are  harried  ; 
no  pilgrims  are  thronging  the  roads,  as  they  had  been 
wont  to  do  in  the  days  of  the  Rolemies"  nile  (300- 
2(X)  B.C.),  but  they  did  not  do  so  in  Jeremiah's  time  ; 
priests,  virgins,  children  wander  about  moaning ; 
princes  and  all  grandeur  have  lied  away.  And,  alas  ! 
it  is  Yahweh  Himself  who  has  wrought  all  this  scourging 
of  Zion  :  it  is  for  her  sin. 


496 


LAMENTATIONS,  II. 


497 


1.  How  (c/.  2i,  4i,  and  Is.  I21,  I44) :  the  book  takea 
its  Heb.  name  (Eykah)  from  this  its  first  word. — 
Medinah  (pi.  medinoth),  (see  Introd.)  is  used  only  in 
late  writings,  except  in  1  K.  20,  where  it  is  difficult 
to  avoid  thinking  that  there  the  word  is  misspelt  for 
"  Midianite." — 4.  Mo'edh,  "  Trysting-place  "  or  solemn 
assembly  (see  Introd. ). — 6  seems  like  an  echo  of  Ps.  42, 
which  is  probably  the  wail  of  Onias  II,  High  Priest  in 
175  B.C. 

7-11.  A  story  of  Zion's  worst  sorrow,  wliich  is  her 
own  sense  of  sin,  and  her  sighing  and  depression  over 
it. — 7.  Delete  "  in,"  and  read,  "  Zion  remembers  the 
days  of  her  affliction."  The  line,  "  All  her  pleasant 
...  of  old  "  is  a  comment  written  on  the  margin  by 
some  reader  and  afterwards  copied  into  the  text  as  if 
original :  we  decide  thus  because  it  would  be  a  fourth 
line  in  the  stanza,  whereas  regularly  the  stanzas  have 
only  three  Unes  ;  besides  it  spoils  the  sense. — 9.  Read, 
"  the  hinder  parts  of  the  filthy  skirts,"  instead  of 
"  the  latter  end." — 10.  The  third  line  speaks  of  "  enter- 
ing into  thy  congregation,"  which  may  be  a  late 
churchly  addition.  The  verse  seems,  to  the  present 
writer,  to  concern  the  sacrilege  of  Pompey — and  of 
Antiochus — in  entering  the  Temple. 

12-19.  Zion  moans  before  Yahweh  :  first  confessing 
her  sin,  then  appealing  to  everj'  passer-by  to  see  how 
her  hurt  is  worse  than  any  that  has  ever  been  before. 
Yahweh's  fierce  anger  has  burned  her,  trapped  her, 
loaded  her  to  the  neck  with  woes.  Although  He  is  the 
indwelling  Lord,  yet  He  has  dishonoured  all  her 
leaders,  has  summoned  a  solemn  sanctuary  meeting 
(Mo'edh)  to  condemn  her  ;  and  all  her  choice  young 
lives  are  to  die.  But  the  sentence  is  just :  she  con- 
fesses she  has  been  unfaithful. 

12.  By  a  copj-ist's  repetition  of  one  letter,  the  dis- 
placement of  another,  and  the  insertion  of  a  tiny  one 
to  save  space,  the  text  has,  "  Is  it  nothing  to  you  ?  " 
instead  of  the  correct  sense,  "  Therefore  ho  !  all  ye." — 
14  is  difficult :  we  need  not  state  all  particulars,  but 
should  read  : 

"  He  has  set  Himself  as  a  watch  over  my  sin, 
Which  thro'  His  power  is  going  to  get  twisted  into  a 

rope  to  bind  me  : 
By  His  yoke  on  my  neck  He  has  made  my  strength 

faiL 
The  lordly  one  has  given  me  into  such  hands. 
That  never  shall  I  be  able  to  rise  again.' 

16.  My  eye  is  written  twice  by  mistake,  spoiling 
the  metre. — 19.  The  "  false  lovers  "  are  said  to  be  the 
priests  and  elders  :  this  was  not  possible  in  Jeremiah's 
time  or  anj^shcre  near  it,  but  was  exactly  the  condition 
in  the  last  two  centuries  B.C. 

20-22  is  Zion's  prayer  for  mercy  :  "  Will  not  Yahweh 
see  her  repentance,  and  regard  her  inconsolable 
mourning  ?  "  But  what  then  ?  Is  He  simply  to 
relieve  her  pain  ?  Oh  no,  her  cry  now  is,  "  May  He 
work  revenge  on  her  oppressors,  who  are  exulting 
because  He  has  fulfilled  on  her  His  righteous  sentence. 
May  they  too  be  so  treated  :  and  under  His  swiftly 
falling  blows  may  they  writhe  !  "  Such,  then,  was  the 
spirit  of  even  the  best  men  in  Judah  just  before  Jesus 
rose  to  preach  His  gospel  of  forgiveness.  We  see  here 
the  triatnient  they  were  ready  to  give  Him,  when  He 
brought  them  good.  And  this  was  the  soil  on  which 
He  .sprant.' :  such  were  the  audiences  He  sought  to 
change  and  save. 

20.  there  Is  as  death:  read,  "  death  has  utterly 
ended  all." — 21.  They  have  heard  should  be,  "  Hear 
ye,"  for  the  Hebrew  lack  of  vowels  has  caused  a  slip 


in  the  ordinary  translation.  The  verse  should  run,  by 
making  one  or  two  transpositions,  "  Thou  has  brought 
the  day  that  Thou  proclaimedst." 

As  we  leave  the  song,  let  us  note  how  the  darkest, 
gloomy  wailing  is  in  the  earlier  verses,  but  towards  the 
end  Zion  is  pictured  as  more  confident  of  Yahweh's 
help,  and  more  defiant  towards  her  enemies.  Then 
this  defiance  culminates  in  the  spirit  of  utter  cruelty 
in  the  closing  stanzas.  How  wonderful  was  the  faith 
of  those  poor  oppressed  Jews  before  Jesus  came ! 
They  could  never  dream  of  an  annihilation  of  their 
nation.  In  the  course  of  the  long  ages  they  had  risen 
wonderfully  to  a  strong  grip  on  an  eternal  life,  and  a 
doctrine  that  they  were  by  and  by  to  rule  all  the 
world.  This  Lament  shows  us  vividly  the  agonies  that 
surrounded  Nazareth,  and  also  the  follies  that  were 
cherished  amid  the  sorrows.  Men  needed  a  Consola- 
tion for  Israel,  and  they  felt  sure  that  such  would 
come.  These  singers  are  a  picture  of  the  audiences 
to  whom  Jesus  spoke. 

II.  The  Second  Lament. — This  differs  from  the  first 
in  its  contents,  and  in  its  hterary  form.  The  metrical 
matters  are  the  same,  i.e.  there  are  twenty-two  verses, 
wherein  the  first  word  of  the  verse,  or  stanza,  begins 
with  the  Heb.  A,  B,  C,  etc.,  and  each  stanza  has  three 
lines,  of  five  accents  each.  We  saw  that  in  Lam.  1 
the  singer's  wail  for  Zion  filled  half  the  song,  and  her 
own  cries  the  second  half ;  but  this  second  Lament  is 
all  taken  up  with  God.  In  1-12  the  woes  are  bemoaned 
as  being  of  His  doing  and  His  alone,  and  13-17  forms 
a  short  resume  of  this  ;  then,  next,  18f.  urges  the  city 
to  cry  to  Him  for  help  ;  and  in  the  close,  20-22,  she 
does  so. 

In  more  detail,  1-17  is  the  wail  of  a  stricken  heart, 
because  Yahweh  has  flung  down  all  Zion's  beauty,  has 
demolished  her  fortress,  has  profaned  her  throne. 
True,  this  might  mean  Zcdekiah"s  ruin  in  586  b.c,  but 
the  pathetic  touch  of  personal  experience  of  the  ruin, 
which  marks  the  passage,  cannot  well  suit  that  earlier 
dating,  since  scholars  are  fairly  well  agreed  that  the 
poems  were  not  written  until  after  600  b.c.  More 
probably  the  Lament  comes  from  men  who  actually 
saw  the  niin  of  Aristobulus  11  by  the  invasion  of 
Pompey. 

And  now,  awful  thought !  it  is  Yahweh  Himself  who 
has  lifted  the  bars  of  the  city's  gates  to  let  those  in- 
vaders in.  He  Himself  is  the  real  enemy  !  He  haa 
ruined  the  Temple,  which  was  His  own  Place  of 
Trysting  with  men  !  His  hand  has  led  the  roaring 
troops  tramping  into  His  sanctuary.  And  meanwhile  all 
the  old  rulers  have  fled  afar  to  alien  lands,  where  they 
can  receive  no  Torah,  no  ever-new  teaching  from  the 
Priestly  ministrants,  who  are  the  only  authoritative 
receivers  and  issuers  thereof.  This  is  a  notable  evidence 
that,  if  the  writer  hved  in  60  B.C.,  Torah  was  not  re- 
garded at  that  date  as  a  thing  all  given  through  Moses 
in  the  far-off  past.  This  agrees  exactly  with  the 
central  faith  of  P,  expressed  beautifully  in  Ex.  2522, 
that  Yahweh  would  always  give  new  revelations  to 
His  people  from  His  Shekinah  on  the  Ark.  But  now, 
cries  our  singer  bitterlj',  all  our  prophets  are  silent ; 
our  pricst^s,  elders,  virgins  all  sit  silent,  amid  the 
moaning  of  babes  for  food. 

In  If.,  5,  7,  18f.  notice  that  the  name  "  Yahweh  "  is 
avoided,  and  "  Adonai  "  is  substituted.  The  Jews, 
just  before  Jesus  came,  were  shy  of  pronouncing  the 
Divine  Name  :  by  a.d.  400  they  had  ceased  altogether 
uttering  it  aloud  whenever  it  oceurrod  in  their  sjTia- 
gogal  reading  of  the  Pentateuch  ;  and  the}-  had  learned 
to  say  instead  of  it  simply  and  reverently  "  my  Lord  " 
(Adonai),  as  they  do  to  this  day.     So  in  the  passage 


498 


LAMENTATIONS,  II. 


before  ua,  it  is  probable  that  we  see  tho  rise  of  this 
custom.  Tho  practice  arose  apparently  through  the 
loss  of  confidence  in  Yahweh's  care  for  thera  :  they 
were  superstitiously  afraid  lest  they  should  invoke  His 
presence  and  His  anger.  G.  B.  Gray  notes  on  the 
passage  1-12  that  the  singer's  love  for  his  particular 
metre  and  for  a  certain  parallelism  makes  him  at  times 
forget  his  connexion  of  thought.  So  manifest  is  the 
scholastic  formalism  which  wo  have  attributed  to  the 
scribal  age. 

2.  Delete  "  daughter,"  substitute  "  king "  for 
"  kingdom,"  and  with  some  transposition  we  get  the 
writer's  ideas  better  expressed  thus  : 

"  Ijordly  One  has  swallowed  up,  and  has  not  spared 

Judah's  vales  ; 
Has  torn,  and  Oung  to  earth  her  fortress  ; 
Angry  even  to  over-l)oiUng  wrath,  He  has  destroyed 

her  king  and  princes." 

— 3.  horn  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "  power,"  as  is  usual. — 
4a  has  a  word  too  many  for  the  metre:  which  word 
shall  be  omitted  ?  Gray  omits  "  like  a  foe,"  because 
the  author  did  not  care  much  for  sectional  parallelism. 
The  second  line  must  run  on  to  "  Zion,"  while  the 
end  of  the  third  line  has  been  lost. — 5.  has  several 
marks  of  late  Judaism,  such  as  "  Lordly  One,"  and 
Slo'edh.  AlUteration  was  much  Uked  by  Hebrews  and 
Jews,  and  a  good  illustration  of  it  occurs  in  5,  where 
Che3aie  translates  "  moaning  and  bemoaning  "  :  but 
Streane  gives  "  groaning  and  moaning." — 6.  Omitting 
a  Heb.  letter  we  get  clear  and  good  sense  thus  :  "He 
has  done  violence  to  His  arboured  garden."  Here,  too, 
beside  "  His  Trysted  place "  some  late  annotating 
reader  has  set  "  Sabbath,"  as  an  equally  sacred  thing  : 
this  is  a  mark  of  the  growth  of  formalism. — 7.  The 
noisy  invasion  of  the  Temple  seems  meant  as  that  of 
Pompey,  rather  than  that  of  Antiochus :  had  the 
latter  been  intended,  there  would  have  been  a  word 
about  his  desecration  of  the  altar  (see  Josephus,  Ant. 
xii.  5,  xiv.  4). — 9f.  is  pitifully  sad  ;  the  eyes  have  run 
tears  till  they  are  dry  ;  honour  is  poured  out  on  the 
ground. — 13.  The  song  becomes  a  passionate  wail,  Uke 
the  sleepless  weariness  of  a  wrecked  soul.  What  could 
be  like  this  tragic  undoing  of  Jerusalem  ?  Her  wound 
gapes,  big  as  the  sea  :  who  could  possibly  heal  it  ? 
How  well  does  all  this  make  us  realise  the  heart  of 
Jesus  when  He  rose  and  cried,  "  Come  unto  Me,  all 
ye  that  labour  and  are  heavy  laden." 

14-17  rehearses  again  the  sorrows,  especially  laying 
blame  on  false  preachers  :  these  had  lied,  mocking  at 
waniiiigs  of  danger  and  banishments  and  punishments. 
So  now  God's  vengeance  lies  herein,  that  all  lands 
mock  at  Zion,  and  say,  "  Ha  !  Is  this  city  the  perfect 
beauty  ?  Is  this  the  place  of  joy  for  all  the  earth  ? 
Ha,  ha  !  "  Omit  in  15  the  commentator's  remark, 
"  Of  which  they  will  say."  Evidently  some  preachers 
had  been  proclaiming  tho  apocalyptic  theory  that 
Israel  was  to  be  tho  chief  people  in  all  the  earth  : 
another  note  of  date,  for  this  was  a  favourite  faith  of 
the  generations  just  before  tho  birth  of  Jesus.  A 
wonderful  faith  it  was,  foolish  indeed  in  many  ways, 
yet  grand  in  its  fault.     Moreover,  Jesus  fulfilled  it. 

16.  Now  appears  a  remarkable  thing  :  an  inversion 
of  the  usual  order  of  the  Heb.  alphabetical  letters  Ayin 
and  Pe.  Usually  the  order  would  be  "  Pe,  Ayin," 
but  here  Pe  Ijegins  i6,  and  Ayin  begins  17.  The  same 
strange  feature  is  found  also  in  chs.  3  and  4.  It  occurs 
nowhere  else  in  Heb.  literature,  except  in  the  alpha- 
betical Psalm  9  and  10,  at  least  as  this  is  restored  by 
Duhm.     That  Psalm  seems  to  have  peculiar  doctrinal 


evidences  of  having  been  written  by  a  scribe  of  the 
first  century  B.C.  j3id  that  scribe  compose  these  three 
Laments  ? — 17  pictures  the  hatred  of  the  people  by 
their  enemies,  and  the  patronising  mockery  of  Yahweh 
by  these  :  "He  has  at  last  done  what  He  threatened, 
has  He  ?  We  knew  all  along  that  either  He  or  someone 
else  would  have  to  crush  this  Zion."  All  the  more 
bitter,  following  this  taunt,  is  the  aching  moan  of  the 
song,  "  0  Maiden-city,  cry,  cry  ;  cease  not  to  cry  to 
the  Lordly  One.  By  day,  by  night,  pray  ;  Oh  weep 
and  pray." — 19.  A  fourth  line  has  been  needlessly 
added,  as  a  marginal  note  no  doubt,  by  some  reader. — 
20-22.  Zion's  prayer :  here  sore  need  makes  the  ap- 
prf)ach  to  God  more  pressing,  even  more  familiar  than 
before.  Zion  does  not  now  say,  "  0  Lordly  One," 
but  "  0  Yahweh."  It  is  Yahweh's  own  daughter  that 
is  beseeching  the  Father's  heart  only  to  look  and  see 
that  it  is  she  whom  He  has  so  hurt.  Her  cry  becomes 
a  ghastly  thing  :  mothers  are  eating  their  babes  ; 
priests  are  murdered  in  the  Temple  ;  old  and  young, 
virgins  and  lads,  lie  dead  in  tho  streets. — 22  is  most 
pathetic  of  all,  "  Wilt  Thou  not  summon  a  Trysting 
meeting,  as  the  old  faith  expected,  to  consider  all 
this  ?  And  yet,  from  the  hamlets  all  about  no  man 
can  come  now,  for  there  all  are  dead  !  "  So  ends  this 
saddest  of  all  the  Laments,  full  of  pitiful  scenes,  black 
and  awful  with  woe.  The  pleading  before  Yahweh 
makes  one's  own  eyes  wet.  "  Oh,  is  it  really  Thou  ! 
Canst  Thou  not  stay  Thy  hand  ?  "  rises  the  cry.  All 
this  misery  is  unlike  the  condition  in  which  Nebuchad- 
rezzar left  Jerusalem.  Then  the  poor  people  were  put 
into  some  comfort.  Jeremiah  was  well  pleased  to 
stay  in  Jerusalem  ;  and  he  bade  the  exiles  pray  for 
the  Babylonians.  The  Servant-Singer  preached 
Y^'ahweh's  love  to  them.  And  more  remarkable  still 
is  Ezekiel's  constant  insistence  that  Babj'lon  is  Yahweh's 
hand.  It  is  Babylon  that  shall  set  all  nations  to 
rights,  and  shall  be  rewarded  greatly  for  her  coming 
punishment  of  Egypt.  Surely  these  Laments  come 
from  a  very  different  condition  of  things.  On  the 
other  hand,  all  is  just  like  the  conditions  just  before 
Jesus  came  ;  when  so  many  were  broken-hearted,  and 
were  waiting  for  some  Consolation  of  Israel.  This 
second  Lament  is  surely  a  prelude  to  tho  Gospel  of 
the  Saviour. 

III.  The  Third  Lament. — Here  it  is  the  singer  that 
comes  chiefly  to  tho  front ;  whereas  in  1  it  had  been 
Zion,  and  in  2  it  was  Yahweh.  EV  hardly  puts  i 
forcibly  enough  :  it  should  read,  "It  is  I,  even  I  the 
strong  man,  who  know  now,  alas,  what  abasement 
means."  Tho  chant  is  artistically  more  clever  than 
1  and  2,  but  its  heart  is  not  so  great.  In  form  it  has  a 
cunning  device  all  its  own  ;  for  the  fii-st  stanza  has 
three  initial  Alephs,  the  second  has  three  Beths,  and 
so  on  throughout  the  twenty-two  stanzas.  This  is  a 
skilful  bit  of  scholastic  development ;  scribal  indeed, 
but  not  great.  Editors  have  usually  regarded  each 
line  as  a  separate  verse,  so  that  there  result  sixty-si.\ 
verses  in  all.  Similarities  between  Ps.  143  and  our 
poem  have  led  Ijohr  to  think  that  the  two  are  based 
on  a  common  original  (rf.  6  with  Ps.  1433).  Certainly 
our  poem  seems  closely  related  to  late  Jewish  Pss., 
and  it  is  impossible  that  a  Jeremiah  did  or  ever  could 
invent  such  a  fantasia  on  three  A'a,  three  B's,  three  C's, 
and  so  on.  Nevertheless  the  lament  has  several  good 
features. — 1-16,  a  quarter  of  the  whole,  is  a  personal 
wail.  Yahweh  has  beaten  this  strong  man,  has  misled 
him,  torn  him,  hemmed  him  in,  and,  as  it  were,  actually 
buried  him  ahve.  Yahweh  has  torn  tho  man's  inmost 
soul,  hke  a  bear,  like  a  lion  that  has  crouched  and 
leaped  upon  him.     Worst  of  all,  the  sufferer  has  become 


LAMENTATIONS,  IV.  9 


499 


a  laughing-stock  in  his  own  city  :  this  is  bitterest 
wormwood.  Evidently  the  people  were  not  all  so 
excited  and  troubled  as  was  our  poet :  possibly  his 
feelings  arose  largely  amid  the  fancies  of  his  private 
study,  where  he  could  have  time  to  dream  and  calculate 
over  his  Alcphs  and  Beths.  In  16  he  has  an  apt 
figure  of  one  who  is  mocked,  "  He  has  made  my  teeth 
grind  on  sand."  Then  his  extremity  of  vexation  drives 
him  to  God.  He  feels  he  has  been  away  from  his  best 
counsellor.  He  begins  to  pray  (19-21),  sure  that 
Yahweh  will  remeniber  him.  As  he  thus  remembers 
Yahweh,  his  meditation  is  at  times  so  beautiful  that 
many  a  sentence  of  it  became  a  huuseliold  word  in  the 
Christianity  that  soon  was  born,  e.g.  "  Yaliweh's  loving- 
kindness  cannot  cease."  A  Greek  commentator  in 
the  LXX  has  added  a  fine  remark  here,  "  We  are  not 
ended,  because  His  care  is  not  ended."  The  singer 
grows  jubilant  and  rises  to  the  threshold  of  aU  apoca- 
lyptic expectations,  saying,  "  It  is  good  to  wait."  So 
he  takes  in  the  wide  future  as  well  as  his  present  view 
of  things  and  conditions  and  sufferings.  All  are  only 
light  afflictions.  He  is  probably  a  priest,  and  therefore 
remembers  Dt.  I82,  quoting  it  as  he  sings,  "  Yahweh 
is  my  portion.  The  eternally  abiding  God  is  enough." 
Three  times  we  read,  "  It  is  good  "  :  Yahweh  is  good, 
and  a  man  must  have  twice  goodness,  first  in  hoping, 
and  then  in  waiting.  Like  Paul  long  afterwards  (c/. 
Rom.  833ff.)  he  seems  to  love  the  wonderful  Servant- 
Song  of  Is.  5O4-9,  for  he  probably  alludes  to  it  in  30. 
In  31-41  he  pens  a  confession  of  faith  worthy  of  any 
of  the  great  confessors  in  all  the  ages.  Every  line  here 
is  precious  and  famihar  :  we  need  not  quote  any  as 
the  best. — 42-66.  After  confession  comes  supplication  ; 
and  here  first  (in  42-53)  the  sorrows  are  rehearsed,  but 
in  submissive  tones  this  time.  He  acknowledges  that 
Yahweh  has  come  near  to  him,  has  actually  spoken  to 
him,  has  repeated  for  him  the  great  eternal  watchword 
of  Is.  41,  "  Fear  thou  not."  Truly  he  does  touch  the 
hem  of  the  Father's  garment ;  or,  as  the  Scotch  saint 
would  say,  "  he  gets  far  ben." 

But  now,  after  three  stanzas  of  such  exquisite  beauty, 
what  is  it  that  he  prays  for  eagerly  ?  "  Pursue  thou 
my  enemies  in  anger :  destroy  thera  from  under 
heaven  !  "  Alas  that  a  curse  should  be  the  climax  of 
communion  for  such  a  soul  !  How  did  they  need  to 
hear  the  death-cry  of  Jesus,  that  was  soon  to  sound 
among  them,  "  Father  forgive  them."  The  Lament 
proves  thus  to  be  the  utterance  and  the  picture  of  a 
priest  who,  at  moments,  seemed  to  be  the  very  Ruther- 
ford of  Anwoth  of  his  time ;  but  who,  nevertheless, 
needed  sorely  that  there  should  be  breathed  upon  him 
the  Gospel  of  Forgiveness  and  Love  for  enemies.  The 
Lament  is  surely  another  scene  in  the  background  of 
Christianity. 

IV.  The  Fourth  Lament. — This  has  less  literarj'  finish 
than  3,  and  it  has  also  less  spiritual  value.  It  lacks 
much  of  the  saints  whom  one  seems  to  see  in  1,  and 
we  miss  the  love  of  worship  that  appears  to  be  breathed 
in  2.  The  keenest  pang  felt  in  this  fourth  chant  is  in 
behalf  of  the  suffering  king  of  Judah.  If  we  are  right 
in  thinking  that  it  dates  from  about  60  B.C.,  then  we 
may  say  that  it  was  penned  by  a  Sadducee,  some 
strong  supporter  of  the  Maccabean,  or  new  "  David  " 
dynasty.  Hence  we  may  explain  the  bitter  spite  which 
at  the  close  it  flings  at  the  Edomites,  or  Idumcans,  the 
Herods  who  displaced  the  Maccaheans,  having  got 
their  power  by  base  trafficking  with  the  Romans.  In 
versification  the  chant  is  of  its  own  sort.  It  is  in 
pentameters,  as  in  1,  2,  and  3  ;  but  the  stanzas  have 
only  two  lines  each,  while  the  others  had  always  three. 
It  ia  an  alphabetic  acrostic,  as  before  ;   and  while  the 


characteristic  letter  stands  at  the  beginning  of  the 
first  line  only,  yet  in  the  second  or  Beth  stanza,  with 
a  Beth  as  initial  of  its  first  line,  the  initial  of  the  second 
line  is  an  Aleph,  and  the  initial  of  the  second  line  of 
the  tliird  or  Gimel  stanza  is  a  Beth.  The  scholastic 
writer  seem*,  to  have  been  trying  to  invent  a  new 
feature  :  he  does  not,  however,  persist  in  it  very  far. 
Again,  the  Pe  stanza  ((6)  is  set  before  the  Ayin  (17) 
as  in  chs.  2  and  3  :  perhaps  it' was  the  same  writer 
that  composed  all  three,  and  the  order  of  these  letters 
may  have  been  a  dialectical  peculiarity  of  his  home 
region. 

The  chant  is  one  long  wail  for  Zion,  with  a  short 
parenthesis  (13-16)  laying  the  blame  of  all  the  woea 
upon  prophets  and  such  priests  as  are  of  the  prophetic 
party.  This  would  agree  with  the  theory  of  author- 
ship'by  a  Sadducee  or  courtier,  for  these  Sadducees 
disliked  the  prophets.  The  song  bewails  one  class  of 
the  people  after  another  :  in  1-4,  mothers  arc  starving, 
and  are  deserting  their  children  as  the  ostrich  deserts 
its  eggs  ;  in  5f.  the  ruin  of  the  nobles  has  been  more 
sudden  and  awful  than  that  of  Sodom,  where  thera 
was  not  time  to  writhe  the  hands  before  death  silenced 
all ;  7-10,  the  princes,  once  all  bcautj',  are  now  all 
defaced.  It  were  better  to  be  stabbed  to  death  than 
to  starve.  In  10  the  second  reference  to  mothers  who 
are  eating  their  children  may  mean  that  even  princesses 
are  doing  this.  Then  llf.  laments  Yahweh's  fury  and 
His  act  of  bringing  enemies  into  Zion,  as  too  strange 
a  thing  for  anyone  in  all  the  world  to  believe.  The 
parenthesis  (13-16)  blaming  prophets  and  priests,  looks 
on  these  as  moral  lepers,  filthy  beyond  any  pity :  it 
is  some  comfort  that  it  is  Yahweh  Himself  who  sends 
them  wandering  out  and  away  as  pariahs.  In  16  ia 
an  interesting  use  of  "  the  Face  of  Yahweh  "  (mg-)  aa 
a  substitute  for  '"  Yahweh  "  Himself :  this  was  very 
common  in  the  later  days. — 17-20  recounts  the  sorry 
tale  of  the  expected  help,  which  never  came.  Just  so 
was  Aristobulus  treated  by  the  Romans.  The  song 
tells  how  the  desired  cohorts  became  the  most  cruel 
destroyers  :  "  they  have  spied  our  everj^  footstep,  and, 
swifter  than  eagfos,  they  have  hunted  us  into  the 
mountains."  This  seems  like  an  allusion  to  the 
Roman  standards.  And  "  These,  these,"  cries  the 
singer,  "  drove  our  dearest  one,  our  hope,  our  King, 
the  Anointed  of  Yahweh  out  into  the  Idumean  wilds 
to  be  caught  in  their  snares."  Just  thus  docs  Joseph  us 
tell  us  that  Aristobulus  trusted  Edom  for  protection  : 
but  there  he  was  trapped,  for  Edom  was  in  league  with 
his  foes  (see  Josephus,  Ant.  xiv.  1-3).  The  use  of  the 
word  "  Anointed  "  for  the  king  of  Judah  suggests  a 
late  date  :  the  term  is  scarcely  used  in  the  earlier 
literature.  In  late  Pss.  it  becomes  very  common. 
Note  also  that  the  writer  would  probably  avoid  using 
the  word  "  king,"  lest  the  Roman  nilci-s  should  be 
jealous  of  such  a  seeming  aim  at  setting  up  an  inde- 
pendent royalty.  A  fierce  curse  on  Edcm  {i.e.  Idumca) 
closes  the  Lament ;  and  this  is  sharpened  to  the  utmost 
by  the  claim  that  the  sin  of  Judah  shall  be  altogether 
forgotten,  when  it  is  seen  contrasted  with  the  sad 
baseness  of  Idumea.  In  21  there  is  a  word  too  many  : 
omit   '  the  land  of,"  rather  than  (\rith  LXX)  "  Uz." 

Ere  we  leave  the  chant,  let  us  notice  that  the  ciis- 
tomary  translations  in  AV,  RV,  etc.,  mLss  the  fine 
shadings  which  Heb.  writers  could  put  into  their  verb- 
forms  :  so  1  should  be  "  How  is  gold  going  to  grow 
dim  ?  Even  fine  gold  shall  be  dimmed  !  "  The  writer 
was  expecting  worse  things  than  he  had  yet  seen. — 
9  should  run,  "  Well  off  u-ere  those  who  were  stabbed 
with  the  sword:  better  off  than  those  stabbed  b^ 
hunger.     For  they  were  going  to  pine  away,  ride" 


500 


LAMENTATIONS.  IV.  9 


through  and  through."  On  the  other  hand,  events 
that  are  actually  past  arc  meant  in  22,  "  Thy  wayward- 
ness is  complete  (done  with),  O  Judah  ;  but  He  }uu 
now  also  looked  in  on  thy  waj-wardness,  O  Edom  ; 
He  has  uncovered  whatever  hid  thy  faults." 

Finally,  this  singer  (a  Ha.smonean  courtier,  shall  we 
say  7)  or  this  Sadducee  is  scarcely  a  saint ;  nor  is  he 
quite  one  of  the  ordinary  people.  He  ha«  a  deep 
sorrow  for  the  governmental  troubles  of  Judah  ;  and, 
having  seen  much  past  evil,  he  fears  that  much  more 
is  to  come.  He  clings  to  the  old  faith  that  David  shall 
never  lack  a  true  successor  to  sit  upon  his  throne.  He 
hungers  for  this  token  of  Yahweh's  promised,  trystcd 
Presence  :  he  expects  it  in  spite  of  all  the  woe.  He 
too  is  waiting  for  the  Consolation  of  Israel.  But  would 
he  trust  Him  who  came  ? 

V.  A  Prayer. — This  chapter  differs  much  from  the 
previous  four.  It  is  not  a  Lament,  but  one  long 
pleading  ;  and  it  is  not  the  chant  of  an  individual,  but 
of  a  company,  a  plural,  "  we."  It  may  be  called  a 
hexameter  poem,  having  six  and  not  five  beats  in 
each  of  its  twenty-two  lines  ;  it  keeps,  however,  to 
this  alphabetical  number  of  lines,  although  it  is  not  an 
alphabetic  acrostic.  Possibly,  the  composer  intended 
to  think  out  later  other  initial  words  for  his  lines,  and 
thus  to  make  them  acrostic  :  so  it  may  be  an  acrostic 
in  the  making.  But  it  may  perhaps  have  been  ap- 
pended to  the  book  as  a  sort  of  satire  on  the  alphabetic 
fancies  of  chs.  1-4.  It  is  not  deeply  spiiitual,  and  yet 
at  the  close  there  comes  a  pathetic  and  even  affectionate 
appeal  to  God. 

The  cry  in  1  opens  the  prayer  ;  then  in  2-18  follows 
the  long  list  of  sufferings  set  out  before  God.  This 
length  is  suspicious,  extended  by  measure  as  it  seems, 
and  then  cut  off  so  as  not  to  exceed  the  exact  number 
of  twcntj'-two  verses.  First  in  the  list  is  lamented  the 
subjection  of  Judah  to  Egypt  and  to  Assyria.  If  the 
view  we  have  suggested  of  the  date  is  correct,  these 
two  great  names  stand  for  the  Neo-Grecian  powers, 
Egypt  under  the  Ptolemies  in  the  south,  and  Syria 
ruled  by  the  Seleucids  on  the  north.  After  the 
Assyrian  Empire  had  fallen  (607),  the  name  Assyria 
continued  to  be  used  for  its  successors  (e.g.  Ezr.  622 
and  Is.  llii*,  1923ff.);  and  here  it  probably  stands 
for  Syria.     We  observe  how  interested  our  writer  is  in 


the  government :  he  is  a  courtier. — 7  is  remarkable 
for  the  blame  it  lays  for  all  the  sufferings  upon  the 
ancestors  now  long  gone  :  the  theologising  mind  of 
the  writer  is  concerned  with  the  doctrine  of  inherited 
sin  :  that  theory  had  alread}'  arisen  in  Ezekiel's  day, 
but  it  grew  more  painful  as  the  centuries  passeii,  until 
it  burdened  sadly  the  men  around  Jeaus.  In  8-18 
are  minute  details  of  the  troubles  :  famine,  disease, 
women's  shame,  dishonour  done  to  dignities,  slave-toil 
laid  even  on  children,  who  have  no  pleasures  now. 
There  are  no  courts  of  justice,  where  the  white-haired 
elders  preside ;  and,  worst  of  all,  the  crown  has  gone. 
The  sacred  city  Ls  a  haunt  of  foxes  !  And  why  is  this  ? 
How  can  Yahweh  rule  His  people  without  an  earthly 
throne  ? 

This  leads  to  the  Envoi  in  19-22.  Surely  Yahweh 
cannot  forsake  His  people  for  ever,  else  He  would  be 
left  all  alone.  Now  a  noble  faith  is  kindled,  finding 
expression  in  words  learned  from  the  fine  Ps.  80, 
"  Turn  us  again,  0  Yahweh."  So  a  singular  courage 
awakes,  and  lays  upon  Yahweh  the  task  of  initiating 
restoration.  "  We  would  return,  but  Thou  must  give 
the  compelling  spirit,  else  we  can  do  nothing."  A  holy 
familiarity  breaks  into  a  loving,  trusting  reproach. 
"  Hast  Thoa  really  altogether  thrown  us  away  ?  Art 
Thou  BO  bitter  against  us  ?  That  cannot  be."  So  the 
chant  ends  in  great  confidence.  God  abides :  to- 
morrow and  all  the  days  for  ever  shall  manifest  His 
gracious  way.  The  later  Rabbis  understood  the 
singer's  heart,  and  they  arranged  here  at  the  end  of  the 
book  a  corrective  for  the  saddening  tone  of  the  whole  ; 
for  they  directed  that,  at  public  readings  of  Lamenta- 
tions, 21  should  be  read  aloud  again  when  22  had  been 
ended.  This  was  right ;  for  the  simple,  good  courtier 
did  not  mean  to  leave  his  people's  hearts  all  in  the 
dark.  He  believed  in  the  sure  rule  of  God,  he  had 
caught  the  apocalyptic  spirit,  that  wide  outlook  which 
is  not  bounded  by  to-day,  but  lays  hold  on  eternal 
life.  These  lamenting  singers  were  not  far  from  the 
Kingdom  of  God.  Jesus  was  bom  of  them  :  He  could 
find  audience  among  them.  Vastly  more  beautiful 
certainly  were  His  soul.  His  purpose,  and  His  thought 
than  those  of  the  lamenting  men  among  whom  He 
came :  but  these  Lamentations  are  a  background 
against  which  He  is  grandly  seen. 


EZEKIEL 


By  Professou  J.  E.  31'FADYEN 


INTRODUCTION 

Difficulty  of  Ezeklel. — Ezekiel  is  a  figure  of  incal- 
culable importance  in  the  history  of  Hebrew  religion, 
and  it  is  somewhat  unfortunate  that  to  most  readers 
of  the  Bible  he  is  so  unfamiliar.  Much  of  his  writing 
seems  to  them  tedious,  unattractive,  and  remote. 
They  miss  the  glow  of  Uving  personaUty  which  suffuses 
the  pages  of  an  Amos  or  a  Jeremiah.  His  mind,  they 
tell  us,  is  prosaic  and  mechanical ;  his  imaginations 
are  sometimes  offensive,  sometimes  grotesque,  nearly 
always  comphcated  ;  his  interest  in  religion  is  chiefly 
concentrated  upon  the  technicalities  of  ritual,  so  that 
it  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  he  is  entitled  to  bear 
the  honourable  name  of  prophet  at  all  or  not. 

His  Vitality  and  Versatility. — Such  an  estimate,  how- 
ever, is  auji;hing  but  just.  He  is  a  man  of  rich  and 
versatile  niind,  thoroughly  aUve  to  the  problems  and 
perplexities  of  the  people  he  addresses,  and  well 
qualified,  by  discipline  aUke  of  head  and  heart,  to 
bring  to  bear  upon  their  situation  words  full  of  insight 
and  consolation,  of  warning  and  of  hopo.  With  no 
sort  of  propriety  can  the  lack  of  true  poetic  imagina- 
tion bo  charged  upon  the  writer  who  created  the  weird 
and  wonderful  valley  of  dry  bones  (37) ;  who  painted 
the  downfall  of  Tjtc  as  a  gallant  ship  rowed  out  to 
meet  her  doom  by  stoim  upon  the  high  seas  (27) ;  or 
who  sketched  the  grim  judgment  fulfilled  upon  Jeru- 
salem by  supernatural  executioners — the  silent  Temple 
courts  heaped  vdth  the  bodies  of  the  slain,  and  the 
lurid  fires  of  judgment  about  to  consume  the  guilty 
city  (9).  Further,  he  is  sensitive  to  every  current  of 
the  life  about  him,  he  knows  its  every  whisper.  So 
far  are  his  words  from  being  abstract  or  theological 
discussions  that  they  are  frequently  a  direct  reply  to 
popular  murmurs  or  challenges  which  he  quotes.  His 
great  assertion  of  individual  responsibility,  for  example 
(18),  is  called  forth  by  the  sullen  disappointment  with 
which  they  repeat  the  proverb  about  the  fathers  and 
the  sour  grapes,  and  by  their  furious  challenge  of  the 
ways  of  God  as  unfair  (I825).  The  very  vision  of  the 
forlorn  valley  Is  first  suggested  to  him  by  the  words  of 
despair  to  which  he  had  but  too  often  listened  (37ii) ; 
and  part,  at  least,  of  his  message  was  spoken  in  answer 
to  deputations  of  the  elders  (8,  14,  etc.). 

Historical  Background.— But  let  us  look  at  the 
situation  to  which  Ezekiel  ministered.  Sorrowful 
enough  it  was.  He  was  in  Babylon — an  exile  address- 
ing exiles  who  with  him  had  been  carried  away  by 
Nebuchadrezzar  in  597  B.C.  (2  K.  24).  Born  probably 
about  622  into  a  priestly  family,  he  had  spent  the  first 
twenty-five  years  of  his  life  in  Judah.  AssjTia,  which 
had  long  been  the  dominant  power  in  Asia,  had  begun 
to  totter  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  centur\',  and,  finally 
fell  before  Bab5'lon  in  607  B.C.  The  consequence  of 
this  for  Judah,  however,  was  only  to  exchange  one 
vassalage   for   another,    and    Babylon    remained   the 


oppressor  until  fully  thirty  years  after  the  death  of 
Ezekiel  Soon  after  he  was  bom,  under  the  inspira- 
tion of  the  book  of  Dt.  which  had  just  been  published 
(621  B.C.),  a  great  reformation  of  popular  worship  and 
social  life  was  inaugurated  (pp.  45,  74f.,  89f.,  126-131, 
23 If.),  and  the  piety  thus  exhibited  was  expected 
to  guarantee  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  But  the 
charges  repeatedly  hurled  by  Ezekiel  both  against  the 
idolatrous  worship  (6.  8f.)  and  against  the  injustice 
and  immoraUty  of  the  people  (22)  show  only  too 
plainly  how  futile  and  superficial  that  reformation 
had  been.  The  rehgious  decline  was  crowned  by 
pohtical  disaster,  and  in  608  king  Josiah  fell  on  the 
field  of  Megiddo  fighting  against  Egypt.  On  the  fall 
of  Assyria,  Egypt  enjoyed  a  temporary  ascendancy 
in  western  .A^ia,  and  to  that  country  Jehoahaz. 
Josiah"s  son  and  successor,  after  a  brief  reign  of 
three  months,  was  carried  off  prisoner ;  but  her 
power  was  finally  crushed  by  Babylon  at  the  decisive 
battle  of  Carchemish  (605).  Jehoiakim,  another  son 
of  Josiah,  who  had  ascended  the  throne  in  608  as 
vassal  of  Egypt,  was  naturally  now  a  vassal  of  Babylon ; 
but  after  a  few  years  he  revolted,  thus  drawing  upon 
himself  the  vengeance  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  who  suc- 
cessfully besieged  Jerusalem  in  597  and  carried  into 
exile  many  of' her  leading  citizens,  including  Ezekiel 
and  Jehoiachin,  a  king  of  three  months"  standing— 
his  father  Jehoiakim  having  meanwhile  died.  Jehoi- 
achin WELS  succeeded  by  his  uncle  Zedekiah  (a  son  of 
Josiah),  who  for  a  time  remained  faithful  to  Babylon, 
though  sorely  tempted  to  rebellion  by  the  insurrec- 
tionary kings  of  the  neighbouring  nations.  But  at 
last,  depending  upon  the  support  of  Egj^t,  which  did 
actually  attempt  to  make  a  diversion  in  Zedekiah's 
favour  (17i7,  Jer.  375),  he  definitely  renounced  hia 
allegiance  to  Babylon — an  act  which  Ezekiel  bitterly 
resented  and  denounced  as  treacherj-  to  Yahweh  Him- 
self (17 19) — with  the  result  that  Jerusalem  was  in- 
vested by  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  after  a  siege  of  eighteen 
months  destroyed  amid  horrors  untold.  The  Temple, 
on  which  such  a  passion  of  love  had  been  lavished 
(242 1 ),  was  reduced  to  ashes  and  the  people  deported 
to  Babylon  (588-586,  2  K.  25).  (See  further  on  tliis 
paragraph  pp.  72f..  75,  474f.) 

The  Book. — That  is  the  situation  which  confronts 
EzekieL  Five  years  before  the  doom  fell  he  had  fore- 
seen it,  and  with  some  detail  predicted  it.  His  fellow 
exiles  constitute  his  immediate  audience,  but  his  eye 
is  ever  also  on  that  remoter  audience  in  the  homeland. 
The  burden  of  his  earlier  message,  which  runs  through- 
out the  first  half  of  his  book  (1-24),  is  one  of  judgment : 
to  the  incredulous  people  he  announces  and  justifies 
the  coming  doom.  When  at  length  it  has  fallen,  and 
the  character  of  the  "  holy  "  God.  whose  holiness  waa 
so  wantonly  defied,  has  been  vmdicated,  he  speaks  to 
their  despa'ir  his  word  of  hope  (33-39),  and  shows  his^ 
practical  genius  by  sketching  a  programme  for  t^ 
601 


502 


EZEKIEL 


reconstruction  of  tho  national  life  (40-48)  after  all  the 
obstacles  to  it  have  boon  swept  away  (25-32). 

The  People  Incredulous. — We  may  wondor  that  the 
first  terrific  blow  struck  by  Babylon  in  597  should 
have  lift  the  Jows  unconvinced  of  tho  probability  of 
their  impondiiip  political  extinction — a  probabiUty 
which  to  Ez<>liiel  was  a  certainty  as  clear  as  noonday. 
But  the  {)tx)plo  had  reasons  for  their  incredulity. 
Their  destruction  meant,  to  an  ancient  mind,  the 
destruction  of  their  Gods  own  power  and  prestige  as 
well ;  and  Yahweh  could  not  and  would  not  allow 
Himself  to  stand  discredited  before  the  world.  Jeru- 
salem as  His  own  city,  the  Temple  as  HLs  peculiar  homo, 
the  monarchy  as  established  by  Himself,  were  believed 
to  bo  inviolable  :  it  was  their  very  faith  in  these  things, 
and  in  the  God  who  was  supposed  to  guarantee  them, 
that  rendered  the  message  of  Ezokiel  as  incredible  as 
it  was  intolerable.  Besides,  they  had  pinned  their 
faith  to  more  visible  and  tangible  support  in  tho  shape 
of  Egyptian  battalions,  though  they  might  have  learned 
from  the  liistory  of  the  past  that  Egypt  was  but  a  broken 
reed  to  lean  upon  (297.  Is-  30ifT.,  SVi,  366),  and  that  her 
promises  had  never  been  adequately  implemented  by 
her  performances.  Again,  though  year  aft«r  year 
Ezekiel  had  thundered  his  message  of  doom,  nothing 
had  happened.  Jerusalem  still  stood  ;  and  they  argued, 
either  that  nothing  would  happen,  or  that  if  it  did,  it 
was  so  far  away  as  to  be  negligible  (122 1-28).  Again, 
Ezokiel  was  not  the  only  prophet.  There  were  others 
who  preached  a  more  welcome  and  probable  message  ; 
and,  between  the  two.  a  people  with  no  very  sensitive 
conscience  to  moral  issues  might  well  be  really  con- 
fused, and  only  too  ready  to  give  themselves  the  benefit 
of  the  doubt. 

The  Prophets  Indictment. — But  to  Ezekiel  there 
could  be  no  doubt.  Whether  he  scans  tho  present  or 
the  past,  it  is  so  abominable  that  it  calls  aloud  for 
tho  avenging  stroke  of  high  heaven.  The  fierce  in- 
dictment^ — and  there  has  never  been  a  fiercer — is  drawn 
up  in  several  elaborate  historical  reviews  (16,  20,  23). 
From  the  very  beginning  to  the  end  of  her  career 
Israel's  record  has  been  one  of  black  and  shamelesa 
apostasy ;  she  has  always  been  "  a  rebellious  hou.se." 
In  Egypt,  in  Canaan  during  the  conquest,  and  then 
throughout  the  monarchy,  she  had  been  perpetually 
coquetting  with  the  worship  of  foreign  gods,  indulging 
in  their  lascivious  and  brutal  rites  ;  while  at  the  very 
time  he  was  speaking  the  sacred  Temple  itself  was  being 
contaminated  by  sun-worship,  Tammuz  worship, 
animal  worship,  and  other  well-nigh  incredible  abuses 
which  showed  how  thoroughly  Yahweh  had  been 
dethroned  from  Hi.«»  supremacy.  Nor  was  this  all.  The 
foul  religion  was  fittingly  matched  by  a  foul  morality. 
The  old  social  injustices,  denounced  by  a  long  succes- 
sion of  prophets,  were  still  rampant ;  immorality  and 
bloody  crimes  were  the  order  of  the  day  (22)  :  in 
Ezekiel's  torso  phrase,  "  the  land  was  filled  with  vio- 
lence "  (817,  723).  Such  things  could  not  be  permitted 
to  go  on  for  ever  by  the  God  in  whom  Ezekiel  believed  ; 
and  so,  for  the  sake  of  His  "  name  " — that  name  so 
grievously  tarnished  by  the  misconduct  of  His  people — 
He  must  act ;  and  the  form  which  His  action  must 
take  in  the  siogo  and  destruction  of  Jonisalom  is  de- 
scriljed  in  one  vivid  pa.ssage  after  another  (4.  5.  12,  etc.) 
■ — tho  most  terrible  of  all  being  that  in  which  the  super- 
natural executioners  mf-rcilessly  slay  the  worshippers 
in  the  very  courts  of  tho  'i  emple,  and  tho  city  is  sternly 
devoted  to  the  tiames  (!)f.). 

Reason  for  the  Restoration.— It  fell  out  exactly  as 
Ezekiel  had  said,  and  then  his  credit  as  a  prophet  was 
estabhshed.     Now  thev  "  know  that  there  has  boon  a 


prophet  among  them  "  (25),  and  the  mouth  wliich  has 
been  stopped  by  their  incredulity  is  oiioned  (3322) 
to  declare  a  message  of  hope  and  restoration  and  to 
vindicate  once  more — this  time  before  the  heathen — 
tho  honour  of  Israel's  God.  For  tho  heathen,  looking 
upon  the  awful  fate  of  Israel,  could  only  conclude  that 
Yahweh  was  an  impotent  God  (362o).  But  they,  too, 
must  bo  taught  HLs  power,  as  Israel  had  been  taught 
His  cliaractor,  and  nothing  will  teach  them  so  con- 
clusively as  the  restoration  of  Israel.  History  is  the 
process  by  which,  now  in  this  way  and  now  in  that, 
the  world  is  brought  to  a  knowledge  of  tho  nature  and 
character  of  tho  great  Power  Ijehind  it. 

Nature  of  the  Restoration. — The  picture  drawn  by 
Ezekiel  of  the  "  salvation  "  in  store  for  his  people  is 
as  gracious  and  brilliant  as  liLs  forecast  of  their  doom 
had  been  stem.  First,  they  must  be  brought  back  to 
tho  homeland.  In  tho  exile  they  are  hopeless  and 
dead — a  valley  of  wizened  bones — so  dead  to  the 
claims  of  Yahweh  upon  them  and  to  a  belief  in  His 
power  that  some  had  even  solemnly  proposed  to 
abandon  Him  for  other  gods  (2O32).  He  must  bring 
them  home  to  the  land  that  was  both  His  and  theirs, 
to  live  their  new  and  glorious  Ufe  upon  it,  that  land  of 
ancient  promise,  whose  capital  Jerusalem,  was  the 
dear  mother  of  them  all.  The  old  idolatries  would  be 
left  behind  for  ever ;  and  in  their  reconstructed  Temple, 
on  whose  minutest  architectural  details  Ezekiel  ex- 
pends a  wealth  of  careful  atlection  (40),  they  would 
worship  Him  in  sincerity  and  truth  according  to  a 
pattern  which  would  command  the  Divine  approval. 
The  cities  devastated  by  war  would  be  rebuilt,  the 
population  would  be  greatly  increased,  and  everywhere 
across  the  land  fertiUty  would  reign  (36).  The  old 
strife  between  the  north  and  the  south  would  be  no 
more.  Judah  and  Israel  would  live  in  harmony  as 
one  united  people  under  a  prince  of  the  Davidlo  line, 
untroubled  any  more  by  discord  within  or  without 
(37 1 5).  The  social  conditions  would  be  as  healthy  as 
the  land  would  be  fair.  Gone  for  ever  would  be  the 
heartless  governors,  the  nithless  shepherds  who  had 
fleeced  the  flock  it  was  their  business  to  care  for  (34). 
Cruelty,  injustice,  wrong  of  everj'  kind  would  disappear. 
The  land  and  the  city  would  be  such  that  it  could  be 
said  with  truth  "  Yahweh  is  there  "  (4833). 

Medium  of  the  Restoration. — Precisely  how  this 
transformation  is  to  be  initiated,  we  are  not  told. 
Enough  for  Ezekiel  that  behind  it  was  Yahweh.  This 
need  not,  however,  exclude  the  use  of  historical  instru- 
ments. For  just  as  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  is 
regarded  as  Yahweh's  work,  though  the  immediate 
agent  of  it  is  Nebuchadrezzar — the  sword  he  wields  is 
Yahweh's  sword  (21 5) — so  it  may  well  be  with  the 
restoration.  But  Ezeldel  does  not,  like  his  great  suc- 
cessor (Is.  45i),  name  the  agent,  because  his  figure  is 
not  yet  on  the  historical  horizon.  Enough  that  he 
sees  and  proclaims  with  so  subUm©  a  confidence  the 
large  Unes  of  the  Divine  purpose. 

Ezekiel's  Conception  of  God  and  Religion. — It  is  easj 
to  do  le.Hs  than  justice  to  Ezekiel — to  maintain  that  his 
God  is  a  selfish  and  suiM?r-sensitive  Being,  concerned 
for  nothing  l)ut  tho  vindication  of  His  own  honour 
and  the  spread  of  His  fame,  doing  what  He  does,  not 
for  tho  love  of  HLs  ptxiple,  but  solely  for  HLs  own 
name's  sake  (3622).  It  Ls  easy  to  maintain  that 
Ezolciel's  own  conception  of  religion  is  ritual  and  super- 
ficial, that,  though  he  wears  tlie  prophet's  mantle,  ho 
is  a  priest  at  heart.  a\1io  cares  more  for  organised 
institutions  and  punctihous  ceremony  than  for  tho 
love  of  (!od  and  the  service  of  his  follows.  But  it 
must  be  remembered  that,  if  his  God  is  austere  almost 


EZEKIEL,  I.  1-3 


503 


to  the  point  of  inaooesaibility.  He  la  none  the  less  truly 
a  God  of  love.  This  conception  of  Him  underlies  the 
realistic  imagery  of  ch.  16,  in  which  Israel  is  Ukened 
to  a  poor  foundling  girl,  saved  and  nurtured  and 
finally  lifted  to  an  honourable  wifehood  by  Yahweh. 
Stem  though  He  be,  He  does  not  desire  the  death  of 
a  sinner,  but  rather  that  the  sinner  should  turn  and 
live  (33ii).  Again,  though  Ezekiel  may  speak  of 
religion  as  if  it  were  a  thing  of  obedience  to  external 
"  statutes  and  judgment,"  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten 
that,  even  in  those  very  contexts,  he  insists  also  on  the 
need  of  a  new  heart  and  a  new  spirit  (8626).  Assuredly 
his  religion  has  more  inwardness  than  many  of  his 
words  would  seem  to  imply.  Instead  of  regarding  him 
as  a  priest  disguised  as  a  prophet  he  might  with  almost 
equal  justice  be  regarded  as  a  prophet  disguised  as  a 
priest.  Though  at  times  he  seems  to  put  the  ritual 
and  the  moral  demands  of  religion  upon  the  same 
level  (226-8).  he  is  yet  a  worthy  successor  of  the 
ancient  prophets  in  his  broad  insistence  upon  the 
supreme  importance  of  character,  and  he  carries  their 
appeal  further  than  they  did  by  addressing  it  dis- 
tinctly and  definitely  to  the  individual.  With  them 
the  nation  was  the  rehgious  unit,  with  him  it  is  the 
individual.  Upon  the  individual  hes  an  inaHenable 
responsibility  for  his  attitude  to  the  prophetic  message. 
and  in  general  for  the  spiritual  quality  of  his  life,  and 
Ezekiel  is  not  afraid  to  begin  by  applying  this  doctrine 
of  responsibUity  to  himself.  He  knows  himself  to 
have  the  "  cure  of  souls  "  ;  he  is  the  first  Hebrew 
pastor. 

Individualism. — This  doctrine  of  individualism  is 
stated  by  Ezekiel  with  a  bluntness  which  has  fre- 
quently drawn  on  him  the  charge  of  '"  atomism,"  in 
seeming  to  imply  that  the  individual  was  in  no  way 
conditioned  by  his  ancestry  or  even  by  his  own  past. 
His  extreme  form  of  the  doctrine  is  explained  partly 
by  the  fact  that  it  is  a  pioneer  statement,  with  all  the 
exaggeration  natural  to  a  protest  against  the  traditional 
view  which  had  submerged  the  individual  in  the  com- 
munity. But  this  emphatic  assertion  of  the  freedom 
of  the  individual  was  valuable  in  two  ways  :  if  it 
made  vigilance  obligatory,  it  made  hope  possible,  and 
it  threw  a  useful  emphasis,  not  on  what  man  had  been 
but  on  what  he  was  and  willed  to  become.  Another 
aspect — equally  open  to  challenge — of  this  doctrine 
was  its  assertion  of  the  exact  correspondence  between 
an  individuals  fortunes  and  his  moral  deserts  :  "  the 
soul  that  sinneth — it  and  no  other  soul  shall  die  " 
(I84).  But  Ezekiel,  though  a  theorist,  alwaj-s  keeps 
an  open  eye  for  fact ;  he  recognises  that,  among  those 
who  perished  in  the  general  destniction,  some  were 
good  ;  among  those  who  survived,  some  were  bad  ; 
and  it  is  more  than  usually  interesting  to  watch  how 
Ezekiel  meets  the  strain  of  these  new  facts  upon  his 
theory  (12i6,  I421-23). 

The  Community. — Ezekiel  finely  complements  his 
emphasis  upon  the  individual  by  an  equal  emphasis 
upon  the  importance  of  the  community.  His  ideal  in 
religion  is  anything  but  a  mystic  isolation,  it  is  a 
community  of  saved  and  worshipping  souls,  drawn  to 
each  other  because  drawn  to  their  common  Lord.  This 
is  the  real  significance  of  the  last  nine  chapters,  with 
their  elaborate  description  of  city  and  Temple.  Insti- 
tutions and  organisations  are  not  everjrthing.  but  they 
are  something  :  nay,  they  are  indispensablo,  if  men 
are  to  live  and  woi-ship  in  concert.  This  is  a  truth 
clearly  and  firmly  trra-sp^  by  Ezekiel. 

Devotion  of  Ezekiel. — No  prophet  ever  took  himself 
or  his  call  more  seriously.  From  the  beginning  to  the 
end  (692-670)  he  devoted  to  his  ministry  all  his  powers 


of  mind,  heart,  and  imagination.  He  pleaded  with 
individual  souls  ;  he  preached  to  the  people — and 
there  is  proof  that  he  was  a  most  attractive  speaker, 
however  little  his  audience  laid  liis  message  to  heart 
(3332) ;  and  he  planned  for  the  national  reconstruction 
in  that  future  in  wiiich,  even  when  the  outlook  was 
blackest,  he  never  ceased  to  beUeve.  Even  when  con- 
strained to  silence — whether,  as  some  suppose,  in 
virtue  of  some  physical  or  psychical  disabihty  (e.g.  cata- 
lepsy), or  merely  by  the  increduUty  of  his  hearers — ho 
was  still  the  prophet,  preaching  by  acts,  which  were 
charged  with  an  easily  decipherable  symbolism 
(4,  5,  12),  no  less  than  by  his  words.  He  seems  to 
have  had  the  gift  of  second  sight  (242),  he  was  cer- 
tainly subject  to  ecstatic  experiences,  and  he  had 
visions  ;  but  all  his  faculties  and  all  his  experiences 
became  contributory  to  his  ministry.  Even  the  silent 
sorrow  which  fell  across  him  in  the  death  of  the  wife 
he  loved  so  dearly,  is  invested  with  symboUc  and  pro- 
phetic meaning  (24i5).  Whether  he  speaks  or  is 
silent,  whatever  he  does  or  suffers,  he  is  the  prophet 
still. 

Influence  of  Ezekiel. — No  influence  was  more  potent 
than  his  in  the  shaping  of  that  Judaism  which  has 
Uved  on  unshaken  tlu-ough  the  centuries.  It  is  seen 
in  his  transcendental  conception  of  God,  in  whose 
presence  Ezekiel  feels  himself  to  be  but  a  poor  frail 
■'  son  of  man."  It  is  seen  in  his  dogma  of  individual 
retribution.  It  is  seen  in  his  apocalyptic  vision  of 
the  great  assault  to  be  made  one  day  upon  the  holy 
land  by  heathen  hordes,  who  will  in  the  end  be  de- 
feated ignominiously  and  for  ever  (38f.).  It  is  seen 
above  aU  in  his  passionate  love  of  a  minutely-organised 
worship,  which  perhaps  no  single  thinker  did  so  much 
to  shape  and  guide  as  he.  When  we  consider  the  hopes 
he  encouraged,  the  movements  he  initiated,  the  visions 
he  held  before  the  eyes  of  his  contemporaries,  the 
influence  he  has  exerted  on  posterity,  we  cannot  deny 
him  a  place  in  the  front  rank  of  the  great  men  of  Israel 
(pp.  91,  129,  131). 

Literature. — Commentaries:  (a)  Davidson  and  Streane 
(CB),  Lofthouse  (Cent.B.),  Toy  (SBOT  Eng.),  Skinner 
(Ex.B.),  (c)  Hitzig,  Smend  (KEH),  Kraetzschmar 
(HK),  Bertholet  (KHC).  Other  literature  :  Davidson, 
Theology  of  ths  OT,  p.  3383.;  Westphal,  The  Law 
and  the  Prophets,  pp.  342-357 ;  A.  C.  Knudson.  Beacon 
Lights  of  Prophecy,  ch.  vi. ;  Peake,  Problem  of  Suffering 
in  the  OT,  ch.  ii. 

I.-III.  Ezekiel  Enters  upon  his  Ministry. 

I.  1-28.  Ezekiels  Vision. — 1-3.  Like  the  prophets 
generally,  Ezekiel  enters  upon  his  ministry  only  after 
he  has  haul  a  vision  of  God  and  a  call  from  Him.  The 
book,  therefore,  appropriately  opens  with  a  description 
of  these  experiences.  They  took  place  "  in  the 
thurtieth  year" — a  difiicult  phrase:  perhaps  the 
thirtieth  year  of  the  prophet's  fife — in  any  case  in 
592  B.C.,  the  fifth  year  after  Jehoiachin  and  the  leading 
citizens  of  Judah  had  been  carried  captive  into  Babylon 
(2  K.  24io-i6).  Among  them  was  Ezekiel,  who 
whether  or  not  a  priest  himself,  came  of  a  priestly 
family — a  fact  which  explains  certain  elements  in  the 
vision  about  to  be  described,  and  which  accounts  for 
the  form  into  which  he  casts  his  ideals  (40-48)  and  m 
general  for  the  temper  of  his  mind.  The  Jewish  colony 
of  which  he  was  a  member  was  settled  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  a  large  navigable  canal  called  the  Chebar. 
S.E.  of  Babylon.  It  was  there  that  he  had  the  vision 
of  God  which  sent  him  forth  upon  his  ministry.  It 
came  upon  him  apparently  when  he  was  in  a  state  of 
trance  or  ecstasy — for  that  is  the  implication  of  the 
frequently  recurring  phrase  "  the  hand  of  Yahweh 


i  an  wen  wm. 


504 


EZEKIEL,  I.  1-3 


upon  him  "  ;  and  the  full  bearing  of  the  vision  is  not 
appreciated  till  we  remember  tliat  the  God  who  there 
came  into  his  experience  with  such  illumining  and 
quickening  power  was  popularly  supposed  to  be  con- 
finetl  to  Canaan,  the  home  of"  His  people,  or  more 
part^icularly  to  the  Temple  ;  but,  as  certain  symbolical 
details  of  the  vision  will  soon  make  clear,  this  great 
God  is  not  thus  confined,  but  even  in  distant  Babylon 
He  can  make  Himself  felt  and  known. 

4-21.  The  vision,  which  Ls  unusually  compUcated 
and  elaborate,  would  be  very  difficult  to  render  pic- 
torially  ;  but  the  ultimate  elements  can  still  be  recog- 
nised which  were  fused  together  in  the  subhme  ex- 
perience of  ecstasy.  It  was  suggested  in  part  by 
the  prophet's  knowledge  of  Isaiah's  vision  (Is.  6).  of 
Solomon's  Temple,  and  the  mongrel  figures  of  Baby- 
lonian art.  But  it  is  not  till  towards  the  end  of  the 
description  that  we  hear  anji-hing  of  the  Divine  Being 
Himself  (26) ;  attention  is  first  concentrated  on  the 
wonderful  chariot  upon  which  He  is  lx)me,  and  the 
details  of  it  are  all  symbolic  of  aspects  of  the  Divine 
nature.  First  the  prophet  sees  a  fiery  cloud  approach- 
ing— flashing  like  amber,  or  rather  electrum  (a  mixture 
of  silver  and  gold).  From  out  the  glow  four  hving 
creatures,  suggested  by  the  cherubim  of  the  Temple 
(1  K.  623-28,  Gen.  .324*,  Ps-  I810*.  Is.  62*),  begin 
to  articulate  themselves  ;  each  of  these  creatures  had 
four  wings  and  four  faces,  that  of  a  man,  lion,  ox. 
eagle,  symbolising  respectively  intelligence,  dignity, 
strength,  and  speed.  The  four  creatures  face  east, 
west,  north,  and  south,  suggesting  that  all  parts  of 
the  universe  alike  are  open  to  the  gaze  of  God — an 
idea  further  enhanced  by  the  presence  of  wings  attached 
to  the  creatures,  and  of  wheels  beneath  and  beside 
them,  so  that  there  is  no  spot  inaccessible  to  the 
Divine  energy  :  for  cverj'where  this  mysterious  chariot 
can  go.  The  wonder  and  weirdness  of  it  all  is 
heightened  by  the  presence  of  eyes  in  the  wheels. 
Wheels  so  equipped  cannot  miss  their  way,  and  to 
those  mysterious  eyes  everj'  part  of  the  universe  is 
open.  The  creatures  and  the  wheels  alike  were  ani- 
mated by  the  Divine  life :  and  in  the  midst  of  the 
creatures  was  a  perpetual  flash  of  lightning,  and  the 
glow  of  fire — suggested,  no  doubt,  by  the  altar  fire  of 
Isaiah's  vision — so  that  the  whole  phenomenon  con.sti- 
tuted  an  awe-inspiring  symbol  of  the  omnipotence, 
the  omnipresence,  and  the  omniscience  of  God. 

If  it  be  said  that  much  in  this  vision  is  obscure  and 
some  of  it  grotesque — the  combination,  e.g.  of  wings 
and  wheels  as  means  of  locomotion — it  may  be  urged 
in  reply  that  the  prophet  is  quite  con.scious  that  he  is 
attempting  to  describe  the  indescribable.  Instead  of 
boldly  describing  the  things  themselves,  he  usually  only 
hints  at  their  appearance:  it  was  "  the  likeness  of  " 
living  creatures,  faces,  etc.,  that  he  saw — something 
Hke  them,  but  in  the  last  analysis  something  unutter- 
able. The  vision  is  a  mystery,  as  every  vision  of 
God  must  be,  and  this  feature  persists  throughout  the 
description  to  the  end.  Indeed  this  sense  of  mystery, 
with  its  accompanying  reverence  and  reticence,  is 
most  prominent  when  Ezekiel  comes  to  tell  of  the 
figure  throned  upon  the  chariot  which  he  has  just 
described. 

22-28.  Though  the  whole  is  a  vision  of  God,  it  is 
worth  noting  that  Ezekiel  does  not  name  or  descril>e 
Him  till  towards  the  end.  This  has  the  literary  effect 
of  heightening  the  reader's  suspense,  though  the  im- 
pression of  the  Divine  presence  is  far  less  immediate 
than  that  produced  by  the  storj-  of  the  vision  and 
call  experienced  i)y  Isaiah  or  Jeremiah.  God  is  more 
remote  to  the  later  prophet. 


The  mysterious  reverberating  whirr  of  the  mighty 
wings  is  followed  bj'  an  equallj'  mysterious  silence. 
The  wings  droop,  the  chariot  stops.  Above  the  heads 
of  the  creatures  is  seen  a  crystal  floor  or  platform  (here 
caUed  firmament)  on  which  rested  a  sapphire  throne — 
the  imagery  hero  suggests  the  deep  blue  of  heaven — 
and  on  the  throne  is  Almighty  God  Himself,  something 
like  a  radiant  human  figure  of  supernatural  brilliance 
and  glory.  And  all  this  terror  of  the  Divine  majesty 
is  softened  by  the  sight  of  a  lovely  rainbow  round  the 
throne.  But  little  wonder  that,  when  the  prophet 
saw  the  awful  vision,  he  fell  prostrate  upon  his  face. 

Notice  the  incessant  repetition,  in  the  last  few  verses, 
of  the  words  "  appearance  "  and  "  likeness."  At  this 
point  more  than  ever,  Ezekiel  knows  himself  to  be 
describing  things  which  it  is  not  possible  for  a  man  to 
utter. 

II.  1-m.  15.  The  Call.— II.  1-7.  The  awful  silence 
is  broken  by  a  voice  from  the  Almighty  upon  His 
throne,  bidding  the  prostrate  prophet  rise  and  accept 
his  commi.ssion  for  service  ;  for  it  is  a  work  and  not 
an  inactive  prostration  that  God  and  the  world  need. 
Into  the  phrase  '"  son  of  man,"  which  occurs  nearly 
100  times  in  the  book.  Ezekiel  throws  his  sense  of  his 
own  frailty  in  contrast  with  the  majesty  of  God  as 
illu.strated  by  the  vision  of  the  previous  chapter.  The 
service  which  he  feels  himself  Divinely  summoned  to 
render  is  to  declare  the  message  of  God — in  the  first 
instance  a  message  of  doom  ( 10) — to  his  people  :  a 
doom  justified  by  the  infideUty  which  they  had  shown 
from  the  beginning  of  their  national  historj'  up  to 
that  very  moment,  and  which  had  already  swept  into 
exile  those  whom  he  was  immediately  addressing.  The 
prophet  is  under  no  illusions  :  they  are  a  rebellious 
house,  "  hard-faced  and  stubboni-hearted,"  and  it  is 
more  than  likely  that  they  will  not  listen,  though  they 
are  free  to  "  hear  or  forbear,"  as  they  please :  they 
will  be  "  as  briers  and  thorns,"  symbols  of  the  opposi- 
tion and  persecution  the  prophet  may  expect  to 
encounter  (some  emend  these  words  in  6  to  mean,  they 
will  "  resist  and  despise  thee  ").  There  will  be  every 
temptation  to  refuse  to  embark  upon  so  perilous  a 
course,  to  "  rebel  "  in  one  way  as  the  psople  had  re- 
belled in  another  :  but  he  is  to  go  on  without  flinching 
or  fear  to  speak  the  word  that  would  be  given  him, 
and  the  sequel  would  show  them  that  he  had  been  a 
true  prophet.  Divinely  inspired. 

II.  8-III.  15.  His  inspiration  is  suggestively  de- 
scribed by  the  symbolical  swallowing  of  a  book-roll. 
In  Jer.  (I9)  it  is  more  immediately  conceived  as  due 
to  the  touch  of  the  Divine  Hand  upon  the  prophet's 
lips  :  but  by  the  publication  of  Dt.  thirty  years  before 
(621  B.C.)  the  book  had  begun  to  hold  a  place  in  the 
religion  of  Israel  which  it  had  never  held  before  (p.  90), 
and  it  is  significant,  not  to  say  ominous,  that  Ezekiel 
is  represented  as  owing  his  message  and  his  inspiration 
to  a  book.  The  "  lamentations,  mourning,  and  woe  " 
(10)  inscribed  in  the  visionary  book  do.  in  point  of 
fact,  faithfully  describe  the  general  contents  and 
temper  of  Ezekiels  message  throughout  the  earlier 
part  of  his  ministry  and  the  first  half  of  his  book  (1-24). 
I.e.  down  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  586  B.C.  Though 
this  conception  of  inspiration  might  seem  mechanical 
and  siiperfici.al.  it  has  some  profoundly  suggestive 
features.  In  particular  it  implies  that  the  message 
he  is  to  deliver  must  be  his  own.  It  is  God's  ulti- 
mately, but  Ezekiel  must  make  it  his  own.  work  it 
into  the  verj'  fibre  of  hLs  being,  assimilate  it,  as  wo 
should  .say — this  is  the  meaning  of  the  strong  language 
in  33 — until  it  is  himself  that  he  Ls  uttering.  When  ho 
eats  the  roll,  bitter  as  are  its  contents,  it  is  as  sweet  as 


EZEKIEL,  V.  1-4 


505 


honey  in  hia  mouth,  for  it  m  sweet  to  do  the  will  of 
God  and  to  be  trusted  with  tasks  for  Him. 

But  again  he  is  reminded  of  the  sternness  of  that 
task.  He  is  sent  to  a  stubborn  people  who  will  bo 
infinitely  less  responsive  to  the  Divine  message  than 
heathen  foreigners  would  have  been :  this  sorrow- 
ful comparison  is  drawn  often  enough  in  prophecy 
from  Jonah  to  our  Lord  (Mt.  II21,  Lk.  424-27)  be- 
tween the  susceptibility  of  the  unprivileged  heathen 
and  the  callousness  of  privileged  Israel.  But  with 
resolute  face  the  prophet  is  to  go  forward  to  meet 
their  hard  and  resolute  faces,  and  fearlessly  deliver 
the  message  of  the  God  who  has  called  and  can  equip 
and  sustain  him. 

That,  then,  is  the  summons  he  seems  to  hear  from 
the  awful  Figure  upon  the  throne  of  the  mysterioua 
chariot.  Then  once  more  the  whirr  of  the  wings  and 
the  roar  of  the  wheels  is  heard  "  when  the  glory  of 
Yahweh  rose  from  its  place  "  (as  we  should  probably 
read  at  the  end  of  12)  ;  and  the  chariot  departed, 
leaving  the  prophet,  on  return  to  normal  conscious- 
ness, in  a  state  of  reaction  graphically  described  as 
bitterness  and  heat  of  spirit.  In  this  mood  he  found 
his  way  to  Tel-abib,  a  colony  of  his  fellow-exiles, 
apparently  at  or  near  his  home,  where  he  remained 
for  a  week  in  a  state  of  utter  stupefaction,  dumb  and 
motionless. 

III.  16-21.  The  Pastoral  Charge.— At  the  end  of  the 
week  he  receives  another  Divine  message,  this  time  of 
a  more  explicit  kind  and  unaccompanied  by  vision. 
His  task  is  now  defined  as  that  of  a  watchman.  As 
it  is  the  watchman's  business  to  detect  and  give  warn- 
ing of  danger,  so  it  is  the  prophet's  business  to  warn 
individual  men  of  the  coming  catastrophe  which  he 
himself  so  clearly  sees.  It  is  not  enough  to  warn  the 
crowd  :  he  must  deal  personally  with  the  individuals 
good  and  bad,  who  compose  the  crowd,  and  warn 
them  solemnly,  each  and  all,  the  good  no  less  than  the 
bad — the  bad  to  turn  from  bis  evil  way.  and  the  good 
to  persist  to  the  end  without  swerving  in  the  good 
way ;  for  the  destiny  of  men  will  be  determined  by 
the  character  and  conduct  they  exhibit  when  the  hour 
of  judgment  strikes. 

This  is  a  passage  of  great  importance,  emphasizing 
the  idea  of  individual  responsibility  but  appljdng  it 
more  particularly  to  the  calling  of  the  prophet  or 
preacher.  There  is  a  sense  in  which  he  is  responsible 
for  the  souls  of  his  hearers  ;  and  if  one  of  them  dies 
unwarned,  then  the  prophet  is  his  murderer.  For  the 
first  time  in  Hebrew  history  the  prophet  becomes  a 
pastor ;  he  has  the  "  care  of  souls." 

III.  22-27.  A  Period  of  Silence. — Another  ecstatic 
mood  falls  upon  Ezekiel,  accompanied  by  a  vision 
similar  to  the  former  (ch.  1)  but  not  this  time  described. 
The  Divine  voice  seems  to  decree  for  him  a  period  of 
temporary  silence  and  inactivity.  Perhaps  25  should 
read,  "  I  will  lay  bands  on  thee  and  bind  thee  "  :  at 
any  rate,  he  Ls  restrained  in  some  way,  whether,  as 
soTue  suppo.se,  by  some  physical  disability  (e.g.  cata- 
lepsy) or  merely  bj'  the  angry  incredulity  of  his  hearers, 
from  proclaiming  his  message  in  public.  He  does  not 
open  his  mouth,  except  in  his  own  house  to  those  who 
consult  him  privately  (c/.  81),  until  his  message  is 
confirmed  by  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (.332 if.). 

IV.,  V.  Four  Symbols,  Prophetic  of  the  Coming 
Doom  of  Jeriisalem. 

IV.  1-3.  (A)  The  Siege  of  Jerusalem— But  if  Ezekiel 
may  not  speak,  he  is  a  prophet  still,  preaching,  if 
not  by  the  word,  at  least  by  sjinbolic  action  ;  and. 
ominously  enough,  his  first  mes.sage  is  the  announce- 
ment of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem — and  this,  be  it  remem- 


bered, four  and  a  half  years  before  that  siege  began. 
How  the  message  came  to  his  own  soul,  we  cannot 
explain  except  on  his  own  assumption,  that  it  was  the 
voice  of  God  :  its  truth  was  certainly  justified  by  the 
sequel.  He  sets  forth  the  truth  symbolically  by  por- 
traying upon  a  brick  (such  as  the  Babylonians  used 
for  writing  upon)  a  walled  city  exposed  to  a  furious 
siege  from  surrounding  forts,  mounds,  and  battering 
rams. 

ly.  4-8.  (B)  The  Exile :  its  Duration.— The  next 
action  Ls  more  curious.  Ezekiel  is  represented  as  lying 
upon  his  side  for  190  days  (as  LXX  correctly  reads 
in  5)  to  symbolise  the  year.s  of  punishment  in  exile — a 
year  for  a  day — undergone  by  Israel  and  Judah  for 
their  sins.  As  the  restoration  of  these  two  kingdoms 
is  expected  to  occur  simultaneously  (37i6fE.)  we  must 
assume  that,  as  he  Ues  for  forty  days  upon  his  right 
side  to  represent  Judah  (i.e.  the  southern  kingdom), 
so  he  lies  150  days  on  his  left  to  represent  Israel  (i.e.  the 
northern  kingdom),  though  the  whole  period  of  her  exile 
covers,  of  course,  190  years.  Forty  is  a  round  number  : 
in  point  of  fact,  the  exile  of  Judah  (reckoning  from 
the  faU  of  Jerusalem)  lasted  almost  fifty  years  (586- 
538  B.C.).  A  hundred  and  fifty  is  also  a  round 
number  :  from  the  date  at  which  Ezekiel  is  writing 
(592  B.C.)  back  to  the  fall  of  Samaria,  the  capital  of 
the  northern  kingdom  (721  b.c),  the  exile  of  Israel 
lasted  about  130  years,  or  more  nearly  150,  if  we  carry 
the  date  back  to  the  Assyrian  deportation  of  some  of 
Israel's  northern  inhabitants,  7.34  n.c.  (2  K.  I529). 

Some  think  that  this  action  points  to  the  rigidity 
of  catalepsy  ;  but  the  sequel,  in  which  Ezekiel  bakes, 
eats,  and  drinks,  shows  that  it  cannot  have  been 
hterally  carried  out.  At  most  one  may  suppose  that 
the  symbolic  action  was  uehlierately  performed  for  a 
certain  time  each  day.  Despite  his  silence,  his  strange 
posture  and  behaviour  were  charged  with  prophetic 
meaning. 

IV.  9-17.  (C)  The  Hardships  of  the  Exiles  and  the 
Besieged. — The  horrors  of  famine,  consequent  upon 
the  siege,  are  suggested  by  the  symbohcal  action  of 
this  section,  in  which  the  prophet's  food  and  drink 
are  to  be  carefully  measured  out — about  half  a  pound 
of  food  a  day  and  a  little  over  a  pint  of  water.  But 
blended  with  the  thought  of  the  scarcity  of  food  during 
the  siege  is  the  thought  of  the  uncleanness  of  the  food 
eaten  during  the  exile.  According  to  Hebrew  ideas, 
any  food  eaten  in  any  land  outside  of  Canaan  was 
necessarily  unclean  :  partly  because  such  a  land,  not 
being  Yahweh 's  land,  was  itself  unclean,  and  partly 
because  no  first-fruits  would  be  offered  to  Him,  as  He 
could  have  no  sanctuary  there  (Hos.  Osf.).  The  un- 
cleanness of  exile  is  suggested  by  the  mongrel  com- 
binations (cf.  9)  which  in  food,  as  in  dress  and  other 
things  (cf.  Dt.  229-11),  seems  to  have  been  offensive 
to  Hebrew  religious  sense  ;  but  it  is  suggested  far 
more  drastically  by  the  repulsive  accessories  of  its 
preparation,  which  must  have  been  peculiarly  offensive 
to  the  priestly  Ezekiel  with  liis  regard  for  ceremonial 
propriety.  This  regard  he  specially  emphasizes  before 
God  in  a  highly  significant  praj'er — one  of  the  very 
few  prayers  in  the  book — and  a  special  concession  is 
made  ;  but  even  .so,  the  religious  horror  of  the  exile 
to  a  sensitive  and  scnipulous  Hebrew  is  powerfully 
suggested. 

V.  1-4.  (D)  The  Fate  of  the  Besieged.— Yet  the  last 
symbol  is  perhp.jw  the  most  torrible  of  all  ;  it  suggests 
the  all  but  irretrievable  complet<Mioss  of  the  destruc- 
tion. Ezekiel  is  commanded  to  take  a  sJiarp  sword, 
and  use  it,  like  a  razor,  upon  his  head  and  be^iid— 
suggesting  how  clean  the  city  will  bo  swept  of 


606 


EZEKIEL,  V.  1-4. 


population.  The  hair  removed  U  to  be  Borupulously 
weigheJ — tliere  is  a  deadly  accuracy  in  tlio  Divine 
justice — and  divided  into  throe  jwrtions,  destined  to 
be  burned,  smitten,  and  scattered  respectively,  symbolic 
(as  we  loam  from  12)  of  the  fate  of  tho.o  within  the 
city  (the  fire  stands  for  pe«tilonce  and  famine),  of  those 
caught  near  it.  cruelly  cut  down  in  their  efforts  to 
escape,  and  of  those  who  will  be  swept  away  to  oxile. 
Of  these  last  a  few.  symbolised  by  a  little  hair  caught 
in  the  folds  of  Ezekiors  garment,  shall  escape,  but 
even  this  renmant  is  to  be  decimated  by  further 
disaster.  (Perhaps  the  last  sentence  of  4  should  be 
deleted.) 

V.  5-17.  Explanation  of  the  Symbok.— By  the  four 
preceding  symbolical  actions  the  doom  has  been  made 
too  terribly  clear  :  the  reason  for  it  is  now  given. 
Jerusalem  Ls  the  centre  of  the  world,  conspicuous  aUke 
for  her  position  and  her  privileges,  especially  for  her 
possession  of  a  unique  religious  law,  the  gift  of  her 
own  unique  God.  But  so  far  was  she  from  gratefully 
conforming  her  life  to  it,  that  she  fell  disgracefully 
below  even  heathen  standards  (r/.  Jer.  2ii);  and  so, 
conspicuous  in  her  doom  as  in  her  privileges,  she  must 
be  punished  before  all  the  world — a  fate  from  which 
Israel  had  always  shrunk  with  special  horror  (8).  Her 
punishment  was  to  be  imparalleled  (9)  — parents 
would  literally  devour  theu-  own  children  in  the  stress 
of  the  siege  (cf.  Lam.  4io) — because  her  sin  had  been 
unparalleled  ;  and  it  is  very  significant  that  Ezekiol 
defines  thus  sin  in  ritual  terms  {cf.  414).  It  is  because 
the  Temple  had  been  defiled  by  idolatry  in  ways  to  be 
described  in  ch.  8  that  the  pitiless  punLshmont  falls. 
Over  and  over  again  it  is  described  in  all  the  detail  of 
its  inexorable  ruthlessncss,  and  Yahwoh  pledges  Himself 
to  it  all  in  a  solemn  oath  (11).  In  His  fury  He  will 
make  of  guilty  Jerusalem  a  terrible  example,  which 
will  warn,  if  not  win,  the  rest  of  the  world.  The  spirit 
of  tliLs  threat — that  Yahwch  will  not  rest  content  until 
He  has  wreaked  the  fury  of  His  vengeance  upon  them — 
is,  of  course,  not  Christian  :  but  neither  is  it  ignoble. 
He  does  it  out  of  what  is  called  His  zeal  (13),  i.e.  a 
jealous  regard  for  His  honour  which  He  had  entnisted 
to  Israel's  keeping,  and  which  Israel  has  trampled  in 
the  dust.  We  have  here  that  "  terrifying  sense  of  the 
Divine  anger  against  sin  so  powerfully  represented  in 
the  preaching  of  Ezekiol  "  (Ex.B.  Ezek.  p.  69). 

VI.  The  Doom  of  the  Sinful  Mountains.— VI.  1-7. 
Not  only,  however,  was  Jerusalem  steeped  in  sin, 
but  the  whole  land ;  therefore  the  whole  land  is 
here  addressed  and  denounced,  or  rather  the  moun- 
tains, partly  because  the  mountains  were  the  con- 
spicuous and  characteristic  feature  of  Canaan  :  but 
more  especially  because  fcpm  time  immemorial  the 
"  high  places "  upon  them  had  been  the  seat  of 
idolatry.  The  Hebrews  had  taken  them  over  from 
the  Canaanites,  and  with  them  many  elements  of  the 
idolatrous  worship  practised  within  them.  Thirty 
years  before  a  desporatc  effort,  baeed  upon  the  newly- 
discovered  book  of  Deuteronomy,  had  been  made  by 
Josiah  to  abolish  these  sanctuaries  ;  but  such  a  passage 
as  this  shows  us  that  they  still  persisted.  The  words 
"  high  places."  which  primarily  denoted  sanctuaries  on 
heights  {e.g.  of  hills),  came  to  denote  sanctuaries  in 
general,  and  so  are  applied  here  also  to  the  .sanctuaries 
m  the  valleys  (sneh  as  the  Valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom. 
S.W.  of  Jerusalem,  where  a  cruel  worship  was  prac- 
tised. Jer.  731)  and  the  watercourses,  or  rather  gorges, 
wadys.  The  worship  was  often  hcentious  as  well  as 
cruel  (Hos.  4i3f.).  and  other  deities  besides  Yahweh 
were  worshipped  here,  e.g.  the  sun  (2  K.  23ii),  whose 
images  or  obelisks  (2  Gh.  145*)  are  referred  to.     This 


idolatry,  like  the  idolatry  on  Zion  Hill  in  the  Temple 
(.5 11).  must  be  avenged,  and  the  chapter  describes  the 
relontlessness  of  the  Divine  vengeance.  The  enemy 
will  inviulo  the  Land,  demolish  the  sanctuaries,  and  slay 
the  worshippers  who  have  taken  refuge  there,  but 
whom  the  idols  (Ezekiel  uses  a  contemptuous  word) 
are  impotent  to  defend  :  and  the  scattered  bones  of 
the  slain  will  defile  the  altars  (2  K.  23 16).  So  thorough 
will  the  devastation  lie  that  silence  will  reign  through- 
out the  mountain  villages  and  mountain  shrines  alike. 
VI.  8-10.  The  object  of  all  tliis  devastation  is  the 
vmdication  of  God's  uisultcd  honour  :  "  ye  shall  know 
that  I  am  Yahwoh  ' '  (a  very  common  phrase  in  Ezokiel), 
the  just  and  mighty  Yahweh,  in  comparison  with  the 
impotent  idoLs.  But  that  honour  will  be  more  com- 
pletely vindicated  by  the  penitence  and  conversion  of 
sinners  than  by  their  destruction  :  and  Ezekiel  antici- 
pates that  a  remnant  in  exile,  smitten  with  self-loathing 
as  they  contemplate  the  fearful  consequences  of  their 
immorahty  and  idolatry,  will  remember  the  God  whom 
they  had  forsaken,  repent,  and  acknowledge  Him.  (In 
9  read,  "  aiid  I  will  break  their  whorish  heart,"  i.e.  with 
calamity. ) 

VI.  11-14.  The  prospect  of  the  awful  destruction  of 
the  idolaters  by  sword,  famine,  and  pestilence,  moves 
Ezekiel  to  give  vent  to  his  feelings  in  gestures  of  tri- 
umphant scorn  ;  far  from  pitying  his  sinful  fellow- 
countrymen  in  the  hour  of  their  sore  distress,  rather 
does  he  rejoice  in  Y'ahweh's  victory  over  them.  (For 
akis,  II,  read  ha/)  And  again  comes  the  scornful 
reference  to  the  impottmt  idols  who  could  save  neither 
the  worshippers  nor  the  sanctuaries  nor  the  land  from 
destruction,  but  desolation  would  reign  across  it  all 
from  the  wilderness  in  the  soutli  to  Riblah  (as  w'O  should 
read  for  Diblah)  on  the  Orontes  in  the  far  north,  where, 
after  the  sack  of  Jerusalem,  king  Zedekiah  was  taken 
and  bUnded  (2  K.  257). 

VII.  The  End  is  Nigh.— VII.  1-9.  The  visions  of 
doom,  so  vividly  described  in  the  three  preceding 
chapters,  reach  their  climax  in  this  chapter,  .charged 
with  emotion  and  palpitating  with  the  sense  of  the 
approaching  end.  That  end  was  yet  more  than  four 
years  off.  but  already  Ezekiel  sees  it  in  all  its  horror 
— that  day  of  the  pitiless  anger  of  Yahweh,  who  by 
His  terrors  would  teach  His  wicked  and  idolatrous 
people  who  and  what  He  was. 

VII.  10-18.  That  dreadful  day,  which  would  extin- 
guish their  political  existence,  would  no  loss  bring  to 
an  end  all  their  social  and  commercial  life.  The  proud 
blossoms  of  Judah  would  soon  be  smitten  and  withered. 
Buyers  need  no  more  rejoice  when  they  made  a  good 
bargain,  nor  need  sellers  be  sorry  when  they  came  off 
badly,  for  very  soon  they  would  all  bo  levelled  in  one 
common  catastrophe.  The  enemy  would  come,  the 
alarm  of  war  would  be  raised,  but  none  would  have  the 
courage  to  go  forth  to  the  fight,  so  that  destruction  hi 
its  every  form  would  reign  unchecketl,  alike  on  those 
who  remained  in  the  city,  and  on  those  who  escaped  to 
the  mountains,  and  everywhere  would  be  seen  the 
signs  of  mourning  (sackcloth,  shaven  head,  etc.). 
(This  passage  bristles  with  textual  obscurities,  which 
would  not  repay  discussion  here.  Sulfice  it  to  say 
that  in  10  the  "  rod  "  is  piobably  Judah  or  the  royal 
house,  and  13  is  referred  by  some  to  the  property  of 
the  expatriated  nobles  :  also  in  13  for  "  the  vision  is 
touching   '  read  "  there  is  wrath  upon.") 

VII.  19-27.  In  the  dread  daj-  of  the  siege,  when 
ruthless  Babj  Ionian  hands  would  profane  Yahweh'a 
secret  (or  rather  cherished)  place,  i.e.  the  Temple, 
famme  would  reign,  and  then  not  all  their  silver  and 
gold,  of  which  they  liad  been  so  haughtily  proud,  could 


EZEKIEL,  X.  1-8 


607 


buy  for  them  a  bit  of  bread,  nor  could  their  gilt  and 
silvered  gods  deliver  them.  Nor  was  it  only  the 
idolatry  of  their  worship,  but  the  violence,  the  cruelty, 
the  mjustice  of  their  lives,  their  "  bloody  crimes,"  that 
had  brought  this  desecration  upon  the  holy  places. 
All  the  civil  and  rehgious  leaders  would  be  at  their 
wits'  end,  and,  in  the  absence  of  true  leadership  the 
common  people  would  be  helpless.  Then,  when  they 
are  reaping  the  reward  of  their  sin  and  folly,  "  they 
shall  know  that  I  am  Yahweh."  (In  23  the  words 
rendered  "  make  the  chain "  are  obscure  and  un- 
certam.) 

VIII.-XUI.  other  Visions  of  Sin  and  Judgment. 

VIII.  — The  Idolatry  of  Jerusalem  Illustrated.— 
VIII.  1-6.  The  Jealousy  Image. — The  visions  which 
fill  chs.  8-11  occurred  about  a  year  after  those  that 
precede  (li),  i.e.  in  591  B.C.  This  chapter  gives  con- 
crete illustrations  of  the  kind  of  sin  that  justified 
the  doom  aheady  announced :  significantly  enough, 
they  all  centre  round  idolatry  (c/.  6),  and — -most  horrible 
of  all — the  scene  of  it  is  the  Temple  itself.  Thither,  on 
the  occasion  of  a  visit  of  certain  Judsean  elders  to  his 
house  Ezekiel  had  been  transported  m  ecstatic  trance 
by  the  Divine  Being,  whose  glory  he  had  seen  and 
described  in  ch.  1  :  there  he  had  witnessed — some  think 
by  a  kind  of  second  sight — one  idolatry  after  another, 
each  one  worse  than  the  last,  and  all  represented  as 
constraining  Yahweh  to  depart  from  His  sanctuary. 
First  was  an  iuiage  of  jealousy,  i.e.  an  image  which 
provoked  Yahweh  r  it  may  have  been  an  image  of  the 
goddess  Astarte,  or  it  may  only  have  been  a  sacred 
polo  (ashera)  forbidden  to  the  Yahweh  worship 
(Dt.  I621)  :  enough,  as  an  image,  it  was  an  abomina- 
tion— the  more  so,  as  it  had  been  introduced  after 
being  abolished  by  Josiah  (2  K.  236). 

VIII.  7-13.  The  Mystery  Cult.— Next,  through  a  hole 
in  the  Temple  wall,  Ezekiel  saw  seventy  elders  headed 
by  Jaazaniah  (son,  perhaps,  of  that  very  Shaphan  who 
had  been  associated  with  the  reform  of  the  worship 
thirty  years  before,  2  K.  22sff . )  indulging  in  mysterious 
animal  worship,  which  some  trace  to  Egypt,  others  to 
Babylon,  while  others,  with  more  probability,  regard 
it  as  a  recrudescence  of  ancient  Canaanitish  practice 
(possibly  totemistic).  But  the  explanation  of  this,  as 
partly  of  the  other  practices,  lies  in  this  (12),  that  they 
believe  both  themselves  and  their  land  to  be  forsaken 
by  their  God,  Yahweh,  and  they  are  therefore  driven 
to  seek  the  support  of  other  gods.  (The  meaning  and 
the  text  of  the  phrase  "  chambers  of  imagery  "  in  12 
are  uncertain.) 

VIII.  14,  15.  The  Worship  of  Tammuz.— Then 
follows  a  scene  in  which  the  women  lament  for  Tammuz 
— a  clear  allusion  to  a  Babylonian  cult.  Tammuz  (pp. 
631  f.),  "  impersonation  of  the  fructifying,  gladdening 
sun,"  god  of  the  spring  vegetation,  is  represented  as 
later  in  the  year  descending  to  the  realm  of  the  dead. 
Thither  ho  was  followed  by  the  goddess  Ishtar,  and  this 
accounts  for  the  part  here  taken  by  the  women  in  the 
cult.  "  Here  wo  strike  upon  the  danger- point  m  the 
old  nature  religions  "  ;  they  easily  developed  hcentious 
features.  Whether  these  were  practised  in  Israel  in 
Ezeklel's  time  or  not,  such  a  cult  constituted  a  grave 
menace.  (For  an  illuminating  account  of  Tammuz, 
who  roughly  corresponds  to  Adonis,  see  J.  F.  McCurdy, 
UiMnry,  Prophrry,  and  the  Momuncnis,  §§  1186-119(3.) 
VIII.  16f.  Sun  Worship. — The  next  scone  is  a  group 
of  sun-worshippers  witli  their  backs  significantly 
turned  towards  the  Temple.  Tliis  also  points  to  Baby- 
lonian infiuence.  Sun  worohip,  abolished  by  Josiah 
(2  K.  23ii)  had  apparently  been  reintroduced.  What 
the  more  abominable  thing,  alluded  to  in  17,  may 


have  been,  we  do  not  know,  as  the  phrase  "  they  put 
the  branch,  to  their  nose  "  is  obscure  :  some  imagine 
it  conceals  a  reference  to  a  defiinitely  immoral  worship. 
[But  see  J.  H.  Moulton's  Early  Zoroastrianism,  pp.  s, 
189-191.  He  says,  referring  to  the  Magi .  "  The  earliest 
evidence  of  their  a-ctivity  as  a  sacred  tribe  is  in  Ezekiel 
(817),  where  they  arc  found  at  Jerusalem,  in  or  before 
591  B.C.,  worshipping  the  sun,  and  holding  to  their  face 
a  branch,  which  is  the  predecessor  of  the  later  harsom  " 
(p.  x).  Of  the  harsom  he  says  that  Parsi  priests  still 
hold  it  "  to  the  face  as  they  minister  before  the  sacred 
fire  "  (p.  190).  J.  G.  Frazer,  with  reference  to  Strabo's 
accoimt  of  Zoroastrianism  in  Cappadocia,  says :  "  The 
perpetual  fire  burnt  on  an  altar,  surrounded  by  a  heap 
of  ashes,  in  the  middle  of  the  temple ;  and  the  priests 
daUy  chanted  their  hturgy  before  it,  holding  in  their 
hands  a  bundle  of  myrtle  rods  and  wearing  on  their 
heads  tall  felt  caps  with  cheok-pieces  which  covered 
their  lips,  lest  they  should  defile  the  sacred  flame  with 
their  breath." — Adonis,  Attis,  Osiris,'  i.  191. — A.S.P.] 
At  any  rate,  after  so  many  references  to  ritual  sin,  it  is 
refreshing  to  find  Ezekiel  ending  the  indictment  which 
justified  the  doom  with  a  definite  charge  of  wrong- 
doing :   "  they  have  filled  the  land  with  violence." 

IX.  The  Pitiless  Slaughter  of  the  Sinners, — The  doom 
has  been  abundantly  justified  ;  now  it  comes,  and  in 
bloody  form.  In  obedience  to  a  ringing  summons, 
seven  angels  come  forth  to  execute  it — six  armed  with 
deadly  weapons,  the  seventh  arrayed  in  priestly  linen 
and  with  an  inkhorn  hanging  at  his  side,  ready  to 
put  the  sign  of  the  cross  (the  "  mark  "  in  4  is  the  letter 
taw,  which  in  the  old  alphabet  was  a  cross)  upon  the 
brows  of  the  few  who  were  to  be  spared  in  the  coming 
destruction,  because  they  sighed  and  cried  over  the 
sin  of  Jerusalem.  At  this  point  comes  the  ominous 
reminder  that  Yahweh  is  gradually  departing  from 
the  guilty  city  :  already  His  glory  has  left  the  holy 
place  where  the  cherubim  were  and  moved  to  the 
threshold  of  the  Temple.  Then  there  rings  out  the 
awful  command  to  the  destrojong  angels,  uttered  by 
Yahweh  Himself,  to  slay  without  mercy  all — old  and 
young,  man  and  maid — who  iaad  not  the  mark  upon 
their  brow  ;  and  the  deadly  work  was  to  begin  at 
the  holy  Temple  itself,  the  scene  of  their  sin  (8) — the 
Temple  in  which  they  trusted  (Jer.  74),  and  which, 
since  Isaiah's  time,  they  had  deemed  mviolable. 

The  veU  is  mercifully  drawn  over  the  horrible  car- 
nage. Ezekiel,  alone  and  appalled,  gives  vent  to  his 
tumultuous  feelings  m  a  passionate  prayer  that  the 
remnant  may  be  spared,  but  the  inexorable  answer 
comes  that  for  the  moral  guilt  of  the  land,  the  pitiless 
punishment  must  go  on :  and  the  awful  tlireat  is  con- 
firmed by  the  return  of  the  angel  with  the  inkhorn, 
who  reports  with  terrible  simphcity,  "  I  have  done  as 
thou  iiast  bidden."  The  ghastly  details  are  left  to 
the  imagination. 

X.  1-8.  The  Burning  ol  the  City.— But  the  guilty 
city  must  be  destroyed  as  well  as  the  people  :  so  the 
awful  carnage  is  followed  by  a  no  less  awful  conflagra- 
tion— prophetic  of  the  fire,  kindled  later  by  Babylonian 
hands,  which  reduced  the  city  to  ashes  (2  K.  259). 
But  this  fire  was  kindled  by  supernatural  hands  which 
took  it  from  among  the  flames  that  flashed  and  blazed 
between  the  strange  creatures  in  the  Divine  chariot 
(I13)  ;  and  again  (cf.  93)  the  ominous  note  is  struck  of 
the  departure  of  Yahweh,  confirmed  by  the  loud  wliirr 
of  the  wings.  Very  solenin  was  the  moment  when  the 
linen-clad  angel  took  the  fire  and  went  forth  to  scatter 
it  over  the  guilty  city.  But  over  tliis  scene,  as  over 
the  other  (9),  a  veil  of  silence  is  drawn.  The  passage 
is  overpowcringly  dramatic.     The  Temple  is  desolate. 


/ 


608 


EZEKIEL,  X.   1-8 


Ezekiel  is  alone,  around  him  are  the  slain,  not  far  off  is 
the  mysterious  chariot  with  its  strange  creatures,  and, 
to  crown  all,  the  angel  scattering  flame  over  the  city. 

X.  9-22.  This  splendid  passage  is  followed  by  a 
description  of  the  Divine  chariot  (9-^7)  which  does 
little  more  than  dupUcate  the  description  in  1 15-21, 
and  which,  to  a  modem  taste,  seems  of  the  nature  of 
an  irrelevance  and  anticUmax.  The  point  of  the 
repetition,  however,  is  suggested  by  20,  22,  which 
identify  the  chariot  seen  at  Jerusalem  with  that  seen 
in  the  former  vision  by  the  Chebar.  It  is  as  if  Ezekiel 
said  that  the  glorious  God  of  Israel,  whose  glory  had 
been  trailed  in  the  dust  by  His  worshippers  (8),  had 
not  only  annihilated  Jerusalem,  her  Temple  and  her 
people,  but  had  definitely  abandoned  it — at  least  for 
a  time — for  Babylonia  where  the  exiles  were  ;  and  the 
departure  by  the  eastern  gate  is  described  in  i8f. 

(In  14  for  "  cherub  '"  we  should  perhaps  read  "  ox  "  : 
cf.  lio.) 

XI.  The  Departure  of  Yahweh.— XI.  1-13.  Another 
Guilty  Group. — The  doom  haa  been  executed  with 
grim  thoroughness,  the  guilty  are  aU  slain  (9) ;  it  is 
therefore  surprising  to  come  here  upon  another 
guilty  group.  Clearly  this  passage  presupposes  a 
sUghtly  different  time,  but  it  admirably  serves  to 
strengthen  the  reasons  for  Yahweh's  departure  from 
the  city.  Besides  the  idolatry  already  described  (8), 
another  tyjK)  of  guilt  is  illustrated  by  tMs  group  of 
twenty-five  (probably  twenty-four  and  a  president) 
who  give  "  wicked  counsel  'in  the  city.  Apparently 
these  were  statesmen  who  favoured  the  poUcy  (con- 
demned by  Jeremiah)  of  revolt  from  Babylon.  In 
proverbial  language  they  compare  the  city  to  a 
caldron,  and  themselves  to  the  flesh  within  it :  the 
fire  may  blaze  round  the  pot,  but  the  flesh  within 
it  is  protected.  The  sense  of  security  which  they  thus 
express  is  rudely  shattered  by  the  prophet,  who  is 
inspired  to  announce  that  the  only  people  safe  within 
the  city  would  be  those  whom  their  wicked  policy 
had  already  slain — grim  irony  I — while  they  them- 
selves would  be  thrown  from  the  pot  into  the  fire, 
driven  out  of  their  fancied  security  by  the  sword  which 
they  fear  towards  the  cruel  destiny  reserved  for  them 
by  the  Babylonians  away  on  the  distant  northern 
bordere  of  ancient  Israel ;  and  then  they  would  be 
compelled  by  the  logic  of  fact  to  acknowledge  the 
power  and  the  character  of  Yahweh'  who  punishes 
those  who  ignore  His  law.  In  point  of  fact,  after  the 
faU  of  Jerusalem  the  Hebrew  prisoners  were  taken  to 
Riblah  (614)  and  there  put  to  death  (2  K.  252i). 
Immediately  after  this  announcement  one  of  the  leaders 
of  the  guilty  group  fell  dead — this  Ezekiel  may  have 
seen  in  vii-tue  of  his  gift  of  second  sight — and  the 
prophet,  horrified,  uttered  a  piercing  prayer  for  the 
remnant,  like  that  which  he  had  offered  before  when 
the  angels  were  slaying  the  wicked  people  (9s). 

(The  meaning  of  the  first  clause  of  3  ia  not  clear : 
perhaps  it  should  be  read  as  a  question — "  have  houses 
not  recently  been  built  ?  " — and  taken  to  indicate  a 
sense  of  returning  prosperity  and  confidence  :  so  LXX.) 

XI.  14-25.  A  Glimmer  of  Hope.— The  people  who, 
at  the  first  deportation  (597  B.C.),  were  aUowed  to 
remain  in  the  land,  clearly  thought  themselves  superior 
to  those  who,  hke  Ez'-kitl,  had  been  taken  to  Babylon — 
far  from  Yahwehs  land  and  therefore  far  from  Yahweh 
(15,  read  they  are  far).  Ezekiel  undeceives  them  :  the 
future  hea  with  the  exiles,  not  with  them.  True, 
Yahweh  had  been  (see  mg.)  to  the  exiles  "  but  little 
of  a  sanctuary  " — t.e.  their  religious  privileges  had 
been  inevitably  curtailed — but  some  day  they  would 
come  back  to  the  land,  and  establish  upon  it  the  true 


worship  of  Yahweh.  First  they  would  sweep  it  clean 
of  every  idolatrous  thing,  and  then  for  their  callous 
obstinate  hearts  God  would  give  them  soft  impression- 
able hearts  on  which  His  laws  would  be  easily  written 
(8625-27).  (It  is  worth  noting  here  how  great  pro- 
phetic thought  is  crossed  by  ritual  interest«.)  In  19  for 
"  one  "  read,  with  LXX,  "  another." 

Then,  in  good  earnest,  the  Divine  chariot  begins  to 
move  (22-25):  it  passes  away  from  the  guilty  city 
across  the  Kidron  to  the  Mount  of  OUves,  away — we 
are  not  told  where  ;  and  we  hear  no  more  of  it  till  we 
reach  the  reconstruction  sketched  at  the  end  of  the 
book  (44i-3).     Then  Ezekiel  awoke  from  his  trance. 

XII.  Exile  Foreshadowed.— 1-16.  Flight  from  the 
Beleaguered  City. — Ezekiel's  message  of  doom  has 
surely  been  made  plain  enough,  but  the  "  rebellious 
house  ■'  will  not  listen  ;  for  one  thing,  their  confi- 
dence in  the  indestructibihty  of  the  monarchy  and 
the  throne  made  such  a  message  incredible.  Well 
then,  if  they  will  not  hear,  they  must  be  made  to 
see  ;  and  again,  as  before  (4)  Ezekiel  incarnates  his 
message.  By  his  conduct,  he  becomes  a  prophetic 
■■  sign."  In  the  daytime,  before  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  he  packs  a  few  belongings  together,  such  as 
an  exile  might  take  with  him  to  the  land  for  which 
he  was  destined  ;  then,  having  thus  stimulated  their 
curiosity,  he  carries  them  on  his  shoulder  in  the  dead 
of  night  through  a  hole  which  he  had  dug  in  the  wall 
(apparently  of  his  house).  In  the  morning,  in  answer 
to  their  astonished  queries,  he  tells  them  plainly  that 
it  is  a  prophetic  symbol  of  exile.  But  more,  it  sym- 
bolises king  Zedekiah's  stealthy  attempt  (cf.  prince,  12) 
to  escape  (2  K.  254)  ;  and  the  description  of  his  face 
so  covered  that  he  could  not  see  the  ground  is  so  plain 
an  allusion  to  his  blinding  by  the  Babylonians  (2  K.  25;) 
that  some  have  supposed  the  passage  to  be  written 
after  the  event.  But  Ezekiel,  with  his  pecuUar  gifts, 
may  very  well  have  had  a  presentiment  of  the  fate  of 
Zcdekiah.  Thus  sternly  does  he  tear  from  them  the 
illusion  of  the  indestructibihty  of  the  monarchy  ;  but 
this  whole  tragic  experience  is  meant  to  teach  the 
people  the  true  character  of  their  God. 

XU.  17-20.  The  Straits  0!  the  Siege.— In  another 
message  whose  symbols  resemble  those  of  4iof.,  i6f., 
he  seeks  to  brmg  home  to  them  the  certain  and  hor- 
rible privations  of  the  siege. 

XII.  21-XIV.  11.  The  FoUy  of  the  Popular  Atti- 
tude to  Prophecy. 

In  two  further  ways  the  people  allowed  themselves 
to  be  deluded — (i.)  by^  their  ignoring  of  true  prophets, 
such  as  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  (ii.)  by  their  confidence 
in  false  prophots. 

Xn.  21-28.  Disregard  of  the  True  Prophets.— One 
reason  for  ignoring  the  stem  message  of  Ezekiel  is 
suggested  by  the  popular  saying  that  the  days  keep 
stretching  out  but  the  doom  is  never  fulfilled,  so  that 
there  is  nothing  in  prophecy  after  all  (21-25).  Another 
group  of  people  appears  to  have  believed  in  prophecy, 
but  regarded  the  doom  at  which  it  pointed  to  be  so 
far  away  as  to  be  negligible  (26-28).  To  both  Ezekiel 
reiterates  his  message  with  the  assurance  that  the 
doom  is  coming  speedily. 

XIII.  Denunciation  of  the  False  Prophets  (1-16)  and 
Prophetesses  (17-23). — Besides  the  delay  of  the  doom 
which  Ezekiel  threatened,  the  people  were  deluded  by 
the  welcome  and  reassuring  promises  of  the  false 
prophets,  of  whose  temper  and  methods  this  chapter 
draws  a  very  living  picture. 

XIII.  1-7.  The  false  prophets  were  jingoes,  with  no 
real  inspiration,  courage,  or  insight  into  the  moral 
quahty  of  the  pohtical  situation.    Some  of  them  were 


EZEKIEL,  XVI 


509 


sincere  and  hoped  for  the  confirmation  of  their  message, 
but  all  of  them  were  shallow.  They  could  repeat  the 
formulae  of  the  true  prophet,  and  preface  their  message 
with  a  '■  Thus  saith  Yahweh,  "  but  they  were  not  real 
messengers  of  His  at  all.  Instead  of  bravely  stepping 
into  the  breach  (the  language  is  suggested  by  the  siege), 
instead  of  giving  warning  like  Ezekiel  (3i6ff.)  of  the 
dread  day  of  Yahweh  that  was  coming,  and  strengthen- 
ing the  moral  fabric  of  the  state,  they  were  only  too 
much  at  home  in  its  ruins,  where,  like  burrowing  foxes, 
they  only  succeeded  in  confounding  the  confusion. 

XIII.  8-16.  Then-  doom  is  therefore  sealed.  They 
too  will  be  confounded  in  the  confusion  which  they 
have  helped  to  create.  They  shall  be  swept  off  the 
land  of  Israel,  and  their  names  shall  not  appear  on  the 
registry  of  the  citizens  of  the  restored  community, 
because  they  said  "  It  is  well,"  when  it  was  anything 
but  well.  In  another  picture  suggested  by  the  siege, 
Ezekiel  very  grajjliically  describes  their  shallow,  criminal 
methods.  Instead  of  helping  to  repair  the  shattered 
wall  of  the  state,  they  wiiitewash  it,  careless  of  the 
fact  that  "  the  whitewashing  of  the  wall  may  hide  its 
defects,  but  will  not  prevent  its  destruction"  (EXB,  p. 
121),  But  one  day — he  is  thuiking  of  the  siege  and  fall 
of  the  city — the  awful  storm  will  come,  deluge,  and  hail- 
stones, and  hurl  the  fair  but  shoddy  wall  so  violently 
to  the  ground  that  the  very  foundations  will  be  laid 
bare.  Then  when  the  wall  and  its  silly  builders,  the 
state  and  its  shallow  prophets,  go  down  in  a  common 
ruin,  in  grim  irony  but  with  perfect  justice  Yahweh 
win  put  this  question  :  "  Where  is  the  wall  and  where 
are  those  that  whitewashed  it  ?  "'  (So  we  should  prob- 
ably read  in  15.) 

XIII.  17-23.  The  False  Prophetesses. — But  women, 
as  well  as  men,  contributed,  and  just  as  fatally,  to  the 
popular  delusion.  The  false  prophets  were  pubhc 
men,  who  exercised  an  influence  on  poUtics  ;  the  false 
prophetesses  corresponded  roughly  to  our  modem  for- 
tune-tellers, and  wielded  an  enormous  private  influence 
over  a  people  prone  to  superstition,  and  confused  by 
the  complexity  of  the  situation.  We  have  here  a 
very  vivid  picture  of  their  mysterious  practices.  They 
are  seen  sewing  magic  bands  or  amulets  (not  pillows) 
on  to  the  wrists  or  elbows  of  their  chents,  and  attaching 
long,  flowing  veils  to  their  heads.  The  professed  object 
of  these  superstitious  practices  is  the  capture  and 
control  of  souls — more  plainly  to  slay  and  to  spare, 
i.e.  to  determine  their  fate  by  a  solemn  prediction  of 
death  or  good  fortune,  as  the  case  may  be.  Ezekiel 
takes  three  objections  to  all  this  profane  jugglery  : 
(a)  it  is  done  for  sordid  gain  (19),  (b)  it  was  a  desecra- 
tion of  the  Divine  name,  which  was  invoked  at  these 
performances  :  but  (c)  almost  worse,  if  possible,  even 
than  this,  was  the  complete  contempt  shown  by  these 
fortune-tellers  for  the  indi.jsoluble  relation  between 
character  and  destiny,  on  which  the  true  prophets  so 
uniformly  insisted  :  they  pretended  to  be  able,  by 
their  spells,  to  decree  death  to  the  innocent  and  life 
to  the  guilty.  Their  effect  was  to  disintegrate  the 
moral  life  of  the  community  :  consequently  they,  with 
all  the  implements  of  their  nefarious  trade,  must  be 
destroyed.  [J.  G.  Frazer.  at  the  close  of  his  discussion 
on  'Absence  and  Recall  of  the  Soul."  .«ay8  that 
Robertson  Smith  suggested  to  him  that  the  practice  of 
hunting  souls  denounced  by  Ezekiel  may  have  been 
akin  to  those  collected  in  this  discu.ssion  ( I'aboo  and 
the  Perils  of  the  Soul,  p.  77).— A.  S.  P-l 

XIV.  1-11.  Insincerity  of  those  who  Consult  the 
Prophets. — Like  prophet,  hke  people.  The  prophets, 
as  we  have  just  seen  (13),  wore  greatly  to  blame ;  but  no 
leas  were  the  people — partly  because  of  their  scepticism 


(I221-28),  and  partly,  as  we  now  see,  because  of  their 
insincerity.     This  is  illustrated  by  a  question  put  by 

certain  elders  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  to  Ezekiel 

a  question  which  neither  deserved  nor  received  an 
answer  ;  for  thoy  are  idolaters,  certainly  at  heart  and 
probably  in  fact ;  they  worship  Yahweh  with  divided 
heart,  and  are  therefore  inevitably  excluded  from  a 
knowledge  of  His  purpose  and  will.  No  answer  can 
be  given  to  such,  but  the  answer  of  the  Divine  judg- 
ment ;  and  if  they  continue  their  policy  of  impenitent 
compromise,  their  fate  will  be  nothing  less  than  ter- 
rible (i-vS).  And  not  only  their  fate,  but  the  fate  of 
any  prophet  that  gives  them  an  answer.  The  only 
prophet  who  could  accommodate  himself  to  men  hke 
these  would  be  one  who  was  himself  infatuated — 
perhaps  as  the  result  of  some  moral  obhquity  ;  and 
such  prophets,  like  those  who  consult  them,  must  bear 
their  punishment.  Only  through  true  prophets  and 
a  true  people  can  the  better  day  come  (9-11). 

XIV.  12-23.  The  Righteous  cannot  Save  the  City, 
but  only  Themselves.—  In  spite  of  all  Ezekiel's  visions 
and  warnings,  the  people  still  cherish  the  illusion  that 
Jerusalem  will  be  spared — if  for  no  other  reason,  at 
least  for  the  sako  of  the  righteous  to  be  found  in  it, 
on  the  principle  of  solidarity.  Why  might  it  not,  hke 
Sodom  (Gen.  I832),  be  spared  "  for  ten's  sake  "  ?  In 
this  very  interesting  and  rhetorical  passage,  where 
Ezekiel  develops  the  broad  doctrine  of  individual 
responsibiUty,  at  which  he  has  just  hinted  (10)  and 
which  he  had  touched  upon  before  (3i6-2i),  he  strikes 
away  this  fllusion.  When  the  judgment  comes,  he 
tells  them — be  it  in  the  form  of  famine,  wild  beasts, 
or  pestilence — the  most  godly  men,  for  all  their  piety, 
will  be  able  to  dehver  no  one  but  themselves  :  not 
their  famihes,  not  even  a  single  member  of  them 
{20),  far  less  their  city  or  their  land.  As  types  of 
piety  he  chooses  the  names  of  men  whose  stories 
must  have  been  famihar  to  his  contemporaries  (Noah, 
Daniel,  Job)  though  the  books  named  after  the 
two  latter  had  not  yet  been  written  (12-21).  This 
dogmatic  theory  of  strict  individual  retribution  would 
seem  to  be  difiicult  to  square  with  the  survival  of  a 
guilty  remnant,  such.  e.g.  as  those  who  were  deported 
later  to  Babylon  after  the  fall  of  the  city  m  586  B.C. 
Ezekiel  meets  this  undoubted  difficulty  by  the  sugges- 
tion that  this  remnant,  by  their  corrupt  Uves,  will  show 
how  thoroughly  just  the  doom  of  the  others  was  ;  and 
the  exiles  will  have  the  grim  comfort  of  witnessing 
this  confirmation  of  the  Divine  justice. 

XV.  The  Useless  Vine  (Jerusalem)  is  Doomed  to 
Destruction. — We  have  seen  some  of  the  reasons  why 
the  illusion  of  the  inviolabihty  of  Jerusalem  was  so 
hard  to  slay  (clis.  12f.).  Here' we  meet  mth  another. 
The  people  beheved  themselves  to  be  the  darlings  of 
Yahweh.  Had  not  the  great  Isaiah  (ch.  5)  compared 
them  to  a  vine,  which  haud  enjoyed  His  special  nurture 
and  care  ?  Good,  says  Ezekiel,  but  remember  how 
useless  the  vme  is  ;  why  you  cannot  even  make  a  peg 
out  of  its  wood.  \Vhile,  as  for  the  fruit  of  this  par- 
ticular vine — he  passes  over  this  in  ominous  silence — 
it  has  either  none  to  show,  or  the  foul  fruit  (of  injustice 
and  oppression)  so  stiugingly  denounced  by  Isaiah 
(54,7).  Besides,  it  has  already  been  burned  at  both 
ends — an  allusion  to  the  fall  of  Israel  in  721  B.C.  and 
the  first  deportation  of  Judah  in  597  B.C.  ;  and  if 
useless  when  whole,  how  much  more  useless,  if  pos- 
sible, when  partially  burnt !  It  is  fit  only  for  the  fire 
and  into  the  fire  again  it  shall  be  flung — an  allusion  to 
the  impending  fall  and  burning  of  Jerusalem  m  586  B.C. 

XVI.  Jerusalem  the  Ungrateful,  the  Unfaithful.— 
Again  Ezckiil  returns  to  the  indictment  which  justifies 


510 


EZEKIEL.  XVI 


the  doom.  Thia  time  it  takes  the  form  of  a  merciless 
exposure,  in  allegorical  form,  of  her  sins,  which,  from 
the  bogimiing  to  the  cud  of  her  histoiy,  constitute  one 
unbroken  record  of  l>lack  aposta-sy.  Jerusalem  (or 
Israel)  is  compared  to  an  infant  girl,  abandoned  imme- 
diately after  birth,  but  saved,  brought  up,  and  married 
by  Yahwch,  wliose  care  and  love  sho  rewarded  with 
infidelilies  gross  and  innumerable.  The  idea  is  elabo- 
rated with  a  detail  often  oliensive  to  modern  taste, 
but  the  whole  passage  palpitates  with  moral  indigna- 
tion and  religious  passion,  and  is  not  seldom  dashed 
with  tiio  bitterest  irony. 

1-14.  Yahweh's  Kindness. — Jerusalem  (i.e.  Israel), 
Ezekiel  fiercely  begins,  was  heathen  from  the  first,  child 
of  Amorite  and  Hittito  parents  (names  intended  to 
represent  the  heathen  predecessors  of  Israel  in  Canaan). 
With  no  prospect  of  a  future  for  her,  to  say  nothing  of 
a  distinguished  future,  Yahwoh  took  loving  care  of 
her  throughout  the  early  centuries,  and  at  Sinai 
entered  into  a  (marriage)  covenant  with  her,  thereafter 
advancing  her  till  in  the  days  of  David  and  Solomon 
she  had  reached  not  only  power  and  prosperity  but  a 
certain  international  reputation. 

15-34.  Israels  Ingratitude. — This  love  Israel  requited 
with  the  most  incrodil)le  treachery,  which  bespoke  a 
truly  adulterous  heart.  She  forsook  her  own  loving 
God  for  others  :  (a)  she  tainted  and  degraded  His 
worship  by  carrying  into  it  the  cruel  and  immoral  rites 
practised  in  the  worship  of  the  native  gods  of  Canaan 
upon  the  accursed  high  places  (15-25),  and  (b)  sho 
(partly  through  political  entanglements)  deliberately 
adopted  the  worship  of  foreign  gods  of  Egypt,  Assyria, 
Chaldea  (Babylonia),  those  empires  whose  secular 
power  so  profoundly  impressed  the  shallow,  susceptible 
heart  of  Israel.  Her  adulterous  love  for  these  alien 
cults  had  cost  her  both  blood  and  money — the  blood 
of  her  children  slain  in  saorilice  (2025f.*)  and  by  the 
sword  of  the  invading  enemy,  and  endless  tribute  to 
her  foreign  over-lords  (26-34). 

35-58.  The  Doom.— But  the  "  harlot "  Jerusalem 
would  have  to  pay  the  yet  heavier  price  of  being 
stripped,  stoned,  and  burned — an  all  too  plain  allusion 
to  the  siege  and  firing  of  the  city  (35-43).  But  the 
bitterest  drop  in  Jerusalem's  cup  was  to  be  told  that 
she  was  not  only  as  bad  as  her  heathen  mother,  but 
worse  than  her  rival  sister  Samaria  (capital  of  the 
northern  kingdom),  worse  even  than  the  infamoua 
Sodom  to  the  south.  They  were  righteous  in  compari- 
son with  her.  (These  places  are  mentioned  because 
they  are  within  the  bounds  of  the  ideal  future  kingdom 
whose  centre  will  be  Jerusalem.)  But — and  here  hope 
begins  to  gleam  through — one  day  the  fortunes  of 
Samaria  and  Sodom  would  be  restored,  and  with  them 
Judah  too.  A  humiliating  consolation  for  Judah  the 
proud  to  be  mentioned  in  company  with  Sodom,  whose 
name  she  had  erstwhile  refused  to  take  upon  her  lips. 
(In  57  for  "  Syria  "  read  "  Edom,'  which  had  exult«d 
over  the  downfall  of  Judah  ;  cf.  Vs.  137.) 

59-63.  The  Promise. — In  the  end  Yahweh's  purpose 
of  grace  triumphs.  After  her  stern  discipline,  Israel 
recalls  with  shame  the  long  story  of  her  sin,  and 
Yahwoh  recalls  His  ancient  love  for  her,  re-enacts  the 
covenant  never  to  be  broken  any  more,  and  bestows 
upon  Israel  the  place  of  reUgious  supremacy.  The 
people  accept  these  tokens  of  forgiveness  in  ashamed 
and  grateful  silence.  (61,  Yaiiweh  does  what  He  does 
"  not  by  thy  covenant,"  i.e.  not  by  reason  of  larael's 
liehaviour  in  the  covenant  relation,  but  of  His  own  free 
grace. ) 

XVII.  The  Perfidious  King.  Jerusalem,  as  wo  have 
seen,  is  to   be  pimishcd  for  her  guilty  paat  and  her 


perfidious  people  (16),  but  no  leas  for  her  guilty  pre- 
sent and  her  perfidious  king.  This  truth  is  driven 
home  in  another  allegory,  hero  called  a  "  riddle " 
and  "  parable,"  set  forth  in  i-io  and  expounded  in 
11-21  ;  and  thus  for  the  second  time  (12i-i6)  Ezekiel 
shatters  the  illusion  of  the  stahiUty  of  the  king  and 
the  monarchy.  For  a  second  time,  too,  the  figure  of 
Israel  as  a  vine  is  presented  (15) — but  from  a  dilferent 
point  of  view. 

Here  is  the  allegory  and  the  interpretation  thereof. 
A  magnificent  eagle  (Nebuchadrezzar)  swooped  down 
upon  a  stately  cedar  (Judah),  plucked  off  the  top  of  it 
(the  aristocracy  of  Judah),  and  the  topmost  twig  of  all 
(king  Jehoiachin).  and  carried  them  to  a  land  of  traffic 
(Babylon  :  reference  is  to  first  deportation,  with  which 
Ezekiel  went  in  597  B.C.).  But  the  eagle  took  seed  of 
the  land  (king  Zedekiah),  and  planted  it  in  Judah, 
which  he  intended  should  develop  as  a  vine,  luxuriant 
and  prosperous,  but  twining  with  lovely  branches  to- 
wards him  (to  signify  the  humble  dependence  of  Judah 
upon  Babylon).  But  there  was  another  eagle  (Eg3T)t), 
great  too,  but  less  magnificent  than  the  former :  and 
to  this  eagle  the  vine  turned  for  nurture,  though  it 
was  already  being  richly  nurtured  in  the  soil  in  which 
Babylon  had  planted  it — the  reference  is  to  Zedekiah'a 
revolt  from  Babylon,  and  apix;al  to  Egypt.  Of  such 
perfidy  the  only  end  would  be  destruction  :  the  eaglo 
(Nebuchadrezzar)  would  tear  up  the  vine  by  the  roots, 
like  the  scorching  east  wind  he  would  wither  it,  and 
the  expected  support  of  Egypt  would  prove  to  be  a 
delusion.  In  plain  words,  the  kingdom  would  be 
shattered,  Zcdekiah  captured,  many  exiled,  and  many 
slain.  The  indignant  passion  that  breathes  through 
this  oracle  is  roused  by  the  fact  that  Zedekiah's  perfidy 
towards  Nebuchadrezzar  was  in  reality  perfidy  towards 
Yahweh,  whose  name  he  had  solemnly  invoked  when  he 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  (19).  (The  passage  finely 
interprets  Nebuchadrezzar's  political  intentions,  which 
were  at  first  not  to  crush  Judah,  but  to  have  in  her  a 
flourishing,  grateful,  humble,  dependent.) 

XVIII.  The  Principle  of  Retribution.— From  many 
points  of  view  the  imminent  doom  has  been  abun- 
dantly justified.  But  on  whom  will  it  fall  ?  on  the 
innocent  and  guiltj'^  alike  ?  This  chapter  proclaims 
that  it  will  fall  only  on  those  whom  it  overtakes  in 
a  state  of  sin,  and  that  it  may  therefore  be  avoided 
by  turnmg  in  penitence  to  God.  God  is  gracious  as 
veil  as  just,  and  man  is  free  to  turn — he  is  bound 
neither  loy  his  ancestry  nor  by  his  own  past.  Tho 
chapter  is  an  oxtrorao  expression  of  individualism,  in 
criticising  which  it  has  to  be  remembered  (a)  that  it  is 
a  pioneer  statement,  and  (b)  that  it  is  addressed  to 
men  who  imagine  that  they  are  hopelessly  implicated 
in  tho  penalties  incurred  by  the  sins  of  former 
generations. 

1-4.  For  after  all,  they  were  tho  generation  that  had 
participated  in  the  refonnation  of  Josiah  ;  and  it 
seemed  to  them  that  they  were  suffering  for  the  un- 
expiated  sins  of  his  grandfather,  Manasseh  (2  K.  2326). 
They  expressed  their  feelings  in  a  proverb  which  sug- 
gested the  irrationality  and  injustice  of  that  ;  and 
Ezekiel  meets  them  by  donying  from  henceforth  this 
principle  of  sohdarity  with  tho  past,  and  by  maintaining 
that  tho  soul  that  sinnoth — it  and  no  other  soul  wouli 
die.  No  more  would  tho  son  die  for  his  father's  sin,  as 
had  happenetl,  e.g.  in  the  case  of  Achans  children 
(Josh.  724)  or  Saul's  (2  S.  2l6).  The  good  would  be 
spared  in  the  judgment. 

5-13.  But  who  is  the  good  ?  These  verses  describe 
him  negatively  as  a  man  who  refuses  to  take  advantage 
of  hie  fellows,  and  positively  as  one  who  will  be  ready 


EXEKIEL.  XX.  45-XXI.  32 


511 


to  help  thorn  in  their  need  ;  but  it  id  signilicant  that 
Ezekiel  includes,  and  even  puts  first,  demands  affecting 
worship.  The  good  man  must  shun  idolatrj',  and  all 
participation  in  the  sacrificial  meals  upon  the  high 
places  (5-9).  But  the  bad  man,  who  fails  to  fulfil 
these  religious  and  moral  demands,  will  perish  :  his 
relationship  to  a  good  father  will  not  save  him  from 
his  doom. 

14-18.  Similarly  a  bad  man's  son,  if  he  be  himself 
a  good  man.  will  not  bo  involved  in  his  father's  doom, 
but  ho  will  be  spared  in  the  judgment  (14-18). 

19-23,  .Similarly  a  man  is  not  bound  by  his  own 
past  any  more  than  by  his  ancestry  ;  it  is  always 
possible  for  him  to  "  turn  "  ;  and  the  God,  who  judges 
each  man  strictly  according  to  his  conduct,  will  never- 
theless disclose  Himself  as  gracious  ;  for  His  deepest 
desire  is  not  that  the  wicked  should  be  punished,  but 
that  thoy  should  be  converted  and  hve — a  truly  evan- 
gelical utterance.  The  earnestness  with  T\'hich  the 
prophet  insists  that  the  principles  of  the  Divine  retri- 
bution are  right  and  equitable  (25,29)  shows  that  he  is 
addressing  men  who  strongly  doubted  it  ( 19-29).  He 
ends  with  a  fine  appeal  for  repentance  and  a  new 
heart,  and  another  proclamation  of  the  grace  of  God 
(30-32).  This  concluding  appeal  shows  that  Ezekiel's 
conception  of  character  and  conduct  is  not  so  external 
as  earher  verses  might  have  led  us  to  believe. 

XIX.  Dirge  Over  the  Kings. — From  a  chapter  which 
has  the  ring  almost  of  dogmatic  theology,  we  pass  to 
one  of  pure  elegiac  poetry,  in  which  Ezekiel  deals  a 
death-blow  to  the  vain  hopes  reposed  in  the  monarchy 
(c/.  121-15,  17). 

1-9.  Judah  the  Lioness. — Mother  Judah  is  compared 
to  a  Uoness,  and  the  kmgs  are  her  whelps.  1-9  cele- 
brates the  sorrowful  fate  of  Jehoahaz  (2-4)  and 
Jehoiachin  (5-9),  each  of  whom  was  carried  into  exile 
after  a  reign  of  only  three  months — Jehoahaz  to  Egypt 
in  608,  Jehoiachin  to  Babylon  in  597  b.c.  The  might 
of  Judah  and  her  kings  is  ideahsed  in  this  "  lament," 
and  the  fate  of  the  monarchs  is  described  in  terms 
appropriato  to  the  capture  of  a  lion  (4,8f.) — dangerous 
beasts  were  sometimes  trapped  in  pits.  (In  4  "  heard 
of  ■'  should  be  "  clamoured  against,"  in  5  "  waited  " 
practically  =  waited  in  vain,  but  the  word  is  quite  un- 
certain. In  7  "  knew  "  should  perhaps  be  "  ravaged.") 
The  melancholy  cadence  of  the  last  sentence  is 
very  fine — 

"  That  his  voice  should  be  heard  no  more 
On  the  mountains  of  Israel." 

lO-l^.  Judah  the  Vine. — The  figure  changes,  as  in 
Gen.  49,s-i2,  from  hon  to  vine,  and  the  king  whose 
destiny  is  foreshadowed  is  this  time  Zedekiah.  Judah 
is  described  as  a  fruitful  vine,  one  of  whoso  mighty 
branches  (Zedekiah)  became  a  royal  sceptre  (11).  But 
the  vine  was  violently  uprooted,  hurled  to  the  ground, 
withered  by  the  fury  of  the  scorching  east  wind — a 
plain  allusion  to  tho  destruction  of  Judah  by  Babylon. 
It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  tho  fire  which  consumed 
her  issued  from  one  of  her  own  branches — a  pointed 
allusion  to  the  treachery  of  Zedekiah,  at  which  Ezekiel 
has  already  expressed  his  horror  (Hig).  Thus  no 
more  than  his  predecessors  will  Zedekiah  save  the 
state  :   ho  and  it  will  perish. 

XX.  The  Wicked  Past  and  the  Blessed  Future.— 
1-32.  A  Sketch  of  Israel's  Early  Idolatries.— It  is  now 
590  B.C.  Almost  a  year  has  elapsed  since  tho  last 
incident  that  was  dated  (81)  :  and  as  tho  doom  draws 
nearer,  the  prophet  grows  fiercer.  This  lurid  sketch 
of  Israel's  ancient  eins,  which  partly  recalls  ch.   16, 


was  occasioned  by  a  visit  of  some  elders  (cf.  81,  I4i), 
who  put  to  him  a  question  which  though  not  recorded, 
may  perhaps  be  inferred  from  32.  It  seems  probable 
that,  in  disgust  and  despair,  the  exiles  may  have  been 
on  the  point  of  throwing  over  their  allegiance  to 
Yahweh  who  seemed  so  impotent,  and  adopting  the 
worship  and  gods  of  tho  Babylonians.  This  gives 
Ezekiel  the  chance  to  denounce  the  wickedness  and  folly 
of  Israel's  idolatry,  so  ancient,  so  persistent,  and  so 
ruinous  in  its  consequences  (1-4). 

Israel's  idolatry  is  as  old  as  Yahweh's  choice  of  her. 
It  goes  back  to  P^gypt.  There  He  gave  them  a 
revelation,  made  gracious  promises,  and  in  return  only 
asked  them  to  abstain  from  Egyptian  idolatry  :  but 
they  refused,  and,  but  for  His  name's  sake  {i.e.  regard 
for  His  reputation,  which  would  have  suffered  had  His 
people  been  annihilated)  He  would  have  destroyed 
them  (5-9)-  When  Israel  left  Egypt  and  entered  the 
wilderness,  the  same  melancholy  story  was  repeated. 
At  Sinai  Yahweh  showed  His  favour  bj'  giving  them 
certain  laws  (such  as  we  find  in  Dt.  or  in  the  smaller 
Book  of  the  Covenant,  Ex.  20-23),  obedience  to  which 
would  have  meant  life  and  prosperity.  The  Sabbath 
is  singled  out  for  special  mention — significant  of  the 
high  place  it  received  in  exilic  and  post-exilic  times. 
But  Sabbath  and  laws  were  alike  despised,  and  it  was 
only  Yahweh's  pity  and  regard  for  His  name  that 
kept  Him  from  destroying  them  (10-17).  The  second 
generation  was  no  better  than  the  first  (18-27).  They 
too  profaned  the  Sabbath,  spurned  the  laws,  and  in- 
dulged in  idolatry,  so  that  Y'ahweh,  though  He  would 
not  destroy  them,  determined  to  scatter  them  one  day 
throughout  the  world  (an  allusion  to  exile).  The 
strangest  and  most  difficult  utterance  is  in  25f.  where 
Yahweh  is  represented  as  giving  them  statutes  which 
were  not  good.  The  allusion  appears  to  bo  to  some 
such  law  as  that  of  Ex.  13i2,  2229,  that  the  fii-st-bom 
must  be  offered  to  Yahweh,  interpreted  as  a  demand 
for  child  sacrifice  (in  spite  of  the  provision  that  "  the 
first-bom  of  man  "  was  to  be  redeemed).  Elsewhere 
Ezekiel  (1 620)  speaks  with  horror  of  the  practice,  and  ho 
cannot,  anj'  more  than  Jeremiah  (731*,  cf.  Lev.  821*), 
have  regarded  it  as  prescribed  by  Y'ahwen,  but,  at  the 
most,  as  permitted  by  Him,  on  the  principle  that  tho 
sin  of  idolatry  involves  such  frightful  misconceptions 
of  the  Divine  nature,  and  carries  such  awful  conse- 
quences in  its  train,  and  that  behind  all  development, 
law,  incident,  is  Y^ahweh  (Am.  36).  When  the  people 
emerged  from  the  wilderness  upon  the  promised  land, 
the  idolatries  of  Egypt  and  the  wilderness  were  suc- 
ceeded by  the  cruel  and  immoral  idolatries  upon  tho 
high  places  of  Canaan.  Such  a  people,  idolatrous  now 
as  then,  does  not  deserve  and  will  not  receive  an 
answer  from  Y'ahweh  through  His  prophet  (2S-32). 
(29  involves  an  unimportant  play  upon  Hebrew  words.) 

33-44.  The  Restoration  of  the  Future.— But  after  all, 
Yahweh  has  chosen  Israel  (5)  for  a  purpose,  and  that 
purpose  must  not  be  frustrated  ;  and  despite  the  sin 
and  darkness  of  the  present,  Ezekiel  looky  hopefully  out 
to  the  future.  But  first  there  must  be  a  sifting. 
Israel  is  to  bo  gathered  mto  the  wilderness  between 
Babylon  and  Canaan  (35)  and  passed  under  the  rod 
as  the  shepherd  passes  the  sheep  ;  there  the  rebels 
shall  be  left,  but  the  good  shall  be  brought  to  Canaan, 
and  with  self-loathing  and  penitent  hearts  they  will 
offer  on  Mount  Zion  acceptable  worship.  Then 
Yahwehs  gracious  purpose  will  be  fulfilled,  and  His 
power  and  His  character  will  be  recognised  by  Israel 
and  the  world  alike. 

XX.  45-XXI.  32.  The  Terrible  Sword  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar.— Hero  again,  as  shortly  before  (chs.  18f.),a  piece 


5i: 


EXEKIEL.  XX.  45-XXI,  32 


of  theological  oratory  is  followed  by  a  poem — this 
time  a  %\ilcl  irregular  dithyramb  (csp.  2l8-i7),the  toxt 
of  which  is,  unhappily,  corrupt  in  places  to  the  point 
of  desperation.  But  perhaps  its  very  perplexities 
reilect  the  tumult  of  the  prophets  soul.  The  nearer 
the  doom  approaches,  the  more  vividly  does  ho  con- 
ceive it. 

XX.  45-49.  Ho  begins  by  announcing  a  supernatural 
conilagration  in  the  south,  which  is  to  scorch  the  land 
bare.  On  Ezckiels  audience  objecting  to  his  allegori- 
cal description,  he  then  speaks  his  mind  with  deadly 
plainness. 

XXI.  1-7.  The  south  land  is  Judah,  and  in  iiartieular 
Jerusalem,  and  the  conflagration  is  the  fire  of  war,  or 
rather  the  sword  ;  and  the  whole  chapter  has  been 
well  called  The  Song  of  the  Sword.  It  is  Nebuchad- 
rezzar's sword,  but  it  is  even  more  truly  Yahweh's, 
for  He  has  drawn  it,  and  it  is  destined  to  slay  righteous 
and  wicked  alike.  (Ezekiol  sees  that  the  fall  of  Jeni- 
salem  will  involve  tliis  indiscriminate  destruction, 
though  this  rather  conflicts  with  his  theory  of  strict 
individual  retribution  which  lie  had  so  fully  expounded 
in  ch.  18.)  The  thought  of  this  inexorable  issue  maltes 
Ezekiels  heart  faint  and  sore. 

8-17.  This  awful  sword  will  do  its  work  well.  It  is 
sharp  and  shining,  ready  for  the  slaughter  of  Israers 
prmces  and  people,  a  great  murderous  sword  to  be 
brandished  again  and  yet  again.  It  will  strike  terror 
into  every  heart,  whirling  to  the  rear,  to  the  right,  to 
the  front,  to  the  left,  wherever  its  edge  has  been 
appointed  by  the  indignant  Yahweh  for  slaughter, 
(lo  and  13  defy  translation.) 

18-23.  This  deadly  sword  is  making  straight  for 
Jerusalem.  In  an  unusually  interesting  passage, 
Nebuchadrezzar  is  represented  as  reaching  a  point  in 
liis  westward  march  from  which  tv.o  roads  diverge,  one 
leading  to  the  capital  of  Amnion,  the  other  to  Jerusalem. 
Along  which  shall  he  move  ?  Li  various  ways  he 
seeks  to  ascertain  the  will  of  his  gods — by  shaking  two 
arrows,  one  marked  Rabbah  (Jor.  492*),  the  other 
Jerusalem,  and  drawing  one  out,  by  consulting  his 
images,  by  uispecting  the  liver  of  an  animal.  These 
superstitions  of  Nebuchadrezzar  were  all  overruled  to 
advance  Yahwehs  purpose.  The  lot  decided  for  a 
march  upon  Jerusalem,  and  though  the  infatuated 
inhabitants  are  represented  as  not  greatly  perturbed, 
the  Babylonian  advance  is  a  stem  reminder  of  Zede- 
kiah's  perfidy  (ITiq),  which  they  are  coming  to  avenge. 

24-27.  At  this  pomt  Ezekiel's  emotion  flames  mto 
white  heat.  He  apostrophises  the  "  wicked  "  Zedekiah, 
sees  him  stripped  of  his  regalia,  and  announces  for  his 
kingdom  utter  niin,  until  some  worthy  successor  shall 
arise — even  the  Messianic  king — to  whom  it  will  be 
given  back. 

28-32.  Ammon,  though  spared  for  the  moment  (22), 
shall  not  escape.  Despite  plausible  oraclos  to  the 
contrary,  the  sword  that  cut  so  deep  into  Judah  will 
cleave  Ammon  too  (in  29  for  "  thee  "'  read  "  it  "). 
The  Divine  fury  would  bo  wreaked  upon  her  through 
the  brutish  Babylonians  ;  but  unlike  Judah  (27)  she 
would  never  rise  again. 

XXII.  The  Sins  of  the  Classes  and  the  Masses.— 
The  doom  which  has  just  been  described  in  such 
fiercely  vivid  terms  contains  only  one  allusion  to  the 
Bins  which  justified  it  (212^,1).  This  chapter  details 
those  sins,  and  deals  with  the  present  as  20  had  dealt 
with  the  past,  incidentally  letting  us  see  what  Ezekiel 
means  by  sin. 

1-16.  The  Sin. — The  evils  denounced  are  largely 
social  wrongs  (c/.  ch.  18),  but  it  is  significant  that  the 
low  moraHty  is  traced  to  fake  religion — idolatry  (sf.) 


and  forgetfulness  of  God  (12),  cruelty,  oppression  of  the 
poor  and  defenceless,  immoraUty,  abnormality  in  the 
marriage  relationship,  rapacity- — these  moral  wrongs 
aro  associated  here,  as  in  ch.  18,  with  cultic  misde- 
meanours, e.g.  profanation  of  the  Sabbath. 

17-22.  The  Doom. — In  the  day  of  doom,  now  so 
near,  the  jxioplc  from  the  country  will  pour  for  pro- 
tection into  Jerusalem,  which,  under  stress  of  siege, 
will  become  as  a  furnace  in  which  they  shall  all  be 
melted  by  the  fierce  heat  of  the  Divine  anger.  No 
refining  process  this,  for  they  are  all  dross,  every  one, 
high  and  low  alike. 

25-31.  Classes  and  Masses. — The  princes  {i.e.  the 
court)  aro  equally  rapacious,  the  priests  make  no  dis- 
tinction between  the;  holy  and  the  common,  the  officials 
are  rapacious  and  dishonest,  the  prophets  whitewash 
defects  which  they  ought  to  expose  (c/.  ISioff.).  But 
the  common  people  are  aa  bad  as  their  leaders  :  they, 
too,  wrong  wherever  they  can.  Not  a  good  man 
among  them  all  to  save  the  city  from  destruction. 
(The  first  seven  words  of  25  should  read  simply  "  whose 
princes.") 

XXIII.  Fatal  Alliance  with  Foreigners.— This  is  the 
third  and  last  of  the  three  great  indictments  (16.  20) 
which  draw  their  material  from  the  past  rather  than 
(as  22)  from  the  present.  Its  underlying  imagery  is 
the  same  as  that  of  ch.  16,  but  it  differs  from  that 
chapter  in  deaUng  with  the  northern  and  southern 
kingdoms  separately  (cf.  I646)  and  in  emphasizincj 
political  rather  than  religious  entanglements,  though 
of  course  foreign  alliances  did  as  a  matter  of  fact 
involve  the  recognition  of  foreign  gods,  i.e.  idolatry  (7). 
Samaria  and  Jerusalem,  the  capitals  of  Israel  and 
Judah  respectivel3%  are  clescribed  as  sisters  married 
to  Yahweh  (cf.  Jacob  with  his  two  sister  wives).  Their 
names, Oholah  and  Ohohbah,  are  significantly  connected 
with  the  word  for  "  tent  "  (ohel),  and  probably  suggest 
the  tents  associated  with  the  false  worship  (I616). 
First  is  described  Samaria  s  coquetry  with  the  brUhant 
and  powerful  Assyrians— an  allusion  to  king  Mena- 
hem's  tribute  to  Assyria  about  738  b.c.  (2  K.  loig). 
This  introduction  of  Assj-rian  "  lovers "  to  Israel 
eventually  led  to  her  destruction  in  721  B.C.  (5-10). 
Judah,  who  might  have  learnt  the  lesson,  actually 
behaved  worse,  courting  first  the  Assyrians  (an  allusion 
to  Ahazs  appeal  to  Tiglath  Pileser  735  b.c.,  2  K.  I67), 
then  the  Babylonians  (11-21).  She  too  will  bo  stripped 
bare  by  the  very  lovers  she  had  court«d,  she  will  have 
to  drink  the  dreadful  cup  to  the  dregs  ( 22-35  )•  (Pekod, 
etc.,  in  23  are  on  the  borders  of  Elam,  E.  of  Babylonia.) 
Again  the  sisters'  crimes  are  passed  in  review,  especially 
their  wanton  invitations  to  foreigners  with  their  per- 
nicious pohtical  and  rehgious  consequences,  and  just 
judgment  is  pronounced  upon  them  m  terms  of  the 
cruelties  perpetrated  upon  prisoners  of  war  (25)  and 
adulteresses  (45) — a  warning  to  the  whole  world.  The 
allusion  is  chiefly  to  the  imiiending  fall  of  Jerusalem 
(Samaria  had  fallen  over  130  years  before). 
40.  paintedst  thine  eyes:  Jer.  430*. 
XXIV.  The  Last  Message  before  the  Fall  of  the  City. 
— 1-14.  The  Rusty  Caldron. — We  now  reach  the  last 
message  delivered  by  bvzekiel  before  the  fall  of  the  city  ; 
and,  curiously  enough,  it  was  dehvered  on  the  opening 
tlay  of  the  siege  (2  K.  25i) — an  event  of  which  Ezekiel 
must  have  known  by  his  gift  of  second  sight.  In  a 
probably  acted  parable,  the  city  is  compared  to  a  pot 
filled  with  pieces  of  flesh  (  =the  inhabitants),  mcludlng 
choice  pieces  (  =  tlie  leaders).  But  beneath  the  pot  a 
huge  fire  is  blazing,  symbolic  of  the  siege.  Then,  after 
boiling,  the  pieces  are  taken  out  in  any  order,  symbolic 
of  indiscriminate  dispersion  ;    but,  as  the  pot  is  rusty, 


EZEKIEL.  XXVII 


513 


it  is  set  again  empty  upon  the  furious  fire,  to  be  cleansed 
of  its  rust  by  the  flames.  Tlie  rust  is  symbolic  of  the 
blood,  shed  in  injustice  and  child  sacrifice,  and  of  the 
moral  and  ceremonial  foulness  of  the  people,  already 
BO  often  described.  The  blood,  which  there  was  no 
attempt  made  to  hide,  cries  aloud,  according  to  ancient 
Semitic  ideas,  for  vengeance  (Gen.  4io*) ;  and  the 
vengeance  falls  in  the  shape  of  the  terrible  discipline 
thus  symbolically  described.  (Probably  the  first  clause 
of  12  should  bo  deleted.) 

15-27.  Death  of  the  Prophet's  Wife. — But  not  only 
by  word  and  symbol,  but  in  the  experience  of  personal 
sorrow,  is  Ezekiel  a  prophet  and  a  sign  to  his  people. 
The  sudden  death  of  his  wife  at  this  time,  "  the  desire 
of  his  eyes,"  for  whom  he  was  forbidden  to  exhibit 
the  customary  signs  of  mourning,  is  an  adumbration 
to  the  people  of  the  impending  loss  of  Jerusalem,  and 
especially  of  the  Temple,  which  was  dear  to  them  as 
his  wife  was  to  him — a  loss  too  prostrating  to  be 
lamented  in  ordinary  ways,  but  expressing  itself  in 
a  certain  stupefaction  and  a  numbing  sense  of  guilt. 
(17  alludes  to  mourning  customs  :  instead  of  men 
should  perhaps  be  read  mourning.  From  21  we  learn 
that  in  the  deportation  of  597  B.C.  some  at  least  of  the 
children  were  left  behind.) 

WTien  the  day  came  that  a  fugitive  would  arrive  in 
Babylon  with  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem, 
Ezekiel's  reputation  as  a  prophet  would  be  vindicated, 
and  he  would  be  no  more  tongue-tied  (c/.  3322). 

XXV.-XXXII.  Oracles  against  the  Foreign  Nations. 

Ezekiel's  denunciations  (1-24)  are  now  over  ;  with 
the  news  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  his  prophecies  of 
restoration  will  begin  (33-48).  But  before  Israel  is 
restored,  those  who  are  opposed  to  her,  and  to  the 
Divine  purpose  which  is  so  mysteriously  bound  up 
with  her,  must  be  cleared  out  of  the  way.  Appro- 
priately therefore,  at  this  point  come  the  oracles  against 
the  foreign  nations — first  the  near  neighbours  who  had 
insulted  and  harassed  her,  then  those  more  distant 
and  powerful.  These  oracles,  however,  were  not 
written  between  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  the  siege ; 
some  of  them  clearly  imply  the  fall  of  the  city  (c/.  253). 
But  they  are  appropriately  inserted  here,  as  preliininary 
to  the  restoration. 

Oracles  against  Ammon  (XXV.  1-7),  Moab  (8-11) 
Edom  (12-14),  Philistia  (15-17).— All  of  these  petty 
powers  were  ancient  hereditary  enemies  of  Israel. 
Theu:  enmity  dated  back  to  the  days  before  the 
monarchy,  and  in  the  recent  disasters  and  sorrows  of 
Israel  had  expressed  itself  in  violent  and  maUcious  ways. 
The  Ammonites  had  instigated  the  treacherous  murder 
of  Gedahah,  the  Jew  whom  the  Babylonians  had  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Judah  (Jer.  40 14).  The  Edomitea 
had  behaved  with  savage  mahce  in  the  day  of  Jeru- 
salem's distress  (Ps.  1377),  as  also  had  the  Ammonites, 
who  stamped  and  shouted  for  joy  (Ezek.  253,6).  The 
fate  of  them  all  is  to  be  desolation  and  destruction — in 
the  case  of  the  Ammonites  and  Moabites  at  the  hands 
of  "  the  children  of  the  east,"  i.e.  the  nomads  of  the 
Arabian  desert  ;  in  the  case  of  Edom,  significantly 
enough  at  the  hands  of  Israel  herself  :  in  the  case  of 
the  Philistines  the  agent  of  the  Divine  vengeance  is 
left  vague.  All  these  nations  will  thus  be  taught  "  that 
I  am  Yahweh,"  the  mighty  Yahweh,  not  the  weak  God 
they  had  taken  Him  to  be,  as  they  contemplated  the 
fate  of  His  people.  The  saying  of  Moab  in  8  implies 
that  Judah  had  claimed  a  certain  pre-eminence  (c/. 
Dt.  4328.) ;  in  her  noblest  representatives  she  was 
bej'ond  all  question  the  spiritual  superior  of  all  her 
neighbours.  (In  9  read  "  from  the  cities  of  its  border  to 
the  glory  of  the  land  ";  the  three  citiee  mentioned  are  all 


N.  of  the  Arnon.     13,  Teman  in  north,  Dedan  m  south 
of  Edom.     16,  Cherethites  (p.  56),  a  Philistine  tribe.) 

XXVI.-XXVra.  Oracle  against  Tyre.  — From 
Israel's  petty  neighbours  with  their  petty  spite, 
Ezekiel  turns  to  the  great  empires  of  Tyre  (26fE.)  and 
Egypt  (29ff.).  They  too  must  go.  In  a  passage  of 
great  literary  power,  which  reveals  the  imaginative 
genius  of  Ezekiel,  ho  describes  the  briUiance  of 
Tyre,  the  range  of  her  commerce,  the  pity  and  terror 
inspired  by  her  (contemplated)  fall. 

XXVI.  Siege  and  Destruction  of  Tyre. — Tyre  is  the 
incarnation  of  unrestrained  commercialism  ;  and,  in 
the  mind  of  Ezekiel  her  doom  is  justified  by  the  malicious 
joy  with  which  she  hailed  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  whom, 
as  "  the  gate  of  the  peoples,"  she  regarded  as  in  some 
sort  a  rival,  taxing,  if  not  partially  intercepting,  the 
trade  that  passed  between  the  south  and  Tyre  (1-6). 
The  agent  of  Tyre's  destruction  is  to  be  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, against  whom  she  had  rebelled.  At  this  point 
there  is  a  realistic  description  of  an  ancient  siege  ;  and, 
when  at  length  the  island  city  is  taken,  it  will  ring 
with  the  unwonted  sound  of  chariot  wheels  and  horses' 
hoofs,  and  be  reduced  in  the  end  to  a  bare  rock  (7-14). 
(The  "  pillars  "  of  11  are  probably  those  associated 
with  the  temple  of  Melkart,  the  god  worshipped  in 
Tyre.     Even  he  could  not  save  his  city.) 

Then  the  maritime  states  involved  in  the  commerce 
of  Tyre  are  finely  imagined  as  moved  by  her  fall  to 
deep  and  genuine  sorrow,  which  they  express  in  a 
dirge  (15-18);  and,  as  the  city  siaks  beneath  the 
waves,  the  prophet  follows  her  with  his  imagination 
in  her  descent  to  the  great  primeval  wastes  of  the 
nether  world,  from  which  she  is  to  rise  nevermore 
(19-21).  (In  20  instead  of  "'  and  I  will  set  glory  "  read 
something  like  "  nor  remain  "  :   cf.  LXX.) 

XXVII.  The  Dirge  over  Tyre.— The  interest  of  the 
brilliant  poem  that  follows  is  greatly  enhanced  by  the 
description  of  the  commerce  of  Tj-re  in  a  pas.sage 
(96-250)  remarkable  alike  for  its  textual  difiiculty  and 
for  its  importance  as  a  source  for  our  knowledge  of  the 
trade  of  the  ancient  world.  Tyre  is  compared  to  a 
gallant  ship,  of  finished  beauty,  with  equipments  the 
finest  and  costliest,  manned  and  piloted  by  the  most 
skilful  of  sailors  (1-9).  In  5,  Senir  —  Hermon.  In  6, 
Kittim  =  Cyprus.  In  7,  Elishah  possibly = Italy  or 
SicUy.  In  8,  Zidon,  N.  of  T>Te  :  Arvad,  N.  of  Zidon  : 
Gebal,  between  Zidon  and  Arvad. 

Then  follows  (gb-z^a)  a  gorgeous  account  of  the 
commerce  of  Tjtc,  the  varied  commodities  which  were 
brought  to  her  (as  mistress  of  the  seas), and  the  distant 
lands  from  which  they  came.  In  the  description  of 
the  lands  a  certain  order  is  observable  :  (a)  the  Mediter- 
ranean shores,  (6)  Eastern  lands  in  three  parallel  lines 
drawn  from  south  to  north.  Two  verses  (lof.)  describe 
the  mercenaries  of  Tyre.  (By  Lud  and  Put,  if  not  also 
Persia  in  10,  are  probably  meant  African  peoples. 
Gammadim  (n)  is  quite  obscure.  Tarshish  (12)  in  S. 
Spain:  Javan  =  Ionia  or  Greece:  Tubal  and  Meshcch 
(Ps.  I2O5*),  S.  and  S.E.  of  the  Black  Sea,  Togarmah 
(14)  =  Armenia.  For  Syria  (16)  read  Edom.  Note  the 
products  of  Judah  and  Israel  in  17.  Minnith,  an 
Ammonite  town.  Pannag,  unknown,  should  perhaps  be 
donag  —  -w&x.  Helbon  (iS),  slightly  N.  of  Damascus. 
The  first  sentence  of  19  should  probably  read,  "  From 
Uzal  " — in  S.  Arabia — "  came  well-wrought  iron." 
Dedan  (20),  S.  of  Edom.  Kedar  (21),  N.  of  Arabia. 
Sheba  (22),  in  S.  Arabia.  Raamah,  possibly  near 
Persian  Gulf.  Haran  (23),  in  Mesopotamia,  associated 
with  Abraham.  Canneh,  site  unknown.  Eden  on 
middle  of  Euphrates.     Chilmad  (23)  unknown.) 

With  wares  from  all  these  far-oti  lands  the  gallant 

17 


514 


EZEKIEL,  XXVII 


ship  (I.e.  Tyre)  is  laden,  and  rowed  out  to  the  high 
seaa,  where  she  is  wrecked  by  a  mighty  east  wind 
(symboHc  of  Nebuchadrezzar).  Very  graphic  is  the 
description  of  the  sliip,  her  wares  and  company,  en- 
gulfed in  the  heart  of  the  sea  (26-28).  (In  28, "  suburbs  " 
perhaps  =  surrounding  regions).  Then  the  other  sea 
peoples  with  whom  Tyre  traded,  and  who  are  them- 
selves involved  in  her  ruin,  utter  a  dirge  in  expression 
of  their  amazement  and  sorrow  (29-36). 

XXVIII.  Tyre's  Fall  from  Heaven.— In  a  remarkable 
pa.s.sage,  Ezekiel  now  conceives  the  pride  of  Tyre  as  in- 
carnate iu  her  king.  The  detail  is  of  tec  obscure  and  difti 
cult,  reminiscent  of  a  mythological  background  similar 
to  Gen.  3.  The  commercial  genius  and  success  of  Tyro 
Hushed  her  with  impious  pride  :  she  fancied  herself 
divine.  But  her  marvellous  "  wisdom  "  was  only 
commercial  wisdom ;  she  had  no  instinct  for  the 
worship  of  anything  but  herself  and  her  abounding 
prosperity  :  so  the  terrible  Babylonians  must  come 
and  lay  them  low  in  an  unhonoured  death  (i-io).  A 
dirge  is  then  sung  over  the  fallen  genius  of  Tyre,  im- 
personated by  her  king.  Once  he  had  walked  in  tho 
garden  of  God,  fair,  wise,  and  resplendent,  companion 
of  the  cherubs  who  guard  the  holy  abode  ;  but  for  his 
pride  he  was  hurled  out  of  Paradise — symbol  of  the 
ruin  to  which  Tyre's  commercial  pride  will  bring  her. 
(In  12  the  meaning  of  "'  thou  sealest  up  the  sum  "  is 
quite  uncertain,  as  also  "  tabrets  and  pipes"  in  13. 
For  "  tho  anointed  cherub  that  covereth  "  (14),  which 
is  more  than  obscure,  should  possibly  bo  read  "  (set) 
among  the  cherubs  was  thy  dwelling."  The  last  clause 
of  16  should  perhaps  be  read,  "  tho  cherubs  with 
whom  thou  hadst  converse,  drove  thee  out,  etc.  " 
cf.  LXX.  The  "  fiery  stones  "  suggests  the  super- 
natural glories  of  the  sacred  moimtain.  [It  should 
perhaps  bo  mentioned  that  J.  G.  Frazer  (Adonis,  Alt  is, 
Osiris,  i.  114f  ). connects  the  walking  '"in  the  midst  of 
the  stones  of  fire"'  with  the  custom  of  tho  firo-walk, 
which  may  have  been  an  amelioration  of  an  earlier 
custom  of  burning  alive,  or,  as  is  suggested  in  Balder 
the  Beautiful,  ii.  Itf..  •'  merely  a  stringent  form  of  puri- 
fication."— A.  S.  p.] — For  '^^  sanctuaries  "in  18,  per- 
haps "  holiness.  "  In  16-19  the  conduct  and  fate  of 
the  king  tend  to  be  merged  in  that  of  the  city.) 

Zidon  shares  in  the  doom  of  Tyre  (20-23),  and  their 
destruction  is  meant  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  ulti- 
mate restoration  of  Israel,  and  the  glory  and  "  hoh- 
ness  "  of  Yahweh,  which  tho  restoration  of  Israel  and 
the  destruction  of  her  enemies  will  so  signally  illustrate 
(24-26).  These  verses  (24-26)  really  furnish  us  with  the 
key  to  the  whole  section  25-32. 

XXIX. -XXXII.  Oracle  against  Egypt.— Next  and 
last  to  be  denounced  is  Kg>Tt.  the  great  rival  of  Baby- 
lon, and  consequently  tho  opponent  of  Yahweh's  pur- 
pose. The  separate  oracles  were  written  either  not 
long  before  (29i)  or  not  long  after  (32i)  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem.  An  Egyptian  army  marched  to  the  relief 
of  the  city  during  the  siege  (Jer.  375)  ;  probably  296 
is  a  warning  of  the  futihty  of  this  attempt,  while  3O21 
may  definitely  refer  to  ita  repulse  by  the  Babvlonians. 
XXIX.  1-16.  The  FaU  and  Restoration  of  Egypt.— 
Pharaoh  (who  incarnates  the  genius  of  Egj'pt,  cf.  28), 
Lord  of  the  Nile,  is  compared  to  a  crocodile  (no  unapt 
symbol  of  tho  clumsy  strength  of  Egypt)  caught  and 
flung  upon  the  wilderness  (  =the  battlefield)  to  be  de- 
voured. This  is  the  doom  of  his  blasphemous  pride  ( 3) ; 
Israel  will  have  good  reason  to  learn  the  folly  of  trust- 
ing Egypt  (1-7).  (In  7  for  "  shoulder  "  read  "  hand  " 
with  LXX,  and  for  "  to  be  at  a  stand  "  read  "  to 
shake. ')  The  real  meaning  of  the  allegory  is  at  once 
made   plain   in   8-12.     A   sword   (Nebuchadrezzar's : 


cf.  30 10)  will  work  havoc  and  desolation  throughout 
the  length  of  the  land,  from  Migdol  (which  should  be 
read  instead  of  "  tower  ''  in  10)  in  the  north-east,  to 
Seveneh  (now  Assouan)  in  the  extreme  south.  Egypt's 
desolation  and  exile  are  to  last,  like  Judah's  (46)  forty 
years  :  then  she  will  bo  restored,  but  to  a  position  of 
no  political  importance,  so  that  Israel  will  bo  no  more 
tempted  to  commit  the  "  sin  '  of  trusting  her  (13-16). 
(Pathros  in  14  — Upper  Egypt.) 

XXIX.  17-20.  Egypt  and  Tyre.— This  Uttle  oracle, 
the  latest  in  the  book  (570  B.C.),  is  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable. It  is  a  practical  admission  that  Ezekiel'a 
elaborate  prophecy  of  tho  ruin  of  Tyro  (26fE.)  had  not 
been  fulfilled  ;  and  it  announces  that  the  Babylonian 
soldiers,  whose  shoulders  had  been  galled  by  the  navvy 
work  involved  in  tho  erection  of  a  mole  between  the 
mainland  and  the  island,  and,  in  general,  by  the  hard- 
ship of  the  siege,  which  is  said  by  Joscphus  to  have 
lasted  thirteen  years,  would  not  go  unrewarded.  They 
had  failed  to  win  the  spoil  of  Tyre — either  because  tho 
siege  was  unsuccessful  or  because  Tyre  capitulated  on 
very  favourable  terms — but  in  its  stead,  Ezekiel  here 
promises  them  the  conquest  of  Ilgypt,  with  the  spoil 
which  conquest  assured.  This  promise  further  shows 
that  Ezekiel's  forecast  of  the  ruin  of  Egypt,  uttered 
sixteen  years  before  (29ff.),  had  not  j'et  been  fulfilled. 
But  the  passage  also  shows  the  splendid  candour  of  the 
prophet,  in  allowing  these  unfulfilled  oracles  to  stand 
in  his  book  ;  and  this  may  fairly  he  regarded  as  proof 
that,  in  the  mind  of  Ezekiel,  they  either  had  been  or 
would  be  essentially  fulfilled.  For  essentially  the 
prophecies  mean  that  there  can  be  no  permanent  place 
in  the  world  for  a  godless  commercialism  or  for  a 
policy  blended  of  conceit  and  shuffling  insincerity. 

21.  Possibly  these  unfulfilled  oracles  had  discredited 
Ezekiel  and  again  compelled  him  to  silence.  But  in 
this,  possibly  Ms  last  utterance,  he  looks  forward  with 
joyful  confidence  both  to  his  own  future  and  that  of 
Israel.     (Horn = strength,  prosperity.) 

XXX.  The  Desolation  of  Egypt.— Ihe  interrupted  de- 
nunciation of  Egypt  is  resumed.  The  neighbours  and 
allies  will  be  involved  in  her  ruin,  which  is  to  be  effected 
by  Nebuchadrezzar  and  his  "terrible"  army  (1-12). 
(In  5,  for  "Put  and  Lud  "  see  27io:  for  "mingled 
people  "  read  "  Arabians."  For  "  Cub,"  read  "  Lub  " 
—  Lybians ;  and  for  the  next  clause  read  "  the 
Cretans.") 

The  collapse  of  Egypt  is  then  described  in  detail, 
the  towns  which  are  smgled  out  for  special  mention 
being  all  of  religious,  political,  or  military  importance 
(13-19)-  (In  13.  the  LaX  omits  tho  clause  referring  to 
"  idols,"  and  rightly  reads  "  magnates  "  for  "  images." 
Noph  (Is.  19i3*)=Memphis  (near  Cairo),  capital  of 
Lower  Egypt.  Pathros  =  Upper  Egypt.  Zoan  (Is. 
19ii*),  on  the  second  easterly  arm  of  tho  Nile.  No 
(Nah.  38*)=Thobes,  capital  of  Upper  Egypt.  Sin  = 
Pelusium.  on  eastern  frontier.  Avon  should  be  On  = 
Heliopolis.  Pi-beseth  =  Bubastis,  in  Lower  Egypt,  like 
On.  Tehaphnehes,  a  fortress  near  Pelusium.  In  18, 
for  "  yokes  "  read  "  sceptres.") 

The  next  oracle  (20-26)  announces  that  the  threat 
has  already  been  partially  fultillcd.  Nebuchadrezzar, 
who  is  really  Yahweh's  servant  and  wields  Y'ahweh's 
sword  (cf.  21 3)  has  already  broken  one  arm  of  Pharaoh, 
so  that  it  can  no  longer  hold  the  sword — an  allusion 
apparently'  to  Egj'pt's  unsuccessful  attempt  to  relieve 
the  beleaguered  Jerusalem  (cf.  Jer.  375).  All  these 
experiences  are  designed  to  teach  Egypt  the  power  and 
character  of  Yahweh.     (In  21,  roller  =  bandage. ) 

XXXI.  FaUen  Is  the  Mighty  Cedar.- In  this  striking 
poem,  Pharaoh  (  =  Egypt)  is  likened  to  a  cedar  of  sur- 


EZEKIEL,  XXXIII.  30-33 


515 


prising  height  and  beauty,  fed  by  the  waters  of  the 
deep  (i.e.  the  Nile)  and  giving  shelter  to  birds  and 
beasts  (t.e.  protection  to  dependent  peoples).  For 
beauty,  height,  luxuriance  no  tree  (=  nation) 'could 
compare  with  it — it  was  the  envy  of  all  (1-9).  (In  3 
delete  "  the  Assyrian,"  and  read  simply,  "  there  was 
a  cedar,"  etc.  For  "thick  boughs"  read  "clouds" 
with  LXX.  In  4  for  "  the  trees  of  the  field,"  read 
"  its  soil.") 

But  the  mighty  Nebuchadi'ezzar,  with  his  terrible 
army,  will  send  it  crashing  with  a  blow,  boughs  and 
branches  will  be  scattered  over  mountain  and  valley, 
those  whom  once  it  sheltered  will  sit  in  triumph  on 
its  ruins  ;  and  its  fate  will  serve  as  a  warning  to  others 
not  to  lift  themselves  haughtily  (10-14).  (In  12  water- 
courses =  ravines.     In  14  the  trees  =  nations. ) 

15-18.  Its  fall  would  bo  widely  mourned — by 
Lebanon,  on  which  it  grew,  and  by  the  waters,  which 
nourished  it.  Others  fainted  away  at  the  thought  that 
the  like  might  happen  to  themselves.  The  trees 
{i.e.  the  other  dead  nations)  in  the  underworld  would 
be  "  comforted  "  to  find  this  mighty  cedar  (Egypt) 
sharing  their  fate.  Thus  would  this  incomparable  tree 
— Pharaoh  and  his  multitude — be  brought  down  :  hke 
the  unburied  slain  they  would  lie  dishonoured  in  the 
underworld.  (In  15  omit  "  I  covered,"  and  read,  "  I 
caused  the  deep  to  mourn  for  him."  16.  "  Hell," 
i.e.  Sheol,  the  underworld.  17.  "  They  that  were  his 
arm,"  read  perhaps  "  his  helpers."  18.  Circumcision 
was  important  in  Egypt :  this  explains  the  peculiar 
horror  of  their  fate  in  Sheol.) 

XXXII.  1-16.  The  Dirge  over  Pharaoh. — A  dirge  is 
now  sung  over  Pharaoh,  in  which  he  is  likened,  as  before 
(293),  to  a  crocodile — brutal  and  turbuknt ;  but  Yahweh 
will  catch  him  in  His  net,  and  hurl  his  huge  dripping 
carcase  over  mountain  and  valley,  to  be  devoured 
by  beasts  and  birds.  Pharaoh,  the  brilhant  luminary 
(the  figure  changes  here),  shall  be  extinguished  ;  and 
other  nations,  when  they  behold  Egypt's  fate,  shall 
tremble  at  the  thought  that  the  like  may  happen  to 
themselves.  All  this  means  in  plain  terms  (11-15)  that 
Egypt  will  be  devastated  by  the  king  of  Babylon. 
(2.  The  opening  words  of  the  dirge  are  obscure  :  either 
"  thou  didst  liken  thyself  to  a  young  hon,  etc.,  but 
art  only  a  river  monster  "  ;  or  "  a  young  lion  ...  is 
come  upon  thee."  "  Rivers "  should  perhaps  be 
nostrils,  and  the  reference  to  blowing  water.  6  should 
perhaps  read,  "  I  will  water  the  land  with  thine  out- 
flow " — blood  being  a  correct  gloss.  9,  for  "  destruc- 
tion "  read  (LXX)  "  captives."  14  means  that  the 
land,  being  desolated  (15),  will  be  absolutely  still — it 
and  its  waters). 

XXXII.  17-32.  The  Descent  of  Egypt  to  the  Lower 
World. — This,  the  last  oracle  against  Egypt,  is  unusually 
fascinating,  whether  we  consider  its  sombro  imagina- 
tion, its  literary  power,  or  its  religious  importance.  It 
describes  the  descent  of  Pharaoh  and  his  multitude 
to  the  underworld,  and  tl.e  ironical  welcome  (cf.  Is.  I49f .) 
which  they  there  receive  from  the  heroes  of  the  olden 
time.  There  appear  to  be  two  divisions  in  Sheol — one 
for  those  heroes  who  have  been  honourably  buried,  the 
other  for  such  as  the  uncircumcised  and  those  who 
have  enjoyed  no  funeral  rites.  In  that  world  the 
national  distinctions  of  this  live  on.  Significantly 
enough,  seven  nations  are  mentioned,  four  great  and 
three  small — Assyria,  Elam  (south  of  Assyria),  Meshech 
and  Tubal  (cf.  27 13),  Edom,  the  North  (perhaps  the 
Syrians),  and  Zidon — and  each  is  in  a  place  by  itself, 
the  graves  of  the  people  grouped  round  the  grave  of 
their  king.  The  miglity  warriors  of  old  who  went 
down  to  Sheol  with  their  armour,  and  are  etill  reoog- 


nLsable  by  their  swords  and  shields  (27),  greet  the  new- 
comers with  the  words,  "  Descend  ye,  lie  ye  down 
with  the  uncircumcised  "  (21  :  so  LXX).  But  the 
power  of  them  all  is  departed  :  so  terrible  as  they 
were  in  this  world,  they  are  terrible  no  more  (cf.  Is. 
14io) :  and  Pharaoh  is  "comforted"  (cf.  31 16)  to  find 
that  they  too  are  in  the  pit.  The  weiid  effect  of  the 
passage  is  heightened  by  the  repetitions.  (The  last 
half  of  20  is  obscure.  In  27  for  "  uncircumcised  "  read 
"  olden  time  "  with  LXX  ;  and  for  "  iniquities  "  read 
"  shields."     In  32  for  "  I  have  put  "  read   "  he  put.") 

XXXIII.-XXXIX.  Changes  and  Preparations  Neces- 
sary for  the  Blessed  Future. 

Now  that  the  security  of  Israel  for  the  days  to  come 
is  guaranteed  by  the  destruction  of  the  foreign  nations, 
the  mood  of  the  prophet  changes — the  old  "  rebellious 
house  "  (25)  gives  place  to  "  the  children  of  my  people  " 
(332) — and  he  passes  on  to  his  programme  of  recon- 
struction. The  turning-point  is  constituted  by  the 
definite  announcement  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  brought 
to  Babylon  by  one  who  had  escaped  (21).  Ezekiel's 
gloomy  threats,  so  long  ignored  or  disbelieved,  ha\-e  at 
last  been  fulfilled  ;  his  prophetic  reputation  is  con- 
firmed ;  and  he  is  now  free  to  utter  his  message  of 
hope  and  promise,  to  prepare  his  people,  and  to  help 
them  to  prepare  themselves,  for  the  blessed  future, 
with  its  restoration  and  reorganisation  of  Israel,  which 
he  so  confidently  anticipates.  The  first  and  funda- 
mental item  on  his  programme  is  the 

Need  of  a  Deepened  Sense  of  Personal  Responsibility 
(XXXIII.),  and  this  alike  for  himself  and  his  hearers. 

1-9.  He  feels  that  he  is  responsible  for  them,  and 
that  they  are  responsible  for  themselves.  He  com- 
pares himself,  as  once  before  (3 16-21),  to  a  watchman 
whose  duty  is  to  raise  the  alarm  in  case  of  impending 
danger  ;  so  it  is  his,  in  view  of  the  crisis,  to  care  for 
and  warn  individual  souls. 

10-20.  But  the  people  are  despondent,  stupefied  by 
the  news  of  the  fall  of  the  city  (21),  sullenly  at  laat 
admitting  their  guilt,  but  believing  themselves  to  lie 
under  the  irrevocable  ban  of  their  past.  This  is  the 
mood  which  Ezekiel  sets  himself  strenuously  to  combat. 
This  he  does  by  telling  them  (a)  that  God  is  gracious 
and  yearns  not  for  the  destruction  but  for  the  conversion 
of  the  sinner  ;  (b)  that  the  important  thing  is  not 
what  a  man  has  been,  but  what  he  is  and  what  he 
allows  himself  to  become  ;  (c)  that  it  is  possible  for 
him  to  '  turn  "  and  live,  and  that,  when  once  he  has 
been  warned,  the  responsibiUty  is  his,  so  that  it  is  idle 
to  challenge  the  Divine  ways  as  inequitable.  In  all 
this  there  is  surely  a  very  real  gospel  (cf.  with  the 
whole  passage,  ch.  18). 

21-29.  This  message  of  comfort  to  the  exiles  stands 
in  striking  contrast  with  the  word  of  doom  announced 
against  those  who  were  allowed  to  remain  in  occupation 
of  Ji:dah  after  the  fall  of  the  city.  News  of  this  event, 
which  reached  the  exiles  six  months  after  it  took  place, 
confirmed  Ezekiel's  predictions,  established  his  reputa- 
tion as  a  true  prophet  (30),  and  enabled  him  to  declare 
his  message  from  this  time  on  without  sense  of  re- 
straint. Those  in  the  homeland  whom  he  denounces 
regarded  themselves  as  the  children  of  Abraham,  and 
true  heirs  of  the  land.  But  their  violent  and  immoral 
life  (the  mention  of  the  "  sword  '  in  26  perhaps  points 
to  their  being  implicated  in  the  assassination  oi 
Gedaliah ;  rf.  Jcr.  41)  shows  that  they  are  no  true 
children  of  Abraham  :  and  they  will  pay  the  penalty 
in  another  desolating  invasion  of  the  land  (a  threat 
fulfilled  by  the  invasion  of  581  B.C. ;  cf.  Jer.  5230). 

30-33.  A  vivid  picture  is  hero  presented  of  the 
popularity  now  enjoyed  by  Ezekiel,  and  of  the  pleasant 


516 


EZEKIEL,  XXXIII.  30-33 


impression  he  made.  But  he  is  too  earnest  to  be  misled 
by  these  things  ;  for,  though  the  people  listen,  they 
do  not  heed.  Lies  are  in  their  mouths  (so  LXX  in  31) 
and  their  heart  is  set  on  gain  :  and  once  again  they 
will  loam  how  true  his  stem  word  has  been. 

XXXIV.  1-10.  Importance  of  Good  Government.— 
But  besides  moral  excellence  on  the  part  of  its  citizens 
(33)  a  state  needs  good  government.  This  chapter  is 
a  very  severe  indictment  of  the  rulers  or  kings  of 
Israel  in  the  past,  who  are  compared  to  shepherds — 
and  the  figure  is  maintained  throughout  the  chapter — 
that  have  neglected  or  abused  the  flock.  Governors 
should  govern  in  the  interests  of  the  governed ;  but  those 
"  shepherds  "  had  used  their  power  to  feed  themselves 
and  not  the  flock — they  are  even  compared  in  10  to 
ravenous  beasts  (notice  "mouth").  It  was  tliis  mis- 
government  that  in  part  accounted  for  the  miseries, 
the  defeats,  the  exile  of  Israel. 

11-16.  Therefore  these  evil  shepherds  must  be  re- 
placed by  none  other  than  Yahweh  Himself,  the  great 
Shepherd  of  the  sheep,  who  will  lovingly  tend  them, 
and  seek  them  out  on  the  dark  and  cloudy  day,  and 
bring  them  back  (i.e.  from  exile)  to  their  own  true 
pasture-land.  (In  16  for  "  destroy  "  read,  with  LXX 
"  watch  over.") 

17-22.  But  among  the  flock  there  were  differences 
too,  the  strong  (i.e.  the  rich)  treating  the  weak  with 
selfishness  and  brutality.     This  too  will  end. 

23-31.  In  the  coming  days,  while  Yahweh  will 
indeed  be  chief  Shepherd,  there  will  still  be  an  earthly 
shepherd,  to  correspond  to  the  old  order  of  evil  shep- 
herds :  in  plain  words,  the  monarchy  will  continue,  but 
the  monarch  will  have  a  real  shepherd  heart.  His  title, 
"  my  servant  David,"  by  no  means  implies  the  resur- 
rection of  the  dead  king  of  the  olden  times,  but  only  a 
succession  (or  the  first  of  a  succession)  of  rulers  con- 
tinuing the  Davidic  line,  or  possibly  even  only  one 
who  will  rule  in  the  spirit  and  power  of  David.  Instead 
of  the  divided  kingdom,  whose  component  parts 
(Israel  and  Judah)  had  run  their  parallel  and  sometimes 
hostile  course  for  centuries,  will  be  the  united  kingdom, 
under  one  shepherd,  i.e.  one  king.  Then  will  come  the 
glorious  Messianic  days,  the  "  covenant  of  peace  "  or 
welfare,  whose  leading  features  will  be  the  fertility  of 
the  land,  the  extirpation  of  its  wild  beasts,  the  security 
of  its  people  from  native  and  foreign  oppressors. 
(26.  'My  hiU"=Zion.  But  perhaps  we  should  read, 
"  I  will  give  showers  of  rain  in  their  season.") 

XXXVf.  The  Occupation  of  the  Land.— Indispensable 
to  the  restoration  of  Israel  is  the  possession  of  Canaan 
— Israel's  land  and  Yahwch's  land  (35io). 

XXXV.  The  Destruction  of  Edom.— The  land  had  at 
the  time  been  threatened,  if  not  actually  overrun,  by 
the  Edomites  (2  ;  Mount  Seir=Edom),  between  whom 
and  Israel  there  had  been  from  time  immemorial  a  per- 
sistent hereditary  feud  (5;  cf.  Gen.  2740).  Possibly 
the  land,  including  the  old  northern  and  southern 
kingdoms  (10).  had  been  given  (12)  by  Nebuchadrezzar 
in  return  for  the  support  Edom  had  rendered  to  the 
Babylonians  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  (Ps.  1377).  The 
restoration  of  Israel  must,  therefore,  be  guaranteed 
by  the  destruction  of  Edom  {cf.  2012-14).  But  this 
destruction  is  morally  justified  on  three  grounds  :  (a)  by 
Edoms  cruel  and  ineradicable  antipathy  to  Israel  (5) ; 
(6)  by  her  occupation  of  Israel's  soil  and  her  implicit 
challenge  of  Yahweh  (10);  (c)  by  her  blasphemous 
pride.  Her  penalty  is,  therefore,  to  be  desolation, 
utter  and  irrevocable  ;  and  by  her  extinction  the  way 
is  cleared  for  Israel. 

XXXVI.  1-15.  The  Restoration  and  Renewal  0! 
Israels  Land.— This  chapter  is  brilliant  with  hope  and 


promise.  First  comes  a  fine  apostrophe  (1-15),  tremu- 
lous with  emotion  (cf.  4),  to  the  mountain  land  of 
Israel  (contrast  ch.  6).  Mocked  and  desolated  as  it 
had  been  by  the  enemy,  and  especially  by  Edom, 
Yahweh,  whose  own  honour  has  been  involved  in  these 
insults  to  His  land,  solemnly  vows  that  the  enemy 
shall  be  overtaken  by  the  doom  which  they  had  brought 
upon  Israel  (1-7).  His  favour,  however,  would  re- 
store Israel's  mountain  land,  which,  in  the  near  future 
(8)  would  be  more  fertile,  prosperous,  and  populous 
than  ever  before.  Never  again,  as  in  the  days  gone 
by,  would  she  devour  her  people  (13)  by  war,  or  pesti- 
lence, or  infertility  (8-15).  (For  "to  cast  it  out  "  in 
5,  read  perhaps  "  to  possess  it.")  At  this  point  the 
vision  of  the  renewed  land  glides  naturally  into  a 
vision  of  the  renewed  people,  thus  preparing  the  way 
for  ch.  37. 

XXXVI.  16-38.  The  Cleansing  and  Renewing  of  the 
People. — This  is  a  passage  of  peculiar  interest  and  im- 
portance, carrying  us  as  it  does  far  into  the  mind  and 
theology  of  Ezekiel.  First,  we  are  reminded  that  Israel's 
sins — of  bloodshed  (whether  child  sacrifice  or  judicial 
murder)  and  idolatry — had  obliged  Yahweh  to  drive 
them  into  exile.  In  this  way  they  had  "  profaned  His 
holy  name  among  the  nations,  "  who,  according  to 
ancient  notions,  naturally  regarded  Him  as  a  worthless 
God,  because  apparently  weak  and  unable  to  protect 
His  people.  To  vindicate  His  holiness,  therefore,  and 
to  reassert  His  reputation,  as  it  were,  in  the  eyes  of  a 
world  which  misimdcrstands  Him  and  fails  to  recognise 
the  moral  reasons  for  His  temporary  rejection  of 
Israel,  He  decrees  and  arranges  for  her  restoration  to 
her  own  land.  But  the  significant  thing  in  Ezekiel  is 
that  He  is  said  to  do  this  not  out  of  love  for  Israel, 
but  for  His  holy  name's  sake,  i.e.  to  vindicate  His  char- 
acter which  has  been  aspersed  and  misunderstood 
(17-23). 

But  for  this  restoration  the  people  must  be  worthily 
prepared :  (a)  by  the  forgiveness  of  their  sins — sjtu- 
bolised  by  the  cleansing  water  (25)  ;  (f>)  by  the  gift  of 
the  new  heart  or  spirit  (i.e.  disposition  or  nature),  im- 
pressionable, responsive  to  the  Divine  appeal,  obedient 
to  the  Divine  demands  (26f.).  Then  the  whole  country 
will  be  blessed  with  fertility  ;  and  this  marvellous 
transformation  of  the  situation,  this  expression  of 
Yahwehs  unmerited  grace,  has  the  double  effect  of 
leading  Israel  to  loathe  herself  for  her  sins  (31)  and 
the  surrounding  nations  to  recognise  the  sublime  power 
of  Yahweh  (35f.).  With  the  population  of  the  land 
reduced,  and  many  in  exile,  so  brilliant  a  prospect 
seemed  remote  enough  ;  but  to  meet  this  mood  of 
dejection,  the  prophet  promises  that  in  those  days 
men  will  be  as  numerous  as  the  sheep  that  flock  into 
Jerusalem  for  sacrifice  at  the  sacred  festivals. 

XXXVII.  1-14.  The  Resurrection  of  the  People.— 
Those  fair  ideals,  however,  cannot  abolish  the  melan- 
choly reality.  The  trutli  is  that  the  exiled  people  are 
as  good  as  dead  and  in  their  graves  (iif.).  Over  their 
despondent  words  the  imagination  of  Ezekiel  broods 
till  once,  in  an  ecstatic  mood  (i),  he  seemed  to  see 
a  valley  filled  with  bones,  multitudinous,  dry,  and 
loosely  scattered — for  they  have  not  even  the  coherence 
of  skeletons — so  that  there  seemed  no  promise  or 
possibility  of  life.  He  hears  a  Divine  voice — it  is  the 
voice  of  his  own  heart — asking,  "  Can  these  bones 
live  ?  "  and  gradually  it  is  borne  in  upon  him  that  the 
resuscitation  of  the  national  life  is  not  beyond  the 
power  of  God.  If  the  breath  of  the  Divine  life  be 
breathed  through  it.  then  the  people  may  yet  rise  to 
their  feet.  It  is  of  deep  significance  that  the  Divine 
resuscitating  word  has  to  be  spoken  by  the  prophet 


EZEKIEL,  XL-XLVIII 


617 


himself.  This  is  historically  true  of  the  place  of  Ezekiel 
in  the  revival  of  Jewish  nationalism,  and  profoundly 
suggestive  also  of  the  place  of  the  modern  preacher 
in  national  life.  With  weird  dramatic  power  the 
quickening  of  the  dead  valley  is  described,  step  by 
step,  until  the  once  dry  bones,  brought  together, 
clothed  with  flesh  and  vivified  by  the  mysterious  power 
of. God,  stand  like  an  organised  army — a  telling  symbol, 
as  12-14  explain,  of  the  coming  revival  of  Israel's 
national  life,  and  her  restoration  to  her  own  land. 
(The  mystery  of  this  powerful  passage  is  heightened 
by  the  use  of  the  same  word  in  Hebrew  for  wind, 
breath,  and  spirit.) 

15-28.  But  the  nation,  thus  quickened  and  restored, 
must  be  divided  no  more  into  two  kingdoms  (Judah 
and  Israel)  &s  it  had  been  since  the  rupture  in  937  B.C. 
The  unit}',  so  dear  to  the  prophet's  heart,  is  symboli- 
cally indicated  by  joining  one  stick  marked  "  Judah 
and  the  associated  tribes  "  (i.e.  Benjamin  and  Simeon) 
to  another  marked  "  Joseph,  i.e.  Ephraim  and  the 
associated  tribes  "  of  the  northern  kingdom.  Just  as 
there  is  to  be  one  undivided  kingdom,  so  there  must  be 
one  king,  ruling  in  the  spirit  and  power  of  David,  over 
a  cleansed  and  obedient  people,  devoted  to  the  true 
religion,  and  abhorring  idolatry.  The  land  will  be 
theirs  for  ever  and  the  dynasty  everlasting  ;  and  the 
guarantee  of  the  *'  covenant  of  peace  "  between  Israel 
and  her  God  will  be  the  presence  of  His  sanctuary  in 
the  midst  of  them,  which  would  prove  to  the  world  at 
large  that  Yahweh  had  "  sanctified  "  them,  i.e.  cliosen 
them  out  of  all  nations  and  set  them  apart.  (In  23,  for 
'"dwelling  places,"  read,  with  LXX,  "  backslidings.' 
With  24  cf.  3423.) 

XXXVim.  The  Final  Triumph  of  Yahweh  and  Estab- 
lishment of  Israel. — Now  that  Israel  is  regenerated  and 
restored,  and  her  nearer  neighbours  annihilated,  her 
future  security  might  seem  to  be  guaranteed,  and  the 
power,  "  holiness,"  uniqueness,  and  Godhead  of 
Yahweh  abundantly  and  permanently  vindicated. 
But  another  act  in  the  great  drama  of  revelation  and 
redemption  has  yet  to  take  place.  The  more  distant 
heathen  peoples  must  also  be  brought  to  the  conviction 
that  Yahweh  is  Lord.  So  they  are  represented — and 
in  this  Ezekiel  is  unique — as  at  some  future  day  attack- 
ing the  holy  land  and  peiishing  to  a  man  ingloriously. 
Thus  Israel's  future  is  permanently  guaranteed  and 
Yahweh's  uniqueness  vindicated. 

XXXVm.  Gog's  Invasion  (1-9),  Design  (10-16),  and 
Destruction  (17-23). — Gog,  of  the  land  of  Magog,  seems 
from  the  names  of  the  peoples  that  follow  (cf.  27 13) 
to  represent  the  mysterious  hordes  of  the  north,  and 
were  probably  suggested  to  Ezekiel  by  the  Scythian 
invasion  (cf.  393)  of  Western  Asia  about  630  B.C.  He, 
with  a  confederacy  of  peoples  from  the  extreme  south 
(27 10, 14  :  Gomer  =  Cimmerians  or  Cappadocians),  is 
summoned  by  Yahweh  to  swoop  down  upon  the  land 
of  Israel,  which  has  long  since  recovered  from  her 
desolation  and  is  now  enjojong  security  and  prosperity. 
(In  8,  "  visited  "  ="  mustered  for  service.") 

10-16.  The  security  is  pictorially  suggested  by  the 
defenceless  condition  of  the  cities,  which  are  without 
walls,  bars,  or  gates.  This  is  Gog's  opportunity,  and 
he  comes  against  Israel  with  Arab  slave  dealers  in  his 
train  (cf.  2715,22)  and  thoughts  of  plunder  and  destruc- 
tion in  his  heart,  lured  all  unwittingly  by  Yahweh  to 
his  own  destruction,  which  will  redound  to  the  glory 
of  Yahweh.  (In  12,  for  "  thine  hand  '"  read,  with  LXX. 
"  my  hand."  In  13,  for  "  young  lions  "  read  "  traders  " 
or  perhaps  "  C^rians."  In  14,  for  "  know  it  "  read, 
with  LXX,  "  bestir  thyself.") 

17-23.  This  experience  is  in  fulfilment  of  earlier 


prophecies — Ezekiel  may  be  thinking  of  prophecies  like 
Zeph.  1,  Jer.  3-6,  with  their  mtimations  of  Scythian 
invasion.  Then,  when  those  motley  hordes  were 
gathered  on  the  soil  of  Israel,  there  would  come  a 
fearful  earthquake  and  Yahweh  would  send  every  sort 
of  terror  (so,  with  LXX,  should  be  read  the  first  clause 
of  21) — the  terrors  being  elaborated  in  22 — which 
would  inspire  those  alien  hosts  with  supernatural  panic 
culminating  in  their  mutual  destruction.  Thus  would 
Yahweh's  greatness  and  "  holiness  "  be  revealed  before 
all  the  world. 

XXXIX.  1-10.  Gog's  Destruction  and  Burial.— This 
chapter  does  little  more  than  repeat,  with  variations, 
the  message  of  the  last.  The  slain  hordes  lie  thick 
upon  Lirael's  mountams  and  fields,  to  be  devoured  by 
beasts  and  birds.  Yahweh,  whose  power  is  not 
limited  to  His  own  land,  will  send  His  destructive  fire 
upon  the  enemy's  land  and  his  islands  in  the  Black 
(or  Mediterranean  ?)  Sea.  This  is  the  great  day  (8)  of 
which  the  prophets  have  spoken,  and  its  doings  wiU 
convince  the  world  of  the  uniqueness  of  Israel's  God. 
So  great  would  be  the  destruction  that  Israel,  which 
was  poor  in  wood,  would  find  weapons  enough  of  the 
invaders  to  bum  as  fuel  for  seven  years.  Thus  the 
spoilers  would  be  spoiled — a  precious  thought  to  later 
Judaism,  as  we  see  from  the  sanguinary  and  vindictive 
temper  of  the  Book  of  Esther. 

11-16.  To  cleanse  the  holy  land  from  the  defilement 
caused  by  the  corpses  of  these  heathen  hordes,  the 
common  people  were  to  spend  seven  months  in  collect- 
ing and  burying  them,  in  a  place  appointed  for  that 
purpose  east  of  the  Dead  Sea  ;  and  after  that,  to 
ensure  the  absolute  holiness  of  the  land,  permanent 
ofiicials  were  to  be  appointed  to  go  through  it  scrupu- 
lously marking  every  spot  where  even  a  bone  was 
found — that  it  might  be  buried  in  the  proper  place, 
and  the  land  cleansed  of  all  defilement.  (In  11  after 
"  place  "  add,  with  LXX,  "  of  renown.''  For  "  of 
them  that  pass  through,"  read  with  different  pointing 
"  of  the  Abarim,"  i.e.  some  valley  at  the  N.E.  comer 
of  the  Dead  Sea.  For  "  it  shall  stop,  etc."  we  should 
perhaps  read,  "  and  they — the  Israelites — shall  close 
(the  mouth  of)  the  valley."  Hamon  means  multitude. 
In  14  omit  '■  them  that  pass  through."  The  first  half 
of  16  is  obscure.) 

17-20.  Ezekiel's  imagination,  never  weary  of  con- 
templating the  destruction  of  those  alien  hordes,  now 
pictures  them  as  a  sacrifice,  to  devour  which  Yahweh 
invites  the  birds  and  beasts,  who  gorge  themselves 
with  their  flesh  and  blood. 

21.-29.-The  Purpose  of  the  Judgment. — The  effect  of 
this  decisive  judgment  is  to  bring  glory  to  Yahweh's 
name  :  for  the  world  must  now  see  that  it  is  not  Hia 
impotence  but  His  horror  of  sin  that  accounts  for  the 
calamities  and  e.xile  of  His  people.  But  now  their  re- 
demption is  complete  :  they  will  forget  (rather  than 
"  bear  "  in  26)  the  shame  of  bygone  daj's,  and  they 
will  live  secure  and  blessed  in  their  own  land  for  ever, 
because  Yahweh  has  put  His  spirit  within  them.  The 
way  is  now  completely  prepared  for  the  reconstruction 
with  which  the  book  closes  (40^8). 

XL.-XLVm.  Religious  Oi^anisatlon  of  the  People 
in  the  Messianic  Days. 

To  a  modem  taste  these  chapters,  crowded  with 
architectural  and  ritual  detail,  may  seem  dreary  and 
irrelevant :  to  Eztkiel  they  are  the  real  climax  of  his 
book,  the  crown  as  well  as  the  conclusion  of  all  his 
literary  and  religious  activity.  The  past  had  been 
stained  with  tl»c  record  of  innumerable  sins  against 
the  holiness  of  Yahweh  (16,  etc.)— His  ritual  no  Ic^ 
than  His  ethical  holiness  :    that  must   be  made  for 


518 


EXEKIEL.  XL.-XLVIII 


ever  hnpossible.  As  the  Gud  is  holy,  bo  must  the 
people  and  the  land  be  holy,  and  to  a  man  of  Ezekiel's 
priestly  temper,  that  can  be  secured  only  by  a  definitely 
organised  religious  constitution  and  by  a  minutely 
prescribed  ritual.  Already  we  have  seen  how  scrupu- 
lously the  land  waa  swept  clean  of  whatsoever  defiled 
it  (39ii-i6)  after  the  terrific  assault  of  Gog  and  hia 
hordes  :  this  is  significant  of  the  punctilious  purity 
which  must  everywhere  prevail,  and  moat  of  all  in  the 
formal  worship  of  the  sanctuary.  True,  the  people  of 
the  latter  days  will  be  in  possession  of  the  spirit  (3929) ; 
but  spirit  must  express  itself,  and  the  expression  must 
be  correct.  In  this  Ezekiel  furnishes  a  very  striking 
contrast  to  the  severe  spirituality  of  Jeremiah  (c/.  .Jer. 
3i6,  3133)- 

Two  considerations  should  be  steadily  held  before 
the  mind  in  pursuing  one's  way  through  the  labyrin- 
thine detail  which  seems  to  stand  in  so  little  real 
relation  to  pure  and  undefiled  religion,  (a)  One  is 
supplied  by  the  very  last  plirase  of  the  book — "  Yahweh 
is  there  "'  (4835).  This  is  the  name  of  the  holy  city 
whose  Temple,  worship,  and  ministers  are  described 
with  so  thorough  and  faithful  a  minuteness.  He  is 
there — there,  and  nowhere  else  with  the  same  com- 
pleteness, i.e.  among  the  people  whose  whole  life  and 
worship  and  approach  to  God  are  regulated  by  the 
standards  laid  down  by  Ilis  inspired  prophet.  This 
broad  principle  explains  and  controls  the  detail,  and 
helps  us  to  approach  it  more  sympathetically,  when 
we  see  the  faith  and  hope,  the  devotion  and  enthusiasm 
by  which  it  is  inspired,  (b)  This  whole  section,  ordain- 
inff  the  conditions  by  which  the  people  and  priests 
mny  maintain  the  requisite  holiness  and  so  make  it 
possible  for  their  holy  Grod  to  return  and  dwell  among 
them,  is  most  fully  appreciated  when  it  is  seen  as  the 
happy  counterpart  of  the  stern  chapters  8-11  with  their 
vivid  descriptions  of  the  base  idolatries  of  Israel,  and 
the  solemn  departure  of  Yahweh  Avhich  those  idolatries 
had  occasioned.  The  lurid  past  is  gone,  and  already 
Ezekiel  beholds  the  dawning  light  of  the  radiant  future, 
when  it  may  be  said  of  the  people,  '"  Yahweh  dwells 
among  them,"  and  of  the  city,  "  Yahweh  is  there." 
The  uninviting  detail  is  lit  with  the  presence  of  the  God 
who  had  once  withdrawn  because  His  holiness  had 
been  insulted,  but  who  has  returned  to  abide  with  His 
people  for  evermore,  because  they  know  and  do  His 
holy  will,  as  thus  revealed. 

The  section  is  of  great  importance  in  the  criticism 
of  the  Pentateuch,  and  for  the  historical  reconstruction 
of  the  development  of  OT.  Without  going  into  detail, 
-uflico  it  hero  to  say  broadly  that  the  legislation  here 
sketched  is  an  advance  on  Dt.,  and  prepares  the 
way  for  the  more  elaborate  legislation  of  the  so-called 
Priestly  Code  (P)  embodied  in  the  Book  of  Lev.  and 
the  cognate  sections  of  Ex.  and  Nu.  This  entirely 
agrees  with  what  we  know  of  the  dates  of  the  other 
codes.  There  are  excellent  reasons  for  believing  that 
the  Deuteronomic  legislation  waa  promulgated  in  the 
seventh  century  b.c.  (621)  and  the  Priestly  Code  in  the 
fifth.  Ezekiel'a  sketch  comes  between — in  the  sixth  : 
its  date,  to  be  precise,  is  572  (40i).  It  is  his  last  legacy 
to  his  people,  conceived  in  the  maturity  of  his  power, 
elaborated  with  superlative  accuracy,  instinct  with 
practical  wisdom,  and  destined  to  exercise  an  immeasur- 
able intluence  over  the  subsequent  religious  develop- 
ment of  his  iK'ople.     Soo  further  pp.  46f.,  129,  131. 

XL  -XLIII.  The  Temple.— XL.  1-4.  It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  tlie  sketch  starts  with  the  old  familiar  phrases 
'*  the  hand  of  Yahweh  was  ujxm  mo  "  and  "  in  the 
\-ision8  of  God  "  (c/.  1 1-3).  These  phra.ses  point  to  an 
ecstatic  experience.   It  is  higlily  improbable,  though  we 


need  not  aay  inoonoeivable,  that  the  details  of  the  sketoh 
were  flashed  upon  his  inward  eye  in  a  trance.  Doubt- 
less for  years  his  mind  liad  been  dwelling  long  and 
lovinfily  upon  it ;  but  there  is  nothing  improbable  in 
assuming  that,  in  some  sublime  ecsta.sy,  the  vision 
rose  before  him  as  a  whole,  with  all  it«  parts  compactly 
built  together.  It  came  to  him  on  New  Year's  Day, 
when  his  heart  would  readily  fill  with  hope  and  with 
thoughts  of  new  beginnuigs.  He  seemed  to  be  traas- 
ported  to  the  hill  on  which  Jerusalem  stood,  only  it 
seemed  of  far  more  than  its  natural  height,  and  on  it 
was  the  structure  of  the  Temple,  which  itself  looked 
like  a  city.  He  was  accompanied  by  a  supernatural 
guide,  prepared  to  tiike  the  measurements  of  the  build- 
ing, and  the  prophet  waa  instructed  to  declare  to  his 
people  what  he  saw. 

5-16.  He  is  first  struck  by  a  thick  wall  encircling  the 
Temple.  Steps  led  up  to  the  eastern  gateway  which 
pierced  the  wall,  and  on  each  side  of  which  were  three 
guard  -rooms. 

17-27.  Through  this  he  came  into  the  great  outer 
court,  round  which  ran  a  pavement,  with  thirty 
chambers  fronting  on  the  pavement — probably  for  the 
use  of  the  people  in  their  celebration  of  the  festal 
meals.  On  the  northern  and  southern  sides  of  the 
court  there  were  gateways  and  guard-rooms  similar  to 
those  on  the  east  side. 

28-37.  From  the  south  gate  of  the  outer  court  he 
crosses  to  another  court  gateway  (reached  by  a  flight 
of  steps)  which  leads  to  another  court — the  south  gate- 
way of  the  irmer  court,  which,  like  that  of  the  outer 
court,  had  also  guard-rooms  on  either  side  ;  and  on 
the  east  and  north  side  of  the  irmer  court  were  gate- 
ways precisely  similar. 

38-47.  By  the  (eastern  ?)  gate  (and  possibly  also 
the  northern  and  southern)  of  this  inner  court  was  a 
chamber  m  which  the  burnt  offering  was  washed. 
There  were  also  tables  on  which  the  animals  were  slain 
and  other  tables  on  which  the  instruments  of  slaughter 
were  placed.  At  the  south  there  was  a  chamber  for 
the  Levitical  priests  who  had  the  general  charge  of  the 
Temple,  and  at  the  north  another  for  the  Zadokito 
priests  who  had  more  particularly  charge  of  the  altar 
which  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  mner  court  and  in 
front  of  the  entrance  to  the  Temple  proper.  (In  44  for 
"  chambers  for  the  singers  "  read,  with  LXX,  '*  two 
chambers. ' " ) 

XL.  48-XLI.  4.  This  consisted  of  three  parts :  (a) 
the  porch — with  a  pillar  on  either  side  of  it — reached 
by  a  flight  of  steps  (48f.  ;  in  49,  for  "  eleven  "  read, 
with  LXX,  "  twelve  ') ;  (6)  the  nave  or  large  inner 
room  beyond  it  (the  "  holy  place  "),  whoee  name, 
"temple,"  was  often  applied  to  the  whole  .structure; 
(c)  beyond  that  the  mysterious  "  most  holy  "  place 
(half  the  length  of  the'  '•  holy  place  "),  where  Yah- 
weh dwells,  and  only  the  supernatural  guide  (but  not 
Ezekiel )  is  permitted  to  enter  ( 3f . ). 

XLI.  5-11.  Round  the  north,  west,  and  south  sides 
were  cells  in  three  stories,  thirty  on  each  story,  pos- 
sibly for  the  accommodation  of  Temple  furniture, 
gifts,  etc. 

12-14.  Behind  the  Temple,  at  the  extreme  west  of  the 
whole  area  enclosed  by  the  wall,  was  a  large  building, 
the  purpose  of  which  is  not  given — it  may  have  been 
used  for  storage.  The  Temple  building,  with  the  ground 
immediately  surrounding  it,  was  llK)  cubits  (about 
I'M  feet)  square. 

15-26.  The  interior  of  the  Temple  was  boarded  or 
panelled — no  stone  was  to  be  seen — the  walls  wore 
carved  with  double-faced  cheruba  and  palm-trees.  In 
front  of  the  most  holy  place  waa  a  small  altar  of  wood, 


EZEKIEL,  XLIV.  15-27 


519 


apparently  to  bo  identified  with  tlio  table  of  the  shew- 
bread  (in  olden  times  regaided  aa  food  for  the  God). 
Between  the  holy  and  the  most  holy  place  wore  carved 
doora  with  swinging  wings.  (The  meaning  of  the  words 
in  15  and  26  rendered  '"  galleries  and  thick  beams  "  is 
very  uncertain.) 

XLII.  1-14.  On  the  northern  (i)  and  southern  (10) 
sides  of  the  imier  court  and  facing  the  Temple  wero 
two  blocks  of  three-story  buildings  used  aa  refectories 
(13)  and  dressing  rooms  (14,  cf.  4419)  for  the  priests. 

15-26.  The  description  of  the  Temple  concludes  with 
a  summary  of  the  principal  measurements,  according 
to  which  the  whole  enclosure  is  .^00  cubits  {i.e.  750  feet) 
square.  According  to  48 1 2,  the  land  beyond  the  Temple 
enclosure  was  holy  ;  but  naturally  it  was  less  holy 
than  the  courts  and  buildings  which  stood  within  it. 
The  wall,  therefore,  marks  the  boundary  between  that 
which  waa  holy  and  that  which  was  relatively  profane. 

XLIII.  1-9.  The  description  of  the  Temple  is  fittingly 
followed  by  an  account  of  Yahwch's  solemn  entry  into 
it — a  passage  which  forms  the  real  climax  of  the  last 
section  of  the  book,  and  is  the  counterpart  to  His 
equally  solemn  departure  described  in  10i8£f.  and 
llaaff.  Girt  with  splendour,  He  re-enters  by  the 
eastern  gate  through  which  He  had  departed,  and 
from  the  midst  of  the  Temple  His  voice  rings  mysteri- 
ously forth,  declaring  that  there  Ho  will  dwell  for  ever 
in  the  midst  of  Israel.  But  whereas,  in  the  old  days  of 
the  monarchy,  palace  and  Temple  had  been  contiguous, 
separated  only  by  a  wall,  and  the  graves  of  the  kings 
had  defiled  the  Temple  by  their  proximity  to  it,  such 
profanations  and  defilements — no  less  than  every  trace 
of  idolatry — must  be  absolutely  removed  ;  and  then 
Yahweh  would  dwell  with  Israel  for  ever.  (In  3,  for 
"  I  came  "  read  "  He  came.") 

10-12.  Ezekiel  is  then  instructed  to  show  his  plan  of 
the  Temple  to  the  people.  The  very  sight  of  it  is 
expected  to  inspiie  them  with  shame  for  their  past ; 
while,  to  preserve  them  from  error  in  the  days  to 
come,  further  instructions  are  promised  for  the*-conduct 
of  the  service.  Supreme  sanctity  is  to  attach  to  the 
entire  summit  of  the  Temple  hill,  no  part  of  it  being 
abandoned  to  any  secular  use  whatever. 

13-27.  The  Altar. — In  a  system  of  worship  based 
upon  sacrifice,  the  altar  is  of  special  importance  :  its 
dimensions  (13-17)  and  consecration  (18-27)  are  there- 
fore elaborately  described.  Approached  by  steps  (17), 
it  consisted  of  four  square  stones,  each  smaller  in 
breadth  but  greater  in  height  than  the  one  below  it, 
ranging  from  a  base  of  27  feet  square  and  1  i  feet  high, 
to  the  "  hearth  "  at  the  top  (on  which  the  victim  was 
laid)  18  feet  square  and  6  feet  high — thus  preserving 
the  proportion  of  two  to  three  characteristic  of  the 
rooms  of  the  Temple  proper.  Above  the  hearth  were 
horns  (13-17).  The  altar  was  consecrated  by  a  seven 
day's  sacrifice,  offered  by  the  Zadokite  priests,  who 
spiinkled  with  blood  the  horns  and  the  border  round 
about.  Thereafter  the  regular  sacrifices  could  bo 
acceptably  offered  upon  it. 

XLIV.-XLVI.  The  Temple  Officers  and  Festivals. 
XLIV.  1-3. — From  the  inner  court  where  he  had  seen 
the  Divine  glory  and  heard  the  mysterious  voice  (435f.) 
the  prophet  was  led  back  to  the  outer  eastern  gate  ;  but 
aa  Yahweh  had  crossed  its  threshold  on  re-entering  the 
Temple  {cf.  1  Sam.  05)  it  was  for  ever  after  to  remain 
shut  Only  the  "  prince  "" — i.e.  the  king  of  the  Messianic 
days — was  privileged  to  "'  eat  bread  lieforo  Yahweh," 
i.e.  to  partake  of  the  fustal  meal,  in  the  vestibule. 

4-14.  The  Levites. — The  regulations  that  follow  are 
among  the  most  important  in  the  book,  and  they  have 
played  a  great  part  in  tho  critical  rearrangement  of 


OT  literatnre  and  tho  consequent  reconstruction  of 
OT  history  (p.  129).  The  drastic  character  of  tho  in- 
novation about  to  be  described  is  forcibly  suggested 
by  the  solemn  introduction  in  5.  In  tho  past  tho 
menial  offices  of  the  sanctuary  had  been  discharged  by 
"  aliens  " — often  probably  prisoners  of  war — "  uncir- 
cumcised  in  flesh  "  and  therefore,  from  Ezekiel's  point 
of  view,  also  "  uncircumcised  in  heart."  That  is  an 
"  abomination,"  to  be  tolerated  no  more  within 
Yahweh's  "  holy  "  house.  But  who  is  henceforth  to 
discharge  those  duties  ?  "  The  Levites,"  Ezekiel 
answers  ;  and  by  that  he  means  those  who  had 
officiated  at  the  worship  of  the  high  places,  nominally 
no  doubt  a  Yahweh  worship,  but  in  reality,  and 
especially  to  a  man  Like  Ezekiel,  idolatrous.  When 
these  country  sanctuaries  were  declared  illegitimate  in 
the  time  of  Josiah  (2  K.  22f.)  the  new  legislation  per- 
mitted them  to  come  to  Jenisalem  and  officiate  on 
equal  terms  with  the  priests  of  the  Jerusalem  Temple 
(Dt.  18'S-s).  But  this  generous  concession  was 
thwarted  by  the  intolerant  attitude  of  the  Jerusalem 
priests  (2  K.  239).  Ezekiel  here  solves  the  problem  by 
admitting  them  indeed  to  the  sanctuary  service,  but 
only  to  the  humbler  offices,  such  as  the  watching  of  the 
gates,  the  slaying  of  the  sacrificial  animals,  etc.  They 
could  not  offer  sacrifice — that  was  the  privilege  of  the 
priests  alone.  Thus,  while  formerly  priests  and  Levites 
were  synonymous  and  every  Levite  might  be  a  priest, 
Ezekiel  distinguishes  sharply  between  them,  and  the 
distinction  is  presupposed  throughout  the  priestly 
Uterature  in  the  middle  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  re- 
flects the  opinions  and  usage  of  the  post-exiUc  Church, 
in  this  as  in  so  much  else  influenced  by  Ezekiel.  In 
other  words  he  regards  the  position  of  the  Levites  at 
the  Temple  as  a  degradation  imposed  upon  them  as  a 
penalty  for  their  participation  in  the  idolatrous  worship 
of  the  high  places.  (6,  "  rebellious,"  recalls  the  stem 
tones  of  the  first  half  of  the  book.  In  7,  for  "  they 
have  broken  "  read,  with  LXX,  "  ye  broke."  In  8,  for 
"  set  keepers  "  read,  "  set  them  as  keepers."  For  "  for 
yourselves  '  read  "  therefore,"  which  introduces  9. 
12,  "  lifted  up  mine  hand,"  i.e.  in  oath.) 

15-27.  The  Priests.  {Their  dvties.y— The  only 
officials  qualified  to  bear  the  name  or  discharge  the 
duties  of  priests — especially  the  duty  of  sacrifice — are 
the  Zadokites,  i.e.  the  descendants  of  the  Zadok  who 
had  been  appointed  head  of  the  Jerusalem  priesthood 
by  Solomon,  when  Abiathar,  who  had  sided  with 
Adonijah,  was  deposed  (1  K.  235).  Doubtless  the 
Jerusalem  priests  were,  in  point  of  morality  and  re- 
ligion, superior,  broadly  speaking,  to  the  country 
priests  {cf.  15),  though  the  revelations  in  ch.  8  show 
that  the  Temple  worship  could  be  depraved  enough  ; 
but  the  high  prerogatives  are  here  conferred  upon  them, 
just  because  of  their  connexion  with  Jerusalem.  Their 
officiating  dress,  which  was  to  be  of  linen,  they  had  to 
change,  before  going  out  to  the  people  in  the  outer 
court  :  otherwise  the  sanctity  of  the  dress  would  have 
been  transferred  to  the  people  with  whom  thej'  came  in 
contact,  and  rendered  them  unfit  for  secular  occupations 
(Gen.  352*).  Other  restrictions  follow  touching  the  hair, 
drink,  and  marriage  of  the  priests.  It  is  significant 
that  wine  must  not  be  drunk  by  a  priest  who  is  about 
to  officiate,  nor  must  he  incur  defilement  by  touching 
a  dead  body,  except  in  the  case  of  very  near  blood- 
relations.  The  wife,  however,  is  excluded.  a,s  she  is 
not  a  blood-relation,  and  the  married  daughter,  as.  by 
her  maniage.  she  has  passed  into  another  family.  In 
the  suggastion  of  "  uncleanness  "  involved  by  contaot 
with  the  dead,  we  have  probably  an  implicit  protest 
against  the  worship  of  the  dead  (Iv»n-.  52.  Nu.  19*). 


520 


EZEKIEL.  XLIV.  15-27 


The  duties  of  the  priesta  (a^f.),  in  addition  to  the 
offering  of  sacrifice,  are  to  teach  the  people  the  dis- 
tinction between  that  which  is  ritually  clean  and  un- 
clean, holy  and  unholy,  to  decide  controversies,  and 
to  arrange  for  the  festivals  and  the  hallowing  of  the 
Sabbath.  (In  26,  for  "is  cloaiised  "  read,  with  Syr., 
"  has  incurred  defilement."') 

28-31.  The  Priests.  {77i€i/r«ve«»fts.)— Certain  offer- 
ings are  to  be  the  perquisites  of  the  priests,  also — as 
they  are  the  representatives  of  the  Doity — the  best  of 
the  first-fruits.  Formerly  the  sin-offering  and  the 
guilt-offering  had  been  paid  to  them  in  money  (2  K. 
12 16).  The  welfare  of  the  people  would  depend  upon 
their  fidelity  to  the  claims  of  the  priests.  The  ro- 
strictionti  in  31  had  formerly  applied  to  all  the  people 
(Ex.  2231).     (In  28  for  "  an  "  read  '"  no.") 

XLV.  1-4.  The  Priests.  (Their  estates.}— A  rectan- 
gular space,  roughly  eight  miles  by  three,  in  the  centre 
of  which  was  the  sanctuary,  is  to  be  reserved  for  the 
priests. 

Immediately  north  of  this  was  an  area  of  similar 
extent  for  the  Levitcs  (5),  and  south  of  it  lay  the  city 
with  it«  adjacent  territory,  occupying  an  area  of  about 
eight  miles  by  two  (6) — the  whole  thus  forming  a 
square.  East  of  this,  stretching  to  the  Jordan,  and 
west  to  the  Mediterranean,  were  the  domains  of  the 
prince  (6-8).  (In  5  for  "  twenty  chambers  "  read,  with 
LXX,  "  cities  to  dwell  in.") 

9-17.  The  Prince.  (His  duties  and  rights.) — The 
ominous  allusion  in  8  to  the  oppression  of  Israel  by 
her  Irings  in  the  past  leads  Ezekiel  to  an  earnest  ex- 
hortation to  have  done  with  injustice  and  to  maintain 
inflexible  moral  principles  in  civil  and  commercial  life 
for  the  daj's  to  come.  This  was  to  be  secured  by 
standardising  the  weights  and  measures,  so  that  it 
would  be  beyond  the  power  of  the  reigning  monarch 
to  alter  them  in  his  own  interests.  "  Five  shekels  shall 
be  five  (not  less)  and  ten  ten,  and  fifty  shall  be  your 
mina."  (So  LXX  Alex.)  The  "  exactions  "  of  9  are 
such  iniquitous  expulsions  as  Naboth  had  suffered  at 
the  hands  of  Ahab  (1  K.  21).  The  homer  was  about 
II  bushels  (dry  measure)  and  90  gallons  (liquid 
measure) :  the  shekel  about  2s.  6d.  (though  its  pur- 
chasing jjower  was  about  ten  times  as  great  as  now). 
The  prince  derived  his  revenues  from  a  tax  upon  the 
people  of  1  per  cent,  of  oil,  1§  of  wheat  and  barley,  and 
\  per  cent  of  lambs  ;  but  from  these  revenues  he  had  the 
obligation  of  providing  for  the  offerings  required  in 
public  worship.  (In  15  for  "  fat  pastures  '  read,  with 
LXX,  "  families.") 

XLV.  18-XLVI.  15.  Festivals  and  Offerings. 

XLV.  18-25.  The  Passover  and  Harvest  Festivals.— 
The  mention  of  the  prince's  responsibility  for  pro- 
viding the  festival  offerings  is  appropriately  followed 
by  a  description  of  the  festivals  themselves.  And  first 
the  two  half-yearly  festivals — of  the  passover  in  the  first 
month  (i.e.  in  spring),  and  of  the  harvest  or  "  booths  " 
(it  is  here  simply  called  the  festival,  25)  in  the  seventh. 
Each  begins  in  the  middle  of  the  month  and  last«  for 
a  week  :  while,  to  ensure  the  ceremonial  purity  of  the 
sanctuary,  which  may  have  been  endangered  by  error 
or  ignorance,  each  of  the  festivals  is  preceded  on  the 
first  of  the  month  by  a  day  of  atonement  (18-20).  (In 
20  read,  with  LXX,  "  on  the  first  day  of  the  seventh 
month.") 

XLVL  1-15.  The  Sabbath,  New  Moon,  and  Other 
Festivals. — On  the  Sabbath  day,  seven  animals,  be- 
sides meal  and  oil,  were  to  be  offered  ;  on  the  new 
moon  the  offering  was  the  same,  with  the  addition  of 
a  bullock.  The  prince,  who  might  not  enter  into  the 
sacred  inner  court,  watched  the  sacrifice  i)eing  offered 


from  his  place  at  the  threshold  of  its  eastern  gate 
(1-7).  To  prevent  confusion  the  worshippers  were 
obliged  to  leave  the  outer  court  by  the  opposite  gate 
from  that  by  which  they  had  entered  (8f.).  It  was 
the  prince's  duty  to  provide  for  the  daily  burnt  offer- 
ing. When,  in  addition  to  this,  ho  made  a  free-will 
ottering,  the  eastern  gate  of  the  inner  court  was  opened 
for  him,  as  on  the  Sabbath  and  new  moon  (11-15). 

16-18.  Crown  Rights  and  Restrictions.— The  prince 
was  at  liberty  to  gift  part  of  his  estate  inalienably  to 
his  sons  :  but  what  was  deeded  to  a  courtier  reverted 
to  the  crown  on  the  year  of  release  (i.e.  the  seventh 
year,  c/.  Jer.  34i4,  or,  less  probably,  the  fiftieth  year, 
cf.  Lev.  25 10).  The  prince  was  not  at  liberty  to 
appropriate,  under  any  pretext,  any  of  the  land  of 
the  common  people,  as  Ahab  had  seized  the  vineyard 
of  Naboth  (1  K.  21). 

19-24.  Kitchens  for  Priests  and  People. — To  preserve 
the  distinction  between  the  less  and  the  more  holy 
there  were  two  sets  of  kitchens  for  the  boiling  and 
baking  of  the  sacrificial  offerings — for  the  priests,  at 
the  north-west  and  south-west  comers  of  the  inner 
court,  and  for  the  people  at  the  four  comers  of  the 
outer  court.  (This  section  would  appropriately  follow 
4214.    In  22,  for  "  inclosed  "  read,  with  LXX,  "  small."') 

XLVU,  XLVIII.  The  Holy  Land,  its  Beauty.  Bound- 
aries, and  Divisions. 

Now  that  the  Temple  and  its  worship,  which  are 
indispensable  to  the  welfare  of  the  land,  have  been 
described,  Ezekiel  directs  his  parting  glance  to  the 
land  itself,  introducing  his  description  with  a  beautiful 
and  suggestive  picture,  particularly  refreshing  after 
the  long  stretch  of  minute  ceremonial  detail,  of  the 
life-giving  stream  that  flowed  from  the  heart  of  the 
sanctuary.  The  clearness  and  keenness  with  which 
the  prophet's  imagination  is  working,  comes  out  in  the 
frequent  repetition  of  the  word  "  Behold." 

XLVII.  1-12.  The  River  of  Life.— From  under  the 
threshold  of  the  Temple  the  prophet,  led  by  his  super- 
natural guide,  is  startled  to  see  water  trickling  out 
and  flowing  past  the  altar  eastwards,  growing  deeper 
and  stronger  as  it  flows,  in  the  direction  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  into  which  it  finally  falls.  On  the  banks  of  the 
river  were  trees  both  fair  and  fruitful,  which  yielded 
food  for  the  hungry,  and  healing  for  the  sick  ;  to  all 
the  desert  region  through  which  it  flowed  it  brought 
beauty  and  life,  and  the  life  which  it  brought  to  the 
waters  of  the  Dead  Sea  was  abundantly  evidenced  by 
the  shoals  of  fish,  which  recalled  the  teeming  life  of 
the  great  (Mediterranean)  sea.  The  eyes  of  the 
prophefs  faith  can  see  even  the  fishermen  with  their 
boats  and  nets,  all  the  waj'  from  Engedi  on  the  middle 
of  its  western  shores  to  Eneglaim  on  the  north.  OrUy 
the  salt  swamps  and  marshes  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  sea  would  remain  unaffected,  in  order  that  salt  in 
the  future  might  be  as  abundant  as  now.  This  splendid 
imagination  vividlj'  suggests  the  beneficent  and  life- 
giving  influences  that  will  stream  forth  from  the 
Church  of  God  upon  the  sick  and  famished  souls  of  a 
dead  and  arid  world.  (In  8,  "into  the  sea,  etc."  should 
read  "  into  the  salt  waters.") 

13-20.  Boundaries  ol  the  Land. — The  northern 
boundarj'  was  to  nn»  from  a  point  on  the  Mediterranean 
a  little  north  of  Tyre  ea.slward  in  the  direction  of 
Damascus,  the  eastern  boundary  would  stretch  along 
the  sea  of  Galilee,  the  Jordan,  and  the  Dead  Sea  to  a 
point  a  little  to  the  south,  the  southern  boundary  ran 
from  this  point  west  to  the  Mediterranean,  which 
naturally  constituted  the  western  boundary.  No  land 
was  included  east  of  the  Jordan.  As  iJevi  did  not 
count  (4428),  the  number  twelve  was   made  up  by 


EZEKIEL,  XL VIII.  35 


521 


reckoning  Joseph  (13)  as  two  tribes — Ei^hraim  and 
Manasseh.  (Many  of  the  places  named  in  this  list  are 
unidentified.) 

21-23.  The  Law  of  the  Alien. — For  the  purposes  of 
the  allotment,  resident  aliens  who  had  families  were 
to  be  reckoned  as  native  Israelites. 

XLVIII.  The  Tribal  Allotments.— The  holy  city, 
Jerusalem,  with  its  environments  is  significantly  re- 
garded as  the  true  centre,  geographical  no  less  than 
religious,  of  the  country  ;  but,  as  in  point  of  fact  it 
really  laj'  in  the  southern  half,  the  prophet,  in  his 
ideal  allotment  of  the  land,  makes  a  concession  to 
geographical  fact  by  putting  seven  tribes  to  the  north, 
arranged  in  parallel  strips,  viz.  Dan,  Asher,  Naphtali, 
Manasseh,  Ephraim,  Reuben,  and  Judah  (1-7),  and  five 
to  the  south,  Benjamin,  Simeon,  Issachar,  Zebulon, 
and  Gad  (23-29). 

9-22,  The  Sacred  Reservation. — Between  Judah  and 
Benjamin  lay  the  sacred  reservation,  a  piece  of  land 
about  eight  miles  square.  The  northern  part — roughly 
eight  miles  by  three — was  reserved  for  the  Levites  ; 
the  middle  part,  of  the  same  size,  in  the  centre  of 
which  was  the  Temple,  was  reserved  for  the  priests. 
In  the  middle  of  the  southern  part — roughly  eight 


miles  by  two — lay  the  city,  about  a  mile  and  a  half 
square,  with  a  strip  of  land  ("  suburbs  ")  round  it, 
devoted  to  general  city  purposes  :  while  east  and  west 
of  the  city  up  to  the  bounds  of  the  sacred  square  re- 
serve, were  the  communal  lands  devoted  to  agricultural 
purposes.  The  population  of  the  city  was  to  be  made 
up  out  of  all  the  tribes^  and  therefore  symbolic  of 
Israel's  unity  {8-20).  The  territory  between  Judah 
and  Benjamin  east  and  west  of  the  sacred  reserve, 
i.e.  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea  on  the  other,  was  to  be 
reserved  for  the  prince.  This  position  would  give  him 
a  certain  association  with  the  sacred  reserve,  and  pro- 
vide him  with  materials  for  the  Temple  ofieringa. 
(This  paragraph  amplifies  45 1-8.) 

30-34.  The  Gates  of  the  City.— On  each  of  the  four 
sides  of  the  city,  which  was  about  six  miles  in  cir- 
cumference, were  three  gates,  named  after  the  twelve 
tribes  of  Israel. 

35.  The  Name  of  the  City.— The  name  of  the  city, 
Yahweh  is  there,  finely  suggests  the  great  protecting 
Presence  which  inspires  all  her  activity  and  worship, 
and  brings  the  prophet's  intricate  description  to  a 
most  stately  and  impressive  close. 


11(1 


DANIEL 


By  Professor  H.  T.  ANDREWS 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Traditional  View  maintains  that,  the  Book  of 
Daniel  was  writton  by  Daniel  himself,  and  is  therefore 
a  contonipcjrary  record  of  the  events  which  it  records. 
This  view,  though  it  was  challenged  by  PorphjTy  the 
Neo-Platonist  (died  a.d.  303).  practically  held  the  field 
till  the  end  of  the  eight<;cnth  century,  when  Gorrodi 
boldly  advanced  the  modem  theory  which  has  won  the 
support  of  such  distinguished  scholars  as  Eichhom, 
Gk«enius,  Bleek,  Ewald,  Wellhauscn,  Cheyue,  Driver, 
Charles,  G.  A.  Smith,  to  mention  but  a  few.  In  fact, 
it  may  be  said  that  no  OT  scholar  of  any  repute  now 
maintains  that  the  Book  was  written  by  Daniel. 

The  Reasons  for  the  Abandonment  of  the  Traditional 
View. — The  grounds  upon  which  modern  scholarship 
abandons  the  \iew  that  the  Boole  was  the  work  of 
Daniel  may  be  stated  as  follows  :  (l)  The  Book  never 
claims  to  be  the  work  of  Daniel.  It  is  true  that  the 
first  person,  "  I  Daniel,"  frequently  occurs,  but  this 
need  not  imply  that  Daniel  composed  the  Book.  The 
same  phenomenon  is  found  in  Ecclosiastcs,  where  the 
writer  speaks  in  the  character  of  Solomon,  "  I  the 
preacher  was  king  over  Israel  in  Jerusalem."  Nobody 
to-day  seriously  maintains  that  Ecclesiastos  was 
written  by  Solomon.  The  use  of  the  first  person  is  a 
common  literary  device  employed  to  give  vividness  to 
the  narrative.  '  (2)  The  Book  is  never  quoted  or 
alluded  to  in  Jewish  literature  before  the  secoml 
century  b.c.  The  silence  of  Ecclosiasticus  (c.  190  B.C.), 
which  mentions  in  its  list  of  worthies  Isaiah,  Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel,  and  tho  twelve  Minor  Prophets,  but  says 
nothing  about  Daniel,  is  very  significant.  Its  author 
could  scarcely  have  missed  the  opportunity  of  recording 
tho  heroic  deeds  of  Daniel  if  they  had  been  known  to 
him,  nor  would  he  have  ))oen  likely  to  say,  "  Neither 
was  there  a  man  bom  like  unto  Joseph  "  (49i5),  since 
the  life  of  Daniel  presents  many  parallels  to  tho  career 
of  Joseph.  The  earliest  references  to  the  Book  of 
Daniel  are  found  in  the  Sibvlline  Oracles  (c.  140  B.C.), 
tho  Testament  of  the  Twelve.  Patriarchs  (109-107  B.C.), 
and  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees  (c.  1(K)  B.C.).  It 
seems  to  have  been  quite  unknown,  therefore,  before 
tho  latter  half  of  the  second  century  B.C.  (3)  The 
place  which  the  Book  occupies  in  the  Ganon  of  the  OT 
ifl  equally  decisive.  The  Jewish  Ganon  is  composed 
of  three  divisions  :  (a)  Tho  Law  or  Pentateuch,  (b)  tho 
Prophets  (including  the  earlier  historical  books),  (c)  the 
Hagiograjjha,  e.g.  the  Psalms,  Wisdom  Literature,  etc. 
Now  if  Daniel  had  been  a  contemporary  record,  it 
must  have  held  a  place  in  the  second  division  of  tho 
Ganon,  which  was  not  completed  till  the  second  cen- 
tury B.C.  The  fact  that  it  belongs  to  the  third  division 
proves  conclusively  that  it  was  of  later  origin  than  tho 
date  at  which  Daniel  is  presumed  to  have  lived,  (t) 
The  writer's  knowledge  of  the  period  in  which  Daniel 
lived  in  full   of   iuaccuracioa,   whereas   hia   prophetic 


sketch  of  the  history  of  the  third  and  second  centuries 
B.C.  is  remarkably  correct.  If  the  traditional  view 
were  right,  we  should  certainly  find  the  reverse.  The 
writer  would  have  been  accurate  in  recording  the 
hi.story  of  his  own  time,  but  his  knowledge  of  the 
succeeding  centuries  was  bound  to  have  been  hazy 
and  indefinite.  Among  the  most  flagrant  historical 
mistakes  many  bo  mentioned — (a)  The  description  of 
Belshazzar  as  the  son  and  successor  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (5i,  7i,  8i ).  As  a  matter  of  fact  Belshazzar  was 
neither  king  of  Babylon  nor  son  of  Nebuchaflnezzar 
(5i*).  (b)  Darius  tho  Mede  is  described  as  "  receiving 
the  kingdom  "  after  the  conquest  of  Babj^lon  (531,  9i). 
As  Driver  says  (OB,  p.  53),  "  There  seems,  however,  to 
be  no  room  f<jr  such  a  ruler  :  for  according  to  all  other 
authorities,  Gyms  is  the  immediate  successor  of  Nabu- 
na'id,  and  tho  ruler  of  the  entire  Persian  Empire  " 
(see  also  531*).  (r)  The  assumption  that  the  court 
language  at  Babylon  was  Aramaic  (24).  (d)  Tho  state- 
ment that  Johoiakim  was  transported  in  the  third  year 
of  his  reign  (I2*).  For  further  inaccuracies,  see 
Geat.B,  p.  36,  GB,  pp.  47-56.  (5)  The  language  of  the 
Book  points  to  a  late  date.  It  is  not  easy  to  make 
this  point  clear  to  those  who  are  unacquainted  with 
the  original  languages  in  which  the  Book  was  written. 
Briefly  stated,  the  facts  are  these:  (a)  A  number  of 
Persian  words  aro  used  (fifteen  at  least).  That  these 
words  "  should  be  u.sed  as  a  matter  of  course  by  Daniel 
under  the  Babylonian  supremacy  or  in  the  description 
of  Babylonian  institutions  before  the  conquest  of 
Gyms,  is  in  the  last  degree  improbable"  (Driver, 
p."  57).  (h)  Three  Greek  words  are  used,  and  it  is  not 
at  all  likely  that  these  words  were  known  in  Babylon 
as  early  as  5.W  B.C.  (c)  A  large  section  of  tho  Book  is 
written  in  Aramaic  (p.  36),  and  the  particular  type  of 
Aramaic  used  betrays  signs  of  a  later  date.  [Seo  in 
reply  to  R.  D.  Wilson's  strictures  Driver's  addenda  to 
his  "lOT*.  pp.  xxxiv-xxxviii.  — A.  S.  P.]  {d)  The 
Hebrew,  in  wluch  the  remaining  portions  of  the  Book 
is  composed,  is  also  characterised  by  later  forms  and 
constructions.  Tho  whole  argument  from  style  is  well 
worked  out  by  Driver,  GB,  pp.  56-63. 

The  Real  Date  of  the  Book. — The  grounds  upon  which 
modern  scholars  maintam  that  tho  Book  was  written 
during  the  Maecaboan  period  may  Ijo  stated  thus  : 
(I)  It  roaches  its  cUmax  in  the  time  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanos,  whoso  attack  upon  the  Jewish  religion  i  1 
168  B.C.  produced  tho  Maccabean  revolt.  Antiochus  is 
tho  "  littlo  horn  "  of  80  "  which  waxed  exceeding  great 
toward  the  south  and  toward  tho  east,"  and  the  "  king 
of  fierce  countenance  imdorstanding  dark  sentences," 
of  823.  (2)  The  survey  of  history  in  11  concludes  with 
a  long  description  of  the  rule  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 
The  oarher  periods  are  dismissed  in  single  sentences, 
but  the  description  of  Antiochus  is  full  and  vivid  and 
extends  over  twenty-four  vei-ses,  showing  that  tho 
writer's    main    interest   is    in    the   great   poi-secution 


522 


DANIEL 


523 


initiated  by  liim.  (3)  The  general  teaching  of  the  Book 
seems  to  have  as  its  object  the  encouragement  of  the 
Jewish  people  to  remain  loyal  and  faithful  in  a  time 
of  stress  and  trial.  The  stories  of  Daniel  and  "  the 
three  young  men  "  are  obviously  intended  to  convey 
a  message  of  hope  to  men  who  arc  placed  in  a  similar 
situation.  Directly  wo  place  the  Book  in  the  Macca- 
boan  period  it  bocomos  luminous  and  clear.  If  we 
date  it  in  the  Babylonian  period,  its  moaning  is  dark 
and  unintelligible.  It  is  incredible  that  Daniel  should 
have  taken  so  little  interest  in  the  doings  of  his  con- 
temporaries, and  that  the  whole  point  of  the  Book 
should  have  been  directed  towards  events  which 
happened  400  years  after  his  time.  (4)  The  traditional 
view  is  out  of  harmony  with  the  general  spirit  of 
Ho>)row  prophecj'.  The  prophets  spoke  of  their  own 
age.  When  they  uttered  predictions  about  the  future, 
those  predictions  were,  as  a  rule,  couched  in  vague 
language.  Their  message  to  their  own  age  was  definite 
and  specific.  Their  message  to  the  future  wa.s  far 
more  hazy  and  indistinct.  To  date  the  Book  of  Daniel 
in  the  Babylonian  period  is  therefore  to  jnake  the 
prophet  unique  and  an  exception  to  the  general  rule. 
To  place  it  in  the  Maccabean  age  is  to  bring  it  into  line 
with  the  rest  of  prophecy.  (5)  The  modem  view  is 
the  only  theory  which  accounts  for  the  point  at  which 
the  Book  stops.  The  writer  is  most  exact  in  his 
details  of  the  persecutions,  but  he  makes  a  serious 
mistake  in  814  in  estimating  the  length  of  time  which 
would  elapse  before  the  re-dedication  of  the  Temple, 
and  he  describes  only  the  beginning  of  the  Maccabean 
campaign.  He  forotells  the  death  of  Antiochus,  but 
he  is  quite  wrong  about  the  place  and  circumstances 
(11 45).  Now  supposing  the  Book  to  belong  to  the 
Babylonian  period,  it  is  impossible  to  explain  why  his 
statenients  should  be  absolutely  exact  up  to  a  certain 
point,  and  after  that  point  has  been  reached  should 
contain  errors.  Supernatural  foresight  which  enabled 
the  prophet  to  foresee  the  future  clearly  as  far  as 
167  B.C.  ought  also  to  have  been  able  to  carry  him  to 
164  B.C.  Why  does  his  forecast  lose  its  accuracy  in 
the  final  years  ?  The  traditional  theory  has  no  answer 
to  that  question,  but  the  modei-n  view  has  an  explana- 
tion which  exactly  fits  the  facts.  The  Book  of  Daniel, 
according  to  its  hypothesis,  was  written  between  the 
years  167-165  B.C.  In  the  main,  therefore,  it  is  de- 
scribing events  that  had  happened  and  were  hap- 
pening before  the  writer's  eyes  (see  p.  48). 

The  Historical  Situation  (see  p.  607)— The  Book  of 
Daniel  was  written,  as  we  have  seen,  to  encourage  the 
Jews  to  be  loyal  to  their  faith  in  the  face  of  the  persecu- 
tion under  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Antiochus  was  king  of 
Syria  from  175-164  B.C.,  and  Palestine,  which  had  been 
Bubjected  by  his  predecessor  .Antiochus  III  in  202  b.c, 
was  part  of  his  dominion.  The  policy  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  was  to  conquer  and  hellenise  as  much  of 
the  world  as  possible.  Palestine,  and  especially  Judaea 
under  the  High  Priest  Onias  III,  had  hitherto  stubbornly 
resisted  all  attempts  to  introduce  Greek  ideas  and 
customs.  One  of  the  first  steps  which  Antiochus  took 
was  to  depose  Onias  and  appoint  Jason  (p.  581),  who 
was  much  more  amenable  to  his  wishes,  as  his  successor. 
Under  the  leadership  of  Jason,  a  Greek  gymnasium 
wa.s  set  up  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  pri(!st«  encouraged 
the  people  to  take  part  in  the  games.  In  171  Menelaus 
offered  Antiochus  a  huge  sum  of  money  for  the  office 
of  High  Priest,  and  Jason  wa.s  accordingly  doj)osod  in 
his  favour.  The  money  was  obtained  by  plundering 
the  Temple  treasury.  Onias  HI  protested  against  this 
act  of  sacrilege,  and  suffered  martyrdom  in  consequence. 
In  the  following  year,  a  rumour  reached  Jerusalem 


tliat  ATitiochus  had  fallen  in  his  campaign  against 
Egypt,  and  on  the  strength  of  it  the  Jews  attomjjted 
to  reverse  his  policy.  The  rumour,  however,  turned 
out  to  be  false,  and  Antiochus  took  swift  vengeance. 
There  was  a  massacre  in  Jerusalem  in  which  vast 
numbers  lost  their  lives.  But  this  was  only  the  be- 
ginning of  the  tragedy.  In  169  b.c,  Antiochus,  foiled 
by  the  opposition  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  his  attempt 
to  confjuer  Egypt,  determined  to  complete  the  subjuga- 
tion and  hellcrusation  of  Palestine.  He  surprised 
Jerusalem  by  a  sudden  attack,  and  established  his 
forces  within  the  Temple  precincts.  The  most  cherished 
principles  of  the  Jewish  religion,  e.g.  the  observance  of 
the  Sabbath  and  the  rite  of  circumcision,  were  pro- 
nounced illegal.  The  Jewish  worship  and  sacrifices 
were  abolislicd,  and  the  sacred  books  destroyed.  And 
as  the  crowning  profanation  on  Dec.  1.5th,  168,  a 
heathen  altar  was  set  up  in  the  Temple  itself  in  honour 
of  a  pagan  god,  "  the  Abomination  of  Desolation  "  as 
it  was  called,  and  as  if  this  were  not  a  sufiQcient  horror 
a  few  days  later  swine  were  sacrificed  upon  it.  It  is  no 
wonder  that  the  Jews  were  stung  to  rebellion.  An 
insurrection  broke  out,  headed  by  Mattathias  and  his 
five  heroic  sons,  and  they,  after  a  long  struggle, 
eventually  regained  for  tlie  Jewish  people  their  freedom 
of  worship.  It  was  just  at  this  crisis,  and  immediately 
after  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion  against  Antiochus, 
that  the  Book  of  Daniel  was  written.  It  sprang,  as 
Ewald  says,  "  from  the  deepest  necessities  and  the 
noblest  impulses  of  the  age."  It  is  the  appeal  of  a 
true  patriot  to  his  people  to  remain  firm  and  unmoved 
in  the  faith  in  spite  of  suffering  and  even  martyrdom. 
The  comfort  and  inspiration  wliich  it  brought  to  the 
Jews  in  their  hour  of  trial  secured  it  an  imperishable 
place  in  their  literature,  and  it  was  handed  over  to 
Christianity  as  a  priceless  legacy. 

TI18  Historical  Survey  in  the  Book.— Though  the 
Book  of  Daniel  deals  specifically  with  the  time  of 
Antiochus  E^nphanes,  yet  as  the  scene  is  laid  in 
Babylon  about  550  b.c.,  it  has  to  traverse  the  inter- 
vening centuries  before  its  objective  is  reached.  Ch.  1 1, 
for  instance,  gives  a  brief  outline  of  the  history  of 
nearly  four  hundred  years,  550-167  B.C.  The  same 
period  is  also  pictorially  represented  in  the  vision  of 
the  "  Colossal  Statue "  (2),  the  vision  of  the  four 
beasts  (7),  and  the  vision  of  "  the  man  and  the  he- 
goat  "  (8).  9,  with  its  explanation  of  Jeremiah's 
"  seventy  years,"  covers  tlie  same  stretch  of  history. 
To  understand  the  allusions  in  the  Book,  therefore, 
the  reader  must  be  familiar  with  the  general  trend  of 
history  during  the  centuries  which  it  covers.  It  is 
divided  into  the  following  periods,  and  the  most 
significant  dates  may  be  tabulated  thus : 

I.  The  Babylonian  Period 

605  B.C.  Battle  of  Carchemish,  in  which  Nebuchad- 
nezzar overthrew  the  Egyjjtian  power. 

Commencement  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  reign. 

Death  of  Nebuchadnezzar. 

B.C.  Reign  of  Amel  Marduk  (Rvil-Merodach). 

B.C.  Reign  of  Nergal-Sh.arezer  (Neriglissar). 

B.C.  Reign  of  Nabmia'id,  the  last  of  tlie  Baby- 
Ionian  kings. 

II.  The  Persian  Period 
538  B.C.  Conquest  of  Babylon  bv  Cvmis. 
538-529  B.C.  Reign  of  Cyrus. 
529-522  B.C.  Reign  of  Carabyses. 
522-485  B.C.  Rei<i;n  of  Darius  (Hy^taspis). 
485-465  B.C.  Reign   of   Xerxes   (called   Ahasueni.s   in 
the  Ot). 


604 

B.C. 

.561 

B.C. 

.561 

-559 

559- 

-.556 

555- .538 

524  DANIEL 

465-425  B.C.  Rpign  of  Artaxorxca. 
425-331  B.C.  Various      comparatively      unimportant 
kings. 

III.  The  Greek  Period 

331.  The  C!onqucst  of  Palestine  by  Alexander  the  Great. 

323.  The  death  of  Alexander,  followed  by  the  division 
of  the  empire. 

301.  The  stnijigle  between  Syria  and  F.gypt  for  the 
possession  of  Palestine,  and  the  victory  of  the 
lattor,  with  the  result  that  Palestine  becomes  a 
piovince  of  Kgypt  till  202. 

202.  Conquest  of  Palestine  by  Antiochus  III. 

176.  Antiochus  Epiphanes  becomes  King  of  Syria. 
Deposition  of  the  High  Priest,  Onias  II. 

171.  Attempted  revolt  of  the  Jews.  Antiochus 
plunders  the  Temple  and  instigates  a  massacre 
of  the  Jews. 

169.  Antiochus,  foiled  in  the  attempt  to  conquer  Egypt 
by  the  opposition  of  the  Roman  P]mpirc,  wreaks 
vengeance  upon  Jerusalem  and  attempts  to 
suppress  the  Jewish  religion.  A  heathen  altar 
is  set  up  in  the  Temjjle. 

167.  Revolt  of  the  Jews. 

165.  Recovery  of  Jerusalem.  The  cleansing  and  re- 
dedication  of  the  Temple. 

The  list  of  kings  of  the  two  empires  during  the 
Greek  period  is  as  follows  : 

A.  Syria:   The  Seleucidffi 

Seleucus  I.     312-280. 
Antiochus  I,  Soter.     279-261. 
Antioclius  II,  Theos.     261-246. 
Seleucus  11,  Callinicus.     246-226. 
Seleucus  III,  Ooraunos.     226-223. 
Antiochus  III,  The  Groat.     223-187. 
Seleucus  IV,  Philopator.     186-176. 
Antiochus  IV,  Epiphanes.     175-164. 

B.  Egypt:   The  Ptolemies 

Ptolemy  I,  Soter.     322-285. 
Ptolemv  II,  Philadelphus.     285-247. 
Ptolemy  III,  Euergetcs.     247-222. 
Ptolemy  IV,  Philopator.     222-205. 
Ptolemy  V,  Epiphanes.     205-182. 
Ptolemy  VI,  Philometor.     182-164. 
Ptolemy  VII,  Euergetcs  II,  joint   ruler    with    Philo- 
metor.     170-164. 
Ptolemy  VII,  Euergetcs  II,  sole  king.     164-146. 

Literature  ;  Commentaries  :  (a)  Driver  (CB),  Charles 
(Cent.B) ;  {b)  Bevan,  Prince,  Wright,  Dar.id  nrul  his 
Critics  (conpcrvative) ;  (c)  Hitzic  (KEH),  Meinhold 
(KHS),  Behrmann  (HK),  Marti  (KHC) ;  {d)  Farrar 
(Ex.B).  Other  Literature  :  Pusey,  Daniel  the  Prophet ; 
Wright,  Daniel  and  his  Prophecies;  Deane,  Daniel 
(Men  of  the  Bible). 

I.  Daniel  at  the  Court  of  Nebuchadnezzar.— This 

introductory  chapter  describes  the  circumstances  which 
brought  Daniel  to  Babylon,  introduced  him  into  the 
Coiirt,  and  gained  him  favour  with  the  king.  The 
writer's  [lurjjose  is  to  enforce  the  duty  of  loyalty  to  the 
Law  and  the  principles  of  religion,  and  ho  illustrates 
hi^  point  by  describing  Daniel's  refusal  to  "  defile 
himself  with  the  king's  meat  and  wine  "  (8).  There 
can  bo  little  doubt  that  his  object  in  thih  chapter  is 
to  apjseal  to  the  Jews  of  his  own  day  to  resist  the 
attempts  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  compel  them  to 
oat  forbidden  food.  Daniel  is  held  up  as  an  example 
to  the  Jews  of  the  Maccabean  ago. 


Nebuchadnezzar  (the  name  is  more  correctly  spelt 
Nebuchadrezzar)  was  king  of  Babylon  from  604  to 
561  B.C.  (pp.  60f.).  Uniler  his  rule  Babyhm  reached  the 
summit  of  its  jwwer.  The  picture  of  the  splendour  and 
prosperity  of  his  empire  which  ia  drawn  in  Dan.  237!, 
4io-i2,  5i8-20  is  borne  out  by  inscriptions  and  refer- 
ences in  the  historians.  His  decisive  victory  in  605  B.C. 
(a  year  before  he  ascended  the  throne)  over  the  rival 
world-power  of  Egypt  at  the  battle  of  Carchcraish 
made  the  Babylonian  Empire  supremo.  His  reputa- 
tion, however,  rests  not  so  much  upon  deeds  of  war, 
as  upon  his  architectural  achievements.  The  question 
in  430,  "  Is  not  this  great  Babylon  which  I  have  built  ?  " 
is  no  rhetorical  expression,  but  represents  sober  fact. 
Nearly  every  cun(uform  document  now  extant  dating 
from  his  reign  treats  of  the  building  and  restoration 
of  the  walls,  temples,  and  palaces  of  his  beloved  city 
of  Babylon.  The  best  account  of  his  work  is  to  bo 
found  ui  the  celebrated  "  India  House  Inscription  " 
(see  Records  of  the  Past,  iii.  104-123).  Another  well- 
authenticated  fact  is  the  keen  interest  which  he  took 
in  religion.  Some  of  the  prayers  in  the  "  India  House 
Inscription  "  breathe  the  true  spirit  of  devotion.  A 
good  illustration  is  given  by  Driver  (CB,  p.  26). 

1.  In  the  tliird  year :  there  is  considerable  difficulty 
with  regard  to  this  date.  Jehoiakim  reigned  from 
608  to  597  B.C.  Accordingly,  as  is  definitely  stated  in 
Jer.  25i,  Nebuchadnezzar  did  not  come  to  the  throne 
till  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  the  invasion  of  Palestine  was  an  incident 
in  the  campaign  against  Egypt,  and  took  place  just 
before  or  just  after  the  battle  of  Carchemish  in  605, 
when  Nebuchadnezzar  was  commanding  the  Babylonian 
army  for  his  father.  But  this  theory  seems  definitely 
excluded  by  the  fact  that  statements  made  by  Jeremiah 
in  the  fourth  and  fifth  years  of  Jehoiakim 's  reign  imply 
that  the  Babylonian  attack  on  Jerusalem  was  still  in 
the  future  (Jer.  25i,  462,  369).  The  error  seems  to  be 
due  to  the  writer's  mistaken  opinion  that  2  K.  24i, 
"  Jehoiakim  became  his  servant  for  three  yeais,"  re- 
ferred to  the  first  three  years  of  his  reign. — 2.  the  land 
of  Shinar:  Babylonia.  The  term  occurs  nine  other 
times  in  the  OT  (Gen.  lOio,  II2,  Hy,  Jos.  72i,Is.  11 11, 
Zech.  5ii),  and  is  probably  an  archaism,  the  origin  of 
which  is  uncertain.— the  house  of  his  god :  omitted  in 
the  LXX  and  probably  an  interpolation.  Translate 
"  He  brought  them  (i.e.  the  captives)  into  the  land  of 
Shinar,  and  as  for  the  vessels  he  brought  them  into 
the  treasure-house  of  his  god."  According  to  2  Ch.  366 
Jehoiakim  himself  was  carried  "  in  fetters  "  to  Babylon, 
but  2  K.  makes  no  reference  to  this,  and  our  Book 
has  no  allusion  to  it. — his  god :  Merodach  or  Marduk, 
the  patron  deity  of  Babylon.  In  the  "  Inscription  "  ho 
is  described  as  "  the  great  Lord,''  "  king  of  the  heavens 
and  the  earth,"  "  supreme  governor."  The  only  refer- 
once  to  him  in  the  OT  is  Jer.  502.—  3.  even  of  the  seed 
royal.  This  translation  implies  that  tlio  soloctod 
youths  belonged  to  the  royal  or  noble  families  of  Israel. 
The  rendering  of  AV,  "  and  of  the  seed  royal,"  makes 
the  sentence  refer  to  Bai)ylonian  princes,  etc. — 4.  well- 
favoured:  good-looking. — Chaldeans:  the  term  is 
used  in  two  senses  in  Daniel.  (1)  In  the  ethnic  sense 
(030,  1 1 1 ).  to  denote  a  powerful  race  who  lived  in  the  SE. 
of  Babylonia,  and  subsequently  became  the  dominant 
power  in  the  country  (pp.  .'iS-Ail).  (2)  To  denote  the 
"  wise  men  "  or  religious  leaders  of  Babylon.  "  Baby- 
on,"  as  Driver  says,  "  was  the  land  of  magic,"  and 
the  Chaldeans  were  the  chief  exponents  of  the  magic 
art.  An  ancient  writer  describes  them  as  "  a  casto 
with  a  fixed  tradition,"  and  .says  that  "  they  devote 
their  lives  to  philosophy,  enjoying  a  reputation  for 


DANIEL,  II.  36-49 


525 


astrology."  They  were  experts  in  the  art  of  divina- 
tion and  the  interpretation  of  dreams.  For  a  good 
account  of  the  Chaldeans  see  Driver,  CB,  p.  12. — 
6f.  Pi'oper  names  in  ancient  times  generally  had  a 
religious  significance.  The  names  of  the  four  Hebrew 
youths  indicated  their  connexion  with  the  worship  of 
the  Cod  of  Israel.  Daniel  means  "  God  is  my  judge  "  ; 
Hananiah,  "  Yahweh  hath  been  gracious  "  ;  Mishaol, 
"  Who  is  what  Cod  is  ?  "  Azariah,  "  Whom  Yahweh 
aids."  At  the  court  of  Babylon  other  names  were 
substituted  having  reference  to  the  Babylonian  religion. 
Belteshazzar  probably  means,  "  Bel  protect  his  life," 
Bel  being  one  of  the  most  important  Babylonian  deities 
(see  Jer.  502) ;  Shadrach  probably,  "  The  command 
of  Aku,"  Aku  being  the  name  of  the  Semitic  Moon 
god  ;  Meshach,  "  Who  is  what  Aku  is  ?  "  Abed-nego, 
Servant  of  Nebo,"  Nebo  being  the  Babjdonian  god 
of  wisdom  and  literature. — 8.  defile  himself  :  the  Jews 
were  always  most  scrupulous  in  keeping  the  law  of 
clean  and  unclean  meats  (pp.  202  f.l.  To  partake  of  the 
"  king's  meat  "  would  have  involved  the  risk  of  eating 
(a)  what  was  forbidden  by  the  Jewish  Law  ;  (6)  what 
had  not  been  slaughtered  according  to  the  provisions 
of  the  Law  ;  (c)  what  had  been  offered  to  idols.  The 
food  question  was  always  a  problem  to  Jews  in  foreign 
lands.  Josephus,  for  instance,  tells  us  that  when  he 
went  on  an  embassy  to  Rome,  he  and  his  fellow-deputies 
lived  on  fruit  and  nuts  to  avoid  the  risk  of  defilement. — 
steward:  the  translation  of  a  technical  term,  Melzar, 
which  is  found  only  in  this  chapter.  The  exact 
functions  of  the  Melzar  are  uncertain.  The  AV  is 
wTong  in  regarding  the  word  as  a  personal  name. — ■ 
12.  pulse :  the  Heb.  word  denotes  all  kinds  of  vegetable 
food,  and  is  not  restricted  to  what  is  technically  known 
as  "pulse." — 17.  learning  and  wisdom:  "  hterature 
and  science  "  would  more  nearly  convey  the  sense  of 
the  original. — 20.  magicians  and  enchanters.  The 
extent  to  which  magic  was  practised  in  Babylon  may 
be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  no  less  than  six  different 
words  are  employed  in  Daniel  to  describe  the  diviners  : 
(a)  "  wise  men,"  (b)  enchanters,  (c)  magicians,  (d) 
Chaldeans,  (e)  determiners  (of  fate),  (/)  sorcerers  (see 
Driver,  CB,  p.  15).— 21.  the  first  year  of  Cyrus :  538  b.c. 
Daniel  is  therefore  said  to  have  lived  at  the  Babylonian 
court  for  about  sixty-seven  years,  from  605  B.C.  to 
538  B.C.  In  10 1,  however,  a  vision  is  said  to  have 
come  to  Daniel  in  "  the  third  year  of  Cyrus." 

U.  Nebuchadnezzar's  Dream. — We  enter  in  this 
chapter  into  the  region  of  Apocalyptic  (pp.  431-435). 
The  colossal  image,  which  forms  the  centre  of  the  king's 
dream,  is  in  reality  a  pictorial  representation  of  the 
world's  history  during  three  and  a  half  centuries.  The 
message  for  the  writer's  own  age  lies  in  his  confident 
prophecy  of  the  speedy  advent  of  the  Messianic 
kingdom  (44)  which  is  to  follow  upon  the  defeat  and 
destruction  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

1-13.  The  Forgotten  Dream.  —  Nebuchadnezzar, 
troubled  by  a  dream  which  had  escaped  him,  calls  his 
magicians  and  orders  tliem  to  recover  it  and  explain 
its  meaning.  When  they  declare  their  inability,  he 
issues  orders  that  they  are  to  be  put  to  death. 

1.  in  the  second  year :  this  statement  seems  to  be 
in  conflict  with  15,18,  which  imply  that  Daniel  spent 
three  years  in  training.  Driver  suggests  that  the 
discrepancy  can  be  explained  thus  :  We  know  that 
Babylonian  kings  did  not  count  the  year  of  their 
accession  as  the  first  3'ear  of  their  reign,  but  regarded 
the  second  year  as  the  first.  In  that  case,  the  second 
year  mentioned  here  would  be  the  third,  and  it  is 
quite  possible  that  the  dream  may  have  occurred  at 
the  end  of  this  year,  and  so  after  Daniel's  period  of 


education  was  ended  (CB,  p.  17).  For  other  sugges- 
tions see  Cent.B,  p.  14. — 2.  magicians,  etc. :  I20*.  — 
4.  In  the  Syrian  language:  i.e.  in  Aramaic  {mg.). 
From  this  point  to  728  the  Book  is  written  in  Aramaic. 
The  statement  seems  to  assume  that  Aramaic  was  used 
in  the  Babylonian  court  for  official  communications, 
but  this  is  very  improbable.  Many  scholars  suppose 
that  the  words  are  not  genuine,  but  were  originally  a 
marginal  note  to  indicate  that  the  Aramaic  part  of 
Daniel  commenced  at  this  point,  which  afterwards 
crept  into  the  text.— 9.  there  is  but  one  law  for  you : 
your  fate  is  irretrieva})le. — till  the  time  be  changed : 
i.e.  till  the  king's  attention  is  diverted  to  other  affairs. 
14-24.  Daniel  Volunteers  to  Explain  the  Dream. — To 
save  the  magicians  from  their  doom,  Daniel  offers  to 
tell  the  king  his  dream  and  prays  to  God  to  make  the 
thing  clear  to  him. 

14.  Arioch :  Eri-Aku  ("  Servant  of  the  Moon-god,"  see 
on  I7),  an  old  Sumerian  (p.  51)  name  which,  according 
to  Sayce,  was  not  in  use  in  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar. 
It  occurs  in  Gen.  14i,  whence  many  scholars  think  our 
author  derived  it. — captain  of  the  guard :  ht.  "  captain 
of  the  slaughterers  or  butchers."  The  same  expression 
occurs  in  Gen.  3736,  39i,  2  K.  258,  Jer.  399.— 18.  the  God 
of  heaven :  this  title  for  God  is  often  found  in  post- 
exilic  hterature,  especially  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  It 
indicates,  as  Charles  suggests,  "  the  growing  transcend- 
ence of  Jewish  thought  concerning  God." — 20-23. 
Daniel's  hymn  of  praise.  This  hymn  emphasizes  (a )  the 
might,  (b)  the  wisdom  of  God,  especially  the  latter. 
The  might  of  God  is  illustrated  in  21  by  His  influence 
in  history.  "  He  changeth  times  and  seasons,"  i.e.  the 
course  of  history  does  not  run  smoothly.  There  are 
constant  crises  and  changes,  empires  are  overthrown, 
new  forces  arise,  and  all  these  are  due  to  the  inter- 
vention of  God. — 216-23  describes  the  wisdom  of  God. 
God  is  the  source  of  all  light  and  knowledge,  and  it  is 
because  of  this  that  he  has  made  clear  to  Daniel  the 
king's  dream. 

25-35.  Daniel  Declares  the  Dream  to  the  King.— By 
the  inspiration  of  God  Daniel  is  enabled  to  describe 
to  the  king  his  forgotten  dream.  In  this  dream  the 
king  had  seen  the  image  of  a  colossal  man,  wliich  was 
of  surpassing  brilliance.  The  head  was  made  of  gold, 
the  upper  part  of  the  body  of  silver,  the  lower  part  of 
bronze,  the  legs  of  iron,  the  feet  of  iron  mixed  with 
clay.  As  the  king  watched,  a  stone  "  cut  without 
hands  "  smote  the  image  and  smashed  it  in  pieces. 
The  stone  then  grew  till  it  became  a  mountain  and 
fiUed  the  whole  earth. 

27.  soothsayers :  lit.  determiners  of  fates,  i.e.  fortune- 
tellers. For  the  prevalence  of  magic  at  Babylon,  I20*. 
— 28.  In  the  latter  days:  ht.  "  at  the  end  of  the  days," 
or,  as  we  should  say,  "  at  the  close  of  time.'" — 29.  thy 
thoughts  came  :  the  thoughts  must  be  distinguished 
from  tho  dream.  The  king  was  probably  pondering 
over  the  future  destinies  of  his  kingdom,  wondering 
what  the  future  would  bring  for  it,  and  the  dream  took 
shape  as  a  weird  and  fantastic  answer  to  his  musings. — 
31.  excellent:  surpassing.  The  word  is  used  here  in 
its  old  English  sense. — 34.  Stone  was  CUt  OUt:  i.e.  from 
the  mountain  (see  45). 

36-49.  The  Interpretation  of  the  Dream.— According 
to  Daniel's  interpretation  tho  colossal  statue  is  a 
pictorial  representation  of  the  course  of  history.  Four 
empires  succeed  each  other  and  are  finally  destroyed 
by  a  fifth  which  is  of  Di\'ino  origin  (not  made  with 
hands),  and  ultimately  dominates  the  world.  We  can 
identify  these  empircs  with  practical  certainty,  and 
the  identification  proves  that  the  statue  depicts  the 
history  of  450  years,  roughly  speaking  from  600  to 


526 


DANIEL,  II.  36-49 


150  U.C.  It  will  be  observed  that,  according  to  the 
figure,  history  degenerates  through  this  periwL  The 
gold  becomes  sliver,  the  silver  brass,  and  the  brass 
iron.  The  golden  empire  is  undoubtedly  the  Baby- 
lonian. Nothing  could  exceed  the  unstinted  praise 
which  the  writer  laN-ishes  ujxjn  Nebuchadnezzar  (37f.  )• 
The  silver  kingdom  is  that  of  the  Modes,  wliich  the 
Book  of  Daniel  interposes  lx?tween  tlie  Babylonian  and 
Persian  Empires.  The  braas  kingdom  is  that  of  the 
Persians,  which  was  established  by  Cyrus  in  538.  The 
iron  kingdom  is  the  Greek,  which  was  set  up  by 
Alexander  the  Great  in  331  B.c.  The  two  feet  repre- 
sent the  two  divisions  of  the  Greek  kingdom,  i.e.  the 
kingdom  of  the  Seleucidse  over  Syria  and  Babylon, 
and  the  kingdom  of  the  Ptolemies  over  Egypt,  which 
date  from  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century.  The 
author  of  Daniel,  writing  about  168,  looks  forward  to 
a  speedy  advent  of  a  fifth  or  Messianic  kingdom,  which 
is  to  destroy  the  other  kingdoms  and  sift  them  like 
"  chaff  on  the  summer  threshing  floors."  Four  of  the 
kingdoms,  therefore,  belong  to  the  past,  the  fifth  is 
the  ideal  kingdom  of  the  future.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  nearer  the  writer  comes  to  his  own  day,  the 
more  specific  are  the  details  which  are  introduced  into 
the  picture. 

37.  Note  the  description  of  the  glories  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's reign.  He  is  described  as  "  king  of  kings," 
and  (38)  his  rule  extends  over  the  whole  of  the  habitable 
world. — 39.  another  kingdom:  the  Median. — third 
kingdom:  the  Persian. — 40.  fourth  kingdom:  Mace- 
donian or  Greek.  Charles  thinks  that  this  verse  is 
corrupt  and  suggests  that  it  ought  to  run,  "  And  the 
fourth  kingdom  shall  be  strong  as  iron  :  for  as  iron 
breaketh  in  pieces  and  shattereth  all  things,  so  shall  it 
break  in  pieces  and  crush  the  whole  earth." — 41.  a 
divided  kingdom,  i.e.  the  Seleucidje  and  the  Ptolemies, 
who  divided  Alexanders  empire  between  them,  the 
former  representing  the  iron,  the  latter  the  clay. — 
44f.  The  description  of  the  ideal  or  Messianic  kingdom, 
the  advent  of  which  in  the  daj's  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
is  to  overthrow  the  other  empires  and  control  the 
destiny  of  the  world. — 46.  worshipped  Daniel.  Neither 
the  English  word  "  worship  "  nor  the  Heb.  original  in 
this  passage  necessarily  implies  the  payment  of  Divine 
honours,  though  both  are  used  with  that  connotation. 
Yet  the  mention  of  "  the  oblation  and  sweet  odours  "" 
seems  to  imply  that  the  writer  intended  the  word  to 
be  taken  in  that  sense.  If  it  were  not  for  466  we 
should  be  justified  in  assuming  that  the  term  "  worship" 
meant  no  more  then  than  it  does  in  the  formula  of 
the  Prayer  Book,  "  with  my  body  I  thee  worship." — 
47  suggests  that  the  homage  paid  to  Daniel  was  in 
reality  paid  to  God. — 48.  chief  governor :  most  scholars 
suppose  that  each  class  of  the  "  wise  men  "  had  its 
own  head,  and  that  the  title  here  used  implies  that 
Daniel  was  made  governor  or  prefect  of  them  alL — 
49.  in  the  gate  of  the  king :  remained  attached  to  the 
court  of  the  king. 

m.  The  Golden  Image  and  the  Fiery  Furnace. — 
Nebuchadnezzar  made  a  colossal  image  of  gold  and 
commanded  the  people  to  worship  it.  The  three 
friends  of  Daniel  refused  to  comply  with  the  order. 
The  king  thereupon  had  them  thrown  into  a  burning 
fiery  furnace  "  heated  seven  times  hotter  "  than  usual. 
But  the  fire  had  no  power  to  con.sume  them,  and  there 
appeared  walking  by  the  side  of  the  three  men  in  the 
midst  of  the  furnace  a  fourth  whose  aspect  was  like 
"  a  son  of  the  gods."  The  message  of  this  cliapter  to 
the  men  of  the  Maccabean  age  is  obvious.  The  devo- 
tion and  fidelity  of  the  three  heroes  who  faced  the 
fiery  furnace  rather  than  prove  traitors  to  their  God 


is  held  up  as  an  example  to  those  whom  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  was  tempting  to  betray  their  Lord,  and 
their  marvellous  rescue  is  held  up  as  a  Divine  deliver- 
ance, and  an  illustration  of  the  fulfilment  of  the 
prophecy  of  Deutero-Isaiah  :  '  When  thou  walkest 
through  the  fire,  thou  shalt  not  be  burned  :  neither 
shall  the  tire  kindle  upon  thee  "  (Is.  432). 

1.  Image  of  gold  :  this  phrase  does  not  necessarily 
mean  that  the  statue  was  made  of  solid  gold.  Probabh' 
it  was  comjx)sod  of  aiiotlicr  inatorial  coated  or  overlaid 
witli  gold. — threescore  cubits:  90  feet. — six  cubits: 
9  feet,  a  cubit  being  U  feet. — the  plain  of  Dura:  it 
is  impossible  to  identify  this  plain.  The  best  sugges- 
tion is  that  it  was  connected  with  a  small  river,  named 
the  Dura,  which  entered  the  Euphrates  some  six  miles 
S.  of  Babylon.  Near  tins  river  many  mounds  have 
been  discovered,  one  of  which,  a  rectangular  brick 
structure,  may  possibly  have  been  the  foundation  on 
which  the  statue  was  placed.  But  this,  of  coui-se,  is 
pure  conjecture  (see  Driver,  CB). — 2.  The  particular 
functions  of  the  different  oflficials  cannot  be  easily  dis- 
tinguished. Some  of  the  words,  e.g.  "  satrap,"  belong 
to  the  later  Persian  period,  and  are  therefore  plainly 
an  anachronism. — 5.  sackbut:  "  trigon,"  a  triangular 
four-stringed  instrument  of  the  nature  of  a  harp.  The 
term  "  sackbut  "  is  misleading,  for  a  "  sackbut  "  is  a 
wind  instrument  resembling  a  trombone,  while  there 
is  Uttle  doubt  that  the  word  used  here  denotes  a  stringed 
instniment. — psaltery:  also  a  stringed  instniment  re- 
sembling an  inverted  triangle  in  shape. — dulcimer: 
the  character  of  this  instrument  is  probably  better 
described  by  the  trig.  '  bagpipe."— -8.  Chaldeans  : 
whether  the  terra  is  used  here  in  its  technical  sense  of 
"  wise  men  "  or  "  magicians,"  or  in  its  ethnic  sense 
cannot  be  determined  (see  on  I4). — 14.  Is  it  of  purpose: 
both  Driver  and  Charles  prefer  the  AV,  "  Is  it  true  ?  " — 
17.  If  it  be  so  :  there  is  general  agreement  that  this 
translation  is  wrong  ;  but  opinions  differ  as  to  what 
should  be  substituted  for  it.  Driver,  following  mg.*, 
reads,  "  If  our  God  whom  we  serve  is  able  to  deliver 
us.  He  will  dehver  us."  But  Charles  objects  that  this 
rendering  suggests  that  doubts  had  entered  into  the 
minds  of  the  three  young  men.  He  pro7X)ses  therefore 
to  follow  the  Versions,  For  there  is  a  God,  whom  we 
serve,  who  is  able  to  dehver  us." — 21.  hosen  .  .  . 
tunics  .  .  .  mantles :  translate,  "  mantles  .  ,  .  trousers 
.  .  .  hats." — 23f.  Between  these  two  verses  the  LXX 
inserts  the  Apocrj-phal  '  Song  of  the  Three  Children." 
— 25.  a  son  of  the  gods :  the  AV  translation,  "  the 
son  of  God,"  is  wTong.  The  phrase  simply  means  a 
heavenly  being  or  angel. — 27.  hosen:  mantles,  aa  in 
21. — 28.  changed:  frustrated. — 30.  promoted:  pros- 
pered. 

IV.  This  chapter  takes  us  again  into  the  realm  of 
Apocalyptic.  Nebuchadnezzar  dreams  a  fresh  dream. 
This  time  he  sees  a  gigantic  tree,  the  top  of  which 
reached  to  heaven,  full  of  leaves  and  fruit.  Suddenly 
a  holy  one  ajjpears  from  heaven,  and  cries  the  com- 
mand, "  Hew  down  the  tree,  strip  off  the  branches, 
but  leave  the  stump  in  the  ground."  That  the  dream 
refers  to  some  individual  is  clear,  for  the  "  holy  one  " 
continues,  "  Let  his  portion  be  with  the  beasts.  Let 
his  heart  be  changed  from  a  man's,  and  let  a  boast's 
heart  be  given  imto  him."  Daniel,  who  is  summoned 
to  interpret  the  vision,  informs  the  king  that  the  dream 
refiTs  to  himself.  He  is  the  tree  which  is  soon  to  be 
cut  down.  For  his  pride  madness  will  overtake  him, 
and  his  portion  will  be  with  the  beasts  of  the  field  for 
seven  years. 

There  are  two  difficulties  about  this  chapter,  the 
one  connected  with  the  form,  the  other  connected  with 


DANIEL,  V.  25 


527 


tbe  subject-matter.  The  form  differs  in  the  Heb.  and 
the  LXX.  In  the  Heb.  the  story  is  told  in  the  form  of 
an  edict  issued  by  the  king.  "  Nebuchadnezzar  the 
king  unto  all  peoples."  The  LXX,  on  the  other  hand, 
cmifs  1-3,  which  introduces  the  edict,  and  begins  with 
4.  Charles  prefers  the  LXX  (Cent.  B,  p.  37).  There  is  a 
muchgreater  difficulty  with  regard  to  the  subject-matter. 
The  king's  madness  takes  the  form  of  lycanthropy, 
j.e.  the  sufferer  imagines  himself  to  be  an  animal.  We 
have  considerable  evidence  that  such  a  disca.se  was 
known  in  ancient  time  (CB,  p.  .58),  but  there  is  not  a 
shred  of  testimony  to  show  that  Nebuchadnezzar  ever 
suffered  in  this  way.  If  the  affliction  lasted  for  seven 
years,  the  silence  of  the  Inscriptions  is  inexphcable. 
Probably  the  author  is  cmbod;s-ing  a  floating  tradition. 
We  know  from  Euscbius  that  Nebuchadnezzar  is  said 
to  have  imprecated  the  same  fate  upon  Cyrus,  whom  he 
foresaw  in  a  vision  to  bo  the  destined  overthrower  of 
his  empire.  The  woixis  ascribed  to  him  by  Megas- 
thenes,  from  whom  Eusebius  quotes,  are,  "  Would  that 
some  whirlpool  or  flood  might  destroy  him  or  else 
that  he  might  be  driven  through  the  desert  where  wild 
beasts  seek  their  food  and  birds  fly  hither  and  thither."' 
Many  scholars  think  that  our  author  has  transferred 
to  Nebuchadnezzar  the  doom  with  which  he  threatened 
Cyrus,  but  the  evidence  is  obscure.  The  motive  of 
the  chapter  is  obvious.  If  God  struck  do^vn  Nebu- 
chadnezzar in  the  zenith  of  his  power,  he  can  bring  a 
similar  downfall  upon  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  It  is  a 
significant  fact  that  Antiochus  was  sometimes  called 
Epimanes  (madman)  instead  of  Epiphanes  (illustrious). 

1-4  and  6f .  are  omitted  in  the  LXX. — 8.  according  to 
the  name  of  my  God :  this  phrase  assumes  that  the 
word  Belteshazzar  is  derived  from  Bel,  a  Babylonian 
deity,  but  the  more  correct  interpretation  of  the  term 
regards  the  first  three  letters  as  part  of  the  word 
halaUu,  "my  life."  The  writer,  therefore,  makes  the 
king  a  victim  of  a  false  etymology. — spirit  of  the  holy 
gods:  the  king  here  speaks  as  a  polytheist,  though 
elsewhere  in  the  chapter  (3,  34f.)  he  uses  the  language 
of  monotheism. — 10.  a  tree  in  the  midst :  cf.  the  vision 
of  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  to  which  the  glory  of  Assyria 
is  likened  (Ezek.  3I3-14). — 13.  a  watcher  :  this  term 
is  used  to  denote  a  class  of  angels  who  were  always  on 
the  watch  to  carry  out  the  commands  of  God.  The 
term  frequently  occurs  in  the  Apocryphal  literature, 
especially  in  the  Book  of  Enoch. — a  holy  one :  also  a 
title  for  an  angel  Both  terms  refer  to  the  same  indi- 
vidual.— 15.  let  his  portion:  the  metaphor  is  here 
changed,  and  the  remaining  words  of  the  description 
apply  to  the  person  designated  by  the  tree,  i.e.  the 
king,  and  not  to  the  tree  itself. — 16.  Seven  times: 
seven  years. — 17.  the  demand:  ht.  the  matter. 
Charles  translates,  "  the  word  of  the  holy  ones  is  the 
matter  in  question." — 22.  For  this  description  of 
Nebuchadnezzar's  power,  cf.  237f. — 16.  they  com- 
manded: I.e.  the  watchers. — the  heavens:  i.e.  Gk)d 
(cf.  Lk.  15i8,2i). — 27.  break  off  thy  sins:  lit.  redeem 
thy  sins. — righteousness :  almost  equivalent  to  "  good 
works"  (cf.  Mt.  61).  The  idea  suggested  here,  as 
often  in  the  Apocrypha,  is  that  sin  may  be  atoned 
for  by  good  works.— a  lengthening  of  thy  tranquillity : 
or,  ■■  a  healing  of  thine  error  "  (mg.). — 34.  At  the  end 
of  the  days :  after  seven  years.— ^.  army  of  heaven : 
hosts  of  heavenly  beings. — those  that  walk  in  pride: 
sums  up  the  point  and  moral  of  the  whole  chapter. 

V.  Belshazzar,  who  is  represented  as  king  of  Babylon, 
makes  a  great  fea.st,  usine  the  vessels  which  his  father 
had  brought  to  Babylon  from  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem. 
During  the  feast  the  fingers  of  a  man's  hand  are  seen, 
writing  on  the  wall.     Daniel  explains  the  handwriting 


and  tells  the  king  that  his  days  are  numbered  and  that 
his  kingdom  is  to  be  given  to  the  Medcs  and  Persians. 
That  night  the  king  is  murdered  and  Darius  the  Medo 
assumes  the  throne.  The  motive  of  the  chapter  is 
again  quite  plain.  Nebuchadnezzar's  act  of  sacrilege 
has  its  parallel  in  the  profanation  of  the  Temple  by 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  ;  and  the  fate  of  Belshazzar  is 
depicted  as  an  encouragement  to  the  persecuted  Jews 
of  the  .Maccabcan  ago.  The  chapter  raises  some  very 
serious  iiistorical  difficulties  isee  notes  on  i  and  31). 

1.  Belshazzar  the  King. — In  the  Book  of  Daniel 
Belshazzar  is  represented  as  lung  of  Babylon  just  before 
its  conquest  by  the  Persians  in  538  B.C.  Nothing  is 
said  as  to  the  length  of  his  reign,  though  ""  the  third 
year  ''  is  mentioned  in  81.  Belshazzar  is  also  described 
as  the  son  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  But  these  statements 
appear  to  be  erroneous.  The  statements  of  historians 
and  the  evidence  of  the  Inscriptions  make  it  abundantly 
clear  that  the  name  of  the  king  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest  was  Nabonidus  or  Nabunaid,  and  that 
Belshazzar  was  his  son.  Some  scholars  have  supposed 
that  Belshazzar  was  associated  with  his  father  in  the 
rule  of  Babylon,  but  we  have  no  evidence  to  prove  this 
theory,  and  the  Inscriptions,  by  always  describing  liim 
as  the  king's  son,  seem  to  make  it  impossible.  More- 
over Nabunaid  was  entirely  unconnected  with  the 
dynasty  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  so  that  unless  we  resort  to 
the  purely  imaginative  hj^pothesis  that  he  married  a 
daughter  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  it  is  quite  impossible 
for  the  statement  that  Belshazzar  was  the  son  or 
grandson  of  Nebuchadnezzar  to  be  true. — made  a 
great  feast:  this  agrees  with  the  statements  of 
Herodotus  and  Xenophon  that  a  great  feast  was  being 
held  on  the  night  in  which  Babylon  was  destroyed. — 
2.  gold  and  silver  vessels:  see  12.— his  father:  !■*. — 
4.  The  LXX  adds,  "  But  the  eternal  God  they  praised 
not  who  hath  power  over  their  spirit."' — 5.  the  part  of 
the  hand:  the  palm  or  hollow  of  the  hand. — 6.  The 
brightness  of  his  face  grew  pale  from  fear. — 7.  third 
ruler :  the  term  is  not  found  elsewhere.  Driver 
translates,  "  shall  rule  as  one  of  three." — 10.  the 
queen:  probably  the  queen-mother,  i.e.  the  wife  of 
Nebuchadnezzar.  For  the  iniiuence  exerted  by  the 
wife  of  a  former  king,  see  1  K.  1013,  2  K.  IO13,  24i2, 
Jer.  13i8,  29^.— 12.  shewing  of  dark  sentences:  de- 
claring of  riddles. — dissolving  of  doubts:  loosing  of 
knots,  probably  contains  a  reference  to  magic  spells, 
releasing  from  spells  (cf.  16). — 18-24.  A  description  of 
the  glory  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  rule  (cf.  237!,  4io-i2), 
his  overweening  pride,  and  the  punishment  which  God 
inflicted  on  him  (see  4).— 21.  his  heart  was  made :  an 
allusion  to  the  madness  which  befell  Nebuchadnezzar 
(see  introduction  to  4). — 25.  Mene:  there  is  a  good 
deal  of  difficulty  with  regard  to  (a)  the  original  form 
of  the  inscription,  (h)  the  interpretation  of  the  words. 
In  reference  to  (n)  it  will  be  observed  that  the  Upharsin 
of  the  inscription  becomes  "  Peres  "  in  the  interpreta- 
tion, (b)  The  words  are  generally  explained  as  mean- 
ing "  Counted,  counted,  weighed  and  pieces."  The 
objection  to  this  is  that  "  tekel  "  and  "  peres  "  are 
substantives  and  not  verbs.  Another  suggestion, 
which  is  widely  accepted,  regards  the  terms  as  names 
of  three  weights,  "  a  mina,  a  mina,  a  shekel  and  a 
half  mina  "  (a  mina  contained  50  or  60  shekels).  It 
is  supposed  that  the  mina  means  Nebuchadnezzar,  the 
shekel  B<'Ishazzar,  the  lialf-mina  or  Peres,  the  Pereians. 
The  interpretation  suggested  by  Daniel  is  connected 
with  the  derivation  of  the  words  "  raenc,  "  numbered  ; 
"  tekel,"  weighed  ;  "  Peres,"  divided  ;  the  form  of  the 
word  naturally  suggested  Persians. — Upharsin :  the 
comiexion  with  Peres  may  be  thus  explained  :    U  is 


528 


DANIEL,  V.  25 


the  connecting  particle  "  and,"  and  pharain  i.s  tlio 
plural  form  of  Peres.— 30.  tho  Chaldean  king:  ilu- 
kinf,'  of  Babylon. — 31.  Darius  the  Mede :  the  intro- 
duction of  Darius  is  one  of  the  most  serious  historical 
inaccuracies  in  tho  Book.  Darius  is  described  as  king 
of  Babylon  after  the  Persian  conquest.  In  6  ho  is 
depicted  as  an  absolute  sovereign  dividing  the  kingdom 
into  satrapies  and  appointing  governors.  In  9i  he  is 
called  "  the  son  of  Ahasuerus,  of  tho  seed  of  tho 
Modes,  which  was  made  king  over  the  realm  of  the 
Chaldeans,"  preceding  Cjtus  in  this  position  (628). 
There  is  no  historical  warrant  for  these  statements. 
Wo  know  that  Cyrus  became  king  immediately  after 
the  fall  of  Babylon.  There  is  absolutely  no  room  for 
Darius  between  the  expulsion  of  Nabuna'id  and  the 
accession  of  Cyrus.  Some  authorities  have  identified 
Darius  with  Gobryaa  (of  which  the  name  maj^  be  a 
corruption),  who  is  said  to  have  commanded  the  attack- 
ing army  at  the  siege  of  Babylon,  and  as  viceroy  of 
Cynis  to  have  taken  over  the  government  of  tho  city, 
appointing  governors,  etc.  Gobrj'as  never,  however, 
held  the  position  assigned  to  Darius  in  our  Book. 

VI.  Daniel  In  the  Den  of  Lions.— After  giving  an 
account  of  the  reorganisation  of  the  empire  by  Darius 
after  the  fall  of  Babylon,  this  chapter  describes  a 
conspiracj'  formed  against  Daniel  by  tho  princes,  which 
resulted  in  his  being  thrown  into  a  den  of  lions  for 
refusing  to  obey  a  decree  which  forbade  prayer  to 
God.  Daniel  is  found  alive  and  unhurt  the  next 
morning.  His  accusers  are  thrown  to  the  lions  and 
instantly  devoured.  Darius  then  issues  a  decree  com- 
manding the  whole  world  to  honour  the  God  of  Daniel. 
The  purpose  of  the  chapter  is  obviously  to  strengthen 
the  Jews  in  their  resistance  to  the  demands  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes. 

1.  531*. — satraps:  we  have  no  outside  evidence 
in  support  of  this  statement.  According  to  Herodotus 
the  Persian  Empire  was  first  divided  into  twenty 
satrapies  by  Darius  Hystaspis  (522-485  B.C.). — 4.  as 
touching  the  kingdom :  in  the  work  of  his  administra- 
tion.— 6.  assembled:  render,  "came  tumultuously  " 
{)ug.). — 7.  7ng.,  "'  that  the  king  should  establish  a 
statute"  is  better. — 8.  altereth  not:  '*  passe th  not 
away."  For  an  illustration  of  the  statement,  see 
Est.  I19,  88.-10.  three  times  a  day  (c/.  Ps.  417).  Tho 
specified  hours  of  prayer  were  :  (a)  the  time  of  tho 
morning  burnt  offering,  (6)  "  the  ninth  hour,"  i.e.  3  p.m., 
(c)  sunset. — before  his  God :  the  Jews  were  accustomed 
to  speak  of  praj-ing  '"  Ixifore  '  God  rather  than  "  to  " 
Him.  — 11.  assembled:  Driver  translates  "came 
thronging  "  ;  Charles,  "  kept  watch  upon." — 18.  In- 
struments of  music.  Tho  meaning  of  the  Aramaic 
word  is  uncertain.  Some  scholars  translate  "  concu- 
bines "  or  "  dancing  girls." — 24.  had  the  mastery  of 
them:  or  "fell  upon  them." — 25-27.  This  edict  of 
Darius  may  be  compared  with  the  proclamations  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  in  829  and  41-3. — 26.  Stedfast:  en- 
during, immovable. — Cyrus  the  Persian :  the  conqueror 
of  Babvlon  in  538  b.c.  His  reign  lasted  till  529  B.C. 
(Bee  I2I,  lOi). 

VII.  The  Vision  of  the  Four  Beasts. — From  this  point 
onwards  the  Book  becomes  purely  apocalyptic.  The 
vision  of  the  four  beasts  is  parallel  t<^)  tho  vision  of  the 
image  in  2.  The  beasts  rise  out  of  the  sea.  The  first 
is  a  lion  with  eagle's  wings,  the  second  a  l)car,  tho  third 
a  leopard,  the  fourth  a  nameless  and  terrible  creature 
with  ten  horns.  Among  the  ten  horns  of  tho  fourth 
beast  there  arises  another  "  little  horn  "  with  the  eyes 
of  a  man,  which  destroys  throe  of  the  other  horns.  At 
this  ix)int  the  scene  changes.  A  "  great  assize  "  is 
being  held   bj'   "  the  ancient   of  days."     The   fourth 


beast  is  slain.  Tho  other  three  are  dispoasessed.  A 
human  figure  apjjeai's  and  receives  an  everlasting 
kingdom.  The  rest  of  the  chapter  (17-28)  gives  a 
partial  interpretation  of  tho  vision.  The  four  beasts 
are  four  kings  (or  kingdoms)  which  succeed  one  another 
and  are  followed  by  the  kingdom  of  tho  saints.  Tho 
fourth  beast,  in  wliich  the  interest  of  the  chapter  mainly 
centres,  is  described  a.s  a  conquering  kingdom  ;  the 
ten  horns  are  ten  kings  ;  the  "  little  horn  "  is  an 
eleventh  king  which  overthrows  three  of  tho  other  ten, 
and  persecutes  the  saints  for  three  and  a  half  years 
(a  time,  times,  and  half  a  time).  But  the  little  horn 
is  doomed  to  destruction,  and  its  overthrow  will  be 
followed  by  the  i-eign  of  the  saints  in  an  everltisting 
kingdom. 

The  Interpretation  of  the  vision  has  afforded  oppor- 
tunity for  infinite  conjecture  itnd  given  rise  to  endless 
ingenious  theories.  We  may  dismiss  at  once  all  inter- 
pretations which  regard  the  fulfilment  of  tho  vision  as 
still  in  tho  future.  "  The  four  kingdoms  "  and  "  tho 
ton  horns  "  obviously  refer  to  facts  which  were  within 
the  writer's  ken.  Tho  best  and  most  generally  accepted 
explanation  to-day  is  the  following. 

The  four  beasts  represent  the  same  four  kingdoms 
as  the  different  parts  of  tho  colossal  imago  in  2.  The 
lion  is  the  golden  kingdom,  i.e.  the  Babylonian  Empire. 
The  bear  is  the  silver  kingdom,  i.e.  the  Median  Empire, 
wliich  the  Book  of  Daniel  wrongly  interposes  between 
the  Babylonian  and  the  Persian.  The  bear  is  the 
bronze  kingdom,  i.e.  tho  Persian.  The  fearsome, 
nameless  beast  is  the  iron  kingdom,  i.e.  tho  Greek 
Empire.  An  alternative  explanation  wliich  is  found 
current  in  early  Jewish  and  Christian  literature  regards 
the  fourth  kingdom  as  the  Roman  and  omits  tho 
second,  i.e.  the  hypothetical  Median  Empire,  in  the 
above  arrangement,  but  this  suggestion  fails  to  com- 
mend itself  to  the  majority  of  modern  scholars. 

The  ten  horns  represent  the  kings  of  tho  Greek 
Empire.  Tho  best  arrangement  is  as  follows:  (1) 
Alexander  the  Great ;  (2)  Seleucus  I,  312-280  B.C.  ; 
(3)  Antiochus  I,  279-261  b.c.  ;  (4)  Antiochus  II,  261- 
246  B.C.  ;  (5)  Seleucus  II,  246-226  b.c.  ;  (6)  Seleucus 
III,  226-223  B.C.  ;  (7)  Antiochus  III,  222-187  B.C.  ; 
(8)  Seleucus  IV,  186-176  b.c.  ;  (9)  Heliodorus ; 
(10)  Ptolemy  VII,  170-146  B.C.  Some  scholars  omit 
Alexander  the  Great  and  add  Demetrius  Soter. 

The  little  horn  is  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  arch- 
persecutor  of  the  Jews,  against  whom  the  Maccabeans 
revolted.  The  three  horns  which  were  "  plucked  up  " 
were  probably  Seleucus  IV,  Hehodorus  the  usurper, 
and  Demetrius  I,  all  of  whom  seem  to  have  been  over- 
thrown by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  though  the  evidence 
is  not  conclusive  in  the  case  of  Demetrius. 

1.  Belshazzar:  51"*.  2.  the  great  sea:  usually  sup- 
posed to  bo  the  Mediterranean,  but  probably  here  used 
of  a  mythical  sea. — 4.  The  first  beast :  the  Babylonian 
Empire,  described  as  a  lion  with  eagle's  (or  vulture's) 
wings,  thus  combining  the  characteristics  of  the 
noblest  of  quadrupeds  and  one  of  the  most  majestic 
of  birds. — the  wings  were  plucked  :  probably  an  allu- 
sion to  the  madness  which  came  ujwn  Nebuchadnezzar 
(see  4)  and  gave  Inm  "a  beast's  heart"  (4ib).  His 
recovery  is  alluded  to  in  tho  following  phrase,  "  a 
man's  heart  was  given  to  it." — 5.  another  beast:  tho 
hyp<ithetical  Median  Empire  which  our  Book  inserts 
between  the  Babylonian  and  Persian  rule.  It  is  com- 
pared to  a  bt^ar,  to  indicate  its  inferiority  to  the  lion- 
like Babylonian  Empii-e. — It  was  raised  up  on  one  side  : 
as  Driver  suggests,  the  phrase  is  probaijly  intended 
to  i-cfer  to  the  aggrossivenes.^  of  the  l)ear.  "  It  is 
picturod  as  raising  one  of  its  shoulders  so  as  to  be 


DANIEL,  VIII.  8 


529 


able  to  use  the  paw  on  that  side." — three  ribs:  an 
allusion  to  the  prey  which  it  had  seized,  probably  a 
reference  to  three  countries  which  had  been  subdued. — 
6.  The  third  beast,  a  leopard,  represents  the  Persian 
Empire. — four  wings  may  refer  either  to  the  agility  of 
the  Persian  Empire  and  the  swiftness  with  which  it 
swooped  down  upon  its  victims,  or  the  extent  of  the 
empire,  which  reached  to  the  four  quarters  of  the 
earth. — four  heads:  the  four  Persian  kings,  Cyrus, 
Darius,  Xerxes,  and  Artaxerxes. — 7.  the  fourth  beast : 
the  Greek  Empire.  The  Book  of  Daniel  is  always 
specially  severe  on  the  Greek  Empire. — the  homs :  ten 
lungs  ;  see  introduction  to  the  chapter. — 8.  another 
horn :  Antiochus  Epiphancs. — three  .  .  .  horns :  see 
introduction  to  the  chapter. — eyes  of  a  man :  imply- 
ing keen  insightand  power  of  observation. — mouth,  etc.: 
Antiochus  is  reputed  to  have  been  notorious  for  his 
boastful  utterances. 

9-14.  The  scene  changes,  and  we  have  now  a  picture 
of  a  "  great  assize  "  in  heaven,  executing  judgment 
upon  the  kings  and  empires  referred  to  in  the  previous 


9.  thrones  were  placed :  for  the  angels  who  assisted 
the  Judge. — ancient  of  days:  the  same  expression  is 
found  elsewhere  with  the  meaning  of  "an  old  man." 
We  must  not  read  into  the  words  the  conception  of 
eternity.  What  Daniel  sees  in  the  vision  is  not  the 
Eternal  God,  but  God  in  the  form  of  an  aged  and 
venerable  man. — white  .  .  .  wool:  these  metaphors 
are  intended  to  portray  the  purity  of  God. — wheels: 
the  throne  is  depicted  as  a  chariot  of  fire.  There  is  a 
very  similar  description  of  the  throne  of  God  in  the 
Book  of  Enoch.  "  From  underneath  the  throne  came 
streams  of  flaming  fire  .  .  .  the  flaming  fire  was  round 
about  him  and  a  great  fire  stood  before  him." — 11.  the 
beast  was  slain:  i.e.  the  fourth  beast,  Antiochus 
Epiphanes. — to  be  burned  with  fire:  i.e.  in  the  place 
where  the  dead  are  finally  punished. — 12.  the  rest  of 
the  beasts:  the  Babylonian,  Median,  and  Persian 
Empires. — 13.  like  unto  a  son  of  man:  the  AV  was 
wrong  in  translating  "  like  the  Son  of  man,"  and  thus 
suggesting  that  the  passage  referred  to  the  "  Son  of 
man  "  of  the  Gospels.  The  phrase  simply  denotes  a 
figure  in  human  form.  There  is  no  reference  to  the 
Messiah.  In  the  interpretation  of  the  vision  in  i8, 
this  phrase  has  no  place  at  all.  The  kingdom  that  is 
here  given  unto  "  one  like  unto  a  son  of  man  "  is  in 
i8  given  to  "  the  saints  of  the  Most  High."  There 
must  be,  therefore,  some  equation  between  the  two 
expressions.  The  explanation  is  probably  as  follows  : 
The  four  kingdoms  which  have  been  destroyed  are 
represented  in  the  form  of  beasts  because  of  their 
rapacity  and  cruelty.  The  ideal  kingdom  which  is  to 
be  established  is  represented  under  the  figure  of  a 
human  being,  "  a  son  of  man,"  to  denote  that  it 
would  be  free  from  all  the  brutal  qualities  and  char- 
acteristics which  had  marked  previous  empires.  As 
Driver  says,  "  Humanity  is  contrasted  with  animality  ; 
and  the  human  form,  as  opposed  to  the  bestial,  teaches 
that  the  last  kingdom  will  be,  not  like  the  Gentile 
kingdoms,  a  supremacy  of  brute  force,  but  a  supremacy 
ostensibly  humane  and  spiritual  "  (CB,  p.  104).  The 
now  kingdom  is  described  as  coming  "  with  the  clouds 
of  heaven,"  to  distinguish  it  from  the  other  kingdoms 
which  "  came  up  from  the  sea."  They  are  from 
below,  it  is  from  above. — 15.  in  the  midst  of  my  body : 
lit.  the  sheath  (mfj.).  The  body  is  here  regarded  as 
the  sheath  or  receptacle  of  the  soul. — 19-22  recapitu- 
lates the  description  of  the  characteristics  of  the  fourth 
beast  (9-12,  i8).— 21.  made  war  with  the  saints:  an 
allusion  to  the  attack  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  upon 


the  Jewish  people. — 25.  change  the  times  and  the  law : 

Antiochus  attempted  to  abolish  the  feasts  of  the  Jews 
and  the  ordinances  of  the  Law. — a  time  and  times  and 
half  a  time:  a  time  is  a  year,  and  the  whole  phrase, 
therefore,  denotes  3^  years,  the  period  during  which 
the  persecution  under  Antiochus  lasted,  from  1G8- 
165  B.C.— 26.  the  judgement:  i.e.  the  court  of 
judgement. 

VIII.  The  Vision  of  the  Ram  and  the  He-goat.— This 
chapter  gives  an  account  of  another  vision  which  came 
to  Daniel  in  Shushan.  Near  the  river  Ulai  a  ram  with 
two  horns  is  seen  pushing  invincibly  westward  and 
northward  and  southward.  Suddenly  from  the  W.  a 
he-goat  appears,  attacks  the  ram,  and  breaks  his  horns. 
Then,  the  he-goat  "  magnified  himself  exceedingly." 
The  "  notable  horn  "  between  his  eyes  is  broken  and 
four  other  horns  spring  up  to  take  its  place.  Out  of 
these  four  homs  proceeded  another,  a  little  horn, 
which  moved  towards  the  E.  and  the  S.  and  attacked 
the  land  of  Palestine,  exalting  itself  against  God, 
desecrating  the  Temple,  and  abolishing  the  sacrifices 
for  2300  days. 

The  interpretation  of  the  vision  which  is  given  by 
Gabriel  to  Daniel  is  exceptionally  clear,  and  leaves  no 
manner  of  doubt  that  it  refers  to  the  events  of  the 
Maccabean  age.  The  ram  with  the  two  homs  repre- 
sents the  two  kingdoms  of  Media  and  Persia.  The 
he-goat  is  the  Greek  Empire,  the  first  hom  representing 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  the  four  later  homs  the  four 
kingdoms  into  which  the  empire  subsequently  split 
up.  The  little  hom  is  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  "  a  king 
of  fierce  coimtenance  and  understanding  dark  sen- 
tences." The  attack  on  the  Jewish  religion  is  clearly 
described,  and  the  promise  given  that  God  will  dehver 
His  people. 

1.  Bebhazzar:  5i*. — at  the  first:  refers  to  the 
vision  of  the  four  beasts  in  7,  which  is  dated  two 
years  previously. — 2.  Shushan  the  palace :  the  citadel 
of  Susa  (Neh.  li.  Est.  12,5).  Susa  was  the  capital  of 
Elam,  and  was  situated  on  the  river  Eulajus,  directly 
N.  of  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  It  is  described 
by  Xenophon  as  the  "  winter  residence  of  the  Persian 
kings."  Its  citadel  was  renowned  for  its  strength. 
As  the  city  was  destroyed  in  the  reign  of  Assurbanipal 
(668-626  B.C.)  and  not  restored  till  the  time  of 
Darius  Hystaspis  (521^85  B.C.)  there  is  some  doubt 
as  to  whether  the  citadel  was  in  existence  at  the 
date  implied  by  this  chapter.  —  Elam :  the  pro- 
vince or  district  E.  of  the  Jower  Tigris  and  N.  of 
the  Persian  Gulf  (Jer.  4934-39*1- —  Ulai:  Eulaeus 
(modem  Karun),  one  of  the  three  rivers  which 
flows  into  the  Persian  Gulf  from  the  mountains  on 
the  N.  Driver,  however,  thinks  it  was  probably  a 
large  artificial  canal  connecting  two  of  these  rivers. 
— 3.  the  ram :  a  symbol  of  power  and  energy  (Ezek. 
39 1 8).  Of  the  two  homs  the  lower  represents  the 
Median  Empire,  the  higher  which  "  came  up  last " 
the  Persian. — 5.  he-goat :  used  metaphorically  to 
describe  a  ruler  or  leader  (Is.  I49  ()ng.\,  346  ;  Ezek.  39 
18),  representing  here  the  Greek  Empire. — on  the  face: 
an  exaggerated  but  pointed  description  of  Alexander's 
conquests. — touched  not  the  ground:  such  was  the 
speed  of  the  he-goat  that  he  seemed  to  be  flying 
without  touching  the  ground,  a  reference  to  the  rapidity 
of  Alexanders  triumphant  progress. — notable  hom : 
Alexander  the  Great. — 7  describes  the  downfall  of  the 
Persian  Empire  before  Alexander. — 8.  groat  horn  was 
broken:  refers  to  Alexanders  tragic  death  at  the 
summit  of  his  power  in  323  b.c. — four  notable  horns : 
i.e.  the  four  kingdoms  into  which  the  Greek  Empire 
was  divided  :    (a)  Egypt,  (6)  Asia  Minor,  (c)  Syria  and 


530 


DANIEL,  VIII.  8 


Babylonia,  (</)  Macedonia  and  Greece  (c/,  II4). — 9.  a 
little  horn:  Antioclms  Epiphancs  (175-ltM  B.f.)  whose 
oppression  caused  tlio  Maccabcan  risinfj. — glorious 
land:  Palestine  (c/.  11 16,  41). — 10.  the  host  of  heaven : 
the  stars.  This  attack  on  the  heavenly  bodies  Is  a 
symbolical  way  of  describing  Antioclius'  att<nipt  to 
destroy  the  Jewish  religion. — 11.  the  prince  of  the 
host:  i.e.  CJfjd.— burnt  offering:  refers  to  iVntiochus' 
desecration  of  the  Temple  and  the  supprcfsion  of  the 
sacrifices. — 12.  and  the  host  was  given :  the  meanuig 
of  this  clause  is  very  uncertain.  Driver  rendera,  '  A 
host  was  appointed  against  the  continual  burnt  offer- 
ing with  transgression,'  and  explains  it  thus : 
"  Antiochus  had  recourse  to  violence  and  set  up  an 
armed  garrison  to  suppress  the  sacred  rites  of  the 
Jews."  RV  means,  "  A  host  {i.e.  an  army  of  Israelites) 
was  given  over  to  it  (the  horn,  i.e.  Antiochus)  together 
with  the  burnt  offering  through  transgression  "  (i.e.  the 
apostasy  of  the  disloyal  Jews). — 14.  two  thousand 
three  hundred:  1150  days.  The  desecration  of  the 
altar  lasted  from  the  15th  of  Chislew  168  B.C.  to  the 
25th  of  Chislew  165  B.C.,  or  3  years  and  10  days.  The 
number  of  days  reckoned  in  a  Jewish  year  at  this  time 
is  uncertain,  but  the  range  of  possibiUties  for  this  period 
lies  between  1090  and  1132  days,  and  in  any  case  the 
number  falls  short  of  the  prophesied  1150.  Some 
scholars  think  that  the  1150  days  is  reckoned  not  from 
the  actual  destruction  of  the  altar,  but  from  the  date 
of  the  edict  of  Antiochus.  Others  hold  that  the  Book 
was  written  within  this  period,  and  that  the  1150  days 
or  3J  years  was,  therefore,  a  genuine  prediction,  which 
was  only  approximately  fulfilled.— 17.  the  vision 
belongeth  to  the  end :  to  the  writer  the  events  of  the 
Maccaboan  rising  were  to  be  followed  by  the  end  of 
the  world. — 19.  in  the  latter  time  of  the  "indignation: 
when  the  wrath  of  God  shall  be  manifest  at  the  end  of 
time.— 20-22.  3-9*.— 23.  understanding  dark  sen- 
tences :  "  a  master  of  dissimulation,  able  to  conceal 
his  meaning  under  ambiguous  words "  (Driver). — 
24.  not  by  his  own  power:  i.e.  either  (a)  by  the  per- 
mission of  God,  or  {}))  by  his  intrigues. — 25.  broken 
Without  hand :  by  act  of  God. — 26.  shut  up  the  vision : 
keep  it  secret. 

IX.  This  is  one  of  the  most  puzzling  chapters  in  the 
Bible,  and  no  little  ingenuity  has  Ijeen  expended  upon 
its  interpretation.  Jeremiah  had  spoken  of  a  punish- 
ment which  was  to  befall  the  king  of  Babylon  "  when 
seventy  years  are  accomplished  "  (Jer.  25i2).  Daniel, 
puzzled  by  the  prophecy,  mquires  of  God  what  the 
seventy  years  signified.  The  answer  given  is  that  the 
"  seventy  years "  refers  to  seven  weeks  of  years, 
i.e.  490  years,  and  is  divided  into  three  periods  of 
49,  434,  and  7  years  respectively.  The  first  period 
will  be  the  interval  between  the  utterance  of  the 
prophecy  and  the  commencement  of  the  work  of  re- 
storing the  city  and  the  advent  of  the  "  anointed  one." 
The  second  period  of  434  j'cars  covers  the  time  of 
restoration,  and  at  tiie  end  of  it  an  anointed  one  would 
be  cut  off,  and  a  time  of  desolation  would  ensue. 
During  the  la«t  period  of  seven  years,  persecutions 
would  arise,  and  for  half  the  time  the  sacrifices  would 
be  suspended.  No  interpretation  has  yet  been  sug- 
gested which  entirely  meets  the  facts.  The  two  most 
popular  explanations  are  an  follows  : 

(1)  The  Modem  View. — Following  the  analogy  of  the 
interpretation  ..f  tli.>  olhor  prophetic  elements  in  Daniel, 
most  moileni  scliolars  think  that  the  490  years  are  to 
be  found  in  tiie  jx  nod  which  begins  witlithe  date  of 
Jeremiah's  prophecy  (587  B.C.)  and  ends  with  the 
death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  in  164  B.C.  Many  of 
the  details  of  the  narrative  fit  this  explanation,  e..g.  the 


ce.s.sation  of  the  sacrifices  under  Antiochus  for  3i  years 
(27).  The  most  serious  ditliculty  lies  in  the  fact'that 
the  period  587  B.C.  to  164  covers  only  423  years  and 
not  490,  so  that  there  are  67  yeara  unaccoiuited  for. 
The  only  possible  reply  is  to  argue  that  the  mistake 
is  due  to  the  writer's  lack  of  sufficient  chronological 
data.  Josephus  makes  similar  mistakes,  and  tlie 
Hellenistic  writer,  Demetrius,  over-estimates  a  similar 
stretch  of  histoiy  by  about  the  same  amount  (73  years) ; 
see  Driver,  p.  147. 

(2)  The  Traditional  View  maintains  that  the  passage 
contains  a  prediction  of  the  advent  and  the  death  of 
Christ,  the  abolition  of  the  Levitical  sacrifices,  and  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem.  The  reading  of  the  AV  affords 
some  support  for  the  theory.  Phrases  like  "  unto  the 
Messiah  the  Prince,"  "  Messiah  shall  be  cut  off," 
natiirally  suggest  to  the  ordinary  reader  the  birth  and 
death  of  Christ.  But  when  we  look  more  closely  into 
the  passage,  it  becomes  clear  that  this  interpretation 
will  not  bear  examination,  (a)  It  is  extremely  doubtful 
whether  the  term  "  Messiah  "  really  represents  the 
meaning  of  the  original.  The  RV  translates  "  the 
anointed  one,"  and  if  we  adopt  its  punctuation  there 
are  two  "  anointed  ones,"  the  one  appearing  at  the 
end  of  the  49th  year,  the  other  "  cut  off  "  at  the  end 
of  the  483rd  year,  {h)  Upon  this  reasoning  the  period 
would  commence  (see  Driver,  p.  144)  at  458  B.C.,  the 
date  of  Ezra's  mission,  which  would  form  a  good 
beginning,  though  it  does  not  seem  to  be  definitely 
connected  with  the  rebuilding  of  the  city,  but  there 
is  no  event  at  409  to  mark  the  break  between  the  first 
two  epochs,  (c)  It  is  impossible  to  explain  the  phrase 
in  27  which  states  that  the  anointed  one  "  made  a 
covenant  for  one  week  "  (seven  years).  The  ministry 
of  Jesus  lasted  only  for  three  years,  (d)  The  narrative 
implies  that  the  sacrifices  were  only  suspended  for 
3^  years.  The  interpretation  implies  their  complete 
and  total  abolition,  (e)  There  is  no  hint  that  a  period 
of  40  years,  the  time  between  the  Crucifixion  and  tho 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  is  to  intervene  between  the 
Messiah's  overthrow  and  the  final  denouement.  The 
date  of  the  destiiiction  of  Jenisalem  falls  completely 
outside  the  range  of  the  490  years.  For  these  reasons 
the  traditional  view  is  now  generally  abandoned  by 
modem  scholarship,  and  the  first  theory  almost  uni- 
versally adopted. 

1.  Darius:  531*. — 2.  Jeremiah  the  prophet:  the 
reference  is  to  the  prophecies  in  Jer.  25iif.,  29 10. 
Daniel  is  distressed  by  the  apparent  failure  of  these 
proi)hecies  and  seeks  to  discover  an  explanation, — 
4-19.  According  to  Charles,  a  later  interpolation  con- 
taining the  confession  of  Daniel.  This  prayer  waa 
evidently  written  by  a  Palestinian  Jew  (see  7  and  16), 
and  does  not,  therefore,  maintain  the  point  of  view 
assumed  in  tho  rest  of  the  book,  where  the  writer  is 
supposed  to  be  li\'ing  at  tho  court  of  Babylon.  There 
is  little  originality  in  the  prayer,  and  many  of  its 
phrases  are  bonowed  from  other  parts  of  the  OT. — 
11.  written  In  the  law  of  Moses:  cf.  Dt.  292o.— 13.  as 
it  is  written:  cf.  Dt.  2.S15.  30i.— 20-26.  The  explana- 
tion of  Jeremiah's  prophecy.— 21.  being  caused  to  fly 
swiftly :  the  meaning  of  the  original  is  obscure  ;  mg. 
gives  an  alternative  rendering,  "  being  sorc  wearied," 
but  neither  translation  is  satisfactory.  If  "  fly  swiftly  " 
is  correct,  this  is  the  earliest  reference  to  the  later 
popular  conception  that  angels  poa^e.ss  wings. — 24. 
seventy  weeks:  this  phrase  gives  the  new  principle 
\ipon  which  Jeremiahs  prophecy  is  to  he  reinterpreted. 
The  70  years  are  to  be  regarded  as  70  weeks  of  years. 
I.e.  490  years.  This  verso  describes  in  general  terms 
what  is  to  happen  during  this  period. — seal  up:    con- 


DANIEL,  XI.  6 


531 


firm  or  latify. — anoint  the  most  holy :  it  is  doubtful 
whether  this  phrase  is  masculine  or  neuter  (cf.  mg.). 
Driver  thinks  tliat  it  refers  to  the  Temple  or  altar. — 
25.  from  the  going  forth:  i.e.  from  the  utterance  of 
the  commandment  by  Jeremiah. — unto  the  anointed 
one :  scholars  are  divided  as  to  the  person  referred  to 
in  this  phrase.  Driver  favours  Cyrus,  who  is  called 
"  the  anointed  "  in  Is.  45 1.  Charles  thinks  it  refers 
to  Jeshua,  the  son  of  Jozadak,  the  first  high  priest 
after  the  restoration  (Ezr.  82).— threescore  and  two 
weeks:  this  verse  should  undoubtedly  be  connected 
with  the  following  clause  as  in  RV,  and  not  with  the 
preceding  sentence  as  in  AV.  It  means  "  weeks  of 
years,  i.e.  434  years. — with  street  and  moat:  many 
scholara  accept  an  emendation  which  enables  us  to 
translate,  "  with  square  and  street."  Jerusalem  is  to 
be  rebuilt  on  a  larger  scale  and  with  broader  streets 
than  before. — 26.  the  anointed  one  be  cut  off :  the  mean- 
ing of  this  phrase  is  far  from  clear,  but  moat  modern 
scholars  think  it  refers  to  Onias  III,  who,  in  175  B.C., 
was  deposed  from  the  high  priesthood  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  (p.  523). — shall  have  nothing:  this  is,  as 
Charles  says,  "  a  questionable  reading  of  an  uncertain 
text."  As  the  words  stand,  they  mean  that  Onias, 
after  his  deprivation,  was  left  in  abject  poverty. — the 
people  of  the  prince :  refei-s  to  the  soldiers  of  Antiochus. 
— his  end  :  i.e.  the  death  of  Antiochus.  Charles  trans- 
lates, '■  The  end  shall  be  with  a  flood,"  and  connects 
with  the  following  verse,  making  these  words  introduce 
the  events  of  the  last  week. — 27.  (a  most  difficult  verse) 
he  shall  make  a  firm  covenant :  if  the  reference  is  to 
Antiochus,  as  seems  absolutely  certain,  the  words  can 
only  mean  that  "  he  made  a  covenant  with  apostate 
Jews  in  order  to  secure  their  help  in  extirpating  the 
Jewish  religion."  Some  scholars  emend  the  text  and 
translate,  "  the  covenant  shall  be  annulled  for  the 
many,"  i.e.  there  shall  be  a  period  of  general  apostasy. — 
one  week :  7  years. — half  of  the  week :  the  3J  years 
during  which  the  sacrifices  were  suspended  by  Antiochus 
(c/.  725,  814). — upon  the  wing  of  abominations: 
another  difficult  and  obscure  phrase.  As  it  stands,  it 
can  only  be  explained  on  the  analogy  of  Ps.  I810,  "  and 
he  {i.e.  Yahweh)  rode  upon  a  cherub  and  did  fly." 
Many  scholars,  however,  prefer  to  emend  the  text  and 
translate  "  in  its  stead,"  i.e.  in  place  of  the  sacrifice. 
"  In  its  stead  shall  be  the  abomination  that  maketh 
desolate,  i.e.  the  heathen  altar  set  up  by  Antiochus 
(II31*). — and  even  unto  the  consummation :  the  best 
rendering  of  the  last  clause  is  that  of  Driver,  "  and  that 
until  the  consummation  and  that  which  is  determined 
be  poured  upon  the  desolation,"  i.e.  the  abomination  will 
continue  until  doom  is  poured  out  upon  Antiochus. 

X.  Introduction  to  the  Final  Vision. — The  last  three 
chapters  of  Daniel  form  a  unity  and  describe  the  final 
vision.  10  is  introductory.  A  "  shining "  being 
appears  to  Daniel  near  the  "  great  river  "  and  tells 
him  that  he  has  been  sent  in  answer  to  his  prayers. 
The  guardian  angel  of  Persia  had  tried  to  intercept 
him,  but  Michael  the  protector  of  Israel  had  come  to 
his  assistance. 

1.  third  year  of  Cyrus :  535  b.c,  the  latest  date  m 
the  Book. — 4.  the  great  river :  elsewhere  {cf.  Gren.  15i8) 
the  Euphrates  is  described  in  this  way,  and  as  the 
Hiddekel,  i.e.  the  Tigris,  was  5()  miles  from  Babylon, 
Charles  thinks  the  name  of  the  river  is  an  interpolation. 
— 5.  gold  of  Uphaz :  the  word  "  Uphaz  "  occurs  only 
in  Jer.  IO9,  and  no  place  of  tliis  name  is  known.  Most 
scholars  think  that  tiie  word  is  a  corruption  of  the 
more  familiar  Ophir. — 6.  beryl:  LXX  reads,  "  chryso- 
lite," i.e.  the  topaz.  Co'uparo  with  the  description  of 
the  angel  here  that  of  the  risen  Christ  in  Rev.  1. — 


13.  the  prince  of  the  kingdom  of  Persia:  "  prmce  "  is 
not  here  the  title  of  an  earthly  ruler,  but  refers  to  the 
guardian  angel  (Is.  242if.*).  Each  nation  was  sup- 
posed to  have  its  own  guardian  angel,  so  also  in  the 
phrase,  "  one  of  the  chief  princes,"  i.e.  one  of  the  chief 
guardian  angels  (Is.  242i*,  Mt.  ISio*;. — remained 
with  the  kings:  Charles  adopts  an  emendation  which 
makes  much  better  sense,  "  I  left  him  alone  there 
with  the  prince  of  the  kings  of  Persia." — 16.  like  the 
similitude:  i.e.  an  angel  in  the  form  of  a  man. — 20. 
prince:  guardian  angel,  as  in  13. 

XL  The  Final  Vision. — This  gives  a  summary  of 
history  from  the  beginning  of  the  Persian  era  to  the 
time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The  references  to  the 
earUer  part  of  it  are  brief,  but  more  details  are  given 
when  the  prophet  reaches  the  period  of  the  Greek 
supremacy,  especially  with  regard  to  the  relations  be- 
tween the  Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucidaj. 

1.  This  verse  really  belongs  to  10,  and  should  be 
taken  as  the  final  clause  of  the  preceding  paragraph. — 
first  year  of  Darius :  the  mention  of  Darius  is  exceed- 
ingly difficult,  as  10 1  dates  the  prophecy  in  the  third 
year  of  Cyrus.  The  LXX  reads  Cyrus  instead  of 
Darius. — confirm  and  strengthen  him :  i.e.  Michael,  not 
Darius.  If  the  translation  is  right,  Daniel  is  repre- 
sented as  coming  to  the  assistance  of  Michael  in  his 
contest  with  the  other  angels.  But  the  LXX  reads, 
"  confirms  and  strengthens  me."  Charles  emends 
10206-llif.  thus:  "  When  I  go  forth,  lo,  the  prince  of 
Greece  shall  come,  and  there  is  none  that  holdeth 
with  me  against  these,  but  Michael  your  prince,  who 
standeth  up  to  confirm  and  strengthen  me.  But  I 
will  tell  thee  that  which  is  inscribed  in  the  writing  of 
truth.  Behold,  there  shall  stand  up,  etc." — 2.  three 
kings :  probablv  C5t:us  (538-529  b.c),  Cambyses  (529- 
522  B.C.),  Darius  Hystaspis  (522-485  b.c.).— the  fourth: 
Xerxes  (485-465  B.C. )  who  invaded  Greece.  An  account 
of  the  immense  wealth  and  power  of  Xerxes  is  given 
by  the  Greek  historian  Herodotus  (vii.  20-99). — stir  up  : 
an  allusion  to  the  well-known  expedition  of  Xerxes 
against  Greece. — 3.  a  mighty  king:  Alexander  the 
Great. — 4.  his  kingdom  shall  be  broken:  an  allusion 
to  the  division  of  Alexander's  empire  after  his  death 
(88*). — not  to  posterity:  Alexander  left  no  children 
to  succeed  him,  and  the  son  bom  after  his  death  waa 
murdered  before  he  reached  manhood. — 5.  the  king 
of  the  south:  the  king  of  Egypt,  Ptolemy  I.  The 
two  chief  divisions  of  the  Greek  Empire  were  (a )  Egypt, 
which  was  ruled  by  the  Ptolemies,  (6)  SjTia,  which  was 
governed  by  the  Seleucidae.  The  following  verses  give 
an  account  of  the  relations  between  these  two  empires. 
— one  of  his  princes :  Seleucus,  the  founder  of  the  rival 
empire. — he  shall  be  strong  above  him :  Sekucus  shall  be 
stronger  than  Ptolemy. — 6.  they  shall  join  themselves : 
refers  to  the  attempt  of  Ptolemy  II  (285-247)  and 
Antiochus  II  to  form  a  matrimonial  alliance  between 
the  two  empires. — the  king's  daughter:  Berenice. 
Ptolemy  II,  in  order  to  bring  the  long  and  disastrous 
wai"s  between  Egypt  and  Syria  to  a  close,  gave  his 
daughter  Berenice  in  marriage  to  Antiochus  II,  on 
condition  that  he  divorced  his  wife  Laodicc,  and  upon 
the  understanding  that  if  Berenice  had  a  son,  he 
should  unite  the  two  empires. — she  shall  retain:  the 
arrangement  did  not  succeed.  After  the  death  of 
Ptolemy,  Antiochus  dismissed  Berenice  and  took  back 
his  previous  wife,  Laodicc. — neither  shall  he  stand: 
Antiochus  was  murdered  by  Laodice. — she  shall  be 
given  up :  Berenice  waa  put  to  death  at  the  instigation 
of  Laodice. — they  that  bought  her:  i.e.  Berenice's 
attendants. — he  that  begat  her:  Rolemy  II,  but 
Charles    euiejids    tlie    text    and    reads,    "  her   son." — 


532 


DANIEL,  XI.  7 


7.  out  of  a  shoot :  Ptolemy  III,  Berenice's  brother. — 
come  with  an  army :  Ptolemy  III,  in  order  to  avenge 
his  sister,  invaded  Syria,  seized  Seleucia  the  fortified 
port  of  Antioch,  and  overran  the  country.  He  was 
obliged,  however,  to  return  to  Egypt,  before  his  con- 
quest was  complete,  in  order  to  quell  a  rebellion,  but 
he  took  back  immense  spoil  and  booty. — 9.  He  shall 
come:  Scleucus  II.  After  the  murder  of  Antiochus, 
his  successor,  Seleucus  Callinicus,  invaded  Egypt  but 
was  defeated  (240  B.C.). — 10.  his  sons:  i.e.  the  sons 
of  Seleucus  11,  Seleucus  Keraunos  who  reigned  for 
three  years  (22(>-223  B.C.),  and  Antiochus  III,  generally 
known  as  Antiochus  the  Great  (223-187  B.r.).  The 
two  are  joined  together,  though  the  former  never  made 
an  attack  upon  Egypt.  The  campaigns  alluded  to  are 
those  of  Antiochus  the  Great. — sliall  come  on :  many 
MSS.  read,  "  shall  attack  him." — his  fortress :  probably 
Gaza,  the  strongest  fortress  in  the  S.  of  Palestine. — 
11.  he  shall  set  forth :  this  sentence  is  very  ambiguous, 
and  may  mean  either  he  (Antiochus)  will  raise  a  great 
army  and  it  will  be  given  into  his  (Ptolemy's)  hand, 
or  he  (Ptolemy)  will  raise  a  great  army  and  it  shall  be 
put  under  his  command. — 12.  Read  mg.  "  The  multi- 
tude "  refers  to  the  army  of  Antiochus. — his  heart : 
Ptolemy's. — shall  not  prevail :  Ptolemy  failed  to  follow 
up  his  victory. — 13.  This  verse  refers  to  an  attack 
made  by  Antiochus  upon  Egypt  twelve  years  later 
(205  B.C.).  In  the  meantime  Ptolemy  Philopator  had 
died  and  been  succeeded  by  his  son  Ptolemy  Epiphancs, 
a  boy  of  five. — at  the  end  of  the  times :  a  reference  to 
the  intcrs-al  of  twelve  years  since  the  previous  cam- 
paign.— 14.  may  stand  up:  tliis  phrase  includes 
Antiochus,  Philip  of  Macedon  his  ally,  and  certain 
rebellions  which  are  said  to  have  broken  out  in  Egypt 
at  this  time. — children  of  the  violent :  certain  turbulent 
spirits  among  the  Jews  who  assisted  iVntiochus  in  his 
campaign  against  Eg^-pt.— to  establish  the  vision:  to 
fulfil  the  prophecies. — 15.  well-fenced  city:  Sidon, 
which  was  captured  by  Antiochus. — 16.  He  (Antiochus) 
that  Cometh  against  him  (Ptolemy). — the  glorious  land : 
Palestine  (c/.  89).— 17.  upright  ones:  read  mg.,  which 
is  based  on  the  text  of  the  Versions,  "  shall  make 
equitable  conditions."  Owing  to  the  intervention  of 
the  Romans,  Antiochus  was  unable  to  invade  Egypt, 
and  was  compelled  to  make  terms  with  Ptolemy.— the 
daughter  of  women :  his  daughter  Cleopatra. — to 
destroy  it  (mg.) :  the  real  motive  of  the  marriage  was 
to  obtain  a  hold  over  Egypt. — but  It  (mg.)  shall  not 
stand :  the  plan  did  not  succeed.  Cleopatra  took  the 
part  of  her  husband  rather  than  her  father. — 18.  turn 
his  face  to  the  isles :  to  the  coast-lands  of  Asia  Minor, 
referring  to  Antiochus'  expedition  into  Asia  Minor 
and  Greece. — a  prince:  t.e.  a  commander  (cf.  mg.) ; 
Lucius  Cornelius  Scipio,  who  defeated  Antiochus  at  the 
battle  of  Magnesia,  is  intended. — 196.  refers  to  the 
murder  of  Antiochus  in  187  B.C.  by  the  inhabitants  of 
Elymais,  in  revenge  for  his  sacrilege  upon  the  Temple 
of  Bel.— 20.  one:  i.e.  Seleucus  IV  (187-175  b.c.)— 
shall  cause  an  exactor:  these  words  arc  supposed  to 
refer  to  an  attempt  by  Seleucus  to  plunder  the  Temple 
in  Jerusalem  (2  Mac.  2i). — within  few  days:  after 
an  inglorious  reign  of  twelve  yeai-s,  Seleucus  IV  was 
murdered,  as  the  result  of  a  plot  fonned  against  him 
by  his  chief  minister,  Hcliodorus. — 21.  a  contemptible 
person:  Antiochus  Epij.hanes  (175-164).  The  rest  of 
the  chapter  is  a  description  of  Antiochus,  who  is 
rcgaixied  as  the  villain  of  the  piece. — they  had  not 
given:  Antiochus  was  not  the  natural  heir.  The 
throne  shoidd  liave  passed  to  Demetrius,  the  son  of  the 
previous  king. — in  time  of  security:  or  "unawares" 
(SCO  825  and    II24). — by   flatteries:     Antiochus  mado 


himself  very  popular  with  the  people  of  Antioch.  An 
inscription  was  discovered  at  Pergamum  in  1885  re- 
cording a  vote  of  thanks  passed  by  them  to  Eumenes, 
king  of  Pergamum,  and  Attains  liis  brother,  for  the 
assistance  which  the}'  had  rendered  to  Antiochus  in 
obtaining  the  crown.  It  is  printed  in  CB,  p.  207. — 
22.  The  attack  of  Antiochus  upon  Palestine. — prince 
of  the  covenant:  the  high  priest,  Oniaa  III,  who  is 
called  "  the  anointed  one  "  in  926. — 23.  with  a  small 
people:  an  allusion  probably  to  the  paucity  of  the 
friends  and  supporters  of  Antiochus. — 24.  the  fattest 
places :  the  meaning  is  obscure.  The  phrase  is  generally 
taken  to  refer  to  fertile  districts  of  Palestine  or  Egypt, 
but  some  scholars  emend  the  text  and  render,  "  assail 
the  mightiest  men  of  the  province." — 25.  The  refer- 
ence is  to  the  first  Egyptian  campaign  of  Antiochus  in 
170  B.C. — king  of  the  south:  Ptolemy  Philometor, 
who  was  defeated  by  Antiochus  near  Pelusium. — 26. 
they  that  eat:  the  defeat  of  Ptolemy  was  largely  due 
to  the  disaffection  of  his  friends. — 27.  they  shall  speak 
lies:  after  the  defeat  of  their  king,  the  Alexandrians 
raised  his  brother  Ptolemy  Physcon  to  the  throne, 
whereupon  Antiochus  pretended  to  take  Ptolemy 
Philometor  under  his  protection. — 28.  On  his  return 
from  his  first  Egyptian  campaign  Antiochus  attacked 
Palestine. — the  holy  covenant:  the  Jewish  religion. — 
29.  he  shall  return :  i.e.  to  Egypt,  an  allusion  to  the 
second  Egyptian  campaign  in  168  b.c,  which  resulted 
in  disaster  for  Antiochus. — 30.  ships  of  Kittlm :  Kittim 
(Nu.  2423f.*)  is  the  name  of  a  town  in  Cyprus,  but  the 
expression  was  used  by  Jews  to  denote  any  maritime 
people  in  the  West.  Here  it  refers  to  the  Roman 
navy,  which,  under  the  command  of  C.  Popilius  Lsenas, 
compelled  Antiochus  to  withdraw  from  Egypt. — have 
indignation:  baffled  in  his  attempt  upon  Egypt 
Antiochus  invaded  Palestine  again. — that  forsake  the 
covenant:  i.e.  renegade  Jews.— 31.  arms  shall  stand: 
an  armed  force  will  attack  at  his  instance. — profane 
the  sanctuary:  refers  to  Antiochus'  attack  upon  the 
Temple  (see  1  Mac,  l29ff.). — the  abomination  that 
maketh  desolate:  i.e.  the  heathen  altar  which 
Antiochus  built  over  the  altar  of  burnt  offering  (see 
1  Mac.  I54).  This  expression  is  quoted  in  the  NT 
(Mt.  24i5,  Mk.  13i4).— 32.  such  as  do  wickedly:  the 
apostates. — but  the  people  that  know :  cf.  1  Mac.  I62, 
"  And  many  in  Israel  were  wtrong,  and  they  chose  to 
die  rather  than  cat  unclean  meats  or  profane  the 
covenant." — 33.  they  that  be  wise :  the  pious  Israelites 
who  were  loyal  to  their  faith. — fall  by  the  SWOrd,  etc.: 
a  reference  to  the  various  forms  of  persecution. — 34. 
many  shall  join :  ('harles,  using  the  LXX  as  his  basis, 
emends,  "  and  there  shall  join  them  many  in  the  city 
and  many  in  their  several  homesteads,"  i.e.  the  country 
districts. — 35.  some  of  them :  i.e.  some  of  the  leaders 
would  suffer  martj-rdom,  but  the  effect  would  be  to 
refine  and  purify  the  rest  of  the  people. — 36.  exalt 
himself  above  every  god:  the  later  coins  of  Antioch 
bore  the  inscription  :  "  Of  King  Antiochus  Gtod  made 
manifest." — the  indignation:  the  wrath  of  God  (see 
8iy). — 37.  the  gods  of  his  fathers:  Antiochus  aban- 
doned his  own  national  cult  for  the  worship  of  the 
Greek  deities. — the  desire  of  women  :  the  context  shows 
that  the  phrase  must  refer  to  some  deity,  probably  to  the 
Phtenician  god,  Tammuz  (pp.  631f.  Ezek.  814*),  whose 
worship  was  extrenielv  jiopular  in  Syria  (see  Milton, 
Paradise  Lost,  i.  44()ff.).— 38.  the  god  of  fortresses: 
j)robal)ly  the  Roman  deity,  Jupiter  Capitolinus,to  whom 
Antiochus  erected  a  magnificent  temple  at  Antioch. — 
39.  And  he  shall  deal  .  .  .  strange  god :  many  scholars 
emend  tliis  difficult  sentence,  "  And  he  shall  procure 
for  the  fortresses  of  strongholds  the  people  of  a  strange 


DANIEL,  XII.  12 


6S3 


god,"  and  think  that  tho  sentence  refers  to  the  heathen 
soldiers  and  colonists  settled  by  Antiochus  in  the 
fortress  at  Jerusalem. — 40.  At  this  point  history  ends 
and  prophecy  begins.  The  rest  of  the  chapter  relates 
to  the  future.  As  Driver  says  (CB,  p.  197),  "  The  author 
draws  here  an  imaginative  picture  of  the  end  of  the 
tjrrant  king,  similar  to  the  ideal  one  of  the  time  of 
Sennacherib  in  Is.  IO28-32."  In  this  verse  there  is  a 
forecast  of  a  sviccessful  campaign  against  the  "  king 
of  the  south,"  i.e.  Ptolemy  Philometor. — 41.  the 
glorious  land :  Palestine  (16). — Edom:  throe  countries 
win  escape  attack,  i.e.  Edom,  Moab,  and  Ammon. — 
43.  The  conquest  of  Egypt  is  to  be  complete,  so  that 
even  the  border  peoples,  the  Libyans  on  tho  W.,  and 
the  Ethiopians  on  the  S.  will  be  subdued. — 44.  tidings : 
as  in  the  case  of  Sennacherib,  the  victorious  career  of 
Antipchus  is  to  be  interrupted  by  news  of  insurrections 
in  his  own  land. — 45.  between  the  sea  and  .  .  .  moun- 
tain :  the  prophecy  supposes  that  Antiochus  will  die 
in  Palestine  somewhere  between  tho  Mediterranean 
and  Mt.  Zion.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  actually  died 
at  Taba?  in  Persia. 

XII.  follows  immediately  upon  the  preceding  para- 
graph, and  there  should  be  no  break  between  the  two 
chapters.  1-3  forms  the  ending  of  the  revelation  which 
the  angel  makes  to  Daniel,  and  describes  the  deliver- 
ance of  Israel  and  the  resurrection  of  the  just. — 1.  at 
that  time:  at  the  overthrow  of  Antiochus. — the  great 
prince:  the  guardian  angel  of  Israel  (c/.  IO13,  21).^ — in 
the  book :  i.e.  the  book  of  life  (c/.  Ps.  6928,  Rev.  85 
ei  passim). — 2.  The  doctrine  of  the  resurrection.  The 
OT  has  no  very  clear  or  definite  teaching  about  the 
future  life.  The  idea  of  a  resurrection  appears  first 
in  a  national  sense  (Hos.  62,  Ezek.  371-14).  The 
resurrection  of  the  individual  is  first  enunciated  in  a 
post-exilic  passage  in  Is.  2619*,  where  it  is  expressly 


limited  to  Israelites.  The  present  passage  is  the 
earliest  in  which  the  resurrection  of  the  wicked  is 
definitely  taught.  Even  here  it  is  not  universal  (cf.  the 
phrase  "  many  of  them  that  sleep  "). — everlasting  life: 
this  is  tiie  first  occurrence  of  this  phrase,  which,  how- 
ever, is  frequently  found  in  Apocryphal  literature. — 
3.  wise :  does  not  refer  to  intellectual  gifts  but  rather 
to  moral  stability  {cf.  II33,  38).  The  martyrs  and 
leaders  of  tho  people  in  its  time  of  trial  are  here 
promised  a  counterbalancing  "  weight  of  glory,"  to 
use  the  phrase  of  Paul. — 4.  The  closing  of  the  vision. — 
many  shall  run  to  and  fro :  this  is  usually  taken  to 
moan  "  run  to  and  fro  in  the  book."  i.e.  diligently  study 
and  appropriate  its  teaching.  Charles,  however^  thinks 
the  text  is  corrupt  and  on  the  basis  of  the  VSS  trans- 
lates, "  many  shall  apostatise  and  evils  shall  be  multi- 
plied upon  the  earth."— 5-13.  Conclusion.  The  vision 
of  tho  two  angels  who  answer  Daniel's  inquiry  as  to 
the  duration  of  the  troubles. — 5.  other  two :  i.e.  angels. 
—the  river:  IO4*.— 6.  one  said:  i.e.  one  of  the 
angels.— to  the  man:    the  angel  described  in  lOsf. — 

7.  a  tinie,  times,  and  an  half :  35  years  (see  725, 814).— 

8.  Daniel  fails  to  understand  the  answer  and  asks 
again,  "  What  shall  be  the  final  issue  ?  "  but  in  9  is 
refused  any  further  explanation.— 10.  II35*. — 11. 
continual  burnt  offerings  .  .  .  abomination:  II31*. — 
1290  days  seems  to  be  another  way  of  describing  the 
Zh  years.  In  814  the  number  of  days  is  given  as  1150. 
How  the  discrepancy  is  to  be  explained  is  uncertain. 
Charles  thinks  that  the  numbers  in  iif.  are  later  glosses. 
— 12.  Why  the  1290  is  increased  by  45  days  or  IV 
months,  is  not  easy  to  explam.  All  that  can  be  said 
is,  that  while  the  1290  days  are  supposed  to  witness 
the  cessation  of  the  "  abomination,"  45  more  days  are 
expected  to  elapse  before  complete  blessedness  is 
restored  to  Israel. 


ROSEA 


By  Canon  G.  H.  BOX. 


The  Prophet  and  his  Time.— Hosea,  the  son  of  a  cer- 
tain Bt-'cri,'  belonged  to  the  Northern  Kingdom  (c/.  75, 
"our  king  ""),  whore  his  public  hfe  as  a  prophet  waa 
apparently  spent  (the  localities  mentioned  in  the  Book 
belong  exclusively  to  N.  Israel ;  cj.  I4,  2i5,  GsfiF., 
1211,14).  It  is  true  that  occasional  reference  is  made 
ill  the  prophecies  to  the  sister-kingdom  of  Judah,  but 
a  large  proportion  of  these  is  due  to  Juda;an  revision 
(sec  next  column),  and  in  any  case  they  do  not  suggest 
more  than  a  secondary  interest  on  the  part  of  the  pro- 
phet in  Judah's  fortunes.  Wlien  Hosea  first  began  to 
prophesy,  Jeroboam  II  (c.  782-743  B.C.),  the  last  great 
king  of  N.  Israel,  was  still  upon  the  throne  (cJ.  1  2-9,  and 
notes),  but  liis  reign  was  drawing  to  its  close.  The 
period  of  anarchy  that  followed,  marked  by  a  series  of 
revolutions  and  short  reigns,  is  vividly  reflected  in  the 
second  part  of  Hosea's  book  (c/.  I7,  84,  IO3).  It  is 
obvious  that  the  fall  of  Samaria  and  the  extinction  of 
the  Northern  Kingdom  in  722  B.C.  will  mark  the 
terminus  ad  quern  for  the  prophet's  activity.  But,  as 
there  is  no  mention  of  the  alliance  of  Pekah  with  Rezin 
of  Damascus,  and  the  Exile  Ls  alwajrs  spoken  of  as 
sometliing  future,  it  is  probable  that  no  single  part  of 
Hosea's  prophecies  dates  from  after  735  B.C.  His 
prophetic  activity  probably  fell  within  the  years 
c.  750-7.35  B.c.« 

As  regards  Hosea's  personal  Ufe,  the  narrative  con- 
tained in  1  and  3  gives  us  some  details  of  liis  married 
life.  The  different  interpretations  which  have  l)ecn 
placed  on  these  accounts  are  discussed  in  the  intro- 
ductory notes.  Here  it  will  suffice  to  say  that  Gomer 
bath  Diblaim  was  a  real  person,  and  not  an  allegorical 
figment.  Wliether  she  was  alrcady^ — as  the  narrative 
seems  to  say — a  woman  of  loose  life  before  her  marriage 
with  Hosea,  or  became  so  afterwards,  is  disputed.  If 
3  be  parallel  and  not  supplementary  to  1,  some 
important  consequences  will  follow  in  the  interpreta- 
tion (see  notes).  In  any  case  the  wife  referred  to  in 
3  must  be  identified  with  the  Gomer  of  1.  Duhm'a 
view,  that  Hosea,  like  Jeremiah,  belonged  to  a  priestly 
family,  is  pure  conjecture. 

Hosea's  prophetic  activity  fell  within  a  critical  period 
of  Israel's  history.  The  long  interval  of  quiescence  on 
the  part  of  the  As.syrian  power,  which  enabled 
Jeroboam  II  to  extend  his  dominions  (c/.  2  K.  1425,28), 
came  to  an  end  with  the  accession  of  Tiglath-pileser  III 
(the  "  Pill  "  of  2  K.  15i9*)  in  745  b.c.  (reigned  till 
727  B.C.).  This  monarch  actively  intervened  in  Syria 
in  742  B.C.,  besieging  Arpad  (742-740),  and  conquering 
the  district  of  Hamath  (2  K.  1425*,  Is.  IO9*, 
Am.  (i2*).  Shortly  afterwards  (in  738  B.C.)  be 
mentions,  in  an  inscription,  that  he  received  tribute 
from    numerous    princes    of   Syria   and   Asia    Minor, 

1  According  to  Jewish  tradition  this  Bfe'eri  was  the  author  of 
Is.  8191. 

«  The  reference  to  Shalmaneser  IV  (727-722  B.r.)  in  IO14  is 
probably  a  kIoss  (see  note).  The  Jewish  kings  mentioned  in  1 1  are 
due  to  a  Judiean  editor. 


among  whom  are  included  Rezin  of  Damascus  and 
Menahem  of  Samaria.  From  2  K.  I519  it  appears 
that  Tiglath-pileser  actually  invaded  the  territories 
of  Israel  during  Menahem's  reign,  and  had  to  be 
bought  off  with  tribute.  Menahem  seems  to  have 
belonged  to  the  pro-Assyrian  party  in  Lsrael,  while 
Pekah,  who  conspired  a^auist  ilenahcm's  son  and 
successor,  Pekahiah,  doubtless  represented  the  anti- 
Assyrian  faction.  It  was  against  the  anti-Assyrian 
coalition  of  Syrian  States  organised  by  Pekah  of  Israel 
and  Rezin  of  Damascus  that  Tiglath-pileser  marched 
m  734  (or  735),  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  Pekah, 
and  the  loss  of  the  northern  districts  of  Israel  (c/.  2  K.  15 
29f.).  The  siege  of  Samaria  followed  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  reign  of  Shalmaneser  IV  (727-722),  the  city 
being  captured  and  the  Northern  Kingdom  brought  to 
an  end  by  Shalmanesers  successor,  Sargou,  in  722  B.C. 
(Sec  further  pp.  58f.,  70.) 

The  Text  and  Integrity  of  the  Book.— As  will  be 
apparent  from  the  notes,  the  text  is  in  places  very 
corrupt.  We  must  often  resort  to  conjectural  emenda- 
tion, and  reach  only  a  possible  approximation  to  the 
original  text.  Nevertheless  the  general  thought  and 
tenor  of  the  oracles  is  sufficiently  clear.  Some  ob- 
scurity has  been  produced  by  the  grouping  together 
of  detached  pieces  which  are  not  logically  (or  chrono- 
logically) connected. 

The  Book,  in  its  present  form,  has  undoubtedly 
undergone  some  revision  and  interpolation.  In  par- 
ticular the  hand  of  a  Judsean  editor  (or  editors)  ia 
manifest  in  certain  passages.  I7  is  clearly  an  inter- 
polation ;  in  415a  (text  corrupt),  05  (last  clause  a 
gloss),  61  la  (a  gloss),  814  (a  later  addition),  lOii  (delete 
Judah),  11 1 2  the  reference  to  Judah  is,  for  various 
reasons  doubtful,  while  in  64  (possibly  also  814)  122, 
Judah  s(5ems  to  have  been  substituted  for  an  original 
Israel.  In  510-14*  and  In  it  is  probably  orig- 
inal, though  In  belongs  to  a  possibly  interpolated 
passage.  From  I7  (cf.  also  415),  which  takes  a  favourable 
view  of  Judah,  it  has  been  inferred  that  an  early 
Judsean  revision  (soon  after  701  B.C.)  was  made,  while  the 
other  passages,  which  represent  Judah  as  equallj'  guilty 
with  Israel,  may  point  to  an  exihc  or  post-exilic 
revision. 

The  radical  criticism  of  Marti  would  deny  also  the 
Hoseanic  character,  not  only  of  lii-2i  but  also  of 
2136-23,  3  (the  whole).  5i5-<53„  lliof.  and  14i-9, 
mainly  on  the  ground  of  an  assumed  incompatibihty 
of  the  idea  of  a  restoration  with  the  doom  and  destruo- 
tion  pronounced  on  the  nation.  This  view  is  dis- 
cussed in  the  section  on  the  Theology.  Of  the  passages 
referred  to,  lOnf.  and  14^  may  be  regarded  as  post- 
exiUc  additions.  In  parts  also  the  text  appears  to 
have  been  heavily  glos.sed  {rf.  2ii,  415-19,  Gii,  7i66, 
81,  9i7,  104,12,  Uiof.,  124f.,i2f.,  13156). 

The  Origin  and  General  Character  of  the  Book.— The 
Book  falls  into  two  main  divisions,  chs.  1-3  and  4-14, 


HOSEA 


535 


The  fragmentary  character  of  the  oraclea  contained  in 
4-14  is  evident,  as  is  also  the  imperfect  and  corrupt 
condition  of  the  text  in  many  passages.  Nor  does  any 
definite  chronological  sequence  seem  to  have  been 
observed  in  the  aiTangement.  In  1-3,  it  is  true,  tho 
theme  is  well  developed,  but  even  here  the  traces  of 
an  editor's  hand  are  apparent,  and  the  present  arrange- 
ment is  not  free  from  difficulty.  Ch.  1  is  written  in 
the  third  person,  3  in  the  first.  We  may  perhaps 
infer  that  the  prophet  left  notes  of  his  discourses, 
which  have  been  utilised  by  an  editor.  Possibly  a 
friend  or  disciple,  with  the  aid  of  such  material  and 
from  personal  recollections  and  with  help  from  other 
disciples,  compiled  the  present  Book  in  its  original 
form.  This  was  subjected  to  later  (Judaean)  revision 
and  expansion  (see  above).  The  original  editor  will 
have  been  responsible  for  ch.  1  as  weU  as  for  the  com- 
pilation and  arrangement  of  the  Book  generally  ;  and 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  his  work  faithfuUy 
reflects  the  spirit  of  his  master.'  The  general  character 
of  the  oracles  is  individual  and  subjective  in  a  high 
degree.  They  reflect  a  warm,  sensitive  and  emotional 
temperament  and  respond  to  quick  changes  of  mood. 
The  theme  is  rarely  developed  at  length,  though  the 
thought  is  never  thin.  Hosea's  oracles  are  the  work 
of  a  poet,  deeply  moved  by  passionate  religious  con- 
viction, and  fired  with  a  profound  love  for  his  wayward 
and  misguided  people. 

The  Theology  of  the  Book. — Hosea's  one  name  for 
God  is  Yahweh — the  personal  name  that  summed  up 
all  for  which  Israels  God  stood  to  His  people.  Yahweh 
was  Israels  maker  and  God  (814,  9i)  who  had  redeemed 
the  people  from  Egypt  (Hi),  had  trained  and  nurtured 
them  (II3).  and  had  been  their  God  ever  since  the 
Egyptian  time  (12 10).  It  was  He  who  had  given  the 
new- bom  nation  a  land  (93,15)  and  the  priests  a  law 
(46).  All  their  institutions — their  sacrifices  (813), 
their  prophets  (65),  and  the  monarchy  itself — of  right 
belonged  to  Yahweh,  and  ought  to  reflect  and  express 
His  will.  To  Hosea  God  is  primarily  the  God  of  Israel, 
who  out  of  an  act  of  pure  grace  chose  Israel  to  be  His 
people  (111).  Not  that  the  prophet  is  bUnd  to  the 
larger  aspects  of  Yahwehs  power ;  when  He  chose  to 
put  it  forth,  it  was  absolute  (c/.  e.g.  22ofE.);  but,  as 
has  been  well  remarked  ,2  '  Hosea  had  the  conception 
which  gave  ...  its  just  strength  to  every  particularist 
movement  like  Pharisaism.  What  interested  him  was 
no  theoretical  monotheism,  framed  in  the  interests  of 
a  theory,  and  therefore  apt,  like  many  products  of  the 
intellect,  to  become  barren.  What  engrossed  all  his 
thoughts  was  the  historic  rehgion  which  had  made 
his  nation  what  it  was,  wliich  had  given  it  a  different 
genius  from  all  the  other  nations  among  which  it  lived, 
and  the  loss  of  which  would  mean  the  loss  of  a  great 
thing  from  the  world.  He  did  not  speak  of  a  God 
who  was  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth,  but  of  One  who 
had  come  into  contact  with  this  people,  who  revealed 
Himself  through  the  deeds  wluch  had  made  the 
people's  history  and  through  the  institutions  which 
moukied  its  life.  He  believed  that  Israel  in  an  unique 
way  knew  Yahweh,  and  that  this  knowledge  was  in 
itself  the  proof  of  the  greatness  of  His  love  for  it." 
Hosea's  indictment  of  Israel  as  he  knew  it  was  deter- 
mined by  his  ideal  conception  of  the  relation  that 
ought  to  exist  between  Yahwoli  and  His  people.  They 
owed  evcr^-tliing  to  Yahweh — their  nationality,  land, 
law,  prophets ;  and  He  asked  in  return  simple  loyalty. 
But  from  their  very  tirst  entry  into  the  land,  Israel, 

'  Tbcre  is  no  reason  to  suppose  (with  Gratz  and  VoU)  that  the 
two  parts  of  the  book  are  derived  Iroui  diflereut  authoiu. 
2  Welch,  p.  111. 


Yahweh's  bride,  had  proved  disloyal.  They  had 
consecrated  themselves  to  Baal  (9io).  Tho  supreme 
sin  of  Lsrael,  which  tainted  the  whole  life  of  the  nation, 
was  the  mixed  cultus.  To  tliis  fundamental  dis- 
loyalty— the  Baal  worship  (p.  87) — the  debasement  of 
the  entire  national  hfe  was  due.  The  monarchy,  the 
priesthood,  all  the  institutions  of  the  national  life, 
shared  in  the  degradation  ;  they  were  what  a  corrupt 
Lsrael  had  made  them. 

The  cultus  popularly  practised  in  Israel  was  probably 
syncretistic  in  character  ;  the  worship  of  Yahweh  being 
mixed  with  that  of  the  local  Ba'alim.  But  even  their 
worship  of  Yahweh  was,  in  the  prophet's  eyes,  heathen 
in  character.  Their  rehgious  instincts  had  been  per- 
verted, there  was  no  ktiowledge  of  God  in  the  land  (4i), 
and  the  "  bastard  "  people  were  incapable  of  a  real 
repentance.  The  national  Hfe  was  rotten  through  and 
through,  and,  therefore,  £he  corrupt  State  must  be 
swept  away.  "  Israel  shall  be  swept  out  of  the  land, 
without  king  or  priest,  sacrifice  or  law.  It  cannot  dwell 
in  the  Lord's  house  (i.e,  Palestine)  while  its  heart  is 
not  His."  But  this  doom  could  not  be  the  end.  His 
own  domestic  tragedy  had  taught  Hosea  the  infinito 
possibilities  of  outraged  love.  This  lesson  he  applied 
to  Yahweh's  relations  with  His  faithless  bride.  Israel 
By  an  act  of  free  grace  Yahweh  could  re-establish  the 
broken  bond  between  Himself  and  Israel.  The  doom 
pronounced  is  irreversible — the  State  must  come  to  an 
end.  But  the  people  is  not  to  be  annihilated.  They  are 
to  suffer  exile,  cast  out  of  the  Lord's  house  (c/.  9i7, 
12c),  34).  They  are  to  be  set  back  to  the  same  con- 
ditions in  which  they  were  at  first  when  Yahweh 
made  them  a  nation.  The  doom  is  from  Yahweh,  and 
has  a  disciplinary  purpose.  In  exile  the  people  shall 
learn  to  give  up  their  rehance  on  foreign  powers  and 
false  worsliip.  Then  the  relation  between  them  and 
Yahweh  shaU  be  re-established. 

U  it  is  recognised  that  Hosea's  conception  of  the 
Divine  punishment  is  that  of  a  discipline,  not  that  of 
an  irrevocable  ruin,  then  the  chief  objection  urged 
against  the  authenticity  of  the  latter  part  of  ch.  14, 
and  the  other  passages  which  suggest  the  possibUity 
of  restoration,  disappears.  This  idea  is,  in  fact, 
inherent  in  Hoseas  whole  thought,  and  it  is  significant 
that  Nowack,  who,  at  first,  held  the  view  that  Hosea's 
message  ended  in  a  prospect  of  unreheved  gloom,  haa 
since  reconsidered  his  position,  and  now  allows  the 
pre:3ence  of  a  pedagogic  factor. 

It  has  been  held  that  Hosea  rejected  the  monarchy 
in  ioto,  as  an  institution  essentially  inconsistent  with 
loyalty  to  Yahweh.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether 
this  is  so.  The  prophet  is  more  probably  referring  to 
the  puppet-kings  and  asurpers  of  the  time  when  he 
wrote,  and  implicitly  contrasting  them  with  the  earher 
members  of  the  royal  house.  It  is  true,  however,  that 
there  is  no  reference  to  the  Messianic  hope  in  the  Book. 

Literature. — For  hterature  on  all  the  Minor  Prophets, 
see  General  Bib'iographics.  Connnentario^ :  (a)  T.  K. 
Chevne  (CB),  R.  F.  Horton,  Minor  Prophet-^,  voL  i. 
(f'«nt.B),  F.  H.  Woods  and  F.  H.  Powell,  The  Hebrew 
Prophets  for  English  Readers,  voL  I ;  (b)  Harper  (ICC); 
(c)  A.  Wunsche  (1868).  Other  Literature .-  W.  R.  Smith, 
The  Prophets  of  Israel^  ;  J.  J.  P.  Valeton,  junr.,  Amos  en 
Hosea  (1894);  J.  Bachmann,  Alticstl.  U ntersuchungen, 
pp.  Iff.  (1894);  P.  Volz,  D.  Ehege-^chichte  Hoseas 
Zeitschriftf.  Theol.  (1898),  p.  321ff.  ;  J.  Bohmer,  Z>. 
Orundgedanken  d.  Predigt  Has.  Zcit^chr.  f.  Theol. 
(1902),  pp.  Iff.  :  J.  Meinhold,  D.  hcilige  Rest,  vol  i. 
(1903) ;  A.  0.  Welch,  The  Religion  of  Israel  under  the 
Kingdotn.  ch.  v.  (1912) ;  M.  Buttouwiescr,  The  Prophets 
of  Israel,  pp.  240ff.  (1914). 


536 


HOSEA,  I.-III 


PART  I.,  I.-III.— These  chapters  form  a  distinct 
section  consisting  of  two  narrative  pieces,  mainly  in 
prose  (l2-2i  and  3),  which  narrate  the  story  of  the 
prophet's  unhappy  marriage  with  Comer ;   and  a  pro- 

{)hetic  discourse,  in  which  the  lessons  to  be  deduced 
rom  his  own  domestic  experience  are  applied  to  the 
nation  (22-23).  I7  is  probably  an  interpolation,  while 
lio-2i  is,  at  least,  out  of  order,  yteuornagel  suggests 
that  I1-9  and  3  are  really  parallel  narratives,  one, 
written  by  the  original  editor,  being  in  the  tliird  person 
(I1-9),  while  the  other,  written  in  the  first  person,  is 
the  work  of  the  prophet  himself  (3),  each  describing 
the  prophet's  marriage.  If  3  be  read  immediately 
after  I9  the  sections  will  gain  in  coherence. 

I.  1.  Title. — The  title  which  was  prefixed  to  the 
whole  Book  is  due  to  an  editor  or  editors.  The 
mention  of  the  Jewish  kings,  Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz, 
and  Hezekiah — only  one  of  whom,  Uzziah,  can  have 
been  contemporary  with  Jeroboam  II  (c.  782-743  B.C.) 
• — must  be  due  to  a  post-exilic  editor.  An  earlier 
heading  can  be  detected  in  2a. 

I.  2-9.  Hosea's  Marriage :  a  Parable  of  Yah weh's  Re- 
lations with  Israel. — The  prophet  receives  a  Divhie 
command  to  "  take  "  (i.e.  marrj')  "  a  wife  of  whoredom 
and  children  of  whoredom."  The  reason  given  for  this 
startling  procedure  is  that  "  the  land  "  (i.e.  the  land  of 
Israel)  "  doth  commit  great  whoredom  departing  from 
the  Lord."  Hosea  obeys  and  takes  as  his  wife  Gomer 
hath  Dibluim  (?  *'  daughter  of  fig-cakes"),  who  bears 
three  children  to  him.  These  are  given  symbohcal 
names  :  the  first,  a  son,  is  called  Jczrcel,  a  prophetic 
name  pointing  to  the  coming  of  vengeance  on  the  house 
of  Jehu '  for  the  massacre  at  Jezreel  of  Ahab's  house 
(2  K.  lOii);  the  second  a  daughter  and  the  third  a 
son,  bearing  the  names  Lo-ruhamah  ("  uncompas- 
sionated  ")  and  Lo-ammi  ("  not  my  people  "),  in  token 
of  Yahweh's  rejection  of  Ephraim. 

2a.  Render  "  the  beginning  of  Yahweh's  speaking 
by  (or  to)  Hosea."  The  clause  is  abrupt,  and  may  have 
Btood  at  the  head  of  the  Book  before  the  title  in  li 
had  been  added  :  "  Hero  begiunoth  the  prophecy  of 
Hosea." — 4.  Hosea  regards  the  massacre  of  Ahab's 
family  by  Jehu  unfavourably  (contrast  2  K.  IO30). — 
Jezreel:  see  22 if.* — 7.  Probably  a  post-cxiUc  intcrpolsi- 
tion.  The  exception  of  Judah  from  the  doom  pro- 
nounced upon  Israel  ia  obviously  out  of  place  in  a 
prophecy  otlierwise  dealing  with  Israel  exclusively. 

The  old  interpretation  of  I2-9,  which  regarded  the 
prophet's  marriage  as  pure  allegory,  may  rightly  bo 
dismissed.  Gomer  is  the  name  of  a  real  person.  But 
can  the  narrative  be  accepted  literally  ?  By  some 
scholars  (Volz,  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Toy)  the  language 
descriptive  of  Gomer  is  taken  literally.  Hosea,  accord- 
ing to  this  view,  was  commanded  to  marry  a  woman  of 
notoriously  profligate  life.  "  Hosea  was  not  led  blind- 
folded by  Yahweh  into  a  marriage  that  was  to  break 
his  heart  and  wreck  his  life.  On  the  contrary,  ho 
married  a  woman  of  evil  reputation  with  his  eyes  wide 
open."  The  Divine  command  had  a  higher  purpose 
in  view— to  bring  home,  by  a  startling  parable  in 
action,  the  unfaithfulness  of  Israel  to  her  Divine 
spouse,  Yahweh  (rf.  Is.  202ff.,  Ezek.  229ff.).  The 
parable  was  intended  to  reflect  the  existing  situation 
in  Israel,  from  tlic  Divine  Ktan(l|)oint.  By  most  the 
language  is  interjjrcted  prol(i)tically.  Wlien  the 
prophet  married  CJomer  she  was  a  pure  maiden  (this 
sjanboUst!S  Israel's  early  faithfulness  to  Yahweh 
((•/.  11 1, Ezek.  16),  but  she  afterwards  became  profligate. 
Brooding  over  the  tragedy  of    his  married  home-life 

1  Jerolxmiii  II.  whose  son  ZecharLih  was  the  last  ol  Jehu's  klu 
to  reifiu,  must  stiU  have  been  ou  the  throne  when  Jezieel  waa  bora. 


and  still  yearning  with  love  to  redeem  the  fallen 
Gomer,  Hosea  is  led  to  see  a  Divine  lesson  in  it  all  of 
Yahweh's  unconquerable  love  for  f;utlilis.s  Israel. 

I.  10-11.  l(  =  Heb.  2i-3).  A  Promise  of  Restoration.— 
The  children  of  Israel  are  destined  to  be  increased  in 
numbers  indefinitely,  and  instead  of  being  called  ( 10  mg.) 
•'  Ye  arc  not  my  people  "  they  shall  be  called  "■  children 
of  the  Uving  God."  Judajans  and  Israehtes  shall 
assemble,  and  under  one  head  go  up  victoriously  "  from 
the  land  "  (see  below),  and  on  the  same  battlefield 
(Jezreel),  which  haa  witnessed  the  utter  defeat  of 
present-day  Israel,  shall  enjoy  a  glorious  triumph. 
Then  the  ominous  names,  Lo-ammi  ("  not  my  people  ') 
and  Lo-ruhamah  ("  uncompassionated ")  shall  be 
reversed. 

10.  CJ.  Gen.  2217,  1  K.  42o,  Is.  4819.— 11.  What  is 
meant  by  go  up  from  the  land  ?  Either  (a)  from  the 
holy  land  to  conquer  foreign  lands ;  or  [h)  from 
different  parts  of  the  holy  land  to  Jezreel  for  battle — 
then  the  meaning  would  be  "  shall  gain  the  mastery  of 
the  land  "  (c/.  Ex.  lio) ;  or  (c)  from  the  land  of  exile 
to  Palestine  (c/.  Jer.  3i8,  Ezek.  372i).  The  "  day  of 
Jezreel,"  as  the  name  Jezreel  suggests,  means  the  day 
when  Yahweh  once  more  sows  His  people  in  their 
land. — II.  1.  brethren  and  sisters:  read  with  LXX, 
"  brother  "  and  "  sister." 

The  whole  passage  is  clearly  out  of  place,  and  may 
be  a  later  insertion.  Still  the  language  is  not  inhar- 
monious with  Hosea's  diction,  especially  if  "  go  up 
from  the  land  "  can  mean  "  gain  the  mastery  over  the 
land."  Further,  the  conception  of  north-Israelites 
and  Judajans  marching  together  under  one  head 
suggests  a  date  prior  to  the  downfall  of  the  Northern 
Kingdom  (722  B.C.).  Many  scholars  think  that  the 
section  should  follow  223.  A  better  suggestion  is 
that  3  was  originally  intended  to  follow  immediately 
on  I2-9.  Then  the  promise  of  restoration,  ethically 
conditioned,  would  follow  on  34f. 

II.  2-23  (Heb.  24-25).  In  this  discourse,  which 
seems  to  be  based  upon  and  imply  the  narrative  in  1 
and  3,  the  prophet  sets  forth  the  unfaithfulness  of  the 
people  and  land  of  Israel  to  her  Divine  husband, 
Yahweh.  Israel  had  played  the  harlot  in  going  after 
other  lovers  (the  local  Baalim)  for  gifta  (the  fertility 
of  land,  flocks,  etc.) ;  the  consequent  punishment  \vill 
end  in  her  return  to  her  first  husband.  The  section 
sub-divides  at  13  ;  the  first  part  (2-13)  predicts  severe 
punishment,  and  the  second  (14-23)  contains  a  promise 
of  restoration  following  amendment. 

2-13.  In  urgent  tones  Yahweh  bids  the  Israelites 
(her  sons)  "  plead  "  with  their  mother  («.e,  the  land 
and  people  as  a  whole)  on  account  of  her  unfaithfulness. 
She  has  destroyed  the  moral  relation  of  wife  to  her 
Divine  husband,  and  the  children  are  hers  but  not  His — 
their  mother  has  played  the  harlot,  she  has  sold  herself 
for  gifts,  bread  and  water,  wool  and  flax,  oil  and  drinks. 
The  new  generation  has  grown  up  ignorant  of  His 
true  character  ;  they  are  no  longer  His  people,  nor  can 
He  compassionate  them  as  His  children.  His  experi- 
ence with  Israel  is  exactly  parallel  to  the  prophet's 
own  bitter  experience  with  his  wife.  Unless  the  profli- 
gate mother  puts  away  her  whoredoms  (i.e.  the  foreign 
oultus)  she  shall  be  put  to  open  shame  (stripped  naked) 
and  perish  as  a  homeless  wanilerer  in  the  wilderness 
(2-5).  She  will  discover  by  hitter  experience  that  her 
lovers  (the  BaaUm)  cannot  guarantee  the  material 
blessings  for  which  she  has  pui-sued  them  ;  Yahweh 
will  withhold  these,  and  teach  her  by  the  discipline  of 
siege,  famine,  and  poverty  to  return  to  her  first 
husband  (6-13). 

14-23.  In  the  last  calamity  of  all,  exile  from  the 


HOSEA,  IV.-XIV 


537 


Jand  figured  by  the  wilderness,  Yahweh  will  again  woo 
her  as  a  lover,  as  He  had  done  in  the  desert  when  she 
was  young  and  innocent.  There  she  will  respond,  as 
in  the  Exodus,  and  be  once  more  blessed  (i4f.)- 
Heathen  worahip  shall  be  abolished,  and  the  names  of 
the  heathen  Baalim  shall  be  banished  irom  remembrance 
(i6f.)  A  "new  covenant,"  which  will  include  in  its 
scope  all  hving  creatures,  shall  banish  strife  from  the 
earth  (i8) ;  Israel  shall  be  betrothed  to  Yah  well  a  second 
time  "in  righteousness"  (igf.),  and  the  new  era  of 
loyalty  shall  be  marked  by  rich  abundance  both  in 
crops  and  men.  Heaven  will  respond  to  the  longing 
of  earth  for  fertility  ;  Israel,  in  accordance  with  the 
name  Jezreel  ("  whom  God  soweth,"  22  mg.),  shall  bo 
sown  anew  in  the  promised  land  (c/.  Jcr.  3l27f.),  and 
the  names  Lo-ruhamah  ("  uncompassionated  ")  and 
Lo-ammi  ("  not  my  people  ")  shall  no  longer  apply  to 
to  the  regenerated  people  (21-23). 

2.  A  brazen,  shameless  countenance  and  exposed 
breasts  betoken  the  harlot  (c/.  Jer.  83).  The  "  whore- 
doms "  of  Israel,  in  Hosea's  eyes,  mean  the  cultus, 
which  he  regards  as  not  in  any  sense  a  real  worship  of 
Yahweh,  though  associated  with  Yahweh  -  worship. 
The  heathen  elements  attaching  to  it  make  such  service 
worthless. — 3.  It  was,  apparently,  part  of  the  punish- 
ment of  an  adulterous  wife  in  old  Israel  to  be  stripped 
and  exposed  naked,  before  being  executed  (c/.  Ezek.  16 
38 ff.).  So  here  Israel  (the  land)  shall  be  stripped  bare 
(made  into  a  wilderness).  Note  that  the  figures  of  the 
land  and  the  children  of  the  land  interchange. — 5.  Tho 
old  popular  religion  of  Canaan  attributed  the  fertility 
of  the  land  to  the  local  deities  (the  Baalim).  The 
IsraeUtes,  without  ostensibly  giving  up  the  worship  of 
their  national  Grod,  had  lapsed  into  this  worship. 
Hosea  regards  this  mixed  cultus  as  pure  heathenism. — 
6.  Read,  "  her  way  "  (LXX),  i.e.  Israel's  false  cultus, 
which  Yahweh  will  impede  by  rendering  it  ineffective 
and  impotent.  For  the  figure  cf.  Job  823,  198, 
Lam.  37,9.-8.  Cf.  Dt.  7i3,  II14,  I217.  Read  mgr. ; 
but  this  clause  is  probably  a  later  addition. — 10.  and 
now :  render  "  and  so  "  ('attd  denoting  logical  conse- 
quence ;  cf.  5y,  IO3).  The  Baahm  (her  lovers)  are 
helpless  in  sight  of  her  shame. — 11.  Note  the  joyous 
character  of  the  ancient  feasts. — 12.  Vines  and  fig- 
trees  were  the  choicest  products  of  Canaan. — 13.  the 
days  of  the  Baalim:  i.e.  the  festival  days  devoted  to 
Baal-worship  (the  mixed  cultus).  In  136  follow  my., 
but    render    "  sacrificed  "    for    "  burned    incense." — 

14.  wilderness :  a  figure  for  exile  ;  or  it  may  be  meant 
hterally  of  the  Arabian  desert  through  which  Israel 
must  again  return  to  the  promised  land  from  exile. — 

15.  Some  scholars  omit  "  from  thence  "  and  read,  "  and 
I  will  make  the  valley  of  Achor,"  etc.  The  reference 
will  then  be  not  to  blessings  m  the  wilderness,  but  in 
Canaan  itself,  where  Israel  shall  agam  enjoy  abundance. 
The  valley  of  Achor  ("  troubling  "),  so  named  because 
of  an  unhappy  episode  at  the  first  entry  into  the  land 
(Jos,  726),  shall  become  a  starting-point  of  hope  at 
the  return  from  exile. — 16.  As  Wellliausen  points  out, 
tho  title  Baall  ("  my  husband  ")  wa,s  not  apphcd  by  the 
Israehtes  to  Yahweh,  though  He  was  called  the  "  Baal  ' 
("the  owner")  of  tho  land.  Tho  application  of 
"  Baal  "  to  Yahweh  at  all  was  objected  to  in  later 
times,  and  proper  names  containing  it  were  altered 
(e.g.  Ishbaal  became  Lsfiboshelh).  8cc  Nu.  3238*,  1  S. 
1447-51*,  1  K.  IG32*.  R«ad,  perhaps  (cf.  LXX). 
"  she  shall  call  upon  her  husband,  and  shall  no 
longer  call  upon  tho  Baalim." — 17.  Baalim  :  a  generic 
term  for  the  various  local  deities,  which  have  their 
ov/n  proper  names. — 18.  Cf.  Job  623,  I^cv.  266. — (or 
them :  read,  "  for  her." — them :  read,  "  her." — break : 


read  perhaps,  "  cause  to  cease  "  ;  cf.  Ezek.  3425. — 
19f.  Read  the  tliird  for  the  second  person  throughout. 
After  exile,  which  dissolves  tho  first  betrothal,  Yahweh 
effects  a  second  and  eternal  one.  Render  :  "  Yea,  I 
will  betroth  her  unto  me  with  righteousness  .  .  .  with 
faithfuhiess  and  tho  knowledge  of  the  Lord."  These 
qualiti&s  make  up  the  new  covenant  by  which  the 
betrothal  is  effected,  and  thoy  are  bestowed  by 
Yahweh. — 21f.  answer:  i.e.  "  meet  with  satisfaction," 
"gratify"  {cf.  Ec.  IO19).  In  the  Messianic  time 
harmony  reigns  between  heaven  and  earth,  man  and 
nature,  under  the  Divine  impulse.  Jezreel  is  the  name 
of  tho  new  Israel,  sown  by  God  (cf.  23,  "  and  I  will 
sow  her  unto  me");  it  is  an  easy  variant  of  Israel. 
Note  how  the  prophet  brings  out  tho  manifold  signifi- 
cance of  the  name,  which  in  the  first  instance  is  that 
of  a  place  where  a  crime  was  committed  (the  massacre 
of  Jezreel),  but  later  becomes  the  rallying-spot  and 
personification  of  the  new  and  transformed  Israel. 

III.  1-5.  The  prophet,  bidden  yet  again  to  love  a 
woman,  who  is  loved  by  another  and  is  an  adulteress, 
in  this  respect  imitating  Yahweh's  lovo  for  His  un- 
faithful people,  buys  her  out  of  slavery  and  subjects 
her  to  a  purifying  seclusion  (1-3).  In  the  same  way 
Israel  shall  be  deprived  for  a  time  of  her  civil  and 
religious  institutions  (?  in  exile),  in  order  to  return 
later  imder  Yahweh,  a  purified  and  happy  people. 
The  reference  is  still  to  Gomer,  though  this  is  denied 
by  Marti,  who  regards  the  piece  as  a  later  addition  to 
the  Book.i  Accoi'ding  to  the  usual  interpretation, 
after  her  unfaithful  conduct  had  led  to  her  repudiation 
by  her  husband,  Gomer  had  sold  herself  voluntarily 
into  bondage  to  one  of  her  paramours.  The  prophet, 
however,  who  has  been  led  to  see  in  his  domestic  tragedy 
a  parable  of  God's  relation  with  Israel,  is  taught  to 
forgive  and  redeem  his  wife  by  seeing  God's  readiness 
to  forgive  and  redeem  His  people.  As  already  men- 
tioned, Steuemagel  regards  the  narrative  as  Hosea'a 
own  account  of  his  marriage  to  Gomer,  and  as  parallel 
to^not  a  sequel  of — 11-9.  In  this  case  omit  "  yet" 
in  3i. 

1.  The  imperative  "  love  "  is  suggested  to  the  prophet 
by  Yahweh's  love  of  His  disloyal  people.  Read 
(changing  Heb.  points),  "  a  woman  loving  another." 
Obviously  Gomer  is  meant.  To  suppose  that  the 
prophet  was  commanded  to  marry  another  adulteress 
(so  apparently  Marti)  destroys  the  point  of  the  appUca- 
tion  of  Yahweh's  love  of  Israel.  The  raisin-cakes  (p.  99) 
were  such  as  were  offered  sacrificially  at  vintage  feasta 
(especially  at  the  great  autumnal  feast  of  ingathering ; 
cf.  Is.  I67).  Such  cakes  were  a  regular  feature  of 
ancient  cults  (cf.  Jer.  7i8).  There  is  a  touch  of  sarcasm 
in  the  reference  to  tho  Israelites'  love  of  such  offerings 
(of  which  they  partook).  The  mg.  is  not  probable  in 
either  case. —  2.  The  redemption  price  in  money  and 
kind  was  about  the  price  of  a  slave  (30  shekels;  cf. 
Ex.  2I32).— an  half  homer  of  barley:  LXX  reads"  a 
bottle  of  wine." — 3.  so  .  .  .  thee:  read,  "I  will  not 
go  in  unto  thee." — 4.  Gromer  in  seclusion,  corresponds 
to  tho  exiled  nation.  King  and  prince  are  perhaps 
parallel  to  husband  arid  lovers.  The  sacred  pillar 
(ma.'iseba)  was  the  mark  of  a  holy  site,  and  hence  is 
coupled  with  sacrifice  (p.  98).  For  ephod  and  teraphim 
see  pp.  lOOf.  Note  that  all  those  adjuncts  of  tho 
Yahweh-cultus  in  N.  Israel  are  rofoiTcd  to,  apparently, 
without  blame. — 5.  and  David  their  king:  omit. 

PART  n„  IV,-XIV.  A  scries  of  addresses  which  give 
a  summary  of  Hosea's  prophetic  teaching.     The  period 

1  Marti  thinks  the  Interpolator  understood  1  allegorically,  and 
reear(le<l  If.  as  referrlns  to  Judab.  and  3  as  to  Israel  (the  >ortbem 
Klmtdom). 


538 


HOSEA,  IV.-XIV 


presupposed  seems  to  be  the  time  of  anarchy  which 
followed  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II  (c.  743  B.C.).  But 
there  Is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  sections  are 
arranged  in  chronological  order.  In  4-8  Israels  guilt  is 
omphasizetl,  in  9-11 1 1  the  punishment,  and  in  lli2-14 
both  lines  of  thought  are  continued,  the  whole  being 
rounded  off  with  a  brighter  pictuit!  ( 14).  As,  however, 
the  oracles  are  cssc>ntially  independent  it  is  best  to  treat 
them  .st^{Kirately.     The  text  is  in  places  very  corrupt. 

IV.  1-19.  The  Utter  Corruption  of  the  Nation  Traced 
to  Irreligion. — (Tiie  text  of  15-19  is  hopelessly  corrupt. 
Marti  regards  3  as  an  insertion  and  5,  6a  as  foreign  to 
their  present  context.)  The  complete  lack  of  '"  know- 
ledge of  God  in  the  land  "  (c/.  -4,  64,  63)  has,  as  its 
inevitable  consefjucnce,  widespread  moral  corruption — 
yet  let  none  reprove,  for  "  the  people  is  as  the  priestling 
and  the  prophet  as  the  priest"  (4  emended).  In  the 
present  text  an  apostrophe  to  the  priesthood  follows, 
which  is  denounced  for  its  profligacy,  and  profanation 
of  the  sacred  office.  Punishment  shall  overtake  both 
the  priesthood  and  the  misguided  people,  who  are  the 
victims  (5-1 1 ).  A  \-ivid  and  temble  picture  follows 
of  the  immoral  worship,  and  its  devastating  effects  on 
morals  generally  (12-14).  In  the  present  corrupt  text 
of  15S.  Judah  Ls  warned  not  to  follow  Israel's  evil 
example,  and  the  consequences  of  obstinate  idolatry 
and  shameless  sin  are  set  forth. 

2.  swearing  and  breaking  faith  belong  together, 
i.e.  false  swearing. — blood  toucheth  blood :  i.e.  one  act 
of  bloodshed  quickly  follows  another. — 3.  The  verse 
breaks  the  connexion  between  2  and  4,  and  introduces 
the  idea  that  all  nature  is  appalled  at  the  crimes  of 
Israel,  and  suffers  in  consequence  (c/.  Is.  243-6). — 
4.  The  last  clause  requires  correction.  Marti's  has 
been  given  above.  Others  read,  "  but  my  striving  is 
with  thee,  0  priest "  {we  immeklid  rlbi  ha-kohen),  thus 
leading  to  the  address  in  5! — 5.  thy  mother :  i.e.  either 
the  society  to  which  thou  belongest,  or  the  nation. 
Marti  (omitting  5  and  6n  ;  note,  second  person  in  sf. 
changes  to  third  in  6)  reads  66,  "  Because  they  have 
rejected  knowledge  I  also  reject  them  from  being  my 
priests,  and  (because)  they  have  forgotten  the  law  of 
their  God,  I  also  will  forget  their  cliildren." — 7.  I  will 
change:  read  with  Targ.  and  Pesh.  "  they  changed." 
— 8.  sin :  i.e.  according  to  the  older  interpretation, 
sin-offering.  In  order  to  multiply  such  offerings  the 
priests  encouraged  the  people  to  sin.  But  by  "  sin  "' 
the  cultus  generally  may  be  meant ;  the  priests  for 
their  own  purposes  encouraged  the  people's  delusion 
that  bj'  multiplying  offerings  they  were  pleasing 
Yahwch  (c/.  811,  Am.  44). — 12.  stock ":  render  "  tree  "  ; 
staff  should  perhaps  bo  "  twng."  The  tree-cultus  (p.  100) 
practised  in  old  Israel  may  be  referred  to  {cf.  (Jen. 
126,  Dt.  11 30,  etc.,  and  the  frequent  reference  to  high 
places  "on  every  hill  and  under  every  green  tree'). 
This  tree-cultus  is  referred  to  in  1 3  ;  oaks  and  terebinths 
were  specially  sacred.  Through  them  oraclas  were 
sought,  and  near  the  sacred  trees  sacrifices  were  offered, 
and  the  rites  of  sacred  prostitution  practised. — burn 
Incense:  render  'offer  sacrifice." — 15-19.  Text  cor- 
rupt. Judah  in  lyi  can  hardly  1)0  right.  i6fe,  17  may 
bo  a  gloss. — 18.  Hendor  :  "  their  carousal  over,  they 
indulge  in  harlotry.  " — 19.  A  figure  for  exile:  the 
Assyrian  tenip<'st  slmll  sweep  them  away. 

V.  1-9.  Priests  and  Rulers  are  Brin^g  the  Nation 
to  Ruin. — .Judgment  is  doclared  against  (i  viq.)^  the 
priests  and  ruling  cla-ss  because  they  have  ensnared 
the  people  (by  encouraging  the  mixed  cultus)  at  the 
sanctuaries — Mizpah  (in  Gilead  probably),  Tabor  and 

>  li  RV  text  be  right,  the  priests  are  referred  to  as  those  who 
administer  justice  (so  Welch). 


Shittim  (2  corrected  text)  are  mentioned  as  the  scenes 
of  such  worship.  A  "  spirit  of  whoredom  "  in  the 
literal  sense  of  the  word  (c/.  4i2)  animates  them,  and 
the  brazen  pride  with  wliich  they  pursue  their  evil 
course  condemns  them.  When  Israel  and  Judah  fall — 
as  fall  they  must — they  will  seek  in  vain  to  propitiate 
Yahweh  with  sacrifices  from  their  flocks  and  herds  ; 
He  has  withdrawn  Himself  from  a  generation  who  are 
not  His,  but  bastards  (1-7).  Sudderdy  the  alarum  of 
war  is  heard  (8),  Ephraim's  doom  and  desolation  are 
certain  (9). 

2f/.  Join  to  end  of  1.  Read,  "  and  the  pit  of  Shittim 
have  they  made  deep.'  It  continues  the  metaphor  of 
the  snare  and  the  net,  they  are  trapped  in  the  pit. — 
rebuker:  render,  "scourge."' — 3i.  Probably  a  gloss 
(c/.  610). — 5.  Either  (a)  Israels  vainglorious  pride 
testifies  openly  against  him  and  condemns  him,  or 
(b)  Israels  pride  may  be  Yahweh ;  the  former  is 
preferable.  Their  overwhelming  pride  in  the  cultus  is 
meant  (cf.  7io).  Marti  omits  the  last  clause. — 1. 
strange  children :  a  generation  that  has  no  real  know- 
ledge of  Y'ahweh.  The  last  clause  may  be  explained  : 
■  Any  month  may  bring  news  of  war  "  ;  but  the  expres- 
sion is  strange.  Marti  emends,  "  Now  shall  the  de- 
stroyer devour  them,  and  their  fields  shall  be  devas- 
tated."— 8.  Beth-aven:  a  satirical  name  for  Bethel 
(c/.  Am.  05).— After  thee,  Benjamin  (mg.):  probably 
the  ancient  war-cry  of  the  clan.  Benjamin  in  the  far 
south  is  alarmed,  as  well  as  the  north. 

V.  10-14.  Here  the  immoral  cultus  is  no  longer  the 
subject,  but  the  inner  moral  corruption  of  the  state 
and  its  leaders.  The  parallelism  of  Judah  and  Ephraim 
in  tliis  section  is  remarkable,  but  seems  to  be  original.' 
Judah's  political  leaders  are  specially  singled  out  aa 
examples  of  fraudulent  dealing,  and  shall  incur  the 
Divine  wrath.  N.  Israel  (Ephraim)  also  suffers  oppres- 
sion, the  whole  social  fabric  is  rotten,  because  the 
people  have  wilfully  followed  after  "vanity"  {mg.). 
Internal  decay  has  set  in  in  both  kingdoms  (after  the 
death  of  Uzziah  and  Jeroboam  II)  (10-12).  Too  late 
both  peoples  recognise  the  desperate  case  of  the  body 
pohtic,  and  resort  to  Assyria  for  aid  (king  Jareb, 
i.e.  king  Pick-quarrel,*  is  a  nickname  for  the  king  of 
Assyria),  but  without  avail  ;  Yahweh  Himself  is  their 
adversary  (i3f.). — 10.  Land-grabbmg  on  the  part  oi 
the  rich  in  Judah  is  specially  denounced  in  Is.  58, 
Mi.  22  (c/.  Dt.  27 1 7). — 13.  If  Jareb  is  a  name  for  the 
king  of  Assyria,  the  reference  may  be  to  Menahem's 
tribute  to  Assyria  in  738.  Tliis  will  also  be  the  case 
if  "  great  king  "  or  "  exalted  king  "  {cf.  LXX)  be 
i-ead.  Wellhausen  reads,  "  and  Judah  sent  to  king 
Jareb."  The  reference  would  then  bo  to  Ahaz  in 
734. 

V.  15-VI.  3.  Israel's  Confession  and  Penitence. — 
Yahweh,  speaking  in  His  own  person,  declares  that  He 
will  return  to  His  place  {i.e.  to  heaven;  cf.  Mi.  I3), 
there  to  await  Israels  penitence  (15).  When  trouble 
comes  they  will  eagerly  seek  Him.  Then  follows 
((JI-3)  a  light-heartecl  confession  of  sin  by  the  people, 
coupled  with  expressions  of  assurance  that  their  (Jod 
will  forgive  and  help  them.  Many  scholars  regard  this 
section  as  an  addition  by  a  later  hand,  intended  to 
mitigate  the  imrelieved  gioom  of  what  precedes.  But 
nothing  in  the  stylo  or  language  suggests  that  the 
piece  is  not  by  Hosea.  Batten  thinks  it  represents 
the  confession  and  penitence  of  the  purified  people  who 
will  emerge  from  the  judgment.  Others  regard  the 
confession  as  a  hght-hearted  one,  put  into  the  mouth 

'Marti  changes  Judah  throtiRhoiit  to  Israel:  r{.  also  Welch, 
p.  2n«,  n.  18. 

sSo  G.  A.  Smith. 


HOSEA,  VIII.  9f. 


539 


of  the  people,  which  (in  645.)  Yahweh  rejects.  Welch 
suggests  that  the  prophet  is  quoting  (in  61-3)  a  temple- 
song  (used  at  one  of  the  great  festivals),  which  he  uses 
as  a  sort  of  text  for  comments  that  follow.  64  is  then 
the  immediate  continuation  of  63. 

V.  15.  LXX  inserts  "  saying  "  at  the  end  (cf.  mg.). — 
VI.  1.  CJ.  Is.  37.-2.  After  two  days  ...  the  third  day, 
i.e.  after  an  undefined  but  short  interval.  Marti  thinks 
that  the  return  from  the  Exile  is  referred  to. — 3.  his 
going  forth,  etc. :  read  (rearrangement  of  Heb.  con- 
sonants), "  as  soon  as  we  seek  him  we  shall  find 
him." 

VI.  4-VII.  2.  Israel's  Moral  Condition  Hopelessly 
Corrupt. — The  shallow  expressions  of  loyalty  by  the 
fickle  people  mean  nothing,  and  cannot  avert  Yahweh's 
inevitable  judgment.  He  looks  for  real  loyalty,  not 
for  a  hollow  ritual  of  sacrifices  (4-6).  Examples  of 
the  anarchy  and  crime  that  prevail,  involving  even  the 
priests  in  the  charge  of  murder  and  immoraUty,  are 
given,  demonstrating  Israel's  utter  corruption,  Judah 
also  (iia,  if  this  is  not  a  gloss)  being  involved  (7-1  la). 
Every  attempt  to  heal  the  disease  only  reveals  how 
deep-seated  and  universal  it  is  (6116-72).  The  section 
appears  to  be  composed  of  three  originally  independent 
fragments  (64-6,  7-1  la,  6116-72). 

VI.  4.  Judah :  Marti  and  Nowack  read  "  Israel." — 
goodness :  render  "  love,"  i.e.  either  lovo  to  God 
(loyalty  to  Yahweh)  or  love  of  neighbour. — 5.  read 
\ing.)  Ught:  i.e.  Hghtning.  Such  prophets  as  Elijah 
and  Blisha  are  meant.— 6.  Cj.  1  S.  1522. — mercy: 
render"  love  "  (cf.  4*). — 7.  like  Adam :  a  place-name  is 
required.  Read  either  "  in  Adam  "  (c/.  Jos.  3 16)  or 
perhaps  "  in  Admah  "  (118).  Some  place  where  there 
was  a  sanctuary  may  be  referred  to. — 8.  Gilead :  a  town 
of  this  name  is  perhaps  referred  to  in  Jg.  IO17,  here 
as  another  centre  of  the  cultus. — 9.  The  sanctuary  at 
Shechem  is  a  den  of  thieves,  the  priests  being  the 
thieves,  and  the  victims  the  pilgrims.  Some  incident 
well  known  to  contemporaries  may  be  alluded  to. — 
lewdness :  render,  "  enormity." — 10.  In  the  house  of 
Israel:  read,  "in  Bethel"  (c/.  IO15,  Am.  66). — 
106.  Read,  "  there  Ephraim  hath  played  the  harlot." — 
11  may  be  a  gloss.  The  following  words :  "  When 
I  would  heal  Israel,"  are  omitted  by  Wellhausen.  He 
begins  the  section  at,  "  The  kiiquity  of  Ephraim  is 
discovered." — VII.  1.  Read,  "  entereth  into  the  house  " 
(c/.  LXX). — spoUeth:   read  7?!gr. 

VII.  3-7.  Wickedness  Encouraged  in  High  Places.— 
King  and  princes  gladly  share  in  the  prevailing  wicked- 
ness— adultery,  drunkenness — and  the  court  itself  is 
the  scene  of  treacherj%  conspiracy,  and  assassinations. 
The  text  is  corrupt,  and  contains  allusions  to  events 
of  the  details  of  which  we  are  ignorant. 

3.  Read  with  a  slight  emendation  {yimshehtl) :  "  In 
their  wickedness  they  anoint  kings,  and  in  their  false- 
ness princes  "  (cf.  84). — 4.  Read,  "  they  are  like  a 
glowing  oven  " — a  figure  for  lust.  Read  46  (?  a  gloss 
on  6),  "  whose  baker  ceaseth  from  kneading,"  etc. — 
5.  Perhaps  the  king's  birth-  or  coronation-day  is  meant. 
56  (probably  corrupt)  as  it  stands  can  only  mean  that 
the  king  made  "  scomers  "  his  associates. — 6.  Text 
corrupt.  Read,  "  their  inward  part  is  like  an  oven," 
and  for  "  baker  "  read  "  anger  "  (mg.),  omitting  "  whiles 
they  he  in  wait  "  as  a  gloss. — 7.  The  root-cause  of  the 
political  and  social  unrest  is  the  people's  pa.ssion  and 
irreligion.  With  the  murder  of  king  Zechariah 
(2  K.  15io),  the  period  of  anarchy,  depicted  by  Hosea, 
began. 

VII.  8-VIII.  3.  Political  Decay  the  Outward  Sign  of 
Israels  Moral  Decay. — The  attemi)tH  to  cure  national 
ills  and  secure  safety  by  foreign  aid,  instead  of  by 


turning  to  Yahweh,  are  foredoomed  to  failure  ;  Yahweh 
Himself  frustrates  them  and  will  bring  the  misguided 
people  to  punishment  and  ruin  (8-12).  Their  doom  is 
sealed,  for  they  have  been  disloyal  to  Yahweh  ;  they 
do  not  turn  to  Him  with  a  time  heart,  but  use  heathen 
devices  (cut  themselves,  14  vuj..  see  p.  110)  when  they 
appeal  to  Him.  Their  shallow  hearts  are  incapable  of 
real  and  acceptable  repentance  ;  therefore  their  "  princes 
shall  fall  by  the  sword,"  and  "  this  shall  be  their  de- 
rision in  the  land  of  Egypt"  (13-16).  The  inevitable 
judgment  is  devastating  war,  which  their  appeals  to 
Him  shall  not  avert  (81-3). 

8.  mixeth  himseU:  i.e.  dissipates  his  national 
strength  and  character  by  intermingb'ng  with  the 
Gentiles.  Another  possible  rendering  is  "'  withereth 
away  among,"  etc.  The  cake  is  the  flat,  round  cake  of 
bread,  which  was  baked  on  hot  stones  or  ashes  (cf.  1  K. 
196),  and  which,  if  not  frequently  turned,  would  be 
burnt.  It  may  be  an  emblem  of  a  country  half  ruined 
by  war,  or  of  the  people's  fickle  and  inconstant  char- 
acter and  achievement  (cf.  our  "  half-baked  "). — 9.  The 
signs  of  national  decreptitude  are  unheeded. — 10.  Per- 
haps a  gloss;  cf.  55. — 11.  The  inconstancies  of  national 
pohcy  are  another  mark  of  weakness  (the  reference 
need  not  be  to  rival  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  parties  in 
Israel).  Note  the  striking  and  original  figure. — 12.  By 
seeking  foreign  alManccs  they  walk  into  a  net. — I  wiU 
chastise  .  .  .  heard:  read,  "  I  will  bind  them  because 
of  theu-  wickedness  "  (cf.  LXX). — 136.  Better  as  an 
indignant  question :  "  And  I — should  I  redeem  them 
when,"  etc. — 14.  upon  their  beds  is  difficult  (text 
probably  corrupt) :  "  On  account  of  their  .  .  ."  is 
required. — assemble  themselves:  read  as  mg.  and  cf. 
1  K.  I828,  Dt.  14i.— 15.  Omit  "  taught  and  "  (cf. 
LXX).— strengthened  their  arms :  cf.  2  K.  U27.— 16«. 
Cf.  II7.  Read  perhaps,  "  return  to  the  Baal "  (or 
Baahm). — for  .  .  .  tongue:  /.e.  their  insolence  towards 
God  (but  text  doubtful).  The  rest  of  16,  if  genuine, 
must  refer  to  some  unknown  incidents. — VIU.  la.  Lit. 
"  to  thy  palate  the  comet !  "  (God  addresses  the 
prophet). — an  eagle:  the  Assyrian  may  be  meant. — 
2.  Omit  "  Israel  "  with  LXX. 

Vm.  4-14.  Israel's  Unsanctifled  National  Life.- 
Man-made  kings,  like  man-made  gods  (the  calf  of 
Samaria),  are  impotent ;  Israel  sows  the  wind  and  shall 
reap  the  whirlwind  ;  the  sources  of  the  national  hfe 
are  withered,  and  the  nation  cea-ses  to  count  (4-S). 
Resort  to  foreign  aid  only  further  diminishes  its  vital 
forces  (8-10).  JIultiplication  of  altars  only  multiplies 
sin  ;  the  rites  of  an  unholy  cultus  can  but  hasten  the 
Divine  punishment  (11-14).  Probably  14  is  an 
addition,  and  there  may  be  glosses  besides. 

4.  Hosea  is  the  fia^t  prophet  to  denounce  the  gold 
and  silver  "  calves  "  under  which  form  Yahweh  was 
worshipped  m  N.  Israel  (cf.  1  K.  1228ff.).— 5.  Read, 
"  I  have  cast  off." — 56,  6a  may  be  a  later  addition. 
The  connexion  is  improved  by  the  omission. — 76.  Better, 
"  Hath  it  grown  up  ?  (then)  it  hath  no  shoot  nor 
bringeth  forth  fruit '"  (so  Wellhausen,  G.  A.  Smith). 
The  assonance  is  original.  The  general  idea,  expressed 
under  the  metaphor  of  sowing  and  reaping,  is  that 
futile  and  unprofitable  conduct  brings  ruin  at  the 
end. — 8.  Israel  has  already,  within  a  few  years  of  the 
death  of  Jeroboam  II,  di.ssipated  its  national  prestige. 
Marti  and  Nowack  transpose  "'  Uke  a  wild  a.s.s  alone  by 
himself  "  from  9  to  8,  and  (reading  "  Ephraim  "  for 
pere),  render,  "  Israel  is  s^vallowed  up,  Ephraim  iso- 
lated."—as  a  vessel,  etc.:  cf.  Jer.  2228,  4S7,S.— 9f.  It 
is  difficult  to  extract  coherent  sense  from  MT.  With 
the  transix>sition  of  96  (see  above),  and  shght  emenda- 
tion (misraim,  "  Egypt,"  for  "  Ephraim"  and  "  scatter  " 


540 


HOSEA,  VIII.  9f. 


for  "  gather  "'),  gt  will  run :  "  For  they — they  are 
gone  up  to  Assyria  ;  to  Egypt — have  given  love-gifts. 
(Though  they  give  [such]  among  the  nations  now  will  I 
scatter  tliem)  and  they  shall  soon  cea»e  to  anoint  kings 
and  princes  '"  (cj.  LXX).  Maili  reganls  the  bracketed 
clause  £18  a  gloss. — 11.  Omit  the  first  "  to  sin." — 
12.  my  law  .  .  .  precepts:  read,  '"the  multitude  of 
my  laws  '"  (directions) — not  the  written  I^w  in  the 
later  sense. — as  a  strange  thing:  render,  "as  those 
of  a  stranger." — 13^;.  Text  obscure.  Read,  perhaps 
'■  Sacrifices  they  loved — and  did  sacrifice  ;  flesh,  and 
did  eat,"  etc.  The  sacrifice  and  feasts  of  the  cultus 
are  dear  to  the  Israelites,  but  not  to  Yahweh. — 
14.  Probably  an  addition.     For  146,  cf.  Am.  I4*. 

K.  1-9.  The  Joyless  Discipline  of  Exile.— The  de- 
lirious joy  of  the  ix)pular  nature-religion  shall  soon  bo 
exchanged  for  the  sorrows  of  exile.  In  her  own  land 
Israel  had  treacherously  ascribed  to  the  Baalim  the 
crops  given  by  Yahweh ;  therefore,  in  a  strange  land, 
she  shall  lose  all  opportunity  of  sacrificing  to  Him. 
Their  bread  shall  be  "  as  the  bread  of  mourners,"  im- 
offered  and  imconsecrated  in  Yahweh's  Temple  ;  and 
what  will  they  do  for  festivals  ?  Egj^pt  shall  be  their 
grave,  and  all  their  wealth  destroyed  m  the  day  of 
visitation  (1-70).  If  the  prophet  (Hosea)  is  "mad" 
this  is  explained  by  the  univereal  sin  against  Yahweh, 
and  the  universal  enmity  against  His  prophet  (76,  8). 
The  nation's  guilt  is  indeed  profoimd,  and  shall  incur 
inevitable  punishment  (9). 

1.  Joy:  read  "exult  not"  (LXX). — By  hire  (i.e. 
harlot  s  hire  ;  cf.  214)  is  meant  the  material  gifts  which 
the  Israelites  look  for  as  the  reward  of  the  Baal- 
worship. — 2.  shall  not  feed:  read  "  shall  ignore,"  and 
for  '•  her  "  read  "  them  "  (LXX).  They  shall  not 
enjoy  the  harvest  [cf.  Am.  5ii). — 3.  Egypt  and 
Assyria  symboUse  lands  of  exile  (cj.  li\,  89,13).  The 
foreign  land  is  unclean  because  it  is  impossible  to 
sacrifice  to  Yahweh  in  it  (c/.  Am.  I17) ;  there  can  be 
no  more  joyful  sacrificial  meals  in  Y'ahweh's  house. — 
4.  neither  .  .  .  mourners :  read  "  nor  prepare  for  liim 
their  sacrifices.  Like  the  bread  of  mourners  shall 
their  bread  be."  B>  "  the  hou.se  of  the  Lord  "  is 
meant  any  of  the  numerous  sanctuaries,  which  were 
nominally  dedicated  to  the  worship  of  Yahweh. — 
[46,  5.  ?  a  gloss.] — 6.  they  .  .  .  destruction:  read 
"  they  shall  go  to  Assyria."  Their  cheiished  posses- 
sions (pleasant  tilings)  in  Palestine  shall  become  a 
waste. — 76.  Here  a  new  verse  should  begin.  It  is  the 
prophet's  reply  to  the  reproach  of  his  hearers  that  he 
18  "  mtid."-— 81.  Tlie  text  appears  to  bo  corrupt. 
8a  may  mean  "  Ephraim  acta  the  spy  with  my  Grod  " 
(G.  A.  Smith),  but  tliis  ia  doubtful.  86  may  refer  to 
persecution  encountered  by  the  prophet.  Then  join 
9a  to  8,  reading  "  they  have  made  a  deep  pit  for  liim  " 
(i.e.  they  iiave  plotted  against  tlie  prophet).  The  rest 
of  9  may  be  an  addition  (?  made  up  from  IO9  and 
813;  so  Weilhausen).  For  the  crime  of  Gibeah  c/. 
Jg.  19. 

IX.  10-17.  The  Nemesis  of  an  Impure  Worship 
(cf.  4ii-i4). — Israel  in  unspoilt  youth  Ivad  appeared 
to  Y'ahwch  "  like  grapes  in  the  wilderness,"  but  at 
the  verj'  first  of  the  Canaanite  slirines  which  they 
reached,  Baal-Peor,  they  polluted  themselves  (10). 
Tlie  consequent  nemesis  was  barrenness  '(11 ).— -"  th<  ir 
root  is  dried  up  "  (16)  should  be  inserted  (Weilliausen) 
between  11  and  12.  If  children  are  brought  up  to 
die  prematurely  (12),  or  are  destined  to  slaughter  (13), 
let  Yahweh  rather  only  doom  them  to  barrenness  (14). 
The  centre  of  ail  this  iniquity  is  the  cultua  at  Gilgal, 

1  There  Is  a  play  on  the  name  Ephiaim  (fruitful).  The  ' '  fruitful  " 
has  become  um'ruitlul. 


and  because  of  it  they  shall  ho  driven  "  out  of  mine 
house  "  (i.e.  Yahweh's  land),  unloved  ;  ail  their  princes 
are  rebels,  they  are  rejected  and  doomed  to  exile 
(15.  17). 

10.  The  sin  of  Baai-Peor  (cf.  Nu.  25)  was  continued 
in  the  impure  cultus. — shameful  thing:  a  substitute 
for  "  Baal  "  (2 16*). — 11.  The  name  Epiiraim  suggests 
a  bird's  pinions  ('dbdrim).  Their  glory,  i.e.  their 
abundant  population,  shall  take  wings  and  fly. — 
12(1.  though  :  render  "  even  if." — 126.  ?  a  eloss. — 
13.  The  text  is  corrupt.  It  may  bo  restored  (c/ LXX) 
somewhat  as  follows  :  "  Ephraim  I  have  seen  like  a 
man,  who  maketh  his  sons  a  prey.  Yea  Israel  himself 
hath  led  forth  to  the  slaughter  lus  sons  !  '"  (so  Marti, 
cf.  Weilhausen). — 14.  A  despairing  interjection  by  the 
prophet.  Let  Ephraim  be  doomed  to  barrenness 
ratlier  than  rear  cliildren  only  for  slaughter. — 15.  In 
Gilgal  (cf.  415),  one  of  the  most  famous  sanctuaries  of 
the  cultus,  "  the  corruption  of  the  northern  kingdom 
had  its  focus  "  (Cheyne).  Had  it  boon  the  scene  of 
human  sacrifice  (cf.  13  as  above)  ? — all  their  princes 
are  revoiters:  there  is  an  assonance  in  the  original, 
"all  their  rulers  are  unnily  "  (cf.  Is.  I23). — 17.  ?  a 
gloss. 

X.  1-8.  God's  Annihilating  Judgment  on  the  Mixed 
Cultus. — With  the  land's  abounding  prosperity  Israel 
has  multiplied  altars  in  the  service  of  the  mixed  cultus  ; 
these  Yahweh  will  destroy  (li)  Their  puppet-kings 
they  shall  find  utterly  impotent  (3),  and  their  idle, 
lying  words,  which  never  result  in  performance,  shall 
yield  a  bitter  crop  of  judgment  (4,  ?  a  gloss),  Samaria 
(i.e.  the  northern  kingdom)  shall  find  the  "calves  of 
Bc-lh-Aven  "  (Bethel,  cf,  4i5,  08  *)  a  source  of  terror 
rather  than  of  help,  their  glory  depar£ed,  and  the  idols 
themselves  ignominiously  carried  off  to  As.syria  (5!). 
Samaria's  king  shall  drift  helplessly  to  doom,  and  the 
"  high  places  of  Avon,"  source  of  Israel's  sin,  shall  be 
destroj'ed,  and  the  deluded  people  left  helpless  and 
despairing  (ji.). 

1.  Read  perhaps,  "  whose  fruit  is  (or  was)  lovely." — 
goodness:  read  "  prosperity  "  (mg.). — 2.  Marti  thinks 
this  a  late  gloss. — divided :  i.e.  in  the  cultus.  Are  they 
serving  Y'ahwch  or  the  Baal  ?  Or  render,  "  their 
heart  is  false  "  (the  cultus  is  no  true  worship  of  Yahweh 
at  all). — be  foimd  guilty :  LXX  reads,  '*  bo  desolated  " 
(Heb.  ydshoininA). — he:  i.e.  Yahweh. — shall  smite: 
lit.  break  the  neck  of,  perhaps  with  reference  to  the 
homed  ox-head  placed  on  the  comers  of  altars. — 3.  No 
legitimate  king  reigns,  only  a  usurper. — for  .  .  .  Lord : 
?  a  gloss  (^larti). — 4.  The  verso  (?  a  gloss,  Marti, 
Nowack)  answers  the  question,  "  What  can  he  do  for 
us  ?  "  Render,  "'  speak  words,  swear  falsely,  mako 
covenants  and  (emended  text)  turn  justice  to  gall "  (Jer. 
814*).  The  words  "  in  the  furrows  of  the  field  "  may 
Ijo  an  insertion  from  12ii. — 5.  calves:  read  "  calf." — 
56.  Read,  "  for  him  shall  they  mourn,  his  people  and 
his  priestlings,  they  shall  wail  for  liis  glory  that  it  is 
banished  from  him.  " — 6.  Render,  "  Yea  himself  (i.e.  the 
calf)  they  shall  transport,"  etc. — Jareb:  cf.  613*. — 
because  .  .  .  counsel:  read,  "of  his  idol.  "  The  source 
of  Ephraims  shame  is  not  so  much  false  poUtios  as  the 
false  cultus. — 7.  Render  "  like  a  chip  (rf.  mg.)  upon 
the  face  of  the  waters.'" — 8.  Read,  "  the  liigh  places  of 
Israel  "  (omitting  '"  of  Aveu  the  sin "  as  a  pioua 
gloss  on  "  high  places ").— 86.  Cf.  Lk.  2330,  Rev, 
616. 

X.  9-15.  Israel  must  Reap  the  Ruin  he  has  Sown.— 
From  the  days  of  Gibeah  Israel  has  siimed,  and 
never  progressed  since  (9,  but  see  notes) ;  Yahweh 
comes  to  punish  them,  and  gather  the  peoples  against 
them  (10).     Israel  like  a  wcll-broken-in  heifer  loves  to 


HOSEA.  XII.  4-6 


641 


thresh  ;  but  the  harder  taska  (ploughing,  harrowing) 
must  precede  before  the  crops  can  be  gathered  ;  the 
discipline  must  precede  the  joy  of  harvest  (ii  ;  12  is 
perhaps  a  gloss).  But  Israel  has  plouglicd  wickedness 
and  reaped  disaster,  the  "  tumult  of  war  "  shall  arise 
in  his  midst,  bringing  desti-uction  upon  the  fortresses, 
the  land  and  her  children  ruined,  and  their  king 
swept  away  (13-15).  —  The  text  in  parts  is  very 
corrupt. 

9.  from  the  days  of  Gibeah :  the  reference  is  probably 
to  Benjamins  sin  described  in  Jg.  19.  Wellhausen 
objects  that  this  was  not  the  sin  of  Israel,  but  only  of 
a  single  tribe,  and  interprets  of  the  establishment  of 
the  monarchy  at  Gibeah.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether 
Hosea  regarded  the  setting  up  of  the  monarchy  as  the 
fount  and  chief  of  Israel's  sins.  Marti,  with  largo 
omission,  reads  :  '"  As  in  the  days  of  Gibeah,  there  is 
war  against  the  children  of  iniquity." — 10.  When  it  is 
my  desire  .  .  .  against  them :  read,  "  I  am  come  to 
pimish  them  and  gather  the  peoples  against  them," — 
The  last  clause  is  probably  a  gloss  ;  read,  "  through 
their  punishment  (c/.  LXX)  for  their  two  transgres- 
sions," i.e.  not  the  cultus  and  the  kingdom,  but  the 
two  calves  at  Bethel  and  Dan. — 11.  Read,  "  but  I 
have  made  the  yoke  pass  over  her  fair  neck  "  (Heb, 
Mehharti  'ol  'al). — Judah  (between  Ephraim  and 
Jacob)  can  hardly  be  right.  Read,  "  I  will  yoke 
Ephraim  that  he  may  plough  Jacob,"  etc. — 12a  may 
be  rendered,  "  Sow  to  yourselves  righteousness,  and," 
etc. — 136.  for  .  .  .  men:  probably  a  gloss. — way: 
read  chariots  (LXX).— 14.  among  thy  people:  read, 
"  in  thy  cities. — The  clause  "  as  Shalman  (Shal- 
maneser  IV)  spoiled  Beth-arbel  in  the  days  of  battle  " 
refers  to  some  incident  unkno\vn  (probably  a  gloss). — 
15.  Read  (LXX),  "  So  will  I  do  to  you,  0  house  of 
Israel,  because  of  your  great  wickedness  ;  in  the  storm 
shall  the  king,"  etc. 

XI.  1-11.  The  Divine  Father's  Love  for  Israel. — In 
Israel's  youth  Yahweh  loved  him,  and  called  him  from 
Egypt  to  be  His  son,  but  he  proved  disloyal,  sacrificing 
to  the  BaaUm  (if.).  Yet  it  was  Yahweh  who  guided 
and  protected  him  as  a  father,  and  healed  him  in 
sickness  (3).  The  figure  now  changes  (but  see  notes). 
Yahweh  has  treated  Israel  as  a  humane  master  who 
gently  leads  and  eases  the  yoke  for  the  tired  team  of 
oxen  (4).  The  ungrateful  son  must  return  to  Egypt — 
be  exiled  ;  his  cities  shall  be  given  up  to  tho  sword, 
because  of  incurable  idolatry  (6f.).  Here  the  prophet 
movingly  expresses  Yahwehs  love  for  His  people : 
"  How  shall  I  give  thee  up,  Ephraim  ?  '  How  devote 
Israel,  loved  from  youth,  to  destruction  ?  And  yet 
must  not  the  annihilating  judgment  take  its  course  ? 
Does  not  Yahweh's  holiness  inexorably  demand  it  ? 
(8f.).  But  there  shall  be  a  return  from  exile  (lof.,  post- 
exiho). 

1.  Render  "  called  (him)  to  be  my  son  "  or  (reading 
Id  b'ni)  "  called  to  him,  my  Son  :  LXX  "  called  his 
sons  "  ("  and  since  Egypt  I  have  been  calhng  his  sons," 
Marti).  Israel's  sonship  dates  from  the  Exodus 
(c/.  Ex.  422). — 2a.  Read  (LXX),  "  But  the  more  I 
have  called  to  them,  so  much  the  more  have  they 
departed  from  me." — 2b.  Render  "  sacrifice,"  "  bum  " 
(present  tenses). — 3b.  Marti  and  Nowack  read,  "'  But 
they  knew  not  that  I  carried  them,  that  I  healed  them 
from  sickness."  Yahweh  is  tho  good  physician  (c/. 
Ex.  1526). — 4a.  man:  perhaps  "kindness"  {hesed) 
should  be  read  (parallel  to  love). — 4ft.  The  text  is  un- 
certain (the  yoke  is  not  placed  on  the  jaws,  but  on  the 
neck).  Read  (c/.  LXX),  "  And  then  I  became  to  liim 
as  a  man-smiter ;  I  turned  against  him  ( 'dldw)  and 
overcame  him  "  (so  Marti), — 5.  Omit  "  not  "  {16  trans- 


ferred to  end  of  4).  As  places  of  exile  Assyria  and 
Egypt  are  employed  indifferently  in  Hosea.-— 6.  Text 
corrupt.  Read  probably,  "  And  the  sword  shall  con- 
sumo  in  his  cities,  and  devour  in  his  fastnesses." — 
7.  Very  corrupt.  No  satisfactory  emendation  has  been 
proposed. — 8.  Admah  and  Zeboim  play  the  same  rdle 
in  Hosea  as  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  in  Amos  and  Isaiah 
(c/.  Am.  4ii,  Is.  I7-10).  According  to  tradition  they 
belonged  to  the  five  cities  of  the  plain  (c/.  Gen.  10 19, 
142,8,  Dt.  2923).— 9.  Render,  "  Shall  I  not  execute  ?  " 
"  Shall  I  not  return  ?  "  etc. — and  I  .  .  .  city:  {mg. 
is  impo.ssible)  read  probably,  "  and  shall  I  not  extir- 
pate "  (Heb.  iWld  'abhd-er)  t  [If  construed  absolutely 
(I  will  not  execute,  etc.),  the  verse  is  a  promise  of 
mercy.  But  this  hardly  suits  the  clause  about  God's 
hoUness  ;  holiness  demands  severe  purgation.] — 10  de- 
picts the  return  from  exile ;  it  is  doubtless  a  post-exilio 
gloss. — make  them  to  dwell  in :  read,  "  bring  them 
back  to." 

XL  12-Xn.  14  (  =  Heb.  121-15).  Ephraim's  In- 
fidelity Traced  from  the  Beginning. — This  is  one  of  the 
most  difficult  passages  in  Hosea.  In  the  text  Judah 
also  is  mentioned  ;  but  this  may  be  due  to  a  later 
hand.  124f.,i2f.  are  probably  additions.  The  chap- 
ter-division is  wrong  in  EV  and  right  m  the  Heb. 
Israel's  sins  of  treason  and  deceit  as  it  were  surround 
Yahweh  (nor  has  Judah  been  faithful).  Ephraim 
loves  (see  note)  wind,  symbol  of  worthlessness  and 
violence,  heaps  up  falsehood  and  fraud,  and  faithlessly 
enters  into  covenant  relations  with  Assyria  and  Egypt 
(lli2-12i).  Yahweh  has  a  controversy  with  Israel 
(so  read  for  "Judah"  and  omit  "also"),  and  will 
punish  Jacob  (2),  Israel  has  the  faults  of  his  ancestor 
who  defrauded  his  brother  in  the  womb,  and  m  manhood 
even  strove  {mg.)  with  God  (3;  see  4-6*).^  He  even 
practises  the  deceits  of  Canaan,  and  cheats  in  order  to 
become  rich  (/f.).  But  Yahweh  will  disappoint  these 
degraded  ambitions,  and  bring  him  again  (as  at  tho 
first)  into  the  wilderness  (gf,).  He  has  been  warned 
often  enough  of  the  impending  calamity  (10)  ;  Gilead 
and  Gilgal,  famous  centres  of  idolatry,  shall  be  over- 
taken by  the  ruin  (11).  Some  further  references  to 
Jacob  (i2f.)  are  probably  later  additions.  The  con- 
tinuation of  II  is  seen  in  14,  in  which  Yahweh  pro- 
nounces the  final  justification  of  Ephraim's  doom, 

XI.  126.  Probably  a  Judsean  addition.  The  text  is 
here  out  of  order  (see  LXX),  Read  perhaps,  "  But 
Judah  is  still  kno\vn  [i.e.  trusted;  reading  yadiia  for 
rod)  with  God  and  faithful  to  (with)  the  Holy  One.'" 
If  original  the  clause  must  be  taken  as  an  indictment 
of  Judah,  Render  then,  "  And  Judah  is  yet  wayward 
(c/,  mg.)  with  God,  and  yoked  with  the  Q'deshim"' 
(sacred  prostitutes  :  reading  nismdd  for  ne'emdn). — XII. 
1.  feedeth  on:  ?  "loveth"  (or  possibly  "herdeth"). — 
wind  symboUscs  what  is  vain,  unsubstantial,  with  im- 
plied reference  to  Egypt  ("  east  mnd "  to  Assyria, 
c/.  1315,  Job  152,  2721).— he  .  .  .  multlplieth:  read, 
"  they  multiply."'  For  "  desolation  "  read  "  vanity," 
and  at  end  "  and  they  carry."  Oil  was  precious 
(c/.  Dt,  8»)  and  so  appropriate  for  a  costly  present 
(c/.  Is.  306),— 3.  toolt  ...  by  the  heel:  i.e.  attacked 
at  the  heel,  overreached.  36  may  be  regarded  as 
contrasted  with  3rt  (by  way  of  praise),  and  as  an 
twldition.  But  this  is  unnecessarj'.  Render  "  con- 
tended with  God  "  (c/.  Gen.  3224ff.).— 4-6.  Perhaps  a 
later  expansion,  designed  to  mitigate  the  hard  judgment 
on  Jacob  in  3 ;  4a  is  probably  one  gloss,  46-6  another 
(the  theophany  at  Bethel,  cf.  Gen.  359ff,),  6  forming 
the  glossator's  hortatory  conclusion  addremod  to  oon- 

1  12  36  U  regar.le.1  by  Vfelcb  as  quoted  by  Hosea  from  a  temple 
BOOS  ciurrent  at  Betbel  (so  also  61-3)- 


642 


HOSEA.  XII.  4-6 


temporaries. — 4.  us:  read  "him." — 8.  wait:  render 
"  hope.'" — 7.  Render  (c/.  mg.)  "  Oanaan — the  balances 
of  deceit,  etc." — oppress:  i-ead  (rf.  jnj/.), '"  overreach  " 
(Heb.  la'aqob,  play  on  Jacob).— Canaan  here  means 
commercialised  Ephraim. — &«  gives  Ephraim'a  reply, 
he  has  become  rich. — 8^;  is  tiic  prophet's  rct<^)rt.  Read, 
"  All  that  he  has  amassed  sliall  not  suffice  for  the  guilt 
he  ha«  incurred  "  (LXX). — 9.  Perhaps  out  of  place; 
the  logical  connexion  Ls  difticult. — 9«  =  134(/. — from: 
render,  "  since,  ' — the  solemn  feast  is  difficult.  The 
fcaat  of  the  desert  was  Pa.-<sover,  not  Tabernacles. 
Read  (?)  "thy  youth."— 10.  I  have  used  similitudes: 
corrupt.  No  satisfactorj'  emendation  has  been  pro- 
posed.— 11.  Text  in  disorder.  R-ead,  "  In  Gilead  '" 
(c/.  68*)  "  they  have  practised  iniquity ;  iii  Gilgal 
(l)i5*)  they  have  sacrificed  to  demons  :  (so)  also  shall 
their  altars  become  stoue-heaps,"  etc.  (The  logical 
comicxion  with  lo  is  difficult  to  trace.  Marti  thinks 
lo  an  insertion.] — 12f.  Probably  a  gloss  (?  by  the  same 
hand  as  4-6),  to  show  the  providential  care  of  God  in 
the  life  of  Jacob  and  in  the  Exodus. — 12.  CJ.  Gen.  29 
13-30. — 13.  a  prophet:  j.c.  Moses(c/.  Dt.  I815, 34io). — 
was  preserved:  i.e.  in  the  wilderness  wandering.s. — 
14.  Text  hopelessly  corrupt.  After  anger  a  threat  of 
punishment  may  have  followed. 

Xm.  1-16  (  =  Heb.  13i-14i).  Facllis  descensus 
Avemo. — Israel  has  persistently  lapsed  into  the  Baal- 
worship  and  idolatry,  and  therefore  shall  be  swept 
away  "'as  the  chaff''  {1-3).  Yahweh  has  brought 
him  up  from  Egypt,  protected  him  in  the  wilderness, 
and  given  him  plenty,  yet  he  has  forgotten  Him  {4-6), 
therefore  He  is  against  them  ''  as  a  bear  bereaved  of 
her  whelps."  Israels  ruin  is  self-imposed  (7-9)  and 
his  kings  are  powerless  (lof.).  Ephraim  has  cherished 
his  sin  as  a  priceless  treasure  ;  the  crisis  of  his  fate  has 
come — a  last  opportunity  of  regeneration — but  he  is 
impotent  to  seize  it  (12!).  Shall  Yahweh,  even  now, 
ransom  him  from  death  ?  He  cannot ;  the  punishment 
must  go  its  inevitable  course  (14).  The  hurricane  of 
the  Divine  wrath  shall  blast  and  spoil  Samaria's  land 
and  "  pleasant  vessels  " ;  because  "  she  hath  rebelled 
against  her  God,"  she  must  suffer  all  the  horrors  of 
war  (isf.). 

1.  When  Ephraim  spake,  there  was  trembling  cannot 
be  right,  but  no  satisfactory  emendation  has  been  pro- 
posed.— exalted  himself:   read,  ■'  was  prince." — 16  ex- 


presses Hosea's  conviction  that  Israel's  strength  nad 
been  sapped  and  destroyed  by  Baal-worship. — 2.  imder- 
standing :  read,  "  model  "  (c/.  LXX).     Perhaps  "  gods  ' 


(Heb.  '(luhim)  should  be  inserted  in  last  clause  (c/.  I43). 
Then  render,  "  They  say  of  them  '  gods  '  {i.e.  they  call 
them  gods),  sacrificing  men  kiss  calves  ''  (c/.  1  K.  19i8). 
But  text  is  uncertain. — 3.  they  shall  .  .  .  away :  per- 
haps inserted  from  64.  For  the  figure  of  the  chaff, 
cf.  Is.  I7i3,  Dan.  235. — out  of  the  chimney:  render, 
"  from  the  window.  " — 4.  from  :  render  "  since."  The 
allusion  is  to  the  Exodus. — Shalt  know:  read  nig. — 
ITie  LXX  inserts  here  a  passage  like  the  creation  pas- 
sages in  Amos  (Am.  4i3,  Ssf.,  95f.). — 5.  I  did  know 
thee:  read,  "  I  shepherded  thee  ''  (LXX)  (cf.  beginning 
of  6). — 6.  i.e.  "  The  more  they  were  fed  the  more  they 
gorged  themselves  ;  and  the  more  they  gorged  them- 
selves the  more  their  heart  was  uphfted."  The  last 
clause  may  bo  an  addition ;  cf.  Dt.  814,  32i8. — 7. 
watch:  render,  "leap"  (G.  A.  Smith);  or  read,  "I 
am  sleepless  (Heb.  'esliqod,  cf.  Jer,  56).—^.  as  a  bear, 
etc.  (cf.  2  S.  178,  Lam.  3io). — the  caul  is  lit.  the  en- 
closure (of  their  heart),  i.e.  the  heart.  Read,  "  and 
lions  of  the  forest  shall  devour  them  there  "  (LXX). — 
9.  Read  (cf.  LXX),  "I  will  destroy  thee.  0  Israel— 
who  can  help  thee  ?  " — 10.  in  all  .  .  .  Judges:    read, 


•and  all  thy  princes  that  they  rule  thee  T " — of 
whom  .  .  •  princes:  may  bo  an  addition  (cf.  for  the 
words  1  S.  80). — 11.  Hosea  thinks  primarily  of  tho 
puppet-kings,  usurpers  of  the  moment ;  not  of  tho 
older  line  of  princes.  Render  as  presents,  "  I  give,"  etc. 
12.  bound  up:  in  a  bag  as  a  precious  treasure 
(cf.  Job  14i7). — 13.  The  crisis  of  Ephraim's  fate  has 
arrived — shall  a  new  and  better  time  be  bom  out  of 
the  accumulating  troubles  of  the  present  ?  The  child's 
weak  will  imperils  the  birth  (notice  change  of  figure 
from  mother  to  child).  The  sense  intended  is  given 
by  n)g.,  "  At  the  right  time  (read  ka'elh)  he  standcth 
not  in  the  mouth  of  the  womb  "  (cf.  Is.  373). — 14. 
Render  as  questions,  "  Shall  I  ransom  .  .  .  redeem  ?  " 
In  the  clause  "  O  death,'"  etc.,  the  question  is  rhetorical. 
■■  Where  are  thy  plagues  ?  Here  with  them  !  " — 
repentance:  render '*  compassion.'"  Note  the  apphca- 
tion  in  1  C!or.  1035. — 15f.  reads  like  an  appendix  to 
preceding. — 15.  As  Ephraim  is  here  not  a  single  tribe 
but  the  whole  northern  kingdom,  "  among  his  brethren" 
cannot  be  right.  Read,  perhaps,  "  Though  he  (i.e. 
Ephraim)  flourish  among  the  reed-grass  (reading  'ahti) 
the  east  wind  (i.e.  Assyria)  shall  come  up."  The  word 
rendered  "'  flourish  "  (maphri)  is  a  play  upon 
''  Ephraim." — the  breath  .  .  .  wilderness :  7  a  gloss 
on  '■  east  wind." — ^the  .  .  .  vessels :  probably  a  gloss. 
The  subject  is  no  longer  the  wind,  but  the  Assyrian. — 
16.  Read  mg. 

XIV.  1-9  (Heb.  142-10).  Israel's  Repentance  and 
Yahwehs  Forgiveness. — The  section  begins  with  a 
passionate  appeal  to  Israel  to  repent  and  confess  his 
sin  (if.).  A  promise  of  amendment  (spoken  by  Israel) 
follows — he  will  no  longer  put  his  trust  in  foreign 
alliances  and  idols  (3).  Yahweh  now  assures  Israel  of 
forgiveness  ;  His  anger  is  turned  away,  and  the  re- 
generated people  shall  "  blossom  as  the  lily  "  (4-7). 
Ephraim  repeats  his  renunciation  of  idols,  and  Yahweh 
answers  graciously,  tho  dialogue  being  continued  (8). 
A  final  exhortation,  added  by  a  later  hand,  urges  that 
the  book  should  bo  laid  to  heart  (9).  Some  scholars 
regard  the  whole  chapter  as  a  later  addition  intended 
to  mitigate  the  severe  conclusion  of  13.  It  is  argued 
that  the  ideas  expressed,  and  the  lack  of  emphasis  on 
ethical  requirements,  are  out  of  harmony  with  Hosea's 
thought.  Moreover  Ho.-ea  demands  not  a  confession 
of  "  words  "  (142),  but  an  amendment  of  deeds  (cf. 
4 iff.).  But  style  and  language  are  certainly  com- 
patible with  his  authorship,  and  the  other  objections 
disappear  if  the  section  is  addressed  to  the  regenerated 
Israel  which  will  have  survived  the  nation's  downfalL 
On  this  view  its  present  position  will  bo  original  (so 
Buttenwi&ser). 

1.  thou  hast  fallen:  if  the  regenerated  community 
is  addressed,  the  ruin  of  tho  old  state  Ues  behind  them. 
— 2.  words :  a  confession  of  sin  rather  than  an  animal 
sacrifice — and  accept  .  .  .  lips:  read,  "and  let  us 
receive  good  (i.e.  from  thee)  that  we  may  render  the 
fruit  (LXX)  of  our  lijis  ''  (i.e.  pay  our  vows  for  the 
blessings  received ).  For  "  fruit  of  the  lips,"  cf.  Is.  57i9. 
— 3.  we  will  not  ride  upon  horses :  i.e.  "  will  not  enter 
into  H'lations  with  Egypt,  "  the  supply  of  horses  was 
de{x'ndent  upon  Egvpt"(r/.  1  K.  IO28).  "  The  expression 
was,  jierhaps,  traditional  in  this  sense  (cf.  Is.  30i6). 
The  new  community  will  no  longer  rely  on  AssjTia 
and  Egypt. — for  .  .'.  mercy:  perhaps  a  gloss  (Marti). 
—4.  I  will  heal  their  backsliding:  regarded  as  a 
disease  (cf.  Jer.  322). — freely:  Yahweh's  love  of  Israel 
is  not  grounded  ou  any  sufficient  merit  in  tho  people. — 
for  .  .  .  him:  ?  a  gloss  (note  change  from  "  them  "  to 
"  him  "). — 5.  For  figure  of  the  refreshing  dew,  cf. 
Pr.  I9i2,  Is.  2619  ;   and  for  blossoming  "  as  the  lily." 


HOSEA,  XIV    9 


543 


c/.  Eoclus.  3914. — Render  "  and  strike  liia  roots  (deep) 
as  Lebanon  "  (or  perhaps  read  "  as  the  cedara,"  seeing 
that  "  as  Lebanon  "  occurs  at  end  of  6). — 6.  The  olive 
tree,  which  is  green  both  summer  and  winter,  is  a  figure 
for  Israel,  as  m  Jer.  11 16. — The  smell  of  Lebanon: 
i.e.  from  its  cedars  (c/.  Ca.  in). — 7.  Read, '"  They  shall 
return  and  dwell  under  my  shadow,  they  shall  Uve 
well- watered  (cf.  LXX)  as  a  garden,  and  bo  famed 
(reading  weyizzdkertl)  as  the  wine  of  Lebanon." — 
8.  Road,   "  Ephraim — what  has  ho  to  do  any  more 


with  idols  ?  I  respond  and  will  give  him  an  habita- 
tion "  (God  being  the  speaker).  Some  assign  the  last 
clause  to  Ephraim  as  speaker.  But  the  whole  verse 
may  be  regarded  as  spoken  by  God,  who  is  compared 
to  an  evergreen  fir-tree,  which  refreshes  by  its  shadow 
and  sustains  by  its  fruit  (read,  "'  liis  fruit  "). — I  have 
.  .  .  him :  render,  perhajis,  "  I  have  afflicted  and 
(reading  wci' da-shsherennii)  will  make  him  blessed  "  (so 
Welch). — 9.  A  post-exihc  addition.  The  hortatory 
tone  is  hke  that  of  Proverbs ;  cf.  Pr.  11 5,  ISig. 


JOEL 


By  Professor  W.  L.  WARDLE 


Our  direct  evidence  concerning  the  author  is  limited 
to  the  assertion  in  li — v\hich  there  is  no  reason  to  dis- 
trust— that  he  v,as  the  son  of  Pethuel  (LXX  Bethuel). 
But  we  may  infer  from  the  book  that  he  was  a  man  of 
Judah,  and  the  keen  interest  displayed  in  the  Temple — 
thrice  is  the  cessation  of  the  daily  sacrifices  mentioned — 
suggests  that  ho  was  not  improbably  a  priest.  The 
style  is  polished,  with  a  fine  ajiprociation  of  the  art  of 
suiting  sound  to  sense,  and  the  prophecy  is  embellished 
by  numerous  quotations  from  earlier  writings.  The 
period  of  origin  is  fairly  clear,  Tlie  Syrians,  Assyiians, 
and  Babylonians,  who  fill  the  background  of  earlier 
prophecy,  are  no  longer  in  view.  There  is  no  mention 
of  a  separate  kingdom  of  Israel.  Judah  is  a  small 
oommunity  dwelling  in  Jcnisalem  and  the  country 
immediately  surrounding  it.  It  would  seem  that  the 
Temple  is  rebuilt  and  the  city  walled.  The  references 
to  the  scattering  of  Yahweh's  people  among  the 
nations,  the  parting  of  the  land,  and  the  passing 
through  of  strangers,  can  surely  be  adequately  ex- 
plained only  by  reference  to  the  Babylonian  Captivity 
and  Exile,  It  follows  then  that  the  book  is  post-exiUc. 
The  reference  to  the  lonians  (36,  "  Grecians  ") ;  the 
numerous  literary  coincidences  with  other  OT  writers 
in  which  the  debt  seems  to  lie  on  Joel's  aide,  though 
some  may  be  commonplaces  of  prophetic  thought  and 
imagery  ;  the  fact  that  Apocalyptic  seems  to  be  at  a 
"more  advanced  stage  than  in  Ezekiel,  approaching 
more  nearly  to  the  fully-developed  type  of  later  times  ; 
all  point  in  this  direction.  Wo  may  assign  aa  date  the 
early  years  of  the  fourth  century  b.c. 

The  immediate  occasion  of  the  book  is  the  devasta- 
tion of  the  land  by  great  hordes  of  locusts,  which  has 
caused  misery  to  man  and  beast,  and  even  brought 
the  daily  sacrifices  to  an  end  through  lack  of  the  neces- 
sary material.  The  prophet's  first  aim  is  to  call  a 
national  fast  of  humiUation  and  intercession.  In  his 
magnificent  description  of  the  invading  locusts  ho 
slightly  idealises  them  mider  the  figure  of  an  army, 
and  suggests  that  they  may  portend  the  approach  of 
the  "  Day  of  Yahwch."'  In  the  gracious  answer  of 
Yahweh  to  the  intercession,  which  constitutes  the 
latter  part  of  the  book,  the  thought  passes  more  and 
more  from  the  immediate  trouble  to  the  Day  of 
Yahweh  with  its  miraculous  blessings  for  His  people 
and  punishment  for  their  oppressors.  (It  is  right  to 
say  that  an  increasingly  strong  current  of  critical 
opinion  would  separate  from  the  book  all  the  apoca- 
lyptic references,  assigning  them  to  an  interpolator 
who  worked  them  into  the  original  writing  of  Joel. 
This  view  is  supported  by  arguments  which  are  certainly 
plausible  though  they' fall  short  of  cogency.)  The 
theology  is  not  marked  by  any  great  onginality. 
Suffering  is  punishment  for  sin.  But  Yahweh  is  not 
a  vengeful  deity  ;  rather  is  He  compassionate.  Stress 
is  laid  ui)on  the  relation  of  the  community  rather  than 
of  the  individual  to  Yahweh.     Hie  attitude  to  the 


cultus  is  far  different  from  that  of  Amoa  or  Isaiah. 
The  ritual  appealed  strongly  to  JoeL  But  he  was  no 
boUever  in  a  hyiJocrisy  which  could  combine  iniquity 
with  solemn  assembhes.  His  "  rend  your  heart  and 
not  your  garments "  has  become  a  classic  protest 
against  such  sin.  He  fails  to  rise  to  the  supreme  height 
of  universalism  reached  in  Jonah.  Perhaps  the  most 
striking  feature  in  the  theology  is  the  vivid  painting  of 
the  Day  of  Yahweh. 

Literature. — For  hterature  on  all  the  Minor  Prophets 
see  General  Bibliographies.  Commentaries:  (a)  Driver 
(CB) ;  (h)  Bewer  (ICC)  ;  (c)  Merx,  Haller  (SAT). 

I.  1.  A  Short  Superscription. 

1.  a-U.  17.  A  Description  of  the  Plague  of  Locusts, 
and  a  Summons  to  an  Assembly  for  Confession  and 
Intercession. 

L  2-4.  The  Unprecedented  Character  of  the  Plague. — 
No  Uving  Jew  has  experienced  so  terrible  a  plague  :  it 
will  be  talked  of  in  generations  yet  to  come.  The 
locusts  have  eaten  the  land  absolutely  bare. 

2.  ye  old  men :  might  also  bo  rendered  "  ye  elders," 
i.e.  officials  ;  but  the  words  are  probably  a  later  inser- 
tion.— 4.  palmerworm,  locust,  cankerworm,  caterpUler : 
neither  of  the  suggestions  in  mg.  is  probable.  Tlie 
names,  which  may  be  rendered  "  shearer,"  "  devas- 
tator," "  lapper,"  "'  finisher,"  arc  different  names  for 
'■  locust,"  each  expressing  its  destructive  power. 

I.  5-12.  The  Distress  Caused  by  the  Plague. 

5-7.  The  wine-bibbers — no  censure  is  impUed  ;  they 
are  mentioned  first  because  of  the  contrast  between 
their  accustomed  merriment  and  the  t«ars  they  are 
bidden  to  shed — are  summoned  to  arouse  from  their 
drunken  sleep  and  bemoan  the  devastation  of  the  vin©- 
j-ards.  The  manj--mouthod  host  of  invaders  (for 
"  nation  "  cf.  Pr.  SO^sf.)  has  wrought  such  destruction 
that  it  is  Ukened  to  a  ravening  hon.  Vine  and  fig-tree 
are  stripped  bare,  so  that  the  twigs  splinter  and  the 
branches  gleam  white. 

[6b.  The  comparison  with  lions'  teeth  (Rev.  98)  is 
very  apt,  for  in  proportion  to  its  size  the  teeth  of  the 
locust  are  enormously  stroncr,  and  have  a  saw-Uko 
edge. — A.  8.  P.]. — 7.  barked:  rather  "splintered," 
— made  it  clean  bare:  ix.  vines  and  fig-trees  collec- 
tively ;  the  inedible  or  unattractive  fragments  were  cast 
away,  rejected. 

I.  8-12.  The  land  is  bidden  to  mourn  as  bitterly  as  a 
maiden  mourning  her  betrothed,  dead  ere  the  marriage 
day.  For — most  terrible  consequence  of  the  famine 
caused  by  the  locusts — no  com,  wine,  or  oil  can  be 
had  for  the  daily  sacrifice,  wliich  is  interrupted.  Such 
a  suspension,  which  seemed  to  snap  the  link  between 
Yahweh  and  His  people,  occurred  during  the  siege  of 
Jerusalem  by  the  Romans,  and  was  regarded  as  an 
appaUing  omen.  The  land  and  its  tillers  aUke  bewail 
(read  vig.  ii)  the  blasting  of  com  and  fruit.  In  a 
word,  all  joy  is  vanished. 

8.  husband:    a  betrothal  with  the  Jews  is  counted 


544 


JOEL,  11.  18-27 


545 


aa  marriage.— 9.  the  Lords  ministers :  possibly  emend 
to  "  the  ministers  of  the  altar." — 10.  Contains  several 
word-plays. — dried  up:  the  verb  is  the  same  as  that 
rendered  be  ashamed  (n)  and  withered  (12);  of 
persons  it  means  "  to  stand  abashed,"  of  things  "  to 
fail,  miscarry." 

1.  13-20.  A  Call  for  a  Fast  and  Solemn  Intercession.— 
The  prophet  bids  the  priests,  clothed  in  the  garb  of 
mourners,  come  Into  the  Temple  and  lament  night 
and  daj'.  Let  them  institute  with  the  appropriate 
ritual  a  fast,  and  summon  a  solemn  gathering  of  the 
community.  The  awful  pUght  of  the  land  suggests 
the  thought  that  the  locusts  are  but  harbingers  of 
the  dreaded  Day  of  Yahweh  (Am.  5i8-2o).  Nothing 
less  can  be  portended  when  the  joyous  sacrifices  are 
interrupted  by  the  blight  and  drought  which  have 
destroyed  vegetation,  and  brought  hunger  and  thirst  to 
the  cattle  so  that  even  they  appeal  dumbly  to  Yahweh. 

15.  Shaddal  (/«</.) :  this  rare  title  for  Yahweh  is 
chosen  for  the  sake  of  assonance  with  destruction 
(shodh) ;  it  is  perhaps  equivalent  to  the  Babylonian 
Divine  title,  "sadua"="my  Rock." — 16.  meat: 
render,  "  food." — 17-18ff.  Heb.  is  very  difficult,  con- 
taining many  strange  forms.  Possibly,  using  sugges- 
tions from  LXX,  emend  to  "  The  mules  stand  abashed 
by  their  mangers  ;  waste  he  the  store-houses,  broken 
down  the  barns,  because  the  corn  has  failed  ;  what 
have  we  to  put  in  them  !  " — 18.  made  desolate :  cf.  the 
English  use  of  "  desolated  "  in  the  sense  "  appalled." — 
19.  I:  probably  emend  to  "they." — wilderness:  not 
a  barren  desert,  but  more  like  what  we  understand  by 
"  steppe  "  or  "  veldt." — 20.  the  water  brooks  are  dried 
up:  this  seems  to  show  that  the  blight  and  scorching 
heat  are  additional  woes,  and  not  simply  a  poetical 
description  of  the  havoc  wrought  by  the  locusts. 

II.  1-11.  Let  the  Alarm  be  Soimded,  for  the  Locusts 
are  Precursors  of  the  Day  of  Yahweh. — Speaking  m 
Yahweh's  name  the  prophet  bids  the  priests  sound  the 
alarm  from  Mt.  Zion,  that  all  the  community  may 
realise  that  the  dreaded  Day  of  Yahweh  is  approaching. 
All  the  mountains,  which  dawn  covers  with  hght,  are 
covered  with  blackness  by  the  unprecedented  hordes 
of  locusts  (Ex.  10 1 -20*).  The  land  they  have  tra- 
versed is  left  bare  aa  though  fire  had  scorched  it,  a 
dreary  waste ;  and  so  fast  do  they  eat  into  the  fertile 
countiy  before  them  that  it  seems  as  though  they  were 
a  flame  licking  up  what  comes  in  its  way.  Like  horses 
in  appearance  (Rev.  9?) — the  resemblance  about  the 
head  ami  mouth  has  often  been  remarked — they  are 
hke  them  too  in  the  speed  of  their  onrush.  The 
rustling  of  their  wings  as  they  fly  over  the  mountains — 
unavailing  barriers — is  hke  the  ratthng  of  chariot- 
wheels  or  the  crackling  of  flames  in  the  stubble.  As 
the  dreaded  army  draws  nearer  men  arc  fear-stricken. 
Like  warriors  charging  they  storm  the  walls  of  the 
towns,  keeping  ordered  ranks.  With  perfect  discipline 
they  advance,  opening  as  they  come  to  obstacles,  and 
closing  up  when  they  have  passed  them.  Through  the 
open  or  latticed  windows  they  penetrate.  The  locust 
plague  is  accompanied — here  the  poetic  passes  into  the 
preternatural — by  earthquake,  darkness  of  echpse,  and 
storm,  whereby  the  Day  of  Yahweh  should  be  in- 
augurated. The  locusts  are  Yahweh's  host,  mighty 
to  do  His  bidding,  before  whom  He  thunders,  because 
they  usher  in  the  dreaded  Day  that  none  may  endure. 

2.  as  the  dawn :  a  new  sentence  begins  here — 
"  Like  dawn,_8pread  upon  the  mountains  is  a  great 
people."  [The  shimmering  of  the  suns  rays  on  their 
wings  resembles  the  dawn. — A.  S.  P.] — 3.  none: 
render  "  notliing.''  5.  [The  first  metaphor  describes 
the  noise  made  as  they  fly,  the  second  the  noise  they 


make  wliile  they  feed — A.  S.  P.] — on  the  tops  of  the 
mountains:  to  be  taken  witl>  v/hat  follows  and  not 
with  chariots.— 6.  the  peoples:  read,  "hearts." — are 
waxed  pale :  rather,  "  grow  crimson,"  a  rar(;r  result 
of  fear. — 7.  break  not  their  ranks :  Heb.  is  dubious  ; 
read  "bend  not  their  paths." — 8.  weapons:  hterally 
"  missiles,"  but  probably  here  covers  all  obstacles  to 
the  onward  march  of  the  invaders, — 11.  camp :  render 
"  host." 

n.  12-17.  Even  Yet  Humiliation  and  Repentance  may 
Avert  the  Worst. — But  even  now,  though  the  calamity 
is  so  serious  that  it  seems  to  be  the  precursor  of  the 
Day  of  Dread,  Yahweh  bids  the  people  turn  to  Him 
with  sincere  repentance,  for  which  a  ritual  of  humiha- 
tion  is  the  symbol,  not  the  substitute.  So  gracious 
and  full  of  forgiveness  is  He,  reluctant  to  inflict  even 
the  evil  wliich  is  but  deserved  chastisement,  that  He 
may  at  this  late  hour  change  His  purpose  ("  relent  " 
rather  than  "  repent  "),  and  remove  the  locusts,  so 
that  once  more  the  land  may  yield  com  and  wine 
for  the  sacrifices  of  the  Temple,  its  greatest  felicity. 
Once  again  then  Joel  rings  out  the  command  that  the 
solemn  horns  should  sound  the  summons,  and  the 
whole  community  join  in  the  service  of  intercession. 
None  is  so  old  or  so  young  as  to  bo  excused  from  par- 
ticipating. Even  the  bridegroom — whom  the  law  of 
Dt.  245  exempted  from  habiUty  to  miUtary  service — 
and  his  new-made  bride  must  appear.  The  priests  as 
spokesmen  for  the  people  must  plead  passionately  with 
Yahweh  for  the  recall  of  the  marauding  locusts,  lest  the 
nations  round  about  should  taunt  Israel  with  the 
powerlcssness  of  her  God  to  help  her. 

16.  chamber,  closet:  i.e.  nuptial  chamber,  bridal 
pavihon. — 17.  between  the  porch  and  the  altar:  the 
porch  at  the  east  end  of  the  Temple  (cj.  1  K.  63)  and 
the  great  altar  of  burnt  offering. — that  the  nations 
should  rule  over  them :  mg.  Ls  to  be  preferred  ;  a 
sUght  emendation  would  yield  "  for  a  by- word  among 
the  nations." 

II.  18-III.  21.  Yahweh's  Gracious  Response  to  the 
Prayer  of  Intercession. 

n.  18-27.  The  Locusts  shall  be  Destroyed  and  the  In- 
habitants of  the  Land  Rejoice  in  Renewed  Prosperi^.— 
21-24,  which  seems  to  interrupt  the  speech  of  Yahweh, 
may  be  misplaced.  Certainly  25  would  foflow  well 
on  20,  and  the  change  to  the  third  person  for  Yahweh 
is  striking.  But  in  prophecy  the  interchange  between 
the  words  of  Yahweh  and  the  words  of  the  prophet — 
regarded  as  one  and  the  same — takes  place  so  con- 
stantly that  the  existing  order  may  be  correct.  The 
appeal  of  the  people  brings  about  a  revulsion  of 
feeling  in  Yahweh  ;  His  owti  land  must  not  be  brought 
to  ruin,  and  He  relents.  Its  fertility  shall  return  in 
such  abundance  as  to  satisfy  His  people  and  shut  the 
mouths  of  those  who  mock  at  their  distress.  The 
horde  of  locusts  shall  be  dispersed  into  the  deserts  ; 
a  wind  shall  drive  its  advanced  ranks  into  the  Dead 
Sea,  and,  veering  round,  its  rear  into  the  Mediterranean, 
Taking  the  standpoint  of  the  new  prosperity  the  prophet 
bids  the  land  rejoice  m  Yahweh's  wondrous  working. 
The  beasts,  who  had  mourned  in  the  time  of  desola- 
tion, are  to  take  heart,  and  the  inhabitants  to  rejoice 
in  the  food  which  Yahweh  has  granted  in  token  of  the 
restoring  of  right  relations  Ijetween  Him  and  them. 
He  gives  also  the  sprmg  and  autumn  rams  as  aforetime 
(so  reading  with  VSS  at  the  end  of  23  for  "  in  the  first 
month").  Field,  vinej'ard,  ohve  garden,  shall  >-ield 
beyond  the  capacities  of  storehouse  and  press,  and  all 
the  damage  done  by  the  horde  of  locusts  Yahweh  had 
sent  shall  he  repaired.  These  blessings  .shnll  bo  a 
sacramental  sjmbol  to  the  people,  assuring  them  of 

18 


546 


JOEL,  II.   18-27 


Yahwch'a  continued  caro  ;    never  more  shall  thoy  bo 
humiliated  before  the  miti(jn8. 

20.  northern  army:  Hjeb.  simply  "northerner." 
Usually  locusts  did  not  enter  the  country  from  the 
north  ;  so  it  would  seem  that  the  word,  having  become 
an  apocah^ptic  term  (</.  Jer.  I14,  Ezek.  886,15,  392) 
is  used  without  strict  etymological  .significance,  and 
means  no  more  than  "  precursor  of  the  Day  of  Yuhweh." 
— and  his  stink  shall  come  up :  a  glo.s8  on  the  following 
clause,  which  contams  a  rare  word. — because  he  hath 
done  great  things:  out  of  place  here,  and  probably 
an  accidental  repetition  from  21. — 22.  strength:  i.e. 
fruit.— 23.  the  former  rain  in  just  measure:  accepting 
the  LXX  text,  render  "  food  as  a  sign  of  righteousness," 
where  "  righteousness  "  has  a  sense  that  it  sometimes 
boars,  "  the  existence  of  correct  relations  between  the 
people  and  Yahweh." — 25.  years:  wo  should  hardly 
gather  from  the  rest  of  the  book  that  the  locust  plague 
had  lasted  more  than  one  year ;  but  the  damage 
done,  since  seed  would  be  destroyed,  might  extend 
into  folhjwing  years,  A  slight  emendation  would  give 
"  rich  fruits,"     For  the  locust  names,  cf.  I4*. 

II.  28-32.  The  Portents  of  the  Day  of  Yahweh.— The 
dehverance  from  the  locusts  is  but  a  harbinger  of  the 
time  coming  when  Yahweh  will  impart  His  spirit  to 
all  Jews — for  to  such  the  context  evidently  restricts 
"  all  flesh  " — so  that  without  distinction  of  age,  sex, 
or  social  jKJsition,  they  shall  have  the  ecstatic  vision 
and  utterance  which  mark  the  prophet — "  all  Yahweh's 
people  shall  bo  prophets."  The  earth  shall  be  filled 
with  the  bloodshed  of  war,  and  from  burning  cities 
shall  columns  of  smoke  ascend  ;  the  very  luminaries 
shall  be  dark  and  lurid  at  the  approach  of  the  dread 
Day  of  Yahweh.  But  from  its  terroi-s  all  the  worship- 
pers of  Yahweh  shall  escape. 

28.  spirit :  the  divine  life-energy.  For  the  concep- 
tion cf.  Nu.  11 29. — 32.  shall  call  on  the  name  of  the 
Lord:  rather,  "does  caU."  The  expression,  meaning 
"  to  invoke  Yahweh,"  is  the  technical  one  for  describing 
the  worshipiJers  of  Yahweh.  It  is  these,  whom  Yahweh 
calls — not  such  as  in  terror  call  to  Yahweh  for  help — 
who  shall  be  saved. 

III.  1-8.  Yahweh  will  Recompense  with  Punishment 
the  Nations  that  have  Oppressed  His  People. — In  that 
Day,  when  Yahweh  will  restore  the  fortunes  of  His 
people.  He  will  bring  into  the  "  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat  " 
all  nations,  and  there  confront  them,  as  defendants  in 
a  law-court,  with  the  charge  that  they  have  parcelled 
out  His  land  among  colonists  and  dispersed  His  people 
into  far  countries,  selling  them  into  slavery  for  con- 
temptuously small  sums  which  they  have  expended 
upon  the  satisfaction  of  their  lusts.  Especially  the 
Phoenicians  and  Phihstines  are  named.  Acting  thus 
won;  they,  asks  Yahweh,  repaying  a  grudge  they  had 
against  Him  ?  Or  were  they  injuring  Him  without 
provocation  ?  (read  vtg.  in  4),  In  either  case  swift 
shall  be  His  vengeance.  Not  content  with  robbing  His 
people  of  their  treasures  they  have  sold  their  persons 
to  the  Greek  slave-traders.  Yahweh  will  gather  again 
His  people  from  exile,  and  dehvor  their  oppressora  into 
their  power.  The  Jews  will  .sell  them  to  the  Sabcans, 
who  will  dispost*  of  them  to  a  nation  still  more  remote  : 
such  is  Yahweh's  pronouncement, 

1.  bring  again  the  captivity:  many  more  Jews  re- 
mained in  exile  in  distant  lands  than  came  back  at  tho 
"  Return  "  ;  possibly,  however,  the  phrase  had  become 
proverbial  in  tlu^  .sense  "  restore  tho  fortune." — 2.  the 
valley  of  Jehoshaphat:  no  actual  valley  will  suit  tho 
description,  which  is  largely  imaginative  ;  the  name 
is  chosen  because  of  its  meaning,  "  Yahweh  judges." — 
plead  with :  in  the  legal  souse,  maintain  a  oauao  againbt. 


The  word  is  from  the  same  Hcb,  root  as  the  latt«r 
part  of  Jehoshaphat. — t.  what  are  ye  to  me:  rather, 
'■  what  were  ye  for  doing  to  me  ?  "—5.  temples:  the 
word  may  equally  well  bo  rendered  "  palaces  "  ;  the 
reference  is  not  oxolusivoly,  if  at  all,  to  tho  vessels  of 
the  Temple.— 6.  that  ye  might :  Hob,  delights  to  repre- 
sent the  inevitaljle  consetjuence  of  an  action  as  though 
it  were  deliberately  designed. — 8.  sell  into  the  hand  of : 
a  regular  phrase  for  '"  dehver  into  the  power  of," — 
Sheba:  the  Sabcans  were  a  wealthy  trading  people  of 
SW.  Arabia  (1  K.  10*). — to  a  nation:  rather  for  a 
nation."'  The  Sabcans,  like  the  Pha?nicians,  are 
middlemen.  Observe  the  exactness  of  the  rec(>ni{)enco, 
III.  9-17.  A  Challenge  to  the  Nations  to  Appear  In 
the  Valley  of  Judgment  to  Meet  their  Doom. — Returning 
to  the  idea  of  2,  Joel  represents  Yahweh  as  bidding  the 
heralds  make  proclamation  among  the  nations,  chal- 
lenging them  to  pt-rform  the  rehgious  rites  used  to 
initiate  a  campaign,  and  to  advance  against  Him. 
Let  them  put  their  utmost  strength  into  tho  battle, 
converting  the  implements  of  peace  into  weapons  of 
war  (contrast  Is.  24).  and  plaj-ing  the  hero  even  to  the 
feeblest  man  amongst  them.  Let  the  warriors  haste 
and  present  themselves  in  the  VaUey  of  Jehoshaphat, 
where  Yahweh  wiU  execute  judgment  upon  them. 
Under  two  figures  the  judgment  is  expressed  :  the 
nations  are  hke  ripe  com,  which  the  angel  reapers  are 
bidden  cut,  or  grapes  filling  the  press,  ready  for  them 
to  tread.  Multitudes  await  their  fate  in  the  Valley  of 
Decision — another  name  for  "  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat  " 
(cf.  2*) — in  Yahweh's  Day  of  Doom.  The  heavenly 
bodies  grow  murky,  while  the  thunder  of  Yahweh's 
voice  is  heard  as  the  roar  of  the  lion  springing  upon 
its  prey.  Yet  amid  all  these  convulsions  Yahweh  will 
assure  the  safety  of  His  people,  and  thus  they  shall 
be  convinced  that  Ho  is  their  God,  dwelling  in  their 
midst,  for  never  again  shall  the  heathen  oppressor 
defile  the  soil  of  Jerusalem. 

9.  come  up:  a  technical  miUtary  term  for  move- 
ments of  offence. — 10.  spears:  rather  "lances." — 
11.  thither  cause  .  .  .  Lord:  a  very  obscure  clause, 
pos.sibly  a  gloss  on  "tread  ye"  (13).  As  the  text 
stands,  the  "  mighty  ones  "'  must  be  Yahweh's  angels. — 
13.  the  fats  overflow :  strictly  speaking,  the  "  fat  "  or 
"  vat "'  is  the  lower  receptacle  into  which  flows  the 
juice  trodden  out  in  the  press,  though  it  is  sometimes 
usetl  loosely  for  the  press. — 14.  Multitudes :  tho  Heb, 
word  is  mimetic,  suggesting  the  murmui  of  a  thronging 
crowd, 

III.  18-21.  The  Future  Felicity  of  Judah  Contrasted 
with  the  Desolation  of  her  Oppressors.— In  that  golden 
agowhen  Yahweh  shall  dwell  in  Zioii  miraculous  fertility 
shall  transform  tho  land,  covering  it  with  vineyards 
and  pastures.  The  watercourses,  now  treacherous  be- 
cause in  the  heat  thoy  become  dry  Ijcds  of  sand,  shall 
then  bo  brimming  with  perennial  streams.  From  the 
Temple  shall  issue  a  spring  which  shall  pass  through 
the  VVady  of  tho  Acacias.  Egypt — the  oldest  of 
Judah's  oppressors — and  Edom — most  bitterly  hated  of 
her  later  foes — shall  be  destroyed  and  become  desort  : 
but  Judah  shall  bo  inhabited  for  ever,  and  Yahweh 
shall  dwell  eternally  (so  render  "  dwolloth  ")  in  Zion. 

18.  valley  of  Shittim :  rather,  "  Wady  of  tho 
Acacias."  Probably  not  tho  name  of  a  definite  gorge, 
but  typical ;  the  place-names  of  this  chapter  are  of 
the  same  kind  as  those  used  by  Bunyan.  Acacias 
grow  in  arid  regions.  Cf.  for  the  whole  conception, 
Ezek.  47i-i2,  upon  which  it  is  based. — 19.  because 
.  .  .  land:  a  gloas, — 21.  Possibly  we  should  read, 
"  And  I  will  avenge  their  blood  (wliich)  I  have  not 
avenged,"  but  the  clause  seems  to  be  a  gloss. 


AMOS 


By  Professor  MAURICE  A.  OANNEY 


Amos  is  the  earliest  of  those  OT  prophets  who  sought 
to  preserve  their  prophetic  utterances  in  the  form  of  a 
book.  For  there  is  no  good  reason  to  doubt  that  a 
largo  part  of  our  book  was  committed  to  writing  in 
the  lifetime  of  the  prophet,  either  by  himself  or  at  his 
dictation.  The  superscription  (li)  is  of  later  origin  ; 
but  the  date  seems  to  be  substantially  correct,  since 
it  is  confirmed  by  the  evidence  of  the  book  itself  as 
to  the  general  historical  background.  Allowing  time 
for  the  prosperity  of  Jeroboam  II's  reign  to  develop 
into  a  state  of  luxury  and  licence  such  as  Amos  de- 
scribes, the  book  in  its  original  form  may  be  assigned 
to  about  760  B.C. 

Amos  tells  us  that  he  was  not  a  prophet  by  descent 
and  profession,  but  a  shepherd.  He  was  one  of  those 
men  who,  while  pursuing  their  ordinary  vocation, 
suddenly  become  conscious  of  a  Divine  mission.  The 
call  probablj'  came  to  him  in  the  form  of  visions,  such 
as  are  described  in  7i-98  and  may  have  formed  the 
first  part  of  the  original  book.  In  any  case,  the  call 
came,  and,  although  himself  a  Judsean  (7i2),  it  was  to 
the  Northern  Kingdom  that  he  felt  impelled  to  deliver 
his  message.  There  Ls  nothing  to  show  that  he  ever 
ministered  as  a  prophet  in  Judah.  The  references  to 
Judah  are  perhaps  later  insertions.  We  learn  from 
7io-i7  that  Amos  went  to  Bethel  to  prophesy,  and 
was  interrupted  there  by  Amaziah,  the  priest  of  Bethel. 
This  may  account  for  his  determination  to  preserve 
his  utterances  m  writing.  He  would  seem  to  have 
returned  to  Tekoa  and  there  to  have  written  down  or 
dictated  his  message. 

Professor  G.  A.  Smith  describes  Amos  as  "  a  desert 
shepherd  with  the  nomad's  hatred  of  buildings  and 
scorn  of  luxury  "'  (Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  1912,  p.  41). 
If  this  were  a  correct  description,  we  should  have  to 
allow  for  some  exaggeration  in  the  picture  of  Israel's 
foibles  and  vices.  But  it  is  not  necessarily  correct. 
Cultured  nations  have  been  known  to  raze  to  the 
ground  beautiful  and  precious  buildings  without  hating 
them.  Amos  was  rather  a  keeper  of  sheep,  who  stood 
in  close  touch  with  Nature  and  drew  lessons  from  her 
which  dwellers  in  cities  seldom  or  never  learn  He 
had  predecessors,  but  he  developed  a  religion  of  his 
own  which  was  far  in  advance  of  hLs  age  and  is  still, 
in  large  measure,  an  ideal.  He  had  a  passionate  love 
of  justice  and  right  ;  a  Divine  hatred  of  wrong  and 
oppression.  Sham  piety  and  senseless  luxury  ever 
denote  a  denial  of  righteousness  and  justice. 

The  text  of  the  book  has,  on  the  whole,  been  well 
preserved.  It  reproduces  the  prophet's  utterances 
very  much  in  the  form,  if  not  the  order,  in  which  they 
were  spoken.  Only  the  original  book  haa  been  edited, 
and  in  the  process  rearranged  and  to  some  extent 
expanded.  As  to  the  later  date  of  a  number  of 
passages  {e.g.  lif.,9f.,iif.,  24f.,  31,7,13,  4ii,i3,  Ssf., 
62,9!,  95f.,9-i5)  there  is  agreement  among  a  number 
of  eminent  scholars.     We  ought  not,  indeed,  in  a  text 


that  reveals  so  many  marks  of  genuineness  lightly 
to  assume  that  passages  presenting  difficulties  aro 
secondary  or  spurious.  The  caution  and  moderation 
of  such  scholars  as  S.  R.  Driver  and  G.  A.  Smith  aro 
therefore  much  to  be  commended.  At  the  same  time, 
more  recent  commentators  hke  Riessler  and  Ehrlich 
have  strengthened  the  case  against  several  passages. 
Rather  elaborate  reconstructions  or  rearrangements 
have  been  attempted  by  Harper,  Duhm,  Baumann, 
and  Riessler.  Those  of  the  first  three  are  metrical. 
Riessler"s,  which  is  the  most  radical,  is  not.  As  regards 
metre,  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  prophets  often 
employed  it  deliberately.  The  gift  of  prophecy  is  akin 
to  that  of  poetry.  The  prophets  were  impelled  to 
speak  and  write  in  terms  that  were  poetical.  Often,  no 
doubt,  their  sentences  framed  themselves  in  a  fashion 
that  was  almost  metrical ;  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  it  is 
possible  by  pruning  and  trimming  to  adapt  them  to 
regular  types  of  metre.  But  the  result  of  such  adapta- 
tion is  m  substance  and  form  probably  something 
very  different  from  what  the  prophets  spoke  or  wrote. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  For  those  on  all  the 
Minor  Prophets,  see  General  Bibliographies,  (a)  Driver 
and  Lanchester  (CB),  EdghiU  (West.  C) ;  (6)  MitcheU 
(Amos :  An  Esmy  in  Exegesis) ;  W.  R.  Harper  (ICC) ;  (c) 
Guthe  in  Kautzsoh  HS^  P.  Riessler;  (d)  M^Fadyen, 
A  Cry  for  Justice-  Other  Literature  :  Meinhold  and 
Lietzmann  (Der  Proph.  Amos:  Heb,  u.  Gr.) ;  Q.  A 
Oooke  (Intro,  to  Edghill's  Comm.);  Oesterley,  Studies 
in  the  Greek  and  Latin  Versions  of  the  Book  of  Amos. 
See  also  the  articles  in  the  Bible  Dictionaries,  the  dis- 
cussions in  Introductions  to  OT  (CorniU,  Driver,  Gray, 
Box),  and  A.  S.  Pcake,  The  Religion  of  Israel, 
1908. 

I.  If.  Superscription  and  Motto. — In  the  present  form 
of  the  book  we  find  prefixed  to  the  oracles,  probably 
by  a  post-exihc  editor,  some  brief  particulars  as  to  the 
person  of  the  prophet,  the  date  of  his  ministry,  and 
the  key-note  of  his  message.  The  prophet  belonged 
to  the  Southern  Kingdom.  He  was  one  of  the  shepherds 
of  Tekoa  (mod.  Teku'a),  a  high-lying  town,  6  miles  S. 
of  Bethlehem  (p.  31) — certain  shepherds  (nokfdlm)  who 
bred  or  tended  a  pecuhar  kind  of  sheep  ha^•ing  short 
legs  and  ugly  faces  but  valued  highly  for  their  choice 
wool  (cf.  for  their  stunted  growth  the  Arabian  proverb 
"  viler  than  a  nakad,''  and  see  Chenory,  Assemblies 
of  Al  Hariri,  i.  452f.).  Mesha,  king  of  Moab,  is  de- 
scribed as  a  breeder  of  this  kind  of  sheep  (2  K.  84). 

The  prophet  received  his  Divine  messages,  or  rather 
beheld  them  (i)  in  prophetic  vision  (rf.  Nu.  244, 16), 
in  the  reigns  of  Jeroljoam  II  (782-743  B.C.)  and  Uzziah 
(c.  782-737  B.C.),  More  precisely  the  period  is  said 
to  have  been  "  two  yeara  before  the  earthquake." 
But  neither  here  nor  in  Zeoh.  145  (c/.  Josephus,  Ant. 
IX.  X.  4)  do  the  references  to  this  earthquake  help 
us  to  determine  the  precise  date  of  the  prophet's 
activity.     Though    he    belonged    to    Judah,    he    was 


647 


548 


AMOS,  I.  If. 


chiefly,  if  not  entirely  (so  apparently  li),  concerned 
about  the  Northern  Kingdom  ("  concerning  Israel  "). 

What  in  a  few  words  is  the  key-note  of  the  prophet's 
utterances,  the  motto  of  his  book  ?  This  is  given  in  2, 
words  adopted  and  adapted  by  the  post-exilic  editor 
from  JL  3i6.  When  a  lion  roars,  the  sound  portends  a 
rush  upon  its  prey  ;  when  the  thunder  peals,  the  crash 
heralds  the  havoc  of  a  storm.  So,  when  Yahweh,  from 
His  earthly  abodes,  roars  from  Zion  and  thunders 
from  Jerusalem,  the  smiling  pastures  (c/.  Jl.  222, 
Ps.  6012)  of  the  shepherds  will  darken  and  fade 
(mourn)  and  the  beautiful  hills  of  Carmel  (c/.  Is.  352, 
Jer.  5O19,  Ca.  75)  parch  with  fear. 

1.  Translate  "  who  was  one  of  the  shepherds  of 
Tekoa.'' — 2a  is  subordinate  to  26.  Translate,  "  when- 
ever Yahweh  roars  .  .  .  the  pastures  of  the  shepherds 
will  mourn,"  etc. 

I.  3-II.  5.  The  Sins  of  Israel's  Neighbours.— Accord- 
ing to  the  present  arrangement  the  proplict  begins  by 
arraigning  Israel's  neighbours.  This  arrangement  may 
not  be  original.  Yet  it  is  quite  Ukcly  that  he  deUber- 
ately  chose  to  make  a  denunciation  of  the  sins  of 
Israel's  neighbours  lead  up  gradually  to  a  sudden  and 
even  sterner  denunciation  of  the  sins  of  Israel  itself. 
Whether  his  oiiginal  denunciations  included  those  of 
Philistia,  Tyre,  Edom,  and  Judah  is  another  question. 
The  present  series  is  confused.  A  more  natural  order 
would  be  :  Aram,  Amnion,  Moab,  Israel  (see  below). 
The  sins  of  such  peoples  are  illustrated  by  certain 
typical  examples. 

I.  3-5.  Damascus. — It  is  Yahweh  who  speaks  by 
the  mouth  of  the  prophets.  The  mention  of  Damascus, 
the  capital  of  the  Aramaean  or  Syrian  kingdom,  would 
at  once  arrest  attention,  for  until  recently  Israel  had 
been  engaged  in  a  severe  struggle  (p.  69)  with  this  king- 
dom (Damascus  stands  here  for  the  whole  region). 
Damascus,  then,  had  committed  sins  (lit.  rebellions) 
not  once  or  twice  or  thrice,  but  again  and  again  (three, 
yea,  four).  It  might  look  as  though  an  earher  threat 
of  punishment  had  been  forgotten  by  Yahweh  and  the 
sentence  of  doom  revoked.  But  such  was  not  the 
case  ("  I  will  not  turn  it  back,"  a  formula  repeated  in 
6,9,11,13,  2i,4,6).  For  it  is  typical  of  the  brutal 
crimes  of  the  Syrians  that  they  threshed  Gilead  "  with 
sharp  threshing  instruments  of  iron  (or  basalt)." 
When  this  barbarity  was  perpetrated  is  not  known. 
It  maj'  have  been  done  by  Hazael  when  he  conquered 
Gilead  in  the  reigns  of  Jehu  and  Jchoahaz  (2  K.  1032f., 
133,7;  for  the  same  kind  of  barbarity  cf.  2  S.  I231, 
Pr.  2O26).  But  in  any  case,  in  punishment  of  their 
brutahty  Yahweh  (4)  will  send  fire  (a  symbol  of 
war  ;  cf.  Dt.  424,  Jg.  92o)  into  the  house  of  Hazael, 
i.e.  the  djiiasty  founded  by  that  usurper  (2  K.  815), 
and  it  shall  devour  the  palaces  of  Bcnhadad,  i.e. 
Hazael's  son  and  successor,  Benhadad  III  (2  K.  1824). 
The  inhabitants  (5)  of  the  valley  of  Aven,  the  broad 
plain  that  stretched  between  the  two  ranges  of  Lebanon 
and  Hermon  {cf.  Jos.  II17  ;  the  Coele-Syria  of  the 
Greeks,  modem  el-Bekd),  will  be  cut  off  from  their 
pleasant  abode.  The  same  fat«  will  befall  the  rulers 
of  "  those  who  hold  the  sceptre  "  at  Bcth-eden  {wg.), 
probably  the  Assyrian  BU-adini,  a  district  on  both 
sides  of  the  Euphrates  about  200  miles  NNE.  of 
Damascus.  Damascus  itself  will  suffer  ;  its  defences, 
depicted  as  the  "  bars  "  which  secured  the  gates  of 
the  city  (cf.  Dt.  35,  Nah.  813),  will  be  broken.  Then 
the  people  of  Syria  (Aram),  or  those  who  are  left  of 
them,  will  go  into  exile  to  Kir,  that  is,  to  their  original 
home  (97).  2  K.  I69  also  tells  us  that  the  Syrians 
were  deported  to  Kir,  after  Tiglath-pileser  IV  had 
attacked  Damascus  and  slain  Bezin,  its  king  (732  B.a). 


Its  situation  is  unknown.  It  is  possible  that  the  name 
should  lie  pronounced  Kor,  and  has  some  connexion 
with  the  Karians  mentioned  by  Arrian(lII.  viii.  5)  along 
with  tlio  Sittakenians  (Winckler,  Forsch.,  ii.  254ff.). 

3.  threshing  instruments :  boards  armed  underneath 
vfiih.  bits  of  stone  or  iron  (Thomson,  i.  150ff.  ;  Driver, 
pp.  130,  227). — 4.  palaces :  we  must  not  te  misled  by 
the  word,  wliich  sometimes  means  "  fortress "  or 
"  citadel  "  (1  K.  16x8).-^.  the  Inhabitant:  mg.  may 
bo  correct,  "him  that  sitteth." — Aven:  LXX  has 
On  for  Aven  (lit.  wickedness,  idolatry).  On  is  the 
Egyptian  name  for  HeUopoUs  in  Egypt,  and  in  Ezek.  30 
17  it  is  pointed  Aven.  Possibly  the  name  On  was 
applied  also  to  Baalbek  in  Syria,  since  this  too  waa 
called  Heliopolis  as  being  another  centre  of  sun-worship. 
— holdeth  the  sceptre :  or  possibly,  "  upholds  the 
people"  (lit.  the  tribe,  another  meaning  of  shebet ; 
cf.  LXX). 

I.  6-8.  Philistia. — Philistia  was  another  name  to 
strike  terror.  The  country  is  well  represented  by  Gaza 
(6),  the  southernmost  and  largest  city  of  the  PhiUstinos 
(p.  28), an  emporium  of  trade  and  the  centre  of  the  slave- 
trafiic.  A  tj-pical  instance  of  brutality  is  found  in  the 
carrying  away  of  a  "  whole  deportation  "  to  deUver  it 
(or  them)  over  to  Edom  The  reference  may  be  to 
some  raid  in  which  the  Philistines  procured  slaves  for 
the  Edomites  to  sell  again.  But  Edom  may,  as  else- 
where, be  a  mistake  for  Aram,  and  the  reference  may 
be  to  some  episode  in  Hazaels  campaign  (2  K.  12i8  ; 
so  OreUi).  Three  more  Philistine  cities  (p.  28)  are  men- 
tioned (7!)  as  representatives  of  Philistia:  Ashdod, 
Gr.  Azotus,  a  strong  fortress-city  21  miles  NNE.  of 
Gaza,  on  the  caravan-route  between  Gaza  and  Joppa  ; 
Ashkelon,  on  the  coast,  about  half-way  between  Gaza 
and  Ashdod  ;  and  Ekron,  the  northernmost  of  the 
five  chief  cities  of  the  Philistines,  about  12  miles 
NE.  of  Ashdod. 

1. 9f .  On  Tyre. — Possibly  an  exiUc  or  post-exilio  inser- 
tion. The  mention  of  the  Phoenicians  would  not  evoke 
such  hostile  feelings,  but  they  too  had  repeatedly 
perpetrated  crimes  that  called  aloud  for  punishment. 
The  whole  land  is  here  represented  by  its  chief  city. 
Tyre.  Tyre  is  charged  with  committing  a  sin  similar 
to  that  of  Gaza.  But  the  Tyrians  simply  "  dohver  up 
(or  over)  "  the  captives  to  Edom  (or  to  Aram  ;  see 
on  7).  It  is  added  that  they  "  did  not  remember  the 
covenant  of  (between)  brothers,"  possibly  the  league 
between  Hiram  and  Solomon  (1  K.  5i2,  9i3f.),  but 
more  probably  some  later  aUianco  formed  with  other 
Phoenician  towns. 

I.  llf.  Edom. — Edom  in  later  times  was  regarded  as  a 
bitter  foe.  Li  the  time  of  Amos  it  was  hardly  a  name 
to  strike  terror.  Still,  certain  acts  of  cruelty  may  well 
have  given  it  a  bad  name.  The  Edomites,  after  the 
migration  from  Mesopotamia,  inhabited  originally  the 
mountainous  region  extending  from  the  SE.  shore  of 
the  Dead  Sea  to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah.  Here  (11)  Edom 
is  accused  of  having  pursued  his  brother  with  the 
sword  and  of  ha\-ing  "  stifled  (ht.  destroyed)  his  com- 
passion (or  pity)."  His  anger  tore  perpetually  and 
his  wrath  raged  for  ever  (see  below).  The  statements 
hardly  seem  to  fit  any  period  before  the  Exile.  The 
hostility  of  the  Edomites  became  marked  and  effec- 
tive at  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.c.  (Ps.  137 
7,  Lam.  42 if.),  iif.  may  therefore  be  an  exilic  or 
post-exilio  addition.  Tenian  seems  to  have  been  a 
district,  and  apparently  Bozrah  waa  a  city  of  some 
importance. 

II.  Translate,  "  and  his  anger  did  tear  perpetually, 
and  his  wrath  rage  for  ever." 

I.  13-15.  The  Ammonites. — The  Ammonites  were  old 


AMOS,  III.  1-8 


549 


enemies.  Originally  they  bad  pressed  Israel  from  the 
S.  and  E.  as  the  Aramaeans  had  done  from  the  N. 
Then  they  occupied  the  territory  E.  of  the  Jordan  from 
Jabbok  to  the  Arnon.  Jephthah  defeated  and  David 
completelyoverthrew  them  (Jg.ll32,2  S.I231).  Accord- 
ing to  Amos,  their  warfare,  at  least  ou  one  occasion, 
was  characterised  by  great  cruelty.  They  ripped  up 
the  pregnant  women  of  Gilead  in  order  to  exterminate 
their  enemy  (13).  Such  barbarous  practices  are  re- 
feiTed  to  elsewhere  in  the  OT  (2  K.  812,  Hos.  13i6, 
Nah.  3io,  etc.).  Amos  foresees  that  the  Ammonites  will 
meet  with  the  punishment  they  desei-ve.  Rabbah 
(14)  their  capital  (c/.  2  S.  Hi,  1226,29,  Jer.  492*). 
a  city  about  25  miles  NE.  of  the  N.  end  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  will  suffer  the  ravages  of  war.  The  war-cry  of  the 
enemy,  the  wild  cry  of  attack  or  the  triumphant  shout 
of  victory,  wiU  be  heard.  The  onrush  and  onslaught 
of  the  enemy  will  sweep  on  with  a  crash  like  the  tempest 
in  times  of  tornado.  So  great  will  be  the  overthrow 
that  Milcom  (so  read  for  "their  king"  in  15),  the 
national  god  of  the  Ammonites,  will  be  carried  away 
into  captivity. 

II.  1-3.  Moab. — With  Moab  the  prophet  concludes 
his  hst  of  Israel's  foes.  When  Israel  arrived  on  the 
E.  of  the  Jordan,  the  Moabites  inhabited  the  high  table- 
land  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  whither  they  had  been  driven 
recently  from  the  N.  of  the  Anion  by  the  Amorites 
(c/.  Jg.  II25).  They  were  subdued  by  David,  and 
again  by  Omri ;  but  in  the  reign  of  Ahab  they  regained 
their  independence  under  their  king  Mesha  (2  K.  Ssff.*). 
As  in  other  cases,  the  prophet  gives  here  a  typical 
instance  of  Moabite  cruelty.  If  the  text  is  correct 
(see  for  suggested  emendations,  ICC)  the  Moabites  are 
accused  of  burning  the  bones  of  a  king  of  Edom  "  into 
lime  "  or  "  for  hme."  In  other  words,  they  reduced 
the  body  to  ashes  by  burning  it,  or  they  dehberately 
burned  it  in  order  to  make  use  of  the  ashes  for  plaster. 
No  other  record  of  this  event  has  been  preserved  ;  but 
in  either  case,  an  act  of  monstrous  desecration  is 
impUed.  For  such  acts,  the  fire  of  war  (2)  will  come 
upon  Moab  and  will  devour  the  palaces  or  strongholds 
of  Keriyyoth  (Jer.  4841,  and  the  Moabite  Stone,  lines 
10-13).  Moab  will  perish  amid  the  din  of  battle,  with 
the  triumphant  cry  of  the  enemy  and  the  blast  of 
horns  ringing  in  her  ears.  Thus  will  Yahweh  cut  off  (3) 
the  ruler  (ht.  judge)  from  the  midst  of  her. 

n.  4f.  Judah. — The  genuineness  has  been  questioned 
by  a  number  of  scholars.  It  is  urged  that  the  thought 
and  language  are  characteristic  of  the  late  prophetic 
school.  If  the  passage  is  genuine,  Judah  is  reproached 
(4)  with  having  rejected  the  "  direction  "  or  "  instruc- 
tion "  of  Yahweh  (Is.  lio*)  and  with  having  failed  to 
keep  His  "  decrees."'  If  it  is  a  later  addition,  the  refer- 
ence will  be  to  Yahweh's  "  law  "  and  His  "  statutes." 
Judah  has  been  led  astray  (4)  by  its  lying  gods  (Heb. 
"  lies  "),  the  false  deities  after  which  their  fathers  went. 
Therefore  the  purging  fire  (5)  will  spread  even  to  the 
palaces  or  strongholds  of  Jerusalem. 

II.  6-16.  The  Sin  and  Doom  of  Israel. — Suddenly 
the  prophet  turns  and  confronts  Israel.  The  benighted 
heathen  nations  have  sinned  and  must  be  punished. 
What  of  Israel,  God's  chosen  people  ?  Wliy,  just 
because  they  have  been  chosen  and  more  privileged, 
failure  to  act  up  to  their  responsibilities  and  privileges 
deserves  greater  condemnation !  Of  this  failure  the 
prophet  proceeds  to  give  typical  examples,  and  an- 
nounces a  punishment  more  severe  even  than  that  of 
Israel's  neighbours.  The  Israelites  (6)  sell  as  slaves 
honest,  unimpeachable  men  who  refuse  to  bribe  their 
judges,  and  poor  men  who  incur  trifling  debts  to  the 
value  of  a  pair  of  sandals.     They  "  trample  to  the 


dust  of  the  earth  the  head  of  the  poor  "  (7*).  The  rich 
and  powerful  callously  crush  the  poor,  and  obstruct 
or  divert  from  its  natural  course  the  simple  path  of 
the  humble  (c/.  Job  244).  To  such  cruel  oppression 
they  add  the  sin  of  unchastity.  Contempt  for  the 
rights  of  others  goes  hand  in  hand  with  sexual  wrong  ; 
and  a  debased  form  of  religion  panders  to  the  passions 
of  the  senses.  Father  and  son  resort  "  to  a  girl  "  (so 
MT),  in  other  words,  to  a  Temple  prostitute  (technically 
known  as  a  kedesMh,  "  consecrat«d  woman,"  Hos.  4i4, 
cf.  2  K.  237).  Beside  the  altars  of  the  sanctuaries  which 
they  frequent  (8)  they  iniquitously  spread  themselves 
on  garments  taken  in  pledge,  or  (shghtly  correcting  MT) 
"  they  spread  out  garments  taken  in  pledge."  They 
pile  sin  upon  sin,  holding  back  unlawfully  the  poor 
man's  plaid  (cf.  Ex.  2225-27,  Dt.  24r2f.).  And  in 
what  they  are  pleased  to  call  the  house  of  God  they 
drink  the  wine  of  those  who  have  been  fined  unjustly. 
All  this  they  do  in  spite  of  the  fact  (9)  that  it  was 
Yahweh  who  destroyed  the  Amorites,  i.e.  (as  often  in  E) 
the  warhke  inhabitants  of  Canaan,  from  before  them. 
These  powerful  giants  Yahweh  had  destroyed  root  and 
branch.  Yahweh  then  describes  what  He  had  done 
before  this,  how  He  had  brought  them  safely  through 
the  wilderness  (10)  and  then  (11)  how  He  had  chosen 
some  of  their  sons  as  prophets  and  others  as  men 
separated  and  consecrated  to  God  (Nazirites,  pp.  103, 
105,  Nu.  6*,  Js.  135*).  But  the  Israchtes  (12)  had 
corrupted  the  Nazirites  and  silenced  the  prophets. 

All  this  has  Israel  done.  WTiat  will  Yahweh  do 
now  ?  The  punishment  is  announced  in  13-16.  The 
Israelites  have  crushed  their  poorer  brethren.  Yahweh 
in  turn  will  crush  them  (13,  but  see  note)  by  complete 
overthrow  and  exile.  They  may  be  swift  of  foot  (14), 
but  there  shall  be  no  "  place  of  flight."  The  strongest 
shall  not  be  saved  by  his  strength  ;  the  most  vahant 
shall  not  escape.  Neither  weapons  (15),  nor  the  greatest 
swiftness  of  foot,  nor  even  horsemanship  shall  avail 
to  dehver  them.  In  his  headlong  flight  the  most 
stout-hearted  of  warriors  (16)  shall  fling  away  every- 
thing that  impedes  him,  all  the  possessions  or  accoutre- 
ments on  which  he  prides  himself. 

7.  that  pant  .  .  .  poor:  i.e.  who  covet  even  the 
dust  strewn  on  the  heads  of  the  poor.  Two  other 
translations  are  possible.  "  Who  long  for  the  dust  of 
the  earth  (earthly  possessions)  over  the  heads  of  (at 
the  expense  of)  the  poor."  Or  "  Who  long  for  the 
heads  (the  persons)  of  the  poor  together  with  the  dust 
of  the  earth  (their  land).'"  But  it  is  perhaps  better 
to  punctuate  hash-shdphlm,  "  Who  trample  to  the  dust 
of  the  earth  the  head  of  the  poor  "  [cf.  LXX). — 13.  If 
RV  is  correct,  the  verb  rendered  "  press "  is  an 
Aramaism.  Perhaps  we  should  translate,  "  Behold,  I 
will  make  you  groan  in  your  place,  as  a  cart  groans  that 
is  full  of  sheaves  "  (cf.  Aquila).  A  slight  emendation 
has  been  suggested  :  "  Behold,  I  will  make  it  (the 
ground)  totter  beneath  you,  as  a  cart  tottereth,"  etc. 

lU.-VI.  Fuller  Statement  of  Israefs  Sin  and  Doom. — 
There  are  three  main  sections,  each  beginning  "  Hear 
ye  this  word  '"  (3i,  4i,  5i). 

III.  1-8.  Israels  Responsibility  and  the  Prophet's 
Obligation. — Amos,  after  addressing  "  the  children  of 
Israel,""  includes  Judah  by  adding  "  the  whole  family," 
unless  this  is  a  gloss,  as  it  may  be,  since  the  inclusion 
of  Judah  here  seems  mappropriate.  Yahweh  had 
selected  Israel  for  special  notice  and  favour.  On  that 
account  its  apostasy  and  sin  were  all  the  more  de- 
serving of  punishment.  The  law  of  cause  and  effect 
applies  here  as  elsewhere.  When  two  walk  "  in 
accord  "  (so  Ehrlicii,  comparing  Gen.  228),  the  reason 
is  that  they  have  made  an  ap]X)intment  (ing.).     When 


550 


AMOS,  III.   1-8 


a  lion  roare,  it  is  because  he  soenta  the  prey.  When  a 
young  lion  growls  from  his  lair,  it  is  because  he  has 
made  a  capture.  When  a  bird  falls  on  the  ground,  it 
is  because  a  boomerang  has  struck  it.  When  a  trap 
springs  up  from  the  ground,  it  is  because  it  has  caught 
something.  When  a  horn  is  blown  in  the  city,  it  is 
because  there  is  some  cause  for  alarm.  And  when 
some  calamity  befalls  a  city,  it  is  because  Yahweh  has 
caused  it.  In  like  manner  when  the  prophets  speak,  it 
is  because  Yahweh  has  revealed  His  secret  to  them 
(7  may,  however,  be  a  gloss).  So  Amos'  own  speaking 
and  prophesying  are  due  to  the  same  law  of  cause  and 
effect. 

3.  except  they  have  agreed:  LXX  for  nd-adu  im- 
plies nddd'n,  "  unless  they  know  each  other."  This 
would  give  the  words  a  more  general  application.  But 
for  safety  two  men  journeying  through  a  desert  may 
agree  to  walk  together  without  knowing  one  another. — • 
5«.  Translate,  "  Will  a  bird  fall  to  the  earth  (omitting 
pah  here  with  LXX),  when  there  is  no  boomerang  for 
it  ?  "  Alokesh  here  probably  denotes  a  boomerang 
such  as  we  find  depicted  on  Egj'ptian  monuments  (so 
Marti  ;  sec  W.  Max  Mueller,  A.'iien  und  Eurojxi,  123f.). 

III.  9-15.  Guilt  and  Doom  of  Samaria.— The  prophet 
proceeds  to  apply  the  lesson.  The  peoples  are  sum- 
moned to  proclaim  the  fate  that  has  befallen  (9*)  the 
castles  of  Ashdod  and  those  in  the  land  of  Egypt, 
and  then  to  assemble  and  witness  the  sins  of  Samaria. 
From  the  mountains  of  Samaria,  the  city  presents  a 
spectacle  of  great  turmoil  and  deep-rooted  oppression. 
And  the  rea.son  is  (10)  that  the  ruling  classes  have  no 
proper  sense  of  what  is  right  or  "  straightforward." 
Wrong  thought  brings  wrong  doing,  and  wrong  doing 
inevitably  brings  punishment.  Therefore  an  adversary 
will  succeed  in  encompassing  the  land  and  will  be  the 
means  of  bringing  low  the  proud  and  rich  potentates. 
Amos  knew  by  experience  that  when  the  lion  attacks 
the  sheep,  often  all  that  can  be  saved  is  two  legs  or 
the  piece  of  an  ear  (Gen.  .3I39*,  Ex.  22i3).  In  like 
manner  the  Israehtes  who  dwell  in  Samaria  and  pride 
themselves  on  their  possessions  mil  escape  with  nothing 
more  than  the  comer  of  a  couch  or  the  Damascus-cloth 
of  a  divan  (sec  below).  If  13  is  genuine  the  prophet 
introduces  a  reference  to  Judah  ;  but  the  verse  is 
perhaps  secondary.  When  the  day  of  reckoning  comes 
(14)  the  punishment  will  extend  to  the  altars  or  altar 
(so  Gutho)  of  Bethel,  because  Bethel  was  the  centre 
of  Israels  false  worship.  False  worship  and  selfish 
luxury  are  bosom  friends.  They  must  die  together. 
An  end  will  be  put  to  the  superfluous  houses  of  the 
rich. 

9.  Translate  with  Ehrlich,  "  Proclaim  concerning 
(the  fate  of)  the  castles  in  Ashdod  and  concerning  (the 
fate  of)  the  castles  in  the  land  of  Egypt."  If  the  usual 
interpretation  (RV)  is  adopted,  "  Assyria  "  (so  LXX) 
should  probably  be  read  for  '"  Ashdod  "  ;  this  gives  a 
better  parallel. — 11.  Translate,  "  an  enemy  shall  come 
round  about  the  land,"  reading  mr  yesobhehh  or  s. 
sdbhebh). — 126.  The  word  translated  "  sit "  may 
equally  well  mean  "  dwell."  The  word  translated 
"  silken  cushions  "  is  deviexhek.  This  Ls  probably  a 
mistake  for  dhneseh.  The  Arabic  dimnks  probably  has 
nothing  to  do  with  Damascus,  but  that  is  no  reason 
why  the  word  here  should  not  denote  some  kind  of 
covering  material  manufactured  in  Damascus.  Trans- 
late with  EhrUch,  "  80  shall  the  children  of  Israel  who 
dwell  in  Samaria  escape  with  the  corner  of  n  C(nich  or 
with  the  Damascus-cloth  of  a  divan." — 13.  The  people 
addressed  are  apparently  the  .same  as  in  9. — 156.  1  K.  22 
39  implies  that  a  "  house  of  ivory  "  was  something 
very  exceptional.     Ehrhch  is  ix;rhaps  right,  therefore. 


in  reading  "  houses  of  (in)  Bashan  "  (hab-bdahdn  for 
hanh-ahen). — great:    rather  "  many  "  (vig.). 

IV.  1-3.  The  Women  of  Samaria. — Like  Isaiah 
(Is.  3i6-^i),  Amos  turns  to  denounce  the  extravagant 
and  wicked  frivohty  of  the  women  of  the  upper  classes. 
He  is  not  necessarily  charging  them  with  responsibiUty 
for  the  sins  of  the  men  ;  from  those  to  whom  much 
has  been  given  (by  Divine  favour)  much  is  required. 
The  idle  and  pampered  women  of  Samaria  are  de- 
scribed as  "  kine  of  Bashan  "  (c/.  Dt.  32 14,  Ps.  22 12), 
or,  as  we  should  say,  prize  cows.  They  gratify  their 
fads  and  fancies  at  the  expense  of  the  poor,  since 
extravagance  always  involves  injustice.  The  prophet 
may  not  intend  to  charge  them  with  drunkenness,  but 
rather,  as  Ehrlich  suggests,  with  inducing  their  husbands 
to  rob  and  wrong  their  poor  neighbours  in  order  with- 
out much  trouble  to  procure  the  water  which  they 
demand.  The  punishment  is  to  come  by  war,  and 
in  ,var  it  is  the  women  who  suffer  most.  2!  is  very 
difficult,  owing  probably  to  textual  corruption,  but 
the  general  meanuig  is  clear.  The  women  who  have 
strutted  about  so  proudly  and  chosen  their  steps  so 
fastidiously  will  one  and  all  (even  the  last  of  them) 
bo  dragged  along  by  means  of  hooks  through  the  first 
breach  that  occurs  in  the  wall,  and  will  be  hastened 
(ht.  thrown  or  hurled)  to  Harmon. 

2.  Translate  "  even  the  last  of  you  with  fish-hooks." 
Fish-hooks  may,  of  course,  mean  hooks  hke  fish-hooks. 
The  allusion  may  be  to  the  Assyrian  practice  of  lead- 
ing captives  by  hooks  or  rings. — 3.  The  form  for  "  cast 
yourselves  "  is  irregular.  A  slight  change  gives,  "  ye 
shall  be  cast." — Harmon  has  not  been  identified ; 
perhaps  Armenia  {liar-minni,  cf.  Jer.  5I27)  was  origin- 
ally intended. 

IV.  4-13.  Israel's  Denseness. — What  is  the  real  cause 
of  conduct  that  merits  such  punishment  ?  At  the  root 
of  all  the  evil  is  a  sham  religion,  a  religion  which  in  its 
mere  formality  and  gross  corruption  has  degenerated 
into  a  blasphemous  hypocrisy.  Come  to  Bethel !  s&yi 
the  prophet  (4).  And  do  what  ?  Why,  simph'  rebel 
(against  Yahweh) !  It  is  useless  to  multiply  religious 
observances  and  to  invent  new  rites,  to  sacrifice  every 
morning  instead  of  once  a  year,  to  pay  tithes  every 
three  days  instead  of  every  three  years,  and  to  invent 
new  rites  such  as  that  of  burning  cakes  of  leavened 
bread  (5)  as  a  thank-offering.  The  futihty  of  such 
sins  has  been  demonstrated  again  and  again  (6-1 1). 
By  way  of  warning  and  punishment,  Yahweh  had  sent 
various  calamities.  He  had  sent  hunger  ("  cleanness  of 
teeth  ")  and  famine  (6).  He  had  withheKl  the  raui- 
showors,  which  are  welcomed  in  March  and  April ; 
and  had  thus  threatened  the  harvest,  which  falls  a 
few  months  later,  in  May  and  June  (7).  When  this 
happened  (7),  the  fields  would  become  parched  (fre- 
quentative tenses),  and  people,  lacking  even  water 
sufficient  to  quench  their  thirst,  would  stagger  from 
various  cities  (two  or  three  cities ;  an  indefinite 
number)  to  some  other  city,  seeking  water  in  vain. 
Ho  had  sent  blasting  and  mildew  to  devastate  gardens 
and  vineyards,  and  the  locust  (lit.  the  "  shearer  ")  to 
devour  the  fig-trees  and  olive-trees.  He  had  sent  a 
pestilence  (10).  This  is  dcscrilx'd  as  "  after  the 
manner  of  Egypt,"  i.e.  of  the  Egyptian  kind,  or  "  by 
the  way  of  Egypt,"  i.e.  a  pestilence  which  spread 
from  Egypt.  We  learn  from  inscriptions  that  such 
pesti!enc(;s  visited  Western  Asia  in  765  and  759  B.C. 
He  smote  the  yoinig  men  with  the  best  of  their  horses 
(see  below).  He  brought  destruction  like  that  of  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah  (11).  Li  spite  of  all  such  visitations, 
Israel  refused  to  turn  from  its  evil  ways  and  return 
to  Yahweh.     Therefore  (12)  He  is  about  to  take  further 


AMOS,  V.  24 


551 


measures,  and  the  prophet  warns  the  people  to  prepare 
to  face  its  God.  In  13  is  added  a  short  hymn  or 
doxology  which  is  perhaps  a  late  insertion.  The 
Almighty  Creator  declares  to  men  His  thought  (Ut. 
meditation),  He  who  maketh  "  dawn  and  darkness  " 
(so  LXX). 

4.  We  may  translate,  "  And  bring  your  sacrifices  in 
the  morning,  your  tithes  on  the  third  day." — 5.  and 
offer  .  .  .  leavened:  better,  "  and  bum  (cf.  mg.)  some 
leavened  broad  as  a  thank-offering."  Usually  the 
leavened  bread  was  not  burned.  Marti  thinks  that 
there  had  grown  up  the  practice  of  throwing  cakes  of 
leavened  bread  into  the  flames  as  a  thank-offering. — 
7c.  Translate,  with  Marti,  "  One  field  would  be  rained 
upon,  and  the  field  which  I  did  not  rain  upon  (reading 
amtir)  would  be  dried  up." — 9.  the  multitude  .  .  . 
devoured  :  translate,  "  I  laid  waste  (reading  heherahti), 
your  gardens  and  vineyards  ;  and  your  fig-trees  and 
your  ohve-trees  the  locust  devoured." — 10.  and  have 
carried  away  your  horses :  MT  has  {cf.  mg.).  "  together 
with  the  captivity  (or  captives)  of  your  horses."  But 
the  word  for  captivity  or  captives  (sMbJil)  is  never  used 
of  animals.  I  would  suggest  sebhl  for  shebhl :  "  the 
best  (beauty)  of  your  horses." — 11.  I  have  overthrown 
some  among  you:  better,  "  I  have  brought  an  over- 
throw among  you."  The  word  is  always  used  in  refer- 
ence to  the  destruction  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah. 

V.  1-17.  The  Impending  Punishment. — The  prophet 
gives  his  next  few  words  the  form  of  a  dirge  {klnah,  i). 
This  (2)  is  characterised  by  the  pecuhar  kinah-metre, 
consisting  of  three  beats  or  stresses  followed  by  two. 
In  the  prophetic  vision  Israel  appears  as  already  over- 
thrown irretrievably.  She  hes  forsaken  on  the  groimd, 
and  nothing  can  raise  her.  How  she  has  come  to  this 
pass  is  explained  in  the  following  verse  (3).  Her  army 
is  almost  annihilated  in  war.  This  must  inevitably 
happen  if  Israel  will  not  take  warning,  but  there  is  still 
time  to  seek  Yahweh  and  five  (4).  Let  the  corrupt 
worship  at  Bethel  and  Beersheba  be  forsaken  (5),  for 
"  Gilgal  shall  taste  the  gall  of  exile  "  (G.  A.  Smith), 
and  Bethel  ("  the  house  of  God  ")  shall  become  (Beth) 
aven  "  ("  the  house  of  idols,"  Harper).  If  Yahweh  is 
still  forsaken  (6).  He  will  burst  forth  like  an  unquench- 
able fire  against  Israel  (represented  here  as  the  House 
of  Joseph  and  as  Bethel).  The  prophet  then  seems 
to  add  a  description  of  the  House  of  Joseph.  But  it 
is  better  to  place  7  after  9,  prefixing  the  words  "  Alas 
for  !  "  8f.  then  comes  in  more  suitably  as  a  descrip- 
tion of  Yahweh,  who  is  mentioned  in  6.  He  it  is  (8) 
who  made  the  Pleiades  and  Orion,  and  tumeth  "  deep 
darkness "  into  morning  and  darkeneth  day  into 
night,  etc.*  Warning  is  next  given  to  those  who  per- 
vert or  dethrone  justice  and  righteousness,  and  (10) 
hate  and  abominate  anyone  who  reproves  them.  The 
prophet  then  reverts  to  Israels  oppression  of  the  poor. 
Those  who  trample  down  and  rob  the  poor  (ir)  wiU 
never  inhabit  the  luxurious  houses  they  build  for 
themselves  ;  they  will  never  enjoy  the  wine  of  the 
dehghtful  vineyards  they  plant.  Their  crimes  are 
manifest  to  Yahweh  (12).  They  afflict  the  righteous, 
take  bribes,  and  thrust  a.side  the  j)Oor  when  these 
present  themselves  at  the  place  of  justice  (Job  54*,  Ps. 
1275*).  One  who  has  an  insight  into  the  days  of 
calamity  that  are  coming  would  prefer  to  keep  silent 
(this  LS  preferable  to  the  usual  interpretation  that  in 
times  so  evil  the  pnident  will  keep  silent).  The  pro- 
phet pauses,  hesitating  to  describe  the  catastrophe, 
and  before  he  proceeds  to  do  so,  he  utters  another  call 
to  repentance  (i4f.).  The  description  follows  in  i6f. 
On  all  sides  shall  be  heard  the  sounds  of  wailing  and 
lamentation  for  the  dead- 


3.  to  the  house  of  Israel :  omit,  as  mistaken  insertion 
from  4. — 5.  Harper  thinks  that  by  'dven  (see  mg.)  we 
are  to  understand  Beth-aven. — 8.  the  Pleiades  (Heb. 
Hmah)  and  Orion  (Heb.  kesll).  In  Arabic  kumat 
means  "  a  heap."  This  suggests  that  Heb.  klmah 
denotes  a  cluster  of  stars.  This  cluster  is  usually 
understood  to  be  the  Pleiades.  M.  A.  Stem  and  others, 
however,  think  that  another  term,  'ayish  (cf.  Job  8832), 
denotes  the  Pleiades  (see  EBi.,  s.v.  "  Stars  ").  In  that 
case  klmah  may,  as  Stem  suggests,  denote  Canis  major 
with  its  bright  star  Sirius.  The  root  of  the  word 
translated  "  Orion  "  perhaps  denotes  primarily,  "  to 
be  thick,  fat."  Orion  seems  to  be  thought  of  as  a 
dull-witted,  obstinate  giant.  Since  the  word  kesil 
means  also  "  fool,"  it  is  thought  that  there  is  some 
allusion  to  a  myth  in  which  a  giant  strove  with  God 
and  was  chained  to  the  sky  for  his  impiety. — 9.  Render 
perhaps,  "  Who  causeth  (LXX  '  distributeth  ')  destruc- 
tion (reading  shehher  for  shoclh)  to  burst  forth  upon  the 
strong,  and  brings  (reading  yabln  ;  cf.  LXX)  ruin  upon 
the  fortress." — 16.  Or  '"  and  the  husbandmen  shall 
summon  to  mouming  "  (so  Harper). 

V.  18-27.  Israel's  Delusions. — The  prophet  resumes 
the  subject  of  Israel's  delusions,  how  she  disregards  the 
essential  conditions  of  real  welfare.  In  18-20  he  deals 
with  a  peculiar  example  of  this,  the  conception  or 
rather  misconception  of  "  the  day  of  Yahweh."  The 
current  belief  was  that  when  "  the  day  of  Yahweh  " 
dawned,  He  would  surely  vindicate  His  people  and 
punish  their  foes.  Amos  urges  that  this  belief  is  a 
serious  and  unfortunate  mistake,  and  conceives  "  the 
day  of  Yahweh  "  as  a  day  of  reckoning  for  His  own 
people.  "  AVliat  good  will  it  do  you  ?  Yahweh's  day 
is  a  day  of  darkness  and  not  fight  "  (Harper).  The 
prudent  course  would  be  at  once  to  seek  (Jod  and  live. 
Simply  to  long  and  pray  for  the  day  of  Yahweh  is  to 
flee  from  one  danger  and  fall  into  another  which  may 
be  more  deadly  (19).  After  disposing  of  this  pecuhar 
delusion,  the  prophet  denounces  again  (21-27)  a 
merely  formal  observance  of  rehgious  rites  and  cere- 
monies. These  are  really  hateful  and  despicable  to 
Yahweh,  if  they  are  combined  with  a  denial  of  justice 
and  righteousness  in  everyday  hfe  (24).  ^\Tien  Israel 
wandered  in  the  wilderness  forty  years,  she  received 
remarkable  tokens  of  Yahweh's  care  and  favour.  And 
yet  there  was  no  elaborate  ritual,  or,  if  there  was,  it 
coidd  not  in  the  circumstances  be  practised  (25).  (24! 
may  be  regarded  as  a  parenthesis.)  26  is  supposed 
to  resume  the  denunciation  of  vain  or  false  worship 
and  27  to  indicate  the  penalty.  26  is  difficult.  RV 
seems  to  assume  that  the  reference  is  to  the  past,  and 
that  Siccuth  and  Chiun  were  idols.  But  these  two 
words  are  probably  the  names  of  an  AssjTian  deity, 
and  should  be  read  Sakkuih  and  Keu-an.  The  verse 
will  then  refer  to  the  future,  and  is  not  so  much  a 
further  denunciation  of  false  worship  as  a  prediction 
of  what  will  happen  to  the  Israelites  and  their  idols. 
In  that  case  it  should  bo  regarded  as  an  editorial  inser- 
tion. Sakkut  and  Kaiwan  are  Assyrian  by-names  of 
the  god  Saturn,  and  are  found  together  in  Assyrian 
texts.  If  26  is  deleted,  27  pronounces  the  penalty 
incurred  by  false  piety.  Therefore — because  of  such 
idle  practices — I  will  carry  you  away  into  exile. 

20.  even  very  dark,  and  ho  brightness  in  it:  Kent, 
"  yea,  murky  darloioss,  without  a  ray  of  light  in  it." — 
21.  Translate.  "'  I  haU\  I  despise  yoiir  pilgrim  feasts  " 
(cf.  Ar.  luijjit,  "  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  Afecca."  "  and 
I  will  not  accept  (Ut.  '  smell '  with  acceptance)  your 
festivals"  {'dsdrah  here  a  synonym  of  hag,  not  a 
technical  term  as  in  Dt.  168,  Lev.  2336).— 23.  viols: 
render  "  harps." — 24.  Better,  "  and  let  right  roll  oa 


552 


AMOS,  V.  24 


like  waters,  an-l  righteousness  like  a  perennial  stream." 
— 26.  Yea,  ye  have  borne,  etc.  :  rather,  "  yea,  yo  will 
bear."  The  *'  star  of  vour  god,'"  or  b(>tter,  '"  your 
star-god,"  is  probablv  a  gloss.  Riosslcr,  following  LXX, 
would  road  melek  for  niallrkrm  ("  your  king  ").  Tliis 
gives  Sakkuth-nu'iek,  fur  which  he  compares  Adar- 
mek'k  and  Anam-iiulek  in  2  K.  173 1. 

VI.  1-7.  The  Luxury  of  Israels  Rulers.— Extrava- 
gance in  ritual  often  indicates  a  perverted  sense  of 
what  constitutes  a  true  philosophy  of  life.  The  price 
of  luxury  is  far  greater  than  men  realise.  The  prophet 
now  contrasts  the  careless  luxury  of  the  rich  with  tho 
misery  that  is  soon  to  overtake  them  (r/.  8-14).  Tho 
reference  to  Zion  in  i  has  been  suspected,  on  the  ground 
tliat  Amos  preached  exclusively  to  the  Northern 
Kingdom.  But  a  shght  changes  gives  :  "  Woo  to  those 
tliat  arc  at  ease  in  (their)  pride  "  (so  Ehrlich).  Woe  to 
the  rulers  of  the  people  in  Israel  and  Samaria,  "  the 
men  of  mark  "  of  Israel,  "  the  first  of  tho  nations." 
Consider  the  fate  of  other  nations  (Is.  lOo*.  2  K. 
I833-35,  19i2f.).  Look  (2)  at  Calneh,  Hamath,  and 
Gath  !  2  is  regarded  by  some  scholars  {e.g.  Kent)  aa 
a  later  addition,  because  these  cities  were  not  de- 
stroyed till  after  the  days  of  Amos.  Hamath  was  not 
taken  untU  720  B.C.  ;  Calneh  (if  it  be  the  same  as 
Calno)  was  not  conquered  much  before  701.  But  the 
identification  of  Calneh  (cf.  Is.  IO9 ;  possibly  the 
Kullani  of  Assyrian  inscriptions,  a  place  in  the  N.  of 
Syria)  is  very  doubtful ;  and,  as  Ehrlich  says,  Hamath 
may  have  suffered  severely  from  other  foes  long  before 
its  conquest  by  Sargon.  Hamath  (2  K.  1425*)  was 
an  important  town  on  the  Orontes,  about  100  miles  N. 
of  Damascus  and  S.  of  Arpad.  Gath,  the  identifica- 
tion of  which  is  uncertain,  was  the  fifth  of  the  chief 
Philistine  towns  (c/.  Is).  It  was  destroyed  at  a  later 
dat<;  (2  Ch.  266).  The  prophet  asks  :  Are  ye  better 
than  these  kingdoms,  or  is  your  territory  larger  than 
their  territory  (see  below)  7  What  nght  have  ye  to 
expect  to  escape  their  fate  ?  Ye  who  refuse  to  con- 
template the  day  of  calamity ;  who  are  installed  by 
violence  ;  who  (4)  lie  upon  beds  of  ivory  and  sprawl  (so 
translate)  on  couches  ;  who  feed  on  dainty  lambs  and 
stalled  calves  ;  who  (5)  improvise  idly  to  the  sound  of 
tho  harp  and  like  a  David  compose  "  all  sorts  of 
melodies  "  (so  Nowack,  slightly  emending  text)  ;  who 
drink  bowls  of  wine  and  use  tiio  most  costly  ointments. 
Woo  to  such  triflers  !  They  cannot  spare  a  thought  (6) 
for  "  the  ruin  of  Joseph  "  (c/.  Nah.  819).  But  (7) 
now  the  revelry  of  the  sprawlers  shall  come  to  an  end. 
They  have  prided  themselves  on  being  the  first  of  tho 
nations.  Therefore  they  shall  now  march  into  cap- 
tivity at  the  head  of  captured  peoples  ! 

2.  Read,  "  Are  ye  better  ?  " — Read,  "  or  is  your 
territoiy  larger  than  their  territory  "  (gehulekem  mig- 
gebtildm). — 3.  Oettii  reads  "  sceptre  "  (shebrt). — 5. 
Better,  "  all  sorts  of  melodies  {Icol  for  Icele). 

VI.  8-14.  The  Miserable  Fate  of  these  Rulers.— 
Yahwch  solemnly  declares  (8)  that  the  pride  (wg.)  of 
Jacob,  the  vainglory  which  has  displaced  tnic  glory,  has 
become  an  abomination  to  Him.  There  follows  a  diffi- 
cult section,  of.,  which  docs  not  suit  tho  context  verj' 
well  and  may  have  been  added  by  a  scribe.  It  seems  to 
describe  the  horrors  of  a  siege  or  plague.  So  terrible 
is  the  scourge  that  in  a  house  where  there  are  ten  nun 
none  may  escape  (9).  A  kinsman  {7ng.),  whoso  privi- 
lege it  is  to  bum  sacred  spices  in  honour  of  the  dead 
(cf.  Jer.  343,  2  Ch.  1614),  visits  the  house  with  some 
friends  to  carrj'  away  the  bones  (10).  ('ailing  to  a 
friend  who  has  penetrated  farther  into  the  house,  he 
asks  :  "  Have  you  any  more  there  ?  "  and  i-eceivos  tho 
answer  "  No."    Then  ho  says  "  Hush  !  "     Yahweh  is 


angry  and  has  brought  a  terrible  punishment.  Let  ns 
beware  of  even  mentioning  His  name.  The  mere 
mention  of  it  might  excite  Him  to  even  greater  wrath. 
II  is  more  in  tho  Une  of  thought  of  8.  Yahweh  com- 
mands destruction.  The  great  houses  of  the  rich  will 
be  reduced  to  fragments  ;  the  smaller  houses  of  tho 
poor,  which  can  hardly  escape  the  blow  altogether, 
will  suffer  rents  (for  word,  cf.  Is.  229).  The  unnatural 
perversity  of  Israel  must  bring  an  inevitable  punish- 
ment (12).  Do  horses  run  upon  rocks,  or  does  one 
plough  (the  rocks)  with  oxen  ?  (but  see  below)  No. 
Why,  then,  does  Israel  do  something  equally  pen'erse, 
turning  riglit  into  poison  and  the  fruits  of  righteousness 
into  wormwood  7  Why,  again,  is  she  so  perverse  (13) 
as  to  boast  of  a  power  {karnayim,  cf.  Jer.  4825)  that  is 
worthless,  "  a  thing  of  naught  "  ?  To  punish  her, 
Yahweh  is  bringing  against  her  a  nation  (Assyria) 
which  will  make  her  suffer  (14)  from  her  furthest 
northern  limit  to  the  "  wiidy  of  the  Arabah  "  (cf.  2  K.  14 
25)  or  tho  "  brook  of  the  willows  "  (reading  hd-'drdinm, 
cf.  Is.  157)  in  the  S.,  probably  the  Watli  el-Achsa. 

10.  even  he  that  bumeth  him:  the  Hebrews  did 
not  bum  the  dead,  unless  they  were  criminals  or 
enemies  (Jos.  725,  1  S.  31 12).  The  reference  must, 
therefore,  be  to  the  burning  of  spices  (Jer.  345,  2  Ch.  16 
5) ;  but  even  this  is  rather  forced.  Ehrhch  thinks 
that  u-mesdrepho  is  to  be  read  u-rnesappero,  "  and  the 
one  who  removes  him"  (sdphar  =  AT.  safara,  "to 
sweep  "  a  house).  Others  emend  the  first  three  words 
of  Hob.  more  radically.  Marti  either,  ''  and  a  family  of 
scant  number  shall  be  left,"  or  "  and  the  remnant  of 
his  (t.e.  Jacob's)  family  are  few."  He  would  read 
further,  "  the  dead  "  (7nethi7n)  for  "  the  bones." — 
12.  Read  with  Michaehs,  '  im-yehdresh  bahbdkdr  ydm, 
"  or  is  the  sea  ploughed  with  oxen  ?  "  though  wo  should 
expect  hay-yam. — ^13.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the 
words  translated  "  a  thing  of  nought  "  and  "  horns  " 
may  be  proper  names  (cf.  Marti) :  "  ^Vho  rejoice  be- 
cause of  Lodebar,  who  say,  '  Have  we  not  captured 
Kamaim  by  our  might  ?  '  "  In  that  case  the  reference 
is  to  two  towns  (cf.  2  S.  94f.,  1727,  1  Mac.  026,  Gen.  I45) 
on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan  which  may  recently  have  been 
taken  by  the  Israelites.  Ehrlich  interprets  only  the 
second  expression  as  a  proper  name.  The  Israelites 
rejoiced  greatly  over  the  recovery  of  a  town  (Kamaim) 
which  was  of  no  importance. 

VII.  l.-IX.  8.  Visions  of  the  Prophet  Amos.— Tliis 
section  contains  a  series  of  visions,  interrupted  by  a 
historical  passage  (710-17).  Tlie  visions  are  described 
and  then  interpreted  as  symbohcal  illustrations  of 
apostate  Israel's  fate. 

VII.  1-3.  The  Vision  of  the  Locusts.— Ort  one  occa- 
sion the  prophet  saw  (i)  and  behold,  Yahweh  fonned 
locusts  at  the  beginning  of  tho  coming  up  of  the  "  lato 
spring  grass  "  (Ickesh,  RV  "  latter  growtli  "),  tho  grass 
brought  on  by  the  late  spring  rain  (malkaih,  cf.  Jl.  223), 
and  further  described  here  as  coming  up  '*  after  the 
king's  shearing  "  or  "  after  the  king's  mowings."  Tlio 
king's  mowings  may  mean  (rf.  Driver)  that  the  mowings 
were  taken  as  tribute  by  the  king.  (Ehrlich  takes  it  to 
mean  "  national  mowings.")  The  locusts  were  be- 
ginning to  work  havoc  (2).  Then,  "  when  they  woiild 
have  wholh'  devoured  the  herbage  of  the  land, "'  the 
prophot  interceded  with  Yahweh,  who  relented  (3). 
Thus  1-3  seems  to  refer  to  a  physical  calamity,  a 
plague  of  locusts  (cf.  4). 

1.  he  formed  locusts :  read  perhaps  (cf.  LXX),  "  and 
behold,  a  brood  of  locusts  "  (or,  "  of  a  locust-swarm,"' 

cf.  Nah.  3x7).— and,  lo,  it  was  the  latter  growth: 
apparently  a  gloss.  If  original,  read  yelck  (LXX)  for 
lek^sh :     "  and    behold,    there    were    mature    young 


AMOS,  IX.  1-8 


653 


locusts." — 2.  when  they  .  .  .  land:  translated  as 
above,  liut  read  prubably,  "  and  when  they  were 
making  an  end  of  devouring  "  (uxi-yehi  ha'  mekalleh 
leelcol). 

VII.  4-6.  The  Vision  of  Fire.— Another  time  the  pro- 
phet saw  a  firc-phcnomonon.  Yahweh  (4)  "  called  down 
a  five  to  punish  "  (or  judge).  This  devoured  the  great 
deep  (Gen.  l6f.*),  whence  came  the  rivers  and  fountains, 
and  would  have  devoured  "  the  tilled  land,"  when  the 
prophet  interceded  (5)  and  Yahweh  relented  (6). 

VII.  7-9.  The  Vision  of  the  Wall.— The  third  vision 
is  more  difficult.  The  prophet  saw  (7)  "  and  behold, 
Yahweh  stood  by  a  wall  of  'anuk,  and  in  His  hand 
'anak."  '^H«i  is  usually  translated  "  plummet."  By 
a  wall  that  had  once  been  found  perpendicular,  a 
plummet-wall,  Yahweh  stood  with  a  plummet  in  His 
hand.  What  exact  significance  (8)  had  this  plummet  ? 
Yahweh  is  tired  of  relenting  ;  He  will  simply  apply 
the  plummet  to  His  people,  and  once  for  all  destroy 
an  edifice  which  is  no  longer  worthy  to  stand.  Kent's 
omission  of  the  first  \inak  is  an  improvement :  "  And 
behold  the  Lord  was  standing  behind  a  wall,  with  a 
plumbhne  in  His  hand."  Other  Semitic  languages 
seem  to  favour  the  view  (so  Marti)  that  'anak  may 
denote  a  hard  or  hea\'}'  kind  of  metal,  possibly  lead 
or  steel.  Marti  translates,  "  Thus  the  Lord  showed 
me,  and  behold  one  standing  on  a  wall  of  steel  with 
steel  in  his  hand."  Amos  beholds  a  man  unconquer- 
able, equipped  wth  iron  and  sword  (7),  and  Yahweh 
explains  (8)  that  this  man  is  about  to  turn  his  sword 
against  Israel,  because  he  cannot  again  spare  her.  In 
the  utter  devastation  of  the  country,  Israel's  places  of 
woi'ship  will  be  laid  low  (9). 

8.  The  plummet  is  usually  explained  as  "  a  crucial 
moral  test  "  (Driver).  Ehrhch,  however,  explains  it 
as  a  figure  for  the  execution  of  judgment  [cf.  2  K.  2I13, 
Lam.  28). 

Vn.  10-17.  Effect  of  Amos'  Public  Utterances.— A 
historical  episode  is  here  interposed.  Amaziah,  the 
priest  of  Bethel,  interrupts  the  work  of  Amos,  charging 
him,  by  twisting  his  words,  with  conspiracy  (10).  So 
revolutionary  is  he  that  "  the  earth  (nol  the  land) 
cannot  bear  all  his  words."  Really  he  had  spoken 
not  of  "  Jeroboam  "  but  of  "  the  house  of  Jeroboam." 
There  is  perhaps  a  note  of  scorn  in  the  word  "  seer  " 
(almost  equivalent  to  visionary).  Amos  had  better 
flee  to  Judah  and  earn  his  bread  and  prophesj'  there. 
Amos  retorts  that  he  was  no  professional  prophet.  He 
had  earned  his  bread  by  tenduig  sheep  and  cultivating 
fig-mulberries  (rather  than  sycomore  trees).  In  Syria 
these  did  not  grow  in  such  high  and  cold  regions  as 
Tekoa,  but  the  pasture-grounds  and  gardens  of  its 
shepherds  may  well  have  extended  on  the  E.  down  to 
the  Dead  Sea  {cf.  G.  A.  Smith).  Amos  refuses  for  the 
moment  to  be  silenced  (16),  and  does  not  leave 
Amaziah  without  a  word  of  warning  and  denunciation 
(i7f.).  His  owai  wife  will  become  a  prey  to  the  out- 
rages of  a  powerful  enemy  ;  and  the  priest  and  his 
people  will  be  led  into  captivity. 

14.  For  "  herdman  '"  (boker)  Marti  and  others  would 
read  "  shepherd  "  (jioked)  as  in  li*. — The  fig-mulberry 
was  common  in  parts  of  Palestine.  The  fruit  had  to 
be  nipped  or  punctured  to  release  an  insect  and  thus 
render  it  eatable. 

Vin.  1-3.  The  Vision  of  the  Basket  of  Summer 
Fruit. — The  account  of  the  visions  is  now  resumed. 
This  time  the  prophet  sees  a  basket  of  summer  fruit  ( i), 
and  Yahweh  explains  (2)  that  the  summer  fruit  {kayis) 
symbohses  the  end  (/.es)  of  the  people  of  Israel,  tIius 
we  have  a  play  upon  words  (a-s  in  Jer.  Inf.).  In  that 
day  (3)  the  songs  in  the  palace  {nol  temple)  shall  be 


turned  into  wailing.  There  shall  be  dead  bodies  every- 
where, and  these  shall  be  cast  away  in  silence  without 
burial.     This  scene  of  the  dead  demands  dead  silence. 

3.  And  the  songs  of  the  temple  shall  be  howlings : 
ht.  "  and  the  songs  of  the  palace  shall  wail."  Read 
with  Hoffmann  and  others,  shdroth  for  -shiroik,  "  and 
the  singing  women  of  the  palace  shall  wail."  Trans- 
late, '■  A  multitude  of  carcases." 

Vill.  4-14.  Development  of  the  Theme  of  3.— This 
section,  which  re-echoes  26-8,  has  been  regarded  as  a 
conglomeration  of  rather  loosely-connected  fragments 
{cf.  G.  A.  Smith).  The  prophet  addresses  himself  to 
those  who  persecute  and  destroy  the  needy  and  humble 
(4),  the  rutliless  and  godless  rich  who  regard  holy  days 
and  Sabbaths  as  tiresome  interruptions  of  business  and 
as  troublesome  reproaches  to  their  guilty  conscience 
(5),  who  traffic  in  the  hves  of  the  poor  (see  26)  and 
tamper  with  the  very  staff  of  Ufe  (6).  Such  men  and 
such  deeds  Yahweh  will  never  forget  or  forgive  (7). 
The  very  ground  will  shudder  at  them  and  suffer  an 
earthquake,  swaying  upwards  hke  the  Nile,  rolling,  and 
sinking  again  like  the  river  of  Egypt  (8).  The  sun  will 
disappear  at  noon,  and  darkness  reign  instead  of  day- 
hght  (9).  The  expressions  are  figures  of  speech,  and 
do  not  necessarily  imply  an  earthquake  and  eclipse 
in  the  days  of  Amos.  Joy  (10)  shall  be  turned  into 
lamentation  and  mourning  like  the  mounung  for  one's 
dearest  one  (so  Ehrhch,  not  for  an  only  son).  The  end 
of  all  this  wiU  bo  the  most  bitter  distress.  The  words 
of  Yahweh  have  been  despised  and  rejected.  The 
time  will  come  (n)  when  men  will  seek  as  feverishly 
to  hear  "  the  word  (read  as  sing.)  of  the  Lord  '"  as  they 
seek  to  find  food  and  water  in  time  of  famine  and 
drought.  And  they  will  seek  in  vain  (12).  Of  this 
thirst  the  fairest  maidens  and  the  youths  will  pine 
away  (13),  who  (14)  used  to  swear  by  the  guilt  (false 
worship)  of  Samaria  and  say,  "  As  liveth  thy  God,  O 
Dan  !  "  They  used  to  take  an  oath  b\  the  God  of 
Dan  and  by  the  pilgrimage-route  to  Beershcba. 

4.  Read,  '  ye  that  crush  '"  {cf.  27). — 6.  the  refuse  of 
wheat:  a  similar  expression,  the  "  sweepings  of  com," 
occurs  in  an  old  Aramaic  inscription  from  Nirab,  near 
Aleppo  (Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  i.  1902,  p.  193). — 
7.  Translate  "the  pride  of  Jacob.  "--8.  troubled: 
rather  "  tossed  "  (ht.  "  driven,"  cf.  L;.  572o). — 12.  It  is 
perhaps  better  to  translate,  agamst  the  accents,  "  And 
fi-om  the  north  even  to  the  sun-rising  shall  they  run 
to  and  fro,  seeking,"  etc. — 14.  the  sin  of  Samaria: 
the  sin  {'ashmath)  or  guilt  here  is  usually  taken  to  bo 
the  calf  worshipped  at  Bethel  {cf.  Hos.  85,  105,8). 
But  it  has  become  probable  that  the  reference  is  to  a 
god  'Ashima.  The  Elephantine  papyri  (p.  79)  speak 
of  a  deity,  'Ashem-bethcl,  worshipped  by  the  Jewish 
mihtary  colony  in  Upper  Egypt  (5th  cent,  B.C.)  ;  and 
we  know  that  the  Hamathites  worshijipcd  a  god 
'Ashima.  Translate,  therefore,  "  by  'Ashima  of 
Samaria  "  (so  EdgliiU). — As  the  way  of  Beersheba 
liveth :  the  Muhammadans  swear  by  the  pilgrimage  to 
Mecca,  but  there  is  no  other  instance  of  this  kind  of 
oath  in  OT.  Perhaps  dwleka,  "  thy  darling,"  should 
be  read  for  derek.  Here  Hoffmann  takes  it  to  denote 
a  special  patron-god :  "  As  hveth  thy  patron,  0 
Beersheba  !  " 

K.  1-8.  The  Vision  of  an  Avenging  God.— The  last 
vision  impresses  upon  Amos  the  anger  and  omnipotence 
of  the  supreme  ruler  and  judge.  Yahweh  is  seen  (i) 
8ta,tioned  by  or  over  the  altar  {i.e.  of  Bethel)  or  over 
an  altar.  The  agents  of  His  vengeance  are  bidden  by 
the  prophet  to  smite  the  Temple,  The  command  goes 
forth  to  "  cut  them  (the  pillars)  off  at  tho  top  of  all  of 
them."     Those    who    escape   the   shattering   of    the 

in  a 


554 


AMOS,  IX.  1-8 


Temple  ('  tlie  last  of  them  ")  will  fall  by  tho  sword. 
There  will  bo  no  escajx)  for  thorn  either  in  the  super- 
human heights  and  depths  (2)  or  in  the  terrestrial 
thickets  and  caves  of  the  almost  inaccessible  hciwhta 
of  Carmel  (3),  or  in  the  bottom  of  the  sea.  Tho 
serpent,  that  terrible  monster  which  was  supposed  to 
have  its  homo  in  the  sea  {cf.  Gen.  I21,  Is.  27i,  5l<)t.). 
will  rout  them  out  tliero  and  bite  them,  even  if  they 
could  escape  the  cj'e  of  Yahweh.  This  time  not  even 
captivity  (4)  will  serve  as  a  substitute  for  death.  For 
Yahwehs  kindly  regard  for  His  people  is  to  give  place 
to  relentless  punishment.  There  follows  (sf.)  a  kind 
of   doxology    (cf.    4i3,    Ssf.),    which    hardly   suits    its 

E resent  context  and  is  held  by  many  scholars  to  be  a 
iter  addition.  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Hosts,  it  is  who 
by  a  touch  convulses  tho  earth  (88).  He  is  the  Oeator 
of  the  heavens,  the  earth,  and  the  waters  of  the  sea  (6). 
The  usual  interpretation  of  the  next  verse  (7  ;  see 
Driver  and  Kent)  makes  Yahweh  say  that  Israelites, 
Ethiopians,  Philistines,  and  Aramajans  are  all  equal  in 
God's  sight.  This  ia  too  "  beautiful  and  evangelic  " 
(Horton)  to  be  the  correct  interpretation  (cf.  especially 
82).  A  more  plausible  interpretation  is  offered  by 
Ehrlich.  Yahweh  says,  "  Are  ye  not  (in  your  be- 
haviour) to  me  like  Cushites  ?  "  In  other  words,  your 
apostasy  has  become  second  nature.  You  can  as  httle 
change  your  ways  as  the  Ethiopian  can  change  his 
skin.  The  rest  of  the  verse  may  then  be  explained 
thus  :  You  think  I  am  bound  to  you  by  a  covenant 
that  carmot  be  annulled.  But  have  I  ru^)t  brought 
also  the  Philistines  from  Caphtor  (Egyptian  Keftiu, 
Crete  and  the  whole  of  the  neighbouring  district ;  see 
Macalister,  PhiUslines)  and  tho  Aramaeans  from  Kir  ? 
The  last  clause  of  8  would  seem  to  have  been  added 
by  a  later  scribe. 

5.  For  the  Lord,  the  God  of  Hosts :  take  this,  with 
Ehrlich,  as  the  subject  to  "  Yahweh  is  his  name  "  (6), 
all  that  intervenes  being  a  description  of  the  subject. — 
and  it  shall  rise  up  wholly  like  the  River  (cf.  Ss) : 
Riessler  would  read  ka-ye'or  kiVayim  (cf.  Bab. 
killaldn,  Ar.  kild),  "  and  it  shall  rise  up  like  the  Double 
River,"  i.e.  the  Euphrates-Tigris. — 6.  his  vault:  i.e. 
the  vault  of  the  heavens.  But  the  word  might  bo 
translated  "'  his  band  "  (phalanx),  aa  in  2  S.  225.     So 


Ehrlich,  who  thinks  that  tho  reference  is  to  the  earthly 
elements,  of  wliieh  one,  water,  is  mentioned  immedi- 
ately.— 7.  and  the  Syrians  from  Kir:  cf.  Is*.  For 
"  from  Kir "  {mik-ldr)  Riessler  would  read  "  from 
Haran  "  (mi-hdrdn ;  Haran  in  Mesopotamia,  cf. 
Gen.  II31). 

9-15.  The  Restoration  of  Gods  People. — This  section 
is  probably  a  post-oxiUc  ajjpcDdix  to  the  book.  The 
point  of  view  has  changed,  tho  fate  of  Israel  being 
quite  different  from  that  contemplated  in  tho  rest  of 
the  book,  and  the  ideas  reflecting  the  mind  of  a  much 
later  Jewish  community. 

Yahweh  will  destroy,  but  He  will  not  utterly  destroy 
(cf.  end  of  8,  if  genuine).  Israel  must  be  sifted  and 
scattered  among  the  nations  (9).  But  it  shall  be  like 
the  sifting  of  com  in  a  sieve.  The  chaff  ia  scattered, 
but  the  compact  grains  (rather  than  "  least  grain  ") 
remain.  The  guilty  indeed  must  suffer  (10),  and  it  is 
useless  to  say  "  Disaster  shall  not  touch  or  befall  us  " 
(so  translate  with  Kent).  But  for  the  faithful  remnant 
a  glorious  day  is  dawning  (n),  the  happy  Messianic 
age,  in  which  Israel  will  be  reunited  to  Judah,  as  they 
were  united  in  the  happy  days  of  old.  Yahweh  will 
repair  the  ruin  "  in  order  that  those  over  whom  my 
name  is  called  may  uiherit  the  remnant  of  Edom  and 
all  the  nations  "  (12  ;  so  translate  with  EhrUch).  In 
this  glorious  Messianic  age  seedtime  and  harvest  will 
follow  in  rapid  succession,  and  the  harvests  be  wonder- 
fully rich  and  abundant  (13).  Tlie  exiles  shall  return 
and  enjoy  a  happiness  and  prosperity  (14)  that  shall 
not  again  be  interrupted  (15).  This  is  the  promise 
of  Yahweh,  sas^s  tho  prophet,  who  has  become  again 
•'  thy  God." 

13.  the  plowman  shall  overtake  the  reaper :  EhrUch 
reading  ue-ndgas, "'  the  plowman  shall  press  the  reaper." 
The  plowman  wiU  press  the  reaper  to  finish  his  work, 
that  he  may  start  plow^ing  the  field  again. — sweet  wlne : 
the  word  denotes  "  either  must  or  wine  made  by  a 
process  in  which  fermentation  was  artificially  arrested  " 
(ICC  on  Jl.  I5).— and  all  the  hills  shall  melt :  Riessler 
would  add,  "  -with  milk  "  (kalab),  comparing  Jl.  4i8. — 
14.  And  I  will  bring  again  the  captivity  of :  or,  "  and 
I  will  turn  the  fortune  of  "  :  more  Hterally  "  restore 
the  restoration  of." 


OBADIAH 

By  Professor  H.  WHEELER  ROBINSON 


The  Book  of  Obadiah  follows  that  of  Amos  in  the 
Hebrew  Canon,  perhaps  because  of  the  reference  to 
the  dispossession  of  Edom  in  Am.  812,  since  Edom 
forms  the  principal  subject  of  this,  the  shortest  book 
of  the  OT.  The  name  it  bears  means  "  Servant  of 
Yah  '"  (Yahweh),  but  nothing  is  known  of  thLs  prophet, 
save  what  may  be  inferred  from  the  book  itself.  This 
clearly  falls  into  two  parts,  viz.  1-14,  156,  and  15a, 
16-21,  which  are  distinct  in  style  and  subject-matter  ; 
in  the  former,  Edom  is  addressed  in  the  second  person 
singular,  on  the  occasion,  apparently,  of  some  con- 
temporary disaster,  whilst  the  latter  addresses  Israel 
in  the  second  person  plural,  and  is  concerned  with 
the  approaching  "  Day  of  Yahweh ",  and  its  judg- 
ment of  the  nations  in  general,  though  including 
Edom. 

The  Edomites  occupied  the  mountainous  district  on 
both  sides  of  the  Arabah,  i.e.  the  ranges  of  Mount 
Seir,  south  of  the  Dead  Sea.  (The  inaccessible  posi- 
tion of  Pctra,  with  its  neighbouring  rock-dwellings, 
50  miles  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  is  apparently  noticed  in  3. ) 
They  were  traditionally  regarded  as  the  descendants 
of  Esau  (Edom,  Gen.  36i),  i.e.  they  consisted  of  tribes 
closely  related  to  the  Hebrews,  though  this  did  not 
prevent  frequent  strife  between  the  two  nations. 
Thus,  in  586,  when  Jerusalem  was  destroyed  by 
Nebuchadrezzar,  the  Edomites  assisted  the  Baby- 
lonians, an  action  keenly  resented  by  the  Judaeans 
(Ezek.  355,  Ps.  1377,  Lam.  42 1)  and  denounced  in  the 
present  prophecy  (10-14).  The  Edomites  subsequently 
occupied  S.  Judaea,  and  were  ultimately  dispossessed 
of  their  former  territory  by  the  Nabatsean  Arabs  ("'  the 
men  of  thy  confederacy",  7).  The  occasion  of  the 
earlier  part  of  this  prophecy  is  doubtless  some  such 
Nabataean  invasion,  resulting  in  a  "  desolation  "  of 
the  land,  such  as  is  described  in  Mai.  I2-5  (c.  450  B.C.). 
The  earlier  half  of  the  fifth  century  is,  therefore,  the 
probable  date  of  1-14,  156.  The  keynote  of  the 
passage  is  given  in  its  closing  words,  "  aa  thou  hast 
done,  it  shall  be  done  unto  thee ".  The  disaster, 
whatever  it  was,  is  intei-preted  along  the  narrowest 
lines  of  prophetic  nationalism,  as  a  Divine  judgment  on 
Edomite  hostility  to  the  people  of  Yahweh. 

At  some  later  date,  which  cannot  be  defined  with 
any  precision,  this  earlier  prophecy  was  enlarged  by 
the  addition  of  an  eschatological  appendix,  viz.  15a 
(to  "  nations  "),  16-21  (probably  also  by  the  insertion 
of  6,  8f.).  Here  Judah  is  told  that  its  own  time  of 
suffering  is  past,  and  that  of  the  nations  is  due.  The 
reunited  Judah  and  Israel  shall  finally  destroy  the 
Edomites  and  resume  possession  of  the  lost  territory, 
northwards  and  eastwards,  aa  well  as  southwards. 

The  first  five  verses  of  the  prophecy  occur  again 
almost  identically  in  Jer.  4914-16,9.  This  has  been 
explained  by  the  suppo.sition  that  both  prophets  are 
drawing  from  a  common  (pre-exilic)  original.  The 
supposition  is  not  necessary,  if ,  aa  is  likely,  Jer.  497-22 
is  later  in  its  present  form  than  .Jeremiah  himself.  It 
is  more  likely  that  the  passage  is  original  in  Ob.  1-5 
(where  it  occurs  more  naturally),  and  that  it  waa  thence 
reproduced  in  Jer.  4914-16,9.  There  is  also  some 
connexion  between  Obadiah  and  Joel  (rj.  Ob.  17  and 


Jl.  232),  where,  again,  the  originality  lies  with 
Obadiah. 

Literature.  —  Commentaries  :  For  those  on  all  the 
Minor  Prophets  see  General  Bibliographies;  (a)  Perowne 
(CB) ;  {h)  Bewer  (ICC).  Olluir  Literature  :  Articles  on 
Obadiah  by  Selbie  (HDBV  W.  R.  Smith  and  Oheyne 
(EBi),  W.  R.  Smith  and  H.  W.  Robin.«on  (EB"),  and 
the  article  on  Edom  by  Noeldeke  (EBi).  Duhm,  The 
Twelve  Prophets  (Intro,  and  Trans.). 

1-14,  15a.  The  Deserved  Downfall  of  Edom. — The 
prophet  declares  that  interpretation  of  current  eventa 
which  Yahweh  has  revealed  to  him.  Other  nations 
are  combining  against  Edom  (i)  and  Yahweh  will 
make  their  combination  successful  (2  ;  the  perfect 
tenses  are  "  prophetic  "').  Edom  has  been  confident 
in  the  inaccessibility  of  his  mountainous  land  ( 3  ;  see 
Intro,  and  read  with  VSS  "  making  high  his  habita- 
tion "),  but  vainly  does  he  build  (his  nest)  on  high  (for 
the  eagle,  see  on  Jer.  413).  This  is  no  passing  raid, 
for  the  work  of  the  foe  will  be  thorough  (insert  "  only  " 
after  "'  steal "'  in  5,  to  bring  out  the  contrast ;  for  the 
reference  to  the  gleaning,  perhaps  suggested  by  the 
number  of  Edomite  vineyards,  cf.  Dt.  242 1).  The 
secret  treasures  stored  in  mountain  caves  will  be 
stolen  (6.  which  may  be  a  gloss  from  Jer.  49 10 ;  note 
change  of  person).  The  trusted  allies  (see  Intro.)  will 
drive  the  Edomites  from  their  land  (7  mg.  ;  "  pro- 
phetic "  i)erfect).  The  last  two  clauses  of  7  yield  no 
sense  here,  the  Heb.  of  the  former  being  "  thy  bread 
they  put  a  net  "  ;  8f.  seems  to  have  been  added,  with 
the  appendix,  to  unite  the  earlier  prophecy  with  the 
idea  of  the  "  Day  of  Yahweh  "  prominent  in  the  later 
(for  Teman,  see  on  Jer.  497.  possibly  the  source  of  8). 
These  Edomite  disasters  are  a  penalty  for  the  conduct 
of  the  Edomites  when  Jerusalem  was  destroyed  ( 10,  see 
Intro.).  Edom  stood  aloof  (11  mg.),  nay,  even  laid 
hands  on  Judah's  property,  and  intercepted  fugitives 
(12-14).     Hence  retribution  {i5h). 

15a,  16-21.  The  Judgment  of  the  Nations.— The 
"  Day  of  Yahweh  "  approaches  ;  Judah  has  already 
drunic  her  cup  of  suffering  (0/.  Jer.  2015.  49i2i.  and 
now  the  other  nations  shall  drink  destruction.  Mount 
Zion  shall  be  a  sanctuary,  and  the  house  of  Jacob 
(here  for  "  Judah  " )  shall  recover  what  has  been  lost  ( 17). 
Judah  shall  be  joined  by  tlie  restored  northern  kingdom 
(the  house  of  Joseph),  and  together  they  shall  utterly 
destroy  the  Edomites  (Esau,  18  ;  for  the  contrast  of 
Jacob  and  Esau.  cf.  Mai.  I2-5).  The  territories  to  be 
recovered  in  S.  and  N.  are  indicated  (igf).  Judah 
in  Zion  shall  be  reinforced  by  the  help  of  the  restored 
Israel  (the  saviours  of  21)  against  Esau,  and  the 
"  Messianic  "  kingdom  shall  be  established  (Zarephath 
on  coast,  between  Tyre  and  Sidon,  cf.  1  K.  IVq)  ; 
Sepharad,  since  the  Persian  period  a  name  for  Asia 
Minor,  particularly  Phrygia  ;  this  host,  20.  may  be  a 
corrupt  form  of  Halah*  (c/.  2  K.  176). — 10  seems  to 
have  been  expanded  by  glosses,  and  Marti  su^gesta 
as  its  original  form,  "  And  they  {i.e.  the  united  Israel 
and  Judah)  will  take  possession  of  the  Negeb  and  the 
Shephelah.  and  the  fields  of  Ephraim  and  Gilead."  In 
20,  we  should  probably  read.  "  shall  possess  the 
Canaanites  ".  the  Heb.  being  impossible  aa  it  stands. 


555 


JONAH 


By  the  editor 


This  book  has  been  commonly  retrarded  as  a  true 
story  from  the  career  of  Jonah,  the  prophet  of  whom 
we  read  in  2  K.  142 5.  The  marvel  of  Jonah's  adven- 
ture with  the  fish  was  naturally  selected  for  ribald 
mockery  by  enemies  of  the  Bible,  who,  had  they  had 
even  an  inkling  of  insight  into  the  true  meaning  of 
the  book,  might  have  shrunk  from  thus  profaning  the 
Holy  of  Holies.  The  advocates  of  a  rigid  theory  of 
inspiration  were  in  this  way  often  diverted  from  a 
right  estimate  of  the  book  to  undue  emphasis  on  a 
trivial  issue,  some  being  even  so  ill-advised  as  to  make 
belief  in  the  marvel  of  the  fisli  a  test  of  orthodoxy. 
From  these  foolish  misunderstandings  we  turn  to 
investigate  the  real  significance  of  the  book.  We 
shall  then  be  better  qualified  to  interpret  the  detail 
of  the  fish. 

The  Second  Isaiah  had  set  it  forth  as  a  chief  part 
of  Israel's  mission  to  be  a  light  to  the  Gentiles,  pro- 
claiming the  knowledge  of  Yahwch.  For  this  Israel's 
wonderful  discipline  had  l)ecn  intended.  But  on  its 
return  from  exile,  instead  of  accepting  this  missionary 
ideal,  it  had  jealously  shrunk  into  itself,  become  hard, 
narrow,  and  exclu.sive.  The  heathen  had  come  to  be 
viewed  as  an  evil  and  hostile  power,  whose  contact 
brought  defilement  and  whose  destruction  or  sub- 
jugation would  be  one  of  the  brightest  elements  in 
the  Messianic  salvation.  Against  this  flinty-hearted 
Judaism,  which  saw  in  the  heathen  only  fuel  for  the 
fire  of  Yahweh's  wrath,  the  Book  of  Jonah  is  a  protest 
of  the  most  beautiful  and  most  powerful  kind,  calling 
on  Israel  to  accept  the  mission  appointed  to  it  and 
save  the  Gentiles  by  the  proclamation  of  the  truth. 

Why  the  author  fixed  on  Jonah  as  the  prophet  whom 
he  should  use  to  point  his  moral  is  not  clear.  That 
Jonah  ever  went  on  such  a  mission  is  highly  improbable. 
It  would  be  out  of  haiTnony  with  what  we  know  of 
the  religion  of  Israel  at  the  time,  nor  can  wo  easily 
imagine  that  an  unknown  Hebrew  prophet  would  meet 
with  such  ama/ing  success.  Nor  does  it  seem  to  be 
probable  that  the  author  of  our  book  know  of  any 
tradition  in  \\  hieii  .ioiiah  played  the  part  here  assigned 
to  him.  Apparently,  then,  he  is  not  using  a  prophetic 
legend  to  convey  his  moral,  but  the  story  is  purely 
imaginative.  For  a  reason  that  will  appear  later  ho 
had  to  place  his  story  in  the  preexihc  period.  If,  then, 
he  wished  to  attach  his  book  to  the  name  of  a  his- 
torical character,  Jonah  served  his  purpose  perhaps  as 
well  as  anyone.  In  2  K.  1425  wo  learn  that  he  foretold 
the  conquests  by  which  .Jeroboam  II  restored  Israel's 
territon^'.  Ho  might  therefore  fitly  stand  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  a  i)atrioti8m  which  exulted  in  the  overthrow 
of  Israels  heathen  enemies.  Moreover,  very  little  was 
known  aljout  him,  so  that  imagination  had  nothing  in 
the  way  of  facts  to  contend  with.  But  to  the  author 
Jonah  embodies  the  temper  of  Israel  against  which 
the  book  is  a  protest,  and  it  is  perhaps  simplest  to 
take  his  narrative  as  a  parable  in  which  Jonah  stands 


for  Israel.  Jonah  means  "dove,"  and  the  custom 
which  became  common  in  the  later  period  of  referring 
to  Israel  as  a  dove  had  probably  already  arisen.  If 
Jonah  represents  Israel,  Nineveh  represents  the  heathen 
world.  And  Nineveh  was  chosen  rather  than  any 
other  of  the  early  empires  for  good  reasons.  It  was 
the  capital  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  which  stood  on 
the  jjage  of  Israelitish  history  as  the  monstrous  embodi- 
ment of  cruelty  and  violence,  stained  with  unnum- 
bered crimes  against  humanity.  It  was  therefore  to 
all  appearance  the  most  hopeless  of  mission  fields, 
the  one  from  which  Israel  might  have  most  excuse 
for  shrinking.  The  feeling  entertained  for  Nineveh 
is  especially  clear  in  the  prophecy  of  Nahum.  And 
with  the  prediction  of  doom  the  author  to  some  extent 
sympathises.  He  is  no  weak  sentimentaUst,  but,  with 
all  his  wonderful  charity,  a  stem  ethical  teacher 
asserting  the  great  principle  of  retribution.  He  does 
not  gloze  over  tho  wickedness  of  Nineveh,  but  is  so 
conscious  of  it  that  Jonah's  message  is  :  "  Yet  forty 
days  and  Nineveh  shall  be  destroyed."  Naturally 
all  the  details  of  tho  story  do  not  bear  a  theological 
significance,  but  the  author  has  often  contrived  to 
use  the  details  in  a  very  suggestive  way. 

The  book  is  not  a  unity,  for  the  psalm  put  into 
Jonah's  mouth  (22-9)  is  an  insertion.  It  is  so  out  of 
haiTOony  with  Jonah's  situation  that  the  writer  him- 
self cannot  have  inserted  it.  Apart  from  this  the 
book  is  a  unity,  although  it  may  have  suffered  from 
slight  interpolations  or  transpositions.  We  have  no 
certain  indications  to  fix  its  precise  date  ;  the  fourth 
or  third  centuries  provide  us  with  the  most  likely 
period. 

Literature. — For  books  on  all  the  Minor  Prophets  see 
General  Bibliographies.  Commentaries :  (n)  Perowne 
(CB) ;  (6)  Bewer  (ICC).  Other  htorature  :  Kalisch, 
Bible  Studie-i  ;  Schmidt,  Jorui  :  Simpson,  The  Jonah 
Legend. 

I.  l-II.  1, 10.  Jonah  vainly  Seeks  to  Evade  the  Mission 
to  which  God  Appoints  Him. — Jonah  is  bidden  by 
Yahwch  to  ])roclaiin  jud^'uient  on  Nineveh  for  its  sin. 
but  ho  hurries  in  the  opposite  direction,  to  Tarshish 
(p.  :J81).  Why  ho  refused  to  proclaim  such  congenial 
tidings  appears  only  in  tho  sequel  (42).  In  a  very 
striking  way  the  author  indicates  the  intellectual 
limitation  of  Jonah's  conception  of  Yahweh.  "  He 
rose  up  to  tlco  unto  Tarshish  from  the  presence  of  the 
Lord."  Three  times  tho  phrase  occurs,  and  where 
every  word  is  moant  to  toll,  the  repetition  is  significant. 
It  is  true  that  Jonah  believes  that  Yahweh  can  destroy 
or  save  Nineveh,  and  ho  evon  confesses  Him  as  "  tho 
God  of  heaven,  which  hath  made  the  sea  and  the 
dry  Land."  But  this  formal  confession  of  monotheism 
was  cancelled  by  the  localising  of  Yahweh,  which  made 
it  possible  for  the  prophet  seriously  to  contemplate 
getting  away  from  Him,  if  ho  only  went  far  enough. 
This  state   of   mind   was   ch.aracteristic   of  Judaism, 


556 


JONAH,  IV 


557 


which,  asserting  monotheism,  yet  by  ite  particulariBm 
really  denied  it.  Jonah  cannot,  however,  get  away 
from  Yahweh,  who  sends  a  slorm,  so  that  the  ship  is 
in  pern.  The  dosciiption  of  the  sailors  is  very  signifi- 
cant. They  are  representatives  of  the  heathen  world. 
When  the  storm  threatens  to  break  their  vessel,  they 
act  up  to  the  measure  of  the  reUgion  they  possess, 
and  each  cries  unto  his  god.  At  the  same  time  they 
do  their  utmost  to  save  the  ship  by  sacriticiug  its 
wares.  Jonah  had,  before  the  storm  broke,  gone  into 
the  iimermost  part  of  the  ship,  and  while  the  heathen 
were  praying  and  working  he  was  fast  asleep.  The 
captain,  like  the  crew,  is  deeply  religious,  and  is 
amazed  that  in  such  straits  any  should  neglect  to  pray. 
The  character  of  the  sailors  comes  out  also  in  their 
treatment  of  Jonah.  It  would  not  have  been  sur- 
prising if,  in  harmony  with  ancient  superstition,  they 
had  inferred  at  once  the  strangers  gmlt.  and  sought 
to  save  their  hves  by  casting  him  iuto  the  sea.  But 
they  become  convinced  of  it  only  when  the  lot  has 
fallen  upon  him.  When  they  learn  the  nature  of  his 
sin  they  are  terrified,  and  since  he  is  the  prophet  of 
so  powerful  a  God.  they  ask  him  what  they  must  do. 
In  Jonah's  answer,  bidding  them  cast  him  to  the  waves, 
we  are  tempted  to  see  the  one  redeeming  feature  in 
his  career ;  but  it  would  probably  be  a  mistake  to  lay 
stress  on  it.  It  was  necessary  for  the  development 
of  the  story  that  Jonah  should  be  thrown  into  the 
sea,  and  the  author  would  be  imwiUing  to  represent 
the  sailors  as  taking  the  initiative  in  this.  Jonah 
recognises  that  his  plan  of  escape  from  Yahweh  has 
failed,  but  Sheol  may  furnish  a  refuge  he  has  not  been 
able  to  find  in  Tarshish.  Even  after  they  have  learnt 
that  Jonah  must  be  cast  into  the  sea,  they  refuse  to 
do  it  except  as  a  last  resource.  They  strain  every 
nerve  to  get  to  land,  but  the  tempest  increases,  and 
their  efforts  to  save  the  prophet  prove  unavailing. 
But  before  they  carry  out  his  bidding  they  pray  to 
Yahweh  that  He  will  not  lay  innocent  blood  to  their 
charge,  and  indicate  that  it  is  only  in  obedience  to 
His  clearly  expressed  will  that  they  sacrifice  the 
prophet.  The  sea  at  once  grows  calm  when  Jonah 
has  been  cast  into  it,  and  the  sailors  fear  Yahweh 
exceedingly,  and  sacrifice  to  Him  and  make  vows. 
In  this  way  the  writer  impresses  two  lessons  on  his 
reader.  One  is  the  high  moral  and  rehgious  excellence 
that  exists  in  the  heathen  world,  the  other  is  the 
readiness  of  the  heathen  to  turn  to  Yahweh.  Against 
this  background  the  character  and  conduct  of  Israel 
stand  out  in  most  unattractive  colours.  It  may 
further  be  pointed  out  that  the  writer  is  in  line  with 
earUer  prophets  when  he  suggests  that  the  political 
convulsions  which  overwhelmed  other  nations  in  the 
victorious  advance  of  Assyria  and  Babylon  occurred 
on  account  of  Israel. 

When  Jonah  is  cast  into  the  sea,  Yahweh  instructs 
a  great  fish  to  swallow  him.  Here  we  may  touch  the 
mythological  conception  of  the  dragon  of  the  lower 
ocean.  But  this  is  of  no  moment  for  the  general  idea 
of  the  book.  The  episode  of  the  fish  is  clear  enough 
when  we  remember  that  Jonah  is  Israel  and  compare 
Jer.  5134,44-  There  it  is  said  that  the  king  of  Babylon 
has  swallowed  Israel  hke  a  dragon,  and  again  that 
Yahweh  will  compel  Bel  to  disgorge  that  which  he 
has  swallowed.  In  other  words,  the  storj'  of  the  fish 
represents  the  Exile  and  the  Restoration.  In  exile 
Israel  prays  to  Yahweh  and  is  released  from  captivity. 

56.  ^larti  brings  out  the  contrast  with  the  sleep  of 
Jesus  during  the  storm  on  the  lake  (Mk.  435-41): 
"Jonah  was  tranquil  since  he  thought  he  was  far 
from   God's  hand,   Jesus  confident  since  He   knew 


Himself  to  be  hidden  in  God's  hand.'" — 9.  I  fear: 
i-ead  perhaps  "  I  am  fleeing  from." — 17.  prepared : 
render  "  ordered." 

II.  2-9.  Thanksgiving  for  Deliverance. — This  psalm 
is  a  thanksgiving  for  deliverance  from  peril,  and 
therefore,  if  spoken  by  Jonah,  should  have  followed 
2 10.  The  description,  however,  is  quite  imsuitable  to 
Jonahs  condition  ;  it  is  that  of  a  man  who  has  been 
in  imminent  danger  of  drowning  but  has  been  rescued. 
Yahweh  answered  him  when  he  called  in  distress  from 
the  belly  of  Sheol.  Yahweh  had  flung  him  into  the 
depth,  he  was  submerged  by  His  billows.  He  thought 
himself  banished  from  God's  presence,  never  to  behold 
His  holy  Temple.  The  seaweed  formed  a  turban  for 
his  head,  he  sank  to  the  roots  of  the  mountains,  yet 
Yahweh  has  brought  him  back  from  the  pit.  When 
his  life  seemed  ebbing  awaj%  he  remembered  Yahweh, 
and  his  prayer  reached  Him  in  the  Temple.  Wor- 
shippers of  idols  forsake  their  refuge,  but  he  will  offer 
sacrifice  to  Yahweh  with  thanksgiving,  and  pay  what 
he  had  vowed  in  his  peril. 

2.  Ps.  186,  I2O1.— 3<r.  Ps.  427—4.  Ps.  3I22.— 
46.  Pvcad  "  How  shall  I  look." — 66.  Very  uncertain. 
Van  Hoonacker  and  Bewer  read  "  the  land  whose 
bars  are  everlasting  bolts.'" — 7a.  Ps.  1423,  I434. — 
76.  Ps.  07,  186. — 86.  Marti  reads  "  forsake  their 
refuge."' 

HI.  The  Ninevites  Repent  at  the  Preaching  of  Jonah. 
— When  the  prophet  is  bidden  a  second  time  to  carry 
God"s  message  to  Xineveh.  he  knows  that  it  is  useless 
to  disobey.  Accordingly  he  takes  the  tidings  that  in 
forty  days  Nineveh  will  be  destroyed.  So  huge  was 
the  city  that  three  daj's  would  be  spent  in  passing 
through  it.  Jonah  advances  one  day's  journey  into 
the  city  and  then  amiounces  its  doom.  His  message 
meets  with  instant  behef  from  the  whole  of  the  Xine- 
vites.  The  king  leaves  his  throne,  strips  off  his  royal 
robes,  and  sits  in  sackcloth  and  ashes.  A  great  fast 
is  proclaimed  for  man  and  beast,  and  all  ahke  are 
covered  in  sackcloth.  They  crj-  fervently  to  God, 
and  turn  from  their  evil  ways  and  the  violence  of  their 
hands,  in  hope  that  God  will  repent  of  His  fierce  anger. 
And  in  consequence  of  their  penitence  they  are  not 
destroyed.  It  was  probably  a  secondary  aim  of  the 
book  to  show  that  predictive  prophecy  was  not  ab- 
solute but  conditional. 

4.  LXX  reads  "  Yet  three  days."'  Several  accept 
this,  but  probably  MT  is  original.  After  this  verse 
Winckler  inserts  45.  This  may  be  correct,  since  we 
should  expect  Jonah  not  to  wait  for  the  fortieth  day 
in  the  city,  but  to  leave  it  earner. 

IV.  Jonah"s  Intolerance  Rebuked  and  God's  Mercy 
Vindicated. — Gods  clemency  to  Xineveh  made  Jonah 
very  angry.  It  was  not,  as  we  might  be  tempted  to 
suppose,  that  he  felt  his  professional  credit  a€  a 
prophet  to  be  ruined  by  the  failure  of  his  prediction. 
The  mif.chief  lay  deeper  than  that.  For  it  was  patent 
enough  even  to  the  Xinevites  that  the  message  left 
a  loophole  of  escape,  and  might  have  for  its  object 
to  bring  them  to  repentance.  While  the  prediction 
had  failed,  its  failure  was  the  highest  tribute  of  success 
to  the  prophet "s  mission  ;  there  was  no  cause  for 
wounded  vanity  in  the  c^se  of  a  man  who  had  con- 
verted a  whole  city  ;  and  Jonahs  reproach  to  God  is 
not  that  in  His  incalculable  caprice  He  has  sent  him 
on  a  fool's  errand  and  made  him  ridiculous  in  the  sight 
of  the  heathen.  He  suffers  from  a  darker  di.-^case 
than  wounded  vanity,  and  has  .suffered  from  it  all 
along  ;  it  was  the  ruthless  and  unrelentins  hate  of 
the  heathen  which  made  him  dread  that  after  all  he 
would  not  see  them  destroyed.     It  is  at  first  sight 


558 


JONAH,  IV 


eurjjviuiug  that  Jonah  should  refuse  to  take  a  message 
of  destruction  to  Nineveh,  the  hated  oppressing  city. 
In  the  complaint  he  addresses  to  God,  which  the  author 
calls  a  prayer  (c/.  T.k.  I810-12),  ho  gives  the  reason. 
With  wonderful  daring  the  writer  represents  the 
prophet  as  flinging  God's  mercy  in  His  face  as  respon- 
sible for  the  refusal  of  the  mission.  "  Was  not  this  my 
saying  when  I  was  yet  in  my  country  ?  Therefore  I 
hasted  to  tiee  unto  Tarshish  :  for  I  knew  that  thou 
art  a  gracious  God,  and  full  of  compassion,  slow  to 
anger,  and  plenteous  in  mercy,  and  repentest  thee  of 
the  evil."  No  message  could  have  given  greater 
pleasure  to  this  savage  fanatic  than  that  with  which 
he  was  entrusted,  had  it  not  been  for  the  feeling  that 
he  could  not  depend  upon  God  to  carry  it  out.  Had 
Yahnoh  been  a  God  after  Jonah's  own  heart,  then  he 
would  have  joyfully  undertaken  the  mis.sion,  with 
the  blessed  assurance  that  the  doom  he  announced 
would  be  carried  out  to  the  letter.  But  He  fell  below 
Jonah's  exacting  standard  of  what  the  God  of  Israel 
ought  to  be.  He  was  not  only  a  stem  and  righteous 
God ;  softer  elements  were  in  His  nature,  and  it  was 
only  too  probable  that,  just  when  the  prophet  was 
about  to  slake  his  thirst  for  vengeance  on  the  heathen, 
God  would  dash  the  cup  of  satisfaction  from  his  lips. 
In  his  bitter  disappointment  Jonah  felt  that  death 
would  be  better  than  to  live  any  longer  in  a  world 
governed  by  such  a  God.  Yahweh  docs  not.  at  this 
stage,  reason  with  him.  He  asks  him  only  if  he  does 
well  to  be  angry,  leaving  him  to  ponder  the  question 
whether  there  might  not  be  more  to  be  said  for  the 
Di%'ine  action  than  he  had  yet  surmised. 

But  wliilo  he  is  thus  grieved  and  angry,  he  has  not 
completely  abandoned  hope.  He  may  have  taken 
Yahweh's  question,  Doest  thou  well  to  be  angry  ?  as 
an  encouragement  not  to  despair  of  the  destruction 
of  Nineveh.  However  forlorn  the  hope,  still  he  cher- 
ished it ;  and  although  he  leaves  the  city  that  he  may 
no  longer  be  contaminated  by  contact  with  it,  he  stays 
near  enough  to  see  what  may  happen  to  it.  And  now 
God  tries  to  bring  homo  to  him  the  nature  of  his  con- 
duct. He  prepares  a  gourd,  which  springs  up  with 
magical  svviitness,  affording  a  grateful  shelter  to  the 
prophet,  and  lifting  him  out  of  his  depression.  And 
then  as  swiftly  it  perishes,  smitten  by  a  w  orm.  Having 
thus  stripped  him  of  his  shelter,  God  exposes  the 
prophet  to  a  sultry  cast  wind,  and  the  sun  beats  on 
his  head.  Fainting  under  the  heat,  he  prays  once 
again  that  he  may  die.  Then  once  again  God  asks 
ham  if  ho  does  well  to  be  angry.  But  this  time  the 
anger  which  he  asks  him  to  justify  is  not  anger  that 
Nineveh  had  been  spared,  but  anger  that  the  gourd 
has  been  destroyed.  This  time  Jonah,  conscious  of 
the  justice  of  his  cause,  replies  that  ho  docs  well  to 
be  angry  even  unto  death.  The  contrast  between  the 
prophet's  tenderness  for  himself  and  his  ruthlcssness 
towards  Nineveh  is  effective  in  the  highest  degree. 
His  indignation  is  aroused  equally  by  his  own  exposure 
to  physical  discomfort  and  the  rescue  of  a  vast  popu- 
lation from  destruction.  And  yet  we  catch  a  glimpse 
of  the  stirring  in  him  of  a  better  human  feeling.  His 
vexation  at  the  loss  of  the  gourd  was,  no  doubt,  mainly 
the  self-pity  of  an  almost  wholly  self-centred  man. 
He  was  one  of  those  in  whom  humanity  has  been 
almost  killed  out  by  religion.  But  Yahweh's  word, 
"  Thou  hast  had  pity  on  the  goui-d."  hints  that  Jonah 
was  not  wholly  an  egoist.  The  imtiraely  fate  of  the 
gourd  had  moved  some  jiity  for  it  in  his  breast.  And 
from  this  God  starts  in  His  effort  to  lift  the  prophet 
into  sympathy  with  His  higher  point  of  view.     Tho 


gourd  had  been  but  a  transient  interest  in  tho  prophet's 
Ufe.  For  one  brief  day  it  had  given  him  its  shelter. 
Yet  even  this  had  been  enough  to  kindle  some  feeling 
of  affection  in  his  heart.  And  it  was  for  a  gourd 
which  owed  its  being  to  no  labour  of  his  and  had  not 
grown  under  his  watchful  caro.  And  if  such  was  his 
feeling  for  the  gourd,  what  must  be  Yahweh's  feeling 
for  Nineveh  ?  It  was  a  great  city,  of  no  mushroom 
growth,  but  rooted  far  back  in  history,  with  a  large 
part  to  play  in  the  plans  of  God.  And  with  so  long  a 
past  and  so  vast  a  place  in  tho  Divine  government 
of  the  world,  its  interest  for  God  was  not  faint  and 
evanescent,  but  keen  and  lasting.  He  had  watched 
over  its  growth  and  shaped  its  ends,  and  was  it  credible 
that  its  sudden  disappearance  should  arouse  no  emo- 
tion within  Him  ?  And  (|uite  apart  from  its  long 
history  was  its  present  condition.  Its  teeming  multi- 
tudes were  not  for  God  as  they  were  for  Jonah,  one 
indistinguishable  mass.  Each  individual  soul  was  as 
vivid  and  real  to  Him  as  the  gourd  was  to  Jonah,  and 
the  object  of  far  deeper  emotion.  For  while  Jonah 
had  no  part  in  the  creation  of  the  gourd,  nay,  had  not 
even  tended  its  growth,  each  inhabitant  of  Nineveh 
had  been  the  direct  creation  of  God's  hand,  had  hvcd 
in  His  love,  had  grown  tmder  His  fostering  care.  If 
the  whole  people  meont  nothing  to  Jonah,  each  single 
individual  meant  much  to  God.  If  they  must  bo 
destroyed,  it  must  be  only  when  all  means  to  save 
them  had  been  tried,  and  in  spite  of  the  pang  God 
felt  in  their  death.  And  if  it  might  be  urged  that  the 
Ninevites  had  sinned  beyond  forgiveness,  yet  the 
judgment  Jonah  longed  for  was  utterly  indiscriminate. 
In  that  city  there  were  more  than  six  score  thousand 
children  who  had  not  come  to  years  of  moral  discern- 
ment, and  were  therefore  innocent  of  the  crimes  of 
Nineveh  against  humanity.  "  And  also  much  cattle," 
the  author  adds  in  one  of  the  most  striking  phrases 
of  the  book.  It  was  possible  even  for  Paul  to  ask, 
"  la  it  for  the  oxen  that  God  careth  ?  "  But  this 
writer  knows  of  a  pity  of  God  from  which  not  even  the 
cattle  of  the  Ninevites  were. excluded. 

With  artistic  reticence  the  author  says  nothing  as 
to  the  effect  of  Gods  words  on  Jonah.  Such  effect 
could  not  be  measured  by  any  reply  he  might  make 
in  his  petulant  and  exasperated  mood.  Nor  if  he  was 
silenced  by  Gods  unanswerable  argument  would  his 
bitter  prejudice  be  all  at  once  convinced.  It  was  a 
case  which  had  to  be  left  to  time  and  meditation. 
Yet  there  was  another  and  deeper  reason  why  the 
writer  broke  off  the  story  at  this  point.  As  Jonah 
corresponded  to  Israel,  so  these  words  of  God  to  liim 
corresponded  to  tho  Book  of  Jonah  it.sclf.  And  it 
was  still  uncertain  what  would  be  its  effect.  It  re- 
mains to  tho  author  a  (jucstion  of  deepest  interest 
whether  Israel  will  accept  his  call  to  cast  aside  ita 
hate  of  tho  heathen,  recognise  their  readiness  to  wel- 
come tho  truth,  and  accept  the  mission  long  beforo 
iissigncd  to  it  to  preach  tho  knowledge  of  Yahweh 
to  the  Gentiles.  The  future  alono  can  solve  it,  and 
how  it  was  solved  is  a  matter  of  history.  It  might, 
no  doubt,  bo  fairly  urged  that  tho  writer  was  unduly 
optimistic,  that  tho  htMithen  world  was  not  ready  for 
the  truth,  and  would  not  eagerly  welcome  it  if  it  came. 
Yet  not  only  was  his  tho  nobler  error,  but  it  was  nearer 
tho  essential  truth,  as  the  progress  of  Christianity 
abundantly  proved.  And  the  author  stands  beyond 
question  among  the  greatest  of  the  prophets,  by  tho 
side  of  Jeremiah  and  the  Second  Isaiah.  That  out 
of  the  stony  heart  of  Judaism  such  a  book  should 
come  is  nothing  loss  than  a  marvel  of  Divine  grace. 


MIGAH 


By  Professor  H.  WHEELER  ROBINSON 


The  prophet  Micah  is  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
the  most  memorable  incident  in  the  life  of  Jeremiah 
(Jer.  26i8f.).  When  Jeremiah  was  in  grave  danger 
because  of  his  prophecy  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple  and  the  desolation  of  Jerusalem,  certain  elders 
reminded  the  princes  that  there  was  a  precedent  for 
such  prophecy  in  the  case  of  "  Micah  the  Morashtite 
(who)  prophesied  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah,  king  of 
Judah."  They  quoted  the  verse  now  known  as  Jli.  3 12, 
and  pointed  out  that,  instead  of  killing  iMicah,  Heze- 
kiah humbled  himself  before  Yahweh.  This  testimony 
gives  us  the  approximate  date  and  the  most  memorable 
feature  of  IVIicah's  prophetic  activity.  With  it  agrees. 
in  part,  the  (editorial)  note  prefixed  to  our  "  Book  of 
Micah",  which  says  that  he  prophesied  in  the  days 
of  Jotham  (739-734),  Ahaz  (733-721),  and  Hezekiah 
(720-693).  With  it  also  agrees  the  essential  char- 
acter of  the  first  three  chapters,  which  culminate  in 
the  verse  quoted  so  effectually  a  century  later. 

The  life  of  Micah  had  for  its  political  background 
the  relation  of  the  vassal  states  of  Palestine  to  the 
great  Assyrian  empire,  though  of  this  (unlike  his  older 
contemporary,  Isaiah),  Micah  had  nothing  directly  to 
say.  In  721  the  last  vestige  of  independent  existence 
was  taken  away  from  the  northern  kingdom  of  Israel ; 
numbers  of  the  inhabitants  were  deported,  and  re- 
placed by  foreign  settlers,  the  capital  city,  however, 
not  being  destroyed.  Samaria  jomed  in  a  rebeUion 
of  Syrian  states  in  the  following  year,  and  may  also 
have  been  concerned  in  the  events  which  led  to  the 
campaign  of  Sargon  against  Ashdod  in  713-711,  or 
that  of  Sennacherib  against  Jerusalem  in  701.  The 
prophecies  of  Micah  include  a  reference  to  the  coming 
destruction  of  Samaria  (Isf.) and  an  anticipation  (lioff.) 
of  the  invasion  of  the  Shephelah  (on  the  western  slopes 
of  Judtea,  p.  31),  the  climax  of  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
is  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  (3 12).  These  indica- 
tions suggest  the  years  shortly  before  701  as  the  most 
probable  date  of  Mi.  1-3,  though  some  scholars  think 
that  the  reference  to  Samaria  implies  a  date  prior  to 
721.  In  any  case,  the  emphasis  of  Micah  falls  on  the 
sins  and  punishment  of  Jerusalem  and  Judsea,  to 
which  the  fate  of  Samaria  Ls  little  more  than  intro- 
ductory. Except  for  2i2f.,  and  possibly  l7,_the  first 
three  chapters  of  the  present  "  Micah  "  are  wholly 
devoted  to  this  topic,  and  form  a  unity. 

The  remainder  of  the  book  (4-7)  falls  into  two 
clearly  marked  portions.  The  subject  of  4f.  is  the 
restoration  and  exaltation  of  afflicted  and  scattered 
Israel ;  thi.«  presupposes  an  exilic  or  post-exilic  date 
for  the  different  passages  composing  these  two  chapters 
(except,  possibly,  510-14).  Such  promises  of  consola- 
tion came  to  bo  added  quite  naturally  to  the  stem 
denunciations  of  the  prc-exilic  prophets,  in  order  to 
rehevo  their  gloom  and  apparent  harshness,  after  the 
blow  had  fallen.  In  fact,  the  opening  verses  of  this 
section  (4i-3)  have  been  used  twice  over  in  this  way, 


for  they  have  been  appended  also  to  the  denunciation 
of  Jerusalem  in  Is.  1  (see  Is.  22-4).  In  regard  to 
Mi.  6f.,  forming  the  third  portion  of  the  book,  the 
evidence  is  conclusive  only  as  to  77-20.  which  is  devoted 
to  Israel's  confidence  in  deliverance  through  Yahweh ; 
this  is  closely  akin  to  many  psalms,  and  is  clearly  of 
post-exilic  date.  On  the  other  hand,  the  section  6i-76 
urges  the  necessity  of  spiritual  religion  (61-8),  and 
describes  the  commercial  dishonesty  of  Jerusalem  and 
its  penalty  (69-16),  and  the  violence,  comiption,  and 
disloyalty  which  have  invaded  social  relationships. 
As  far  as  subject-matter  goes,  these  passages  might 
have  been  Amtten  bj'  Micah  ;  the  first  can  hardty  be 
proved  to  be  later  than  the  seventh  century,  i.e.  the 
reign  of  Manasseh.  But,  as  compared  with  the  un- 
doubted work  of  Micah  in  1-3,  there  is  in  them  con- 
siderable difference  of  tone  ;  "  instead  of  Micah's  sharp 
and  forceful  sentences,  we  have  here  a  strain  of  re- 
proachful tenderness  and  regret"  (Driver,  lOT',  p. 
333).  The  position  of  these  passages  in  the  book 
as  it  now  stands  would  suggest  that  anonymous 
prophecies,  written  somewhat  after  those  of  Nficah, 
and  rightly  felt  to  be  not  unlike  his  in  their  subject- 
matter,  were  added  to  the  book  at  a  much  later 
date. 

Our  conception  of  the  historic  Micah  must,  therefore, 
be  drawn  from  the  first  three  chapters  of  the  book. 
He  is  called  the  Morashtite  (li,  Jer.  26i8),  as  being  a 
native  of  Moresheth-Gath  (I14),  a  place  not  identified 
(p.  32),  but  somewiiere  in  the  "  Shephelah",  and  per- 
haps near  Eleutheropolis  (see  G.  A.  Smith's  description 
of  the  district.  ExB.,  ThcBook  of  (he  Tirdve  Prophets,  i. 
pp.  376ff . ).  His  detailed  knowledge  of  the  Shephelah 
(r/.  lioff.),  and  his  evident  sjnnpathy  with  its  inhabi- 
tants, are  what  we  might  expect  from  one  bom  there. 
Whilst  his  contemporary.  Isaiah,  moving  in  the  higher 
circles  of  Jerusalem,  interpreted  and  estimated  the 
national  life  from  within,  the  countrj'man  Micah  looks 
on  the  social  conditions  of  his  age  from  a  more  detached 
point  of  view.  He  brings  his  unsophisticated  mind 
and  his  vigorous  convictions  to  bear  upon  the  agrarian 
injustice  of  his  own  neighbourhood  (2 1-2),  and  upon 
the  evils  of  the  capital  cities.  Samaria  and  Jerusalem 
(I5).  His  sympathies  justify  for  him  the  title,  "  the 
prophet  of  the  poor  '  ;  ho  is  keenly  sensitive  to  the 
wrongs  of  the  peasant-proprietor's  eviction  (2 if.)  and 
of  the  breaking  up  of  his  home  (29).  Not  less  keen  is 
his  antagonism  to  the  men  of  place  and  power  guilty 
of  abusing  their  trust,  whether  they  are  oppressive 
rulers  (3i-3),  self-interested  prophets  (35),  or  hireling 
priests  (3ii).  Against  these  men  he  has  nothing  to  sot 
but  the  consciousness  of  a  non-professional  prophet's 
inspiration  (c/.  Am.  7i4f.)  ;  but  this  is  adequate  to 
transfigure  the  moral  judgment  of  his  own  conscience, 
and  to  make  it  the  declaration  of  Yahweh  to  Hia 
people  (38).  He  shrinks  from  no  consequence  of  hia 
convictions  ;   if  Yahweh  hates  all  this  social  injustice. 


559 


560 


MICAH 


Yahweh  will  destroy  tho  city  wherein  it  contrea  and 
that  city's  Temple  (812). 

When  we  review  the  "  Book  of  Micah  "'  aa  a  whole, 
three  passages  are  likely  to  stand  out  from  the  rest. 
The  first  is  Micah's  refusal  to  infer  from  tho  possession 
of  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple  tho  necessary  presence 
of  Yahweh  among  His  people  (3iif-).  In  this  he 
carries  the  toachhig  of  other  eighth-century  prophets 
to  its  logical  issue,  and  anticipates  tlie  warning  of  his 
greater  successor,  Jeromiah.  Tlie  second  is  tho  parallel 
demand  of  a  like-minded  prophet  not  far  removed  from 
Micahs  time,  for  the  moral  and  spiritual  emphasis  of 
true  religion  (66-s),  a  passage  which  continues  and 
summarises,  in  ever-memorable  words,  the  fundamental 
principles  of  Amos.  Hosea,  Isaiaii.  and  of  Micah  himself. 
Tho  third  is  tho  prophecy  concerning  David's  Bethle- 
hem, as  the  birthplace  also  of  that  future  descendant 
of  David  who  is  destined  to  be  the  shepherd  of  Israel 
(52.4) — a  prophecj'  finding,  through  its  NT  application, 
a  fulfilment  so  rich,  and  so  far  transcending  tho 
Messianic  hope  of  the  OT. 

Literature. — Ccnnmentaries :  For  those  on  all  the 
Minor  Prophet*  see  General  Bibliographies;  (a)Cheyne 
(CB) ;  (b)  J.  M.  P.  Smith  (ICC).  Other  Literature : 
Articles  on  ]SIicah  by  Nowack  (HDB),  W.  R.  Smith 
and  Choyne  (EBi),  W.  R.  Smith  and  H.  W.  Robinson 
(EB");  Driver  in  lOT,  ch.  vi.,  §  fi. 

I.  1.  The  (editorial)  superscription  to  the  prophecy 
(l-:i)  of  Micah  of  JIorcsheth-Gath  (I14)  assigns  it  to 
the  period  739-69.3.  but,  as  stated  in  the  Introduction, 
the  date  is  probably  a  little  before  701.  Tho  subject, 
"  Samaria  and  Jerusalem  ",  is  correctly  given,  though 
the  chief  concern  of  the  prophet  is  Jerusalem  and 
Judah. 

I.  2-9.  The  Judgment  of  Israel. — The  nations  of  the 
earth  are  summoned  to  take  warning  from  the  Divine 
judgment  to  be  executed  on  Israel.  Yahweh  comes 
forth  from  heaven  (His  "  holy  temple  "  ;  cf.  Hab.  220, 
Ib.  63i5,  Ps.  II4),  and  down  {cf.  Ex.  19ii)  upon  the 
heights  (Am.  413),  His  presence  being  revealed  as  by 
earthquake  shock  (r/.  Ls.  2-ti9)  and  volcanic  eruption 
(2-.)).  Tho  moral  rebellion  of  the  northern  kingdom 
is  concentrated  in  its  capital,  Samaria,  and  that  of 
the  southern  in  Jerusalem.  Samaria  shall  be  utterly 
destroyed,  its  site  becoming  a  place  for  vane-growing, 
its  foundations  bared,  its  idols  broken  and  burned 
(5-7).  Because  of  this  judgment,  the  prophet  go&s 
mourning,  barefoot  and  cloakless  (2  Sam.  1030,  Is.  2O2) 
and  loudly  lamenting  (Job  3O29),  because  the  irre- 
trievable disaster  to  Samaria  extends  to  his  own  land, 
to  Jerusalem,  tho  ''  gate  "  (i.e.  the  centre  of  tho  life) 
of  Judah  (8f.;  see  Introduction  for  historical  occa- 
sion)— 5.  Read  "  sin  ",  both  for  "  sins  ",  and  for  "  high 
places",  with  VSS. — 7  may  be  interpolated,  since  it 
breaks  the  connexion. — the  hire  of  an  harlot  seems  to 
be  figuratively  used  of  religious  infidehty  to  Yahweh, 
as  in  Hos.  2i2  ;  it  denotes  the  produce  of  tho  land 
regarded  as  the  gift  of  the  Baalim  ;  the  idols,  etc. 
derived  from  such  wealth  are  called  hires,  and  their 
material  will  pass  to  the  service  of  other  heathen  deities 
in  the  hands  of  the  conquerors.  Some,  however,  refer 
to  tho  actual  prostitution  of  Dt.  23i8. 

I.  10-16.  The  Dirge  on  Israel's  Downfall This  is  a 

difficult  and  corrupt  passage,  playing  on  the  names  of 
towns  and  villages  which  are  chosen  for  their  assonances 
or  their  ominous  suggestions,  in  a  way  impos^iblo  to 
translate  ;  rf.  mg.  for  Aphrah  and  Achzib.  See  G.  A. 
Smith's  map  for  Shaphir,  Mareshah,  I^achish  and 
AduUam,  other  sites  being  unknown.  "  Tell  not  our 
sorrows  to  the  Philistines  (rf.  2  S.  iao  ;  Gath  was  pro- 
bably near  to  Ekron)  or  to  tho  Phoenicians  "  (reading. 


after  LXX,  "  in  Accho  ",  i.e.  PtolemaLs,  for  "  at  all  ")• 
The  towns  of  the  Shephelah  are  then  variously  pic- 
tured in  their  sorrows  during  the  progress  of  tho 
invader  (cf.  Is.  IO28-32) ;  their  inhabitants  wallow  on 
the  ground,  are  led  into  captivity,  shut  up,  have  their 
city  razed  (Beth-ezel ;  text  obecure)  anxiously  await 
news,  prepare  to  flee  in  chariots,  surrender  (Zion  must 
give  up  her  daughter,  Moresheth-Gath,  with  a  *'  parting- 
gift  "  i.e.  a  marriage-do wTy  ;  cf.  1  K.  9i6),  become  like 
a  brook  that  fails  (Achzab,  Jer.  15i8),  pass  into  posses- 
sion of  the  foe,  shelter  fugitive  leaders  (the  "  glory  of 
Israel  "  in  the  cave  of  Adullam  ;  cf.  1  S.  22 if.).  Let 
Zion  then  go  mounung  for  her  lost  daughter-towns, 
with  shaven  head  (Am.  810,  Dt.  14i  ;  the  neck  and 
head  of  tho  griffon-vulture,  i6mg.,  are  featherless). 
Much  in  tliis  dirge  is  uncertain  or  unknown,  e.g.  the 
reference  to  Lachish  (13),  as  the  beginning  of  sin  to 
the  daughter  of  Zion,  to  explain  which  both  idolatry 
and  poUtical  dependence  on  Egypt  have  been  suggested. 
II.  1-11.  Social  Injustice  and  its  Penalty.— The 
prophet  denounces  those  for  whom  might  is  right 
(Ps.  364  ;  "  and  work  evil  ''  seems  a  thoughtless  scribal 
addition),  who  acquire  property  by  illegal  or  inequitable 
process  (Is.  08).  Against  such  plans  Yahweh  declares 
His  own — to  bring  "  this  family  ''  (i.e.  Israel  as  a 
whole.  Am.  3i)  under  the  foreign  yoke  (Jer.  27i2). 
A  lament  shall  be  made  over  Israel,  whose  land  shall 
bo  given  to  the  heathen  (4,  7rig.^ ;  but  text  is  doubtful 
here,  and  often  to  end  of  8).  The  unjust  shall  no 
longer  acquire  land  in  Israel  (so,  perhaps,  5,  where 
"  by  lot  ■'  should  be  "  upon  an  allotment  "  ;  cf.  Ps.lG 
5f.).  Those  who  are  rebuked  sneer  at  the  prophetic 
message  :  "  Talk  not  "'.so  they  talk,  "  they  shall  not 
talk  of  these  things  "  (BDB  ;  cf.  Is.  30io,  Am.  2i2, 
5io),  "  their  reproaches  are  unceasing "  (6,  vig.^). 
In  7a,  these  evildoers  appear  to  express  their  (false) 
confidence  in  Yahwelis  patience  ;  in  76,  8,  they  are 
answered  that  Yahweh  is  with  the  upright,  not  with 
tho  oppressors  of  the  innocent ;  but  the  text  is  corrupt 
and  obscure,  and  requires  considerable  emendation  to 
make  it  even  plausible  (see,  e.g.  Smith,  ICC).  These 
men  evict  widows  (cf.  Is.  IO2),  and  rob  their  children 
of  their  share  in  Yahweh'a  land  and  worship  ("  my 
glory  ").  Now,  they  must  themselves  go  forth,  the 
land  no  longer  being  their  resting-place  ;  because  they 
have  defiled  it  (cf.  Zech.  132).  they  shall  bo  destroyed 
(10  mg.). — 11  (connecting  with  6,  rather  than  with  its 
own  context,  and  probablj-  a  glo.ss)  declares  that  tho 
false  prophets  (7)ig.)  who  promise  prosperitj'  have  Iho 
popular  ear  (rather  than  Micah,  who  denounces  tho 
evil-doer). 

II.  12f.  A  Promise  of  Restoration.— This  is  a  later 
insertion  in  Micah's  prophecy,  analogous  to  4,  and  pre- 
supposing the  Jewish  exile  and  dispereion.  Yahweh 
will  shepherd  (Ps.  23 1)  the  remaining  flock  of  Israel 
(N.  and  S.)  into  the  fold  (of  Palestine)  ;  their  numbers 
will  be  shown  by  the  noise  of  their  return.  Yahweh 
will  break  through  the  barrier  of  their  present  captivity, 
"  like  the  ram  of  the  flock  "  (J.  M.  P.  Smith),  and  will 
lead  them  out  through  the  gate  so  made,  as  their  king. — 
12.  of  Bozrah  means  rather  "  into  a  fold  ". — 13.  their 
king  refers  to  '"  the  Lord  ",  bj'  Heb.  parallelism  (cf. 
Is.  3322).     The  perfects  of  this  verse  are  prophetic. 

III.  1-8.  The  Unjust  Rulers  and  False  Prophets  of 
Judah. — Micah  fin^t  addresses  those  whose  othcial  duty 
it  is  to  "  know  "  justice,  i.e.  sympathetically,  and  de- 
clares that  in  fact  they  love  its  opposite,  and  cruelly 
oppress  (rf.  Is.  315)  those  thoy  govern.  In  their 
(coming)  (listress,  Yahweh  will  not  heed  them  (cf.  Is. 
I15).  Micah  then  turns  to  the  false  prophets,  whose 
utterances  are  dictated  by  self-interest,  and  proclaims 


MICAH,  V.  7-9 


561 


against  them,  instead  of  the  well-being  they  have  fore- 
told, the  darkness  of  the  "  Day  of  Yahweh  "  (Am.  5i8), 
when  there  shall  be  no  response  to  the  diviners,  and 
they  shall  go  mourning.  In  contrast  with  them, 
Micah  declares  that  Yahweh's  Spirit  has  given  him  the 
inner  qualities  of  indei)endent  strength  and  of  justice, 
which  underlie  true  prophecy,  and  are  seen  in  the 
rebuke  of  sin. — 2.  pluck  off  their  skin,  etc. :  the  descrip- 
tion is,  of  course,  figurative. — 5.  J.  M.  P.  Smith  aptly 
compares  the  test  of  disinterestedness  applied  to 
prophets  by  the  Didache,  11 3- 6. — 7.  cover  their  lips: 
a  sign  of  mourning  {cf.  Ezek.  24i7,22,  Lev.  1845). — 
8.  Cf.  Micaiah  ben  Imlah  in  1  K.  22  ;  "  by  the  Spirit 
of  the  Lord  "'  is  perhaps  a  gloss,  though  a  correct  one. 

in.  9-12.  False  Confidence  issuing  in  the  Destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem. — ilicah  again  addresses  the  rulers, 
who  have  founded  the  prosperity  of  the  capital  on 
violence  and  injustice  (gf  ;  cf.  Jer.  22i3ff.).  The 
sentence  of  the  judge,  the  oracle  of  the  priest,  the 
divination  of  the  prophet,  are  dictated  by  gain,  not 
God ;  yet  they  flatter  themselves  that  all  is  well, 
since  Yahweh  is  in  their  midst  (being  visibly  repre- 
sented by  His  dwelling-place,  the  Temple  ;  cf.  Is.  1  loff.. 
Am.  02iS.,  Jer.  74).  But  Yahweh  will  lay  Jerusalem 
in  niins,  and  the  Temple-mount  shall  become  a  mere 
wooded  hill-top.  As  Micah  began  (I5),  so  here  he 
ends  his  prophecy  on  the  keynote  of  the  sin  of  the 
capital  city.  For  the  vivid  impression  left  even  a 
century  later  by  this  unprecedented  conclusion,  see 
Intro.— 12.  high  places:  "  height  "  (sing,  with  LXX). 

IV.  1-5.  Jerusalem  the  Metropolis  of  the  World's 
Religion. — The  general  character  of  this  passage  shows 
that  it  is  later  than  Micah's  time,  e.g.  the  post-Deutero- 
nomic  conception  of  the  Temple,  so  different  from  that 
of  the  previous  section,  and  the  kinship  with  the  ideas 
of  Deutero-Isaiah.  The  first  three  verses  are  found 
also  in  Is.  22-4* ;  in  both  cases,  this  later  prophecy  has 
been  inserted  to  soften  the  harshness  of  preceding 
threatenings.  In  the  Messianic  future  ("  the  end  of 
the  days"';  cf.  Jer.  232o,  Hos.  85,  etc.).  Mount  Zion 
shall  be  (supematurally)  made  (physically)  loftier  than 
all  other  mountains,  that  the  nations  may  stream  to 
it  as  their  religious  centre.  They  will  exhort  each 
other  to  this  pilgrimage  (cf.  Zech.  822,  14i6f.,  Jer.  817, 
Ps.  87)  that  they  may  become  Yahweh's  disciples. 
Yahweh  will  thus  become  the  recognised  arbiter  of  the 
world,  and  there  shall  be  universal  peace  (contrast 
Jl.  3io,  and  cf.  1  K.  425,  Zech.  810).  5  (mg.)  seems 
a  gloss  on  this  glowing,  never-realised  vision,  and  says 
in  effect,  "'  We,  at  any  rate,  will  be  loyal  to  Y'ahweh, 
whatever  other  peoples  do." — 1.  But  should  be  "  and  ''. 
With  the  idea  of  the  miracle  cf.  Zech.  14io,  and  note 
the  feeling  of  Ps.  6816  ;  such  transformations  of  nature 
belong  to  the  Messianic  cvcle  of  ideas  (cf.  Is.  4O4) 
Ezek.  47iff.,  Zech.  144ff.).— 2.  of:  lit.  "out  of", 
for  the  law  read  mg. — 3.  reprove,  as  02/7. 

IV.  6-V.  1.  Exile  and  Restoration:  Israel's  Victory 
over  the  Nations. — The  reference  to  the  Babylonian 
exile  (10)  shows  that  the  passage  is  not  earlier  than  the 
sixth  century,  Micah  himself  being  concerned  with 
Assyria,  not  Babylon.  The  sequence  of  thought  is 
not  clear,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  gf.  should 
precede  6-8  ;  i  iff.  is  apparently  a  distinct  prophecy, 
describing  a  siege  of  Jerusalem  which  is  eschatological 
rather  than  historic  (cf.  Ezek.  38:).  The  paragraph 
opens  with  a  prophecy  of  the  restoration  of  the 
"  Mes.sianic "  remnant  (analogous  to  2i2f.),  the 
people  being  pictured  as  a  lame,  outcast,  and  suffering 
flock  (cf.  Zeph.  819).  Jerusalem,  restored  to  her 
ancient  sovereignty,  is  the  "  tower  '  of  the  flock 
{cf.  2  Ch.  26 10),  i.e.  the  watch-tower  of  Yahweh,  its 


shepherd.  In  gf.  the  daughter  of  Zion  ia  described 
as  going  forth  from  her  leaderless  city  into  homeless 
exile  (the  absence  of  a  human  rather  than  of  the 
Divine  king-counsellor  seems  intended,  though  cf. 
Jer.  819).  Her  sorrows  are  compared,  as  often 
(cf.  Jer.  431)  with  those  of  a  travailing  woman  ;  yet 
Yahweh  shall  rescue  her  from  her  captivity.  In  i  iff. 
there  is  an  apocalyptic  vision  of  the  final  gathering 
of  heathen  forces  against  Jerusalem,  eagerly  seeking 
to  desecrate  her  (by  forcing  their  way  in) ;  but,  in 
reality,  Yahweh  has  gathered  them  for  Zion  to  destroy 
them"  utterly,  goring  them  -R-ith  her  horns  (Dt.  8817), 
threshing  them  with  her  hoots  (254),  and  '"  devoting  " 
their  possessions  to  Yahweh  (cf.  1  S.  103  mg.).  For  the 
figure  of  the  threshing-floor,  here  employed,  see 
Thomson,  The  Land  and  the  Book,  pp.  538ff.  The 
closing  verse  of  the  paragraph  (5i)  is  obscure  ;  as  it 
stands,  Zion  is  the  "  daughter  of  troops "',  and  ia 
bidden  to  oppose  the  besiegers,  who  have  insulted 
Israel's  king,  here  called  "  judge  ",  as  in  Am.  23  (for 
smite  .  .  .  upon  the  cheek,  see  1  K.  2224,  Job  I610). 
Marti  and  others  follow  Wellhausen's  easy  emendation 
of  the  first  clause,  viz.  "  Now  cut  thyself  grievously  " 
(i.e.  in  sign  of  mourning;  cf.  Dt.  14i,  p.  110),  and 
regard  the  verse  as  a  gloss  on  4 10. 

V.  2-9.  Messianic  Anticipations. — This  paragraph, 
like  the  last,  seems  to  consist  of  several  separate  pro- 
phecies, viz.  2-4,  describing  the  emergence  of  a 
triumphant  Davidic  ruler;  5?.,  deliverance  from  the 
"  Assyrian  "  through  leaders  raised  by  the  people  ;  7-9, 
the  multitude  and  irresistible  might  of  the  remnant 
of  Israel.  All  these  seem  to  be  post-exilic,  though 
some,  taking  ""  Assyrian  "  literally,  refer  the  second 
to  Micah.  The  clan  of  Ephrathah  (to  whose  district 
Bethlehem  belongs;  cf.  Ru.  4ii,  1  S.  17i2,  Jos.  I.559, 
LXX),  though  insignificant  ia  numbers  and  standing, 
yet  (because  Bethlehem  was  the  home  of  David 
1  S.  206)  is  to  be  the  source  of  the  future  ruler  of 
Davidic  ancestry  (Am.  9ii,  Ezek.  3423f-,  Is.  96f.,  lliff.), 
which  goes  back  to  ancient  days  (2,  both  mgg.  ;  "  goings 
forth  ''  means  "  origin  ").  He  shall  stand  firm  (4  ;  cf. 
Is.  6I5 ),  pasturing  his  flock  in  peace,  strong  by  Y'ahweh's 
aid.  3  is  a  later  insertion  in  this  prophecy,  interrupt- 
ing 2  and  4,  and  intended  to  connect  it  with  the 
Messianic  (not  the  true)  interpretation  of  Is.  7i4*  ; 
Y'ahweh.  it  is  said,  wiU  give  up  His  people  to  their 
foes  until  the  birth  of  the  Messiah  (here  identified  with 
the  Davidic  king),  and  until  the  return  of  the"'  residue  " 
or  remnant  (probably,  as  Wellhausen  says,  a  reference 
to  the  "  Shear  Yashub "  of  Is.  73). — The  second 
passage,  sf .,  is  artificially  linked  to  the  first  m  the  RV 
by  the  insertion  of  "  man",  to  which  nothing  in  the 
Heb.  corresponds ;  "  this  '  should  refer  to  what 
follows,  i.e.  the  way  in  which  peace  shall  be  secured 
from  the  "  Assyrian  ".  Against  the  invasion  of  this 
(not  identified)  oppressor,  the  people  will  raise  up 
plenty  of  princely  (5  mg. )  leaders,  who  shall "'  shepherd  " 
the  enemy's  land,  and  bring  deliverance.  5.  Assyrian 
is  a  term  applied  to  many  later  oppressors  of  Israel, 
e.g.  Lam.  06,  Ezr.  622.  Zech.  lOii  ;  cf  Herod,  vii  63.— 
palaces  should  be  "  land  ",  with  LXX. — The  Heb. 
idiom,  seven  .  .  .  and  eight  means  "a  (full)  seven,  yes, 
eight  if  needed.  "  i.e.  an  ample,  though  indefinite, 
number  ;  cf.  Ec.  11 2. — 6.  the  land  of  Nimrod  :  a  name 
for  Assyria  (see  Gen.  lOs-12).  The  first  '•  he  "'  in  6 
should  probably  be  '"  they  ". — The  third  passage,  7-9, 
which  is  similar  to  2 12,  47,  presupposes  the  wide  dis- 
persion of  the  Jews,  and  perhaps  belongs  to  the 
Persian  period.  Israel  shall  be  as  numerous  as  the 
drops  of  dew  and  rain,  which  fall  on  the  grass  in  an 
abundance  independent  of  man  (so  Marti    cf.  Hos.  Iro ; 


562 


MICAH,  V.  7-9 


or  may  the  comparison  be  between  the  swift  passing 
away  of  the  dow  and  rain,  as  in  Hos.  64,  and  the  rapid 
gathering  of  the  scattered  Jews  from  all  the  nations  ?). 
Israel  shall  be  as  irresLsliblo  as  a  lion  among  the  tlocks. 
May  she  titterly  destroy  her  foes  !  (but  probably  tliis 
should  rend  "  thine  hand  is  lifted  up,  etc.,'  a  con- 
viction, ratlier  than  a  wish). 

V.  10-15.  The  Purging  of  Israel. — Sorao  modem 
commentators,  e.g.  Wellhausen  and  Nowack.  refer  this 
to  Micah  ;  if  so.  it  would  anticipate  the  Deuteronomic 
denunciation  of  the  "  pillars  '  and  "  Asherim  "  (Dt.  75, 
123) ;  but  the  general  character  of  this  Divine  inter- 
vention, to  secure  a  community  purified  from  warfare 
and  idolatry,  rather  suggests  a  post^exilic  date,  when 
similar  references  to  Asherim,  etc.,  continued  to  bo 
made  {e.g.  Is.  279).  Yahweh  will  remove  from  Israel 
\\s  means  of  warfare  (Zech.  9io,  Hos.  14$;  c/.  Is.  27), 
that  it  may  depend  on  Himself  alone  ;  He  will  bring 
to  an  end  its  sorceries  {i.e.  magical  use  of  spells  and 
mixtures)  and  its  soothsayers  (lit.  "  murmurers "). 
He  will  destroy  images  (I7,  Jg.  I73,  Hos.  11 2,  Dt.  I23), 
stone  pillars  (Gen.  28i8,  Dt.  I622,  Is.  IOiq),  and 
wooden  posts  (Asherim,  Dt.  I621,  Jor.  172),  with  their 
associations  of  heathenism.  Outside  Israel,  He  will 
take  vengeance  on  the  disobedient  heathen  {cf.  Is.  GO12  ; 
this  verse,  introducing  a  new  subject,  may  bo  a  later 
addition) — 14.  cities  should  probably  be  '  idols,"  an 
easy  emendation,  for  the  sake  of  the  parallelLsm. 

VI.  1-8.  Popular  v.  Prophetic  Religion. — The  classical 
summary*  of  proi)hetic  religion  in  8  is  introduced  by  the 
figure  frequently  employed  (Hos.  4i,  122,  Is.  813,  43 
26,  Jer.  2531)  of  a  legal  controversy  between  Yahweh 
and  His  people.  Possibly  this  figure  did  not  originally 
precede  6-8,  as  the  terms  of  the  address  "  0  man  !  " 
are  broader  than  we  should  expect  if  Israel  had  been 
addressed.  The  period  of  Manasseh"s  reign,  i.e.  the 
seventh  century,  is  usually  felt  to  be  the  most  suitable 
for  this  passage  ;  that  Micah  wTote  it,  however,  seems, 
on  the  whole,  improbable  (see  Introduction).  Yahweh 
bids  the  prophet  represent  Him  before  the  mountains, 
which  are  personified  as  the  witnesses  of  Israel's  re- 
demptive history,  and  as  the  present  court  of  aj^peal  (i). 
The  prophet  accordingly  addresses  them,  and  will 
argue  (rather  than  "  plead  ")  Yahweh's  cause  {cf.  Is.  I2, 
Dt.  32i ).  Y'ahweh  asks  (through  His  prophet)  on  what 
grounds  His  people  have  deserted  Him,  who  has  not 
wearied  them  {e.g.  with  the  demands  of  a  costly  ritual ; 
cf.  Jer.  I22S.,  Is.  4323).  On  the  contrary,  He  has  ever 
deserved  their  gratitude,  as  by  the  deliverance  from 
Egypt,  the  gift  of  leaders  (Ps.  7720,  Ex.  1520  ;  cf.  Nu.  12 
iff.),  the  prevention  of  Balaam's  curse  (Nu.  22iff.,  its 
objective  power,  if  uttered,  being  here  admitted,  rf  Gen. 
923*),  the  cro.ssing  of  the  Jordan  ("  from  Shittim  unto 
Giigal",  Jos.  3i-42o),  all  of  them  examples  of  HLs  in- 
terventions ("  righteous  acts"  ;  cf.  Ps.  1036,  1  S.  12;)  on 
behalf  of  Israel,  which  ought  to  be  remembered  (Dt.  82). 
The  (individualised)  people  ask  how  by  their  worship 
they  may  win  tiie  favour  {cf.  1  S.  IO3.  Ex.  23i5)  of  the 
(  od  of  the  height  (of  heaven,  Jer.  2530),  whether  by 
sacrifices  wholly  burnt  for  Him  (Ivov.  I9),  by  well-grown 
calv&s  (Lev.  9$),  by  va.st  numbers  of  rams  (Gen.  22i3; 
{rf.  1  K.  863),  or  quantities  of  oil  (Gen.  28i8,  Ix;y.  2iff.), 
or,  as  a  supreme  and  outst^^nding  act  of  devotion,  tho 
sacrifice  of  a  man's  own  child  to  atone  for  his  sin  ? 
To  this  inquirj',  tho  propiict  answers  that  Yahweh's 
will  is  known,  and  within  mans  power  to  perform 
(Dt.  3O11-14) ;  it  is  for  man  to  practice  justice  (Am.  5 
24),  kindneas  (Hos.  Gfi)  and  huniilily  (Is.  65,  cf.  57i5  ; 
"the  primary  religious  virtue  in  the  OT "  (Cheyne). 
This  closing  verse  may  be  taken  as  tho  best  epitome  of 
the  religious  morality  and  tho  moral  religion  of  tho 


OT ;  for  a  fuller  statement  of  the  moaning  of  justice 
and  kindness  in  tho  social  relationships  of  the  Hebrews, 
see  the  not  less  noble  apolo(ji<i  in  Job  31.  The  present 
passage  also  illustrates  the  characteristic  attitude  of 
the  pre-exilic  projihets  towards  sacrificial  offerings ; 
these  are  not  so  much  condenuied  as  subordinated  to 
the  moral  and  spiritual  condition  of  tho  offerer. — 
2.  the  foundations  of  the  earth  are  here  the  mountains 
themselves,  or  their  bases,  set  in  the  midst  of  the 
world-sea ;  for  tho  Heb.  ideas  on  this  subject,  see 
article  "  Cosmogony  "  in  HDB,  and  cf.  Ps.  I87,  Dt.  3222. 
—4.  the  house  of  bondage  is  Egypt  (Jer.  34i3);  for 
the  constant  appeal  to  the  initial  act  of  redemption, 
the  deliverance  from  Egypt,  which  is  the  historic  basis 
of  OT  religion,  cf.  Am.  2io,  Is.  63ii.  Jer.  26,  Hos.  11 1, 
134. — 7.  On  child-sacrifice  Jer.  731*;  it  is  said  to 
have  been  offered  by  Manasseh  himself  {cf.  2  K.  21 6). 

VI.  9-16.  Commercial  Dishonesty  and  its  Punish- 
ment.— This  rather  corrupt  pas,sage  is  quite  distinct 
from  Gi-8.  It  may  have  been  written  by  Micah,  and 
forms  a  parallel  to  hia  denunciation  of  agrarmn  dis- 
honesty in  2iff.  But  it  might  equally  woU  belong, 
e.g.  to  tho  time  of  Mai.  85  (c.  4.")0)  in  respect  of  the  sins 
which  are  denounced  and  the  threat  of  their  punishment. 
Let  Jerusalem  listen  to  Y'ahweh,  who  asks  concerning 
the  wealth  of  the  wicked,  and  the  dishonest  means 
by  which  it  has  been  acquired  (Dt.  25i4,  Pr.  20io, 
Am.  85).  He  wiU  punish  these  sins  by  the  sufferings 
of  famine  (Lev.  2626,  Dt.  2838ff.),  and  by  plunder  and 
slaughter  at  tho  hands  of  an  enemy.  The  foe  shall 
intervene  between  the  sowing  and  the  harvest,  tetween 
the  pressing  out  of  the  oil  from  the  olives  (Thomson, 
op.  cit.,  p.  207)  and  its  personal  use  (Ru.  83),  between 
the  treading  of  the  grapes  (Is.  I610,  682)  and  the  joy 
of  drinking  the  wine.  These  are  the  consequences  of 
such  unjust  conduct  as  that  of  Aliab  towards  Naboth  ; 
the  result  is  tho  desolation  of  the  city  and  tho  scom 
of  the  peoples  (LXX  for  "  my  people  "). — 9.  hear  ye 
the  rod  yields  no  good  sense  ;  read  with  Wellhausen 
and  othera,  after  LXX  and  Targum,  "  Hear,  0  tribe, 
and  the  assembly  of  the  city." — Wisdom  will  see  thy 
name  also  yields  no  sense,  and  is  probably  a  gloss  ;  the 
LXX  suggests  that  its  original  was  "  Wisdom  is  it  to 
fear  thy  name.  " — 10.  abominable  means  '"  accursed  " 
{cf.  Dt.  25i6).  Omit  "  yet",  as  a  corrupt  fragment  of 
the  emended  clause  in  9,  and  read  '"  Can  I  forget  " 
for  "  Aro  there  ".  The  ephah  was  a  dry  measure  of 
about  a  bushel. — 11.  VSS  read  "  Shall  he  {i.e.  anyone) 
be  pure  ". — 13.  The  perfects  are  prophetic  ;  read,  per- 
haps, "  I  will  begin  to  smite  ',  with  LXX. — 14. 
humiliation  and  the  mg.  are  guesses  for  the  unknoAvn 
Hebrew  word,  which  LXX  renders  "  it  will  be  dark." — 
16.  statutes  means  "customs"  {cf.  Jer.  IO3,  mg.); 
the  historical  reference  is  apparently  to  1  K.  21,  as 
typical  of  the  Omri  dynasty,  rather  than  to  the 
offences  against  Yahwistic  religion  condemned  in  1  K. 
1625.3of. 

VII.  1-6.  Contemporary  Violence,  Corruption,  and 
Disloyalty. — This  jiassago  is  distinct  from  the  preceding, 
though  tho  same  introductory  remark  applies  to  it ; 
in  tone,  however,  it  seems  to  come  nearer  to  certain 
Psalms  {cf.  Ps.  12if.).  Zion  laments  that  the  pious 
and  upright  man  has  become,  through  violence,  aa 
rare  in  her  midst  as  the  fniit  in  the  garden  or  vineyard 
after  tho  ingathering  ;  men  plot  against  their  fellows 
aa  tho  Ininttiman  against  his  prey  (Ps.  lOsf.). — 3  is 
corrupt ;  the  general  meaning  appears  to  be  that  the 
powerful  secure  their  interests  through  the  bribery  of 
dishonest  judges,  but  the  Heljrew  of  the  first  and  last 
clauses  cannot  Ik;  translated.  In  4  (where  the  im- 
possible worse  than  supplied  by  RV  should  be  "  like  ") 


MIC  AH,  VII.  19 


563 


those  evil  men  are  compared  with  thorns,  both  for 
their  harmfuhioss  and  their  destiny  (2  S.  236)  ;  the 
"  Day  of  Yahweh  "  (Am.  5i8,  etc.),  foretold  by  His 
watchmen-proi:)hets  (Is.  216,  Jer.  617,  Hab.  2i)  will 
bring  confusion  upon  them  (text  uncertain).  So  evil 
are  the  prcdont  times  that  the  closest  ties  of  intimacy 
and  affection  are  unreliable  (5  m(j.) ;  the  natural 
authority  of  parents  over  their  children  (Ex.  20 12, 
2115,17,  Dt.  21i8ff.)  is  disregarded,  and  the  unity  of 
the  household  (Gen.  I727)  is  lost.— 1.  Cf.  Is.  24i3; 
for  the  flrstripe  fig  as  a  delicacy,  see  Is.  284  ;  read  the 
clause  as  mg.,  but  souI  means  "  apijotito  ". — 2.  earth 
should  be  "  land  ". — 6.  Note  the  different  application 
of  the  words  in  Mt.  1035f. 

VII.  7-20.  Israel's  Confession  of  Faith.— This  un- 
doubtedly post-oxilic  utterance  of  Israel's  confidence 
in  Yahweh's  delivering  intervention  falls  into  three 
portions,  probably  once  distinct,  viz.  7-10  (the  time 
of  Messianic  deUverance  will  come) ;  11-13  (Jerusalem 
will  be  repoopled) ;  14-20  (Yahweh  will  renew  His 
kindness  to  Israel).  The  first  and  third  of  these  have 
numerous  affinities  with  the  Psalter ;  the  second,  by 
its  anticipation  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem, dates  itself  between  586  and  444  B.C.  Israel 
proclaims  her  confidence  in  the  deliverance  (salvation) 
from  her  heathen  oppressors  which  is  about  to  come 
from  Yahweh  (Pss.  53,  I3O56,  255).  Let  not  the  foe 
prematurely  rejoice  (Ob.  12),  for  Israel  "  falls  to  rise  " 
("  when,"  both  times,  should  be  "  though  "),  and  Yahweh 
will  turn  her  present  darkness  into  light  (Is.  92,  58io). 
Yahweh's  wrath  (inferred  from  national  calamities  ; 
cf.  2  K.  2326)  IS  due  to  the  sin  which  Israel  now  con- 
fesses (Ps.  5l4ff.,  Is.  4224f.),  and  the  time  wiU  come 
(Ps.  1039)  when  Yahweh  will  Himself  vindicate  His 


people.  Then  Israel  shall  be  satisfied  with  vengeance 
(Ob.  passim)  on  the  foe  who  mocked  Israel's  God 
(Pss.  79io,  1152,  Jl.  2x7).  When  the  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem are  rebuilt  {cf.  2  K.  25io),  the  boundary  (11  mg.) 
of  Israel's  territory  will  be  enlarged  (Is.  2615,  33i7  ; 
cf.  Zech.  24),  and  the  Jews,  now  dispersed  throughout 
the  world,  will  return  (Ezek.  34 13,  Is.  27 12,  Ps.  1072  ; 
the  "  river  "  is  the  Euphrates  (cf.  Dt.  I7) ;  the  references 
to  "  sea  "  and  "  mountain  "  are  general).  The  whole 
earth  (not  "  land ")  shall  be  laid  waste  (Ls.  244f.) 
because  of  heathen  sin  (11-13).  Yahweh  is  invoked 
to  shepherd  (cf.  2i2)  with  His  club  (Ps.  234)  His  chosen 
flock,  now  isolated  on  the  wooded  hills  of  Judaea  in 
the  midst  of  a  fertile  land  denied  to  them  ;  let  Him 
restore  their  lost  pasture-grounds  (Jer.  50 19).  Yahweh 
promises  to  parallel  the  miracle  of  the  Exodus,  so  that 
the  heathen  shall  be  struck  deaf  and  dumb  (Job  2I5, 
4O4),  and  prostrate  themselves  humbly  before  Yahweh 
(Ps.  729,  Is.  4923).  Israel  declares  the  uniqueness  of 
Yahweh,  and  glories  in  His  loving-kindness  (Ps.  IO33) ; 
He  will  trample  upon  Israel's  sins,  and  render  faithful- 
ness and  kindness  (Ex.  34(.)  to  the  descendants  of  the 
patriarchs  (here  named  as  epitomising  Israel)  according 
to  His  promises  (Gen.  22i6ff.,  2813,  etc.). — 14.  heri- 
tage (cf.  Dt,  329).  Read  "garden"  for  Carmel  (ita 
literal  meaning),  and  for  the  contrast  implied  cf. 
Is.  32i5,  last  clause,  the  same  word  being  there  rendered 
"  fruitful  field "  ;  Jer.  426  mg.  In  15,  we  should 
probably  emend  to  "  Shew  unto  us  ". — 18.  Cf.  Ex.  15ii, 
Ps.  7713  ;  the  comparison  with  other  gods  survived 
into  post-exilic  monotheism. — 19.  There  is  no  exact 
parallel  to  the  figure  of  "  trampUng  "  upon  sin,  but 
cf.  Gen.  47,  Ps.  6630,  where  sin  is  personified  as  man's 
enemy. 


NAHUM 


By  Professor  A.  R.  GORDON 


Ix  Nahum  we  meet  with  a  new  typo  of  prophecy- 
The  earlier  prophets  announced  the  coming  of  judgment 
on  Israel ;  he  sounds  the  knoll  of  Nineveh  the  oppressor. 

Since  attention  was  called  by  Bickcil  to  the  acrostic 
form  of  ch.  1,  it  has  become  increasingly  recognised 
that  I2-10  is  part  of  a  late  (^schatological  Psalm,  charged 
with  the  thought  of  Yahweh's  vengeance  over  His  foes. 
The  succeeding  verses  are  a  mass  of  almost  inextricable 
confusion.  It  seems  evident,  however,  that  Ii2f.,i5, 
22  contain  a  prophecy  of  hope  and  comfort,  belonging 
to  the  Judaistic  age,  while  the  genuine  prophecies  of 
Nahum  begin  with  In, 14,  2i,3ff.  Two  such  prophecies 
may  be  distinguished,  the  first  a  psean  over  the  ap- 
proaching fall  of  Nineveh,  the  second  emphasizing  the 
certainty  and  nearness  of  the  end. 

The  name  Nahum  signifies  "  consoler."  He  is  de- 
scribed as  an  Elkoshite,  most  probably  from  the  Elkosh 
near  Eleuthoropolis,  on  the  SW.  border  of  Judah.  The 
date  of  his  prophecies  can  be  brought  within  sufficiently 
narrow  limits.  The  allusion  to  No-Amon  (3bfE.  *)  pre- 
supposes the  downfall  of  that  city  in  663  B.C.,  while 
the  lower  lunit  is  fixed  by  the  destruction  of  Nineveh 
itself  about  607  (p.  60).  It  seems  most  natural  to  date 
tlie  book  just  before  the  latter  event.  As  Wellhausen 
aptly  says,  "  Apart  from  Herodotus,  it  would  never 
have  occurred  to  anyone  to  doubt  that  the  prophecy 
of  Nahum  coincides  with  the  downfall  of  Nineveh." 

The  brilliance  of  Nahum's  style  is  universally  acknow- 
ledged. The  rush  and  sweep  of  the  language,  the  vivid- 
ness of  description,  the  swift  dramatic  effects,  and  the 
elegiac  verse  with  its  fine  tonal  harmonies  stamp  him 
as  one  of  the  masters  of  poetic  speech.  From  the 
religious  point  of  view  he  may  stand  below  the  greatest, 
his  llasliing  utterances  being  inspired  rather  by  a  fieiy 
hatred  of  the  enemy  than  by  concern  for  Judah's 
moral  and  spiritual  good.  We  are  not  to  regard  him, 
however,  as  a  thoughtless  patriot  of  the  class  de- 
nounced by  Jeremiah.  There  is  a  genuine  passion  for 
humanity  in  the  book.  With  Nahum,  indeed,  religion 
is  virtually  the  etiuivalent  of  humanity.  Yah  wen  is 
the  champion  of  the  outraged  and  helpless  ;  and  the 
impending  fate  of  Nineveh  is  hailed  as  the  fit  reward 
for  tlie  cruelties  perpetrated  by  that  ravenous  monster 
on  all  the  nations. 

Literature. — Commentartes :  For  those  on  all  the 
Minor  Prophets  see  General  Bibliographies,  (a)  David- 
son ;  (b)  J.  M.  P.  Smith  (ICf),  Haupt;  (r)  Pleasner, 
Happol.  Other  Literature  :  articles  by  Kennedy  in  ilDB 
and  Budde  in  EBi,  Gunkol  in  ZATW,  1893,  pp.  22311. 
and  G.  B.  Gray  in  E.x'i^,  1898,  pp.  207fE. 

I.  1.  Title.^ — On  the  name  and  home  of  Nahum,  cf. 
Introduction. 

I.  2-10.  The  Avenging  Wrath  of  Yahweh. — Yahwch 
is  a  jealous  and  \engcful  God — sensitive  to  the  honour 
of  Himself  and  His  peopUi — who  raarcheth  through 
whirlwind  and  .storm  to  save  tliem  from  the  enemy. 
Before  His  presence  sea  and  rivers  dry  up,  Bashan 


Carmel,  and  Lebanon  wither,  the  mountains  quake' 
and  the  earth  itself  is  upheaved.  How  then  can 
mortal  man  face  the  glow  of  His  anger  ?  To  such  as 
trust  in  Him  He  is  a  stronghold  m  the  day  of  trouble  ; 
but  His  adversaries  He  thrusteth  into  darkness,  taking 
not  vengeance  twice,  but  makiag  a  full  end  of  them 
and  all  their  devices.  Though  for  a  time  He  may 
remain  silent.  He  is  storing  up  wrath  against  them  ; 
and  all  of  them  shall  be  mown  down  like  thorns,  or 
burnt  in  the  fire  as  stubble. 

2b  (the  N  stanza)  ought  clearly  to  follow  9a,  while 
3a  is  an  interpolation  (from  Ex.  346f.)  modifying  the 
severity  of  the  opening  words.  The  B  stanza  is  found 
in  36,  the  description  of  Yahweh's  march  through 
storm  and  tempest. — 4.  Bashan,  Carmel,  and  Lebanon 
were  proverbial  for  fertility  and  foliage.— 6.  are  broken 
asunder:  rather,  "are  kindled"  (transposing  the 
middle  letters). — 7f.  Using  suggestions  from  the 
Versions,  render  somewhat  as  follows  :  "  Yahweh  is 
good  unto  those  that  wait  for  Him — a  stronghold  in 
the  day  of  trouble.  He  knoweth  such  as  take  refuge 
in  Him,  and  in  the  overfiowing  Hood  He  delivereth 
them.  A  full  end  doth  He  make  of  them  that  rise  up 
against  Him,  and  His  enemies  He  driveth  into  dark- 
ness."— 9.  Transposing  the  clauses  (as  the  alpha- 
betical scheme  demands)  read,  "  He  taketh  not 
vengeance  twice  on  His  foes  (LXX),  but  an  utter  end 
He  doth  make  (of  them).  What  then  do  ye  devise 
against  Yahweh  ?  " — 10.  The  text  hero  is  hopelessly 
tangled  and  corrupt,  but  with  certain  changes  and 
omissions  of  letters  (noted  in  Kittel's  text)  the  follow- 
ing sense  may  be  extracted :  "  Like  thorns  cut  down 
are  thev  all.  As  dry  stubble  they  are  burnt  in  the  fire  " 
(cf.  Is.  33 1 2). 

L  12f.,  15,  II.  2.  Comfort  for  Judah — Now  that  the 
days  of  Yahweh's  contention  with  His  people  are  over, 
He  will  afflict  them  no  more,  but  will  break  the  yoke 
of  the  enemy  from  o£E  their  shoulders,  and  will  burst 
their  bonds  asunder.  Already  their  eyes  may  behold 
on  the  mountiiin-tops  the  feet  of  the  herald  bringing 
tidings  of  salvation.  Let  Judah  then  celebrate  her 
fca-sts  and  fulfil  her  vows  m  confidence  ;  for  no  more 
shall  Belial  pass  through  her  midst,  but  Yahweh  will 
restore  the  vine-tree  which  the  spoilers  have  despoiled 
and  whose  branches  they  have  ruined. 

12.  Here,  too,  the  text  is  almost  desperately  corrupt. 
A  plausible  emendation  yield.s,  "  Now  that  the  daj's  of 
my  contention  are  full,  they  are  past  and  gone  ;  if  I 
haVe  afflicted  (humbled)  thee,"  etc. — 15.  Belial  (mg.) : 
the  personification  of  wickedness  (Dt.  133*.  Ps.  612*). 
— II.  2.  For  g'on,  "  pride,"  the  context  practically  de- 
mands gepken,  "vine"  (cf.  Ps.  SOsff.).— Jacob  here  = 
Judah,  and  Israel  =  the  north  land  (cf.  Is.  43 1, 
44 1   etc.). 

I.'  11,  14,  II.  1,  3-13.  The  FaU  of  Nineveh.— 11,  14. 
In  days  gone  by  there  went  out  of  Nineveh  one  tha,t 
planned   villainous  devices  against  Y'ahweh  and  His 


564 


NAHUM,  III.   18 


565 


people.  Now  Yahweh  has  given  commandment  that 
his  name  shall  be  blotted  out,  his  grave  dia- 
honoured,  and  the  temple  of  his  gods  robbed  of  its 
images. 

11.  The  reference  is  clearly  to  Sennacherib. — Belial 
(mg.) :  i.e.  malicious  destruction  (15*). — 14.  that 
no  more  of  thy  name  be  sown:  in  other  words,  that 
Sennacherib's  family  and  nation  may  bo  brought  to  a 
common  cud. 

II.  1,  3-10.  In  a  passage  of  amazing  power  the 
prophet  describes  the  irresistible  march  of  the  destroy- 
ing army  against  Nineveh,  despite  his  ironical  com- 
mands to  mount  guard  on  the  rampart,  watch  well 
the  road,  strengthen  the  loins,  and  brace  might 
to  the  utmost.  With  blood-red  shields  and  scarlet 
tunics  the  assailants  dash  through  the  streets  and 
broadways  apiiroaching  the  capital,  their  war-chariots 
flashing  like  torches  and  darting  as  lightning,  while 
their  nobles  speed  on  to  the  wall,  set  up  the  mantlet, 
throw  open  the  river-gates,  and  plunder  the  once 
proud  city  amid  universal  panic,  anguish,  and  despair- 
ing flight. 

I.  He  that  dasheth  in  pieces;  lit.  the  smasher  or 
hammer  (Cyaxares  and  his  Medes,  p.  60). — 3.  made  red : 
probably  painted  (a  widespread  custom  among  primi- 
tive peoples). — in  scarlet:  the  characteristic  colour  of 
soldiers'  tunics,  in  the  ancient  East  (e.g.  Babylonia, 
Persia,  and  Sparta)  as  well  as  among  ourselves. — 
4.  The  closing  words  are  highly  doubtful.  Read  per- 
haps, "  the  chargers  quiver,"  in  mad  excitement  (LXX). 
— The  streets  and  broadways  [r'hoboth)  are,  of  course, 
those  of  the  suburbs  of  Nineveh  (cf.  the  Rehoboth-Ir 
associated  with  Nineveh  in  Gen.  lOii). — 5.  The  reading 
is  again  evidently  at  fault.  By  a  clever  emendation 
Duhm  secures  the  following  text:  "Straightforward 
their  nobles  gallop  along  their  courses." — mantelet: 
lit.  "  covering,"  probably  a  movable  penthouse  to 
cover  the  approach  of  the  siege-parties.— 6.  The  gates 
of  the  rivers:  where  the  mountain  stream  Choser 
and  its  canals  entered  the  city. — is  dissolved:  "  melts 
away  "  (in  terror). — 7.  Huzzab :  an  obscure  word,  on 
which  no  light  has  yet  been  shed.  The  reference, 
however,  is  to  the  Queen,  who  is  led  out  of  the  city 
dishonoured,  her  maidens  passing  with  her  into  cap- 
tivity, mourning  like  doves  (cf.  Is.  8814,  Ezek.  7 16, 
etc.),  and  beating  upon  their  breasts. — 8.  "  From  of 
old  "  :  a  clear  result  of  dittography  (p.  42).  Render 
simply,  "  And  Nineveh  (is  become)  like  a  pool  (reser- 
voir) of  waters  fleeing  (fast  ebbing)  away  " — a  fine  simile 
for  a  city  quickly  emptied  of  its  inhabitants. — 9.  A 
dramatic  address  to  the  conquerors. — 10.  The  desola- 
tion of  the  ruined  city  is  depicted  in  a  series  of  startled 
exclamations,  "  Emptiness,  void,  and  waste  !  " 

II.  11-13.  Where  now  is  the  den  of  hons,  whither 
the  old  lion  used  to  retreat  with  his  lionesses  and 
cubs,  filling  it  with  the  plunder  of  the  nations  ?  Be- 
hold, Yahweh  is  against  that  haunt  of  cruelty,  and  will 
bum  it  with  fire,  and  destroy  the  Uoneases  and  their 
cubs  together  by  the  sword. 

11.  For  mir'eh,  "  feeding-place,"  read  probably 
me'arah,  "  cave."'  The  den  of  lions  is  Nineveh,  to 
whose  ruthless  ferocity  the  records  of  Assyrian  kings 
bear  witness  on  every  column. — 13.  For  rikbnh,  "  her 
chariotr\',"  read  probably  ribUsek,  "  thy  lair,"  and  for 
mal  akhek,  "  of  thy  messengers,"  viillhhoihayik,  "  from 
thy  lionesses." 

ill.  A  fresh  Plcturo  of  the  End  of  Nineveh.— 1-7.  Woo 


to  that  city  of  blood,  full  of  lies  and  rapine,  where  the 
prey  never  ceased,  nor  was  any  end  to  the  booty  ! 
Now  nothing  is  heard  in  her  but  the  crack  of  the  whip 
and  the  rambling  of  wheels,  the  gallop  of  steeds  and 
the  dashing  of  chariots,  with  cavalry  at  the  charge, 
while  the  sabres  flash  and  the  spears  glitter,  and 
underneath  men  stumble  over  corpses  unnumbered. 
And  all  this  is  the  fitting  punishment  of  that  mistress 
of  harlotry,  who  fascinatcfl  the  nations  by  her  charms, 
and  drew  them  into  her  chamber  of  death.  Yahweh 
is  against  her,  and  will  expose  her  like  an  harlot,  and 
make  her  a  gazing-stock  to  the  nations,  unwept  for, 
unpitied,  and  dishonoured. 

2f.  A  series  of  vivid  exclamations  :  "  Hark  !  the 
sound  of  the  whip,"  etc. — 4.  selleth:  rather  "  de- 
ceiveth,"  "  beguileth." — 5f.  The  regular  punishment 
of  the  harlot  (cf.  Jer.  1322ff.,  Ezek.  1633!!.,  etc.). 

III.  8-10.  Nineveh  boasted  of  her  strength,  but  she 
was  no  better  placed  than  No-Amon,  with  the  Nile 
around  her  for  rampart,  the  whole  strength  of  Egypt 
and  Ethiopia  her  defence,  and  Put  and  the  Libyans  aa 
alhes,  who  yet  passed  into  captivity,  amid  all  the 
horrors  of  siege  and  storm. 

8.  No-Amon :  Homer's  "  hundred-gated  Thebes," 
the  capital  of  Upper  Egypt,  captured  bj-  Ashurbanipal 
in  663  B.C.  (cf.  Intro.).  The  original  magnificence  of 
the  city  is  borne  witness  to  by  the  splendid  ruins  of 
Kamac  and  Luxor. — Removing  a  slight  redundancy, 
read  "  That  sat  (in  stately  pride  and  confidence )  on 
the  Nile-streams,  her  rampart  the  sea  (i.e.  the  broad 
Nile)  and  the  waters  her  wall." — 9.  Put  and  Lubim: 
Hamite  nations  near  Ethiopia  (Gen.  106, 13),  that  served 
as  Egyptian  mercenaries  (Jer.  469). — 10.  Description  of 
the  usual  fate  of  a  captured  city  (cf.  Lam.  4). 

ni.  11-19.  Even  so  Nineveh  shall  be  made  drunk 
with  the  cup  of  God's  wrath,  and  faint  and  staggering 
shall  seek  refuge  from  the  enemy.  Her  outer  fortresses 
shall  fall  like  first-ripe  figs  (Is.  284*)  into  the  mouth  of 
the  destroyer,  the  gateways  that  barred  the  approach 
to  the  capital  shall  fly  open  at  the  touch  of  fire,  her 
defenders  shall  prove  weak  as  women,  and  despite  all 
efforts  to  repair  the  breaches  the  whole  city  shall  sink 
beneath  the  flames.  Her  people  may  be  numerous  as 
the  locust-swarms  that  encamp  on  the  garden  walls 
in  the  day  of  cold  ;  but  they  shall  vanish  as  com- 
pletely as  these  same  swarms  when  the  sun  shines  out. 
And  while  the  people  are  scattered  over  the  mountains, 
the  king  and  nobles  shall  sleep  their  last  sleep,  amid 
manifestations  of  triumphant  joy  from  all  who  hear 
the  tale  of  doom. 

11.  be  hid:  rather  "faint  away"  (with  change  of 
one  letter). — 13.  the  gates  of  thy  land :  the  mountain- 
passes  where  (like  the  Greeks  at  TliCrmopylje)  they 
might  have  made  a  heroic  stand  against  the  invading 
foe. — 14.  go  into:  rather  (reading  6avi  for  6o'i)  tread, 
trample  the  clay  (for  bricks). — lay  hold  of  the  bricll- 
mould  (mg.) :  viz.  to  shape  the  bricks  for  their  places 
in  the  wall. — 16f.  The  text  is  both  corrupt  and  filled 
out  with  glosses  identifying  the  locust-swanns  with 
the  merchant- princes,  nobles  (?),  and  scribes  (or 
marshals)  of  Nineveh  ;  but  the  general  sense  is  some- 
what as  above.  On  the  camping  and  flight  of  locusts  cf. 
Thomson,  The  Land  and  the  Book,  pp.  418f.— 18.  Read, 
"  Ah  !  how  do  thy  shepherds  (leaders)  slumber,  thy 
nobles  sleep  (the  sleep  of  death)  !  "  The  omitted 
phrase,  "  the  king  of  Assj'ria,"  is  an  explanatory  gloss 
to  ■'  thy  shepherds.  " 


HABAKKUK 


By  Professor  A.  R.  GORDON 


The  Book  of  Habakkuk  opens  witli  a  complaint  re- 
garding the  oppressions  of  the  wicked  (I2-4),  and  fore- 
tells the  coming  of  the  Chakleans  as  ministers  of 
Divine  justice  (I5-11) ;  then  with  startling  abruptness 
the  Chaldeans  are  denounced  as  the  oppressors  of  the 
righteous  (1 12-17),  and.  aft«r  renewed  complaint  to 
Yahweh,  answered  hf  the  promise  of  a  speedy  end  to 
the  trouble  (2i-4),  a  series  of  Woes  is  hurled  at  their 
heads  {25-20),  the  book  closing  with  a  splendid  poetical 
description  of  Yahweh's  march  from  Sinai  to  help  His 
people  (eh.  3). 

Various  efforts  have  been  made  to  force  these  in- 
harmonious elements  into  unity :  the  denial  of  the 
predictive  character  of  I5-11  (Davidson,  Stonehouse) ; 
the  placing  of  those  verses  after  £4,  the  oppressors 
being  then  identified  with  the  Assyrians  (Budde)  or 
the  Egj'ptians  (G.  A.  Smith) ;  and  Duhm's  remarkable 
icnir  de  force,  the  alteration  of  Kasdim  to  Kittim  (the 
Cyprians  or  Greeks),  the  prophecy  being  thus  directed 
against  Alexander  the  Great.  Recognising  the  arbi- 
trary nature  of  all  such  attempts,  Wellhausen  and  other 
scholars  regard  I5-11  as  a  fragment  of  an  older  prophecy 
woven  into  the  texture  of  Habakkuk,  while  .Marti 
resolves  the  book  into  four  separate  congeries  of  texts. 
The  present  writer  accepts  the  theory  of  an  older 
prophecy ;  he  is  inclined,  however,  to  extend  this 
prophecy  to  cover  the  whole  of  I2-11,  as  well  as  the 
nucleus  of  the  Woes  in  eh.  2  (the  denunciation  of 
avarice,  cruelty,  and  drunkenness  in  general),  and  to 
find  in  its  author  a  like-minded  contemporarj'  of 
Jeremiah  (c.  608  B.C.).  The  genuine  prophecy  of 
Habakkuk  is  then  most  naturally  assigned  to  the  middle 
of  the  exile  (."jfiO-.'joO),  an  assumption  borne  out  to  a 
certain  extent  by  the  Hebrew  tradition  which  associ- 
ates Habakkuk  with  Daniel  (r/.  Bel  and  the  Dragon, 
vv.  33fF.),  as  well  as  the  Babylonian  complexion  of  the 
name,  which  has  been  identified  as  that  of  a  garden 

?lant.  The  Prayer  is  an  independent  eschatological 
'salm,  excerpted  from  some  late  Jewish  collection. 
(See  p.  47.) 

with  Habakkuk  we  enter  still  more  decisively  the 
pathway  of  question  and  complaint  already  struck  by 
Jeremiah.  For  thLs  reason  he  has  been  called  "  the 
prophet  as  sceptic  "  (G.  A.  Smith).  But,  whatever 
doubts  assail  him,  faith  remains  the  dominant  not©  of 
his  prophecy.  In  the  NT  his  great  words  (24)  are 
cited  as  the  bed-rock  of  Christian  life  ;  ho  is  equally 
the  father  of  Protestant  freedom. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  For  those  on  all  the 
Minor  Prophets  seeCicneral  Bihlioeraphies.  (a)  David- 
son (CB) ;  (b)  Ward  (ICC).  Stonehouse ;  (r)  Keinkc, 
Happel,  PeLser,  Duhm.  Other  f.ilrratme  :  articles  by 
Driver  in  HDB  and  Budde  in  EBi,  also  Budde,  Exp. 
189.5,  pp.  .■i72ff.:  Stevenson,  Exp.  1902,  pp.  380ff. ; 
Peake,  Problevi  of  Suffering  in  OT,  pp.  4-11.  1.51-171. 

I.  1.  Title. — On  the  "  accing  "'  of  an  oracle,  cf.  Ls.  2i, 
etc. 


1,  2-4.  Complaint  against  Yahweli  for  His  Tolerance 

of  Wrong-doing.- — In  l>ittor  reniDn.stranco  with  Yahweh, 
the  prophet  asks  how  long  he  must  cry  "  Violence  !  " 
and  look  on  WTetchedness  and  trouble,  robberj',  strife 
and  contention,  the  failure  of  justice  and  the  general 
paralysis  of  law,  while  Yahweh  remains  silent,  in- 
different, or  powerless. 

2.  violence:  probably  the  burden  of  the  cry. — 
3.  iniquity  .  .  .  perverseness :  rather "'  wretchedness  " 
or  "misery  "...  "trouble." — 4.  law:  moral  "direc- 
tion" or  instruction  from  Yahweh. — slacked:  ht. 
"  benumbed,"  "  paralysed." — compass  about:  i.e.  cir- 
cumvent in  his  plans,  and  impede  in  his  rights. 

I.  5-11.  The  Chaldeans  as  Ministers  of  Divine 
Justice. — In  His  answer  Yahweh  directly  addresses  the 
evil-doers,  warning  them  that  He  is  about  to  work  a 
work  in  their  days  they  would  never  have  believed  :  He 
is  raising  against  them  the  fierce  and  dreaded  power  of 
the  Chaldeans,  who  are  already  canynng  destruction 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  swooping  from  afar  like 
eagles  on  the  prey,  gathering  captives  like  the  sand, 
scoffing  at  kings  and  princes,  carrj'ing  fortresses  with 
a  rush,  and  making  their  strength  a  god. 

5.  For  baggoyim,  "  among  the  nations,"  read  bog  dim, 
"  ye  evil-doers  "  (LXX). — I  worii  (ptcp.) :  i.e.  I  am 
just  about  to  work. — 6.  bitter  and  hasty :  rather,"  fierce 
and  impetuous  (vehement)." — 7.  Omitting  viishpato 
("their  judgment")  as  explanatory'  gloss,  and  reading 
she'th,  "  destruction,"  for  s  dho,  "  his  dignity,"  translate 
"  out  of  him  (them)  goeth  destniction."— 8.  evening 
wolves :  with  their  hunger  whetted  to  its  keenest  edge. 
— 8b.  Render  perha  j)s,  "  Onward  their  horsemen  bound; 
they  come  from  afar"  (cf.  Jer.  50ii). — 9.  The  middle 
clause  is  untranslateable,  and  its  sense  wholly  un- 
certain.— 10.  heapeth  up  dust:  for  a  siege-mound. — 
11.  With  a  slight  change  in  the  verb  read,  "  Then  he 
sweepeth  along  like  the  wind,  and  maketh  his  strength 
a  god." — The  prophet  hero  seems  to  combine  features 
drawn  from  current  report  of  the  Chaldeans  with 
others  suggested  by  the  Scj'thian  invaders  of  Josiah's 
reign  {cf.  Jeremiah  s  Scythian  songs). 

I.  12-17.  Remonstrance  over  the  Inhumanity  of  the 
Chaldeans. — The  execution  of  Divine  judgment  raises 
fresh  questions  :  Why  should  the  Holy  One,  whose 
eyes  are  too  pure  to  look  on  e\'il,  apixiint  as  minister 
of  justice  a  people  still  morc  faithless  and  corrupt 
than  its  victim  ?  And  why  should  Ho  make  the 
nations  like  leaderlcss  swarms  of  fish,  to  be  swept  into 
the  net,  and  gathered  up  in  the  seine  (drag-net),  then 
emptied  out  and  slaughtered,  while  the  oppressor  in 
brutal  joy  offers  sacrifice  to  his  nets  ? 

12.  Read  probably,  "  Yahweh.  my  Holy  God,  that 
diest  not  ?  "  (r/.  mg.). — The  second  jMirt  of  the  verso 
should  also  perhaps  be  taken  interrogatively,  "  Waa 
it  thou  that  didst  ordain  (apjxjint)  him  for  judg- 
ment ?  " — For  tsur,  "  Rock "  (which  reads  very 
awkwardly),  Duhm  suggests  tsir,  messenger  or  minister : 


HABAKEUK,  III.  6 


567 


thus,  "  and  estaV.lwhed  him  as  a  minister  of  chastise- 
ment."— 14.  creeping  things:  rather,  "swarming  things  " 
(Gen.  I20*). — 16.  The  conqueror  deifies  his  weapons  of 
war  {cf.  Herodotus'  account  of  Scythian  sacrifices  to 
the  scimitar,  iv.  o9f.). — 17.  The  word  tamid,  "continu- 
ally," should  probably  go  with  the  first  clause,  "  Shall 
he  be  ever  emptying  his  net,  to  slaughter  nations  un- 
pitying  ?  " 

II.  1-4.  The  Oracle  from  Yahweh.— Unable  to  ox- 
plain  the  mystery,  the  prophet  stations  himself  on  his 
watch-tower,  and  looks  for  the  revelation  of  God's 
purpose.  Soon  the  oracle  comes,  and  he  is  asked  to 
writ©  it  on  tablets  plainly,  that  one  may  read  it 
running  :  "■  Behold,  the  soul  of  the  wicked  shall  faint 
in  him,  but  the  riglitcous  shall  live  by  his  faithfulness 
(his  loyalty  to  God  and  His  promises)."' 

I.  I  will  stand,  etc. :  an  imaginative  representation 
of  the  prophet's  mission  as  tsopheh,  watchman  (cf.  Is.  21 
6ff.). — For  'ashib,  "  I  shall  return  (answer),"  read 
yashib,  "  He  will  return  "'  (Syr.). — 2.  "  That  one  may 
run  while  reading  it  "  :  i.e.  that  one  may  read  it  at  a 
glance.- — 3.  Translate,  "  Though  the  vision  may  still 
wait  (maj-  have  to  wait  a  little  longer)  for  the  appointed 
time,  yet  it  panteth  (straineth)  toward  the  end,  and  will 
fail  not."" — 4.  The  first  half  of  the  veree  is  clearly 
corrupt.  The  most  satisfying  solution  is  to  read 
'ull^phah,  faint,  for  'uphph'^lah,  is  puffed  up,  and  to  take 
"  not  upright "  personally  as  equivalent  to  "  the  wicked 
man  '"  (cf.  translation  above). 

II.  5-20.  Woes  on  the  Evil-doer.— 5f.  Woe  on  the 
insatiable  conqueror,  who  treacherously  gathers  to 
himself  the  heritage  of  all  the  nations,  only  to  be  the 
victim  of  their  bitterest  maledictions. 

5.  As  Davidson  acknowledges,  all  efforts  to  educe 
sense  must  fail  with  the  present  text.  A  few  slight 
changes  yield  the  following :  "  Ah  !  proud  and 
treacherous  man,  haughty  and  never  satisfied,  who 
enlargeth  his  desire  as  Sheol,  and  like  Death  is  never 
satisfied,"  etc. — 6.  parable  :  rather  "  taunt-song  " 
{cf.  Nu.  21 27). — taunting  proverb  :  lit.  '•  a  satire,  even 
riddles  "  (dark  sayings,  with  a  sting  in  them,  working 
out  their  curse  upon  their  victims). 

6-8.  Woe  to  him  that  amasseth  what  is  not  his,  and 
runneth  up  debts  on  pledge.  Soon  shall  his  victims 
awake  and  torment  him,  even  all  whom  he  has  spoiled 
shall  turn  and  spoil  him. 

6.  "  How  long  ?  "  a  marginal  not©  which  should  be 
omitted. — pledges:  rather  debts  on  pledge. — 7.  The 
word  nosh'kim  means  both  biters  and  payers  of 
interest  (lit.  biters  from  the  capital  sum). 

9-11.  Woe  to  him  that  hath  built  his  house  on  evil 
gains,  and  by  cruel  and  oppressive  means.  Though 
he  have  set  that  house  high  as  an  eagle's  nest,  he  has 
only  brought  shame  upon  it,  besides  forfeiting  his  own 
life.  The  very  stones  and  beams  will  take  up  the  cry 
of  vengeance  for  the  blood  that  is  shed. 

10.  consulted  :  rather,  "  planned  "  (the  result  being 
regarded  as  the  deliberate  intention  of  the  act). — 
11.  answer:  i.e.  re-echo  the  cry  for  justice. — On  the 
sympathy  of  inanimate  objects  with  the  victims  of 
oppression  cf.  Job  31 38. 

12-14.  Woe  to  him  that  buildeth  a  town  with  blood, 
and  foundeth  a  city  on  crime.  In  such  case  shall  not 
the  peoples  toil  but  for  the  fire  (labour  at  what  must 
soon  be  destroyed),  and  wearj'  themselves  for  naught  ? 

13f.  Tho  context  is  awkwardly  broken  by  the 
citation  from  Is.  11 9,  introduced  by  the  formula, 
"  Behold  it  is  (these  words  are)  from  Yahweh  of 
Hosts." 

15-17.  Woe  to  him  that  makcth  his  neighbour 
drunk,  filling  his  land  and  cities  with  bloodshed  and 


violence.  To  him  also  shall  the  cup  pass  round  :  he 
teo  shall  be  made  drunk,  and  his  glory  turned  into 
shame  and  ruin. 

15.  The  text  is  somewhat  confused.  Read  perhaps, 
"  Woe  .  .  .  drink,  from  his  glowing  cup  (or,  the  cup 
of  his  wrath)  to  utter  drunkenness,  that  he  may  look 
on  his  shame."  As  applied  to  the  Chaldeans,  this 
must  be  understood  of  the  violence  that  laid  the 
nations  prostrate,  powerless,  and  disgraced  (cf.  Is.  51 17, 
Jer.  25i5ff.). — 16f.  The  oppressor  is  to  b©  paid  back 
in  his  own  coin :  the  devastation  he  has  wrought  in 
mountain,  field,  and  city  will  overwhelm  himself. — 
For  he'arel,  "  be  uncircumcised,"  read  hera'el,  "  stagger  " 
(LXX). — cover :  overwhelm. — Read,  "  the  havoc  thou 
hast  made  of  cattle  shall  dismay  the© "  (cf.  mg.). 
Such  ruthless  destruction  of  forest,  city,  and  cattle  ia 
amply  attested  by  the  Assyrian  monuments. 

18-20.  Woe  on  the  senseless  idolater,  who  bids  the 
wood  and  dumb  stone  rise  and  teach  him.  It  may  be 
finely  overlaid  with  gold  and  silver,  but  there  is  no 
breath  in  it.  As  against  this  vain  show,  Yahweh 
dwells  in  His  holy  Temple,  claiming  the  reverent 
adoration  of  all  the  earth.  Him  alone  let  men  worship 
and  serve. 

18.  the  teacher  of  lies :  rather,  "  the  lying  oracle  " 
(in  reference  to  the  image  itself). — the  maker  of  his 
work  :  probably  just  "  its  maker  "  (yot^ro). — 20. 
silence:  the  reverential  hush  that  befits  the  near 
presence  of  the  Divine. 

in.  The  Prayer  of  Habakkuk. — 1.  Shlgionoth :  prob- 
ably plural  of  shiggaion  (Ps.  7i .  p.  373),  But  LXX  reads 
n'^ginoth,  "  on  the  stringed  instruments  "  (cf,  Ps.  4i, 
61,  etc.). 

2.  The  poet  has  both  heard  of  and  seen  Yahweh'a 
doings  in  days  gone  by,  and  prays  Him  anew  to  reveal 
His  saving  power  to  His  people. 

For  yarethi,  "  I  was  afraid,"  read  ra'ithi,  "  I  have 
seen  "  (LXX),  to  be  taken  with  the  following  words  : 
thus,  "  I  have  seen  Thy  work,  0  Lord."' — in  the  midst 
of  the  years:  i.e.  in  the  present  era  (without  waiting 
for  the  final  judgment). — Read  probably,  "  make  Thy- 
self known  "  (LXX  Syr.). 

III.  3-16.  In  answer  to  his  prayer,  Yahweh  comes 
from  Sinai,  riding  on  His  victorious  chariots,  surrounded 
by  gloiy  and  splendour.  His  bow  uncovered  and  His 
quiver  filled  with  shafts,  making  the  mountains  to 
sink  low  and  the  earth  itself  to  quake,  the  floods  to 
roar,  and  the  sim  and  moon  to  forget  their  shining, 
piercing  the  head  of  tho  enemy,  while  He  brings  salva- 
tion to  His  people.  So  awful  is  tho  sight  that  the 
poet's  whole  frame  trembles,  his  lips  quiver,  and  his 
footsteps  shake  beneath  him  ;  he  caimot  restrain  hia 
sympathies  even  for  the  enemy  that  invades  his 
fatherland. 

In  tho  original  tho  tenses  vaiy  between  imper- 
fect and  descriptive  perfect  (the  future  being  con- 
ceived as  already  present  in  imagination).  It  ia 
better,  therefore,  to  render  throughout  by  tho  graphic 
present. 

3.  Teman:  on  the  NW.  of  Edom. — mount  Paran: 
between  Sinai  and  Kadesh-Barnea. — praise:  rather, 
that  which  calls  forth  praise,  i.e.  God's  splendour  or 
majesty. — 4.  Read  probably,  "  Like  fire  i.^  the  brightness 
beneath  him." — rays:  lit.  "horns"  (cf.  Ex.  3429). 
— Read  "at  Hia  side"  (mg.). — hiding:  or,  veil. — 
5.  Read,  "  Before  Him  marcheth  Pestilence ;  at  His 
feet  (behind  Plim)  stalketh  Plague  (or  Fever).""— 8.  With 
one  or  two  slight  changes  (partly  suggested  by  LXX) 
read,  "  He  standoth.  and  shaketh  the  earth ;  Ho 
looketh,  and  maketh  tho  hills  to  skip.  The  ancient 
mountains  are  shattered,  tho  eternal  hills  sink  down." 


668 


HABAKKUK,  III.  6 


The  last  clause.  "  Even  the  otomal  paths  bt^foro 
Him,"  is  no  doubt  an  expansion. — 7.  R*-^,  "  Afraid 
aro  the  tents  of  Cushan- " — Cushan:  Jg.  38*.  c/. 
Nu.  12i*. — 8.  The  first  two  clauses  are  variants. 
— Read.  "  Upon  Thy  victorious  chariots."  viz.  the 
storm-clouds. — 9.  For  the  meaningless  clause.  "  The 
oaths,"  etc..  read  (with  a  group  of  LXX  manu- 
scripts) "  Thy  quiver  id  filled  with  shafts." — For  "  with 
rivers  "  read  "  into  rivers." — 10.  For  "  The  tempest." 
etc,  read  '"  The  clouds  pour  down  waters  "  {cf.  Vs.  77 
17). — The  last  clause  should,  no  doubt,  be  taken  with 
II.  and  the  couplet  made  to  run  as  follows:  ''The 
sun  forgetteth  his  rising.  The  moon  standeth  still  in 
her  dwelling-place  "  (LXX  group). — 11.  An  alternative 
rendering  is,  "'Thine  arrows  go  forth  as  a  flash.  Thy 
glittering  spear  is  as  lightning." — 13.  thine  anointed': 
here  most  probably  the  people,  treated  as  a  personified 
unity. — The  second  half  of  the  verse  is  somewhat 
overladen  and  corrupt.  Read  probabh*.  "  Thou  dost 
shatter  the  house  of  the  wicked,  Thou  dost  lay  bare 


the  foundation  to  the  rock." — 14.  With  a  few  el 
(noted  in  Kittel's  text)  we  may  translate  the  fist 
couplet  as  follows :  "  With  thy  shafts  thou  dost 
pierce  his  head.  Like  chaff  his  warriors  are  scattered." 
The  rest  of  the  verse  is  still  more  corrupt,  and  ia 
probably  interpolated.  Duhm  emends  the  text  to 
read,  "  Tyrants  hide  a  net,  to  devour  the  poor  in  am- 
bush."— 15.  Probably  to  be  read  l:)efore  8. — 16.  belly: 
the  bodily  frame. — Rottenness:  decay  or  mouldering 
(cf.  Ps.  323). — I  trembled,  etc  :  rather,  "  my  footsteps 
tremble  beneath  me  "  (LXX). — With  a  slight  change 
in  the  text,  translate  the  rest  of  the  verse,  "  I  sigh  for 
the  daj'  (time)  of  trouble  that  doth  come  on  the  people 
that  invadeth  me  (in  troops)." 

UL  17-19.  A  liturgical  addition,  expressing  perfect 
trust  in  Yahweh  even  amid  loss  and  grief  (cf.  JL 
1 17-20). 

17.  For  tiphrah,  "  blossom,"  read  probably  tiphreh, 
"  boar  fruit "  (LXX).— 19.  From  Ps.  ISsaf.— On  the 
musical  notes,  see  p.  373. 


ZEPHANIAH 


By  Professor  A.  R.  GORDON 


The  burden  of  Zephaniah's  prophecy  is  the  near 
approach  of  the  Day  of  Yahweh,  which  is  to  pass  like 
a  storm  over  Judah  and  Phiiistia,  Egypt,  Ethiopia, 
and  Assyria,  leaving  all  these  lands  naked  and  desolate. 
The  immediate  occasion  is  the  oncoming  of  the  Scythian 
hordes  (c.  627  b.c.)  which  likewise  aroused  the  pro- 
phetic consciousness  of  Jeremiah  (see  pp.  46,  60).  This 
theme  is  sustained  through  the  first  two  chapters, 
which  are  on  all  hands  accepted  as  genuine,  save  for 
the  interpolated  section  on  Moab  and  Ammon  (28-ri), 
with  its  evident  reflection  of  exilic  feeUngs  and  con- 
ditions. In  3  the  accent  changes,  and  we  pass 
from  grave  denunciation  of  the  sin  of  Jerusalem  and 
its  rulers  (1-7)  through  lurid  pictures  of  judgment 
(8-13)  to  dazzling  visions  of  restoration  and  abidmg 
renown  for  the  people  of  Yahweh  (14-20).  The  first 
of  these  sections  is  charged  -nith  the  common  note  of 
prophecy  ;  more  precise  indications  of  authorship  are 
wanting.  The  tenor  of  8-13  points  strongly  to  post- 
exiUc  origin,  though  their  authenticity  is  still  main- 
tained by  a  large  consensus  of  critical  opinion  (Nowack, 
Davickon,  Driver,  G.  A.  Smith,  etc.).  The  visions 
which  fill  the  rest  of  the  chapter  (14-20)  are  univer- 
sally admitted  to  be  late. 

Zephaniah  means  "  he  whom  Yahweh  hath  hidden." 
The  prophet's  genealogy  is  traced  back  to  Hezekiah, 
no  doubt  the  kuig  of  that  name.  His  royal  connexion 
is  suggested  also  by  his  intimate  acquaintance  with 
court  circles,  and  the  general  concentration  of  his 
interest  on  Jerusalem.  Nowhere  else  have  we  so  vivid 
an  impression  of  the  social  and  religious  condition  of 
Jerusalem  prior  to  the  Deuteronomic  Reformation. 
In  the  moral  earnestness  of  his  spirit  Zephaniah  is 
most  akin  to  Amos  and  Isaiah,  whose  influence  is 
transparent  throughout  the  book.  He  lacks,  however, 
their  breadth  of  outlook  and  literary  interest.  The 
prophecies  of  Zephaniah  are  illumined  by  no  soaring 
vision,  no  real  gift  of  imagination,  no  play  of  tender- 
ness or  human  sympathy.  The  only  gleams  of  loveli- 
ness belong  to  the  later  additions,  the  rest  of  the 
book  being  heavily  tinged  with  the  gloom  and  darkness 
of  the  coming  Day.  In  style  and  thought  alike 
Zephaniah  is  characteristically  the  prophet  of  doom, 
the  herald  of  the  Last  Judgment.  With  fine  dLscem- 
ment  mediaeval  art  portrayed  him  as  the  man  with 
the  lantern  of  tho  Lord,  searching  out  sinners  tor 
destruction. 

Literature. — Commeidaries :  For  those  on  all  tho 
Minor  Prophets  see  General  Bibliographies,  (a)  David- 
son (CB) ;  i7y)  J.  M.  P.  Smith  (ICC) ;  (c)  Reinke,  Lippl. 
Othfr  Literature  :  articles  by  Selbie  in  HDB  and  Driver 
in  EBi;  Gressmarm,  Ursprung  der  lsr.-)iid.  Eschato- 
logic,  pp.  14Iff. 

I.  1.  Title. — The  most  extended  of  prophetic 
genealogies,  probably  Ijccause  Zephaniah  was  of  royal 
descent  (r/.  Intro.). 

L  2-18.  The    Doom    of   Judah    and   Jerusalem. — 


2-6.  Riding  as  it  were  on  the  crest  of  a  tidal  wave  of 
destruction,  which  sweeps  off  man  and  beast  from  the 
face  of  the  ground,  Yahweh  stretches  Hii  hand  against 
Judah  and  Jerusalem,  the  centre  of  the  world's  offence, 
to  cut  off  the  priests  and  worshippers  of  Baal,  together 
with  all  such  as  prostrate  themselves  before  the  host 
of  heaven,  mingle  the  worship  of  Yahweh  with  that 
of  Molech,  or  otherwise  prove  traitor  to  the  God  of 
their  fathers,  withdrawing  from  His  allegiance  and 
ceasing  to  inquire  after  Him. 

2.  ground:  the  cultivated,  inhabited,  civilised 
world. — 3.  For  "  the  stumbUng-blocks  with "  (a 
rendering  as  dubious  as  it  is  meaningless)  read  the 
corresponding  verb,  "  I  will  bring  down." — 4.  the 
remnant  ol  Baal:  i.e.  the  last  vestige  of  Baalism. — 
Chemarim :  a  common  Semitic  word  for  priests,  used 
in  the  OT  only  as  a  term  of  cont«mpt  for  idola- 
trous priests  (c/.  2  K.  235,  Hos.  IO5).  "  With  the 
priests  ''  is  probably  an  explanatory  gloss. — 5.  The 
worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  so  prominent  a  feature 
of  Assyrian  religion,  began  to  affect  Judah  in  the  reign 
of  Ahaz,  and  rose  to  its  height  under  Manasseh  and 
Amon  (2  K.  21 38.).  The  influence  of  the  barbarous 
cult  of  Malcam — the  Molech  or  Milk  of  Phoenician 
worship — was  equally  prevalent  during  this  period  of 
national  apostasy  (2  K.  23io,  Jer.  731).— 6.  In  addition 
to  such  outward  profanation  of  Yahweh's  name  there 
flourished  a  species  of  practical  infidelity,  which  de- 
liberately thrust  away  the  thought  of  Yahweh  as 
Ruler  of  heart  and  conscience  (cf.  Ps.  14iff.). 

7-13.  With  reverential  silence  the  people  of 
Jerusalem  are  bidden  await  the  coming  of  the  great 
Day  of  Yahweh's  sacrifice,  to  which  He  has  already 
invited  and  consecrated  His  guests,  when  He  will  offer 
up  as  victims  the  princes  of  the  royal  house,  who  have 
set  their  people  so  flagrant  an  example  of  violence  and 
fraud,  with  all  who  have  defiled  themselves  by  foreign 
customs  and  superstitions,  and  the  morally  indifferent 
who  are  settled  on  their  lees  and  say  in  their  hearts, 
"  Yahweh  doth  neither  good  nor  evil."  No  one  shall 
escape  the  judgment  of  that  Day  ;  for  Yahweh  will 
search  Jerusalem  with  a  lamp,  and  will  track  the 
sinners  to  their  remotest  hiding-places.  And  so  awful 
will  bo  the  ruin  and  desolation  of  the  Day  that 
Jerusalem  will  resound  from  north  to  south  with  the 
crash  of  falling  houses  and  the  cries  of  the  doomed  and 
panic-stricken. 

7.  On  tho  silence  that  accompanied  Yahweh's 
approach  to  the  sacrificial  table  cf.  Hab.  220.— The 
sacrifice  is  of  Yahweh's  own  people,  the  guests 
being  the  heathen  nations,  specifically  the  Scythians, 
the  instnnnents  of  the  Divine  wrath — 8.  For  '  sons  "' 
read  probably  '' house "  (LXX),  Josiah's  sons  being 
still  mere  boys. — Clothing  with  foreign  apparel  waa 
regarded  as  treason  against  Yahweh  Himself,  dress 
having  a  real  religious  significance. — 9.  Leaping  over 
the  threshold  waa  a  world-wide  superstitious  practice. 


570 


ZEPHANIAH,  I.  9 


due  to  fear  of  the  spirits  of  the  threshold  (Ex.  1222', 
1  S.  55).— lOf.  The  Fish-gate,  on  the  north  (Neh.  83, 
1239),  probably  the  present  Damascus  Gate ;  the 
Mishneh  (mg.),  or  New  Towna,  the  northern  suburb  of 
Jerusalem  (2  K.  2214),  just  inside  the  Wall  of  Manasseh  ; 
the  Hills,  or  Heights,  a  residential  quarter  of  the  city, 
evidently  towarck  the  north,  though  its  exact  situa- 
tion is  unknown  ;  the  Maktcsh,  or  Mortar,  probably 
the  trough  of  the  Tyropceon  Valley,  the  chief  resort 
of  "  the  merchant  people  '  (mg.),  and  centre  of  trade 
and  industry  (c/.  G.  A,  Smith,  Jerusalem,  i.  200ff.). — 
12.  lamps  (mg.),  or  "a  lamp"  (LXX) :  such  as  the 
watchman  employed  to  search  the  city,  or  the  house- 
wife to  look  for  lost  coins  (Lk.  158). — settled,  thickened 
(mg.),  or  coagulated,  on  their  lees:  not  passed  from 
vessel  to  vessel  to  be  strained  and  purified  (p.  Ill,  c/. 
Jcr.  48 1  iff.). 

14-18.  This  great  Day  of  Yahweh  is  near  at  hand, 
near  and  speeding  fast,  a  Daj-  of  bitterness  and  wrath, 
of  stress  and  straitness,  a  Day  of  waste  and  desola- 
tion murk,  and  gloom,  a  Day  of  cloud  and  thimder, 
trumpet,  and  alarum,  when  Yahweh  will  press  hard 
upon  His  people,  and  will  pour  out  their  blood  like 
dust  and  their  flesh  like  dung,  and  no  silver  or  gold 
shall  be  able  to  deliver  them  from  the  flame  of  His 
jealousy. 

14.  On  the  prophetic  conception  of  "  the  Day  of 
Yahweh  "  cf.  Am.  5i8,  Is.  25-22. — For  qd, "  voice,"  read 
qarob,"  near,"  and  for  tsoreahsham  gibbor,  "  crieth  there 
the  warrior,"  probably  has  miggibbor  :  thus,  '  Near  is 
Yahwehs  bitter  day,  speeding  faster  than  a  warrior." — 
15fl.  From  the  terrible  description  of  the  Day  of 
Yahweh  is  drawn  the  famous  mediaeval  Dies  irce, 
dies  ilia. 

n.  Doom  on  Phllistia  [Moab  and  Ammon],  Ethiopia, 
and  Assyria. — 1-7.  Having  spent  its  rage  on  Judah, 
the  storm  of  Divine  judgment  sweeps  .south  by  the 
Phi  istian  sea-board,  uprooting  cities  and  their  in- 
habitants, driving  them  off  like  chaff,  and  leaving  the 
once  fertile  plain  a  pasturage  for  shepherds  and  folds 
for  flocks. 

1.  The  meaning  of  the  first  words  is  highly  un- 
certain. An  attractive  suggestion  yields,  "  Get  you 
shame,  yea,  be  abashed,  U  nation  unabashed,"  the 
reference  being  to  the  Philistines,  rather  than  Judah, 
as  many  scholars  maintain. — 2.  The  text  here  is  both 
corrupt  and  overladen.  The  original  should  perhaps 
be  reduced  to  read,  "  Ere  ye  become  fine  dust,  as  chaff 
which  passeth  away." — 3.  A  late  interpolation,  offering 
escape  for  the  meek  and  humble  (of  Judah).— 4.  "  As 
for  Ashdod — by  noon-day  (after  but  a  morning's  siege) 
they  shall  rout  her." — 5.  Cherethites:  a  parallel 
designation  of  the  Philistines,  in  allusion  to  their 
Cretan  origin  (p.  50,  1  S.  3O14*.  Ezek.  25i6). — 6.  Hero 
also  the  text  is  overladen.  Read  simply.  "  And  thou 
shalt  become  pastures  for  shepherds  and  folds  for 
flocks." — 7.  The  first  and  last  clauses  are  clearly  post- 
exilic  additions  (after  the  manner  of  3),  turning  the  pro- 
phecy into  a  glorification  of  "  the  remnant  of  Judah." 
The  original  may  have  read  as  follows  :  "  By  the  sea- 
shore shall  they  feed  ;  in  the  houses  of  Ashkelon  at 
even  shall  they  lay  them  down." 

8-10.  Into  the  natural  context  of  the  passage  a 
later  writer  has  woven  a  prophecy  of  vengeance  on 
Moab  and  Ammon  for  their  revilings  and  insults  heaped 
upon  Judah  (on  the  day  of  Jenisalem's  downfall). 
For  this  their  land  shall  become  waste  as  Sodom  and 
Gomorrah,  a  perpetual  desolation,  overrun  by  nettles 
and  saltpits,  while  the  remnant  of  Judah  shall  plunder 
them  and  hold  them  in  bondage. 

9.  a  possession :  an  obscure  word,  probably  meaning 


■'  inherited     by." — The    desolation     of    Sodom    and 
Gomorrah  was  proverbial  (cf.  Is.  I9). 

11.  A  still  later  addition,  universaUsing  the  judg- 
ment, hut  following  it  up  with  a  prophecy  of  Yahweh  s 
world-wide  reign. 

12.  Probably  the  original  sequel  to  the  oracle  of 
doom  (1-7).  The  natural  path  of  the  storm  would  be 
through  Egypt  to  Ethiopia  ;  but  the  doom  on  Egypt 
is  absent,  while  even  that  on  Ethiopia  is  suspiciously 
brief.  The  prophecy  may  have  been  curtailed  in 
process  of  redaction. 

13-15.  While  one  arm  of  the  devastating  flood  has 
passed  through  Palestine  to  Egypt  and  Ethiopia, 
another  sweeps  north  to  Assyria,  overwhelming  the 
proud  capital  Nineveh,  making  her  a  desolation,  the 
haunt  of  lonely  herds  and  creatures  of  the  waste. 

14.  For  "  beasts  of  the  nations  '  read  "  beasts  of 
the  field  '  (LXX). — For  qol,  "  voice,"  read  kos,  the 
little  owl  that  haunted  ruins  (cf.  Ps.  1026),  and  for 
horeb,  "  drought  '  (mg.),  read  'oreb,  "  the  raven " 
(LXX) :  thus,  "  The  owl  shall  hoot  in  the  window,  the 
raven  at  the  doorstep"  (cf.  Is.  34 11).  The  closing 
phrase  is  a  mere  dittograph  to  the  opening  words  of  15. 
— On  the  desolation  of  Nineveh  cf.  Nab.  2iiff. 

III.  1-7.  The  Sin  of  Jerusalem  contrasted  with  the 
Righteousness  of  Yahweh. — From  scenes  of  doom  and 
desolation  we  are  now  led  back  in  thought  to  the  sins 
that  drew  down  Yahweh's  hand  in  wrath.  Despite 
His  constant  goodness  and  loving-kindness  Jerusalem 
has  shown  herself  defiant  and  rebellious,  deep-stained 
with  guilt,  and  all  the  while  heedless  of  instruction 
and  correction,  her  rulers  rapacious  as  evening  wolves, 
her  prophets  boastful  and  faithless,  giving  forth  their 
own  imaginings  as  the  very  word  of  God,  and  her 
priests  indifferent  aUke  to  the  claims  of  holiness  and 
the  light  of  revelation  from  above.  While  crimes  like 
these  pollute  her.  she  cannot  escape  the  judgment  of 
Yahweh  ;  for  He  is  righteous,  and  morning  by  morning 
bringeth  forth  justice  as  unfailingly  as  the  light.  Tiie 
nations  He  has  already  destroyed  and  left  without 
inhabitant  are  abiding  witnesses  to  the  righteousness 
of  Yahweh.  He  hoped  that  His  own  people  would 
read  the  lesson,  and  abide  in  His  fear ;  but  they  have 
wantordy  and  deliberately  made  all  their  doings  corrupt, 
thus  not  only  cutting  off  all  chance  of  salvation,  but 
even  inviting  destruction. 

2.  evening  wolves:  cf.  Hab.  Is. — 4.  light:  rather 
"  unrestrained,  reckless  "  (in  speech).  "  braggarts  " 
(G.  A.  Smith).— treacherous:  i.e.  faithless  to  the  God 
whose  word  they  professed  to  interpret. — For  "  the 
sanctuary  "  read  "  that  which  Ls  holy  "  (cf.  Ezek.  2226). 
The  priests  have  proved  false  to  their  two  main  duties  : 
they  have  blurred  the  distinction  between  the  holy 
and  the  common,  and  have  perverted  the  '  direction  " 
(teaching  or  revelation)  received  from  Yahweh.  twisting 
it  to  suit  the  wishes  of  their  wealthy  patrons. — 5.  For 
la'or,  ••  to  the  light,"  we  should  jK-rhaps  read  ka'or, "'  like 
the  light  "  (cf.  Hos.  65),  making  God's  judgment  rather 
than  Himself  the  subject  of  "  faileth  not." — 7.  I  said: 
i.e.  ■'  I  thought." — For  m'^onah.  "  her  dwelling,  "  read 
me'eiieyhi,  '"  from  her  eyes  "  (LXX,  S>t.)  :  thus.  "  And 
no  more  from  her  eyes  (sight)  shall  be  cut  off  aught 
that  I  have  laid  upon  her  (any  commandment  I  have 
charged  her  with)." 

III.  8-20.  The  Deliverance  of  Jerusalem,  and  Re- 
nown of  Redeemed  Israel. — 8.  11-13.  Let  Yahweh's 
faithful  people  wait  iKitiently  till  the  day  when  He 
shall  stand  as  a  witness  against  the  nations  that 
oppress  them.  For  it  is  His  purpose  to  assemble  them 
together  for  judgment,  to  pour  out  the  fire  of  Hia 
jealousy  upon  them,  and  out  of  the  depths  of  shame 


ZEPHANIAH,  III.  19 


571 


to  bring  the  remnant  of  Israel  to  honour  and  glory, 
and  to  abiding  righteousness  and  peace.  For  on  the 
day  of  judgment  Yahweh  will  remove  from  their 
midst  all  the  proud  and  haughty  ones  that  caused 
their  dishonour,  leavhig  a  people  humble  and  poor, 
trusting  only  in  the  name  of  Yahweh. 

8.  For  i«'ad,  "  to  the  prey,"  read  Wed,  "  for  a 
witness  "  (LXX,  Syr.).  On  the  conception  of  Yahweh 
as  witness  cf.  Mi.  I2,  Mai.  85. — 12.  "  A  people 
humble  and  poor  "  :  in  the  later  literature  a  tech- 
nical phrase  for  the  pious  in  Israel. — 13.  An  idyUio 
picture  of  pastoral  peace  and  security  (cf.  Ezek. 
3425fi.). 

9f.  An  interpolation  in  which  the  redemption  of 
Israel  is  extended  to  all  the  nations  {cf.  Is.  19i8fE., 
Zech.  14i6ii.). 

9.  turn:  i.e.  give  in  exchange  for  their  present 
idolatrous  speech. — a  pure  lip  {7ng.) :  one  that  shall 
take  upon  it  only  the  name  of  Yahweh. — with  one 
shoulder  (mg.) :  like  oxen  working  harmoniously  to- 
gether under  the  common  yoke. — 10.  The  text  here  is 
hopelessly  corrupt.  From  a  mass  of  conjectural 
emendations  we  may  select  Halevy's  as  the  simplest 


and  most  satisfactory,  "  From  beyond  the  rivers  of 
Ethiopia  the  princes  of  the  daughter  of  Put  shall 
bring  mine  offering  "  (bring  me  the  offering  worthy  of 
my  sovereignty). 

14-20.  Yahweh  having  now  assumed  the  kingdom, 
Jerusalem  is  bidden  sing  aloud  for  joy  ;  for  the  King's 
heart  is  full  of  joy  in  His  city,  and  He  will  constantly 
renew  His  love  for  her.  All  shame  and  reproach  will 
He  remove  from  her  midst,  bringing  together  her  halt 
and  outcast  flock,  and  making  her  an  object  of  praise 
and  renown  through  aU  the  earth. 

15.  For  mishpatayik,  "  thy  judgments,"  read  m^sho- 
ph^tayik,  "  thine  adversaries  "  (in  the  judgment-court). 
In  the  parallel  clause  read  the  plural,  "  thane  enemies  " 
(LXX,  etc.). — 17.  For  yaharish,  "  He  will  be  silent " 
{mg.),  read  probably  y^haddesh,  "  He  will  renew." — 
18.  The  opening  words  should  be  attached  to  17,  and 
amended  to  read,  "  as  on  the  day  of  festival  "  (LXX). 
The  rest  of  the  verse  may  have  originally  run  aa 
follows,  "  I  will  remove  from  thee  (all)  shame,  and  will 
lift  (the  burden  of)  reproach  from  off  thee  "  {cf.  Kittel'a 
note). — 19.  The  feminine  collectives  "  halt  "  and  "  out- 
cast "  refer  to  the  Dispersion  as  a  whole. 


HAGGAI 


By  Professor  R.  H.  KENNETT 


The  prophecies  of  Haggai  and  Zeohariah  both  from 
their  precise  dating  and  their  clear  references  to  exist- 
ing circumstances  are  of  unique  value  for  a  study  of 
the  post-exihc  history  of  Israel.  It  is  unlikely,  at  lea-st 
in  the  case  of  Haggai,  that  they  were  committed  to 
writing  by  the  prophets  themselves,  and  it  is  evident 
that  thoy  have  not  come  down  to  us  intact,  while 
further  the  text  has  suflfered  in  transmission  ;  never- 
theless the  sense  is  almost  always  oloar.  In  some  cases 
the  ancient  VSS  afford  valuable  help  for  tlie  restora- 
tion of  the  text,  while  in  other  ca.scs  emendations,  in 
themselves  conjectural,  are  practically  certain  from  the 
context. 

Although  in  some  instances  prophecies  may  have 
been  written  down  by  their  authors,  there  is  no  reason 
for  supposing  that  such  a  practice  was  universal. 
Jeremiah  had  preached  for  some  score  of  years  before 
his  words  were  committed  to  writing.  The  teaching 
of  the  prophets  generally  has  been  preserved  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  way  as  the  teaching  of  our  Lord,  viz. 
through  the  memory  of  their  disciples.  Prophecies 
composed  in  poetry  might  under  such  circumstances 
bo  reproduced  nearly  in  their  original  form  ;  otherwise, 
although  certain  striking  phrases  might  be  remembered, 
the  ipsissima  verba  of  a  whole  sermon  could  not  bo 
preserved.  It  is  therefore  futile  to  discuss  the 
literary  stj-le  of  Haggai.  The  force  of  his  preaching 
must  be  estimated  by  its  results. 

Of  Haggai 's  personal  history  we  know  nothing.  His 
name,  which  apjxjais  to  be  another  form  of  Haggi 
(Gen.  46i6,  Nu.  2G15,  cf.  Haggith,  2  S.  84,  1  K.  15,11, 
2 1 3,  1  Ch.  82),  probably  denoted  originally  one  bom 
at  one  of  the  great  feasts,  but  no  inference  can  be 
drawn  from  the  name  as  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
prophet's  birth.  Of  his  parentage  nothing  is  known, 
nor  whether  he  had  spent  all  his  life  in  Palestine  or 
had  returned  with  Zerubbabel  from  Bab3'lonia.  It  is 
indeed  remarkable  that  neither  Haggai  nor  Zechariah 
ever  mentions  a  return  from  exile  as  having  taken 
l)lace,  while  both  })roi)het8  evidently  regard  Persia  not 
as  the  ulstrument  of  Israel's  deliverance  (as  in  Is.  4428f.) 
but  as  itself  the  oppressing  power.  Their  language 
indeed  Is  entirely  explicable  if  those  only  had  returned 
who  formed  Zorubbabel's  retinue,  and  it  affords  no 
confirmation  of  2  Ch.  3622f.,  Ezr.  1.  The  idea  that 
there  was  a  return  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  is  not 
improbably  a  mere  inference  fron'i  Is.  44f.  The  cylinder 
inscription  of  Cyrus  does  not  prove  that  he  permitted 
all  the  exiled  communities  to  nturn  to  their  own 
lands  ;  and,  further,  1  Rsd.  4  represents  Zerubbabel 
as  appointed  governor  of  Judah,  not  by  Cjtus  but  by 
Darius.  It  is  significant  that  the  rebuilding  of  the 
Temple  was  not  Ix'gun  till  the  reign  of  the  latter  ; 
and  the  almost  simultaneous  act'vitj'  of  Haggai  and 
Zechariah  is  most  naturally  accounted  for  by  the  sup- 
position that  some  recent  political  event,  such  as  the 
appointment  of  a  Jewish  governor,  had  kindled  their 


572 


enthusiasm.  On  the  questions  raised  in  this  and  the 
following  paragraphs,  see  pp.  77f. 

Darius  1  (p.  61 )  began  his  reign  521  B.C.,  and,  assuming 
some  interval  between  his  accession  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  Zerubbabel,  we  may  conclude  that  the  latter 
would  not  reach  Jerusalem  till  the  spring  or  summer 
of  520.2  jje  ^g^  doubtless  allowed  a  retinue  of  Jews, 
whom  he  would  naturally  select  from  those  famiUos 
which  had  been  most  closely  connected  in  the  past 
with  the  Jewish  royal  family,  including  almost  cer- 
tainly some  of  priestly  descent. 

According  to  2  K.'25i2,  which  is  written  from  the 
aristocratic  standpoint  of  the  Babylonian  Jews,  the 
population  remaining  in  Judah  and  Jerusalem  in  586 
consisted  only  of  the  poorest  of  the  peasantry.  This 
statement,  however,  ignores  the  refugees  who  in  a 
short  time  returned  to  their  homes  (Jer.  40i2),  as  well 
as  the  remnants  of  the  Jewish  forces  who  still  carried 
on  the  guerilla  warfare.  The  land  was  certainly  not 
depopulated,  otherwise  Gedahah  would  not  have  been 
appointed  governor  (Jer.  tOs),  and  even  if  allowance  bo 
made  for  the  migration  to  Egj^jt  in  consequence  of 
liis  murder  (Jer.  41—43),  a  considerable  number  of 
Jews  remained  behind.  From  the  absence  of  warnings 
against  idolatry  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  wor- 
shippers of  Yahweh  who  remained  in  the  country  were 
sufficiently  numerous  at  all  events  to  maintain  their 
own  religion,  and  perhai>s  even  to  impose  it  upon 
recent  settlers  such  as  those  Edomites  who  had  come 
northwards. 

Ezr.  3  imphes  that  until  the  return  of  the  exiles  the 
altar  had  been  in  ruins,  and  that  no  sacrifices  had  been 
offered  since  686  ;  but  apart  from  the  intrinsic  im- 
probability of  this,  it  is  definitely  stated  (Jer.  41 5) 
that  offerings  were  brought  to  the  Temple  even  after 
the  destruction  of  the  actual  building,  and  it  may 
well  be  doubted  whether  the  great  altar  of  burnt 
offering  had  ever  been  destroyed.  Moreover,  it  is 
scarcely  conceivable  that  the  community  should  have 
existed  without  a  priesthood,  since,  apart  from  sacrifice, 
the  priests  were  needed  to  give  decisions  on  many 
points  of  vital  importance.  Who  the  priests  were  who 
succeeded  the  deported  sons  of  Zadok  we  are  nowhere 
told  ;  but  having  regard  to  Josiah's  intention  to  admit 
to  the  ministrations  of  the  Temple  the  priests  from  other 
sanctuaries  (2  K.  289)  as  well  as  the  expUcit  law  of 
Dt.  186,  we  may  conclude  that  the  priests  who  minis- 
tered at  Jerusalem  from  586  to  the  appointment  of 

•That  this  was  Darius  I,  king  of  Persia  (521-485),  is  made 
certain  by  the  mention  of  70  years  'Zech.  I12,  cf.  Jer.  29io). 
This  is,  of  course,  a  round  number,  the  actual  length  of  time 
between  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  in  586  and  Zechariah's 
prophecy  in  Feb.  619  being  aocordinj,'  to  Jewish  reckoning,  68 
years. 

*  The  Jewish  year  in  post-exilic  times  began  in  the  spring  (gee 
Ei.  12),  tlie  first  month  being  roufjhly  equivalent  to  April. 
Although  the  reckonint;  by  lunar  montlis  niaide  the  beginning  of 
the  year  somewhat  variable,  wo  may,  for  convenience'  sake,  equate 
t  hcse  mouths  with  our  own.     (See  p.  118.) 


HAQGAI,  II.  1-9 


573 


Zerubbabel  were  men  from  other  saryjtuariea,  of  which 
Bethel  was  probably  the  chief.  ^ 

Zenibbabel's  appointment  removed  whatever  pohti- 
cal  obstacles  had  hitherto  prevented  the  restoration  of 
the  Temple,  and  Haggai  exhorted  his  countrymen  no 
longer  to  tolerate  its  ruinous  condition.  It  is  evident 
from  his  prophecies  that  the  principle  of  a  single 
central  sanctuary,  originally  laid  down  by  Josiah,  had 
been  generally  accepted,  and  that  the  various  idolatrous 
and  superstitious  practices  which  Jeremiah  had  com- 
bated to  the  end  of  his  life  were  no  longer  a  menace  to 
the  religion  of  Israel.  Haggai  does  not  contemplate 
the  possibility  of  any  other  sanctuary,  nor  does  ho 
denounce  any  of  the  heathen  practices  which  the  pre- 
exihc  prophets  had  so  earnestly  resisted. 

Taking  advantage  of  the  new  moon  festival,  approxi- 
mately Sop.  1,  520,  Haggai  preached  a  sermon  urging 
the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple.  So  great  was  his  elo- 
quence that  work  was  begun  almost  immediately,  and 
by  Oct.  21  sufficient  progress  had  been  made  in  clearing 
away  ruins,  etc.,  to  allow  of  a  formal  laying  of  the 
foundation  stone  (see  below).  On  that  occasion 
Haggai  preached  another  sermon  of  encouragement, 
foretelling  the  collapse  of  the  Persian  empire  and  the 
consequent  enrichment  of  Judah.  Two  months  later, 
Dec.  24,  perhaps  owing  to  some  signs  of  lessening 
enthusiasm  for  the  work,  he  made  another  urgent 
appeal  to  complete  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple, 
reiterating  the  hope  of  Persia's  downfall,  and  declaring 
that  in  Zerubbabel  the  woe  pronounced  by  Jeremiah 
(2224)  on  Jehoiachin  would  be  reversed.  At  this  date 
Haggai  evidently  hoped  that  Zerubbabel  would  be 
king  of  Judah. 

With  this  prophecy  Haggai  disappears  from  our 
notice.  According  to  Ezr.  615,  the  Temple  was 
finished  on  March  3,  515,  after  which  Zerubbabel  is 
not  again  mentioned.  It  is  not  improbable  that  his 
ill-advised  attempt  to  fortify  Jerusalem  (Zech.  2i-5, 
Ezr.  03)  led  to  his  recall  or  even  to  Ms  execution,  and 
if  so  those  who  were  regarded  as  his  partisans  would 
suffer  a  like  fate.  There  is  no  ground  for  the  identifica- 
tion of  Haggai  with  the  prophet  commonly  known  as 
Malachi,  though  the  editor  who  wrote  Hag.  I13  seems 
to  have  held  this  behef. 

Haggai  breathes  a  rehgious  atmosphere  entirely 
different  from  that  of  the  pre-exihc  prophets.  Idolatry 
and  heathenish  practices  are  no  longer  the  chief  sins, 
but  rather  a  tendency  to  secularism.  This  was  perhaps 
an  inevitable  result  of  the  limitation  of  sacrifice  to  one 
altar ;  for  those  who  were  suddenly  forbidden  to 
observe  the  religious  practices  which  they  had  hitherto 
regarded  as  essential  would  in  many  cases  find  it 
difficult  to  discriminate  between  what  was  forbidden 
and  what  was  allowed  or  even  enjoined.  Thus, 
whereas  the  great  prophets  of  the  eighth  and  seventh 
centuries  repudiated  all  sacrifice,  the  compromising 
school  of  reformers  represented  by  Josiah  and  his 
advisers  found  it  necessary  to  insist  on  attendance  at 
the  great  religious  feasts  (Ex.  23i4-i7,  3423f.,  Dt.  I616), 
while  Ezokicl's  den(mciation  of  eating  with  the  blood 
(3325)  suggests  that  the  result  of  the  prohibition  of  the 
local  sanctuaries  had  been  that  domestic  animals  were 
sometimes  slain  with  no  ritual  at  all,  not  even  the 
draining  away  of  the  blood.  In  his  zeal  for  the  restora- 
tion of  ritual  worship,  Haggai  resembles  Ezckiel, 
though  he  shows  no  signs  of  being  directly  influenced 
by  him.  It  must  not  bo  overlooked  that  Ezckiol's 
own  religious  ideas  had  to  a  great  extent  been  formed 
in  Palestine  before  he  was  taken  into  exile.     Although 

'  For  a  further  discussion  of  this  point  see  Cambridoe  Biblical 
Essays,  pp.  lOOff. 


Haggai's  zeal  for  sacrifice  seems  retrograde  in  compari- 
son with  the  teaching  of  the  pre-exihc  prophets,  he 
laid  a  foundation  for  the  work  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
and  thus  had  a  share  in  the  preparation  of  Israel  to  be 
a  light  to  lighten  the  Gentiles. 

Literature.^ For  hterature  on  all  the  Minor  Prophets 
see  General  Bibliographies.  Commentarka  .-  (a)  Dods, 
Barnes  (CB);  (b)  Mitchell  (ICG);  (c)  Reinke,  Anchre. 
Other  Literature:  G-  A-  Cooke  (HDB) ;  Robertson 
Smith  (EB»);  Grieve  (EB") ;  Robertson  Smith  and 
Cheyne  (EBi) ;  Ed.  Meyer,  Entstehung  des  Judentums  ; 
Hmiter,  After  the  Exile,  vol.  i. 

1.  1-11.  The  Gist  of  Haggai's  Sermon  on  Sep.  1, 
520  B.C. — I  and  similar  verses  are  the  work  of  the 
editor,  probably  one  of  Haggai's  disciples  who  first 
wrote  down  an  account  of  the  prophet's  teaching. 
After  "  by  Haggai  the  prophet "  the  LXX  inserts 
"  saying.  Say."  But  though  this  reading  is  probably 
correct,  since  the  address  in  3ff.  is  to  the  people  rather 
than  to  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua,  the  whole  of  i  after 
"  by  Haggai  the  prophet  "  is  a  later  editorial  addition 
from  2 if.,  the  introductory  clause  bemg  originally 
identical  in  form  with  2 1,10. 

Shealtiel,  Zerubbabel's  father,  was,  according  to 
1  Ch.  3 1 7,  one  of  the  sons  of  Jehoiachin.  Zerubbabel's 
office  seems  to  be  the  same  as  that  to  which  Gedahah 
had  been  appointed  (Jor.  405-7,11),  and  which  in  the 
reign  of  Cynis  had  been  held  by  Sheshbazzar  (Ezr.  1 
8-1 1 ).  The  use  of  the  title  pehdh  in  the  case  of 
Zerubbabel  and  of  nasi  in  the  case  of  Sheshbazzar 
probably  does  not  imply  any  difference  in  the  status 
or  authority  of  the  two  men.  Zerubbabel  would  have 
no  jurisdiction  over  Samaria. 

The  title  here  given  to  Joshua  "  the  high  priest  "  or, 
more  hterally,  "  the  great  priest,"  though  appUed  to 
Jehoiada  (2  K.  12 10)  was  probably  not  in  use  before 
the  age  of  Josiah,  Hilkiah  being  termed  simply  "  the 
priest"  (2  K.  22i4,  2324;  but  cf.  224,8,  234).  Ac- 
ccording  to  the  late  genealogy  in  1  Ch.  613-15  Jeho- 
zadak,  Joshua's  father,  was  the  son  of  Seraiah  and  had 
been  carried  into  exile  by  Nebuchadnezzar.  This 
statement,  however,  may  be  a  mere  inference  by  the 
Chronicler  who  combined  the  statement  of  2  K.  25 18 
(Jer.  5224)  and  the  description  of  Joshua  in  Hag.,  and 
argued  that  since,  according  to  his  view,  there  were  no 
sacrifices  at  Jerusalem  between  586  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  Zerubbabel,  Joshua  must  have  returned  with 
the  latter,  and  therefore  his  father,  Jehozadak,  must 
have  been  carried  into  captivity. 

2.  Read  mg. — 3.  is  a  superfluous  editorial  addition. 
4.  A  cieled  house  was  one  hned  with  timber,  ordinary 
houses  being  left  as  rough  inside  as  outside.  "  This 
house  "  means  the  whole  Temple  area,  as  is  evident 
from  14,  23-9.  —  5.  Consider  your  ways:  means 
"  take  notice  of  your  experiences."  In  5  Haggai 
exhorts  the  people  to  reflect  on  their  past  experiences 
(described  in  6)  and  in  7  on  what  will  be  the  experiences 
of  the  future,  viz.  the  greater  prosperity  which  will 
result  from  the  building  of  tlie  Temple.  In  the  past, 
hopes  have  always  been  disappointed,  and  the  Lord 
has  "  blown  upon,"  i.e.  bewitched  tlio  produce  of  the 
land.— 7f.  should  be  placed  after  11. 

I.  12-15.  The  Effect  of  Haggai's  Eloquence.— Work 
was  actually  begun  at  the  Temple  twenty-three  days 
after  the  first  appeal.  The  phrase  "  the  remnant  " 
(apparently  editorial),  probably  has  the  same  sense  as 
in  Jor.  24s,  40ii,i3, 41 10,16, 422,15,10,  etc.,  and  denotes 
those  who  have  not  been  carried  away  into  exile. 

II.  1-9.  Haggai's  Sermon  on  October  21. — If.  is 
mainly  editorial.  The  work  begim  on  Sep.  24  had 
consisted  mainly  of  preparation,  the  actual  rebuilding 


574 


HAOaAI,  II.  1-9 


is  now  begun.  3  ha.s  reference  t«  the  simplicity  of  tiio 
cU'dign  wliicli  was  necessitated  Ijy  the  builderH'  poverty. 
EzT.  3i2f.  is  probably  a  picluresque  iiifcronce  from  thia 
passage.  Ezr.  I6-11,  (teff.  are  at  variance  with  the 
natural  moaning  of  Haggai's  words,  s"  seems  to  be  a 
mutilated  and  misplaced  fragment.  Road,  "  for  I  am 
with  you,  and  my  spirit  abidoth  among  you."  "  The 
heavens  and  the  earth,  the  sea  and  the  drv  land  '"  is  an 
idiomatic  way  of  saying  "  the  whole  world,"  which  to 
Haggai  meant  the  vast  I?'ersian  empire.  The  "  shaking  " 
refers  to  the  revolts  which  broke  out  in  various  parts  of 
the  empire  early  in  the  reign  of  Darius,  which  Haggai 
expected  to  end  in  the  downfall  of  Persia  and  the  con- 
sequent freedom  and  enrichment  of  the  Jews.  Neither 
he  nor  Zechariah  shows  the  slightest  goodwill  or  grati- 
tude towards  Persia.  The  terms  "  desirable  things  " 
and  "  glory  ■'  denote  national  riches.  After  9  the  LXX 
has  a  curious  addition,  probably  not  original,  which,  it 
is  supposed,  corresponds  to  a  Heb.  clause  meaning 
"  and  quietness  of  soul  to  restore  all  the  foundation, 
to  raise  up  the  Temple."  Its  author  seems  rightly 
to  have  understood  the  address  on  Oct.  21  as  having 
been  delivered  at  the  laying  of  the  foundation  stone. 
The  date  in  iS  is  probably  a  mistaken  repetition  from 
10  and  should  be  omitted. 

II.  10-19.  Haggai's  Sermon  on  Dec.  24. — Haggai 
bases  his  exhortation  on  a  pronouncement  of  the 
priests  concerning  the  infecting  power  of  hohness  and 
uncleamiess  respectively.  In  the  question  put  to  the 
priests,  "  holiness  "  has  its  primitive  sense  of  a  physical 
state  (i.e.  taboo) ;  but  in  the  argument  which  Haggai 
bases  on  their  answer  a  more  spiritual  sense  of  the 
word  is  intended.  "  The  law  "  ( 1 1 )  is  a  mistranslation  ; 
render  "  Ask  now  the  priests  concerning  toraJu' 
Torah  (p.  121,  Dt.  I5*,  Pr.  3i*)  means  strictly  instruc- 
tion as  to  right  and  wrong,  and  though  with  the 
definite  article  it  may  mean  the  instruction  par  excel- 
lence, viz.  the  Law,  it  never  loses  its  more  general 
meaning.  The  priests  are  here  asked  for  an  opinion 
on  a  hitherto  undecided  point.  Their  answer  brings 
out  clearl}'  a  principle  which  Haggai  develops,  viz. 
whereas  indirect  contact  with  holiness  does  not  make 
holy,  direct  contact  with  uncleamiess  does  make  un- 
clean ;  and  therefore  since  the  nation  has  so  little 
contact  with  holiness,  and  so  much  with  uncloanness, 
the  whole  nation  is  unclean  and  the  sacrifices  whicli 
are  offered  are  similarly  infected.     [Or  the  point  may 


be  that  uncleannes.'*  has  an  int«nser  energy  for  infection 
than  holiness  ;  it  can  oi>erate  to  two  removes,  holiness 
only  to  one.  Uncleanness  may  be  primary  in  persons 
or  things,  a  deatl  body  is  unclean  in  itself;  holiness 
can  only  l>e  secondary,  since  the  solo  source  oi  holi- 
ness is  God.  See  pp.  202f. — A.  S.  P.]  But  when  the 
Temple  is  rebuilt — it  being  nn plied  that  the  Temple 
worship  will  be  a  greater  factor  in  the  life  of  the  com- 
munity than  formerly — the  sanctifying  infiuence  will 
outweigh  the  defiling,  and  with  increased  hohness  will 
come  an  increase  in  welfare.  The  translation  of  15,  18 
is  misleading,  since  the  Heb.  phra.sc  "  from  this  dav 
and  upward  "  always  means  "  from  this  day  forward, 
as  indeed  it  is  rendered  in  1  S.  I613,  3O25.  The  LXX 
rendering  of  the  Heb.  text  unjustifiably  translated 
"  through  all  that  time  "  is  "  who  were  ye  T  "  We 
should,  however,  expect  some  such  sense  as  "  how  did 
yc  fare  ?  "  18  (except  "  Consider,  I  pray  you  "), 
should  probably  bo  omitted  as  an  insertion  founded  on 
an  incorrect  inference  from  10,  15.  17  is  a  quotation 
or  reminiscence  of  Am.  49,  probably  not  by  Haggai 
luraself.  In  19  a  question  is  out  of  place,  a  statement 
of  fact  being  required  ;  read  (inserting  one  letter), 
"  Lo,  the  seed  is  still  in  the  barn."  15-19  may  be 
paraphrased  as  follows  :  "  Take  notice  from  this  day 
forward,  and  observe  bow  different  your  experiences 
in  the  future  will  be  from  those  in  the  past.  Before 
stone  was  laid  on  stone  in  the  Temple  (i.e.  the  Temple 
proper  as  distinct  from  the  whole  sanctuary  called 
'  the  house  ' )  you  experienced  disappointment ;  but 
henceforth  all  will  be  changed.  At  this  time,  mid- 
winter, the  ugricultural  year  is  over,  and  agricultural 
operations  are  at  a  standstill.  Tlie  seed  to  be  sown  is 
not  yet  taken  out  of  the  bam,  and  no  yield  of  any  sort 
is  in  sight.  The  increase  in  the  fertility  of  the  land 
which  may  be  expected  at  the  next  ingathering  will 
therefore  have  begun  after  the  restoration  of  the 
Temi^lo  is  taken  in  hand,  and  must  be  regarded  as  its 
direct  outcome." 

II.  20-23.  A  Reiteration  and,  incidentally,  an  Ex- 
planation of  the  Prophecy  of  Oct.  21. — 20,  21a  is  an 
editorial  addition.  "  The  throne  of  kingdoms  "  (t.e, 
Persia)  will  be  destroyed  by  internal  strife,  with  the 
lesult  that  Judah  will  be  freed,  and  in  Zerubbabol  will 
be  seen  a  reversal  of  the  woes  pronounced  upon  his 
grandfather,  Jehoiachin  (Jer.  2224).  Haggai  evidently 
regards  Zerubbabol  as  destined  to  be  king. 


ZECHARIAH 


By  Professor  R.  H.  KENNETT 


Of  Zechaiiah,  as  of  his  contemporary,  Haggai,  nothing 
is  known  apart  from  the  OT.  According  to  li  he 
began  to  prophesy  in  Nov.  520  b.c,  i.e.  very  shortly 
after  Haggai's  second  great  address.  But  I2-6  is 
probably  not  by  Zechariah  (see  below),  and  the  next 
earliest  prophecy  is  dated  Feb.  24,  519.  The  latest 
date  given  (7i)  is  Dec.  4,  518. 

The  book  falls  into  two  main  divisions,  of  which  the 
first  (1-8)  belongs  to  the  age  of  Zerubbabel :  the 
second  (9—14),  which  will  be  considered  separately,  has 
no  reference  to  this  period,  and  is  commonly  allowed 
to  be  no  part  of  the  original  book. 

Literature. — For  hterature  on  all  the  Minor  Prophets 
see  General  Bibliographies.  Commentaries :  (a)  Blay- 
ney,  Barnes  (CB),  Dods,  C.  H.  H.  Wright ;  (b)  Mitchell 
(ICC) ,-  (c)  Baumgarten,  Fliigge.  Other  Literature  : 
Ortenberg,  Die  Bestandteile  des  Buches  Sacharja  ;  Staerk, 
Untersuchungen ;  Rubinkam,  The  Secotid  Part  of  the 
Book  of  ZecJiariah  ;  Kuiper,  Zacharia  ix.-xiv. ;  Cheyne 
(JQR,  1888);  WeUhausen  (EBi) ;  Nowack  (HDB) ; 
Marti,  Der  Prophet  Zacharja,  Die  Zweifel  an  der  pro- 
phetischen  Sendung  Sacharjas  (in  Studien  Julius  Well- 


i.-vm. 

UnUke  Haggai,  Zechariah  would  appear  to  have 
written  his  own  prophecies,  but  the  original  document, 
which  has  not  come  down  to  us  quite  complete,  has 
been  edited  with  sundry  introductory  notes  and  con- 
tains, apparently,  some  interpolations.  Of  the  latter, 
I2-6  is  an  instance.  There  is  here  nothing  pecuharly 
characteristic  of  Zechariah,  though  in  so  short  a  book 
arguments  from  style  must  not  be  pressed.  It  is, 
however,  strange  that  when  the  restoration  of  the 
Temple  was  going  on  apace,  Zechariah,  with  his 
hopeful  temperament,  should  preach  a  sermon  implying 
the  continued  impenitence  of  the  people.  Probably  a 
later  exhortation  has  been  substituted  for  the  original 
opening,  deemed  for  some  reason  unsuitable.  "  The 
former  prophets  "  implies  a  contrast  with  the  later 
prophets,  Jeremiah  being  assigned  to  another  era. 
While  the  section  would  suit  better  the  situation  at  the 
beginning  of  Haggai's  ministry,  it  is  not  quite  in  his 
stylo,  and  it  suggests  sins  more  serious  than  the  apathy 
which  he  attacks.  The  author  of  I2-6  seems  to  have 
expanded  yi. 

The  nature  of  Zechariah's  activity  is  clear  from  his 
own  words.  The  first  utterance  which  can  be  certainly 
ascribed  to  him  (I7-17)  is  dated  Feb.  24,  519  B.C.  At 
this  date  the  revolta  which  had  broken  out  against 
Darius  in  various  parts  of  the  Persian  empire  were 
being  rapidly  quelled,  and  the  disappointment  of  the 
hopes  raised  by  Haggai  in  the  previous  Oct.  (Hag.  26f.) 
had  caused  depres.sion  in  Judah.  Zechariah,  however, 
did  not  lose  courage,  predicting  the  overthrow  of  the 
nations  and  the  completion  of  Zion's  restoration.  But 
he  protested  againat  the  fatuity  of  Zorubbabel's  ad- 


676 


visers,  who,  untaught  by  the  lesson  of  the  exile,  wished 
not  only  to  restore  but  to  fortify  Jerusalem,  a  project 
which  aroused  Samaritan  jealousy  and  caused  Persian 
intervention. 

The  prophecies  of  Zechariah  are  of  supreme  import- 
ance through  the  hght  which  they  throw  on  the  internal 
history  of  Judah.  For  some  reason  not  definitely 
stated,  an  attempt  was  made  to  deprive  Joshua  of 
the  High-priesthood.  Joshua  apparently  belonged  to 
the  community  which  had  remained  in  Palestine  during 
the  exile  (p.  573),  and  consequently  when  Zadokito 
priests  returned  from  Babylonia,  friction  inevitably 
arose,  since  the  latter  would  regard  Joshua  as  an  upstart 
fit  at  best  for  the  subordinate  position  of  Levite  (see 
Ezek.  4410-14).  Moreover,  Joshua  and  Zerubbabel 
seem  to  have  quarrelled  personally.  Zechariah  boldly 
championed  the  cause  of  Joshua,  declaring  that  so  long 
a.s  his  conduct  was  blameless  he  ought  to  be  the  head 
of  the  Temple.  Zerubbabel  also  had  his  own  sphere 
of  usefulness,  and  both  should  work  together  for  the 
good  of  Judah. 

According  to  Ezr.  615  the  Temple  was  finished  on 
March  3,  515.  This  is  probably  the  date  of  the  com- 
pletion of  all  building  operations  within  the  Temple 
area,  the  Temple  proper  having  been  completed  much 
earher.  At  any  rate  on  Dec.  4,  518,  the  work  was 
progressing  so  well,  that  a  deputation  was  sent,  appa- 
rently by  Zerubbabel,  to  the  religious  leaders  to  inquire 
whether  the  fasts  commemorating  the  disasters  of  586 
should  stiU  be  observed  (7 iff.).  Zechariah  rephed  that 
they  should  henceforth  be  observed  as  holidays,  since 
the  restoration  of  the  Temple  was  an  earnest  of  the 
restoration  of  national  prosperity. 

From  a  hterary  point  of  view  Zechariah  makes  a 
new  departure,  inasmuch  as  he  delivers  his  message 
in  a  series  of  allegories  purporting,  like  Bunyans 
Pilgrinis  Progress,  to  be  a  dream.  The  germ  of  this 
style  may  indeed  be  foimd  earher  (1  K.  22),  but  the 
development  of  it  is  Zechariah's.  These  allegories  or 
word-painted  pictures,  though  to  us  they  may  appear 
somewhat  bizarre,  were  clearly  as  intelligible  in  his  age 
as  our  own  poUtical  cartoons  are  in  ours.  Another 
new  feature  in  his  prophecies  is  the  avoidance  of  the 
apparent  faraiUarity  in  speaking  of  the  Lord  which  is 
characteristic  of  the  older  hterature.  This  may  be 
due  partly  to  increased  reverence,  partly  to  the  decUne 
of  poetry  and  the  growth  of  a  more  prosaic  literalism. 
Thus,  though  ho  uses  freely  the  old  formula  "  saith  the 
Lord,"  he  represents  himself  as  addressing  the  Lord 
not  directly,  but  through  the  mediation  of  an  angol 
who  interprets  to  him  the  meaning  of  what  he 
sees. 

Zechariah's  teaching  is  characterised  by  sanctified 
common  sense.  Although  he  hoped  to  see  Zcnibbabel 
actually  king  of  Judah,  he  was  not  bUnd  to  the  dangers 
of  the  course  he  was  pursuing.  Recognising  as  clearly 
as  any  Zadokito  priest  the  need  of  a  rallying  point  for 


57G 


ZECHARIAH,  I.-VIII. 


Jewish  religion,  ho  was  free  from  the  petty  nanowncas 
which  could  see  no  merit  in  any  priest  of  another  guild. 
In  an  age  when,  as  it  would  seem,  the  civil  and  the 
religious  leailors  were  striving  for  the  pro-oraincnco,  ho 
declared  that  each  had  his  own  proper  sphere.  He 
recognised  the  value  of  fasting  if  performed  in  the 
right  spirit,  but  he  did  not  desire  that  the  children  of 
the  bride-chamber  should  fast  Avhilo  the  bridegroom 
was  with  them. 

Unhappily  Zochariah's  countiymen  would  have  none 
of  his  counsels  of  patience.  His  mission  was  denied, 
and  his  ad\nc  disregarded.  Onl}'  too  late  did  the 
Church  of  Judah  learn  the  truth  of  liis  reiterated 
assurance,  "  Ye  shall  know  that  the  Lord  hath  sent 
mo  unto  you."  Had  his  counsel  been  followed,  the 
suspicion  of  the  Samaritans  would  never  have  been 
aroused  by  the  attempt  to  fortify  Jerusalem,  and  the 
jealousy  between  Samaria  and  Judah,  at  first  merely 
political,  would  not  have  been  extended  to  religious 
matters  also.  Like  Him  whose  forerunner  he  was, 
Zechariah  would  have  gathered  Jerusalem's  children 
together  as  a  hen  gathers  her  cliickens  under  her  wings, 
and  they  would  not. 

L  2-6.  This  rebuke  (see  above,  p,  575)  seems  incon- 
sistent wath  a  date  five  weeks  or  more  after  work  had 
been  begmi  at  the  Temple  and  at  least  ten  days  after  the 
prophecy  in  Hag.  21-9.  The  clumsy  handiwork  of 
(me  or  more  editors  is  also  evident  in  the  section.  The 
thought  appears  to  be  as  follows  :  The  Lord  had  great 
cause  to  be  wroth  with  your  fathers,  and  their  punish- 
ment has  largely'  fallen  upon  you.  But  now  if  you 
will  change  your  attitude  towards  Him  in  showing 
loyal  obedience,  He  will  change  His  attitude  towards 
you  in  showing  you  mercy.  Your  fathers  were 
stubborn,  and  they  are  gone  ;  but  the  prophets'  words 
came  to  pass,  and  your  fathers  were  constrained  to 
acknowledge  the  justice  of  their  punishment.  5,  aa  it 
stands,  is  difficult.  The  required  sense  is  best  given 
by  the  restoration  of  a  negative  omitted  by  accident ; 
thus,  "  Your  fathers  where  are  they  ?  but  the  prophets, 
do  not  they  live  for  ever  ?  Y'ea,  indeed,  my  words 
and  my  statutes,  etc."  The  reference  is  not  to  indi- 
vidual prophets  but  to  the  prophetic  order  wliich 
always  endures. 

L  7-17.  This  section,  to  wliich  7  is  an  editorial 
introduction,  either  is  not  the  beginning  of  Zechariah's 
allegories,  or  has  not  come  down  to  us  in  its  original 
form,  for  the  interpreting  angel  is  mentioned  in  9  as 
already  known  to  the  reader.  A  vei-so  introducing 
liim  may,  however,  have  been  omitted  between  8  and  9, 
since  the  opening  words  of  8  imply  that  we  have  here 
the  beginning  of  the  allegorical  prophecies.  There  are 
many  corruptions  in  the  text,  several  of  which  can, 
however,  be  easily  corrected  from  the  context.  In  8 
read,  "  I  saw  in  the  (  Anglice  '"  a  ")  night  dream  (rf.  4i) : 
omit  "  riding  ui)on  a  red  horse,"  as  a  mutilated  frag- 
ment of  the  last  clause  of  the  verse  which  should  read, 
"  and  behind  him  were  riders  on  horses  red,  white, 
sorrel,  and  black."  (According  to  MT  the  "  horses  " 
carry  on  a  conversation.)  In  11,  for  "  the  atigcl  of  the 
Lord  "  read  "'  the  man  "  (i.e.  of  8  ;  the  correction  was 
perhaps  due  to  reverence,  since  izi.  shows  that  the 
"  man  "  is  the  Lord  Himself).  Li  12  read  "  the  angel 
that  talked  with  me  answered."  For  "  myrtle  trees  " 
the  LXX  has,  perhajw  correctly,  "  mountains,"  as  in 
61.  The  significance  of  myrtle  trees  is  not  known,  nor 
of  the  word  rendered  '  the  bottom  "  (8  7ng.  "  shady 
place  "),  With  a  corrected  text  the  meaning  of  the 
allegory  is  clear.  Zoehariah  sees  someone,  who  is  later 
perceived  to  be  the  Lord  Himself,  behind  whom  are  four 
riders  on  horses  of  various  colours.     These  bring  reports 


from  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth  that  the  whole 
earth  is  quiet ;  i.e.  the  revolts  which  Haggai  expected 
to  end  in  the  downfall  of  Persia  have  been  quelled. 
Thereupon  the  interpreting  angel  expresses  the 
prophet's  disappointment,  but  the  Lord  answers  with 
words  of  e.ncouragement.  The  heathen  nations  have 
indeed  been  His  instrument  to  chastise  His  people 
(rf.  Is.  lOsfl.),  but  they  are  about  to  be  punished  for 
their  mahce.  The  outcome  will  be  the  restoration  of 
Judah  and  Jerusalem. 

L  18-21.  The  four  homa  which  have  scattered  Judah 
and  Jerusalem  ("  Israel  "  should  probably  be  omitted) 
represent  the  whole  world  arrayed  against  Judah,  and 
are  perhaps  iron  horns  hke  those  made  by  Zedckiah 
(1  K.  22ii);  hence  "smiths"  are  introduced  to 
shatter  them. 

II.  1-5.  The  person  with  the  measuring  fine  (de- 
scribed in  4  as  a  "  young  man,"  i.e.  Zerubbabel, 
c/.  1  Esd.  34,  458)  is  evidently  ascertaining  the  length 
of  wall  required.  An  angel  bids  the  interpreting  angel 
stop  the  measuring,  A  fortified  wall  is  unnecessarj-, 
since  the  Loixi  will  defend  His  o^vn,  and  it  would  only 
check  the  expansion  of  Jerusalem. 

II.  6-13.  A  Collection  of  Fragments.— 6f.  bids  the 
Jews  scattored  through  the  Persian  empire  escape  to 
Jerusalem,  where  they  will  be  safe  when  the  judgment 
comes  upon  Persia.  The  "  north "  in  Jeremiah's 
earliest  prophecies  referred  to  the  Scythians,  and  wa.s 
subsequently  applied  to  the  Chaldeans  and  their  suc- 
cessors. In  6h  the  LXX  has,  "  I  will  gather  you  from," 
e:  c.  Possibly  MT  and  LXX  should  be  combined.  In  7 
place  "  daughter  "  before  Zion,  Zechariah  evidently 
considers  that  many  of  those  who  once  formed  tho 
population  of  Zion  are  still  in  IJabylonia. — 81.  Omit 
"  After  glory  hath  he  sent  me,"  and  read  "  Thus  saith 
the  Lord  of  hosts  with  reference  to  the  nations,"  etc  ; 
omit  "  For  "  in  9. — 10.  The  prophet  does  not  mean  a 
local  presence  of  the  Lord  in  Jerusalem.  When  ho 
seems  not  to  intervene  for  His  people,  it  is  as  though 
He  were  absent. — 11.  An  anticipation  of  the  conversion 
of  the  heathen  probablj'  inserted,  or  at  least  modified 
b}'  a  later  hand. — 12.  inherit:  an  entirely  misleading 
translation.  Tho  Heb,  word  is  used  of  recci\ang  a 
portion  of  land  for  cultivation  at  the  periodic  distribu- 
tion of  the  whole  arable  land  belonging  to  the  village 
community.  Judah  will  be,  as  it  were,  the  land  which 
the  Lord  has  for  His  own  cultivation. — 13  appears  to 
be  a  fragment  describing  the  Lord's  coming  to  judge 
the  oppressors  of  Israel,  It  is  difiicult  to  say  whether 
it  is  original  or  a  later  insertion  (r/.  Hab.  22o,'Zeph.  I7). 

III.  1-10.  The  Trial  of  Joshua.— Several  corrections 
are  necessaiy  in  this  paragraph,  some  of  which  are 
confirmed  by  the  LXX.  In  2  read,  "  And  tho  angel 
of  the  Lord  said."  In  4f.  read  with  LXX,  "  Take  tho 
filthy  garments  from  off  him  (And  he  said  unto  him. 
Behold  I  have  caused  thine  iniquity  to  pass  from  thee) ; 
and  clothe  him  with  rich  apparel,  and  sot  a  fair 
mitre,"  etc.  In  8  we  should  probably  read,  "Thou 
and  thy  follows  which  sit  before  thee  are  men  which," 
etc.  Among  the  Hebrews  any  di.sa.ster  was  regarded 
as  a  sign  of  Divine  displeasure  or,  to  use  a  common 
Heb.  figure  of  speech,  a  sign  that  the  Lord  was  bringing 
a  charge  against  the  person  afflicted.  Tho  "  satan  "' 
or  opponent — for  here,  as  in  Job,  the  word  is  not  a 
proper  name — is  not  a  devil  but  an  angel,  perfectly 
obedient  to  the  Lord  and  commissioned  by  Him  to  tost 
men's  sincerity  by  bringing  misfortune  upon  them. 
He  may  therefore  be  regarded  as  the  angel  of  trial, 
A  representation  of  the  High  Priest  as  ujwn  liis  trial 
implies  that  he  has  been  visited  with  some  misfortune, 
the  nature  of  which  is  indicated  by  his  filthy  garments, 


ZECHARIAH,  VI.  1-8 


577 


i.e.  garments  in  which  it  would  be  impossible  for  a 
priest  to  minister.  In  other  words,  an  attempt  has 
been  made,  whether  successfully  or  not,  to  turn  Joshua 
out  of  the  High-priesthood.  The  parenthesis  in  4, 
which  may  be  a  later  insertion,  does  not  necessarily 
imply  actual  misconduct  on  Joshua's  part ;  for  accord- 
ing to  Heb.  idiom,  "  iniquity  "  or  "guilt "  rested  upon 
every  accused  person  until  he  was  acquitted.  The 
angel  of  the  Lord,  wiio  is  the  presiding  judge,  confirms 
Joshua  in  the  High-priesthood,  so  long  as  his  conduct 
is  worthy  of  his  office,  and  gives  him  a  definite  sphere 
of  action  ("  places  to  walk  in,"  not  "  a  place  of  access  ") 
among  the  Lord's  messengers  or  angels.  Joshua  is 
further  informed  that  he  and  his  assistants  who  have 
preserved  a  priesthood  in  Jerusalem  are  an  earnest 
that  the  monarchy  will  not  be  extinguished  but  that 
the  Lord  will  fulfil  the  anticipation  of  Jeremiah  (235i^.) 
and  produce  a  shoot  (7ng.,  not  "  branch  ")  from  the 
root  of  the  cut-down  tree  of  David  -nhich  in  time  will 
itself  develop  into  a  tree.  As  Haggai  (223)  expects  to 
see  in  Zcrubbabel  a  reversal  of  the  woe  pronounced 
by  Jeremiah  (2224)  upon  Jehoiachin,  so  Zechariah 
expects  to  see  in  liim  a  fulfilment  of  Jeremiah's  pre- 
diction of  a  restored  monarchy.  This  passage  indeed 
is  probably  the  first  clear  instance  of  the  expression 
of  a  hope  based  upon  a  definite  prophecy,  so  that 
Jer.  235ff.  may  be  regarded  as  the  starting-point  of 
"  Jlessianic  "  hope.  The  latter  part  of  the  paragraph 
is  apparently  mutilated,  for  the  stone  mentioned  in  9 
as  known  has  not  been  mentioned  before ;  moreover 
"  that  land  "  can  scarcely  be  right.  The  reference  to 
the  stone  is  obscure,  but  a  clue  may  be  found  in  69-14. 
We  are  probably  to  understand  a  gem  which  is  com- 
mitted to  Joshua's  keeping  until  it  can  be  worn  by 
Zerubbabel  as  one  of  the  insignia  of  royaltj'.  The 
"  seven  eyes  "  are  either  seven  surfaces  or  facets,  or 
more  probably  seven  circles,  possibly  representing 
seven  stai-s,  engraved  upon  the  stone  as  upon  a  signet. 
10  is  one  of  those  descriptions  of  the  good  time  to 
come  which  later  editors  have  so  plentifully  inserted 
in  the  prophetic  books.  It  is  clearly  addressed  to  the 
pe^iple  generally,  whereas  the  preceding  verses  are 
addressed  to  Joshua. 

IV.  1-7.  The  Golden  Lampstand. — ZechariaJi  dreams 
that  he  is  aroused  by  the  interpreting  angel  who  shows 
him  a  golden  lampstand.  This  section  has  sufi^ered 
somewhat  in  transmission.  In  2  read  with  LXX  .  .  . 
"  behold,  a  lampstand  all  of  gold,  and  a  bowl  upon  the 
top  of  it,  and  seven  lamps  thereon,  and  seven  pipes  to 
the  lamps,"  etc.  Two  insertions  have  been  made. 
The  former  (6&-ioa),  which  is  a  general  encouragement 
to  Zenibbabel,  is  probably  due  to  some  scribe's 
blimder  ;  the  second  (12)  appears  to  be  a  fragment  of 
a  similar  allegory  by  some  other  writer,  lob  ought  to 
follow  hnmediately  upon  6a,  thus  :  (6a)  "  Then  he 
announced  and  spake  unto  me  saying  (106),  These 
seven  are  the  eyes  of  the  Lord,"  etc.  The  lampstand 
(not  "  candlestick  ")  must  be  imagined  as  an  upright 
standard  with  a  reservoir  for  oil  upon  the  top,  and  seven 
branches  supporting  the  lamps,  each  of  which  is  con- 
nected by  a  pipe  with  the  reservoir.  On  each  side  of 
this  lampstand  are  two  olive-trees,  by  which  the 
resersoir  supplying  the  lamps  is  itself  fed  with  oil.  In 
Heb.  idiom  one' word  conmmonly  covers  both  cause  and 
effect  ;  conseciuently  a  lamp,  which  suggests  hght, 
suggests  also  the  result  of  light,  i.e.  safety,  since  dark- 
ness involved  danger  from  the  lawless  (146ff.*,  cf.  Job 
2413-17).  Seven  lamps  imply  an  intense  hght,  i.e.  a 
state  of  things  in  which  there  is  nothing  to  fear,  such 
as  exists  when  the  two  eyes  of  the  Lord  are  upon  His 
people  for  good.     This  state  of  peace  and  safety  is  main- 


tained by  Joshua  and  Zcrubbabel,  who  are  compared 
to  the  ohve-trecs  Asliich  supplj'  the  oil  for  the  lamps. 

14.  sons  of  oU  is  an  absurdly  hteral  translation. 
Heb.  makes  good  its  deficiency  in  adjectives  in  various 
ways,  among  them  by  the  use  of  the  word  "  son." 
Thus  "  son  of  death  "  means  "  hablo  to  death  "  ;  "  son 
of  dawn  "  the  star  which  heralds  the  dawn  ;  "  son 
of  fatness"  (Is.  5i)  means  productive  of  luxuriance; 
similarly  "  sons  of  oil  "  means  "  productive  of  oiL" 
There  is  no  idea  here  of  anointing,  foi"  yishar  (the  word 
used  here),  which  denotes  vegetable  oil,  is  never  used  of 
the  oil  of  unction,  which  probably  was  originally 
animal  oil,  and  is  alwa5'S  called  shemen. 

6b-10a  is  an  address  to  Zerubbabel  apparently  be- 
longing to  about  the  same  period  as  Hag.  22-9  or  at 
any  rate  the  earher  days  of  the  Temple  restoration. 
In  6  read  mg.  7  remmds  us  of  Is.  4O4,  but  is  not 
necessarily  a  quotation.  The  meaning  of  the  stono  (7) 
is  doubtful.  It  is  scarcely  equivalent  to  "  the  head  of 
the  comer "  (Ps.  II822),  for  not  only  would  this 
naturally  foUow  9a,  but  "  bring  forth "  would  not 
naturally  be  used  in  connexion  with  a  building  stone, 
and  the  Heb.  ("  the  stone  the  head  ")  is  impossible. 
It  is  more  likely,  therefore,  though  the  text  is  too  much 
mutilated  to  be  corrected  with  certainty,  that  the 
stone  belongs  to  a  diadem  which  is  to  be  placed  on 
Zerubbabel's  head  (c/.  Bgff.).  The  last  clause  of  7  is 
fragmentary  ;  "  with  "  is  not  expressed  in  the  Heb. 
The  "  plummet  "  in  the  incomplete  sentence  (loa)  is 
probably  a  sign  of  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem. 

12.  A  fragment  of  some  parallel  allegory,  probably 
a  later  imitation  of  Zechariah's.  The  translation  "'  the 
golden  oil  "  is  a  desperate  but  hopeless  attempt  to 
make  sense  of  a  corrupt  text. 

V.  1-4.  A  Flying,  i.e.  Ubiquitoxis  Roll  containing 
an  Effectual  Curse  against  Thieves  and  Perjurers.— In 
36  RV  does  violence  to  the  Heb.  WeUhauaen  with  a 
slight  emendation  reads  :  "  for  everyone  that  stealeth 
hath  for  a  long  time  past  been  held  guiltless,  and  every- 
one that  sweareth  falsely  hath  for  a  long  time  past 
been  held  guiltless,"  Zechariah  here  answers  the  com- 
plaint that,  while  the  righteous  sutler,  sm  is  not  punished, 
and  affirms  that  henceforth  the  Lord's  curse  will  show 
itself  active  against  all  thieves  and  perjurers.  [For  the 
power  of  self-fulfilment  inherent  in  a  curse  see  Gen- 
925*.— A.  S.  P.] 

V.  5-11.  The  Transference  to  Babylonia  of  Judah's 
Guilt  (i.e.  the  cause  of  calamity), — For  "  their  resem- 
blance ''  (6)  read  with  LXX  "  their  iniquity  "  [mg.)  or 
rather  "  their  guilt."  By  the  transference  of  Judah's 
guilt  to  Shinar  (an  intentional  archaism  for  Babylon, 
see  Gen.  11 1-9)  Zechariah  forctell-s  both  the  dehveranco 
of  Judah  and  the  nun  of  the  great  empire.  But  he 
looks  for  the  removal  not  only  of  the  guilt,  the  cause  of 
the  calamity,  but  also  of  wickedness,  the  cause  of  the 
guilt.  "  Wickedness,"  being  feminine  in  Heb.,  is 
naturally  symbolised  by  a  woman.  It  is  remarkable 
that  Haggai  and  Zechariah  make  no  mention  of  Persia, 
but  only  of  Babylonia,  probably  because  the  Jews  were 
still  in  captivity  in  the  latter  countrj'. 

VI.  1-8.  A  more  Definite  Version  of  the  Allegory  In 
I.  811. — Here,  however,  the  horsemen  of  the  former 
allegorj',  who  represent  messengers,  are  replaced  by 
chariots  which  symbofise  warhke  agencies.  B3'  "  moun- 
tains of  brass  "  (or  rather  bronze)  we  are  not  to  under- 
stand the  Lebanon  with  its  copper  mines  (Che>-ne),  for 
in  that  case  we  should  require  the  definite  article  (read 
R"V  text,  not  mg.  in  i  ;  so  LXX).  Perhaps  the  two 
mountains  (bronze  indicates  their  irresistible  strength) 
are,  so  to  speak,  gateposts  on  the  road  to  the  four 
quarters  of  the  world  from  the  abode  of  God.     In  3 

19 


678 


ZECHARIAH.  VI.  1-8 


omit  •■  strong  "  (see  mg.)  and  substituto  "  red  '  for  it 
in  7  (see  wj/.).  In  MT  of  5  the  "  chariots  "  symbolizo 
the  four  winds  of  heaven  ;  a  slight  change  gives  the 
superior  sense,  "  The.so  (i.e.  the  chariots)  aro  going  forth 
unto  the  four  winds  of  heaven  after  presenting  them- 
selves unto,"  etc.  For  the  meaningless  '  after  them  " 
(6),  the  Heb.  of  which  is  pecuhar,  we  evidently  require 
some  point  of  the  compass  ;  Wellhausen  suggests  "  the 
jand  of  the  east."  There  is  a  confusion  of  the  tenses; 
the  present  tense  should  probably  be  read  in  all  cases 
in  6  and  in  the  first  clause  of  7,  which  has  further 
suffered  some  mutilation,  since  the  destination  of  the 
fourth  chariot,  probably  the  west,  is  not  mentioned. 
The  subject  of  "  sought  "  (».e.  asked  permission)  m 
obviously  not,  as  EV  suggests,  the  bay  horses,  but  the 
occupants  of  all  four  chariots.  Their  audience  is  now 
over,  and  they  ask  leave,  which  is  granted,  to  depart  on 
their  several  missions.  For  "  have  quieted  "  (8)  we 
must  read  "  will  quiet  "  ;  i.e.  the  chariot  with  the 
black  horses  goes  out  to  take  vengeance  on  the  north 
country-,  and  to  satisfy  the  Lords  spirit  wiiich  has  been 
distressed  by  the  injury  done  to  His  people.  The  text 
at  tlic  beginning  of  8  is  somewhat  uncertain.  Zechariah 
apparently  (see  lii)  looked  for  judgment  on  "'the 
north  countrj-,"'  not  from  the  existing  pohtical  situa- 
tion, but  as  Sixtisfving  Divine  justice. 

VI,  9-15.  A  Crown  for  Zerubbabel.— The  text  is 
considerably  confused,  part]\^  through  accident,  partly 
it  would  seem  by  deliberate  alteration.  The  Heb.  of 
the  words  rendered  "  and  come  thou  the  same  day, 
and  go  into  the  h(«use  of,"  incredible  as  it  may  apx)ear, 
seems  to  have  arisen  merely  through  various  attempts 
to  correct  a  misreading  of  "from";  in  11,  14  for 
■'  crowns  "  read  "  crown."  In  13?)  the  LXX  reads, 
■'  shall  be  priest  at  his  right  hand,'  which,  coupled  with 
the  mention  of  "  them  both,"  proves  conclusively  that 
originally  the  section  contained  the  name  not  only  of 
Joshua,  but  also  of  Zerubbabel.  Since  the  subject  of 
the  words  "  shall  be  priest  at  his  right  hand  "  can  only 
be  Joshua,  the  person  at  whose  right  hand  Joshua  shall 
be  priest  must  be  Zerubbabel,  and  his  name  must  be 
substituted  for  that  of  Joshua  in  11.  The  four  names 
in  10  should  clearly  be  the  same  as  the  four  in  14, 
Tobijah  and  Zephaniah  being  common  to  both  vei-ses. 
Helem  (14)  is  an  impossible  name,  and  possibly  Heldai 
should  be  read  in  both  cases  :  there  is  no  common 
measure  between  Josiah  and  Hen,  and  both  ni^mes 
may  be  corrupt.  With  the  above  corrections  the 
section  will  run  as  follows  :  "  Take  of  them  of  the 
Ciiptivity,  even  of  Heldai,  and  of  Tobijah,  and  of 
Jcdaiah,  and  of  Josiah  the  son  of  Zephaniah,  who  have 
oomo  from  Babylon  ;  yea,  take  silver  and  gold,  and 
make  a  crown,  and  set  it  upon  the  head  of  Zerul)babel  ; 
and  say  unto  him.  Thus  saith  the  lyjrd  of  hosts. 
Behold  a  man  whose  name  is  Branch  "  (or  rather 
Shoot ;  a  sucker  from  the  root  is  meant),  "  and  he 
shall  grow  up  in  his  place,  and  he  shall  build  the 
Temple  of  the  Lord,  and  he  shall  bear  the  glory,  and 
shall  sit  and  ndo  ujHjn  his  throne,  and  Joshua  shall  lie 
prif3st  at  his  right  hand,  and  counsel  of  peace  shall  be 
between  them  both."  It  would  seem  that  four  men 
who  have  arrived  in  Jerusalem  from  Babylon,  whether 
having  fled  thither  or  ha^^ng  been  despatclied  on  a 
mission  to  Zerubbabel  cannot  bo  determined,  have 
brought  with  them  an  offering  of  silver  and  gold. 
Zechariah  advisas  that  this  shall  be  made  into  a  crown, 
which  shall  be  placed  on  tho  head  of  Zerubbabel,  whom 
he  hails  as  the  fuUilraent  of  Jeromiah's  prophecy  (235ff. ), 
and  whom  he  regards  as  the  restorer  not  only  of  the 
Temple,  but  also  of  the  Monarchy.  Alongside  of 
Zerubbabel   Joshua   shall    be   priest,   and   counsel   of 


peace  (i.e.  counsel  for  the  welfajo  of  Judah)  shall  be 
between  them  both.  In  the  Ught  of  3  this  insistenoe 
on  Joshuas  position  is  very  significant.  14  states 
what  is  t«  be  done  with  the  crown,  which  Zenibbubi'l 
is  as  y<?t  unable  to  wear.  It  is  to  be  deposited  in  tho 
Temple  as  a  place  of  safety,  the  four  men  who  brought 
the  gold  and  silver  Vjoing  trustees  for  it.  Their  advent 
encourages  Zechariah  to  hope  for  a  yet  greater  return 
of  Jews  from  exile.  The  last  sentence  of  15  is  tho 
beginnijig  of  a  lost  prophecy,  and  haa  no  connexion 
with  the  })receding  context. 

Vnf.  The  original  account  of  the  question  aVjout  the 
fasting  and  Zeohariah's  answer  has  been  considerably 
amphficd  by  the  insertion  of  other  prophecies,  probably 
later  compositions,  though  they  tear  some  resem- 
blance to  the  style  of  Haggai.  Note  the  editorial 
introductions  to  the  paragraphs  beginning  78  and  81, 
which  are  unnecessai-j-  if  Zechariah  is  the  sjjeaker 
throughout.  The  date  is  Dec.  4,  518.  In  2-7  we  have 
an  excerpt  from  Zechariah's  own  narrative,  the  Ijo- 
ginning  of  which  is  lost.  The  text  of  2a  is  in  confusion, 
and  correction  can  be  only  conjectural.  Ap^jarently 
originally  only  two  people  were-  mentioned  by  name  ; 
the  fii-st,  the  sender,  being  Bethel  Sharezer,  and  the 
second,  the  jjcrson  sent,  being  Regem-melech  (the 
names  are  probably  cornipt).  The  sender  of  the  de- 
putation doubtless  speaks  in  the  name  of  the  com- 
munity, and  is  presumably  the  governor ;  moreover, 
since  he  is  interested  in  merely  Jewish  fasts,  ho  must 
be  a  Jew.  This  points  to  Zerubbabel.  Sharezer  may 
have  been  part  of  his  Bab.  name,  but  we  have  no 
evidence  for  this.  It  is  improbable  that  a  question 
would  be  formally  asked  in  Dec.  about  a  fast  to  be 
observed  during  the  following  Aug.,  and  5  impUes  that 
the  question  concerned  the  fast  of  Oct.  also,  while  in 
8iy  four  fasts  are  mentioned,  viz.  in  July,  Aug.,  Oct., 
and  Jan.  The  question  put  on  Dec.  4  presumably 
had  at  least  special  icference  to  this  last ;  it  must 
therefore  have  been  mentioned.  Probably  the  list  of 
fasts  in  3,  5  has  been  accidentally  cut  down.  The 
fasts  mentioned  seem  to  have  been  instituted  in  com- 
memoration of  the  following  national  calamities  :  on 
July  9,  086,  Jerusalem  was  taken  (Jer.  392) ;  on  Aug.  7 
the  citj'  and  Temple  were  burnt  (2  K.  258)  ;  in  Oct. 
Gedahah  was  murdered  (Jer.  41) ;  on  Jan.  10  tho  siege 
of  Jemsalem  began  (2  K.  25i).  The  question  about 
the  fasting,  since  it  concerned  a  matter  of  iorah,  would 
probably  be  addressed  to  the  priests  only,  "  and  to  the 
prophets  '"  being  added  because  Zechariah  gave  tho 
answer.  The  fasts,  he  maintained,  had  not  betokened 
any  real  repentance  on  the  part  of  the  jxJople,  but  had 
been  due  to  a  supei-stitious  belief  that  their  calamities 
might  be  mechanically  removed.  There  had  been  no 
more  thought  of  glorif\nng  God  by  the  fasts  than  by 
eating  and  drinking.  7  (note  itaUcs)  is  mutilated  ;  the 
LXX  reads,  "Are  not  these  the  words,"  etc.  The  South 
is  tho  ^iegeb  (p.  32),  the  lowland  is  theShephelah  (p.  31 ). 

VII.  8-^14  is  probably  an  amphfication  of  the  original 
address  by  a  later  hand  and  likewise  81-17.  Both  are 
much  like  I2-6. 

VIII.  4f.  A  beautiful  description  of  the  result  of  tho 
restoration  of  peace  and  safety.  During  the  troublous 
past  Jerusalem  had  been  no  place  for  feeble  old  age  or 
for  children.  The  sympathetic  touch,  "  playing  in  tho 
streets  thereof,"  is  one  of  the  verj'  few  indications  in 
tho  OT  of  a  love  for  children  as  such. — 7.  with  its  refer- 
ence to  the  east  and  west  looks  like  a  later  prophecy 
of  the  return  from  the  Dispersion. — 10.  is  in  agreement 
with  Hag.  l6,  2i6.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  adver- 
saries here  referred  to  aro  Jews,  not  Samaritans. — 12  is 
a  re-miuiscence  of  Hos.  223ff.  (r/.  Hag.  lio). — 13.  The 


ZECHARIAH,  IX.  1-8 


579 


phrases  "  to  bo  a  curse  ''  and  "  to  be  a  ])lesf.iiig  "'  «Jo 
not  mean  to  be  a  source  of  blessing  or  cursing,  but  to 
be  an  illustration  of  such. — 18f.  Zcchariah's  answer  : 
the  four  fasts  are  henceforth  to  bo  kept  as  holidaj'S. 

VIII.  20-23.  The  coming  restoration  and  subsequent 
restoration  of  Judah,  which  will  be  so  distinguished 
by  the  blessing  of  the  Lord,  that  all  nations  will  be 
desirous  of  having  him  for  their  God. 

IX.-XIV. 

The  occurrence  of  a  new  heading,  "  The  burden  of 
the  word  of  the  Lord,"  which  occui-s  again  in  12i,  and 
elsewhere  only  in  Mai.  li,  warns  us  that  a  new  section 
begins  here.  We  are  no  longer  concerned  with  Joshua 
and  Zorubbabel,  the  small  community  of  Judah,  and 
the  hopes  and  aspirations  of  their  time,  but  to  a  great 
extent  with  a  larger  Judaism  which  is  in  conflict  with 
a  world-ix)wer  described  as  Greek,  whoso  strongholds 
are  not  Babylon,  but  Damascus,  Hamath,  Tyre,  and 
the  Phihstino  towns.  No  Jewish  kuig  or  governor  is 
mentioned,  and  the  High  Priest  appears  to  be  the  head 
of  the  subject  Jewish  community.  At  the  same  time 
there  is  a  sharp  cleavage  m  the  Jewish  community 
itself :  Judah  and  Jerusalem  are  opposed  to  one 
another,  and  the  greatest  Jewish  famihes  are  regarded 
as  blameworthy.  The  post-exilic  date  of  9-14  is 
certain,  not  merely  from  the  absence  of  anj'  reference 
to  a  king,  but  also  from  the  -widespread  dispersion  of 
the  Jews,  from  the  mention  of  Greeks,  and  from  the 
utter  difference  in  tone  between  this  section  and  the 
utterances  of  the  pre-exiUc  prophets.  The  mention  of 
Egypt  and  Assyria  side  by  side  is  not  in  itself  evidence 
for  a  pre-exilic  date,  since  in  Ezr.  622,  which  can 
scarcely  be  earher  than  the  Greek  period,  "  Assyria  " 
denotes  the  great  empire  of  W.  Asia,  which,  having 
originally  been  Assyrian,  passed  successively  to  the 
Chaldeans,  the  Persians,  and  the  Greeks  (Nu.  242  2f.*, 
Is.  Hi  I*,  2713).  A  late  date  is  also  suggested  by  the 
obvious  use  of  other  passages  of  Scripture,  particularly 
Ezek,  Here,  as  m  Bunyan's  Pilyrinis  Progress,  we 
have  compositions  saturated  with  Bibhcal  terms, 
evidently  emanating  from  "  the  people  of  a  book." 
There  are  likewise  numerous  agreements  with  late 
Pss.  and  late  post-exihc  sections  of  Is.  Like  many 
of  the  Pss.,  these  chapters  appear  to  have  been 
composed  in  a  time  of  storm  and  stress,  when  the 
Jews  were  oppressed  by  the  heathen,  and  disunited 
among  themselves ;  and  of  such  a  time  we  have 
no  record  before  the  second  century  B.C.  That  they 
are  written  in  classical  Heb.  as  distinct  from  the 
Hcb.  of  the  Midrash  is  no  proof  to  the  contrary  ;  for 
not  only  did  Ben  Sira  (c.  180  b.c.)  write  in  the  older 
language,  but  many  of  the  Pss.  are  as  late  as  the 
Maccabean  ago.  Space  forbids  at  this  point  a  de- 
tailed examination  of  these  six  chapters.  It  must 
suffice  to  state  what  will  afterwards  be  shown  in  detail 
that,  apart  from  some  points  as  yet  miexplaincd  on 
any  theorj-  of  date,  every  section  of  these  chapters  is 
quite  consistent  with  the  known  history  of  the  second 
century  B.C.  It  is  scarcely  conceivable  that  a  number 
of  compositions  deahng  both  with  internal  and  external 
affairs  should  be  equally  apphcable  to  two  or  more 
distinct  periods. 

Those  chapters  fall  into  two  main  divisions  (note  the 
new  heading  in  12 1,  though  the  divisions  are  not  neces- 
Barily  homogeneous).  Hebrew  methods  of  arrangement, 
being  based  originally  on  oral  rather  than  on  written 
tradition,  aro  fiindamontally  different  from  English  : 
catchwords  and  prominent  phrases  being  considered 
rather  than  logical  arrangement.     The  analytical  study 


of  the  Synoptic  Gospels  lias  shown  that  an  apparently 
continuous  section  may  be  made  up  of  many  dis- 
jointed fragments,  and  this  fact  must  bo  kept  in  view 
in  the  criticism  of  prophetical  Uterature. 

Of  the  two  sections  into  which  9-14  falls,  the  first 
(9-11)  is  in  the  main  poetical  or  based  upon  poetical 
prophecies,  the  second  (12-14)  is  entirely  prose.  In 
9-11,  however,  there  are  some  evident  divisions,  and 
l)erhaps  wo  have  here  the  work  of  several  authors. 
The  mere  fact  that  two  poems  are  composed  in  a 
somewhat  unusual  metre  does  not  prove,  apart  from 
subject-matter,  that  they  are  from  the  same  hand,  for 
a  poet  who  produced  a  great  impression  by  a  novel 
form  of  verse  may  well  have  had  imitators.  If  the 
date  given  above  is  correct  (the  second  century  B.C.), 
we  may  assume  that  the  prophecies  were  first  pubhshed 
in  synagogues,  and  that,  after  the  triumph  of  the 
Maccabsean  party,  they  passed  to  Jerusalem  and  became 
incorporated  in  the  Scriptures.  Ecclus.  49ro  tells  ua 
nothing  as  to  the  contents  of  the  books  of  the  twelve, 
the  Minor  Prophets,  as  we  call  them.  A  new  edition 
of  the  Heb.  text  of  Jeremiah,  enlarged  and  rearranged, 
was  issued  after  the  Gr.  translation  had  been  made 
from  an  earlier  edition  ;  and  though  no  new  namo 
would  have  been  received  as  canonical,  it  was  evidently 
possible  for  some  time  after  the  fixing  of  the  list  of 
canonical  prophets  to  enlarge  a  canonical  book  by  the 
incorporation  of  additional  matter. 

IX.  1-8.  This  paragraph,  of  which  the  beginning  is 
mutilated  and  the  text  is  otherwise  corrupt,  is  written  in 
verse,  hnes  of  three  beats  each,  arranged  in  tristichs. 
This  fonu  of  verse  is  unusual,  the  more  common  con- 
sisting of  lines  of  six  beats — falling  into  two  parallel 
members  of  three  beats  each — arranged  in  distichs. 
"  The  burden  of  the  word  of  the  Lord  '"  is  the  editorial 
heading  (c/.  12 1,  Mai.  li).  The  greater  part  of  the 
first  tristich  is  lost.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  it 
ran  originally  somewhat  as  follows  : 

The  Lord  hath  sent  a  word. 

And  it  hath  lighted  on  the  land  of  Hadrach  (c/.  Ls.  9a) 

And  Damascus  hath  become  its  resting  place. 

The  land  of  Hadrach  (probably  the  place  called 
Hazrach  hi  an  Aram,  inscription  c.  800)  is  mentioned 
on  the  Assyrian  monuments  in  connexion  with  Damas- 
cus and  Hamath.  The  survival  of  the  old  name  a.s 
late  as  the  second  century  B.C.  is  not  unlikely.  Thus 
Hamath  is  still  known  by  its  original  name,  and  not 
by  its  Gr.  name  Epiphanea.  The  text  of  the  second 
tristich  (i?;,  2)  is  corrupt  and  emendation  is  precarious. 
It  is  clear,  however,  that  the  prophet  speaks  of  a 
Divine  judgment  restuig  on  Hadrach,  Damascus, 
Hamath,  Tyi-e,  and  Sidon,  with  a  description  of  the 
former  wealth  and  prosjwrity  of  Tj-re.  The  rendering, 
"  which  bordoreth  thereon,"  Is  quite  impossible  ;  the 
word  so  rendered  may  be  a  corrupt  form  of  the  name 
Gebal  (r/.  Ezek.  279),  i.e.  Byblus  on  the  Phoenician 
coast.  The  text  of  the  sixth  tristich  (56,  6a)  is  also 
coiTupt,  The  parallehsm  suggests  that  "  shall  bo  out 
off  from  "  should  bo  road  for  "  shall  dwell  in."  the 
tristich  running  thus  : 

And  the  king  shall  perish  from  Gaza, 

And  Ashkclon  shall  (never)  be  inhabited, 

And  the  bastard-race  shall  be  cut  off  from  Ashdod. 


580 


ZECHARIAH,  IX.  1-8 


This  section  may  bo  paraphrased  as  follows  :  The 
judgment  of  the  Ix)rd  is  now  coming  upon  the  cities 
which  have  been  strongholds  of  the  rule  of  the  Greek 
Syrian  kings,  and  therefore  antagonistic  to  Israel. 
Tyre,  strong  an  whe  is,  is  doomed  ;  Philistia  also  may 
tremble  for  hor  safety  ;  Gaza  will  lose  her  king  ;  the 
population  of  Ashkolon  will  bo  annihilated  ;  the  mongrel 
race,  half  Philistine,  half  Greek,  will  bo  driven  out  of 
Ashdod.  Indeed  the  Philistine  as  such  will  no  longer 
exist,  for  the  Loixl,  acting  through  Israel,  will  enforce 
the  observance  of  the  law  of  Israel  even  in  the  Philistine 
towns.  There  will  be  no  more  eating  with  the  blood, 
or  other  abominable  food  ;  for  the  Philistines  will  be 
incorporated  with  Israel  in  such  a  way  that  henceforth 
an  inhabitant  of  Ekron  will  bo  regarded  as  a  native  of 
Jebus,  i.e.  Jerusalem  (cf.  Fs.  87).  Moreover,  as  the 
result  of  this  Judaizing  of  Philistia — since  the  Syro- 
Greek  government  has  given  up  the  hope  of  conquering 
Egypt—Judah  will  no  longer  be  menaced  by  the 
presence  of  vast  armies  on  her  flank.  It  will  be  as 
though  the  Ix)rd  Himself  were  encamped  as  a  garrison 
to  protect  Jerusalem,  and  no  exaction  of  tribute  will 
trouble  her  any  more.  The  prophecy  is  almost  cer- 
tainly later  than  Jonathan's  victorious  campaign  in 
PhiUstia  (c.  148)  and  may  be  as  late  as  143-142  when 
Demetrius  granted  the  Jews  full  exemption  from  all 
taxes  or  tribute  to  the  Syrian  government. 

K.  9f .  A  short  prophecy  having  no  direct  connexion 
with  the  preceding,  which  it  resembles  only  in  its 
poetical  structure.  Its  tone  is  entirely  different,  being 
as  free  from  thoughts  of  vengeance  as  Ps.  22.  The 
poet  looks  forward  to  a  king  who  will  belong  apparently 
not  to  the  Maccabaan,  but  to  the  Hasidsean  (i.e. 
Hasidim,  Ps,  43*,  sec  1  Mac.  7i3)  section  of  the 
Jewish  community.  The  prophecy  may  probably  bo 
dated  shortly  after  May  23,  141,  when  the  citadel  of 
Jerusalem  surrendered.  The  writer  who  sees  in  recent 
events  an  earnest  of  complete  Jewish  independence, 
does  not  recognise  any  existing  personage  as  Icing 
(render  "  will  come,"  not  "  cometh  ").  The  Ha>.id8ean3 
acquiesced  in  the  High-priesthood  of  Simon  only  con- 
ditionally (see  1  Mac.  I441).  The  king  hoped  for  will 
bo  no  niihtary  leader,  and  \vill  ride  not  on  a  horse, 
the  symbol  of  war,  but  on  an  a.ss.  It  will  be  his  aim 
to  aboUsh  the  ocjuipment  of  war  from  Israel  itself, 
and  he  will  ."peak  jxjace  to  the  Gentiles  ;  depending 
for  safety  on  a  force  not  his  own,  and  even  in  his 
sovereignty  not  severing  liis  connexion  with  the  poor. 
The  meaning  of  the  curious  elaboration  given  to  the 
description  of  the  animal  ridden  would  be  more 
apparent,  if  "  colt  "  and  "  foal  of  an  ass  "  were  printed 
in  inverted  commas  as  a  quotation  of  Gen.  49ii. 
They  imply  that  the  king,  whose  dominion  will  be  as 
wide  as  the  ideal  dominion  of  David,  will  fulfil  that 
prophecy.  The  mention  of  Ephraim  to  denote  the 
northern  parts  of  Israel  (included  in  the  jurisdiction  of 
both  Jonathan  and  Simon)  is  due  to  imitation  of  the 
phraseology  of  the  older  Scriptures. 

IX.  11-13.  A  fragment,  mutilated  at  tho  beginning, 
apparently  slightly  earlier  than  <){.,  from  which  it 
differs  in  its  bellico.so  tone.  The  Jewish  nation  is  told 
that  the  Lord  is  now  releasing  its  members  confined 
in  tho  waterless  dungeon,  i.e.  in  heathen  districts  whero 
they  are  cut  off  from  worship  at  Jerusalem  (cf.  Pss.  ()3i, 
686) ;  these  must  return  to  the  stronghold  of  Judah, 
where  they  will  be  safe.  For  once  again  the  declaration 
is  made  to  them,  as  it  was  to  their  fathoi-s  (Is.  402*), 
that  they  shall  receive  double  compensation  for  all 
that  they  have  suffered.  13  describes  the  revival  of 
Jewish  power  under  Jonathan  and  Simon.  The  Lord 
has  made  Judah  His  bow,  the  rest  of  the  land  His 


arrow ;  He  will  brandish  as  a  javelin  tho  sons  of 
Zion  against  the  Greeks,  and  will  make  them  as  it 
were  His  sword  {cf.  Pss.  6O7,  1088). 

IX.  14-17.  An  independent  section  belonging  to  the 
same  period  as  11-13,  of  which  it  may  be  a  later 
expansion.  The  imagery  of  14  is  derivexi  from  older 
prophecy,  e.g.  Am.  I14,  £2.  By  the  "whirlwinds  of 
the  south  "  perhaps  men^ly  violent  storms  are  intended, 
but  there  may  bt!  a  reference  to  the  Maocabean 
campaign  against  Edom  which  is  probably  referred  to 
in  Is.  63 1-6*.  Indeed  this  passage  in  its  savagery 
strongly  resembles  that  magnificent  but  terrible  de- 
scription. For  "  devour  "  read  "  prevail  "  (LXX)  and 
for  "  they  shall  drink  .  .  ,  wine  "  read  "  they  shall 
drink  their  blood  like  wine  "  (LXX).  The  sacrificial 
blood  was  dashed  against  the  comers  of  the  altar. 
The  phrase  "  sling  stones  "  is  obscure  and  probably 
corrupt ;  we  should  expect  some  description  of  tho 
Jews'  enemies. 

X.  If.  An  isolated  fragment  addressed  to  the  nation 
in  the  time  of  its  deepest  distress,  probably  during 
the  persecution  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The 
heathen  prognosticators  have  foretold  a  peace  which 
has  not  come  to  pass  ;  yet  even  in  the  direst  straits 
the  Lord  can  save.  Even  when  the  winter  rain  has 
not  fallen,  and  the  time  of  harvest  is  approaching.  He 
can  send  a  rain  which  will  bring  fertility  to  the  land. 
The  figure  of  the  rain  is  probably  proverbial.  The 
term  "  teraphim  "  (p.  101)  might  be  employed  in  tho 
post-exilic  period  to  designate  idols  by  men  accustomed 
to  use  the  language  of  Scripture. 

X.  3-12.  This  is  made  up  of  several  fragments. 
30  is  apparently  the  beginning  of  a  denunciation  of 
Israel's  leaders  founded  upon  Ezek.  34,  whereas  3?' 
describes  the  Lord  as  visiting  His  distressed  sheep, 
and  making  them  as  his  warhorse.  The  cue  which  has 
caused  3b  to  bo  attached  to  2a  is  the  word  "  visit," 
which  the  EV  renders  "  punish  "  in  the  first  instance. 
The  Jewish  sheep  became  warhorses  in  the  Maocabean 
struggle. — 4,  which  is  a  later  insertion,  presents  con- 
siderable difficulty. — 4a  apparently  means  that  Judah 
possesses  all  the  requisites  of  an  autonomous  state  ; 
the  last  clause,  however,  seems  to  mean  that  the 
foreign  exactors  of  tribute  will  depart  from  the  land 
{cf.  98,  1  Mac.  1336ff.). — 5  originally  followed  3;  it 
describes  tho  Maocabean  ^■icto^y,  the  doecription 
being  continued  in  7. — 6  is  an  insertion  from  another 
source,  though  perhaps  of  the  same  dato. 

X.  8-10.  A  Prediction  of  the  Return  of  the  Disper- 
sion.—" Will  hiss,"  or  bettor,  "  will  whistle  "  {i.e.  as  a 
signal),  is  perhaps  sucgosted  by  Is.  526.  7 18.  The  sow- 
ing of  Israel  among  the  nations  may  imply  the  increase 
of  Israel,  as  seed  increases  when  it  is  sown  {cf.  Hos.  223). 
II  is  an  independent  prediction  of  the  return  of  tho 
dispemon,  perhaps  bv  tho  author  of  9i-8.  For  "  the 
sea  of  affliotion  "  read  with  Wellhausen  "  the  sea  of 
Egypt,"  i.e.  the  Gulf  of  Suez.  The  smiting  of  the  sea 
is  here,  as  in  Is.  11 15,  a  metaphorical  description  of  the 
removal  of  the  political  obstacles  in  tho  way  of  the 
return  of  tho  dispersion.  Assyria,  as  is  stated  above, 
means  the  Syro-Grook  empire  {cf.  Ezr.  622,  Is.  llii*, 
1923f.).  This  passage  strongly  resembles  Is.  1 1 1  if.  For 
"  they  sliall  walk  up  and  down  "  tlio  LXX  has  rightly 
"  they  shall  make  their  boivst." 

XI.  1-3.  The  strongholds  of  tho  Syro-Greek  empire 
arc  taimted  with  tho  failure  of  their  jKiwer.  The  cedars 
of  Lebanon  and  the  oaks  of  Bashan  are  a  constant 
metaphor  for  that  which  is  lofty  and  powerful  {cf. 
Is.  213).  For  "  the  strong  forest  "  a  probable  correc- 
tion is  "  the  forest  of  Bozrah,"  i.e.  not  the  Edomite 
town  but  the  Bosora  of  1  Mao.  626,  the  modem  Busra, 


ZECHARIAH,  XI.  15-17 


581 


22  miles  SE.  of  Edrei.  The  shepherds  and,  with  a 
change  of  metaphor,  the  young  hon.s  are  the  lieathen 
rulers.  "  Tlie  pride  of  Jordan  "  here  and  elsewliere 
means  the  luxuriant  vegetation  of  the  Jordan  valley 
which  afforded  cover  for  the  wild  beasts.  The  passage 
means  that  tlie  heathen  rulers  may  howl  in  sorrow 
and  anguish,  since  their  strongholds  can  no  longer 
protect  them. 

XI.  4-17.  An  Historical  Sketch  in  Figurative  Lan- 
guage.— The  author  here  assumes  the  r61e  of  tlic  chief 
actor  in  the  events  he  is  describing,  and  speaks  in  the 
first  person.  Unhke  Zochariah,  but  in  accordance 
with  the  custom  of  the  later  apocalyptic  school,  he 
does  not  mention  by  name  tlio  personages  to  whom  he 
refers.  They  must,  however,  have  been  easily  recog- 
nisable by  his  readers.  We  have  here  a  soliloquy 
spoken  by  one  who  plays  the  part  of  the  chief 
"  shepherd,"  i.e.  ruler  of  Israel.  This  ruler  is  not, 
however,  supreme,  for  ho  mentions  those  who  buy  and 
sell  the  sheep,  and  also  the  sheep's  "  own  shepherds," 
who  are  evidently  Jews  like  himself.  Unfortunately 
the  text  is  not  only  corrupt,  but  also  mutilated  ;  for 
"  the  three  shepherds  "  are  mentioned  as  though  they 
had  been  previously  described  ;  while  some  reference 
to  the  sheep  must  originally  have  stood  between  8a 
and  86.  Since  the  speaker  is  clearly  neither  the  Lord 
nor  the  supreme  ruler  of  Israel,  viz.  the  Syro-Greek 
king,  it  is  evident  that  the  three  shepherds  referred  to 
in  8  cannot  be  High  Priests,  for  there  was  no  Jewish 
layman  who  got  rid  of  three  High  Priests,  but  must  be 
subordinate  Jewish  nobles  such  as  Simon  the  Benjamite 
and  his  satellites  (c/.  2  Mac.  84,  4$).  But  if  the  "  three 
shepherds  "  are  not  High  Priests,  there  is  no  difficulty 
in  supposing  that  a  High  Priest  is  the  speaker ;  and 
in  that  case  the  chief  actor  in  this  apocalyptic,  dramatic 
monologue  may  be  identified  with  the  Onias  who  was 
High  Priest  in  the  reign  of  Seleuous  IV  (2  Mac.  3f.). 
If  Josephus  confused  Onias  the  High  Priest  with  Onias 
the  founder  of  the  Temple  at  Leontopolis  (Is.  19i8*), 
which  is  in  itself  probable,  the  "  three  shepherds  "  may 
well  be  the  sons  of  Tobias,  who  according  to  Josephus 
(Wars,  li)  were  expelled  from  Jerusalem  by  Onias. 
Notwithstanding  the  doubts  which  have  been  cast  on 
the  trustworthiness  of  the  accounts  of  Onias  in  2  Mac, 
it  is  certain  that  the  language  of  Zech.  11  is  entirely 
applicable  to  him  on  the  assumption  that  the  course  of 
events  was  as  follows  :  By  his  expulsion  from  Jerusalem 
of  the  unscrupulous  sons  of  Tobias,  Onias  incurred  the 
hostility  of  the  great  Jewish  famUies ;  whereupon, 
being  slandered  to  Seleucus  by  Simon,  he  was  compelled 
to  leave  Jerusalem  in  order  to  defend  himself  before 
the  king,  Seleucus  IV,  at  Antioch.  Upon  the  accession 
of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  immediately  afterwards,  Onias 
was  deprived  of  the  High  Priesthood,  which  was  con- 
ferred first  upon  Jason,  then  upon  Menelaus,  who  con- 
trived to  liave  Onias  murdered  at  Antioch,  a  crime 
which  in  the  opinion  of  many  required  expiation  before 
national  restoration  could  come.  If,  therefore,  the 
author  of  this  section  speaks  in  the  role  of  Onias,  we 
can  explain  the  details.  Onias  had  received  a  com- 
mission as  High  Priest  to  shepherd  the  helpless  Jewish 
people,  whose  position  was  like  that  of  a  hock  sold  to 
butchers  for  slaughter.  The  "  buyers  '"  are  the  Jewish 
nobles  who  farmed  the  taxes  for  the  Syro-Greek  govern- 
ment, and  whose  extortion  was  unpunished  (render 
"  are  not  held  guilty  ") ;  the  "  .seller  "  (read  the  sing.) 
of  the  sheep  is  the  Syro-Greek  king,  who  has  no  respect 
for  the  law  of  Israel  and  says,  "  Cursed  be  the  Lord,  and 
(not '  for  ')  let  me  be  rich  '  ("  blessed  "  is  a  euphemism 
for  "cursed,"  c/.  1  K.  2X10,13,  Job  15,11,  25,9), 
The  sheep'a  "  own  shepherds  "  are  the  Jewish  nobles. 


and  apparently  are  not  distinguished  from  their  buyers. 
In  6  the  apocalyptist  describes  from  a  past  standpoint 
the  horroi-s  decreed  by  the  Lord  upon  the  land,  which, 
when  he  wrote,  had  actually  come  to  pass.  It  must 
be  kept  in  mind  that  during  the  persecution  of  Anti- 
ochus and  the  years  preceding  it,  the  poorer  Jews  were 
persecuted  by  their  fellow  Jews.  For  "  verily  the 
poor  of  the  flock  "  we  must  read  with  a  different 
pointing  "  for  the  Canaanites  "  [i.e.  merchants,  cf.  Is.  23 
8,  here  and  142 1  used  contemptuously  =huckstera)  "  of 
the  Hock."  The  chief  shepherd,  i.e.  the  High  Priest, 
represents  his  aims  for  liis  people  by  giving  names  to 
his  two  shepherd's  staves  {cf.  Ps.  284),  much  as  a 
modena  cartoonist  represents  Cabinet  Ministers  as 
carrying  parcels  inscribed  with  the  names  of  the 
measures  which  they  are  promoting.  The  one  staff  is 
called  "  Beauty,"  or  more  correctly  "  Pleasantness," 
and  denotes  the  bearer's  aim  to  promote  the  welfare 
of  his  people  by  cultivating  happy  relations  with  the 
surrounding  peoples,  Philistines,  Edomites,  etc.,  on 
whose  friendliness  the  peace  of  the  Jews  largely  de- 
pended. The  second  staff,  denominated  "  Bands," 
represents  the  High  Priest's  aim  to  promote  unity 
among  his  own  jjeople.  But  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts 
to  promote  peace  and  to  protect  his  people  from  the 
extortionate  nobles  who  were  Jews  only  in  name,  he 
failed  to  secure  support.  He  despaired  of  the  sheep 
he  had  tried  to  shepherd,  and  they  for  their  part 
wished  to  get  rid  of  him.  At  last  he  felt  that  his  posi- 
tion was  untenable,  and  that  he  must  give  up  his 
attempt  to  maintain  peaceful  relations  with  the  neigh- 
bouring peoples.  {N.B. — In  9  the  Heb.  is  not  neces- 
sarily as  peevish  as  EV  imphes.)  Although  his  action 
could  be  misrepresented,  it  was  understood  to  have 
been  dictated  by  conscientious  motives :  "  the  sheep 
merchants  that  watched  me  knew  that  it  was  the  word 
of  the  Lord." 

A  man  beset  by  powerful  enemies,  however,  knew 
that  his  case  was  hopeless,  if  he  had  no  other  claim 
to  acquittal  than  innocence,  and  was  unable  to  offer 
a  substantial  bribe.  The  shepherd's  appeal  to  the 
sheep  to  give  him  his  wages  is  a  curious  instance  of 
the  Hebrew  disregard  of  consistency  in  metaphor  when 
the  meaning  is  plain.  Probably  Onias,  before  leaving 
Jerusalem  for  Antioch,  appealed  to  liis  sympathisers  to 
provide  liim  with  funds.  The  result  was  utterly  in- 
adequate, since  the  wealthier  Jews  were  mostly  inclined 
to  Hellenism.  The  sum  was  so  miserably  small,  that 
it  is  symbolically  represented  as  "  thirty  pieces  of 
silver,"  i.e.  according  to  Ex.  2I32  the  piece  to  l>e  paid 
as  compensation  for  injury  to  a  slave.  It  was  in- 
sufficient to  aid  Onias,  and  he  accordingly  oast  it — 
not  to  the  potter,  who  would  be  the  last  person  hkely 
to  be  working  in  the  house  of  the  Lord — but  into  the 
treasury  (see  mg.).  Despairuig  of  maintaining  any 
longer  the  unity  of  his  nation,  the  High  Priest  breali 
in  pieces  the  staff  which  symbohses  his  aim  in  this 
respect.  Probably  "  Jerusalem  "  should  be  read  for 
"  Israel "  in  14,  since  the  breach  was  between  the 
Hellenisers  of  Jerusalem  antl  the  Hasidceans  who  were 
mostly  to  be  found  in  the  country  districts. 

XI.  15-17.  Tlu!  author  does  not  pursue  further  the 
history  of  the  good  shepherd,  but  proceeds  to  describe 
in  similar  terms  an  evil  successor.  VMiether  he  has  in 
view  Jaaon,  the  immediate  successor  of  Onias,  or 
Menelaus  who  succeeded  Jason,  cannot  be  determined  ; 
probably  the  latter  is  meant.  15,  which  is  somewhat 
tersely  worded,  means  "  Take  again  the  gear" — i.e.  the 
staves  sjTu  boUcal  of  theaims — "of  a  shepherd,"  but  this 
time,  of  a  foolish,  i.e.  a  morally  bad  one.  The  curse 
on  the   bad   shepherd   is   perhaps  suggested  by  1  S. 


582 


ZECHARIAH,  XI.  15-17 


231.  (See  2  Mac.  13.)  It  is  thought  by  some  scholars 
that  the  fragment  II 13-17  is  continued  in  187-9,  but 
more  probably  the  latter  is  an  independent  comp<jsition 
of  the  same  period.  Its  position  in  the  third  collection 
of  prophecies  supports  this  hyixithesis. 

XII.-XIV.  A  Collection  of  Prophecies  Composed 
throughout  In  Prose  in  the  Apocalyptic  Style.— The 
writers  adopt  a  pist  standpoint  from  wliich  they 
describe,  as  if  thej'  were  still  future,  events  already 
past  at  the  moment  of  writing,  as  well  as  their  antici- 
pations for  the  actual  future.  They  are  thus  able  to 
show  the  connexion  between  the  recent  distress  and 
the  peace  and  prosperity  which  they  anticipate  in  the 
near  future.  Zeoh.  12-14  is  often  described  aa 
"  eschatologioa!,''  allowably  so  if  "  esohatology  "  be 
understood  merely  as  the  ideas  concerning  the  end  of 
an  existing  poUtical  situation  and  tlio  coming  of 
another.  But  the  conditions  which  the  writers  expect 
in  the  future  are  not  essentially  different  from  those 
which  already  exist.  What  they  describe  is  not  a 
material  heaven,  but  a  peaceful,  and.  consequently, 
glorified  earth.  Those  passages  which  seem  to  imply 
the  passing  away  or  radical  alteration  of  the  physical 
universe  are  seen  on  a  closer  examination  to  be  merely 
metaphorical.  The  language  of  the  apocalj^ptists  is 
largely  derived  from  the  older  Scriptures,  and  is  in- 
telligible onl}'  to  those  who  read  those  Scriptures 
sympathetically.  How  far  some  of  the  paragraphs  in 
12-14  are  homogeneous  cannot  be  determined.  The 
repetitions  may  be  duo  to  a  combination  of  fragments 
of  different  authorship.  In  sense,  however,  12,  I3i-6 
may  be  regarded  as  forming  one  continuous  passage. 

XII.  la  is  an  editorial  heading  probably  added  when 
the  two  collections  9-11,  12-14  were  appended  to  tho 
earlier  book  of  Zechariah.  The  text  of  this  section  is 
corrupt  in  places,  but  the  sense  is  on  the  whole  clear. 
We  have  reference  both  to  tho  earlier  days  of  the 
struggle,  when  Jenisalem  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Hellenisers  and  the  heathen,  while  the  Maccabees,  who 
derived  their  forces  from  the  country  districts,  were 
fighting  against  the  SvTo-Greek  government,  and  also 
to  the  time  when  Jerusalem  as  a  whole — with  the 
possible  exception  of  the  citadel,  which  only  surrendered 
in  141  B.C. — was  in  the  hands  of  the  Maccabees,  and 
Jewish  power  was  becoming  a  serious  menace  to  the 
neighbouring  peoples  as  well  as  a  thorn  in  the  side  of 
the  government.  Jerusalem  became  a  "  cup  of  reel- 
ing" to  all  the  peoples,  when  the  Maccabean  leaders 
inflicted  their  appalling  blows  on  Phihstia,  Edom, 
Ammon,  etc.  The  MT  of  26  is  untranslatable.  It 
cannot  mean  that  Judah  will  take  part  in  tho  siege  of 
Jerusalem,  for  2a  represents  Jerusalem  as  already  a 
bowl  of  reeling  to  the  neighbouring  peoples,  and  there- 
fore already  in  Jewish  hands.  The  context  imphcs 
that  Judah  should  be  described  as  supporting  those 
who  hold  Jerusalem.  3  repeats  the  statement  of  2a 
with  a  change  of  metaphor.  Those  who  attack  Jeru- 
salem find  themselves  cnishcd  as  it  were  beneath  a 
burdensome  stone.  The  metaphor  was  perhaps  sug- 
gested by  an  actual  incident  in  some  great  quarry  such 
as  that  of  Baalbec,  a  huge  stone  having  injured  those 
who  were  endeavouring  to  transport  it.  Tho  descrip- 
tion of  all  the  nations  as  gathered  together  against 
Jerusalem,  which  is  a  constant  feature  of  tho  late 
apocalyptic  literature,  is  duo  to  the  inclusion  in  the 
S>To-Greok  ompiro  of  most  of  the  nations  known  to  tho 
Jews.  This  empire  is  actually  described  in  tho  Book 
of  Daniel  as  consisting  of  "  all  peoplas,  nations,  and 
languages."  The  figures  of  tho  horses  and  riders  and 
the  sraitmg  with  blindness  arc  derived  from  tho  older 
Scriptures   (c/.   2   K.   818).     R«ad   in   46  "as  for  all 


tho  house  of  Judah,  I  will  open  their  eyes."  The 
"  chieftains  of  Judah  "  will  be  the  JIaccabean  leaders, 
but  for  "  chieftains "  read  "  thousands,"  i.e.  clans. 
The  word  rendered  "  strength  "  (5)  occurs  nowhere 
else  ;  for  "  are  my  "  we  should  probably  read  "  have." 
6  describes  the  achievements  of  the  Maccabees.  They 
were  a  small  fire,  but  kindled  a  great  matter,  working 
havoc  among  the  neighbouring  peoples,  and  restoring 
Jenisalem,  i.e.  its  loyal  Jewish  population  whom  the 
Hellenisers  had  expelled.  In  future  the  Lord  will  eo 
protect  the  city  that  tho  family  of  its  most  feeble 
inhabitant  will  have  a  stabilitv  like  that  of  David's 
dynasty  (cj.  2  S.  7,  Ps.  892off.,  Is.  663).  The  terra 
'■  house  of  David  "  may  denote  merely  the  ruling 
classes  of  Jews  in  Jerusalem  who  occupied  the  position 
once  held  by  the  family  of  David.  But  since  in  10 
and  12  it  is  mentioned  as  sharing  in  the  nation's  guilt, 
and  the  Maccabean  leaders,  who  were  in  command  at 
Jerusalem  at  the  time,  would  hardly  have  been  so 
described,  the  phrase  is  perhaps  to*  be  understood 
literally.  It  is  evident  from  the  NT  t'liat  tho  family 
of  David  was  not  extinct  in  the  first  century  A.D.,  and 
in  the  Maccabsean  age  its  members  may  well  have 
been  included  in  the  aristocracy  even  if  they  wero 
subordinate  to  tho  sons  of  Tobias  in  wealth  and 
influence.  Perhaps,  like  the  latter,  they  had  adopted 
Hellenism,  and  put  forward  their  claims  as  descendantfl 
of  Da^^d  only  when  the  Maccabean  achievements  had 
brought  tho  idea  of  JewLsh  independence  within  the 
sphere  of  practical  pohtics.  No  conclusion  can  be 
djawn  from  the  silence  of  the  Books  of  Maccabees  on 
the  matter,  for  they  are  strongly  partisan,  and  are 
considerably  later  than  the  events  which  they  record  ; 
while  Josephus,  as  his  many  contradictions  show,  is 
by  no  means  an  infalUble  guide.  In  the  OT,  as  in  tho 
NT,  we  have  first-hand  information,  though  given,  it 
may  be,  onl}^  in  hints,  of  events  and  movements  on 
which  later  documents  are  silent.  In  10  read  "  him  "" 
(ing.)  for  '•  me  "  ;  the  sentence  is  perhaps  somewhat 
mutilated.  The  writer  regards  the  troubles  of  Judah 
and  Jenisalem  as  due  to  the  guilt  which  rests  on  the 
country  in  consequence  of  some  murder,  guilt  which 
can  be  expiated  only  by  general  mourning  and  fasting. 
The  name  of  the  \ictim  is  not  given,  but  it  wax  evidently 
well  known  ;  and  since  the  guilt  involves  tho  whole 
land,  the  murdered  person  must  be  the  head  of 
Judaism,  i.e.  a  High  Priest.  It  is  true  that  Onias  was 
murdered  not  at  Jerusalem,  but  at  Antioch  ;  but  ^ince 
the  murder  was  planned  by  a  Jew,  and  was  due  to  his 
failure  to  find  support  among  his  own  people,  the  whole 
nation  might  well  bo  regarded  as  responsible  for  it. 
The  house  of  Nathan  and  tho  house  of  Levi  are  clearly 
prominent  among  the  Jo^v^sh  aristocracy,  but  we  have 
no  information  about  them. 

XIII.  1-6.  Tho  result  of  tho  national  repentance  is 
the  removal  of  guilt.  Tho  figure  of  the  fountain  is 
perhaps  suggested  by  Ezek.  47.  Tho  first  sign  of 
Judah's  tnie  restoration  will  bo  the  abolition  of  all 
idolatry  and  of  tho  "  spirit  of  uncleannoss,"  i.e.  Greek 
disregard  of  Hebrew  laws  of  purity.  There  will  also 
be  a  total  abolition  of  all  the  professional  prophets  who, 
like  modern  fortune-tellers  and  palmist^•^,  traded  upon 
the  credulity  of  tho  foolish.  Tho  utt<^r  disrepute  into 
which  tho  prophetic  order  had  fallen  was  duo  to  tho 
abandonment  by  the  better  toachers  since  Ezra's  time 
of  the  older  forms  of  prophecy  for  tho  exposition  of 
tho  written  Scripture.  In  other  words,  tho  true 
prophets  had  become  scribes,  while  those  who  merely 
prophesied  for  a  livelihood  still  carried  on  tho  caUing 
which  they  had  brought  into  disrepute.  Some  of  tho 
scribes  were  no  doubt  in  the  highest  senso  of  the  word 


ZECHARIAH,  XIV.  6-9 


583 


prophets,  but  since  they  no  longer  spoke  in  tho  authori- 
tative manner  of  the  ancient  prophets,  it  seemed  to 
their  contemporariea  that  the  era  of  prophecy  had 
passed  away  (c/.  Ps.  74y,  1  Mac.  144 1).  The  writer 
loolcs  forward  to  a  time  when  those  wlio  "  wear  a 
hairy  garment  to  deceive  "  will  be  no  more  tolerated, 
and  when  the  popular  indignation  against  them  will  be 
so  great,  that  even  the  parents  of  one  who  claims  to  bo 
a  prophet  will  have  no  hesitation  in  putting  him  to 
death.  Then  if  anj'ono  bo  accused  of  prophesying  on 
the  ground  that  he  has  wounds  hke  the  self-inflicted 
lacerations  wliich  the  prophets  exhibit  as  a  proof  of 
their  inspired  frenzy,  he  will  pref(>r  to  charge  himself 
with  cUsgraceful  conduct  rather  than  admit  the  ti'uth, 
and  will  pretend  that  tho  wounds  have  been  inflicted 
on  him  in  some  vile  debauch.  The  word  rendered 
"  friends  "  means  elsewhere  "  lovers  "  and  that  in  a 
bad  sense.  A  dilferent  vocalisation  would  give  tho 
sense  "  amours  "  ;  i.e.  the  false  prophet  will  pretend 
tliat  ho  has  been  wounded  by  the  indignant  relatives 
of  the  victims  of  his  lusts.  [J.  G-  Frazer  {Adonis,  Attis, 
Oniris,^  i.  74f.)  thinks  that  the  "woimds  between  the 
arms"  were  "  marks  tattooed  on  his  shoulders  in  token 
of  his  holy  office,'"  the  '•  lovers  "  being  the  BaaUm.  The 
shoulders  are  among  some  primitive  peoples  "  the 
sensitive  part "  of  the  medicine-man,  and  are  often 
"  covered  with  an  infinite  number  of  small  marks,  like 
dots,  set  close  together.'" — A.  S.  P.] 

Xin.  7-9.  A  short  fragment,  parallel  partly  to  1 1 1 5- 
17  and  partly  to  14.  The  "  man  of  the  Lord's  fellow- 
ship "  can  scarcely  be  anyone  but  a  High  Priest.  For 
"  smite  '"  read  as  in  Mk.  142?,  "  I  will  smite."  There 
is  no  actual  condemnation  of  the  shepherd,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  say  whether  Onias  or  Jlenelaus  is  referred 
to.  In  8f.  the  harrying  of  tho  Jewish  population  in  the 
Maccabsean  struggle  is  described.  The  writer  esti- 
mates that  two-thirds  perished.  The  survivors  had 
indeed  passed  through  the  fire,  and  their  fiery  trial  had 
not  been  in  vain.  From  141  B.C.  onward  there  was  no 
fear  of  Judah's  lapsing  into  idolatry. 

XIV.  The  Tribulation  of  the  Struggle  against 
Heathenism  and  the  Glorious  Future  which  may  be 
Anticipated. — It  is  noteworthy  that  the  writer  con- 
siders the  plundering  of  Jerusalem  as  a  "  day  of  the 
Lord."  if.  describes  the  affliction  of  Jerusalem  up  to 
the  time  of  the  Maccabsean  successes  which  are  re- 
ferred to  in  3.  The  sense  of  vshat  follows  is  hopelessly 
obscure  in  ^IT  and  EV  owing  to  the  mispronunciation 
of  the  Heb.  consonants  in  5.  The  thought  of  "  flight  " 
is  hero  altogether  out  of  place.  Following  the  pro- 
nunciation adopted  in  LXX,  v>-o  may  render  5  as 
follows  :  "  And  the  valley  of  my  mountains  "  (but 
read  "  the  valley  of  Hinnom  ")  "  shall  be  stopped  up — 
for  tho  valley  of  the  mountains  shall  reach  unto  Azel — 
yea,  it  shall  be  stopped  up  as  it  was  stop^ied  up  by  tho 
earthquake,"  etc.  In  order  to  imderstand  this  de- 
scription, it  must  be  remembered  that  a  Hebrew 
allegorist  used  names  of  actual  places  for  his  purpose, 
and  that  our  author  is  addressing  tho.se  who  aro 
famihar  with  tho  ancient  Scriptures.  Here  tho  writer 
has  specially  in  mind  Ezekicls  allegory  of  the  Uving 
water  issuing  from  the  Torajjle  hiU  and  transforming 
tho  whole  district  to  the  east  (a  natural  figure  of  the 
heathen  world  of  Asia)  by  the  outflow  of  the  word  of 
the  Lord  from  Zion.  Ezeldel's  allegory  was  doubtless 
suggested  by  the  fact  that  tho  only  spring  in  Jerusalem 
rises  at  the  Ixittom  of  the  hill  on  which  tho  Temple 
stood.  But  since  the  water  of  this  spring  flows  by 
tho  valley  of  the  Kidron  through  a  desert  gorgo  into 
tho  deep  dopreasion  of  tho  Dead  Sea,  a  soofifer  or 
despondent  person  might  maintain  that  tho  limited 


efleot  of  such  a  stream  was  a  fair  measure  of  the  possible 
influence  of  Jewish  roligi(jn  on  the  heathen  world  of 
Asia.  A  river  sufficient  to  produce  any  effect  would 
require  the  removal  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  which  rises 
before  Jerusalem  on  the  east,  and  which,  since  moun- 
tains are  a  constant  metaphor  for  obstacles,  naturally 
suggested  a  hindrance  to  the  flow  of  living  water.  But 
just  as,  at  the  Israelites'  entry  into  the  land  of  Canaan, 
the  Jordan  ceased  to  bo  an  obstacle  so  soon  as  the  feet 
of  the  Lord's  priests  were  dipped  into  its  waters,  so, 
when  the  liOrd's  return  to  Jerusalem  is  made  manifest, 
when  His  feet  stand,  as  it  wero,  on  the  ilt.  of  Olives, 
the  obstruction  to  the  flow  of  the  living  water  vnM  bo 
removed,  the  mountain  cleaving  asunder,  so  as  to 
leave  a  vast  channel  in  the  midst  through  which  the 
water  may  flow  to  the  regeneration  of  the  heathen 
world  on  the  east.  In  the  second  century  b.c,  how- 
ever, the  Jews'  thoughts  were  directed  not  only  to 
Asia,  but  also  to  the  countries  about  the  Mediterranean  ; 
and  accordingly,  as  it  was  necassary  that  the  Mt.  of 
OUves  should  be  made  low,  in  order  that  the  hving 
water  might  reach  the  east,  so  it  was  necessary  that 
the  valley  W.  of  Jerusalem  should  be  exalted  in  its  SE. 
outlet,  in  order  that  the  water  might  flow  also  to 
the  W. 

8  seems  to  be  misplaced,  and  should  probably  be 
read  immediately  after  the  words  "  Uzziah  king  of 
Judah."  The  identification  of  the  valley  of  Hinnom 
is  uncertain  ;  it  may  be  the  Tyropoeon  which  runs  up 
into  the  heart  of  Jerusalem  immediately  "W.  of  the 
Temple,  or  the  valley  which  bounds  the  W.  and  SW. 
parts  of  Jerusalem.  Both  these  valleys  at  their  upper 
end  bend  somewhat  to  the  W.  The  writer  here 
pictures  one  of  them  as  blocked  up  at  its  S.  end,  so 
that  no  water  can  flow  out  in  that  direction,  and  pro- 
longed at  its  upper  end  till  it  reaches  Azel,  i.e.  probably 
Beth  Ezel  (Mi.  In)  near  the  Philistine  plain.  Joseph  us 
states  that  in  the  landslip  caused  by  the  earthquake 
in  the  days  of  Uzziah  (Am.  li),  at  a  place  called  Eroge 
(probably  En  Rogel),  near  the  junction  of  the  Kidron 
and  the  western  vallej-s,  a  large  portion  of  the  mountain 
feU  away,  blocking  up  the  roads  and  the  king's  garden. 
— 5.  The  Lord  my  God  shall  come :  read,  "  Tho  Lord 
God  of  Israel ' '  or  some  similar  expression. — with  thee : 
read  with  LXX,  "  with  him." — holy  ones:  the  use  of 
this  term  for  the  heavenly  host  is  characteristic  of 
late  Hebrew  ;    r/.  Job  5i,  Ps.  89.5,;,  Dan.  413,  813. 

6-9.  The  text  of  6  has  suffered  considerably.  The 
passage  perhaps  originally  read  :  "  there  shall  not  bo 
light  and  darkness,  heat  and  cold  and  frost ''  (see  mg.). 
Li  any  case  the  sense  is  clear.  We,  who  live  in  a 
temperate  climate  and  in  a  well-policed  society,  find 
it  difficult  to  realise  the  hardships  of  life  in  ancient 
Palestine,  where  the  struggle  to  obtain  a  livehhood 
was  made  harder  by  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold 
(GJen.  3I40),  and  when  darlaiess  was  a  time  of  anxiety, 
since  a  robber  might  at  any  time  dig  through  the 
mud- built  walls  (Job  24 16,  Mt.  620  mg.)  and  rob  and 
murder  (Jn.  10 10).  Night,  therefore,  was  a  natural 
metaphor  for  a  time  when  the  wicked  might  work 
their  wiU  micheckcd.  The  writer  looks  fonvard  to 
future  peace  and  ordered  government,  when  there  will 
be,  as  it  were,  continuous  day,  a  state  of  security  un- 
broken by  periods  of  '  darkness,"  i.e.  of  risk  of  injury, 
and  when  at  evening  time  there  will  be  "'  light," 
i.e.  safety.  Tliis  state  of  blessedness  will  come  to  pass 
when  the  lord's  law  is  recognised  in  all  the  land,  and 
the  Jewish  creed  (Dt.  64)  will  be  everj-whore  acknow- 
ledge<l.  There  will  no  longer  be  any  tendency  to 
identify  Yahweh  with  foreign  deities,  or  to  worship 
the  Yahweh  of  one  place  as  distinct  from  tho  Yahweh 


584 


ZEdHARIAH,  XIV.  6-9 


of  another,  but  His  worship  will  be  uniform  throughout 
the  country  (9). 

lOf.  The  writer,  ignoring  his  former  allegory  of  the 
cleaving  of  the  Mt.  of  OUvcw  and  the  blocking  up  and 
prolongation  westward  of  the  valley  of  Hinnom,  repre- 
sents all  Judah  as  transformed  hito  a  plain  from  its 
N.  frontier  Gcba  to  Rinimon  (i.e.  En  Riramon,  Neh.  11 
29,  Jos.  l.'>32;  perhaps  the  modem  Umm  er-rumamin, 
9  miles  N.  of  Boersheba),  Jerusalem  alone  being  lifted 
up  above  the  surrounding  country  in  order  to  show  its 
spiritual  pre-eminence  (<•/.  Is.  22, "Mi.  4i).  Benjamin's 
gate  (Jer.  37i2f.)  was,  of  course,  in  the  N.  wall  of 
Jerusalem,  and  probably  near  the  E.  comer.  The 
place  for  site)  of  the  first  or  (former)  gate  Ls  apparently 
mentioned  as  the  W.  boundar}' ;  "  unto  the  comer 
gate  "  seems  to  be  a  further  description  of  it ;  it  is 
mentioned  in  2  K.  14i3,  2  Ch.  269,  Jer.  31 38.  The 
tower  of  Hananel  (mentioned  Neh.  3i,  1239)  appears 
to  have  been  near  the  NE.  comer  of  the  city.  The 
king's  winepresses  were  probably  near  tho  king's  garden 
(Neh.  315).  The  dimensions  of  Jerusalem  are  thus 
given  from  E.  to  W.  and  from  N.  to  S.  The  utter 
impossibihty  of  reconcihng  the  details  of  one  allegorical 
description  with  those  of  another  is  sufficient  proof 
that  the  writer  had  no  idea  of  being  understood  literally. 
It  is  noteworthy  that,  unlike  tho  authors  of  9-12,  he 
ignores  Samaria. 

12-15.  The  Pxinlshment  of  the  Heathen  Opponents  of 
Jerusalem. — This  description  also  is  not  to  bo  taken 
literally.  The  forces  arrayed  against  tiie  Jews  came 
to  nothing  as  though  by  internal  consumption,  isf. 
appears  to  be  misplaced,  and  should  apparently  stand 
between  2  and  3.  Tho  mention  of  Jiulah  as  fighting 
against  Jemsalem  is  quite  natural  in  a  description  of 
the  earlier  stages  of  the  stmggle,  but  out  of  place  after 


a  description  of  tho  earlier  stages  of  the  restoration  of 
Jerusalem. 

16-19.  The  Conversion  of  the  Heathen  and  the 
Punishment  of  those  v/ho  Fall  to  Observe  the  Ordi- 
nances of  the  Jewish  Faith. — For  tlic  thought,  rf.  Is.  06. 
The  rea.son  for  the  selection  of  tho  Feast  of  Tabernacles  is 
not  quite  obvious.  Probably  it  was  tho  only  feast  which 
those  who  lived  at  a  great  distance  from  Jerusalem 
could  reasonably  l)c  expected  to  attend,  for  it  marked 
the  end  of  the  agricultural  year,  whereas  a  journey  to 
Jemsalem  at  Passover  or  Pentecost  would  sadly  inter- 
fere with  harvest  operations.  It  is  somewhat  strange 
that  the  threatened  punishment  of  a  failure  of  rain  is 
in  accordance  with  a  popular  superstition  ;  for  the 
pouring  of  water  on  the  altar  at  tho  Foast  of  Taber- 
nacles, though  it  may  not  have  been  originally  so  de- 
signed, was  commonly  regarded  as  producing  rain.  In 
18  read  the  LXX  and  Syr.  text  (see  mg.).  Since  Egypt 
is  practically  raitdess,  it  is  threatened  with  a  different 
punishment,  viz.  that  of  the  nations  which  have 
opposed  Jerusalem. 

20f.  The  Future  Purification  from  Heathenish  and 
Sinful  Elements. — Hitherto  horses  have  been  regarded 
as  symboHcal  of  influences  opposed  to  the  law  of  the 
Ix)rd  ;  henceforth,  however,  the  very  horses  shall  bo  as 
holy  as  the  High  Priest's  mitre  (Ex.  2836),  and  the 
Temple  will  be  so  scrupulously  kept,  that  every  pot  in 
it  will  bo  as  free  from  pollution  as  the  altar  bowLs 
which  receive  the  sacrificial  blood  ;  indeed  so  free  will 
Jerusalem  be  from  anything  unclean,  that  those  who 
come  up  to  keep  the  feasts  may  use  any  pot  taken  at 
random  for  the  cooking  of  the  sacrificial  flesh.  Then 
there  will  be  no  more  mercenan.'  priests,  such  as  Jason 
or  Menelans,  buying  their  ofiice  ;  there  wall  no  more 
ht>  a  Canaanite  or  huckster  in  the  house  of  the  Lord. 


MALAGHI 


By  Principal  A.  J.  GRIEVE 


Name. — Malachi  ("■  my  messenger,"  c/.  3i)  may  be  an 
abbreviation  of  Malachiah  ("  messenger  of  Yah  "),  but 
neither  name  is  found  elsewhere,  and  it  is  now  generally 
thought  that  the  book  is  really  anonymous,  the  title 
being  taken  from  3i.  This  is  no  mere  modem  idea, 
for  the  Targum  has  "  by  the  hand  of  my  angel,  whose 
name  is  called  Ezra  the  scribe,"  a  statement  approved 
by  Jerome  (see  li*). 

Date. — The  writing  dates  from  the  Persian  period, 
when  Judah  was  administered  by  a  "  governor " 
(pehah.  Is  ;  cj.  Hag.  li,  Neh.  514).  The  Temple  had 
been  rebuilt  (3 1,10,  I6-14),  so  that  we  get  a  date  subse- 
quent to  516  B.C.  That  the  book  was  considerably 
later,  contemporary  mdecd  with  Ezra  and  Nchemiah, 
is  shown  by  its  condemnation  of  mixed  marriages  and 
defaulting  tithe-payers  (r/.  Ezra  9f.,  Neh.  13).  3io* 
need  not  involve  actual  acquaintance  with  the  Priestly 
Code  (444),  it  "  may  merely  reflect  practice  moving 
towards  the  ordinances  of  P  ""  ;  see  also  44*.  Nearer 
than  this  we  cannot  got  with  certainty.  It  may  be 
that  "  Malachi  "  prepared  the  way  for  Ezra's  work  in 
458,  or  for  the  joint  labour  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  in 
444,  or  for  Neheraiah's  second  visit  of  reform  in  432. 
A  good  case  can  be  made  out  for  each  of  the  three 
suggestions.  Isote  that  though  it  stands  last  in  our 
version  it  is  neither  last  in  the  Hebrew  arrangement, 
nor  by  any  means  the  latest  of  the  OT  books  to  be 
written. 

Circumstances  and  Characteristics. — The  prophecy  ia 
the  work  of  a  man  who  in  a  disenchanted  age  and 
amidst  a  discontented  jjeople  endeavours  to  recall  his 
contemporaries  to  a  true  sense  of  moral  and  spiritual 
values.  The  Golden  Age  foreshadowed  by  earher 
prophets  as  a  sequel  to  the  return  from  Babylon  had 
not  dawned,  Jenisalem  was  far  from  being  a  Grolden 
City,  and  the  country  had  suffered  from  drought. 
Disheartenment  and  indifference  to  religion  were  wide- 
spread, and  the  priests  were  the  chief  offenders. 
Already  we  seem  to  note  the  rise  of  a  lax,  sceptical, 
and  cosmopolitan  party,  the  forerunners  of  the  Hellen- 
ising  faction  of  the  Maccabean  age.  Against  these, 
'■  Malachi  "  comes  forward  as  the  spokesman  of  the 
pious  remnant,  the  little  band  of  Yahweh's  faithful 
adherents  who  strove  to  comfort  each  other  in  the 
dark  days  (3i6f.).  Ho  does  not  dwell  upon  the  future 
at  any  length.  Yahweh  will  come  to  His  Temple  as 
Judge  of  Israel,  not  (as  Hag.  and  Zech.  had  surmised) 
as  Protector.  The  judgment  is  one  on  Israel,  and  will 
sift  the  pure  metal  from  the  base.  Apart  from  the 
specific  reference  to  E<.loin,  "  Malachi  "  does  not  speak 
of  world- judgment  ;  indeed  he  contrasts  Israel  un- 
favourably with  the  Gentile  world  (Inf.).  \^niat  dis- 
tinguishes him  from  the  other  prophets  is  his  insistence 
on  ritual  observances  and  Temple  worship,  and  on  the 
racial  purity  of  Israel.  But  though  ho  thus  falls 
within  the  "  legal  "  rather  than  tho  "  prophetic  "  days 
of  Jewish   history  he  is  no   mere   formahst ;    he   is 


sincerely  concerned  for  the  spirit  that  underlies  and 
finds  expression  in  the  observances  for  which  he  pleads. 
His  brief  writing  is  valuable  not  only  for  tho  Ught  it 
sheds  on  the  condition  of  Judaja  in  tho  middle  of  the 
fifth  century  B.C.  but  for  its  revelation  of  a  courageous 
standard-bearer  of  righteousness  at  a  time  when  slack- 
ness was  the  prevailing  fashion.  We  do  not  find  in 
him  "  the  eloquence  or  the  imaginative  power  of  some 
of  the  older  prophets,  but  his  words  are  always  forcible 
and  direct,  and  the  similes  and  imagery  which  he  uses 
are  effective  and  to  the  point,"  A  characteristic 
feature  of  his  style  Ls  the  dialectic  treatment  of  a 
subject  by  question  and  answer,  e.g.  l2f.,6f.,  2131,17, 
37f.,i3f. 

Literature. — For  books  on  all  the  Minor  Prophets 
see  General  Bibliographies.  Co7iwientaries  :  (a)  Driver 
(Cent.B),  Barnes  (OB) ;  (6)  J.  M.  P.  Smith  (ICC) ;  (c) 
Riessler.  Other  Literature  :  Articles  in  Dictionaries 
and  Encyclopedias,  Introductions  to  OT  and  the 
Prophets  ;  Bennett,  Religion  of  the  Post-exilic  Prophets  ; 
D.  Macfadyon,  The  Messenger  of  God  ;  J.  T.  Marshall, 
Theology  of  Malachi  (ET  vii.);  S.  L.  Brown  in  Inter- 
preter, July  1908. 

I.  1.  Of.  Zech.  9r,  12i.  The  compiler  of  the  '*  Book 
of  the  Twelve,"  when  he  reached  tho  end  of  Zech.  (1-8), 
had  still  three  short  pieces  in  hand  (Zech.  9-11,  12-14, 
and  MaL).  The  first  two  were  anonymous,  and  pro- 
bably the  third  as  well,  but  the  first  had  an  opening 
clause  which  served  as  a  title  and  also  as  a  model  for 
titles  for  the  other  two.  These  the  compiler  supplied 
(Zech.  12i,  Mai.  Ii),  added  Zech.  9-11  and  12-14  to 
his  eleventh  book,  and  made  his  remaining  pamphlet 
(Mai.),  which  had  a  subject  and  style  of  its  own,  into 
the  twelfth. 

I.  2-5.  Yahweh's  Love  for  Israel.— This  truth  is 
questioned  by  some  of  the  prophet's  contemporaries, 
who  are  then  reminded  of  the  contrasted  fortunes  of 
the  nations  descended  from  Jacob  and  Esau.  These 
peoples  (Israel  and  Edom),  sprung  from  twin  brothers, 
and  occupying  adjacent  lands,  might  have  been  ex- 
pected to  share  equally  in  Y'ahweh's  favour,  but  the 
recent  "  desolation  "  of  Edom  (probably  by  the 
Nabatean  Arabs,  who  drove  the  Edomites  away  from 
their  old  territory  to  the  district  S.  of  Judah,  hence 
called  Iduniica)  shows  that  Yahweh  metes  out  differ- 
ential treatment.  He  will  frustrate  any  attempt  on 
Edom's  part  to  reoccupy  its  former  territorj',  and  men 
will  recognise  that  Yahweh  is  great,  not  only  in  Israel, 
but  beyond  it.  The  reason  for  this  disparate  action 
is  fovuid  in  the  different  reUgious  temperaments  of  the 
two  peoples,  which  perpetuate  those  of  their  eponyms. 
Edom  reproduced  the  '  profanity  "  of  Esau  ;  they 
were  a  people  undisciphned  and  unspiritual,  with  no 
sense  of  the  sanctities  of  life  ;  Israel,  like  Jacob,  had 
many  and  grave  defects,  y«t  withal  a  true  realization 
of  Grod's  nature  and  will,  and  a  sense  of  kinship  and 
communion  with  Him  (G«n.  2519-34*).     Th®  matual 

5  19a 


586 


MALACHI,  I.  2-5 


jealousy  and  hostility  of  tho  two  iKJuplos  tinda  frequent 
expression  in  OT,  e.g.  Ob.  10-14,  Ezok.  35,  Jer.  49, 
Is.  34,  63. 

2i  and  3  are  used  by  Paul  in  Rom.  913. — 5.  ye  is 
emphatic ;  mg.  should  bo  followed  except  for  tho 
second  note  m  4. 

I.  6-II.  16.  Israel  s  Disregard  of  this  Love.— This 
section  falls  into  two  parts,  one  dealing  with  the 
priesthood  (l6-2y),  tho  other  with  the  people  (2io-i6). 
Yahwch  has  not  received  the  honour  due  to  a  father 
from  a  son,  or  to  a  master  from  a  servant.  The 
priests  (note  the  sudden  apphcation,  6)  have  brought 
His  service  into  contempt  by  offering  polluted  "  bread  " 
(an  archaic  expression  for  sacrificial  tiesh)  upon  Hia 
altar.  They  bring  imperfect  and  inferior  animals 
which  were  forbidden  by  the  Law  (Lev.  2220-24) 
and  which  they  would  not  think  of  offering  to  their 
Persian  governor.  They  see  no  harm  in  this — (ye 
say)  "it  is  nothing  serious"  (8) — but  the  prophet 
ironically  asks  them  whether  they  think  God  will 
"  accept  their  persons,"  i.e.  receive  them  favourably 
(Heb.  "  lift  up  the  face "  of  a  suppliant).  They 
might  as  well  shut  the  Temple  doors  and  cease  from 
the  task  of  offering  these  unworthy  and  unpalatable 
sacrifices.  Yahweh  prefers  the  religious  earnestness  of 
the  Gentiles  to  the  insmcerity  of  Israel,  n  is  not  a 
prediction  (as  AV  and  mg.)  but  a  contrast  (c/.  14) 
existing  in  Malachi"s  own  time ;  perhaps  he  had  come 
into  contact  with  the  comparatively  pure  "  heathen- 
ism "  of  the  Persians.  His  remark  is  an  anticipation 
of  Peter's  word  in  Ac.  IO35.  The  expression  my  name 
need  not  be  forced  so  as  to  presuppose  a  Divine  revela- 
tion and  to  refer  to  the  Jews  of  the  Diaspora  as  being 
more  mindful  of  Yahweh  "  among  the  heathen  "  than 
their  lax  compatriots  were  at  Jerusalem.  This  would 
involve  our  interpreting  "  incense  "  and  "  offering  "  in 
the  sense  of  prayer  and  praise.  Nor  need  we  with 
early  Christian  writers  like  Justin  {Trypho,  §  41)  and 
Irenaeus  (IV.  xvii.  5)  see  here  a  prediction  of  the 
Eucharist.  Malachi's  point  is  that  among  the  Gentiles 
there  were  monothcists,  and  that  when  offerings  were 
presented  to  God  as  One,  they  were  accepted  by  Yah«  ch 
as  presented  to  Him.  In  contrast  to  their  earnestness 
the  priests  of  Israel  not  only  offer  unworthy  gifts,  but 
regard  the  service  of  the  sanctuarj'  as  a  bore,  a  mere 
wearisome  routine.  They  "  snuff  at,"  i.e.  sniff  at  or 
despise  the  altar  (13  ;  c/.'Ps.  IO5,  Hag.  I9).  The  laity 
are  included  (14)  in  the  charge  of  disrcs|x;ct  amounting 
to  deceit — a  man  vows  a  valuable  male  animal  and 
then  redeems  liia  vow  by  offering  an  iiiferior  or 
blemished  beast.  21-9  turns  again  to  the  priests  and 
shows  how  unworthy  they  are  as  descendants  of  Levi, 
whose  covenant  fear  of  God  had  issued  in  faithful  and 
reverent  service  (6).  Unless  a  speedy  and  thorough 
reformation  is  forthcoming,  Yahweh  will  send  His 
curse  upon  them  and  openly  disgrace  them  ;  nay,  this 
retribution  is  so  certainly  determined  that  it  may  bo 
regarded  as  already  brought  about  (9). 

I.  6.  Rcad,withLXX,"a  servant  feareth  his  master." 
— 7.  In  that  ye  say,  not  literally  but  virtually ;  "  ye  act 
as  though  "  (so  in  12). — 8.  with  thee :  LXX,  "  with  it." 
— 9.  this:  these  unworthy  offerings.  Follow  ?/((7.  in  first 
note,  text  in  second. — 10.  an  offering:  the  Heb.  word 
(minhdh)  is  properly  a  comijUmentarj'  present  such  as 
might  be  offered  by  a  political  subject.  It  came  to  be 
used  of  tribute  offered  to  God  sometimes  in  a  general 
sense  (including  animals), sometimes  (as  in  P)  specifically 
of  the  cereal  or  "  meal  "  offering  (I^v.  2i-3*).  Here  the 
context  makes  it  clear  that  tho  wider  sense  is  intended. 
—11.  Incense  Is  offered:  ht.  "  it  is  incensed  (or  burnt), 
it  is  offered."     Perhaps  "  it  is  offered  "  is  a  gloss  on 


tho  rare  expression  that  precedes.  Road,  "  and  a 
reverent  offering  is  made  into  sweet  smoke  in  my 
name." — 12.  (/.  on  7. — the  fruit  thereof,  even  his  meat : 
the  two  expressions  are  not  dissimilar  in  the  Heb. 
One  may  be  a  gloss.  "  Meat  "  is  archaic  for  "  food." 
— II.  3.  I  will  rebuke  yoiur  seed :  i.e.  make  your  field 
unfruitful.  But  as  pnests  were  not  tillera  of  the  soil 
we  may,  changing  the  Heb.  vowel  points,  read  with 
LXX  "  rebuke  your  arm  "  (mg.).  A  further  shght 
change  yields  "  hew  off  your  arm  "  (cf.  1  S.  231) ;  in 
any  case  their  functions  and  authority  are  threatened. 
The  following  words  threaten  a  greater  indignity. 
For  "  sacrifices  "  read  "  pilgrimages  "  (Ex.  23i4-i7). — 
4.  that  my  covenant  might  be  with  Levi:  that  my 
covenant  with  the  tribe  of  Levi  might  stand  firm.  As 
in  33  so  here  and  in  8,  Malachi  has  in  view  the  wider 
connotation  of  the  term  ''  Levito  "  as  used  in  Dt., 
according  to  which  every  member  of  the  tribe,  i])so 
facto,  possessed  priestly  rights.  The  narrower  sense 
is  found  in  P,  which  rigidlj'  limits  the  priesthood  to  the 
descendants  of  Aaron  and  makes  the  Lcvites  a  subordi- 
nate order. — 5.  E«ad  with  Driver,  "  My  covenant  was 
with  him  :  life  and  peace,  and  1  gave  them  unto  liim  ; 
fear,  and  he  feared  mo."  Yahweh  gives  His  priests 
welfare  and  prosperity,  they  in  turn  give  Him  rever- 
ence.— 6.  The  law  of  truth:  sound  oral  counsel  on 
matters  of  rehgion.  So  in  7 — the  true  priest  is  skilled 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  I^aw  on  its  ethical  and  cere- 
monial sides  (cf.  the  Blessing  on  Levi  in  Dt.  338-ii). — 
9.  base :  abased,  humiliated. — but  have  had  respect  of 
persons:  apparently  the  priests  had  been  oix)n  to 
bribery  {cf.  Mi.  3n),  but  perhaps  wo  ought  to  read, 
"  nor  respect  me." 

II.  10-16.  Israel  further  repudiates  Yahweh 's  love 
by  the  common  practice  of  the  divorce  of  native  wives 
(10,  13-16)  in  order  to  marry  foreign  women  (11, 
cf.  Ezr.  9f.,  Neh.  1323ff.).  Such  conduct  violates  the 
bond  existmg  between  the  children  of  the  All-Father, 
and  profanes  the  covenant  by  wliich  Yahweh  separated 
Israel  to  Himself  from  other  peoples.  The  words  "  in 
Israel  and  in  Jerusalem  '  arc  glosses.  The  treachery 
is  towards  Yahweh  ;  "  strange,"  i.e.  foreign,  marriages 
imply  foreign  cults,  and  Yahweh's  holiness,  or  holy 
thing  (i.e.  Israel  itself)  or  Yahwehs  sanctuary  (mg.) 
is  profaned  by  such  sins.  May  such  offenders  (the 
Heb.  of  12  has  an  optative  force)  bo  stripped  of  all 
friends  and  supporters;  "him  that  waketh  "  (i.e.  a 
watchman  or  sentrj')  "  and  him  that  answeroth  "  is  a 
proverbial  expression  (cf.  1  K.  2I21)  meaning  everyone. 
Or  we  may  with  a  sUght  vowel  change  follow  LXX  and 
read,  "  witness  andanswerer  "  (cf.  Job  I322) — may  he  be 
legally  outcast.  Tliis  suits  the  next  clause — may  he 
be  spiritually  outcast,  with  no  one  to  offer  a  saorifice 
for  him.  The  tears  of  13  will  be  those  of  the  divorced 
wives,  though  some  authorities  mstead  of  insomuch 
read,  "  because,"  in  which  case  the  tears  arc  those  of 
the  people  who  have  been  visited  by  some  token  of 
Divine  displeasure.  Thej'  ask  Wherefore  (14)  does 
not  Yahweh  accept  our  offerings  ? — thy  companion,  i.e., 
a  fellow-member  of  tliy  trilje. — thy  covenant  may  mean 
either  the  marriage  contract  or  the  covenant  be- 
tween Israel  and  Yahweh. 

i5u  is  difficult  and  probably  corrupt.  We  may  omit 
the  interpretation  which  makes  "  the  one  "  refer  to 
Abraham.  RV  means  that  though  God  could  have 
made  as  many  men  as  He  Uked,  He  made  one  only 
because  the  godly  seed  which  He  sought  could  only 
Ix)  secured  by  the  union  of  a  single  human  paii- : 
7ng.  mea,na  that  no  man  wlio  had  a  particle  01  the 
spirit  of  God  (or  of  reason,  moral  sense)  has  ever 
faithlessly  put  away  iiis  wife.     A  man  who  seeks  godly 


MALACHI,  IV.  4-6 


587 


children  is  thereby  stayed  from  divorcing  hia  partner. 
With  sh'ght  emendations  (Wellhauson,  Nowack)  read, 
"  Hath  not  one  God  made  and  preserved  to  us  the 
spirit  (of  life)  ?  And  what  doth  the  One  seek  ?  A 
seed  of  God "  (i.e.  children ;  cf.  Ps.  1273).  This 
means  that  when  our  wives  bear  us  children  we  have 
fulfilled  Yahweh's  purpose  and  our  own  :  we  may 
not  discard  our  wives  because  they  are  no  longer 
fresh  and  fair.  The  Hebrews  manied  early. — to  your 
spirit  (156  and  166)  is  rather  "in  your  mind." — that 
covereth  his  garment  with  violence :  there  seems  some 
allusion  here  to  the  primitive  custom  by  which  to 
throw  one's  gai-ment  over  a  woman  was  to  claim  her 
as  a  wife  (Ezek.  168,  Ru.  89).  The  Kor'an  speaks  of 
a  wife  aa  a  husband's  garment  and  vice  versa.  The 
whole  passage  (2 10-16)  is  the  most  outspoken  con- 
demnation of  divorce  in  OT ;  it  is  intermediate 
between  Dt.  24i-4  and  the  teaching  of  Jesus  (jMk. 
IO2-12). 

II.  17-III.  6.  The  Coming  of  Judgment.— This  pas- 
sage is  addressed  to  those  of  the  prophet's  contempo- 
raries who  were  so  perplexed  by  the  state  of  things 
around  them  that  they  had  become  sceptical  of  God's 
justice.  The  times  were  out  of  joint,  prosperity  was 
the  lot  of  the  wicked  instead  of  the  righteous.  Their 
querulousness  became  a  burden  to  Yahweh,  so  that  He 
annoimces  His  immediate  intervention  ;  the  day  of 
Yahweh,  long  regarded  as  the  panacea  for  all  Israel's 
ills,  is  about  to  dawn.  Malachi,  like  Amos  (5 18)  and 
other  prophets,  stamps  the  popular  conception  with 
an  ethical  value.  Yahweh  is  even  now  sending  His 
forenmner,  possibly  to  be  identified  with  Ehjah  {45) 
but  probably  more  hkc  "  Y''ahweh's  angel  "  so  often 
mentioned  in  the  historical  books,  who  is  often  almost 
one  with  Y^'ahweh  Himself.  So  here  "  the  Lord  .  .  . 
even  (wfir.)  the  messenger."  Perhaps  we  should  dis- 
tinguish between  "  my  messenger  "  and  "  the  messenger 
of  the  covenant."  The  phrases  whom  ye  seek  {cf.  2 17, 
Where  is  the  God  of  judgment  ?)  and  whom  ye  dellglit 
in  (or  desire)  are  parallel.  Tlie  Gospels  (Mt.  11 10 
^Lk.  727,  Mk.  I2)  cite  3ia  in  reference  to  John  the 
Baptist.  The  judgment  is  to  be  a  time  of  purifying 
and  cleansing — Uke  a  fierce  crucible  in  which  the  silver 
is  separated  from  the  base  elements  of  the  alloy.  By 
"  soap  "  is  meant  lye,  water  alkahsed  by  vegetable 
ashes.  The  judgment  will  begin  by  purging  (fit. 
straining)  the  corrupt  priesthood,  and  be  effective  (sf.) ; 
it  will  then  pass  on  to  attack  evildoers  of  different 
kinds  among  the  people.  It  is  a  mission  of  cleansing, 
not  of  destruction  {cf.  Jcr.  30ii)  ;  Yahweh's  love  of 
the  house  of  Jacob  {cf.  l2f.)  is  unchanging. 

m.  7-12.  Tithes  and  the  Divine  Blessing.— The 
people  cannot  hope  to  win  God's  favour  so  long  as  they 
withhold  Gods  dues.  When  the  tithes  (Dt.  I2i7f.. 
1422-29*,  Xu.  I821-32*,  Lev.  2730-33*;  see  p.  99 — 
Malachi  presupposes  the  stricter  legislation  of  P  as 
represented  in  the  two  latter  passages)  are  paid  in  full  to 
the  Temple  treasury,  the  curse  of  locusts  (tne  devourer. 
11)  and  firought  shall  be  removed,  and  showers  of 
blessing  shall  make  the  land  fruitful.  The  word  used 
for  offerings  (8)  is  terumnh  (see  HDB,  "  Offering,"  s) 
and  here  means  gifts  from  the  produce  of  the  soil,  and 


strictly  includes  tithe.  It  is  often  wrongly  translated 
"  heavo-offering." 

III.  13-IV.  3.  The  Final  Triumph  of  Righteousness. 

—The  prophet  here  returns  to  the  complaint  of  those 
wiio  thought  that  religion  did  not  pay  (with  14  cf.  2\y). 
Tlicy  had  "  kept  God's  charge,"  faithfully  observing 
their  refigious  duties,  and  even  wearing  the  sackcloth 
and  ashes  which  marked  humiUation  and  penance. 
Yet  it  is  tlic  arrogant  and  lax  memljers  of  the  com- 
munity {cf.  Ps.  11921,51,  etc.)  that  do  well;  they 
challenge  God's  judgment  by  their  evil-doing,  yet  it 
does  not  fall  upon  them.  >Such  were  the  words  of 
pious  Jews  in  Malachi's  daj'  (the  first  word  of  16  should 
be  "  thus  "  or  .  "  these  things  "  (LXX)  instead  of 
"  then  "),  and  Yahweh,  ever  mindful  of  His  people, 
prepared  a  record(c/.  the  custom  referred  to  in  Est.  6 if.) 
so  that  He  may  not  fail  to  do  them  justice  when  the 
hour  strikes.  In  the  day  of  His  action  ("  the  day  on 
which  I  do  "  or  "  act  ")  they,  the  true  Israel,  will  be 
His  pecidtum  or  special  private  possession,  and  while 
the  sons  who  have  been  rebellious  and  disloyal  are 
punished,  those  who  have  been  faithful  in  service  will 
be  protected.  Men  will  "  return  and  discern  "  {ie.  they 
will  once  more,  as  in  the  good  old  times,  see)  \'irtue 
rewarded  and  vice  punished  ;  the  moral  distinctions 
will  no  longer  be  obliterated  or  blurred.  Indeed,  the 
arrogant  and  wicked  -vrill  be  totally  destroyed  like  a 
prairie  or  a  forest  on  fii-e.  But  the  righteousness  of 
the  God-fearers  (or  of  God  Himself)  will  shine  forth 
conspicuous  to  all,  like  the  sun,  and  in  its  beneficent 
rays  all  their  affliction  wiU  be  healed.  Wo  may  note 
that  the  Babylonian  Shamash,  the  sun-god,  was  con- 
ceived of  as  the  god  of  justice,  and  that  AssjTian, 
Persian,  and  Egyptian  monuments  represent  the  solar 
disc  with  wings  issuing  on  either  side.  Ills  (2)  is  simply 
tho  archaic  form  of  "  its  "  ;  Malachi  is  not  definitely 
predicting  Christ,  or  indeed  any  personal  agent. 
Exulting  in  their  vindication,  the  godly  will  te  as 
vigorous  and  joyful  as  young  calves  turned  out  from 
the  dark  stall  to  the  sunny  meadow.  Alongside  this 
picture  is  the  glimmer  one  of  the  fate  of  the  wicked 
{cf.  Is.  6624). 

IV.  4-6.  Conclusion. — The  book  closes  with  an  ex- 
hortation to  observe  the  Torah  or  instruction  given 
through  Moses  ;  the  mention  of  Horeb,  a  Deuteronomic 
trait  (P  prefers  Sinai)  perhaps  indicates  that  Malachi 
has  especially  in  mind  the  moral  and  spiritual  teachings 
of  Dt.  These,  if  faithfully  observed,  would  heal  the 
strife  spoken  of  in  6,  and  avert  the  impending  doom. 
Before  the  judgment  falls,  another  way  of  escape  is 
promised:  Ehjah  will  reappear  (with  5  cf.  Jl.  231), 
to  set  right  the  social  and  family  discord  which  is 
wrecking  the  community  {cf.  Mi.  7 1-6).  The  frequent 
references  to  Ehjah  in  tho  Gospels  {e.g.  Mk.  9iif.,  I535 
Lk.  I17,  Mt.  11 14,  Jn.  121,25)  show  how  largely  the 
prophet  bulked  in  late  Jewish  thought.  See  also 
Ecclus.  48i-ir,  Justin  Martyr,  Trypho,  §§  8,  49.  and 
Schiirer.  §  29.  In  6  ing.,  "  with  "  necessitates  our 
supplying  "  to  God  "  in  the  text ;  yng..  "  land  "  is 
better  than  "  the  earth  " — Malachi  is  speaking  of  Israel. 
It  is  possible  that  these  three  concluding  verses  are 
an  appendix  to  tho  whole  "  Book  of  the  Twelve." 


THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE   NEW  TESTAMENT 


By  Professor  JAMES  HOPE  MOULTON 


Ten  or  a  dozen  writers,  with  contributions  ranging 
from  0-4  per  cent.  (Jude)  to  28  (Luke),  have  given  us 
the  NT.  Naturally  there  is  considerable  difference 
between  them  in  language  and  style.  Yet  there  are 
raanj''  characteristics  of  the  Greek  they  use  which  find 
no  complete  parallel  in  all  the  vast  mass  of  extant 
Greek  literature.  The  sigiiificanco  of  this  uniqueness 
is  a  problem  which  has  only  approached  solution  in 
our  own  daj'. 

Classical  Greek  literature  begins  with  Homer  (say 
tenth  century  b.c),  and  ends  (as  generally  reckoned) 
with  Aristotle  (died  322  B.C.).  The  dialects  of  the 
writers  differ  ;  but  when  the  great  names  of  Homer, 
Pindar,  and  Herodotus  are  put  aside,  we  find  nearly 
all  the  rest  credited  to  Attic,  the  dialect  of  Athens,  the 
brain  of  ancient  Greece.  But  Greece  had  almost  as 
many  dialects  as  there  were  to^^■ns,  and  we  know  them 
from  thousands  of  inscriptions,  which  make  an  immense 
literature  of  themselves,  a  field  few  classical  students 
tread.  They  represent,  when  large  allowance  is  made 
for  formulae  and  the  stiff  language  of  political  or  legal 
documents,  the  actual  speech  of  the  people  from  whom 
they  emanated  ;  and  the  reading  of  them  shows  us 
that  little  Greece  was  as  much  of  a  Babel  as  was 
England  under  the  Heptarchy.  This  strife  of  tongues 
practically  died  out  in  the  age  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
Free  communication  always  destroys  dialect  differ- 
ences, as  we  see  in  modem  England.  "When  Greece 
waa  united  perforce  under  the  rule  of  Macedon,  and 
Greeks  from  all  parts  sought  their  fortune  abroad,  a 
standard  dialect  grew  up  very  rapidly.  Both  political 
and  intellectual  leadership  determined  which  dialect 
should  survive.  Just  as  in  England  the  dialect  current 
in  the  triangle  of  London,  Cambridge,  and  Oxford 
became  the  standard,  so  Attic  wore  down  all  rivals, 
and  formed  the  ba.sis  of  a  new  "  Common  Greek."' 
There  were  plentiful  traces  of  other  dialects,  especially 
Ionic,  the  old  language  of  Greek  Asia  Minor  ;  and 
features  peculiar  to  Athenian  speech  were  prone  to 
disappear.  This  Common  Greek  became  the  imiversal 
language  of  the  Hellenistic  age,  an  age  in  which  Greece 
proper  was  no  longer  the  centre  of  Greek  culture, 
now  spreading  all  over  the  Roman  world.  Before  the 
first  century,  this  Greek  became  a  world  language,  a 
universal  medium  of  communication  from  the  confines 
of  India  to  Rome,  and  almost  all  round  the  Mediter- 
ranean. A  world  language  was  ready,  in  "  the  fu!ness 
of  the  time,"  for  the  preaching  of  a  world  religion. 

Meanwhile,  as  literary  appreciation  g^ew,  without 
any  literary  output  that  could  even  distantly  rival 
that  of  the  golden  age.  the  cla3.sical  literature  became 
increasingly  canonical  for  all  who  wrote  books  or  read 
them.  To"  write  in  the  language  of  the  past  waa  the 
ambition  of  every  litterateur.  Epic  poot.s  like  Apol- 
lonius  of  Rhodes  copied  Homer.  Theocritus  wrote  his 
lovely  pastorals  in  Doric,  or  even  the  .Eolic  of  Sappho  ; 
while  prose  followed  uniformly  the  Attic  of  Plato  and 


Demosthenes.  In  all  cases  the  attempt  to  write  in 
an  archaic  style,  only  known  from  books,  naturally 
produced  plentiful  crrons,  which  our  more  scientific 
study  can  discover  with  ease.  But  increasing  care 
was  taken  to  eliminate  them.  Rhetoricians  studied 
and  taught  the  rules  of  style  ;  and  grammarians  com- 
piled elaborate  works  to  enforce  the  use  of  words 
employed  by  "  good  "'  writers,  as  distinguished  from 
the  "  degenerate  "  forms  and  phraseology  of  the  living 
speech  of  the  day.  Their  pedantry  is  invaluable  to  us, 
who  are  concerned  rather  to  know  what  words  and 
phrases  meant  in  the  ordinarj'  every-day  Greek  of  tha 
age  when  Paul  preached  in  Greek  to  people  who 
neither  wrote  books  nor  read  them. 

A  priori,  we  should  feel  sure  that  NT  writers,  with 
such  a  constituency  to  reach,  would  avoid  an  artificial 
and  archaic  language,  and  would  use  that  which 
ordinary  people  could  not  fail  to  understand.  Their 
books  have  rarely  the  smallest  semblance  of  treatises. 
They  wrote  for  immediate  needs,  in  a  world  they 
thought  near  to  its  end,  and  they  had  neither  time 
nor  taste  for  literary  canons.  But  since,  for  us, 
"Greek"  means  almost  exclusively  Greek  books, 
written  in  classical  language,  or  artificially  imitating 
that  language,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  interpretation 
of  the  NT  should  be  coloured  unduly  by  our  knowledge 
of  a  Greek  five  centuries  older  than  its  own.  There 
are  not  a  few  points  in  which  the  superior  classical 
scholarship  gathered  since  1611  actually  introduces 
mistaken  renderings  into  RV  and  RVm,  from  which 
instinct  and  the  Latin  Vulgate  had  delivered  less 
instructed  predecessors.  We  have  always  to  remember, 
in  reading  the  great  commentators  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  that  their  exact  definitions  of  the  meaning  of 
a  word  or  the  force  of  a  grammatical  construction 
may  be  cogent  for  the  age  of  Plato  but  altogether 
obsolete  for  that  of  Paul.  It  is  almost  as  if  a  learned 
German  were  to  translate  a  Kipling  story  with  a 
Shakespearian  Grammar  and  a  Chaucer  Glossary  at  his 
elbow. 

The  scientific  study  of  Hellenistic  Greek  is  a  develop- 
ment of  our  own  time.  The  Athenian  savant,  G.  N. 
Hatzidakis,  has  been  a  pioneer  in  the  exact  analysis  of 
the  popular  Greek  of  to-day,  which  proves  to  be  the 
lineal  descendant  of  the  popular  Greek  of  nineteen  cen- 
turies ago.  The  late  Professor  Thumb,  of  Strassburg, 
has  traced  the  development  of  the  Common  Greek  from 
the  earlier  dialects,  and  the  relation  of  Modem  Greek 
to  its  ancestry.  Professor  Adolf  Deissmann,  of  Berlin, 
supplied  in  his  Eibelstudien  (1895)  the  fertile  hint 
which  has  opened  to  us  a  whole  librar\'  of  new  material 
for  NT  study.  Casually  reading  some  recently  dis- 
covered non-literary  Greek  papj-ri  from  Egypt,  ho 
noticed  the  close  affinity  between  their  Greek  and  that 
of  the  NT.  It  was  because  the.se  documents  were  not 
meant  for  publication,  and  were,  therefore,  written 
in  the  unadorned  natural  language  of  daily  life.     This 


691 


592 


THE   LANOUAQE   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 


hint  has  been  plentifully  developed  by  Dt-issmann 
and  others  for  the  XT  vocabulary,  and  for  the 
grammar  ;  and  it  may  now  be  regarded  as  established 
that  we  can  more  'safely  ignore  Thucydidcs  and 
Xenophon  than  the  fugitive  letters  of  professional 
men,  farmers,  or  schoolboys  from  the  age  in  which 
the  NT  was  written.  We  are  in  no  danger  of  going 
too  far,  and  undervaluing  the  importance  of  the  study 
of  literature.  But.  by  virtue  of  contemporary  date 
and  popular  character,  the  non-literary  monuments 
establLsh  their  right  of  veto  against  any  conclusions 
based  on  the  ancient  literature  alone.  A  large  number 
of  words  hitherto  jxjculiar  to  the  NT,  or  at  most  to 
that  and  the  LXX,  are  now  proved  by  their  occurrence 
in  the  papyri  to  have  been  elements  in  the  popular 
vocabulary,  excluded  from  literature  by  a  canon 
analogous  to  that  imposed  upon  the  Revisera,  who 
were  forbidden  to  employ  words  not  current  in  a 
classical  literature  nearly  three  centuries  old. 

We  come  then  to  the  question  whether  there  is 
anything  peculiar  to  NT  Greek,  when  its  essentially 
vernacular  elements  have  been  allowed  for.  Except 
Luke,  all  the  NT  writers  were  Jews,  and  (with  the 
further  exception  of  the  writer  to  the  Hebrews)  spoke 
Aramaic.  Paul  himself  spoke  it  (Ac.  222  ;  r/.  Phil.  85), 
but  must  have  been  at  least  equally  at  home  in  Greek 
from  the  first.  Mark  and  the  author  of  Rev.  only 
used  Greek  as  most  Welshmen  in  Wales  use  English — a 
second  language  more  or  less  imperfectly  and  unidio- 
matically  acquired  for  dealings  with  outsiders.  Be- 
tween these  extremes  stand  the  other  NT  writers. 
Lk.,  Ac,  and  Heb.,  though  their  writers  probably 
spoke  no  Semitic  tongue,  were  open  to  Semitising 
influence  through  the  Greek  OT,  which  suffered  largely 
from  over-literal  renderings  of  the  Hebrew.  The 
biblical  language  thus  produced  had  for  Luke  the 
sort  of  glamour  that  obsolete  archaisms  of  the  AV 
have  for  us.  He  not  only  quoted  them,  as  did  all  the 
NT  writers,  but  he  instinctively  imitated  their  style 
when  his  narrative  moved  among  Palestinian  scenes. 
He  seems  also  to  have  preserved  unidiomatic  features 
due  to  witnesses  from  whose  lips  he  took  down  stories 
of  Jesus  and  the  Twelve.  We  find  him  preserving 
uncultured  forms  which  he  found  in  the  rough  Greek 
of  the  source  known  as  Q  (see  p.  672),  altered  in  Mt. 
to  more  literary  forms.  But  where  Luke  is  telling  Ids 
own  story  independently,  with  no  motive  for  colouring 
his  language  after  the  LXX,  he  uses  the  Common 
Greek  of  educated  men's  daily  speech,  with  very  slight 
concessions  to  the  writing  style.  Not  even  these  are 
found  in  Paul,  whose  habit  of  dictating,  combined 
with  the  casual  character  of  his  letters,  made  his 
writing  practically  identical  with  his  speaking.  ThLs 
has  been  shown — especially  by  Nagelis  detailed  in- 
vestigation of  Pauls  vocabulary — to  be  essentially 
the  language  of  ordinarj-  people,  untouched  by  features 
of  higher  culture.  This  does  not  mean  that  Paul  was 
the  uncultured  man  of  Deissmann's  too  highly  coloured 
picture.  A  similar  analysis  of  John  Wesley's  Hcrmons 
would  prove  him  an  artisan  :  it  is  only  that  both  great 
preachers  kept  themselves  instinctively  within  the 
range  of  the  people  they  sought  to  reach.  The  very 
fact  that  Paul  did  not  need  the  LXX  (though  he  used 
it)  for  his  study  of  the  OT,  accounts  for  the  practical 
absence  of  what  we  have  called  "  biblical  style  "  in 
his  writings.  Greek  being  for  him  at  least  as  much  of 
a  mother  tongue  as  Aramaic,   there  was  nothing  to 

Srompt  him  to  use  unidiomatic  Greek  clumsily  re- 
ecting  features  of  a  Semitic  language.  The  Greek  of 
1  P.  and  Jas.  is  of  much  the  same  oraer,  but  with  more 
trace  of  "  biblical  "  style  in  stray  phrases.     This  Is 


significant  of  the  bilingualism  of  "  Galilee  of  the 
Gentiles,"  where  Peter  and  James  were  bred.  Peter's 
Greek  may  well  have  Ix^en  better  than  his  Aramaic 
(Mt.  2673),  from  the  point  of  view  of  Jerusalem,  where 
the  use  of  Greek  was  frowned  on  as  unpatriotic.  This 
may  account  for  the  very  rough  style  of  the  Jerusalemite 
Mark,  who  seems  to  have  a  foreign  idiom  perpetually 
behind  hLs  Greek.  (There  Is  no  necessity  to  take  literally 
the  phrase  "  Peter's  former  interpreter,"  applied  by 
Papias  to  Mark  (p.  681),  as  if  his  work  was  to  turn 
Peter's  Aramaic  into  Greek.)  The  very  strong  element 
of  Gentile  population  in  Northern  Palestine  must  be 
reckoned  with  in  all  attempts  to  determine  language 
conditions  under  which  the  NT  originated.  We  cannot 
question  that  Jesus  and  His  disciples  normally  talked 
Aramaic  among  themselves  ;  but  they  must  constantly 
have  been  in  contact  with  people  for  whom  Greek  was 
the  only  medium  of  communication.  We  may  even 
conjecture  that  if  '"  Matthew  put  together  the  oracles 
in  the  Hebrew"  {i.e.  Aramaic),  as  Papiaa  tells  us,  it 
was  primarily  for  the  Southerners,  who  were  too 
j)roudlj'  nationalist  to  tolerate  Greek  readily.  Many 
of  the  discourses  of  Jesus  may  well  have  been  in 
Greek  from  the  first :  so  tj^pical  a  parable  as  the 
Prodigal  Son  shows  hardly  a  sign  of  a  Semitic  back- 
ground, and  has  probably  been  incorporated  nearly 
as  Luke  got  it  from  some  hearer,  with  compara- 
tively little  modification,  and  perhaps  no  translation 
at  all. 

The  First  Gospel,  which  was  almost  certainly  written 
in  Palestine  for  Jewish  Christians,  uses  a  correct  if 
somewhat  featureless  Greek,  avoiding  vulgar  forms, 
but  showing  nothing  of  the  specially  literary  syntax. 
The  Fourth,  however,  with  the  Johannine  Epistles 
(which  no  one  with  the  faintest  instinct  of  style  would 
detach  from  it),  belongs  to  a  writer  correct  enough  in 
grammar,  but  simple  to  baldness,  and  with  no  sense 
of  idiom  :  Greek  was  with  him  no  mother  tongue. 
The  phenomena  will  accordingly  fit  the  theory  that 
the  writer  was  a  Jenisalemite.  The  Apocalypse,  on 
everj'  ground  of  language,  must  bo  assigned  to  another 
author,  as  Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  saw  in 
the  third  century.  The  grasp  of  Greek  is  much  greater 
than  the  evangelist's,  in  largeness  of  vocabulary  and 
the  free  use  of  out-of-the-way  words.  But  the  grammar 
is  defiant  of  rules,  especially  in  concord  of  gender  and 
of  case.  Dr.  R.  H.  Charles  has  recently  shown  how 
many  of  its  mannerisms  are  due  to  the  literal  trans- 
ference of  Semitic  idioms.  It  might  be  the  work  of  a 
man  who  had  used  Greek  all  his  life  as  a  second  language 
and  never  from  choice,  who  had  accordingly  enriched 
his  vocabulary  without  troubling  to  cure  himself  of 
some  grammatical  faults  which  persisted  easily  when 
affecting  categories  not  present  in  his  own  native 
language — just  as  the  genders  of  French  and  German 
are  a  constant  trouble  to  an  Englishman,  speaking  a 
language  that  is  not  encumbered  with  this  useless 
survival.  There  remains  the  last- writ  ten  NT  book, 
2  P..  which  is  unique  in  the  character  of  its  Greek. 
There  is  some  literary  flavour  in  Heb.  and  the  Lukan 
writings,  but  they  are  from  hands  that  never  penned 
any  other  language,  and  never  went  beyond  the  higher 
spoken  style  of  educated  people.  But  2  P.  uses  a 
Greek  which  appears  to  bo  learnt  from  rhetoricians  or 
from  books,  an  artificial  dialect  of  big  and  imusual 
words,  applied  without  the  sure  touch  of  a  native. 
This  curious  medium  is  probably  responsible  for  much 
underrating  of  the  book's  worth.  It  was  written  when 
the  movement  towards  Atticism  in  literature  had  gone 
so  far  that  educated  people  despi.sed  a  book  written 
in  the  language  of  daily  life.     Not  voiy  long  after,  we 


THE   LANGUAGE   OF    THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 


593 


find  Clement  of  Alexandria  deliberately  Atticising, 
in  order  to  win  the  ear  of  readers  who  would  be  deaf 
to  any  other  language.  The  writer  of  2  P.  is  not 
very  successful,  but  his  effort  may  have  the  same 
motive.  The  instinct  of  the  Church  was  well  guided 
when  through  tliis  fantastic  dialect  she  hoard  accents 
which  made  good  the  claim  that  one  little  writing  of 
the  second  century  spoke  truly  and  representatively 
of  the  first  ago  of  Christianity. 

There  are  several  directions  in  which  we  can  hope 
for  increased  understanding  of  the  problem  of  NT 
Greek.  As  publications  of  non-literary  papjTi  accumu- 
late, and  of  later  inscriptions  free  from  formalism,  the 
exact  use  of  NT  words  becomes  more  assured.  The 
material  is  now  being  collected  in  form  accessible  to 
students  (Moulton  and  Milligan,  The  Vocabulary  of 
the  Greek  Testament,  illuMrated  from  the  'papyri  and 
other  non-literary  sources,  Hodder  &  Stoughton,  1914, 
et  seq.).  Research  in  modern  Greek  dialecta  affords 
some  hope  of  delimiting  dialect  differences  in  the 
Common  Greek,  wliich  may  possibly  give  us  tests  for 
NT  criticism.  The  exact  range  of  Semitism  in  the 
NT  will  be  more  scientifically  determined  by  co-opera- 
tion between  specialists  in  Hellenistic  Greek  and  in 
Semitic  languages,  who  have  tended  too  much  to 
work  apart,  and  even  with  some  antagonism.  All 
this,  and  other  methods  of  study  as  yet  untried,  will 
help  us  to  realise  better  how  the  NT  spoke  to  Greek 
liearers  of  its  owti  day,  to  whom  it  appealed  in  their 
own  language  as  men  could  best  understand  it.  And 
this  in  turn  will  make  us  realise  better  how  the  Book 
should  speak  to  all  the  peoples  in  their  own  mother 
tongues  to-day. 

It  remains  to  note  in  a  few  words  how  this  Greek 
language  was  fitted  for  the  highest  purpose  it  was 
providentially  destined  to  serve.  As  an  iastrument  of 
expression  we  compare  it  on  the  one  side  with  Classical 
Greek  and  on  the  other  with  Hebrew  and  Aramaic. 
What  have  we  gained  or  lost  by  the  fact  that  the  NT 
was  written  in  the  "'  degenerate "  Hellenistic,  as 
classical  scholars  used  to  think  it,  instead  of  the 
perfect  Attic  of  Plato — that  the  "  Logia  "  attributed 
to  Matthew  by  Papias  were  not  preserved  in  their 
original  Aramaic  but  absorbed  into  Greek  Gospels  ? 
The  first  question  is  easy.  In  the  five  centuries  Greek 
has  lost  nothing  which  impairs  it  for  its  task.  The 
old  wealth  of  inflexion  has  been  considerably  cut  down 
by  regularising  processes  which  make  the  language 
easier  without  weakening  its  expressiveness.  Some 
syntactical  luxuries  like  the  dual  number  have  been 
sacrificed  ;  and  a  variety  of  refinements  have  worn 
away.  But  with  the  loss  of  features  which  can  add 
grace  to  the  matchless  prose  of  the  golden  age  of 
literature,  Greek  has  lost  none  of  the  characteristic 
resources  which  mainly  contributed  to  make  it  the 
most  perfect  form  of  speech  tlie  world  has  ever  known. 
It  has  become  much  easier  to  translate,  more  adaptable 
to  the  simple  needs  of  daily  life,  less  dependent  on 
elaborate  and  rhythmical  phrasing.  Its  rich  tense 
system,  with  capacity  for  expressing  shades  of  moaning 
that  are  often  as  suggestive  as  they  are  untranslatable, 


its  abundant  vocabulary  and  power  of  increasing  it  at 
will,  the  flexibility  of  its  order  of  words,  bringing  great 
facilities  for  indicating  emphasis,  its  equal  adaptability 
to  lucid  simpleness  and  sonorous  rhetoric — all  these 
and  many  more  features  of  Greek  remained  as  vividly 
present  as  ever  in  the  days  when  the  language  was 
supposed  to  be  in  decay.  For  the  purpose  of  simple 
narrative,  such  as  that  which  fills  so  large  a  part  of 
the  NT,  it  may  be  questioned  whether  Hellenistic  is 
not  even  superior  to  Attic  :  it  is  more  fitly  matched  in 
tliis  respect  with  Homer — witness  Dr.  Montagu  Butler's 
beautiful  rendering  of  the  Prodigal  Son  into  Homeric 
hexameters — or  the  Ionic  of  Herodotus. 

The  comparison  with  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  is  comple- 
mentary to  that  with  Classical  Greek.  Hebrew  is  un- 
rivalled as  a  medium  f©r  lucid  and  picturesque  narra^ 
tive,  winning  its  force  from  its  absolute  simplicity. 
It  loses  less  in  translation  than  perhaps  any  of  the 
languages  of  literature.  But  its  extraordinary  de- 
ficiencies in  the  tense  system  are  enough  by  themselves 
to  show  the  superiority  of  Hellenistic  for  the  purposes 
of  the  NT.  Mark  and  Revelation  might  perhaps  have 
been  equally  telling  in  the  Semitic  tongue  from  which 
they  were  virtually  translated  ;  and  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel  we  might  say  nearly  the  same.  But  Luke 
would  have  lost  much  and  the  author  to  the  Hebrews 
more  had  they  learned  Semitic  speech  for  the  expression 
of  thoughts  more  at  home  in  Greek ;  while  Paul, 
though  he  knew  the  Semitic  so  well,  would  have  found 
it  hard  to  clothe  in  that  unsuited  garb  the  "  rude 
speech  "'  which  chafed  even  at  the  restrictions  of 
Greek.  We  might  add  to  the  disabilities  of  Semitic 
dialects  for  the  functions  of  a  world  language  the  im- 
perfections of  their  system  of  writing,  and  the  many 
elements  of  Semitic  genius  which  would  necessarily 
remain  foreign  to  the  minda  of  men  speaking  Indo- 
European  languages. 

Literature. — Grammars:  Winer-Moulton ,  A  Treatise 
on  the  Orammar  of  NT  Greek;  J.  H.  Moulton,  A 
Grammar  of  NT  Greek  (in  progress)  ;  Blass,  Grammar 
of  NT  Greek''  (the  most  recent  German  edition, 
edited  by  Debrunner,  is  better)  ;  A.  T.  Robertson,  A 
Grammar  of  the  Greek  NT  in  the  Light  of  Historical 
Research  ;  Burton,  Syntax  of  the  Moods  and  Tenses 
in  NT  Greek;  Eiadermacher,  Neutestamentliche 
Grammatik  (HNT)  ;  Thackeray,  A  Grammar  of  the 
OT  in  Greek  (in  progress).  Books  for  beginners  by 
J.  H.  Moulton,  Huddilston.  and  H.  P.  V.  Nunn. 
Lexicons :  Grimm-Thayer,  A  Greek-  English  Lexicon 
of  the  NT  ;  Souter,  A  Pocket  Lexicon  to  the  Greek  NT. 
Other  Works:  Thumb,  Die  griechische  Sprache  im 
Zritalter  des  Hcllenismus,  Handbook  of  the  Modem 
Greek  Vernacular,  article  on  "  Helleni.stic  and  Biblical 
Greek'"  in  the  Standard  Bible  Dictionary  ;  Deissmann, 
Bible  Studies,  Light  from  the  Ancient  East;  G.  Milhgan, 
Selections  from  the  Greek  Papyri;  Moulton  and  Milhgan, 
7'he  Vocabulary  of  the  Greek  Testament  (in  progress). 
[A  full  bibUography  up  to  1908  may  be  seen  in  the 
writer's  Prolegomena.  A  detailed  examination  of  the 
question  of  Semitism  may  be  expected  in  vol.  ii.  of 
his  Grammar.] 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


By  Dr.  J.  O.  F.  MURRAY 


The  "  Canon "  is  the  list  of  books  recognised  as 
authoritative  on  points  of  Christian  doctrine.  The 
history  of  the  NT  Canon  forms  an  important  chapter 
iu  general  Church  history.  It  describes  first  how  the 
Church  awoke  to  the  fact  that  it  possessed  in  the 
writings  of  the  apostolic  age  a  NT  of  equal  authority 
to  the  OT,  and  then  how  it  decided  what  books  be- 
longed to  it.  The  study  has  also  a  direct  bearing  on 
Biblical  criticism  and  exegesis  ;  it  provides  posterior 
limits  for  the  date  of  the  composition  of  the  several 
books,  and  records  the  traditions  current  with  regard 
to  their  authorship. 

The  evidence  in  the  earliest  period  is  scanty  and 
largely  indirect,  tliough  real  coherence  is  imparted  to 
the  scattered  fragments  of  testimony  by  the  con- 
tinuity of  the  life  of  the  body  to  which  the  witnesses 
belong.  We  need  not,  therefore,  despair  of  arriving 
at  approxiiuatcly  certain  results.  But  we  have  to 
look  with  especial  care  on  any  argument  from  silence. 

Tlie  first  preachers  of  the  gospel  appealed  to  the  OT 
to  win  faith  in  a  crucified  and  risen  Messiah.  The 
Jewisli  Scriptures  were  read  in  Christian  worship. 
Christian  doctrine  (e.g.  Gal.)  and  exhortation  {e.g.  Heb.) 
were  largely  based  on  them.  They  supply  a  test  for 
the  inspiration  of  any  writings  to  which  heretical 
teachers  might  appeal  (2  Tim.  3i6).  But  there  is  no 
thought  within  tlie  Church  of  any  addition  to  the 
original  depoBit. 

At  the  same  time  converts  were  orally  instructed  in 
the  facta  of  the  Lord's  life,  and  made  familiar  wilh 
His  teaching  (Lk.  I1-4,  Ac.  2O35).  Words  of  the 
Jjord,  where  they  were  to  be  had,  were  final  on  points 
of  doctrine  (1  Th.  415)  or  practice  (1  Cor.  712,25). 
Moreover,  the  apostles  themselves  taught  and  wrote 
a.H  having  authority,  and  claimed  obedieiice  to  the 
traditions  (2  Th.  2i5,  36)  and  acceptance  for  the  creed 
they  had  delivered  (1  Cor.  15i,  2  Tim.  22).  One  book 
(Rev.  22 18)  claims  the  same  sanctions  as  Dt.  42. 

The  usage  of  the  first  generation  passes  on  without 
a  break  into  the  second.  A  like  authority  was  accoided 
to  words  of  the  I^oi-d  and  the  teaching  and  example 
of  the  apostles  as  to  the  Law  and  the  Prophets.  Owing 
however,  to  the  survival  of  independent  oral  traditions, 
wo  cannot  assert  that  any  of  the  words  of  the  Lord  in 
Clement  of  Rome  (a.d.  95),  Ignatius  (a.d.  115),  or  Poly- 
carp  (a.d.  115)  are  derived  from  our  gospels,  though 
"the  gospel"  inlgnatius  seems  to  be  awrittendocument. 
In  any  case,  the  "  words"  are  not  (juotod  as  '  Scrip- 
ture." They  d(>rive  their  authority  from  the  Lord  who 
spoke  and  not  from  the  evangelist  who  records  them. 

The  Paulino  cpLstles  are  indeed  quoted  by  name. 
Clement,  writing  to  Corinth,  quotes  1  Cor.  Polycarp, 
writing  to  Philippi,  quotes  Phil.  These  epistles  were, 
therefore,  in  general  circulation,  though  not  yet 
apparently  in  liturgical  use.  But  there  is  no  proof 
that  any 'special  authority  attached  to  thera  except 


594 


in  the  church  to  which  they  were  primarily  addressed. 
In  Polycarp  xii.  1,  however,  Eph.  426  seems  to  bo 
quoted  as  in  scripturis. 

When  wo  pa-ss  ixom  express  quotations  to  coinci- 
dences in  thought  and  language,  the  acquaintance 
with  apostolic  writings  which  these  writers  reveal  is 
remarkable.  The  impress  of  Heb.  on  Clement,  and 
of  1  P.  on  Polycarp.  is  especially  marked ;  but  the 
range  of  familiarity  with  Pauhne  Epistles  shown  by 
all  three  is  so  wide,  that  it  Ls  difiicult  to  doubt  that  a 
collection  of  these  was  already  in  circulation.  Such  a 
collection  is,  of  couree,  implied  in  2  P.  3 16,  but  un- 
fortunately the  authorship  and  date  of  2  P.  are  un- 
certain (p.  9 13).  The  pains  taken  to  collect  the  epistles 
of  Ignatius  show  that  the  idea  of  such  a  collection  was 
already  familiar. 

The  dates  of  the  other  writings  of  the  sub-apostolic 
age,  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  the  "Shepherd"  of  Her- 
mas,  the  second  Epistle  of  Clement,  and  the  Didach^ 
are  more  uncertain.  We  may  provisionally  put  them, 
with  Papiaa  and  Basilides,  between  a.d.  125  and  140. 
During  this  period  "  the  words  of  the  Lord  "  are  still 
the  normal  authority  co-oixlinate  with  the  OT.  The 
writings  of  apostles,  though  famdiar  to  the  writers 
[e.g.  the  use  of  Jas.  by  Hermas).  are  not  yet  expressly 
quoted,  except  by  the  heresiareh  Basilides.  The 
evidence,  however,  grows  more  definite  that  "  the 
words ""  were  famihar  in  a  written  form.  Some 
sayings,  indeed,  are  quoted  from  independent  sources, 
but  there  are  clear  signs  of  literary  dependence  on 
each  of  our  four  evangelists.  Barnabas  and  2  Clem, 
quote  Mt.  as  Scripture.  The  "  gospel "  in  the  Didach6 
is  clearly  a  written  document.  Above  all,  Papiaa 
records  traditions  with  regard  to  the  origin  of  Mt.  and 
Mk.  showing  that  comparative  criticism  of  the  gospels 
has  begun  ;  and  ho  takes  sayings  from  Jn.,  and  no 
doubt  other  written  sources,  as  the  text  of  his  exposi- 
tions, as  did  Basilides  in  his  Exegelica. 

We  como  now  to  Justin  Martyr,  whose  Apologies 
were  written  about  a.d.  150.  Unfortunately  his  treatise 
against  Marcion,  though  known  to  Irenaeus  and 
TertuUian,  is  lost,  so  we  have  no  direct  evidence  of 
the  authority  ho  would  have  claimed  for  the  gospels 
and  epistles  in  establishing  Cliristian  doctrine.  But 
lie  must  have  been  familiar,  before  he  died,  with  the 
idea  of  a  NT  Canon.  For  Marcion  defined  his  position 
by  reference  to  the  apostolic  writings  which  he  was 
prepared  to  recognise  as  autlioritative ;  and  in  so 
dohig,  drew  up  a  Canon.  Justin  would,  no  doubt, 
have  regai-ded  Marcion's  list  as  defective.  Marcion 's 
list  wa-s  meant  to  exclude  many  book.s  whicl\  in  popular 
estimation  stood  on  the  same  level  as  tliose  which  he 
accepted.  But  at  least  from  liis  time  onwards  no 
one  coidd  doubt  that  the  writmgs  of  the  apostles  were, 
for  the  Church,  the  primary  authority  for  the  deter- 
mination of  apost<ilic  doctrine. 


THE   OANON   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 


595 


In  commending  Christianity  to  Jews  or  heathen, 
Justin  oould  appeal  to  the  gospels  only  as  evidence  to 
historic  fact.  He  does  not  quote  them  by  name.  But 
he  describes  them  as  tlio  work  of  apostles  and  of  the 
clisciplea  of  apostles,  and  aays  that  they  wore  used  in 
Christian  worship.  There  is  no  doubt  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  the  four  canonical  gospels.  The 
only  points  at  issue  are,  wliether  he  also  used  any 
apocr3T)hal  gospel,  or  a  gospel  harmony,  and  whether 
Jn.  stood  in  his  estimation  on  the  same  level  as  the 
Synoptiflts. 

The  fact  that  his  pupil  Tatian  composed  (c.  a.d.  160) 
his  Diatessaron  (or  gospel  liarmony)  exclusively  from 
the  four  canonical  gosjiels  really  leaves  no  room  for 
doubt  as  to  the  contents  of  his  master's  Gospel  Canon. 
Justin  was  certainly  famdiar  with  many  of  the  Paulino 
epistles,  including  the  Pastorals  and  Heb.  He  quotes 
Rev.  as  by  Jolm.  In  an  argument  from  prophecy  every- 
thing turns  on  the  authorship  and  date  of  the  prediction. 
Irenaaus  (fl.  175-200)  was  connected  directly  with 
the  close  of  the  apostolic  age  and  the  school  of  John 
in  Asia  Minor  by  his  teachera  Polycarp,  Papias,  and 
Pothinus.  He  was  closely  connected  in  his  own  day 
with  the  churches  of  Asia  Minor,  Gaul,  and  Rome. 
His  evidence,  therefore,  is  of  the  highest  importance. 
It  is  fortunately  clear  and  abundant.  His  Gospel 
Canon  is  not  only  fixed,  but  lie  is  prepared  to  prove  to 
the  confusion  of  the  heretics,  who  for  various  dogmatic 
reasons  presumed  to  tamper  with  it,  that  it  was  im- 
possible in  the  nature  of  things  for  the  number  of 
gospels  to  be  more  or  less  than  four.  His  characterisa- 
tion of  the  different  evangelists  in  apportioning  the 
apocalyptic  symbols  between  them  shows  delicate  dis- 
crimination, and  seems  to  unply  a  considerable  back- 
ground of  comparative  study.  He  ascribes  even 
minute  points  in  phraseology  to  the  overruling  of  the 
Spirit.  Irenseus  also  quotes  as  Scripture  twelve  Paulme 
epistles  (omitting  Phm.  and  Heb.),  1  P.,  1  and  2  Jn., 
besides  Ac.  and  Rev. 

The  same  books  are  accepted  at  the  same  time  and 
in  the  same  way  by  Clement  in  Alexandria,  and  by 
Tertullian  in  Carthage. 

Irenseus  also  shows  acquaintance  with  Jas.  and  Heb. 
Tertullian  and  Clement  quote  Jude.  Tertullian  re- 
gards Heb.  as  the  work  of  Barnabas,  and  excludes  it 
from  the  Canon.  Clement  accepts  it  a-s  fundamentally 
though  indirectly  Pauhne.  He  also  uses  tlie  Apocalyp.-se 
of  Peter,  Clement  of  Rome,  Barnabas  and  Hermas. 

The  only  books  in  our  present  Canon  not  quoted 
as  Scripture  by  one  or  other  of  these  thi"ee  are  Jas., 
3  Jn.,  and  2  P. 

The  evidence  of  the  leading  writers  can  be  supple- 
mented by  the  evidence  of  VSS  (p.OOl ).  This  evidence 
is  important  as  exprassing  not  merely  the  judgment  of 
individuals  but  the  hturgical  use  of  \\hole  churches. 
Unfortunately  the  evidence  for  the  earliest  period, 
where  it  would  be  of  the  greatest  value,  is  .still  shrouded 
in  obscurity.  Still  before  the  end  of  the  second 
century  the  Latin  VS  seems  to  have  contained  all  the 
books  of  our  NT  except  Jas.,  Heb.,  and  2  P.  The 
earliest  Syriac  translation  comprised  only  the  gospels, 
Ac,  and  Paulijie  epistles  (nt  finst  without  Heb.). 
The  date  and  content*  of  the  earliest  foi-m  of  the 
Egyptian  VS  are  too  uncertiun  to  be  adduced  here. 

The  oldest  extant  attempt  to  draw  up  a  Ust  of 
accepted  books  on  ortliodox  lines  is  found  in  what  is 
called  the  "  Muratorian  Fragment"  on  the  Canon. 
It  is  a  Latin  translation  of  a  Greek  document  drawn 
up,  perhaps,  by  Hipp'dj't.us  in  Rome  (r.  a.d.  200).  It 
is  sadly  mutilated  and  disarranged.  It  opens  with  a 
comparative   study  of   the  four  gospels,  perhaps  in 


answer  to  criticisms  of  the  "  Alogi,"  an  obscure  body 
apparently  with  Montanist  sympathies.  Then,  after 
a  short  account  of  Ac,  it  passes  on  to  the  Pauline 
epistles.  It  is  remarkable  that  pains  are  taken  to 
show  how  letters  written  originally  for  particular  com- 
munities come  to  have  a  universal  application.  The 
justification  is  found  in  the  fact  that  Paul,  like  John 
in  Rev.,  addresses  seven  churches.  The  four  personal 
letters  are  an  appendix,  and  accepted  for  their  bearing 
on  points  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  a  subject  of 
universal  interest.  These  comments,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  gospels,  seem  to  show  that  the  collection  of 
Pauline  epistles  is  of  some  standing  and  has  been 
the  subject  of  rotiection  as  a  whole.  There  is  no  room 
in  the  collection  for  Heb.  The  rest  of  the  list  is  in 
considerable  confusion.  It  seems  to  acknowledge  Jude, 
two  epistles  of  John,  Wisdom,  Rev.,  and,  with  some 
hesitation,  the  A]K)calypse  of  Peter.  '*  The  Shepherd  " 
of  Hermas  is  commended,  but  definitely  excluded  from 
the  Canon  on  the  ground  of  its  date.  The  writings  of 
various  heresiarchs  and  two  epistles  forged  in  the  name 
of  Paul  are  repudiated  with  scorn.  There  are  certainly 
lacurKe  in  the  MS,  so  it  is  not  possible  to  lay  stress  on 
its  omissions  except,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  case  of 
Heb. 

To  sum  up  the  results  attained  so  far.  Before  the 
end  of  the  second  century,  the  Church  over  a  wide 
area  had  been  aroused  by  the  conflict  with  Gnosticism 
to  the  fact  that  it  possessed  a  NT  as  well  as  an  OT 
to  safeguard  the  tradition  of  apostolic  doctrine,  and 
was  already  in  substantial  agreement  as  regards  a 
large  part  of  its  contents.  The  criterion  for  admission 
to  this  Canon  was  apostoUo  authorship,  with  an  ex- 
tension in  the  case  of  Mk.  and  Lk.  to  include  the  work 
of  disciples  of  apostles. 

At  the  same  time,  the  conflict  with  Montanism  made 
it  clear  that  the  period  of  what  we  may  call  "  creative 
inspiration  '"  was  passed.  As  we  can  see  from  the 
judgment  of  the  Muratorian  Fragment  on  Hermas,  and 
from  the  opening  sentences  of  21ie  Martyrdom  of 
Perpetua  and  Felicitas,  no  "  modem  "  book  could  hope 
to  rank  with  the  deposit  bequeathed  by  the  firet 
generation  of  Christians  (cf.  Eus.  Hist.  V.  xvi.  3). 

The  outstanding  figure  in  the  second  quarter  of  the 
tliird  century  is  Origen.  He  approaches  the  problem 
from  the  point  of  \'iew  of  Christian  scholarship.  He 
has  a  wide  acquaintance  with  the  works  of  his  pre- 
decessors, and  with  the  use  of  the  different  churches 
in  his  own  day.  In  theory  he  postulates  universal 
consent  as  a  condition  for  fuU  canonical  value  ad 
confirmationem  dogmatum.  In  practice  he  uses  freely 
any  passage  that  illustrates  his  meaning  or  suggests 
a  fresh  point  of  view,  caUing  attention  to  tlie  fact,  if 
the  source  from  which  he  has  drawn  it  is  of  question- 
able authority.  Thus  he  accepts  only  the  four  gospels 
as  canonical."  But  he  uses  from  time  to  time  the 
gospels  of  the  Hebrews  and  of  Peter.  The  Preaching 
of  Pet«r  he  explicitly  rejects. 

He  regards  Heb.  as  Pauline  in  thought,  though  not 
in  diction,  and  notices  that  it  is  not  universally  re- 
ceived. Still  if  it  is  apostolic  he  is  prepared  to  accept 
it  as  canonical  in  spit<>  of  its  lack  of  general  recognition. 
He  accepts  1  P.  He  regards  2  P.  as  genuine,  but 
hasitates  alx)ut  accepting  it  owing  to  its  lack  of  accept- 
ance in  any  part  of  tlie  Churcli.  Ho  notos  that  2  and 
3  Jn.  lack  universal  acceptance,  and  does  not  apjm- 
rently  make  any  use  of  them  himself.  He  accepts 
Jude  with  some  hesitation.  Jas.  he  ascribes  to  the 
brother  of  the  Lord.  His  hesitation  in  using  it  seems 
due  simply  to  the  deficiency  of  its  support  bj  tradi- 
tion.    He  accepts  Rev.     He  also  quotes  Barnabas  as 


596 


THE   CANON   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 


*•  Catholic  "  and  uses  "  the  Shepherd  "  of  Hennas,  while 
ackno\,'ledginj;  that  it  is  disputed,  and  the  Didache. 

One  of  Origons  pupils,  Dionysius  of  Alexandria 
((/.  2G4),  wrote  what  may  bo  regarded  as  the  first  essay 
in  NT  criticLsiu  in  his  discu8si(^n  of  the  problem  of  the 
authoi-sliip  ol  llov.  In  the  course  of  his  argument,  he 
started  ;ho  theory,  which  has  taken  so  prominent  a 
place  in  later  six^culatiun  with  regard  to  the  Johannine 
writings,  that  there  was  an  Elder  John  in  Ephesus  aa 
well  as  -he  apostle.  Ho  wished  to  make  "  the  Elder  " 
responsible  for  Rev. 

The  fourth  centurj'  opened  with  the  Diocletian 
persecution,  one  special  feature  of  which  waa  an 
attack  on  the  Christian  Scriptures.  It  did  not,  how- 
ever, produce  as  much  effect  as  we  might  have  expected 
in  forcing  a  decision  with  regard  to  the  books  on  the 
border  line.  On  the  other  hand,  the  wholesale  destruc- 
tion of  MSS  in  certain  regions  had,  no  doubt,  a  far- 
reaching  effect  on  the  history  of  the  text  of  the  NT. 

The  most  important  writer  in  the  first  quarter  of 
the  century  was  Eusebius  of  Caesarea.  He  inherited 
the  Origenian  tradition,  and  was  specially  interested 
in  the  history  of  the  Canon.  In  his  Ecclesiastical 
History  (c.  32i),  he  undertakes  (III.  iii.  3)  to  record 
side  by  side  with  the  successions  of  bishops  in  the 
leading  dioceses  any  traditions  which  would  throw 
light  on  the  composition  of  the  canonical  books,  to- 
gether with  instances  of  the  use  of  books  of  doubtful 
authorit}'.  As  far  as  wo  can  judge,  he  carried  out 
his  plan  with  reasonable  consistency. 

Eusebius,  as  Lightfoot  pointed  out,  did  not  propose 
to  record  every  instance  of  the  use  of  the  generally 
accredited  books.  Such  a  task  would  have  been  at 
once  intcnuinable  and  supcrtluous.  It  follows  that 
no  argument  unfavourable  to  the  genuineness  of 
any  of  these  books  can  be  based  simply  on  the  fact 
that  Eusebius  does  not  call  attention  to  the  fact  of 
ita  use  by  any  ecclesiastical  writer. 

Eusebius  summarises  his  results  in  III.  xxv.  The 
books  which  lie  enumerates  in  this  chapter  fall  into 
four  classes.  In  the  first  class  are  the  books  universally 
accepted,  viz.  the  four  gospels,  Ac,  the  Paulino 
epistles  (apparently  including  Heb.),  1  Jn.,  1  P.,  and 
possibly  Rev.  In  the  second  class  come  the  disputed 
Ijooka  which  were  winning  their  way  to  general  accept- 
ance, Jas.,  Jude,  2  P.,  2  and  3  Jn.  In  the  third  class 
come  books  which  he  calls  rather  oddly  "  bastard  "'  or 
"  spurious."  They  were  substantially  orthodox,  and 
had  had  a  certain  vogue  in  reputable  quarters  in 
earher  days,  but  their  popularity  was  waning.  No  one 
any  longer  treated  them  as  canonical.  The  list  in- 
cludes the  Acts  of  Paul,  Hennas,  Ajxicalypse  of  Peter, 
Barnabas,  Didache,  and  possibly  (no  doubt  he  means 
if  the  view  put  forward  by  Dionysius  shoukl  win 
acceptance)  Rev.  In  the  fourth  class  come  various 
heretical  gospels  and  Acts,  which  were  not  even  to  be 
reckoned  among  the  "  bastard,"  but  eschewed  alto- 
gether. 

Eusebius  was  a  man  of  little  originaUty  or  inde- 
pendent judgment.  But  ho  was  widely  read  in  the 
Creek  Christian  literature  of  the  second  and  third 
centuries,  the  bulk  of  which  has  now  irretrievably 
perished,  and  8ubse([uent  ages  owe  a  deep  debt  to  his 
honest,  if  somewhat  confused  and  at  times  not  a  little 
prejudiced,  cnidition. 

There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  any  writer  subse- 
qtient  to  Eusebius  had  access  to  any  fresh  source  of 
evidence  with  regard  to  the  authorship  or  claim  to 
canonicity  of  any  of  the  books  of  the  NT.  The  history 
of  the  Canon  for  the  next  three  centuries  is  concerned 
simply  with  tracing  the  steps  by  which  the  different 


churches  of  Christendom  attained  to  substantial  agree- 
ment as  to  its  contents. 

The  Greek-speaking  churches  in  the  East,  Jenisalem 
as  represented  by  Cyril,  Asia  Minor  as  represented  by 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  and  ^Uexandiia  as  representea 
by  Athanasius,  accept  all  the  books  in  the  first  two 
classes  in  the  ILst  of  Eusebius  ;  only  Athanasius  admits, 
while  Cyril  and  Gregory  exclude.  Rev.  Athanasius  also 
allows  the  use  of  the  Didache  and  of  "  the  Shepherd  " 
of  Hennas  for  the  instruction  of  catechumens. 

The  Church  of  Antioch  followed  an  independent  line. 
Under  the  influence  of  Lucian  of  Samosata  (d.  312), 
the  Canon  of  Antioch  excluded  2  P.,  2  and  3  Jn.,  Jude, 
and  Rev.  This  Canon  passed  with  ChrysoBtom  to 
Constantinople.  It  went  also  to  Edesi-a  with  Rabbuk 
(d.  435)  and  fixed  the  Limits  of  the  Peshitta  Syriao 
VS.  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  (d.  428)  rejected  aU  the 
Catholic  epistles  as  well  as  Rev.,  and  was  followed 
by  some  of  the  Syriac-speaking  Nestorians.  The 
missing  books,  were,  however,  added  to  the  Syriac  VS 
early  in  the  sixth  century.  They  are  contained  in 
the  Armenian  and  Ethiopic  VSS. 

The  Quini-Sextine  Council  (692)  ratified  the  list  as 
given  by  Athanasius. 

In  the  West  the  Canon  at  the  time  of  Cyprian  {d.  259) 
contained  Rev.,  but  lacked  Heb.,  Jas.,  2  P.,  2  and  3  Jn., 
and  Jude,  and  the  recognition  of  these  books  by 
Latin  writers  in  the  fourth  century  varies  in  an  inter- 
esting way.  By  450,  however,  their  position  in  the 
Canon  was  assured  under  the  dominating  influence  of 
Jerome  and  Augustine.  The  Synod  of  Carthage,  at 
which  Augustine  was  present,  in  397  gave  conciliar 
sanction  to  the  complete  list. 

So  by  degrees  the  collection  of  sacred  writings  grew 
into  shape  by  what  looks  like  the  almost  unconsoioua 
action  of  the  instinct  of  the  community,  at  once 
following  and  checking  the  results  of  individual 
scholars.  Councils  spoke  only  to  ratify  results  already 
securely  attained. 

Such,  in  outline,  waa  the  growth  of  the  Canon  of 
tho  NT.  For  a  thousand  years  the  result  remained 
unchallenged.  And  the  Bilile,  interpreted  as  a  uniform 
whole,  either  with  legal  literalism,  or  allegorically, 
shaped  the  thoughts  of  men  with  regard  to  God  and 
the  world,  and  provided  laws  for  the  regulation  of  the 
lives  of  states  and  individuals.  It  was  known,  how- 
ever, in  the  West  only  in  Latin,  and  remained  a  sealed 
book  to  all  but  the  learned  few. 

With  the  revival  of  learning  and  the  invention  of 
printing  came  the  era  of  vernacular  versions.  The 
Bible  became  tiie  people's  book,  and  played  the  chief 
part  in  producing  tho  spiritual  ferment  which  broke 
up  the  existing  Church  order,  and  changed  the  whole 
face  of  Europe. 

Since  then  it  has  been  subjected  to  strange  tests. 
It  has  been  erected  into  an  infallible  oracle  and  yet 
allowed  to  speak  only  in  the  tonus  of  a  narrow  con- 
fessional orthodoxy.  This  use  of  tho  Bible  as  an 
instrument  of  slavery  led  to  a  natural  reaction.  It 
has,  hi  consccjucnce,  been  subjected  to  the  fiercest 
fires  of  independent  and  often  hostile  critical  investi- 
gation. 

To  speak  now  only  of  the  NT,  so  far  aa  literary 
analysis  goes,  the  wave  of  destructive  criticism  may 
fairly  be  said  to  have  spent  its  force.  In  almost  every 
case  (2  P.  is  tiio  only  clear  exception)  the  traditional 
judgment  haa  been  endoi-sed  by  modem  scholarship. 
But  in  other  directions  the  effect  of  critical  study  has 
been  far-reaching.  Ita  guiding  principle  is  that  the 
books  of  the  Bible  must  be  studied  on  exactly  the 
same  principles  as  other  books.     It  might  seom  as  if 


THE   CANON   OF   THE  ITEW  TESTAMENT 


697 


this  must  render  obsolete  the  whole  distinction  be- 
tween canonical  and  nucanonical.  But  the  more  we 
interpret  these  books  like  other  books,  a  I  reap  our 
reward  in  the  clear  understanding  of  the  distinctive 
message  and  abiding  significance  of  each,  the  more 
we  realise  that  they  have  in  them  an  element  which 
differentiates  them  from  all  other  books.  They  de- 
clare, as  no  other  books  attempt  to  do,  and  with  sure 
mastery,  the  Being  and  Character,  all  that  gives 
significance  to  the  Name  of  God.  They  give  us  a 
key  by  which  we  can  trace  His  hand  in  history  and 
grasp  the  principles  of  His  government  of  the 
world. 

If  wo  give  up  the  attempt  to  identify  Biblical 
Theologj'  with  any  of  the  systems  that  have  been  pro- 
duced at  any  age  in  the  Church's  history,  we  find  in 
its  stead  a  revelation  of  spiritual  principles,  the  Hving 


germ  of  all  subsequent  developments  of  Christian 
thought,  and  the  test  by  which  we  can  tiy  the  spirit 
of  any  system,  and  detect  and  ca-st  out  any  alien 
element  that  may  claim  our  allegiance.  It  assures 
true  organic  continuity  in  the  results  of  Christian 
thinking  to  the  end  of  time.  It  holds  within  it  the 
secret  both  of  permanence  and  progress. 

Literature. — Gregory,  Cmwn  and  Text  of  NT  ; 
Souter,  Text  and  Canon  of  NT  ;  Westoott,  Canon  of 
NT,  TJie  Bible  in  the  Church;  Moore,  The  NT  in 
the  Christian  Church  ;  PoUdnghome,  Canon  of  NT  ; 
Zahn,  Gcschichte  des  Neuiestamenilichen  Kanons,  and 
his  Grundriss ;  Leipoldt,  Oeschichte  des  neutesfament- 
lichen  Kanons  ;  Hamack,  Dogmengeschichte  *,  i.  372-399 
(E.  tr.  from  3rd  cd.,  ii.  38-62),  Die  Entstehunq  des  NT: 
Articles  in  Dictionaries  and  Encyclopeedias  and  in 
Introductions  to  NT,  especially  B.  Weiss  and  Julicher. 


[The  following  notes  may  not  be  out  of  place  here  : — 
The  system  of  chapters  of  NT  now  in  use  was  invented 
by  Cardinal  Hugo  de  S.  Caro  in  1238,  and  soon  passed 
into  general  use.  The  cardinal  also  divided  each 
chapter  into  paragraphs  marked  by  letters,  but  this 
was  unfortunately  superseded  by  the  verse  system 
introduced  by  Robertus  Stephanus  in  1551. 

The  first  printed  text  of  Gr.  NT  was  that  of  Cardinal 
Ximenes  in  1514,  known  as  the  Complutensian  from 
Complutum  the  Latin  name  of  Alcala  in  Spain,  where 
Ximenes  foimded  a  imiversity.  But  the  first  to  be 
pubhshed  was  the  edition  of  Erasmus  (1516),  wliich 
this  great  scholar  re-edited  four  times.  Other  early 
editors  were  Stephanus  of  Paris,  whose  third  edition 
(1550)   became  the  standard  text   in   England,   Beza 


of  Geneva,  and  Elzevir,  whose  edition  of  1633  is  the 
continental  standard,  and  gives  us  the  well-known 
phrase  (found  in  liis  preface)  Textus  Receptus— he 
thought  he  had  produced  a  text  which  all  would  accept 
as  final.  The  labours  of  a  long  line  of  scholars  have 
resulted  in  a  different  conclusion.  Among  those  who 
have  most  successfully  advanced  the  endeavour  to- 
wards a  perfect  text  are  Walton,  Bishop  of  Chester 
(1657),  John  MUl  (1707).  Richard  Bentley  (1716). 
Bengel  of  Alpirsbach  (1734),  J.  J.  Griesbach  (1745-1812), 
who  developed  the  "  familv  "  theory,  Lachmann  (c. 
1850),  Tregelles,  Tischendorf,  Westcott  and  Hort, 
von  Soden,  C.  R.  Gregory,  and  among  living  scholars, 
B.  Weiss,  Lake,  Burkitt,  Rendel  Harris,  Chase,  Turner, 
and  Souter. — A.  J.  G.] 


THE  TEXT  AND  TEXTUAL  CRITICISM  OF 
THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


By  Dr.  J.  0.  F.  MURRAY 


The  object  of  Textual  Criticism  is  to  present  an 
ancient  book  to  modem  readers  in  the  form  in  which 
it  left  the  hands  of  its  author. 

Textual  Criticism  is  necessary  for  students  of  the 
NT  because  the  original  copies  of  all  its  books  have 
perished,  and  the  only  way  of  restoring  their  contents 
is  by  a  careful  comparison  of  the  copies,  no  two  alike, 
that  have  been  derived  from  them  by  a  long  chain  of 
transcription. 

Each  book  was  at  first  circulated  separately.  The 
formation  of  collections,  e.g.  of  gospels  and  of  Pauline 
epistles,  oame  later.  The  different  order  in  which 
the  books  are  arranged  in  MSS  and  lists  shows  that 
these  coUections  were  made  independently  in  dififerent 
centres.  Single  volumes  containing  the  whole  NT 
were  not  produced  before  the  fourth  century. 

Each  book,  therefore,  has  a  textual  history  of  its 
own  which  must  be  studied  separately.  The  value  of 
what  is  now  a  single  MS  is  not  constant  for  all  the 
books  contained  in  it.  Each  gospel,  for  instance,  in 
the  recently-discovered  Freer  MS  (W ;  fourth  or  fifth 
century)  has  affinities  of  its  own. 

Some  difficulties  in  the  way  of  accurate  transcription 
are  mechanical.  The  e}^e  may  be  caught  bj-  tlie  recur- 
rence of  a  group  of  similar  letters  and  the  intervening 
words  may  in  consequence  drop  out.  The  ear,  when 
the  work  is  being  done  by  dictation,  may  fail  to 
distinguish  similar  sounds. 

In  some  ca.ses,  mistakes  are  due  to  mental  activity, 
conscious  or  unconscious,  arising  from  familiarity  with 
a  similar  pa-s-sage  or  phrase  in  another  part  of  the  NT 
or  OT,  or  with  a  variant  reading  in  the  passage  itself. 
In  some  cases  they  come  from  a  desire  to  improve  the 
language  or  grammar.  Sometimes  an  illustrative 
anecdote  has  been  noted  in  the  margin,  and  has  after- 
wards been  incorporated  in  the  text. 

\Vlien  the  books  began  to  be  translated  and  texts 
in  two  languages  were  transcribed  side  by  side,  a  fresh 
source  of  danger  was  introduced.  How  far  the  texts 
now  current  in  Greek  MSS  have  Ixjen  affected  by  it  is 
hard  to  determine.  It  affords  a  simple  explanation 
of  a  great  many  seemingly  objectless  changes  of  phrase 
and  construction.  Dr.  Chase  has  given  strong  reasons 
for  ascribing  some  of  the  changes  in  the  Codex  Beza;  (D) 
to  Syriac  influence,  and  within  narrow  hniits  the 
Greek  column  in  that  MS.  has  been  affected  by  the 
Latin  which  accompanies  it.  The  possibility,  there- 
fore, must  always  be  allowed  for. 

Changesdcliberately  introduced  fordogmatio  purposes 
are  a  negligible  quantity  in  the  sum  total  of  variations. 

Hitherto  we  have  been  dealing  with  sporadic  changes 
introduced  by  the  inadvertence  or  at  the  whim  of 
particular  scribes.  The  time  came,  however,  when 
the  growing  divergence  of  toxt  attrp'>ted  the  attention 
of  aoholars,  and  in  the  fotirth  eoninry,  and  perhaps 


even  earlier,  an  attempt  was  made  to  secure  uniformity 
by  systematic  revision.  Materials  were  brought  to- 
gether from  divergent  lines  of  textual  transmission 
and  combined  into  a  composite  whole.  It  would  be 
very  convenient  if  we  could  assume  that  the  scholar.'; 
by  whom  this  work  was  accomplished  had  a  clear 
conception  of  critical  principles  or  were  aiming  at 
anything  beyond  immediate  edification.  But  there  is 
no  ground  for  this  convenient  supposition. 

The  evidence  is  primarily  contained  in  Greek  MSS, 
eacli  of  which  rests  ultimately  on  the  autograph.  This 
evidence  is  supplemented  by  that  derived  from  VSS 
into  various  languages  and  from  patristic  quotations 
(p.  601). 

The  evidence  of  VSS  at  its  best  leads  us  back  to 
the  Greek  MS  from  which  the  VS  was  originally  made. 
The  evidence  of  patristic  quotations  shows  us  what 
sort  of  readings  were  current  at  the  time  and  in  the 
country  of  the  writer. 

Special  difficulties,  which  cannot  now  be  enumerated, 
affect  the  ascertainment  of  these  last  two  classes  of 
evidence.  When  available,  they  are  of  first-rate  im- 
ix>i-tance  becau.se  they  can  be  placed  and  dated,  and 
so  afford  indispensable  landmarks  in  the  history  of 
textual  variations. 

The  total  number  of  variant  readings  already  re- 
corded is  very  great,  and  it  seems  at  first  a  hopeless 
task  to  find  any  clue  through  the  maze.  And  yet  it  is 
well  to  remind  ourselves  that  the  documents  which  we 
are  seeking  to  restore  once  existed,  and  that  the  causes 
which  have  been  at  work  in  the  successive  changes 
are  all  calculable.  We  need  not,  tliercfore,  despair 
of  being  able  to  account  ultimatel}-  for  cverj-  variation. 

Meanwhile  good  progress  has  been  made  in  the 
ascertainment  of  the  principles  on  which  the  task  must 
be  attempted,  and  of  the  main  lines  of  change  to  which 
the  text  has  been  sul)jectetl. 

The  principles  of  the  science  are  laid  down  by  Hort 
in  his  Introduction.  He  begins  by  pointing  out  the 
considerations  which  have  to  bo  taken  into  account 
in  deciding  between  any  two  variants. 

Our  first  impulse  is  to  choose  the  reading  which 
seems  to  us  to  make  the  better  sense.  We  follow 
Intrinsic  Probability.  This  postulates  (1)  that  we 
know  what  the  writer  meant  to  say,  and  (2)  that  he 
took  the  best  way  of  expressing  his  meaning. 

Then  as  we  grow  familiar  with  the  habits  of  scribes, 
another  question  presents  it»self :  "  Which  of  these 
readings  is  the  more  likely  tti  have  given  rise  to  the 
other  ?  "  We  take  into  account  what  is  callc<l  Trn7i- 
scriptional  Prohobility.  What  arc  often  spoken  of  as 
the  Canons  of  Criticism  deal  with  considerations  arising 
imder  this  head.  A  scribe  is  more  likely  to  smooth 
away  a  diffioulty  than  to  introduce  ono.  So  we  an- 
told  to  choose  the  harder  rradirui. 


THE   TEXT   AND   TEXTUAL   CRITICISM   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 


599 


Again,  expeiience  shows  that  scribe-j  were  always 
more  prone  to  insert  words  than  to  omit  them.  Bo 
we  take  tfte  {shorter  reading.  Unfortunately  these  rules 
do  not  admit  of  universal  and  mechanical  apphcation. 
Scribes  did  sometimes  leave  out  words  and  clauses 
accidentally,  or  because  they  seemed  superfluous.  The 
harder  reading  does  not  always  make  the  best  sense. 
When  it  does  we  have  a  comcidence  of  Intrinsic  and 
Transcriptional  Probabihty  which  is  convincing,  and 
leads  to  results  of  far-reaching  importance. 

Transcriptional  Probability  also  attains  a  high  value 
when  there  are  three  or  more  variants  in  a  pa-ssage, 
and  one  of  the  variants  stands  out  as  explaining  con- 
vmcingly  the  origin  of  all  the  rest. 

The  IiUernal  Evidence  of  Readings  derived  from 
these  two  kinds  of  probability  often  fails  us,  either 
because  one  is  in  conflict  with  the  other  or  because 
neither  of  them  is  clear  enough  to  justify  a  confident 
decision. 

We  are  driven,  therefore,  to  call  in  a  fresh  set  of 
considerations.  We  ask,  "  Which  of  the  MSS  is  most 
likely  to  contain  the  true  reading  ?  "  An  answer  to 
this  question  comes  from  examining  all  the  variants, 
and  making  a  list  of  those  in  which  the  Internal 
Evidence,  Intrinsic  and  Transcriptional,  leads  to  a 
decisive  result.  Then  account  is  taken  of  the  pro- 
portion of  clearly  right  to  clearly  wrong  readings  in 
each  MS,  and  a  provisional  estimate  formed  of  ita 
value. 

It  is  possible,  then,  to  re-examine  the  variants  in 
the  light  of  these  judgments,  and  to  decide  between 
them  with  the  help  of  the  kiiowledge  of  the  relative 
values  of  the  documents  supporting  each.  The  results 
so  attamed  can  be  accepted  with  greater  confidence 
because  they  rest  on  a  wider  basis  than  that  of  the 
pritna  facie  value  of  the  indi%ddual  readi:igs.  We 
appeal  to  The  Internal  Evidence  of  Documents. 

The  value  of  a  MS,  however,  is  rarely  uniform 
throughout,  and  the  best  MSS  differ  a  great  deal 
among  themselves.  We  have,  therefore,  to  call  in 
the  assistance  of  two  other  kinds  of  evidence.  The 
most  important,  where  it  can  be  had,  is  "  Genealogical 
Evidence.''  Each  MS  is  derived  from  the  autograph 
by  direct  descent  through  a  fine  of  ancestors,  which 
can  be  represented  by  a  genealogical  tree.  It  is  clear 
that  as  far  as  it  is  possible  to  reconstruct  such  a  tree, 
and  to  fix  the  places  of  different  MSS  in  it,  the  task  of 
choosuig  between  the  variants  that  they  present  is 
greatly  simphfied. 

Unfortunately,  however,  the  task  is  complicated 
because  the  lines  of  descent  are  not  exclusively  diver- 
gent. One  and  the  same  MS  may  contain  readings 
which  are  derived  from  different  lines  of  descent. 

It  is  possible  to  trace  distinct  stages  in  the  history 
of  the  text  and  to  mark  different  types  of  change,  but 
none  of  the  earUer  types  are  perfectly  represented  in 
any  single  MS.  Genealogical  evidence,  therefore,  is 
not  always  available  owing  to  the  mixture  of  different 
originally  diverging  lines  of  descent  in  the  earliest 
documents  to  which  we  have  access. 

There  remains  one  last  resource.  By  studjang  the 
different  groups  with  which  any  MS  is  from  time  to 
time  associated,  it  is  possible  to  isolate  the  elements 
which  it  has  derived  from  the  several  strains  of  its 
composite  ancestry.  And  though  the  result  is  not 
always  sufficient  to  determine  the  genealogical  ante- 
cedents of  a  particular  reading,  the  readings  of  each 
group  can  be  examined  and  the  value  of  the  docu- 
ment from  which  they  are  ultimately  derived  can  be 
determined,  on  the  plan  alreadj'  described  under  the 
head  of  the  Internal  Evidence  of   Documents.     The 


result  is  to  supply  us  with  The  Internal  Evidence  of 
Groups. 

It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that  in  discriminating 
between  variants  we  have  to  ask  in  each  case  three 
questions  :  Which  reading  gives  the  best  sense,  and 
explains  most  simply  the  origin  of  the  other  variants  ? 
Which  has  the  best  pedigree  ?  Which  keeps  the  best 
company  ? 

The  ultimate  appeal  in  each  case  is  to  "  Intrinsic 
Evidence.'"  Only  the  judgment  is  resolutely  kept  in 
suspense  untU  the  whole  field  has  been  surveyed  and 
the  decision  in  each  individual  case  is  checked  by 
considerations,  partly  historical  and  partly  intrinsic, 
drawn  from  the  characteristics  of  all  the  readings 
supported  by  the  attesting  group  of  documents 
throughout  the  book.  Such  in  outline  are  the  prin- 
ciples of  Textual  Criticism. 

The  results  of  the  study  of  the  history  of  the  textual 
changes  through  which  the  NT  has  passed  may  be 
summarised  as  follows  : 

All  the  chief  variations  were  introduced  before  the 
death  of  Chrysostom  (a.d.  407).  The  last  series  of 
changes,  constituting  what  we  may  call  the  a  (Alpha) 
type  of  text  (it  has  been  known  at  various  times  aa 
"  Constantinopolitan,"  "  Antiochian,"  and  "  Syrian  ") 
were  all  later  than  Origen  (c.  251).  In  many  cases  they 
are  demonstrably  composed  of  elements  derived  from 
the  other  types  of  text  to  wliich  our  investigation  intro- 
duces us.  As  a  whole,  the  test  of  Intrinsic  Evidence 
is  unfavourable.  And  as  we  seem  to  possess  in  the 
other  tjrpes  of  text  all  the  materials  out  of  which  the 
a  text  was  constructed,  readings  of  this  tj^,  when 
they  have  no  other  support,  can  be  safely  rejected. 

The  result  of  this  conclusion  is  very  far-reaching, 
as  numerically  a  vast  preponderance  of  extant  iMSS 
are  agreed  in'  their  support  of  it,  and  we  are  driven 
back  on  the  use  as  our  primary  authorities  of  a  relatively 
small  number  of  MSS  and  early  VSS,  and  the  scanty 
patristic  evidence  of  the  first  three  centuries. 

Of  the  earUer  tjTx;s  of  text,  the  one  that  is  sure  to 
attract  attention  first  is  that  which  is  commonly  called 
■  Western  " — some  confusion  is  avoided  by  caUing 
it  the  5  (Delta)  tj'pe.  The  evidence  for  it  is  early 
and  widespread.  All  the  patristic  evidence  down  to 
Origen,  inclusive,  bears  witness  to  its  prevalence.  It 
has  left  a  deep  mark  on  the  earUest  forms  of  the 
Latin  and  Syriac  VSS  and  on  the  Sahidic  VS  of 
Upper  Egypt. 

The  general  character  of  its  distinctive  readings  is 
startling.  They  show  extraordinary  boldness  in  re- 
casting the  grammatical  forms  of  sentences  and  in  the 
substitution  of  synonyms,  which  may  at  times  be  due 
to  the  reaction  of  a  version  on  the  parent  text.  They 
also  incorporate  freely  extrjineous  illustrative  matter. 
They  are  of  fascinating  interest  for  the  Ught  they 
throw  on  the  methods  and  conditions  of  textual 
transmission  in  the  second  centurj-.  But  in  spite 
of  their  early  date,  it  is  extremely  unlikely  that 
they  wUl  ever  be  accepted  as  representing  the  auto- 
graph. It  is,  however,  seriously  contended  that 
some  of  them,  especially  in  Ac.  and  Lk.,  aro  derived 
from  a  rough  draft  by  the  author  himself  or  from  a 
second  edition. 

We  must  remember  also  that  the  corruptions  which 
are  the  distinctive  features  of  this  type  of  text  developed 
progressively,  and  the  ground  text  of  the  chief  autho- 
rities for  it,  especially  the  Codex  BeziP  (D)  and  the 
earliest  forms  of  the  African  Latin,  where  wc  can 
eliminate  their  "  Western  "  readings,  arc  primary 
authorities  for  the  determination  of  the  tnic  text. 

It  is  clear,  then,  that  even  documents  which  we 


600 


THE   TEXT   AND    TEXTUAL    CRITICISM    OF    THE   NEW    TESTAMENT 


call  "  Wctitein  "'  present  ub  for  a  largo  part  of  their 
contents  with  a  text  free  alike  from  corruptiona  of 
tlio  o  and  5  types,  that  is,  they  are  in  Horfs  phrase- 
olofps"  Non-Western  and  Pre-Syrian." 

This  tyjie  of  text  was  preserved,  it  would  eeem, 
chiefly  in  Alexandria,  where  it  is  likely  that  the  task 
of  transcription  would  be,  to  a  larger  extent  than 
elsewhere,  in  the  hands  of  professional  scribes,  and 
where  the  licence  which  provided  a  rich  soil  for  the 
development  of  '  Western  "  corruptions  was  kept  iii 
check  by  a  long-established  tradition  of  scholarly 
accuracy.  Such  scribes,  however,  were  not  free  from 
the  defects  of  their  qualities,  and  a  series  of  changes 
have  been  identified  by  Hort  which  he  called  ■"  Alex- 
andrian."' Thej'  constitute  the  y  (Gamma)  type  of  text. 
There  is  no  room  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  Horts 
observation  or  the  appropriateness  of  the  designation 
that  he  chose  for  it.  The  only  question  is,  whether  the 
tj'pe  of  text  which  has  next  to  be  described  has  an 
equal  right  to  the  name.  The  y  text  can  be  studied  best 
in  the  gospels  by  isolating  the  readings  of  the  group  of 
MS8  NCLA  in  Alk.  It  is  more  prominent  in  Ac. 
and  Epp. 

The  existence  of  j'ct  another  tj^  of  Pre-Syrian, 
Non- Western  text  which  we  may  call  the  /3  (Beta)  type 
(Hort  calls  it  "  Neutral ')  is  evidenced  by  passages 
like  >Ik.  I4,  in  which  readings  distinctively  Western 
and  distinctively  Alexandrian  are  confronted  by  a 
third  reading  which  has  every  appearance  of  being 
more  primitive  thaji  either. 

The  JkIS  which  most  consistently  contains  the  read- 
ings characteristic  of  this  tj-pe  of  text  is  Codex 
Vaticanus  (B).  It  is  often  supported  by  Codex 
Sinaiticus  (N),  with  the  r&sult  that  the  /3  text  is  some- 
times spoken  of  compendiously  as  the  "  N  B  text." 
This  method  of  describing  it  is  open  to  serious  objec- 
tion. It  tends  to  obscure  the  fact  that  types  of  text 
are  really  "  ideal  creations,"  which  have  to  be  recon- 
structed by  induction  from  a  variety  of  sources,  and 
cannot  as  a  whole  be  identified  mechanically  with  the 
text  of  an}'  extant  document.  We  can  only  speak 
of  the  Neutral  text  as  the  N  B  text  with  the  same 
reserve  with  which  we  should  speak  of  the  text  of 
the  earhest  form  of  the  Syriac  VS  of  the  gospek  as 
the  sin  cu  text.  The  Sinaitic  and  Curetonian  MSS 
have  markedly  different  textual  affinities,  and  Dr. 
Burkitt  has  given  good  reasons  for  believing  that  the 
original  text  of  the  VS  is  in  some  cases  not  preserved 
in  either. 

A  good  purpose  can  no  doubt  be  sei-vcd  by  isolating 
for  separate  examination  the  readings  supported  by 
N  B  when  they  stand  alone  or  almost  alone  against  all 
other  evidence.  But  these  readings  represent  only  a 
small  proportion  of  the  readings  that  may  fairlj-  be 
regarded  as  distinctive  readings  of  the  "  Neutral " 
text.  And  it  is  not  legitimate  to  assume  that  the 
support  which  the  Neutral  text  receives  from  '  VSS  " 
and  "  Fathers  '  is  confined  to  the  support  from  these 
sources  which  can  be  quoted  in  favour  of  this  strictly- 
Umitcd  selection  of  readings  belonging  to  it. 

This  habit  of  coupfing  the  two  M8S  together  tends 
also  to  obscure  the  fundamental  independence  of  their 
testimony.  The  theory  of  a  proximate  common 
original  for  the  two  MSS  has  indeed  received  its  c-oup 
d€  grace  in  Part  II  of  Hoskier's  Codex  B  and  its  Allies, 
in  which  he  presents  no  fewer  than  "  3000  differences 
between  N  and  B  in  the  Four  Gospels,  with  the  evidence 
supporting  each  side."  All  students  have  reason  to 
be  grateful  to  tliis  industrious  and  enthusiastic  editor 
for  putting  in  their  hands  the  materials  for  testing  for 
themselves  the  soundness  of  Hort'a  conclusion  that 


they  are  descended  tlirough  separate  and  divergent 
ancestries  from  a  common  original,  not  far  from  the 
autograph.  It  should  at  least  no  longer  be  possible 
tacitly  to  ignore  a  contention  to  wliich  Hort  devotea 
many  closely-reasoned  paragraphs  of  liis  Introduction. 

If  the  significance  of  the  evidence  for  the  inde- 
IJcndence  of  N  and  B  is  gra.sped,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  N  B  text  and  a  fortiori  the  "'  Neutral  "  text  as  a 
whole  cannot  be  due,  as  some  have  maintained,  to  a 
recension  by  Origen  or  by  Hesychius.  A  great  many 
Neutral  readings  have  the  support,  as  Hort  pointed 
out,  of  the  authorities  that  represent  the  "  Western  ' 
text  in  its  earliest  form,  and  also  of  the  Sinaitic  Syriac 
which  has  come  to  fight  since  his  time. 

This  last  statement  will  need  justification. 

The  point  that  comes  out  most  prominently  in 
Burkitt 's  analy.sis  of  the  textual  affinities  of  the  old 
Syriac  VS  is  liis  demonstration  of  its  independence. 
Based  apparently  on  a  Greek  >1S  in  use  in  Antioch 
(c.  200),  it  is  remarkable  for  its  comparative  freedom 
from  interpolations  found,  some  in  the  Western,  and 
some  in  the  N  B,  types  of  text.  It  suppfies  also  early 
authority  for  certain  readings,  hitherto  known  only 
from  small  groups  of  cursive  MSS,  which  we  can  now 
see  to  have  supplied  a  distinct  element  in  the  com- 
position of  the  a  text.  He  has  fully  justified  its  claim 
to  separate  consideration  as  the  leading  authority  for 
the  "  Eastern  " — we  may,  for  the  sake  of  symmetrj',  call 
it  an  '■  e  "  (Epsilon) — type  of  text.  He  has  also  shown 
incidentally  that  B  or  one  of  its  immediate  ancestors 
must  have  come  across  a  MS  of  the  e  type  in  the 
gospels  and  has  partially  assimilated  readings  from 
it,  just  as  it  has  partially  assimilated  readings  from 
a  ]\IS  of  the  5  type  in  the  Pauhne  epistles.  But  this 
should  not  be  allowed  to  conceal  the  fact  that  in  a 
large  part  of  its  text  the  Syriac  VS  supports  B  against 
both  y  and  5  readings,  and  further  in  a  few  critical 
cases  it  supports  N  where  there  seems  good  reason 
to  suppose  that  it  contains  the  "  Neutral  "  reading 
against  B,  and  in  one  case  (Jn,  834),  it  supports  D 
when  both  K  and  B  seem  to  be  at  fault.  Its  text  is 
fundamentally  pre-Syrian,  non-Western,  and  non- 
Alexandrian.  Hort  would  certainly  have  regarded  it 
as  an  authority  for  the  Neutral  text,  supplying  testi- 
mony parallel  to  and  co-ordinate  with  B. 

These  remarks  refer,  it  must  be  remembered,  to  the 
Greek  text  which  underlies  the  old  Syriac,  where  that 
can  be  securely  reconstructed,  and  not  to  the  texts  of 
either  Syr.  sin  or  Syr.  cu  as  they  stand.  Both  of  these 
have  been  in  parts  conformed  to  the  fundamentally 
"  Western  "  text  of  Tatian's  Diatcssaron,  and  that 
influence  may  have  affected  even  the  original  form  of 
the  VS.  Syr.  cu  also  shows  considerable  signs  of 
■'  Western  "  influence  independent  of  Tatian.  Such 
influence  may  also  have  affected  Syr.  sin,  for  its  free- 
dom even  from  "  Western  "  interpolations  is  not 
absolute. 

It  remains,  therefore,  a  deUcate  task  to  determine 
whether  the  ancestor  of  the  "  e  "  text  branched  off 
directly  from  the  parent  stem  or  from  the  "  5  "  after 
it  had  separated  from  the  "/3."  The  fact  that  "  /9  " 
sometimes  sides  with  "  5  "  against  "'  e  "  and  some- 
times with  "  e  "  against  "  5  "  is  consistent  with  cither 
hypothesis.  The  importance  of  the  point  is  this. 
Lnless  "  « "  is  an  offshoot  of  the  "  5 "  branch, 
genealogical  considerations  would  give  a  combination 
of  "5"  and  "e"  authorities  a  decisive  superiority 
over  S  B  when  the  possibiUty  of  subsequent  mi-xture 
can  bo  excluded.  The  question  cannot  be  settled 
apart  from  "  Intrinsic  Evidence,"  and  the  internal 
evidence  of  groups  does  not  seem  to  favour  the  com- 


THE   TEXT  AND  TEXTUAL   CRITICISM   OP   THE  NEW   TESTAMENT 


601 


bination  Syr.  sin  "  A; "  ^  against  X  B,  no  doubb  owing 
to  the  intrusion  of  a  "  Western  "  element  into  Syr.  sin. 

Tlie  question  of  the  relation  of  the  "  e  "  type  to 
the  "  7 "  ia  subordinate,  but  not  without  interest. 
"  7  "  characteristics  are  easily  blurred  by  translation, 
yet  two  "  7  "  readings,  "  Gergesenes  "  in  ]\Ik.  .5i,  and 
"  Bethabara  "  in  Jn.  I28,  are  found  also  in  Syr.  sin. 
These  readings  both  affect  place-names,  and  must 
have  originated  in  Palestine,  whence  they  may  have 
passed  independently  to  Antioch  and  Alexandria. 

I  have  dwelt  at  length  on  tlie  issues  raised  by  the 
discovery  of  Syr.  sin  because,  though  not  so  exciting 
as  the  problems  of  tlie  Western  text,  they  have  a 
more  direct  bearing  on  the  reconstruction  of  the 
autograph. 

It  has  not  been  thought  necessary  to  complicate 
this  cursory  sketch  of  the  probable  course  of  textual 
change  by  contrasting  it  in  detail  with  the  less  satis- 
factory reconstruction  recently  put  forward  by  von 
Soden.     The  Internal  Evidence  of  the  readings  dis- 

'  ifc^  Oodex  Bobiensis,  one  of  the  most  important  MSS  of  the 
early  or  '•Old"  Latin  Versions 


tinctive  of  his  publLslied  text  is  not  favourable  to  the 
correctness  of  the  theory  on  which  it  rests. 

It  may  be  well  i:i  conclusion,  to  avoid  misconception, 
to  point  out  that,  compUcatcd  a-s  the  problems  are,  a 
comparison  of  the  texts  put  forward  by  critical  editors 
shows  that  the  passages  on  which  there  is  still  room 
for  serious  difference  of  opinion  are  few  and  relatively 
imimportant.  At  the  same  time  we  must  not  conceal 
the  fact  that  here  and  there  scholars  have  reason  to 
believe  that  the  original  reading  is  not  preserved  in 
any  of  our  extant  authorities. 

Literature. — Hort,  Introduction  and  Appendix  (in 
WH);  Gregory,  Canon  and  Text  of  NT;  Souter, 
Text  and  Canon  of  NT  ;  Lake,  The  Text  of  NT  ; 
Kenyon,  Textual  Crit.  of  NT;  Nestle,  Textual 
Crit.  of  the  Greek  Test. ;  Hutton,  Atlas  of  Textual  Crit.  ; 
Vincent.  History  of  Textiutl  Crit.  ;  Dnimmond,  The 
Transmission  of  the  Text  of  the  NT ;  Harnack,  Zxir 
Revision  der  Prinzipien  der  neutestamentlichen  Text- 
Icritilc ;  Articles  in  Dictionaries  and  Encyclopaedias, 
especially  Burkitt  in  EBi,  Turner  in  Murray's  Illust. 
Bible  Diet.,  and  ui  JThS,  vols.  x.  and  xi. 


[Note  on  the  Materials  for  Textual  Criticism. — To  the 

above  discussion  on  the  principles  of  Textual  Criticism 
of  NT  a  note  may  be  added  on  the  materials  at  our 
disposal.  These  are : — 

I.  Greek  Manuscripts. 

(i.)  Written  in  uncial  or  capital  letters.  These 
date  roughly  from  the  4th  to  the  9th  century,  and  the 
most  important  of  them  are  : 

K  (Aleph)  or  Codex  Sinaiticus,  found  by  Tischendorf 
at  a  monaster}'  on  Mt.  Sinai  and  preserved  in  Petrograd. 
It  has  340  leaves  (13^  inches  by  14|  inches),  each  with 
four  columns  of  forty-eight  Unes. 

B  or  Codex  Vaticanus,  at  Rome.  Each  page  has 
three  columns  of  forty-two  lines. 

A  or  Codex  Alexandrinus.  given  by  Cyril  Lukar, 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  to  the  British  Am- 
bassador there  in  1621,  and  now  in  the  British 
Museum. 

C  or  Codex  Ephrtemi  Syri,  at  Paris.  A  palimpsest, 
i.e.  a  text  (of  NT)  over  which  when  the  writing  became 
faint  other  matter  (in  this  case  the  works  of  Ephrsem 
the  Syrian)  was  written. 

D  or  Codex  Bezae,  at  Cambridge ;  Gospels  and  Acts ; 
Greek  on  the  left  hand  pages,  Latin  on  the  right. 

These  imcial  MSS  are  usually  denoted  by  capital 
letters  of  the  Latin  (also  the  Greek  and  Hebrew) 
alphabet,  though  a  new  system  was  introduced  by 
von  Soden  covering  both  uncials  and 

(ii.)  Minuscules  or  cursive  iISS,  i.e.  those  written 
in  a  running  hand  and  dating,  generally  speaking, 
from  10th  century  to  the  introduction  of  printing. 
The  usual  method  of  numbering  tlieso  is  by  Arabic 
figures,  and  the  chief  are  (a)  The  Ferrar  group  or 
fam.^^  (Nos.  13,  69.  etc..  eight  in  all);  (h)  Codex  1 
and  its  allies  or  fam.^  (Nos.  1,  118,  etc..  four  in  all). 

Along  with  the  Greek  MSS  (of  which  those 
before  1 3th  century  are  usually  on  vellum  and  those 
after  14th  century  on  paper)  may  be  mentioned 
the  Greek  lectionaries  or  service-books,  containing 
sections  of  NT  adapted  for  reading  in  public 
worship. 

n.  Versions,  i.e.  MSS  in  other  language.'^  than  Greek, 


translations  made  at  an  early  date.  Of  these  three 
are  called  primary' : — 

(i.)  The  Latin  Versions. — The  Old  Latin  versions, 
i.e.  those  used  before  Jerome  made  liis  standard  text, 
the  Vulgate  in  a.d.  384.  are  very  important.  They 
fall  mto  two  main  groups,  African  and  European, 
and  are  denominated  by  the  small  letters  of  the  Latin 
alphabet.  Conspicuous  among  the  African  group  are 
k  (Cod.  Bobiensis)  and  e  (Cod.  Palatinus),  both  of  the 
Gospels,  and  for  Acts  and  Catholic  Epp.  f  ox  h  (Cod. 
Floriacensis),  and  m  (or  speculum),  a  collection  of 
quotations,  perhaps  of  Spanish  origin.  In  the  European 
group  note  a  (Cod.  Vercellensis)  and  h  (Cod.  Veronensis). 
Jerome  seems  to  have  used  as  his  basis  a  European 
type  such  as  we  have  in  q  (Cod.  Monacensis).  Of  his 
Vxilgate  revision  there  are  8000  MSS,  one  of  the  best 
of  which  is  Cod.  Amiatinus,  copied  in  Northumbria  as 
a  present  for  Pope  Gregory  in  716. 

(ii.)  The  Syriac  Versions. — The  Old  Syriac  (c.  a.d. 
200)  is  known  to  us  through  two  MSS  of  the  Gospels, 
the  Curetonian  (Syr.  cu)  and  Sinaitic  (Syr.  sin). 
In  the  5th  century  Rabbula  of  Edessa  made  a  transla- 
tion (the  Peshitta)  based  on  the  Greek  text  then  current 
in  Antioch.  Later  Syr.  VSS  were  the  Philoxenian 
(a.d.  508)  and  the  Harklean  (a.d.  616). 

(iii.)  The  Egyptian  Versions,  especially  the  Bohairic 
(Boh.)  or  Lower  Egyptian,  and  tlie  older  Sahidie  (Sah.) 
or  Upper  Egyptian. 

Secondary  versions  are  the  Annenian,  Gothic, 
Ethiopic,  etc. 

in.  Quotations  in  Patristic  Writings, — The  value  of 
this  source  lies  in  its  power  to  date  and  localise  texts. 
We  may  group  thus: — (i.)  Greek  writers  in  West.  e.g. 
Justin,  Ircnreus  ;  (ii.)  I>atin  writers  in  Italy,  e.g.  Nova- 
tian ;  (iii.)  Latin  writ  ere  in  Africa,  Tertullian  and 
Cyprian  ;  (iv.)  Greek  writers  in  Egypt,  e.g.  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  Origen.  Atlianasius  ;  (v.)  Greek  writers  in 
East,  e.g.  Eusebius  of  Cwsarea  ;  (vi.)  Syriac  writers, 
especially  Aphraates  and  Ephrrem. 

It  is  perhaps  worth  while  reminding  the  reader  that 
"Syrian"  means  one  thing.  ".Syriac"  quite  another. 
For  further  notes,  see  p.  507. — A.  J.  G-] 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  NEW 
TESTAMENT  LITERATURE 


By  Professor  JAMES  MOFFATT 


During  the  century  following  the  death  of  its  Founder 
the  Christian  religion  passed  through  several  phases 
of  develoj^mcnt  which  affected  not  only  its  organisa- 
tion and  cultus  but  also  t)io  representation  of  its  faith. 
The  writhigs  which  form  the  Canon  of  the  NT  arose 
within  this  classical  period,  but  they  do  not  include 
all  the  literature  produced  during  the  century  ;  some 
writings  had  pcrisliod.  and  others  were  excluded  as 
non-apostolic.  This  is  of  minor  importance,  however, 
for  we  may  feel  reasonably  sure  that  no  writing  of 
first-rate  religious  importance  ha.s  failed  to  survive 
what  raaj^  be  termed  roughly  "  the  Apostolic  Age." 
It  is  more  significant  for  our  present  purpose  to  note 
that  even  what  has  survived,  rich  as  it  is  in  comparison 
with  the  records  of  other  religions,  leaves  our  know- 
ledge of  the  primitive  Church  sadly  defective  at  several 
points.  Thus  we  do  not  possess  any  writings  wliich 
preserve  the  "  psalms  and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs  " 
of  the  early  communities,  so  far  as  these  were  not 
taken  from  the  OT  or  improvised  upon  the  spot ;  our 
information  about  the  praycTS  and  sermons  is  equally 
indirect,  and  it  is  only  from  a  later  manual  like  the 
Didachi  that  we  learn  something  of  the  catechetical 
literature,  which  must  have  circulated  at  an  early 
period.  It  is  tme  that  we  can  overhear  these  in  the 
NT  itself ;  some  echoes  and  even  some  fragments 
survive  within  the  Canon.  But  the  developTuent  of 
life  along  these  lines  is  only  to  be  inferred  from  allusions 
and  elements  in  the  later  literature  of  the  se'bond 
century.  Similarly,  we  miss  in  the  NT  any  informa- 
tion about  some  important  historical  events,  notably 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  Rome,  the  for- 
tunes of  the  Jewish  Chiistians  in  Palestine  after  Paul's 
arrest,  and  the  career  of  Peter.  When  we  speak  of  a 
development  of  the  NT  literature,  therefore,  as  we  are 
entitled  to  do,  it  is  not  in  the  sense  of  a  development 
wliich  reflects  any  single  phase  in  full  or  outlines  the 
successive  phases  in  the  progress  of  the  new  religion. 
We  simply  mean  that  historical  criticism  enables  us 
to  arrange  these  fragmentary  records  in  such  a  way 
as  (rt)  to  present  one  or  two  of  the  main  currents  of  life 
developing  within  the  churches  round  the  basin  of  the 
Mediterranean  during  the  period  of  their  composition, 
and  (/))  to  indicate  how  this  life  produced  a  literature 
of  its  own. 

The  literature  of  a  new  religious  movement  is,  like 
the  movement  itself,  partly  original  and  partly  deriva- 
tive. It  is  creative,  but  it  also  takes  over  eleiuenta 
from  the  past  out  of  wliich  it  rises.  Even  when  it 
adopts,  no  doubt  it  will  adapt.  Forms  and  materials 
which  lie  to  hand  in  its  environment  will  bo  shaped 
and  recist  to  fresh  ends.  But,  after  allowance  has 
been  made  for  this,  the  l>road  distinction  will  remain, 
between  literarj'  forms  which  are  already  in  existence 
and  those  which  are  definitely  characteristic  of  the 
new  movement  itself. 


602 


Primitive  Christianity,  as  reflected  in  the  NT,  opens 
with  the  use  of  a  literary  form  which  was  already 
common  in  the  Jewish  and  in  the  pagan  world.  This 
is  the  letter  or  epistle  in  its  various  categories.  We 
then  come  upon  what  is  a  distinctive  form  of  literary 
composition,  viz.  the  gospel.  Finallj-,  tliis  is  flanked 
by  the  Acts  and  the  Apocalypse,  the  former  with 
special  affinities  in  Greek  and  Roman  literature,  the 
latter  based  upon  a  Jewish  tj^pe. 

Historically.  Christian  literature  begins  with  the 
correspondence  of  Paul.  No  letters  waitten  to  him 
have  been  preserv^ed,  not  even  those  to  which  his  own 
are  sometimes  an  answer ;  and  we  possess  only  some 
of  the  lettei-s  which  he  wrote,  or  rather  dictated  for 
the  most  part,  to  secretaries  or  amanuenses.  They 
are  addressed  to  churches  wliich  he  had  himself 
founded,  over  which  he  had  apostolic  control,  and  for 
which  he  was  felt  by  them,  or  felt  himself,  to  be 
responsible — to  the  Asiatic  churches  of  Galatia,  the 
Macedonian  churches  of  Thessalonica  and  Philippi, 
and  the  Achaian  Christians  whose  headquarters  were 
at  Cormth.  Three  ^^Titings  arc  an  exception  to  this 
rule,  however.  Rom.,  apart  from  the  last  chapter 
(which,  in  whole  or  part,  is  a  note  to  Ephesus),  was 
written  to  a  church  which  he  had  not  yet  visited  ; 
Col.  was  addressed  ^  to  Christians  who  apparently 
owed  their  conversion  to  his  coadjutor  Epaphras,  and 
who  were  not  even  promised  a  \Tsit  ;  Phm.,  though 
addressed  ostcnsiblj'  to  three  individuals  and  a  house 
church,  is  practically  a  private  note.  There  is  no 
exception  to  the  fact,  however,  that  all  his  extant 
lettera  were  written  during  the  later  period  of  liis 
apostolic  mission,  i.e.  after  the  crisis  of  the  Jerusalem 
Council,  and  that  all  (even  Rom. )  were  elicited  by  a 
more  or  less  definite  occasion.  Paul  wrote,  because  ho 
could  not  be  on  the  spot  to  administer  discipline  or  to 
give  advice.  Dryden's  lines,  in  The  Hind  and  the 
Panther  (pt.  ii.  330-340),  on  the  apostles  and  their 
churches,  apply  specially  to  the  origin  and  aim  of 
PaiU"s  epistles  : 

"  And  as  mistakes  arose  or  discords  fell. 
Or  bold  seducers  taught  them  to  rebel. 
As  charity  grew  cold  or  faction  hot, 
Or  long  neglect  their  lessons  had  forgot. 
For  all  their  wants  they  wisely  did  provide. 
And  preaching  by  Epistles  was  supplied  : 
So.  great  physicians  cannot  all  attend. 
But  some  they  \Tsit  and  to  some  they  send. 
Yet  all  those  letters  were  not  writ  to  all. 
Nor  first  intended,  but  occasional, 
'1  heir  absent  sermons." 

Ti'.e  epistles  owe  their  origin  to  the  needs  of  the 
Christian  mission  ;  in  Paul's  case,  the  reason  for  their 
existence  lay  in  the  supervision  which  ho  exercised 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   THE  NEW  TESTAMENT   LITERATURE 


603 


ovp.T  hia  churches,  or,  as  in  the  case  of  Rom.  and 
Col.,  in  the  keen  interest  which  he  took  in  the 
welfare  of  those  who  did  not  lie  witliin  the  immediate 
sphere  of  his  apostolic  jurisdiction. 

These  common  features,  however,  cover  a  variety 
of  shape  and  form.     Phm.  is    the   nearest   approach 
to  a  private  letter  such  as  is  familiar  to  us  in  Latin 
and   Greek   contemporary   literature  ;    Rom.,    though 
written  with  a  definite  audience  in  view,  is  more  of  a 
treatise  in  epistolary  form,  such  as  was  not  uncommon 
especially  in  philosophic  circles  of  the  ixsriod.     In  a 
sense,  Paul  may  be  said  to  have  intended  all  his  letters 
to  the  churches  to  be  published,  for  they  were  meant 
to  be  read  aloud  and  in  some  cases  transmitted,  in 
copies,  to  other  churches,  and  this  was  practically  an 
equivalent  in  that  age  for  publication.     On  the  other 
hand,  even   in  a  writing   like   Rom.,  it  is  difficult  to 
feel  that  the  personal  address  is  merely  retained  for 
rhetorical  purposes,  as  is  possibly  the  case  with  some 
epistles  of  Epicurus  or  as  is  certauily  the  case  in  the 
letters  of  Seneca  to  Lucilius,  in  order  to  lend  vividness 
to  what  would  otherwise  have  become  an  abstract 
treatise.     The  epistle  as  a  homily  or  "  absent  sermon  " 
had  already  been  acclimatised  not  only  in  Greek  and 
Roman  but  also  in  Jewish  literature,   as   the  Epistle 
of  Jeremiah  and  the  epistles  in  2  Jlac.  1  are  enough 
to   show.     It  was  a  hterary  form  which  enabled  a 
writer   to   convey  information   less   formally   than   a 
treatise  could.     Paul  was  the  first  to  appropriate  this 
method  in  Christianity  for  the  direct  ends  of  his  mission, 
but  it    is  vitally  connected   in   his   hands   with  the 
spontaneous  intimacy  of  the  private  letter,  although 
it  must  be  admitted  that  the  connexion  varies  in  its 
intensity.     Probably  the   connexion  was  mediated  in 
part  by  the  affinity  between  the  spoken  address  and 
the  epistle.     In  classical  literature,  already,  the  oration 
and  the  epistolary  treatise  were  akin,  and  it  is  possible 
that  in  writing  some  passages  of  his  epistles  Paul  was 
more   or   less   consciouslj'   reproducing   material   em- 
ployed in  his  sermons  and  spoken  homilies.     However 
this  may  be,  his  letters  reveal  the  fresh,  independent 
use  of  a  hterary  form  belonging  to  his  age  ;  under  the 
warmth  of  personal  relations  between  the  writer  and 
the  churches,  the  older  form  developed  into  a  product 
which  combined,   to  a  degree   hitherto  unexampled, 
the  vivacity  of  the  private  letter  and  the  depth  of  the 
epistle.     "  St.   Pauls  epistles,"   says   NewTnan  ( Idea 
oj  a   University,  ed.  1891,  p.  290),'"  I  consider  to  be 
literature  in  a  real  and  true  sense,  as  personal,  «s  rich 
in  retiection  and  eraotion,as  Demosthenes  or  Euripides." 
It  is  one  thing  to  be  unliterary,  it  is  another  to  be 
illiterate  ;   it  is  one  tiling  for  an  epistle  to  be  a  product 
of  hterary  art,  it  is  another  thing  for  it  to  be  artificial. 
Paul's  correspondence  shows  how,  in  various  degrees, 
the  private  letter  could  be  more  than  occasional,  and 
how  the  ampler  epistle  could  be  invested  with  qualities 
of  personality  which  lifted  it  above  the  level  of  literary 
exercises  or  of  the   contemporary  suasori(r. — treatises 
or  pamphlets  in  the  form  of  letters,  which  were  widely 
used  by  jurists  and  others  as  the  vehicle  of  their  views. 
In  the  wake  of  Paul  follow  the  other  epistles  of  the 
NT.     They   illustrate,   from   one   point   of  view,   the 
flexibility  of  the  epistle  as  a  literary  form.     In  the 
case   of   the   so-called    Pastorals,    i.e.    the   epistles   to 
Timotheus  and  Titus,  we  probably  possess  a  combina- 
tion of  private  notes  and  pseudepigmphy.     The  com- 
position of  a  letter  in  the  name  of  a  great  predecessor, 
in  order  to  circulate  opinions  which  the  writer  supposed, 
or  wished  it  to  be  supposed,  were  consonant  with  that 
predecessor's  opmions,   may  have  been  allied  to  the 
well-known  practice  of  an  historian  composing  speeches 


for  personages  in  his  narrative.     In  this  way,  a  disciple 
may  have  written,  in  all  good  faith,  what  he  conceived 
to  be  his  master's  message  for  the  times.     Ho  would 
desire  to  instruct  and  edify,  but,  like  the  later  Pj'tha- 
goreans,    he   might   prefer,   in   unselfish   and   humble 
piety,  to  let  the  master  speak  through  him.     The  ethics 
and  extension  of  this  method  of  epistolography  in  the 
period  of  the  NT  have  not  yet  been  cleared  up,  but  it 
was  a  literary  development  which  seems  to  have  been 
recognised,   and  it  probably  explains  the  genesis  of 
the  Pauline  Pastorals  and  possibly  even  of  Ephesiana 
and  1  P.     Between  the  two  latter  epistles   there   is 
some  cormexion,  for  which  various  reasons  have  been 
suggested.      But    in    the    case    of    2   P.   there  is  no 
doubt  whatever  ;    we  have  here,  as  in  the  Epistle  of 
Jeremiah,    a    pure    instance    of     the    pseudonymous 
epistle,  the  use  of   Peter's  name  being  suggested  hj 
the  cu'culation  of  the  first  epistle  and  the  rise  of  hw 
authority  in  the    tradition    of   the   churches.     2   P., 
which  is  probably  the  latest  of  the  writings  in  the  NT 
Canon,  is  also  remarkable  for  its  use  of  Jude — a  pastoral, 
in  the  form  of  an  epistle,  or  rather  a  homily  which, 
like  Jas.,  was  not  originally  intended  for  any  definite 
circle,  but  issued  for   the   benefit  of   some  group  of 
churches  about  which  we  have  no  tradition.     It  is  a 
further  question  whether  such  a  form  of  composition 
necessarily  involved  pseudonymity,  and  in  the  case  of 
1   P.,   where  the   audience  is  specifically  mentioned, 
this   question  may  be  said  to  remain  open,   in  the 
present  state  of  our  knowledge.     The  main  point  to 
keep  in  mind  is  that  none  of  these  homilies  or  pastorals 
is  prior  to  Paul,  and  that  we  do  not  possess  any  con- 
temporarj^  tradition  which  enables  us  to  place  them, 
with  more  than  approximate  accuracy,  in  the  develop- 
ment  of   the   Church's    life   during    the    half-century 
follo\ving  A.D.  65.     This  also  applies  to  Heb.,  whose 
author  and  audience  are  equally  obscure.     It  is  prob- 
ably not   a    pseudonymous   epistle,   intended   by  the 
addition  of  the  closing  chapter  to  be  taken  for  a  work 
of  Paul ;    on  the  other  hand,  its  epistolary  allusions 
are  more  than  rhetorical,  and  the  writer  must  be  sup- 
posed to  have  had  some  audience  in  view.     From  the 
literary  standpoint,  it  is  allied  not  to  the  diatribe,  Uko 
Paul's    epistles,   but   to    the   address,    the   6fu\ia  or 
StdXffts  which  was  based  usually  on  the  older  scrip- 
tures,  and   therefore,   to   some  extent,   exegetical  as 
well  as   hortatory,   presupposing   an   audience   to   be 
convinced  or  encouraged  rather  than  an  opponent  to 
bo  confuted.     Parts  of  it  resemble  notes  of  a  sermon 
written  out.     But,  if  the  last  section  formed  a  portion 
of   the   original   epistle,   it   must   have   been  not   tui 
encycUcal.     like     Jas.,    but     a     homily,    like    Rom., 
written  with  a  special  circle  of  readers  in  the  writer's 
mind.     This  conclusion  is  not  invaUdated  by  the  re- 
markable traces  of  Alexandrian  culture  and  rhetorical 
skill    which    make    Heb.    uniciuc    in    the    primitive 
Christian  hterature.     Nor  do  these  traces,  any  more 
than   the    affinities    of    Jas.  with    Hellenistic    Jewish 
literature  of  the  tj-pe  of  Sirach.  oblige  us  to  date  either 
work  late  in  the'  development  of  the  NT  htoraturc. 
There  may  be  other  reasons  for  placing  them  far  down 
the  stream,  but  neither  the  style  nor  the  theology  are 
vaUd   arguments,  and  in   the  ca.se   of   Heb.   the  im- 
pression of  primitivenesa  is  probably  stronger  than  is 
commonly  supposed. 

The  three  writings  which  have  come  into  the  Canon 
under  the  title  of  "  the  epistles  of  John  "  offer  three 
different  exarnples  of  the  letter  or  epistle.  The  so- 
called  first  epistle  is  a  tract  for  the  times,  a  pa.storal 
manifesto  which  has  Christendom  rather  than  any 
definite  audience  in  view.     The  second  is  a  note  written 


604 


THE   DEVELOPMENT    OF    THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   LITERATURE 


to  some  cliurch  by  a  presbyter  (John  ?),  which  diiTers 
from  the  Pauline  Church-letters  mainly  in  its  brevity, 
so  far  as  fomi  is  concerned,  although  Paul  never 
personified  any  of  his  churches  in  the  address  aa  this 
writer  quaintly  does.  The  third,  again,  is  a  private 
letter,  resembling  Phm..  apparently  from  the  same 
presbyter.  From  the  literaiy  point  of  view  these 
epistles  do  not  mark  any  further  development,  except 
perhaps  in  the  direction  of  the  catholic  homily  tending 
more  and  more  to  drop  its  epistolary  form.  Their 
significance  lies  in  the  evidence  they  afford  for  the 
development  of  doctrine  in  the  so-called  "  Johannine  " 
circle,  for  the  trend  of  organisation,  presumably  in 
some  Asiatic  circles,  towards  the  close  of  the  first 
ccnturj',  and  for  the  hght  which  they  may  be  held  to 
throw  upon  the  tradition  of  the  Asiatic  John.  We  can 
also  overhear  the  struggle  of  controversy  with  regard 
to  the  person  of  Jesus  Christ,  on  lines  which  dififer 
from  those  represented  at  an  earlier  period  by  Paul 
and  Heb.  The  other  element  of  the  sub-Pauline 
epistles,  viz.  persecution,  which  is  particularly  promi- 
nent in  1  P.,  is  absent  from  the  Johannine  epistles  ; 
possibly  it  did  not  enter  into  the  local  situation  at  the 
moment,  although,  as  we  see  from  the  Apocalypse,  it 
was  not  far  distant. 

From  the  varied  use  of  epistles  and  the  Church-life 
which  they  ser\-e  to  reflect,  we  must  now  turn  back  in 
order  to  follow  up  a  more  distinctive  line  of  literary 
and  religious  development.  The  characteristic  of  the 
new  faith  was  its  relation  to  Jesus  as  Lord,  and  this 
relation,  which  differentiated  Christianity  from  con- 
temporarj'  religions,  gave  rise  to  a  form  of  literary 
composition  as  unique  as  its  subject.  The  term 
"  gospel  "  was  not  applied  to  our  NT  gospels  by  the 
authors  or  by  then-  first  readers  ;  they  were  not  called 
"  gospels  "  until  a  later  age.  But  the  mere  fact  that 
"  gospel  "  eventually  came  to  be  restricted  to  the  words 
and  deeds  of  Jesus  indicates,  as  Ilamack  has  pointed 
out  (Constitution  and  Laiv  of  the  Church,  p.  308),  that 
from  the  very  beginning  the  communication  of  these 
sayings  and  deeds  must  have  formed  the  main  content 
of  the  glad  tidings  preached  throughout  the  Christian 
mission.  To  "  remember  the  words  of  the  Lord 
Jesus,"  to  know  what  He  said  on  questions  of  faith 
and  conduct,  to  understand  the  facts  of  His  pas.sion, 
death,  and  resurrection  especially — these  were  vital 
to  the  new  religion,  alike  for  catechetical  and  for 
apologetic  purposes.  The  primitive  confession,  "  Jesus 
is  Lord,"  involved  a  new  meaning  for  the  term  "  Lord," 
but  this  meaning  depended  entirely  upon  the  historical 
significance  of  Jesus.  Why  and  how  He  lived,  what 
Ho  taught,  and  above  all,  what  was  the  bearing  of 
His  career  upon  the  "  Reign  of  God,"  were  the  questions 
which  had  to  be  answered  by  the  primitive  discii)le9 
to  themselves  and  to  the  world.  It  was  the  attempt 
to  answer  them  which  led  to  the  rise  of  that  now 
literature  which  afterwards  received  the  specific  title 
of  "  gospel." 

The  soil  of  this  plant  was  oral  tradition.  The  re- 
tentiveness  of  the  Oriental  memory  enabled  the 
disciples  of  Jesus,  like  the  disciples  of  the  Jewish 
rabbis,  to  preserve  not  inaccurately  the  main  sayings 
and  deeds  of  their  Master  in  the  original  Aramaic. 
The  sacred  book  of  the  new  religion  was  the  OT.  No 
need  was  as  yet  felt  for  committing  the  tradition  to 
writing,  partly  on  account  of  the  superiority  attached 
in  the  Greek  as  well  as  in  the  Jewish  world  to  the 
spoken  word  over  the  written  as  a  means  of  training 
and  informing  the  mind,  partly  because  Jesus  Himself 
had  written  nothing.  Those  "  who  fi"om  the  begin- 
ning were  eyewitnesses  "  could  vouch  for  what  Jesus 


said  and  did,  and  it  was  in  the  atmosphere  of  this  oral 
tradition  that  the  rudimentary  faith  drew  breath. 
Tlio  transition  to  written  records  may  have  been  duo  to 
the  requirements  of  catechetical  instruction  or  of  the 
active  propaganda,  probably  to  both  ;  but,  although 
the  motives  and  methods  of  the  process  are  obscure, 
it  must  have  followed  rapidly  upon  the  need  of  trans- 
lating the  primitive  traclition  from  Aramaic  into  the 
vernacular  Greek.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that 
notes  and  collections  of  the  words  and  deeds  of  Jesus 
were  circulating  when  Paul  was  writing  his  epistles. 
So  far  as  even  written  sources  of  the  sj-noptic  tradition 
can  be  traced,  they  go  back  to  a  period  preceding  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  and  they  reflect  the  interests  of  a 
Palestinian  Christianit}'.  But  this  was  no  more  than 
the  embryonic  stage.  The  full-grown  gospel  meets  us 
for  the  first  time  after  Paul  had  written  his  last  word. 
It  did  not  at  once  supersede  oral  tradition,  but  it 
marked  the  rise  of  a  new  literary  category  for  the 
Christian  faith. 

The  novelty  of  it  consisted  in  the  mould  given  to  tho 
biographical  interest.  "  Biography  of  a  sort  began," 
as  Prof.  Gilbert  Murray  observes  (Euripides  and  his 
Age,  20f.),  '"  when  the  disciples  of  Aristotle  and 
Epicurus  exerted  themselves  to  find  out  and  record 
the  lives  of  their  masters.  But  biography  in  our 
sense — the  complete  writing  of  a  life  year  by  year  with 
dates  and  documents — was  never  practised  at  all  in 
antiquity.  Think  of  the  Gospels,  of  the  Acts,  even  of 
Tacitus's  Life  of  Agricola.  They  are  different  from 
one  another,  but  they  are  all  unlHie  any  modem 
biography  in  their  resolute  indifference  to  anything 
like  completeness.  Ancient  '  Lives  '  as  a  rule  select 
a  few  great  deeds,  a  few  great  sayings  or  discourses  ; 
they  concentrate  upon  the  last  years  of  their  subject, 
and  often  especially  upon  his  death."  The  gospels,  in 
short,  are  not  biographies  but  brief  memoirs  written 
"  from  faith  for  faith,"  m  order  to  transmit  and  apply 
certain  beliefs  about  Jesus  as  Lord.  Their  variety 
does  not  affect  this  common  temper  and  type.  Both 
Matthew  and  Luke  adhere  upon  the  whole  to  the 
general  outUne  of  Mark,  even  while  they  correct, 
amplify,  or  omit  what  their  predecessor  had  written, 
and  the  same  holds  true  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  for  all 
its  idiosjTicrasies.  There  are  analogies  and  precedents 
for  certain  elements  in  the  ''  gospels "  as  Uterary 
products.  The  collections  of  sayings  and  parables  and 
the  stories,  occasionally,  remind  us  of  the  midrashic 
literature  of  Judaism  ;  the  dialogues,  particularly  in 
the  Fourth  Gospel,  resemble  the  literary  dialogue 
which  had  been  already  used  in  Greek  philosopiiic 
circles  to  convey  the  teaching  of  a  master  like  Socrates 
upon  the  problems  of  life  and  thought ;  on  broader 
lines,  tho  biographies  of  Diogenes  Laertius  and  Philo- 
stratus  indicate  a  use  of  biography  for  edification 
which  has  a  certain  affinity  with  the  methods  of  the 
gospels.  But,  at  best,  these  aix>  far-off  parallels.  Tho 
'■  gospel  "  is  a  new  thing  iu  literature,  new  in  subject 
and  new,  essentiallv,  in  form. 

Mark  was  the-orlgmator  of  this  literary  type,  but  he 
did  not  exhaust  its  possibilities.  We  do  not  know 
whether  ho  had  any  predecessors  ;  if  ho  had,  these 
earlier  narratiN'cs  must  have  perished.  But  his  work  had 
successors  and  rivals.  Veiy  few  of  these  have  survived. 
From  Luke's  preface,  written  towards  the  end  of  tho 
firat  century,  we  learn  that  there  had  been  numerous 
attempts  to  draw  up  gosjiel  narratives,  but  apart  from 
the  possible  exception  of  Matthew  none  of  these  has 
been  preserved,  unless  wo  can  trace  their  existence  in 
one  or  two  of  the  earhcst  uncanonical  gospels.  Both 
Matthew  and  Luke,  however,  show  how  the  "  gospel  " 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   LITERATURE 


605 


developed,  how  it  camo  to  include  a  birth  story  as  an 
essential  part  of  biography,  how  it  emphasized  more 
than  ever  the  teacliing  of  Jesus,  how  it  brought  out 
more  explicitly  the  connexion  between  Jesus  and  OT 
prophecy,  how  it  enriched  the  story  of  the  Judroan 
mission  rather  than  that  of  the  Galilean,  and  how  it 
could  be  made  not  to  gratify  historical  curiosity  but 
to  satisfy  the  practical  needs  of  the  growing  Church, 
The  materials  for  this  development  wore  twofold.  On 
the  one  hand,  oral  tradition  still  carried  valualile 
deposits  ;  some  of  these  were  probably  inaccessible 
to  Mark  when  he  wrote,  and  otiiors  he  must  have 
judged  irrelevant  to  his  particular  purpose.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  were  written  sources,  of  a  more  or 
less  informal  character.  In  both  of  these  directions 
the  authors  of  the  later  gospels  were  able  to  supply 
themselves  with  fresh  matter  of  value.  They  also 
show  greater  literary  skill  than  Mark.  Their  works 
possess  more  unity,  more  breadth  and  scope  ;  the 
resurrection,  for  example,  which  was  so  vital  to  the 
faith  of  the  churches,  is  told  with  a  fullness  which  more 
than  made  up  for  the  break  at  the  end  of  Mark,  and 
some  gaps  in  Mark's  account  of  Jesus  are  filled  up. 
Whether  this  is  invariably  a  gain,  from  the  historical 
point  of  view,  is  another  question.  The  really  im- 
portant thmg,  for  the  study  of  the  literary  develop- 
ment, is  to  notice  the  combination  of  freedom  on  the 
part  of  the  author  in  handling  his  materials  for  his 
special  object,  and  the  conservation  of  the  Marcan 
outline  in  most  of  its  essential  features.  Of  the  three 
synoptic  gospels,  Luke's  is  the  nearest  to  Greek  litera- 
ture ;  it  also  exhibits  most  versatility  and  artistic 
power  on  the  part  of  the  author.  The  Fourth  Gospel, 
with  its  prologue  and  its  development  of  the  dialogue, 
recalls  Greek  literature  on  the  philosophic,  not  on  the 
historical  side.  In  both  of  these  works  we  can  trace 
the  working  of  tendencies  and  interests  very  different 
from  those  which  engrossed  Matthew  in  the  restate- 
ment of  Christianity  as  the  new  Law  and  of  the  Church 
of  Jesus  as  the  heii-  of  Israel's  promises  and  privileges. 
But  these  varying  interpretations  of  Jesus  are  all  at 
home  within  the  literary  form  of  the  gospel. 

The  gospels  are  contemporary  with  the  sub-Pauline 
epistles  and  homilies,  and,  as  a  rule,  neither  the  one 
nor  the  other  can  be  assigned  to  any  definite  province 
or  geographical  situation.  Tradition  connects  the 
Fourth  Gospel  with  Asia  Minor,  but  the  othei-s  are 
Church-books  with  no  local  colour.  We  cannot  use 
them,  therefore,  to  throw  light  upon  the  development 
of  early  Christianity  in  specific  districts  like  Egypt  or 
Palestine  or  Italy.  As  a  partial  compensation  for  this 
indefinitcness,  however,  we  know  that  Mark  was  used 
by  the  others,  that  the  Fourth  Gospel  presupposes  the 
synoptic  tradition  at  any  rate,  if  not  the  synoptic 
gospels  as  we  have  them,  and  further  that  tliis  literary 
use  is  accompanied  by  a  movement  of  thought  which 
is  easily  dLscemible  m  the  later  gospels.  We  have  no 
homily  or  epistle  which  stands  in  the  same  relation 
to  Matthew  or  Luke  as  1  Jn.  does  to  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  but  the  extant  epistolary  literature  of  the 
period  between  a.d.  70  and  120  supplements,  to  some 
extent,  our  knowledge  of  this  movement  and  illustrates 
the  general  life  of  the  churches  for  which  the  gospels 
were  composed. 

It  is  at  this  point  that  we  miss  the  help  of  Luke  in 
his  second  volume.  Acts,  the  sequel  to  the  Third 
Gospel,  is  the  only  historical  account  of  the  early 
Church  which  has  passed  into  the  NT,  but  unfortu- 
nately it  breaks  off  with  the  arrival  of  Paul  at  Rome 
in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  decade.  Yet  Acts, 
such  aa  it  is,  marks  a  new  departure  in  the  literature 


of  Christianity.  The  title  is  a  later  addition.  What 
Luke  or  his  readers  called  the  book,  we  do  not  know. 
But  the  mere  fact  that  a  gospel  could  have  a  sequel 
is  striking,  none  the  less  striking  that  the  sequel 
consists  of  apostolic  deeds  and  utterances  regarded  as 
inspired  by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord.  Here,  as  in  his 
earlier  treatise,  Luke  shows  himself  a  historian  who 
has  a  variety  of  literary  methods  at  his  command. 
He  develops  his  story  by  means  of  speeches  now  and 
then  ;  he  inserts  two  letters  ;  he  also  includes  extracts 
from  a  journal  kept  by  himself  ;  he  is  at  pains  to 
connect  the  story  of  the  Church  occasionally  with  the 
outside  empire  ;  finally,  he  varies  his  style  and  treat- 
ment to  suit  the  different  phases  of  the  tale.  He  has 
a  dramatic  sense  of  a  situation,  and  a  special  interest 
in  some  of  the  loaders  of  the  primitive  Church,  in 
Peter,  Stephen,  Philip,  James,  and  above  all,  in  Paul. 
In  the  second  part,  Paul  is  the  real  hero  of  the  story. 
The  combination  of  liistorical  narrative  and  admiration 
for  a  heroic  figure  reminds  us  of  the  books  of  the 
Maccabees,  but  probably  a  nearer  parallel  is  the  later 
biography  of  ApoUonius  of  Tyana  by  Philostratus, 
and  the  Lucan  affinities  in  style  and  structure  are 
Hellenistic  rather  than  Jewish.  So  are  the  Lucan 
interests.  He  has  sympathies,  not  as  a  partisan,  but 
as  a  Christian  who  recognises  the  providential  purpose 
in  what  has  occurred.  It  is  the  Gentile  mission  which 
interests  him  most,  and  the  Paul  who  "  turns  from  the 
Jews  to  the  Gentiles."  But  he  refrains  from  repre- 
senting Paul  with  a  halo,  and  does  justice  to  the 
leaders  of  the  opposite  party  in  the  early  Church. 
His  interests  are  catholic  and  irenic,  both  as  regards 
the  attitude  of  the  Church  to  the  empire  and  the 
attitude  of  different  sections  within  the  Church  to  one 
another.  By  the  time  he  wrote,  the  battle  which 
Paul  had  to  fight  against  the  legalists  had  been  long 
ago  won,  and  even  as  an  admirer  of  the  apostle  he 
chooses  to  bring  out  the  providential  development 
upon  which  his  own  age  looked  back,  rather  than  to 
revive  bitter  memories  of  bygone  controversy.  If  his 
history  is  motive  in  this  respect,  as  in  others,  it  is  none 
the  less  Greek  for  that. 

While  the  contents  of  Acts  often  remind  us  of  Greek 
popular  stories  and  Greek  historiography,  the  con- 
temporary Apocalypse  of  John  marks  a  literary  genre 
in  primitive  Cliristianity  which  is  distinctively  Jewish. 
There  are,  no  doubt,  Greek  elements  in  the  style  and 
symbolism,  but  the  book  belongs  to  the  class  of 
apocalypses  which  arose  in  the  later  days  of  Judaism. 
The  apocalypses  were  latter-day  pamphlets,  connecting 
the  vindication  of  oppressed  Israel  with  the  final 
destiny  of  the  world,  often  disfigured  by  fantastic  calcu- 
lations and  speculations  about  the  cosmos,  but  charged 
with  a  stout  conviction  that  God  would  soon  end  the 
crisis  in  favour  of  the  faithful  (pp.  431-435).  Their 
great  exemplar  was  the  Book  of  Daniel,  written  to  nerve 
the  loyal  Jews  who  were  being  persecuted  for  refusing 
to  admit  the  presumptuous  divine  claims  of  Antioohus 
Epiphanes.  The  Apocalypse  of  John  was  thrown  up, 
towards  the  close  of  the  first  century,  by  a  similar 
crisis  in  primitive  Christianity.  It  is  the  passionate 
answer  of  a  Christian  prophet  in  Asia  Minor  to  the 
claims  of  the  imperial  worship,  which  he  regarded,  and 
wished  his  readers  to  regard,  as  an  infringement  of 
the  Divine  claims  of  the  Christian  God. 

In  several  aspects  the  Apocalypse  marks  a  develop- 
ment withui  the  NT  literature.  "  Apocah'ptic  passages 
are  already  to  be  met  with,  in  the  sjaioptic  gospels 
aa  well  as  in  some  of  the  Pauline  epistles,  notably 
Thessalonians.  But  the  Johannine  Apocalj-pse  is 
dominated  by  apocalyptic  categories  and  conceptions. 


COG 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   LITERATURE 


Altliough  the  author's  Chrwtian  consciousness  tends 
now  and  then  to  break  tlirouph  fonns  too  narrow  for 
his  purjwse,  and  although  his  book  is  differentiated  at 
several  vital  pomts  from  the  class  to  wliich  it  belongs, 
it  represents  the  fii-st  thorough-going  attempt  to 
employ,  on  heiialf  of  ('hri.stianity.  the  literary  methods 
in  vogue  among  Jewish  apocalyptic  circles — predictions, 
threats,  calculations,  astrology,  and  the  weud  phantas- 
magoria of  the  Oriental  imagination.  It  is  an  open 
question  whether  this  adherence  involves  pseudony- 
mity.  It  is  not  an  open  question  whether  it  implies 
the  use  of  earlier  sources  and  the  adaptation  of  previous 
traditions,  for  this  feature  of  composite  structure  is 
unmistakable.  E(|ually  p'ain  is  the  function  of  the 
dream  or  vision  to  convey  the  writer's  message.  But 
apart  from  the  taunt-song  in  ch.  18,  which  is  modelled 
on  well-known  Semitic  lines,  the  most  striking  literary 
feature  is  the  introduction  of  pastoral  letters  to  seven 
Asiatic  churches.  PossiVjly  these  are  akin,  not  so 
much  to  the  ei>Lstles  in  2  Bar.  77-87  as  to  the  letters 
written  by  Roman  empcroi-s  to  Asiatic  corporations 
or  communities  ;  each  has  its  local  allusions  and 
definite  charact«ri9tics.  At  the  same  time,  they  do 
not  seem  to  have  circulated  apart  from  the  Apocalypse 


itself,  and  they  are  to  bo  read  by  "  all  "  its  readers. 
Apparently  we  have  here  a  literary  development  of 
the  pastoral  or  encyclical,  either  a  combination  of  the 
letter  to  a  specific  church  and  of  the  catholic  homily, 
or  a  series  of  prophetic  addresses  in  epistolary  form. 
They  constitute  the  most  Christian  section  of  the 
Apocalypse,  but  even  elsewhere  in  its  pages  we  can 
mark  the  new  stamp  which  the  creative  spirit  of 
Christianity  succeeded  in  putting  upon  some  literary 
forms  as  well  as  upon  some  traditional  beliefs  which 
were,  to  a  considerable  extent,  incongruous  or  inade- 
quate to  its  deeper  movement. 

Literature. — The  NT  Introductions  by  A.  Jiilicher, 
Th.  Zahn,  J.  Moffatt,  and  M.  Jones  ( The  New  Testa- 
ment in  the  Twentieth  Century)  ;  smaller  works  by 
H.  von  Soden,  History  of  Early  Christian  Literature ; 
A.  S.  Peake,  Critical  Introduction  to  the  NT  ;  B.  W. 
Bacon,  The  Making  of  the  NT;  and  Wrede,  1  he 
Origin  of  the  N  T.  The  most  recent  and  able  discus- 
sion ia  Paul  Wendlands  Die  Urchristlichen  Lileratur- 
formen  (1912),  in  HNT.  Less  radical  surveys  arc 
presented  in  ERE — Sanday  (vol.  ii.  pp.  571-579)  and 
Allen  (vol.  iv.  pp.  319-324)-— as  well  as  in  Milligan's 
N  T  Documents.    See  further  General  Bibliographies. 


JEWISH    HISTORY    FROM    THE    MACCABEES 
TO  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM 


By  Puofessor  H.  M.  GWATKIN 


The  great  work  of  Alexander  (p.  62)  was  to  make  Greek 
civilization  dominant  from  the  tableland  of  Asia  Minor 
to  the  edge  of  the  Indian  desert.  That  which  he  began 
wa:3  carried  forward  by  his  successors,  and  Greek  civili- 
zation remained  dominant  in  Egjrpt  and  Syria  till  the 
Muslim  invasion  of  the  seventh  centuiy,  though  with- 
out displacing  the  native  languages.  But  it  waa 
Greek  culture  profoundly  modified  by  its  vast  ex- 
pansion. Greek  language,  worship,  and  literature 
might  overspread  the  East,  but  the  Greek  cities  had 
become  parts  of  great  military  monarchies,  so  that 
Greek  thought  no  longer  centred  on  the  city  and  civic 
virtue,  but  looked  inward  on  the  individual  and  out- 
ward on  the  world.  Stoics  and  Epicureans  were  agreed 
that  there  is  a  Law  of  Nature  above  the  laws  of  nations, 
and  that  duty  is  the  same  for  all  men.  Pride  in  Greek 
blood  gave  place  to  pride  in  Greek  civilization. 

The  old  schools  of  Athens  were  rivalled,  and  some- 
times more  than  rivalled,  by  the  new  schools  of  Rhodes, 
Pergamum,  Tarsus,  and  above  all  by  Alexandria,  the 
greatest  of  all  the  Greek  colonies.  Its  commerce 
reached  from  India  to  Spain,  and  to  its  Museum  gathered 
the  greatest  scholai-s  of  the  world.  Aristarchus  and 
Eratosthenes  cover  the  whole  field  of  ancient  literature 
and  science.  To  that  cosmopolitan  city  the  Jews  were 
welcome  too.  Alexander  himself  brought  them  there, 
and  in  later  times  they  occupied  two  wards  of  the 
city,  and  overflowed  into  the  other  three.  They  contri- 
buted much  to  its  trade,  and  not  a  little  to  its  turbu- 
lence. Greek  and  Jewish  thought  soon  began  to  blend. 
Books  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  were  translated  into 
Greek  at  Alexandria,  and  the  Canon  shaded  ofi  into 
an  Apocryphal  literature  largely  Greek.  All  over  the 
East  the  Jews  were  pliable  to  Greek  influence.  Even 
in  Judrea  towards  175  B.C.  a  strong  party  favoured 
Greek  customs,  and  the  Asidajans  or  rigid  Jews  would 
appear  to  have  been  quite  a  minority.  Israel  seemed 
rapidly  melting  into  the  larger  world  of  Greece,  and 
a  little  pressure  would  complete  the  process. 

So  thought  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (175-164  B.C.),  an 
arbitrary  and  eccentric  king,  half  magnificent  and  half 
buffoon.  His  very  name  (the  god  manifest)  speaks  of 
Greek  religion  debased  by  Eastern  king-worship,  and 
there  was  a  further  departure  from  the  old  Greek  ways 
of  thinking  when  he  used  persecution  to  "  reform  this 
most  repulsive  people,"  as  Tacitus  calls  the  Jews. 
First  came  acti\'e  encouragement  of  Greek  customs 
by  the  two  faithless  high  priests  Jesus  (ho  called 
himself  Jason)  and  MenelauB.  Then  in  170  B.C.  a 
great  massacre  and  the  plunder  of  the  Temple.  Perse- 
cution began  in  earnest  168  B.C.,  when  Antiochus  had 
been  ordered  out  of  I^gypt  by  the  Romans.  The 
Temple  became  a  temple  of  Zeus,  and  swine's  flesh 
was  offered  on  the  altar ;  while  Jerusalem  was  turned 
into  a  Greek  city  with  a  Syrian  garrison  in  the  city  of 


David.  Jewish  observances,  especially  circumcision 
and  the  Sabbath,  were  punished  with  death,  officers 
traversed  the  country  to  enforce  the  longs  commands, 
and  there  were  martyrs  everyTvhere.  (See  further 
p.  523.) 

Zeus  or  Jehovah  ?  The  signal  of  revolt  was  given 
at  Modin  by  an  old  priest  named  Mattathias,  who  slew 
first  a  renegade  Jew  and  then  the  king's  officer,  and 
fled  to  the  mountains,  where  they  that  were  zealous 
for  the  Law  gathered  round  him.  But  they  were  not 
blindly  zealous  like  four  thousand  of  their  brethren,  who 
refused  to  fight  on  the  Sabbath,  and  were  slaughtered. 
Mattathias  died  soon,  and  liis  place  was  taken  by  his 
son,  Judas  the  Maccabee — the  Hammer  (p.  339)  of  the 
Heathen.  It  seemed  hopeless  to  resist  the  whole  power 
of  Syria  ;  yet  the  heroic  rebels  gained  wonderful  suc- 
cesses. First  Apollonius  was  defeated,  then  Seron  was 
routed  at  Beth-horon,  the  scene  of  Israel's  fiist  victory 
under  Joshua,  and  of  the  last  against  Cestius  Gallus. 
Then  came  the  defeat  of  Nicanor  at  Emmaus  ;  and  the 
great  army  of  Lysias  was  overthrowTi  at  Beth-zur. 
Judas  then  took  possession  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem — 
tlie  Syrian  garrison  held  the  citadel — and  cleansed  the 
l^emple.  The  defiled  altar  was  pulled  down,  and  the 
stones  laid  up  "  till  a  prophet  should  arise  to  say  what 
should  be  done  vith  them."  This  waa  in  Dec.  165, 
and  the  memory  of  it  was  perpetuated  by  the  annual 
Feast  of  the  Dedication  (Jn.  10::2). 

Judas  now  devoted  himself  to  consolidating  his  power 
(Ps.  83*)  while  the  Syrian  Government  was  occupied 
elsewhere.  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  been  defeated  in 
ElymaLs,  and  died  (16-J:  B.C.)  on  his  return  ;  and  now 
Lysias  ruled  as  guardian  of  his  son  Antiochus  Eupator. 
But  when  Judas  laid  siege  to  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem, 
Lysias  came  up  and  defeated  him  at  Eeth-Zacliariah, 
and  had  brought  the  Jews  in  the  city  to  great  distress 
when  he  was  called  away  by  troubles  in  the  north.  So 
the  Jews  made  their  submission,  and  were  henceforth 
allowed  religious  freedom.  The  persecution  was  at  an 
end,  but  the  war  waa  still  a  war  of  self-defence.  The 
Greeks  could  not  be  trusted,  and  the  Jewish  heathen- 
isers  were  more  than  willing  to  renew  the  persecution. 
They  complained  to  the  new  king,  Demetrius  Soter, 
who  had  killed  Lysias  and  liis  ward.  He  appointed 
their  leader  Alcimus  (pp.  382,  385.  P.-^.  oo)  high  priest, 
and  sent  an  anny  to  support  him  ;  and  when  the 
cruelties  of  Alcimus  provoked  a  fresh  revolt,  a  new 
army  under  Nicanor  was  out  to  pieces  at  Adasa 
(Spring.  161  B.C.). 

Though  Adasa  was  a  splendid  victory,  the  Jews  could 
scarcely  hope  to  win  their  independence  for  themselves. 
So  Judas  looked  for  help  to  the  distant  power  of  Rome. 
The  senate  received  his  envoys — anything  was  welcome 
that  might  weaken  Syria — made  an  alliance  with  the 
Jews  on  equal  terms,  and  ordered  Demetrius  not  to 


607 


608 


molest  them.  But  Demetrius  had  already  jioured  into 
Judaja  an  overwhelming  force  under  Bacohides.  When 
the  armies  met  at  Eleasa.  Judas  could  only  fight  a 
hopeless  battle,  and  die  fightincj  (April  IGl  B.C.). 

Then  came  another  reign  of  terror.  The  '"  ungodly  "' 
took  vengeance  on  their  enemies,  and  Jonathan,  tho 
brother  of  Judas,  could  hardly  do  more  than  keep  up 
a  guerilla  war.  But  he  gained  steadily  during  the 
next  eight  years,  and  in  153  b.c.  we  come  to  the  crisis 
of  the  struggle.  Syria  was  divided  against  itself,  and 
tho  rival  kings  bid'  against  each  other  for  Jonathan's 
support.  Demetrius  gave  good  promises.butAlexander 
Balas  gave  better.  He  withdrew  most  of  the  garrisons, 
let  Jonathan  take  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  formally 
appointed  him  high  priest  (Ps,  110).  Henceforth  the 
Maccal  ees  were  rulers  for  nearly  ninety  years,  and 
high  priests  for  yet  another  generation.  Jonathan 
himself  wrested  Samaria  from  Demetrius  II,  renewed 
the  treaty  with  Rome,  played  a  commanding  part  in 
Syrian  civil  wars,  and  extended  his  power  over  most  of 
Palestine  before  he  perished  (142  B.C.)  by  the  treachery 
of  Trypho.  one  of  the  Syrian  pretenders. 

There  still  remained  Simon,  the  last  of  the  sons  of 
Mattathias.  He  captured  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem, 
forced  Demetrius  II  to  acltnowledge  the  independence 
of  the  Jews,  and  was  recognised  by  his  people  as  "  high 
priest  and  general  and  civil  ruler  for  ever  vmtil  there 
should  arise  a  faithful  prophet"  (Ps.  110).  Thus  the 
Maccabees  had  not  only  won  but  secured  their  religious 
freedom.  After  seven  years  of  prosperitj%  Simon  also 
perished  by  treachery  (135  B.C.),  but  this  time  the 
treachery  did  not  come  from  the  Greeks,  but  from  his 
son-in-law,  Ptolemy. 

Simon's  son,  John  HjTcanus,  escaped,  and  ruled  in 
his  stead  (135-106  B.C.).  Before  long  came  the  last 
effort  of  Syria.  Antiochus  Sidetes  besieged  Jerusalem, 
and  Hyrcanus  was  glad  to  escape  with  a  pajTuent  of 
500  talents  and  tribute  for  Joppa  and  other  places 
outside  Juda;a,  and  the  demolition  of  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem.  Perhaps  the  fear  of  Rome  was  on 
Antiochus,  and  SjTia  ceased  to  be  dangerous  after 
his  death  in  Parthia  (128  B.C.).  HjTcanus  took  advan- 
tage of  the  ci^'il  wars  to  conquer  Samaria  and  destroy 
the  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim,  and  to  extend  his  power 
east  of  Jordan  and  in  lduma;a.  It  was  a  brilliant 
reign,  but  it  marked  a  transition  from  the  heroic 
Maccabees  to  the  vulgar  kmgs  who  followed.  One 
sign  of  the  transition  was  that  Hyrcanus  went  over  to 
the  Sadducees.  A  tale  is  told  of  a  zealous  Pharisee 
bidding  him  lay  down  the  high  priesthood  because  his 
mother  (as  was  falsely  said)  had  once  been  a  captive  : 
but  the  change  is  accounted  for  by  the  i:icrcasing 
prominence  of  his  political  aims.  Religion  came  first 
with  Pharisees  and  scribes,  while  Sadducees  and 
priests  formed  an  aristocracy  more  in  sympathy  with 
worldly  schemes. 

Aristobulus  I  was  a  tjrrant  of  tho  usual  Eastern  sort. 
He  Ix-gan  with  the  murder  of  his  mother  and  the  im- 
prisonment of  three  of  his  brothers  ;  and  the  fourth, 
his  favourite  Antigonus,  soon  fell  a  victim  to  the 
jealousies  of  the  court.  Two  events  mark  liis  short 
reign  (105-104  B.C.) — his  assumption  of  the  royal  title, 
and  his  conquest  of  Galilee.  On  his  death  his  widow, 
Alexandra  (Salome),  set  free  her  oldest  surviving  step- 
son, Alexander  Jannseus  (Jonathan),  and  seems  to 
have  married  him.  Alexander's  reign  (104-78  b.c.) 
was  full  of  wars  and  civil  strife.  Early  in  his  reign 
he  was  driven  out  by  Ptolemy  LathjTus,  the  exiled 
king  of  Egypt  who  ruled  in  Cyprus  ;  but  tho  Egyptians 
restored  him.  Upon  tho  whole,  however,  Alexander's 
wars  were  successfuL    At  the  end  of  his  reign  he  ruled 


JEWISH   HISTORY,  175   B.C.-A.D.  70 


from  Iduma^d  to  Lake  Huk-h,  the  East  of  Jordan,  and 
(except  Ascalon)  the  coast  from  Carmel  to  Egypt. 

The  civil  strife  was,  at  bottom,  the  old  quarrel  of 
kings  and  prophets.  Was  Israel  to  be  a  worldly 
kingdom  or  a  holy  commonwealth  ?  This  time,  how- 
ever, the  people  sided  with  tho  Pharisees  against  the 
king,  and  pelted  Alexander  with  citrons  while  ho 
officiated  at  tho  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  Then  tho 
Pharisees  invited  the  Syrian  prince  Demetrius  III, 
who  drove  Alexander  to  the  "mountains.  But  this 
treason  was  too  outrageous.  Alexander  w£i8  restored, 
and  (such  is  the  story)  crucified  eight  hundred  of  hw 
enemies  and  slew  their  wives  and  children  before  them 
for  the  delectation  of  his  concubines  at  a  feast.  This, 
for  more  than  one  reason,  must  be  at  best  much 
exaggerated ;  but  the  slaughter  waa  at  all  events 
enough  to  keep  tho  Pharisees  quiet  for  the  rest  of  ins 
reign. 

Then  came  a  change.  His  widow  Alexandra  (78- 
69  B.C.)  placed  tho  Pharisees  in  power,  and  let  them 
govern  as  they  pleased,  except  that  she  could  not  let 
them  put  to  death  her  husband's  counsellors.  Tho 
Sadduceo  nobles  were  still  too  strong  to  bo  crushed, 
especially  as  her  active  younger  son  ArLstobulus  was 
their  leader.  On  her  death,  69  B.C.,  he  had  no  great 
difficulty  in  deposing  his  weak  brother  Hyrcanus. 
But  Antipater  the  Idumaean  and  Aretas  tho  Arabian 
king  (of  Petra)  took  up  the  cause  of  Hyrcanus,  and 
besieged  Aristobulus  in  the  Temple  mount.  Then  a 
mightier  power  inter^-ened — the  power  of  Rome. 
Pompeius  had  conquered  Mithridates,  and  was  plainly 
master  of  the  East.  Both  parties  appealed  to  his 
legato  Scaurus  (GO  B.C.),  who  restored  Aristobulus. 
But  when  Pompeius  himself  came  (63  B.C.),  he  found 
three  parties,  for  the  people  desired  to  have  done  with 
the  monarchy  and  be  governed  by  tho  priests.  Aristo- 
bulus attempted  resistance  in  vain.  The  city  waa 
surrendered  bj'  the  other  party,  the  Temple  waa 
stormed,  and  Jewish  independence  waa  at  an  end. 
Pompeius  entered  the  Holy  of  Holies,  which  he  found 
empty ;  but  he  took  no  treasure,  and  made  careful 
provision  for  the  services.  But  he  made  the  Jews 
tributary,  deprived  them  of  the  sea-coast  and  the 
Gentile  cities  inland,  and  left  HjTcanus  to  rule  as 
high  priest,  not  as  king,  in  general  subordination  to 
the  Roman  governor  of  SjTia. 

One  result  of  the  Roman  conquest  was  a  new  Dis- 
persion in  tho  Latm  West.  Tho  Jews  formed  a  settle- 
ment in  Rome  beyond  the  Tiber,  and  spread  along 
the  lines  of  commerce.  Valuable  settlers  as  they  were, 
their  strange  customs  and  quarrelsome  temper  (and 
their  success  in  trade  and  charlatanry)  made  them 
unpopular,  and  tho  Roman  Government  had  often  to 
protect  them  from  Gentile  violence.  Yet  many  serious 
persons  were  attracted  by  their  lofty  monotheism  and 
became  adherents  of  tho  sjiiagogue,  or  in  some  cases 
"  Israelites  in  all  thijigs  '  by  the  threefold  ordinance 
of  circumcision,  baptism,  and  sacrifice.  Judaism  in 
our  Lord's  time  was  a  missionary  religion. 

The  years  which  followed  the  Roman  conquest  were 
fairly  quiet.  Judaea,  however,  suilered  much  from 
the  exactions  of  Gabinius  (55  B.C.),  of  Crassus  (who 
plundered  the  Temple),  and  afterwards  of  Cassius  (42 
B.C.).  After  tho  battle  of  Pharsalia  (48  B.C.)  tho  Jews 
received  much  favour  from  Caesar.  Ho  restored  to 
HjTcanus  the  civil  power  which  Gabinius  had  taken 
from  him,  enlarged  tho  territorj-,  and  granted  import- 
ant pri\-ilcges.  But  Antipater  was  tho  real  ruler,  and 
after  his  death  (43  b.c.)  his  son  Herod  came  to  the 
front,  and  secured  the  favour  of  Antonius,  who  became 
master  of  the  East  after  the  battle  of  Philippi  (42  B.C.). 


JEWISH  HISTORY,  175  B.C.-A.D.  70 


609 


Then  while  Antoiiius  and  Octavian  were  at  variance 
(40  B.C.)  the  Parthians  swept  over  Syria,  and  made 
Antigonua  the  son  of  Aristobuliis,  king  of  the  Jews, 
while  Herod  escaped  to  Rome.  Hyrcanus  was  dis- 
qualified for  the  high  priesthood  by  the  loss  of  liis 
cars. 

Herod  was  made  king  by  Antonius  and  Octavian, 
but  it  was  three  years  before  he  got  possession  of 
Jerusalem.  The  Parthians  were  driven  out  (39  B.C.), 
but  both  Juda?a  and  Galilee  hated  Herod.  At  last 
(36  B.C.)  the  city  was  captured  with  great  slaughter 
by  Herod  and  the  Romans,  and  Antigonus  was  exe- 
cuted soon  after  by  Antonius.  So  fell  the  once  glorious 
Maccabcan  djniast}'. 

Herod  the  Great  (37-4  B.C.)  was  a  splendid  king — 
a  man  of  war  from  his  youth,  gifted  with  infinite  energy 
and  infinite  adroitness,  and  with  a  good  deal  of 
Solomon's  taste  for  magnificence  and  women.  It  was 
of  itself  a  great  success  to  bring  a  small  state  safely 
through  the  storms  of  Roman  civil  war.  Herod  was 
faithful  and  useful  to  Antonius,  though  Cleopatra  was 
his  enemy,  and  obtained  from  her  lover  the  sea-coast 
and  Jericho.  Then  after  the  battle  of  Actium  (31  B.C.) 
Herod  was  equally  faithful  and  useful  to  Octavian, 
who  restored  to  him  the  cities  Cleopatra  had  taken 
away,  and  presently  made  him  master  of  nearly  the 
whole  of  Palestine.  So  he  could  play  the  part  of  a 
great  king.  He  built  new  cities  like  Caesarea,  adorned 
the  old  with  spendid  buildings,  and  made  Jerusalem 
the  finest  city  in  the  East.  The  rebuilding  of  the 
Temple  was  begun  20  B.C.,  though  it  was  not  quite 
finished  till  a.d.  64.  Priests  alone  were  allowed  to  do 
the  building  work  in  the  sanctuarj%  and  Herod  took 
care  not  himself  to  tread  forbidden  ground.  The  re- 
stored Temple  was  a  proverb  of  magnificence  ;  yet 
Herod's  own  palace  was  still  more  splendid.  Nor  was 
he  without  some  sense  of  duty  to  his  people.  He  kept 
good  order,  put  dowTi  the  brigands,  and  sold  his  plate 
to  buy  food  in  the  famine  of  23  B.C.  Nor  was  he  a 
less  liberal  patron  of  the  Jews  abroad  :  there  were 
few  cities  in  the  East  but  owed  something  to  Herod's 
munificence. 

Nevertheless  the  Jews  detested  him,  and  with  good 
reason.  His  ferocious  cruelty — crucifying  and  burning 
ofiFenders — might  pass  muster  in  an  Eastern  king,  and 
the  oppressive  taxation  required  for  his  munificence 
need  not  have  aroused  more  than  ordinary  discontent. 
Even  his  family  tragedy  is  only  a  bad  case  of  what 
commonly  comes  of  a  despot's  jealousy  and  suspicion, 
diligently  inflamed  by  creatures  like  his  sister  Salome 
and  his  son  Antipater.  He  murders  fii-st  the  high 
priest  Aristobulus,  the  brother  of  his  wife  Mariamne, 
then  her  grandfather,  the  old  high  priest  HjTcanus, 
then  Mariamne  herself,  then  later  in  his  reign  her 
sons  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  and  executes  Anti- 
pater five  days  before  his  own  death  ;  and  a  multitude 
of  minor  victims  is  grouped  round  each  of  these. 
The  slaughter  of  the  infants  at  Bethlehem  is  precisely 
what  Herod  was  likely  to  do. 

But  the  main  offence  he  gave  was  in  his  heathenising 
policy.  True,  he  paid  a  certain  outward  respect  to  the 
Jewish  religion.  He  avoided  images  on  his  coins,  and 
would  not  give  Salome  to  the  Arabian  Syllabus  because 
he  refused  to  be  circumcLsed.  But  he  promoted  Greek 
customs  as  actively  as  Antiochus  himself.  He  had 
Greeks  for  his  ministers,  and  degraded  the  high  priest- 
hood to  an  office  held  at  his  pleasure,  often  by  lax 
Jews  of  Alexandria.  He  brought  Greek  and  Roman 
games  to  Jemsalem  itself  and  built  heathen  temples 
in  the  Greek  cities  of  Palestine.  ThLs  gave  deep  offence 
to  Jewish  feeling,  and  Herod  could  keep  order  only 


by  a  permanent  reign  of  terror.  Yet  after  all,  some 
of  the  Pharisees  thought,  even  this  cursed  Edomite, 
this  hideous  caricature  of  King  Messiah,  was  at  any 
rate  one  step  better  than  a  Roman  governor. 

Herod  left  the  kingdom  of  Judaea  to  Archelaus,  while 
Antipas  and  Philip  were  to  be  tetrarchs  of  Galilee  and 
Persea,  and  of  Trachonitis,  Panias,  and  the  north-east. 
Augustus  confirmed  the  will,  but  Archelaus  was  only 
to  be  ethnarch.  Philip  (4  b.c.-a.d.  34)  was  mild  and 
humane,  and  is  chiefly  remembered  from  his  building 
of  Panias  as  Oajsarea  (Philippi,  to  distinguish  it  from 
his  father's  seaport).  Antipas  (4  b.c.-a.d.  39)  was 
more  like  his  father — crafty,  luxurious,  and  a  great 
builder,  as  of  Tiberias.  He  married  Herodias,  the 
wife  of  his  brother  Philip — not  the  tetrarch,  but 
another.  For  this  he  was  rebuked  by  John  the 
Baptist  ;  and  when  he  suffered  a  severe  defeat  from 
the  Arabian  Aretas,  the  father  of  his  rejected  first 
wife,  many  counted  it  a  judgment  for  the  execution  of 
John.  When  the  title  of  King  was  given  to  Herod 
Agrippa  (a.d.  39)  Herodias  incited  him  to  go  to  Rome 
and  ask  the  title  for  himself ;  but  instead  of  getting 
it,  he  was  banished,  and  his  dominions  were  given  to 
Agrippa. 

The  reign  of  Archelaus  (4  b.c.-a.d.  6)  is  obscure ; 
but  we  can  see  that  he  was  the  worst  of  Herod's  sons. 
His  rule  was  borne  with  the  utmost  impatience,  and 
at  last  Augustus  removed  and  banished  him  for  his 
cruelty.  Judaea  now  became  a  Roman  province  under 
a  procurator  of  only  equestrian  raiik,  in  general 
subordination  to  the  governor  of  Syria. 

Rome  was  no  deliberate  oppressor.  She  treated  the 
Jewish  religion  with  official  respect,  protected  it  upon 
occasion  in  the  Greek  cities,  and  allowed  the  Jews  a 
large  measure  of  self-government  (p.  616).  They  might 
put  to  death  even  a  Roman  citizen,  if  they  found  him 
inside  the  fence  in  the  Temple  which  no  Gentile  might 
pass  (Rev.  lla*,  c/.  Eph.  214*).  But  while  wrong  may 
be  borne,  contempt  is  never  forgiven  by  conquered 
peoples.  Roman  officials  despised  the  Jews,  and  were 
the  more  brutal,  while  Israel  was  as  proud  as  Rome 
herself,  and  hated  the  "dogs'"  and  " sinners  of  the 
Gentiles."  So  things  went  on  from  bad  to  worse. 
Sadducees  and  Herodians  were  hardly  more  than  a  few 
great  families  :  the  people  looked  up  to  the  Pharisees, 
who  were  rebels  in  theorj',  and  gradually  turned  from 
them  to  the  Zealots  or  openrebels  (Mk.  3i8*.  Ac.  037*). 

Of  the  earlier  procurators  (a.d.  6-41)  by  far  the 
most  conspicuous  is  Pontius  Pilatus  (a.d.  26-36) — a 
good  sample  of  the  baser  sort  of  Roman,  full  of  brutal 
contempt  for  the  people  he  governed.  His  first  act 
was  to  bring  into  the  city  the  idolatrous  ensigns  of  the 
army,  but  he  gave  it  up  when  it  was  clear  that  it 
could  not  be  carried  through  without  massacre  too 
great  even  for  him.  And  he  was  not  squeamish  of 
bloodshed  :  he  crushed  riots  mercilessly,  and  ordered 
continual  executions.  The  Galileans  whose  blood 
Pilate  mingled  with  their  sacrifices  (Lk.  13i)  fared  no 
worse  than  others.  Another  of  his  wanton  insults  was 
to  hang  up  votive  shields  in  the  palace  of  Herod  ;  but 
Tiberius  ordered  them  to  be  removed.  At  last  the 
Samaritans  complained  to  Vitellius,  the  governor  of 
Syria,  who  sent  Pilate  to  Rome  for  trial.  He  was 
banished  to  Gaul. 

Quieter  times  followed.  Vitellius  and  his  successor 
Petronius  treated  the  Jews  with  consideration,  and 
they  were  grateful :  the  breach  was  not  yet  irreparable. 
The  next  storm  was  when  the  mad  emperor  Caius 
(Caligula,  a.d.  37-41)  ordered  his  statue  to  be  set  up 
in  the  Temple.  This  meant  war  to  the  knife  ;  so 
Petronius  delayed  as  long  as  he  could,  and  at  last  took 

20 


610 


JEWISH   HISTORY,  175   B.C.-A.D.  70 


the  extreme  step  of  asking  the  emperor  to  revoke  the 
order.  Caligula,  however,  had  already  done  so  at  the 
pressing  instance  of  Herod  Agrippa,  though  he  did 
so  with  a  very  bad  grace,  but  was  assassinated  (Jan.  41) 
before  he  could  renew  the  attempt. 

Herod  Agrippa,  son  of  Herod's  unfortunate  son 
Arifltobulus,  led  a  roving  and  disreputable  life  till  he 
gained  favour  with  Caligula,  then  with  his  successor 
Claudius  (a.d.  41-54).  Caligula  gave  him  the  te- 
trarchiesof  Philip  and  Antipas,  and  Claudius  added  the 
Roman  province.  Once  more,  and  for  the  last  time, 
there  was  a  King  of  the  Jews.  Agrippa  was  a  good- 
natured  adventurer  who  had  to  play  refonned  char- 
acter and  exemplary  king,  and  therefore  allowed  the 
Pharisees  a  free  hand.  Outside  Judaea,  however,  he 
set  up  statues  and  established  games  in  the  old 
heathen  style.  Upon  the  whole  his  policy  was  secular 
like  his  grandfathers,  except  that  he  was  much 
milder,  made  more  show  of  piety,  and  had  no  family 
tragedies. 

At  Agrippa's  death  (a.d.  44),  his  son  Agrippa  II 
was  too  young  to  reign,  so  that  the  whole  of  Palestine 
was  made  a  Roman  province.  The  later  procurators 
(a.d.  44-66)  were  mostly  corrupt  and  violent.  Jews 
and  Romans  provoked  each  other  recklessly,  and  dis- 
order became  chronic.  Cuspius  Fadus  (c.  45)  had  to 
put  down  Theudas,  and  there  was  much  bloodshed 
under  Cumanus  (48-52).  But  Rome  still  did  justice  ; 
Cumanus  was  recalled,  and  a  new  governor  appointed 
on  the  nomination  of  the  high  priest  Jonathan.  This 
was  Anton  ius  Felix,  a  brother  of  the  powerful  frecd- 
man  Pallas.  His  rule  was  long  (52-60)  and  evil. 
Husband  of  three  queens,  "  he  governed  in  the  spirit 
of  a  slave,  with  every  form  of  lust  and  cruelty." 
Felix  was  vigorous  enough  as  a  ruler,  but  his  only  way 
of  dealing  with  the  Jewish  "  robbers  "  or  patriots  was 
by  armed  force  and  wholesale  crucifixions.  So  some 
(Sicarii)  took  to  systematic  assassination,  and  kept  up 
a  terror  in  Jenisalom.  Yet  Felix  actually  employed 
them  to  murder  the  moderate  high  priest  Jonathan, 
to  whom  he  owed  his  office. 

Porcius  Festus  (60-62)  was  a  much  better  sort  of 
man,  but  the  mischief  done  by  Felix  was  now  past 
remedy.  Festus  died  in  office,  and  the  high  priest 
Ananus  (son  of  Annas)  took  advantage  of  the  vacancy 
to  make  a  decisive  breach  with  Christians  by  the 
murder  of  James  the  Ix)rd's  brother — for  which  he 
was  deposed  by  Agrippa  II,  to  whom  religious  affairs 
were  now  committed.  The  next  governor,  Albinus, 
took  bribes  from  all  sides,  let  no  a.ssassin  remain  in 
prison  who  could  jwy  for  his  release,  allowed  rival 
high  priests  to  fight  out  their  quarrel  in  the  streets, 
and  tried  his  own  hand  at  brigandage.  Society  was  in 
dissolution.  Yet  even  Albinus  was  a  just  ruler  com- 
pared with  hLs  successor,  Oessius  Florus  (64-66).  From 
robber}'  and  murder  of  individuals  he  came  to  the 
destruction  of  whole  cities.  The  brigands  might  do 
what  they  pleased,  if  only  Florus  got  his  share  of  the 
spoil. 

At  last  in  the  spring  of  66,  the  outrages  of  Florus 
provoked  a  dreadful  tumult,  and  the  governor  was 
driven  out  of  the  city.  Agrippa  stilled  llie  tumult, 
but  only  for  a  moment.  Tlie  emperor's  offerings  were 
cast  out  of  the  Temple,  and  the  Roman  garrison  was 
butchered  after  its  surrender.  The  revolt  spread,  and 
the  cities  of  Palestine  were  scenes  of  internecine  strife 
of  Jews  and  Gentiles.  Then  came  Cestius  Callus,  the 
governor  of  Syria,,  with  some  ten  thousand  legionaries 
and  perhaps  ten  thousand  of  cavalry  and  auxiliaries. 
He  reached  Jenisalem,  tired  its  northern  suburb,  but 
did  not  venture  to  attack  the  city,  and  on  his  retreat 


was  routed  in  a  defile  near  Beth-horon  (Nov.  66). 
The  way  was  open  and  the  Christians  retired  to  Pella 
beyond  Jordan — a  desertion  which  was  not  forgiven — 
while  the  Jews  formed  a  government  of  national  de- 
fence, entrusting  Galilee  to  Josephus  the  historian, 
then  a  young  man  of  thirty. 

Nero  now  entrusted  the  Jewish  war  to  VespasJan 
with  three  legions  and  auxiliaries — some  60,000  men 
in  all.  The  summer  of  67  was  spent  in  the  reduction 
of  Galilee.  Some  of  the  cities  were  easily  taken,  but 
Josephus  himself  in  Jotapata  made  a  stout  resistance, 
and  in  the  end  not  only  escaped  the  slaughter,  but 
won  'Vespasian's  favour  and  went  over  to  the  Romans. 
The  Zealots  in  Jerusalem  replied  with  a  frightful 
massacre  ;  and  indeed  they  were  quite  right  in  thinking 
that  the  desperate  work  could  not  be  done  by  half- 
hearted Pharisees  like  Josephus,  who  fought  without 
hope  of  success.  For  a  moment  the  moderate  party 
got  the  upper  hand  ;  but  the  Zealots  let  in  a  band  of 
Idumcean  marauders,  and  soon  completed  their  de- 
struction. Thenceforth  there  was  anarchy  in  the 
city,  with  two  or  three  bands  of  Zealots  constantly 
fighting  each  other  and  murdering  the  citizens.  They 
were  mad  enough  even  to  destroy  large  stores  of  com. 

Vespasian  let  them  fight  it  out.  In  68  he  conquered 
Pera;a  and  the  countrj'  round  Jerusalem ;  but  opera- 
tions were  nearly  at  a  standstill  for  a  year  after  the 
news  of  Nero's  death  (June  9),  and  when  Vespasian 
himself  was  hailed  emperor  (July  1,  69)  by  the  legions 
of  Syria,  he  left  the  scene  of  war.  The  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem remained  for  his  son  Titus.  The  city  was  in  a 
dreadful  state.  Simon  bar  Giora  with  one  band  cf 
miscreants  held  the  lower  part  of  it,  John  of  GLschalp. 
with  another  was  higher  up,  while  Eleazar  occu])ied 
the  Temple  till  John  took  advantage  of  the  Passover 
to  destroy  him  by  treachery'.  Titus  was  already  before 
the  city ;  and  now  the  furious  faction  fights  were 
stilled  at  last  in  desperate  resistance  to  the  Romans. 
Time  after  time  their  savage  fury  checked  the  assaults  ; 
but  Roman  discipline  always  prevailed  in  the  end. 
First  the  northern  wall  was  stormed  ;  then  a  second, 
then  a  third,  and  by  August  they  were  before  the 
Temple.  Jlcanwhile  the  miscrj-  of  the  city  was  hor- 
rible. He  that  remained  was  consumed  by  pestilence 
and  famine,  and  he  that  went  out  to  the  Romans  was 
cnicified  or  made  a  slave.  Even  the  daily  sacrifice 
had  to  be  given  up  in  July.  At  last  on  the  ninth  of 
Ab  (August)  the  Temple  itself  was  stormed.  Its  outer 
colonnades  were  lines  of  fire,  while  the  struggle  went 
on  around  the  altar  of  burnt  offering.  According  to 
Josephus.  the  sanctuary  was  set  on  fire  by  the  soldiers 
against  the  will  of  Titus ;  but  Tacitus  (copied  by 
Sulpicius  Severus)  tells  us  that  he  deliberately  de- 
stioyed  it,  "  to  root  out  the  superstition  of  Jews  and 
Christians."  After  this  there  still  remained  the  Upper 
City  ;  and  John  and  Simon  were  not  captured  till 
Septem]>er.  Even  then  a  band  of  Zealots  held  the 
fortress  of  Masada  overlooking  the  Dead  Sea  for  nearly 
three  years  (a.d.  73),  and  slaughtered  each  other  and 
their  familie,'*,  when  they  could  hold  it  no  longer.  Two 
women  crept  out  to  meet  the  Romans  as  they  entered, 
and  the  war  was  ended. 

Israel  had  fought  with  Rome  for  nothing  less  than 
the  empire  of  the  East,  and  under  better  leaders  might 
have  won.  But  the  leaders  were  bad  because  the 
nation  was  consumed  with  lawlessness  and  hatred  of 
the  Gentiles.  No  gift  of  prophecy  was  needed  when 
our  Lord  foretold  that  the  savage  pride  which  already 
made  the  Temple  a  house  of  merchandise  would  soon 
make  it  a  den  of  brigands,  and  in  the  end  would 
bring  the  Romans  to  destroy  their  place  and  natioo. 


JEWISH  HISTORY,  175  B.C.-A.D.  70  611 

Literature. — The  chief   original  authorities   are   tho  History  of  the  Jewish  People;  Keim,  Jevis  of  Nazara  ; 

books  of  Maccabees,  Josephus,  and  Tacitus  for  Roman  Morarasen,     The    Provinces    of   the    Roman   Empire ; 

times,  so  that  works  on  these  will  bo  found  useful ;  Schechter,    Studies    in    Judaism ;     E.    Schiirer,    The 

also  Introductions  to  the  Apocrypha  and  NT.     Spo-  Jewish  People  in  the   Time  of  Jesus  Christ;  A.  P. 

cially    E.   R.    Bevan,    The    House    of   Seleucus    and  Stanley,  The  Jewish  Church ;  A.  W.  Streane.  The  Age 

Jerusalem    under    the    High   Priests :    Ad.   Denzisjer.  of  the  Maccabees ;   and  articles    in    HDB,   EBi,   and 

Jewish  Forerunners  of  Christianity;  A.  Edersheira.  A  other  Dictionaries. 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  IN  THE  FIRST 
CENTURY 


By  Professor  HAVERFIELD 


1.  The  Roman  Empire  of  the  New  Testament  period, 
that  is,  roughly,  of  the  first  century  A.D.,  has  one  char- 
acteristic wliich  every  student  must  observe.  Like 
the  British  Empire  of  to-day,  it  was  in  principle 
opportunist  ;  it  altogether  lacked  external  imiformity. 
Tne  Roman  RepubUc,  on  the  ruins  of  which  it  rose, 
had  been  a  natural  growth,  moving  on  lines  of  least 
resistance  and  uninfluenced  by  logic.  Such,  too,  was 
the  Empire.  Its  foimder,  Augustus,  was  not  merely 
an  opportunist ;  he  carried  opportunism  to  the  height 
of  genius.  The  imperial  system  which  he  achieved,  a 
system  which  lasted  for  centuries,  was  in  the  main  an 
adaptation  from  existing  Roman  practices.  Its  ad- 
ministrative details,  even  to  the  titles  of  its  officers, 
were  based  on  historical  precedents,  not  determined 
by  logical  principles  ;  exceptions  and  survivals 
abounded  in  it,  and  general  statements  about  its 
machinery — such  as  this  brief  article  necessarily  con- 
tains— must  be  taken  as  true  only  in  general.  Nor  is 
this  all.  The  opportunism  which  the  Romans  employed 
in  their  administrative  system,  they  applied  also  in 
their  treatment  of  the  subject  provinces.  The  whole 
Empire  was,  indeed,  under  one  government.  From 
the  ocean  to  the  Arabian  desert,  from  the  snows  of 
Germany  to  the  hot  Sahara,  its  peoples  felt  that  there 
was  one  dominant  power  in  Rome,  and  a  power  whose 
eye  pierced  everywhere.  But  it  was  not  a  power  that 
interfered  every^vhe^e.  Just  because  it  was  oppor- 
tunist, Rome  enforced  no  imiformity  in  speech,  or 
creed,  or  poUtics,  or  fashion  of  life.  She  accepted 
what  she  found,  so  far  as  that  was  in  practical  working 
order.  The  peoples  themselves  did  not  always  under- 
stand this  tolerance,  nor  have  Biblical  students  always 
appreciated  it.  When  "  Gallio  cared  for  none  of  these 
things  "  (Ac.  I817),  the  narrator  of  the  incident  seems 
to  have  been  a  little  annoyed,  and  modem  commen- 
tators have  used  it  as  a  text  for  sermons  on  reUgioua 
indifference,  or  on  the  superficiality  which  judges  by  ex- 
ternals, or  on  the  arrogance  of  Roman  nobles.  Gallic's 
own  words  attest  that  he  was  following  the  normal 
Roman  policy.  Had  it  been  (he  says)  "  a  matter  of 
wrong  or  wicked  villainy,"  he  would  have  acted  ;    it 


names  and  law  "  ;   he  was  not  the  servant  of  a  perse- 


was  not  his  duty  to  interfere  with  Jewish  "  words  and 

law  "  ; 
outing  State. 

2.  History. — C.  Octavius,  nephew  and  adopted  son 
of  Julius  Cfcsar,  though  only  nineteen  at  Gesar's  death 
in  44  B.C.,  came  to  the  front  at  once.  Becoming 
Triumvir  with  Antony  and  Lcpidus  in  43,  he  defeated 
his  rivals  and  moved  towards  a  more  constitutional- 
looking  position  lictwcen  43  and  28  ;  in  January  27  ho 
took  the  title  Augustus  and  the  "  Principate  '  began. 
For  forty  and  more  years  he  governed,  organised, 
conquered  ;  opportunist,  adaptive,  far-sitrhtcd,  cool- 
headed,  ho  left  a  coherent,  well-governed,  and  con- 


tented Empire  at  his  death  in  a.d.  14.  He  it  was 
who  ordered  the  census  of  Quirinius  (Lk.  2i*);  the 
extent,  date  and  character  of  that  census  are  doubtful. 
Tiberius  (a.d.  14-37),  stepson  of  Augustus,  made  no 
conquests,  but  administered  the  provinces  well.  After 
a  few  years'  reign  he  fell  out  with  the  senatorial 
oligarchy  (see  sec.  3),  and  his  life  ended  amid  some- 
thing hke  a  Terror.  He  was  himself  as  morbidly  sensi- 
tive as  Augustus  had  been  passionless.  Caligula  (a.d. 
37^1),  great-grandson  of  Augustus,  vain,  cruel,  half- 
oriental  in  his  ideals,  was  probably  unliinged  in  mind 
by  an  illness  five  months  after  his  accession,  and  was 
presently  murdered.  Claudius  (a.d.  41-54),  nephew  of 
Tiberius,  was  personally  thought  weak,  foolish,  and 
uxorious.  But,  at  least  in  his  earlier  years  (a.d. 
41-47),  he — or  his  ministers — ruled  well,  enlarging  the 
Empire  (conquering  Britain,  etc.),  carrying  out  useful 
public  works  (roads,  harbours,  etc.),  and  improving 
the  executive,  especially  for  finance.  Nero  (a.d.  54-68), 
great-great-grandson  of  Augustus,  was  the  last  of  the 
Julio-Claudian  house,  and  the  worst  prince  between 
27  B.C.  and  a.d.  180.  The  old  idea  that  for  his  first 
five  years  (54-59)  his  ministers  ruled  well  is  now 
recognised  to  be  an  error  ;  the  so-called  quinquenniwn 
Neronis  refers  to  other  years  and  to  building  schemes. 
In  64  he  attacked  the  Christians  (see  sec.  5),  and  is 
generally  taken  to  be  the  Antichrist  of  Rev.,  and  hi-i 
name  to  give  the  Number  of  the  Beast  (Rev.  I3i8  *.) 
Yet  he  was  not  at  all  unpopular  in  the  provinces.  In 
68  he  was  overthrown  by  Galba  ;  in  69  Otho  pulled 
down  Galba,  ViteUius  Otho,  and  Vespasian  Viteliius, 
after  much  civil  war.  Vespasian  (a.d.  69-79),  founder 
of  the  Flavian  House  (69-96),  finished  through  his  son 
Titus  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  begun  before  Nero's 
overthrow.  Common-sense,  coarse,  competent,  ho 
repaired  the  excesses  of  Nero  and  extended  the 
Empire's  borders,  while  he  encouraged  the  Romanisa- 
tion  of  the  provinces.  With  his  death  wo  practically 
pass  beyond  the  horizons  of  the  NT. 

3.  Constitution :  Central  Administration. — Supreme 
power  in  point  of  fact  lay  with  the  Emperor — in  Latin 
usually  denoted  by  his  name,  sometimes  informally 
described  as  "priiiceps"  (in  NT  mostly  Ka'iaap,  also 
6  SfSao-rAs,  in  2  P.  213,17  paaiXevs).  But  in  theory 
the  Emperor  was  a  special  magistrate  appointed  for 
life,  with  special  powers,  beside  the  Senate,  the 
oligarchic  and  almost  hereditary  body  which  had 
dominated  the  lator  RepubUc.  This  Senate  still 
counted,  and  though  far  weaker  than  the  Emi>eror, 
had  important  duties  in  jurisdiction,  election,  and 
legislation.  The  capital,  the  city  of  Rome,  was 
governed  mainly  by  high  officials  whom  the  Emperor 
chose.  Italy,  thouL'h  nominally  ruled  by  the  Senate, 
needed  little  beyond  the  highIy-develoix>d  local  govern- 
ment of  its  municipalities  (s'ee  below).  The  rest  of 
612 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   IN   THE   FIRST   CENTURY 


613 


fcho  Empire  was  divided  into  provinces  (^irapx^o-i), 
conquered  areas  of  which  the  limits  depended  partly 
on  historical  facts,  but  also  on  geographical  features. 
These  provinces  fall  administrativclj'  into  two  classes  : 
(a)  those  to  which  the  Senate  sent  year  by  year  the 
governors  (proconsuls,  avdinraroi.,  Ac.  137),  much  as  it 
had  clone  in  repubhcan  days,  and  (b)  those  which  the 
EmiHTor  (as  if  proconsul  of  many  provinces  at  once) 
rulod  through  Ms  deputies,  hgati  Augusti  pro  prcetore, 
or,  in  the  case  of  certain  small  or  difficult  areas,  through 
agents  of  lesser  rank  than  the  legati,  called  procurators. 
or  (once  or  twice)  pra;fects.  The  distinction  between 
these  classes  of  provinces  and  administrators  is  im- 
portant to  the  Roman  historian  :  probably  it  affected 
the  provincials  less.  The  proconsuls  of  the  senatorial 
provinces  changed,  as  a  rule,  each  year  ;  the  legati 
and  procurators  often  remained  at  the  same  posts  for 
four,  five,  or  even  more  years,  and  must  have  had  more 
interest  in  their  work  ;  probably  the  imperial  pro- 
vinces were  better  administered  than  the  senatorial. 
But  legnti  and  proconsuls  were  ahke  chosen  from  the 
senatorial  order  ;  the  same  men  governed  successively 
both  classes  of  provinces,  (^nly  the  procurators  be- 
longed to  a  lower  social  order,  the  Knights  (Equites). 
who  corresponded  somewhat  to  our  business  and 
trading  classes.  It  does  not  seem  that  they  generally 
governed  worse  than  the  scnatoi-s,  but  many  of  the 
procurators  of  Judjea  were  exceptionally  bad  admim's- 
trators,  and  ruled  their  singularly  difficult  pro%ance 
with  singular  ill-success  ;  this  has  prejudiced  modern 
writers  against  the  procuratorial  governors  as  a  class. 

The  following  table  shows  the  main  details  of  the 
provincial  system  about  a.  p.  50  : 

EAST  WEST  (with  Africa) 

Achaia,  Sen.  Africa,  Sen. 

Asia,  Sen.  Alpes  Maritimse,  Imp.  (Proc). 

Bithynia,  Sen.  43  Britannia,  Imp. 

17  Cappadrtcia,  Imp.  {Proc).         Dalmatia,  Imp. 
Cyprus,  Sen.  Gallia    Karbonensis     (South 

Cvrene  and  Crete,  Sen.  Gaul),  Sen. 

Egypt,  Imp.  {Prcefect).  Gallia   Comata,   three   prov., 

Galatia     (including     Pisidia,  with  niilitarj- German  fron- 

Lycaonia,  etc.),  Imp.  tier.  Imp, 

6  Judrea,  Imp.   (Pioc.).     But       40   Mauretania,    tvio     prov., 

from  41  to  44  under  native  Imp.  {Proc). 

king.  Mcesia,  Imp. 

Macedonia,  Sen.  Noricura,  Imp.  (Proc.). 

Pamphylia   and   Lycia,   Imp.        Numidia.  Imp. 

But     Pamph.     (Proc.)    till        10  Pannonia,  Imp. 

after  50.  Rsetia,  Imp.  iProc). 

Syria  (incl.  Cilician  lowland),        Sardinia.  Iinp.  (Prcefect). 

Imp.  Sicily,  Sen. 

46  Thrace,  Imp.  (Proc).  Spain,  three  prov.,  one  Sen. 

two  Imp. 

Xote.— Alter  A.D.  50  few  serious  changes  occurred  till  about 
A.D.  100,  save  that  Cappadocia  after  A.D.  70  came  under  a  legatus 
Augusti  (mostly  with  Galatia),  and  some  provinces  were 
divided  into  Upper  and  Lower.  All  these  provinces  were 
annexed  before  14  B.C.,  save  those  which  have  figures  prefixed; 
these  were  annexed  at  the  dates  given,  A.D. 

5#n.  =  senatorial  province.        /jnj^.  =  imperial  prov.  (legati). 
Proc.  =  under  procurator  (imperial). 
Prcefect=    ,,      prcefectiis  .(do.) 

The  Roman  official  elements  in  the  provinces  were 
small,  in  all  probabihty  smaller  than  the  British  official 
elements  in  India  to-day.  They  consisted  of  the 
governor  and  his  personal  staff,  a  few  finance  officers 
(mostly  called  procurators),  and  various  attendant 
freedmen  and  slaves  who  acted  as  clerks,  collectors  of 
cu.stoms-ducs,  and  the  like.  There  were  also  in  most 
provinces  Roman  troops  in  garrison.  The  frontier 
districts  along  the  Rhine,  Danube,  and  Euphrates  and 
Britain  were  heavily  garrisoned  with  both  legions  and 
regiments  of  the  second  grade  (auxilia),  the  legions 
being  heavy  infantry,  the  auxilia  either  infantry 
(cohorts)  or  hoi-sc  {aloe).    Syria,  for  example,  had  four 


legions  and  numerous  auxilia.  Other  provinces  had 
only  a  few  auxilia  and  perhaps  some  local  levies,  or 
no  garrison  at  all.  Thus,  Judaea  was  held — not  very 
adequately — by  an  ala  and  four  or  five  cohorts,  raised 
in  the  province  from  the  non- Jewish  population,  and 
a  cohort  of  the  regular  army,  the  "  Itahan  band  "  of 
Ac.  lOi,  in  strict  Roman  parlance  cohors  Italica 
civitim  Roiuanorinn.  The  higher  officers  of  both 
legions  and  "  auxiharies  "  were  normally  (though  not 
invariably)  Itahan  bom,  and  were  all  Roman  citizens. 
The  legionarj^  common  soldiers  were  Roman  citizens, 
although — at  least  in  the  East — they  were  not  bj'  any 
means  all  Italian  bom ;  the  practice  in  recruiting  tho 
legions  varied,  however,  from  time  to  time.  The 
"  auxihary  "  common  soldiers  were  drawn  from  the 
subjects,  not  the  citizens,  of  Rome ;  they  got  the 
franchise  (citizenship)  on  discharge. 

No  effort  seems  to  have  been  made  to  plant  Roman 
officials  locally  in  charge  of  special  parts  of  the  pro- 
vinces ;  that  was  left  to  the  provincials  themselves 
(see  below).  But  legionary  centurions,  serving  as 
gendarmerie  officers,  took  occasional  charge  of  trouble- 
some towns  or  roads.  Centurions  were  also  used  to 
carry  despatches,  prisoners,  etc.,  between  the  pro- 
vinces and  Rome,  where,  under  tho  princeps  pere- 
grinorum.  an  elaborate  organisation  grew  up  ;  tins  seema 
to  be  meant  b^^  the  "  Augustan  band  "  in  Ac.  27 1. 

In  sum,  the  central  Roman  government,  though 
highly  organised,  was  imevenly  developed.  It  con- 
trolled the  city  of  Rome  ;  it  controlled  some  parts, 
but  not  all,  of  Itahan  hfe  ;  it  maintained  a  strong 
army,  chiefly  on  the  frontiers,  and  it  performed  certain 
duties  in  respect  to  the  vast  area  of  the  provinces. 
But  this  unevenness  of  function  was  not  due  to  want 
of  strength  or  narrowness  of  outlook.  In  what  it  did, 
as  in  what  it  left  alone,  it  followed  a  definite,  if  oppor- 
tunist, pohey,  and  its  omissions  can  best  be  judged  by 
considering  the  system  of  local  government  which  it 
encouraged. 

4.  Local  Government. — («)  Roman  civilisation,  even 
more  than  Greek,  was  based  on  town  hfe.  Italy,  with 
its  many  abmpt  and  isolated  hiUs,  was  geographically 
fashioned  to  be  the  motherland  of  hSl-settlemente, 
each  planted  out  of  the  reach  of  enemies,  and  out  of 
the  reach  (it  may  be)  of  the  malaria  which  haunted 
the  vaUey  bottoms,  each  fed  and  supported  by  tracts 
of  fertile  soil  in  those  same  valleys.  When  Rome, 
after  centuries  of  warfare,  became  mistress  of  Italy,  she 
found  herself  mistress  of  countless  towns  which  had 
before  been  independent.  She  then  discovered  (what 
the  Greeks  with  their  much-praised  Polis-system  failed 
to  find  out)  that  towns  may  remain  self-governing 
and  yet  be  members  of  a  larger  State.  For  the  pro- 
gress of  mankind  the  discovery  was  epochal,  and  it 
governed  all  future  Roman  expansion.  Italy,  at  the 
end  of  the  Rcpubhc  and  throughout  the  Empire,  waa 
almost  wholly  divided  up  among  towns.  Each  town 
had  roimd  it  a  small  territory  ;  sometimes  it  was  the 
territory  which  in  long-past  years  it  had  held  as  a 
free  statelet,  sometimes  land  given  it  in  imitation  of 
the  early  system.  Each  town  ruled  itself  and  its 
territory  by  its  municipal  senate  and  municipal  magis- 
trates within  the  hmits  of  a  written  charter,  taxed 
itself,  tried  its  own  offenders,  and  so  forth  ;  inter- 
ference came  from  Rome  only  when  some  great  scandal 
called  for  it.  So  in  A.n.  59,  when  the  townsfolk  of 
Nuccria  flocked  across  to  Pompeii  to  sec  a  gladiatorial 
show  and  the  Pompeians  fell  out  with  them  and  many 
Nucerians  were  killed,  after  a  consular  inqui^^•  gladia- 
torial games  were  forbidden  at  Pompeii  for  ten  years 
(Tacitus,  Ann.  i4i7).    The  magistrates  of  these  towns 


614 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    IN    THE   FIRST   CENTURY 


Bomctirut's  bore  titlea  which  thoir  predecessors  had  borne 
in  early  times — Praetor  or  Dictator  or  the  Uke  ;  but 
towards  the  end  of  the  RopubHc  uniformity  was  intro- 
duced, and  the  title  Duoviri  (or  Quattuorviri)  was 
adopted.  The  towns  themselves  fall  into  two  classes, 
ditlcring  historically  but  otherwise  much  the  same. 
Some  were  colonice,  new  settlements  of  Romans, 
often  plant<>d  full-grown  in  spots  where  no  town  or 
only  a  small  or  decayed  one  had  existed  before  ; 
others,  municifia,  grew  up  to  merit  a  charter. 

Both  classes  of  towns,  but  especially  the  first,  in- 
creased greatly  in  number  at  the  outset  of  the  Empire. 
The  civil  wars,  amid  which  the  Republic  died,  left 
huge  masses  of  ilischarged  soldiery  ;  at  Rome  (though 
not  perhaps  in  a  modem  State)  the  most  natural  way 
of  dealing  with  them  was  to  plant  them  out  on  lands 
of  their  own.  This  was  done  by  founding  colonice 
in  Italy,  and  also  in  the  provinces  ;  thus  the  veterans 
were  settled  in  peace,  outposts  of  Roman  power  were 
Bet  up  in  distant  and,  in  some  cases,  newly-conquered 
regions,  and  centres  of  Roman  speech  and  fashions 
sprang  up  in  the  most  diverse  quarters.  Most  of  these 
cdonioe  were  in  the  western  provinces.  But  not  a 
few  lay  in  the  East  ;  Corinth,  Philippi  in  Macedonia, 
Alexandria  Troas,  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  Lystra,  were 
all  established  within  the  lifetime  of  Augustus  in  the 
area  of  Pauls  missionary  journeys.  Thus  Roman 
town  Ufo  spread  to  the  provinces.  The  result  was 
greatest  in  the  West,  not  only  because  colonics  were 
most  numerous  there,  but  because  the  native  tribes 
there  were  readiest  to  receive  the  new  fashion,  and 
because  Rome  was  near.  In  the  East,  the  Hellenistic 
culture  derived  from  Hellas  was  still  strong,  and  the 
isolated  colonice,  whether  on  the  coast  or  (like 
Antioch  and  Lystra)  remote  on  the  interior  plateau  of 
Asia  Minor,  soon  lost  much  of  their  Roman  colouring. 
But  they  remained  independent  ;  they  greeted  inter- 
fering proconsuls  and  hgati  as  an  English  city  might 
an  inspector  from  the  Local  Govemnient  Board. 

(b)  Just  as  the  Roman  municipalities  formed  locally 
autonomous  units  in  the  Empire,  so  the  native  towns 
in  the  provinces  enjoyed  ample  measure  of  self-govern- 
ment. These  towns  lay  mostly  in  the  East.  In  the 
West,  in  Britain,  Gaul,  Spain,  the  government  of  the 
natives  before  the  Roman  conijuest  had  generally 
been  tribal,  and  the  town  life  which  sprang  up  (after 
the  conquest)  was  mainly  that  of  colonice.  But  in 
the  East  were  Greek  towns,  many  and  rich  and  powerful, 
and  accustomed  through  centuries  to  some  fonn  of 
independence.  Rome  allowed  these  towns  to  retain 
municipal  freedom ;  she  did  not  despatch  Roman 
commissioners  to  administer  them.  Generally,  she 
required  that  the  urban  franchise  should  bo  put  fairly 
high  and  the  poorer  classes  excluded  from  direct 
control  ;  she  further  concluded  agreements  with  the 
individual  towns  or  granted  them  charters  stating  their 
rights  ;  thereafter,  she  interfered  only  in  case  of  special 
scandals.  The  towns  wore  ruled  by  their  own  magis- 
trates, taxed  themselves,  built  their  own  waterworks 
and  other  municipal  establishments,  had  their  own 
law-courts  (though  not  allowed  to  Bentenco  to  death  or 
to  try  Roman  citizens),  issued  their  own  coinage,  at 
least  in  copj)er,  and  so  forth.  In  minutiic,  the  charters 
of  the  towns  seem  to  have  varied  much.  Athens,  for 
example,  was  nominally  a  "  free "  city.  There  the 
chief  power  lay  with  the  Areopagus,  the  old  aristo- 
cratic court,  a  good  deal  reconstituted  ;  this  controlled 
the  law  courts,  education,  religion,  public  buildings, 
and  (with  a  somewhat  shadowy  Boule  and  Demos) 
managed  the  city's  general  business  ;  it  is  probable 
that  it  was  this  Areopagus  which  inquired  (perhaps 


informally)  into  Paul's  teaching  (Ac.  1722).  Thi% 
municipal  freedom  had  ita  evils.  Even  in  the  reign  of 
Augustus  Athens  used  its  liberty  to  "  declare  war  "  on 
Rome,  and  in  the  second  and  third  centuries  financial 
mismanagement  drove  t  he  Roman  Government  to  more 
definite  interference  with  towns  of  all  sorts,  Roman  or 
(.'reek.  But  in  our  period  the  dominant  policy  was 
that  of  Gallio. 

(c)  In  the  wilder  and  less  civilised  regions  of  the 
Empire,  where  native  towns  did  not  exist  andc/oni'oB 
could  not  be  planted,  the  unit  of  local  government  was 
the  native  tribe  (as  in  KW.  Spain,  Britain,  Dalmatia), 
though,  as  time  went  on,  efforts  were  made  to  start 
town  fife  here  also.  The  island  of  Malta,  for  example, 
seems,  at  the  time  of  Paul's  shipwreck,  to  have  been  a 
kind  of  '■  Rural  District,"  under  a  "  Headman  of  the 
Maltese  "  (n-pwros  MfXirata^i')  ;  later,  before  A.D.  200, 
its  capital,  Melite,  was  raised  to  the  status  of  muni- 
cipium,  and  ruled  the  island  as  its  territory, 

((/)  A  fourth  form  of  local  admJnistraton  was  fur- 
nished by  the  Imperial  Estates,  belonging  to  and 
administered  by  the  Emperor  ex  officio,  through  the 
agency  of  procurators.  These  were,  even  in  the  early 
Empire,  of  great  extent  in  certain  provinces  ;  later  they 
increased  enormoush'.  They  were,  however,  mostly 
rough  rural  districts,  and  their  importance,  and  that 
of  the  system  by  which  they  were  ruled,  only  appears 
late  in  the  Empires  history. 

(e)  Lastly,  attention  is  due  to  a  class  of  territorial 
divisions  which  were,  in  one  sense,  outside  the  Empire, 
the  Protectorates.  Rome — hke  all  empires,  and  more 
than  most — had,  besides  directly  annexed  dominions, 
many  protectorates  and  spheres  of  influence.  Her 
statesmen  thought  it  easier,  her  financiers  found  it 
more  lucrative,  to  rule  certain  lands  through  their  s 
native  princes  ;  during  the  later  Republic  this  device  I 
had  been  used  freely,  and  though  the  Emperors  | 
gradually  annexed  nearly  all  these  protected  princi- 
pahties,  they  were  stUl  common  in  the  first  century. 
They  lay  almost  wholly  in  the  East ;  they  were  frag- 
ments and  debris  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  Macedonian 
successors  of  Alexander  (Scleucids,  Ptolemies,  etc.), 
and  many  of  their  inilei-s  were  descendants  of  those 
men.  Both  in  size  and  in  indci)endcnce  the  protec- 
torates varied  much  ;  generally,  their  foreign  pohcy 
was  subject  to  Rome,  their  right  to  coin  hmited  to 
copper ;  they  w  ere  liable  to  tribute,  and  while  they 
might  raise  their  own  armies,  they  were  or  might  be 
called  on  to  send  troops  to  servo  for  Rome.  Herod 
the  Great  (."57-4  B.c.)  was  .so  tied  down  in  Judjea,  as 
to  bo  styled  "  an  imperial  procurator  in  his  own 
kingdom."'  The  rulers  of  these  states  formed  a  curious 
class  ;  thej'  intermarried  mostly  among  themselves, 
rarely  with  Romans  ;  they  got  education  and  training 
at  Rome  and  .sympathised  with  Hellenistic  and  (if  only 
from  prudence)  with  Roman  fashions,  and  yet  re- 
tained much  of  Oriental  feeling.  They  helped  towards 
the  Romanisation  of  certain  districts,  but  their  cliief 
function  was  to  save  Rome  from  the  labour  of  the  local 
administration  of  their  principalities. 

5.  Position  of  the  Individual:  Physical  Freedom.— 
The  system  of  the  Roman  Kmjiire  not  only  left  the 
individual  (whether  Roman  citizen  or  mere  Roman 
subject)  unmolested  by  State  interference  and  able  (to 
a  certain  extent)  to  govern  himself;  it  also  allowed 
him  personal  liberty  in  various  ways.  («)  In  taxation 
and  financial  matters.  He  had,  of  course,  to  p.iy  his 
rates  and  taxes,  imperial  and  local.  But  local  taxation 
could  be  controlled  locally,  and  the  imperial  taxes 
(poll-tax,  land-tax,  customs  dues,  and  so  forth)  seem 
in  general — at  least  during  the  early  Empire — to  have 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE  IN   THE  FIRST   CENTURY 


615 


been  paid  easily  ;  the  complicated  and  varying  methods 
of  im'perial  taxation  seem  also  to  have  worked  well. 
The  tithe-system,  which  had  been  the  curse  of  Sicily 
and  Asia  during  the  later  RcpubUc,  had  been  abolished  ; 
the  middlemen  (puUicani),  who  farmed  these  and  other 
pubUc  taxes  from  the  State,  had  Ijccn  also  abolished  or 
muzzled.  Now,  the  provii^ces  or  other  local  units,  as 
a  rule,  collected  their  own  contributions  and  sent  what 
was  due  to  Rome.  Or,  if  the  Roman  Government  col- 
lected its  taxes  through  its  own  agents,  those  were 
now  natives  rather  than  Italians.  The  numcroas  tax- 
gatherers  (reXCovai)  mentioned  in  the  gospels  (Mt.  9i2, 
Lk.  530,  etc.)  as  employed  in  Judaea,  were  contractors 
in  some  way  employed  by  the  Roman  Government, 
but  they  were  natives  of  Palestine  ;  many  of  them,  like 
Matthew  and  Zacchreus,  were  ordinary  Jews.  The 
hatred  felt  for  them  bj^  the  Jews  seems  to  have  been 
caused,  not  so  much  by  the  heavmess  of  the  taxes, 
nor  even  by  their  occasional  rapacity  (Lk.  812),  as  by 
the  strong  Jewish  feehng  against  any  tax  save  that 
payable  to  the  Temple  for  the  needs  of  the  Jewish 
national  rehgion.  Certainly  the  Roman  avoided  here — 
as  in  Egypt,  where  a  similar  system  apparently  ob- 
tained— any  friction  between  Italian  official  and  native 
taxpayer,  and  the  personal  security  of  the  provincial 
must  have  been  in  this  respect  much  greater  than  imder 
the  Repubhc.  He  had,  indeed,  to  deal  with  the  im- 
perial ofiicials  when  he  took  merchandise  across  a 
provincial  border,  but  the  dues  levied — mostly  2  to  5 
per  cent,  ad  valorem — were  hght,  and  in  any  case  fell 
only  on  a  few. 

(6)  The  provincial  had  much  freedom,  too,  in  respect 
of  mihtary  service.  The  Government  had  the  right  to 
raise  compulsory  levies,  even  of  Roman  citizens.  But 
it  did  so  seldom.  The  prospects  of  a  military  life,  and 
the  rewards  which  followed  it  (citizenship  and  a  bounty 
or  land),  attracted  men  even  into  the  less  favoured 
auxilia,  and,  except  perhaps  in  some  districts  or  in 
emergencies,  the  army  was  recruited  voluntarily.  Jews 
were  altogether  exempt  from  service,  probably  because 
the  Mishna  forbade  them  to  bear  arms  on  the  Sabbath  ; 
this  is  one  of  the  many  exceptions  made  by  Rome  in 
favour  of  a  pecuUar  and  obstinate  people  (see  below). 

(c)  Nor,  again,  did  Rome  attempt  to  coerce  in  the 
matter  of  language.  The  demands  of  modem  European 
Grovemments,  that  their  subjects,  of  whatever  race, 
should  all  use  the  "  Staatsspracho,'"  were  unknown  in 
Rome.  Roman  colonice,  whether  in  Italy  or  in  a 
province,  were  supposed  to  employ  Latin  in  all  official 
business,  and  many  did  so  ;  we  chance  to  know  that 
the  streets  in  the  eastern  colonia  of  Pisidian  Antioch 
bore  Roman  names.  But  Latin  had  no  monopoly, 
at  least  in  provinces  where  the  natural  language  was 
Greek.  Indeed,  for  general  purposes,  Greek  served  as  a 
lingua  franca  through  the  East  (p.  591);  it  could  be 
spoken  even  in  dealings  with  Roman  officials  (Ac.  2I37). 
Nor  was  Greek  the  only  aUemative  to  Latin.  In 
many  regions,  the  native  dialects  lingered  on  throughout 
the  early  Empire  (so  in  Lystra.  cf.  Ac.  15ii,  though 
a  Roman  colonia),  and  even  till  the  fall  of  Roman 
power.  This  was  notably  the  ease  in  inner  Asia 
Minor  and  in  the  mountains  of  northern  Africa  ;  so 
in  lonely  valleys  of  the  Western  Pjrrenees  Basque  has 
lived  on  to  our  own  days.  The  use  of  these  native 
dialects  was  naturally  confined  mostly  to  the  poorer 
folk,  but  they  occur  occasionally  on  inscriptions.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  at  all 
necessary  that  a  private  person  who  held  the  Roman 
citizenship  should  be  able  to  speak  or  read  Latin. 

(d)  No  restrictions  were  put  on  the  power  of  the 
individual  to  move  up  and  down  the  Empire.     Persons 


who  seemed  undesirable — philosophers  and  the  like — 
were  now  and  again  expelled  from  Rome  {cf.  Ac.  I82) ; 
otherwise,  men  might  go  and  might  dwell  where  they 
would.  Passports  do  not  appear  to  have  been  ro- 
(juircd,  nor  even  certificates  of  Roman  citizenship ; 
when  I'aul  claimed  citizens  rights,  the  claim  was 
admitted  without  demur  (Ac.  IG37,  2225).  He  seems, 
however,  to  have  avoided  claiming  them  when  he 
could  help  it. 

PubUc  security,  too,  was  adequately,  if  not  com- 
pletely, assured,  at  least  during  the  early  Empire. 
Highwaymen  were  certainly  not  imcomraon,  particu- 
larly in  the  eastern  provinces,  as  (among  other  proofs) 
about  a  dozen  passages  in  the  XT  indicate.  Yet  even 
here  pubhc  safety  was  better  cared  for  than  at  any 
later  date.  The  State  pro\nded  centurions  at  special 
points  (see  above),  and  the  towns  had  not  seldom 
their  local  pohce.  Characteristically  enough,  no  uni- 
form or  universal  system  was  attempted.  But  he 
who  compares  the  internal  order  and  security  of  the 
Roman  provinces  under  the  early  Empire  with  those  of 
the  same  lands  in  the  early  nineteenth  century,  will 
not  judge  the  Empire  harshly. 

Ordinary  facihties  for  travelling  were  not  wanting. 
Roads  were  good  and  plentiful  in  most  districts.  Inna 
also  were  common,  and,  though  bad,  were  hardly 
more  sordid  or  more  immoral  than  inns  in  parta  of 
Europe  to-day.  Travellers,  however,  often  lodged 
with  friends  or  with  strangers  to  whom  they  brought 
introductions  ;  there  is  e^-idence  that  (as  we  should 
expect)  they  generally  requited  their  hosts  with  some 
form  of  payment.  Carriages,  too,  could  be  hired  in 
most  places,  whether  for  the  afternoon  or  for  a  long 
tour — as  in  southern  Europe  to-day.  Quite  a  number 
of  cab-companies  can  be  traced  in  and  round  Rome, 
and  indeed  in  many  other  regions.  But  many  travellers 
naturally  used  their  own  coaches,  hke  eighteenth- 
century  travellers  ;  many  went  afoot  and  sent  by  cart 
such  luggage  as  they  had.  For  sea  passages,  which  few 
long  joumej^s  in  the  Empire  could  wholly  avoid,  there 
was  less  regular  provision.  But  if  the  Mediterranean 
was  stormy,  it  was  now  fairly  free  from  pirates,  and 
shipping  was  abvmdant  and  accustomed  to  carrying 
passengers.  Opportunities  of  booking  a  passage  from 
any  large  maritime  trading  centre  to  any  other  were 
frequent. 

The  pace  at  which  men  or  letters  moved  varied 
enormously.  The  land  marches  attributed  to  Hannibal 
(150  miles  of  trackless  country  in  12  hours),  to  Tiberius 
(200  miles  of  liill  and  forest  in  24  hours),  to  Cajsar 
(800  miles  in  8  days),  are  but  the  extraordinary  achieve- 
ments of  extraordinary  men  ;  they  exhibit  tlie  extreme 
of  speed.  The  average  land-traveller  has  been  esti- 
mated to  have  rarely  covered  50  miles  in  the  day, 
and  to  have  generally  been  content  with  25  milea. 
The  average  ship  was  judged  by  the  ancients  to  run 
in  favourable  conditions  110-150  knots  (say,  115- 
170  miles)  in  the  24  hours.  But  nearly  everything 
depended  on  the  season.  The  Mediterranean,  accord- 
ing to  ancient  ideas,  was  storm-bound  from  early 
Noveral>er  till  March,  and  was  easily  navigable  only 
from  the  end  of  May  till  the  middle  of  September, 
while  the  land-passes  of  the  Alps,  the  Taurus,  and  many 
less  famous  uplands  were  shut  or  dangerous  through 
the  winter  and  spring.  The  summer  journey  from 
Rome  to  Alexandria,  mostly  by  sea,  took  usually  20  to 
25  days,  though  Pliny  declares  that  one  Roman  oflicer 
got  from  Piiteoli  to  Alexandria  (ll.'iO  miles)  in  9  days 
and  another  from  Messina  in  G  days — figures  which  are 
credible  if  the  ships  had  fair  winds  all  the  way.  The 
summer  journey  from  Alexandria  to  Rome  w  as  longer. 


616 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  IN  THE  FIRST  CENTURY 


Lj'  reason  of  prevailing  west  winds.  The  winter 
journey,  mostly  overland,  might  last  8  to  10  weeks,  or 
even  more.  Pauls  voyage  (Ac.  27i).i2)  was  so  hindered 
by  west  winds  and  other  obstacles  that  it  became  pro- 
lunged  into  the  stormy  season.  In  general,  the  cir- 
cumstances of  season,  weather,  means  of  transport, 
and  the  needs  or  wishes  of  the  traveller  varied  so 
widely  that  one  example  of  travel  throws  little  light 
on  any  other. 

These  various  considerations  make  it  intelligible  that 
movement  was  verj'  free  throughout  Mediterranean 
lands  during  the  Empire.  And  the  freedom  was  used. 
Not  only  officials,  soldiers,  merchants — no  doubt  the 
most  frequent  travellers — but  also  a  motley  host  of 
lecturers  on  philosophy  and  religion  and  Uterature, 
cjuack-healers,  musicians,  and  players  and  athletes, 
pilgrims  to  sacred  places  or  health  resorts,  students, 
passed  along  the  highways,  safe  and  indeed  unnoticed. 
Tourists  even  were  not  unknown  ;  they  cut  their 
names  on  the  Pyramids  and  '"  heard  Memnon "  at 
dawn  in  llgypt,  mucli  as  a  modem  crowd  might  watch 
sunrise  at  Stonehenge. 

6.  Intellectual  and  Rellglovis  Liberty. — In  harmony 
with  this  imperial  policy,  the  citizens  and  the  subjects 
of  Rome  enjoyed  almost  entire  hberty  to  think  and 
believe  what  they  liked.  The  most  diverse  opinions 
were  held  and  promulgated,  unhindered  by  the  State. 
The  old  Roman  religion — a  national  ritual  rather  than 
a  personal  creed  or  spiritual  experience — still  survived  ; 
it  had  even  been  strengthened  by  the  reforms  of 
Augustus  and  it  was  enlarged  by  the  new  "  worship  of 
the  emperors."  But  the  educated 'sceptics  of  Rome 
made  terms  with  it  easily,  and  in  the  provinces  it 
spread  freely  ;  its  gods  were  already  those  of  Greece, 
and  it  amalgamated  rapidly  with  the  native  cults  of 
the  West,  Celtic,  German,  African.  Troubles  arose 
only  where  politics  or  morals  were  involved,  when 
Asiatic  or  Egyptian  orgiastic  rites  intruded  on  Roman 
manners,  or  when  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman 
religion  or  of  the  Roman  Emperor  seemed  to  be  denied. 
Even  so,  restrictive  measures  were  mainly  confined 
to  Rome  or  Italy  ;  the  obnoxious  rites  were  forbidden 
in  Rome  or  to  Roman  citizens.  We  know  only  of 
one  famous  cult  which  never  reached  Rome,  yet  was 
prohibited.  Early  in  the  first  century  a.d.  Druidism 
was  forbidden,  first  to  Roman  citizens,  and  afterwards 
to  all  men  ;  the  barbaric  rites  ascribed  to  it — human 
sacrifices  and  magic — offended  Roman  sentiment,  and 
it  was  put  down,  as  Suttee  in  British  India.  Apart 
from  this  case,  the  chief  difficulties  arose  with  the 
Jews.  They  were  rigid  nationalists  and  logical  mono- 
thcist.s.  They  dwelt,  both  in  Rome  and  in  the  pro- 
vincial towns,  in  small  communities  distinct  from 
ordinary  mankind.  They  adhered  strictly  to  their 
national  customs.  They  were  also  money-lenders. 
Such  facts  caused  (as  to-day  in  certain  parts  of  Europe) 
not  a  few  "  Judenkrawallo."  Moreover,  the  difficulty 
of  ruling  them  in  their  own  land  of  Judoea  prejudiced 
the  Government  against  them.  Nevertheless,  they 
received  much  liberty.  They  might  settle  where  they 
pleased  (apart  from  special  expulsions  from  Rome  in 
A.D.  19  and  perhaps  about  a.d.  50,  Ac.  18::),  might 
open  synagogues  and  convert  proselytes,  and  they 
were  excused  or  excluded  from  military  service.  In 
Judaja  their  prejudices  were  respected  in  many  details 
(no  emperor's  head  on  coins,  no  Romans  in  the  Temple, 
no  imperial  emlilenis  in  Jerusalem),  and  they  enjoyed 
a  rather  unusual  autonomy  ui\der  their  priestly  council 
(Sanhedrin),  instead  of  a  city  senate  of  laymen.  But 
intermittent  Roman  blunders  and  crimes  faced  by 
unvarying  Jewish  fanaticism  brought  on  regular  war 


in  67-70  (p.  610) ;  as  a  result,  the  Temple  v.as  destroyed, 
the  Temple  tribute  (half  a  shekel  from  each  Jew)  traas- 
ferred  to  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  the  Sanhedrin  abohshed, 
and  the  Jewish  priestly  administration  ended.  Yet 
even  then  Jewish  worship  was  not  forbidden  to  Jews, 
either  in  Palestine  or  elsewhere  ;  the  general  policy, 
poUtical  and  rehgious  tolerance  of  the  individual,  was 
continued. 

Christianity  had  a  different  fate.  It  was  indeed  a 
different  religion.  It  was  the  creed  of  scattered  men, 
not  of  a  recognised  community  ;  it  challenged  (as  the 
Jewish  custom  did  not)  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman 
State  worship  and  of  the  Emperor  ;  it  was  widely 
believed  to  involve  practices  far  more  detestable  to 
Roman  sentiment  than  any  Jewish  nte.  Till,  how- 
ever, it  spread  to  Rome,  it  received  the  usual  tolerance, 
the  usual  protection  against  not  infrequent  rioters. 
It  seems  to  have  reached  Rome  before  Pauls  arrival 
(?  A.D.  01);  after  that,  it  doubtless  spread  fast; 
it  was  then  already  unpopular  among  the  common 
people.  The  great  fire  of  A.D.  64  brought  a  change. 
The  Emperor  Nero  found  himself  widely  regarded  as 
the  author  of  that  catastrophe,  and  tried  to  shift  the 
suspicion  on  to  the  Christians  ;  it  was,  he  said  in 
effect,  a  Christian  plot.  The  attack  speedily  widened 
to  the  supposed  vices  of  the  Christians  ;  they  were 
denounced  as  the  enemies  of  morality  and  religion,  of 
the  Roman  State  and  of  the  worship  of  the  Emperor, 
and  were  virtually  outlawed.  This  seems  to  have 
been  done,  not  by  "any  definite  judicial  decision,  but 
by  the  right  inherent  in  the  Roman  magistrate  to 
destroy  men  or  things  dangerous  to  the  State.  Once 
thus  proscribed,  the  Christians  remained — as  Chris- 
tians— liable  to  arrest  and  death  when  the  officials 
cared  to  move.  It  is  possible,  indeed,  that  the  out- 
lawry had  two  stages,  that  in  64  the  Christians  were 
punished  as  being  evil-livers  and  not  as  Christians, 
and  that  at  a  later  date  (about  80,  maybe,  or  85)  the 
very  "  name  "  of  Christian  was  marked  as  criminal. 

But  the  evidence  for  two  stages  is  weak ;  it  is 
simpler  to  think  that  the  events  of  64  stamped  Chris- 
tianity once  for  all  as  forbidden.  In  any  case,  when 
in  112-13  Pliny  encountered  Christians  in  Bithynia 
(where  he  was  special  commissioner),  and  consultecl  the 
Emperor  Trajan  as  to  his  proper  course,  neither  he 
nor  Trajan  hesitated  to  affirm  that  proven  Christians 
should  be  punished  as  Christians.  Details  only  were 
at  issue — should  the  Christians  be  hunted  out,  should 
anonymous  accusations  be  received  ?  —  to  w  hich 
Trajan's  answer  is  in  the  negative.  So  it  remained  for 
two  centuries.  When  a  Christian  revealed  himself  by 
refusing  the  ceremonial  religious  homag*?  to  the 
Emperor,  when  privato  foes  informed,  when  one  or 
another  Emperor  ordered  definite  "'  persecution,"  the 
number  of  the  raaityi-s  was  enlarged.  But  this  was 
not  every  day.  Opportunist  to  the  last,  the  Roman 
Government  judged  that  this  odd  sect,  with  its  secret 
meetings  (more  secret  than  ever,  probably,  after  64), 
its  denials  of  the  Roman  State  and  Emperor,  its 
alleged  crimes,  must  be  prohibited,  but  that  prohibition 
sufficed  ;  there  was  no  need  to  be  continually  seeking 
occasion  to  enforce  it.  So  have  ]>]nglish  adminis- 
trators often  acted  in  practical  matters — without  logic 
and  with  success.  This  opportunism  permitted  the 
spread  of  the  new  religion  in  the  form  which  beat 
appealed  to  the  much-vexed  peoples  of  the  falhng 
Empire  and  ensured  its  final  triumph.  (See  further 
pp.  G31,  774f.) 

In  such  a  world,  free,  on  the  whole  well  governed, 
peaceful,  divorced  by  the  imperial  system  from  poli- 
tical   activity,    prosperous,    even    rich,    the    intellect 


THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE   IN   THE   FIRST   CENTURY 


617 


naturally  awoke.  Its  life  was  wide,  not  deep.  In- 
terest in  literature  was  general.  Attendance  at  lec- 
tures was  as  socially  fashionable  as  it  is  in  any  great 
town  of  modern  Europe  or  America.  Even  women 
are  often  mentioned  as  readers  and  critics,  as  author- 
esses, as  students  of  abstract  subjects,  philosophy 
and  mathematics,  as  only  too  ready  to  talk  on  these 
things  at  social  gatherings.  Schools,  endowments  for 
education — in  favour  of  both  those  who  were  to  be 
educated  and  those  who  were  to  teach — local  libraries, 
were  common  ;  probably  even  the  lower  classes  knew 
generally  how  to  read  and  write.  For  higher  studies, 
.\thens  served  as  a  University,  while  travelling  lecturers 
jirovided  a  fortuitous  but  wide-spread  "  University 
Extension  "  and  made  a  living  out  of  it.  Research 
too  was  pursued,  more  perhaps  in  the  second  than  in 
the  fii-st  century  ;  Pliny's  encyclopedic  Natural 
History  was,  however,  completed  in  a.d.  77.  Un- 
fortunately, the  prevailing  ignorance  of  chemistry,  etc., 
and  the  low  standard  of  historical  truth  in  matters  of 
detail,  frastrated  the  growth  of  any  profound  re- 
search. With  this  intellectual  life  went  inevitably 
much  religious  curiosity.  Besides  the  existing  re- 
hgions,  Roman  or  provincial  native,  new  sects  sprang 
vip,  new  teachers  put  themselves  forward.  Magicians 
professed  occult  powers  and  enjoyed  a  profitable 
career  in  many  towns,  aa  the  NT  abundantly  testifies. 
Astrology,  which  predicts  the  fated  future  (without 
altering  it  by  magic)  was  equally  studied.  In  religion 
and  its  kindred  activities,  however,  just  as  in  research, 
the  second  century  was  more  fruitful  than  the  first ; 
the  great  worships  of  the  Empire  which  at  times 
rivalled  Christianity,  IMithraism  (p.  (332)  and  the  hke, 
began  to  appear  after  the  NT  period  was  ended.  They, 
like  it,  owed  much  of  their  influence  and  power  to  the 
readiness  of  the  age  to  receive  new  incitements  to 
mental  and  spiritual  activity  (pp.  627ff.). 


Literature. —  For  the  history  of  the  period  see  H.  F, 
Pelham's  Outlines  of  Roman  Hi'lory  and,  for  a  longer 
but  older  narrative.  Dean  Merivalc's  Ilist.  of  the 
Rovuins  under  the  Empire  (chs.  xxx.if.).  For  the 
constitution,  see  Pelham,  as  above,  and  Mommscn's 
Staatsrecht  (French  translation).  For  the  Roman 
provinces  see  Momrasen's  Provinces  of  the  Roman 
Empire  •,  and  for  the  system  of  government  Marquardt'a 
Staatsveru-nltwng  or  W.  T.  Arnolds  Roman  Provincial 
Administration '  (old  but  still  useful).  General  in- 
tellectual and  social  conditions  are  described  by 
Friedlandcr,  Sittenge^chichie^  (1910,  also  in  English 
translation),  and  Dill,  Roman  Society  from  Nero  to 
Marcus  Aurelius.  Many  points  connected  with  Asia 
Minor,  Paul  and  Luke  are  strikingly  discussed  by  Sir 
W.  Mitchell  Ramsay  in  his  many  writings,  esp. 
Tlie  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire  and  St.  Paul  the 
Traveller  a7id  Roman  Citizen  ;  he  is  the  first  who  has 
given  a  really  scholarly  handling  to  NT  problems  con- 
cerned with  Roman  administration  and  history.  For 
the  attitude  of  Rome  to  Christianity  sec  a  convem'ent 
summary  in  E.  G.  Hardy's  Studies  in  Roman  History 
(vol.  L  pp.  1-107).  Mommsen's  remarks  on  the  sub- 
ject, as  well  as  on  the  trial  of  Christ  and  on  various 
questions  cormected  with  Paul,  are  in  his  Gesammdte 
Schriften,  iii.  389fE.  and  vi.  540£F.  (compare  Exp. 
1893).  On  the  speed  of  travel  see  esp.  W.  M. 
Ramsay  in  HDB,  voL  5,  "  Roads  and  Travel,"  which 
has  not  been  superseded  by  Pwiepl's  Nachrichtenwesen 
ini  Alterium  ;   cf.  also  Friedlander  (as  above),  vol.  ii 

A  few  special  references  may  be  added.  As  to  the 
quinquennium  Neronis  (p.  612),  sec  Journal  of  Roman 
Studies,  pp.  173,  178  (where  I  have  suggested  a.d.  60-65 
as  the  date  of  it).  As  to  the  knowledge  of  reading  and 
writing  (p.  617),  see  Haverfield,  Rnmanization  of  Roman 
Britain^,  chap.  iii.  and  figs.  2-6.  As  to  Dniidism 
(p.  616),  see  Suet.  Claud.  25  ad  Jin. ;  Pliny,  N.  H.  30, 13. 


20  a 


CONTEMPORARY  JEWISH  RELIGION 


By  Mr.  CLAUDE  G.  MONTEFIOUE 


The  purposci  of  this  essay  is  to  state  what  tho  best 
people  and  the  average  people  among  the  Jews  thought 
and  felt  about  roUgious  matters  in  the  time  of  Jesus. 
"  The  Ix'st  people,"  becaust^  one  learns  most  about  a 
religion  from  ita  saints;  "  tho  average  people,"  be- 
cause we  want  to  know  how  far  reUgion  penetrated, 
and  what  were  tho  defects  of  its  qualities.  Our 
material  is  found  in  the  writings  of  the  time ;  and 
these,  even  when  we  take  the  wider  period  50  B.C. 
to  A.D.  50,  are  not  numerous.  They  fall  into  two 
parts :  (o)  Jewish,  {b)  Christian.  The  Jewish  Utcra- 
ture  is  Apocryphal,  Pseudepigraphic,  Apocalyptic,  and 
Rabbinic.  Of  tho  last-named  there  is  very  little 
which  is  as  early  as  a.d.  1  or  even  a.d.  50  ;  the  other 
groups  have  to  be  used  with  caution,  because  their 
date  is  uncertain.  They  exist  only  in  translations, 
and  we  do  not  know  how  far  their  teachings  were  held 
outside  the  circle  of  their  authors.  The  Christian 
Hterature  (Paul's  Epistles  and  the  Synoptic  Gospels, 
or  at  least  their  antecedents)  also  demands  cautious 
reading,  because  its  authors  lived  in  a  time  of  conflict 
and  passion  which  naturally  coloured  their  views  of 
the  reUgious  situation. 

Let  us  remember,  too,  that  the  period  a.d.  1-100 
was  in  a  peculiar  sense  a  time  of  transition.  We  have 
to  do  not  with  a  final  and  petrified  product,  but  with 
a  hving,  palpitating  religion,  affected  by  inner  and 
outer  forces.  The  Jewish  rehgion  of  the  first  century 
was  not  something  whoso  development  had  closed,  and 
wliich  was  to  serse  as  the  background  of  primitive 
Cliristianity,  and  then  to  stagnate  and  die.  Judaism 
went  on  alongside  of  Christianity,  and  is  still  a  living 
religion,  very  different  from  the  Judaism  of  tho  first 
century  (as  the  Christianity  of  our  day  differs  from 
primitive  Christianity),  yet  still  the  same  religion. 
\Vhat  makes  the  first  century  especially  transitional 
for  Judaism  is  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  State  and 
the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  events  which  vitally  affected 
the  development  of  the  religion.  Some  of  the  defects 
of  the  religion  in,  say,  the  year  30  were  overcome  by 
Judaism  itself  in  one  way,  by  Christianity  in  another. 
We  cannot  be  too  careful  in  estimating  a  growing  and 
living  religion,  eppecially  if  it  be  not  our  own. 

Lot  us  start  by  seeking  to  realise  the  fundamental 
dogma  and  life-nerve  of  the  entire  religion,  the  great 
achievement  of  its  past  history,  the  doctrine  common 
to  Palestinian  Judaism  and  to  "  Diaspora  "  Judaism, 
to  Aramaic-sjjeaking  Jews  and  to  Greek-speaking 
Jews,  to  Galileans  and  Juda-ans  (concerning  whose 
real  or  imagined  differcnces  from  each  other  it  will  not 
be  possible  in  this  brief  essaj-  to  speak).  That,  obvi- 
ously, is  the  doctrine  of  monotheism,  the  doctrine  of 
the  One  and  Only  God.  In  their  faith  in  a  single 
supreme  God — in  a  denial  of  "  gods,"  in  an  affirmation 
of  God — all  tho  Jews,  saint,  average  man,  and  oven 
sinner,  were  agreed. 


The  labours  of  the  prophets  and  lawgivers  in  this 
fundamental  doctrine  had  been  crowned  with  success. 
It  was  a  great  acliievement,  but  its  precise  nature  must 
Ixj  more  fully  described.  It  was  a  reUgious,  not  a 
philosophical,  achievement.  The  One  and  Only  God 
was  not  a  philosophers'  God,  though  some  might  con- 
ceive Him  more  or  less  philosophicallj'.  But  He  wa.s 
essentially  the  same  God  for  all — a  God  of  religion  ; 
a  Creator  and  Ruler,  who  was  supposed  to  think  and 
feel  and  will  and  do  ;  a  God  who  cared  and  loved, 
who  "  rejoiced  "  and  "  grieved,"  who  rewarded  and 
punished  and  forgave.  A  very  "  human "  God  ? 
Perhaps  so,  but  j-et  strictly  One,  the  sole  Deity  in  all 
the  world.  A  very  "personal"  God?  Certainly; 
but  also  a  Gcd  of  "  spirit,  not  of  "  flesh  and  blood," 
a  formless  and  shapeless  God,  of  whom  no  image  or 
picture  or  material  representation  of  any  kind  might 
be  adored  or  even  made.  A  God,  again,  who  was 
both  near  and  far.  Older  and  newer  conceptions  were 
imperfectly  fused,  but,  here  as  elsewhere,  the  imperfect 
fusion,  with  the  inconsistencies  thence  arising,  was  not 
consciously  realised.  In  a  sense,  God  was  especially 
near  to,  or  even  "  in,"  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem  ;  in 
a  sense.  He  dwelt  in  "  heaven  "  ;  but,  in  a  sense.  He 
was  omnipresent.  Whatever  His  dwelling-place.  He 
was  near  to  all  who  called  upon  Him,  able  to  see  all 
that  was  done  on  earth,  and  to  hear  and  attend  to 
every  cry.  A  great,  mighty,  and  awful  God ;  omni- 
potent, sovereign,  supreme  ;  but  a  righteous  and  loving 
God  also,  merciful,  compassionate,  forgiving.  In  a 
word,  a  moral  God,  though  not  yet,  to  our  thinking, 
completely  moralised.  He  still  had  enemies  ;  He  still 
could  be  conceived  as  taking  vengeance.  He  could 
stiU  punish,  not  only  to  improve  and  educate  and 
deter,  but  for  punishment's  sake,  retributively.  Ho 
was  solicitous  about  His  glory,  and  that  glory  was  still 
to  some  extent  His  own  honour,  fame,  and  reputation, 
and  not  merely  the  triumph  of  goodness  and  of  truth. 
Nevertheless,  a  holy  God,  who  hated,  and  was  the  anti- 
thesis of,  evil,  impurity-,  and  sin.  Here  again  was  an 
imperfect  fusion  of  older  and  newer  elements.  Tho 
impurity  which  God  hated,  and  to  which  His  holiness 
was  antithetical  (that  holiness  which  it  was  a  cardinal 
injunction,  a  central  ideal,  for  His  worshippers  to 
imitate  in  their  own  lives),  was  both  physical  and 
spiritual,  outward  and  inward.  Only  the  pure  in 
heart  can  "  stand  "  (metaphorically)  "  in  His  holy 
place  "  ;  only  the  bodily  pure,  in  a  highly  technical 
sense  of  the  word  "  purity,"  may  serve  Him  in  His 
Temple  of  stone.  A  holy  God,  but  witlial  approachable  , 
an  awful  God,  but  yet  the  Father  of  His  jx^ople,  the 
Father  and  Creator  of  each  of  them  and  of  alL 

Now  this  conception  of  the  Divine  Being,  this  rigid 
and  yet  religious  monotheism,  which  was  both  ethical 
and  spiritual,  had  entered  into  tho  very  bones  of  the 
people,  or  at  any  rate  of  an  immense  majority.     It 


CONTEMPORARY  JEWISH   RELIGION 


611 


was  part  of  thwr  life,  it  nmde  tiieui  what  tlicy  were. 
It  was  to  thoir  minds  and  fticlings  the  essential  distinc- 
tion between  them  and  all  other  nations.  It  was 
their  wisdom ;  it  was  their  righteousness.  All  the 
other  jiooples  of  the  world  were,  as  they  thought, 
idolaters,  worshippei'S  of  many  gods,  worshippers  of 
images.  There  was  the  closest  association  in  their 
minds  between  the  two  things  :  the  idolater  worshipped 
many  gods ;  the  worshipper  of  many  gods  adored 
images.  He  did  not  distinguish  between  the  unseen 
Creator  and  the  visible  creation  :  he  bowed  down  to 
the  works  of  God,  or,  still  worse,  to  the  works  of  man. 
In  the  first  place,  such  polytheism  or  such  idolatry 
was  folly,  an  utter  aberration  of  mind.  Thus  the  Jews 
felt  themselves  intellectually  head  and  shoulders  above 
all  other  peoples,  however  much  these  might  vaunt 
themselves  of  their  philosophy,  their  art,  their  culture. 
This  feeling  was  a  moral  and  religious  danger.  But 
not  only  so.  Prophet  and  lawgiver  had  incessantly 
proclaimed  that  idolatry  and  the  worship  of  false  gods 
and  many  gods  produced,  or  went  hand  in  hand  with, 
moral  depravity.  Religious  error,  religious  folly, 
caused  iniquity  and  sin.  In  the  important  realm  of 
sexual  impurity  there  was  especially  good  reason  for 
this  view.  Universalised,  it  came  to  this  :  idolaters 
(i.e.  all,  or  nearly  all,  who  were  not  Jews)  were,  of 
necessity  and  nature,  not  only  fools  but  knaves. 
Gross  ignorance  was  their  portion,  an  ignorance  which 
passed  over  into  foulness  and  sin.  And  the  ignorance 
and  the  sin  were  less  their  misfortune  than  their  fault. 
They  had  deliberatelj'  shut  the  eyes  of  their  minds, 
and  voluntarily  sunk  deeper  into  the  mire  of  folly 
and  of  wickedness.  It  is  clear  that  such  comparisons 
tended  to  pride,  to  isolation,  to  despising  and  being 
despised.  But  the  temptation,  no  less  than  the  danger, 
was  great.  For  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  differ- 
ence between  tho  religious,  spiritual,  and  ethical 
monotheism  of  the  Jews,  and  all  surrounding  "  idola- 
tries," was  in  fact  gigantic,  though  it  was  perhaps 
still  more  gigantic  in  the  eyes  of  the  Jews  themselves. 
They  heard  and  saw  what  was  grossest  and  most 
outward  in  other  reUgions  :  of  any  inward  verities,  of 
any  esoteric  excellences,  of  the  spiritual  achievements 
of  the  few,  they  knew  little  and  suspected  less.  Re- 
ligion was  so  real  and  deep  a  distinction  between  Jew 
and  non-Jew  that  it  tended  to  intoxicate  :  the  Jews 
were  in  the  right ;  the  rest  of  the  world  was  wrong. 

We  have  now  to  realise  that  this  Jewish  mono- 
theism was  a  national  monotheism.  The  One  God  was 
also  the  God  of  the  Jews.  We  can  hardly  think  of 
God  in  any  such  national  way.  We  cannot  think  of 
the  One  God  as  the  God  of  the  EngUsh,  the  Serbians, 
or  the  Danes.  We  can  think  of  a  national  Church,  but 
not  of  a  national  monotheism.  It  seems  a  contradic- 
tion in  terms.  To  the  Jews,  however,  of  the  ago  of 
Jesus,  the  contradiction  was  unperceived.  Their 
monotheism  was,  in  a  sense,  a  political  monotheism  ; 
it  was  a  part,  even  tiio  foundation,  of  the  entire  con- 
stitution. It  was  the  fundamental  article  or  law  of 
the  State.  It  was  not  a  mere  dogma  of  faith  ;  it  was 
the  essence  of  the  Jew's  nationality  as  well  as  the  essence 
of  his  religion. 

It  is  necessary  to  recall  how  this  aspect  of  the  Jewish 
monotheism  had  come  about.  It  is  the  paradox  of 
the  situation  that  the  Jewish  religion  was  so  intensely 
national  just  because  it  had  become  so  intensely  mono- 
theistic. Other  religions  had  been,  and  were,  national ; 
yet,  because  they  were  polytheistic  and  idolatrous,  they 
were  more  elastic  and  less  exclusive  ;  but  Yahweh,  the 
national  God  of  the  Jews,  had  become  all  the  more 
exclusive  and  "  jealous  "  as  Ho  shod  His  tribal  limi- 


tations and  developed  into  the  One  and  Only  God  of 
all  the  earth  and  all  the  world.  Again,  though  His 
"  limitations  "  had  gone,  though  He  was  the  God  of 
tiic  spirits  of  all  flesh,  Ho  still  remained  in  a  peculiar 
sense  the  God  of  tho  Jews.  He  was  so  as  a  matter 
of  fact.  Tho  Jews  worshipped  Him  ;  other  i)eoples 
did  not.  Moreover,  sacrifices  could  be  offered  to  Him 
only  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  official  worship  of  the 
Divine  throughout  antiquity  was  by  means  of  sacri- 
fices. But  He  was  also  the  God  of  the  Jews  in  theory,, 
and  the  theory  passed  over  into  practice.  To  Israel 
only  had  He  given  His  perfect  Law.  Israel  and  every 
Israelite  had  special  relations  with  this  One  and  Only 
God — special  duties  on  the  one  hand,  special  privi- 
leges on  the  other.  With  Israel  His  glory  was  peculiarly 
wrapped  up.  His  service  was  the  obligation  and  joy 
of  every  Israelite;  His  worship  was  the  raison  d'etre 
of  the  Jewish  State.  Israel  and  God  were  partners : 
in  a  certain  sense  it  may  almost  be  said  that  neither 
could  get  on  without  the  other,  God  is  Israel's 
Father ;  the  Israelites  are  God's  children  :  how  could 
the  Father  be  a  Father  without  them  ? 

The  religious  effects  of  this  combination  of  mono- 
theism with  nationalism  were  deeply  marked  both  for 
good  and  evil,  for  strength  and  weakness. 

It  certainly  promoted  an  intensity  of  rehgious  feeling, 
which,  at  that  time,  may  not  have  been  attainable  in 
any  other  way.  If  the  national  God  had  become  the 
One  and  Only  God  by  being  supposed  to  show  an  ab- 
solute equality  of  interest  in  all  the  nations  of  tho 
world,  it  might  well  have  been  that  this  equal  interest 
would  have  been  thought  to  be  a  puny  interest.  The 
One  and  Only  God  would  have  become  distant,  remote. 
And  if  He  had  not  been  supposed  to  have  had  special 
relations  with  Israel,  He  might  have  become  uninter- 
esting, unapproachable.  A  God  who,  without  media- 
tion or  mediator,  is  equally  near  to,  interested  in,  and 
approachable  to,  the  entire  human  race  ;  a  Theism 
which  should  be  both  philosophic  and  intimate,  both 
pure  and  warm — for  tliis  the  Jews  have  become  capable 
only  by  slow  process  of  time.  The  One  and  Only  God 
had  not  simply  to  be  behoved  in  by  the  reason  as  an 
article  of  faith  ;  He  had  to  be  thought  of  as  a  Father, 
and  He  had  to  be  loved.  And  He  was  thought  of  ae 
a  Father,  and  He  was  passionately  loved,  because  He 
was  not  only  the  "  God  of  the  spirits  of  all  flesh,"  but 
also  specially  the  God  of  Israel,  the  God  of  every 
Israelite,  "  the  Lord  thy  God."  Rehgion  in  the  first 
century  had  become  individualised.  Man  and  God ;  \,  >i 
these  two  were,  however,  as  yet,  perhaps,  incapable  of  ,.  ' 
unmediated  relations  with  each  other.  Because  the  ' 
One  God  was  also  the  national  God,  who  had  given 
to  His  own  people  His  Law,  the  Israelite  could  find 
God  in  national  (if  also  spiritual)  institutions.  Through 
specific  duties  and  privileges  heaven  was  brought  down 
to  earth,  and  a  constant  link  created  between  the  wor- 
shipper and  the  Object  of  worship.  God  was  intensely 
dear  to  the  Jew,  and  the  Jew  was  intensely  dear  to 
God, 
]  But  the  evil  side  of  the  combination  sometimes  made 
'  itself  felt,  Rehgion  was  associated  with  politics,  and 
occasionally  gave  birth  to  fanaticism.  The  national 
independence  was  by  some  regarded  as  inseparable 
from,  or  identical  with,  the  existence  of  the  religion. 
In  the  last  century  and  a  half  before  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple  by  the  Romans  in  a.d,  70  religious 
parties  and  divisions  become  political  parties  and 
divisions,  and  invoked  the  aid  of  the  State  against  one 
another.  Religion  tends  in  some  few  quarters  to 
become  coarsened.  materiali8e<l,  and  diminished  in 
spirituality.     On   the  one  hand,  the  "  Sadducean " 


620 


CONTEMPORARY   JEWISH   RELIGION 


priests  and  nobles,  political  and  worldly-wise,  conserva- 
tives of  a  poor  type  ;  at  the  other  extreme,  the  Zealots, 
fierce,  fanatical,  and  violent.  Betwt»en  these  ex- 
tremes wan  the  j;rcat  mass  of  the  people,  with  their 
loaders  and  teachers,  the  "  Pharisees "  and  the 
"  Scribes."  For  these  the  danger  was  different.  It 
lay  in  their  being  sometimes  infected  with  a  too  acute 
religious  self-consciousness.  Moreover,  the  combina- 
tion of  monotheism  and  nationalism  prevented  a  true 
conception  of  the  relation  of  God  and  of  Israel  to  the 
world  beyond  Israels  pale.  The  purest  meaning  of 
election,  of  service,  and  of  sonship  was  obscured  ;  it 
was  only  realised  fitfully  and  partially,  not  completely, 
permanently,  and  by  all.  / 

It  has  been  indicated  that  the  Ijcst.  and  even  the 
average  people  in  Israel  found  in  their  God  joy  and 
comfort,  strength  and  hope.  But  it  has  been  implied 
that  between  God  and  the  Jew  there  was  a  middle 
term.  Bare  man  did  not,  as  it  were,  find  all  these 
good  things  in  bare  God.  He  did  not  make  his  way 
to  God,  alone  and  as  best  he  could,  serving  and  wor- 
shipping Him  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  the  methods 
being  of  his  own  choice,  with  no  dictation  or  demand 
from  on  high,  ^\^lat,  then,  was  the  mediation,  or 
who  were  the  mediators  ?  Institutions  or  sacraments, 
demigods  or  angels  ?  The  link,  the  middle  term,  was 
the  Law,  or,  more  properly  and  accurately,  the 
Torah. 

\Vliat  is  the  Torah  ?  It  is  a  conception  not  wholly 
easy  to  define.  It  was  not  the  Pentateuch  and  nothing 
else  ;  it  was  not  the  Law  and  nothing  else,  Torah  means 
instruction,  teaching  (p.  121)  ;  thus  it  is  a  wider  term 
than  the  Pentateuch  or  the  Law.  It  could  be  used  to 
include  all  the  teachings  contained  in,  or  to  be  elicited 
from,  all  the  Sacred  Writings.  It  was  also  used  to 
cover  all  the  oral  and  fluid  additions  to,  or  interpre- 
tations of,  the  Pentateuchal  Code.  With  this  caution, 
however,  we  may,  for  our  purposes,  speak  of  the  Law 
as  the  "  middle  term  "  between  Israel  and  Cod,  and 
roughly  identifj'  that  Law  with  the  injunctions  and 
institutions  of  the  Pentateuch. 

This  Law  was  the  law  of  Israel  and  of  every  Israelite  ; 
it  was  the  public  law  of  the  State  ;  it  was  the  private 
law  of  the  individual.  To  observe  the  precepts  of  the 
Law  was  the  duty  and  the  privilege  of  every  Jew. 
Through  the  Law  he  served  the  Giver  of  the  Law,  and 
in  doing  God's  declared  and  definite  will  he  loved  God- 
and  was  glad.  Because  God  loved  Israel,  God  gave 
them  many  commandments,  for  in  the  multiplicity 
of  commands  lay  the  greater  opportunity  for  goodness, 
for  happiness,  and  for  reward.  Such  was  the  theory, 
which  was  in  process  of  formation  through  the  years 
100  B.C.  to  A.D.  100,  and  that  not  only  as  a  theory, 
but  as  a  fact.  It  was  actually  thus  that  the  best  and 
the  average  fi.und  satisfivction  and  strength  and  peace  ; 
it  was  actually  thus  that  they  became  good  ;  and  so, 
in  one  sease,  it  was  actually  thus  that  they  found  their 
reward. 

Now,  because  the  Law  was  in  groat  part  a  written 
code,  and  few  possessed  it,  it  needed  oral  explanation. 
I^ws  needed  other  laws,  ordinances  required  ordi- 
nances. Explanation  and  exemplification,  instances 
and  illustrations,  produced  fresh  commandments. 
The  Law  said  that  no  work  was  to  be  done  upon  the 
Sabbath.  But  what  was  work  ?  Human  ingenuity 
made  elaborate — painfully,  foolishly  elaborate — deter- 
minations and  definitions  of  work.  So  one  simple 
jirohibition  ended  in  many  detailed  and  sometimes 
ludicrous  prohibitions.  This  proct^ss,  too,  was  going 
on  when  Jesus  lived  and  looked  forth  with  his  clear 
and  penetrating  eyes  upon  the  religious  life  around 


him.  To  explain  and  elaborate  the  Law  needed  study, 
and  this  study  was  the  highest  wisdom.  And  if 
practice  was  greater  than  study,  yet  without  etudy 
no  right  practice  was  possible.  Thus  a  certain  intel- 
lectual element  in  religion,  which  had  not  been  wholly 
wanting  before,  was  immensely  increased  by  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Law. 

The  Judaism  of  the  first  century  was,  therefore,  a 
"  legal  "  religion,  and  its  "  legalism  "  was  on  tfio 
increase.  But  before  we  can  consider  what  legalism 
meant  in  tJm  jxtrticular  instance,  another  matter  must 
be  briefly  referred  to. 

Up  till  A.D,  70  the  Temple  stood,  and  sacrifices  of  all 
sorts  were  being  continually  offered  up.  Animals 
were  slaughtered  ;  blood  flowed  in  abundance  ;  there 
were  also  offerings  of  a  non-fleshly  kind.  Priests  and 
sub-priests  (Levites)  ministered.  The  High  Priest  was 
the  highest  religious  oflicial  of  the  land.  The  Law 
speaks  about  sacrifices  and  offerings  at  groat  length  ; 
they  are  a  very  important  part  of  the  entire  code. 
It  speaks,  too,  about  the  priests  and  Levites,  and 
magnifies  their  office.  It  tells  of  the  dues  which  have 
to  be  paid  to  them  by  every  layman.  Weis,  then, 
Judaism,  up  till  a.d.  70,  a  priestly  rohgion  ?  In  one 
sense,  yes.  The  Temple  was  loved  ;  it  was  the  great 
visible  symbol  of  the  reUgion.  The  daily  and  festal 
sacrifices  were  considered  by  everybody  as  of  the 
greatest  importance.  For  the  omnipresent  God  was 
yet  especially  near  to  the  Temple,  The  sanctuary 
kept  God  within  Israel,  The  sacrifices  atoned  for 
Israel's  sins  ;  that  was  the  method  of  national  forgive- 
ness which  God  had  ordained  ;  sacrifices  could  even 
atone  for  some  sins  of  the  individual.  The  Jew  was 
proud  of  his  one  national  Temple,  the  palladium  of  hia 
one  national  God.  Ideas  regarding  it  formed  part  of 
his  religion,  or,  shall  we  say,  formed  part  of  his  super- 
stition? For  these  ideas  did  not  really  harmonise 
with  other  and  better  ideas,  which  were  to  enable 
him  to  get  on  bettor,  and  to  have  a  nobler  religion, 
without  the  Temple  than  with  it.  It  is  another  in- 
stance of  the  imperfectly  fused  and  transitional  char- 
acter of  the  rehgion  of  the  first  century. 

In  one  sense,  then,  Judaism  was  a  priestly  religion. 
In  anothcr^and  more  important  sense  it  was  not.  For 
it  was"a  religion  without  sacraments  or  mysteries. 
Its  priests  were  no  longer,  except  accidentally,  the 
teachers  of  the  people.  They  had  no  absolving  power. 
Outside  Jerusalem  they  were  of  no  practical  account, 
except  for  the  burdensome  dues  which  had  to  be  paid 
to  them.  Moreover,  as  there  was  only  one  Temple, 
and  sacrifices  could  not  l)e  offered  elsewhere,  the  whole 
sacrificial  system  played  little  part  in  everyday  life 
or  on  the  Sabbath  day.  This  must  have  been  the 
case  a  few  miles  radius  outside  Jerusalem.  Beyond 
Juda?a  there  must  have  been  many  Jews  who  never 
saw  the  Temple  with  its  sacrificial  victims  (not  oven 
on  the  three  statutory  yearly  occasions),  and  never 
brought  an  offering  to  the  altar. 

The  near  and  living  institution  was  not  the  Temple, 
but  the  Synagogue,  at  once  a  house  of  praj'cr  and  of 
study  ;  the  near  and  important  ofhcials  wore  not  the 
priests,  but  the  scribes,  the  rabbis,  the  teachers  of 
the  Law,  It  was  the  Law  and  its  tcacliers  that  enabled 
Judaism  to  continue  even  after  the  Temple  had  been 
destroyed.  The  religion  was,  indeed,  gradually  bet- 
tered "and  purified  by  the  collapse  of  the  sacrificial 
system. 

Fully  and  accurately  to  estimate  the  effects  for  good 
and  evil  of  the  predominating  Law,  three  considera^ 
tions  would  have  to  be  taken  into  account.  First, 
"  legality  "  in  any  religion  may  be  supposed  to  produce 


CONTEMPORARY   JEWISH   RELIGION 


621 


certain  general  results.  Secondly,  the  results  must 
vary  according  to  the  nature  of  the  particular  reUgion. 
Lastly,  we  have  to  deal,  in  any  religion,  with  human 
beings,  who  do  not  always  act  and  feel  and  think  as, 
according  to  our  cut-and-dry  theories,  they  ought  to 
think  and  feel  and  act.  The  results  which  might  be 
supposed  to  follow  from  "  legahty,"  and  from  the 
particular  Law,  did  not  always  or  even  prevailingly 
happen  ;  and  in  many  respects,  and  for  a  large  number 
of  people,  "  legality  "  and  the  Law  produced  other 
results,  for  which  those  whose  religion  has  no  legal 
element  may  bo  unprepared.  Omitting  all  discussion 
of  the  general  results  of  legality  in  religion,  a  word  or 
two  must  be  said  as  to  the  nature  of  the  particular 
Law.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Law  was 
regarded  as  the  gift  of  the  perfectly  good  and  wise 
God,  who  wished  for  the  happiness  of  His  people,  and 
gave  them  this  instrument  with  which  to  achieve  it. 
It  was  not  given  them  as  a  disagreeable  business,  to 
be  fulfilled  as  a  condition  of  ulterior  reward,  whether 
in  this  world  or  in  another.  It  is  true  that  rewards 
(of  many  kinds)  would  follow  from  the  Law's  obser- 
vance ;  nevertheless,  the  observance  of  the  Law  was 
to  be  a  happiness  and  a  wisdom  in  itself.  Through 
the  Law  Israel  was  to  live,  and  to  live  well.  The  ob- 
servance of  the  Law — such  is  the  fuU-blown  theory 
to  which  things  were  tending,  and  such  was  what 
saints  and  average  men  tended  to  feel — is,  in  other 
words,  an  end  in  itself,  and  is  its  own  reward,  even 
though  it  brings  many  other  rewards  in  its  train. 
This  view  tended  in  a  good  direction  :  less  good  was 
the  view  that  as  the  Law,  like  its  Author,  was  perfect, 
every  bit  of  it  was  perfect,  the  whole  book  was  perfect, 
each  ordinance  and  command  was  perfect.  It  was  a 
bar  upon  ethical  and  religious  progress  (not  necessarily 
insuperable,  but  undoubtedly  severe),  when  every 
command  in  the  Pentateuch,  like  every  statement 
about  God  which  it  contained,  had  to  be  regarded  as 
perfect.  How  many  crudities,  csuelties,  and  ethical 
flaws  had  to  be  considered  as  consistent  with  perfect 
goodness  and  wisdom,  or,  at  the  best,  had  to  be  awk- 
wardly explained  away  !  How  the  heart  and  mind 
had  to  become  habituated  to  regard  that  as  good  and 
perfect  which  otherwise  they  might  have  rightly  con- 
sidered as  imperfect  or  bad  ! 

The  Pentateuchal  laws  mclude  both  ethical  and 
ceremonial  injunctions,  and  some  that,  like  the  sexual 
laws,  are  paitly  one  and  partly  the  other.  It  is  often 
supposed  that  these  ceremonial  laws  were  extremely 
numerous,  and  that,  with  the  elaborations  and  addi- 
tions which  they  were  receiving  from  the  teachers  of 
the  time,  they  must  have  constituted  an  intolerable 
burden  upon  the  everyday  life  of  the  ordinary  Lsraelite. 
This  theorj'  is.  however,  very  doubtful,  ilauy  of  the 
Pentateuchal  laws  concern  only  the  priest  and  the 
Levite.  Many  deal  with  the  sacrifices.  Removing 
them,  and  others  which  are  exceptional,  the  cere- 
monial laws  which  remain  are  chiefly  these:  (1)  The 
laws  about  the  Sabbath  and  the  festivals,  including 
the  Teachers'  regulations  as  to  what  might  and  might 
not  be  done  upon  these  holy  days.  (2)  Laws  about 
food,  including  not  onl}'  injunctions  about  animals 
which  might  not  be  eaten,  but  Rabbinic  regulations 
about  killing  and  cooking  and  about  not  eating  milk 
and  meat  together.  (3)  Laws  about  tentlis  and  other 
dues  to  the  priests  and  the  Levites  and  the  poor,  upon 
which  the  rabbis,  for  reasons  that  are  not  wholly  clear, 
laid  the  most  extraordinary  stress,  so  that  agricultural 
produce  from  which  the  dues  had  not  been  strictly 
removed  was  looked  upon  as  unclean,  and  the  eating 
of  it  constituted  a  serious  sin.     The  faithful  observance 


of  these  laws  about  the  dues  was  probably  much  the 
greatest  "  burden "  of  the  entire  Law.  (4)  Laws 
about  women,  about  the  relations  of  the  sexes  to  each 
other,  and  about  sexual  impurities.  (5)  Laws  about 
cleanness  and  uncleanness,  purity  and  impurity,  of  an 
outward  and  technical  kind,  ultimately  resting  upon 
widespread  and  primordial  superstitions.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  degree  or  extent  to  which,  at  this  time, 
these  laws  had  to  be  observed  by  the  layman,  living 
his  ordinary  life,  and  not  engaged  in  visiting  the 
Temple,  is  still  disputed.  Some  scholars  think  that 
they  were  considered  to  be  obligatory  on  all  men ; 
others  deny  it. 

The  moral  laws  enjoined  chastity,  righteousness, 
compassion,  and  lovingkindness  in  everyday  life. 
In  contrast  with  all,  or  almost  all,  the  surrounding 
nations,  the  Jewish  religion  of  the  time,  though  it  had 
not  abolished  polygamy,  and  was  too  facile  in  divorce, 
yet  prohibited  any  sexual  indulgence  outside  married 
life,  and  sternly  set  its  face  against  unnatural  vice.  It 
abhorred  all  sexual  licence  or  debauchery  in  connexion 
with  pubhc  worship.  It  preached  love  of  God  and  love 
of  neighbour  ;  and  though  neighbour  did  not  neces- 
sarily include  the  "  foreigner,"  it  did  emphatically 
include  the  noii-Israelitish  settler  and  the  proselyte. 
No  one  was  to  hate  his  neighbour  in  his  heart  or  to 
bear  any  grudge.  Orphan  and  ^vidow  were  to  be  tended 
and  looked  after.  If  j'ou  were  hated  by  your  neigh- 
bour, you  were  to  do  that  man  a  good  and  not  an  evil 
turn,  and  in  no  wise  to  leave  him  in  the  lurch,  when 
the  opportunity  occurred.  Uprightness  and  justice 
and  fair  dealing  were  strictly  enjoined.  The  central 
and  peculiar  position  occupied  by  the  injunction, 
"  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself,"  was  fully 
recognised,  even  before  R.  Akiba  pronounced  it  the 
greatest  principle  of  the  Torah.  Reverence  for  parents, 
respect  for  the  old,  compassion  and  generosity  towards 
the  poor  and  the  afflicted,  were  emphatically  ordained. 
In  all  things  the  Jews  were  to  remember  that  they  were 
God's  chosen  and  peculiar  people,  whose  duty  it  waa 
to  be  holy  even  as  He  was  holy,  to  thank  and  to  think 
of  Him  continually,  and  to  glorify  His  name  by  all 
their  deeds.  So  deeply  did  the  laws  about  reverence, 
about  sexual  purity,  and  about  compassion  and  kind- 
ness, sink  into  the  consciousness  of  the  people,  that  it 
became  a  saying  later  on  that  he  who  had  no  shame 
and  no  pity  could  not  be  a  genuine  member  of  the 
house  of  Israel. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  conception  of  the 
One  God  being  also  in  a  pecuhar  sense  the  God  of  the 
Jews,  the  conviction  that  the  Jews  were  His  chosen 
servants,  with  whom  His  glorj-  was  inseparably  bound 
up,  begot  a  heightened  religious  self-consciousness  of 
which  the  defects  were  exclusiveness,  pride,  and  a 
dislike  for.  and  a  contempt  of,  the  non-Jewish  world 
around.  These  tendencies  were  increased  by  the  Law. 
The  Jews  had  to  keep  themselves  physically  and  mor- 
ally pure  and  holy ;  a  people  separate  and  apart, 
different  m  belief  and  in  deed  from  all  other  nations 
of  the  earth.  On  the  one  hand,  there  was  an  earnest, 
sometimes  e\en  a  passionate,  desire  to  Uve  a  holy  life, 
to  do  God's  will,  to  be  good  and  faithful  and  pure  ;  on 
the  other  hand,  the  pride,  exclusiveness,  and  contempt 
already  mentioned  were  stimulated  and  increased. 
And  not  only  towards  the  non-Jew.  In  the  first 
centurj'  a  class  of  Jews  existed  which,  later  on,  passed 
away.  The  Law  had  not  yet,  it  would  seem,  penetratod 
into  every  section  of  society  ;  on  the  whole,  both  the 
Law  and  its  teachers  were  extremely  popular,  but  there 
were  some  who,  for  one  reason  or  another,  did  not  or 
could  not  observe  its  ritual  ordinances.     They  were 


622 


CONTEMPORARY   JEWISH   RELIGION 


not  acnipulous  about  the  burdensomo  dues  ;  tliey  ate 
food  from  which  those  dues  were  not  subtracted  ; 
they  did  not  observe  in  their  fulness  the  dietary  laws  ; 
perhaps  they  did  not  observe  the  Sabbath  very 
strictly  ;  some  of  them,  ])orhap8,  were  morall}'  by  no 
means  above  suspicion.  Those  people,  who  had 
fallen,  or  were  falling,  away  from  the  ranks  of  those 
who  honestly  sought  to  observe  the  Law,  were  neglected 
and  shunned  by  the  Teachers  and  by  the  law-abidmg 
Jews.  The}'  were  lo<3ked  down  upon  and  disliked  as 
ignorant,  as  law-breakers,  as  unclean.  And  it  was  a 
marked  weakness  of  this  legal  religion  that,  while  it 
taught,  and  its  votaries  practisetl.  compassion  to  the 
poor  and  the  afflicted,  if  they  sought  to  observe  the 
Law,  it  did  not  teach  redemptive  compassion  and  kind- 
ness to  those  who  fell  away.  It^d  not  say,  "Seek 
them  out,  help  them,  pity  them,  and  gently  bring  them 
in,  or  bring  them  back,  to  the  service  of  God."  It 
feared  contamination,  and  bade  the  honest  observer 
keep  away  and  keep  apart  from  the  negligent  and  the 
sinner.  Thus  these,  ostracised  and  ignored,  foil  deeper 
and  deeper  into  the  mire.  For  such  men  and  women 
Jesus  had  a  new  message ;  he  gave  them  a  new  hope ; 
he  brought  to  them  a  compassion  and  a  love  to  which 
they  had  been  unused  before. 

Again,  it  was  easier  to  obey  the  ceremonial  than  the 
moral  precepts.  Hence  one  type  of  badness  was  hypo- 
crisy, another  formalism  or  outward  self-righteousness. 
Law,  as  such,  looks  to  deeds  rather  than  to  principles 
and  motives.  Hence  an  occasional  tendency  to  think 
of  goodness  as  consisting  in  a  number  of  separate 
actions  rather  than  in  noble  character.  Law  t-ends 
occasionally  to  produce  dry  and  respectable  conformitj', 
conventional  and  somewhat  negative  goodness.  Little 
sin,  little  self-sacrifice ;  sober  mediocrity  rather  than 
passionate  devotion.  Again,  law  may  tend  to  make 
religion  be  regarded  as  something  of  a  contract  and  a 
bargain  ;  and  the  actual  Law  did  lay  immense  stress 
upon  rewards  and  punishments.  Measure  for  measure, 
tit  for  tat,  are  among  its  leading  principles.  There 
was  a  danger  lest  it  should  be  argued  :  obser%'e  x  laws, 
and  God  will  give  you  so  mucli  reward  ;  violate  x, 
and  He  will  give  you  so  much  punishment.  Or : 
observe  x,  violate  y,  and  subtract  the  smaller  number 
from  the  greater :  the  result  will  be  j'our  measure  of 
goodness  or  of  badness,  and  the  measure  of  the  reward 
Oii_of  the  punisiiment  which  you  will  receive.  Law  is 
awful,  it  inspires  fear  :  a  Lawgiver  is  mighty  and  ter- 
rible. Hence,  in  a  legal  religion,  God  may  be  greatly 
feared,  and  the  results  of  dLsobedience  may  lx>  greatly 
feared  (and  how  difficult  is  olx-dience  !) ;  but  God  need 
not  be  greatly  lovecl,  and  His  ordinances  may  be 
obeyed,  so  far  as  they  are  obeyed,  from  fear  of  punish- 
ment or  from  hope  of  reward,  rather  than  for  their 
own  sake  and  from  love.  If  goodness  can  thus  be 
externalised  and  a  little  degraded,  the  true  nature 
of.ain  may  also  be-Ghacured.  It  may  become  a  mere 
non-conformity  to  a  number  of  commands^ratlicr  than 
a  pollution  of  the  soul.  There  are  signs  in  the  litera- 
ture of  the  period  and  in  the  later  literature  that  none 
of  these  ugly  tendencies  and  reBulta  were  always 
avoided  or  by  all.  A  well-known  passage  in  the  Talmud 
speaks  of  seven  classes  of  Pharisees,  several  of  whom 
represent  the  evil  tendencies  and  poasibilitios  which 
have  ju.st  been  enumeratc^d.  Only  the  last  is  .said  to  be 
the  true  Pharisee — ho  who  obeys  the  Law  for  its  o^vn 
sake  and  for  the  love  of  God. 

Such,  then,  were  some  of  the  evil  results  of  the  re- 
ligion, such  were  the  dcftcta  of  its  qualitio''.  Let  us 
now  turn  to  it,s  aim.s  and  idcalu,  to  its  good  tendencies 
and  its  noble  rcaulfa,  excmphfied  by  its  best,  and  by 


many  of  its  average,  adherents  in  their  respective 
degrees. 

It  waa  getting  to  be  believed  that  the  final  aim  of 
the  Law  and  of  its  ordinances  waa  to  8<.cure  the  moral 
purification  of  all  the  Israohtes:  all  the  Jews — not 
only  an  inner  claas  or  set — were  to  become  holy  by 
the  practice  of  the  Divine  commands.  It  was  to  men 
that  the  Law  had  been  given,  not  to  angels.  In  other 
words,  it  had  been  given  to  creatures  who  need  self- 
control  and  purification,  who,  made  of  flesh  and  blood, 
are  frail  and  liable  to  err.  Within  them  is  an  evil 
melination,  with  which  their  higher  self  must  wage 
incessant  war.  For  this  evil  inclination  can  be  over- 
come bj'  the  Law,  It  is  the  Divinely-given  instru- 
ment for  the  suppression  of  evil  passions  and  bad 
desires  ;  or,  from  another  psychological  point  of  view,  it_ 
is  the  means  of  transfiguring  the  natural  instincts  and 
pa.ssions,  and  of  sanctifying  them  unto  the  service  of 
God.  Eating  and  drinking,  acquisition  and  labour,  the 
propagation  of  the  species — these  and  other  desires  and 
instincts  can  be  purified  through  the  Law,  and  in  the 
natural  the  spiritual  can  shine  through.  Not  the 
destruction  of  the  flesh,  not  the  elimination  or  dis- 
employment  of  any  fleshly  desire,  but  its  taming,  its 
transfiguration — that  is  the  aim  of  the  Law.  Ordi- 
nances about  food  prevent  gluttony ;  ordinances 
about  drink  prevent  debauchery ;  ordinances  about 
Sexual  matters  prevent  lust.  Marriage  is  higher  than 
celibacy.  To  drink  in  moderation  is  better  than 
"  total  abstinence."  But  the  thought  of  God  must  be 
connected  with  these  and  other  bodily  actions,  and  it 
has  a  meaning  to  say  that  they  must  all  be  wrought 
to  the  Divine  glory.  The  .picaeace--oi-^ji«d-ea»-be 
secured  and  realised  by. the  poilojrmano©  of  Hia i;om- 
niands,  A  double  end  is  thus  achieved  :  God's  glory, 
man's  wellbeiug.  For  man  is  to  "  five  "  by  fulfilling 
the  ordinances  of  the  Law.  and  to  "  live  "  means  both 
material  and  spiritual  weUbeing,  it  includes  peace  and 
contentment  and  ^y.  A  phrase  was  being  coined 
which  became  intensely  characteristic  of  the  whole 
religion  :  "  the  joy  of  the  commandments."  Not,  that  is, 
a  joy  outside  them  and  beyond  them,  but  a  joy  in  the 
doing  of  them,  an  internal,  a  spiritual  joy.  That  is 
why  the  reward  of  a  command  was  a  command,  and 
why,  from  that  point  of  view,  the  more  laws,  the  more 
happiness.  The  added  power  of  obedience  which  was 
achieved  by  the  fulfilment  of  one  command  drove  a 
man  on  the  more  successfully  to  the  fulfilment  of 
another,  and  thus  joy  was  piled  upon  joy. 

In  addition,  however,  to  the  internal  joy,  there  was 
also  always  the  expectation  of  other  and  further 
"  reward,"  just  as  the  vio^tion  of  God's  commands 
involved  punishment.  But  among  the  best  the  motive 
for  rightdoing  was  not  the  desire  of  this  extra  reward, 
however  convinced  they  were  of  its  ultimate  arrival, 
"  The  Law  for  its  own  sake  "  became  the  watchword 
of  the  best,  and  the  watchword  sank  down  into  the 
consciousness  of  the  community.  The  extra  reward 
ui  the  OT  period  had  been  limited  to  earthly  pros- 
perity, national  independence,  and  the  like.  But  by 
the  first  century  the  doctrine  of  a  Ufe  beyond  death, 
whether  immediately  or  at  the  resurrection,  had  become 
generally  prevalent,  and  the  reward  could  be,  and 
usually  was,  thought  to  bo  postponed  till  then.  Israel's 
enemies  were  happy  on  earth  :  Israel,  now  sutlering 
because  of  its  sins,  would  obtain  its  recompense  here- 
after. And  the  rewards  of  the  world  to  come  tended 
to  be  more  .spiritually  conceived.  They  were  no  longer 
the  rewards  of  the  Pentateuch — fertility,  prosperity, 
and  the  rest  of  it — but  also,  and  mainly,  the  fuller 
vision  of  God. 


CONTEMPORARY   JEWISH   RELIGION 


623 


Unfortunately,  the  old  idea  that  calamity  betokened 
pi-evious  sin  ((•/.  Jn.  92)  was  never  completely  overcome. 
It  is  true  that  other  ideas  were  also  known  :  suffering 
might  be  educational,  it  might  be  purifying  ;  it  might 
be  just  inexplicable.  But,  both  in  relation  to  indivi- 
duals and  in  relation  to  the  community  as  a  whole,  the 
teaching  needed  improvement.  Sometimes  it  was 
vainly  and  foolishly  .sought  to  make  out  that  such  and 
such  calamities  betokened  such  and  such  sins.  Nor 
was  the  old  conception  that  one  generation  could  suffer 
as  a  punishment  for,  and  not  as  a  mere  result  of,  the 
sins  of  its  predecessors,  entirely  abandoned.  The 
weight  of  the  Sacred  Writings  was  too  great.  There 
was  constant  worry  as  to  why  Israel,  which,  with  all 
its  shortcomings,  was  yet  far  more  pure  and  righteous 
than  the  Gentiles,  was  nevertheless  ojipressed  by  them. 
The  future  life  provided  some  solace  and  solution  ; 
yet  even  that  did  not  entirelj'  suffice.  The  Divine 
will  was  far  too  exclusively  thought  to  express  itself 
in  the  principles  of  retribution  and  measure  for  measure, 
and  these  very  principles  were  often  too  outwardly 
conceived.  But  in  the  darkest  hours  of  trouble, 
anxietj-,  and  puzzle,  monotheism  remained  triumphant. 
God,  for  His  own  purposes,  was  the  C^reator  of  calamity 
as  of  prosperity.  Evil  was  not  delegated  to  a  devil ; 
and  the  world  always  remained  God's  world,  and,  at 
bottom,  fair  and  excellent  and  good. 

The  Law  enjoined  virtue  :  it  foretold  that  virtue 
would  be  rewarded,  and  that  sin  would  be  punished. 
But  how  far  was  it  possible  for  man  to  be  or  to  become 
good  ?  ^Vhat  were  his  chances  and  possibihties  in  the 
fulfilment  of  the  Law  ?  The  Jewish  religion  was  very 
unsystematic  and  untheoretic  in  these  matters.  It 
took  facts  as  it  found  them,  and  looked  at  them  in  a 
"  common-sense  "  sort  of  way.  Man's  will  was  free. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  ever  since  Adam  an  e-vil  impulse 
had  dwelt  in  man  which  made  goodness  difficult. 
This  was  the  doctrine,  more  fuly  developed  later  on, 
of  the  Yetzer  ha-Ra.  The  Law  was  especially  devised 
and  given  as  the  means  by  which  the  evil  impulse 
could  be  curbed  and  overcome.  Thus  goodness  was 
not  the  mere  fulfilment  of  the  commands.  It  was 
also,  looked  at  internally,  the  conquest  of  the  Yetzer 
ha-Ra.  Sin  was  not  the  mere  violation  of  laws  ;  it 
was  also  the  domination  of  the  Yetzer  ha-Ra.  Nor 
was  man  left  to  himself  in  the  struggle.  He  could 
pray,  and  in  answer  to  his  prayer  God  could,  and  God 
did,  render  him  help.  It  is  man's  duty  to  conquer 
his  Yetzer.  It  is  God's  assistance  which  enables  him 
to  do  so.  "  Make  you  a  new  heart,"  .said  God  through 
His  prophet,  and  in  the  same  breath,"  I  will  give  you 
a  new  heart."  Just  so  happily  inconsistent,  just  so 
enphatic  in  laj''ing  stress  upon  both  sides  of  a  dual  and 
mysterious  truth,  was  the  Jewish  teaching  about 
virtue  and  sin.  Man  works  :  God  gives.  Who  shall 
say  in  what  proportions  ?  It  is  within  human  power 
to  fulfil  the  Law,  not  perfectly,  not  without  many 
lapses,  but  yet  to  such  an  extent,  and  with  such  in- 
tention and  desire  of  fulfilment,  as  to  satisfj'  the  de- 
mands of  God.  For  God  knows  that  His  human 
creatures  are  frail,  and  what  is  lacking  in  their  per- 
formance He  overlooks  and  ignores.  For  the  sake  of 
the  merits  of  the  fathers,  for  His  own  sake,  for  Israel's 
sake,  and,  above  all,  because  God  is  compassionate 
and  forgiving,  the  average  Israelite  need  never  despair. 
Nothing  is  more  central  in  the  developed  Rabbinic 
religion  than  these  conceptions  ;  and  there  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  they  were  fairly  well  established 
in  Palestine  by  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 

But  the  sinner  ?  And  are  not  all  men  sinners  ? 
Yes,  truly.     But  the  Divine  forgiveness  is  adequate 


to  the  greatness  of  its  task.  God  only  asks  for  man 
to  go  forward  a  little  way,  and  God  will  go  forward  a 
great  way.  And  how  is  the  sirmer  to  go  forward  a 
Uttle  way  ?  By  repentance.  In  the  doctrine  of  re- 
pentance the  Jewish  religion  developed  one  of  its 
noblest  and  most  prominent  features.  All  men 
(except,  perchance,  in  a  few  isolated  cases)  can  repent, 
and  even  here  man  is  not  unaided.  For  the  human 
effort  to  repentance  is  helped  by  God.  Man  prays, 
"  Lead  me  to  repent,"  and  God  hears  and  aids.  For 
the  nation  and  for  the  individual  God  has  given  in 
the  Law  the  great  Day  of  Atonement,  a  day  conse- 
crated to  human  repentance  and  to  Divine  forgiveness, 
a  day  which  was  gradually  becoming  more  ethical  and 
spiritual,  and  was  destined,  with  the  fall  of  the  Temple, 
to  become  more  ethical  and  spiritual  stiU.  Thus,  with 
its  doctrines  of  repentance,  of  the  Divine  goodness, 
and  the  Divine  forgiveness,  the  Jewish  religion  managed 
very  well  in  the  problems  of  goodness  and  of  sin.  It 
made  things  neither  too  easy  nor  too  difficult  :  man 
must  always  strive,  but  God  would  help.  Man  must 
always  fail,  but  his  own  repentance  and  the  Divine 
forgiveness  prevented  despair.  Life  was  earnest,  but 
not  gloomy.  Such  at  least  was  the  main  theory  and 
the  view  of  the  growing  majority,  though  there  were 
doubtless  many  instances  of  inward  darkness  on  the 
one  hand,  or  of  too  light-hearted  confidence  upon  the 
other. 

As  to  the  content  of  goodness  it  is  impossible  to 
epeak  in  detail.  On  the  whole,  the  tendency  was  to 
improve  upon  the  ethics  of  the  OT,  and  to  lay  stress 
upon  the  best  elements.  The  methods  of  charity, 
the  details  of  lovingkindness,  became  more  refined. 
Ultimately  rabbinic  ethics  show  a  high  degree  of  deli- 
cacy, and  cover  a  large  field.  The  ideals  of  humility, 
of  courtesy,  of  equity,  of  forbearance,  of  generosity 
and  brotherly  love,  are  lofty  and  well  worked  out,  A 
beautiful  sensitiveness  was  shown  in  almsgiving  to  the 
feelings  of  the  recipients,  and  no  fault  is  more  repro- 
bated by  rabbinic  teachers  than  that  of  putting  one's 
neighbour  to  shame,  or  even  of  making  him  feel 
uncomfortable.  In  all  these  respects  the  rabbinic 
ethics,  which  were  growing  to  their  fuller  develop- 
ment in  the  first  century,  yield  to  none. 

On  the  other  hand,  here  too  the  burden  of  the  sup- 
posed possession  of  a  perfect  Scripture  and  of  a  perfect 
and  authoritative  Law  had  its  drawbacks.  To  seek 
out  and  redeem  the  fallen  and  unrepentant  sinner  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  not  yet  an  acknowledged  duty.  No 
commandment  said,  "  Thou  shalt  hate  tliine  enemy  "  ; 
on  the  contrary-,  to  render  good  for  evil,  to  help  the 
man  who  hated  you  in  the  hour  of  his  distress,  were 
recognised  ideals.  Nevertheless,  God  had  enemies  and 
hated  them  :  He  hated  the  open  and  dcliljerate  sinner  ; 
He  hated  the  idolater  ;  He  hated  (speaking  generally) 
tile  enemies  of  Israel.  All  thc8<^  God  in  the  OT  is 
said  to  hate,  and  in  the  first  century  it  was  not  supposed 
that  the  Sacred  Scripture  spoke  untruly.  Whom  God 
hated  the  IsraeUtes  might,  and  on  the  whole  did,  hate. 
The  fall  and  the  slaughter  of  enemies  were  often 
desired  and  ordered  by  God  :  whom  God  would  be 
glad  to  see  perish,  the  IsraeUte  could  (and  on  the  whole 
did)  desire  to  see  perish  Ukewise.  Whom  God  was 
supposed  to  curse,  the  servant  of  God  could  legiti- 
mateh'  curse  as  well.  And  the  enemy  of  Israel — 
sometimes,  perhaps,  the  enemy  of  the  Israelite — might 
be  so  conveniently  regarded  as  the  enemy  of  God  ! 
Here,  then,  was  much  room  for  progress,  for  it  took  a 
very  long  time  till  people  could  realise  that  God  has 
no  enemies,  and  that  there  is  no  limit  to  His  forgiveness 
and  His  love  ;  till  they  could  bless  those  who  disagreed 


624 


CONTEMPORARY  JEWISH   RELIGION 


with  them,  even  as  God  blesses  and  cares  for  the  infidel 
and  the  unbeliever. 

It  is  a  notable  feature  of  the  Jewish  religion,  main- 
tained and  emphasized  throughout  its  course,  that  ita 
ideals  are  for  all.  It  did  not  form  the  conception  of  a 
super-excellent  degree  of  holiness  for  a  particular  class. 
There  is  not  one  level  of  moral  and  religious  requirc- 
nienta  for  the  great  majority,  another  and  much  higher 
level  for  special  groups  of  "  religious."  Tho  whole 
people  is  to  be  holy  :  the  commands  of  the  Law  (apart 
from  those  who  belong  to  the  priestlj'  family  or  tho 
Lcvites)  are  for  all.  Nevertheless,  in  the  first  century, 
differences  of  view  and  special  groups  did  actually 
exist.  Between  the  learned  "  Pharisee  " — the  rabbi 
or  teacher — whose  joy  and  duty  it  was  to  pass  his 
days  in  the  study  of  the  Law — between  him  at  the  ono 
extreme,  and  the  ignorant  "Am  ha  Aretz  ("  people  of 
the  land  "),  who,  for  one  reason  or  another,  did  not 
seek  to  conform  to  the  Ceremonial  Law,  and  many  of 
whom  may  have  been  neglectful  of  some  of  its  ethical 
enactments,  a  big  gulf  yawned  (Ezr.  44*).  But,  taking 
the  people  as  a  whole,  the  degrees  were  gentle.  The 
Pharisees  and  Scribes  were  popular  :  they  sprang  from 
the  people,  and  were  their  recognised  leaders  :  tho  ideal 
of  learning  was  rapidly  becoming  the  popular  ideal. 
Later  on,  to  have  one  scholar  in  a  large  familj-  was  a 
mark  of  great  distinction,  to  compass  which  father 
and  mother  would  cheerfully  scrape  and  save.  To  be 
learned  in  the  Law  was  soon  to  become  an  honour 
much  more  prized  and  sought  than  to  be  rich.  It  was 
this  culture  and  adoration  of  learning  which  was  in 
later  times  to  prevent  the  despised  and  persecuted  Jews 
from  sinking  down  in  the  moral  and  intellectual  scale. 
The  ideal  of  learning  created  a  genuine  aristocracy. 

But,  in  the  first  century,  the  edges  were  still  ragged. 
In  addition  to  the  'Am  ha  'Aretz  there  were  the 
iSadducees,  conservative,  noble,  or  priestly,  averse  from 
the  developments  of  the  Law  inculcated  by  the  Phari- 
sees, rejecting  even  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection. 
Few  in  number,  they  had  their  seasons  and  moments 
of  political  power,  but  little  or  no  lasting  influence 
upon  the  people  or  the  rehgion.  Perhaps  the  very 
existence  of  dissidents  such  as  tho  Sadducees,  and  of 
the  outcast  and  the  indifferent,  at  the  lower  end 
of  tho  scale,  stimulated  some  of  the  Pharisees  to  still 
further  lengths  of  ceremonial  and  moral  exactitude 
and  vigour.  There  were  some  Pharisees  who  deter- 
mined always  to  live  as  if  they  were  priests  in  attendance 
on  the  altar,  so  that  ritual  (or  Levitical)  purity  became 
the  foremost  object  of  their  lives.  These,  perhaps,  are 
tho  men  who  are  laughed  at  in  the  Talmud  as  the  fools 
who  destroy  the  world.  And  another  symptom  of 
this  desire  for  perfection  and  excess,  leading  to  separa- 
tion and  exclusiveness,  was  the  gradual  formation  of 
the  order  of  the  Essenes.  It  is  impossible  to  give  any 
due  account  of  these  rigorists  in  this  place,  or  to  discuss 
tho  ever- fascinating  questions  of  how  far  foreign  influ- 
ences may  have  conduced  to  their  creation,  or  what 
was  their  relation  to,  and  their  influence  upon,  John  tho 
Baptist  or  Jesus  himself.  But  ono  point  must  be 
noticed,  for  it  is  not  only  characteristic  of  the  Essenes, 
but  in  a  lesser  degree  of  Pliarisaic  and  Rabbinic  Judaism. 
This  point  is  the  combination  in  the  Essenes  of  moral 
and  ceremonial  severity.  They  were  keen  on  wash- 
ings and  bodily  purity  ;  their  rigour  in  Sabbath  ob- 
serv'ance  was  extreme  ;  they  were  no  less  keen  on 
charity,  truthfulness,  temjK'ranee,  and  many  another 
ethical  excellence.  This  comljination,  without  any 
thought  of  conHict,  of  the  outward  and  the  inward, 
of  the  ceremonial  and  the  moral,  is  hard  for  us  to 
underatand  and  to  appreciate,  but  was  admirably  and 


harmoniously  achieved  by  the  saints  and  heroes  of 
tho  later  Judaism. 

Such,  then,  was  tho  religion  of  tho  Jews  in  Palestine 
in  tho  first  century,  as  regards  their  relation  to  CJod 
and  to  one  another.  But  what  about  the  outside 
world  ?  And  what  about  the  future  ?  Tho  God  of 
Israel  was  the  only  God.  Yet  tho  Jews  were  the  only 
people  who  knew  Him  and  worshippt>d  Him.  Outside 
Israel  was  little  but  idolatry,  impurity,  and  sin. 

A  double  current,  opposite  tendencies,  existed  a'' 
regards  the  outsider,  which  was  partly  duo  to  the  fact 
that  the  outsider  and  tho  foreigner  had  pretty  well 
always  been  the  enemy  and  the  oppressor.  Tho  ono 
tendency  was  that  of  hate  and  contempt,  leading  to 
exclusivism  and  separation.  The  Gentile  is  the  enemy 
of  Israel ;  as  a  sinner  and  idolater  he  is  also  the  enemy 
of  God.  Keep  away  from  him  :  do  not  eat  with  him 
(his  food  is  unclean) ;  have  no  dealings  with  him.  In 
the  good  future  there  will  bo  a  tremendous  slaughtering 
of  Gentiles,  and  only  after  that  destruction  will  tho 
Messianic  Era  begin.  The  annihilation  of  the  CanaaM 
ites  would  repeat  itself  upon  a  grander  and  Diviner  ! 
scale.  RoUgion  and  bloodshed,  as  regards  the  enemy 
and  the  unbeliever,  still  went  hand  in  hand. 

C>n  the  other  hand,  there  was  the  marked  tendency  I 
to  glorify  God's  name  and  Israel's  by  the  making  of  j 
proselytes.  Not  so  long  ago  many  proseljrtes  had  hoen 
made  (outwardly  at  least,  with  enforced  circumcision)  1 
through  violence  and  compulsion.  Jo.sephus  mentions 
a  city  which  was  utterly  destroyed  because  "  its  in- 
habitants would  not  change  their  religious  rites  for 
those  peculiar  to  tho  Jews."  But  tho  rabbis  sought 
milder  means — persuasion  or  preaching.  Even  in 
Palestinian  Judaism  the  desire  to  spread  the  know- 
ledge of  the  One  God  was  considerable,  and  tho  number 
of  proselytes  and  half-proselytes  must  have  been 
frtirly  large.  The  teachers  who  wished  for  them  con- 
ceived the  future  more  generously.  Israel  was  always 
the  centre,  but  around  it,  perhaps  subject  to  it,  would 
be  a  big  fringe  of  Gentiles,  worshippers  of  Israel's 
God,  obedient  to  His  will,  glorifying  His  name.  Tho 
universalist  ideals  and  predictions  of  tho  prophets 
were  not  entirely  forgotten.  One  of  Hillel's  most 
famous  sayings  was  :  "  Be  of  the  disciples  of  Aaron, 
loving  peace  and  pursuing  peace,  loving  thy  fellow- 
creatures,  and  drawing  them  near  to  thoTorah." 
The  wings  of  the  Shechinah  were  conceived  as  wide 
enough  to  enfold  all  humanity  beneath  them.  And 
this  universal  knowletlge  of  the  One  God  would  bo  tho 
best  attribute  of  the  Golden  Age. 

How  this  good  future  would  bo  brought  about  waa 
variously  conceived.  Tho  personal  Messiah,  the  King 
of  David's  line,  was  generally  beheved  in,  though  what 
precisely  would  bo  ins  part  in  tho  destruction  of 
Rome,  or  what  would  bo  done  by  God  Himself,  waa 
not  clearly  defined.  By  some  thinkers,  dreamers,  and 
stx^rs  the  Messiah  waa  exalted  far  beyond  the  old 
prophetic  limits.  He  became  a  semi- Divine  personage, 
waiting  in  heaven  for  the  preclestined  hour  of  his 
human  birth.  This  exaltation  of  the  Messiah  dwindled 
away,  by  natural  opposition,  after  the  advent  and 
growth  of  Christianity.  At  tho  end  of  the  Messianic 
Ago  was  usually  placed  tho  resurrection,  tho  last 
judgment,  and  the  never-ending  days  of  tho  life  of 
the  world  to  come.  The  expectation  of  the  Messiah, 
with  all  which  liis  appearance  implied,  gave  comfort 
and  strength  to  piety,  stimulatx'd  fidelity  to  the  Law 
in  days  of  distress,  fortified  tlie  weak,  solaced  tho  de- 
spondent. Tho  Messianic  hope  was  the  ultimate 
justification  of  goodness,  as  the  resurrection  would 
provide  its  ultimate  reward. 


CONTEMPORARY  JEWISH   RELIGION 


625 


In  the  first  century,  among  certain  sections  of  the 
people,  an  ardent  conv.'ction  existed  that  the  Messiah 
would  soon  appear.  As  the  troubles  of  the  present 
increased,  as  the  hatred  of  Rome  augmented,  as  the 
darkness  grow  denser,  so  the  faith  that  dawn  was 
imminent  and  deliveranco  at  hand  became  keener. 
Claimants  to  bo  Messiah  appeared.  For  the  most 
part  the  official  leaders  and  teachers  of  the  people, 
as  well  as  the  priesthood  and  the  nobles,  stood  aloof 
from  these  movements.  But  finally,  in  the  second 
century  a.d.,  Akiba,  one  of  the  noblest  of  the  rabbis, 
was  carried  away,  and  induced  to  believe  in  tho 
Messiahship  of  a  man  who,  like  all  the  other  claimants 
(except  Jesus  of  Nazareth),  sought  by  violence  and 
rebellion  to  break  the  foreign  yoke,  and  to  bring  about 
the  Messianic  Era  by  force.  Akiba 's  martyrdom  and 
the  horrors  of  the  Hadrianic  war  at  last  sufficed  to 
make  the  belief  in  tho  Messiah  for  all  the  people  a 
pious  hope  for  a  distant  future,  and  to  leave  the  work 
of  deliverance  to  God  alone. 

But  one  conception  connected  with,  and  yet  wider 
than,  the  Messianic  hope,  remained  of  constant  and 
abiding  importance. 

This  was  tho  conception  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 
On  one  side  of  it  this  conception  was  closely  related  to 
the  Messianic  Era.  It  meant  the  condition  of  things 
when  God's  Kingsliip,  and  all  which  that  Kingship 
involved,  would  be  acknowledged  by  all  men.  For 
God  is  only  then  truly  King,  according  to  the  doctrine 
of  the  Jewish  teachers,  when  men  recognise  His  King- 
ship, when  He  has  willing  and  eager  subjects.  So  far 
as,  in  any  part  of  tho  earth,  men  do  not  recognise  that 
the  God  of  Israel  is  the  One  and  Only  God,  so  far  does 
the  Kingship  fall  short  of  its  full  reality.  Then  only 
will  the  Kingdom  be  fully  estabUshed  when  "  all  the 
children  of  flesh  will  call  upon  God's  name,  and  He  will 
turn  unto  Himself  all  the  wicked  of  the  earth,  when 
whatsoever  has  been  created  will  understand  that  He 
has  created  it,  and  whatsoever  has  breath  in  its  nostrils 
will  declare  that  the  Lord  God  of  Israel  is  King,  and  His 
dominion  is  over  all."  Thus,  though  the  Kingdom,  as 
perfected,  includes  the  dehverance  of  Israel  and  its 
primacy  among  the  nations  (the  primacy  being  inter- 
preted by  lower  minds  pohtically,  by  higher  minds 
more  spiritually),  it  is  a-lso  universah'st. 

But  the  Kingdom  is  not  only  universalist  and  future, 
it  is,  on  another  side  of  it,  present  and  individual. 
Tho  Kingdom  starts  from  Israel,  and  in  Israel  it  is 
centred.  So  far,  then,  as  Israel  acknowledges  its 
King,  and  so  far  as  every  individual  Israelite  con- 
sciously accepts  service  under  his  Sovereign,  the 
Kingdom  is  already  in  existence.  To  fulfil  the  Law  is 
to  accept  the  Kingdom,  and  willingly  to  undertake  the 
happy  yoke  of  the  Commandments  is  also  to  receive 
willingly  the  yoke  of  the  Kingdom  of  God.  Thus,  in 
this  sense,  the  Kingdom  is  present,  and  it  is  increased 
in  degree  and  in  extent  by  the  fidelity  of  every  Israelite. 
So  too  every  Israelite,  by  his  righteousness,  by  his 
love  of  God,  and  by  his  readiness  to  lay  down  his  life 
for  the  unity  of  God  and  for  tho  Law,  can  increase 
God's  glory  and  sanctify  HLs  name.  And  this  concep- 
tion of  the  Sanctification  of  the  Name  became,  through- 
out the  rabbinic  period,  the  most  powerful  motive 
for  nobility  of  life  and  for  faithfulness  unto  death. 

This  scanty  outline  must  suffice  for  tho  main  current 
of  Judaism  in  the  first  century.  But  that  main  current 
was  not  the  only  current.  Palestinian  Judaism  was 
not  tho  only  Judaism.  There  were  very  many  settle- 
ments and  communities  of  Jews  outside  Palestine. 
The  Jews  of  tho  wide  Diaspora  were  more  numerous 


than  the  Jews  of  the  mother  country.  Of  these  tho 
moat  interesting  and  important  for  our  purposes  were 
those  who  lived  in  Hellenistic  environments,  subjected, 
in  greater  or  less  degree,  to  Hellenistic  influences. 
What  modifications  in  religious  views  and  practices 
did  these  environments  and  influences  bring  about  ? 
A  few  only,  and  these  but  in  briefest  outline,  can  bo 
indicated  here. 

(1)  To  some  extent  the  purely  natural  bond  was 
loosened.  Jerusalem  was  the  spiritual  metropolis 
rather  than  the  political  capital.  The  religion  tended 
to  become  a  little  less  national ;  some  Hellenistic  Jews 
tended  to  regard  themselves  less  as  a  nation  than  as  a 
religious  brotherhood. 

(2)  Greek  influence  helped  in  certain  quarters,  and 
among  a  few  cultivated  persons,  to  philosophise  the 
religion.  Tags  of  philosojjhical  speech  (for  Hellenistic 
Jews  spoke  and  wrote  Greek),  bits  of  philosophic 
theories  and  ideas,  made  their  way  in.  The  doctrine, 
for  example,  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul  became 
familiar^  A  school  of  allegorists  arose  who  attempted 
allegorically  to  explain  away  the  pecuUar  stories,  and 
some  of  the  more  primitive  ordinances,  of  the  Law  by 
giving  to  them  esoteric  and  spiritual  meanings.  A 
radical  wing  of  this  school  went  so  far  as  to  deny  that 
such  outward  ordinances  need  be  observed  by  those 
who  knew  their  inner  signification. 

(3)  But  if,  on  the  one  hand,  these  were  results 
tending  towards  a  fuller  spirituaUty,  on  the  other 
hand  the  religious  life  and  feelings  of  the  Jews  of  tho 
Dispersion  seem  to  have  been  less  happy,  warm,  and 
contented  than  of  those  in  Palestine.  That  intimate 
relation  with  God.  that  unqualified  devotion  to  tho 
perfect  Law,  that  joy  in  the  Commandments,  that 
prevailing  optimism  of  faith — all  so  characteristic  of  the 
more  fully  developed  rabbinical  religion  of  tho  second 
and  succeeding  centuries,  and,  so  far  as  we  can  gather, 
already  growing  up  in  the  Palestinian  Judaism  of  the 
first  century — seem  less  characteristic  of  Hellenistic 
Judaism.  Sin  was  looked  at  more  sombrely,  not 
because  it  was  more  intensely  abhorred,  but  because 
less  stress  was  laid  upon  the  power  and  possibility  of 
repentance.  The  Law  was  more  consciously  justified, 
but  less  taken,  like  God  Himself,  as  an  adorable  matter 
of  fact,  to  be  foUowed  and  loved,  without  question  or 
dispute.     The  joy  of  the  Law  diminished. 

(4)  Nevertheless  Hellenistic  and  Diaspora  Judaism 
was,  upon  the  whole,  keener  about  proselytising  than 
the  Judaism  of  Palestine,  and  more  successful  in  its 
efforts.  Among  many  Hellenistic  Jews  there  was  less 
dislike  of  the  Gentile,  more  intercourse,  less  anxious 
raising  of  walls  of  partition.  And  doubtless  many 
were  wisely  and  prudently  keener  on  bringing  over 
the  Gentile  to  a  belief  in  tho  One  God  than  to  an  accept- 
ance of  the  Law.  Israel's  God  was  mere  important 
than  Israel's  Law,  or,  at  any  rate,  than  all  the  details 
of  the  Ceremonial  Code.  Hence  tho  half-proselyto  or 
semi-Jew,  already  known  in  Palestine,  was  still  more 
prevalent  in  tho  Diaspora.  These  semi- Jews,  "  fearers 
of  God,"  were  supposed  to  observe  tho  fundamental 
laws  of  Jewish  morality,  but  they  were  not  bound  to 
obey  all  the  ceremonial  ordinances.  They  had  not  to 
undergo  the  rito  of  circumcision,  which  tho  immense 
majority  of  Jewish  teachers  regarded  as  obligatory  for 
the  complete  proselyte.  In  the  general  proselytising 
work,  whether  resulting  in  semi-Jews  or  in  full  Jews, 
the  Hellenistic  preachers  clearly  laid  much  the  greater 
stress  upon  the  ethical  iand  spiritual  side  of  the  Jewish 
religion.  It  was  among  the  semi-proselytes  that  many 
recruits  for  Christianity  must  have  been  found.  For  if 
they  hail  fewer  burdens,  they  had  fewer  privileges :  they 


626 


CONTEMPORARY  JEWISH   RELiaiON 


were  an  outer  fringe,  who  could  and  would  soon  realise 
that  they  were  less  thought  of,  and  were  in  a  less 
regulated  and  more  equivocal  position,  than  those 
who,  with  circumcision,  had  taken  upon  themsolvoa 
all  the  duties,  and  could  receive  all  the  rewards  and 
satisfactions,  of  the  complete  Jew.  A  new  religion 
was  presented  to  their  notice  which,  with  other  attrac- 
tions, knew  no  differences  of  race  or  nationality,  and 
no  distinctions  or  degrees  in  its  converts.  Very  many 
of  the  new  adherents  to  Judaism,  and  especially  of  those 
who  had  not  fully  entered  within  its  gates,  must  have 
passed  over  to  the  new  creed,  while  a  large  majority 
of  bom  Jews  in  the  Diaspora,  and  a  still  more  over- 
whelming majority  in  Palestine,  clung  doggedly  to 
their  ancestral  tenets,  and,  in  spite  of  divers  diffi- 
culties, remained  faithful  to  the  Law. 

[On  the  subjects  dealt  with  in  this  article  see  further 
pp.  92-97,  368-372,  431-435,  63f)f.,  660f.] 

Literature. — Schiirer,  Geschichle  des  jMischen  Vollces 
im  ZeitaUer  Jesu  Chrisli*  (1907),  vol.  2  (E.  tr.  The 
Jewish  People  in  the  Tivie  of  Jesus  Christ,  from  2nd 
edition) ;    Bouaset,    Die  Religion  des  Judentums   im 


ntiaeDtamenilichen  Zeitaltfr  » (190G).  Both  are  standard 
works,  invaluable,  furnished  with  rich  bibliographies, 
but  to  be  read  with  caution  on  account  of  anti-Pharisaic 
bias.  Boussofs  first  edition  was  criticised  by  F. 
Porlos  in  Boiisset'a  Religion  des  Judentums  (1903); 
Bousset  replied  in  V olksfrommigkeit  und  Schriftgelehr- 
tentum  (1903).  On  the  other  side,  also  to  be  read 
with  caution  on  account  of  contrary  bias,  are  Graetz, 
Geschichte  der  Juden  *,  vol.  3  ;  Schochter,  Some 
Aspects  of  Rabbinic  Theology ;  many  articles  in  The 
Jewish  Encyclopedia  ;  and  the  last  throe  chapters 
in  my  own  Hibbert  Lectures,  The  Religion  of  the 
Ancient  Hebrews  (1892).  See  further  the  relevant 
chapters  in  Histories  of  the  Religion  of  Israel  (esp. 
H.  P.  Smith  and  Peters)  ;  Toy,  Judaism,  and  Chris- 
tianity (1890,  serenely  impartial  and  very  valuable); 
R.  T.  Herford,  Pharisaism  (1912,  very  suggestive); 
Bacher's  Agada  der  Tannaiten  is  indispensable;  no 
loss  so  is  I.  Abiahams'  StJidies  in  Pharisaism  and 
the  Gospels,  First  Series  (1917).  On  the  Apocalyp- 
tic movement  and  literature  see  biblioscraphy  on 
p.  435. 


PAGAN  RELIGION  AT  THE  COMING  OF 
CHRISTIANITY 


By  Professor  GILBERT  MURRAY 


If  we  take  religion  to  denote  all  that  region  of  human 
emotion  and  activity  which  arises  from  man's  sense 
that  ho  is  in  the  presence  and  at  the  mercy  of  mysterious 
and  overwhelming  forces  with  whom  he  can  yet  enter 
into  some  personal  relation,  we  shall  have  to  include, 
in  our  survey  of  the  pagan  world  at  the  time  of  the 
coming  of  Christianity,  much  that  is  called  mere  magic 
or  superstition  and  much  that  is  called  philosophy. 

To  understand  the  spirit  of  ancient  Grseco-Roman 
religion,  we  must  begin  by  putting  away  from  ua 
certain  preconceived  ideae.  We  must  first  of  all  put 
away  all  emphasis  on  creed  or  dogma,  and  also  on 
the  claim  of  any  one  form  of  religion  to  be  exclusively 
right.  The  Jews,  for  instance,  were  highly  unpopular 
just  because  their  religion  was  exclusive.  They  did 
not,  indeed,  in  their  early  days,  regard  Yahweh  as  the 
only  god  in  existence  ;  there  were  other  gods,  gods  of 
the  Gentiles,  and  Yahweh  was  jealous  of  any  respect 
or  worship  shown  to  them.  A  good  Israelite  was 
bound  to  detest  them  and  to  despise  their  rules  and 
rituals.  Even  when  the  nation  advanced  to  the  con- 
ception of  a  real  monotheism,  much  of  the  old  contempt 
and  bitterness  remained.  Where  a  Greek  would  regard 
Yahweh  merely  as  the  Hebrew  name  for  Zeus,  and 
Zeus  aa  his  own  name  for  Yahweh,  a  Jew  would  say 
that  Yahweh  was  the  true  God  and  Zeus  a  hellish  idol. 
And  this  attitude  was,  in  general,  taken  on  by  the 
Christians.     Cf.  p.  619. 

The  difference  goes  deep,  and  the  advantage  is  by 
no  means  all  on  the  side  of  the  Greeks.  For  the  Jews 
and  Christians,  with  many  lapses  in  which  they  treated 
the  Greek  gods  as  real  but  hostile  beings,  strove  on  the 
whole  towards  a  genuine  monotheism,  in  which  they 
simply  denied  the  existence  of  the  heathen  gods.  It 
is  curious  how  difficult  the  Greeks  found  this  attitude 
of  clean,  wholesome  denial.  They  scarcely  over  dared 
to  say  "  There  is  no  such  being  as  Apollo  or  Dionysus."' 
The  furthest  point  they  reached,  as  a  rule,  was  to 
conclude  that  Apollo  was  really  only  a  manifestation 
or  emanation  of  the  one  God  ;  or  to  suggest  that 
Dionysus  had  once  been  a  human  king  who,  because 
of  his  great  power  and  goodness,  had  been  worshipped 
by  his  grateful  subjects  after  death.  A  modem  man 
would  perhaps  press  this  admission  :  "  Well,  since 
Dionysus  is  now  dead,  he  is  clearly  not  a  god,  and  there 
is  no  use  worshipping  him."  But  our  ancient  writers 
shrink  from  accepting  such  a  conclusion.  "  Wo  do 
not  know."  they  would  answer,  "  whether  very  pure 
and  good  men  may  not  have  some  power  after  their 
death;  and  in  any  case  it  can  do  nothing  but  good 
that  we  common  men  should  pay  them  worship  and 
show  adoration  for  their  virtues." 

But  the  existence  or  non-existence  of  any  particular 
god  was  not  the  main  question  that  arose  in  the  mind 
of  an  ancient  pagan  when  he  was  confronted  by  some 


new  form  of  worship.  We  may,  without  offence,  com- 
pare the  attitude  of  an  ordinary  Catholic  peasant  who 
hears  of  the  worship  of  a  new  saint.  A\Tiat  interests 
him  is  not  whether  the  saint  ever  really  existed  :  he 
does  not  think  of  questioning  that ;  but  whether  the 
worship  is  useful.  Suppose  some  person  said  :  "  My 
daughter  was  ill ;  all  physicians  gave  her  up  ;  till  at 
last  I  perfonned  vigils  to'lsis  and  she  was  cured  "  :  or 
'■  My  son  was  a  hopeless  drunkard  and  could  not 
overcome  his  vice  till  he  put  himself  under  discipline 
at  the  temple  of  Asclepius  at  Trikka."  Such  state- 
ments might,  of  course,  be  hotly  discussed  ;  but  the 
discussion  would  seldom  turn  on  the  existence  or  non- 
existence of  Asclepius  and  Lsis. 

It  is  obvious  that  this  attitude  opened  the  door  to 
much  foolish  superstition  and  doubtless  to  much  of 
that  fraud  which  always  comes  to  meet  superstition. 
But  it  saved  the  ancient  world  from  a  vast  amount  of 
bitter  and  cruel  feeling,  and  it  encouraged  a  large 
spirit  of  tolerance  which  recognised  that  piety  and 
religious  feeling  were  fine  things  in  themselves,  what- 
ever the  name  or  number  of  the  beings  to  whom  they 
were  directed.  The  chief  difficulty  in  the  way  of  such 
tolerance  lay  in  the  existence,  here  and  there,  of 
rituals  which  were  in  themselves  barbarous.  But  here, 
too,  the  ancient  Greek  practice  was  gentle  and  even 
timid.  It  would  never  declare  a  religious  war  on  such 
survivals  from,  or  reversions  to,  the  days  of  barbarism, 
but  would  try  to  modify  them  gradually  by  the  spread 
of  civilised  ideas,  without  rudely  violating  religious 
tradition.  The  history  of  almost  every  worship  luiown 
to  us  shows  traces  of  the  gradual  expurgation  of  cruel 
or  obscene  rites.  The  human  sacrifice  was  commuted- 
by  the  sacrifice  of  a  beast  or  a  puppet ;  the  sexual 
acts  which  in  primitive  agricultural  rehgions  were  sup- 
posed to  increase  the  fertility  of  the  fields  were  modified 
to  something  which,  if  not  seemly  in  the  open,  was 
tolerable  as  a  religious  mystery. 

Thus,  within  the  pagan  world  as  a  whole,  there  was 
no  exclusive  religion  and  no  stress  laid  upon  abstract 
dogma,  either  in  affinnation  or  denial. 

The  next  notion  from  which  we  should  free  our 
minds  is  of  qtiite  a  different  kind.  We  must  not 
confuse  our  conception  of  ancient  religion  by  thinking 
of  the  stories  of  Greek  mytholqgy.  These  stories  are 
nearly  all  about  gods  or  heroe.s  who  are  sons  of  tlie 
gods  ;  yet  they  form  almost  no  part  of  real  ancient 
religion.  Tlie  point  is  rather  curious,  and  has  no  exact 
parallel  in  the  modern  world,  which,  for  good  or  ill, 
possesses  no  great  national  saga. 

Greece  was,  above  all  countries  known  to  us,  the 
home  of  legend  and  romance  ;  and  in  early  times  the 
themes  of  popular  stories  were  naturally  divine  or 
semi-divine  beings.  On  the  one  hand,  the  doings  of 
these  beings  were  told  in  human  terms  :  the  Sun,  Moon, 


027 


628 


PAGAN   RELIGION   AT   THE   COMING   OF    CHRISTIANITY 


and  Stare,  the  Vegetation  that  rose  or  failed  to  rise  in 
the  spring,  that  assuredly  died  in  the  autumn,  the 
Earth  which  every  year  was  rewodded  and  made 
fruitful ;  all  these  had  their  doings  told  in  language 
which  was  necessarily  human  language  and  coloured 
by  human  interpretations  and  emotions.  The  Sun 
sailed  in  his  boat  upon  the  ocean  ;  he  fought  witli 
Darkness  ;  he  drove  his  great  chariot  up  the  hills  of 
heaven.  The  beautiful  Spiing  God,  lover  or  brother 
or  son  of  the  Earth-Mother,  died  and  was  bewailed 
and  must  rise  again.  On  the  other  hand,  the  deeds 
of  actual  great  men  seemed  superhuman  or  divine  ; 
the  men  who  did  them  must  be  children  of  the  gods, 
and  kings  in  the  earliest  days  were  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  deity  and  magical  powers  that  the  line 
between  king  and  god  was  often  hard  to  draw.  The 
result  was  that  a  vast  mixed  mass  of  natuie-mj^h  and 
distorted  history,  which  was  the  delight  of  Greek  story- 
tellers, was  associated  from  the  outvset  with  the  names 
of  the  gods  and  divine  heroes.  In  spite  of  this  as.socia- 
tion,  however,  it  remained  essentially  in  the  realm  of 
poetry  and  fiction  ;  when  it  ventured  to  invade  the 
territory  of  religion  proper  it  was,  except  in  special 
cases,  severely  checked.  The  mythical  stories  which 
were  not  cdif^ng  were  sometimes  simply  denied,  as 
fabrications  of  the  poets  ;  more  often  they  were  ex- 
plained away  by  "  allegory."  The  principle  had  been 
laid  do-mi  more  than  four  hundred  years  before  the 
Christian  era  :  "  Homer  is  either  in  part  allegory  or 
all  blasphemy."  And,  since  the  second  alternative 
was  intolerable,  the  first  was  accepted,  not  only  by 
philosophers  but  by  almost  the  whole  Greek  world. 
It  is  instructive  to  look  in  turn  at  three  writers  :  Ovid, 
the  brilliant  and  utterly  irreligious  story-teller,  who 
revels  in  his  thousand-and-one  legends  of  meta- 
morphosis, without  a  thought  of  theological  truth  or 
the  divine  dignity :  Marcus  Aurelius  the  religious 
emperor,  who  in  his  Meditations  never  mentions  a 
myth  :  and  Sallustius,  the  writer  of  the  only  pagan 
creed  known  to  us,  who  starts  at  once  by  saying  that 
youths  ought  not  to  be  educated  on  foolish  myths  ; 
but  that,  since  they  are  sure  to  hear  such,  they  must 
understand  that  they  are  all  allegories  and  must  learn 
how  to  explain  them. 

The  view  that  the  myths  were  allegories  was,  after 
all,  not  80  far  from  the  truth,  especially  in  those  cases 
where  the  "  sacred  legend  "  was  most  unedifying.  For 
example,  a  whole  series  of  myths  about  the  amours 
of  Zeus  arose  from  a  perfectly  innocent  origin.  Each 
little  tribe  or  community  in  Greece  naturally  believed 
its  kings  to  be  descended  from  the  tribal  god  or  the 
local  river  or  mountain,  who  was  generally  wedded  to 
some  legendary  princess.  When,  in  early  Greek  his- 
tory, the  Zeus  religion  spread,  Zeus  took  the  place  of 
the  various  small  local  gods,  and  was  thus  provided 
with  a  perfect  harem  of  consorts.  Things  were  made 
more  grotesque  by  the  fact  that,  in  very  early  times, 
the  inhabitants  of  Greece  and  other  parts  of  the 
Mediterranean  world  had  held  beliefs  clo.scly  resembling 
what  is  now  called  Totemism ;  for  instance,  they 
believed  they  were  descended  from  some  divine  animal. 
a  bull  or  a  snake  or  a  swan.  These  totemic  beliefs 
were,  in  time,  overpowered  but  not  (juite  swept  away 
by  the  religion  of  Zeus ;  and  the  divine  animal- 
ancestor  was  explained  as  being  really  Zeus  in  disguise. 

The  ancients  liad  not  enough  knowledge  of  compara- 
tive religion  to  Ix*  able  to  analyse  the.se  myths  to  their 
source  ;  but  their  instinct  told  them,  quite  rightly, 
that  the  myths  did  not  mean  what  they  seemed  to 
mean.  They  were  all  of  them  in  some  sense  Other- 
meanings  or  Allegories. 


Thirdly,  we  must  clear  our  minds  of  the  fixed 
anthropomorphic  shapes  which  wo  attach  to  the  various 
gods.  There  was  anthropomorphism  in  the  real  con- 
ception of  the  ancients.  They  rejoiced  in  ideal  de- 
lineation of  various  shapes  of  beauty  and  dignity  in 
which  the  gods  might  be  imagined,  and  doubtless  their 
whole  conception  of  the  gods  was  much  influenced  by 
statues  and  pictures.  But  nothing  like  so  much  as 
ours.  We  know  Zeus  or  Apollo  solely  by  means  of 
the  statues,  pictures,  and  myths  ;  the  ancients  knew 
them  partly  by  these,  but  far  more  by  the  worahip, 
the  ritual,  the  whole  atmosphere  of  religious  emotion 
through  which  the  god  was  approached.  And  only 
the  very  ignorant,  it  would  seem,  fell  into  the  habit  of 
believing  that  Zeus  and  Apollo  were  really  like  their 
statues.  For  instance,  there  is  a  passage  in  Cicero 
{De  Natura  Deorum,  i.  36)  where  a  speaker  argues 
that  the  popular  conception  of  the  gods  ought,  in 
default  of  better  knowledge,  to  be  accepted  as  true  ; 
his  friend  answers  that  such  a  principle  is  absurd.  It 
would  land  one  in  believing  that  Minerva  went  about 
in  a  military  helmet  and  that  Jupiter  wore  a  beard. 

The  place  wliich  the  ideal  statues  and  paintings 
occupied  in  ancient  paganism  is  nevertheless  very  im- 
portant. To  grasp  its  meaning  it  is  sufficient  to  go  to 
some  anthropological  museum  and  look  first  at  a  set 
of  West  African  or  Polynesian  idols — shark-gods  and 
snake-gods  and  monstrously  deformed,  half-human 
creatures  with  teeth  a  foot  long — and  then  to  reflect 
on  the  Zeus  and  Athena  and  Apollo  of  the  great  Greek 
sculptors.  Neither  representation,  of  course,  conveys 
the  real  featiures  of  the  Divine  power  ;  but  which  is 
the  better  conception  of  its  nature  ?  Greek  art  of 
the  early  classical  period  came  with  a  religious  message 
which  may  be  superseded  but  should  not  be  despised. 
To  a  world  which  was  still  concei\-ing  of  the  Divine 
power  as  merely  frightful  and  terrific,  the  Greek 
artists  brought  the  picture  of  God  as  something  to 
be  revered  and  trusted.  To  conceive  Zeus,  they 
imagined  the  noblest  and  wisest  of  human  fathers  ; 
to  conceive  Athena,  they  imagined  the  noblest  and 
wisest  and  most  beautiful  of  maidens.  If  the  great 
Greek  artists  had  expressed  themselves  in  writing 
instead  of  marble,  we  should  probably  have  nothing 
but  approval  for  their  efforts.  But  their  gifts  took  a 
different  direction.  Instead  of  trying  to  explain  in 
language  the  ideal  which  we  ought  to  form  of  the 
Divine  nature,  they  set  to  work  to  express  that  ideal 
in  the  art  of  which  they  happened  to  be  mastere.  It 
was  as  much  as  to  say :  "  The  nearest  conception  we 
can  make  of  Grod,  when  projected  in  marble,  is  eome- 
thing  like  that." 

By  the  Christian  era,  however,  the  spiritual  effort 
which  produced  the  classical  conceptions  of  the  Greek 
gods  had  long  since  spent  itself.  The  traditional  shapes 
of  the  gods  had  lost,  for  most  people,  their  old  signifi- 
cance, and  the  sculpture  itself  had  lost  its  beauty.  It 
is  worth  remarking  that,  in  an  age  of  great  artistic 
decadence,  the  monuments  of  the  religion  of  Mithras 
show,  amid  all  their  clumsiness,  a  certain  intensity  of 
religious  feeling,  just  as  the  early  Christian  monumenta 
do.  This  cannot  be  said  of  the  contemporary  repre- 
sentations of  the  gods  of  traditional  paganism. 

We  clear  our  minds,  then,  of  the  idea  of  dogma,  of 
the  literary  mythologj',  of  the  extreme  anthropo- 
morphism of  the  statues.  There  remains  the  positive 
side  of  the  question.  Let  us  begin  by  considering  the 
ordinary  local  religion  of  an  average  ancient  com- 
munity, before  the  spread  of  commerce  and  travel  had 
introduced  confusion. 


PAGAN  RELIGION  AT   THE   COMING   OF   CHRISTIANITY 


629 


The  community,  village  or  tribe  or  group,  normally 
lived  a  precarious  life,  subject  to  flood  and  drought, 
to  pestilence  and  war,  visits  of  pirates  and  incursions 
of  wild  beasts,  to  a  degree  which  we  can  only  with 
difficulty  imagine.  Consequently  it  felt  vividly  its 
dependence  on  mysterious  powera,  on  the  unseen  or 
the  "  sacred."  Misfortunes  were  mostly  interpreted  as 
punishments,  sometimes  just,  sometimes  by  human 
standards  wildly  capricious,  sent  by  the  Tlieoi  or 
unseen  powers.  The  Theoi  punished  any  disrespect 
to  themselves.  They  punished  perjury,  sacrilege, 
murder,  excessive  pride,  and  various  family  and  sexual 
crimes  such  as  adultery  and  incest ;  they  punished 
also  all  kinds  of  other  acts  which  happened  to  be 
breaches  of  their  curious  rules,  and  only  very  wise 
men  knew  what  the  rules  were.  Severe  punishment 
might  follow  such  acts  as  the  taking  of  a  census,  or 
suffering  twins  to  live,  or  not  treating  twins  with 
proper  veneration,  or  eating  the  wrong  food  at  some 
holy  place  or  time.  The  punishments  were,  of  course, 
usually  blind  explosions  of  wrath,  making  little  dis- 
tinction between  the  sinner  and  his  innocent  neigh- 
bours. And  if  no  sin  whatever  had  been  committed 
by  anybody — an  almost  impossible  condition — still 
perhaps  there  was  some  theos  whom  everyone  had 
forgotten  and  who  was  furious  at  his  neglected  state. 

This  statement  perhaps  puts  the  matter  too  person- 
ally. At  the  earliest  stage  known  to  us,  the  Divine 
power  was  predominantly  conceived  not  as  embodied  in 
so  many  definite  gods,  but  rather  in  what  anthropolo- 
gists call  tabu  and  mana.  A  tabu  is  a  prohibition  ;  the 
tabu  object  must  not  be  touched  or  approached,  the 
tabu  deed  must  not  be  done  (p.  288).  For  instance, 
there  were  certain  holy  objects  which  only  certain 
special  people  could  see  or  touch  ;  any  other  who  saw 
or  touched  would  be  struck  blind  or  mad  or  dead. 
Again  mana — the  word  is  modem  and  comes  from  the 
Pacific  Islands — is  any  positive  power  which  is  not 
quite  to  be  accounted  for  in  ordinary  ways.  A  vic- 
torious general  is  full  of  viana  ;  demoralised  troops 
have  lost  it ;  a  prophet  or  magician  or  divine  king  is 
bursting  with  it,  and  is  more  full  at  some  moments  than 
others.  Sometimes  you  can  see  it  in  his  eyes.  If  he  is 
very  full  of  it  he  is  practically  a  god.  The  mana  of 
Zeus  is  all- victorious  and  never  leaves  him.  A  father's 
blessing  or  curse,  or  a  dying  man's,  is  full  of  mana. 
The  Theoi  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  though,  as  a  rule 
dimly  projected  as  personal  beings,  are,  for  the  most 
part,  just  unknown  vehicles  of  this  mana. 

Now,  what  special  uncertainties  will  most  vex  our 
supposed  community,  and  make  it  feel  its  terrible 
dependence  on  the  Theoi  ?  First  and  most  constant, 
there  are  the  vicissitudes  of  agriculture  and  fertility. 
If  the  fields  are  not  fruitful,  if  the  flocks  do  not  bear 
young,  the  people  win  starve.  Hence  a  vast  amount 
of  early  human  religion  is  devoted  to  measures  for 
procuring  fertility,  both  by  "  sympathetic  magic,"  or 
ritual  directly  intended  to  promote  the  fruitfulness  of 
the  fields,  and  by  sacrifices  to  the  Theoi  who  ruled 
such  issues.  The  fruitfulness  of  the  human  families 
was  regarded  simply  as  a  branch  of  the  same  subject. 
Most  of  the  rites  which  we  stigmatise  as  "  licentious  " 
are  due  to  the  grouping  together  of  these  different 
forms  of  fertilisation,  and  supposing  that  one  could 
cause  the  other.  To  the  worshippere  they  doubtless 
seemed  just  as  obvious  and  unobjectionable  as  our 
own  practice  of  manuring  the  fields.  In  any  case,  the 
issue  of  next  years  crop  was  the  central  uncertainty 
of  life.     It  lay  with  the  gods. 

Next,  the  power  of  the  gods  came  vividly  home  to 
men     when    some    special    and    exceptional    danger 


threatened,  in  cases  of  flood  or  pestilence  or  earthquake 
or  the  like,  and  most  of  all  in  war.  The  tribe's  own 
gods  would  normally  defend  it  against  its  neighbours' 
gods,  though  they  might,  in  particular  emergencies, 
be  overcome,  or  even  be  so  angry  aa  to  turn  against 
their  people. 

A  third  sphere  which  belonged  to  the  gods  in  general, 
and  particularly  to  the  patriarch  of  the  gods,  Zeus 
or  Jupiter,  was  the  rigliting  of  human  wrongs  and  the 
punishing  of  those  most  hateful  sins  which  escaped 
or  overrode  the  powers  of  human  justice.  The  natural 
indignation  of  man  at  the  sight  of  great  wrongs  which 
he  cannot  remedy,  compelled  him  to  create  the  imagi- 
nary form,  or  to  divine  the  hidden  reality,  of  a  great 
all-seeing  Judge  who  shall  do  right  in  the  end.  The 
strong,  wicked  man  whom  none  dared  touch  ;  tho 
cunning  perjurer  who  could  never  be  proved  guilty  ; 
above  all,  the  proud  and  cruel  man  who  trampled  on 
the  poor  and  mocked  the  suppliant ;  all  these  had 
their  doom  awaiting  them.  It  was  for  them  that  Zeus 
kept  his  thunderbolts.  Of  course  the  facts  of  life 
were  often  difficult  to  reconcile  with  this  belief,  but 
it  has  generally  subsisted  in  the  human  mind,  facta 
or  no  facts.  If  the  wicked  were  not  always  struck 
down  in  this  Life,  there  was  a  very  widespread  though 
not  universal  or  confident  belief  in  another  life  in 
which  sin  would  be  assuredly  punished. 

Summing  up  these  conceptions  of  the  main  work  of 
the  gods  of  any  one  small  community,  we  see  that  the 
gods  generally  cover  all  the  unknown  forces  or  wills 
which  specially  affect  the  welfare  of  the  community 
and  the  satisfaction  of  its  elemental  sense  of  right. 
The  particular  form  in  which  the  local  gods  were  con- 
ceived does  not  much  matter.  The  commonest  con- 
ception through  the  Mediterranean  world,  including 
Greece,  Asia  Jlinor,  Syria,  and  even  Babylonia,  re- 
garded the  Earth — or  the  soil  of  the  local  fields — as  a 
mother  or  fruitful  wife,  closely  connected  with  some 
Youth,  son  or  brother  or  consort,  who  represented  in 
varying  proportions  the  Sun  or  Spring  or  Year.  Of 
this  we  shall  speak  later.  Agriculture  and  pasture 
were  the  most  prominent  interests  :  but  the  special 
god  of  a  fishing  village  would  probably  be  a  fishing-god, 
of  a  hunting  village  a  hunting-god,  and  so  on.  What- 
ever form  the  local  god  or  gods  nught  take,  they 
formed  really  a  sort  of  personal  centre  on  which  all 
the  intenser  collective  emotions  of  the  community 
might  gather.  The  tribesman's  devotion  to  his  tribe 
expressed  itself  in  a  religious  form,  as  an  actual 
worship  of  his  local  Earth-Goddess,  his  Tribal  God,  and 
perhaps  of  his  half-divine  King. 

A  remote  township  might  keep  its  traditional  worship 
quite  clear-cut  and  continue  to  believe  in  its  peculiar 
gods.  But  in  any  large  and  cosmopolitan  city  such 
simplicity  was  impossible.  The  best  solvent  of  small 
local  superstitions  is  travel  and  varied  intercourse 
with  mankind.  And  a  citizen  of  Rome,  for  instance, 
in  the  west  or  Antioch  in  the  east,  must  soon  have  had 
the  comers  knocked  off  his  religious  prejudices,  as  ho 
associated  with  the  foreign  merchants  and  soldiers 
and  priests  and  learned  men  who  flocked  in  from  other 
parts  of  the  world.  He  would  doubtless  keep  a 
specially  wami  place  in  hia  heart  for  some  of  his  local 
cults.  He  would  smile  at  the  odd  forms  of  worship 
which  some  of  his  foreign  friends  brought  with  them 
and  carried  out  in  the  chapels  and  shrines  which  thoy 
built  for  the  purpose.  But  he  would  be  thrown  in 
general  back  on  the  conviction  that,  amid  all  the 
differences  of  nomenclature  and  ritual,  tme  religion 
was  much  the  same  all  the  world  over.     The  one  thing 


630 


PAOAN   RELIGION   AT    THE   COMING   OF    CHRISTIANITY 


ho  could  fairly  donmnd  of  all  titiwns  and  all  vLsitora 
was  tiiat  titcy  shoidd  jmy  their  homage  to  the  god.s  of 
the  city  and  usti  their  prayei-8  for  the  city's  welfare. 

We  have  noticed  that,  in  a  simple  and  isolated 
community,  there  would  be  little  distinction  felt  be- 
tween the  prayei-H  :  "  Let  Mother  Earth  1)0  fruitful  " 
and  •'  Lot  our  fields  be  fruitful.''  The  Earth-maidon 
or  Earth-mother  waa  neither  consciously  local  nor 
definitely  universal.  You  spoke  of  "  Earth,"  but  you 
thought'and  cared  about  your  own  fields.  It  was  thus 
easy  for  the  local  agricultural  worships  to  blend  ■with 
one  anotlior,  and  for  the  worships  of  an  influential 
community  to  spread  abroad  and  more  or  less  supersede 
the  neighbouring  worehips.  This  occurred  even  with 
the  gods  who  had  not  their  roots  directly  in  the  soil, 
but  appealed  more  to  the  intellect  and  imagination. 
For  instance,  with  the  spread  of  Greek  culture  the 
chief  Greek  gods  spread  in  this  way  over  all  the  eastern 
empire  and  most  of  the  west.  Sometimes  they  found 
a  local  object  of  worship  with  whom  they  could  be 
identified.  Zeus,  for  instance,  not  only  superseded 
innumerable  small  cults  in  his  range  of  influence  :  he 
was  also  identified  with  any  great  patriarchal  god 
whom  his  worshippers  met,  with  the  Roman  Jupiter, 
the  I^ibyan  Amnion,  the  Italic  Silvanus,  the  unknown 
Baal  of  Doliche  in  »Syria,  aa  well  as  with  the  gods  of 
Persian  or  Hebrew  monotheism.  Sometimes  a  par- 
ticular deity,  Uke  Athena  or  Serapis  or  Hercules,  spread 
his  influence  through  some  special  appeal  to  mens 
needs  or  habits  of  mind. 

When  the  local  community  became  a  walled  city 
with  an  extended  territory  and  markets  and  docks 
and  armies  and  complex  interests,  the  local  goddess 
changed  her  character.  Notably  she  put  a  crown  of 
towers  upon  her  head,  or  took  some  other  sign  of  her 
new  mtercsts.  One  may  tliink  again  of  Athena, 
originally  an  earth-maiden  like  the  others,  who  became, 
as  the  spirit  of  Athens,  an  ideal  of  wisdom  and  industry, 
backed  in  the  last  resort  by  symbols  of  war. 

But  by  far  the  most  important  city  was  Rome  : 
important  both  for  reasons  of  material  history  and  for 
the  light  her  worship  throws  on  ancient  religious  psycho- 
logy. Roma,  Dea  Roma,  Urbs  Roma,  Fortuna  Romae, 
she  had  no  ^nv-id  anthropomorphic  personality.  But 
the  worship  of  her  was  almost  universal,  and  the 
meaning  of  the  worship  clear  to  every  mind.  AU  men 
could  feel  that  there  was  in  Rome  and  the  doings  of 
Rome  something  beyond  the  ordinary.  Her  name 
struck  terror  or  inspired  confidence.  A  Roman  legion 
was  something  nmcli  more  than  ten  thousand  soldiers. 
The  Yes  or  No  of  a  Roman  pro-consul  meant  salvation 
or  despair  to  a  whole  province.  A  Roman  citizen 
walked  without  fear  in  places  whore  a  common  man 
dared  not  venture.  All  this  meant,  in  the  ancient 
mind,  that  Rome  waa,  as  they  put  it,  something  more 
than  mortal,  something  divine.  Rome  W£i8  a  goddess  ; 
or  at  least  there  waa  a  divine  power  behind  Rome. 
Her  Fortune — the  power  that  made  her  destiny — was 
divine ;  her  spirit,  her  numen,  was  divine.  The 
language  which  to  us,  with  our  rooted  monotheism, 
seems  exaggerated  or  even  blasphemous,  seemed  to 
the  ancients  with  their  infinite  number  of  gods  known 
and  unknown,  permanent  and  transitory,  merely  the 
natural  exprcKsion  of  an  obvious  and  impressive  fact. 
The  thrill  of  awe  with  which  the  provincials  saw  the 
advance  of  Roman  power  and  Roman  justice  could 
only  express  itself  in  terms  of  an  altar  and  incense. 
And  this  adoration  of  Rome  carried  with  it,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  adoration  of  the  gods  of  Rome  and  of 
its  more  than  human  ruler. 


One  sometimes  sees  the  argument  used,  that  Chris- 
tianity must  be  the  best,  or  the  true,  religion  becaufje 
the  Christian  nations  so  clearly  lead  the  world.  Chris- 
tianity is  identified  with  all  the  highest  attainments  of 
humanity.  One  may  doubt  whether  a  devout  Christian 
would  accept  such  an  argument ;  but  it  shows  a  state 
of  mind  voiy  similar  to  that  of  the  worshipper  of 
Rome  and  CaDsar.  Rome  is  the  supreme  power  on 
earth  ;  Rome  brings  peace,  safety,  justice,  civilisation. 
If  tilings  are  well  with  Rome,  they  are  well  with  the 
human  race.  Rome,  a  man  might  feci,  represents  tho 
will  of  the  gods  on  earth  ;  let  us  servo  and  adore  her. 

The  worship  of  Rome  involved  the  worship  of  Caesar. 
It  seems  to  us  shocking,  the  thought  of  paying  divine 
honours  to  a  man,  and  often  a  very  bad  man  ;  though 
we  should  remember  that  those  emperors  who  were 
felt  to  have  been  unworthy  of  their  office — Nero, 
Caligula,  Domitian,  and  others — were  not  deified.  But 
tho  doctrine  of  the  Divine  Right  of  Kings,  which  is 
not  yet  dead  in  Christian  Europe,  is,  aa  Sir  James 
Frazor  has  shown,  only  the  pale  shadow  of  a  belief, 
once  world-wide  and  unquestioned,  in  the  actual 
divinity  of  kings.  He  shows  reason  to  believe  that 
the  early  kings  of  Rome — Romulus,  Numa,  and  tho 
rest — were  regarded  aa  gods  ;  and,  if  that  point  is  dis- 
puted, there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  kings  of  Egjrpt 
and  Syria  were  habitually  treated  as  incarnate  gods, 
and  that  great  men,  both  conquerors  and  sages,  had 
been  freely  worshipped  in  Asia  IVIinor  and,  except 
during  the  classical  period,  in  Greece.  A  man  of 
transcendent  iiutna,  who  made  you  feel  emotions  of 
awe  and  wonder  and  devotion,  whose  power  seemed 
to  reach  out  beyond  human  knowledge  or  expecta- 
tion .  .  .  what  could  the  plain  man  call  him  except 
divinus  homo,  or  dens  ? 

The  belief  in  the  god-man  was  so  ancient,  so  natural 
to  the  barbarian  populations  both  in  west  and  east,  and 
further  so  immensely  convenient  to  kings  and  rulers  who 
wished  to  exercise  powers  for  which  there  was  no  exact 
constitutional  provision,  that  ita  ultimate  success 
seems  less  surprising  than  the  great  shyness  and  re- 
luctance with  which  tho  civilised  nations  gradually 
gave  way  to  it.  Alexander's  divine  claim  was  mocked, 
though  it  could  not  be  resisted,  in  Athens.  The  gradual 
and  tentative  deification  of  Julius  Ca>sar  can  be  studie<l 
more  closely.  Cajsar's  extant  writings  do  not  mention 
it,  nor  does  he  seem  to  have  shown  any  interest  in  it. 
Cicero  mot  Crosar  familiarly,  though  with  some  dislike, 
during  the  period  when  his  cult  waa  Iwing  establishecl 
in  various  places,  but  pays  veiy  little  attention  to  it. 
There  are  two  slight  jests  at  it  in  Cicero's  voluminous 
letters,  and  one  expression  of  uidignation  in  a  speech 
against  Antonius  after  Ca'sar's  death.  "  So  Marcus 
Antoniua  is  a  priest  {jlnmen)  of  the  divine  Julius — as 
it  might  bo  a  priest  of  Jupiter  or  Mars  or  Quirinus  !  ' 
(Philip,  ii.  4'.\,  1 10).  Educated  feeling  almost  cvorywhei-e 
was  repelled  by  the  worshij)  of  the  man-god,  especially 
in  this  imideai  form.  The  worship  of  a  sage  or  hero 
waa  both  less  offensive  and  less  dangerous.  When 
Aristotle  put  up  an  altar  to  Plato,  he  expressed  m 
religious  symbolism  his  pious  reverence  for  something 
extraordinary  in  Plato's  character,  or,  as  he  would 
have  put  it^  Plato's  soul.  That  waa  very  different 
from  worshipping  a  successful  general,  or  a  king  who 
happened  to  jiossess  successful  generals.  Tho  deifica- 
tion of  tho  living  presented  a  further  difficulty. 
Egyptians  and  Syrians  had  no  scruples  about  it ;  but 
the  Greek  kings  of  those  nations,  though  their  whole 
policy  waa  to  steep  themselves  in  Oriental  state,  took 
two  or  three  generations  before  they  would  claim  divine 


PAOAN  RELIGION   AT   THE   COMING  OF   CHRISTIANITY 


631 


honours  in  their  lifotimo.  And  in  Rome,  though  the 
living  Emperor  had  his  altars  and  his  priests,  and  the 
name  Augustus  had  an  almost  religious  moaning,  still 
one  can  trace  a  decided  preference  for  worshipping 
some  supposed  divine  clement  in  the  Emperor  rather 
than  the  Emperor  himself.  It  is  apt  to  be  his  Oenius, 
his  Fortuna  or  his  Victoria,  his  Salus  or  Concordia  ; 
that  is  his  Soul  or  Mana,  the  divine  force  which  guided 
his  destiny  and  made  him  victorious,  or  lastly  that 
power  in  him  which  established  the  public  welfare  or 
the  public  concord.  After  death,  when  the  great 
man's  soul  was  presumably  in  heaven,  it  was  much 
easier  to  speak  of  him  as  Divus.  He  was  "  now  in 
glory."  It  is,  however,  curious  and  significant  that 
the  practical  Romans  objected  far  more  effectively  to 
the  word  Rex  than  the  word  Divus  or  even  Deus. 
Caesar  might  be  a  god,  if  that  was  found  convenient, 
but  no  Caesar  dared  to  call  himself  a  king. 

A  religion  which  aims  at  very  wide  expansion  must 
obviously  have  a  wide  and  varied  appeal.  It  must  not 
commend  itself  only  to  the  highly  spiritual  or  the 
exceptionally  vutuous.  And  the  worship  which  we 
have  been  discussing  was  admirably  fitted  to  be  the 
basic  religion  of  a  wide  and  motley  empire.  Being 
based  on  very  ancient  foundations  it  was  intelligible 
to  every  one.  On  its  higher  side  it  gave  religious 
expression  to  an  emotion  of  mystic  loyalty  to  the  Great 
City  which  almost  coincided  with  love  of  the  human 
race.  If  mankind  was  to  be  saved  from  the  miseries 
which  threatened  to  engulf  it  during  the  first  century 
B.C.  it  was  clearly  through  Rome  and  the  Pax  Romana 
that  the  gods  meant  the  salvation  to  come.  To  serve, 
however  humbly,  that  great  purpose  and  to  bum 
incense  on  that  altar  was  a  real  religion  to  many  high- 
minded  and  public-spirited  men.  It  was  a  sober 
religion,  too.  It  made  no  extravagant  demands  on 
credulity  or  mysticism.  No  one  was  bound  to  say  in 
what  sense  he  chose  to  recognise  the  divine  element 
in  Rome  or  Csesar ;  he  was  expected  to  bum  his 
incense  on  certain  occasions,  very  much  as  an  English- 
man is  expected  on  similar  occasions  to  join  in  singmg 
"  God  save  the  King,"  and  pray  that  that  monarch's 
enemies,  irrespective  of  their  grounds  of  quarrel,  may 
be  confounded.  One  can  easily  imagine  a  situation  in 
which  the  man  who  refused  to  do  so  might  be  punished. 
It  was,  above  all,  a  practical  religion,  commending  itself 
to  serious  public  men  who  had  no  taste  or  leisure  for 
speculating  on  theology.  On  its  lowest  side,  again,  it 
suited  the  flatterer  and  the  time-server  ;  it  suited  the 
timid  trader  who  wanted  nothing  but  peace  and  a 
strong  government ;  and  it  gave  occasional  opjwr- 
tunities  for  the  superstition  of  the  Oriental  provinces. 
In  sum  it  was  an  instinctive  popular  worship  re- 
gulated and  controlled  by  official  sanction,  a  worship 
which  admitted  no  imposture,  practised  no  impure 
rites,  and  encouraged  no  delirium  of  emotion. 

There  is  a  tragic  irony  in  the  fact  that  it  was  just 
this  religion,  apparently  so  unexacting,  so  tolerant,  so 
permeated  by  coolness  and  common-sense,  which  was 
responsible  for  the  great  persecutions  of  Christianity. 
Yet*  the  historical  chain  of  causes  is  plain  enough.  If 
Roma  Dea  was  the  personification  of  world-wide  peace 
and  humane  civilisation,  she  only  assorted  herself  in 
that  character  by  means  of  steady  and  somewhat 
ruthless  conquest.  To  the  great  multitude  within  the 
fold  she  represented  concord  and  welfare  ;  to  the  few 
yet  struggUng  without  she  was  the  incarnate  enemy. 
Again,  though  the  rehgioiis  demand  she  made  on  her 
alien  subjects  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  normal  man, 
exceedingly  light,  she  etmok  against  a  section  of  people 


to  whom  the  acceptance  of  that  light  demand  was  just 
the  central  and  impossible  infamy.  A  prayer  of  good- 
will for  the  welfare  of  Rome  and  Csesar  and  the  whole 
empire,  a  recognition  of  the  divine  destiny  of  Rome 
by  means  of  a  gift  of  incense  to  the  sacred  City  and  tho 
spirit  that  guided  her — to  the  Jew  or  Christian  this 
meant  apostasy  and  the  worship  of  devils.  Probably 
tho  actual  dogmatic  difficulty  might  have  been  got 
over.  A  genuinely  loyal  Jew  or  Christian  might 
frankly  have  been  able  to  say  :  "  We  have  all  good- 
will to  the  Roman  world,  but  our  religion  forbids  us 
this  particular  way  of  showing  it ;  "  and  a  reasonable 
magistrate  might  well  have  met  bim  half-way.  But 
apparently  this  line  was  not  taken.  By  the  time  our 
evidence  becomes  clear  the  split  has  become  irrecon- 
cilable. The  author  of  the  Book  of  Revelation,  for 
instance,  regards  Rome  with  a  frenzy  of  hatred.  She 
is  the  Harlot  throned  and  crowned,  drunken  with 
blood  ;  he  longs  for  tho  time  when  she  shall  be  made 
desolate  and  naked,  her  flesh  torn  by  wild  beasts  and 
consumed  utterly  with  fire.  And  we  cannot  protend 
that  this  hatred  was  directed  simply  against  Nero  or 
Domitian,  the  persecutor  and  his  officials.  Tho  whole 
world  belongs  to  the  Beast  and  the  Scarlet  Woman  ; 
and  the  writer's  prayers  or  incantations  aim  at  the 
wholesale  destruction  of  all  the  peoples  of  the  empire. 
Their  rivers  shall  be  turned  to  blood,  the  water  they 
drink  shall  be  poisoned,  they  shall  be  trampled  under- 
foot till  their  blood  shall  make  a  sea  up  to  the  bridles 
of  the  horses  ;  and  then,  at  last,  the  Righteous  will 
be  happy  and  bless  the  name  of  the  Lamb  !  The 
wrongs  which  the  early  Christians  had  sufEered  enable 
the  historian  to  understand  such  passages  ;  but  he 
cannot  wonder  that  to  the  average  pagan,  they  seemed 
mere  outbursts  of  loathsome  and  appalling  malignity, 
a  genuine  "  hatred  of  the  human  race  "  (pp.  616,  774f.). 

We  have  so  far  been  considering  the  root  conceptions 
of  paganism  in  general  and  the  kind  of  religion — if  so 
we  may  call  it — which  was  consciously  or  unconsciously 
common  to  the  whole  Gra?co-Roman  world.  There 
were  besides  various  particular  religions  in  something 
like  the  modem  sense  :  systems  of  practice  and  dogma 
which  appealed  to  the  personal  faith  of  then-  adlierents 
and  claimed  some  more  or  less  exclusive  efficacy  for 
salvation.  These  fall  into  two  main  currents,  the 
MjTstery  Religions  and  the  systems  of  organised 
philosophy. 

To  understand  the  nature  of  the  Jlystcry  Religions 
we  must  try  first  to  understand  two  institutions  that 
are  strange  to  us,  tho  very  ancient  agricultural  worshiji 
of  the  Mother  and  the  Youth,  and  the  practice,  usual 
in  most  primitive  races,  of  initiating  the  boys  of  the 
tribe  at  manhood. 

The  rchgion  of  the  Mother  and  Youth  can  bo  traced 
back  to  the  greyest  anticjuity.  Dr.  Langdon,  in  treating 
of  Ishtar  and  Tammuz,  uses  evidence  reaching  to 
6000  B.C.  The  name  Tammuz,  or  Damuzl,  means 
"  Tho  Faithfid  Son  "'  ;  he  shows  his  faithfulness  by 
djang  in  some  sense  to  save  the  life  of  the  world.  He 
is  cut  down  with  the  com,  plucked  with  the  fruit, 
withered  with  the  flowers  and  trees  ;  but  he  shall  rise 
again,  so  his  mourners  tmst.  and  the  world  not  remain 
dead  for  ever.  His  great  festival  is  a  mourning  for 
death  (c/.  Ezek.  814)  followed  by  a  rejoicing  for  resur- 
rection. The  emotion  naturally  inherent  in  this  rite 
was  intonsified  tenfold  by  the  custom  according  to 
which  a  human  victim,  and  that  none  other  than  the 
divine  king  himself,  took  upon  him  tho  part  of  the  god 
and  actually  died  for  his  {Myopic.  All  kinds  vi  varia- 
tion occurred.     The  slaying  that  seems  once  to  have 


632 


PAGAN   RELIGION   AT    THE   COMING   OF   CHRISTIANITY 


been  an  annual  ceremony  became  rarer  ;  it  occurred 
only  at  longer  intervals  or  at  moments  of  great  peril. 
A  substitute  was  found  for  the  king,  sometimes  one 
of  blood  royal,  scjmetimes  some  voluntary  martyr, 
sometimes  a  criminal  or  an  outcast.  As  Greek  civilisa- 
tion advanced,  the  human  sacrifice  waa  diiscontinued 
altogether,  and  at  most  some  mere  symbol  of  the 
slaying  remained.  But  even  in  Greece  the  early  legends 
ring  with  two  confused  and  vibrating  memories  ;  the 
mere  horror  of  human  victims  slain  shrieking  at  the 
altars,  and  the  dark  glory  of  princes  and  virgins  who 
voluntarily  gave  their  blood  for  their  peoples. 

The  emotion  which  surrounded  the  Dying  Youth 
was  not  more  keen  than  that  which  enwrapped  the 
Mourning  Mother.  From  the  wanderings  of  Ishtar 
to  those  of  Uemeter,  her  lamentations  are  hard  to  read 
with  dry  eyes  oven  now.  She  Is  from  the  beginning 
the  Mater  Dolorosa,  the  Mother  of  Sorrows  ;  her  heart 
is  pierced  not  only  by  her  own  woes,  but  by  those  of 
all  her  children.  And  it  is  important  to  realise — 
though  the  realisation  comes  to  the  modem  and  un- 
initiated mind  with  a  shock  of  repulsion — that  on  this 
adored  figure  of  the  Mother  were  heaped  all  possible 
passionate  forms  of  mans  love  for  woman.  She  is 
mother,  sister,  and  bride  ;  she  is  the  eternal  Virgin 
and  the  Beloved  of  innumerable  lovers.  In  the 
Babylonian  liturgies  Tammuz  is  not  only  her  son  but 
her  bridegroom,  and  at  times  her  brother.  In  Egypt, 
where  the  royal  family  generally  mtcrmarried  within 
its  own  limits,  the  great  goddess  IsLs  was  both  sister 
and  wife  of  Osiris.  Under  Greek  influence  this  con- 
fusion was  expurgated  away.  Li  Phrygia  Attia  was 
only  the  bridegroom  of  Gybele  or  the  Great  Mother, 
and  Adonis  was  not  related  to  the  goddess  who  be- 
wailed him. 

Some  of  these  rites  laid  stress  on  virginity  or  conti- 
nence in  the  worshipper.  Some,  like  those  of  Attis, 
actually  advised  castration  for  those  who  desired  com- 
plete purity.  Others  again,  taking  the  opposite  line, 
regarded  a  sexual  union  with,  or  under  the  sanction  of, 
the  divine  power  as  the  highest  experience  of  religion. 
It  is  obvious  that  in  all  such  worships  there  were 
elements  of  the  most  diverse  nature  ;  at  the  best, 
appeals  to  high  religious  pavssion  culminating  in  a 
complete  and  saintly  surrender  to  the  love  of  a  personal 
god  ;  at  the  ordinary  level,  a  degree  of  emotion  and 
a  style  of  language  which  might  take  by  storm  hearts 
that  were  hardened  against  a  more  sober  aj)peal,  but 
which  could  hardly  help  being  dangerous  and  open  to 
misconstruction  ;  at  the  worst,  palpable  frauds  and 
base  exploitations  of  the  connexion  which  admittedly 
exists  in  human  nature  between  ecstatic  emotion  and 
sexual  excitement.  The  evidence  of  ancient  writera 
about  the  divera  mysteries,  together  with  the  language 
of  the  few  mystery  texts  that  are  preserved,  amply 
bears  out  these  conclusions. 

Cults  of  this  kind,  extemallj'  bizaiTe  or  even  sinister, 
while  claiming  to  have  at  their  heart  the  highest 
revelation  of  the  divine,  tended  naturally  to  mysticism. 
Tlicy  drew  a  marked  line  between  the  out«r  shell  seen 
by  the  profane  and  the  inward  secret  understood  by 
the  initiated.  And  in  ancient  society  the  machinery 
for  this  kind  of  mysticism  lay  everywhere  ready  to 
hand. 

In  almost  all  the  savage  societies  known  to  us,  both 
ancient  and  modem,  there  is  a  practice,  or  some  trace 
of  a  practice,  of  Tribal  Initiation.  The  varieties  of  this 
custom  are  great  ;  the  age  appointed  for  the  boys' 
initiation  differs  in  tlitfercnt  places.  But  as  a  normal 
type  we  may  say  that  the  initiation  ceremony  is  a 
ritual    for    marking    and  emphasizing    that    cardinal 


moment  when  the  Boy  becomes  Man.  The  novice 
must  put  away  childish  things  and  take  upon  him 
manly  things.  His  inanhood  (avhptia,  virtues),  is  put 
to  the  ordeal  both  of  physical  privation  and  torture 
and  of  supernatural  terrors.  He  is  taken  away  to 
some  remote  i)lace.  He  is  ultimately  made  to  believe 
that  he  will  be  killed  and  even  that  he  has  been  killed  ; 
ho  moves  for  a  time  among  the  dead,  sees  gods  and 
daemons  and  the  tribe's  great  ancestors,  is  instructed 
in  the  duties  of  a  full  Man  and  the  last  secrets  of 
the  tribal  religion  ;  and  so  returns  to  the  common 
earth  and  his  new  tribal  duties.  Ho  is  now  free  to 
perform  the  three  ^reat  duties  of  a  grown  man  ;  to 
beget  the  tribe's  children,  to  slay  the  tribe's  enemies, 
and  to  speak  as  a  man  in  the  tribal  council. 

When  for  any  reason — emigration,  for  instance,  or 
conquest  or  mixtures  of  races — ^these  initiations  cease 
to  be  compulsory  upon  a  whole  tribe,  they  naturally 
become  the  basis  of  a  secret  society.  Some  elders  or 
priests  are  left  who  know  the  ancient  rites  and  havo 
the  power — perhaps  ridiculed  by  some  but  still  vene- 
rated by  others — of  teaching  the  secrets  of  their 
religion  to  the  truly  faithful  and  bringing  them  into 
close  and  loving  relations  with  the  divine  power.  So 
arises  a  great  gulf  between  the  faithful  and  the  outer 
world,  the  initiated  and  the  profane. 

The  greatest  of  all  the  Mystery  Religions  in  influence 
and  extension  was  Mithraism.  It  was  flourishing  in 
Commagcnc  and  Cilicia  as  early  as  the  campaigns  of 
Ponipeius  (67  B.C.),  but  it  did  not  roach  world-wide 
importance  till  the  second  Christian  century.  At  the 
core  of  Mitliras-worehip  was  the  ancient  Persian  or 
Iranian  dualism,  regarding  life  as  an  incessant  battle 
between  the  powers  of  Light  and  Darkness,  Good  and 
Evil,  Ormuzd  and  Ahriman.  This  worship  then  passed 
through  the  influence  of  Babylon,  taking  on  an  un- 
decided element  of  nature-worship  and  a  strong 
element  of  astrology.  Mithras  himself  is  a  Mediator 
between  the  supreme  god  and  mankind.  He  is  also 
a  Dying  God,  whose  blood  saves  mankmd,  since  he  is 
ultimately  and  mystically  identical  both  with  the  bull 
which  ho  sacrifices  to  the  Sun,  and  with  the  Sun  to 
whom  the  sacrifice  is  dedicated.  The  god  is  habitually 
represented  on  monuments,  with  a  look  of  anguish  on 
his  face,  plunging  his  sword  into  the  neck  of  the  bull, 
and  his  commonest  title  is  Sol  Invictus  Mithras, 
Mithras  the  Unconquered  Sun.  The  blood  of  the  bull 
is  the  true  source  of  man's  life. 

Many  of  our  current  C'hristian  practices  come  from 
Mithraism  ;  the  25th  of  December  was  the  birthday 
of  Mithras  ;  the  first  day  of  the  week,  dedicated  to  the 
Sun,  was  his  holj-  day,  as  opposed  to  the  Jewish 
Sabbath.  The  Mithraics  also  practised  baptism  and 
confirmation  and  expected  salvation  from  a  eucharistio 
Last  Supper.  The  Mithraic  etliics,  like  the  Christian, 
were  ascetic  and  pure.  They  differed  from  Christianity 
and  from  the  other  Mystery  Religions  in  two  curious 
points. 

First,  Mithraism  was  essentially  a  military  religion. 
It  represented  life  as  an  eternal  battle  against  evil, 
and  it  cultivated  the  fighting  virtues.  The  innumerable 
monuments  of  Mithraism.  altara,  inscriptions,  and 
small  underground  chapels,  are  found  chiefly  along 
the  military  frontiers  of  the  empire,  especially  the 
northern  frontiers  where  life  was  hardest.  The  names 
on  the  inscriptions  show  that  the  votaries  were  often 
men  of  high  position,  especially  soldiers  and  officials, 
though  freedmen  and  slaves  were  admitted  on  terms 
(if  religious  equality,  and  it  was  against  the  faith  for 
the  devotee  to  accept  any  earthly  crown  ;    his  only 


PAGAN  RELIGION  AT  THE   COMING  OF   CHRISTIANITY 


633 


crown  was  Mithras.  No  scandals  are  attached  to  the 
name  of  Mithraism  such  as  dog  those  of  the  ordmary 
Semitic  and  Anatolian  deities. 

The  second  point  is  a  consequence  of  the  first.  So 
detennined  was  the  resistance  of  Mithraism  to  these 
unwholesome  emotional  inliucnces  that  it  took  an 
extraordinary  step.  In  violent  opposition  to  most  of 
the  other  Oriental  cults,  including  Christianity,  it 
seems  to  have  allotted  no  position  in  the  Church  to 
women.  No  woman's  name  has  been  found  among  the 
recorded  worshippers.  Mithras,  in  his  battle  against 
darkness,  needed  "  soldiers  "  and  "  brothers  "  ;  his 
women  were  not  in  the  fighting  line.  We  must  re- 
member, however,  that  we  have  almost  no  Mithraic 
literature  remaining  ;  our  evidence  is  contained  in 
the  monuments.  It  is  not  possible  that  any  great 
religion  can  have  subsisted  successfully  without  having 
somewhere  in  its  worship  a  place  for  the  more  religious 
and  more  numerous  sex. 

In  any  case,  this  severe  rejection  of  the  sexual 
emotions  brought  its  own  revenge  in  a  curious  way. 
The  Mithrseum  at  Ostia,  the  earliest  Mithraic  chapel 
established  in  Italy,  is  connected  with  a  Metroon,  or 
temple  of  Cybele,  the  Great  Mother  ;  and  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that,  throughout  the  empire,  there 
was  a  close  connexion  between  the  austere  Iranian 
Saviour  and  the  passionate  Mother  of  Sorrows  beloved 
by  Attis.  Under  this  influence  the  eucharistic  sacrifice 
of  the  Mithraic  bull  took  the  barbaric  form  called 
Taurobolium  ;  the  votary  actually  sat  in  a  pit  under 
a  grating  on  which  the  bull  was  slaughtered,  and 
was  bathed  within  and  without  by  the  redeeming 
blood. 

This  interesting  religion  was  not  overthrown  by 
Christianity  till  the  fourth  century.  The  rivalry  be- 
tween the  two  worships  was  very  intense,  both  because 
of  their  many  points  of  similarity  and  because  the 
Mithras-worshipper  fought  for  Rome  and  the  legions, 
the  Christian  often  against  them.  We  have  almost  no 
record  of  the  struggle  ;  but  some  of  the  little  Mithrsea 
or  chapels  have  been  found  choked  with  skeletons, 
testifying  to  some  massacre  of  the  faithful  round  their 
altars  by  triumphant  mobs  or  armies. 

The  Mystery  Worships  satisfied,  no  doubt,  the 
emotional  craving  of  mankind,  especially  mankind 
oppressed  or  suffering,  for  some  magic  of  redemption 
in  which  purification  and  passionate  penitence  should 
count  for  more  than  a  mere  upright  life.  But  the 
qualities  that  attracted  one  kind  of  character  repelled 
another.  The  higher  intellects  and  the  more  austere 
minda  of  antiquity,  though  often  sympathetic  to- 
wards these  ecstatic  cults,  based  their  own  aims  and 
conduct  not  on  revelation  but  on  what  they  called 
philosophy. 

A  philosophy  differs  from  a  religion  in  this  ;  it  makes 
no  claim  to  mystic  powers  or  divine  revelation,  but 
tries  by  means  of  human  reason  and  experience  to 
form,  as  best  it  can,  some  intelligible  theory  of  the 
world  as  a  whole  and  of  the  meaning  of  human  life. 
But  the  great  schools  of  later  Greek  philosophy  had  in 
them  a  burning  element  of  faith  and  aspiration  which 
gave  them  undoubtedly  a  religious  character.  This 
applies  especially  to  Stoicism. 

Stoicism  started  in  a  time  of  national  depression. 
The  misgovernment  and  fall  of  Athens,  which  seems 
to  have  made  Plato  almost  despair  of  human  society, 
had  been  succeeded  in  the  generations  following  him 
by  a  far  more  widespread  misgovernment  and  by  the 
fall  of  all  Greece.  The  ideal  of  the  great  beneficent 
human  City,  in  which  all  men  should  not  only  live  but 


"  live  well,"  had  been  crushed  under  the  heel  of 
Macedonian  militarism.  At  the  same  time  educated 
Greece  had  seen  through  the  unreality  of  the  Olympian 
gods  and  had  mostly  lost  faith  in  the  local  worships. 
Human  life  was,  as  it  seemed,  left  rudderless  in  an 
incomprehensible  world. 

Zeno,  the  first  teacher  of  Stoicism,  attempted  to 
find,  by  an  appeal  to  facts  and  to  reason,  a  ba.sis  for 
human  living.  There  is  a  difference,  he  reasoned, 
between  goodness  and  badness.  Everyone  knows  it 
and  sees  it.  This  knowledge  is  not  a  mere  sense- 
impression,  which  may  sometimes  err  ;  it  is  the  result 
of  understanding  combined  with  sense-impression,  and 
can  therefore  bo  trusted  as  true.  Further,  it  stands  to 
reason  that  the  good  for  man  must  be  to  be  a  good 
man,  and  similarly  for  any  other  being.  Whatever 
helps  you  to  be  a  good  man  is  good,  whatever  prevents 
your  being  so  is  bad  ;  other  things,  which  have  no 
effect  in  making  you  good  or  bad,  are  indifferent. 
For  example,  a  good  man  may  be  rich  or  poor,  he  may 
be  in  pain  or  in  sickness,  he  may  be  hated,  slandered, 
thrown  into  prison  or  executed,  without  being  a  whit 
less  good  in  himself — that  is,  in  his  soul.  Therefore 
we  see  that  all  these  mattere  are  indifferent ;  though 
we  may  admit  that  both  pleasure  and  pain,  if  very 
strong,  are  apt  to  cloud  the  mind,  and  therefore  become 
objectionable.     Nothing  is  really  good  but  goodness. 

But  what  is  "  goodness  "  or  "  virtue  "  ?  Zeno, 
adopting  an  Aristotelian  idea,  conceived  of  all  life  aa 
being  shaped  by  Phusis — a  word  which  we  translate 
Nature,  but  which  more  nearly  means  the  process  of 
growth.  Phusis — rather  like  what  we  call  Evolution 
personified^ — shapes  things  towards  their  highest  poss- 
ible achievements  or  "  Virtue."  She  works  on  a  blind 
puppy  till,  if  she  has  her  way,  he  becomes  a  perfect 
hound  ;  on  a  seed  till  it  becomes  a  perfect  tree  ;  on  a 
group  of  savages  till  they  become  an  ordered  city-state. 
Goodness  is  therefore  living  according  to  Phusis ;  not, 
be  it  observed,  like  a  supposed  "  natural  man  "  in 
extreme  simplicity,  but  living  so  as  to  help  and  further 
the  great  Purpose  which  is  shaping  the  whole  towards 
perfection.  Vice  or  badness  occurs  when  the  individual 
thwarts  this  great  purpose  by  seeking  some  false  or 
momentary  good  for  himself  instead  of  the  true  good 
of  the  whole.  He  makes,  for  instance,  the  false 
judgment  of  supposing  that  his  own  pleasure  or  increase 
of  fortune  is  good,  when,  of  course,  it  is  nothing  of 
the  kind.  His  real  good  is  serving  the  whole,  as 
Pltusis  intends. 

Phusis,  or  Nature,  is  thus  treated  aa  if  she  were  a 
person  ;  but  that  is  only  a  metaphor.  Phusis  is  the 
same  as  the  Providence  or  Forethought  of  God,  which 
again  is  the  same  as  Destiny  :  a  continuous  causal 
force  always  moving  material  nature  onward  towards 
the  good.  If,  in  spite  of  Providence,  man  often  does 
evil,  that  is  because  man's  will  is  free.  Only  because 
his  will  is  free  can  man  bo  either  good  or  evil.  God 
could,  if  He  chose,  have  carried  out  His  purpose  by 
chained  slaves,  but  He  preferred  to  have  free  helpers. 

Thus,  in  living  according  to  Phusis  man  will  live 
according  to  the  purpose  of  God  ;  he  will  co-operato 
with  God.  Now  God's  great  work  is  to  care  and 
provide  for  the  world  which  Ho  has  made ;  therefore 
man's  best  life  lies  in  caring  and  providmg  for  all  living 
things,  helping  thorn  towards  their  good.  Love  of 
manldnd — philanthrdpia — is  the  essence  of  deity  ;  in 
a  wonderful  phrase  taken  by  Pliny  from  the  Greek 
philosopher  Poseidonios.  Dcu-^  est  mortali  iuvare  mor- 
talem,  "  For  man  to  help  man  is  God." 

But  hero  aiiscs  a  logical  difficulty.  Notliing  is  good 
but  virtue  (or  goodness),  and  that  "is  entirely  a  matter 


634 


PAGAN   RELIGION   AT   THE   COMING  OF   CHRISTIANITY 


of  the  free  will.  Health,  comfort,  pleasure,  physical 
well-being  and  the  like  are  quite  indifferent ;  conae- 
quently  to  tend  a  sick  man  or  feed  a  starving  one  is 
not  really  doing  liim  good.  It  is  Jiot  making  him,  in 
the  strict  sense,  a  Ixstter  man.  Why,  then,  and  how, 
should  you  "  care  for  "  people  ? 

The  Stoic  answer  is  clear  and  striking.  True, 
nothing  but  goodness  is  good  ;  but  there  are  things 
which,  in  life  as  it  practically  exists,  are  "  preferred." 
A  good  governor,  for  instance,  tries  to  make  his 
province  healthy  and  prosperous,  not  sick  and  poverty- 
stricken..  That  is  the  way  to  be  a  good  governor.  It 
is  his  business,  his  Wx»^  or  Art,  to  do  so,  and  if  neces- 
sary to  die  or  suffer  torments  rather  than  fail  in  attain- 
ing those  ends.  Yet,  as  a  matter  of  philosophic  truth, 
such  ends  are  in  themselves  of  no  importance.  They 
are  just  like  counters  in  a  game ;  the  good  player  will 
tr}'  to  %vin  as  many  counters  as  possible,  but  he  knows 
all  the  while  that  the  counters  have  only  a  fictitious 
value.  It  is  not  they  that  matter  ultimately,  in 
eternity,  at  the  Last  Judgment,  so  to  speak.  Suppose, 
for  instance,  the  good  man  is  in  an  agony  of  pain,  he 
will  suffer  in  the  body,  he  may  even  weep  and  groan  ; 
but  "  inside  he  should  not  groan."'  Similarly,  suppose 
he  hears  of  a  city  on  fire.  He  will  do  everything  pos- 
sible to  save  it ;  he  will,  of  course,  give  his  Ufe,  if 
that  is  required.  But  suppose,  at  the  end  of  all  his 
efforts,  iho  city  is  burned,  what  wiU  be  his  state  of 
mind  ?  Of  course  he  will  suffer ;  he  may  weep  and 
lament ;  but,  in  so  far  as  he  is  really  wise,  "  inside  he 
should  not  groan."  He  will  retain  inside  him  some 
central  part  which  does  not  weep  but  accepts  the  will 
of  God.  This  doctrine  has  been  harshly  judged  or 
even  ridiculed  by  some  critics  ;  but,  if  once  we  accept 
the  principle  that  nothing  is  good  but  goodness,  and 
by  goodness  understand  moral  goodness,  the  deduction 
seems  to  be  sound.  It  was,  also,  made  less  inhuman 
by  the  application  of  another  characteristic  Stoic 
doctrine,  the  Sympathy  of  the  Universe  (Ivfiiradeia  tQjv 
SXwf).  Since  the  Providence  and  Love  of  God  runs 
through  all  the  created  universe,  and  in  fact  expresses 
itself  therein,  it  follows  that  all  the  miiverso  is  akin  ; 
thus  the  suffering  or  joy,  the  good  or  evil,  of  any  one 
part  is  somehow  felt  in  every  other  part.  The  stars 
shiver  in  their  orbits  for  mortal  suffering  or  sin  ;  and 
if  a  particular  man  does  not  care  for  the  sufferings  of 
his  distant  fellow-creatures,  that  is  because  he  is 
blindly  isolating  himself  and  refusing  to  be  what  God 
intended  him  to  be,  a  part  of  the  di\Tne  whole. 

It  will  bo  seen  that,  so  far.  Stoicism  uses  only  a 
very  lofty  and  almost  impersonal  monotheism.  But 
most  Stoics  did  not  like  to  deny  the  traditional  gods. 
With  their  characteristic  emphasis  on  moral  intuition 
they  observed  that  the  pious  man  was,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  generally  a  better  man  than  the  impious  or 
godless.  Consequently,  they  argued,  it  cannot  bo  that 
his  beliefs  are  all  wrong  while  the  godless  beliefs  arc 
right.  Hence  came  a  general  tendency — opposed,  how- 
ever, by  some  leading  Stoic  teachers — to  accept  as  much 
of  the  Greek  tradition  as  could  possibly,  by  the  boldest 
use  of  allegory,  Ix;  made  con.sistent  and  edifying.  With 
their  strong  sense  of  reverence  they  loved  Homer, 
they  loved  the  old  tragedians  and  poets  ;  and  though 
they  loved  "  virtue  '"  and  "  the  truth  "  even  more, 
they  were  ready  to  use  much  ingenuity  of  imagination 
in  order  to  reconcile  the  two  loves.  The  Olympian 
f^ods  became  allegories  or  emanations  ;  the  stars  and 
the  heavens  became  divine.  And  the  Sympathy  of  the 
Universe  gave  an  even  too  convenient  start  for  a 
belief  in  divination  and  particularly  in  astrology,  which 
ran  like  an  epidemic  disease  over  the  world  of  later 


paganism.  However,  in  this  matter,  there  were  Stoics 
on  both  sides  of  the  controversy,  some  sceptical  and 
some  credulous. 

This  magnificent  system,  which  in  the  realm  of 
ethics  has  permeated  and  inspired  all  later  religious 
thought,  is  generally  criticised  as  being  too  rigid, 
allowing  too  Uttlo  play  for  human  nature,  and  too 
little  scope  for  the  affections.  It  is  not  difficult  to 
find  cases  of  conscience  in  which  the  Stoic  sage  will 
appear  a  pedant.  But  in  answer  we  must  remember 
that  a  living  faith  ought  really  to  bo  judged  by  the 
spirit  of  its  best  men,  not  by  its  books  of  casuistry  or 
theology  (p.  618).  A  stranger  who  knew  Christianity 
only  by  the  logical  systems  of  Calvin  or  Aquinas  would 
notreceive  a  very  satisfactory  impression.  Any  doctrinal 
sj'stem  is  in  practice  modified  by  the  human  nature 
which  it  endeavours  to  cramp  and  limit ;  and  one  can 
generally  assume  that  a  good  man  will  be,  on  the  whole, 
rather  better  than  his  creed.  This  is  no  paradox  ;  it 
only  means  that,  however  fine  a  man's  professed  creed 
may  be,  in  many  cases  of  conflict  his  sensitiveness  of 
moral  feeling  will  guide  him  better  than  the  fixed  rules 
which  his  teachers  have  thought  out  beforehand. 

The  faith  and  practice  of  the  real  Stoic  were  modified 
by  the  ordinary  needs  and  sensibilities  of  Ufe.  They 
were  modified  also  by  the  existence  of  other  sects  of 
philosophy.  Very  few  persons,  even  among  the  pro- 
fessional teachers  of  philosophy,  were  entirely  orthodox 
members  of  one  school.  All  Stoics,  for  instance,  were 
much  influenced  by  Plato  :  all  scientific  people  by 
Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics.  Almost  every  culti- 
vated person  was,  to  some  extent,  "eclectic  "  :  that 
is,  he  chose  out  of  various  schools  what  seemed  to 
him  best. 

The  Cynic  School  was  closely  akin  to  the  Stoic,  and 
very  far  removed  from  what  we  now  call  cynicism. 
It  was  a  rougher,  ruder  Stoicism,  without  much  philo- 
sophy or  intellectual  culture.  Its  main  doctrine  wa« 
the  same — "  Nothing  is  good  except  goodness  '" — and 
goodness  was  interpreted  in  the  strictly  ethical  sense. 
Hence  a  whole-hearted  war  against  the  vanities  of  the 
world  ;  first  against  vice,  but  also  against  wealth,  rank, 
culture,  learning,  politeness,  and  every  form  of  con- 
vention. The  tnie  Cj-nic  reduced  his  needs  to  the 
minimum  ;  he  would  have  Uked  to  live  as  a  dog  Uvea 
{kvvikCis),  with  no  apparatus  at  all.  Being  a  man  he 
needed  a  blanket  to  keep  off  the  cold,  and  a  stick  to 
keep  off  biting  dogs  and  fools.  For  a  shelter  the 
famous  Diogenes  slept  in  an  enormous  earthen  jar, 
the  kind  that  in  early  days  was  used  for  coffins.  The 
CjTiics  were  street  preachers  and  fearless  missionaries 
in  the  haunts  of  vice.  The  passionate  and  stinging 
eloquence  of  their  sermons  or  Diatribae  has  left  a  deep 
mark  on  later  Greek  philosophy  and  early  Christian 
preaching.  Doubtless  the  thorough-goiiig  Cynic  must 
have  been  an  unpleasant  peraon.  when  he  waa  not 
actually  an  impostor ;  and  we  hear  that  he  was  some- 
times both.  But  as  an  influence  in  ancient  life  Cynicism 
had  a  rare  value,  especially  in  situations  whore  mere 
incorruptible  courage  was  more  needed  than  deUcacy 
of  perception  or  feeUng. 

The  great  opponent  of  the  Stoic  school  was  the 
Epicurean.  Like  his  contemporary,  Zono,  Epicurus 
started  in  revolt  against  the  unreal  hair-spUtting  of 
the  philosophers  and  the  wretched  superstitions  which 
enslaved  common  men.  He  preached  a  return  to  the 
bed-rock  of  simple  fact  aud  the  realities  of  human 
nature.  All  li^'ing  things  pursue  what  gives  thorn 
pleasure  or  makes  them  happy  :  and  if  we  ask  why  a 
man  does  something  and  find  that  it  makes  him  happy, 
we  all  recognise  that   fact,  if  true,  as  -prima  facie   a 


PAGAN   RELIGION   AT   THE   COMING  OF   CHRISTIANITY 


635 


sufficient  reason.  Happiness  or  p'casuro  ia  the  good  ; 
evil  Ls  that  which  makes  people  unhappy.  This  sounds 
as  if  it  might  lead  to  immoral  conclusions,  but  it  does 
not.  True  pleasure,  according  to  Epicurus,  can  best 
be  attained  hy  cultivating  contentment  and  the  natural 
affections,  taming  the  desires,  loving  other  human 
beings  ;  above  all  things,  by  getting  rid  of  Fear.  Only 
then  can  man  be  free  and  his  soul  untroubled.  Epi- 
curus devoted  himself  to  the  great  work  of  freeing 
mankind  from  fear.  As  for  supernatural  fears  and 
angry  gods,  they  are  all  false  ;  God,  a  perfectly  blessed 
being,  cannot  possibly  suffer  pain  Himself  nor  give 
pain  to  others.  As  for  this  world — well,  there  are 
disagreeable  things,  but  a  brave  man  can  bear  them. 
Intense  pains  are  mostly  short ;"  lasting  pains  are 
mostly  feeble.  If  he  can  only  keep  an  untroubled 
soul,  a  good  man  will  be  happy  on  the  rack.  Not  a 
very  self-indulgent  creed  !  Epicurus  himself  lived 
with  his  disciples,  male  and  female,  an  innocent  and 
contemplative  life  in  a  garden  near  Athens,  abstaining 
from  animal  food.  His  private  letters,  the  few  whic^ 
have  been  preserved,  suggest  a  character  of  unpre- 
tending kindness  and  simplicity. 

In  physics  Epicurus  was  the  most  famous  exponent 
of  the  atomic  theory  of  matter,  which  has  played  such 
a  great  part  in  modem  science.  The  atoms,  falling 
through  space  by  the  force  of  gravitation,  had  the 
power  of  swerving  sHghtly  ;  this  is  the  same  power 
that  comes  out  in  man  as  free  will.  But  the  theory 
concerns  us  here  only  in  so  far  as  it  provided,  or 
attempted,  an  explanation  of  the  physical  world  with- 
out the  intervention  of  any  god.  Epicurus  did  not 
deny  the  existence  of  the  gods  ;  in  his  wish  to  avoid 
far-fetched  theories  he  liked  in  all  subjects  to  accept, 
if  possible,  the  most  common  and  obvious  view.  He 
saw  no  reason  to  believe,  for  instance,  that  the  Sun 
and  Moon  were  any  larger  than  they  look.  He 
accepted  the  traditional  belief  in  gods.  Indeed  he 
seems  to  have  taken  some  interest  in  them.  As  the 
Stoic  tended  to  imitate  his  active  God  who  is  all 
providence,  so  the  Epicurean  tried  to  imitate  his 
blessed  beings  who  neither  suffered  nor  caused  pain. 
The  wise  man  should  go  through  life  with  extreme 
gentleness,  happy  in  innocent  affections,  breaking  no 
bruised  reed,  causing  no  single  tear.  He  will  be 
content  if  it  can  be  said  in  his  epitaph  that  he  has  lived 
unnoticed.  {(\ade  ^idjaas ;  Neminem  tristem  fecit.) 
It  is  the  creed  of  a  gentle  nature,  combined 
with  a  strong  but  impatient  mtellect,  in  an  age  of  mis- 
government  and  publio  failure.  Epicurus  is  deeply 
impressed  by  two  things  ;  by  the  cruelty  of  the  world 
and  the  futilit3'  of  all  soaring  dreams,  from  the  ambition 
of  the  statesman  to  the  pretended  knowledge  of  the 
philosopher  or  priest.  His  religion  of  happiness  is  sad 
at  heart. 

I  have  tried  in  the  above  pages  merely  to  describe 
the  main  currents  of  religious  thought  and  emotion 
wliich  were  moving  in  the  Roman  world  at  the  opening 
of  the  Christian  era.  It  will  be  obvious  that  many  of 
them  have  contributed  characteristic  elements  to  the 
new  religion  which  overcame  them  ;  some  of  them, 
again,  while  differont  in  intellectual  outlook,  had 
at  least  that  irmrr  kinship  with  Christianity  which 
belongs  to  all  the  great  efforts  of  the  human  soul  to 
attain  perfection  or  to  know  God.  The  fierce  religious 
struggles  of  the  early  Christian  jicriod  have  inevitably 
over  emphasized  the  antagonism  lx;twcon  Christian  and 
pagan  thought.  By  the  time  people  are  burning  one 
another  alive  they  have  forgotten  how  much  there  is 


in  common  between  them.  It  was  pardonable  enough 
in  TertuUian  or  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  to  look 
on  pagans  as  semi-devils  ;  but  by  tliis  time,  when  the 
dust  of  centuries  lies  over  those  old  hates  and  rages, 
we  should  try  to  understand  those  who  were  once  our 
fathers'  enemies,  and  to  realise  that  the  age  which  led 
up  to  Greek  and  Roman  Christianity  must  have  been 
an  age  of  high  religious  experience  and  aspiration. 
Indeed  wo  may  safely  go  further,  and  admit  that 
religion  and  piety  are  not  things  which  began  suddenly 
at  any  particular  date  ;  that  never  within  the  range  of 
recorded  history  has  mankind  been  destitute  of  some 
longing  to  be  "  at  peace  with  God  "  and  somehow  in 
touch  with  the  mystery  that  surrounds  Him  ;  he  has 
never  ceased  groping  after  some  theory,  good  or  bad, 
which  will  explain  and  justify  to  his  cooler  mind,  not 
only  his  own  crimes  and  follies,  but  his  own  incredible 
heroism  and  self-sacrifice. 

Literature. — Greek  Religion.  For  reference  :  Gruppe, 
"  Griechische  ReUgion,"  in  Iwan  Miiller's  Hatidbuch 
der  Altertumsioissenschaft ;  Farnell,  Cults  of  the  Greek 
States ;  A.  B.  Cook,  Zeus,  the  European  Sky-God. 
For  primitive  period  :  J.  E.  Harrison,  Themis,  Pro- 
legomena to  Greek  Religion^  ;  F.  ]M.  Comford,  From 
Religion  to  Philosofhy ;  Farnell.  Higher  Aspects  of 
Greek  Religion.  For  brief  sketch  of  whole  develop- 
ment :   G.  Murray,  Four  Stages  of  Greek  Religion. 

Roman  Religion.  For  reference  :  Wissowa,  "  R6- 
mische  Rehgion,"  in  Iwan  Miiller's  Handbuch  (see 
above).  Warde  Fowler,  The  Religious  Experience  of 
the  Roman  People.  His  Roman  Festivals  is  the  best 
brief  account  in  English.  For  rehgion  of  the  Empire  : 
F.  Cumont,  Textes  et  Monuments  relatifs  aux  Mysterea 
de  Miihra,  also  in  abbreviated  form  The  3Iysteries  of 
Mithra  ;  La  Theologie  Solaire  du  Paganisme  Romain, 
1909;  Les  Religions  Orientales  dans  le  Paganisine 
Romain,  1909.  {Cf.  the  older  works  of  G.  Boissier, 
La  Religion  Romaine  d'Auguste  jusquaux  Antonins^; 
La  Fin  du  Paganisme,  1891.)  Toutain,  Les  Cultes 
Paiens  dans  V Empire  Romain;  certain  chapters  in 
Dill,  Roman  Society  from  Nero  to  M.  Aureliiis.  and  in 
Seeck,  Geschichte  des  Uniergangs  der  Antiken  Welt. 
Admirable  for  the  whole  subject  :  P.  Wendland, 
Hellenist isch-Rdmische  Kultur ^. 

For  Egyptian  iniiuenccs.  Gnosticism,  etc. :  R.  Reit- 
zenstein,  Poimandres,  die  Hcllenistischen  Mysttrien- 
religionen  ;  A.  Dieterich,  Eine  Mithrasliturgie,  Nehjia  ; 
Bousset,  Hauptproblevte  der  Gnosis.  Much  knowledge 
and  suggestion  in  Salomon  Reinach's  collected  articles, 
Cultes,  Mythes  et  Religions,  also  Orpheus,  a  General 
History  of  Religions. 

Philosophy.  J.  Burnet,  History  of  Greek  Philo- 
sophy ;  Th.  Gomperz,  Greek  Thinkers  ;  Arnold,  Roman 
Stoicism  ;  E.  Bevan,  Stoics  and  Sceptics.  1913  ;  H. 
Gomperz  (son  of  Theodor),  Lebensauffassung  der 
Griechischen  Philosophie  ;  short  lectures  on  The  Stoic 
Philasophy  and  The  Epicurean  Philosophy,  by  G. 
Murray,  1914,  1915. 

For  the  thought  of  the  average  cultivated  Roman 
or  late  Greek,  the  philosophical  works  of  Cicero  (De 
Officiis,  De  Finibus,  De  Natura  Deorum,  etc.)  and  the 
Epistles  and  Dialogues  of  Seneca  are  far  the  best 
source  :  many  translations.  For  Stoicism,  the  writings 
of  Epictetus  (tr.  Matheson)  and  Marcus  AureUus  (tr. 
Jack.son).  For  Epicureanism,  Zcller's  old  tn-atisc. 
Stoics  and  Epicurean.'!  (Engl.  tr.  1880)  leaves  much  to 
bo  desired  ;  R.  D.  Hicks,  Stoics  and  Epicureans  :  A. 
E.  Taylor,  Epicurus  ;  Monro's  Lucretius  is  valuable. 
The  three  philosophical  letters  of  Epicurus  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  translated. 


THE  RELIGIOUS  BACKGROUND  OF  THE 
NEW  TESTAMENT  WRITINGS 


By  Dr.  J.  VERNON  BARTLET 


'■  Understand  EST  thou  what  thou  leadost  ?  "  is  ever 
the  question  for  the  reader  of  the  Bible  :  and  the 
natural  answer  as  repards  much  in  it  is  still,  "  How  can 
I,  except  someone  shall  guide  me  ?  "  For  the  Bible, 
New  Testament  aa  well  as  Old,  comes  to  us  from  far-off 
times,  and  from  lands  distant  not  only  in  space  but 
also  in  modes  of  thought.  The  East  was  not  and  is 
not  as  the  \\'est  ;  and  until  we  read  the  Bible  as  a 
body  of  Oriental  writings,  enshrining  the  religious  soul 
of  men  of  Oriental  outlook  and  speech,  we  never 
understand  aright  what  we  read  even  in  the  purest  of 
texts  and  the  best  of  translations.  Hence  our  greatest 
need  after  "  the  one  thing  needful  " — -spiritual  sjan- 
pathy  with  its  whole  attitude  to  God  and  man — is 
the  mind  adjusted  to  the  special  perdpccMve  in  which 
matters  presented  themselves  to  the  writers,  so  that 
their  words  convey  to  us  the  same  things,  neither 
more  nor  less,  as  they  stood  for  to  them.  This  is  what 
is  meant  by  the  historical  sense  of  the  Bible.  It  is, 
no  doubt,  like  the  written  words,  still  "  letter  "  rather 
than  "  spirit,"  and  appeals  to  the  understanding  rather 
than  the  heart  or  personalitj'  of  the  reader.  Yet,  even 
so,  it  is  more  valuable  to  him  who  would  go  further, 
to  the  very  heart  of  the  matter,  than  the  casual  im- 
pression which  comes  up  unbidden  to  the  mind  of 
any  one  of  us  to-day.  For  the  world  of  the  first 
Christians,  even  so  far  as  actually  the  same  as  now, 
was  a  vciy  different  one  as  it  lived  in  souls  which  saw 
through  the  mental  medium  or  culture  of  antiquity 
generally,  and  of  special  Jewish  or  Greek  circles  in  it. 
Hence  our  priman,'^  task,  if  we  desire  to  understand  the 
NT  faithfully  and  fully,  is  to  reconstruct  as  completely 
as  we  can  the  ment<al  context  in  which  each  utterance 
in  whole  and  in  i)art — book,  chapter,  verse,  word — 
stood  to  the  living  consciousness  of  its  writer  and 
those  for  whom  he  wrote.  In  a  word,  we  must  try  to 
become  his  contemporaries  and  intimates.  So  viewed, 
the  study  of  the  NT  becomes  not  only  an  intensely 
human  thing,  the  intercourse  of  soul  with  soul  through 
assimilative  sjniipathy,  but  also  an  exacting  one  where 
accuracy  is  of  moment.  Happily  this  is  not  always 
the  case.  "  He  wlio  runs  may  read  "  still  holds  good 
as  regards  the  vital  asix;cts  of  tliis  sacred  literature  of 
the  soul.  Yet  in  so  far  as  accuiacy  is  important,  so 
far  we  cannot  be  safe  against  avoidaisle  error  if  we  fail 
to  "  put  ourselves  to  school  "  with  the  minds  of  its 
authors  by  pondering  all  available  evidence. 

Our  endeavour,  then,  must  be  to  share  for  the  time 
the  actual  religious  on'look  and  cxperiei^ce  behind  the 
NT  writings.  But  NT  impUes  OT;  and  it  is  precisely 
with  the  ways  in  which  the  New  was  continuous  with 
the  Old,  both  m  form  and  spirit,  that  we  have  to 
reckon  at  the  start.  It  is  only  when  wo  have  duly 
realised  the  similarity  between  Old  and  New  that  wo 


are  in  a  position  to  do  justice,  no  more  and  no  less, 
to  what  is  distinctive  and  often  most  precious  in  the 
'■  fulfilment  "  of  the  promise  contained  in  the  earlier 
dispensation.  What  we  have  really  to  deal  with  is 
the  renovated  and  transfigured  form  of  a  single  Cove- 
nant or  revelation  of  God's  will,  and  so  of  Himself, 
in  the  history  and  experience  of  a  continuous  Chosen 
People,  elect  first  on  national  lines  and  then  on  those 
of  purely  spiritual  kmship.  The  old  form  was  relative 
to  a  holy  Law  or  Torah  (pp.  ()20ff.),  and  that  a  national 
one,  which  included  ritual  elements  unsuited  to  a 
Divine  Law  for  all  men.  The  new  was  relative  to  a 
holy  Person,  in  whom,  as  embodied  ideal,  the  very 
spirit  behind  the  Law  coidd  find  adequate  expression. 
Such  an  expression  gave  vital  perspective  to  the  Law's 
various  parts,  flexibility  to  its  obedience  amid  the 
infinite  casuistry  of  life — which  the  Jewish  lawyers 
tried  to  cope  with  by  an  infinity  of  by-laws — and 
greater  universality  of  human  appeal.  As  Judaism 
became  more  and  more  religion  sub  specie  Lcgis, 
Christianity  was  religion  sub  specie  Christi.  Each 
represents  one  aspect  of  Israel's  religion.  Rabbinic 
Pharisaism,  as  it  takes  more  restricted  shape  after 
A.D.  70,  emphasizes  law  and  ritual ;  Christianity 
emphasizes  and  fulfils,  in  more  universally  spiritual 
form,  prophecy  and  Messianic  hope  in  a  Person.  This 
distinction,  at  once  of  form  and  content,  made  a  yTO- 
found  difference  in  spirit  and  method  between  the 
Old  and  the  New  Covenant :  yet  throughout  there  is 
vital  continuity,  the  unfolding  of  one  Divine  purpose 
and  economy  of  special  grace  through  special  media 
of  revelation. 

This  is  the  first  feature  of  a  true  historical  perspec- 
tive, the  continuity  of  Christianity  with  Judaism  :  and 
it  leads  us  to  exjKictthat  it  will  be  m  spiritandcmphasis, 
rather  than  in  forms  of  expression,  as  dependent  on 
racial  imagination  and  modes  of  thought,  that  re- 
ligious faith  and  life  differ  under  the  old  and  the 
now  stages  of  this  Covenant.  In  so  sajnng,  we  are 
thinking  of  the  New  Covenant  as  still  on  Jewish  soil : 
for  as  it  spread  to  non-Jewish  environments,  such  aa 
the  Hellenism  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean,  we  have 
to  reckon  with  the  modifying  effects  of  a  vcri'  different 
culture.  To  tliis  we  shall  return.  Meantime  wc  note 
that  the  Juduism  out  of  ichich  Christianiiy  emerged  was 
not  that  of  the  OT  Canon,  wiiat  we  may  call  Hebraism, 
but  a  development  starting  from  this,  of  which  we 
loarn  from  other  sources,  s\ich  as  the  Jewish  Apocrypha 
and  particularly  Jewish  Apocalypses  (pp.  431ff.).  This 
development,  manifold  alike  in  its  piety  and  thought, 
falls  mainly  within  the  last  two  centuries  u.c,  during 
which  Judaism  stood  in  direct  relations,  both  of 
assimilation  and  antipathy,  with  the  wider  culture  of 
the  non-Jewish  world  at  the  stage  wheu  Hellenism 


THE  RELIGIOUS   BACKGROUND   OF   THE  NEW   TESTAMENT   WRITINGS       637 


was  dominant  and  pervasive.  Indeed  it  seems  true  to 
say  1  that  the  main  peculiarities  of  this  Judaism,  living 
now  amid  the  cosmopolitan  culture  created  by  the 
conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great,  arose  largely  from 
the  actual  history  of  the  Jews  and  as  the  result  of  a 
great  struggle  between  Judaism  and  Hellenism.  The 
central  Uving  ideas  of  the  circles  of  piety  which  condi- 
tioned the  forms  that  Christianity  at  first  assumed,  had 
special  relevance  to  this  contact  between  Judaism  and 
the  world  outside,  its  material  power  and  its  civilisa^ 
tion.  These  ideas  were:  the  true  Sovereignty  of  the 
God  of  Israel — the  Kingdom  of  (the  God  of)  heaven 
on  earth,  first  in  Israel  and  then  through  Israel  over 
all  ;  a  grand  assize  or  final  judgment  on  earth,  to 
usher  in  this  kingdom  ;  and  as  implied  in  this,  a  resur- 
rection of  the  dead,  at  least  of  the  rigliteous — since 
God's  righteousness  or  faithfulness  to  His  Covenant 
was  pledged  to  give  all  Israelites,  if  faitliful  on  their 
side,  part  and  lot  in  tlio  blessedness  of  the  coming 
age,  when  sin  and  all  that  obscured  His  glory  should 
be  no  more  ;  and  finally,  as  means  and  crown  of 
all  this  according  to  general  expectation,  the  Messiah 
or  Divinely  anointed  One  in  human  form,  in  whom 
God's  presence  and  power  should  be  focussed  and 
made  manifest,  as  in  a  Vicegerent  or  kingly  Son. 

The  above  ideas  existed  more  or  less  in  all  truly 
Jewish  piety,  save  that  of  the  ruling  priestly  aristo- 
cracy, the  Sadducees.  These  had  no  real  sense  of  the 
God  of  Israel  as  a  "  living  God,''  active  in  the  individual 
and  in  the  national  life  of  their  day,  as  distinct  from 
the  far-off  time  when  the  Law  was  given  to  the  great 
lawgiver  Moses.  To  them  the  prophets  counted  for 
little  or  nothing.  Next  to  the  Sadducees  in  virtual 
denial  of  God's  progressive  revelation  of  His  will  and 
ways  were  the  Pharisees  proper,  particularly  in  the 
persons  of  their  official  teachers,  the  scribes  and 
rabbis.  Their  ideal  was  to  "  fence  "  the  observance  of 
the  written  Law  with  infereiitial  applications  to  aU 
details  and  "  cases  of  conscience  "  emerging  in  practical 
life,  especially  that  amid  Gentile  neighbours,  for  those 
who  viewed  religion  largely  as  ritual  obedience.  Such 
Pharisaism  was  but  one  outcome  of  the  passionate 
fidelity  to  the  God  of  Israel  and  His  Covenant  which 
had  burst  forth  during  the  pagan  menace  to  Judaism 
in  the  days  of  the  Maccabees  (c.  165  B.C.),  wherein  the 
apocalyptic  part  of  the  prophetic  Book  of  Daniel  had 
its  original  setting  and  meaning.  There  was,  however, 
another  wing  of  the  same  national  religious  party 
which  was  more  alive  to  the  movings  of  the  Spirit  of 
revelation,  as  step  by  step  with  the  needs  of  the  Chosen 
People  it  gave  fresh  guidance  for  the  present  and  the 
near  future — and  all  the  more  that  darkness  of  external 
conditions  grew,  and  therewith  the  scale  upon  which 
Divine  "  visitation  "  must  take  place,  to  be  adequate 
to  the  need.  Amid  these  latter  conditions  there  lived 
on  at  the  core  of  its  faith  and  piety  the  apocalyptic 
tradition,  starting  in  Daniels  picture  of  the  kingdom 
of  the  saints  of  the  Most  High,  which  by  Divine 
intervention  was  to  break  in  upon  and  swallow  up  the 
world-kingdoms  of  brute  force  and  earthly  aims  and 
passions.  Both  these  types  of  Pharisaism,  the  one  more 
engrossed  with  the  ritual,  the  other  with  the  moral  side 
of  the  Law,  were  (unlike  the  Sadducees)  intensely 
national  in  spirit — the  holy  nation  being  the  living 
temple,  as  it  were,  of  the  Divine  glory — and  both  had 
their  following  in  the  people  at  large.  In  those  wider 
circles  of  popular  rather  than  studious  piety  the  ideas 
of  both  kinds,  the  scribal  and  the  ajKicalyptic,  were 
current  only  in  their  broad  features.  Thus  it  is  not 
clear  how  widely  any  given  apocalyptic  writings,  such  as 

I  With  F.  0.  Burkitt.  Jewish  and  rhri.iliaii  Apncalypxes,  p.  4. 


the  Book  of  Enoch,  in  which  the  conception  "  the  Son 
of  Man  "  attains  a  peculiar  form,  were  known  among 
the  people. 

Now  it  appears  from  Lk.  If.  that  the  circles  in  which 
John  the  Baptist  and  Jesus  Himself  were  reared  were 
akin  not  to  the  ritually  legal  type  but  rather  to  the 
apocalyptic,  and  more  particularly  to  the  "  quiet  in 
the  land  "  who  relied  on  God's  own  wonderful  inter- 
vention by  His  Spirit,  and  not  on  national  and  forceful 
methods  such  as  those  of  the  old  Maccabean  deliverers. 
Their  outlook  was  towards  the  Kingdom  of  Grod  as  the 
new  age,  the  supernatural  order  of  things  on  earth,  of 
which  prophets  and  psalmists  spoke,  and  in  wliich  the 
Divine  presence  should  be  manifestly  regnant,  to  the 
cancelling  of  sin  and  all  evil,  first  for  and  in  Israel, 
and  then,  through  it,  among  mankind  at  large.  The 
other  ideas  already  specified  as  marking  the  later 
Judaism,  also  possessed  them,  and  perhaps  in  Galilee 
even  more  than  in  Judiea  proper,  where  they  were 
somewhat  overshadowed  by  thought  for  the  Law  and 
the  Temple  and  the  ritual  special  to  these.  In  par- 
ticular, a  personal  ^Icssiah  or  Divinely  anointed 
Prophet-King  was  very  congenial  to  the  rehgious  temper 
and  ideals  of  the  humbler  and  less  official  folk,  and  most 
of  all  to  the  peasantry  and  those  who  lived  by  the  toil 
of  their  hands — ■"  the  poor  "  and  humble,  as  distinct 
from  "  the  rich  "  and  powerful.  Onlj-^  Messiah,  the 
personal  symbol  of  the  coming  kingdom,  the  heroic 
figure  in  whom  its  spirit  took  shape  to  the  faith  of  the 
people,  might  be  conceived  verj'  differently,  according 
as  stress  fell  on  the  King  or  on  the  Prophet  in  the  com- 
posite ideal.  So,  too,  the  kind  of  salvation  which  he 
was  expected  to  bring  varied,  according  as  emphasis  fell 
upon  the  needed  righteousness  as  national  or  as  per- 
sonal in  nature.  (On  the  subject  of  the  three  preced- 
ing paragraphs,  see  pp.  92-97,  368-372.  431-435.  660f., 
and  the  article  on  "Contemporary  Jewish  Religion.") 

Here,  then,  at  once  in  the  common  outlook  on  Israel's 
future  in  tennti  of  the  Kingdom,  of  heaven  on  earth,  and 
in  the  different  lights  in  which  this  was  seen  by  various 
circles  of  piety — in  relation  both  to  the  nation  and  its 
Messianic  salvation,  and  to  the  Law  as  given  once  for 
all  by  Moses — we  have  the  historical  background  of 
the  Gospel,  against  which  it  necessarily  defined  itself, 
both  positively  and  negatively.  If  we  keep  this  back- 
ground steadily  in  view,  we  shall  be  able  to  see  the 
NT  writings  as  records  of  a  single  movement,  all  the 
parts  and  stages  of  which  cohere  in  a  vital  maimer 
as  phases  of  the  historical  process  by  which  the  old 
form  of  the  Covenant  with  a  Chosen  People  passed 
over,  not  without  conflict  and  perplexity,  into  the  new, 
which  was  its  fulfilment  in  the  deepest  sense. 

The  fulfilment  of  Israels  religion  in  Jesus  of  Na- 
zareth, as  the  Messiah  or  Christ  whom  God  actually 
sent,  was  far  other  than  had  been  looked  for  in  any  of 
the  circles  of  Jewish  piety  just  described.  Most  of 
all  was  it  different,  even  in  spirit,  from  what  the  official 
Pharisaism  of  the  day  had  conceived.  Here  we  have 
the  historical  key  to  the  tragedy  of  the  gospels,  the 
mental  and  moral  unpreparedness  of  the  Chosen  People 
for  God's  Anointed,  which  deepened  into  refusal  to 
advance  to  the  venture  of  faith  in  Him  on  the  simple 
self-evidence  of  the  spiritual  quafity  and  power  of 
His  message  and  person.  That  message  or  gospel 
touching  the  nature  of  God  a-s  Father  of  man  in  a 
deeper,  wider,  more  essential  and  personal  sense  than 
had  ever  been  conceived  in  Israel  before,  and  totiching 
His  kingdom  among  men  in  a  correspondingly  spiritual 
sense,  is  dealt  with  elsewhere  (p.  ()()4).  What  now 
concerns  us  is  the  way  in  which   this  sublime   pro- 


638       THE   RELIGIOUS   BACKOROUND   OF   THE  NEW   TESTAMENT   WRITINGS 


phetic  revelation,  the  issue  of  Jesus'  own  filial  con- 
sciousness— unique  yet  representative,  aa  of  the  Sou 
of  Man,  "  first-born  among  many  brethren  "  (Heb,  2 
6-12,  Kora.  8^9) — worked  an  a  7ieiv  leaven  in  the  thouglil 
and  life  of  those  who  first  heard  it,  cither  to  acceptance 
or  rejection.  Israel  could  not  bo  the  same  after  it  as 
before.  It  brought  all  who  felt  its  spirit  to  a  spiritual 
crisis  :  in  being  judged,  it  judged  men  as  fit  or  unfit 
for  the  Messianic  kingdom  now  brought  nigh.  It 
proved,  in  fact,  the  winnowing  fan  which  the  Forc- 
rumicr  declared  Messiah  would  wield,  separating  be- 
tween grain  and  chaff,  between  what  in  Israel's  thought 
and  life  had  or  had  not  abiding  value.  It  is  clear  that 
Jesus  Himself,  though  reverently  loj'al  to  His  people's 
Divine  heritage  in  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  as  it 
lived  in  hearts  set  on  obeying  Gods  will  in  all  simple 
sincerity  (and  therefore  chiefly  in  the  chief  things  of 
personal  conduct),  was  fully  aware  of  the  need  of 
distinguishing  kernel  and  husk,  substance  and  fonn, 
wine  and  wine-skins.  The  last  of  these  similes,  taken 
with  its  companion  figure  of  the  vanity  of  patching 
an  old  garment  with  new  cloth,  shows  that,  while 
Jesus  used  the  old  forma  and  conceptions  of  Israel's 
traditional  religion.  He  was  conscious  that  they  were 
relative  and  liable  to  change — what  we  call  "  merely 
historical.  "  How  far  this  distinction  went  in  His 
thought  we  have  no  means  of  fully  gauging.  We  arc 
on  safer  ground  when  we  note  His  own  emphasis  on 
certain  asjx^cts  of  religious  thought  and  practice  aa 
really  vital,  while  He  left  what  was  associated  with 
them  in  their  liistorical  context  to  vanish  or  survive 
in  course  of  time,  as  the  Father's  wisdom  might 
decide.  Such  emphasis  really  made  old  things  new, 
as  Stephen  saw  and  as  Paul  found  when  he  came  to 
see  the  truth  of  God  "  in  the  face  of  Jesus  Christ  " 
(2  Cor.  5i6f.) :  and  it  did  so  in  the  best,  because  the 
least  negative  way,  the  way  most  congenial  to  religion. 
Christ,  then,  did  not  formally  abrogate  all  that  was 
obsolescent.  He  "  came  not  to  destroy  but  to  fulfil."' 
But  this  left  over  to  His  followers  hard  problems  of 
interpretation,  both  theoretic  and  practical,  touching 
His  inner  mind  and  will  as  new  situations  arose. 
"  The  fundamental  point,  a  fulfilment  of  the  Law  which 
was  not  a  literal  retention  of  it  as  a  code  of  command- 
ments, was,  as  it  is  still,  a  conception  hard  to  grasp.  .  ,  . 
Again,  there  was  ample  matter  for  apparent  contra- 
dictions in  the  necessity  for  a  time  of  transition  during 
which  the  old  order  would  live  on  by  the  side  of  the 
new,  not  Divinely  deprived  of  its  ancient  sanctity,  and 
yet  laid  under  a  Divine  warning  of  not  distant  extinc- 
tion." In  all  this  a  profound  problem  for  religious  faith 
at  all  limes  was  involved,  that  of  the  inevitable  relative 
or  human  element  in  a  Divine  revelation  tinfolding  in 
history.  But  in  any  case  "  it  was  hardly  possible  for 
either  aspect  "  of  Jesus'  own  attitude  to  the  old  Divine 
revelation— -essential  loyalty  to  its  spirit,  along  witli 
sovereign  freedom  to  its  letter  in  the  interests  of  that 
spirit — ■'  to  be  forgotten  in  men's  recollections  of  the 
original  Gospel  at  any  period  of  the  apostoUo  age."  > 
Hence  came  a  period  of  only  gra^lual  adjustment  of  the 
Christian  consciousness  to  the  inner  mind  of  the  Masttirj 
under  the  pressure  of  a  now  practical  situation  duo 
to  the  actual  spread  of  the  Gospel,  not  only  among 
the  Jews  but  also  among  Gentiles,  during  what  was 
viewed  as  but  a  provisional  season  wliiio  Moasiah's 
coming  to  His  full  kintrdom  still  tarried.  This  outlook 
is  the  special  wliinij  of  all  primitive  Christian  thinking, 
the  imaginative  backirroinid  of  all  the  NT  writings, 
(hough  in  some  it  is  more  explicit  than  in  others  ;  while 
in  others  again  the  time-limit  recedes  to  the  lifetime 
>  F.  J.  A.  Hort,  JiuUiiHic  ChristUmUv.  37f, 


of  (he  next  generation — a  process  which  went  on  for 
several  generations,  "  the  times  and  the  seasons  "  being 
felt  to  be  known  with  certainty  only  to  the  Father 
(Ac.  l6f.).  But  though  the  first  Ciiristians  had  only 
natural  expectation  (going  back  ixrhaps  to  Christ's 
o^vn  references  in  prophetic  manner  to  the  Kingdom  as 
imminent  in  His  apostles'  lifetime)  to  guide  them  as 
to  the  time  and  space  aspects  of  God's  crucial  inter- 
vention, to  usher  in  the  New  Age,  they  had  from  the 
first  personal  experience  of  its  intrinsic  nature  and 
power  :  and  this  new  consciousness  gradually  burst 
the  old  wine-skins  of  Jewish  legalism. 

Here  comes  in  the  -significance  of  the  Day  of  Penle- 
co»t,  with  its  outpouring  of  the  Spirit.  It  brought  a  new 
sense  of  jwirsonal  relationship  with  their  Lord,  as  the 
exalted  Head  of  God's  own  people,  the  nucleus  of  a 
converted  and  regenerate  Israel.  Such  was  their  con- 
ception, still  on  national  Unes,  of  the  Community  of 
spiritual  or  eternal  life  which  soon  came  to  be  known 
simply  as  "  the  Church,"  the  congregation  of  Gods 
Messianic  people  on  the  basis  of  faith  in  Jesus  as  the 
Christ.  All  their  theology  moved  round  these  two  pole% 
the  spiritual  or  true  Messiahship  of  Jesus — the  giver  of 
the  Messianic  Spirit  promised  in  Joel  (Ac.  2i6f., 33-36) — 
and  the  Messianic  community  or  fellowship  of  "  the 
saints  of  the  Most  High,"  spoken  of  in  Dan.  7 18  as  the 
possessors  of  the  Kingdom  of  heaven  and  symbolised 
by  the  figure  of  "  one  like  unto  a  Son  of  Man."  The 
bond  between  these  two  spiritual  facta  was  aa  closo 
as  that  between  head  and  body,  which  together  make 
up  one  hving  unity  of  thougiit,  will,  and  action.  This 
bond  was  an  experimental  one,  what  the  NT  denotes 
by  "  holy  Spirit,"  the  Divine  dynamic  energy,  pregnant 
with  all  the  potencies  of  "  spiritual ''  or  supernatural 
life,  which  passed,  as  in  the  nervous  system  of  a 
human  organism,  from  Head  to  body,  animating  and 
controlling  all  the  members  and  constituting  the  whole 
the  mystic  or  spiritual  Messianic  organism,  humanity 
indwelt  by  God.  As  a  rule  this  is  the  meaning  of  the 
phrase  "  Holy  Spirit,"  without  the  article  in  the  Greek 
(as  in  Ac.  192)  or  even  with  it  (aa  in  Ac.  196),  where  the 
phenomenal  aspects  of  the  Divine  action  are  in  mind. 
This  sense  is  implied  by  physical  metaphors  like 
"  poured  forth,"  "  fallen  upon,"  "  given  to,"  or  "  re- 
ceived by  "  believers  (e.g.  Ac.  233,  815-1S).  Such  a 
mode  of  thought  recurs  again  and  again  in  religious 
revivals,  among  the  firat  Franciscans,  the  "  Spirituals  " 
of  the  Reformation  period,  and  the  early  Quakers. 
George  Fox's  Journal  is  full  of  picturesque  realistic 
phrases  like  "  the  Lord's  power  broke  forth,"  "  thoso 
that  were  in  the  power."  So  when  on  one  occasion 
he  "  was  moved  to  pray,"  '"  the  Lord's  power  was  so 
great  that  the  house  seemed  to  be  shaken  "  ;  and  again 
"  the  Lord's  power  and  glory  shone  over  all." 

It  was  such  manifest  Divine  in-'^piralion,  as  derivfJ 
from  Christ  on  occasion  of  confessing  His  Name  in  the 
ilefinitive  act  of  self-committal  in  liajitism  to  His  saving 
Lordship,  that  was  originally  conceived  to  admit  (he 
believer  to  the  corporate  salvation  which  was  the 
heritage  of  the  holy  people  or  Church  of  God  and  His 
Christ.  It  was  thus  at  once  the  sign  or  "  seal  "  of 
Divine  ownership  (such  as  was  placed  on  slaves  as 
human  property)  and  (lie  "  earnest  "  or  pledge  (Eph.  1 
i3f.)  of  the  individual's  share  in  the  inheritance  to  be 
fully  entered  on  at  the  finol  manifestation  of  the 
kintrdom,  when  Christ  the  Head  should  Himself  be 
manifested  in  glory.  Such  language  came  to  be  trans- 
ferred, with  momentous  consequences,  to  the  rite  of 
Imptism  itself,  aa  usually,  though  not  necessarily  (Ac.  8 
16,  IO4.1-47),  the  concomitant  of  this  Divine  exjierience. 
Originally  the  "  gift  of  the  Spirit,"  in  speaking  with 


THE   RELIGIOUS   BACKGROUND   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   WRITINGS       639 


rapt  utterance  (■'  with  a  tongue  "),  ratified  with  scnaiblo 
Divine  proof  the  confession  with  the  mouth,  "  Jesus 
is  Lord,"  as  true  to  the  heart  (Rom,  lOy) ;  and  so  con- 
firmed faith  and  added  to  its  triumphant  assurance. 
Thus  it  is  as  proof  that  faith  was  "  olcansitjg  "  (Ac.  1 1 17, 
ISsf.)  or  regenerative,  even  in  Samaritans  and  uncir- 
cumcised  behevors  lil^e  ComcHup,  that  reference  is 
made  to  the  "  falhng  "  on  them  of  the  Spirit.  Later 
the  baptismal  water  came  in  certain  circles  to  be  thought 
of  as  itself  conferring  spiritual  cleansing  or  Holy  Spirit, 
and  that  even  where  no  prior  or  concomitant  faith 
existed  in  the  recipients,  namely  infants  of  Christian 
parents.  This  was  a  natural  misunderstanding  of  the 
original  experimental  genius  of  the  rite  as  "  washing  of 
regeneration  and  Holy  Spirit  renewal"  (Tit.  85).  As 
a  rite,  it  was  a  formal  cleansing  "  through  water-wash- 
ing," with  use  of  a  sacred  formula  (Eph.  626) ;  and  so 
marked  the  definite  line  between  the  new  cotnmuniiy  of 
Messianic  salvation  by  repentance  and  faith  (Ac.  238, 
Heb.  6if.)  and  all  outside.  This  is  vividly  realised  on 
the  mission-lield  to-day,  where  the  rite  is  known 
actually  to  exclude  some  individuals  in  true  spiritual 
union  with  the  Head  by  faith,  but  unprepared  to  suffer 
for  the  sake  of  coi-poratc  Christian  life,  i.e.  the 
vitalising  "  Holy  Spirit  "  atmosphere  of  a  Divine- 
human  community.  The  privilege  of  breathing  this 
atmosphere  of  corporate  salvation  or  Divine  influence 
came  as  a  birthright  to  the  children  of  those  withm  the 
New  Covenant — as,  on  a  lower  level,  to  those  bom 
within  the  Old.  In  the  one  case  as  in  the  other,  in 
keeping  with  general  ancient  ideas  of  religion  as  in  th<; 
first  instance  a  matter  of  the  family,  before  one  of 
personal  faith  and  will,  this  status  was  sealed  by  a 
symbolic  rite,  whether  circumcision  or  baptism. 
Strictly  and  in  its  full  reality,  however,  the  rite  wa»s 
relative  to  a  personal  act  of  spiritual  adhesion  or  self- 
consecration  to  the  covenant-relation  thus  typified. 
But  in  these  cases  of  infant  or  probationary  member- 
ship the  corporate  grace  (Ac.  239)  of  Divine  influence 
was  thought  of  mainly  as  operating  upon  the  will 
from  outside  through  human  society,  as  in  all  early 
education.  With  the  adult  convert,  on  the  other  hand, 
reception  of  the  Spirit  came  under  quite  other  con- 
ditions, those  namely  of  self-devotion  in  the  act  of 
baptism.  This  usually  issued  in  a  wave  of  enthusiasm 
or  emotion,  and  found  vent  in  a  pecuUar  utterance  of 
like  order  {(jlossolalia,  "  speaking  with  tongues,"  see  p. 
648),  regarded  as  so  due  to  Divine  influence  as  to  prove 
the  acceptance  of  the  recipient  with  Grod  and  his  real 
incorporation  in  the  Messianic  Church,  as  "  baptized  into 
one  body  and  made  to  drink  of  one  Spirit  "  (1  Cor.  12 
13).  We  see,  then,  how  central  and  determinative 
was  tlie  experience  and  idea  oj  Holy  Spirit  or  Divine 
fervour,  which  became  the  settled  habit  of  soul  and 
appeared  in  the  Christian's  bearing — one  of  overflowing 
joy  and  brotherly  love — so  that  its  lack  in  certain 
believers  at  Ephcpus  struck  Paul  as  a  living  below  the 
uonnal  Christian  level  (Ac.  19if.).  As  such  it  became 
the  one  final  criterion  of  the  right  to  claim  memhership 
in  the  Messianic  society,  being,  as  it  was,  the  distinc- 
tive Messianic  gift,  "  poured  forth  "  from  Jesus  as 
Head  and  proving  Him  ChrLst  indeed  (Ac.  233,  1  Cor.  12 
3).  "  If  any  man  have  not  Christ's  Spirit  he  is  none 
of  his  "  (Rom.  89)  :  if  he  have  it,  then  is  he  a  member 
of  the  Christ,  ecm  though  he  be  beforehand  outside  Israel. 
Here  we  have  the  radical  new  fact,  with  its  far-reaching 
logical  issues,  which  opened  the  Kingdom  of  God — and 
BO  membership  in  its  existing  form  on  earth,  the  Church 
or  congregation  of  Jesus  the  Christ — wide  to  all,  irre- 
spective of  race  and  all  it  iraphes.  "  For  through  Him 
we  both  have  access  in  one  Spirit  to  the  Father  " 


(Eph.  2i8).  Jews  and  non-Jews — '*  unclean  "  "  sinners 
of  the  Gentiles  "  (Ac.  IO28,  109,  Gal.  215),  as  they  were 
by  the  standards  of  the  current  Jewish  Torah — were 
henceforth  to  participate  on  like  terms,  i.e.  simple 
receptivity  of  heart  to  the  cleanrjing  Holy  Spirit, 
Messiah's  gift. 

At  first  the  revolution  for  Jewish  thought  seemed  too 
great  to  be  credible.  But  slowly  yet  surely,  as  traced 
in  the  first  half  of  Acts — here,  as  elsewhere,  affording 
background  and  coherence  to  the  vivid  but  uncon- 
nected data  of  the  epistles — we  see  the  prejudices  of 
the  Jewish  Christians  yield  to  the  logic  of  Divine  facts. 
Thus  the  Spirit  of  the  Christ  led  them  on  into  further 
applications  of  the  principles  imphcit  in  His  own 
historically  conditioned,  and  therefore  limited,  earthly 
teaching,  and  most  of  all  in  the  fact  of  the  Cross  and 
its  issue,  the  Resurrection,  the  climax  and  touch-stone 
of  all.  The  full  meaning  of  it  all  dawned  but  graduaUy, 
and  at  first  only  in  certain  elect  souLs.  It  was  Stephen 
the  Hellenist,  whose  experience  of  the  wider  world  of 
human  life  beyond  Judaism  had  opened  his  eyes  to 
distinguish  spirit  from  letter,  the  abiding  from  the 
historic  and  relative  even  in  a  Divine  revelation,  who 
led  the  way,  along  lines  continuous  \vith  Jesus'  own 
prophetic  idea  of  progressive  revelation,  as  men  were 
able  to  bear  it.  Stephen's  Alexandrine  spiritual 
idealism  perceived  in  tilings  material  and  institutional 
only  symbols  of  what  the  "  Hving  oracles  "  of  the 
Mosaic  Law  shadowed  forth  and  the  prophets  made 
more  expHcit,  namely  the  "  worship  in  spirit  and  in 
truth  "  in  the  temple  of  the  human  heart,  individual 
and  corporate  (Ac.  738f.,44,48ff.).  Thus  he  was  able  to 
admit  the  thought  that  the  holy  place  and  hallowed 
usages  of  Judaism  were  not  essential  to  the  highest 
rehgion.  Messianic  religion.  These  things  had  not 
saved  official  Judaism  in  that  age.  any  more  than  in 
the  times  of  the  prophets,  from  resisting  the  Holy 
Spirit,  as  it  drew  the  soul  to  higher  and  purer  worship, 
to  a  more  perfect  because  spiritual  obedience  of  the 
Law  itself  (5 iff.).     C/.  pp.  784f. 

Now  here,  be  it  noted,  there  is  no  suggestion  of  any 
extension  of  revealed  religion  beyond  Israel,  only  a 
deepening  of  its  inner  nature  ;  and  so  far  it  is  an  error 
to  think  of  Stephen  as  anticipating  Paul.  Yet  in 
essence  the  result  was  the  same.  The  Law  as  letter 
was  for  both  set  aside  as  condition  of  salvation  :  only 
the  method  differed  in  the  two  cases.  With  Stephen, 
as  with  the  Master  Himself,  it  was  one  of  sublimation 
by  emphasis  on  the  spiritual,  so  that  the  ritual  form 
became  relative  and  temporary  :  -nith  Paul  it  was  by 
recoil,  by  antithesis  of  spirit  to  letter,  of  Grace  to 
Law.  This  difference  sprang  from  different  experiences 
of  the  workings  of  Law  upon  the  moral  and  religious 
consciousness.  To  the  one  its  effect  was  mainly  posi- 
tive, to  the  other  negative.  Unhke  Stephen,  Paul  had 
known  the  full  bitterness  and  moral  impotence  of 
egoistic  or  .self-centred  effort  to  obey  the  Law  in  spito 
of  the  natural  bias  of  the  will  of  "  the  flesh,"  as  crossed 
by  the  Law's  prohibitions  :  and  this  coloured  all  his 
view  of  the  Law,  even  as  God's  ordinance  (Rom.  I7S..). 
Its  function,  in  his  ex{»rience  and  so  in  his  theory, 
was  to  bring  man  to  knowledge  first  of  his  o«ti  sinful- 
ness and  then  of  the  fact  that  God's  grace  alone,  and 
no  mere  Di\ane  ordina.ncc,  could  avail  to  overcome 
the  power  of  "  the  flesh  "  making  for  sinful  volitions. 
That  is,  whereas  Stephen  realised  all  that  the  Law 
could  d'.)  by  suggesting  obedience,  it  wa~s  on  the  dark 
backgrotmd  of  "  what  the  Law  could  not  do  '"  (Rom.  83) 
to  deliver  man  from  the  sin  it  brought  to  light — nay, 
even  stimulated  to  conscious  action — that  to  Paul  tho 
need  of  Divine  grace  stood  forth  \n  full  reality.     Owing 


640       THE   RELIGIOUS   BACKGROUND    OF    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT    WRITINGS 


to  his  strict  Phaiisiiic  training,  operating  on  a  most 
exacting  and  sensitive  conscience,  one  endowed  too 
witli  an  extraordinary'  power  of  psycholoeical  analysis, 
lie  so  felt  the  rigid  aspect  of  the  T(yruh  as  letter,  that 
he  could  not  feel  its  encouraging  aspect  as  spirit  (in 
our  modem  sense),  approximate  obedience  to  which 
would  be  accepted  bj'  a  merciful  and  forgiving  God. 
To  liim,  then,  "  through  the  Law  "  came,  not  right- 
eousness, but  "  the  knowledge  of  sin  "  (Rom.  820).  In 
all  this  there  was,  no  doubt,  a  certain  one-sidedness 
and  exaggeration  of  emphasis  on  the  negative  effects 
of  the  Law.  Yet  Paul  was  thereby  led  to  detect,  in 
the  crucial  instance  of  his  own  case,  the  limitations  of 
I^aw  in  rchgion,  such  as  the  sense  of  sinfulness  and  moral 
impotence  which  it  begets  in  the  sensitive  conscience, 
and  tlie  self- righteousness  and  legalism  which  it  tends 
to  foster  in  more  superficially  religious  souls,  as  the 
himian  heart  strives  to  attain  righteousness  "  by  works 
of  tlic  Law." 

To  sum  up,  Stephen  and  other  Hellenistic  Jews,  such 
a.s  Barnabas  and  the  writer  "  To  Hebrews,  '  transcended 
"  the  Law  of  carnal  orflinances  "  as  method  of  salva- 
tion, by  seeing  in  it  the  shadow  of  spiritual  realities 
made  manifest  and  available  in  Christ  and  His  filial 
spirit  in  religion,  the  religion  of  the  New  Covenant 
written  on  the  heart  (Hcb.  lif.,  IO1-18).  So  too,  in 
their  own  more  emotional  and  less  reflective  fashion, 
Peter  and  the  original  Palestinian  disciples  advanced 
to  the  freedom  of  the  Spirit  in  Christ  by  the  path  of 
simple  loyalty  to  the  Torah  in  its  positive  aspect,  as 
the  Divinely  provided  way  of  life  (like  the  instruction 
in  "  The  Two  Waj^s  "  of  life  and  death,  embodied  in 
the  "  Diduche  of  the  Lord  through  the  Twelve 
Apostles";  c/.  Ac.  242).  To  Paul,  however,  liberty 
and  power  to  serve  God  "  in  newness  of  life,"  from  a 
full  heart  of  gratitude  and  love,  came  by  a  profound 
recoil  from  the  Torah  as  law  and  the  attitude  which  it 
fostered  in  "  the  flesh  " — his  sinful,  self-centred  nature. 
This  amounted  to  a  revolution  in  the  very  principle  of 
Judaism  as  a  religion :  so  great  was  the  change  of 
em])hasi8  involved  and  the  new  value  put  on  grace,  as 
distinct  from  and  prior  to  Law.  Judaism  was  a 
religion  of  rigliteousness  and  fellowship  with  God 
through  the  medium  of  a  Law,  a  bodj'  of  commands 
and  ordinances,  both  moral  and  ritual ;  in  Christianity 
the  historical  medium,  giving  like  concreteness  to  the 
relations  of  God  and  man  as  conditioned  by  special  re- 
velation, is  a  Person.  Both  are  religions  of  mediation, 
as  regards  conveyance  alike  of  Divine  knowledge  and 
Di\-ine  atonement.  In  the  one,  however,  the  medium 
is  in  the  last  resort  impersonal,  a  legal  system  :  in  the 
other  it  is  a  personality,  in  whom  the  inmost  spirit 
of  the  older  .system  claims  to  be  realised  in  the  form 
most  calculated  to  propagate  itself  in  other  persons. 
It  is  in  fact  the  fulfilment  of  the  hope  touching  its 
final  form  which  was  well-nigh  universal  in  Judaism 
itself  when  Jesus  came,  viz.  the  hope  of  Messiah,  as 
the  medium  through  wliich  the  true  obedience  to  God's 
will  should  take  fuller  effect.  That  is,  Jlessiah  himself 
was  expected  to  make  piety  more  than  before  a  matter 
of  Divine  inspiration,  Gods  grace  consciously  animating 
the  soul  with  fuller  Divine  knowledge  and  loyalty, 
like  Abraham's  before  the  Law  was  given.  The  legal 
form  and  motive,  then,  would  largely  be  transcended 
in  such  piety.  This  is  what  Paul  now  felt  and  argued. 
Was  not  the  covenant  of  Abraham  prior  to  that  of 
Moses,  and  faith,  as  the  soul's  receptivene.ss  towards 
grace,  prior  to  works  of  the  Law  as  basis  of  justification 
or  acceptance  with  God  (Rom.  4)  ?  In  this  light  works 
of  obedience  or  loyalty  to  God  were  not  causes  of 
justification,  but  rather  effects  of  the  whole  attitude 


of  faith — not  as  orthodox  Ixlii^f  (no  tme  Christian 
sense  of  the  t«rm,  Jas.  2i7ff.),  but  as  personal  trust 
in  God.  This  faith  was  to  living  works  of  right<?ous- 
ness,  works  not "'  dead  "  for  want  of  motive  acceptable 
to  God  (Heb.  61),  as  root  to  fniits  springing  therefrom 
and  proving  the  vitality  of  their  root.  Such  faith  was 
the  human  volitional  side  of  what  on  the  Divine  side 
is  "  the  Spirit  "  (Gal.  56,i6,22,  Jas.  £20-26) :  and  such 
"  fruit  of  the  Spirit  "  constituted  progressive  holiness, 
the  sanctification  of  human  character  which  meant 
habitual  reaffirmation  in  will  of  the  inspired  attitude 
of  justifying  faith.  Thus  justification  contained  im- 
plicit in  it  the  germ  of  sanctification  (Rom.  61-11, 
Ac.  2fii8) ;  and  sanctification  made  expUcit  as  char- 
acter the  regenerate  and  loyal  will,  already  present  in 
the  justified  or  forgiven.  Sanctification,  too,  as  the 
transformation  of  the  moral  personality  (Rom.  12if.), 
was  "  by  faith  "  as  to  method. 

Such  was  the  Paidine  gosjiel  of  Grace,  operative 
through  faith  in  Christ,  as  all-sufiicient  and  therefore 
also  universal  in  scope.  Where  the  conditions  of  faith 
existed,  there  its  salvation  at  once  extended.  But 
experience  soon  showed  that  faith  sprang  up  in  Gentile 
breasts  no  less  than  in  Jewish,  and  therefore  a  share 
in  the  Messianic  Kingdom  was  accorded  them  :  they 
were  "  fellow-heirs "  with  the  samts,  members  of 
Christ's  congregation,  the  Church  of  God.  All  this 
was  dear  to  Paul,  but  not  at  first  to  his  fellow  Jewish 
Christians,  even  the  original  Apostles.  Was  there  no 
longer  a  place  for  the  Mosaic  I>aw  in  the  Messianic 
kingdom,  and  therewith  for  distinction  in  sanctity 
between  those  who  oVnjerved  and  those  who  did  not 
observe  its  precepts  ?  Could  Jews  eat  with  Gentiles 
on  a  basis  of  equality,  even  as  fellow-believers  in  Jesus 
Messiah  and  sharei-s  in  the  Messianic  "  holy  Spirit  "  ? 
Was  there  not  at  least  a  more  perfect  holiness  to  bo 
attained  by  Gentile  brethren  who  went  on  to  add 
Moses  to  Christ  ?  This  was  the  plausible  plea  answered 
by  Paul  in  his  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  (especially  2ii- 
3 1 ) ;  and  very  searching  is  the  insight  with  which  ho 
urges  the  counter-view  that  Christ  is  the  full  realisation 
of  all  that  Moses  represented,  and  so  "  the  end  of  the 
Law  for  righteousness  to  every  believer."  To  add 
Moses  to  Christ  for  completeness'  sake  was  to  "  build 
up  again  "  what  one  had  virtually  confessed  to  Ijc  in 
ruins  and  effete,  to  render  Christ's  Cross  gratuitous,  and 
to  put  oneself,  and  indeed  Him,  in  a  false  position 
(Gal,  2i6-2i),  as  if  a  slur  had  been  cast  upon  the  Law 
by  relying  solely  on  Christ  for  justification.  No, 
justification  and  holiness  were  all  of  a  piece.  If  the 
one  was  by  faith,  as  proved  by  the  gift  of  the  Sjnrit, 
then  the  other  must  grow  organically  out  of  the  same 
vital  root.  If  life  itself  came  by  Spirit,  then  by  Spirit 
(not  Law)  was  "  walk "  or  conduct  to  l>o  guided 
(Gal.  5?  5).  Here  we  have  the  profound  religious  spring 
of  Paul's  Christian  ethics,  as  something  new  in  prin- 
ciple— spiritual  union  with  Christ  by  faith — and  in 
method,  namely  loyalty  to  the  pressure  of  His  Spirit, 
alike  hi  prompting  to  action  and  in  control  of  the 
impulses  of  "the  flesii."  Throughout,  the  norm  or 
pattern,  spiritually  discerned,  was  Christ  Himself,  the 
Christian's  Law.  The  ethics  of  I^aw  pas.sed  into  tho 
ethics  of  an  ideal  type,  invested  with  the  {X)wer  wliich 
was  due  to  its  having  become  a  reality  under  tho 
historical  conditions  of  space  and  time.  For  those 
who  had  j'ielded  themselves  to  this  Divine  ideal 
Divinely  realised  in  man,  hohness  meant  simply  the 
rea.ssertion  in  detail  of  the  consecrated  attitude  to  the 
Divine  will  as  embodied  in  Christ  (of.  Heb.  107,io, 
1214,  Jn.  17io,  1  Jn,  3i,3). 

In  much  of  all  this,  on  its  theoretic  side,  Paul  stood 


THE  RELIGIOUS   BACKGROUND   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   WRITINGS       641 


alone,  owing  to  his  special  experience  of  the  Law, 
which  affected  Ms  theology  at  other  points  also, 
notably  his  theory  of  redeytipdon  by  the  Cross.  Paul's 
view  that  "  Christ  redeemed  us  from  the  curse  of  ih© 
(Mosaic)  Law  by  becoming  a  curse  for  us,"  since  the 
Law  treated  crucifixion  as  in  itself  an  accursed  death 
(Gal.  3i3),  seems  pecuhar  to  himself.  He  saw  in  the 
fact  a  proof,  not  indeed  that  Jesus  was  an  actual 
scapegoat — as  some  G^entiles  appear  to  have  thought, 
in  terms  of  pagan  analogy  (1  Cor.  I23) — but  that  the 
Law,  relative  to  whose  standards  Jesus  appeared  as  if 
accursed  of  God,  was  itself  set  aside.  For  God's 
vindication  of  His  Holy  One  had,  in  fact,  cancelled 
the  Laws  inference  from  such  a  death,  by  the  glory  of 
tbe  Resurrection  (Rom.  I4 ;  cf.  Ac.  236).  The  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews  viewed  the  death  of  Chiist  as  annulling 
the  Old  Covenant  and  inaugurating  the  New  in  rather 
a  different  sense  (9i5,  IO18),  in  terms  of  religious  access 
to  God  in  worship,  with  a  conscience  cleansed  from 
sin  by  a  really,  because  spiritually,  holy  and  effectual 
sacrifice  of  pure  and  precious  life  (9i4,  IO22),  the  life 
of  an  utterly  loyal  will  (108ff.,i4).  The  thougiit  of 
1  P.,  wbich  represents  the  central  line  of  Jewish 
Christian  development  in  a  simpler  form,  is  similar  to 
this  (1 2,  i8f.),  but  moves  on  the  lines  of  Is.  53  (1  P.  222ff.). 
The  Uko  is  true  of  Rev.  dsf.,  ogf.)  and  of  the  Johannino 
writings  geneially.  But  while  the  Apostolic  Church 
as  a  whole  did  not  share  Paul's  own  theory  of  the 
Law,  in  practice  it  advanced  step  by  step  to  a  position 
touching  the  Lmv  which  made  its  more  special  precepts, 
especially  its  ritual  and  ceremonial  customs,  binding 
only  on  Jews  and  full  proselytes,  and  on  tbe  last  only  in 
certain  primary  things  deep-rooted  in  Jewish  sentiment 
(Acts  ISigff.).  In  principle  the  Mosaic  Law  was  treated 
as  essentially  fulfilled  in  Christ  :  neither  "  through 
Moses  to  Christ  "  nor  "  Christ  safeguarded  by  Moses  "' 
was,  even  by  the  end  of  the  period  covered  in  the  Book 
of  Acts,  upheld  as  a  watchword  save  in  hmited  circles 
of  Judaistic  Christianity.  This  result  was  not  generally 
reached  by  a  consistent  theory,  as  m  Paul  and  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews ;  but  rather  by  a  vital 
instinct,  on  the  basis  of  the  incontrovertible  fact 
of  the  Messianic  Spirit  poured  forth  beyond  the  bounds 
of  life  under  the  Torah.  The  new  Torah  was 
"  the  mind  of  Christ,"  as  spirit  and  life,  which,  by 
making  love  to  God  and  man  the  touchstone  of  the 
Divine  will,  set  men  free  from  "  bondage  to  the  Law," 
and  to  the  technical  casuistry  based  on  its  detailed 
precepts,  where  moral  and  ritual  obedience  became 
confused. 

The  picture  of  the  early  Jerusalem  Church  in  Ac.  1-4 
is  suffused  with  the  holy  enthusiasm  of  the  Spirit 
already  described.  Its  special  fruit  was  a  wonderful 
'■  fellowship "  (koinonia),  a  sense  of  community  of 
feehng  and  interest,  in  the  things  both  of  soul  and 
body.  "  They  continued  steadfastly  in  fellowship — 
in  the  breaking  of  bread  and  the  prayei-s  '"  accompany- 
ing. Unity  and  solidarity,  being  "  together  "  and  "  of 
one  soul,'"  was  their  very  spirit :  and  it  found  its 
chief  expression  in  breaking  the  one  loaf  in  gatherings 
of  a  domestic  type,  with  open-hearted  joy  in  each 
other  as  truly  brethren,  sons  of  the  same  heavenly 
Father  in  Christ,  the  Lord  and  Elder  Brother. 
The  sort  of  prayers  which  hallowed  such  table- 
fellowship — the  Christian  form  of  what  already  ex- 
isted among  the  Jews  as  a  most  sacred  bond — 
may  be  gathered  from  the  very  primitive  specimen 
that  has  come  down  to  us  in  the  Didache  or  "  Teach- 
ing of  the  Apostles  "  (cf.  Ac.  242),  as  traditionally 
preserved  in  Syria  in  the  latter  part  of  the  apos- 
tolic age. 


"  First  as  touching  the  Cup :  '  We  give  thanks 
to  Thee,  our  Father,  for  the  holy  Vine  (people)  of 
Thy  Servant  (lit.  child;  cf  Ac,  813,  427)  David, 
wliich  Thou  hast  made  known  to  us  through  Jesus 
Thy  Seivant :  to  Thee  be  the  glory  for  ever.' 
But  as  touching  the  broken  bread  : '  We  give  thanks 
to  Thee,  our  Father,  for  the  life  and  knowledge 
which  Tliou  hast  made  known  to  us  through  Jesus 
Thy  Servant :  to  Thee  be  the  glory  for  ever.  As 
this  broken  bread  was  scattered  (as  grain)  upon 
the  mountains  and  being  gathered  together  became 
one,  so  let  Thy  Church  be  gathered  together  from 
the  ends  of  the  earth  into  Thy  Kingdom  ;  for 
Thine  is  the  glory  and  the  power  through  Jesua 
Christ  for  ever.'  .  .  .  And  after  being  filled,  give 
thanks  thus :  '  We  give  thanks  to  Thee,  holy 
Father,  for  Thy  holy  Name,  wliich  Thou  hast 
made  to  dwell  in  our  hearts,  and  for  the  knowledge 
and  faith  and  immortality  which  Thou  hast  made 
known  to  us  through  Jesus  Thy  Servant  :  to  Thee 
be  the  glory  for  over.  Thou,  0  All-sovereign 
Master,  madest  all  things  for  Thy  Name's  sake. 
Thou  gavest  men  food  and  drink  to  enjoy,  that 
they  might  give  thanks  to  Thee  ;  but  on  us  Thou 
didst  graciously  bestow  spiritual  food  and  drink 
and  eternal  life  through  Jesus  Thy  Servant. 
Before  all  things  we  give  thanks  to  Thee  that 
Thou  art  mighty.  .  .  .  Remember,  O  Lord,  Thy 
Church,  to  deliver  her  from  all  evil  and  to  perfect 
her  in  Thy  love  ;  and  gather  her  together  from 
the  four  winds,  her  the  sanctified,  into  Thy 
Kingdom  which  Thou  preparedst  for  her :  for 
Thine  is  the  power  and  the  glorj'  for  ever.  Let 
Grace  come,  and  let  the  world  pass  away — Hosanna 
to  the  God  of  David  .  .  .  Our  Lord,  come 
(Maranatha).     Amen.'  " 

Here  we  have,  particularly  in  the  final  ejaculatory 
petitions,  voicing  expectant  longing  for  the  Kingdom 
as  about  to  break  in  upon  the  present  world-order, 
the  authentic  note  of  primitive  Christian  piety  (com- 
pare the  Lord's  prayer).  We  find  associated  with  glad 
faith  in  God,  revealed  in  His  Name  of  Holy  Father 
through  Jesus  His  anointed  Serwint  (a  term  taken 
fi-om  Is.  40ff.,  as  in  Ac.  3f.),  reiterated  mention  of 
God's  Church  or  Vine,  His  people  consecrated  to  the 
Divine  love,  and  therein  to  be  perfected.  These  were 
doubtless  the  great  themes  of  common  prayer  in  the 
"  fellowship  "  and  worship  of  the  brotherhood  (cf.  1  P.  2 
17,  59),  as  "  in  one  spirit  "  it  used  its  free  "  access  to 
the  Father "  through  Messiah,  its  Head.  In  some 
circles  the  sense  of  mystic  comnainion  vith  Messiah 
Himself,  through  the  Spirit,  was  more  marked  than 
in  others  ;  witness  the  Epistles  of  Paul,  1  P.  and  1  Jn. 
Out  of  the  consciousness  that  "  he  that  is  joined  unto 
the  Lord  is  one  spirit  "  with  Him,  grew  tlie  mystical 
doctrine  of  the  Church  as  the  universal  Body  of  Christ, 
since  in  it  His  personalitj'  was  embodied  and  through 
it  acted,  as  He  had  once  lived  in  and  through  His 
individual  body  on  earth  (cf.  Ac.  li).  Hence  the  pro- 
found conception  of  the  Head  and  members  as  together 
making  up  the  complete  Christ  (1  Cor.  12i2,  Eph.  In, 
22f.),  even  as  the  Vine  and  its  branches  fJn.  15).  "  He 
that  keejteth  His  commandments  abideth  in  Him,  and 
He  in  him  "  (1  Jn.  824).  But  as  time  went  on,  the 
sense  that  Christ  was  not  only  the  medium  of  the 
knowledge  of  God  which  is  the  souls  life,  but  also 
embodied  that  revelation  hi  such  a  way  as  to  be  "  our 
life  "  in  principle  and  its  abiding  source  for  mankind, 
grew  upon  the  Christian  consciousness  at  large.  Paul 
cries,  "  I  five,  j^et  no  longer  I,  but  C'lirist  hveth  in  me  "  : 

21 


642       THE   RELIGIOUS   BACKGROUND    OF    THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   WRITINGS 


"  I  live  in  virtue  of  faith  deiivod  from  tlie  Son  of  God 
who  loved  me  and  gave  himself  for  me  "  (Gal.  22o)  : 
'■  To  me  to  Uve  means  Ohrist  "  (Phil.  I21).  Such  in- 
dwelUng  of  ChriHt  through  faith  comes  about  by  the 
strengthening  of  tlic  inward  man  through  God's  Spirit, 
and  implies  rooting  of  personality  in  love  as  the  very 
principle  of  the  Divine  or  Christ  life  in  man  (Eph.  3i6- 
ly).  Here  Ues  the  spring  of  Christian  ethics,  the 
loving,  Christlikc  "  walk  ''  of  God's  cliildren  (Eph.  01). 

In  Christ,  then,  "  the  Life  "  Divine  had  been  "  mani- 
fested ■'  a.s  God's  visible  "  word  "  to  man  (1  Jn.  lif.). 
This  Life  had  ever  been  the  Light  of  souls ;  but  had  now 
become  fullv  incarnate  as  "  grace  and  truth  "  in  Jesus 
Christ  (Jn.  "14,14,17).  Thus  Christ  Is  identified  with 
the  Word  ( Logos),  the  principle  of  Divine  self-expres- 
sion or  manifestation  both  within  (Jodhead  and  to 
finite  created  l^iug  (Jn.  I1-5).  This  growing  appre- 
hension of  what  Clirist  is  for  the  inner  life  of  believers, 
eapcially  in  their  collective  being,  was  the  real  or 
religious"  source  of  the  development  of  Christology,  the 
theon,'  of  the  true  nature  of  the  historic  Christ  as 
experienced  by  faith.  It  takes  various  forms  even  in 
the  NT,  but  rises  ever  higher  in  range  of  siguificauce. 
It  loses  more  and  more  of  local,  national,  temporal 
associations,  as  the  Jesus  of  liistory,  whose  earthly 
ministry  was  in  temis  of  Palestine  under  the  Emperor 
Tiberius,  grew  u]X)n  believers  of  differing  temperament 
and  culture  as  '  the  Christ '  of  faith,  directly  related  to 
the  eternal  and  universal  being  of  God.  Parallel  with 
this  deepening  experience  and  thought  touching  Jesus 
the  Christ,  the  object  of  faith,  in  whose  Sonship  God 
stood  for  ever  revealed  as  Father  (Jn.  148-io),  went 
growing  insight  into  the  Divine  presence  and  working 
involved  in  this  subjective  Christian  revelation  within 
the  soul,  what  was  known  at  first  as  '"  holy  Spirit," 
or  Divine  enthusiasm.  This  too  was  brought  more 
into  organic  relatiou  with  the  idea  of  God,  and  was 
viewed  as  the  manifestation  of  His  immanent  operation 
upon  and  within  mans  spiritual  ^ecepti^^ty,  the  soul 
in  its  higher  aspects.  Thus  the  Spirit  of  God,  the 
Holy  Spirit,  wa.s  conceived  in  a  moi-e  personal  and  less 
purely  djTiamio  way  tlian  in  the  simple  beginnings  of 
Christian  reflection!  All  tliis  is  summed  up  in  the 
apostolic  benediction.  "  The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
and  tlie  love  of  Crod  and  the  communion  of  (due  to) 
the  Holy  Spirit  be  with  you  all ;  "  also  in  the  threefold 
baptismal  Name  wliich  came  at  length  into  use,  in 
place  of  the  earlier  and  simpler  form  "  unto  the  Name 
of  the  Lord  Jesus."  with  some  such  summary  confes- 
sion as  "  I  believe  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ "'  (or  "  Lord," 
in  the  case  of  pure  Gentiles,  Rom.  IO9,  I  Cor.  I23, 
Eph.  45). 

We  have  seen  already  how  central  was  the  sense  of 
the  new  life  as  one  of  loyal  service  to  Ood,  in  grateful 
love  for  redemptive  interposition  in  His  Messiah,  and 
especially  for  Christ's  atoning  and  reconciling  act  of 
self-devotion.  By  this,  as  appropriated  by  faith,  His 
people  were  forgiven,  purified,  and  consecrated  in  heart 
and  will  to  holy  obedience  on  a  new  level  of  filial 
relationship  and"  spiritual  anointing.  This  took  effect 
in  detail  in  daily  life:  not  only  in  the  moral  "  walk," 
which  gave  essential  expression  to  the  Ufo  of  grace 
within  the  soul,  in  the  fruits  or  graces  of  character  due 
to  the  promi)ting3  of  the  Spirit  ;  but  also  in  specific 
worship  offered  to  God  as  homage  for  what  He  was 
as  revealed  in  Creation  and  Redemption,  and  as  means 
tf)  the  communion  with  Him  wherein  is  the  soul's 
highest  bliss.  The  idea  of  such  high  acts  of  worship  is 
seen  in  the  ascription  of  praise  to  Christ  as  "  unto 
him  that  loveth  us  and  loosed  us  from  our  sins  by  his 
blood,  and  he  made  us   a  kingdom,  priests  unto  hia 


God  and  Father"  (Rev.  Isf.,  cf.  5gf.).  That  is, 
Christians  as  such,  the  Church,  fulfilled  in  spirit  and 
in  truth  the  ideal  destiny  of  Israel  as  "  a  people  for 
God's  own  possession,"  at  once  His  spiritual  temi)le 
and  His  holy  priesthood,  to  offer  up  spiritual  sacrifices 
acceptable  to  God  through  Jesus  Christ  (1  P.  25,v). 
Such  sacrifices  were  acts  of  love  ;  first  to  Grod,  the  giver 
of  all,  in  "  the  sacrifice  of  praise,  the  fruit  of  lips  making 
mention  of  His  Name  "  (so  the  eucharistic  prayer  of 
the  Didache,  where  it  is  also  calle<l  the  Church's  sacri- 
fice) ;  and  next  to  man  as  made  in  the  image  of  God 
(cf.  Jas,  214-18,  39,  1  Jn.  3i6f.,  42of.).  "  To  do  good 
and  to  communicate  (of  one's  goods)  forget  not :  for 
with  such  sacrifices  CJod  is  well  pleased  "  (Heb.  ISisf.)- 
The  new  sense  of  the  sacredness  of  humanity  as  moral 
personality,  for  the  saving  of  which  in  each  and  all 
Christ  had  been  content  to  consecrate  Himself  even 
unto  death,  deepened  the  meaning  of  every  form  of 
beneficence,  making  philanthropy  the  very  ritual  of 
God's  sen-ice  (Jas.  I27).  Naturally  this  took  effect 
primarily  within  "  the  household  of  faith,"'  between 
whose  members  '"  fellowship "  was  so  constant  and 
intimate  ;  but  it  overflowed  also  to  "  those  without  " 
in  all  forms  of  practical  good-will,  and  especially  in 
efforts  to  draw  them  within  the  Brotherhood,  the 
sphere  of  present  and  future  salvation.  Illustrations 
of  all  this  occur  in  passages  like  Rom.  12-14,  Eph.  4i-6, 
17-32,  01-69,  and  I  P.  passim.  The  only  limits  to  the 
application  of  this  attitude  of  universal  good-will  and 
sacrificial  service  were  those  due  to  the  Umited  tem- 
poral horizon.  The  watchword, "'  the  end  of  all  things 
is  at  hand,"  fostered  intensity,  but  hindered  breadth 
of  scope  in  social  service.  Hence  the  reform  of  the 
structure  of  society — the  institution  of  slavery,  the 
degradation  of  labour,  and  the  whole  economic  and 
cido  situation — lay  beyond  their  historical  horizon. 
But  short  of  this,  the  inherent  dynamic  of  the  Christian 
faith  as  making  for  amelioration  of  all  that  causes 
sorrow  and  suffering  in  human  hfe,  and  for  the  fuller 
realisation  of  the  Divine  capacity  in  manhood,  had 
free  course  and  was  glorified.  Self-sacrifice  for  such 
ends  was  part  of  the  "  living  sacrifice  "  to  God  of  the 
whole  person,  gifts,  and  possessions,  as  held  in  trust 
for  God  the  Owner  and  Redeemer  of  alL  This  was  the 
prime  motive  of  the  element  of  asceticism  sanctioned  in 
the  NT,  viz.  the  voluntary  sacrifice  even  of  things 
normally  allowable  and  part  of  the  Divine  order  of 
life,  for  the  greater  glor}'  of  God  and  good  of  man 
during  the  urgent  crisis  of  the  Kingdom's  coming.  Li 
a  word,  it  was  escliatological  in  motive.  What  goes 
beyond  tliis,  asceticism  for  its  own  sake  as  a  form  of 
penitential  life,  acceptable  to  God  just  because  it  runs 
covmter  to  the  natural  instincts  of  human  nature,  this 
negative  form  of  virtue  is  not  approved  but  rather 
censured  as  on  radically  wrong  lines  (Col.  220-23). 
Even  as  regards  the  true  type  of  self-sacrifice,  for 
positive  spiritual  results  to  oneself  or  to  others,  none 
must  judge  his  brother's  conscience  in  the  matter : 
"  to  his  own  Master  he  stands  or  falls,"  so  long  as  ho 
does  all  in  love  and  from  full  conviction  of  faith 
(Rom.  14,  1  Cor.  7f.).  A  specially  spiritual  form  of  self- 
sacrifice  is  that  which  Paul  describes  as  ruling  his  own 
conduct,  when  he  waived  his  own  rights  and  privnleges 
in  the  gospel  for  the  sake  of  those  whom  he  would 
fain  win  (1  Cor.  9). 

At  the  root  of  all  this  life  of  service  to  God  and  man, 
in  reverence  and  love,  lay  the  idea  of  Divine  grace  as 
the  source  of  all  human  ability  to  do  aught,  apart  from 
sin.  All  life  u^s  a  steward ■^hip  of  gifts,  entrusted  to 
each  by  the  Creator  for  His  uses,  and  finding  their 
highest   and   final   exercise   in   the   organism   of  the 


THE   RELIGIOUS   BACKGROUND    OF    THE    NEW   TESTAMENT   WRITINGS       643 


Kingdom,  that  great  realm  of  co-operation  for  the  ]>er- 
feoting  of  all,  in  which  the  priory  of  God  shall  be  made 
manifest  to  created  intelligences  (cf.  Eph.  3io).  "Thy 
kingdom  come.  Thy  will  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in 
heaven  "  :  that  is  the  sum  of  the  matter,  and  the  end 
controlling  Christian  life  throughout.  In  particular 
it  governs  the  orqnnimlion  of  the  fellowship  of  saints, 
the  corporate  life  of  the  Church,  which  is  the  temporal 
form  of  the  Kingdom  so  far  as  realised.  This  organising 
principle,  that  "'  gifts  of  grace  "  arc  given  for  the  growth 
and  building  up  of  true  Church  life,  comes  out  clearly 
in  Rom.  I23-13,  where  by  imperceptible  transition 
Paul  passes  from  what  we  should  call  ecclesiastical  to 
purely  moral  ministries  :  yet  as  all  are  within  the 
fellowship  of  the  saints,  they  are  all  traced  to  the 
initiative  of  the  Spirit — "  dividing  to  each  one 
severally  even  as  He  wills  "  (Rom.  125f.,  1  Cor.  12ii). 
The  gifts  qualifying  for  special  or  repi-esentative 
ministrj'  in  the  Church,  both  in  church  meeting  for 
mutual  edification  and  worship  and  outside  it,  are 
set  forth  in  this  light  in  1  Cor.  12,  14.  These  chapters 
are  strikingly  connected  for  Paul — though  at  first  sight 
disconnected,  as  it  seems  to  our  ill-adjusted  vision — 
by  the  psahn  of  Love  (13),  as  that  which  gives  moral 
value  and  reality  to  the  use  of  all  gifts.  Similarly 
Eph.  47-16  shows  at  a  more  advanced  stage  the  de- 
velopment of  offices  out  of  "  gifts,'"  through  habitual 
exercise  of  their  functions,  with  the  sanction — first 
informally,  then  fonnally  given — of  the  Church  (1  Cor. 
IGisf.,  1  Th.  5i2f.).  Such  corporate  exercise  of  the 
discernment  and  empowering  will  of  the  Spirit-bearing 
Body  of  Christ  touching  the  representative  functions 
of  certain  of  its  members,  operated  both  at  large  and 
locally,  according  to  the  ministry  in  question.  When 
the  ministry  of  gift  was  in  some  sense  to  the  Church 
at  large — as  with  apostles,^  prophets,  and  inspired 
teachers — such  recomition  was  informal  and  not  ex- 
pressed in  an  act  of  ordination  or  permanent  setting 
apai-t ;  and  so  it  seems  to  have  remained,  as  long  as 
these  higher  ministries  resting  on  manifest  "  gifts  of 
grace  "  {charismata)  survived,  i.e.,  roughly  speaking, 
during  the  properly  primitive,  missionary  stage  of  the 
Churcli's  foundation.  Where,  on  the  contrarj^  the 
ministry  was  local  in  character,  confined  to  the  pastoral 
oversight  and  humbler  service  of  a  single  body  of  Chris- 
tians (Phil,  li,  1  Tim.  3i-io),  the  church  in  a  city  and 
ita  dependent  district,  the  recognition  soon  came  to 
take  form  in  definite  appointment,  with  solemn  setting 
apart  (Ac.  I42.3)  through  prayer  and  laying  on  of  hands 
(according  to  Jewish  usage).  In  this  the  representatives 
of  the  wider  life  of  the  Church,  the  higher  charismatic 
ministry',  doubtless  took  part  when  present,  as  was 
usually  the  case  in  the  nature  of  things,  they  being  the 
primary  missionaries  of  the  Gospel.  But  their  co- 
operation was  not  held  essential,  though  it  was  naturally 
the  rule  in  practice ;  as  on  the  mission-field  to-day  the 
co-oi)eration  of  the  missionary  is  usual,  even  among 
those  who  regard  the  choice  and  action  of  the  local 
church  as  alone  requisit/O  to  valid  commission  for  a 
representative  ministry.  Thus  in  the  Didarhc  we  read, 
"  Elect  for  yourselves  overseers  (bishops)  and  deacons 
worthy  of  the  Lord  .  .  .  :  for  they  too  minister  to  you 
the  ministry  of  the  prophets  and  teachers  " — those  more 
strictly  "  spiritual  "  persons  who  were  not  themselves 
appointed,  their  "  gift  "  being  manifest  and  their 
ministry  of  "  the  Word  "  being  with  the  special  autho- 
rity of  the  Spirit. 

•  In  tlie  wider  Bense  not  confined  to  the  Twelve,  but  Includintr, 
br-ii'<-?  Paul  and  Barnabas  (.\c.  M4),  fiilaa  and  perhaps  Timothy 
(1  Th.  26).  also  missionary  pioneers  like  Amdronicu?  and  .Tunias 
(Bom.  IC7);  (f.  Eph.  220.  35,  Rev.  22.     Cf.  p.  6«C. 


Nevertheless  there  was  no  h'lrd  and  fast  line  between 
the  ministry  of  the  Word  and  of  practical  pastoral 
oversight:  both  rested  on  "gift,"'  as  we  see  from 
1  Cor.  1228.1  Pastors  had  also  the  "  gift "'  of  teachers, 
though  in  a  lesser  degree  (Eph.  4ii,  Ac.  2017,28,32. 
1  Tim.  5i7).  In  course  of  time,  as  tliis,  the  most 
distinctive  form  of  prophetic  or  charismatic  gift  ffuicd, 
while  the  administrative  and  sympathetic  gifts  grew 
in  importance  in  daily  church  life,  those  who  had  in 
a  measure  the  former  qualities  were  by  preference 
appointed  to  the  cure  of  souLs  and  bodies.  With  this 
fusion  of  the  two  types  of  ministry  went  another  and 
momentous  change.  For  whereas  to  "  prophets  and 
teachers  "  fell  originally  the  highest  spiritual  functions, 
such  as  that  of  offering,  as  sijecially  inspired  men,  the 
prayer  that  uttered  the  corporate  eucharistic  adoration 
and  seLf-oblation  of  the  Church — so  that  they  are 
called  "  the  chief  priests,"  acting  for  the  priestly 
race  of  Christians  in  their  "  sacrifice  of  praise  "  ;  the 
Didache  imphes  that  already  (c.  80-100)  this  function 
was  passing  to  the  local  pastorate,  where  the  older 
charismatic  type  was  dying  out,  and  quotes  a  typical 
sample  of  such  prayer,  in  case  no  prophet  be  present. 
A  hke  change,  no  doubt,  went  on  touching  the 
prayer  which  accompanied  laying  on  of  hands  in  the 
ordination  of  ministers  of  the  local  church  as  distinct 
from  the  more  charismatic  ministry.  For  in  the  first 
days  all  spontaneous  prayer  was  thought  of  as  inspired 
(I'Cor.  14  passim):  which  explains  why  this  form  of 
pubUc  ministry  was  open  to  women  even  where  re- 
flective discussion  and  teaching  was  not  (1  Cor.  lUf., 
1434-36*,  1  Tim.  2i2). 

On  the  whole,  then,  we  see  that  the  first  days  were 
marked  by  an  inspired  fervour  or  enthusiasm,  a  sense 
of  "  holy  Spirit  "  moving  upon  and  in  God's  Messianic 
people,  both  corporately  and  in  its  several  members, 
for  the  profit  of  all  in  mind  and  will.  In  and  through 
the  Spirit  the  presence  of  Christ  became  very  real  to 
Christians;  but  this  fact  was  not  reduced  to  any 
coherent  and  uniform  theology,  any  more  than  was 
the  saving  fact  of  Christ's  vicarious  death  for  sin,  to 
which  the  forgiveness  of  sins  that  gave  men  settled 
peace  with  God  was  felt  to  bo  due.  The  vital  experi- 
ences were  too  vivid  and  self-suflioing  to  be  subjected 
to  much  reflective  analysis ;  nor  had  the  first  disciples 
great  gifts  in  the  latter  direction.  Even  Paul  did  not 
push  his  speculative  interpretation  very  far,  though  he 
worked  out  the  doctrine  of  the  Spirit  on  its  ethical 
side,  as  the  spring  of  the  Christian  graces  and  character, 
with  wonderful  insight  and  fulness.  Here  as  elsewhere 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  is  typical  of  his  thought. 
In  the  earlier  chapters  (1-5)  he  shows  how  righteous- 
ness with  God,  goin"  down  to  the  roots  of  the  soul  as 
a  matter  of  spiritual  attitude  to  God,  comes  through 
pure  trust  in  Christ,  as  Good's  righteousness  objectified 
in  a  saving  Pei-son  and  His  crucial  act  of  death  to 
sin  as  man  for  men.  Next  he  exhibits  how  this  is 
subjectively  appropriated  by  the  will  in  habitual 
conduct,  through  the  prevenient  and  inspiring  grace 
of  the  Spirit,  traceable  in  the  Godward  aspirations 
which  are  the  very  soul  of  prayer  (6fE.,  especially 
826-29).  Finally,  the  process  of'  being  thus  "  con- 
formed to  the  image  of  God's  Son  "  is  set  forth  in  con- 
crete detail  in  a  series  of  injunctions  full  of  spiritual 
insight  and  rehgious  appeal  (12-14).  In  this  process 
of  obedience  to  God,  who  by  the  Spirit  "  worketh  in 
us  to  will  and  to  do  unto  his  good  pleasure  "  (PhiL 
212L),  believers  "  work  out  "  or  make  real  the  salvation 

•  "Helps,  governments"  (or guidances'):  note  the  original  order 
(cf.  1  Cor.  16i5f.)  in  these  functions,  since  love  was  the  thing  of 
<hief  value;  cf  Mt  ?n26-28.     On  the  whole  subject  see  pp.  64Sf. 


644     THE   RELIGIOUS   BAOKGROUND   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   WRITINGS 


already  latent  in  tlio  new  Cliri3<--life  implanted  through 
and  in  faith.  That  is,  the  Spirit  is  made  the  vital  link 
between  the  objective  theology  and  the  experimental 
religion  of  holy  living :  and  this  recurs  in  most  of 
Paul's  epistles,  even  in  their  very  structure,  notably 
in  Eph.,  Col.,  and  Thil.  Nor  is  Paul  daunted  by  the 
way  in  which  false  ideas,  due  to  i^re-Christian  training, 
hinder  and  hamix>r  the  working  of  the  Spirit  in  "  babes 
in  Christ,"  loyal  though  they  be  at  heart.  Such 
erroneous  conceptions,  erroneous  because  "  not  after 
Christ " — not  germane  to  His  "  mind  "  or  general 
attitude  to  God  and  man  and  their  mutual  relations- 
were  cither  Jewish  or  pagan.  Of  the  former  type  we 
have  said  enough.  Of  the  latter  we  get  most  hints  in 
1  Cor.,  in  the  duahstic  and  ascetic  views  of  matter 
implied  in  Col.  and  the  Pa.storal  Epp.,  and  in  the  more 
full-blown  form  of  DocetLsm  (p.  016)  in  the  Johannine 
Epp.  In  all  of  these  phenomena  wc  sec  the  reaction  of 
Hellenistic  religion,  or  of  Greek  thought  as  modified  by 
Oriental,  upon  Christianity.  Some  think  that  its  influ- 
ence is  to  bo  detected  even  in  certain  conceptions 
through  which  Paul,  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and 
the  Fourth  Gospel,  set  forth  either  the  sacraments  or 
the  Person  of  Christ.  This  is  a  very  debatable  topic, 
which  cannot  here  be  discussed  in  detail.  That 
Hellenistic  terminology  was  adopted  by  these  writers 
is  fairly  evident  j  but  to  say  that  it  really  determined 
their  own  thought  is  quite  a  different  matter.     AJl 


of  them  remained  radically  Hebraic  in  religious 
standpoint,  feeling,  and  ideas  ;  Paul  most  so  of  all. 
Yet  the  growing  use  of  Gncco-Roman  culture  in  the 
expression  at  least  of  Christianity  is  another  element 
in  the  de-Judaizing  of  the  Gospel,  other  aspects  of 
which  have  already  occupied  our  attention  ;  and  this 
process  was  necessary  to  the  fulfilment  of  its  cathoUc 
spirit  and  destiny. 

Throughout  the  NT  the  Spirit  appears  aa  pre- 
eminently the  source  of  brotherly  love,  and  so  not  only 
of  joy  but  also  of  unity.  But  this  also  impUod  order, 
through  self-restraint  for  the  profit  of  fellow-members 
in  the  one  Body  of  the  Christ— a  principle  hard  to 
harmonise  in  practice  with  the  strong  spontaneity  of 
the  same  Spirit's  impulses  towards  fervid  scUf-expres- 
sion.  Paul's  epistles  show  how  patiently  and  wisely 
he  worked  for  the  attainment  of  this  harmonj  ( I  Cor.  14 
26-33),  through  "  wisdom  "  or  the  sympathetic  insight 
of  love.  Within  the  limits  of  the  NT  itself  "  the  law 
of  the  Spirit  of  life  in  Christ  Jesus  "  remained  in 
honour,  although  self-assertive  abuses  under  the  cloak 
of  the  Spirits  authority  were  already  tending  to  cause 
some  relapse  in  certain  circles  to  the  law  of  official 
order  and  routine.  The  Apostohc  age  was,  above  all 
things,  the  age  of  the  Spirit :  and  the  NT  writings 
must  be  read  in  the  light  of  this  fact. 

Literature. — See  the  bibliographies  on  pp.  651,  670f., 
775. 


ORGANISATION,  CHURCH  MEETINGS, 
DISCIPLINE,  SOCIAL  and  ETHICAL  PROBLEMS 


By  the  editor 


On  some  of  the  topics  here  discussed  reference  should 
ako  be  made  to  the  article  on  "  The  Religious  Back- 
ground of  the  New  Testament,'  which  deals  largely 
with  forces  and  principles,  whereas  we  are  now  con- 
cerned with  their  concrete  manifestations. 

Organisation. — The  subject  is  encumbered  by 
numerous  dilliculties — scantiness  of  information,  un- 
certainties as  to  date  and  authorship  of  documents, 
problems  as  to  source  and  liistory  of  terminology. 
In  our  study  of  the  crucial  terms  trouble  is  created 
by  their  fluidity.  Do  they  express  function  or  defi- 
nitely fixed  office  in  any  given  case  ?  and  how  did  the 
function  become  hardened  into  an  oilice  ? 

The  early  Christians  lived  in  constant  anticipation 
of  Christ's  imminent  retvun,  so  that  their  arrangements 
bore  a  provisional  character,  and  no  permanent 
organisation  was  thought  of.  The  constitution  giew 
in  response  to  present  necessities  rather  than  by  de- 
liberate plan.  T3'pes  of  organisation  famihar  outside 
Chiistianity  were  naturally  followed  by  the  Christian 
Churches.  Jewish  Christians  would  follow  Jewish 
models  ;  Gentile  Christians  would  be  hkely  to  introduce 
Greek  or  Roman  forms  of  government.  This  was  the 
case  in  other  spheres  than  Church  organisation.  The 
influence  of  the  earher  associations  and  modes  of 
thought  in  which  the  converts  had  been  trained,  neces- 
sarily conditioned  very  largely  the  form  whicli  their 
Christianity  took.  This  was  not  a  matter  of  deliberate 
policy  so  much  as  an  unconscious  process,  the  new 
stream  flowing  in  the  famihar  channels.  Yet  we  must 
not  underrate  the  contribution  made  by  the  genius 
of  the  new  religion  ;  the  new  stream  had  volume  and 
velocity  enough  not  merely  to  Maiden  and  deepen  old 
chaimcls,  but  to  cut  new  channels  of  its  own. 

It  is  a  fact  of  immense  importance  and  significance 
that  Jesus  Himself  created  no  organisation.  He  left 
the  Church  free  to  follow  its  own  development,  so 
that  the  body  wliich  it  assumed  might  be  created  by 
the  spirit  wliich  inspired  it.  Great  value  thus  attaches 
to  the  freedom  of  Christianity  from  a  fixed  constitution. 
The  genius  of  the  religion  was  not  fettered,  but  was 
left  pliable,  so  that  it  could  freely  embody  itself  in 
any  tj^e  of  organisation  which  varying  conditions 
might  suggest.  The  appointment  of  the  apostles  was 
not  the  institution  of  a  fixed  order  destined  to  per- 
manence. Their  functions  were  to  accompany  Jesus, 
to  watch  Him  at  work,  to  imbibe  His  teaching  and  His 
Spirit,  and  thus  to  form  the  nucleus  of  a  society  of 
His  followers  and  to  treasure  up  His  teaching  and 
transmit  it  to  the  Church.  After  the  Resurrection  the 
further  duty  rested  upon  them  of  bearing  witness  to 
it.  All  these  functions  were  in  their  very  nature 
incommunicable.  They  depended  for  the  possibility 
of  their  exercise  on  personal  acquaintance  with 
Jesus  (c/.  Ac.  l2if.).     We  cannot  assume  that  in  the 


primitive  Chiu-ch  they  were  entrusted  with  powers 
of  government,  but  they  were  the  natural  leaders  and 
inevitably  held  a  position  of  high  moral  authority. 

According  to  the  narrative  in  Acts,  the  first  formal 
step  towards  an  organisation  was  the  appointment  of 
the  Seven  (Ac.  G).  The  apostles  refused  to  be  dis- 
tracted from  their  proper  spiritual  work  to  the  serving 
of  tables.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  Seven  should 
be  spoken  of  aa  deacons.  Later,  without  any  account 
of  their  appointment,  we  find  elders  prominent  in  tho 
church  of  Jerusalem  (Ac.  II30,  102,4,6,2 :.{.,  I64,  21i8). 
Subsequently  we  read  of  their  appointment  in  the 
churches  of  the  Gentile  mission  (Ac.  I423,  cf.  2O17). 

In  view  of  the  later  date  of  Ac.  it  is  well  to  build 
as  far  as  possible  on  the  evidence  of  the  Pauline 
Epistles,  wliich  are  our  earliest  evidence  and  contem- 
porary wiitings.  Paul  gives  various  lists  of  function- 
aries within  the  Church  (1  Cor.  1228*,  Rom.  126-8,  Eph. 
4ii).  These  hsts  do  not  agree.  The  organisation  was 
still  fluid,  and  it  may  have  varied  in  different  centres  (cf. 
p.  646).  His  epistles  also  contain  references  to  officers 
who  are  not  mentioned  in  these  lists,  from  which  we 
may  conclude  that  the  hsts  themselves,  even  when  all 
three  are  taken  together,  are  not  to  be  regarded  as 
complete.  Ministiy  was  primarily  a  matter  of  spiritual 
gift.  No  special  appointment  by  the  Church  was 
needed  in  such  cases,  anyone  who  had  a  gift  was  at 
hberty  to  exercise  it.  The  Church  had  the  right  to 
prove  the  spirits,  in  other  words,  to  test  the  genuineness 
and  source  of  the  endowment  claimed  by  any  indi\-idual; 
but  where  the  tests  were  satisfied,  the  exercise  of  the 
gift  did  not  require  the  official  recognition  imphed  in 
appointment  to  an  office.  While  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  Church  to  prove  the  spirits,  it  was  equally  its  duty 
not  to  quench  the  Spirit  (1  Th.  619),  in  other  worcls 
not  to  suppress  the  exercise,  by  anyone  who  possessed 
it,  of  a  spiritual  gift,  the  genuineness  of  which  had  been 
acknowledged.  Naturally  this  led  to  certain  practical 
difficulties  such  as  are  dealt  with  by  Paul  in  1  Cor.  12, 14. 
There,  while  Paul  admits  the  real  inspiration  of  the 
Spirit  in  the  utterances  of  those  who  prophesied  or 
spoke  with  tongues,  he  insists  that  the  exercise  of  the 
gifts  must  be  regulated  by  the  consideration  of  what 
tended  to  edification,  and  that  the  exceptional  gifts 
such  as  speaking  with  tongues  were  not  to  be  valued 
for  their  exceptional  character,  and  indeed  not  even 
to  be  exercised  in  church  meetings  at  all  except  an 
interpreter  were  present,  while  other  directions  are 
given  to  secure  the  decorum  of  the  services. 

Two  types  of  ministry  were  necessarily  present  in 
the  Early  Church,  the  ministry  of  teacliiiig  and  the 
ministiy  of  administration.  Both  of  these  were  in 
the  first  instance  charismatic  (p.  643V  tliat  is,  the  right 
to  exercise  them  depended  on  the  possession  of  spiritual 
gifts.     Naturally  tlie  charismatic  character  came  out 


645 


646 


ORGANISATION,  DISCIPLINE.    SOCIAL   AND   ETHICAL  PROBLEMS 


more  prominontly  in  the  meetings  for  worship  than  in 
business  meetings. 

Among  those  enumerated  as  set  in  the  Church  by 
God,  we  have  in  the  first  instance  apostles  (Ac.  I21-26*). 
The  Gospels  use  the  term  variously  us  follows.  Mk. 
employs  it  with  reference  to  the  preaching  and  healing 
ministry  in  the  villages.  Elsewhere  he  speaks  of  the 
Twelve.  Similarly  Mt.,  though  his  use  of  "apostles  " 
is  even  less  prominent.  Jn.  speaks  of  the  Twelve, 
never  of  the  apostles.  Luke's  language  conforms  to 
subsequent  usage.  The  term,  however,  received  a 
wider  range  of  meaning.  The  case  of  Paul  was  some- 
what exceptional.  His  direct  call  from  Christ  placed 
him,  all  unworthy  though  ho  felt  himself  to  be,  on  a 
level  with  the  Twelve.  Of  the  svider  use  we  have  the 
following  examples  :  Barnabas  (Ac.  14i4) ;  probably 
Andronicus  and  Junias  (Rom.  I67) ;  possibly  James 
the  Lords  brother  (GaL  I19,  RV,  othenvise  RVm) ; 
Epaphroditus  (Phil.  225) ;  Silas  and  Timothy  (1  Th. 
26).  In  1  Cor.  I55-7  the  "Twelve"  and  '^' all  the 
apostles  "  are  apparently  distinguished.  2  Cor.  II13 
and  Rev.  22  suggest  that  the  number  of  apostles  must 
have  been  somewhat  considerable.  This  is  implied 
in  the  Didache,  where  it  is  presupposed  that  the  churches 
may  receive  visits  from  apostles,  and  precautions  are 
taken  against  their  being  imposed  on  by  pretenders. 
In  the  larger  sense  the  apostles  were  apparently  mis- 
isionaries  to  the  non-Christian  part  of  tno  population. 
The  teachers  presumably  instructed  their  hearers  in 
the  facts  of  the  Gospel  history  and  in  the  doctrine  and 
ethics  of  Christianity,  and  also  looked  after  the  cate- 
chumens. The  position  of  the  evangehst  is  obscure. 
Perhaps  his  special  function  also  was  to  give  instniction 
in  the  Gospel  history,  and  he  may  have  differed  from 
the  teacher  simply  in  the  fact  that,  like  the  apostle, 
he  tmvellcd  about,  whereas  the  teacher  settled  in  a 
particular  church.  On  the  ministry  exercised  by  the 
prophets  see  pp.  047f. 

Those  who  nad  gifts  which  qualified  them  to  minister 
as  apostles,  prophets,  and  teachers,  were  naturallj'  less 
likely  to  find  their  sphere  in  administration  than  in 
speaking  the  Word.  But  some  had  a  special  charisma 
of  administration,  and  to  them  there  fell  the  duty  of 
attending  to  the  business  side  of  the  church's  hfe. 
In  1  Cor.  1228  Paul  includes  among  the  gifts  he  enumer- 
ates, "governments."  The  word  (kubernesiti)  properly 
refers  to  the  steering  of  a  ship,  and  it  means  hero  the 
ability  to  guide  the  church  in  its  business  affairs. 
Organising  and  executive  ability  was  just  as  much  a 
gift  as  the  power  to  prophesy  or  speak  with  tongues. 
Similarly  in  Rom.  128,  in  a  context  which  speaks  of 
"the  gifted,'  he  includes  the  "  proistamenos."  This 
seems  not  to  be  an  official  title  here,  any  more  than 
in  1  Th.  612-15.  It  simply  refers  to  those  who  "take 
the  lead  "  in  church  affaire.  They  may,  like  the  house- 
hold of  Stephanas,  wliich  seems  to  have  held  a  similar 
position  at  Corinth  (1  Cor.  IGisf.),  have  sometimes 
consisted  of  the  earliest  converts,  but  whether  early 
or  late  they  would  be  marked  out  by  the  qualities  for 
leadership  that  they  exhibited  in  the  church. 

Beyond  such  vague  references  we  have  no  allusion 
in  the  Pauline  epistles  to  any  office-bearers  entrusted 
with  the  govtniment  of  the  church  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  its  affairs  till  we  come  to  Phil,  li,  where  we 
road  of  "  bisiiops  and  deacons."  This  is  probably 
Paul's  latest  c])istlo,  and  the  phrase  indicates  that  the 
organisation  was  hardening  into  definite  shape.  It 
would  bo  ])Ossiblo  to  translate  "those  that  have  over- 
sight and  those  that  minister."  The  terms,  however, 
are  more  probably  terms  of  office  than  of  function. 

The  bishops  have  usually  been  identified  with  the 


pi-esbyters,  and  on  strong  grounds.  The  terms  seem 
to  1)6  used  interchangeably  in  various  passages,  and 
the  logical  connexion  is  broken  if  a  difference  is  asserted 
(Ac.  20i7,28,  Tit  15,7.  probably  1  P.  5if.).  The 
bishops  of  I  Tim.  81-7  are  apparently  identical  with 
the  prcsbyteirs  of  517-19  ;  and  observe  that  there  were 
several  Inshops  at  Philippi  (Phil.  li).  So  in  1  Hement 
the  office  of  the  deposed  presbyters  is  spoken  of  as 
bishopric.  The  writer  does  not  mention  presbyters 
and  bishops  together  as  if  they  were  distinct,  but 
passes  freely  from  one  to  the  other.  Early  writers 
also  held  that  bishops  and  presbyters  were  originally 
identical.  Space  forbids  any  exposition  or  discussion 
of  the  chief  rival  hypothesis,  the  Ilatch-Hamack 
theory,  but  probably  it  should  not  be  preferred. 

We  have,  then,  towards  the  close  of  the  apostolic 
age,  tv;o  orders  in  the  Church,  the  bishops  or  presbyters, 
and  the  deacons.  At  a  later  point  the  twofold  became 
a  threefold  order  by  the  emergence  of  the  monarchical 
episcopate.  The  threefold  order  as  it  meets  us  in 
Ignatius  (c.  a.  d.  1 15)  consisted  of  the  bishops,  presbyters, 
and  deacons.  The  bishop  was  the  head  of  the  Christian 
church  in  a  city,  town,  or  village.  A  plurality  of 
churches  in  a  single  locality  was  imheard  of.  Such  a 
thing  as  diocesan  episcopacy  was  entirely  vuiknown. 
All  three  orders  existed  in  the  limits  of  a  single  church, 
of  which  the  bishop  was  the  pastor.  Moreover,  even 
in  Ignatius'  o^vn  time,  the  transition  had  been  only 
partially  accomplished.  If  his  letter  to  the  Romans 
is  genuine,  it  is  noteworthy  that  he  gives  no  indication 
in  it  of  the  existence  of  the  monarchical  episcopate. 
It  is  remarkable  that  there  is  no  reference  in  the  letter 
to  a  bishop  of  Rome.  In  the  next  place  the  vehemence 
with  which  Ignatius  asserts  his  position  points  to  the 
fact  that  the  new  state  of  things  was  winning  its  way 
only  against  determined  opposition.  At  an  earlier 
period  we  find  no  trace  of  the  monarchical  episcopate, 
except,  possibly,  in  the  case  of  James  at  Jerusalem, 
whose  }K)sition  rested  on  blood  relationship  to  our 
Lord,  and  was  quite  exceptional.  Timothy  and  Titus 
were  not  bishops  but  apostolic  delegates.  It  has 
frequently  been  supposed  that  the  angels  of  the  churches 
in  the  Apocalypse  should  be  regarded  as  bishops. 
This  view,  though  still  supported  by  Zahn  and  J. 
Weiss,  is  generally  abandoned  (Rev.  i2o*).  The  rise 
of  episcopacy  has  been  traced  to  the  apostle  John 
during  his  last  years  in  Asia  ;  but  we  have  no  early 
evidence  for  tliis  view,  and  against  it  we  have  to  set 
the  very  significant  fact  that  Ignatius  never  claims 
apostolic  sanction  for  the  monarchical  episcopate, 
ft  is  clear  that  matters  moved  much  more  slowly  in 
some  parts  of  the  Church  than  in  others.  See  further 
p.  643. 

A  few  words  must  bo  added  on  the  relation  of  churches 
to  each  other.  The  most  serious  problem  arose  with 
reference  to  terms  of  intercommunion  between  Jewish 
and  Gentile  Christians.  The  general  question  is  dealt 
with  at  length  elsewhere  (pp.  769f.),  but  some  points 
affecting  our  special  subject  may  be  added.  The  inci- 
dent of  Titus  at  Jenisalcm  makes  it  plain  that  Paul 
entirely  refused  to  submit  on  the  question  of  principle  ; 
yet,  while  ho  vehemently  asserted  the  independence 
of  his  apostleship  and  the  validity  of  the  revelation 
he  had  received,  he  strenuously  endeavoured  to  keoj) 
his  churches  in  touch  with  the"  church  of  Judaea.  He 
did  this  first  of  all  by  consulting  tlie  apostles  on  the 

Question  of  circumcision  and  b3^  his  acceptance  of  the 
ecisions  reached  by  the  church  meeting  at  Jemsalem. 
It  would  probably  be  a  mistake  to  regard  the  term 
"dncrocs''  used  in  Ac.  I64  as  implying  any  right  on 
the  part  of  the  chureh  at  Jei-usalem  to  legislate  for 


ORGANISATION,   DISCIPLINE,   SOCIAL   AND   ETHICAL   PROBLEMS 


647 


the  other  churches.  The  tcim  need  mean  no  moro 
than  resolutions  passed  by  the  meeting ;  and  the  weight 
they  possessed  was  not  conferred  by  any  right  to  com- 
mand, but  by  the  moral  "influence  and  authority  of 
the  mother  church,  especial!;^  by  that  church  in  con- 
sultation with  Paul  and  Barnaiias.  In  another  way 
Paul  displayed  his  anxiety  to  keep  the  churches  of 
his  mission  in  touch  with  the  Jerusalem  church,  by 
the  collection  he  instituted  for  the  poor  Christians 
at  Jerusalem.  The  importance  he  attached  to  it 
was  due  not  simply  to  its  pliilanthropic  value,  but  to 
its  value  as  a  demonstration  of  the  affection  and  sym- 
pathy entertained  for  the  mother  church  throughout 
the  Pauhne  mission.  By  his  visits  to  Jerusalem  also, 
especially  by  his  last  visit  paid  at  the  risk  of  liis  hfe, 
he  sought  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  it. 

But  the  churches  were  independent  of  each  other 
and  autonomous.  No  church  possessed  authority  over 
any  otlier,  nor  was  there  any  central  body  composed 
of  representatives  of  the  various  churches  to  control 
them.  Lest,  however,  this  independence  should  take 
undesirable  fomis,  Paul  expressed  a  strong  conviction 
that  local  idiosyncrasies  should  be  curbed  by  deference 
to  the  general  custom  of  the  churches  (1  Cor.  4i7, 
11 16,  1433,36),  and  he  claims  an  apostolic  authoritj' 
in  a  church  he  has  founded  (1  Cor.  419-21,  Ssf.,  1134b, 
IGi  ;  2  Cor.  29,  108,  132, 10  ;   2  Th.  814). 

The  Church  Meetings. — Luke  records  that  the  primi- 
tive community  in  Jerusalem  assembled  in  the  upper 
room  during  the  interval  between  the  Ascension  and 
Pentecost,  and  with  one  accord  continued  steadfastly 
in  prayer.  But  the  same  assembly  appointed  Matthias 
to  the  apostleship  in  place  of  Judas.  After  Pentecost 
Peter  preached  to  the  multitude,  the  converts  were 
baptized,  and  "  continued  stedfastly  in  the  apostles' 
teaching  and  fellowship,  in  the  breaking  of  bread  and 
the  prayers."  Too  numerous  now  for  the  upper  room, 
they  held  daily  meetings  in  the  Temple,  broke  bread 
at  home,  and  new  converts  were  added  to  them  daily. 
The  meetings,  accordingly,  had  from  the  first  a  devo- 
tional and  a  business  side,  and  a  propaganda  was 
zealously  promoted  in  which  the  witness  of  the  apostles 
to  the  Resurrection  was  very  prominent.  As  examples 
of  the  administrative  functions  of  the  church  meeting 
wo  have  the  appointment  of  the  Seven  to  regulate  the 
daily  ministration  of  reUef  (61-6),  the  discussion  on 
the  case  of  Comehus  (II1-18),  the  sending  of  rehef 
from  Antioch  to  the  elders  at  Jerusalem  (II27-30), 
the  separation  of  Barnabas  and  Saul  to  their  special 
mission  (132f.),  the  debate  and  decision  at  Jerusalem 
on  the  relation  of  the  Gentiles  to  the  Law  (I54-29) 
which  had  already  been  debated  at  Antioch  (1.5if.). 
Further  descriptions  of  the  devotional  exercises  are 
to  be  found  in  423-31,  132f.,  1422f.,  2O7-11. 

We  have  much  fuller  information  in  the  epistles. 
Business  was  transacted  at  the  Chiirch  meetings, 
though  their  aim  was  primarily  devotional.  The 
business  might  be  the  appointment  of  officials  ;  the 
exercise  of  discipline ;  the  settlement  of  disputes ; 
communication  with  the  founder,  with  absent  members, 
or  with  other  churches  ;  supplying  the  members  with 
letters  of  commendation,  which  they  could  present 
as  their  credentials  to  other  churches  ;  arrangements 
for  hospitality  ;  management  of  finance.  The  devo- 
tional meetincrs  were  probably  of  two  kinds.  One 
had  for  its  special  object  the  Turd's  Supper  ;  the  other 
was  devoted  to  the  ministry  of  edification,  exhortation, 
and  common  worship.  Wo  have  not  sufticient  infor- 
mation to  warrant  definite  conclusions  as  to  the  day 
of  the  week  on  which  meetings  were  held.  The  Jewi.sh 
Christians  presumably  kept  the  Sabbath  holy.     Paul 


treats  the  esteem  of  one  day  abo\  0  another  as  a  matter 
for  the  individual  conscience  (Rom.  I45),  but  he  also 
considers  the  o))servance  of  days  and  months  and 
seasons  and  years  as  a  return  to  bondage  under  the 
elemental  spirits  (Gal.  49f.),  and  places  the  Sabbath 
on  a  level  with  a  feast  day  or  new  moon,  concerning 
which  none  should  submit  to  be  censured  by  another 
(Col.  2i6).  In  the  Pauline  mission  Sabbath  observance 
probably  fell  rapidly  into  abeyance.  We  have  little 
evidence  for  any  sanctity  attributed  to  the  first  day 
of  the  week  (Ac.  2O7  is  not  certain,  1  Cor.  I62  still 
less  so)  imtil  we  come  to  the  Apocaly^Dse,  where  "  the 
Lord's  day  "  (Rev.  lio)  probably  means  the  day  of 
the  Lord's  Resurrection  rather  than  the  Day  of  the 
Lord.  The  Eucharist  was  connected  with  a  meal  or 
love-feast.  It  presented,  as  in  a  sacred  drama,  the 
death  of  the  Lord's  body,  the  shedding  of  His  blood. 
It  looked  back  to  the  past,  for  it  was  done  in  memory 
of  Him  ;  it  looked  forward  to  the  future,  for  it  was  to 
be  repeated  till  He  returned  ;  but  it  was  also  a  present 
experience  of  communion  with  the  living  Lord,  and  it 
set  forth  the  union  of  His  members  in  Him. 

At  other  meetings  the  service  included  prayers, 
hymns,  reading,  and  addresses.  The  prayers  were 
probably  for  the  most  part  spontaneous.  Fixed  forms 
of  prayer,  apart  from  the  Lord's  prayer,  would  not 
be  so  congenial  in  the  period  of  the  first  enthusiasm. 
When,  in  harmony  with  the  law  which  regulates  such 
religious  movements,  the  Corybantic  phenomena  began 
to  die  out  and  the  worship  became  quieter,  more 
orderly,  less  spontaneous,  the  use  of  fixed  forms  be- 
came easier.  Psalms  were  sung,  but  also  Christian 
hymns.  Some  of  these  are  preserved  in  the  Apocalypse, 
though  we  must  not  reckon  among  them  such  as  are 
so  closely  coimected  with  the  action  of  the  book  that 
they  must  have  been  composed  for  their  present  posi- 
tion. Eph.  5i4  seems  to  be  a  fragment  of  an  early 
Christian  hymn.  The  hymns  quoted  in  Lk.  I46-55, 
68-79,  214,29-32,  were  probably  used  in  Christian 
worship,  though  such  use  is  not  expUcitly  recorded. 
The  OT  was  read,  and,  presumably  at  an  early  period, 
narratives  about  Christ  and  collections  of  His  sajnngs. 
These  would  naturally  rank  in  authority  with  the  OT. 
But  other  Christian  writings,  as  yet  uncanonical,  were 
also  read  ;  in  particular,  letters  received  by  the  church 
or  letters  communicated  by  another  church.  As 
examples  we  have  tlie  letter  from  the  Coimcil  of  Jeru- 
salem, most  of  the  epistles,  the  Apocah^pse. 

The  addresses  covered  a  considerable  range.  Teach- 
ing was  given  as  to  the  leading  tmths  of  the  Christian 
religion,  tlie  life  and  teaching  of  Jesus,  ethics,  apolo- 
getics, in  particular  the  proof,  especially  from  the  OT, 
that  Jesus  was  the  Messiah.  Such  teaching  would 
be  given  for  the  most  part  in  a  matter  of  fact  way, 
not  in  ecstasy. 

The  prophets  were  inspired  preachei-s ;  they  spoke 
as  the  organs  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  teaching  or  exhorting, 
but  also  giving  new  revelations  or  pre<licting  the  future. 
Paul  speaks  of  them  as  reading  the  secrets  of  men's 
hearts,  whicli  points  to  a  kind  of  clairvoyant  faculty 
possessed  and  exercised  bj'  them.  Ho  appeals  to  thia 
as  one  of  the  convincing  signs  to  the  outside  world  of 
God's  presence  in  the  Church.  Apparently  they  spoke 
sometimes  in  an  ecstasy.  Yet  the  individual  conscious- 
ness seems  not  to  have  been  in  abeyance  nor  the  prophet 
to  have  lost  the  power  of  self-control.  The  former  is 
shown  by  the  contrast  with  the  gift  of  tongues  (1  Cor. 
)4).  Paul  says  that  if  he  prays  in  a  tongue,  his  spirit 
prays  but  his  understanding  is  barren  (i.|).  In  other 
words,  unless  the  person  who  possesses  the  gift  of 
tongues  possesses  also  the  power  of  interpretation,  not 


648 


ORGANISATION,    DISCIPLINE,   SOCIAL   AND   ETHICAL   PROBLEMS 


only  ia  wluit  lio  says  uiiintoUigiblo  to  the  hcaroi-s,  but 
it  is  unintelligible  also  to  himself.  It  is  indeed  a 
religious  exercise  in  which  ho  is  engaged,  his  spirit 
prays  to  God,  but  no  ideas  arc  convoyed  to  the  mind 
of  the  speaker ;  it  is  all  incoherent  rhapsody  so  far  as 
he  is  concerned,  though  probably  Paul  would  have 
considered  that  the  utterances  did  bear  an  intelligible 
meaning  in  themselves.  The  prophet's  utterance,  on 
the  contrary,  while  it  may  have  been  e.vcited  and  above 
his  normal  level,  was  j^et  intelligible  both  to  the  prophet 
and  to  his  hearers,  othenvise  it  could  not  have  possessed 
the  power  which  Paul  asserts  for  it  of  edifying  the 
church.  It  is  also  clear  that  he  retained  his  power  of 
self-control.  Paul  points  out  that  the  spirits  of  the 
prophets  are  subject  to  the  prophets,  so  that  the 
prophet  can  restrain  his  impulse  to  speak  when  someone 
else  is  speaking,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  he  can  cease 
his  utterance  when  another  prophet  receives  a  revela- 
tion as  lie  is  .'^peaking  (I429-32).  The  prophets  seem, 
as  a  rule,  to  have  remained  in  their  own  societies, 
though  we  have  several  instances  in  the  NT  of  prophets 
going  from  church  to  church,  and  at  a  later  period 
this  appears  to  have  been  common. 

Great  difiiculty  is  created  bj'  the  phenomenon  known 
as  speaking  with  tongues,  of  which  we  read  in  1  Cor. 
and  in  Ac.  The  term  "speaking  with  tongues" 
(glossolalia)  is  not  used  by  Paul ;  he  speaks  of  "  a 
tongue,"  "tongues,"  "kinds  of  tongues."  Some  take 
the  word  "  tongue  "  in  its  physiological  sense.  The 
utterance  is,  so  far  as  the  speaker  is  concerned, 
mere  tongue-speech  ;  the  man  himself  does  not  par- 
ticipate through  emotion,  intellect,  or  will ;  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  the  real  speaker,  and  uses  the  organs  of  speech 
as  His  instrument.  In  1  Cor.  I49,  it  is  true,  "  tongue  " 
is  used  in  the  Uteral  sense,  but  this  does  not  govern 
the  interpretation  of  other  instances  in  the  chapter. 
Quite  the  contrary,  in  fact,  for  the  speech  uttered  by 
the  tongue  in  9  is  "easy  to  be  underetood,"  whereas 
glossolaiia  was  unintelligible.  The  literal  sense  is 
therefore  excluded  elsewhere  in  the  chapter,  as  it  is 
by  the  fact  that  the  plural  "  tongues  "  is  used  when 
the  gift  is  exercised  by  a  single  individual  (5f.,i8) 
and  by  the  mention  of  "  Idnds  of  tongues."  Another 
view  is  that  "tongue"  bears  the  sense  "archaic" 
or  "unusual  expres-sion."  The  word  was  used  with 
this  technical  meaning,  but,  apart  from  the  improba- 
bility of  such  use  in  Christian  terminology,  it  does  not 
satisfy  the  conditions.  These  archaic  utterances 
would  be  perfectly  intelligible  to  those  who  had  the 
requisite  philological  knowledge,  their  obscurity  was 
due  simply  to  unfamiliarity  with  the  obsolete  language 
employed.  The  utterances  at  Corinth  impressed  the 
hearers  as  quite  unintelligible  in  themselves  ;  if  they 
were  not  recognised  to  bo  inspired  they  seemed  in- 
coherent gibberish,  the  ravings  of  the  demented.  It 
is  not  cleai  \\  hy  archaic  phraseology  should  have  been 
specially  produced  by  the  ecstatic  condition,  nor  how  it 
conduced  to  tlie  speaker's  edification.  Nor  is  the  use 
of  the  singular  easy  to  understand  ;  to  "  speak  in  a 
tongue"  would  mean  to  utter  a  single  archaic  expression. 
The  popular  view  is  that  the  gift  conferred  the 
ability  to  speak  foreign  languages.  This  is  no  doubt 
what  is  described  as  happcniiig  at  Pentecost  (Ac.  26-i  i). 
But  it  is  not  what  the  gift  meant  at  Corinth.  In 
I  Cor.  142  it  is  described  as  speech  to  God  and  not  to 
men,  for  no  man  undei^tands  ;  but  a  foreign  language 
would  be  understood  by  hetirers  who  spoke  it,  as  the 
speech  of  the  apostles  was  understood  on  the  Day  of 
Pentecost.  Corinth,  as  a  seaport,  was  in  this  respect 
like  .lerusalem,  that  many  languages  were  represented 
there.     Moreover,  in  lof.  Paul  uses  foreign  languages 


to  illustrate  tlie  tongues  :  they  cannot,  therefore,  mean 
the  same  thing.  Nor  does  the  description  suggest 
foreign  languages.  Possibly^  however,  the  word  may 
mean  "language,"  in  the  sense  of  an  angehc,  not  a 
human  language.  Paul  has  spoken  in  13i  of  the 
"  tongues  of  angels,"  and  we  have  a  noteworthy  parallel 
in  the  case  of  Job's  daughters  (p.  844).  In  such  a 
language  a  man  might  speak  to  God,  and  by  the  exer- 
cise feel  that  his  spirit  was  edified.  It  is  also  assumed 
that  the  "  tongue "  has  a  meaning,  for  it  conveys 
meaning  to  God,  and  a  man  with  the  requisite  gift 
can  interpret  it  to  the  church.  The  use  of  the  term 
"  tongue  "  for  angelic  tongue  is  rather  strange,  and 
some  difficulty  is  raised  by  the  statement  in  138  that 
tongues  will  cease.  But  the  meaning  is  that  these 
sporadic  intermittent  phenomena  will  cease,  not  that 
in  the  next  world  the  angelic  tongue  will  not  be  spoken. 
This  view,  perhaps,  best  suits  Pauls  language.  The 
actual  utterances  were  probably  such  as  we  find  in 
the  magical  texts,  strings  of  words  of  strange  forma- 
tion and  meaningless,  but  reminiscent  of  real,  especially 
foreign,  words  (e.g.  Hebrew).  Possibly  1  Cor.  13i 
pictures  the  form  it  took,  "not  as  a  low-voiced  stam- 
mering, but  as  shouting,  sometimes  dully  resounding, 
sometimes  piercing  and  shrill  "  (Hamack,  Exp.,  May 
1912,  p.  393).  Similar  phenomena  were  known  in  the 
worsliip  of  Dionysus.  They  recur  in  revivaUst  and 
other  movements  ;  the  Cami-sards  and  the  Irvingites 
are  well-known  examples.  In  estimating  the  light 
these  throw  on  the  NT  phenomena,  their  secondary, 
imitative  character  must  not  be  forgotten. 

It  is  questionable  whether  Ac.  26-ii  really  repre- 
sents the  original  tradition.  There  is  no  hint  in  the 
rest  of  the  narrative  or  elsewhere  in  Ac.  that  foreign 
languages  were  spoken,  and  the  account  in  Ac.  2  was 
perhaps  suggested  by  the  Jewish  belief  that  the  Law 
was  uttered  not  only  to  the  Hebrews,  but  to  all  nations 
in  their  languages.  Pentecost  commemorated  the 
lawgiving  ;  a  Christian  apphcation  of  tliis  legend  was 
accordingly  not  unnatural,  the  Gospel  is  proclaimed 
in  all  languages.  The  number  of  languages  actually 
necessary  is  of  course  much  smaller  than  the  fist  oi 
nationalities  would  indicate.  If  foreign  languages  were 
spoken,  the  suggestion,  made  independentlj^  by  A. 
Wright  and  D.  Walker,  deserves  consideration :  that 
under  the  stimulus  of  religious  excitement,  foreign 
expressions  heard  long  before  were  called  up  from  the 
subconsciousness.     There  arc  well-known  parallels. 

It  is  very  noteworthy  how  Paul  refuses  to  admit 
what  seemed  the  inevitable  inference  from  his  own 
recognition  that  the  "gifts"  were  bestowed  by  the 
Spirit  of  God.  The  primitive  Church  saw  the  evidence  of 
the  Spirit's  presence  chiefly  in  the  spiritual  phenomena 
such  as  spealdng  with  tongues.  Though  Paul  was 
himself  exceptionally  gifted  in  this  way,  he  transformed 
the  whole  conception.  Without  denying  that  the 
Spirit  was  manifested  in  the  gifts,  ho  reduced  them  to 
a  suboixlinato  place,  and  saw  the  Spirits  highest 
activity  not  in  the  abnormal  or  exceptional,  but  in 
the  exhibition  of  a  Christian  temper  in  ordinary  life 
and  the  performance  of  commonplace  moral  duties. 

DiscipUne. — The  Masters  rule  as  to  wrongs  inflicted 
by  one  brother  on  another  is  given  in  Mt.  I815-17. 
In  its  present  fonn  this  passage  may  reflect  later 
usage,  and  clearly  it  gives  the  rule  followed  in  the 
Jewish  Christian  Ciuirch.  Ananias  and  Sapphira 
(Ac.  5i-ii)  were  punished  witii  death  for  lying  to  the 
Holy  Ghost.  It  is  often  thought  that  Paul  demanded 
from  the  church  of  Corinth  n  similar  punishment  to 
bo  pronounced  on  the  man  who  had  taken  his  fathers 
wife  (1  Cor.  .5*).     The  church  is  "to  deliver  such  a 


ORGANISATION,    DISCIPLINE,    SOCIAL   AND   ETHICAL   PROBLEMS 


649 


one  unto  Satan  for  the  destruction  of  the  llesh,  that  tlio 
spirit  may  be  saved  in  tJie  day  of  the  Lord  Jesus." 
Many  believe  that  a  sentence  of  death  is  intended. 
This  is  favoured  by  the  extreme  solemnity  and  de- 
liberatenoss  of  the  action  enjoined.  Tlie  destruction 
of  the  flesh  may  mean  the  dissolution  of  the  body. 
Moreover  Satan  was  regarded  as  having  authority 
in  the  realm  of  disease  (Lk.  13i6)  and  death  (Heb.  214). 
It  is  more  hkely  that  excommunication  is  intended. 
The  flesh,  in  Paul,  constantly  stands  not  for  the  physical 
organism,  but  for  the  sinful  principle  ;  had  he  meant 
the  former,  it  would  have  been  more  natural  to  say 
"  the  destruction  of  the  body."  Excommunication 
seems  to  be  contemplated  elsewhere  in  the  passage 
(2,13).  We  have  no  certain  example  of  the  phrase  as 
a  foimula  of  excommunication  in  the  synagogue  or  the 
early  Church.  But  Satan  was  regarded  as  the  god  of 
this  world  (2  Cor.  44,  cf.  Jn.  I430),  and  in  1  Jn.  619 
we  read,  "the  whole  world  lieth  in  the  evil  one," 
while  1  Jn.  5i8  says  that  the  evil  one  cannot  touch 
him  who  is  begotten  of  God.  When  a  man  is  thrust 
out  of  the  Church  he  is  expelled  from  sanctuary, 
driven  into  the  devil's  domain.  This  exposure  to 
spiritual  peril  and  exclusion  from  salvation  la  expected 
to  work  on  him  to  such  an  extent  that  his  sinful  nature 
will  be  destroyed  and  his  spirit  saved  at  the  Second 
Coming.  Hitherto  the  community  has  upheld  the 
offender,  and  the  awful  character  of  his  sin  has  not 
been  brought  home  to  him.  If  he  is  made  spiritually 
homeless  he  will  realise  its  heinousness,  and  fear  and 
remorse  will  drive  him  to  penitence.  It  is  argued 
that  to  send  the  man  back  into  the  world  would 
strengthen  rather  than  destroy  his  sinful  passions. 
This  is  dubious  ;  the  solemn  act  of  excommunication 
with  all  that  it  was  believed  to  involve,  would  strike 
terror  into  him.  Moreover,  what  is  the  relation  be- 
tween the  death  penalty  and  the  salvation  of  the  spirit 
at  the  Parousia  ?  If  the  dread  of  death  effected  the 
man's  refoim,  would  the  sentence  need  to  be  carried 
out  ?  If  it  is  said  that  remission  would  lead  to  relapse, 
relapse  would  mean  that  there  was  no  real  reform. 
Is,  then,  the  actual  death  the  means  of  salvation  ? 
But  could  Paul  have  imagined  this  ?  If  the  sinful 
principle  were  identical  with  the  body,  physical  death 
might  involve  freedom  from  sin.  But  it  would  be 
grotesque  to  suppose  Paul  arguing,  not  to  say 
acting,  on  these  lines.  He  certainly  did  not  look 
for  salvation  either  in  asceticism  or  in  death  ;  this, 
no  less  than  the  view  that  it  came  through  the  Law 
(Gal.  221),  would  make  the  death  of  Christ  gratuitous. 
Nor  will  sober  exegesis  have  anything  to  do  with  so 
speculative  a  suggestion  as  that  the  man  when  freed 
from  the  temptation  of  liis  physical  nature  could  repent 
in  the  next  world  and  bo  saved.  Excommunication 
seems  to  bo  intended  in  I  Tim.  I20,  where  the  writer, 
speaking  of  those  who  have  made  shipwreck  concerning 
the  faith,  says  :  "  Of  whom  is  Hymenajus  and  Alex- 
ander ;  whom  I  dehvercd  unto  Satan,  that  they  might 
be  taught  not  to  blaspheme.'"  Paul  commands  the  Thes- 
salonians  to  withdraw  themselves  "  from  every  brother 
that  walketh  disorderly,  and  not  after  the  tradition 
which  they  received  of  us."  In  1  Cor.  5ii  he  forbids 
the  readers  to  keep  company  with  anyone  who  bears 
the  Christian  name  but  is  "a  fornicator,  or  covetous, 
or  an  idolater,  or  a  re  viler,  or  a  drunkard,  or  an  ex- 
tortioner." Titus  is  bidden  have  notliing  to  do  with 
an  heretical  man  who  persists  in  his  heresy  after  a 
second  warning  (Tit.  3io,  cf.  2  Tim.  2i6-i8).  In  2  Jd. 
lof.  the  Church  is  forbidden  to  render  hospitality  or 
give  any  greeting  to  those  who  do  not  bring  the  true 
teaching. 


In  the  ease  of  the  nicest  uous  person,  Paul  wished  the 
sentence  to  be  pronounced  by  the  church  with  his 
co-operation.  But  other  passages  show  that  ho  was 
conscious  of  the  right  and  the  power  to  exercise  disci- 
pline by  his  own  authority  (1  Cor.  4i8-2i,  2  Cor.  132, 10). 
Where  the  church  acts,  the  will  of  the  majority  (2  Cor. 
26  mg.)  is  accepted,  and  in  this  instance  Paul  is  willing 
to  accept  the  punishment  for  the  wrong  done  him, 
though  he  obviously  does  not  regard  it  as  adequate, 
and  now  pleads  wth  the  church  to  console  the  offender 
(2  Cor.  25-11),  assuring  it  also  that  he  too  has  forgiven 
liim. 

Social  and  Ethical  Problems. — The  new  religion 
naturally  created  problems  as  to  the  relation  in  which 
the  Church  and  the  Christian  stood  to  the  State  and 
society.  The  relations  between  the  Empire  and  the 
Church  are  sufficiently  dealt  with  elsewhere  (pp.  616, 
631,  774f.).  The  social  problems,  however,  call  for 
some  discussion. 

(a)  Slavery. — At  certain  points  in  particular  the 
social  problems  raised  by  the  new  religion  meet  us 
in  the  NT  and  provide  us  with  illustrations  of  what 
has  just  been  said.  We  must  remember  in  this  con- 
nexion the  flood  of  enthusiasm  which  swept  through 
the  early  Christian  commimities  ;  the  brotherly  love 
which  made  all  Christians  feel  themselves  bound  to 
each  other  by  the  closest  possible  tie  ;  the  unsettling 
influences  of  the  Pauhne  doctrines  of  freedom  and 
equality,  of  the  cancelling  of  social  and  even  natural 
distinctions  in  Christ.  These  revolutionary  principles 
naturally  made  the  problem  of  slavery  acute.  The 
Gospel  proclaimed  Uberty  to  the  captive  ;  it  taught 
the  Fatherhood  of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  man  ; 
loyalty  to  Christ  took  precedence  of  the  closest  bond 
of  blood  ;  every  Christian  was  bound  to  see  a  brother 
in  his  fellow-Christian.  The  Gospel  appealed  with 
special  power  to  the  destitute,  the  broken-hearted,  the 
outcast,  and  the  slave.  Slaves  probably  formed  a 
large  proportion  in  the  Gentile  Church,  and  where  the 
masters  were  converted,  slaves  would  often  follow  their 
example.  In  such  cases  the  slave  might  presume  on 
his  Christianity  so  far  as  to  imagine  that  God  would 
pass  over  Iiis  misconduct  or  his  slackness  (Col.  825). 
Slaves  who  met  with  their  masters  on  equal  terms  in 
the  chitrch,  especiaUy  where  the  slave  outshone  the 
master  in  spiritual  gifts,  might  find  it  difficult  to  main- 
tain at  home  the  appropriate  submissiveneas  and 
obedience.  The  NT  writei-s  (Eph.  65-7,  Col.  322-25, 
1  Tim.  6if.,  Tit.  29!,  1  P.  2i8-2o)  emphatically  enjoin 
strict  and  prompt  obedience,  hearty  service  as  faith- 
fully rendered  as  if  the  master's  eye  was  upon  them, 
due  respect  to  masters  whether  unbelievers  or  Chris- 
tians, honesty,  patience  in  the  endurance  of  wrong. 
No  doubt  the  main  motive  is  that  such  conduct  is 
right  in  itself.  But  it  is  also  urged  that  it  is  a  duty 
owed  by  the  slave  to  his  Lord,  that  retribution  for 
misdeeds  and  reward  for  fidelity  will  certainly  bo  be- 
stowed by  God,  and  that  Christianity  should  not  be 
discredited  by  the  slave's  shortcomings.  And  Paul 
had  probably  in  mind  the  same  principles,  which 
guided  his  handling  of  the  Christianas  relation  to  the 
State,  that  everything  should  be  done  to  dispel  the 
suspicion  that  the  Gospel  was  undermining  the  fabric 
of  society.  Accordingly  he  gives  no  countenance  to 
any  movement  towards  emancipation  from  the  side 
of  the  slave,  nor  does  he  even  urge  it  on  the  masters. 
On  the  contrary,  he  sends  back  the  slave  Onesimus 
to  his  master  Philemon,  in  a  letter  exquisite  for  its 
tact  and  delicacy,  reminding  Pliilemon  how  much  ho 
owes  him,  commending  the  converted  runaway  to 
him,  "  no  longer  as  a  slave,  but  more  than  a  slave,  a 

21  <7 


650 


ORGANISATION,   DISCIPLINE,    SOCIAL   AND   ETHICAL   PROBLEMS 


brother  beloved;"'  yet  not  a«kinn  for  emancipation, 
though  ho  socms  to  hint  at  it  in  the  words  "  knowing 
that  thou  wilt  do  oven  beyond  what  I  say  "  (Phm.  21). 
Many  think  that  in  I  Cor.  lii  Paul  exhorts  the  slave 
not  to  avail  himself  of  an  opportunity  of  emancipation. 
Hia  general  principle  is  that  Christiana  should  abide 
as  they  are.  If  ho  really  wished  the  slave  to  refuse 
emancipation  wo  may  excuse  the  advice,  with  which 
we  can  hardly  agree,  by  his  expectation  of  Christ's 
speedy  return,  when  slavery  ^\ould  cease,  and  by  his 
principle  that  the  Christian  should  accept  his  position 
as  Divinely  apiK)inted.  But  the  tense  of  the  Gr, 
verb  is  unfavourable  to  the  sense  "go  on  using  your 
present  position."  And  would  Paul,  who  knew  the 
moral  horrors,  the  infamous  atrocities  to  which  slaves 
were  exposed,  helpless  victims  as  they  were  of  their 
owners  cruelty,  helpless  ministers  to  his  lusts,  have 
pushed  his  principle  to  so  perilous  an  extreme  ? 

{h)  Women. — A  similar  problem  was  raised  with 
respect  to  women.  Wo  can  see  from  1  Cor.  11 2-1 6 
that  there  was  a  tendency  at  Corinth  to  carry  the  prin- 
ciple of  Christian  hberty  and  equality  to  its  extreme 
consequences  here  as  in  other  relationships.  The 
"  emancipated "  woman  wished  to  throw  aside  the 
veil,  the  sign  of  her  inferiority,  and  to  pray  and 
prophesy  in  the  assemblies  with  bare  head  like  a  man. 
Paul  opposes  this,  partly,  no  doubt,  on  the  practical 
groimd  that  for  Christian  women  to  outrage  the  con- 
ventions of  respectable  society  would  at  once  stamp 
Christianity  as  breaking  the  fences  to  the  natural 
modesty  of  her  sex,  and  thus  liinder  its  progress ; 
partly  because  he  apprehended  danger  to  them  from 
the  angels  if  they  ventured  on  these  exercises  without 
the  protection  of  a  veil  (11  lo*);  partly  because  he 
really  regarded  woman  as  naturally  inferior  to  man. 
Elsewhere  (GaL  828),  it  is  true,  he  rises  to  the  level 
of  the  full  Christian  principle  that  in  Christ  Jesus  there 
can  be  no  male  and  female.  This  brings  us  to  the 
question  of  the  relation  between  the  sexes.  The  Jews 
held  marriage  in  honour,  and  the  NT  betrays  no 
Bjinpathy  with  any  tendency  to  forbid  it.  It  is  false 
teachers  who  do  thiis  (1  Tim.'43).  A  tendency  to  exalt 
cehbacy  is  perhaps  to  bo  seen  in  Rev.  I44,  and  Paul 
preferred  the  unmarried  stat«.  But  he  can  think  and 
speak  of  marriage  in  the  loftiest  way  (Eph.  522-33), 
and  tliis  must  not  be  forgotten  when  we  study  the 
specific  discussion  in  1  Cor.  7.  There  he  is  dealing 
with  a  series  of  questions  put  to  him  by  the  church, 
not  writing  a  dissertation  on  marriage.  Taken  by 
itself,  it  might  suggest  that  he  had  no  higher  concep- 
tion of  marriage  than  that  it  was  a  second-best  safe- 
guard against  impurity.  It  is  nevertheless  surprising 
that  the  more  ideal  aspects  are  hero  omitted.  His 
attitude  is  dominated  to  some  extent  by  liis  eschatology. 
The  interval  that  is  to  elapse  before  the  return  of 
Christ  is  short,  the  woes  of  the  Messiah  are  at  hand. 
Those  who  are  free  from  family  ties  will  do  well  to 
maintain  their  freedom  and  be  spared  the  agony  of 
seeing  the  sufferings  of  those  whom  they  love.  The 
same  expectation  is  probably  responsible  for  the  failure 
to  speak  of  marriage  as  the  appointed  means  for  con- 
tiniiing  the  race.  The  new  condition  of  things  would 
soon  be  ushered  in,  in  which  they  would  neither  marrj' 
nor  give  in  marriage.  Partly,  however,  Paul's  own 
idiosj-ncrasy  finds  expression  here.  Superior  to  the 
physical  need  wliicli  finds  its  lawful  satisfaction  in 
marriage,  he  wishe<l  that  all  men  might  bo  as  himself. 
But  he  recognises  that  this  is  his  individual  gift,  and 
that  many  are  not  constituted  as  he  is.  For  them 
marriage  is  the  only  safe  course ;  and  marriage  must 
be  real  marriage.     It  is  morallj'  perilous  to  practise 


abstinence,  except  for  a  brief  period,  and  then  only  for 
prayer.  A  woman  is  not  to  leave  her  husband  ;  but, 
if  she  does  so,  she  must  not  contract  a  new  union, 
nor  must  the  husband  leave  his  wife.  In  the  caao 
of  a  mixed  marriage,  where  the  heathen  is  willing  to 
continue  the  relationship,  the  Christian  is  not  to  dis- 
solve it ;  but  if  the  heathen  breaks  it  off,  the  Christian 
must  not  seek  to  prevent  the  separation  in  the  hope 
of  saving  the  heathen  partner  by  this  irritating  per- 
tinacity. If  a  husband  dies,  his  widow  is  free  to 
marry  again,  but  only  a  Christian,  and  she  would  do 
better  to  remain  a  widow.  The  most  difficult  problem 
is  raised  by  the  section  on  virgins  (25-38).  Here 
Paul  is  apparently  deaUng  not  with  the  relationship  of 
father  and  daughter,  but  with  a  "  spiritual  marriage  " 
(pp.  839f.). 

(c)  Asceticism  in  Diet The  false  t«aching  at  Colossae 

did  not,  so  far  as  we  know,  seek  to  regulate  relations 
between  the  sexes,  but  it  inculcated  asceticism  with 
reference  to  food  and  drink  (Col.  2 16).  It  was  char- 
acterised by  severity  to  the  lx)dy ;  its  ordinances 
were:  "Handle  not,  nor  taste,  nor  touch"  (22i). 
These  prohibitions  Paul  repudiates  as  belonging  to 
the  realm  of  the  elemental  spirits,  from  which  the 
Christians  had  escaped  by  their  death  with  Christ 
(22o),  and  into  which  they  ought  not  to  sink  back. 

A  similar  question  arose  in  the  Roman  church,  and 
was  discussed  by  Paul  in  Rom.  14.  There  was  a  claws 
of  scrupulous  persons,  whom  he  calls  "  weak,"  who 
would  eat  no  flesh  and  apparently  drink  no  wine. 
Another  class,  spoken  of  as  the  "  strong,"  despised 
the  scruples  of  the  weak.  The  weak,  in  their  turn, 
judged  tlio  strong  as  less  religious  than  themselves. 
What  were  the  opinions  on  which  the  weak  brethren 
acted  ?  Is  Paul  dealing  with  the  question  of  eating 
meats  offered  to  idols  ?  He  uses  the  same  word, 
"the  weak,"  as  in  1  Cor.  8-10,  and  gives  the  same 
advice,  that  no  Christian  should  by  his  liberty  destroy 
the  brother  for  whom  Christ  died.  The  language  in 
the  two  discussions  is  also  similar.  But  this  amounts 
to  very  httle.  In  both  cases  unity  was  imperilled 
by  strained  relations,  and  Paul  woidd  naturally  give 
the  same  advice.  He  makes  no  reference  to  the  idol 
feasts,  or  to  the  possibility  that  meat  purchased  in 
the  market  might  have  been  offered  to  idols.  Nor  is 
it  likely  that  "  the  weak  "  belonged  to  the  Judaizing 
party,  who  regarded  the  Lcvitical  laws  as  to  clean 
and  unclean  meats  as  still  binding.  Such  a  doctrine 
would  probably  have  boon  associated  with  \iews  on 
circumcision  and  other  matters,  which  Paul  would 
have  treated  less  mildly  than  he  treats  the  views  of 
"  the  weak."  And  the  abstinence  is  not  simply  from 
unclean  meats,  but  from  all  meats  whatsoever.  To 
be  a  Jew  it  was  not  necessary  to  be  a  vegetarian. 
Besides,  the  Law  did  not  prohibit  M-ine,  so  that  in 
neither  particular  is  the  description  apphcable  to 
strict  Jews.  The  practices  are  therefore  best  ex- 
plained as  duo  to  an  ascetic  tendency.  Such  a  form 
of  asceticism  might  rasily  arise  out  of  tendencies  that 
are  constantly  reappearing,  and  that  were  later  very 
prominent  in  certain  forms  of  Gnosticism.  There  is 
no  need  to  postulate  any  particular  external  influence 
(r.g.  Essene)  to  account  for  their  presence  in  the  Roman 
church. 

(d)  Meat  Offered  to  Idols — Among  the  practical  prob- 
lems which  contact  with  the  heathen  environment 
forced  upon  Christians  was  that  of  meat  offered  to 
idols.  It  met  them  at  several  points.  The  flesh  that 
remained  was  frequently  sold  in  the  meat  market. 
The  purchaser  knew  nothing  of  its  origin,  unles-s  he 
could  institute  inquiries,  and  oven  then  there  was  a 


OEQANISATION,   DISCIPLINE,    SOCIAL   AND   ETHICAL   PROBLEMS 


G51 


iiKk  tliat  ho  m'ght  bo  misled.  Thci-o  was  tlierefore  a 
danger  that  meat  bouglit  for  his  own  use,  or  eaten  at 
the  house  of  another,  had  been  consecrated  to  an  idoL 
If,  then,  the  idol  was  a  real  spiritual  jjower,  such  meat 
was  infected  with  his  evil  energy,  and  tho  Christian 
was  in  danger  of  falhng  under  his  dominion.  But, 
quite  apart  from  this,  social  life,  and  especially  the 
club-feasts,  involved  dedication  of  food  to  idols,  and 
the  question  was  whether  the  consistent  profession 
of  Christianity  did  not  involve  a  break  with  social 
life  altogether.  The  problem  receives  special  dis- 
cussion in  1  Cor.  in  reply  to  the  church  letter.  The 
majority  of  tho  church  apparently  was  in  favour  of 
the  more  liberal  course  on  the  ground  of  their  spiritual 
insight.  Since  they  knew  that  an  idol  was  nothing, 
eating  meat  offered  to  idols  was  a  matter  of  complete 
indiiierence.  The  non-existent  has  no  virus  with 
which  to  infect  the  participant  in  what  is  devoted 
to  it.  Paul  first  criticises  the  basis  of  their  action. 
If  it  is  a  matter  of  superior  knowledge,  the  guidance 
of  life  by  it  tends  to  make  a  man  feel  a  superior  person  ; 
it  fills  him  with  conceit,  which  is  an  anti-social  force. 
These  questions  must  be  settled  by  love.  Tho  rule 
of  life  is  not  to  be  individual  self-gratification,  but  the 
development  of  the  community. 

Apparently  tho  church  letter  had  asserted  that  all 
have  knowledge,  and  are  aware  that  an  idol  is  nothing 
(1  Cor.  87).  Paul  reminds  them  that  this  knowledge 
is  not  possessed  by  all.  For,  in  spite  of  a  theoretic 
recognition  of  the  idol's  non-existence,  the  old  relation- 
ship still  works  so  powerfully  that,  when  they  eat 
meat  wliich  has  been  sacrificed  to  an  idol,  they  cannot 
treat  it  as  ordinary  meat,  but  as  meat  tainted  by  its 
heathen  consecration.  They  cannot  shake  themselves 
free  from  the  old  associations.  Apparently  examples 
of  Christians  participating  in  banquets  at  an  idol's 
temple  were  known  to  Paul.  Possibly  it  was  defended 
on  the  ground  that  the  weak  brother  would  be  edified 
(10  mg.),  i.e.  he  would  be  educated  out  of  his  narrow- 
ness. Paul  retorts  :  "  Yes,  edified  to  the  ruin  of  his 
soul."  It  has  been  argued  by  J.  Weiss  that  IO1-22 
is  from  a  different  letter  than  8,  IO23-33,  the  former 
handling  tho  problem  much  more  radically  than  the 
latter  by  its  strict  prohibition  of  food  offered  to  idols. 
In  ch.  8  Paul  seems  to  adopt  the  standpoint  that,  since 
an  idol  is  a  nonentity,  eating  of  meat  sacrificed  to  it 
is  intrinsically  indifferent,  but  should  bo  avoided  if 
the  conscience  of  the  scrupulous  is  likely  to  be  injured 
by  carrjang  this  knowledge  of  the  idol's  nonentity 
into  practice.  In  IO1-22,  however,  he  introduces  a 
new  thought,  that  the  heathen  sacrifices  were  offered 
to  demons,  and  therefore  were  intrinsically  harmful, 
since  tho  table  of  Christ  and  the  table  of  demons  were 
radically  incompatible.  In  23-33  he  seems  to  revert 
to  the  standpoint  of  8.  But  there  is  no  insuperable 
difficulty  in  taking  tho  chapters  as  they  stand  as  an 
integral  part  of  the  same  epistle.  In  8  Paul  deals 
with  the  problem  from  the  presuppositions  of  the  hberal 
section.  An  idol  is  nothing,  therefore  no  defilement 
can  come  from  idol  sacrifice.  Very  good,  but  what 
if  this  principle  leads  you  to  eat  idol  food,  and  others 
who  do  not  share  your  intellectual  illumination  are 
encouraged  to  do  so  ?  They  are  not  emancipated 
from  tho  thraldom  of  the  old  associations,  and  tliere- 
fore while  they  may  not  be  damaged  by  tho  intrinsic 
mischief  of  the  food,  they  violate  their  conscience  and 
thus  are  spiritually  ruined.  You  must  waive  j'our 
rights  for  the  sake  of  the  weak,  just  as  I  waive  my 
apostolic  rights  to  maintenance  (ch.  9).  But  is  it  true 
that  idol  food  is  so  harmless  as  vou  assert  ?     An  idol 


is  nothing,  and,  were  that  p.ll,  your  standpoint  would 
be  intellectually  justified.  But  behind  the  lifeless 
block  there  works  a  living  power  of  evil  ;  the  sacrifices 
go  to  tho  demons.  And  since  the  sacrificial  banquet  is 
a  communion  feast,  participation  in  an  idolatrous  feast 
involves  these  who  partake  of  it  in  communion  with 
demons.  This  means  that  the  Christian  who  acts  in 
this  way  tries  to  combine  two  fundamentally  incom- 
patible things,  communion  with  Christ  and  communion 
with  demons,  with  the  one  in  the  Lord's  Supper,  with 
the  other  in  an  idol  banquet.  But  tho  question  then 
arises :  if  the  idol  sacrifice  is  infected  \dth  demoniacal 
virus,  is  it  not  best  to  abstain  from  meat  altogether, 
since  part  of  the  sacrificial  victim  is  exposed  for  sale 
in  tho  market,  and  there  is  no  guarantee  that  anyone 
who  purchases  meat  there  can  avoid  meat  that  has 
thus  come  from  tho  tomplo  ?  Paul  escapes  by  a 
robust  common  sense,  what  was  a  very  obvious  irifer- 
ence  from  his  own  principles.  Meat  in  itself  is  quite 
harmless  food,  for  the  earth  belongs  to  God,  not  to 
the  demons.  In  tho  meat  market  j^ou  are  away  from 
the  temple  sphere.  The  meat  is  not  eat«n  as  a  re- 
ligious rite,  as  in  the  other  case,  but  as  common  food. 
So  buy  it  without  fear.  And  if  you  are  invited  to  a 
meal  act  in  the  same  way,  unless  you  are  notified  by 
your  host  or  someone  who  is  present  that  the  meat  has 
been  offered  in  sacrifice.  In  that  case  abstain  for 
the  sake  of  the  other's  conscience. 

It  may  be  thought  surprising  that  Paul  makes  no 
reference  to  the  decrees  of  Ac.  1029*,  where  the  Gen- 
tiles addressed  are  required  to  abstain  from  things 
sacrificed  to  idols.  That  passage,  however,  is  of  un- 
certain text  and  interpretation  (pp.  793f.)>  and  it  is  pos- 
sible that  tho  decrees  are  purely  ethical  and  require 
abstinence  from  idolatry,  fornication,  and  murder  (so 
G.  Resch  and  Hamack).  If  the  generally  accepted 
text  and  interpretation  arc  retained,  various  alterna- 
tives are  possible.  Paul  may  have  been  ignorant  of 
the  decrees,  if  Luke  has  misdated  them,  or  he  may 
have  felt  that  there  was  no  need  to  consider  them 
binding  on  the  Corinthian  Church.  In  Rev.  220  the 
prophetess  Jezebel  teaches  "  to  commit  fornication 
and  eat  things  sacrificed  to  idols."  Here  the  phrase  is 
quite  unambiguous,  but  the  passage  contains  no  attack 
on  Paul. 

Literature. — See  the  bibliography  appended  to  the 
article  on  "The  ApostoHc  Age."  The  following  may 
be  added:  Lightfoot,  The  Christian  Ministry; 
Hatch,  Organisation  of  the  Early  Christian  Church 
(Hamack  translated  this  into  German,  with  im- 
portant additions)  ;  Hamack,  Die  Lehre  der  Zn-iHf 
Apostel,  Smirces  of  the  Apostolic  Canons,  The  Ex- 
pansion of  Christianity  in  the  First  Three  Centuries*, 
The  Constitutioji  and  Law  of  the  Church  in  the  First 
Tioo  Centuries ;  Loening,  Oemeindeverfassung  des 
Urchristentums ;  Sohm,  Kirchenrecht  ;  Gore,  The 
Church  and  the  Ministry  ;  Wordsworth,  The  Ministry 
of  Grace ;  Hort,  The  Christian  Ecclesia ;  Moberly. 
Ministerial  Priesthood  ;  Lindsay,  The  Church  and  the 
Ministry  in  the  Early  Centuries  ;  Sanday,  The  Primi- 
tive Church  and  Reunion  ;  Tumor,  The  Organization 
of  the  Church,  in  The  Cambridge  Mediceixil  History, 
vol.  1.  ;  Bartlet  and  Carlylo,  Christianity  in  History: 
Swcte  (edited  by).  Essays  on  the  Early  History  of  the 
Church  and  the.  Ministry;  Schmiedel,  Ministry  and 
Spiritual  Gifts,  in  EBi ;  Gunkel.  Die  Wirl-ungen  de-t 
heiligen  Geistes ;  Weinel,  Z)ic  Wirlcungendes  Geistes  und 
dar  Geister;  Wright,  Some  NT  Problems;  Walker.  The 
Gift  of  Tongties  ;  Zschamack,  Der  Dienst  der  Frau  in 
den  ersten  Jahrhunderten  der  christlichen  Kirche. 


THE    CHRONOLOGY    OF    THE 
NEW    TESTAMENT 


Bv  Principal  A.  J.  GRIEVE 


The  chronology  of  the  NT  affects  a  period  of  roughly 
a  hundred  ycArs,  whether  we  regard  it  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  literature  (which  was  produced  between 
A.D.  50  and  150),  or  the  events  recorded  therein  (which 
cover  approximately  the  first  century  of  our  era). 
The  range  is  thus  very  much  shorter  than  that  of 
OT  chronology,  and  correspondingly  simpler.  Yet  it 
presents  problems  of  its  own,  and  some  that  are  by 
no  means  easy  to  solve.  It  is  natural  that  we  should 
desire  to  ascertain  with  all  possible  exactness  the  dates 
of  events  so  closely  boimd  up  witii  the  early  story  of 
Christianity  as  the  birth,  public  ministi-y,  and  death 
of  Jesus,  the  conversion  and  death  of  Paiil,  the  times 
at  which  the  various  gospels,  epistles,  and  other 
literature  were  product.  Unfortunately  for  our 
quest,  the  early  Cnristians,  with  rare  exceptions,  were 
not  interested  in  chronology ;  as  men  who  had  "  no 
continuing  city,"  they  wore  largely  indifferent  to  the 
secular  events  of  their  own  day,  and  the  bearing  which 
these  might  have  on  their  own  faith ;  and  those  who 
recorded  the  story  of  Jesus  and  the  early  church  were 
guided  by  a  rehgious  rather  than  an  historical  interest, 
and  arranged  the  nan-ativo  at  least  as  much  on  the 
lines  of  subject-matter  as  of  time  sequence.  TMs  is 
obvious  in  Mt.  and  IMk.,  and  even  in  Lk.  and  Ac, 
though  the  writer  of  these  two  books,  alone  among  NT 
writers,  does  give  us  at  a  few  points  parallel  dates  of 
secular  history.  There  are  time-notices  in  the  fourth 
gospel,  but  the  writer's  aim  is  not  to  put  the  life  of 
Jesus  into  chronological  relation  to  the  history  of  the 
first  century,  but  to  unfold  the  drama  of  the  Passion. 

The  earhest  attempts  to  arrange  a  chronology  of 
NT,  especially  as  regards  the  life  of  Jesus,  were  rnadc 
towards  the  end  of  the  second  century  by  Irenasus, 
Tertuilian,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  ana  a  little  later 
by  Hippolytus  and  JuUus  Africanus.  But  these 
investigators  were  hampered  by  the  causes  indicat^^d 
above,  and  also  by  the  different  methods  by  which 
the  years  of  reigning  monarchs  were  reckoned  ;  eg. 
the  isth  year  of  Tiberius  (Lk.  3i)  may  be  29,  28,  or 
26,  according  as  we  reckon  from  the  death  of  Augustus 
or  from  Tiberius's  association  with  Augustus  by  a 
fecial  law,  the  date  of  which  (13  or  11)  is  not  certain. 
The  imperial  year  was  sometimes  adjusted  to  the 
civil  year  by  counting  the  fraction  as  a  whole  and 
beginning  a  second  imperial  year  every  January, 
sometimes  by  omitting  the  fraction  and  i-eckoning  the 
reign  from  a  fixed  date.  The  complexity  is  increased 
by  the  Juhan  reform  of  the  calendar,  by  which  the 
year  40  b.c.  rocoivod  -145  days,  to  bring  the  civil  and 
the  solar  years  into  line.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Jewish  calendar  is  a  perfect  labyrinth.  The  Paschal 
full  moon  was  the  pivot  of  the  system.  It  was  origin- 
ally calculated  by  observation, '  but  this  became  im- 
possible when  Jewry  was  scattered.     The  beginning 


652 


of  any  month  was  fixed  by  the  visibihty  of  the  new 
moon,  a  very  haphazard  affair.  Then  if  at  the  end 
of  the  month  Adar  the  barley  was  not  within  a  fort- 
night of  being  ripe,  a  13th  month  (Veadar)  was  inter- 
calated, but  this  was  forbidden  in  Sabbatical  years, 
and  two  intercalary  years  could  not  come  together. 
Add  to  this  that  the  correlation  of  the  lunar  with  the 
solar  year  depended  on  the  first  Paschal  full  moon 
after  the  spring  equinox,  and  that  the  equinox  was 
variously  calculated.  Further,  while  the  Jewish  civil 
year  began  with  Tishri  (September),  the  religious  and 
regal  year  began  with  Nisan  (April),  years  being 
counted  from  tlie  former,  months  from  the  latter. 

When  we  take  all  these  matters  into  consideration — 
and  many  of  them  have  the  closest  bcuring  on  the 
dates  we  desire  to  fix — it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that 
the  most  painstaking  research  has  not  been  able  to 
arrive  at  any  chronological  scheme  which  is  more 
than  approximately  correct. 

Chronology  of  the  Gospel  History. — We  are  here 
concerned  witli  three  events  in  the  life  of  Jesus  :  the 
Birth,  the  Baptism,  and  the  Crucifixion,  and  the  inter- 
vals between  them. 

The  Nativity. — It  was  Dionysius  Exiguus,  a  monk  of 
Romo  in  the  6th  cent.,  who  fixed  our  Christian  era, 
making  the  Roman  year  753=1  B.C.,  and  754= a.d.  1. 
This,  however,  is  too  late.  We  learn  from  Mt.  that  Jesus 
was  bom  in  the  reign  of  Herod,  and  from  Josephus » 
that  Herod  died  in  the  early  spring  of  the  year  corre- 
sponding to  4  B.C.  Mt.'s  story  of  the  massacre  of  infants 
under  two  yeare  of  age,  and  the  stay  ^of  unknown  length) 
in  Egypt,  lead  us  to  put  the  birth  of  Jesus  some  three 
years  before  Herod's  death  ;  and  we  may  note  Kepler's 
identification  of  the  "star"  of  Bethlehem  with  the 
conjunction  of  Jupiter  and  Saturn  in  Pisces  in  May, 
(October,  and  December  of  7  B.C.  The  evidence  of 
Lk.  2iff.  is  dealt  with  in  the  commentary  on  that 
passage,  wlioro  reference  is  also  made  to  Tertullian's 
testimony.  It  would  seem  that  the  enrolment  began 
in  8  or  7  B.C.  and  ran  into  the  next  j'ear.^ 

The  Baptism. — This  event  occurred  soon  after  John 
began  to  preach,  which  was  in  the  fifteenth  year  of 
Tiberius  (Lk.  3i).  i.e.  a.d.  28  or  29  if  we  date  from 

>  A)U.  xvn.  viii.  1 ;  cf.  xrv.  ivi.  4,  iv.  3.  Cf.  also  xvn.  xlil.  2  ; 
B.J.,  II.  vii.  .3;  Ant.,  xviu.  iv.  «  ;  xvn.  vl.  4,  Ix.  3.  These  paa- 
sftKcs  refer  to  (a)  the  reign  and  decease  of  Herod  himself,  (6)  those 
of  his  suocessors. 

»  \Vc  have  no  data  for  doUTniiiiinp  the  month  and  day  of  the 
biitli.  Ttie  tniditioiial  Western  dat*  (I)oo.  L'.'i)  goes  back  to  Hip- 
polytas.  Tlio  idea  is  that  Gabriel  appeared  to  Zaoharlas  on  the 
Day  of  Atonement  (early  in  Oct.),  and  that  there  were  some  six 
months  between  the  conception  of  John  the  Baptist  and  that  of 
Jesus,  which  has  been  celebrated  on  March  2.5.  Bdersheim  sug- 
gcsts  the  inflnence  of  the  feast  of  the  Dedication  of  the  Temple 
(Dec.);  but  other  and  more  universal  factors,  e.g.  the  winter  solstice, 
have  perhaps  to  be  taken  into  account.  The  traditional  Eastern 
date  (Jan.  6)  goes  back  to  the  Basiiidian  Gnostics,  but  only  with 
them  as  a  celebration  of  the  Baptism.    Cf.  note  3  ou  p.  664,  col.  1. 


THE  CHRONOLOGY   OF   THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


65d 


Augustus's  death,  a.d.  26  or  27  if  we  reckon  from 
Tiberius's  co-regency.  Jn.  213,20  also  comes  into 
consideration ;  the  first  Passover  after  the  Baptism 
was  the  46th  year  of  the  building  of  Herod's  Temple. 
As  the  Temple  was  begun  in  the  18th  year  of  Herods 
reign,!  j.g.  19  b.c,  tliis  brings  us  to  a.d.  27  (spring). 
Jesus  would  then  be  some  33  years  of  age,  which  agrees 
sufficiently  with  the  statement  in  Lk.  823  that  He  was 
about  30  *  when  He  began  (to  teach). 

The  Length  of  the  Ministry. — Iren?eus,  misled  by 
presbyters  in  Asia  Minor  perhaps  going  back  to  Papias, 
on  the  strength  of  Jn.  857,  thought  the  ministry  must 
have  lasted  ten  or  even  twenty  years.  But  a  more 
general  opinion  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries  was  one 
year  (so  the  Clementine  HomiUes,  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, Juhus  Africanus,  Hippolytus  in  his  later  works, 
and  Origen  in  his  earlier).  This  is  nearer  the  truth, 
and  derives  some  support  from  Lk.  The  second  and 
longer  half  of  the  accoimt  of  Christ's  ministry  (951- 
1928)  covers  only  a  few  months ;  and  if  the  first  and 
shorter  half  (414-950)  covers  a  longer  period,  the 
whole  can  hardly  embrace  more  than  a  year.  It  is 
possible  that  419,  "the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord," 
may  have  some  bearing  on  this.  But  on  the  whole  a 
year  is  hardly  enough.  The  Synoptic  tradition  as  repre- 
sented in  Mk.  mentions  three  springtides  (223,  "  plucking 
the  ears  of  com  " ;  639,  the  5000  on  "  the  green  grass  "  ; 
and  14 1,  the  Cmcifixion  Passover),  which  gives  a  two 
years'  ministry.  It  is  from  the  fourth  gospel  that  the 
popular  idea  of  a  three  years'  ministry  is  derived ;  but 
though  this  gospel  gives  us  a  remarkable  chain  of 
time  references  (213-23.  435,  5r,  64,  72,  IO22,  II55), 
perhaps  meant  definitely  to  stiffen  the  looser  Synoptic 
record,  there  are  difficulties  of  reading,  interpretation, 
or  arrangement  in  nearly  all  of  them.  Thus  ch.  6 
should  most  probably  precede  ch.  5.  In  64  Origen 
and  others  (probably  wrongly)  omit  "the  Passover." 
The  nameless  feast  of  5i  has  been  chased  aU  round 
the  calendar .3  The  sayings  (435)  about  four  months 
to  harvest  and  fields  already  white  to  harvest  are 
baffling.  If  the  first  is  literal  we  get  January,  if  the 
second.  May,  as  the  time  of  the  utterance.  But  in 
the  upshot  Jn.  agrees  with  Mk.  in  three  Passovers 
(213,23,  64,  II55).  with  indeterminate  time-notices 
between  them.  Among  the  early  writers,  MeHto, 
Heracleon,  Tatian,  and  Hippolytus  On  Daniel  held  a 
similar  view  of  a  two  or  three  years'  ministry.  Bacon.* 
however,  drastically  reduces  the  Johannine  date  to  a 
single  year. 

The  Crucifixion. — This  is  perhaps  the  most  vital 
point  in  NT  chronology,  and  certainty  is  unfortunately 
beyond  our  present  knowledge.  Jesus  "  suffered  under 
Pontius  Pilate,"  and  Pilate  was  procurator  in  Judsea 
A.D.  26-36 ;  *  ho  was  returning  to  Rome  (to  answer 
a  charge  of  cruelty  in  Samaria)  when  Tiberius  died 
on  March  16,  a.d.  37.  The  Crucifixion  therefore  cannot 
have  been  later  than  the  Passover  of  36.  We  know 
also  (Mt.,  Jn.)  that  it  was  during  the  high- priesthood 
of  Caiaphas.  Caiaphas  assumed  this  office  in  a.d.  18 
in  succession  to  Annas,  and  ho  was  removed  from  it 
by  'ViteUius,  consul  and  governor  of  Syria,  in  favour 
of  Jonathan,  who  in  turn  made  room  for  Theophilus 
just  after  the  Passover  of  37.  Jonathan  was  thus 
high-priest  for  36.  and  cannot  have  been  appointed 
before  the  Passover  of  that  year.  The  last  Passover 
of  Caiaphas  was  thus  30. 

'  Josephus,  Ant.  xv.  x1.  1. 

^  So  RV  correctly.  AV  is  wrong  here.  The  puzzling  word 
Oirhotnenot  is  not  n-presented  in  Syr.  Sin. 

*  R.  Harris,  Sideliyhts  on  .VT  Research,  loct.  2. 

*  The  Fourth  Gospel,  ch.3.  1.5f. 

»  Josephus,  AiU.  xvm.  U.  2,  iv.  2. 


Hardly  anyone  (except  Westcott,  who  suggested 
Thursday)  has  doubted  that  Jesus  was  crucified  on  a 
Friday.  There  has  been  more  debate  as  to  the  day 
of  the  Jewish  month.  The  Passover  was  always  at 
the  fuU  moon  of  Nisan,  the  lambs  being  slain  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  14th  and  eaten  after  sunset,  i.e.  at 
the  beginning  of  the  15th.  The  Synoptic  tradition 
appears  to  place  the  Crucifixion  on  the  15th  (regard- 
ing the  Last  Supper  as  the  Passover).  There  is, 
however,  some  ambiguity  about  the  use  of  the  word 
"  preparation "  (Mk.  I542.  Jn.  19i4) ;  see  also  Lk. 
2215"'.  It  seems  more  than  hkely  that  the  Last  Supper 
is  to  be  identified  not  with  the  Passover  meal  itself 
but  with  the  Qiddush  or  Sanctificatlon  for  Passover.' 
The  fourth  gospel  definitely  imphes  that  the  Cruci- 
fixion preceded  the  paschal  meal,  and  was  therefore 
on  the  14th  Nisan ;  and  this  view,  which  was  also  that 
of  the  early  church,*  is  most  generally  held  by  modem 
scholars. 

Our  problem,  therefore,  is  to  find  in  what  year, 
when  Pilate  was  procurator  and  Caiaphas  high-priest, 
the  14th  of  Nisan  fell  on  a  Friday.  We  may  limit 
the  range  to  the  period  28-36,  for  Pilate,  who  came  in 
26,  had  clearly  been  some  time  in  office  before  the 
Crucifixion.  The  task  is  very  difficult,  because,  as 
stated  at  the  begiiming  of  this  article,  not  only  were 
the  Jewish  months  lunar,  but  we  do  not  know  how 
the  beginning  of  the  year  was  fixed  or  the  exact  relation- 
ship between  the  first  day  of  the  Jewish  month  and  the 
astronomical  new  moon. 

Mr.  C.  H.  Turner,'  who  has  thoroughly  surve\-ed  all 
the  evidence  and  reviewed  the  investigations  of  earUer 
students  hke  Salmon,*  reaches  the  conclusion  that  the 
choice  lies  between  29  (ilarch  18  or  April  15),  30  (April 
7),  33  (April  3).  In  favour  of  29  is  the  evidence  of 
Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Origen,  who  say  the 
Crucifixion  was  in  the  loth  year  "of  Tiberius  (Julius 
Africanus  says  the  16th).  and  that  of  Hippolytus, 
Tertullian,  L^ctantius,  and  the  Acta  Pilati,  which 
assign  it  to  the  consulship  of  L.  Rubellius  Geminus 
and  C.  Fifius  (or  Rufus)  Geminus,  i.e.* a.d.  29.  On 
the  other  hand,  Phlegon,  writing  in  the  time  of  Hadrian, 
records  an  earthquake  as  occurring  in  Bithynia  a.d. 
32-3,  and  a  remarkable  eclipse.  He  derives  the  notice 
of  the  ecUpse  from  the  gospels,  and  probably  brings 
the  imdated  phenomenon  mto  connexion  with  the 
dated  one.  Eusebius  adopted  the  date  33,  and  made 
it  popular.  Hippolytus,  Tertullian,  and  the  Acta 
Pilati,  mentioned  above,  give  March  25  as  the  actual 
date.  But  no  full  moon  occurs  near  this  date  in  any 
of  the  possible  years.  Epiphanius,  however,  had  seen 
copies  of  the  Acta  which  gave  the  day  as  March  18. 
The  early  alteration  to  the  25th  was  probably  because 
the  18th  was  deemed  out  of  the  question  as  preceding 
the  equinox. 

Turner's  conclusions  have  not  gone  imchallenged. 
Bacon'  "can  say  with  almost  absolute  certainty  the 
Crucifixion  did  not  occur  in  29  a.d.,"  and  he  refers  to 
Fotheringliam «  and  Achelis-'  Ho  traces  the  adoption 
of  what  he  deems  the  erroneous  date  to  the  quarto- 
decimans  of  Cappadocia  and  their  natural  desire  to 
commemorate  annually  the  exact  day  of  the  Cruci- 
fixion.    For   the   complicated   Jewish    lunar   calendar 

>  O.  H.  Box  in  JThS,  lii.  3.57. 

»  Cf.  X  Cor.  57,  I020.  Tho  first-fruits  of  barley  with  which  Paul 
compares  the  Resurrection,  were  offered  on  16th  NUaa.  Cf.  ateo 
the  Quartodeciman  controversv  in  tho  2nd  cent. 

»  Art.  "  Chronology  of  NT  "  in  HDB. 

•  huroduction  to  XT,  lect.  16. 

"  The  Fourth  Gospel,  S90f. 

'  ./oi/m.  of  Philol.,  1903,  pp.  lOOfl. 

'  Goir.  gel.  Xachr.,  phil.-hist.  Kl.,  1902,  pp.  707fi.  Turner  replie* 
tu  this  in  EB  Ui.  894. 


654 


THE   CHRONOLOaY   OF   THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


they  bubetituted  tho  vernal  equinox  of  the  Julian 
calendar,  wliich  in  29  foil  on  Friday,  March  25.  Another 
ecction,  who  observed  tho  anniversary  on  March  18, 
had  the  double  advantage  of  meeting  the  lunar  condi- 
tions of  the  year  29,  In  which  the  full  moon  fell  on  that 
day,  and  of  coinciding  with  the  astronomical  equinox 
of  the  Julian  calendar  when  the  eun  enters  Aries. 
That  in  thia  year  of  the  consulsliip  of  the  Gemini  the 
two  spring  equinoxes,  March  18  and  25.  fell  on 
Fridays  is  enough,  in  Bacons  opinion,  to  accoimt  for 
tho  early  and  universal  adoption  of  th*)  year  29.  He 
behoves  that  Lk.  started  from  this  point  and  elaborated 
the  sj-nchronisms  of  Lk.  3i  on  its  basis,  allowing  for  a 
one-year  ministry. 

Before  leaving  this  much-disputed  question  we 
should  notice  the  argument  m  favour  of  tho  year  36,^ 
when  Pilate  and  Caiaphas  were  still  in  their  respective 
otficcs.  The  contention  is  that  John  the  Baptist  was 
not  beheaded  till  34-5.  Herod  Antipas  was  married 
to  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  king  of  Petrea ;  and  when 
ho  took  Herodias  from  his  brother  Herod  Pliihp,  his 
wife  complained  to  her  father  and  he  made  war  on 
Antipas.  Aiatipas  in  turn  complained  to  Tiberius,  who 
sent  VitelMus  against  Aretas.  Wliilo  the  expedition  was 
in  progress  Tiberius  died,  *.e.  in  37.  Aretas  and  Antipas 
were  thus  at  strife  in  35-6,^  and  we  may  reasonably 
suppose  that  the  cause  of  the  strife  would  not  have 
been  more  than  a  year  or  two  earher.  Whether  tho 
astronomical  calculations  suit  the  14th  Nisan,  36,  is 
doubtful;  but  the  theory  enables  those  who  hold  it 
to  interpret  the  census  under  Quirinius  (Lk.  2i*)  as 
the  well-known  census  of  a.d.  6  (Ac.  537),  and  gives 
point  to  Lk.  23ii  (Herod's  soldiers).  On  the  other 
hand,  it  nullifies  the  date  of  tho  return  from  Egypt 
in  Mt.  2iy-23,  and  obhges  xis  to  interpret  Herod  in  Mt. 
as  Herod  Antipas.  It  is  worth  noting  that  Josephus 
says  that  popular  opinion  regarded  Antipas's  defeat 
by  Aretas  as  Divine  retribution  for  the  murder  of  the 
Baptist,  which  has  been  held  to  imply  that  John  died 
just  before  the  war.  Yet  28  is  a  more  suitable  date 
than  34  for  the  elopement  of  Herodias  and  the  de- 
scription of  Salome  as  a  damsel.  Herodias  was  about 
thirty-seven  and  her  daughter  seventeen  or  eighteen 
in  28.  And  retribution  does  not  always  follow  swiftly 
on  the  heels  of  crime. 

Tho  difficulty  as  to  the  date  of  the  conversion  of 
Paul  if  the  Crucifixion  is  placed  aa  late  as  36  is  dealt 
with  lx)lov\. 

Tho  best  working  result  seems  to  bo  : — 
Birth  of  Jesus,  6  B.C. 
Baptism,  a.d.  27  (possibly  28). 
Crucifi.\ion.  a.d.  29  (March  18).^ 

Chronology  of  the  Apostolic  Age  and  of  Paul's  Life.— 
This  is  unfortunately  as  uncertain  as  tho  chronology 
of  the  gospel  history.  Our  difficulties  begin  with  the 
length  of  time  that  elapsed  between  the  Crucifixion 
and  the  conversion  of  Paul.  A  series  of  summaries 
in  Ac.  divides  that  book  into  six  sections  or  periods, 
terminating  respectivelv  at  G7,  931,  1224,  I65.  192o. 
2831.  We  may  anticipate  tho  lat«r  discussion  by 
noticing  that  the  last  three  arc  each  about  the  saiuo 
length.  Bay  six  years.  The  first  three  from  the  Cruci- 
fixion (in  29)  to  the  death  of  Herod  Agiippa  (44.  a 
certain  date)  cover  about  fifteen  years,  and  the  pro- 

'  Keim,  Hausrath,  Schenkel,  and,  more  recently,  K.  Lake  in 
Exp.,  Nov.  1911'. 

•  Cf.  Josephus,  Ant.  xvui.  iv.6,  v.  1,  "  the  2oth  year  of  Tiberius," 
i.e.  33  or  36. 

•  E.  Masiui  also  arrives  ut  this  date  in  an  artiole,  "When  was 
Jesus  Christ  born '/  "  (Exp.,  Marcu  T.tl7).  He  lixcs  tho  date  of  the 
birth  .-w  Sunday,  Noveoiber  28,  6  B.C.  But  eee  Exp.,  Nov.  I'.il7, 
p.  3GL'. 


sumption  is  that  each  of  tliem  was  alxiut  five  years. 
More  explicitly,  early  work  in  Jerusalem  was  from  29 
to  34,  the  extension  in  Palestine  from  34  to  39,  and 
the  extension  to  Antioch,  with  the  beginning  of  Pauls 
activity,  from  39  to  44.  The  conversion  of  Paul  is 
to  be  placed  in  the  second  period,  i.e.  between  five 
and  t«n  (say  seven)  years  after  the  Crucifixion.  This 
is,  however,  a  very  general  and  precarious  conclusion. 
Paul's  own  data  as  given  in  Gal.  If.  have  now  to  bo 
reckoned  with.  The  interpretation  of  Gal.  Ii8  ("after 
three  years")  and  Gal.  2i  ("after  fourteen  years") 
varies  greatly.  It  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the 
inclusive  method  of  reckoning  in  such  phrases ;  e.g. 
"after  three  days'"  might  only  mean  from  Friday 
night  to  Sunday  morning.  The  first  question  is 
whether  the  ''fourteen  years"  follow  the  "three 
years,"  or  include  thorn  and  go  back  to  the  Conversion. 
Then  comes  the  further  ijuestion  of  the  correlation  of 
the  two  visits  mentioned  in  Qal.  with  the  three  in  Ac. 
(926,  11 30,  16).  The  general  opinion  now  is  that  tho 
fourteen  years  date  from  the  Conversion,  and  on  tho 
whole  that  Gal.  2=Ac.  15,»  Gal.  Ii8-Ac.  926,  and 
that  Ac.  11 30  is  not  mentioned  in  Gal.  But  a  recent 
view  (held  by  Emmet'  and  others)  is  that,  because 
Gal.  was  written  at  tho  close  of  the  First  Journey  and 
before  the  CouncU  of  Ac.  16,  Gal.  li8=Ac.  926,  and 
Gal.  2= Ac.  11 30.  A  further  comphcation  is  introduced 
by  Dr.  Menzies"  theory  '  that  tho  narrative  of  the  Coimcil 
in  Ac.  15  is  misplaced,  and  should  precede  the  story 
of  the  First  Journey  in  Ac.  13f.  He  identifies  Ac. 
ll3owithGal.  2. 

We  evidently  need  to  try  and  fix  the  date  of  the 
famine.  This  is  usually  given  as  a.d.  46,  when  there 
was  a  widespread  one;  but  one  that  afllicted  Judsea 
early  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  (which  began  in  41)  suits 
the  passage  better.  If  we  put  it  in  43  and  allow  timo 
for  the  collection  of  rehef  at  Antioch  and  ite  desimtoh 
to  Jeiiisalem,  Paul  would  be  in  the  capital  in  44.  If 
tliis  is  the  occasion  of  Gal.  2,  and  we  reckon  thirteen 
or  fourteen  years  backward,  we  get  30  as  the  approxi- 
mate date  of  the  Conversion,  i.e.  one  year  after  the 
Crucifixion.  This  is  Haniack's  view.  Ramsay  reckons 
back  from  46  and  so  gets  33.  Turner  inclines  to  tho 
older  theory  that  Gal.  2= Ac.  15,  and  reckons  from 
49  (Council  of  Ac.  15),  bringing  the  Conversion  to  35, 
or  indeed  36.  Those  who  deem  a  few  months  sufficient 
for  the  record  of  Ac.  1-8  are  thus  enabled,  if  thoy 
desire,  to  accept  the  theory  already  mentioned,  that 
the  Crucifixion  was  in  36,  and  that  Paul  was  converted 
not  very  long  afterwaitis.  We  have  seen  that  Harnack 
puts  no  long  interval  between  the  Crucifixion  and  tho 
Conversion,  and  there  is  something  to  be  said  (in  view 
of  1  Cor.  158)  in  favour  of  a  year  as  against  six  or 
seven  years,  or  ovon  against  three  or  four.  If  tho 
student  will  have  it  so,  he  must  decide  for  himself 
whether  ho  •svill  assign  tho  two  events  to  the  earUer 
date,  29-30,  or  the  later.  36. 

We  are  s^till  faced  with  the  difficulty  of  what  Paul 
was  doine  during  tho  thirteen  or  fourteen  (ten  or  eleven, 
if  we  regard  tho  three  as  included  in  tho  fourteen)  years 
between  his  Conversion  and  the  second  visit  to  Joru- 
salem.  A  ver\'  shght  change  ("diadeton  ''  for  "  diai- 
deton  ")  in  the  original  of  Gal.  2i  would  give  ua  "  after 
four  years  *"  in  place  of  "  foiuleen."  Let  us  see  how 
thitt  works  out : — 

Four  years  from  the  Council  in  49  (Qal.  2= Ac.  15) 

=45. 
Seven  years  (i.e.  taking  the  four  as  subsequent 
to  the  three)=42. 


Cf.  pp.  790,  868. 


p.  794. 


cf.  p.  770. 


THE  CHRONOLOGY   OF  THE  NEW   TESTAMENT                            655 

Four  years  from  tho  famine  visit  in  46  (Gal.  2—  as  early  as  66.    It  is  true  that  Josephus  gives  a  long 

Ac.  ll)=42.  list  of  events  occurring  in  Felixs  procuratorship  as 

Seven  years  from  tho  famine  visit  in  46=  .39.  having  happened  under  Nero  (who  began  to  reign  in 

Four  years  from  the  famine  visit  in  44=40.  64),  but  they  may  have  been  more  contemporaneous 

Seven  years  from  tho  famine  visit  in  44=»37.  than  successive.     According   to   Eusebius,  Festus  ar- 
rived in  tho  second  year  of  Nero,  but  we  do  not  know 

On  the  inclusive  method  the  period  to  be  subtracted  hig   authority.     When   Fehx   reached   Rome   he   was 

would  be  a  year  less  in  each  case,  and  the  dates  a  year  prosecuted    for    misgovemment,    but    was    acquitted 

later.     Even  if  we  put  the  famine  visit  in  43,  as  is  through   the   influence   of   his   brother   Pallas.     Now 

quite  permissible,  wo  can  hardly  get  an  earUer  date  Pallas  was  removed  from  office  in  the  winter  after 

than  37  for  tho  Conversion.     This  would,  of  course,  Noros    accession    (.54-5).     The    question    is    whether 

suit  36  as  the  date  of  the  Crucifixion.  Fehx  was  recalled  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  or  whether 

On  the  whole,  there  does  not  seem  sufficient  reason  PaDas,  though  not  in  office,  was  able  to  retain  some 

for  altering  the  text  in  tlie  interests  of  those  who  (1)  influence.     In  any  case  we  caimot  put  the  event  so 

put  the  Crucifixion  in   36,  and  at  the  same  time  (2),  lat«  as  60,  for  by  that  time  Poppaea  was  in  power, 

putting  Gal.  at  the  end  of  the  First  Journey,  make  and  would   have  supported   her  Jewish   coimtrjTnen 

Gal.  2i  =  Ac.  11 30,  and  fix  the  famine  \-isit  in  43  or  against  Fehx.     Hamack  puts  the  recall  of  FeUx  in 

44.     The  present  writer  incUnes  to  (2),  but  with  regard  56,  Turner  in  68.     On  this  it  follows  that  Paul  arrived 

to  (1)  feels  that  on  the  whole  the  difficulty  of  putting  in   Rome  in   67   or  .59   (spring).     The   "two  years" 

the  Crucifixion  so  late  as  36  is  greater  than  supposing  mentioned  in  Ac.  2830  brings  us  to  59  or  61,  and  there 

an  interval  of  six  years  between  the  Crucifixion  and  then  arises  the  vexed  question  of  a  release,  a  period 

the  Conversion,   especially  when  combined  with  the  of  journeying  west  and  east,  and  a  second  arrest  (see 

textual  emendation  referred  to.     Nor  is  so  long  an  pp.  772,  881).     We  know  that  .Paul  suffered  a  violent 

interval  necessary  if  we  follow  Hamack's  scheme,  by  death  in  Rome,  and  it  is  generally  held  that  this  was 

which  the  Crucifixion  is  dated  29,  the  Conversion  30,  not  before  the  persecution  of  64.  and  may  have  been 

and  (fourteen  years  thence)  the  famine  visit  (Ac.  11 30  later,  though  before  Neros  death  in  68.     But  it  may 

=  Gal.  2)  44.^  have  been  as  early  as  62,  on  the  charge  of  inciting  to 

It  has  been  thought  that  the  mention  of  Aretaa  riot.     Any  charge  was  good  enough  for  condemnation 

(2  Cor.  II32)  imphes  that  Paul's  escape  from  Damascus  by  Noro."^   The  probabiUty  is  that  Peter  shared  the 

could  not  have  been  earher  than  37,  since  the  evidence  same  fate  between  64  and  68. 

of  coins  shows  that  Aretas  was  not  in  possession  of  The  last  definite  chronological  data  furnished  by 
the  city  before  that  year.  But  all  that  Paul  says  the  NT  writings  are  found  in  Rev.  Here  all  the  features 
is  that  Aretas  had  an  ethnarch  or  representative  in  point  to  the  time  of  the  persecution  under  Domitian 
Damascus  (as  the  Jews  had  in  Alexandria),  and  this  (p.  928),  i.e.  in  the  last  decade  of  the  first  century, 
was  possible  before  the  city  passed  under  his  control.  A  few  words  will  suffice  for  other  dates  in  NT  history. 
The  relation  of  the  famine  visit  in  Ac.  1 1 30  to  the  death  The  death  of  James,  son  of  Zebedee,  m  the  reign  of 
of  Herod  Agrippa  and  the  other  incidents  of  Ac.  12  is  Herod  Agrippa,  must  fall  between  41  and  44.  With 
not  quite  clear,  but  we  do  know  that  Herod  died  in  44.  this  we  may  compare  the  well-attested  early  tradition 
The  date  of  the  famine  has  been  discussed.  If  we  reckon  that  the  Twelve  left  Jerusalem  twelve  years  after 
it  as  43,  thirteen  years  takes  us  back  to  30  ;  if  wo  put  Jesus'  death.  The  last  NT  reference  to  tho  church 
it  in  46,  we  must  add  fourteen  years  to  the  thi-ee  (say,  in  Palestine  is  Ac.  21 18,  when  Paul  brought  the  Gentile 
a  total  of  sixteen)  to  bring  us  to  30  as  the  date  of  the  fimd  to  Jerusalem,  and  James  the  brother  of  Jesus 
Conversion.  is  pre-eminent.  Josephus»  t-elLs  us  that  James  suffered 
When  we  consider  the  chronological  data  given  in  martyrdom  in  62;  Hegesippus^  put  it  nearer  the  de- 
Ac.  for  Paul's  journeys  we  are  not  greatly  helped.  struction  of  Jonisalem.  perhaps  about  67,  when  the 
The  apostle  spends  eighteen  months  at  Corinth  (Ac.  Chiistians  migrated  to  Pella  in  Persea.  For  Peter 
I811)  on  the  Second  Journey  ;  three  years  at  Ephesus  and  John,  see  the  Introductions  to  the  Epistles  bearing 
(198-IO,  2O31)  and  three  months  at  Corinth  on  the  their  names.  The  dates  of  the  different  books  of  NT  are 
Third.  Two  years  were  spent  in  Csesarea  (2427),  and  discussed  in  the  commentary  at  the  appropriate  pages, 
two  at  Rome  (2830).  The  length  of  tho  mtervening  ^  ^  ^  „ 
periods  is  purely  conjectural.  A  Table  of  Tentative  Dates  in  the  Tjfe  op  Paul. 

Some  valuable  evidence  is  affoixled  by  archaeological       Conversion 30  or  37 

discovery.     Tho  names  of  the  proconsuls  of  Cyprus  Fifteen  days  in  Jciusalem  (Gal.  1)    .      .     32  or  39 

for  61  and  62  are  known,  so  that  Paul's  visit  (Ac.  13)  In  S>-ria,  Cihcia,  and  Antioch      .      .      .     32(or39)-44 

must   have   been   before   61.     The   name   of   Sergius  V^isit  to  Jenisalem  (Ac.  11,  Gal.  2)    .      .     44 

Paulus  occurs  in  inscriptions,  but  with  no  indication       Cyprus  and  Galatia 45-4U 

of  date.     We  have  sure  ground  for  the  date  of  Paul's  Conference  in  Jerusalem  (Ac.  15)      .      .     49      _ 

stay  in  Corinth.     An  inscription  foimd  at  Delphi  fixes  Second  Mission  Tour  begins    ....     50 

the  beginning  of  Gallios  proconsul.ship  in  Corinth  in       In  Corintli 50-52 

the  spring  of  62  ;  this  brings  the  apostle  thither  in  60.  Ephesus.  Galatia.  Corinth  (brief  visit)    .     62-55 

Our  great   disappointment  is  our  inabihty  to  settle       Macedonia  (2  Cor.  1-9) 55 

the  date  of  the  arrival  of  Festus  (Ac.  2427).     Paul  says  Three  months  in  Corinth  .      .      .      .      ?     65-66 

Felix  has  been  "  for   many  years   a  judge  unto  this       Arre,''t  in  Jerusalem 56 

nation"  (24 10).    Felix  succeeded  Cumanus  as  procurator       Detention  at  Crosarea 66-58 

in  52.     Ijghtfoot  thought  'many  years"  must  Ije  at       Voyage  to  Rome .58-59 

least  six  or  seven;  therefore  Pauls  words  wore  spoken       Imprisonment  in  Rome .59-61 

in  58  or  50.  and  Folix  was  superseded  in  60  or  61.  foflowing  table,  taken  in  substance  from  HDB 

But  Fehx  had  he  d  a  rospons.,k>  position  in  Palestine  ^              j                    j^            ^^     ^^j   , 

before  62,  and  Paul  swords  would  have  been  appropriate  leading  authorities  :— 

1  Of  course  Oal.  2  can  be  chronolodcaUy  identified  with  Ac.  11  ^ ~ 

without  any  alteration  of  text.  '  Ant.,  XX.  ix.  1.               •  Easebius.  Hist.  Eeel.,  n.  xxiu.  11-18. 


056 


THE   CHEONOLOGY   OF   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 


1      ^ 

. 

■• 

i 

i 

i 

%i 

^ 

^ . 

^ 

hj"" 

Crucifixion  .      .      .      . 

29  or  30 

29 

30 

30 

Pauls  conversion    .      . 

1       30 

35-36 

33 

34 

Second   visit    to  Jeru- 

salem       .      .      .      . 

44 

46 

46 

45 

First  Journey    .      .      . 

45 

47 

47 

48 

Council  at  Jerusalem  . 

47 

49 

60 

51 

Arrival  at  Corinth  .      . 

48 

50 

51 

62 

Tliird  Journey  .      .      . 

50 

52 

53 

64 

Arrest  (Pentecost)  .      . 

54 

56 

57 

68 

Arrival  at  Romp     . 

57 

59 

60 

61 

Death 

64 

64-65 

65 

67 

Peter's  martyrdom 

64 

64-05 

80 

64 

ROMAX  E>rPERORS  (f/.  p.  012), 
Dntr  of  Accession. 
Augustus  ....  ;51  B.C.  (Battle  of  Actium. — 
IronseusandEuse- 
bius  date  the  ac- 
cession from  the 
death  of  Juhus 
Cicear,  44  B.C.) 

Tiberius A.D.  14 

Caligula „    37 

Claudius ,,41  (Jews  expelled  from 

Rome,  44.) 

Nero !,    54  (Fire  at  Rome  and 

persecution  of 
Christians,  64. 
Outbreak  of  Jew- 
ish War,  66.) 
68-69  (Period  of  civil  strife.) 
69  (Fall    of    Joi-usalem. 

70.) 
79 


Galba,  Otho,  Vitellius   a.d. 
Vespasian        

Titus 


Doniitian 


Nerva 

Trajan     .     . 
Hadrian  .      .      . 
Antoninus  Pius  . 
Marcus  AureUus 


81  (Persecutions  in 
Rome  and  Asia 
Minor,  93-96.) 


117 
138 
161 


RXTLEKS   OF  JUD.EA.' 

Herod  the  Groat,  Icing  . 
Archelaus,  ethnarch 
Procurators  :  Copouius 

Marcus  Ambivius 

Annius  Rufus 

Valerius  Gratus  . 

Pontius  Pilate 

Marcellus 

Marullus  , 
Herod  Agrippa  I.,  king       .      . 
Procurators  :  Cuspius  Fadus    . 

Tiberius  Alexander 

Cumanus 

Antonius  Felix    . 

Fortius  Festus    . 

Albinus    . 

Gessius  Florus    . 
Fall  of  Jerusalem      .... 


37-4  B.C. 

4  B.C.-A.D. 

A.D.  6-  9 
„  9-12 
„  12-15 
.,  15-26 
„  26-36 
„  36-37 
„  37-^1 
„     41-44 


46-^8 

48-52 

52-58  (?) 

58  (?)-61 

61-65 

65-66 

70 

Literature. — In  addition  to  ^he  ancient  authorities 
cited  in  the  discus.sion,  see  Tmner,  art.  "Chronology 
of  NT  "  in  HDB,  "  NT  Chronology  "  in  EB  ;  Hitch- 
cock, art.  "Dates'"  in  DCG  ;  Zenos,  art.  "Dates" 
in  DAC ;  Maclean,  art.  "  Chronology  of  NT "  in 
HSDB  ;  Von  Soden,  art.  "  Chronology  (NT)  "  in  FBi ; 
Wieseler,  Chronol.  Si/nof.s.  der  EiYing.  and  Chron.  des 
Zeitalters;    W.  M.  Ramsay's  books;   Harnack, 


Chron.  der  altchristl.  Lilt.;    0.  Holtzmann,  NT  Zeit- 
rjeschichle-,  pp.  117-147. 

'  Several  of  the  dates  are  to  be  taken  as  approximations  only. 
Our  chief  authority  is  Josephus. 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLE  OF  THE  HERODS. 


Antipater, 
Governor  of  Idumaea 

I 

Antipater, 

Procurator  of  JudsBa,  d.  33  B.C. 

Herod  the  Great,  d.  4  B.C., 
married  five  women,  had  ten  children,  including 


Amstobulus. 


Alexander 
(whose  descend- 
ants were  kings 

of  Armenia). 


Herod  Phiijp, 

m.  Herodias, 

who  divorced 

him. 


Salome. 


\ 

Archet,aus, 

king  of  JudaMi 

4  B.C.,  deposed 

a.d.  6. 


Herod  Antipa.s, 

tetrarch  of 

Galilee  and 

Peraja, 

m.  (1)  daughter 

of  Aretas, 

(2)  Herodias. 


Pmup, 
tetrarch  of 

Ituroea, 
m.  Salome. 


Herod  Aorippa, 
d.  A.D.  44 
(Ac.  12). 

I 
Herod  Aorippa  II. 
(Ac.  20). 


Herodias, 
m.(\)  Herod  Philip, 
(2)  Herod  Antipas. 


Herod, 
king  of  Chalcis. 


I 
Bebhnice. 


Drusilla  , 
m.  (2)  Felix  (Ac.  24). 


THE  CHRONOLOGY   OF   THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


657 


The  following  table  is  based  on  that  given  in  Mofifatt,  INT,  xviff.  ;   c/.  Moffatt,  Historical  NT,  79£E.      It  will  be 
undeistood  that  in  the  second  and  fourth  columns  the  dates  are  often  only  approximate  or  even  conjectural. 


Roman  History. 

Jewish  and  Christian 
History. 

Pagan  Literature. 

1 
Jewish  and  Christian 
Literature. 

Gb.c. 

Birth  of  Jesus 

1 

4  B.C. 

Birth  of  Seneca 

Death  of  Herod  the  Great 
Herod  Antiims  to  a.d.  39 

A.D.     6 

Phihp  tetrarch  to  a.d.  34 

... 

Census  of  Quiririius 

Revolt  of  Zealots  under 

Judas 
Annas  high-priest  to  15 

... 

Aseumptio  Mosis 

... 

... 

Slavonic  Enoch  (1-50) 

14 

Accession  of  Tiberius 

... 

18 

Caiaphas  high- priest  to  36 

26 

Pilate    procurator    of 
Judyea 

Preaching    of    Jolm    tiie 

Baptist 
Baptism  of  Jesus 

... 

... 

27 

29 

... 

Crucifixion  of  Jesus 

... 

30  or  35 

Conversion  of  Paul 

... 

37 

Accession  of  Caligula 

Birth  of  Josephus 

38 

Jews  persecuted  in  Alex- 
andria 

... 

41 

Accession  of  Claudius 

... 

... 

44 

Roman?  in  Britain 

Revolt  of  Theudas 

Senera  flor.  {d.  65). 

Fhilo  flor. '(b.  20  B.C.) 

46 

Galatlans. 

49 

1  and  2  Thessalonlans 

60 

... 

Jews  banished  from  Rome 

... 

52 

FeUx     procurator     of 

Judaea 
Accession  of  Nero 

Agrippa  II.  (50-100) 

Persius  yZor.  (34-62) 

1    and    2   Corinthians 

(52-54) 

54 

Petronius  Arbiter 

56 

Arrest  of  Paiil 

Romans 

58 

Festus    procurator    of 
Judjea 

?  James 

59 

Paul  in  Rome 

... 

... 

60 

... 

... 

Colossians,     Philemon, 
Ephesians(7),  Phlllp- 
pians 

62 

James  of  Jerusalem  died 

64 

Burning  of  Rome  and 
Persecution  of  Chris- 
tians 

Death  of  Paul  and 

Peter  (?) 

... 

1  Peter 

66 

Revolt  of  Boadicea  in 

Britain 
Revolt     of     Jews     in 

Palestine 

:: 

: 

69 

... 

Birth  of  Polycarp 

... 

... 

70 

Judfea  a  separate  pro- 
vince 

Fall  of  Jerusalem 
Abolition  of  Sanhedrin 

Marl! 

75 

Epictolus  in  Rome 
C-olosseum  building 

Pliny,  Natural  History 

Josephus.  Wars  of  Jews 

79 

Accession  of  Titus 
Destruction  of  Pompeii 
and  Herculaneum 

80 

... 

... 

Matthew 
Hebrews 

81 

Accession  of  Domitian 
Agricola  in  Britain 

Rabbinic       School       at 
Jamnia 

Gospel  ace.  to  Hebrews 

Jude 

4  Eedras 

9<) 

Severity  towards  Jews 
and  Christian.s 

Synod    of    Jamnia;    OT 

Martial 

Canon 

Juvenal 

Epictetus  at  Nico polls 

93 

John       the       Presbyter 
(Epheeus) 

Plutarch  ^or.  (48-120) 

Josephus,  Anliquities 

94 

I'hilosophers    expelled 
from  Rome 

... 

Quintilian 

Tacitus.  Agricola 

658 


THE   CHRONOLOGY   OF   THE   NEW    TESTAMENT 
Table  {continued). 


Roman  Hi'ifory. 

Jewish  and  Christian 
History. 

Pagan  Literature. 

Jewish  and  Christian, 
Literature. 

96 

Accession  of  Ncrva 

Cerinthus 

... 

Revelation 

Clement  of  Rome,  Ep. 

to  Corinth 
Luke  and  Acts  (?  c.  85) 

98 

Accession  of  Trajan 

•  •• 

... 

100-115 

Plinys  correspondence 

Martyrdom    of    Symcon 

Tacitus,  Hisi.  (100) 

John,  1  John 

with       Trajan       on 

(107) 

Tacitus,  Annals  {115) 

Pastoral    Epistles    (in 

Christians  in  Bithy- 

present  form) 

nia(ll2) 

?  James 

Jews  revolt  in  Cyrene, 

Martyrdom    of    Ignatius 

Pliny,  jr..  Letters 

2  and  3  John 

Cyprus,  etc.  (113) 

(115) 

Gnostic  Lit.  begins 
Ascensio  Isaia  (part) 
Book  of  Elrai  {1) 
DidachS 
'   Gospel  of  Egyptians 
Roman  Symbol 

117 

Accession  of  Hadrian 

Jews  revolt  in  Palestine 
Birth  of  Irenaeus 

Ep.  of  Polycarp 
Ebionite    Go-ip.   of    the 

Twelve 

120ff.  j  Hadrian's  Rescrint 

BnsiHdes  in  Alexandria 

Suetonius 

Quadratus,  Apology 

1  Wars  with   Picts   and 

Aquila's  version  of  OT 

;       Scots 

Preaching  of  Peter 

Sibyll.  Or.,y.  1-51  (?) 

130 

... 

Epistle  of  Barnabas 

13.T 

Insurrection  of  Bar- 
Cochba 

Papias,    Exposition    of 

Dominical  Sayings 
Hermas,  The  Shepherd 

140 

Antoninus  Pius  (138- 
161) 

Marcion  in  Rome 

Epistle  to  Diognetus,  i.-x 
Aiistidee,  Apology 
2  CUment 

150 

Marcus    Aurelius    co- 

Marcion's  Canon 

Apocalypse  of  Peter 

regent  (147-161) 

Irenreus,    Tatian,    and 
Hegesippus  in  Rome 

2  Peter 

150-5 

Martyrdom   of  Polycarp 

... 

;  Tatian  :  Oratio  ad  Qrca- 

(155) 

<      cos 

1 

Rii»e  of  Montanism 

... 

Justin,  Apology;  Dia- 
logue with  Trypho 

Gospel  of  Peter 

i 

THE   LIFE   AND   TEACHING   OF   JESUS 


By  Mr.  H.  G.  WOOD 


The  results  of  critical  study  of  the  records  conceru- 
ing  Jesus  have  often  been  represented  as  largely 
negative.  The  issue  is  said  to  be  a  fresh  sense  alike 
of  the  fragmentary  character  of  our  information  and 
of  the  strangeness  of  the  figure  of  Jesus  Himself. 
To-day  we  realise  that  the  life  of  Jesus  can  never 
be  written.  The  material  is  wanting.  Neither  in 
quaUty  nor  in  extent  do  the  gospels  satisfy  the  re- 
quirements of  a  modern  biographer.  At  best  they 
offer  us  certain  memorabilia  of  the  public  ministry 
of  Jesus,  hardly  adequate  to  construct  the  story  of 
the  year  or  years  during  which  He  evangeUsed  His 
people,  and  barely  sufficing  to  mirror  the  chief  features 
of  His  message.  Where  the  modem  mind  is  most 
curious,  the  gospels  seem  to  be  least  communicative. 
Men  would  fain  enter  into  the  secret  of  the  inner  life 
of  Jesus,  unravel  the  mystery  of  His  growth  up  till 
the  time  of  His  showing  unto  Israel,  and  trace  yet 
further  the  development  of  innermost  convictions 
which  conditioned  His  activity  as  a  prophet.  But 
the  facts  that  the  gospels  tell  us  little  or  nothing  of 
the  early  hfe  of  Jesus,  and  that  almost  every  story 
consists  of  a  simple  record  of  outward  act  and  utter- 
ance, with  few  liints  as  to  inward  feeling  or  historical 
setting,  seem  at  firat  sight  to  defeat  these  hopes  of 
analysmg  motive  and  tracing  growth.  It  is  indeed 
only  within  narrow  hmits  that  any  such  hopes  may 
be  realised.  For  the  secret  of  Jesus  belongs  to  Himself 
and  to  them  that  love  Him,  and  even  His  loved  ones 
are  not  in  complete  possession  of  that  holy  mind. 

The  narratives  of  the  first  and  third  evangeUsts 
regarding  the  birth  of  Jesus  help  us  but  little  to 
interpret  His  history.  Apart  from  the  suspicion  that 
they  are  later  legendary  additions  framed  to  answer 
questions  with  which  the  earhest  accounts  of  Jesus 
were  not  concerned,  they  do  not  serve  to  explain, 
except  indirectly,  the  circumstances  under  which 
Jesus  entered  on  His  muiistry.  Luke's  account  of 
His  visit  to  Jerusalem  when  He  was  twelve  years  old 
is  more  valuable  for  this  purpose,  as  it  shows  us  Jesus 
conscious  of  His  filial  relation  to  God  even  in  boyhood. 
But  even  in  that  incident  the  return  to  Nazareth  and 
the  subsequent  life  in  obedience  to  His  parents  are 
not  the  least  significant  features. 

Jesus  was  brought  up  in  Nazareth  of  GaUlee,  and 
it  is  possible  to  reconstruct  with  some  confidence  the 
environment  in  which  the  first  thirty  years  of  His  hfe 
were  spent.  Nazareth  (p.  29)  itself  seems  to  have  been 
a  busy  httle  town  of  some  15.000  uihabitants.  It  was 
by  no  means  out  of  the  world.  One  of  the  roads  by 
which  merchant  caravans  passed  from  Damascus  to 
Philistia  and  Egypt  wound  round  the  foot  of  the  hill 
on  which  Nazarc^th  stood,  while  the  neighbouring  hills 
to  the  south  offered  a  view  of  a  stretch  of  country 
rich  in  memories  of  the  history  of  Israel.  The 
same  hills  would  enable  a  boy  to  watch  companies 
of  pilgrims  journeying  to  and  from   Jerusalem,   and 


from  the  liilla  to  the  north  the  varied  traffic  of  an 
imperial  highway  came  under  observation.^  Is  it 
hazardous  to  suggest  that  the  references  which  Jesus 
makes  to  the  Gentiles  reflect  the  impressions  of  his 
boyhood  ?  As  a  boy  He  watched  the  representatives 
of  the  great  outside  world  hunying  past  on  the  main 
roads  near  Nazareth.  What  are  tney  seeking  ?  Two 
characteristics  of  the  Gentiles  would  be  early  dia- 
oovered — their  preoccupation  with  commerce  and 
their  standard  of  greatness.  The  mei-chant  caravans 
betray  the  anxious  thought  about  the  morrow,  which 
sets  men  seeking  after  things  to  eat  and  drink  and 
clothes  to  wear.  Imperial  dignitaries,  or  a  suitor  for 
a  kingdom  like  Archelaus,  posting  along  the  highway, 
are  typical  of  the  great  ones  among  the  Gentiles,  who 
lord  it  over  them.  The  first  impressions  of  that 
outside  world,  with  its  commercialism  and  its  imperial- 
ism, would  be  conveyed  to  Jesus  by  all  that  He  saw 
on  the  great  roads. 

Scattered  hints  in  the  gospels  afford  some  idea  of 
the  conditions  of  home-fife  in  Nazareth.  In  the 
parable  of  the  Importunate  Friend  (Lk.  Hsf-)  the 
householder  whose  slumbers  are  disturbed  does  not 
need  to  rise  to  answer  the  door.  He  conducts  a 
conversation  with  his  neighbour  from  the  bed  which 
he  shares  with  his  children.  This  is  not  a  large  house, 
and  its  furniture  is  simple.  After  dark,  one  lamp 
rightly  placed,  suffices  to  give  light  to  all  in  the  kind 
of  house  in  which  Jesus  lived.  The  streets  and  market- 
place in  which  the  children  play  their  games  of  pre- 
tence bj'  day  (now  marriages  and  now  funerals  engag- 
ing their  attention)  become  the  outer  darkness  when 
night  falls  ;  for  there  are  no  windows  through  which 
the  lamps  sliine,  and  no  street  fighting.  If  you  are 
without  you  must  carry  your  own  lamp,  and  woe 
betide  you  if  you  forget  the  oil.  The  familiar  contrast 
of  the  outer  daikness  and  the  lighted  home  imaged 
for  Jesus  the  contrast  between  gaining  and  losing  the 
Kingdom. 

The  domestic  economy  apparent  in  the  parable  of 
the  Importunate  Friend  must  fikewise  have  been 
familiar  to  Jesus.  He  fived  among  people  who  had 
no  great  margin,  whose  supply  of  dailv  bread,  baked 
at  home,  did  not  suffice  to  cover  sudden  additional 
calls.  They  were  not  poor,  if  the  word  '"poor" 
suggests  slum-poverty  to  us.  But  they  were  people 
who  did  not  always  find  it  easy  to  make  ends 
meet,  who  know  what  it  was  to  be  anxious  about 
the  morrow  and  wonder  where  to-morrow's  bread 
was  coming  from.  It  may  perhaps  be  suggested 
that  when  Jesus  speaks  of  the  difficulty  of  sewing 
patches  of  new  clotii  on  to  old  and  worn-out  garments 
the  illustration  is  homely  in  the  sense  that  the  fact 
had  been  appreciated  in  Kin  own  home  in  Nazareth  * 
If  Jo.seph  died  as  Jesus  was  coming  to  m.Tnhood,  and 

»  G.  Adam  Smith,  Hiit.  Oeog.  ofihelloly  Land.  pp.  433f. 

»  Cf.  T.  R.  Glover,  Cmflitt  oflieUgums,  p.  121. 


659 


660 


THE   LIFE   AND   TEACHING   OF   JESUS 


while  Hifl  brolhers  and  siatcra  were  still  young,  Jesua 
Himself,  wo  must  suppose,  became  the  chief  wage- 
earner  and  shared  witn  Mary  the  cares  of  the  house- 
hold. He  certainly  watched  the  leaven  at  work  in 
the  meal  when  she  made  the  bread,  and  He  may  well 
have  rejoiced  with  His  mother  over  the  successful 
search  for  a  lost  coin.  A  carpenter  in  Na7.areth  would 
come  into  direct  contact  with  the  daily  labours  and 
domestic  Ufe  of  his  neighbours.  He  would  make 
yokes  and  ploughs  for  peasant-farmers,  and  domestic 
utensils  for  diverse  homes.  This  would  result  in  a 
natural  understanding  of  the  problems  of  simple  homes 
and  trad(^s. 

Not  all  the  neighbours  of  Jesus  belonged  to  the 
poorer  classes.  He  would  know  by  report  at  least 
the  local  manor-house,  where  the  great  householder 
lived  with  his  retinue  of  slaves.  There  were  many 
rich  fools  in  GaUlee  whose  liighcst  wisdom  expres.sed 
itself  in  building  larger  barns — a  vanity  from  which 
the  fowls  of  the  air  are  free.  The  conditions  of  life 
in  the  households  of  these  rich  men  are  also  famihar. 
When  the  master  goes  out  to  feast  with  Dives  and 
stays  late,  the  slaves  must  wait  and  watch  for  his 
return  :  when  he  sets  out  on  a  journey  he  entrusts 
his  property  to  his  slaves  and  looks  to  receive  his  own 
back  with  interest.  The  slaves  themselves  differ  in 
rank  and  character.  Some  are  in  positions  of  re- 
sponsibility :  they  act  as  bailiffs  and  factors  and  control 
thoir  fellow-servants.  Some  receive  many  talents ; 
others  only  one.  When  they  are  in  fault  they  must 
throw  themselves  on  the  mercy  of  their  lord,  and 
those  who  most  need  mercy  arc  not  always  most  ready 
to  show  it.  Those  who  have  been  most  closely 
associated  in  daily  work  and  life — men-servants  who 
share  the  same  bed,  or  women  who  grind  at  the  same 
mill — will  be  found  to  be  separated  in  character  and 
fate.  The  life  of  the  slave  class  provides  Jesus  with 
many  a  parable. 

It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  particulars  of  the 
social  backgromid  revealed  in  the  teaching  of  Jesus,^ 
but  perhaps  v.hat  has  been  written  in  the  previous 
paragiaph.s  suffices  to  bring  out  the  form  in  which 
the  contra.^t  of  rich  and  poor  was  presented  to  the 
mind  of  Jesus,  and  also  to  recall  the  fact  that  Galilee 
was  the  pnnnnce  in  which  Jews  came  into  most  frequent 
contact  with  Gentiles.  Tt  is  not  so  easy  to  give  a 
satisfactory  picture  of  the  condition  of  religious  and 
poUtical  thought  and  feeling  in  GaUlee  in  the  time 
of  Jesus. 

The  Galileans  seem  on  the  whole  to  have  been  less 
gloomy  and  less  fanatical  than  the  Judioans.  The 
facts  that  they  dwelt  in  a  fair  and  pleasant  land,  that 
they    were    prosperous,    and    that    the    Roman    yoke 

Ercfi,sed  but  lightly  on  them,  as  there  was  a  Jewish 
ing  in  Galilee  when  Pontius  Pilate  was  governor  in 
Judaea,  combined  to  make  the  Galila?an8  more  contented 
than  their  fellow-citi/ens  in  the  south.  And  yet  it 
was  in  Galilee  that  the  Zealot  movement  had  its  rise 
and  its  greatest  influence.  Perhaps  their  wealth 
itself  and  their  natural  desire  to  assert  their  patriot- 
ism eventually  drove  them  in  the  Zealot  direction. 
They  could  provide  the  means  for  war  ;  they  possessed 
at  once  the  wealth,  the  industry,  and  the  courage  ; 
and,  therefore,  many  even  during  the  boyhood  of 
Jesus  were  looking  to  armed  revolt  as  the  method 
of  realising  Gods  Kingdom,  while  in  the  last  crisis 
GaUlee  proved  the  strength  of  the  insurrection.  They 
might  be  the  more  inclined  to  seek  salvation  by  the 
sword,  as  it  was  diflicult  for  them  to  fulfil  the  Pharisaic 

'  For  this  topic  consult  Wdnol,  DieGleichnisse  Jcsu,  ]>.  7."> ;  T.  R. 
Glover,  The  Jetus  of  JlUlory,  ch.  ii. 


ideal  of  bringing  in  the  Kingdom  through  keeping  the 
Law.  The  presence  of  numerous  Gentiles  helped 
to  put  the  highest  standard  of  legal  orthodoxy  out 
of  reach  of  the  Galiljean.  Moreover,  contact  with 
Gentiles  inclined  many  Galilaean  Jews  towards  a  laxwr 
view  of  the  claims  of  the  Law.  The  favourable 
attitude  of  the  Jewish  elders  towards  the  centurion 
whose  case  they  commended  to  Jesus  (Lk.  Izi.)  can 
hardly  have  been  an  isolated  example  of  the  good 
feeling  which  must  often  have  prevailed  between 
Jews  and  Gentiles  in  Galilee.  Many  GaUlseans  would 
endorse  the  position  of  enUghtened  Jews  of  the  Dis- 
persion who  strove  to  commend  their  religion  to  God- 
fearing Gentiles.  For  aU  this  seeming  laxity  Judaea 
despised  Galilee.  This  people  with  lax  reUgion  and 
a  bad  accent  were  clearly  under  a  curse  (Jn.  74 g, 
Mt.  2673).  From  among  them  no  prophet  would 
arise  (Jn.  741,52).'  The  GaUUeans  must  have  resented 
this,  and  possibly  their  poUtical  enthusiasms  as  Hero- 
dians  or  as  Zealots  were  the  stronger  in  consequence. 

However  this  may  be,  Jesus  grew  to  manhood  at  a 
time  when  Messianic  speculations  were  many  and 
various.  Some  looked  for  the  coming  of  the  Kingdom 
through  war,  others  through  the  perfect  observance 
of  the  Law.  Yet  others  were  busy  with  discussiona 
of  times  and  seasons.  They  held  that  the  Kingdom 
would  come  only  through  some  supernatural  inter- 
vention, so  they  studied  apocalyptic  lorecaste,  and  set 
in  order  the  scenes  of  the  last  great  act  in  the  human 
drama.  (See  article  on  "  Apocalvptic  Literature.") 
It  must  not,  however,  be  supposed  that  the  apoca- 
lyptic literature  current  in  the  time  of  our  Lord 
was  mainly  concerned  with  the  interpretation  of 
visions  and  symbols.  This  Uterature  must  rather  be 
regarded  as  the  refuge  of  the  mystic  from  the  pressure 
of  legaUsm.  Under  the  aegis  of  great  names  from  the 
past,  like  Enoch  ana  Moses,  men  secured  Uberty  to 
develop  their  thoughts  as  to  the  Kingdom  of  God 
and  His  Christ.  In  some  of  these  writings  the  hope 
of  immortality  and  the  duty  of  forgiveness  attained 
clearer  expression  than  they  ever  reached  in  the  OT. 
There  seems  to  have  been  in  Galilee  in  the  second 
century  B.C.  a  deep  spiritual  religious  life,  and  GaUlee 
continued  to  be  "the  land  of  the  reUgious  mystic 
and  seer,"  the  abode  of  the  less  riL'id  school  of  Pharisa- 
ism, when  Jesus  and  His  disciples  were  preaching 
the  Kingdom.*  And  whether  they  went  far  into 
apocalyptic  writings  or  not.  many  Galilaeana  were 
waiting  for  the  consolation  of  Israel,  and  were  con- 
vinced that  only  a  new  apocalypse,  a  fresh  revelation 
of  God.  would  meet  their  need.  God  must  visit  and 
redeem  His  people.  Such  men  and  women  felt  them- 
selves to  be  in  the  position  of  the  poor  in  the  Psalms. 
They  would  not  put  their  trust  in  princes,  nor  yet 
in  horses  and  chariots.  They  could  not  hope  to 
win  the  fulfilment  of  God's  promise  by  thoir  own  fulfil- 
ment of  the  Law.  The}'  hungered  and  thirsted  after 
righteousness,  but  they  were  too  conscious  of  their 
failure  to  expect  to  earn  a  reward.  Unleas  God  still 
heard  the  poor  man  when  he  cried,  (hero  was  no  hope 
for  Israel.*  Among  the  poor  in  spirit  Jesus  would 
lind  this  yearning  after  a  new  revelation  of  God  (see 
further  p".  037,  and  the  article  on  "  Contemporary 
Jewi.sh  ReUgion  "). 

In  His  home  and  in  the  synagogue  with  its  school. 

'  Nathaiiael's  question  in  .Tn.  I46  may  imply,  not  that  Naiareth 
wua  a  town  of  peculiarly  bad  morals,  but  that  being  in  Galilee  it 
couUi  not  produce  the  Christ. 

«  ^00  Charles,  lieligtous  Devtlopmrnt  bftvcen  the  Old  and  the  Neto 
Testatnenu,  fsp.  pp.  166f. 

•  See  Sanday,  Outlines  oflht  Life  of  Ctirist,  pp.  2i'f. 


THE  LIFE  AND   TEACHING  OF   JESUS 


661 


Jesus  would  become  familiar  with  the  religious  tradi- 
tion of  His  people.  He  never  received  the  education 
of  a  scribe,  the  kind  of  training  which  moulded  the 
mind  of  Paul  (]VIk.  62,  Jn.  7 15).  He  handled  the 
Scriptures  with  a  freedom  which  distressed  the  biblio- 
laters of  Hia  day,  and  yet  the  OT  was  to  Him  the 
word  of  God.  If  we  may  judge  from  direct  quotations 
attributed  to  Jesus,  Isaiah  among  the  prophets  and 
Deuteronomy  among  the  law-books  most  influenced 
Him,  and  the  next  place  might  be  assigned  to  certain 
of  the  Psalms  and  some  passages  in  Daniel.  Jesus 
foimd  in  the  OT  the  anticipation,  if  not  the  interpreta- 
tion, of  His  own  experience,  and  to  it  Ho  turned  in 
the  crises  of  His  hfe.  The  revelation  at  the  baptism 
came  to  Him  clothed  in  the  words  of  Ps.  2  and  Is.  42. 
With  passages  from  Deuteronomy  He  met  and  foiled  each 
temptation.  In  the  hght  of  the  concluding  chapters  of 
Malachi  He  interpreted  the  significance  of  John  the 
Baptist.  The  well-known  prophecy  of  Zechariah  may 
have  suggested  the  triumphal  entry  into  Jerusalem. 
In  Isaiah  and  in  Ps.  118  Jesus  found  the  clue  to  the 
failure  of  His  people  to  receive  Him.  Is.  53  probably 
sustained  His  conviction  that  His  death  would  be  a 
ransom  for  many.  The  language  of  the  Pss.  expressed 
His  last  thoughts  upon  the  Cross.  The  mind  of  the 
Christ  was  clearly  at  home  in  the  OT. 

With  regard  to  the  apocalyptic  writings  (p.  431  ) 
the  case  is  not  so  clear ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  resist  the 
conclusion  that  at  least  the  Book  of  Enoch  and  the 
Testaments  of  the  XII.  Patriarchs  must  be  ranked 
among  the  books  which  influenced  our  Lord  as  well 
as  His  apostles.  Where  in  the  gospels  the  title  "  Son 
of  Man  '  is  clearly  Messianic,  and  the  Son  of  Man  is 
endowed  with  supernatural  attributes,  it  is  difficult 
to  deny  the  influence  of  the  Book  of  Enoch  as  well 
as  of  Dan.  713.  The  picture  of  the  last  judgment  in 
Mt.  25,  as  well  as  the  conception  of  Gehenna,  seems 
also  to  reflect  the  teaching  embodied  in  Enoch.  The 
biinging  together  of  the  two  great  commandments, 
and  the  teaching  about  forgiveness  in  the  Sermon  on 
the  Mount,  are  apparently  anticipated  in  the  Testa- 
ments of  the  XII  Patriarchs.^  Whether  or  no  there 
is  direct  Uterary  dependence,  it  is  clear  that  Jesus 
accepted  in  some  important  particulars  the  language 
and  thought  of  a  circle  which  had  been  influenced 
by  these  apocalyptic  writings.  At  the  same  time  we 
must  beware  of  speaking  as  if  Jesus  were  dependent 
on  literary  sources  for  inspiration.  His  teaching 
cannot  be  constructed  out  of  quotations :  it  is  no 
mere  echo  of  earlier  writers.  With  the  possible  ex- 
ception of  the  entry  into  Jerusalem  on  an  ass,  His 
attitude  and  His  conduct  never  seem  to  be  deter- 
mined by  preoccupation  with  a  particular  passage 
of  Scripture.  That  the  successive  phases  of  the 
miiustry  of  Jesus  were  guided  by  some  established 
system  of  eschatological  development,  as  Schweitzer 
apparently  believes,  seems  to  me  a  fanciful  theory. 
So  far  as  I  can  judge,  there  is  no  such  dependence 
on  a  literary  tradition  to  be  traced  in  the  story  of 
Jesus.  That  His  hfe  in  God  was  nourished  by  the 
OT  and  by  apocalyptiq  books  is  true,  but  His  life  is 
still  His  own. 

In  the  fifteenth  year  of  Tiberius  {i.e.  a.d.  26  or  27  ; 
cf.  p.  652).  John  the  Baptist  began  his  ministry.  In  out- 
ward appearance  and  in  spirit  he  seemed  to  the  people 
to  resemble  Elijah.  The  burden  of  his  message  was  a 
call  to  repentance — national  repentance.      This  sum- 

>  See  Charles,  Testament  of  the  XII  Patriarchs,  pp.  xcllff.,  Apocry- 
pha and  Pseud epigrap ha,  vol.  ii.  pp.  2U2f.,  Heligious  Development, 
pp.  153-8. 


mons  he  addressed  to  the  whole  people,  including 
their  leaders.  The  severe  asceticism  in  food  and  dress 
which  he  practised,  itself  served  to  set  forth  the  fast- 
ing which  should  accompany  repentance.  The  call  to 
repent  was  urgent,  because  John  thought  the  Kingdom 
of  God  was  about  to  come,  and  it  would  come  in  a 
revelation  of  wrath,  a  fire  of  judgment.  Messiah 
Himself  could  not  be  far  off,  and  He  would  appear 
suddenly  among  His  people  as  their  judge.  All  who 
hoped  to  stand  before  Him  must  repent,  and  prove 
the  genuineness  of  their  repentance  by  receiving 
baptism — a  rite  which  would  serve  both  as  a  pledge 
of  forgiveness  and  as  a  sign  of  a  complete  break  with 
the  past.  John  does  not  seem  to  have  set  up  any  new 
standards  of  conduct.  He  demanded  a  more  rigid 
adherence  to  recognised  moral  laws.  He  called  for 
charity  and  for  simple  honesty.  Josephus  and  the 
gospels  agree  as  to  the  wide  popular  influence  that 
John  exerted.  His  message  roused  the  nation,  though 
he  wrought  no  miracle  to  attest  his  prophetic  claim. 
The  people  were  thrilled,  because  here  at  last  they  felt 
they  were  in  the  presence  of  a  man  sent  from  God. 

The  profound  impression  made  by  John  the  Baptist 
can  be  understood  only  when  we  recall  the  long  period 
that  had  supervened  since  the  last  of  the  recognised 
prophets.  The  whole  development  of  Judaism  had 
tended  to  perpetuate  the  suence  of  the  prophets. 
"  From  the  time  of  Ezra  the  Law  not  only  assumed 
the  functions  of  the  ancient  pre-exiUc  prophets,  but 
also  so  far  as  lay  in  its  power  made  the  revival  of  such 
prophecy  an  impossibihty."  Pseudonymous  apoca- 
lypses were  the  natural  literary  foim  of  the  period 
between  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  because  no 
one  dared  speak  in  his  own  name.  "  Anyone  who 
like  the  ancient  order  of  prophets  appeared  personaUy 
before  the  people  as  a  representative  of  God,  inde- 
pendent of  traditional  law  or  ordinance,  was  practically 
regarded  as  an  impostor."  1  Now  John  the  Baptist 
did  thus  appear  like  one  of  the  old  prophets,  and  the 
people  responded,  though  their  leaders  were  naturally 
perplexed  and  felt  as  if  they  had  lost  their  bearings. 

Among  the  many  Gahl^ans  who  flocked  to  John's 
baptism,  came  Jesus  from  Nazareth.  The  thirty  ob- 
scure years  were  ended,  and  He  was  about  to  enter  on 
a  new  way  of  hfe.  Why  did  He  seek  baptism  ?  Did  Ho 
need  to  repent  ?  The  first  evangehst  evidently  felt  that 
the  baptism  of  Jesus  created  a  difficulty,  since  it  seemed 
to  cast  doubt  on  His  sinlessness,  but  the  scruple  of 
John  and  the  answer  of  Jesus  (Mt.  3i4f .)  do  not  explain 
the  motive  of  Jesus  in  coming  to  John.  When  the 
Gospel  of  the  Hebrews  suggests  that  His  relatives 
persuaded  Him  to  be  baptized,  the  explanation  is  fuller 
but  less  convincing.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  question  of  His  own  sinlessness  entered  into 
the  mind  of  Jesus  or  His  friends  at  the  time  of  the 
baptism.  The  baptism  of  Jesus  ia  His  identification 
of  Himself  with  the  sinful  people  whom  He  came  to 
save.  His  sharing  in  the  national  response  to  John's 
appeal  meant  that  He  too,  like  the  common  people, 
believed  John  to  be  a  genuine  prophet,  beUeved  the 
Kingdom  to  bo  at  hand,  and  beUeved  the  whole  nation 
to  be  in  need  of  repentance.  In  taking  up  this  attitude 
Jesus  entered  on  the  path  which  led  to  a  breach  with 
the  religious  leaders  of  His  people.  He  was  com- 
mitting Himself  to  the  quarrel  with  Piiariscea  and 
Sadducees. 

Jesus  then  came  to  John  to  be  baptized,  and  at  His 

baptism  He  received  a  vision  and  heard  a  voice  from 

heaven,  "Thou   art  my  beloved   son:    in  thee  am  1 

well  pleased."     The  later  evangelists  tend  to  emphasize 

"  Charles,  Religious  Development,  VV-  39-11. 


662 


THE  LIFE  AND  TEACHING   OF  JESUS 


the  objective  character  of  the  vision,  and  to  the  fourth 
evangelist  it  ia  ?implv  an  outward  sign  granted  to  John 
the  Baptist  to  enable  him  to  cli«tinguish  the  Messiah. 
But  the  primary  importance  of  the  vision  was  for  Jesus 
Himself.  It  is  naturally  interpreted  as  implying  the 
full  development  of  the  Messianic  consciousness  in 
Jesus.  In  the  baptism  it  was  revealed  to  Him  that 
He  was  the  Coming  One  of  whom  John  spoke,  He 
was  destined  to  be  the  Christ.  The  attempt  to  find 
the  signiticance  of  the  baptism  in  the  growth  of  a 
sense  of  8onship  which  is  still  not  distinctively  Messianic 
seems  to  do  loss  than  justice  to  the  incident,  as  it  compels 
us  to  surrender  the  Messianic  character  of  the  story 
of  the  Temptation,  and  fails  to  explain  how  the  filial 
consciousness  of  Jesus  stood  in  relation  to  the  ministry 
of  John  the  Baptist.  Jesus  felt  Himself  compelled  to 
take  some  part  in  the  work  of  the  Kingdom  of  God, 
and  it  was  not  that  of  a  simple  herald  like  John  the 
Baptist.  For  had  He  been  called  merely  to  repeat 
Johns  message  He  would  never  have  been  driven 
into  the  wilderness  by  the  overwhehning  nature  of 
the  call  of  God.  The  vision  marked  out  Jesus  for 
an  isolation  among  men  which  was  to  endure  more 
than  the  forty  days  in  the  desoit.  He  knew  Himself 
to  be  greater  and  other  than  John  the  Baptist. 

The  Temptations  all  arise  in  connexion  with  the 
fulfilment  of  the  Messianic  oflice.  As  the  Christ, 
Jesus  is  conscious  of  possessing  certain  Divine  powers. 
How  are  these  powers  to  be  used,  and  how  will  the 
recognition  of  His  Messiahship  bo  secured  ?  In  the 
first  temptation  He  meets  the  natural  desiie  to  satisfy 
His  own  immediate  needs  by  the  exercise  of  Divine 
prerogatives.  Miracle  presents  itself  as  a  tempting 
short-cut  to  the  solution  of  a  commonplace  economic 
problem.  But  Jesus  may  not  use  His  power  either 
to  satisfy  His  own  material  needs  or  to  provide  easy 
solutions  for  the  practical  diihcuhies  which  He  will 
have  to  face  in  the  course  of  His  ministry.  If  we  follow 
Mt.'a  order,  the  second  temptation  turns  on  the  sug- 
gestion that  a  power  which  may  not  be  used  for  personal 
ends  may  legitimately  be  exerted  to  prove  the  Messianic 
claim  of  its  possessor.  "A  sign  from  heaven"  is 
expected  by  the  people.  Such  a  sign  is  described 
and  promised  in  the  psalm  where  it  is  said,  ' '  He  shall 
give  his  angels  charge  concerning  thee.'  Let  Jesus 
prove  His  Messiahship  by  throwing  Himself  from  the 
Temple,  trusting  God's  promise.  This  will  not  fail, 
and  the  proof  of  God's  care  will  convert  the  nation. 
The  reahty  of  the  temptation  lay  in  the  strength  of 
the  popular  expectadon.  Had  He  given  such  a  sign 
from  heaven,  thousands  would  have  acclaimed  Him. 
Even  at  the  last  had  He  come  down  from  the  cross, 
they  professed  they  would  have  believed  in  Him. 
But  Jesus  always  set  on  one  side  this  demand  for  a 
sign,  as  being  a  temptation.  He  was  not  to  win  men 
by  providing  easily  for  material  needs :  He  was  not 
to  overawe  them  by  an  external  sign  whereby,  as  men 
thought  and  think,  the  truth  of  rehgion  would  be  writ 
plain  across  the  face  of  heaven.  The  third  temptation 
held  out  the  lure  of  worid-wide  pf)wer.  The  Christ 
shall  be  great  after  the  pattern  of  Alexander.  Onoe 
in  power  and  authority.  He  may  mould  the  minds  of 
men  as  He  will.  "The  act  of  homage  to  the  evil 
spirit  to  which  Christ  was  tempted  was  the  founding 
of  his  Messianic  kingdom  upon  force."  "  But  ho 
deliberately  determines  to  adopt  another  course,  to 
found  his  empire  upon  the  consent  and  not  the  fears 
of  mankind,  to  trust  himself  with  his  royal  claims 
and  his  terrible  purity  and  sufieriority  defenceless 
among  mankind,  and,  however  bitt^'rly  their  envy  may 
persecute   him,  to  use   his   supernatural   powers  only 


in  doing  them  good.  This  he  actually  did  and 
evidently  in  pursuance  of  a  fixed  plan."  ^  When 
Jesus  left  the  wilderness,  the  principles  He  was  to 
follow  in  His  ministry  had  cleail^  been  established 
as  a  result  of  conflict  with  temptation.  Jesus,  because 
He  is  the  Christ,  may  not  minister  to  Himself,  and 
will  live  in  utter  dependence  on  God,  whose  word 
will  guide  Him.  He  cannot  give  the  people  the  sign 
they  naturally  expect,  and  He  will,  therefore,  fail  to 
satisfy  the  obvious  test  to  which  the  leaders  of  the 
people  will  appeal.  He  may  not  seek  or  use  pohtical 
and  mihtary  power,  and  thereby  He  will  disappoint 
the  hopes  of  the  Zealots. 

According  to  Mk.  I14.  Jesus  did  not  begin  to  preach 
as  soon  as  the  Temptation  was  ended.  At  least,  He 
did  not  at  once  return  to  Galilee.  He  seems  to  have 
remained  in  close  association  with  the  work  of  John 
the  Baptist  until  the  latter  was  arrested.  The  fourth 
evangelist  may  be  right  in  suggesting  that  Jesus  oven 
entered  upon  His  own  prophetic  ministry  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Jordan,  and  in  Jerusalem  it  .self. 
There  is  something  attractive  in  the  early  date  which 
the  fourth  evangehst  assigns  to  the  cleansing  of  the 
Temple.  If  that  incident  really  impUea  a  hope  of  a 
restored  and  purified  Temple  worship,  it  would  more 
fittingly  occur  at  the  begiiming  than  at  the  end 
of  the  ministry.  That  Jesus  began  to  make  disciples, 
and  that  some  may  have  begun  to  suspect  Hie  secret 
even  then,  is  not  improbable.  The  call  of  the  first 
four  disciples  on  the  shores  of  the  lake  of  Gennesaret 
would  be  more  readily  understood  if  they  had  met 
with  Jesus  before.  At  all  events,  Mark  s  narrative 
impUes  a  period  between  the  Temptation  and  the 
begiiming  of  the  public  ministry  in  Galilee,  and  during 
that  period  Jesus  seems  to  have  been  working  with 
John,  and  may  have  made  His  own  first  appeal  to 
Jerusalem. 

The  imprisonment  of  John  the  Baptist  appai-ently 
determined  Jesus  to  return  to  GaUlee  and  continue 
John's  ministry  among  His  own  people.  The  Syn- 
optists  suggest  that  Jesus  repeated  the  substance  of 
Johns  message.  He  preached  repentance,  and  based 
His  appeal  on  the  same  ground,  the  nearness  of  the 
Kingdom.  But  the  ministry  of  Jesus  was  no  mere 
continuation  of  the  movement  initiated  by  the  Baptist. 
Uhe  people  were  quick  to  appreciate  the  difference. 
The  most  clearly  contemporary  verdict  on  Jesus 
contrasts  Him  as  a  gluttonous  man  and  a  wine-bibber 
with  the  austere  prophet  who  came  neither  eating  nor 
drinking.  The  difFerenco  between  the  Masters  if 
reproduced  in  the  conduct  of  their  followers.  The 
disciples  of  Jesus  do  not  fast  like  those  of  John.  They 
have  found  a  new  joy.  A  message  which  had  been 
a  threat  when  Jolm  uttered  it.  became  an  invitation 
on  the  lips  of  Jesus.  Men  marvelled  at  His  gracious 
words.  If  Jesus  were  the  Messiah.  He  was  not  the 
Messiah  whom  John  had  led  his  followers  to  expect. 
He  cUd  not  apparently  sift  wheat  from  chaff  or  baptize 
with  fire.  He  did  not  proclaim  the  day  of  vengeance 
of  our  God,  but  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord. 

In  form  the  message  of  Jesus  might  coincide  with 
that  of  John,  in  essence  it  was  distinct.  To  John 
the  nearness  of  the  Kingdom  spelt  judgment;  when 
Jesus  says  the  Kingdom  is  at  hand  it  implies  a  present 
opportunity.  Jesus  knows  the  Kingdom  is  near 
because  Ho  Himself  po.ssesses  the  i>ower  to  bestow 
the  blessings  of  the  Kingdom,  healing  of  mind  and 
body,  the  driving  out  of  evil  spirits,  the  forgiveness 

'  Secley,  Eax  Homo  —,  p.  15.  On  the  story  of  the  Temptation 
read  a  meet  striking  chupter  in  Dostoieffskv's  The  Brot/urs  Kara- 

mnzoff.     See  nlso  pp.  702f.  (Mt.4i-ii). 


THE  LIFE  AND   TEACHING   OF   JESUS 


663 


of  sine,  the  life  of  trust  in  God  and  of  joyous  fellow- 
ship with  men.  He  no  longer  invites  men  to  an  out- 
ward baptism — a  seal  of  their  fitness  to  receivo 
blessings  hereafter.  He  offers  them  the  substance 
of  the  sign — the  Uberation  of  the  soul  from  sin  and 
sickness.  The  ministry  of  healing  itself  created  a 
broad  difference  between  the  work  of  Jesus  and  the 
work  of  His  forerunner.  John  wrought  no  miracle. 
Jesus  carried  with  Him  a  heaUng  influence  of  strange 
power.  Men  marvelled  at  the  apparent  ease  with 
which  He  performed  His  cures.  He  used  no  elaborate 
system  of  exorcism.  With  a  word  He  silenced  and 
expelled  demons.  He  possessed  a  natural  authority 
to  which  evil  spirits  at  once  submitted.  No  form 
of  disease,  not  even  death  itself,  could  defy  His  power 
to  save.  The  message  of  the  nearness  of  the  Kingdom 
acquired  a  now  meaning  when  it  was  enforced  by  the 
expulsion  of  demons  ana  the  healing  of  disease. 

Repentance  also  became  something  more  than  John 
had  in  mind,  when  Jesus  Ijecame  the  preacher.  John 
urged  men  to  make  a  more  rigorous  application  of  old 
standards.  Jesus  called  them  to  adopt  new  standards. 
He  invited  them  to  accept  principles  in  virtue  of  which 
the  Law  itself  might  be  criticised.  He  proclaimed  a 
new  righteousness — a  new  righteousness  not  so  much 
made  reasonable  as  made  possible  by  the  advent  of 
the  Kingdom.  For  the  teaching  of  Jesus  is  not  an 
interim-ethic,  it  is  not  moral  heroism  turned  into 
common-sense  through  beUef  in  an  impending  crisis. 
It  is  rather,  as  Seeley  saw,  a  summons  to  a  new  moral 
endeavoiu',  an  appeal  to  virtue  to  become  enthusiastic 
and  take  the  offensive.  It  demands  a  revolution 
in  human  life,  for  the  sake  of  the  revolution,  and 
Jesus  demands  such  a  change  in  men,  because  the 
power  of  God  is  already  working  through  Him  in  a 
new  way. 

These  two  characteristics,  the  miracles  of  healing 
and  the  new  ethical  demand,  differentiate  the  ministry 
of  Jesus  from  that  of  John.  Both  spring  out  of  Jesus' 
conscious  possession  of  powers  that  belong  to  the 
Kingdom  of  God.  They  are  so  fundamental  that  we 
must  attempt  a  further  analysis  of  them  before  pro- 
ceeding with  the  development  of  the  story. 

The  ministry  ol  healing  raises  many  questions. 
There  is  first  the  problem  of  historicity.  It  cannot 
be  claimed  that  all  stories  of  miracle  recorded  in  the 
gospels  are  equally  well  attested.  Suspicion  and  doubt 
of  varying  kinds  and  degrees  attach  to  many  of  them. 
We  may  doubt  the  witheiing  of  the  fig-tree  (^Ik. 
II12-14*),  "  because  such  a  miracle  of  destruction 
seems  to  us  unlike  Jesus,  or  because  it  seems  to  be 
an  instance  in  which  a  miracle  has  grown  out  of  a 
parable.  We  may  suspect  the  stater  in  the  fisha 
mouth  (Mt.  17^7*),  because  it  comes  to  us  only  on 
the  testimony  of  the  first  gosjxjl,  because  the  occasion 
of  the  miracle  is  trivial,  and  because  the  basis  of 
tile  story  is  a  folklore  motive.  The  strange  silence 
of  the  Synoptists  may  make  us  hesitate  to  accept 
the  raising  of  Lazarus  (Jn.  11)  as  history.  A  more 
a  priori  and,  in  my  judgment,  less  defensible  canon  of 
evidence  mav  lead  some  to  discard  what  are  called 
nature-miracles,  i.e.  stories  which  imply  that  Jesus 
exercised  creative  control  over  inanimate  nature,  as 
when  He  is  said  to  have  stilled  the  tempeet,  or  multi- 
pUed  the  loaves,  or  walked  on  the  sea.  But  whatever 
suspicions  attach  to  particular  stories,  there  remains 
a  large  number  of  stories  of  miraculous  cure  which  can 
be  denied  only  if  we  are  prepared  to  discredit  our 
primarj'  authorities  altogether.  The  curious  develop- 
ments   of    the    Christ-myth    are    sufficient    warning 


against  the  irrationahty  of  so  distrusting  our  witnesses 
Stories  like  those  of  the  paralytic,  of  the  man  with 
the  witheied  hand,  of  the  Gadarene  demoniac,  or  of 
Jairus'  daughter,  are  not  open  to  serious  doubt.  The 
broad  fact  of  the  ministry  of  heahng,  and  many  of 
the  particular  incidents,  are  guaranteed  by  evidence 
which  cannot  reasonably  be  disputed.  And  the  facts 
so  evidenced  go  beyond  any  parallels  from  the  records 
of  modem  spuilual  healing.  It  is  not  a  tenable  position 
to  saj-  we  will  accept  as  credible  of  Jesus  only  such 
cures  as  seem  possible  to  our  present  powers  01  faith- 
healing  or  heahng  by  suggestion.  The  confidence  and 
the  achievement  of  Jesus  certainly  went  beyond  any- 
thing to  which  men  have  attained  to-day. 

If  it  be  true  that  Jesus  wrought  wondrous  cures,  the 
character  of  some  of  these  cures  raises  another  problem 
of  some  difficulty.  Many  of  the  stories  related  of 
Jesus  are  stories  of  the  heahng  of  demoniacs,  and  in 
some  of  the  cases  of  the  cure  of  disease  the  disease  is 
attributed  to  evil  powers  {e.g.  Lk.  13i6).  From  Mk.'s 
gospel  it  appears  that  the  driving  out  of  demons  was 
an  essential  part  of  the  proclamation  of  the  Kingdom. 
Jesus  Himself  clearly  beheved  in  demons,  and  saw  a 
proof  of  the  nearness  of  the  Kingdom  in  the  downfall 
of  their  power.  He  apparently  accepted  the  popular 
di^nosis  of  disease  as  due  to  demonic  influence. 

From  the  historian's  point  of  view  the  prominence 
thus  given  to  the  driving  out  of  demons  is  to  be  ex- 
pected in  a  genuine  popular  tradition,  and  in  a  refigious 
movement  which  embraced  not  many  rich,  not  many 
wise,  and  not  many  noble.  But  for  faith  it  raise* 
the  question  of  the  limitations  of  the  knowledge  of 
Jesus.  If  the  belief  in  demons  be  entirely  iliusory — 
a  modem  assumption  which  is  seldom  questioned, 
though  it  is  certainly  questionable, — then  Jesus  was 
involved  in  a  popular  error.  If  the  behef  were  only 
in  part  erroneous — and  that  it  was  and  is  in  part 
superstitious  can  scarcely  be  doubted, — then  our  records 
do  not  lead  us  to  suppose  that  Jesus  Himself  ever  said 
anything  to  correct  the  element  of  mistake  in  a  behef 
which  He  shared  with  the  common  people.  The  same 
issue  in  principle  is  raised  by  our  Lord's  imquestioning 
acceptance  of  the  current  Jewish  traditions  as  to  the 
character  and  authorship  of  OT  writings.  80  far  as  the 
driving  out  of  demons  is  concerned,  it  may  be  argued 
that  no  rehef  could  be  brought  to  the  demon  possesse"! 
by  denying  the  existence  of  these  evil  spirits.  Mere 
negations  are  useless  to  restore  spiritual  health  and 
freedom.  Only  a  positive  assurance  of  the  renlity  of 
God's  protection  could  lay  for  ever  these  spectres  of 
the  mind.  And  it  was  the  work  of  Jesus  to  soKe  the 
rehgious  problem,  not  to  raise  the  scientific  question. 
At  the  same  time,  traditional  orthodoxy  finds  it  hard 
to  admit  that  Jesus  may  have  been  mistaken  in  matters 
of  ordinary  human  knowledce.  BeUef  in  the  infalh- 
bihty  of  Jesus  is  the  modem  form  of  Docetism  (p. 
9Ib).  Moreover,  the  absence  of  the  critical  attitude 
in  .lesus  with  reference  to  astronomy,  medicine,  or 
Ut«rary  traditions  makes  it  difficult  for  us  to-day  to 
recognise  the  real  kinship  between  the  scientific  spirit 
of  inquiry  and  the  mind  of  Christ. 

We  must  not,  on  account  of  these  difficulties,  behttle 
or  ignore  the  considerable  part  which  exorcism  and 
the  work  of  healing  played  in  the  ministry  of  Jesus. 
The  significance  of  this  side  of  the  gospel  records  is 
well  brought  out  in  the  following  paragraph  from 
Ecce  Homo  :^  "  Of  his  two  great  gifts,  the  power  over 
nature  and  the  liigh  moral  wisdom  and  aacendancy 
over  men,  the  former  might  be  the  more  astonishing, 
but  it  is  the  latter  which  gives  him  his  everlasting 
•  Ecct  Homo*',  p.  177 (ch.  xvi). 


664 


THE    LIFE   AND    TEACHING    OF    JESUS 


dominion.  Ho  might  have  loft  to  all  bubsorjuent  ages 
more  instruction  if  ho  hail  bestowed  loss  timo  upon 
diminishing  slightly  tho  mass  of  ovil  around  him, 
and  longthoninc;  by  a  span  tho  short  Uvea  of  tho  genera- 
tion in  the  midst  of  which  he  lived.  Tho  whole  amount 
of  good  done  by  such  works  of  charity  could  not  be 
great,  compared  with  Christ's  powers  of  doing  good  ; 
and  if  they  were  intended,  as  is  often  supposed,  merely 
as  attestations  of  his  divine  mission,  a  few  acts  of  the 
kind  would  have  served  this  purpose  as  well  as  many. 
Yet  we  may  Bee  that  they  were  in  fact  the  great  work 
of  his  life ;  hi;;  biography  may  be  summed  up  in 
the  words,  '  he  went  about  doing  good  '  ;  his  wise 
words  were  secondary  to  his  beneficial  deeds ;  the 
latter  were  not  introductory  to  the  former,  but  the 
former  grew  occasionally  and,  as  it  were,  accidentally 
out  of  the  latter.  The  explanation  of  this  is  that 
Christ  merely  reduced  to  practice  hia  own  principle. 
Hie  morality  rei|uirod  that  the  welfare  and  happiness 
of  others  should  not  merely  be  remembered  as  a 
restraint  upon  action,  but  should  be  made  the  principal 
motive  of  action,  and  what  he  preached  in  words  he 
preached  still  more  impressively  and  zealously  in  deeds. 
He  set  the  first  and  gieatest  example  of  a  Ufe  wholly 
governed  and  guided  by  the  passion  of  humanity." 

The  foregoing  paragraph  incidentally  raises  the 
question  of  the  evidential  value  of  miracles.  That 
Jesus  did  not  deliberately  work  miracles  as  proof  of 
His  Messianic  claim  needs  no  demonstration.  He 
refused  to  give  anj'  such  sign.  It  is  also  clear  that 
the  miracles  attributed  to  Him  did  not  suffice  to 
convince  the  religious  leaders  of  Judaism  that  C4od 
waa  with  Him.  They  did  not  deny  the  miracles,  but 
they  thought  they  might  be  explained  by  postulating 
diabolic  control,  or  more  charitably  they  could  be 
regarded  as  parallel  to  the  miracles  of  earlier  prophets 
or  contemporary  rabbis.  Thus  the  miracles  possessed 
no  overwhelming  evidential  value  for  those  who  wit- 
nessed them.  Yet  Jesus  does  appeal  to  His  works 
as  testifying  to  the  nearness  of  the  Kingdom,  and 
they  remain  to-day  as  the  expression  of  a  Divine  com- 
passion. But  Jesus  did  not  regard  the  power  to  heal 
as  a  prerogative  to  be  kept  peculiarly  His  own.  He 
bestowed  His  gift  on  His  disciples,  and  welcomed  in 
others  the  faith  which  claimed  a  share  in  this  grace. 
It  was  part  of  the  life  of  the  Kingdom.  And  this  fact 
throws  doubt  on  the  theory  that  miracles  were  only 
intended  to  give  support  to  the  nascent  Church.  It 
Btrencthens  the  view  that  true  faith  should  possess  the 
power  to  heal  at  tho  present  time. 

The  new  ethical  demand,  wliich  Jesus  made  upon 
men  when  Ho  preached  repentance,  was  likewise  the 
natural  outcome  of  the  hfo  of  the  Kingdom  of  God, 
the  expression  of  the  fife  which  Jesus  was  bringing 
to  men.  To  attempt  to  systematise  the  teaching  of 
Jesus  is  to  risk  obscuring  it.  As  haa  been  already 
suggested,  many  sayings  of  Jesus  are  occasional  in 
character,  utterances  drawn  from  Him  by  particular 
circumstances.  Though  such  utterances  reveal  one 
spirit,  they  are  misused  if  we  treat  them  as  hard-and- 
fast  rules.  Wo  may  so  systemati.se  as  to  lose  the  sense 
of  spontaneitv  in  the  speech  of  Jesus.i  Tho  sentence 
of  Pascals  should  be  borne  in  mind:  "Josus  Christ 
speaks  the  greatest  things  so  simply  that  it  seems  as 
if  He  had  never  thought  upon  them."  Tho  teaching, 
like  the  ministry  of  healing,  is  the  inevitable  aelf- 
rovelation  of  Josus. 

The  root  and  ground  of  the  character  which  Jesus 
sought  to  create  in  men  was  trust  in  God-  Men  a 
'  C/.Qlover,  Conflict  cf  Relyjion*,  p.  119. 


want  of  lailh  caused  Him  to  marvel :  the  diaciples' 
litllo  faith  and  slownens  of  heart  to  believe  drew  down 
His  rebukes.  Wherever  He  came  across  men  and 
women  exercising  faith,  they  won  His  glad  recognition 
and  His  praise.  He  went  out  of  His  way  to  encourage 
and  stablish  trust  in  God.  Genuine  faith,  however 
small,  was  capable  of  working  marvels.  Tho  root 
trouble  with  men  is  a  mistake  about  God,  and  only 
faith  can  make  them  whole. 

The  emphasis  then  in  tho  teaching  of  Jesus  falls  on 
the  first  commandment,  on  the  maintenance  of  the 
right  attitude  towards  God.  Obedience  to  the  first 
commandment  is  made  possible  through  the  know- 
ledge of  God  which  Jesus  comes  to  bring.  The  secret 
of  trust  in  God  is  disclosed  through  the  Sonahip  of 
Jesus,  through .  learning  to  know  God  as  the  God  and 
Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 

God,  as  revealed  in  Jesus,  is  a  God  whose  tender 
mercies  are  over  all  Hia  works.  "He  providently 
caters  for  the  sparrow  and  Himself  attends  its  obse- 
quies." The  woild  of  nature  is  instinct  with  God 
and  reveals  His  ceaseless  care.  He  is  kind  even  to  tho 
thankless.  He  knows  men's  needs  before  they  open 
their  mouths,  and  the  least  details  of  our  Uvea  are  not 
left  out  of  God  9  thought  toward  ua.  God'a  Father- 
hood is  thus  revealed  in  providence,  but  it  is  even 
more  clearly  expressed  in  His  purpose  for  mankind. 
For  God  is  already  fulfilUng  Hia  promise  to  His  people, 
through  the  message  of  John  the  Baptist  and  the 
coming  of  Jesus.  It  is  God's  will  that  His  Kingdom 
should  come  upon  earth,  and  Ho  is  always  working 
to  that  end.  God  is  drawing  near  to  man  in  Jesus, 
and  therein  is  Hia  Fatherhood  supremely  manifest. 
The  sense  of  the  nearness  and  the  reahty  of  the  God 
of  love  is  Jesus'  gift  to  men.  This  sense  of  nearness 
is  expressed  in  His  use  of  the  term  "  Abba.  "  in  address- 
ing His  Father.  Negatively  it  is  apparent  in  the 
abandonment  of  the  customary  terms  of  address  of 
Jewish  piety,  and  in  the  absence  of  the  adjective 
"  holy."  Moffatt  points  out  that  Jesus  uaea  the 
term  "holy,"  in  relation  to  God,  only  once  in  the 
four  gospels.  The  word  implied  a  sense  of  distance 
that  was  untrue  to  the  experience  of  Jesus.* 

The  faith  in  God  which  Jesus  desired  would  put  an 
end  to  anxiety  and  fear.  The  danger  of  riches  is  that 
they  fill  tho  mind  with  cares  which  are  at  bottom 
distrust  or  forgetfulness  of  God.  The  mainspring  of 
the  service  of  Mammon  is  want  of  faith.  If  men  be- 
hoved in  Gods  care  and  sought  His  Kingdom  they 
would  not  be  anxious  about  the  morrow.  Nor  would 
they  be  fearful  about  the  Kingdom  itself.  Their 
prayer  would  not  bo  anxious  prayer.  Part  of  the 
meaning  of  repentance,  as  Jesus  preached  it,  lay  in 
getting  rid  of  anxiety  and  fear. 

The  demand  for  sincerity  is  associated  with  the 
demand  for  courage,  and  like  the  latter  is  conditioned 
by  the  thought  of  tho  Fatherhood  of  God.  Because 
God  sees  in  secret,  all  unrcahty  in  worship  stands 
condemned.  If  men  are  to  enjoy  God's  presence,  the 
heart  must  be  pure,  and  righteousneas  must  bo  inward. 
It  is  not  enough  to  avoid  tho  outward  act :  the  root 
of  the  ovil  in  thought  and  feeling  must  be  taken  away. 
Defilement  comes  from  within.  It  is  the  tree  that 
must  bo  made  good.  So  anger  out  of  which  murder 
comes  is  to  be  condemned  no  less  than  murder  itself, 
and  the  lustful  desire  is  no  less  sinful  than  oommitted 
adultery. 

Again,  the  nature  of  God  compels  us  to  link  the 
second  commandment  inseparably  with  the  first.     We 

'  For  this  whole  subject,  consult  Moffatt.  Theology  ojlh*  OospeW 
ch.  3. 


THE  LIFE  AND   TEACHING  OF   JESUS 


665 


must  love  our  neighbours  as  ourselves,  and  we  must 
do  this  that  we  may  be  Uke  our  Father  in  heaven. 
The  saying,  ' '  Be  ye  perfect  as  your  Father  in  heaven 
is  perfect,"  has  been  desciibed  as  the  most  courageous 
appeal  ever  made  to  men.  "The  doctrine  soimds 
heroic  to  ordinary  human  nature,  but  Jesus  does  not 
present  it  as  heroic.  He  grounds  His  demand  upon 
the  natural  attitude  of  the  Father,  upon  what  Francis 
of  Assisi  called  '  the  great  courtesy  of  God.'  "  ^  From 
this  main  principle  of  love  all  other  particular  duties 
•Rill  follow.  It  embraces  alike  what  Seeley  calls  the 
law  of  forgiveness  and  the  law  of  resentment.  It 
particularly  engages  us  to  charity  in  judgment  and 
humility  in  ser^-ice. 

The  ideal  of  faith,  purity  and  love,  which  Jesus 
set  before  men.  is  clearly  not  dependent  on  any  parti- 
cular forms  of  worship.  As  we  have  seen,  Jesus  did 
not  apparently  continue  Johns  baptism,  and  the 
repentance  He  desired  was  not  associated  with  any 
rite.  Indeed,  the  ritual  side  of  the  Law  was  definitely 
subordinated  to  the  ethical  in  the  mind  of  Jesus. 
Mercy  and  not  sacrifice  is  God's  demand  from  men. 
Sabbath  observance  and  laws  of  ceremonial  cleanness 
are  at  best  but  secondary  elements  in  reUgion.  Re- 
conciliation with  ones  brother  is  a  condition  precedent 
to  acceptable  worship.  We  cannot  pray  aright  unless 
we  forgive  as  we  pray.  Repentance,  as  Jesus  taught  it. 
was  to  revolutionise  the  spirit  and  contents  of  men's 
prayers.  Prayer  itself  remained  the  essence  of  the 
reUgious  fife,  the  way  in  which  men  were  to  maintain 
their  commimion  with  God  and  to  hasten  the  coming 
of  His  Kingdom. 

Jesus  did  not  lay  down  rules  even  with  regard  to 
prayer.  He  encouraged  men  to  pray  and  gave  them 
a  guide  to  prayer.  But  He  did  not  appoint  times 
and  seasons,  nor  was  the  Lord's  Prayer  offered  as  a 
stereotyped  form.  The  whole  ideal  of  Jesus  is  of  this 
free  inward  character.  "Jesus  laid  a  good  deal  more 
stress  on  unconscious  instinct  than  most  moraUsts 
do.'"  Goodness  by  rule  was  of  httle  value  in  His 
eyes.  He  valued  goodness  as  a  man's  self-expression. 
His  consequent  quarrel  with  precisians  and  Pharisees, 
together  with  the  fact  that  His  own  attitude  is  so 
unstudied,  justifies  the  sense  of  kinship  which  many 
great  artists  and  unconventional  individualists  have 
claimed  to  feel  with  Jesus.  There  is  more  than  a  half- 
truth  in  the  sentence,  "  He  who  would  lead  a  Christ^ 
like  life  is  he  who  is  perfectly  and  absolutely  himself."' 
But  some  who  have  recognised  this  free  breath  of 
individuahty  in  Jesus  have  failed  to  understand  the 
primacy  wliich  Jesus  assigned  to  faith  in  God  and  love 
to  men'.  The  message  of  Jesus  was  not  "'  Be  yourself  " 
in  the  sense  of  becoming  whatever  self  happened  to 
be  most  attractive  or  powerful  in  youth.  Jesus  knew 
that  some  men  would  have  to  become  eunuchs  for  the 
Bake  of  the  Kingdom  of  God,  and  that  to  escape  damna- 
tion some  would  need  to  go  through  hfe  with  a  person- 
ahty  apparently  maimed.  Here  the  artist  and  the 
individuahst  have  not  foimd  it  so  easy  to  acclaim 
Jesus. 

One  other  general  aspect  of  the  teaching  may  be 
touched  on  before  we  return  to  the  narrative.  The 
teaching  of  Jesus  has  been  criticised  because  it  in- 
cludes an  appeal  to  rewards  and  punishments.  A 
virtue  which  desires  any  other  nnvard  than  itself  is 
dubious  virtue,  and  to  many  minds  there  seems  to 
be  Bomething  attractive  in  what  may  be  termed  hope- 
less heroism,  in  the  idea  that  mans  highest  virtue  is 
to  defj'  uimioved  an  inexorable  fate.  1b  there  not 
something  lower  in  a  teaching  which  assures  men 
»  Moffatt,  op.  cit.  p.  104. 


that  they  shall  in  no  wise  lose  their  reward  ?  On  this 
two  observations  seem  necessary.  First,  the  rewards 
which  Jesus  otfers  are  not  external  or  material.  They 
consist  in  fellowship  with  God.  SecondlJ^  Jesus  could 
not  be  silent  as  to  rewards  and  punishments  without 
being  insincere.  The  certainty  of  gain  or  loss  is  bound 
up  with  His  confidence  in  the  nearness  of  the  Kingdom 
and  in  the  goodness  of  God.  Since  God  is  not  the  God 
of  the  dead  but  of  the  living,  "an  absolute  value 
attaches  to  our  personalities  as  they  are  directed  to 
the  ends  of  God."  Jesus  could  not  endorse  the  kind 
of  heroism  which  some  men  count  morally  superior 
to  His  teaching,  because,  unless  Jesus  was  fundamen- 
tally mistaken,  that  heroism  is  founded  on  a  lie. 

When  Jesus  began  to  publish  abroad  the  good  tidings 
of  the  Kingdom  in  Galilee  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  He  encountered  immediate  hostiUty.  The  message 
and  the  messenger  were  welcome.  The  sjTiagogues 
were  open  to  Him,  and  He  attended  the  sjTiagogue 
services  habitually.  His  withdrawal  to  desert  places 
and  the  adoption  of  an  open-air  ministry  did  not  arise 
in  the  first  instance  from  the  antagonism  of  the  author- 
ities, but  from  the  dangerous  pressure  of  the  crowds 
that  sought  to  hear  Him  or  came  to  be  healed  in  the 
towns  (Mk.  I45).  Indeed.  .Jesus  found  tliat  He  could 
not  Himself  reach  the  many  who  wanted  to  come 
into  contact  with  Him,  or  whom  He  desired  to 
evangelize.  He  had  to  tear  Himself  away  from 
Capernaum  lest  the  importunity  of  His  friends  should 
deprive  other  cities  of  their  share  in  His  ministrj-  (Mk. 
l35f.).  From  among  the  men  who  attached  themselves 
to  Him  He  organised  a  group  of  twelve  (Mk.  813-19*), 
who  should  proclaim  the  Kiiigdom  over  a  wider  area 
than  He  Himself  could  cover  ;  and  we  need  not  suppose 
that  the  task  of  evangelization  was  confined  to  twelve, 
though  Lk.'s  accomit  of  the  mission  of  the  seventy 
may  be  motived  by  the  idea  that  Jesus  must  have 
appointed  heralds  for  the  traditional  seventy  nations 
of  the  earth  as  well  as  for  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel. 
In  any  case  the  consciousness  that  the  fields  were 
white  already  to  harvest  impelled  Jesus  to  send  forth 
labourers  into  the  harvest.  The  note  of  urgency  runs 
through  the  directions  which  Jesus  gave  to  those 
who  were  to  evangehze  Galilee.  They  were  to  travel 
quickly  and  with  the  barest  equipment  (cf.  Mk.  67-13 
and  Lk.  IO2-12,  omitting  3,  which  does  not  seem  to 
belong  to  this  context). 

This  insistence  on  the  need  of  delivering  the  message 
mth  haste  seems  to  reflect  the  view  that  the  time  for 
repentance  is  short.^  The  nearness  of  the  Kingdom 
requires  that  invitation  and  warning  be  carried  far 
and  wide  as  quickly  as  possible.  But  the  eagerness 
of  the  people  to  hear,  and  the  knowledge  that  the 
disciples  will  be  hindered  in  their  preaching  by  their 
power  to  heal,  may  also  account  for  the  stringency  of 
the  injimctions  which  the  Master  laid  upon  His  followers. 
If  the  wider  appeal  through  the  disciples  wa.s  not 
attempted  until  the  ministry  in  Gahlee  was  well 
advanced,  another  motive  may  have  come  into  play. 
Jesus  may  have  begim  to  suspect  that  His  own  op- 
portunity of  calling  men  to  repentance  was  Ukely  to 
be  short.  He  has  come  to  proclaim  the  acceptable 
year  of  the  Lord,  but  a  j'ear  soon  ends,  and  the  forces 
are  gathering  which  point  to  the  passing  of  the  season 
of  God's  favour. 

>  If  Mt.  1023*  waa  uttered  wtth  reference  to  thU  situation.  Jesus 
must  have  supposed  'that  the  Son  of  Man  might  corae  before  the 
disciples  returned  from  journeyinR  through  the  cities  of  Ismel. 
It  is.  however,  improbable  that  Mt.  10  is  confined  to  directions 
for  the  earliest  missionary  work  of  the  Twelve.  From  16  onwards 
a  later  situation  seems  to  be  implied. 


666 


THE   LIFE  AND  TEACHING  fOF   JESUS 


The  lat«r  anfa^oniBin  between  Christianity  and 
Judaism  may  liavo  coloured  the  evanj^elists'  record 
of  the  conflict  of  Jesus  with  the  Pliarisees.  They  would 
bo  tempted  to  regard  it  as  existent  from  the  very 
bcftinning,  and  to  dwell  on  the  denunciations  wliich 
fell  from  the  lips  of  Jesus.  Vet  the  suspicions  of  the 
Pharisees  must  have  been  aroused  in  the  first  period 
of  the  Galilsean  ministry,  and  apparently  deej)ene<l 
into  hostility  before  Jesus  made  His  wider  appeal 
to  the  people  through  the  agency  of  the  disciples. 
The  coniiict  turned  on  no  petty  personal  issue,  but  on 
a  profound  religious  difference.  There  is  little  reason 
to  suppose  the  Pharisees  to  have  been  prompted  by 
jealousy  of  a  teacher  unaccredited  by  the  schools. 
They  came  to  feel  that  Jesus  hold  lightly  what  they 
held  dear.^  Their  ideal  of  preciscness  and  exactitude, 
of  the  painstaking  fulfilment  of  the  Law  in  detail, 
was  clearly  rejected  by  Jesus.  The  traditions  of  the 
elders  which  the  Pharisees  prized  as  forming  a  hedge 
round  the  Law,  Jesus  readily  disregarded  or  condemned. 
He  defends  His  disciples  when  they  give  up  the  prac- 
tice of  fasting.  He  treats  the  carefully  tnought-out 
regulations  for  ceremonial  cleanness  as  ii  they  had  no 
sanction  in  the  Divine  Law,  and  as  if  they  had  no 
siyniticance  for  true  religion.  The  Law  itself  is  really 
abrogated  when  Jesus  denies  that  things  from  without 
can  defile  a  man.  Nor  docs  the  prophet  of  Nazareth 
halt  there  in  His  criticism  of  the  Law.  He  considers 
the  Mosaic  law  on  the  subject  of  divorce  as  an  accom- 
modation to  human  weakness  rather  than  the  expression 
of  God's  will.  "He  looses  where  Moses  binds,  and 
hinds  where  Moses  left  men  free."  Even  the  Sabbath 
is  not  safe  in  His  hands.  He  and  His  disciples  are 
lax  in  their  observance  of  the  day  of  rest,  and  He 
refuses  to  treat  the  fourth  commandment  as  an  absolute 
rule.  Finally,  He  claims  the  power  to  forgive  sins 
which  belongs  to  God  alone.^ 

With  such  evidence  of  heresy  and  bksphemy  the 
Pharisees  could  not  fail  to  sot  themselves  in  opposition 
to  Jesus.  The  quarrel  could  not  be  avoided  unless 
they  were  willing  to  change  their  whole  conception 
of  the  Law.  Since  they  were  not  prepared  to  do  this 
they  were  obliged  to  resist  and  explain  away  the  favour- 
able impression  made  by  Jesus"  words  of  grace  and 
deeds  of  mercy.  If  here  and  there  among  the  people 
men  asked,  "Can  this  be  the  Christ  ?  '"  it  was  easy  to 

goint  out  that  Jesus  came  from  Galilee,  whereas  the 
hrist  when  Ho  comes  is  either  of  unkno\vn  origin 
or  is  bom  in  Bethlehem  of  the  house  of  David.  The 
widespread  belief  that  J&sus  was  a  prophet  had  to  be 
met  by  discrediting  His  miracles  and  defaming  His 
character.  The  demons,  it  was  urged,  yielded  to  one 
who  was  in  league  with  Beelzebub  and  who  was  Himself 
possessed.  As  a  reUgious  teacher  Jesus  was  manifestly 
disqualified  by  want  of  Rabbinic  learning,  while  His 
claim  to  bo  a  prophet  foundered  on  His  association 
with  publicans  and  irmers.  H  He  had  been  a  prophet 
He  would  have  held  aloof  from  all  such.  The  Man  of 
Nazareth  was  obviously  a  sinner. 

The  breach  betweenJesus  and  the  Pharisees  did  not 
at  once  become  irreparable.  It  is  sometimes  supposed 
that  Jesus  habitually  assailed  His  critics  with  invective 
— a  supposition  that  is  siipported  by  the  unfortunate 
and  surely  misleading  setting  given  to  some  of  the 
woes  on  Pharisees  and  lawyers  in  Lk.  11*.  Certainly 
the  charge  of  casting  out  demons  by  Beelzebub  is 
repudiated  with  indignation,  and  the  anger  of  Jesus 
was  aroused  whenever  He  was  aware  that  the  Pharisees 
were  watching  Him  with  hostile  intent  or  were  seeking 
to  trap  Him  {e.g.  Mt.  82,  811,  12i5.  Jn.  81-11).  But 
>  On  ttie  whole  subject  lee  Hcrford,  Pharisaism,  esp.  ch.  3. 


it  is  clear  that  during  the  first  period  of  the  ministry 
at  least.  Jesus  was  often  in  friendly  contact  with 
Pharisees.  More  important  still  is  the  fact  that  Jesus 
met  His  critics,  not  with  denunciation,  but  with 
gentle  irony  (Mk.  217),  and  with  the  most  wonderful 
of  His  parables.  If  their  conception  of  the  Law 
prevented  the  Pharisees  from  understanding  Jesus, 
it  was  not  because  He  did  not  make  an  almost  irre- 
sistible appeal.  It  is  sometimes  forgotten  that  the 
parable  of  the  Prodigal  Son  is  addressed  to  the  Pharisees, 
and  in  view  of  this  fact  we  cannot  say  that  Jesus  never 
attempted  to  win  them.  The  stor\'  recorded  at  the  end 
of  Lk.  7,  or  the  pericope  adultercB  (Jn.  753-811),  would 
suffice  to  show  how  Jesus  sought  to  reach  the  hearts 
of  these  men.  Yet  clearly,  during  the  closing  scenes 
of  the  ministry,  Jesus  passed  from  appeal  to  denuncia- 
tion. He  was  not  content  to  deny  what  they  said  of 
Him  :  He  brought  charges  against  them.  He  accused 
them  of  hypocrisy,  of  self-satisfaction  and  display,  of 
love  of  honours  and  lack  of  humihty.  He  reproached 
them  \dth  extortion,  and  some  of  His  teaching  about 
wealth  is  thought  by  Lk.  to  have  been  directed  against 
the  Pharisees.  He  denoimced  their  casuistry,  and  the 
want  of  a  sense  of  proportion  which  made  them  treat 
niceties  of  legal  observance  as  of  equal  importance 
with  its  weightier  matters.  Perhaps  the  most  serious 
charge  of  all  lies  in  the  assertion  that  they  were  blind 
loaders,  who  kept  men  out  of  the  Kingdom  while 
refusing  co  enter  themselves.  The  woes  in  Mt.  23  are 
expansions  of  the  woe  on  the  man  through  whom 
offences  come.  The  denunciations  of  the  Pharisees  are 
prompted  by  compassion  for  the  people  they  misled. 

It  is  suggested  that  these  strictures  on  the  Pharisees 
are  one-sided.  As  a  class  they  were  not  avaricious 
or  consciously  divorcing  practice  from  profession. 
The  charge  of  hypocrisy  springs,  it  is  lu-ged,  from  the 
inabiUty  of  the  man  of  intuitive  reUgion  to  beheve 
that  Uttle  formal  acts  of  reUgious  observance  pedantic- 
ally fulfilled  can  be  inspired  by  a  genuine  piety  (cf. 
Herford.  Pharisaism,  ch.  3).  The  Law  did  not  mean 
to  Jesus  what  it  meant  to  the  Pharisees,  and  conse- 
quently He  could  not  understand  them.  We  are  in 
ihe  presence  of  an  unfortunate  but  inevitable  antipathy, 
and  it  is  time  we  recognised  in  Pharisaism  ' '  a  religion 
entitled  to  be  judged  on  its  own  merits  and  by  its  own 
standards.'" 

On  some  points  this  plea  for  a  revision  of  judgment 
will  probably  be  established.  In  reference  to  love  of 
money  or  pride  of  place,  either  Jesus  or  the  evangelists 
would  seem  to  be  condemning  a  whole  class  for  the 
fauhs  of  some  members  of  it.  But  a  complete  reversal 
of  judgment  cannot  so  easily  bo  conceded.  The  want 
of  a  sense  of  proportion  and  the  tendency  to  seek  a 
meritorious  righteousness  of  one's  own  are  the  inherent 
weaknesses  of  rehgions  of  I^w  through  all  time.  And 
after  all  no  religion  is  entitled  to  be  judged  by  its  own 
standards,  and  every  reUgion  must  liear  the  burden 
of  its  failures.  To  rehabilitate  Pharisaism  as  a  spiritual 
reUgion  we  must  excuse  the  Crucifixion.  Jesus  charged 
the  Pharisees  with  continuing  the  spirit  of  their  fathers 
who  slew  the  prophets,  and  history  has  sustained  the 
charge. 

The  confUct  of  Jesus  with  Pharisaism  raises  the 
question  of  His  attitude  towards  the  Law.  Jesus 
clearly  regarded  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  as  the 
word  of  God,  and  claimed  to  fulfil  them.  This  claim 
is  interpreted  in  Mt.  to  metin  detailed  observance  (Mt. 
r)i7-20,  23;^.::.^).  But  manifestly  Jesus  did  not  accept 
legal  standards  in  the  scnst^  implied  in  such  passages. 
He  took  from  the  UT  aU  that  accorded  with  His  own 
life.     The  rest  Ho  ignored  or  treated  as  of  temporary 


THE   LIFE  AND  TEACHING  OF  JESUS 


667 


eignificance.  He  offended  tho  wise  and  prudent  be- 
cause He  never  attempted  to  intei-pret  or  allegorise 
the  OT  in  harmony  with  His  own  views.  Like  a  child, 
He  assumed  that  the  true  metxnmg  of  tho  OT  coincided 
with  His  own  intuitive  reading  of  God's  will  and 
nature.  It  is  sometimes  said  that  the  attitude  of  Jesus 
towards  the  Law  was  ambiguous,  that  Ho  was  never 
consciously  disloyal  to  it  while  He  was  in  fact  depart- 
ing from  it.  It  would  bo  truer  to  say  that  Jesus  was 
never  concerned  to  give  sj'stematic  expression  and 
theoretic  justification  to  His  view  of  the  Law.  Hence 
arose  some  hesitation  in  the  minds  of  His  Jewish  dis- 
ciples, who  tried  to  combine  theii-  inherited  reverence  for 
the  Law  with  tho  spirit  of  freedom  they  learnt  from  their 
Lord  :  but  we  do  not  gather  that  the  Pharisees  charged 
Him  with  inconsistency  (c/,  Mt  23 af.*). 

In  reviewing  the  relations  of  Jesus  with  the  reUgious 
leaders  of  His  people,  we  have  passed  beyond  the 
earher  stages  of  His  pubhc  ministry.  In  Galilee  the 
growing  enthusiasm  of  the  people  proved  even  more 
embarrassing  than  the  deepening  hostUity  of  the 
Pharisees.  The  message  of  John,  repeated  by  Jesus, 
would  of  itself  occasion  excitement,  and  roused  hopes 
of  a  speedy  national  dehverance.  According  to  Jn. 
615  the  crowd  on  one  occasion  would  have  taken  Jesus 
by  force  to  make  Him  king.  The  obscure  passage  in 
Mt.  11 12  may  also  refer  to  the  popular  ferment  of 
the  time.  The  people  were  like  shepherdless  sheep, 
wanting  leaders.  Their  eager  expectations  of  the 
military  overthrow  of  Rome  were  destined  to  be 
exploited  by  unscrupulous  men  and  to  end  in  national 
disaster.  The  urgency  of  the  appeal  of  Jesus  springs 
from  a  consciousness  of  danger:  the  failure  of  it 
issues  in  a  sense  of  doom  (Mt.  II 20-24,  Lk.  13 if., 
1941-44,  Mk.  I21-12). 

The  enthusiasm  stirred  by  the  preaching  of  Jesus 
was  Bo  great  that  He  had  to  take  measures  to  avoid 
the  crowds.  But  in  His  teaching  also  He  set  Himself 
to  remove  misconception  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
Kingdom,  and  to  urge  patience  and  quietness.  The 
adoption  of  tho  parabolic  method  seems  to  have  been 
intended  to  aUay  excitement.  Some  of  the  parables 
directly  enforce  the  lesson  of  patience.  Tho  parable 
of  the  Tares  deprecates  hasty,  violent  destruction  in 
the  interests  of  the  Kingdom.  The  point  of  tho  parable 
of  the  seed  growing  secretly  can  scarcely  be  the  certainty 
of  the  harvest,  but  rather  the  quiet  .steadiness  of 
growth  about  which  man  need  not  be  anxious.  Jesus 
deUberately  discouraged  speculation  about  the  con- 
summation of  the  Kingdom,  as  witness  His  answers 
to  such  questions  as  "  Are  there  few  that  be  saved  ?  " 
or  "Wilt  thou  at  this  time  restore  tho  kuigdom  to 
Israel  ?  "  (see  further  Lk.  1720,  19iif.).  He  prepared 
men  to  wait  and  watch  and  pray  without  losing  heart. 
He  dwelt  too  on  the  immediate  blessings  of  the  King- 
dom (c/.  Mk.  IO30,  and  such  parables  as  Mt.  1844-46). 
The  essential  thing  ia  to  bo  ready  for  the  Kingdom 
when  it  comes,  by  entering  into  the  Ufe  of  the  Kingdom 
before  it  comes. 

Moreover,  though  the  ministry  of  Jesus  was  confined 
to  the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel,  yet  His  appeal 
was  not  national  in  character.  He  repudiated  the 
Zealot  movement,  and  some  of  the  teachings  in  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  probably  have  a  direct  refer- 
ence to  the  contrary  spirit  of  militant  nationalism  {e.g. 
"Resist  not  evil,"  and  "Love  your  enemies').  The 
attitude  of  Jesus  towards  Samaritans,  aUke  in  His 
teaching  (e.g.  the  parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan)  and 
in  His  conduct  (e.g.  the  rebuke  to  tho  disciples  who 
would  have  called  down  lire  on  inhospitable  Samaritans), 
indicates  His  rejection  of  Jewiiih  national  excluuive- 


ness.  The  ideal  He  set  before  men  was  not  Jewish 
but  universal. 

How  long  a  time  Jesus  spent  in  teaching  the  people 
concerning  the  Kingdom  we  do  not  know.  If  wo  may 
accept  the  testimony  of  John,  it  must  have  been  long 
enough  to  permit  of  several  visits  to  Jerusalem  on  the 
occasion  of  ditterent  feasts.  But  whether  the  period 
were  long  or  short,  it  was  brought  to  a  close  by  tho 
deliberate  decision  of  Jesus  to  withdraw  from  GaHlee 
and  abandon  for  the  time  at  least  His  pubhc  ministry 
(Mk.  724).  The  motives  for  this  decision  we  can  only 
conjecture.  Schweitzer,  basing  himself  on  Mt.  IO23  (but 
see  pp.  665,  710),  suggests  that  Jesus  expected  the 
Kingdom  to  come  with  power  while  His  disciples  were 
carrying  tho  good  news  through  Galilee,  and  that  He 
withdrew  from  Galilee  in  perplexity  at  tho  non-fulfilment 
of  His  expectations  Schweitzer  successfully  criticises 
the  earlier  theory  that  the  work  of  evangehsation  was 
abandoned  for  lack  of  popular  response.  Jesus  gave  up 
teachuig  tho  common  people  with  reluctance  and  with 
difficulty.  It  was  hard  for  Him  to  be  hid,  and  tho  crowds 
still  heard  Him  gladly.  But  Schweitzer's  own  theory 
seems  arbitrary  and  umiecessary.  It  imphes  that  Jesus 
came  to  entertain  tho  prospect  of  death  only  because 
His  hope  of  an  immediate  coming  of  the  Kingdom  was 
disappointed.  That  He  even  held  the  hope  in  the 
form  suggested  by  Schweitzer  is  more  than  doubtful. 
The  cross  as  a  possibility  must  have  been  present 
from  tho  first  to  the  mind  of  One  who  took  up  John's 
work  when  John  was  put  in  prison.  It  might  well 
become  a  probabiUty  or  a  certainty,  in  view  of  John's 
death,  of  Herod's  desire  to  kill  a  greater  than  John 
(Lk.  1331),  and  in  view  of  the  avowed  hostility  of  the 
reUgious  leaders  and  the  inadequate  response  of  the 
nation  to  the  call  to  repentance.  The  taking  up  of  the 
cross  into  the  pui-pose  of  Jesus  is  necessarily  a  mystery  ; 
but  when  once  the  certainty  of  it  had  become  clear  to 
Jesus  Himself,  it  was  natural  that  He  should  seek  to 
be  alone  with  the  disciples.  It  becomes  important 
for  Him  to  know  how  far  they  have  understood  Him. 
and  to  prepare  their  minds  for  the  strangeness  of  His 
end.  He  breaks  off  the  pubhc  ministry  in  order  to 
train  the  Twelve  in  the  shadow  of  the  cross. 

In  the  course  of  this  period  of  wandering,  when  they 
were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Csesarea  PMUppi.  Jesus 
asked  His  disciples  for  their  verdict  on  Himself.  Tho 
story  of  the  great  confession  imphes  that  He  had  not 
openly  proclaimed  Himself  Messiah  even  to  the  Twelve. 
His  every  act  and  word  raised  the  question,  "  What 
manner  of  man  is  this  ?  "  but  the  popular  desire,  ex- 
pressed in  the  sentence,  "If  thou  be  the  Christ,  tell 
us  plainly,"  had  not  been  directly  satisfied.  The 
evidence  of  demons  had  been  silenced,  tho  sign  from 
heaven  had  been  refused.  The  great  confession 
summed  up  the  impressions  of  those  whom  He  had 
chosen  to  be  with  Him.  Their  faith  was  unforced, 
and  rooted  in  experience. 

Since  the  disciples  have  pnetrated  into  the  secret 
of  His  person,  Jesus  can  disclose  to  them  the  secret 
of  His  passion.  The  thought  of  a  suffering  Messiah 
is  urffamihar  and  unwelcome.  The  loyalty  of  Peter 
resents  such  a  fate  for  his  Master,  and  the  faith  of  tho 
disciples  cannot  grasp  this  prediction  of  betrayal  and 
death,  even  when  Jesus  says  that  those  who  follow 
Him  must  bo  ready  to  lay' down  their  lives  for  His 
sake.  The  vision  on  the.  Mount  of  Tranafignration. 
which  sets  the  Divine  seal  on  the  disciples"  confession, 
is  accompanied  by  a  bewildering  reference  to  resurrec- 
tion from  tho  dead.  What  does  it  mean  ?  Is  not 
EUjah  to  oomo  before  Messiah  and  prepare  tho  way 
for  Him  ?     Whv  should  He  die  anJ  riso  from  tho  dead  .' 


668 


THE   LIFE   AND   TEACHING   OF   JESUS 


When  the  three  chief  apostles  put  this  ijuestion  about 
Eliae  to  their  Lord,  they  learnt  that  Elijah  had  oome 
already  in  the  person  of  John  tho  Baptist,  and  his 
death  anticipated  the  suffering  of  Messiah.  Through- 
out this  time  of  converse  with  tho  Twelve.  Jesus  dwelt 
on  the  necessity  of  His  death  and  the  certainty  of  His 
resurrection.  The  disciples  remained  perplexed,  and 
when  Jesus  set  His  lace  to  go  to  Jerusalem  they  followed 
with  wondering  awe.  Up  to  the  last  they  could  not 
beheve  it  possible,  but  when  it  happened  they  did 
not  altogether  lose  faith  in  Him.  He  had  foreseen 
and  foretold  it.     More  than  that.  He  had  chosen  it. 

Some  hints  are  given  in  the  gospels  as  to  the  way 
in  which  Jesus  regarded  His  death.  He  accepted  it 
as  Gods  will  for  Him.  "The  cup  that  My  Father 
hath  given  mo.  shall  1  not  drink  it  ?  "  The  sufferings 
of  the  Son  of  Man  were  necessary  in  the  sense  that 
they  have  been  foretold  by  the  prophets.  Yet  Jesus 
was  not  the  victim  of  fate.  His  death  was  His  own 
willed  act.  The  Johannine  saying,  "No  one  taketh 
niy  life  from  me,  but  I  lay  it  down  of  myself."  is  borne 
out  by  the  Synoptic  picture  of  Jesus  deliberately 
seeking  Jerusalem  and  forcing  the  issue  on  the  rulers 
and  the  people. 

Jesus  pointed  His  disciples  to  the  cross  as  creating 
for  them  a  new  standard  of  greatness.  The  Gentile 
ideal  which  underhcs  the  title  of  Alexander  the  Great 
was  to  disappear  before  greatness  measured  by  service 
and  self-sacrifice.  The  death  of  Jesus  is  His  complete 
self-sacrifice  in  tho  service  of  God  and  men.  He  gave 
Himself  a  ransom  for  many.  He  died  to  complete 
His  ministry.  The  call  to  repentance  and  the  message 
of  forgiveness  had  not  found  a  full  response  in  mens 
hearts.  But  the  cross  will  anest  men.  It  will 
awaken  a  sense  of  sin,  and  bring  an  assurance  of  for- 
giveness, which  even  the  words  of  Jesus  could  not 
create.  Jesus  looked  upon  His  death  as  the  condition 
of  His  world-wide  mlluence.  "I  have  a  baptism  to 
be  baptized  with,  and  how  am  I  straitened  till  it  be 
accomplished!"  "  I,  if  I  be  lifted  up,  will  draw  all 
men  unto  me." 

Jesus  went  up  to  Jerusalem  to  make  His  last  appeal 
to  His  people,  a  little  before  the  Passover,  probably 
in  the  year  a. p.  29.^  He  challenged  the  authorities 
by  openly  acting  as  if  He  were  Messiah.  The  triumphal 
entry  into  the  city  and  tho  cleansing  of  the  Temple 
courts  are  aUke  assertions  of  Messianic  dignity,  while 
the  point  of  the  question  about  David  calling  Messiah 
I>orcf  seems  to  be  that  it  rebuts  a  criticism  urged 
against  the  claim  of  Jesus  to  bo  regarded  as  Messiah. 
In  the  parable  of  the  wicke  husbandmen  Jesus  re- 
presents Himself  as  being  God's  last  messenger  to  the 
chosen  people.  The  loilers  could  not  remain  indifferent 
or  passively  hostile.  They  sought  to  discredit  Jesus 
by  trapping  Him  with  hard  questions,  and  it  is  possible 
that  the  question  about  tribute  did  ahenate  patriotic 
feeling,  and  inchned  the  people  to  shout  "  Ci-ucify." 
However,  the  popularity  of  Jesus,  at  least  with  the 
Gahlflcans  who  had  come  up  for  tho  feast,  seemed 
dangerous  to  the  pohticians  associated  wnth  the  high 
priest.  If  tho  raising  of  Lazanis  be  history,  this 
crowning  miracle  may  well  have  strengthened  a 
popularity  v.hich  alarmed  the  Sadducean  party.  The 
action  of  Jesus  in  cleansing  tho  Temple  ignored  their 
authority  and  threatened  their  pockets.  They  re- 
solved to  get  rid  of  Him,  and  were  glad  when  judas 
turned  traitor.  Jesus  Jlimseif  had  no  doubt  as  to 
the  iseue  of  the  conflict.  When  Marj-  anointed  His 
feet  in  the  house  in  Bethany.  H»  interpreted  it  as  an 
•  See  pp.  663f. ;  also  Turner's  article  "Chronology  "in  HDB. 


anticipation  of  His  burial.  He  spoke  much  of  judge 
ment  and  of  the  doom  in  which  the  Jewish  Temple 
and  the  Jewish  State  would  bo  overthrown.  In 
rejecting  Him  His  people  sealed  their  fate.  The  woes 
on  the  Pharisees  are  part  of  a  final  warning  to  the 
nation.  On  the  other  hand,  His  disciples  were  en- 
couraged with  the  assurance  of  His  triumphant  return. 
They  were  told  to  look  for  His  appearing  within  that 
generation.  They  were  to  bo  ever  ready  to  meet  the 
bridegroom,  for  He  comes  suddenly  at  an  hour  when 
men  think  not. 

In  the  upper  room,  Jesus  strengthened  His  disciples 
with  something  more  than  tho  hope  of  His  return. 
He  hnked  the  meal  they  were  sharing  with  the  thought 
of  His  sacrificial  death,  and  turned  what  seemed  to 
bo  the  overthrow  of  all  their  hopes  into  tho  strongest 
bond  of  their  fellowship.  On  the  eve  of  the  passion, 
Jesus  thinks  not  of  Himself  but  of  His  followers. 
His  last  gift  to  them  is  the  gift  of  His  body  broken 
and  His  blood  shed  for  them.  He  has  nothing  else 
to  leave  to  them,  but  in  this  bequest  He  leaves  with 
them  a  peace  which  the  world  cannot  give  or  take  away. 
For  His  bod}'  sacrificed  in  death  is  the  pledge  of  the 
new  covenant,  wherein  men  know  the  Lord  and  He 
remembers  their  sins  no  more.  It  is  also  the  final 
standard  of  character  for  the  Christian.  "  If  I,  your 
Lord  and  Master  ...  ye  also "  (Jn.  13i4).  The 
narratives  in  Mt.  and  Mk.  do  not  suggest  that  Jesus 
expressly  desired  the  repetition  of  the  scene  in  the 
upper  room.  It  is  doubtful  if  we  ought  to  say  that  He 
ordained  the  sacrament.  But  it  was  natural  that 
whenever  the  disciples  met  to  break  bread  they  should 
recall  what  Jesus  did  on  that  last  night  when  He 
was  betrayed.  Jesua  had  made  the  sharing  of  bread 
and  wine  a  means  of  life-giving  remembrance  of  His 
sacrifice. 

From  the  upper  room  Jesus  and  His  disciples  passed 
to  Gethsemane.  In  the  garden  Jesus  entered  into  an 
agony  of  sorrow,  and  prayed  that  the  cup  of  suffering 
might  be  taken  away  from  Him.  Some  have  seen  in 
this  prayer  evidence  that  up  to  the  last  Jesus  hoped 
to  avoid  tho  necessity  of  death,  and  perhaps  even  on 
the  cross  expected  a  saving  intervention  from  heaven. 
Such  a  petition,  it  is  urged,  is  not  consistent  with  tho 
confident  predictions  of  tiio  end  recorded  in  the  gospels, 
and  these  picdictions  must  therefore  be  regarded  as 
an  afterthought.  But  it  is  not  sui-prising  that  Jesus 
should  shrink  from  the  death  He  had  foreseen.  It  is 
a  natural  wish  rather  than  a  hope  which  prompts  the 
prayer ;  and  the  very  form  of  it.  ' '  Abba  Father,  all 
things  are  possible  to  thee,"  suggests  that  tho  request 
is  for  something  beyond  human  power  or  expectation 
(rf.  Mk.  10.27).  Nor  is  it  necessary  with  other  inter- 
preters to  explain  the  agony  of  Jesus  by  some  fierce 
onset  of  Satan,  or  by  some  vision  of  the  worlds  sin 
or  of  God's  wrath.  There  are  depths  of  mystery  in 
this  troubling  of  the  soul  of  Jesus  which  we  may  not 
fathom.  But  the  actual  situation  would  of  itself 
account  for  the  prayer  in  which  Jesus  completed  the 
sacrifice  of  obedience.  The  lament;  over  Jerusalem, 
or  the  sentence  from  Johns  prologue,  "He  came  unto 
his  own  and  his  own  received  him  not,"  would  suffice 
to  afford  a  clue.  The  thought  of  all  that  was  involved 
for  His  people  in  their  rejection  of  Him  may  well 
underlie  the  prayer  in  Gethsemane.  If  the  wilfingness 
to  die  was  with  Jesus  from  the  first,  and  was  indeed 
bound  up  with  the  call  to  repentance,  yet  the  necessity 
of  death  lay  in  tho  failure  of  the  Jews  to  respond  to 
the  call,  and  Jesus,  even  when  tho  cross  was  clearly 
inevitable,  could  not  reconcile  Himself  to  that  failure.^ 
'  C/.  Schlatter,  Das  Wort  Jesu,  p.  661. 


THE  LIFE  AND   TEACHING   OF   JESUS 


669 


It  would  serve  no  useful  purpose  to  try  to  retell  the 
story  of  the  arrest,  of  the  trial,  condemnation,  and 
crucifixion  of  Jesus.  The  whole  procedure  was  hurried 
and  irregular,  and  this  circumstance  has  raised  doubts 
in  some  minds  as  to  the  historicity  of  the  narrative. 
But  these  features  of  the  story  are  neither  unparalleled 
nor  unnatural.  There  were  obvious  reasons  for  haste 
in  the  desire  to  get  rid  of  Jesus  before  the  feast  and 
before  any  attempt  could  be  made  to  rally  popular 
feeling  to  His  side.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  Saddu- 
cean  party  were  most  directly  responsible  for  the 
death  of  Jesus.  The  cracifixion  must  be  laid  at  the 
door  of  the  exponents  of  expediency.  The  parts 
played  by  Judas  and  by  Pilate  remain  obscure.  The 
motives  of  the  former  are  left  unexplained,  while  the 
conduct  of  the  latter  does  not  seem  to  correspond 
with  what  is  known  of  him  through  Josephus.  This 
element  of  obscurity  makes  some  suspect  the  presence 
of  myth  or  legend.  If  there  is  any  force  in  such 
suspicion  it  will  attach  to  the  shadowy  figure  of  Judas, 
whoso  end  is  recorded  in  divergent  legends,  and  mIioso 
part  in  the  tragedy  might  have  been  suggested  by  OT 
passages.  But  the  silence  of  the  evangelists  as  to  the 
motives  of  Judas  does  not  really  throw  doubt  on  the 
story  of  the  betraj^al,  which  is  credible  in  itself  (c/. 
1  Cor.  II23*).  The  arrest  of  Jesus  could  not  have 
been  effected  so  easily  and  quietly  without  treachery. 
As  to  the  conduct,  of  Pilate,  it  is  not  more  strange 
that  the  presence  of  Jesus  at  his  judgment-seat  should 
make  an  unusual  impression  on  him  and  soften  his 
normal  brutaUty,  than  that  the  same  presence  should 
waken  generosity  in  Zacchaeus,  or  gentleness  in  the 
dying  thief.  It  is  possible  that  his  hesitation  m 
passing  sentence  was  due  more  to  the  desire  to  play 
with  the  Jewish  leaders  than  to  pity  for  Jesus.  In 
any  case  the  nature  of  the  accusation  wliich  implifid 
that  Jesus  was  a  rival  to  Ca?sar  seems  to  have  been 
skilfully  urged  upon  him  by  the  Jewish  authorities,  and 
Pilate  must  have  felt  that  he  had  no  option.  The  tend- 
ency of  the  evangeUsts,  especiallj'  Lk.,  is  to  minimise 
the  responsibihty  of  Pilate,  and  draw  attention  to  his 
protestations  of  the  innocence  of  Jesus.  But  though 
Pilate  saw  through  the  meanness  of  the  chief  priest 
and  his  supporters,  yet  either  because  he  feared  to 
give  the  Jews  a  handle  to  be  used  against  himself  at 
Rome  (Jn.  19i2),  or  because  the  very  demeanour  of 
Jesus  made  him  half  afraid  and  half  suspicious,  he 
gave  the  order  for  the  crucifixion,  and  "  suffered  under 
Pontius  Pilate  "  became  the  article  of  the  Creed  whose 
historicity  is  least  open  to  doubt. 

In  their  accounts  of  the  crucifixion  itself  the  evan- 
geUsts differ.  Mt.  follows  ^Mk.,  while  Lk.  adopts  an 
alternative  authority,  and  Jn.  offers  yet  a  third  narra- 
tive which  affords  but  few  points  of  contact  with  lus 
predecessors.  Of  the  seven  words  from  the  cross, 
one  only  is  recorded  in  Mt.  and  INIk.,  though  they 
mention  a  loud  cry  at  the  last,  which  may  be  variously 
interpieted  in  Lk.  2846  and  Jn.  I930.  Jn.  and  Lk. 
agree  in  omitting  the  cry  of  anguish  and  despair  re- 
corded in  Mt.  and  Mk.  This  cry  itself  shows  that 
"Jesus  on  the  cross  was  not  protected  from  suflPering 
either  by  unconsciousness  or  by  the  sense  of  Gods 
nearness.  It  shows  further  that  even  then  He  thought 
only  of  what  the  Father  was  doing  with  Him.  The 
disciples  heard  from  the  cross  no  reproaches  against 
men.  The  crushing  weight  of  His  suffering  lies  in 
the  fact  that  God  has  forsaken  Him."  ^  Jn.  represents 
the  reality  of  the  suffering  of  Jesus  simply  by  the 
word  "  I  thirst."  This  is  not  so  searching  as  the  record 
of  Mk. 

CA.  Schlatter.  /)<u  Wort  Jem,  p.  554. 


Lk.,  on  the  other  hand,  is  concerned  to  show  Jesua 
exercising  mercy  even  on  the  cross.  On  the  way  to 
the  place  called  Golgotha  Jesus  bids  the  women  of 
Jerusalem  weep  for  themselves,  thus  giving  utterance 
for  the  last  time  to  the  foreboding  of  national  disaster 
which  had  contributed  something  to  the  great  sorrow 
of  Gethsemane.  On  the  cross  Jesus  prayed  for  His 
enemies,  if  we  may  regard  the  words,  "  Father,  forgive 
them,  for  they  know  not  what  they  do,"'  as  part  of 
the  genuine  text  of  Lk.  2834.  The  force  of  the  passage 
is  weakened  by  Seelcy's  interpretation,  who  saj's  that 
Jesus  prays  for  the  Roman  soldiers  and  not  for  His 
avowed  enemies,  the  Jewish  leaders.  This  interpreta- 
tion is  in  favour  whenever  wo  find  it  difficult  to  pray 
for  enemies,  and  if  it  had  been  adopted  in  the  early 
church  the  variation  in  the  MSS.  might  have  been 
avoided.  For,  as  Dr.  Rendel  Harris  suggests,  the 
omission  of  this  passage  from  several  MSS.  may  be 
due  to  the  difficulty  which  manj'  Christians  had  in 
bcheving  that  Jesus  could  have  prayed  for  the  Jews. 
Unless,  however,  we  give  the  wider  scope  to  this  prayer, 
the  parallel  petition  of  Stephen  the  protomartyr  ia 
the  more  generous,  and  to  admit  this  is  to  transgress 
the  rule,  "The  disciple  is  not  greater  than  his 
Loi-d."  Moreover,  2834  seems  to  continue  in  spirit 
233of.  Jesus  is  still  thinking  of  His  people  and  pray- 
ing for  them.  In  the  story  of  the  penitent  thief  Lk. 
shows  how  even  on  the  cross  Jesus  won  a  social  outcast 
to  the  Kingdom.  For  the  incident  is  not  recorded  to 
encourage  deathbed  repentance,  but  to  show  how  the 
sight  of  Jesus  in  the  suffering  of  death  extorted  ad- 
miration and  even  faith  from  a  hardened  criminal. 

Jn.  dwells  on  the  thought  of  the  cross  as  the  com- 
pletion of  Christ's  work  on  earth.  The  perfect  work 
was  done  when  Jesus  said,  "It  is  finished."  It  is  not 
difficult  to  see  the  truth  of  this.  The  humiUation  of 
Jesus,  which  is  His  glory,  was  fuUy  accomplished  only 
on  the  cross.  Yet,  in  another  sense,  the  work  of  Jesus, 
and  so  His  history,  did  not  end  with  the  cross.  He 
had  foretold  His  resurrection,  and  within  a  few  days 
after  His  passion  His  disciples  had  become  convinced 
that  He  was  risen  from  the  dead. 

The  evidence  for  the  Resurrection  of  Jesus  has 
probably  been  more  rigorously  analysed  and  more 
variously  interpreted  than  has  been  the  evidence 
for  any  other  historic  event.^  It  seems  clear,  however, 
that  the  disciples  were  convinced  by  appearances  of 
Jesus  which  they  themselves  distinguished  from  other 
vision  experiences  with  which  they  were  famifiar.  It 
is  further  to  be  noted  that  these  appearances  were 
confined  to  men  and  women  who  had  previously  been 
disciples,  though  an  exception  must  be  made  in  the 
case  of  Saul.  These  Resurrection-appearances  were 
also  limited  to  a  certain  period  of  time.  No  one  claims 
to  have  seen  the  Lord  in  this  way  after  the  revelation 
to  Saul  on  the  Damascus  road.  The  witnesses  to  the 
Resurrection  agreed  in  behoving  that  the  tomb  in  which 
the  bodj^  of  Jesus  had  been  laid  was  empty  on  the 
first  day  of  the  week.  On  these  points,  viz.  the  special 
character  of  the  appearances  of  the  Risen  Lord,  the 
limitation  of  such  appearances  to  chosen  recipients 
and  to  a  particular  time,  and  the  fact  of  the  empty 
tomb,  the  evidence  of  the  NT  is  in  substantial  agree- 
ment. The  difficulties  and  discrepancies  in  the  gospels 
seem  to  arise  from  the  combining  of  two  lines  of  tradi- 
tion which  varied  as  to  the  place  where  Jesus  first 
manifested    Himself    to    His    disciples    after    Ho    was 

»  The  best  study  from  the  critical  standpoint  Is  K.  Lake,  The 
Resurrection  of  Jfsiis.  See  alao  O.  H.  Gilbert,  Jesus,  pp.  27511. 
L.itham's  RUm  MaMer  Is  valuable. 


670 


THE   LIFE   AND   TEACHING   OF   JESUS 


risen  from  the  dead.  Ml.  (posdibly  following  Mk.) 
and  the  appendix  to  Jn  (Jn.  21)  place  the  earliest 
appearances  in  Galilee.  Lie.  apparently  ruleb  out  the 
Galilaean  tradition  (contrast  Lk.  246  with  Mk.  IO7), 
and  regards  Jerusalem  and  the  neighbourhood  as  the 
scene  of  the  events  which  cstabhshed  faith  in  the  Resur 
rection.  This  conflict  of  testimony  is  not  easy  to  re- 
solve, and  unless  the  lost  ending  of  Mk.  should  bo 
recovered  it  is  not  likely  that  scholars  will  reach  any 
very  secure  answer  to  the  problem. 

The  Resurrection-story  and  the  Resurrection-faith 
do  not  seem  cxpUcable  except  on  one  of  two  hypotheses. 
The  historian  recjuires  either  the  empty  tomb  or  at 
least  a  series  of  visions  of  an  objective  character,  i.e. 
visions  which  point  to  a  definite  centre  of  personal 
influence  outside  the  recipients  of  the  visions.  Attempts 
to  explain  the  facts  by  means  of  mere  subjective 
visions  founder  on  the  general  characteristics  of  the 
evidence  presented  in  the  gospels.  Also  the  psj-cho- 
logical  conditions  alike  for  the  creation  of  such  sub- 
jective visions  and  for  the  building  up  of  legend  were 
clearly  wanting.  Wo  are  thrown  either  on  the  tradi- 
tional orthodox  faith  in  the  empty  tomb,  which  does 
least  violence  to  the  actual  evidence,  or  on  what  may 
l;e  called  the  objective-vision  hypothesis  which  on 
doctrinal  grounds  commends  itself  to  some  modem 
luinds.*  The  issue  involved  is  stated  thus  by  K.  Lake : 
' '  The  crucial  point  is  the  definition  we  give  to 
Resurrectiou.  If  we  hope  for  this  in  our  case  in  such 
a  way  as  to  resuscitate  ihe  human  flesh  which  will  be 
laid  in  the  ground,  we  must  postulate  the  same  for 
the  "firstborn  from  the  dead."  If  we  do  not  beheve 
and  would  not  desire  this  for  ourselves,  it  is  illogical 
that  wo  should  beUeve  that  it  was  so  for  him.  '  A 
somewhat  similar  position  may  be  urged  with  refer- 
ence to  the  Virgin-birth.  It  is  claimed  that  Jesus  is 
estranged  from  us,  and  could  not  have  been  tempted 
like  as  we  are,  if  His  birth  were  not  parallel  to  the 
birth  of  other  men.  He  must  be  Uke  His  fellows  both 
in  His  entry  into  life  and  in  the  manner  of  His  resurrec- 
tion. But' it  seems  to  be  doubtful  whether  wo  are 
justified  in  pressing  such  considerations  in  either  case. 
If  Jesus  be  a  unique  embodiment  of  God's  lovo,  it 
would  not  be  strange  that  He  should  be  differentiated 
from  other  men  in  the  circumstances  of  His  birth  and 
in  the  sequel  to  His  death.  It  is  safer  to  keep  to  the 
critical  side  of  the  question,  and  it  seems  clear  that 
the  historic  evidence  for  the  empty  tomb  is  strong, 
and  incidentally  much  stronger  than  the  evidence  for 
the  Virgin- birth. 

It  is  worth  while  to  point  out  that  the  insistence  on 
the  kinship  of  Jesus  with  ourselves  is  the  valuable 
element  in  either  of  the  views  of  the  Resurrection  which 
we  have  been  considering.  The  resurrection  of  the 
body  is  important  if  only  thus  we  can  be  assured  that 
the  essential  humanity  of  Jesus  lives  in  God  for  over. 
This  thought  is  put  in  Jean  Ingelows  lines- 

"And  didst  Thou  love  the  race  that  loved  not  Thee  ? 
And  didst  Thou  take  to  heaven  a  human  brow  ? 
Dost  plead  with  man's  voice  by  the  luarrellous  sea? 
.\rt  Thou  his  kinsman  row  'c  " 

The  central  element  in  the  Resurrection-faith  is 
the  behef  of  the  disciples  that  the  same  Jesus  with 
whom  they  walked  in  Galilee,  and  who  suffei-ed  ou 
the  cross,  had  come  back  to  them.  If  I.Ake  and 
others  are  right  in  supposing  that  the  body  is  not 
an  essential  part  of  our  personal  life,  then  they  are 
right  also  in  asserting  th.-it  the  resuscitation  of  the  body 
of  .Jesus  was  not  nec<lod  for  the  continuance  of  His 

'  Cf.  Streeter  in  Foundations,  aiid  K.  Lake,  Thf  Returreetum  of 
Jrim,  cb.  7,  and  esp.  p.  253. 


true  humanity.  The  great  reh^ious  values  which 
traditional  Christianity  sought  to  maintain  in  the 
aflirmation  of  the  empty  tomb  could  thus  be  preservod 
on  the  altomp.tivc  hypothesis.  But  it  may  be  that 
Paul  ifl  right  in  supposing  some  conne.xiou  to  exist 
between  a  future  spiritual  bodj'  and  the  present 
physical  body,  and  it  will  also  seem  to  many  that  the 
triumph  of  love  over  death  would  have  remained 
incomplete  had  the  body  of  Jesus  seen  corruption. 

\Ve  may  conclude  this  article  with  a  paragraph  con- 
cerning the  Messianic  claim  of  Jesus.  There  is  a 
throwing  agreement  among  scholars  to  the  effect  that 
Jesus  used  the  title  "Son  of  Man''  (Mk.  831*)  of 
Himself,  and  that  tliis  title  is  Messianic.  It  is  to  be 
interpreted  in  the  first  instance  in  the  hght  ot  the  use 
•  )i  the  phrase  in  the  Book  of  Enoch.  There  the  Son 
ff  Man  is  a  supernatural  being  to  whom  is  entrusted 
tiie  final  judgment  over  mankind.  Jesus  claimed  to 
bo  this  Son  of  Man.  and  this  meant  that  He  thought 
Himself  destined  to  judge  n.ll  men  hereafter  (see  esp. 
.Mk.  1462  and  Mt.  2.331-46).  Some  scholars  argue 
that  this  was  the  paramount  factor  in  the  conscious- 
ness of  Jesus.  They  urge  that  if  Jesus  identified 
liimself  with  the  special  type  of  Messiah  found  in 
Enoch,  we  need  not  look  further  for  an  explanation 
of  the  devotion  of  the  disciples.  It  must  also  be 
recognised  that  if  Jesus  looked  on  Himself  as  the 
Enochian  Son  of  JIan,  He  identified  Himself  with  a 
Jewish  delusion. 

The  difficulties  in  this  view  he  in  the  exclusive 
attention  given  to  one  particular  aspect  of  the  teach- 
ing of  Jesus.  In  the  Gospels  the  title  "Son  of  Man  ' 
is  not  associated  only  with  the  idea  of  judgment  aa 
in  Enoch.  It  is  connected  with  the  thotight  of  the 
Suffering  Servant  of  the  Lord.  When  Jesus  speaks  of 
Himself  as  Son  of  JIan,  ho  does  not  simply  identify 
Himself  with  the  Enochian  Messiah.^  Moreover,  wo 
cannot  but  ask  what  prompts  the  identification,  and 
the  answer  is  only  to  be  found  in  recognising  that  the 
fihal  consciousness  of  Jesus  precedes  and  creates  the 
Messianic  consciousness.  This  some  scholars  of  the 
eschatological  school  are  slow  to  admit,  but  the  ques- 
tion, "  Why  cUd  Jesus  regard  Himself  as  Son  of  ^L^n  ?  " 
must  be  pressed.  And  why  did  His  disciples  accept 
this  self-valuation  from  their  Master  ?  If  a  visionary 
annoimced  himself  to  be  the  Enochian  Son  of  Man  he 
would  not  thereby  win  devotion.  The  first  disciples 
confessed  Jesus  to  be  the  Christ  (without  fully  untlor- 
standing  what  kind  of  Christ  He  was)  because  they 
felt  Him  to  be  worthy  of  honour  and  power  Divine. 
The  developmg  Christology  of  the  NT  is  just  the  re- 
cognition of  the  worth  of  a  Person  whose  character 
and  history  compel  this  tribute. 

Literature. — For  the  background  of  the  historj'  the 
chief  authority  is  Schiirer's   The  Jewish  People  in  the 

Time  of  Christ.     Other  works  are  Hausrath's  History 
of   the    Xew    Testament    Times ;     Fairweather,    The 

Background    oj  the    Oospds ;     Bousset,    Religion   de^ 

Judentiuns^ ;    Muirhead.    The    Times  of  Christ.     See 
also  bibliographies  appended  to  articles  on  "Apocalyptic 

Literature  "  and  "  Contemporary  Jewish  Religion." 

The  fullest  survey  of  the  literature  on  the  life  of 
Jesus    is    Schweitzer's     The    Quest    of   Ihe    Historical 

Jesus ;    to  this  may  be  added  ^^'■einel  and  Widgery, 

Jc-fus  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  and   After ;   Sanday, 

The  Life  of  Chri.^t  in  Recent  Research. 
Of  the  larger  lives  of  Jesus :  Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara  ; 

Edershcim,  Life  and  Time?  of  Jesus  the  Messiah ;  and 

B.  Wei.s9,    The  Life  of  Christ,  seem  to   be  the  mort 

»   Cf.  Moflatt,  Thtotogy  of  the  OotpeU,  p.  159. 


THE  LIFE  AND  TEACHING  OF  JESUS 


671 


important.  There  are  other  works  by  Farrar,  Geikie, 
Rfevillo,  0.  Holtzmann.  N.  Schmidt,  and  D.  Smith. 
Smaller  works  by  Stalker.  Sanday,  Bousset,  Gilbert, 
Rhees.  Kent.  To  these  add  Fairbaim,  Studies  in  tlie 
Life  of  Christ ;  B.  H.  Streeter  in  Foundations  ;  Seeley, 
Ecct  Homo;  J.  A.  Robertson,  The  Spiritiuit  Pil- 
grimage of  Jesus;  J.  F.  McFadyen,  Jesus  aiul  Life; 
IHctionary  of  Christ  and  the  Gospels ;  and  articles  in 
EBi.  (Bruce),  HSDB  (W.  P.  Paterson),  ERE  (Mac- 
kenzie), and  The  Standard  Bible  Dictiomry  (Donney). 
On  the  character  of  Jesus,  Glover  in  Conjiict  of 
Religions  in  the  Early  Roman  Empire  (pubUshed 
separately  as  a  pamphlet) ;  Fosdick,  The  Manhood  of 
the  Master. 

On  His  teaching :  The  works  on  NT  theology  men- 
tioned in  General  Bibliographies  ;  Wendt,  The  Teaching 
of  Jesus ;  Bruce,  The  Kingdom  of  God,  The  Training  of 
the  Twelve,  The  Galilean  Gospel ;  von  Schrenck,  Jesus 
and  His  Teaching ;  Denney,  Jesus  and  the  Gospel ; 
Du  Bose,  The  Gospel  in  the  Gospels;  Stevens,  The 
Teaching  of  Jesus  ;  Montefiore,  The  Religious  Teach- 
ing of  Jesus;  T.  R.  Glover,  The  Jesus  of  History; 
Moffatt,  The  Theology  of  the  Gospels ;  Schlatter,  Das 
Wort  Jesu  ;  Loisy.  Jesus  et  la  tradition  Evangelique ; 
Robertson.  Our  Lord's  Teaching ;  Rashdall,  Conscience 
and  Christ. 

There  is  also  a  large  Uterature  on  special  problems, 
with  reference  both  to  history  and  to  theology.  On 
some  of  these,  works  on  apologetics  may  be  consulted. 

On  the  historicity  of  Jesus : — Negative  works :  J.  M. 
Robertson,  Pagan  Christs,  Christianity  and  Mythology; 
W.  B.  Smith,  Der  vorchristliche  Jesus,  Ecce  Deus ; 
Kalthoff,  The  Rise  of  Christianity  ;  Drews,  The  Christ 
Myth,  The  ^Yitnesses  to  the  Historicity  of  Jesus.  On 
the  positive  side :  Case,  The  Historicity  of  Jesus ; 
Conybeare,  The  Historical  Christ ;  Rossington,  Did 
Jesus  really  Live?;  J.  Weiss,  Jesus  von  Nazareth,  Mythus 
Oder  Geschichte  ;  Loofs,  What  is  the  Truth  about  Jesus 
Christ?;  Thorbum,  The  Mythical  Interpretation  of  the 
Gospels,  Jesus  the  Christ :  Historical  or  Mythical  ? 

On  the  miracles:  Bruce,  The  Miraculous  Element 
in  the  Gospels;  ]\Iozley,  Eight  Lectures  on  Miracles; 
J.  Wendland,  Miracles  and  Christianity ;  Illingworth, 
The  Gospel  Miracles  ;  Headlam,  The  Miracles  of  the 
NT ;   E.  0.  Davies,   The  Miracles  of  Jesus;   J.  M. 


Thompson,  Miracles  in  the  NT;  Sanday,  Bishop 
Gore's  Challenge  to  Criticism ;  Sanday  and  N.  P. 
Wilhams,  Form  and  Content  in  the  Christian  Tradition. 

On  the  supernatural  birth: — (a)  Negative  works: 
Lobstein,  The  Virgin  Birth  of  Christ ;  Soltau,  The 
Birth  of  Jesus  Christ  ;  Cheyne,  Bible  Problems ; 
articles,  Mary,  Mother  of  Jesus,  and  Nativity  in  EBi. 
{b)  Positive  works :  Sweet,  The  Birth  and  Infancy  of 
Jesus  Christ ;  Orr,  The  Virgin  Birth  of  Christ ;  Box, 
The  Virgin  Birth  of  Jesus ;  Knowling,  Our  Lord's 
Virgin  Birth  ;  Thorbum,  The  Doctrine  of  the  Virgin 
Birth  ;  and  articles.  Birth  of  Christ,  Immanuel,  Virgin 
Birth  in  DCG. 

On  the  Resurrection: — \V.  Milligan,  The  Resurrec- 
tion of  our  Lord ;  Lake,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus  ; 
Orr,  The  Resurrection  of  Christ;  Sparrow-Simpson, 
Our  Lord's  Resurrection,  The  Resurrection  and  Modern 
Thought;  the  article  Resurrection  and  Ascension  Narra- 
tives in  EBi  (Schmiedel). 

On  the  Parables:  Trench,  Ncdes  on  the  Parables 
of  our  Lord  ;  Bruce,  The  Parabolic  Teaching  of  Christ ; 
JiiUcher,  Die  Gleichnisreden  Jesu  ;  Bugge,  Die  Haupt- 
parabeln  Jesu  ;  G.  INIurray,  Jesus  and  His  Parables  ; 
L.  E.  Browne,  The  Parables  of  the  Gospels. 

On  the  Messianic,  eschatological,  and  related  prob- 
lems :  Baldensperger,  Das  Selbstbewusstsein  Jesu ; 
Holtzmaim,  Das  messianische  Bewusstsein  Jesu; 
Garv-ie,  Studies  in  the  Inner  Life  of  Jesus ;  E.  A. 
Abbott,  The  Son  of  Mail ;  Shailer  Mathews,  The 
Messianic  Hope  in  the  NT;  J.  Weiss,  Die  Predigt 
Jesu  von  Reiche  Gottes^  (2nd  edition  much  expanded 
and  less  extreme) ;  Titius,  Jesu  LeJire  vom  Reiche 
Gottes ;  Schweitzer,  Das  Messianitdts-  und  Leidens- 
geheimniss.  Von  Reiraarus  zu  Wrede  (E.  trans,  under 
the  title  The  Quest  of  the  Historiad  Jesus) ;  Muir- 
head,  The  Eschatology  of  Jesus  ;  "Wemle,  Die  Reichs- 
gotteshoffnung  ;  Loisy,  V  j^vangile  et  V  Eglise  ;  TjTrrell, 
Christianity  at  the  Cross  Roads  ;  Sharman,  The  Teach- 
ing of  Jesus  about  the  Future;  von  Dobschiitz,  The 
Eschatology  of  the  Gospels ;  E.  F.  Scott,  The  King- 
dom and  the  Messiah ;  Emmet,  The  Eschatological 
Question  in  the  Gospels ;  Worsley,  TAe  Apocalypse 
cf  Jesus ;  Dewick,  Primitive  Christian  Eschatology; 
L.  Jackson,  The  Eschatology  of  Jesus ;  AVinstanley, 
Jesus  and  the  Future. 


THE  SYNOPTIC  PROBLEM 


By  Canon  B.  H.  STREETER 


What  ia  the  Synoptic  Problem  ?  A  problem  exists 
whenever  there  is  a  set  of  facts  which  have  something 
about  them  which  seems  to  call  for  special  explanation. 
In  the  case  of  the  first  three  or  SjTioptic  Gospels,  tliis 
"  something  '"  is  the  nature  of  their  jjarallelism  with 
one  another.  In  three  different  biographies  of  the 
same  person  it  is  only  natural  to  find  that  a  good  many 
incidents  or  sayings  are  given  by  more  than  one  of 
them,  but  the  remarkable  tiling  about  the  first  three 
gospels  is,  that  whenever  they  give  an  account  of  the 
same  incident  they  commonly  do  so  in  language  which 
is  often  almost  word  for  word  identical.  Now,  if  this 
identity  or  close  resemblance  of  wording  occurred  only 
in  the  reports  of  sayings  of  our  Lord,  it  might  possibly 
be  accounted  for  by  supposing  it  to  be  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  sajangs  were  accurately  remembered  and  re- 
ported by  the  several  biographers — though  even  in 
the  case  of  reported  sayings  of  great  men  there  is 
usually  (unless,  indeed,  they  have  been  taken  down  in 
shorthand  at  the  moment)  considerable  divergence  in 
the  accounts  of  different  reporters.  But,  where  inci- 
dents or  scenes  are  described,  it  is  a  fact  of  universal 
experience  that  no  two  pei-sons  will  describe  the  same 
event,  or  set  of  events,  in  identical  or  anything  hke 
identical  language.  Thus,  for  instance,  when  one 
reads  in  two  different  newspapers  accoimts  of  the  same 
battle  or  of  the  same  football  match,  even  when  the 
main  facts  recorded  are  much  the  same,  the  minor 
details  noticed  by  the  two  reporters  are  very  different, 
and  the  language  chosen  to  describe  the  whole  set  of 
circumstances  is  still  more  so.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
wo  see  in  two  papers  a  report  of  the  same  event  in 
substantially  the  same  terms,  we  at  once  take  it  for 
grantctl  that  both  papers  are  using  the  same  reporter  or 
the  same  newsagency.  Now,  although  each  of  the  first 
three  gospels  gives  sayings,  incidents,  and  details  of 
incidents  not  given  by  the  others,  such  passages  amomit 
to  less  than  one-tliird  of  the  total  number  of  those 
which  occur  in  more  than  one  gospel.  In  fact,  the 
resemblances  between  the  Synojjtio  Gospels  are  exactly 
of  that  character  which,  if  they  occurred  in  three 
different  journals,  we  should  attribut-e  to  the  fact  that 
these  had  one  or  more  special  correspondents  in  common, 
whose  contributions  had  been  somewhat  freely  edited. 
Accordingly  we  are  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
first  three  gospels,  though  independently  written, 
cannot  be  treated  as  entirely  independent  biographies 
of  our  Lord,  but  that  each  of  them  must  obviously 
have  drawn  much  of  his  information  from  a  source 
or  sources  also  accessible  to  one  or  both  of  the  others. 
The  question,  therefore,  of  how  many  and  of  what 
nature  were  these  sources,  and  whether  it  is  pcjssible 
for  us  in  any  way  to  reconstnict  them — a  question  of 
great  historical  as  well  as  literary  importance — forces 
itself  upon  the  attention  of  all  close  readers  of  these 
gospels,  and  constitutes  what  is  known  to  scholara  as 
the  Synoptic  Problem. 


A  solution  of  the  problem  has  been  Bought  along 
two  main  fines  : 

1.  The  Oral  Tradition  Theory.  On  this  view  there 
once  existed  one  or  more  cycles  of  stereotyped  official 
Church  tradition  leamt  by  heart  by  Christian  teachers  ; 
the  first  three  gospels  repreaent  different  versions  of 
this  official  tradition  sUghtly  modified  in  its  trtmsmission 
through  the  memory  of  three  separate  authors,  and 
supplemented  by  each  with  additions  from  his  own 
private  stock  of  knowledge.  This  theory  is  now 
abandoned  by  almost  all  scholars. 

2.  Theories  of  Documentary  Dependence.  These 
explain  the  occurrence  of  similar  matter  in  more  than 
one  evangelist  by  their  common  use  of  one  or  more 
written  documents.  An  explanation  along  these  fines 
known  as  the  "  Two  Document  Hypothesis,"  is  now 
verj'  generally  accepted. 

The  result  of  a  hundred  years'  discussion  has  been 
to  bring  about  a  practical  unanimity  among  scholars 
with  regard  to  certain  points ;  a  general  but  not 
unanimous  agreement  with  regard  to  others  ;  and  to 
make  clear  the  exeict  nature  of  the  comparatively 
minor  issues  about  which  there  is  still  no  general 
agreement.  It  wiU  be  convenient  to  state  briefiy  what 
are  the  main  pomts  of  agreement  and  disagreement, 
before  giving  in  detail  the  facts  and  reasons  which  bear 
out  these  conclusiojis. 

(1)  There  is  an  ahnost  miiversal  agreement  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  resemblances  between  the  first 
three  gospels  is  due  to  the  fact  that  Matthew  and 
Luke,  working  independently,  incorporated  into  their 
gospels,  with  omissions  and  slight  modifications,  the 
Gospel  of  Mark  or  a  document  closely  resembUng  Mark. 
But  it  still  remains  an  open  question  whether  the 
document  they  used  was  a  copy  of  the  Gospel  of  Mark 
which  differed  from  our  gospel  only  in  a  few  variant 
readings,  or  whether  it  weis  an  earUer  and  sfightly 
shorter  edition  of  Mark,  or  Ur-Marcu^  as  it  has  been 
named  by  German  scholars. 

(2)  A  majority  of  scholars,  but  by  no  means  such 
an  overwhelming  majority  as  that  which  accepts  the 
above  conclusion,  believe  that  Matthew  and  Luke  used 
in  common,  not  only  a  "  Marcan  "  document,  but  a 
second  written  source  that  has  since  disappeared — a 
source  consisting  principally,  if  not  entirely,  of  sayings 
of  our  Lord.  This  hyjwthetical  source  »ised  to  be 
spoken  of  as  the  "  Logia  ""  or  the  "  Double  Tradition," 
but  all  recent  scholars  allude  to  it  as  "  Q  "  (German 
Quelle,  source). 

(3)  iVssuming  the  existence  of  this  second  source  Q. 
it  would  appear  that  in  a  few  places  Q  and  Mk.  over- 
lapped, each  containing  a  version  of  the  same  set  of 
sayings.  Whether  these  versions  represent  inde- 
pendent traditions,  or  whether  Mk,  is  in  regard  to 
these  few  passages  dependent  on  Q,  is  a  point  on 
which  expert  opinion  is  very  evenly  divided. 

The  theory  that  Mt.  and  Lk.  incorporated  with  » 


THE   SYNOPTIC   PROBLEM 


678 


few  slight  verbal  changes  the  greater  part  of  one  or, 
more  probably,  of  two,  previous  historical  works, 
seems,  at  first  sight,  a  littlo  strange.  It  is  certainly 
not  at  all  the  kind  of  thing  which  a  modern  author 
would  do.  No  doubt  all  historians  draw  the  greater 
part  of  their  materials  from  previous  historians  or 
from  documents  which  their  own  researches  have  un- 
earthed, but  with  modern  writers  it  is  a  point  of  honour 
completely  to  recast  and  rewrite  in  their  own  language 
anything  that  they  have  drawn  from  their  predecessors  ; 
and  whenever  they  reproduce  the  exact  wording  of 
any  previous  authority,  the  fact  is  always  made  clear 
by  the  employment  of  inverted  commas.  The  notion, 
however,  that  to  transfer  to  one's  own  writing  without 
acknowledgment  whole  pages  of  a  previous  author, 
is  an  act  of  literary  piracy,  is  quite  modern.  It  is  due 
partly  to  the  value  attached  to  style  for  its  own  sake 
(a  thing  which  existed,  of  course,  among  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  but,  so  far  as  we  know,  was  not  felt  by 
Semitic  historians),  but  still  more  to  the  idea  of 
"  property  "  in  what  one  has  written,  fostered  by  the 
modem  law  of  copyright.  Among  Semitic  orientals 
and  in  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages,  the  idea,  that,  if  you 
draw  your  information  from  a  previous  writer,  it  is 
the  proper  thing  to  draw  only  the  facts  and  to  re-express 
them  in  your  own  words,  simply  did  not  exist.  It 
was  a  universal  practice  of  historians  and  chroniclers 
to  take  over  previous  writings  word  for  word,  just 
omitting  here  and  there  incidents  which  seemed  to 
them  unimportant,  but  altering  the  language  only 
where  it  seemed  to  them  desirable  in  tiie  interests  oi; 
compression  or  where  a  passage  might  bear  an  inter- 
pretation which  they  disliked.  Students  of  the  OT 
will  at  once  recall  the  evidence  which  points  to  the 
view  that  all  the  historical  books  of  the  OT  were  put 
together  on  this  "  scissors-and-paste "  method  by 
compilers  working  on  earlier  documents.  And  there 
is  one  case  which  pr&sents  the  closest  analogy  to  the 
problem  of  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  viz.  the  relation  of 
the  Book  of  Chronicles  to  the  earlier  books  of  Samuel 
and  Kings.  Here  we  still  possess  the  earlier  sources 
which  the  Chronicler  used,  and  we  can  see  how  he  has 
transferred  bodily  into  his  own  narrative  huge  portions 
of  Samuel  and  Kings  almost  word  for  word  ;  and  we 
can  see  also  the  kind  of  editorial  omissions  and  altera- 
tions which  he  has  made,  and  can  as  a  nile  easilj' 
detect  the  motive  of  them.  Thus  the  Two  Document 
Hypothesis  outhned  above,  though  it  seems  strange  in 
view  of  modern  literary  practice,  is  strictly  in  accord 
with  what  is  known  of  Jewish  practice  elsewhere.  There 
remains  to  present  in  outline  the  facts  and  considera- 
tions which  point  to  its  being  the  true  solution  of  the 
problem. 

Matthew  and  Luke  depend  on  Mark 

The  facts  which  point  to  the  dependence  of  Mt.  and 
Lk.  on  a  document  identical  with,  or  at  least  very 
similar  to,  Mk.  may  be  summed  up  under  five  main 
heads. 

1.  The  substance  of  approximately  two-thirds  of 
Mk.  is  reproduced  by  both  Mt.  and  Lk.,  and  the  re- 
maining one-third,  except  for  thirty  verses,  is  repro- 
duced alternately  by  either  Mt.  or  Lk.  The  only 
pa-ssagea  of  Mk.  which  are  absent  from  both  Mt.  and 
Lk.  are  as  follows  :  227,  32of.,  426-29,  l^i.,  732-37, 
822-26,  929, 48f.,  1333-37,  145 if.  ;  total,  thirty  verses. 
The  only  other  passages  of  Mk.  which  are  absent 
from  Mt.  are  as  follows:  123-28,35-38,  421-25,*  630, 
938-41,  1240-44;  total,  twenty-five  verses,  and  these 

1  But i»7insa  similar  to  Mk  421-25  occur  in  Mt.  in  ottier  contexts 


are  all  present  in  Lk.  Thus  the  whole  of  Mk,,  except 
fifty-five  verses,  reappears  in  Mt. 

The  passages  of  Mk.  absent  from  Lk.  are  more 
numerous,  and  cannot  be  defined  quite  so  closely, 
because,  in  many  cases,  Lk.  gives  (though  always,  be  it 
noted,  in  another  context)  what  loolcs  like  another 
version  of  the  section  of  Mk.  which  in  the  Marcan 
context  he  has  not  reproduced.  The  following  pas- 
sages of  Mk.,  though  present  in  Mt.,  have  no  equivalent 
in  Lk. :  l6,  433f.,  617-29,  645-826,  99-13,43-47,  10 
1-10,35-41,  II12-14, 20-22, 24f.,  1426-28  ;  total,  129 
verses,  74  of  them,  i.e.  more  than  half,  are  in  the 
one  continuous  passage,  645-826,  of  which  Mt.  also 
omits  13. 

The  following  passages  of  Mk.  do  not  appear  in  Lk. 
in  the  same  context  as  in  Mk.,  but  what  may  be 
regarded  as  different  versions  of  the  same  incident  or 
saying,  occur  in  a  different  context.  Mk.  1 16-20,  c/. 
Lie.  5i-ii  ;  822-30,  c/.  Lk.  11 14-23  ;  430-32,  c/.  Lk. 
13i8f.  ;  61-6,  cj.  Lk.  416-30 ;  942,  c/.  Lk  172  ;  950, 
cf.  Lk.  1434  ;  lOiif.,  cf.  Lk.  I618  ;  IO42-45,  c/.  Lk.  22 
25-27;  II23,  cf.  Lk.  175;  1321-23  cf.  Lk.  1723; 
143-9,  cf.  Lk.  736-50  ;  I429-31,  cf.  Lk.  2231-34 ; 
15i6-2o,  cf.  Lk.  23ii  ;  total,  fifty  verses. 

2.  In  survejdng  tho  contents  of  51k.  as  a  whole 
we  noted  that  most  of  Mk.  appeared  in  both  Mt.  and 
Lk.,  and  most  of  what  was  not  in  both  appeared  either 
in  one  or  tho  other.  Similarly,  if  we  take  any  one 
average  incident  which  occurs  in  all  three  gospels 
and  underline  *  in  red,  words  which  occur  in  all  of 
them ;  in  blue,  words  occurring  in  Mk.  and  Mt.  only ; 
and  in  black,  words  occurring  in  Mk.  and  Lk.  only, 
we  shall  find  that  most  of  the  actual  words  used  by 
Mk.  occur  in  both  Mt.  and  Lk.,  and  most  of  the  residue 
in  either  one  or  tho  other. 

3.  Again,  if  we  observe  the  order  of  incidents,  we 
note  that,  in  general,  the  Marcan  order  is  preserved 
by  both  Mt.  and  Lk.,  but  wherever  Mt.  departs  from 
Mk.'s  order,  Lk.  supports  Mk. ;  wherever  Lk.  appears 
to  depart,  Mt.  supports  Mk.  The  section  Mk.  331-35, 
which  occurs  in  a  different  context  in  each  gospel,  is 
the  one  exception,  and  in  no  case  do  Mt.  and  Lk. 
agree  together  against  Mk.  in  a  point  of  arrangement. 

In  the  matter  of  order  two  interesting  points  should 
be  noted  : 

(a)  In  the  section  Mt.  8-13,  which  correspond."  to 
Mk.  I29-613,  while  Lk.  usually  agrees  with  Mk.'s  order, 
Mt.  varies  it  to  a  very  remarkable  degree.  But  in  the 
second  half  of  his  gospel,  Mt.  does  not  depart  at  all 
from  the  Marcan  order. 

{b)  Allusion  was  made  above  to  cases  where  Lk. 
appears  to  depart  from  the  Marcan  order  in  places 
where  Mt.  agrees  with  it.  Strictly  speaking,  however, 
it  would  be  more  correct  to  say  that,  in  the  main  body 
of  the  story,  Lk.  omits  certain  passages  where  they 
occur  in  the  Marcan  context  but  inserts  different 
versions  of  them  (doubtless  drawn  from  Q  or  some  other 
source)  in  another  context  (cf.  the  list  of  fifty  verses 
given  above).  But  in  his  account  of  the  Passion  he 
seems  to  follow  wholly  or  in  part  a  tradition  or  docu- 
ment which  related  certain  details  in  a  sUghtly  dif- 
ferent order.  (Cf.  Oxford  Studies  in  the  Synoptic 
Problem,  pp.  7()-84.) 

4.  If  we  examine  carefully  the  way  in  which  the 
Marcan  and  non-Ma  rcan  material  is  distributed 
throughout  Mt.  and  Lk.  respectively,  we  shall  see  that 
it  is  best  explained  if  each  author  originally  started 
with  the  Marcan  material  as  his  main  source,  and  used 
this  as  a  kind  of  base  round  which  he  could,  as  it 

'  The  student  is  stronRly  advised  to  do  tills  In  one  or  two 
typicai  pasg.iirea.  e.g.  Mli.  2i3-'7.  ll»7-33  and  parailela. 

22 


674 


THE   SYNOPTIC   PROBLEM 


were,  build  in  the  non-Marcan  material^ — each  working 
on  a  simple  and  straightforward,  but  on  an  entirely 
different,  plan. 

Of  course,  certain  sections  of  the  non-Marcan  matter 
are,  as  it  were,  dated  by  internal  evidence :  e,g.  the 
additional  details  of  the  Temptation  or  of  the  Pa&sion 
story  coidd  only  have  been  inserted  at  the  beginning 
or  end  of  a  gospel.  But  the  greater  part  of  the  non- 
Marcan  matter  consists  of  parables  or  sayings  'plus  an 
occfiaional  incident  which,  so  far  as  internal  evidence 
is  concerned,  might  just  as  well  have  been  spoken 
or  have  happened  at  any  time  between  these  datc«. 
So  far  as  we  can  judge,  the  evangehsts  had  very  httlo 
to  guide  them  as  to  the  exact  occasion  to  which  any 
particular  incident  or  sa3ang  which  did  not  occur  in 
the  Marcan  outline  should  be  assigned.  This  would 
appear  to  be  the  only  explanation  of  the  curious  fact 
that  there  is  not  a  single  case  (later  than  the  Tempta- 
tion story)  in  which  Mt.  and  Lk.  agree  in  inserting  a 
piece  of  Q  material  in  e.mctly  the  same  context  of  the 
Marcan  outhne.  The  arrangement,  then,  of  the  non- 
Marcan  matter  in  the  Marcan  outhne,  must  have  been 
detennined  by  hterary,  and  not  by  strictly  historical, 
considerations. 

Matthew's  method  is  very  simple.  Whenever  a 
thought  occurs  in  Mk.  akin  to  one  which  is  also  found 
in  the  non-Marcan  material,  he  inserts  that  particular 
piece  of  non-Marcan  matter  into  that  particular  context. 
in  the  Marcan  story.  Sometimes  he  only  adds  a  single 
non-Marcan  verse  to  an  appropriate  Marcan  context: 
e.g.  the  non-Marcan  saying  on  divorce  (Mt.  19io-i2)  is 
appropriately  fitted  on  to  the  Marcan  discussion  of 
the  same  topic.  Sometimes,  starting  in  thLs  way  from 
a  Marcan  nucleus,  he  expands  it  with  non-Marcan 
additions  into  a  long  discourse.  Thus  the  seven  verses 
of  Mk.'s  sending  out  of  the  Twelve  (ilk.  67-13)  become 
the  forty-two  verses  of  Mt.  10.  Again,  the  ai)ocal3'ptic 
chapter  (Mk.  13)  is  not  only  much  expanded  in  Mt.  24 
but  supplemented  by  the  apocalj^tic  parables  of 
Mt.  25.  So  the  anti-Pharisaic  parable  of  the  Wicked 
Husbandmen  (Mk.  I21-12)  attracts  to  itself  two  others, 
the  Two  Sons,  and  the  Marriage  of  the  King's  Son. 
So,  again,  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  far  the  longest 
and  most  imjwrtant  block  of  non-Marcan  matter,  is 
inserted  in  such  a  way  as  to  lead  up  to  and  illustrate  the 
Marcan  verse,  "  And  they  were  astonished  at  his 
teaching  :  for  he  taught  them  as  one  having  authority, 
and  not  as  the  scribes  ""  (cf.  Mk.  I22,  Mt.  729) ;  whuo 
the  parable  of  the  labourers  in  the  vineyard  is  pre- 
sented aa  aa  illustration  of  the  Marcan  sajing,  "  The 
first  shall  be  last  and  the  last  first  "  (Mt.  193^7-20x6, 
Mk.  IO31).     Cf.  Oxford  Studies,  pp.  147-159. 

Luke's  method,  though  equally  simple,  is  quite 
different.  Except  for  the  account  of  the  rejection  at 
Nazareth  and  the  call  of  Peter,  which  he  gives  in  v, 
version  and  context  dififerent  from  Mk.'s,  the  whole 
of  the  non-Marcan  matter  assigned  to  the  interval  be- 
tween the  Temptation  and  the  Last  Supper  is  in- 
serted in  three  blocks,  i.e.  Lk.  620-83,  951-1814,  19i-27. 
It  is  interesting  to  note,  by  the  way,  that  each  of  these 
blocks  consists  partly  of  Q  matter  (i.e.  matter  also 
found  in  Mt.)  and  partly  of  matter  jxxjuhar  to  LL,  in 
the  proportion,  roughly  speaking,  of  half  and  half. 

5.  A  close  study  of  the  actual  language  of  the 
parallel  passages  in  the  gospels  shows  that  there  is  a 
tendency  in  Mt.  and  Lk.,  showing  itself  sometimes  in 
one,  sometimes  in  the  other,  and  often  in  both,  to 
improve  upon  and  refine  ilk.'s  version.  This  points 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Maroan  form  is  the  more 
primitive.  The  force  of  this  argument  depends  ujwn 
the  cumulative  effect  of  an  immense  mass  of  small 


details  such  as  those  collected  and  tabulated  in  Sir  John 
Hawkins'  Horcn  Hynoptico&,  pp.  117-153.  Some  of  theoo 
small  variations  amount  to  a  toning  down  or  remov- 
ing of  phrases  which  might  cause  offence  or  suggest 
difficulties  (p.  700) ;  e.g.  Mk.  65,  "'  He  coxdddo  there  no 
mighty  work,"  becomes  in  Mt.  I358,  "  'Redid  not  there 
many  mighty  works."  Mk.  IO18,  "  Why  callest  thou 
me  good  ?  "  becomes  '"  Why  askest  thou  me  concerning 
the  good  ?  "  Mt.  19i7.  Others  are  stylistic  and  gram- 
matical improvements.  Mt.  and  Lk.  are  both  written 
in  better  Greek  than  Mk.  There  is  also  a  tendency  to 
compress  the  story  (a)  by  leaving  out  picturesque 
though  unimportant  details,  e.g.  Mk.  438,  "  In  the 
stem  ...  on  a  cushion  '' ;  814,  "  They  had  not  in  the 
boat  with  them  more  than  one  loaf  '  ;  (6)  by  leaving 
out  the  repetitions  and  redundances  which  are  char- 
acteristic of  Mark's  style.  Sometimes  Mt.  leaves  out 
one  portion,  Lk.  the  other  member,  of  such  a  redundant 
expression ;  e.g.  in  Mk.  I32  we  have  the  words,  "  Even- 
ing coming  on,  when  the  sun  set."  Of  this  Mt.  repro- 
duces, '•  evemng  coming  on,"  Lk.  "  the  sun  ha\-ing  set.' 

The  net  result  of  the  facts  and  considerations 
briefly  summarised  under  the  foregoing  five  heads  is 
to  put  it  beyond  dispute  that  Mt.  and  Lk.  must  have 
made  use  of  a  source  which  both  in  content,  in  order, 
and  in  actual  wording  was  extremely  hke  Mk.  But,  if 
so,  the  most  obvious  inference  is  that  this  source  was 
indeed  no  other  than  our  Mk.  ;  for  the  existence  of 
our  Jlk.  is  an  undoubted  fact,  while  that  of  an  Ur- 
Marcus  or  a  "  Marcan  cycle  "  of  stereotyped  tradition 
is  a  mere  hypothesis. 

The  theory  that  the  common  source  was  exactly 
identical  with  our  Mk.  presents  two  difficulties. 

1.  If  the  common  source  used  by  Mt.  and  Lk.  was 
identical  with  our  Mk.,  why  did  they  not  incorporate 
it  whole  ?  Are  not  the  omissions  they  make  from  the 
Marcan  document  most  naturally  explained  by  the 
theory  that  the  version  they  used  did  not  contain 
them,  i.e.  that  it  was  an  "  L'r-Marcus  "  or  primitive 
Mk.  of  which  our  gospel  is  an  expanded  version  ? 

In  considering  the  question  whether  it  is  hkely  that 
Matthew  or  Luke  purposely  omitted  any  section  in 
their  source,  it  is  important  to  remember  that  they 
were  not  professing  like  scribes  to  reproduce  exactly 
a  written  document ;  they  were  historians  using  earlier 
authorities,  and,  hke  all  historians,  selecting  from 
these  such  material  as  seemed  to  them  most  important. 
Moreover,  if,  as  is  probable,  they  wished  their  work 
not  to  exceed  the  compass  of  a  single  roll,  space  would 
be  an  object,  for,  as  it  is,  both  Mt.  and  Lk.  are  con- 
siderably longer  than  the  ordinary  contents  of  a  roll 
{cf.  Sanday  in  Oxford  tStudies,  pp.  25ff.).  Li  the  case 
01  many  of  the  Marcan  incidents  not  reproduced  by 
Matthew  or  Luke,  there  are  obvious  reasons,  usually 
of  an  apologetic  nature,  why  these  evangelists  may 
have  thought  them  less  worth  rejxirting  ;  and  if,  in 
others,  we  can  detect  no  particular  motive,  we  cannot 
assume  that  there  was  none,  for  we  do  not  know 
exactly  all  the  circumstances  or  personal  idiosyncraoies 
of  writers  so  differently  situate<l  from  ourselves. 

The  question,  it  should  be  noted,  is  one  raised  much 
more  acutely  Ijy  Lk.'8  omissions  than  by  those  of 
Mt.  Mt.  omits  only  some  fifty-five  verses  of  5Ik.,  and 
in  most  cases  reasons  can  be  conjectured  why  the 
omitted  passages  might  have  been  regarded  as  unim- 
portant, or  even  from  an  apologetic  point  of  view 
objectionable.  Moreover,  the  fact  that  twenty-one  of 
them  occur  in  Lk.  creates  a  presumption  that  these 
at  least  are  original  in  Mk.  On  the  other  hand,  Lk. 
omits  much  more  freely.  In  one  case  (Mk.  645-826) 
the  omission   runs   to '  sixty-four  consecutive  verses, 


I 


THE   SYNOPTIC   PROBLEM  675 

TIence  the  Irrpothesis  that  the  original  Ilk.  lacked  at  whole,  an  earlier  not  a  later  edition  of  tlic  primitive 
least  Mk.  (545-^26,  if  not  also  other  sections,  and  that  source  than  the  text  which  was  used  by  Matthew  and 
these  were  inserted  in  ilk.  later  on  (though,  of  course,  Luke,  though  doubtless  in  some  cases  Matthew  or 
before  it  was  used  by  Mt.)  deserves  serious  considera-  Luke  has  preserved  a  more  primitive  reading, 
tion.  If,  however,  the  result  of  such  consideration  is  .  ,  r> 
against  the  view  that  this  long  passage  is  a  later  The  HypotheUcal  Document  Q 
insertion  in  Mk.,  a  strong  general  presumption  is  There  remain  to  be  explained  a  considerable  number 
created  against  the  view  that  any  of  the  shorter  of  passages  which  are  common  to  Mt.  and  Lk.  bul 
passages  omitted  by  Lk.  were  not  ui  the  original  Mk.  wliich  do  not  occur  at  all  in  Mk.  These  obviously 
Now  Sir  John  Hawkins  (cf.  Oxford  Studies,  pp.  Glff.)  must  have  come  from  some  other  source  or  sources, 
has  shown,  by  a  careful  tabulation  of  minute  linguistic  The  simplest  hypothesis,  and  the  one  which  commends 
peculiarities,  that  the  style  and  vocabulary  of  the  itself  to  the  vast  majority  of  scholars,  is  that  these 
section  Mk.  645-826  agree  with  that  of  Mk.  in  many  passages,  or  at  any  rate  the  bulk  of  them,  were 
very  striking  ways  in  just  those  points  in  which  the  derived  from  a  single  written  document.  This  hypo- 
style  and  vocabulary  of  Mk.  diiler  from  Mt.  and  Lk.,  thetical  document  is  usually  referred  to  as  Q.  It  ia 
and,  indeed,  from  all  other  NT  writers.  Henco  it  obvious,  however,  that  more  complicated  theories 
seems  clear  either  that  this  section  was  present  in  the  (g.^.  that  the  material  in  question  was  derived  not 
copy  of  Mk.  used  by  Luke,  and  its  contents  were  from  one  but  from  two  documents,  or  from  one  or 
purposely  or  accidentally  omitted  by  him  ;  or  that  he  more  cycles  of  oral  tradition)  can  never  be  definitely 
used  a  mutilated  copy  of  Jlk.  fi-om  which  this  section  disproved.  But  if  it  is  found  that  the  hypothesLs  of 
had  dropped  out.  No  doubt  a  third  possibihty  a  single  document  will  adequately  explain  the  facts,  it 
logically  remains,  i.e.  that  thi^  section  was  a  later  is  much  the  most  probable,  for  the  following  reason, 
insertion  in  Mk.  by  the  original  author  himself,  but  The  gospeLs  of  Mattlicw  and  Luke  are  clearly  shown 
this  seems  to  be  ruled  out  by  the  evidence  to  be  by  internal  considerations  to  have  arisen  respectively 
adduced  in  the  next  section,  that  the  text  of  Mk.  used  in  the  more  Jewish  and  the  more  Gentile  wings  of  the 
by  both  Mt.  and  Lk.  had  been  revised  after  it  finally  Church  ;  moreover,  on  points  of  such  intense  interest 
left  the  hands  of  the  original  author.  as  the  accounts  of  the  Infancy,  the  Passion,  and  the 
2.  There  are,  scattered  up  and  down  the  gospels,  in  Resiurection,  the  versions  they  give  are  divergent  in 
places  where  all  three  are  parallel,  some  220  cases  the  extreme.  Hence  it  would  appear  that  the  cycle 
where  Mt.  and  Lk.  agree  against  ilk.  in  some  minute  of  traditions  cun-ent  in  the  churches  where  they  re- 
turn of  expression.  Often  they  agree  in  using  an  spectively  worked  were  widely  removed  from  one 
aorist  instead  of  an  historic  present,  in  using  a  different  another.  The  parallelism  between  ilt.  and  Lk.  has 
conjunction  or  preposition,  in  omitting  a  redundant  been  sho%™  to  bo  due,  in  regard  to  the  greater  part 
expression,  in  substituting  a  synonymous  word  like  of  it,  not  to  a  common  cycle  of  tradition,  but  to  a 
"  calls  '■  for  "  says  "'  ;  and,  in  most  casea,  the  result  written  document  wliich  still  survives  in  our  JIL  But 
is  a  slight  styUstic  or  grammatical  improvement.  jf^  ^here  we  have  the  best  reason  to  think  that  they 
There  are  less  than  twenty  instances  where  the  words  depend  on  tradition,  we  notice  divergence,  while  the 
in  which  ilt.  and  Lk.  agree  against  Mk.  are  in  any  way  majority  of  cases  of  parallehsm  are  seen  to  be  docu- 
striking— a  list  and  discussion  of  these  is  given  in  mentary  m  origin,  it  follows  that  the  remaining  cases 
Hawkins'  Hora'  Synopticce,  p.  210  ;  cf.  also  Burkitt,  of  close  parallehsm  are  much  more  Hkely  to  be  due 
Gospel  History  and  its  Transmission,  pp.  42ff.  There  to  a  documeutarj'  source  than  to  a  common  cycle  of 
are  onlythreewhere  the  agreement  extends  to  more  than  tradition.  Moreover,  the  fact  that  the  churches  m 
two  consecutive  words.  Of  the  whole  220  there  are  and  for  which  Matthew  and  Luke  wrote  were  churches 
barely  half  a  dozen  which  could  not  in  themselves  be  ^ith  very  different  traditions  makes  ic  more  hkely 
explamed  as  due  to  coincident  alterations  of  the  Slarcan  that  the  documentary  sources  common  to  both  were 
tex-t  made  independently  by  ilt.  and  Lk.,  and  if  there  ancient  and  of  considerable  length  than  that  they 
were  fewer  of  them  tins  would  bo  the  obvious  view  to  consisted  of  a  number  of  scraps.  Hence,  since  the 
take.  But  220  instances  of  concurrent  stylistic  or  ^bole  of  the  Q  matter  would  not  make  up  a  document 
grammatical  improvement,  however  natural  an.l  balf  the  length  of  1  Cor.,  it  is  improbable  that  it  rcpre- 
obvious  and  however  minute,  are  too  many  to  be  put  gents  the  contents  of  more  than  one  "  primitive  gospel." 
down  to  mere  coincidence.  A  far  more  probable  ex-  xhe  following  passages  are  fo\md  in  Mt.  and  IJk. 
planation  is  that  the  text  of  Mk.  had  undergone  a  but  not  in  Mk.  Every  student  should  bracket  off  in 
slight  grammatical  revision  before  it  was  made  use  his  New  Testament  Q  passages  in  red,  Marcan  in  blue, 
of  by  Matthew  and  Luke.  This  \-iew,  however,  be  it  otherwise  it  is  impossible  to  grasp  the  verj'  different 
noted,  is  the  very  opposite  to  an  Ur-Marcus  hypothesis,  ^ays  and  contexts  m  which  they  appear  in  Mt.  and 
for  it  means  that  our  text  of  Mk.  represents,  on  the  j^b.  respectively. ^ 

Lk.  37-o,i6f.  =Mt.  37-10,1  if.  (c/.  Mk.  l7f.) John's  preaching. 

Lk.  41-13  =Mt.  4i-ii  (cf.  Mk.  Ii2f.) Temptation. 

Lk.  620-23  ==Mt.  53f..6,iif Beatitudes. 

Lk.  627-33,35-49    =Mt.  544,39f.,42.  7i2,  546f.,45,48,  7i.   1514, 

1024f.,  73-5,16-20,  1235,  721,24-27   .      .   Sermon  on  Plain,  on  Mount. 

Lk.  7i-io  =Mt.  85-10,13 Centurion's  Servant. 

Lk.  7x8-20,22-28, 

31-35  =Mt.  lli-ii, 16-19 John's  Mesf.ape. 

LL  957-60  =Mt.  819-22 "  Foxes  have  holes."  "  lyet  dead  bury  dead.  ■ 

Lk.  IO2  --Mt.  937f "  Harvest  plenteous." 

Lk.  IO3-12  -Mt.  10i6,io/7,ii-i3,io&,7f..i4f  (c/.  Mk.66-ii)  Mission  Address, 

>  Wherever  In  this  list  a  Bnyine  is  (rtven  similar  to  one  which  occurs  also  In  Mk..  the  vprbnl  a«reeinentn  of  Mt.  and  Lie.  aiminst  >nt. 
are  no  strlkinx.  or  tlie  sayinK  ia  so  inextricably  bound  up  with  the  Q  context,  that  the  hypothesiii  that  it  was  derived  hy  Mt.  and  Lk.  from 
Mk.  Is  untenable.    .Mt.  often  seems  in  such  eases  fo  conflate  the  Marcan  and  the  Q  version. 


676  THE   SYNOPTIC    PROBLEM 

Lk,  IO13-15  =Mt.  II21-24 Woe  to  Choraadn. 

Lk.  lOaif.  -Mt.  II25-27 "  I  thank  thee,  Father. " 

Lk.  1023f.  =Mt.  13i6f "  Blessed  are  your  eyes." 

Lk-  II2-4  =Mt.  69-13 Lord's  Prayer. 

Lk.  11 9-1 3  =-Mt.  77-11 "  Ask  and  it  shall  be  given." 

Lk.  11 14-23  =Mt.  1222-27  ((•/.  Mk.  822-27)       ....  DumbDemon.  "If  IbyBeelzebubcastout<levil8." 

Lk.  11 24-26  =Mt.  1243-45 "  When  unclean  spirit  goeth  out.'" 

Lk.  11 29-32  =Mt.  1238-42  (c/.  Mk.  812) No  sign  given.     Jonah  and  Queen  of  the  South. 

Lk.  II33  =Mt.  515  (c/.  Mk.  42  1) Candle  and  bushel. 

Lk.  1134!  =Mt.  622f. Light  of  the  body  the  eye. 

Lk.  11 39-44,46-48 =Mt.  2325f.,23,6,27,4.29-3i  (<•/.  Mk.  I238-40)  Woes  to  Pharisees. 

Lk.  11 49-5 2  =Mt.  2334-30,13 "  I  send  you  prophets."     Zacharias. 

Lk.  122-9  =Mt.  IO26-33  ((•/.  Mk.  422,  hidden,  and  Mk.  8 

3S,  ashamed) "  Nothing  hidden  .  .  .  confesa  me  before  men." 

Lk.  12io  =Mt.  1232  (nearer  than  Mk.  328f.)      ..."  Whoso  says  word  against  Son  of  man," 

Lk.  1222-32  -Mt.  G25-33 "  Take  no  thought." 

Lk.  1233f.  =Mt.  619-21 "  AVhere  your  treasure  is." 

Lk.  1239-46  =Mt.  2443-51 Unfaithful  Steward. 

Lk.  1251-53  =Mt.  IO34-36 "  Not  peace  but  a  sword." 

Lk.  1254-56  =Mt.   162f.  (neutral  text  om.)       ....  Signs  of  the  times. 

Lk.  1258f.  -  Mt.  525f "  Uttermost  farthing." 

Lk.  13i8f.  -=Mt.  133if.  (c/.  Mk.  430-32) Mustard  Seed. 

Lk.  132of.  -Mt.  1333f Leaven. 

Lk.  132  3f.  =-Mt.  713 "  Strait  gate." 

Lk.  1328f.  =Mt.  811 "  Abraham,  Isaac,  etc." 

Lk.  1334^.  =Mt.  2337-39 "  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem." 

Lk.  1426f.  =Mt.  1037f.  (c/.  Mk.  834) "  If  any  man  cometh  after  rae." 

Lk.  1434f.  =Mt.  5i3  (c/.  Mk.  950) Savourless  Salt. 

Lk.  154-7  =Mt.  I812-14 Lost  Sheep. 

Lk.  I613  =Mt.  624 Serving  two  masters. 

Lk.  I616  =Mt.  Ili2f. '^  Law  and  Prophets  till  John." 

Lk.  I617  =Mt.  5i8 "  Not  one  jot  or  tittle  of  law," 

Lk.  I618  =Mt.  532  (c/.  Mk.  lOiif.) "  "^Vhoso  putteth  away  wife." 

Lk.  17if.  =Mt.  186f.  <c/.  Mk.  942) Concerning  Offences. 

Lk.  173f.  =Mt.  18i5,2if Concerning  Forgiveness. 

Lk.  176  =Mt.  1720  (c/.  Mk.  Il22f.) "  Faith  aa  grain  of  Mustard  Seed." 

Lk.  1723f.  =Mt.  2426f.  (c/.  Mk.  1321) ^ 

S.'!?,:':       z^.l^'  :::::■■•    Upooaiyptic sayings. 

Lk.  1737  =Mt.  2428 J 

Lk.  2230  =Mt.  1928 "  Sit  on  twelve  thrones," 

To  this  Ust  should  be  added  the  doubtful  parallel 

Lk.  1911-27  =Mt.  2014-30  (c/.  Mk.  1334) Parable  of  Pounds = Talents, 

And  the  still  more  doubtful 

Lk.  1415-24  =Mt.  22i-io Parable  of  Wedding  Feast  =  Marriage  of  King'* 

Son, 

Two  points  require  to  be  noted  :  parallel  Mt.  2l23-27=Mk.  ll27-33=Lk.  20i-8,  there 

(a)  The  degree  of  parallelism   varies  considerably,  are    in  Mt.    115   words,  in  Lk.    118.      Of  these,  75, 

Thus  in  the  section  of  John  the  Baptist's  preaching  i.e.  about  64  per  cent.,  are  common  to  both.     On  the 

beginning,  "  0  generation  of  vipers  .  .  ."  (Mt.  87-10,  other  hand  in  the  parallel  Mt,   1818-23 =Mk.  413-20 

Lk.  87-9),  there  are  63  words  in  Mt.  and  64  in  Lk  ,  =Lk.  811-15,  Mt.  has  129  words,  Lk.  110  ;  of  these  88, 

of  which  62,  i.e.  about  97  per  cent.,  are  common  to  i.e.  31  per  cent,  of  mean  total,  is  common  to  both, 
both.     In  the  Parable  of  the  Lost  Sheep  (Mt.  I812-14,  We  see,  therefore,  that  on  the  assumption  that  Q 

Lk.  154-7),  Mt.  has  64,  Lk.  81  words,  of  which  only  was  a  written  document,  Matthew  and  Luke  agree  in 

26,  I.e.  36  per  cent,  of  mean  total,  is  common  to  both.  reproducing  it  with  considerably  greater  verbal  exact- 

The  closeness  of  resemblance  in  the  former  case  seems  ness  than  they  do  Mark.     This  is  only  what  we  should 

to  demand  a  common  written  source — the  latter,  if  it  expect,   seeing   Q   is   mainly  discourse,   Mark  mainly 

stood  alone,  would  perhaps  suggest  rather  two  iiide-  narrative.     We  should  also  note  that  the  percentage 

pendent  versions.     But  both  these  arc  extreme  cahcs.  of  words  common  to  Mt.  and  Lk.  does  not  represent 

In  the  vast  majority  of  parallels   the  percentage  of  all  that  is  preserved  of  the  actual  language  of  the 

common  words  would  be  intermediate  between  these  common  source,  but  merely  all  that  we  can  certainly 

two.     The  question  then  arises,  '•  Is  it  possible  that  identify  as  such.     Thus,  inthe  above  parallels,  no  less 

there  would  be  such  variety  in  exactness  of  reproduction  than  73  per  cent,  and  70  per  cent,  respectively  of  the 

if    both    editors    were    following    one    written   source  words  used  by  Mk.  are  preserved  in  either  Mt.  or  IJi. 
throughout?"     This  question  can  be  answered;    for  (6)  A  glance  at  the  extraordinarily  divergent  order  in 

we  know  that  they  both  followed  Mark,  and  can  test  Mt.  and  Lk.  in  the  list  of  parallels  given  above  shows 

the  varying  degrees  of  verbal  agreement  between  them  at  once  that  if  these  were  derived  from  a  single  source 

in    such   passages.     Two    passages    I    have   noted    as  it  has  been  cut  up  into  pieces  and  entirely  rearranged, 

showing  the  verbal  resemblances  between  the  gospels  either  by  Matthew  or  by  Luke  or  by  both.     A  more 

at  their  maximum  and  minimum  respectively.     In  the  detailed  examination  shows  that  whatever  may  be  the 


THE  SYNOPTIC   PROBLEM 


677 


Oiise  with  Lk.  the  order  in  Mt.  is  largely  due  to  the 
editor  of  that  gospel.  We  have  already  seen  how 
Matthew  fita  in  non-Marcan  matter  into  the  Marcan 
framework  on  the  principle  of  putting  together  sayings 
of  a  similar  character,  and  that  in  several  cases  he 
expands  a  given  nucleus  into  a  long  discourse.  Five  of 
these  stand  out  conspicuously  :  Mt.  5-7,  10,  13,  18, 
23-25.  In  all  of  these  we  find  put  together  Q  matter 
(found  also  in  Lk.  but  in  separate  passages  and  different 
contexts),  matter  pecuhar  to  Mt.,  and  also  matter 
derived  from  Mk.  Occasionally,  even  passages  from 
different  places  in  Mk.  appear  together  in  one  of  the 
discourses  of  Mt. ;  e.g.  Mt.  10  includes  matter  from 
Mk.  66-11,  139-13,  and  937.  Clearly,  therefore,  these 
long  discourses  of  Mt.  are  compilations  by  the  editor 
of  this  gospel,  and  therefore  the  position  of  any  saying 
in  one  of  these  discourses  is  no  clue  at  all  to  its  original 
context  in  Q. 

Three  of  these  require  special  examination  : 

1.  The  iSermon  on  the  Mount  (Mt.  5-7)  is,  in  effect, 
Lk.'s  Sermon  on  the  Plain  enormously  expanded,  partly 
with  matter  peculiar  to  Mt.  and  partly  with  Q  matter 
which  is  found  scattered  elsewhere  in  Lk. 

2.  Mt.  10  consists  of  (a)  the  situation  and  discoui'se 
of  the  mission  of  the  Twelve  from  Mk.,  (6)  the  discourse 
(from  Q)  given  by  Lk.  at  the  sending  out  of  the 
Seventy,  (c)  two  appropriate  passages  from  elsewhere 
in  Mk.,  (d)  matter  pecuhar  to  Mt. 

3.  Mark  has  three  short  Woes  to  Pharisees  (Mk.  12 
38-40),  followed  almost  immediately  by  a  long  apoca- 
lyptic discourse  (Mk.  13).  In  Mt.  23-25  this  has 
attracted  a  still  larger  mass  of  Woes  and  apocalyptic 
sayings  and  parables  ingeniously  fitted  together  from 
Q  and  Matthew's  special  tradition. 

Now,  if  we  ehminate  from  the  parallel  hsts  of  Q 
passages  given  above  those  passages  which  occur  in 
Mt.  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  (5-7),  the  Mission 
Charge  (10),  and  the  warning  of  Judgment  (23-25), 
but  which  do  not  occur  in  Lk.  in  the  shorter  but  corre- 
sponding discourses  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Plain  (Lk.  6 
2off.),  the  Charge  to  the  Seventy  (Lk.  lOi-ii),  or  the 
apocalyptic  section  (Lk.  1722-37),^  and  if  we  also 
eliminate  certain  detached  sayings  *  of  one  or  two 
verses  which  Mt.  has  fitted  in  elsewhere  in  appropriate 
(usually  Marcan)  contexts,  we  find  there  is  a  broad 
agreement  in  the  order  of  the  rest. 


Matthew's  Order. 
John  Baptist's  Preaching. 
Temptation. 
Sermon  on  the  Mount. 
Centurion's  Servant. 

Aspirants  to  discipleship, 

Mt.  819-22. 
A  Mission  Charge  (in  Lk.  10 

to  tlie  Seventy). 

.Tohn  Baptist's  Message. 
Woes  to  the  Cities. 
' '  I  thank  thee,  Father  ..."  etc. 
The  Beelzebub  Controversy. 


LuKK's  Order. 
John  Baptist's  Preacliing. 
Temptation. 
Sermon  on  the  Plain. 
Centurion's  Servant. 
John  Baptist's  Message. 
Aspirants  to  discipleship,    . 

Lk.  957-60. 
A  Mission  Charge  (in   Mt.  10 

combined  with  Mk.'s  churge 

to  the  Twelve). 

Woes  to  the  Cities. 
"1  thank  thee,  Father  ..."  etc. 
The  Beelzebub  Controversy. 
Parable  of  Unclean  Spirit.  ) 
Sign  of  Jonah.  f 

Mustard  Seed  and  Leaven.  1 
Concerning  Offences.  > 

Lost  Sheep.  j 

On  Forgiveness. 
Apocalyptic  Sayings,  iTaaff. 

Var.ible  of  Pounds. 

'  Lk.  1722-37  has  been  called  "  the  ApocalFPee  of  Q"  in  con- 
ti-aat  to  the  Apocalypse  of  Mark  (Mk.  13). 
-  These  are: 

Mt.  8><f.    -Lk.  132Sf.  Mt.  1720     =Lk.  176. 

Mt.  Ili2f.-Lk.  lOir..  Mt.  102%   =Lk.  22^06. 

Mt.  13i6f.    -Lk.  IO2X  w,  „,„(  =Lk.  Uii. 

Mt.  15m6  -Lk   6)96.  **'  -*"1   =Lk.  18m. 

Cf.  Oxford  Studift.  \>i>-  ISOff. 


{Sign  of  Jonah. 
_       ■  ■       -  - 


Parable  of  Unclean  Spirit. 
C  Mustard  Seed  and  Leaven. 
<  Lo.st  Sheep. 
\  Concerning  OfTences. 

On  Forgiveness. 

Apocalyptic  Sayings,  2426-28, 

Parable  of  Talents. 


Thus  at  any  rate  a  kind  of  skeleton  of  the  original 
order  of  the  Q  sections  is  common  to  both  Mt.  and  Lk. 
This  fact  materially  strengthens  the  hypothesis  that 
the  bulk  at  least  of  the  Q  matter  comes  from  a  single 
written  source.  Even  more  light,  however,  is  thrown 
on  the  question  of  the  original  order  of  Q  by  the  facts 
alreadynoted  as  revealing  the  manner  in  which  Matthew 
and  Luke  respectively  treated  their  other  source,  Mark. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  (1)  whereas  Mt.  makes 
many  rearrangements  of  Mk.'s  order,  Lk.  makes  very 
few — the  chief  apparent  exceptions  being  really  caaea 
of  following  another  source,  (2)  in  combining  Marcan 
and  non-Marcan  matter,  whereas  Mt.  carefully  fita 
them  together  so  as  to  make  appropriate  contexts,  Lk. 
pursues  the  simpler  method  of  reproducing  his  sources 
alternately,  following  one  source  at  a  time  in  its  original 
order.  Hence  there  is  a  strong  presumption  that  the 
original  order  of  the  Q  sections  is  very  much  what  it 
is  in  Lk. 

The  preceding  arguments  make  it  extremely  probable 
that  Matthew  and  Luke  used  a  second  written  source 
besides  Mk.  It  is,  however,  quite  another  matter  to 
reconstruct  this  source,  for  the  following  reasons  : 

1.  The  verbal  resemblance  between  parallel  passages 
varies  considerably.  In  many  cases  it  is  so  close  that 
we  are  almost  compelled  to  assume  a  documentary 
source,  and  in  the  Ught  of  that  assumption  we  argue 
that  the  passages  where  the  parallelism  is  less  close 
probably  came  from  the  same  source.  Yet  some  ex- 
ceptions to  this  general  rule  must  be  allowed  for. 
Some  few  of  the  short  detached  sayings  of  a  proverbial 
ring,  even  though  verbally  almost  identical,  may,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  have  come  down  independently  in 
floating  tradition  ;  and  still  more  this  may  be  true 
of  some  few  of  the  cases  where  the  parallehsm  is  leas 
close.  But  it  is  impossible  to  identify  either  of  these 
exceptional  cases.  , 

2.  We  have  seen  above  that  whereas  over  70  per 
cent,  of  the  actual  words  used  by  Mk.  are  reproduced 
by  eitJier  Mt.  or  Lk.,  the  number  of  Marcan  words 
found  in  both  Mt.  and  Lk.  varies  between  64  per  cent, 
and  31  per  cent.  Hence  anything  like  the  well-known 
attempt  in  Harnack's  Sayings  of  Jesus  to  reconstruct 
the  ipsissima  verba  of  Q  is  doomed  to  failure — if  only 
because  it  leaves  each  reconstnicted  Q  saying  with  less 
words  than  in  either  Mt.'s  or  Lk.'s  version,  whereas, 
since  both  these  writers  have  a  tendency  to  shorten, 
the  original  necessarily  contained  more  words  than 
either. 

3.  Both  Matthew  and  Luke,  ef<pecially  Luke,  omit 
sections  of  Mk.,  but  not  always  the  same  sections. 
Hence  there  is  no  doubt  that  some  sections  of  Q  have 
been  lost  for  ever ;  some  occur  in  Mt.  only,  some  in 
Lk.  only.  Less  than  two-thirds  of  Mk.  is  reproduced 
by  both  Mt.  and  Lk.,  hence  we  may  infer  that  Q 
was  probably  at  least  half  as  long  again  as  the  list  of 
parallels  on  pp.  G75f.,  and  included  many  sections 
which  are  peculiar  to  either  Mt.  or  Lk.  ;  while,  at  the 
same  time,  it  may  not  have  included  a  few  of  the 
sayings  in  that  hst  of  parallels. 

A  few  passages  pecuhar  to  Mt.  or  Lk.  may  be  con- 
jeoturally  identified  as  from  Q  by  the  help  of  two 
principles  : 

(«)  Since  Lk.  seems  normally  to  reproduce  hia 
sources  in  their  orisinal  onler,  short  passages  in  IJi. 
occurring  in  Q  contexts  raav  probably  be  assigned  to 
Q,  though  absent  from  Mt.  Thus  Lk.  951-IO25, 
II1-I259,  I318-3.S,  and  1722-37  may  well  bo  soUd 
blocks  of  Q. 

(h)  Mt.  includes  some  passages  susceptible  of  a 
Judaistic    interpretation    {e.g.    519,     105f.,23,     I817, 


678 


THE   SYNOPTIC  PROBLEM 


23i-3),  and  others  appropriate  mainly  to  Palestinian 
controveraies  (23i6-22)  or  conditions  (024).  I.k.'s 
strong  Gentilo  interests  would  have  inclined  him  to 
omit  these,  while  Mt.,  himself  a  universalist,  would 
hardly  have  introduced  them  unless  thoy  stood  in 
an  important  source.  Hence  many,  if  not  most,  of 
the  passajres  in  Mt.  which  have  a  peculiarly  Jewish 
flavour  should  probably  be  assigned  to  Q,  ospocially 
since,  on  other  grounds  (cf.  Oxford  Stwiicf!,  pp.  L'lOfE.), 
v/o  may  regard  Q  as  an  early  Palestinian  document. 

The  Rehtion  of  Mark  and  Q 

Though  we  cannot  exactly  reconstruct  Q,  it  is  quite 
clear  that  some  incidents  occurred  in  both  Q  and  Mk. 
Thus  the  versions  of  John  Baptist's  Preaching,  the 
Temptation,  and  of  the  Beelzebub  Controversy  in  Mt. 
and  Lk.  are  considerably  fuller  than  in  Mlc.  In  the 
additions  which  they  make  they  are  closely  parallel ; 
also  in  the  detailed  wording  of  what  all  three  have  in 
common  there  are  many  small  points  of  agreement  of 
Mt.  and  Lk.  against  Mk.  Again,  in  the  wording  of  the 
Parable  of  the  Mustard  Seed,  there  are  many  close 
agreements  of  Mt.  and  Lk.  against  Mlt.,  and,  moreover, 
in  both  Mt.  and  Lk.  it  is  combined  with  the  twin 
Parable  of  the  Leaven.  So,  also,  Mk.  gives  a  discourse 
at  the  sending  out  of  the  Twelve ;  Lk.,  besides  repro- 
ducing this  in  its  own  context,  gives  a  similar  but 
longer  one  at  the  sending  out  of  the  Seventy ;  while 
Mt.  combines  the  two  discouKies,  thus  showing  that 
the  second  stood  in  Q.  There  are,  also,  several  short 
payings  which  it  is  clear,  stood  both  in  Mk.  and  in  Q 
in  shghtly  different  forms.  Seeing  that  Q  can  only 
bo  reconstructed  very  roughly,  it  is  impossible  to  be 
sure  that  there  were  not  cases  of  this  overlapping  of 
Mk.  and  Q  which  we  can  no  longer  detect.  A  list 
of  the  cases  where  this  overlapping  is  reasonably  cer- 
tain may  be  deri\-cd  from  the  list  of  Q  passages  above 
by  noting  the  references  given  to  a  parallel  in  Mk. 

Two  interesting  questions  remain,  too  intricate  to 
be  discussed  here,  in  regard  to  which  no  consensus  of 
opinion  among  scholars  is  as  yet  in  sight : 

1.  Did  Mark  draw  from  Q  (possibly  from  memory 
only)  ;  or,  where  Mk.  and  Q  overlap,  does  each 
represent  an  independent  tradition  of  the  actual 
words  spoken  ?  In  either  case  it  would  seem  that 
the  Q  tradition  is  the  fuller  and  better  one.  (Cf. 
Oxford  Studies,  pp.  166fi.,  Moffatt,  INT.  pp.  204f.) 

2.  Did  Matthew  or  Luke,  or  either  of  them,  use  Q, 
not  in  its  original,  but  in  two  differently  expanded 
forms  which  included  the  greater  part  of  the  material 
peculiar  to  their  respective  gospels  ? 


[It  may  bo  added  that  Wellhausen  haa  argued  that 
Mk.  was  earlier  than  Q  and  left  little  authentic  matter 
to  be  gleaned  by  later  writers.  He  considere  that  not 
merely  Mt.  and  Lk.  but  Q  also  were  indebted  to  Mk. 
This  view  has  met,  and  is  Likely  to  meet,  with  scant 
sympathy  from  critics;  but  it  has  been  reiterated  by 
its  author  in  the  second  and  greatly  expanded  edition 
of  his  Einleitung  in  die  drei  ersten  Evanfjelien. — A. 
S.  [>.] 

Literature. — Synopses  of  the  Greek  Text :  Rush- 
brooke,  Synopticon,  printed  in  different  colours  and 
types ;  A.  Wright,  Synopsis  of  the  Gospels  (with 
notes  arguing  for  oral  transmission  theory)  ;  Tischen- 
dorf,  Synopsis  EvoJigelica*  (all  four  Gospels,  badly 
arranged) ;  Huck,  Synapse  der  drei  ersten  Evangelicn 
(the  most  convenient)  ;  Colin  Campbell,  First  7'kree 
Gospels  in  Greek  ^.  Synopses  of  English  Text  : 
W.  A.  Stevens  and  F.  D.  Burton,  A  Harmony  of  the 
Gospels  (all  four  Gospels)  ;  J.  M.  Thompson,  The 
Synoptic  Gospels  (excellently  arranged).  The  most 
important  works  on  the  Synoptic  problem  in  English 
are:  Hawkins.  Horce  Synoptical  (exhaustive  collec- 
tion and  analysis  of  all  the  data) ;  Oxford  Studies 
in  the  Synoptic  Problem,  edited  by  Sanday  ;  Stanton, 
The  Gospels  as  Historical  Documents,  Part  II.  ;  Bur- 
kitt,  The  Gospel  History  and  its  Transmission  ; 
Burton,  Some  Principles  of  Literary  Criticism  and 
their  Application  to  the  Synoptic  Problem  ;  Buckley. 
Introduction  to  the  Synoptic  Problem  ;  Hamack,  The 
Sayings  of  Jesus  ;  Abbott,  Diatessarica  ;  Salmon,  The 
Human  Element  in  the  Gospels  ;  Patten,  Sources  of 
th^  Synoptic  Gospels.  See  also  recent  Introductions 
to  NT,  and  commentaries  and  dictionary  articles  on 
the  Gospels.  Short  Popular  Studies  Burkitt.  The 
Earliest  Sources  of  the  Life  of  Jesus  ;  Burton,  A  Short 
Introduction  to  the  Gospels ;  J.  A.  Robinson,  The 
Study  of  the  Gospels  ;  Wemle,  Sources  of  our  Know- 
ledge of  the  Life  of  Christ.  The  most  important  works 
in  German  are  ;  H.  J.  Holtzmann,  Die  Synoptischen 
Evangelien  (for  the  authors  later  views  see  his  Ein- 
leitung in  das  NT  and  his  commentary  in  HC)  ;  Weiz- 
sacker,  Untersuchungenijher  die  evangelische  Geschichte  ; 
B.  Weiss,  Das  Marcusevangelium  und  seine  synop- 
tische  Paralleln,  Das  Matthdusevangelium  und  seine 
Lucas  -  pfindleln.  Die  Quellen  des  Lukasevangeliums, 
Die  Quellen  der  synoptischen  Vberlieferung  ;  VVemle, 
Die  Synopti.sche  Frage  ;  Wellhausen.  Einleitxing  in 
die  drei  ersten  Evangelien  *.  In  French  :  Nicolardot 
Les  Procedes  de  Reduction  des  trois  premiers  6\-an- 
gdisies. 


THE  SYNOPTIC  PROBLEM 


679 


A  TABLE  OF  THE  SECTIONS  IN  MARK,  WITH  THEIR  PARALLELS  IN 
MATTHEW  AND  LUKE. 

The  dagger  indicates  sections  a  portion  of  which  is  pccuhar  to  Mark  (rf.  p.  r>73,  col.  I,  al  Jin.). 


(For  sections  in  Matthew  and  Luke  biit  not  in  Mark 
Luko  respectively  see 


I  p.  67 5f.      For  soction-s  peculiar  to  Matthew  and 
3low  and  p.  680.) 


Mark. 

Matthew. 

Luke. 

Mark. 

Matthew. 

Luko. 

li-8. 

3i-6,  I  if. 

31-16,15-18. 

930-32. 

1722f. 

943-45- 

Ig-ii. 

313-17. 

32lf. 

t933-5o. 

I81-9,  513. 

946-50,  17  if., 

Il2f. 

4i-ii. 

41-13. 

1434f. 

Ii4f. 

4 1 2-1 7. 

4i4f. 

IO1-12. 

19I-I2,  53if. 

I618. 

1 16-20. 

4l8-22. 

5i-ii. 

IO13-16. 

I83,  1913-15. 

I815-17. 

1 2 1-28. 

4136,  728f.,424f. 

431-37- 

IO17-31. 

1916-30. 

18 18-30. 

129-34- 

814-17- 

438-41. 

IO32-34. 

2O17-19. 

I831-34. 

135-39- 

423-25. 

442-44- 

IO35-45- 

2O20-28. 

2224-27. 

140-45- 

81-4. 

5i2-i6. 

IO46-52. 

[927-31].  2O29-34 

1835-43. 

2l-I2. 

9i-8. 

517-26. 

lli-ii. 

2I1-11. 

1928-38. 

213-17. 

99-13- 

527-32. 

II12-14- 

21i8f. 

[1.36^.] 

218-22. 

914-17- 

533-39. 

11 15-1 9. 

21i2f.,  17. 

1945-48. 

t223-28. 

12i-8. 

61-5. 

11 20-2 5. 

2I20-22,  1720, 

Nil. 

3 1-6. 

129-14- 

66-11. 

C14,  I835. 

37-12. 

I215-21. 

617-19. 

II27-33- 

2I23-27. 

2O1-8. 

313-19- 

IO2-4. 

612-16. 

12l-I2. 

2I33-46. 

2O9-19. 

t32o-3o. 

932-34,  1222-32, 

11 14-23,  12io. 

1213-17- 

2215-22. 

2O20-26. 

36f. 

12x8-27- 

2223-33. 

2O27-38. 

331-35- 

1246-So. 

819-21. 

1228-34. 

2234-40. 

2039f.,  IO25-28 

4l-20. 

131-23. 

84-15. 

1235-37- 

2241-46. 

2O41-44. 

421-25- 

5i5,  IO26,  72, 

816-18,638,1133. 

1238-40. 

23i,6f. 

II43.  2046f. 

13i2,  2520. 

122,  1926. 

1241-44. 

Nil. 

2I1-4. 

426-29. 

Nil. 

Nil. 

tl3i-37. 

241-36. 

2I5-33. 

430-34- 

133 If.,  34f. 

13i8f. 

14if. 

261-5. 

22  if. 

435-41- 

818,23-27. 

822-25. 

143-9- 

266-13. 

&u°-^ 

5l-20. 

828-34. 

826-39. 

14iof. 

2614-16. 

521-43- 

918-26. 

840-56. 

14i2-i6. 

2617-20. 

227-14. 

Gi-6. 

1353-58. 

416-30. 

14I7-2I. 

2621-25. 

2221-23. 

67-13- 

935-38,  10i,5-i6, 

9i-6,  IO1-12, 

1422-25. 

2626-29. 

2215-20. 

111. 

1322. 

1426-31. 

2630-35. 

2231-34. 

614-29- 

14I-I2. 

97-9,  3i9f- 

1432-42. 

2636-46. 

2239-46. 

630-44. 

1413-21. 

910-17. 

tl443-52. 

2647-56. 

2247-53. 

fi45-56. 

1422-36. 

Nil. 

1453-65. 

2657-67. 

2254f.,63-7i. 

t7i-23. 

15 1-20. 

Nil. 

1466-72. 

2669-75. 

2256-62. 

724-30. 

1521-28. 

Nil. 

15r-5. 

27if.,ii-i4. 

23 1-5. 

t73i-37. 

[1529-31-1 

Nil. 

156-15. 

2715-26. 

2318-25. 

81-10. 

1.532-39^ 

Nil. 

15i6-2o. 

2727-31. 

Nil. 

8iif. 

1238-42, I61-4. 

II29-32. 

1521-32. 

2732-44. 

2326-43. 

813-21. 

I65-12. 

12i. 

1533-30- 

2745-54. 

2344-47. 

822-26. 

Nil. 

Nil. 

1540f. 

275  5f. 

2348f. 

827-9 r. 

1 61 3-28. 

918-27. 

1542-47. 

2757-61. 

2350-56. 

92-13- 

171-13. 

928-36. 

I61-8. 

28I-IO. 

24I-IT. 

t9i4-29- 

17x4-20. 

937-42.  175f- 

PASSAGES  PECULIAR  TO  MATTHEW. 

The  student  should  mark  these  in  black  brackets  in  his  NT. 


lx-225. 

3i4f- 

413-16. 

61, 5,7-io,i4,l6,i7,i9-24,27f., 31,33- 

37,38-390,41,43- 
61-4,5-8,106,136,15,16-18,34. 
76,1 26,15, iQf-, 22. 
Si  7. 

0130.27-31,32-36- 
1056-6,86,16^,23, 25, 36,41. 


11 1, I4f., 20,28-30. 

125-7,17-21, 36f.,40. 

13i4f.,24-3o,35,36-43,44-46,47-5o, 

5if-,53- 
1428-31,33- 
15i2f.,23f.,3of. 
1612,17-19. 
176f.,  1 3,24-27. 
184,10,14.16-20,23-35. 

19lO-I2,28fl. 


20i-i6. 

21iof.,i4-i6.28-32.43. 

226f.,ll-i4. 

232f.,5, 76-10,1 5-22, 276-28,32f. 

2412,146,206,30a. 

25i-r3;3i-46. 

26i. 25, 50'7, 52-54. 

27  3-10,19. 24f.. 43. 51^-53,62-66. 

282-4,9f.,i  1-15,16-20. 


680 


THE   SYNOPTIC   PROBLEM 


PASSAGES  PECULIAR  TO  LUKE. 
This  list  docs  not  include  the  sections  (cf.  p.  673,  col.  2  lines  15fiE.)  which  Mk.  has  in  a  different  version. 


1 1-252. 

3if.,5f., 10-14,23-38  (cf.  Mt.  I1-17). 
4i3,i5- 
■''>39- 

624-26,34. 

73-6a,  1 1-17,2  r,29f.,40-5o. 
8r-3. 

93if-,43,5i-56,6if. 
101,17-20,29-37.38-42- 
lli,S-8.i2,l6,27f.,36,37f.,4of.,45, 
53f. 


1213-21,32-330,35-38  (cf.  Mt.  25i- 

13),    4l,47f-,49f-.52,54-57     (cf. 

Mt.  16  2f.). 
131-5.6-9  (cf.  Mk.  11 12-14),  10-17, 

22!., 25-27  (cf.  Mt.  25iif.),  31- 

33- 
141-6,7-14,15-24  (cf-  Mt.  222-10), 

28-33- 
15if.,7,8-32. 
16i-i2,i4f.. 19-31. 

177-IO.Il-I9,20f.,22,25-2  7. 


181-8,9-130,34. 

19i-io,ii-27(c/.Mt.2oi4-3o),  39-44- 
2034-350,366,386. 
2119,20,22,24,260,28,34—38. 
22l5-i8,28-300,3lf.,35-38,43f-,48f., 

51.536,610,68,70. 
232,4-12,13-19  (cjf.  Mk.  156-9),  27- 

32,340,36,39-43,466,48,510, 

536-54,566. 
24lo-i2,i3-35,3&-49,50-53- 


DIAGRAM  TO  ILLUSTRATE  EXTENT  BOTH  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AND  OF 
OVERLAPPING  OF  MT.,  LK.,  MK.,  AND  Q. 


Thick  square  =  Mt.  1068  verses  (RV). 
Thin      „         =  Lk.  1149      „ 
Circle  =  Mk.    661      .. 

{(about)  200  versos  in  Mt.  and  Lk.  but  not  in  Mk. 
X  „  ,,  witli  parallels  in  Mk. 

y         „      preserved  by  Mt.  but  not  by  Lk. 
z  »  „        '   Lk.  „  Mt. 

w         „      lost  completely. 
Numbers  -  approiimato  number  of  verees  in  section  in  which  thoy  are  placed 


MARK^ 


By  Mr.  H.  G.  WOOD 


"  Maek,  having  become  the  interpreter  of  Peter,  wrote 
down  accurately  evcrythuig  that  he  remembered, 
without,  however,  recording  in  order  what  was  eitlier 
said  or  done  by  Christ.  For  neither  did  he  hear  the 
Lord,  nor  did  he  follow  Him  ;  but  afterwards,  as  I 
said,  (attended)  Peter,  who  adapted  his  instructions 
to  the  needs  (of  his  hearers)  but  had  no  design  of 
giving  a  comiected  account  of  the  Lord's  oracles.  So 
then  Mark  made  no  mistake,  while  he  thus  wrote 
down  some  things  as  he  remembered  them  ;  for  he 
made  it  hLs  one  care  not  to  omit  anything  that  he 
heard,  or  to  set  down  any  false  statement  therein." 

This  famous  testimony  of  Papias  (Bishop  of  Hiera.- 
polis  in  Asia  Minor,  c.  125)  is  clearly  intended  to  apply 
to  the  second  gospel.  The  evangehst  is  the  Mark  who 
figures  in  the  NT  (Ac.  12  and  1.5,  2  Tim.  4ii).  Papias' 
tradition  need  not  be  taken  at  its  face  value.  With 
regard  to  Mk.'s  acciaacy,  it  protests  too  much.  On 
other  sides,  the  character  of  the  gospel  itself  supports 
it.  That  some  of  the  material  comes  from  Peter  is 
not  improbable,  since  the  narrative  only  becomes  de- 
tailed when  Peter  appears  on  the  scene.  The  strong 
evidence  for  an  Aramaic  background  to  the  gospel 
favoui-s  the  view  that  Mk.  is  an  interpreter,  if  not  of 
Peter,  then  at  least  of  early  Palestinian  tradition.- 
The  whole  purpose  of  Mk.'s  work  is  evangelistic  ;  his 
aim  is  to  make  men  beUeve  in  Jesus  as  the  Son  of 
God.  His  work,  therefore,  may  very  well  be  a  record 
of  preaching.  Many  of  Mk.'8  stories  must  have  been 
often  used  in  the  earhest  propaganda  of  the  Church. 
It  is  not  impossible  that  his  record  is  based  on  Peter's 
sermons  in  Rome,  and  in  any  case  the  readers  expected 
are  Gentile,  possibly  Roman,  Christians.  That  the 
gospel  lacks  order  is  only  partially  true..  It  points  to 
a  clear  development  in  the  ministry  of  Jesus.  After 
a  ghmpse  of  the  simple  beginnings  in  Galilee,  we  come 
to  the  period  when  the  interest  evoked  is  national, 
when  Jesus  organises  His  disciples  for  evangeUsation, 
and  when  the  official  classes  become  definitely  hostile. 
Then,  almost  in  the  full  tide  of  His  influence,  Jesua 
gives  up  the  public  ministry  in  order  to  prepare  the 
inner  circle  of  disciples  for  the  apparent  disaster  of 
the  Cross.  Finally,  Jesus  Himself  leads  the  way  to 
Jerusalem  to  challenge  the  authorities  and  accept  His 
doom.  A  narrative  that  exhibits  such  a  development 
cannot  be  called  disorderly,  but  Papias'  informant  is 
so  far  right  that  we  cannot  claim  chronological  accuracy 
for  Mk.  in  detail. 

Mk.  ia  now  generally  recognised  as  the  earliest 
of  our  existing  gospels.  The  limited  scope  of  the 
book,  which  corresponds  with  the  range  of  the  earliest 
apostolic  witness  (Ac.    I22),   suggests  its  priority   to 

'  Additional  iiotos  on  many  pa.ssagps  in  this  t'ospol  will  be  found 
in  the  commentaries  on  .Mt.  and  Lk.  For  Table  of  PiiruUel  Sections 
see  page  GT'.i. 

» See  Allen  in  Oxford  St  udies  in  the  Si/tioptic  Problem;  Wellhauseo, 
Einleitung  in  die  drei  ersten  Evangelim*;  «nd  RenUel  Harris  in 
EX,  xrvi.  LM8. 


681 


the  more  inclusive  narratives  of  Mattliew  and  Luke. 
A  detailed  comparison  of  the  gospels  usually  shows 
the  divergences  of  Lk.  and  Mt.  from  Mk.  to  be  of  a 
secondary  character.  Mk.  describes  the  human 
emotions  and  characteristic  gestures  of  Jesus  more 
freely  than  do  his  fellow-evangelists  (study,  e.g.,  Mk.  85, 
10i4,2i;  334,  936,  IO16  with  parallels).  The  numerous 
disparaging  references  to  the  disciples  ui  Mk.  which 
are  either  toned  down  or  omitted  in  tiie  otlicr  gospels 
also  point  to  the  priority  of  Mk.  (See  Jlk.  413,  052, 
817!,  9x0,32,34,  with  parallels,  and  sec  note  on  413.) 

Mk.'s  treatment  of  the  Twelve  has  been  held  to 
indicate  a  bias  in  favour  of  l*aul.  Some  scholars  de- 
tect a  high  degree  of  artificiahty  in  Mk.'s  narrative, 
due  to  a  Pauline  tendency  or  to  some  other  theological 
presupposition  (see  especially  Bacon, Loisy,  and  Wrede). 
At  the  same  time,  Mk.  is  charged  with  an  almost 
over-popular  interest  in  the  mirac4ilous.  The  naive 
realism,  which  undoubtedly  characterises  the  gospel, 
is  not  readily  compatible  with  the  apologetic,  now 
obscure,  and  now  subtle,  which  these  scholars  suppose 
the  evangehst  to  have  f(jrced  on  his  material.  The 
readers  who  deUghted  in  the  detailed  stories  of  exorcism, 
e.g.  5i-2o  and  914-29,  would  hardly  liave  followed  the 
attempt  to  elevate  Paul  by  depreciating  the  Twelve. 
Where  references  to  the  dullness  of  the  disciples  seem 
artificial,  they  are  still  best  explained  as  an  over- 
zealous  repetition  of  a  characteristic  feature  of  the 
earhest  aj)ostolic  tradition. 

To  date  the  gospels  is  always  hazardous.  If  the 
second  gospel  be  really  a  record  of  Peter's  preaclung 
at  Rome,  it  cannot  be  earlier  than  03.  Chapter  13 
does  not  show  any  knowledge  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem. 
The  gospel  was,  therefore,  probably  in  existence 
before  70.  If  the  view  that  Acts  was  drawn  up  to 
assist  Paul's  defence  before  Nero  could  be  established, 
Mk.'s  date  must  be  put  back  still  earlier. 

Literature. — Ccnmnenlarle.s :  (a)  Montefiore,  Salmond 
(Cent.B),  Glover,  Bacon,  Allen  ;  (b)  A.  B.  Bruce  (EGT), 
Gould  (ICC).  Menzies,  Swete,  Plummor  (CGT) ;  (c) 
B.  Weis.s  (Mov.),  Holtzmann.  Lasrrange,  \\'ohlcnberg 
(ZK),  Loisy,  klostennann  (HNT),  J.'  Weiss  (SNT), 
Wellhausen;  (rf)  Chadwick  (Ex.B),  Horton,  The  Car- 
toon of  St.  Mark:  Other  Literature :  Wrede,  Me^ssias- 
geheimnis ;  J.  Weiss,  Das  dllesie  Evangel i urn  ;  J.  M. 
Thompson,  Jesu.t  according  to  S.  Mark  ;  Bermott  The 
Life  of  Christ  according^  to  St.  Mark :  Pfleidorer. 
Primitive  Christianity,  vol.  ii. 

I.  1-13.  A  brief  introductory  section  showing  how 
the  work  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  the  baptism  and 
temptation  of  Jesus,  led  up  to  the  ministrj'  in  Gahlec. 

1  is  perhaps  best  taken  as  the  title  to  the  whole 
book.  It  may  be  a  late  addition,  but  it  represents 
the  writer's  point  of  view.  Like  Luke,  he  relates 
what  Jesus  began  to  do.  The  life,  death,  and  resur- 
rection of  Jesus  form  in  themselves  tlie  beginning : 
the  end  is  not  yet.     Moreover,  the  gospel  is  the  fact 

22  a 


682 


MARK,  I.   1 


of  Jo8U3  Christ.  For  Mk.  "  Jesus  is  not  the  herald 
but  the  oonteiit  of  the  go,six-l  '  (Wellhausea). 

2-8.  As  was  foretold  h\  Isaiah,  ChrLsfs  coming  wa« 
prepared  for  by  the  api)earance  of  a  prophet,  in  the 
person  of  John  I  p.  Wil ),  who  called  the  JewL?h  people  to 
repent,  and  to  prove  their  rcjxjiitaiice  by  baptizing  them- 
selves or  letting  themselves  be  baptized  in  Jordan,  that 
they  might  be  fitted  to  receive  the  Mehsianic  forgiveness. 
His  appeal  had  a  profound  effect,  which  Mk.  describes 
with  a  characteristic  touch  of  popular  exaggeration 
when  he  says  all  the  land  of  Judah  responded.  This 
response  grew  with  time,  for  the  imperfect  tenses 
used  in  5  imply  a  continuous  succ&ssion  of  hearers 
and  converts.  John  wore  the  rough  garment  associated 
with  earher  prophets  (Zech.  I34),  while  his  leather 
girdle  recalled  Elijah  (2  K.  Is).  His  food  was  drawn 
from  the  desert.  His  severe  simpUcity  of  dress  and 
diet  {cf.  Ascension  of  Isaiah,  2iof.)  emphasized  the  call 
to  repentance.  It  was  a  time  to  fast.  One  utterance 
of  John's  arrests  Mk.,  and  seems  to  him  worth  record- 
ing. John  spoke  of  a  greater  than  himself,  to  whom 
he  was  not  worthy  to  render  even  the  humble  service 
usually  assigned  to  slaves.  Thixjugh  this  mightier  one 
would  come  the  gift  of  the  Spirit.  John  was  essentially 
a  forerunner. 

2f.  The  reading  of  RV  in  2  is  probably  coiTect, 
though  the  passage  is  not  from  Is.  but  combines 
-Mai.  3 1  and  Ex.  23 20,  while  3  reproduces  LXX  of 
Is.  4O3,  which  constnies  "  in  the  wilderness "  with 
"  the  voice  of  one  crying,"  and  not  as  Heb,  with 
"  make  ready  the  way."  The  LXX  rendering  and 
some  further  aIt<^rations  make  the  passages  more 
readily  applicable  to  John.  Possibly  they  were  linked 
together  and  asciibed  to  Is.  m  an  early  work  of  testi- 
monies (i.e.  a  collection  of  OT  texts  intended  to  convince 
or  confute  the  Jews;  cf.  p.  700)  which  Mk.  used  or 
from  which  they  were  inserted  into  his  text. — 8.  Loisy 
thinks  the  reference  to  the  Holy  Ghost  is  due  to  Mk., 
who  gives  a  Christian  colouring  to  John's  saying. 
Elsewhere  (Mt.  3iif.)  John  anticipates  a  Messiah  who 
comes  to  judgment.  Did  he  contrast  his  own  baptism 
by  water  unto  repentance  with  Messiah's  baptism  by 
fire  unto  judgment  ?  If  so,  Mk.  has  changed  an 
original  '  with  fire  "  into  "  with  the  Holy  Ghost." 
But  in  view  of  Ezek.  8625-27,  John  may  weU  have 
spoken  as  reported  in  Mk.  (see  further  ERE,  ii.  375, 
381). 

9-11.  The  Baptism  of  Jesus.— -While  John  was  draw- 
ing crowds  to  the  Jordan,  Jesus  came  from  Nazaretli 
(p.  29,  Mt.  '22T,*)  in  Galilee  (an  obscure  village  unknown 
except  through  the  (.'liristian  tradition)  and  was  bap- 
tized, thus  recognising  in  John's  preaching  the  call  of 
God  to  His  people.  In  the  very  act  by  wliich  He 
shared  the  national  repentance  and  attributed  Divine 
authority  to  Johns  mission.  He  received  a  vision  and 
heard  a  voice  which  revealed  to  Him  His  own  place  in 
this  movement.  The  Spirit  of  God  rent  the  heavens  and 
came  down  on  Jesus  aa  a  dove  (the  symbol  to  the  Jews 
of  purity  and  harmlessnesjs :  see  Lk.  224,  Mt.  IO16), 
thus  marking  Him  out  aa  the  mightier  one  of  whom 
John  spoke.  By  Mk.  the  vision  was  probably  re- 
garded as  objective,  and  therefore  visible  Ut  John  and 
the  crowd  if  present.  But  it  is  not  said  that  John 
saw  the  vision  or  recognised  the  Christ  in  Jesus.  The 
vision  is  significant  as  being  the  consecration  of  Jesus 
to  the  Messianic  othce.     (See  further,  pp.  661f.) 

12f.  The  Temptation. — Henceforth,  in  a  new  and 
special  sense,  Jesus  is  under  the  control  of  the  Spirit, 
who  now  drives  Him  into  tiie  wilderness,  where  He  is 
tempted  by  the  adversary.  He  is  alone  amid  the  hauntfl 
of  wild  beasts,  but  the  angels  serve  and  sustam  Hun. 


Mk.'8  versos  read  like  a  summary  of  a  longer  story,  but 
the  references  to  the  wild  beastu  and  to  the  apparently 
continuous  ministry  of  angels,  wliich  seems  to  exclude 
fasting,  suggest  that  the  story  summarised  differed 
from  the  accounts  of  the  Temptation  given  in  Mt. 
and  Lk.  The  length  of  time  spent  by  Jesus  in  the 
desert  is  given  as  forty  days.  Tliis  is  a  conventional 
number,  paralleled  in  OT  stories  (e.g.  Gen.  7 17,  Ex.  2-4i8, 
1  K.  198).  This  and  other  details  have  sometimes  been 
regarded  as  proof  that  the  story  of  the  Temptation  is  a 
myth.  But  that  the  decisive  vision  should  be  followed 
by  a  period  of  retirement  and  temptation  is  natural 
enough.  (See  further,  p.  703. ; 

I.  14-m.  6.  The  First  Period  of  the  GaUlean 
Tilinistry. 

L  14f.  Jesus  Announces  in  Galilee  the  Nearness  of  the 
Kingdom. — Not  immediately  after  the  Temptation,  but 
after  the  arrest  of  John  (617),  Jesus  returned  to  Galilee 
from  the  south  country  and  took  up  John's  message. 
Like  John,  Jesus  calls  men  to  repent  because  God's 
kingdom  is  near.  But  the  menace  of  judgment 
uttered  by  John  becomes  good  tiduigs  on  the  lips  of 
Jesus.  Ii  the  phrase  "  Ijeheve  the  gospel  "  is  due  to 
Mk.  and  not  to  Jesus,  it  rightly  characterizes  the  con- 
trast between  Jesus  and  His  forerunner ;  cf.  2i8f., 
Lk.4i7f.,Mt.  Ili8f. 

16-20.  The  Call  of  the  First  Disciples.— The  sudden 
call  and  unliesitating  response  argue,  according  to 
Porphyrj'  (r.  a.d.  300),  either  the  mcompetence  of  the 
lying  historian  or  the  stupidity  of  the  disciples.  But 
ilk.  docs  not  imply  that  this  was  the  first  these  men 
had  seen  or  heard  of  Jesus  (cf.  Jn.  Iss-si"").  He  does, 
however,  suggest  tlie  attractive  power  of  Jesus,  which 
he  regarded  as  supernatural  At  a  word  men  left  all 
to  be  with  Him.  It  must  have  seemed  foolish  to  those 
who  did  not  know  Him. 

21-39.  A  Specimen  Day  in  Capernaum. — With  His 
first  followers,  Jesus  went  to  Capernaum  (p.  29),  "  a 
border  town  in  the  kingdom  of  Antipas,  on  the  high 
road  fi-oni  Ptolemais  to  Damascus  "  (HNT,  ad  loc. ; 
ilt.  413"').  Mk.'s  information  now  becomes  more 
detailed,  and  he  records  the  events  of  the  first  Sabbath 
as  perhaps  Simon  himself  recalled  them. 

21-28.  Jesus  visits  the  synagogue  and  proclaims 
His  message  there.  Throughout  the  earlier  period  of 
His  Gahlean  ministry  the  synagogues  seem  to  have 
been  open  to  Him  (cf.  39,  3i,  Lk.  4i6).  Of  the  content 
of  His  teaching,  Mk.  tells  us  nothing.  He  only  brings 
out  the  contrast  between  Jesus  and  the  scribes.  They 
taught  from  authorities,  balancing  one  traditiond 
opuiion  with  another.  Jesus  spoke  with  authority  as 
one  commissioned  of  God.  The  same  confidence  and 
sense  of  power  which  were  felt  in  His  words  were 
apparent  in  His  deahngs  with,  demoniacs.  Jesus  uses 
no  incantation  or  adjuration.  He  simply  gives  His 
commands  and  the  evil  spirits  obey  Him.  This  fact 
apparently  interests  Mk.  and  his  readers  even  more 
than  the  savings  of  Jesus.  The  astonishment  aroused 
by  the  teaching  was  turned  into  amazement  by  the 
miracle,  and  the  fame  of  the  new  prophet  spread 
through  Galilee. 

[22.  and  not :  better  "  yet  not."  The  scribes  taught 
with  authority,  but  that  of  Jeeus  was  of  a  different 
stamp. — A.  J.  G.] 

22-27.  Of  the  two  words  "  astonished "  and 
''  amazed  '  the  latter  seems  to  be  the  stronger.  It 
implies  fear  (see  IO32  and  the  parallels  to  this  passage). 
The  first  word  is  more  frequent  in  Mk.  who  elsewhere 
(()2,  IO26,  II i8)  attributes  the  same  effect  to  the 
teaching  of  Jesus. 

24.  Did   the  demoniacs,   as   Mk.    suggests,  openly 


MARK,  II.  1-12 


esa 


acknowledge  Jesn.g  as  the  Messiah  ?  If  so,  how  did 
they  reach  the  conviction,  and  why  does  theii-  con- 
fession not  mtiuence  the  pubhc  ?  These  questions 
raise  difficulties.  Some  scholars  hold  that  ]Mk.  has 
given  liis  own  interpretation  to  inarticulate  cries. 
"  The  testimony  of  tlie  demons  exists  for  the  reader; 
but  did  not  exist  for  the  spectators,"  Consequently 
the  motive  assigned  for  enjoining  silence  in  I34  is 
mistaken.  Wrede  holds  that  the  demons'  confession 
and  their  repression  by  Jesus  are  alike  unliLstorical. 
Ho  groups  along  with  this  material,  the  passages  in 
which  those  healed  of  their  complamts  are  told  to 
keep  silence,  e.g.  I44,  543,  736,  and  also  the  passages 
in  which  the  disciples  are  forbidden  to  reveal  the 
Messianic  secret,  e.g.  830,  Og.  The  historic  fact, 
according  to  Wrede,  is  that  Jesus  was  not  recognised 
as  Messiah  during  His  lifetime.  Mk.  accounts  for 
this,  by  supposing  that  Jesus  did  not  wish  to  be 
recognised.  Therefore  the  demons  are  silenced, 
miracles  of  healing  are  not  to  be  mentioned,  the 
disciples  maj'  not  say  anything.  Yet  in  Mk.'s  view 
the  Messianic  secret  must  have  been  penetrated. 
Demons  and  disciples  must  have  confessed.  Miracles 
must  have  been  impressive  evidence.  His  narrative 
is  full  of  contradictions  because  he  tries  to  reconcile 
his  conviction  of  the  MessiahsMp  of  Jesus  with  the 
fact  that  the  Messianic  claim  was  not  made  pubhc 
during  the  lifetime  of  Jesus.  Wrede's  ingenious  theory 
rests  on  an  illegitimate  groupuag  of  details,  which  do 
not  require  and  are  not  capable  of  a  common  explana- 
tion. Thus  in  I44  and  736  the  enjoining  of  silence  is 
as  intelhgible  and  as  historic  as  it  is  pointless  and 
artificial  in  043.  That  some  demoniacs  addressed 
Jesus  as  Messiah,  that  such  confessions  aroused  wonder 
but  not  faith  m  the  people,  and  that  Jesus  sought  to 
silence  the  demoniacs  (the  injunction  and  the  word 
used  were  normal  in  exorcism)  may  well  be  historic 
fact.  For  the  whole  subject,  see  p.  663,  Nevius,  Demon- 
Possession  and  Allied  Theynes,  and  Hamack,  The 
Miisionand  Expansion  of  Christianity,  i.  125-146. 

29-31.  The  Miracle  of  Healing  in  Simon's  House.— 
Jesus  and  His  disciples  were  apparently  Simon's  guests 
in  Capernaum.  Simon's  wife's  mother  (?  the  hostess) 
was  sick,  and  the  members  of  the  household  appealed 
to  Jesus.  He  lifted  her  up  and  not  only  freed  her 
from  fever,  but  restored  her  to  strength  so  that  she 
was  able  to  prepare  the  meal.  Fever  usually  leaves 
a  patient  weak,  but  "  when  the  Lord  bestows  health, 
restoration  is  immediate  and  complete  "  (Jerome). 

32-34.  at  even  when  the  sun  did  set :  Simon's  wife's 
mother  was  healed  on  the  Sabbath.  When  the  Sabbath 
was  over,  the  house  was  besieged  with  sick  persons. 
Jesus  healed  many.  Each  case  seems  to  be  treated 
individuaUy.     Mk.  especially  mentions  the  cure  of  the 


35-39.  The  Decision  to  Leave  Capernaum.— The  coii- 
oourse  of  sick  emljarrasses  Jesus,  either  because  tha 
work  of  healing  tended  to  obscure  His  m&ssage  or 
because  Capernaum  threatened  to  monopolise  His 
attention.  Simon  may  have  remembered  how  the 
Master  left  the  house  aJid  went  out  of  the  city  to 
pray.  To  Simon's  surprise,  Jesus  does  not  seize  the 
favourable  opportunity  of  Capernaum.  God's  herald 
may  not  remain  stationary.  Everywhere  the  pro- 
clamation is  ticcompanied  by  the  expulsion  of  demons. 
Their  overthrow  is  proof  of  the  nearness  of  God's 
Idngdom. 

35.  and  there  prayed :  "  No  Christology  is  true  which 
makes  a  Christ  for  whom  prayer  is  either  unnatural  or 
impossible  "  (H.  R.  Mackintosh,  Doctrine  of  the  Person 
of  Christ,  p.  399).— 38.  for  to  this  end  came  I  forth 


is  interpreted  theologically  in  Lk.  443'''  and  by  many 
modem  commentators,  but  the  phrase  may  mean 
simply  '■  That  is  whj-  I  left  Capernaum,"  or  "  that 
was  my  purpose  ui  sotting  out  to  evangehze."  The 
ambiguity  proves  the  priority  of  j\ik. 

40-45.  The  Heailng  of  the  Leper. — By  placing  this 
incident  at  this  point  in  his  narrative,  Mk.  gives  a 
further  reason  for  the  difficulty  which  met  Jesus  on 
His  return  from  Capernaum.  The  story  with  Mk's 
ending  connects  closely  with  ch.  2.  We  have  here  a 
work  of  heahng  (not,  as  some  think,  a  request  to  Jesus 
to  declare  the  man  free  from  leprosy),  but  the  original 
interest  centres  on  the  sajdngs  of  Jesus  embedded  in 
the  story. 

40.  HNT  cites  Epictetus  III.  10i4f. :  "  Why  then 
do  you  flatter  the  physician  ?  Why  do  you  say,  '  If 
thou  wilt,  sir,  I  shall  be  well '  ?  "—41.  An  early  reading 
gives  "  moved  with  anger  "  instead  of  '"  with  com- 
passion." If  this  reading  be  original,  the  flattery  of 
"  if  thou  wilt,"  or  the  implied  doubt  of  His  gooawill 
may  occasion  the  emotion  (of.  IO14-18 ;  see  also 
Temple,  Kingdom  of  Gal,  pp.  25f.). — 43.  The  word 
"  strictly  charged  "  suggested  strong  feeling,  as  also 
the  verb  "thrust  him  out"  (Gr.  exebalen ;  of.  I12). 
Apparently  the  scene  of  the  incident  is  a  house,  into 
which  no  leper  should  have  come  (Lev.  1846). — 44. 
Jesus  enjoins  the  carrymg  out  of  the  Law  (Lev.  I42-32). 
Perhaps  omit  comma  after  "'  commanded  ''  (RV),  since 
"  for  a  testimony  unto  them  "  is  not  emphatic,  and  does 
not  mean  "  to  testify  to  the  priests  that  a  prophet  has 
arisen"  (so  Swete).  That  would  defeat  the  object  of 
the  injunction  of  silence. 

n.  l-UI.  6.  A  group  of  mcidents  designed  to  illus- 
trate the  growth  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  scribes 
and  Pharisees.  At  first  they  merely  make  silent 
criticisms  (26),  then  they  question  the  disciples  (2i6), 
later,  they  challenge  Jesus  Himself  (2i8),  and  later 
BtUl,  they  resolve  to  get  rid  of  Him  (36).  The  theme 
continues  into  the  foUowing  section  (see  HNT,  p.  18). 
The  arrangement  of  these  incidents  is  due  to  the 
evangelist  and  is  not  necessarilv  chronological. 

n.  1-12.  TheHealingoltheParalytic— Loisy(pp,86- 
88)  regards  the  discussion  of  the  right  to  forgive  sins 
as  artificially  interwoven  by  Mk.  into  a  simpler  story 
of  healing.  He  says  it  is  not  like  Jesus  to  prove  a 
spiritual  claim  by  the  argument  of  a  miracle.  Jesus 
refused  to  work  "  signs.'"  The  power  to  forgive  is  also 
asserted  by  Jesus  personally  as  a  Messianic  endow- 
ment. Tliis  conflicts  with  the  attitude  towards  the  Mes- 
sianic secret  (jj.  670)  preserved  elsewhere  in  the  gospel. 
But  forgiveness  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  blessings 
of  the  kingdom  (cf.  4i2).  It  is  the  offer  of  forgiveness 
which  is  challenged  by  the  Pharisees  when  tliey  ask 
why  Jesus  eats  with  sinners,  and.  why  His  disciples  do 
not  fast.  There  is  an  inward  connexion  between  the 
three  incidents  in  Mk.  2.  The  work  of  evangelization 
requires  Jesus  to  forgive  sins  as  well  as  to  drive  out 
demons  and  heal  diseases.  These  aje  so  many  in- 
separable features  of  the  gospel  (cf.  Lk.  4i8f.  and 
Mt.  1 1 5*,  where  the  miracles  must  not  be  allegorized,  as 
Schmiedel  suggests).  Bodily  healing  and  forgiveness 
go  together.  Because  of  their  union  the  visible  influ- 
ence of  Jesus  over  disease  confirms  His  power  to 
forgive,  which  cannot  be  tested  by  sight.  It  is  as 
herald  of  the  kingdom  rather  than  as  Messiah  that 
Jesus  claims  this  authority.  Mt.  98  suggests  either 
that  the  term  "  Son  of  Man  '"  is  not  Messianic  in  Mk.  2io 
or  that  the  term  is  due  to  the  evangelist.  But  Mt.  96 
means,  not  that  men  as  men  have  this  power,  but 
that  a  fresh  gift  of  God  has  oome  to  manland  in  and 
through   the  announcement  of  the  neameaa  of  th<> 


684 


MARK,  II.  1-12 


kingdom.    A  new  ministry  of  reconciliation  is  entrusted 
to  men. 

I.  Follow  mg. — 4.  Wellhausen  suggests  tliat  "  they 
uncovered  the  roof "  is  a  misunderstanding  of  an 
Aram,  phra.se  whicli  niearia  "  tlicy  brought  him  up  on 
to  the  roof."  Tliis  is  probably  correct,  and  in  that 
oaae  the  picturesque  detail  about  breaking  up  the  roof 
may  be  an  addition  inspired  by  the  false  rendering  of 
an  Aram,  original. — 5.  "  Toknon,"  an  affectionate 
form  of  address.  Cf.  Lk.  I531,  and  Caesar's  last 
words,  "  Kai  su,  Teknon,  "  not  "  Et  tu.  Brute." — 
6.  It  should  be  noted,  Jesus  is  accused  of  blasphemy, 
not  of  laxity  as  to  conditions  of  forgiveness  (see 
Montefiore,  i.  78). — 8.  Mk.  attributes  supernatural 
knowledge  to  Jesus.  Jn.  223  docs  not  lack  a  Synoptic 
root. — 9,  llf.  "  Aiise,  take  up  thy  bed  and  walk."' 
The  threefold  repetition  reflects  jiopular  oral  tradition. 
The  proof  of  the  complete  cure  by  carrying  one's  bed 
is  also  a  feature  in  popular  tales  of  healing.  Cf.  Lucian, 
Philopatris,  xi.,  "  Midas  picked  up  the  bed  on  which 
he  had  been  lying  and  went  off  to  the  country."  The 
word  for  "  bed  "  in  Mk.  is  a  vulgar  one,  and  impUes 
the  small  mattress  of  a  poor  man. 

II.  13-17.  The  Call  of  Levi.  Jesus  Eats  with  Tax- 
Collectors. — These  two  incidents  are  only  loosely  con- 
nected with  each  other  and  with  what  precedes.  The 
notes  of  time  are  of  the  vaguest.  The  call  of  Levi, 
who  ia  collecting  tolls  for  the  Totrarch  of  Galileo  on 
the  highroad  (p.  615).  closely  resembles  the  call  of  the 
first  four  disciples.  There  is  nothing  to  suggest  that 
the  meal  is  a  thanksgiving  feast.  In  the  large  company 
of  guests,  some  Pharisees  (pp.  624, 666f . )  mingle.  They 
appear  here  in  the  gospel  for  the  first  time.  The  idea  of 
hoUness  through  separation  is  involved  in  their  very 
name.  Tax-collectors  had  a  bad  reputation  in  ancient 
society.  A  passage  in  Lucian  classes  them  with 
adulterers  and  sycophants.  The  '"  shiners  "  seem  to  be 
people  who  were  careless  of  the  Law  and  perliaps  even 
loose  livers.  It  Is  very  strange  that  Jesus  tlie  prophet 
chooses  such  company.  .Tesus  meets  the  Pharisaic 
suggestion  witli  a  proverbial  saying  and  a  statement 
of  His  own  aim  in  evangeUzing.  ""  He  did  not  avoid 
sinners,  but  souglit  them  out :  this  was  a  new  and 
sublime  contribution  to  the  development  of  rehgion 
and  morality  "  (Montefiore,  i.  86). 

15.  The  concluding  words  are  taken  by  Swete  and 
Wellhausen  with  the  next  verse.  "  And  there  fol- 
lowed also  scribes  of  the  Pharisaic  party."  Tliis  is 
attractive. — 16.  "  Scribes  of  the  Pharisees  "  an  un- 
usual and  awkward  phrase,  as,  according  to  Well- 
hausen, there  were  no  scribes  of  the  Sadducees.  — 17. 
Loisy  (p.  93)  and  J.  Weiss  attribute  the  last  sentence 
t<j  the  evangeEst,  as  the  reference  to  His  mission  is 
theological,  and  if  genuine  the  saying  uivolves  ironical 
use  of  Pharliaio  terms.  These  objections  are  not  final. 
Jesus  was  certainly  conscious  of  a  Divine  mission,  and 
may  well  have  defined  it  in  such  terms. 

II.  18-22.  The  Question  of  Fasting.-  Both  the  fol- 
lowers of  John  and  the  Pharisees  agree  in  the  practice 
of  fa.sting  to  express  repentance.  Jesus  called  men 
into  an  experience  of  joy,  surely  the  joy  of  forgiveness. 
By  His  presence  and  call  He  made  men  feel  as  if  they 
were  taking  part  in  a  bridal  feast  while  they  waited 
for  the  kingdom.  They  were  keeping  festival  in 
anticipation  of  yet  intenser  joy.  This  new  hfo  could 
not  consort  with  the  old  traditional  forms  of  religion. 
This  is  the  broad  sense  of  the  section.  In  many  details 
it  is  difficult.  The  unif)n  of  disciples  of  John  and  the 
Pharisees  seems  unnatural.  20  is  clearly  a  prediction 
of  the  Master's  death.  But  it  is  only  after  the  great 
confession   (829)  that  Jesus  beguis  to   speak  of  His 


death  even  to  His  disciples.  If  genuine,  the  saying 
belongs  to  a  later  period.  Some  scholars  treat  20  as 
the  evangelist's  afterthought.  In  that  case  19  in  its 
present  form  must  be  surrendered  Uio,  a-s  it  is  bound 
up  with  20  (see  W'ellhau.sen).  Possibl}'  some  simpler 
saying  has  been  recast  by  MJi.  That  20  refers  to  tlie 
deatli  of  John  tlie  Baptist  is  improbable.  His  disciples 
did  not  bcgui  to  fast  after  his  death.  Fasting  was 
pait  of  his  call  to  repentance.  In  21  and  22  we  have 
two  brief  parables  drawn  from  home-life.  The  piece 
of  undressed  cloth  tends  to  shrink,  and  if  used  to  patch 
an  old  garment  will  make  a  fresh  rent  in  it.  Wine- 
skins worn  thin  with  use  and  time  cannot  resist  the 
fermentation  of  new  wine.  They  crack  if  men  attempt 
to  preserve  new  wine  in  them  (cf.  Jos.  913).  These 
parables  do  not  neces-sarily  belong  to  the  discussion 
that  immediately  precedes  them.  "  The  protest 
against  half-hcartedncss  and  false  compromise  might 
have  been  spoken  on  many  occasions.  They  indicate 
the  breach  between  the  original  Christian  temper 
and  Judaism  in  general."  22  especially  shows  that 
the  new  rehgion  must  make  new  forms  for  itself. 
For  Jesus'  use  of  illustrations  in  couples,  cf.  Oxford 
Studies  in  the  Synoptic  Problem,  195. 

II.  23-28.  Sabbath  Observance. — Thlsincidentoccura 
in  the  summer :  "  the  only  clear  reference  to  a  season 
of  the  year  in  the  gospel."  The  disciples  offend  by 
reaping  on  the  Sabbath.  The  evangelist  brings  to- 
gether two  answei-s.  The  first  admits  the  vahdity  of 
the  Law  and  pleads  historic  exceptions.  The  second 
lays  down  a  general  principle  by  which  the  Law  is  to 
be  mterpreted.  Tlie  aim  of  the  Law  must  bo  con- 
sidered. On  27  Sabatier  comments :  "  A  sajang, 
wonderful  alike  in  its  depth  and  its  simplicity,  which 
denies  not  only  the  Pharisaic  idea  of  the  Sabbath  but 
also  the  scholastic  idea  of  the  Church  and  the  absolutist 
notion  of  the  State." 

26.  The  reference  to  Abiathar  is  a  mistake,  probably 
due  to  the  evangeUst,  possibly  to  a  glossator.  But  the 
act  of  David  is  described  with  some  traditional  embel- 
lishments. David's  entr^-  into  the  sanctuary  and  the 
presence  of  his  comiianions  are  suppositions  not  neces- 
sarily involved  in  1 S.  21 1-7  (Lolsy,  p.  101). — 27.  And  he 
Sjud  unto  them:  a  simple  fonnula  frequently  prefixed 
to  detailed  sayings  of  Jesus,  and  often  used  by  Mk.  to 
hiik  together  utterances  which  came  to  him  Isolated  in 
tradition;  cf.  4ii,t3,  79,  9 i.— 28.  If  "Son  of  Man" 
(831*,  p.  691)  be  Messianic,  the  verse  is  best  taken  as 
representuig  the  evangeUst's  conclusion.  The  alterna- 
tive is  that  it  means  "  man." 

III.  IS.  The  Sabbath  Healing  which  Determined 
Pharisaic  Hostility. — (Seep.  (;66.)  Mk.  hnks  this  syna- 
gogue meident  with  his  first  (I21)  by  the  word  "  again." 
Jesus  is  no  longer  unknown  ;  Ho  is  suspect.  Another 
heahng  ui  a  synagogue  may  be  used  as  the  basis  of  a 
charge  against  Him.  He  challenges  with  a  question  the 
opponents  who  are  watching  Him.  Is  it  not  a  more 
loyal  observance  of  the  Sabbath  to  .save  life  as  Jesus 
proposes  to  do  than  to  be  plotting  evil  against  another 
man  as  the  Pharisees  are  actually  douig  ?  (This 
interpretation  seems  to  be  more  attractive  than  that 
adopted  in  HNT,  Loisy,  or  Pfleiderer  ;  who  says,  "  He 
recognises  no  third  course  between  the  fulfilment  of 
duty  by  doing  good  and  the  transgression  of  duty  by 
not  doing  good  :  for  the  omission  of  a  possible  work  of 
love  is  in  itself  an  evil-doing  which  c4innot  be  justified 
by  any  Sabbatic  ordinance.")  The  refusal  of  the 
Pharisees  to  answer  the  question  moves  Jesus  to  anger. 
This  is  one  of  the  few  passages  peculiar  to  Mk.  which 
attributes  anger  to  Jesus  {cf.  IO14) ;  passionate  grief 
rather  than   wrath   is  meant.     The  evangehst  "  had 


MARK,  III.  20-35 


685 


little  power  of  analysis  and  had  not  precise  nomen- 
clature for  emotions  shading  into  one  another."  (See 
Tlie  Practice  of  Christianity  by  the  author  of  Pro 
Christo  et  Ecclesia,  p.  92,  but  note  also  Fairbairn's 
sentence,  "  A  character  incapable  of  indignation  is 
destitute  of  righteousness,  without  the  wiU  to  give 
adequate  expression  to  its  moral  judgments."')  The 
result  is  the  determined  hostility  of  the  religious  and 
pohtical  leaders  of  GaUlee,  who  even  plot  His  destruc- 
tion. (The  plot  to  kill  is  perhaps  introduced  too  early 
into  the  story.     See  Menzies.) 

1.  The  Grospel  to  the  Hebrews  adds  that  the  man 
was  a  mason  who  asked  Jesus  to  give  him  back  the 
use  of  liis  arm  to  save  him  from  the  disgrace  of  begging. 
Such  an  addition  is  clearly  an  afterthought,  and  does 
not  develop  the  mam  interest  of  the  story.  6/.  a 
more  clearly  irrelevant  addition  in  the  story  of  the 
rich  young  ruler  (1017-31). — his  hand  withered:  the 
attempt  to  derive  this  story  from  that  of  Icing  Jeroboam 
(1  K.  136,  see  Loisy,  p.  107)  seems  to  depend  on  the 
word  "  withered,"  a  very  shght  connexion  ! — 5.  when 
he  had  looked  round :  characteristic  of  Jesus  according 
to  Mk.  :  c/.  334,  IO23,  Ilii,  and  IO21.  The  "kind 
but  searching  glance." 

III.  7.-VII.  A  new  stage  in  the  work  of  Jesus.  "  Up 
to  this  point  Christ's  ministry  is  purely  Galilean  in  scene, 
actora  and  horizon  alike."  Now  crowds  come  from 
long  distances  and  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  The 
attention  of  the  religious  authorities  at  Jerusalem  is 
drawn  to  Him  (c/.  22).  The  work  of  evangeUzation  is 
shared  with  twelve  chosen  disciples.  The  teaching  of 
Jesus  undergoes  a  twofold  change.  The  seashore  and 
the  desert  replace  the  synagogue,  and  the  parables 
become  Christ's  customary  form  of  utterance.  How 
long  this  period  of  wider  activity  continues  we  do 
not  know,  nor  is  it  quite  clear  at  what  point  in  his 
narrative  ]\I1<.  would  conclude  it.  But  in  Ti/ff.  he  begins 
to  throw  stress  on  the  training  of  the  Twelve,  which 
has  definitely  led  to  the  abandonment  of  the  pubUc 
ministry  in  Galilee  when  we  reach  93of.  Perhaps  723 
forms  the  point  of  transition. 

in.  7-12.  An  editorial  paragraph  descriptive  of  the 
iiew  development  in  the  ministry.  It  is  made  up  of 
}X)pular  generalizations,  from  which  we  gather  that 
Jesus  had  to  protect  Himself  against  growing  crowds 
by  retiring  from  the  cities  to  the  sea-shore,  and  by 
securing  a  boat  as  a  shelter.  His  work  of  healing  and 
exorcism  continues,  the  confessions  of  the  demons 
becoming  more  exphcit  (see  Swete  on  the  phrases 
'■  Son  of  God,"  3ii,  and  "  Holy  One  of  God,"  I24). 
The  work  of  healing  is  itself  a  message  of  forgiveness 
(2i-i2*)  for  the  diseases  healed  are  described  as 
"  plagues,''  a  word  used  in  OT  of  Divine  chastisement 
(see  HNT  and  Swete).  The  whole  paragraph  suggests 
that  the  definite  hostility  of  the  Pharisees  was  followed 
by  considerable  changes  in  the  scope  and  method  of 
the  Galilean  ministrj%  and  the  suggestion  is  probably 
well  founded. 

III.  13-19.  The  Appointment  of  the  Twelve.— That 
Jesus  associated  with  Himself  an  iimer  circle  of  twelve 
men  is  not  open  to  reasonable  question.  If  the 
number  twelve  be  raytliical,  it  must  be  suggested  bj'  the 
twelve  tribes  of  Israel.  The  fact  that  His  own  ministiy 
was  confined  to  Israel,  makes  it  natural  for  Jesus 
Himself  to  have  acted  on  the  suggestion.  To  trace 
the  number,  with  the  exponents  of  the  C'hrLst-myth,  to 
the  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  or  the  twelve  apostles  of  the 
Jewish  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  (who  arc  not  known  to 
have  been  twelve)  is  a  gratuitous  absurdity.  The  choice 
of  the  Twelve  was  made  when  Pharisaic  hostility  and 
popular  enthusiasm  increased  the  burden  of  the  ta«k  of 


evangelization.  Mk.  emphasizes  the  choice  of  Christ. 
He  called  whom  He  would  (c/.  Jn.  15 16).  These  men 
are  chosen  to  be  with  Jesua,  a  phrase  peculiar  to  Mk. 
which  discloses  the  meaning  and  the  secret  of  disciple- 
ship.  Bousset  lightly  asks,  "  In  which  of  the  OT 
prophets  does  personal  intercourse  with  disciples,  this 
gradual  outpouring  of  the  wealth  of  the  soul  into  the 
souls  of  others,  play  such  a  part  as  it  does  in  the  case 
of  Jesus  ?  "  (JcsHS,  p.  17).  But  the  Twelve  are  also 
to  be  sent  out  to  proclaim  the  nearness  of  the  Kingdom. 
We  may  note  that  Mk.'s  phrase  suggests  repeated 
tours,  not  one  outstanding  expedition  such  as  is  pre- 
supposed in  Schweitzer's  theory.  Hence  the  name 
"apostles  "  {mg.  in  314  is  perhaps  part  of  the  text; 
sec  Swete).  In  the  Ust  that  follows,  Mk.  and  Mt. 
agree  in  the  name  Thaddueus,  while  Luke  has  Judas 
the  son  of  James.  The  identification  of  Matthew 
with  Levi  rests  on  Mt.  dg  and  10 3.  The  nickname 
"  Sons  of  Thunder,"  given  to  James  and  John  has 
now  been  shown  by  Rendel  Harris  to  be  connected  with 
the  cult  of  twins.  The  sons  of  Zebedee  were  probably 
twins.  Thomas  is  also  a  twm  (see  Jn.  II16,  I422*,  2O24, 
21 2).  There  is,  therefore,  some  reason  for  suspecting 
that  the  apostolic  fist  has  been  affected  by  folklore 
concerning  twins.  Simon  the  Cananaean  (the  word  has 
nothing  to  do  mth  Canaan)  is  rightly  identified  by 
Lk.  (615)  as  a  Zealot  (c/.  mg.  here).  This  is  not  a 
reference  to  his  zeal  but  to  his  previous  political 
opinions  (pp.  609f .,  Ac.  537*).  Swete  says,  "  This  Simon 
cannot  have  belonged  to  the  more  advanced  Zealots, 
who  were  associated  with  sedition  and  outrage."  But 
why  cannot  Jesus  have  converted  and  chosen  an  ad- 
vanced Zealot  ?  If  He  did,  the  fact  is  of  some 
importance.  The  teaching  of  Jesus  is  perhaps  more 
directly  aimed  at  the  Zealots  than  we  sometimes 
suppose  (see  Wmdisch,  Der  Jlessianische  Krieg;  also 
Lake,  The  Stewardship  of  Faith,  chaps,  i.  and  ii.). 
[In  Harvard  Theological  Review,  Jan.  1917,  I.ake  argues 
very  cogently  from  Josephus  that  the  use  of  the  name 
Zealot  to  describe  a  Jewish  sect  or  party  camiot  be 
earlier  than  a.d.  66.  He  thinks  Mt.  and  Lk.  may  have 
made  an  error,  or  that  we  have  been  wrong  in  trans- 
lating or  explaining,  and  that  Mt.  and  Lk.  simply 
meant  Simon  the  Zealous,  a  reference  not  to  party 
but  to  personal  character. — A.J.G.]  The  meaning  of 
the  name  Iscariot  is  still  obscure. 

16.  The  Fen-ar  group  of  MSS  read,  "  And  He  made 
fitrst  Simon."  The  text  adojjted  in  RV  is  ceitamly 
comipt,  and  some  previous  mention  of  Simon  is  re- 
quired.    This  reading  is  perhaps  better  than  mg. 

III.  20-35.  The  Answer  of  Jesus  to  the  Verdict  of 
the  Jerusalem  Scribes  and  the  Intervention  of  His 
Family.— The  introduction  of  this  section  would 
naturally  link  with  6.  Jesius returns  home  (presumably, 
to  the  house  of  Simon  m  Caperiiamu)  after  the  second 
scene  in  the  synagogue  ui  3 1-6.  Mk.  has  broken  the 
thread  of  the  original  tradition  in  order  to  insert  the 
list  of  the  apostles.  He  certainly  divides  2of.  from 
31-35  in  order  to  associate  with  the  judgment  of  the 
lelatives  of  Jesus  the  still  more  outrageous  verdict  of 
the  scribes  fiom  Jerusalem.  The  statement  that  the 
relatives  of  Jesus  thought  Him  beside  Him.^elf  (perhaps 
in  a  state  of  unbalanced  ecstacy),  is  peculiar  to  Mk. 
It  is,  however,  necessary  as  leading  up  to  the  closing 
iricidont  of  the  ciiapter.  "  The  incident  in  which 
Jesus  disowns  His  family  is  only  intelligible  in  Mk." 
On  the  other  hand,  Mk.  does  not,  like  Mt.  Vlzz,  cite 
a  particular  miracle  as  the  occasion  of  the  charge  that 
Jesus  wa.s  in  league  with  the  Evil  One.  He  may 
regard  the  saying  as  a  deliberate  verdict  of  the  official 
leaders  of   religion  on   the  whole  activity   of  Jesus. 


686 


MAEK.  III.  20-35 


The  relativee  of  Jeeus  doubted  His  sanity  :  the  scribes 
denied  Hia  moral  sincerity.*  The  reply  to  the  scribes 
is  given  in  parabUs  (mentioned  now  for  the  lirat  time). 
The  scribal  theory  of  exorcism  was  easy  and  convenient, 
but  it  implied  an  illogical  division  in  the  Satanic  power. 
Since  the  overthrow  of  the  spirits  of  e\-il  Li  obvious, 
the  advent  of  the  higher  power  must  be  presupposed. 
Like  one  of  the  OT  prophets,  Jesus  repudiates  pas- 
sionately the  thoughtless  denial  of  the  purity  of  His 
inspiration.  The  sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost  seems  to 
lie  in  the  intellectual  laziness  and  moral  insincerity 
which  prefers  to  confound  black  and  white,  rather 
than  recognise  the  coming  of  God  in  a  new  and  un- 
expected quarter.  Mk.  may  derive  his  version  of  the 
utterance  of  Jesus  from  Q  (pp.  672,  675.  678).  But  it 
differs  from  the  parallels  in  Mt.  and  Lk.  at  one  or  two 
points  especially  in  28,  "  sons  of  men,"  where  Mt.  eind 
Lk.  ha ve  a  reference  to  the  "  Son  of  ^lan. " '  It  is  difficult 
to  decide  the  question  of  priority  (see  Montefiore,  i. 
117).  It  is  more  important  to  recognise  that  ilk. 
seems  to  know  some  record  or  records  of  the  teaching 
of  Jesus  from  which  he  inserts  sajongs  that  bear  on 
the  points  of  special  interest  to  himself  and  his  readers. 
What  Jesus  said  about  exorcism  concerns  one  of  these 
points. 

22.  Beelzebub =••  lord  of  flies  "  (cf.  2  K.  I2*).  The 
better  reading  is  Beelzebul,  the  meaning  of  which  is 
doubtful,  perhaps  '"  Lord  of  dung  '  or  ■  Lord  of  the 
habitation "  (see  Swete). — 31-£S.  The  crowd  that 
gathered  in  20  is  still  round  Jesus,  so  His  mother 
and  brethren  can  reach  Him  only  by  sending  a  message. 
Jesus  refuses  to  recognise  their  claim  to  intei-fere, 
and  enlarges  the  bounds  of  the  Holy  Familj'  t<j  include 
as  His  kinsfolk  all  who  do  (iods  will  This  incident, 
undoubtedly  historic,  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  the 
storj-  of  the  Virgin  Birth.  The  silence  a.s  to  Joseph  is 
sometimes  attributed  to  dogmatic  reasons,  but  ia 
better  explained  by  the  probability  that  he  was 
already  dead. 

IV.  1-S4.  Teaching  by  Parables.— This  section  illus- 
iratea  the  method  of  teacliing  which  the  evangelist 
regards  as  characteristic  of  this  period  of  the  ministrj'. 
In  it  he  combines  some  general  observations  about  the 
use  of  parables,  with  what  was  originallj'  a  brief 
account  of  teaching  delivered  on  one  day.  A  com- 
parison of  I  and  35  represents  Jesus  as  entering  a 
boat  in  which  He  stays  all  day  and  in  which  He 
crosses  at  night  to  the"  other  side.  Yet  in  10  He  is 
supposed  to  effect  an  escape  from  the  people,  whom 
He  is  agaiii  addres-sing  in  20,  as  if  no  iiiteruiption 
had  occurred.  The  original  narrative  must  then  have 
consisted  of  a  group  of  parables.  Into  this  have  been 
inserted  some  general  comments  and  an  interpretation 
of  the  parable  of  the  Sower.  Mk.  regards  the  parables 
as  obscure  enigmas  designed  to  hide  the  truth  from 
the  common  people  (see  especially  ia-12,  34).  But  the 
original  purpose  can  only  have  been  to  make  the 
message  of  Jeeus  clearer.  Each  parable  illustrates 
some  aspect  of  the  kingdom.  Though  doubtless 
Wellhausen  is  right  in  warning  us  against  excluding 
allegory  too  rigidly,  and  against  supposing  that  parables 
must  all  bo  interpreted  in  the  same  way,  j-ct  as  a  rule 
the  point  of  comparison  is  to  be  sought  in  the  whole 
situation  or  action  described  in  the  parable.  The 
story  of  the  Sower  may  have  been  original]}-  intended 
to  illustrate  the  differing  receptions  given  to 'the  appeal 

'  [Spitta  suggests  (a)  that  "lua  triends"  {21)  means  not  "his 
relatives"  but  "his  disciples,"  (6)  that  the  subject  of  the  verb 
reudered  "is  beside  himi^elf  "  U  "the  crowd,"  which  bats  fallen  out 
of  the  text  together  with  the  iniracle>^  recorded  by  Mt.  and  Lk.— 


of  Jesus,  and  its  main  purpose  was  probably  to  im- 
press a  sense  of  responsibility  on  His  hearers  (9).  The 
general  discussion  of  parabolic  teaching  (10-12)  forms 
an  awkward  interruption  of  the  address  to  the  crowd, 
and  is  also  difficult  in  itself.  Can  Jesus  have  made 
use  of  parables  in  order  that  men  might  not  be  con- 
verted and  forgiven  ?  Such  a  view  conflicts  with  the 
nature  of  the  parables  themselves  and  with  express 
statements  in  2  if.  and  33.  Consequently  it  is  sug- 
gested, e.g.  by  Loisy,  that  this  is  later  reflection  due 
U)  the  fact  that  apostolic  Christians  no  longer  under- 
stood the  parables,  and  concluded  from  this  that  they 
must  have  been  still  more  obscure  to  the  Jews,  whose 
unbelief  must  be  attributed  to  the  counsel  of  Gtod 
(see  Rom.  9f.  and  especially  lls-io).  But  though 
the  saying  attributed  to  Jesus  in  iif.  ctinnot  give  tbe 
explanation  of  His  use  of  parables,  it  may  still  rest 
on  a  genuine  uttergince  misapplied  by  the  evangelist, 
C.J.  •■  I  speak  to  them  in  parables  Ixxau-se  their  heart, 
is  fat"  (so  Merx).  In  view  of  Mt.  II20-27,  1238ff. 
we  know  that  Jesus  reflected  on  His  failure  to  convert 
His  people,  and  He  may  have  felt  that  His  mission  to 
Israel  was  strangelj'  similar  to  that  of  Isaiah  (see 

Is.   6gS.) 

13-20.  The  interpretation  of  the  Sower  is  intro- 
duced by  a  question  which  implies  the  astonishment 
of  Jesus  at  the  disciples'  failure  to  understand  the 
parable.  Mk.  records  a  number  of  rebukes  to  the 
disciples  for  want  of  faith  or  of  understanding,  eg.  440, 
7 18,  817.  The  gospel  dweEs  on  the  obtuseness  of  the 
Twelve.  Is  this  an  attempt  to  give  effect  to  a  dogmatic 
assumption  that  Jesus  caUed  exceptionally  wicked  and 
foolish  men  to  foUow  Him  ?  (.so  Wrede),  oris  it  partisan- 
ship anxious  to  depreciate  the  Twelve  in  order  to 
elevate  Paul  ?  (so  Loisy,  p.  133).  That  some  of  the 
contexts  of  these  passages  are  of  doubtful  historicity 
favours  some  such  hypothesis  ;  but  the  earliest  tradi- 
tion, if  genuinely  apostolic,  would  dweU  on  the  failings 
of  the  first  disciples.  These  pas-sages  are  best  under- 
stood as  reflecting  and  sometimes  extending  what 
must  have  been  a  prominent  feature  of  the  apostles' 
account  of  their  fellowship  with  their  Lord.  He  con- 
stantly surprised  them.  The  interpretation  that 
follows  has  been  attributed  to  the  later  apostohc 
Chui-ch  rather  than  to  the  Master,  on  the  grounds  that 
it  allegorises  and  so  misses  the  main  pciint  of  the 
parable,  and  further  that  some  phra.ses  refer  not  to 
the  historical  cu-cumstances  of  the  work  of  Jesus  but 
to  general  features  of  the  later  Christian  mission. 
The  firet  argument  is  inconclusive,  and  ^hile  the 
influence  of  later  conditions  may  be  traced  m  the  vague 
and  general  character  of  the .  interpretation,  it  may 
still  rest  on  genuine  reflections  of  Jesus  as  to  the 
cau-ses  which  led  men  to  reject  His  message.  We 
know  that  fear  of  persecution  and  love  of  wealth  were 
among  tlie  chief  obstacles  to  discipleship  which  He 
recognised  on  other  occasions. 

21-25  seems  still  to  be  addressed  to  the  disciples. 
Mk.  has  collected  some  isolated  sayings,  and  inserted 
them  here,  for  the  purpose  of  denjHng  that  the  Chris- 
tian mj-stery  mentioned  in  11  was  an  esoteric  doctrine. 
Secrets  are  given  to  the  disciples  in  trust  for  the  world, 
and  a  man's  advance  in  the  knowledge  of  the  kingdom 
is  in  proportion  to  his  loyalty  to  what  h&s  previously 
been  entnisted  to  him.  Somewhat  similarly,  after  the 
cursing  of  the  fig-tree,  Mk.  adds  a  sajnng' about  for- 
giveness (11 25),  to  hint  that  only  a  forgiving  spirit  may 
expect  miracles.  (Loisy  thinks'Mk.  tore  these  sayings 
from  their  context  iji  a  document  lilie  Q.  It  is  more 
probable  that  they  came  to  him  as  fragments  of  float- 
ing tradition   which  he  pieced  together  as   best  he 


MARK,  VI.  1-6 


687 


could.  See  a  carefvil  study  by  H.  A.  A.  Kennedy  in 
j/r.  XXV.  301f.) 

26-32.  Tlic  teaching  in  parables  to  the  multitude  is 
now  resumed,  raid  two  further  examples  are  given, 
thoRe  of  "  the  seed  growing  secretly  "  and  "  the  mus- 
tard  seed."  The  lii-st  is  peculiar  to  Mk.  Loisy  inter- 
prets it  thus :  '•  The  kingdom  of  God  is  also  a  sowing 
whose  inevitable  growth  is  independent  of  men's  will 
and  even  of  the  will  of  the  sower.  Like  the  labourer, 
Jesus  sows  the  kingdom  by  preaching  the  gospel :  it  is 
not  His  work  t.j  bring  tlie  harvest,  i.e.  the  complete 
coming  of  the  kingdom,  and  one  must  not  grow  impatient 
if  its  coming  does  not  follow  at  once  :  that  is  God's 
business.  ...  It  is  none  the  less  certam  that  the 
harvest  will  come  without  delay."  Tliis  is  the  right 
line  of  interpretation  ;  the  emphasis  falls,  not  on  the 
gradual  character  of  growth,  but  on  its  independence 
of  human  wiUing  and  desiring  when  once  man  has 
done  his  part.  In  the  mustard-seed,  attention  is 
directed  to  the  immense  difference  between  the  be- 
ginnings of  the  kingdom  and  its  consummation.  We 
should  note  that  all  these  parables  imply  that  the 
kingdom  is  alread}'  present  in  germ  through  the 
activity  of  Jesus  Himself.  They  are  also  character- 
istic of  the  simphcity  and  naturalness  of  the  illustra- 
tions used  by  Jesus. 

33f .  These  verses  seem  to  apply  to  the  general  practice 
of  Jesus  at  this  period  rather  than  to  the  events  of  one 
day.  33  gives  the  true  purpose  of  paraboHc  teaching ; 
34  embodies  the  evangelist's  later  theory,  which  leads 
him  to  regard  such  a  savmg  as  j\Ik.  7i5  as  a  parable. 

rv.  35-V.  43.  Four  Wonder-Stories.— The  stilling  of 
the  tempest,  the  healing  of  the  demoniac  and  of  the 
woman,  and  the  raising  of  Jairus'  daughter  form  one 
of  the  most  graphic  sections  of  jVIk.  's  narrative.  These 
stories  have  clearlj'  been  often  told,  and  the  evangelist 
dehghts  to  tell  them.  They  seem  to  rest  on  unmistak- 
able history.  Thus  the  reference  to  the  other  little  boats 
(436)  reproduces  an  insignificant  detail  that  naturally 
remained  in  the  memory  of  an  eye-witness  (cf.  Weli- 
hausen).  Other  details,  such  as  "  asleep  on  the  cushion  " 
(438),  or  the  command  to  give  the  little  girl  somethmg 
to  eat  (643),  while  not  beyond  the  writer "s  power  of 
invention,  are  stUl  so  artless  as  to  point  back  to 
genuine  tradition.  The  early  character  of  Mk.'s 
version  is  apparent  from  the  changes  adopted  in  Mt. 
and  Lk.  The  suggestion  of  complaint  in  the  disciples" 
question,  "  carest  thou  not  that  we  perish  ?  '"  is 
toned  down  in  Mt.  and  Lk.,  while  the  disciples"  fear 
(Mk.  441)  is  turned  into  wonder  in  the  parallels. 
Similarly,  MIc.'s  story  of  the  raising  of  Jairus"s  daughter 
is  incomparably  more  dramatic  and  more  convincing 
in  its  claim  to  be  primitive  and  historic  than  Mt."s. 
In  atmosphere  and  style  these  stories  are  undeniablj' 
popular.  The  apparent  personification  of  wind  and 
sea,  the  description  of  the  demoniac,  his  association 
with  tombs  (demons  are  recruited  from  the  spirits  of 
the  dead),  the  request  of  the  demon  that  Jesus  should 
not  torture  him,  which  is  paralleletl  in  a  similar  appeal 
of  a  vampire  to  Apollonius  of  Tyana  (see  Philostratus, 
iv.  25),  the  demand  of  Jesus  to  know  the  demon  s 
name  (a  piece  of  information  necessary  for  sucoessfiil 
exorcism,  in  the  popular  view.  rf.  Gen.  3^29*),  the 
evasive  answer  of  the  demons,  and  their  supposed  trans- 
ference into  the  heixl  of  swine— all  these  are  elements  of 
beliefs  about  demons  widely  held  among  tl\o  common 
people.  How  far  Jesus  shared  these  beliefs,  it  is  ditliculfc 
to  say.  But  He  did  not  deny  them,  and  in  so  far  as  Ho 
adopted  them.  His  attitude  cannot  safely  be  explained 
as  duo  to  conscious  accommodation  on  His  part.  It 
should  be  noted  that  these  beliefs  determine  the  way 


in  which  such  a  story  as  the  healing  of  the  demoniac 
is  told.  If  a  sudden  movement  of  the  lunatic  in  the 
course  of  heaUng  frightened  the  pigs,  onlookers  with 
such  beliefs  (and  the  man  himself)  would  conclude 
that  the  demons  had  taken  up  a  fresh  residence  and 
would  describe  the  event  accordingly.  The  Huxle}-- 
(iladstone  controversy  as  to  our  Lord's  destruction 
of  property  would  not  have  been  raised  on  a  more 
critical  appreciation  of  the  material  offered  for  dis- 
cussion (see  Gould).  Again,  the  account  of  the  woman 
(for  legends,  see  Swete)  who  had  suffered  much  of 
many  physicians  and  had  onl}'  grown  worse  (details 
omitted  by  Mt.  and  softened  in  Lk.),  and  the  descrip- 
tion of  her  healing  by  the  transference  of  some  mj'steri- 
ous  power  through  physical  contact,  belong  to  the 
circle  of  ideas  current  among  peasants  and  humble 
folk.  Perhaps  the  retention  of  the  original  Aramaic 
words  in  041  is  also  in  keeping  witli  popular  custom. 
Some  of  :Mk.'s  phrases,  which  Lk.  avoids,  point  the 
same  way.  Thus,  of  the  expression  in  023,  eschatos 
echei,  "  at  the  point  of  death,"  the  grammarian 
Pluyniohus  says  only  the  canaille  use  it.  These  stories 
come  from  men  who  were  neither  wise. nor  noble. 
They  are  a  tribute  to  Jesus  fiom  lowly  minds.  Their 
dramatic  power  and  popular  appeal  do  but  emphasize 
their  central  interest — the  impression  they  convey  of 
the  spirit  of  Jesus.  Particularly  in  the  first  and  third 
stories,  everything  turns  on  faith.  The  confidence  of 
Jesus  is  contrasted  with  the  tearfulness  of  the  disciples. 
The  disciples'  want  of  faith  is  rebuked,  the  synagogne- 
ruler"s  sorely-tried  faith  is  encouraged,  the  woman"8 
exercise  of  faith  is  rewarded  and  publicly  praised.  The 
memorable  acts  and  utterances  of  Jesus  wliich  make 
these  stories  unique,  are  all  concerned  with  the  main- 
tenance of  simple  trust  in  God — a  trust  that  triumphs 
over  natural  dangers,  demonic  powers,  disease,  and 
oven  death. 

IV.  35f.  The  connexion  which  Mk.  makes  in  these 
vei*ses  with  the  story  of  the  days  preaching  is  dis- 
regarded by  Mt.  and  Lk.,  perhaps  rightly. — V.  1.  The 
scene  of  the  healing  of  the  demoniac  is  doubtful. 
(Serasa  is  in  Arabia  and  does  not  suit  the  circum- 
stances. Gadara,  though  a  district  on  the  south  of 
the  Sea  of  Galilee,  has  no  city  and  steep  place  close 
to  the  water "s  edge.  Origen"s  preference  for  Gergesa 
ia  probably  justified.  For  description  of  the  most 
probable  site,  Kersa,  see  Thomson,  Land  and  Book, 
p.  376f. — 7.  The  confessions  of  the  demons  become 
over  more  explicit  in  Mk.  The  term  "  the  most  high 
God  "  suggests  that  the  sufferer  was  a  Gentile  {cf. 
Ac.  I617,  and  note  Cumont,  Religions  Orientales  dans 
le  Paganisme  Romain,  p.  190).  The  fact  that  the 
man  is  a  Gentile  may  explain  why  he  is  sent  to 
evangelize  Ids  Idnsfolk  and  neighbours,  while  others 
are  bidden  keep  silence. — 20.  Deca polls  (p.  33,  Mt.  425*), 
the  Gentile  district  known  as  the  Ten  Cities,  lies  south- 
east of  the  lake  of  Galilee.  Tlie  names  of  the  cities  vary 
in  different  lists  (see  Swete). — 43.  The  command  to  keep 
the  miracle  secret  could  not  be  carried  out,  and  seems 
to  be  a  thoughtless  addition  of  a  conventional  detail 
by  Mic.  But  it  may  be  that  some  such  request  waa 
originally  made,  to  enable  Jesus  to  depart  unobserved. 

VI.  1-6.  The  Rejection  of  Jesus  at  Nazareth.— Mk.  "a 
reason  for  inserting  tliis  incident  at  this  particular 
point  is  obscure.  It  seems  to  belong  to  the  early 
period.  Jesus  is  once  more  in  the  synagogue  as  His 
custom  was  at  the  first,  and  the  presence  of  the  disciples 
is  especially  mentioned,  as  if  they  were  not  j-et  habitu- 
ally in  His  company.  Perhaps  Slk.  places  the  incident 
here  as  a  first  sign  of  waning  public  interest.  The 
disciples,  in  the  next  section,  are  warned  to  expect 


688 


MAEK,  VI.  1-6 


similar  indifference  and  antagonism.  Jeson'  own 
country  is  clearly  Nazaretli  {cf.  I9).  The  very 
familiarity  of  tho  townsfolk  with  Jesns  ob-scures  Hi-3 
greatness  for  them.  Aa  an  Indian  saying  ha.s  it, 
"  There  is  always  a  shadow  under  the  lamp."  They 
were  too  olo.se  to  Jesus  to  appreciate  Him.  Mk.  alono 
has  the  reference  to  "  kinsfolk  "  in  4.  This  ijerhaps 
presupposes  tlie  incident  in  33 if.  Mk.  is  also  unique 
in  the  freedom  with  which  he  speaks  of  the  restraint 
Laid  upon  Jesus  by  tlie  hostiUty  of  the  Nazarenes.  Ho 
does  not  hesitate  to  attribute  the  emotion  of  wonder 
to  Jesus.  Want  of  faith  surprised  Him.  This  is 
significant.  It  shows  how  natural  trust  in  God  seemed 
to  Jesus. 

3.  Tho  reading,  "  Is  not  this  the  carpenter  ?  '  la 
the  best  attested  for  Mi.,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether 
Mt.  is  not  more  original  in  reading,  "  Is  not  this  the 
carpenter's  son  ?  "  Either  reading  might  give  offence 
to  some  Christians  and  be  liable  to  change  ;  either 
reading  suffices  to  remind  us  that  the  early  life  of 
.Jesus  was  a.ssociated  with  the  everyday  tasks  of  a 
Jewish  artisan.  The  names  of  the  brothers  of  Jesus 
may  be  mentioned  because  they  liad  become  leaders 
in  the  Church.  There  is  no  ground  for  questioning 
their  blood-relationship  to  our  Lord.  The  plain  sense 
of  the  passage  is,  sons  of  the  same  mother,  and  indeed 
of  the  same  father  (Mt.  I25*). 

VI.  6-13.  The  Mlssionai^  Activity  ol  the  Twelve.— 
Wellhausen  is  sceptical  as  to  the  historic  worth  of  tliis 
paragraph,  as  also  of  the  section  on  the  appointment 
of  the  Twelve.  But  Mk.'s  view,  that  the  disciples 
were  not  sent  out  to  evangelize  untU  they  had  been 
with  Jesus  some  time  {cf.  314),  is  probable,  as  is  also 
his  ^iew  that  their  evangelistic  activities  ended  when 
Jesus  Himself  withdrew  from  Gahlee.  He  is  clearly 
convinced  that  this  mis.sionary  work  of  the  Twelve 
was  a  real  event  which  influenced  the  course  of  the 
history.  Apparently  it  drew  Herods  attention  •  to 
Jesus  (14),  and  the  return  of  the  Twelve  initiates  a 
new  development  in  the  life  of  Jesus,  viz.  His  wish  for 
retirement  (30  points  back  to  12).  The  directions 
themselves,  as  Loisy  contends,  read  like  a  summary 
of  a  longer  speech.  Mk.  may  well  bo  dependent  on  Q 
or  some  earUer  record  at  tlus  pcjint.  According  to  Mk., 
Jesus  permitted  the  use  of  staff  and  sandals,  which  is 
forbidden  in  Mt.  and  Lk.  The  wallet,  the  use  of 
which  is  forbidden,  may  bo  the  religious  beggar's 
collecting- bag.  The  disciples  are  not  to  imitate  the 
wandering  heathen  piiest  who  collects  offerings  for 
his  shrine  (Deissmann,  Neio  Light  on  the  Neio  Testa- 
ment, p.  42f.).  Tho  directions  reflect  the  actual 
practice  of  the  earliest  Christian  mi.ssionaries  (with  11 
cf.  Ac.  1351,  186).  The  anointing  with  oil  (Jas.  014)  is 
not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  gospels.  It  is  not 
traced  back  to  the  commantl  or  practice  of  Jesus.  On 
the  general  character  of  this  missionary  preaching, 
Montefiore  (i.  150)  notes  that  "  apostolic  poverty 
was  a  new  thing  in  Judaism. 

8.  Mg.  "  brass  "  may  bo  adoptetl  almost  in  our  slang 
sense  of  the  word  ;  Mk.  u.scs  a  vulgar  torni  for  "  money." 

VI.  14-29.  Herod  and  Josus.  The  End  0!  John  tho 
Baptist. — Wellhausen,  J.  Wiiss,  and  Klostcrmann wouM 
begin  a  new  period  with  this  section — the  period  of 
constant  wandering,  in  wliich  Jesus  is  mostly  outside 
Galilee,  e.g.  in  the  districts  of  Tyro  and  Sidon  (724), 
Decapolis  (731 ),  Betii:faida  (822),  Cre.sarca  Philii)pi  (827). 
The  restless  jounioying  acro.ss  the  lake,  and  the  avoid- 
ance of  Galilee,  wotdd  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the 
suspicions  of  Herod  have  been  aroused.  This  cliar- 
actcri-'ation  of  the  period  is  correct  and  tho  hint  as  to 
its  cau.".e  is  also  probable  (cf.  Lk.  I332).     14-16  .seems 


to  lead  up  to  a  reference  to  the  hostility  of  Herod 
which  is  forgotten  in  the  eagenie-ss  of  the  writer  to 
tell  the  story  of  John's  end.  But  Mk.  does  not  make 
a  sharp  division  here.  The  story  of  Herod  and  John 
the  Baptist  is  intended  to  fill  up  the  interval  during 
which  the  apostles  are  away  from  Jesus  (cf.  the  in- 
sertion of  tho  discussion  with  tlie  scribes  (822-30)  be- 
tween tho  two  parts  of  the  story  of  the  attempt  made 
by  tho  relatives  of  Jesus  to  interfere  with  His  work). 
The  historical  worth  of  tliis  .section  is  doubtful.  Lk., 
who  .seems  to  have  fuller  and  more  accurate  informa- 
tion concerning  Herod,  corrects  the  saying  of  16  (see 
Lk.  99)  and  omits  the  accoimt  of  John's  end.  It  is 
unlikely  tliat  Herofl  thouglit  John  to  have  risen  again. 
The  beheading  of  John  is  narrated  in  a  popular  form, 
not  without  inaccuracies  and  improbabilities.  In  true 
popular  style  Mk.  speaks  of  Heroil  Antipas  aa  '  king  " 
(614)  in.stead  of  using  the  technical  term  "  tetrarch  " 
(Herod  was  ruler  of  Galilee  and  Penea).  Philip  waa 
the  husband  of  Salome  not  of  Herodias.  Salome  waa 
probably  married  already,  and  could  no  longer  be 
described  as  "  a  damsel,  '  at  the  time  of  her  supposed 
dance.  Josephus  assigns  a  poUtical  not  a  personal 
motive  for  the  execution  of  John.  The  whole  narrative 
is  coloured  perhajjs  by  the  story  of  Jezebel  and  Elijah, 
and  certainly  by  the  book  of  Esther  (cf.  23  with  Est.  72). 
However,  Johns  rebuke  of  Herod  based  (m  Lev.  I816, 
2nf.,  and  the  consequent  enmity  of  Herodias  may  well 
bo  historical,  and  it  is  jwssible  to  combine  Mk.  and 
Josephus  (see  p.  054,  and  Schiirer,  Hist,  of  Jewish 
People,  I.  ii.  21f.). 

[26.  reject :  E.  A.  Abbott  suggests  "  break  faith  with 
her"  (Johannine  Vocohulary,  p.  322);  this  is  accepted 
by  Moulton  and  Milligan,  Vocabulary,  p.  12,  and  by 
Soutcr,  Pocket  Lexicon,  p.  7.  Field,  Notes,  p.  30, 
suggests  "  disappoint." — A.  S.  P.] 

VI.  30-44.  The  Feeding  of  the  Multitude.— Mk.  re- 
gards the  discipl&s'  need  of  rest  after  their  missionary 
labours  as  the  occasion  for  retirement.  The  hostility 
of  Herod  may  also  have  contributed  to  the  decision 
to  withdraw  to  a  desert  place.  The  pressure  of  the 
public  on  the  time  and  energies  of  the  disciple-band 
is,  however,  put  in  the  foreground.  The  eagerness  oi 
tho  crowd  defeats  the  purix)sc  of  Jesus.  Though  Ho 
has  withdrawn  to  avoid  them.  He  goes  forth  to  wel- 
come them.  To  Him  they  »eem  like  the  shepherdle-ss 
flock  described  in  Ezek.  34.  Their  political  and  re- 
ligious leaders  are  worthless,  and  their  first  need  is 
teaching.  Jesus  is  touched  by  tho  crowd's  half- 
unconscious  search  for  leadership.  Mk.  preser%'es  (34) 
his  tantalizing  silence  as  to  the  content  of  Je.sus"  teach- 
uig.  He  is  more  interested  in  the  care  of  Jesus  for  men's 
physical  hunger  than  in  His  concern  for  their  spiritual 
and  political  dangers.  For  us  the  fact  that  Jesus  wa.s 
moved  by  compassion  to  meet  both  phj'sical  and 
spiritual  needs  is  of  great  .significance.  But  the  story, 
as  it  stands,  is  not  easy  of  acceptance.  The  resort  to 
miracle  here  seems  .to  conflict  with  the  story  of  the 
first  Temptation.  Is  there  adequate  occasion  for  the 
miracle  ?  And  yet  a  miracle  it  clearly  is  to  Mk.,  not 
a  last  supper  with  the  crowd  nor  a  sacramental  meal. 
Tho  breaking  of  the  bread  is  simply  Jewish  custom, 
not  a  iMJculiar  feature  of  the  l>ast  Supper,  while  tho 
lifting  of  the  eyes  to  heaven  comes  into  liturgical  use 
from  the  story  and  not  vice  versa  (see  HNT  and  Well- 
hausen). Is  it  possible  that  Strauss  (Life  of  Jesus, 
1846  ed..  i.  80,  ii.  422)  was  justified  in  tracing  the 
miraculous  element  in  liiis  story  to  the  influence  of 
antecedent  expectations  regarding  the  Me.ssiah,  such 
as  are  reflected  in  Jn.  (>-,!  ?  (>r  has  2  K.  442-44 
influenced  the  passage  ? 


MARK,  VII.  3 


689 


iVo  points  need  to  be  borne  in  mind.  First,  we 
must  remember  the  attitude  of  Jesus  towards  hunger 
as  revealed  in  the  companion  narrative  (82),  and  in 
such  passages  as  543,  Mt.  Gii,  2.535.  Is  it  going  too 
far  to  say  that  Jesus  was  pecuharly  sensitive  to  the 
evil  of  physical  hunger  ?  li  so,  the  conflict  with  the 
story  of  the  Temptation  may  bo  more  apparent  than 
real.  He  might  have  satisfied  the  needs  of  others  by 
miracle,  thougli  He  refused  to  make  bread  for  Himself. 
Secondly,  tl»e  Jews  and  the  first  Christians  did  not 
rigidly  distinguish  between  the  world  of  nature  an<l 
the  world  of  men.  We,  to-day,  are  inclined  to  beUeve 
in  miraculous  changes  where  human  will  and  faith 
directly  operate,  and  rigidly  to  limit  the  sphere  of 
such  changes.  The  fii-st  Christians  were  clearly  of 
opinion  that  their  Master,  who  could  heal  diseases, 
could  also  control  nature.  They  held  that  famine 
could  not  baffle  Jesus.  This  conviction  needs  to  be 
pondered. 

37.  The  reference  to  200  pennyworth  of  bread  is 
found  in  Jn.  6,  where  the  green  grass  is  also  mentioned. 
These  coincidences  deserve  study.  Does  Jn.  depend 
on  Mk.  or  does  he  independently  endorse  Mk.  ?  A 
X)ermy  was  a  labourer's  daily  wage.  The  whole  sum 
might  be  reckoned  at  about  £50  of  our  money.  The 
grocn  grass  suggests  spring,  but  does  not  allow  any  final 
deduction  as  to  the  tune  of  year. — 40.  ;Mk.  here  uses  a 
curious  phrase  compaiing  the  companies  to  "garden- 
beds."  The  resemblance  hos  in  form,  not  in  colour, 
since  the  word  refers  to  vegetables  rather  than  flowers. 

VI.  45-52.  Jesus  Dismisses  the  Crowd  and  Walks  on 
the  Sea. — The  first  vei-ses  of  this  section  apparently 
touch  on  an  unexplamcd  crisis  in  the  life  of  Jesus. 
Why  does  He  compel  the  disciples  to  leave  Him  ? 
Why  does  He  spend  the  night  alone  in  prayer  ?  Is 
the  dismissal  of  the  crowd  a  farewell,  hlvC  Pauls 
farewell  to  the  elders  of  Ephesus  ?  The  word  used  in 
46  occurs  in  Ac.  18i8,2i.  There  is,  as  J.  Weiss  sees, 
significant  history  here  to  which  the  evangelist  does 
not  give  the  key.  "  Jesus  seems  to  be  in  a  condition 
of  soul  which  makes  the  presence  even  of  the  disciples 
insupportable  and  communion  with  His  heavenly 
Father  indispensable  "  (SNT,  i.  131).  Possibly  Jn.  615 
suggests  the  reason  why  Jesus  constrained  the  disciples 
to  depart.  The  miracle  that  follows  is  difficult.  It 
involves  a  display  of  jxjwer  over  nature  which  is  unlike 
Jesus.  One  is  tempted  to  beheve  that  allegory  has 
been  materialized  here.  In  any  case,  the  story  is 
most  helpful  when  allegorized  as  in  G.  Matheson's 
hymn,  '"  Jesus,  Fountain  of  my  days  "  (Baptist  Church 
Hymnal,  337,  Cong.  Hymnary.  395).  But  the  incident 
is  associated  with  good  history  in  45f.,  and  the  refer- 
ence to  the  apostles'  dullness  is  probably  of  apostolic 
origin.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  assign  a  motive  for  the  story, 
if  it  be  legend. 

VI.  53-56.  The  Ministry  of  Healing  Resumed.— The 
disciples  having  .set  out  for  Bethsaida  (p.  29),  in  the  NE. 
corner  of  the  lake,  arrive  at  Gennesarct  (p.  29)  on  the 
NW.  side.  The  change  of  destination  is  usually  attri- 
butetl  to  the  adverse  wind.  But  Mk.  sa}'s  nothing  of  a 
change  of  course.  The  wind  di'opped,  and,  according 
to  Jn.  621  the  disciples  reached  at  once  the  place  they 
first  intended  to  reach.  Either  wo  raiist  with  John 
correct  Mk.'s  Bethsaida  to  Capernaum  or  else  53-56  is 
the  true  continuation  of  30-32,  and  Mk.  has  inserted 
the  feeding  of  the  5000  and  the  walking  on  tiie  .tea  into 
the  narrative  of  another  journey.  The  general  de- 
scription of  healings  Ls  supplomentetl  by  the  reference 
to  the  desire  to  touch  the  hem  of  Chrisfs  gannent. 
The  example  of  the  woman  with  the  issue  of  blood 
had  clearlv  been  influential. 


Vn.  1-23.  The  Washing  of  Hands  and  the  Traditions 
of  the  Elders. — This  discussion  with  the  Pharisees 
sei-ves  to  brmg  out  the  antagonism  of  Jesus  to  the 
restrictions  which  separated  Jews  from  Gentiles. 
Perhaps  for  this  reason  it  is  associated  with  the  story 
of  the  Syro-Phoenician  woman.  In  substance  it  is 
connected  with  the  disputes  recorded  in  chs.  2f.  The 
Jeru.salem  scribes  of  822  reappear  in  7i.  Into  the 
original  story  some  explanations  are  inserted,  e.g.  the 
reference  to  Jewish  washings  in  3!  and  the  interpre- 
tation of  "  common  "  by  "  unwashed  "  (2)  and  of 
"  Corban  "  by  "gift"  (11).  These  insertions  are 
probably  due  to  Mk.  himself.  There  is  a  character- 
istic touch  of  exaggeration  in  ascribing  these  customs 
to  "  all  the  Jews  "  (r/.  I5).  The  washings  are  cere- 
monial— to  avoid  religious  defilement  due  to  contact 
with  Gentiles  or  with  legally  unclean  objects  in  the 
market-place.  The  reply  of  Jesus  to  the  challenge  of 
the  Pharisees  consists  of  three  main  utterances,  6—8, 
9-13,  i4f.  The  quotation  from  Is.  29 13  may  be  due 
to  the  evangelist,  since  it  is  close  to  LXX  and  the 
point  urged  is  not  apparent  from  the  Heb.  The  direct 
answer  of  Jesus  begins  with  9  and  consists  of  two 
parts  :  ( 1 )  To  follow  the  traditions  of  the  eldei-s  may 
annul  the  law  of  God  instead  of  safeguarding  it ; 
(2)  Religious  impurity  cannot  be  contracted  from 
without.  "  Inward  defilement,  the  defilement  of  the 
heart  by  the  sins  of  the  heart,  is  the  only  possible 
rehgious  defilement  "  (Montefiore,  i.  168,  170).  The 
first  involves  the  discussion  of  Corban.  The  term  was 
used  as  a  fonnula  in  vows.  "  This  form  of  speech, 
'  a  gift,  by  whatsoever  thou  mayest  be  profited  by 
me  '  does  neither  argue  that  he  who  thus  spake  devoted 
his  goods  to  sacred  uses  nor  obhged  him  ...  to 
devote  them  ;  but  only  restrained  him  .  .  .  from 
helpmg  him  by  his  goods  to  whom  he  thus  spake."  So 
J.  Lightfoot  (Works,  xi.  218)  rightly  explains  the  use 
of  the  phrase,  which  does  not  imply  that  the  goods 
are  actually  made  over  for  the  use  of  the  Temple,  as 
Loisy  and  Menzies  suggest.  Herford  [Pharisaism, 
pp.  156-162)  and  Montefiore  point  out  two  difficulties  : 
[a]  the  binding  character  of  vows  is  laid  down  in  the 
Law,  e.g.  Nu.  3O2,  and  is  not  a  matter  of  mens  tradi- 
tions ;  (6)  it  appeai-s  that  Rabbinic  teaching  as  re- 
corded in  the  Mishnah  did  permit  the  annulling  of 
vows  which  conflicted  with  duty  to  parents.  With 
regard  to  (a),  either  Jesus  was  not  conscious  that  His 
argument  directly  uif ringed  Mosaic  Law,  just  as  in  14!. 
He  criticises  Lev.  and  not  simply  Pharisaic  tradition, 
or  else  He  regards  the  whole  Pharisaic  att  itude  towards 
the  Law  as  a  human  tradition.  The  reverence  which 
sets  legislation  about  vows  on  an  equahty  with  the  fifth 
commandment  is  a  teaching  of  men  which  conflicts 
with  God's  wiU.  The  violence  done  to  conscience  in 
attempting  to  believe  in  the  equal  inspiration  of  all 
Scripture  is  a  vain  worship.  As  to  (6),  vhile  we 
cannot,  in  view  of  later  evidence,  charge  Pharisaism 
as  a  whole  with  this  rigid  maintenance  of  vows,  there 
must  have  been  some  scribes  in  the  time  of  Jesus  who 
held  the  strict  view,  that  a  hasty  vow,  probably 
uttered  in  anger  (this  seems  suggested  by  the  cursing 
of  father  and  motlier  m  10)  was  binding,  even  if  it 
involved  neglect  of  parents.  (See  Mt.-  15i-20*,  Monte- 
fiore, i.  166,  and  Menzies,  Hibberl  Journal,  iv.  7911). 

[3.  diligently:  lit.  "with  the  fist  '  (mg.)  but  the 
meaning  of  this  is  i|uito  uncertain.  The  rendering 
"  up  to  the  wrist ""  is  granmiatically  questionable, 
and  this  applies  to  that  hi  the  We-'^tmin.itcr  Vcr.iioii. 
"  do  not  eat  save  only  aftor  washmg  their  fincers," 
the  Gr.  being  Rupposed  to  mean  "  to  the  juncture  of 
the  fingers."     Possibly  the  clenoho<l  fiat  was  rubberl 


690 


MARK.  VII.  3 


against  the  palm  of  tho  other  hand.  Allen  says.  "It 
suggests  some  particular  method  of  ceremonially 
clcan.sing  the  hands,  the  precise  nature  of  wliich  we 
do  not  know.'' — A.  S.  P.] 

17-23.  forms  the  development  and  interpretation  of 
tho  principle  laid  down  in  15.  The  catalogue  of  things 
that  defile  may  be  compared  with  the  list  of  sins  in 
Gal.  5igi.,  Rom.  l2of. — 19.  Follow  RV  in  regarding 
the  phra.se  "  making  all  moats  clean  '"  as  referring  to 
Jesus.  A  late  addition,  emphasizing  the  far-reaching 
significance  of  the  position  taken  up  by  Jesus.  {Cf. 
Moulton  and  Milligan.  Vocabulary,  p.  118,  hrdma.) — ^. 
an  evil  eye:  not  the  malignant  power  familiar  in 
folk-lore,  but  the  spirit  of  envy  {cf.  Mt.  2O15). 

Vn.  24-30.  The  Healing  of  the  Greek  Woman  s 
Daughter.— Jesus  now  leaves  GaUlee  and  withdraws  to 
Gentile  districts,  not  to  evangelize  them,  but  to  avoid 
Herod  and  the  Pharisees,  and  to  train  the  Twelve.  A 
Greek,  i.e.  a  pagan,  woman  discovers  Him,  and  requests 
Him  to  heal  her  daughter.  Jesus  asserts  His  convic- 
tion that  His  mission  is  to  the  Jews.  The  assertion 
is  somewhat  harsh,  only  softened  by  the  diminutive 
"  little  dogs,"  I.e.  household  dogs.  This  must  be 
original.  The  woman's  wit  is  seen  in  the  way  she 
catches  up  and  builds  on  the  very  word  which  Jesus 
u-see.  If  Jeeus  said  "  dogs  '"  and  the  woman  changed 
it  to  '■  little  dogs,'"  the  repartee  is  dulled.  Mt.  sa^-s 
the  woman's  request  was  granted  because  of  her  faitli. 
Mk.  implies  that  Jesus  jaelded  out  of  admiration  for 
the  quickness  of  her  answer.  "  Jeeus  is  won,  not  by 
the  recognition  of  Jewisli  primacy,  but  by  the  ready 
wit  of  the  woman  "  (so  HNT  rightly,  against  Menzies 
and  others).  This  in  itself  stamps  the  incident  as 
historical  and  throws  a  valuable  fight  on  the  person 
of  Jesus.  The  cure  is  wrought  at  a  distance,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  centurion's  servant  (Mt.  85!). 

24.  And  from  thence :  the  district  of  Gennesaret  i^ 
the  last  place  named  (653).  Presumably  the  reference 
is  to  Gennesaret. — 27.  Let  the  children  first  be  filled 
is  not  given  in  Mt.  1526,  and  is  probably  no  part  of 
the  original  saj-ing.  It  embodies  the  principle  on 
which  "  the  subsequent  mission  of  the  Church  was 
regulated  "  (Swete),  and  may  reflect  Paulino  influence, 
as  Loisy  supposes. 

vn.  31-37.  The  Healing  of  a  Deaf-Mute.— The  cure 
of  the  Syro-Phmnician  woman's  daughter  threatens  the 
privacy  Jesus  sought  in  Tjnre.  He  therefore  withdraws 
to  Decapolis  (another  Gentile  district.  Mt.  425*),  going 
northward  through  Sidon.  and  presumably  reaching 
Decapolis  by  a  circuitous  route  which  avoided  Galilee. 
(WellJiausen's  conjecture,  Bethsaida  for  Sidon,  is  un- 
necessary.) The  incident  that  follows  is  peculiar  to 
Mk.  Jesus  heals  a  deaf-mute,  by  means  not  unusual 
in  that  age  (c/.  account  of  healmgs  by  Vespasian  in 
Tacitus,  Hist.  iv.  81).  Mt.  omite  this  story,  perhapis 
becau.se  the  methods  employed  (r/.  823)  savour  of  magic. 
Mk.,  a  popular  writer,  is  interested  ui  the  details  and  in 
the  actual  word  used.  The  rare  word  mogilalo«,  "  with 
an  impediment  in  his  speech,"  recalls  Is.  355f.,  and  the 
conclusion,  "  He  hath  done  all  things  well,''  jKj.saibly 
means,  "  How  exactly  He  fulfils  the  prophecy  !  "  It 
is  Messiah's  part  to  loose  bonds,  i.e.  restraints  imposed 
by  demonic  power  {cf.  Lk.  13i6).  The  desire  of  Jesuu 
to  do  tliis  miracle  privately  and  keep  it  secret  ia  in- 
telligible, and  need  not  be  traced  to  any  dogmatic 
presupposition  of  Mk.  The  failure  of  His  wishes  is 
also  inteUigiblo. 

VIII.  1-10.  The  Second  Feeding  of  the  Multitude.— 
This  narrative  is  now  generally  regarded  as  a  second 
version  of  the  incident  recorded  in  ch.  6.  Indeed  Wend- 
land,  Wellhausen,  and  HNT  treat  81-26  as  a  doublet 


of  634-52,  71-23,31-37.  Th.nt  both  accounts  of  Ihe 
feeding  of  the  multitude  are  closely  followed  by  dis- 
putes with  the  Pharisees  and  miracles  of  gradual 
healing  may  not  be  as  significant  as  they  supposfj. 
Ceitainly,  the  demand  for  a  sign  is  not  a  doublet  C)f 
the  discussion  about  defilement,  nor  is  the  healing  of 
the  blind  man  at  Bethsaida  an  alternative  version  of 
the  Ephphatha  story.  The  case  of  tho  feeding  of  the 
4000  is  more  suspicious.  For  details  as  to  parallels 
and  differences  between  634-44  and  81-10,  -see  Menzies' 
note  on  the  latter  passage.  The  repetition  of  this 
miracle  is  improbable.  In  spite  of  Swete,  the  question 
of  the  disciples  in  4  is  psychologically  strange,  if  a 
previous  miracle  had  taken  place.  Lk-'s  omission  of 
the  second  narrative  may  be  due  to  his  recognition 
that  we  have  here  two  versions  of  the  same  incident. 
Moreover,  the  storj'  does  not  suit  its  present  context 
in  Mk.  It  is  placed  on  Gentile  soil  where  Jesus  did 
not  preach,  and  in  a  period  when  He  was  no  longer 
engaged  in  preaching.  Mk.,  knowing  a  second  version 
of  this  storj',  seems  to  have  regarded  it  as  a  distinct 
event,  and  inserted  it  at  this  point,  perhaps  to  show 
that  Jesus  did  for  the  Gentiles  what  He  had  previously 
done  for  the  Jews.  If  so,  this  is  sjTnboUcally  sugges- 
tive, and  historically  inaccurate. 

8.  The  word  for  "  baskets  "  is  different  from  that 
used  in  643.  It  is  the  kind  of  basket  in  which  Paul 
was  let  down  from  a  wall  in  Damascus  (Ac.  925).  The 
numbers  of  the  baskets  in  each  case  are  supposed  by 
many  scholars  to  be  symboUcal,  twelve  representuig 
the  apostles  who  serve  the  Jews,  seven  the  deacons 
who  serve  the  Gentiles.  The  evangelist's  knowledge 
of  this  symbolism  is  doubtful. — 10.  The  text  of  this 
verse  and  tho  locality  of  Dalmanutha  remain  obscure 
(ilt.  1539*).  Perhaps  the  verse  should  go  with  the 
next  paragraph. 

Vffl.  11-13.  The  Request  for  a  Sign  Refused.— The 
Pharisees  require  some  special  authentication  from 
Jesus  beyond  exorcisms  and  healings.  They  are  said 
to  tempt  Jesus  either  becau.se  their  question  was 
intended  to  embarrass,  or  because  unintentionally  (like 
Peter  in  33)  they  renewed  what  had  been  one  of  the 
three  great  temptations  (Mt.  45-7).  Mk.  alone  reoorda 
the  emotion  of  Jesus.  He  sighed  in  spirit.  This 
question  and  answer  are  clearly  historical,  and  may 
have  been  taken  by  Mk.  from  Q.  The  warning  against 
the  leaven  of  the  Pharisees  naturally  follows. 

Vm.  14-21.  The  Blindness  of  the  Disciples  Re- 
buked.— ^This  is  a  difficult  paragraph.  15  contains  a 
genuine  utterance  of  Jesus  which  does  not  necessarily 
belong  to  its  present  context.  Lk.  gives  it  in  another 
connexion  (Lk.  12i)  and  Wellhausen  points  out  that 
14  and  16  seem  artificially  separated  by  15.  Again, 
if  1-9  is  really  a  doublet  of  (i3of.,  then  the  form  at 
least  of  igi.  is' due  to  the  evangelist.  But  the  rebuke 
of  the  disciples  for  anxiety  about  bread  and  for  faihng 
to  understand  the  warning  against  the  "  Phnri.s<'es  and 
Herod'"  (united  here  aa  in  Mk.  36)  may  well  be  hi^ 
toricaL  Loisy  holds  that  the  rebuke  is  again  artificial, 
the  evangelist  blammg  the  disciples  for  not  perceivinp 
tho  truths  of  Paulinism  symbolised  in  the  miracles  oj 
feeding  the  multitudes.  But  it  is  doubtful  how  far 
these  miracles  were  symbolic  in  the  mind  of  the 
evangelist,  and  he  certainly  gives  no  hint  of  Loisy's 
interpretation  here. 

VIII.  22-26.  The  Blind  Man  of  Bethsaida.— This  cure 
is  described  and  wrought  in  a  thoroughly  popular 
manner.  The  use  of  spittle  (733)  was  wide-ipread  in 
those  days.  A  similar  cure  is  attributed  to  Vespasian 
(Suet.  Vf'sp.  ch.7).  HNT  adds  a  Greek  parallel,  "Aloetas 
Halicus.     T4ie  same  being  blind  saw  a  vision.     The  god 


MARK,  IX.  2-13 


691 


seemed  to  come  to  him  and  force  open  his  eyes  with 
his  fingers,  and  he  firrit  saw  the  trees  which  were  in 
the  temple."  To  take  this  story  as  symbolizing  either 
the  education  of  the  disciples  (Loisy)  or  the  con- 
version of  Israel  in  two  stages  (Bacon)  is  to  misunder- 
stand the  naive  popular  character  of  the  gospel. 

Vni.  27-IX.  1.  The  Great  Confession,  and  the  First 
View  of  the  Cross. — Here  opens  a  new  section  of  the 
gospel.  The  tendency  to  seek  retirement  with  the 
Twelve,  pronounced  from  631  onwards,  now  dominates 
the  story.  Jesus  devotes  HimseK  U)  training  the 
Twelve  in  the  shadow  of  the  Cross.  This  concentra- 
tion on  His  disciples  becomes  possible  when  they 
pierce  His  secret.  The  full  significance  of  the  con- 
fession is  only  apparent  if  Jesus  has  not  previously 
revealed  HimseK  or  been  recognised  as  Messiah  (cf. 
HNT).  It  constitutes  a  decisive  development.  The 
scene  is  laid  near  Caesarea  Philippi  (p.  32),  a  largely 
Gentile  town  on  the  east  side  of  Jordan,  not  to  be  con- 
fused with  Ca2sarea  on  the  coast.  The  praise  bestowed 
on  Peter  in  Mt.  16i7f.  is  not  recorded  in  31k.  If  Mk.'s 
dependence  on  Peter  is  to  be  proved  by  his  showing 
"  a  special  regard  for  Peter,"  the  proof  is  wanting. 
But  Eusebius  rightly  suggested  that  Mk.  's  silence  may 
reproduce  the  natural  silence  of  Peter.  A  genuinely 
Petrine  record  might  fail  to  praise  Peter. 

The  charge  to  keep  silence  seems  to  be  sufficiently 
explained  by  the  intention  of  Jesus  to  await  the 
Father's  revelation  {cf.  Mt.  16 17)  and  by  His  un- 
popular expectation  as  to  Messiah's  task  and  end. 
Either  from  now  on  Jesus  sjDoke  much  with  the  Twelve 
of  the  death  He  anticipated,  or  else  the  evangelist 
assumes  that  Jesus  must  have  foreseen  His  fate  and 
so  boldly  attributes  such  foresight  to  Him.  The  chief 
difficulty  of  the  first  alternative  is  found  in  the  conduct 
of  Jesus  at  Jerusalem,  which  "'  makes  the  impression 
that  He  journeyed  thither,  not  in  order  to  die  but  to 
fight  and  conquer,  and  that  in  looking  forwanl  to  the 
conflict  His  own  death  presented  itself  not  as  a  cer- 
tainty, but  at  the  most  as  a  jiossibiht}' ''  (Pfleiderer, 
Primitive  Christianity,  ii.  341).  Tliis  assumes  that 
Jesus  must  have  regarded  His  death  cither  as  certain 
or  as  possible.  But  why  may  He  not  have  considered 
it  overwhelmingly  probable— ^a  judgment  which  would 
not  exclude  fLishes  of  hope  that  even  now  Israel 
might  repent  ?  The  difficulty  of  the  second  alternative 
is  that  it  compels  us  to  discard  so  much  that  looks 
like  genuine  tradition,  e.g.  the  parable  of  the  husband- 
men, the  answer  to  the  sons  of  Zebedee,  the  lament 
over  Jenisalem,  and  the  upbraiding  of  the  cities  of 
Galilee,  not  to  mention  the  whole  development  of  the 
muiistry  from  pubHc  evangehzation  to  private  com- 
munion with  the  Twelve,  as  Mk.  conceives  it.  Such 
a  surrender  of  material  is  not  defensible.  The  note 
of  necessity — ^the  Son  of  Man  must  suffer — is  beat 
explained  by  the  use  of  the  same  verb  in  Lk.  2426. 
Prophecy  points  this  way  and  must  be  fulfilled. 

31.  The  teiTu  "  Son  of' Man  "  (p.  670)  is  used  mainly 
in  two  connexions,  (a )  in  predictions  of  Measiah's  suffer- 
ing, and  (b)  in  reference  to  His  triumphant  return  to 
judgment  (cf.  38).  As  a  Messianic  term,  the  latter  is 
its  original  comiexion  {cf.  Dan.  7i3*,  Enoch  6926f.). 
In  the  gospels  it  is  used  only  by  Jesus,  apparently  of 
Himself  As  it  is  His  self-designation  a.s  Mes.siah,  it  is 
not  to  be  expected  in  public  utterances  excejit  in  the 
record  of  the  closing  days.  Consequently  Mk.  is 
probably  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  sayings  in 
34-38  were  addressed  to  tlic  crowd.  This  supposition 
conHict.s  with  30  and  is  cf)rrecto<l  in  Mt.  IG24. — 32. 
openly:  not  '•  piilihcly."  as  Loisy  msist*",  but  "frankl}'," 
"without  reserve"  ;"r/.  Eph.  619! — 33.  Cf.  Mt.  4i?. 


Peter  unwittingly  becomes  a  tempter.  There  ia  no 
need  to  assume  Uterary  dependence  of  Mk.  on  Mt.  or  Q 
at  this  point. — 34.  let  him  deny  himself:  "cease  to 
make  himself  the  object  of  his  hfe  and  action  "  (Gould). 
— take  up  his  cross :  may  have  been  added  after  the 
Crucifixion,  which  would  certainly  give  it  special 
force  ;  but  cross-bearing  criminals  were  not  unknown 
iTi  Palestine,  and  such  a  phrase  would  be  inteUigible 
before  the  death  of  Jesus.  Disciplcship,  Jesus  says, 
now  means  immediate  readiness  for  a  criminal's  end. 
It  meant  later  for  an  apostle  "  bearing  the  sentence  of 
death  in  one's  self  '  (2  Cor.  I9). — 35-37  are  primarily 
cschato logical.  "  He  who  finds  martyrdom  in  this 
Vde  wdl  live  again  in  the  kingdom.  He  who  avoids 
martyrdom  .  .  .  will  lose  his  life  in  the  next  world  " 
(Montefiore,  L  210f.  ;  his  whole  discussion  of  this 
.section  is  admirable). — 38.  adulterous  and  sinful 
generation :  the  words  must  be  interpreted  from  pro- 
phetic usage  (cf.  Is.  I21,  Hos.  9i,  et  passim). — IX.  1  is 
added  here  though  not  necessarily  spoken  on  this 
occasion.  Menzies  and  others  question  its  genuineness 
in  its  present  foi-m.  If  it  cordiicts  with  1830,  some 
simpler  saying  must  have  been  modified  by  those 
who  lived  to  see  nearly  the  whole  generation  pass 
away. 

IX.  3-13.  The  Transfiguration  and  the  Coming  of 
Elijah. — After  an  interval,  defined  with  curious  exact- 
ness as  six  days,  which  may  reflect  the  influence  of 
Ex  24x6,  the  three  most  intimate  disciples  of  Jesus 
receive  a  Divine  endorsement  of  His  Messianic  claim 
in  a  vi?ion  on  a  mountain-top  (probably  a  slope  of  Her- 
mon,  not  Tabor,  see  pp.  29, 32).  Jesus  was  transfigured 
before  them.  Mk.  dwells  on  the  changed  appearance 
of  His  clothes,  which  is  described  in  a  vigorous  phrase. 
He  does  not  say  much  of  the  more  personal  change  in 
Jesus,  nor  does  he  mention  the  spiritual  occasion  of 
the  transfonnation.  "  As  He  prayed,"  Lk.  tells  ua. 
Both  Moses  and  Elijah  are  seen  talking  with  Jesus. 
Law  and  Prophecy  meet  and  bear  witness  to  Jesus 
as  the  Messiah.  To  the  presence  of  Moses  and  Ehjah 
is  added  the  direct  te,stimony  of  the  Divine  voice 
from  the  cloud.  The  voice  which  addressed  Jesus 
as  God's  Son  at  His  baptism  now  reveals  Him  as 
God's  Son  to  the  three  disciples.  The  cloud  itself 
confinus  the  Messianic  claim.  "  And  the  glory  of 
the  Lord  shall  be  seen,  even  the  Cloud,  as  in  the 
days  of  Moses  it  was  visible  and  as  when  Solomon 
prayed  "  (2  Mao.  28).  Peter's  unfortunate  interruption 
(5)  is  held  by  Loisy  to  break  the  imity  of  the  story. 
He  would  regard  it  as  an  insertion  by  the  Paulinist 
Mk.,  who  insists  that  even  m  this  vision  Peter  failed 
to  appreciate  the  Messianic  dignitj'  of  His  Master, 
Similarly,  "  Dr.  Carpenter  thinks  the  transfiguration 
is  Pauhne.  Peter  would  like  to  find  room  for 
Moses  and  EUjah  along  with  Christ.  This  is  not 
Paul's  view "  (Montefioro,  i.  217 ;  cf.  also  Jerome 
quoted  by  Swete,  "  You  are  wrong,  Peter.  Do 
not  ask  for  three  tabernacles,  since  there  is  one 
tabernacle  of  the  gospel,  in  which  the  law  and  the 
prophets  are  fulfilled  ').  Caqx'nter's  view  is  better 
than  Loisys,  in  so  far  as  it  takes  Peter's  remark  as 
an  integral  part  of  the  storj\  But  both  faU  to  explain 
tlio  excuse  added  for  Peter  (which  one  does  not  expect 
from  a  Paulinist),  and  it  in  almost  incredible  that  such 
a  remark  should  have  been  put  uito  the  mouth  of 
Peter  in  onler  to  condemn  his  Judaistic  tendencies. 
It  might  convey  such  a  suggestion  to  a  learned  com- 
mentator Uke  .ierome.  It  would  hardly  liave  made 
any  such  impression  on  the  earliest  readers  of  the 
gospel.  It  is  more  intelUgible  as  a  genuine  remimsoence 
from  Peter  himself.     VVellhauscn  and  Loisy  suggest. 


692 


MARK,  IX.  2-13 


without  sufiScient  reason,  that  the  whole  storj'  may 
be  a  Resurrection-appearance  in  Galilee  transferred  to 
this  pjint  in  the  narrative  to  bring  out  the  significance 
of  the  Great  Confession  (see  summary  of  Wellhausen 
in  Montofiore,  i.  217).  The  Transfiguration  is  really 
best  understood  as  a  mystic  experience  of  self-dedica- 
tion and  Divine  aa-surance,  which  Jesus  actually  went 
through  soon  after  the  decisive  disclosure  to  the 
disciples  of  what  lay  in  store  for  Him.  Though  the 
story  Is  told  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  disciples, 
who" emphasize  its  influence  on  them,  its  true  character, 
as  Lk.  hints,  lies  in  its  Ijeing  a  record  of  the  iimer  life 
of  Jesus  (c/.  E.  Underbill,  The  Mystic  Way,  p.  117f.). 
Perhaps  for  that  reason  even  the  other  apostles  were 
not  to  hear  of  it,  till  after  the  Resurrection.  The 
question  of  Ehjah  is  not  necessarily  raised  either  bj-  i 
(HNT,  p|).  73f.)  or  by  the  vision  of  Ehjah,  as  Origen 
suggests.  It  arises  out  of  the  whole  programme 
sketohed  in  831  and  reaffirmed  hj  allusion  in  9.  The 
Son  of  Man  is  to  suffer  and  rise  again.  But  what,  then , 
of  the  part  traditionally  attributed  to  Ehjah  (e.gr.  Mai. 
45)  in  Messiahs  comhig  ?  Jesus  affirms  that  Ehjah 
is  to  play  his  part  and  yet  Messiah  must  suffer.  Indeed 
Ehjah  has  come  in  the  person  of  John  the  Baptist, 
and  the  fate  of  John  foreshadows  the  fate  of  Jesus. 
That  Jesus  regarded  John  as  fulfilling  the  ministry 
of  Ehjah  is  of  great  importance  for  understanding 
how  He  came  to  anticipate  His  own  death.  The 
Scriptures  piiinted  the  same  way.  The  reference  in  12 
must  surely  be  to  Is.  53.  The  Scripture  euggestuig 
the  fate  of  Ehjah  will  be  either  1  K.  192, 10  or  some 
apocahT)tic  writing  such  as  underhes  Rev.  lief. 

IX.  14-29.  The  HeaUng  of  the  Demoniac  Boy.— 
This  story  is  told  in  greater  detail  by  Mk.  than  by  Lit. 
or  Lk.,  who  omit  the  conversation  between  Jesus  and 
the  boy's  father  (20-24).  Perhaps  they  wished  to 
avoid  representing  Jesus  as  askuig  a  question  for 
information  [zt).  In  any  case,  they  lose  genuine  and 
valuable  material  (especJaUy  23!).  Possibly  AV  is 
right  in  giving  us  the  smgular,  "  he  came,"  in  14, 
instead  of  RV,  "  they  came."  If  so,  the  storj-  may  not 
originaUy  have  foUowed  the  Transfiguration,  and  Mk. 
may  have  designed  the  contrast  which  is  reproduced 
in  Raphaels  picture.  The  references  to  the  scribes 
and  their  discussion  with  the  disciples  in  14-16  seem 
to  have  Uttle  to  do  with  the  demoniac  boy.  The 
apparent  irrelevance  of  these  details  is  probably  a 
sign  of  their  historical  accuracy  (c/.  436*).  The 
amazement  of  the  crowd  at  the  sight  of  Jesus  (15)  has 
been  traced  to  the  inliucnce  of  Ex.  3429f.  or  to  the 
sudden  and  opportune  character  of  His  intervention. 
J.  Weiss  seems  to  be  justified  in  citing  IO32  as  the 
best  parallel  Throughout  this  section,  the  veiy 
presence  of  Jesus  evokes  awe  and  wonder.  Jlen  are 
conscious  of  His  dedication  unto  death.  The  expecta- 
tion of  the  end  also  prompts  or  colours  the  exclamation 
in  19.  Loisy  sees  in  this  an  artificial  rebuke  to  Jews 
and  Judaizers,  inserted  by  the  evangelist.  Weiss, 
with  more  insight,  regards  it  as  one  of  tlie  most  im- 
pressive sayhigs  of  Jesus  which  we  possess.  It  sug- 
gests how  lonely  Jesus  felt  Himself  to  te  in  His  faith 
in  God,  and  how  He  longed  to  be  set  free  from  the 
apparent  failure  of  His  preaching  in  Galilee  (r/.  Lk. 
1250).  As  ML  records  it  the  miracle  is  accomplished 
in  two  stages  (c/.  822f.).  The  closing  stage  (26f.) 
recalls  the  story  of  Jairus'  daughter.  It  is  not  neces- 
sarily suggested  by  it.  The  query  of  the  disciples  in  2S 
(follow  AV  or  RVm,  not  RV  text)  forms  a  natural 
sequel.  The  answer  of  Jesus  (29)  is  perhaps  better 
reported  ui  Mt.  1720.  Prayer  plays  no  part  in  the 
previous  storj-.     Possibly  the  saving  reflects  the  ex- 


perience of  the  early  Church,  which  found  prayer  and 
fasting  necessaiy  for  some  kinds  of  exoreism. 

23.  R-V  is  here  more  correct  and  more  vivid  than  AV. 
— 25.  The  reference  to  the  coming  together  of  the  crowd 
is  not  exi)ected.  Mk.  has  not  told  us  that  Jesus  had 
taken  the  mtin  aside.  Mk-'s  references  to  the  crowd 
seem  sometimes  confused  (c/.  834). — 29.  There  is  good 
authority  for  retaining  the  word  "  fasting "  in  this 
verse.     "If  it  is  not  the  true  reading,  it  is  the  true 


'1$' 


[.  30-32.  Further  Prediction  of  the  Passion. — Jesus 
now  journeys  througli  Gahlee,  avoidhig  pubhc  atten- 
tion. Mk.  explains  the  desire  for  privacy  as  due  to 
the  purpose  of  Jesus  to  devote  Himself  to  the  disciples. 
Some  scholars  suggest  that  the  necessity  of  avoiding 
a  collision  with  Herod  may  have  been  the  real  motive. 
But  apart  from  the  question  of  Herod's  hostihty,  this 
section  of  the  gospel  represents  Jesus  as  breaking  off 
the  pubhc  ministry  to  train  the  Twelve.  Mk.  is  probably 
right  both  as  to  the  main  motive  of  seeking  privacy 
and  as  to  the  central  theme  of  the  teaching  given 
to  the  disciples.  In  this  second  summarj'  prediction 
of  the  end,  the  verb  paradidonai  is  used  few  the  first 
time.  The  dehvering  up  of  the  Son  of  Man  may  refer 
not  simply  or  chiefly  to  the  act  of  betraj'al  but  to  the 
thought  of  "  the  Father  dehvering  up  His  Son  for 
us  aU  "  (c/.  Abbott,  Paradoais).  The  failure  of  the 
disciples  to  understand  is  not  due  to  any  obscuritv' 
in  the  words  used,  but  to  the  imexpected  character 
of  their  contents,  and  to  the  suggestion  that  this  is 
God's  plan  for  His  beloved  Son. 

IX.  33-50.  A  Conversation  with  the  Twelve.— Tliia 
section  iUustratcs  the  kind  of  teaching  which  Jesus 
gave  in  private  to  His  disciples.  It  may  embody 
fragmentary  recoUections  of  a  particular  discussion, 
but  more  probably  Mk.  has  strung  together  utterances 
and  uicidents  belonging  to  different  occasions,  the 
connecting  links  being  sometmies  the  mere  repetition 
of  a  single  word,  such  as  "  cause  to  stumble  "  (42f.), 
or  "  fire  "  (48f.),  or  even  "  in  my  name  "  (37,39).  The 
latter  haK  of  37  and  41  are  paralleled  in  Mt.  IO40-42, 
where  they  are  rightly  connected  more  closely  together. 

33-37.  The  question  of  precedence  seems  to  hav« 
occupied  the  minds  of  the  disciples  more  than  once. 
It  reveals  the  ideas  of  the  Kingdom  which  made  it 
difficult  for  them  to  understand  the  Cross.  Jesus 
corrects  their  ambitions  by  laying  doH-n  the  principle 
of  greatness  through  service  which  is  furtlier  developed 
in  1042!  The  iiitroduction  of  the  child,  and  the 
saying  about  receiving  a  httle  cliild,  do  not  seem  to 
continue  the  lesson.  Mk.  has  omitted  the  pdinted 
sayings  recorded  in  Mt.  183!  Jlk.  alone  gives  us  the 
characteristic  action  of  Jesus  in  throwing  His  amis 
round  the  child  (c/.  10 16).  The  phrase  "  in  my  name  " 
is  ambiguous.  Swete  says,  "  on  the  ground  of  My 
Name,"  i.e.  "the  act  being  based  upon  a  recognition 
of  hi:3  connexion  with  Me."  This  is  supported  by 
paraUeLs,  and  in  that  case,  the  child  represents  humble 
believers  who  bear  Christ's  name.  But  perhaps  it 
means  simply  '"  for  Mv  sake  '"  (see  Montefiorc). 

38-40.  The  Exorcist  who  Stood  Outside  the  Apos- 
toUc  Succession.— Tlio  disciple  John  now  recaUs  the 
case  of  one  who  effected  cures  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  but 
did  not  join  HLs  followers.  If  historic,  this  incident 
reveals  the  freedom  with  which  the  disciples  brought 
their  questions  to  Jesus.  Its  historicity  has  been  chal- 
lenged on  the  ground  that  such  exorcisms  in  the  name 
of  Jesus  would  not  have  taken  place  in  His  lifetime. 
Loisy  regards  the  reference  to  i-eceivuig  httle  ones  and 
the  lesson  of  tolerance  in  thLs  incident,  as  n  j>l'>a  for 
a  frank  recognition  of  Paul  by  the  original  apostles. 


MARK,  X.  17-31 


693 


But  we  do  not  know  that  any  such  plea  would  have 
been  eitlier  necessary  or  intelligible  when  the  gospel 
was  written.  Neither  37  nor  the  description  of  the 
exorcist  really  fits  the  position  of  Paul  and  liis  relations 
with  the  Twelve.  No  Paulinist  would  defend  Paul 
by  claiming  that  he  would  not  readily  speak  evil  of 
Christ  (39).  Nor  is  the  use  of  the  name  of  Jesus  in 
exorcism  during  His  lifetime  incredible,  if  Jesus 
exerted  the  influence  over  demons  which  Mk.  attributes 
to  Him. 

41-50.  41  is  the  complement  of  37,  but  it  also  con- 
nects with  the  verses  immediately  preceding.  The 
disciple  who  receives  a  child  for  Christs  sake  is  richly 
rewarded.  Conversely,  not  only  a  spiritual  skirmisher 
like  John's  exorcist,  but  anyone  who  renders  the  least 
service  to  a  disciple  is  within  the  circle  of  blessing. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  man  who  shakes  the  faith  of  a 
humble  believer  deserves  a  severe  punishment.  The 
following  verses  (43-48)  turn  from  offencas  against 
others  to  offences  agamst  one's-seK.  Jesus  urges  men 
to  make  the  hardest  sacrifices  to  avoid  fatal  temptations. 
RV  rightly  omits  44,46.  The  scene  of  corruption  in 
the  accursed  valley  of  Gehenna  (Jer.  731*)  is  described 
in  words  taken  from  the  last  verse  of  Isaiah.  The 
valley,  whicli  lies  to  the  south-west  of  Jerusalem,  had 
been  defiled  by  Moloch-worship  (p.  480).  In  Enoch 
(27i,  see  Charles's  note)  it  was  the  appointed  place 
of  pmiishment  for  apostate  Jews.  The  description 
implies  eternal  loss  rather  than  everlasting  torture. 

4©f.  Detached  sajdngs,  which  suggest  first  that  every 
man  must  be  purified  by  fire  ( ?  persecution  or  the  last 
judgment)  though  not  all  must  be  punished  by  fire, 
and  second,  that  the  contribution  of  the  disciples  to 
the  health  of  the  wurld  depends  on  their  own  whole- 
someness.  The  need  of  harmony  among  the  disciples 
brings  us  back  to  the  starting-point  of  34. 

X.  1-12.  The  Question  ol  Divorce. — I\Ik.  represents 
Jesus  as  travelling  up  to  Jerusalem  through  Peraea  (p. 
33)  and  not  through  Samaiia.  Leaving  Capernaum,  He 
crosses  the  Jordan  and  resumes  His  public  ministry. 
Under  these  circumstances  some  Pharisees  come  to 
Him  with  their  question  as  to  the  la^vfulness  of  divorce. 
They  tempt  Him  by  their  question,  seeking  either  to 
bring  Him  into  conflict  with  the  Law  or  to  embroil 
Him  with  Herod,  whose  conduct  He  must  condemn  as 
John  did.  The  former  reason  is  more  probable.  When 
Jesus  asks  His  questioners  for  the  verdict  of  Moses, 
they  naturally  appeal  to  Dt.  24:if.  This  law  Jesus  sets 
aside,  by  lajdng  down  a  far-reaching  principle  of  inter- 
pretation which  suggests  that  '"  the  Mosaic  Law  was 
in  certain  oases  a  kind  of  second  best,"  and  by  citing 
from  Gen.  (I27)  a  passage  emphasizing  the  Divine 
purpose  of  marriage.  Wellhausen  would  interpret  6 
thus  :  "  But  in  Genesis  Moses  wrote  '  Male  and  female 
created  He  them.'  "  "  Jesus  does  not  overthrow  Moses 
with  the  higher  authority  of  God,  but  Deuteronomy  with 
Genesis"  (HNT).  He  corrects  Moses  by  Moses.  "No- 
where does  Jesus  go  nearer  to  denying  the  absolute 
divinity,  permanence,  and  perfection  of  the  Law.  Yet 
one  can  ace  that  he  was  not  himself  conscious  of 
doing  so "  (Montefiore,  i.  238).  Paul  seems  to  be 
thinking  of  9  in  I  Cor.  7 10.  In  this  discussion  Jesus 
condemned  "  the  dominant  Jewish  law  of  divorce." 
The  case  of  the  breaking  of  marriage  by  adultery  ia 
not  directly  considered.  The  exception  introduced  in 
Mt.  199  probably  interprets  the  teaching  of  Jesus 
aright.  This  passage  does  not  establish  the  absolut-e 
indissolubility  of  marriage.  There  is  no  rea-son  to 
suppose  that  Jesus  differed  from  Shammai  in  regarding 
adultery  as  justifying  divorce.  The  additional  answer 
given  to  the  disciples  places  man  and  woman  on  an 


equahty  of  right  and  responsibility.  Loisy  supposes  12 
to  be  due  to  Mk.,  who  is  thinking  of  Roman  society. 
But  the  saying  may  be  uttered  with  the  case  of 
Herodias  in  view.  (See  Allen's  defence  of  the  passage, 
summarised  in  Montefiore,  i.  241f.) 

X.  ia-16.  Jesus  Blesses  the  Children.— That  the 
more  original  form  of  this  story  is  given  by  Mk.  is 
clear  from  the  reference  to  the  annoyance  of  Jesus  at 
the  disciples'  action  (14)  and  from  the  naturalness  of  16. 
Jesus  does  not  simply  place  His  hands  on  the  children, 
He  puts  His  arms  round  them  and  blesses  tlieni  much. 
The  verb  used  is  intensive,  and  far  removed  from  any 
oflicial  benediction.  Jesus  welcomes  and  appreciates 
children,  not  simply  the  childhke.  It  would  be 
tempting  to  interchange  937  and  IO15,  but  there  is  no 
warrant  for  such  a  transference.  The  attitude  of 
Jesus  towards  children  is  not,  I  think,  paralleled 
either  in  NT  or  ancient  Uterature  (c/.  Burkitt,  The 
Oospcl  History  and  its  Transmission,  p.  285f.  ;  "  Apart 
from  the  gospels,  I  cannot  find  that  early  Christian 
literature  exhibits  the  sUghtest  sympathy  towards  the 
young  "). 

X.  17-31.  The  Great  Refusal,  and  the  Obstacle  of 
Riches. — The  contrast  between  this  incident  and  that 
which  precedes  it  is  caught  by  Shakespeare,  Riclwrdll, 
V.  V.  lOf.  That  Mk.  designed  the  contrast  is  im- 
probable. The  incident  in  17-22  is  clearly  historic. 
The  unwillingness  of  Jesus  to  be  addressed  as  "  good," 
His  referring  the  seeker  after  eternal  life  back  to  the 
commandments,  and  the  keen  personal  interest  which 
the  questioner  aroused  in  Jesus  ("  Jesus  looking  on 
him  loved  him,"  a  phrase  peculiar  to  Mk.) — all  these 
traits  guarantee  the  historicity  and  originahty  of  the 
story.  18  cannot  be  intended  to  lead  on  to  a  confes- 
sion of  Divinity  ;  it  is  rather  the  expression  of  that  I 
humiUty  which  was  part  of  the  moral  perfection  of  ' 
Jesus.  The  insertion  of  the  words  "  Defraud  not"  ia  I 
pecuhar  to  Mk.,  and  perhaps  it  was  thought  to  be  | 
appropriate  to  a  rich  man  (c/.  Jas.  64).  The  counsel 
of  perfection  (21)  which  the  rich  man  rejects  must  not 
be  generalised.  It  is  "  a  test  of  obedience  and  faith 
which  the  Lord  saw  to  be  necessary  in  this  particular 
case  "  (Swete).  However,  this  man  was  not  to  be 
an  isolated  case.  The  influence  of  the  passage  on  St. 
Antony  and  St.  Francis  of  Assisi  is  well  known.  The 
addition  to  the  story  ui  the  Gospel  of  the  Hebrews, 
in  which  Jesus  upbraids  the  man  for  neglecting  the 
poor,  is  not  in  harmony  with  the  rest  of  the  story. 
In  23-31  Jesus  enforces  the  lesson  of  the  man's  sorrowful 
departure.  Wellhausen  adopts  mg.  in  24  and  would 
transpose  24  and  25.  This  is  attractive,  as  it  explains 
the  growing  astonishment  of  the  disciples,  if  Jesus 
first  declared  it  to  be  difficult  for  the  rich  to  enter  the 
kingdom,  and  then  difficult  for  anyone  to  enter. 

The  paradox  of  the  camel  and  the  needle's  eye  must 
not  be  weakened  by  supposing  the  camel  to  be  a  rope 
or  the  needle's  eye  to  be  a  gate.  Jesus  regards  the\ 
obstacles  between  men  and  the  kingdom  as  almost  \ 
insurmountable,  but  He  knows  that  with  Gods  help  | 
they  may  be  surmounted.  Peter  then  says  the 
disciples  have  carried  out  the  demand  made  by  Jesus 
on  the  rich  man.  The  saying  is  prompted  perhaps 
not  by  complacency,  but  by  the  desire  Ut  know  whether 
this  sacrifice  gives  them  the  hope  of  eternal  life.  In 
reply,  Jesus  assures  them  of  their  reward.  Perhaps 
with  Wellhausen  we  should  put  a  full-stop  at  -himdred- 
fold '"  in  30.  This  may  end  the  original  utterance,  and, 
in  any  case,  the  exceeding  greatness  of  the  reward  u 
to  be  realised  both  now  and  hereafter.  The  present 
rewartl  is  the  fellowship  of  the  Christian  Church — only 
to    be   enjoyed    by   sharing    persecution.     If    Peters 


694 


MARK,  X.  17-31 


■e  self-congratulatory,  31  might  be  construed 
3,  but  more  probably  it  moans  that  "  many 


remark  were  i 

as  a  i-obuko, 

who  are  now  rich  and  prominent  shall  in  the  hfo  to 

come  bo  last,   i.e.   excluded,  while  .  .  .  the  disciples 

who   have  '  lost '  all  on  earth,  shall  be  foremost  in 

the  Kiii'.'dom  of  God  "  (Montefiore).     C/.  p.  665  and 

Mt.5iif.* 

X.  32-34.  Jesus  Leads  the  Way  to  Jerusalem.— This 
paraerapli  micht  be  regarded  as  introducing  the  last 
section  i>f  the  gospel,  the  storj-  of  tlie  Pas-sion.  The 
goal  of  the  journey  is  now  disclosed,  and  there  is  to 
be  no  more  delay.  The  disciples  follow  in  amazement 
{cf.  915)  and  in  fear.  Did  they  cntei-tain  dim  fore- 
bodings of  death  {cf.  .In.  11 16),  or  were  they  simply 
overawed  by  the  strange  resolution  of  their  Master  ? 
The  third  and  most  detailed  prediction  of  the  end  ia 
inserted  here  by  Mk.  It  ha.s  been  observed  that  each 
prediction  seems  independent  of  the  others.  Jeeus 
might  be  making  His  first  utterance  in  each  case, 
and  the  disciples  do  not  grow  in  understanding.  This 
impression  may  be  due  to  Mk."s  lack  of  skill  as  a 
narrator.  His  view,  thot  Jesus  more  than  once  fore- 
Uild  the  Pa.ssion  and  that  the  disciples  could  ;iot 
believe  it,  may  still  correspond  with  facts. 

X.  35-46.  the  Request  of  the  Sons  of  Zebedee. 
The  Christian  Standard  of  Greatness.— In  spite  of 
anticipation  of  ill,  the  disciples  continued  to  hope  for 
a  kingdom  of  worldly  power,  and  to  dispute  as  to 
their  places  in  such  a  kingdom.  Wellhausen  claims 
that  the  reference  to  glory  in  37  is  apocalyptic  in 
character,  and  that  the  disciples  may  have  been 
expecting  a  brief  period  of  trial  before  the  final  splen- 
dour. If  so,  they  have  some  dim  idea  that  the  cup 
and  the  baptism  ^  mean  suffering.  They  claim  to  bo 
ready  for  it.  The  assurance  of  Jesus  that  they  shall 
share  His  cup  is  held  to  point  to  the  martyrdom  of  the 
two  brothers.  Perhaps  it  strengthens  the  tradition  that 
John  was  martyred  early  in  the  Church's  history,  like 
James  (p.  744  ;  also  Ac.  122*).  But  the  passage  might 
have  been  retained  though  John  were  still  alive.  The 
seats  of  honour  are  at  God's  disposal.  The  suggestion 
that  this  sentence  is  intended  to  leave  room  for  Paul 
to  take  the  highest  place  is  probably  mistaken.  In 
the  following  discussion  with  the  disciples,  we  have 
one  of  the  great  transmutations  of  values  wherein 
Jesus  dethroned  Alexander  the  Great  and  Napoleon. 
The  last  phrase,  '  to  give  his  Ufe  a  ransom  for  many  " 
has  been  attributed  to  the  evangelist  for  the  following 
reasons:  (1)  the  parallel  in  Lk.  2226  stops  short  at 
this  phrase  ;  (2)  the  words  suggest  the  Pauline  doctrine 
of  redemption,  and  may  be  derived  from  it ;  (3)  vicari- 
ous sacrifice  is  here  an  unexpected  and  unnatural 
development  of  the  idea  of  service.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  actual  phrase  is  not  Paidine,  and  the  refer- 
ence to  "many"  is  best  interpreted  by  Is.  53iif. 
(See  the  penetrating  discussion  in  Scott,  The  Kingdom 
and  the  Messiah,  p.  221.)  If  Jesus  anticipated  His 
death  He  must  have  intcrprcteil  it  as  service  and  as 
redemptive  service.    Paul  was  not  the  earUest  Paulinist. 

X.  46-52.  Blind  Bartlmseus.— This  story  is  re- 
markable for  the  use  of  tlie  Messianic  title,  "  Son  of 
David,"  which  Jesus  dues  not  reject.  Critics  have 
taken  this  as  evidence  that  the  reserve  about  the 
Messianic  claim  of  Jesus  waa  no  longer  being  practised. 
But  the  blind  beggar  might  have  jumped  to  the  con- 
clusion, without  any  change  of  attitude  on  the  part 
of  the  disciples,  and  his  use  of  the  term  would  not 

'  Moulton  and  Milliean.  Vocabulary,  p.  102,  (juote  an  illiterate 
papyru<»of  2nd  cent.  B.a.  where  the  passive  of  "baptiae"  iniLst 
mean  "flooded  or  ovcrwheline<l  bv  calamities."  Epictetos  simi- 
l.irlv  uses  It  to  mean  ".sink." 


necessarily  exert  great  influence.  Certainly  from  now 
on  Jesus  does  not  enforce  silence  in  this  regard.  The 
appeal  of  the  beggar  is  not  rebuked  like  the  oonfe«sion 
of  the  demoniacs.  The  name  Bartimaeus  is  given 
only  in  Mk. 

XI.  1-10.  The  Triumphal  Entry.— This  incident 
Wellhausen  and  HNT  regard  as  opening  a  new  section 
of  the  gospel,  which  they  end  with  I337.  Jesus  La  now 
close  to  Jerusalem,  Bethphage  ("  house  of  young 
figs ")  being  apimrcntly  between  Jenisalem  and 
Bethany  (?  "  house  of  dates,"  so  Sweto,  or  "  house  of 
unripe  fruit,"  EBi,  col.  548)  and  forming  one  of  the 
limits  of  the  Sabbatic  zone  round  Jerusalem.  In  the 
neighbourhood  of  this  village,  Jesus  adopts  a  plan 
wliich  possessed  and  seems  to  have  been  intended  to 
possess  Messianic  significance.  As  if  all  had  been 
arranged  beforehand,  two  disciples  are  sent  to  bring 
an  unused  colt  from  the  neighbouring  village.  Jesus 
knows  that  all  will  bo  ready  for  Him,  and  that  the 
.-ussurance  of  the  speedy  return  of  the  colt  will  persuade 
the  owners  to  release  it.  The  procession  formed  by 
the  disciples  and  casual  wayfarers,  Galilean  pilgrims 
perhaps,  follows  the  road  along  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
where,  accoixling  to  Zech.  I44,  Vahweh  would  appear, 
and  where  popular  Jewish  belief  expected  the  Messiah 
to  appear  (Wellhausen,  p.  94).  Though  to  the  evangelist 
the  incident  is  Messianic,  it  is  possible  that  the  crowd 
did  not  hail  Jesus  as  Messiah.  The  agreement  of  the 
evangelists  as  to  the  cry  of  the  multitude  does  not 
extend  beyond  9,  which  may  constitute  the  original 
utterance.  It  is  based  on  Ps.  II826 — a  welcome  often 
addressed  to  those  who  came  up  for  the  Passover. 
Hosanna  (  =  "Save  now'")  is  derived  from  the  same 
psalm.  Is  10  Mlc's  expansion  ?  The  term  Hosanna 
seems  to  be  misunderstood  in  tliis  verse.  Mt.  22 11 
also  suggests  that  the  crowd  did  not  regard  Jesus  as 
the  Messiah.  Swete  attributes  Mk.  11 10  to  some  few 
members  of  the  crowd.  All  hailed  the  prophet,  soma 
recognised  the  Christ. 

XI.  11-14.  The  Cursing  of  the  Fig-Tree.— Though  it 
is  difficult  to  beheve  that  Jesus  spent  only  one  crowded 
week  in  Jerusalem,  Mk.  here  becomes  confidently 
precise  in  chronology-,  and  he  tells  the  stoiy  of  the  fig- 
tree,  distinguishing  the  stages  in  it,  as  if  he  were 
following  exact  recollections.  On  the  first  evening, 
Jesus  surveyed  the  Temple,  not  as  if  He  had  never 
seen  it  before,  but  to  determine  His  course  of  action. 
After  looking  round.  He  withdrew  to  Bethany.  The 
next  day  occurred  the  incident  of  the  fig-tree — a 
dilficult  story,  absent  from  Lk.  One  w  tempted  to 
suppose  either  that  the  parable  of  the  barren  fig-tree 
(Lk.  136-9*)  has  been  transformed  into  incident,  or, 
an  HNT  suggests,  that  the  story  grew  round  some 
Cf)nspicuou3  dead  tree  in  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem. 
As  Mk.  relates  it,  it  does  not  read  even  as  an  acted 
parable,  symbolic  of  judgment  on  the  fruitlessness  of 
Judaism. 

XI.  15-19.  The  Cleansing  of  the  Temple.— Jesua 
now  follows  up  His  survey  of  the  Temple  with  an 
attempt  to  abolish  tho  market  set  up  in  the  outermost 
court,  the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  for  the  convenience  of 
Jews  who  had  to  purchase  sacrificial  victims  and  who 
wished  to  obtain  by  a  dear  exchange  the  half-shekel 
wlierewith  to  pay  their  Temple-tax.'  Mk.  alone  says 
(i())  that  Jesus  reinforced  the  standing  rule  against 
using  the  court  as  a  thoroughfare.     The  phrase  ''  for 

'  [On  thesipnificance  of  this  incident  n.s  an  immediate  cause  of 
the  Cmcllixion.  sec  Lake,  The  Sleirardship  of  Faith,  p.  39: 
"l''inanclnl  interest  mthcr  than  thoolofrical  hatred  was  the  real 
cause  of  thcai-cusation  of  the  priests,  though  thev  dressed  It  up 
in  a  partly  political,  partly  religious  form," — A.  J.  G.] 


MAEK,  XII.  28-34 


695 


all  nations  "  in  the  quotation  from  Is,  56;  is  also 
found  only  in  Mk.  It  suggests  that  the  robbery  may 
Imve  consisted  not  so  much  in  the  sharp  practice  of 
the  money-changers  as  in  depriving  the  Gentil&s  of  all 
their  share  in  the  Temple  and  its  worship.  To  the 
last,  the  people  were  astonished  at  His  teaching ;  it 
was  ever  new  to  them.  The  nightly  withdrawal  of 
Jesus  from  the  city  ensured  both  quiet  and  safety. 

XI.  20-25.  The  Power  of  Faith.— On  the  third  day 
of  the  week,  Peter  draws  attention  to  the  withered 
fig-tree,  and  Jesus  uses  it  to  illustrate  the  great  power 
of  faith.  The  teaching  does  not  seem  to  spring  very 
directly  out  of  the  mcident.  The  reference  to  re- 
moving moimtains  is  rightly  interpreted  metaphori- 
cally. In  effect,  the  mountains  are  the  obstacles  which 
prevent  the  easy  access  of  man  to  the  holy  city  of 
God.  To  faith  tiiese  obstacles  must  jield  (see  Swete). 
Mk.  himself  seems  to  have  felt  that  the  power  of 
faith  is  dangerously  illustrated  by  the  withering  of 
the  fig-tree,  for  he  adds  a  sentence  (25)  about  the 
necessity  of  possessing  the  spirit  of  forgiveness. 
Faith  will  not  work  capricious  miracles.  "  Our  desires 
are  not  to  be  the  measure  of  our  prayers,  unless  reason 
and  religion  be  the  rule  of  our  desires  "  (Jeremy 
Taylor).  The  phrase  "  your  Father  which  is  m 
heaven  '  occurs  here  only  in  Alk.  It  seems  to  be  an 
echo  of  the  Lord's  Prayer. — 26  haa  been  added  to 
Mk.  from  Mt.  615. 

XI.  27-33.  First  Encounter  with  Religious  Leaders 
on  the  Question  of  Authority. — On  the  Tuesday,  an 
official  deputation  meets  Jesus  in  the  Temple,  and 
asks  by  what  right  He  has  taken  upon  Himself  police 
duties  like  the  control  of  the  market.  Who  has  given 
Him  permission  to  clear  the  court  of  the  Gentiles 
and  even  to  teach  in  the  Temple  ?  The  one  decisive 
question  which  Jesus  puts  in  reply  is  not  a  subtle 
evasion  of  an  attempt  to  trap  Him  into  a  Messianic 
confession.  The  nature  of  John's  authority  raised  a 
fundamental  issue  on  which  Jesus  and  the  Pharisees 
were  at  variance.  To  Jesus  John  was  a  man  sent 
from  God.  That  con\action  underlay  His  whole 
activity.  The  men  who  would  not  recognise  John  as 
a  prophet,  and  who  yet  had  not  the  moral  courage  to 
deny  his  authority,  could  not  understand  Jesus,  and 
deserved  no  direct  answer.  For  all  that,  the  question 
of  Jesus,  so  far  from  evading  theirs,  clearly  answered  it. 

Xn.  1-12.  The  Parable  of  the  Vineyard.— The 
geniunenetis  of  this  parable  is  disputed — (1)  because  it 
is  allegorical  in  character ;  (2)  because  it  reflects  a  later 
situation  and  assumes  Christs  death ;  (3)  because  it 
embodies  an  open  claim  to  Messiahsliip  which  is  in- 
consistent with  the  prudent  and  guarded  answers  of 
Jesus  to  questions  about  authority.  That  this  parable, 
unlike  most  others,  is  an  allegory,  does  not  render  it 
suspect  as  an  utterance  of  Jesus  (41-34*).  That  such 
a  parable  is  out  of  place  before  the  death  of  Christ 
involves  the  dubious  assumption  that  Jesus  could  not 
have  viewed  His  death  as  marking  the  end  of  God's 
mercy  to  Israel  While  the  Messianic  claim  is  more 
boldly  asserted  here  than  elsewhere,  yet  throughout 
this  section  of  the  gospel,  there  Ls  less  reticence  about 
the  Messiahship,  and  the  moral  of  the  parable  is  not 
expUcitly  drawn — which  does  harmonise  with  the 
prudence  of  the  sajdngs  of  Jesus.  On  the  other  hand, 
if  a  later  composition,  the  story  is,  in  some  respects, 
strange.  Why  do  the  details  not  fit  the  Crucifixion, 
if  they  are  composed  after  the  event  (contrast  Mk.  128 
wnth  Mt.  2I39)  ?  and  why  is  there  no  allusion  to  the 
Resurrection  ?  (Sec  Burkitt,  Trans,  of  Third  Congress 
nf  Religions,  ii.  32 If.)  The  opening  of  the  story  ia 
based  on  la.  5 if.,  while  the  words  of  the  husbandmen 


in  7  recall  Gen.  3720.  The  story  describes  the  history 
of  Israel,  and  implies  that  Jesus  felt  Himself  to  be 
Grod's  last  appeal  to  His  people,  and  also  thought  their 
rejection  of  Him  would  issue  in  His  becoming  the 
foundation  of  a  new  community  which  should  inherit 
God's  kingdom.  The  quotation  in  lof.  is  from  Ps.  118 
22f.     It  is  used  in  Ac.  4ii  and  1  P.  24,7. 

XII.  13-17.  The  Question  of  Tribute.— The  Pharisees 
and  the  Herodians  pcrluips  represent  the  two  horns  of 
the  dilemma  by  which  they  try  to  catch  Jesus.  The 
Pharisees  leant  to  the  popular  view  which  chafed  at 
tribute,  and  which  found  its  extreme  expression  in  the 
Zealots  (cf.  Josephu.-*,  Ant.  XVIII.  l6).  The  Herodians 
probably  desired  the  status  quo  which  ensured  Herod's 
throne.     If  Jesus  says  it  is  lawful  to  pay  tribute,  the 

'  Pharisees  wUl  denounce  Him  to  the  people ;  if  He 
says  it  is  not  lawful,  the  Herodians  wUl  denounce  Him 

,  to  the  authorities.  The  flattering  address,  which 
shows  that  truth  may  be  spoken  in  flatterj%  does  not 
conceal  the  fact  thai  the  question  is  a  trap,  not  a 
serious  mquiry.  Mk.  notes  a  dramatic  pause,  while 
the  questioners  fetch  a  denarius  to  show  to  Jesus. 
Of  the  final  answer  of  Jesus,  Lord  Acton  says,  "'  Those 
words  .  .  .  gave  to  the  civil  power,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  conscience,  a  sacrednesa  it  had  never 
enjoyed  and  bounds  it  had  never  acknowledged  :  and 
they  were  the  repudiation  of  absolutism  and  the 
inauguration  of  freedom."  That  this  was  the  intent 
of  the  utterance  may  be  doubted  (see  views  of  Loisy 
and  WeUhausen,  in  Montefiore,  i.  281).  That  the 
words  as  usually  interpreted  have  exerted  some  such 
influence  is  undeniable. 

XII.  18-27.  The  Question  of  the  Resurrectlon-IJle.— 
The  Pharisees  having  withdrawn  in  confusion,  the 
Sadducees  (mentioned  here  only  in  Mk.,  cf.  pp.  619f., 
624,  637)  bring  forward  a  scholastic  problem  de- 
signed to  show  that  the  strict  carrying  out  of  the 
Levirate  law  (p.  109,  Dt.  205-10*,  Ru.  I11-13*) 
would  produce  an  absurd  situation  in  a  future 
lite,  and  therefore  the  Law  does  not  contemplate  a 
resurrection.  Jesus  answers  that  they  have  not  under- 
stood the  Scriptures,  nor  the  power  of  God  which 
raises  men  to  a  life  of  a  different  order  from  the 
present.  The  resurrection-Ufe  of  the  just  needs  not 
to  be  continued  by  marriage.  They  are  like  the  angels 
— a  comparison  which  trenches  on  another  Sadducean 
denial ;  for  the  Sadducees  did  not  beheve  in 
angels  (Ac.  238).  The  argument  from  Ex.  36  em- 
bodies a  somewhat  Rabbinic  mterpretation  of  the 
passage,  but  it  rests  on  the  feeling  "  which  does  not 
allow  the  faithful  to  admit  that  a  good  God  ceases, 
through  the  death  of  those  who  have  served  and  loved 
Him,  to  be  their  God,  or  that  He  abandons  them  to 
nothingness.  Those  who  have  lived  for  God  can 
never  be  dead  for  Him  "  (Loisy).  It  used  to  be  sup- 
posed that  Jesus  argues  here  from  a  passage  in  the 
Pentateuch  in  order  to  impress  the  Sadducees,  but  the 
idea  of  the  Fathers,  that  the  Sadducees  recognised  the 
Pi-ntateuch  only  as  Scripture,  is  now  abandoned 
(HNT). 

XII.  2&-34.  The  Greatest  Commandment.— This 
further  ([uestion  does  not  seem  to  be  put  ui  a  spirit 
of  hostihty.  The  scribe  may  have  been  a  Pharisee  who 
admired  the  answer  Jesus  had  given  to  the  Sadducees. 
There  was  no  real  doubt  as  to  the  greater  command- 
ment. The  Shema  (Dt.  64!)  was  repeated  cbily  by 
the  Jews.  It  was  the  foundation- text  of  their  mono- 
theism, which  was  "  not  a  speculative  theory  but  a  prac- 
tical conviction  "  (pp.  OlSf.).  Jesus a<ldrtt<)  it  Lev.  19i8. 
Love  to  God  finds  its  only  adequate  fulfihnent  in  love 
to  one's  neighbour.     God's  worship  lies  in  social  duty. 


696 


MARK,  XII.  28-34 


Love  to  one's  neighbour  must  be  rooted  in  lovo  of 
God.  ■VVellliausen  saj's,  "  the  combination  wfW  fii"st 
effected  in  thifl  waj'  by  Jesus  "  ;  thin  in  not  cortaiii. 
and,  at  anj'  rate,  "  in  thiw  Jesus  stood  in  complete 
and  conscious  agreement  with  Pliarisaism  "  (Schlatter, 
Das  Wort  Jaw,  p.  221).  The  commendation  whicli 
Jesus  gives  t<)  the  Kcribo  implies  a  kingdom  ah-cady 
present.  LoLsy  regards  tliis  story  as  an  explanation 
of  Lk.  IO25-28.  He  considers  the  repetition  of  the 
answer  to  the  question  chimsy.  But  surely  it  is 
effective  and  original  st()ry-telling.  Lf)isy  also  sug- 
gests with  more  justification  that  the  fear  to  ask  Jesus 
further  questions  would  como  more  appropriately  after 
the  procetling  story.  There  was  nothing  to  frighten 
men  in  the  scribe's  experience. 

XII.  35-37.  Is  Messiah  David's  Son  ? — Jesus  now 
asks  His  hoarei-s  a  question.  The  exact  purpose  and 
significance  of  the  question  are  not  easy  to  determine, 
but  apparently  Jesus  held  that  the  Messiah  (who  is 
Himself)  docs  not  depend  on  Davidic  descent  for  His 
authority.  He  is  more  than  the  heir  of  David's  glory. 
This  implies  either  that  Jesus  did  not  claim  to  be  of 
the  house  of  David  or  else  that  He  set  little  value  on 
this  connexion.  The  quotation  is  from  Ps.  llOi,  and 
the  argument  assumes  that  David  wrote  this  psalm. 
This  attriljution  was  traditional,  and  was  "  accepted 
by  our  Lord  and  His  Apostles  on  the  authority  of  the 
recognised  guardians  of  the  canon  "  (Sweto).  Jesus 
starts  from  the  scholarship  current  in  His  day.  Hia 
use  of  that  scholarship  does  not  bind  His  followers 
to  its  acccjjtance  to-day. 

XII.  38-40.  A  Warning  Against  the  Scribes.— These 
vcraes  road  lilce  a  summary  of  or  a  fragment  from  the 
longer  discoui-se  in  Q.  The  reference  to  widows'  houses 
is  found  only  in  Mk.  Its  raeanmg  is  obscure.  Did 
they  take  rich  fees  for  pious  services,  or  press  the 
rights  of  creditors  against  widows  harshly  ?  Ahko 
their  social  ambitions  and  theu-  unpoverishing  of 
widows  turn  their  prayei-s  into  pretence.  These 
criticisms  seem  rather  sweeping  if  aimed  at  a  class. 
But  it  is  dilBcuIt  to  judge,  without  the  actual  context 
and  without  fuller  knowledge  of  Jesus'  contemporaries. 

XII.  41-44.  The  Widow's  Mites.— After  teaching  in 
the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  Jesus  sat  down  near  to  the 
treasury  in  the  court  of  the  women.  He  watched 
those  who  came  to  contribute.  "  As  (a  poor  \\adow) 
brought  her  last  coin  as  an  offering  to  God,  she  received 
higii  praise  from  Jesus  ;  wo  do  not  hear  that  He  ended 
her  poverty.  A  love  which  can  give  up  all,  ranked 
in  His  eyes  as  the  highest  wealtli  a  man  can  win  " 
(Schlatter).  Jesus  admired  both  the  generosity  and 
the  faith  of  tlio  woman.  Trusting  God,  she  could 
surrender  ail  she  had.  Jesus  pronouncetl  poverty 
blessed  in  so  far  as  the  poor  stand  always  nearer  to 
genuine  sacrifice  than  the  rich,  who  may  give  largely 
of  their  supcrtiuity,  i.e..  of  that  which  cost«  them  little. 

42.  mites:  p.  117. 

XIII.  1-37.  The  Eschatologlcal  Discourse.— The  first 
two  versos  contain  our  Jxuxl's  prediction  of  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem.  To  the  Jews,  such  an  anticipation 
would  seem  blasphemous  (r/.  Ac.  O14).  The  discourse 
that  follows  does  not  explicitly  develop  this  prophecy. 
For  "the  abomination  of  desolation"  (14)  is  only  a 
vague  reference  to  the  laying  waste  of  Jerusalem, 
though  it  does  foreshadow  some  signal  profanation  of 
the  Temple.  (The  phrase  comes  from  Dan.  927,  llsi"", 
and  means  a  profanation  tliat  provokes  liorror  ;  cj.  also 
1  Mac.  I54,  67.)  The  subject  of  this,  the  longest 
speech  attributed  tf)  Jesus  in  Mk.,  is  the  signs  of  the 
end,  rather  than  of  tiic  fall  of  Jerusalem,  though  tlie 
end  of  the  age  and  the  destmction  of  the  city  would 


bo  closely  associated  in  the  mmd  of  the  evangelist. 
Three  stages  are  indicated.  There  w  first  (3-13)  i 
period  of  wars  and  natural  calamities.  During  it  the 
(liristians  must  expect  and  face  persecution.  This  is 
followed  (14-23)  by  the  great  tribulation,  itself  hcraldofl 
by  the  insult  to  the  Temple.  This  tribulation  will 
come  suddenly  and  affect  the  whole  country-side  of 
Judaea.  At  both  stages,  false  prophets  and  false 
('hrists  will  arise  and  deceive  many.  Even  this  is  not 
the  end.  After  that  triliulation,  the  powers  of  nature 
shall  be  shaken,  and  the  Son  of  Man  will  appear  (24-27). 
The  conclusion  of  the  chapter  enforces  the  duty  of 
watchfulness,  on  the  double  ground  that  the  end  i3 
near,  and  yet  that  the  precise  hour  is  incalculable 
(28-37). 

That  the  discourse  is  composite  appears  from  the 
parallels  (see  notes)  in  Lk.  and  Mt.  In  particular,  isf. 
k  given  m  a'  better  context  in  Lk.  173 if.  a^d  is  ^'^^ 
reproduced  in  Lk.  21 21.  The  genuineness  of  the 
discourse  as  an  utterance  of  Jesus,  has  been  disputed 
on  the  following  grounds :  (a)  The  setting  forth  of 
signs  of  the  end  i>  inconsistent  with  the  reply  of 
Jesus  to  the  Pharisees  in  Lk.  172of.  Similarly,  the 
distinguishing  of  preparatory  stages  does  not  fit  in 
with  the  emphasis  on  the  suddenness  of  the  coming 
of  tlie  Son  of  Man,  whicli  in  characteristic  of  the 
Lucan  passage,  nor  with  the  general  tone  of  Mk. 
1332-37.  {h)  The-so  signs  of  the  end  are  customary 
features  of  Jewish  apocalyptic  (p.  432).  The  behef 
in  a  great  tribulation  heralding  the  Messiah  is 
Rabbuiic.  The  Rabbis  had  their  doctrine  of  the 
woes,  or  birthpangs  (8)  of  Messiah.  The  character- 
istics of  each  stage  are  based  on  OT  passages  ;  with 
12  c/.  INIi.  76,  with  19  c/.  Jl.  £2  and  Dan.  12i,  and 
with  24f.  c/.  Is.  13io,  2423,  Ezek.  327.  (c)  The  whole 
discourse  deals  with  questions  raised  by  the  later 
experience  of  the  Church  (so  Loisy,  pp.  367f. ).  It  has, 
therefore,  been  suggested  that  a  Jewish  apocalypse, 
which  may  be  held  to  have  included  7f.,  12,  14,  17-22, 
24-27,  30,  has  been  edited,  together  ^vith  genuine 
utterances  of  Jesus,  in  order  to  strengthen  the  faith 
of  Christians  about  thirty  or  forty  yeare  after  the 
Crucifixion,  when  they  were  perplexed  by  the  delay 
of  the  appearing  of  their  Lord.  The  parenthesis  to 
the  reader  in  14,  if  it  is  not  a  later  gloss,  suggests  that 
a  writuig  of  some  kind,  not  a  report  of  a  speech,  forms 
the  basis  of  the  chapter.  1\\m  hypoth&sis  removes 
many  dithcidties,  e.g.  the  problem  of  reconciling  30 
and  32.  But  we  do  not  know  how  far  Jesus 
entered  into  detail  as  to  the  events  loading  up  to  the 
end.  The  prediction  of  Jonisalem's  fall,  the  anticipa- 
tion of  disaster  and  tribulation  for  His  own  people,  tlie 
warning  against  anxiety  whether  in  the  presence  of 
war  or  of  persecution,  the  exhortation  of  watchfulness, 
clearly  come  from  Jesus  Himself. 

32.  This  is  one  of  Schmiedcl's  "pillar-passages" 
(KBi..  col.  1881).  A  pa&sage  admittmg  a  limit  to 
Christ's  knowledge  must  be  tnistworthy  histoiy, 
accordhig  to  Schmiedcl.  Certainly  later  commeli- 
tatoi-s  found  the  verso  difficult.  Some  Fathers 
identify  the  Son  with  the  Churcli.  But  Dalman  holds 
tliat  the  absolute  use  of  tlic  torms,  "  the  Son  "  and 
"  tiic  Father,"  imique  in  Jlk.,  jxiint  to  the  influence 
of  later  theology  at  lea.st  on  the  wording  of  tlie  saving 
{Words  of  Jesus,  p.  194).  Whatever  the  original  form 
of  the  saying,  it  belongs  with  Mk.  IO40.  [The  position 
m  the  climax  accorded  to  the  Son,  above  the  angels, 
is  specially  noteworthv. — A.  S.  P.] 

XIV.  1-2.  The  Decision  of  the  Chief  Priests.— Two 
days  before  the  Passfiver,  i.r.  tin  \A'ctlnesday,  if  the 
feast  day  begun  on  Frida}'  at  even,  the  religious  Icadera 


MARK.  XV.  43-50 


697 


resolve  to  destroy  Jesus,  if  possible  before  tlie  feast 
begins.  This  decision  explains  tho  hasto  which  marks 
the  closing  scenes.  It  also  gives  tho  preference  to 
John's  view  that  the  Last  Supper  was  not  lield  on  the 
Passover  night,  but  on  the  night  before  (pp.  653,  743, 
1  Cor.  576*). — 1.  The  seven  days  of  unleavened  bread 
followed  the  Passover  (pp.  102f .).  For  the  coupling  of 
tho  two  cj.  2  Ch.  3517. 

XIV.  3-9.  The  Anointing  of  Jesus.— Lk.  records  a 
parallel  incident  (not  an  alternative  vei-sion  of  the  same 
story)  earlier  in  tho  life  of  Jesus.  Jn.  (12i)  places 
tho  event  six  days  before  the  Passover.  This  change 
may  be  motived  by  s;^nnbolism,  as  tho  Paschal  lamb 
was  chosen  on  10th  oi'  Nisan.  But  Mk's  date  is  not 
indisputable.  Ho  inserts  the  story  here  as  a  prepara- 
tion for  the  death  of  Christ  (see  especially  8).  Tho 
alabaster  vessel  and  its  contents  are  alike  precious. 
The  woman  makes  her  last  use  of  both.  Sho  breaks 
the  cruse,  perliaps  in  honour  of  the  guest.  Renan 
seems  to  have  found  such  a  custom  in  the  East  (see 
Swete).  Or  it  may  be,  that  another  practice  of  the 
Hellenistic  age  has  suggested  this  detail.  "  In  anoint- 
ing the  dead,  it  was  usual  to  break  the  flask  and  lay 
it  in  the  coifin  "  (HNT).  More  simply  we  may  suppose 
that  the  woman,  in  her  eagerness,  could  not  wait  to 
open  tlie  vessel.  [The  brealung  of  the  vase  may  have 
its  ultimate  root  in  the  well-known  custom  of  breaking 
what  has  been  used  by  a  sacred  person,  in  order  that 
the  sanctity  thus  communicated  to  it  may  not  prove 
dangerous  to  any  one  who  might  use  it  hereafter. 
Plates  used  for  the  meals  of  a  sacred  person  are,  in 
harmony  with  this  taboo,  frequently  destroyed  (p. 
200,  Lev.  624-30*).  Or  in  view  of  the  custom  men- 
tioned in  HI^T,  the  breaking  of  the  vessel  may  symbolise 
the  death  of  tho  body  (c/.  8). — A.  S.  P.]  Jesus  defends 
this  seeming  waste.  Immediate  social  utility  is  not 
the  final  guide  to  devotion.  The  woman  seized  a 
unique  opportunity.  The  chance  of  serving  Christ 
in  the  poor  would  continue  and  is  likely  to  continue. 

3.  Simon,  not  otherwise  known. — spikenard :  note 
nig.  There  is  little  support  for  rendering  liquid  nard. 
[Fritzsche  has  argued  strongly  for  the  rendering 
"  drinkable,"  since  ointments  were  drunk  mixed  with 
wine.  But  "genuine"  is  much  more  probable.  Or 
pistikes  may  be  equivalent  to  pistakes  and  refer  to  the 
Pistaeia  Terebinthus,  the  resin  of  which,  with  other 
sweet  scents,  was  mixed  with  oil  of  nard.  See  EBi.. 
4750f. — A.  S.  P.] — 8f.  is  assumed  to  be  unhistorical 
by  many  scholars.  But  the  foreboding  of  death  might 
have  taken  the  form  of  8,  and  there  seems  to  be  no 
special  reason  for  adding  9  unless  it  were  a  genuine 
saying. 

XIV.  lOf.  The  BetrayaL— Judas  helps  the  chief 
pri&sts  in  the  way  they  need.  He  undertakes  to  hand 
over  Jesus  quietly,  without  attracting  the  crowd. 
Schweitzer  suppo-ses  Judas  to  have  betrayed  the 
Messianic  secret  which  gave  the  chief  priest  confidence 
to  put  his  question  in  62.  But  no  such  betrayal  was 
necessary.  Judas  explained  the  time  when,  and  the 
place  where,  Jesus  could  most  conveniently  be  arrested. 
Mk.  gives  no  hint  as  to  his  motive. 

XIV.  12-16.  Preparation  for  the  Last  Supper.— Mk. 
regards  the  last  supper  as  the  Pa.ssover ;  contrast 
Jn.  1329,  I828,  1914.  In  this  incident  Jesus  shows  "  a 
Bupernatural  knowledge  of  circumstances  as  yet  un- 
realised," as  in  the  case  of  the  triumphal  entry 
(Mk.  II if.).  But  is  it  not  pos.sible  that  here  we  have 
some  pre-arrangemcnt  intended  to  baffle  Judas  ami 
the  chief  priests  ?  The  room,  at  any  rate,  is  ready, 
funiLshed  with  carpets  and  coiiolies. 

XIV.  17-21.  Jesus  Reveals  the  Treachery  of  Judas.— 


The  other  evangelists  regard  Judas  as  present  at  this 
meal.  Mk.  implies  it,  but  does  not  expUcitly  state  it. 
The  reference  to  the  Twelve  in  17  may  be  simply 
conventional  (c/.  1  Cor.  I05).  "  He  that  eateth  with 
me  "  (18)  may  not  point  to  the  immediate  feast,  but 
to  Ps.  4I9  (HNT),  and  20  may  simply  strengthen  this. 
Mk.  does  not  describe  an  actual  discovery  of  Judas, 
nor  indicate  how  Judas  departed,  if  he  was  present. 
With  21  cf.  942. — 18.  as  they  reclined  (?«?.)  •*  it  was 
no  longer  tlie  custom  to  stand  at  the  Passover. 

XIV.  22-25.  The  Bread  and  the  Wine.— After  the 
eating  of  the  lamb,  the  householder  broke  bread  and 
distributed  it,  and  then  sent  round  the  cup  of  blessing. 
Jesus  seems  to  have  invested  this  part  of  the  meal 
with  special  significance.  Ho  associates  it  with  His 
approaching  death.  He  Unks  the  thought  of  His  death 
with  an  act  of  communion  which  binds  the  disciple- 
band  together.  He  couples  His  sacrifice  with  the  new 
covenant  which  is  to  bring  men  forgiveness  and  direct 
knowledge  of  God  {cf.  Jer.  31 3 1-34*),  and  with  the 
hope  of  that  day  when  He  will  drink  a  new  kind  of 
wine  with  His  own  in  God's  kingdom.  "  Newness  " 
is  characteristic  of  the  kingdom. 

XIV.  2&-31.  On  the  Way  to  the  Mount  of  Olives 
Jesus  ForeteUs  the  Failure  of  the  Disciples.— Having 
concluded  the  feast  by  singing  the  second  half  of  the 
Hallel  (Pes.  115-118),  Jesus  and  His  disciples  go  out 
to  the  Mount  of  Olives.  Jesus  warns  His  disciples 
that  they  wUl  desert  and  deny  Him.  The  warning  is 
associated  with  Zech.  137 — perhaps  due  to  later  re- 
flection. 

30.  The  reference  to  the  second  cockcrow  is 
peculiar  to  Mk.  The  detail  has  also  been  disputed 
on  the  ground  that  cocks  were  forbidden  to  be  kept 
in  Jerusalem.  This  is  not  a  serious  difficulty.  ]VDi. 
may  have  misunderstood  a  simple  reference  to  cock- 
crow, a  term  well-established  m  popular  reckoning  of 
time  (cf.  1335).  Also  the  prohibition  may  not  have 
been  eifective. — 31.  The  vigour  of  Peter's  protest  is 
emphasized  m  Mk. 

XIV.  32-42.  Gethsemane. — On  the  other  side  of  the 
brook  Kidron,  in  a  garden  called  Gethsemane  (  =  oil- 
press)  Jesus  took  the  three  most  intimate  disciples 
aside  to  help  Him  bear  the  burden  of  surrender.  It 
has  been  suggested  that  they  were  not  physically  close 
enough  to  Jesus  to  hear  the  words  of  His  prayer. 
Then,  later,  thej'  must  have  been  spiritually  close 
enough  to  interpret  the  scene  aright.  Mk.  uses  a 
forcible  phrase  in  33.  Jesus  began  to  be  '"  full  of 
terror  and  distress  "  (Weymouth).  The  second  verb 
implies  perplexity.  R^viUe  holds  that  the  last  part 
of  38  "  was  obviously  spoken  by  Jesus  of  Himself, 
and  did  not  merely  refer  to  the  sleeping  condition  of 
the  disciples."  The  words  describe  "  the  torments 
He  was  enduring."  Perhaps  the  boldest  int€i-preta- 
tion  of  Gethsemane  is  given  in  Heb.  57-10.  Phil.  23 
may  also  refer  to  it.  The  disciple  who  was  ready  to 
die  with  Jesus  is  unable  to  watch  with  Him  one  hour. 
The  closest  companions  of  Jesus  cannot  share  Hia 
inner  travail.  Neither  on  the  mount  of  transfiguration 
nor  in  the  garden  do  they  know  what  to  answer  (cf.  40 
with  96 ;  Rondel  Hairis,  Memoranda  Sacra,  p.  92). 

37.  The  name  Simon  has  not  been  used  since 
3i6.  Is  this  significant  ?— 41.  It  Is  enough:  HNT 
and  Wellhausen  say,  "  Enough  of  sleep."  De 
Zwaan  has  di.scovered  that  the  wonl  is  often  used  in 
papyri  on  receipt-forms.  It  may  then  refer  t^)  Judas. 
'■  Ho  has  received  '  (tho  bribe)*  He  has  succumbed 
to  tho  temptation.  This  is  attractive  (Kxp.  1905, 
p.  459f.,  ^louiton  and  .Milli<;an.  Vora'nil'in/,  pn.  57f.). 

XIV.    43-50.    The    Arrest.— Judas,    familiar    with 


698 


MAEK,  XV.  43-50 


Getlxsemane,  now  comes  with  a  band  }»a8tily  annetl 
with  clubs  and  shurt  swoixls  such  as  private  jioreons 
carried.  They  conio  as  if  expecting  resiatance,  and 
one  of  them  loses  an  ear  (there  is  no  miracle  of  healing 
in  Mk.  at  this  point).  They  treat  Jesus  as  a  bandit. 
A  bandit  will  bo  preferred  to  Jesus  by  the  crowd,  when 
the  choice  is  offerotl  to  them.  The  agi-eed  sign  by 
whicli  Jesus  is  to  bo  betrayed  is  the  kiss  with  which 
the  pupil  used  to  salute  his  Rabbi. — 49.  I  waS  daily 
with  you  In  the  temple :  Mk.  has  only  told  us  of  three 
days.     A  longer  ministry  in  Jerusalem  seems  implied. 

XIV.  51f.  The  Young  Man  who  Fled  Naked.— A 
curious  little  incident  peculiar  to  Mlc  Is  it  a  popular 
addition  to  the  st<iry,  recaUing  Gen.  39i2  (so  HNT), 
or  is  it  a  fulfilment  of  Am.  2i6  (so  Loisy)  ?  It  is  more 
naturally  interpreted  as  a  pci'sonal  experience  of  the 
evangelist,  as  his  signature  to  his  portrait  of  Jesus. 

XIV.  53-65.  The  Trial  before  the  Sanhedrin.-  This 
trial  is  irregular  in  manj'  ways.  It  was  unlawful  to 
hold  such  a  trial  at  night.  It  is  not,  therefore,  un- 
historical  (Montefiorc,  i.  :M5f.).  Mk.  speaks  of  the 
whole  Sanhedrin  meeting  and  of  all  condemning  J&sus 
(35,64).  This  is  his  customary  popular  exaggeration, 
prompted  here  by  desire  to  throw  the  guilt  on  all  the 
religious  leaders  of  Judaism  (c/.  15i).  The  trial  is 
really  a  preliminary  investigation — a  search  for  a 
charge  on  which  Jesus  may  be  condemned  and  handed 
over  to  Pilate.  It  is  not  certain  tiuit  the  Sanhedrin 
had  lost  the  power  of  capital  punishment,  but  imder 
the  circumstances,  the  leaders  deshed  to  thrust  the 
responsibility  for  the  death-.sentenco  on  to  Pilate. 
VVellhausen  thinks  the  firat  Une  of  testimony,  the  saying 
of  Jesus  against  the  Temple,  was  the  true  fomida- 
tion  of  the  charge  of  blasphemy  (cf.  13 1*).  To 
claim  to  be  Messiah  was  not  bla.sphemy.  Montefioro 
rightly  comments  :  "  Though  the  prediction  about  the 
Temple  may  have  been  nearer  blasphemy  than  the 
claim  to  be  Messiah,  still  ...  it  was  not  technically 
blasphemy  .  .  .  and  if  '  blasphemy  '  could  have  been 
stretched  to  suit  one  offence,  it  could  alsft  have  been 
stretched  to  suit  the  other  "  (i.  350).  Jesus  tlied  for 
claiming  to  be  king  of  the  Jews,  and  He  died  in  the 
oonfidence  of  His  ultimate  triumph. — 60.  For  the 
silence  of  Jesus,  cf.  Is.  53?. — 65.  This  scene  seems  to  be 
reflected  in  1  P.  220-2  3.  Some  trace  it  to  OT  influence  ; 
see  Mi.  5i  (RV),  Is.  .lOa,  533. 

XIV.  66-72.  Peter's  Denial.— Peter  had  followed  into 
the  inner  court  of  the  chief  priest's  palace  (54).  Here 
lie  is  challenged  by  a  maid-.servant.  He  denies  all 
knowledge  and  understanding  of  her  meaning.  The 
redundancy  of  the  sentence  befits  his  embarras.sment. 
ijater,  in  the  porch  that  gave  access  to  the  courtyard, 
the  maid  repeats  her  challenge.  Peter  denies  again. 
The  third  (lonial  is  accompanied  with  oaths.  Mk. 
retains  his  second  cock-crow. 

72.  The  word  rendered  "  when  he  thought  thoreon  ' 
is  obscure.  It  may  also  mean  "answering."  Peter 
recalled  the  word  of  Jesus,  and  his  teara  were  his 
answer  (see  Swete).  [J.  H.  Moult  on  points  out  that 
the  verb  is  found  in  the  papyri  in  the  sense  "to  set 
about "  doing  a  thing.  So  hero  "  he  set  to  and  wept,"' 
which  is  practically  equivalent  to  RV.  See  also  Allen's 
note.— A.  S.  P.] 

XV.  1-15.  Jesus  before  Pilate.— A  second  meeting 
of  the  Sanhedrin  held  in  the  daylight  regularizes  the 
condemnation  arrived  at  overnight.  They  now  take 
Jt^us  to  Pilate  (governor  of  Juda>a,  a.d.  20-36,  sec 
I).  fl53)  who  was  in  Jenisalem  during  the  Pa-s-sover. 
Ti»e  narrative  is  clearly  incomplete.  No  formal 
Recusation  by  the  Sanhedrin  is  recorded.  Pilate's 
conduct  throughout  is  not  charaoteristio  of  the  man 


of  ruthles.s  cruelty,  revealed  in  Philo,  and  in  Lk.  l.Ti. 
The  description  of  his  f>art  is,  therefore,  doubted  by 
some,  who  say  it  is  dett-rrained  by  ML's  desire  to 
mako  the  Jews  entirely  responsible.  The  crowd  callfl 
out  '■  Crucify  '  ;  Pilate  hardly  pronounces  the  sentence. 
Indeed  Pilate  recognised  the  innocence  of  Jesus  and 
the  harmlessness  of  His  followers.  But  Pilate  may 
have  been  impressed  by  Jesus,  and  his  conduct  might 
be  determined  by  a  wish  to  play  with  the  Jewish  rulers. 
This  would  be  quite  in  keeping  with  what  wo  know 
of  him. 

6.  The  custom  of  releasing  a  prisoner  is  not  otherwise 
attested  (Jn.  I839*).  It  may  have  been  a  practice 
adopted  by  Pilate. — 7.  Barabbaa  (  =  "8on  of  the 
teacher,"  probably)  was  a  fairly  common  name  (Mt. 
27i6f.*). — 10.  Pilate  rightly  pcrceivwl  that  the  priesta 
were  mainly  responsible. — 16.  Scourging  usually  pro- 
oeded  crucifixion  (cf.  Jo.sephus,  Wars,  U,  xiv.  9). 

XV.  16-20.  The  Soldiers  Mock  Jesus.—"  This  narra- 
tive ill  ita  brief  intensity  is  very  poignant.''  Some 
scholars  suggest  that  Jesus  is  treated  like  the  central 
figure  in  a  scene  from  a  mime  (was  there  a  popular  play. 
The  King  with  tlie  Crown  of  Thorn  ?).  Others  detect  a 
resemblance  to  the  mocking  of  the  human  sacrificial 
victim  in  the  Persian  Sacrea  or  other  Oriental  festival. 
But  the  accusation  agahist  Jesus  would  prompt  the 
mockery.  Ho  has  claimed  to  be  king.  Ho  shall  wear 
a  triumphal  crown  hko  Caesar's.  It  shall  be  made  of 
thorns. — 16.  The  pnetorium  seems  to  bo  the  residence 
of  the  governor  and  his  bodyguard.  It  was  probably 
the  fortress  Antonia  on  the  north-west  of  the  Temple 
precmct  (see  Swete). 

XV.  21-32.  The  Crucifixion.— Usually  the  crunmal 
himself  carried  his  cross  {i.e.  the  cross-bar,  probably 
not  the  upright).  Jesus  seems  to  have  been  exhausted 
by  the  scourguig  and  by  His  own  sorrow.  Simon  of 
Cyreno  was  forced  into  His  service.  Tho  reference  to 
Simon's  children  is  pouitlesa  unlesa  they  were  known 
to  Mk-'s  readers  (HNT).  Rufus  is  mentioned  in 
Rom.  I613  and  Alexander  in  Ac.  I933,  1  Tim.  I20 
(but  they  are  not  necessarily  tho  same  men  as  those 
to  whom  Mk.  refers).  The  dnigged  wine  used  to  be 
offered  by  Jewish  ladies.  They  mixed  frankincense 
(Jer.  620*)  with  the  wine,  not  myrrh,  which  was  not 
soporific.  Jesus  meets  death  with  senses  undulled. 
Tho  clothing  of  tho  crucified  one  was  the  perquisite 
of  the  soldiers.  The  castmg  of  lots  recalls  Ps.  22 18. 
The  affixing  of  a  tablet  to  publish  the  ground  of 
punishment  was  not  unusual.  The  raihngs  of  the 
spectators  reproduce  tho  charges  against  Hira,  especi- 
ally 29,  32.  Unconsciouslj-,  they  disclose  His  glorj-, 
"  He  saved  others.  "  CJeneral  Booth  is  reported  to 
have  said,  "  They  would  have  behoved  in  Hun,  had 
Ho  come  down  ;  wo  believe  in  Him  because  He  stayed 
up."— 25.  the  third  hour:  i.e.  9  a.m.  Jn.  I914*  cannot 
easily  be  hanuonisod  with  this  note  of  time.  Tho 
reticence  of  this  verse  and  indeed  of  the  whole  story 
in  remarkable. 

XV.  33-41.  The  Death  of  Jesus.— At  the  sLxth  hour 
(12  noon)  there  was  a  preternatural  gloom  over  Judjoa 
(reject  RVm  '"  earth  ').  This  was  not  an  echpno, 
which  could  not  occur  at  full  moon.  Either  the  sun 
was  actually  clouded  at  tho  time,  or  tho  incident  ia 
suggestetl  by  such  a  passage  as  Am.  89  or  bj'  tho  belief 
that  nature  mourns  heroes  (see  Plutarch,  Pelop.  295a). 
When  tho  darkness  had  laste<l  for  three  hours,  Jesus 
uttered  the  ono  word  from  the  Cross  recorded  in  Mk. 
and  Mt.  If  spoken  in  Aramaic  '  Eloi,  Eloi,''  the  niis- 
understanding  that  foUows  is  strange.  The  Heb.  Eli, 
Eli  might  be  so  misunderstood.  We  do  not  know  the 
exact  significance  of  this  strange  and  seemingly  desolate 


MARK,  XV.  9-20 


699 


cr3^  The  words  coino  from  Ps.  22 1.  "  Strange  to 
thiiik  tliat  is  the  cry  of  the  feeling  of  Jesus.  One  is 
almost  tempted  to  saj'  that  there,  as  in  a  supremo 
instance,  is  measured  the  distance  between  feeling 
and  fact,  tio  He  felt ;  and  yet  mankind  has  been  of 
another  mind,  that  there,  more  than  in  all  else  that 
He  was  or  did,  there  was  God  "  (Glover).  The  offer  of 
vinegar  (cf.  Ru.  214)  may  be  an  act  of  Idndness.  The 
waiting  for  Elijah  is  mockery,  or  curiosity.  After  six 
hours'  torture  Jesus  died,  with  one  more  inarticulate 
cry.  The  rent  veil  of  the  Temple  symbolises  the  effect 
of  His  death  (cf.  Hcb.  lOigf.).  The  manner  of  His 
death — the  strength  of  His  cries  and  tjie  suddenness  of 
the  end — convinced  the  centurion  that  He  was  more 
than  man.  "  The  captain  stands  at  the  end  of  the 
gospel  as  the  type  and  forerunner  of  the  countless  bands 
of  heathen  who  have  been  won  over  to  the  message 
of  the  crucified  One  "  (J.  Weiss).  The  evangelist  then 
mentions  some  of  the  women  who  watched  afar  off 
and  to  whom  he  may  have  owed  some  of  his  informa- 
tion. The  loyalty  of  the  women  surpassed  that  of 
the  disciples.  Mary  of  Magdala  (p.  29)  must  not  be 
identified  with  the  woman  that  was  a  sinner  mentioned 
in  Lk.  737.  Salome  is  described  in  Mt.  2756  as  mother 
of  the  sons  of  Zebedee. 

XV.  42-47.  The  Burial  of  Jesus.— Dt.  2I23  enjomed 
the  burial  of  dead  criminals  before  nightfall  (cf. 
Josephus,  Wars,  IV,  v.  2).  The  day  of  the  Crucifixion 
being  the  preparation  for  the  Sabbath,  i.e.  Fridaj^  the 
caiTying  out  of  the  law  was  doubly  desirable.  It 
reqmred  courage  to  approach  Pilate,  but  Joseph  of 
Arimathsea  enjoyed  sufficient  distinction  to  venture. 
Pilate  granted  him  the  corpse  (the  brutal  technical  word 
iti  used).  Joseph  hastily  placed  the  body  in  a  rock- 
tomb,  the  characteristic  mode  of  burial  at  that  time 
and  place.  The  stone  which  covered  the  entrance  to 
the  tomb  was  a  protection  against  wild  beasts  and 
thieves  (Menzies).  The  women  marked  the  spot  and 
prepared  to  render  the  last  offices  of  love. 

XVI.  IS.  The  Women  Find  the  Tomb  Empty.— The 
true  gospel  of  Mk.  ends  with  the  strange  discovery 
made  by  the  women  when  they  visited  the  tomb  early 


on  the  first  day  of  the  week.  This  can  hardly  be  the 
original  ending.  Indeed  the  last  sentence  is  not 
complete.  It  runs  in  Gr.  ephdjounto  gar  ("  for  they 
feared  "),  and  though  sentences  ending  with  the  particle 
gar  (=for)  are  not  unknown  in  Gr.,  e.g.  in  Philostratus, 
yet  as  the  end  of  a  chapter  or  a  book  such  a  sentence 
is  intolerable,  and  the  verb  "  they  feared  "  calls  for 
an  object,  perhaps  "  the  Jews."  Moreover,  this  story 
of  the  women  is  clearly  intended  to  lead  up  to  other 
stories  of  appearances  in  GaUlee  to  Peter  and  the 
Twelve,  which  are  not  narrated  (see  especially  7). 
Either  Mk.  never  completed  his  book  or  its  original 
ending  has  been  lost. 

The  histoiicity  of  this  story  has  been  questioned, 
sometimes  on  account  of  the  haziness  of  detail,  but 
more  often  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  believing  in 
the  miracle  of  the  empty  tomb.  For  an  ingenious  but 
not  altogether  convincmg  attempt  to  save  the  his- 
toricity while  denymg  the  miracle  see  Lake,  The 
Resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ,  pp.  246f.  But  the  issue 
cannot  satisfactorily  be  discussed  on  the  interpretation 
of  the  story  in  isolation  (see  further  the  Introduction 
to  1  Cor.  15). 

XVI.  9-20.  These  verses  constitute  the  longer  of 
two  alternative  endings  found  in  some  MSS.  In  an 
Armenian  text  (of  a.d.  986)  the  longer  ending  is  attri- 
buted to  Aristoa,  the  Presbyter,  perhaps  the  Aristion 
who  was  among  the  authorities  of  Papias,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century.  It  is  a  summary, 
based  on  the  gospels  and  Acts  ;  9  refers  to  Jn.  20 ; 
12  rests  on  Lk.  24;  \yi.  on  Ac.  228.  In  style  and 
vocabulary  it  is  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the  gospel. 
To  this  longer  ending  should  be  added  (in  14)  the 
passage  recently  discovered  in  Codex  W,  the  Detroit 
MS  of  the  gospels.  It  is  moluded  in  Moffatt's  trans- 
lation of  the  NT.  Moffatt  also  prints  the  shorter 
alternative  ending  referred  to  in  RVm.  It  nans  thus : 
"  But  they  gave  Peter  and  his  companions  a  brief 
accomit  of  all  that  had  been  enjoined.  And  after 
that  Jesus  Himself  sent  out  by  means  of  them  from 
east  to  west  the  sacred  and  imperishable  message  of 
eternal  salvation." 


MATTHEW 


By  Principal  A.  J.  GRIEVE 


Introduction. — A  wcll-knowii  pjissage  in  Eusebius 
(Hist.,  iii.  39)  quotes  Papias.  Bishop  of  Hierapolis 
(c.  A.D.  125)  as  saying  :  ''^ Matthew,  in  the  Hebrew 
dialect,  compUcd  the  Logia.  and  each  one  interpreted 
them  according  to  his  abiUty."  Irenwus  (c.  180)  has  a 
einiilar  remark  ( Baer.,  iii.  1)"^  and  adds  a  date  :  "  When 
Peter  and  Paul  were  preaching  in  Rome  and  founding 
the  Church."'  Papias's  statement  has  been  taken  by 
many  sch(^lars  to  refer  to  a  collection  of  sajangs  of 
Jesus, ^  with  a  certain  amount  of  narrative,  in  fact  the 
hypothetical  source  called  Q  (pp.  672,  675f.)  which  hes 
behind  our  First  and  Third  Gospels.  Our  Jit.  is  not 
the  work  of  an  apostle  (an  eyewitness  w'ould  not  have 
depended  so  much  on  earlier  writings),  nor  is  it  a 
translation  from  a  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  original.  But 
if  Matthew  did  as  Papias  asserts,  we  can  understand 
how  his  name  would  be  given  to  the  Gospel  which 
most  completely  incorporated  his  work. 

Contents  and  Sources. — Alter  describing  the  birth 
and  infancy  of  Jesus  (If.)  and  the  mission  of  John  the 
Baptist  (3i-i2),  the  Gospel  narrates  the  Baptism  and 
Temptation  of  Jesus  (3 13-417).  The  account  of  His 
work  in  Gahlee  (teaching,  heaUng,  the  call  of  the 
Tw  elve,  and  the  effect  on  the  people,  on  the  authorities, 
and  on  Him.self)  take  up  4i8-lo2o.  Thence  to  the 
end  of  18  the  narrative  deals  with  work  outside 
Galilee,  in  the  midst  of  which  comes  the  decisive 
episode  of  Casarca  Philippi.  19f .  describes  the  journey 
to  Jerusalem,  21-28  the  Passion  and  Resurrection. 
The  article  on  the  SjTioptic  Problem  has  shown 
(p.  673f .)  liow  greatly  indebted  Mt.  is  to  Mk.  in  subject- 
matter,  language,  and  order  of  events.  This  was  his 
first  main  source,  though  he  often  abbreviates  it,  for 
he  had  much  other  material  which  he  was  anxious  to 
use  without  exceeding  the  length  of  an  ordinary 
papyrus  roll.  And  while  we  may  trace  an  impulse 
to  omit  or  soften  passages  in  Mk.  which  seem  dero- 
gatory to  the  ;?.Icssiah  or  the  Twelve,  we  may  easily 
go  too  far  in  ascribing  such  motives  to  our  evancelist, 
who  was  perhaps  mainly  concerned  with  the  simple 
task  of  saving  space  (see  H.  J.  White,  in  Church 
Quarterly  Review,  July  1915).  Mt  .'s  second  main  .source 
was  Q,  quite  as  useful  to  him  as  Mk.,  and  besides  these 
he  appears  to  have  liad  (a)  tlic  little  manual  of  OT 
passages  (teslimonia)  which  the  early  Church  deemed 
prophetic  of  incidents  in  the  Ufe  of  Jesus,  (6)  a  number 
of  Palestinian  traditions  which  may  have  come  to 
him  orally.  These  include  incidents  in  the  Infancy 
and  Passion  Narratives  (cspcciallj'  portions  of  27), 
but  also  sections  like  I428-31.  I724-27.  21iof. 

Characteristics.— Tlie  tendency  of  Mt.  to  group  and 
classify  his  material  has  oftcn^been  noticed.  There 
may  be  some  intention  of  providing  a  systematic 
manual  for  the  use  of  converts  and  the  instruction  of 

'  F.  O.  Burkitt  and  Rendel  Harris,  however,  argiie  that  It  was  a 
■■ollection  of  Teslimonia  or  OT  proof-texts  of  the  Messiahship  of 

JCoUS. 


youth.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  show  that  he 
is  fond  of  numerical  schemes,  groups  of  three,  seven, 
five,  or  ten  incidents  or  topics,  but  they  are  not  always 
successful.  More  important  than  such  matters  of 
form  is  the  purpose  that  dominates  the  book.  This 
is  the  presentation  of  the  Messiahship  of  Jesus,  His 
royal  dignity  and  prerogatives.  This  aim  can  bo 
traced  from  the  genealogy  and  the  adoration  of  the 
Magi,  through  the  whole  of  the  teaching  (with  its 
claim  to  supersede  the  Law),  down  to  the  Passion 
with  the  unconscious  testimony  of  the  inscription  on 
the  cross,  and  to  the  final  assertion  of  all  authority 
in  heaven  and  on  earth.  In  hke  maimer  the  true  heirs 
of  the  kingdom,  His  ecclesia,  are  those  who  accept  the 
Messiahship  of  Jesus.  There  is  throughout  a  blending 
of  tl)c  Judaic  and  the  supra-Judaic  that  makes  one 
tliink  of  the  author  as  the  shining  example  of  a  "  scribe 
instructed  unto  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven"  (I352), 
bringing  out  of  his  store  things  new  and  old.  These 
and  other  characteristics  are  noted  in  the  coui-se  of 
the  following  commentary. 

Date  and  Authorship.-^The  Gospel  must  have  been 
subsequent  to  that  of  Mk.,  i.e.  some  time  after  a.d.  70 
(cf.  227*).  The  letter  of  Clement  to  the  Corinthians 
(c.  A.D.  95)  has  some  similarities,  the  Ep.  of  Barnabas 
seems  to  quote  22 14  as  Scripture,  but  the  date  of  this 
work  is  uncertain  (70-132).  In  any  case  the  Gospel 
was  known  to  Ignatius  (c.  110)  and  to  Hennas  (c.  120). 
Archdeacon  Allen  pleads  for  a  date  as  eerly  as  50, 
but  the  usually  received  opinion  is  80  or  90.  This 
conclusion  is  partly  suggested  by  what  appear  to  be 
reflections  of  Church  life,  thought,  and  organisation, 
belonging  to  the  last  decades  of  the  first  centur3\  The 
Gospel  breathes  the  air  of  Palestine,  but  its  compiler 
was  one  somewhat  out  of  touch  with  Jerusalem,  and 
there  came  to  liim  traditions  of  very  varjnng  value. 
He  is  an  archaeologist,  but  not  a  critical  one.  More 
than  this  we  can  hardly  say,  but  we  cannot  simply 
brand  as  pseudonymous  a  production  which  had  its 
genesis  in  the  siigacity  and  affection  of  the  erstwhile 
customs-ofiiccr.  It  is  good  that  Alatthow's  name 
should  remain  in  the  title. 

The  writer  of  these  notes  wishes  to  acknowledge  his 
special  obligations  to  the  works  of  Mr.  C.  G.  Montcfiore 
and  Dr.  A.  H.  M'Ncilc.  It  only  remains  to  insist  that 
the  plan  of  this  commentary  on  Mt.  necessitates  the 
reader's  study  of  wliat  has  been  written  on  the  jxarallel 
sections  in  Mk.  by  Mr.  Wood.  Onlj-  so  c^in  ho  get  a 
proper  treatment  of  the  passages  that  occur  in  both 
Gospels. 

Literature. — Commentaries ;  (a)  Morison.  Slater 
(Cent.B),  Smith  (WNT),  Plummer,  Anderson,  Micklem 
(Wcst.C);  (6)  .^on  (ICC),  Bnicc  (EGT),  M'NeUe, 
Can-  (CGT);  (c)  Wellhausen.  Zalm  (ZI-C).  Zockler,  B. 
\Veiss  (Moy.),  Holtzmann  (HC),  Klostermann  and 
Gres.smann  (HNT).  Merx,  Nosgen.  J.  Weiss  (SNT), 
Rose,  Baljon  ;  {d)  Maclaron,  Exposition.':  of  Holy  Scrip- 


700 


MATTHEW,  II.  1-12 


701 


ture,  Gibson  (Ex.B);  Articles  in  Dictionaries,  Tntro- 
ductions  to  NT,  the  Gospels,  and  the  Synoptic  Problem  ; 
Works  on  the  Life  and  Teaching  of  Christ  (as  on  pp. 
670f.);  Hamack,  Sayings  of  Jesus;  Bruce,  With  Open 
Face ;  hvkya  Williams,  The  Hebrew  Christian  Messiah. 

I.  1-17.  The  Genealogy  of  Jesus  (c/.  Lk.  823-38).— 
The  Bibhcal  part  of  this  genealogy  (2-12)  is  taken  from 
1  Ch.  1-3,  with  some  help  from  Ru.  4i8-2o.  Gen. 
38i6£E.,  and  other  OT  passages.  It  contains  devices 
for  assisting  the  memory,  e.g.  (a)  three  groups  each 
of  fourteen  names,  though  one  name  is  missing  from 
the  third  group  {cf.  17)  ;  (b)  the  three  fourtcens  may 
be  connected  with  the  number  (three)  and  the  numerictd 
value  (fourteen)  of  the  letters  in  the  Heb.  name  David  ; 
(c)  notes  like  "of  Rahab."'  "of  Ruth"  (5).  "of  her 
of  Uriah  "  (6),  and  the  reference  to  the  Captivity  (11). 
There  are  some  shps  in  the  Gr.,  e.g.  Asaph  (mg.)  for 
Asa,  Amos  {7Tig.)  for  Amon.  Three  generations  are 
omitted  in  8  through  a  confusion  of  the  Gr.  name  for 
Uzziah  ;  and  Jehoiakim,  son  of  Josiah,  is  confused 
with  Jehoiachin  ( Jeconiah.  1 1 )  of  the  next  generation. 
The  second  group  should  really  have  inpluded  eighteen 
names  (cf.  Cod.  Bezae  in  Lk.  823!!.).  Shealtiel  and 
Zerubbabel  (12)  are  the  last  biblical  names;  the  re- 
mainder rests  on  tradition,  and  varies  widelj'  from 
Lk.'s  list.  It  is  incredible  that  son  should  unfailingly 
succeed  father  in  David's  line  for  twentj'  generations  : 
the  Heb.  for  "  his  son  "  often  means  simply  "  his  heir." 
Legal,  not  physical,  descent  is  meant  throughout. 
The  rabbis  regard  Rahab  as  a  famous  proselyte  {cf. 
Heb.  II31.  Jas.  225).  While  Mt.'s  list  is  of  kings  and 
(after  the  Exile)  of  claimants  to  the  throne,  Lk.'s  may 
be  a  list  from  the  Bethlehem  land-register  of  ownera 
of  Jesse's  property.  During  the  Exile  no  Jew  held  the 
land,  and  to  fill  the  gap  the  names  of  Shealtiel  and 
Zerubbabel  as  heirs  of  David  might  be  inserted 
(Wright,  Synopsis^.  299).  The  explanation  that  Lk. 
gives  the  line  of  Mary  is  not  found  in  early  Christian 
writers.  Their  viow'(Eusebius,  Hist.,  i.  7)  was  that 
Joseph  was  the  real  son  of  Jacob  (Mt.)  but  the  legal  son 
of  HeU  through  a  levirate  marriage  (p.  110,  Dt.  25ff.*). 

Wright  shows  that,  dividing  Lk.'s  Ust  into  four 
sections,  we  reach  the  following  results  : 

1.  Jesus-Salathiel :  598  years,  22  names, 
average  27  years.  (Mt.  18  or  14  names, 
average  48.) 

2.  Neri-Nathan  :  883  yeara.  20  names,  average 
19  years.     (Mt.  14  names,  average  27.) 

3.  David-Abraham  :  Mt.  and  Lk.  each  14  names 
with  average  of  67  years. 

4  is  peculiar  to  Lk — years  patriarchal  and  un- 
certain. 

The  genealogies  warn  us  not  to  worship  the  letter  of 
Scripture.  They  were  the  best  the  time  could  produce. 
and  we  must  not  expect  more.  The  Jews  were  more 
interested  in  genealogy  than  in  accuracy.  Mt..  while 
he  proclaims  Jesus  the  son  of  David,  introduces  into 
the  pedigree  four  women — Gentiles  and  sinners — a 
fitting  prelude  to  the  story  of  One  who  came  not  to 
call  the  righteous,  and  was  known  as  the  friend  of  the 
outcast.  These  women  may  have  been  included  to 
retort  on  the  Jews  themselves  a  reproach  that  was  sure 
to  arise,  or  had  arisen,  against  Mary.  With  a  royal 
house  having  such  a  history-  they  could  not  throw  stones 
at  the  Christians.  Perhaps  the  whole  genealogy  was 
drawn  up  to  meet  the  objection  of  the  scribes  that 
Jesus  could  not  be  the  Messiah  as  He  was  not  descended 
from  David  [cf.  Mk.  I235*,  Jn.  74off.). 

1.  An  introduction  to  2-17,  or  less  probably  to  If.  or 
to  the  whole  book — 16.  The  Sinaitic  Syriac  version 
(c.  A.D.  200),  reads  "Jacob  begat  Joseph.    Joseph,  to 


whom  was  betrothed  Mary  the  virgin,  begat  Jesus  who 
is  called  the  Messiah  "  (sc'o  JThS,  Jan.  1910),  but  this 
need  not  be  the  original  reading. 

1. 18-25.  The  Birth  of  the  Messiah.— In  Mt.,  Joseph 
has  the  principal  role ;  in  Lk.,  Mary.  Sis  inspired 
dreams  are  narrated  in  Mt.,  three  of  them  with  "  the 
angel  of  Yahwch."  Five  are  in  chs.  1  and  -,  the  sixth  in 
27.  Early  writers  like  Justin  Martyr  claimed  credence 
for  the  virgin  birth  of  Jesus  because  records  of  pagan 
rehgion  were  full  of  similar  marvels.  Philo  is  witness 
for  similar  Jewish  beUefs  about  the  patriarchs.  One 
curious  early  idea  was  that  Mary  conceived  by  a  shaft 
of  Divine  light  through  the  ear. — 18.  Holy  Ghost:  in 
the  OT  sense,  "the  power  of  God  in  active  exer- 
cise."—19.  righteous :  conscientious  in  obsei-ving  the 
Law,  "  and  (yet)  not  willing,"  etc.  Lk.  mentions  no 
scruples  and  no  thought  of  repudiation. — 21.  Jesus : 
Heb.  Joshua,  "  Yahweh  is  salvation." — his  people  :  the 
Jewish  nation. — 22J.  Not  part  of  the  angel's  address, 
but  Mt.'s  comment  {cf.  Is.  714'*').  This  introduces 
us  to  a  marked  feature  of  Mt.,  his  use  of  OT.,  which 
has  been  referred  to  in  Introd.  See  further  the 
Comm.  of  Micklcm  (xxxi  ff.) ;  Burkitt,  Gasp.  Hist., 
pp.  124-128 ;  and  especially  R.  Harris,  Testimonies. — 
25  is  not  a  statement  of  the  perpetual  virginity  of 
Mary,  a  doctrine  bolstered  up  by  one  of  two  sup- 
positions— that  the  brothers  of  Jesus  were  (a)  Joseph's 
children  by  a  former  marriage  (Origen,  Clem.  Alex.), 
(6)  cousins  of  Jesus,  sons  of  Mary  the  wife  of  Alpha^us 
(Mt.  2756  =Mk.  1040).  "brother"  merely  implying 
kinship  (Jerome.  Augustine).  See  "  Brethren  of  the 
Lord,"  HSDB  and  HDB  I320. 

n.  Three  Incidents  of  Christ's  Childhood. 

n.  1-12.  The  Visit  of  the  Magians.— "  The  rehgion 
of  the  Magi  well  deserved  the  double  honour  of  stimu- 
lating the  growth  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Future  Life 
in  Judaism,  and  of  offering  the  first  homage  of  the 
Gentile  world  to  the  Redeemer "  (J.  H.  Moulton, 
"  Magi,"  HSDB).  [See  on  the  relations  of  this  story 
to  Magianism,  J.  H.  Moulton's  Early  Zoroastrianism, 
pp.  282-285.  He  says.  "The  narrative  might  have 
been  composed  by  a  Magus  for  the  accuracy  with 
which  it  portrays  Magian  ideas."  In  a  Jew  the  ""correct 
colour  ■■  is  interesting.  The  star  was  not  a  planet  er 
conjunction  of  planets,  since  "  the  planets  were  mahgn 
for  the  Magi."  He  thinks  it  was  a  new  star,  such  as 
occasionally  flame  out  in  the  sky,  dwindhng  speedily 
and  fading  from  sight.  The  stars  were  connected 
with  the  Fravashis.  and  the  quest  of  the  Magi  was 
"for  an  identification  of  the  Fravashi  they  would 
associate  with  it."  The  Fravashi  is  a  man's  spiritual 
counterpart.  "  An  apparition  of  a  bright  Nova  in 
the  sky  would  suggest  the  Fravashi  of  a  great  one 
newlv'bom'  (ERE,  vol.  vi.,  p.  118).  See  I810*,  Ac. 
1215*.— A.  S.  P.] 

The  astronomer  Kepler  regarded  the  star  as  a 
new  star  combined  with  a  conjunction  of  Jupit«r, 
Venus,  and  ]\Iars  in  the  sign  "  pisccs."  which  signified 
.Tudfea,  the  whole  being  interpreted  by  the  Chaldaean 
astrologers  according  to  the  rules  of  their  art.  To  Mt. 
it  was  a  fulfilment  of  Balaams  prediction  in  Nu.  24i7. 
Cf.  also  Test,  l^evi  18.  There  is  a  story  that  in  A.n.  66 
Tiridat^s  of  Parthia  went  with  a  train  of  three  Magi 
laden  with  presents  to  Nero.  "  whom  they  worshippwi 
as  Lord  and  God,  even  as  Mithras.  '  If  the  anti- 
Christ  of  early  Christian  l>elief  received  such  homage, 
the  real  Messiah  could  not  have  received  less.  Not« 
that  no  number  is  given  in  Mt.  The  story  has  been 
embellished  in  hter  tradition  by  the  addition  of  a 
Magus  who  could  not  join  the  others,  but  sacrificed 
his  life  in  a  deod  of  kindness  and  bad  a  vision  ol 


701 


MATTHEW,  II.  1-12 


Christ.  An  ancient  commontator  pays  that  gc>ld  is 
the  sj-mbol  of  kingship,  frankincense  (Jor.  C'o*)  of 
deity,  myrrh  of  mortification  (it  was  used  to  anoint 
the  dead). 

"While  Mt.  select*  this  story  Lk.  supplies  its  counter- 
part, the  homage  of  the  lowly  and  simple  shepherds, 
'i'ho  quotation  (Mi.  52)  in  6  follows  neither  Heb.  nor 
LXX,  but  perhaps  some  Pales*tinian  midrash.  (Mt. 
If.  as  a  whole  is  a  kind  of  midrash,  i.e.  not  history 
pure  and  simple,  but  history  with  a  purpose.)  It 
gives  "  land  of  Judah  "  for  "  Ephrathah,"  inserts  the 
negative  "  m  no  wise,"  and  reads  the  Heb.  consonants 
as  "  princes  "  or  "  leaders  "  instead  of  "  thousands." 

For  a  thorough  study  of  '"  the  star  in  the  East/' 
and  especially  of  the  word  a uatoli',  by  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott, 
see  Exp.,  Doc.  19U>. 

II.  13-18.  The  Flight  Into  Egypt  and  the  Massacre 
of  the  Innocents, — While  Mt.  says  Jesus  was  bom 
before  Herod's  death  (how  long  before  he  docs  not 
say),  Lk.  suggests,  by  his  reference  to  Qiiirinius. 
that  it  was  after.     But  see  Lk.  2i-3*. 

15.  Hos.  111*.  It  looks  as  though  Mt.  made  the 
incident  tit  the  quotation,  cf.  Abbott,  o/).  cit.,  p.  413. 
A  second-cent urj-  Jewish  tradition  speaks  of  Jesus 
working  as  a  labourer  in  Egypt,  and  practising  magic 
ere  he  returned  to  Palestine  and  proclaimed  Himself 
a  Cod.  There  were  a  million  Jews  in  Egj-pt  in  the 
first  century  a.d. 

In  place  of  the  slaughter  of  the  Bethlehem  children 
Lk.  gives  the  story  of  the  presentation  in  the  Temple. 
The  massacre  is  not  narrated  by  Josephus,  though  he 
dwells  on  Herod's  crimes  (cf.  p.  609).  It  may  be  an 
echo  of  a  Jewish  legend  about  Abraham's  escape  from 
Nimrod,  and  also  recalls  the  story  of  Pharaoh  (Ex. 
I15-210). 

17.  Then  was  fulfilled  :  Mt.  does  not  here  say  "in 
order  that "'  ;  he  will  not  attribute  to  Herod  (or  to 
Judas,  27y)  a  Divine  purpose.  See  Jer.  31 15*.  The 
"  two  years  "  (16)  suggests  not  that  the  Magi  arrived 
two  years  after  the  Birth,  but  that  the  star  appeared 
two  years  before  it,  and  their  quest  had  lasted  so  long. 

II."  19-23,  The  Settlement  at  Nazareth. — By  Herod's 
will  Arehclaus  (p.  a>9)  held  the  title  of  King  till  the 
Emperor  Augustus  forbade  it.  In  GaUlee,  another  of 
Herod's  sons,  Antipas  (p.  609).  was  tetrarch.  There 
is  here  no  thought  that  Nazareth  (p.  29)  was  Josephs 
previous  home.  He  goes  there  because  (a)  Judaea 
might  bo  dangerous,  (b)  prophecy  must  be  fulfilled. 
For  Mt.  the  question  of  the  Messiah's  birthplace  does 
not  arise  ;  Joseph  and  Mary  live  in  Bethlehem,  and  it 
would  be  there.  Lk.'s  knowledge  of  Nazareth  is  better 
than  Mt.'s.  The  closest  OT  connexion  with  23  is  that 
Is.,  Jer.,  and  Zeph.  refer  to  Messiah  as  the  branch 
(  Xezer)  of  the  house  of  David.  "  Nazarenes  "  was  a 
contemptuous  name  given  to  the  early  Christians  ;  Mt., 
to  consecrate  it,  snatches  at  the  faintest  prophetic 
allusion  {cf.  Ac.  222*).  It  is  curious  that  Nazareth  is 
not  mentioned  in  OT,  Josephus.  or  the  Talmud,  but 
that  seven  miles  from  the  present  village  there  wa.s 
Bethlehem  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  19i5).  called  in  the  Tal- 
mud "Zoriyah"  (?  =  Notzeriyah),  i.e.  the  Nazarene  (or 
GaUlcan)  Bethlehem.  Did  Jesus  really  belong  to  thio 
place  ?  The  double  name  "  Betlilchem-Nazareth  " 
might  easily  account  for  the  variant  tradition  as  to 
His  birtiiiiiace. 

III.  1-12.  John  the  Baptist  (Mli.  I2-8*.  Lk.  Si-i;)— 
The  common  S>iioptic  material  begins  hero.  The 
chief  difference  from  Mk.  is  the  addition  of  7-10  from 
Q  (p.  672).  cf.  Lk.  37-9.  where  the  words  are  addres.'^ed 
not  to  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees,  but  to  the  crowd. 
In  Mt,'B  view  the  Pharisees  thought  to  escape  the 


coming  judgment  by  the  mere  rite  of  baptism,  and  ho 
makes  Jolin  ask  who  indicated  to  (not  "warned") 
them  that  such  escape  was  possible.  More  than  out- 
\\ard  repentance  is  needed — a  bfctter  Ufc,  and  more 
than  a  claim  to  Abrahamic  descent  Icf.  Jn.  833-59). 
Judgment  goes  by  charactc^r,  not  by  race  ;  for  un- 
righteousucs.s  there  is  no  escape,  iif.  expands  Mk. 
l7f.  and  intensifies  the  idea  of  judgment.  Mt.  com- 
bines Mk.'s  '•  Holy  Ghost  "  and  Q'.«  "fire."  For  the 
figure  in  12  rf.  Jer.  157. 

3.  kingdom  of  heaven  :  ht.  "  of  the  heavens."  Mt., 
in  accordance  with  the  Jewish  practice  of  avoiding 
the  Divine  name,  uses  this  phrase,  as  Jesus  probablj 
did.  Mk.  and  Lk..  writing  rather  for  Gentile  readers, 
employ  "  kinL'dom  of  God."  Both  phrases  have  the 
same  meaning  (cf.  p.  662;  also  Mt.  2I43*). — 7.  Phari- 
sees (520*)  and  Sadducees  (cf.  p.  624).— brood  of  vipers  : 
scorpions  and  snakes  are  frequently  driven  fiom  their 
holes  by  moorland  and  foi-est  fiies  in  Palestine. — 
11.  bear:  bettor  *•  take  off  "  (cf.  Jn.  126). 

m.  13-17.  The  Baptism  of  Jesus  (Mk.    I9-11*, 

Lk.  32 if.) 14f.   (Mt.  only)  meets  the  objection  to 

the  acceptance  by  a  sinless  Jesus  of  a  baptism  con- 
nected with  repentance  (p.  661).  Jesus  maintains 
("  suffer  it  now  '")  that  a  temporarj'  necessity  must  be 
acknowledged.  Lentil  the  new  revelation  is  ready,  ail 
righteousness,  i.e.  Di\ane  ordinances,  must  bo  duly 
observefl.  For  Johns  sense  of  unworthiness  cf. 
Lk.  58  (Peter).  The  message  of  the  voice  (17)  is  a 
combination  of  Ps.  27  and  Is.  421  (the  Gr.  word  for 
'servant  "  also  means  "child"),  where  the  context 
epeaki  of  the  spirit.  Read,  therefore,  "This  is  my 
Son,  the  Beloved,"  the  Beloved  being  a  Messianic 
title  (Eph.  l6).  There  is  some  reason  for  holding  that 
the  original  annoimcement  was  simply,  "Thou  art 
my  Son  "  (cf.  Cod.  Bczae  in  Lk.  822),  and  that  we  have 
here  the  influence  of  the  Transfiguration  narrative, 
an  influence  much  expanded  in  the  Ebionite  Gospel 
and  Justin  (Tryph.  88)  by  reference  to  a  Ught.  Jesus 
Himself  probably  realised  His  Sonship  before  His 
Messiahship.  There  is  nothing  in  Mt.  (especially  if 
we  omit  14!.,  cf.  II2-6*),  as  there  is  nothing  in  Mk. 
and  Lk.,  to  suggest  that  vision  or  voice  came  to  any- 
one but  Jesus. 

IV.  1-11.  The  Temptation  (Mk.  lizf.*,  Lk.  41-13*). 
— Jesus'  sudden  recognition  of  His  Sonship  or  Messiah- 
ship  and  of  the  responsibility  thus  laid  upon  Him, 
foimd  natural  expression  in  His  retirement  into 
solitude.  In  the  dreary  wilderness  of  Judiea  (p.  31), 
which  overhangs  the  north  of  the  Dead  Sea,  Ho 
grapples  with  the  problem  of  what  is  involved  in  being 
God's  Son.  of  how  the  Messiah  must  do  God's  will.  The 
narrative  is  taken  (as  in  Lk.)  from  Q.  There  are  three 
episodes,  each  containing  a  proposed  course  of  action 
and  a  Scriptural  reason  for  its  rejection.  The  second 
and  third  scenes  are  transpose<l  in  Lk..  but  Mt.  probably 
preserves  the  original  order.  Both  Mt.  and  Lk..  like 
Mk.,  lay  stress  on  the  impulse  of  the  Spirit,  and  mention 
the  forty  days  as  preceding  the  three  episodes,  though 
Lk.  (like  Mk.)  makes  the  whole  period  one  of  tempta- 
tion, and  adds  that,  when  all  was  over,  the  devil 
left  Him  only  "  for  a  season."  Curiously,  Lk.  omits 
any  reference  to  angelic  suocour. 

Attempts  have  Ixjon  made  to  trace  the  story  to  the 
influence  of  the  temptation-narratives  of  earlier  heroes 
Uko  Abraham  and  Job.  or  even  of  Buddha  or  Zoro- 
aster. Others  find  its  source  simply  in  the  belief 
that  one  of  the  fmictions  of  the  Messiah  was  to  over- 
throw Satan  ;  others  again  regard  it  as  a  summary  in 
imaginative  form,  placed  in  the  forefront  of  the  Gospel, 
of  the  temptations  which  Jesus  met  in  the  course  of 


MATTHEW,  IV.  12-17 


703 


Eis  ministry  (c/.  Mk.  831-33,  Jn.  615,  Lk-  2228). 
There  is  no  need  for  any  ot  these  assumptions,  thoujih 
the  experience  serves  as  an  epitome  of  Jesus'  ideals, 
motives,  and  heroism  throughout  His  ministry,  Tiie 
liistoricity  of  the  narrative  is  guaranteed  by  its  fitneaa 
at  this  point,  and  by  the  agreement  of  its  significanco 
with  the  purpose  and  method  of  Jesus.  The  story, 
which  illustrates  His  supreme  skill  as  a  teacher,  must 
have  come  from  Jesus  Himeelf,  perhaps  in  the  days 
that  followed  Peters  confession  at  Csesarea  Philippi. 
In  similar  fashion  Isaiah  had,  some  time  after  the 
experience  itself,  communicated  to  his  disciples  his 
vision  in  the  Temple  "in  the  year  that  king  Uzziah 
died  (Is.  6)." 

Hungry,  nnd  with  no  apparent  means  of  getting  food, 
Jesus  is  confronted  with  the  proposal  to  satisfy  His 
need  by  turning  stones  into  bread  {cf.  7c,).  This  would 
be  a  natural  and  reasonable  use  of  the  power  associated 
with  His  new  office.  But  the  proposal  ignores  the 
eternal  truth  that  man  is  spirit,  and  that  his  life  is 
sustained  by  other  food  than  bread  (Dt.  83).  We 
must  not  overlook  the  "  If  "  of  the  temptation.  The 
♦^ruth  of  the  revelation  of  the  Sonship  might  so  easily 
be  tested.  Jesus  repudiates  the  spurious  teat  and 
chooses  the  real,  i.e.  the  perfect  obedience,  in  which 
God's  earlier  "  son  "  Israel  had  failed.    Cf.  Jn.  434. 

The  background  oi  the  second  proposal  is  the  popular 
apocalyptic  Messianic  hope.  It  finds  its  parallel  in 
the  later  demand  of  the  Pharisees  for  a  sign  (123'^ff.. 
16iff.  ;  Jn.  2i8).  some  manifest  supernatural  proof 
of  the  Messiah's  credentials.  "  If  thou  art  the  Messiah, 
cast  thyself  down  ;  angels  will  shield  thee  from  harm." 
The  Messiah  is  to  descend  on  the  clouds  of  heaven  : 
do  this,  as  it  were,  and  show  that  you  have  a  charmed 
life.  'Bwt  in  Jesus"  %'iew  man  has  no  right,  even  if 
he  has  the  power,  to  force  the  hand  of  God.  The 
Divine  protection  is  promised  not  to  the  presumptuous, 
but  to  the  ordinary  wayfarer  who  sets  his  love  and 
trust  on  God.  Jesus  rejects  the  temptation  to  attain 
quick  popularity  and  success  by  unfair  means.  The 
"  pinnacle  of  the  Temple  "  was  only  visited  in  thought, 
and  may  have  been  suggested  to  Jesus  as  He  stood  on 
the  edge  of  some  cliS  in  the  wilderness.  But  cf.  the 
way  in  which  Ezekiel  (Ezek.  83)  was  carried  about  by 
the  hand  of  the  Spirit. 

Nor  does  the  third  proposal  take  ns  out  of  the  desert. 
Lk.  45  says  nothing  of  a  mountain  ;  spiritual  or 
mental  exaltation  is  quita  sufficient.  On  some  rocky 
summit  with  a  far-reaching  view  comes  the  suggestion 
to  broaden  the  field  of  Messianic  service  by  laying 
aside  the  spiritual  ideals  which  had  already  taken 
shape  in  Jesus'  mind.  But  to  secure  the  dominion 
of  the  earth  on  such  terms  would  be  virtually  to 
worship  Satan.  "  To  seek  sovereignty  for  the  sake 
of  sovereignty  without  waiting  for  God's  hour,  to 
share  the  interests  and  the  passions  of  the  world,  .  .  . 
to  aim  at  an  ordinary  royalty  and  adopt  the  means 
that  might  lead  to  it,  human  poUcy,  cunning,  and 
violence,  would  Tjo  to  almndon  the  cause  of  God  for 
that  of  the  devil "'  (Loisyj. 

M'Neile  summarises  thus  :  "  The  first  temptation 
is  to  doubt  the  truth  of  the  revelation  just  received, 
the  second  to  test  it,  and  the  third  to  snatch  prema- 
turely at  the  Mossiahship  which  it  involves."  Thus 
in  each  case  the  temptation  turns  on  the  consciousness 
of  being  called  to  the  Messianic  office.  In  each  case 
the  struggle  was  between  the  popular  conception  of 
that  office  and  man's  supremo  allegiance  by  which 
even  the  Messiah  is  bound.  The  conflict  and  its  issues 
are  in  true  accord  with  the  years  of  preparation  in 
Nazareth  and  the  consecration  to  the  Kingdom  con- 


summated in  the  baptism,  and  with  the  subsequent  life 
of  Jesus.  It  marked  the  accomplishment  of  an  abiding 
and  absolute  hivrmony  between  His  fellowship  with 
God  and  His  conception  of  the  Messiahship. 

Dr.  Peake  has  kindly  supphed  the  following  note: 
The  primai-y  purpose  of  the  first  two  temptations  is 
to  undermine  the  conviction  of  Sonsiiip,  and,  this  having 
failed,  the  third  seeks  to  set  the  mission  of  Jesus  on 
wrong  lines.  The  first  two  are  brought  into  the  same 
category  by  the  common  formula,  "  If  thou  be  tho 
Son  of  God."  Reaction  follows  on  the  radiant  ecstasy 
of  conviction,  the  critical  intellect  is  tempted  to  doubt 
the  reaUty  of  the  experience.  Everytlung  depended  in 
His  future  work  on  the  certainty  of  His  Diviuo  Son- 
ship  ;  it  was  this,  then,  that  must  be  tested  before- 
hand to  the  uttermost.  "  Abandoned  by  God  and  on 
the  edge  of  death,  can  you  be  God  s  Son  ?  Perhaps, 
but  in  a  matter  so  momentous  make  suie.  If  you  are 
God's  Son,  you  will  have  miraculous  power  ;  turn 
the  stone  into  a  loaf  and  the  prodigy  will  reaffirm 
j^our  conviction,  and  incidentally  preserve  you  for 
your  mission."  The  plausibility  of  the  suggestion 
masked  its  fatal  character.  Jesus  detects  its  subtlety. 
To  work  a  miracle  that  He  might  reassure  Himself 
would  imply  that  He  had  already  begun  to  doubt ; 
the  mere  acceptance  of  the  challenge  would  have  in- 
volved defeat.  Humanly  speaking,  death  by  hunger 
stares  Him  in  the  face.  But  He  remains  absolutely 
sure  of  His  Sonship,  and  therefore  of  His  preservation 
to  fulfil  His  task.  He  stakes  Himself  and  His  destiny 
not  on  physical  nourishment,  but  on  the  word  of  God 
And  this  'is  not  for  Him  just  a  vague  generality,  it 
has  a  very  definite  application.  The  word  of  God 
He  has  in  His  mind  is  the  word  He  has  heard  by  Jordan. 
The  word  of  His  Father,  the  witness  of  the  Spirit  to 
His  Sonship — on  these  His  absolute  conviction  is  based, 
in  spite  of  all  that  contradicts  it.  And,  as  a  loyal 
Son,  He  leaves  Himself  and  His  fate  in  the  Father's 
hands  ;  on  His  ^-igilant  watchfulness  He  utterly  depends. 
From  this  dependence  the  second  temptation  starts, 
but  exaggerates  it  into  a  presumptuout  dependence 
which  would  force  God's  hand  (see  above).  But  here 
also  the  primary  intention  is  to  commit  Jesus  to  a  test 
which  impUes  doubt.  The  result  of  both  is  that  the 
conviction  of  Jesus  remains  impregnable.  The  attack 
on  this  is  abandoned,  and  the  third  temptation  is 
aimed  at  reducing  His  work  to  a  failure  by  inducing 
Him  to  lower  His  ideal,  and  accept  a  poUtical  Me.ssiah- 
sUp,  to  gain  a  swift  but  worthless  success  (see  above). 
Jesus  leaves  the  wilderness  unshaken  in  His  convic- 
tion, un.swerving  in  His  loyalty  to  the  loftiest  idea!. 
Cf.  p.  662. 

2.  forty  days:  cf.  Moses  (Ex.  24i8)  and  Elijah 
(1  K.  198),  and  the  "forty  years  of  Israel  in  the  desert 
(Dt.  82).— -5.  pinnacle:  Ut.  "wing,"  therefore  some 
projecting  turret  01  buttress  rather  than  a  spire  or 
summit .-^9.  Jesus  shared  the  common  opinion  that 
the  world  of  His  day  Lay  in  the  grasp  of  Satan. 
Messiah's  task  was  to  break  his  power  and  restore 
the  Divine  sovereignty. — 11.  The  victor  receives  tho 
food  and  tho  angelic  succour  which  He  had  refused 
when  they  involved  sin. 

IV.  12-17.  Jesus  Announces  the  Kingdom  in  Galilee 

(Mk.    Ii4f.*,    Lk.  4i4f.) More   precisely  than  ML, 

Mt.  gives  John's  arrest  by  Herod  Antipas  as  tho  reason 
why  Jesus  Ijegan  to  preach.  Galilee  was  part  of 
Antipas"  realm,  but  it  was  remote  from  the  scene  of 
John's  work  and  imprisonment,  hence  jwrhaps  the 
word  "withdrew."'  Mt.  anticipates  Jesus'  settlement 
at  Capernaum  in  his  dcsu-o  to  work  in  a  fulfilment  of 
one   of   his   Messianic   testimonia.     "  Cahleo   (lit.   tho 


704 


MATTHEW,  IV.   12-17 


disliict)  of  the  nations  "  was  a  tract  in  tlio  old  triba! 
territory  of  Naphtali,  which  had  a  large  heathen  popu- 
lation. It  gave  iu  name  to  the  larger  (NT)  Gahloe. 
Is.  9if.*. 

13.  Capernaum  :  either  the  modem  Kh&n  Minyeh 
or  (more  jjrobalily)  Tell  Hiim,  close  to  the  northern- 
most point  of  the  Lake  of  tiaUloo.  Cf.  p.  -9,  and  Mk. 
l2i*.  Jesus  made  it  "  his  own  city  "  (9i). — 17.  From 
that  time:  r/.  lU::i,  whcrc  tiie  phrase  introduces  the 
period  of  pi  i rale  instniction  to  the  disci!)les. 

IV.  18-22.  The  Call  of  the  First  Disciples  (Mk. 
I16-20*;  contrast  Lk.  5i-ii  and  Jn.  I35-51).  Cf. 
p.  (565. — The  account  is  almost  identical  with  that  in 
Mk..  except  that  Mt.  omits  the  mention  of  the  "hired 
servants"  left  with  Zebcdee.  He  also  transfers  Mk.s 
"  straightway  "  from  the  call  of  Jesus  to  the  response 
of  the  brothere. 

IV.  23-25.  Summary  of  Work  in  Galilee  (c/.  Mk. 
I39,  Lk.  444). — Jit.  here  departs  from  Mk.'s  order  ; 
he  is  about  to  give  an  account  of  the  teachi.ngs  of  Jesus 
(5-7)  before  an  account  of  His  hcaUngs  (81-17).  Cf. 
the  resume  at  935.  The  note  of  good  tidings  omitted 
in  17  (Mk.  Irs)  is  bero  (23)  introduced.  The  cures 
are  confined  to  the  people.  Jews.  The  legend  of  king 
Abgar  of  Edcssa  and  his  correspondence  with  Jesus  is 
ha.scd  on  the  mention  of  Syria  (24). 

25.  Decapolis. — Certain  Hellenised  towns,  originally 
ten  in  number  (hence  the  name),  all,  except  Seyth- 
opolis,  lying  E.  of  Jordan.  For  purposes  of  trade  and 
to  guard  against  absorption  by  their  Semitic  neigh- 
bours they  formed  a  league,  but  were  subjugated 
by  Alexander  Jannteus  (104-73  B.C.).  Pompcy  in  64- 
63  B.C.  gave  them  municipal  freedom  and  other  rights, 
but  brought  them  into  the  Roman  province  of  Syria, 
whence  some  of  them  were  later  transferred  to  the 
direct  authority  of  Herod.     Cf.  p.  33. 

V.-VII.  The'  Sermon  on  the  Mount. — This  is  the 
first  of  five  blocks  in  which  Mt.  collects  the  greater 
part  of  the  words  of  Jesus.  He  ])laees  it  here  in 
view  of  Mk.  I21.  Attempts  to  locate  the  mountain 
or  the  exact  time  are  useless  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  sermon  is  a  collection  of  material,  not  a  discourse 
Bpoken  m  one  place  at  one  time. 

V.  2.  opened  his  mouth  :   a  Semitic  redundancy. 

V.  3-12.  The  Beatitudes  (cf.  Lk.  620-23).— These 
nine  sayings  (eight  if  we  reckon  10-12  as  one,  or  regard 
iif.  as  having  originally  stood  elsewhere;  seven  if 
wo  omit  5)  have  analogies  in  OT  (e.g.  Pss.  li,  32i,  89i5  ; 
Pr.  832  ;  Is.  3220)  and  in  other  parts  of  the  Gospel 
and  NT  (e.g.  13i6,  Lk.  1237,  Jas.  I12,  Rev.  14i3). 
Blessed  connotes  happy  and  successful  prosperity, 
the  poor  (3),  i.e.  the  pious  in  Israel,  not  necessarily, 
though  usually,  poor  in  worldly  possessions,  yet  rich 
in  faith  (Jas.  25).  Lk.  perhaps  keeps  the  original 
wording,  but  Mt.  gives  the  right  interpretation  by 
adding  In  spirit.  Cf.  W.  Sunday  m  Exp.,  Dec  1916. 
Theirs  is  the  kingdom  ol  heaven,  i.e.  potentially ; 
the  actual  possession  is  still  (4-9)  in  the  future. 
Wo  are  not  to  hmit  mourn  (4)  to  penitence  for  sin  ; 
one  of  the  titles  of  the  Messiah  was  "  Comforter." 
Meek  (5)  is  the  antithesis  of  arrogant;  the  idea  of 
inheritance  goes  back  to  the  Hebrew  occupation  of 
Canaan,  and  is  used  in  I's.  37  and  in  apocalyptic 
writings  ;  here  it  is  another  aspect  of  the  possession 
of  the  Kingdom  (r/.  I929,  2034).  If  we  follow  some 
early  (chiefly  Latin)  authorities  in  transposing  4  and 
5,  wo  got  a  good  contrast  between  "heaven"  (3) 
and  "earth"  (5).  Lk.  omits  5.  In  6  and  thirst 
after  righteousness  (Or.  "  iM  righteoueness,  '  i.e.  the 
longed-for  blessing  in  the  coming  Ivingdom)  is  a 
gloss  ;  Lk.  is  to  be  preferred.     The  "  poor  "  (in  spirit) 


already  possess  righteousuciis  iu  the  form  of  moraJ 
goodness.  They  also  have  the  compassionate  spirit, 
and  they  shall  receive  compassion  in  the  coming 
Kingdom  (7).  For  the  connexion  between  righteous- 
ness and  mercy  cf.  Ps.  36io,  8010.  To  possess  the 
Kingdom  is  to  see  God  (8),  and  this  is  for  the  pure  in 
heart  (as  distinct  from  the  ceremonially  pure)  ;  cf. 
Ps.  243f.  Note  the  complementary  truth  of  1  Jn.  32f. 
The  peacemaker  (not,  as  was  generally  believed,  every 
Israehtc)  shall  be  called  (i.e.  "  shall  be  ■  ;  the  name 
stands  for  the  nature)  in  the  coming  age  God's  son  (9), 
because  he  shares  Gods  nature  (cf.  45,  also  Lk.  2O36). 
Righteousness  in  10  is  (contrast  6)  a  quahty  for  which 
the  "  poor "  are  persecuted  ;  the  saying  connects 
with  the  first  beatitude  and  completes  the  golden 
chain,  iif.  is  an  expansion  and  application  of  10. 
The  persecuted  are  to  rejoice  because  of,  not  despite, 
the  persecution  (cf.  Lk.) ;  In  heaven  means  "  with 
God"  (Dalman,  Words,  206ff.)  While  the  teaching 
of  Jesus  often  reflects  the  current  thought  of  His  day 
on  the  question  of  rewards  and  punishments  {cf.  p. 
66.5).  viz.  that  they  were  graduated  and  quantitative, 
we  also  find  in  it  new  elements  which  transform  the 
idea,  and  so  even  eliminate  it.  Reward  is  qualitative 
and  identical  for  all  (20i-i6,*  2521-23),  it  is  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven  (53-10),  it  is  given  to  those  for 
whom  it  has  been  prepared  (2O23).  Cf.  also  25i4f., 
Lk.  ITgf.,  and  M'Neile,  pp.  54f. 

V.  13-37.  Mt.  here  oiings  together  material  (a) 
found  scattered  m  Lk.,  (b)  pecuhar  to  himself. 

V.  13-16.  Salt  and  Light. — Good  men  are  not  only 
rewarded  in  the  coming  age,  they  help  the  world  now 
and  save  it  from  both  insipidity  and  corruption.  To 
appreciate  the  value  of  salt  one  must  live  in  a  land 
whore  it  is  rare,  and  much  more  highly  prized  than  sugar. 
The  second  clause  of  13  (cf.  Mk.  950,  Lk.  I434)  was  a 
current  proverb  ;  salt  was  heavily  taxed,  and  therefore 
often  so  adulterated  as  to  lose  its  salinity.  With  the 
third  clause  cf.  Heb.  64-8,  IO26-29,  and  the  fate  of 
Judas  Iscariot.  With  14  cf.  Ro.  219  (Jews),  Phil.  2i5, 
Ac.  1347,  Jn.  812.  The  cormexion  between  the  two 
parts  of  14  is  the  conspicuousness  of  an  elevated 
character.  Ideally  a  true  disciple  (15)  caimot  hide 
his  Ught  (the  word  translated  bushel  means  a  measure 
holding  about  a  peck) ;  actually  it  is  only  too  possible 
(16).  In  15  the  Ught  may  be  the  influence  of  preachhig 
(cf.  Lk.  816,  II33)  ;  in  16  it  is  the  influence  of  deeds  (cf. 
IP.  2l2). 

V.   17-VI.   18.  Righteousness,   Legal  and   Real.— 

After  laying  down  the  principle  that  the  Law  is  not 
destroyed  or  annulled,  but  developed  and  transcended 
(17-20),  Jesus  applies  it  to  (a)  the  teaching  of  the 
Scribes  (21-48),  (6)  the  Ufe  of  the  Pharisees  (61-18). 

17-20.  On  the  attitude  of  Jesus  towards  the  OT 
see  pp.  663,  666f.,  also  M'Neile  in  Cambridge  Biblical 
Essays,  pp.  216ff. ;  Kent,  Life  and  Teachings  of  Jesus, 
pp.  126f. 

17.  Jesus  was  never  accused  of  destroying  the  moral 
teaching  of  the  prophets,  and  here  He  deals  only  with 
the  Law.  Ho  declares  that  His  mission  is  to  preserve 
it  by  reveaUng  its  depth  of  meaning,  by  carrying  it 
forward  into  that  which  it  had  been  designed  to  bring 
about — the  Kingdom  of  God. — 18f.  seems  misplaced; 
19  may  be  a  later  gloss,  no  "commandments  '"  have 
been  mentioned;  20  continues  the  thought  of  17. — 
18.  Jot :  Gr.  iota,  Heb.  yod,  the  smallest  letter  in  the 
alphabet. — tittle  :  the  stroke  above  an  abbreviated 
word.  The  Gr.  is  "horn,"  and  perhaps  denotes  the 
projecting  tip  whose  presence  or  absence  changes  a 
Hob.  letter  and  may  make  a  great  difference  in  a  word. 
— till  all  things  be  accomplished  repeats  the  thought 


MATTHEW.  V.  43-48 


705 


of  "till  heaven  and  earth."  i.e.  the  present  age, 
"  pass  away."  Many  Jewish  sayings  speak  of  the 
perpetuity  of  the  Law. — 19.  The  Jews  recognised  that 
the  613  commandments  in  the  Law  were  not  equally 
important ;  some  were  "  heavy,"  others  "  light." 
Nor  would  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  bring  equality  to 
all  its  members  [cf.  uf.*  supra,  I81-4). — 20  continues 
17. — scribes :  "  a  comparatively  .small  body  of  men  who 
(a)  expounded  the  Law.  (b)  developed  it,  (c)  adminis- 
tered it  as  assessors  in  courts  of  justice." — Pharisees  : 
"  the  whole  body  of  orthodox  pietists  who  Uved  the 
*  separated  '  life  "  {cf.  pp.  624, 666f . ).  Many  of  the  later 
Rabbis  were.  Uke  the  one  in  Mk.  I228-34,  very  worthy 
men,  but  this  does  not  prove  that  Rabbinism  generally 
was  bej'ond  reproach.  It  was  not  only  Jesus  who 
arraigned  it.  Cf.  Fragments  of  a  Zadokiie  Work 
(Charles,  Introd.  xi.). 

V.  21-48.  The  "  fulfilled  "  Law  in  Relation  to  the 
Teaching  of  the  Scribes. 

V.  21-26.  Murder  and  Malice.— Ye  (have)  heard: 
i.e.  in  the  synagogues.  The  addition  to  the  sixth 
commandment  represents  the  "  tradition  of  the 
elders "  ;  the  judgement  means  legal  proceedings. 
Jesus  shows  that  the  commandment  mvolves  more 
than  the  act  of  murder ;  it  embraces  also  feelings  and 
words.  Anger,  let  alone  murder,  is  a  crime,  and 
involves  judgment  at  God's  hands.  "  Without 
cause "  is  rightly  omitted :  it  weakens  the  sharp 
antithesis  of  Jesus'  words.  In  the  JRaca  sentence 
Jesus  returns  to  current  Jewi.sh  teaching.  As  to  21 
He  opposed  His  own  teaching  (22a).  so  to  this  (226) 
He  opposes  22c.  "  Your  teachers  say  that  abusive 
language  such  as  Baca  is  punishable  by  the  local  court 
(there  was  a  sanhedrin  or  council  of  "tliirteon  persona 
in  every  place  with  a  population  of  over  120),  but  I 
Bay  that  abusive  language  such  as  Baca  (the  equiva- 
lent of  '  thou  fool  ■ )  is  punishable  by  the  fire  of  Ge- 
henna "  (Mk.  943*). — 23-26  further  illustrates  the  fore- 
going principle.  A  sacrifice  is  not  acceptable  to  God 
so  long  as  the  offerer  is  not  reconciled  to  anyone  whom 
he  has  wronged  (23f.).  The  hteral  and  metaphorical 
in  25f.  are  inextricably  combined.  On  the  face  of 
them  the  words  mean  :  "If  you  are  in  debt  to  anyone^ 
come  to  a  settlement  with  him  while  you  can,  before 
he  takes  the  matter  into  court,  which  will  mean  im- 
prisonment." But  something  further  is  implied  in 
26  :  "  The  Day  of  judgment  is  at  hand  when  the 
creditor  will  be  able  to  claim  Divme  justice." — adver- 
sary :   the  injured  party. 

V.  27f.  Adultery. — Jesus  again  extends  the  scope  of 
the  prohibition  from  actions  to  thoughts.  There  is 
something  more  here  than  the  seventh  or  even  the 
tenth  commandment,  where  the  coveting  is  only  a 
matter  of  property  {cf.  Job  31 1,7-1 2).  The  papjrri 
show  that  a  married  woman  is  probably  meant  in  28. 

V.  29f.  The  Right  Eye  and  Hand  {rf.  188f.  Mk. 
943-47*)- — "  Right  eye  "  is  an  assimilation  to  "  right 
hand  "  ;  the  two  eyes  are  really  of  c(|unl  value.  The  eye 
is  the  member  that  should  keep  a  man  from  stumbling, 
instead  of  being  a  stumbling-block.  To  go  into  Go- 
henna  implies  the  destruction  of  the  material  body  ; 
it  is  the  oppo.site  of  entering  the  Kingdom,  or  life,  or 
the  jov  of  the  Lord. 

V.Slf.  Divorce  (Lk.  I618  ;  c/.  Mt.  199.  Mk.  lOiif.*). 
— These  passages  should  bo  considered  together.  In 
104-8  and  Mic.  105-9  the  condemnation  of  divorce  is 
emphasized  Ijy  reference  to  God's  purpose  in  the 
Creation.  The  change  in  the  formula  (31)  suggests 
that  the  passace  was  not  originally  part  of  the  iSerraon. 
On  the  strength  of  Dt.  24i-3  (really  the  restriction 
of  a  custom  taken  for  granted,  not  a  law  prescribing 


divorce),  divorce  was  practised  on  very  trivial  pretexts 
{cf.  193,7).  Jesus  declares  that,  according  to  the  true 
intention  of  God,  divorce  is  sinful.  The  saving  clause 
("except  for  fornication,'  i.e.  unchastity)  is  absent 
from  Mk.  and  Lk.  {cf.  Paul  in  1  Cor.  7iof.)  ;  probably 
it  is  due  not  to  Jesus  but  to  the  early  Church's  desire 
to  meet  a  pressing  ethical  need  which  has  not  yet 
ceased.  Jesus,  in  view  of  the  near  approach  of  the 
Kingdom  "  laid  down  principles  without  reference  to 
any  Umitations  which  the  complexity  of  life  now 
demands."  It  is  taken  for  granted  that  the  woman 
will  re-marry,  but  since  di\^orcc  i?  sixrful  and  the  first 
marriage  still  holds,  the  new  marriage  is  sinful. 

V.  33-37.  Oaths. — Jesus  sums  up  several  OT  pas- 
sages, e.g.  Ex.  2O7,  Lev.  19i2,  Nu.  3O2,  Dt.  2321-23. 
The  use  of  oaths  and  vows  by  the  Jews  was  much 
abused,  and  the  Rabbis  were  continually  discussing 
whether  or  no  certain  vows  and  oaths  were  bmding. 
Jesus  goes  to  the  root  of  the  matter  by  forbidding  all 
oaths,  and  admits  no  limitations  to  the  general  prin- 
ciple, a  position  adopted  by  the  Quakers  as  by  Irenseus, 
Origen,  Chrysostom,  and  Jerome.  The  Essenes  ab- 
stained from  oaths  except  at  their  initiation.  Yet 
Paul  uses  solemn  expressions  of  appeal  to  God  {cf.  also 
1  Cor.  1031,  1  Th.  527,  and  Heb.  613-17). — Heaven  (34) 
is  the  sky,  the  dwelling-place  of  God,  therefore  to 
swear  by  it  is  profanation;  so  with  earth  (35),  His 
footstool. — by  Jerusalem  :  lit.  "  towards  Jerusalem." 
There  was  a  Jewish  saymg  that  an  oath  "  by  Jeru- 
salem "  was  void  unless  it  was  sworn  "  towards  Jeru- 
salem." Jesus  forbids  even  this.  The  city  of  God, 
hke  His  throne  {cf.  2322)  and  footstool,  imphes  the 
presence  of  God.  Even  a  man's  own  head  (36)  is  not 
his  absolute  possession  ;  so  he  must  not  swear  by  it. 
In  37  Jesus  condemns  unnecessary  emphasis  ;  Jas.  5i2 
suggests  the  probable  rendering  of  the  injimction  here. 
Whatever  goes  beyond  plain  unequivocal  speech  arises 
"  from  the  evil  "  that  is  in  the  world.  Oaths  spring 
from  the  untruthfulness  of  men.  On  this  whole 
passage  cf.  Secrets  of  Eyioch.  49 1. 

V.  38-42.  Retaliation  {cf.  Lk.  62 gf.).— Like  the  law 
of  divorce,  the  law  of  the  itis  ialionis  (Ex.  2l24f.*)  was 
more  restrictive  than  permissive  ;" it  limited  revenge 
by  fixing  an  exact  compensation  for  an  injury."  Jesus 
penetrates  behind  this  just  ]3rinciple  without  abrogating 
it.  His  disciples,  in  virtue  of  a  higher  principle,  are 
not  to  desire  human  justice  for  themselves.  To  take 
His  words  hterally  is  to  exalt  the  letter  at  the  expense 
of  the  spirit,  which  He  would  surely  deprecate.  Paul 
appealed  to  legal  justice  (Ac.  I637,  258-i2),  and  there 
are  occasions  when  to  dechne  it  would  mean  wronging 
and  betrajdng  others.  RV  in  39a  is  wrong  ;  read 
"  Resist  not  evil  "  {mq.),  which  reveals  itself  in  maUce 
as  well  as  in  untruthfulness  (37). 

V.  396-42.  The  injunctions  forma  descending  scale — 
violent  assaults,  legal  proceedings,  official  demands, 
simple  requests.  Perhaps  the  blow  on  the  right  cheek 
is  more  of  an  insult  than  an  injury  ;  it  wouldnaturally 
come  from  an  opponent's  left  hand.  But  "  right  '' 
may  have  no  special  significance,  and  the  Latm  and 
Syriac  versions  generally  omit  it,  as  Lk.  does.  Lk. 
omits  the  rofercnce  to  a  lawsuit  (40),  and  seems  to 
describe  a  robbery  with  violence,  the  outer  garment 
beuig  first  seized.— 41.  compel :  the  word  is  originally 
a  Persian  one,  and  means  "impress"  (2732).  Some 
early  good  authorities  read.  "  go  with  him  two  more." — 
42  must  be  taken  in  the  spirit  rather  than  the  letter. 
Indiscriminnto  almsgiving  is  an  injure*  to  society,  and 
the  injunction  is  not  confined  to  almsgiving. 

V.  43-48.  Loving  One's  Neighbour  (cf.  IJi.  627f., 
32-36). — "  Thou  ehalt  love  thy  neighbour  '  (i.e.  fellow 

23 


706 


MATTHEW,  V.  43-48 


Israelite)  ia  the  precept  of  the  Law  (Lev.  19ib) ;  '"  and 
hate  thine  enemy  "'  ia  a  Rabbinic  inference  from,  e.g. 
Dt.  233-6,  which  fomid  much  support  in  apocah'ptic 
writings  (cf.  pp.  023f.).  As  in  the  parable  01  the  Good 
Samaritan.  Jesus  sweeps  away  all  distiiictions.  The 
additions  to  44  in  AV^  are  due  to  Lk.  0.:7f. — 45.  Sons 
are  those  who  share  their  Fathers  character,  li  God 
were  to  give  natural  blessings  like  sun  and  rain  to 
His  friends  and  withhold  them  from  His  enemies,  the 
natural  world  would  bo  a  chaos  :  "  in  so  far  as  His 
Bons  fall  short  of  His  nature  the  spiritual  world  is  a 
chaos."  Those  who  love  only  their  friends  miss  tlio 
Divine  reward  (Lk.  635),  the  attainment  of  the  Father's 
character. — 46.  What  reward  have  ye  ?  Justin  Martyr 
has,  "Are  you  doing  anything  new  ?  "  which  is  per- 
haps derived  from  an  old(-r  text  than  ours. — publicans  : 
i.e.  customs  officers  of  inferior  rank,  the  underlings  of 
the  puhlicani  proper  (p.  C15);  they  exercised  gross 
oppression  and  took  money  for  an  alien  power,  so  that 
the  Jews  regarded  them  as  outcasts,  cf.  p.  622. — 476. 
brethren  may  mean  "pious  law-keeping  Jews  "  in  view 
of  early  readings  "the  godless,"  or  "tax-gatherers,"' 
in  place  of  "Gentiles."' — 48.  therefore  sums  up  the 
teaching  of  17-47  ;  ye  (my  disciples)  is  emphatic  ;  the 
future  ("  shall  be  ")  has  the  force  of  a  command.  The 
comparison  with  the  Divine  character  is  far  in  advance 
of  that  noted  in  Lev.  II44.  lOsff. 

VL  1-18.  The  "  fulflUed  "  Law  in  Relation  to  the  Ufe 
of  the  Pharisees. — Mt.  only,  though  the  digression  on 
Prayer  (7-13)  has  parallels  in  Lk. 

1  is  a  general  warning  ;  three  aspects  of  the  mechani- 
cal "  righteousness  "'  that  is  "  done  "'  are  given  in 
detail  in  the  following  verses.  Beneath  the  apparent 
contrast  with  5i6  is  an  imdcrlj-ing  unity. 

VL  2-4.  Almsgiving. — This  practice  was  not  en- 
joined in  the  Law  ;  it  was  a  work  of  supererogation 
earning  special  merit  (Tob.  I29,  14ii).  Trumpets 
were  sounded  at  public  fastings  in  time  of  drought  ; 
services  were  held  in  the  streets  (cf.  5)  to  pray  for  rain, 
and  almsgiving  was  reckoned  essential  for  Gods  accept- 
ance of  the  prayers.  Mt.  uses  the  word  "  hypocrites  "" 
(Ut.  actors)  as  almost  identical  with  Pharisees. — They 
have  received  their  reward :  good  deeds  merit  only 
one  reward  ;  to  gain  it  from  men  is  to  lose  it  from  God, 
who  will  give  it  in  the  coming  Kingdom  (4). 

VL  5f.  Prayer. — chamber  is  figurative,  as  in  2426. 
"  The  secret  of  religion  is  reUgion  in  secret." 

VL  7-15.  A  collection  of  sayings  on  Prayer  from 
various  contexts. — 7.  use  not  vain  repetitions:  the 
emphasis  is  on  "  vain."'  We  arc  not  to  pray  by  idle 
rote.  The  Gr.  word  perhaps  means  to  stutter,  to 
utter  meaningless  sounds,  perhaps  to  speak  thought- 
lessly, to  be  long-winded. — 8.  Though  the  Father 
knows  His  childrens  need,  yet  because  He  is  the 
Father,  His  children  must  pray. 

VL  9-12.  The  Lord's  Prayer. — Lk.  II2-4  differs  in 
the  requests  for  bread  and  forgiveness,  and  omits 
certain  phrases  and  clauses.  Had  Lk.  known  the 
longer  form  he  would  have  used  it  ;  his  version  is 
probably  more  original,  for  liturgical  formulae  tend 
to  expansion  rather  than  abbi'eviation.  Note  also 
Lk.'s  setting  of  the  prayer  (111).  Much  of  the  prayer 
is  paralleled  in  OT,  and  later  Jewish  writings — e.g. 
the  ."iJicnioneh-Esrfh,  or  Eighteen  (benedictions),  and 
the  Kaddish — furnish  close  parallels.  Jesus  gives  it 
as  a  model,  not  a  formula.  "  Ye  "'  (g)  is  emphatic. — 
Our  Father :  true  prayer  is  social  and  intercessory. 
Only  in  late  Judaism  bad  the  individual  Israelite  begun 
to  speak  of  God  as  his  Father,  but  the  practice  was 
growing.  The  intimacy  thus  implied  i.s  balanced  by 
the  reverent  desire  that  His  name  (i.e.  His  nature  and 


being  and  everything  whereby  He  makes  Himself 
known)  may  be  treated  as  hof}'.  This  can  be  fully 
realised  only  in  the  consummation  of  the  Kingdom, 
which  is  the  next  petition.  The  Rabbis  used  to  say 
that  a  prayer  in  which  no  mention  is  made  of  the  Xamo 
and  the  Kingdom  is  no  prayer. — Thy  will  be  done  is 
omitted  by  Lk.,  and  probably  has  its  source  in  the 
prayer  of  Gethsemane  ;  the  words  have  a  present  as 
well  as  a  future  force. — as  in  heaven,  so  on  earth  may 
refer  to  all  the  preceding  petitions  ;  if  so,  it  brings  out 
their  escliatologieal  force. — 11.  The  desire  for  Gods 
glory  is  followed  by  petitions  for  human  needs  ; 
note,  however,  that  Marcion  (c.  a.u.  140)  has  "  thy 
bread,"  applying  the  words  to  spiritual  food.  Origen 
has  a  similar  interpretation,  and  an  old  Irish  Latin 
MS.  (Hari.,  1023)  in  the  British  Museum  reads  :  "  Give 
us  to-day  for  bread  the  Word  of  God  from  Heaven  " 
(Exp.,  Sept.  1915,  p.  275.  287fl.  ;  Nov.  1915,  p.  423). 
The  word  translated  "daily"  is  difficult  and  much 
debated.  It  probably  means  "for  the  coming  daj-," 
and  could  mean  (bread)  "  for  the  day  then  in  progress  " 
or  "  for  the  morrow,"'  according  as  the  prayer  was 
used  in  the  morning  or  in  the  evening. — 12.  The  Jews 
often  regarded  sins  as  debts.  For  a  parallel  to  the 
petition  c/.  Ecclus.  282.  On  forgiveness  cf.  I821-35. — 
Temptation  (13)  includes  trial,  though  trial  may  be  a 
cause  of  joy  if  it  must  be  encountered  (Jas.  1 2).  To 
"enter  into"  must  not  be  limited  to  mean  "yield 
to  "■  ;  temptation  or  trial,  like  hunger,  may  be  for 
man's  good,  yet  the  prayer  contains  petitions  against 
both.  Temptation  is  primarily  the  fiery  trial  which 
is  about  to  usher  in  the  End.  On  the  whole  we  should 
read  "from  evil"  rather  than  "from  the  evil  one." 
The  words  "For  thine  is  the  kingdom,"'  etc.,  are  a 
liturgical  addition,  appended  to  Mt.s  version  rather 
than  Lk.'s,  because  it  was  already  the  fuller  form. — 
14f.  is  from  some  other  context  (cf.  Mk.  11 25),  brought 
in  here  as  a  marginal  note  on  12.  Sins  here  are 
not  debts  but  transgressions.  See  further  DCG  (arts, 
on  "  The  Lords  Prayer  "),  where  the  literature,  ancient 
and  modem,  is  fully  cited.  Add  Gore,  Prayer  and  the 
Lord's  Prayer. 

VI.  16-18.  Fasting. — The  sequelof  6.  Jesus  assumes 
that  His  hearers  practised  fasting  as  an  ordinary  act 
of  piety,  though  Vie  does  not  appear  to  Iiave  enjoined 
it,  or  practised  it,  save  during  the  Temptation. — dis- 
figure:  lit.  "make  invisible,"  "cause  to  disappear." 
The  meaning,  as  we  learn  from  the  papyri,  is  simply 
that  they  refrain  from  washmg.  and  smear  the  face 
with  ash  so  that  it  disappears  under  accumulated  dirt. 
Hence  Jesus'  advice,  "  When  thou  fastest,  anoint 
thy  head  and  wash  thy  face.  "  The  injunction  is  more 
suited  for  a  festival."  There  is  humour  here.  The 
practice  of  fasting  is  not  forbidden,  but  it  is  not  to  be 
paraded.     Self-denial  is  to  be  cheerful,  cf.  914-17. 

VI.  19-34.  True  Righteousness  in  Relation  to 
Wealth. — The  Sermon  hero  passes  fiom  the  short- 
comings of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees.  There  are 
scattered  parallels  to  this  section  in  Lk. 

VI.  19-21.  Treasure  (Lk.  1233f.). — Jesus  has  already 
spoken  of  earthly  and  heavenly  reward ;  here  the 
theme  is  earthly  and  heavenly  wealth.  Note  the 
Hebraic  parallelism  and  tautology  in  this  thumbnail 
sketch  of  Oriental  wealth,  consisting  largely  of  gar- 
ments (cf.  Jas.  52f.).— rust  (i9f-)  is  literally  ^'  eating." 
and  rcfci-8  to  the  mice  and  other  vennin  that  play  havoc 
in  the  granarv. — dig  through  (mg.) :  see  Ex.  I222*. 

VI.  22L  The  Single  Eye  ^Lk.  Il34ff-)-— "  the  eye, 
the  outer  lamp  of  the  body,  is  healthy,  the  body  ia 
wholly  lit  up  ;  if  it  is  out  of  order,  the  body  is  wholly 
dark.     In  the  same  way.  if  the  inner  light  bo  oxtin- 


MATTHEW,  VII.  28f. 


707 


guished,  how  great  is  tJie  darkness  !  By  putting  tlie 
saying  here,  Alt.  seems  to  have  interpreted  it  of  a 
right  and  wrong  attitude  towards  material  possessions. 
"Single"  often  means  liberal;  "evil,"  grudging,  or 
niggardly.  "  Dark  "  was  a  colloquialism  for  uncharit- 
awe.  The  verses  are  a  warning  against  covetousncss. 
VI.  24.  The  Single  Service  (Lk.  IG13).— The  papyri 
show  cases  where  a  third  as  well  as  half  a  slave  is 
bequeathed  in  a  will.  Such  a  usage  may  have  been 
in  our  Lord's  mind,  and  the  strife  it  engendered  may 
have  given  point  and  force  to  His  saying. — hold  to  : 
stand  by,  or  look  to  for  support  and  help. — mammon  : 
an  Aramaic  word  (meaning  gain  or  wealth)  preserved 
by  Mt.  probably  because  it  is  personified.  Either  God 
or  wealth  must  be  loved  and  held  to  or  hated  and 
despised.  The  principle  is  stated,  as  usual,  in  the  most 
absolute  wav. 

VI.  25-34:  Earthly  Anxiety  (Lk.  I222-31).— As  the 
service  of  wealth  only  causes  anxiety,  we  should  give 
it  up. — Life  ipsuche)  is  the  hfe-principle  embodied  in 
the  body  ;  it  needs  food  as  the  body  needs  clothes. 
If  God  has  given  the  greater  things  (life  and  body), 
He  can  surely  provide  the  less  (food  and  raiment). 
Learn  from  the  birds,  not  idleness,  but  freedom  from 
worry  ;  if  God  provides  food  for  them.  He  will  surely 
provide  food  for  you. — 27-30  returns  to  the  question 
of  the  body.  To  add  a  cubit  to  one's  height  (less 
probably  "  age  ")  is  beyond  man's  most  anxious  effort. 
But  God  can  do  it — why  then  worry  about  the  smaller 
matter,  clothing  ? — lilies  :  rather  "  blossoms,"  in- 
cluding gladioli  and  irises,  whose  stems  are  used  as 
fuel  (30).  The  flowers  neither  toil  (Uke  men  in  the 
field)  nor  spin'  (like  women  in  the  house). — 31(1. 
Anxiety  is  not  only  unreasonable  and  useless,  it  is 
irreligious — natural  perhaps  in  Gentiles  (note  how 
Lk.  adds  "  of  the  world  '' — to  him  many  Gentiles  were 
the  Father's  children),  but  not  for  sons  of  God.  'With 
33  cf.  the  Lord's  Prayer,  where  God's  name,  kingdom, 
and  will  take  precedence  of  the  request  for  food. 
The  thought  of  34  is  different  from  that  of  25-33, 
where  no  day  will  have  its  trouble  because  God  will 
provide.  Here  we  are  not  to  worry  about  to-morrow, 
because  to-morrow  will  bear  its  own  worry  ;  and, 
further,  there  is  enough  worry  for  to-day.     Cf.  lOgf. 

VU.  1-5.  Against  Judguig  (Lk.  637f.,4if-)-— Mt.  here 
returns  (from  548)  to  the  Sermon  as  it  stood  in  Q.  The 
subjects  of  the  kingdom  are  warned  against  a  cen- 
sorious habit  of  mind  ;  judging  involves  judgment, 
ultimate  and  Divine,  or  (as  Alt.  interprets  it)  present 
and  human.  Note  how  Lk.  in  the  parallel  to  2  goes 
on  to  enjoin  a  kindly  bearing  towards  others.  3-5 
illustrates  the  warning  of  i. — mote:  a  piece  of  dry 
wood  or  straw,  a  chip  or  splinter.  Cf.  the  Rabbinic 
proverb.  "  He  who  accuses  another  of  a  fault  has  it 
himself,"  and  Rom.  2i.  The  censorious  man  is  a 
hypocrite  (5),  because  his  unkind  criticism  disguises 
itself  as  a  kindly  act. 

VII.  6.  Dogs  "and  Swine. — Lk.  omits,  as  a  reflection 
on  (ientilo  readers.  To  the  Jew,  Gentiles  were  dogs, 
and  careless  Jews  perhaps  swine.  The  saying  looks 
like  a  modification  of  the  command  not  to  judge  ;  the 
disciple  must  exercise  some  discrimination  (?  in 
teaching). — that  which  is  holy  is  a  strange  parallel 
to  pearls  ;  it  may  be  a  mistaken  rendering  of  the 
Aramaic  word  for  ear-rings.  Didache,  ix.,  quotes  the 
saying  in  forbidding  the  admission  of  the  un baptized 
to  the  Eucharist.  Xote  the  inverted  parallelism  ;  it 
is  the  swine  that  trample,  the  dogs  that  turn  and  bite. 

Vn.  7-11.  The  Value  of  Prayer.— An  interpolation 
with  no  relation  to  the  context.  It  is  more  suitably 
placed  in  lA.   II9-13.     The  emphasis  is  on  aaking. 


seeking,  knocking  ;  no  conditions  or  limitations  are 
mentioned,  but  we  must  perforce  underetand  "  Not 
as  I  will,  but  as  Thou  wilt."  Seek  and  knock  are 
pictorial  illustrations  of  ask.  Fish  was.  next  to  bread, 
the  commonest  article  of  diet  roimd  the  Sea  of  Galilee  ; 
stones  on  the  shore  and  perhaps  water-snakes  suggested 
themselves  as  substitutes.  Lk.  adds  an  egg  and  a 
scorpion.  Evil  is  not  simply  stingy  (623*)  ;  compwired 
with  God  even  loving  parents  are  evil. — good  things  is 
more  original  than  Lk.'s  '"  Holy  Spirit  "  ;  it  includes 
material  as  well  as  spiritual  blessings. 

VII.  12.  The  Golden  Rule  (Lk.  631).— In  negative 
forms  the  thought  is  widely  foimd  both  in  Jewish  and 
pagan  sources.  This  loftier  positive  form  we  owe  to 
Jesus.  It  is  the  quintessence  of  the  "  fulfilment  " 
referred  to  in  5i7  and  taught  in  the  Sermon.  Mt.  uses 
it  to  round  off  the  teaching,  the  remainder  of  the 
chapter  being  an  epilogue. 

VII.  13-27.  Epilogue. — Warnings  and  exhortations 
close  the  new  Law,  hire  the  old  (Ex.  232off.), 

VII.  13f.  The  Two  Gates  and  the  Two  Ways  (Lk. 
1824). — The  picture  is  based  on  Jer.  2l8,  and  is  fre- 
quent in  Jewish  and  Christian  writings.  The  way  that 
leads  to  life  (the  word  has  eschatological  force)  in 
volves  difficulties  and  tribulation  {cf.  Ac.  1422 ). 

VII.  15-23.  Fruit  the  Test  of  Profession.— Lk. 
(643-46, 1326f.)  speaks  of  unreality  in  personal  religion  ; 
Mt.  adapts  the  sayings  into  condemnations  of  false 
teachers,  who  profess  to  guide  men  to  the  vray  of  fife, 
while  really  seeking  their  own  advantage.  For  the 
proper  sequence  of  thought  read  19  {cf.  3io)  after  20. — 
A  corrupt  tree  :  the  papyri  show  that  the  word  corrupt 
does  not  here  mean  "rotten,"  but  "  imfit  for  food" 
{cf.  Alt.  1348,  of  fish).  E\t1  as  such  cannot  produce 
good  {cf.  12338.).  As  a  complement  to  this  teaching 
we  have  instances  where  Jesus  saw  the  possibihties  of 
good  in  bad  people. — 22f.  The  character  of  the  false 
teachers  will  be  revealed  in  "  that  (last)  day,"  a  common 
eschatological  expression.  "  Attempts  to  exorcise  by 
the  name  of  Jesus  were  both  successful  (Alk.  938) 
and  unsuccessful  (Ac.  I913-16)  ;  unworthy  Christians 
'  preached  Christ '  (Phil.  1 17),  and  miracles  of  healing 
were  probably  wrought  by  the  use  of  His  name  as  a 
magical  formula  "  (AI'Neile). 

VII.  24-27.  The  Two  Foundations  (Lk.  647-49)  — 
The  conclusion  of  the  whole  sermon.  Note  the  great- 
ness of  the  claim  involved  in  these  words  of  mine. 
For  the  rock  as  a  metaphor  for  a  state  of  safety  cf. 
Ps.  275  ;  there  is  no  connexion  with  I618.  The  dif- 
ferences between  Alt.  and  Lk.  point  to  the  free  use  of 
the  parable  by  preachers  in  the  early  Church. 

vn.  28f.  An  Editorial  Note  {cf.  lli,  1353.  19i. 
26i). — Alt.  uses  this  transition  formula  after  each  of 
his  five  chief  groups  of  Christ's  sayings.  The  multi- 
tudes were  not  present  during  the  Sermon  (5i),  but 
Alt.  here  returns  to  the  Marcan  narrative  (Alk.  I22). 

"The  teaching  brought  together  by  Alt.  in  the  Sermon 
on  the  Alount  provides  for  all  the  spiritual  needs  of 
men,  covering  the  whole  domain  of  the  inner  hfe.  It 
regulates  conduct  for  all  time  by  a.sserting  principles 
of  universal  application.  It  fixes  t  he  highest  standards, 
and  at  the  Sivme  time  suppfics  the  strongest 'motives 
for  endeavouring  to  reach  them.  Love  your  enemies, 
— that  ye  may  be  the  sons  of  your  Father  who  is  in 
heaven.  Ye  shall  be  perfect,  as  your  heavenly  Father 
is  perfect. 

"If  it  1h>  objected  that  an  attempt  to  reconstruct 
society  on  lines  such  ae  these  is  cliimerical  and  as  a 
matter  of  fact  has  never  been  realised,  the  answer  is 
that  the  character  which  Christ  sets  before  men  and 
which  He  HiniBclf  exhibited  is  one  which  with  us  can 


708 


MATTHEW,  VII.  28f. 


have  only  its  beginnings  in  the  preeent  world.  He 
lived  and  would  have  men  live,  for  the  eternal  and  the 
infinite.  The  Kingdom  of  Heaven  within  us  must 
over  bo  an  ideal  which  is  above  our  present  efiEorts, 
pointing  us  to  another  state  where  it  will  have  its 
perfect  work.  Meanwhile  it  is  not  inoperative  or 
destitute  of  results.  If  the  world  has  not  yet  been 
trauBligurod  by  the  teaching  of  our  Lord,  no  other 
teaching  has  done  so  much  to  make  its  crooked  ways 
straiglit  and  its  rough  places  plain.  If  the  religion  of 
Jesus  Christ  has  not  yet  produced  a  perfect  saint,  it 
has  planted  in  the  lives  of  tens  of  thousands  a  prin- 
ciple which  makes  for  perfection  and  will  attain  it, 
as  our  faith  assures  us,  in  the  day  when  His  Kingdom 
is  fully  realised." — Swete,  Studies  in  the  Teaching  of 
Our  Lord,  p.  18of.     Cf.  Rufus  Jones,  The  Inner  Life. 

Vm.  1-4.  Tbe  Healing  of  a  Leper  (Mk.  I40-45*, 
Lk.  5i2-i6). — Mt.  omits  the  healing  of  the  demoniac 
(Mk.  1 23-28),  and  gives  this  mcidcnt  perhaps  in  illus- 
tration of  Christ's  attitude  to  the  Law.  Love  is 
grciiter  than  Law.  therefore  Jesus  touches  the  polluted 
man  ;  yet  the  Law  should  be  observed,  and  the  man 
must  go  to  the  priest  and  witness  that  Jesus  was  not 
hostile  to  it.  Apart  from  the  connecting  link  in  i, 
Mt.  abbreviates.  Note  especially  the  omission  of 
Jesus  "  being  moved  with  compassion,"  and  of  the 
patient's  disobedience  (Mk.  I45).  The  multitudes  of 
I  seem  to  have  disappeared  in  4. 

Vni.  5-13.  The  Centurion's  Servant  (Lk.  7i-io, 
1328f.  ;  cf.  Jn.  446-33). — Lk.'s  version  immediately 
follows  his  account  of  the  sermon  ;  pi'obably  it  was 
so  in  Q.  Mt.  {cf.  Jn.)  may  have  understood  pais  to 
mean  "  son,"  not  "  servant."  Note  his  use  of  doulos 
("  slave."  cf.  mg.)  in  9. 

Ih  should  be  read  as  a  question.  The  centurion  in 
reply  admits  his  unworthiness. — 9.  I  also :  he  does 
not  imply  that  Jesus  was  subject  to  authority  ;  he 
says,  "  Even  I  (an  ofiScer  of  comparatively  low  grade) 
know  what  it  is  to  be  obeyed." — 10.  Note  Mt.'s  rare 
admission  that  Jesus  marvelled.  The  incident  is  a 
companion  picture  to  that  of  the  Canaanite  woman 
(ir)28).  These  Gentiles  believed  that  the  cure  could 
bo  wrought  from  a  distance,  a  faith  sirrpassing  that 
of  any  Jew. — llf.  Note  the  different,  though  hardly 
more  suitable,  context  in  Lk.  A  banquet  was  a  usual 
feature  in  Jewish  pictures  of  the  Messianic  age. — sons 
of  the  kingdom  :  here  Jews  who  trust  simply  in  their 
Judaism,  in  contrast  with  those  who  were  spiritually 
fit,  whether  Jews  or  Gentiles. — the  outer  darkness 
(22x3,  2.030)  is  the  antithesis  of  the  banqueting  hall; 
it  is  an  apocalyptic  phrase  for  the  state  of  iinal  punish- 
ment. So  is  the  weeping,  etc.  (Enoch  1083,5  ;  <"/• 
Rev.  I610). — 13.  Either  the  word  of  Jesus  wrought 
the  cure,  or  Ho  knew  and  said  that  God  would  heal 
the  patient  because  of  the  centurion's  faith. 

Vin.  1«.  Simons  Wife's  Mother  (Mk.  I29-31*, 
Lk.  438f.). — Mt.  abbreviates  and  heightens  Mk. — the 
cure  is  wrought  Ijv  a  mere  touch. 

vm.  16f.  The  Sunset  Healings  (Mk.  1 32-34*. 
Lk.  44of.). — Not  "  err  the  sun  was  set,"'  as  the  well- 
known  hymn  has  it,  but  Mt.  omits  (his  note  as  he  does 
not  saylt  was  on  the  Sabbath.  Note  his  transposition 
of  Mk.'s  all  broucht  and  many  healed  ;  he  will  not 
admit  the  possibility  that  any  were  uncured.  The 
unqualified  mention  of  "spirits"  in  this  connexion 
is  unique  in  NT. — with  a  word  :  cf.  8.  For  Mt.'s 
omission  of  Mk.  134?!,  cf.  I213  (  =  Mk.  .3ii). — 17  is  an 
adaptation  of  Is.  .534  ;  as  Mt.  uses  it.  there  is  "  no 
reference  to  the  propitiatory  value  of  the  Servant's 
work."  "no  bearing  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Atone- 
ment "  (M'Neile). 


vm.  18-22.  Aspirants  to  Disclpleship  (Lk.  957-60).— 
Mt.  hero  breaks  away  from  Alk.'s  order,  omitting 
Mk-  1 35-38,  and  giving  as  the  sequel  to  Jesus'  first 
stay  at  Capernaum  what  Mk.  (435-520)  makes  the 
sequel  to  the  second  staj'.  Mk.  2-434  (following  on 
the  first  stay)  is  given  by  Mt.  in  chs.  9,  llf.  Where 
Mk.  (435)  and  Lk.  (822)  have  an  invitation,  Mt.  (i^) 
has  a  command.  Lk.'s  account  of  (three)  would-be 
followers  occurs  on  the  last  journey  to  Jerusalem  ;  Mt. 
records  them  thus  early  as  illustrating  cases  cf  un- 
worthy discipleship.  The  scribe  (?  already  a  disciple, 
cf.  21)  wishes  to  go  with  Jesus,  not  necessarily  lor 
good,  but  "  wherever  you  are  (now)  going  "  ;  Jesus 
replies  that  He  is  not  going  home,  for  He  has  none. 
It  is  possible  that  Jesus  is  referring  rather  to  His  being 
outcast  from  the  religious  circles  of  His  land  (Bruce, 
With  Open  Face,  p.  21S).  Certainly  there  seems  to 
be  a  contrast  between  the  easy,  care-free  life  r>f  the 
lower  creation,  and  the  dignity,  with  its  entailed  hard- 
ship, of  the  lot  of  man  (cf.  Ps.  556f.,  Jer.  92).  This  is 
the  first  place  where  Mt.  has  the  phrase  "Son  of 
Man."  and  it  may  carry  its  simple  human  rather  than  its 
Messianic  connotation.  The  second  disciple  (Phihp, 
according  to  Clement  of  Alexandria)  does  not  offer 
himself  without  a  call,  but  delays  in  accepting  a  call 
already  given.  There  is  this  likeness  between  the 
two — one  is  reluctant  to  renounce  his  house,  the  other 
his  relatives  [cf.  192<j).  "  Burj'  my  father  ''  need  not 
mean  that  the  parent  was  lying  dead,  but  prob.ably 
that  the  disciple  did  not  feel  justified  in  leaving  home 
whDe  the  head  of  the  house  was  still  alive.  In  accord 
with  Oriental  fcf^ling,  he  was  not  yet  his  own  master. 
Cf.  also  Gen.  SOsf..  Tob.  43.  614.  'The  answer  of 
Jesus  is  cryptic  ;  perhaps  "  the  dead  "  are  the  spiritu- 
ally dead,  the  other  members  of  the  family.  Another 
reading  of  the  Aramaic  underlying  the  Gr.  gives 
"  leave  the  dead  to  the  burier  of  the  dead  "  {cf.  Ezek. 
39x1-16). 

vm.  23-27.  The  Stilling  of  the  Tempest  (Mk. 
436-41*,  Lk.  823-25). — Mk.'s  narrative  is  the  fullest ; 
note  how  both  the  others  f)mit  the  reproach  of  Mk. 
43S.  Mt.  alone  makes  the  disciples  (some  of  thera 
skilled  boatmen)  directly  invoke  the  help  of  (heir 
passenger  ;  also  he  gives  them  credit  for  a  httle  faith 
(26).  In  27,  according  to  him  it  is  not  the  disciples 
that  discover  who  the  Lord  is,  but  "  people "  {cf. 
"  (the)  men  "  in  I613).  There  is  more  in  the  incident 
than  a  nature  miracle  ;  the  wind  and  sea  are  regarded 
as  demoniacally  possessed,  and  the  "  wonder "  is  a 
"  sign  "  that  the  powers  of  evil  are  being  subdued 
and  that  the  kingdom  is  at  hand  (I22S). 

VIII.  28-34.  The  Gerasene  Demoniacs  (Mk.  5i-2o*, 
Lk.  826-30) — Mt.  is  considerably  shorter  than  Ml:.; 
note  his  summary  of  Mk.  r>3-5  and  omission  of  Mk. 
58-10,  18-20.  He  frequently  omits  questions  put  by 
Jesus.  His  statement  that  there  were  two  maniacs 
may  be  compensation  for  the  previous  omission 
(1-4*).  but  perhaps  Mk.  and  Lk.  are  drinking  of  the 
more  important  of  the  two.  According  to  Dalman, 
"Son  of  God  "  (20)  wa''  not  a  common  Messianic  title 
but  was  substituted  for  one  in  (ho  case  of  demons  by 
the  evangelists.  The  spirits  feel  (hat  the  hour  of  (heir 
doom,  the  Judgment -day  (Eth.  Enoch,  lof.  ;  Jubilees. 
lOsf.),  has  stnick  too  soon.  The  rush  and  total 
disappearance  of  the  frightened  swine  would  be  a 
gr-eat  factor  in  establishing  the  pa(ient"s  peace  of  mind. 
'V\^hat  had  troubled  him  \\as  now  gone  for  ever. 

IX.  1-8.  The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic  (Mk  2i-i2*, 
Lk.  rnj-26). —  Mt.  here  resumes  Mk.'s  order;  Mt..  818*. 
As  usual  he  condenses  the  narrative,  saj'ing  nothing 
of  the  dense  crowd  round  the  house  or  of  the  device 


MATTHEW,  X.  11-23 


709 


employed  by  the  sick  man's  friends.  For  faith  win- 
ning blessings  for  others  c/.  813,  Jas.  5i5.  The  be- 
ginnings of  official  opposition  are  seen  in  3,  they  cul- 
minate in  1214-24.  The  question  in  5  implies  that  it 
is  equally  difficult  to  say  effectually  either  "  thy  sins 
are  forgiven  "  or  "  arise  and  walk  "  for  suffering  was 
universally  held  to  be  tlio  seciuence  of  sin  (c/.  -Tn.  92), 
and  the  only  possible  proof  of  forgiveness  would  be  a 
cure.  It  is  quite  permissible  to  take  "  Son  of  Man  "  in 
6  as  meaning  "  man,"  but  human  ability  to  forgive  sins 
is  delegated  authority  (8)  rather  than  inherent  power. 

IX.  9-13.  The  Call  of  Matthew.  Jesus  Eats  with 
Tax-collectors  (Mk.  213-17*,  Lk.  527-32). — We  need 
not  doubt  the  identiflcation  of  Matthew  (=gift  of 
Yahweh)  and  Levi ;  Peter  had  a  double  Jewish  name, 
Simon  and  Kephas.  Lk.  notes  how  this  disciple 
"  forsook  all  '  ;  he  could  not  return  to  his  old  calling, 
as  a  fisherman  could.  The  meal  was  apparently  in 
Jesus'  house  (rf.  13,  "It  is  not  my  mission  to  invite 
the  righteous)  ;  Capernaum  was  now  "  his  own  city  " 
(i).  "As  a  Physician,  the  Lord  was  bound  to  come 
into  close  contact  with  those  who  were  sick,  regardless 
of  the  contagious  pollution  which  the  Pharisees 
shimned."  13a  (Hos.  66)  is  quoted  again  in  12?  ; 
it  hardly  seems  in  place  here  (though  "  sacrifice " 
stands  for  ritual  correctness  generally),  for  Jesus  had, 
based  His  action  on  the  ground  of  simple  duty  rather 
than  mercy.  The  "righteous"  and  the  "  sinnei-s  " 
correspond  to  "the  whole"  and  "the  sick."  Lk.'s 
addition,  "  to  repentance,"  is  an  attempt  to  explain 
why  the  righteous  were  not  called. 

IX.  14h-17.  Fasting.  The  Old  and  the  New  (Mk. 
2i8-22*,  Lk.  533-39). — Mt.  makes  the  disciples  of 
John  (who  were  moie  numerous  and  important  for 
two  or  three  centuiies  than  is  usually  recognized ; 
c/.  p.  797)  put  the  question.  "  Sons  of  the"  bride- 
chamber  "  means,  bj'^  a  common  Heb  idiom,  wedding- 
guests  ;  Jn.  329  has  its  root  here.  The  "  old  gar- 
ment "  is  the  system  deduced  from  the  Law  rather 
than  the  Law  itself  ;  there  is  no  contradiction  of  5i7. 
Lk.  takes  the  patch  from  a  new  garment— a  double 
disaster.  Note  the  necessity  of  new  forms  (17)  unless 
the  new  spirit  is  to  be  lost ;  yet  Jesus  leaves  it  to  His 
Church  to  provide  them.     On  fasting  c/.  616-18. 

IX.  18-26.  Jairus'  Daughter  and  the  Woman  with 
HaBmorrhage  (Mk.  521-43*,  Lk.  840-56). — Mt.  records 
in  nine  verses  what  Mk.  takes  twenty-three  to  tell. 
He  again  forsakes  Mk.'s  order,  postponing  Mk.  223- 
434  till  later  {chs.  12,  10,  13).  I^espile  has  compres- 
sion Mt.  remarks  that  the  woman  (?  Veronica)  touched 
the  sacred  tassel  (Nu.  I538)  of  Jesus'  dress,  and  that 
the  cure  was  immediate  and  permanent  ("  from  that 
hour  ").  As  with  the  paralytic  (810),  faith  (not  magic) 
expelled  both  the  disease  and  the  sin  thought  to  be 
linked  with  it. 

In  the  story  of  the  ruler  (t.e.  supervisor  of  synagogue- 
worship  ;  for  other  u.ses  of  the  word  see  Lk.  14i, 
I818  ;  Jn.  3i  ;  Ac.  45).  Mt.  alone  mentions  the  flute- 
players  among  the  crowd,  which  Jesus  dismisses  more 
authoritatively  than  in  Mk.  and  Lk.  Like  Mk.,  Mt. 
takes  Jesus'  words,  "  not  dead  but  sleepeth,"  as  hterally 
true  ;  Lk.  alone  clearly  indicates  a  raising  from  death. 
The  messengers  (Mk.  535),  or  Jairus  himself  (Mt,  9i8), 
were  mistaken.  26  replaces  the  injunction  to  silence 
(c/.  30)  in  Mk.  and  Lk.  ;  "that  land  "  (c/.  31)  is  the 
district  round  Capernaum. 

IX.  27-31.  Two  Blind  Men  Healed.— Mt.  only  ;  per- 
haps a  doublet  of  2O29-34,  with  reminiscences  (in 
3of,)  of  Mk.  143-45-  See  M'Neilo,  128f.  "Son  of 
David  "  first  appears  as  a  Messianic  title  m  Ps.  SoL 
1723,  but  becomes  frequent  after  a.d.  100. 


30.  Jesus  strictly  charged  them :  the  verb  is  that 
used  in  Mk,  I43,  145,  Jn.  II33,  and  connotes  a  rush  of 
deep  feeling. 

IX.  32-34.  A  Dumb  Demoniac  Healed. — Mt,  only 
(but  C.J.  Lk.  II14)  ;  perhaps  a  doublet  of  1222f.* 

IX.  35.  A  summary  of  ministry  (Mlf.  666)  almost 
identical  with  423.  Mk.  6i-6a  is  deferred  to  the  end 
of  Mt.  13. 

IX.  36-X.  4.  The  Sending  of  the  Twelve.— Jesus 
sees  the  people  "  distressed  and  scattered  " — better, 
"mishandled  and  lying  helpless  " — utterly  unprepared, 
through  lack  of  spiritual  guidance  and  succour,  for 
the  Advent  of  the  Kingdom.  It  was  the  hour  of 
opp(>rtunity.  and  if  there  were  enough  heralds  of  the 
Kingdom,  the  flock  could  be  folded,  the  ripe  harvest 
garnered  (r/,  Lk.  IO2 — the  charge  to  the  Seventy  ; 
Jn.  435).  He  has  ahready  chosen  twelve  disciples 
(Mt.  assumes  Mk.  3i4),  a  number  corresponding  to 
that  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  (1928);  now  Ho  endows 
them  with  authority  like  His  own  over  demons  and 
disease.  On  the  names  see  Mk.  3i  3ff  .*  and  Swete  in  loc. 
Andrew  and  Philip  are  pure  Gr.  names  ;  Simon,  "  the 
first,"  holds  a  prominent  place  in  Mt.'s  Jewish-Chris- 
tian gospel.  Mt.  groups  the  twelve  m  pairs.  The 
Alphseus  who  was  father  of  James  is  not  necessarily 
the  same  as  the  father  of  Levi  (Mk.  214)  or  Matthew. 
Thaddaeus  is  a  better  reading  than  Lebbaeus  (which 
is  a  gloss  ;  it  connotes  "  heart,"  while  Thadda?us  was 
thoujrht  to  connote  "  breast ") ;  in  other  Usts  he 
appears  as  "  Judas  (son)  of  James  "  (c/.  Jn.  1422), 
which  suggests  that  Thaddieus  is  a  variant  form  of 
Judah  or  Judab.  In  4  follow  mg.  ;  the  evangelists, 
knowing  that  the  "  delivering  up  "  (ixtradidorni)  was 
part  of  God's  plan,  never  use  of  Judas  the  verb  that 
specifica,Uy  denotes  treachery  (prodidovii). 

X.  5-42.  The  Charge  to  the  Twelve. — The  section 
forms  the  second  of  five  passages  into  which  Mt.  col- 
lected the  savings  of  Jesus.  The  Markan  account 
(67-11)  ia  foU'owed  by  Lk.  9i-5,  but  Lk.  IO2-6  (the 
Seventy)  is  from  Q ;  Mt.  IO5-16  combines  the  two 
sources.  The  mission  is  limited  to  Jews,  hardly,  in 
view  of  6,  23,.  to  the  Jews  of  Gahlee.  Lk.  10  omits 
the  hmitation  ;  he  wrote  mainly  for  Gentiles.  Indeed, 
when  Mt.  wrote,  the  limitation  was  obsolete.  Yet  it 
sho^s  that  Jesus  came  to  realise  the  Jewish  hope, 
and  though  Gentiles  are  not  wholly  barred  from  the 
Kingdom  (81  if.),  they  enter  only  as  an  appendage. 
Not  yet  is  humanity  welcomed  without  distinction. 
The  Apostles  preach  the  imminence  of  the  Kingdom 
rather  than  repentance  (Mk.  612,  but  cf.  Mk.  I15) ; 
Mt.  (8)  expands  the  phrase  "heal  the  sick,"  and  en- 
joins gratuitous  service.  "  Get  you  no  gold,"  etc.  ^9), 
means  either  "  Do  not  acquire  "  (a  repetition  of  the 
sense  of  8)  or,  better,  "  Do  not  procure"  as  provision 
before  starting,  though  Jesus  would  not  expect  them 
to  make  money  by  announcing  the  ICingdom.  The 
staff  and  sandals  pemiitted  in  Mk.  are  forbidden  here. 
The  Fathers  got  over  the  contradiction  by  making 
the  forbidden  stick  an  ordinary  one,  the  permitted 
one  an  apostoUc  wand  of  office.  AU  these  injunctions, 
encouraging  the  trust  enjoined  in  625-33,  powerfully 
influenced  the  first  mediaeval  friaiB,  especially  Francis 
of  Assisi. 

X.  11-23.  The  apostles  are  to  put  up  at  the  houses 
of  the  "  worthy,"  i.e.  such  as  arc  ready  to  welcome 
them  and  their  message.  The  house  in  13  is  perhaps 
best  understood  of  that  at  which  they  make  the  in- 
quin,' ;  the  "  peace  "  or  salutation  is  thought  of  as 
an  objective  blessing  settling  upon  the  worthy  house- 
hold, but  otherwise  returning  to  tlie  speakers  in  full 
measure    for    future   use.     Or  that  City  (14)  is   the 


710 


MATTHEW.  X.  11-23 


confusing  addition  of  some  copyist.  So  is  15.  a  doublet 
of  II24  added  here  to  harmonise  with  Lk.  IO12.  It 
is  probable  that  ilt.  orginally  mentioned  simply  the 
house  (JThS  II558).  16  is  preliminary  to  17-22,  versos 
uhich  belong  properly  to  the  late  apocalyptic  discourse 
(ch.  24).  where  Mt.  summarises  them.  They  retiect  a 
much  later  Christian  experience  than  the  ciiarge  to 
the  apostles,  and  there  is  nothing  in  the  message  and 
work  of  7f .  to  evoke  pereecution. 

166.  Mt.  only.  The  comparison  with  the  serpent 
is  Umited  to  prudence  ;  Jesus  illustrated  His  uijunc- 
tion  by  His  adroit  replies  to  tricky  and  entrapping 
questions. — 18  anticipates  mission  work  no  longer 
restricted  to  Israel. — 196,  by  the  way.  is  not  addressed 
to  clergy  and  ministers  who  regtilarly  address  Christian 
congregations.— 20.  the  Spirit  Of  your  Father  is  a 
imiqueexpression  ;  Jesus  may  have  in  mind  Jl.  228f . — 
22.  The  name  stood  for  the  person  (cf.  Ac.  641,  9i6, 
1526,  3  Jn.  7,  and  frequently  in  OT).— 22/'.  to  the  end 
is  sometimes  taken  with  "  shall  be  saved  "'  (i.e.  "  shall 
have  deliverance  and  victory "),  in  the  sense  of 
"  finally,"  but  is  better  as  it  stands  with  "  endureth." 
meaning  "continually,"  or  "to  the  utmost  extent 
of  the  persecution  "  {cf-  Rev.  2io). — 23.  This  much- 
discussed  verse  is  clearly  no  part  of  the  charge  to  the 
Twelve,  and  no  indication  that  Jesus  expected  the 
Parousia  before  tho  completion  of  their  tour.  It 
goes  with  the  anachronistic  17-22,  and  Schweitzer 
(Mcssianitdis-  und  Leidensgeheivmis,  pp.  102ff..  cf.  pp. 
15f .  :  Quest,  p.  .357)  is  off  the  mark.  It  is  the  community 
of  Christians  that  is  to  flee  during  the  ponents  that 
precede  the  end.  and  it  is  they  who  will  not  need  to 
go  beyond  Palestine  for  refuge,  because  the  Sou  of 
Man  is  at  hand. 

X.  24-39.  Further  Sayings  on  Persecution.— 24,  25a 
would  hardly  be  intelligible  to  the  disciples  till  after 
I621  ;  256  connects  with  I222-32. — Bseizebub  :  Mk. 
322*.— 2&-33.  From  Q  (cf.  Lk.  I22-9) ;  26  is  found 
in  Mk.  422.  though  the  application  is  different  both 
there  and  also  in  Lk.  122.  Here  and  in  27  the  thought 
is  that  Jesus'  influence  in  His  hfetime  is  small  com- 
pared with  what  it  will  be  later.  The  destroyer  in 
286  is  God  (cf.  Wisd.  I613,  Jas.  4i2),  though  some  argue 
from  Lk.  I25  7ng.  that  it  is  the  devil.  But  the  usual 
exhortation  is  to  fight  the  devil  rather  than  to  fear 
him. — soul  (psuche)  is  variously  used  in  the  Synoptists  ; 
here  it  is  all  that  makes  up  the  i-eal  self.  But  they 
that  '"fear"'  the  Lord  are  to  "trust  in  the  Lord  ' 
(Pb.  Hon);  hence  29-31.  Even  if  they  suffer 
martyrdom  it  will  be  with  God's  knowledge  and  loving 
care. — 32f.  sums  up  the  thought  of  faithful  endurance 
elaborated  in  17-31. — confess,  i.^.  "acknowledge," 
"range  oneself  with."  Some  think  Lk.,  "the  Son  of 
Man"  (will  confess  him),  preferable  to  Mt.'s  "I." 
Mk.  838  seems  to  distinguish  between  Jesus  and  the 
Son  of  Man ;  Mt.  by  his  pronoun  declares  them 
identical. — 33  should  be  read  not  as  a  threat  but  a 
statement  of  inevitable  law. 

X.  34-36.  Family  feuds  (Lk.  1251-53),  cf.  21  »upra. — 
Family  and  social  strife  is  a  portent  of  the  end  in 
apocalyptic  literature  (cf.  the  mission  of  Ehjah,  Mai. 
45f.).  80  the  l^abbis  interpreted  Mi.  76.  History, 
\x)Xh  in  the  early  Church  and  on  tho  modem  mission 
field,  has  abujidantly  illustrated  tho  sad  truth  of  the 
sajang. — 36  was  Jesus"  own  experience  (Mk.  821). 
Lk.  richtlv  intnpiets  "sword"  (34)  as  "division." 

X.  87-39.  Conditions  of  Discipleship.— Lk.  U25-27- 
to  tho  crowds  ;  Mk.  834 — to  crowd  and  disciples  ; 
Mt.  to  disciples.  The  highest  good  must  bo  clung  to 
at  all  costs,  though  cases  of  its  conflict  with  the  fifth 
commandment  are  happily  comparatively  rare  (I64- 


6*).  If  we  keep  38  before  I621,  there  is  here  no  pn»- 
diction  of  Jesus'  death,  but  a  general  and  onl}*  too 
well  understood  reference  to  agony  and  shame. — 39  i» 
found,  with  slight  modifi cations,  in  five  other  pass- 
ages ;  here  =  Lk.  1733  ;  Mt.  I625  =  Mk.  835  =  Lk. 
924 ;  and  Jn.  I225. — life  (f-suche)  is  (a)  physical. 
(b)  the  higher  hfe  of  the  soul  ;  "  lose  "™b©  deprived 
of  "  loseth  "=  sacrifices.  "  The  '  finding  '  in  the  first 
clatise  is  for  the  moment ;  in  the  second,  for  eternity." 

X.  40-42.  End  ol  the  Charge.— 40  connects  with 
11-14  (cf.  also  2035-40,  and  note  I85).  The  second 
clause  cives  a  Synoptic  root  for  Jn.  I244,  1320,  2O21, 
etc.  icf.  Heb.  3i.  and  Clem..  Cor.  42if.).— 41  (hko 
7i5ff.)  seems  to  belong  to  a  time  when  there  was  a 
definite  class  of  Christian  prophets. — in  the  name  ot : 
because  he  is ;  with  no  tllierior  motive.  Host  and 
guest  shall  receive  a  Uke  reward  in  the  new  age.  Cf. 
01  if.*  The  "righteous"  may  be  men  and  women  of 
exemplary  piety  (020)  or  perhaps  simply  rank-and-filo 
Christians,  and  so  the  same  as  the  "  httle  ones " 
(cf.  42  and  186* =Mk.  941).  Mt.  regards  righteousness 
as  the  chief  virtue,  and  Christians  are  the  true  fulfiUers 
of  the  Law  (Montefiore).  But  it  is  better  to  regard  the 
"  httle  ones  "  as  a  fourth  class,  "  disciples." 

On  the  whole  section,  16-42,  see  Weflhausen,  quoted 
by  Montefiore,  p.  588. 

XI.  1  (contrast  Mk.  612.  Lk.  96)  is,  like  728,  a 
formula  rounding  off  the  collection  of  sayings. 

XI.  2-19.  John  the  Baptist  (Lk.  718-35).— -In  place 
of  Mk.'s  narrative  of  John,  deferred  to  ch.  14,  Mt.  gives 
material  from  Q. 

2-6.  John's  Perplexity. — It  is  a  question  whether 
doubt  was  supers-ening  upon  the  Baptist's  first  faith, 
or  whether  3i4f.  is  unhistorical,  and  John  had  all 
along  been  imcertain.  In  2  Cod.  Bezae reads  "the 
words  of  Jesus."  In  5  we  have  to  decide  whether  Jesus 
refers  the  embassy  to  a  series  of  physical  miracles  ending 
with  the  preaching  of  good  tidings  to  the  poor  (Har- 
nack,  Plummer).  or  metai)horically  (cf.  Is.  355,  42i, 
6I1)  to  the  spiritual  work  He  was  doing  (Schmiedel, 
Loisy,  Wellhausen).  Jesus  never  paraded  or  made 
capital  out  of  His  miracles,  and  it  would  be  like  Him 
to  meet  John's  question  by  emphasising  His  spiritual 
mission.  Mt.  and  Lk..  however,  held  that  Jesus 
appealed  to  physical  miracles,  and  in  illustration  of 
raising  the  dead  (but  see  924*)  Mt.  has  given  the  case  of 
Jairus'  daughter  from  Mk.  With  Lk..  Jairus'  daughter 
comes  later,  so  he  inserts  just  before  Johns  incjuiry 
the  story  of  the  Nain  widow's  son.  Jesus,  while  appro- 
priating Is.  61 1-3  to  Himself,  and  feeUng  sure  that 
the  nile  of  Satan  was  shaken,  is  unwilUng  as  yet  directly 
to  declare  Himself  Messiah.  It  is  for  others  to  recog- 
nise the  new  light  and  truth  ;  failing  to  do  so,  they 
mcrease  their  darkness  and  peril  (6). 

7-19.  The  Baptist  and  the  Son  ol  Man.— 7-10  may 
he  independent  of  and  earher  than  2-6,  and  11-14 
in  turn  independent  of  7-10,  and  dealing  rather  less 
favourably  with  John.  In  7-10  Jesus  declares  that 
the  i)opular  enthusiasm  for  the  Baptist,  now  perhaps 
wanuig.  was  right.  He  was  no  weakling,  but  a  strong 
man  ;  no  silken  courtier,  but  a  stem  ascetic,  a  prophet 
— true,  but  the  outstanding  prophet  predicted  by 
Malachi.  Yet  John  belongs  to  the  old  era,  and  so 
falls  mto  tho  background.  "The  humblest  Christian 
is,  as  a  Cluistian,  more  than  the  greatest  Jew  "  (Monte- 
tiore  ;  see  also  his  fine  passage  on  Jesus  as  marking  an 
era,  pp  592-4).  Between  new  and  old  there  is  a  great 
gulf  fi.xed.  J.  Weiss  thinks,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
John  was  not  excluded  from  the  new,  and  that  Jesus 
meant,  "  he  who  is  smaller  is  in  the  kingdom  greater 
than  he."     This  is  not  so  tenable.     Perhaps,  as  Oort 


MATTHEW,  XI.  28-30 


711 


suggests,  we  have  in  11-14  not  so  much  Jesus"  own  view 
as  that  of  the  Church  towards  the  end  of  the  first 
century,  reflected  again  in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  where, 
however,  the  Baptist  himself  is  made  to  declare  his 
inferiority, 

71.  Perhaps  we  should  assimilate  these  verses  to  9, 
and  read :  "  Why  ,  .  .  wilderness  ?  To  see  .  .  . 
wind?"  "Why  went  ye  out?  To  see  .  .  .  rai- 
ment ?  " 

12.  The  following  varied  explanations  have  been 
offered :  (a)  Since  John's  day  rash  attempts  have 
been  made  to  speed  the  advent  of  the  Kuigdom,  a 
reference  to  the  Zealot  propaganda,  (b)  The  King- 
dom suffers  violence  from  men  who  steal  it  away, 
not  to  benefit  by  it,  but  to  prevent  believers  from  en- 
joying it  (Loisy,  c/.  2813).  (c)  The  Kingdom  came 
with  Jesus,  but  was  hindered  by  the  malice  of  men. 
(Loisy  suggests  this  as  the  point  of  view  of  early 
Christians  arguing  against  the  Jews,  and  especially 
against  followers  of  John.)  (d)  The  Kingdom  suffers 
violence  (ironical)  because  the  wrong  people  are  taking 
possession  of  it — chance  victors,  tax-gatherers  and 
sinners  (cf.  21 28-32).  (e)  The  Kingdom  is  violently 
treated  in  the  persons  of  its  messengers  and  heralds 
(so  Dalman  and  Allen  ;  cf.  Lk.  729f.).  The  words  are 
then  an  editorial  paraphrase  of  a  saj^g  like  Lk.  16 16 
mserted  as  a  Hnk  between  7-1 1  and  16-19,  in  which 
John's  career  is  viewed  as  closed. — 13  does  not  natu- 
rally follow  12,  and  should  perhaps  precede  it  as  in 
Lk.  I616,  which  is  easier  but  possibly  less  original. 
The  OT  pointed  forward  to  John  as  the  herald  of  the 
Messianic  age  ;  that  period  of  preparation  is  now  closed. 
7-15  brings  out  the  cleavage  between  the  old  and 
the  new  era.  Christianity  is  severed  from  Judaism. 
John  had  great  gifts,  but  he  lacked  the  one  thing 
needful  ;  he  never  became  a  disciple  of  Jesus.  Yet 
(16-19),  as  opposed  to  the  Jews,  John  and  Jesus  stand 
together. 

16-19.  The  contemporaries  of  Jesus  are  like  chil- 
dren, not  those  who  play  at  weddings  and  funerals, 
but  their  "  fellows  "  who  are  unwilling  to  dance  or  to 
mourn,  understanding  neither  Johns  asceticism  and 
warnings,  nor  Jesus'  good  news  and  geniahty.  Jesus 
seems  to  bo  looking  back  on  His  mission,  now  drawing 
to  an  end. 

19b.  The  verdict  of  the  early  Church.  Wisdom, 
incarnate  in  Jesus,  though  doubted  by  many,  has  been 
proved  rijzht  by  its  works.  Lk.  has  "  children  "  (so 
Syr.  Sin.  here,  almost  certainly  correct),  i.e.  those 
who  accepted  Jesus  ;  or,  less  probably,  the  Jews  as 
the  children  of  the  Divine  Wisdom  (cf.  812,  where 
they  are  called  children  of  the  Kingdom).  In  this 
case  we  must  take  "  by  "  in  the  sense  of  "  before  "  or 
"  over  against,  '  or  possibly  "  far  from,"'  i.e.  amongst 
people  remote  from  those  who  deemed  themselves  her 
children. 

XL  20-24.  Woe  to  Unbelieving  Cities  (Lk.  IO13-16; 
in  the  address  to  the  Seventy).  We  should  rather 
have  expected  to  find  this  passage  in  Mt.  10.  Some 
scholars  regard  the  denunciation  as  the  product  of 
a  later  generation  rather  than  an  utterance  of  Jesus. 
The  Galilean  cities  had  been  comparatively  receptive 
of  His  teaching,  and  it  is  not  like  Him  to  make  miracles 
the  basis  of  faith.  Note,  too,  the  contrast  with  the 
gentleness  of  29.  Still  the  passage  may  well  reflect 
the  tragic  sense  of  failure  experienced  by  Jesus  at  the 
crisis  of  His  work  in  Galilee,  when  He  had  to  leave  to 
save  Himself  from  Herod  (Lk.  13 1),  and  becau.se  of 
the  changing  attitude  of  the  people.  As  He  set  out 
on  the  road  to  Phoenicia,  the  scene  of  His  work  lay 
spread  out  before  Him.    Here  He  had  long  laboured 


to  lay  the  comer-stone  of  the  new  Kingdom,  to  banish 
pain  and  ignorance  and  sin.  and  to  show  men  the  way 
to  the  Father  and  to  each  other.  The  utterance  is 
less  a  curse  than  a  statement  of  fact  put  in  the  form 
of  a  dirge  or  lament,  so  characteristic  of  the  East. 

21.  Chorazin  :  the  modem  Kerazeh,  two  miles  XNW. 
of  Tell  Hiim  (p.  29).  The  Gospels  do  not  mention 
any  incident  as  taking  place  here.  An  ancient  Chris- 
tian tradition  (Pseudo-Methodius)  connects  it  with 
Antichrist  (ET,  I5524).  Tyre  and  Sidon  were  often 
denounced  by  the  OT  prophets  for  their  lu.Kury  and 
wickedness.  So  was  Babylon,  with  which  Capernaum 
(23)  is  implicitly  compared.     See  Is.  ISigf. 

XI.  25-30.  Jesus  and  His  Mission. — 25-27  treats  of 
the  relation  between  the  Father  and  the  Son  (Lk. 
102if.),  28-30  of  the  3'oke  of  Jesus  (Mt.  only).  No 
stress  can  be  laid  on  "  at  that  time,"  though  "  these 
things  "'  might  mean  the  significance  of  the  wonders 
which  Chorazin  and  the  otlaer  towns  had  not  per- 
ceived, or  (excluding  20-24)  tlie  methods  of  the  Divine 
wisdom.  Lk.  makes  the  words  refer  to  the  theme  of 
the  preaching  of  the  Seventy,  and  we  may  well  place 
them  after  Mk.  631.  Thev  mark  that  period  in  the 
ministry  when  the  refusal  of  the  reUgious  teachers 
of  Israel  to  accept  Christ's  teaching  became  unmis- 
takably clear.  "  Answered  and  said  "  is  merely  an 
OT  idiom.  Jesus  is  thankful,  not  that  the  "  wise 
and  pmdent "'  (Is.  29i4,  1  Cor.  I19-28)  are  blind,  but 
that  the  poor  and  simple  see.  After  "  Even  so  "'  (26) 
supply  "  I  thank  thee."  It  is  possible  that  the 
Aramaic  w'ord  "Abba,"'  which  hes  behind  "father" 
in  27,  should  be  taken  as  a  vocative. 

"  All  is  now  revealed  to  me,  0  Father, 
And  no  one  knows  Thee,  0  Father,  except  Thy  Son  ; 
No  one  knows  Thy  Son,  0  Father,  but  Thou, 
And  those  to  whom  the  Son  reveals  Himself." 

This  would  preserve  the  same  type  of  prayer  as  is 
foimd  in  the  previous  stanza.  The  passage  furnishes 
a  strong  link  between  the  Synoptic  Gospels  and  the 
Fourth  Gospel,  where  the  peculiar  gift  of  Christ  is 
the  knowledge  of  God  and  of  Himseft,  i.e.  eternal  life 
(Jn.  173). 

27.  There  is  no  vital  difference  between  the  words 
for  "know"  used  by  Mt.  (ej.iginOskei)  and  Lk. 
(gindskei).  The  prefix  does  not  imply  fuller  know- 
ledge, but  knowledge  directed  to  a  particular  point. 
There  are  several  variant  readings  in  the  verse,  e.g. 
"knew"'  for  "knoweth.""  and  the  transposition  of 
the  two  clauses  about  the  Son  knowing  the  Father  and 
the  Father  the  Son  (see  Hamack,  Sayings  of  Jesus, 
pp,  272-310  ;  also  JThS,  July  1909).— all  things :  a 
complete  revelation. — have  been  delivered  :  not  neces- 
sarily in  a  state  of  pre-existence.  The  verb  imphes 
the  communication  of  a  mysterJ^  M'Neiles  additional 
note  should  be  studied.  He  paraphrases  the  passage 
thus:  "I  thank  Thee.  O  Father,  that  it  was  Thy  good 
pleasure  to  reveal  these  things  to  babes  through  My 
teaching.  I  alone  can  do  it  because  the  whole  tmth 
has  been  entmsted  to  Me.  None  except  Thee  could 
know  My  Sonship  so  as  to  reveal  it  to  Jle  ;  and  none 
except  Myself,  the  Son,  could  know  Thee,  the  Father. 
Thus  I  can  reveal  both  truths  to  whomsoever  I  will "' 

28-30.  The  pa-^sage  shows  the  influence  of  Ecclus. 
5l23ff.  and  Jer.  616.  It  need  not  have  been  originally 
connected  with  25-27,  but  it  forms  a  happy  prelude 
t<5  121-13.  The  "  wearj-  and  heavy  laden  ""  are  those 
who  toil  under  the  demands  of  the  I>aw  and  its  Rab- 
binical amplifications.  Jeeus  offers  them  rest  or  re- 
freshment ;    His  demands  are  few  and  easy — all  He 


712 


MATTHEW,  XI.  28-30 


asks  is  trust  and  love.  The  yoke  is  a  commuii  tigure 
in  Jewish  Utcraturo,  e.g.  "  the  yoke  of  the  Law  " 
(c/.  Ac.  loio),  "  the  yoke  of  the  Kingdom,"  "  the  yoke 
of  the  commandments."  Jesus  goes  on  to  say  that 
His  desire  is  to  help  and  save  ;  He  is  "  meek,"  i.e.  not 
overbearing  Uke  the  Scribes,  and  gentle  (c/.  2  Cor. 
lOi,  and  C.  H.  Robmson,  Studies  in  the  Character  of 
Christ,  i.). — your  souls  =^j'ourselves. — The  gentleness 
of  Jesus  guarantees  the  gentleness  of  His  yoke.  For 
complementary  truth  see  620,  IU38,  IG24.  The  yoke 
of  Jesus  is  an  inspiration  rather  than  a  code,  and  it 
gives  those  who  accept  it  vigour  and  buoyancy  fully 
and  joj-f ully  to  fulfil  demands  greater  than  any  imposed 
by  the  Jewish  Law. 

Montefiore  and  Loisy,  like  other  scholars,  notably 
Pfleiderer,  contest  the  genuineness  of  25-30.  Hamack 
{Sayings  of  Jcsvs.  Excursus  I)  stoutly  defends  the 
whole  passage.  [The  discussion  has  recently  passed 
into  a  new  stage  with  the  investigation  devoted  to  the 
passage  by  Norden  in  his  Agnosias  Theos  (1913),  pp. 
277-308,  "394-396  (see  also  Bacons  article  in  the 
Harmrd  Theological  Beriev  for  Oct.  1915). — A.  S.  P.] 

XIL  Mt.  here  picks  up  the  Marcan  thread  dropped 
at  917.  He  uses  the  Sabbath  question  as  part  of  a 
group  of  material  dealing  with  Pharisaic  hostility  to 
Jesus, 

Xn.  1-8.  Sabbath  Observance  (Mk.  223-28*,  Lk. 
G1-5). — The  incident  shows  that  the  disciples  were 
learning  their  Master's  teaching.  Dt.  2325  allowed 
the  practice,  but  the  Rabbinical  objection  to  it  on  the 
Sabbath  was  that  it  was  reaping.  The  variations  from 
Mk.  ere  not  important,  except  the  omission  of  the 
mistaken  reference  to  Abiathar,  and  the  addition  of 
5-7  as  a  further  and  stronger  historic  exception. 
Various  kinds  of  Sabbath  work  were  not  only  per- 
mitted but  commanded  to  the  priests.  6f.  perhaps 
belonged  originallv  to  another  occasion.  It  reminds 
us  of  Jn.  723.  and  here  prepares  the  way  for  Mt.'s 
Messianic  use  of  "  Son  of  Man  "  in  8,  a  use  which  does 
away  with  Mk.  227. 

XU.  9-14.  The  Sabbath  Healing  which  Determined 
Pharisaic  HostlUty  (:.Ik.  3i-6*.  Lk.  Ga-ii).— Mt. 
makes  the  Pharisees  utter  (heir  (]uestion,  and  Jesus 
to  reply,  in  words  found  in  another  connexion  in  Lk. 
(I45).  12a  is  peculiar  to  Mt.  ;  126  elevates  and 
broadens  the  Pharisees'  question  in  10.  We  maj' 
note  that  the  Rabbis  allowed  that  "  every  case  where 
life  is  in  jeopardy  supereedes  the  Sabbath  "  and  that 
under  certain  conditions  animals  might  be  rescued  on 
the  Sabbath  and  on  festivals. 

xn.  15-21.  Miracles  of  Healing  (Mk.  87-12*,  Lk. 
617-10). — Mt.  first  condenses  five  vei-ses  of  Mk.  into 
one  (the  compression  makes  Jesus  heal  all  who  fol- 
lowed Him),  and,  fixing  attention  on  Jesus'  avoidance 
of  pubhcity  (84*),  expands  one  verse  of  Mk.  into  six 
by  a  quotation  (Is.  42i-4)  from  his  handbook  of 
Messianic  testimonies  {I22*).  This  identification  of 
the  Servant  of  Yahweh  with  the  Messiah  (as  portrayed 
e.g.  in  Is.  11)  is  found  in  the  Targum.  The  preaching 
of  "  judgment  "  (18)  and  "  hope  "  (21)  to  the  Gentiles 
was  not  part  of  Jesus'  work  as  He  conceived  it  (cf. 
1524.  2819).  10  is  the  link  with  the  narrative — Jesus 
avoids  strife  with  the  Pharisees  by  going  away,  and 
advertisement  by  His  prohibition.  With  20  rf.  11 30; 
"  the  crushed  reed  and  the  smouldering  wick  are  those 
who  are  morally  all  but  powerless."— unto  victory : 
Hab.  I4  (mg.)  has  here  inlluenced  Mt.'s  quotation  ; 
it  is  essential  for  him  to  predict  the  triumph  of  the 
Messianic  characteristics  he  has  ascribed  to  Jesus. 

XII.  22-45.  Jesus'  Answer  to  the  Verdict  of  the 
Jerusalem  Scribes,  and  the  Intervention  of  His  Family 


(Mk.  320-35*.  Lk.  1114-23,29-32,  12io,  819-21).— 
For  the  painful  statement  in  Mk.  32of.  Mt.  (like  I^k.) 
substitutes  the  healing  of  a  blind  and  dumb  man 
probably  a  second  (compressed)  use  of  927-31  and 
32-34.  The  word  for  "  were  amazed  "  is  an  adapta- 
tion of  the  word  for  "  is  beside  himself "  in  Mk. 
To  Mk.'s  accomit  of  Satan  "  divided  against  Satan  " 
Mt.  adds  27f..  probably  from  Q,  which  Lk.  also  draws 
on  at  this  point.  The  verses  fonu  an  additional  line 
of  defence — "  if  your  own  exorcists  are  not  assisted 
by  Beelzebub,  they  condemn  your  condemnation  of 
me."  The  only  alternative  is  that  (they — and)  I 
work  by  the  finger  (Mt.,  in  view  of  31,  "spirit")  of 
God,  His  power  is  besting  that  of  Satan,  and  His 
Kingdom  is  at  hand.  Or  perhaps  27  and  28  are  inde- 
pendent of  each  other,  and  were  already  interpolated 
in  Q  when  Mt.  and  Lk.  used  it.  Mt.  (like  Lk.)  also 
adds  30 — neutrahty  towards  Jesus  is  impossible  (cf. 
Lk.  234f.).  This  is  a  test  for  men  to  use  upon  them- 
selves. For  the  inverted  form  of  the  saying  see  Mk. 
940  =  Lk.  950  (addressed  to  disciples  about  outsiders). 
In  3  if.  Mt.  abbreviates  and  duplicates  Mk.'s  single 
statement  ;  Lk.  (12io)  takes  Mt.s  second  half.  "  Son 
of  man  "  in  32  probably  means  "  man."  Of  the  four 
forms  in  which  we  have  the  saying  that  in  Lk.  seems 
most  trustworthy.  The  contrast  is  between  slandering 
men  and  slandeiing  the  Spirit  of  God.  Jesus  is  speak- 
ing as  a  Jew  to  Jews  in  language  based  on  OT  (Nu. 
153of.,  1  S.  3i3  7i)g..  Is.  22i4),  and  current  in  His  day  ; 
He  simply  means  that  blasphemy  against  the  Divine 
Spirit,  by  whose  power  Ho  worked,  was  an  infinitely 
more  serious  matter  than  slandering  one's  fellow-men, 
bad  though  that  be.  Then  follow  some  sayings  on  the 
importance  of  words  (cf.  Lk.  643-45).  33  is  a  less 
original  form  of  7i6(x,  i7f.*  Between  "fruit"  and 
"good"  we  should  supply  "  wiU  be";  similarly 
between  "fruit"  and  "corrupt."  34  brings  Jesus 
close  to  the  severity  of  John  the  Baptist  (87) ;  cf. 
also  Jas.  3iif.  Not  only  "evil"  words  but  "idle" 
words,  words  that  are  not  meant  to  effect  anything, 
will  come  up  for  judgment.  37  was  perhaps  a  current 
proverb. 

25.  Kingdom — city — house  :  Mt.  alone  gives  this 
triad.  "  House  "  in  all  three  e  evangelists  may  have 
its  Aramaic  meaning  of  a  province  or  district. — 28. 
kingdom  of  God  :  cf.  2I31.43*.  Perhaps  JIt.  only  used 
his  usual  "  kingdom  of  heaven,"  where  the  sense  is 
clearly  eschatological. — 29.  the  strong  man  :  Satan. — 
Ilis  goods:  the  men  in  hL«  power  who  are  "spoiled" 
or  carried  off  bv  the  stronger  than  tlie  strong. 

XII.  38-42.  The  Request  for  a  Sign  Refused  (Lk. 
II29-32.  From  Q.  ('/.  Mk.  8iif.*  =  Mt.  161.2^7.4).— 
Mt.  uses  the  incident  here  as  an  additional  illustration 
of  the  hostility  between  the  Pharisees  and  Jesus. 
They  ask  for  some  more  authentic  and  unique  attes- 
tation of  His  claim  than  a  miracle  of  healing  or  an 
everyday  exorcism.  But  to  a  people  that  has  been 
Gods  unfaitlvful  bride  no  sign  shall  bo  given  but  that 
of  Jonah.  As  he,  coming  from  a  foreign  land,  appeared 
in  Nineveh  preaching  doom,  so  has  the  Son  of  Man 
arrived  in  Israel  proclaiming  judgment.  IJc.  II30  is 
much  to  be  preferred  to  Mt.  I240,  which  is  an  obvious 
gloss  (cf.  its  omission  in  IG4).  and  one  that  enshrines 
an  inaccurate  prediction.  "  The  heart  of  the  earth  " 
is  Hades.  In  4 if.  read  "  shall  stand  up  in  judgment  " 
(omitting  "the"),  i.e.  "shall  accuse."  Jonah  was  a 
prophet,  Jesus  the  consummation  of  prophecy  ;  Solo- 
mon a  wise  man.  Je.sus  Wisdom  itself  (11 196,  27). 

XII.  43-50.  The  connexion  of  43  is  with  30,  as  is 
shown  by  Lk.  ;  neutrahty  in  the  spiritual  hfe  cannot 
last.    The  point  of  the  illustration  is  that  the  Jews  bad 


MATTHEW.  XrV.  33 


713 


felt  the  influence  of  John  and  Jesus,  but  were  in  danger 
of  relapsing  into  a  woi^;o  state  than  over,  if  they  did 
not  submit  themselves  cntirclj'  to  that  coming  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  which  was  the  proper  continuation  of  the 
work  begun  by  the  two  preachers. — 44.  empty  :  i.e. 
free  from  lumber  and  mbbish  ;  garnished :  either 
furnished  or  beautified. — 46-50:  cf.  Mk.  831-35*. 
For  the  "  brethren  of  Jesus  "  c/.  I25*.  By  changing 
Mk.'s  "  God  "  into  "  my  Father  which  is  in  heaven," 
Mt.  rather  pointedly  hroits  Jesus'  earthly  spiritual 
relation  to  brothers,  sisters,  and  mothere.  47  is  not 
found  in  the  best  texts.  Lk.  (819-21)  puts  the  incident 
after  the  Parable  of  the  Sower. 

XIII.  Teaching  by  Parables  (SDc.  41-34* ;  also  cf. 
p.  659). — This  chapter  forms  Mt.'s  third  group  of  col- 
lected sayings  ;  it  includes  seven  parables  with  some 
explanation. 

1-9.  Parable  of  the  Sower  (Mk.  41-9*,  Lk.  84-8). 

10-15.  The  Use  of  Parables  (I\Ik.  4ia-i2*,  Lk.  89f.). 

18-23.  Explanation  of  the  Parable  of  the  Sower  (Mk. 
413-20*,  Lk.  811-15). 

Little  need  be  added  to  what  is  said  on  p.  686. 
The  parable  no  doubt  reflects  the  experience  of 
Jesus.  Like  the  sower  He,  in  His  work  of  prepaiing 
the  people  for  the  Kingdom,  encountei-s  difficulties 
of  different  kinds  and  partial  failure.  Much  of  His 
preaching  has  been  throwoi  away.  Yet  He  is  not 
daunted  ;  the  reward  is  sure.  When  the  Ivingdom 
conies,  the  work  will  be  justified  and  its  disappoint- 
ments forgotten.  These  ideas  are  further  illustrated 
bj'  the  other  parables  of  the  chapter. 

Note  that  Mt.  somewhat  modifies  the  hard  saying 
of  Mk.  4iif.  Jesus  uses  parables  not  to  bUnd  the 
Jews,  but,  since  they  have  no  capacity  for  Divine 
truth,  to  leave  them  in  the  dark,  while  the  disciples 
who  have  faith  (12)  grasp  the  inner  meaning. 

10.  mysteries :  Mt.  prefers  plurals.  Jewish  apoca- 
lyptic hterature  often  speaks  of  certain  cschatological 
ideas  as  mysteries  or  secrets  revealed  to  the  elect.  Cf. 
Eph.  I9*.— 12.  =  Mk.  425.— 16f.,  not  in  Mk..  is  in  a 
better  context  in  Lk.  lOzii.  In  MJi.  the  disciples  ask 
the  meaning  of  the  parables  and  are  reproved,  in  Mt. 
they  ask  why  parables  are  used  and  are  congratulated. 

xm.  24-30,  36-43.  The  Wheat  and  the  Tares.— 
Mt.  only.  The  parable  is  a  substitute  for  rather 
than  an  adaptation  of  Jlk.  426-29*.  We  need  not 
deny  its  genuineness  on  the  plea  that  the  standpoint 
is  that  of  the  Church  with  its  mixed  elements.  "  The 
field  is  the  world,"  not  the  Church.  As  in  the  parable 
of  the  seed  growing  secretly,  the  non-interference  of 
man  is  illustrated.  Only  the  great  Assize  can  deter- 
mine between  good  and  bad.  The  genuineness  of  the 
explanation  is  more  doubtful  than  in  the  case  of  the 
Sower,  and  may  be  an  imitation  of  it.  It  is  me- 
chanical and  conventionally  apocalyptic. 

31-35.  The  Mustard  Seed  and 'the  Leaven  (Mk. 
430-34*,  Lk.  13i8-2i). — The  leaven  (omitted  from 
Mk.),  usually  an  illustration  of  evil,  is  liere  a  ferment 
of  good  (cf.  "salt,"  513),  either  the  disciples  or  the 
Gospel — the  doctrine  of  the  Kingdom.  The  point  of 
the  quotation  (Ps.  782  ;  some  MSS.  curiously  add 
Isaiah  after  "the  prophet"),  in  35  is  in  the  second 
clause — the  Kingdom  foreordained  and  predestined 
is  now  ushered  in  by  Jesus. 

36-43.  See  above. 

Xni.  44-52.  Further  Parables  of  the  Kingdom.— 
The  treasure  and  the  pearl  (44-46)  are  one,  and  have 
one  point — evcrj'thing  must  be  sacrificed  for  the 
highest  good,  the  Kingdom.  This  urgent,  intense 
wholeheartedness  is  characteristic  of  Jesus.  The  ques- 
tion of  concealment,  the  conflict  between  individual 


salvation  and  social  duty,  is  not  to  be  pressed  here. 
Yet  note  that,  while  one  man  attains  the  aummum 
bonum,  as  it  were,  by  accident,  another  does  so  by 
quest.  For  the  pearl  as  a  metaphor  of  spiritual 
treasure  cf.  76,  Rev.  21 19-21,  and  the  Syriac  "  Hymn 
of  the  Soul."  The  parable  of  the  net  is  Hko  that  of 
the  wheat  and  the  tares,  except  that  the  sifting  follows 
hard  on  the  discovery.  Not  aU  who  have  heard  the 
message  of  the  Kingdom  wiU  be  found  worthy  to  enter 
it.  The  explanation  foUows  the  same  fine  as  that 
of  the  earUer  parable.  It  is  not  altogetlier  apposite, 
and  is  probably  the  evangelist's  mechanical  repetition 
of  40-42.  In  5if.  Jesus  contrasts  a  Christian  with  a 
Jewish  scribe.  He  who  has  been  instructed  in  the 
truths  of  the  Kingdom  (or  possibly  "  with  a  view  to 
the  Kingdom  ")  can,  hkc  a  good  householder  or  steward, 
fui-nish  from  his  ample  store  what  is  old  (the  essentials 
of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets)  and  what  is  new  (the 
teaching  of  Jesus  and  its  development).  He  has  an 
advantage  over  the  earUer  teacher,  who  was  confined 
to  the  Torah.  The  veraes  form  a  general  conclusion 
to  the  parables. 

Xin.  53^58.  Jesus  Rejected  at  Nazareth  (Mk.  Gi-6*, 
cf.  Lk.  416-30). — Mt.  has  already  used  ilk.  435-41 
and  5.  Perhaps  the  original  reading  in  55  is  neither 
"carpenters  son"  nor  "carpenter"  (Mk.),  but,  as 
in  the  Sinaitic  Syriac  version.  "  Joseph's  son."  It  is 
a  nice  question  whether  in  58  Mt .  is  simply  abbreviating 
Mk.  or  dehberately  altering  what  seemed  a  disparage- 
ment of  Jesus"  power,  and  making  the  absence  of  mighty 
works  a  punishment  for  unbeUef. 

XIV.  1-12.  Herod  and  Jesus.  The  End  of  John  the 
Baptist  (Mk.  614-29*,  Lk.  97-9,  cf.  Lk.  818-20).— Mt.'s 
narrative  is  much  briefer  than  Mk.'s,  and  he  goes 
astray.  Thus  in  5  he  makes  Herod  himself  (rather 
than  Herodias)  wish  to  kill  John,  though  in  9  he  ia 
grieved  at  it.  But  he  adds  the  information  that  the 
disciples  of  John  told  Jesus  of  their  master's  fate.  He 
makes  this  the  reason  of  Jesus'  retirement,  which  in 
Mk.  is  due  to  the  disciples'  need  of  rest  after  their 
tour.  Mt.  is  wrong,  for  the  death  of  John  had  happened 
some  time  earher,  yet  there  is  underlying  truth,  for 
Jesus  Himself  feared  Herod.  5  (see  above)  may  indeed 
originally  have  referred  to  Jesus  {cf.  Lk.  1831)  ;  it 
does  not  go  well  with  6-10. 

XIV.  13-21.  The   Feeding   of  the  Multitude   (Mk. 

635-44*,    Lk.    910-17) The   account   is    somewhat 

shorter  than  in  Mk.  Having  already  (936)  spoken  of 
Jesus'  compassion  for  people  who  were  "  as  sheep 
not  having  a  shepherd "  (Mk.  634),  Mt.  here  (14) 
makes  Him  heal  the  sick,  which  is  somewhat  out  of 
place.  He  adds  to  the  5000  men,  women  and 
children. 

XIV.  22-33.  Jesus  Walks  on  the  Sea  (Mk.  645-52*).— 
Mt.  omits  "  to  Bethsaida,"  seeing  that  the  boat  arrived 
at  Geimesaret  (34),  and  the  remark  that  Jesus  "  would 
have  passed  by  them.''  But  he  amphfies  the  story  by 
the  attempt  of  Peter  to  walk  on  the  water.  Thw 
incident,  which  has  a  close  parallel  in  Buddhist  legend, 
emphasizes  the  power  of  faith.  It  may  reflect  the 
later  proud  impulsiveness,  fall,  repentance,  and  re- 
storation of  the  apostle.  Loisy  regards  it  as  a  piece 
of  resurrection-legend,  Uke  the  miraculous  catch  of 
fish  in  Lk.  5i-ii.  Similarly  he  sees  in  the  whole  story 
a  picture  of  the  dismay  of  the  disciples  between  the 
crucifixion  and  the  Resurrection,  or  rather  of  the 
primitive  Church  after  the  Ascension,  wearied  and 
perplexed  by  difficulties  while  waiting  for  the  Parousia. 
The  Masters  indifference  is  onl}'  apparent  ;  He  will 
Burely  come  and  bring  succour  and  peace. 

33.  Contrast   Mk.    652.     The   Messianic   confession 

23  a 


714 


MATTHEW,  XIV.  33 


given  by  Mt.  detracts  from  tlio  eignificance  of  tho 
confession  at  CjBsai-ea  Pliilippi  (16i6). 

XIV.  34-36.  The    Ministry    o!    Healing    Resumed 

(Mk.  653-56*,  abbreviated  in  Mt.)- — Jesus  had  not 
apparently  visited  Gennesarot  before,  but  some  of 
it.s  people  would  have  .seen  Him  in  Capernaum. 

XV,  1-20.  Tho  Washing  of  Hands  and  the  Traditions 
of  the  Elders  (Mk.  71-23*). — Mt.  is  again  briefer  than 
Jlk.  Ho  omits  tho  parenthetical  explanation  Mk. 
73f.  and  the  technical  term  "  Corban,"'  turns  tho 
statement  of  Mt.  To  into  a  question  (3),  and  puts  the 
quotation  from  Isaiah  as  a  climax  aftei  the  "  Corban  ' 
passage.  He  aLw  substitutes  "  God  "  (4)  for  "  Moses  " 
(Mk.  7io)  to  heighten  the  antithesis  with  "  But  you 
sj^y  "  (5)'  fiii^i  "mouth"  (ii,i7f.)  for  "man"  (MJc. 
715,18,20),  thus  removing  the  ambiguity  which  was 
the  ground  of  the  subsequent  explanation,  and  making 
the  explanation  tautologous.  He  abbreviates  tho  Ust 
of  evils  (19),  and  omits  tho  difficult  phrase  "making 
all  meats  clean  "  (Mk.  719).  On  the  other  hand  he 
inserts  12-14,  perhaps  from  Q  (c/.  Lk.  639). 

In  addition  to  v.hat  is  said  on  the  Corban  question 
in  the  notes  on  Mk.  7,  attention  may  be  drawn  to  a 
suggestion  by  J.  H.  A.  Hart  in  Jewiah  Quarterly  Review, 
July  1907.  He  takes  Mk.  79  literally,  not  satirically  : 
"ye  do  well  to  leave  the  commandment,"'  etc.  Jesus 
commends  the  Pharisees  for  insisting  that,  when  a 
man  has  made  a  vow  to  God,  he  should  pa}'  it  though 
his  parents  suffer.  As  for  setting  aside  the  command, 
He  Himself  did  it,  as  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount, 
and  as  the  prophets  and  psalmists  had  set  aside  the 
whole  system  of  sacrifices.  Here  the  fifth  command- 
ment is  set  aside  by  Corban.  A  man  could  lay  his 
conflict  of  duties  before  the  scribes  ;  some  would  take 
one  view,  some  the  other.  Jesus  aUies  HimseK  here 
with  the  stricter  school.  It  was  hard  on  the  parents, 
and  none  knew  this  better  than  Jesus  did.  But  He 
had  vowed  His  hfe,  and  we  remember  His  words  about 
forsaking  father  and  mother.  There  is  evidence  of 
tense  emotion  in  the  broken  construction  of  Mk.  7ii. 

13.  The  "plants"  are  the  Pharisees.  Jesus  an- 
nounces their  ruin  and  that  of  their  system  and  their 
followers.     Cf.  3 10,  Lk.  136-9,  Jn.  15i-8. 

XV.  21-28.  The  Healing  of  the  Greek  Woman's 
Daughter  (Mk.  724-30*).— Lk.  may  have  thought  the 
story  unacceptable  to  his  Gentile  readers.  Mt.  adds 
the  saying,  "  I  was  not  sent  but  unto  the  lost  sheep 
of  the  house  of  Israel."  He  makes  the  woman  come 
out  of  the  hcatiien  territory,  for  Jesus  could  hardly 
go  thither,  much  less  work  a  miracle,  after  the  pro- 
hibition to  tho  disciples  in  IO5.  23f.  suggests  that 
He  desired,  out  of  compassion,  to  overstep  His  Divinely 
imposed  limit,  but  that  Ho  must  abide  within  it. 
There  is  a  straggle  in  His  mind.  Perhaps  26  is  more 
accurate  than  i\lk.  627,  which  impUes  that  Gentiles 
shall  be  fed  by-and-by.  Jesus  is  not  concerned  about 
tho  future,  and  tho  word  "  first  "  would  have  Uttle 
meaning  for  tho  woman,  though  much  to  one  who 
knew  the  work  of  Paul.  But  does  the  diminutive 
(kunaria.  "the  little  household  dogs")  jjoint  clearly 
to  Gentiles  ?  At  any  rate  there  is  no  contempt. 
Note  that  tho  woman  knows  Jesus  as  "  Son  of  Davia  " 
{cf.  927*.  1223). 

XV.  29-31.  Healings. — A  general  suri-oy  takes  tho 
place  of  Mk.'s  (731-37)  story  of  tho  cure  of  the  deaf 
mute,  perhaps  because  of  the  use  by  Jesus  of  material 
means  and  "  groaning."  Similarly  the  storj'  of  the 
blind  man  (Mk.  822-26)  is  omitted,  though  in  com- 
pensation Mt.  has  given  9:17-33.  It  is  curious  that 
the  sick  were  brought  "  up  into  the  mounlaiii."' 

XV.  32-39.  The  Second  Feeding  of  the  Multitude 


(Mk.   81-10*) Mt.  follows   Mk.  closely,  but   again 

adds  women  and  cliildren.  "  I  woidd  not  send  them 
away  fasting"  (iz),  according  to  Allen,  "heightens 
tho  note  of  mastery  and  dignity  of  Christ's  aims." 
Magadan  (39)  is  as  great  a  puzzle  as  Mk.'s  Dalmanutha. 
Possibly  Magdala,  tho  reading  of  some  MSS.  here  and 
of  others  in  ]\lk.,  is  meant. 

XVI.  1-4.  The  Request  for  a  Sign  Refused  (Mk. 
811-13*,  Lk.  1116,291.). — For  tho  mention  of  Saddu- 
0008  cf.  6*.  The  saying  about  the  weather  (26,  3) 
is  wanting  in  some  good  MSS.,  and  is  perhaps  an 
interpolation  from  Lk.  I254-56*.  Tho  "  signs  of 
tho  times  "  are  regarded  here  as  the  miracles  already 
wrought  by  Jesus.  The  sign  of  Jonah  is  repeated 
from  1238*. 

XVI.  5-12.  The  BUndness  of  the  Disciples  Rebuked 
(Mk.  814-21*,  Lk.  Il53f.,  12i).— Note  how  Mt.  avoids 
the  idea  that  Jesus  had  forgotten  the  bread.  The 
Sadducees  are  mentioned  again  in  6.  The  detached 
saying  about  leaven  in  Mk.  815  probably  refers  to 
plots  of  the  Pharisees  and  Herod,  but  Mt.  (12)  inter- 
prets "leaven  "  as  teaching,  and  so  has  to  substitute 
"Sadducees"  for  "Herod,"  and  carries  the  substitu- 
tion back  to  1.  He  makes  Jesus  read  the  disciples' 
thoughts  (8)  instead  of  simply  overhearing  their  con- 
versation (Mk.).  Then,  after  givmg  Mk.'s  statement 
that  the  disciples  need  never  worry  about  a  shortage 
of  food,  he  adds  words  of  Jesus  that  the  point  at  issue 
is  not  food  at  all,  but  erroneous  teaching,  iif.  is  an 
attempt  to  give  Mk.  815  a  context  and  explanation. 

XVI.  13-28.  The  Great  Confession  and  the  First 
View  of  the  Cross  (Mk.  827-91*,  Lk.  918-27).— Omit- 
ting the  cure  of  the  blind  man  (but  cf.  927-33),  Mt. 
passes  to  the  significant  episode  of  Cajsarea  Phihppi. 
13-16 =Mk.  827-29,  but  note  the  substitution  (13)  of 
"Son  of  Man"  for  "I,"  which  gives  the  position 
away  (especially  if  we  read  "  I,  the  Son  of  Man  ").  and 
the  addition  of  Jeremiah  (14),  and  "the  Son  of  the 
living  God  "  (16).  17-19  is  given  by  Mt.  only.  Peter 
is  pronounced  "  blessed  "  as  the  recipient  of  a  Divine 
revelation.  (The  evangeUst  forgets  I433.  Jn.  I41 
equally  destroys  the  significance  of  this  scene.)  To 
tliis  unique  commimication  Jesus  Himself  adds  an- 
other (i8f.):  "Thou  art  Peter  (Aram.  Kepha.  "a 
rock  "),  and  on  this  rock  1  will  build  my  ecclesia." 
"  This  rock  "  may  be  Peter  {cf.  Gal.  29,  Eph.  220) ; 
if  so,  it  is  Peter  pereonally,  not  officially  as  bishop  of 
Rome  ;  and  in  any  case  it  woiUd  have  been  more  natural 
to  say  "  upon  thee."  It  may  be,  as  Augustine  sug- 
gests, Jesus  Himself.  But  it  is  most  hkely  the  tnith 
which  Peter  had  expressed  ;  the  foundation  of  the 
ecclesia  is  the  Messiahship  of  Jesus.  *'  Church  " 
(ecclesia)  is  only  found  in  the  Gospels  here  and  at 
I817.  In  LXX  it  translates  qahal,  i.e.  Israel  as  a 
congregation  {cf.  Ac.  738).  and  sometimes  'Sdhah,  a 
word  of  similar  meaning  used  by  tho  priesth-  writer 
(p.  129),  though  LXX  mostly  turns  this  by  "syna- 
gogue." The  Gr.  meaning  of  the  word  is  that  of  the 
whole  body  of  citizens  called  out  from  their  private 
affairs  to  legislate  for  the  State  {cf.  Ac.  I932).  Mt. 
is  obliged  to  use  it  to  denote  the  Christian  community 
as  separate  from  Jews. 

Against  this  new  community  the  gates  of  Hades 
shall  not  prevail.  The  two  structures,  as  it  were,  the 
ecclesia  and  Hades,  are  ranged  against  each  other. 
But  the  mention  of  the  gates  is  significant.  We 
may,  of  course,  take  "  gates  of  Hades  "  as  equivalent 
to  Hades,  and  understand  the  expression  of  the  powers 
of  evil  who  dwell  there.  They  and  all  that  they  imply, 
persecutions  and  temptations,  shall  not  overeome  the 
ecclesia.     But  Hades  is  usually  regarded  not  as  the 


MATTHEW,  XVIII.  1 


715 


abode  of  evil  spirits  but  as  the  place  of  the  deatl, 
and  the  "  gates  of  Hades  (Shuol)  "  ia  the  OT  is  synony- 
mous with  "gates  of  death."  Hence  M'Neile  sees 
here  a  prediction  of  the  resurrection  :  the  gates  of 
Hades  shall  not  prevail  against  the  Messiah's  ecclesia 
by  keeping  Him  iniprisoned  (c/.  21,  Ac.  224-31,  Rev. 
I18).  Loisy  simply  interprets  it  as  "death  prevails 
against  all  men,  but  shall  have  no  power  against  the 
Church,"  without  any  specific  reference  to  Jesus. 
Tatian's  Diatessaron  has  "  Blessed  art  thou,  Simon, 
and  the  gate  of  Hades  shall  not  prevail  against  thee  ; 
thou  art  Peter  " — perhaps  a  promise  that  Peter  should 
survive  till  the  Parousia. 

In  Exp..  Juno  1916  (  =  Studia  Sacra,  oh.  iv.).  Dr. 
Bernard  advances  a  new  theory.  Ho  explains  the 
passage  in  the  light  of  724-27,  and  cogently  argues  that 
the  Gr.  word  for  "  gates  "  is  a  mistranslation  of  an 
Aramaic  word  for  "  stomis  "  or  "  floods."  There  are 
two  such  words,  and  they  gave  trouble  to  the  scribes 
and  translators  of  OT.  Thus  in  Dan.  82,  where  AV 
and  RV  read  "  the  river  of  Ulai,"  the  Douay  Version, 
following  Vulg.,  reads  "the  gate  of  Ulai."  If  we  read 
hero  "the  floods  of  Hades,"  we  have  an  easy  and 
familiar  metaphor  for  an  incursion  of  infernal  powers, 
which  cannot,  however,  harm  the  Church  built  on  a 
Rock. 

The  gift  of  the  keys  does  not  mark  Peter  out  as 
doorkeeper  of  the  Church  (or  of  heaven),  but  as  chief 
steward  in  the  Kingdom,  the  major-dcymo.  Their  real 
holder  is  the  Lord  Himself  (Rev.  87,  cf.  Is.  2222). 
The  primacy  of  Peter  here  indicated  makes  I81  and 
1927  rather  difficult  ;  considering  this  and  the  unusual 
use  of  "  Kingdom  of  Heaven  "  as  denoting  the  Church, 
wo  may  well  doubt  the  genuineness  of  the  saying  in 
19a.  The  remainder  of  the  verse  gives  the  apostle 
legislative  authoritj^.  He  will  be  a  scribe  of  the  new 
age  or  order  {cf.  1852),  giving  his  decisions  for  binding 
{i.e.  prohibiting)  and  loosing  {i.e.  permitting)  after  the 
fashion  of  an  expert  Rabbi.  And  his  decisions  will 
be  ratified  in  heaven,  i.e.  by  Cod.  There  is  no  ques- 
tion of  absolution  from  sin  here,  and  no  necessary 
connexion  with  Jn.  2O23.  In  I818  this  legislative 
authority  is  given  to  all  the  disciples,  and  that  passage 
is  probably  the  source  of  this  one. 

With  21  Mt.  begins  the  second  great  division  in  his 
life  of  Jesus.  The  scene  at  Ccesarea  Philippi  is  chrono- 
logically and  theologically  the  most  conspicuous  mile- 
stone in  the  biography.  As  in  Lk.,  "  on  the  third 
day  "  replaces  Mk.'s  "  after  three  days,"  though  some 
early  texts  follow  Mk.  The  change  is  scarcely  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  resurrection  took  place  ' '  on  the 
third  day  "  rather  than  "  after  three  days,"  for  the 
two  phrases  in  Aramaic  mean  the  same  thing.  Note 
the  additions  in  22f.  Lk.  omits  this  episode.  The 
teaching  on  di.scipleship  closely  follows  Mk.  except 
in  27,  where  Mk.  838  has  been  in  part  anticipated 
by  Mt.  IO33,  while  Mk.'s  phrase,  "  adulterous  and 
sinful  ^'cncration."  is  used  in  Mt.  1239  =  1640.  I038f. 
also  run -i  parallel  with  1624f.  Jesus  announces  a  judg- 
ment according  to  deeds  {rf.  Ps.  62x3,  Pr.  24i2). 

XVII.  1-13.  The  Transfiguration,  and  the  Coming  of 
Elijah  (Mk.  92-13*.  IM-  928-36).  — The  narrative 
agrees  closely  with  Mk.,  the  chief  difference  being  the 
appropriate  addition  of  ?.  The  fear  of  the  disciples 
occurs  earlier  in  Mk.,  and  Ls  made  the  occasion  of 
Peter's  intnision  ;   in  Lk.  it  is  omitted. 

10-13.  The  disciples  are  puzzled  because  Elijah  has 
only  just  appeared — nflfr  the  coming  of  the  Messiah, 
whereas  the  scribes  said  he  was  to  come  first.  The 
an.swer  of  Jesus  is  not  very  clear.  "Wo  may  take  it 
thus:    "(The  scribes  are  right  in  saying  that)  Elijah 


comes  and  rectifies  everything  (11),  and  yet  I  tell  you 
that  he  has  already  come,  but  so  far  from  setting 
things  right,  he  has  not  been  recognised,  and  thoy 
have  done  to  him  what  they  pleased"  (12).  The 
scribes  are  thus  confirmed  and  then  coiTected.  as  in 
the  latter  part  of  ch.  5.  The  Messiah  Himself  is  simi- 
larly to  suffer.  The  disciples  prove  more  intelligent 
than  usual  {cf.  I612). 

XVII.  14-21.  Healing  of  the  Demoniac  Boy  (Mk. 

914-29*,   Lk.   937-43) The   story   is    much    shorter 

than  in  Mk.  The  reference  to  possession  does  not 
come  till  the  end  ;  in  15  the  child  is  described  as  epi- 
leptic. Perhaps  the  story  was  told  m  Q.  The  fathers 
appeal,  "Lord,  have  mercy"  (15),  gives  us  the  well- 
known  "  Kyrie  eleison."  Instead  of  prayer  (the 
verse  (21)  m  Mt.  is  spurious)  and  fasting  (Mk.  929), 
Jesus  here  puts  the  emphasis  on  faith  {cf.  2I21,  >lk. 
Il22f.).  The  Sinaitic  Syriac  has  "your  unfaith  "  ; 
perhaps  "  little  faith  "  is  a  .softening  of  this. 

XVII.  22f.  Further  Prediction  of  the  Passion  (Mk. 

930-32*,  Lk.  943-43) Again  the  disciples  understand  ; 

they  are  not  so  utterly  obtuse  as  in  Ilk.  and  Lk. 

XVII.  24-27.  Temple  Tribute.— Mt.  only.  The  col- 
lectors of  the  hah"-shekel,  expected  from  every  Jew 
towards  the  maintenance  of  the  Temple,  and  usually 
paid  just  before  the  Passover,  ask  Peter  if  his  master 
fulfilled  the  obhgation,  and  are  told  that  He  did.  In 
conversation  with  Peter,  Jesus  apparently  asserts  that 
the  Temple  should  be  maintained  by  taxes  on  Gentiles, 
while  Jews  go  free.  But  a  better  interpretation  is 
that,  as  sons  of  the  Messianic  Kingdom,  Ho  and  His 
followers  are  exempt  from  taxes.  Yet,  perhaps  re- 
membering the  injunction  in  Ex.  30ii-i6,  He  bids 
Peter  satisfy  the  demand.  After  the  destruction  of 
the  Temple  the  hah-shekel  was  added  to  the  taxes 
imposed  by  Rome,  and  under  Domitian  (when  Mt. 
was  probably  written)  these  taxes  were  strictly  col- 
lected. J.  Weiss  therefore  suggests  that  payment  to 
the  Romans  is  the  real  point  of  the  incident.  Chris- 
tians were  in  natural  doubt  about  paying  God's  half- 
shekel  to  the  Emperor,  but  they  are  shown  here  that 
as  Jesus,  though  free,  conceded  the  matter  to  the  Law, 
they  might,  to  avoid  offence,  concede  it  to  the  heathen. 
"The  principle  of  not  giving  needless  offence  is  used 
with  great  power  and  insight  by  Paul  "  (Montefiore. 
p.  674). 

Peter  is  told  that  by  a  Uttle  familiar  work  he  can 
soon  pay  the  tax.  He  has  only  to  catch  a  fish  ;  in 
(the  sale  of)  it  he  will  find  enough  for  himself  and 
Jesus.  We  are  not  told  that  Peter  foimd  a  coin  in 
the  fish's  mouth,  and  we  have  liere  the  only  half-made 
story  of  a  miracle.  It  is  not  a  question  of  whether 
Jesus  could  have  brought  about  such  a  wonder  so 
much  as  would  He,  a  test  which  we  may  apply  to  other 
marvels.  There  would  be  no  difficulty  in  finding  the 
necessary  half-crown  ;  but,  apart  from  that.  Ho  who 
settled  the  question  in  the  Temptation  could  not  have 
gone  back  on  that  decision  in  a  paltry  case  like  this. 

XVIII.  1-20.  A  Conversation  with  "the  Twelve.— For 
1-5.  the  question  of  precedence,  cf.  Mk.  933-37'*. 
also  Mt.  2026f.,  Mk.  1043f..  Lk.  948.  2226.  Mt.  makes 
the  disciples  begin  the  discussion,  but  characteristically 
omits  the  derogatory  intimation  that  they  had  been 
disputing.  In  his  account  Je.<5iis  does  not  embrace 
the  child  {cf.  19i5,  Mk.  IO16),  and  the  saying  of  Mk. 
935  is  omitted,  or  rather  reserved  till  23ii.  By  way 
of  compensation  we  have  the  vivid  sayings  of  3f..  an 
anticipation  of  Mk.  IO15,  euid  perhaps  more  suitable 
in  that  context. 

1.  In  that  hour  may  bo  meant  as  a  link  with  the 
preceding  incident,  which  has  given  a  prominence  to 


716 


MATTHEW.  XVIII.  1 


Peter. — 3f.  The  point  is  not  so  much  the  humility 
of  children  as  that  the  disciples  are  bidden  to  be  "in 
spirit  and  in  feeling  what  children  are  in  reality  and 
statu«,  little  ones  "  (I.oisy).  In  5  the  child  symbolises 
the  unassuming  chnracter  of  the  true  disciple  of  Jesus. 

Mt.  omits  the  incident  of  "  the  exorcist  who  stood 
outside  the  apostolic  succession  "  (Mlc.  938-40  ;  41  is 
found  at  Mt.  IO42).  and  passes  on  to  the  passage  about 
hindrances  or  stumbling-blocks  (6-10),  for  which  cj. 
Mk.  942-48.  "  Little  ones  "  in  6  and  in  10  means 
behevora,  not  children  (c/.  IO42).  7  is  not  found  in 
Mk.,  but  occurs  in  Lk.  17i  ;  it  reflects  Jesus'  early 
experience  of  apostate  foUowei-s.  8f.  has  already  been 
met  with  (629)  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount ;  it  breaks 
the  connexion  here,  and  is  introduced  to  contrast 
offences  against  oneself  with  offences  against  others,  a 
theme  resumed  in  10,  which  is  peculiar  to  Mt.  and  leads 
up  to  the  parable  of  the  strayed  sheep  (better  in  Lk. 
15i2ff.),  which  Mt.  uses  to  emphasize  further  the  value 
set  by  God  on  the  humble  believer.  A  later  hand 
tried  to  improve  the  connexion  by  inserting  11  from 
Lk.  19io. — 10.  A  reference  to  the  idea  of  guardian 
counterpait-angels  (c/.  Ac.  I215,  Jubilees,  35i7).  or  that 
the  angels  which  represent  and  protect  the  unassuming 
disciple  are  the  angels  of  the  presence,  who  see  God's 
face  continually  (r/.  Tob.  I215,  Lk.  I19,  also  1  K.  108, 
2  K.  2519).  See  further  JThS,  iii.  514,  and  DCG,  art. 
"  Little  Ones."  [In  addition  to  his  article  "  It  is  his 
Angel,"  in  JThS,  J.  H.  Moulton  has  touched  on  the 
subject  in  his  Early  Zoroastrianism,  pp.  324f.  Ho 
says  of  Mt.  I810,  Ac.  I215,  "  These  two  passages  seem 
to  bo  explicable  by  the  presence  of  a  belief  in  angels 
very  much  hke  the  Fravashis  on  the  side  which  was 
independent  of  ancestor-worship."  (This  side,  it  may 
bo  explained,  was  a  belief  in  a  kind  of  external  soul.) 
He  continues,  "  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  '  princes  ' 
of  the  nations  in  Daniel  and  the  Talmud,  and  the  '  angels 
of  the  Churches '  in  Rev.  2-3.  These  Fravashis  of 
communities  answer  very  well  to  Avestan  concep- 
tions." He  suspects  foreign  influence  on  tho  Bibhcal 
ideas.  In  his  article  "  Fravashi  "  (ERE,  vol.  vi.,  p. 
118),  he  says,  "  Mt.  18 10  makes  the  'angels'  of  the 
little  ones  dwell  perpetually  in  the  Presence.  The 
declaration  is  completely  interpreted  if  these  are  tho 
heavenly  coimterparts,  the  Fravashis,  of  those  who 
have  not  yet  learned  to  sin  ;  no  other  conception  of 
angels  suits  it  so  well,  since  tutelary  angels  of  children 
would  have  no  special  reason  for  precedence  over 
those  of  adults.  In  Ac.  I215  '  Peter's  angel  is  clearly 
his  double  ' — his  counterpart  which  has  taken  his  place 
while  he  still  lives."  See  also  Mt.  2i-i2*.— A.  S.  P.] 
— 12-14.  Montefiore  points  out  the  advance  made  by 
Jesus  on  Rabbinical  reUgion  ;  it  is  not  enough  to  wel- 
come and  appreciate  repentance  when  it  occurs,  one 
must  seek  out  the  sinner  and  got  him  to  repent. 

In  15-20  Mt.  gives  a  short  collection  of  ecclesiastical 
sayings  not  found  in  Mk.  and  only  partially  in  Lk. 
(I73),  of  which  Mt.  seems  to  be  an  expansion,  just  as 
Lk.  174  is  greatly  amplified  in  21-35.  A  brother  who 
goes  astray  (some  MSS.  omit  "against  thee"  in  15)  is 
to  be  reproved  privately  {r.j.  Lev.  19i7,  Test.  Gad,  63) ; 
if  this  fails,  a  couple  of  witnesses  are  to  bo  called  in 
(Dt.  1915).  If  this  in  turn  fails,  the  community  or 
brotherhood  is  to  be  notified,  and  if  the  wrongdoer 
is  still  impenitent,  he  is  to  be  excommunicated,  and 
may  be  proceeded  against  in  the  public  courts.  17 
contrasts  with  i2fT.  as  with  2if.,  and  it  may  be  that 
here  we  have  the  practice  of  the  early  Church  (with 
the  problem  of  sin  as  affecting  not  only  individuals  and 
God,  but  also  the  brotherhood)  not  unnaturally  seeking 
shelter  imder  the  Founders  (supposed)  sanction. 


In  any  case,  "  church  "  here  is  used  in  the  local 
sense  (=8ynagogue),  not  as  in  leiS*",  though  Well- 
hausen  sees  in  both  cases  a  reference  to  the  mother- 
congregation  of  Jerusalem.  The  decisions  of  the  com- 
munity (not  simply  of  its  officials,  one  or  more  than 
one)  as  to  what  or  who  within  it  is  tolerable,  are  final, 
because  (19)  God  hears  the  petitions  of  even  two  be- 
lievers who  are  in  agreement,  and  this  because  (20) 
Jesus  is  with  the  two  or  three  who  meet  (and  pray)  m 
His  name.  Jesus  adopts  tho  OT  idea  of  the  mystic 
presence  of  God  in  Israel  (c/.  Jl.  227,  Mai.  3i6.  and 
Pirke  Ahoth,  38.  "  Two  that  sit  together  and  are  occu- 
pied in  the  words  of  the  Law  have  the  Shekinah 
among  them  "  ;  similarly,  Sayings  of  Jesus,  5,  "  'WTier- 
ever  there  are  (two)  they  are  not  without  God,  and 
wherever  there  is  one  alone  I  say  I  am  with  him  '"). 
Still  the  connexion  of  19  with  18  suggested  by  "on 
earth  '  and  "  in  heaven  '  is  not  original ;  19  is  really 
an  encouragement  to  prayer.  Clement  of  Ale.xandria 
has  the  pretty  fancy  that  the  "  two  or  three  '  are 
husband  and  wife  and  child,  the  ecclesia  of  the  family. 

XVIII.  21-35.  The  Duty  of  Forgiveness  Illustrated 
by  the  Parable  of  the  Ungrateful  Servant. — With  21 
cf.  Lk.  17i,  which  makes  repentance  a  condition. 
The  Rabbis  taught  [Yomn,  8(>/>)  that  one  must  forgive 
one's  "brother"  (OT  "neighbour")  three  times 
(c/.  Amos  13,6.9).  According  to  Jesus,  men's  forgive- 
ness should  be  Umitless,  like  that  of  His  Father  in 
heaven.  The  natural  man  longs  for  limitless  revenge 
(Gen.  424),  "  the  spiritual  man's  ambition  is  to  exercise 
the  privilege  of  boundless  forgiveness."'  The  parable 
that  follows  presents  no  difficulty.  "Judgment  is 
without  mercy  to  him  that  hath  showed  no  mercy  " 
(Jas.  213).  The  Divine  forgiveness  is  not  so  absolute 
as  it  seems  ;  he  who  fails  to  observe  its  conditions 
loses  even  that  which  he  seems  to  have.  Note  the 
vast  discrepancy  between  the  two  sums,  say  two  million 
pounds  against  ten,  and  rf.  the  beam  and  the  sphnter 
of  73.  The  great  defaulter  must  be  one  of  the  king's 
ministers,  through  whose  hands  the  royal  taxes  passed. 
For  the  king's  order  cJ.  Lev.  2539,47,  2  K.  4i,  and  note 
tho  subsidiary  lesson  that  the  wrongdoer  involves 
others  in  tho  consequences  of  his  sin.  Torture  (34) 
had  been  introduced  into  Judtea  by  Herod,  its  mention 
here  is  a  literary  detail  not  to  be.pres.sed  for  inter- 
pretation. 

XIX.  1-12.  The  Question  of  Divorce  (Mk.  IO1-12*). 
— In  2  "healed"  replaces  Mk.'s  "taught."  Mt. 
makes  Jesus  give  His  own  opinion,  based  on  Gen., 
at  once,  and  it  is  the  Pharisees  who  bring  the  Doutero- 
nomic  modification  into  the  debate. 

3.  for  every  cause :  pecuHar  to  Mt.  Mk.  makes 
the  questions  as  to  divorce  absolute  ;  Mt.  gives  it  a 
.Jewish  and  more  likely  form,  having  in  mind  the  dif- 
ference between  the  view  of  Shammai  that  a  man  could 
put  his  wife  away  for  serious  misconduct  only,  and 
that  of  Hillcl  that  he  could  do  so  for  any  rea.son, 
c.?.  a  spoiled  dinner  or  a  physical  defect.  Jesus  lifts 
the  subject  out  of  these  quibbles  to  an  ideal  plane. 
Note  how  (8)  He  changes  the  Pliarisees"  word  "  Moses 
commanded  '"  into  "  Moses  suffered,  "  i.e.  allowed. — 
9.  except  for  fornication  :  i.e.  unchastity — peculiar  to 
Mt.  Perhaps  (Allen,  p.  203)  the  addition  is  due  to  a 
Jewish-Christian  editor  bringing  Christ's  teaching  into 
line  with  that  of  the  Rabbis  {cf.  517-20),  yet  he  may 
have  been  rightly  interpreting  it.  The  last  clause  of 
this  verse  takes  the  place  of  Mk.  IO12  (cf.  also  Lk. 
KliS,  Mt.  53if.*). — 100.  Peculiar  to  Mt.  The  disciples 
suggest  that  if  the  marriage  tie  is  so  strict  as  Jesus 
suggests,  it  had  better  not  be  formed.  Jesus  agrees, 
but  says  (Moffatt's  tr.) :   "  This  tnith  is  not  practicable 


MATTHEW.  XXI.  1-11 


for  everyone,  it  is  only  for  those  who  have  the  gift  " 
(?  of  spiritual  insight).  He  shifts  the  ground  of  the 
objection.  This  comparative  depreciation  of  marriage, 
continued  and  unfolded  in  12,  stands  in  contrast  with 
1-9,  which  sanctifies  it.  We  must  probably  interpret 
the  praise  of  celibacy  (there  is  no  need  to  take  the 
words  "  made  themselves  eunuchs  "  hterally,  as  Origen 
did)  in  12  as  having  an  eschatological  background. 
If  the  liingdom  was  imminent,  the  best  thing  was  to 
forego  ordinary  relationships  and  be  ready  for  it. 
The  saying  and  the  fact  that  Jesus  HimseK  was  ceHbate 
have  led  to  the  unhappy  view  in  some  quarters  that 
ceUbacy  is  always  and  every~\vhere  the  superior  con- 
dition. C/.  1  Cor.  7,  Rev.  I44.  Montefiore  refers  to 
Baron  von  Hiigel's  Mystic  Element  of  Religion,  ii.  126- 
129.  Jesus,  Uke  Paul,  recognises  the  case  of  weaker 
brethren :  "  Let  anyone  practise  it  for  whom  it  is 
practicable."  Perhaps  12  is  really  a  detached  saying 
which  Mt.  here  connects  with  the  discussion  on  divorce 
by  lof.,  which  may  well  have  belonged  originally  to 
the  more  rigorous  Marcan  account. — This  saying  (11) 
may  be  the  disciples'  remark  in  10,  or  Christ's  teaching 
of  the  permanency  of  the  marriage  tie  (4-8),  or  possibly 
His  words  in  12. 

XIX.  13-15.  Jesus  Blesses  the  Children  (Mk.  IO13-16*, 
Lk.  I815-17).— Mt.  omits  "the  more  active  human 
touches  "  given  in  Mk.,  that  Jesus  was  angry  with  the 
disciples  and  that  He  puts  His  arms  round  the  chil- 
dren. Mk.  IO15  has  already  been  used  in  Mt.  I83. 
The  common  notion  that  the  children  wei-e  brought 
by  their  mothers  finds  no  support  in  any  CTOspe!.  It  is 
at  least  as  Ukely  that  the  fathers  brought  them. 

XIX.  16-30.  The  Great  Refusal  and  the  Obstacle  of 
Riches  (Jlk.  IO17-31*,  Lk.  I818-30).— In  i6{.  note 
the  changes  made  by  Mt.  to  avoid  the  saying  of  Jesus,! 
as  given  by  Mk.,  that  only  God  can  be  called  good. I 
In  18  Mt.  makes  the  inquirer  ask  which  commandments 
he  is  to  keep,  and  substitutes  in  Jesus'  reply  "  Thou 
shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyseK  "  for  "Do  not 
defraud."  If  this  is  correct,  and  the  inquirer  had 
observed  this  injimction  with  the  others,  he  lacked 
nothing.  Perhaps  we  should  (with  Syr.  Sin.)  omit 
"  What  lack  I  yet  ?  "  It  is  Mt.  who  says  the  inquirer 
was  a  "  yoimg  man  "  (20),  Lk.  that  he  was  a  "  ruler  "  ; 
Mt.  does  not  care  to  tell  us  that  "  Jesus,  looking  upon 
him,  loved  him."  The  words  "  if  thou  wouldst  be 
perfect  "  (Mt.  only)  may  contain  nothing  more  than 
is  in  Mk.,  a  contrast  between  Christian  perfection  and 
the  inadequacy  of  legal  observances  (Loisyj,  or  there 
may  be  here  (as  in  12)  the  theory  of  a  double  morahty, 
the  higher  perfection  of  the  ascetic  life  (Holtzmann 
and  J.  Weiss  ;  see  Montefiore,  p.  695).  The  qualifica- 
tion (or  the  wide  saying)  of  Mk.  IO24  is  omitted  in  Mt. ; 
on  the  other  hand,  he  gives  us  a  new  saying  in  28 
(c/.  Lk.  2228ff.).  probably  ba.sed  on  Q.  There  is  no 
good  reason  for  doubting  its  attribution  to  Jesiis, 
although  He  was  more  prone  to  check  than  to  en- 
courage the  materially  Mes.sianic  ambitions  of  His 
disciples.  The  regeneration  (]MofFatt,  "  the  new  world ') 
is  a  term  used  by  Josephus  to  express  the  return  from 
Babylon,  and  by  Philo  of  the  earth  after  the  Deluge 
and  after  the  coming  destruction  by  fire. 

30.  Perhaps  a  continuation  of  the  promise  in  29, 
but  more  Hkely  a  rebuke  to  Peter.  It  refers  to  rank 
in  the  Kingdom,  and  has  no  bearing  on  the  parable 
that  follows 

XX.  1-16.  Parable  of  the  Labourers  in  the  Vine- 
yard.— It  is  possit)le  (as  it  is  nceeasary)  to  distinguish 
two  interpretations  of  this  splendid  parable,  (a)  that 
intended  by  Jesus,  (b)  that  suggested  by  the  evangelist. 
To   Mt.   the  vineyard   is  the  Christian  community ; 


717 


wiio  joined  it  early  and  those  who  join  it  late 
may  expect  the  same  reward.  There  will  be  no  dis- 
tinction between  them  at  the  Parousia.  It  is  probable 
that  we  should  omit  16  as  well  as  the  words  "  Many 
(the  Jewish  nation)  are  called,  but  few  (the  Christian 
community)  chosen."  But  what  Jesus  meant  to  teach 
was  that  the  eternal  life  is  the  result  not  of  work  but 
of  grace  ;  God  is  no  mere  timekeeper  ;  the  laws  which 
govern  admission  to  the  Kingdom  are  not  those  which 
prevail  in  ordinary  business  transactions  (c/.  Is.  558f.). 
"  A  Uttle  in  the  eyes  of  God  may  be  equivalent  to  a 
great  deal  in  the  eyes  of  man  ;  from  imequal  oppor- 
tunities God  wiU  not  demand  equal  results,  but  to 
imequal  results  God  may  give  equal  rewards  "  (Monte- 
fiore, p.  700).  The  parable  also  reflects  upon  the  Phari- 
saic attitude  of  the  jjrofessedly  godlj^  towards  the 
penitent  among  the  poor  and  outcast,  as  in  the  closing 
moral  of  the  Prodigal  Son.  Wo  are  not  to  infer 
(a)  that  tliose  who  had  worked  fewer  hours  did  as 
much  in  them  as  those  who  had  worked  all  day  ;  [h) 
that  tho  actual  sinner  gaiiLS  the  Kingdom  ;  (c)  that 
there  are  no  tests  of  entrance  to  it ;  {d)  that  there  is 
absolute  equaUty  in  it.  In  Loisy's  words,  eternal  life 
is  not  a  reward  "  proportioned  to  tho  time  a  man  has 
passed  in  the  practice  of  religious  rites  or  to  the 
quantity  of  works  of  piety  ho  has  performed."  But 
it  is  not  quite  true  to  say  that  ' '  God  gives  as  a  grace 
to  repentant  sinners  what  Ho  gives  to  the  just  as  a 
remuneration."  Eternal  hfe  is  in  no  case  simply  the 
reward  of  a  contract,  a  recompense  for  service  \inder- 
taken  and  fulfilled.  After  all,  it  is  only  by  God's  grace 
that  the  just  man  gets  it.  Montefiore  quotes  a  Tal- 
mudic  sajnng  :  "  Some  enter  the  Kingdom  in  an  hour, 
while  others  hardly  reach  it  after  a  lifetime."  For 
complementary  teaching  see  1  Cor.  812-13. 

2.  a  penny  :  the  denarius  was  worth  about  a  franc 
(9W.),  not  a  bad  day's  wage  in  tho  East;  five  or  six 
shillings  would  be  a  better  translation  for  us. — 3.  the 
third  hour:  9  a.m. — 13.  Friend:  or  "comrade,"  a 
kindly  address  to  one  who  was  in  the  wrong  (c/.  22i2, 
2650). 

On  the  whole  subject  of  Jesus'  teaching  on  "  The 
Rewards  of  the  Christian  Life  "  see  Kent,  Life  and 
Teaching  of  Jesus.  202fi.     {Cf.  Mt.  01  if.*) 

XX.  17-19.  Third  Prediction  of  the  Passion  (Mk. 
IO32-34*,  Lk.  I831-34). — Mt.  omits  the  description 
of  the  pilgrims  ;  he  turns  Mk.'s  "  kill  "  into  "  crucify," 
and  "  after  three  days  "  into  "  on  the  third  day  " 
{cf.  I621*,  1723). 

XX.  20-28.  The  Request  of  the  Sons  of  Zebedee. 
The  Christian  Standard  of  Greatness  (:\Ik.  IO35-45*, 
Lk.  2224-27). — Mt.  makes  the  mother  of  James  and 
John  ask  the  boon,  but  Jesus  rephes  to  them,  not  to 
her.  For  Mk.'s  "glory"  (37)  he  has  "kingdom"; 
the  meaning  is  tho  same.  The  references  to  baptism 
are  omitted,  and  "ray  Father"  is  said  to  have  pre- 
pared the  places. 

XX.  29-34.  Two  Blind  Men  Healed  (Mk.  IO46-52*, 
Lk.  I835-43). — Mt.  gives  Bartiraaeus  (?)  a  companion 
(he  is  fond  of  doubling,  cf,  828,  927).  But  he  says 
Jesus  "  touched  their  eyes  "  [cf.  Mk.  822-26).  lake 
Mk.,  he  places  tho  incident  as  Jesus  was  leaving 
Jericho  ;  contrast  Lk. 

XXL  1-11.  The  Triumphal  Entry  (Mk.  lli-n*, 
Lk.  1923-38,  Jn.  12i2-io). — Mt.  curiously  misrepre- 
sents the  poetic  description  of  one  animal  in  Zech.  Og 
by  making  Jesus  send  for  two.  and  even  perhaps  ride 
upon  both,  though  "  thereon  "  (7)  may  refer  to  the 
garments.  The  intimation  to  the  owner  that  Jesus 
would  speedily  return  tho  bon'owed  colt  (Mk.  II3) 
is  changed  to  an  assertion  that  tho  owner  would  at 


718 


MATTHEW,  XXI.   1-11 


once  comply  with  the  Masters  demand  (3).  Mk.'s 
"  layers  of  leaves  "  (or  straw)  now  becomes  "  branch€;3 
from  the  trees  "  ;  in  Jn.  th(«o  are  further  defined  as 
palm  branches,  and  nrv  carried  in  the  hands.  For  the 
scene,  cf.  1  Mac.  I351.  Mt.,  like  Lk.,  regards  "  Ho- 
sanna  "  as  a  cry  of  acclamation,  "  Welcome  !  "  or 
"  Hail  !  "  hence  "  to  the  son  of  David  "  ;  this  is  nearer 
llie  origmal  meaning  than  Mk.'s  "  Hosanna  in  the 
highest.''  10b  and  11  are  peculiar  to  Mt.  "  This  is  a 
prophet  "  does  not  involve  any  contradiction  of  9  ;  it 
is  the  obvious  answer  of  the  Galileans  to  tlio  Jerusalem 
incjuireis. 

.  XXI.  12-17.  The  Cleansing  of  the  Temple  (Mk. 
1115-19*,  Lk.  1945-48.  Jn.  213-16).— Mt.  hero  omits 
the  fii'st  part  of  Mk.'s  divided  account  of  the  figtreo. 
and  links  the  Temple  incident  with  the  entry.  It  is 
the  t<^mple  "of  God"  (12).  and  the  jihrase  "for  all 
nations  '  (13)  is  omitted,  though,  as  Lk.  also  omits, 
this  need  not  be  pressed  as  an  indication  of  Mt.'s 
exclusiveness. — 14-16.  Mt.  only  ;  he  is  fond  of  heal- 
ings ((•/.  I'4i4,  192).  The  acclamation  of  the  boys 
(not  children)  is  an  unexpected  and  agreeable  touch, 
more  than  atoning  for  the  omission  of  Mk.  11 16  (cf. 
Lk.  1939f.).  These  ebullitions  shocked  the  authorities 
much  more  than  the  trading  had  done.  In  his  answer 
Jesns  indirectly  admits  His  claim  to  be  the  Messiah. 

XXI.  18-22.  The  Cursing  ol  the  Fig  Tree  and  the 
Power  of  Faith  (Mk.  lli2fiE., 20-26=^).— What  Mk.  has 
severed,  Mt.  joins  together.  The  miracle  is  enhanced 
by  happening  at  once.  The  special  mention  of  Peter 
is  .strangcl}'  omitted.  In  both  Gospels  the  tree  is 
condemned  for  falsity,  not  finiitlcssncss,  and  sym- 
bolises Jerusalem  rather  than  the  nation.  Besides 
Lk.  136-9*  cf-  Hos.  9io.  The  lesson  Jesus  points 
is  the  efficacy  of  bohevmg  prayer.  "  This  mountain  " 
would  bo  OUvot  ;  apart  from  the  famihar  metaphor 
Jesus  may  have  had  Zcch.  I44  in  mind.  The  saying 
is  found  in  another  form  in  1720.  Lk.  (ITsf.)  substi- 
tutes "this  sycamine  tree."  Mk.'s  addendum  (1125) 
reminds  us  of  1  Cor.  132.  The  cursing  of  the  fig  tree 
gives  no  sanction  for  cursing  our  neighbour. 

XXI.  23-27.  The  Question  of  Authority  (Mk.  11 27- 
33*,  Lk.  2O1-8). — Mk.  is  no  doubt  right  in  cormocting 
the  priests  question  with  tlie  purging  of  tJie  Temple, 
though  "  these  things "  may  include  teaching  (and 
healing).  For  "  scribes  and  elders  '  Mt.  has  "  elders 
of  the  people."— By  what  authority:  ht.  "by  what 
kind  of  authority.  '  j.r.  human  or  Divine,  ecclesiastical 
or  civil. 

XXI.  28-XXII.  14.  A  trilogy  of  parables,  perhaps 
from  Q.  enforcing  the  implicit  teaching  of  the  fig- 
tree  incident. 

XXI.  28-32.  The  Parable  of  the  Two  Sons.— Mt.  only. 
With  32  cf.  Lk.  729f.  Wellhauson  })oints  out  that  in 
Mt.  the  rehgious  relationship  botwix-n  man  and  God 
is  usually  service,  not  sonship.  God  is  King  or  house- 
holder ;  and  though  here  He  is  Father,  the  sons  are 
His  servants.  The  parable  is  clear,  its  application 
(3if.)  obvious  and  ])ointed.  Yet  early  interpreters 
like  Origen.  (.'hryso.stom,  and  Jerome  took  the  two 
sons  to  be  Jews  (professing  righteousness  but  rejecting 
C'hrist)  and  (Jentiles  (disobeying  the  Law  but  accept- 
ing Christ),  and  this  led  to  the  inverted  order  of  the 
sons  which  wo  find  in  many  texts  (esp.  B  followed 
by  WH  and  Moffat  t).  Another  curious  reading 
(D  and  S%t.  Sin.),  while  supporting  the  more  likely 
order,  makes  the  priests  and  elders  reply  (31)  "the  last.  ' 
If  this  is  the  conect  reading,  we  must  suppose  that 
they  deliberately  gave  an  absurd  answer,  in  order  to 
sjioil  the  argument,  or  (Mcrx.  verj'  unlikely)  that  the 
whole  story  is  meant  as  "  a  deadly  but  most  accurate 


satire  on  the  morahty  of  the  Scribes  who  keep  the 
letter  and  neglect  the  spirit  "  (Montefiore,  p.  711).  RV 
no  doubt  gives  the  right  order,  for  if  the  first  son  had 
said  "  Yes  "  the  second  would  not  have  been  asked. 
And  the  reply  of  the  second,  "  1,  sir,  (will  go)  "  empha- 
sizes both  the  contrast  with  the  first  and  his  submission 
to  his  father.  The  parable  reminds  us  of  the  Prodigal 
Son  and  his  brother,  and  is  an  elfcctive  illustration 
of  721  {cf.  233).  Note  the  advance  made  by  32  on 
Mk.  217.  "  Came  in  the  way  of  righteousness,"  i.e. 
he  inaugurated  the  right  way  of  hfe,  salvation  through 
repentance  ;  or,  "  he  stood  for  the  maimer  of  life 
which  righteousness  demands  '"  (Allen). 

XXI.  33-46.  The  Parable  of  the  Vineyard  (Mk. 
I2i-i2*,  Lk.  2O9-18).  —  The  chief  peculiarities  of 
Mt.'s  version  are  (39)  the  slaying  of  the  heir  outside 
the  vineyard  (perhaps  a  recollection  of  Jesus  suffering 
"without  the  gate  "),  (41)  the  opponents  of  Jesus 
pronouncing  sentence  on  themselves  and  their  class, 
and  43,  where  the  word  "  nation  "  need  not  exclude 
Jews.  Note  that  Mt.  here  (as  in  I228)  has  "kingdom 
of  God."  His  usual  expression,  "  kingdom  of  heaven," 
denotes  the  eschatological  realm  to  be  inaugurated  at 
the  Second  Advent.  This  Kingdom  had  never  been  in 
the  possession  of  the  Jews,  and  so  could  not  be  taken 
from  them.  Mt.  therefore  uses  "kingdom  of  God" 
in  the  theocratic  sense  famiUar  to  the  Jews  of  the  time. 
Its  use  here  may  have  led  to  its  introduction  in  31. — 
46.   Cf.  26,  also  145,  and  in  another  light  21 11. 

XXn.  1-14.  Parable(s)  of  the  Messianic  Banquet.— 
This  section  is  difficult,  i-io  has  many  resemblances 
to,  but  is  not  identical  with,  Lk.  I416-24.  The  two 
passages  should  be  carefully  compared  ;  Lk.'s  form, 
but  Mt.'s  position,  is  perhaps  the  more  original. 
11-13  is  found  in  Mt.  only,  and  appears  to  belong  to 
another  parable,  the  begiiming  of  which  has  been  lost. 
The  marriage  feast  of  the  king's  son  may  be  ultimately 
symbolic  oif  the  glad  union  of  Christ  and  the  Church 
(as  in  Rev.  I97-9),  though  the  bride  does  not  here 
appear.  The  nation  had  received  intimation  of  the 
event  and  been  invited  to  the  festivity  by  the  prophets 
but  had  not  responded  (4).  Now  they  hear  from  John 
the  Baptist  and  Jesus  that  the  day  has  come  (5  ;  cf. 
Pr.  9i-6),  ))ut  they  still  hold  aloof,  and  even  carry 
their  indifference  into  murderous  hostility  (6).  W^e 
are  reminded  throughout  of  the  preceding  parable 
of  the  wicked  husbandmen  (2l33ff.).  The  outraged 
king  executes  a  thorough  vengeance ;  7  seems  to 
reflect  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  a.d.  70.  The 
story  is  improved  if  we  excise  6f .,  and  there  is  something 
to  be  said  for  Haniack's  suggestion  that  these  verses 
are  fragments  of  yet  another  parable,  which  LI;. 
(1912.14.150,27)  seems  also  to  have  found  and  blended 
with  his  parable  of  the  pounds.  The  point  of  the 
parable  is  that  unworthy  guests  (like  imworthy 
tenants,  2I43)  are  rejected  in  favour  of  others.  "  Both 
bad  and  good  "  is  perhaps  a  gloss  inserted  as  a  link 
with  11-13.  The  story  ends,  (juite  in  the  manner  oi 
Jesus,  abruptly  ;  we  are  left  to  imagine  the  rampant 
joy  of  the  motley,  happy  crowd  in  the  lighted  room 
with  its  well-spread  tables, 

9.  the  partings  of  the  highways  :  Ut.  the  ends  of  the 
roads,  i.e.  where  the  stn-ots  load  out  from  the  city  mto 
tlie  country  (Mouiton  ami  iMilligan,  Vocnbulary,  p.  160). 

11-14.  the  Wedding  Garment.— One  reason  foi 
se])arating  these  verses  from  i-io  is  that  the  hastily 
collected  guests  described  in  10  could  not  suitably 
attire  thomsolves.  The  lesson  of  the  parable,  which 
only  needs  an  introduction  similar  to  2  to  complete 
it,  is  like  that  of  the  tares  and  the  net  (eh.  13)  ;  the 
day  of  the  Lord  reveals  the  presence  of  good  and  bad 


MATTHEW,  XXIII.   13-32 


19 


among  the  invited  (?  the  Church),  and  they  must  bo 
separated.  The  wedding  garment  represents  that 
which  fits  men  to  share  in  the  joys  of  the  Kingdom 
(c/.  020),  and  the  man  without  one  stands  for  all  who 
lack  the  essential  equipment.  If  we  may  compare 
Rev.  198,  tliis  includes  "  righteous  acts,"'  or  works, 
as  well  as  faith.  The  servants  who  carry  out  the 
sentence  remind  us  of  the  angels  of  the  two  parables 
just  referred  to.  Wellhausen  speaks  of  binding  the 
feet  of  a  guest  expelled  from  court  as  an  Arab  custom. 
For  the  outer  darkness,  etc.,  c/.  812,  2030,  p.  659. 

14.  called :  invited ;  chosen,  or  "  elect."  All 
Israel  had  been  regarded  as  God's  elect,  but  later 
Jewish  literature  tended  to  confino  the  term  to  the 
pious  or  righteous  in  contrast  to  the  rest  of  the  nation. 
Human  responsibiUty  is  thus  implied  as  well  as  Divine 
selection.  So  here  many  Jews  had  received  the  call 
through  Jesus,  but  few  had  become  "  elect "'  by  accept- 
ing it.  The  saying  has  no  clear  reference  to  either 
of  the  two  parables  in  1-13  ;  it  is  a  word  of  the  Master 
which  Mt.  wished  to  preserve.  Perhaps  the  key  to 
the  whole  passage  is  that  Mt.,  starting  with  the  parable 
of  the  wedding  garment  (2,11-13)  has  blended  with 
it  a  version  of  the  parable  of  the  feast  (Lk.  14)  wrought 
up  into  an  allcgorj^ 

XXn.  15-22.  The  Question  of  Tribute  (Mk.  1213-17*, 
Lk.  2O20-26). — Note  how  Mt.  (15)  changes  Mk.'s 
indefinite  subject  into  "  the  Pharisees,"'  and  so  has 
to  change  Mk.'s  object  "  the  Pharisees  "  into  "  their 
disciples."'  Lk.'s  expansions  are  interesting.  Jesus 
points  out  that  to  pay  tribute  to  Rome  was  not  merely 
lawful,  it  was  a  moral  obligation  in  return  for  the 
beneficent  experiences  of  a  stable  government,  it  was 
not  a  gift  (17)  but  the  rendering  (21)  of  a  debt,  and  did 
not  compete  or  clash  with  mens  obUgations  to  God. 
Mt.  rounds  off  the  incident  with  words  used  by  Mk. 
(12i2)  after  the  parable  of  the  vineyard. 

XXII.  23-33.  The  Question  of  the  Resurrection  Life 
(Mk.  1218-27*,  Lk.  2O27-40).  —  Mt.'s  changes  are 
mo^ly  in  the  direction  of  simphcity.  As  regards  the 
question  of  the  Sadducees,  while  Lev.  I816,  2O21 
forbid  marriage  with  a  dead  brothers  wife,  Dt.  255-io 
enjoins  it  in  certain  circumstances.  The  answer  of 
Jesus  (agff.)  to  their  attempt  to  argue  against  resuiTcc- 
tion  by  an  imaginary  compUcation  of  this  kind  ia 
twofold.  First,  they  were  deficient  in  knowledge,  or 
they  would  have  recognised  that  their  Scriptures  at 
least  implicitly  taught  the  doctrine  ;  secondly,  they 
were  deficient  in  faith — the  Divine  power  could  solve 
all  such  problems.  Rabbinical  writings  show  that 
there  was  considerable  difference  of  opinion  among 
the  Jews  of  C'hrist"s  day  as  to  the  scope  of  the  Resur- 
rection ;  the  belief  itself  had  become  general  (except 
for  Sadducees  and  Samaritans)  since  the  second 
century  B.C.,  and  was  largely  due  to  Persian  influence. 
With  Jesus'  argument  from  Ex.  36  c/.  the  Rabbinic 
tract  Sank.  906,  where  R.  Jochanan  deduces  the 
perpetual  life,  and  so  the  resurrection  of  Aaron,  from 
Nu.  I828.  The  comparison  of  the  risen  life  with 
Angelic  existence  goes  against  the  idea  of  reanimated 
bodies,  and  is  in  line  with  Paul's  t<?aching  (I  Cor.  15, 
2  Cor.  5)  of  a  spiritual  body. 

XXII.  34-40.  The  Greatest  Commandment  (Mk. 
1228-34*,  Lk.  IO25-28).  —  Mt.  puts  the  questioner, 
whom  ho  calls  a  Pharisee,  m  mucli  less  favourable 
light  than  Mk.  He  "  tempts  "  Jesus — to  what  is 
not  clear  (Lk.'s  ekpeirazon,  "  testing,"'  is  better) — 
and  he  omits  the  pleasing  outcome  of  Jesus'  answer 
recorded  in  Mk.  1232!.  Mt.  is  leading  up  to  the  attack 
on  the  Pharisees  in  ch.  23.  The  lawyer's  question  is 
really,  "  What  kind  of  commandment  is  great  in  the 


law  ?  "  He  is  seeking  a  principle  of  distinction,  and 
Jesus  gives  him  two  by  which  to  test  particular  pre- 
cepts. In  37  Mt.,  like  the  original  precept  (Dt.  65), 
enumerates  three  powers  with  which  God  is  to  bo 
loved  (Mk.  and  Lk.  have  four),  but  not  the  right  three — 
"  heart  and  mind  "'  represent  the  same  Heb.  term, 
and  so  "  strength  "  is  omitted. 

XXII.  41-46.  Is  Messiah  David's  Son  ?  (Mk.  12 
35-37*,  Lk.  2O41-44). — Mt.  bi-ings  the  Pharisees  into 
the  incident,  and  makes  the  statement  that  Messiah 
is  David's  son  their  direct  answer  to  a  question  by 
Jesus.  Hence  (though  it  is  here  Jesus  who  is  the 
questioner),  46  (fear  of  further  questions),  which  in 
Mk.  comes  after  the  Great  Commandment  and  in  Lk. 
after  the  Resurrection  question.     Cf.  Ac.  234*. 

XXIII.  Condemnation  of  Scribes  and  Pharisees.— 
This  long  denunciation  appears  to  have  come  from  Q. 
Mk.,  reading  it  there,  epitomised  it  in  three  verses 
(1238ff.),  Lk.  (II37-52)  abbreviated  by  omitting  pomts 
unsuited  to  Gentile  readers.  Mt.  has  probably  ex- 
panded the  original ;  there  are  pa.-'Sages  which  suggest 
the  latter  half  of  the  first  century  rather  than  the  time 
and  thought  of  Jesus  :  e.g.  10  recalls  the  exhortations 
of  Paul,  and  15  reflects  the  activity  of  Judaisers  in 
Paul's  day,  even  if  we  do  not  follow  Loisy  in  seeing 
in  it  (as  in  9  ;  cf.  I  Cor.  -iis)  a  veiled  attack  on  Paul 
himself,  who  "  compassed  land  and  sea "'  to  make 
converts.  Though  Lk.  puts  the  arraignment  at  an 
earUer  stage  of  the  ministry  and  in  Galilee,  it  is  more 
accurately  placed  here.  It  would  seem  that  Jesus 
now  reahsed  the  impossibihty  of  any  agreement  or 
reconciliation  with  the  authoritative  exponents  and 
leaders  of  Judaism,  and  gave  vent  to  His  indignation 
at  their  shortcomings  and  wrongdoing.  We  have 
seen  how  Mt.  has  been  preparing  for  this  denouement. 
Montefiore  thinks  the  greater  portion  of  the  diatribe 
"is  unjustly  ascribed  to  Jesus"  ;  "in  its  unhistoric 
violence  it  overreaches  itself"'  {cf.  p.  666).  The  terms 
"scribe"  and  "  Pharisee"  are  almost  interchangeable. 
Most  of  the  Scribes  were  Pharisees,  though  of  course 
most  of  the  Pharisees  were  not  Scribes.  The  chapter 
falls  into  three  parts  :    (1)  1-12,  (2)  13-32,  (3)  33-39. 

XXm.  1-12.  Warnings  to  the  People  and  the  Dis- 


2f.  Loisy  regards  this  as  an  interpolation  (by  a 
Judaising  redactor)  out  of  haiinony  with  the  attack 
that  follows.  Holtzmann  thinks  it  is  Mt.'s,  breathing 
special  respect  for  the  Law,  like  5i7ff.,  but  irreconcil- 
able with  153-14.  But,  as  Pfleiderer  puts  it,  we  must 
"  admit  that  in  the  attitude  of  Jesus  towards  the 
Mosaic  Law  different  expressions  which  caimot  be 
reconciled  stand  side  by  side,  the  most  natural  ex- 
planation of  which  may  be  found  in  a  change  of 
mood."  Cf.  p.  667. — sit :  lit.  "  sat."'  Plummer  sug- 
gests that  at  the  end  of  the  verse  we  should  supply 
"when  they  taught  you  to  observe  the  Law."' — 4.  By 
minute  ordinances  (e.g.  rules  for  Sabbath  keeping)  they 
make  life  a  burden  for  others,  but  give  no  help  towards 
removing  them  or  making  them  more  tolerable. — 
5.  phylacteries  (ht.  amulets,  the  Gk.  translation  of 
Heb.  tephillin.  lit.  prayers),  small  square  leather  cases 
strapjied  on  the  forehead  and  the  left  arm  (Dt  68*). 
Each  contained  four  passages  from  the  Law  (Ex.  13i- 
10,  11-16,  Dt.  64-9,  11 13-21),  written  on  four  strips 
and  one  strip  of  parchment  respectively. — borders : 
the  tassels  of  plaited  or  twisted  threads  on  the  four 
comers  of  the  simlah  or  Jewish  shawl-hke  upper  gar- 
ment. 8-12  seems  specially  addressed  to  the  dis- 
ciples.    With  I  if.  cf.  Mk.  935.  IO44.  Mt.  2O26. 

XXm.  13-32.  Seven  Woes.— Seven  is  a  sacred 
number  and  often  used  in  Mt..  a«  in  OT  (rf.  especially 


720 


MATTHEW,  XXIII.   13  32 


Js.  Ti)  and  Rev.  "  The  first  three  treat  of  Pharisaic 
teaching,  the  last  three  of  Pharisaic  character,  the 
fourth  is  transitional." — i  -iii.  The  Scribes  refused  to 
accept  the  preaching  of  Jesus,  and  deterred  others 
from  accepting  it  (13  ;  cf.  Lk.  II52).  While  they  are 
thus  eager  to  prevent  Jews  from  becoming  Christians, 
they  are  keen  to  make  converts  either  from  the  Gentiles 
to  Judaism,  or,  more  probably,  from  Jews  to  Phari- 
saism, and  such  converts  become  excessively  Phari- 
saical (15)  ;  they  make  casuistical  and  perverse  dis- 
tinctions with  regard  to  oaths  which  subvert  mens 
notions  of  truthfulness  and  honour  (16-22). — iv.  They 
are  sciiipulously  careful  about  minute  ceremonial 
detail,  but  lax  in  fundamental  moralities  (cj.  Lk. 
II42).  Note  that  Jesus  does  not  attack  the  Law. — 
v.-vi.  While  insisting  on  ritual  cleanliness  and  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  good  life,  they  are  really  given  to  ex- 
tortion and  avarice,  like  a  cup  or  a  tomb,  fair  on  the 
outside,  filthy  within  (25-28  ;  cf.  Lk.  1139-41,44). — 
vii.  They  pay  great  homage  to  the  martyred  prophets, 
but  do  their  best  to  martyr  John  and  Jesus,  the 
prophets  of  their  own  day  (29-36). 

14.  An  mterpolation  from  Mk.  I240. — 16.  Ye  blind 
guides  :  in  place  of  the  usual  "  Scribes  and  Phari- 
sees." Perhaps  something  about  heaven  and  the 
throne  (corresponding  to  22)  has  been  left  out  here. — 
he  Is  a  debtor  =  the  oath  is  binding.  With  16-22 
cf-  •''>33-37- — 23.  anise  :  better  "  dill  "  ;  cummin  re- 
sembles caraway.  The  three  little  herbs  were  used 
in  cookery  and  medicine. — 24.  strain  out,  not  "  at  "'  ; 
the  reference  is  to  the  fear  of  swallowing  an  "  unclean  " 
insect  in  a  drink.  Note  the  humour  of  'swallow  a 
camel "  (Glover,  The  Jesus  oj  History,  p.  49.) — 25. 
full  from :  i.e.  as  the  result  of  avarice  ;  the  food 
and  drink  may  be  ceremonially  clean  while  morally 
tainted  because  dishonestly  obtained. — 27.  Tombs 
wore  whitewashed  on  the  15th  of  Adar  (just  before 
the  Passover,  the  time  when  Jesus  was  speaking), 
that  passers-by  might  not  become  polluted  through 
inadvertently  touching  them. — 29.  The  seventh  woe 
is  linked  with  the  sixth  by  the  word  "  sepulchres." 
The  honour  shown  to  the  graves  of  the  prophets  is 
sheer  hypocrisy,  for  the  Pharisees  are  not  only  lineally 
but  morally  descended  from  the  murderers. — 32.  Fill 
up  :  the  variant  "  You  will  fill  up,"  though  it  has 
good  authority,  is  an  attempt  to  soften  the  irony. 

XXin.  33-36.  A  Last  Warning.— With  33  c/.  the 
Baptist's  words,  37.-34.  Lk.  I249*.  — 35.  Abel: 
Gen.  48. — Zachariah  :  2  Ch.  242off.  The  reference  is 
thus  to  all  the  martyrdoms  recorded  in  the  Heb. 
Scriptures,  of  which  2  Ch.  is  the  last  book.  Zachariah 
was  really  the  son  of  Jehoiada  ;  Mt.  (or  a  glossator) 
says  "  son  of  Baraehiah  "  (Lk.  omits)  through  con- 
fusing Zachariah  with  the  prophet  (Zech.  li).  Jose- 
phus  (Wars,  IV,  v.  4)  tells  of  a  Zachariah,  son  of 
Baruch.  who  was  murdered  in  the  Temple  during  the 
siege  of  Jeru.salem  for  plotting  to  betray  the  city  to 
Ve8pa.sian.  But  it  is  almost  impo.s.sible  to  suppose 
that  this  is  the  incident  here  referred  to.  The  murder 
of  Zachariah,  sou  of  Jehoiada.  lay  hea\'y  on  the 
Jewish  conscience  ;  they  regarded  Nebuchadnezzar's 
capture  of  Jerusalem  as  retribution  for  it  (JThS, 
xiii.  408). 

XXIII.  37-39.  Lament  over  Jerusalem  (Lk.  1334f.*)- 
— 37  may  l)e  part  of  the  uttorance  ascribed  by  Jesus 
to  the  "  Wisdom  of  God."  If  not,  Je«us  is  referring 
not  so  much  to  His  earlier  visits  to  Jerusalem  as  to 
His  desire  (when  in  Clahlee)  to  come  to  the  mother 
city  and  fold  its  people  into  discipleship  and  protec- 
tion in  the  coming  judgment. — 38.  your  house:  i.e. 
the  Temple,   symbolising   the   city   and   the   nation. 


The  Divine  Presence,  rejected  in  Jesus,  is  deserting 
Israel.  Thej-  will  see  Jesus  next  when  Ho  returns 
as  the  heavenly  Me.s.^iah. 

XXIVf.  The"  Eschatological  Discourse,  and  the 
Parables  of  ParousiadMic  i:j*,  Lk.  2I5-36*,  1723-37). — 
Mt.  follows  Mk.  fairly  closely,  but  appends  other 
eschatological  sayings  and  illustrative  parables  (ch.  25). 
The  discourse  arises  out  of  a  prediction  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  Temple,  and  is  spoken  in  Mt.  not  to 
four  disciples  but  to  the  Twelve,  who  ask  for  "  the 
sign  of  Thy  coming  (i.e.  as  Messiah,  parou-iia),  and  of 
the  end  of  the  world  (or  age)."  Jesus  enumerates 
the  events  that  must  first  occur  (4-14).  With  4-S 
cf.  Mk.  135-8.  Most  of  Mk.  1 89-1 3,  perhaps  originally 
in  Q,  has  been  already  used  by  Jit.  in  IO17-22,  so  here 
he  summarises  and  varies,  e.g.  "  hated  of  tkfi  nalions," 
and  the  prediction  of  deterioration  among  the  brethren 
themselves,  lofE.).  The  actual  end  is  heralded  by  a 
season  of  dire  distress  (15-22  ;  cf.  Mk.  I314-20). 
"  Let  him  that  readeth  "  (15),  i.e.  the  Book  of  Daniel. 
Note  the  addition  of  "  the  Sabbath  "  in  20  ;  flight  on 
such  a  day  would  be  against  the  Law,  or  if  one  hmited 
oneself  to  a  '"Sabbath  days  joximey,"  would  hai-dly 
enable  one  to  escape  the  enemy.  Christians  still  ob- 
served the  Sabbath  when  Mt.  was  written.  226 
may  mean  that  the  presence  of  the  chosen  ones  (Chris- 
tians), who  are  to  meet  the  Jlessiah,  saves  many  others 
from  death  (cf.  Gen.  I832).  26fl.  is  not  in  Mk.,  but 
cf.  Lk.  1720-25  ;  when  the  hour  strikes,  there  will  be 
no  need  to  search  for  the  Messiah.  His  presence  will 
be  as  obvious  as  that  of  the  lightning. — 28.  This 
proverb  (cf.  Job  393o),  which  only  loosely  fits  the 
context,  need  not  be  forced  into  a  picture  of  the  elect 
gathering  round  their  Lord,  or  of  the  Messiah  and  His 
angels  swooping  down  for  judgment  on  a  wholly  cor- 
rupt world.  With  29ff.  cf.  Mk.  1 824-27  ;  notice  Mt.'s 
''  immediately  "  (29)  and  the  addition  in  3006.  The 
evangelist  expects  that  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  will 
speedily  be  followed  by  the  sign  of  the  Son  of  Man, 
i.t.  some  unique  portent  which  precedes  His  advent ; 
or  perhaps  there  is  a  reference  to  Dan.  713.  The 
mourmng  of  the  tribes  of  the  earth  (Zech.  I2i2)  re- 
semble.'? but  is  hardly  due  to  Rev.  I7.  It  is  lacking  in 
Syr.  Sin.,  which  in  30c  has  "  Ye  shall  see  "  ;  if  this 
was  the  original  readiiiL',  it  has  been  changed  to 
"  they  "  to  suit  the  fact  that  disciples  had  passed  away 
without  seeing  the  sign.  For  the  "  trximpct  "  (31)  cf. 
Is.  27i3.  Ps.  Sol.  11 1-3;  with  3^-36  cf.  5Ik.  1828-32*. 
"  Nor  the  Son  "  should  probably  (with  good  authority) 
be  omitted  from  Mt.  ;  wo  know  how  he  usually  treats 
statements  of  Mk.  which  humanise  Christ.  Lk.  re- 
places the  sayang  by  an  admonition  against  careless- 
ness. IJi.  (172611.)  also  gives,  and  more  full}',  the 
analogy  with  the  Flood  (37!!.),  which  is  not  found  in 
Mk.,  and  is  from  another  source  which  regarded  the 
Parousia  as  coming  without  signs  and  warnings. — 
40f,  talten  :  i.e.  for  life  ;  left :  i.e.  to  destruction,  or 
vice  versa.  For  "in  the  field  "  Lk.  (I734)  has  "on 
one  bod." 

XXIV.  42-XXV.  13.  Abbreviating  Mk.  1833-37,  with 
its  simile  of  the  absent  householder,  into  one  verso 
(42  ;  cf.  Lk.  2I36),  Mt.  inserts  (n)  the  short  simile  01  a 
householder  off  his  guard,  (h)  the  longer  one  describ- 
ing the  absent  master  and  the  careful  and  careless 
stewards  (for  these  cf.  Lk.  I239-48),  (c)  the  parable 
of  the  bridesmaids  (Mt.  only).  At  2013  ho  repeats 
Mk.  1333.  the  starting-point  of  his  in8ert<>d  material. 
Note  that  in  (a)  the  Parousia  is  boldly  likened  to  the 
coming  of  a  thief  (cf.  1  Th.  02).  in  (h)  the  lesson  is 
taught  that  every  disciple  must  play  his  part  loyally 
in  the  brotherhood.     In  its  present  form  the  parable 


MATTHEW,  XXVI.  47-56 


721 


may  point  to  the  contrast  between  faithful  and  heed- 
less leaders  of  the  early  Church.  "  One  looks  after  his 
ilock,  the  other  neglects  and  maltreats  thcni,  and  seeks 
his  own  advantage  "  (Montefiore,  p.  743). — CUt  him 
asunder  (51)  possibly  means  "discharge  him  from  his 
service."  See  Moulton  and  Milligan,  Vocabulary. 
p.  165,  and  cf.  EGT.  In  (c)  the  Parousia  is  compared 
to  a  wedding  procession.  The  contrast  between  the 
ready  and  the  unready  is  again  brought  out,  and  the 
moral  is  the  same  as  in  the  preceding  illustrations. 
"  Be  prepared  for  Messiahs  advent  ;  it  is  too  late  to 
repent  after  His  arrival."  This  parable  is  a  good 
instance  of  the  futility  of  trying  to  squeeze  a  meaning 
out  of  every  detail.  Montefiore  thinks  the  parable 
(wliich  is  not  one  of  the  best)  is  later  than  Jesus,  and 
"  grew  up  to  explain  the  delay  in  the  coming  of  the 
Kingdom,  and  to  point  out  how  the  intervening  time 
— of  uncertain  duration — should  be  spent." 

XXV.  1.  After  "  bridegroom  "  add  "  and  the 
bride." 

XXV.  14-30.  The  Parable  of  the  Talents  {cf.  Lk. 
I911-27). — There  is  also  a  resemblance  to  Mk.  1833-37, 
especially  34.  Loisy  thinks  this  parable  had  originally 
no  reference  to  the  Parousia  and  the  Judgment,  but 
was  simply  meant  to  show  that  reward  in  the  Kingdom 
of  Heaven  is  proportionate  to  merit.  As  it  stands, 
however,  it  is  akin  to  the  preceding  parable  of  the 
bridesmaids.  Though  the  Parousia  be  long  delayed 
(19)  it  will  surely  come,  and  those  wlio  wish  to  share 
its  blessings  must  use  the  time  of  waiting  wisely  ; 
they  must  employ  the  endowments  God  has  given 
them  in  His  service,  which  is  that  of  their  fellow-men. 
All  parties  wiU  be  the  better  for  this — God,  the  indi- 
vidual, and  the  communit}^  Gifts  that  are  not  em- 
ployed are  lost  ;  capacity  is  extirpated  by  disuse. 
The  real  reward  (despite  28,  which  really  serves  to 
bring  in  29)  is  a  place  in  the  Kingdom  to  share  in  the 
Messianic  joy  (21),  and  as  the  two-talent  man  gets 
the  same  guerdon  as  the  five-talent  man,  it  is  not  a 
question  of  much  or  httle,  but  of  loyal  purpose  and 
honest  endeavour. 

"  In  God's  clear  sight  high  work  we  do. 
If  we  but  do  our  best." 

The  excuse  of  the  one-talent  man  is  part  of  the  para- 
phernalia of  the  parable,  not  to  be  pressed  as  a  con- 
ception of  God.  Even  if  the  man  held  this  mistaken 
notion,  he  should  have  acted  more  zealously  and  so 
won  his  master's  praise.  Possibly  the  parable  origin- 
ally ended  with  29  ;  the  extra  punishment  of  30  seems 
needless.  It  may  reflect  the  feeling  of  the  early  Church 
that  something  more  than  mere  deprivation  awaited 
the  unprofitable  servant. 

XXV.  31-36.  The  Day  of  Judgment  (Mt.  only).— 
Though  the  nations  are  gathered  before  the  Son  of 
Man  as  judge,  they  pass  into  the  background  in  the 
trial  which  is  really  that  of  the  Christian  Church, 
unless  indeed  the  assumption  is  that  all  the  nations 
have  become  Christian  ere  the  Judgment.  For  the 
sheep  and  the  goats  cf.  Ezek.  .34i7ff.  Note  the  sudden 
transition  to  the  title  "  King  "  (34).  Have  we  here 
another  adaptation  to  the  Parousia  of  a  parable  in 
which  originally  the  King  was  the  central  figure,  or 
simply  the  development  of  a  passage  like  Enoch  62f.  ? 
For  the  test  cf.  104off.,  I85  ;  it  even  goes  beyond  these 
sayings,  for  "  in  my  name  "  is  not  iiere  required.  The 
act  of  love  is  all-sufficient,  yet  it  is  "  in  Christ's  name," 
"for  Christ's  .sake,'  that  Christians  have  ever  since 
so  acted.  For  an  OT  parallel  cf.  Is.  .'387.  The  best 
rabbinical  thought  placed  "  performance  of  kindnesses  ' 
above  mere  almsgiving.     The  visiting  of  prisoners  may 


point  to  a  time  when  persecution  had  set  in.  From 
the  principle  of  the  worth  of  every  human  being  as  a 
brother  of  Jesus,  a  child  of  God,  laid  down  in  40,  have 
sprung  all  the  "  Gesta  Christi,  '  the  achievements  of 
Christianity  in  the  sphere  of  philanthropy,  education, 
the  uplifting  of  the  despised  and  downtrodden,  the 
ingathering  of  the  outcast.     See  further,  p.  670. 

32.  The  idea  is  that  of  a  universal  resurrection  for 
judgment  {cf.  Dan.  I22). — 34.  prepared  for  you  imphes 
foreknowledge  and  election  {cf.  2O23),  yet  the  following 
verses  assume  human  responsibility. — -40.  This  picture 
of  the  Messiah  as  full  of  human  love  and  sympathy 
is  unknown  to  the  warrior-ldng  of  Jewish  Apocalyptic. 
— 41.  The  punishment  of  fire  {cf.  3io)  is  not  prepared 
"  for  you,"  but  for  the  wicked  angels. 

XXVI.  1-5.  The  Decision  of  the  Chief  Priests  (Mk. 
14if.*). — Mt.  enlarges  a  simple  statement  of  fact  into 
a  prediction  by  Jesus,  and  places  the  meeting  of  the 
conspirators  in  the  house  of  Caiaphas.  Lk.  22  if.  is 
briefer  even  than  Mk. 

XXVI.  6-13.  The  Anointing  of  Jesus  (Mk.  133-9*)  — 
Mt.  follows  Mk.  very  closely,  though  abbreviating 
somewhat,  e.g.  in  7.9,11.  It  is  the  Fourth  Gospel  that 
assigns  the  anointing  to  Mary  of  Bethany  and  the 
remonstrance  to  Judas.  In  Mk.  it  is  "some,"  in 
Mt.  "  the  disciples,"  who  grumble — thus  there  is  a 
gradual  defining  of  the  culprit.  In  Mt.  Jesus  does 
not  hear  the  murmuring,  but  "  perceives  "  it. 

XXVI.  14-16.  The  Betrayal  (Mk.  14iof.*,  Lk. 
223-6). — Mt.,  who  omits  the  three  himdred  pence  of 
the  preceding  incident,  alone  tells  us  that  Judas  re- 
ceived thirty  pieces  of  silver.  Tliis  is  due  to  Zech. 
Ili2f.  Note  how,  in  contrast  to  Mk.  and  Lk.,  he 
makes  greed  the  motive  of  Judas. 

XXVI.  17-19.  Preparation  for  the  Last  Supper 
(Mk.  14i2-i6*,  Lk.  227-13). — Mt.  again  abbreviates. 
The  instruction  is  given  to  the  Twelve  (not  to  two — 
in  Lk.,  Peter  and  John),  and  they  go  direct  to  the 
friend  (a  disciple  who  would  understand  the  phrase 
"My  time  is  at  hand  ")  at  whose  house  the  festival 
is  to  be  kept  ;  nothing  is  said  about  the  man  with 
the  pitcher. 

XXVI.  20-25.  Jesus  Reveals  the  Treachery  of  Judas 
(Mk.  14I7-2I*,  Lk.  22i4ff..2ifE.).— 25,  which  {cf. 
Jn.  1326)  makes  Jesus  fix  the  guilt  on  Judas,  is  peculiar 
to  Mt.  The  phrase  "  thou  hast  said  "  is  found  asain 
in  64  and  27ii.  In  23  note  "  he  that  dipped  "  instead 
of  Mk.'s  "  dippeth.' 

XXVI.  26-29.  The  Bread  and  the  Wine  (Mk.  14 
22-25"':  Lk.  2217-20  has  a  different  arrangement). — 
Mt.  is  practically  identical  with  Mk..  but  adds  (28) 
that  the  "  blood  of  the  covenant  which  is  shed  for 
many"  is  "unto  remission  of  sins"  {cf.  Mk.  IO45. 
Heb.  922),  and  that  when  Jesus  drinks  the  new  wine 
in  His  Father's  Kingdom  (ilt.  "kingdom  of  heaven." 
Lk.  "kingdom  of  God  '')  it  will  Ix)  with  the  dit^ciples. 

XXVI.  30-35.  Prediction  of  the  Disciples'  Desertion 
(Mk.  1426-31*). — In  Lk.  (2231-34)  the  prediction  is 
confined  to  Peter.  Note  in  Mt.'s  narrative  {n)  the 
disaster  is  to  be  "this  night."  (31),  {b)  one  cockcrow, 
(r)  the  omission  of  Peter's  "  exceeding  vehement  " 
denial. 

XXVI.  36-46.  Gethsemane  (Mk.  1432-42*,  Lk. 
2239-46). — Mt.  is  in  closest  agi-eement  with  Mk.. 
except  that  he  gives  the  words  of  the  second  prayer 
and  states  definitely  that  Jesus  prayed  a  third  time. — 
45.  A  question  (see  Moffatt's  tr.). 

XXVI.  47-56.  The  Arrest  (Mk.  144 3-50*.  Lk. 
2247-53). — jMt-  omits  Judas'  request  that  Jesus  should 
l)e  led  away  safely,  but  inserts  a  word  of  Jesus  to  Judas 
(50  :  cf.  Liv.  2248).     When  the  servant's  ear  is  cut  off. 


722 


MATTHEW,  XXVI.  47-56 


Jeeu9  rebukea  the  uso  of  force  (Jn.  I811  givc»  a  dif- 
ferent reason).  Lk.  alone  records  a  miracle  of  healing, 
Jn.  gives  the  wounded  man's  name.  With  52  r/. 
Rev.  13io — apparently  the  precept  (like  the  example) 
was  a  guiding  principle  of  the  primitive  Church  in 
time  of  persecution.  The  phrase  "  In  that  hour  " 
(55)  picks  up  the  story  of  50. 

XXVI.  57-68.  The  Trial  before  the  Sanhedrin  (Mk. 
1453-63*;  see  also  Lk.  2254f..66-7i). — There  are  no 
striking  divergences  from  Mk.'s  narrative. — 57.  Ap- 
parently we  are  to  think  of  the  Sanhedrin  as  having 
been  in  (informal)  session  since  3.-58.  Peter  comos 
"  to  see  the  end,"  not  "  to  warm  himself  ""  as  in  Mk. — 
59.  Syr.  Sin.  says  "  witness  "  (so  Mk.),  not  "  false 
witness." — 61  is  more  simple  and  ]x>rha]xs  more  original 
than  Mk. — 63.  Caiaphas  demands  that  Jesus  should 
take  an  oath.  Wo  should  perhaps  take  the  ambigu- 
ous reply,  "Thou  hast  said."  as  a  refusal  (c/.  .534)  to 
do  this.  .Mk.  has  interpreted  it  as  an  affirmation  of 
Messiahship. — 64.  from  henceforth :  this  adverb  (rf. 
29,  2339)  here  refers  to  a  single  moment  in  the  future. 
It  is  not  to  be  taken  with  '"  I  say."  Jesus  is  here  no 
doubt  speaking  of  Himself,  For  the  thought  rf. 
Dan.  7x3,  Ps.  lIOi.  "The  power'  is  a  Jewish 
periphrasis  for  God.     Note  Lk.,  "  the  power  of  God." 

XXVI.  69-75.  Peters  Denial  (Mk.  I466-72*.  Lk. 
2256-62). — Mt.  still  keeps  closely  to  Mk.,  except  that 
(as  in  34)  he  makes  one  cockcrow  suffice.  The  second 
challenge  (71)  is  from  another  maid  (in  Lk.  a  man). 
and  is  answered  with  an  oath.  Mt.  also  notes  that 
it  was  Peters  dialect  that  stamped  him  as  a  Galilean. 

XXVII.  If.  Jesus  Brought  to  Pilate  (Mk.  loi*).— 
1.  took  counsel :  or  '"  made  up  their  minds  " — the 
actual  sentence  lay  out.side  their  power. 

XXVII.  3-10.  The  Death  of  Judas.— Mt.  only,  but 
for  a  variant  account  see  Ac.  Ii8f.  This  section 
breaks  the  narrative,  and  its  historicity  is  not  beyond 
question.  The  evangeUst  has  in  mind  Zech.  llisf.*. 
which  he  curiously  attributes  to  Jeremiah,  influenced 
perhaps  by  Jer.  326-15  and  I82.  There  was  in  Jeru- 
salem a  cemetery  for  strangers,  or  more  likely  for 
criminals,  known  as  the  "  field  of  blood  ""  (possibly 
before  it  was  so  used  it  had  been  called  ' '  the  potters 
field  "),  and  the  story  here  given  is  the  Christian 
explanation  of  the  name. — 5.  treasury :  (/.  7>ig.  of 
Zech.  11 13.  The  difference  in  Heb.  is  between  di-tdr' 
and  ydl^er.—Q.  Cf.  Dt.  23i8.— 9f.  "The  story  haa 
influenced  the  text  just  as  the  original  text  influenced 
and  modelled  the  story." — 10.  they  gave :  read  "  I 
gave"  (mg.). 

XXVII.  11-26.  Jesus  before  Pilate  (Mk.  151-15*. 
Lk.  23i-3. 18-27).— Mt.  follows  Ml:,  closely,  but  has  an 
additional  source  of  information  on  which  ho  draws  for 
Pilates  wifes  dream  and  Pilate's  handwashing.  This 
source  may  also  bo  the  origin  of  the  reading  "  Jesus 
Barabbas  ''  (16.  Syr.  Sin.  and  Origon),  a  reading  which 
gives  point  to  Pilate'.s  question  in  17  (Jesus  Barabbas 
or  Jesus  "  Measiah  "  ?).  Such  a  name  would  bo  quite 
natural.  In  place  of  Mk.'s  information  about  Barabbas. 
Mt.  simply  says  ho  was  "a  notable  prisoner''  ;  he 
also  makes  Pilate  anticipate  the  demand  for  a  re- 
lea.se.— Jesus  who  is  called  Christ  (17.  22)  is  a  phraao 
which  would  be  more  natural  on  the  lips  of  an  early 
Christian  than  on  Pilate's.  The  whole  narrative 
intensifies  the  guilt  of  the  Jews  ;  there  is  little  doubt 
that  25  has  been  largely  responsible  for  the  malignity 
with  which  '"  Christian  "  communities  and  individuals 
long  pursued  Jews. 

XXVII.  27-31.  The  Soldiers  Mock  Jesus  (Mk.  15 
16-20*,  which  Mt.  rearranges  and  slightly  expands). — 
Lk.  (23ii)  makes  aomething  of  the  kind  happen  at 


Herod  8  house,  but  there  ia  some  donbt  about  the 
text. 

XXVU.  32-44.  The  Crucifixion  (Mk.  152 1-32*, 
Lk.  2326-43 ). — Mt.  still  follows  Mk.  clearly,  the  chief 
alterations  being  (a)  "  gnU  "  (34)  for  "myrrh  "'  (this 
is  due  to  Ps.  692 1,  and  turns  a  kindly  act  into  a  cruel 
one)  ;  (h)  36  ;  (c)  the  addition  of  "  if  thou  art  the  Son 
of  God   '  {40)  ;   {(l)  43,  from  Ps.  228  and  Wisd.  2i8. 

XXVII.  45-56.  The  Death  of  Jesus  (Mk.  I533-41*, 
Lk.  2344-49). — 4^i-  is  to  1)0  preferred  j  to  Mk.  I536. 
51-53  is  found  only  in  Mt.,  and  may  have  as  its  basis 
Ezck.  37i2. — after  his  resurrection  :  a  still  later  in- 
sertion to  fit  the  statement  that  Christ  was  "  the  first 
fruits  of  them  that  sleep.  "  We  can  hardly  suppose 
that  the  original  account  of  tho  miracle  represented 
them  as  staying  alive  in  their  tombs  from  Friday 
afternoon  till  Sunday  morning.  The  phrase  "  the 
holy  city  "  (cf.  45)  is  picturesque.  By  "  the  saints  " 
the  writer  probably  meant  devout  Jews  of  the  type 
of  Simeon  (Lk.  2),  or  even  patriarchs,  prophets,  and 
martyrs.  According  to  Mt.  not  only  the  centurion 
but  his  comrades  were  impressed — but  by  the  earth- 
quake. 

XXVII.  57-61.  The  Burial  of  Jesus  (Mk.  1042-47*. 
Lk.  2350-56). — Mt.  is  the  briefest  of  the  three  ;  he 
omits  Pilate's  inquiry  of  the  centurion  (which  Mk. 
gives)  and  the  description  of  Joseph  (Mk.,  Lk.).  He 
simply  calls  him  'a  rich  man,  Jesus'  disciple.'  Per- 
haps he  thought  that  by  calling  him  "a  councillor" 
he  might  be  grouj^ing  him  with  those  who  condemned 
Jesus;    "a  rich  man"   may  he  a  reminiscence  of 

XXVII.  62-66.  The  Guarding  of  the  Tomb  (Mt.  only). 
— The  story  arose  as  a  reph-  to  Jews  who  averred  that 
the  disciples  had  removed  the  body  of  Jesus,  itself  a 
reply  to  the  disciples'  assertion  of  the  empty  grave 
(cf.  2811-15).  It  is  a  relic  of  controversy  "in  which 
each  side  imputed  xmworthy  motives  to  the  other  and 
stated  suggestions  as  established  facte.  ' — the  day 
after  the  preparation  (62)  is  a  curious  paraphrase  for 
"  the  Sabbath." 

XXVUI.  1-10.  The  Empty  Tomb  (Mk.  I61-8*, 
Lk.  24i-i2). — Mt.  is  here  not  so  close  to  Mk.,  except 
in  5-7.  The  note  of  time  in  i  is  not  clear  ;  the  Sab- 
bath would  end  at  sunset  on  Saturday. — began  to 
dawn  ought  perhaps  to  be  rendered  "  dJ-ew  on  "  (cf. 
Lk.  2354*  and  mg.).  In  this  case  Mt.  describes  a  resur- 
I'ection  on  Saturday  evening.  (See  Allen.  Comm.  on 
Mk.,  pp.  188-190.)  He  mentions  oidy  the  two  Maries 
(omitting  Salome),  and  says  nothing  about  their  desire 
to  anoint  the  body :  tho  sealed  and  guarded  tomb 
prevented  this.  None  of  tho  Gospels  record  the 
actual  exit  of  Jesus,  and  it  is  not  clear  whether  Mt. 
moans  us  to  understand  that  the  earthquake  and  the 
angel  came  before  or  simultaneously  with  the  women. 
■  Became  as  dead  men  "  (4)= fainted,  gf.  is  peculiar 
to  Mt.,  though  there  is  a  link  with  Jn.  20 17,  wnere  we 
should  render  "  Do  not  keep  clingmg  to  me."  There 
is  a  certain  redundancy  in  these  versea  after  5-7. 

XXVIII.  11-15.  The  Guard  and  the  Jewish  Authori- 
ties (Mt.  only). — The  paragraph  is  tho  sequel  to 
2762-66*. — 15.  unto  this  day :  the  date  when  tho 
Gospel  was  written. 

XXVIII.  16-20.  Conclusion.  Jesus  Appears  in  Gali- 
lee.— "Tho  mountain  '"  (16)  reminds  us  of  5i  or  17i. 
Tho  statement  that  "  some  (rather,  they)  doubted  " 
brings  the  narrative  into  line  with  Lk.  2437,  .Jn.  2O25, 
and  in  any  case  points  to  the  gradual  nature  of  the 
growth  of  tho  Resurrection  belief. — 18  reminds  us  of 
11 27.  but  is  not  like  Jesus,  and  is  best  taken  as  "a  r6- 
mm6  of  the  Christian  faith  and  the  Church's  mission." — 


MATTHEW,  XXVIII.  20                                                    723 

19  reflects  the  change  in  that  mission  brought  about  the  nations)  in  my  spirit. — 20.  Jesus  ae  the  new  law- 

by  the  Jews'  rejection  of  Jesus,  who  had  regarded  His  giver  (c/.  I617-19,  I816-20,  and  the  Sermon  on  the 

work  as  confined  to  Israel.     The  Church  of  the  first  Mount).     Note  that  instead  of  the  promise  of  a  second 

days  did  not  observe  this  world-wide  command,  even  Advent  (Ac.  lii  and  Paul)  we  have  the  more  satis- 

if  they  knew  it.     The  command  to  baptize  into  the  factory   assurance    of    the    constant    and   immediate 

threefold   name   is   a    late   doctrinal   expansion.     In  presence  of  Jesus  with  His  followers  (</.  Jn.  14-16). 

place  of  the  words  "  baptizing  .  .  .  Spirit  "  we  should  The  promise  recalls  I820  and  the  Jewish  idea  of  the 

probably  read  simply  "  into  my  name,"  i.e.  (turn  the  Shekinah.     It  forms  a  worthy  ending  to  the  Gospel, 

nations)  to  Christianity,  or  "  in  my  name,"  i.e.  (teach  the  most  worthy  of  all  the  four. 


LUKE 


By  Principal  A.  J.  GRIEVE 


Authorship  and  Date. — "The  third  book  of  the  Gospel, 
that  according  to  Luke,  was  compiled  in  his  own  name, 
in  order,  by  Luke  the  ph3'sician,  when,  after  Christ's 
ascension,  Paul  had  taken  him  to  be  with  him  a  student 
of  the  law  ""  (more  probably  "  as  being  devoted  to 
travel  "  or  "  as  one  skilled  in  disease  ").  "  Luke,  the 
companion  of  Paul,  recorded  in  a  book  the  gospel 
preached  by  him."  These  statements,  found  respec- 
tively in  the  Muratorian  Fragment  and  in  Irenaeus 
(Haer.,  iii.  l)aro  the  earliest  direct  mention  (c.  a.d.  180) 
of  Luke  as  the  author  of  this  book,  though  Justin  Martyr 
(Trypho,  103)  thirty  years  earher  refers  to  a  quotation 
found  only  in  Lk.  as  being  contained  in  the  Memoirs 
composed'  by  "  the  Apostlea  and  (hose  that  followed 
them,"  and  probably  even  in  Marcion's  day  (c.  a.d.  140) 
the  name  stood  Ln  the  MSS.  of  both  Gospel  and  Acts. 
On  the  side  of  internal  evidence  we  have  to  consider 
the  bookJn  relation  to  Acts,  which  by  common  consent 
is  from  the  same  hand,  the  note  in  Ac.  li  being  con- 
firmed by  the  prevalence  of  certain  stylistic  features 
in  both  Lk.  and  Ac.  The  writer  is  (with  the  possible 
exception  of  the  author  of  Heb.)  the  most  literary 
of  all  the  NT  authors,  and  he  has  his  favourite  words 
and  phrases.  In  both  books  there  is  evidence  that  he 
uses  documents  or  oral  reports  which  he  sometimes 
reproduces  with  slight  change,  while  at  other  times 
he  writes  freely.  It  is  of  course  possible  that  while 
the  well-known  "  we  passages  "  in  Ac.  come  originally 
from  a  travel  companion  of  Paul  (most  likely  Lvike), 
they  and  other  sources  in  Ac.  and  Lk.  may  have  been 
edited  by  some  writer  a  generation  later  whose  name 
is  no  longer  accessible.  Yet  careful  scrutiny  of  the 
"  we  passages  "  discloses  therein  to  a  striking  extent 
words  and  expressions  characteristic  of  the  two  books 
as  a  whole  (Hamack,  Date  of  Acts,  pp.  1-29  ;  Hawkins, 
JInrae  Synoflicae,  p.  182fif.;  MofEatt,  INT,  pp.  295-300). 
And  to  the  argument  based  on  the  discrepancy  be- 
tween Ac.  and  the  letters  of  Paul  it  may  be  replied 
that  an  editor  writing,  say  about  a.d.  100,  would  have 
been  more  careful  to  bring  his  work  into  line  with  the 
epistles.  The  evidence  which  points  to  the  author 
having  been  a  physician,  like  Luke  (Ck)l.  4i4),  may 
have  been  exaggerated  by  Hobart,  but  it  is  certainly, 
as  Hamack  has  pointed  out,  not  to  bo  minimised. 
There  are  certain  linguistic  indications  that  the  two 
books  were  by  no  means  written  at  the  same  time, 
and  if  we  assign  Ac  to  the  year  85  (ten  years  later 
if  wo  admit  its  dependence  on  Joscphus),  we  may 
put  the  gospel  about  80,  i.e.  some  ten  or  eleven  years 
after  Mk.  The  destniction  of  Jerusalem  ia  already 
some  distance  behind  (Lk.  2I20-24*).* 

>  Archdeacon  Allen  (Allen  and  Oreiisted,  Intro,  to  Books  of  NT, 
p.  r.2)  holds  that  Mk.  is  much  earlier  than  70,  the  use  of  Josephus 
unlikely,  and  the  allusions  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  "probably  illu- 
sory." Lk.  may  therefore  have  been  w-ritten  about  A.n.  Oil.  lliis 
is  also  Harnack's  view.  In  any  case,  Lk.  may  well  have  collected 
material  at  Casarea,  where  he"  stayed  during  Paul's  two  years' 
imprisonmeut.    See  further  note  on  p.  742. 


Luke  or  Lucanus,  the  physician,  may  have  been  the 
son  of  a  Greek  freedman  connected  with  Lucania  in 
S.  Italy.  To  identify  him  with  Lucius  of  Cyrone  (Ac. 
13i)  is  precarious,  though  there  was  a  good  medical 
school  at  Gyrene.  Physicians  were  held  in  honour  in 
the  empire  ;  Julius  Caesar  gave  Roman  citizenship  to 
all  doctors  in  Rome.  Though  perhaps  not  a  native  of 
Antioch  he  was  perhaps  practising  in  that  city  (or  in 
Tarsus)  when  ho  first  met  Saul.  Certain  references  in 
Ac  and  the  condition  of  Christianity  at  Antioch 
suggest  his  connexion  with  the  Church  there.  That 
he  was,  before  his  adherence  to  the  Christian  faith, 
one  of  those  devout  worshippers  (not  full  proselytes) 
who  had  become  attached  to  the  Synagogue,  is  evi- 
denced by  his  familiarity  with  the  Septuagint  and  by  a 
certain  "sympathy  with  the  Hellenistic  type  of  piety 
as  distinct  from  specific  Paulinism."  He  accompanied 
Paul  on  his  second  missionary  tour,  perhaps  in  some 
measure  as  his  medical  attendant  [cf.  Gal.  'I13),  and  the 
two  were  thence  closely  associated  until  Paul's  death. 
Origen  says  he  was  believed  to  be  the  "  brother"  of 
2  Cor.  818,  12i8,  and  Prof.  A.  Souter  has  argued  (ET, 
18285,335)  that  the  word  should  be  taken  literally, 
thus  making  Luke  the  brother  of  Titus. ^  He  was  the 
apostle's  fellow-worker  in  Rome  (Phm.  24,  cf.  CoL 
4i4,  2  Tim.  4ii).  A  tradition  which  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  says  that  he  died  in  Bithynia  at  the 
age  of  74.  Later  traditions,  e.g.  that  he  was  one  of  the 
Seventy,  and  that  he  painted  a  portrait  of  the  mother 
of  Jesus,  are  less  trustworthy. 

Contents  and  Sources. — The  book  falls  into  well- 
marked  divisions — 

(« )  If. — The  Birth  and  Infancy  of  John  and  of  Jesus. 

(6)  3^13.— The  Mission  of  John.  The  Baptism 
and  the  Temptation. 

(c)  414-950. — The  Ministry  in  Galilee. 

(d)  951-I928. — The  Journey  to  Jcnisalem. 

(e)  1920-24. — Last  Daj's  in  Jerusalem.  Death  and 
Resurrection. 

(a)  and  most  of  {d)  are  peculiar  to  Lk.     Cf.  pp.  680f. 

In  his  preface  Luke  refers  to  the  labours  of  previous 
workers  in  the  field  of  gospel  literature.  His  relation 
to  some  of  those  (]\Ik.  and  Q)  is  described  in  a  previous 
article  (pp.  673ff.).  and  is  indicated  in  the  commentary. 
There  are  signs  that  Lk.s  Marcan  document  was 
Iniefer  than  our  Mk.,  e.g.  in  84-950  several  sections  in 
the  corresponding  part  of  Mk.  have  no  parallel  in  Lk. 
In  the  story  of  the  Supper,  the  Passion,  and  the 
Resurrection.  Luke  seems  to  have  used  not  only  Mk. 
but  some  other  document,  or,  more  likely,  a  number 
of  distinct  pieces  of  oral  tradition. 

Several  scholars  now  hold  that  Luke  used,  instead 
of  a  separate  special  source,  an  expanded  form  of  Q, 
in  which  Pa.ssion  and  Resurrection  incidents  wore 
included.  This  was  Hebraistic  in  tone,  and  the 
tone  is  also  discernible  in  the  Infancy  section  and  in 
»  J.  V.  BarUet  disputes  this  in  Eip.,  May  1917,  pp.  S69f. 


LUKE,  I.  26-38 


725 


951-I814.  Holdsworth  {Gospel  Origins),  anticipated 
by  Sanday  (HDB.  2639),  thinks  that  951-I814  depends 
upon  an  eye-witness.  Its  Samaritan  element,  its 
acquaintance  with  the  court  of  Herod,  and  its  sympathy 
with  women,  point  to  Joanna  (Lk.  83,  24io).  He 
traces  the  same  influence  in  the  Infancy  and  the  Re- 
surrection narratives,  and  thus  postulates  three  main 
sources  of  Lk.,  viz.  Mk.,  Q,  and  a  narrative  by  Joanna. 

Characteristics. — Renan  described  tliis  gospel  aa 
"  the  most  beautiful  book  ever  written."  The  author 
reveals  himself  in  the  narratives  he  has  selected, 
especially  in  If.  and  951-1814.  He  is  not  only  the 
physician,  but  the  "  beloved  "  physician.  "  His  was 
indeed,"  says  J.  V.  Bartlet,  "a  religio  medici in  its  pity 
for  frail  and  suffering  humanity,  and  in  its  sympathy 
with  the  triumph  of  the  Divine  healing  art  upon  the 
bodies  and  souls  of  men.  His  was  also  a  humane 
spirit,  a  spirit  so  tender  that  it  saw  further  than  almost 
any  save  the  Master  Himself  into  the  soul  of  woman- 
hood. In  this,  as  in  his  joyousness,  united  with  a  feel- 
ing for  the  poor  and  suffering,  he  was  an  early  Francis 
of  Assisi."  It  is  he  who  emphasises  Christ's  freedom 
from  Jewish  exclusiveness  as  regards  Samaritans 
(952ff.,  103off.,  1715-19),  Gentiles  (425-27,  232,  36), 
and  outcast  Jews,  like  Zacchtieus.  He  portrays  our 
Lord's  humanity  with  special  clearness  and  gives  us 
many  ghmpses  of  His  iimer  Ufe,  e.g.  His  habit  of 
prayer,  His  life  of  temptation  (4 13,  2228),  and  Hia 
sense  of  the  painfulness  of  His  mission  (1249ff.).  Much 
stress  is  laid  on  the  virtue  of  almsgiving,  and  wealth  is 
depreciated.  But  to  argue  from  this  strain  of  asceti- 
cism that  the  author  was  an  Ebionite  is  to  overlook  the 
equally  prominent  strain  of  joy  and  gladness.  From 
a  purely  literary  point  of  view  the  gospel  has  great 
merits  ;  its  simple  and  direct  narrative,  its  fascinat- 
ing character  sketches,  its  skilful  contrasts — e.g.  Mary 
and  Martha,  Dives  and  Lazarus,  the  repentant  and 
unrepentant  thieves — bespeak  the  artist,  as  do  the 
hymns  in  If.  (even  if  we  ascribe  to  him  simply  their 
Greek  drese),  and  the  ease  with  which  he  passes  from 
one  style  to  another  according  as  his  sources  were 
oral  or  written,  Aramaic  or  Greek.  It  only  remains  to 
repeat  the  intimation  already  given  (p.  700),  that  the 
plan  of  this  Commentary  necessitates  the  student's 
study  of  what  has  been  wiitten  on  the  parallel  portions 
of  Mk.  (andof  Mt.). 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Adeney  (Cent.B.) 
Garvie  (WNT),  Farrar  (CB),  Lindsay,  (b)  Bumsido, 
Carr,  Farrar  (CGT),  Plummer  (ICC),  Wright,  Bruce 
(EGT),  Bond,  (c)  *Godet,  J.  Weiss  (Mey.«),  B.  Weiss 
(Mey.*),  Knabenbauer,  Wellhausen,  Rose,  Baljon, 
Holtzmann  (HC).  {d)  Maclaren,  Expositions  of  Holy 
Scripture;  Burton  (Ex.B).  Other  Literature:  Articles 
in  Dictionaries  and  Encyclopaedias,  Introductions  to 
NT.  the  Gospels,  and  the  Synoptic  Problem  ;  Works 
on  the  Life  and  Teaching  of  Jesus  ;  Hamack,  Luke 
the  Physician ;  Bruce,  With  Open  Face  ;  Selwyn, 
St.  Luke  the  Prophet  ;  Ramsay,  Luke  the  Physician  ; 
M'Lachlan,  St.  Luke,  Evangelist  and  Historian  ; 
Blass,  Evang.  secundum  Lncam  ;  Hobart,  The  Medical 
Language  of  St.  Luke. 

I.  1-4.  Preface — The  writer,  influenced  by  the 
attempts  of  others  to  record  the  primitive  tradition 
of  Christianity  as  it  was  handed  down  by  the  first 
generation  of  disciples,  essays  the  same  task,  and  having 
taken  pains  to  collect,  examine,  sift,  and  arrange  the 
contents  of  the  written  and  oral  tradition,  presents  the 
result  to  Thoophilus. a  Roman  official  of  somestanding, 
who  needed  fuller  acquaintance  with  the  historic  basis 
of  the  oml  teaching  about  Christianity  which  he  had 
received.     The  preface  is  written  in  rather  elaborate 


Greek,  is  modelled  on  the  conventional  lines  of  ancient 
literature,  and  displays  some  acquaintance  with  medi- 
cal phraseology,  especially  that  of  Galen. 

2.  from  the  beginning,  i.e.  of  the  public  ministry  of 
Jesus,  the  Baptism.— ministers  of  the  Word :  servants 
of  the  spoken  gospel. — 3.  all  things :  liis  work  is  to  be 
complete  in  scope. — from  the  very  flrst,  from  the  Birth. 
If,  however,  we  regard  1 5-25  2  as  a  later  addition, 
it  may  mean  from  the  Jiaptism. — in  order,  not  neces- 
sarily chronological  but  at  least  logical,  an  order  in 
which  the  events  and  sayings  are  given  an  appropriate 
setting. — Theophilus,  possi  bly  hero  a  generic  name,  but 
more  probably  to  be  taken  as  that  of  an  individual, 
a  literary  patron  of  the  Evangelist's.  The  apocryphal 
Acts  make  him  a  Roman  administrator  of  high  rank 
at  Cajsarea,  and  the  father  of  the  centurion  Cornelius. 
Luke  may  have  been  his  freedman. 

1. 5-II.  52.  Narratives  of  the  Infancy  of  Jesus. — This 
section  has  outstanding  peculiarities  of  style  and 
diction  as  compared  with  I1-4,  and  the  rest  of  the 
Gospel.  It  has  therefore  been  surmised  that  the 
writer  has  here  incorporated  an  Aramaic  (possibly 
Greek)  source-document,  or  that  he  consciously  wroto 
in  an  archaic  style  imitative  of  the  Septuagint.  Either 
of  these  suggestions  may  be  combined  with  a  third, 
that  the  section  is  a  subsequent  insertion,  due  to  some 
one  other  than  the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  book. 
Hamack  favours  the  archaizing  theory,  but  Moffatt 
prefers  to  regard  the  section  as  the  translation  of  an 
early  Palestinian  Aramaic  document  in  which  Luke 
has  inserted  items  like  l34f.  and  2i.  Stanton  takes  an 
intermediate  view  :  Luke  has  obtained  part  of  hia 
material,  especially  the  hymns,  from  some  source,  and 
skilfully  woven  it  into  his  narrative. 

I.  5-25.  Prediction  of  the  Birth  of  John  the  Baptist.— 
Lk.  alone  gives  the  story,  which  perha])s  existed  in- 
dependently, and  had  been  preserved  in  Baptist  circles 
like  that  of  Ac.  19i-6.  Its  Jewish  character  and  form 
are  evident :  there  are  many  reminiscences  of  OT 
incidents  and  language.  In  the  days  of  Herod  the 
Great  (i.e.  before  4  B.C.)  there  lived  in  Judaea  (39*) 
a  priest  named  Zacharias  and  his  wife  Elisabeth. 
She  was  of  Aaronic  descent  (c/.  Ex.  623,  Elisheba), 
and  both  were  folk  of  exemplary  piety.  They  were 
now,  like  Abraham  and  Sarah,  advanced  in  life  but 
childless.  Zacharias  belonged  to  that  one  of  the  divi- 
sions of  the  priesthood  which  was  known  as  the 
class  or  course  of  Abijah  (1  Ch.  24io).  Each  course 
in  turn  was  responsible  for  a  week's  service  in  the 
Temple.  It  fell  to  Zacharias  one  day  to  bum  incense, 
and,  contrary  to  the  custom,  he  was  doin^  this  alone. 
As  he  stood  at  the  altar  an  angel  (Gabriel)  appeared, 
dispelled  his  natural  fear,  and  announced  the  fulfil- 
ment of  a  hope  (18)  which  had  long  been  abandoned. 
Elisabeth  is  to  bear  a  son  John  ("  Yahweh  is  gracious  "), 
who  shall  bring  joy  to  many  besides  his  parents.  From 
his  birth  he  is  to  be  endowed  with  the  Spirit,  he  is  to 
live  an  ascetic  life  (</.  Jg.  135,  Jer.  I5),  and  reconcile 
his  fellow-countrj-men  to  Yahweh,  their  God.  In  him 
the  prophecy  of  Malachi  (45f.*)  is  to  be  fulfilled  ; 
he  is  to  prepare  Israel  for  the  coming  and  the  kingdom 
of  God.  Zacharias  asks  a  token  {cf.  Gen.  1.58.  17i7), 
and  is  told  that  he  shall  be  dumb  (for  his  incredulity) 
and  probably  deaf  (62)  until  the  prediction  is  fulfilled 
(rf.  Dan.  l6i4f.).  The  angel  departs;  Zacharias, 
though  physically  handicapped,  fulfils  his  week's 
service  and  goes  home.  His  wife  finds  tiiat  the  angelic 
prediction  is  in  course  of  fulfilment,  and  rejoices  that 
the  stigma  of  liarrenness  (Gen.  .302 3)  ha.s  been  removed 
from  her. 

I.   26-38.  PredlcUon   ol  the  Birth  of  Jesus.— Lk. 


7L'6 


LUKE.  I.   26-38 


alone  gives  this  narrative.  Three  or  four  months 
before  the  birth  of  Elisabeth's  child.  Gabriel  comes  to 
Nazareth  ant)  amiounces  to  Mary,  a  virgin  botrotliod 
to  one  Joseph,  a  descendant  of  liavid,  tliat  she  stands 
high  in  Yahweh's  fa\  our.  After  dispelling  her  fear  he 
announces  that  slio  siiall  boar  a  son  Jesus  (  =  Joshua, 
*'  saviour  ")  who  shall  ho  called  Son  of  the  Most  High 
(i.e.  God),  and  fulfil  tho  popular  Messianic  expecta- 
tion. Mary  di8pla3'8  some  astonishment  at  the  thouglit 
of  bearing  an}'  child,  and  Gabriel  gives  further  details. 
Ihe  Holy  Spirit,  the  power  of  God,  is  to  beget  the 
child,  and  (mg.)  "the  holy  thing  which  is  to  be  boni 
shall  bo  called  the  Son  of  God  ""  ;  the  term  is  here 
used  in  the  ordinary  sense,  not  Messianic  as  in  32. 
The  angel  tells  Mai-y  about  Elisabeth  her  kinswoman, 
and  says  that  nothing  is  impossible  with  God,  Jlary 
accepts  her  deetiny,  and  tho  angel  departs, 

34f.  Many  scholara  regard  these  verses  aa  an  inter- 
polation, either  by  Lk.  into  his  source,  or  by  a  later 
editor  into  Lk.  There  is  no  MS.  evidence  to  support 
this  suggestion,  though  one  Old  Latin  text  {h)  sub- 
stitutes 38  for  34.  For  a  full  discussion  see  Moffatt. 
INT.  p.  268f.  Spitta  would  further  omit  36f..  and 
make  37  follow  33.  In  this  case  Maiy's  acceptance 
of  the  prediction  is  in  contrast  to  Zacharias's  scepti- 
cism. Besides.  Elisabeth  s  case  is  hardly  proof  that 
Mary  was  to  be  the  mother  of  tho  Messiah,  though 
as  an  argument  from  tho  less  to  the  greater  it  may 
serve.  The  idea  of  35  and  its  terminology  are  not 
Hebraic  ;  "  spirit  '  in  Heb.  is  feminine.  But  it  is  pos- 
sible to  take  ''overshadow  ""  in  its  primary  Gk.  sense  of 
hide  or  conceal.  Pregnant  women  were  regarded  as 
peculiarly  liable  to  the  assaults  of  evil  spirits  (cf.  Rev. 
V2i-G).  We  may  tiius  have  here  the  idea  of  Satan  lying 
in  wait  for  the  future  Messiah  {cf.  Rev.  I21-5) ;  to  avoid 
any  molestation  the  Power  of  tho  Highest  will  conceal 
the  mother  till  the  danger  is  past.  Or  it  may  be  simply 
that  the  child,  while  conceived  in  the  usual  way,  was 
to  receive  a  special  pre-natal  sanctity  hke  John  (15). 
Another  difficulty  in  the  ordinary  acceptance  of  l34f. 
ifl  the  discrepancy  with  .322,  where  the  original  reading 
is  "Thou  art  my  Son  ;  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee." 

I.  39-56.  Mary  Visits  Elisabeth.  The  Magnificat.— 
The  passage  links  tho  two  preceding  incidents,  and 
serves  to  show  the  inferiority  of  John  the  forerunner, 
to  Jesus  the  Messiah.  Mary  (finding  herself  with  child) 
proceeds  to  verify  the  sign.  She  seeks  Elisabeth  in 
a  Judajan  village  (perhaps  Ain  Karim,  six  miles  west 
of  Jerusalem,  where  a  ruin  called  Mar  Zacliarias  is 
shown).  Eli.sabt^ths  unborn  babe  recognises  the 
mother  of  the  Me^ssiah,  and  HlUsabeth  herself  knows  of 
Marys  honour,  and  praises  her  belief  (follow  mg.  in 
45)-  The  Song  of  Mary  which  follows  is  full  of  OT 
reminiscences,  especially  the  Song  of  Hannah  (1  S. 
2i-io).  But  it  is  something  more  than  possible  that 
it  should  be  ascribed  not  to  Mary  but  to  Elisabeth. 
Some  of  the  Old  Latin  texts  (a,  b,  etc.;  p.  (>U1)  road 
"  Ehsabeth  '"  in  46.  anrl  this  is  supported  by  Ironaeus, 
Niceta  of  Remcsiana  (the  fourtii-century  author  of  tho 
Te  DeuDi),  and  perhaps  by  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  In  the 
original  text  there  was  possibly  no  name,  then  some 
scribe  inserted  "  Mary,"  because  48  seemed  appro- 
priate to  her.  But  it  is  just  as  suitable  to  Elisabeth 
("  low  estate  "  is  perhaps  the  humiliation  of  ehildless- 
noaa),  and  tho  "  her  "  of  56  most  naturallj'  means  tlie 
person  who  has  been  singing.  The  Syriac  versions 
saw  this,  and  road  "  Mar^-  remained  with  Elisabeth.  ' 
Of  course  the  name  Mary  (instead  of  "she')  in  56 
may  be  simply  duo  to  the  verse  being  at  a  distance 
from  that  in  which  the  name  is  previously  given,  but 
both  on  external  and  internal  o^^dence  there  is  much 


in  favour  of  the  hypotheslH  which  assigns  the  song  to 
Elisabeth,  and  comiects  it  with  the  birth  of  John 
rather  than  of  Jesus.  In  54  the  Sinaitic  Syriac  has 
"his  son,'"  which  may  have  been  original  and  was 
changed  to  "  liis  servant "'  because  only  Jesus  can  be 
God's  Son. 

I.  57-80.  The  Birth  of  John.  The  Benedictus.— 
In  due  course  Elisabeth  bore  her  son  and  received  the 
congratulations  of  her  friends.  When  the  babe  has 
been  circumci.sed  and  named,  his  mother  rejects  the 
proposal  to  call  him  Zacharias  and  insists  on  John. 
The  deaf  and  dumb  father  confirms  his  wife's  wish, 
and  his  power  of  speech  is  restored.  The  whole 
incident  made  a  great  impression  in  tho  district,  and 
people  recognised  that  some  groat  future  was  before 
the  lad,  for  as  he  grew  up  (tho  last  clause  of  66  is  anti- 
cipatory) he  was  seen  to  be  Divinely  guided  and  pro- 
tected. Meanwhile  Zacharias  is  inspired  and  utters 
a  song-prophecy.  68-75.  in  thoroughly  Jewish  tone, 
predicts  the  dehverance  of  Israel  from  the  oppressor 
by  a  scion  of  the  house  of  David,  and  the  restoration 
of  tho  theocracy.  In  76fT.  Zacharias  passes  to  the 
destiny  of  his  son.  and  draws  on  Is.  4O3  and  Mai.  3i 
(perhaps  also  on  Mk.  I4).  In  view  of  the  awkward 
connexion  between  78  and  77  some  have  thought 
76f.  an  interpolation.     766  recalls  17a. 

78.  dayspring  from  on  high;  the  rising  of  the 
Sun  of  Righteousness,  tho  dawn  of  the  Messianic  age. 
— dayspring:  Gr.  anatole.  the  word  used  in  Mt.  2if., 
and  translated  "  east  "  ;  Mt.  gives  the  Star  a  warlike, 
Lk.  a  peaceful,  significance  (Exp.,  Dec.  1916,  pp.  414f.). 
80.  During  his  youth  and  early  manhood  John  spends 
much  time  in  desert  places — 

"  Amid  dull  hearts  a  prophet  never  grew. 
The  iiurse  of  full-grown  hearts  is  solitude." 

Cf.  Jg.  1324f .,  1  S.  226,  Lk.  240-52.    Note  the  contrast*. 

II.  1-20.  The  Birth  of  Jesus.  Lk.  only.  In  obedi- 
ence to  a  decree  of  the  Emperor  Augustus,  ordering 
a  general  census  (tho  first,  during  the  Syrian  governor- 
ship of  Quiriuius).  every  man  went  to  his  own  city. 
Thus  Jo.soph,  being  of  Davidic  lineage,  journeys  from 
Nazareth  to  Bethleliem,  and  with  him  Mary  his 
betrothed  (according  to  the  Sjt.  Sin.  "his  wife'"), 
though  far  advanced  in  pregnancy.  At  Bethlehem 
her  son  is  born,  in  a  stable,  for  Joseph  had  been 
unable  to  find  a  better  abode.  (The  word  for  "  inn  " 
may  denote  either  a  khan  or  a  lodging-place — in  22n 
it  is  translat^ed  "guest  chamber.')  Thus  Jesus  is 
connected  with  the  8hei)herd  David.  Shepherds  in 
the  district  are  startleil  by  sceuig  an  angel  and  the 
Sliekinah  radiance,  but  are  reassured  and  told  that 
Messiah  has  been  bom  in  the  village,  where  they 
will  find  him  in  a  stable.  A  choir  of  angels  appears 
and  sings  of  glory  to  (iod  and  {)eaee  among  men. 
Tho  vision  disappears,  tiie  siiepherds  find  their  way  to 
tho  stable,  and  after  recounting  their  experiences  to 
the  general  wonderment,  return  to  their  docks. 

Tho  difficulties  formerly  felt  in  connexion  with  1-4 
have  been  largely  minimised,  if  not  entirely  removed, 
by  the  researches  of  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay  (Was  Christ 
Born  at  Bethlehem  f  and  TJie  Benriiig  of  Recent  Dis- 
covery on  the  Trmtworthinesfi  of  Ihe  New  Testament, 
pp,  222-:^08).  Thus  he  has  estabhshed  the  fa<;t  that 
P.  Sulpicius  Quirinius  was  not  only  legatiui  of  Syria 
A.D.  tt,  when  tho  census — including  a  valuation — 
consequent  on  tho  organisation  of  .Jud.-ea  as  a  province 
of  the  Empire  was  taken,  but  also  in  the  Ufetime  of 
Herod  (Lk,  I5,  2i),  when  he  was  in  charge  of  the 
operations  against  the  Homonadensos,  a  tribe  in  the 
Cilician  Taurus  country,  a  date  which  we  may  now 


LUKE,  III.  6 


727 


fix  as  11-7  B.C.  That  Tertullian  says  Jesus  waa  born 
when  a  census  was  made  in  Syria  bj'  Sentius  Satuminios, 
and  that  Josephus  tells  us  Sentius  governed  Syria 
8-6  B.C.,  dot«  not  exclude  Qiiirinius  from  the  same 
office  in  the  same  period.  There  are  various  other  cases 
when  two  legati  of  the  Emperor  were  in  a  province 
at  the  same  time.  Lk.  does  not  say  that  Quirinius 
conducted  the  census — he  would  have  his  hands  full 
with  mihtary  work.  As  to  the  census  itself  the  fact 
of  periodic  universal  enrolments  is  now  beyond  dispute, 
and  there  is  no  sound  reason  why  wo  should  discount 
Lk.'s  statement  that  the  first  of  these  was  in  8-G  B.C. 
on  the  ground  that  Lk.  alone  records  it.  The  state- 
ment of  Teitullian  is  to  this  extent  corroboration  of 
Lk.  The  objection  that  Judaea  imder  Herod  was 
an  independent  kingdom  has  httle  value.  Augustus" 
order  ran  in  Juda?a  when  ho  wished  it. 

It  seems  curious  that  under  a  practical  ruler  like 
Augustus  i)eople  should  have  to  travel  long  distances, 
e.g.  from  Nazareth  to  Betlilehem,  to  fill  up  a  census 
paper,  but  evidence  is  accumulating  that  '"  the  order 
to  return  to  the  original  home,  though  in  a  sen-so 
non- Roman  in  spirit,  was  the  regular  feature  of  the 
census  in  the  Eastern  provinces."  The  regulation 
was  coimectod  with  the  economic  necessity  of  counter- 
acting the  tendency  of  cultivators  to  forsake  the 
coimtry  for  the  city.  Fuither,  to  this  original  domicile 
not  only  the  head  of  the  household,  but  every  member 
of  it,  had  to  return  for  enrolment.  To  obviate  the 
difficulties  that  were  bound  to  arise,  especially  with 
the  extremely  small  administration  staff,  the  census 
was  not  taken  on  one  da>'  or  even  in  one  week.  It 
was  spread  over  a  j^ear ;  and  at  any  time  during  the  year, 
mostly  during  its  later  months,  pe-ople  might  present 
themselves  at  their  place  of  origin  and  be  enrolled. 
What  exactly  Lk.  means  by  "his  own  citj',"  and  Ramsaj' 
by  "original  home,"  "place  of  origin,"  v.e  cannot 
say;  presumably  it  is  "  birthplace.""  A  new  inquiry. 
"  "Was  Joseph  bom  at  Bethlehem  ?  '"  is  thus  suggested. 

I.  In  those  days :  probably  when  John  was  bom  ; 
possibly,  when  John  was  a  youth.  In  this  case  Marx- 
is  not  with  child  when  she  visits  Ehsabeth.  and  the 
birth  of  Jesus  is  a.d.  6  or  7,  which  postpones  the 
Baptism  to  34  a.d.,  and  the  Crucifixion  to  36  a.d. 
See  p.  654. — 7.  her  firstborn ;  the  word  imphes  that 
Mary  bore  other  children  aftenvards  (Mt.  I25  *). — 8.  The 
season  would  not  be  December  ;  our  Christmas  Day  is 
a  comparatively  late  tradition,  found  first  in  the  West. — 

10.  the  people :  the  article  denotes  the  Jewish  people. — 

11.  Christ  Lord  (nig.):  i)orhaps  a  mistranslation  of 
Aramaic  "the  Messiah  of  Yahweh.'" — 14.  Xote  the 
variant  reading.  The  text  gives  two  clauses  to  the 
eong,  mg.  three.  Men  in  whom  he  Is  well  pleased,  may 
bo  either  the  chosen  people  or  those  who  will  accept 
Jesus  as  Messiah.  If  wo  follow  nig.  we  may  take 
"good  pleasure  among  men  '"  as  a  Messianic  acclama- 
tion. Through  Jlessiaiis  advent  God  receives  honour, 
earth  jjeace.  and  men  Divine  grace.' — 19.  Cf.  51. — 
20.  glorifying  God :  Lk.  uses  this  expression  eight 
times  in  ending  a  narrative. 

II.  21-24.  The  Circumcision  and  Presentation  of 
Jesus. — When  the  babe  is  a  week  old  Ho  is  circum- 
cised and  named,  and  when  He  is  a  month  old  His 
parents  take  Him  to  the  Temple  in  Jerusalem  for  the 
double  rite  of  purifying  the  mother  (Lev.  12),  and 
"redeeming"  the  child  as  a  firstborn  (Ex.  182,12). 
They  are  too  poor  to  offer  a  lamb. 

>  J.  H.  Ropes  (HanxiTd  Tlieol.  Rec.  Jan.  1917)  thinks  the  third 
clause  gives  t  he  rea?on  for  the  preceUinik'  exultation.  God'.s  grsu^'iou.^ 
will  has  at  List  bom  given  cflcct  for  mankind,  /A<T<forcamplcr  glory  U 
aacribed  to  God  in  heaven,  and  salvation  is  the  happy  lot  of  earth. 


22.  their:  Syr.  Sin.  has  "her,"  which  is  probably 
right.  Neither  the  father  nor  the  child  was  unclean 
according  to  the  Law.  The  alteration  (of  "  her  "  to 
"their'")  is  due  to  the  difficulty  of  supposing  the 
"Virgin  to  need  Levitical  purification.  Some  MSS.  even 
read  "  his." — to  Jerusalem.  There  was  no  command 
about  bringing  the  firstborn  to  the  Temple,  though 
parents  hving  near  Jerusalem  would  do  so. 

II.  25-35.  Simeon. — As  the  family  enters  the  Temple 
they  are  met  by  Simeon,  an  aged  man  whose  devout 
life  and  expectation  of  Messiah  had  been  rewarded  by 
a  Divine  intimation  that  he  should  hve  to  see  the 
Christ.  He  has  been  guided  by  the  Spirit,  and  taking 
the  child  in  liis  arms  thanks  God  for  the  fulfilment  of 
his  heart's  desire.  He  blesses  the  astonished  parents, 
and  tells  the  mother  that  the  babe  is  destincMl  to  be 
a  stumbling-block  (Is.  814,  Mt.  2I44)  to  many  in  Israel, 
a  token  (Is.  11 12)  that  shall  be  disputed,  and  a  touch- 
stone of  hearts.  The  astonishment  of  Joseph  and 
Mary,  and  the  mention  of  them  as  parents,  point  to 
a  different  source  from  that  of  the  narrative  of  the 
annunciation.  With  the  Benedictus  cf.  Ps.  982,  Is. 
52io.  426,  496,  4613.  As  the  Magnificat  is  charged 
with  personal  feeling,  and  the  Benedictus  with  national 
aspiration,  so  the  Ntmc  Dimittis  is  the  expression  of 
hope  for  the  world.  The  phrase  "  and  rising  up  " 
(i.e.  through  repentance  and  pardon,  34)  may  be  a 
later  addition  ;  so  also  the  reference  to  Mary's  sorrow 
(35),  which  is  in  any  case  a  parenthesis. 

II.  36-39.  Anna. — Simeon  has  a  countei-part  in  a 
centenarian  widow  who  spends  her  whole  life  in  ascetic 
devotion  in  the  Temple.  She  adds  her  prophetic 
testimony  to  his,  and  afterguards  speaks  of  the  child 
to  the  circle  of  pious  and  expectant  folk  who,  like  these 
two  representatives,  ardently  awaited  the  "  consola- 
tion of  Israel.""  the  "redemption  of  Jerusalem." 
Joseph  and  Mary  fulfil  their  errand  and  return  to 
Nazareth  (contrast  Mt.  220*). 

II.  40-52.  An  Incident  in  Jesus'  Boyhood.— The  lad 
grov.s  in  body  and  mind  and  is  blessed  by  God.  When 
He  is  twelve  years  old  He  accompanies  His  parents 
to  the  Passover  at  Jeru.s;vlem.  and  when  the  week's 
Feast  is  over,  remains  behind  unknown  to  them. 
They  retmn  to  seek  Him,  and  after  a  long  search  find 
Him  in  one  of  the  Temple  porticos  joining  intelligently 
in  the  discussions  of  the  scribes.  He  goes  home  and 
lives  obediently  v/ith  them,  and  continues  His  all- 
round  development  {cf.  40.  also  l8o,  1  S.  226). 

42.  Like  Samuels  parents,  those  of  Jesus  go  to  the 
central  shrine  once  instead  of  three  times  (Dt.  16 16) 
a  year.  There  is  a  close  parallel  in  the  story  of  Buddha. 
— 48,  50.  The  astonishment  and  obtuseness  hardly 
consort  with  the  earUer  narratives  of  the  aiuiunciation 
and  birth.  The  rebuke  to  Mary  takes  the  place  in 
Lk.  of  Mk.  .333.-49.  in  my  Father's  house.  RV  is 
preferable  to  A\'.  Jesus  is  now  conscious  of  God  as 
His  Father,  not  as  against  Joseph,  but  apparently 
because  He  was  Messiah. 

III.  1-20.  John  the  Baptist.— Mk.  li-8*,  Mt.  81-12*, 
also  Mk.  617-29*.  Mt.  143-12*.  Lk.  now  (to  Qso) 
follows  the  Marcnn  account  of  the  Galilean  ministry 
of  Jesus  and  its  antecedents  ;  he  adds  material  from 
Q  and  other  sources. 

1.  On  the  chronolofcy.  seo  pp.  652f . ;  PontiUS  Pilate, 
p.  609 ;  Herod  (Antipas)  and  Philip,  p.  609.  Abilene 
was  the  district  round  Abila  between  Mt.  Hormon 
and  Anti-Lebanon,  north-west  of  Damascus.  Caiaphas 
was  really  high-priest  (since  a.d.  18)  ;  Annas,  his 
fathor-in-Iaw.  had  held  the  office  a.d.  6-15.  and  was 
still  a  man  of  great  influence.— 6.  Lk.'s  universnlism 
appears  in  this  extension  of  the  quotation  from  Is.  40  ; 


728 


LUKE,  III.  7 


7  may  also  reflect  big  wider  interests  against  Mt.a 
"  Pharisees  and  Sadducecs." — 10-14.  IJi.  only.  An 
interesting  addition  to  Mt.,  giving  us  a  view  of 
Johns  toivchiug  wliich  reminds  us  of  Mi.  68.  Kind- 
ness and  fair  deaUng  between  man  and  man  are  the 
Divine  rc((uirL'monts  ;  they  siiow  that  repentance  is 
bearing  fruit  and  therefore  genuine. — publicans:  Mt. 
646*. — soldiers :  probably  in  the  service  of  Antipas 
(f/.  23ii) ;  pcrliaps  for  the  war  against  Areta.s  (p.  6o4). 
or  perhaps  a  kind  of  ijendarmeric  supporting  the  tax- 
collectors. — wages  :  ht.  rations. — 15  IS  also  pecuhar 
to  Lk.,  and  may  be  his  own  way  of  leading  up  to  161. 
Another  way  is  shown  in  Jn.  liyfl. — 18f.  Lk.  here 
sums  up.  and  inserts  what  Mk.  and  Mt.  give  more  fully 
at  a  later  point.  He  does  not  tell  us  of  John's  death, 
but  like  the  others  he  makes  the  Baptists  imprison- 
ment the  signal  for  Jesus  to  begin  His  work. 

III.  21f.  The  Baptism  of  Jesus  (iMk.  I9-11*,  Mt. 
313-17*). — Lk.  notes  that  Jesus  was  praying  (c/.  929, 
III,  etc.).  In  the  early  Church  it  was  customary 
immediately  after  baptism  to  prav  for  the  gift  of  the 
Spirit.  Lk.  explicitly  gives  a  bodily  form  to  the  Spirit, 
and  does  not  definitely  limit  the  vision  to  Jesus.  Many 
scholars  uphold  the  reading  of  Codex  Beza;  in  22, 
"Thou  art  my  Son  :  I  have  begotten  thee  this  day" 
(c/.  Ps.  27.)  If  this  be  the  true  reading  it  indicates  a 
belief  that  Jesus  received,  as  it  were,  a  new  soul  at  the 
Baptism,  or  that  He  then  became  the  Messiah. 

III.  23-38.  The  Genealogy  of  Jesus  (cf.  Mt.  I1-17*). 
— The  words  "as  was  supposed  "  are  perhaps  from  a 
later  hand  than  that  v  hich  first  compiled  the  pedigree. 
Jesus  hero  descends  from  David,  not  through  Solomon 
(Mt.  I6f.)  but  through  Nathan.  There  are  other 
differences  ;  the  most  noteworthy  is  that  Lk.  with 
characteristic  universahty  goes  back  beyond  Abraham 
to  "  Adam,  the  son  of  God."  Jesus  is  the  second  Adam 
(Rom.  5i4,  1  Cor.  1022,45).— 23.  when  he  began: 
the  words  "to  teach"  are  not  in  the  Gr.  AV  is 
wrong  in  cormecting  the  verb  with  the  age  of  Jesus. 
We  must  follow  RV's  interpretation,  or  suppose  that 
something  like  "  to  be  the  Son  of  God  "  (cf.  22*)  has 
been  omitted  on  doctrinal  grounds. 

IV.  1-13.  The  Temptation  (Mk.  li-f.*,  Mt.  4i-ii*). 
— In  the  order  of  the  episodes  Lk.  follows  a  geographical 
(rather  than  a  psychological)  sequence,  putting  the 
Jerusalem  incident  last.  The  other  divergences  from 
Mt.  are  of  no  moment,  but  wo  may  note  Lk.s  stress 
on  the  inspiration  of  Jesus  (i,  cf.  14),  and  the  apt  say- 
ing that  the  devil  left  Him  only  "for  a  season"  (cf. 
2228,  Mt.  I623,  Jn.  615,  1430).  For  a  good  study  of 
the  Temptation  see  Scoloy's  Ecce  Homo,  ch.  ii. 

IV.  l4-30.  Jesus  in  Nazareth  (Mk.  Ii4f.*,  Mt. 
412-17*,  Jlk.  61-6*,  Mt.  1353-58*).— IJc.  brings  Jesus 
to  Galileo,  but,  anxious  to  make  the  mission  begin  in 
His  own  town,  departs  from  Mk.'s  order  (though  it 
leads  him  into  difliculty,  see  23),  and  puts  the  rejection 
at  Nazareth  (Mk.  G)  at  the  beginning  of  the  ministry. 
The  episode  is  prophetic  of  the  later  and  larger  rejec- 
tion. And  the  activity  which  Jesus  is  said  to  have 
displayed  outside  Nazareth  (23)  is  prophetic  of  the 
spread  of  the  Gospel  outside  Israel,  a  point  illustrated 
by  the  cases  of  the  widow  of  Sarepta  and  Naaman 
(26f.).  The  whole  incident  is  a  summary  of  Lk.s 
two  books.  17-21  is  found  only  in  Lk.  Jesus  goes 
to  the  synagogue  in  the  usual  way;  and  is  asked  to  read. 
We  should  follow  Syr.  Sin.,  which  transfers  "  he  stood 
up  to  read  "  from  the  end  of  16  to  the  middle  of  17. 
He  carefully  chooses  a  paissage  (Is.  61),  and  proclaims 
Himself  as  its  fulfihuent.  According  to  Lk.  He  is 
no  warrior-king  (I79*).  but  the  Servant  of  God  bring- 
ing the  blessings  of  spiritual  hght  and  liberty  to  the 


poor  and  afflicted.  The  pronouncement  at  Nazareth 
corresjwnds  to  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  as  a  pro- 
gramme prefaced  to  the  narrative  of  the  ministry.  21 
is  only  a  summary  of  the  preachers  exposition.  In  22f. 
Lk.  returns  to  Mk..  but  with  considerable  freedom. 
The  hearers  are  at  first  pleased  as  well  as  astonished. 
But  almost  at  once  they  remember  that  Ho  is  one 
of  themselves,  and  so  not  worth  much.  He  is  Joseph's 
son  ;  Lk.  omits  mentioning  the  other  members  of  the 
family,  perhaps  because  of  the  honour  in  which  they 
came  to  bo  held  by  liis  day.  The  people  of  Nazareth 
invite  Jesus  to  secure  their  behef  and  adherence  by 
a  sign  (contrast  Mk.  65) ;  to  Lk.s  nund  they  typify 
Israel  in  general.  25-30  is  pecuhar  to  Lk.  ;  aa  in 
the  days  of  the  prophets,  so  in  the  days  of  the  Gospel, 
Jews  are  rejected.  Gentiles  are  chosen.  Contrast  Mt. 
lOsf .  Such  sayings  enrage  the  Nazareth  folk ;  they 
eject  tho  Preacher,  and  wovUd  fain  murder  Him. 
But  He  sulfers  no  harm — either  His  mysterious  majestj' 
or  the  Divine  protection  enables  Him  to  pass  un- 
harmed through  their  midst. 

19.  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord. — Tliis  may  point 
to  a  one-year  ministry,  cf.  p.  653. — 26.  a  widoW : 
Wellhausen  acutely  reads  "  an  Aramaean  "  or  Syrian  ; 
the  two  Aramaic  words  only  differ  by  one  letter,  hence 
the  Gr.  error.  [Dalman  rejects  this  ( Words  of  Jesus,  p. 
64).  Wellliausen  rephes  in  the  note  on  the  passage  in 
his  commentary.  It  should  be  added  that  he  takes 
"  Aramaean  "  not  in  its  strict  sense,  but  as  a  general 
term  for  "  heathen,"  just  as  "  Greek  "  ( Jlellen)  is  often 
used  for  "  Gentile."  He  thinks  that  the  reference  to 
the  fact  that  she  was  a  widow  is  superfluous,  as  it 
would  bo  undei-stood. — A.  S.  P.] 

IV.  31-37.  A  Case  of  Exorcism  (Mk.  1 2 1-28*).— 
Lk.  brings  Jesus  at  once  to  Capernaum  and  so  post- 
pones the  call  of  the  first  disciples  (Mk.  1 16-20)  to  ch.  5. 
The  narrative  keeps  close  to  Mk.,  but  note  tho  phrase 
"  spirit  of  an  unclean  demon  "  (33),  and  the  assertion 
that  tho  expelled  spirit,  though  it  threw  the  man  down, 
did  not  hui-t  liim  {^lk.  sivys  it  tore  him). 

IV.  38f.  Simon's  Wlf e  s  Mother  (Mk.  I29-31*.  Mt. 
8i4f.*). — Lk.  heightens  the  miracle.  Jesus  rebukes 
the  fever  as  though  it  were  an  evil  spirit,  and  does 
not  touch  tho  sufferer.  Note  how  Simon  is  introduced 
without  comment ;   Lk.  is  really  following  Mk.  I29. 

IV.  40-44.  Other  HeaUngs  (Mk.  1 32-39*,  Mt.  8i6f.*, 
423-25*). — The  medical  interest  of  Lk.  here  appears 
strongly.  He  distinguishes  ordinary-  ailments  from 
cases  of  demoniacal  possession.  43  is  an  announcement 
made  earher  by  Mk.  (I15) ;  Lk.  has  had  to  defer  it 
through  his  treatment  of  the  Nazareth  episode. 

43.  I  was  sent  is  less  original  than  Mk.'s  "  came  I 
forth  "  (I'.e.  from  Capernaum). — 44.  Galilee.  The  true 
reading  is  Judaea  (nuj.).  which  is  thus  used  in  the  wide 
sense  of  all  Jewish  territoiy  (cf.  617,  7 17,  235),  and  so 
includes  GaUlce,  to  which  the  context  refers.  Spitta 
aigues  keenly  for  the  ordinary  intei-pretation  of  the 
teim  and  a  Judican  ministrj'  such  as  we  have  in  the 
Fourth  Gospel  (cf.  5i7,  where  the  two  are  distinguished). 

V.  1-11.  The  CaU  of  the  First  Disciples  (cf.  Mk. 
1 16-20*,  Mt.  4i8-22*). — The  eager  crowds  that  attend 
Jesus  sliow  His  need  of  assistants.  The  simpler  story 
of  Mk.  and  Mt.  is  hero  replaced  by  one  which  intro- 
duces a  miraculous  catch  of  fish.  The  similarity  with 
Jn.  21  leads  us  to  thinlc  that  Lk.  (who  has  no  Galilean 
appearances  of  tho  Risen  Jesus)  may  have  used  that 
incident  here.  Nor  is  it  dilficult  to  discem  symbolism 
in  tho  stoiy  ;  tho  deep  water  is  the  Gentile  world, 
but  Peter,  though  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  to  the 
Jews  had  been  a  failure,  is  reluctant  to  enter  on  a  wider 
mission  (cf.  Ac  II1-18).    The  concentration  of  the 


LUKE,  VL   32 


729 


narrative  on  Peter  (James  and  John  are  only  just 
mentioned,  Andrew  not  at  all),  may  be  duo  to  the 
growing  interest  in  Peter  at  the  time  when  Lk.  wrote. 
The  tradition  about  his  call  would  tend  to  become 
longer  and  fuller. 

1.  lake  of  Gennesaret :  Lk.  gives  the  *'  sea "  of 
Galilee  its  correct  name. — 4.  put  out :  singular,  ad- 
dressed to  Peter. — let  down  :  plural,  to  all  in  the  boat. 
— 5.  Master:  Lk.  uses  thi.s  Gr.  term  in  reference  to  Jesus 
si.x  times  in  place  of  the  Jewish  "  Rabbi." — 6.  If  we 
press  the  symbolic  interpretation  this  may  refer  to 
the  threatened  rupture  between  the  narrower  and  wider 
sections  of  the  Church  {cf.  Ac.  15). — 8.  The  name  Peter 
is  introduced  at  this  critical  point  in  the  apostle's 
experience.  His  exclamation  of  dread  at  the  near 
presence  of  Divine  power  recalls  Jg.  622,  Is.  65  ;  cf. 
I  K.  17i8.  Note  the  use  of  "Lord."  recalling  OT 
"  Yahweh."  Lk.  is  careful  to  record  the  words  as 
setting  in  sharp  contrast  the  sin  of  the  disciple  and  the 
holiness  of  the  Saviour  [cf.  32). 

V.  12-16.  The  Healing  of  a  Leper  (Mk.  I40-45*, 
Mt.  81-4*). — Ijk.  keeps  closely  to  Mk.,  but  adds  (16) 
that  Jesus  in  His  retirement  gave  Himself  to  prayer. 
It  is  characteristic  of  him  also  to  speak  of  Jesus  simply 
as  "ho";  perhaps  the  disciples  did  so  (cf.  1  Jn. 
33,5),  as  was  the  case  with  the  followers  of  Socrates 
and  Pythagoras. 

V.  17-26.  The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic  (Mk.  2i-i2*, 
Mt.  9i-8*). — All  three  accounts  are  in  close  agreement. 
Lk.  however  introduces  at  the  outset  "  Pharisees  and 
teachers  of  the  law  "  from  all  over  Galilee  as  well  as 
from  Judaea  and  Jerusalem.  The  last  clause  of  17  is 
pecuhar ;  Uterally,  ",the  power  of  the  Lord  was  present 
for  Him  to  heal  with."  In  19  Lk.  rewrites  Mk.'s  de- 
scription of  how  the  sufferer  was  lowered  through  an 
aperture  in  the  tiles  (none  were  removed).  Mt.  omita 
it.  Lk.  makes  the  patient  (25),  as  well  as  the  onlookers, 
"  glorify  God."     On  Pharisees  see  pp.  624,  666. 

V.  27-32.  The  Call  of  Levi  (ilk.  213-17*,  Mt.  99-13*). 
— There  are  no  noteworthj^  differences.  In  Lk.  it  is 
clear  that  Levi  gives  the  feast  (in  his  own  house)  ;  the 
words  "to  repentance  "  (32)  are  omitted  by  some  MSS. 
They  weaken  the  saying. 

V.  33-39.  The  Question  of  Fasting  (Mk.  218-22*, 
Mt.  914-17*). — Lk.'s  interest  in  prayer  is  again  {cf.  16) 
seen  in  33.  with  which  cf.  lli.  The  recasting  of  the 
saj'ing  about  the  patch  (36)  reflects  a  later  age ; 
Christianity  was  now  a  made-up  garment,  when  Jesus 
spoke  it  was  only  in  the  piece. 

39.  Lk.  onl3^  If  it  was  spoken  on  this  occasion  it 
means  that  John's  disciples  may  rightly  continue 
their  own  practices.  It  was  not  unbcHef  that  kept 
them  from  the  new  wine  of  tho  Gospel.  They  did 
not  set  the  one  against  the  other  ("  good  "  not  "  better  " 
is  the  true  reading) ;  but  in  the  revival  and  repentance 
due  to  Johns  preaching  they  had  found  the  old  order 
good  (as  indeed  it  was),  and  they  craved  nothing  more 
(Hort,  Judnislic  Christianity,  24).  But  perliaps  it  ia 
simply  put  here  by  Lk.  because  it  has  to  do  with  wine, 
just  as  Mk.  949f.  collects  sayings  about  salt. 

VI.  1-11.  Sabbath  Observance  (Mk.  223-36*,  Mt. 
I21-14*). — There  is  little  •  change  to  note  here.  No 
satisfactory  explanation  has  been  found  of  i  mg.  It 
is  a  gloss  not  found  in  the  best  MSS.  Codex  Bez.Tj 
in  Lk.  transfers  5  to  the  end  of  10  and  in  its  place 
has,  "  On  the  same  day  He  saw  a  man  working  on  tho 
Sabbath  and  said  to  him,  '  Man,  if  thou  knowest  what 
thou  doe-st.  blessed  art  thou  ;  but  if  thou  knowest 
not  thou  art  accursed  and  a  transgressor  of  tho  law.'  " 
Montefioro  thinks  the  saying  "  too  subtle  and  Paulino  " 
to  be  authentic,  doubting  whether  Jesus  would  have 


so  openly  approved  so  direct  a  violation  of  a  fun- 
damental commandment.  Note  that  Lk.  (like  Mt.) 
omits  Mk.  227  ;  to  him  "  Son  of  Man  '"  always  meant 
Messiah,  hence  Mk.  227  could  not  be  used  to  prove 
Lk.'s  5.  In  II  he  says  the  Pharisees  were  "  filled  with 
madness  "  against  Jesus.  This  is  more  to  his  mind 
than  Mk.'s  statement  (85)  that  Jesus  was  angry  with 
the  Pharisees.  The  Perfect  Man  preserves  a  perfect 
calm.  A  tendency  to  heighten  human  distress  [cf. 
842,  938,  "  only  child  ")  appears  in  6  ;  it  is  the  man's 
right  hand  that  is  withered. 

VI.  12-19.  The  Appointment  of  the  Twelve.  Miracles 
of  HeaUng  (Mk.  812-19*,  Mt.  IO2-4,  1215-21*).— Mk. 
puts  the  heaUngs  first.  Lk.  transposes  liis  order  to 
bring  the  Twelve  into  prominence.  Jesus  prepares 
for  the  choice  by  a  night  of  prayer,  and  then  deliberately 
marks  off  the  Twelve  from  the  rank  and  file  of  tho 
disciples.  Judas  (the  son)  of  James,  takes  tho  placo 
of  Thaddaeus  (Mk.)  or  Lcbbicus  (Mt.).  Jesus  comes 
down  (to  the  plain  or  to  a  level  place  on  the  hillside) 
to  address  the  throng  gathered  from  all  Judaea  (Codex 
Bezse  sensibly  omits  "and  Jerusalem  '),  i.e.  Palestine 
(444*),  and  Phoenicia.     With  ig  cf.  017.  Mk.  630. 

VI.  20-49.  The  Sermon  on  the  Level  Place.— This 
is  much  briefer  than  Mt.  5-7.  The  sections  in  Mt. 
that  illustrate  the  fulfilment  of  the  Law  are  omitted  ; 
more  stress  is  laid  on  love  and  mercy.  Other  parallels 
with  Mt.'s  Seimon  are  found  elsewhere  in  Lk.  ;  very 
little  of  Lk.'s  Sermon  (24-26,  34f.  only)  is  not  found  in 
Mt.     There  are  also  differences  of  arrangement. 

20-26.  Beatitudes  and  Woes  (Mt.  5i-i2*).— In  place 
of  eight  blessings  we  have  in  Lk.  four  (shorter)  blessings 
and  four  contrasted  woes  ;  in  Lk.  Jesus  does  not  qualify 
"  tho  poor  "  (or  the  hungry)  ;  they  are,  as  with  the 
Psalmist,  the  righteoxis,  and  will  have  their  iimings  in 
the  next  life,  where  the  rich  (the  wicked)  will  suffer. 
Cf.  Dives  and  Lazarus,  16 19-26. 

22f.  suggests  Jewish  persecution  of  the  early  Church. 
— cast  out  your  name  as  evil :  a  reference  to  calumny 
directed  against  those  of  the  Christian  way. — 24-26. 
The  woes  are  peculiar  to  Lk.,  and  are  less  genuine  than 
the  blessings.  Cf.  Jas.  51-4.  Perhaps  they  are  not 
launched  at  persecutors  of  the  Church  [e.g.  rich  Phari- 
sees) so  much  as  at  worldly-minded  folk  in  general. — 
26.  General  popularity  too  often  implies  that  its 
recipient  panders  to  prejudice  and  smothers  liis  con- 
science. 

VI.  27-36.  The  Love  of  Enemies  (Mt.  539-48*,  7i2*). 
— While  Mt.'s  main  point  is  the  contrast  between 
legal  and  true  righteousness,  Lk.'s  main  point  is  that 
tnie  righteousness  is  love  ;  he  contrasts  the  spirit  of 
selfishness  with  the  spirit  of  love.  27f.  is  fuller  than 
Mt.  044  and  is  put  in  the  forefront.  Note  the 
differences  from  Mt.  in  296  (robbery  instead  of  law- 
suit) and  30?;.  These  injunctions  seem  primarily  in 
keeping  with  the  anticipation  of  a  speedy  end  of  tho 
age  and  the  early  advent  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 
To  apply  them  literally  to-day  would  Ix)  to  invite 
anarchy.  We  are  bound  to  regard  them  "  not  as  pre- 
cepts but  as  illustrations  of  principles,"  to  look  beyond 
the  letter  to  tho  spirit,  which  is  that  "  resistance  of  evil 
and  refusal  to  part  with  our  property  must  never  be 
a  frrsounl  matter ;  so  far  as  we  are  concerned  wo 
must  bo  willing  to  suffer  still  more  and  surrender  still 
more.  Love  knows  no  limits  but  tho,se  which  lovo 
itself  imposes.  \\'hen  lovo  resists  or  refuses  it  is  be- 
cause compliance  would  bo  a  violation  of  lovo.  not 
because  it  would  involve  loss  or  suffering  "  (Plummer). 

VI.  31-36.  Following  the  plan  of  27-3f>.  Lk-  now 
gives  the  (Jolden  Rule  and  a  series  of  applications. — 
32.  Love  has  tho  same  meaning  as  do  good  to  (33) ; 


780 


LUKE,   VI.  32 


thank  is  literally  "  favonr,'"  I'.r.  Divine  reward.— 34f. 
Lk.  only. — never  despairing,  i.e.  of  the  heavenly  i-e- 
ooinjionsf.  The  variant  in  mrj.  nupht  Ix*  rendered 
"  not  robbing  any  man  of  hin  liope."  i.e.  disappointing 
no  one.— sons  Of  the  Most  High ;  the  reward  is  that  in 
the  Kinirdoni  thoBo  wlio  fuKil  these  injunctions  shall 
become  sons  of  God,  like  the  angels  (r/.  Mt.  1843). — 
36.  merciful:  Mt.  "perfect." — your  father:  only  hero 
and  1230,32. 

VI.  37-42.  Against  Judging  (Mt.  7i-5*).— Lk.  skips 
Mt.  6  and  coimect«  these  sayings  with  love  of  enemies. 
It  is  not  clear  whether  the  reiforence  is  to  law-courts 
or  to  general  behaviour.  Note  the  different  use  of 
"with  what  measure  ye  mete."  etc.,  in  Lk.  and  Mt. 
In  39f.  (note  the  interpolating  introduction)  Lk.  gives 
two  sayings  found  in  Mt.  at  1014  and  1024f.  ;  perhaps 
he  means  them  to  carry  on  the  thought  of  charity  in 
judgment,  with  the  added  notion  that  immature 
disciples  are  not  competent  to  judge.  He  may  also 
have  connected  the  blind  leading  the  blind  with  the 
mote  and  the  beam  ;  in  4if.  he  is  back  at  Mt.  73-5. 

VI.  43-45.  Trees  and  Fruit.  The  Treasure  of  the 
Heart  (Mt.  "16-21*.  I233-35*). — Better  than  judging 
others  is  to  examine  oneself ;  the  true  test  of  a  true 
disciple  is  his  life.  Right  speech  and  action  show  a 
right  heart. 

VI.  46-49.  Hearing  and  Doing  (Mt.  721.24-27*)— 
There  are  some  interesting  but  not  -vital  differences. 
Nominal  adherence  will  not  avail  in  the  Judgment. 

Vn.  1-10.  The  Centurions  Servant  (Mt.  85-13*).— 
Lk.'s  version  is  peculiar  through  the  introduction  of 
two  sets  of  intermediaries — Jewish  elders  and  friends. 
Thus  he  keeps  the  Gentile  centurion  himself  (as  well 
as  hifl  sei-vant)  from  contact  with  Jesus,  and  is  satis- 
fied with  recording  the  esteem  in  which  the  pagan 
soldier  (like  C'omeHus.  Ac.  10)  was  held,  and  the 
rxtcnsion  of  Jesus"  beneficence  and  His  appreciation 
of  faith  bevond  Jewry. 

vn.  11-17.  The  Son  of  the  Widow  of  Nain  (Lk. 
only).  This  incident  is  conditioned  by  the  reply  to 
the  Baptist's  inquiry  in  22,  "  the  dead  are  rai-scd  up.'" 
It  is  more  difficult  than  the  story  of  Jairus"  daughter, 
and  represents  the  intermediate  step  between  that 
incident  and  the  raising  of  Lazarus  (Jn.  11).  There 
is  no  mention  of  "faith"  on  anyones  part.  Loisy 
rather  fancifully  sees  in  it  a  symbol  of  Jesus'  work 
in  .sa\-ing  Israel.  "  The  widow  represents  the  daughter 
of  Zion  (Jerusalem)  losing  her  only  .son  (Israel)  and 
miraculously  regaining  him  through  Jtsus."  May  we 
trace  the  influence  of  1  K.  I717-24  and  2  K.  433-37  ? 
Shimem  was  within  half  an  hour  of  Nain.  a  little  town, 
eight  miles  S.W.  from  Nazareth,  on  a  hill  overlooking 
the  valley  of  Esdraelon.  Lk.  may  have  known  a 
tradition  that  Jesus  had  wrought  a  great  wonder 
there.  It  is  only  here  that  he  attributes  the  motive 
of  compa.ssion  to  Ji-^us. 

17.  the  whole  of  Judaea:  444*. 

vn.  18-35.  John  the  Baptist  (Mt.  lli-io*).— Ac- 
cording to  Lk.,  Johns  disciples  have  access  to  him, 
and  Jesus  is  enu'a'^ed  in  works  of  healing  in  the  very 
hour  of  the  eniba-ssy.  21  looks  as  if  Lk.  were  bent 
on  making  the  answer  of  Jesus  (which  maj'  have 
referred  to  His  moral  and  spiritual  activities)  into  a 
definite  reference  to  material  signs.  In  26-28  the 
text  may  have  be«n  accommodated  to  Mt.  ;  it  has 
been  8)iggc3t«<l  that  we  should  road,  "  Yea,  I  say  unto 
you :  among  them  that  are  bom  of  woman  there 
is  no  greater  [])ro])het  (Syr.  Sin.)]  than  John,  yet  he 
that  is  less  [than  he  (Code.x  BeziP)]  is  in  the  Kincdom 
of  God  greater  than  ho.  "  Lk.  postpones  Mt.  II12-14* 
to  IO16*.    29!.  breaks  the  thread  of  Jesus"  speech.     It 


is  not  miUke  Mt.  21 3 if.,  and  13  porhapa  inserted  hero 
because  of  the  word  "  justiiied  '"  in  35.  The  peopl« 
and  the  tax-collectors  declared  that  God's  will  as  sot 
out  in  John's  proclamation  of  the  Kingdom  was  right, 
the  Pharisees  and  lawyers  rejected  it.  The  former 
acknowledged  the  Baptist's  Divine  mission,  the  latter 
denied  it.  31-35  read  as  in  Mt.,  but  note  "ye"  for 
"  they  '"  in  S3f- 

vn.  36-50.  The  Anointing  of  Jesus.— Lk.  only; 
perhaps  based  on  the  incident  (though  not  to  be  identi- 
fied with  it)  recorded  m  Mk.  I43-9*,  Mt.  266-13*, 
and  introduced  hero  in  illustration  of  Jesus'  friend- 
ship with  sinners  (34).  Simon  the  leper  is  here  Simon 
the  Pharisee  ;  the  abandoned  woman  enters  uninvited 
and  no  one  is  astonished.  Her  tears  forestall  her 
intention,  she  oven  makes  the  sacrifice  of  letting  down 
her  hair  in  public.  Note  imj.  in  37.  There  is  affection 
here,  dignified  reverence  in  Mk.  14;  "  toucheth  "  (39) 
ie  really  "  chngeth  to '"  (rf.  Jn.  2O17). 

The  parable  (41-43)  hardly  fits  the  scene  (c/.  IO29- 
37*).  Its  point  is  that  great  forgiveness  produces  great 
love.  The  truth  demanded  (47«)  is  that  great  lo\o 
produces  great  forgiveness.  47ft  is  thus  irrelevant ;  it 
belongs  to  the  parable  side  (so  Montefiore).  To  make 
the  whole  of  47  consistent  with  the  parable  wo  must 
assume  that  the  woman  had  previously  (through  Jesus' 
preaching)  repented,  and  received  tiio  assurance  of  for- 
giveness, hence  her  love  and  gratitude.  "  Jesus  now 
confirms  her  assurance  and  jmblicly  pronounces  her 
forgiveness."  Read  "  For  which  reason,  because  she 
has  shown  much  love,  I  say  unto  the©  that  her  sins 
hive  been  forgiven."  The  womans  affection  is  the 
gratitude  shown  for  the  conviction  of  forgiveness 
(so  riummer,  Adency,  J.  Weiss,  Loisy).  In  50  Jesus 
puts  the  emphasis  on  the  woman"s  faith.  She  had 
heard  that  He  was  the  friend  of  sinners  (and  of  His 
new  way  of  dealing  with  them),  she  believed  that  Ho 
could  and  would  help  her,  and  the  miracle  of  her 
conversion  was  largely  effected  before  she  entered 
the  house.  It  was"  completed  by  the  power  of  His 
personahty. 

38.  The  verb  '•  wet ''  used  here  and  44  is  frequent  in 
the  papyri  for  the  irrigation  of  Egypt  by  the  Nile 
inundation.     Elsewhere  in  NT  it  means  "  rain." 

Vin.  1-3.  The  Women  Friends  of  Jesus  (Lk.  only).— 
Nothing  shows  the  originahty  of  Jesus  more  than  His 
attitude  towards  women.  Lk.  es})ecially  dwells  on 
this  both  in  the  Gospel  and  in  Ac.  where  we  see  how 
much  the  early  Church  owed  to  the  gentler  sex.  It 
is  possible  that  some  of  these  women  who  showed  their 
gratitude  to  the  Healer  by  supporting  His  mission, 
were  only  secure  agamst  a  return  of  their  maladies  as 
they  continued  in  Ills  company. 

2.  Magdalene :  i.r.  of  Magd'ala  (p.  29,  cj.  Mt.  1539), 
then  a  Uourishing  town  on  the  Lake  of  GaUlee. — 3. 
Joanna:  24io:  (•/.  Intiod. — Chuza,  Herod's  steward: 
the  overseer  of  Antipass  property,  his  estate  manager. 

Vm.  4-15.  Parable  of  the '  Sower  (Mk.  4 1-20*, 
Mt.  134-23*). — Having  dropped  Mk.  at  619,  Lk.  here 
resumes  his  predeces-sor's  narrative,  though  reserving 
Mk.  820-35  till  later.  Lk.'s  version  is  the  shortest 
of  the  three.  His  variations,  especially  in  the  inter- 
pretation, are  interesting  but  call  for  no  comment 
here. 

Vin.  16-18.  The  Lamp  (Mk.  421-25*)— 16  is 
repeated  at  1 1  3 ^  17  at.  12^,  i8/>  at  1926. 

VIII.  19-21.  Intervention  of  Jesus'  Family  (Mk. 
331-35*,  Mt.  1246-50*). — Lk.  abbreviates  and  8oft<?n8. 
The  influence  of  the  parable  of  the  Sower  is  seen  in  21. 

VIII.  22-56.  Wonder  Stories:  the  tempest,  the 
demonuic  and  the  swine.  .Tairus'  daughter,  and  the 


LUKE,  X.  17-20 


731 


woman  with  hemorrhage  (Mk.  435-643*,  Mt.  823-34*, 
918-26*). — Lk.  follows  ^Ik.  with  shght  changes,  e.g. 
the  storm  is  not  definitely  an  evening  one  ;  the  demons 
ask  that  they  should  not  bo  sent  into  tho  abyss  (i.e. 
Tartarus,  the  prison-houso  of  evil  spirits.  Rev.  2O1-3) ; 
Jairus'  daughter  is  an  only  child,  cf.  I12,  938. 

IX.  1-6.  The  Mission  of  the  Twelve  (Mk.  67-13* 
[Mk.  61-6  has  already  been  used  in  414-30],  Mt.  lOi, 
5-16*). 

K.  7-9.  Herod  Antlpas  and  Jesus  (Mk.  614-16*, 
Mt.  14if.*). — Herod  does  not  here  suppose  that  John 
has  risen.  With  the  last  clause  of  9  c/.  183 1.  Lk. 
omits  the  long  story  of  the  death  of  John ;  c/. 
3i8-2o. 

IX.  10-17.  The  Feeding  of  the  Multitude  (Mk. 
631-44*,  Mt.  1413-21*). — Lk.,  like  Mt.,  abbreviates 
Mk  He  fixes  the  scene  at  Bethsaida  ;  in  Mk.  Jesus 
crosses  the  lake  to  that  town  afterwards,  but  perhaps 
Mk.  is  wrong  and  means  Capernaum. 

Lk.  omits  the  walking  of  Jesus  on  the  water,  and  other 
material  foimd  in  Mk.  645-826,  e.g.  (a)  the  feoduig  of 
the  4000,  (6)  the  debate  on  the  washing  of  hands  and 
the  traditions  of  tl  e  elders,  and  (c)  the  heahng  of  the 
Greek  woman's  daughter.  He  may  have  deemed  (a) 
needless  repetition,  (6)  uninteresting  to  Gentile  readers, 
(c)  offensive  to  the  same  circle,  or  at  any  rate  because 
it  was  distinctly  an  exceptional  case  for  Jesus.  A  few 
small  pieces  of  this  Marcan  block  are  used  later.  It 
is  possible,  of  course,  that  Lk.  did  not  deliberately  omit 
all  tliis  material ;  it  muy  have  been  accidentally 
omitted  by  him,  or  it  may  not  have  been  contained 
in  the  copy  of  Mk.  used  by  him.  See  Oxford  Studies 
in  the  Synoptic  ProbUm,  pp.  61ff.,  389ff. 

IX.  18-27.  The  Great  Confession  (Mk.  827-91*, 
Mt.  I613-18*). — The  changes  are  inconsiderable.  Lk. 
omits  the  locaUty,  but  represents  Jesus  as  at  prayer  ; 
cf.  321,  929,  111.  The  reply  of  the  disciples,  "one 
of  tho  old  prophets  is  risen  again,"  reflects  or  perhaps 
is  the  source  of  the  misunderstanding  (of  IDi.  615) 
foimd  in  8.  Peter's  confession  in  Lk.  is  "  The  Messiah 
of  God."  cf.  2x1*.  Tho  rebuke  of  Peter  is  omitted. 
Note  Lk.'e  addition  of  "daily"  in  23  ;  cross-bearing 
is  not  simply  self-denial  culminating  in  martjadom, 
but  a  continuous  discipline  "  to  be  exhibited  in  ordinary 
and  everyday  life."  In  27  there  is  a  kind  of  trinity 
of  glory — in  Mk.  and  Mt.  the  Jlessiah  is  to  come  in 
the  glory  of  the  Father,  with  the  angels.  Lk.  has  a 
fondness  for  angels  ;  apart  from  the  Infancy  stories. 
cf.  128f.,  loio,  I622,  2243,  and  Acts,  e.g.  I27.  2723. 

IX.  28-36.  The  Transfiguration  (Mk.  92-8*.  Mt. 
17i-8*). — Again  Jesus  is  pictured  as  praying.  The 
theme  of  His  conversation  with  Jloses  and  Elijah  is 
given,  \\z.  His  decease  (ht.,  exodus ;  significant  m 
connexion  with  Moses)  at  Jeru.salem.  In  32  text  is 
better  than  mg.  The  pronouns  in  34  are  ambiguous  : 
"  them  "  and  tho  second  "  they  '  may  mean  Jesus, 
Moses  and  Elijah.  In  36  follow  mg.  Lk.  omits  the 
discussion  concerning  EUjah. 

IX.  37-43a.  Healing  of  the  Demoniac  Boy  (Mk. 
914-29*,  Mt.  17i4-2i*). — Lk.  is  careful  to  say  this  was 
"  on  the  next  day."  The  child  is  again  an  only  one 
(7i2,  842).  The  "^Gr.  word  for  "  dashed  him  down  " 
is  one  that  was  used  by  prize-fighters.  With  430 
cf.  617,26. 

IX.  436-45.  Second  Prediction  of  the  Passion  (Mk-. 
930-32*,  Mt.  1722f.*). — Lk.  gives  this  at  once,  not 
during  subsequent  days  in  Galilee,  and  he  makes  it 
BO  much  less  definite  that  sonio  scholars  have  thought 
it  represents  the  earUeet  form  of  the  prediction.  There 
is  no  mention  of  restUTCction  here. 

44.  these  words,  i.e.  the  announcement  that  follows ; 


for  is  better  rendered  "namely." — delivered  up:  i.e. 
by  God.  cf.  Ro.  832. 

IX.  46-50.  The  Question  of  Precedence.  The  Un- 
attached Exorcist  (Mk.  933-40*,  Mt.  I81-5*). — Lk.'s 
editorial  hand  is  seen  in  his  transferring  486  ("  he  that 
is  least,"  etc.)  from  its  better  position  in  Mk.,  and  in 
his  making  Jesus  see  "  the  reasoning  of  their  heart." 
Mk.  941-50  is  omitted  ;  Mk.  10i  =  Lk.  951. 

IX.  51-XVIII.  14. — Lk.  now  more  than  atones  for 
his  groat  omission  (of  Mk.  645-826)  by  a  great  insertion. 
This  section  is  mainly  pecuhar  to  Lk.  It  describes 
incidents  of  the  last  journey  from  Galileo  to  Jerusalem- 

IX.  51-56.  Inhospitable  Samaritans. — The  journey 
was  begun  by  the  direct  road  through  Samaria  (for 
Lk.'s  interest  in  Samaritans  cf.  IO33,  17i6;  contrast 
Mt.  IO5),  though  Jesus  appears  (Mk.,  Mt.)  later  to  have 
gone  across  Jordan  into  Peraa  (cf.  56*). 

51.  received  up :  a  reference  to  the  Ascension. — 
52.  before  his  face:  cf.  I76,  lOi.  A  Hebraism.-^S. 
going  to  Jerusalem:  especially  for  the  Passover, 
which  intensified  the  antagonism  of  the  Samaritans 
towards  the  rival  sanctuary. — 54.  cf.  2  K.  lio, 
though  the  mg.,  hero  is  only  a  copyist's  (soimd)  com- 
ment. The  references  to  Elijah  in  the  Gospels  form 
an  interesting  study. — 55.  The  mg.,  though  probably 
not  belonging  to  the  original  text,  is  in  true  accord 
with  the  character  and  aim  of  Jesus. — 56.  another 
village:  perhaps  across  Jordan,  more  Hkely  still  in 
Samaria.  We  have  then  a  parallel  with  the  Galilean 
ministry,  an  initial  rejection  (428f.)  followed  by  better 
treatment. 

IX.  57-62.  Aspirants  to  Discipleship  (Mt.  819-22*). 
— Lk.'s  setting  is  preferred  by  some  to  Mt.'s,  and  his 
version  of  the  second  case  (59  =  Mt.  821)  in  which  Jesus 
begins,  and  the  man  is  not  yet  a  disciple,  is  certainly 
better,  with  its  addition  "  Go  thou  and  pubhsh."  etc. 
The  third  instance  is  peculiar  to  Lk.  It  reminds  us 
of  Ehsha's  call  by  Elijah,  1  K.  192o,  but  a  greater  than 
EUjah  is  here.  62  is  a  great  saying  which  has  had 
incalculable  influence. 

X.  1-16.  The  Mission  of  the  Seventy.— C/.  p.  665. 
Lk.  has  already  described  the  INIission  of  the  Twelve, 
following  Mk. ;  here  he  covers  the  ground  again,  follow- 
ing Q.  Mt.  10  had  blended  Mk.  and  Q.  but  Lk.  keeps 
them  separate  by  raising  the  number  to  70  (cf.  the  70 
nations  of  the  Gentile  world.  Gen.  10).  Some  good 
MSS.  and  Sjt.  Sin.  read  72.  i.e.  12  x  6  ;  this  may  be 
more  oi'iginal.  But  even  if  Lk.  only  meant  to  de- 
scribe a  mission  to  the  Jews,  he  has  the  wider  enter- 
prise at  tho  back  of  his  mind.  Early  Christian  tradi- 
tion (e.g.  Clem.  Alex.)  numbered  Barnabas,  Matthias, 
Joseph  Barsabbas,  and  Sosthenes  among  the  Seventy. 
2-6:  cf.  Mt.  937f.,  10i6.  IO10-13.— 7-12:  cf.  Mt.  107f.. 
io,i4f..  also  Lk.  94f.,  Mk.  Uiof.  Tho  city  succeeds 
the  house,  the  pubhc  prcacliing  tho  private. — 8  is 
peculiar  to  Lk..  and  may  reflect  PauUne  influence 
in  abandoning  Jewish  food  regulations.  Cf.  1  Cor. 
IO27.— 9.  The  kingdom  of  God  is  come  nigh  unto  you : 
it  remains  with  you  whether  this  is  aU  that  can  be 
said  of  it  ;  tho  message  of  mercy  may  become  a 
sentence  of  doom  (10). — 13-15.  The  denunciation  of 
the  three  Galilean  cities.  Loisy  thinks  this  typifies  tho 
general  rejection  of  Israel.     Cf.  Mt.  II21-23*. 

X.  17-20.  Return  of  the  Seventy.— With  17  cf. 
9io  =  Mk.  630.  The  missioners  report  that  the  demons 
obey  them  in  the  name  of  Joaus.  Jesus  assents; 
He  had  watched  Satan  fall  from  heaven  during  their 
mission.  Messiah's  nile  is  in  the  ascendant.  They 
are  endowed  with  power  to  subdue  the  de\nl  and  all 
bis  agencies,  j'et  their  joy  must  rest  rather  upon  the 
fact  that  they  are  citizens  of  the  new  kingdom. 


732 


LUKE,  X.   19 


19.  If  an  authentic  saying  this  is  probably  meta- 
phorical. Cf.  Mk.  16i8.  and  for  a  literal  illustration 
Ac.  283-6. — 20.  written  in  heaven;  cj.  'book  of  life," 
Rev.  2I27.     Also  U.  43.  J-)an.  12i,  Ex.  3232. 

X.  21-24.  Jesus  and  His  Mission  (Mt.  1125-27*, 
I3i6f.*). — The  passage  agrees  very  closely  with  Mt., 
but  Lk.  traces  the  joy  and  the  utterance  to  the  in- 
spiration of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  his  context  for  23f. 
is  better  than  Mt.s.  The  great  sight,  denied  to 
prophets  and  kings  but  vouchsafed  to  the  disciples, 
is  the  Messiahs  advent. 

X.  25-37.  The  Greatest  Commandment  (Mk.  12 
28-34*,  Mt.  2234-40*),  and  the  Parable  of  the  Good 
Samaritan  (Lk.  only). — The  inquirer  puts  his  question 
in  a  different  form,  but  the  moaning  is  the  same.  And 
in  Lk.  Jesus  eUcits  the  answer  from  the  questioner, 
and  commends  him.  29  is  thought  by  some  to  be 
merely  Lk.s  de^ice,  a  peg  on  which  to  hang  the  parable, 
which  existed  in  an  independent  form.  For  the  parable 
answers  the  question  "  Whose  neighbour  am  I  ?  "  not 
"Who  is  my  neighbour? ''  (c/. 741-43*).  But  the  question 
'■  Whose  neighbour  am  I  ?  "  is  after  all.  the  more  im- 
portant, and  it  would  bo  like  Jeeus  to  turn  the  prob- 
fem  round  so  as  to  emphasise  this.  True,  one 
would  have  expected  a  story  showing  how  Jew 
should  help  Samaritan,  not  Samaritan  a  Jew,  but 
neighbourliness  is  independent  of  nationality,  and 
here  the  Samaritan  puts  the  Jew  to  shame.  '"  If 
we  consider  the  parable  apart  from  the  context  the 
moral  is  that  people  despised  by  the  Jews  may  be 
much  better  than  they  and  much  nearer  the  IvLngdom. 
The  Samaritans,  as  such,  are  not  put  above  the  prieste 
and  Le\'ites.  but  a  charitable  Samaritan  is  worth  more 
than  a  priest  without  charity "  (Loisy).  Halevy 
thinks  that  in  the  original  storj'  the  three  men  were 
priest,  Le\ite,  and  Israelite,  a  frequent  and  familiar 
collocation.  A  Samaritan  was  not  likely  to  be  passing 
and  icpas-sing  between  Jericho  and  Jerusalem  or  to  bo 
friendly  with  the  innkeeper.  Tliere  would  certainlj- 
be  point  in  a  simple  layman  doing  what  the  clergy 
had  failed  to  do.  Perhaps  for  his  Gentile  readers,  to 
whom  priest  and  Le\ite  were  Israelites,  Lk.  has  cor- 
rected (and  exaggerated)  the  third  term.  But,  as 
Montcfioro  (p.  936f.)  says,  '"the  Samaritan  is  in  the 
parable  now  and  the  world  will  not  easily  let  him  go. 
And  rightly.  The  parable  is  one  of  the  simplest  and 
noblest  of  all.  Love,  it  tells  us.  must  know  no  limits 
of  race  and  ask  no  inqujjy.  Who  needs  me  is  my 
neighbour.  Xowhere  in  0 T  is  tliis  doctrine  so  ex- 
quisitely and  dramatically  taught.' 

25.  tempted:  tested.— eternal  life:  <•/.  1  jn.  I2*.— 
30.  going  down :  Jericho  is  nearly  4000  feet  lower 
than  Jerusalem  ;  the  distance  is  twenty  miles,  and  the 
road  is  full  of  caves  and  gorges. — 37.  showed  mercy : 
lit.,  "  did  mercy." 

X.  38-42.  Martha  and  Mary  (Lk.  only).— Perhaps 
the  cormexion  is  that  after  charity  comes  faith.  "  The 
next  duty  after  love  of  ones  neighbour  is  that  of 
listening  to  the  Gospel."  The  contemplative  life  ia 
the  complement  of  the  active.  The  village  is  not 
named  ;  tlio  Fourth  Gospel  says  sisters  of  these  names 
Uved  at  Bethany.  Martlia  is  an.vious  to  give  her  guest 
a  fitting  mwil.  He  replies  that  she  need  not  worry 
about  a  variety  of  dishes  ;  few,  or  indeed  one  (cj. 
mg.),  will  suffice  Him,  and  He  wliimsically  adds  that 
Marj'has  chosen  tlie  best  dish  "  in  selecting  the  nourish- 
ment of  His  teacliing  "  (Moffatt ;  see  his  note  on  the 
text,  and  rf.  RVm.).  The  whole  incident  is  sugges- 
tively handled  in  Peake.  Election  and  Service,  p.  77ff. 
He  thinks  the  "one  thing"  Jesus  needed  just  then 
was  a  receptive  hearer,  one  to  whom  He  could  open 


His  heart  in  an  hour  when  He  sorely  needed  human 
sympathy.  From  this  higher  ministry  Mary  is  not 
to  be  dragged  away  or  disturbed. 

XI.  1-13.  On  Prayer  (Mt.  69-13*,  77-11*).— Lk. 
assigns  the  Lords  Prayer  to  a  separate  occasion  and 
gives  two  reasons  for  the  disciples'  rotiuest.  For  the 
first  cf.  321,  921,  ete.,  for  the  second,  533.  Rabbis 
were  accustomed  to  frame  special  prayers  ;  there  are 
examples  in  the  Talmud.  Lk.s  foi-m  of  the  Ixjrds 
Prayer  is  shorter  and  more  original  than  Mt.'s.  The 
earliest  reference  to  the  use  of  the  Prayer  is  in  the 
Didache,  c.  a.d.  100,  where  it  is  ordered  to  be  said 
thrice  daily.  Note  "  Forgive  us,  becaiuse  we  have 
forgiven,  '  etc. 

5-8.  (The  Friend  at  Midnight)  is  peculiar  to  Lk.  Cf. 
I81-8. — importunity:  Ut.,  "  shamelessness."  Monte- 
fioro  comments  on  the  "  simple  and  unphilosophic  " 
nature  of  Jesus"  conception  of  God.  One  Uke  ouiselvee 
who  answers  an  eager  importimate  cry  for  help. — 
9-13  Uke  1-4  is  in  Mt.'s  Sermon  on  the  Mount. — In  13 
Syr.  Sin.  has,  like  Mt.,  "good  things." — Holy  Spirit 
may  be  less  original,  though  some  texts  seem  to  have 
read  "  Thy  spirit  come  "  in  2. 

XI.  14-26.  Jesus  and  Beelzebub.— Lk.  had  omitted 
Mk.  322-30*,  Mt.  (I222-30.43-45*)  combined  Mk. 
and  Q.  Lk.  here  follows  Q.  He  does  not  refer  to 
Jerusalem  scribes.  16  is  not  directly  taken  up  till  29. 
It  is  curious  that  Lk.  changes  "spirit  of  God  "  (Mt.) 
into  "  linger  of  God."  24-26  is  better  placed  than 
in  Mt. 

XI.  27f.  Jesus  and  His  Mother. — ^A  variant  of 
819-21*.  The  introduction  of  feminine  sentiment  is 
characteristic  of  Lk.  Human  relationship  is  not  the 
highest  claim  ;  cf.  Mt.  losf.* 

XI.  29-32.  The  Sign  of  Jonah  (Mt.  1238-42*).— Lk. 
omits  the  reference  to  the  fish. 

XI.  33-36.  Sayings  about  Ught.- With  33  cf.  816 
(  =  Mk.  421,  Mt.  515).  With  34f-  ff.  Mt.  622f.*  36  is 
tautologous   and   the   true  text   is  not  certain. 

35.  The  light  that  is  in  thee:  the  light  of  the  soul, 
the  organ  of  spiritual  vision  ;  if  this  be  dark,  great  ia 
the  darkness.     If  it  be  clear,  all  the  life  is  radiant. 

XI.  37-54.  Condemnation  of  Pharisees  and  Scribes. 
— Cf.  (though  tho  arrangement  is  different)  Mt.  23*. 
where  the  Jerusalem  setting  is  more  suitable  (perhaps 
Lk.  wishes  to  make  the  Jemsalem  discourses  end  with 
the  apocalypse  of  Mk.  13).  It  is  strange  that  Jesus 
should  offend  His  host,  first  by  deed,  then  by  word. 
The  Pharisees  emphasized  outer  cleanliness  at  the 
expense  of  inward,  but  on  the  other  hand  early  Christian 
asceticism  distorted  the  teaching  and  e.xample  of  Jesus, 
and  produced  a  crowd  of  unwashed  saints. 

38  reminds  us  of  Mk.  72. — 39.  of  the  cup  and  of  the 
platter  may  be  an  insertion  from  Mt.  2325. — 40. 
Wollhausen,  following  Codex  Bozie,  transposes  ' '  out- 
side "  and  "inside":  "Has  not  the  man  who  has 
cleansed  the  inward  cleansed  tho  outward  as  well  T  " 
There  is  LXX  evidence  for  "  make  "  =  "  clean." 
Similarly  in  41,  by  a  slight  change  in  the  Aramaio 
(which  the  Gr.  translator  has  perhaps  misread)  Well- 
hauson  gets  the  good  sense,  '  Cleanse  thoao  things 
which  are  within,"  etc.  Ab  it  stands  the  verse  meanB 
"  (Instead  of  washing  the  outside  of  the  dishes)  give 
tho  contents  to  tho  poor,"  and  so  avoid  tho  real  defile- 
ment of  extortion  (39).^-42.  Codex  Bez;e  omits  "  but 
these  ought  yo  to  have  done,"  ete.  ;  the  words  con- 
flict with  Jesus'  rebuke  in  the  context. — 44.  The  change 
from  Mt.  may  be  due  to  Lk.'s  desire  to  make  the  saying 
more  intelUgible  to  his  (Jentilo  readers. 

45-54  forms  a  series  of  woes,  nominally  against  tho 
Scribes,    though    47-51    is    against    the  Jews  gener- 


LUKE,  XII.  58f. 


733 


ally.  One  can  understand  the  interraption  in  45  ("  re- 
proachost,"  lit.,  "  insultest  " ). — 46  =  Mt.  234,  *7f.= 
Mt.  2329f.,  49-51=Mt.  2334-36—49.  the  Wisdom  of 
God  :  there  is  no  trace  of  any  apocryphal  book  bearing 
this  title,  nor  can  we  say  (though  Mt.  and  Lk.  thought 
so)  that  Jesus  is  describing  Himself  by  this  title : 
He  could  not  have  said  that  He  was  sending  forth 
"prophets  and  wise  men  and  scribes  "  (so  Mt.  :  Lk.'s 
"  apostles  "  Ls  a  Christian  accommodation).  Wisdom 
is  a  favourite  Hebrew  figure  to  express  the  j'eaming 
of  the  Di^'ine  Spirit  over  Israel.  The  original  saying 
spoke  of  God's  deaUngs  with  His  people  :  "  Therefore 
the  Wisdom  of  God  (hath)  said,  '  Behold,'  "  etc.  On 
the  questions  involved  in  the  parallel  with  Mt.,  and 
also  the  severance  of  1334f.  from  this  context,  see 
Hamack,  Sayings,  pp.  168ff.,  Streeter  in  Oxford  Studies, 
p.  1.5111.  Bacon  in  Exp.,  Dec.  1915.— 52  =  Mt.  23i3— 
key  of  knowledge,  i.e.  the  knowledge  of  how  to  enter 
the  Kingdom.— 63f.  Lk.  only. — to  press  upon  Him 
vehemently :  better  "  to  follow  Him  up  closely,"  or 
perhaps  "  to  scheme  and  plot  eagerly.'" — to  provoke 
him,  etc.,  Ut.  "  to  draw  from  His  mouth,"  i.e.  to  cross- 
examine  Him,  to  trip  Him  into  some  fatal  utterance. 

Xn.  A  Collection  of  Sayings  taken  from  Q  and  ar- 
ranged in  groups  with  more  or  less  suitable  introductions. 

XH.  1-12.  Jesus  Encourages  His  Disciples.— (For 
parallels  in  Mt.  see  below.)  After  a  warning  against 
Pharisaism,  Jesus  exhorts  His  followers  fearlessly  to 
acknowledge  Him  as  their  leader  and  to  proclaim  His 
teaching.  This  may  bring  trouble  upon  them,  but 
perfect  trust  in  God  will  cast  out  fear. 

1.  An  attempt  to  connect  what  follows  with  ch.  11. 
Hence  the  reference  to  the  Pharisees  and  their  leaven 
(Mk.  815,  Mt.  166*),  which  Luke  takes  to  be  hjrpocrisy. 
— 2.  Lk.  only.  Hypocrisy  is  not  only  wrong,  but  useless ; 
a  day  is  coming  when  all  masks  wiU  be  torn  off.  In 
accordance  with  this  statement  Lk.  gives  an  altered 
version  of  Mt.  IO27  ("  What  I  teU  you  in  darkness, 
speak  ye  in  the  light,"  etc.).  The  early  house  instruc- 
tion (94)  is  to  give  wav  to  public  preaching. — 3-9. 
Cf.  Mt.  IO27-33*.— 4f.  the  sUght  changes  'nliich  Lk. 
makes  are  suggestive.  Loisy  thinks  there  is  a  trace 
here  of  the  behef  in  judgment  immediately  after 
death  as  in  I622,  2343.— 8f.  before  men,  i.e.'  magis- 
trates.— angels  of  God :  Mt.  "  IMy  Father  which  is  in 
heaven."  In  Lk.  the  angels  are  judges,  before  whom 
the  Son  of  Man  gives  evidence.  Does  Lk.  (cf.  Qzb, 
Mk.  838)  or  Q  think  of  the  Son  of  Man  as  another 
than  Jesus  ?  If  so,  Mt.'s  "  I  "  may  be  a  correction  to 
prevent  such  a  misunderstanding. — 10.  The  saying  has 
a  better  context  in  Mk.  ScSf.,  Mt.  I232*,  though  Lk.'s 
form  is  good,  and  it  may  bo  inserted  here  as  encourage- 
ment to  the  disciples.  J.  Weiss  thinks  it  may  origin- 
ally have  come  after  12  ;  he  who  blasphemes  the 
Holy  Spirit  (speaking  through  the  disciples)  shall  not 
be  forgiven. — Ilf.  Mt.  lOigf.*.  Lk.'s  form  euggeste 
Pauline  experiences. 

XII.  13-21.  Parable  of  the  Rich  Fool.- Lk.  only. 

13.  The  crowd  of  i  reappears  here. — 14.  Jesus 
declines  to  usurp  the  functions  of  the  civil  judge. — 
15  is  an  editorial  link  between  the  incident  (in  which 
there  is  no  allusion  to  covotou8no,s8,  unless  indeed  that 
term  be  taken  to  cover  the  claiming  of  one's  right*) 
and  the  parable.  Tr.  "a  man's  life  is  not  part  of  his 
possessions  bec-auso  he  has  ample  wealth  ''  (MofTatt). — 
20.  this  night:  apparently  just  when  he  has  carried 
his  plans  throutrh. — thy  soul  (or  hfe)  Is  required :  lit. 
"  they  demand  thy  soul  "  ;  "  they.'  possibly  the  man's 
wronged  and  oppressed  labourers,  probably  the  angels 
of  death. — 21.  rich  towards  God:  i.»'.  gaining  the  richee 
of  God,  laying  up  treasure  in  heaven,  cf.  33!. 


XIL  22-34.  Warning  against  Worry  (Mt.  625-33*. 
19-21*). — In  Mt.  the  section  follows  the  sajing  about 
God  and  Mammon,  with  which  the  parable  just  given 
by  Lk.  has  an  analogj'.  Lk.  and  Mt.  agree  closely, 
though  Lk.  has  "  ravens  "  for  ''  birds  of  the  heavens  " 
(24)  and  *'  the  rest  "  (26)  {i.e.  all  nece^ssaries  other  than 
food)  for  "  raiment."  32  takes  the  place  of  Mt.  634, 
and  leads  up  to  33f .  The  fear  is  lest  they  (the  disciples) 
should  not  enter  the  Kingdom.  They  are  assured 
that  they  will  do  so  if  (unlike  the  rich  fool)  they  re- 
noimce  aU  their  possessions  and  give  them  in  alms  to 
the  poor.     The  advice  is  more  definite  than  in  Mt. 

XII.  35-48.  Three  References  to  the  Parousia. 

35-38  (with  47f.).  The  Need  of  Watchfulness.— These 
verses,  like  I325,  are  clearly  akin  in  thought  to  Mt.'s 
parable  of  the  Ten  Bridesmaids  (cf.  also  Mk.  I333-37)-. 
Loisy  thinks  we  have  here  reminiscences  and  echoes 
of  that  parable  ;  WeUhausen  thinks  Lk.'s  form  the 
earlier  ;  "  the  fermentation  in  Lk.  has  in  Mt.  settled 
down  and  disappeared."  But  it  is  quite  possible  that 
Mt.  and  Lk.  are  independent  of  each  other  here,  especi- 
ally if  we  disregard  the  ''  return  from  the  marriage 
feast  "  in  36.  Certainly  the  main  point  is  the  other 
feast — prepared  for  the  faitliful  servants.  This  is  the 
true  Messianic  banquet.  If  we  retaui  the  first  feast 
as  well,  it  must  mean  the  joy  of  heaven  from  which 
the  ]\Iessiah  returns. 

38f.  Be  Ready  (Mt.  2443f-*). 

XII.  39-48.  The  Faithful  Steward  (Mt.  2445-51*)- 
39  is  pecuhar  to  Lk.  The  answer  to  Peter's  question 
is  that  the  injmictions  to  watchfulness  are  particularly 
appheable  to  the  Twelve.  Tliis  is  emphasized  by  Lk.'s  use 
of  "  steward  "  for  Mt.'s  "  servant."  The  other  variants 
are  not  significant,  but  47f.  is  found  only  in  Lk.  :  it 
seems  to  refer  to  another  affair,  and  may  have  been 
originally  a  continuation  of  35-38.  It  contains  a  lesson 
either  for  Jews  (especially  Scribes)  in  contrast  with 
Gentiles,  or  for  Christians  (especially  teachers  and 
leaders)  in  contrast  mth  heathen. 

46.  cut  him  asunder:  cf.  Hob.  11 37;  but  see  mg. 
and  Mt.  2451*. 

xn.  49-59.  Signs  of  the  Times. — For  parallels  see 
below.  Jesus  is  oppressed  with  the  thought  of  the 
future  till  it  is  accomplished. 

49f.  Lk.  only.  Fire  is  what  Jesus  has  come  to 
cast  on  the  eart'h  {cf.  3i6f.) ;  here  it  probably  means 
division  (51;  Mt.  "sword").  Would  that  the  dis- 
cord had  set  in — it  would  mean  that  the  Kingdom 
was  nigh.  But  sometliing  else  has  to  precede  the 
Kingdom,  perhaps  also  the  discord,  viz..  His  death, 
here  referred  to  as  a  baptism,  i.e.  a  new  consecration 
(rf.  Mk.  10  38).  The  passage  should  be  compared  with 
the  more  formal  predictions  of  the  Passion,  which 
may  have  been  edited  after  the  event. — 51-53.  Cf. 
Mt.  IO34-36.  Lk.  is  more  elaborate — he  pictures  a 
household  of  husband  and  wife,  son  and  his  wife,  and 
daughter.  The  two  men  quarrel  and  the  elder  woman 
quarrels  with  the  two  younger  ones.  Such  hostility 
on  the  part  of  elders  to  the  young  who  are  attracted 
by  the  Christian  message  is  well  illustrated  in  the 
modem  mission  field,  especially  in  India. — 54-56.  Mt. 
I62-4*.  Lk.  has  the  better  setting.  The  Jews 
recogni.se  the  signs  of  the  weather,  they  refuse  to 
recognise  the  signs  of  the  approaching  Judgment,  with 
the  need  for  repentance.  The  sign  is  of  course  Jesus 
Himself  and  His  message.  Even  apart  from  signs 
they  ought  to  judge  what  is  right  (37).  and  to  do  it 
while  there  is  yet  time,  hke  a  debtor  satisfying  his 
creditor  before  the  case  comes  into  court,  where  only 
utter  condemnation  is  to  bo  looked  for. — 58f.  Mt. 
525!.*     Perhaps  the  setting  is  better  in  Lk.,  where 


734 


LUKE    XII.   58f. 


tlio  moral  is  implied  that  men  must  repent  l)efore 
God  ill  view  of  the  iiumineuce  of  tho  Judgment. 

XIII.  1-9.  Exhortations  to  Repentance.— The  theme 
of  1257-59  is  continued  and  illustrated  by  references 
to  two  incidents  and  by  a  parable.  Tho  sc<;tion  is 
peculiar  to  Lk.  A  company  of  Galilean  pilgrims  had 
come  into  collision  vsith  the  Romans  and  had  been 
massacred  by  Pilate's  orders  wliilo  they  wore  sacrificing 
in  tho  Temple  courts.  A  garrison  was  always  kept 
in  the  Tower  of  Antonia  to  quell  disturbances.  Neither 
Josephus  nor  any  other  writer  refers  to  the  affair,  but 
it  is  quite  in  tho  Une  of  PUates  policy  and  conduct. 
Jesus,  hearing  of  it.  declines  to  admit  that  the  calamity 
imphed  exceptional  sin  on  the  part  of  the  sufferers, 
but  emphasizes  instead  the  truth  that  sin  involves 
calamity,  and  warns  His  audience  that  unless  they 
repent  they  will  surely  be  overwhelmed  in  the  coming 
disaster.  He  repeats  the  warning  b\-  reference  to  an 
accident  that  had  recently  happened  in  Jenisalem. 
Eighteen  workmen  building  aqueducts  at  the  Pool  of 
Siloam  (on  the  south  side  of  the  city)  had  been  buried 
under  some  falling  masonry.  They  were  not  neces- 
sarily the  worst  men  in  Jerusalem.  Note  the  word 
"offcndcre"  or  "debtors";  there  is  a  suggestion 
thot  they  aro  so  styled  because  Pilate  paid  them  with 
Bacrcd  money  from  the  Temple  treasury.  Jesus" 
point  is  that  all  His  hearers  are  debtors  to  Divine 
justice  (cf.  1258).  National  sins,  if  not  repented  of, 
will  lead  to  national  dcstmction. 

5.  repent :  the  tense  of  the  Gr.  verb  marks  the 
need  of  immediate  repentance ;  likewise  denotes 
more  exact  similarity  than  "  in  hke  manner  ''  (3). 

6-9.  In  the  parable  of  the  Barren  Fig  Tree  the  lesson 
is  taught  that  those  who  arc  spared  for  a  (short)  time 
should  not  miss  the  opportunity  of  repentance.  The 
parable,  with  which  cf.  Is.  5i-7,  may  well  have  been 
the  source  of  the  miracle  of  Jlk.  Ili2-i4,2if. *,  Mt. 
21 18-21*.  Tho  "  three  years"  (7)  is  not  to  be  pressed 
as  an  indication  of  the  duration  of  Chiist's  ministry. 
Note  that  tho  tree  not  only  jields  no  fruit,  it  nulMea 
or  sterilises  the  ground,  making  good  soil  useless. 

Xffl.  10-17.  A  V/oman  Healed  on  the  Sabbath. 
(Lk.  only  ;  cf.  Gi-ii). — Loisy  is  too  fanciful  in  coimect- 
ing  this  section  with  what  precedes  by  suggesting  that 
as  the  barren  tree  stands  for  unrepentant  Israel  so  the 
healed  woman,  and  those  who  rejoice  with  her,  repre- 
sent those  Jews  who  accepted  Jesus  as  Messiah.  The 
phrase  "  spirit  of  infiniiitj'  "  shows  that  the  case  was  re- 
garded as  one  of  demoniacal  possession,  perhaps  Lk.'s 
misconception  of  Jesus'  reference  to  Satan  in  16. 
There  is  no  hint  of  exorcism  in  the  story  ;  the  woman 
has  a  curved  spine  and  Jesus  heals  her  by  imposition 
of  hands.  With  "  daughter  of  Abraham,"  cf.  \{)q.  The 
official  in  charge  somewhat  meanly  attacks  Jesus 
through  tho  people,  and  especially  tho  patient,  though 
there  is  no  indication  that  she  had  come  seeking  a  cure. 
Je.sus  shows  liow  even  the  Law  gave  way  to  common- 
sense  and  human  feelings  in  tho  case  of  boasts  on  tho 
Sabbath  ;  much  more  so  should  it  3'icld  in  the  caso 
of  a  woman  {cf.  Mt.  12i2). 

xm.  13-21.  Parables  of  the  Mustard  Seed  and 
Leaven  (Mk.  430-32*.  Mt.  I331-33*). — There  is  no 
real  connexion  with  tho  foregoing  incident ;  "'  thore- 
foro"  (18)  is  only  an  attempt  at  a  luili  ;  though  Loisy, 
who  has  scon  converted  Jews  in  16,  sees  converted 
Gentiles  in  tho  "  birds  '  of  19,  and  tho  heathen  world 
in  the  "throe  measures  of  meal"  (21).  Thi"ce  mea- 
sures (see  pp.  115f.)  was  a  usual  balcing  (Gon.  186) — 
there  is  no  allegory  of  "  body,  mind,  and  spirit  "  or 
"  earth,  Church,  and  Sta,te." 

xm.  22-30.    The    Narrow    Entrance   into    Life.— 


Paiullols  are  found  in  Mt.  Ti3f..  25iif..  721-23,  81  if., 
1930.  Tho  two  preceding  parables  serve  to  lead  up 
to  a  resumption  of  toachuig  concerning  the  Judg- 
ment. Tho  villages  aro  apparently  in  Peraja.  An  in- 
quirer wonders  if  thore  aro  fow  who  aro  in  tho  wiiy 
of  salvation,  and  is  bidden  with  other  hoarors  to  make 
sure  that  he  is  in  it  himself.  Tho  Kingdom  may  be 
extensive  (19,  21),  yot  to  secure  cnt«anco  is  no  light 
task,  but  a  strenuous  struggle.  The  mention  of  "  the 
narrow  door"  (24),  a  familiar  figure,  suggests  another 
door,  that  of  the  festal  chamber.  The  Master  rises 
up  (from  table  or  dais)  to  shut  it.  There  are  occasions 
wlien,  though  one  knocks  (II9),  the  door  is  not  opened 
— mere  actjuaintance  or  even  association  with  the 
Jlessiah  does  not  entitle  a  man  to  the  blessings  of 
the  Kingdom.  2.\.  and  25  should  be  connected  as  in 
mg.  A  full  stop  may  be  put  after  "  door "  (25a). 
From  this  reminiscence  of  tho  Paraljle  of  tho  Brides- 
maids, though  the  F,trc.;s  here  is  rather  on  conduct  than 
on  time,  we  arc  taken  back  to  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount 
and  to  I\It.  81  if.*,  where  tho  aiTangemcnt  is  better. 
Lk.  tries  to  adapt  a  contrast  between  Jews  and  Gentiles 
to  one  between  Christians  and  non-Chiistians.  though 
in  29f.  he  must  refer  to  Gentiles. 

xm.  31-33.  The  Enmity  of  Herod.— Peraea  was 
part  of  Herod  Antipas's  territory.  It  is  possible  that 
the  Pharisees  wished  to  get  Jesus  into  Judjea  and  so 
nearer  the  arm  of  the  Sanhedrin.  The  reference  of 
Jesus  to  His  death  in  Jerusalem  (33)  may  point  this 
way.  If  80  they,  more  than  Herod,  were  the  "  fox." 
There  were,  however,  Pharisees  that  were  friendly 
to  Jesus,  cf.  l4i£E.  As  appUed  to  Herod  the  epithet 
sums  up  the  "  tyranny,  timidity,  and  insolence  "  of 
the  Idumsean  character  of  the  Herods.  Jesus  assorts 
that  His  work  of  exorcising  and  healing  is  only  a  pre- 
liminary to  the  coming  of  the  Kingdom  and  His  entry 
into  glory.  "I  am  perfected"  need  not  mean  death, 
though  it  is  usually  so  interpreted. 

33  may  be  an  addition  meant  to  lead  up  to  34!. ; 
the  word  for  howbeit  is  often  used  by  Lk.  in  such  cases. 
Wellhausen  also  finds  33  difficult  after  32,  and  emends 
the  two  verses  so  as  to  read  "  I  cast  out  devils  and  per- 
form cures  to-day  and  to-morrow.  Howbeit  I  must 
go  on  my  way  tho  dajj^  following,  for  it  cannot  be,"  eto. 
He  takes  "  1  am  perfected"  (prediction  of  death)  to 
be  an  early  interpolation,  after  wliich  a  reference  to 
journeying  on  the  third  day  was  out  of  place  and 
called  for  tho  further  interpolation  of  "  to-day  and 
to-morrow  "  in  330. 

XIII.  34f.  Lament  over  Jerusalem. — Mt.  2337-39*, 
whore  the  sotting  is  more  suitable.  Lk.  omits  "'  doso- 
lato."  For  tho  saymg  cf.  2  Esd.  1 30-33,  and  also  the 
LXX  of  Is.  16if.,"  a  passage  which  was  Mcasianically 
interpreted,  and  has  tho  word  "  desolato  "  and  a  refer- 
ence to  scattered  ))irds.  It  is  more  likely  that  35  is 
a  prediction  of  the  Parousia  than  a  mere  statement 
(on  one  of  several  visits  to  Jerusalem)  that  the  citizens 
will  not  see  Jesus  again  until  He  comes  as  a  pilgrim 
to  tho  Passovor  and  licai"s  the  usual  greeting  accorded 
to  pilgrims. 

XIV.  1-24.  A  Sabbath  with  a  Pharisee.— A  companion 
picture  to  13io-i7.  When  in  Go-ii  Lk.  relates  tho  cure 
of  the  man  with  a  withered  hand  (Mk.  3i-6,  Mt. 
129-13)  he  omits  the  illustrative  argument  used  by 
Jesus  (Mt.  12i  if.) ;  ho  brings  it  m  here  hi  a  story  peculiar 
to  his  gospel.  Monteliore  justly  points  out  that  the 
animals  (5,  cf.  13i5)  are  in  clangor  of  perialiing,  whei-oas 
the  woman  and  man  would  not  have  suffered  by  waiting 
till  the  Sabbath  was  past.  He  sliows  that  the  true 
argument  is  "  Deeds  01  charity  and  love  should  never 
be  put  off ;   they  tako  precedence  of  and  temporarily 


LUKE,  XVI.  1-9 


735 


invalidate  all  ritual  laws  and  ceremonial  obbervance 
of  sacred  days.'' 

5.  nig.  "  a  son  '"  Ls  out  of  the  question,  despite  good 
MS.  authority.  Rendol  Harris  (Sidelights  on  NT  Re- 
search, p.  205)  suggests  that  the  original  readhig  was 
hus,  "  pig/'  which  was  taken  as  a  contraction  of  haios, 
"son."  Jesus  said,  "Even  if  your  pig(!)  fell  into  a 
pit  on  the  Sabbath,  you  would  pull  it  out,"  a  delightful 
piece  of  irony.  "  Son  "  was  seen  to  bo  impossible, 
nence  sheep,  ass.  ox,  were  all  brought  in  as  substitutes. 

7-14.  Humility  and  Hospitality.— S-io  and  12-14 
may  originally  have  been  parable  stories  which  Lk.  has 
turned  into  direct  counsel  to  guests  and  hosts  re- 
spectively. The  "  chief  seat "  was  at  the  host's  left 
hand,  though  there  may  be  a  reference  here  to  a  dais. 

10.  Cf.  Prov.  256f . ;  we  are  not  to  conclude  that 
Jesus  advocated  false  humility  as  a  road  to  ad- 
vancement ;  He  speaks  of  consequence  rather  than 
purpose.  J.  Weiss  suggests  that  the  counsel  is  really 
that  of  an  ascetic  section  of  the  early  Church. — 11 
introduces  the  idea  of  the  Messianic  banquet  and  the 
judgment. — 12-14.  The  lesson  is  that  real  kindness 
is  disinterested  and  seeks  no  recompense.  The  re- 
compense in  the  future  is  sure  and  sufficient.  The 
tense  of  the  verb  "  call  "in  12  is  important ;  "  do  not 
make  a  practice  of  inWting." — 14.  Most  NT  references 
to  the  Resurrection  confine  it  to  the  "  just  "  ;  note, 
however  Jn.  629,  Ac.  24i5,  Rev.  20i2f. 

15-24.  Parable  of  the  Marriage  Feast— Mt.  22i-io* 
is  similar  but  not  identical.  15  [rf.  Rev.  IQg)  serves 
to  lead  the  thought  irom  the  earthly  feast  to  the 
heavenly.  The  counsel  of  13  finds  a  supreme  illustra- 
tion in  the  action  of  God  (21).  Jesus,  in  Lk.'s  parable, 
is  the  servant  who  summons  the  guests,  in  Mt.  He  ia 
the  King's  Son  in  whoso  honour  the  feast  is  given. 
Nothing  is  here  said  about  the  destruction  of  the  un- 
wilUng  (and  murderous)  guests.  Lk.  defines  the  new 
guests  more  closely  than  Mt.  ;  the  "  poor,"  etc.,  of 
21  are  the  outcast  Israelites,  the  publicans  and  sinners, 
those  from  the  "highways  and  hedges"  are  the 
Gentiles.  It  is  not  God's  will  that  there  are  "  few  who 
are  saved." 

23.  constrain :  this  word  need  not  mean  more 
than  "urge  '"  (Mk.  643) ;  unhappily  it  has  been  used 
to  justify  religious  compulsion  and  persecution. — 24. 
you :  the  plural  pronoun  shows  that  Jesus,  though 
still  using  the  imagery  of  the  parable,  is  here  directly 
addressing  the  hearers. 

XIV.  25-35.  Discipleship  and  its  Cost. — The  passage 
is  a  reminder  that,  despite  the  universaUty  of  the 
Kingdom,  the  number  of  its  true  subjects  is  small. 
To  the  crowd  that  is  following  Him  Jesus  apphes  a 
Btringent  and  sifting  test.  Few  after  all  will  reach 
the  Messianic  banquet,  and  only  then  after  much 
tribulation.  The  saying  of  2  6f.  is  in  a  harder  form 
than  Mt.  lOayf..  and  it  is  better  to  think  that  Mt. 
has  softened  it  than  for  us  to  do  so  here.  Such  un- 
compromising sa>-ing8  were  (juite  in  Jesus'  manner, 
and  wo  have  to  judge  them  in  the  light  of  His  whole 
spirit  and  teaching.  (We  may  jjerhaps  compare  the 
"  Blessing  "  of  Levi  by  Moses  in  Dt.  889.)  Yet  we 
may  very  well  find  in  Jesus'  teaching  a  distinction 
between  simple  entrance  into  the  Kingdom  and  full 
discipleship  with  its  absolute  and  complete  consecra- 
tion. The  two  paraboUc  questions  which  follow  teach 
the  lesson  of  962.  It  is  better  not  to  attempt  what  one 
cannot  thoroughly  accomplish  ;  "  better  never  begin 
to  be  a  fuil  disciple  than  to  put  down  the  cross  aftor 
once  you  have  tak<n  it  up.'  33  is  not  exactly  the 
conclusion  we  should  have  expected  ;  it  may  be  Lk.'s 
way  of  fitting  the  parables  mto  the  instruction  on 


renunciation.  34f.  (Mt.  013)  is  here  used  in  connexion 
with  the  idea  of  full  discipleship,  absolute  renuncia- 
tion. Those  who  attain  this  are  "  the  salt  of  the 
earth  "  ;  if  they  fall  away  from  it  they  are  not  fit  for 
the  Kingdom  of  God. 

31.  Some  commentators  see  a  reference  here  to 
Herod  Antipas,  w  hose  army  had  been  routed  by  Aretas 
of  Arabia,  whose  daughter  Herod  had  divorced  when 
he  married  ilerodias.     Cf.  p.  fio-l. 

XV.  Three  Parables  Showing  God's  Love  for  the 
Lost,  and  Els  Joy  at  their  Restoration. — The  three 
parables  in  tliis  cliapter  have  no  definite  note  of  time 
or  place.  An  introduction  is  supplied  from  529!. 
(Mk.  2i5f.).  Both  the  introduction  (sinners  crowding 
to  hear  Jesus)  and  the  parables  strike  the  new  note 
that  Jesus  came  to  sound — the  direct  mterest  in  and 
appeal  to  the  outcast  (cf.  p.  622).  '*  This  parable''  (3) 
must  mean  the  parabolic  discourse,  embracing  the  three 
iUustrations.  "  The  Parable  of  the  Lost  Sheep  and 
the  Lost  Coin  form  a  pair,  and  represent  the  bewildered 
siimer  and  the  unconscious  sinner,  while  the  story  of 
the  Prodigal  Sou  forms  an  exquisite  picture  of  the 
sinner  who  deliberately  chooses  his  own  path,  and 
deliberately  turns  back  to  ask  his  Father's  forgive- 
ness. In  the  first  parable  one  out  of  a  hundred  is 
lost  and  restored,  in  the  second  one  out  of  ten,  in  the 
third  one  out  of  two  '  (Bumside). 

4-7  (Mt.  I812-14*).  There  are  some  changes  ;  in 
particular  Lk-  makes  the  neighbours  rejoice  with  the 
shepherd,  and  inserts  the  moral  which  Jit.  omits. 
We  are  not  to  suppose  that  Jesus  is  scorning  the  good 
Law-keeping  Jew  in  the  reference  to  the  ninety-nine. 

4.  wilderness :  not  desert,  but  the  usual  moorland 
or  mountain  pasture. 

8-10  (Lk.  only).  A  domestic  parable  follows  an 
out-of-doors  ore  as  with  the  Leaven  and  Mustard  Seed 
(I319-21).  The  pieee  of  silver  (a  Greek  drachma) 
probably  formed  part  of  a  citclet  worn  on  the  forehead. 

11-32.  Parable  of  the  Prodigal  Son. — No  passage  in 
the  Gospels  needs  less  comment  than  this  matchless 
illustration  of  God's  forgiving  love  towards  the  re- 
pentant sinner  (11-20).  Nor  is  there  any  real  diffi- 
culty in  25-32,  which  deals  with  the  elder  brother. 
The  lesson  is  that  those  who  liave  not  fallen  are  wrong 
if  they  blame  tliis  forgi\Tng  love.  The  Father's  good- 
ness towards  the  penitent  does  not  injure  them  ;  they 
should  rejoice  at  the  restoration  of  the  lost  brother 
and  the  mending  of  the  broken  circle.  The  parable 
liad  special  point  for  the  luiixl  Pharisaic  pietists  who 
were  offended  because  Jesus  as-sociatetl  and  even  ate 
with  the  outcast  but  repentant  "  publicans  and  sinners." 
The  injured  air  of  the  com})lacent  hide-bound  moralist 
is  l-.w-n  to  the  hfe.  The  cold  and  unsympathetic 
attitude  of  the  elder  brother  sets  off  the  enthusiasm 
and  warmth  of  the  Father.  The  parable  is  a  unity, 
its  theme  l^eing  the  reception  given  to  the  lost  and 
foimd  son. 

16.  husks :  pods  of  the  carob  tree,  hard  and  un- 
palatable.— 17.  he  came  to  himself :  mentally  and 
morally. — 21.  Note  how  he  fails  to  complete  his  re- 
heareed  statement  ;  probably  the  father  breaks  into 
the  middle  of  it. — 22.  ring  :  as  necessary  as  the  shoes 
(slaves  alone  went  bare-footed)  to  show  his  recovered 
sonship. 

XVL  1-9.  Parable  of  the  Unjust  Steward  (Lk.  only). 
— It  has  Ixjon  suggested  that  a  better  title  would  be 
"The  Shrewd  Agent."  At  any  rate  the  epithet 
"  unrighteous  "  has  as  much  reference  (if  not  more) 
to  I  as  to  5-7.  A  steward  in  danger  of  dismissal  for 
mismanagement  of  his  master's  estate  seeks  to  pro%'ide 
for  the  future  by  making  friends  with  the  tenants. 


736 


LUKE,  XVI.   1-9 


That  this  is  at  hia  inastcr'a  oxponse  hfis  notliing  to  do 
w  ith  tho  point  of  the  paral)lo  ;  it  is  a  parable,  not  an 
allegory.  The  agent  Buimiions  tho  tenants,  who  are 
under  bond  to  pay  part  of  their  rent  in  kintl  (or  perhaps 
they  arc  mercliant.s  having  supplies  of  goodis  on  credit) 
and  encourages  tliom  to  alter  their  contracts  in  their 
own  favour.  Who  is  ''the  lord  "'  that  praises  the 
overseer  for  his  action  ?  Apparently  it  is  the  landlord 
(r/.  5),  liiinsclf  a  man  of  the  world,  though  some  com- 
mentators, e.g.  Wellhausen  and  J.  Weiss,  say  it  is 
Jesus  {rf.  186).  In  any  case  tho  steward's  cleverness 
is  commended  (along  the  lines  of  Mt.  10 16),  and  the 
comment  is  made  (by  Jesus)  that  "  the  cliildrcn  of 
this  \\orld "'  display  more  shrewdness  and  common-sense, 
at  least  in  their  everyday  and  present  life  affairs,  than 
"  the  children  of  light."  (There  is  a  Johannine  ring 
about  this  antithesis.)  The  former  are  keener  on 
temporal,  than  the  latter  on  eternal,  well-being.  ^len 
are  more  resourceful,  resolute,  and  zealous  about 
material  gain  (and  we  may  add  sport)  than  in  social 
and  moral  reform,  or  tho  spread  of  the  Kingdom  of 
God.  An  interesting  but  not  convincing  interpreta- 
tion of  the  parable  is  given  in  Latham,  Pastor  Pastoruni, 
pp.  386-398.  9  refers  not  to  general  alertness  or  worldly 
wisdom,  but  to  a  wise  use  of  money,  especially  money 
wrongly  acquired,  and  we  could  understand  it  better 
if  it  were  addressed  to  tax-gatherers  (lOce  Zacchseus). 
Unjust  gains  cannot  always  be  restored  to  then-  owners, 
but  thoy  can  be  given  in  ahns,  and  so  win  friends  or 
even  heaven.  It  is  perhaps  better  to  take  the  parable 
as  ending  with  8,  and  9  as  a  comment  on  it,  a  link 
with  10-13,  and  a  prelude  to  19-31. 

I.  accused:  the  papji-i  have  the  Gr.  word  diabalW 
in  the  sense  of  "  complain,"  so  we  need  not  assume 
any  malice  or  falsehood  in  its  use  here. 

4.  they :  the  tenants  or  debtors  of  5. — 8.  The 
emphasis  is  on  wisely  (which  is  not  "honestly"). — 
9.  when  it  fails:  we  should  probably  read  "when 
you  fail,"  i.e.  die. — the  eternal  tabernacles :  in  con- 
trast to  tho  houses  of  4.  The  parallel  does  not  neces- 
sarily stamp  the  verse  as  a  moralising  accretion  to  the 
parable. 

XVI.  10-13.  The  Right  Use  of  Money.  Lk.  only, 
except  13  ( =  Mt.  624),  which  is  brought  in  by  the  verbal 
Unk  "  mammon."  The  note  here  is  tidehty.  There 
is  some  cormexion  mth  1-9  in  the  subject — property 
and  its  obUgations.  In  money  nmtters  one  must  be 
beyond  reproach.  If  a  man  is  untrustworthy  here, 
how  shall  he  be  entrusted  with  the  true  wealth,  the 
Messianic  Kingdom  ?  11  and  12  are  parallel  sayings; 
"  your  own  "  corresponds  to  ''  the  true  riches,"  and 
"that  which  is  another's"  is  therefore  wealth  wliich 
is  regarded  as  lent  to  men  onh'  for  a  season.  We  are 
reminded  of  the  Parable  of  the  Talents. 

II.  unrighteous  mammon :  wealth  is  stignir.t-sed 
as  dishonest  because  it  is  so  often  tho  origin  and  cause 
of  dishonest}'. 

14-18.  Words  to  Pharisees.— 14f.  Lk.  only.  The 
verses  seem  introduced  by  Lk.  to  indicato  that  the 
preceding  and  succeeding  parables  were  directed 
against  Pharisees.  They  also  illustrate  his  antipathy 
to  tho  rich.  Poverty  and  rightoousnoss  are  identified, 
as  in  many  of  the  Psalms.  In  Lk.'s  source  the  parable 
of  1 9-3 1  may  have  illustratively  followed  1 3 . 

16.  C/.  Mt.  Ili2f.*  The  coming  of  John  marks  a 
crisifi  in  the  religious  history  of  the  world  ;  ho  separates 
the  Law  from  the  Kingdom.  And  yet  tho  Law  has 
not  been  abrogated  (17.  ej.  Mt.  5i8*) ;  what  seems 
subversion,  e.g.  Christs  teaching  on  divorce,  is  really 
preservation.  Tho  underlying  teaching  is  that  the 
Gospel  fultils  and  perfects  the  Law. — 18   sombines 


the  first  case  of  Mk.  lOii*  wiih  the  second  case  of 
Mt.  532*,  and  may  bo  the  original  form. 

19-31.  Parable  of  Dives  and  Lazarus  (Lk.  only).— 
The  storj-  may  have  originally  ended  at  23  or  at  25, 
and  been  intended  simply  to  illustrate  the  contrasted 
lot  of  poor  and  rich  in  tliis  world  and  the  next.  CJ. 
621.24.  InoquaUty  is  redressed  apart  from  moral 
considerations.  \Vo  need  not  suppose  that  Dives 
was  specially  cruel ;  if  Lazarus  had  only  got  harsh 
treatment  at  liis  door  he  would  have  shifted  his  pitch. 
Certam  points  are  (as  usual  in  the  parables)  ignored, 
e.g.  the  fate  of  tho  godly  rich  or  the  wicked  poor,  and 
the  unequal  balance  of  temporal  comfort  and  eternal 
woe.  To  the  rich  man's  deprivation  is  added  pimish- 
ment,  so  that  we  have  to  assume  that  he  was  not  only 
rich  but  wicked.  "  The  five  brothers  are  types  of 
imbelieving,  mirepentant  Judaism,"  and  the  object 
of  tho  addition  (26-31)  to  the  parable  is  to  show  that 
their  imbelief  is  mthout  excuse.  Moses  and  tho 
prophets  really  testified  to  tho  Messiahship  of  Jesus 
and  therefore  how  to  avoid  CJehenna.  It  is  scarcely 
necessarj'^  to  find  in  31  an  allusion  to  the  resurrection 
of  Jesus,  or  even  to  the  raising  of  Lazarus  (Jn-  11). 

20.  Lazarus  :  the  name  ( =  Eleazar)  may  have  been 
chosen  for  its  meaning,  "  God  is  liis  help." — 21. 
crumbs  :  the  word  is  not  in  the  Gr.,  and  we  should 
rather  understand  the  pieces  of  bread  which  took  tho 
place  of  table  napkms  after  the  eaters  had  dipped 
their  hands  in  the  dishes. — 22.  into  Abraham's  bosom : 
i.e.  recluiing  next  to  Abraham  in  the  celestial  banquet. 
— 23.  Hades  :  here  equivalent  to  Gehenna,  not  simply 
a  places  of  shades,  but  of  torment,  which  is  emphasised 
by  Paradise  being  within  sight.  Note  that  judgment 
here  follows  immediately  on  death,  and  is  mialterablo 
(26).  "Tho  description  of  the  realms  beyond  death 
is  without  parallel  in  the  reserve  with  whicJi  the  condi- 
tions of  tho  future  are  elsewhere  veiled  "  (Carpenter). 

XVn.  The  chapter  illustrates  the  difliculty  experi- 
enced by  Lk.  in  using  the  material  at  his  disposal. 
He  here  brings  together  without  any  clear  connexion 
of  thought  a  selection  of  sayings  of  Christ,  mostly 
paralleled  in  Mt.,  together  with  a  miracle. 

XVn,  If.  stumbUng-blocks.  Mk.  942*,  Mt.  186f.» 
(note  the  reversed  order). — 3.  Take  heed  to  yourselves 
probably  belongs  to  2. 

XVn;  3f.  The  Duty  of  Forgiveness  (Mt.  I815, 
2if  .*). — Mt.  is  altogether  fuUer  and  adds  the  illustrative 
parable. 

XVU.  5f.  The  Power  of  Faith  (Mk.  Il22f.*,  Mt. 
1720,  2I21*). — Mt.  connects  the  sajnng  with  the  disciples' 
failure  to  cast  out  demons,  and  again  (like  Mk.)  with 
the  withering  of  the  fig  tree.  Note  that  Lk.  has  a 
tree  here  ("  sycamine, "/.e.  fig,  or  perhaps  mulberry) 
for  Mt.  and  Mk.s  "  mountaui." 

XVU.  7-10.  Parable  of  the  Servant  Plowing  (Lk. 
only). — "You  do  not  wait  on  your  slaves,  so  why 
should  you,  who  aie  Gods  slaves,  claim  any  reward 
for  what  you  do  in  His  service  ?  '"  Syr.  Sin.  omits 
"  improfitable  "  in  10  ;  the  stress  in  any  case  is  on 
the  noun.  It  is  interesting  to  find  Jesus  speaking 
of  God  and  man  as  Master  and  slave  (Mt.  2I28-32*). 
Whatever  good  a  man  can  do  ho  can  never  exceed 
his  obhgation.  Merit  does  not  live  from  man  to  God  ; 
what  we  receive  from  Him  is  all  of  grace.  Cf.  the 
complementary  teaching  of  I237.  Merx  suggests  that 
(i  originally  ran  "Has  that  servant  any  'thank'  (i.e. 
special  favour,  cJ.  632(1.)  because,"  etc. 

XVII.  11-19.  Healing  of  Ten  Lepers.— A  time  note 
is  introduced  (11)  to  remind  us  that  Lk.  is,  in  this 
main  section  of  his  Gospel  (951-I814),  professedly 
deaUng  with  the  journey  to  Jerusalem  though  Jesus 


LUKE,  XVIII.  35-43 


737 


is  not  far  advanced  on  it  (see  below  on  ii).  Lk.  alone 
givea  ue  this  incident.  If  it  is  a  variant  of  5i2-i6 
(  =  jVIk.  1 40-4  5,  Mt.  81-4)  it  is  a  very  wide  one.  The 
sufferers  are  healed  without  a  touch  {cf.  Naaman, 
2  K.  5ii).  Of  the  ten  only  one  shows  any  gratitude, 
and  he  is  a  Samaritan,  a  "  foreigner  "  as  compared  with 
Jews.  This  incident  thus  typifies  the  C  entile  ap- 
preciation of  Christianity  in  contrast  with  the  Jewish 
disregard  of  it. 

11.  the  midst  of  Samaria  and  Galilee,  the  boundary 
between  the  two  districts,  perhaps  in  the  valley  of 
Bothshan  leading  to  the  Jordan. 

XVII.  20-37o  Apocalyptic  Sayings.— There  are  sev- 
eral parallels  with  Mt.  24.  In  ch.  21  Lk.  takes  up  the 
subject  again. 

20f.,  addressed  to  the  Pharisees,  is  found  in  Lk.  only. 
To  a  question  about  time  Jesus  gives  an  answer  about 
maimer.  The  Kingdom  is  not  coming  "  as  you  hope 
to  catch  sight  of  it "  (Moffatt). — with  observation : 
so  that  its  signs  can  be  externally  seen  or  foreseen. 
Only  such  tokens  are  given  to  "  this  generation  "  as 
belong  to  the  nature  of  the  Kingdom  itself.  Cf.  Mt. 
1238ff.— 21.  within  you,  i.e.  the  Kingdom  is  here  re- 
garded (a)  as  already  present,  cf.  11 20.  (6)  as  a  spiritual 
principle  working  in  men's  hearts  like  the  leaven  in 
the  meal  (132i).  It  is  strange  that  Jesus  should  eay 
this  to  the  Pharisees,  but  the  "  you  "  is  not  neces- 
sarily confined  to  them.  Some  scholars  insist  that 
Lk.s  preposition  means  "  among  "  ;  even  then  the 
Kingdom  is  already  present  (though  some  hold  that 
Jeeus  only  means  that  it  is  imminent ;  "  you  discuss 
it  and  look  eagerly  for  it,  but  lo !  it  is  upon  j'ou,"  cf. 
i>coii,The Kingdom  and  the  Messiah,  pp.  108f.),  but  only 
in  an  outv^ard  objective  form.  A  further  suggestion 
in  this  direction  is  to  read  "  will  be  "  for  "  is  "  ;  men 
need  not  be  anxious  about  signs,  when  the  Kingdom 
comes  it  wiU  be  suddenly  present  to  all.  This  is  to 
force  the  saying  into  conformity  with  the  following 
section  (esp.  23f.). — 22.  Lk.  only.  A  time  will  come 
when  the  disciples  will  look  in  vain  for  the  Advent ; 
cf.  2  P.  34.— 23f.  Mt.  2423-2  7*.— 25.  Lk.  only  ;  possibly 
an  interpolation.— 26f.  Mt.  2437-39*.— 28-30.  This  ad- 
ditional illustration  from  the  destruction  of  Sodom  ia 
given  by  Lk.  only.— 31f.  Mk.  ISisf-*,  Mt.  24i7f.* 
Lk.  clinches  the  warning  by  a  reference  to  Lot's  wife, 
whose  fate  was  due  to  her  reluctance  to  leave  her 
propertj'.  The  verees  have  a  better  context  in  Mk. 
(flight  from  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem). — 33.  Cf. 
924,  Mk.  835,  Mt.  IO39,  Jn.  1225.  —  gain:  preserve 
for  oneself. — preserve  :  endue  it  with  life. — 34f.  Mt. 
(2440)  sets  the  two  men  in  tho  field  ;  some  inferior 
authorities  (cf.  AV)  add  this  here  as  36. — taken  : 
saved  from  the  catastrophe  ;  left :  to  be  overwhelmed, 
to  perish  as  those  who  are  slain  and  devoured  by  the 
carrion  vultures. — 37.  Sit.  2428*.  Wherever  there  is 
corruption  (as  in  the  world  of  Noah  and  Lot),  the 
Advent  with  its  Judgment  will  be  operative.  The 
saying  holds  true  of  morally  dead  hearis  and  of  decadent 
nations.  It  may  not  be  unnecessary  to  note  again 
that  in  this  chapter  Lk.  ia  stringing  together  sayings 
uttered  on  various  occasions  and  having  reference  to 
different  aspects  of  the  commg  of  the  Son  of 
Man. 

XVm.  iS.  Parable  of  the  Unrighteous  Judge  (Lk. 
only). — There  is  a  connexion  with  tho  preoodinL'  tmyuige; 
the  Advent  may  be  delayed,  yet  tho  disciples  should 
incessantly  pray  for  it — it  will  surely  come.  The 
parable  has  a  specific  point,  it  is  not  simply  an  ex- 
hortation to  prayer  hke  11 5-8.  There  is  a  striking 
parallel  with  Ecclus.  Hoi 2-1 9,  even  to  tho  idea  of 
vengeance  on  enemies  of  the  community  and  the  faith. 


The  parable  is  constructed  on  the  a  fortiori  principle. 
God  is  not  compared  to  but  contrasted  with  an  imjust 
judge.  If  the  one  yields  to  the  persistency  of  an 
imknown  widow,  how  much  more  will  the  other  hear 
and  answer  His  own  chosen  people,  though  it  is  not 
merely  because  they  pray  that  He  will  punish  the 
persecutor.  Note  the  use  of  "  the  Lord  "  for  Jesus  in 
6,  as  in  7i3,  IO39,  I242,  13i5,  176,  226i.     Cf.  168f. 

5.  wear  me  out:  aimoy  or  pester  me,  lit.,  "hit  me 
under  the  eye  "  ;  "  buffet '"  as  in  1  Co.  927. — 7.  and 
he  is  long-suffering  over  them:  either  («)  will  He 
delay  His  vengeance  in  their  case  ?  or  (b)  wiU  He  be 
tolerant  towards  them  (the  wicked)  ? — Sb.  The  note 
of  encouragement  is  followed  by  one  of  warning.  It 
is  not  enough  to  pray  for  the  Parousia ;  see  that  you 
are  ready  for  it.  There  is  no  doubt  about  the  Coming, 
there  is  grave  doubt  about  the  state  of  the  world  at 
the  Coming.  "  Who  shall  stand  when  He  ap- 
peareth  ?  " 

9-14.  Parable  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Publican  {1±. 
only). — In  9  we  should  perhaps  translate  "  concerning 
those  who  trusted,"  etc.  The  parable,  not  neces- 
sarily spoken  on  the  same  occasion  as  the  preceding 
one,  also  deals  with  Prayer,  though  with  its  spirit 
rather  than  its  subject.  When  ye  pray,  think  not  so 
much  of  the  sins  of  others  as  of  your  own.  The  Pharisee 
draws  a  rigid  line  between  himself  (and  his  class)  and 
"the  rest  of  men  "  ;  they  are  outside  the  pale.  His 
praj^er  is  the  prototype  of  that  of  Bums's  Holy  WiUie. 
Fasting,  though  only  enjoined  by  the  Law  for  the  Day 
of  Atonement,  was  regularly  practised  by  many  Jews ; 
cf.  Mt.  616*.  In  the  matter  of  tithes  also  they  went 
beyond  the  farm  crops  suggested  in  Nu.  I821  ;  cf. 
Mt.  2323. 

13.  smote  is  really  "  kept  on  smiting.'" — 14.  justified : 
not  "made  righteous"  but  "deemed  righteous";  cf. 
Sanday  and  Headlam,  Romans,  p.  30f.  There  is  no 
Pauline  dogma  here,  only  a  statement  that  in  what 
was  "a  sort  of  unconscious  lawsuit"  God  decides  in 
favour  of  the  tax-gatherer  and  his  prayer. — shall  be 
humbled,  exalted :  t.e.  in  the  Judgment.  The  parable 
is  one  of  the  most  characteristic  pieces  of  Jesus' 
teaching  ;  it  is  a  commentary  on  the  Beatitudes  about 
the  poor  in  spirit,  the  meek,  and  them  that  himger 
for  righteousness. 

Lk.  has  now  come  to  the  end  of  his  "  great  insertion," 
and  once  more  follows  Mk.  as  his  chief  source. 

XVm.  15-17.  Jesus  Blesses  the  Children  (Mk. 
IO13-16*,  Mt.  1913-15*). — Lk.  makes  the  children 
babes. 

XVUI.  18-30.  The  Great  Refusal  and  the  Obstacle 
of  Riches  (Mk.  IO17-31*,  Mt.  I916-30*).— Lk.  de- 
scribes tho  inquirer  as  a  ruler  (probably  of  the  local 
synagogue),  and  unlike  Mt.  keeps  Mk.'s  words  in  i8f. 
27  is  a  wider  saying  than  the  parallels.  In  29  Lk. 
adds  "  wife ' '  and  gives  "  for  the  Kingdom  of  Gods 
sake  ■■  in  place  of  "for  the  Gospel's  sake"  (Mk.), 
or  '■  for  my  name's  sake  ""  (Mt.). 

XVIU.  31-34.  Prediction  of  the  Passion  (Mk. 
IO32-34*,  Mt.  2O17-19*). — This  prediction  is  the  third 
in  Mk.  and  Mt.,  the  fourth  in  Lk..  I725  being  added 
to  922.44. — 34  is  repeated  from  945. — In  316  there  is 
an  addition  wliich  speaks  of  the  fulfilment  of  pro- 
phecy. 

XVIII.  35-43.  A  BUnd  Man  Healed  (Mk.  1046-52*, 
Mt.  2O29-34*). — There  is  one  man  as  in  3Ik.,  but  the 
name  (Bartima;us)  is  not  given.  Unlike  Mk.  and  Mt., 
Lk.  says  the  incident  occurred  as  Jesus  was  entering 
(not  leaving)  Jericho.  Loisy  tliinks  the  change  was 
made  to  explain  the  presence  of  the  crowd  in  Jericho. 

24 


788 


LUKE.  XIX.  1-27 


XIX.  1-27.  Lk.  horo  insortB  an  incident  and  a  parable 
between  Mk.  lOs^  and  Hi. 

XIX.  1-10.  Jesus  and  Zacchaus  (Lk.  only)— The 
incident  is  akin  to  that  of  Levi,  r>27-32.  The  ti"oe 
wkiLh  Zacch;«u8  used  was  a  li^'-mulberry,  one  with 
a  sliort  trunk  and  horizontal  branches.  Joeus.  seeing 
him  there,  probably  asked  the  bystanders  who  he  was, 
and  at  once  sees  a  way  of  rcdeeniinL'  an  outcast.  He 
aslcs  liospitality  of  liim,  and  enjoys  it,  to  the  vexation 
of  all.  not  simply  of  Scribes  and  Phaiisoes.  The  tax- 
gatherer  is  pricked  in  liis  heart,  regards  his  wealth  as 
the  product  of  injustice,  and  makes  the  restitution 
demanded  in  the  Law,  e.<j.  Ex.  22i,  as  well  as  a  promise 
to  distribute  half  his  property  in  charity. 

9.  UHto  him  :  possibly  "  of  him.'  It  is  a  nice  ques- 
tion whether  Zacchccus  represents  the  Gentile  world, 
now  admitted  to  the  household  of  Israel,  or  whether 
Jesus  means  that  his  offensive  occupation  had  not 
cancelled  liia  Jewish  biilhright,  esiwcially  since  his 
promise  of  reparation.  We  may  note  that  Zacchaeufl 
was  not  called  to  "  leave  all  "and  follow  Jesus. 

XIX.  11-27.  Parable  of  the  Talents  (Mt.  2514-30*). 
— There  are  some  differences  in  the  two  versions.  In 
IJi.  the  "man"  of  Mt.  becomes  a  prince  who  (like 
the  sons  of  Herod  the  Great)  journeys  (to  Rome)  to 
have  his  title  and  dominions  confirmed.  Ho  Jesus 
departs  to  heaven  to  be  invested  with  the  Messianic 
Ivingdom.  xVll  the  sers-ants  (ten  in  number)  receive  the 
same  endowment  (contrast  Mt.),  a  "jiound  "  ("mina,"' 
100  drachmae,  say  £3,  15s.;  Mt.'s  "talent"  was  worth 
(30  minaj).  The  protest  of  the  citizens  (14)  had  an 
historical  precedent  in  the  deputation  of  fifty  Jews 
that  besought  the  Emperor  not  to  instal  Archelaus  on 
the  throne  of  Judica.  Similarly  the  claim  of  Joeua 
had  been  objected  to.  Lk.  may  be  thinking  of  the 
refusal  of  the  Jews  to  recogtdse  the  Risen  Jesus  as  the 
Messiah.  The  reward  (Mt.  012*)  of  faithful  service  is 
association  in  rule  ;  rf.  Mt.  1928.  27  stands  related  to 
the  parable  much  as  Mt.  2030*  does  to  Mt.'s  version  ; 
with  it  contrast  Mt.  044.  A  comparison  of  the  tuo 
forms  suggests  that  Lk.  has  graftod  another  parable  on 
to  that  of  the  taicnta.  1 1  shows  that  the  main  teaching 
is  (as  in  Mt.)  the  duty  of  using  in  the  best  possible 
way  the  interval  (wliich  may  bo  long,  despite  the 
entry  into  .Jemsalem)  before  tho  Parousia. 

XIX.  28-40.  The  Triumphal  Entry  (Mk.  lli-ii% 
Mt.  2I1-11*). — There  is  nothing  i)eculiar  in  Lk.'s 
narrative  except  2S,  which  recalls  95 1,  till  we  come  to 
37.  There  the  crowd  is  defined  as  consisting  of  dis- 
ciples, and  their  exultation  ascribed  to  the  "  mighty 
works  wliich  they  had  seen.'"  386  reminds  us  of  2i4, 
though  here  we  have  "  peace  in  heaven  "  (cj.  Job  252), 
part  of  Lk.'s  paraphrase  of  Hosanna. 

39f.  Lk.  only.  Syr.  Sin.  omits  "  of  the  Pharisees." 
The  verses  are  Lk.'s  equivalent  for  Mt.  21i5f..  the 
praise  of  the  children.  Jesus  accepts  the  acclaiming 
homage  of  the  crowd  as  Divinely  ordained. 

XIX.  41-44.  The  FaU  of  Jerusalem  Predicted  (Lk. 
only). — CJ-  the  words  of  Jesus  to  the  "daughters  of 
Jerusalem,"'  2328-31.  The  passage  takes  the  place 
of  the  withering  of  the  fig-tree  narrated  by  Mk.  and 
Mt.,  which  Lk.  has  already  dealt  with  in  different 
fashion.  186-9.  The  use  of  the  word  '*  bank  "  (43),  '•''• 
rampart,  has  been  held  to  show  that  the  prediction, 
if  not  composed,  was  at  least  revised,  aft«r  the  Fall 
of  Jerusalem. 

44.  "  Vou  would  not  understand  when  God  was 
visiting  you  '"  (Moffatt) ;  visitation  is  a  neutral  term, 
here  denoting  the  dav  of  opportunitv  and  testing. 

XIX.  45-48.  The'  Cleansing  of  the  Temple  (Mk. 
Ili5-i9*,  Mt.   2Ii3f.*). — Lk.  abbreviates;   only  the 


sellers  are  ejected.  Joaus  teaches  daily  in  the  Temple, 
a  statement  repeated  at  20 1  and  21 37.  48  points 
to  the  popularity  of  Jesus  in  Jerusalem,  c/.  21 38, 
2327.48- 

XX.  1-8.  The  Question  of  Authority  (Mk.  11 27-3  3*, 
Mt.  2I23-27*). — The  only  additional  point  to  notice 
in  Lk.  is  that  Jesus  was  not  only  teaching  but  "  preach- 
ing the  Gospel,"  proclaiming  the  good  news  of  the 
Kingdom. 

XX.  9-19.  The  Parable  of  the  Vineyard  (Mk. 
12i-i2*.  Mt.  2I33-46*). — Lk.  omits  the  details  of  the 
prcpaiution  of  the  vineyard,  and  he  confines  the  fate 
of  death  to  the  "  beloved  son."'  He  alone  givea  the 
exclamation  of  the  hearei-s  "God  forbid"  (16),  a 
piotest  against  the  idea  that  Israel  should  be  over- 
thrown and  dispossessed.  This  is  very  different  from 
Mt.,  who  makes  the  hearers  pass  judgment  on  them- 
selves. 

XX.  20-26.  The  Question  of  Tribute  (Mk.  1213-17*. 
Mt.  2215-22*). — The  authoritiee  send  spies  who  pretend 
to  be  honest  inquirere,  pious  observers  of  the  Law, 
w  ith  a  really  conscientious  scruple. 

21.  thou  sayest  and  teachest  rightly,  i.e.  straight- 
forwardly. 

XX.  27-40.  The  Question  of  the  Resurrection  Life 
(Mk.  12I8-27^  Mt.  2223-33*).— The  first  pecuharity 
in  Lk.'s  account  is  34,  35a.  the  contrast  between  people 
in  this  world  and  those  deemed  worthy  to  attain  the 
other  world  and  the  resurrection  (which,  as  in  14i4, 
seems  limited  to  the  righteous).  In  36  there  is  a 
further  addition  ;  in  tho  other  world  men  and  women 
do  not  die,  hence  thej'  need  not  (and  so  do  not)  marrj'. 
They  are  "  sons  of  the  resunvction,"  i.e.  have  the 
characteristics  of  the  risen  and  endless  life.  With  37f., 
especially  "  all  live  unto  Him,"  c/.  4  Mac.  7i8f. — "  as 
many  as  make  righteousness  their  first  thought  are 
able  to  master  the  weakness  of  the  flesh,  behoving  that 
unto  God  they  die  not,  as  our  patriarchs.  A.  and  I. 
and  J.  died  not,  but  that  they  five  unto  God."  Simi- 
larly 4  Mac.  I625,  of  the  seven  brother  martyrs,  who 
knew  that  ''men  dj-ing  for  God  five  umto  God,  as  live 
A.  and  I.  and  J.,  and  all  the  Patriarchs."  The  mean- 
ing seems  to  be  that  the  pious  dead,  even  before  the 
Judgment,  when  tho  world  regards  them  as  dead, 
live  with  God  in  true  bliss.  39  is  in  Lk.  only.  Witli 
40  cJ.  Mk.  1234.  Mt.  2246,  also  Lk.  146.  Lk.  has  ahtjady 
(IO25-28)  dealt  with  the  question  of  the  greatest  com- 
mandment which  Mk.  and  Mt.  uisert  here. 

XX.  41-44.  Is  Messiah  David  s  Son  ?  (Mk.  1235-37*. 
Mt.  2241-46*). — Lk.'s  vei-sion  is  tho  shortest  of  the 
three.  It  is  not  thoroughly  clear  that  Jesus  implies 
that  Messiah  is  not  descended  from  David  (note  His 
acceptance  of  the  title  "  Son  of  David."  I838).  He 
may  have  meant  simply  that  the  common  opinion  of 
the  Scribes  needeil  explanation.  Spitta  connects  41 
with  36,  and  finds  in  the  cUfficulty  about  David  and 
the  Messiah  a  parallel  to  the  difficulty  about  tho  wife 
in  the  Resurrection.  Tho  solution  is  that  in  descent 
Messiah  is  Davids  son,  but  in  tho  coming  age  ("that 
world  "),  where  physical  relationships  are  abrogated, 
the  Messiah  will  be  David's  Lord. 

XX.  4&-47.  Condemnation  of  Scribes.— Almost 
identical  with  Mk.  I25S-40*;  much  expanded  in 
Mt.  23*. 

XXI.  1-4.  The  Widow  s  Two  Mites.— With  some 
abbreviation  Lk.  closeiv  follows  Mk.  1241-44*. 

5-36.  The  Eschatologlcal  Discourse  (Mk.  13*.  Mt. 
24*). — Lk.  follows  .Mk.,  though  with  certain  modifica- 
tions and  ampUfications.  In  Mt..  Mk.  is  blended 
with  Q,  but  Lk.  has  alrcadv  used  the  Q  material  in 
ch.  17. 


LUKE,  XXII.  24-30 


739 


The  following  table  shows  the  parallels  ; 


Introduction 

First  Signs  of  the  End 

Persecution 

The  Fall  of  Jenisalem 

Natural  commotions  , 

The  Summer  and  the 

Kingdom     . 


r  20 

I   2i 


Lk.  21. 

5-7 

8-11 
12-19 
23 


Mk.  13.  Mt.  24, 

1-4  1-3 

5-8  4-8 

9-13  9-14  (IO17-21) 

14-20  15-22 

For  21-33  For  23-28 


(Lk.  only)       </.  Lk.  1720-125 
20-28  24-27  29-31 


29-31  28f.  32f. 

32f.  30-32  34-36 

Concluding  injunctions      34-30  (Lk.  only,  but  cf. 
33-37) 

8.  I  am  he,  i.e.  for  whom  you  are  looking,  the  man 
you  expect.  It  is  curious  that  the  saying  "  the  time 
is  at  hand,"  should  be  a  mark  of  deception.  It  reveals 
the  later  date  at  which  Lk.  was  writing. — 9.  Note  Lk.'s 
additions  to  ilk..  "  first  "  and  "  immediately." — 12. 
before  ail  these  things :  Lk.  hero  sUps  into  history 
disguiseid  as  prediction  (in  25  he  returns  to  prediction). 
In  Mk.  it  is  implied  that  the  persecutions  are  con- 
temporaneous with  the  wars,  etc. — 13.  "That  will 
turn  out  an  opportumty  for  you  to  bear  witness  " 
(Moffatt) ;  "it  will  end' for  j'ou  in  martyrdom"'  (J. 
Weiss).— 14.  Cf.  12iif.*.— 15.  a  mouth,  i.e.  words. 
The  promise  had  been  fulfilled  in  Peter  and  John, 
Stephen  and  Paul,  when  Lk.  wrote. — 18f.  Lk.'s  sub- 
stitute for  ' '  he  that  endureth  to  the  end  shall  be 
saved." — 18  apparently  contradicts  the  end  of  16; 
it  may  refer  to  the  real  (spiritual)  victory  and  weU- 
being  of  the  confessors,  and  have  the  same  meaning  as 
19,  whore  patience  is  endurance,  steadfast  holding  out. 
The  soul,  the  true  life,  is  to  be  won  in  the  conflict  (RV 
is  much  to  be  preferred  here  to  A'V).  Or  18  (and  19) 
may  be  a  word  of  hope  for  Ijk.'s  contemporaries,  whilo 
16  may  look  back  to  some  who  had  actually  met 
death.— 20.  Lk.  omits  the  reference  to  the  "  abomination 
of  desolation,"  though  using  the  latter  word. — 22  is 
pecuhar  to  Lk.  (and  may  have  behind  it  Mi.  812). — 24. 
Lk.  only.  The  best  commentary  on  this  verse  is  the 
description  of  the  siege  and  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  Jose- 
phus. — times  of  the  Gentiles :  an  apocaljTDtic  catch- 
word ;  the  period  set  for  the  Roman  Empire. — 25. 
Jerusalem  has  fallen,  but  the  end  is  not  yet.  Grim 
portents  will  usher  it  in  ;  for  the  language  cf.  Is.  13io, 
Jl.  2 10.  These  calamities  are  to  inspire  the  Christians 
with  hope.  As  the  sprouting  of  the  trees  indicates 
the  approach  of  summer,  so  these  dire  happenings 
betoken  the  Parousia  which  Ls  to  efiFect  their  dehver 
ance  and  salvation  from  all  the  woes  they  have  been 
enduring. — 34ff.  Lk.'s  substitute  for  the  saying  that 
"  no  one  knows  the  day  or  the  hour."  It  runs  oflF 
into  the  injunction  to  "watch  "  which  we  find  in  Mk. 
and  Mt.,  though  this  also  id  given  in  Lk.'s  own  form. 
— of  this  life:  the  Gr.  adjective  thus  translated  is 
found  in  the  papvri  in  the  sense  of  husines-t  (documents) 
or  lirrlihood.—m.  Cf.  1  Jn.  228.— 37f.  Cf.  Mk.  11 19. 
Mt.  21 17  says  Jesus  slept  at  Bethany,  but  not  neces- 
sarily more  than  one  night. 

XXII.  If.  The  Decision  of  the  Chief  Priests  (Mk. 
14if.*,  Mt.  26i-5*). — 1.  The  feast  of  unleavened  broad 
(Nisan  l.')-21)  was  really  distmct  from  the  Passover 
(Nisan  14),  though  the  close  association  of  the  two  led 
them  to  be  spoken  of  as  one,  and  even  identified  by 
Gentiles  Hko  Luke.     Cf.  p.  10:?. 

3-6.  The  Betrayal  of  Jesus  (Mk.  Hiof.*.  Mt. 
2614-16*). — Lk.  oniite  the  anointing  of  Jesus,  having 
recorded  a  similar  incident  in  736-50.  Special  pointa 
in  Lk.'s  narrative  hero  are  the  Satanic  poeseesion  of 
Judaa   {cf.   Jn.    132),    the   mention   of    the   captains 


(officers  of  the  Temple  guard),  and  the  explanation 
of  the  convenient  sea.son. 

7-13.  Preparation  for  the  Last  Supper  (Mk.  Ui2-i6*, 
Mt.  2617-19*). — Lk.  follows  Mk.  more  fully  than  Mt. 
does.     The  names  of  the  Uvo  disciples  are  given. 

14-20.  The  Last  Supper  (Mk.  1422-25*,  Mt.  26 
26-29*). — Henceforth  Lk.  seems  to  be  using  another 
source  in  addition  to  (and  in  preference  to)  Mk.  Tlio 
revelation  of  the  treachery  of  Judas  is  deferred  till 
after  the  bread  and  the  cup.  15-18  seems  to  describo 
the  Passover  meal  (but  see  below) ;  the  eating  of 
unleavened  bread  is  implied  in  16,  as  the  drinking  of 
the  Passover  cup  is  expressed  in  17-  Then  in  19  (after 
Jesus'  last  Passover)  wo  have  the  institution  of  tho 
new  rite  in  woixis  closely  resembling  1  Cor.  Il24f. 
Of  this  bread  and  cup  Jesus  does  not  partake.  Note 
that  Mk.  separates  the  Passover  from  the  Last  Meal  by 
inserting  the  prediction  of  the  betrayal  between  them. 
Codex  Bezoa  omits  the  latter  part  of  1 9  (after  *'  body"" ; 
cf.  Mk.)  and  all  of  20.  With  this  reading,  16  is  intro- 
ductory, and  17  begins  the  institution  of  the  new  rite, 
which  is  not  separated  from  the  old  Passover  meal. 
The  bread  follows  tho  cup  as  in  I  Cor.  IO16.  The 
bread  is  the  body  of  Jesus,  but  nothing  is  said  of  the 
cup  being  His  blood.  WeUhausen  goes  further  and 
excises  the  whole  of  19  (and  20).  In  his  view  isf., 
apparently  referring  to  the  Passover,  really  refers  to 
the  bread,  and  corresponds  with  Mk.  1422,  just  as  i7f. 
(the  cup)  =  Mk.  I425.  There  is  a  parallelism  between 
16  and  18  which  should  be  preserved,  and  tho  sugges- 
tion is  that  both  refer  to  the  Last  Supper,  which  ia 
assimilated  by  Lk.  to  the  Passover.  There  is  no 
institution  of  a  new  rite  ;  igf.,  which  alone  deals  with 
this,  is  a  subsequent  insertion  due  to  a  feeling  that 
the  rite  must  have  originated  with  Jesus.  The  reading 
of  Codex  Bezse  in  19a  is  just  an  attempt  (from  1  Cor. 
II24,  like  the  fuller  text  in  Lk.)  to  mention  the  bread, 
omitted  in  15-18.  If  we  accept  it  we  must  accept  the 
rest  of  19  and  20.  The  difficulty  of  the  view  is  that 
16  is  hardly  a  good  substitute  for  ilk.  1422,  and  that 
according  to  it  Jesus  makes  no  reference  to  His  own 
body  or  His  blood. 

15.  With  desire  I  have  desired,  etc.  This  may  mean, 
"  I  have  earnestly  desired,  but  am  not  able,"  etc. 
(JThS  Lx,  569).  "  My  next  Passover  meal  will  be 
the  Messianic  Ijanquet."  If  we  can  so  interpret  the 
words,  they  confirm  the  Fourth  Gospels  contention 
that  Jesus  suffered  on  the  14th  of  Nisan.  about  the  time 
when  the  Paschal  lambs  were  slain  for  the  Passover 
meal  in  the  evening,  which  began  the  15th  of  Nisan. 
Jesus'  meal  was  therefore  not  a  Passover,  but  took  place 
on  the  preceding  evening  (beginning  of  14th  Nisan; 
cf.  p.  653). — 20.  tho  new  covenant  in  my  blood :  cf.  Jer. 
3I31,  Ex.  248.  The  wine  svmbolises  tho  self-sacrifice 
of  Jesus,  which  effects  and  seals  the  now  covenant. 

XXII.  21-23.  Jesus  Reveals  the  Treachery  (Mk. 
14i8-2i*,  Mt.  2621-25*). 

21.  The  word  translated  "  but  "  is  one  frequently 
used  by  Lk.  as  a  transition  particle  ;  there  is  no  close 
connexion  with  tho  preceding  verse. — 22.  Cf.  Mk. 
1421  ;  tho  change  from  "as  it  is  written  "  to  "  as  it 
hath  been  determined  "  is  perhaps  due  to  Lk.'s  in- 
abihty  to  find  an  ()T  prediction. 

XXII.  24-30.  The  Christian  Standard  of  Greatness 
(Mk.  1042-45*.  Mt.  2O25-28*,  192S*.  Cf.  also  Lk. 
946). — Lk.  here  goes  back  to  a  discussion  recorded  much 
earlier  by  ilk.,  who  connects  it  with  tho  n-quest  of 
James  and  John  for  precedence  in  the  Mcesianic 
Kingdom.  Tho  connexion  in  Lk.  is  piobably  with 
reference  to  the  apparently  near  advent  of  the  King- 
dom in  16,  18. 


740 


LUKE,  XXII.  25 


25.  benefactors:  there  is  irony  in  the  use  of  this  t«rm, 
a  title  that  had  been  Ixjrne  by  Antiochus  Vll  of 
Syria,  Ptolemy  III,  and  Ptolemy  VII.  The  last- 
named  (145-117  B.C.)  was  a  particularly  cruel  despot. 
— 26.  This  form  of  Jesus'  saying  (e.g.  "  is  "  instead 
of  "  would  be  "■)  seems  to  assume  the  existence  of  the 
early  Church.  Christ  recognises  degrees  of  great- 
ness, but  they  are  based  on  the  measiiro  of  humble 
service  rendered.  "The  younger"  answers  to  "he 
that  doth  serve'"  (r/.  Ac.  56,io).  Instead  of  "the 
yoimger,"  Codex  Bezoe  has  "  the  less,"  and  Syr.  Sin. 
'  the  little." — 27  is  pecuUar  to  IJc.,  and  takes  the 
place  of  Mk.  IO45.  It  finds  apt  illustration  in  Jn. 
134-17  ;  there  could  be  no  dispute  that  Jesus  was 
the  greater  and  the  chief,  yet  Ho  waits  on  the  others 
like  a  servant. — 28-30.  This  promise  of  special  honour 
to  the  Twelve  looks  like  Mt.  19^8,  adapted  to  connect 
with  24-27—28.  they  which  have  continued :  the  Gr. 
connotes  unswerving  lovalt}- ;  temptations :  in  the 
general  sense  of  trials  and  troubles. — 29.  I  appoint: 
or  I  assign  ;  the  word  is  used  of  maldng  (a)  a  covenant, 
{b)  a  will. — a  kingdom :  better  kingship,  sovereignty, 
dominion. — Perhaps  wo  should  translate  29f.,  "  And 
as  mj'  Father  assigned  me  sovereignty,  so  I  assign  you 
(the  right)  to  eat  and  drink,"  etc.  The  promise  as  it 
Btands  includes  Judas,  which  shows  that  IJi.  has  got 
the  wrong  setting;  this  is  why  he  writes  "thrones" 
instead  of  "  twelve  thrones."  Cf.  Exp.  Ap.  and  May 
1918. 

31-34.  Jesus  Foretells  Peter's  Denial  (Jlk.  1427-31*, 
Mt.  2631-35*).— Contrast  3if.  with  Mk.  and  Mt.  ("All 
ye  shall  bo  offended,"  etc.). 

31.  Satan  asked :  the  verb  implies  that  the  request 
(which  was  for  all  the  disciples)  was  successful,  ("Satan 
has  procured  to  bo  given  up  to  him  " — Field)  :  the 
case  is  similar  to  that  of  Job.  But  on  the  other  hand 
Jesus  has  prayed  (sjaichronously  with  Satan's  request) 
that  Peter  at  least  should  not  utterly  fail.  He  will 
fall,  but  he  will  rise  again,  and  must  then  strengthen 
the  others.  The  passage  may  be  compared  with  Mt. 
I617-19  ;  both  show  how  Simon  becomes  Peter. 

35-38.  In  these  verses  (Lk.  only)  Jesus  announces  a 
change  of  method  from  that  advocated  in  93,  IO4. 
Montefiore  soundly  says  35f.  must  be  considered  apart 
from  37  and  especially  from  38.  It  is  not  a  counsel 
to  resist  the  coming  arrest  of  Jesus,  but  to  prepare 
for  the  new  missionary  expeiienccs  awaiting  tnem 
after  His  death,  when,  instead  of  the  welcome  ac- 
corded them  on  their  first  tour,  they  will  have  to  make 
their  way  in  the  face  of  opposition  and  hostility.  The 
Bword  is  thus  probably  metaphorical.  Tliis  seems 
preferable  to  J.  Weis-ss  idea  that  Jesus  is  tliinking  of 
the  fire  He  is  gomg  to  kindle  at  Jerusalem  (I249)  : 
it  will  be  fatal  to  Himself,  but  He  hopes  the  others 
will  be  able  to  hack  then-  way  through.  37  means  that 
the  curtain  is  about  to  be  rung  down  on  Jesus'  life. 
The  connexion  with  35!.  is  that  thus  a  new  (and 
dangerous)  chapter  is  to  open  for  His  followers. — hath 
fuiniment:  better  "hath  an  end."  38  has  to  do  with 
immediate  events.  It  may  be  the  genesis  of  the  whole 
paragraph.  Jesus  may  have  feared  a  secret  attack  from 
assassins  (so  Pfleiderer)  which  Ho  would  resist,  and 
when  the  disciples  say  they  have  two  swords  in  readi- 
ness He  says  they  will  be  enough.  When  the  real 
danger  disclosed  itself  as  a  formal  arrest  (47!!.),  Ho 
would  not  use  the  sword.  35f.  may  have  been  in- 
serted because  of  the  mention  of  swords,  and  to  explain 
Jesufl'  approval  of  the  weapon.  Or  (with  Burkitl, 
Qck^pd  Hist.,  140)  we  may  connect  38  with  36  bj'  sup- 
posing that  the  disciples  misunderstand  Jesus'  counsel 
for  the  future.     They  produce  their  two  swords,  and 


He,  disappointed  with  their  obtuseness,  dismisfles  the 
subject  with  the  sadly  ironical  words  "Enough,  enough." 
As  it  was  forbidden  to  carry  a  sword  on  feast  days 
we  have  an  indication  that  the  Passover  had  not 
begun  ;  cf.  15S.* 

XXII.  39-46.  Gethsemane  (Mk.  1432-42*,  Mt. 
2636-46*). — Lk.  does  not  mention  the  name  of  the 
place,  and  gives  only  one  prayer  of  Jesus.  He  is 
evidently  following  some  source  other  than  Mk. 

40.  The  Gr.  lends  some  colour  to  the  suggestion 
that  the  original  words  were  ' '  Pray  that  I  come  not 
into  temptation." — 43  and  44  would  be  more  natural 
in  the  reverse  order.  They  are  not  found  in  the  best 
MSS.,  but  are  very  early  (Justin  Martyr,  a.d.  1.50, 
knew  their  contents),  and  probably  a  fragment  of 
genuine  Gospel  tradition. — 46.  for  sorrow :  contrast 
Mk.  "  for  their  eyes  were  very  heavv." 

XXII.  47-53.  The  Arrest  (Mk.  I443-52*,  Mt. 
2647-56*). — In  Lk.'s  account  Jesus  prevents  Judas 
from  giving  the  kiss.  The  resistance  precedes  the 
arrest  (contrast  Mk.,  Mt.). 

51.  Suffer  ye  thus  far:  if  spoken  to  the  officers, 
"  Excuse  this  act  of  resistance  ;  it  will  not  be  repeated," 
or  "  Allow  me  to  heal  the  woimded  man  :  "  if  to  the 
disciples,  "  Let  them  go  on  with  the  arrest,"  or  "  Let 
what  you  have  done  suffice." — 52.  IJc.  makes  the 
chief  priests  and  elders  themselves  present — 53.  this 
Is  your  hour,  etc.  A  Johannine  thought — cf.  Jn. 
819-21,  1235.  The  hour  is  predestined ;  you  are 
children  of  the  night  and  under  cover  of  darkness  do 
the  works  of  darkness,  i.e.  of  evil.  Lk.  is  not  follow- 
ing Mk.,  hence  the  omission  of  the  disciples'  flight  and 
the  incident  of  the  young  man. 

XXU.  53-67.  The  Trial  before  the  Sanhedrln  (Mk. 
1453-65*,  Jit.  2656-68*). — There  are  several  differ- 
ences from  Mk.  Jesus  is  not  taken  into  the  hall  at 
first,  but  remains  in  the  courtyard,  and  is  present  while 
Peter  denies  Him,  so  that  when  the  cock  crowed  "  the 
Lord  turned  and  looked  on  Peter"  (61).  The  denial 
scene  thus  precedes  the  trial.  The  second  challenge 
(58)  is  not  from  the  first  maid  (Mk.),  or  another  maid 
(Mt.),  but  from  a  man.  Peter  does  not  curse  and  swear. 
The  ill-treatment  of  Jesus  (by  the  guard,  not  by  the 
court)  also  precedes  the  trial.  There  is  no  nocturnal 
trial ;  what  Jlk.  and  Mt.  put  immediately  on  the 
arrival  of  Jesus  at  the  high  priests  house  Lk.  pute 
"as  soon  as  it  was  day  "  {cf.  Mk.  15i.  Mt.  27i).  No- 
thing is  said  about  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  or 
the  false  witness.  But  the  questioning  goes  on  from 
"  Art  thou  the  Messiah  ?  "  to  "  Art  thou  the  Son  of 
God  ?  "  apparently  a  greater  (and  more  presumptuous) 
title.  The  answer  of  Jesus  to  the  first  question  is  that 
argument  is  useless  since  the  minds  of  the  judges  are 
made  up.  In  Mk.  He  says  "  I  am."  In  Lk.  again  the 
judges  are  not  to  see  the  coming  of  the  Son  of  Man 
(Mk..  Mt.) ;  by  the  time  Luke  wrote  they  were  dead 
and  had  not  seen  the  Advent.  The  judges  say  that 
the  Son  of  Man  who  sits  at  the  right  hand  of  (the 
power  of)  God  is  the  Son  of  God  ;  Jesus  has  after  all 
more  than  answered  their  question  about  the  Messiali- 
His  answer  to  the  second  question  may  bo  interpreted 
as  "  Have  it  so  if  you  like."  Lk.  does  not  mention 
blasphemy,  but  it  is  implied  as  the  object  of  "  We  have 
hoard."  The  court  does  not  pronounce  any  formal 
verdict.  "  Council  "  =  the  Sanhedrin,  the  supremo 
Jewish  authority.  Its  members  wore  drawn  from 
elders,  chief  priests,  and  scribes. 

XXIII.  1-5.  Jesus  before  Pilate  (Mk.  15i-5*.  Mt. 
27if.,ii-i4*). — Lk.  alone  records  the  charge  against 
Jesus  laid  by  the  Sanhedrin  before  Pilate  ;  its  burden 
was  that  He  was  a  political  agitator,  dangerous  to 


LUKE,  XXrV.  13-35 


741 


Rome.  That  He  forbade  the  payment  of  tribute 
money  was  deliberate  falsehood  (202 1-26). 

3.  This  verse  summarises  Pilates  examination  of 
J08US  (Jn.  I833-38). — Thou  sayest  may  indicate  assent. 
— 4.  Lk.  puts  less  guilt  than  Mk.,  Mt.,  or  Jn.  on  Pilate, 
and  more  on  the  Jews.  He  alone  has  5 .  The  friendli- 
ness of  Roman  authorities  towards  Christianity  is  a 
loading  motive  of  Lk.'s  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

XXUI.  6-16.  Pilate,  Herod,  and  Jesus  (Lk.  only).— 
The  historicity  of  this  incident  has  been  questioned 
on  two  grounds.  (1)  There  was  not  time  for  it 
before  the  Cmcilixion  at  9  a.m.  But  the  Crucifixion 
may  have  been  really  nearer  noon.  (2)  It  seems  made 
(c/.  8)  to  connect  with  Qg.  This  is  not  a  strong  argu- 
ment. For  a  defence  of  the  story,  see  A.  W.  Venall 
In  JThS,  April  1909  (x.  321 ).  Lk.'may  have  found  the 
story  in  some  very  early  form  of  the  Gospel  of  Peter 
and  used  it  as  emphasising  the  innocence  of  JesiiB, 
the  goodwill  of  Pilate,  and  the  insults  of  the  Jewish 
(rather  than  the  Roman)  niler  and  his  guard.  The 
Herod  is  Antipas,  tetrarch  of  Galilee,  and  therefore 
Jesus'  sovereign ;  he  may  have  been  in  Jerusalem 
for  the  Passover.  Jesus  is  silent  when  questioned,  as 
Mk.  (I03-5)  says  He  was  before  Pilate.  When  He  is 
brought  back  to  the  procurator  the  latter  repeats  his 
conviction  of  Jesus'  innocence,  and  sajs  that  Herod 
is  of  the  same  opinion.  Scourging  should  meet  the 
case ;  it  would  at  least  teach  the  accused  to  be  more 
discreet. 

18-25.  Pilate,  Barabbas,  and  Jesus  (Mk.  106-15*, 
Mt.  2715-26*). — Lk.  here  depends  mainly  on  Mk.  17 
(omitted  from  RV)  is  an  explanatory  gloss  from  Mt. ; 
in  some  MSS.  it  is  found  after  19.  The  "  people  "  are 
now  associated  with  the  chief  priests  and  the  rulers. 
Pilate  makes  two  more  vain  attempts  (20,  22)  to  save 
the  victim,  but  the  vehement  shouts  of  the  accusers 
carry  the  day,  and  Pilate  pronounces  the  sentence 
they  demand.  Barabbas  is  set  free  and  Jesus  handed 
over  to  death.  Lk.  omits  the  triple  part  played  by  the 
Roman  soldiers,  the  mocking  (this  is  transferred  to 
Herods  men,  11),  the  scourging,  and  the  leading  to 
execution.     But  see  36. 

XXUI.  26-32.  The  Journey  to  Calvary.— To  the 
incidents  of  Simon  of  Gyrene  and  the  two  malefactors 
(ilk.  1521-27*,  Mt.  2732-38*),  Lk.  adds  that  of  the 
women  of  Jerusalem.  Note  that  the  people  of  the 
city  are  here  sympathisers.  The  episode  recalls  Zech. 
1 2 10-14,  but  need  not  be  based  thereon.  Other  OT 
reminiscences  are  Jer.  22io,  Is.  54i,  Hos.  108,  Ezek.  2O47. 

32.  An  a  fortiori  argument  to  be  interpreted  by  the 
context.  The  women  weep  for  Jesus  while  the  tree 
is  stUl  green  ;  they  should  weep  for  what  will  happen 
when  it  is  dead  and  dry.  "  If  while  there  is  still  hfe 
in  the  nation  such  deeds  are  possible,  what  wiU  happen 
when  that  life  is  withered  and  the  hour  of  doom 
arrives  ?  " 

XXm.  33-43.  The  Crucinxlon  (Mk.  1622-32  *,Mt. 
2733-44*). 

34.  Though  not  found  in  the  best  MSS.  (c/.  2243f.), 
this  may  bo  a  piece  of  genuine  Gospel  tradition,  and 
certainly  represents  the  spirit  of  Jesus.  Cf.  p.  069  and 
Ac.  76o.  The  prayer  includes  Romans  and  Jews  alike. — 
36  seems  to  combine  Mlv.  1023  and  36.  The  discrimina- 
tion between  the  two  criminals  (Dysmas  and  Gestus 
according  to  the  Latin  Acts  of  Pilate)  execute*!  with 
Jesus  is  pecuUar  to  Lk. — 40.  "  Does  not  even  fear  (of 
God,  before  wliom  you  and  He  are  about  to  appear) 
hold  you  back  from  this  new  sin  of  mocking  God's 
anointed  ?  "—42.  In  thy  kingdom,  or  "with  thy  king- 
dnin, '  i.e.  when  Thou  comost  to  reign. — 43.  Paradise, 
Ih.  a  garden  with  fruit  trees,  e.g.  Eden  ;  hence  a  region 


of  heaven  regarded  by  the  later  Jews  as  in  or  just  above 
the  "third  heaven"  (2  Cor.  122,4).  The  suppliant 
receives  more  than  he  asks  ;  this  very  day  he  shall 
have  the  society  of  Jesus  in  a  realm  of  joy  and  peace. 

XXm.  44-49.  The  Death  of  Jesus  (ilk.  1033-41*. 
ilt.  2745-56*)- 

45.  the  suns  light  falling :  the  words  do  not  neces- 
sarily imply  an  ecUpse.  The  rending  of  the  Temple 
veil  is  earlier  than  in  ilk. — 46.  Instead  of  the  cry, 
'■  Eloi,  eloi,"  etc.,  we  have  "  Father,  into  thy  hands," 
etc.,  which  is  also  from  the  Psahns  (3l5).-^7.  The 
centiurion's  words  are  given  in  such  a  form  as  to  con- 
fiiTU  the  Roman  opinion  of  Jesus"  innocence.  His 
confession  was  in  itself  a  glorifj-ing  of  God. — 49.  The 
fii-st  word  should  be  "  but "  ;  a  contrast  is  drawn 
between  the  fiiends  of  Jesus  and  the  crowd.  Accord- 
ing to  Lk.  the  former  were  not  solely  women  :  perhaps 
he  is  influenced  by  "'  prophec}',"  e.g.  Pss.  888,  38ii. 

XXUI.  50-56.  The  Burial  of  Jesus  (ilk.  1042-47*. 
Mt.  2757-61*). — Lk.  tells  us  that  Joseph  had  dissented 
from  the  action  of  his  colleagues  in  the  Sanhedrin. 
Pilate's  assent  to  his  request  is  assumed. 

53.  Codex  Bezje  adds,  "  And  when  he  was  lain 
there,  he  put  against  the  tomb  a  stone  which  twenty 
men  could  scarcely  roll." — 54.  the  Sabbath  drew  on : 
ht.  "  began  to  dawn."  ilontefiore  says  the  word  is 
used  of  the  kindhng  of  the  Sabbath  hghts  (on  Friday 
evening).  Some  such  explanation  is  demanded  by 
the  immediately  previous  statement  that  it  was  the 
day  of  the  Preparation. — 56  looks  as  though  the  women 
prepared  the  spices  on  reaching  home  on  Friday  night, 
I.e.  on  the  Sabbath.  Thoy  might  have  come  to  the 
tomb  on  Saturday  at  sunset  {cf.  ilt.  28 1*),  but  naturally 
deferred  their  task  tOl  the  dayhght  of  Sunday.  If 
Lk.  had  been  a  Jew  he  would  have  put  the  Sabbath 
rest  (24i)  before  the  (purchase  and)  preparation  of  the 
spices  and  ointments,  as  ilk.  (I61)  does.  Note  the 
additional  information  in  55  compared  with  Mk. 
and  ilt. 

XXIV.  1-12.  The  Empty  Tomb  (ilk.  16i-8*,  Mt. 
281-10*). — Lk.  tells  of  '"two  men"  in  place  of  ilk.'s 
'■young  man."'  They  remind  the  women  that  Jeeus 
had  foretold  Hia  resurrection.  Instead  of  the  injunc- 
tion to  meet  Him  in  Galilee,  the  prediction  is  said  to 
have  been  spoken  in  GaUlee.  Lk.  (like  Jn.  apart  from 
21)  does  not  mention  any  resuiTection  appearances 
outside  Jerusalem  and  its  neighbourhood.  The  women 
tell  the  eleven  and  the  other  disciples  (cf.  ilt.,  contrast 
Mk.).  The  disciples  are  incredulous.  According  to 
12,  Peter  goes  to  see  the  tomb  for  himself,  but  the  verse 
is  not  found  in  the  Old  Latin  or  Old  Syriac  versions, 
and  is  probably  a  late  interpolation,  a  summary  of 
Jn.  20 3-10.     Another  statement  is  given  in  24. 

XXIV.  13-35.  The  Appearance  on  the  Way  to  Em- 
maus. — This  exquisite  story  is  told  by  Lk.  only. 
The  village  is  perhaps  the  Animaus  of  Josephus,  the 
modem  Kolonije,  five  miles  W.  from  Jerusalem.  19!. 
describes  Jesus  as  a  prophet  who  His  friends  hoped 
(till  the  hope  was  shattered  by  His  death)  might  prove 
to  be  the  ilessiah.  They  are  shown  that  Scripture 
foretold  Messiah's  death ;  it  was  necessaiy  to  Hia 
glorj-.  That  glory  was  apparently  attaineii  in  the 
moment  of  the  death  {cf.  2342f.).  On  arriving  at 
Emmaus,  Jesus,  in\ntcd  to  ho  a  guest,  becomes  the 
host,  and  then  mysteriously  disappears. — The  reading  of 
Codex  Bezse  in  34,  where  the  construction  of  the  Gr. 
is  awkward,  makes  the  twd  disciples  the  speakers, 
and  suggests  that  the  unnamed  one  was  Peter.  It  is 
remarkable  that  an  appearance  to  Peter  comee  first 
in  Paul's  list  in  1  Cor.  losff.  The  8tor>-  thus  becomes 
Lk.'a  equivalent  for  Jn.  21,  other  parts  of  which  ho  has 


742 


LUKE,  XXIV.  13-35 


used  in  Lk.  6.  But  if  tbia  line  of  argument  is  sound, 
wo  should  have  expected  "  hath  appeared  to  us  two  " 
in  34.  Loisy  thinks  the  story  reflects  the  early  con- 
nexion between  the  resurrection  faith  and  the  Euchar- 
isfcic  breaking  of  bread. 

18.  "Art  thou  a  lone  stranger  in  Jerusalem  not  to 
know  ?  "  etc.  (Moffatt) ;  "  Art  thou  the  only  pilgrim 
in  Jerusalem  who  does  not  know  ?  "  etc.  (Montefiore). 
— 27.  Moses  and  the  prophets :  a  summary  phrase; 
(fuller  in  44)  for  OT. 

XXIV.  36-43.  The  Appearance  at  Jerusalem.— Lk. 
only,  but  cj.  Jn.  2O19-23,  which  is  perhaps  responsible 
for  the  insertion  of  366  and  40,  which  are  omitted  by 
early  and  good  authorities.  The  supposition  of  a 
spirit  dy)  accords  with  the  popular  notion — perhaps 
fostered  by  opponents  of  the  resurrection — that  a 
dead  mans  flimsy  shade  miuht  occasionally  flit  out 
of  Hades  and  show  itself  on  earth.  The  succeeding 
verses  therefore  emphasise  the  corporeality  of  Jesus  ; 
He  has  flesh  and  even  eats.  So  in  Jn.  2O25-27,  and 
perhaps  21 13.  Some  inferior  IVLSS.  add  honey  to  the 
fish.  The  whole  conception  is  at  variance  with  Paul's 
idea  of  the  resurrection- body  (1  Cor.  1537,44,50. 
2  Cor.  01). 

XXIV.  44-59.  The  Last  Words  and  the  Ascension.— 
Jesus  reminds  His  disciples  how  Ho  had  told  them  that 
Scripture  predictions  about  Him  must  be  fulfilled. 
He  goes  over  the  ground  again  (with  45  c/.  27),  and 
adds  that  the  gospel  of  repentance  and  forgiveness 
in  His  name  should  bo  preached  everywhere.  It  is 
not  clear  whether  the  instruction  to  preach  is  regarded 
as  contained  in  the  OT  Scriptures.  Syr.  Sin.  htis 
"  in  my  name,"  and  perhaps  we  should  take  the  Gr. 
infinitive  ("  should  be  preached  ")  as  an  imperative. 

44.  the  psalms :  the  third  division  of  the  Hebrew 
scriptures,  including  other  writings  than  the  Psalter, 
though  this  was  particularly  rich  in  Messianic  pro- 
phecy.— 48.  these  things :  the  death  and  resurrection 
foretold  in  Scripture. — 49.  Lk.  here  points  forward 
to  Ac.  1.  He  has  a  ditferent  tradition  from  the  Galilean 
one  of  Mk.  (and  Mt.) ;  the  disciples  are  to  remain  in 
Jenisalom,  to  receive  the  power  from  heaven  (Jl. 
228). — 50f.  Jeeus  takes  the  disciples  to  Bethany,  and 
while  giving  them  a  benediction  is  parted  from  them. 
The  words  "  and  was  carried  up  into  heaven  "'  are 
omitted  in  some  of  the  best  MSS.,  and  have  probably 


crept  in  from  Ac.  lyf.  Note  that  in  Lk.  everything, 
including  this  final  departure,  seems  to  have  happened 
on  the  same  day  as  the  Resurrection — contrast  the 
forty  days  of  Ac.  I3.  The  harmonists  insert  the 
Galilean  appearances  recorded  in  Mt.  28  and  Jn.  21 
between  43  and  44. — 53.  The  disciples  on  their  return 
spend  practically  all  their  time  in  the  Temple. 

[iSiiice  the  above  oommentary  and  that  on  Acts  were 
printed,  the  criticism  of  the  Luoan  writings  has  pa.s.scd 
into  a  new  stage  with  the  publication  (in  1916)  of 
Prof.  C.  C.  Torrey's  important  work,  The  Composition 
and  Date  of  Acts.  The  author  had  already  in  an  article, 
'•The  Translations  made  from  the  Original  Aramaic 
Gospels"  (Stmlies  in  the  History  of  lieligion  Presented 
to  Crauford  Howell  Toy,  1912),  argued  that  the  com- 
piler of  the  Third  Gcspel  and  Acts  was  an  accomphshed 
translator  of  both  Hebrew  and  Aramaic.  The  most 
notable  feature  of  the  later  essay  i.s  the  theory,  sup- 
ported by  weighty  arguments,  that  Ac.  I1-I535  is  a 
very  close  rendering  of  an  Aramaic  document,  so 
scrupulously  faithful  that  even  what  the  translator 
knew  to  be  inaccuracies  were  preserved.  This  Aramaic 
document  was  written  either  late  in  a.d.  49  or  early 
in  50.  Luke,  the  companion  of  Paul,  collected  material 
for  the  Third  Gosjx^l  during  Paul's  imi)ri8onment  at 
Csesarea  (a.d.  69-On,  and  wrote  the  GosixjI  before  til, 
probably  in  60.  At  that  time  ho  had  no  thought  of 
writing  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  The  idea  of  writing 
this  sequel  to  Ids  Gospel  was  probably  first  suggested 
to  him  when  the  Aramaic  document  came  into  his 
hands,  possiblj'  in  Palestine,  but  more  probably  after 
his  arrival  in  Rome  in  62.  This  he  traiislated  into 
Greek,  and  added  Ac.  IU36-2831.  The  complete  book 
was  probably  issued  in  a.d.  64.  Unlike  the  Third 
Gospel,  it  "was  not  a  work  of  research,  nor  even  of 
any  considerable  labour.  It  was  merely  the  translation 
of  a  single  document — a  lucky  find — supplemented  by 
a  very  brief  outhne  of  Paul's  missionary  labours, 
enlivened  by  miscellaneous  personal  reminiscences." 
The  whole  work  is  miiform  in  stylo,  allowing  for  the 
fact  that  I1-I535  was  written  in  translation  Greclc. 
The  author  is  not  to  be  distinguished  from  the  writer 
of  the  We-sections,  and  little  value  attaches  to  the 
attempt  to  find  "soui-ces  '  behind  either  half  of  Acts. 
—A.  S.  P.] 


JOHN 


By  Dr.  A.  E.  BROOKE 


Relation  to  the  Synoptic  Gospels. — The  differenoea 
hotweon  the  Fourth  and  tlic  other  Gospels  are  too 
obvious  to  need  emphasis.  From  the  second  century 
onwards,  tliey  have  constituted  a  difficult  problem. 
The  answer  of  Alexandria  in  the  second  century,  that 
the  "  Spiritual  "  Gospel  was  written  later,  when  the 
'■  bodily  "  events  had  been  recorded  in  the  first  three, 
still  holds  the  field.  Details  must  be  dealt  with,  so 
f.ir  as  space  i)ernuts,  in  the  notes,  but  the  chief  lines 
<.f  difference  may  be  conveniently  summarised  here. 

(«)  Subject-matter. — With  the  exceptions  of  1 19-34 
(the  Baptist),  213-16  (Temple  cleansing),  perhaps 
446-54  (healing  of  nobleman's  son),  12i-8  (anointing), 
12i2-i6  (triumphal  entry)  and  the  history  of  the 
Passion  and  (?)  Resurrection,  the  Fourth  Gospel 
breaks  altogether  new  ground.  In  the  common 
sections  it  is  claimed  that  it  shows  hterary  dependence 
on  the  Sj'noptio  Gospels,  and  the  author  certainly 
assumes  that  his  readers  know  their  contents.  But  he 
has  other  independent  sources  of  information. 

(b)  Dviration  of  the  Ministry.— The  old  contrast  of  a 
synoptic  account  of  one  year's  ministry  (the  "  accept- 
able year  of  the  Lord  ")  and  a  ministry  of  3^  j'eara 
(in  Jn.),  needs  serious  modification.  Mk.  suggests  a 
ministry  ending  with  a  Passover,  in  which  the  period 
of  ripe  com  occurred,  Tiot  at  the  beginning,  i.e.  a 
ministry  of  more  than  one  year.  Jn.,  even  if  the 
reference  to  a  Passover  in  64  is  part  of  the  original 
text,  need  not  implj'  a  ministry  of  much  more  than  two 
years  (p.  653).  Jn.  does,  however,  leave  the  impression 
of  a  longer  ministry  than  the  Synoptists  suggest. 

(c)  Scene  of  Ministry. — In  the  Synoptic  Gospels  this 
ia  Galilee,*  with  one  first  and  final  visit  to  Jenisalem, 
at  the  Passover,  when  He  was  crucified.  In  Jn.  the 
scene  passes  backwards  and  forwards  between  Jeru- 
salem and  Galilee,  the  former  being  the  scene  of  His 
most  important  work.  The  exact  order  of  events  and 
number  of  visits  to  Judaea  and  Jerusalem  depends  on 
the  question  whether  the  gospel,  a-s  we  have  it,  repre- 
sents the  original  arrangement  of  the  matter  out  of 
which  it  has  grown.  But  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the 
prominence  of  work  in  the  south.  The  cleansing  of 
the  Temple  is  recorded  in  connexion  with  the  earliest 
public  \nGit  to  Jerusalem,  its  natural  place  if  more 
than  one  visit  occurred. 

(d)  Method  and  Content  of  Christ's  Teaching.— The 
method  of  the  Synoptic  teaching,  by  parable,  and  the 
subject,  the  Kingdom,  have  almost  disappeared.  Their 
place  is  taken  by  discourses  and  controversies,  mainly 
on  Christ's  claims  and  relation  to  God.  His  pro- 
existence  and  unique  "  Sonship  "  are  assumed.  And 
what  the  Synoptists  represent  as  tittered  only  occa- 
sionally, in  moments  of  exceptional  exaltation,  hero 
becomes  normal,  llie '■  Similitudes  "  of  Enoch  show 
that  pro  -  existence  could  naturally  be  attributed  to 
One  who  was  thought  of  as  Mepsiah.     But  the  question 

r/.,  however,  Lk.  444. 


of  the  Messiahship  is  differently  treated.  In  the  Synop- 
tists Jesua  pubhcly  claims  the  title  only  at  the  end, 
and  it  can  be  plausibly  maintained  that  the  disciples 
recognise  Him  as  such  only  late  in  the  ministry,  recog- 
nition being  at  first  confined  to  demoniacs.  In  Jn.  the 
Baptist,  tiie  earliest  disciples,  and  others  all  I'ecognise 
the  Messiahship  from  the  beginning.  The  difference 
is  clear  and  marked  even  if  a  solution  may  bo  found  in 
the  fact  that  His  conception  of  the  office  directly 
contradicted  the  ideas  of  popular  Messianism,  so  that 
those  who  hailed  Him  as  Messiah  at  first  may  have 
been  "  offended  "  when  He  consistently  refused  to  do 
what  they  expected  from  Messiah,  as  "they  conceived 
His  nature  and  office.  [Miracles  are  not  simply  actions 
dictated  by  mercy  and  lovingkindness  towards  a 
sorrow-stricken  humanity,  but  are  signs  of  over- 
whelming significance,  designed  to  reveal  the  glory 
of  God  and  tJie  majestj'  of  the  Divine  Son. — A.  J.  G.] 

(e)  Date  of  the  Crucifixion,— While  the  Synoptists 
clearly  assume  that  Christ  ate  the  last  Paschal  meal 
with  His  disciples,  and  died  on  the  i5th  of  Nisan,  "'  the 
great  day  of  the  Feast,"  Jn.  equally  clearly  places 
the  Crucifixion  on  the  14th,  the  Jews  having  not  yet 
"eaten  the  Passover"  when  they  appeared  before  Pilat«. 
Here  there  is  perhaps  a  growing  consensus  of  opinion 
that  Jn.  has  preserved  a  truer  tradition  (pp.  653,  758). 

These  and  other  differences  have  led  many  to  deny 
any  historical  value  to  the  Johannine  account  of  the 
ministry.  But  while  it  is  clear  that  the  element  of 
interpretation,  not  absent  from  the  earlier  gospels,  is 
here  predominant,  it  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  all 
the  contents  of  the  gospel  can  bo  explained  as  the 
attempt  of  the  author,  by  the  aid  of  symbolism, 
allegory,  and  typology,  to  read  into  the  life  of  Jesus, 
which  he  knew  only  from  the  Synoptists,  Ms  own 
interpretation  of  the  Person  and  work  of  Jesus  Christ 
and  its  significance  for  men.  The  later  element,  which 
could  not  have  been  so  prevalent  before  the  end  of  the 
first  century,  is  clear.  But  another  clement  of  tnist- 
woi-thy  detail,  which  does  not  obviously  help  forward 
the  writer's  own  object  and  views,  is  equally  clear. 
If  there  is  interpretation  there  is  history  as  well,  and 
(ho  history  is  not  derived  from  the  Synoptic  accounts. 
It  is  often  needed  to  explain  them. 

Authorship. — The  differences  already  mentioned,  and 
the  undoubted  presence  of  a  later  element  in  the 
Fourth  Gospel,  have  led  the  majority  of  students  to 
deny  the  possibility  that  John,  the  son  of  Zcbedee,  can 
be  the  author.  While  this  is  an  over-8tat<»ment  the 
difficultias  which  beset  the  traditional  view  must  be 
clearly  recognised,  and  oven  conservative  critics  are 
now  generally  inclined  to  find  the  author  in  a  disciple 
of  the  apostle. 

The  external  evidence  is  usually  admitted  to  bo  in- 
decisive. During  the  last  quarter  of  the  second 
century  the  view  that  the  apostle  John  was  the  author 
was  held  by  all  Christians  except  the  "  Alogi,"  who 


"43 


744 


JOHN 


must  probably  bo  connected  with  Caius  the  Roman 
Presbyter,  Irenieus  (Gauland  Asia),  Clement  (Alex- 
andria), the  Muratorian  Fragment  (?  Rome),  Poly- 
cratoa  (Ephesus)  give  clear  positive  evidence  of  tho 
general  opinion,  and  negative  evidence  that  it  was  not 
a  growth  of  yoslorday.  Their  writings,  however,  show 
tho  extent  of  legcndaiy  accretion  at  that  time,  and 
the  possibility  of  confusion  as  to  tho  heroes  of  the 
earlier  generations.  The  fact  that  Justin  in  the 
midflle  of  the  century  attributed  the  Apocalypse  to  tho 
apostlo  John,  shows  that  in  his  time  the  tradition 
of  his  connexion  with  Asia  was  well  established.  It  ia 
generally  admitted  that  Justin  knew  and  used  tho 
gospel  ;  he  clearly  did  not  use  it  as  freely  as  the 
Synoptists,  and  his  views  on  its  authorship  aro  not 
known.  Traces  of  the  gospel,  or  at  least  of  toaohing 
similar  to  its  content,  are  found  in  Ignatius ;  and 
Polycarp  certainly  knew  1  Jn.  Papiaa  probably  knew 
and  valued  the  gospel ;  perhaps  the  Elder,  whom  ho 
quotes,  measured  the  shortcomings  of  the  Marcan 
gospel  by  its  standard.  But  the  fragment  of  Ms 
Introduction  indicates  that  at  the  time  when  he  was 
collecting  material  for  his  book  (?  90-100),  John  the 
AiK)stle  was  dead,  like  the  other  discijiles  of  whom  he 
speaks  in  the  past  tense,  and  in  contrast  with  the 
survivors  of  the  ministry,  Aristion,  and  tho  Elder 
John,  of  whom  he  uses  the  present.  Wo  must  also 
reckon  with  tho  probabiUty  that  in  his  book  the 
statement  occurred  that  John  the  son  of  Zebedee,  as  well 
as  his  brother,  wa-s  put  to  death  by  the  Jews,  for 
which  there  is  also  some  evidence  in  early  MartjTologiea 
and  elsewhere  (pp.  094,  764,  Ac.  122*).'  This,  if  true, 
does  not  exclude  the  visit  of  the  apostle  to  Ephosus  ; 
but  it  would  disprove  the  traditional  story  of  his  long 
residence  and  peaceful  death  there.  The  silence  of 
all  early  writers  (Clement,  Polycarp,  Ignatius)  aa  to 
the  apostle's  residence  in  Asia  is  suspicious.  That  of 
Ignatius  alone  is  of  serious  weight.  On  the  whole  it 
may  be  said  that  external  ovidonoo  points  to  the  pro- 
bability that  the  apostle  visited  Ephosus,  but  that 
there  has  been  confusion  between  him  aiid  another 
John,  perhaps  his  disciple,  who  lived  there  till  Trajan's 
reign.  It  also  points  to  some,  connexion  between  the 
apostle  and  the  gospel. 

Internal  evidence  affords  material  for  more  decisive 
judgment,  oven  if  here  suspension  of  judgment  must 
be  tho  last  word  at  present.  Since  Bretsohneidcr  (in 
1820)  maintained  the  thesis  that  the  gospf>l  could  not 
have  been  written  (i)  by  the  apostlo  John,  (ii)  by  an 
intimate  disciple,  (iii)  by  a  Jew  of  Palestine,  (iv)  by  a 
Jew  at  all,  and  conservative  critics  accepted  the 
challenge  and  tried  to  prove  these  propositions  in  the 
reverse  order,  the  feud  has  been  well  fought  out  and 
some  results  at  least  obtained.  It  is  generally  ad- 
mitted that  the  author  miist  have  been  a  Jew  and 
that  ho  may  have  boon  a  Jew  of  Palestine ;  his  know- 
ledge of  Judrea  anrl  Jenisalem  is  granted,  and  he  is 
acquitted  of  gross  geographical  ignorance  with  refer- 
ence to  any  part  of  Palestine.  His  knowledge  of 
Jewish  customs  and  Jewish  controversies  is  also 
admitted,  though  in  a  sense  which  admits  of  opposite 
conclusions.  There  is  also  a  growing  tendency  to 
alldw  that  at  least  he  drew  on  trustworthy  sources  of 
information  independent  of  the  Sjnmptists,  and  in  some 
oases  superior  to  them.  Many  details,  probable  in 
themselves,  which  are  not  eaaily  explained  as  duo  to 
invention,  or  even  modification,  in  {\\<^  interest  of  the 
author's  views,  point  to  such  sources  resting  finally 
on  the  testimony  of  an  eye-witness.  At  the  same 
time,  the  later  elements  nf  this  cospol,  its  silence  aa 
to  much  of  tho  best  authenticated  gosjwl  history,  its 


scant  record  of  the  work  of  ministry  in  Galilee, 
its  transformation  of  the  stylo  and  content  of  the 
Lord's  t-eaching  in  the  light  of  later  reflection  and 
experience,  the  imperceptible  transition  from  speech 
to  comment  till  the  original  speakers  disappear,  tho 
extent  to  which  all  speakers  use  tho  language,  and 
reflect  the  ideas,  of  tho  evangelist,  are  now  more  fully 
recognised.  The  difticulty  of  attributing  the  gospel 
as  it  stands  to  an  eye-witness  of  the  ministry  or  an 
intimate  friend  and  disciple  of  the  T^ord  is  clearly 
seen.  Tlie  theory  which  comes  nearest  to  satisfying 
all  the  conditions  is  that  which  attributes  the  g08p(!l 
in  its  present  form  to  tho  disciple  of  an  eye-witnos.s. 
To  find  the  eye-witness  in  the  Beloved  Disciple,  who  is 
probably  the  younger  son  of  Zebedee,  and  the  actual 
author  of  tho  gospel  in  a  disciple  of  his,  who  carried 
on  hia  master's  work  at  Ephesus,  and  perhaps,  in 
consequence  of  identity  of  name,  was  in  tradition 
confused  with  his  master,  is  the  best  answer  we  can 
at  present  give  to  a  question  on  wliich  the  evidence 
does  not  enable  us  to  speak  with  certainty  (2124"*)=  But 
where  much  is  obscure,  one  thing  is  certain.  The 
historian  cannot  afford  to  neglect  this  gospel  in  his 
attempt  to  reconstnict  the  story  of  tho  earthly  life 
and  teaching  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  The  gospels,  not  the 
Marcan  gospel  alone,  are  his  sources  of  information. 

Date  and  Place. — Here  it  is  possible  to  speak  with 
greater  confidence.  Most  scholars  are  agreed  that  tho 
gospel  cannot  have  been  written  before  a.d.  90  or 
much  after  110,  though  some  would  assign  a  later  date 
to  the  appendix.  The  book  must  have  been  in  exist- 
ence in  the  time  of  Polycarp  and  Papias,  and  was 
probably  well  known  to  elders  quoted  by  Papias.  And 
the  tradition  which  connects  it  with  Ephesus,  or  at 
least  with  Asia,  has  everything  in  its  favour.  It  must  ! 
emanate  from  some  such  centre  of  learning  where  I 
Jewish  and  Hellenic  thought  met.  Most,  if  not  all,  " 
of  the  earUest  traces  of  its  existence  are  connected 
with  Asia.  Tho  school  of  Christian  thought  which 
produced  the  Apocalypse,  the  Fourth  Gospel,  and  tho 
Johannine  Epistles  had  its  home  in  Asia  Minor.  The 
group  of  books  is  best  described  as  ''  the  Ephcsian 
Canonical  writincrs."'  Fcvr  will  dispute  the  accuracy  of 
Professor  Gardner's  title,  "  The  Ephesian  Gospel" 
The  centre  of  Christian  life  and  activity  which  fii-st 
passed  from  Jerusalem  to  Antioch  was  again  trans- 
ferred at  a  later  date,  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  to 
Ephesus. 

Theology.— The  theology  of  the  gospel  is  dominated 
by  tho  author's  personal  experience  of  tho  Christ.  In 
the  Jesus  of  the  ministry,  or  in  the  work  of  the  ascended 
and  glorified  Christ,  he  has  found  the  complete  revela- 
tion of  God.  Jesus  is  the  Messiah,  who  fulfilled,  and 
will  fulfil,  tho  hopes  of  His  nation,  as  Ho  rightly  inter- 
preted them,  in  glaring  contrast  to  the  popular 
Messianism  of  tho  time.  In  doing  this  Ho  showed 
himself  to  be  Me,ssiah  and  far  more,  one  who  stood  in 
miique  relationship  to  God,  which  could  only  be  de- 
scribed by  the  title  "  the  Son."  This  term  emphasizes 
tho  leading  thoughts  in  the  author's  Christology ;  tho 
Son  is  the  complete  revclat-on  of  tho  Father,  whoso 
nature  He  shares,  and  of  whose  powers  Ho  is  the  sole 
heir,  the  onlj'-begotten  Son,  and  He  is  in  absolute 
dependence  on  tho  Father.  '"  I  and  my  Father  are 
one,"  "  My  Father  is  greater  than  I,"  '"  My  Father 
workoth  hitherto  and  I  work,"  "  The  Son  can  do 
nothing  save  what  he  secth  the  Father  do."  As  Son 
Ho  knows  the  Father.  As  God  He  can  speak  for  God. 
Aa  wholly  dependent  on  tho  Father,  and  wholly 
obo<]ient  to  His  will.  His  message  is  true.  ' 

The  thought  of  "  Son  "  leads  to  what  is  perhaps  the] 


i 


JOHN 


745 


author's  most  important  contribution  to  theology 
proper,  expressed  in  the  words  "  The  Word  was  with 
God."  In  Pliilo  the  "  Word  "  (Logos)  is  sometimes 
8pv)ken  of  as  a  power  or  activity  of  God,  at  other  times 
language  is  used  which  more  definitely  impUes  pcrsoni- 
fioation.  In  John  the  personification  is  definite  and 
complete.  In  his  conception  of  Deity  it  is  clear  that 
the  Godhead  contains  within  itself  such  distinctions  a.s 
make  {)ossible  within  the  Godhead  itself  the  exercise  of 
what  corresponds  to  the  highest  activities  in  man,  of 
intercourse,  relationship,  love.  In  the  same  way  the 
personification  of  the  Spirit,  begun  in  the  OT  and 
carried  further  in  Paul,  though  in  2  Cor.  3i7  he  seems  to 
identity  the  "  Lord  "  and  the  "  Spirit,"  is  still  more 
definite  in  this  gospel.  But  here  too  a  possible,  and  not 
improbable,  interpretation  of  the  relevant  passages  in 
Jn.  14-16  identifies  the  "  coming  "  of  the  Christ  with 
tlie  coming  of  the  Spirit. 

The  Word  became  flesh,  or  in  the  language  which 
seems  to  reproduce  the  author's  own  natural  forms  of 
thought,  Messiah  \^'as  sent,  the  Son  was  given,  to 
reveal  to  men  the  Divine  Life,  Light,  Truth,  and  Ix)ve. 
B)'  learning  of  these  from  One  who  could  speak  for 
God  and  to  men  of  what  He  knew  as  Son  in  the 
language  which  by  taking  flesh  He  had  made  His  own 
as  well  as  theirs,  men  can  have  "  life,  in  His  Name." 

The  teaching  of  the  gospel  centres  round  a  few  simple 
terms,  such  a.s  life,  Light,  Truth,  Spirit.  Taught  by 
the  life  and  words  of  Jesus,  the  author  has  learned 
that  these  are  attributes  or  quaUties  of  God.  As  in 
all  Hebrew  thought,  God  is  the  Living  One.  He  is 
the  final  source  of  all  hfe,  and  His  "  Word  "'  is  the 
source  of  the  Life  of  Creation.  "  That  which  was 
made  was  life  in  Him."'  And  in  men  this  "  hfe " 
takes  the  higher  form  of  moral  and  spiritual  life. 
"  The  Hfe  was  the  hght  of  men." 

"  Life  "  is  the  leading  thought  of  this  gospel,  which 
was  written,  a-s  the  author  tells  us,  "  that  ye  might  have 
Hfe  in  his  name'"  (c/.  1  Jn.  lif.*).  To  a  great  extent 
it  takes  the  place  of  the  Sjmoptic  teaching  on  the 
"ICingdom."  And  wherea.s  in  them  "  life  "  is  merely 
a  future  hope,  here  it  is  already  a  present  possession, 
though  in  its  fullness  it  is  still  future.  Those  who 
believe  are  reborn  into  this  higher  life,  which  is  de- 
scribed by  the  evangeHst  as  eternal,  i.e.  spiritual, belong- 
ing to  "the  age,"  and  which  makes  them  "children 
of^God,'"  from  whom  they  derive  this  Hfe,  as  their 
physical  Hfe  from  their  earthly  parents.  It  is  God's 
gift,  but  men  can  make  it  their  own  by  gradually  be- 
coming Ijetter  acquainted  with  God  and  Jesus  Christ 
(173  ;  c/.  OT  use  of  "  know,"  Hos.  63),  whom  He  sent 
to  reveal  His  nature  to  them.  Death  is  the  opposite 
of  this  Hfe,  and  he  who  has  the  Hfe  has  passed  from 
death  into  Hfe,  for  him  there  is  no  coming  into  judg- 
ment.    (On  judgment  in  Jn.  see  317-21*.) 

"  Light  ■'  generally  bears  an  ethical  sense.  In  tho 
Prologue  the  Hght  and  darkness  of  Gen.  1  are  so 
interpreted.  The  Hght  of  moral  and  spiritual  tnith  is 
in  all  ages  combating  the  darkness  of  error  and  sin. 
The  Logos  as  Hght  was  alwaj's  coming  into  the  world. 
Whenever  He  was  in  it  He  was  its  Hght.  He  gives 
men  light,  and  is  the  light  Ho  ^ives.  If  men  walk  in 
it  they  will  not  stumble.  In  this  description  of  Christ 
as  light  the  dominant  idea  is  that  of  moral  purity  and 
Ijerfection,  in  virtue  of  which  Ho  guides  His  own,  and 
enables  men  to  regulate  their  conduct,  their  '  works,"' 
wholly  in  accordance  with  tho  Will  of  God. 

Truth  in  this  gospel  in  some  ways  corresponds  to 
what  we  should  call  "  reality."  That  is  "  true  '"  which 
completely  corresponds  to  the  highest  conception  that 
can  be  formed  of  the  thing.     All  sensible  things  are 


feeble  reflections  of  the  sujier-sensiblo  reahties  which 
exist  in  heaven,  the  sphere  of  real  being.  So  Christ 
not  only  bears  witness  to  the  tnith  of  which  PUato 
is  ignorant,  but  is  the  truth.  In  Him  consist  the 
realities  of  which  the  tluiigs  in  the  "  world  "  are  im- 
perfect copies.  By  union  with  Him  men  can  share 
in  the  "  truth,"  the  "  highest "'  in  every  sphere,  not 
merely  in  the  intellectual.  Truth  is  not  only  thought 
and  told,  it  is  "  done,"  by  those  who  are  of  it,  in  virtue 
of  their  re-birth  into  the  higher  spiritual  Hfe. 

Johannine  theology  culminates  in  the  statement 
that  "  God  is  love."  It  occurs  in  the  First  Epistle 
only,  but  the  teaching  of  the  gospel  leads  up  to  it. 
Divine  love  has  its  object  within  the  Deity  itself. 
"  The  Father  loveth  the  Son  and  sheweth  him  all  things 
that  himself  doeth  "  (020).  God's  love  to  the  world  is 
shown  in  tho  "  gift  "  of  the  Son  as  the  source  of  "  Hfe." 
It  is  revealed  to  men  in  the  Hfe  and  work  of  the  Christ, 
who  "  having  loved  his  own,  loved  them  utterly  "  (13i), 
and  m  His  death,  which  is  not  only  for  the  nation  but 
to  gather  into  one  the  children  of  God  dispersed 
throughout  the  world  (II52). 

"  Grod  is  spirit  "  (not  a  spirit  as  AV)  is  one  of  the 
great  sayings  of  the  gospel.  His  nature  is  spiritual, 
as  opposed  to  the  earthly,  material  nature  of  created 
things  and  of  men.  The  writer  is  always  contrasting 
the  visible  and  the  invisible,  the  spirit  and  the  flesh. 
And  the  spirit  is  the  source  of  Hfe.  He  does  not  discuss 
the  relation  of  the  Spirit  to  the  Logos.  "When  the 
Logos  has  taken  flesh,  become  man,  and  subject  to  his 
limitations,  the  Spirit  is  the  source  of  His  power  and 
Hfe.  To  Him  it  is  given  without  measure,  and  it 
abides  in  Him.  But  the  writei"s  special  teaching  on 
this  subject  is  his  representation  of  the  Spirit  as  tho 
pecuHar  possession  and  inspiring  force  of  the  Christian 
society.  He  is  the  "  other  paraclete  "  whom  Christ 
sends  to  carry  on  His  work  in  the  disciples,  after  Hia 
own  departure.  In  this  sense  "  there  was  no  spirit  " 
(739)  till  Jesus  -was  glorified.  In  what  he  says  in  this 
comiexion  the  writer  is  probably  interpreting  genuine 
sayings  of  Jesus,  which  have  their  parallels  in  Synoptic 
thought,  in  the  light  of  the  experiences  of  the  Christian 
Church  from  Pentecost  onwards.  In  his  view  tho 
Spirit's  work  of  enlightening  and  empowering  began 
on  Easter  Day,  when  the  Risen  Lord  breathed  on  His 
disciples  and  said,  "  Receive  ye  the  Holy  Spirit"  (2022). 

The  Prologue. — The  object  of  the  prologue  (li-iS) 
is  to  assure  those  who  w&ie  interested  in  Jewish  and 
Greek  philosophical  speculation  that  the  Christ,  the  Son 
of  God,  whom  Christians  worship,  is  all  that  philosophy 
had  claimed  for  tho  Logos  ;  and  more,  inasmuch  as 
the  Word  become  flesh  could  really  give  to  men  a 
complete  and  intelligible  revelation  of  God.  The  author 
uses  a  term  well  known  (the  Word,  or  Logos)  to  those 
to  whom  he  would  speak,  and  ho  claims  that  if  they 
will  learn,  as  he  himself  had  learned,  from  what  Jesus 
did  and  said  on  earth,  righihj  inlerjyrcted,  they  will  find 
in  Him  the  full  revelation  of  God.  His  being,  and  His 
relation  to  the  world  and  to  men,  so  far  as  men  can 
grasp  them,  wliich  Greek  and  other  thinkers  had  tried 
to  express  in  their  s]x;culations  about  tho  Logos. 

While  the  terminology  shows  clearly  tho  influence 
of  Greek  and  especially  Alexandrian  thought,  with 
close  parallels  to  the  language  of  Philo,  the  writer's 
own  thought  is  dominated  by  the  OT.  The  Word  is 
the  medium  by  which  God  becomes  known  to  men,  a.s  a 
mans  thought  is  expressed  and  made  known  by  his 
speech.  In  Hebrew  thought  alwxit  Gods  relation  to 
the  world  the  word  of  active  command,  rather  than  the 
reason  which  plans  and  purposes,  is  prominent.  In 
the  beginning  He  s|>ake,  and  it  came  to  be.     In  poetry 

24  a 


746 


JOHN 


His  word  is  perHunifiod  (cf.  Pss.  336,  1072o,  147 15, 
Is.  5oi()f.).  A  similar  process  is  seen  in  respect  of 
the  Spirit  of  God  (Gen.  I2,  Is.  II2)  and  pcrhaixs  of  His 
glory  (Ex.  24i6,  3322).  The  chief  progreas  in  this 
direction  is  the  personification  of  Wisdom  in  the 
Sapiential  Books,  largely  under  the  intluence  of  Greek 
thought  {cf.  R.  Harris,  Thti  Oriijin  of  the  Prologue,  to  St. 
John'-i  Gonprl).  The  need  of  reconciling  the  doctrine  of 
the  transcendence  of  God  with  belief  in  His  activity  in 
the  world  led  in  popular  thought  to  the  development  of 
a  doctrine  of  angels,  in  more  philosophical  specula- 
tion to  the  personification  of  His  qualities  and  attri- 
butes. Pr.  822-30*,  10;  Ecclus.  11-10,14-20,  411-19, 
1420-15I0,  24,  and  51 13-28  ;  Bar.  314-3.S  ;  Enoch  42 
if.,  843.  and  Wisd.  7-9  are  pa.<Jsage3  which  should 
bo  studied  in  this  connexion.  The  tendency  of  the 
Targunis  to  ascribe  to  the  Memra  or  Word  all  actions 
attributed  in  the  OT  to  God  are  on  the  same  lines, 
but  the  uncertainty  of  date  makes  their  evidence  un- 
reUable.  It  is  in  the  writings  of  the  Alexandrian 
Hellenist  Pliilo,  whose  bent  is  rehgioua  rather  than 
philosophical,  that  the  Greek  doctrine  of  the  Ix)gos, 
originated  by  Heraclitus  of  Ephesus,  and  brought  into 
prominence  by  the  Stoics,  assumes  a  form  closely 
related  to  that  in  which  it  appears  in  tlie  PrologTie. 
In  Philo  the  Word  is  Uio  sum  of  all  the  Divine  activities 
in  the  world.  His  function  is  to  "  mediate  the  creative 
activity  of  God  "  (Scott,  TJte  Fourth  Gospel,  p.  152). 
Through  the  Logos  God  is  revealed,  and  man  can  attain 
the  higher  life,  so  that  the  Logos  is  tlie  agent  not  only 
in  creation  but  also  in  salvation.  But  Philo's  Logos, 
though  described  as  ''  second  God  "  and  "  firstborn 
son  "  is  not  consistently  personified,  and  the  idea  that 
He  could  ■'  become  flesh  "  is  aUen  to  his  system.  Other 
analogies  to  Johannine  thought  are  to  bo  found  in 
Greek  and  Egyptian  conceptions  of  Hermes  as  Word, 
Messenger,  Saviour,  and  in  the  language  and  ideas  of 
the  Mystery  rehgions.  But  uncertainty  as  to  date 
makes  it  difficult  to  determine  their  relation  to  the 
Fourth  Gospel. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Westcott,  Forbes 
(IH),  Clark  (WTSIT),  M'Clvmont  (Cent.B),  W.  F.  Moulton 
and  W.  Milligan,  Reynolds  (PC),  Plummer  (CB) ;  (/;) 
Plummer  (CGT),  Dods  (EGT^,  Alford,  Westcott; 
(c)  *Godet,  Loisv,  Calmes,  B.  Weiss  (Moy.),  Heitmiiller 
(SNT),  Holtzmann-Bauer  (HC),  Wellhausen,  Zahn 
(ZK),  Bauer  (HNT);  (c^)  Dods  (Ex.B),  Maclaron, 
Expositions  of  Holy  Scripture ;  Peyton,  Memora- 
bilia of  Jesus ;  Drummond,  Johunniiic  Thoughts ; 
Selbio,  Belief  and  Life.  Other  Literature:  Articles  in 
Dictionaries,  Discussions  in  Histories  of  the  Apostolic 
Age,  Introductions  to  Ml'  or  the  Gospels,  Works  on  NT 
Theology:  Abbott,  Johannine  Gramniar,  Johannine 
Focahaiary;  Sanday,  The  Criticism  of  the  Fourth  Gospel; 
Bacon,  The  Fourth  Gospel  in  Reiearch  and  Debate  ; 
Drummond,  Character  and  Authorship  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel;  Lowrie,  The  Doctrine  of  St.  John;  Jackson, 
T/ie  Fourth  Gospel  and  some  recent  German  Criticism  ; 
Green,  Ephcsian  Canonical  Wrilin{/s ;  E.  F.  Scott,  The 
Fourth  Gosfjel,  its  Purpose  and  Theology  ;  (iardner,  The 
Ephesian  Gospel ;  Purchas,  Johinnine  Problems  ami 
Modem  Needs ;  Schmiedol,  The  Johannine  Writings  ; 
Lewis,  Disarrangements  in  the  Fourth  Gosjicl ;  Stevens, 
Johannine  Theology ;  Garvie,  Notes  on  the  Fourth 
Gospel  (Exp.,  1914) ;  Pvobinson,  The  II istoriad  Char- 
acter of  the  Fourth  GosjkI  ;  Candnidge  Biblical  Essays, 
pp.  251-328 ;  Wredo,  Charakter  und  Tendenz  des 
Johan.-Eiang.  ;  Baldensperger,  7)er  Prolog  des  IV ten 
Evang.  ;  Schlatter,  Sprache  und  Heimat  des  IVten 
Ei'ang.  ;  Spitto,  Das  Johan.  Evang.  als  Quelle  der 
Qeschichte    Jeau ;    B.   Weiss,  Das   Johan.- Evang.  aU 


einheitliehes  Werk ;  Wendt,  Schichten  im  IVten  Evang.  ; 
Clemen,  Entslehung  des  J  oh.- Evang.;  Overbeck,  Das 
J ohanufscranfieliuiu  .  R.  H.  Strachan,  The  Fourth  Gospel. 

I.  1-18.  The  Prologue:  See  Introduction.  1-5. 
The  Word  In  Relation  to  God  and  Creation.— 
The  references  to  the  language  and  thought  of  Gen.  1 
are  clear.  At  the  time  of  creation,  if  the  y)hraso  may 
be  allowed,  the  Word  "  was,"  eternally  existent,  in 
active  communion  with  God,  and  Divine.  The  truth 
about  the  Logos  shows  that  the  Godhead  has  within 
itself  such  distinctions  as  make  possible  the  exercise, 
within  itself,  of  the  highest  activities  which  correspond 
to  intercourse  and  communion  among  men.  The 
Logos,  Himself  God,  was  eternally  turned  towards 
God.  He  was  the  agent  of  creation,  apart  from  whom 
nothing  came  into  being.  The  words  '  that  wa.s 
made,"  if  taken  with  3,  are  easy  but  meaningless.  In 
early  times  they  were  interpreted  as  the  beginning  of  4. 
The  use  made  of  the  passage  by  Gnostics  to  support 
their  theorii-s  of  pairs  of  JBons,  and  the  fact  that  it 
seemed  to  place  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  class  of  "■  that 
which  was  made,"  may  have  led  to  the  change.  If 
taken  with  4  they  must  mean  either  (a)  Creation  '"  was  " 
(i.e.  from  God's  point  of  view,  was  so  regarded  in  the 
eternal  mind)  "  life  in  Him  " — Ho  sustains  the  hfe  of 
all  that  was  made  through  Him  ;  or  (6)  As  for  that 
which  was  made,  in  it  was  hfe  (so  Loisy) ;  for  the 
construction  cf.  12,  IO29,  1724.  But  in  any  case  the 
general  meaning  must  be  that  the  Logos  is  the  source 
of  life  as  He  is  the  agetit  of  creation.  And  in  men  this 
life  takes  the  higher  form  of  "  fight,"  moral  and 
spiritual  life,  of  which  also  He  is  the  source.  The 
fight  between  this  light  and  its  opposite,  the  moral 
darkness  of  evil,  has  always  been  going  on,  and  the 
light  has  never  been  conquered  (this  and  not  "  under- 
stood ■'  is  the  probable  meaning  of  the  word.  Cf.  I235 
and  some  authorities  in  617).  Possibly  5  may  refer  to 
the  shining  of  the  true  light  among  Christians  in  the 
author's  own  time. 

6-8.  The  Preparation  for  the  Final  Manifestation.— 
The  way  was  prepared  for  the  final  revelation  by  the 
work  of  John.  The  author  takes  the  opportunitj'  of 
asserting  John's  true  position  as  against  the  extrava- 
gant claims  apparently  mado  for  him,  cither  by  hie 
own  followers,  or  the  jews  in  general.  His  duty  wa-s 
that  of  tho  forerunner  to  herald  the  approjich  of  the 
light. 

9-13.  The  Work  of  the  Light  before  the  Incarnation. 
— But  in  tnith  tho  fight,  "  which  fighteth  every  man," 
was  always  coming  uito  the  world.  Possibly  9  means 
that  when  John  was  "  witnessing,"  tho  true  fight  was 
on  the  point  of  '•  coniing  "  and  wa.s  actually  in  tho 
world,  which  He  had  croated,  though  men  knew  Him 
not.  But  this  interpretation  is  less  natural.  He  was 
always  in  the  world  that  He  had  made,  though  it  was 
ignorant  of  its  Maker.  His  coming  was  to  His  own 
possession.  But  "  His  own  "  failed  to  recognise  Him. 
In  speaking  oi  this  failure  tho  writer  is  thinking  chiefly 
but  perhaps  not  exclusively  of  Jews.  But  the  failure 
had  its  exceptions.  And  those  who  in  all  nations 
received  Him,  gained  tho  higher  life  of  the  spirit,  which 
is  entered  upon  bv  a  birth  from  God,  with  which 
fleshly  motives  and  physical  descent  have  nothing  to 
do.  The  use  made  by  Gnostics  of  this  verse  to  support 
their  theories  of  the  "  spiritual  seed  "  may  have  led 
to  the  substitution  of  the  singidar  "  who  was  bom," 
which  made  the  words  refer  to  Christ.  The  context 
clearly  demands  tho  plural  '  who  were  born,"  so  that 
the  words  describe  the  method  of  the  spiritual  rebirth 
of  those  who  "receive^l"  the  Logos.  [In  view  of 
the  importance  of  the  pivssage,  it  ought,  perhaps,  to 


JOHN,  I.  29 


747 


be  eaid  that  tliere  is  strong  evidence  for  the  singular 
(TertulUan,  IrenajuH,  the  Codox  Veronensis  of  the  Old 
Latin  VS,  probably  Methodius,  possibly  Justin  Martyr). 
The  singular  leads  up  well  to  14,  and  the  connexion 
with  what  precedes  is  good,  the  sonship  of  Christians 
rests  on  His  sonship.  In  particular  the  very  emphatic 
threefold  negative  statement  of  13  seems  to  bo  directed 
against  somo  who  afllirmed  the  contrary,  and  such  a 
denial  was  far  more  likely  to  be  of  Christ's  supernatural 
conception  than  of  the  Divine  begetting  of  Christians 
in  the  spiritual  sense.  The  singular  is  found,  however, 
in  no  Gr.  MS.  ;  it  may  have  originated  in  Latin  through 
the  ambiguity  of  the  Latin  relative  pronoun  (qui)  ; 
and  it  may  have  been  introduced  to  affirm  the  super- 
natui-al  conception.  Hamack  has  recently  (July  1915) 
in  a  lengthy  discussion,  Zur  Text-kriiik  und  Christologie 
der  Schriften  des  Johmives,  concluded  on  sevei'al 
grounds  that  the  plural  camiot  be  accepted,  and  that 
the  passage  referred  originally  to  the  virgin  conception. 
But  he  considers  that  this  also  is  not  in  place  in  this 
context.  He  thinks  that  the  verse  was  added  in  the 
margin  as  a  comment  on  the  words  "  And  the  Word 
became  flesh  "  at  a  very  early  time  and  in  the  Johannine 
circle.  It  ran  "He  was  begotten,  etc.,''  the  relative 
pronoun  being  absent  as  in  Codex  D,  the  Vercellensis 
(Latin),  and  perhaps  in  Tertullian.  When  the  words 
had  been  taken  into  the  text  the  relative  was  inserted 
by  some. — A.  S.  P.]  For  the  work  of  the  Logos  among 
men  before  the  Incarnation  c/.  I240  (Isaiah)  and  per- 
haps 836  (Abraham).  The  interpretation  which  finds 
in  these  verses  an  anticipated  account  of  the  work  of 
the  Incarnate  Logos,  which  is  out  of  place  before  the 
culminating  declaration  of  14,  is  less  natural 

14-18.  The  Full  and  Final  Revelation.—  The  work  of 
the  Logos  culminated  in  what  alone  could  give  to 
men  a  complete  and  intelligible  revelation,  so  far  as 
man  can  grasp  it,  of  the  nature  and  being  of  God.  The 
Divine  Logos,  who,  as  God,  has  the  knowledge  of  God 
which  none  else  can  have,  entered  into  the  life  of  men, 
under  the  ordinary  conditions  of  humanity,  so  that 
Ho  could  speak  to  men  in  their  own  language.  His 
disciples  had  seen  how,  when  He  dwelt  in  the  tent  of 
flesh  (c/.  2  Cor.  5iff.),  as  the  '-Shechinah"  appeared 
in  Israel  in  the  "  Tent  "  (Ex.  268f.),  His  true  character 
and  being  shone  forth,  the  "  glory  "  of  an  only-begotten 
son,  on  whom  the  Father  of  all  had  bestowed  all  that 
He  had  to  give,  full  of  the  attractiveness  that  God's 
favour  gives,  and  of  truth,  so  that  He  could  make  God 
known  to  men.  The  only  natural  explanation  of  14  ia 
that  it  refers  to  bodily  and  not  spiritual  vision  (c/.  1  Jn. 
lif.).  It  was  rendered  possible  by  the  Word  becoming 
flesh. 

Once  more  (15)  there  is  an  appeal  to  John's  "  wit- 
ness." He  spoke  with  no  uncertain  voice  {cf.  Rom.  927). 
It  is  given  in  words  which  are  practically  a  quotation 
of  30,  where  the  phrase  "  of  whom  I  spake  "  is  a 
natural  reference  to  27.  (Here  the  words  are  awkward, 
hence  the  correction  noted  in  mg.)  "  He  was  before 
me  "  must  imply  belief  in  His  pre-existence.  The 
Book  of  Enoch  shows  that  One  who  was  regarded  as 
Mes.siah  would  bo  so  thought  of.  The  difficulty  is 
bound  up  with  that  of  John's  recognition  of  Jesus  as 
Messiah.  16  and  even  17!  are  sometimes  attributed 
to  the  Baptist.  But  they  clearly  take  u|i  the  thought 
of  14.  "  We  saw  and  know,  for  we  all  received  from 
His  fullness  in  ever-increasing  supply."  The  difference 
between  Judaism  and  Christianitv  is  sharply  pointed 
— legal  precepts,  powerless  to  give  life,  imposed  through 
the  agency  of  a  man,  and  the  gift  of  tnio  life  and  true 
knowledge  brought  into  being  and  iniplantetl  in  men 
by  the  creative  energy  of  "  a  greater  than  Mosea." 


No  man  has  seen  or  can  tell  of  God.  "  God  only  be- 
gotten," (mg.)  the  Word  who  is  Divine  and  possesses  the 
whole  power  of  God,  with  whom  Ho  hvcs  in  active 
communion,  has  made  God  known.  The  sense  will 
be  the  same  if  the  easier,  but  less  forcible,  reading 
"  tho  only-begotten  Son"  (c/.  3ifi,i8,  1  Jn.  49)  is 
adopted. 

I.  19-27.  The  Baptist's  Witness  about  Himself.— 
Instead  of  recounting  the  work  and  mis.sion  of  the 
Baptist,  as  the  otl\cr  gospels,  tho  writer  selects  incidents 
which  show  him  as  the  Witness.  These  incidents  are 
certainly  told  in  terms  which  reflect  later  Christian 
thought.  But  they  contain  much  that  does  not 
obviously  contribute  to  the  writer's  special  purpose, 
and  which  suggests  real  knowledge  or  at  least  tnist- 
worthy  tradition.  If  several  of  Jesus'  earliest  disciples 
were  followera  of  the  Baptist,  the  prominence  assigned 
to  liis  ministry  in  tho  Synoptic  account  receives  a 
natural  explanation.  Tho  Jews,  the  religious  party 
of  the  nation,  strenuous  for  the  Law  and  tradition, 
are  anxious  about  the  new  religious  movement,  and 
send  a  commission,  apparently  instigated  by  the 
Pharisees  (24),  though  consisting  of  (?)  Sadducean 
priests  and  Levites.  John  declares  that  he  is  neither 
Messiah  nor  even  one  of  His  expected  precursors  (Mai. 
45,  Dt.  I815),  and  describes  his  own  position  in  the 
words  of  Is.  4O3.  To  their  surprise  that  such  an  one 
should  "  baptize  "  he  answers  that  his  baptism  is  only 
a  purificatory  and  preliminary  rite.  A  greater  than 
he  is  among  them  though  they  know  Him  not.  The 
site  of  this  incident  (Bethany,  according  to  the  tnie 
text)  is  unknown.  At  a  comparatively  early  date 
(Origen,  and  the  earliest  Syr.  Version)  the  name 
Bethabara  was  substituted. 

I.  27-34.  The  Baptists  Witness  to  Himself.— The 
baptism  of  Jesus  has  apparently  taken  place.  John 
points  to  Him  as  the  greater  one  of  whom  he  had 
spoken.  His  own  work  of  baptism,  which  has  not 
been  described  but  is  assumed  to  be  known,  is,  he 
says,  preparatory  to  the  manifestation  of  Messiah  to 
Israel.  Like  others  John  had  been  ignorant,  till  the 
sign  of  the  Spirit  descending  and  abiding  on  Jesus 
had  revealed  to  him  the  tnie  Baptizer,  who  should  give 
men  the  true  baptism  of  the  Spirit.  The  section  ends 
with  John's  "  witness  "  that  such  an  one  is  the  very 
Son  of  God.  [In  34  there  is  a  variant  reading,  "  the 
Elect  of  God  "  instead  of  "  tho  Son  of  God."'  It  has 
very  strong  early  attestation,  and  is  accepted  by  Blass, 
Nestle,  and  Zahn.  In  tho  work  already  mentioned 
on  13,  Hamack  has  adopted  it  and  sought  to  show 
its  importance.  It  is  simply  a  term  for  tlie  Messiah, 
but  it  forms  an  addition  to  tho  contacts  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel  with  the  Third  (Lk.  935,  2835),  and  it  illustrates 
how  deeply  the  Fourth  Evangelist  is  rooted  in  Jewisli 
theology,  a  point  which  deserves  emphasis  in  view  of 
tho  present  tendency  to  attribute  to  him  an  un-Jewish 
Hellenism. — A.  S.  P.]  Tho  full  recognition  of  Jesus  as 
Messiah  by  John  and  others  at  the  outset  is  a  well- 
known  difficulty.  If  it  is  historical  it  was  tho  act  of 
men  who  saw  in  a  remarkable  man  tho  fulfilment  of 
their  expectations,  but  thought  of  Him  as  one  who 
would  satisfy  their  national  Mcssianism.  WTion  they 
found  out  that  Ho  would  do  nothing  of  tho  sort  they 
changed  their  minds,  till  He  had  taught  them  what  to 
look  for  in  tho  tnio  Messiah.  [22-24  and  25-28  may 
bo  parallel  narratives  ;  so  also  29-31  and  32-34.  See 
Wellhausen,  Dan  Efongelium  Johannis.  pp.  9,  11. — 
A.  J.  G.] 

29.  The  "  Lamb  of  God  "  has  been  interpreted  with 
reference  (n)  to  the  Pa.'jchal  lamb  (Ex.  12)  with 
which  the  writer,  like  Paul  (1  Cor.  57),  identifies  Jesus, 


748 


JOHN,  I.  29 


but  which  was  not  a  sin  offering  (see  29) ;  (b)  to  tho 
lamb  of  the  morning  and  evening  sacrifice  ;  (c)  to  the 
lamb  of  Is.  534ff.  where  the  connexion  with  sin- bearing 
is  certain.  The  evangelist  has  probably  interpreted, 
and  perhaps  modified,  in  the  light  of  later  Christian 
thought  (r/.  also  Gen.  22)  what  ori^jinaily  referred  to 
tho  destruction,  not  the  "  bearing,"  of  sin. 

I.  35-51.  The  Baptist's  Disciples  and  Jesus.— On  the 
morrow  to  two  of  his  disciples  John  bears  similar 
witness.  The  account  in  its  details  suggests  the  recol- 
lections of  one  to  whom  the  incident  had  been  the 
turning-point  of  his  life.  The  tenth  hour,  four  o'clock, 
if  true  or  traditional,  may  have  suggested  to  the  writer 
"  the  beginning  of  a  new  era."  Ho  could  hardly  have 
invented  it  for  that  purpose.  The  unnamed  disciple 
(c/.  40)  is  generally  idcntifietl  with  John  tho  son  of 
Zebodee.  41  does  not  really  hint  that  ho  also  brought 
his  brother  James.  Jesus  reads  the  character  of  Simon, 
and  predicts  that  men  will  find  in  him  the  Rock  man, 
and  will  so  call  him  {cf.  Mk.  3i6).  It  is  apparently  Peter 
who  (43)  wishes  to  return  to  Galilee,  and  "  finds  "  Philip, 
as  ho  himself  had  been  found.  Philip  continues  the 
chain,  and  finds  Nathanael,  generally,  but  not  alway.s 
in  early  times,  identified  with  Bartholomew,  the  usual 
companion  of  Philip  in  the  Sjiioptic  lists.  Jesus  reads 
his  character  too,  a  true  Israelite  (Gen.  3228)  with 
none  of  the  guile  of  the  race  of  Jacob,  the  supplanter 
(Gen.  2736).  He  is  convinced  by  what  seems  to  him 
at  any  rate  superhuman  knowledge  and  makes  his 
confession.  The  Lord's  answer  teaches  that  the  faith 
which  rests  on  signs  and  wonders  must  yield  to  that 
which  realises  the  spiritual  character  of  Messiah's  work 
and  kingdom.  Heaven  will  be  opened  and  angels 
ascend  and  descend  upon  the  Son  of  Man  (Gen.  28i2). 

II.  1-12.  The  Marriage  at  Cana. — On  the  tliird  day 
the  promise  tf)  Nathanael  of  greater  things  to  follow  is 
fulfilled.  Modem  exploration  has  suggested  three 
sites  for  Cana,  all  of  them  near  Nazareth,  and  to  tho  N. 
or  NE.  of  that  place  (p.  29).  In  Mk.  63  only  the  sisters 
arc  mentioned  by  the  people  of  Nazareth  as  being 
"  with  us."  Zahn  suggests  that  they  had  married 
and  settled  there,  tho  family  having  moved  to  Cana. 
We  mayat  least  notice  the  independence  of  the  Synoptic 
narrative  which  the  mention  of  the  place  shows.  The 
mother  of  Jesus  calls  His  attention  to  the  failure  of 
wine  at  a  wedding  feast  to  which  He  and  His  disciples 
had  been  invited.  Jesus  answers,  in  terms  in  which 
there  is  no  trace  of  rebuke  or  disrespect  *  (cf.  1926), 
that  the  time  has  not  come  for  Him  to  interfere.  He 
has  not  yet  received  tlie  Father's  intimation,  for  which 
He  always  waits.  His  mother,  clearly  a  "  friend  of 
the  house,"  bids  the  servants  do  His  bidding.  Six 
large  stone  jars  were  standing,  to  be  used  in  purifica- 
tion. Between  them  tluy  would  hold  more  than 
100  gallons.  'J'iieso  He  bids  the  servants  fill  and  draw 
from  them,  or  (if  with  Westcott  we  press  tho  usual 
meaning  of  the  Gr.  word  used)  from  the  well,  and  give 
to  the  "  nder  of  the  feast,"'  i.e.  to  the  chief  servant  (cf. 
mg.)  who  is  in  charge  of  the  supply  of  food  and  drink. 
He  expresses  his  surprise  in  homely  language,  which 
suggests  popular  tradition  rather  than  tho  didactic 
aims  of  tho  evangelist.  [Tho  "  sign  "  summarises  tho 
(ialilean  ministiT  with  its  brightness  and  clieerfulness  ; 
rf.  Mk.  219-22.— A.  J.  G.l  After  this  tlie  family  and 
the  disciples  make  a  short  visit  to  Capernaum.  [Pos- 
sibly 322-30  orijrinally  stood  between  12  and  13. — 
A.J.  G.l 

II.  13-22.  Tho  Cleansing  of  the  Temple.— Tho  Pass- 
over "  of  the  Jews  "  aa  an  author  writing  for  Christians 
»  [(Y.  Nestle  in  BT,  Ix.  5G2,  and  BurWtt  In  ,7ThS,xiii.  594.— 


naturally  describes  it  without  special  significance  or 
bias,  wa,s  near.  Jesus,  following  tho  custom  of  the 
"  religious  "  party  in  His  nation,  goes  up  with  HLs 
disciples  (17,  22)'  to  keep  the  feast  (cf.  Ex.  23 15). 
He  finds  the  Temple  deseoratcd  by  an  ilhcit  traffic  in 
animals  for  the  .sacrifices,  and  "  sacred  "  shekels  of  tho 
heavy  Phoenician  standard  (pp.ll6f.),  in  which  alone  the 
Temple  tax  could  bo  paid.  The  expulsion  is  described 
with  a  fullness  and  correctness  of  detail  (notice  especially 
the  driving  out  of  the  cattle  and  (?)  their  attendants, 
the  overturning  of  tho  moneychangers'  tables,  and  the 
telling  the  bird-sellers  to  take  away  their  cages)  greater 
than  we  find  in  the  Synoptic  accounts,  Mt.  coming 
nearest.  The  words  of  the  command  in  16,  as  com- 
pared with  the  quotation  from  Jer.  7ii  in  ftlk.  11 17, 
favour  tho  originality  of  the  Johannine  account.  In 
the  light  of  later  events  the  disciples  saw  in  the  incident 
a  fulfilment  of  Ps.  699.  In  the  remonstrance  which 
follows,  it  is  possible  that  the  author  sees  a  fulfilment 
of  Ps.  69g6.  The  "  Jews,"  the  religious  party  as 
represented  by  their  leaders,  demand  His  authority 
to  act  in  this  manner  (cf.  Mk.  11 28).  The  language  of 
iSi  seems  to  reflect  Mk.  811  [but  the  attitude  of  Jesus 
to  tho  request  is  different.  Jn.  219,  Mk.  812. — A.  J.  G.]. 
As  spoken  to  the  men  of  His  time  the  Lord's  answer 
can  only  mean,  ''  Go  on  with  your  evil  practices 
here,  which  must  lead  to  the  final  desecration  and 
destruction  of  the  place  as  the  Temple  of  God  ;  and 
when  you  have  completed  your  fatal  work,  I  will 
raise  shortly  a  new  '  Temple,'  in  the  hearts  of  true 
disciples  of  the  kingdom,  where  God  can  dwell " 
(cf.  Jer.  73-14).  It  was  inevitable  that  later  Christian 
reflection  should  see  in  the  words  a  reference  to  His 
crucifixion,  for  which  the  Jews  were  responsible, 
and  His  resurrection.  The  "  Scripture  "  is  probably 
Ps.  699  (rather  than  Ps.  I610),  which  received  its  final 
fulfilment  on  Calvarj\  The  forty-sLx  years  may  refer, 
not  to  Herod's  alterations  (p.  609),  begun  in  20  B.C.  and 
not  finished  till  a.d.  63  (Josephus,  Ant.  xx.  9),  but  to 
Zenibbabel's  Temple,  supiMsed  to  have  been  begim  in 
tho  first  year  of  Cyrus  .559,  and  completed  in  the 
ninth  year  of  Darius,  513  (see  Classical  Review,  1894, 
pp.  S9ii.).  If  the  words  which  were  misrepresented  at 
the  trial  (Mk.  I458)  were  spoken  as  hore  recorded,  the 
incident  of  the  false  witnesses  is  naturally  explained, 
esi)ecially  if  a  period  of  two  years  or  more  had  inter- 
vened. 

II.  23-25.  The  Results  of  the  First  Visit  to  Jerusalem. 
— The  result  of  the  Lord's  visit  to  Jerusalem  at  the 
Passover  and  His  work  there  was  that  many  "  believed 
on  his  name,"  i.e.  they  were  convinced  that  He  was  the 
Messiah  and  were  ready  to  follow  Him  as  such,  of 
course  interpreting  tlio  title  according  to  their  own 
expectations  and  aspirations.  Jesus,  knowing  their 
thoughts,  refuses  to  trust  Himself  to  them.  Their 
views  are  incompatible  with  His,  Before  He  can  bo 
the  Messiah  of  His  people.  He  must  tt'ach  them  the 
true  character  of  tho  Messianic  kingdom.  If  this  is 
authontio  history,  it  may  go  some  way  towards  ex- 
plaining the  difference  between  this  gospel  and  tho 
Sjnioptistfi  in  respect  of  the  attitude  of  Jesus,  His 
disciples,  and  tho  people,  with  regard  to  the  question 
of  His  Messialiship. 

III.  1-21.  The  Conversation  with  Nicodemus.— 
Nicodemus  is  an  example  of  those  to  whom  the  Lord 
could  not  trust  Himself.  The  story  shows  how  He 
tried  to  bring  those  whom  His  teaching  had  impressed 
to  a  truer  conception  of  the  Mesr.ianic  kingdom.  Here 
as  in  all  the  Johannine  speeches  the  conversation  ia 
recorded  in  terms  which  reflect  later  thought,  and  it 

out   into   more   general   thoughts   and   ideas. 


JOHN.  IV.  1-26 


749 


Nicodemus  disappears,  and  before  the  end  the  author 
is  teaching  the  men  of  his  own  time.  We  cannot 
satisfactorily  separate  speech  from  comment.  And  yet 
throughout  the  subjects  and  thoughts  have  naturally 
grown  out  of  the  historical  situation.  The  author  i's 
not  simply  developing,  in  the  light  of  later  Jewish 
controversy,  his  views  on  the  necessity  of  Christian 
baptism,  and  the  spiritual  character  of  Christian 
Messianic  expectation.  A  leader  of  the  "  Jewish  " 
party,  favourably  disposed  by  what  he  has  seen  and 
heard  of  Jesus'  works  in  the  capital,  conies  to  make 
further  inquiries.  What  haa  the  now  Rabbi  to  teach 
about  the  kingdom  ?  [The  "  kingdom  "  is  mentioned 
elsewhere  in  Jn.  only  in  I836,  "  my  kingdom."]  He 
is  not  encouraged.  A  complete  change  of  view, 
comparable  to  nothing  less  than  being  bom  over 
again,  is  needed  before  he  and  his  friends  can  under- 
stand the  true  character  of  the  kingdom.  Nico- 
demus' answer  is  not  the  mere  stupidity  of  misunder- 
standing which  the  author  is  suppos^  to  attribute 
in  this  gospel  to  the  opponents  of  the  Christ.  He 
refuses  to  admit  that  the  religious  leaders  can  need 
so  complete  a  change.  Jesus  answers  that  John's 
baptism  of  purification  and  the  Messianic  baptism  of 
the  Spirit  are  the  necessary  preparation  for  admission 
to  the  kingdom.  The  capacity  to  enter  into  the  things 
of  the  Spirit  must  be  created  in  a  man  by  the  Spirit 
of  God.  Nicodemus'  surprise  is  rebuked,  with  special 
emphasis  on  the  "  You."  The  people  perhaps,  but 
not  the  rulers,  is  his  obvious  unspoken  thought.  Then 
the  question  "  How  ?  "  is  answered.  Like  the  wind, 
the  workings  of  God's  Spirit  cannot  be  traced.  They 
are  known  by  their  effects.  Thej^  follow  His  wilL 
The  plaj'  on  two  meanings  of  the  same  word  (pneuma), 
"  wind  "  and  "  spirit,"  is  possible  in  Gr.  It  Ls  more 
natural  in  Heb.  (ruah)  or  Aram.  To  Nicodemus'  re- 
peated "  How  ?  "  Jesus  expresses  surprise  that  a 
reUgious  leader  should  have  failed  to  see  the  teaching 
of  Scripture,  and  contrasts  the  consciousness  of  cer- 
tainty, bom  of  experience,  with  which  He  and  John 
can  speak,  though  the  "  reUgious  "  refuse  to  hear. 
Perhaps,  however,  116  is  the  author's  comment  on  his 
own  generation.  If  the  "  earthly  "  teaching  about  the 
need  of  new  birth  is  uninteUigible,  how  can  the  higher 
teaching  of  God's  purposes  for  the  kingdom  be  grasped  ? 
Only  the  "  Son  of  Man  "  (p.  670),  who  is  in  touch  with 
heaven,  can  reveal  them.  Compare  Dt.  30 12  and  4  Ezr. 
4i-ii,  a  passage  which  offers  several  interesting  paraUcls 
to  this  section.  Though  "  Jews  "  reject,  God  will  exalt 
His  Messiah  so  that  all  must  see  and  acknowledge. 
Clearly  the  author  puts  his  own  meaning  on  '"  exalta- 
tion." The  word  must  have  had  to  Nicodemus  a 
different  and  simpler  sense.  In  what  follows  (16)  the 
author's  own  thoughts  and  theology  become  more 
apparent,  but  the  subject  is  the  natural  sequence  to 
what  has  been  said.  In  popular  Messianic  expectation 
Messiah's  function  is  to  judge.  The  Lord  teaches  that 
His  primaiy  work  is  to  save,  not  to  judge.  For  those 
who  accept  Him  the  need  of  judgment  is  over.  For 
those  who  rejf»ct,  their  refusal  is  their  sentence.  But 
how  can  Messiah  judge  and  yet  not  come  to  judge  ? 
Judgment,  i.e.  separation,  is  the  necessary  result  of 
the  coming  of  light  which  evil  shims  but  good  men 
welcome.  Judgment  is  a  revelation  of  character,  in- 
evitable and  self-working  when  once  the  "  Son  "  has 
set  the  true  standard  (c/.  Lk.  234f.).  [The  Synoptic 
counterpart  of  Nicodemus  is  the  rich  younv'  ruler  (Mk. 
IO17-22).  \\'e  may  also  compare  the  injunctions  to 
"turn  and  become  as  little  children,"  and  Pauls  doctrine 
of  the  old  and  the  new  man.  Note  that  the  belief  of 
15-21  is  much  deeper  than  that  of  223-25. — A.  J.  G.] 


III.  22-36.  The  Last  Appearance  of  the  Baptist. — 

Convinced  that  the  nation  is  not  ripe  for  Messianic 
teaching,  Jesus  falls  back  on  preparatory  work  similar 
to  that  of  John,  who  was  continuing  his  work  at  ^Enon 
near  Salim.  In  Eusebius'  time  this  was  identified 
with  a  place  on  the  borders  of  GaUlee  and  Samaria 
not  far  from  Bethshan.  Modem  explorers  favour  a 
place  called  'Aynun,  north  of  the  Salim  near  Nablus. 
The  evangelist  notes  that  John's  imprisonment  did 
not  take  place,  as  the  earlier  gospels  (Mk.  I14)  seem 
to  imply,  before  the  beginning  of  Jesus'  pubho  work. 
A  dispute  arose  between  John's  disciples  and  a  '"  Jew  " 
about  purification,  probably  leading  to  a  comparison 
of  the  cleansing  power  of  the  two  baptisms.  The 
disciples  of  John  are  jealous  for  their  master's  honour, 
hardly  an  impossibiUtj'  (Wellhausen)  after  the  witness 
borne  by  him  to  the  superiority  of  Jesus.  The  splendid 
answer  of  self-denial  will  always  aj^peal  to  men.  The 
success  of  Jesus  comes  from  above.  John  reminds  his 
disciples  that  he  himself  has  borne  v/itness  to  his 
greater  Follower.  His  own  duty  is  that  of  the  bride- 
groom's friend,  to  bring  the  bride  Israel  to  the  bride- 
groom. His  joy  will  be  full  when  that  is  done.  It 
belongs  to  the  necessity  of  God's  plan  that  the  fore- 
runner should  give  way  before  the  Christ.  The  section 
31-36  has  so  many  points  of  connexion  with  the 
account  of  Nicodemus  that  it  hais  been  plausibly 
supposed  to  have  been  accidentally  transferred  to  its 
present  position  (c/.  2i2*).  In  its  present  context  it 
must  be  understood  as  (giving)  the  writer's  reflections 
on  the  Baptist's  words.  John  could  not  have  spoken 
326  after  26.  The  heavenly  character  of  Messiah's 
work  is  contrasted  with  the  earthly  nature  of  John's. 
He  that  comes  from  heaven  speaks  from  certain 
knowledge,  though  few  care  to  listen.  John  and  those 
who  accepted  the  Christ  asserted  the  truth  of  God.  For 
God's  truth  is  spoken  by  God's  Messenger.  He  received 
in  fuU  the  gift  of  the  Spirit,  ui  contra^st  to  the  partial 
inspiration  of  the  men  of  old.  He  has  His  Father's  love, 
which  has  given  Him  all.  So  he  that  believes  on  the  Son 
has  the  higher  hfe,  which  the  disobedient  shall  never 
even  see.  As  with  Nicodemus,  so  here,  the  Baptist  has 
disappeared  and  the  writer  speaks.  But  the  view 
which  sees  in  the  whole  paragraph  nothing  but  a 
scene  invented  to  get  one  more  occasion  for  the  Bap- 
tist's '•  witness,"  and  to  justify  the  use  of  Christian 
baptism,  is  an  impossible  explanation  of  its  origin. 
To  invent  a  scene  in  which  Jesus  falls  back  on  the  lower 
plane  of  the  Baptist's  work  is  not  the  custom  of  the 
Christian  apologist. 

IV.  1-42.  Christ  in  Samaria.— 1-26.  Christ  and  the 
Samaritan  Woman. — The  Lord  (for  the  title  r/.  623, 
II2,  2O20,  2I7.  with  certain  parts  of  Lk.,  e.g.  186*), 
having  learned  that  the  Pharisees  arc  aware  of  the 
success  of  His  baptism,  administered  by  His  disciples, 
retires  to  GaUlee,  to  avoid  opposition  which  might 
lead  to  a  premature  crisis.  This  obUged  Him  to 
pass  through  Samaria,  unless  He  chose  the  longer 
route  through  Persea,  often  adopted  by  strict  Jews 
to  avoid  defilement.  So  He  comes  to  Sychar,  identi- 
fied by  Jerome  with  Shechom  (Nablus),  and  now 
more  usually  with  'Askar  at  the  E.  foot  of  Mt.  Ebal. 
Jacob's  well  (p.  30)  is  on  the  main  road  from  Judasa  to 
Samaria,  close  to  the  foot  of  Geriziui.  Tired  with  the 
ioumey.  He  rests  at  noon  by  the  well.  In  the  absence 
of  His  disciples  He  asks  a  Samaritan  woman,  who 
had  come  to  draw  water,  for  a  drink.  [The  point  of 
8  is  that  the  disciples  ha<l  gone  into  the  town,  taking 
with  them  tlio  rope  and  bucket  canied  on  journeys 
in  Palestine,  so  that  Jesus  could  not  draw  for  Himself, 
as  the  woman  remarked  (11).    Jesus  and  the  disciples 


750 


JOHN.  IV.  1-26 


are  superior  to  Jewish  prejuclice8,  wliich  wore  not, 
however,  so  strict  then  as  they  became  later. — A.  S.  P-] 
She  is  surprised  at  such  a  request  from  a  Jew.  If 
96  is  a  later  gloss  it  is  true  to  fact.  Using  the  meta- 
phor thus  suggested.  Jesus  tries  to  t«ll  her  of  God's 
gift,  the  coming  of  the  kingdom.  In  comparison 
with  what  has  gone  before,  it  is  as  the  living  water 
of  a  spring  compared  to  that  of  a  well  (cf.  Jer.  213). 
She  is  surprised.  Can  He  do  more  for  them  than 
Jacob  who  gave  them  the  well  ?  He  explains  that 
His  gift  will  quench  spiritual  thirst,  and  not  for  a 
time  only  but  once  for  all.  Again  she  misunder- 
stands, and  He  now  tries  to  arouse  the  feeling  of 
spiritual  need  through  the  sense  of  guilt.  The  gift 
is  only  for  those  who  are  willing  to  share  it.  So 
she  is  bidden  to  summon  her  husband.  This  leads 
to  a  confession.  Allegorists  interpret  the  five  husbands 
as  the  five  senses,  the  books  of  the  Law,  or  the  five 
gods  worshipped  by  the  Samaritans  (2  K.  1724,3of.,34). 
Convinced  by  tliis  proof  of  His  knowledge  that  He  is  a 
prophet,  she  puts  before  Him  her  religious  difficulticis,  or 
wishes  to  hear  how  Ho  will  deal  with  the  stock  subject 
of  controversy  between  Jews  and  Samaritans.  This 
suggests  a  possible  line  of  teaching  that  she  can  under- 
stand. Local  restrictions  are  not  the  last  word  in  true 
worship.  AVhen  the  ^Messianic  hour  strikes  they  will 
disappear.  As  to  the  point  at  issue,  Samaritan  worship 
was  ignorant.  God's  salvation  starts  from  Judaism 
for  those  who  read  rightly  the  message  of  the  Scriptures. 
But  true  worship,  which  will  soon  be  possible,  knows  no 
Umitations  of  race.  It  is  spiritual,  offered  to  the  Father 
who  is  spirit,  and  who  claims  from  His  children  a 
worship  based  on  a  true  knowledge  of  His  nature. 
Again  she  fails  to  grasp  His  meaning.  Messiah,  whom 
Samaritans,  using  at  least  the  Pentateuch,  expected 
as  well  as  Jews,  must  settle  such  questions.  In  replv 
Jesus  announces  that  He  is  Messiah.  This  is  in  accord- 
ance with  the  writer's  view  that  Jesus  accept'^d  tlie 
title  from  the  first,  though  He  drew  back,  when  He 
discovered  the  real  attitude  of  the  Judaeans.  In 
Samaria  this  hesitation  wa.s  unneceasary.  The  Sjmoptic 
incident  of  the  SjTophcenician  woman  suggests  that 
there  is  some  historical  truth  behind  this  view,  though 
as  it  stands  it  reflects  the  ideas  of  the  author's  own 
time. 

IV.  27-38.  The  Return  of  the  Disciples.  —  The 
disciples  return  with  the  food  they  have  bought. 
They  are  surprised  that  Jesus  is  talking  with  a  woman 
(cf.  Pirke  Abolh,  i.  5,  "  Prolong  not  discourse  with  a 
woman  '').  The  woman  returns  to  the  city,  and  her 
report  loads  the  men  to  "  come  and  see.''  Meanwliile 
tho  disciples  offer  the  food  to  Jesus.  But  His  experi- 
ences have  banisliod  physical  himgor.  He  explains 
that  His  true  life  is  supported  by  doing  His  Fathers 
work.  Signs  of  accomplishment  are  not  wanting.  In 
common  parlance  four  months  separate  seed-time  from 
harvest  (unless  35a  is  to  be  taken  as  a  note  of  time,  in 
which  case  the  event  must  have  happened  in  December 
or  January).  In  tho  spiritual  harvest,  wliich  is  inde- 
pendent ol  time,  tho  grain  is  already  ripe,  as  thoy  will 
see  if  th'^y  look  at  tlie  men  coming  from  the  city  to 
Rim.  When  fruit  is  gathered  in  to  eternal  life,  sower 
and  reaper  share  a  common  joy.  The  saying,  "  One 
sowoth,  another  rcaix-th,"  which  in  the  earthly  sphere 
voices  the  c<jmplaint  of  the  oppressed,  deprived  of  the 
fruit  of  their  toil,  recoivea  in  the  spiritual  spiiere  its 
ide.1l  fulfilment,  when  all  the  workers  rejoice  that  men 
are  brought  to  eternal  life.  In  the  bread  they  have  just 
bought  the  disciples  have  reaped  the  reward  of  others' 
sowing.  I^t  them  remember  it  when  it  is  their  turn 
to  sow. 


IV.  3&-45.  The  Witness  of  the  Samaritans  and  the 
Return  to  Galilee. — The  author  records  the  effect  of 
personal  contact  with  Jesus  on  the  men  who  come 
from  the  city.  The  expression,  "  Saviour  of  the 
World,"  must  come  from  the  author,  who  uses  the 
hioident  to  emphasize  the  readiness  of  non-Jewish 
peoples  to  receive  the  Christ,  and  the  superiority  of 
faith  which  rests  on  personal  experience.  Jesus,  in 
spite  of  His  success,  stays  only  two  da3r8.  His  true 
work  is  in  Galileo,  His  own  country,  where  He  is  not 
likely  to  receive  honours  which  at  present  would  be 
dangerous. 

IV.  4&-54.  The  Healing  of  the  Son  of  the  King's 
Officer. — The  narrative  is  plain  and  needs  Uttle  com- 
ment. The  similarity  of  the  story  to  Mt.  Ssff.  (Lk.  72fF. ) 
has  often  been  noticed  since  the  time  of  Irenaeus.  The 
main  points,  healing  at  a  distance,  the  father's  faith, 
the  healing  "  at  that  hour  "  {cf.  Mt.  813)  are  the  same. 
And  many  of  the  peculiarities  may  be  designed  to 
bring  out  the  lesson  it  is  meant  to  teach,  the  superiority 
of  faith  which  believes  because  of  "  the  word  "  to 
that  which  rests  on  miracle.  The  mention  of  Cana, 
not  necessarj'  from  this  point  of  view,  suggests  real 
knowledge.  The  seventh  hour  is  not  incompatible 
with  "  yesterday."  Jews  reckoned  the  evening  after 
sunset  as  belonging  to  the  next  day.  We  should  say 
"  at  one  o'clock  this  afternoon," 

V.  l-9a.  The  Pool  of  Bethzatha. — If  in  i  we  read 
■■  the  feast,''  Tabernacles  is  probably  meant  {cf.  I2). 
The  true  text,  however,  seems  to  have  "  a  feast." 
Pentecost,  Purim  (in  March,  to  suit  435  taken  as  a 
not«  of  time  and  not  as  a  proverb),  and  Trumpets 
(September)  have  been  suggested.  It  is  best  to  leave 
the  matter  where  the  author  has  left  it.  He  does  not 
seem  to  know.  He  speaks  of  the  pool  at  the  Sheep 
Gate  (NE.  comer  of  the  Temple  area  ;  cf.  Neh.  ,3i*,  32), 
or  perhaps  tho  sheep  pool,  according  to  a  few  autho- 
rities, as  still  standing  in  his  time.  It  is  unsafe  to 
draw  inferences  from  the  present  tense,  which  may 
bo  explained  in  different  ways.  The  name  is  doubtful. 
Probably  Bethzatha  {ing.)  is  the  original  form,  of 
which  Bethesda  and  Bethsaida  are  alterations  to 
better-known  names.  According  to  Josephus  Bezotha 
was  the  name  of  the  northern  quarter  of  the  city. 
The  account  of  the  angel  in  AV,  RVm  (4)  is  clearly  a 
later  addition.  Tho  words  in  3,  "  waiting  for  the 
moving  of  the  waters,"  are  better  attested,  and  receive 
some  support  from  7,  of  which,  however,  they  may  be 
an  interpretative  gloss.  [On  tho  whole  story  see 
R.  Harris.  Sidelight^  on  NT  Research,  Ix^ct.  II.  Ho 
suggests  that  tho  feast  is  tho  Rosh-ha-Shanah  or 
"  Head  of  tho  Year."  and  relates  how  he  once  found 
some  Armenian  Christians  waiting  according  to 
custom  for  the  descent  of  Gabriel  into  their  village 
pool.  ((/)  to  give  healing  virtue  to  the  water,  {b)  to 
onrich  the  man  who  first  after  midnight  drew  water. — 
A.  J.  G.] 

V.  96-15.  The  Conflict  with  the  Authorities.— With 
the  man  himself  the  "  Jews  "  raise  tho  question  of 
beaiing  burdens  on  tlie  Sabbath  (cf.  Jer.  172 1).  The 
man's  ignorance  of  who  had  healed  him  is  one  of  the 
many  details  which  suggest  that  the  author  is  following 
tradition,  or  using  liis  memory,  rather  than  inventing 
for  didactic  purposes.  In  56  a  reference  is  often  found 
to  the  thirty-eight  years  of  tho  wandering  in  tho 
wilderness,  mentioned  only  in  Dt.  214,  too  obscure  a 
passage  for  the  origin  of  the  detail,  which  is  probably 
traditional,  though  the  author  may  have  had  the 
parallel  in  his  mind.  With  Jesus  Himself  the  '•  Jews  " 
rai;e  the  wider  question  of  Sabbath  healing,  as  in  tho 
Synoptists.     17  is  a  summary'  of  His  defence.     Ho  is 


JOHN,  VI.  26-40 


751 


fioing  tlio  will  of  the  Lawgiver.  It  i."?  the  Fatljcr  who 
woi'ks  when  His  Messenger  works.  This  claim  to  be 
a  fellow-worker  with  God  secma  blasphemous  to  His 
opponents  and  they  seek  His  death.  It  is  not  unhkcly 
that  the  author  anticipates  a  stage  in  the  quarrol 
which  wa-s  really  reached  later.      Cf.  however,  Mk.  36. 

V.  19-30.  The  Son's  Depsndence  on  the  Fathsr. 
Judgment  and  Llfeglving. — To  the  charge  of  blasphemy 
He  answers  that  a  son  can  only  do  what  he  has  learned 
to  do  by  watching  his  father,  who  out  of  love  shows  him 
how  to  work.  So  the  Father  will  show  Messiah,  the 
Son,  even  grreater  things,  so  that  men  will  experience 
the  wonder  which  leads  to  faith.  The  greater  work  is 
the  quickening  of  the  spiritualh'  dead.  This  will  be 
done  not  arbitrarily  but  according  to  God's  will.  So 
the  judgment  which  the  Father  commits  to  Massiah 
will  be  wrought  out.  The  acceptance  or  rejection  of 
this  spiritual  quickening  is  its  test.  And  its  object 
(23)  is  that  men  should  pay  due  honoiu-  to  the  Son.  In 
24  Jesus  introduces,  as  usually  when  '"  Verily,  verily  " 
occurs,  a  further  thought.  Acceptance  of  His  message 
and  faith  in  His  sender  gives  men  true  life,  which  the 
author  always  designates  as  eternal,  i.e.  spiritual  Of 
such  there  is  no  judgment.  They  have  chosen  the 
better  part.  And  the  gift  will  soon  be  given.  The 
hour  will  soon  strike  when  the  spiritually  dead  shall 
hear  the  Son's  voice,  and  if  they  hearken  shall  have 
life.  For  the  Father,  the  source  of  all  life,  has  given 
the  Son  the  power  to  quicken  life.  And  with  that 
corresponds  the  power  of  judgment,  given  to  Him  as 
Messiah,  who  being  man  knows  what  is  in  man.  28f.  is 
perhaps  best  explained  as  the  author's  comment,  to 
set  aside  the  view  that  what  has  been  said  overthrows 
the  idea  of  the  future  Messianic  judgment  of  quick  and 
dead.  The  dead  shall  rise  for  judgment  according  to 
their  works.  30  takes  up  the  thought  of  22.  Jesus' 
judgment,  as  His  works,  is  dependent  on  the  Father. 
And  it  is  just,  carrying  out  the  Father's  will. 

V.  30-40.  Witness. — The  subject  is  introduced 
abruptly,  but  rises  naturally  out  of  the  circumstances. 
The  claims  made,  if  less  than  the  author  represents 
them,  were  such  as  to  raise  the  question  of  authority. 
By  what  authority  could  He  substantiate  them  ?  In 
the  first  place,  John  the  Baptist,  in  whose  teaching 
the  people  for  a  time  took  such  pleasure.  His  chief 
"  witness  "  is  God  Himself,  whose  testimony  is  de- 
clared through  the  "  works  "  which  He  enables  Jesus 
to  do,  and  also  directly  in  Scripture,  which  they  study 
in  the  hope  of  gaining  hfe.  And  yet  they  reject  the 
Prophet,  whom  Moses  in  those  very  Scriptures  [cf. 
Dt.  18i5ff.)  and  many  others  foretold. 

V.  41-47.  This  summary  suggests  that  jesus' 
opponents  had  accused  Him  of  self-glorification.  In 
answer  He  traces  baok  their  failure  to  accept  His 
message  to  want  of  that  love  of  God  which  their  study 
of  Scripture  should  have  taught  them  (Dt.  65).  If  a 
false  prophet  were  to  come  on  his  own  authority 
(c/.  Dt.  I820),  and  "  speak  presumptuously  "  in  God's 
name,  flattering  their  pride  and  self-seeking,  such  an 
one  they  would  welcome.  Then';  is  no  reference  in 
43{»  to  the  pseudo-Messiah,  Bar-Koohba  (a.d.  135). 
Dt.  I820  and  the  character  of  popular  McAsianism  in 
the  last  century  B.C.  are  adequate  explanations. 
Belief  was  impossible  so  long  as  they  looked  for  the 
praise  of  men  and  not  of  God.  As  with  judgment  so 
with  accusation.  It  is  not  His  primary  object.  Their 
real  accuser  is  Moses,  whoso  Law  they  behove  them- 
selves to  obey  so  well.  They  failed  to  recognise  the 
Prophet  whom  he  foretold,  and  so  they  fail  to  aoo  the 
truth  of  Jesus'  words.  [Possibly  715-24  should  bo 
inserted  at  this  point. — A.  J.  G.] 


VI.  The  Crisis  in  Galilee.— 1-14.  The  Feeding  of  the 
Five  Thousand. — i  is  the  natural  sequel  to  work  in 
Galilee,  not  in  Judsea.  Similarly  7i  would  naturally 
follow  work  in  the  south,  not  in  the  nortlu  The 
author  has  probably  modified  the  order  in  which  the 
material  out  of  which  his  gospel  has  grown  took 
shape.  We  should  therefore  connect  6  with  4,  and 
5  with  7.'  The  account  of  the  miracle  cannot  in  all 
details  be  reconciled  with  the  Sjmoptic  account.  In 
particular  it  leaves  no  room  for  the  day  of  teaching 
(Mk.  634),  after  which,  not  as  hero  (5)  when  Jesus  first 
sees  the  crowd,  comes  the  conversation  with  the 
disciples  and  the  miracle.  But  it  presents  several 
details,  the  parts  played  by  Andrew  and  Philip,  the 
fact  that  the  scanty  store  procurable  had  to  be  obtained 
from  a  lad,  the  danger  arising  from  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  crowd,  etc.,  which  are  not  in  themselves  im- 
probable, and  which  help  us  to  realise  the  scenes  as 
described  in  the  other  gospels.  For  the  name  Tiberias 
(p.  29),  cf.  Josephus,  Wars,  uL  3,  5.  The  mention  of 
the  Passover,  omitted  in  some  Patristic  authorities  but 
in  no  MSS  or  VSS,  is  made  either  to  account  for  the 
presence  of  the  crowd,  when  people  were  on  the  move, 
or  to  point  to  the  following  Encharistic  teaching,  the 
Christian  rite  as  the  continuation  of,  or  contrast  to, 
the  Jewish  Passover.  The  gathering  up  of  the  broken 
pieces  is  here  attributed  to  the  Lord's  command.  The 
lesson,  which  the  author  uses  it  to  teach,  of  the  grateful 
use  to  the  full  of  God's  bountiful  giving,  is  clear. 

VI.  15-25.  After  the  Miracle:  the  Walking  on  the 
Sea. — Though  the  details  are  obscure,  Jn.  gives  the 
key  to  the  situation  by  recording  the  dangerous 
enthusiasm  of  the  crowds,  as  later  on  he  shows  the 
dangers  which  threatened  from  their  disillusionment. 
If  we  compare  the  other  accounts  it  would  seem  that 
Jesus  made  the  disciples,  who  no  doubt  shared  the 
popular  excitement,  put  off  in  their  boat  while  He 
dealt  with  the  crowd.  Then  He  retires  to  the  higher 
ground  to  pray.  As  He  does  not  return  the  disciples 
put  out  to  sea  (?)  in  the  direction  of  Bethsaida,  After 
rowing  about  three  or  four  milas,  they  see  Him  on,  or 
'■  by "'  the  sea,  and  are  frightened.  Ho  reassures 
them,  and  they  wish  to  tako  Him  into  the  boat  but 
do  not  do  so,  probably  a  true  detail.  Soon  after,  they 
reach  land  nearer  CVvjiernaum  than  perhaps  they  had 
intended.  The  story  now  returns  to  the  crowd.  Those 
who  had  not  dispersed  after  seeing  the  disciples  put 
out,  and  knowing  there  was  no  other  boat  for  Him  to 
use,  tako  the  opportimity  afforded  by  the  coming  of 
boats  from  the  W.  side  to  cross  to  where  they  expect 
He  must  have  gone,  Capernaum.  They  are  said  to 
find  him,  not  there,  but  across  the  sea,  perhaps  be- 
tween Bethsaida  and  Capernaum.  The  account,  though 
difiicult,  is  not  impossible,  and  does  not  seem  to  be 
dominated  by  the  theological  U.iudency  of  the  author. 

VI.  26-40.  The  Desire  for  a  Sign :  "the  True  Manna. 
—  After  raising  their  expectations  He  had  refused  to 
go  forward.  Iti  answer  to  their  surprise  at  finding 
Him  so  soon  across  the  lake  He  tells  them  why.  Their 
hopes  are  confined  to  the  material.  They  must  seek 
the  higher  food,  which  leads  to  true  hfe.  They  ask 
what  they  are  to  do.  Behove  in  God's  Messenger. 
But  Ho  has  refused  to  act  as  God's  Messiah.  By  what 
sign  will  Ho  justify  His  claim  to  their  faith  ?  Will 
He  give  the  now  manna  from  heaven  winch  Messiah 
was  expected  to  give?  (Cf.  Apoo.  Baruch,  298,  "'The 
treasure  of  nianna  shall  again  descend  from  on  high.") 
They  quote  Ps.  7824.     That  points,  Jt>3U3  rophes,  to 

»  [On  the  general  subject  of  disarranireraeuts  in  the  Fourth 
Ooepel  soo  Lewis;  als<i  Moffatt,  Intro.  /.)  Lit.  of  ST.  hT>(^..  who 
pointa  out  the  c-\c>sp  rorrespondei'.cc between  i-fv^.  1  and  6. — A.  J.Q.] 


752 


JOHN,  VI.  26-40 


God,  not  J^Iosea,  as  the  Giver.  He  is  fulfilling  His 
promise.  The  Son  is  tbo  true  manna,  food  of  the 
higher  Ufe  of  man  (Philo,  "  Ho  calleth  tho  Divine  word, 
eldoat  of  things  that  are,  Manna").  But  for  their 
unbelief  the  gift  would  bo  theirs.  37-40  though  full 
of  Johannino  phrase  and  thought,  is  most  easily  under- 
stood in  tho  light  of  the  historical  situation.  It  meets 
the  complaint  that  Ho  has  refused  those  who  would 
hail  Him  as  Messiah.  He  replies  that  He  does  not 
reject  arbitrarily,  but  acts  according  to  tho  Father's 
will.  All  whom  Ho  "  gives,"  into  whose  hearts  He 
puts  the  desire  to  be  true  disciples,  will  be  received. 
These  He  will  raise  "  at  the  last  day."  The  teaching 
here  given  does  not  set  aside  the  popular  Christian 
expectation  of  a  final  "  dav  '  {cf.  528f. ). 

VI.  41-51.  The  Munnufing  of  the  "Jews."— The 
changes  of  persons  here  {cf.  22.  the  multitude),  and  of 
place  in  50,  show  that  this  chapter  is  not  intended  to 
record  a  continuous  conversation,  but  to  give  specimens 
of  Christ's  teaching  as  the  author  has  come  to  see  its 
meaning,  of  objections  raised  and  how  they  were 
answerwl.  Jesus"  claims  are  challenged  on  tho  ground 
of  His  lowly  origin  {cf.  Lk.  422,  Mk.  G3).  Tho  answer 
takes  up  the  thought  of  37-40.  Those  alone  will 
accept  such  an  one  to  whom  the  Father  gives  the 
grace  to  hear  the  teaching  promised  in  the  prophets 
(Is.  5413).  All,  who  will  hear,  shall  bo  taught,  though 
(46)  the  teaching  is  not  given  by  direct  vision,  but 
through  faith  in  God's  Messenger.  In  48£f.  the  meaning 
of  what  has  preceded  is  summed  up.  Jesus  is  the 
support  of  men's  spiritual  life.  The  old  manna  could 
not  avert  physical  death,  the  new  brings  true  life, 
over  which  physical  death  has  no  power.  The  thought 
is  now  carried  to  a  further  stage,  which  could  hardly 
have  had  any  moaning  to  the  men  of  Christ's  own 
generation.  The  bread  which  He  will  give,  His  flesh, 
is  for  the  life  of  the  world,  a  declaration  of  the  pro- 
pitiatory character  of  Christ's  death,  which  clearly 
reflects  later  thought  {cf.  Scott,  pp.  122ff.). 

VI.  52-65.  Further  "Jewish"  Objections.— Further 
advance  is  made  by  the  uso  for  the  first  time  of  the 
phrase,  "  to  eat  the  flesh."  To  their  question  "  How  ?  " 
Jesus  answers  that  tho  gift  of  life  can  be  obtained  only 
by  such  means.  The  reference  to  the  sacrificial  death 
is  made  clearer  by  the  addition  "  and  drink  His  blood." 
The  true  life  can  be  gained  only  by  the  a.ssimilation 
of  the  '■  Body  "  and  the  "  Blood,"'  the  hfe  set  free  by 
death  for  wider  purposes.  Those  who  partake  of  this 
"  true "  food  gain  abiding  union  with  Christ.  Tho 
oxpres.sions  used  here  are  intelligible  only  in  the  hght 
of  Christian  Eucharistlo  exp'^rience.  6off.  is  historically 
important  as  describing  the  crisis  in  Galileo,  when 
many  even  of  the  best  disposed  took  offence  and  fell 
away.  In  place  of  their  material  expectations  He 
offered  them  a  spiritual  conception  of  tho  kingdom. 
It  proved  a  stumbling-block.  What  would  their 
feelings  be  when  He  loft  them,  His  life  ended  without 
tho  establishment  of  the  Messianic  Kingdom  ?  This 
seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  62,  though  po8.«ibly  it 
may  mean  that  the  glories  of  the  future  would  provide 
a  solution  of  present  difficulties.  Ho  knows  the  hollow- 
ness  of  the  professions  of  man.  This  the  author 
interprets  as  a  rofcrencc  to  Judas.  The  recorded 
words  of  Joans  arc  of  wider  application  ;  He  knew  how 
His  higher  teaching  had  ahenat<'(l  tho  crowd.  66ff.  Ls 
sometimes  regarded  as  a  duplicate  version  of  the 
crisis,  the  failure  of  disciples,  the  ivfereuco  to  Judas, 
the  apologetic  aim  of  showing  that  his  treachery  was 
foreseen.  The  fiord's  doubts  as  to  the  Twelve  have 
not  tho  appearance  of  a  Christian  invention.  Tho 
author  interprets  the  confession  at  Caesarca   Philippi 


(Mk.  827ff.).  Perhaps  tho  saying  about  Judas  reflects 
tho  language  of  the  rebuke  to  Peter  (Mk.  833).  The 
view  that  the  confession  is  a  clinging  to  faith  in  spite  of 
disappointment  agrees  with  tho  Synoptic  account  of  tho 
Baptist's  message  from  prison  (Mt.  II2-6,  Lk.  719-23). 

VII.  The  Feast  of  Tabernacles.- 1-9.  The  Remon- 
strance of  the  Brethren. — This  incident  is  often  now 
used  to  support  the  view  that  in  the  original  draft  of 
the  gospel  no  visit  to  Jerusalem  before  this  was  re- 
corded. Excision  and  rearrangement  can,  of  course, 
accompUsh  anything,  but  a  more  natural  history  of 
tho  ministry  can  bo  written  on  the  lines  of  the  gospel 
as  it  stands.  The  connexion  of  this  chapter  with  5 
has  been  mentioned.  7i  is  the  natural  sequel  of  work 
in  Jerusalem  or  Judaea.  Tho  Lord's  brethren  share 
the  unfavourable  judgment,  if  not  tho  disillusionment, 
of  the  crowd.  If  He  has  any  claims  to  be  Messiah 
they  must  be  decided  at  the  capital,  not  by  hiding  in 
Gahlee.  Je^us,  knowing  tho  nilers'  attitude  from 
recent  experience,  answers  that  His  time  is  not  yet. 
He  would  only  meet  the  reformer's  fate.  They  can 
go  safely.  He  must  not  go  up  to  this  Feast.  The 
difficulty  felt  at  His  sudden  change  of  mind  led  to 
the  addition  of  "  yet  "  (8). 

Vn.  10-24.  The  Secret  Visit.— Soon,  however.  He 
receives  the  Di\'ine  intimation,  for  which  He  alwa3's 
waits  {cf.  24,  ll6f.)  and  goes  up  secretly.  The  "  Jews  " 
are  discussing  Him,  and  various  opinions  are  expressed, 
but  only  in  secret  from  fear  of  the  leaders  of  the 
party,  who  are  known  to  be  hostile.  When  He 
appears  in  the  Temple  and  teaches,  they  are  surprised 
at  the  power  of  one  who  has  not  been  trained  in  the 
schools.  Ho  rephes  that  His  teaching  has  a  higher 
source,  as  all  will  recognise  who  are  willing  to  obey 
God's  will  {cf.  Num.  I628).  Tho  self-sent  teacher  will 
betray  himself  by  the  selfishness  of  his  aims.  Circum- 
ci.sion  is  allowed  to  override  the  law  of  the  Sabbath. 
Why  not,  therefore.  His  healing  of  tho  whole  man,  in 
consequence  of  which  they  are  ready  to  break  the  law, 
"  Thou  shalt  not  kill  ''  ?  The  similarity  of  the  argu- 
ment to  the  Rabbinical  tract  "  Sabbath  "  is  striking — 
"  if  fox  circumcision,  which  deals  with  one  member 
only,  the  Sabbath  must  give  way.  how  much  more  in 
the  case  of  saving  life  ?  "  Their  judgment  should  be 
based  on  something  deeper  than  the  mere  appearance 
of  law-breaking. 

VII.  25-36.  Results  in  Jerusalem.— The  surprise  of 
the  "  Jews  '"  at  His  accusation  of  murder  shows  that 
they  wore  ignorant  of  the  plans  of  their  leaders.  Some 
of  the  Jenisalemites  are  better  informed,  and  cannot 
understand  tlie  inaction  of  their  nilers.  Have  they 
been  convinced  ?  But  Ho  docs  not  fulfil  the  expectiKi 
conditions.  Messiah  is  to  appear  suddenly.  This 
view  is  found  in  Enoch  and  4  Esdras  (cf.  also  Justin, 
Trypho.49,  110).  Jesus  in  reply  contrasts  their  know- 
ledge of  Him  and  His  origin  with  their  ignorance  of 
God  who  sent  Him,  in  words  which  appear  blasphemous. 
They  seek  to  lay  hands  on  Him.  The  crowd  is  on 
His  side.  Messiah  Him.sclf  could  not  perform  greater 
works.  The  Pharisees  get  anxious  at  their  attitude. 
The  Priests,  always  mentioned  first  when  action  is 
needed,  send  to  arrest  Him.  Jesus  knows  His  danger. 
He  tells  His  friends  that  He  will  not  be  with  them 
long.  They  will  want  Him,  but  will  not  be  able  to 
follow.  The  "  Jews  '"  deride  the  idea.  Perhaps  He 
is  thinking  of  a  journey  to  the  Diaspora,  where  teaching 
like  His  might  find  a  more  sympathetic  audience,  not 
simply  among  Jews  but  among  the  Greeks  them- 
selves. They  are.  however,  perplexed  at  what  Ho 
says.  This  portrait  of  opinion  at  Jerusalem  cannot  be 
the  product  of  the  author's  own  time. 


JOHN,  VIII.  31-59 


753 


Vn.  37-52.  The  Last  Day  of  the  Feast.— The  Feast 
of  Tabernacles,  the  feast  of  the  ingathering  at  the  end 
of  summer,  lasted  seven  days  in  early  times  (Dt.  16 13). 
An  eighth  day  was  added  later  (Lev.  2836).  The 
custom  of  bringing  water  from  Siloah  each  day  and 
only  pouring  it  out  before  the  altar,  is  known  certainly 
for  later  times,  but  probably  existed  in  Christ's  time. 
It  was  held  to  commemorate  the  gift  of  water  in  the 
wilderness  (Ex.  176),  and  was  accompanied  by  the 
recitation  of  Is.  I23.  37f.  is  best  interpreted  by  taking 
"  He  that  beUeveth  on  mo  "  with  37,  "  If  any  man 
thirst  let  him  come  to  me,  and  drink  he  tJiat  be- 
lie veth  on  me  "  i.e.  "  ho  that  beheveth  on  me  let  liim 
drink  "  (for  the  order,  cf.  I12,  1  Jn.  5i2).  38  is  then 
a  promise  that  Christ  will  quench  the  spiritual  thirst 
of  His  followers.  The  source  of  the  quotation  is  un- 
known, but  cf.  Ex.  176,  4I10  water  flowing  from  the 
rock  ;  Ezek.  47,  the  prophecy  of  the  waters  issuing  from 
the  Temple,  symbohsing  the  gift  of  the  Spirit ;  and  the 
tradition  that  Messiah  or  His  forerunner  Ehjah  was  to 
restore  not  only  the  manna,  but  also  the  gift  of  water. 
[See  further  ET,  xviii.  100,  xxii.  10,  xxiii.  180,  235.] 
The  author's  explanation  that  the  promise  referred 
to  the  Spirit  is  natural.  The  addition,  "  There  was 
not  yet  spirit,  for  Jesus  was  not  yet  glorified"  (p.  74.5), 
caused  difficulty  which  led  to  various  expansions  of 
the  text  (cf.  mg.).  The  appeal  raised  the  expectations 
of  the  crowd  to  think  of  Him  either  as  the  prophet 
Jeremiah  raised  from  the  dead  {cf.  Mt.  I614),  or  the 
prophet  of  Dt.  I815,  or  else  as  the  Christ.  Against 
this  was  urged  His  Gahlean  origin.  Messiah  was  to 
be  of  the  house  of  David  and  Bethlehem  His  birthplace 
(Mi.  52).  The  Jerusalemites  expect  Messiah  to  appear 
suddenly  from  heaven,  the  crowd  looks  for  a  Davidic 
king  ;  the  distinction  suggests  real  knowledge.  The 
story  now  reverts  to  the  att-empted  arrest.  The 
officers  excuse  their  failure  because  of  the  power  of 
His  words  on  the  people.  The  contempt  of  the  rulers 
for  the  crowd  may  be  illustrated  from  Pirke  Aboth,  i.  6, 
"  HiUel  used  to  say  '  A  rude  man  fears  not  sin,  and 
no  \'ulgar  person  ("a?»  haarez)  is  pious '  "  (p.  624, 
Ezr.  44*).  But  other  views  are  held  by  a  minority 
in  the  Sanhedrin.  Nicodemus  pleads  for  a  fair  trial, 
but  is  received  with  scorn.  Galilee  does  not  produce 
prophets.  The  cases  of  Nahum  and  Jonah  (2  K.  I425) 
are  apparently  forgotten.  [Perhaps  with  the  Saliidic 
Version  we  should  read  "  The  prophet  arises  not  out 
of  Galilee."— A.  J.  G.] 

vn.  53-Vin.  11.— See  p.  765. 

VIII.  Further  Controversy  in  Jerusalem.— 12-20. 
The  Light  of  the  World ;  Discourse  in  the  Treasury. — 
If  we  remove  the  Pericope  adulkrcR  (753-811,  clearly  a 
later  addition,  though  a  genuine  piece  of  gospel  tradi- 
tion, possibly  belonging  originally  to  Lk.  and  inserted 
here  to  illustrate  815,  "  I  judge  no  man  '"),  this  section 
regains  its  natural  connexion  with  7,  and  especially 
715-24.  It  is  another  specimen  of  the  controversies  of 
the  period.  12  may  refer  to  the  custom  of  bghting  at 
this  Feast  the  great  candelabra  in  the  Court  of  the 
Women  whei-e  the  treasury  was  (20),  to  commemorate 
the  pillar  of  fire.  The  Pharisees  dispute  the  credentials 
of  Jesus.  His  reply  is  in  effect  the  old  prophetic  claim 
to  speak  for  God.  He  knows  whence  He  is.  His 
claims  have  the  necessary  local  witness  (Dt.  176).  His 
own  and  God's.  They  reply  that  He  does  not  produce 
His  second  witneas.  Their  .scoffing  only  reveals  their 
de<-p  ignorance  of  God.  His  arrest  is  not  yet  attempted. 
God  has  more  work  for  Him  to  do  in  the  capital. 

VIII.  21-30.  Warnings  of  Coming  Doom.— But  Ho 
knows  that  in  the  end  the  rulers  must  have  their  way. 
Ho  tells  the  Pharisees  that  His  time  is  short,  and  that 


they  will  need  Him  when  it  is  too  late.  The  "  Jews  " 
are  scornful.  Is  He  thinking  of  suicide  ?  In  answer 
He  emphasizes  the  gulf  which  separates  them  from 
Him  and  His  teaching.  Who  is  He,  they  ask,  to 
make  such  claims  ?  He  reiterates  the  hopelessness  of 
the  situation.  Why  does  He  talk  with  them  at  all  7 
(So  25  mg.  The  view  that  He  called  Himself  "  The 
beginning  "  comes  from  the  Vulg. ;  the  Gr.  cannot  be 
so  translated.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  the  words 
can  mean  either  "  Es.sentially  I  am  what  I  say  "  or 
"  I  am  what  I  have  told  you  all  along  from  the  be- 
ginning.") He  has  much  to  saj'.  But  they  would 
not  hsten  to  Gods  truth.  He  must  say  it  to  a  different 
audience  (26).  They  will  never  understand  till  they 
have  "  exalted  "  the  Son,  through  suffering  and  re- 
jection, to  the  honour  God  has  appointed  for  Him. 
Then  they  wiU  know  that  He  is  no  self-boaster,  but 
God's  obedient  Messenger. 

VIII.  31-59.  Controversy  with  the  "  Jews "  who 
Believed. — Many  are  convinced  by  this  appeal.  The 
following  section  summarises  the  teaching  by  which 
Jesus  tried  to  bring  the  more  favourably  disposed  of 
the  "  Jewish  "  party  to  a  fuller  faith.  If  they  will 
make  Christ's  teaching  a  real  part  of  their  lives,  they 
will  gain  the  truth  which  sets  men  free.  They  take 
offence.  If  they  have  had  to  submit  to  foreign  power, 
they  have  never  been  reduced  to  slavery.  Sin  is 
slavery,  Jesus  rephes,  and  the  slave  has  no  secure 
place  in  the  house  as  the  son  has.  The  author  adds 
that  true  freedom  is  the  gift  of  the  "  Son."  Jesua 
admits  their  physical  descent  from  Abraham  (37). 
But  their  conduct  does  not  correspond  to  their  parent- 
age. They  do  not  dissociate  themselves  from  their 
party's  pohcy  of  trying  to  get  rid  of  one  whose  teaching 
is  unacceptable.  He  follows  His  Father's  example.  Let 
them  follow  the  example  of  theirs.  They  again  assert 
their  parentage.  He  rephes  that  their  deeds  disprove  it, 
and  point  to  other  parentage.  They  are  no  bastards, 
they  answer,  but  God's  children.  If  that  were  so.  He 
tells  them,  they  would  love  God's  Messenger.  Their 
murderous  intent  proves  their  kinship  with  the  devil, 
the  murderer  from  the  beginning.  He  could  not  stand 
in  the  trutli,  hes  are  liis  own,  for  ho  is  the  father  of 
them.  (Many  commentatoi-s  insist  that  446  must  be 
translated,  "  For  a  liar  is  also  his  father,"  and  suggest 
a  reference  to  the  father  of  the  devil,  or  alter  the 
beginning  of  the  verse  into  "  Ye  are  of  your  father 
Cain,"  c/.  1  Jn.  812.  Neither  expedient  is  satis- 
factory.) The}-  refuse  to  believe  because  He  speaks 
the  truth.  No  one  has  convicted  Him  of  sin.  Their 
refusal  to  hear  shows  that  they  are  not  "  of  God." 
His  words  convince  the  Jews  that  He  is  an  enemy  of  the 
race,  and  mad.  No  madman.  He  answers,  could 
honour  God  as  He  does.  They  dishonour  Him  by 
such  an  accusation.  But  His  honour  is  in  higher  hands. 
If  a  man  keeps  His  word,  he  will  gain  true  hfo  and 
never  see  death.  To  the  Jews  this  assertion  proves 
His  madness.  How  can  His  word  confer  a  privilege 
not  granted  to  Abraham  or  the  Prophets  ?  He 
answers  that  what  He  claims  comers  from  the  Father. 
Abraham  rejoiced  at  the  thought  of  seeing  the  glory 
of  the  Messianic  times,  and  from  his  abode  in  Paradise 
ho  has  seen  it  and  is  glad.  Apocn*-phal  writings  show 
that,  according  to  Jewish  tradition,  the  Messianic 
glories  were  revealed  to  Abraham  during  his  earthly 
life,  and  speak  of  the  "  joy "  shown  by  liim.  Cf. 
4  Esd.  814,  ■  l^nto  him  didst  thou  reveal  the  end  of 
the  times  secretly  "  ;  Apoc.  Barueh  44,  the  heavenly 
Jerusalem  shown  to  A.  by  night;  Jubilees  (15i7  and 
Charles  Pieudep.,  p.  86  n.)".  Abraham  "  rejoiced."  The 
Jews  are  scornful, referring  what  is  said  to  the  oartlily  life 


754 


JOHN,  VIII.  31-59 


of  Abraham.  How  can  one  not  yet  fifty  years  old  have 
seen  Abraham  ?  In  answer  Jesus  asserte  His  priority 
to  Abraliam  in  terms  which,  whatever  may  have  been 
their  original  form  ami  meaning,  arc  used  by  the  author 
in  the  sense  of  pre-existenco,  and  seem  to  His  heai-oi-s 
blasphemous.  Again  in  this  chapter  it  is  almost  im- 
possible to  separate  speech  and  comment.  But  it  adds 
a  chapter  to  the  real  history  of  the  ministry,  showing 
liow  in  Jerusalem,  as  in  Galilee,  those  whom  His 
teaching  attracted  were  alienated  when  He  refused  to 
promise  political  freedom,  and  spoke  of  the  slavery  of 
sin,  attempting  to  teach  His  higher  views  by  dis- 
tinguishing between  physical  and  sjiiritual  kinship  to 
Abraham  and  to  God.  Though  told  in  the  terms  of 
Johannino  theology,  it  is  a  real  stage  in  the  controversy 
with  His  people  that  is  "  interpreted." 

[48.  Behind  the  word  Samaritan  may  Uo  the  Aramaic 
Shomroni,  i.e.  son  of  Shomron,  the  father  of  Ashmedai, 
prince  of  demons,  otherwise  ^ammiel  or  Satan. — 57. 
K.  Syr.  Sin.,  and  the  Sahidic  read  "  has  Abraham  seen 
thoe  Y  '—A.J.  G.] 

IX.  The  Healing  of  the  Man  Bom  Blind.  Jesus  the 
yght  of  the  World.  Hostility  to  His  FoUowers.— 
1-12.  The  Miracle. — The  expression  "  passed  by " 
(cf.  Mk.  Ii6)  docs  not  necessarilj-  connect  the  incident 
with  the  preceding  chapter.  In  subject-matter  it  is 
more  closely  comiected  with  the  first  part  of  ch.  10.  It 
belongs  to  the  period  between  the  Feasts  of  Taber- 
nacles and  the  Dedication.  The  encounter  with  a 
man  bom  bUnd  suggests  the  question  of  sin  and  suffer- 
ing, so  often  raised  in  the  OT  and  especially  in  Job. 
ITie  disciples  see  the  difficulty  of  the  orthodox  Jewish 
explanation.  Can  this  man's  suffering  be  due  either 
to  his  own  or  his  parents'  sin  ?  There  is  probably  a 
reference,  either  to  the  Greek  view  of  the. soul's  pre- 
existeuce  {cf.  Wisd.  Sigf.,  "  being  good  I  came  into 
a  body  undefiled  "),  or  to  the  possibility  of  prenatal 
sin  in  the  womb,  an  idea  certainly  recognised  in 
Rabbinic  theology  (see  Lightfoot,  Horm  Hehraicas). 
Jesus  answers  that  they  must  think  of  individual 
suffering  not  as  caused  by  sin  but  as  the  occasion  for 
the  showing  forth  of  God's  good  will.  His  own  work 
is  to  give  to  men  the  light  of  spiritual  truth  and  life. 
The  details  of  the  miracle  recall  Mk.  733,  823.  For 
Siloam  cf.  Is.  86  and  Neh.  815.  The  form  of  the  name 
agrees  with  the  LXX.  In  Neh.  the  pool  of  Shelah 
is  said  to  bo  near  the  King's  gardcji.  It  contained 
the  water  brought  from  the  Virgin's  spring  (Gihon)  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Tyropa?an  Valley.  I?obably  the 
author  has  in  view  Is.  86,  where  Israel's  rejection  of 
the  Waters  of  Shiloah,  which  flow  gently,  symbolises 
their  rejection  of  the  kindly  guidance  of  Yahweh. 
He  seems  to  have  interpreted  the  name  "  sending 
forth  "  as  a  passive,  "  sent." '  The  account  of  the 
neighbours'  surprise,  and  tho  man's  description,  con- 
fined to  what  he  would  have  felt  without  seeing,  are, 
like  the  whole  chapter,  a  striking  example  of  the 
author's  vivid  realism. 

IX.  13-34.  The  Incompetence  and  Anger  of  the 
Authorities. — In  what  follows  the  actors  are  described 
first  as  Pharisees,  then  as  Jews,  tho  larger  jmrty  of 
whom  tho  Pharisees  are  ono  section.  In  13-17  tho 
attempt  is  made  to  get  evidence  out  of  tho  man  to 
disprove  the  faot  of  the  heahng,  which  they  refuse  to 
behove,  on  the  ground  that  a  Sabbath-breaker  could 
not  do  so  great  a  work.  They  only  elicit  tho  man's 
view  that  Jesus  is  a  prophet.  Interest  in  the  matter 
spreads.  The  "  Jews "  now  question  the  man's 
pai-onts,  in  the  hopes  of  being  able  to  deny  his  identity. 

'  [TherPinaybe  some  sarramental  teaohinpt  hore.  Soo  itotrmt. 
Iin\  p.  549  ;  Scott,  pp.  12af.— A.  .7.  O.] 


They  a-ssort  that  it  is  undoubt<»dly  their  son,  and  for  the 
rest  they  aro  cautious,  knowing  the  hostihty  of  the 
authorities  to  the  claims  of  Jesus.  So  the  man  himself 
is  called  again,  in  the  hope  that  his  admissions  may 
bo  made  to  point  to  demoniac  agency,  a«  tho  fact  of 
the  healing  can  no  longer  be  denied.  He  is  Bolemnly 
adjured  to  confess  the  trutli,  in  tho  words  "  Give  glory 
to  God,"  used  by  Joshua  to  Achan  (Jos.  719 ;  cf.  also 
Ezr.  lOii).  Jesus  is  a  "  sinner,"  and  if  He  has  really 
cured  the  man's  blindness,  it  must  have  been  with 
tho  help  of  the  Prince  of  the  Devils  (c/.  Mk.  822). 
The  mans  answer  is  ironical.  They  are  bettor  autho- 
rities than  he  on  the  question  of  "  sinners,"  but  the 
facts  about  his  own  eyes  cannot  bo  disputed.  Further 
inquiry  fails  to  elicit  adverse  evidence,  so  Jesus  is 
denounced.  God  spake  to  Moses,  but  who  and  whence 
is  He  ?  The  man,  with  growing  boldness,  expresses 
his  surprise  that  the  rehgious  leaders  of  the  nation 
should  be  so  ignorant  about  one  to  whom  God  has 
given  such  power.  Even  the  milearned  know  that 
God  docs  not  favour  sinners,  but  only  His  tnie  wor- 
shippers. At  this  retort  they  degenerate  into  mere 
abuse  and  drive  the  man  out,  an  action  which  the 
author  probably  interprets  as  excommunication,  in 
the  hght  of  later  history. 

IX.  35-41.  The  True  Signiecance  of  the  Event- 
Jesus,  hearing  what  has  happened,  seeks  out,  or  chances 
to  meet  (cf.  I41,  I214),  the  man.  To  draw  out  his 
faith,  Ho  asks,  "  Dost  thou  beheve  on  the  Son  of 
man  ?  "  (mg.).  Apparently  the  title  is  not  familiar  to 
the  man.  Jesus  answers  by  claiming  the  name,  at 
which  the  man  confesses  himseK  His  disciple.  In  what 
follows  the  author  expresses,  in  his  own  language,  the 
Lord's  judgment  on  the  incident.  His  coming, 
though  not  for  the  purpose  of  setting  up  the  Messianic 
Judgment  [cf.  817-21)  has  resulted  in  judgment,  in 
separation.  The  man's  recovery  of  sight  is  typical  of 
what  is  going  on  in  the  sphere  of  spiritual  enlighten- 
ment. The  eyes  of  the  unlearned  are  opened  to  see. 
Those  who  claim  the  light  of  education,  by  refusing 
to  obej',  have  blinded  themselves.  The  Pharisees, 
who  claim  to  see,  cannot  escape  responsibility  for  their 
failure  to  do  what  they  claim  to  have  the  power  of 
doing.     Their  guilt  remains  (cf.  Mt.  II25). 

X.  The  Close  of  the  Ministry  in  Jerus^em.' — 1-21. 
The  Good  Shepherd. — The  first  part  of  this  chapter 
records  Jesus'  teaching  on  true  and  false  leadership, 
Li  1-5  we  have  a  close  resemblance  to  the  Synoptic 
parable,  with  one  dominant  idea.  The  true  leader, 
wielding  the  authority  of  one  sent  by  God,  calls  out  the 
wilhng  obedience  of  tho  led.  It  arises  directly  out  of 
tho  circumstances  of  the  case.  As  usual  the  words, 
"  Verily,  verily  "  introduce  a  new  tho>ight  on  what 
has  gone  before.  The  blind  man,  resisting  the  pressure 
of  the  usurjjed  authority  of  tho  false  leaders,  who 
sought  only  their  own  interests,  welcomes  the  true 
leader  who  comes  by  God's  appointed  way.  Tho 
Pharisees  cannot  or  will  not  see  the  import  of  His 
words.  In  yS.  we  have  either  further  teacliing  of  the 
Lord  given  under  suuilar  metaphors  on  different 
occasions  (on  the  same  occasion  He  could  hardly 
describe  Himself  as  both  Door  and  Siiepherd),  or  tho 
author's  meditation  on  the  original  parable,  suggested 
perhaps  by  aotual  words  of  Jesus.  In  8  the  thought 
of  true  and  false  leadoi-ship  is  again  prominent,  though 
tho  actual  language  seems  to  reflect  the  false  Messiahs 
of  a  later  period.  As  sixiken  by  Jesus  it  oould  only 
i-ofer  to  false  leadership  of  Pharisee  and  Priest,  or  of 
the  Maccabean  or  Hcrodian  dynasties.     [Cf.  543.    The 

»  fThose  who  uphold  the  theory  of  dfelocation  rcarranije  this 
"hapter  thiis:  10-20,  1-18.  30-42.— A.  .T.  G.] 


JOHN,  XI.  1-44 


755 


difficult  "  befoi-e  me  '  is  omitted  by  some  early  and 
good  authorities,  including  x,  Syr.  Sin.,  and  Sahidic. — 
A.  J.  G.]  9  takes  up  the  thought  of  7.  The  true  dis- 
ciples, who  follow  God's  way,  shall  attain  salvation  and 
Ufe.  In  10  the  aims  of  the  two  kinds  of  leaders,  and 
the  consequent  results  when  the  crisis  has  to  be  faced, 
are  contrasted.  Perhaps  instead  of  "  layeth  down  '" 
we  should  translate  "  lisketh."  It  is  the  staking 
or  risking  His  hie  when  danger  approaches,  rather 
than  its  actual  loss,  that  the  metaplior  sooms  to 
require  and  which  best  suits  the  actual  circumstances. 
In  14  the  mutual  undci-standing  between  Jesus  and 
His  followers  is  compared  with  the  relations  between 
Father  and  Son.  It  is  based  on  His  readiness  to 
sacrifice  Himself.  And  there  are  other  sheep,  beside 
those  of  the  Judsfean  fold,  who  must  bo  brought  into 
the  one  flock.  The  author  is  no  doubt  thinking  of 
those  beyond  the  pale  of  Judaism.  The  Father's  love 
is  based  on  the  Son"s  wilhngncss  to  gain  through  death 
the  wider  sphere  of  work.  The  value  of  such  a  sacrifice 
consists  in  the  fact  that  it  is  voluntary.  Voluntary 
sacrifice  even  imto  death,  as  the  condition  of  full 
Messianic  work,  is  the  Father's  command.  The 
rehgious  party  is  still  divided  in  opinion.  Some  sug- 
gest demoniac  possession,  others  point  to  His  works  as 
excluding  such  a  theory. 

X.  22-42.  The  Feast  of  the  Dedication.— J/gr.,  "  At 
that  time "  suggests  a  closer  connexion  with  what 
precedes  than  the  old  reading  "  And."  But  in  any 
case  the  notes  of  time  are  not  precise.  The  Feast  of  the 
Dedication  (p,  104)  was  instituted  to  commemorate  the 
restoration  (p.  607)  of  the  Temple  services  in  165  by 
the  Maccabees  after  its  desecration  for  three  years  by 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  (1  Mac.  436-59,  2  Mac.  IO1-8, 
Joseplius,  Ant.  XII.  vii.  7).  It  lasted  for  eight  days 
fi'om  December  25,  and  according  to  Josephus  was  called 
"  Lights,"  because  "  this  liberty  beyond  our  hopes 
appeared  to  us."  According  to  2  Mac.  I9  it  was  called 
the  Tabernacles  of  the  month  Chisleu,  many  of  the 
customs  of  Tabernacles  being  reproduced  at  it.  For 
the  Porch  of  Solomon,  cf.  Ac.  3ii*.  The  Jews,  either 
incited  to  hope  bj'  Jesus'  teaching,  or  wishing  to  dis- 
credit Him  with  the  crowd,  demand  a  clear  pronounce- 
ment of  His  Messianic  claims.  We  naturally  compare 
the  reticence  on  this  subject  impHed  in  the  Synoptic 
story.  He  ropUes  that  doubt  is  duo  only  to  their  un- 
behef.  The  "works"  which  the  Father  has  enabled 
Him  to  do  are  adequate  proof.  Their  unbelief  shows 
that  they  are  not  true  followers.  His  own  sheep  know 
and  foUow,  and  gain  the  hfe  which  He  has  to  give.  And 
the  Father  who  gave  them  is  greater  than  all ;  no  one 
can  seize  them  from  Him  (29).  The  better-attested 
reading  of  ing.  is  more  difficult.  It  seems  to  refer  to 
the  true  followers  "  given  "  to  the  Son,  but  how  can 
tliey,  even  "  as  forming  a  unity"  (Westcott),  be  said 
to  be  greater  than  all  ?  Perhaps  it  should  be  ex- 
plained as  carrying  on  the  thought  of  25.  The  power 
to  do  the  works,  given  by  God  to  Jesus,  is  almighty. 
And  it  is  given,  no  ono  can  grasp  it  for  himself ;  cf. 
Phil.  26.  In  respect  of  these  works  Father  and  Son 
are  one.  The  Father  worLs  through  the  Son,  the  Son 
only  in  the  Father's  power.  In  the  words  of  30,  aa 
used  by  Josus,  there  ia  no  necessity  to  see  any  idea  of 
metaphysical  "  oneness "  of  nature,  however  the 
author  himself  may  have  interpreted  them.  To  the 
"Jews,"  however,  the  claim  impUcd  in  tbcm  seemed 
blasphemy.  They  take  up  atones.  Josus  appeals  to 
what  He  has  done  for  men.  For  which  of  such  works 
would  they  stone  Him  ?  To  their  obvious  answer  {33) 
He  replies  with  an  argument  drawn  from  Scripture, 
"  your    law "   (cf.   I234,   I625),  aa   the  author    calls 


Ps.  826.  If  Scripture  calls  men,  commissioned  by 
God  to  act  for  Him,  "  gods,"  one  whom  the  Father 
has  "  set  apart  "  (Jer.  I5)  and  "  sent  "  (Is.  6$)  cannot 
be  accused  of  blasphemy  for  calling  Himself  God's  Son. 
The  meaning  of  the  phrase  "  the  word  of  God  came  "  is 
doubtful.  It  may  only  mean  the  passage  cited,  "  those 
referred  to  in  Ps.  82."  More  probably  it  means  "  all 
to  whom  God's  message  came  "  empowering  them  to 
act  for  Him.  What  Ho  does,  as  God's  Messenger,  is 
the  true  test  of  His  union  with  the  Father,  Again 
they  try  to  seize  Him,  but  He  escapes.  Recognising 
His  danger  in  Jerusalem  He  withdraws  to  Pera^a,  the 
scene  of  John's  former  baptism.  Many  who  follow 
recall,  in  the  old  surroundings,  John's  witnens  to  Him, 
supported  now  by  "  works "  such  as  the  Baptist 
never  did.  And  so  they  come  to  fuller  faith.  The 
retirement  to  Persea  is  supported  by  Mk.  10 1,  and 
perhaps  also  by  Lk.,  who  in  133rff.  records  incidents 
in  Herod's  dominions  (?  Persea),  after  He  has  been 
near  Jerusalem  (1038!!.). 

XI.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus.— 1-44.  The  Miracle.— 
The  withdrawal  to  Persea  is  brought  to  a  sudden  end 
by  the  illness  of  Jesus'  friend  Lazarus.  Bethany,  to 
distinguish  it  from  the  Bethany  beyond  Jordan  (l2S), 
is  described  as  the  home  of  Mary  and  Martha,  the 
younger  sister  being  the  better  known  in  Christian 
tradition  as  the  woman  who  anointed  the  Lord.  The 
author  assumes  knowledge  of  the  story,  M-hich  he  does 
not  relate  till  a  subsequent  chapter.  The  sisters  send 
to  tell  Jesus  that  His  friend  is  ill.  He  annoimces  that 
the  illness  is  not  fatal,  but  will  prove  (how,  is  not  said) 
the  occasion  of  the  showing  forth  of  God's  glory.  The 
delay  in  6  is  usually  now  interpreted  as  deliberate, 
that  He  may  not  arrive  till  after  the  death  and  so 
perform  the  greater  miracle.  This  is  merely  read  into 
the  story.  To  judge  from  other  incidents  (24,  76), 
Jesus  v.-aits,  as  always,  for  the  Divine  admonition, 
especially  necessary  in  this  case,  considering  the  danger 
of  a  journey  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  which 
calls  out  the  disciples'  remonstrance.  He  answers 
that  he  who  walks  in  the  hght  of  God-appointed  duty 
is  iir  no  danger.  Only  in  the  night  of  disobedience  is 
there  danger  of  stumbhng.  In  11,  knowing  of  the 
death.  He  telLs  His  disciples  in  symbohcal  language 
which  they  misunderstand,  till  He  speaks  openly.  He 
expresses  joy  at  what  had  clearly  caused  Him  sorrow. 
His  inability  to  help  His  friend,  which  He  now  sees 
will  prove  a  help  to  their  faith.  Jesus  gives  the  word 
to  start.  Thomas,  true  to  the  character  he  always 
bears  in  this  gospel,  anticipates  tho  worst,  and  urges 
his  companions  to  face  it  (cf.  2O25,  I45).  On  reaching 
the  neighbourhood  Jesus  finds  that  Lazanis  has  been 
dead  already  four  days.  The  distance  of  Bethany 
from  Jerusalem  is  given  to  account  for  the  presence  of 
"  Jews,"  who  have  come,  about  two  miles,  to  console 
the  sisters,  and  so  witnessed  the  miracle.  The  drawing 
of  the  characters  of  the  sisters  is  not  wholly  dependent 
on  the  Synoptic  account.  It  is  Martha,  not  Mary,  who 
expresses  her  faith,  oven  if  it  be  imperfect  (27).  Her 
cry  is  natural.  "  If  onlj'He  could  have  come  in  time." 
Jesus'  answer,  interpreted  straightforwardly,  does  not 
suggest  restoration  to  physical  life.  Lazarus'  faith  in 
Jesus  assures  him  of  tho  higher  life  over  wliich  phj'sical 
death  has  no  power.  Martha's  reply  suggests  impatience 
with  what  seems  merely  conventional  consolation.  Jesus 
tries  to  raise  her  faith  to  a  higher  level.  Those  who 
have  gained  by  faith  the  true  life  cannot  die  spiritually. 
Failuig  to  understand,  she  falls  back  on  her  belief  in 
His  Messiahship.  Apparently  Jesus  sends  her  to 
summon  her  sister.  Sho  at  ouoo  goes  out  to  meet 
Him,  but  tho  "  Jews  '"  follow,  so  that  private  oonvcrBa.- 


756 


JOHN.  XI.  1-44 


tion  is  impossible.  The  grief  of  Mary  and  that  of  the 
Jews,  real  or  feigned,  powerfully  affects  Jesus.  He 
sternly  "  oheoks  "  His  spirit  {cj.  Mt.  930,  Mk.  I43,  I45) 
and  "troubles"  Himself  (cf.  I227,  132i).  These 
natural  expressions  of  severe  self-restrauit  necessary 
to  prevent  breaking  down,  whore  some  of  the  company 
have  given  way,  have  been  differently  interpreted  in 
various  interests.  Jesus  then  asks  where  Lazarus  has 
been  laid.  On  the  way  He  can  no  longer  restrain 
His  emotion,  "  Jesus  wept,"  Again  interpretation 
has  run  riot.  Anger  at  the  Jews'  hostihtj%  or  the 
insincerity  of  their  mourning,  or  at  their  want  of  faith 
in  His  power,  are  surely  strange,  as  well  as  unworthy, 
explanations  of  the  wholly  natural.  As  in  other  cases 
the  "  Jews  "  are  divided.  Some  are  touched  at  His 
sorrow,  others  arc  scornful.  One  who  could  really 
open  blind  eyes,  they  insinuate,  could  have  saved  His 
fnend.  The"  four  days  "  are  significant.  The  spirit 
was  supposed  to  remain  for  three  days  near  the  body, 
in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  return.  On  the  fourth, 
when  change  set  in,  it  departed.  After  the  removal  of 
the  stone,  the  narrative  passes  to  the  moment  when 
Jesus  knows  that  His  prayer  has  been  heard.  It  is 
this  public  thanksgi^-iiig,  not  the  prayer  itself,  which 
Jesus  says  is  made  for  the  sake  of  the  people.  Failure 
to  notice  this  has  led  to  serious  misrepresentations  of 
this  passage.  The  presupposition  that  "  The  Johannine 
Christ  cannot  pray  "  has  led  to  curious  distortions  of 
the  passage,  as  of  I227.  Reasonably  interpreted,  it 
points  to  the  complete  dependence  of  Jesus  on  the 
Father's  will.  The  "  Lazarus  come  forth  "  is  probably 
recorded  as  uttered  after  the  resuscitation  has  taken 
place.  The  grave-clothes,  while  hampering,  need  not 
bo  thought  of  as  precluding  all  possibility  of  motion. 

[25.  Probably  "  and  the  life  "is  an  addition  to  the 
true  text.  Some  Old  Latin  JLSS,  also  Syr.  Sin.  and 
Cyprian  omit. — A.  J.  G.] 

XL  45-57.  The  Results  of  the  Miracle.— The  majority 
of  the  Jews  who  came  to  comfort  the  sisters  wero  con- 
vinced, but  some  remained  hostile,  and  gave  informa- 
tion to  the  Pharisees.  The  chief  priests,  i.e.  the 
Sadduoees,  always  first  when  action  is  needed,  and 
the  Pharisees,  summon  a  council.  In  face  of  the 
growing  number  of  adherents  their  inaction  is  felt  to 
be  unsatisfactory.  If  it  leads  to  civil  disturbance,  the 
Romans  will  intervene  and  hold  them  responsible  for 
their  failure  to  maintain  order,  Caiaphas,  the  High 
Priest  "  of  that  year,"  the  notable  year  of  the  Passion, 
demands  a  pohcy  which  he  pretends  to  be  necessary 
in  the  interests  of  the  nation.  One  must  die  rather 
than  the  whole  nation  perish.  In  this  the  author  sees 
an  unconscious  prophecy.  Jesus  would  indeed  die  "  on 
behalf  of  the  nation,"  and  of  all  God's  children  scattered 
throughout  the  world.  That  the  author  supposed  the 
High  Priesthood  to  be  a  yearly  ofiice,  hke  that  of  the 
Asiarchs  of  his  own  Asia,  is  inconsistent  with  liis 
knowledge  of  Judaja  and  Jewish  customs.  It  was  the 
"  irony  "  of  the  situation  that  the  unconscious  prophet 
would  have  in  virtue  of  his  ofiice  to  offer  on  the  Day 
of  Atonement  the  sin  offering  on  behalf  of  the  jjcoplo. 
In  consequence  of  the  hostility  of  the  Sanhedrin, 
Jesus  retires  to  Ephraim,  usually  idiiitifit'd  with  et- 
Taijibeh,  13  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem  in  the  "  wilderness 
of  Bothaven  "  (c/.  2  S.  1823),*  The  Passover  was  near, 
and  those  who  came  up  to  Jerusalem  to  prepare  for 
it  were  divided  in  opinion  as  to  whether  He  would 
risk  the  danger  of  appearing  at  the  Feast. 

>  [Cheyne  (EBi.  1321)  conjectures  that  Jericho  may  have  been 
the  original  teit,  which  having  been  indistinctly  WTltten  was  mis- 
read as  Ephraim.  Thus  Jn.  might  be  reconnectoj  with  the  Synoptic 
tradition.— A.  J.  O.] 


In  the  commentary  on  this  chapter  the  attempt  hafl 
been  made  to  show  that  even  m  its  present  form,  and 
therefore  a  fortiori  still  more  clearly  in  the  eventa 
which  it  records,  or  in  the  material  (whether  oral 
tradition  or  fixed  in  literary  form)  which  the  author 
used,  we  have  something  very  different  from  what  it  ia 
represented  as  being  in  most  critical  commentaries,  viz. 
doctrinal  instruction,  under  the  guise  of  fictitious  narra- 
tive, on  the  nature  and  work  of  the  Incarnate  Logos, 
thinly  disguised  in  human  form,  and  always  acting  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  "  fulfil  the  terms  of  His  definition  " 
(Loisy;  cf.  Scott,  pp.  I64ff.).  The  evangehst  has,  of 
course,  told  the  story  from  liia  own  point  of  view.  As 
usual,  by  selection  and  by  his  process  of  "  writing  up," 
he  has  brought  that  point  of  view  rather  than  the  actual 
events  as  they  really  happened  into  prominence.  He 
intends  the  narrative  to  present  to  us  the  Christ  who 
is  the  author  of  hfe,  to  whom  it  has  been  given  to  have 
life  in  Himself,  and  to  raise  up  whom  He  wilL  He 
also  wishes  to  record  the  occasion  of  the  final  outburst 
of  Jewish  hostility  which  culminated  in  the  events  of 
the  Passion,  But  if  ho  has  merely  worked  on  Synoptic 
accounts  of  raisings  of  the  dead,  the  Luoan  story  of 
Martha  and  Mary,  and  the  parable  of  Dives  and 
Lazarus,  especially  its  final  statement,  "  Neither  will 
they  believe  if  one  rise  from  the  dead,"  it  is  obvious 
that  he  has  done  his  work  \exy  badly  indeed.  Behind 
the  obvious  points  which  ho  sets  himself  to  teach, 
there  is  certainly  another  portrait,  of  a  really  human 
Jesus,  not  merel}'  a  few  human  traits  thrown  in  as 
an  antidote  to  Docetism.  He  is  wholly  dependent 
on  His  Father's  will,  and  obedient  to  it.  He  cannot 
move,  even  to  save  His  friend,  before  He  receives  the 
sign  of  the  Divine  approval.  He  accepts  the  delay 
with  resignation,  and  even  finds  true  cause  for  joy  in 
what  had  been  real  sorrow  to  Him.  Though  absolutely 
sure  of  the  Divine  help,  and  confident  that  the  pain 
of  sickness,  and  even  of  death  if  that  ensue,  will  issue 
in  the  glory  of  God  and  the  vindication  of  His  Messenger, 
Ho  does  not  know  in  what  way  this  will  be  accom- 
plished, till  His  final  prayer,  the  answer  to  which 
shows  Him  how  it  shall  be.  After  severe  effort  to 
restrain  His  human  feelings  of  emotion  He  breaks 
dowTi.  He  has  to  ask  where  the  sepulchre  is.  He 
prays  a  real  human  praj'cr,  and  announces  publicly 
His  thanks  for  its  answer  "  that  the  people  may  know  .* 
that  the  boon  comes  from  God,  not  from  Him,  and  that 
God  has  really  sent  Him  to  His  people.  If  the  "  terms 
of  His  definition  "  are  Deity  stalking  in  human  dis- 
guise, it  is  certainly  difficult  to  sec  how  in  all  this  the 
central  figure  is  merely  fulfilling  them. 

The  difficulties  connected  with  the  event  itself  are 
the  same  as  in  similar  Synoptic  accounts.  The  heighten- 
ing of  the  miraculous  element,  the  interval  0?  four 
days  since  the  death,  is  a  cjuestion  of  degive,  not  of 
kind.  The  difficulties  connected  with  the  historj'  of 
the  ministry'  are  undoubtedly  great,  though  in  some 
quarters  they  have  been  exaggerated,  and  they  have 
not  been  solved.  No  thort)ughly  satisfactory  explana- 
tion of  the  silence  of  the  Sjnioptists,  and  especially  Lk.» 
has  yet  been  found.  At  the  same  time  it  must  bo 
remembered  that  the  Synoptic  Gospels  confine  their 
narrative  to  events  in  Galilee,  to  which  is  added  & 
relatively  long  account  of  the  last  visit  to  Jerusalem^ 
The  story,  therefore,  belongs  to  a  period  which  is 
altogether  ignored  in  the  SjTioptic  narrative,  except 
in  so  far  as  it  is  suggested  by  the  "great  insertion  " 
in  Lk.,  in  which,  however,  so  much  material  belonging 
to  different  periods  and  occasions  ia  accunntlatcd  that 
we  can  get  very  little  help  from  it  towards  the  recon- 
struction of  the  actual  history  of  the  period  between 


JOHN,  XII.  37-43 


757 


tho  crisis  in  Galileo  and  the  final  catastrophe  in  Jeru- 
salem. All  that  can  bo  said  is  that  the  incident,  if 
historical,  did  not  form  part  of  a  tradition  which  is 
obviously  fragmentary  and  incomplete. 

When,  however,  we  turn  to  the  narrative  itself  it  is 
clear  that  the  diflficulties  of  the  "  critical  "  explanation 
of  its  origin  are  equally  serious.  The  material  in  this 
chapter,  even  as  it  stands,  which  does  not  help  forward 
the  chief  objects  that  tho  author  has  in  view  in 
telling  his  story,  is  so  clear  that  we  are  justified 
historically  in  presupposing  as  tho  basis  out  of  which 
the  narrative  has  been  elaborated  at  least  as  much 
background  in  real  lustoiy  as  lies  behind  the  parallel 
narratives  in  the  other  gospels  of  the  raising  of  Jairns' 
daughter,  the  widow  of  Nain's  son,  and  similar  accounts. 
Tho  final  question  of  what  really  happened  can,  of 
course,  only  be  determined  by  the  consideration  of 
wider  problems  than  those  to  which  the  literary  and 
historical  criticism  here  attempted  can  offer  a  solution. 
There  will  always  be  differences  of  opinion  as  to  the 
Hmits  which  tho  verifiable  experience  of  our  own  or 
other  times  should  rightly  impose  on  the  credibihty 
of  tho  abnormal. 

The  view,  now  perhaps  generally  held  by  scholars, 
that  tho  author,  having  used  up  tho  real  cause  of  tho 
final  conflict,  the  Lord's  action  in  defying  tho  autho- 
rities by  the  cleansing  of  the  Temple,  at  a  much 
earlier  date,  had  to  invent  an  adequate  explanation, 
is  plausible ;  but  it  exaggerates  the  importance 
attached  to  that  event  in  the  Synoptic  account.  Even 
Mk.'s  narrative,  where  tho  best  case  can  be  made  out  for 
the  view  that  this  incident  was  the  determining  factor 
in  the  tragedy,  is  not  conclusive  (Mk.  11 15-18*).  The 
rulers  intervene  subsequently  to  demand  by  what 
authority  Ho  does  "  these  things,"  a  general  phrase 
referring  apparently  to  His  general  teaching  in  the 
Temple  and  His  attitude  to  the  authorities  at  least  as 
much  as  to  the  actual  cleansing  of  the  Temple.  We 
must  be  content  to  wait  for  the  final  and  satisfactory 
solution  of  the  great  difficulties  of  this  chapter.  Mean- 
while it  should  be  frankly  acknowledged  that  the 
difficulties  which  await  solution  are  not  confined  to 
either  side  in  tho  Johannine  controversy. 

Xn.  The  Final  Scenes  in  the  Public  Manifestation. 
1-8.  The  Anointing, — The  scene  is  the  same  as  that 
recorded  by  Mt.  and  Mk.  Lk.  736-50  represents  a 
different  incident,  or  at  least  a  widely  divergent 
tradition,  from  which,  however,  some  details  in  Jn. 
may  be  borrowed.  The  date,  six  days  before  the 
Passover,  may  by  different  methods  of  calculation  be 
identified  with  Nisan  8,  9,  or  10.  The  last  is  the 
most  probable.  Apparently  the  author  deliberately 
corrects  the  "  two  days  "  of  Mk.  14 1.  Allogorists  see 
in  the  alteration  an  intentional  reference  to  the  setting 
apart  of  the  lamb  on  Nisan  10  (Ex.  I23).  The  feast 
is  in  tho  house  of  the  sisters,  unless  they  are  helping 
in  the  house  of  a  friend  (cf.  Mk.  143,  where  tho  host  is 
named  Simon  the  leper).  Mary,  a.s  in  Lk.  IO40,  leaves 
tho  serving  to  her  sister,  and  taking  a  pound  of 
spikenard  (Mk.  1*3*),  genuine  (?)  and  costly,  anoints 
.Jesus'  feet,  perhaps  a  natural  detail  considering  the 
custom  of  reclining  at  meals.  Judas  (cf.  the  "  somo  '"  of 
the  Sjmoptists)  protests  against  the  waste.  The  author 
adds  that  his  motive  wa.s  greed.  Ho  was  a  dishonoflt 
steward.  Jesus  aiiHwons,  "  Let  her  keep "  (?  what 
remains,  tho  whole  could  hardly  have  been  used)  "  for 
my  burial.  The  poor  will  be  with  you  longer  than  L" 
Ho  thus  uses  the  incident  tct  prepare  His  friends  by 
significant  hints  for  the  coming  tragedy.  In  the 
Synoptistfi  this  anticipation  of  tho  future  is  attributed 
to  Mary.     The  Lfird's  saying  can  bo  interpreted  more 


in  accordance  with  this  view.  "  IjCt  her  keep  it.  Such 
was  her  purpose.  I^t  it  not  be  thwarted."  As  inter- 
preted above,  the  whole  incident  is  natural,  and  used 
by  the  Lord,  after  His  custom,  aa  tho  occasion  of 
teaching. 

XIL  9-19.  The  Triumphal  Entry.— If  tho  story  of 
Lazarus  is  historical  it  is  quite  probable  that  people 
in  Jerusalem  should  come  out  to  Bethany,  to  satisfy 
themselves  as  to  what  would  happen  at  tho  Feast, 
and  that  the  ruhng  classes  determined  to  deal  with 
Lazarus  as  well  as  with  Jesus.  The  Synoptic  and 
Johannine  accounts  of  tho  entry  differ  in  details,  but 
tho  account  in  our  gospel  is  not  in  itself  improbable. 
The  Feast  pilgrims,  Galileans  and  possibly  Judaeans, 
but  not  Jerusalemites,  learning  from  those  who  had 
been  out  to  Bethany  that  Jesus  intends  to  come  up 
to  tho  Feast,  take  palm  branches  (contrast  Mk.  lis) 
and  go  out  to  meet  Him.  They  greet  Him  with  what 
was  perhaps  the  ordinary  greeting  to  strangers  coming 
up  to  the  Feast  (Ps.  1X826),  to  which  is  added  "  tho 
King  of  Israel."  Tho  title  refused  in  Galilee  is  pressed 
on  Him  again.  He  accepts  their  homage,  and  by  an 
acted  parable  teaches  them  the  true  character  of  tho 
kingdom  and  the  King,  as  Zechariah  had  depicted 
Him  (99;  cf.  Mt.  2I4).  The  author  assumes  that  the 
rest  of  the  story  is  known  to  his  readers.  He  simph' 
adds  that  it  was  in  the  fight  of  later  events  that  the 
disciples  learned  tho  significance  of  their  action.  It 
should  be  noticed  that  this  account  explains,  as  the 
Synoptic  does  not,  the  sudden  change  by  which  the 
pilgrimage  to  tho  Feast  becomes  a  triumphal  proces- 
sion. The  Fourth  Gospel  also  accounts  for  the 
presence  in  and  near  Jerusalem  of  so  many  friends 
on  whoso  help  tho  Lord  can  depend. 

XII.  20-36.  The  Request  of  the  Greeks.— This  inci- 
dent is  chosen  to  illustrate  the  Lord's  consciousness 
that  only  through  death  could  the  final  success  of  His 
work  bo  brought  about.  If  it  was  invented  to  gain 
His  authority  ■  for  tho  admission  of  the  Gentiles,  it 
must  again  be  confessed  that  it  is  very  badly  done. 
The  Greeks  are  apparently  not  even  admitted  to  His 
presence.  The  mention  of  Philip  and  Andrew  is 
natural  if  their  home  was  Bethsaida  (I45),  in  a  region 
largely  Hellenic  in  population.  The  incident  seems 
to  bring  before  the  Lord's  mind  the  vision  of  a  wider 
mission  accomplished  without  the  dreaded  sacrifice. 
But  it  is  put  aside.  Tho  seed  must  "  die  "  if  it  is  to 
bring  forth  fruit.  On  earth  He  was  confined  to 
Judaism  ;  only  through  death  could  tho  wider  mission 
be  accomplished.  And  if  His  disciples  would  serve 
they  must  follow  even  through  death,  to  gain  the 
support  of  His  presence  in  their  true  life  and  work. 
But  this  insight  does  not  come  without  a  real  human 
struggle  {cf.  Lk.  I250).  Ho  is  troubled.  Ho  is  in  doubt. 
He  prays.  And  the  answer  to  prayer  is  clearer  vision 
and  the  assurance  of  success.  The  judgment  of  the 
world  is  near,  and  the  overthrow  of  its  Prince.  Christ's 
elevation  through  death  to  the  glory  destined  for  Messiah 
will  enable  Him  to  draw  all  men  unto  Him.  In  these 
words  tho  author  sees  a  pretiiction  of  the  cnicifixion. 
Tho  crowd  are  perplexed.  Messiah  is  to  appear 
suddenly  from  heaven,  and  abide  for  ever.  Who  is 
tlxis  "  Son  of  man  "  who  is  to  bo  hftod  up  ?  After  a 
final  appeal  to  use  their  last  opportunity  Jesus  retires 
into  hiding. 

XII.  37-43.  Failure  In  Judaea.- The  many  signs 
have  failed  to  convince.  The  author  explains  this 
by  tho  prediction  in  Is.  53i,  tho  "  arm  of  the  Lord" 
being  interpreted  of  Messiah.  And  the  ultimate  cause 
is  also  dealt  with  in  Is.  6gS.  The  rule  of  Gods  working 
is  that  there  comes  a  time  when  those  who  will  not 


758 


JOHN,  XII.  37-43 


obey  lose  tho  power  of  doing  so.  The  situation  ia 
similar  to  that  foretold  in  the  story  of  Isaiah's  calL 
It  was  tho  Word  of  God,  now  incarnate  in  Jesna 
Christ,  that  appeared  to  tho  prophet.  But  disbehef 
was  not  universal,  though  fear  made  men  keep  silence. 

XII.  44-^50.  Final  Summary  of  Jesus'  Public  Teach- 
ing,— This  summing  up  of  what  was  most  important 
in  the  teaching  of  .Jesus  throws  interesting  Ught  on 
the  authors  method  of  recording  the  "  speeches.' 
Belief  in  Jesus  is  identified  with  behcf  in  God.  Ho  is 
for  men  the  final  revelation  of  tho  Father.  He  came 
to  enUghten,  to  dispel  moral  and  spiritual  darkiaess. 
His  chief  purpose  was  not  to  execute  the  Messianic 
judgment  of  men,  as  some  had  thought,  and  rejected 
Jesus  in  consequence.  Salvation,  not  judgment,  was 
the  object  of  His  coming.  But  the  rejection  of  Him 
and  His  message  involved  judgment.  Refusal  to 
accept  His  words  would  condemn  men  at  the  last  day. 
For  the  message  was  not  self-taught.  In  substance 
and  method  of  teaching  He  carried  out  Gods  command 
who  sent  Him.  What  Ho  spake,  Ho  spake  as  God 
told  Him.i 

XIII.  The  Revelation  to  the  Disciples.— 1-11.  The 
Agape  and  the  Foot  Washing.— According  to  Jn.  the 
events  of  the  Passion  are  the  voluntary  sacrifice  of 
Love.  He  "  loved  ""  His  own  to  the  end.  At  the 
meal  which  took  place  before  the  Passover,  an  inten- 
tional (?)  correction  of  the  earher  accounts.  He  gave 
them  proof  of  the  completeness  of  His  love.  Where 
tho  others  record  facts  about  the  Eucharist,  our  author 
dwells  on  the  origin  of  the  "  Agape.'"  Christ's  love  ia 
contrasted  with  the  treachery  to  which  Satan  had 
already  per;uaded  Judas.  To  wash  the  feet  was  re- 
garded as  the  typical  work  of  slaves  (c/.  1  S.  254 1). 
Peter's  first  remonstrance  is  met  by  the  promise  that 
the  future  will  make  all  plain,  his  second  by  words 
which  convince  him  that  the  act  is  symboUcal.  The 
sudden  change  is  true  to  his  character  as  depicted  in 
all  the  NT.  Tho  Lord  answers  in  the  words  of  a 
homely  proverb,  "  He  that  has  bathed  need  not  wash  " 
(mg.).  He  is  clean  as  a  whole,  even  if  the  stains  of 
travel  need  removing,  for  the  slighter  shortcomings  of 
even  a  good  man's  life  must  bo  dealt  with.  But  the 
Lord's  mind  is  full  of  the  coming  tragedy.  He  cannot 
say  of  all  what  He  savs  of  Peter. 

XIII.  12-20.  The  Meaning  of  the  Act:  the  One 
Exception. — The  disciples  recognise  in  Him  their 
teacher  and  master.  They  should,  therefore,  follow 
His  example  by  helping  each  other  even  in  the  lowhast 
services.  The  Master  had  set  an  example  which  tho 
slave  need  not  be  ashamed  to  copy.  Lf  they  realise 
that  by  doing  such  things  Ho  has  made  it  their  duty 
to  do  the  same,  then  they  will  be  happy  in  the  doing 
of  them.  He  returns  to  the  theme  of  the  traitor.  He 
knows,  as  they  do  not,  tho  character  of  each  disciple 
whom  He  has  chosen.  But  it  had  to  be.  The  Scrip- 
ture must  bo  fulfilled  (Ps.  4I9).  Ho  has  warned  them, 
that  when  the  event  happens,  instead  of  being  dis- 
couraged, they  may  recognise  in  tho  fulfilment  of 
propliecy  a  proof  of  what  He  is.  In  20  the  author 
adds  that  acts  of  humility  will  not  degrade  them,  but 
prove  them  to  bo  His  messengers,  to  whom  all  honour 
is  due. 

Xin.  21-32.  The  Unmasking  of  the  Traitor.— The 
truth  must  now  bi-  told  ])lainly.  Jesus  is  "  troubled  " 
(I227),  and  makes  the  s(jleran  declaration, '"  One  of  you 
shall  betray."  With  the  disciples'looks  of  amazement 
contrtist  th"  Sjmoptio  account,  whore  their  doubta  are 

'  [.T.  M.  Thompson  (Exp.,  Aug.  1915)  would  traMpose  37-43 
and  44-50.  and  round  oil  the  ministry  narrative  with  the  last  two 
verses  of  eh.  20.— A.  J.  O.] 


expressed.  Jesus'  special  friend,  reclining  on  His  right, 
tho  left  being  the  place  of  honour,  is  asked  by  a  nod 
from  the  leader  of  tho  disciples,  always  ready  to  act 
on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  to  find  out  secretly  who  is 
intended-  Tho  Lord's  answer  is  apparently  ambigu- 
ous. "  He  to  whom  I  give  the  sop  "  would  refer  to 
all  alike.  No  one  (28),  the  Beloved  Disciple  included, 
knew  why  the  Lord  sent  Judas  off  on  an  immediate 
errand.  In  the  fight  of  latter  events  the  Beloved  Disciple 
saw  the  significance  of  the  fact  that  tho  Lord  gave 
the  sop  to  Judas  first,  which  at  the  time  seemed  to 
be  simply  because  He  required  his  services  elsewhere. 
Perhaps  the  author  means  that  the  Beloved  Disciple 
did  understand  who  the  traitor  was,  but  like  the  rest 
did  not  grasp  the  "  business "  on  which  the  Lord 
despatched  hijn.  So  it  came  about  that  he  got  safely 
out  of  the  room,  into  the  night,  fit  symbol  of  his 
"  business."  29  shows  that  the  Feast  had  not  yet 
begun,  or  things  could  not  liave  been  bought.  Josua 
now  knows  that  the  first  step  is  taken  m  the  chain  of 
events  which  is  leading  through  Calvary  to  ilessianio 
glorj'.  And  God  is  glorified  in  what  the  Son  accom- 
phshes  and  suffers,  and  in  return  will  glorify  Him  by 
permitting  His  return  to  union  with  Himself. 

XIII.  33-XVII.  The  Last  Discourses  and  Prayer.— 
Perhaps  this  is  the  best  place  to  consider  tho  general 
arrangement  and  character  of  tho  final  discourses. 
They  present  tho  same  problems  of  stylo  and  language, 
of  content  and  of  arrangement,  that  are  raised  else- 
wbero  in  this  gospel.  The  language  and  the  theology 
of  the  author  are  conspicuous.  And  yet  we  cannot 
escape  the  conviction  that  a  greater  than  "  John  "  ia 
here,  or  fail  to  ask  whether  sometliing  of  his  style 
and  theology  was  not  learned  in  the  upi)cr  room. 
These  chapters  are  not  merely  the  reflections  of  a 
later  generation.  Tho  question  of  order  is  also  diffi- 
cult. The  last  words  of  ch.  14  mark  the  end  of  the  dis- 
course, tho  preceding  verses  are  clearly  the  last  words 
of  a  speech.  The  command,  "  Arise,  let  us  go  hence," 
does  not  find  its  counterpart  till  18 1.  How  are  we 
to    regard    the    intervening    discourse    and    prayer  ? 

(a)  WeUhausen  and  others  find  in  them  a  later  stage 
in  the  growth  of  the  gospel,  perhaps  an  insertion  by 
the  final  redactor,  the  author  of  I  Jn.,  with  which 
they  have  much  in  common,  who  also  added  ch.  21. 

(b)  Others  suggest  that  there  has  been  transposition, 
the  content  of  these  discourses  having  been  originally 
fixed  in  writing  or  taught  orally  in  a  different  order. 
Some  of  the  matter  of  15  and  16  certainly  seems  to 
come  naturally  before  parts  of  14.  The  pruning  of  tho 
vine  fits  on  admirably'  to  tho  teaching  which  followed 
the  expulsion  of  the  traitor.  On  the  other  hand  the 
mention  of  the  Paraclete  in  14  seems  to  he  prior  to 
what  is  taught  of  Him  in  15  and  16.  (c)  Robably 
there  has  been  both  addition  and  rearrangement.  The 
interpretation  of  what  Christ  taught  in  tho  upper 
chamber  grew  and  took  shape  in  divers  parts  and  at 
different  times.  John  perhaps  taught  it  at  first  much 
as  we  have  it  in  13  and  14.  But  in  the  light  of  further 
meditation  he  expanded  and  enlarged,  a  fact  which 
has  left  its  trace  on  the  present  arrangement.  In 
explaining  their  meaning  we  shall  do  well  not  to 
regard  the  whole  content  of  15  and  16  as  subsequent 
to  that  of  14. 

With  1333  tho  Lord  begins  to  prepare  the  disciples 
for  losing  Him.  He  uses  the  term  of  endearment, 
tehnia,  "  little  children,"  wliich  is  frequent  in  1  Jn., 
though  not  found  elsewhere  in  tjio  gospel.  They  will 
miss  Him,  and  cannot  follow  yet.  But  their  case  is 
not  hopeless  as  that  of  the  Jews  (734).  They  must 
make  up  for  their  loss  by  mutual  love,  according  to 


JOHN,  XV. 


759 


the  standard  wliich  He  has  set  (c/.  1  John  27-11*). 
Peter's  remonstrance  is  met  by  the  prediction  of  his 
failure,  placed  earlier  here  than  in  the  other  gospels 
(Mk.  1429). 

14 1-4  takes  up  the  thoughts  of  the  previous  para- 
graph, not  of  the  last  verse.  Tlio  thoughts  of  separa- 
tion and  treachery  had  led  to  perplexity,  if  not  despair, 
Jesus  bids  them  trust  God  and  Himself.  There  is 
plenty  of  room  in  His  Father's  house  (cf.  Gen.  2423,25). 
26  may  be  interpreted  in  three  ways  :  (a)  Even  if  not 
He  would  have  found  room  for  them.  "  To  you  I 
would  have  said  I  go  to  prepare  a  place  " :  this  suita 
the  context,  but  is  forced.  (6)  "  If  not,  I  would  have 
told  you,  for  the  whole  object  of  going  is  to  prepare  a 
place  for  you.  I  could  not  have  withheld  the  truth  from 
you."  This  aLso  is  unnatural,  (c)  It  is  better,  there- 
fore, to  take  the  words  as  a  quastion  ;  "  If  not,  would 
I  have  told  you  that  I  go  to  prepare  ?  "  The  objection 
that  no  such  statement  has  been  made  is  not  fatal. 
It  is  in  the  author's  manner  of  reporting  speech  to 
refer  thus  to  what  has  been  merely  impUed.  In  what 
follows,  the  metaphors  of  going  and  coming  are 
gradually  spirituaUsed  into  the  expression  of  abiding 
pi"esetice.  But  as  they  know ,  the  way  leads  through 
death.  Thomas  protests.  They  do  not  know  the 
way,  or  even  the  goal.  Jesus  replies  that  He  is  the 
way.  His  death  will  enable  them,  if  they  foUow,  to 
gain  the  truth  and  life,  which  He  gives  and  is.  And 
the  goal  is  the  Father,  as  they  would  know  if  they  had 
really  known  Him.  Phihp  protests.  How  can  they 
know  the  Father,  without  some  real  theophany  such 
as  Moses  and  other  prophets  enjoyed  ?  The  protest 
reveals  the  disciples'  failure,  in  spite  of  long  com- 
panionship, to  learn  that  in  Christ  they  have  had  all 
that  men  can  know  of  God.  His  words  are  not  His 
own,  and  His  works  are  really  the  Father's  doing,  who 
is  in  Him.  If  not  the  teaching,  then  at  least  His  works 
should  convince  them  that  He  is  God's  Messenger. 
Belief  in  Him  will  enable  them  to  do  greater  works 
than  His,  which  were  confined  to  Palestine  and  the 
Jews.  The  harvest  of  the  Gentiles  will  be  theirs. 
For  from  His  place  of  power  with  the  Father,  He  wiU 
do  for  them  whatever  they  ask  "  in  His  name,"  as  His 
commissioned  ofRcei-s  to  cany  out  His  commission. 
And  besides  the  hearing  of  prayer  Ho  will  procure  for 
them  One  who  can  take  His  own  place.  The  Father 
will  send  another  ^'  Paraclete  "'  or  "  Advocate  "  (mg). 
For  the  meaning  of  the  terms,  one  called  in  to  give 
whatever  help  may  be  needed,  see  1  Jn.  2i*,  also  the 
article  "  Paraclete'"  in  HDB  ;  Westcott,  Epistlc-s  of 
S.  John  ;  Brooke,  Johannine  Epistles  (ICC).  If  they 
show  that  love  which  is  proved  in  obedience,  they  shall 
have  the  presence  of  the  Spirit,  whose  power  they 
already  know,  and  shall  experience  more  intimately. 
But  He  will  also  come  Himself.  Veiy  soon  the  world 
will  lose  sight  of  Him,  but  they  shall  see,  for  He  has 
and  they  shall  have  that  higher  spiritual  life,  which 
will  enable  them  to  be  sure  of  His  presence.  In  "  that 
day,"  the  period  introduced  by  His  coming,  this  hfe 
will  enable  them  to  reahse  the  union  of  Father  and 
Son,  and  of  themselves  with  the  Christ.  It  will  be 
realised  through  that  obedience  which  is  the  test  of 
love.  Their  love  will  be  returned  by  the  Father  and 
by  Himself,  and  He  will  reveal  Himself  to  them. 
This  is  altogether  contrary  to  their  eschatology.  They 
are  expecting  a  manifestation  to  the  whole  world,  aa 
Judas  protests.  Jesus'  answer  a.sserts  the  true  char- 
acter of  the  Messianic  kingdom.  Love,  which  shows 
itself  in  obedience,  is  the  condition  of  entrance.  It 
leads  to  spiritual  imion  of  believers  with  God  in  Christ 
(c/.  Philo,  "  Hasten  therefore,  O  soul,  to  become  the 


house  of  God,  an  holy  temple,  fairest  dweUing- place  "). 
So  with  the  explanation  of  the  true  meaning  of  His 
coming  His  teaching  ends.  The  Paraclete  will  continue 
the  teaelxing,  and  bring  it  to  their  memory.  Then 
(27)  Ho  gives  them  the  Hebrew  Shalom,  the  blessing 
of  Peace,  not  the  formal  and  Conventional  farewell 
that  men  usually  give,  but  a  reaTgift  of  that  which 
the  word  connotes.  They  need  not  be  troubled.  They 
have  His  promise.  He  must  go,  but  will  come  again. 
To  true  love  that  would  have  been  joyful  tidings. 
His  goal  is  the  Father,  the  source  of  all  power.  He 
tells  them  beforehand  that  the  event  may  confirm 
their  faith.  There  is  no  time  for  more  words.  The 
Prince  of  this  world  is  on  his  way.  Not  that  he  can 
avail  anything  agamst  Jesus.  "  He  has  no  part  in 
me."  But  events  must  run  their  appointed  course, 
that  the  world  may  learn  the  love  and  the  obedience 
of  the  Christ. 

[22.  Judas  (not  Iscarlot) :  The  Curetonian  Syriac  reads 
Judas  Thomas,  the  Sinaitic  Syriac  reads  simply  Thomas. 
Resch.  Au-ssercanonische  Texte,  iii.  824-827,  argues 
that  both  Judas  and  James  the  son  of  Alphaeus  bore 
the  name  Thomas.  Judas  was  the  twin  brother  of 
James  the  son  of  Alphteus.  The  distinction  of  Thomas 
from  James  and  Judas  in  Lk.  61  sf.  he  regards  as  due 
to  combination  of  sources.  His  theory-  involves  the 
rendering  in  Lk.  616  Judas  the  brother  of  James  (7ng.). 
He  regards  the  twms  as  '"  brethren  of  .Jesua,"  but  not 
in  the  hteral  sense.  The  Thomas  of  the  Fourth  Gospel 
he  takes  to  be  James  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  and  he 
identifies  the  appearance  to  .James  in  1  Cor.  157  with 
that  to  Thomas  in  Jn.  2O26-20.  The  identification  is 
very  ingenious,  but  open  to  serious  objections.  It  is 
very  curious  that  the  behef  that  Judas  was  the  twin 
brother  of  -Jesus  should  have  been  prevalent  in  the 
Syrian  Church.  See  further  HDB,  EBi,  "  Thomas," 
and  Zahn.  For'^chungen,  vi.  .344,  and  his  commentary 
on  Jn.,  pp.  .56 If.  it  should  be  added  that  Thomas 
as  well  as  Didymus  (II16,  2O24,  2I2)  means  "twin," 
the  former  being  Semitic,  the  latter  Greek.  The 
name  "  Didymus  "  was  common,  and  frequently  did 
not  imply  that  the  bearer  was  a  twin,  but  that  he  stood 
in  a  special  cult  relation  to  the  heavenly  twins,  Castor 
and  Pollux.  In  the  case  of  a  Jew  this  would  not 
apply,  so  we  may  assume  that  Thomas  was  a  twin, 
whether  he  was  Judas  or  James,  or  boi-e  some  other  or 
no  other  name.  See  Moulton  and  Milligan,  Vocabulary, 
p.  159— A.  S.  P.] 

XV.  The  Vine.— The  relation  of  the  following 
chapters  to  14  has  been  discussed.  The  Paroemia,  or 
parable-like  discourse,  reminds  us  of  the  parable  or 
metaphor  of  the  Good  Shepherd  in  fh.  10.  Two  thoughts 
are  prominent  here,  the  pruning  needed  to  get  .rid  of 
useless  branches  and  to  ensure  the  fruitfulness  of  the 
rest,  and  the  intimate  union  between  Christ  and  His 
disciples,  sjonbolised  by  the  relation  of  the  branches 
to  the  vine.  We  must  compare  the  OT  teaching 
which  represents  Israel  as  the  Vino.  Christ  is  in  the 
spiritual  sphere  what  the  vine  stands  for  in  nature, 
in  respect  of  human  necessity.  He  is  the  source  of 
spiritual  strength  which  satisfies  men's  needs.  Aa 
always,  He  is  subordinate  to  the  Father.  The  vine- 
dresser cuts  out  useless  branches,  pnming  the  i^est  to 
make  them  bear  more  fruit.  So  the  Father  has 
'•  glorified  "  the  Son  by  cutting  out  the  traitor. 
Christ's  teaching,  which  is  of  the  Father,  has  pruned 
the  rest,  if  they  are  true  to  Him,  abiding  in  Him  as 
the  branches  in  the  vine.  5  repeats  and  oraphaaizea 
the  teaching  already  given.  Similarly  6  emphasizes 
the  traitor's  fate.  7  states  the  results  of  abiding 
union.     If  they  abide  in  Him,  Icttmg  His  teaching 


760 


JOHN,  XV. 


guide  their  lives  throughout,  their  prayora  will  obtain 
their  requests,  for  they  will  bo  His.  The  Father  is 
glorified  in  their  fruitfuUiess,  which  shows  that  they 
are  true  disciples.  This  is  posail^lo  if  they  abide  in 
His  love,  which  obedience  will  enable  them  to  do,  even 
aa  His  obetlience  has  kept  Him  in  the  Father's  love. 
His  aim  in  what  He  has  said  is  to  make  it  possible 
for  them  to  fool  the  joy  which  He  Himself  feels,  and 
to  share  it  m  fulL  The  sum  of  the  whole  matter  ia 
love,  love  for  each  other  hko  His  for  them.  The  highest 
test  of  love  is  that  a  man  should  risk  his  hfe  for  his 
friends,  and  "  friends "  their  love  will  make  them. 
When  once  they  have  learned  the  love  which  issues 
in  obedience  they  are  no  longer  as  slaves,  ignorant  of 
their  Lords  aim  and  purpose,  but  friends  to  whom  He 
can  make  known  all  that  His  Father  sent  Him  to 
teach  and  do.  [Cf.  I'liilo  on  Gen.  I817  :  '"  The  Lord 
is  not  a  despot.  The  wise  man  is  God's  friend  rather 
than  His  slave.'" — A.  J.  G.]  They  have  not  chosen  Him, 
to  carry  out  then-  ideas  of  what  Messiah  should  do,  but 
He  has  chosen  them  to  carry  out  His  work,  and  bring  it 
to  a  successful  and  permanent  issue.  And  whatever 
they  ask  God  in  His  name,  as  His  accredited  mcsscn;rers, 
the'  things  that  they  know  He  Himself  would  ask, 
God  will  give  them.  Then  (17)  the  great  comrnand 
is  reiterated,  and  they  are  reminded  that  obedience 
wUl  cost  them  dear.  They  must  not  be  surprised  at 
the  hatred  of  the  world,  'it  was  first  jxjured  out  on 
Himself.  The  world  will  love  only  its  own.  Those 
who  are  not  of  it,  but  chosen  out  by  Him  to  be  not 
•'  of  it,"  must,  of  course,  incur  its  hate.  Let  them 
remember  what  He  had  said.  The  slave  is  not  above 
his  lord.  If  He  was  persecuted,  they  must  expect  the 
same.  On  the  other  hand,  those  who  received  His 
mes.sage  will  hsten  to  theirs.  The  world  will  treat 
them  harshly  because  of  His  Name,  because  of  what 
He  is  and  what  the  disciples  must  be  in  consequence. 
For  the  men  of  the  world  have  not  that  intuitive  know- 
ledge of  what  Ls  good  and  Godhkc  which  makes  good 
men  welcome  it  at  once  when  the\-  see  it.  After  His 
teaching  they  cannot  plead  ignorance,  so  they  have 
no  excuse  for  their  sin.  Their  hatred  of  Him  shows 
that  they  hate  God.  They  have  had  their  full  oppor- 
tunity, the  teaching  not  only  of  His  words  but  of  His 
works  as  welL  And  they  have  given  their  answer, 
hatred  of  Him  and  of  HLs  Father,  Yet  God's  plan 
takes  account  of  all  this.  The  Scripture  must  be 
fulfilled,  "  They  hated  me  without  a  cause  "  (Ps.  35i9). 
And  whatever  the  world  ha.s  in  store  for  the  disciples, 
the  truth  will  prevail  and  become  known.  The  Para- 
clete, whom  He  will  send  from  the  Father  (contrast 
14i6,26,  where  the  Father  sends  the  Paraclete  in 
Christ's  name)  will  boar  witness  to  Christ.  And  they 
too  are  witness-bearers,  for  they  have  shared  His 
company  from  the  beginning  of  His  work,  and  can 
speak  from  knowledge. 

XVI.  There  is  no  break  between  chs.  15  and  16. 
Jesus  has  told  them  beforehand,  so  that  His  death  and 
their  suffering  may  not  daunt  their  faith,  as  the  Baptist 
was  "  offended  "  by  the  course  of  the  ministry,  which 
did  not  correspond  to  his  Messianic  oxjx>ctation.  Thej' 
must  expect  actual  excommunication.  Their  execu- 
tion will  bo  thought  an  acceptable  .sacrifice  to  God 
{cf.  the  Jewish  comment  on  Nu.  25i3,  "  He  who  sheds 
the  blood  of  a  transgressor  should  be  thought  of  as  if 
he  had  offered  an  offering").  There  is  no  reference 
in  2  to  the  rebellion  of  Bar-Koch ba  (543*).  This 
hostile  attitude  will  be  due  to  men's  ignorance  of 
God  and  His  Messenger.  In  after  time  they  will 
remember  His  warning.  It  was  not  necessary  to  give 
it  while  He  was  with  them.     But  now  He  must  go  to 


the  Father.  Instead  of  thinking  of  the  purpose  of 
His  departure  they  are  merely  overcome  with  grief. 
But  in  reality  His  going  is  their  gain,  for  He  will  send 
the  Paraclete  (cf.  1.526).  When  He  comes  Ho  will 
convince  the  world  of  sin,  righteousness,  and  judgment. 
The  fate  of  God's  Messenger  would  raise  the  questions. 
On  whose  side  was  the  sin,  and  on  whose  the  righteous- 
ness ?  It  would  thus  involve  a  judgment.  The  Spirit 
of  truth  would  convince  men  of  sin,  for  it  would  become 
clear  that  the  error  lay  with  those  who  had  rejected 
God's  appointed  Messenger ;  of  righteousness,  for  it 
would  appear  that  the  death  was  not  a  malefactor's 
just  punishment,  but  a  going  "  to  the  Father  "  {cf.  Is. 
57 1),  who  pronounced  in  His  favour  by  receiving  Him, 
ai\d  so  their  loss  in  being  no  longer  able  to  see  Him 
would  prove  real  gain  ;  of  judgment,  for  the  verdict 
which  the  Prince  of  this  world  would  succeed  in  getting 
passed  against  the  Christ  would  be  seen  to  be  in  reality 
the  condemnation  of  those  who  passed  it.  The  Para- 
clete's work  would  be  not  only  10  convince  but  also 
to  teach.  The  earthlj'  teaching  was  not  final.  It  had 
been  limited  by  the  disciples'  capacity  to  understand. 
The  Spirit  of  truth  would  lead  them  into  all  truth. 
{Cf.  the  saying  in  the  Hermetic  literature  of  Hermes 
Nous  (Mind) :  "'  Nous  entering  the  pious  soul  leads  it 
into  the  hght  of  knowledge  "  ;  cf.  also  Wisd.  9i  i.)  Like 
the  Christ,  the  Spirit  does  not  speak  on  His  own  autho- 
rity, but  what  Ho  hears,  including  the  meaninir  of  the 
events  about  to  happen.  He  will  glorify  the  Christ  by 
taking  of  His  and  sho^ving  to  the  disciples.  "  Glory  " 
ip  this  gospel  generally  means  the  true  nature  of  a 
thing,  which  shines  out  from  it,  as  the  radiance  of  the 
sun.  The  Spirit  wll  continue  Christ's  task  of  making 
known  to  men  His  nature  and  work,  and  therefore 
the  nature  and  work  of  God,  so  far  as  men  can  grasp 
it.  But  Jesus  will  Himself  return  (16).  All  the 
language  used  in  these  discourses  cannot  be  inter- 
preted of  His  coming  '  in  the  Spirit  "  as  a  substitute 
for  the  common  expectation  of  the  Parousia,  wluch  is 
thus  suppose<l  to  be  altogether  spiritualised.  They 
contain  something  beside  "  transmuted  eschatology,  ' 
After  a  little  while  absence,  but  only  for  a  httle  while, 
after  which  they  shall  see,  Thei«  is  here  nothing 
inconsistent  with  the  hope  of  an  almost  immediate 
return  in  glory.  The  disciples  are  perplexed.  How 
are  they  to  reconcile  this  with  what  He  hais  said  of  a 
journey  to  the  Father  ?  Does  not  that  involve  more 
than  a  little  while  ?  Jesus  rephes  to  their  difficulties, 
which  He  perceives,  that  length  is  relative  to  the 
issues  involved.  The  night  of  sorrow,  like  the  hours 
of  travail,  is  long  till  it  is  forgotten  in  the  joy  of 
morning,  in  the  I'ght  of  which  it  shrinks  into  insignifi- 
cance. Even  the  thought  of  His  going  causes  them 
sorrow,  much  more  the  reality.  But  His  return  will 
bring  heartfelt  joy  (Is.  6614),  and  permanent,  com- 
pared with  which  the  sorrow  will  indeed  be  "  a  httle 
while."  \^^latever  the  interval,  it  will  be  such  as  to 
secure  the  desired  results.  And  in  that  day  of  reunion, 
they  will  not  have  to  go  on  asking  Him  questions  (nuf.). 
The  Father  Himself  will  give  whatever  they  ask  "  in 
His  name."  Hitherto  His  language  has  been  veiled 
in  parable.  Hereafter  He  will  be  able  to  speak  plainly. 
And  in  that  day  of  final  reunion,  they  shall  ask  for 
what  thoy  need  "  in  His  name,"  and  He  will  not  have 
to  a-sk  the  Father  for  them.  Their  intercourse  with 
the  Father  will  be  direct,  who  loves  them  for  their 
love  of  tbe  Christ.  Ho  left  the  Father  to  come  into 
the  world,  and  now  He  leaves  the  world  to  go  to  the 
Father.  In  these  words  the  disciples  see  the  fulfil- 
ment of  His  promise  to  speak  plainlj-.  His  reading  of 
their  perplexity  has  convinced  them  of  His  knowledge. 


JOHN,  XVni.  1-11 


761 


Now  they  need  not  question.  They  are  convinced  of 
His  Divino  mission.  Their  assertion  is  met  by  the 
warning  that  very  soon  they  will  be  scattered  and 
desert  Him.  But  the  Father  is  with  Him.  Now  He 
has  taught  them  all  that  is  necessary  for  their  peace. 
The  affliction  which  must  come  while  they  are  in  the 
world  need  not  destroy  it.  He  has  overcome  the  real 
power  of  tho  world. 

XVII.  The  High-Priestly  Prayer. — ^Various  guesses 
(they  are  nothing  more)  have  been  made  as  to  the 
scene  :  tho  upper  chamber,  or  the  way  to  Gethsemane, 
or  the  courts  of  the  Temple.  The  substance  of  such 
a  prayer  may  well  have  been  remembered  and  handed 
down.  It  is  clear  that  the  language  is  Johannine, 
and  that  the  process  of  translating  has  led  to  tho  same 
sort  of  modification  that  we  find  elsewhere  in  Jn. 
But  it  is  equally  clear  that  these  chapters  teach  us 
much  as  to  the  source  of  the  author's  theology,  and 
perhaps  of  somo  of  the  language  m  which  it  is  ex- 
pressed. Tho  prayer  is  in  three  parts,  natural  to  the 
circumstances  of  its  presumed  utterance  ;  for  Christ 
Himself  (i-8),  for  His  disciples  (9-19),  and  for  tho 
wider  circle  of  those  whom  they  should  bring  into  the 
fold  (20-25). 

1-4.  Jesus  prajrs  with  fuU  consciousness  that  the 
crisis  of  His  earthly  career  is  come.  Will  His  death 
prove  the  annihilation  of  His  person  and  work,  or  its 
glorification,  the  transition  to  a  higher  form  of  hfe, 
in  which  His  hfe-work  on  earth  shall  be  consummated 
in  fuller  life  imder  circumstances  of  wider  opportunitj'  ? 
The  glory  for  which  He  prays  is  not  for  Himself  but 
to  disclose  what  the  Son  really  is,  that  by  the  com- 
pletion of  His  hfe-work,  which  has  shown  God's  pur- 
pose of  love  for  men,  God  may  be  glorified,  revealed 
in  His  true  nature  of  Love.  He  knows  the  prophets' 
wider  outlook  of  blessing  for  all  men  through  the 
Jews,  and  that  His  commission  of  authority  extends 
to  "  all  flesh."  The  Heb.  form  of  expression  is  to  be 
noticed.  So  He  prays  to  enter  into  the  wider  life  in 
which  He  can  fulfil  the  wider  purpose  of  His  mission, 
which  during  His  earthly  life  was  confined  to  Palestine. 
The  author  adds  that  tlais  "  eternal '"  life  consists  in 
growing  acquaintance  with  God,  which  can  be  had  by 
"  getting  to  know  "  Jesus  Christ,  whom  He  sent,  the 
man  who  hved  on  earth  a  hiiman  life,  that  He  might 
be  the  Messiah  of  His  race,  God's  Messenger  to  all 
men.  The  London  Papjni  offer  a  curious  parallel  to 
the  language  of  this  passage:  "  Lady  Isis,  glorify  me 
as  I  glorified  the  name  of  thy  son  Horns," 

5-8.  It  is  a  return  to  former  "  glory  "  for  which  He 
prays.  Are  we  to  regard  this  petition  as  exclusively 
the  author's  addition,  on  the  lines  of  his  theology  of 
the  pre-existent  Logos,  or  the  real  expression  of  Christ's 
consciousness  of  former  life  with  God,  expressed  in 
language  which  could  bo  used  in  speaking  to  the  Father, 
though  He  could  not  have  used  it  in  teaching  men  ;  or 
as  a  real  expression  of  consciousness  of  pre-existence, 
in  the  sense  which  it  would  naturally  have  to  the 
Jews  of  our  Lord's  own  time  (0/.  J^r.  1 5),  which  tho 
author  interprets  in  the  terms  of  his  doctrine  of  pre- 
existence  ?  In  6-8  He  pleads  the  accomplishment  of 
His  appointed  work  for  those  whom  the  Father  haa 
given  Him,  into  whose  hearts  God  has  put  it  to  accept 
the  message.  To  them  He  ha.s  made  known  the 
nature  of  GkxL  God  gave  them  to  Him  to  shepherd, 
and  they  have  received  and  made  effective  in  their 
lives  His  word.  So  they  have  learned  the  Divine 
origin  of  His  teaching  and  the  tnith  that  God  sent  Him. 

9-19.  On  the  ground  of  this  acoompUshed  work  Ho 
now  praj-s  for  these  disciples.  The  world,  which  is 
not  beyond  the  sphere  of  His  love,  is  excladed  from 


tliis  part  of  His  p^rayer.  It  can  be  reached  only  through 
them.  These  disciples,  His  by  God's  gift,  are  tlie 
object  of  the  love  and  caro  of  both,  for  whom  all 
things  are  in  common.  He  has  proved  His  ownership 
by  their  acceptance  of  His  message.  Now  that  Ho 
leaves  the  world,  where  they  must  stay  to  do  their 
work,  and  comes  to  the  Father,  in  the  hght  of  this 
coming  separation  He  prays  that  they  may  be  kept 
in  true  union  with  God,  whose  holiness  separates  Him 
from  the  world  ;  that  they  may  keep  their  imity,  even 
as  the  Father  and  the  Son  are  one.  While  with  them 
He  kept  them  in  touch  with  God,  the  Holy  Father 
whose  name  it  was  His  to  make  known,  and  guarded 
them  safely.  None  fell  away,  but  the  "  son  of  per- 
dition," Judas,  the  man  of  the  wasted  life.  And  that 
was  part  of  God's  plan  as  foretold  in  Scripture  (Ps.  1098). 
He  asks  that  the  joj-  which  Ho  has  made  His  own, 
the  joy  of  consciously  accomplished  work,  may  be  fully 
gained  by  them  for  themselves.  He  gave  them  God's 
message,  which  must  needs  bring  on  them  the  world's 
hatred,  for  their  acceptance  has  shown  that,  like  Him, 
they  do  not  belong  to  the  world  (1  Jn.  215-17*),  He 
does  not  ask  for  their  removal  to  safer  spheres,  but  that 
they  should  be  kept  fi-om  the  evil  of  that  to  which  they 
do  not  belong,  by  being  '•  sanctified,"  made  and  kept 
holy  as  God  is  holy,  by  the  truth  as  it  is  revealed  in 
God's  message  which  He  has  delivered  [cf.  Ps.  II9142). 
So  they  will  be  fit  for  their  work  to  which  He  sends  them, 
as  He  was  sent.  Sanctification  is  that  which  qualifies 
the  priest  to  perform  his  office,  or  which  gives  to  the 
victim  the  quaUty  that  makes  it  well  pleasing  to 
God.  By  His  death  He  sets  Himself  apart  (19)  for 
God's  service  on  their  behalf,  that  they  too  may 
receive  true  setting  apart  for  the  same  service,  a  real 
and  not  merely  symboUcal  sanctification. 

19-24.  The  prayer  now  passes  to  those  whom  they 
shall  make  disciples,  the  fruits  of  their  missionary 
labours.  For  them  He  asks  unity,  in  the  Father  and 
the  Son,  corresponding  to  the  unity  of  Father  and  Son. 
Such  unity  will  convince  the  world  of  His  own  Divine 
mission  and  of  God's  love  for  men.  The  way  to  God, 
to  union  with  Him,  is  not  through  ecstasy  but  through 
faith.  24  gathers  up  the  section  into  one  wish,  that 
aU  who  form  the  Father's  gift  should  be  with  Christ  to 
see  the  "'  glory '"  given  to  the  Son  by  the  Father, 
because  of  His  love. 

25f.  reviews,  after  the  author's  wont,  the  main 
points  of  the  whole,  in  a  final  appeal  to  the  Father's 
justice  on  behalf  of  the  disciples  against  the  world, 
the  refusal  of  the  world  to  accept  the  message  which 
gives  knowledge  of  God,  Christ's  own  knowledge, 
and  the  disciples'  knowledge  at  least  of  His  Divine 
mission.  His  making  known  to  the  disciples  the  true 
nature  of  God,  a  process  not  yet  completed,  and  the 
indweUing  of  the  Father's  love,  which  is  the  true 
source  of  real  union. 

XVIIIf.  The  Arrest,  the  Trial,  and  the  Passion.— 
1-11.  The  Arrest. — Jesus  leaves  the  room,  or  the  city, 
and  cros.ses  the  Kedron  (rf.  2  S.  I523)  to  a  garden 
where  He  often  went,  so  that  the  place  was  known  to 
Juda.-^.  Contrast  the  careful  arrangements  for  secrecy 
in  tho  preparation  of  the  upper  room.  Judas  guides 
hither  Roman  and  Jewish  soldiers.  In  Mk.  Roman 
soldiers  are  not  mentioned  till  after  the  condemnation. 
As  the  Jews  represent  Jesus'  influence  over  the  people 
as  a  serious  pohtical  danger,  there  is  nothing  improbable 
in  the  use  of  Roman  troops  to  prevent  disturbance  at 
the  arrest.  Tho  word  used,  speira,  is  the  usual 
description  of  the  cohort,  but  it  is  also  used  more 
generally.  Jesus,  knowing  what  His  action  means, 
comes  out  from  the  garden  or  His  place  of  retirement 


762 


JOHN,  XVIII.  1-11 


in  it,  and  asks  whom  they  seek.  The  traitor  is  dis- 
oonoerted.  His  plans  for  identification  are  not  needed, 
and  he  stands  by  with  notliin^'  to  do.  There  is 
momentary  confusion,  and  the  soldiers  fall  back  in 
surprise  at  the  unoxpectod  behaviour  of  the  "  danger- 
ous criminal."  Some  fall  down.  If  the  author  has 
exaggerated  the  incident,  ho  has  hardly  made  it  the 
"  miracle  of  omnipotence,  that  put«  its  predeoessora 
into  the  shade,"  of  which  we  read  in  some  commen- 
taries. Jesus  repeats  His  question.  If  they  want 
Him,  lot  the  rest  go.  So  it  comes  about  that  Hia 
sajing  that  none  should  be  lost  was  literally  fulfilled. 
Again  the  incident  is  natural,  even  if  the  author  uses 
it  for  apologetic  purposes.  In  tho  incident  of  Peter 
and  Malchus  the  names  are  given  by  Jn.  alone.  Such 
additions  may  indicate  either  true  knowledge,  or  the 
later  love  of  supplying  the  names  of  places  and  persons, 
so  that  its  bearing  on  the  histoincal  character  of  tho 
account  is  mconclusivo.  The  words  of  the  Lord  (ii) 
seem  to  presuppose  acquaintance  with  tho  Synoptic 
account  of  Gothsemane  (Mk.  1 43 2-4 2  and  parallels). 

XVIII.  10-27.  The  Preliminary  Examination.  Peter's 
Denial. — Jesus  is  brought  to  Annas,  the  father-in-law 
of  the  actual  High  Priest  "of  that  year"'  (11 51). 
Tliis  prchminary  stage,  known  only  to  our  author,  ia 
not  in  itself  improbable.  Peter  and  another  disciple, 
generally  and  naturally  identified  with  the  Beloved 
Disciple,  follow.  Tho  latter  has  acquaintances  in  the 
household  and  gains  admis.sion  at  once.  When  ho 
tries  to  gain  the  same  for  Peter,  the  portress  is  doubtful 
what  to  do,  and  a-sks  Peter  if  he  is  a  follower  of  the 
accused.  Apparently  his  denial  gains  him  admission, 
and  he  seeks  obscurity  among  the  crowd  of  servants. 
It  must  be  noticed  that  this  account  of  the  first  denial 
rises  quite  naturally  out  of  the  circumstances.  In 
the  Synoptic  account  it  is  unexplained.  The  High 
Priest  (a  term  which  is  not  confined  to  the  actual 
holder  of  the  chief  ofiice)  examines  Jesus  as  to  His 
disciples  and  teaching,  clearly  with  intent  to  extort 
evidence  of  sedition.  Jesus  answers  that  His  teaching 
has  always  been  open  and  pubUc.  Ckjntrast  Mk.  I449, 
where  He  addresses  a  similar  remark  to  His  captors. 
One  of  the  attendants,  thinking  tho  answer  insolent, 
strikes  Jesus  on  the  face.  Again  cf.  Mk.  1465,  where 
the  buffeting  ia  general  Failing  to  get  the  evidence 
he  wants,  Annas  decides  to  send  the  prisoner  on  to 
Caiaphas,  the  nihng  High  Priest.  Probably  Jesus 
passes  through  the  court,  and  the  servants  see,  with 
the  result  that  Peter  is  again  questioned.  His  second 
denial  in  followed  by  a  question  which  might  prove 
serious,  as  it  comes  from  a  kinsman  of  his  victim  in  the 
garden,  who  had  seen  him  tliore.  According  to  the 
Synoptists  this  tliird  denial  was  accompanied  by  an 
oath.  Again  wo  find  in  the  Johanninc  account  satis- 
factory motives  for  the  several  incidents  in  the  denial. 

The  proceedings  before  Caiaplias,  recorded  in  the 
other  gospels  (Mt.  and  Mk.)  ait-  mentioned  here  but 
not  described.  This,  and  the  difiiculty  of  the  men- 
tion of  "the  liigh  priest"  in  19,  were  early  recog- 
nised and  led  to  a  rearrangement  in  tho  Sinaitic 
Syriao,  which  presents  tho  following  order:  12,  13,  24, 
14,  15,  19-23,  16-18,  25-27,  thus  getting  tho  '-trial'" 
before  Caiaphas  as  in  the  Synoptic  account,  and 
making  the  record  of  Peter's  denial  continuous.  But 
tho  reasons  for  tho  transpositions  are  obvious,  and 
individual  phrases  in  the  version  betray  its  secondary 
character  (rf.  :Moffatt,  IXT,  i)p.  567f  ).  Except  the 
silence  of  the  other  gospels  there  is  nothing  stiapicious 
in  the  preliminary  questioning  by  Annas,  who  had  been 
High  Priest,  and  is  known  to  have  exerci8<'d  great  in- 
fluence daring  this  period. 


XVIII.  28.-XIX.  16.  The  Trial  before  Pilate.— From 

Caiaphas  Jesus  is  brought  to  tho  Pratorium,  tho 
governor's  residence,  either  Herod's  palace  in  the  VV. 
part  of  tho  city,  or  the  Antonia,  near  the  Temple,  to 
the  NW.  To  avoid  defilement  the  Jews  remain  in 
tho  open.  The  Passover  has  still  to  bo  eaten,  in  con- 
trast with  tho  Synoptic  view  of  the  Last  Supper. 
Pilate,  to  rospexjt  their  scruples,  transacts  his  business 
with  them  outside.  In  itself  this  concession  to  roUgioua 
scruple  is  far  from  improbable  in  the  Ught  of  what  is 
known  of  Roman  practice,  however  we  may  judge  the 
frequent  going  backwards  and  forwards  between  the 
prisoner  and  His  accusers.  The  governor  naturally 
asks  first  for  a  definite  charge.  The  Jews  endeavour 
to  get  his  recognition  of  their  decision  without  going 
into  detail,  demanding  the  sentence  which  it  is  beyond 
their  power  to  mflict.  Pilato  repUed  that  in  that  case 
they  must  be  content  with  the  punishment  which  fiea 
within  their  comj)etenco.  They  urge  that  nothing  but 
the  death  penalty  will  meet  tho  case,  and  this  they 
cannot  inflict.  So,  the  author  adds,  it  came  about 
that  tho  Lord's  prediction  of  the  manner  of  His  death 
was  fulfilled.  If  the^'  could  have  put  Him  to  death, 
it  woujd  have  been  by  stoning.  Pilato  leaves  them 
and  interrogates  the  prisoner,  in  words  which  assume 
that  the  Jews  have  made  a  more  definite  charge  than 
has  been  stated.  Jesus  asks  in  what  sense  Pilato  uses 
the  term  King  ?  Ho  is  no  claimant  to  an  earthly 
sovereignty ;  Messianic  claims  He  has,  which  the 
rulers  of  His  people  will  not  allow.  Pilate  is  scornful ; 
is  he  a  Jew,  to  be  interested  in  such  matters  ?  The 
leaders  of  the  nation  have  accused  Him  of  dangerous 
sedition.  Jesus  rcphcs  that  Ho  has  put  forward  no 
claims  which  are  dangerous  from  the  Roman  point  of 
view.  If  His  claims  had  been  pohtical  His  supporters 
would  have  acted  accordingly.  Pilate  presses  Him 
further,  and  receives  the  answer  that  His  aim  is  to  set 
up  the  kingdom  of  tnith,  the  true  knowledge  of  God. 
His  subjects  are  those  who  will  hsten  to  that.  He 
cannot  rest  on  force.  Such  claims  have  no  pohtical 
menace,  and  vrith  a  half  scornful  ''  What  is  truth  ?  " 
Pilate  closes  the  examination.  Convinced  of  the 
prisoner's  innocence,  he  tries  to  persuade  the  Jews  to 
accept  a  compromise,  condemnation  and  release  accord- 
ing to  a  "  custom  of  the  feast."  In  Mk.  the  demand 
for  the  release  of  Barabbas  comes  from  the  people. 
The  custom  is  not  otherwise  known,  but  is  in  accord- 
ance with  known  methods  of  administration.  An  in- 
teresting parallel  is  supplied  by  the  Florentine  Papyri 
(a,d.  So),  which  contain  the  protocol  of  a  process 
before  C.  Septimius  Vegetus,  the  Governor  of  Egj'pt, 
who  says  to  one  Phibion,  "  Thou  art  worthj'  of  scourg- 
ing .  .   .  but  I  give  thee  to  the  people." 

XIX.  1-16.  Pilate  gives  way  to  the  Jews. — Pilate's 
next  attempt  is  to  pei-suado  the  Jews  to  bo  content 
with  a  fighter  penalty  than  crucifixion.  Tho  prisoner 
is  not  dangerous  enough,  even  to  the  religious  autho- 
rities of  the  nation,  to  make  the  extreme  penalty 
necessary.  Scourging  will  meet  the  case.  It  was  the 
usual  piinliminary  of  the  Roman  punishment  of  cnioi- 
fixion,  and  in  the  Sjmoptic  account  it  is  recorded  only 
after  the  sentence  has  been  pronounced.  Cf.,  however, 
Lk.  23i6,22,  where  Pilate  suggests  it  as  a  sufficient 
punishment.  The  soldiers  obey  orders,  and,  visibly 
int<>rpreting  the  governor's  wishes,  add  mockery  to  tlio 
scotirging,  making  sport  of  the  claimant  to  a  kingdom, 
and  perhaps  of  Jewish  "  sovereignty  "  in  general.  Tlio 
other  gospels  record  mockery,  after  the  Jewish  trial,  of 
the  prisoner  as  a  discredited  prophet.  Pilate  shows 
Jesus  to  the  Jews  in  this  plight,  hoping  that  it  will 
convince  them  of  His  helplessness.    "  Behold  the  man," 


JOHN,  XX.   1-10 


763 


uuu  d  very  dangerous  leader  of  men.  This  only  incites 
their  hatred.  To  their  cry,  "  Crucify  Him,"  he  answers 
that  if  they  want  that  they  must  take  the  responsi- 
bility. They  declare  that  He  has  deserved  the  death 
penalty  for  blasphemy.  At  tliis  ho  is  afraid,  either 
from  superstition,  or  from  his  experience  of  Jewish 
fanaticism.  To  his  surprise  at  the  prisoners  silence 
before  His  judge,  who  wields  the  power  of  life  and 
death,  Jesus  rephes  that  all  eartlily  power  has  its  source 
as  well  as  its  limitations  in  the  will  of  God,  which  en- 
hances the  guilt  of  ''  him  that  delivered  him  up."  It  is 
uncertain  whether  Caiaphas,  or  Judas,  or  Satan  is  meant, 
Pilate's  fonucr  conviction  of  Jesus'  innocence  gives 
way  at  last  before  the  Jews'  veiled  threat  to  accuse 
him  of  treason  against  the  Emperor.  Taking  his  seat 
upon  the  tribunal  he  gives  formal  sentence.  We  may 
compare  Josephus,  Wars,  II,  xiv.  8:  "At  this  time 
Florus  took  up  his  quarters  at  the  palace,  and  on  the 
next  day  he  had  his  tribunal  set  before  it,  and  sat 
upon  it,"  The  sentence  is  given  "  about  noon." 
This  is  apparently  a  coiTCction  of  the  Marcan  tradition 
which  places  the  actual  crucifixion  at  the  third  hour, 
i.e.  9  A.M.  The  attempts  to  harmonise  the  two  state- 
ments, by  showing  that  Jn.  used  the  same  reckoning 
of  hours  that  we  do,  are  not  convincing. 

[13.  Gabbatha :  was  connected  by  Zahn,  INT.  vol. 
i.  p.  29,  with  gahah,  "  to  rake  together,"  and  explained 
as  "  mosaic.  '  He  has  withdrawn  this  in  his  commen- 
tary, p.  637,  where  other  suggestions  are  discussed. 
See  also  Wellliausen,  p.  86,  Dalman,  The  Words  of 
Jesus,  pp.  7f. — A.  J.  G.  and  A-  S.  P.] 

XIX.  17-30.  The  Crucifixion.— The  statement  that 
Jesus  bears  His  own  cross  corrects,  or  at  least  supple- 
ments, the  Synoptic  story  of  Simon  of  Cyiene.  It 
may  have  been  added  to  show  that  "  the  Johannine 
Christ  needs  no  help,"  or  to  deprive  the  Gnostics  of 
support  for  their  theory  that  it  was  Simon  who  really 
Buffered  on  the  Cross.  In  itself  it  is  in  accordance 
with  Roman  custom  (cf.  Plutarch,  "  Every  malefactor 
carries  his  own  cross  ").  The  incident  of  the  title  is 
certainly  effective  as  depicting  the  obstinacy  of  a 
weak  man  who  has  given  way  on  the  main  point,  but 
it  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  promotes  the  dogmatic 
aims  of  the  author.  23!  suggests  a  very  natural  way 
of  deahng  with  the  clothes  of  the  condemned  "  male- 
factors," even  if  it  suits  the  exact  wording  of  the 
quotation  from  Ps.  2218"'.  It  is  very  natural  to  identify 
"  his  mother's  sister  "  with  the  "  mother  of  Zebedee's 
children  "  (Mt.)  and  IVIark's  '"  Salome."  It  makes  the 
following  commendation  of  His  mother  to  her  sister's 
son  a  fittuag  arrangement,  especially  as  the  Lords 
brethren,  even  if  they  were  Mary's  sons,  "  did  not 
believe  on  Him."  It  should,  however,  be  remembered 
that  the  identification  of  the  Beloved  Disciple  with  the 
son  of  Zcbcdee,  though  probably  intended,  Ls  never 
actually  made  in  this  gospel.  The  statement  that  26f. 
is  mconsistent  with  Ac.  I14,  "  where  Maiy  is  repre- 
sented as  being  in  Jerusalem  with  her  sons,"  is,  to 
say  the  least,  exaggerated.  What  we  read  there  is 
that  the  apostles  "  continued  steadfastly  in  prayer 
with  the  women,  and  Mary  the  mother  of  Jesus,  and 
with  his  brethrci)."  The  incident  can  be  allegorically 
interpreted,  as  intended  to  exhort  the  Gentile  Church 
to  treat  Jf'wish  Christianity  with  all  consideration. 
But  the  desire  to  teach  this  is  not  an  adequate  explana- 
tion of  the  origin  of  a  story  without  foundation  in 
fact.  In  the  saying,  "  I  thirst,"  the  author  sees  the 
fulfilment  of  Ps.  22i5,  or  an  incident,  which  led  to  the 
fulfilment  of  Ps.  692 1.  But  it  is  far  more  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  the  fact  led  to  the  discovery  of  tho 
prophecy  rather  than  that  tho  prophecy  caused  the 


invention  of  the  fact.  The  saying,  "'  It  is  finished," 
means,  "  It  is  brought  to  a  successful  issue "  {cf.  Lk. 
1250).  It  is  a  cry  of  confidence,  if  not  of  victory,  and 
accords  with  the  author's  presentation  of  tho  Passion. 

[29.  hyssop:  we  should  probably  read  "javelin," 
as  proposed  by  Camei-arius,  and  accepted  by  such 
scholars  as  Beza,  Cobet,  and  Field.  It  is  read  by 
Bentley,  but  whether  independently  or  not  does  not 
appear  from  his  note  (Bentleii  Critica  Sacra,  p.  21). 
It  is  read  by  Baljon  and  Blass  in  their  texts,  and  by 
Moffatt  in  his  translation.  Hj^ssop  is  quite  unsuitable 
for  the  purpose.  The  emendation  (hussd  for  hv^sopo) 
simply  involves  the  recognition  that  the  letters  op 
have  been  mistakenly  written  twice.  The  fullest 
discussion  may  bo  seen  in  Field's  Notes  on  the  Transla- 
tion of  the  NT,  pp.  106-108.  He  regards  this  as 
"  perhaps  the  very  best  "  of  the  few  tenable  conjectural 
emendations  of  the  text  of  the  NT. — A.  S.  P.] 

XK.  31-42.  The  Lance-thrust  and  the  Burial.— It 
has  been  said  that  these  verses  contain  parts  of  two 
accounts  of  burial,  by  the  Jews,  and  by  Joseph.  In 
reahty  the  Jews  only  demand  that  the  law  of  Dt.  2I23, 
applicable  to  any  day,  should  not  be  broken,  especially 
considering  tho  sanctity  of  the  moiTow,  which  was 
both  a  Sabbath  and  the  great  day  of  the  Feast.  The 
breaking  of  the  legs  was  often  allowed,  as  an  act  of 
mercy  to  the  sufferers.  In  the  Gospel  of  Peter  the 
"  Jews  "  object  to  it,  in  order  that  Jesus'  suffering  may 
not  be  shortened.  As  a  means  of  ensuruig  death  the 
lance-thrust  is  perfectly  natural,  and  results  which 
might  easily  be  described  by  an  actual  witness  in  the 
terms  of  34  are  not  physiologically  impossible  (Exp., 
May  1916).  Again  it  is  easier  to  suppose  that  facts  have 
caused  the  discovery  of  prophecy  (cf.  Ex.  I246,  Ps.  3420, 
and  Zech.  12 10,  Heb.),  and  not  vice  versa.  Besides  the 
significance  of  prophecy  fulfilled,  the  author  may  have 
wished  to  show  either  that  the  death  was  real,  against 
the  Docetics,  or  as  indicating  what,  at  a  later  date,  it 
came  to  signify  to  him,  that  tho  Lord  '  came  by  water 
and  blood  "  (1  Jn.  56),  i.e.  that  tho  Passion  as  well  as 
the  Baptism  was  an  essential  note  of  His  Messianic 
work.  The  account  of  the  burial  emphasizes  its 
temporary  character,  which  is  also  recognised  in  Mt. 
and  Lk. 

XX.  The  "  Coming "  of  the  Risen  Lord.— 1-10. 
The  Empty  Tomb. — The  gospel,  as  contrasted  with  the 
Appendix  (21),  follows  what  is  now  generally  known 
as  the  Jerusalem  tradition,  which  makes  Jerusalem 
and  not  Gahlce  the  scene  of  the  appearance  to  the 
disciples.  It  is  often  assumed  that  the  Marcan  GospcU 
recognised  originally  no  appearance  ui  Jerusalem.  If 
the  lost  ending  was  used  bj-^  Mt.,  it  would  seem  that 
it  contained  an  account  of  the  appearance  to  tho 
women  on  Easter  Day.  The  present  ending  of  Mk. 
is  based  certainly  on  Lk.  and  ^jerhaps  on  Jn.  But  m 
any  case  the  evidence  for  appearances  in  Jerusalem 
is  too  strong  to  be  summarily  set  aside  as  later  modifi- 
cation of  stories  originally  confined  to  Galilee  (1  Cor. 
154_7*).  Instead  of  the  SJ^loptic  account  of  two  or 
more  women,  Jn.  recoixls  the  experiences  of  Mary 
Magdalene  alone,  a  phenomenon  of  which  this  gospel 
presents  several  other  instances.  The  narrative,  how- 
over,  shows  traces  of  the  presence  of  others  ("  we  know 
not,"  2).  Mary  comes  early  to  the  tomb  to  finish  the 
work  of  Friday  which  the  Sabbath  had  interrupted. 
Finding  tho  stone  removed  she  naturally  assumes  that 
the  body,  temporarily  laid  in  Josepli's  garden,  has  been 
removed,  and  returns  to  tell  the  disciples.  The  details 
of  the  visit  of  Peter  and  the  Beloved  Disciple  show  the 
former  first  in  action,  tho  latter  in  interpreting  what 
is  seen.     The  presence  of  tho  grave-clothes  indioatca 


764 


JOHN,  XX.  1-10 


that  tho  body  has  not  been  stolon  or  removed.  Their 
orderly  arrangement  suggests  much  more  to  the  Beloved 
Disciple.  Tho  author  reminds  us  that  tho  Scripture 
proof  of  resurrection  was  a  later  growth.  It  was  tho 
oxperienoes  of  Easier  Day  that  firat  brought  con- 
viction, not  tho  happening  of  what  prophecy  had 
taught  them  to  expect. 

XX.  10-18.  Jesus  and  Mary. — Maiy  has  apparently 
followed  tlie  two  disciples  back  to  the  tomb.  After 
their  departure  she  looks  in,  and  sees  a  vision  of 
angels  (cf.  Lk.  244ff.).  Her  thoughts  are  still  full  of 
the  "  removal  "  of  tho  body,  as  her  answer  to  the 
supposed  "  gardener  "  also  shows.  As  usual,  there  is 
no  expectation  of  the  event  that  follows.  It  is  only 
tho  pronunciation  of  her  own  name  that  reveals  Jesus' 
identity.  Her  attempt  to  offer  worship  is  forbidden 
on  the  ground  that  Ho  has  not  yet  entered  into  His 
glory  (cj.  Mt.  289).  Perhaps  17  moans  that  the  old 
relations  are  no  longer  possible,  and  tho  time  for  the 
newer  and  more  spiritual  communion  is  not  yet. 
The  message  to  the  "  brethren  "  is  so  worded  as  to 
emphasize  the  difference  between  His  and  their  re- 
lationship to  the  Father. 

XX.  1&-29.  The  Coming  to  the  Disciples.— The  fii-st 
Christian  "  Sunday  "  is  spent  in  Jerusalem,  where  the 
disciples  arc  in  hiding.  The  interpretation  of  Mk.  I450 
as  implying  an  immediate  flight  of  tlie  ajxjstles  to 
Galilee  is  purely  conjectural.  The  account  of  the  first 
appearance  to  the  disciples  is  told  so  as  to  emphasize 
the  fulfilment  of  the  promises,  and  the  teaching,  of 
chs.  14^17.  Jesus  *'  comes  "  (cJ.  14i8),  He  gives  them 
His  peace  (I427),  they  were  glad  {^xap'?''''i'')  ^^''i*"i  they 
saw  (I622),  He  sends  them,  as  Ho  was  sent  (17i8), 
He  gives  them  the  Spirit,  and  power  to  deal  with  sin 
(107ff.).  The  showing  of  the  hands  and  side  has  its 
parallel  in  Lk.  2439,  which  is  original,  though  40  is 
probably  a  later  addition  to  tho  Lucan  text.  The 
word  used  for  "  forgive  "  is  the  normal  LXX  transla- 
tion of  the  Hob.  nusa  and  salah.  The  corresponding 
noun  is  used  for  tho  Jubilee,  or  remission.  There  is  no 
exact  parallel  for  "  retain  "  in  the  sense  it  has  here. 
It  is  the  natural  opposite  ("'  grasp,"  "  hold  fast,"  cf. 
Lk.  24i6)  of  "  sending  away,"  "  letting  go." 

XX.  24-29.  Doubt  and  Faith.— All  the  accounts  of 
Resurrection  appearances  record  the  fact  of  doubt 
(Mt.  2817,  Mk.  16ii,i3f.,  Lk.  2411,25,38,49).  John 
follows  his  usual  custom  of  giving  one  tji^ical  and 
named  instance.  The  bearing  of  this  fact  on  the 
historical  value  of  the  incidents  concerned  must  be 
determined  by  the  consideration  of  the  whole  series, 
and  their  intrinsic  "  probability."  The  attitude  of 
Thom;is  is  true  to  his  character  as  depicted  olaowhero 
in  the  gospel  (11 16,  I45).  The  incident  is  recorded  to 
teach  the  superiority  of  faith  which  interprets  evidence 
by  spiritual  intuition  rather  than  by  tho  senses.  A 
parallel  to  27  is  found  by  some  in  the  story  of  Apollonius 
of  Tyana  (cf.  Philost.  741,  812).  Jewish  thought 
offers  a  more  interesting  parallel  ;  Tanchunia  8a, 
"  The  Israelites  without  tho  great  sights  on  Sinai 
would  not  have  behoved,  the  Prost^iytc  who  has  not 
seen  ail  is  therefore  more  loved  by  God  "  (quoted  by 
Bauer,  HNT,  p.  184).  The  words  of  the  confession  are 
significant  in  the  light  of  the  claim,  first  put  forward 
by  Domitian,  to  be  addressed  an  '  Dominus  et  Dcus 
noster  "  (Suetonius,  Doinit.  13). 

XX.  30f.  The  Conclusion  of  the  Gospel.— In  these 
words,  which  are  clearly  meant  to  form  tho  conclusion 
of  the  whole  gospel  and  not  merely  of  tho  last  ciiapter, 
the  writer  explains  liis  purix)se  and  method.  Of  tho 
many  significant  deeds  and  words  of  Jesus  which  Hia 
disciples  saw  and  heard  he  has  chosen  typical  instanoca 


which  may  suffice  to  call  out  and  strengthen  faith  in 
Him  as  the  fulfiller  of  tho  Messianic  hopes  of  His 
nation,  as  Ho  rightly  interpreted  them,  which  could 
bo  fulfilled  only  by  one  who  held  the  unique  relation- 
ship to  God,  best  described  as  "  The  Son,"  which 
those  who  followed  Him  on  earth  had  learned  to  bo  His 
true  nature.  Such  faith  alone  can  bring  to  men  the 
higher  "  hfo "  which  God  intended  for  them,  and 
which  the  Christ  has  made  it  possible  for  them  to 
obtain.  The  study  of  the  gospel  shows  that  its  teach- 
ing is  set  out  on  these  lines  rather  than  on  the  ideaa 
of  the  Prologue,  so  far  as  there  is  any  difference 
between  the  two. 

XXI.  The  Appendix. — It  is  pure  dogmatism  to  assert 
that  after  the  solemn  ending  of  ch.  20  the  author  could 
not  have  added  to  his  work.  But  21  is  clearly  an 
appendix,  added  after  the  completion  of  the  gospel.^ 
There  is  no  trace  of  the  circulation  of  the  gospel 
without  it,  unless  we  so  regard  the  present  ending  of 
Mk.,  which  may  bo  baaed  on  20  but  shows  no  know- 
ledge of  21.  There  is  an  apparent  allusion  to  its 
content,  though  not  necessarily  to  its  text,  in  I  P.  Is. 
Our  safest  guide  as  to  date  is  23.  A  date  soon  after 
the  death  of  the  last  survivor  of  the  eye-witneases  of 
the  ministry  is  almost  rcquii-cd  by  these  circumstances. 
If  the  content  of  tho  Appendix  is  fatal  to  the  view 
that  the  son  of  Zebedee  is  the  author  of  the  gospel, 
it  is  also  almost  irreconcilable  with  the  hypothesis  of 
his  martyrdom  at  an  early  date. 

The  relation  of  this  chapter  to  Lk,  5  is  also  difficult 
to  determine.  "  The  net  was  not  rent  "  seems  a  clear 
reference  to  a  narrative  similar  to  that  of  Lk.  But  it 
is  very  hkeJy  that  the  Lucan  account  has  been  influ- 
enced in  details  by  the  tradition  of  the  event  recorded 
hero.  This  chapter  shows  no  trace  of  dependence  on 
tho  language  of  Lk. 

1-14.  The  Appearance  by  the  Lake  of  Tiberias. — 
As  Joscphus  speaks  of  tho  lake  aa  the  "  lake  near 
Tiberias,"  the  name  used  here  cannot  bo  pressed  aa  a 
proof  of  late  date.  The  verb  used  for  "  manifested  " 
is  not  found  in  the  gospel  in  connexion  with  tho 
Resurrection  appearances.  There  is  also  no  mention 
of  the  sons  of  Zebedee,  The  last  extant  sentence  of 
the  Petrine  Gospel  shows  that  it  contained  a  similar 
story,  "  I  Simon  Peter  and  Andrew  my  brother  taking 
our  nets  went  back  to  the  sea,  and  there  was  with  ua 
Levi  the  son  of  Alphseus,"  Loisy  and  others  behove 
that  both  accounts  are  based  on  a  narrative  of  a  first 
appearance  after  the  ResuiTcctiou  to  Peter  and  (?) 
others  in  Gahlee,  which  perhaps  came  from  the  lost 
ending  to  Mk,  It  is  the  Beloved  Disciple  who  first 
recognised  the  Lord  {cf.  208).  Where  he  sees,  Peter 
acts.  He  casts  himself  mto  the  sea  and  swims  tho 
hundred  yards  or  so  that  separate  the  boat  from  the 
land.  When  the  othci-s  reach  land  they  find  the 
results  of  his  work  (9),  Meanwhile  at  the  Lord's  re- 
quest for  fish  from  their  catch  Peter  returns  to  the 
ship  (n),  and  he  and  they  succeed  now  in  bringing 
their  not  to  land.  Here  as  elsewhere  tho  author  does 
not  keep  to  tho  strict  order  of  incident,  but  hia  aocoimt 
seems  to  present  a  scone  on  tho  lines  suggested. 
Various  interpretations  of  tho  number  of  fishes  have 
beou  suggested.  We  may  notice  (a )  50  x  3  +  3  =  the 
Trinity ;  (6)  tho  numlx>r  of  species  of  fishes  waa 
reckoned  to  bo  153,  hence  a  picture  of  the  universality 
of  the  Gospi'l  (Jerome) ;  (c)  tho  numerical  value  of 
tho  Heb.  name  Simon  Jona  (118  +  35);  {d)  153  is  a 
triangular  number,  tho  sum  of  the  first  17  units. 
It  represents  the  faithful,  inspired  by  the  sevenfold 

'  [I'or  another  view,  see  J.  M.  Thompson  hi  Exp.,  Aug.  1915. — 
A.  J.  O.J 


JOHN,  XXI.  24f. 


765 


Spirit,  keeping  the  ten  Commandments.  No  doubt 
to  the  author  it  was  significant,  though  we  cannot 
determine  whence  ho  derived  it,  or  what  significance 
he  found  in  it.  The  language  of  13  closely  resembles 
that  of  611,  a  fact  made  still  more  promment  in  the 
Western  text,  which  adds,  "  having  given  thanks." 
The  Eucharistic  character  of  both  moals  is  emphasized 
by  the  author.  The  third  "  manifestation  "  (contrast 
the  "  coming  "  of  ch.  20)  takes  no  account  of  the  ap- 
pearance to  Mary  in  its  reckoning  of  manifestations 
to  "  the  disciples."  There  is  no  need  to  find  in  it  the 
traces  of  an  earher  account,  in  which  this  story  appeared 
as  the  third  Galilean  "  manifestation  of  His  glory  " 
during  the  ministry. 

15-23.  Following  and  Tarrying.— According  to  the 
earliest  Christian  tradition,  Marcan  and  Pauhne,  an 
appearance  to  Peter  was  one  of  the  earliest  if  not  the 
earliest  event  after  the  Resuri'ection.  If  this  section 
is  historical  it  must  be  interpreted  as  teaching  the 
leaders,  and  especially  Peter,  in  terms  which  clearly 
recalled  his  former  failure,  their  duty  to  the  whole 
body  of  faithful  disciples,  scattered  by  the  Crucifixion. 
They  cannot  return  to  their  former  occupations  and 
wait  for  the  Parousia.  The  work  of  the  Good  Shepherd 
must  be  carried  on.  Lambs  must  be  fed,  sheep  must 
be  shepherded,  and  fed  also.  In  early  Ufe  young  men 
can  choose  their  calling.  Later  on  they  must  follow 
it,  wherever  it  leads  them,  even  as  the  old  man,  who 
is  getting  to  need  assistance,  lifts  his  hands  and  has 
his  girdle  arranged  for  him.  So  Peter  must  "  follow." 
Later  Christian  thought  found  in  the  words  a  pre- 
diction of  his  martyrdom.  In  themselves  the  words 
point  rather  the  lesson  that  advancing  years  bring 
greater  need  of  obedience.  With  the  language  of  18 
cj.  Ps.  3725.  Peter  sees  the  Beloved  Disciple,  whom 
the  author  describes  by  reference  to  ISzsff.,  "  follow- 
ing," and  asks  "  What  of  this  man  ?  "  The  answer 
is  a  rebuke  of  curiosity.  The  action  of  the  moment 
showed  the  other  disciple  ready  to  "  follow."  For 
him,  it  is  hinted,  following  may  involve  longer  separa- 
tion from  the  Christ  than  the  following  demanded  of 
Peter.  When  this  chapter  was  written,  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  saying,  which  had  gained  currency 
among  Christians  because  of  the  long  tarr^ang  in  the 
flesh  of  one  to  whom  it  was  at  least  supposed  to  have 
been  addressed,  had  clearly  been  falsified  by  the  event. 
He  had  not  tarried  till  the  Lord  came.  The  author 
reminds  his  readers  that  the  Lord's  eschatological 
teaching  had  ended  with  an  "  if."  So  far  as  martyr- 
dom is  hinted  at  for  Peter,  it  is  in  the  command  to 
follow  (c/.  1836)  and  the  contrasted  "  tarrying," 
rather  than  in  the  saying  itself,  which  Christian  thought 
naturally  interpreted  in  this  sense,  perhaps  only  after 
the  event  (c/.  2  P.  I13). 

24f.  Conclusion  of  the  Appendix. — In  24  the  disciplo 
to  whom  this  saying  was  addressed  is  said  to  be  the 
witness  of  the  events  recorded  in  the  gospel,  and  its 
actual  author.  The  content  of  the  gospel  is  his,  even 
if  he  did  not  actually  hold  the  pen,  any  more  than 
Pilate  actually  penned  the  title  on  the  Cross.  Perhaps 
the  solution  of  the  question  as  to  the  authorship  of 
the  Fourth  Gospel  which  leaves  fewest  difficulties  is 
that  it  is  the  Beloved  Disciple,  probably  to  bo  identified 
with  the  son  of  Zebedee,  whoso  teaching  is  set  out  in 
this  gospel,  the  actual  writer,  whose  thought  and  stylo 
have  been  moulded  by  his  master's  teaching,  being  the 
author  of  the  Appendix  as  of  the  epistles.  The  "  wo  " 
of  this  verse  may  be  the  circle  to  which  the  writer 
belongs,  or  if  he  himself  had  seen  the  Lord  on  earth, 
it  may  correspond  to  the  use  of  the  plural  in  the 
Prologue,  the  natural  interpretation  of  which  is  that 


the  writer  speaks  m  the  name  of  liis  former  companions, 
the  eye-witnesses  of  the  ministry.  But  we  cannot 
get  beyond  conjecture.  The  question  of  authorship 
is  still  an  unsolved  problem  (pp.  743f.).  The  last  verse, 
which  is  omitted  by  the  fii-st  hand  of  one  important 
MS.,  repeats  the  warning  of  the  real  ending  of  the 
gospel,  that  it  contains  only  a  selection  from  a  whole 
too  vast  to  be  recorded. 


Pericope  Adulter.*. 

vn.  53-VIII.  11.  Jesus  and  the  Woman  Accused  0! 
Sin. — The  well-known  storj'  of  the  woman  taken  in 
adultery  has  no  claim  to  be  regarded  as  part  of  the 
original  text  of  this  gospel.  It  breaks  the  close  con- 
nexion between  7  and  8i2f[.,  and  in  stylo  and  vocabu- 
lary it  is  clearly  Synoptic  rather  than  Johannine.  Of 
early  Greek  MSS  the  Cambridge  MS  (D)  alone  contains 
it,  and  in  a  text  which  differs  considerably  from  that 
of  the  later  Greek  MSS  from  which  it  passed  into  the 
Received  Text.  Of  early  VSS  the  Latin  alone  contains 
it,  and  it  was  absent  from  some  forms  even  of  the  Latin. 
It  is  supported  by  no  early  Patristic  evidence.  The 
evidence  proves  it  to  be  an  interpolation  of  a  "  Western "' 
character.  It  is  found  in  various  places,  after  736  in 
one  Greek  MS,  after  744  in  the  Georgian  Version,  at 
the  end  of  the  gospel  in  other  MSS.  In  one  important 
group  of  Greek  cursives  it  is  found  attached  to  Lk.  2I37. 

Eusebius  (H.E.,  iii.  39)  tells  us  that  Papias  recorded 
a  similar  story  "  of  a  woman  accused  before  the  Lord 
of  many  sins,"  which  was  also  in  the  Gospel  according 
to  the  Hebrews.  This  suggests  as  the  most  probable 
explanation  of  its  association  with  the  Fourth  Gospel 
that  the  story,  which  bears  every  mark  of  preserving 
a  true  tradition,  found  a  place  in  Papias'  books  of 
"  Expositions  of  the  Dominical  Logia,"  as  illustrating 
the  Lord's  saying  (815),  "  I  judge  no  man  "  (see  Light- 
foot,  Essays  on  Supernatural  JReligiov,  pp.  203ff.). 

The  evidence  of  Codex  D  and  other  textual  pheno- 
mena suggest  perhaps  that  it  existed  in  more  than  one 
Greek  translation.  If  so  the  original  was  not  Latin, 
as  the  Latin  texts  show  clear  traces  of  translation 
from  Greek.  Its  insertion  in  certam  MSS  in  Lk. 
is  due  to  the  similarity  between  Sif.  and  Lk.  2l37ff. 

The  incident  is  not  one  which  early  Christian 
opinion  would  have  been  likely  to  invent.  It  is 
beyond  the  power  of  the  sub-apostoUc  age  to  produce. 
As  Lightfoot  says,  "  they  had  neither  the  capacity  to 
imagine,  nor  the  will  to  invent,  an  incident  which, 
while  embodying  the  loftiest  of  all  moral  teaching, 
would  seem  to  them  dangerously  lax  in  its  moral 
tondencies." 

Like  other  questions  addressed  to  the  Lord  the 
"  tempting  '  consisted  in  the  endeavour  to  catch  Him 
in  a  dilemma.  If  He  pronounced  against  the  strict 
carrjang  out  of  the  Mosaic  Law  He  would  be  dis- 
credited with  the  people.  If  Ho  counselled  action 
contrary  to  the  decrees  of  the  Roman  authorities, 
who  had  withdrawn  from  tho  Jews  the  power  of  in- 
flicting capital  punishment.  His  enemies  would  get 
material  for  accusation  against  Him.  The  answer 
contained  nothing  which  disparaged  legal  punishment, 
and  it  throw  on  the  accusers  the  rcsponsibihty  of  taking 
action.  It  left  untouched  the  question  of  Jewish  and 
Roman  relations,  and  it  raised  the  deeper  moral  issues 
of  tho  right  to  condemn  and  the  true  end  of  punish- 
ment. 

[9.  when  they  heard  It :  C  R.  Gregory  (ET,  x.  193) 
quotes  an  ancient  MS  as  giving  "  when  they  read  it." 
—A.  J.  G.] 


THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE  AND  THE 
LIFE  OF  PAUL^ 


By  the  Rev.  C.  W.  EMMET 


By  the  apostolic  age  we  mean  the  period,  starting  from 
the  Ascension,  covered  by  the  lifetime  of  the  apostles, 
i.e.  c.  A.D.  30-100,  though  reasons  of  space  compel  us 
to  confine  our  present  survey  to  events  more  or  lesa 
directly  connected  with  the  NT,  omitting  any  reference 
to  such  writings  as  the  Didache,  the  Epistle  of  Clement, 
or  the  Odes  of  Solomon,  which  may  well  fall  chrono- 
logically within  Ihc'AC  limits.  Such  writings  arc 
indeed  often  called  siib-apostolic.  the  fact  beinj^- 
that  the  apostolic  and  the  sub-apostolic  ages  to  some 
extent  overlap. 

It  must  be  admitted  at  once  that  our  knowledge  of 
the  period  is  disappointingly  vague.  Wo  begin  with  a 
certain  number  of  data  with  regard  to  the  rise  of  the 
Church,  data  of  which  the  historical  value  is  disputed  ; 
we  then  reach  comparatively  firm  ground  in  the  career 
of  Paul  and  the  founding  of  the  Pauline  churches,  only 
to  find  ourselves  from  c.  A.n.  GO  onwards  once  more 
ahnost  entirely  in  the  dark,  except  for  one  or  two 
isolated  figures  and  events.  Considering  the  supreme 
importance  of  this  period  for  the  study  of  Christianity, 
this  lack  of  definite  information  ir,  unfortunate,  but  it 
is  at  least  a  gain  to  recognise  the  limitations  of  our 
material  and  avoid  the  claim  to  a  knowledge  which 
does  not  exist. 

The  central  feature  of  the  period  is  the  development 
of  the  new  religion  from  its  original  character  as  little 
more  than  a  sect  of  Judaism,  centring  in  Jerusalem, 
till  it  was  well  on  the  way  to  become  a  world-rohgion, 
as.similating  many  elements  from  the  Gra5CO-Roman 
world,  and  showing  iLself  in  organisation,  though  not 
in  doctrine,  independent  of  tlic  Judaism  from  which  it 
had  sprung.  As  factors  in  this  development  come  the 
struggle  between  Jew  and  Gentile  within  the  Church, 
the  growing  influence  of  Paul,  rather  than  of  the 
original  Twelve,  and  the  territorial  eorpaasion  of 
Christianity  over  the  greater  part  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  This  indeed  is  what  we  see  when  we  look  at 
the  surface  ;  when  we  attempt  to  probe  deeper  to  the 
hidden  forces  at  work  we  trace  a  gradual  unfolding  of 
what  was  implicit  in  the  teaching  of  Christ  and  a 
continued  activity  of  the  same  power  which  had  been 
manifested  in  His  hfe.  The  third  gospel,  like  the 
others,  tells  us  all  that  Jesus  "  began  both  to  do  and  to 
teach  "  (Ac,  li) ;  the  inference  is  that  throughout  the 
apostolic  age  and  indeed  the  whole  subsequent  history 
of  the  Church  the  real  agent  and  teacher  is  still  in 
some  sense  the  same  Jesus.  Acta  is  indeed  "  the 
Gospel  of  the  Holy  Ghost." 

There  is  always  something  artificial  when  a  single 
period  is  isolated  for  study,  since  it  can  never  be 
understood  without  rcforenoo  to  what  has  gone  before. 

I  This  article  is  strictly  confined  to  history,  doctrine  and 
<  rganisation  being  dealt  with  elsewhere. 


And  this  is  peculiarly  the  case  with  the  apostolic  age 
which  stands  in  vital  relation  to  the  life  of  Jesus. 
From  the  strictly  historical  point  of  view  the  rise  of 
the  Church  seems  to  be  unintelligible,  if  we  regard  that 
life  as  closing  with  the  Cnicifixion.  To  account  for  it 
we  must  suppose  not  only  a  belief  in  the  resurrection 
on  the  part  of  the  apostles,  but  also,  as  a  necessary 
condition  of  its  rise  and  survival,  the  resurrection 
itself  as  in  some  sense  a  historical  fact,' 

For  our  knowledge  of  the  immediate  sequel  we 
depend  upon  the  somewhat  fragmentary  narrative  of 
Acts,  Luke  does  not  here  speak  with  the  authority 
of  an  eye-witness  ;  he  was  dependent  either  on  written 
sources  of  unknown  origin  or  on  such  infonnation  a.s 
ho  was  able  to  gather  from  members  of  the  primitive 
Church.'  In  either  case  we  must  be  prepared  to  allow 
for  the  growth  of  a  quasi-legendaiy  element,  and  we 
must  refrain  from  claiming  any  certain  knowledge  as 
to  the  course  of  events  in  the  first  years  of  Christianity. 
A  significant  feature,  m  which  Acts  agrees  with  the 
Pauline  epistles,  is  that  it  was  not  Galilee,  the  home 
of  most  of  the  apostles  and  the  scene  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  activity  of  Jesus,  bit  the  hostile  capital 
Jerusalem  which  was  the  birthplace  of  the  Church. 
There  was  an  interval  between  the  manifestations  of 
the  risen  Christ  and  the  commencement  of  the  public 
activities  of  His  followers.  These  were  clearly  called 
into  being  by  a  definite  Divine  inspiration,  the  memory 
of  which  is  preserved  in  the  somewhat  difficult  narra- 
tive of  Ac,  2.  The  outpouring  of  the  Spirit  at  Pente- 
cost was  immediately  followed  by  the  commencement 
of  the  work  of  evangelisation  and  by  miracles.  The 
underlying  motive  of  Ac.  3f.  is  to  show  that  the  dis- 
tinctive miraculous  powers  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  are 
now  found  in  His  followers  ;  we  note  the  continual 
stress  on  "  the  Name  of  Jesus  "  (Gen.  3229*,  1  Cor. 
53-5*)  as  the  means  by  which  the  cures  are 
wrought.  It  at  once  becomes  clear  that  the  move- 
ment He  began  has  by  no  means  been  crushed,  but 
that  it  still  has  the  same,  or  indeed  an  even  greater, 
power  of  attraction.  The  prominent  figure  throughout 
the  whole  of  this  first  period  is  Peter  ;  though  John  is 
mentioned  ho  plays  no  independent  part.  The  Jewish 
authorities  find  it  as  hard  to  deal  with  the  movement 

1  Trom  this  particular  point  of  view,  the  nihiimum  which  is 
rtiiuired  would  seem  to  l>e  not  necessarily  tlie  empty  tomb  and 
appearances  of  a  quasi-i>liysical  nature,  but  nianiteslationa  which 
were  not  merely  subjective,  but  due  to  the  continued  I)er80ual 
activity  of  the  livinK  Spirit  of  fhrist.  Whether  the  one  can,  in 
facl^  be  retained  without  the  other  is  a  question  which  cannot 
\ie  discussed  here.  But  the  historian  of  the  aiKwtollc  age  would 
seem  bound  to  declare  his  position  at  least  so  far.  Vox  if  he  dots 
not  hold  that  Christ  had  any  real  personal  Uilluence  on  this  earth 
after  His  death,  he  is  bound  to  begin  by  an  attempt  to  account  for 
the  rise  of  ChristUanity,  and  to  find  some  other  explanation  of  its 
existence.    (Sec  further,  pp.  670.  84of.). 

i  On  the  question  of  dlCferent  sources  In  tlie  early  chapters  of 
\cis  sec  pp.  741;,  77(1. 


766 


THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE  AND  THE   LIFE  OF  PAUL 


767 


m  its  new  form  as  they  had  done  in  the  lifetime  of 
Jesus  Himself,  and  the  attempts  to  check  it  prove 
entirely  futile  (Ac.  4,  5i7ff.).  For  the  time  at  least 
they  are  compelled  to  adopt  the  waiting  policy  sug- 
gested by  Gamaliel.  But  in  spite  of  Jewish  hostihty 
there  is  as  yet  no  definite  breach  with  Judaism  ;  the 
brethren  attend  the  Temple  services,  and  Peter  has 
real  hopes  of  the  conversion  of  the  nation  as  a  whole 
(3i7ff.),  if  it  will  only  realise  the  crime  of  which  it 
has  been  guilty,  a  crime  overruled  by  God  and  not 
necessarily  shutting  the  door  to  all  possibility  of  re- 
pentance. Outwardly  indeed  the  Christian  community 
Ls  simply  a  section  of  the  Jewish  Church  which  claims 
to  know  who  the  Messiah  is  and  to  expect  His  imme- 
diate manifestation  from  heaven.  But  this  community 
is  also  marked  by  an  inner  spirit  of  brotherly  love 
which  shows  itsell  in  some  form  of  communism  (245, 
432).  The  very  general  surrender  of  private  property 
is  no  doubt  mainly  explained  by  the  consideration 
that  if  the  end  of  the  present  world-age  was  really  at 
hand  there  was  no  longer  any  need  to  provide  for  the 
family  or  for  future  requirements  ;  it  is  a  real  example 
of  Interimsethik.  At  the  same  time  the  stress  laid 
on  the  action  of  Barnabas  (436),  the  words  of  Peter 
to  Ananias  (04),  the  fact  that  Mary  still  has  her  own 
house  (12 1 2),  and  the  absence  of  further  references  to 
the  practice,  all  tend  to  show  that  the  suiTender  of 
goods  was  in  fact  only  partial  and  temporary,  and  that 
Luke's  account  is  somewhat  idealized.  But  the  his- 
torian's natural  desire  to  paint  the  picture  of  the  early 
days  of  the  Church  in  glowing  colours  does  not  lead 
him  to  ignore  the  existence  of  blots  and  difficulties. 
The  fact  that  human  passions  and  ambitions  are  not 
at  once  crushed  by  the  coming  of  the  Spirit  is  illus- 
trated by  the  story  of  Ananias  and  vSapphira,  while 
we  find  in  the  same  episode  a  further  proof  of  the 
position  of  Peter  and  of  the  guidance  of  the  Church 
by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord. 

Of  even  greater  importance  is  the  difficulty  which 
aiTses  from  the  growing  numbers  of  the  Church,  indi- 
cating that  the  experiment  in  socialism  is  ill  adapted 
to  a  large  and  permanent  community.  In  view  of 
what  is  to  follow  it  is  noteworthy  that  there  is  already 
friction  between  the  homebom  Jews  and  the  Hellenists, 
i.e.  the  Greek-speaking  Jews  who  belong  to  the  Dis- 
persion. For  the  significance  of  the  appointment  of 
the  Seven  see  p.  783.  But  at  the  moment  the  chief 
direct  result  was  the  activity  of  Stephen  and  Philip, 
not  as  administrators  but  as  preachers  of  the  Gospel, 
working  side  by  side  with  the  apostles  and  even 
striking  out  an  inde|iendent  line  of  their  own. 

The  space  devoted  in  Acts  to  the  short  career  of 
Stephen  (pp.  fi39f..  783ff. ),  is  by  no  means  dispropor- 
tioned,  in  view  of  the  part  he  played  in  the  development 
of  Christianity.  He  was  a  Hellenist, and  perhaps  on  this 
account  was  able  to  approach  the  question  from  a  fresh 
standpoint,  with  some  conception  of  the  actual  needs  of 
the  outside  world.  At  any  rate  he  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  to  realise  the  true  inwardness  of  Christ's  teach- 
ing, as  implying  in  the  end  the  passing  of  Judaism.  In 
essence  the  charges  brought  against  him  wore  true. 
We  need  not  be  surprised  that  under  the  provocation 
of  his  preaching  the  more  or  less  neutral  poUcy  of 
Gamaliel  is  exchanged  for  one  of  active  hostility. 
Heretofore  the  Sanhedrin  has  been  content  to  try  such 
weapons  as  threats  and  beating  ;  it  now  recurs  to  the 
polioj'  which  it  had  been  forced  to  adopt  against  Jesus 
Himself.  On  the  whole,  the  execution  of  Stephen  is 
best  explained  as  an  example  of  mob-law,  winked  at 
by  the  Roman  authorities.  It  can  hardly  have  been 
a  judicial  eentenoe,  since  no  reference  is  made  to  the 


Roman  governor.  Here  the  story  is  in  sharp  contrast 
to  the  narrative  of  the  Cnicifixion,  though  in  other 
resp<icts  there  is  a  striking  parallel  between  the  two. 
The  immediate  result  of  Stephen's  murder  is  the  out- 
break of  a  general  persecution,  accentuating  the  real 
divergence  between  the  old  and  the  new  religions.  It 
also  involves  the  scattering  of  the  Church,  and  on  that 
very  account  the  wider  spread  of  Christianity.  Accord- 
ing to  Ac.  44  the  Church  had  some  time  before  come  to 
number  no  less  than  five  thousand  (this  figure  includes 
the  "  three  thousand  "  of  241  ;  see  R"V  in  44),  but  the 
fact  that  the  brethren  can  still  be  assembled  together 
in  Jerusalem  (62)  suggests  that  there  may  be  some 
exaggeration  in  the  figures.  It  is  evident  from  the 
story  of  Barnabas,  as  well  as  from  67,  that  the  converts 
were  by  no  means  all  drawn  from  the  poorer  classes. 
Probably  the  impres.sion  made  by  Stephen's  teaching 
and  behaviour  was  one  of  the  influences  which  led  to 
the  conversion  of  Paul  (p.  768). 

The  story  now  becomes  more  complicated ;  the 
scene  is  no  longer  confined  to  Jerusalem,  but  there  are 
other  centres  of  interest,  Antioch  soon  becoming  one 
of  the  most  important.  Luke  has  to  pass  from  one  to 
the  other  in  his  narrative,  and  this  causes  some  over- 
lapping and  uncertainty  as  to  the  chronology  and 
sequence  of  events.  The  fact  that  missionary  activity 
is  no  longer  confined  to  the  Twelve  is  at  once  illustrated 
bj'  the  activitj'  of  Phihp,  who  is  responsible  for  the 
spread  of  the  Gospel  to  Samaria,  though  the  authority 
of  the  apostles  is  stUl  emphasized  in  their  supervision 
of  his  M'ork  and  in  the  laying  on  of  hands.  Of  the 
direct  results  of  the  conversion  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch 
we  know  nothing ;  but  the  narrative,  though  isolated, 
is  intended  to  mark  a  fresh  stage  in  the  catholicity  of 
Christianity.  He  was  clearly  a  Godfearer  (pp.  625,  770), 
but  he  could  not  be  circumcised,  and  belonged  to  a 
class  which  was  by  law  excluded  from  the  Jewish 
Church  (Dt.  23 1  ;  but  cf.  Is.  064).  Passing  over  for 
the  moment  the  conversion  of  Paul,  we  have  evidence 
of  an  intei-val  of  peace  and  quiet  expansion  (Ac.  931), 
during  which  we  must  suppose  that  the  Church  spread 
throughout  the  greater  part  of  Palestine ;  we  find 
Christians  at  Damascus,  Lydda,  and  Joppa  (932ff.). 
With  the  Cornelius  episode  ve  pass  to  Gesarea.  This 
again  marks  a  decisive  stage  in  development,  and  on 
this  occasion  it  is  the  leader  of  the  Twelve  who  is 
taught  to  adopt  the  more  liberal  policy.  Peter  himself 
is  convinced  by  a  series  of  Divine  signs  (the  vision  and 
its  sequel,  together  with  the  outpouring  of  the  Spirit) 
that  an  uncircumcised  Gentile  may  look  for  admission 
to  the  kingdom.  Though  the  precedent  is  not  officially 
followed  up  at  the  time,  at  a  later  period  it  has  great 
weight  (15).  The  questions  as  to  the  position  of 
Gentiles  are  not  indeed  finally  settled,  since  the  case 
of  Cornelius  might  be  regarded  as  exceptional  rather 
than  normal,  whilst  the  relation  of  the  baptized  Gentile 
to  the  Law  was  still  undecided.  Ought  he  subse- 
quently to  submit  to  circumcision  and  become  subject 
to  the  Mosaic  law  ?  If  not,  will  he  not  remain  on  a 
lower  level  than  those  who  are  both  Jews  and  Christians, 
and  in  particular  will  not  liis  ceremonial  uncleanness 
prevent  the  strict  Jew  from  entering  into  social  inter- 
course with  him  ?  The  complaint  of  Ac.  II3  shows 
that  this  was  in  fact  the  cnix  of  the  matter,  and  the 
later  episode  at  Antioch  (Gal.  2iiff.)  proves  that  even 
Peter  did  not  always  act  consistently  in  the  spirit  of 
the  liberal  attitude  which  Luke  ascrilxjs  to  him. 

It  is  indeed  again  significant  that  just  as  the  first 
impulses  to  a  more  liberal  view  arc  a.'^ociated  not 
with  the  Twelve  but  with  Stephen  and  Philip,  so  the 
actual  development  of  the  principle  implied  in  the 


768 


THE   APOSTOLIC   AGE   AND   THE   LIFE   OF   PAUL 


acceptance  of  Cornelius  is  left  to  unnamed  and  un- 
oflicial  missionaries  (lli9ff.  ;  this  verso  is  really  the 
sequel  of  84).  In  11 20*  we  must  read  with  RV 
'"  Greeks,"  not  "  Grecian  Jews  "  as  RVm,  this  being 
one  of  the  few  cases  in  Acts  where  the  reading  of  \VH 
cannot  be  followed.  Theie  would  have  been  nothing 
specially  worthy  of  remark  in  preaching  to  Greek- 
speaking  Jews,  since  according  to  Ac.  2  (c/.  also  Ac.  6) 
this  had  been  freely  done  from  the  first.  It  is  these 
missionaries  who  biing  the  Gospel  to  Antioch,  which 
almost  at  once  becomes  the  centre  of  Gentile  Chris- 
tianity, as  Jerusalem  is  of  Judaic.  The  new  centre  is 
indeed  of  such  importance  that  Barnabas  is  sent  to 
report — a  mission  which  shows  that  the  two  centres  are 
in  close  touch,  and  that  the  Twelve  exercise  their  power 
of  supervision  here  also  (for  the  result  and  sequel  of 
the  mission  see  below,  p.  769).  The  title  or  nickname 
of  ■■  Christian  "  (Ac  II26*),  first  given  here,  indicates 
that  the  young  community  was  now  important  enough 
and  sufficiently  distinct  from  Judaism  to  attract  the 
attention  of  Gentile  outsiders.  The  name  must  have 
been  given  by  them  and  not  by  Jews,  since  the  latter 
would  hardl}'  have  allowed  to  their  rivals  a  monopoly 
of  the  Christ,  or  Messiah. 

As  we  have  seen,  Jewish  hostility  had  subsided  for 
a  time  after  the  removal  of  Saul,  its  chief  instigator,  from 
the  scene  (Ac.  931);  but  in  .-v.d.  41  Claudius  became 
emperor,  and  at  once  made  his  favourite,  Herod  Agrippa, 
king  of  Judaea  (p.  610);  the  latter  proved  himself  eager  in 
ever}-  way  to  conciliate  the  good- will  of  the  Jews,  and  it 
is  not  surprising  that  he  should  do  this  at  the  expense 
of  the  Christians.  The  death  of  James,  the  fii-st 
apostolic  mart\T,  and  the  arrest  of  Peter,  may  be  placed 
in  44,  the  year  of  Herods  death.  But  the  narrative 
of  Ac.  12  comes  in  as  an  episode,  and  it  is  impossible 
to  be  sure  of  its  exact  chronological  relation  to  the 
events  of  ch.  11  ;  this  point  becomes  of  importance 
when  wo  have  to  discuss  the  date  of  Paul's  second 
visit  to  Jerusalem  and  its  relation  to  the  narrative 
of  GaL  2. 

We  now  pass  to  the  Pauline  period,  but  before  dis- 
cussing this  we  must  first  retrace  our  steps  a  little  and 
say  something  of  the  early  years  of  Paul  himself.  He 
was  bom  at  Tarsus,  the  capital  of  Cilicia,  somewhere 
about  the  beginning  of  the  century.  His  parents  were 
Pharisees  (Phil.  85,  Ac.  236),  evidently  of  a  strict  type, 
while  he  liimself  had  all  the  eager,  if  somewhat  narrow, 
enthusiasm  often  found  among  young  men  devoted  to 
a  type  of  reUgion  which  is  also  something  of  a  party 
cry  (Gal.  I14).  According  to  Acts  he  was  educated 
at  Jerusalem  in  the  school  of  Gamaliel  (223,  264),  and 
it  is  generally  held  that  he  was  also  more  or  less  in 
touch  with  the  University  of  Tarsus.  At  any  rate 
Jewish  and  Greek  influences  met  in  him  in  a  way  they 
did  not  in  the  Galilean  disciples  (p.  805),  while  to  these 
was  added  the  possession  of  Roman  citizenship  (Ac.  16 
37,  225).  We  may  note  that  it  was  his  Roman  citizen- 
ship which  made  possible  the  appeal  to  Cjesar  ;  to  it 
also  was  probably  due  the  possession  of  the  Latin 
name  Paiilus,  which  is  uniformly  used  after  he  begins 
to  appeal  to  the  Grseco-Roman  world  (Ac.  ISg)  ;  it 
is  in  no  way  probable  that  this  name  was  first  adopted 
by  him  in  CvT^rus  out  of  compliment  to  Sergius  Paulus. 
He  seems  to  have  been  of  good  social  position  and  to 
have  received  an  excellent  education  ;  no  argument 
to  the  contrary  can  be  drawn  from  the  fact  of  his  trade 
as  a  tentmaker,  since  all  Jewish  boys  were  taught  some 
trade  ;  wo  find  him  more  or  less  dependent  on  this 
during  his  travels  (Ac.  I83,  2O34,  1  Cor.  9i2ff.,  etc.). 
It  was  quite  natural  that  his  family  should  have  dis- 
owned him,  though  as  he  seems  to  be  in  possession  of 


funds  at  the  time  of  the  appeal  to  CsBsar  they  may 
have  received  him  into  favour  later  on  (p.  772). 

In  the  Acts  of  Paul  and  Theda  the  apostle  is  de- 
scribed as  "  of  moderate  stature,  with  ourfy  hair,  bow- 
legged,  with  blue  eyes  and  meeting  eyebrows,  and  long 
nose,  full  of  grace,  for  at  times  he  looked  like  a  man, 
and  at  times  he  had  the  face  of  an  angel  "  ;  cf.2  Cor.  10 
10,  and  Ac.  14i3,  where  Barnabas,  not  Paul,  is  taken 
for  Zeus,  evidently  as  Vjeing  the  more  imposing  figure. 

Paul  first  meets  us  at  the  death  of  Stephen  (Ac.  758, 
81)  ;  he  may  well  have  been  previously  one  of  his 
CiUcian  opponents  (69).  He  is  the  principal  figure  in 
the  campaign  of  persecution  which  ensues  (c/.  1  Cor.  los. 
Gal.  1 12),  and  he  is  sent  on  a  mission  to  Dama.scus  after 
the  manner  of  Jewish  apostles,  who  were  often  sent  by 
the  Sanhedrin  to  the  to\^-ns  of  the  Dispersion  as  its 
official  representatives.  Of  the  conversion  itself  there 
are  three  accounts  (Ac.  9,  22,  26i2ff.  ;  cf.  1  Cor.  156, 
GaL  I12),  which  differ  only  in  comparatively  minor 
details.  The  important  question  is  whether  the  appear- 
ance of  Jesus  was  "'  subjective  "  or  '"  objective  "  ;  was 
it  merely  the  result  of  the  working  of  the  apostle's 
own  mind,  or  was  it  due  to  the  personal  action  of  the 
hving  Jesus,  through  whatever  charmel  ?  Paul  himself 
would  have  had  no  hesitation  as  to  the  answer,  since 
he  puts  it  on  a  level  with  the  appearances  after  the 
Resurrection,  which  he  certainly  regarded  as  objective, 
though  probablj'  not  as  material.  But  this  does  not 
preclude  a  psychological  explanation  of  the  event,  and, 
though  scholars  differ  on  the  point,  we  may  fairly  con- 
nect it  with  the  death  of  Stephen.  The  martjT's 
defence  and  prayer,  the  shining  of  his  face,  and  above 
all,  his  claim  to  see  the  Son  of  Man,  the  Crucified  One, 
alive  and  glorified,  may  well  have  made  a  deep  im- 
pression on  the  young  man.  This  is  not  inconsistent 
with  his  subsequent  persecution  of  Stephen's  com- 
panions ;  the  advocate  is  most  violent,  whether  in 
word  or  action,  when  he  feels  that  his  cause  is  weakest. 
So  Paul  w£is  but  ■■  kicking  against  the  pricks  "  ;  the 
way  for  the  vision  was  prepared  by  a  long  period  partly 
of  sub-conscious  incubation,  partly  of  realised  doubts, 
when  the  questions  whether  Stephen  was  right  after 
all,  and  whether  Jesus  indeed  hvod,  refused  any  longer 
to  be  ignored.  No  doubt  this  is  to  fill  in  the  picture, 
but  in  the  absence  of  definite  data  some  use  of  the 
imagination  is  inevitable  if  we  are  to  understand  what 
happened.  The  mission  of  Ananias  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  not  even  in  an  exceptional  case  such  as 
this  could  the  normal  means  of  instruction  and  baptism 
be  altogether  dispensed  with  ;  though  Paul  himself 
rather  minimises  what  he  owed  to  the  teacliing  of 
others  (Gal.  1),  there  can  be  no  doubt  from  his  epistles 
that  he  was  in  fact  baptized.  It  is  not  quite  clear  how 
soon  the  conviction  that  his  special  work  wa.s  the  con- 
version of  the  Gentile  world  took  definite  shape  in  his 
mind.  In  Ac.  9i5,  2617  it  is  connected  directly  with 
the  conversion  (c/.  Gal.  lisf.),  while  Ac.  222 1  refers  it 
to  a  later  vision  in  Jerusalem.  There  is  always  a 
tendency  in  the  hght  of  after  events  to  regard  a  decision 
as  definitely  formed  and  realised  at  a  period  when  it 
was  in  fact  only  implicit  and  tentative.  (On  the  sub- 
ject of  this  paragraph  see  p.  806  and  notes  on  Ac. 
9i-i9a,  Gal.  I11-17.) 

Paul  speaks  of  a  visit  to  Arabia  immediately  after  his 
conversion  (Gal.  I17*) ;  probably  tliis  was  undertaken 
for  meditation  on  the  recent  crisis,  though  it  may  have 
been  for  preaching.  The  period  of  public  confession 
in  the  svnagogues  of  Damascus  (Ac.  92o)  must  be  placed 
after  this  ;  it  was  brought  to  a  close  by  a  plot  on  the 
part  of  the  Jews.  This  is  proljabiy  the  episode  re- 
ferred to  in  2  Cor.  II32  ;  we  must  suppose  that  Aretas, 


THE   APOSTOLIC   AGE   AND    THE   LIFE   OF   PAUL 


769 


or  his  ethnaroh.  was  acting  in  support  of  the  Jcw8  ; 
on  the  chronological  question  involved,  sec  p.  055. 
With  regard  to  the  first  visit  to  Jerusalem  it  must  be 
admitted  that  Acts  and  Galatians  are  not  altogether 
easy  to  reconcile.  The  former  gives  the  impression 
of  a  visit  paid  soon  after  the  conversion  (the  apostles 
have  not  yet  heard  of  it),  lasting  an  appreciable  time, 
and  spent  in  pubhc  preaching,  while  Paul  is  represented 
as  owing  a  good  deal  to  Barnabas  (who  may  have  been 
with  him  at  the  University  of  Tarsus).  Galatians 
represents  the  visit  as  quite  short  ("  fifteen  days  '")  and 
private,  only  Peter  and  James  i  being  seen,  wjiile  the 
clause  "  unknown  by  face  mi  to  the  churches  of  Judasa  " 
(Gal.  I22*)  seems  to  exclude  any  idea  of  public  preach- 
ing unless  we  somewhat  artificially  interpret  '"  Judasa  " 
as  the  country  district,  excluding  Jerusalem  itself  ;  on 
the  other  hand,  the  somewhat  obscure  passage,  Rom.  15 
19,  suggests  that  Paul  had  in  fact  preached  in  that 
city.  Probably  Paul  has  unconsciously  somewhat 
exaggerated  the  private  character  of  this  visit,  while 
Luke  seems  to  have  had  no  detailed  knowledge  of  this 
period  of  Paul's  life,  and  therefore  has  filled  in  the 
picture  in  general  terms. 

From  Jerusalem  Paul  goes  to  Tarsus,  whence  after 
an  interval,  which  must  remain  quite  undetermined, 
he  is  brought  by  Barnabas  to  Antioch  (Ac.  llzsff. 
should  be  connected  with  930) ;  Gal.  I23  implies  active 
work  at  Tarsus  ;  Syria  may  be  mentioned  first  as  the 
more  important.  In  Ac.  1 1 30  we  have  the  second  visit 
to  Jerusalem  ;  this  is  probably  to  be  identified  with 
that  of  Gal.  2  (see  below,  p.  770) ;  if  so,  we  see  that 
the  Gentile  question  was  now  discussed  in  certain  of 
its  phases.  If  the  identification  is  rejected  it  becomes 
very  probable  that  the  visit  as  recorded  in  Acts  is 
either  misplaced  or  altogether  unhistorical,  since  it  is 
difficult  to  suppose  that  Paul  can  have  entirely  ignored 
it  in  his  review. 

If  we  accept  the  former  hypothesis  we  see  in  the  First 
Missionary  Journey  the  direct  result  of  the  anangement 
just  arrived  at  that  Paul  and  Barnabas  should  "  go 
to  the  Gentiles."  At  the  same  time  the  immediate 
impulse  by  which  the  arrangement  becomes  operative 
starts  from  the  Church  acting  under  the  mspiration  of 
the  Holy  Ghost ;  we  see  once  more  how  uniformly 
Luke  regards  the  history  of  the  early  Church  as  in 
very  fact  the  working  of  the  Spirit  which  is  the  Spirit 
of  Jesus.  We  may  note  too  that  Paul  does  not  start 
on  the  great  mission  which  did  so  much  to  decide  the 
future  of  Christianity  until  after  a  long  period  of 
at  least  twelve  years  spent  in  quiet  and  uneventful 
work  ;  even  "  the  chosen  vessel "  must  be  shaped  by 
ordinary  human  means  in  order  that  it  may  be  fit 
for  the  purposes  of  God. 

For  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  various  journeys 
reference  must  be  made  once  for  all  to  the  commentary 
on  Acts.  Only  the  main  principles  of  Paul's  work  can 
be  mentioned.  In  Cyprus  we  find  him  appealing  for 
the  first  time  to  the  Roman  official  world  in  the  person 
of  the  proconsul,  while  at  the  same  time  we  see  how 
Christianity  at  once  comes  into  conflict  with  the 
superstitions  of  the  age  and  the  vested  interests  which 
live  by  them  (so  in  Ac.  10i6ff.,  192  3ff.).  Again,  both 
here  and  subsequently  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  stress  is 
laid  on  Paul's  habit  of  addressing  himself  first  to  the 
Jews.  This  does  not,  as  has  sometimes  been  said, 
really  contradict  Paul's  own  account  of  his  attitude. 
He  urges  that  salvation  is  "  to  the  Jew  first,"  and  he 
always  retained  his  patriotic  desire  for  the  conversion 

1  If  we  assume  that  Luke  includes  James  among  the  apostles, 
as  he  seems  to  do  in  Ac.  13,  we  escape  a  verbal  contradiction, 
thoiufh  the  impression  remains  different. 


of  his  own  nation  ;  see  especially  Rom.  Off.  Further 
it  was  in  the  synagogues  that  the  God  fearers,  the 
Gentiles  already  attracted  to  Judaism,  were  to  be  most 
easily  found,  and  it  was  here  that  Paul  met  with  the 
readiest  response  to  his  teaching.  In  the  full  notes  of 
his  speech  at  Pisidian  Antioch  (Ac.  13i6fT.)  we  have 
a  typical  example  of  his  method  of  appealing  to  Jews, 
while  the  speech  at  Lystra  (14i5ff.)  shows  the  very 
different  mode  of  address  adopted  in  face  of  a  com- 
paratively uncultivated  audience.  Later  on  at  Athens 
Luke  gives  us  a  speech  suited  to  an  educated  Gentile 
audience  (1722ff.). 

The  vexed  question  arises  whether  the  churches  of 
Antioch,  Iconium,  Lystra,  and  Derbe  founded  on  this 
journey  are  in  fact  the  churches  of  Galatia,  addressed 
in  the  epistle  (p.  857).  If,  as  the  present  writer  believes, 
they  are,  it  appears  that  Paul  was  ill  at  the  time  he 
visited  them  (GaL  4i3),  and  there  is  much  to  be  said 
for  Ramsay's  suggestion  that  the  illness  referred  to  in 
this  passage  as  well  as  in  1  Cor.  23,  2  Cor.  I27  (the 
"  thorn,"  or  stake,  "  in  the  flesh  ")  was  some  form  of 
recurrent  malaria  such  as  might  easily  be  contracted 
in  the  low-lying  districts  of  the  coasts.  Paul  changed 
his  plans  in  consequence  of  the  attack,  and  went  to 
the  more  healthy  highlands  of  the  interior ;  it  is 
possible  that  this  change  of  plan  may  have  been  the 
reason  of  Marks  defection  (1813),  It  is  at  any  rate 
clear  that  Paul  was  subject  to  some  painful  and  dis- 
abling illness  (hence  probably  his  close  association  with 
Luke  the  physician  at  a  later  time),  and  on  the  whole, 
malaria  fits  the  facts  as  we  know  them  better  than 
epilepsy  or  ophthalmia,  which  have  also  been  suggested. 
[On  the  theory  that  Paul  was  an  epileptic,  see  Ramsay, 
The  Teaching  of  Paul,  pp.  306-328.— A.  S.  P.] 

At  the  close  of  the  first  tour  the  difficulties  connected 
with  the  position  of  Gentiles  in  the  Church,  of  which 
we  have  already  had  hints,  come  to  a  head.  The 
account  in  Acts  is  fairly  clear  as  it  stands.  The  trouble 
arises  from  the  attitude  of  the  strict  Jews,  who  regarded 
Christianity  merely  as  a  development  of  Judaism,  in 
no  way  superseding  it.  Gentiles  could  become  Chris- 
tians and  hope  for  admission  into  the  Messianic  king- 
dom ;  so  much  was  admitted  ;  but  they  must  al«) 
become  Jews  and  keep  the  whole  Law.  Jerusalem  is 
the  headquarters  of  this  party,  just  as  Antioch  has 
been  from  the  first  the  stronghold  of  the  more  hberal 
section.  The  startling  successes  of  Paul  and  Barnabas 
made  it  impossible  to  defer  the  decision  any  longer, 
and  on  the  decision  rested  the  whole  future  of  Chris- 
tianity. The  world  might  become  Christian,  it  would 
certainly  never  become  Jewish.  The  whole  question 
was  referred  to  a  Council  at  Jerusalem,  including  the 
Twelve,  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  Paul,  Barnabas, 
the  elders,  and  the  whole  Church.  The  main  verdict 
wa^  unanimously  in  favour  of  the  Pauline  or  hberal 
party,  freeing  Gentile  converts  from  any  obligation  to 
be  circumcised  or  to  keep  the  Law  as  a  whole  ;  this  is 
the  essential  point,  and  with  regard  to  it  there  is  no 
doubt.  But  a  question  arises  with  regard  to  the  ex- 
ceptions (1520, *29),  which  are  sometimes  very  mislead- 
ingly  referred  to  as  though  they  constituted  the  main 
decisions  of  the  Council.  According  to  the  ordinary 
text  certain  restrictions  are  imposed  :  these  were  not 
so  much  concessions  made  to  the  Jewish  party,  still 
less  did  they  lay  down  a  minimum  of  Law  necessary 
to  salvation — a  position  to  which  Paul  could  never  have 
consented  ;  they  embodied  a  practical  arrangement  in- 
tended to  facilitate  social  intercourse  between  Jewish 
and  Gentile  members  of  the  Church.  The  Jewish 
Christian  still  considered  himself  obUged  to  abstain 
from  the  eating  of  unclean  food,  and  especially  food 

25 


770 


THE  APOSTOLIO   AOE  AND   THE  LIFE  OF  PAUL 


from  which  the  blood  had  not  been  properly  drained, 
or  which  had  been  offered  in  Bacrittce  to  idols  and 
afterwards  sold,  and  therefore  there  could  be  no  free 
intercourse  between  the  two  sections  of  the  Church 
unless  the  Gentile  members  voluntarily  adopted  some 
such  restrictions  aa  these  (for  examples  of  the  difficulty, 
see  Ac.  11 3,  GaL  2ioff.).  Possibly  "  Godfearers " 
among  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  had  already  adopted 
some  such  rules  ;  if  so  the  Council  merely  extended  them 
to  the  C!hristian  Church. 

Such,  at  any  rate,  is  the  best  explanation  of  the 
ordinary  text.  But  the  combination  of  fornication 
with  ceremonial  rules,  though  just  intelUgible  from  the 
connexion  of  prostitution  with  heathen  rites,  is  strange, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  Paul  makes  no  reference  to 
the  decree  in  1  Cor.  8ff.  when  he  is  dealing  with  the 
eating  of  meats  offered  to  idols  (pp.  650f.).  Hence  there 
is  much  to  be  said  for  the  '"  Western  reading  "  adopted 
by  G.  Resch,  Hamack,  and  others ;  this  omits  "  things 
strangled,"  and  it  then  becomes  possible  to  interpret 
the  other  injunctions  as  referring  to  moral  requirements 
(idolatry  and  idol  feasts,  fornication,  and  murder ; 
c/.  Rev.  2215).  The  decree  then  contains  a  warning 
against  gross  sins  to  which  Glentile  converts  were 
especially  liable. 

A  more  important  question  is  raised  as  to  the  relation 
between  Ac.  15  and  Gal.  2.  It  is  generally  supposed 
that  the  two  accounts  refer  to  the  same  \nsit.  The 
objections  are  :  (a)  The  omission  of  the  visit  of  Ac.  11  ; 
it  is  not  true  that  this  was  unimportant  for  the  purposes 
of  Paul's  argument,  since  he  is  concerned  to  show  that 
he  had  had  no  opportunity  in  the  past  of  being  influ- 
enced to  any  extent  by  the  Jerusalem  Church,  and 
therefore  to  omit  any  visit  t«;  that  city  was  to  give 
a  handle  to  his  opponents  ;  (6)  the  two  accounts  do 
not  really  agree :  to  say  nothing  of  minor  differenc&s, 
Paul  speaks  only  of  a  private  conference  between  him- 
self and  the  "  pillars,"  leading  to  an  acknowledgment 
of  his  gospel  and  a  separation  of  spheres  of  labour, 
while  he  nowhere  hints  that  the  Church  as  a  whole 
had  formally  and  definitely  agreed  to  the  very  point 
for  which  he  is  contending  throughout  the  epistle,  by 
deciding  that  circumcision  was  not  necessary  for 
Gentile  converts.  It  seems  better,  therefore,  to  identify 
the  visits  of  Ac.  11  and  GaL  2,  and  further  to  suppose 
that  the  epistle  itself  was  written  before  the  Council. 
It  was  addressed  to  the  churches  of  the  Roman  province 
of  Galatia,  founded  on  the  first  journey.  On  this  view 
alone  can  we  explain  why  Paul  does  not  definitely  refer 
to  its  decisions.  For  it  will  bo  understood  that  even 
if  we  identify  Ac.  11  and  Gal.  2  wo  must  account  for 
the  omission  of  any  reference  to  the  Council  itself  if 
it  had  already  taken  place.  The  difficulty  is,  in  fact, 
BO  grave  that  if  we  reject  the  early  date  of  the  epistle 
we  are  almost  compelled  to  follow  the  large  number 
of  critics  who  find  something  seriously  wrong  in  the 
narrative  of  Ac.  15,  supposing  either  that  it  is  altogether 
imhistorical,  or  that  it  is  a  misplaced  record  of  a  later 
decision  in  which  Paul  himself  had  no  share  (c/. 
Ac.  21 25). 

It  is  not  difficult,  on  the  view  taken  above,  to  form 
an  intelligible  picture  of  the  development  and  settle- 
ment of  the  Gentile  question  in  the  Church.  We  have, 
first  of  all,  the  hints  in  the  preaching  of  Stephen  that 
Christianity  implies  the  passing  of  Judaism.  We  then 
have  sporatlic  cases  of  the  conversion  of  Gentile  God- 
fearers,  or  uncircumcised  proselytes,  by  PhiUp,  Peter 
(in  the  Cornelius  episode),  and  unnamed  preachers. 
The  threads  of  the  new  development  become  concen- 
trated at  Antioch  ;  Barnabas  is  sent  there  by  the 
Jerusalem  Church  to  investigate ;    be  returns  after 


some  time  with  Paul,  who  has  also  Ijeen  preaching, 
and  there  follows  the  private  interview  of  Gal.  2.  The 
apostles  informally  accept  their  position  and  leave 
them  free  to  evangelise  the  Gentiles.  But  it  is  still 
an  open  question  (a)  how  far  the  two  sections  oan  live 
together  (hence  the  dispute  of  GaL  2 10,  which  is  to 
be  placed  about  the  beginning  of  the  events  recorded 
in  Ao.  15ifif.);  (6)  whether  Gentiles  after  being  bap- 
tized should  be,  if  not  compelled,  at  least  strongly 
urged  to  go  on  to  perfection  by  being  circumcised. 
This  is  the  question  discussed  in  Gal.  and  at  the 
Council,  where  a  final  decision  is  reached,  placing  the 
Gentile  convert  on  an  cquahty  with  the  Jew  and 
facilitating  social  intercourse.  There  is  room  both  for 
GaL  2  and  for  Ac.  15. 

We  pass  to  the  Second  Journey,  which  had  such 
momentous  consequences  for  the  extension  of  Chris- 
tianity. Its  primary  purpose  was  to  visit  the  churches 
founded  on  the  previous  journey  (Ac.  1636).  Paul 
was  always  solicitous  with  regard  to  the  progress  of 
his  converts,  and  in  this  case,  if  the  view  adopted  above 
of  the  outbreak  of  trouble  in  the  Galatian  churches  is 
correct,  there  was  a  special  reason  why  he  should 
follow  up  his  letter  by  a  personal  visit.  We  are  ex- 
pressly told  that  the  result  of  the  Council  was  communi- 
cated to  these  churches  (I64*),  though  the  letter  of  the 
Jerusalem  church  was  only  actually  addressed  to  the 
churches  of  Syria  and  Cilicia.  The  quarrel  with 
Barnabas  leads  to  the  selection  of  Silas — the  Silvanus 
of  the  epistles — while  the  place  of  Mark  is  soon  filled 
by  Timothy.  The  statement  in  Ac.  1 63  *  is  sometimes 
said  to  be  unhistorical,  an  being  inconsistent  with  the 
attitude  Paul  adopts  in  his  epistles.  But  Timothy  was 
partly  of  Jewish  blood,  so  that  this  was  a  borderline 
case  where  the  principle  of  avoiding  needless  offence 
would  apply.  Neither  Paul  nor  anyone  else  had  j'et 
reached  the  position  that  circumcision  was  aboUshed 
for  Jewish  Christians.  The  first  part  of  Paul's  route 
lay  through  the  CiUcian  Gates  ;  then,  according  to 
the  South  Galatian  theory,  after  visiting  the  cities  of 
the  first  journey  in  the  reverse  order,  he  turns  north- 
ward from  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  skirting  the  eastern 
border  of  the  province  of  Asia,  until  after  a  turn  to  the 
west  he  finds  himself  at  Troas.  On  the  other  hand, 
according  to  the  older  North  Galatian  theory,  which, 
it  must  be  remembered,  is  still  held  by  many  scholars, 
we  have  to  suppose  a  long  detour  through  the  centre 
of  Asia  Minor  into  the  old  Kingdom  of  Galatia  where 
churches  are  founded.  Of  these  churches  nothing  is 
known  beyond  the  notice  in  this  passage  and  the 
similar  pas.sage  (Ao.  I823),  and  what  can  be  gathered 
from  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians,  which  on  this  view 
is  written  to  them. 

Throughout  the  first  part  of  this  journey  Luke 
emphasizes  even  more  than  usual  the  Divine  guidance 
of  Paul's  movements.  His  intention  was  to  evangelise 
Ephcsus  and  the  important  province  of  Asia,  but  in 
various  ways  of  which  we  do  not  know  the  details  he 
was  prevented  from  doing  this,  imtil  finally,  after  his 
arrival  at  Troas,  he  realised  that  the  obstacles  he  had 
met  were,  in  fact,  an  indication  from  God  that  he  was 
to  make  the  supreme  venture  of  carrying  the  Gospel 
to  Europe.  Ramsay  makes  the  fascinating  suggestion 
that  "  the  man  of  Macedonia  "  (Ac.  I69*)  seen  in  the 
vision  was  Luke  himself.  Paul  may  well  have  met 
him,  perhaps  consulting  him  as  a  doctor  with  regard 
to  his  ilhiess  (p.  7(59),  and  entered  into  conversations 
with  regard  to  possible  openings  in  Europe.  His  sug 
gestions  echo  themselves  in  a  dream,  which  Pa 
rightly  interprets  as  a  Divine  sign.  At  any  rate,  th( 
decisive  step  is  taken,  and  the  immediate  result  ia  tl 


I 


THE  APOSTOLIO   AGE  AND  THE  LIFE  OF  PAUL 


771 


founding  of  the  flourishing  churches  of  ftjficedonia. 
At  Philippi,  Thessalonica,  and  Beroea  Paul  is  shown  in 
collision  with  the  Roman  authorities,  but  Luke  is 
careful  to  emphasize  that  he  is  never  condemned  by 
them.  At  PhiUppi  the  assertion  of  his  Roman  citizen- 
ship enables  him  to  depart  in  triumph  while  in  the  other 
two  towns  the  case  is  never  decided.  We  may  note 
that,  according  to  1  and  2  Th.,  Paul's  stay  at  Thessa- 
lonica was  longer  than  might  appear  from  Ac.  17 1-9. 

The  stay  at  Athens  was  short  and  without  important 
results,  though  the  account  is  of  special  interest,  as 
showing  us  Paul's  mode  of  appeal  to  the  philosophical 
world.  The  eighteen  months'  stay  at  Corinth  bore 
more  definite  fniit,  and  the  success  was  all  the  more 
noteworthy  since  Paul  clearly  experienced  one  of  those 
moods  of  depression  which  come  at  times  to  all  highly- 
strung  spirits  (c/.  Elijah  in  1  K.  19).  He  found  himself 
alone  and  in  bad  health  (1  Cor.  23) ;  he  was  full  of 
anxiety  about  his  Thessalonian  converts,  depressed  at 
his  comparative  failure  at  Athens,  and  perhaps  inclined 
to  think  that  the  whole  venture  of  the  mission  to 
Europe  had  been  a  mistake.  Hence  the  special  vision 
of  Ac.  I89.  As  a  reward  of  his  perseverance  a  flourish- 
ing church  was  founded,  and  the  trial  before  GaUio  led 
to  an  important  vindication  of  Christianity  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Roman  authorities  (on  the  important  chrono- 
logical question,  see  p.  655).  At  this  period  Paul  made 
the  acquaintance  of  Prisca  and  Aquila,  who  proved 
such  faithful  alhes,  and  the  Epistles  to  the  Thessa- 
lonians  were  written  from  Corinth.  Paul  leaves  with 
a  vow  (Ac.  I818  *),  probably  for  his  safe  return,  and 
after  a  short  visit  to  Ephesus,  where  he  meets  with  a 
very  favourable  reception  and  a  warm  invitation  to 
return,  he  hurries  on.  The  words  of  AV  in  I821,  "  I 
must  by  all  means  keep  this  feast  that  cometh  in 
Jerusalem,"  though  a  gloss  (RV  omits),  are  probably 
correct  in  meaning,  and  "  went  up  "  in  22  *  seems 
to  imply  a  visit  to  Jerusalem.  We  note  that  all  along 
he  is  anxious  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  mother  church. 

The  Third  Journey  begins  with  I823,  and  again  we 
have  a  visit  either  to  the  churches  of  the  first  journey 
or  else  to  the  urmamed  towns  of  Northern  Galatia  (see 
above,  p.  770).  His  objective  is  Ephesus,  where  he  has 
left  Prisca  and  Aquila,  and  in  this  context  Luke  intro- 
duces two  very  suggestive  notes  with  regard  to  disciples 
of  the  Baptist.  The  first  brings  ApoUos  on  the  stage 
(c/.  1  Cor.  I12,  etc.) ;  his  precise  position  is  not  quite 
clear,  but  apparently  he  has  accepted  Jesus  as  the 
Messiah,  perhaps  with  no  knowledge  of  His  death  or 
resurrection.  His  fuller  enlightenment  is  due  to 
Prisca  and  Aquila,  but  Paul  himself  on  his  arrival  at 
Ephesus  finds  twelve  others  in  very  much  the  same 
position  ;  they  receive  both  baptism  and  the  laying 
on  of  hands,  stress  being  laid  on  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  as  the  essential  mark  of  the  Christian.  We  may 
probably  conclude  from  these  narratives  that  there 
were  in  the  first  generation  a  not  inconsiderable  number 
of  half-Christians,  who  had  either  been  partially  in- 
structed by  the  Baptist  or  else  had  come  for  a  short 
time  into  touch  with  Jesus  Himself  and  had  had  no 
opportunity  of  realising  the  later  developments  of 
Christianity.  From  the  stress  laid  on  these  narratives 
it  would  also  appear  that,  at  the  time  when  Luke 
wrote,  it  was  still  necessary  to  convince  them  that  their 
position  was  not  satisfactory.  At  Ephesus  itself  the 
incidents  illustrate  the  familiar  principles  of  the  collision 
of  the  new  n'lifiion  with  the  superstition  of  the  age, 
and  with  vested  interests,  while  its  innocent  character 
is  once  more  vindicated  by  the  representatives  of 
Rome.  Ephesus  became  one  of  the  most  important 
centres    of    Christianity    in    the    first   and    following 


centuries,  and  the  influence  of  Paul's  preaching  spread 
at  once  through  the  whole  province  (19io) ;  the  be- 
ginning of  the  churches  of  Laodicea  and  Colossae, 
though  they  were  not  founded  by  Paul  himself,  must 
date  from  this  period  (CoL  2i,  4i6).  1  Cor.  was  written 
during  the  stay  at  Ephesus,  and  2  Cor.  during  the 
subsequent  journey  through  Macedonia  ;  a  visit  to 
Corinth  is  to  be  placed  somewhere  between  the  two  ;  see 
Introd.  to  and  Comm.  on  2  Cor.  The  visit  to  Macedonia 
(Ac.  20 1 )  must  have  included  PhiUppi  and  Thessalonica, 
while  the  three  months  in  Greece  were  presumably 
spent  at  Corinth.  Romans  was  written  from  here, 
while  if  earlier  dates  for  Gal.  are  rejected  it  also  must 
be  dated  somewhere  during  tliis  third  journey. 

At  tlus  time  Paul  had  definitely  in  his  mind  the  idea 
of  a  visit  to  Rome  (Rom.  1623),  but  for  a  reason  which 
will  appear  immediately  he  wished  first  to  return  to 
Jerusalem.  A  plot  against  his  life  caused  him  to 
change  his  route  (Ac.  2O3) ;  it  Is  probable  that  he  had 
intended  to  travel  by  a  pilgrim  ship,  and  that  advantage 
was  to  be  taken  of  the  crowd  of  fanatics  on  board  to 
murder  him.  Hence  he  goes  by  a  longer  route,  the 
route  and  incidents  of  the  voyage  being  described  in 
some  detail  by  Luke,  who  accompanied  him.  Besides 
the  Eutychus  incident  at  Troas,  we  have  the  farewell 
to  the  elders  of  Ephesus  at  Miletus,  a  speech  which 
illustrates  Paul's  close  and  affectionate  relations  with 
his  churches.  Towards  the  close  of  the  journey  the 
sense  of  impending  disaster  is  heightened  by  the 
frequent  warnings  he  receives  (Ac.  2O38,  21 4,1  iff.). 
These,  however,  only  emphasize  his  determination- 
It  is  evident  from  Romans  (see  Rom.  9ff. )  that  he  enter- 
tained at  this  time  a  special  desire  and  hope  of  bringing 
about  the  conversion  of  the  Jews  as  a  whole.  One 
means  to  this  end  was  the  Collection  lor  the  Saints, 
which,  though  intended  primarily  for  Jewish  Christ- 
ians, might  yet  be  expected  to  do  something  towards 
winning  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen  in  generaL 
The  references  to  this  collection  form  an  interesting 
example  of  cross-correspondence  between  the  Acta  and 
the  epistles.  It  figures  prominently  in  the  letters  of 
the  period  (Rom.  I525,  1  Cor.  I61,  2  Cor.  8f.),  and  the 
references  show  clearly  the  importance  Paul  attached 
to  making  the  contributions  as  representative  as 
possible.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  not  directly  men- 
tioned in  Acts  as  a  main  reason  of  Paul's  visit  until 
the  incidental  remark  in  24i7 ;  in  the  Ught,  however, 
of  the  other  references  we  need  have  no  hesitation  in 
seeing  in  the  names  of  Pauls  companions  mentioned  bo 
prominently  in  2O4  the  list  of  the  delegates  from  the 
various  churches  chosen  to  bring  the  contributions 
from  each  (cf.  1  Cor.  163!),  Luke  himself  being  probably 
the  representative  of  Achaia  (2  Cor.  818  ;  cf.  "  we  " 
in  Ac.  206). 

Paul,  on  his  arrival  at  Jerusalem,  is  ready  to  go  to 
great  lengths  in  his  desire  to  play  a  concifiatory  r61e, 
and  takes  a  share  in  the  performance  of  a  Nazirite 
vow.  This  action,  like  others  attributed  to  him  in 
Acts,  is  sometimes  regarded  as  inconsistent  with  his 
attitude  to  the  Law  in  his  epistles.  But  the  incident 
need  not  be  unhistorical ;  Paul  had  not  taken  up  the 
position  that  the  Jew  was  to  abandon  the  I^aw,  and 
in  practice  he  himself  observed  it  where  possible,  at 
any  rate  when  in  the  society  of  Jews  (1  Cor.  92o).  It 
was  not  a  question  of  acting  so  as  to  suggest  that  the 
Law  was  in  any  way  necessary  to  salvation,  but  of 
rebutting  the  charge  that  he  was  teaching  Jews  to 
abandon  its  observance  (Ac.  2I21).  But  Paul's  whole 
attempt  was  doomed  to  failure  by  the  fierce  hatred  of 
the  Jews  themselves,  a  hatred  all  the  more  noticeable 
when  we  remember  that  the  Church  in  Jerusalem  itself 


772 


THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE  AND   THE   LIFE  OF  PAUL 


was  at  this  time  apparently  not  interfered  \rith  in 
any  way.  The  instinct  of  the  Jews  was  perfectly 
correct ;  the  real  danger  to  Judaism  was  not  to  be 
found  in  the  stay-at-home,  compromising  section  of 
the  Church,  but  in  those  who  like  Paul,  were  making 
the  new  religion  a  world-wide  force,  and  so,  almost 
without  realising  it,  were  digging  the  grave  of  Judaism 
proper.  Each  incident  which  follows  serves  to  bring 
into  strong  relief  the  fanatical  fury  of  the  nationalist 
element;  there  is  the  sudden  riot  of  21 27,  when  the 
attempt  is  evidently  made  to  dispose  of  a  difficult 
question  by  mob  law,  without  the  risks  of  an  uncertain 
trial  ;  the  same  feature  is  seen  in  the  desperate  plot 
of  23i2ff.,  when  the  trial  before  the  Sanhedrin  has 
sho^\-n  that  Paul  can  rc^ckon  on  a  certain  amount  of 
support.  The  account  of  his  trials  and  defences  at 
this  time  is  given  in  some  detail,  and  in  the  whole 
story  at  Jerusalem,  and  Gesarea,  with  the  trials  before 
Felix,  Festus,  and  Agrippa,  emphasis  is  laid  both  on 
his  admitted  innocence  of  any  offence  again.st  Roman 
law  and  on  the  comparatively  favourable  attitude  of 
the  Roman  autliorities  towards  him.  It  is  indeed  re- 
markable that  Paul  seems  to  have  had  a  pecuhar  power 
of  winning  the  confidcnco  of  Roman  officials,  and  the 
fact  has  an  important  Ijearing  on  the  history  of  Chris- 
tianity in  the  first  century,  since  it  was  one  of  the 
elements  which  went  to  secure  for  it  a  period  of  more 
or  less  peaceful  development  before  the  outbreak  of 
the  great  persecutions.  Paul  was,  of  course,  specially 
helped  by  his  possession  of  Roman  citizenship  (2225), 
which  made  possible  the  appeal  to  Csesar  (25ii). 
Probably  he  must  also  at  this  time  have  had  access 
to  pecuniary  help,  since  the  appeal  to  Rome,  though 
technically  open  to  any  citizen,  was  as  much  a  matter 
of  money  as  an  appeal  to  the  House  of  Lords  at  the 
present  time.  Ramsay  has  pointed  out  that  some  at 
least  of  his  family  are  now  on  his  side  (23i6),  and  they 
may  have  been'  ready  to  supply  him  with  funds. 
Felix,  too,  believes  that  he  is  in  a  position  to  raise  a 
substantial  bribe. 

Paul's  long-jilanned  visit  to  Rome  therefore  at  last 
takes  place,  though  under  circumstances  very  different 
from  those  he  had  hoped  for.  With  the  narrative  of 
the  siiipwreck  and  the  arrival  at  Rome  our  definite 
knowledge  of  his  career  comes  to  a  close.  Acts  ends 
abrujitly  with  the  notice  of  a  two  years'  confinement, 
during  which  the  Gospel  is  triumphantly  preached  in 
the  imperial  city  without  hindrance.  Wo  may  perhaps 
fill  in  the  picture  with  data  drawn  from  the  "  Epistles 
of  the  Captivity  "  (Phil,  Co!.,  Phm.,  Eph.)  which  were 
probably  written  from  Rome,  though  some  scholars 
place  some  or  all  of  them  during  the  two  years  at 
Caesarea.  In  all  he  appears  as  a  prisoner,  and  we 
note  not  only  his  quiet  courage  but  the  tone  of  dignity 
and  authority  with  which  he  speaks.  His  position 
haa  been  secured  by  the  suffering:^  he  haa  undergone, 
and  it  is  no  longer  seriously  attacked.  Wo  hear  of 
some  opposition  in  Pliil.,  but,  at  any  rate  in  ch.  I, 
his  attitude  towards  it  is  very  different  from  that  found 
in  Gal.  The  same  epistle  seems  to  look  forward  to  a 
release  (l22ff.),  and  tlie  vexed  question  arises  as  to  the 
result  of  the  appeal  to  Rome.  It  is  often  argued  that 
this,  in  fact,  ended  in  Paul's  condemnation,  but  on  the 
whole  the  evidence  is  against  this  view,  (a)  It  is  not 
really  supported  by  the  silence  of  Acts  ;  as  we  have 
seen,  Luke  has  laid  great  stress  upon  the  successive 
vindications  of  Paul  by  the  Roman  authorities  ;  these 
are  obviously  neutralised  if  the  appeal  itself  ended  in 
his  condemnation.  There  is  much  to  be  said  for  the 
view  of  Lake  and  others  that  the  mention  of  the  "  two 
years  "  in  Aa  2830  imphes  his  acquittal,  there  being 


some  evidence  for  the  belief,  which  is  quite  reasonable 
in  itself,  that  if  the  accusers  in  a  case  did  not  put  in 
an  appearance  before  the  expiration  of  two  years  the 
charge  dropped  automatically.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
is,  of  course,  possible  that  Acts  was  written  before  the 
result  was  known,  or  else  that  for  some  reason  it  was 
left  unfinished,  (b)  As  we  have  seen,  Paul  himself 
looks  for  his  release  in  Phil.  I22,  224,  Phm.  22,  and 
this  at  least  balances  the  despondent  tone  of  Ac.  2O25. 
(c)  The  Pastoral  Epistles,  even  if  they  be  rejected  as 
not  genuine,  are  at  least  evidence  of  an  early  belief 
in  a  later  activity  on  the  part  of  Paul,  since  all  attempts 
to  fit  them  in  to  earlier  parts  of  his  life  are  very 
artificial.  The  same  holds  good  if  we  see  in  them 
fragments  of  genuine  Pauline  letters  worked  up  by  a 
later  hand.  With  this  evidence  agrees  the  early 
notices  of  a  visit  paid  by  Paul  to  the  West  or  Spain, 
found  in  Clement  of  Rome  and  the  Muratorian  Frag- 
ment ;  cf.  Rom.  1528.  If,  however,  the  first  imprison- 
ment ended  in  his  release  it  is  still  impossible  to  recon- 
struct the  rest  of  the  story  in  any  detail.  The  Pastoral 
Epistles  seem  to  imply  visits  to  Ephesus  or  the  neigh- 
bourhood (1  Tim.  314),  Macedonia  (I3),  Crete  (Tit.  15), 
and  Epirus,  if  the  intention  of  Tit.  3i2  was  carried 
out.  From  2  Tim.  we  learn  of  visits  to  Troas  (4 13), 
Miletus,  and  probably  to  Corinth  (42o).  This  epistle 
suggests  a  sudden  arrest,  and  is  written  from  Rome 
in  expectation  of  martjTdom.  An  unbroken  tradi- 
tion from  Clement  of  Rome  onwards  asserts  that  he 
did,  in  fact,  suffer  in  Rome,  whether  at  the  time  of 
the  persecution  of  a.d.  64  (p.  774)  or  towards  the  close 
of  Nero's  reign,  i.e.  before  a.d.  68,  but  though  legend 
has  been  busy  with  the  story  we  really  know  nothing 
about  the  details  of  his  death. 

Some  may  raise  the  perfectly  reasonable  question 
whether  the  position  and  work  of  Paul  may  not  have 
been  generally  over-emphasized.  Half  of  Acts  is  con- 
cerned with  his  career,  and  the  majority  of  NT  letters 
come  from  his  hand,  or  are  at  least  attributed  to  him. 
May  not  this  be  more  or  less  of  an  accident,  and  may 
it  not  have  led  the  Church  to  ascribe  to  him  a  slightly 
exaggerated  importance  ?  May  not  Peter,  or  John, 
or  some  other  of  the  apostles  have  really  been  equally 
prominent,  only  that  the  complete  record  of  their 
activity  has  not  chanced  to  come  down  to  us  ?  We  may 
reply  that  the  interest  taken  in  Paul's  work  and  writings 
at  the  time  when  the  Canon  of  the  NT  was  in  formation 
proves  that  he  was  from  early  times  regarded  as  the 
supremely  important  figure.  And  further  the  story 
itself  shows  the  unique  character  of  his  work  in  tracing 
the  lines  on  which  Christianity  was  to  develop.  No 
doubt  other  preachers  of  the  Gospel  were  equally 
energetic  and  self-sacrificing,  but  Paul  had  a  plan. 
He  followed  the  great  roads,  the  main  arteries  of  traffic 
and  intercoui-so,  concentrated  on  the  most  important 
centres,  and  steadily  made  Rome  his  objective.  He 
felt  the  call  of  the  Gentile  world,  and  realised  that  the 
Jewish  Law  supplemented  by  Christianity  could  never 
meet  its  needs.  The  new  religion  must  remorselessly 
out  itself  adrift  from  the  old,  if  it  wjvs  to  win  the  Greek. 
He  conceived  of  a  Church  on  the  analoiry  of  the  Roman 
Empire  itself,  transcending  social  and  racial  distino- 
tions,  and,  guided  by  his  own  deep  religious  experience, 
he  sketched  the  hues  of  a  theology  which  has  ever 
since  been  recognised  as  the  foundation  of  the  beat 
Christian  thinking. 

Wlien  we  pass  from  the  story  of  Paul  and  the  narra- 
tire  of  Acts,  very  little,  unhappily,  can  bo  said  with 
regard  to  the  later  history  of  Christianity  In  the  first 
century.  We  have  the  Catholic  epistles,  Hebrews,  and 
the  Apocalypse ;    those,  however,  are  all  in  varying 


THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE  AND  THE  LIFE   OF   PAUL 


773 


degree  diflSoult  to  place  as  to  authorship,  date,  and 
destinatiou,  while  in  any  case  they  throw  very  little 
light  on  the  history  of  the  period,  though  they  are 
important  with  regard  to  development  of  doctrine  and 
organization.  The  same  holds  good  of  the  early  non- 
canonical  books  which  fall  outside  the  scope  of  this 
article.  It  will  naturally  be  realised  that  both  during 
the  Lifetime  of  Paul,  and  subsequently,  many  other 
Christian  missionaries  were  at  work,  though  there  was 
no  outstanding  figure  among  them,  and  indeed  their 
very  names  are  for  the  most  part  unknown.  By  their 
efforts  Christianity  spread  in  the  East,  to  Egypt  and 
Alexandria,  to  the  Mediterranean  basin  in  general,^ 
and  to  Rome.  The  story  of  its  origin  in  the  capital 
is  obscure.  It  had  already  obtained  a  substantial 
footing  there  when  Paul  wrote  to  the  Roman  church  ; 
it  was  probably  brought  by  travellers  or  residents  who 
had  become  acquainted  with  the  Gospel  elsewhere 
(c/.  Ac.  2io,  and  the  "  Synagogue  of  the  Libertines  " 
in  69*).  Every  convert  became  almost  of  necessity  a 
missionary,  and  the  work  of  evangelisation  was  by  no 
means  confined  to  apostles  or  evangelists  proper. 
Tradition  ascribes  the  origin  of  Christianity  in  Rome 
to  Peter,  who  was  believed  to  have  been  Bishop  of 
Rome  for  twenty-five  years  (Eusebius  and  Jerome). 
But  this  is  clearly  contradicted  by  the  language  of 
Rom.  luff.,  1020;  Paul  is  silent  as  to  any  work  of 
Peter  in  this  place,  and  it  would  have  been  inconsistent 
with  his  principle  of  not  building  on  another  man's 
foundation  to  have  interfered  with  a  church  founded 
and  directed  by  Peter.  Further,  early  tradition  knows 
nothing  of  any  episcopate  of  Peter  in  Rome.  Our 
sources  imply  a  certain  connexion  between  him  and 
Puome,  and  his  martyrdom  in  that  city,  and  there  is 
no  sufiicient  reason  for  questioning  these  facts.  If 
1  P.  is  genuine  we  have  probable  evidence  of  Peter's 
presence  there  in  the  mention  of  Babylon  (013),  which 
seems  to  be  a  figurative  name  for  Rome,  as  it  is  in 
the  Apocalypse.  Clement  of  Rome  and  Ignatius  both 
couple  Peter  and  Paul  in  such  a  way  as  to  suggest  a 
oonnexiou  of  both  with  Rome,  while  Tertullian  and 
Caius  of  Rome  refer  to  the  martyrdom  of  both  as 
taking  place  there  ;  later  traditions  agree  with  these 
accounts  and  develop  them.  We  really,  however, 
know  nothing  in  detail  of  Peter's  movements  after  the 
Council  of  Ac.  15,  though  1  Cor.  I12  *  may  imply  that 
he  visited  Corinth. 

We  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  in  the  second 
half  of  the  century  Asia  Minor  and  particularly  Ephesus 
became  imjwrtant  centres  of  Christianity.  Most  of 
the  non-Pauline  epi-stles  of  NT  seem  to  be  connected 
with  this  neighbourhood,  and  Ephesus  was  the  residence 
of  that  John,  whether  the  apostle  or  the  elder,  who 
survived  till  the  end  of  the  century  as  a  last  link  with 
the  first  generation  (p.  744).  We  may  perhaps  ascribe 
the  development  of  episcopacy  to  his  influence  (p.  646), 
and  there  is  a  large  number  of  picturesque  legends  as- 
sociated with  his  name.  We  must  imagine  him  settling 
at  Ephesus,  the  head  of  a  school  occupied  in  the  study 
and  exjxjunding  of  Christian  doctrine  and  increasingly 
revered  as  other  hnks  with  the  past  dropped  out  one 
after  the  other.* 

It  remains  to  say  something  of  two  important  ques- 
tions which  must  have  been  continually  to  the  fore 
during  the  ap^^jstoiic  a^c,  the  relation  of  Christianity  to 
Judaism  and  to  the  Roman  Empire.    It  is  remarkable 

1  1  P.  1 1  Is  evlflence  of  ito  wide  spread  in  Asia  Minor  In  the  latter 
half  of  the  first  century. 

»  In  2  and  3  .In.  we  have  a  Kllmpee  of  the  difficulties  of  early 
Cliurch  life,  with  the  dansers  arising  from  the  abuse  of  hospitality, 
the  clash  of  authorities,  and  the  necessity  of  testing  the  credentials 
of  strange  teachers. 


that  after  the  death  of  James,  the  son  of  Zebedee,  the 
church  at  Jerusalem  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
seriously  interfered  with  by  the  Jews  for  some  time. 
As  we  have  seen,  the  attack  on  Paul  is  all  the  more 
noticeable  on  this  account,  as  showing  that  it  was  only 
the  Uberal  and  aggressive  wing  which  was  really  ob- 
jected to.  An  explanation  may  perhaps  be  found  in 
the  wide  influence  of  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord. 
We  learn  from  Ac.  12i7,  1013,  21i8,  GaL  I19,  29  that 
he  had  from  early  times  a  position  of  authority  in  the 
Jerusalem  church,  and  also  that  he  was  regarded  as 
the  natural  champion  of  Jewish  Christianity  (see 
especially  Gal.  2i2  and  the  tone  of  his  epistle,  if  it  is 
in  fact  from  his  hand).  He  continued  to  hold  this 
position  for  some  years,  and  seems  to  have  won  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  the  non-Christian  Jews. 
Hegesippus  (ap.  Eus.  H.E.,  ii.  23)  gives  a  vivid  account 
of  his  ascetic  life  and  constant  prayers,  which  won  for 
him  the  surname  of  "  the  Just  "  ;  according  to  the 
same  authority  the  scribes  and  Pharisees  even  re- 
quested him  "  to  persuade  the  people  not  to  go  astray 
conoeming  Jesus,"'  and  on  his  refusal  threw  him  from 
a  pinnacle  of  the  Temple,  whither  he  had  been  conducted 
to  preach  to  the  people  ;  not  being  killed  by  the  fall  he 
was  stoned  and  despatched  by  a  fuller's  club.  Josephus 
mentions  his  execution  by  the  Sanhedrin  in  more  general 
and  credible  terms,  while  a  later  addition  to  his  text 
sees  in  the  calamities  of  the  Jewish  war  which  followed, 
a  judgment  for  his  murder.  His  death,  which  took 
place  before  a.i>.  70,  at  any  rate  brought  to  a  close 
the  peaceful  existence  of  the  church  in  Jerusalem  and 
widened  the  breach  with  Judaism. ^  At  about  this 
time,  perhaps  in  consequence  of  the  execution  of  their 
head,  the  Christians  withdrew  to  Pella  in  the  Deca polls  ; 
according  to  Eus.  H.E,,  iii.  5,  they  were  warned  by  an 
oracle  (c/.  ]Mk.  I314).  At  any  rate  they  escaped  the 
horrors  of  the  siege  and  fall  of  Jerusalem.  This  was 
an  event  of  the  greatest  importance  for  Christianity, 
though  it  has  left  strangely  few  direct  traces  in  NT, 
except  in  Mk.  13  and  parallels.  The  way  in  which 
Jerusalem  is  mentioned  in  the  NT  books,  or  the  absence 
of  any  reference  to  its  fall,  can  only  be  taken  with 
great  reserve  as  indications  of  date  {e.g.  in  Heb.),  since 
in  writings  such  as  Clement  of  Rome,  which  are  cer- 
tainly later  than  70,  the  Temple  services  are  still  re- 
ferred to  a.s  though  they  were  going  on.  It  is,  however, 
not  difficult  to  reaUse  the  decisive  influence  which  the 
practical  ruin  of  the  Jewish  State  must  have  exercised 
on  Christianity.  In  the  first  place,  it  completed  the 
outward  breach  with  Judaism  ;  neither  in  the  mind 
of  friend  or  of  foe  could  the  two  any  longer  be  regarded 
as  mere  varieties  of  the  same  rehgion.  And  in  the 
second  place,  the  inner  divergence  became  clearer. 
The  whole  system  of  sacrifice.  Temple  worship,  and 
priesthood  was  swept  away  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
Christian,  even  if  himself  a  Jew,  could  only  look  upon 
it  as  a  Divine  judgment.  There  was,  therefore,  no 
temptation  to  try  to  adapt  the  system  of  the  new 
religion  to  these ;  God  Himself  had  abolished  the 
Old  Covenant  as  a  system  of  worship  and  life,  though, 
no  doubt,  before  long  a  tendency  became  manifest  to 
bring  back  a  great  deal  of  it  in  a  somewhat  different 
form.  But  the  whole  attitude  was  really  changed ; 
Christianity  could  develop  its  worship,  doctrine,  and 
organisation  on  its  own  lines,  and  it  was  mainly  a  ques- 
tion of  finding  analogies  or  justifications  of  these  in  the 
OT.  Finally  Jerusalem  itself  lost  its  position  of 
supremausy  ;   the  logio  of  facts  had  made  it  impossible 

>  The  Syriac  .4 £•><■•  ot  Banuh  (ch.  41)  speaks  of  many  "  who  haro 
withdrawn  fnmi  Thy  covenant  and  cast  from  them  the  yoke  ot 
Thy  law  "  ;  these  may  be  converts  to  Christiauity. 


774 


THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE  AND   THE   LIFE  OF  PAUL 


for  it  to  be  regarded  any  more  as  the  headquarters  of 
Christianity.  It  is  true  that  according  to  late  lists 
there  was  a  continuous  succession  of  bishops  in  Jeru- 
salem after  the  death  of  James,  but  it  ceased  to  have  a 
real  importance  as  the  mother  church.  Jewish  Chris- 
tianity itself  survived  in  the  obscure  sects  of  the 
Ebionites  and  Nazarenes,  but  with  the  end  of  the 
century  we  are  already  approaching  the  final  stage, 
when  the  question  is  no  longer  whether  those  who  do 
not  keep  the  Law  can  be  saved,  but  whether  those 
who  keep  it  can  be  regarded  as  Christians  at  alL 

We  pass  to  the  relation  between  Christianity  and  the 
Roman  Empire.  (See  further  on  this  subject  pp.  616, 
631.)  As  we  have  seen,  Acts  is  at  pains  to  emphasize 
the  comparatively  favourable,  or  at  worst  neutral, 
attitude  of  the  Roman  officials  towards  Christianity 
as  represented  by  Paul.  It  is  even  probable  that 
the  book  itself  was  intended  in  some  measure  as 
a  defence  of  Christianity  at  a  time  when  this  attitude 
had  changed,  and  that  it  is,  in  fact,  the  earhest  Christian 
Apologia.  In  the  same  way  we  find  that  Paul  in  his 
epistles  nowhere  takes  up  a  position  of  opposition  or 
of  hostility  towards  the  imperial  power.  His  insistence 
on  a  whole-hearted  loyalty  in  Rom.  13  is  typical,  and, 
according  to  the  most  probable  interpretation  of  2  Th.  2 
3fif.*,  an  interpretation  as  old  as  TertuUian,  the  power 
which  restrains  or  delays  Antichrist  is  the  strong  arm 
and  the  Uberal  policy  of  the  Roman  Empire.  In 
I  Tim.  2i,  a  much  later  passage,  prayer  is  enjoined 
for  the  secular  authority.  In  the  same  way  in  1  P., 
though  there  are  references  to  persecution,  the  general 
standpoint  is  one  of  respect  and  loyalty  (213-17). 
[Other  NT  writings  reveal  a  desire  to  clear  Chris- 
tianity from  the  charge  of  disloj'alty  to  the  Empire. 
There  is  an  evident  tendency  to  represent  Pilate  as 
entirely  convinced  that  Jesus  was  innocent  of  treason- 
able designs,  and  to  throw  the  real  blame  for  His 
crucifixion  on  the  Jews,  who  played  on  the  reluctant 
procurator's  fears  and  forced  him  to  become  the  in- 
strument of  their  hate.  Jn.  18  36  explicitly  affirms 
that  Christ's  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world.  Rom. 
13i-7  is  specially  significant  because  it  occurs  in  a 
letter  addressed  to  Rome.  The  conditions  in  that 
city  were  such  as  to  occasion  anxiety.  There  was  the 
Jewish  population,  impatient  of  restraint,  hating  the 
Government,  cherishing  Messianic  hopes  of  its  speedy 
overthrow.  The  Christians  were  not  too  clearly 
discriminated  from  the  Jews,  and  their  emphasis  on 
Messianic  doctrine  rendered  them  peculiarly  liable  to 
suspicion  ;  all  the  more  that  they  identified  the  Messiah 
with  a  man  who  had  been  executed  by  the  Roman 
authorities,  whose  resurrection  they  affirmed,  whose 
imminent  return  in  glory  to  bring  in  the  Kingdom  of 
God  they  eagerly  and  confidently  anticipated.  Paul 
realised  that  the  conduct  of  the  Christians  in  the 
capital  might  prove  momentous  for  the  Church  as  a 
whole.  He  was  anxious  that  its  progress  should  not 
be  hindered  by  entanglements  with  revolutionary 
projects.  It  must  po  quietly  on  its  way.  avoiding 
collision  with  the  Government  or  its  suspicion.  The 
Roman  Church  had  a  special  respon.sibility  not  to 
give,  by  any  imprudence,  the  supreme  authority  a 
iPalse  impression.  By  scrupulous  submission  to  tho 
Divinely  appointed  secular  powers  tliey  might  divest 
their  relitaon  of  its  suspicious  political  appearance 
and  carry  out  their  mission  under  the  favourable 
conditions  afforded  by  the  Roman  Government. — 
A.  S.  P.]  In  Rev.,  however,  which  in  its  present  form 
seems  to  date  from  tho  end  of  tho  century,  we  find  a 
startling  change.  Rome  is  now  Babylon,  the  embodi- 
ment of  the  world-power  which  is  essentially  hostile 


to  God  and  His  kingdom  ;  she  is  drunk  with  tho  blood 
of  the  saints  (176,  I824  ;  cf.  213,  69),  and  her  em- 
perors are  the  heads  or  horns  of  the  Beast  who  is 
Antichrist.  [This  remains  true  even  if  some  of  these 
passages  were  of  Jewish  origin.  It  is  not  unlikely, 
indeeid,  that  some  of  the  sections  in  which  the  most 
ferocious  hatred  of  Rome  is  expressed  were  Jewish 
rather  than  Christian,  and  that  the  Rome  drunk  with 
the  blood  of  the  saints  was,  in  the  first  instance,  the 
Rome  which  had  destroyed  Jerusalem  and  inflicted 
on  the  Jewish  people  one  of  the  bloodiest  punishments 
ever  meted  out  to  a  vanquished  nation.  But  the 
author  of  Rev.  in  its  present  form,  if  he  did  not  write 
these  passages,  at  least  made  them  his  own  and  gave 
them  a  Christian  appUcation. — A.  S.  P.] 

The  change  of  tone  corresponds  to  a  changed  attitude 
on  the  part  of  Rome  itself.  In  a.d.  64  came  the  first 
great  persecution.  It  is  significant  that  this  did  not 
arise  primarily  from  any  official  hostility  to  Christianity 
in  itself,  or  take  up  the  ground  that  the  new  religion 
waa  in  itself  illegal,  the  old  Roman  policy  being  to 
allow  as  much  freedom  as  possible  to  local  cults  so  long 
as  they  did  not  interfere  with  public  order  or  with 
allegiance  to  the  State.  Its  occasion  was,  in  fact,  the 
great  fire  of  Rome,  for  which  Nero  himself  was  generally 
held  to  be  responsible.  To  avert  this  suspicion  and 
to  screen  himself  he  turned  on  the  Christians  as  an 
unpopular  sect  on  whom  the  guilt  might  safely  be 
fastened,  and  many  were  put  to  death  in  Rome  with 
the  most  horrible  tortures  (Tacitus,  Ann.,  xv.  44 ; 
Suetonius,  Nero,  16).  It  is  probable  that  both  Paul 
and  Peter  suffered  at  this  time.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  Nero  came  to  be  regarded  as  Antichrist ;  after 
his  death  it  was  behoved  that  he  was  still  alive,  or 
that  he  would  be  raised  again  in  the  character  of  Aiiti- 
christ  to  play  his  part  in  the  final  struggle  between 
Christ  and  evil.^  The  impulse  having  once  been  given 
by  Rome,  it  is  probable  that  persecutions  broke  out  in 
other  parts  as  well,  and  that  the  Empire  found  itself 
committed  to  a  more  or  less  definite  attitude  of  hos- 
tility. It  is,  however,  very  doubtful  whether  Chris- 
tianity in  itself  was  yet  a  crime,  and  whether  tho 
Flavian  emperors  were  in  fact  persecutors.  A  good 
deal  depends  on  the  interpretation  of  the  language  of 
1  P.  We  find  that  Christians  are  already  spoken 
against  as  evil  doers  (2i2)  and  must  expect  persecution 
(4i,i2ff.);  they  may  even  be  said  to  "  suffer  for  the 
name  of  Christ  "  (4i6).  Ramsay  imderstands  these 
words  to  imply  that  Christians  were  by  this  time  hable 
to  execution  propter  nomen  ipsum,  i.e.  that  it  was  suffi- 
cient to  ensure  their  condemnation  if  they  admitted 
that  they  were  Christians,  and  that  no  further  charge 
of  any  actual  wrongdoing  or  immorahty  need  be 
brought  against  them.  He  supposes  that  Vespasian 
had  introduced  this  policy  of  dealing  with  Christianity, 
and  that  the  epistle  was  written  about  a.d.  80.  But, 
apart  from  the  fact  that  there  is  really  no  evidence  for 
such  a  policy  under  Vespasian,  this  view  reads  too 
much  into  the  words  of  tho  text.  Peter  does  not  speak 
of  suffering  for  the  name  alone  but  "  for  the  name," 
and,  whatever  the  technical  charge  brought  against 
them.  Christians  would  certainly  regard  themselves  as 
Buffering  in  fact  for  the  name  of  Christ ;  e.g.  the  lan- 
guage would  be  quite  applicable  to  those  martyred 
on  the  charge  of  incendiarism.  Further,  4i6  does  not 
necessarily  imply  death  at  all,  and  the  general  tone 
of  tho  epistle  shows  that  tho  Empire  was  not  yet 
definitely  hostile  (see  above).     In  Heb.  again  we  have 

1  This  conception  Is  found  in  Her. ;  in  1  Jn.,  however.  Antichrist 
Is  simply  the  personification  of  tho  spirit  of  evil,  taking  many  forms ; 
the  whole  idsa  Is  spiritualised. 


THE  APOSTOLIC   AGE  AND   THE   LIFE   OF   PAUL 


775 


references  to  definite  persecutions,  and  there  ia  a 
danger  of  apostasy  (66,  lOaaff.),  but  these  attacks  do 
not  seem  to  have  yet  led  to  actual  martyrdoms  (I24). 
Both  the  date  and  the  destination  of  the  epLstle  are, 
however,  so  doubtful  that  it  is  difficult  to  draw  any 
conclusions  as  to  the  conditions  implied. 

The  probabiUty,  therefore,  is  that  wo  are  right  in 
placing  the  second  great  persecution  towards  the  end 
of  the  century  in  the  reign  of  Domitian.  The 
Apocalypse  belongs  to  this  period,  and  Flavius  Clemens 
and  his  wife  Domitilla  were  among  the  victims  at 
Rome  (Suet.  Dom.  15  ;  Dio  Cassius,  Hist.  Rom..  Ixvii. 
14,  1),  while  Melito,  Bishop  of  Sardis  (Eus.  H.E.,  iv.  26) 
seems  to  confirm  the  evidence  of  Rev.  that  it  extended 
also  to  Asia  Minor,  though  it  must  be  admitted  with 
Hort  that  there  is,  in  fact,  very  Uttle  direct  proof 
beyond  the  doubtful  allusions  of  the  NT  itself  for  any 
extensive  persecution  either  in  Nero's  or  in  Domitian'a 
reign  outside  Rome.  The  reminder  may  be  useful  aa 
a  warning  against  exaggerations,  but  there  are  good 
reasons  to  beUeve  that  a  change  of  attitude  on  the  part 
of  Rome  was  inevitable  towards  the  end  of  the  century. 
The  point  of  coUision  between  Christianity  and  the  im- 
perial power  was  bound  to  be  found  in  the  attitude  of  the 
latter  to  the  growing  worship  of  the  Emperor.  This 
had,  of  course,  already  begun  under  the  early  Caesars, 
but  it  received  a  great  impetus  under  Domitian,  who 
called  himself  "  Dominus  et  deus  noster,"  "  our  Lord 
and  God  "  (Suet.  Dotn.  13).  Further,  this  worship 
was  especially  popular  in  Asia  Minor,  where  Pergamum, 
Ephesus,  and  Smyrna  vied  with  one  another  in  their 
blasphemous  servility.  This  fact  explains  much  of  the 
language  of  Rev.,  especially  in  ch.  13,  where  the  second 
Beast  seems  to  be  the  priesthood  devoted  to  the  im- 
perial cult  and  employing  the  magical  arts  for  which 
Ephesus  and  Asia  Minor  generally  were  famous.  The 
worship  of  the  first  Beast,  by  which  alone  safety  can 
be  secured,  may  well  be  some  form  of  the  worship  of 
the  emperor.  It  was  treason  to  refuse  to  recognise 
the  emperor  as  god,  and  yet  no  Christian  could  for  a 
moment  consent  to  do  so.  Here  then  we  reach  the 
point  where  the  profession  of  Christianity  has  become 
practically,  though  not  yet  technically,  a  capital  crime. 
This  last  stage  is  reached  early  in  the  second  century, 
where  with  Trajan's  Rescript  to  Pliny  it  is  enough  if 
a  man  avows  himself  a  Christian.  At  the  close  of  the 
apostolic  age,  therefore,  Christianity  is  face  to  face 
with  the  declared  hostility,  not  only  of  Judaism,  but 
also  of  the  secular  power,  but  it  is  at  that  very  time 
that  the  subhme  faith  of  the  Apocalypse  can  declare 
the  certainty  of  the  fall  of  Babylon  and  the  triumph 
of  the  kingdom  of  the  Lamb. 

[From  its  own  point  of  view  the  Roman  Government 
could  plead  much  justification.  As  a  reUgion  Chris- 
tianity could  hardly  seem  more  than  a  crazy  super- 


stition. But,  wliilo  intellectually  beneath  contempt, 
it  was  not  negligible  if  it  became  politically  dangerous, 
or  inimical  to  social  welfare.  Judaism  was  a  licensed 
religion,  and  for  a  time  the  daughter  religion  was 
sheltered  by  the  protection  accorded  to  the  mother. 
But,  as  its  distinctiveness  was  recognised,  it  took  the 
position  of  an  unUcensed  religion,  and  its  dangerous 
quaUties  came  into  the  foreground.  It  inherited  the 
hatred  felt  for  the  Jews  ;  while  its  Messianic  hopes, 
its  lurid  predictions  of  catastrophe,  its  refusal  to 
participate  in  many  social  usages,  because  of  the  taint 
of  idolatry  attaching  to  them,  its  meetings  in  secret 
which  made  the  wildest  rumours  of  incest  and  canni- 
balism seem  credible  to  a  greedily  credulous  populace, 
its  apparent  atheism  and  the  calamities  with  which  the 
gods  seemed  to  punish  toleration  of  it,  its  obstinate 
refusal  to  accept  the  crucial  test  of  loyalty — all  com- 
bined to  convince  the  authorities  that  such  a  reUgion 
was  dangerous  to  the  Government  and  a  centre  of 
moral  corruption. — A.  S.  P.] 

The  chronology  of  the  apostolic  age  and  of  Paul's 
life  is  dealt  with  elsewhere  (see  pp.  654^656). 

Literature. — Weizsacker,  The  Apostolic  Age  of  the 
Christian  Church  ;  McGifEert,  History  of  Christianity 
in  the  Avostolic  Age ;  Bartlet,  The  Apostolic  Age  ; 
Ropes,  The  Apostolic  Age ;  von  Dobschiitz,  Chris- 
tian Life  in  the  Primitive  Church,  Probleme  des  apos- 
tolischen  Zeitalters,  The  Apostolic  Age ;  Wemle,  The 
Beginnings  of  Christianity ;  Pfieiderer,  Primitive 
Christianity  ;  J.  Weiss,  Das  Urchristentum  ;  Hamack, 
The  Mission  and  Expansion  of  Christianity  in  the 
First  Three  Centuries  2 ;  AcheHs,  Das  Christentum 
in  den  ersten  drei  Jalirhunderten ;  Ramsay,  The 
Church  in  the  Roman  Empire.  A  work  suited  for  more 
elementary  students  is  Foakes-Jackson  and  Smith, 
Biblical  History  for  Schools — XT.  See  also  the 
bibliography  to  the  commentary  on  Acts,  and  the 
dictionaries,  esp.  DAC. 

The  volumes  mentioned  above  naturally  devote 
much  attention  to  Paul.  Among  the  earlier  Lives 
of  Paul  those  by  Conybeare  and  Howson,  Lewin,  and 
Farrar  are  stiU  of  value.  More  recent  works  are  : 
Ramsay,  St.  Paul  the  Traveller  and  the  Roman  Citizen 
(much  valuable  matter  also  in  his  other  books) ; 
Bacon,  The  Story  of  St.  Paul ;  Clemen,  Paulus  ; 
Wrede,  Paul ;  Weinel,  St.  Paid,  the  Man  and  his 
Work ;  Deissmann,  St.  Paul :  A  Study  in  Social  and 
Religious  History.  Moro  popular  works :  Stalker, 
The  Life  of  St.  Paul  ;  Gilbert,  Student's  Life  of  Paul  ; 
Franks,  The  Life  of  Paul  (in  Bible  Notes,  specially 
useful  for  students) ;  Eleanor  F.  Wood,  The  Life  and 
Ministry  of  Paul.  See  also  Lake,  The  Earlier  Epistles 
of  St.  Paul,  and  articles  in  dictionaries,  esp.  HDB 
(Findlay),  EB  "  (Bartlet),  ERE  (Meuzies  and  Edie). 


THE  ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 


By  Professor  ALLAN  MENZIES 


The  title  of  the  book  i8  to  be  regarded  as  a  laliel  pre- 
fixed to  it  when  a  collection  of  Christian  writings  was 
being  formed.  Marcion  (c.  a.d.  145)  adopted  the  third 
Gospel  for  his  followers,  but  did  not  take  Ac.  into  his 
collection  ;  the  Muratorian  Canon,  which  gives  a  hst 
of  the  Christian  Scriptures  accepted  at  Rome  about 
A.D.  175,  counts  among  them  "  the  Acts  of  all  the 
Apostles,"  and  names  Luke  the  physician  as  its  author. 
The  book  forms  a  continuation  of  the  third  Gospel, 
being  dedicated  to  the  same  person  (Lk.  I3,  Ac.  li), 
and  is  proved  by  careful  analysis  of  its  vocabulary  and 
style  to  bo  from  the  same  hand.  Cf.  Hawkins,  Horce 
Synopticce  \  pp.  174-193. 

Sources. — The  third  Gospel  introduces  itself  aa  a 
new  attempt,  in  addition  to  many  earher  ones,  to  sot 
forth  in  order  the  facts  of  the  origin  of  Christianity. 
Ac.  makes  no  such  claim  ;  the  writer  addresses  himself 
to  an  undertaking  not  formerly  attempted.  Lk.  pro- 
fesses to  be  compiled  from  sources  ;  and  v/e  have  in  our 
hands  two  of  the  sources  on  which  it  is  based  (Mk.  and 
Q ;  see  article  on  The  Synoptic  Problem).  In  Ac.  it  is 
natural  to  think  that  the  writer  followed  the  same 
plan,  and  used  such  sources  as  ho  was  able  to  discover. 
The  source  which  most  clearly  reveals  itself  is  that 
which  forms  the  thread  of  the  account  of  Paul's 
travels  in  Ac.  16-28,  a  journal  kept  by  a  companion 
of  the  apostlo.  Can  any  written  sources  bo  traced 
in  1-15  ?  Many  points  and  features  undoubtedly 
appear,  which  show  the  writer  to  be  bringing  materials 
together  and  skilfully  weaving  them  into  one  narrative. 
The  statements  of  time  arc  vague  (I15,  3i,  61) ;  storios 
end  in  general  statements  which  are  very  similar  to 
each  other  (247,  431,  542,  I224) ;  incidents  occur  so 
similar  as  to  arouse  suspicion  that  they  were  originally 
but  one  (cf.  4i9  and  029  ;  84  and  11 19).  The  account 
of  the  Ascension  given  in  Ac.  1  differs  markedly  from 
that  in  Lk.  24,  and  is  manifestly  due  to  a  later  growth 
of  tradition.  The  impression  produced  by  the  whole 
of  the  oariier  part  is  that  of  a  paucity  of  matoriala. 
Apart  from  the  speeches  the  contents  fall  into  two 
categories :  (a)  miraculous  narratives,  of  which  the 
writer  is  evidently  fond,  and  (h)  short  and  matter-of- 
fact  historical  statements  such  as  G,  11 19-30,  parts 
of  13f.  (On  this  and  the  following  paragraphs  see 
pp.  605.  742). 

The  speeches  are  a  notable  feature  ;  and  those  in 
the  earlier  chapters  have  every  appearance  of  repre- 
senting a  doctrine  which  once  was  customary  in  the 
Church.  They  need  not  bo  regarded  as  verbatim 
reports  of  what  was  said  on  the  various  occasions,  but 
they  correspoiul  in  a  remarkable  way  with  what  must 
have  been  said  in  the  carlii^st  controversy  with  Judaism, 
and  the  teaching  they  contain  no  doubt  went  on  for 
a  long  time  on  Jewish  anil,  and  could  still  be  hoard  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  fn-st  century.  The  information 
that  could  still  be  gathered  from  tradition  about  the 
early  days  of  the  Church  provided  the  openings  which 


were  required  for  the  sermons  of  the  apostles,  which 
are  probably  in  this  way  liistorical ;  and  in  the  stories 
of  the  election  of  the  Seven,  the  scattering  of  the 
believers  from  Jerusalem,  the  spreading  mission  in 
Samaria  and  Syria  and  the  first  Gentile  converts,  in  chs. 
6,  8,  and  11,  there  is  good  information.  In  the  story 
of  Paul's  conversion  and  his  subsequent  journeys  (9) 
and  that  of  Peter  and  Cornelius  (10),  the  later  growths 
appear,  as  also  in  the  account  of  the  meeting  at  Jeru- 
salem (15).  In  the  Commentary  it  is  held  that  that 
meeting  ought  to  have  stood  before  the  journey  of  Paul 
and  Barnabas  (13f,),  in  which  many  critics  find  an 
independent  Barnabas  source. 

There  is  thus  good  reason  to  suppose  that  the  writer 
found  ready  to  his  hand  various  sources,  of  unequal 
historical  value,  written  or  oral,  for  a  narrative  of  the 
early  Church  of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  early  difiFusion 
of  the  Gospel  in  and  beyond  Palestine,  and  that  he 
made  them  with  great  skill  into  a  connected  story, 
and  supphed  the  speeches  from  preaching  with  which 
he  was  faniihar.  Further  than  this  it  is  hazardous  to 
go.  Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  define  the 
sources  exactly,  and  to  point  out  how  far  each  of  them 
extends.  But  we  must  be  content  with  a  less  degree 
of  knowledge. 

Wlien  we  come  to  ch.  16,  the  case  is  different.  In  the 
account  of  Paul's  travels  we  find  four  passages  (com- 
monly laiown  as  the  "  Wo-sectious  ")  in  which  the 
narrative  is  in  the  1st  person  plural — 16 10- 18,  2O5-16, 
2I1-16,  27-28i5.  In  these  passages,  which  are  in  a 
somewhat  dry  and  matter-of-fact  style,  and  aro  con- 
fined to  the  external  circumstances  of  travel,  all  are 
agreed  that  we  have  before  us  a  contemporary  record 
kept  by  a  companion  of  the  apostle.  And  it  appears 
certain  that  the  same  hand  must  have  written  much 
of  the  matter  that  is  not  in  the  1st  jiorson  plural  but 
in  the  3r(l  person,  e.g.  the  story  of  the  prison  at  Philippi, 
that  of  the  uproar  in  the  Temple  (21),  and  the  various 
stages  of  the  trial  of  Paul  at  Jerusalem  and  C-esarea. 
E.  Nordon  in  his  book,  Agtwstos  Theos  (The  Unknown 
God),  shows  that  the  person  changes  in  many  Jewish 
historical  works  {e.g.  Neh.,  Tob.),  so  that  this  form 
was  familiar  and  oould  easily  be  adopted.  The  result 
is  that  in  this  part  the  naiTativo  is  arranged  upon  a 
document  contemporary  with  Paul.  There  were  great 
lacunsD  in  this  document ;  the  writer  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  with  Paul  at  Athens,  Corinth,  or  Ephcsua  ; 
and  he  shows  no  appreciation  of  Paul's  distinctive 
teaching  as  found  in  his  epiatles.  His  account  of  Paul 
is  occasional  and  cold  ;  still  for  the  positive  informa- 
tion he  supplies  we  must  be  most  thankful  to  him. 

Author. — The  opinion  of  Sir  John  Hawkins,  IIorcB 
SynJ^,  pp.  182ff.,  and  of  Harnack,  Luke  the  Physician 
(1907),  based  on  carofid  analysis  of  the  words  used, 
that  the  writer  of  the  travel  document  and  the  writer 
of  Ao.  are  the  same  person,  cannot  Iw  withstood  ; 
there  is  no  important  differenoo  between  the  language 


776 


ACTS,  I.  6 


777 


and  style  of  the  "  We  "  piocos  and  those  of  the  other 
parts  of  the  work.  The  identity  of  the  writer  of  the 
journal  is  all  but  known  to  as.  There  is  less  difficulty 
in  supposing  Luke  to  be  its  writer  than  any  other  of 
the  companions  of  Paul.  Not  much  weight  need  be 
placed  on  the  medical  terms  of  Acts  {cf.  CoL  4i4).  In 
many,  perhaps  most,  cases  it  would  be  difficult  for  any 
writer  to  use  other  terms  than  those  used  in  this  book 
which  are  said  to  betray  sjjecial  medical  knowledge  ; 
but  they  certainly  prove  nothing  against  the  medical 
character  of  the  writer.  Much  more  important  than 
that  character  in  the  author  are  the  views  of  the 
recorded  history  which,  as  editor  of  the  book,  ho  spreads 
over  the  Pauhne  parts  of  Acts  and  indeed  the  whole. 
His  ignorance  of  the  Pauhne  Epistles  makes  him  a  very 
inadequate  biographer  of  the  apostle  ( p.  858).  Not  only 
that  Paul's  doctrine  does  not  appear  in  Ac.  ;  it  had  dis- 
appeared, as  first  put  forward,  from  the  Church  as  a 
whole  when  this  book  was  written.  But  important 
parts  of  Paul's  hfe  are  unmentioned,  and  what  is 
mentioned  appears  frequently  in  a  false  light.  Nothing 
is  told  of  the  Galatian  conflict  or  of  that  at  Corinth  ; 
the  contribution  from  the  Macedonian  and  Greek 
churches  for  the  saints  at  Jerusalem  is  not  spoken  of 
when  the  opportunity  occurs  for  presenting  it  (21i5ff.). 
Li  the  epistles  Paul  is  called  and  acts  as  apostle  of 
the  Gentiles  ;  in  Ac.  he  always  goes  first  to  the  Jews, 
and  only  when  they  refuse  his  message,  to  the  Gentiles, 
He  has  changed  his  character,  to  satisfy  the  theory 
that  the  apostles  always  acted  as  one,  and  that  Jeru- 
salem was  the  centre  of  all  authority. 

Other  features  which  there  is  reason  for  putting  down 
to  the  editor  rather  than  acceptmg  as  historical  are 
the  treatment  of  the  Resurrection  as  the  central  doc- 
trine of  the  preaching  not  only  of  Peter,  with  whom 
this  is  no  doubt  correct,  but  also  of  Paul,  who  at 
Athens,  at  Jerusalem,  at  Csesarea,  and  at  Rome, 
represents  himself  as  persecuted  on  account  of  it.  In 
the  epistles  he  ascribes  his  persecution  to  the  Cross 
of  Christ,  not  the  Resurrection.  In  Ac.  there  is  httle 
about  the  Cross  ;  to  this  writer  Christianity  is  mainly 
the  preaching  of  the  Resurrection,  a  doctrine  as  yet 
strange  to  the  world.  Another  feature  is  the  way  in 
which  the  teaching  of  Christianity  is  generally  de- 
scribed as  the  doctrine  about  the  Kingdom  ;  a  phrase 
which  frequently  occurs  in  it  but  is  never  explained 
(I3,  812,  198,  2O25,  2823,31). 

These  characteristics  prove  the  book  to  have  been 
written  at  a  considerable  distance  in  time  from  the 
facts  it  records. 

The  Date  must  be  such  as  to  allow  of  these  changes 
of  view.  Sir  John  Hawkins  tells  us  that  while  the 
language  of  Ijk.  and  of  Ac.  shows  the  two  books  to 
proceed  from  the  same  hand,  there  is  difference  enough 
to  show  that  they  were  not  written  at  the  same  time. 
Now  Lk.  was  written  about  ton  years  after  Mk.  which 
is  a  source  for  it  ;  the  date  of  5Ik.  is  generally  taken 
to  be  A.D.  69.  If  the  date  of  Lk.  is  8(> — it  cannot  be 
earher,  it  may  be  a  good  deal  later — Ac.  can  scarcely 
have  been  written  before  85.  If  the  writer  know  the 
Antiquities  of  Josephus,  which  appeared  in  93,  since  he 
speaks  of  Theudaa  and  Judas  in  the  same  (wrong) 
order  (536f.),  and  almost  in  the  same  terms,  wo  have 
to  bring  Ac,  a  decade  later  down,  and  the  writer,  if  a 
companion  of  Paul,  must  have  been  not  less  than  seventy 
years  of  age  when  he  completed  it.     But  rf.  p.  742. 

Text. — It  will  be  noticed  that  in  this,  more  than  in 
the  other  books  of  the  NT,  variants  are  quoted  which 
are  not  the  result  of  careless  copying,  but  must  be 
otherwise  accounted  for.  The  variants  occur  in  Cod.  D 
(pp.  599-601)  but  also  in  early  Latin  copies  and  in  the 


Syriao  vei-sions.  A  few  Greek  minuscul&s  alao  contain 
such  variations.  Blass,  the  great  Gorman  philologist, 
sought  to  account  for  the  discrepancy,  which  goes  all 
through  the  book,  by  the  theory  that  the  -m-iter  had 
himself  issued  his  work  in  two  forms,  ono  of  which  was 
incorporated  in  the  great  MSS,  while  the  other  passed 
into  the  Western  text,  presented  in  the  above-mentioned 
authorities.  Scholarship  is  still  occupied  with  thia 
question.  It  is  recognised  by  most  that  on  the  whole 
the  Western  readings  are  to  be  regarded  as  changes 
made  on  the  text  of  the  great  MSS,  rather  than  as 
themselves  original.  Many  of  the  changes,  however, 
are  recognised  as  having  been  made  by  one  well 
acquainted  with  the  local  circumstances  and  with  the 
course  of  the  history.  They  deserve  attention,  and 
some  of  them  may  be  right. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  {a)  Lumby  (CB),  Bart- 
let  (Cent.B),  Rackham  (West.C),  Andrews  (^VNT), 
Forbes  (IH),  Fumeaux;  (&)  Knowllng  (EGT),  Rcn- 
dall.  Page,  Burnside ;  (c)  *ZeUer,  De  Wette-Overbeck, 
Wendt  (Mey.),  Holtzmann  (HC),  Blass,  linopf  (SNT), 
Preuschen  ('HISTT).  Other  Literature  :  Hamack,  Ltike 
the  Physician,  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  The  Date  of  the 
Acts  and  the  Synoptic  Gospels ;  Norden,  Agnoslos 
Theos ;  Hamack,  1st  die  Rede  des  Paulus  in  Athen 
ein  urspriXnglicher  Bestandteil  der  Apostelgeschichte  ? 
Ramsay,  iSi.  Paid  the  Traveller  and  the  Roman  Citizen, 
Pauline  and  Other  Studies,  The  Bearing  of  Recent  Dis- 
covery on  the  Trustivorthiness  of  the  NT  ;  Chase,  The 
Credibility  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  ;  P.  Gardner, 
The  Speeches  of  St.  Paul  in  Acts  in  Cambridge  Biblical 
Essays  ;  Hobart,  Tlie  Medical  Language  of  St.  Luke  ; 
Walker,  The  Gift  of  Tongiies  ;  Articles  in  Dictionaries 
and  Litroductions ;  also  the  books  mentioned  in  the 
BibUography  to  the  articles  on  the  Apostolic  Age  and 
the  Life  of  Paul. 

I.  1-5.  Introduction. — The  writer  refers  to  his  former 
treatise,  intimating  rather  than  stating  that  he  is  be- 
ginning a  second.  The  Ascension  is  his  present 
starting-point,  but  instead  of  simply  referring  to  the 
account  aheady  given  (Lk.  2450-53),  he  narrates  it 
again,  and  in  a  way  which  shows  that  the  tradition  had 
grown  considerably  in  the  interval.  The  apostles 
appear  as  a  fixed  number,  Mdth  definite  functions.  The 
text  reads  more  simply  without  3  ;  "  the  things  con- 
cerning the  kingdom  of  God  "  is  the  writer's  summary 
of  the  contents  of  Christian  preaching  ;  cf.  812,  198 
2823,30.  It  is  nowhere  explained.  The  "  forty  days  " 
are  heard  of  only  here  in  NT :  they  provide  room  for 
the  growing  tradition  of  a  life  of  Christ  on  earth  after 
the  Resurrection. — 2  seems  to  place  the  choice  of  the 
apostles  in  this  period,  as  well  as  the  instructions  which 
Jesus  gave  them  through  the  Holj'  Spirit,  but  there 
is  no  real  conffict  with  Lk.  613. — 4.  The  writer  silently 
glides  into  the  narrative  of  the  "  second  treatise."  We 
are  told  of  a  meeting  or  a  meal  {mg.,  see  Field,  Notes 
on  Trans,  of  NT,  p.  110)  of  Jesus  with  the  disciples, 
at  which  He  prescribed  their  future  policy.  They  are 
to  stay  at  Jenisalem  till  the  promise  of  the  Father 
(Lk,  2449)  is  fulfilled  and  the  Spirit  comes  to  them. 
(In  the  Acts  of  Peter  their  stay  is  fixed  at  twelve 
years,)  The  prediction  of  John  the  Baptist  was  that 
Jesus  Himself  would  baptize  with  Holy  Spirit ;  here 
the  imparting  of  the  Spirit  is  made  to  mean  the  speedy 
clothing  of  the  disciples  with  jiower  (8  ;  cf.  26-ii). 

I.  6-11.  Programme  of  the  Mission :  the  Ascension. 
— 6.  The  opening  words  suggest  a  religious  meeting  ; 
the  occurrences  of  9-1 1  are  in  the  ojxjn  air;  cf.  the 
tryst  made  in  Mk.  167  =  Mt,  28i6,  Hero  the  disciples 
are  not  thinking  of  the  promise  of  the  Spirit,  but  of 
Buprcmaoy  to  be  restored  to  Israel,     Jesus'  answer  does 

25  a 


778 


ACTS,  I.  6 


not  notice  this  limited  view,  and  forbids  speculation 
as  to  the  date  (Mk.  1832) ;  8  states  the  writer's  view, 
worked  out  in  the  whole  book,  as  to  the  development 
of  the  cause,  only  a  part  of  which  these  men  were  to 
realise.  The  statement  of  4  is  repeated.  "Witnesses," 
I.e.  of  the  Resurrection  (see  I22,  232,  etc.).  The 
Saviour  is  removed  on  a  cloud,  the  ascent  of  which  the 
disciples  are  following  with  their  eyes,  when  two 
celestial  beings,  as  their  dress  denotes  (Mk.  93),  appear 
beside  them  and  recall  them  to  the  earth,  or  rather  state 
the  expectation  which  is  henceforth  to  fiU  their  minds. 
Jesus  is  to  come  again  from  heaven,  as  they  have  seen 
Him  go  up  to  it,  i.e.  on  clouds,  as  the  Messiah  was  ex- 
pected to  come  (Dan.  713,  Mk.  1462,  Rev.  I7,  1  Th.  4 
17,  etc.). 

I.  12-14.  The  Community  at  Jerusalem. — The  scene 
of  the  Ascension  was  not  mentioned  before  ;  we  hear 
of  it  now.  Lk.  2450  puts  it  at  Bethany  which  is 
(Jn.  11 18)  fifteen  stades  (about  If  miles)  from  Jeru- 
salem ;  the  Mount  of  Olives  (here  expressed  in  one 
word  Elaion,  hence,  EV  properly,  Olivet),  is  less  than 
half  that  distance.  (For  the  tradition  that  the 
Me«siah  was  to  appear  first  on  the  Mount  of  Ohves, 
see  Ezek.  II23,  Zech.  144,  and  c/.  Mk.  lli-io*.)  The 
account  is  written  for  people  unacquainted  -ftith  Jeru- 


13.  The  upper  chamber  is  probably  in  a  private 
house ;  the  beUevers  could  not  be  abiding  in  tho 
Temple.  The  religious  life  of  the  httle  community  is 
described  in  phrases  which  repeatedly  occur :  "  with 
one  accord " — there  is  complete  unanimity  among 
them — ■'  they  continue  steadfastly  in  prayer  '"  ;  they 
are  directed  to  one  object  and  loiow  how  it  is  to  be 
secured  ;  only  so  could  the  Uttle  band  prevail  who 
were  responsible  for  tho  new  truth.  "  The  women  " 
may  bo  tho  wives  of  the  apostles  ;  D  adds  "  and  the 
children,"  which  would  point  in  this  direction.  Mary, 
mother  of  Jesus,  was  last  heard  of  in  Lk.  819  (but  c/. 
Jn.  1925-27),  and  His  brothers  also.  Of  them  James 
is  heard  of  afterwards  (Gal.  lig). 

I.  15-26.  Election  of  a  Twellth  Apostle.—"  In  those 
days  "  (f/.  Mk.  I9  ;  a  vague  expression)  Peter  comes 
forward  as  leader.  1  Cor.  I06*  speaks  of  500  brethren 
at  once.  The  first  to  whom  tho  risen  Lord  appeared 
was  naturally  their  leader  ;  though  Ac.  does  not  men- 
tion this,  Lk.  does  (2424-34).  We  have  here  the  first 
example  in  Ac.  of  the  application  of  OT  passages  to 
Christian  things.  Two  passages  from  Ps.  are  apphed 
to  Judas,  whose  place  is  now  to  be  filled.  It  is  assumed 
that  there  is  a  fixed  number  of  apostles,  and  that  tho 
number  is  to  be  kept  up.  Judas  (17)  was  one  of  the 
twelve ;  Ps.  6825  proves  that  there  is  a  vacancy  in 
their  number,  and  Ps.  1098  that  the  vacancy  must  bo 
filled.  It  Ls  necessary  that  these  prophecies  should 
be  fulfilled.  The  account  of  Judas'  death  differs  from 
that  in  Mt.  275-7*.  There  the  luLrh  priests  buy  the 
field,  or  claypit,  with  Judas'  money  after  his  death  : 
hero  he  buys  a  field  himself  and  dies  the  death  of 
Antiochus  Epiphane8(2  Mac.  97ff.).  The  name  Acddavia 
is  probably  historical ;  the  story  explains  the  name 
which  existed  already.  The  election  of  a  suooeasor  is 
to  bo  by  lot ;  the  Lord  is  to  decide.  The  quafifications 
of  suitable  candidates  are  first  set  forth.  They  must 
have  been  familiar  with  the  ministry-  of  Jesus,  which 
began  with  John  the  Baptist  (Mk.  I1-4,  Lk.  82),  and 
they  must  have  been  present  in  these  last  daj-s  up  to 
tho  Ascension.  An  apostle  is  elected  by  the  Church 
(2  Cor.  3i)  as  well  as  by  God  ;  this  the  name,  which 
moans  "  sent  "  or  "  messenger,"  implies.  It  is  not 
the  Eleven  who  put  the  candidates  forward,  but  tho 
whole  meeting,  addressed  by  Peter  and  invited  to  aot 


with  him.  Tho  Lord  who  knows  the  heart  ia  invoked  ; 
He  must  know  best  which  of  the  two  is  the  more  sincere 
(Jcr.  17 10)  and  will  make  the  better  apostle.  Tho 
office  is  one  of  ministry ;  not  of  tables  only,  but  of  the 
Word  (62-4).  Neither  candidate  is  heard  of  after- 
wards. 26  identifies  tho  apostles  with  the  Twelve. 
In  1  Cor.  15  the  Twelve  are  spoken  of  first,  then  the 
apostles  as  a  larger  body.  Apostles  would  come  into 
existence  when  there  were  several  communities  of 
Christians  to  be  kept  in  touch  with  each  other ;  the 
use  of  the  word  in  tho  Gospels,  in  which  Luke  goes 
much  the  furthest,  is  an  anachronism  (p.  646,  Hamack, 
Mis-tian  and  Expamion-,  i.  319ff.). 

15.  Cf.  Mishna  {Sank,  le),  which  says  a  town  must 
have  120  inhabitants  to  have  a  council,  and  the  officers 
must  be  one-tenth  of  the  whole. 

II.  1-4.  The  Promise  of  the  Spirit  is  Fulfilled  to  the 
Disciples. — 1.  Fifty  days  after  Easter,  ten  daj's  after 
the  Ascension,  the  promise  of  14,8  is  fulfilled  and  the 
Church  starts  into  action.  The  statements  of  time, 
however,  appear  to  be  independent  of  each  other,  and 
are  not  to  be  construed  strictly.  The  place  is  not  men- 
tioned, only  that  aU  were  together  in  a  house  {cf.  5i2). 
The  situation  is  that  of  I14;  at  one  of  the  meetings 
this  sound,  tMs  sight,  occurred  ;  the  soimd  Uke  that 
of  a  great  rushing  wind  fifiing  the  whole  house,  the 
sight,  visible  to  all,  of  tongues  Uke  flames  dividing,  so 
that  each  person  received  a  share,  and  it  settled  on 
each  of  them.  The  winds  are  in  the  Psalms  God's  mes- 
sengers ;  the  tongues  point  to  an  utterance  that  is  to 
take  place,  under  His  authority ;  the  whole  might  be  a 
telling  expression  of  the  fact  that  the  message  is  ready, 
that  the  hearts  of  the  messengers  are  so  full  of  it  that 
they  are  finding  words  to  declare  it.  In  the  writer's 
view,  the  promise  is  thus  fulfilled.  The  Holy  Spirit 
now  takes  up  His  dwelling  in  the  bcUevers,  ea^h  and 
all,  and  expresses  Himself  in  manifold  ways  {cf.  1  Cor. 
12).  Christian  baptism  has  now  come  about,  the 
baptism  of  the  Spirit  which  in  later  cases  accompanies 
the  baptism  with  water  ;  here,  it  comes  independently. 
The  immediate  rcsidt,  in  this  case,  is  the  gift  of  tongues 
(pp.  647f.) ;  "  speaking  in  other  tongues,"  i.e.  not  in 
ordinary  sjieech,  but  so  that  people  of  other  languages 
than  theirs  understand  them.  See  further  on  the 
significance  of  the  Day  of  Pentecost  and  the  baptism 
of  the  Spirit,  pp.  638f.,  641-644. 

n.  5-13.  The  Effect  on  Outsiders.— Tho  visitation 
has  taken  place  in  a  house,  but  the  noise  is  heard,  not 
the  speaking  with  tongues,  all  over  the  town  ;  a  crowd 
collects,  made  up  of  pious  and  thoughtful  men,  Jews 
of  various  lands,  now  dwelling  at  Jerusalem.  Guided 
to  the  spot  they  stayed  there  in  wonder,  because  each 
of  them  heard  these  Galileans,  men  of  rude  dialect, 
speaking  the  language  of  the  country  to  which  he 
Ix'longed.  The  following  catalogue  of  countries  or  of 
peoples  goes  round  the  map  from  the  cast  to  Judffia, 
then  to  Rome  by  Asia  ALuor  and  by  Egjpt  and  North 
Africa,  then  come  Jews  again,  but  as  the  counterpart 
of  proselytes,  not  as  a  nation  ;  at  the  end  Cretes  and 
Arabians.  Not  counting  tho  Jews,  nor  the  Cretes  and 
Arabians,  who  might  bo  put  in  afterwards  for  complete- 
ness, there  are  twelve  kinds  of  foreigners  ;  and  they 
all  hear  the  Christians  speaking  in  their  own  language. 
If  the  linguist  inquires  how  many  languages  were 
necessary  that  each  of  these  might  hear  his  own,  the 
reply  is  that  Greek  was  understood  by  the  educated 
all  over  the  Empire  ;  if  the  people  in  question  were 
all  Jews  (5)  Greek  was  enough  for  them  aU.  The  gift 
of  tongues  as  set  before  us  in  1  Cor.  14*  has  nothing 
to  do  with  different  languages,  and  the  speech  of  Peter 
which  follows  says  nothing  of  this.     The  narrative  is 


ACTS.  II.  37-41 


779 


accordingly  symbolical ;  it  conveya  the  idea  that  the 
Gospel,  now  preached  for  the  first  time,  was  destined 
for  all  nations,  and  that  the  Spirit  was  able  to  make 
all  nations  hear  and  understand  it.  Another  opinion 
expressed  in  the  crowd  of  wondering  hearers,  was  that 
the  phenomenon  was  duo  to  intoxioation.  Paul 
(1  Cot.  1427f.)  tells  us  that  the  person  who  exercised 
the  gift  of  tongues  was  generally  unint<'lligible  and 
unedifying,  and  therefore  should  have  an  interpreter. 
The  above  verdict  might  naturally  occur  to  unsjmi- 
pathetio  hearers,  and  the  early  Christians  might  often 
hear  it,  in  connexion  \\'ith  these  ecstatic  utterances 
(p.  648). 

II.  14-36.  Peter  Explains  the  Occurrence.— Peter  is, 
as  before,  the  mouthpiece  of  the  community^  His 
speech  is  not  addressed  to  foreigners  but  to  the  people 
of  Jerusalem,  and  shows  us,  as  his  other  speeches  do, 
the  style  of  argument  used  by  Christians  m  their  first 
great  controversy,  that  with  their  Jewish  neighbours. 
This  address  falls  into  three  parts:  (a)  14-21,  the 
phenomena  are  not  due  to  intoxication  but  show  that 
prophecy  of  the  Last  Things  is  being  fulfilled,  and  that 
further  fulfilment  is  at  hand  ;  (6)  22-32,  the  Resur- 
rection of  Jesus  proves  His  Mossiahship  ;  (c)  33-36, 
appeal  to  the  Jews  to  recognise  Him  accordingly. 

14-21.  Intoxication  is  not  an  affair  of  the  early 
morning ;  it  is  not  yet  the  time  for  morning  prayer, 
and  the  Jew  did  not  eat  nor  drink  before  that  hour. 
The  hvely  utterances  of  the  beUevers  are  duo  to  the 
direct  inspiration  of  God  according  to  His  promise  in 
Joel  (Jl.  228-32  ;  LXX  with  slight  differences).  The 
passage  predicts  what  is  to  precede  the  final  deUver- 
ance,  and  Peter  suggests  that  as  the  earUer  part  is 
being  reahscd  in  the  inspiration  of  the  Christian  com- 
munity both  in  its  older  and  younger  members,  the 
later  parts,  the  heavenly  portents  and  the  day  of 
judgment,  may  be  expected  forthwith.  To  escape 
therefrom  they  must  "  call  on  the  name  of  the  Lord  " 
(Jl.  232)  ;  and  by  "  the  Lord  "  the  writer  understands 
Peter  to  point  to  Jesus  as  Kurios ;  in  36  he  expressly 
so  names  Him. 

22-32.  That  Jesus  is  Lord  and  is  to  be  called 
upon  is  proved  by  the  fact  of  His  resurrection.  The 
doctrine  of  Christ  set  forth  in  22-24  is  very  simple. 
His  human  life  is  appealed  to  :  Jesus  the  Nazorean, 
as  He  is  called,  is  spoken  of  as  a  man,  but  a  man  whom 
God  approves  to  the  Jews  by  the  wonderful  works  He 
did  through  Him,  "  powers  "  and  '■'  wonders  "  and 
"  signs  "  ;  powers,  as  showing  the  energy  which  dwelt 
in  Him ;  wonders,  from  their  arresting  charaeter ; 
and  signs,  from  what  they  proved  about  Hira  (2  Cor.  12 
12).  In  spite  of  all  th'5  it  was  God's  deliberate  counsel. 
— for  nothing  happened  to  Jesus  that  God  did  not 
know  beforehand  and  arrange  for — that  Ho  should 
be  delivered  to  His  enemies  and  done  to  death  by  the 
Jews.  They  were  the  real  authors  of  the  crime, 
though  in  the  act  of  His  execution  wicked  hands,  the 
hands  of  men  outside  the  Law,  were  employed.  The 
speaker  passes  lightly  on  from  the  death  of  Jesus  to 
His  Resurrection  ;  he  has  no  doctrine  of  the  virtue  of 
Christ's  death,  but  hurries  on  to  the  act  by  which 
that  fearful  crime  was  redressed  and  turned  to  its 
opposite.  God  raised  Hira  up,  having  loosed  the  pangs 
(so  LXX.  Pss.  I85,  II63;  Heb.  "bonds")  of  death. 
Ho  could  not  he  hold  of  it ;  it  waa  inconsistent  rather 
with  the  Divine  plan  than  with  the  inherent  nature  of 
Jesus,  just  described  aa  "  a  man." 

Ps,  16,  from  wliich  a  quotation  follows,  is  originally 
an  utterance  of  the  Jewish  community,  oxprosaing  it« 
faith  in  God  and  in  toiiohing  phrases  its  confidence 
that  Ho  will  not  suffer  death  or  destruction  to  approach 


it.  In  the  Gospels  and  Ac.  all  the  Pss.  are  regarded 
as  the  work  of  David  and  as  spealcing  of  his  fortunes. 
Ps.  16  records  his  view  of  his  own  death,  and  expresses 
the  conviction  that  he  wiU  arise  out  of  it  and  not  be 
left  in  the  place  to  which  all  souls  went  at  death.  But 
this  waa  clearly  not  fulfilled  in  the  person  of  David. 
Peter  appeals  to  the  Jews,  whom  he  now  addresses  as 
■'  brethren,"  in  a  bond  of  faith  and  hope  with  him,  to 
allow  that  David  died  and  that  they  know  his  tomb 
(mentioned  Neh.  3i6  and  several  times  in  Josephus); 
what  then  do  his  words  mean  ?  He  was  a  prophet, 
and  the  words  must  have  a  fulfilment.  David  knew 
of  the  descendant,  in  whom  his  throne  was  to  be 
established  for  ever  (2  S.  7i2f.,  Ps.  132ii),  and  it  waa 
of  Him  he  spoke  in  Ps.  16.  It  was  actually  true  of 
Christ  that  God  raised  Him  up  ;  that  is  the  fact  of 
which  all  the  apostles  are  witnesses  (13,8,22)  and  of 
which  David  spoke. 

22.  "  Jesus  the  Nazorean  "  :  the  origin  of  this  ex- 
pression is  obscure  ;  Burkitt  in  RTP,  ix.  714,  discussing 
the  term  Nazorean,  which  occurs  seven  times  in  Ac, 
and  Nasarean  found  in  Mk.  and  Lk.,  does  not  profess 
to  have  solved  the  difficidty.  He  warns  us  against 
basing  the  explanation  on  the  name  of  Nazara,  where 
the  Lord  was  brought  up.  The  name  Nosri  was  apphed 
to  Christ,  as  Mt.  223  informs  us,  and  may  mean 
watchman,  tower-dweller,  pagan,  according  to  2  K.  I79. 
As  a  term  of  reproach  His  followers  would  be  caUexi 
Nazoraioi  after  Him.  The  sect  of  Nazoreans  waa 
more  ancient ;  Epiphanius  speaks  of  them,  and  the 
name  may  mean  "  rebels." 

33-36.  Conclusion. — The  inference  is  that  Jcsua  is 
the  cause  of  the  ecstatic  speech,  Jesus  raised  by  God's 
right  hand,  Jesus  exalted.  It  is  He  who  has  obtained 
from  the  Father  the  promised  Holy  Spirit,  and  has 
poured  out  what  is  seen  and  heard  in  His  followers. 
There  is  no  reference  to  the  gift  as  one  of  languages, 
nor  to  the  fact  that  Jesus  already  was  fuU  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  in  His  Ufetime.  Another  Ps.  quotation 
follows  (34),  of  frequent  occurrence  in  NT  (Sit.  2244, 
1  Cor.  1525,  Heb.  I13)  but  not  elsewhere  used  just  as 
it  is  here.  In  Mt.,  Ps.  110  proves  that  the  Jews  were 
mistaken  in  their  view  of  the  Messiah  ;  He  was  a 
greater  than  David,  not  less  ;  in  1  Cor.  it  proves  a 
point  as  to  the  future  development  of  Christ's  power ; 
here,  that  the  exaltation  is  true  of  Jesus  alone,  who 
is  therefore  to  be  regarded  as  Lord  and  Messiah. 
David  was  buried  and  hes  in  his  tomb  (29),  he  never 
rose  to  heaven  ;  but  Jesus  has  sent  down  the  Spirit 
from  heaven  to  His  followers  (33).  In  Him,  then,  the 
prophecy  is  fulfilled ;  Gk)d,  as  the  whole  house  of 
Israel  is  to  recognise,  has  made  Jesus  both  Lord  and 
Messiah. 

II.  37-41.  Effect  of  the  Sermon. — A  rapid  and  lively 
narrative  succeeds.  The  hearers  tee\  the  sting  of  their 
position,  and  say  (c/.  Lk.  810-14),  "  What  shall  we 
do  ?  "  Peter's  requirements  are  repentance  and 
baptism,  the  first  being  the  original  requirement  of  the 
Gospel  (Mk.  14,15),  The  reason  is  still  the  same,  that 
the  Day  of  the  Lord,  with  wliich  the  Kingdom  waa  to 
open,  is  at  hand.  Baptism  (pp.  ().'}8f.)  is,  aa  in  the 
Gospels,  connected  with  repentance  and  with  a  view  to 
the  forgiveness  of  sins.  It  is  to  bo  in  the  name,  or  as 
it  should  bo  rendered  "  upon  the  name,"  i.e.  on  the 
authority  of  Jesus  Christ  (Mk,  939),  The  formula  of 
baptism  does  not  appear  from  this  passage  ;  but  for- 
giveness of  sins  was  to  accompany  it,  and  so  was  the 
gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  this  is  stated  in  most  of  the 
oaaes  in  Ac,  in  which  baptism  is  administered.  The 
promise  of  39  is  that  found  at  the  close  of  tho  passage 
from  Joel  quoted  in  21  ;   it  is  addressed  to  tho  Jews 


780 


ACTS,  II.  37-41 


and  to  their  children,  and  to  those  at  a  distance, 
which  would  point  to  the  Gentile  mission  or  to  those 
at  a  later  time.  Finally  (40),  the  hearers  are  urgently 
warned  to  separate  themselves  from  the  perverse 
multitude  around  thom  and  from  their  fate.  That 
believers  are  called  to  this  separation  is  a  frequent 
note  in  the  epistles  (Gal.  I4,  2  Cor.  617),  and  is  imijlied 
in  the  "  call  "  spoken  of  in  the  Gospels. — ii.  The 
baptism  of  so  many  might  have  been  dwelt  on,  and 
some  dotails  given,  but  only  the  bare  fact  is  stated, 
and  the  number  is  approximate  (cf.  I15,  "  about  120  "). 

II.  42-47.  The  Religious  Life  of  the  Brethren.— The 
four  items  in  42  should  ho  taken  in  two  pairs  ;  (a)  tho 
believers  adhered  steadfastly  to  the  apostles  as  their 
teachers  and  to  their  common  hfe  with  each  other, 
the  formal  manifestations  of  which  were  (b)  their 
common  meals  and  their  common  prayers  (I14) ;  this 
is  further  shown  in  46.  The  "  fear  "  of  43  did  not 
drive  the  people  from  the  Church,  but  marked  its 
authority,  as  did  the  wonders  and  signs  wrought  by 
the  apostles.  Paul  speaks  of  "  tho  signs  of  an  apostle  " 
(2  Cor.  12 1 2)  which  ho  himself  had  furnished  sufficiently; 
our  author  attests  tho  same  of  the  older  apostles, 
though  the  instances  ho  gives  are  few.  The  common 
life  (42)  is  further  described  in  44.  The  bohevers  all 
held  together,  and  even  regarded  their  property  as 
common,  selling  their  possessions  and  their  movables 
to  meet  the  needs  of  the  poorer  members.  This  is 
enlarged  on  in  434f .*  {cf.  p.  767 ).  They  visited  diligently 
the  Tomple,  the  place  of  prayer  of  their  race  (Lk.  I810, 
J  945!),  and  held  rcUgious  meals  in  one  house  and 
another.  Thus  their  meals  were  sacraments  to  them, 
held  without  guile.  They  were  full  of  God's  praises, 
and  afforded  an  attractive  siDcctaclo  to  the  Jews  round 
them.  Those  who  joined  their  company  they  re- 
garded as  saved,  and  the  Lord  added  such  daily  to 
their  number.  Un  early  Christian  woiship,  see 
pp.  638,  641,  643,  647f. 

46.  The  kaUi  in  kaV  otkon  would  have  no  meaning 
if  it  did  not  refer  to  domestic  meetings  at  which  tho 
breaking  of  bread  was  reminiscent  of  the  Master's 
practice  (Lk.  2435). 

III.  1-10.  Example  of  the  Works  of  the  Apostles.— 
The  cure  of  lame  persons  is  frequently  spoken  of  in 
the  Synoptic  Gospels,  as  a  mark  of  the  Messianic  ago  ; 
but  no  such  cure  is  there  recorded.  Paul  deals  with  a 
similar  case  at  Lystra  (148),  The  apostles  generally, 
but  not  invariably,  go  in  pairs,  as  Lk.  10 1  prescribes. 
So  Peter  and  John  here  (r/.  814)  go  for  their  devotions  to 
the  Temple  at  3  p.m.,  the  hour  of  the  evening  sacrifice. 
In  the  following  narrative  it  is  Peter  only  who  acts 
and  speaks.  At  the  gate  called  Beautiful,  possibly 
tho  same  as  Nicanor's  gate  on  the  E.  side  of  the 
Temple,  and  tho  favourite  entrance,  they  find  a  man 
congcnitally  lame.  He  asks  alms  :  they  ask  his  whole 
attention,  which  ho  gives  them.  Peter  cannot  give 
him  money  but  has  a  greater  gift  for  him.  "  In  the 
name  of  Jesus  Christ  the  Nazorean  "  (as  if  the  fuU 
title  had  to  bo  used  for  such  a  work  ;  cf.  Aclu.i  Petri 
cum  Simone,  xi.  13,  16) — "  walk."  Tho  power  of  tho 
Name  (Con.  322^*,  1  Cor,  .')3-5*)  at  once  appears  ;  as 
Jesus  takas  tho  hand  of  Peter's  wife's  mother  to  help 
her  to  rise  (Mk,  I31),  so  Peter  takes  the  lame  man's 
right  hand,  and  the  cure  is  accomplished.  Tho  man 
leaps  up  and  enters  tho  Toniplo  with  the  apcjstlos, 
not  merely  walking  but  leaping  (Is.  356)  and  praising 
God.  Tlio  effect  on  the  crowd  is  an  example  of  the 
fear  spoken  of  in  243. 

11.  There  is  an  interesting  variant  in  D :  "  But  when 
Peter  and  John  were  going  out,  he  went  with  them 
holding  them,  and  they  stood  astonished  in  the  porch 


which  is  called  Solomon's."  The  scribe  who  wrote 
this  knew  that  Solomon's  Porch  was  outside  the 
Temple,  the  writer  of  the  text  translated  in  R'V  was 
unaware  of  the  fact ;  he  makes  the  apostles  enter  the 
Temple  with  the  lame  man  and  hero  places  them  in 
Solomon's  Porch  without  saying  that  they  had  left 
the  Temple,  We  shall  meet  with  other  instances  of 
tho  local  knowledge  of  the  scribe  of  D. 

III.  12-26.  Speech  of  Peter.— 12-16.  The  Facts.— 
The  idea  and  arrangement  of  the  speech  closely  resemble 
that  of  214-36  ;  it  exhibits  tho  stylo  of  controversy 
with  the  Jews,  The  hearers  are  addressed  as  "  men 
of  Israel  "  ;  appeal  is  made  to  their  history  and 
beliefs  as  such.  The  apostles  have  not  performed  the 
cure  by  any  power  of  their  own  nor  merited  it  by  their 
piety  ;  the  cure  is  due  to  tho  new  act  of  God  which 
has  taken  place  in  the  old  religion,  God  is  spoken  of 
by  an  elaborate  title  (Ex.  36,  1  K.  I836,  Mk.  I226)  ;  it 
was  through  Abraham  and  Isaac  and  Jacob  that  He 
declared  His  mercy  to  the  Jewish  race,  and  it  is  the 
same  merciful  God  who  has  given  glory  (Jn,  17i)  to 
His  Servant  (Is,  42i,  52i3,  Mt,  12i8,  Ac,  427)  and  so 
caused  a  new  stream  of  blessings  to  descend  on  the 
world  (233),  The  guilt  of  Christ's  death  is  charged, 
as  in  223,  against  the  Jews  ;  Pilate  would  not  of  himself 
have  sentenced  Him  to  death  (Lk.  234,6f., 20-23). 
"  Holy  and  Righteous  " — "  murderers  " — "  killed  the 
Prince  of  Life  " — "  whom  God  raised  from  the  dead  " — 
is  an  effective  series  of  tenns  ;  but  the  Resurrection  is 
more  adequately  dealt  with  in  224ff.  It  is  what  the 
apostles  stand  to  witnass.  The  cure  is  due  to  faith, 
but  in  the  first  place  the  faith  of  the  apostles,  whose 
faith  in  the  name  of  Christ  is  its  primary  condition. 
It  is  the  name  that  has  effected  the  cure,  through  tho 
apostles'  beUef  in  its  efficiency.  Tho  faith  spoken  of 
in  166  may  be  the  faith  of  the  person  cured,  and  be 
reminiscent  of  the  phrases,  "  Thy  faith  hath  cured 
thee"  and  "  Lord,  I  beheve,"  "  Through  him  "  must 
mean  that  Christ  is  the  inspirer  of  this  faith  as  well 
as  its  rewarder.  That  is  how  tho  man's  recovery  has 
come  about. 

17-26.  The  Appeal. — Though  Christ's  death  is 
charged  against  the  Jews  the  speaker  is  appealing  to 
tho  Jews  and  must  in  some  way  approach  them.  They 
acted  in  ignorance ;  and  God  used  their  ignorance 
that  the  prediction  made  by  all  the  prophets  (on  the 
"all"  seo  Lk,  2425,  R«v,  I2,  etc.;  it  is  Pauline 
doctrine)  of  Messiah's  suffering  might  bo  fulfilled.  If 
they  will  recognise  that  their  blindness  has  proved  the 
instrument  of  a  higher  good,  they  will  tho  more  readily 
hsten  to  the  appeal  now  made,  i.e.  repent  and  turn,  to 
tho  obliteration  of  their  sins.  Baptism  is  not  mentioned, 
nor  is  the  suffering  of  Messiah  said  to  bo  the  means 
of  the  obhteration  of  sins  ;  but  His  sufferings  prove 
Him  to  be  the  person  spoken  of  in  the  prophets  ;  and 
the  sin  of  ignorance  is  one  which  may  be  more  readily 
forgiven.  What  will  happen  if  the  Jews  repent  is 
that  their  sins  will  no  longer  stand  against  them,  and 
tho  Lord  (here  =  God)  will  cause  times  of  refreshing, 
i.e.  relief  after  tho  pangs  endured,  to  come  to  thom  ; 
and  He  will  send  the  Christ  appointed  for  them,  i.e. 
Jasus,  who  cannot  appear  as  Christ  but  nuist  remain 
in  heaven  till  the  times  of  restoration  arrive  (cf. 
Mt.  1928,  Ac.  l6,  Mk.  9i2),  the  full  restoration,  the 
details  of  which  aro  predicted  by  tho  holy  prophets 
from  ancient  times  (so  Lk.  I70).  The  Scripture  proof 
Logins  with  Moses  (22),  most  ancient  of  all ;  tho 
quotation  (Dt,  I815)  appears  also  in  the  speech  of 
Stephen  (737)  and  may  bo  alluded  to  in  Jn,  I21. 
Lev.  2329  is  added  to  reinforce  the  call  to  repentance. 
Samuel  is  the  father  of  the  prophets  (Heb.  II32) ;  all 


ACTS,  IV.  23-31 


781 


of  them  had  before  their  eyes  the  days  of  the  speaker 
(1  Cor.  lOii).  The  audience  are  the  children  of  the 
prophets  (25),  since  the  prophecies  are  addressed  to 
them  (c/.  "  children  of  the  kingdom,"  Mt.  812),  and 
of  the  covenant,  which  directly  concerns  them. 
Gen.  22i8  is  quoted  also  in  Gal.  38,  c/.  16,  29.  The 
promise  is  not  to  the  Jews  only,  but  it  is  to  them 
first  (£39  ;  Rom.  I16).  They  are  the  first  to  know  the 
blessings  God  causes  to  descend  through  His  Servant 
whom  He  has  raised  up. 

IV.  1-22.  Proceedings  before  the  Sanhedrin.— 1-4. 
Peter's  speech  seems  to  have  reached  its  conclusion, 
but  I  says  it  was  interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  persons 
representing  the  Sanhedrin  and  exercising  its  summary 
powers.  "  The  captain  of  the  Temple  "  is  mentioned 
only  by  Lk.  (Mt.  and  Mk.  speak  of  the  high  priests  and 
elders) ;  he  has  to  maintain  order  in  the  Temple,  and 
ranks  next  to  the  high  priest  in  the  Sanhedrin.  The 
presence  of  the  Sadducces  (pp.  624,  637)  is  set  down 
to  their  antipathy  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Resurrection 
(Mk.  12i8),  of  which  Jesus  is  preached  as  an  eminent 
example.  The  speakers  are  at  once  arrested  ;  as  it  is 
evening,  their  trial  cannot  take  place  that  day.  The 
second  speech  of  Peter  is  as  effective  as  the  first ; 
many  professing  their  behef,  and  the  number  of  male 
adherents  rising  to  about  5000. 

5-12.  A  fuU  meeting  of  the  Sanhedrin  takes  place 
in  the  morning.  Annas  and  Caiaphas  are  known  to 
us  ;  the  former  was  high  priest,  A.D.  6-15  ;  Caiaphas, 
his  son-in-law,  a.d.  18-34.  John  and  Alexander  are 
otherwise  unknown.  These  and  the  other  high- 
priestly  aristocrats  belonged  by  tradition  to  the 
Sadducees  (Schiirer,  ii.  I178).  The  court  sits  in  a  semi- 
circle, the  accused  stand  in  the  middle.  The  mterro- 
gation  (7)  shows  that  no  serious  charge  is  brought 
against  thorn  ;  it  is  the  same  that  was  put  to  Jesus 
(Mk.  11 28,  Lk.  2O2)  over  the  Temple  cleansing.  The 
name  in  which  they  acted  was  notorious  ;  as  to  the 
power  by  which  they  had  made  the  lame  man  walk, 
Mk.  322  shows  what  views  might  prevail  as  to  the 
origin  of  cures  ;  the  men  who  ask  were  not  uncon- 
nected with  that  shameful  charge.  But  the  question 
serves  to  introduce  the  speech  of  Peter  (8-12).  The 
Holy  Spirit  descends  on  him  (Mt.  lOigf.,  Ac.  Is,  23f.) ; 
he  speaks  before  rulers.  He  is  being  examined  as  to 
the  means  by  which  the  impotent  man  has  been  re- 
stored to  health.  The  means  is  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ  the  Nazorean  (full  style  of  the  name  as  in  36*) ; 
here  also  the  Jews  are  charged  with  the  guilt  of  Christ's 
death,  and  the  benefits  which  accrue  from  His  Resur- 
rection and  Ascension  are  pointed  out.  Thus  strikingly 
is  the  text  (Ps.  II822)  fulfilled  which  speaks  of  the 
rejection  by  the  builders  of  the  stone  which  God  has 
raised  to  honour  (Mk.  12 10,  1  P.  27).  Jesus,  Peter 
asserts,  is  that  stone.  From  the  declaration  that  the 
cure  was  wrought  by  means  of  the  name  of  Christ  he 
advances  (12)  to  the  general  assertion  that  this  name 
is  the  only  instrument  given  to  men  for  accomplishing 
such  cures  or  generally  for  saving  men  from  any  ill. 

13-22.  Dilemma  of  the  Rulers :  their  Verdict.— The 
promise  of  Lk.  21 15  is  at  once  literally  fulfilled,  and 
the  reasoning  is  given  by  which  the  judges  felt  them- 
selves overborne.  It  is  that  Peter  and  John  are 
certain  of  their  case,  and  show  no  hesitation  though 
they  possess  no  literary  training  and  are  gonarally 
uncultured,  and  that  the  man  they  cured  stood  beside 
them,  a  living  corroboration.  The  recognition  of  the 
apostles  as  having  been  with  Jesus  is  regarded  by 
many  as  irrelevant,  but  if  Jesus  was  still  active.  He 
would  act  most  naturally  through  His  former  intimates. 
The  afiostlcs  are  ordered  to  withdraw  while  the  members 


of  the  court  deUberate  ;  yet  we  have  a  full  account  of 
their  discussion,  an  account  which  has  an  appearance 
of  probability.  It  is  not  based  on  the  discussion  of 
the  Sanhedrists  on  John  the  Baptist  (Mk.  11 27-33)  ; 
the  matter  is  different.  The  priests  and  ciders  know 
nothing  about  faith  heaUng  ;  if  a  beneficent  act  has 
been  done  of  which  no  agent  is  visible,  it  shows  to 
their  thinking  that  a  power  or  a  name  has  been  at 
work  which  it  only  remains  to  identify.  The  apostles 
attribute  it  to  the  agency  of  Jesus,  but  this  was  to 
the  court  an  intolerable  thought.  The  name  of  Jesus 
must  be  suppressed  ;  the  apostles  must  be  forbidden 
to  base  any  claim  upon  it.  They  are  therefore  en- 
joined not  to  make  any  declaration  nor  teach  any 
doctrine  in  connexion  Avith  Jesus  (18).  It  was  natural 
that  the  Jews  should  aim  at  the  suppression  of  that 
memory  and  that  cause.  Peter  and  John  reply  (19) 
by  appeahng  to  what  is  a  commonplace  in  ancient 
philosophy.  Socrates,  e.g.,  says  to  his  judges,  "  I 
shall  obey  God  rather  than  you  "  {Afology,  29) ;  the 
judges  are  to  decide  if  the  opposite  course  can  be  right 
for  the  apostles.  They  cannot  be  silent  about  what 
they  have  seen  and  heard.  Nothing  follows  on  this 
declaration,  and  conflicting  reasons  are  given  for  this  ; 
that  no  ground  appeared  for  punishing  them,  and  that 
the  rulers  were  afraid  of  the  people,  though  the  arrest 
had  taken  place  in  their  presence  (2-4). 

IV.  23-31.  Return  of  the  Apostles  to  their  Ovm 
People. — The  Christians  are  spoken  of  as  if  they  Hved 
together  (c/.  I14,  244-47)  or  at  least  had  a  hall  where 
they  could  aU  meet.  The  prayer  (24-30)  does  not 
thank  God  directly  for  the  deliverance  of  His  servants, 
but  rather  for  the  fulfilment  of  His  promises  as  seen 
in  the  proceedings  of  their  enemies  ;  what  is  asked  is 
that  the  cause  may  develop  still  further  in  the  same 
direction.  The  opening  sentence  shows  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  liturgy,  and  is  to  be  compared  with 
the  prayers  in  the  DidacM  (p.  641)  and  in  1  Clement. 
The  praise  for  the  creation  is  composed  of  various  OT 
phrases  (c/.  especially  Is.  37i6).  Aii  exact  and  detailed 
account  is  found  in  Ps.  2  of  the  proceedings  leading  to 
the  Crucifixion  and  continued  in  the  late  meeting  of 
the  Sanhedrin.  The  Gentiles  of  Ps.  2  are  the  Roman 
power  ;  the  peoples  are  the  Jews,  the  kings  Herod, 
the  rulers  Pilate.  They  all  conspired  against  God  and 
His  Servant  Jesus  whom  God  has  anointed  Messiah 
(c/.  Lk.  23i-i2).  But  they  all  served  a  higher  purpose. 
It  was  God's  counsel  that  they  were  reaUsing  ;  and  the 
hteral  fulfilment  of  the  psalm  shows  that  the  Divine 
purpose  is  maturing  and  that  the  end  is  not  far  off. 
The  petition  (29!)  is  that  these  threatenings  to  which 
the  behevers  aro  still  exposed  in  the  Sanhedrin  may 
not  avail ;  that  God's  servants  may  continue  their  even 
course  of  bold  preaching,  and  that  He  may  aid  them 
by  the  healings,  signs,  and  wonders  He  enables  them 
to  do  (222,43,  Mk.  I620)  in  the  name  of  His  holy  Servant 
Jesus.  The  answer  follows  promptly  ( 3 1 )  in  the  shaking 
of  the  place  of  meeting.  There  are  many  examples  in 
profane  writers  of  a  tremor  of  the  earth  being  taken  to 
indicate  Divine  presence  (c/.  also  Is.  64,  Ac.  I626). 
[An  interesting  parallel  may  be  found  in  George  Fox's 
Journal  (Bicenteuarv  Ed.,  vol.  i.  p.  24)  :  "  After  this  I 
went  again  to  Mansfield,  where  was  a  great  meeting  of 
professors  and  people  ;  here  I  was  moved  to  pray  ;  and 
the  Lord's  power  was  so  great  that  the  house  seemed 
to  be  shaken.  \Vlien  I  had  done,  some  of  the  professors 
said  it  was  now  as  in  the  days  of  the  apostles,  when 
the  hou.se  was  shaken  where  they  were." — A.  S.  P.] 
What  was  prayed  for  is  granted.  'All  receive  an  access 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  go  on  boldly  dehvering  the 


782 


ACTS.  IV.  32-35 


IV.  32-35.  The  State  of  the  Church  (r/.  242-44)-— 
Tho  oxprossion  "  tho  niultitudo  of  tho  bolievora  (about 
5UU0  according  to  4)  was  ono  heart  and  soul,"  is  pro- 
vorbial  for  entire  harmony.  None  took  a  selfish  view 
of  his  property  ;  all  was  common.  The  apostles  ful- 
filled their  ooramission  of  bearing  witness  to  tho  Resur- 
rection of  Jesus  (I22,  232)  with  groat  emphasis,  and 
tho  community  afforded  an  attractive  spectacle,  Tho 
prophecy  of  Dt.  I54  was  fulfilled  to  them  ;  this  was 
the  secret  of  their  attractiveness  ;  it  was  attained  by 
the  voluntary  generosity  of  the  rich  members  (244!), 
who  sold  their  goods  and  made  over  to  the  apostles 
tho  price  obtained,  they  dividing  the  proceeds  to  the 
needy. 

IV.  38-V.  11.  Community  of  Goods  among  the 
First  Christians.— 36f.  The  Case  of  Joses  Barnabas. — 
Joses  is  not  again  heard  of  in  the  NT  under  this  name, 
but  always  under  his  other  name,  Barnabas,  a  transla- 
tion of  wliioh  is  offered,  but  one  with  which  scholars 
are  not  satisfied.  It  connects  him  with  prophetic 
functions  (Nabi,  a  prophet)  and  consolation  is  one  of 
these.  He  is  Paul's  companion  in  his  first  journey, 
but  Paul  excels  him  as  a  speaker  (Ac.  14i2) ;  and  he  ia 
a  person  whom  tho  Galatians  and  Corinthians  know 
well  (GaL  2 1 3,  1  Cor.  96).  To  his  connexion  with 
Cyprus  the  direction  of  Paul's  first  journey  was  due. 
He  has  property,  whether  in  his  native  country  of 
Cyprus  or  elsewhere  we  know  not ;  he  afterwards  worked 
for  his  living  (1  Cor.  96),  and  may  have  parted  with 
all  his  projDcrty  at  this  time. 

V.  1-11.  Ananias  and  Sapphira.— Barnabas'  un- 
worthy counterpart  is  Ananias,  who,  in  league  with  hia 
wife,  was  unwilling  to  part  with  all  his  property,  but 
anxious  to  appear  to  have  done  so.  Their  crime  was 
that  they  tried  to  deceive  the  Church  and  God  by 
keeping  back  part  of  what  was  dedicated  and  belonged 
to  God,  and  so  insulting  and  wronging  the  Church. 
Peter  feels  tho  attack  as  directed  against  the  Spirit, 
therefore  a  monstrous  one  which  could  only  proceed 
from  Satan,  the  first  liar.  No  compulsion,  he  says, 
was  applied  to  anyone  to  part  with  his  proj)erty,  nor, 
when  it  was  sold,  with  the  price  of  it ;  this  shows  tho 
statements  of  245  and  432  to  be  exaggerated  ;  but  to 
pretend  to  dedicate  a  property  to  the  community  and 
to  keep  back  part  of  the  price,  that  was  to  lio  to  God 
who  dwelt  in  tho  community.  Tho  death  of  Ananias 
takes  place  forthwith,  whether  from  a  violent  con- 
vulsion of  feeling,  or  in  consequence  of  a  deliberate 
exercise  of  tho  power  spoken  of  by  Paul  in  1  Cor.  65, 
we  need  not  decide.  The  inviolability  of  the  Church 
is  thus  placed  beyond  question  (243).  Not  only  its 
members  felt  it  but  all  who  hoard  of  the  occurrence. 
No  customary  ritos,  no  elaborate  mourning  were  be- 
stowed on  AJnanias  ;  his  family  was  not  summoned. 
Tho  younger  men  (not  here  the  description  of  an  office 
but  a  plain  statement  of  fact)  disposed  of  his  body  as 
quickly  and  simply  as  possible.  The  second  act  of 
this  judgment  required  that  Sapphira  should  not  know 
hrr  husband's  fate.  Tho  young  men  have  scarcely 
returned  from  their  dreadful  errand  ;  when  they  oomo 
in  they  find  the  wife  also  dead,  and  do  the  same  to 
hor  as  to  her  h\isband.  The  impression  produced  on 
the  Church  and  on  those  outside  is  again  dwelt  on. 

V.  12-16.  Apostolic  Signs  and  Cures.— In  tho  AV 
12&-14  are  rijihtly  bracketed  ;  the  verses  are  an  edi- 
torial addition.  12a  comiects  with  15.  In  243  we 
read  that  many  wonders  and  signs  were  wrought  by 
tho  apostles,  but  only  two  have  been  placed  before  ua 
in  detail.  The  atatoment  ia  hero  repeated  and  intro- 
duces a  picture  of  the  hoaUng  activity,  ospeoialiy  of 
Poter,   touches  in   which  remind   us  of  tho  Gospels 


(Mk.  2 1-4,  654-56;  cf.  also  the  balancing  statement 
about  Paul,  Ac.  19iif.).  In  126-14  the  Church  has 
given  up  meeting  in  private  houses  and  makes 
Solomon's  Porch  its  headquarters.  The  two  views  of 
tho  Church  as  inviolable  and  feared,  and  as  attractive 
and  making  many  converts,  stand  side  by  side,  as  in 
243-47.  It  is  among  the  Jows  that  tho  heahng  ministry 
is  carried  on  which  rouses  such  enthusiasm.  Mt.  5 1 3-16 
gives  the  teaching  of  Christ  on  which  the  Jewish 
mission  proceeds. 

V.  17-42.  A  Hostile  Encounter  with  the  Jewish 
Authorities. — This  account  closely  resembles  that  in 
oh.  4 ;  tho  imprisonment  is  at  tho  hands  of  the  samo  men, 
extends  over  one  night,  and  Peter's  two  declarations 
(4i9,  629)  are  very  similar.  In  spite  of  a  few  added 
touches,  Gamaliel  and  his  historical  reminiscences,  we 
cannot  but  feel  the  paucity  of  materials  that  were  at 
the  author's  disposal  for  this  part  of  his  history.  As 
in  4,  the  attack  comes  from  the  Sadduoees.  If  so  tho 
motive  could  only  bo  poUtical.  The  Resurrection  is 
not  mentioned  to  explain  their  action  ;  they  wore 
filled  with  jealousy.  They  could  not  wish  the  new 
sect  to  become  important ;  a  real  Messiah  would  be 
the  end  of  their  power.  Hero,  as  in  4,  no  ground  is 
given  for  the  arrest.  Not  only  Peter  and  John  are 
arrested  but  tho  apostles  generally.  The  opening  of 
the  prison  (19)  occurs  again  twice  in  Ac.  (12  and  16) ; 
hero  it  is  told  very  shortly.  "  The  words  of  this  life  " 
(20)  is  a  phrase  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  find  a  parallel 
in  NT.  It  moans  the  message  of  Jesus'  Resurrection 
and  the  new  life  descending  on  the  world  from  Him. 
The  gates  of  the  Temple  were  looked  at  night ;  only 
at  daybreak  could  the  angel's  order  be  obeyed.  The 
high  priest  and  those  with  liim  (17)  call  a  meeting  in 
the  morning  of  "  the  Sanhedrin  and  all  the  eldership." 
In  OT  "  tho  elders  of  the  people  "  is  a  common  phrase  ; 
our  writer  may  be  tliinking  of  the  Roman  Senate.  In 
Jewish  practice  of  Gospel  times  the  elders  are  a  part 
of  the  Sanhedrin,  and  the  phraae,  making  them  separato 
from  it,  shows  imperfect  knowledge  of  Jewish  affairs. 
The  story  of  the  empty  prison,  the  perplexed  judges, 
the  captain  of  the  Temple,  the  high  priests  (plural, 
cf.  4i*,6),  the  message  that  tho  men  who  had  been 
imprisoned  are  preaching  in  tho  Temple,  is  admirably 
told.  The  rearrested  apostles  have  to  be  brought 
with  courtesy,  on  account  of  the  people  (42i) ;  the 
priestly  party  was  prepared  to  act  differently.  The 
high  priest  appeals  to  tho  prohibition  (4i8)  of  any 
teaching  based  on  "  this  name,"  which  ho  will  not 
pronounce.  The  apostles  have  disregarded  it  entirely, 
expressly  declaring  tho  loaders  of  the  people  to 'be 
chargeable  with  the  blood  of  "  this  man."  The 
passage  in  which  tho  leaders  formally  undertook  before 
Pilate  for  themselves  and  their  children  tho  responsi- 
bility for  tho  blood  of  Josus,  Is  not  in  Lk.  but  in  Mt. 
(2725),  but  the  guilt  has  been  repeatedly  charged  to 
them  in  Ac,  and  they  have  shown  marked  aversion  to 
the  "  name."  Peter's  reply  (29-32)  is  a  repetition  of 
his  former  one  (419),  and  he  goes  on,  though  the 
circumstances  call  for  less,  to  repeat  his  favourite 
statement  as  to  tho  Resurrection  of  Christ  in  spite  of 
all  the  Jews  did  to  Him.  It  is  tho  "  6od  of  our 
fathers  "  (813)  who  raised  up  Jesus,  ill-treated  by  tho 
Jews,  who  by  His  right  hand  exalted  Him  as  a  Prince 
and  a  Saviour;  m  4i2*  this  word  is  used  in  a  wide 
sense  of  doUveranco  from  physical  or  any  other  ills. 
All  His  mission  is  for  Israel,  "that  re.i>entance  may  bo 
granted  to  Israel  and  forgiveness  of  sins  (238,  819, 
Lk.  2447).  Tho  whole  picture  is  within  Judaism.  Of 
those  matters  tho  apostles  arc  witnesses  and  tho  Holy 
Spirit  (24,  431,  etc.)  which  all  those  have  who  obey 


ACTS,  VII. 


783 


God. — 33.  cut  to  the  heart:  lit.  "  sawn  asunder."  of  a 
painful  mental  shock.— they  were  minded  to  slay  them : 

thoy  had  no  power  legally  to  do  so  ;  in  the  case  of 
Stephen  it  is  done  in  passion. 

34-42.  Intervention  of  Gamaliel. — In  Lk.  there  are 
various  instances  of  friendly  feeling  towards  Jesus  on 
the  part  of  Pharisees,  not  given  in  the  other  gospels. 
Of  this  Gamaliel  (223*)  not  nmoh  is  known.  He  is 
an  open-minded  man,  and  his  authority  is  readily 
acknowledged.  Again  (34)  we  have  the  exclusion  of 
the  apostles  from  the  meeting,  and  the  report  of  the 
proceedings  after  they  were  excluded  (c/.  415-17). 
Gamaliel  counsels  caution,  and  appeals  to  history,  at 
least  what  here  appears  as  such.  Theudas  (36)  figured 
as  a  prophet  in  the  procuratorship  of  Cuspius  Fadus 
(A.D.  44)  and  could  not  be  used  as  an  instance  by 
Gamaliel  speaking  some  years  earUer.  The  details 
agree  with  those  given  by  Josephus  {Ant.  sx.  5). 
There  might  be  other  insurrectionaries  of  the  same 
name,  but  probably  our  author  here  makes  a  mistake. 
The  revolt  of  Judas  of  Gahleo  (37)  took  place  in  the 
days  of  the  enrolment  or  census  under  Quirinius,  A.D,  7 
(Josephus,  Ant.  XVIII.  i.  IS ;  XX.  v,  2 ;  Wars,  11. 
viii.  1).  The  party  of  Zealots  (pp.  609f.,  Mk.  3i8*)  origi- 
nated from  this  revolt  [this  is  the  usual  view,  but  Lake 
argues  {Harvard  Theological  Review,  Jan.  1917)  that 
the  party  did  not  originate  till  shortly  before  the  Fall 
of  Jerusalem. — A.  S.  P.] ;  but  no  corroboration  can  be 
foimd  of  Gamaliel's  statement  as  to  the  fate  of  Judas. 
His  practical  conclusion  is  the  same  as  that  in  415-19, 
but  is  based  on  another  reason  than  the  fear  of  the 
people.  His  pohoy  is  that  of  "  wait  and  see  "  piously 
expressed.  The  apostles  are  beaten  and  forbidden  as 
before  to  speak  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  but  released. 
They  find  the  beatitude  on  the  persecuted  (Mt.  5 10) 
fulfilled  in  their  case  ;  the  Name  is  a  power  for  which 
they  can  never  do  too  much,  to  sufier  for  which  they 
count  great  honour.  The  meetings  go  on  as  liefore, 
both  in  the  Temple  and  at  home  (as  242,46) ;  they 
preach  the  Messiah,  namely  Jesus. 

VI.  1-6.  Choice  of  the  Seven. — A  division  shows 
itself  in  the  Church.  The  Hellenists  {mg.),  the 
members  who  spoke  Greek,  having  been  brought  up 
in  Greek-speaking  countries,  murmur  against  the 
Hebrews,  those  who  spoke  Aramaic.  This  happens 
"  in  these  days  "  (c/.  I15)  ;  we  are  not  told  the  month 
or  the  year,  only  there  is  a  transition  in  the  narrative. 
The  Church  is  growing ;  the  existence  of  different 
elements  in  it  Is  felt.  A  daily  dole,  probably  financial, 
takes  place  (435)  under  supervision  of  the  Hebrew 
element ;  the  widows  of  the  Hellenist  section  find 
cause  to  complain.  The  Twelve  call  a  general  meeting 
and  propose  a  cure  of  the  mischief  which  they  cannot 
personally  rectify.  Prayer  and  preaching  and  teaching 
is  their  task  (042) ;  they  cannot  turn  from  this  to 
financial  business.  They  propose  the  election  of  seven 
men  to  take  it  in  charge,  while  the  apostles  devote 
themselves  to  their  spiritual  functions.  The  quali- 
fications, however,  are  not  those  wanted  for  "  serving 
tables  "  ;  the  seven  are  to  be  of  good  report,  but  are 
also  to  be  full  of  the  Spirit  and  of  wisdom  ;  speaking  is 
to  be  their  task.  In  the  later  constitution  there  are 
seven  deacons  in  a  church  (Euseb.,  H.E.,  VI.  xHii.  11), 
and  they  fulfil  practical  functions  of  a  subordinate 
nature;  see  also  1  Tim.  Ss-io.  In  Phil  li,  they  are 
mentioned  with  bishops  wlio,  wo  see  from  1  Tim.  3i, 
have  charge  of  the  practical  business  ;  in  the  Didacke, 
XV.  1,  bishops  and  deacons  are  similarly  spoken  of 
together  ;  they  may  take  part  in  preaching,  but  that 
is  not  their  princijxil  office.  The  seven  hero  chosen 
are  from  their  qualifications,  and  from  what  we  after- 


wards hoar  of  them,  preachers  not  stewards.  They 
are  not  called  deacons,  but  the  story  is  the  account 
given  in  Ac.  of  the  institution  of  that  order.  The 
seven  havo  all  Gr.  not  Aram,  names  ;  Nicolas  is  a 
proselyte  of  Antioch,  the  city  of  which  so  much  is  to 
be  heard  ;  the  others  are  born  Jews  ;  only  Stephen 
and  Philip  (was  he  both  one  of  the  Twclvo  and  one  of 
the  Seven  ?)  the  two  first,  are  afterwards  hoard  of. 
The  community  elects  and  presents  them,  the  apostles 
after  prayer  institute  them  in  their  ofl&ce,  by  laying 
their  hands  on  them. 

7.  No  number  is  stated  here.  The  closing  state- 
ment is  without  corroboration.  The  demand  made 
in  155  need  not  have  been  made  by  priests. 

VI.  8-15.  Attack  on  Stephen.— This  Hellenist  Chris- 
tian draws  upon  himself  tho  attention  of  the  people. 
He  was  full  of  grace  ;  the  inspiration  which  gave  him 
his  power  led  to  disturbance  from  a  synagogue  or  sjma- 
gogues  of  foreign  Jews  from  various  countries  settled 
at  Jerusalem.  Hellenistic  Jews  could  be  as  narrow  as 
those  at  Jerusalem  {cf.  2  Cor.  10-13).  To  tho  state- 
ment that  they  could  not  resist  him  D  adds  :  "  because 
they  were  boldly  confuted  by  liim  and  could  not  face 
the  truth."  These  disputes  not  yielding  any  matter 
for  a  charge,  they  got  others  to  come  forward  and 
accuse  him  of  attacking  Moses  and  God,  and  thus 
stirred  up  the  people,  till  now  so  favourable  to  tho 
behevers.  The  elders  and  scribes  are  also  worked 
upon  ;  Stephen  is  brought  before  the  Sanhedrin.  The 
charges  are,  to  some  extent,  borne  cut  by  the  following 
speech  (748),  as  the  charge  against  Jesus  (Mk.  I458) 
was  by  Ilis  words  (Mk.  132).  To  a  Christian  writer 
they  are  false  charges,  because  directed  against  Christ. 
Cf.  the  charge  made  against  Paul  by  Jews  of  Asia 
(2I28).  14  enables  us  to  understand  the  tendency  of 
Stephen's  teaching  up  to  this  point,  as  well  as  the 
change  of  popular  feeling,  at  least  towards  Stephen's 
section  of  the  Church.  Paul's  doctrine  completes  the 
theme  announced  by  Stephen.  It  is  "  Jesus,  this 
Nazorean  "  (222*)  who  is  to  destroy  the  Temple  and 
change  the  ritual  ("  customs,"  cf.  loi,  I621,  2I21,  263, 
2817).  The  illumination  of  the  face  of  tho  martyr 
who  saw  the  Divine  glory  is  mentioned  in  several  early 
martyrdoms.  —  [9.  Libertines  :  i.e.  freedmen.  But 
probably  we  should  read  "  Libyans  "  (i.e.  Libustin6n 
for  Libertinon.  This  emendation  is  as  old  as  (Ecu- 
menius.  It  was  proposed  in  modem  times  by  Beza, 
in  the  first  and  second  editions  of  his  Annotations,  and 
subsequently  withdrawn.  Wetstein  retains  "  Liber- 
tines," but  explains  it  as  equivalent  to  "  Libystines  " 
(Libyans).  In  his  Philology  of  the  Gospels  (pp.  69f.), 
on  the  basis  of  "  Libyans  ""  read  by  Armenian  versions 
of  the  Acts  and  commentaries,  Blass  suggested  Libus- 
tinon,  in  complete  ignorance  that  it  had  been  suggested 
before,  though  a  glance  at  Wetstein,  or  even  at  Meyer, 
would  have  shown  him  that  he  had  been  anticipated. 
It  suits  geographically  the  combination  with  Cjrrenians 
and  Alexandrians.  No  synagogue  of  the  Libertines 
is  known  in  Jerusalem,  though  there  may  have  been 
one  in  Pompeii.  The  emendation  has  been  accepted 
by  several  scholars.  Preuschen  reads  "  Libyans." 
See  further  Rendel  Harris,  Sidelights  on  NT  Research, 
pp.  18  If.— A.  S.  P.] 

VII.  Speech  of  Stephen. — The  speech  of  Stephen 
stands  after  the  introduction  of  the  Hellenists,  and  in 
the  course  of  the  attack  on  them  which  led  to  their 
persecution  and  withdrawal  from  Jerusalem.  This  ex- 
plains its  tenor.  It  is  an  impeachment  of  the  Jews 
based  on  their  history  ;  they  are  the  true  rebels  against 
God  and  contemners  of  His  will ;  the  true  believers 
in  CliriBt  must  leave  them  alone.    There  are  many 


784 


ACTS,  VII. 


discrepancies  between  the  speech  and  the  OT  narrative, 
some  duo  to  the  use  of  tlio  LXX  instead  of  the  Heb., 
many  to  the  growth  of  the  Haggadali  or  OT  legend  in 
tlio  period  after  the  Exile.  Additional  difficulty  arises 
from  the  hvok  of  divisions  in  the  speech,  the  aim  of 
which  is  never  stated,  and  wliich  flows  on  in  historical 
sequence  and  reveals  its  point  only  towards  the  end. 

1-16.  Abraham  and  the  Patriarchs.— The  High  Priest 
invites  Stephen  to  j^lead  to  the  charge.  Addressing 
his  audience  in  the  style  used  by  Paul  (22 1),  Stephen 
speaks  of  the  theophany  to  Abraham,  placing  it,  as 
Philo  does,  in  Mesopotamia  before  the  move  to  Haran 
(contrast  Gen.  II31,  12i).  The  Divine  injunction  and 
promise  (3)  are  those  of  Gen,  12 1  spoken  in  Haran. 
That  not  a  foot-breadth  was  given  Abraham  in  the 
land  of  promise,  is  taken  from  Dt.  2$,  where  another 
country  is  in  question.  The  promise  (5)  is  from  a 
number  of  passages  (Gen.  12,  13,  17),  and  that  intro- 
duced in  6  is  a  quotation  from  Gen.  15 13-19,  Ex.  222, 
and  1240;  "a  stranger  in  a  strange  land"  (Ex.  222) 
of  Gershom.  "  They  shall  servo  mo  in  this  place  " 
(Ex,  3i2,  "this  mountain").  The  phrase  "  covenant 
of  circumcision  "  is  composed  of  Gen.  17io  and  13  ; 
Paul  has  it  in  Rom.  4ii.  For  the  circumcision  of 
Isaac,  see  Gen.  21 4.  The  speaker  passes  quickly  on 
to  Joseph,  his  sale  into  Egj-pt  and  his  rise  there  (cf. 
Gen.  37-41),  with  the  migration  of  Jacob  and  the 
patriarchs. 

14.  LXX  gives  the  number  as  75  ;  Heb.  says  70 
(Gen.  4627,  Dt.  IO22).— 16.  In  Gen.  4930,  5O13,  Jacob 
is  buried  at  Machpelah,  not  in  Shoehorn. 

17-44.  Moses.— Stephen  describes  the  growth  of  the 
people,  the  change  of  ruler  and  his  oppression,  as  in 
Ex.  1. 

20.  fair  unto  God  Ung.) :  fiom  Ex.  22  ;  Philo  and 
Josephus  speak  of  the  beauty  of  Moses. — 21.  Cf. 
Ex.  23,10.  The  papyri  show  that  the  exposure  of 
infants  was  stiU  common  in  Egypt  in  Christian 
times.  The  OT  says  nothing  of  Moses'  education 
or  learning  ;  Philo  knows  much  more  of  it  than  is 
here  stated. — 23.  forty  years  old :  according  to  Dt. 
347  Moses  is  120  years  old  when  he  dies,  and  this 
speech,  after  a  rabbinic  tradition,  gives  him  three 
periods  of  forty  years  :  (a)  till  the  visit  to  his  brethren ; 
(b)  to  his  return  to  Egypt  from  Midian  (30);  (c)  to 
the  end  of  his  life. — 24.  Following  Ex.  2ii,  some- 
what carelessly  expressed  and  presupposing  in  the 
audience  a  knowledge  of  the  facts. — 25.  Stephen's 
own  comment ;  Moses  wished  to  appear  as  a  deliverer 
not  a  murderer,  but  ho,  like  others  afterwards,  had 
to  do  with  a  race  slow  to  recognise  its  saviours.  The 
rest  of  the  story  is  slightly  altered  from  Ex.,  and 
brings  out  more  strongly  Moses'  anxiety  to  help  his 
brethren.  Ho  also  appears  hero  as  fleeing  from 
EgjT)t  on  account  of  his  own  people  rather  than 
for  fear  of  the  king.  They  distrust  him  and  resist 
him  always. — 30.  The  second  forty  years'  period 
opens  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai ;  in  32  God  Himself 
speaks  to  him  in  the  bash  as  in  Ex. — 31-34.  The 
theophany  is  narrated  as  in  Ex.  3.  Note  that  the 
holy  ground  here  spoken  of  is  not  in  Palestine,  but 
far  from  it. — 35.  The  emphatic  repetition  of  the  pro- 
nouns with  which  35,  36,  37,  38  all  b<.>gin  in  the  original — 
"  this,"  "  tliis,"  "  this  " — is  lost  in  EV.  Moses  is 
placed  as  strongly  as  possible  before  the  hearers  of 
the  speech  ;  his  rejection  by  his  fellow-countrymen  ; 
his  mission  Jby  God  ;  the  angel  his  companion  and 
helper ;  his  signs  and  wonders  in  Egypt  and  in  the 
wilderness  for  forty  years  (Nu.  I433,  Am.  625,  Ps.  95 10). 
— 37.  The  prediction  by  Moses  of  the  true  prophet 
(Dt.  I815)  is  repeated  from  822  and  seems  somewhat 


out  of  place  here,  introducing  Christ  too  soon  for  the 
argument. — 38.  church :  the  word  Ixas  been  used  once 
only  (on)  up  to  this  point ;  it  will  now  occur  more  fre- 
quently. It  is  the  LXX  equivalent  of  qahal  (Mt.  I618*), 
which  is  an  assembly  for  business  transactions,  not  for 
worship.  It  couki  be  taken  from  the  phrase  "  day  of 
assembly,"  used  in  Dt.  for  the  day  of  the  Lawgiving. — 
living  oracles :  Philo  compares  the  Law  with  the  hving 
power  of  seed  (Gal.  32 if.).  Stephen's  utterance  swelk 
from  this  point  onwards  with  fidlnesa  of  ideas  as  well 
as  with  passion. — 39.  The  Israchtes  receive  the  Law 
unwillingly  ;  their  hearts  turn  back  to  Egypt,  not  to 
its  fleshpots  but  to  its  idols,  as  Ex.  32  is  taken  to  mean. 
— 41.  The  sacrifice  to  the  golden  calf  and  its  accom- 
panying sports  (E.\.  325f.).-— 42.  As  a  punishment  God 
gives  up  the  people  to  strange  rites  (r/.  Rom.  l25f., 
where  God  gives  up  the  Gentiles  to  unnatural  vices, 
as  a  punishment  for  their  bhndness  to  His  glory  in 
creation) ;  they  servo  the  host  of  heaven  as  the  pro- 
phets, the  second  part  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures,  tostify. 
Jeremiah  (7x8,  I9i3)  describes  the  idolatrous  worsliip 
in  Palestine  at  the  time  of  the  Exile  (see  also  2  K.  17 
9-17),  and  Amos  (o26f.)  that  of  an  earher  date.  For 
Remphan  Amos  has  Chiun  as  the  god  served  by  Israel, 
as  well  as  Moloch.  The  name  is  spelt  in  many  different 
ways  in  the  MSS ;  it  has  been  regarded  as  the 
Egyptian  name  for  Saturn,  and  ChejTie  (EBi,  4032) 
shows  how  easily  in  Heb.  writing  Chiun  could  be 
altered  into  Remphan.  Stephen's  auditors  could 
readily  reply  that  this  idolatry  belonged  to  the  infancy 
of  their  race,  and  that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  it. 
For  Babylon,  Amos  has  Damascus  ;  the  change  is 
easily  intelligible. 

44-50.  The  speech  comes  nearer  the  charge  it  is  to 
refute.  The  Temple  itself  is  wrong.  Moses  acted  on 
direct  Divine  injunction  as  to  the  tabernacle  of  witness 
which  he  made  according  to  the  pattern  showed  him 
and  which  the  fathers  carried  with  them  in  tho  wilder- 
ness (Ex.  25 ;  especially  0,40).  This  Tabernacle  is 
contrasted  on  tho  one  hand  with  tho  tent  of  Moloch, 
on  the  other  with  the  Temple  of  Solomon.  While  the 
fathers  carried  it,  they  were  succesefuL  Joshua  (Gr. 
Jesus)  thrust  out  tho  nations  before  them  from  the 
promised  land,  which  they  possessed  and  occupied  till 
the  times  of  David.  David  asked  that  he  might  find 
a  habitation  for  the  God  of  Jacob.  Instead  of  this  the 
Temple  was  built  by  Solomon,  who  was  less  favoured 
by  God  than  David  ;  and  the  Temple  was  not  a  taber- 
nacle, such  as  David  would  has'e  built,  but  a  house. 
The  sentiment  of  48  occurs  again  in  Paul's  speech  at 
Athens,  and  was,  no  doubt,  a  commonplaoe  in  the 
thought  of  Hellenists  who  dwelt  at  a  distance  from  the 
Temple  ;  Is.  661,  now  quoted,  forced  it  into  their 
mouth.  Our  Lord  quotas  it  (Mt.  534!),  with  a  some- 
what different  purpose,  it  is  true,  but  His  view  of  the 
Temple  (Mk.  132.  I458,  Jn.  421-24)  is  that  of  Stephen 
and  Paul  :  it  is  not  necessary  for  true  religion. 

51-53.  The  Speech  Summed  up.— The  phrases  in 
wliich  the  audience  is  characterised  often  occur  in 
OT.  Their  whole  liistory  has  boon  a  series  of  recal- 
citrancies against  tho  Hoh*  Spirit,  and  tho  present 
generation  are  following  their  fathers.  The  question 
of  52  gives  intensity  to  the  charge  that  the  Jews  killed 
those  who  were  sent  to  thorn.  It  is  found  in  more 
detailed  fonn  in  Mk.  12i-9,  Mt.  233off.,  Heb.  II37. 
Tho  "  righteous  "  probably  from  Is.  53n  ;  the  phrase 
might  not  at  once  bo  understood,  but  becomes  clear  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  sentence.  Tho  end  of  the  speech 
(53)  contains  a  sting  ;  the  legislation  of  Sinai  took  place 
in  splendid  pomp,  with  thousands  of  attending  angels 
(Dt.  332,  Ps.  68i;<.),and  the  Jews  rightly  look  back  on 


ACTS,  VIII.  9-13 


785 


it  as  the  greatest  event  in  the  world's  history  ;  but 
they  have  not  kept  the  Law,  and  so  all  their  prido  in 
it  is  turned  to  foolishness.  They  have  always  dis- 
obeyed the  Giver  of  the  Law,  they  have  worshipped 
other  gods,  they  have  confined  Him  in  a  stone  temple, 
they  have  killed  His  messengers  and  now  His  final 
messenger  of  whom  all  the  prophets  spoke. 

[A  few  words  may  be  added  on  the  speech  as  a 
masterly  handling  of  a  difficult  situation.  Stephen 
desires  to  do  two  things  :  («)  to  prove  that  religion 
is  independent  of  place,  and  thus  vindicate  his  attitude 
to  the  Temple,  and  (b)  to  bring  home  the  ingrained 
rebelliousness  of  the  Jewish  people,  and  thus  exhibit 
the  rejection  of  Jesus  as  quite  in  keeping  with  their 
character.  Such  home  truths  were  too  unpalatable 
to  be  patiently  received  ;  if  Stephen  was  to  gain  a 
hearing  it  could  only  be  by  giving  an  exposition  to 
wliich  no  exception  could  be  taken.  His  speech  looks 
at  first  hke  a  string  of  irrelevant  incidents  ;  but  they 
are  drawn  from  the  OT,  thus  he  secures  himself 
against  interruption ;  and  they  are  skilfully  chosen  to 
illustrate  his  two  main  themes.  Revelation  comes  in 
Mesopotamia  and  Haran,  in  Egypt  and  at  Sinai.  In 
Canaan  Abraham  has  no  possession,  the  tomb  he  pur- 
chases is  in  Shechcm  ;  Moses  treads  "  holy  ground  " 
and  the  angel  appears  to  him  in  Midian  ;  the  Hebrews 
had  the  Law  given,  and  the  Tabernacle,  after  a  heavenly 
model,  in  the  wilderness  ;  with  it  they  conquered 
Canaan,  and  were  content  with  it  till  the  time  of 
David.  Scripture  itself  proclaimed  that  no  Temple 
could  serve  as  God's  dwelling.  Again,  the  treatment 
of  Josejjh  by  his  brethren,  the  rejection  of  Moses  by 
the  Hebrews  in  bondage,  their  disobedience  in  the 
making  of  the  golden  calf,  the  persecution  of  the 
prophets,  all  found  their  appropriate  cHmax  in  the 
betraj'al  and  murder  of  Jesus.  Thus  with  consummate 
skill  the  speaker  unfolds  and  illustrates  his  theses, 
saying  all  the  while  what  none  can  controvert.  Only 
when  the  case  is  complete  on  these  lines,  does  history 
pass  into  invective,  naturally  to  the  immediate  sealing 
of  his  doom,  which,  however,  with  such  views  would 
presumably  have  been  inevitable. — A.  S.  P.]  See 
further  on  Stephen,  pp-  CSOf.,  767. 

Vn.  54-VIII.  la.  Death  of  Stephen.— The  speech  of 
Stephen  cuts  the  hearers  to  the  quick.  It  is  not  said 
that  they  interrupted  him  ;  the  speech  is  complete, 
but  their  apparent  and  vehement  anger  showed  him 
that  the  last  had  come  ;  they  were  no  longer  masters 
of  themselves.  We  have  no  longer  a  judicial  investi- 
gation before  us  but  a  tumultuous  attack.  Stephen, 
filled  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  sees  a  vision  (55),  as  is 
recorded  of  many  martyrs.  He  sees  the  gloi-y  of  God 
(cf.  2)  and  Jesus  standing  (?  to  receive  His  servant; 
generally  sitting,  Mk.  1462,  Mt.  2664,  IJc.  2269,  Mk. 
I619).  At  this  their  anger  broke  out,  and  they  are 
hurried  into  a  violent  and  illegal  action.  The  punish- 
ment inflicted  is  that  for  blasphemy;  in  decreeing  it 
they  forget  all  forms  of  law,  but  in  the  execution  of  it 
they  observe  the  precept  of  Lev.  24 14,  and  hurry  the 
condemned  pennon  outside  the  town.  Saul  is  introduced 
(58)  as  sharing  the  responsibility  of  the  act.  In  759-81, 
the  story  is  narrated  over  again  for  the  sake  of  the 
words  of  the  martyr  (rf.  Li.  2834,46),  and  another 
account  of  his  death  is  given,  ending  with  the  state- 
ment of  Sauls  complicity. 

54.  gnashed:  Ps.  3.5i6,  ll2io. — 56.  Son  of  man: 
i.e.  Jesus  as  judue  (Mk.  1462). 

VIIL  lt-4.  Persecution  and  Dispersion.— There  haa 
been  no  great  j)oi-8ecutif)n  f)f  the  believers  as  j'et.  A 
night's  imprisonment  and  beating  was  all  they  had  to 
Buffer.     Now  we  are  told  that  on  the  day  of  Stephen's 


death,  a  great  persecution  arose  against  the  Church  at 
Jerusalem,  as  if  the  passion  that  brought  about  the 
death  of  Stephen  had  sought  further  satisfaction. 
Such  a  persecution  would  be  aimed  specially  at  the 
Hellenistic  side  of  the  Church,  not  at  those  who  went 
to  the  Temple  and  upheld  the  customs.  The  Jewish 
side  of  the  Church  suffered  less  ;  the  apostles  remained 
at  Jerusalem,  where  we  find  them  seated  and  recognised 
as  the  central  authority  (814,  926f.,  1X1,27-30,  15if.), 
and  retaining  with  them  many  members  who  did  not 
feel  the  persecution  to  be  aimed  at  them.  The  all  of  i 
must  be  understood  with  this  qualification  ;  see  Well- 
hausen,  Noten  zur  Aposldge/ichichte,  pp.  Off.  Eusebiua 
(IJ.E.  V.  xviii.  14)  telLs  us  of  a  tradition  that  Christ 
had  enjoined  on  the  apostles  not  to  depart  from  Jeru- 
salem for  twelve  years  (I4*),  and  the  injunction  (Mt. 
lOsf.)  would  act  in  the  same  way.  The  scattered 
members  are  found  in  the  regions  of  Judaea  and  Samaria. 

There  is  a  discrepancy  between  i  and  2  ;  i  reporting 
the  flight  of  all  the  believers  but  the  apostles,  so  that 
no  one  else  was  left  to  bury  Stephen  ;  and  they  evi- 
dently are  not  meant,  i  is  continued  at  4  ;  3  is  also 
detached.  Was  the  persecution  Saul  undoubtedly 
carried  on  (Gal.  I13)  directed  against  Jewish  Christians 
at  Jerusalem,  or  against  those  of  Stephen's  way  of 
thinking  in  the  provinces  (9i*)  ?  The  persecution  by 
Saul  is  said  to  have  been  severe,  embracing  domestic 
inquisition,  and  summary  imprisonment.  The  same 
statement  as  to  the  scattering  of  the  behevers  at  the 
death  of  Stephen  is  found  in  11 19,  where  the  story  of 
thase  missionaries  is  taken  up  again.  An  example  of 
their  activity  is  given  here  in  the  mission  of  Phihp  to 
Samaria. 

VIII.  5-8.  Philip  at  Samaria.— Philip's  activity  ia 
given  here  beside  that  of  Stephen.  Ho  belongs  to  the 
Seven,  not  to  the  Twelve,  who  remain  at  Jerusalem 
except  when  specially  called  elsewhere  (6r-6*).  More 
is  heard  of  him  in  2  Is.  Samaria  presented  a  very  open 
field  for  every  kind  of  doctrine,  lying  as  it  did  on  two 
great  trade  routes,  and  visited  by  people  from  all 
countries.  The  Samaritans  had  an  attenuated  Judaism, 
receiving  the  boolis  of  Moses  only,  and  carrying  on  a 
worship  hke  that  of  Jerusalem  (p.  79).  Wliat  Phihp 
preached  there  is  said  to  have  been  Christ,  the  fact  that 
Messiah  had  appeared,  an  announcement  the  Samari- 
tans, like  the  Jews,  readily  undei-stood.  The  populace 
accepted  it;  both  what  they  heard  from  Philip  and 
what  they  saw  him  do  helped  to  that  result.  The 
scenes  which  took  place  in  Chorazin  and  Bethsaida  in 
the  ministry  of  Christ  wore  repeated  at  Samaria;  and 
great  joy  prevailed. 

VIII.  9-13.  Simon  Magus. — This  man  had  been  for 
some  time  at  Samaria.  This  is  the  only  account  of 
him  in  NT  ;  but  in  the  early  Fathers  and  in  Christian 
legend  he  occupies  much  space,  and  he  has  been  the 
occasion  during  the  last  century  of  voluminous  contro- 
versy ;  see  Baur,  Church  History,  i.  91-98,  Schmiedel 
in  EBi.,  Headlam  in  HDB.  Justin  Martyr,  who 
was  a  native  of  Samaria,  tells  us  that  he  was  bom 
at  Gitta.  three  miles  \V'.  of  Samaria,  and  that  evil 
spirits  actetl  in  him  and  enabled  him  to  perform 
magical  works  ;  also  that  his  followers  made  great 
use  of  exorcisms,  incantations,  philtres,  etc.  Jloro 
is  known  of  him  by  later  writers.  In  the  Pseudo- 
Clementine  writings  he  is  surrounded  by  a  rich  growth 
of  legend  (ANF,  vol.  xvii.) ;  he  had'  contests  with 
Peter  in  Palestine  and  later  at  Rome  ;  he  injured 
himself  in  an  attempt  to  fiy  across  the  Tiber ;  and  he 
api)ears  as  a  caricature  of  Paul,  using  some  of  his 
expressions  and  imitating  some  of  his  acts.  He  was 
regarded   by  S(jme  of  the  Fathers  as  the  source  of 


786 


ACTS,  VIII.  9-13 


Gnostic  heresy  ;  on  the  other  hand  his  existence  haa 
been  doniod.  Wo  assume  his  historical  reality,  but 
some  of  the  details  about  him  in  this  pa,ssago  aro 
scarcely  transparent  to  us.  Wlion  Pliilip  camo,  and 
preached  about  the  Kingdom  of  God — this  was  the 
theme  on  which  Jesus  bade  His  followers  preach,  but 
we  have  not  heard  of  it  up  to  this  point  since  I3 — and 
the  name  of  Jesus  Messiah,  the  instrument  on  \Nhich 
they  relied  for  their  works  of  power,  the  Samaritans 
turned  away  from  Simon  and  accepted  baptism. 
Simon  himself  became  a  convert,  was  baptized,  and 
attached  himself  to  Philip,  wondering  at  his  signs  and 
great  acts  of  power. 

VIII.  14-24.  Peter  and  Simon. — No  more  is  heard  of 
Philip  at  Samaria ;  the  Jerusalem  apostles  appear, 
represented  by  Peter  and  John,  who  have  got  over 
the  prohibition  of  Mt.  IO5.  The  baptism  of  Phihp 
appears  to  be  regarded  aa  imperfect ;  the  apostles 
only  can  impart  the  full  rito  ;  the  privilege  of  a  Church 
order  is  upheld  against  outbursts  of  the  Spirit  which 
have  not  the  official  seaL  The  connexion  of  the  im- 
position of  hands  and  baptism  occurs  only  here  and 
196.  It  does  not  appear  in  the  Didache,  but  in  Heb.  62 
we  have  it,  and  in  TortuUian,  De  Bapt.  8.  It  may  be 
doubted  if  the  occurrence  hero  reported  can  be  his- 
torical ;  Simon  sees  that  the  (Holy)  Spirit  is  given 
through  the  imposition  of  the  apostles'  hands.  How 
does  he  see  this  ?  IO46  explains  ;  also  196  ;  speaking 
with  tongues  seems  to  have  been  a  normal  incident  of 
baptism.  Simon  is  much  interested,  and  wishes  that 
he  too  had  the  power  to  put  such  activities  in  motion  ; 
he  offers  money  to  have  the  power  conferred  on  him 
also.^  Power  is,  in  the  rehgious  language  of  the 
period  of  Acts,  any  magic  power  (Roitzenstein,  Die 
Hellenistiscken  Mysterienreligionen,  p.  183) ;  in  Ac. 
power  Ls  connected  with  the  office  to  which  God  has 
entrusted  it.  \Vhat  Simon  proposes  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion ;  gifts  of  God  cannot  be  bought  or  sold.  The 
money  offered  for  such  a  purpose  is  cursed,  and  he 
who  offers  it.  "No  part  nor  lot  "  (Dt.  12 12,  1427,  of 
the  Lovites).  Simon  can  have  no  part  to  play  m  the 
Gospel,  from  the  sentiment  of  which  he  is  far  removed, 
the  God  of  which  he  is  not  willing  to  glorify  (Ps.  7837). 
A  change  of  mind  is  what  he  needs  ;  he  must  pray  to 
be  forgiven  for  the  view  which  prompted  his  request. 
He  is  in  the  gall  of  bitterness  (Dt.  29i8)  and  bond  of 
iniquity  (Is.  586).  Peter  upholds  the  milder  view  that 
there  may  be  repentance  and  forgiveness  after  bap- 
tism ;  cj.  Heb.  64-6.  Simon  addresses  himself  to 
penitence.  The  words  added  at  the  end  of  24  in 
Cod.  D,  "  and  he  wept  much  and  ceased  not,"  makes 
this  more  evident.  The  story  of  Simon  Magus  is  not 
concluded. 

25.  Return  of  Peter  and  John  to  Jerusalem.— The 
Church  founded  by  Philip  at  Samaria  is  further 
strengthened  by  the  apostles,  who  also  preached  in 
many  villages  of  the  Samaritans,  whether  before  they 
arrived  at  Jerusalem  or  afterwards  ia  scarcely  clear. 
It  is  not  likely  that  Philip  is  to  be  understood  as 
returning  with  them. 

VIII.  26-40.  Philip  and  the  Ethiopian  Eunuch.— 
Philip  appears  again  ;  we  are  not  told  where,  but  the 
instruction  given  him  by  the  angel  shows  that  he  was 
not  at  Jerusalem  ;  he  is  to  go  southward  (mg.  "  at 
noon  "  ;  not  suitable  for  a  long  journey)  to  the 
Jerusalem-Gaza  road.  That  the  road  was  forsaken 
was  in  its  favour  in  this  instance.  Arrived  at  the 
junction  of  the  two  roads,  from  Tyro  and  from  Jeru- 


proinisiriK   a  consideration  in  exchange  for  a  Bpiritual  office  or 
privilege. 


salem,  PhiUp  sees  a  chariot ;  it  contains  an  Ethiopian 
eunuch,  the  treasurer  at  an  African  court  under 
Candace  (a  dynastic  title  rather  than  a  name).  He  ia 
returning  home  from  Jerusalem,  where  ho  had  gone  to 
worshij) ;  whether  he  was  a  Jew  or  a  proselyte  we  are 
not  told.  An  angel  suggested  Philip's  journey :  the 
Spirit  now  bids  him  approach  the  chariot.  He  hears 
the  eunuch  reading  aloud  from  Lsaiah  words  which 
have  recently  received  a  new  interpretation  among 
fuUowcrs  of  Jesus.  The  eunuch  ia  a  modest  man  ;  ho 
cannot  understand  without  guidance  what  he  is  read- 
ing, and  he  invites  Phihp  to  sit  beside  him.  In  the 
Church  tho  passage,  hero  quoted  from  the  LXX,  had 
been  applied  to  Jesus  (3i3,  "his  Servant";  3i8, 
Lk.  2425-27).  The  doctrine  of  atonement  through 
Christ  was  absent  from  tho  preaching  of  Peter,  but 
1  Cor.  153  shows  that  a  beginning  was  early  made 
with  it,  no  doubt  cormectcd  with  Is.  53.  The  eunuch's 
question  (34)  was  a  natural  one;  it  is  still  asked,  and 
answered  in  various  ways.  PhUii)  makes  the  passage 
his  text  for  a  sermon  about  Jesus,  which  proves  con- 
vincing ;  and  the  baptism  follows.  Phihp  is  carried 
northward  and  found  at  Azotus,  i.e.  Ashdod  ( p.  28).  He 
continues  his  missionary  activity  in  tho  west  of  Pales- 
tine, and  his  journey  ends  at  Caesarea  (p.  28),  where  it 
may  have  begun.  Casarea  was  a  new  town  built  by 
Herod  and  supplied  with  a  good  harbour.  It  was  the 
residence  of  the  Roman  procurator,  and  the  most  im- 
portant town  of  Palestine. 

37.  Only  mg.  gives  this  verse,  in  which  Phihp  asks 
for  a  confession  of  faith  before  baptizing,  and  a  very 
short  one  is  made.  This  verse  was  known  to  Irenaeua 
and  Cyprian,  but  the  MSS  are  against  it,  and  it  could 
easily  be  inserted,  while  it  would  not  readily  be  re- 
moved, once  there. 

K.  1-25.  Paul's  Conversion. — This  belongs  geo- 
graphically to  the  field  of  the  Hellenist  mission,  which 
was  announced  in  84,  and  occupied  that  whole  chapter. 
We  heard  of  that  mission  at  Samaria  and  Caesarea,  now 
we  hear  of  people  at  Damascus  who  belong  to  "  the 
Way."  Saul's  persecuting  zeal  (83)  was  not  aimed 
at  the  apostl&s,  but  sought  to  protect  the  Jewish 
communities  of  the  Dispersion  from  tho  poison  of  tho 
GospeL  He  is  said  to  have  apphed  to  the  High  Priest 
for  letters  to  the  synagogues  accrediting  him  as  a 
special  inquisitor.  The  High  Priest  had  no  authority 
over  the  synagogues  of  foreign  towns,  and  under  tho 
Roman  procurators  the  powers  of  the  Sanhedrin  were 
also  much  restricted  (Schurer,  II.  i.  185)  ;  tho  Roman 
Government  would  have  defended  a  believer  who 
appealed  to  it  from  the  designs  here  imputed  tc  Paul, 
and  wo  do  not  hear  of  any  actual  cases.  Wo  have  hia 
own  statement  (GaL  I13)  that  he  did  lay  waste  the 
Church,  but  any  punishment  ho  brought  about  must 
have  been  inflicted  by  the  looal  synagogues.  The 
conversion  is  narrated  thrice  in  Ac.  (9,  22,  26)  with 
agreement  in  tho  main  but  difEoroncos  in  details.  With 
those  accounts  of  the  outward  occurrence,  wo  can 
compare  Paul's  account  of  it  as  an  imior  event  in  hia 
hfe  (Gal.  lisf.,  2  Cor.  45f.,  Pliil.  37-10).  Our  accounts 
agree  that  it  took  place  near  Damascus,  that  the  first 
act  w»us  tho  shining  of  a  bright  hght,  and  as  to  the 
words  addres.sed  to  him. 

3.  It  is  only  a  light  that  he  sees,  not  a  form ;  so  in 
ail  three  accounts ;  cJ.  2  Cor.  44. — 4.  fell  upon  the  earth: 
so  Daniel  (817),  and  Ezckicl  (I28) ;  the  voice  uses  the 
Heb.  and  Aram,  name  of  Saul ;  in  ch.  26  it  is  said  to  have 
spoken  Hebrew.  It  is  impossible  to  argue  from  this 
passage  that  Paul  recognised  tho  Lord  and  must  have 
seen  him  before  (2  Cor.  5i6*);  he  has  to  ask  who  ia 
speaking  to  him. — 6.  Paul  is  not  addressed  as  a  blind 


ACTS,  IX.  32-XI.  18 


787 


man. — 7.  The  companions  are  now  spoken  of  ;  they 
are  speechless,  unable  to  understand  what  has  hap- 
pened, since  they  heard  the  voice  but  saw  not  the 
speaker.  In  oh.  26  they  saw  the  Ught  but  heard  not  the 
voice. — S.  Two  Latin  MSS  read,  "  And  he  said  to 
them.  Lift  me  up  from  the  ground  ;  and  Saul  arose 
from  the  ground,"  etc.  In  the  text  he  raises  himself, 
but  on  opening  his  eyes  sees  nothing. — 9.  Docs  the 
fasting  proceed  from  his  mood  or  is  it  a  preparation 
for  baptism  such  as  is  prescribed  in  Dulache,  vii.  4, 
"  Tell  the  person  to  be  baptized  to  fast  one  or  two 
days  "  ?  Baptism  is  called  in  early  Church  writers 
"  enlightenment,"  and  the  bhndness  keeps  Saul  in  a 
state  for  it. — 10.  A  vision  is  often  the  means  of  intro- 
ducing a  new  action  or  development  (see  Gal.  Ii6, 
Ac.  IO3,  II5,  I69,  2723).  It  is  the  Lord,  i.e.  Jesus, 
who  speaks  to  him,  and  to  whom  he  speaks  (13,  15). 
Ananias  is  to  go  to  Straight  Street,  which  still  exists  in 
Damascus  (Darb-al-Mostakim),  though  not  in  the  old 
splendour,  and  to  ask  in  the  house  of  Judas  for  Saul 
of  Tarsus. — 12  is  omitted,  to  the  improvement  of  the 
passage,  in  a  Latin  MS.  In  this  vision  Ananias  is  told 
of  a  vision  which  Saul  had,  and  his  answer  of  13!  is 
rendered  obscure. — 13.  thy  saints:  the  behevers  at 
Jerusalem  are  "  saints  "  ;  those  elsewhere  are  "  those 
who  call  on  thy  name."  Ananias  knows  (how  ?)  that 
Saul  is  accredited  by  the  High  Priest  to  Damascus  to 
put  the  brethren  in  bonds  ;  that  is  the  story  of  Ac. 
on  the  subject,  as  to  which  there  is,  as  we  saw,  grave 
doubt.  The  answer  contains  a  view  of  Paul's  mission 
somewhat  different  from  liis  own.  He  is  a  "  vessel  of 
election "  {cf.  "  vessel  of  wrath,"  Rom.  922),  a 
vessel  chosen  to  bear  the  name  of  Jesus  before  Gentiles 
and  kings  and  the  children  of  IsraeL  Paul  regarded 
himself  as  chosen  to  preach  Christ  to  the  Grentiles 
(Gal.  I16,  Rom.  I5),  and  confesses  himself  debtor  to 
all  classes  of  men  among  them,  but  not  to  the  Jews 
(Rom.  I14,  but  cf.  1  Cor.  92o),  though  he  did  address 
them  as  occasion  offered. — 16.  His  destined  career  is 
said  to  be  one  of  suffering,  yet  it  was  also  one  of  great 
and  fruitful  activity  (Rom.  15 18-21). — 17.  laying  his 
hands  on  him:  c/.  12.  Jesus  in  Mk.  I41  heals  the 
leper  by  a  touch  {cf.  Mt.  623,  732,  825). — the  Lord,  in 
this  chapter,  is  the  ordinary  title  for  Jesus  ;  in  the 
earlier  chapters  Ho  has  others  ;  Saul  is  to  know  that 
this  is  His  title  {cf.  10).  Ananias  is  sent  not  only  to 
give  Saul  his  sight,  but  to  see  that  he  is  filled  with 
the  Holy  Spirit,  as  all  the  behevers  were  at  their 
baptism. — 18.  fell  from  his  eyes  as  it  were  scales:  a 
medical  man  would  express  liimself  thus  (Hobart,  p.  81) 
but  so  might  another  ;  and  the  physical  blindness  is 
83rmbolic  of  Pauls  spiritual  blindness  when  he  entered 
the  Church  and  was  '  enhghtened  "  in  baptism. — 19f. 
It  is  hypercritical  to  compare  the  statement  that  on  his 
recovery  he  was  certain  days  with  the  disciples  at 
Damascus,  with  his  own  assurance  in  GaL  I16.  But 
could  he  say  that  straightway  ho  "  conferred  not  with 
flesh  and  blood  "  if,  as  is  here  said,  ho  was  engaged  in 
preaching  in  the  synagogues  in  Damascus  ?  That 
preaching  miglit,  no  doubt,  be  uncontroversial,  but 
what  became  of  the  High  Priest's  letters  ?  [Gal.  1  iGb 
seems  to  mean  "  I  did  not  consult  any  of  my  fellow- 
Christians  as  to  tho  significance  of  the  Gospel.'  This 
does  not  exclude  preaching  in  the  synagogues  to  un- 
converted Jews.  It  frequently  happens  aftor  a  catas- 
trophic conversion  that  one  of  the  first  things  tho 
new  convert  does  is  to  start  preaching  to  his  old 
associates.  Paul  may  conceivably  have  delivered  the 
High  Priests  letters,  but  this  is  very  unhkely  ;  they 
wero  not  letters  wliich  it  would  have  been  a  breach 
of  trust  to  withhold,  but  letters  of  authonsation  for  a 


commission  he  could  no  longer  fulfil. — A.  S.  P.]  It 
seems  unlikely  that  he  preached  to  the  Jews  what  he 
is  said  to  have  done,  that  Jesus  was  the  Son  of  God. 
That  insight  made  liim  the  missionary  to  the  Gentiles, 
but  could  it  be  developed  so  early  ?  [If,  as  is  not  im- 
probable, Gal.  Ii6a,  "  to  reveal  his  Son  in  mo,'  expresses 
what  Paul  at  the  time  of  his  conversion  realised  Jesus 
to  be,  then  Ac.  may  he  quite  right  in  representing  Paul 
as  using  the  designation  "Son  of  God,  '  aU  the  moro 
as  it  never  represents  his  predecessors  as  using  it. 
— A.  S.  P.]  Only  here  does  Ac.  represent  him  as 
preaching  it  (see  Introduction  to  Menzies'  Com- 
mentary on  2  Cor.).  In  22  his  theme  at  this  time 
is  said  to  have  been  that  Jesus  was  Messiah,  much 
more  hkely  for  a  beginner.  — 21.  Everyone  is  acquainted 
with  the  story,  already  known  to  Ananias  before  he 
was  sent  to  Saul  (i3f.),  and  is  naturally  surprised  at 
his  conduct. — 22.  His  increase  in  strength  is  not 
merely  physical  as  in  19 ;  some  MSS  add  "  in  the 
message,"  i.e.  his  confidence  increased.  He  goes  on 
with  his  demonstration  to  the  Jews  that  Jesus  is 
Messiah. — 23.  A  plot  of  the  Jews  brings  his  activity 
at  Damascus  to  a  sudden  conclusion.  In  2  Cor.  Il32f. 
Paul  teUs  us  how  he  left  Damascus,  and  the  only  im- 
portant difference  between  the  two  accounts  is  that  ha 
represents  the  attempt  on  him  as  proceeding  from  the 
ethnarch  of  Aretas  (p.  655)  the  kmg,  while  here  it  ia 
due  to  the  Jews  in  the  city  (pp.  768f.). — his  disciples: 
better  "the  disciples"  (AV),  since  no  collection  of 
disciples  by  him  has  been  reported.  Both  readings  are 
well  supported. — basket :  a  different  word  from  that  in 
2  Cor.  II33. 

IX.  26-30.  Paul  at  Jerusalem. — ^This  visit  is  under- 
stood to  have  taken  place  very  shortly  after  Saul's 
conversion  ;  the  brethren  there  have  not  heard  of  his 
conversion,  nor  of  his  preaching  in  Damascus.  Barna- 
bas has  to  teU  them  of  it.  He  associates  freely  with 
them,  and  preaches  freely  as  a  disciple  of  Jesus  ("in  the 
name  of  the  Lord") ;  ho  also  took  the  step,  repeated 
again  and  agam,  of  discussing,  hke  Stephen  (69),  with 
Hellenists  {mg.)  instead  of  addressing  himself,  as  the 
apostles  did,  to  the  Jews.  They,  far  from  being  con- 
ciliated, lay  their  plans  for  his  destruction,  and  the 
brethren  rescue  him  as  had  been  done  at  Damascus ; 
he  is  sent  to  Tarsus,  his  native  city. 

The  account  in  GaL  1  *  is  vory'different.  After  his 
conversion  he  held  no  converse  with  men  but  went  to 
Arabia.  From  there  he  returned  to  Damascus,  and 
after  three  years  he  went,  for  the  first  time  after  tho 
conversion,  to  Jerusalem,  a  visit  which  lasted  a  fort- 
night and  made  him  acquainted  Avith  Peter  and  James, 
the  Lord's  brother,  only;  then  he  went  on  to  Syria 
and  Cilicia.  The  places  are  the  same,  but  the  times 
are  completely  altered,  and  the  motive  of  the  visit  to 
Jerusalem  is  omitted  ;  it  is  not  till  he  has  gone  to 
Tarsus  that  the  churches  of  Judaea,  personally  im- 
acquainted  with  him,  realise  the  fact  of  his  con- 
version and  of  his  being  now  a  Christian  missionary 
(p.  808). 

IX.  31  is  an  editorial  note  between  the  story  of 
Paul  and  the  set  of  stories  about  Peter,  now  to  follow. 
There  is  much  early  evidence  for  the  reading  of  tho 
AV,  "tho  churches,"  instead  of  "the  churcli."  Tho 
same  remark  occurs  at  16s  in  that  form. 

IX.  32-XI.  18.  A  Collection  of  Peter  Stories.— Lydda 
and  Joppa  (p.  28)  belonged  at  this  time  to  Juda>a.  and 
had  a  predominantly  Jewish  population,  and  Peter's 
activity  is  of  a  peaceful,  quiet  nature.  Peter,  who 
appears  hero  alone,  is  carrying  on  a  mission  outside 
Jerusalem,  to  which,  however,  ho  always  returns  as  he 
did  in  825  (see  also  I23).     Tho  first  two  stories  are  of 


788 


ACTS,  IX.  32-XI.   18 


the  Bame  typo  as  those  in  the  Gospels  ;  the  third  is  in 
broader  stj'lo,  and  gives  rise  to  more  questions. 

32-35.  JEneas. — His  name  shows  him  to  have  been 
probably  a  Hellenist.  This  story  is  modelled  on  that 
of  the  paralytic  in  Mk.  2i-i2.  Many  of  the  words  are 
the  same ;  the  case  is  similar,  and  only  the  command 
to  the  patient  is  different.  He  ia  told  that  Jesus  i8 
curing  him,  and  that  he  is  to  rise  and  manage  his  bed 
himself,  which  others  had  hitherto  done  for  him.  The 
use  of  "  the  Name  "  (36*)  is  effective ;  and  the  result  ia 
scon  bj'  all  the  inhabitants  of  Lydda  and  in  the  plain 
of  Sharon  ;   a  general  conversion  to  the  Lord  follows. 

36-43.  Dorcas. — This  story  is  like  that  of  the  raising 
of  Jairus'  daughter  (Mk.  522-24,  35-43,  Lk.  8411,49-56). 
Tabitha  (in  Gr.  Dorcas,  Eng.  Gazelle  ;  though  the  Gr. 
equivalent  for  the  name  is  given,  the  woman  was  called 
Tabitha  by  Peter  (40)  and  was  a  disciple) ;  the  nature  of 
Borae  of  her  good  deeds  and  alms  appears  in  the  sequel. 
Her  burial  docs  not  follow  hard  on  her  death  as  with 
Ananias  and  Sapphira  (56, 10).  The  object  of  the 
urgent  message  (38)  is  not  stated  ;  contrast  Mk.  523. 
As  in  Jainis'  house  a  great  mourning  is  going  on  in 
the  upper  room  where  the  body  lay.  The  widows  are 
here  carrying  out  the  rites  ;  or  was  it  their  connexion 
with  Dorcas  that  brought  them  ?  The  widows  of  61 
have  no  connexion  with  this  scene  ;  the  Church  order 
of  widows  (1  Tim.  69! )  may  already  have  been  present 
in  germ.  Tliey  are  wearing  clothes  that  Dorcas  had 
given  them  ;  this  is  more  hkely  than  that  the  garments 
were  hanging  or  lying  about  the  room ;  they  pointed 
to  them  and  said,  *'  »Sho  made  us  this  garment ;  she 
abounded  in  such  kind  deeds."  Peter  puts  them  all 
out  (c/.  Mk.  540)  and  addresses  the  motionless  figure 
in  words  strangely  similar  to  those  of  his  Master,  re- 
ported in  Mk.  not  in  Lk.  Ho  must  have  used  the  Name 
(238, 36*)  also  ;  his  words  are  not  given  fully,  and  would 
resemble  those  of  Jesus  less  closely  than  now  appears. 
Peter  gives  the  patient  his  hand  after  she  has  sat  up 
of  herself.  The  widows  are  mentioned  along  with  the 
saints  to  whom  the  revived  person  is  pi'esented.  Con- 
versions naturally  follow.  "  Simon  the  tanner  "  (43) 
is  a  person  known  to  the  church, 

X.  The  Conversion  of  Cornelius. — ^This  incident  is 
parallel  to  the  conversion  of  the  Ethiopian  by  PhiUp ; 
both  show  the  extension  of  the  Gospel  beyond  the 
Jews,  and  prepare  for  the  story  of  the  Pauhne  mission. 
On  the  opening  vision  c/.  826,  I69,  Gal.  22.  See  also 
p.  -/GT. 

1.  The  Italian  Band  has  been  much  discussed.  The 
points  are  stated  by  Schraiodcl  (EBi.  908).  Moramsen 
considers  that  the  Italian  band  cannot  be  identified. 
Cornelius  is  introduced  as  a  Gentile  adherent  of  the 
Jewish  reUgion.  "  Devout "  is  to  be  taken  in  the 
Jewish  sense  ;  "  fearing  the  Lord,"  he  reverenced  the 
God  of  Judaism  by  attending  the  sjTiagogue.  Ps.  115 
9-13  gives  the  threefold  division  of  the  congregation 
of  the  Temple  ;  priests,  Jewish  members,  Godfcarers  ; 
in  the  synagogue  the  priests  were  wanting. — 3.  In  a 
vision  and  openly  contradict  each  other. — 4.  CJ.  Ecclus. 
357. — memorial  before  God :  used  of  a  particular  sacri- 
fice (Lev.  22,9). — 5.  The  distance  is  thirty  miles. — 
7.  devout  soldier:  cf.  Mt.  89  and  the  whole  account 
of  the  two  centurions. — 9.  the  housetop  to  pray: 
c/.  2  K,  23i2,  Jer.  1913,  Dan.  610.— Sixth  hour:  an 
hour  of  prayer  (c/.  215).  No  food  was  ordinarily  eaton 
by  the  Jews  before  midday. — 10.  Peter  is  in  a  house 
where  there  are  jjeople  to  prepare  his  meal. — a  trance : 
cf.  Gen.  15i2,  2  Cor.  122.— 11.  The  oldest  Fathers 
and  VSS  differ  much  as  to  what  Peter  saw  coming  down 
to  him.  According  to  the  Perpignan  Latin  it  was  a 
great  box  suspended  from  heaven  at  the  coniora. — 


12.  beasts:  as  m  Gen.  I24 ;  on  clean  and  unclean 
beasts,  see  Lev.  11.  The  coney,  the  pig,  and  the  hare 
were  forbidden  to  the  Jew  for  food,  with  many  inhabi- 
tants of  the  water  and  of  the  air.  This  made  the  Jews 
peculiar  in  the  ancient  world  ;  with  what  tenacity 
they  stuck  to  the  dietary  rules  the  example  of  Daniel 
tells  us  (Dan.  I8ff.),  and  many  others  are  known,  e.g. 
1  Mac.  I62f.,  Tob.  1 10-12,  Judith  12if.,  Ad.  Est.  U17. 
— 13.  The  voice  tells  Petor  that  the  food  rules  he 
has  observed  are  to  be  cast  aside,  that  he  may  eat 
what  Gentiles  eat  and  join  them  at  their  meals.  His 
objection  is  put  aside  as  not  according  to  Gods  will ; 
the  distinctions  he  wishes  to  keep  up  about  clean  and 
unclean  foods  are  not  from  God  but  uphold  by  men 
against  God.  The  threefold  repetition  removes  all 
doubt  as  to  the  lesson  ;  the  vessel  is  withdrawn,  the 
lesson  is  taught. — 17.  before  the  gate:  the  house  has 
a  gateway  leading  into  the  inner  court,  from  which 
the  rooms  were  entered. — 19.  Pctor  on  the  roof  would 
hear  their  voices  calling  for  him.  He  did  not  need  the 
Spirit  to  tell  him  their  errand,  only  to  help  him  to 
make  the  decision. — 20.  nothing  doubting :  cf.  Jas.  l6. 
— 23.  brethren  from  Joppa:  an  apostle  has  a  retinue, 
and  this  is  an  important  occasion. — 24.  Comehus  has 
allowed  two  days  for  the  journey  each  way,  and  has 
made  preparations  to  receive  Peter  with  dignity. — 
25.  D  and  other  MSS  add  further  touches  :  "  when 
Peter  approached  Caesarea,  one  of  the  servants  ran 
before  and  announced  his  arrival,  and  Comehus  nished 
out,"  etc.  That  a  Roman  officer  could  act  as  the 
text  says  is  sufficiently  surprising.  The  centurion  of 
Lk.  76  is  evidently  influencing  Ins  confrere. — 26.  Cf. 
14i5,  Rev.  19io. — 28.  Peter  finds  himself  in  a  new 
situation,  in  a  Gentile  house,  expected  to  address  a 
company  of  Gentiles  ;  and  he  acknowledges  what  all 
present  must  have  known,  that  he  is  breaking  through 
a  custom  of  his  race  (Philip  had  not  gone  so  far) ;  he 
appeals  to  his  vision  for  justification,  and  asks  why 
he  was  sent  for ;  Cornelius  repeats  the  substance  of 
3-8,  and  invites  Peter  to  speak. 

34-43.  Peter's  Speech. — 341.  declares  that  Peter 
regards  the  persons  before  him,  though  not  Jews,  as 
fit  to  enter  the  Church  and  share  in  the  promises.  The 
word  for  "  respecter  of  persons  "  is  a  new  one  ;  for  the 
notion,  see  Lk.  2O21,  Rom.  2ii,  GaL  26,  Jas.  2i.  God 
does  not  judge  of  men  by  their  outward  appearance 
(1  S.  I67),  and  their  nationahty  belongs  to  the  outward 
part  of  them  which  God  disregards.  It  is  imphed  that 
those  before  Peter  belong  to  a  nation  which  ordinary 
Jewish  sentiment  regards  as  not  acceptable  to  God  : 
but  he  has  learned  differently,  and  agrees  with  Paul 
(Rom.  2)  that  it  is  doing  righteousness  that  counts 
with  God  and  uot  circumcision. — 36f.  The  sentence  is 
difficult  as  it  stands.  It  is  necessary  to  take  the 
"  word  "  in  36  and  the  "  saying  "  or  rather  the  matter 
or  event  in  37  as  denoting  the  same  thing,  and  both 
governed  by  the  verb  you  knmc.  It  was  to  the  children 
of  Israel  that  the  word  was  sent  in  Jesus  Christ.  The 
hearers  know  what  it  was  ;  then  follows  a  description 
of  Christ's  ministry.  It  began  after  John's  baptism 
(I22),  its  scene  was  Gahlee  and  Judaea,  where  Jesus 
of  Nazareth,  anointed  by  God  with  the  Holy  Spirit 
and  with  power,  fulfilled  His  wonderful  career.  All 
tills  the  hearers  know  ;  of  all  this  Peter  and  his  fellows 
are  witnesses.  The  crucifixion  is  mentioned  without 
any  doctrine  being  based  on  it,  as  in  223,  3 15,  etc. 
The  resurrection  on  the  third  day  followed  and  re- 
dressed it,  vouched  for  by  the  intsroourse  with  Jesus 
of  the  chosen  witnesses  (I22).  The  speech  ends  (42f.) 
with  a  statement  of  what  the  Sa^nour  ordered  His 
apostlos  to   preach   ( l8) ;    it  resembles  the  creed  of 


ACTS,  XI.  27-30 


789 


1  Tim.  3i6  and  1  P.  45.  They  are  to  preach  Him 
a^s  judge  of  the  living  and  the  dead.  The  passages 
thought  of,  where  all  the  prophets  witness  to  Him, 
will  be  specially  those  which  speak  of  forgiveness  of 
sins,  of  the  gathering  of  the  flock  to  their  own  pasture, 
of  restoration  and  redemption. 

44-48.  Result  of  the  Sermon.— The  Holy  Spirit 
comes  as  a  rule  at  baptism,  but  here,  before  anything 
is  said  about  baptism,  Peter's  speech  is  interrupted  by 
the  descent  of  the  Spirit.  Those  who  had  come  with 
Peter  from  Joppa  knew  at  once  what  had  happened 
when  they  heard  the  Gentile  hearers  break  out  into 
speaking  with  tongues  and  praising  God.  They  were 
surprised  that  this  should  happen  to  Gentiles  ;  Jews 
alone  till  now  had  had  these  visitations.  Peter's  reply 
to  their  exclamations  was  that  one  part  of  baptism 
had  already  taken  place  with  these  people,  so  that 
God  Himself  had  solved  the  question  of  their  reception 
into  the  Church.  Could  anyone  refuse  them  the  other 
part  of  baptism,  the  water  ?  They  are  at  once  baptized ; 
the  Church  is  opened  by  Peter's  means  to  the  Gentiles. 

XI.  1-18.  Peter  Defends  his  Action  at  Jerusalem.— 
As  Phihp's  action  at  Samaria  (814),  so  here  Peter's 
doings  at  Caesarea  are  reported  at  Jerusalem.  The 
Samaritans  were,  in  many  respects,  Jews,  but  Cornelius 
and  his  friends  were  not.  Would  the  Mother  Church 
agree  to  the  offering  of  the  Gospel  to  GentUes  ?  A 
variant  in  2  puts  quite  a  different  colour  on  the  course 
of  events,  D,  with  ancient  Syriac  and  Latin  versions, 
reads  :  "  Now  Peter  wished  for  a  considerable  time  to 
go  to  Jerusalem,  and  he  called  the  brethren  to  him 
and  confirmed  them,  speaking  at  length  and  teaching 
them  from  district  to  district,  and  he  met  them  and 
announced  to  them  the  grace  of  God  (c/.  23)  and  the 
brethren  of  the  circumcision  disputed  with  him,  etc." 
According  to  this  text  Peter  had  given  up  hving  at 
Jerusalem,  but  conceived  a  desire  to  go  there  ;  he 
did  what  he  could  for  the  new  churches  before  he 
left  them,  and  when  he  met  certain  people  on  his  way 
told  them  how  matters  stood  in  the  province.  The 
place  of  the  following  discussion  is  changed  to  one  not 
named,  where  the  meeting  took  place  ;  and  it  is  made 
plain  that  those  who  disputed  with  Peter  were  not 
people  outside  but  Christians  of  the  Jewish  sort.  EV 
really  points  to  the  same  conclusion.  It  was  intolerable 
to  the  Jews  in  the  Church  that  the  chief  of  the  apostles 
should  treat  the  Jewish  position  of  separateness  so 
hghtly,  that  he  should  enter  the  houses  of  GrentUes 
and  share  their  food  (IO28).  Peter  tells  the  story  of  his 
vision. 

15.  as  on  us  at  the  beginning  (i.e.  2iff.):  in 
ComeUus  there  is  a  new  beginning  of  the  Gospel. — 
16.  the  word  of  the  Lord :  contrasting  the  baptism  of 
John  with  the  Christian  rite,  is  quoted  (I5*). — 18.  For 
repentance  as  a  Divine  gift  c/.  531. 

XI.  19-26.  Another  Account  of  the  Early  Gentile 
Mission.  Antioch. — This  connects  with  82.  It  was 
the  Hellenists  at  Jerusalem,  whoso  mouthpiece  Stephen 
was,  who  were  driven  away  at  his  death.  There,  they 
were  scattered  over  Judaja  and  Samaria  ;  here,  they 
go  further,  to  Cyprus  and  Antioch,  but  preach  to  Jews 
only.  Some  of  them,  however,  men  of  Cyprus,  as 
Barnabas  was,  and  of  Cyrcne  in  N.  Africa  (c/.  "  Lucius 
of  C3Tene,"  13i)  took  the  further  step,  when  they 
came  to  Antioch,  of  addressing  the  Greeks,  not  the 
Hellenists  as  in  AV  (Griccians.  c/.  RVm  "  Grecian 
Jews  '),  which  would  mean  the  Greek-speaking  Jews, 
but  the  Greeks  who  wore  not  Jews  (p.  768).  To  them 
they  preached  tho  Lord  Jesus.  The  title  "'  Ix)rd  "  is 
used  here  with  accuracy.  It  is  not  much  used  in  Ac. 
where  the  history  is  on  Jewish  ground  ;   other   titles 


were  there  thought  of  for  Jesus ;  "  Christ,"  the 
"  Servant,"  and  once  the  "  Son  of  God."  The  title 
which  offered  itself  most  readily  for  Him  in  Gentile 
lands  was  "  Lord."  The  Roman  emperor  is  Lord,  as 
Oriental  monarchs  had  been,  and  no  title  expressed 
more  readily  the  entire  devotion  that  was  due  to  Jesus. 
(See  RTP,  x.  313;  Morgan,  Religion  and  Theology  of 
Paul,  pp.  40ff. ) 

Antioch,  tho  capital  of  Syria,  was  the  third  city  of 
the  empire,  a  centre  of  art  and  science,  and  had  a 
large  Jewish  population.  Now  it  becomes  the  capital 
of  Gentile  Christianity. 

21.  The  growth  of  the  Church  is  noted  as  elsewhere 
(5i4,  86,12) ;  here  it  means  not  only  that  the  number 
grew  larger  but  that  converts  of  a  new  order  were 
added. — 22.  The  Mother  Church  hears  of  the  new  step, 
(814,  ill)  and  sends  an  envoy  to  tho  spot.  Barnabas 
is  chosen  for  this  ;  a  Cyprian,  he  was  interested  in  tho 
doings  of  Cyprians  (20)  and  he  stood  well  at  Jerusalem  ; 
the  apostles  had  given  him  Ms  new  name  (436).  He 
saw  nothing  to  disapprove  of ;  his  counsel  to  all, 
Jewish  Christians  and  Gentile  Cliristians  ahke,  was 
that  they  should  uphold  their  common  cause,  "  cleave 
to  the  Lord." — 24.  a  good  man:  i.e.  thorough, 
efficient ;  cf.  tho  character  of  Joseph  (Lk.  2350),  and 
of  Stephen  (Ac.  68). — much  people :  ht.  a  considerable 
number  ;  they  might  be  Jews  or  Gentiles. — 25.  D  and 
other  early  authorities  read  :  "  and  hearing  that  Saul 
is  at  Tarsus  he  went  out  to  seek  for  him  ;  and  on 
meeting  him  he  urged  him  to  come  to  Antioch." — 
Tarsus:  for  the  geographical  position  of  Tarsus,  its 
connexion  with  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor,  and  its 
changeful  history,  see  Ramsay,  Cities  of  St.  Paul,  also 
pp.  768,  805.  Tarsus  had  a  notable  school  of  pliilosophy, 
and  if  Paul  had  attended  its  lectures  he  would  have 
heard  Stoicism  ably  set  forth.  Nor  could  he  fail  to  be 
acquainted  with  the  orgiastic  cults  which  formed  the 
hving  rehgion  of  Asia  Slinor.  But  he  would  devote 
himself  to  the  studies  of  his  own  race  while  he  lived 
at  home.  Cf.  Bohhg,  Die  Geisteskultur  von  Tarsos  im 
augxisieischen  Zeiialter,  1913. — 26.  At  Antioch  Barnabas 
and  Saul  went  to  the  church  meetings.  The  name 
"  Christian  "  may  have  come  into  use  first  at  Antioch, 
at  a  somewhat  later  time.  The  word  does  not  occur 
otherwise  in  NT  except  in  2628  and  1  P.  (4i6),  which  is 
a  post- Pauline  work.  The  followers  of  Christ  would  at 
first  be  confounded  with  the  Jews,  with  whom  they 
had  so  much  in  common  ;  the  name  "  Christians  " 
would  be  applied  to  them  by  the  Gentiles  when  their 
difference  from  the  Jews  became  clearly  apparent ;  it 
is  regularly  formed  like  the  names  of  sects  or  parties, 
Herodians,  Cffisarians,  Valentinians,  etc. 

XI.  27-30.  Prophecy  of  Agabus.  Mission  to  Jeru- 
salem of  Barnabas  and  Saul.  Prophets  from  Jerusalem 
(cf.  1532*). — Vague  dating,  "  in  those  days."  The  story 
fixes  its  own  date.  Agabus  appears  again  in  21 10  ;  he 
put  forward  strong  statements  dramatically.  Here  he 
prophesies  a  world-wide  famine  ;  such  a  famine  did 
take  place  in  a.d.  46  ;  but  the  prophecy  is  uttered 
before  tho  reign  of  Claudius,  a,d.  41.  A  famine 
afflicted  Judaea  early  in  his  reign  and  suits  our  passage 
better  (p.  654).  The  prophecy  gives  rise  to  a  measure 
of  help  for  the  brethren  in  Judjea,  which  occasions  a 
journey  to  Judaea  of  Barnabas  and  Saul.  The  sara 
collected  is  sent  to  the  elders  at  Jerusalem,  a  body 
of  whom  we  have  not  heard  before.  This  second 
journey  of  Saul  to  Jerusalem  will  be  tho  same  as  that 
spoken  of  in  Gal.  2iff.  [This  view  is  generally  com- 
bined with  tho  view  that  Ac.  15  relates  Paul's  third 
visit  (see  p.  858),  but  Dr.  Menzies  holds  with  several 
scholars  that  the  visit  in  Ac.  11 30  is  to  be  identified 


790 


ACTS,  XI.  27-30 


with  that  in  Ac.  15.  Another  view  is  tliat  the  two 
visits  in  Ac.  are  to  be  distinguisliod,  but  that  the  visit 
in  Gal.  2  is  to  be  identitied  with  neither  but  with  an 
earUer  visit  umocoided  in  Ac.  The  generally  ac- 
cepted opinion  that  the  visits  in  Ac.  II30  and  15  are 
to  be  distinguished  and  that  the  latter  is  to  bo  identified 
M-ith  that  in  Gal.  2  seems  prcfcraljlo  to  any  of  these 
theories. — A.  S.  P.]  It  is  from  Antioch,  and  is  made  by 
Paul  and  Barnabas  ;  it  has  reference  to  a  collection  for 
the  poor  at  Jerusalem.  The  ingredients  are  the  same, 
though  differently  placed  with  reference  to  each  other  ; 
and  the  confusion  as  to  the  famine  and  as  to  the  col- 
lection made  before  the  reason  for  it  has  taken  place, 
shakes  our  faith  in  the  liistorical  nature  of  this  section. 
Barnabas  and  Saul  are  mentioned  in  this  order  down 
to  I012. 

27.  D  and  some  Latin  MSS  add :  "  and  there  was 
great  rejoicing.  But  wlien  wo  were  returning  (or 
gathered  together)  one  of  them  called  Agabus  said  " — 
a  narrative  in  firet  person  plural,  such  as  occurs  in 
apocrvphal  Acts,  Gospel  of  Peter,  and  later  in  Ac. 
(cf.  Introd.  p.  776). 

XII.  1-17.  Persecution  of  the  Church  by  Herod 
Agrippa.  Peter  s  Escape  from  Prison. — On  Agrippa, 
see  p.  Gl(>.  His  persecution  of  the  Christians  was 
according  to  his  general  policy.  Tho  persecutions  of 
the  faithful  have  been  hitherto  from  the  Jews  acting 
through  their  local  courts  or  the  Sanhedrin.  Now 
there  is  a  civil  ruler,  aLso  a  Jew,  minded  to  injure  them, 
and  persecution  becomes  more  deadlj'. 

1.  about  that  time :  this  must  be  before  the  death 
of  Herod  in  a.d.  44  ;  it  must  be  after  Paul's  visit  to 
Jenisalem  in  Gal.  2i,  Ac.  II30,  for  ho  found  James 
and  Peter  and  John  there.^  James  the  brother  of 
the  Lord  is  spoken  of  by  Paul  under  that  title  in 
Gal.  I19,  and  it  is  natural  to  take  the  James  and  John 
mentioned  along  with  Peter  to  bo  the  two  sons  of 
Zebedee.  [If  the  visit  in  Gal.  2  is  the  Famine  Visit  of 
Ac.  11 30  this  is  possible,  but  no  argument  can  safely  be 
built  on  the  difference  of  designation  of  James  in  Gal. 
I19  and  29,12.  The  other  identification  is  in  fact 
open  to  precisely  the  same  objection,  for  it  might 
just  as  well  be  argued  that  since  Luke  refers  to  James 
here  "  as  the  brother  of  John  "  he  must  be  different 
from  the  James  of  Ac.  15,  with  whom  the  author  of 
the  commentary  identifies  him.  If  the  visit  of  Gal. 
2  is  that  of  Ac.  15,  and  later  than  the  Famine  ^'isit, 
the  James  of  Gal.  2  caimot  be  the  brother  of  John, 
he  must  have  been  the  Lord's  brother.  Tho  readers 
of  Gal.  presumably  knew  who  was  meant  in  29,12  ; 
there  was  no  reason  to  add  any  description  to  distin- 
guish him  from  the  son  of  Zebedee,  who  would  by  this 
time  be  dead.  The  natural  inference  from  Ac.  21 17-26 
is  that  tho  James  of  21 18  is  identical  with  the  James  of 
15i3  and  presumably  with  the  James  of  12i7  (con- 
fessedly the  Ix)rd"8  brother),  who  is  thus  prominent 
at  an  early  stage  of  the  history.  Tho  dynastic  principle 
which  accorded  a  special  place  to  the  relatives  of  Jesus 
soon  made  itself  felt  in  Jerusalem,  and  lasted  for  a  long 
time. — A.  S.  P.] — to  afflict :  Ut.  maltreat ;  killing  is 
meant.— 2.  It  is  Ukely  that  there  were  other  victims,  and 
the  conclusion  is  accepted  by  Wollhausen,  Schwartz, 
Heitmiiller,  Burkitt,  and  others  that  John  the  son  of 
Zebedee  was  one  of  them,  and  that  the  prediction  in 
Mk.  IO39,  which  coiild  scarcely  have  stood  in  the  Gospel 
if  nothing  of  the  kind  had  happened,  was  thus  ful- 
filled *  (cf.  pp.  694, 744).— 3.  Peter,  like  his  Master,  is  not 

1  E.  Schwartz,  PU  Chronolnf/ie  rfM  PavlvK,  In  the  NaehrifhUn  von 
der  K'>n-  ries.  tier  WUse'isrl.nften  ztt  Gottiiioen,  1907. 

'  Wollhausen  und  Si-h«artz  in  the  GMiiujm  Xaehrichten  zur 
Johannestradition;   HeitmllUer    In    ZATW,    1914,    pp.    189 fi  ; 


to  be  put  to  death  during  the  festival,  but  ia  arrested 
before  it. — 4.  four  quaternions,  each  taking  three 
hours  on  guard. — 6.  A  chain  connecting  him  with  each 
of  the  two  guards.  Each  touch  tells  in  the  narrative  ; 
the  king's  intention,  the  strength  of  the  guard,  Peters 
(liiiet  sleep. — 7.  Literature  has  many  instances  of  such 
deliverance  of  the  faithful  from  prison  by  their  deity  ; 
cf.  Ac.  5i9,  I626  (see  Wcttstoin  and  Preuschen). — 
8.  The  escape  is  not  too  hurried. — 9.  true:  better 
"  real.  ' — 10.  The  first  and  the  second  guard,  with  the 
two  chained  to  the  prisoner,  make  up  the  quaternion 
of  this  watch.  The  prison  will  be  in  the  Antonia  ; 
the  Roman  barrack  overlooking  the  Temple  to  which 
Paul  was  carried  (see  2224).  D  adds  to  the  detail  of 
the  place  that  after  passing  through  tho  iron  gate  to 
the  town  "  they  went  down  the  seven  steps." — 11 
answers  to  9  ;  it  is  a  reality,  not  a  vision,  that  has  hap- 
pened to  him  ;  he  has  got  out  of  Herod's  hand,  and 
the  Jews  will  not  have  their  will  of  him. —12.  con- 
sidered :  rather  "  when  he  was  clear  about  it." — house 
of  Mary :  identified  since  the  fourth  century  with  the 
Cenaculum,  the  house  where  the  Ix)rd's  Supper  is  said 
to  have  been  instituted,  —mother  of  John :  on  the 
relation  between  this  Mary  and  John,  and  the  Mary  and 
John  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  (1926f.),  seo  J.  Weiss,  Daa 
dlteste  Evangelium,  pp.  409ff.  On  this  John-Mark  and 
his  connexion  with  Peter  and  Paul  and  then  with 
Peter  again,  seo  13i3f.'''.  also  Menzies,  The  Earliest 
Gospel,  pp.  40ff. — 13.  Rhoda:  Rose,  a  common  slave 
name.  The  house  is  a  large  one  with  a  gateway  (cf. 
IO17),  where  a  domestic  church  could  meet. — 15.  It  is 
his  angel:  Mt.  21-12*.  I810* — 17.  James,  brother  of 
the  Lord,  is  the  leader  of  tho  church  ;  he  is  not  present 
but  is  to  Ito  told, — ^to  another  place:  Roman  Catholic 
writers  suggest  Rome,  So  also  Edmundson,  The 
Church  in  Rome  in  the  First  Century,  pp.  29,  44—58  ; 
cf.  Lake,  Earlier  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  pp.  375-9.  "Woll- 
hausen, with  more  likelihood,  suggests  Antioch,  where 
Peter  is  found  in  Gal.  2ii.  The  place  is  really  un- 
known. 

XII.  18-23.  Fate  of  the  Soldiers  and  of  Herod.— For 
the  soldiers,  cf.  52 iff.  Here  they  are  led  away  to  be 
put  to  death.  The  story  of  Herod's  glorification  and 
end  is  told  by  Josephus  in  a  similar  way  ;  but  our 
vereion  is  at  some  points  defective.  Herod's  displeasure 
with  Tyre  dates  from  an  earUer  period  ;  no  disagree- 
ment with  Sidon  is  reported.  As  king  of  Judaea  he 
had  a  hold  on  the  two  towns  which  depended  on  im- 
portation for  their  com,  and  they  might  seek  to  work  on 
him  through  Blaslus,  tho  Ma.stcr  of  his  Bedchamber ;  he 
was  a  good-natured  man — they  could  get  round  him. — 
216  requires  some  such  clause  as  is  found  in  D,  "  on 
his  being  reconciled  to  the  Tyrians."  His  decision 
was  ovidentlj'  to  be  given  at  a  splendid  court  ceremony. 
The  scene  is  described  by  Josephus  (  Ant.  XIX.  viii.  2) 
who  speaks  of  a  robe  made  entirely  of  silver,  which 
shone  brilliantly  in  tho  morning  sun  and  prompted  the 
broad  flatt/ory,  not  unheard  of  in  these  days,  that  hia 
voice  was  that  of  a  god  rather  than  of  a  man.  His 
death  was  that  of  Antiochus  (2  Mac.  93ff.),  Sulla,  and 
other  presumptuous  characters  of  antiquity. 

Burkitt,  The  Gospel  History  and  its  Transmission,  pp.  252fl. 
A  direct  statement  to  this  effect  is  said  by  Philippna  of  Side 
(A.D.  430)  to  have  boon  made  by  Papiaa  in  his  Exposition  of  the 
Sayingsof  the  Lord,  in  the  words  "John  the  theologian  and  James 
his  brother  were  put  to  death  by  the  Jews."  The  disappeamnc6 
of  this  fact  in  Church  historj-  is  due  to  the  prowth  of  the  tradition 
of  the  long-lived  John  of  Ephesus ;  seo  detailed  proof  of  this  in 
Heitmiiller.  The  traditional  view  is  upheld  by  Hernard,  Irish 
C huTch  Quarterly  Review,  1908,  pp.  61fl.  (  =  .S/Mdia  .Sacra,  ch.  xl.), 
TIaniack,  J'cake,  INT, pp.  1 12-llG.  See  J.  Weiss,  Das Urdmslen- 
turn.  pp.  232-4.  Wliile  the  present  writer  inclines  to  the  new  view, 
he  recognises  that  the  question  is  by  no  means  closed. 


ACTS,  XIII.  20f. 


791 


24f.  Return  of  Barnabas  and   Saul  to  Antioch.— 

24.  A  very  vague  and  general  statement ;  to  what 
region  does  it  refer  ?— 25  continues  11 30.  The  reading 
in  mg.  is  quite  inconsistent  with  the  narrative. 

XIII.  1-3.  The  Church  at  Antioch :  the  Sending  out 
of  Barnabas  and  Saul. — Prophets  and  teachers  are 
mentioned  by  Paul  (1  Cor.  I228)  after  apostles  ;  at 
Antioch  there  are  no  apostles,  the  prophets  and 
teachers  act  as  the  instrument  of  the  Spirit.  Barnabas 
has  remained  at  Antioch  (Gal.  213),  interested  in  the 
Gentile  mission  (11 19-26).  For  Lucius  of  Cyrene,  cf. 
11 20*. — Manaen,  foster-brother,  or  playmate,  of  Herod 
Antipas,  must  have  been  brought  up  at  Rome 
(Josephus,  Ant.  XVII.  i.  3).  Saul  comes  last ;  he  is  not 
a  young  man  at  this  time,  but  would  be  about  forty- 
four  years  old.  The  ministry  of  prophets  and  teachers 
is  spoken  of  in  Didacke  xv.  Fasting  is  a  preparation 
for  communication  of  the  Spirit.  The  separation  of 
Barnabas  and  Saul  takea  place  after  a  regular  form, 
with  fasting,  prayer,  and  lajnng  on  of  hands  by  the 
body  of  which  they  are  themselves  members  and  to 
which  they  may  themselves  have  suggested  it.  There 
is  no  inconsistency  between  this  passage  and  Paul's 
assertion  (Gal.  li)  that  he  is  an  apostle  not  from  men 
nor  through  men. 

XUI.  4-12.  Successes  in  Cyprus. — 4.  went  down: 
the  usual  phrase  in  connexion  with  a  seaport. — Seleucia 
is  the  port  of  Antioch,  about  sixteen  miles  from  it. — 
5.  Salamis  is  the  eastern  port  of  Cyprus. — in  the 
synagogues :  this  was  the  natural  procedure  for  a  Jew 
with  a  message  bearing  on  the  faith  and  on  the  salva- 
tion of  his  race.  Ac.  develops  later  a  theory  as  to 
Paul's  practice  in  addressing  Jew  and  Gentile  ;  the 
fact  as  told  here  may  be  accepted.  What  was  Mark's 
function  as  their  attendant  ?  The  synagogue  was 
fully  supphed  with  officials,  and  no  services  elsewhere 
are  "spoken  of. — 6.  Paphos  is  at  the  W.  end  of  the 
island,  and  there  Paul,  Uke  Peter  on  his  first  mission 
among  Gentiles  (818-24),  has  an  encounter  with  a 
sorcerer.  He  has  attached  himself  to  the  proconsul 
Sergius  Paulus  (whose  name  has  been  found  on  an 
inscription  in  Cyprus),  and  tries  to  prejudice  him 
against  Paul's  preaching.  A  proconsul  might  be  inter- 
ested in  the  various  cults  and  prophets  of  the  popula- 
tion.— 9.  The  apostle  receives  the  name  Paul,  by  which 
he  is  afterwards  known,  but  the  statement  imphes 
that  he  had  that  name  already,  and  it  is  not  necessary 
to  connect  it  with  that  of  the  proconsul.  He  was  bom 
a  Roman  citizen,  and  in  his  mission  among  the  Gentiles 
it  was  suitable  that  he  should  use  his  Roman  name. — 
lOf.  The  denunciation  and  the  threats  may  be  traced 
in  OT  (e.g..  Hos.  Ug,  Ex.  9,  1  S-  55-7);  Paul  himself 
haxl  been  struck  with  blindness  when  opposing  the  Lord, 
and  had  to  be  led.  The  threat  is  at  once  fulfilled  ;  the 
achlys  or  mist  which  spread  over  his  eyee  is  a  term  used 
by  medical  writers  of  cataract  or  of  the  invasion  of  the 
eye  by  matter  from  a  neighbouring  swelling  (Hobart, 
p.  44).  It  is  better  not  to  define  the  term  too  closely 
here.  The  faith  of  the  proconsul  is  attributed  to  what 
he  has  seen,  not  what  he  has  heard  (rf.  4i6,  813).  The 
teaclung  of  the  Jjord  appears  to  him  a  teaching  with 
power  (^^k.  I27),  being  accompanied  by  such  wonders. 

Xm.  13t.  From  Cyprus  to  PamphyUa  and  Pisidia.— 
The  seaport  AttaUa  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cestrus  is  not 
mentioned.  Perga  is  on  the  river  about  eight  miles  from 
the  sea  ;  it  is  mentioned  because  there  John-Mark 
left  the  party  to  return  to  Jerusalem,  an  act  which 
Paul  resented,  though  Mark's  uncle,  Barnabas,  boro 
him  no  grudge  for  it  (I537-39),  and  Paul  himself 
afterwards  reinstated  him  (CoL  4io,  2  Tim.  4ii).  For 
speculations  as  to  Mark's  reasons,  cf,  Ramsay's  St.  Paul 


the  Traveller,  pp.  89ff.  Barnabas  and  Paul  go  north- 
ward from  Perga,  and  cross  the  great  chain  of  the 
Taurus,  arriving  after  a  journey  of  110  miles  at 
Antioch  in  Pisidia.  They  are  said  to  have  passed 
through  on  their  journey,  not  to  have  preached ; 
Pisidia  was  infested  by  robbers,  and  there  was  many 
a  ravine  and  torrent  to  be  crossed.  Throughout  his 
travels  Paul  makes  the  towns  his  mark,  and  towns  in 
which  there  was  a  population  of  Jews.  Paul's  reason 
for  visiting  these  towns  in  the  centre  of  Asia  Minor  may 
have  been  that  he  knew  some  members  of  the  Jewish 
populations,  and  that  he  counted  on  their  sjTupathy. 
If,  as  will  be  suggested  later,  this  journey  and  that  of 
I536-I65  are  the  same,  here  told  at  length,  afterwards 
more  briefly,  motives  of  a  more  far-reaching  kind  may 
also  have  determined  him.  These  towns  had  been 
distinguished  by  Augustus  and  put  on  the  way  to 
prosperity  especially  by  a  new  system  of  roads. 
Pisidian  Antioch  was  the  mihtary  centre  of  the  dis- 
trict, and  had  a  large  population  of  Jews  from  the 
time  of  its  foundation,  about  300  B.C. 

xm.  15-41.  The  Sermon  at  Pisidian  Antioch.— This 
is  a  specimen  of  Paul's  missionary  practice.  In  ex- 
ternal matters  it  is  true  to  the  facts,  yet  the  sermon  is 
on  the  one  hand  so  like  the  sermon  of  Peter  (ch.  2)  and 
of  Stephen  (ch.  7),  and  on  the  other  so  different  from 
the  evidence  of  Paul's  epistles  as  to  what  he  did  say 
when  he  broke  new  ground  on  such  occasions  (1  Th.  I9, 
GaL  3 1,  1  Cor.  22)^  that  we  can  scarcely  accept  it. 
The  texts  quoted  are  not  such  as  Paul  relied  on,  nor 
the  motives  appealed  to  such  as  he  kept  in  view.  His 
preaching  may  not  have  been  the  same  all  through  hia 
career ;  but  it  must  have  had  a  style  of  its  own. 
[It  should  be  observed,  however,  that  there  is  con- 
siderable difference  between  this  speech  and  that  of 
Stephen.  The  motif  is  quite  different,  the  scope  almost 
whoUy  different ;  there  is.  it  is  true,  a  historical  section 
in  both,  but  it  is  brief  in  Paul's  speech  while  ahnost  co- 
extensive with  that  of  Stephen.  The  points  mentioned 
differ  for  the  most  part,  and  the  last  nineteen  verses 
of  Paul's  speech  (much  the  greater  part  of  it)  are 
without  any  parallel  in  that  of  Stephen.  None  of 
Paul's  letters  let  us  see  what  he  said  to  Jewish  con- 
gregations; 1  Th.,  Gal.,  1  Cor.,  are  all  addressed  to 
Gentile  churches  ;  indeed,  we  have  lamentably  httle 
information  about  his  mission  preaching  in  the  epistles. 
And  there  is  a  striking  degree  of  variation  in  the  range 
of  texts  employed  in  the  epistles. — A.  S.  P.]  To 
Paul  the  synagogue  on  the  Sabbath  was  a  famihar 
scene ;  the  service  was  the  same  all  the  world  over, 
and  he  had  attended  it  at  Tarsus.  It  began  with  the 
recital  of  the  Shcraa  or  creed  (Dt.  64-9,  II13-21, 
Nu.  1537-41),  then  prayer  was  said,  then  the  lesson 
from  the  Law  was  read."  then  that  from  the  Prophets, 
each  with  translation  into  the  vernacular,  then  an 
address,  and  lastly  the  blessing.  Barnabas  and  Paul 
are  asked  to  give  the  address  after  the  reading. 

16-18.  Paul's  addiess  is  directed  to  two  sets  of  people, 
the  IsraeUtes,  or  bom  Jews,  sitting  there,  and  the  God- 
fearers,  the  Gentiles  who  attended  the  service.  The 
distinction  made  at  the  outset  does  not  afterwards 
appear  except  in  26.  Jew  and  Gentile  worshippers  are 
taken  as  one  body  and  spoken  of  as  "  we,"  "  our." 
The  historical  introduction  (cf.  ch.  7)  begins  with  the 
Exodus  and  passes  rapidly  over  the  time  in  the  ^wilder- 
ness,  where  God  is  said  to  have  "  borne  the  manners  " 
(18)  of  the  people  for  forty  years.  Mg.,  "  he  bore 
them  as  a  nursing  father,"  differs  from  the  text  by  one 
letter  (etraphophoresen  for  eiropophoresen). — 20f.  The 
Period  of  the  Judges  (according  to  a  current  Jewish 
tradition,  450  years)  to  Samuel  and  Saul.     The  forty 


792 


ACTS,  XIII.  20f. 


years  allotted  tti  Saul  are  not  found  in  OT. — 22f .  David 
is  brought  in  as  the  ancestor  of  Josua  and  because  his 
words  in  the  Psainis  refer  to  Jesus. — 24.  In  the  account 
of  John  the  Baptist  we  have  the  tradition  present  in 
the  Fourtli  Gospel,  mingled  with  tJiat  of  the  Synoptists  ; 
with  his  figure  the  ministry  of  Jesus  begins  (I22,  IO37). 
— 26.  The  two  cla-ssos  in  the  audience  are  again  named, 
and  pointed  to  tlio  salvation  which  is  in  Jesus.  It  is 
sent  "  to  us,"  i.e.  to  the  mixed  communities  of  the 
Dispersion  with  which  Paul  identifies  himself,  because 
the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  and  their  rulers  have  cut  them- 
selves off  from  it  bj'  their  treatment  of  the  Messiah. 
This  appears  to  be  the  logic  of  27,  and  there  are  echoes 
of  the  thought  in  Pauls  epistles  (1  Cor.  2;!,  1  Th.  214- 
16).  As  in  former  specclies  there  is  here  no  doctrine 
of  the  virtue  of  Messiah's  sufferings  ;  they  are  accord- 
ing to  God's  will,  and  God  speedily  replaced  them  by 
the  Resurrection.  Paul  does  not  hero  count  himself 
among  the  witnesses  of  the  risen  Christ ;  he  is  not  one 
of  those  who  accompanied  Jesus  from  Galilee  to 
Jerusalem,  nor  does  he  refer  to  his  own  vision  ;  it  is 
difficult  to  understand  how  he  could  sijeak  in  tliis  waj'. 
The  passage  quoted  in  33  from  Ps.  2  is  spoken  in 
Lk.  322  (D)  to  Jesus  by  the  heavenly  voice  at  His 
baptism  ;  here  it  is  applied  to  the  Resurrection,  as  if 
He  then  became  fully  God's  Son  (see  Rom.  I4). — 34  is 
perhaps  better  translated,  "  but  that  he  raised  him 
from  the  dead  ...  he  said  thus,  I  will  give  you  the 
Bure  mercies  of  David  "  (Is,  553).  The  prophecy  in  35 
(Ps.  16 10)  is  fulfilled  in  the  Resurrection  ;  the  sure 
mercies  of  David  guarantee  it. — 36f.  accordingly  un- 
folds the  argument  of  Peter  (227-31)  that  the  pre- 
diction of  resurrection,  not  fulfilled  to  David,  must 
have  been  spoken  of  one  who  actually  was  raised  up, 
as  was  Jesus.  David  served  his  own  generation  and 
is  dead  ;  Jesus  served  and  will  servo  many. — 38.  The 
practical  conclusion  follows  in  a  couple  of  sentences, 
that  forgiveness  of  sins  is  proclaimed  to  the  hearers 
through  Jesus,  and  that  the  believer  in  Him  is  justified 
from  guilt  for  which  the  Law  provided  no  justification. 
This  implies  that  the  Law  did  justify  to  a  certain 
extent,  a  conclusion  from  which  the  Paul  of  the 
epistles  dissents  strongly  (Gal.  2i6-i8,  Rom.  820, 
PhiL  39),  and  that  faith  in  Christ  might  bo  regarded 
aa  a  means  for  completing  one's  justification,  which 
the  Law  left  incomplete.  The  passage  from  Hab.  I5 
is  taken  from  the  LXX.  Its  thrcatenings  were  little 
calculated  to  win  the  hearers  ;  but  all  the  preachers 
in  this  book  deal  in  throats  of  doom. 

Xin.  42-52.  The  Result:  the  Missionaries  leave 
Antioch. — 42  reads  as  if  the  congregation  as  a  whole 
invited  the  preachers  to  speak  to  them  again  on  the 
following  Sabbath,  but  a  meeting  or  meetings  at  once 
took  place  at  the  instance  of  many  Jews  and  proselytes 
in  some  place  not  mentioned.  The  first  statement  is 
followed  up  in  44  ;  to  account  for  the  crowded  syna- 
gogue, D  and  a  few  other  authorities  add  to  43,  "  and 
it  came  to  pass  that  the  word  of  God  passed  through 
the  whole  city."  There  is  something  awkward  in  the 
statement ;  in  the  synagogue  the  Jews  need  not  have 
allowed  the  missionaries  to  speak  at  all  ;  the  scene 
was  possibly  elsewhere.  The  speech  ^vhich  follows  is 
an  apology  for  the  Gentile  mission  which  occurs  re- 
peatedly in  tho  following  narrative,  and  appears  to 
suggest  that  tho  apostles  would  not  have  spoken  to 
the  (Jentiles  at  all  if  tlio  Jews  had  listened  to  them 
bettor.  Paul  does  appear  to  have  spoken  to  Jews 
(1  Cor.  920,  Gal.  5ii),  but  in  his  epistles  he  never 
speaks  of  his  preaching  to  tho  Gentiles  as  an  ungrateful 
necessity. — 46.  unworthy  of  eternal  life:  i.e.  tho  life 
of  tho  coming  age ;    by  rejecting  tho  Gosjiel  they  de- 


clare themselves,  before  God,  unworthy  to  hve  in  that 
age.  Is.  496  is  represented  by  tho  preachers  as  directly 
addressed  by  God  to  them  (c/.  Mt.  514). — 48.  ordalneid 
to  eternal  ifie:  c/.  247. — 50.  The  women  are  spoken  of 
before  tho  men  ;  the  author  tends  to  bnng  women 
forward  (c/.  174,12,34),  and  not  only  in  tho  case  of 
believers.  The  apostles  are  compelled  to  leave 
Antioch,  but  they  have  planted  a  church  there  (142 if.). 

XIV.  1-7.  Iconium. — From  Antioch  to  Iconium  was 
a  journey  of  about  tiiirty  hours,  mostly  on  a  new 
Roman  road.  It  was  tlio  frontier  oity  of  Phrygia,  but 
was  now  incorporated  in  tho  Roman  province  of 
Galatia.     Its  magistrates  are  local,  not  Roman. 

1.  The  mission  proceeds  in  Iconium  just  as  at 
Antioch  ;  the  synagogue,  with  its  mixture  of  elements, 
is  the  scene,  and  the  rcsidt  is  the  attachment  to  the 
cause  of  many  of  each  nationality. — 2.  disobedient: 
AV  unbelievuag  ;  either  will  do  :  cf.  Rom.  I5,  "  obedi- 
ence of  faith." — 3.  the  word  of  his  grace:  cf.  2O32.— 
signs  and  wonders:  cf.  Mk.  I620.-— 4f.  Society  in  the 
town  is  divided.  The  native  authorities  declare  against 
the  incomers,  and  a  hostile  movement  causes  the 
apostles  to  leave  the  town.  2  Cor.  II 25  speaks  of  one 
stoning  only  in  Paul's  experience,  and  it  may  be 
identified  with  that  of  19.  They  go  south,  cross  the 
border  into  Lycaonia,  and  carry  on  their  activity  in 
Lystra  and  Derbe,  though  they  know  that  the  same 
thing  will  happen  to  them  there.  Nothing  daunts 
them. 

XIV.  8-20.  Lystra.— Lystra,  25  mHes  SW.  of 
Iconium,  10  miles  off  the  trade  route,  in  a  secluded 
glen.  Lystra  and  Derlje  were  the  two  cities  of  tho 
Lycaonian  region  of  Galatia  ;  Roman  influence  was 
strong  there,  and  Lystra  was  a  Roman  colony. 

The  cure  of  a  lame  man  in  connexion  with  the 
preaching  leads  to  serious  consequences.  The  incident 
reminds  us  forcibly  of  82-8  ;  in  both  cases  the  lameness 
is  congenital,  and  the  man  leaps.  In  this  case,  how- 
ever, faith  plays  tho  part  it  doas  in  the  Gospels  ;  it  is 
awakened  apparently  by  Paul's  preaching.  Of  tho 
language  of  Lycaonia  nothing  is  now  known ;  the 
mention  of  it  is  hke  a  mist  over  the  whole  story.  It 
is  not  assorted  that  Paul  and  Barnabas  understood 
that  language  ;  but  we  know  that  Greek  was  currently 
spoken  in  the  district.  The  recognition  of  the  mis- 
sionaries as  divine  beings  (cf.  2S6)  and  the  preparations 
for  sacrifice  could,  it  is  true,  be  understood  apart  from 
the  language,  but  not  the  identification  of  them  with 
special  deities.^  Barnabas  appears  to  have  boon  tho 
more  imposing  figure,  Paul  to  have  been  the  speaker 
of  the  party.  For  a  description  of  Paul,  see  the  Acts 
of  Paul  and  Thecla,  which  perhaps  originated  at 
Iconium  (cf.  p.  768). 

13.  Jupiter.  . .  before  the  city:  it  was  usual  for  the 
temple  of  Jupitor  to  bo  outside  the  town  ;  discovery 
has  not  yot  found  such  a  temple  at  liystra.  Tho 
priest  prepares  a  sacrifice,  and  brings  forward  the 
victims  with  their  wreaths,  probably  at  the  gates 
of  tho  tcmplo,  where  the  crowd  follows.  The  apostles 
are  in  the  town,  but  on  hearing  what  is  on  foot 
they  rush  out  to  hinder  the  sacrilege.  The  speech 
which  follows  contains  the  germ  of  the  speech  before 
the  Areopagus  (1722ff.),  in  which  the  main  ideas  of 
it  are  further  worked  out.  It  is  (in  the  words  of  Paul, 
I  Th.  1 9)  an  appeal  to  abandon  idolatry,  and  turn  to 
tho  living  God.  This  is  tho  message  with  which  the 
preachers,  evidently  human  beings  (Jas.  617),  have 
come  to  Lystra,     Tlie  idea  of  God's  longsuffering  (16) 

'  [The  association  of  the  two  cods  Zons  and  Hernios  \v:i.«  fnmilior 
!a  the  rcffion  round  I^tra,  see  Ramsay,  The  Bearing  <4  Fecent  Dis- 
cover]/, pp.  47fl.— A.  3.  G.] 


ACTS,  XV.  21 


793 


ia  found  in  Rom.  24,  825,  and  is  in  PauPs  speech  at 
Athens,  as  is  the  idea  that  God  leaves  not  Himself 
without  a  witness,  though  the  witness  here  is  found,  as 
in  OT  and  in  vStoic  thought,  in  the  unfailing  hberahty 
of  nature,  not  in  the  human  desire  for  God. — 18.  The 
sacrifice  is  stopped,  but  the  stay  of  the  missionaries  at 
Lystra  soon  comes  to  an  end.  The  Jews  of  Antioch 
and  Iconium  grudge  them  their  success  and  wreak 
their  hatred  on  Paul,  not  apparently  on  Barnabas,  by 
the  Jewish  method  of  stoning  (c/.  2  Cor.  II25),  a  case 
of  mob  law  in  the  streets  of  a  Roman  miUtary  colony. 
The  changes  of  popular  mood  at  Lystra  are  sudden, 
and  the  whole  section  (8-18)  is  not  free  from  suspicion  ; 
19  reads  quite  well  after  7  ;  and  8-18  is  possibly  from 
a  Barnabas  source. — 20.  Derbe:  a  few  miles  from 
Lystra,  Lj'caonian  by  population,  and  belonging  to 
the  province  of  Galatia.  No  persecution  takes  place 
here, 

XIV.  21-28.  Close  of  the  First  Tour.— The  places 
already  visited  are  now  taken  in  the  reverse  order,  but 
no  further  information  is  given  about  them. — 23.  An 
appointment  of  elders  is  made  (c/.  Tit.  I5)  in  each 
church ;  the  institution  takes  place  in  each  case  with 
prayer  and  fasting.  The  word  translated  "  ap- 
pointed "  (AV  "  ordained  ")  denotes  strictly  a  popular 
election  by  voting  (c/,  2  Cor.  819  ;  Didache,  xv.  1), 
though  it  may  also  be  used  of  cases  where  there  is  no 
popular  vote.  The  elder  is  in  Titus  also  called  bishop  : 
he  is  a  local  functionary,  with  no  duties  except  to 
his  own  church.  In  11 30  the  elders  at  Jerusalem  are 
those  presiding  over  the  church  there. — 24.  The  journey 
is  retraced  but  Cyprus  is  not  visited  again  ;  from 
Attalia,  the  port,  of  Perga,  they  sail  to  Antioch  or 
rather  to  Seleucia,  its  port. — 27.  The  importance  of  the 

1'oumey  is  that  it  proves  that  the  gate  of  faith  is  opened 
)y  God  to  the  Gentiles. 

XV.  1-5.  The  Question  of  Circumcision  at  Antioch 
and  at  Jerxisalem. — If.  The  custom  of  Moses  (c/.  614) 
is  the  law  of  Moses  as  practised.  Circumcision  was  no 
doubt  the  most  important  question  to  be  settled  ;  to 
exact  it  would  have  prevented  the  spread  of  the  Church 
among  the  Gentiles  ;  but  there  were  other  points. — 
2.  After  with  them  Codex  D  reads  :  "for  Paul  said 
that  they  should  remain  as  they  were  when  they  be- 
lieved, and  was  vehement  to  this  effect,  but  those  who 
had  come  from  Jerusalem  enjoined  them,  Paul  and 
Barnabas  and  some  others,  to  go  up."  The  church 
at  any  rate  resolved  that  this  should  be  done. — 3  speaks 
of  a  leisurely  and  indirect  journey,  as  if  the  envoys 
had  no  urgent  commission  to  discharge  at  the  capital, 
and  the  reception  on  the  way  of  their  tidings  of  the 
conversion  of  the  Gentiles  does  not  point"  to  any 
urgency.  The  same  is  the  case  at  Jerusalem,  where 
their  report  of  their  successes  is  in  the  same  words  as 
are  used  in  I427.  But  this  peaceful  state  of  matters 
is  interrupted  by  certain  Pharisees,  who  raise  the 
question  of  circumcision  and  adherence  to  the  Law, 
as  if  it  had  not  been  raised  before.  In  Gal.  2  Paul 
says  he  and  Barnabas  went  to  Jerusalem  by  revelation, 
taidng  Titus  with  them,  who  is  not  mentioned  here, 
and  the  "  false  brethren  "  (Gal.  24*)  may  well  l)e  the 
Pharisees  of  our  passage. 

XV.  6-12.  The  Deliberation.— The  meetmg  is  a 
public  one  (see  12  and  22).  In  Gal.  2  Paul  says  he 
laid  his  manner  of  preaching  before  those  of  reputa- 
tion, in  private.  Peter  comes  forward  (D  says,  "  in 
the  Spirit  ")  in  the  character  of  apostle  of  the  Uncir- 
cumcision,  rehearsing  the  facts  given  in  clis.  lOf.  But 
in  Gal.  2,  Peter  accepts  the  character  of  apostle  of  the 
Circumcision,  leaving  the  Gentiles  to  Paul's  province. 
God's  giving  thorn  the  Spirit  is  narrated  in   11 15. — 


10.  Why  tempt  ye  God  ?  i.e.  ask  for  a  further  miracle  ? 
Peter  speaks  of  the  Law,  as  if  he  had  studied  under 
Paul  (c/.  Gal.  823-25,  52-6) ;  see  11,  and  c/.  especially 
Gal.  2 16.  The  report  of  Barnabas  and  Paul  in  12 
had  been  made  already  in  4,  and  is  given  here  in  terms 
which  it  is  difficult  to  realise.  Nothing  is  said  of  the 
commission  laid  on  them  by  the  church  of  Antioch 
( 131-3).  [Observe  that  Paul  and  Barnabas  do  not 
discuss  the  principle  at  stake.  To  have  done  so  would 
not  have  been  tactful,  when  the  Jerusalem  leadera 
were  prepared  to  undertake  this  deUcate  task.  They 
recount  the  facts,  feehng  that  their  mission  is  its  own 
best  apologetic. — A.  S.  P.] 

XV.  13-21.  Speech  of  James. — Who  Ls  this  James  ? 
In  Gal.  29  Paul  tells  us  of  the  agreement  he  made  with 
James  and  Cephas  and  John.  James  and  John  in 
this  account  are  'prima  facie  to  be  taken  as  the  two  sons 
of  Zebedee  ;  when  Paul  refers  to  the  other  James  he 
calls  him  the  brother  of  the  Lord  (Gal.  I19).  In  122 
we  were  told  of  the  murder  of  James,  the  brother  of 
John.  But  the  James  here  will  be  the  same  person, 
if  15  is  in  the  wrong  place,  and  ought  to  stand  before 
12.  His  being  the  first  martyr  of  the  apostles  proves 
his  importance.  [On  the  other  hand  see  12i*.  The 
importance  of  James  the  son  of  Zebedee  is  also  rendered 
probable  by  the  fact  thab  he  was  one  of  the  three 
disciples  specially  chosen  by  Jesus  to  be  with  Him  on 
momentous  occasions.  Nevertheless  in  Ac.  he  has  no 
prominence  at  all ;  we  hear  nothing  of  him  but  that 
he  was  martyred,  and  the  fact  is  stated  in  the  curtest 
way  (how  different  from  Stephen's  martyrdom  1 ). 
Moreover,  he  is  simply  James  the  brother  of  John 
(I22). — A.  S.  P.]  In  his  speech  here  he  says  nothing 
about  Paul  and  Barnabas  nor  about  the  church  at 
Antioch ;  he  goes  back  to  the  statement  of  Peter, 
here  called  by  his  Aramaic  name  of  Simeon  (in  chs.  lOf. 
we  have  several  times  "  Simon  who  is  sumamed  Peter," 
here  only  the  Aramaic  name),  and  accepts  his  story  of 
how  first  the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles  began,  and 
finds  in  Am.  9iif.  an  expHcit  prediction  that  the  dis- 
I)ersed  of  Israel  should  be  gathered  again,  and  not  only 
they  but  the  Gentiles  also  on  whom  His  name  is  called. 
In  Gal.  29-12  James  also  is  and  remains  an  apostle 
of  the  Circumcision.  His  sentence  is  that  no  un- 
necessary trouble  is  to  be  put  in  the  way  of  the  Gen- 
tiles who  enter  the  Church,  but  that  a  letter  should  be 
written  setting  forth  the  conditions  on  which  they  are 
received.  There  are  some  things  they  must  give  up : 
{u\  Pollution  of  idols,  i.e.  participation  in  the  sacrificial 
meals  of  the  heathen  ;  (6)  Fornication  ;  i.e.  perhaps 
the  impure  acts  done  in  the  name  of  religion  in 
idolatrous  temples  ;  but  the  word  may  cover  impurity 
generally,  which  to  the  Gentile  was  no  serious  sin, 
but  in  the  Church  was  entirely  forbidden  ;  (c)  "  'Mjat 
is  strangled,"  and  "  blood,"  mean  the  same  thing. 
The  Jew  might  eat  no  meat  from  which  the  blood  had 
not  been  drained  away  (Gen.  94*).  The  synagogue  still 
has  its  own  butcher.  Many  witnesses  (including  D),  omit 
"  things  strangled  "  ;  an  omission  which  might  point  to 
a  moral  rather  than  a  ritual  interpretation  of  the 
decree.  These  prohibitions  are  to  bo  a  wall  separating 
the  life  of  the  Church  from  Gentile  hfe. — 21  probably 
means  that  it  is  unnecc,<isar)'  to  say  anything  to  the 
Jewish  Christians  about  these  points,  which  are 
familiar  to  them  from  their  early  life.  D,  with  Latin 
copies,  end  some  versions,  give  an  addition  to  the 
decree,  which  is  found  also  in  Irenseus  ;  "  and  what 
they  would  not  have  done  to  themselves,  not  to  do  to 
others,"  which  is  not  a  ritual  but  a  moral  injunction 
and  suggests  the  morahsing  of  the  others  also  (p.  651). 
But  the  three  members  of  the  decree  are  more  Lkely 


794 


ACTS,  XV.  21 


ritual ;    "  pollution    of  idols "    is    a    technical    terra 
(Mai.  I7-12). 

XV.  22-29.  The  Letter  Is  Sent.— The  apostles  and 
eldei-a  have  never  in  this  ch.i[)t(M-  acti'd  alone  (see  6)  ; 
the  action  is  that  of  the  wholo  Chiircii.  Silas  tloes  not 
stand  for  Silvanus,  but  is  a  Si'niitio  name,  the  Aramaic 
form  of  Saul  (.Schinietkl  in  EBi.  4519)  ;  in  Ac.  ho  is 
the  companion  of  Paul.  Judas  and  Silas  are  leading 
men  in  the  Jerusalem  church  ;  in  32  thoy  are  prophets, 
men  holding  official  position.  The  letter  they  carry 
is  addressed  to  Gentile  believers  in  Antioch  and  Syria 
and  Cilicia.  Why  not  also  in  Pisidia  and  Lycaonia, 
the  regions  vipited  by  Paul  and  Barna))as  in  chs.  13f.? 
This  verse  is  the  strongest,  though  as  we  have  seen 
not  the  only,  evidence,  that  the  Jerusalem  meeting  is 
in  Acts  misplaced.  Its  historical  position  is  before  I3f., 
when,  as  Paul  tells  us  (Gal.  I21),  he  had  carried  on  his 
mission  in  Syria  and  Cilicia  only. — greeting:  the 
ordinary  salutation  at  the  beginning  of  a  Greek  letter. 
In  Paul's  epistles  it  is  always  expanded. — 24^26  may 
be  compared  with  Lk.  I1-4  ;  this  reveals  the  editor, 
as  does  the  repetition  of  the  doubtful  story  in  if., 
that  the  discussion  Ijegan  not  in  Jerusalem  but  in  the 
northern  churches. — 27.  Judas  and  Silas  are  to  con- 
firm by  their  voice  the  contents  of  the  letter.  There 
follows  what  was  proposed  by  James,  D  again  adding 
the  Golden  Rule  in  its  negative  form,  and,  after  the 
words  "  Ye  shall  do  well,"  "  being  borne  along  in  the  Holy 
Spirit"  words  known  to  Irenseus  and  Tertullian,  and 
favouring  a  spiritual  interpretation  of  the  rescript. 
The  word  translated  "  Fare  ye  well  "  is  the  ordinary 
conclusion  of  a  Greek  letter. 

XV.  30-35.  Events  at  Antioch.— At  Antioch  on  the 
arrival  of  the  party,  everything  is  quiet  and  decorous: 
there  is  no  mention  of  the  disturbers  of  15i  ;  the  im- 
pression is  given  that  the  authority  of  the  Mother 
Church  was  decisive  to  all.  They  rejoiced  apparently 
on  account  of  the  freedom  given  from  unnecessary 
restrictions  to  the  Gentile  members.  The  prophets 
held  long  discourses,  as  prophets  were  expected  to  do 
{Didache,  IO7,  11,  1  Th.  oigf.).  The  prophets  are  sent 
back  to  Jerusalem  ;  D  and  other  authorities  in  34 
(omitted  in  RV)  account  for  the  inconsistency  with  40 
by  saying  that  Silas  chose  to  stay  there  and  that  ordy 
Judas  made  the  journey.  That  the  peace  which  pre- 
vailed at  Antioch  was  soon  broken  by  Peter  and  James 
(Gal.  2iiff.)  is  not  mentioned.  The  church  pursues 
its  course  (cf.  lligf.).  The  journey  of  Paul  and 
Barnabas  detailed  in  chs.  13f.  must  have  taken  place 
at  this  point,  and  a  joumej'  is  given.  But  the  author 
has  little  left  to  say  on  it,  as  ho  has  narrated  it  already. 

XV.  36-XVI.  5.  Shorter  Account  of  Pauls  Journey 
In  Asia  Minor. — The  editor's  hand  is  apparent  through- 
out this  section.  We  know  from  Gal.  213  the  real 
reason  of  Paid's  difference  with  Barnabas,  which  was 
one  of  principle  ;  hero  it  is  reduced  to  a  personal 
matter.  Instead  of  Titus,  who  (Gal.  £3)  was  not  com- 
pelled to  be  circumcised,  wo  have  Timothy,  who  was 
circumcised  by  Paul  (I61-3).  In  I64  Paul  acts  as  a 
delegate  of  the  Jerusalem  church,  handing  to  the 
faithfid,  city  by  city,  the  judgments  of  that  church, 
to  which  in  his  epistles  he  pays  no  regard.  In  I65  the 
result  of  the  journey  is  summed  up  in  si  general  state- 
ment such  as  that  at  I224  ;  c/.  931,  II21  ;  and  at  166 
wo  find  we  are  in  the  substantial  and  authentic  narra- 
tive of  the  "  Travel-document,"  which  thenceforward 
supplies  the  thread  of  the  story. 

36.  The  statement  of  time  is  vague  ;  the  object 
stated  for  the  new  journey  keejis  up  the  continuity  of 
the  narrative ;  Paul  may  be  supposed  to  have  had  larger 
ideas.     The  difference  with  Barnabas  and  that  with 


Mark  were  afterwards  forgotten  (13i3*) ;  here  tho 
Gr.  statas,  with  an  emphasis  lost  in  RV,  that  Paul 
had  a  very  strong  objection  to  Mark  as  a  companion  ; 
he  would  take  anyone  but  him.  Ho  chose  Silas,  the 
Jerusalem  prophet  and  leading  man,  who  was  his  close 
companion  up  to  Corinth,  took  part  in  founding  the 
church  there  (2  Cor.  lig),  and  is  associated  with  Paul 
as  fellow- writer  of  1  and  2  Th.,  after  which  he  appears 
no  more  with  Paul,  but  with  Petor  (1  P.  012).  Of  the 
journey  the  account  is  meagre ;  it  has  been  told 
already.  Tho  land  route  is  chosen  this  time,  Barnabas 
taking  Mark  by  the  former  sea  route.  Cihcia  is 
traversed,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  Tarsus.  Dcrbe, 
the  lar.t  stage  of  the  former  journey,  is  now  the  first, 
Lycaonia  being  entered  from  the  south.  Companions 
of  travel  are  enlisted  on  the  way,  in  particular 
Timothy  (see  Moffatt,  EBi.  5074).  He  is  a  native  of 
Lystra  (but  see  2O4*),  and  is  favourably  known  among 
believers  there  and  at  Iconium.  Paul's  circumcising 
him  is  contrary  to  the  principle  stated  in  Gal.  62,  and  is 
thought  by  many  eminent  scholars  to  be  an  invention 
of  tho  editor  to  counteract  what  is  said  about  Titus  in 
Gal.  23.  It  is  more  credible,  however,  that  the  circum- 
cision did  take  place,  Timothy  being  half  a  Jew  by 
birth,  as  Titus  was  not,  and  Paul  seeking  to  avoid 
offence  to  the  Jews  among  whom  he  was  to  travel. 
I64  belongs  to  tho  editor's  scheme  and  is  scarcely 
historical.  The  phrases  are  those  used  to  describe 
imperial  rescripts  {cf.  Lk.  2i);  tho  apostles  and  elders 
as  a  supremo  authority  have  ordained  them, 

XVI.  &-10.  Journey  through  Asia  Minor  to  Mace- 
donia.— Here  wo  come  to  the  "  Travel-document," 
wliich  is  followed  henceforward.  It  was  till  recently 
the  custom  to  speak  of  the  "  We-Pa-ssages,"  which  are 
found  in  I610-18,  2O5-16,  21i-i8,  27i-28i6,  and  to 
ascribe  to  these  the  highest  degree  of  authenticity. 
The  pieces  in  the  third  person  lying  among  these  were 
thought  to  have  been  written  later  by  the  diarist 
himself  when  he  came  to  make  up  his  book,  or  to  have 
been  taken  from  other  sources.  But  see  Introd.,  p.  776. 
The  speeches  are  to  be  ascribed  to  the  editor,  who  also 
fills  up  lacunae  in  his  source,  but  he  employs  a  more 
considerable  and  authentic  source  than  hitherto.  The 
style  is  short  and  dry  ;  the  writer  has  a  curious  power 
of  ignoring  what  is  most  interesting  in  the  Paulino 
churches  and  in  Paul's  thought. 

What  comes  first  m  time  in  the  sentence  in  6f.  is 
that  the  party  was  prevented,  by  the  higher  power 
that  directed  their  journey,  from  preaching  in  Asia,  i.e. 
Ephesus  and  the  W.  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  including  the 
islands.  This,  it  is  plainly  intimated,  was  tho  mtcntion 
with  which  Paul  sot  out  on  this  journey  ;  but  when  it 
was  frustrated  they  "  went  through  "  Phrygia  and 
Galatia,  a  phrase  which  does  not  exclude  preaching 
(932,  1424).  But  of  Paul's  experience  in  Galatia,  and 
of  the  Galatian  churches,  should  they  be  in  the  north, 
as  tho  present  writer  believes  they  were  (see  on  the 
other  hand,  pp.  857,  769),  the  editor  is  quite  silent. 
The  much-debated  phrase,  "  the  Phrygian  and  Galatian 
land  "  conveys  no  clear  impression.  Probably  the 
writer  is  summing  up  in  brief  phra-ses  things  which 
had  taken  i)lacc  before  he  joined  tho  party.  After 
passing  through  Phrygia  and  Galatia  they  found  them- 
selves near  Mysia  and  tried  to  go  northwards  into 
Bithynia,  another  land  lying  on  the  sea,  but  this  also 
the  guiding  power  would  not  allow.  Straight  west 
apparently  it  direct*xl  them  to  go,  through  Mysia, 
without  lingering  in  it,  to  Troas.  The  district  prob- 
ably is  meant,  not  the  town  of  Alexandria-Troas, 
which  lay  on  the  coast,  opposite  Tenedos.  Paul  tells 
us  (2  Cor.  2i2f.)  of  a  fruitful  mission  there  a  few  years 


ACTS.  XVII.   10-15 


795 


later. — 0.  Who  is  the  person  who  appears  to  Paul  and 
brings  him  finally  to  the  step  which  the  foregoing 
geographical  statement  shows  to  have  attracted  and 
yet  daunted  him  ?  Ramsay  thinks  it  was  Luke, 
already  known  to  Paul,  and  the  reading  of  the  Peshitta, 
"  Come  over  and  help  me,'"  would  agree  with  that 
view  (p.  770).  But  a  letter  would  have  served  the 
purpose  in  that  case.  The  party  is  now  complete, 
diarist  and  all ;  "  As  soon  as  he  saw  the  vision  we  ..." 

XVI.  11-15.  Philippl.  Lydia.— The  voyage  from 
Tfoas  to  Samothrace  was  past  Tenedos  and  Imbros, 
and  Samothrace  was  about  halfway.  The  voyage  back 
took  five  days  (206)  ;  this  voyage  only  two,  the  wind 
being  favourable.  Neapohs  on  the  Strymonian  gulf 
had  wharves  and  gold  mines  and  lay  m  a  fertile  district. 
PhiUppi  was  8  miles  N.  of  Neapolis.  How  it  could  be 
called  the  "  first  of  the  district  "  is  not  clear  ;  Thessa- 
lonica  was  the  capital  of  Macedonia,  AmphipoUs  of 
the  district  which  embraced  Philippi.  Philippi  (p.  S72) 
was  made  a  "  colony  "  by  Augustus ;  for  its  govern- 
ment, see  below.  Paul  was  happy  in  his  Macedonian 
converts,  to  whom  three  of  his  extant  epistles  are 
addressed ;  their  frankness  and  affection,  with  their 
freedom  from  conceit,  made  them  fit  for  the  Gospel, 

13.  It  is  Pauls  custom  to  open  his  mission  in  a  new 
place  among  the  Jewish  community.  Phihppi  had 
not  a  large  Jewish  population  •.  the  place  of  prayer 
was  by  the  riverside,  outside  the  town,  perhaps  in  the 
open  air,  as  in  other  cases  ;  the  persons  Paul  finds 
there  are  women  only.  The  teaching  is  of  an  informal 
nature.  Lydia  (a  Roman  name.;  her  name  at  Thyatira 
(Rev.  2i8*),  which  is  in  the  district  called  Lydia,  would 
be  different)  is  a  Gentile  devoted  to  the  Jewish  reUgion 
who  has  a  house  at  Philippi ;  the  industry  in  purple 
was  carried  on  both  at  Thyatira  and  at  Philippi  and 
required  capitaL  She  becomes,  instead  of  a  seboniene 
(Grod-fearer,  p.  625),  a  believer  in  the  Lord,  is  baptized 
with  all  her  house,  and  prevails  on  Paul  and  his  party  to 
stay  with  her.  Many  such  women,  affluent  and  devout, 
do  we  find  in  the  second  part  of  Ac.  and  in  Paul's 
epistles  (I350*,  Rom.  16,  Phil.  42). 

XVI.  16-18.  Exorcism  of  a  Possessed  Girl.— The 
walk  to  the  place  of  prayer  is  made  frequently,  and 
the  party  comes  to  be  known.  A  girl  who  carried  on 
a  trtide  in  the  fortune-telling  of  these  days  notes  them  ; 
a  girl  beUeved  to  be  possessed  by  a  python,  a  spirit 
which  could  on  being  consulted  foretell  or  warn, 
possibly  a  ventriloquist.  She  attaches  herself  to  the 
party  and  gives  her  version,  to  be  taken  as  inspired, 
of  what  they  are.  The  treatment  for  possession  is 
applied  to  her  successfully  by  Paul,  who  is  wearied  of 
hearing  her,  and  her  gift  ceases  at  ofice  (c/.  Mk.  l23ff, 
3iif.). 

XVI.  19-34.  Imprisonment  of  Paul  and  Silas.  The 
Prison  Brolien. — The  "rulers"  (19)  are  the  heads  of 
police;  they  are  afterwards  called  Strategi , which  answers 
to  the  Roman  Prcetores.  PhiUppi  was  a  colony,  its 
magistrates  were  Roman,  duoviri,  and  had  the  fasces, 
the  Roman  rods,  showing  their  power  to  order  a 
beating.  The  missionaries  are  accused  of  making  a 
disturbance  in  the  city,  being  Jews  (Jews  are  generally 
unpopular,  and  at  PhiUppi  they  are  not  strong),  and 
of  introducing  strange  customs,  i.e.  a  religion  which 
was  not  an  allowed  one,  in  the  Roman  community. 
The  populace  takes  the  side  of  tho  accusers  ;  a  beating 
on  the  bare  body  is  at  onco  inilicted  (r/.  2  Cor.  II25). 
The  inner  prison  into  which  thoy  wcro  put  was,  to 
judge  by  other  known  cases,  a  place  totally  dark  and 
underground.  {Cf.  Passion  of  Perpclua,  3;  Euseb., 
Eccl.  Hist.,  V.  i.  3L)  The  opening  of  the  doora 
by   the  earthquake  is   quite   possible,   but  not  the 


loosening  of  the  chains  ;  this  happens  to  Peter  also 
(see  127).  12ig  shows  what  happened  to  the  gaoler 
whose  prisoners  escaped.  This  one  is  about  to  commit 
suicide.  The  doors  being  open,  there  is  some  Ught 
in  the  inner  coll  ;  Paul  can  assure  tho  gaoler  that  his 
prisoners  are  all  safe.  The  reporter  of  the  scene  is  not 
present.  The  gaoler  brings  out  Paul  and  Silas  (D  says 
he  first  secured  the  other  prisoners)  ;  and  in  Ms  alarm, 
having  heard  no  doubt  of  the  nature  of  their  mission 
in  the  town  (17),  he  addresses  them  respectfuUy  and 
asks  them  to  direct  liim  for  his  salvation.  The  rest  of 
the  story  speaks  best  for  itself. 

XVI.  35-40.  Reclionlng  with  the  Magistrates.— The 
legal  proceedings  are  to  go  no  further.  But  Paul  has 
two  grievances  to  clear  up  with  the  magistrates  before 
he  will  leave  the  prison.  The  proceedings  of  the  former 
day  had  no  form  of  law  ;  the  accused  were  not  properly 
tried  ;  and  the  magistrates  had  no  power  to  beat  a 
Roman  citizen.  Many  scholars  infer  that  Silas  also 
held  this  rank,  but  if  one  of  the  two  held  it  the  con- 
tention was  justified.  The  magistrates  have  to  come 
themselves  and  to  make  a  personal  appeal  to  the 
missionaries  and  request  them  to  leave  the  town  ;  it 
is  not  an  expulsion,  but  the  request  could  not  be 
disregarded. 

XVII.  1-9.  Thessalonica  {cf.  I  Th.  22).— From 
Philippi  to  AmphipoUs  is  a  distance  of  30  miles,  from 
AmphipoUs  to  ApoUonia  29,  from  ApoUonia  to  Thessa- 
lonica 35  miles,  aU  on  the  Via  Egnatia  which  connected 
the  Adriatic  and  the  Hellespont.  Why  there  was  no 
preaching  at  AmphipoUs  and  ApoUonia,  we  cannot 
teU  ;  probably  there  was  no  synagogue  at  either  place. 

Thessalonica  (p.  876),  on  the'^Thermaic  Gulf,  made  the 
capital  of  Macedonia  by  the  Romans  146  B.C.,  and  a 
free  city  after  the  Second  Civil  War,  had  a  parliament 
("  the  people  "  ;  demos,  5)  and  magistra,tes, {politarchs,  6) 
of  its  own.  That  it  had  a  Jewish  population  the  text 
shows.  Salonika  is  stUl  a  populous  city.  [Since  this 
was  written  it  has  again  become  famous. — A.  S.  P.] 

2.  Sabbaths:  read  "weeks"  {mg.).  Paul's  own 
description  (1  Th.  1 5-2 12)  points  to  a  longer  stay,  and 
shows  him  labouring  with  his  hands  to  support  himself 
amid  the  manifold  efforts  and  cares  the  budding  church 
imposed  on  him.  The  account  here  given  of  his  preach- 
ing (read  "  he  preached  to  them  from  the  Scriptures," 
t.e.  the  OT)  is  inadequate,  as  1  Th.  shows.  There 
is  no  advance  on  Peters  sermon  in  ch.  2.  His  success 
(4)  is  immediate,  but  only  "  some"  Jews  adhered  to 
him  ;  of  the  Greek  frequenters  of  the  synagogue,  on  the 
contrary,  a  large  number,  and  not  a  few  of  the  leading 
women.  The  change  to  5  is  abrupt ;  nothing  is  said 
of  the  withdrawal  of  the  beUevers  from  the  synagogue 
or  of  the  first  members  of  the  church.  It  is  the  Jews, 
members  of  the  synagogue  where  the  preaching  began, 
who  set  up  an  attack  on  the  missionaries,  enlisting  a 
body  of  loafers  and  producing  an  uproar.  Paul  and 
others  of  tho  preachers  -are  in  the  house  of  Jason, 
and  an  attempt  is  made  to  get  them  out  and  place 
them  before  the  assembly  of  the  citizens.  FaiUng  in 
this  they  turn  to  the  magistrates  ;  Jason  and  some  of 
the  brethren  aro  produced  to  them  with  a  vague 
accusation  that  they  go  about  the  world  creating  dis- 
turbance and  that  they  had  another  king — Jesus.  The 
latter  charge  was  true  ;  the  Christians  did  refuse  to 
call  the  Emperor  their  "  Lord."  The  charge  that  they 
do  contrary  to  the  decrees  of  Csesar  means  this.  It  is 
this  that  appeals  to  tho  minds  of  the  magistrates,  and 
makes  them  take  bail  from  Jason  and  the  others 
before  letting  the  missionaries  go. 

XVn.  10-15.  Through  Beroea  to  Athens.— Bercea 
was  a  populous  place  but  off  tho  main  route.    Paul  and 


736 


ACTS,  XVII.  10-15 


Silas  at  once  go  to  tho  synagogue  ;  by  this  time  we 
should  tliink  thoy  could  soarooly  look  to  tho  synagogue 
with  hopeful  eyos.  The  lioicoan  Jews,  however,  were 
"  more  noble,"  i.e.  better-behaved,  than  their  brethren 
at  Thossalonioa  ;  they  did  not  close  their  minds  to 
the  message,  but  applied  themselves  with  interest  to 
testing  it  by  Scripture.  The  new  church  at  Beroea  is 
comjxjsed,  like  that  at  Thessalonica,  of  Jews,  Greek 
ladies  of  position,  and  men,  i.e.  Greeks.  We  hear  of 
Sopator  of  Beroea  in  2O4.  Tho  Jews  of  Thessalonica 
follow  Paul  with  their  hostility  and  he  has  to  leave 
Bercca  also.  As  to  Silas  and  Timothy  there  is  a  little 
difliculty.  In  I85  they  do  not  join  Paul  at  Athens  as 
ho  expected,  but  at  Corinth.  But  in  1  Th.  3  wo  read 
of  Timothy  having  been  with  Paul  at  Athens,  and 
liaving  been  sent  by  him  from  there  to  ThosRalonica. 
According  to  2  Cor.  I19  Silas  and  Timothy  acted  along 
with  Paul  in  the  earl}'  days  of  the  Corinthian  church. 
We  are  not  fully  informed  as  to  these  movements. 

XVII.  1&-21.  Paul  at  Athens.— Athens  was  at  this 
time  no  longer  the  intellectual  centre  of  the  world,  nor 
the  best  of  the  leading  schools  of  philosophy  ;  but  the 
fame  of  the  city  drew  many  to  it,  and  a  visit  to  Athens 
gave  finish  to  the  education  of  a  Roman.  With  no 
great  seriousness,  all  matters  were  discussed  there, 
and  it  offered  no  promising  soil  for  the  Gospel.  See 
Kenan's  chapter  on  Athens  in  his  St.  Paid. 

16.  The  images  of  Athens  were  multitudinous  ;  the 
pillaging  of  Greek  masterpieces  by  Roman  magistrates 
was  not  yet  far  advanced,  and  what  Paul  saw  might 
have  suggested  reflections  on  the  magnificent  achieve- 
ments of  Greek  art.  But  to  his  Jewish  eye  they  were 
the  aberrations  of  men  who  did  not  see  God  in  His 
works  but  tried  to  make  representations  of  Him  to 
worship  ;  he  would  consider  they  were  all  there  for 
that  purpose  (Rom.  I23,  1  Th.  I9). — 17.  reasoned:  or 
preached.  The  Jews  and  God-fearers  in  the  synagogue 
did  not  need  to  be  convinced  of  the  true  nature  of 
idols  ;  he  had  as  usual  begun  with  them,  but  he  also 
preached  in  the  market-place,  in  the  low  ground  N. 
of  tho  Acropolis,  to  those  he  met  with,  whore  all  tho 
life  of  tho  city,  intellectual  and  otherwise,  had  its 
centre. — 18.  It  was  a  matter  of  course  that  he  would 
meet  with  pliilosophers  there  ;  Epicureans  and  Stoics 
(pp.  633ff . )  wore  by  no  means  the  only  schools  in  Athens, 
though  they  were  the  oldest,  and  there  is  nothing 
characteristic  in  their  questions  and  rophes(c/.  2i2f.). — 
babbler:  ht.  "seed  picker,"  then  of  one  picking  up 
crumbs  of  wisdom  and  applying  them  without  skill 
Ramsay  renders  "  bounder  "  (67.  Pmd  the  Traveller, 
pp.  243'ff . ).— a  setter  forth  of  strange  gods :  this  was  the 
charge  brought  against  Socrates.  "He  does  not  count 
those  gods  whom  the  city  counts  such,  but  introduces 
now  demons."  The  new  gods  Paul  introduced  were  Jesus 
and  Anastasis,  i.e.  Resurrection ;  how  this  was  picked 
from  Ids  words  we  cannot  tell,  but  the  resurrection  is 
treated  throughout  Ac.  as  Paul's  principal  doctrine 
(see  236,  p.  777).  He  is  taken  to  the  court,  not  tho  hiU, 
Areopagus  ;  the  court  could  meet  elsewhere,  and  it  also 
had  charge  in  Roman  times  of  matters  of  religion  and 
education  (p.  614).  What  follows  is  not  a  criminal  pro- 
ceeding but  an  inquiry.  The  speech  is  not  calculated  for 
philosophers  •  it  is  a  popular  discourse  against  idolatry 
with  a  Christian  conclusion.  It  is  the  apparent  new- 
ness of  his  doctrine  that  arouses  interest  j  it  is  aptly 
remarked  how  eagerly  now  things  were  Bought  after 
at  Athens. 

XVII.  22-31.  Pauls  Speech  to  the  Areopagus.— He 
opens  with  a  compliment  to  the  religiosity  of  tho 
Athenians.  He  has  walked  up  and  dowTi  the  city 
and  marked  the  many  objects  of  worship ;  he  lias  also 


found  an  altar  with  the  insoription  "  To  the  Unknown 
God  "  (the  argument  that  follows  calls  for  tho  definite 
article).  There  are  various  instances  in  antiquity  of 
such  an  inscription  ;  though  always,  it  is  true,  in  tho 
plural,  not  the  singular  numljer.  Jerome  says  the 
inscription  in  the  text  must  have  run  "  To  the  un- 
known and  foreign  gods,"  and  in  Pausanias,  Philo- 
stralus,  and  other  ancient  writers  such  inscriptions 
are  spoken  of.  In  Deissmanns  St.  Paul  (p.  261)  an 
inscription  is  d&scribed  wliich  has  recently  been  un- 
earthed at  Pergamum,  also  in  the  plural.  That  in  our 
text  is  the  only  example  in  antiquity  of  the  inscription 
in  the  singular,  and  Paul's  argument  is  based  on  it  in 
that  form.  It  would  dedicate  the  altar  on  which  it 
appeared  to  a  god  of  whose  name  and  title  the  founder 
was  not  sure,  but  whom  he  took  to  be  a  real  being. 
Paul  uses  the  inscription  in  an  opposite  sense  and  makes 
it  refer  to  the  one  Supreme  God,  Maker  of  the  world. 

25.  That  God  needs  nothing  is  a  commonplace  in 
ancient  philosophy  and  hterature. — made  of  one:  AV 
ol  one  blood,  according  to  an  old  reading,  might  refer 
to  the  ancient  belief,  excluded  by  Genesis,  in  the 
autochthonous  origin  of  man.  God  has  settled  the 
order  in  which  each  people  is  to  come  and  the  territory 
it  is  to  occupy  ;  the  purpose  of  the  whole  is  that  they 
should  seek  for  Him  ;  Ho  is  not  hard  to  find. — your 
own  poets:  the  quotation  (cf.  Tit.  I12)  is  from  a  Stoio 
poet  Aratus  {Phaenom.  5).  Clean thes,  also  a  Stoic,  has 
a  similar  sentiment:  "  For  we  are  his  (Zeus's)  race." 
Paul  had  no  need  to  be  familiar  with  Greek  poetry  in 
order  to  quote  a  hne  no  doubt  well  known  to  every  one. 
In  29  he  comes  back  to  tho  images.  Athens  had  many 
artificers  of  such  things,  but  if  man  is  of  God's  race,  no 
human  figure  in  whatever  precious  metal  can  express 
the  Divine  to  which  he  is  kindred.  A  sentence  should 
follow,  condemning  the  view  of  God  which  hes  behind 
idolatry :  but  the  speech  hurries  to  its  conclusion. 
God  might  have  visited  earher  the  mistaken  worship 
of  Him  in  idolatry  (Rom.  24)  but  He  has  not  done  so. 
Now,  however,  the  day  of  judgment  is  at  hand  (Ps.  98)  ; 
men  are  called  to  repent ;  tho  Judge  is  known.  He 
whom  God  raised  from  the  dead. — 32.  Nothing  indi- 
cates judicial  proceedings  ;  the  scene  ends  abniptly 
with  the  moderate  success  secured  by  Paul.  One  male 
convert  is  named,  Dionysius.  a  member  of  the  court  of 
Areopagus,  and  one  woman,  Damaris  ;  and  there  were 
others.  Of  the  church  of  Athens  we  hear  no  more  ;  it 
is  perhaps  included  in  1  Cor.  I2. 

XVin.  1-11.  Paul  at  Corinth.— Corinth  (p.  832), 
the  seat  of  tho  Roman  proconsul,  was  to  tho  Christian 
missionary  as  good  a  field  as  Athens  was  the  opposite. 
A  great  seaport,  it  was  much  addicted  to  vice  and 
luxury,  and  had  a  veiy  mixed  population,  as  the 
Corinthian  epistles  show  us,  of  rich  people  and  pooi:,  of 
tradosmen  and  would-be  philosophers. 

21.  The  edict  of  Claudius  (Suet.  Claudivs.  25)  is  to 
be  placed  in  his  9th  year,  a,d.  49  or  50.  We  shall  see 
in  connexion  with  Gallio  that  Paul's  arrival  in  Corinth 
falls  early  in  50.  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (her  name  is, 
for  an  unknown  reason,  placed  first  in  18  and  26,  also 
Rom.  I63),  were  there  before  him,  Jews  of  the  Dis- 
persion like  himself,  and  carrying  on  the  same  craft. 
It  was  natural  that  he  should  live  with  them  and 
join  liis  forces  to  theirs  in  tho  trade  whatever  it 
was.*    It  was  important  for  him  to  set  an  example  of 

1  There  Is  some  difference  of  opinion  aa  to  the  meaning  of 
"  tent  maker,"  and  we  should  like  to  know  whether  Paul  sat 
at  hU  work  as  a  weaver,  or  sttvKl  at  a  t.ible  as  an  upholsteipr 
(Renan  translates  "  taplssier  "1,  or  cutout  at  a  table  and  moved 
about  the  floor  putting  Uie  teut  together.  In  (."orintli.  as  a  place 
much  c-oncemed  with  travel,  there  would  be  a  steady  market 
for  tenta. 


ACTS,  XIX.  21f. 


797 


industry  and  of  independence. — 4  is  an  editorial  in- 
sertion, as  5  (read  with  AV,  "  Paul  was  pressed  in 
spirit  ")  tells  us  that  the  effoctive  synagogue  preaching 
did  not  begin  till  Silas  and  Timothy  joined  him.  The 
tenor  of  the  preaching  is  different  from  tliat  at  Athens, 
but  Paul's  preaching  was  more  than  this  (1  Cor.  22). 
It  is  addressed  to  the  Jews  in  the  synagogue,  and  sets 
up  vehement  opposition  on  their  part ;  Paul  then  acts 
according  to  the  principle  stated  in  1846,  and  turns 
to  the  Gentiles.  From  1  Cor.  we  see  that  the  Corinthian 
church  contained  a  Jewish  element  (7i8),  but  was 
predominantly  Gentile  (I22). — 7.  The  opposition  de- 
cided Paul  to  change  his  lodgings  ;  he  left  the  house  of 
Aquila  the  Jew  and  went  to  that  of  Titus  Justus,  a 
Gentile  by  birth,  who  had  frequented  the  sjniagogue. 
That  this  house  was  close  to  the  synagogue  would 
make  the  breach  more  marked  ;  the  Christian  meeting 
probably  took  place  there.  Crispus  is  mentioned  in 
1  Cor.  I14  as  an  early  convert  whom  Paul  himself 
baptized. — 9.  This  promise  explains  Paul's  long 
residence  at  Corinth.  The  attack  (12-17)  did  not  take 
place  at  once.  The  chronological  data  in  Ac.  are 
satisfactory. 

XVIII.  12-17.  Gallio  and  Paul.— Galho's  proconsul- 
ship  is  fixed  by  an  inscription  at  Delphi  which  came  to 
Ught  in  1905  ;  and  gives  an  absolute  date  in  Pauline 
chronology  (p.  655).  He  had  not  been  proconsul  when 
Paul  came  to  Corinth  (12) ;  hia  arrival  in  Achaia  is 
found  to  have  been  after  midsummer  (a.d.  51),  while 
Paul  came  there  early  in  50.  Gallio  was  the  brother  of 
the  philosopher  Seneca,  who  describes  him  as  "sweet" 
(dulcis),  and  was  a  man  of  the  highest  culture.  After 
his  arrival  the  Jews  brought  Paul  before  him  on  the 
same  charge  as  that  made  at  Philippi  (I621)  and  at 
Thessalonica  (17/),  that  he  preached  an  illegal  religion. 
GalMo  at  once  decides  that  as  no  punishable  act  is 
alleged,  he  will  not  enter  on  discussion  as  to  a  doctrine 
and  a  controversy  about  persons  and  the  Jewish  Law, 
and  so  dismisses  the  case.  The  attack  made  by  the 
Jews  drew  down  the  wrath  of  the  populace  (D  has 
"  all  the  Greeks  ").  Sosthenes  (not  he  of  1  Cor.  li) 
has  to  suffer  for  it ;  Galho  continues  in  his  attitude 
of  indifference  to  such  squabbles. 

From  I818  to  192o  wc  have  a  set  of  anecdotes  mostly 
connected  with  Ephesus  and  hanging  loosely  together. 

XVIII.  18-23.  Journey  to  Syria. — No  special  object, 
ia  stated  ;  the  facts  are  placed  before  us  abruptly,  and 
some  are  hard  to  understand.  An  apostle  is  by  hia 
office  a  traveller  who  does  not  give  himself  to  any  one 
church,  and  Paul  had  been  the  best  part  of  two  j'cars 
at  Corinth  when  ho  bade  the  brethren  there  farewell  and 
sailed  for  Syria.  It  was  Aquila,  not  Paul,  who  had  a 
vow  and  terminated  it  at  Cenchrcae.  For  the  hair  sacri- 
fice, see  Nn.  6*,  and  cf.  21 24  below  ;  it  would  refer  hero 
to  an  escape  from  some  danger  of  which  we  know 
nothing  — 19.  At  Ephesus  Paul  addresses,,  as  elsewhere, 
the  Jews  in  the  synagogue,  and  is  well  received,  but 
ho  will  not  stay  there.  With  a  promise  to  return  he 
sets  off  on  the  voyage.  He  lands  at  Ciesarea,  and  goes 
up  and  greets  the  church.  Jenisalem  is  not  mentioned, 
nor  any  errand  which  would  take  him  there,  and,  so 
far  as  the  words  show,  the  church  may  have  been  that 
at  Caesarca.  The  D  text  of  19i  denies  that  Paul  went 
to  Jerusalem  at  this  time.  The  phrase  "  went  down 
to  Antioch  "  does  not  imply  that  ho  went  there  from 
Jerusalem  (cf.  85).  Ho  would  reach  Antioch  in  late 
autumn  and  spend  the  winter  there,  and  go  westwards 
when  the  roads  were  open  in  spring.  The  route  is 
the  same  as  that  of  166. 

XVIII.  24-28.  Apollos  at  Ephesus.- Apolloe  is  weU 
known  to  us  from  1  Cor.  ;    liis  name  was  adopted  by 


one  of  the  Corinthian  parties  as  their  standard  (1  Cor.  1 
12*).  Here  we  leam  more  about  him,  that  he  was  at 
Ephesus  in  Paul's  absence,  and  that  Aquila  and  Pris- 
oilla  were  of  use  to  him  as  teachers.  Ho  is  a  cultivated 
Alexandrian  with  a  good  grasp  of  Scripture,  and  he 
has  also  had  instruction  {cf.  mg.)  in  the  way  of  the 
Lord  ;  i.e.  probably  in  the  duties  and  observances  of 
the  new  religion.  He  has  the  gifts  of  a  teacher, 
enthusiasm  tor  the  subject,  information,  conviction 
(the  word  translated  "  carefully  "  conveys  more  prob- 
ably this  meaning) ;  one  thing  he  lacks.  There 
seems  to  have  been  at  Ephesus  a  set  of  followers  of 
John  the  Baptist  with  his  water  baptism  without  the 
Spirit  (p.  771).  Priscilla  and  Aquila  fill  up  what  is 
wanting  to  ApoUos'  equipment  as  a  Christian  missionary 
and  he  goes  to  Corinth  (in  Paul's  absence  from  both 
places)  recommended  by  the  brethren  at  Ephesus. 
D  explains  the  matter  thus :  "  There  were  some 
Corinthians  hving  at  Ephesus,  and  when  they  heard 
him  they  urged  him  to  go  with  them  to  their  city,  and 
on  his  agreeing  the  Ephesians  wrote  to  the  brethren 
at  Corinth  to  receive  the  man."  There  he  used  his 
gift  ("  grace  "  seems  a  better  reading ;  cf.  mg. )  effectually 
to  help  the  behevers.  That  his  doctrine  was  different 
from  Paul's,  if  only  in  style,  appears  from  1  Cor.,  but 
not  from  Ac. 

XIX.  1-7.  Other  Followers  of  John  the  Baptist  at 
Ephesus. — Paul's  return  to  Ephesus,  promised  in  I821, 
is  made  a  part  of  this  anecdote.  His  movements  were 
not  fuUy  known,  as  we  saw  in  I821-23.1  The  story  is, 
like  that  of  Apollos,  obscure  ;  it  exhibits  a  bizarre  form 
of  early  Christianity  (cf.  8i4ff.).  For  "  into  John's 
baptism "  we  should  expect  "  into  John's  name." 
Speaking  with  tongues  indicates  (as  in  1045!)  the 
descent  of  the  Spirit.     The  whole  story  is  primitive. 

XIX.  8-10.  Paul  at  Ephesus. — After  three  months  in 
the  synagogue  (1819-21,26)  Paul  finds  it  necessary,  as 
in  other  places,  to  leave  it,  and  takes  his  followers  to  the 
lecture  room  of  Tyrannus,  where  ho  preaches  to  them. 
D  and  other  authorities  add,  "  from  the  fifth  to  the 
tenth  hour,"  which  corresponds  to  the  time  after  the 
conclusion  of  business. 

XIX.  11-20.  Miracles,  Exorcisms,  Burning  of  Books 
of  Magic. — Peter's  shadow  cured  the  sick  (5i5) ;  Paul's 
minor  articles  of  clothing  do  the  same,  according  to  the 
widespread  belief  of  antiquity  in  the  indirect  communi- 
cation of  personal  mfluonce.  The  behef  in  possession 
is  best  known  to  us  from  the  Gosjjels  in  Palestine  ;  but 
Greek  magical  literature  shows  that  it  flourished 
vigorously  in  other  countries  also.  A  humorous 
story  follows,  about  some  wandering  Jews  who  used 
the  name  of  Jesus  as  an  instnunent  of  exorcism  (cf.  819). 
— 13.  I  adjure  you:  i.e.  "to  come  out  of  him." 
Sceva  must  bo  intended  as  a  Jewish  high  priest,  but 
there  is  none  of  such  a  name. — 16.  both :  should  be 
"  all  "  (see  Moulton,  Prolegomena,  p.  80). — 17.  The 
name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  is  the  power  by  which  such 
things  come  to  pass  (.S6*). — 18.  The  d^eds  confessed 
might  be  such  as  wo  read  of  in  magical  papyri. — 19. 
curious  arts:  a  euphemism  for  m&^c  {mg.).  These 
would  be  lx)oks  of  formulae  for  compolhng  the  assist- 
ance of  spiritual  beings,  or  securing  the  affections  of 
a  beloved,  or  for  inflicting  pain  and  spiritual  torment. 
Ephcsian  channs  had  a  special  reputation. — 50,000 
pieces  of  silver :  say  £2000,  but  we  do  not  know  the 
rate  at  which  such  books  were  sold. 

XIX.  21f.  Paul  s  Plan  of  TraveL— The  plan  here 
stated  (for  "  in  the  spirit,"  "  in  his  spirit,"  or  *'  in 

'  D  reada  here :  "  When  Paul  wished  to  follow  bh  own  plan  and 
to  travel  to  .lenvxiilem.  the  Spirit  said  to  him  to  return  to  Asia, 
and  he  went  throuuh  Uie  upper  parta  and  caiue  to  Kpbesus." 


798 


ACTS.  XIX.  21f. 


spirit  "  may  snffieo)  Ls  that  intimated  in  1  Cor.  IG5, 
wliioh  ho  says  in  2  Cor.  lisf.  that  ho  changotl,  and 
which  eventually  ho  carried  out  a-s  far  as  to  CVjrinth 
(2  Cor.  2i2).  His  dosiro  to  visit  Romo  was  an  old 
one;  see  Rom.  1 13-16,  ^024.  In  Ac.  the  shnflow  of 
this  journey  has  already  boon  felt  (1821,  19i,  Cod.  D), 
Timothy's  journey  to  Corinth  is  also  spoken  of ;  in 
1  Cor.  IGio  ho  is  to  return  to  Paul  before  the  latter 
sets  out.  The  name  Erastus  occurs  in  Rom.  I623 
and  2  Tim.  42o,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  one, 
two,  or  three  persona  are  spoken  of  in  the  three  passages 
(see  Headlain,  art.  *'  Erastus  "  in  HDB). 

XIX.  23-41.  Tumult  at  Ephesus.— A  change  of 
religion  (for  "  the  Way,"  cf.  92)  bears  hardly  on  certain 
trades.  In  oh.  16  the  Gospel  interfered  \v4th  the  trade 
of  soothsaying  ;  hero  the  art  of  the  silversmith  suffers. 
This  opens  a  largo  chapter  in  the  early  history  of 
Christianity  {cf.  Tertullian,  On  the  Public  Games  ;  The 
Soldier's  Crown).  Demetrius,  to  judge  from  his 
speech,  is  rather  an  employer  than  a  craftsman.  His 
business  has  been  falling  off,  or  ho  fears  it  may  do  so. 
The  silver  ehrines  would  lx»  used  as  mementoes  of 
travel,  but  people  would  not  purchase  them  if  they 
ceased  to  believe  in  Artemis,  and  this  was  the  evident 
outcome  of  Paul's  teaching.  Tho  silversmiths  and 
allied  trades  are  therefore  called  together,  and  it  is 
pointed  out  that  not  only  tho  trade  but  the  goddess 
herself  must  suffer  if  tho  preaching  goes  on.  The 
audience  fully  agrees,  works  itself  up,  and  vents  its 
feelings  in  the  cry  or  invocation,  "  Great  Artemis  of  the 
Ephesians  "  (cf.  D).  The  feeling  overflows  tho  city ; 
the  population  flocks  to  a  meeting  in  the  theatre.  Two 
of  Paul's  companions  are  hurried  there.  ArLstarchus 
is  of  Thessalonica  (2O4) ;  Gains  is  called  a  Macedonian 
{cf.  1  Cor.  I14,  Rom.  I623),  but  in  2O4*  is  perhaps 
said  to  be  of  Derbe.  Paul  is  kept  by  his  friends  from 
going  to  the  theatre  ;  eo  this  yraa  not  the  deadly  peril 
of  which  he  speaks  in  2  Cor.  Is,  49.  Some  of  the 
Asiarchs  also  (imperial  finictionaries  with  certain 
religious  duties  cormected  with  tho  temples  and  service 
of  the  Emperor  in  Asia)  dissuade  him  from  going  to 
the  meeting ;  ho  has  thus  attained  an  influential 
position  at  Ephesus.  The  meeting  is  graphically  de- 
scribed, the  shouts,  the  confusion,  the  want  of  purpose. 
A  Jew  named  Alexander  is  put  fonvard  by  his  fellow- 
countrymen  to  speak ;  ho  no  doubt  was  ready  to 
disown  the  Christians  and  denounce  them  as  the  source 
of  unrest,  but  the  crowd  refuse  to  listen  to  a  Jew,  and 
set  up  again  the  shout  "  Great  Artemis  1  "  "  Great 
Artemis  !  "  which  goes  on  for  two  hours.  Then  the 
town-clerk,  who  doubtless  has  seen  such  outbreaks 
before,  comes  forward  and  with  a  httlo  flattery  quiets 
the  people  down.  All  know,  ho  says,  that  Ephesus 
is  the  Warden  of  great  Aitcmis  and  of  the  image  which 
fell  down  from  heaven  (not  a  pretty  imago  if  it  was  like 
tho  known  representations  of  the  goddess  ;  Demetrius 
dealt  more  in  temple-modoLs,  which  might  be  more 
artistic).  Robbing  of  temples  (37)  was  an  offence  with 
which  Jews  were  liable  to  be  charged  (see  Rom.  222); 
tho  town- clerk  vouches  for  those  against  whom  this 
tumult  ha.s  been  got  up,  that  they  could  do  nothing  of 
that  sort,  nor  yet  blaspheme  tho  goddess.  Demotrius 
is  to  proceed  regularly  in  the  courts  if  he  has  any  lawfiiJ 
grievance,  and  any  pubho  question  is  to  be  settled  in 
tho  regular  mooting  of  tho  citizens.  The  town  has 
gravely  ex}X)8cd  itself  by  the  tumult. 

XX.  1-6.  To  Greece;  RetiuTi  to  Troas — Thejo'imcy 
sketched  in  192 1,  1  Cor.  165-g,  is  entered  on  ;  for  what 
happened  at  Troas  and  in  Macedonia  on  the  way 
cf.  2  Cor.  2i2f.,  75  ;  but  of  all  that  intense  exjierience 
there  is  little  echo  in  Acts.     Tho  sketches  of  the  journey 


did  not  fix  what  route  was  to  bo  followed  from  Groeca 
to  Jerusalem  ;  hero  (3)  we  find  that  the  intention  was 
to  go  by  sea.  Tho  ])lan  is  changed  on  account  of  a 
Jowish  plot.  AccorrUngly  Paul  sets  out  to  Macedonia 
with  a  part  only  of  his  companions,  the  others  remaining 
behind  in  (iroeco  and  overtaking  the  party  by  sea. 
Light  is  shed  on  this  journey  by  tho  epistles  ;  cf. 
Rom.  1522-33,  1  Cor.  U5i-4,  and  especially  2  Cor.  8f., 
whore  Paul  explains  the  arrangements  for  carrying  to 
Jerusalem  the  money  ooUoctod  in  Macedonia  and 
Greeoo  for  the  poor  of  Judtca,  and  introduces  the 
envoys  chosen  by  the  Macedonian  churches  who  are 
to  go  with  him.  The  land  party  accompanying  Paul 
embraces  Sopater  of  Beroea,  son  of  Pyrrhus,  Aris- 
tarchus  and  Secundus  of  Thessalonica  {cf.  2  Cor.  818 
and  22  ;  these  would  see  their  friends  on  the  way),  and 
Gains  and  threo  men  from  Asia  Minor.  In  I929  Gains 
is  named  with  Aristarchus  as  a  Macedonian.  The 
insertion  of  a  colon  aft«r  Gains  in  the  Gr.  would  give 
"  and  Timothy  of  Derbe."  For  Tychicus,  cf.  CoL  47  ; 
for  Trophimus,  2I29,  2  Tim.  42o.  The  date  of  the 
saihng  of  the  others  (6)  is  given  by  the  Jewish  calendar ; 
they  reach  Troa-s  in  loss  than  five  days  (16ii*),  and 
the  imitcd  party  spend  a  week  there. 

XX.  7-12.  Story  of  Eutychus. — Paul  speaks  of  the 
first  day  of  the  week  in  1  Cor.  I62,  but  not  of  a  breaking 
of  bread  on  that  day,  which  appears  here  as  an  estal^ 
lished  usage  {cf.  242).  It  is  Paul's  last  interview  with 
these  people,  and  he  makes  the  most  of  it.  The  hghte 
may  be  mentioned  because  of  the  accusation  in  early 
days  that  tho  Lord's  Supper  was  partaken  of  in  dark- 
ness and  was  accompanied  by  excesses.  Eutychus  (9) 
is  a  common  name.  The  treatment  is  like  that  by 
Ehjah  (I  K.  172 1),  but  tho  incident  may  be  quite 
natural :  it  is  reported  by  an  eyewitness.  It  does  not 
intemipt  the  proceedings  nor,  except  for  a  short  time, 
Paul's  preaching,  which  goes  on  till  dawn,  aiter  the 
bread  is  broken. 

XX.  13-16.  Tro^  to  Miletus. — In  the  Armenian 
Catena  we  read  :  "  But  Luke  and  those  with  me  came 
on  the  vessel  "  ;  words  which,  if  we  were  sure  of  their 
really  being  in  the  journal,  would  show  that  Luke  was 
not  its  author.  Preuschen  thinks  the  original  text 
was,  "  But  I,  Luke,  and  those  with  me,"  the  present 
text  being  grammatically  impossible,  and  the  emenda- 
tion in  tho  Armenian  easy. 

18.  Assos,  about  t\wlve  miles  from  Troas  by  land,  on 
a  hilly  road.  A  ship  has  to  round  Capo  Lekton.  The 
Gr.  does  not  compel  us  to  think  that  Paul  walked  the  dis- 
tance ;  he  may  have  ridden. — 14.  Mitylene,  the  capital 
of  Lesbos,  is  not  far  from  Aspos.  For  Chios  and  Samos, 
see  EBi,  HDB.— 15.  The  call  at  Trogy Ilium  is  omitted 
in  the  corrected  text.  The  voyage  of  four  days  was 
made  with  the  N.  wind,  which  blows  at  that  season 
early  in  the  day  and  dies  away  later.  The  ship  seems 
to  have  been  at  tho  command  of  the  party.  16  speaks 
of  haste  at  the  beginning  of  the  journey  ;  it  appears 
to  have  been  unnecessary  later  {cf.  2I4),  and  the  reason 
for  avoiding  Ephesus  may  have  lain  in  the  circum- 
stanoos  of  Paul's  leaving  that  place. — 16.  From  the 
days  of  unleavened  bread  (6)  to  Pentecost  is  a  period 
of  six  weeks,  and  Paul  seems  to  have  reached  Jerusalem 
at  tho  time  of  a  festival  (21 26). 

XX.  17-35.  Paul's  Speech  to  the  Elders  of  Ephesus 
at  Miletus. — See  liamsay,  art.  "  Miletus  "  in  HDB,  as 
to  the  (lirtieiilti(«  of  the  jounioy  at  that  period  from 
Miletus  to  Ephesus ;  one  had  to  sail  to  Priene  and 
make  from  there  a  journey  of  25  miles  across  the 
mountains  to  Ephesus.  The  elders  or  presbyters  {mg.), 
afterwards  called  "  bishops  "  or  "  overseers  "  (28), 
make  the  toilsome  journey,  and  Paul  addresses  them. 


ACTS,  XXI.  27-36 


799 


We  have  had  Paul  addressing  Jews  (ch.  13)  and  Gentiles 
(ch.  17) ;  hero  he  addresses  Christian  office-bearers  at  a 
solemn  point  of  his  life.  This  speech  hardly  stood  as 
wo  have  it  in  the  source  ;  still  there  are  things  in  it 
which  do  belong  to  this  situation  and  to  no  other  ; 
flonio  heads  of  it  might  be  in  the  source,  which  have 
been  worked  up  later  with  hints  from  Pauls  epistles 
and  other  writings,  and  with  reference,  as  we  shall  see, 
to  later  circumstances  in  the  Church.  The  whole  is  in 
a  fine  stylo  and  in  a  wanu  tone  of  sentiment.  There 
is  an  entire  absence  of  specific  Pauline  ideas,  but  there 
IB  much  in  it  that  Paul  could  say  and  did  say  (cf. 
Camhridqe  Biblical  Esxaijfi,  pp.  401ff.). 

XX.  18-27.  Pathetic  Appeal  to  Paul's  Past  Vt^ork  at 
Ephesus  and  to  his  Present  Position. — 18.  after  what 
manner  I  was  with  you:  cf.  1  Th.  2i.— 19.  serving  the 
Lord:  cf.  Rom.  li,  Pliil.  li. — tears:  cf.  1  Cor.  23. — 
trials :  from  the  Jews  ;  these  are  not  specified  in  the 
narrative, — 20.  In  houses:  e.(j.  of  Aquila. — 21.  re- 
pentance .  .  .  Jesus:  cf.  1  Th.  Igf. — bound  ...  to 
Jerusalem :    Rom.  I530-32  shows  the  same  mood. — 

23.  These    intimations    come    afterwards    (21iof.). — 

24.  ministry  .  .  .  Jesus:  somewhat  different  from 
Paul's  usual  statement  on  the  subject. — 25.  How  is  he 
so  sure  he  will  never  be  at  Ephesus  again  ?  Jewish 
hostihty  did  not  usually  keep  him  from  revisiting  his 
churches,  and  ho  is  indulging,  at  the  period  this 
chapter  refers  to,  m  plans  of  a  journey  to  Spain  (see 
Rom.  1524). 

XX.  28-30.  Duties  of  the  Elders :  Coming  Dangers. 
— They  are  to  be  as  free  from  blame  as  ho  is.  The 
Holy  Ghost  has  made  them  cpiscopoi  of  the  flock, 
lit.  overseers ;  if  we  remember  what  the  word  means 
we  may  translate  "  bishops  "  ;  they  are  the  same 
persons  as  the  elders  (17).  The  office  is  local  in  early 
Church  fife  ;  Paul  mentions  it  only  in  Phil.  1 1  ;  he 
generally  speaks  of  "  those  who  are  over  you  and 
admonish  you " ;  see  Rom.  128,  1  Th.  5i2.  The 
earhest  bishops  have  to  do  with  the  stores  and  the 
hospitality  of  a  Church  (see  1  Tim.  3,  517-20,  Tit.  I5-9, 
Didache  xv.)  ;  those  spoken  of  here  have  to  do  with 
teaching  (cf.  1  P.  62). 

28.  The  end  is  strange.  WH  proppse  to  read  "  the 
blood  of  His  own  son." — 29f.  Who  the  adversaries  are, 
is  hard  to  tell ;  there  are  predictions  all  through  the 
NT  of  persecutions  without  and  of  strange  doctrines 
arising  within  (1  Jn.  219,  Rev.  214).  The  mention  of 
bishops  and  the  forecast  of  heresies  are  probably  both 
marks  of  a  somewhat  later  time  for  the  redaction  of 
this  speech. 

XX.  32-35.  Conclusion.— 32.  Read  mg.—Zi.  Cf.  2 
Cor.  12i4f.,  1  Cor.  4i2,  1  Th.  29.-35.  the  words  of  the 
Lord  Jesus,  which  are  in  none  of  our  Gospels  (see  Ecclus. 
431,  1  Clem.  2i),  make  a  very  effective  conclusion  of 
the  affecting  speech, 

XXL  1-6.  From  Miletus  to  Tyre.— The  saiUng  is  by 
day,  with  a  following  wind  (cf.  2O15).  After  "  Patara  " 
D  adds  "  and  Myra,"  where  Paul  touched  on  his  journey 
to  Rome  (see  275).  Vessels  from  the  East  for  Rome 
made  for  Jlyra  and  coasted  from  there.  The  vessel 
from  Assos  in  which  Paul  was,  whether  or  not  chartered 
for  the  party,  probably  went  no  further  than  Patara 
or  Myra  ;  he  had  to  tranship,  and  the  rest  of  his 
voyage  was  on  the  open  sea,  past  the  SW.  comer  of 
Cyprus,  wliich  was  sichted.  At  Tyre  there  was  an 
enforced  delay  for  the  discharge  of  cargo  (cf.  "  accom- 
phshed  the  days,"  5).  The  Christians  in  the  large 
city  had  to  be  looked  for,  but  they  took  an  interest  in 
Paul  and  warned  him  that  it  was  dangerous  for  him 
to  go  to  Jerusalem,  Paul  was  himself  aware  of  the 
danger  (Rom,  153of.).     The  scene  on  the  Ixjach  shows 


that  the  church  at  Tyre  was  not  a  large  one  ;  the 
fragrance  of  it  is  still  sweet  to  us. 

XXL  7-14.  To  Cassarea.- From  Tyre  to  Ptolemais 
(p.  28)  is  20  miles.  The  stay  there  is  brief ;  the  journey 
from  Ptolemais  to  Caesarea,  about  30  miles,  was  prob- 
ably by  land.  Philip  arrived  at  Cajsarea  after  his 
meeting  with  the  eunuch  (840) ;  he  still  hved  there  and 
he  received  the  party.  None  of  the  prophecies  of  his 
daughters  on  this  occasion  are  given  ;  the  visit  lasted 
some  days,  and  if  Pliihp  was  one  of  the  Twelve  as  well 
as  one  of  the  Seven  of  Ac.  6,  much  would  be  said  that 
wo  should  hke  to  know.  The  third  Gospel,  according, 
to  some  scholars,  was  largely  indebted  to  this  mectmg. 
Agabus  (II28)  is  here  introduced  to  us  afresh,  and 
symbohses  with  Paul's  girdle  the  bonds  and  imprison- 
ment which  in  2O23  Paul  said  were  everywhere  foretold 
to  him.     Yet  his  resolution  is  not  shaken. 

XXL  15f.  To  Jerusalem. — "  We  packed  up  "  is  prob- 
ably nearer  the  original  than  either  AV  or  RV  (see 
mg".).  The  arrangement  of  quarters  at  Jerusalem  for 
the  party  is  interesting ;  but  D  and  the  Philox.  Syriac 
read  :  "  when  we  came  to  a  certain  village  we  found 
quarters  with  Mnason."  The  journey  was  65  miles  ; 
they  would  be  more  than  one  night  on  the  way. 

XXL  17-26.  Arrival  at  Jerusalem:  Paul's  Nazirite 
Vow. — 17  gives  the  general  impr&ssion  on  both  sides 
when  Paul  arrived  ;  in  18  he  presents  himself  to  James 
with  his  retinue,  and  finds  the  elders,  i.e.  the  governing 
body  of  the  Church  (II30),  assembled  to  receive  them. 
His  report  to  them  is  given  as  in  I427,  I54.  Nothing 
is  said  of  the  subvention  from  the  churches  of  Mace- 
donia and  Greene.  The  elders  have  already  been 
considering  Paul's  arrival,  the  painful  impressions 
which  prevail  about  him  and  doubtless  occasioned  th© 
warnings  received  on  the  journey,  and  possible  means 
of  removing  them.  They  represent  multitudes  of 
Jews  who  beheve  in  Christ  and  yet  are  upholders  of 
the  Law  and  the  customs.  These  Christian  Jews  have 
been  told  that  Paul  encourages  all  the  Jews  who  five 
among  Gentiles  to  desert  Moses,  to  give  up  circumcising 
their  children  and  all  their  distinctive  practices.  This 
must  place  the  Jewish  Christians  in  a  painful  position. 
Paul  should  consider  this.  The  elders  have  thought 
of  a  plan  to  remove  these  misconceptions  and  estabhsh 
his  reputation  as  a  law-abiding  Jew.  He  is  to  associate 
himself  with  four  men  who  have  a  Nazirite  vow 
(Nu.  6*)  to  discharge,  himself  coming  under  the  same 
vow  and  paying  the  expenses?  of  the  whole  party. 
The  person  taking  the  vow  let  his  hair  grow  and 
abstained  from  every  form  of  wine  and  defiling  contact, 
and,  when  the  vow  matured,  presented  offerings  at  the 
Temple  (Nu.  613-17),  and  then  shaved  his  head  and 
put  the  laair  in  the  fire  of  the  sacrifice.  Paul,  having 
just  arrived  at  Jerusalem,  could  not  fully  discharge 
such  a  vow,  which  took  time  (at  least  thirty  days) ) 
but  the  considerable  expense  of  the  party  of  five,  two 
lambs  and  a  ram  each,  with  additions,  would  show 
his  sincerity  as  a  supiwrter  of  the  Temple  and  ite  ritee. 
This  on  his  part,  and  on  the  part  of  the  Gentile 
Christians  the  careful  observance  of  the  rescript  of  ch, 
15,  will  secure  the  position  of  the  Law  for  all  parties. 
Paul  agi-ees  ;  he  goes  next  day  to  the  Temple  and  adds 
his  vow  to  theirs ;  it  is  to  iVfor  seven  days  (27). 

XXL  27-36.  Outburst  of  Jewish  Fury  against  Paul 
in  the  Temple:  his  Arrest.— A  week  later  Paul  is  in 
the  Templo  to  discharge  his  vow  ;  whether  it  was  dis- 
charged or  not  is  uncertain.  The  sight  of  him  there 
infuriates  certain  Jews  from  Asia  (Ephesus  was  the 
metropolis  of  that  province),  who  at  once  begin  shout- 
ing, as  they  lay  their  hands  on  Paul,  that  he  toaohea 
overywhoro  a  doctrine  subversive  of  all  that  the  Jew 


800 


ACTS,  XXI.  27-36 


held  dear ;  and  that  he  had  violated  the  Toniplo  by 
taking  a  Gontile  into  the  inner  court.  An  inscription 
on  the  railings  (Rev.  II2*,  cj.  Eph.  2i4*)  dononnccd 
the  penalty  of  death  against  any  Gontile  found  there. 
It  was  a  suspicion  moroly  ;  Trophimus  (2O4)  had  been 
seen  with  ]*aul  on  the  streota  but  not  in  the  Temple. 
Paul  is  dragged  at  once  out  of  tlio  Temple,  which  he  is 
accused  of  defiling  and  which  must  at  onco  be  clearotl. 
The  Roman  garrison  at  Jerusalem  was  a  cohort  (600 
moil)  with  some  cavalry,  under  a  tribune  (31  mg.) ;  it 
was  lodged  in  the  Antonia  Tower  at  the  NVV.  corner  of 
^the  Temple  area  and  connected  with  the  Temple  by 
*two  flights  of  steps.  The  tribune,  thinking  he  has 
before  him  a  dangerous  character,  orders  him  (33)  to 
bo  heavily  chained  Uf.  126),  and  to  ascertain  the  merits 
of  the  c;vse  takes  him  up  to  the  barracks  (34). 
36.  Away  with  him:  c/.  Lk.  23 18. 

XXI.  37-40.  Conversation  on  the  Steps:  Paul 
Addresses  the  Jews. — Joscphus  (Wars,  II.  xiii.  5,  Ant. 
XX.  viii.  6)  tolls  us  of  an  Egyptian  Jew  who,  under 
Felix,  led  30,000  men  to  the  Mount  of  Olives  with 
promises  of  the  Messianic  kingdom.  He  escaped  when 
his  followers  were  killed  and  dispersed;  the  tribune 
hero  supposes  the  Jews  to  be  taking  vengeance  on 
him.  Ho  is  surprised  to  hear  Paul  speak  Greek : 
what  language  he  expected  the  Egyptian  to  use,  is 
not  clear.  The  assassins  are  the  Sicarii,  dagger-men, 
who  were  the  extreme  Jewish  party  and  spread  terror  in 
Judffla  in  the  days  of  Fohx  (p.  610).  That  Paul  after  his 
rough  usage  should  be  anxious  to  address  the  excited 
crowd  at  his  feet,  seems  unhkely,  as  also  is  his  being 
allowed  by  the  tribune  to  do  so.  But  this  is  the  last 
opportvmity  for  Paul  to  address  the  Jewish  people ; 
the  stairs  give  the  position,  and  ho  is  exhibited  once 
more  as  enjoying  the  favour  of  a  Roman  official 
(r/.  137,  18i2ff.). 

XXII.  1-21.  Paul's  Speech  to  the  Jews.— The  opening 
of  the  speech  is  like  that  of  Stephen  (72).  In  2  Cor.  11 22 
Paul  attests  his  full  membership  of  the  Jewish  jxsoplo, 
and  having  lived  many  years  in  Palestine  he  could  no 
doubt  speak  Aramaic,  though  his  countrymen  did  not 
expect  it  of  him. 

3.  at  the  feet  of  Gamaliel:  Jewish  boys  sat  on 
the  floor  at  their  lessons. — Gamaliel:  c/.  534.  Some 
scholars  are  strongly  inclined  to  put  Paul  down  as  a 
pure  Hellenist  in  his  schooling.  If  ho  did  study  with 
Gamaliel,  it  was  probably  immediately  before  his  con- 
version (II25*). — zealous  for  God:  cf.  Gal,  I14. — 
4.  this  Way:  cf.  92,  Gal.  I13;  on  the  High  Priest's 
letters  cJ.  92.  The  following  narrative  has  curious 
differences  from  that  in  ch.  9  ;  it  was  an  oft-told  tale, — 
6.  about  noon  is  a  new  touch  here. — 11.  as  in  ch.  9. — 
9  differs  from  97. — 14.  The  knowledge  of  his  vocation, 
which  Paul  himself  (Gal.  I16)  ascribes  to  Divine 
revelation,  is  here  communicated  to  him  by  Ananias. 
In  Ac.  9  Ananias  has  it  imparted  to  him  ;  here  he 
imparts  it  to  Paul. — know  his  will:  cj.  Lk.  I247, 
Rom.  2i8. — the  righteous  one:  cf.  314. — 15.  In  18,22 
the  believers  are  to  bo  witnesses  of  tho  Resurrection  ; 
what  Paul  ha.s  seen  and  heard  quaUfics  him  to  be  so 
too. — 16.  calling  on  his  name:  cf.  221,  914. — 17-21. 
Paul's  call  to  the  Gentile  mission  is  horo  represented 
as  taking  place  not  as,  in  9i5  and  26i7,  at  his  con- 
version, but  some  time  after  it  at  Jerusalem.  This 
is  not  consistent  with  liis  own  statements  in  Gal.  1, 
where  his  first  visit  to  Jerusalem  had  no  such  import- 
ance for  him  ;  but  explains  how  his  call  camo  to  be 
diff(^rent  from  that  of  the  first  apostles. 

XXII.  22-29.  After  the  Speech,  In  the  Barracks.— 
Like  Stephen,  Paul  is  int<>rruptcd,  and  threatened  with 
stoning.     The  throwuig  dust  into  the  air  ia  probably 


to  bo  understood  as  an  expression  of  blind  fury  (cf. 
2  Mac.  441).  But  the  tribune  takes  him  into  the 
barracks  and  proceeds  himself  to  deal  with  him.  Tho 
story  is  taken  up  from  2I38.  If  Paul  is  a  loader  of 
sedition,  the  case  must  be  dealt  with  instantly.  The 
examination  was  to  bo  with  scourging,  as  was  cus- 
tomary with  slaves  and  persons  not  citizens  (see  Lk.  23 
16).  The  apostle  is  being  stretched  out  "  for  "  {vig.) 
the  scourging  with  leather  thongs,  when  he  remou- 
Btratcs  with  tho  centurion  in  charge  (as  at  Pliihppi, 
I637)  that  he  is  a  Roman  who  must  not  be  subjectcfd 
to  such  usage,  and  that  there  has  been  no  trial.  The 
tribune  comes  to  inquire  into  the  first  point :  he  is  a 
Roman  himself,  by  purchase,  and  knows  he  has  gone 
too  far.  It  was  a  crime  to  bind  a  Roman  citizen  (Cic. 
in  Verrem,  ii.  5).  On  Paul's  citizenship,  which  he 
inherited  from  his  father,  as  he  perhaps  from  his,  see 
Ramsay,  Cities  of  Paul :  Tardus. 

XXII.  30-XXIII.  10.  Paul  Before  the  Sanhedrln.— 
This  is  a  difhcult  section,  and  does  not  advance  tho 
action.  Unless  the  proceedings  took  place  in  Greek, 
the  tribune  would  scarcely  secure  his  object  of  learning 
the  charge  against  Paul  ;  it  is  strange  that  he  should 
have  called  a  meeting  of  the  Sanhedrin  for  this  purpose, 
which  could  be  reached  otherwise.  Paul  is  released 
from  his  chains  and  faces  the  court  without  them, 
and  without  tho  presence  of  military.  Ho  begins  a 
speech  which  was  to  explain  his  position,  but  is  rudely 
interrupted  ;  he  has  not  been  asked  to  speak,  and 
might  be  regarded  as  treating  the  court  without  re- 
spect. He  retorts  with  appljnng  an  abusive  epithet 
to  the  High  Priest  who  had  ordered  the  interruption. 
The  "  and  "  before  liis  question  (3?*)  expresses  surprise 
or  indignation.  Ananias,  son  of  Nedcbseus,  was  High 
Priest  from  about  a.d.  47  ;  Paul  might  not  have  seen 
him  before,  but  he  was  presiding  at  the  meeting, 
"  judging  "  him,  Paul  says.  There  ia  a  screw  loose 
in  the  narrative,  and  the  appeal  (5)  to  Ex.  2228  does 
not  make  it  tight.  Paul,  however,  is  not  silenced  ; 
ho  calls  out  aloud  the  subject  of  difference  between  the 
two  great  parties,  which  they  no  doubt  ignored  at 
their  meetings,  thus  playing  the  enfant  terrible  among 
those  grave  and  reverend  men.  It  is  on  account  of 
the  hope  and  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  that  he  is 
being  judged,  ho  says.  He  was  not  being  judged  at 
all  (2230),  and  if  ho' was,  the  charge  against  him  was 
not  that  he  behoved  in  the  Resurrection,  but  that  he 
subverted  tho  authority  of  Moses  among  the  Jews  of 
the  Dispersion  (2I21).  The  diversion,  however,  is 
verj'  successful ;  the  meeting  is  at  once  in  an  uproar. 
Some  of  the  Pharisees  actually  defend  Paul  ;  they  find 
the  story  he  tells  (ch.  22)  of  his  vision  credible.  He  may 
have  been  visited  by  a  spirit  or  an  angel,  and  then — the 
conclusion  is  left  to  "be  imagined.  The  tribune  fears  that 
in  spite  of  this  Paul  will  be  torn  in  pieces ;  the  miUtary 
are  to  come  and  remove  him.  The  author  does  not 
state  his  conclusion  as  to  the  charge  here,  but  see  29. 

XXIII.  11.  The  Lord  Appears  to  Paul.— This  section 
is  inilepondent  of  the  preceding  scene  ;  the  testifying 
spoken  of  is  in  ch.  22,  and  the  vision  would  stand  quito 
well  after  2229.  The  idea  of  Rome  was  in  hia  mind 
(see  192 1 )  ;  the  Lord  makes  his  imprisonment  appear 
as  a  road  there,  which  it  was. 

XXIII.  12-24.  Jewish  Plot :  Removal  of  Paul.— The 
Jews  propose  what  tho  tribune,  in  223o-23io,  has 
already  done  on  his  own  initiative  ;  here  we  are  on 
historical  ground.  Tho  hated  person  being  removed 
from  their  power,  they  plan  an  a-ssa-ssination.  Forty 
of  them  make  themselves  a  curse  (so  literally),  i.e.  they 
are  to  bo  accursed  if  they  do  not  carry  out  their 
purpose  ;  and  they  aro  to  fast  till  it  ia  done.    For  this 


ACTS,  XXV.  1-12 


801 


end  they  apply  to  the  high  priests  and  elders  to  get 
the  tribune  to  bring  Paul  down  to  a  meeting  for  a 
further  inquiry.  No  doubt  is  entertained  apparently 
that  the  leaders  will  countenance  such  a  plot.  The 
tribune,  who  is  well  disposed  to  Paul  since  he  dis- 
covered his  citizenship,  at  once  removes  hira  from 
danger ;  but  470  men  seem  a  largo  force  for  the 
purpose.  Lysias'  motive  in  all  this  apparatus  was  his 
fear  that  the  Jews  might  get  hold  of  Paul  and  kill 
him,  and  he  be  accused  of  corruption  in  letting  them 
do  so.  The  start  is  ordered  at  9  p.m.,  and  Paul  is  to 
be  got  through  to  FeUx  at  Cajsarea.  On  Fehx,  see  p.  610. 
XXIII.  26-30.  Letter  of  Claudius  Lysias  to  Felix.— 
Fehx  is  addressed  as  "  most  excellent  "  (so  Lk.  I3,  Ac. 
2625),  a  title  of  courtesy  applied  to  proconsuls,  officers 
of  rank,  and  private  persons.  Lysias  allows  himself 
to  say  that  he  had  assisted  Paul  because  he  had  heard 
he  was  a  Roman,  and  that  he  had  done  nothing  worthy 
of  bonds  (c/.  the  two  chains,  21 33,  2230).  An  official 
sending  a  prisoner  to  a  higher  court  might  specify  the 
charge  (c/.  2527)  ;  ai^d  Lysias  takes  credit  for  having 
investigated  the  point,  and  for  having  found  that  the 
charge  involved  no  legal  offence.  This,  even  if  true, 
does  not  prove  that  the  Sanhodrin  scene  (223o-23io) 
had  really  taken  place  ;  Lysias  had  other  means  of 
satisfying  himself. 

XXIII.  31-35.  Arrival  at  Caesarea.— Antipatris  (p.  28), 
a  Greek  town  even  the  name  of  which  has  disappeared, 
was  where  Ras-el-Ain  is  now,  on  the  road  from  Lydda 
to  Caesarea,  40  miles  from  Jerusalem,  25  from  Caesarea. 
40  miles  are  more  than  a  night's  march  for  infantry. 
The  procurator  asks  the  necessary  question  as  to  the 
province  of  the  prisoner  (c/.  Lk.  236f .),  and  undertakes 
to  hear  the  case  when  the  prosecutors  arrive.  Of  the 
praetorium  (mg.)  of  Herod  at  Caesarea  nothing  is  known. 

XXIV.  1-9.  Hearing  before  Felix:  Speech  for  the 
Prosecution. — It  would  take  five  days  (i)  for  the 
summons  of  Lysias  (2830)  to  be  acted  on,  and  the 
prosecutors  to  travel  down.  The  High  Priest  and 
some  elders  appear,  to  sustain  a  judgment  they  have 
not  yet  passed  (cf.  6-8  mg.,  which  may  well  be  the 
true  text)  with  an  orator  acquainted  with  the  practice 
of  Roman  courts.  Information  is  laid  against  Paul ; 
Paul  is  called  before  the  court,  or  the  case  is  called  in 
court  (2),  and  counsel  appears  for  the  prosecution.  His 
speech  is  given  in  short ;  his  comphments  to  the 
procurator  (who  had  in  truth  done  much  to  suppress 
piracy  ;  what  other  evils  we  do  not  know),  his  desire 
to  be  brief,  then  the  charge  and  the  suggestion  that 
the  facts  will  come  out  in  the  examination  of  Paul 
himself.  The  charge  is  that  of  sedition,  disturbance 
of  order,  and  an  offence  against  the  Temple.  He  is  a 
pest ;  he  has  created  disorder  all  over  the  world  ;  he 
is  a  ringleader  of  the  sect  of  the  Nazoroans. 

XXIV.  10-21.  Paul's  Speech.— Paul  does  not  speak 
till  the  procurator  invites  him  to  do  so,  according  to 
the  necessary  order  of  all  judicial  proceedings.  His 
speech  is  not  quite  so  "  fine  "  as  that  of  Tertullus,  yet 
while  strictly  to  the  point,  as  was  necessary  in  the 
circumstances,  it  is  full  of  elegant  turns  which  have 
to  some  extent  confused  the  scribes,  so  that  the  text 
is  at  some  points  uncertain.  Felix  has  been  for  many 
years  procurator  ;  no  further  compUment  is  paid  him. 

The  twelve  days  of  1 1  are  apparently  the  sura  of  the 
.seven  days  of  21 27,  and  the  five  of  24i.  But  a  few  more 
must  be"  added  (2Ii7,i8,26,  23ii).  Paul's  visit  to 
Jerusalem  wa.s  made  from  a  reh'gious  motive,  and  he 
waa  not  involved  in  any  disturbance  or  debate  there, 
in  Temple  or  sj-nagoguc  or  street.  The  accusations 
are  denied,  as  incapable  of  proof  ;  except  that  which 
charges  him  with  belonging  to  a  sect.     He  calls  it 


"  the  Way,"  the  method,  and  claims  that  it  does  not 
prevent  him  from  being  a  good  Jew,  nor  from  beheving 
all  that  is  contained  in  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  nor 
from  the  Iwlief  of  the  Pharisees,  who  are  accusing  him, 
in  the  coming  resurrection  of  just  and  unjust.  His 
principles  are  those  of  all  good  Jews,  and  he  has  striven 
to  act  up  to  them  (16).  He  then  speaks  (17)  of  the 
errand  Avhich  after  an  absence  of  years  brought  him  to 
Jerusalem,  of  which  in  all  the  exciting  days  there  no 
mention  was  made.  Having  come  to  Jerusalem  with 
alms  and  offerings  for  his  people,  he  was  quietly  dis- 
charging in  the  Temple,  in  the  course  of  that  under- 
taking, a  vow  of  purification ;  here  the  grammar 
breaks  down  ;  he  thinks  of  the  Jews  of  Asia  (21 27) 
who  raised  the  outcry  against  him,  and  they  are  left 
without  a  verb  to  say  what  they  did  ;  they  should 
have  been  present  before  Fehx  to  substantiate  the 
charges  they  made.  The  Pharisees  who  appear  as  hia 
accusers  were  not  prasent,  but  they  had  him  before  them 
in  the  Sanhedrin.  Can  they  bring  any  charge  against 
him  on  the  ground  of  what  took  place  there  ?  On  one 
point  perhaps  they  can;  the  apostle  apologises  for  having 
said  he  was  being  tried  for  believing  in  the  resurrection 
(236),  which  shows  the  artificial  nature  of  this  speech 
and  of  the  part  of  the  narrative  on  which  it  is  based. 

XXIV.  22f.  Felix  Adjourns  the  Case.— The  clause 
"  having  more  exact  knowledge  concerning  the  Way  " 
may  be  due  to  the  editor,  who  tends  to  exhibit  Roman 
officials  as  favourable  to  tho  cause  (Preuschen).  It 
was  necessary,  of  course,  that  the  tribune  should  be 
heard  on  the  matter. 

XXIV.  24-27.  Paul  and  Felix.— DrusiUa  was  the 
third  daughter  of  Agrippa  (12i) ;  and  Fehx  had  taken 
her  from  her  husband  Azizus  of  Emesa.  She  was  liis 
third  wife,  and  all  three  were  queens.  The  marriage 
was  still  recent,  and  Paul's  preaching  of  temperance 
and  judgment  would  touch  them.  Other  hearings  took 
place  ;  but  the  delay  in  the  case  is  set  down  to  another 
motive  than  interest  in  the  preaching.  The  trial  of 
Paul  seems  to  be  the  date  from  which  the  two  years 
(27)  are  reckoned  ;  two  reasons  being  given  for  the 
long  delay.  Felix's  last  thought  on  leaving  is  to  win 
favour  from  the  Jews  ;  which  he  much  needed.  The 
Syriac  gives  an  additional  motive  for  leaving  Paul  in 
prison  ;  it  was  done  on  account  of  Prusilla. 

XXV.  1-12.  Trial  before  Festus.-  Of  Festus  little  is 
known,  but  nothing  unfavourable.  Here  he  appears 
as  a  conscientious  magistrate,  who  keeps  everyone  in 
his  proper  place  and  does  not  allow  the  course  of 
justice  to  be  unduly  delayed.  Mommsen  in  ZNTW, 
1901,  p.  81,  finds  the  account  of  Paul's  trials  before 
Felix  and  Festus,  in  spite  of  some  editorial  touches,  to 
be  quite  in  accordance  with  Roman  legal  form,  and  says 
that  in  this  report  alone  is  a  case  of  appeal  to  the 
Emperor  placed  before  us  in  living  reality.  The  new 
procurator  having  entered  on  his  office  (i  rng.)  there  is 
an  end  of  the  long  delay.  The  animosity  of  the  Jews 
against  Paul  is  unabated  after  the  two  years.  To 
their  application  (3)  Festus  rephcs  by  pointing  out 
their  proper  legal  course  ;  "  those  who  are  of  power  " 
(5)  means  those  who  had  a  right  to  apjjear  at  Caesarea. 
This  takes  place  without  delay,  the  Jews  from  Jeru- 
salem standing  round  Paul  and  making  their  charges. 
If  the  nature  of  these  can  bo  inferred  from  Pauls 
answer  in  8,  they  were  identical  with  those  made  in 
the  Temple  (2I28),  together,  with  a  general  one  of 
disloyalty.  The  Asiatic  Jews  of  the  Temple  being 
absent,  there  was  a  want  of  evidence  for  all  this,  and 
Paul  denies  their  statements.  Festus  then  puts  to 
him  what  the  Jews  asked  for.  Will  he  agree  to  a  trial 
at  Jerusalem  at  which  he,  the  procurator,  wUl  preside  ? 

26 


802 


ACTS,  XXV.  1-12 


Paul  ifl  aware  (they  have  no  doubt  made  it  plain)  that 
it  is  his  death  and  nothing  loss  that  tlie  Jews  desire ; 
and  that  to  take  him  to  Jerusalem  is  virtually  to  hand 
him  over  to  those  who  have  already  8iMitenci>d  him. 
Ho  does  not  seek  to  oscaix;  from  death  if  ho  deserves  it, 
but  if  their  chargoa  are  without  substance,  he  pleads, 
no  one  is  entitled  to  make  a  present  of  him  to  them,  a.s 
they  asked  (3).  He  insists  on  his  rights  as  a  Roman 
citizen  to  be  tried  in  the  Emperor's  couit.  Tho  appeal 
to  Caesar  is  formallj'  made,  and  after  Festus  has  con- 
sulted with  his  assessors  (23*),  is  formally  allowed. 

XXV.  13-22.  Agrippa  and  Bernice:  Interest  of 
Agrippa  In  Paul. — Agrippa  was  seventeen  years  old 
when  his  father  died  (I223).  He  obtained  from 
Claudius  and  Nero  certain  territories  in  the  N.  of 
I'alestine,  but  he  had  httlo  power  of  action.  Ho  built 
largely  at  Cajsarea  Philippi  and  at  Berytus  (Aleppo), 
and  was  not  much  interested  in  religious  matters. 
Bernice  was  his  sister,  the  sister  aLso  of  Drusilla.  After 
living  many  years  with  her  brother  she  excited  tho 
admiration  of  Titus  and  hvcd  with  him  at  Rome.  The 
private  conversation  of  Festus  and  Agrippa  (14-22)  was 
probably  given  by  the  writer  of  the  source,  who  was 
iicquaintod  with  tho  principles  of  Roman  law,  and 
made  it  up  very  correctly.  Festus  gives  his  view  of 
tho  case  publicly  in  23-27.  In  253  the  Jews  asked 
that  Paul  might  be  sent  to  Jerusalem  ;  here,  that 
sentence  of  condemnation  might  be  given  against  him. 
Tho  maxim  of  16  is  to  be  found  in  the  Roman  Digests, 
xlviii.  17i.  Festus'  account  (17S.)  shows  that  there 
was  no  delay  on  liis  part ;  the  charges  which  he  reports 
are  not  those  against  which  Paul  protests  in  8  but 
rather  those  of  the  Sanhedrin  meeting  in  23 1-9. 

20.  Translate  :  "  and  as  I  knew  httle  about  such 
disputes." — 21.  Note  mg. 

XXV.  23-27.  Paul  Placed  before  Agrippa.— Festus 
probably  lived  in  Herod's  palace  at  Cresarca,  which 
would  contain  a  largo  court-room  for  judicial  proceed- 
ings, the  "  place  of  hearing."  The  oflicers  of  rank 
and  the  leading  people  of  Caesarea  are  taken  by 
Mommsen  to  make  up  the  council  which  Festus  con- 
sulted (12),  and  Agrippa  is  also  allowed  to  be  connected 
with  that  body.  Festus  states  the  case  again,  but 
shortly  :  he  confesses  liimself  to  bo  at  a  loss  how  to 
write  the  letter  with  which  a  prisoner  appealing  to  a 
higher  court  had  to  be  accompanied  (Digests,  xhx.  6). 

26.  my  lord  (Kyrios) :  the  emperors  from  Cahgula 
downwards  accept  the  title  by  which  Oriental  monarchs 
wore  addrassed,  and  which  Augustus  and  Tiberius  had 
refused.  The  words  "  after  examination  had  "  (26) 
represent  tho  following  scene  as  a  quasi-judicial  inquiry, 
not  merely  tho  diversion  of  a  court.  But  tho  hearing  of 
Paul  by  Agrippa  may  have  been  found  existing  by  itself 
and  adopted  by  our  author  in  spite  of  tho  fact  that  tho 
same  matter  has  been  given  twice  already  in  his  boolc. 

XXVI.  1-23.  Paul  Speaks  before  Agrippa. — It  is 
Agrippa  tho  vassal  king,  not  Festus  the  representative 
of  the  sovereign  {X)\ver,  who  calls  on  Paul  to  speak, 
and  to  whom  Paul  addresses  himself  throughout,  even 
after  tho  intervention  of  Festus  (24-26).  In  9i5  it 
was  predicted  that  Paul  would  speak  boforo  kings, 
and  ho  now  does  so.  The  speech  is  in  elegant  Greek, 
and  abounds  in  classical  turns  and  expressions,  suited 
for  such  an  audience.  The  king  is  not  called  a  Jew, 
but  complimented  on  his  familiarity  witii  Jewish  ways 
and  qdostions.  Expressions  are  piled  up  to  indicate 
that  all  the  Jews,  both  in  his  own  nation  {i.e.  at  Tarsus) 
and  at  Jenisalom  know  that  from  his  earliest  days  Paul 
was  never  anything  but  a  Pharisee.  To  the  Jewish 
king  this  might,  bo  a  recommendation.  He  repeats 
that  it  is  for  believing  in  the  Resurrection  that  he  ia 


prosecuted  (see  286-9),  which  will  not  bear  scrutiny, 
since  the  Pharisees  generally  behevod  in  it.  Ho  was 
prosecuted  for  the  consequences  he  inferred  from  the 
resuiTCction  of  Christ,  viz.  that  the  Law  was  not 
essential  to  salvation.  The  question  in  8  is  therefore 
irrelevant,  though  it  throws  light  on  early  controvei-sies 
in  whicii  tlio  Cliristians  may  have  sought  to  shelter  their 
behef  beliind  that  of  the  Pharisees.  On  the  story  of 
Paul's  conversion  (9-18),  see  92ff*.  The  words  "  gave 
my  vote  against  them  "  ( 10)  are  not  to  be  taken  strictly ; 
he  no  doubt  did  what  ho  coidd  in  local  synagogues 
to  secure  their  punishment,  but  he  could  have  no  vote 
there  nor  in  tiie  Sanhedrin.  He  also  '"  strove  to  make 
them  blaspheme,"  i.e.  to  abjure  Jesus  (c/.  1  Cor.  123>. 
On  the  power  he  may  have  had  from  the  high  priests  (12), 
see  92*.  Tho  slight  changes  from  the  earher  versions 
of  the  story :  that  tho  whole  party  fell  down  ;  that  the 
voice  went  on,  in  the  proverbial  expression,  "  It  is 
hard  .  .  .  pricks  "  ;  that  the  message  conveyed  in  oh.  9 
through  Ananias  is  here  spoken  by  the  Lord  Himself ; 
all  show  how  much  the  story  was  repeated  and  how 
it  varied  in  repetition.  The  pruicipal  facts  and  words 
are  in  all  throe  versions.  Pauls  Avitness  (16)  is  to  be 
both  of  what  is  revealed  to  him  in  his  first  vision  and 
of  what  will  be  revealed  to  him  of  Christ  in  visions 
yet  to  come,  and  he  is  (to  be  ?)  dehvered  (this  word 
may  also  mean  "  chosen ")  from  Jew  and  Gentile 
ahke,  to  bo  sent  to  both  alike,  to  fulfil  to  them 
prophetic  predictions  (Jer.  I7,  Is.  305).  Passages  of 
later  PauUne  epistles  are  also  echoed  here  ;  cf.  Eph.  22, 
Col.  1 1 3.  In  his  own  account,  the  Gentiles  are  his 
mark;  see  Gal.  I16.  Agrippa  is  personally  called  on 
(19)  to  recognise  that  Paul  was  faithful  to  this  charge. 
The  statement  (20)  that  he  preached  at  Damascus  and 
at  Jerusalem  and  throughout  all  Judaea,  agrees  with  9, 
but  can  with  difficulty  be  reconciled  with  Gal.  Ii6f.* 
That  his  preaching  to  tho  Jews  and  Gentiles  was  the 
reason  of  the  attack  made  on  him  by  the  Jews  in  the 
Temple  (21)  is  not  the  whole  truth  (see  21 27-30). 
The  help  by  which  he  was  freed  from  that  peril  (22) 
and  enabled  to  continue  his  testimony,  was  brought 
to  him  by  I/ysias,  whom  he  is  here  made  to  recognise 
as  an  instrument  of  God.  What  he  states  as  his 
Gospel  is  Mhat  in  Lk.  2444-47  the  risen  Lord  Himself 
puts  in  the  mouths  of  His  followers,  that  the  prophets 
and  Moses  are  fulfilled  in  Him,  that  the  Christ  is  not 
only  a  Conqueror  l)ut  a  Sufferer  ;  but  special  weight 
is  laid  hero  on  the  Resurrection.  Christ  as  the  first 
risen  from  tho  dead  is  tiie  great  proclaimer  of  hght  to 
Jew  and  Gentile.  A  parailol  to  this  will  scarcely  be 
found  in  the  Pauline  writings  (cf.  1  P.  2q,  Jn.  I4,  812). 
XXVI.  24-29.  Challenges  and  Rejoinders.— That 
Paul  was  out  of  his  senses  was  said  of  him  at  Corinth 
(2  Cor.  513) ;  there  is  nothing  in  what  he  is  reported 
to  have  said  on  this  occasion  that  would  suggest  it 
even  to  a  heathen,  who  must  have  seen  various  forms 
of  religious  enthusiasm.  Paul  answers  that  he  is  in 
his  soter  senses,  but  he  turns  to  Agrippa,  in  whom  he  is 
interested  ;  he  is  acquainted  with  tho  facts  about 
Christ  which  are  notorious  ;  he  behevas  the  prophets 
and  must  concede  that  they  spoke  of  Christ.  Tho 
speech  of  Agrippa  in  28  is  given  in  a  text  which  has 
many  variants  and  which  WH  (ii.  App.  100)  despair  of 
restoring."     With  the  reading  of  Ephraim,  given  below, 

>  The  reading  underlying  AV.  "to  become  a  Christian,"  is  a 
correction  to  escaije  tlie  difliculty  of  the  older  text  "you  are 
lightly  persuaded  to  ninke  nie  a  Christian"  (KV).  which  is  un- 
satisfactory. The  use  of  the  t-erm  "Christian"  by  Agrippa  is 
strange;  it  originated  at  Autioch  (II26);  the  Palestinian  name 
for  the  new  sect  was  Nnzoraios  (245,  </•  222").  In  the  Armenian 
Catena  the  Syrian  Father  Ephraim  omits  this  term,  and  rcada 
simply,  "You  are  persuading  me  to  a  small  thing." 


ACTS,  XXVII.  27-44 


803 


Agrippa  puts  Paul's  question  aside  as  a  trifling  one ; 
of  course  he  believes  the  prophets,  but  what  then  7 
Paul,  on  the  other  hand  (29),  plays  with  Agrippa's 
phrase,  and  declares  his  desire  that  whether  in  a  small 
matt/cr  or  a  great  (or,  his  words  may  be  taken,  whether 
for  a  httle  time  or  a  long  time),  his  hearers  might  stand 
where  he  does,  though  with  better  fortune. 

XXVI.  30-32.  Result  of  the  Hearing.— 30  scarcely 
suggests  the  deliberations  of  a  court  after  the  hearing. 

XXVII.  Paul's  Journey  to  Rome.'— 1-8.  To  Crete.— 
Hero  we  again  re;ich  the  Travel-document,  which  accom- 
panies us  to  28 16.  There  is  evidence  of  an  Augustan 
cohort  in  Syria.  A  coasting  vessel  is  taken  for  the 
first  part  of  the  voyage.  For  Aristarchus,  see  I929, 
20 4,  The  voyage  eastwards  (21 3)  passed  to  the  S.  of 
Cyprus  ;  this  time  the  northern  route  is  taken,  on 
account  of  the  W.  wind  which  prevails  in  the  Levant 
in  summer.  On  reaching  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
local  land  breezes  carried  the  ship  more  slowly  west- 
ward ;  the  voyage  to  Myra  (21 1*)  is  said  in  various 
MSS  to  have  taken  15  days.  The  W.  wind  would 
enable  the  corn  ship  (38),  in  v.luch  the  voyage  was 
continued,  to  cross  the  Mediterranean  from  Alexandria 
direct  to  Mjnra,  and  it  would  coast  from  there  along 
Asia  Minor  ;  this  was  the  normal  voyage  in  those  days. 
Progress  was  slow  from  Myra  to  the  longitude  of 
Cnidus,  the  wind  being  still  from  the  W.,  and  from 
there  the  shelter  of  the  S.  of  Crete  was  sought,  as  that 
wind  allowed.  Sahnone  is  the  NE.  point  of  Crete,  on 
rounding  which  it  was  possible,  though  not  easy,  to 
coast  along  westwards.  Fair  Havens  is  a  bay  sheltered 
from  the  W.  and  the  N.  winds,  and  the  last  shelter 
in  this  voyage  from  the  W.  wind. 

XXVn.  9-26.  To  Malta.— The  Fast  of  the  groat  Day 
of  Atonement  fell  on  the  10th  of  Tishri  (Sept.-Oct.). 
The  season  for  shipping  ended  November  11,  and  opened 
again  March  5;  but  voyages  were  counted  dangerous 
after  the  middle  of  September.  Paul  speaks  as  an  ex- 
perienced traveller,  and  one  who  has  been  thrice  ship- 
wrecked (2  Cor.  II25).  He  is  agairLst  setting  sail  again 
(21).  The  centurion,  who  had  authority  to  control 
the  navigation  since  the  com  ship  was  a  government 
vessel  (Ramsay,  St.  Paul,  p.  321),  does  not  listen  to 
him  ;  quite  rightly  he  is  guided  by  the  experts  who  are 
responsible  for  the  navigation,  the  master  of  the  ship 
and  the  owner.  The  experts  agreed  with  Paul  so  far 
that  they  did  not  wish  to  leave  the  shelter  of  Crete  (12)  ; 
they  considered  Fair  Havens  unsuitable  for  wintering, 
and  were  for  holding  along  the  S.  shore  of  Crete  till 
they  came  to  a  harbour  suitable  for  that  purpose. 
Phoenix,  the  best  harbour  of  Crete  (now  Lutro),  has 
an  island  at  its  mouth  and  looks,  it  is  said,  down  the 
SW.  and  the  N\V.  wind  (mg.),  i.e.  affords  shelter  from 
those  winds  ;  it  is  40  miles  from  Fair  Havens,  over 
open  water.  (12  would,  a.s  Wellhausen  points  out 
{Acts.  p.  17),  read  better  after  8.)  The  hurricane  which 
came  down  from  the  mountains  of  Crete  is  called  in 
the  old  text  Euroclydon,  "  SE.,"  which  may  mean 
East-billower ;  in  the  text  followed  by  RV  it  is  Eur- 
aquilo, "  NE.,"  which  answers  well  to  the  circumstances. 
The  bow  of  the  ship  could  not  bo  brought  up  to  this 
wind,  so  they  let  her  away  and  drove  l^fore  it.  The 
little  island  Cauda,  or  Clauda,  gave  so  much  shelter,  that 
the  boat  the  ship  had  been  towing  behind  her  could, 
though  with  great  difficulty,  be  hauled  on  board.  The 
operation  next  described,  "  they  used  helps  (Ramsay, 
'  attempts  to  case  the  ship  ')  undergirding  the  ship,"  is 
no  longer  practised  since  ship?  are  built  of  iron,  but  was 

^  On  the  whole  chapter  see  The  Vowoe  and  ShijArrtck  of  S.  Pavl, 
by  James  Smith,  184« ;  a  book  full  61  valuable  Information  on  the 
whole  subject. 


frequently  carried  out  on  wooden  ships  even  m  the 
nineteenth  century ;  the  timbera  were  to  be  prevented 
from  opening,  through  the  straining  of  the  mast  under 
the  great  sail,  by  passing  cables  round  her  waist.  176 
has  been  explained  in  different  ways.  The  ship  is  now 
in  the  open  sea,  and  the  NE.  wind  would  of  itself  drive 
her  upon  the  Syrtis,  the  great  sands  on  the  N.  coast 
of  Africa.  To  prevent  this  the  rate  of  drifting  might 
be  reduced ;  most  German  commentators  consider 
that  this  was  the  intention,  and  that  a  sea-anchor  of 
something  heavy  was  lowered  from  the  stem.  The 
Gr.  words  might  be  used  of  such  an  apparatus.  But 
the  ship  drifted  westwards,  to  Malta,  and  the  opera- 
tion, if  we  take  "  the  gear  "  to  bo  the  yard  and  sail, 
was  aimed  at  that  result.  Sail  was  shortened,  so  that 
the  ship  could  Ue  to  and  not  be  carried  to  the  S.  but 
drift  W.  This  would  increa-so  the  roUing  of  the  ship, 
and  let  the  waves  wash  more  freely  over  her  ;  hghtening 
operations  were  therefore  resorted  to,  so  that  she 
might  rise  in  the  water  ;  a  beginning  was  made  with 
the  cargo,  though  enough  was  left  to  act  as  ballast  (38), 
and  the  day  after,  the  deck  lumber  (Smith  thinks  the 
great  yard)  was  thrown  out.  (The  AV  gives  this  in 
the  first  person  ;  the  passengers  had  to  help.)  The 
sun  and  stars  (20)  were  the  mariner's  compass  in  these 
days  ;  without  seeing  them  he  could  not  teU  in  what 
direction  he  was  going  ;  and  the  wind  still  blew  strong. 
But  Paul,  who  had  been  shipwrecked  thrice  before, 
and  had  a  fixed  conviction  that  he  was  yet  to  see 
great  things,  did  not  yield  to  the  despair  that  had 
fallen  on  the  ship's  company  (21).  He  is  sure  all  who 
are  in  the  ship  will  be  saved  ;  he  has  had  a  message 
to  that  effect ;  God's  designs  with  him  will  have  that 
consequence.     An  island  will  receive  them. 

XXVn.  27-44.  Landing  on  Malta.— "  Adria "  was 
not  then  what  is  now  called  the  Adriatic,  but  was  a 
general  name  for  the  sea  between  ilalta,  Italy,  Greece, 
and  CVete.  After  a  fortnight's  tossing  on  this  sea 
there  were  signs  that  "  some  land  was  approaching." 
This  took  place  at  night  when  nothing  could  be  seen  ; 
distant  breakers  probably  were  heard.  The  surmise 
was  confirmed  by  the  use  of  the  lead,  and  lest  she 
should  go  upon  the  rocks  in  the  dark,  the  ship  was 
anchored,  but  in  such  a  way  that  her  bow  pointed 
to  the  shore.  When  day  broke  they  would  know  what 
kind  of  a  shore  it  was.  The  crew  may  not  have 
wished  to  desert  the  ship  (30),  but  the  safety  of  the 
party  required  that  they  should  remain  on  board,  and 
on  Paul's  initiative,  the  soldiers  secured  that  they 
should  do  so.  The  exact  translation  of  the  first  clausie 
of  33  is  :  "  But  till  it  should  come  to  be  day,"  indi- 
cating that  the  time  of  waiting  was  filled  up  by  the 
action  of  Paul,  which  is  narrated,  and  which  needs 
little  comment.  There  was  nothing  to  be  done,  and 
the  people  were  hungry  (21) ;  food  is  hard  to  come  by, 
and  apt  to  be  forgott<?n,  in  a  storm,  and  provisions  get 
spoiled.  The  meal  put  them  in  better  heart  for  the 
efforts  still  to  be  made.  As  for  the  number  (37), 
Josephus  tells  us  of  a  voyage  he  made  to  Rome  with 
600  on  board.  The  discharge  of  the  cargo  (38)  would 
help  the  ship  when  mn  aground  to  move  higher  up 
the  beach.  The  bay  with  a  sandv  beach  (39)  is  identi- 
fied with  St,  Paul's  Bay  in  the  NE.  of  Malta.  For  a 
description,  see  Smith.  The  anchors,  accordingly, 
wero  slipped  and  left  in  the  sea  {40) ;  the  two  great 
oars,  one  on  each  side  of  the  stem,  by  which  the  ship 
was  steered  and  which  wero  tied  up  while  she  was  at 
anchor,  wero  released  from  their  fastenings  ;  the  fore- 
sail, the  smaller  sail,  was  hoisted  to  give  her  steering 
waj',  and  they  made  for  the  beach.  The  "'  place  where 
two  seaa  mot  "  (41)  is  probably  at  the  inner  side  of  the 


804 


ACTS,  XXVII.  27-44 


island  Salmonetta,  which  lies  at  the  mouth  of  St. 
Paul's  Bay.  Thoro  is  a  stiflF,  muddy  bottom,  good  for 
anchoring,  or  for  holding  fast  a  ship  that  runs  aground 
on  it.  Ii  the  ship  drew  18  feet,  there  would  be  a  good 
deal  of  rough  water  between  her  and  the  land. 

[38.  In  spito  of  the  opening  words,  "  the  wheat " 
must  be  the  cargo  of  grain  which  they  were  taking  to 
Rome,  not  the  provisions  for  crew  and  passengers  ;  to 
have  thrown  these  overboard  would  have  been  im- 
provident and  of  httlo  use.  Naber  {Mnemosyne,  1881, 
pp.  293f.)  conjectures  histon  for  siton,  "throwing  out 
the  mast."  This  involves  merely  the  transposition 
of  two  letters.  He  thinks  the  "  mast "  is  not  the 
main-mast,  but  a  smaller  mast  in  the  bows  to  which 
the  foresail  could  be  attached.  The  main-mast,  he 
supposes,  may  have  been  cut  away  several  days 
previously.  His  discussion  is  reproduced  in  Baljons 
edition  o\  the  NT,  pp.  421f.  It  rests  on  the  (probably 
incorrect)  view  that  "  the  wheat '"  means  the  supplies 
for  the  voyage ;  and  the  emendation  cannot  be  pro- 
nounced more  than  tempting  and  ingenious. — A.  S.  P.] 

XXVm.  1-6.  The  Inhabitants  of  Malta.— The  in- 
habitants of  Malta  were  of  Phoenician  extraction ; 
they  are  called  barbarians  in  2,  as  they  spoke  another 
language  than  Greek  ;  inscriptions  in  two  languages 
are  found  in  the  island.  The  date  of  the  landing  was 
before  the  middle  of  November  (279,27),  and  the 
weather  was  cold,  a  miserable  situation  but  for  the 
kindness  of  the  inhabitants.  For  Paul's  sentiments  on 
such  an  occasion,  see  2  Cor.  I4  and  that  epistle  generally, 
written  about  a  year  before  this.  But  all  that  is  told 
us  of  him  is  that  he  gathered  some  sticks,  and  what 
came  out  of  them  (c/.  Mk.  I618).  Ramsay  {Luke  the 
Physician,  pp.  63-65)  identifies  the  snake  a.s  Corone.Ua 
Auslriaca,  a  constrictor  without  poison  fangs,  similar 
in  size  and  appearance  to  the  viper.  It  was  not  the 
first  time  that  Paul  had  been  taken  for  a  god  ;  cf.  14iif. 

XXVin.  7-10.  Visit  to  Publlus.  -The  '  chief  "  man 
of  the  island  is  in  the  Gr.  the  "  first  "  man,  an  official 
title,  found  on  inscriptions  in  Malta  (p.  614).  The 
cure  of  hie  father  by  Paul  is  effected  by  prayer  and 
imposition  of  hands  (cf.  912,17).  Paul  beUeved  in  his 
own  power  to  do  such  things  (2  Cor.  12i2),  and  in  the 
gift  of  healing  given  to  other  believers  (1  Cor.  I29) ; 
see  also  Jas.  514.  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that 
there  was  a  physician  in  the  party. 

XXVin.  11-15.  Journey  from  Malta  to  Rome.— 
"  Three  months  "  brings  us  to  the  middle  of  February, 
which  is  before  the  opening  of  navigation.  They  had 
doubtless  seen  the  Dioscuri,  Heavenly  Twins,  a  ship 
like  that  in  which  they  were  wrecked,  and  making  the 
same  voyage  from  Alexandria  to  Italy.  A  day's  sail 
would  bring  them  to  Syracuse.  From  Syracuse  to 
Rhegium  they  had  not  a  S.  wind,  and  if  the  text  is 
correct  they  had  to  tack.  The  mg.,  "  they  cast  loose," 
adopted  by  WH,  is  too  trivial  a  statement.  After  a  day 
at  Rhegium  (now  Reggio),  the  wind  sprang  up  which 
they  wanted,  and  they  sailed  in  a  day  to  Puteoli, 
where  the  passengers  landed. 

The  journey  is  not  hke  that  of  a  prisoner  on  his 
way  to  trial,  as  Preuschen  remarks,  but  like  that  of  a 
missionary  whose  time  is  at  his  own  disposal.  The 
centurion  has  disappeared  out  of  the  story,  and  only 
comes  forward  again  in  16  {mg.).  Paul  is  twice  said 
to  have  come  to  Rome  (14  and  16).  Ramsay  suggests 
that  the  first  time  it  is  to  the  "  Ager  Romanus  "  that 
he  comee,  the  Roman  territory,  marked,  no  doubt,  in 
some  way  at  its  border.  But  15  is  against  this  ;  the 
brethren  did  not  come  from  the  Roman  territory  to 
meet  Paul,  but  from  Rome  itself,  we  must  presume. 
The  writer  seems  to  be  working  from  two  sources,  the 


one  telling  of  Paul's  coming  to  Rome  as  i4f.  does,  and 
the  other  which  presents  him  as  a  prisoner  in  16. 
Appii  Forum  on  the  Appian  Road  is  40  miles,  "  Three 
Taverns  "  30  miles,  from  Rome.  We  may  suppose 
Paul  to  have  been  glad  to  meet  some  of  those  he  had 
lately  addressed  in  the  greatest  of  his  letters,  but  the 
narrative  is  abbreviated.  We  find  the  centurion  again 
(16),  who  in  some  codices  (;«^.)  hands  over  his  prLsonera 
to  the  stratopedarch,  i.e.  not  the  commander  of  the 
praiUtnan  guard  but  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  com- 
munications between  the  legions  of  the  provinces  and 
headquarters.  Paul's  confinement  is  easy  ;  he  must 
have  been  in  command  of  resources  (p.  772).  He  lives 
in  a  lodging  of  his  own,  chained,  no  doubt  to  the  soldier 
who  guarded  him. 

XXVIII.  17-21.  Interview  with  the  Jews  at  Rome.— 
30  is  continuous  with  16.  In  17-29  the  programme 
ascribed  to  Paul  in  Ac,  that  he  addresses  the  Jews 
first,  the  Gentiles  when  the  Jews  have  proved  un- 
believing, is  exhibited  in  a  conspicuous  instance.  The 
relations  of  Paul  with  the  Christians  at  Rome  (15)  are 
not  mentioned  again.  On  his  arrival  he  at  once  (17) 
summons  the  principal  Jews  and  defends  himself  to 
tliem  as  he  had  done  in  24 12  against  the  charge  of 
attacking  the  I^aw.  The  end  of  17  is  a  perversion  of 
the  facts  as  placed  before  us  in  ch.  21 ;  the  Jews  are  re- 
presented as  arresting  Paul  at  Jerusalem  and  handing 
him  over  to  the  Romans  at  some  other  place.  Claudius 
Lysias  is  quite  forgotten.  The  verdict  of  the  Roman 
officials  on  his  case  is  correctly  reflected  in  18,  and  his 
appeal  to  Caesar  is  stated  as  in*25i  i.  Speaking  to  Jews 
he  forgets  the  plot  made  against  him  (252f.).  20  repeats 
the  claim  (236,  24i5,  267)  that  it  is  for  believing  in 
the  Resurrection  that  he  is  a  prisoner.     Cf.  p.  777. 

The  reply  of  the  Jews  in  21  is  curious  in  view  of  the 
charges  made  by  Jews  since  the  beginning  of  his 
European  mission  (176f.,  2l2of.,28,  245)  against  which 
he  constantly  defends  himself.  Their  poUteness  must 
have  put  a  strain  on  their  conscience  if  they  spoke  as 
here  reported  ;  or  is  it  the  writer  of  Ac.  who  thus 
prepares  the  scene  which  is  to  exhibit  them  as  de- 
liberately rejecting  the  Gospel  ?  Though  they  have 
heard  no  evil  of  Paul,  they  have  heard  of  his  sect,  but 
for  Paul's  sake  they  are  wilhng  to  listen  to  its  doctrine. 

XXVin.  23-28.  The  Jews  are  Hardened.— It  was  a 
numerous  meeting  ;  wo  can  scarcely  understand  the 
words  to  mean  that  more  came  the  second  time  than 
the  first.  "  The  kingdom  of  God  "  is  a  wide  phrase 
for  the  Christian  doctrine  which  began  with  the 
announcement  of  the  nearness  of  God's  rule  {cf.  I3). 
The  doctrine  about  Jesus,  supported  by  texts  from  the 
Law  and  the  Prophets,  is  appropriate  to  the  audience, 
and  sums  up  what  the  writer  considered  to  be  the 
essence  of  Christian  preaching  {cf.  Lk.  2444).  But 
they  must  have  heard  it  all  before  ;  the  occasion  could 
not  have  such  tragic  importance  for  them  as  Paul's 
quotation  of  Is,  6<.ji.  (LXX)  suggests.  The  passage 
appears  in  the  Gospels  in  controversy  with  the  Jews  ; 
see  Mk.  4i2*,  Jn.  I240  ;  also  1  Clem.  83,  Justin,  Dial.  12 
and  28.  The  words  added  in  7/117.  (29)  are  a  repetition 
of  24f.,  and  are  out  of  place  after  the  verdict  on  the 
Jews  given  in  the  quotation.  In  Rom.  1 14  Paul  does 
not  profess  himself  debtor  to  the  Jews  ;  the  word 
"  first  "  in  Rom.  1 16  is  given  bv  WH  in  brackets. 

XXVIII.  30f.  Conclusion. — These  verses  take  up  16 
and  show  us  Paul  carrying  on  his  mission  in  Rome 
undisturbed,  preaching  as  in  23.  Hero  the  book  ends  : 
if  the  writer  has  information  about  the  trial  and  the 
death  of  Paul,  he  does  not  enter  upon  it.  H  Ac, 
appeared  in  the  reign  of  Doraitian,  the  closing  words 
are  very  effective.     Cf.  p.  772. 


THE  PAULINE  THEOLOGY 


By  Professor  H.  A.  A.  KENNEDY 


I.  Presuppositions,  (a)  Pharisaic  Training. — It  ia 
true  even  of  the  moat  gifted  thinker  that  his  ideas  are 
permanently  influenced  by  his  early  training.  Such 
influence  will  be  more  marked  when  the  training  is 
determined  by  a  sacred  tradition.  As  the  son  of 
devout  Hebrews  (Phil.  85),  and  probably  destined  to  be 
a  religious  teacher,  Paul's  acquaintance  with  the  OT 
was  that  of  an  expert.  In  the  Law,  the  Prophets, 
and  the  Psalms,  he  had  found  spiritual  nurture  and 
intellectual  illumination.  He  had  learned  to  use  the 
Scriptures  as  absolutely  authoritative  for  faith  and 
life.  When  he  became  a  Christian  he  did  not  abandon, 
but  only  modified  his  attitude.  The  fulfilment  of  the 
earlier  revelation  in  Christ  confirmed  its  value  and 
gave  him  fresh  insight  into  its  meaning.  Its  regulative 
importance  for  his  thought  is  evident  from  liis  constant 
use  of  Scripture  proofs  in  establishing  his  arguments 
(e.g.  Rom.  3iof.,  Gal.  36,8,10-13).  This  method  had 
been  carried  to  extravagant  lengths  in  the  Pharisaic 
schools.  Their  main  business  was  commenting  on  the 
text  of  the  OT.  Tliese  comments,  remarkable  for 
their  ingenuity  and  pedantry,  had  accumulated  into  a 
mass  of  tradition,  chiefly  occupied  with  the  Law,  and 
possessing  an  equal  authority.  Traces  of  the  Rabbinic 
exegesis  in  which  Paul  had  been  trained  appear  in 
such  arguments  as  Gal.  3i6,  421-31.  But  nothing 
more  completely  reveals  the  completeness  of  his 
religious  transformation  than  the  manner  in  which 
he  has  shaken  off  the  limitations  of  his  professional 
education. 

The  Law  was  not,  however,  studied  by  the  Pharisees 
for  its  historical  interest.  Its  strict  observance  was 
the  most  pressing  question  of  the  national  life.  To 
outward  appearance  the  Jews  were  a  conquered,  broken 
people.  There  was  nothing  in  their  present  experience 
to  kindle  expectations  of  a  happier  future.  But  that 
was  to  reckon  without  God.  For  God  and  Gods 
Covenant  were  the  supreme  factors  in  their  history. 
The  Law  was  the  visible  expression  of  God's  relation 
to  them,  God's  will  for  them.  To  obey  the  Law  was 
to  hold  God  to  His  promises.  And  these  promises 
were  summed  up  in  the  Messianic  Hope  which  had 
preserved  their  vitality  in  the  midst  of  overwhelming 
disasters.  Hence  those  who  ignored  the  claims  of  the 
Law  were  a  positive  hindrance  to  the  realisation  of 
the  nation's  splendid  destiny.  But  there  were  also 
serious  consequences  for  the  individual.  The  con- 
ception of  personal  retribution  ha^  by  this  time  come 
into  the  forefront.  God's  final  verdict  on  each  life 
at  the  day  of  reckoning  was  based  on  its  obedience 
or  disobedience  to  the  legal  standards.  Thus  the 
religious  experience  of  a  Pharisee  largely  consisted 
in  his  consciousness  of  blamelessness  or  transgression 
when  confronted  with  the  prescribed  requiromenta  of 
the  authontative  code. 


The  central  place  of  the  Messianic  Hope  in  the 
Pharisaic  outlook  reminds  us  that  the  devout  Jew  of 
Paul's  day  was  constantly  engrossed  with  the  future. 
When  the  woes  of  the  present  had  reached  a  climax, 
he  expected  a  catastrophic  intervention  of  God,  in 
which  the  existing  evil  age  should  be  transformed, 
and  the  Divine  rule  established  once  for  all  in  right- 
eousness. The  pictures  of  the  coming  age  are  con- 
fusingly varied.  At  times  its  basis  is  earthly,  at  times 
it  belongs  to  a  new  heavenly  order.  Perhaps  more 
often  than  not  it  is  associated  with  the  figure  of  a 
personal  Messiah.  Throughout  his  epistles,  Paul  re- 
veals the  influence  of  this  strain  of  thought. 

(b)  Diaspora-Environment. — While  Paul  took  his 
theological  curriculum,  if  we  may  so  describe  it,  in 
the  Rabbinic  schools  of  Jerusalem,  he  was  by  birth  a 
Jew  of  the  Diaspora.  There  can  he  little  doubt  that 
the  more  Uberal  atmosphere  of  Hellenism  was  not 
without  effect  even  upon  so  exclusive  a  temperament 
as  the  Jewish.  Recent  discoveries  have  shown  a 
closer  touch  with  Greek  life  than  was  formerly  recog- 
nised. In  auy  case,  the  fringe  of  Greek  enquirers 
attached  to  the  synagogues  ia  important  centres 
formed  a  medium  for  the  communication  of  Hellenistic 
ideas.  Paul's  native  city  of  Tarsus  was  famous  for 
its  school  of  Stoic  philosophy.  Whether,  in  his  earlier 
days,  his  eager  spirit  was  affected  by  the  doctrines  of 
Stoicism  which  were  being  diffused  among  all  classes 
of  society  we  cannot  tell.  The  occasional  points  of 
contact  between  Paul  and  the  popular  philosophy  of 
his  time  can  quite  well  be  accounted  for  by  his  inevi- 
table intercourse,  as  a  Christian  missionary,  with  men 
and  women  whose  thought  had  been  influenced  by  the 
current  behofs  of  the  day.  To  the  same  source  must 
be  referred  those  traces  of  affinity  with  influential 
mysteiy-cults  which  are  occasionally  discernible  in  his 
conceptions  and  (still  more)  in  his  terminology. 

(c)  Pre-Christian  Peligions  Experience. — The  influ- 
ences described  in  the  preceding  paragraphs  must  be 
regarded  as  secondary  factors  in  shaping  the  Pauline 
theology,  as  compared  with  the  crisis  of  Paul's  con- 
version which  cleft  his  life  in  twain.  But  the  signifi- 
cance of  his  conversion  can  scarcely  be  grasped,  apart 
from  a  brief  survey  of  his  pre-Christian  religious 
experience,  so  far  as  that  may  be  inferred  from  the 
hints  supplied  by  his  letters.  Two  considerations 
ought  hereto  be  emphasized.  First,  Pauls  experience 
must  not  be  regarded  as  typical  of  the  average  Judaism 
of  his  day.  That  explains  why  so  many  Jewish 
Christians  failo<i  to  understand  him.  And,  secondly, 
the  account  which  ho  gives  of  his  pre-Christian  life, 
notably  as  regards  the  opoxation  of  the  Law  (e.g. 
Rom.  77-24),  could  only  have  been  given  by  a  Christian 
believer.  Still,  wo  have  sufficient  data  from  which  to 
compose  a  rough  picture. 


1  'Hie  rastoral  Epistles  are  not  used  In  tliis  discussion,  as  the  present  writer,  while  admitting  the  existence  In  them  of  some 
Pauline  material,  is  unable  to  assign  them  to  Paul  In  their  extant  form. 

805 


806 


THE  PAULINE   THEOLOGY 


It  is  plain  that  before  the  revelation  of  Christ  to 
him,  Paul  was  in  a  state  of  spiritual  unrest.  The 
religion  of  legalism  did  not  satisfy  his  conscience. 
Ratlior  did  it  intensify  its  sonsitivoness  to  sin.  And  he 
found  himself  furthi^r  and  further  removed  from  a 
standard  of  obedience  whose  claims  grew  ever  more 
exacting.  He  was  oppressed  by  that  consciousness  of 
failure  so  poignantly  expressed  by  another  devout 
Jew,  almost  a  contemporary  of  his  own,  in  the  Ezra- 
Apocalypse  {e.g.  7ii8f.,  936).  We  possess  only  his 
Christian  explanation  of  the  situation.  Probably  that 
reveals  elements  prominent  to  his  mind  in  the  earlier 
epoch.  Why  was  ho  unable  to  keep  the  Law  ?  Be- 
cause of  "  the  flesh  ■'  (Rom.  83).  Paul's  use  of  this 
term  has  its  roots  in  the  OT.  There  human  nature 
in  ita  weakness  and  transiency  is  designated  "  flesh," 
and  contrasted  with  the  might  and  eternity  of  God, 
who  is  "  spirit."  The  same  word  is  employed  in  a 
disparaging  sense  of  the  body  in  the  Platonic  schools. 
Paul  discloses  no  theory  of  the  inherent  evil  of  matter 
(IS  such,  and  it  is  difficult  to  determine  his  idea  of  the 
origin  of  evil  (Rom.  5i2ff.).  But  as  a  fact  of  practical 
experience,  ho  has  found  his  bodily  life  to  be  tainted 
and  weakened  by  sin  (Rom.  7i8),  and  this  condition  is 
universal.  Thus,  when  the  Law  utters  its  prohibitions, 
80  far  from  obeying,  his  sinful  nature  feels  resentment. 
What,  then,  can  bo  the  meaning  of  such  an  order  of 
things  ? 

As  accepting  the  Pentateuch  in  the  most  literal 
sense  as  a  Divine  revelation,  Paul  can  only  pronounce 
the  Law  to  be  "  holy  and  righteous  and  good  "  (Rom. 
7i2).  But  through  liis  marvellous  spiritual  intuition 
he  penetrates  to  the  foundations  of  OT  religion,  and 
discovers  there  a  higher  element  than  legalism.  He 
is  led  to  the  discovery  by  his  own  experience.  As  a 
Pharisee  under  the  Law,  his  attitude  to  God  was 
largely  one  of  fear.  As  a  believer  in  Christ  he  has 
exchanged  this  for  an  attitude  of  freedom  and  joy. 
There  can  be  no  comparison  between  the  two  kmds 
of  relationship.  With  extraordinary  boldness  as  well 
as  insight  ho  finds  in  the  OT  the  foreshadowing  of  the 
higher  attitude.  This  is  illustrated  in  the  religious 
life  of  the  patriarch  Abraham.  He  is  not  hemmed  in 
by  legal  sanctions.  He  is  content  simply  to  cast  him- 
self upon  the  gracious  promises  of  God  (Gal.  3 16-18). 
Legalism,  therefore,  was  only  a  temporary  phase  of 
OT  religion  (Rom.  52o).  It  was  meant  to  intensify 
men's  consciousness  of  sin  (Rom.  7i3).  It  was  in- 
tended to  bo  a  discipline  preparatory  for  Christ 
(Gal.  32 3f.).  Here,  by  the  sheer  power  of  his  religious 
sensibility,  the  Apostle  anticipates  the  discovery  of 
modern  investigation,  that  legalism  was  not  the 
foundation  of  OT  religion,  but  rather  a  phase  in  its 
development.  Naturally,  therefore,  in  his  controversy 
with  Jewish  Christians  whose  experience  of  Christ  was 
far  less  profound  than  his  own,  and  who  failed  to 
recognise  the  essential  limitations  of  legalism  as  a 
religious  system,  ho  uses  language  which  appears  in- 
consistent with  his  fundamental  recognition  of  the  Law 
as  an  expression  of  the  Divine  will. 

But,  as  a  Pharisee,  he  had  not  come  within  sight  of 
such  conclusions.  Nay,  he  had  striven  with  might 
and  main  to  be  blameless,  according  to  the  accepted 
standards  (Phil.  35f.),  and  was  recognised  as  a  leader  in 
his  sect  (Gal.  I14)  The  tumult  of  diasatisfaction 
within  would  at  first  spur  him  on  to  an  excess  of  out- 
ward zeal.  It  is  not,  therefore,  surprising  to  find  him 
"  beyond  measure  persecuting  "  (Gal.  I13)  the  followers 
of  the  crucified  Nazarene,  who,  in  defiance  of  all 
national  expectations,  had  claimed  to  be  Messiah.  In 
an  attitude  like  that  of  Stephen  (Ac.  68—753),  which 


seemed  to  make  light  of  th  hereditary  ritual  of  Judaism, 
Paul  would  find  the  inevitable  outcome  of  a  Messianic 
claim  that  appeared  so  scandalous.  He  was  not  yet 
aware  that  the  majority  of  those  who  adhered  to  the 
new  sect  had  in  no  sense  departed  from  allegiance  to 
the  Law  of  their  fathers. 

II.  The  Crisis  of  Paul's  Conversion,  (a)  Revelation 
of  the  living  Christ. — The  story  of  Paul's  conversion 
belongs  to  his  biography.  What  concerns  us  here  is 
its  significance  for  his  theology,  a  significance  which 
the  Epistles  show  to  bo  primary.  In  one  of  the  most 
illuminating  passages  that  he  ever  wrote,  he  speaks  of 
the  good  pleasure  of  God,  who  had  separated  him 
from  his  birth  and  called  him  by  His  grace,  "  to  reveal 
his  Son  in  me,  that  I  might  preach  him  among  the 
Gentiles"  (Gal.  I16).  That  sentence  is  a  crucial  de- 
scription of  his  epoch-making  experience.  '^Vhatever 
else  it  was,  it  meant  a  revelation  of  Jesus  Christ,  the 
Son  of  God,  in  the  depths  of  his  being,  with  the  high 
purpose  of  inspiring  him  with  a  Gospel  which  should 
appeal  to  the  heathen  world.  We  have  considered 
what  may  be  called  the  silent  preparation  for  this 
crisis.  In  that  there  were  psychological  factors  of 
real  importance.  But  Paul  always  regarded  the  event 
as  a  wonder  of  the  Divine  grace  (e.^.  1  Cor.  158-io). 
For  him  it  was  no  culmination  of  a  subjective  process. 
It  was  the  condescension  of  a  love  that  passeth  know- 
ledge, which  suddenly  checked  him  in  a  career  of 
ignorant  folly.  Perhaps  the  "  call  "  referred  to  in  the 
passage  quoted  embraces  all  the  providential  circum- 
stances which  unconsciously  were  shaping  Paul  for 
his  great  vocation.  At  any  rate,  the  idea  of  a  "  choice  " 
or  "  call  "  of  God  is  central  for  his  thought.  We  are 
apt  to  estimate  his  conception  of  Election  from  the 
famous  section  of  Romans  (chs.  9-11)  in  which  he 
attempts  to  explain  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of 
salvation  on  traditional  Jewish  lines.  But  even  in 
that  discussion,  with  its  apparently  arbitrary  outlook, 
he  asserts  that  "  the  gifts  and  the  calling  of  God  are 
not  things  about  which  he  changes  his  mind  "  (Rom. 
11 29).  Here  is  the  worth  of  the  idea  for  his  personal 
life.  For  him  Election  means  that  his  salvation  is 
not  an  accident.  It  forms  an  element  in  a  mighty 
Divine  purpose  for  the  world.  The  power  and  grace 
of  God  are  behind  it.  Surely  he  has  a  right  to  believe 
that  that  purpose  will  not  fall  to  the  ground,  that  God 
will  be  faithful  to  the  end  (Rom.  829f.).  He  is  quite 
conscious  of  his  own  frailty  and  of. the  fickleness  of 
his  converts.  Yet  he  can  assure  the  Philippians  of 
his  confidence  "  that  he  which  began  a  good  work  in 
you  will  perfect  it  until  the  day  of  Jesus  Christ  " 
(Phil.  l6).  So  his  election  does  not  stand  for  a 
capricious  favouritism.  Rather  is  it  the  bulwark  of 
his  faith  and  hope,  when  with  fear  and  trembling  he 
applies  the  standard  of  Christ  to  his  life. 

(&)  Missionary  Call. — The  crowning -point  of  his  call 
is  the  revelation  to  him  of  the  living  Christ.  We  must 
examine  the  content  of  that  revelation  immediately. 
Meanwhile,  lot  us  note  its  bearing  on  his  career,  for 
that  career  shaped  his  theology.  Why  did  Paul 
directly  as.sociate  with  the  revelation  a  summons  to 
preach  Christ  to  the  heathen  ?  To  begin  with,  the 
experience  transformed  his  whole  existence,  above  all 
things  in  the  matter  of  his  relation  to  God.  He  now 
knew  the  joy  of  coming  as  a  son  to  his  Father.  In  Jesus 
Christ  ho  understood  the  Divine  heart,  and  found  it 
to  be  infinite  love.  How  could  he  refrain  from  pro- 
claiming the  good  news  far  and  wide  ?  "  Necessity  is 
laid  upon  me  ;  for  woe  is  unto  me,  if  I  preach  not  the 
gospel  "  (1  Cor.  9i6).  But  this  Gospel  could  be  no 
national   privilege.     The   very  nation   whose  history 


THE  PAULINE   THEOLOGY 


807 


liad  led  up  to  Christ  had  rejected  Him.  The  invitation 
to  sonship  which  Paul  recognised  to  be  the  core  of  the 
love  of  God  could  in  no  way  be  affected  by  difference 
of  status  or  sex  or  race.  "  Ye  are  all  one  in  Christ 
Jesus  "  (Gal.  3^8).  Thus  it  is  of  small  importance  to 
ask  at  what  point  Paul  realised  his  obligation  to  be  a 
foreign  missionary.  Whether  it  laid  constraint  upon 
him  sooner  or  later,  it  was  inherent  in  his  new  concep- 
tion of  the  Christian's  relation  to  God. 

(c)  PauVs  Theology  as  Mission-Theology. — What 
must  be  the  character  of  the  message  which  Paul 
should  present  to  Jew  and  Gentile  alike  ?  That  was 
determined  by  his  aim — to  lead  men  out  of  sin  and 
failure  into  that  relation  to  God  which  had  been  made 
possible  for  him  by  his  contact  with  the  living  Christ, 
to  prepare  them  for  the  great  day  of  Christ's  appearing. 
He  must  hold  up  before  them  the  Divine  influences 
and  operations  which  had  made  all  things  new  for 
him,  that  thej'  might  share  in  his  victorious  experi- 
ence. But  the  environment  in  which  hia  work  was 
carried  on,  and  the  fact  that  he  was  the  pioneer  of  a 
new  faith,  compelled  him  to  do  more  than  preach  the 
Gospel.  He  must  clarify  for  his  own  thought  the 
meaning  of  those  redemptive  facts  and  processes  which 
formed  the  content  of  his  preachmg,  for  they  had  con- 
stantly to  be  justified  to  critical  aa  well  as  hostile 
audiences.  So  his  message  must  be  to  some  extent  a 
Christian  apologetic,  opening  a  pathway  by  which  the 
revelation  of  God  in  Christ  might  find  access  to  mind 
and  heart  alike.  Apart,  no  doubt,  from  the  needs  of 
the  moment,  Paul's  nature  was  such  as  to  seek  for 
an  organic  unity  in  his  own  life.  Still,  the  practical 
aim  seems  always  apparent.  Many  of  his  conceptions 
have  been  elaborated  in  his  keen  controversies  with 
Jewish  and  Jewish-Christian  opponents  ;  many  have 
taken  shape  through  his  eSort  to  reveal  the  saving 
power  of  Christ  to  Greeks,  both  learned  and  ignorant. 
So  that  his  theology  may  justly  be  designated  Mission- 
Theology,  a  working  instrument  rather  than  a  technical 
system.  It  is  worthy  of  observation  that  when  the 
Apostle  enters  upon  any  more  or  less  theoretical 
speculations,  as  he  enlarges  on  the  facts  of  his  rehgious 
experience,  he  shows  a  tendency  to  make  use  of  the 
typical  thought-forms  of  Judaism.  That  feature  of 
his  method  must  be  reckoned  with  in  the  investiga- 
tion of  his  theological  conceptions. 

in.  Convictions  reached  through  his  Conversion. — In 
view  of  the  fact  that  Paul's  theology  is  mainly  the 
outcome  of  reflection  on  his  Gospel,  and  that  his  Gospel 
is  an  invitation  to  his  fellows  to  share  in  the  experience 
which  has  made  him  a  "  new  creature,"  we  are  justified 
in  looking  for  his  central  conceptions  among  the  con- 
victions most  powerfully  borne  in  upon  him  at  the 
crisis  of  his  conversion. 

(a)  Jesus  as  risen. — The  first  thing  of  which  he 
became  sure  was  that  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  whose  high 
claims  he  had  counted  blasphemous,  and  whose  fol- 
lowers he  had  relentlessly  persecuted,  was  living  and 
exalted  to  Divine  glory.  For  this  Jesus  appeared  to 
him  in  wonderful  fashion  (1  Cor.  153,  9i),  and  laid 
hold  of  his  nature  with  compelling  power  (Phil.  3i2). 
All  manner  of  consequences  were  involved  in  such  an 
experience.  Jeeus  had  triumphed  over  death.  The 
dim  hope  of  resurrection  which  belonged  to  the 
eschatological  picture  of  Judaism  was  an  accomplished 
fact.  But  it  was  stripped  of  the  crude  materialism 
with  which  Jewish  thought  had  dopiotcd  it.  The  risen 
Jesus  was  for  Paul  "  life-gi%ing  spirit  "  (1  Cor.  I545). 
This  disclosure  brought  the  spiritual  order  close  beside 
him.  He  could  already  realise  that  the  commonwealth 
to  which  he  belonged  waa  in  heaven  (Phil.  820).     For 


here  and  now  he  was  in  contact  with  Divine  energies. 
God  was  no  longer  far  off,  to  be  approached  through 
the  elaborate  ceremonial  of  the  Law.  In-  this  revela- 
tion of  love  and  life  to  his  soul  ho  knew  that  God  was 
at  work.  The  living  Lord  v/as  the  channel  to  him  of 
the  Divine  communion.  It  was,  therefore,  possible 
for  men  to  enter  into  a  fellowship  with  the  Eternal 
such  as  had  never  been  dreamed  of.  The  Divine 
condescension  subdued  his  soul.  He  could  not  yefc 
explain  it  all.  But  he  was  aware  that  he  stood  on  a 
wholly  new  footing  with  God.  The  grasp  of  Christ 
upon  his  life  had  redeeming  power  in  it.  He  was 
liberated  from  the  sense  of  bondage  to  sin  under 
which  ho  had  groaned  in  the  days  of  his  legalism. 
"  The  law  of  the  spirit  of  life  in  Christ  Jesus  made 
me  free  from  the  law  of  sin  and  death  "  (Rom.  82). 
Henceforward  he  conceives  of  Jesus  pre-eminently  aa 
"  Son  of  God  "  and  "  Lord." 

(6)  Jesus  as  Messiah. — Before  we  examine  the  sig- 
nificance of  these  titles,  "  Son  of  God  "  and  "  Lord,"  we 
must  observe  the  bearing  of  the  revelation  of  Jesus  to 
Paul  upon  the  Messianic  Hope  which,  as  already  mdi- 
cated,was  central  for  the  religious  thought  of  Pharisaism. 
A  crucified  Messiah  was  for  Paul  in  his  pre-Christian 
days  a  contradiction  in  terms.  Death  on  the  gallows 
was  pronounced  accursed  by  the  Law  (Dt.  21 2  3). 
Jesus  was  not  only  an  impostor  but  marked  out  as 
under  the  ban  of  God.  But  the  assurance  that  He 
was  risen  shed  a  transforming  light  on  all  His  circum- 
stances. Plainly,  this  glorified  Man  waa  the  chosen 
of  God.  The  testimony  of  His  followers  was  true. 
He  had  claimed  to  be  Messiah,  and  God  had  vindicated 
His  claim. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  what  conception  of 
Messiah  Paul  held  as  a  Pharisee.  The  evidence  of 
apocalyptic  literature,  scanty  as  it  is,  indicates  the 
variety  of  forms  which  the  expectation  assumed. 
Wlierever  a  personal  Messiah  was  looked  for,  he  waa 
regarded  as  Divinely  equipped  for  his  vocation.  But 
in  such  writings  as  1  Enoch  and  the  Ezra -Apocalypse, 
he  is  represented  as  a  being  of  heavenly  origin,  re- 
vealed supomaturally  for  judgment.  It  is  conceivable 
that  such  a  notion  may  have  appealed  to  Paul  in  hia 
pre-Christian  days,  but  the  fact  that  in  Rom.  I3  he 
emphasizes  the  Davidic  descent  of  Jesus  makes  it 
more  likely  that  he  shared  the  prevalent  idea  of  a 
prince  of  the  royal  house.  In  any  case,  his  Messianic 
conceptions,  like  all  the  rest,  were  revolutionised.  In 
Jesus  the  crucified  and  risen,  God's  high  purpose  for 
His  people  is  consummated.  "  How  many  soever  be 
the  promises  of  God,  in  Him  {i.e.  the  exalted  Jesus)  is 
their  yes  "  (2  Cor.  I20).  But  this  certainly  meant  for 
Paul  a  remoulding  of  the  Messianic  Hope.  Not  that  its 
eschatological  features  cease  to  be  of  importance  for 
him.  Throughout  the  Epistles  his  eyes  are  fixed  upon 
the  end.  "  We  eagerly  look  for  a  saviour,  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  "  (Phil.  32 1).  Again  and  again  he  appeals 
to  the  great  climax  of  the  Second  Advent  as  supplying 
a  motive  for  serious  watchfulness  (1  Thess.  54f.,  Rom. 
13iif.).  But  Christians  are  placed  in  a  new  attitude 
towards  that  coming  age,  in  which  God's  will  shall 
bo  supreme.  In  Christ  Jesus  they  have  already  a 
foretaste  of  the  final  salvation.  'Hie  new  epoch  has 
projected  itself  into  "  this  present  evil  age."  The 
future,  which  means  lx<ing  "  with  Christ,"  is  the 
culmination  of  tiioir  present  experience,  which  means 
being  "  in  Christ." 

(c)  Jesn.^  as  Son  of  God  and  Lord. — We  are  now  in 
a  position  to  estimate  the  significance  of  Paul's  favourite 
designation  of  Josus  Christ  as  "  Son  of  God  "  and 
"  Lord."     No  doubt  ho  was  famiUar  with  the  fonner 


808 


THE   PAULINE   THEOLOGY 


as  a  Meesiaaio  title  in  his  pre-Christian  days.  But  as 
such  it  had  little  more  than  an  official  connotation. 
Apart  altogether  from  the  probability  that  he  became 
acquainted  with  the  tradition  of  the  Church  that 
Jesus  had  called  Himself  '  the  Son,"  Paul  filled  the 
description  with  fresh  content  as  the  result  of  his  own 
experience.  This  marvellous  Person,  who  had  re- 
created his  life,  who  had  lived  a  man  among  men 
well  known  to  Paul,  stands  solitary  in  the  worid  of 
being.  He  has  disclosed  to  Paul  the  heart  and  purpose 
of  God.  He  must  be  placed  on  the  side  of  Deity. 
And  the  unique  relationship  cannot  be  more  adequately 
expressed  than  by  the  name  of  "  Son."  Plainly, 
metaphysical  implications  will  ultimately  be  involved 
in  the  designation,  and  the  Apostle  does  not  fail  to 
emphasijMj  them.  But  in  his  formulation  of  this  title 
he  starts  not  from  metaphysics  but  from  religious 
faith  (Rom.  Isf  )• 

For  Paul  "  Lord "  is  pre-eminently  the  name  of 
Christ  as  exalted.  In  the  great  passage  which  de- 
scribes His  glory  as  the  result  of  His  humiliation,  God 
is  said  to  have  given  Him  '"  the  name  which  is  above 
every  name."  Even,-  tongue  is  to  confess  "  that  Jesus 
Christ  is  Lord  "  (Phil.  29,11).  The  word  has  an  in- 
teresting background.  The  Egyptian  Jews  who  made 
the  translation  of  the  OT  known  as  the  Septuagint, 
the  Bible  of  Paul,  rendered  the  Heb.  Yahweh  by  Kyrios. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  they  did  so  because  the 
chief  deities  of  Egypt,  like  many  prominent  gods  of 
the  Hellenistic  epoch,  received  tliis  designation.  It 
was  certainly  prevalent  on  Hellenistic  soil  among 
religious  associations  as  well  as  in  the  worship  of  the 
Emperor.  Possibly,  as  Bousset  has  recently  argued, 
Paul  found  the  term  in  the  worship  of  Christian  com- 
munities in  the  Diaspora.  In  any  case,  he  delighted 
to  call  Christ  "  Lord,"  the  being  to  whom  as  bond- 
servant (doulos)  he  had  consecrated  his  life  without 
reservation.  He  exulted  in  the  thought  of  being  led 
captive  through  the  world  in  Christ's  triumphal  pro- 
cession (2  Cor.  2i4). 

(d)  The  Spirit. — Paul  lays  stress  on  what  he  regards 
as  the  objective  side  of  the  revelation  of  Jesus  to  him 
only  as  an  argument  for  the  resurrection.  It  was  some- 
thing sohtary  in  his  history.  But  the  main  result  of 
the  experience,  the  contact  of  his  spirit  with  the  Divine 
life  in  Jesus,  remained  as  a  permanent  possession.  It 
is  from  this  point  of  view  that  he  described  Him  as 
"  life-giving  Spirit."  In  the  earlier  narratives  of  the 
OT  all  sorts  of  abnormal  phenomena  in  human  lives, 
such  as  exceptional  skill  or  physical  strength,  were 
referred  to  the  "  Spirit  "  of  Ckid  (e.g.  Ex.  3531,  Jg.  146). 
The  same  origin  was  assigned  to  the  ecstatic  experiences 
both  of  primitive  and  later  prophets  (1  S.  lOio.  Ezek. 
II24).  Occasionally,  equipment  with  the  Spirit  is  asso- 
ciated with  a  special  call  to  service  (e.g.  Is.  Hi)  and 
with  the  needs  of  the  religious  life  (P.ss.  51ii,  143io). 
Closely  akin  is  the  conception  of  Wisdom,  which,  in 
the  Wisdom-literature,  is  regarded  as  a  quasi-personal 
medium  of  Divine  influence  to  the  world.  In  Rabbinic 
tradition  the  "  spirit  of  holiness  "  is  the  endowment  of 
epeoially  gifted  teachers.  Of  peculiar  importance  for 
our  discussion  is  the  expectation  of  a  rich  outpouring 
of  the  Spirit  in  the  Messianic  ago  (e.g.  Jl.  228f  ). 
The  evidence  of  the  early  Palestinian  source  which  Is 
used  in  the  first  half  of  Acts  reveals  the  extraorduiary 
prominence  which  this  idea  occupied  in  the  thought 
of  the  primitive  Church.  The  remarkable  ferment  of 
spiritual  power  and  enthusiasm  which  prevailed  among 
believers  was  directly  a.scribed  to  the  action  of  the 
Spirit.  Perhaps  Paul  was  influenced  by  the  concep- 
tion as  he  found  it  in  the  Church,  when  attempting  to 


formulate  his  individual  experience.  And  he  most 
have  been  acquainted  with  the  OT  and  Jewish  belief 
in  the  Spirit  as  the  channel  of  Divine  energies  to  the 
world.  But  the  fundamental  explanation  of  his 
emphasis  upon  the  Spirit  must  be  sought  in  his  new 
consciousness  of  spiritual  power  as  the  result  of  contact 
with  the  risen  Christ.  This  was  a  contact  with  the 
unseen  Divine  order  which  generated  in  him  a  high 
moral  energy  such  as  he  had  never  before  conceived. 
The  consequence  was  that  the  vague  idea  of  the 
Spirit,  through  its  intimate  association  in  this  crisis 
with  the  living  Lord,  became  for  Paul  far  more  con- 
crete and  personal.  Indeed,  in  several  passages  he 
does  not  hesitate  to  identify  the  Spirit  with  Christ 
(e.g.  2  Cor.  817,  Rom.  Sgf.).  At  a  later  point  we  must 
note  the  significance  of  the  identification. 

(e)  New  Relationship  to  God. — We  cannot  surmise 
the  actual  stages  of  thought  and  feeling  by  which  Paul 
reached  his  mature  conception  of  the  God  whom  he 
met  in  Christ,  but  it  is  plain  that  the  earlier  one  of  his 
legalistic  days  was  shattered  by  his  conversion- 
experience.  For  the  direct  result  of  the  crisis  was  a 
transformed  religious  attitude.  And  a  transformation 
of  religious  attitude  means  a  fresh  vision  of  God.  We 
have  seen  that  the  outcome  of  this  vision  was  the 
consciousness  of  a  vocation  to  the  heathen.  That  was 
involved  in  Paul's  discovery  of  what  Gk)d  was.  The 
revelation  of  the  Uving  Christ  to  him  was  really  an 
interpretation  of  the  character  of  God.  He  never 
doubts  that  all  that  has  happened  to  him  must  be 
traced  to  the  Divine  grace.  Grace,  for  Paul,  means 
primarily  the  loving,  generous  disposition  of  the 
Almighty.  But  as  a  rule  he  thinks  of  it  in  concrete 
form  as  embodied  in  the  gift  of  His  Son,  Jesus  Christ, 
to  mankind.  And  often  it  cannot  be  separated  in  his 
thought  from  the  bestowal  of  the  Spirit.  Bruckner 
is  right  in  saying  that  "'  God  is  for  Paul  first  and 
chietly  the  Father  of  Jesus  Christ."  In  virtue  of  their 
perfect  harmony,  all  that  Christ  does  is  the  expression 
of  the  Father's  will.  Hence  the  experience  of  love 
and  joy  and  praise  kindled  in  his  soul  by  the  con- 
descension towards  him  of  the  exalted  Lord  is  a  mirror 
of  the  Divine  purpose.  That  is  to  say,  God  shows 
Himself  eager  to  forgive  a  man  conscious  of  his  own 
failure  and  powerlessness  to  attain  the  ideal  which 
his  conscience  holds  up  to  him.  He  does  not  stand 
behind  the  Law.  reckoning  up  in  aloofness  a  man's 
transgressions.  He  yearns  to  draw  him  into  fellowship 
with  Himself,  to  be  able  to  deal  with  him  as  a  son. 
Paul  was  assured  of  this  in  the  crisis  of  Ms  conversion. 
He  felt  ho  owed  all  to  Christ.  But  not  to  Christ  as 
distinct  from  the  Father.  The  profoundest  utterance 
in  the  Epistles  is  this  :  "  God  was  in  Christ,  reconciling 
the  world  unto  himself  "  (2  Cor.  619).  The  attitude 
which  corresponds  to  his  epoch-making  discovery  is 
described  from  varying  points  of  view  by  such  terms 
as  justification,  adoption,  peace  with  God  through  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  When  he  reflects  upon  this  new 
and  blessed  condition  from  the  Godward  side  he  exults 
in  the  fatherly  love  which  made  it  possible  (e.g.  Rom.  5 
6-8).  When  he  considers  it  from  the  human,  he  finds 
in  it  a  sacred  obligation  laid  upon  men  to  present 
themselves  to  God  a  living  sacrifice  (e.g.  Rom.  12i). 
This  is  the  doom  of  legalism.  The  Christian  obeys  not 
by  compulsion  but  by  inspiration. 

(/)  The  Cross. — The  crucifixion  of  Jesus  was  a 
paralysing  blow  to  His  chosen  disciples,  although  Ho 
had  emphasized  in  His  training  of  them  the  necessity 
of  self-sacrifice.  WTien  Paul  was  compelled  to  revise 
hia  estimate  of  a  crucified  Messiah,  he  was  confronted 
by  a  problem  which  must  have  profoundly  exercised 


THE  PAULINE  THEOLOGY 


809 


his  thinking  in  the  days  that  followed  his  conversion. 
The  defith  of  Jesus  was  not  that  of  a  malefactor.  It 
was  the  Son  of  God  who  had  been  nailed  to  the  tree. 
Such  an  event  must  possess  unfathomable  significance. 
It  must  have  an  integral  place  in  the  wonderful  re- 
deeming purpose  of  Christ  which  had  illumined  his 
own  soul.  Perhaps,  as  he  sought  to  adjust  his  mind 
to  the  facts,  the  first  impression  which  remained  with 
him  was  that  of  unspeakable  love.  For  Jewish  feeling 
the  death  of  the  Cross  was  the  climax  of  degradation. 
Put  the  Holy  Son  of  God,  the  chosen  Redeemer,  in  the 
place  of  the  criminal  for  whom  such  a  fate  was  reserved. 
Thought  must  almost  fail  in  presence  of  such  an  event. 
But  if  the  risen  Jesus  was,  as  Paul  had  found  Him  to 
be,  the  medium  of  the  Divine  grace  to  men,  this  could 
not  be  merely  an  awful  tragedy.  It  must  be  the 
voluntary  self-dedication  of  one  who  loved  human  souls 
better  than  life.  This  perception  would  at  once  fall 
into  line  with  what  Paul  had  felt  from  the  moment  of 
his  first  contact  with  the  risen  Lord,  that  he  had  passed 
into  an  atmosphere  of  ineffable  mercy  and  grace. 
Possibly  we  may  go  further,  and  suggest  that  from 
the  first,  Paul,  on  the  basis  of  his  inward  crisis,  would 
associate  this  death  of  self-sacrificing  devotion  with 
the  destruction  of  the  old  order  of  sin  and  weakness 
which  circled  round  a  merely  legal  relation  to  God. 

IV.  Influence  of  Early  Christian  Thought  on  Paul's 
Fundamental  Convictions. — No  careful  reader  of  Paul's 
Epistles  is  in  danger  of  supposing  that  any  vital 
element  of  his  thought  came  to  him  at  second-hand. 
His  fearless  words  in  Gal.  Inf.  assert  a  position  which 
he  never  relinquished  And  yet  we  must  remember 
that,  at  his  conversion,  Paul  entered  a  community 
which  included  several  at  least  of  the  Twelve,  besides 
many  men  and  women  who  had  been  personal  followers 
of  Jesus.  It  would  be  unsafe  to  fix  a  date  for  the 
earUest  written  records  of  Jesus'  words  and  deeds ; 
but  when  Paul  became  a  Christian  he  would  at  once 
be  brought  into  touch  with  living  traditions  of  the 
Lord.  By  this  time,  also,  manifold  efforts  would  be 
made  to  grasp  the  meaning  of  the  death  of  Jesus,  to 
re-shape  the  current  Messianic  expectations  in  the 
light  of  His  eschatological  utterances,  to  understand 
more  fully  those  portions  of  His  teaching  which  the 
Master  was  wont  to  emphasize.  More  than  once  Paul 
reveals  his  attitude  to  the  existing  situation,  e.g. 
1  Cor.  I53f. :  "  I  dehvered  unto  you  first  of  all  that 
which  also  I  received,  how  that  Christ  died  for  our  sins 
according  to  the  Scriptures  ;  and  that  he  was  buried  ; 
and  that  he  hath  been  raised  on  the  third  day  accord- 
ing to  the  Scriptures  "  (c/.  1  Cor.  Il23f.).  This  shows 
that  the  early  Christians  went  back  to  the  OT  for  light 
on  such  crucial  events  as  Christ's  death  and  resurrec- 
tion. Peter's  speeches  in  the  opening  chapters  of  Acts 
supply  details  of  the  method  which  they  followed. 
Nothing  could  be  so  effective  for  mission  work  among 
adherents  of  Judaism  as  the  exhibition  of  proofs  from 
Scripture  for  the  essential  verities  of  the  new  faith. 

(a)  What  light  did  Paul  receive  in  the  Christian 
Church  on  the  central  fact  of  the  Death  of  Christ  f 
It  is  not  by  accident  that  the  Passion  occupies  so  largo 
a  space  in  the  Synoptic  tradition.  It  would  be  natural 
that  these  early  disciples  should  explore  the  recognised 
Messianic  passages  of  the  OT  to  find  clues  to  the 
significance  of  this  overwhelming  event.  But  Peter's 
addresses  indicate  that  it  was  easier  to  discern  refer- 
ences to  the  glory  of  the  ilsen  Christ  than  to  His 
Bufferings  and  death  (e.g.  Ac.  225f.,  34f.).  The  second 
Psalm,  indeed,  is  quoted  (Ac.  425f.),  but  a  suffering 
Messiah  was  an  anomaly.  Very  early,  however,  they 
must  have  been  impressed  by  the  figure  of  the  Servant 


of  Yahweh,  and  especially  by  the  marvellous  delinea- 
tion in  Is.  53.  In  Ac.  832-35  the  foreshadowing  in  him 
of  Jesus  is  definitely  recognised.  Soon  it  would  dawn 
upon  them  that  many  of  the  Master's  words  and 
thoughts  {e.g.  Mk.  IO45  li  Is.53io  (mg.).  Mk.  I424  || 
Is.  498)  circled  round  this  mysterious  redeeming  per- 
sonality. Then  the  redemptive  idea,  so  central  in  the 
prophetic  picture,  and  finding  expression  there  in 
terms  so  significant  as  "  wounded  for  our  transgres- 
sions," "  bruised  for  our  iniquities,"  "  making  an 
offering  for  sin,"  "  bearing  the  sin  of  many,"  would 
link  itself  on  to  the  great  sacrificial  system  of  Jewish 
ritual.  The  whole  range  of  propitiatory  sacrifices 
would  receive  a  new  importance  as  pointing  to  "  a 
sacrifice  of  nobler  name  and  richer  blood  than  they." 
This  process  of  theological  reflection  must  have  been 
at  work  when  Paul  entered  the  Church.  It  presented 
a  basis  on  which  his  eager  mind  could  build.  And 
when  he  received  the  tradition  of  Jesus'  solemn  words 
at  the  Supper  concerning  the  "  new  covenant  "  in  His 
blood,  he  would  recognise  that  Jesus'  thoughts  had 
also  been  moving  among  the  symbols  of  OT  religion. 
The  forms  in  which  his  reflections  took  shape  remain 
to  be  considered  in  a  subsequent  paragraph. 

(h)  Eschatological  Ideas. — The  Synoptic  Gospela 
supply  ample  evidence  of  the  eager  eschatological 
interest  which  possessed  the  mind  of  the  primitive 
Church.  It  is  safer  to  make  such  a  statement  than 
to  attempt  to  determine  the  precise  scope  of  Jesus' 
outlook  on  the  Last  Things.  Still,  the  extraordinary 
place  of  eschatological  expectations  in  the  earliest 
period  of  Christianity  testifies  to  a  definite  impression 
made  by  Jesus'  teaching  concerning  the  Future.  Pro- 
bably Paul,  as  a  genuine  scion  of  the  prophetic  line, 
could  never  dissociate  God's  saving  purpose  for  the 
world  from  catastrophic  events  which,  like  Jesus,  he 
described  in  the  traditional  language  of  Apocalyptic. 
Here,  again,  he  took  common  ground  with  the  Church. 
Like  the  Church,  ho  retained  pictures  of  the  Judgment, 
the  P^esurrection,  the  Parousia.  Yet  side  by  side 
with  these  he  conceived  a  process  of  salvation  w^hich 
was  really  independent  of  these  pictures.  Perhaps  he 
scarcely  realised  the  contrast.  The  conception  of  the 
Parousia,  in  any  case,  expressed  the  ardent  yearning 
that  the  will  of  God  should  speedily  triumph.  It  was 
left  for  the  writer  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  completely  to 
spiritualise  eschatology.  But  he  was  only  carry- 
ing to  its  logical  issue  the  development  begun  by 
Paul. 

(c)  The  Spirit. — We  have  already  indicated  the  in- 
evitable association  with  his  conversion  of  Paul's  con- 
ception of  the  Spirit.  For  the  revelation  of  the  living 
Lord  was  for  hiin  pre-eminently  a  baptism  of  power. 
At  the  same  time  it  ought  to  be  noted  that  when  Paul 
entered  the  Christian  Church,  the  idea  was  in  the  air. 
Nay  more.  The  emergence  of  abnormal  phenomena  such 
as  "  speaking  with  tongues"  (p.  648),  "  prophesying  " 
(«.e.  disclosing  profound  religious  truth),  "  works  of 
healing,"  was  evidence  of  the  Spirit's  operation.  And 
this  was,  in  turn,  a  remarkable  demonstration  that  the 
Messianic  ago,  the  age  when  unique  spiritual  energies 
should  be  liberated,  was  already  at  the  door.  It  is 
in  the  Fourth  Grospel  alone  that  we  find  specific 
teaching  of  Jesus  on  the  Spirit,  and  that  has  no  doubt 
been  re-shaped  in  the  mould  of  the  wonderful  individu- 
ality which  stands  behind  the  Gospel.  But  we  are 
inclined  to  agree  with  Titius  that  more  emphasis  was 
laid  by  the  Master  on  the  Spirit  than  the  scanty  hinta 
of  the  Synoptics  would  suggest.  So  that  Paul  may 
have  been  helped  in  clarifying  for  his  own  mind  this 
most  fruitful  conception  by  the  tradition  of  Jesus  in 

26  a 


810 


THE  PAULINE  THEOLOGY 


the  Church  and  those  religious  experiences  which  put 
the  seal  upon  the  tradition. 

(d)  Life  and  Teaching  of  Jesus. — One  of  the  most 
baseless  utterances  of  recent  NT  criticism  is  that  which 
declares  that  Paul  was  not  interested  in  the  life  and 
teaching  of  Jesus  :  tliat  for  him  Jesus  was  sunply  a 
heavenly  Being  who  came  to  the  world  to  die.  It  is 
true  that  the  crucified  and  exalted  Lord  stands  nearer 
to  him  because  Ho  had  been  the  channel  of  tliat  new 
life  which  transformed  him.  But  any  attentive  student 
of  the  Epistle.s  will  discover  that  virtually  in  every 
section  of  his  thought,  Paul  has  been  influenced  by 
the  Church  tradition  of  the  historical  Jesus.  The 
incidental  fashion  in  which  he  refers  to  traits  in  His 
character  (e.g.  2  Cor.  lOi),  the  authority  he  assigns  to 
His  precepts  for  details  of  conduct  (e.g.  1  Cor.  7io,  9i4), 
the  direct  parallel  of  his  ethical  ideal  to  that  of  Jesus 
(Gal.  5i4)  whom  he  daily  strives  to  imitate  (1  Cor.  Ili), 
are  more  impressive  proofs  of  the  value  he  assigned 
to  the  Man  who  had  walked  in  Galilee  than  any 
elaborate  argument  he  might  have  constructed  in 
support  of  the  historical  basis  of  the  faith.  Perhaps 
nothing  so  clearly  attests  the  dependence  of  the  disciple 
upon  his  Lord  as  his  conception  of  the  sonship  of 
Christians.  We  know  that  Paul  entered  on  a  relation- 
ship of  inward  freedom  towards  God  in  that  crisis 
which  made  him  a  new  man.  The  whole  circumstances 
of  his  call  were  shot  through  with  the  Divine  love. 
But  it  is  much  easier  to  understand  such  classical 
passages  as  Rom.  814-17  and  Gal.326-47,  if  we  suppose 
that  Pauls  mind  was  prepared  by  the  tradition  of 
Jesus'  fimdamental  teaching  on  the  Fatherhood  of 
God,  which  was  one  of  the  priceless  memories  of  the 
first  disciples.  A  noteworthy  corroboration  of  this 
view  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  idea  of  the  Kingdom 
of  God,  so  characteristic  of  the  preaching  of  Jesus, 
while  appearing  in  Paul,  has  to  a  large  extent  been 
replaced  by  that  of  the  Divine  family  of  believers.  In 
this  identification  he  was  anticiijated  by  liis  Master. 

V.  Fundamental  Conceptions  of  Paul's  Theology.— 
Let  us  now  attempt  to  elaborate  the  fundamental 
conceptions  of  the  Pauline  theology,  intimately  related, 
as  we  have  seen,  to  his  conversion-experience,  and 
influenced  at  various  points  by  the  tradition  of  Jesus 
which  ho  found  m  the  Christian  Church.  Our  survey 
must  follow  the  growth  of  those  convictions,  already 
outlined,  which  were  bom  of  his  spiritual  crisis. 

(a)  Union  with  Christ  as  life-giving  Spirit.  —  The 
result  of  the  revelation  of  the  living  Christ  to  Paul 
was,  for  him,  the  establishing  of  a  now  and  all-satisfying 
condition  which  he  describes  as  being  "  in  Christ  "  : 
e.g.  2  Cor.  017,  "  If  any  man  is  in  Christ  he  is  a 
new  creature."  The  description  is  interchangeable 
with  another,  "  Christ  in  me  "  :  e.g.  Gal.  220,  "  It  is 
no  longer  I  that  live  but  Christ  liveth  in  me,  and  the 
life  which  I  now  live  in  the  flesh  I  live  by  faith,  faith 
in  the  Son  of  God,  who  loved  me  and  gave  himself 
for  me."  This  passage  is  extraordinarily  significant  for 
Paul's  rehgious  thought  and  life.  It  shows  that,  on 
the  side  of  the  Christian,  imion  with  Christ  is  consti- 
tuted by  what  the  Apostle  calls  "  faith."  Faith,  for 
him,  is  not  mere  assent  to  certain  truths.  Of  course 
an  intellectual  element  is  involved  in  it,  and  may  bo 
regarded  as  its  presupposition.  But  from  Paul's  stand- 
point that  is  overshadowed  by  tlie  act  of  feeling  and 
will,  the  surrender  of  the  whole  personality  in  trust 
and  love  to  the  living  Lord.  This  attitude  means  the 
throwing  open  of  the  soul  to  the  entire  range  of  Divine 
influences  and  energies  concentrated  in  Christ.  Hence 
for  faith  all  the  Divine  gifts  are  available.  Chief 
among  them,  in  Paul's  estimate,  ia  that  of  the  Spirit. 


which  finds  its  sphere  of  operation  in  what  he  calls 
"  the  mind,"  the  higher  element  in  human  nature  aa 
it  is.  Accordingly,  the  phrases,  "  we  in  the  Spirit  " 
or  "  the  Spirit  in  us  "  may  be  substituted  for  those 
mentioned  above.  Thus,  in  a  sense,  the  living  Christ 
and  the  Spirit  are  identified  (e.g.  2  Cor.  817).  But  the 
identification  is  not  conceived  metaphysically.  It  is, 
to  use  Titius'  apt  expression,  "  dynamic."  Each  is 
regarded  equally  as  producing  the  new  life.  And  in 
Paul's  thought  "  life  "  is  synonymous  with  salvation 
{e,g.  Rom.  623). 

(b)  The  Death  of  Christ. — The  Apostle  is  never  weary 
of  drawing  out  the  consequences  involved  in  this 
wonderful  relation  of  profoundest  intimacy  with  Christ. 
They  will  confront  us  in  the  various  sections  which 
follow.  Meanwhile,  let  us  work  back  from  the  initial 
experience  of  Paul's  conversion  to  that  which  consti- 
tuted its  indispensable  condition,  and,  in  its  soul- 
subduing  power,  inspired  him  with  a  confidence  which 
nothing  could  daunt,  the  Death  of  Christ.  The  Christ 
whom  Paul  knew  as  life-giving  Spirit  had  met  and 
conquered  death.  Only  as  raised  above  earthly 
limitations  could  He  operate  in  the  hearts  of  men. 
But  He,  the  risen  Lord,  the  source  of  Paul's  life,  is 
pre-eminently  "  the  Son  of  God  who  loved  me  and 
gave  himself  for  me."  What  had  taken  place  in  His 
death  of  agony  and  shame  ?  It  is  probable  that  Paul 
had  earnestly  pondered  that  question  before  he  was 
able  fully  to  realise  or  to  express  to  himself  the  mean- 
ing of  his  new  experience.  At  any  rate,  this  new 
experience  invariably  stands  out  against  the  back- 
ground of  the  Cross. 

The  Apostle  starts  with  certain  assumptions.  Christ 
was  sinless.  That  was  involved  in  his  own  experience 
of  Him.  and  was  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of 
the  Church.  For  Paul  as  a  Jew,  death,  viewed 
synthetically  in  what  we  are  accustomed  to  distinguish 
aa  its  "  physical  ""  and  '"  spiritual ''  aspects,  and  re- 
garded as  separation  from  God,  was  the  penalty  of 
sin  (Rom.  5i2).  And  the  death  of  the  Cross,  more 
especially,  involved  the  curse  of  the  Law  (Gal.  813, 
Dt.  2I23).  But  Christ  was  not  liable  to  this  penalty. 
There  must,  therefore,  be  some  larger  interpretation 
of  His  experience  possible.  Now  already,  in  the  most 
remarkable  delineation  of  OT  religion,  the  Servant  of 
Yahweh  was  represented  as  "  bearing  the  sins  of 
many  "  (Is.  53 12).  Indeed,  the  idea  of  righteous  men 
atoning  for  sinners  finds  noteworthy  expression  in 
4  Mac.  (1722,  629),  a  Jewkh  document  probably 
earlier  than  a.d.  50.  So  Paul's  fundamental  theory  of 
the  death  of  Christ  seems  to  be  that,  in  accordance 
with  the  will  of  the  Father,  Christ  identified  Himself 
so  completely  with  sinful  men  that  He  took  upon 
Himself  the  load  of  their  transgressions,  and  suffered 
in  their  stead  tiie  penalty  of  the  broken  Law.  becoming 
an  atoning  sacrifice.  The  Law,  personified  as  an 
imperious  power,  exhausted  its  claims  on  the  \icarious 
Redeemer.  Those  who  by  faith  identify  themselves 
with  the  l^odeemer  are  thereby  relieved  from  its  obli- 
gation. They  can  face  the  final  verdict  of  God  with- 
out faltering.  Crucial  passages  for  Paul's  central 
standpoint  are  2  Cor.  52 1  and  Rom.  819-26. 

But  his  treatment  of  the  theme  is  so  manifold  as 
to  suggest  that  ho  is  endeavouring  by  means  of  im- 
perfect analogies  to  sot  forth  the  awe-inspiring  fact 
which  he  had  discovered  in  the  depths  of  his  experi- 
ence, that  the  Divine  heart  .suffers  in  and  for  the  sin 
of  tho  world.  Paul  does  not  attempt  to  explain  the 
bearing  of  tho  "  propitiation  "  or  "  sin-offering  " 
(Rom.  83)  upon  God.  It  is  rather  the  Divine  attitude 
exhibited  in  it  towards  men  that  he  depicts  from 


J 


THE  PAULINE   THEOLOGY 


811 


various  standpoints.  Somotimes  ho  emphasizes  the 
fact  of  Christ's  love  in  dying  (e.g.  Gal.  22o),  somotimes 
the  love  of  God  in  making  this  sacrifice,  torn  from  His 
own  heart  (Rom.  58).  Closely  akin  to  this  is  the  idea 
of  Christ's  death  as  mediating  God's  purpose  of  recon- 
ciling men  to  Himself  (2  Cor.  5i9).  Occasionally,  it 
is  described  as  redemptive  (Gal.  813),  this  conception, 
of  course,  underlying  all  its  aspects.  One  point  of  view 
is  of  speculative  interest.  We  have  already  seen  that 
for  Paul  "  the  tlesh,"  i.e.  human  nature  as  known  in 
experience,  is  invariably  sinful.  If  sin  is  to  be  van- 
quished, "  the  flesh  "  must  in  som.o  way  be  robbed  of 
its  vitality  (Rom.  60).  Christ,  in  becoming  incarnate, 
entered  into  the  living  organism  of  human  fiesh  in 
order  to  redeem  it.  In  His  death,  a  Divine  judgment 
is  pronounced  upon  "  the  flesh,"  that  sinful  human 
nature  which  He  represents  as  the  second  Adam. 
Those  who  are  united  to  Him  by  faith  are  therefore 
set  free  from  condemnation  (Rom.  81-4).  They  have 
been  crucified  with  Christ  (Gal.  220).  And  thus  we 
have  come  back  to  the  point  from  which  we  started. 
For,  what  the  Apostle  seeks  to  bring  out  by  argument 
is  that  the  soul  Unked  to  Christ  by  faith  shares  in  all 
His  experiences.  In  Him  it  dies  to  sin  (and  the 
bondage  of  a  legal  relation  to  God).  With  Him  it  rises 
to  newness  of  life  (see  especially  Rom.  63-11).  This  is 
an  exposition  of  Paul's  discovery  of  a  gracious,  for- 
givmg  God  in  Jesus  Christ,  the  risen  Lord.  No  wonder 
that  the  "  word  of  the  Cross "  becomes  on  the 
Apostle's  lips  a  summons  to  repentance,  faith,  love, 
and  obedience. 

(c)  Interpretatio7i3  of  the  new  Relation  to  God  and  its 
Issues. — Paul  had  entered  upon  the  new  relation  to 
God,  set  open  to  him  in  Christ,  before  he  attempted 
to  make  an  analysis  of  it.  His  descriptions  vary 
according  to  the  aspect  of  the  experience  which  is 
uppermost  in  his  mind.  Each  reflects  his  situation 
at  the  time.  Now  the  most  "  theological  "  of  his 
Epistles  are  those  to  the  Romans  and  the  Galatians, 
documents  which  at  every  turn  reveal  the  influence 
of  his  burning  controversy  with  Judaism,  both  within 
and  outside  the  Christian  Church.  We  know  that  in 
his  missionary  labours  his  footsteps  were  dogged  by 
representatives  of  the  Mother  Church  at  Jerusalem, 
who  urged  that  no  man  could  be  accepted  by  God  as 
righteous  apart  from  obedience  to  the  Mosaic  Law. 
Christianity  they  regarded  as  a  supplement  of  Judaism. 
For  many  the  difference  between  the  old  faith  and 
the  new  consisted  mainly  in  the  recognition  of  Jesus 
of  Nazareth  as  Messiah.  Paul  had  discovered  that 
not  only  had  legalism  given  him  no  help  in  attaining 
righteousness  but  that  it  was  a  positive  hindrance. 
But  in  communion  with  the  risen  Lord  he  felt  himself 
able  to  do  all  things  (Phil.  4i3).  So  he  concludes  that 
the  legal  order  has  come  to  an  end  in  Christ  (Rom.  IO4). 
Righteousness,  the  attitude  in  man  which  Grod  ap- 
proves, is  reached  apart  from  the  Law  (Rom.  32ii.). 
A  man  is  "  justified  "  by  faith  in  Christ  (Gal.  2i6). 
By  justification,  which  is  a  term  of  I'harisaic  theology, 
Paul  means  the  pronouncing  by  God  of  a  verdict  of 
acquittal  instead  of  condemnation.  Under  the  religion 
of  the  Law  men  lf)oked  forward  with  apprehension  to 
the  great  day  of  reckoning.  Would  tiicir  good  deeds 
outweigh  their  transgressions  ?  Would  they  bo 
ac(iuitted,  i.e.  have  a  share  in  the  Messianic  ago,  or 
would  they  bo  condemned  ?  Paul  declares  that, 
tested  by  the  legal  standard,  no  man  can  be  accepted 
by  God.  He  cannot  win  merit  with  the  Almighty. 
Sin  is  too  subtle  and  persistent  for  that.  The  revela- 
tion which  has  illumined  the  soul  of  the  Apostle  is 
that  God  "  justifies  "  sinners.     What  does  that  imply  ? 


Not,  of  course,  that  He  oondonea  evil.  Sinners  are 
justified  by  faith  in  Christ.  That  is,  God  accepts  them 
as  linked  to  Christ,  as  taking  Christ's  attitude  to  sm, 
as  welcoming  Christ's  revelation  of  God  in  the  Cross 
as  the  all-lo^ong  and  all-holy.  This  is  what  he  means 
by  a  "  righteousness  of  God  "  which  has  been  revealed 
to  men  (Rom.  I17,  821).  Although  as  yet  they  may 
be  far  from  perfection,  God  sees  the  end  in  the  begin- 
ning. In  matchless  grace  He  anticipates  the  result 
of  this  new  direction  which,  through  faith  in  Christ, 
their  life  has  taken.  Hence  their  salvation  is  present 
as  well  as  future.  "  We  have  peace  with  God  through 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  "  and  "  we  rejoice  in  hope  of 
the  glory  of  God  "  (Rom.  5if.).  In  effect,  justifica- 
tion is  really  a  more  positive  aspect  of  forgiveness. 
The  soul  becomes  once  for  all  conscious  that  there  are 
no  barriers  between  it  and  God. 

The  result  of  this  relation  of  acceptance  Paul  de- 
scribes by  the  term  adopiio7i.  It  has  a  more  juristic 
flavour  than  the  "  birth  from  above  "  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel.  But  it  stands  for  the  same  spiritual  reality. 
The  man  who,  through  trusting  Christ  and  identifying 
himself  with  Him,  discovers  that  God  is  not  against 
but  for  him,  approaches  God  no  longer  with  the 
hesitating  fear  of  a  slave  but  with  the  glad  freedom  of 
a  son.  Tliis  is  the  greatest  conception  in  the  Pauline 
theology,  just  as  it  is  the  supreme  revelation  of  Jesus. 
In  the  parable  of  the  Lost  Son,  the  father,  who  stands 
for  Jesus'  view  of  religion  as  against  that  of  the 
Pharisees,  represented  by  the  elder  brother,  says,  "  Son, 
thou  art  always  with  me,  and  all  that  I  have  is  thine  " 
(Lk.  1531).  Paul  has  a  similar  splendour  of  outlook. 
"  He  that  spared  not  his  own  Son,  but  delivered  him 
up  for  us  all,  how  shall  he  not  with  him  also  freely  give 
us  all  things  "  (Rom.  832).  No  instance  of  the  "  all 
things  "  is  more  impressive  than  the  inward  liberty 
which  Paul  claims  for  the  Christian.  This  is  his 
rightful  heritage  (Gal.  oif.).  Its  only  limitation  Ues 
in  the  claims  of  love  (Gal.  5i3.  Rom.  I413-21). 

It  is  plain  that  a  relation  which  begins  with  faith  in 
Christ,  in  Paul's  profound  sense  of  the  word,  must 
issue  in  likeness  to  Christ.  That  is  to  say,  from  the 
nature  of  the  case,  the  new  status  in  God's  sight 
involves  a  break  with  sin.  The  purpose  of  the  far- 
reaching  discussion  of  Rom.  6  is  to  make  that  unmis- 
takable. Paul  does  not  often  dwell  on  the  stages  in 
the  experience  of  the  "  justified  "  man.  But  incidental 
references  such  as  Phd.  3i2,  "  Not  that  I  have  already 
attained  .  .  .  but  I  press  on,"  reveal  the  current  of  his 
thought.  No  more  profound  description  of  the  process 
has  been  given  than  2  Cor.  3i8  :  "  We  all,  with  un- 
veiled face,  reflecting  as  a  mirror  the  glory  of  the  Lord, 
are  transformed  into  the  same  image  from  glory  to 
glory,  oven  as  from  the  Loi'd  the  Spirit."  When  we 
remember  that  "  glory  "  in  the  PauUne  Epistles  means 
the  nature  of  God  as  manifested,  we  can  realise  the 
loftiness  of  the  consummation  which  in  liis  view  awaita 
the  redeemed  soul.  Hence,  the  designation,  "  sons  of 
God,"  is  found  to  express  the  richest  reality. 

Wo  have  seen  that  Paul  keeps  his  gaze  directed  to- 
wards the  accomplishment  of  salvation  in  the  Second 
Advent  of  C^hrist.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  find  in 
his  writings  any  consistent  scheme  of  eschatdogy. 
Such  questions  as  the  fa  to  of  those  who  reject  the 
Gosj^el,  an  intermediate  state,  and  the  like,  are  never 
discussed.  But  ho  seems  to  agree  with  t  ho  fragmentary 
hints  to  bo  found  in  the  teaching  of  Jesus  aa  to  the 
basis  and  the  nature  of  the  Future  Life.  Its  basis  is 
communion  with  God  m  Christ  (or,  by  the  Spirit). 
Believers  are  "  alive  unto  God  in  C'lirist  Jesus " 
(Rom.  611).     But  "  flesh  and  blood  cannot  inherit  the 


812 


THE  PAULINE  THEOLOGY 


kingdom  of  God "  (1  Cor.  1650).  Therefore  Paul 
postulates  a  transformation  of  the  "  fleshly  "  organism 
of  the  Christian  by  the  Divine  power  into  a  "  spiritual  " 
organism  (1  Cor.  I544),  wliich  will  be  a  fit  instrument 
for  his  perfected  spirit.  There  are  gaps  in  his  account 
of  this  fascinating  speculation,  but  it  is  noteworthy 
that  he  speaks  of  it  as  "  the  image  of  the  heavenly," 
i.e.  of  the  exalted  Christ  (1  Cor.  I549).  Possibly  his 
reflection  on  the  whole  theme  was  influenced  by  the 
picture  of  the  living  Lord  which  had  stamped  itself 
upon  his  mind  in  the  crisis  of  his  conversion.  The 
final  victory  will  be  over  death  in  its  fulness  of  mean- 
ing. Then  shall  believers,  conformed  to  His  likeness, 
be  "  ever  with  the  Lord  "  (1  Th.  4i7). 

((f)  Christian  Conduct. — The  new  relation  to  God 
involves  the  control  of  the  whole  nature  no  longer  by 
the  "  flesh  "  but  by  the  Spirit.  The  "  sons  of  God  " 
are  those  "led  by  the  Spirit"  (Rom.  814).  One  of 
Paul's  most  memorable  achievements  as  a  Christian 
teacher  was  his  transformation  of  tho  conception  of 
the  Spirit  as  an  abnormal,  fitful  energy,  manifested  in 
strange  outbursts  of  religious  enthusiasm,  into  that  of 
the  abiding  principle  of  the  Christian's  moral  life. 
The  effect  of  the  Spirit's  indwelling  for  him  is  not, 
primarily,  "  speaking  with  tongues  "  or  gifts  of  healing 
or  prophetic  power.  It  is  "  love,  joy,  peace,  long- 
sufltering,  kindness,  goodness,  faithfulness,  meekness, 
self-control  "  (Gal.  522f.).  "  Paul,"  says  Hamack, 
"  has  created  an  unsurpassable  moral  ideal."  This 
he  accomplished  by  following  close  in  the  footsteps  of 
his  Master.  At  no  point  is  he  more  loyal  to  Jesus' 
teaching  than  here.  As  might  be  expected  from  the 
genesis  of  his  Christian  experience,  the  Apostle  makes 
love  tho  cardinal  virtue.  It  is  essentially  the  response 
of  the  soul  to  the  love  of  God  demonstrated  in  the  Cross 
of  Christ,  and  will  resemble  that  love  in  spending  itself 
upon  the  needs  of  others  (Rom.  ISgf.,  1  Cor.  13). 
Hence,  like  all  wholesome  moral  energy,  Paul's  ethic 
is  largely  social.  Its  sphere  is  determined  by  the 
existing  situation.  Paul  was  an  indefatigable  mis- 
sionary. All  his  unresting  activity  was  absorbed  io 
the  evangelising  of  new  communities  or  the  discipline 
of  converts  already  won.  They  depended  on  him  for 
moral  direction.  And  the  closing  sections  in  all  the 
Epistles  show  how  seriously  he  regarded  his  responsi- 
bility. It  is  futile  to  look  for  ethical  theory  in  his 
writings.  In  his  relation  to  the  State,  the  conception 
of  justice,  and  the  order  of  nature,  he  reveals  affinities 
with  the  popular  philosophy  (Cynic-Stoic)  of  his  time. 
But  his  positions  are  invariably  determined  by  re- 
ligious motives. 

(e)  The  Body  of  Christ. — It  was  inevitable  that  from 
the  idea  of  the  union  of  the  believer  to  Christ  as 
mediated  by  the  Spirit,  Paul  should  advance  to  that 
of  the  communion  of  believers  in  Christ  through  the 
same  Spirit.  Thus  he  arrives  at  his  great  conception 
of  the  Christian  society  as  the  Body  of  Christ.  "  As 
we  have  many  members  in  one  body,  and  all  the 
members  have  not  the  same  office,  so  we,  who  are 
many,  are  one  body  in  Christ,  and  severally  members 
one  of  another  "  (Rom.  124f.).  The  conception  is  most 
fruitfully  elaborated  in  1  Cor.  12  and  Eph.  4i-i6. 
The  following  features  may  be  noted  :  (1)  External 
organisation  is  barely  referred  to.  No  doubt  that  was 
in  a  thoroughly  flexible  condition  when  Paul  wrote. 
He  is  chiefly  concenied  with  the  spiritual  health  of 
the  Church.  (2)  He  lays  stress  on  the  unity  of  spirit 
which  must  pervade  the  organism  of  which  the  exalted 
Christ  is  Head.  Already  he  had  ample  experience  of 
friction  in  Christian  communities.  But  the  will  of  tho 
Head  cannot  be  realised  if  His  members  are  at  cross- 


purposes.  (3)  Nevertheless,  unity  of  spirit  does  not 
moan  unity  of  function.  The  limbs  and  organs  of  a 
body  have  an  endless  variety  of  functions.  Each  of 
them,  when  rightly  discharged,  ministers  to  the  well- 
being  of  the  body  as  a  whole.  None,  however  humble, 
may  be  dispensed  with.  (4)  The  Church  is  Christ's 
special  representative  upon  earth.  The  sacred  responsi- 
bility is  laid  upon  her  members  of  giving  a  faithful 
picture  of  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  their  Lord  (Col.  I24, 
1  Cor.  I424f.).  (5)  The  union  of  Jews  and  Gentiles 
in  one  body  is  for  the  Apostle  a  unique  revelation  of 
the  manifold  wisdom  of  God  (Eph.  33-11). 

The  unity  of  the  Body  of  Christ,  which  counted  for 
so  much  in  a  heathen  environment,  finds  solemn  ex- 
pression in  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  (1  Cor.  12i3, 
10 1 7).  Paul  found  these  rites  in  the  Church  when  he 
became  a  Christian.  As  a  Jew  of  the  Diaspora  he 
was  familiar  with  sacred  lustrations  and  sacred  meals, 
both  in  his  own  religion  and  in  heathen  cults.  Baptism 
marked  the  entrance  of  the  convert  into  the  Christian 
society.  More  than  once,  Paul  points  to  the  immersion 
of  the  candidate  in  the  baptismal  water  as  an  impres- 
sive picture  of  his  passing  out  of  relation  to  the  old 
life,  an  experience  which  he  compares  with  the  burial 
of  Christ  (Rom.  64,  Col.  2i2),  while  the  emerging  from 
the  pool  suggests  the  new  life  on  which  he  enters  in 
fellowship  with  the  risen  Lord.  But  Baptism  was 
more  than  a  symbol.  It  constituted  the  decisive  stop 
by  which  the  individual  deliberately  identified  himself 
with  Christ  and  the  Church.  He  was  baptized  "  into 
the  name  of  Christ,"  i.e.  made  himself  over  to  Christ's 
ownership  and  protection.  Hence  the  rite  was 
possessed  of  very  definite  religious  value.  It  intensified 
faith  and  was  thus  the  occasion  of  a  fresh  spiritual 
quickening.  But  Paul  associated  no  magical  efficacy 
with  it.  For  him  baptizing  is  altogether  secondary  to 
the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  (1  Cor.  1 17).  What  con- 
cerns him  is  the  faith  which  Baptism  presupposes,  and 
the  enhancing  of  that  faith  which  is  its  accompaniment. 

He  takes  a  similar  attitude  towards  the  Lord's 
Supper.  Participation  in  that  ordinance,  which  goes 
back  to  Jesus  Himself,  is  a  "  representation  "  of  the 
Lord's  death,  till  He  come  (1  Cor.  11 26).  That  is  to 
say,  the  bread  and  wine  in  the  celebration  represent 
not  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ  as  such,  but  His 
human  person  as  slain  on  the  Cross  for  the  sin  of  the 
world.  Hence,  communion  with  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ  means  for  Paul  communion  with  the  Lord  as 
crucified,  and  all  that  that  involves.  Here  there  is 
concentrated  in  a  solemn,  visible  act  the  supreme 
spiritual  experience  described  in  Gal.  220.  Only,  the 
action  is  peculiarly  fitted  to  invigorate  faith.  To  the 
believing  soul  the  symbols  become  a  sacrament,  a 
convincing  pledge  of  the  mercy  of  God  in  Christ  the 
crucified.  But  the  effect  is  not  magical.  It  is  the 
response  which  is  never  denied  to  an  adoring  faith. 

(/)  Inference  as  to  Christ. — If  Christ  is  for  Paul  the 
medium  of  human  redemption,  redemption  from  the 
guilt  and  power  of  sin  and  from  tho  dominion  of 
spiritual  hierarchies  of  evil  which  work  destruction  for 
men  (Eph.  612,  Col.  215),  if  through  Him  humanity 
attains  its  Divine  destiny  (I  Cor.  ISaof.,  Rom.  5io, 
823,  Eph.  1 10,  Col.  I20),  it  is  a  natural  inference  to 
find  in  Him  the  centre  of  the  cosmic  order,  the  con- 
stitutive principle  of  universal  life.  Accordingly,  in 
the  Imprisonment  Epistles,  written  towards  the  close 
of  his  career,  Paul  broods  with  wonder  and  adoration 
over  the  cosmic  functions  of  Christ.  In  the  Wisdom- 
literature  of  Judaism,  Wisdom  had  been  almost  per- 
sonified as  the  instrument  and  vicegerent  of  God  in 
creation   (e.g.  Pr.  822-31).     In  contemporary  Hellen- 


THE   PAULINE   THEOLOaY 


813 


ifltio  thought  similar  functions  were  assigned  to  the 
Logos  or  Reason  of  God.  These  influences  may  have 
helped  to  shape  the  form  of  Paul's  thought,  but  the 
genuine  basis  of  his  speculations  is  that  in  Christ  he 
feels  he  has  been  brought  into  touch  with  ultimate 
reality.  Hence  he  describes  Him  as  "  the  image  of 
the  invisible  God,  the  first-born  of  all  creation  "  :  "all 
things  have  been  created  through  him  and  unto  him  ; 
and  he  is  before  all  things,  and  in  him  all  things  hold 
together"  (Col.  115,17).  His  supreme  office  in  the 
Divine  order  is  to  reconcile  all  things  unto  God, 
whether  things  on  earth,  or  things  in  the  heavens, 
"  having  made  peace  through  the  blood  of  his  Cross  " 
(Col.  I20).  This  high  purpose  may  also  be  charac- 
terised as  the  "  summing-up  "  of  all  things  in  Christ 
(Eph.  lio). 

One  moment  in  the  reconciling  process  is  of  primary 
interest  for  the  Apostle.  In  a  single  passage  only 
does  he  dwell  upon  it  (but  cf.  2  Cor.  89),  and  he  intro- 
duces the  subject  almost  incidentally.  In  urging  lowU- 
ness  upon  the  Christians  at  Philippi.  he  appeals  to  the 
example  of  Christ,  "  who,  although  by  nature  ia  the 
form  of  God  [t.e.  sharing  in  the  Divine  essence],  counted 
not  equality  with  God  [i.e.  a«  manifest  to  men  and 
constituting  a  claim  on  their  worship]  a  thing  to  be 
snatched,  but  emptied  himself,  taking  the  form  of  a 
bond-servant  .  .  .  and  being  found  in  fashion  as  a  man, 
humbled  himself,  becoming  obedient  even  unto  death, 
yea,  the  death  of  the  Cross  "  (Phil.  26-8).  This  is 
Paul's  most  explicit  statement  of  his  belief  in  the  pre- 
existence  of  Christ.  He  has  reached  his  position  along 
the  lines  already  described.  But,  true  to  Ws  funda- 
mental outlook,  he  lays  the  chief  emphasis  on  tho 
Divine  lowliness  which  stooped  to  earth  for  the  salva- 
tion of  men.  Yet  the  path  of  lowliness  was  for  the 
Son  of  God,  as  for  His  followers,  the  path  to  glory. 
Because  of  His  self-renimciation  (in  which  the  purpose 
of  the  Father  found  expression),  "  God  highly  exalted 
him  and  gave  unto  him  the  name  which  is  above  every 
name  [in  the  Hellenistic  world  the  names  of  deities  were 
supposed  to  have  magical  power  (Gen.  3229*)]  ;  that 


in  the  name  of  Jesus  every  knee  should  bow,  of  things 
in  heaven  and  things  on  earth  and  things  under  the 
earth,  and  that  every  tongue  should  confess  that 
Jesus  Christ  is  Lord,  to  the  glory  of  Grod  the  Father  " 
(Phil.  29-11). 

The  closing  words  of  the  passage  echo  the  final  chord 
of  the  Pauline  theology,  "  that  God  may  be  all  in  all " 
(1  Cor.  1528).  Such,  for  the  Apostle,  is  the  goal  of 
the  universe. 

Literature. — In  addition  to  works  on  NTT  (esp. 
Stevens  and  Holtzmann  ^),  Histories  of  the  Apostoho 
Age  (esp.  J.  Weiss,  Das  Urchristentum,  Pfleiderer, 
Primitive  Christianity),  Dictionaries  (esp.  Findlay, 
Paul  in  HDB),  Lives  of  Paul  (esp.  Weinel,  Bacon),  the 
following :  Pfleiderer,  Paulinism ;  Stevens,  The 
Pauline  Theology  ;  Bruce,  St.  Paul's  Conception  of 
Christianity ;  Sabatier,  The  Apostle  Paul ;  Wrede, 
Paul  ;  Titius,  Der  Paulinismus  unter  d.  Gesichtspunkt 
d.  Seligkeit  ;  Garvie,  Studies  of  Paul  and  his  Gospel  ; 
MofEatt,  Paul  a)id  Paulinism;  Wemle,  The  Begin- 
nings of  Christianity,  and  his  criticism  of  Bousset's 
Kyrios  Christos  in  Zeitschrift  fur  Theologie  und  Kirche 
(April  1915,  pp.  1-90);  P.  Gardner,  The  Religious 
Experience  of  St.  Paul ;  Schweitzer,  Paul  and  his 
Interpreters;  R.  H.  Strachan,  The  Individuality  of 
S.  Paul ;  Morgan,  The  Religion  and  Theology  of  Paul. 
On  special  topics  :  Kaftan,  Jesus  und  Pavlus  ;  Jiilicher, 
Paulus  und  Jesus ;  A.  Meyer,  Jesus  or  Paul ;  J.  Weiss, 
PauZ  and  Jesus ;  H.  W.  Robinson,  The  Christian 
Doctrine  of  Man,  pp.  104-136 ;  Dickson,  St.  Paul's 
Use  of  the  Terms  Flesh  and  Spirit;  Somerville,  St. 
Paul's  Conception  of  Christ ;  Olschewski,  Die  Wurzeln 
der  Paulinischen  Christologie  ;  Gunkel,  Die  Wirkungen 
des  Heiligen  Geistes  ;  Everling,  Die  paulinische  Angdo- 
logie  und  Ddmonologie ;  Dibelius,  Die  Geisterwelt  im 
Glauben  des  Paulus ;  Kabisch,  Die  Eschatologie  des 
Paulus  :  H.  A.  A.  Kennedy,  St.  Paul's  Conceptions 
of  the  ImsI  Things  ;  Reitzenstein,  Die  heUenistischen 
Mysterien-religionen  ;  H.  A.  A.  Kennedy,  St.  Paul  and 
the  Mystery  Religions  ;  Denney,  The  Theology  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans  {Exp..  6th  Series,  vols.  iii.  and  iv.). 


THE  PAULINE  EPISTLES 


By  the  editor 


The  present  article  is  concerned  with  a  general  state- 
ment as  to  the  criticism  of  the  Pauline  Epistles.  For 
a  discussion  of  the  New  Testament  Epistles  in  general 
and  the  Pauline  Epistles  in  particular  the  reader  should 
consult  the  article  on  "  The  Development  of  New 
Testament  Literature.  "  The  first  point  that  calls  for 
examination  is  the  alleged  spuriousness  of  all  the 
letters  attributed  to  Paul  This  is  asserted  by  very 
few  scholars,  and  it  is  commonly  regarded  as  a  mere 
eccentricity.  It  is  in  truth  notliing  better,  but  since 
the  issue  has  been  raised  it  is  desirable  to  meet  it. 
Moreover,  the  ordinary  reader  is  in  no  position  to  ex- 
plain why,  ii  doubt  rests  on  part  of  the  Uterature,  it 
may  not  equally  be  extended  to  the  whole.  Obviously 
the  matter  is  in  itself  very  important,  but  its  import- 
ance is  greatly  enhanced  by  its  bearing  on  the  ques- 
tion as  to  the  historical  existence  of  Jesus.  Here 
again  denial  is  the  mere  craziness  of  historical  scep- 
ticism, but  this  also,  for  similar  reasons,  it  is  unwise 
to  treat  with  the  contempt  which  it  nevertheless 
deserves. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten,  in  all  questions  of  this 
kind,  that  the  burden  of  proof  lies  on  the  assailant  of 
the  authenticity.  A  piece  of  Uterature  which  comes 
to  us  from  antiquity,  bearing  the  name  of  a  definite 
author  and  claiming  to  be  his  work,  is  assumed  to 
be  genuine  unless  some  cogent  reason  to  the  contrary 
can  be  offered.  Even  if  positive  evidence  could 
not  be  offered,  the  failure  of  the  counter-argument 
would  leave  the  authorship  incontestabl}'  where  the 
document  itself  placed  it.  In  the  case  of  the  Pauline 
Literature,  however,  not  only  has  the  attack  broken 
down,  but  there  are  numerous  positive  arguments  on 
the  other  side.  For  a  fuller  statement  than  can  here  be 
given,  reference  may  be  made  to  The  Bible  :  its  Origin, 
its  Significance,  and  tt^  Abiding  Worth,  pp.  198-202.  In 
the  next  place,  the  responsibility  hcs  on  the  opponents 
to  supplement  their  destructive  by  constructive  criti- 
cism. In  other  words,  they  must  not  content  them- 
selves witii  cavilUng  at  the  received  opinions,  they 
must  substitute  a  view  of  their  own  and  give  some 
reasonable  account  of  the  origin  of  the  documents. 
The  fundamental  ground  for  the  negative  view  is 
that  the  epistles  carry  back  into  the  middle  of  the 
first  century  a.d.  an  attitude  to  Judaism  which  could 
not  have  emerged  before  the  second  centurj'.  Chris- 
tianity, it  is  urged,  developed  only  very  slowly  out  of 
Judaism,  and  the  historical  Paul  could  not  have 
formulated  so  far-reaching  a  vindication  of  the  Gospel's 
independence  or  elaborated  his  doctrine  of  the  Law. 
It  will  be  observed  that  this  is  sheer  dogmatism.  Paul 
cannot  have  written  these  epistles,  it  is  asserted, 
because  the  new  movement  cannot  have  advanced 
with  the  rapidity  this  would  imply.  The  scientific 
historian,  however,  is  not  at  fiberty  to  impose  his 
arbitrary  preconceptions  on  the  facts.  Moreover, 
these  critics  vitally  misread  the  actual  situation.     It 


is  quite  untrue  that  Christianity  cannot  have  been 
disengaged  from  Judaism  so  early.  On  the  contrary 
the  forces  which  worked  for  its  rapid  detachment 
were  implicit  in  the  situation.  In  the  first  place, 
Jesus  was  Himself,  according  to  our  earliest  sources, 
engaged  in  controversies  with  the  representatives  of 
contemporary  Judaism,  and  those  touched  the  central 
problem  as  to  the  true  nature  of  righteousness  and 
the  means  of  attaining  it.  Even  more  decisive  is  the 
fact  that  the  mode  of  His  death  brought  upon  Him 
the  curse  of  the  Law.  It  needed  only  an  intellect 
sufficiently  powerful  and  courageous  to  think  out 
what  was  involved  in  this,  to  cut  the  Gospel  loose 
from  the  Law.  If  it  be  urged  that  this  assumes  the 
historicity'  of  the  controversies  and  the  fact  of  the 
crucifixion,  the  answer  is  easy.  As  a  rule,  indeed, 
the  ultra-radical  critics  admit  the  historical  existence 
of  Jesus  and  His  crucifixion.  Since,  however,  there 
are  some  who  deny  these,  it  may  be  pointed  out  in  a 
few  words  why  such  a  denial  lands  us  in  historical 
absurdities.  No  movement  arising  out  of  Judaism, 
and  led  by  Jews,  could  have  invented  the  storj-  that 
its  alleged  Founder  had  been  crucified.  This  would 
have  been  to  create,  quite  gratuitously,  insuperable 
difficulties.  A  crucified  Messiah  came  under  the  curse 
of  the  Law  (Dt.  2I23,  Gal.  813).  The  fact  of  the 
crucifixion,  of  course,  mvolves  the  historicity  of  the 
person  crucified.  But  it  docs  more  than  this :  it 
makes  it  probable  that  the  Jewish  authorities  were 
hostile  to  Jesus,  and  their  hostihty  is  most  naturally 
explained  by  such  controversies  as  are  related  in  the 
gospels  and  the  antagonism  He  aroused  among  the 
Sadducees.  The  attitude  to  the  Law  in  the  Pauline 
Epistles  was  therefore,  to  some  extent,  anticipated 
by  the  Founder,  while  the  mode  of  His  death  raised 
in  an  acute  form  the  issue,  "  In  what  relation  does  the 
new  rchgion  stand  to  the  Law  which  pronounces  its 
Founder  accursed  ?  "  PauUnism,  therefore,  was  a 
position  likely  to  be  reached  very  early  rather  than 
late. 

Not  only  does  the  fundamental  argument  break 
down,  but  there  are  convincing  positive  reasons  for 
the  authenticity  of  some  epistles  at  least.  These  may 
be  summarised  as  follows  :  (n)  Marcion  (c.  a.d.  145) 
was  an  ultra- Paulinist  who  was  regarded  by  the  great 
majority  of  Christians  as  a  most  dangerous  heretic. 
He  formed  a  Canon  which  contained  t«n  Pauline 
Epistles  and  a  mutilated  Gospel  of  Luke.  This  attests 
not  only  their  existence  but  a  fairly  long  previous  his- 
tory. They  cannot  have  oripinated  with  Marcion, 
othcnvise  the  Church  would  have  repudiated  them. 
Moreover,  he  was  conscious  that  the  copies  of  the 
epistles  which  were  in  circulation  were  out  of  harmony 
witli  his  own  theoiy  of  what  genuine  Paulinism  was; 
accordingly  he  revised  them  in  accordance  with  his 
views.  Had  he  manufactured  them,  this  situation 
could  not  have  arisen,  (b)  The  literature  of  the  time 
814 


THE   PAULINE   EPISTLES 


815 


when  the  epistles  are  alleged  to  have  originated  lends 
no  support  to  the  theory  of  their  second-century 
origin.  It  is  remarkably  inferior  in  power  to  them, 
and  an  author  capable  of  producing  them  must  have 
played  something  more  than  a  pseudonymous  r6le  in 
the  Church.  But  we  have  no  trace  of  such  a  person's 
existence,  (c)  The  first  Epistle  of  Clement  was  prob- 
ably written  before  the  close  of  the  first  century  a.d. 
In  it  1  Cor.  is  definitely  mentioned  as  the  work  of  Paul 
(d)  It  is  difficult  to  beUeve  that  the  epistles,  if  spurious, 
could  have  been  got  into  circulation  and  general 
acceptance  in  the  Church  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
most  of  them  were  addressed  to  definite  commimibies. 
These  communities  would  know  whether  they  had 
received  these  letters  from  Paul  or  not.  (e)  The 
numerous  details,  often  in  themselves  trivial,  are  not 
likely  to  have  been  invented  or,  if  invented,  to  have 
successfully  defied  detection.  There  was  no  need  for 
such  invention  since  no  pui-pose  was  to  be  served  by 
it,  and  unless  it  was  done  with  incredible  skill  the  writer 
was  almost  certain  to  betray  himself.  So  intricate  a 
situation  as  that  wliich  lies  behind  2  Cor.  was  cer- 
tainly no  fiction.  (/)  We  have  a  good  deal  of  spurious 
literature  which  differs  in  the  most  striking  way  from 
the  Canonical  Epistles.  Moreover,  these  spurious 
epistles  were  never,  so  far  as  we  know,  accepted  in  the 
churches  to  wluch  they  profess  to  be  addressed,  (g)  The 
problems  in  the  second  century  were  not  those  which 
are  most  prominent  in  the  Pauline  Epistles. 

F.  C.  Baur,  the  founder  of  the  Tiibingen  School,  and 
his  followers  recogrdsed  that  at  least  four  epistles, 
Gal.,  1  and  2  Cor.,  Rom.  (apart  from  15f.)  were 
authentic.     To    these    Hilpenfeld    added    Rom.    15f., 

1  Th.,  Phil.,  and  Phm.  This  modification  has  been 
amply  justified  by  later  criticism.  But  the  prevalent 
attitude  is  more  favourable  to  some  of  the  other 
epistles.  Probably  few  would  now  reject  Col.,  rather 
more  2  Th.,  still  more  Eph.,  while  there  is  a  large 
consensus  of  critical  opinion  that  the  Pastoral  Epistles 
are  not  in  their  present  form  authentic.  Heb.,  which 
does  not  claim  to  be  by  Paul,  is  denied  to  him  by 
common  consent.  A  few  words  may  be  added  with 
reference  to  these  epistles  ;  for  a  more  detailed  state- 
ment the  commentaries  on  them  must  be  consulted. 

2  Th.  has  been  rejected  partly  on  the  ground  of  incon- 
sistency with  1  Th.  In  the  one  case  the  Second 
Coming  is  represented  as  imminent  and  sudden.  In 
2  Th.  there  is  to  be  a  considerable  development,  which 
is  depicted  especially  in  the  eschatological  section 
(2i-i2).  This  section  was  itself  regarded  as  pointing 
to  a  later  historical  situation.  Neither  objection  is 
now  urged  with  the  same  confidence.  The  ideas  in 
2 1- 1 2  are  probably  much  older  than  Paul's  hfetime, 
and,  even  when  an  event  has  been  long  expected,  it 
often  happens  suddenly  at  the  last.  Difficulty  is  now 
felt  on  account  of  the  similarity  to  1  Th.  rather  than 
the  unlikeness.  But  in  view  of  the  similarity  of  con- 
ditions, the  similarity  of  treatment  and  language  is 
not  so  surprising,  especially  as  the  .second  letter  was 
written  with  reference  to  what  had  l)oen  said  in  the 
first,  and  no  reasonable  explanation  has  been  given 
why  a  spurious  epistle  should  have  been  written.  2  Th. 
is,  therefore,  probably  genuine. 

It  was  formerly  supposed  that  the  false  teaching 
attacked  in  Col.  was  a  form  of  second-century  Gnosti- 
cism, and  therefore  that  the  episilo  belongs  to  the 
second  century.  This  was  confirmed  by  the  stvlo, 
which  was  heavier  and  moved  much  less  rapidly  than 
that  in  the  four  chief  epistles  ;  by  the  vocabulary, 
which  contained  a  number  of  unusual  words  ;  by  the 
theology,   especially   the  doctrine   of   the   Person   of 


Christ ;  and,  finally,  by  its  relation  to  Eph.  Probably 
the  heresy  is  purely  Jewish  in  character,  without 
traces  of  Gnosticism,  and  can  be  fully  explained  from 
the  circumstances  of  Pauls  own  time.  The  Christo- 
logy  is  fundamentally  Pauline,  is  not  higher  than  that 
of  Phil.,  and,  where  it  shows  advance,  is  a  simple 
development  of  what  was  imphcit  in  the  Christology 
of  the  undoubted  epistles.  The  style  is  really  different, 
but  the  difference  of  circumstances  fully  accounts  for 
this.  It  was  one  thing  to  dictate  letters  in  the  rush 
of  a  busy  life  to  churches  in  rebelhon  or  in  danger 
of  losing  the  faith,  quite  another  to  write  to  a  loyal 
church  in  the  enforced  leisure  of  a  prison.  The 
relation  to  Eph.  presents  a  unique  phenomenon,  but 
it  tells  rather  against  Eph.  than  Col.,  since  Col.  is 
generally  recognised  as  the  more  original.  And,  even 
if  Eph.  were  an  imitation  by  another  writer,  it  is 
surely  improbable  that  he  would  imitate  an  epistle 
that  was  not  genuine. 

This  brings  us  to  Eph.,  and  here  it  must  be  frankly 
owned  that  a  large  number  of  scholars  remain  con- 
vinced of  its  spuriousness.  The  grounds  on  w^hich 
this  opinion  is  held  are  as  follows  :  First,  there  is  the 
suspicious  relation  to  Col.  Secondly,  its  style,  which 
even  Godet  confesses  often  to  have  excited  doubts  in 
his  mind.  Thirdly,  there  is  its  doctrine  of  the  Church, 
which  is  supposed  by  many  to  be  too  advanced  for 
Paul's  time.  Its  doctrine  of  redemption  is  regarded 
as  un-Pauline,  in  that  "  reconciUation  "  is  here  used 
in  the  sense  of  the  reconcihation  of  Jew  and  Gentile. 
Further,  Paul  is  hardly  likely  to  have  spoken  of 
"  the  holy  apostles,"  or  to  have  associated  the  other 
apostles  with  himself  in  the  revelation  of  the  calling 
of  the  Gentiles.  These  arguments  are  of  varying 
value.  Several  rest  on  assumptions  as  to  what  Paul 
is,  or  is  not,  likely  to  have  written,  which  ignore  the 
versatility  of  his  genius,  and  make  the  generally- 
recognised  epistles  a  type  to  which  everv'thing  must 
be  made  to  conform  in  order  to  be  recognised  as  his. 
There  is  no  more  Gnosticism  in  this  epistle  than  in 
CoL  Why  Paul  should  not  have  grasped  the  idea  of 
the  universal  Church  one  can  hardly  see.  \\"hy,  with 
his  sense  of  the  greatness  of  redemption,  he  should 
not  have  insisted  that  the  Cross  reconciled  Jew  and 
Gentile,  as  well  as  man  to  God,  is  incomprehensible. 
The  term  "  the  holy  apostles "  is  strange,  but  it 
carries  different  associations  to  us  from  what  it  would 
have  conveyed  to  Pauls  readers,  and  the  adjective 
might  very  well  be  a  later  addition.  And,  while  the 
association  of  the  other  apostles  with  him  may  seem 
a  Uttle  strange,  it  is  a  fact  that  he  asserted  the  identity 
of  his  general  gospel  with  theirs. 

The  arguments  alleged  against  the  Pastoral  Epistles 
(1  and  2  Tim.,  Tit.)  are  of  unequal  value.  The  false 
teaching  attacked  may  well  have  existed  in  Pauls 
day.  The  objection  that  they  belong  to  a  period 
in  Paul's  hfetime  unknown  to  us,  depends  for  its 
validity  on  the  answer  we  give  to  the  question  whether 
the  imprisonment,  recorded  in  Acts,  was  terminated 
by  release  or  death.  The  latter  alternative  seems,  on 
the  whole,  the  more  probable.  Setting  aside  diffi- 
culties of  this  kind,  there  remains  the  uniijue  style 
of  the  letters — the  stress  laid  on  ecclesiastical  organisa- 
tion, the  morahstic  rather  than  evangeUeal  tone,  the 
strangeness  of  Paul's  assurance  to  his  companion 
Timothy  that  ho  was  a  preacher,  apostle,  and  teacher 
of  the  Gentiles  ;  and,  above  all,  the  absence  of  the 
Pauline  ring.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are  well 
attested,  and  contain  numerous  personal  details  (see 
oflpecially  2  Tim.)  which  are  too  trivial  to  have  been 
invented.     The   view   which   finds  favour  now   with 


816 


THE  PAULINE  EPISTLES 


many  scholars,  and  is  probably  correct,  is  that  these 
epistles  are  not  forgeries,   but  also  are  not,  in  their 

E resent  form,  Paurs.  This  type  of  letter,  deaUng 
irgely  with  Church  organisation,  lent  itself  readily 
to  expansion,  and  probably  some  of  Pauls  notes  to 
his  fellow-workers  were  expanded  by  later  writers 
into  the  Church  manuals  we  now  possess. 

One  point  of  detail  may  be  mentioned,  the  inter- 
change of  the  first  person  singular  and  the  first  person 
pluraL  It  is  sometimes  thought  that  the  plural  is 
to  be  taken  strictly,  and  that  Paul  speaks  in  his  own 
name  only  where  the  singular  is  used.  Paul  associates 
others  with  himself  in  the  salutation  of  some  of  his 
epistles,  and  it  is  not  improbable  in  1  and  2  Th.  that 
the  plural  has  this  significance.     But  elsewhere  Paul 


seems  to  speak  for  himself  alone.  The  interchange 
of  the  singular  and  plural  where  one  person  alone  is 
intended  is  quite  common  in  the  epistolary  hteraturo 
of  the  time.  And,  while  no  rigid  rule  can  be  laid 
down,  Paul  seems  frequently  to  have  conformed  to 
this  usage. 

Literature.— Godet,  Introduction  to  the  NT,  The 
Pauline  Epistles ;  Shaw,  The  Pauline  EpistUs ; 
Knowling,  The  Witness  of  the  Epistles  and  The  Testi- 
mony of  St.  Paul  to  Christ ;  Findlay,  The  Epistles 
of  Paul  the  Apostle  ;  R.  Scott,  The  Pauline  Epistles  ; 
Lake,  The  Earlier  Epistles  of  St.  Paul ;  Hayes.  Paul 
and  his  Epistles.  Also  discussions  in  Dictionaries  of 
the  Bible,  Introductions  to  the  New  Testament,  His- 
tories of  the  ApostoUc  Age,  and  Lives  of  Paul 


ROMANS 


By  Peofessor  G.  G.  FINDLAY 


§  1.  The  situation  of  the  writer  is  readily  determined 
by  ooinparison  of  I518-29  with  Ac.  IDaif.  and  20i-6, 
also  with  1  Cor.  I61-6  and  2  Cor.  81-6,  9i-5.  Paul  has 
spent  the  winter  concluding  his  third  missionary  tour 
at  Corinth  and  is  about  to  journey,  in  early  spring,  to 
Jerusalem,  conveying  a  contribution  gathered  from  the 
Gentile  churches  for  the  Christian  poor  of  that  city. 
The  voyage  took  place,  probably,  in  a.d.  57  (but  c/.  p. 
655 ).  Paul  has  long  desired  to  see  Rome,  the  centre  of  the 
world-field  of  his  apostleship  ;  his  thoughts  rest  fondly 
on  the  "  beloved  of  God  "  there,  whose  faith  is  every- 
where reported  (I5-10).  His  plans  to  visit  them  have 
been  much  hindered  (I13) ;  now  the  way  is  open,  his 
service  to  Jerusalem  once  discharged  (I522-29)  ;  he 
begs  the  readers'  prayers  for  his  safety  and  success 
upon  this  errand  (ISsof.).  By  this  time  he  has  carried 
the  Gospel  to  the  Adriatic  shore,  and  contemplates 
bearing  it  onwards  into  Spain  (15i9,23f.,28f.).  Rome 
will  supply  his  starting-point  for  the  western  campaign. 
The  letter  is  sent  to  announce  his  coming,  to  interest 
the  Roman  Christians  in  his  work  and  impart  to  them 
his  doctrine ;  and  in  doing  this,  to  promote  the 
Church's  sanctity  and  peace  (12-15).  The  apostle 
modestly  hopes,  in  his  brief  visit,  to  be  of  spiritual 
service  to  the  Roman  brethren  and  to  win  souls  for 
Christ  amongst  them  (I11-13,  I529)  ;  he  longs  to  pro- 
claim in  the  Imperial  City  the  Gospel  he  owes  to  all 
mankind,  of  which  he  is  nowhere  ashamed  (1 14-16). 

§  2.  Other,  less  obvious  factors  in  the  situation 
entered  deeply  into  the  shaping  of  this  epistle.  For 
years  past  Paul  had  been  engaged  in  the  Legahst 
Controversy,  in  which,  along  with  his  own  doctrine  and 
ministry,  the  whole  Christian  salvation  was  at  stake. 
This  struggle  arose  from  the  very  natural  attempt  of 
Jewish  Christians  to  enforce  Mosaic  law  on  converted 
heathen  and  to  maintain  Israehte  privilege  within  the 
Church.  A  weighty  decision  was  given  on  the  chief 
questions  raised,  at  the  Jerusalem  Conference  of  Ac.  15 
(a.d.  49) ;  but  the  conflict  broke  out  afresh — two 
distinct  phases  of  it  are  marked  in  Gal.  2.  Paul's 
experience  in  conversion,  his  commanding  powers  and 
astonishing  success  in  the  Gentile  mission,  combined 
to  make  him  the  champion  of  the  larger  Gospel.  The 
battle  had  been  fought  out  within  his  own  breast ;  in 
combating  the  legalistic  movement,  Paul  the  Christian 
confronts  Saul  tlie  Pharisee.  The  controversy  had 
recently  culminated  in  a  systematic  campaign  against 
Pauline  Christianity,  which  waa  engineered  from 
Jerusalem  and  affected  churches  so  widely  remote  as 
those  of  Galatia  and  Corinth.  2  Cor.  and  Gal.  exhibit 
the  warfare  at  its  height ;  we  see  Paul  on  defenoe  as 
for  his  life,  with  high  resentment  and  trenchant  logic 
assailing  the  "  false  apostles "  and  confuting  the 
"  other  gospel  "  foisted  upon  his  children  in  the  faith. 
The  date  and  occasion  of  Gal.  are  much  disputed  :  in 
the  view  of  the  present  writer.  Gal.  and  Rom.,  though 
differing  in  tamper,  were  the  offspring  of  one  birth  in 


Paul's  mind  and  closely  consecutive  in  time  of  origin 
(see  Lightfoot,  and  CGT,  on  GaL,  and  for  another  view 
the  general  editors  note  in  §  4).  Rom.  is  the  calm 
after  the  storm  ;  it  gives  a  comprehensive,  measured 
development  to  the  principles  argued  in  Gal.  with 
polemic  vehemence.  Rom.  1-11  is  Paul's  great  mani- 
festo and  doctrinal  apologetic  (see  li6f.).  Here  he 
brings  the  crucial  debate  of  his  life  to  its  conclusion  ; 
he  gives  the  Church  the  outcome  of  the  twenty  years' 
reflection  upon  the  relations  of  the  Gospel  to  Judaism — 
results  wrought  out  amid  incessant  missionary  labour 
and  continual  discussion  with  Jewish  opponents  both 
outside  and  inside  the  Church.  The  epistle  signahses 
the  victory  of  Christianity  over  the  Judaistic  reaction. 
§  3.  The  character,  as  well  as  the  position,  of  the 
primitive  Church  of  Rome  goes  to  account  for  Paul's 
sending  his  manifesto  to  this  quarter.  He  regards  the 
readers  as  within  the  province  of  his  apostolate  (l5f.,i3  ; 
1515-17);  in  II13-32  he  addresses  them  as  "you 
Gentiles,"  in  distinction  from  "  Israel."  On  the  other 
hand  the  letter  reads,  in  essential  parts,  as  the  appeal 
of  a  Jew  to  Jews  ;  see  particularly  2i7-38,  4,  7 1-6,  9-11. 
It  is  almost  as  full  of  the  OT  as  Hebrews  or  the  First 
Grospe] ;  it  combats  the  objections  of  Israelite  disputers ; 
its  phraseology  is  that  of  the  Jewish  schools.  But  for 
the  express  compilation  of  its  readers  as  Gentiles,  one 
might  imagine  the  epistle  designed  to  win  Jewish 
Christians  to  the  PauUne  standpoint,  to  overcome  their 
prejudice  and  to  wean  them  from  dependence  on  legal 
righteousness.  Here  and  there  Paid  writes  as  if  with 
an  eye  to  Jews  of  the  Synagogue  (217-29,  9i-5) ;  we 
catch  echoes  of  his  dialogues  with  unconverted  fellow- 
countrymen  (2i-6,  3i-8,  4i-3,  615,  96f.).  From  these 
contrasted  indications  we  gather  that  the  constituency 
of  the  Roman  Church  was  mainly  of  Gentile  birth,  but 
of  Jewish  prepossessions  and  leanings,  due  probably 
to  the  circumstances  of  its  origin  and  the  influence  of 
leading  Jewish  minds.  A  largo  proportion  of  Gentilo 
Christians,  it  should  be  remembered,  had  passed 
through  the  Synagogue  into  the  Church.  At  least  six 
out  of  the  twcntv-six  persons  saluted  by  name  in 
I65-15  were  Jews.  Unless  forearmed,  a  Church  so 
composed  might  fall  an  ea*?}'  prey  to  the  Judaizers. 
But  the  Judaism  of  this  community  was  far  from  being 
extreme,  in  the  anti-PauUne  sense  :  apart  from  I617- 
20*,  the  letter  is  wholly  conciliatory  and  assumes  a 
fundamental  harmony  between  writer  and  readers 
(G17).  The  Christianity  of  Rome  was  probably  drawn 
from  Palestinian  sources,  dating,  it  may  be,  even  from 
the  Day  of  Pentecost  (Ac.  2io;  cf.  Rom.  13ii,  I67). 
and  remained  so  far  untouched  by  the  bitter  agitation 
against  Gentilo  liberties  ;  it  was  doubtless  affected  by 
the  broader  Hellenistic-Jewish  ideas  (see  Lipaius  in 
HC).  Paul  hopes  to  secure  Rome  for  the  world-gospel, 
forestalling  the  circumcisionist  emissaries,  and  to  bring 
this  important  Churoh,  which  was  friendly  toward 
himself  and  substantially  sound   in   faith,  to  a  full 


81/ 


818 


ROMANS 


understauding  of  the  relations  of  the  Gospel  to  the 
Israelite  economy.  While  Paul  claims  no  paternal 
authority  over  Roman  Christians  and  half  ajwlofiises 
for  using  language  of  admonition  to  them  (inf., 
1014-16),  his  silence  makes  it  fairly  certain  that  this 
Church  waa  founded  neither  by  Peter  nor  any  other 
apostolic  man.  His  warrant  for  addro„ssing  the  readers 
as  he  does,  lies  in  the  scope  of  his  commission  (1 5-16) 
and  the  singular  "  grace  that  had  been  given  "  him 
"  from  God."  The  seed  of  the  Gospel  here  was  wind- 
blown ;  no  religious  or  social  movement  of  any  mafrni- 
tude  took  place  in  those  times  without  speedily  reacliing 
Rome.  The  passage  from  Suetonius,  Lives  of  the 
Ccesars  (§  2.5),  which  relates,  with  obvious  confusion, 
how  the  Emperor  Claudius  "expelled  the  Jews  from 
Rome,  who  were  making  continual  riots  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  one  Chrestus,"  indicates  that  the  Christians  in 
Rome  were  popularly  identified  with  the  SjTiagogue, 
and  that  their  activity  in  the  early  fifties — especially, 
we  may  conjecture,  in  drawing  over  Gentile  proselytes 
(c/.  Ac*  1344f.,  174f.) — had  provoked  assaults  from  the 
orthodox  Jews  so  \'iolcnt  that  they  called  for  severe 
governmental  repression.  If  I63-15  formed  a  part  of 
the  original  letter  (see  §  4),  then  the  presence  of  Aquila 
and  his  wife  in  Rome  accounts  for  the  apostle's  con- 
versance with  Christian  affairs  in  the  city  ;  but  apart 
from  the  data  of  the  salutations,  we  may  presume 
that  his  wide  acquaintanceship,  and  the  constant  resort 
of  pro\nncials  to  the  metropolis,  had  secured  for  Paul 
friends  there  through  whom  ho  could  inform  himself. 
The  Church  is  prepared  to  receive  this  letter,  and  may 
be  counted  on  to  welcome  and  aid  the  ^vriter  when  he 
shall  arrive  (I12,  1524,32). 

§  4.  The  connexion  of  ch.  16  with  the  rest  of  the  letter 
raises  serious  difficulties.  The  confluence  from  the 
Provinces  to  R^jme  scarcely  accounts  for  Paul's  greeting 
such  a  host  of  i)ersonal  friends  in  a  place  where  he  had 
never  been  (I63-15).  The  epistle  appears  to  have 
three  distinct  conclusions  :  the  two  Benedictions  of 
1533  and  I620  (24,  AV,  rests  on  defective  textual 
support),  and  the  Doxology  of  I625-27.  Between  the 
three  endings  two  name-lists  intervene,  of  persona 
saluted  (3-15)  and  persons  saluting  (21-23),  with  a 
hortatory  postscript  attached  to  the  former  cataloaue 
(17-20).  These  paragraphs  follow  disconnectedly,  in 
contrast  with  the  orderly  sequence  of  the  epistle ;  the 
gap  between  the  Church  greetings  and  the  personal 
greetings  of  16,  21-23,  is  particularly  noticeable.  The 
denunciatory  strain  of  17-19*  is  heard  nowhere  in 
the  body  of  the  letter ;  in  tone  and  phrase  this  homily 
is  markedly  akin  to  later  epistles.  In  view  of  the 
peculiar  features  of  IG,  added  significance  attaches  to 
the  early  currency  of  a  recension  lacking  the  in  Roihe 
of  I7  and  I15  (the  evidence  is  shghter  here),  and  to 
the  appearance  of  the  Doxolocry  in  many  MS8  at  the 
end  of  ch.  14.  At  the  same  time,  the  material  of  the 
chapter  is  characteristically  PauUne  throughout.  On 
the  above  plienomcna,  along  with  other  considerations, 
was  based  the  theory,  advocated  by  Tjightfoot  ( Bihl. 
Essays)  and  Rcnan  (Saint  Paul)  in  widely  different 
forms,  that  Paul  abridged  or  modified  the  epistle  for 
use  in  other  churches,  fl>ake  holds  that  Rom.  is  an 
expanded  version  of  an  older  encychcal  epistle,  written 
at  the  same  time  as  Gal.,  which  ho  regards  a-s  earlier 
than  the  Conference  at  Jenisalem.  Some  years  later 
Paul  re-edited  it  and  sent  it  to  Rome.  Both  views  rest 
on  the  postidato  that  the  affinities  lietw'een  Rom.  and 
Gal.  compel  us  to  regard  thorn  as  nearly  conterniKirary. 
If  we  allow  that  Paul  had  thought  out  liLs  principles 
long  before  he  wrote  Rom.  and  had  defended  them 
along  the  same  lines,  there  is  no  need  to  insist  that  no 


long  interval  can  have  separated  Rom.  and  GaL — 
A.  S.  P.]  He  may  well  have  taken  measures  to  givo 
wider  circulation  to  a  writing  that  was  of  cathofic 
import  and  contained  so  much  of  his  weightiest  and 
most  laboured  thinking.  Col.  4i6  pomts  to  something 
similar  in  another  instance.  If  abridged  copies  of 
Rom.  were  sent  out  in  this  way,  the  conflation  of 
the  epistolary  endings  of  several  other  issues  with  that 
of  the  original  letter  would  account  for  the  manifold 
endings.  The  Salutation-Ust,  however,  which  Renan, 
in  common  with  many  scholars,  supposed  to  have 
been  designed  for  Ephesus,  bears  strong  internal  marks 
of  Roman  destination  (I63-16*) :  on  this  Giffords 
suggestion  is  plausible,  that  I63-20  is  an  insertion 
taken  from  some  Inter  communication  of  PauVs  to  Rome, 
dating  subsequently  to  his  imprisonment  there  ;  I533 
may  then  indicate  an  earlier,  and  the  occurrence  of 
the  Doxology  at  the  close  of  ch.  14  a  second  abridg- 
ment of  the  epistle  ;  while  I6if.,  21-27,  formed  the 
primary  conclusion. 

§  5.  Plan. — This  is  the  most  systematic  and  com- 
plete, as  well  as  the  weightiest,  of  Paul's  extant 
writings.  The  strictly  epistolary  and  personal  matter 
is  Umited  to  I1-16  and  I514-I627.  Within  this 
setting  we  have  (A)  a  major  doctrinal,  and  (B)  a  minor 
hortatory  deliverance.  A,  which  covers  I17-II36, 
treats  of  two  themes,  principal  and  subsidiary  :  (a)  the 
Revelation  of  God's  Righteousness  for  Man's  Sah-ation 
(I17-8);  (b)  the  Present  Reprobation  of  the  Jewish 
Peaph  (9-11).  B  has  a  more  general  part  (12f.)  in- 
culcating Christian  ethics,  mainly  on  their  social  side, 
followed  ]>v  specific  appeals  on  questions  endangering 
the  peace  of  the  Roman  C!hurch  (14i-15i3).  The  notes 
wiU  supply  details  of  analysis. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Giflord  (Sp.  and 
separately).  Beet,  Moule  (CB),  Garvie  (Cent.B) ;  (6) 
Sanday  and  Headlam  (ICC),  Liddon,  Dennev  (EGT), 
Parry  (CGT),  C.  J.  Vaughan,  Morison  (on  chs.  3,  6,  9f., 
in  three  vols.),  Lightfoot  (Notes  on  Epp.) ;  (c)  *Godet, 
Upslus  (HC),  Zahn  (ZK).  Uetzmann  (HNT),  B.  Weiss 
(Mcv.),  Kiilil,  Hofmann,  Calvin,  Estius  (Rom.  Cath.) ; 
(d)  Moule  (Ex.B),  Gore.  Other  Literature  :  Articles 
in  Dictionaries ;  Works  on  NTT ;  Du  Bose,  Oo-ipcl 
according  to  Paul;  Baur,  Paul  the  Apostle  of  Jcsjis 
Christ;  Hort,  Prolegomena  to  Romans  and  Ephesians ; 
Lightfoot,  Biblical  Essays.  The  relevant  articles  in 
this  Commentary  should  be  consiiltod.  For  further 
hterature  see  the  bibliogiaphj'  on  p.  816. 

I.  1-7.  The  Address  is  elaborate,  for  Paul  is  intro- 
ducing himself  to  a  strange  community ;  and  stately, 
as  bents  Christ's  ambassador  approaching  the  imperial 
city. — If.,  5t.  He  is  "  an  apostle  by  (God's)  calling  " 
— not  by  liis  own  will  (1  Cor.  9i6f.)  or  human  choice 
(GaL  li) — "set  apart  to  bo  a  messenger  of  God's 
good  news,"  which  had  Ixjcn  the  burden  of  "  prophetic 
scriptures "  ;  his  apostloship  aims  at  bringing  "  all 
the  nations,  amongst  whom  "  the  Romans  are  con- 
spicuous (cf.  8),  "  unto  obedience  of  faith." — 3f. 
explains  "  the  good  news " :  it  is  "  about  Jesus 
Christ,"  who  while  He  "  came  of  David's  seed  in  the 
physical  order,"  was  first  of  all  "  God's  Ron,  marked 
out"  as  such  "in  accordance  with  His  sinless  char- 
acter by  the  fact  of  His  resurrection  "  (cf.  Ac.  222,27). 
— 6f.  Jesus  Christ  "called"  the  readers  to  salvation, 
making  them  "God's  be^lovcd,"  and  "saints"  by 
the  nature  of  their  "  calling." — "  Grace  and  apostle- 
ship  "  (5)  is  not  "  the  grace  of  apostleship  "  :  all  the 
grace  Paul  "  received  "  looked  toward  his  apostleship 
(see  Gal.  Ii5f.). — A  small  but  representative  group  of 
ancient  witnesses  vouches  for  the  reading  :    "  To  all 


ROMANS,  II.  17-5 


819 


that  are  in  God's  love  called  "  to  bo  "  saints  "  (c/.  Eph. 
li,  mg.) — a  form  of  words  dilfering  from  the  TR  but 
by  a  single  Greek  syllable  beside  "  Rome."  Zahn 
(ZK  and  INT)  prefers  the  shorter  reading  (c/.  WH 
Appendix,  and  see  Introd.  §  4). 

I.  8-16.  Paul  s  Intention  to  Visit  Rome.— 8-10.  "  Of 
the  faith  of  the  Romans  the  whole  world  hears  "  : 
the  Apostle  "  thanks  God  "  for  this,  and  "  names  them 
constantly  in  his  prayers."  He  invokes  God  as 
"  witness,"  for  this  is  much  to  say  about  strangers  ; 
his  "  service  in  the  gospel  "  makes  him  deeply  inte- 
rested in  the  Church  of  Rome.  He  has  "  begged  "  of 
God  "  that  he  might  have  the  good  fortune  to  visit  " 
them  ;  "  at  last  "  the  "  hindrances  "  are  disappearing 
(13^  cf.  1520-29). —11-13.  He  "longs  to  impart  to 
them  some  grace  of  the  Spirit,"  some  "  added  strength"; 
or  rather,  he  anticipates  a  "  reciprocal  encouragement," 
Here  as  "  elsewhere  amongst  the  Gentiles,"  he  would 
fain  "  win  fruit  "  to  his  ministry. — 14f.  "  The  debt 
ho  owes"  on  Christ's  account  "  to  men  of  every  race 
and  condition,"  makes  him  "  eager  to  preach  to  j'ou 
that  are  in  Rome,"  i.e.  "  to  you  Roman  people." — 
16.  To  shrink  fi'om  this  would  mean  to  "  be  ashamed 
of  the  gospel,"  which  he  has  proved  to  be  "  God's 
power "  working  "  for  salvation  to  every  one  that 
believes " — "  to  the  Greek  as  well  as  the  Jew." 
"  First  "  is  a  doubtful  reading  (AVH). 

I.  17.  "  Not  ashamed  of  the  Gospel,"  for  it  is  God's 
saving  power,  which  operates  by  the  revelation  ol 
God's  righteousness:  the  efficacy  of  the  message 
lies  in  the  character  of  God  who  sends  it.  Paul's 
view  of  the  Divine  righteousness  as  identified  with 
salvation,  Ls  based  on  Is.  45f.  {cf.  2,  also  821).  Righte- 
ousness, in  the  sense  of  Deutero-Isaiah,  is  no  hard 
IcgaUty,  contrasted  as  in  men's  narrow  thoughts  with 
"  goodness  "  (07)  ;  it  embraces  the  whole  perfectness 
of  Jehovah's  character  manifested  in  His  deahngs 
with  Israel.  Jehovah's  fidelity  to  covenant.  His 
fatherly  regard  for  His  people  (Is.  45iof.,  63i6,  648), 
are  integral  to  this  righteousness  and  make  it,  through 
the  responsive  trust  they  evoke,  a  "  power  for  salva- 
tion." In  such  righteousness  the  Gospel  reveals  God 
to  mankind.  The  revelation  operates  in  the  sphere 
of  faith  :  its  apprehension  starts  "  from  faith,"  and 
proceeds  "ninto  faith."  On  man's  part  faith  is  the 
Alpha  and  Omega  of  salvation,  as  righteousness  is 
upon  God's.  The  saying  of  Hab.  24  illustrates  the 
vital  power  of  faith,  which  is  man's  hold  upon  the 
character  of  God.  In  the  fight  of  the  doctrine  of 
Justification  unfolded  later,  many  find  here  "  a 
righteousness  (in  man)  derived  from  God  "  {cf.  Phil.  89). 
But  "  God's  power,"  "  righteousness,"  "  anger,"  are 
interlinked  in  identical  grammatical  construction  (16- 
18);  to  construe  the  central  phrase  differently  is  to 
dislocate  the  passage  ;  in  the  third  sentence  the  "  un- 
godliness and  unrighteousness  of  men  "  are  emphati- 
cally contrasted  with  the  "  righteousness  of  God " 
(see  Detached  Note,  ICC,  p.  34). 

The  theme  of  16f.  is  unfolded  in  1 18-839:  1 18-820 
sets  forth  the  guilty  and  lo  t  coii/liticm  of  mankind — 
of  the  world  at  large,  and  the  Jews  in  particular ; 
821-839,  tfie  saving  intervention  of  God's  righleousvess, 
acting  in  Jesus  Christ  and  realised  universally  through 
faith.  The  pfjsitivo  demonstration  is  supported  by  a 
negative  proof,  going  to  show  that  "  the  law  could  not 
do  "  (ch.  7)  what  the  grace  of  Christ  has  triumphantly 
accomplisiicd  (ch.  8). 

I.  18-32,  Mankind  is  in  a  niinous  plight :  God's 
Anger,  which  is  His  rightcouanees  reacting  against 
wrong,  rests  upon  the  race. 

18a.   "  The   Divine  wrath  is   being   revealed   from 


heaven"  in  action  "against  all  impiety  and  un- 
righteousness of  men."  The  revelation  is  apparent 
in  the  moral  outcome  of  irroligion  described  in  21-32 — 
an  apocalypse  more  appalling  than  earthquake  or 
famine, — 186-20.  Man  is  responsible  for  his  perdition  : 
"  in  "  committing  "  unrighteousness  men  hold  down 
the  truth  '  ;  they  ignore  "  the  knowledge  of  God  " 
lodged  in  conscience  {cf.  2i\i.)  and  shining  from  the 
face  of  nature,  so  leaving  themselves  "  without  excuse  " 
(21-23,  cf.  28).  "  Ingratitude  "  lies  at  the  root  of  this 
disregard  of  God  ;  its  fruit  is  mental  impotence  and 
confu-sion,  oidenccd  by  the  monstrous  foUies  of 
idolatry.  The  nemesis  of  reUgious  apostasy  delineated 
in  24^31  has  two  outstanding  features:  the  horrible 
"  nncleanness  "  notorious  in  the  Graeco-Roman  world, 
much  of  it  a.ssociated  with  idolatry  (24-27) ;  and  the 
"  malignity  "  and  inhumanity  in  manifold  forms  per- 
vading society  (28-31). — 32.  The  chmax  of  depravity 
is  seen  in  those  v/ho,  while  they  sin  themselves  in 
defiance  of  judgment,  applaud  the  sins  of  others. 
Thrice  (24,  26,  28)  the  expression  recurs,  "  God  gave 
them  over  ...  to  uncleanness,"  etc.  :  God's  will 
operates  in  the  inflexible  laws  by  which  sin  breeds  its 
punishment  (Jas.  I15)  ;  men  deny  their  Maker,  then 
degrade  themselves.  First  (19-21)  and  last  (28),  the 
charge  is  that  men  "  did  not  think  God  worth  while 
keeping  in  mind." — This  indictment  is  coiitiimed  by 
contemporary  literature  ;  Corinth,  from  which  Paul 
wrote — the  metropolis  of  Greek  vice — colours  the  lurid 
picture. 

n.  1-16.  Some  one  interjects  :  "  I  do  not  approve, 
I  condemn  the  sins  you  describe."  "  Then  you  con- 
demn yourself,"  Paul  retorts,  "  for  you  commit  thorn  !  " 
The  Moralist  imder  Condemnation,  with  the  flagi- 
tious sinner.  Thrice  Paul  repeats,  "  Thou  doest  the 
same  "  (or  "  such-like  ")  things. 

1-3;  cf.  6,  gf.,  13-15:  not  Jews  specifically  are 
addressed  —  "0  man,  everyone  that  judges!"  —  41. 
Whoso  thinks  to  cloak  unrighteous  doings  by  his 
moral  creed,  is  trifling  with  "  God's  fortearance  and 
lapng  up  a  store  of  wrath." — 6-11.  Doom  turns  on 
"  action,"  not  opinion  {cf.  Jas.  2  14-26) ;  "  good 
work  "  alone  stands  either  Jew  or  Greek  in  stead 
at  the  Judgment  (1  Cor.  814);  here  Ues  the  proof 
that  one  "  seeks  eternal  life  "  :  the  joys  and  miseries 
of  the  future  are  latent  in  conduct,  Paul's  doctrine 
of  judgment  by  works  complements  his  doctiine  of 
salvation  by  faith.  Faith  is  the  spring  of  good  works  ; 
works,  the  issue  and  evidence  of  faith  (Eph.  28-io, 
1  Th.  I3), — 12-16  places  Jew  and  Gentile  on  equal 
terms  before  God's  tribunal,  judged  by  their  doings  ; 
"  the  law  "  he  acknowledges  is  the  criterion  for  the 
former — the  mere  "  hearing "  of  which  counts  for 
nothing  ;  the  latter  has  a  "  law  inscribed  in  his  heart," 
"  his  conscience  along  with  "  his  action  "  attesting  " 
the  fact.  Evidence  from  this  secret  forum  will  be 
fortlicoming  at  tlie  Day  of  Judgment.  -16  is  con- 
tinuous with  the  foregoing ;  the  brackets  enclosing 
13-15  in  AV  are  properly  removtxl. — The  words 
"  according  to  my  good  news,  through  Christ  Jesus  " 
(i6),  intimate  the  perfect  discrimination  and  sympathy 
which  will  mark  the  coming  world-judgment ;  see  in 
illustration  Mt.  2514-46,  etc 

6f.  The  involved  clau.ses  are  best  construed  thus  : 
"  Who  will  render  to  each  according  to  his  works — on 
the  one  hand,  to  the  men  of  perseverance  in  good  work 
glory  and  honour  and  incomiption,  since  they  seek 
eternal  life."  The  reward  is  reaffirmed  in  10  in  terms 
of  "  glory  and  honour "  ;  and  the  soul's  quest  is 
"  eternal  life  "  (see  622,  Mt.  19i6,  etc),  not  "  glory." 

II.  17-29.  Now  Paul  accosts  the  Jew,  reproving  his 


520 


ilOMANS,  II.  17-29 


pride  of  law,  made  void  by  disloyalty.— 17-20.  Hre 

j)reton8ion8  ("  But  if  thou  boarest  the  name  of  Jew," 
etc.),  provoke  the  questions  of  21-24:  the  command- 
raenta  he  inculoatos  on  others,  ho  so  violates  that 
"  God  "  is  "  dishonoured,"  and  "  Hia  name  is  blas- 
phemed among  the  Contiles."  The  "blasphemy" 
of  Is.  525  was  oooasioned  by  the  insolence  of  Gentile 
oppressors  ;  this  by  the  hypocrisy  of  Israel. — 25-29. 
How  worthless  the  outward  possession  of  the  Law, 
and  the  physical  mark  of  circumcision,  without  the 
corresponding  inner  reality :  law-kcopiug  uncircum- 
oision  is  virtually  circumcision,  and  vice  versa  ;  heart- 
obedience,  not  external  status,  "  wins  God's  praise." 
For  Jew  or  Gentile,  "  doing  "  right,  not  lauding  nor 
vaunting  it,  avails  with  God  at  the  Judgment  (i-i6) 
and  approves  itself  now  {17-29). — The  words  of  22b, 
"  Thou  that  loathest  the  idols,"  etc.,  probably  allude 
to  some  recent  notorious  sacrilege.  \Cf.  the  underlying 
insinuation  m  Ac.  1937- — A.  J.  G  ]• — 12-16  and  25-29 
exhibit  Paul  emancipated  from  Jewish  prejudice  ;  he 
penetrates  through  conventional  forms  to  the  moral 
realities.  The  first  part  of  his  indictment,  bearing 
upon  flagrant  sin,  terminat«d  at  I32  ;  its  second  part, 
bearing  upon  sin  disguised  by  moral  professions, 
occupies  ch.  2. 

III.  l-«.  Jewish  Protests  Silenced.— 1.  "  AVliat  then," 
it  is  asked,  "  is  the  advantage  of  being  a  Jew,  etc.  ?  " — 
2-4.  "  Much,"  Paul  replies,  "  in  every  way :  to  begin 
with,  they  were  entrusted  with  the  oracles  of  God  " 
(this  implies  a  faith-relationship) — "  a  trust  not  voided 
by  the  infidelity  of  some."  "  Some,"  for  numbers  do 
not  count ;  the  heritage  of  faith  is  transmitted  through 
"the  remnant"  (see  96-8,  etc.). — "Nay"  (to  use  the 
language  of  the  Pss.),  "  God  will  show  Himself  true, 
though  every  man  prove  false,"  etc. — 5.  A  further 
protest  :  "  But  if  our  unrighteousness  serves  to  com- 
mend God's  righteousness  "  (as  you  maintain),  "  ia 
God,  who  inflicts  the  wrath  "  j'ou  speak  of,  "  unjust  " 
Uko  that — punishing  those  who  have  helped  to  glorify 
Him  ?  Paul  apologises  for  repeating  the  impudent 
question  :  "  I  say  it  as  a  man  " — as  men  might  and 
do  say. — 6  is  his'  reply :  "  Far  be  the  thought ;  for 
in  that  case  how  will  God  judge  the  world  ?  " — the 
world's  sin  would  then  go  scot-free,  for  it  also  illus- 
trates God's  righteousness. — ^7f.  The  objector  per- 
sists: "  But  if  "  (as  you  implied) "  my  lie  has  redounded 
to  God's  glory,  why  am  I  too,"  after  that,  "judged 
Uke  a"  common  "sinner"?  To  the  Pharisee,  the 
idea  of  his  being  classed  with  "  sinners  "  was  monstrous 
(see  Lk.  736-39,  15if.,  etc.).  The  question  is  answered 
by  its  ironical  continuation  :  "  And  why  not  ...  as 
some  people  affirm  that  we  "  (Christians)  "say.  Lot  us 
do  evil,"  etc.  ?  This  defence  is  its  own  condemnation. 
The  Jew  makes  no  reply  on  the  matter.^  of  fact  alleged 
in  ch.  2  ;  in  arrest  of  judgment  he  pleads  hereditary 
privilege,  and  the  tending  of  his  misdoing  to  the  greator 
glory  of  God. 

III.  9-20.  sums  up  the  Impeachment  of  mankind. 
— 9.  Paul  has  beaten  do^vn  Jewish  counter-plea.s ;  ho 
and  his  fellow-believers  ("  wo  ")  might  be  s\ipposed 
to  have  some  apology  in  reserve  :  "  What  then  ?  do 
we  make  any  defence  ?  "  (mg.).  "  Not  in  the  least ! 
for  we  have  already  charged  Jews  and  Greeks  alike 
with  being  all  under  the  power  of  sin." 

10-18.  The  universal  accu.sation  is  restated  by  a  string 
of  OT  sentences  (p.  805)  gathered,  with  the  exception  of 
1 5-1 7 (Is.r)97f. ).  from  the  Psalter,  which  T)oignant  ly  depict 
the  sinfulness  of  mankind.  Two  things  a  re  conspicuous 
in  this  sad  catena  :  the  world's  "  unrighteousness  "  is 
traced  to  a  want  of  "  understanding  about  God  " 
(II,  18;  cj.  1 18-23);   here  cruelty,  the  wrong  of  man 


toward  man,  predominates,  as  foulness,  the  wrong  of 
man  toward  himself,  did  in  ch.  1. — 19f.  resumes  the 
thread  of  9  :  "  VVo  know,  moreover,  that  in  whatsoever 
things  the  law  pronounces,  it  speaks  to  those  within  its 
scope,  that  every  mouth  may  be  stopped  "  (Jewish 
mouths  particularly),  "  and  all  the  world  may  find 
itself  obnoxious  to  God's  judgment ;  because  by  works 
of  law,"  etc.  (Ps.  14.32).  "  For  through  law  comes 
the  fuller  knowledge  of  sin  "  :  this  concluding  sentence 
awaits  exjjlanation  in  ch.  7  (r/.  p.  823). 

III.  21-31.  A  now  chapter  opens  in  human  history — 
the  achievement  of  Redemption  in  Christ  Jesus. 

21.  In  the  desperation  to  which  man's  sin,  brought 
homo  to  him  by  the  Law,  has  reduced  him,  "  a 
manifestation  has  been  made  of  God's  righteousness 
(I17*)  for  salvation  outside  of  law,"  yet  "  attested  by 
law  and  prophets"  (see,  e.g.,  43,  1 17).  The  Jew  re- 
garded Moses'  law  as  a  complete  revelation  of  God'a 
ways. — 22a.  It  is  a  "  righteousness  "  realised  "  through 
faith  in  Jesus  Christ,"  destined  "  for  all  that  believe." 
The  Divine  righteousness  displayed  in  the  Gospel  is 
communicative  ;  sinners  "  become  God's  righteous- 
ness in  Christ,"  oven  as  Ho  "  became  sin  for  us  " 
(2  Cor.  521). — 226,  23  sustains  the  "  all  "  of  220  :  Jew 
and  Gentile  are  condemned  "  without  distinction  "  ; 
everywhere  "  the  glory  of  God,"  which  shone  in  man's 
proper  nature,  is  eclipsed  under  sin's  shame. — 24.  If 
sinners  then  are  to  be  "  justified,"  it  must  he  "  gratui- 
tously "  (c/.  "  the  ^i/<  of  righteousness,"  617) — a  justi- 
fication effected  "  through  the  redemption  that  is  in 
Christ  Jesus." — "  To  justify  "  is  "  to  count  righteous  ", 
p.  81 1,  whether  (2i3,  84)  the  subject  has  been  such  in 
conduct  or  (as  hero)  the  opposite  ;  the  term  is  relative 
to  staliis.  The  change  of  character  ensues,  as  ch.  6  will 
show  ;  God  makes  men  righteous  by  treating  them  as 
such  on  Christ's  account.  Justification  is  forgiveness, 
and  more ;  it  implies  reinstatement  (see  814-17 ; 
cf.  Lk.  1520-24). — By  derivation  "  redemption  "  is 
"  recovery  by  ransom  "  :  the  Greek  terra,  however, 
like  the  English,  came  to  include  "  deliverance " 
broadly  ;  the  stricter  connotation  holds  in  this  con- 
nexion— the  thought  of  "  price,"  the  sense  of  the 
immense  cost  of  man's  salvation  (c/.  1  Cor.  620*, 
1  Tim.  26),  attaches  to  the  word  ;  25  speaks  of  "  the 
blood  "  (Mk.  IO45,  1  P.  Ii8f,).  How  redeemed,  250 
tells  ;  with  what  issue,  256,  26. — 25a.  "  God  set  Him 
forth  "  in  the  eyes  of  all  the  world — "  a  propitiation  . . , 
in  His  blood."  Propitiation.(  1  Jn.  22*)  bears  reference 
to  "  the  anger  of  God  "  resounding  from  1 18*  onwards. 
The  death  of  Jesus  consummated  the  direful  train  of 
causation,  at  once  natural  and  supernatural,  under 
which  "  sin  workoth  out  death  "  ;  on  the  Cross  "  the 
law  of  sin  and  death  "  took  full  effect — for  the  sheltering 
sinner,  final  effect  {cf.  5g).  In  heathen  propitiations 
guilty  men  strove  to  appease  the  displeasure  of  their 
gods  ;  hero  God  both  prescribes  the  means  and  is  at  the 
cost  of  expiation  (832,  1  Jn.  4io).  The  intervening 
clause  "  through  faith  "  makes  the  saved  man  a  party 
to  God's  redeeming  action  ;  the  propitiation  avails  as 
he  identifies  himself  with  it. — 256,  26.  The  expiation 
covers,  retrospectively,  the  time  of  "  passing  over  of 
sins  "  (RV  ;  cf.  Ac'  I730,  Heb.  IO1-4),  when  God 
acted  "in  forbearance"  with  wrong-doors,  "The 
present  epoch  "  witnes.ses  the  full  "  exhibition  of  God'a 
righteousness  " — that  of  One  who  is  "  Himself  righteoua 
and  tho  justifier  "  (rightoous-or,  as  Du  Boso  n^nders  it)i 
"  of  tho  man  that  is  of  faith  in  Jesus."  The  "  and  " 
is  no  "  but  "  :  the  justification  vindicates  God's  own 
righteousness  (I17*),  who  in  perfect  rectitude  rein~ 
states,  for  Christ's  sake,  His  disinherited  children.  "  Ot 
faith  "   is   more   than   "  through  faith  "   (25) :   faith 


ROMANS,  V.  6-11 


821 


originates  the  new  order. — 27-31.  Throe  oonsequonoca 
emerge:  Jewish  pride  is  abased  (27!),  the  Divine 
Unity  is  safeguarded  (29!.),  and  the  Divine  Law  vindi- 
cated (31).  The  '■  excluded  glorying"  is  that  of 
217-20,  the  boast  asserted  under  the  "  law  of  works  " 
(221-25,  44f.  ;  cf.  IO3) — quashed  when  "  faith  "  is 
recognised  as  the  "  norm  "  of  God's  kingdom  ;  "  for  " 
{ng.)  "  we  account  that  justification  comes  to  man  " 
{qua  man,  not  qua  IsraeHte)  "  by  faith  apart  from  works 
of  law  "  :  such  a  calculus  annihilates  boasting  (cf.  4i-3). 
Incidentally,  this  principle  guards  the  unity  of  God  : 
"  God  being  one,"  there  Is  only  one  way  to  set  men 
right  with  Him  ;  He  "  will  justify  the  Circumcision 
out  of  faith,  and  the  Unciroumcision  through  that 
faith  " — in  salvation,  as  in  sin,  they  stand  on  an  equal 
footing.  Faith  is,  to  Jews,  the  source  of  salvation, 
excluding  "  works  "  ;  for  Gentiles,  standing  afar  ofiF, 
the  pathtvay  to  salvation. — Finally,  "  we  "  (Christians) 
"  establish  law,"  instead  of  overthrowing  it  (cf.  615, 
84),  "  by  means  of  faith."  Paul  saw  in  faith  a  law 
(27)  within  and  beyond  "  the  law  "  ;  ho  found  here  the 
basal  principle  of  God's  dealings  with  mankind  (43ff.  ; 
cf.  Hob.  11).  His  conception  of  law  has  deepened  along 
with  his  conception  of  righteousness. 

ly.  l-lla.  The  Example  of  Abraham.— 1.  The 
Jewish  objector  onco  more  :  "  Wliat  about  Abraham 
then  ?  "  (mg.) ;  if  the  circumcised  Israelite  is  justi- 
fied on  no  more  favourable  tenns  than  the  Gentile 
outsider,  how  was  it  with  "  our  "  great  "  forefather  "  7 
Abraham's  case  was  the  instantia  probans  for  Jewish 
theology. — 21.  "  If  Abraham  had  been  justified  by 
works,"  Paul  rephes,  "  he  has  ground  of  glorying  ; 
but "  however  great  his  glory  amongst  men,  "  he  has 
none  Godwards.  Nay,  Scripture  says,  But  Abraham 
believed  Ood  and  it  was  counted  to  him  for  righteous- 
ness "  (cf.  Gal.  36f.). — 4f.  Arguing  on  this  text  in  the 
sense  of  327f.,  Paul  contrasts  "  the  worker  "  claiming 
"  his  pay  of  debt  "  with  "  the  believer  "  to  whom, 
"  ungodly  "  as  he  doubtless  had  been,  "  righteousness  is 
credited  on  terms  of  faith,  by  way  of  grace." — 6-8.  The 
patriarch's  experience  resembled  that  stated  in  Ps.  32, 
"  the  blessedness  of  the  man  to  whom  the  Lord  will 
no  longer  impute  sin." — 9-lla.  Now,  the  sentence  of 
justification  was  pronounced  on  Abraham  before  his 
circumcision.  This  ceremony  was  not  the  basis  of  a 
righteousness  acquired  by  works,  but  the  "  seal  set 
upon  the  righteousness  conferred  through  faith." 
Faith  antedates  Circumcision,  as  it  underlies  the  I^w 
(cf.  Gal.  317).  Circumcision  was  properly  a  sacrament 
of  faith. 

IV.  ll&-17a.  Abraham's  Relation  to  Mankind. — 
With  Abraham's  faith  a  great  prospect  opened  for 
humanity. 

116,  12.  According  to  Gen.  17  the  patriarch 
"  received  "  the  Covenant^sign  "  to  the  end  he  might 
be  father  of  all  that  behove  while  in  unciroum- 
cision"  like  himself,  .  .  .  "and  father,"  to  be  sure,. 
"  of  circumcision — in  the  case  of  those  who  do  not 
rely  upon  the  fleshly  token  (cf.  226-29),  but  who 
keep  in  the  track  of  our  father  Abraham's  pro-circum- 
cision faith." — 13.  The  antithesis  of  IjOW  and  Grace 
becomes  that  of  Law  and  Promise  ;  God's  grace  toward 
Abraham  was  charged  with  blessing  for  future  ages. 
"  The  men  of  faith,"  circumcised  or  not,  "  are  Abra- 
ham's eons  "  (iif.  ;  cf.  Gal.  37).  Such  filiation  implies 
that  "  the  world-embracing  promise,"  whether  con- 
sidered as  made  "  to  Abraham  or  to  his  seed,"  was 
given  simply  on  terms  of  the  "  faith-rightoousness  " 
common  to  Abraham  with  believing  Gentiles. — 14f. 
Had  "  law  "  conditioned  the  inheritance,  it  must  have 
lapsed  for  want  of  quabfied  heirs,  "  faith  being  thus 


reduced  to  an  empty  word  and  the  promise  Ijeing 
nullified  ;  for  the  law  breeds  transgression  (see  620, 
77-23),  which  entails  God's  anger"  (li8ff.,  28f.). 
The  negative  form  of  156  suits  Abraham's  case,  in 
wliich  the  fatal  sequence  of  commandment,  transgression, 
wrath,  was  obviated. — 16.  Two  purposes  are  answered 
by  conditioning  tho  promise  upon  faith  :  it  devolves 
"  by  way  of  grace,"  which  is  God's  dehght  (cf.  620, 
Eph.  l6,  27,  etc.) ;  and  the  fulfilment  "  is  secured  to 
all  the  seed  " — to  Gentiles  along  with  Jews. — 17a  sup- 
ports Abraham's  title  to  ecumenical  fatherhood,  by 
quoting  the  oracle  attached  to  the  Covenant  of  Cir- 
cumciuion  (p.  151). 

IV.  176-25.  Faith  in  God  the  Llfe-GIver.— 17  associ- 
ates with  the  scope  the  quality  of  Abraham's  faith. 
The  patriarch's  world-fatherhoofl  was  his  "  in  the  sight 
of  God  whom  he  behoved  "  :  God  acknowledged  and 
made  good  that  paternity — "  He  who  makes  alive  the 
dead  and  summons  things  non-existent  as  though  in 
being  !  " — 18-23.  Abraham's  trust  in  the  power  yoked 
to  God's  promise  made  his  behef  eflScacious  :  "  against 
hope,  he  believed  in  hope  "  ;  spiritual  hope  conquered 
natural  despair.  He  accepted  the  assurance  respecting 
Isaac's  birth,  though  perfectly  aware  of  its  physical 
impossibihty  (19).  His  ■"  unhesitating  faith  honoured 
God  "  (20),  and  "  brought  righteousness  to  himself  " 
(22). — In  Jas.  221-23  3,nd  Heb.  II17-19,  the  climax 
of  Abraham's  faith  is  his  consent  to  Isaac's  death  ; 
here  his  anticipation  of  Isaac's  birth. — 24.  In  this 
phase  of  it  the  patriarch's  faith  specifically  resembles 
that  of  Christian  believers.  Isaac  was,  in  effect,  "  be- 
gotten out  of  the  dead  "  (19,  Heb.  II12  ;  cf.  CoL  1x8) ; 
and  the  faith  which  now  brings  justification  is  trust 
in  the  life-giving  power  revealed  on  Easter  Day. 
— 25«,  alluding  to  Is.  534f.,  presents  our  Lord's  death 
in  its  vicarious  character  manwards  (cf.  83,32,  2  Cor. 
621);  824!,  in  its  propitiatory  character  Godwards. 
Read  prospectively,  the  "  for  (because  of)  "  of  256 
signifies  "  to  effect  our  (individual)  justification  "  ; 
retrospectively,  "  because  our  (collective)  justification 
had  been  effected,"  potentially,  in  Christ's  death  (cf. 
2  Cor.  519)  :  the  former  construction  is  preferable  as 
in  keeping  with  24,  "  to  whom  it  is  to  be  reckoned." 

V.  1-5.  The  Fruits  of  Justifying  Faith.— 1, 2a.  '  Since 
then  we  have  been  justified,"  etc.,  recapitulates  822- 
425.  The  apodosis  (according  to  the  best^attested 
reading,  R\')  is  hortatory:  "Let  us  abide  in  peace 
with  God,"  etc. ;  the  Greek  tense  implies  a  continued 
state,  as  in  Ac.  931  (RV).  The  qualifj-ing  clause, 
"  through  whom  indeed  we  have  got  our  introduction," 
etc.,  warrants  a  steady  peace  with  God :  led  by 
Christ's  hand  into  the  Father's  grace,  we  should  lay 
aside  misgiving. — 26-5.  The  "  hope  of  the  glory  of 
God  "  raises  "  peace  "  to  "  exultation."*  Christian 
joy  is  even  enhanced  by  trouble  :  "  endurance,  proof, 
hope  "  form  a  chain  linking  "  tribulation  "  to  "  the 
loveof  God  "  (cf.  Phil.  4ii-i3  ;  also  1  P.  l6f.,  Jas.  I2-4 
— apparently  echoed  hero).  "  Our  hope  "  of  beholding 
tho  glory  of  God  "  does  not  shame  us,"  like  self-relying 
hopes ;  its  fruition  is  guaranteed  by  "  the  love  of 
God  poured  out  within  our  hearts,  through  the  Holy 
Spirit  who  was  given  us." — God's  love,  imphed  in  His 
name  of  "Father"  (I7,  etc.),  is  embraced  in  Paul's 
wide  conception  of  "  Gods  righteousness  "  (I17.*  etc.) ; 
"  poured  out  "  speaks  of  its  lavishness  (cf.  Eph.  24,7) ; 
"  the  heart,"  of  its  inward  apprehension. — Ch.  8  is 
the  expansion  of  5s6. 

V.  6-11.  Love  and  Reconciliation.- 6-8.  The  help- 
lessness and  ill-desert  of  the  objects,  and  tho  timolinees 
of  tho  intervention,  go  to  "  commend  God's  love  to 
us,  shown  in  the  death  of  Christ  on  our  behalf  " — a 


822 


ROMANS.  V.  6-11 


sacrifioe  enhanced  when  one  oonsidors  that  "  a  rightooua 
man  "  will  "  scarcely  "  find  another  to  "  die  for  him," 
though  "  it  may  hap{)on  '"  that  a  friend  "  ventures  his 
life  for  the  good  man  "  (known  and  loved  as  such). — 
God's  and  ('hrist's  love  are  identified  (6,  8). — 9/.  In 
the  next  breath  the  apostle  speaks  of  God's  "  anger  "  : 
seeming  incoinpatibles  meet  at  the  Cross.  The  joyous 
hope  of  Christians  amid  life's  troubles  is  explained  : 
"  justified  at  the   price  of  Christ's   blood  "   {cf.   832, 

1  P.  Ii8f.),  "wo  need  not  fear  future  anger"  ;  wo 
know  that  God  is  our  friend.  He  who  has  justified 
sinners,  will  never  condemn  the  justified  (see  831-34). 
"  To  the  former  enemies,  brought  into  peace  with  God 
through  His  Son's  death,  that  Son's  "  risen  "  life  " 
(cf.  64!,  Rev.  Ii7f.,  Hob.  725)  "  gives  pledge  of  final 
salvation." — To  be  "  reconciled  to  God  "  means  not 
merely  to  change  one's  disposition  toward  Him,  but 
to  receive  forgiveness,  to  exchange  God's  anger  (9) 
for  His  smile.  Reconciliation  corresponds  in  point  cf 
sentiment    to    justification    in    point   of    status    (seo 

2  Cor.  5i9  ;  also  Mt.  524,  for  the  use  of  the  passive 
verb). — 11.  The  sense  of  "  reconciliation  "  swells  again 
into  a  rapturous  "  exultation  in  God  "  (cf.  2). 

V.  12-21.  The  "therefore"  of  12  covers  li6-5ii  : 
the  working  of  sin  and  grace  are  traced  up  to  their 
fountain-heads  in  Adam  and  Christ  {cf.  1  Cor.  I545- 
47). — Adam  (Heb.  man)  stands  for  humanity  racially. 
Two  opposing  currents  run  through  man's  Ufe,  each 
with  its  personal  source  (12-14,  i8f.)  ;  but  with  this 
broad  correspondence,  there  are  signal  contrasts  (15- 
17)  ;  grace  is  the  ultimate  victor  (2of.). 

12  affirms  tho  solidarity  of  mankind  in  sin  and  death. 
The  clause  "  for  that  all  sinned  "  repeats  the  cardinal 
declaration  of  823,  and  needs  no  complementary  "  in 
him  (Adam)  "  :  wherever  death  enters,  sin  has  opened 
tho  door. — 13f.  deals  with  the  seeming  exception  of  pre- 
Mosaic  times:  "all  sinned,"  I  say  (12);  "for  there 
was  sin  in  the  world  up  to  the  time  of  law " — 
Moses'  law  did  not  create  sin,  but  matured  it  (cf.  20, 
77ff.,i3).  "Yet,"  some  one  says,  "sin  is  not  taken 
into  account  where  no  law  exists  "  (see  4i5). — "  For 
all  that,"  repUes  Paul,  "  death  reigned  from  Adam 
to  Moses,  even  over  those  who  did  not,  like  Adam, 
transgress  "  an  explicit  command.  The  inference  goes 
without  saying  :  the  intervening  generations  violated 
some  law  ;  the  sequence  of  sin  and  death  is  itself 
matter  of  primordial  law  (82).  Death  was  universal 
from  Adam  downwards  ;  sin  was  universal ;  ipso  facto, 
law  was  universal.  This  Paul  had  shown  in  214-16,  in 
another  way.  Through  all  ages,  amongst  all  races,  sin 
genders  death  (Jas.  I15)  ;  at  tho  bottom  "there  is  no 
difference  "  (822). — The  complement  of  "  just  as  "  (12) 
is  virtually  contained  in  the  last  clause  of  14.  "who 
(Adam)  is  a  typo  of  the  One  to  come."  What  Adam 
was  to  his  kind  in  point  of  transgression,  this  Other  is 
to  bo  in  the  contrary  sense. — 15f.  But  Christ's  "  grace  " 
in  its  potency  is  "  far  more  "  than  a  counterpoise  to 
the  race-sin.  Paul  pits  "  the  grace  of  God  and 
.  .  .  the  grace  of  the  One  Man  "  conjointly  against 
"  the  trespass."  15  marks  the  contrast  m  kiyid,  16  tn 
degree  :  "  the  sin  of  one  man  resulted  in  general 
conflemnation,"  while  "  the  justification-bringing  act  of 
graco"  dealt  with  "many  trespasses." — 17.  Finally, 
Christ's  grace  triumphantly  reverses  tho  effects  of 
Adam's  fall,  turning  "  the  slaves  of  death "  into 
"  lords  of  life." — To  spoak  of  "  rightoousncss  "  as  "  a 
gift  received  "  is  another  way  of  affirming  Justifica- 
tion by  Faith  {cf.  824,  44f.).— 18f.,  21.  Thus  the  two 
headships  are  vastly  disparate :  on  the  ono  side, 
trespass,  disobedience,  sin,  bearing  fruit  in  condemvatiaii, 
sinfulness   ("  were    constituted   sinners,"    19),    death  ; 


on  tho  other,  rectification  (the  "  one  justificatory  act " 
or  "  sontonce,"  18),  obedience,  grace,  resulting  in  ;iw(t- 
fication,  righteousness,  life  eternal  (terms  of  status, 
character,  destiny). — "  Tho  many  "  versus  "  tho  ono  " 
of  19  =  "  all  "  vt^rsus  "  ono  "  of  18.  In  14,  17,  "death 
came  to  reign  thi-ough  sin":  in  21,  "sin  reigns  in 
death  "  ;  for  mortality  brings  homo  to  men  sin's 
domination,  as  "  life  eternal "  will  display  "  the 
rognancy  of  grace." — 20  brings  in  "  tho  law  by  the 
way,"  as  "  multiplying  the  (Adam's)  trespass " 
— so  aa  to  further,  however,  "  tho  superabounding 
of  grace"  [cf.  4i5,  77-13,  and  Gal.  3i9f.). — This 
paragraph  extends  tho  scope  of  Christ's  redemption 
from  the  piimeval  fall  on  to  the  glories  of  eternal 
destiny. 

VI.  1-11.  Union  with  the  Dying,  Risen  Christ.— 
1.  The  reference  of  620  to  "  the  law  "  gives  the  legaUst 
critic  his  opportunity  to  challenge  Paul's  whole 
doctrine  on  its  practical  outcome  ;  in  his  view,  it  is 
rank  Antinomiansm  :  "  Are  we  to  persist  in  sin,  that 
grace  may  abound  ?  "  If  to  "  multiply  sin  "  multiplies 
grace — then  sin  away  ! — 2-4'.  Tho  suggestion  revolts 
the  Christian  consciousness ;  the  mocking  query  is 
coimtered  :  "  We  who  died  to  sin,  how  any  longer 
shall  wo  live  in  it  ?  or "  (if  you  entertain  such  a 
thought)  "  know  you  not —  ?  "•  Paul's  answer  nma 
in  terms  of  baptism,  which  is  faith  symbolised  in  its 
prescribed  and  famihar  expression  (Ac.  241,  812,  etc.). 
This  is  no  substituted  or  additional  condition  of  salva- 
tion :  to  say  "  We  so  many  as  were  baptized,"  etc., 
is  to  say  in  pictorial  fashion,  "  We  so  many  as  believed 
in  Christ  "  ;  note  the  equivalence  in  Gal.  326f.  The 
sinlcing,  disappearance,  and  emergence  of  tho  believer 
from  the  baptismal  wave,  belonging  to  baptism  in  its 
full,  dramatic  form,  imago  his  identification  with  tho 
death,  burial,  and  resurrection  of  liis  Lord.  The 
sacrament  unfolds  the  impUcations  of  faith,  and  inter- 
prets it :  faith  means  more  than  rehance  on  Christ 
(see  822,25),  on  God  who  raised  Him  from  the  dead 
(424)  ;  it  is  the  planting  of  tho  man  in  Christ.  Ho 
dies  Christ's  death,  and  rises  into  Christ's  life  ! 
"  Burial,"  emphasizing  the  rupture  with  old  conditions, 
is  death  made  definitive,  unmistakable. — 5,  6a.  "  If 
we  have  become  coalescent  (of  one  growth)  with  Him 
by  tho  hkenoas  of  His  death  " — by  the  faith-baptism 
experience  wliich  copies  Christ's  death — "  we  shall  bo 
equally  so  in  respect  of  His  resurrection,  as  we  come 
to  know  "  (what  our  faith  imports)  "  that  our  old 
nature  was  crucified  with  Him,"  etc. — ^  is  the  positive 
counterpart  of  4  :  "  the  body,"  as  a  body  "  of  sin, 
done  away  with  (cf.  Col.  85)  ...  we  no  longer  bond- 
men to  sin  "  ="  walking  in  a  new  state,  a  state  of  life." 
— 7f.  "  For  he  that  died  has  become,  by  way  of  justifi- 
cation, quit  of  sin  "  :  death  pays  all  debts  !  Tho 
pregnant  phrase  "  justified /row  sin  "  implies  separa- 
tion attending  justification.  In  other  words,  justifica- 
tion entails  sanctification,  as  Christ's  rising  followed 
His  djing.  Christ  carries  tho  sinner,  whoso  faith 
embraces  Him  on  the  Cross,  through  His  grave  into 
His  resuncction-life  (8),  clean  away  from  his  sin. — 
"  We  shall  also  live  with  Him  "  (8/)),  looks  on  to  eternal 
life  (5io,2i). — 9-11.  "Death  no  longer  lords  it  over 
Christ  "  :  once  "  raised  from  the  dead,"  Ho  escaped 
finally  from  the  realm  of  sin  (cf.  2  Cor.  52 1),  so  that 
"  His  present  life  is  "  absolutely  "  a  life  unto  God 
with  yourselves — dead  men  sin-wards,  living  men  J 
Godwards ;  reckon  (account)  it  so,"  and  it  will  be  sol 
Paul  has  said,  "  God  coimts  your  faith  for  righteous 
ness  "  ;  now,  "  You  must  count  it  for  holiness." 

VI.  12-23.  The  Christian's  Severance  from 
12f.  The  conflict  turns  on  the  possession  of  the  bodyi 


so 
icn  .' 

BOIM 
USiS 

1.— ■ 

1 


ROMANS,  VIII.  lOf. 


B23 


sin  and  God  botli  claim  the  use  of  your  "  limbs  "  ; 
Bin  must  not  "  reign  in  your  mortal  body,"  though 
that  body  is  in  death's  domain  (725,  8iof.  ;  c/.  Sai). 
With  the  new  man  "  living  to  God  in  Christ  Jesus  " 
(ii),  his  "  hmbs  must  be  presented  for  weapons  of 
righteousness,"  no  longer  to  bo  plied  against  God 
(c/.  12i ;  1  Cor.  615,18).— 14f.  The  plea  for  continuance 
in  sin  (i),  "  You  are  not  under  law  but  under  grace," 
is  a  conclusive  argument  against  it;  for  this  very 
reason  "  sin  shall  not  lord  it  ovor  you."  Law  inflames, 
grace  kills  tlio  love  of  sin  (6,  82-6). — 16-18.  Remember 
what  happened  in  your  conversion,  the  bonds  you 
then  took  upon  j^ou.  Now  "  obedience  "  makes  the 
"  bondman,"  to  this  moral  master  or  that  (16).  There 
is  no  doubt  whose  "  slaves  j'ou  were "  aforetime 
(17,  19) ;  but  you  "  have  passed,"  with  full  consent 
and  intention,  "  from  sin's  service  to  that  of  righteous- 
ness "  (18),  The  transference  is  complete  and  irre- 
vocable.— 19rt.  Paul  excuses  the  harsh  reflection  made 
on  the  past  of  men  unknown  to  him  :  "  I  speak  to 
human  experience,  in  view  of  your  weak  (c/.  56)  sinful 
nature." — 196,  20.  "  Iniquity  "  is  "  for  iniquity  " — has 
no  other  end  ;  "  the  goal  of  righteousness  "  is  "  sanctifi- 
cation."  Lot  the  new  service  be  as  thorough  as  the  old  : 
"  when  bondmen  of  sin,  you  renounced  the  claims  of 
righteousness  "  ;  there  must  be  a  complete  reversal. — 
21f.  Look  at  the  wages  paid  by  the  two  masters  : 
sin's  shameful  service  yields  "  the  stipend  "  (as  for 
soldiers  cheated  by  fine  promises)  "  of  death  "  ;  God's 
service  "  bears  fruit  in  sanctification,  crowned  by  Ufe 
eternal."  Undeserved  by  us,  tliis  is  "  God's  grace-gift 
in  Christ  Jesus  "  (c/.  5i5,  etc.). — "  What  fruit  therefore 
had  you  then,  of  the  deeds  that  now  cause  you  shame  ?  " 
No  fruit  at  all,  unless  shame  be  such  ! 

VII.  1-6.  Espousal  to  Christ. — Paul  returns  to  his 
paradox  about  Law  and  Grace  (Gi4f.)  and  illustrates  it 
by  marriage,  Christ  now  standing  for  Grace. 

1-3.  Wedlock  binds  "while  the  husband  lives";  on  his 
death  the  wife  is  free  for  another  union. — 4a.  "  You  " 
are  the  wife  in  this  case ;  "  the  law  "  the  first  husband, 
the  risen  "  Christ "  the  second  ;  the  new  marriage 
presupposes  a  discharge  from  the  old  (6).  In  the 
expression  "  that  she  should  not  be  an  adulteress," 
Paul  tacitly  repudiates  the  charge  of  apostasy  brought 
against  Jewish  Christians  (c/.  Jas,  44  RV,  Jer.  22, 
Hos.  22fF.,  etc.). — 46-6.  The  difference  in  the  offspring 
shows  how  much  happier  and  better  the  second  mar- 
riage is  than  the  first :  wedded  to  the  law,  "  our  carnal 
nature  bore  fruit  for  death  "  ;  now,  "  we  bear  fruit  to 
God  (c/.  Gal.  522f.),  with  the  result  that  we  serve 
(c/.  618-22)  in  newness  of  spirit  (cf.  64),  not  in  the  old- 
nesa  of  the  letter."  The  old  system  worked  by  external 
rule ;  the  new  by  internal  principle.  Paul  takes  liberties 
with  his  simile :  in  the  figure,  the  husband  dies  ;  in 
the  apphcation,  the  wife — "  you  were  put  to  death 
as  regards  the  law  through  the  (flying)  body  of  Christ  " 
(4) ;  so  again  in  6,  where  the  AV,  mistakenly,  removes 
the  incongruity.  For  the  Christian  believer  dies  with 
his  Redeemer,  to  share  His  heavenly  life  (62-11).  The 
death  of  either  partner  dissolves  the  prior  union 
{cf.  GaL  614). 

Vn.  7-23.  Autobiography  of  the  Man  under  Law.— 
What  it  means  to  be  "  in  bonrlage  to  the  old  letter  " 
(6),  the  apostlo  will  show  from  his  own  oxporience. 
That  the  following  description  belongs  to  Paul's  legal 
past  appears  from  oh.  6,  anfl  from  the  contrastive 
"  now  "  of  81.  Faihng  to  "  reckon  himself  dead  unto 
sin,"  the  beUovor  may,  doubtless,  relapse  into  the 
misery  of  24. 

7f .  The  legalist  uitorjoots :  "  What  shall  \^  say 
then  T  is  the  law  sin  T  "    Paul  has,  indeed,  in  a  sense, 


identified  it  with  sin  (.520,  614  ;  cf.  1  Cor.  I656) ;  he 
explains  by  expounding  820,  "  Through  law  comes  the 
knowledge  of  sin."  Take,  for  instance,  the  command, 
"  Thou  shalt  not  covet,"  the  hearing  of  which 
"  awakened  slumbering  desire." —  9-11.  At  that 
moment  "  sin  came  to  life,"  "  and "  the  innocent 
child  "  I  "  was  "  diod,"  slain  by  "  the  "  very  "  law  " 
which  "  pointed  the  way  to  life  " — a  result  due  to 
"  the  deceit  of  sin,"  which  "  got  through  the  com- 
mand "  a  fatal  "  leverage  "  upon  me. — 12f.  In  making 
this  "  deadly  "  use  of  a  thing  so  "  holy  and  good,"  sin 
unmasked  itself. — 14.  The  abuse  was  possible  through 
the  fault  of  my  nature  :  "  The  law  is  spiritual  ;  I  am 
a  creature  of  flesh  "  {cf.  Syf.).  In  adding  "  sold  under 
sin"  the  apostle  recalls  512-14:  the  child  of  Adam 
is  compromised  by  his  heredity.  "  Sold,"  he  needs 
"  redemption  "  (.324). — 15-20.  A  struggle  ensues  be- 
tween duty  and  desire :  young  Saul  finds  himself 
"  doing  what  ho  would  not,"  what  "  he  loathes."  In 
conviction  "  he  agrees  with  the  law,  delights  in  it." 
"  The  will  "  to  obey  is  there,  "  the  operative  power  " 
is  wanting ;  a  hostile  force  lodged  "  in  his  flesh  " 
determines  his  action. — 21-23.  "  Another  (the  de  facto) 
law  rules  in  my  members,"  which  dictates  "  evil  "  for 
"  good  "  ;  from  this  fortress  "  the  law  of  sin  wages 
war  against  the  law  of  God,  the  law  of  my  reason, 
making  me  its  captive." — 24,  25a.  As  the  prisoner  cries 
for  deliverance,  "  Jesus  Christ  comes  to  his  rescue  !  " 
— 256.  The  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter :  "  I  by 
myself  "  (without  Christ ;  contrast  Gal.  220)  "  with 
my  reason  serve  God's  law,  but  with  my  flesh  sin's 
law  "  ;  in  theory  the  former  is  sovereign,  in  practice 
the  latter. — "  The  body  of  this  death  "  (24)  is  the 
actual  body  {cf.  18,  23  ;  also  66,12),  whose  mortahty 
{cf.  52 1 )  betokens  the  death  of  the  whole  man  {cf. 
Eph.  2i-5) ;  when  "  sin  came  to  Ufe "  (9),  "  this 
(conscious)  death  "  began.     Cf.  012*. 

Vin.  1-13.  The  New  Man  in  Christ  Jesus.—!. 
"  Therefore  now  " — sin's  captive  escapes  !  "  No  con- 
demnation "  :  118-820,  714-24  was  all  condemnation  ! 
"  Those  in  Christ  Jesus  "  ;  see  63-11. — 2.  "  The  law  of 
the  Spirit  "  {cf.  "  law  of  faith,"  827*)  ..."  emanci- 
pated me  {cf.  618)  from  the  law  of  sin  and  death  " 
(5i2-i4*,  75,22,24). — 3f.  "  Through  the  mission  of 
Christ  God  has  inflicted  on  sin  the  condemnation 
which  the  law,  disabled  by  the  flesh,  endeavoured 
vainly,"  and  did  it  "  in  that  "  very  "  flesh  "  which 
was  sin's  stronghold  (66,  7 18,  etc.). — "  Likeness  of 
sinful  flesh  "  signifies  a  life  incarnate  but  sinless  ;  the 
elliptical  "  (sacrifice)  for  sin  "  (see  Lev.,  passim)  adds 
the  Atonement  to  the  Incarnation  (see  425,  56— n  ; 
also  Heb.  53,  106,  where  the  phrase  reappears) : 
together  they  wrought  God's  judgment  upon  sin,  in 
such  a  way  "  that  the  righteous  demand  of  the  law 
might  be  fulfilled  in  us,"  etc.  Gods  holy  law,  after 
all,  gets  its  own  {cf.  831) ;  while  our  sin  is  condemned, 
we  pass  through  justification  into  a  new  life  of  righte- 
ousness under  the  Spirit's  rule. — "  The  (Holy)  Spirit" 
api)earcd  incidentally  in  55  ;  Rom.  8  is  the  chapter  of 
the  Holy  Ghost. — 5-8  contrasts  "  the  spiritual  "  with 
"the  carnal  walk"  in  their  respective  "temper" 
(mind),  and  their  issue,  "  death,"  in  contrast  with 
"life  and  peace"  {cf.  623,  5r).  Death  results  from 
"  the  fleshly  mind,"  because  it  "  is  enmity  toward  God, 
insubordination  to  His  law,"  and  consequent  "  in- 
capacity to  plea.so  Him  "  (7.f. ;  Ps.  9O7-0,  929,  etc.). — 
9.  Those  in  whom  "  the  Spirit  of  God  dwells  "  {cf. 
1  Cor.  3i6) — the  vital  element  common  to  Head  and 
members  {cf.  06  with  1  Cor.  617,  12i2f.,  Eph.  43-6) — 
have  escaped  this  fatal  condition. — In  ch.  6  faith,  here 
the   Spirit,   identifies    men   with    Christ. — lOf,  "  The 


824 


ROMANS    VIII.  lOf. 


body  ■'  too  will  share  in  this  redemption.  For  the 
present,  the  '"  Uving  spirit  "'  (c/.  biof.)  inhabits  a 
■  moribund  body  ;  righteousness  '  characterises  the 
one,  while  "  sin  '  dooms  the  other.  But  the  "resur- 
rection of  Jesus"  promisos,  "the  indwoUing  Spirit" 
guarantees,  "  hfe  "  e^en  to  "  the  mortal  body  "  (r.f.  23, 
2  Cor.  1^2,  Eph.  Ii3f.). — Read,  in  11,  "  because  of  His 
Spirit "  (mg. ). — 12f. — On  the  above  grounds,  you  recog- 
nise "  no  obligation  to  the  tlesh,"  but  only  "  to  the 
Spirit,"  by  whose  aid  you  "  must  put  to  death  "  those 
"doings  of  the  body"  (c/.  66,  718-24,  Col.  85)  the 
practice  of  which  meant  "  death  "  for  you  (c/.  26, 
Eph.  2i).     See  pp.  811f. 

VIII.  14-17.  So  Christian  men  stand  toward  life 
and  death  (1-13) ;  how  taunrd  God  ? 

14.  ■'  Justified  "  (3-5)  and  "  sanctified  "  (6),  they 
are  Sons  and  Heirs  of  God,  while  they  "  are  led  by  Gods 
Spirit." — 15f.  "  Christ's  spirit  of  sonship"  replaces  "the 
old  spirit  of  servitude  engendering  fear  "  (r/.  28f.,  also 
Heb.  2i5,  1028,31,  and  1  Jn.  4i8).  "  Adoption  "  (son- 
ship:  with  a  different  application  in  94)  is  borrowed 
from  Roman  and  Greek  law,  denoting  affiliation  from 
another  family  or  status — "  no  longer  a  bondman  but 
a  son  "  (Gal.  45,  Eph.  I5).  The  cry  of  the  adopt^'d — 
"  Abba  ''=  Father  t  in  the  mother-spe<'ch  of  Jesus  (Mk. 
1436),  caught,  like  Amen,  from  the  lips  of  Palestinian 
behevers  —  sounds  as  the  voice  of  Another  within 
us  (c/.  9,  26f.).  "The  Spirit  Himself"  sustains  the 
testimony  of  consciousness  (c/.  2i3,  9i)  "to  the  effect 
that  we  are  children  of  God."  The  witness  of  "our 
spirit"  hes  in  the  knowledge  of  our  spiritual  transfor- 
mation (see  1-9,  also  5i-ii,  and  6). — .S'on^in  rank  and 
dignity,  children  in  affinity  and  endearment  (cj.  1  Jn.  3 
if.). — 17.  "  And  consequently  heirs,  sharing  the  in- 
heritance of  Christ,"  the  Son  of  God — "  pro\ided  that 
we  share  His  sufferings"  (see  GaU  45-7,  Eph.  I14; 
also  Jn.  15i8-2i,  1  P.  4i2f.).     Cj.  p.  811. 

Vin.  18-27.  The  Birth-Pangs  of  Immortality.— 18. 
These  "  present  sufferings  "  are  "  light  beyond  com- 
parison, m  view  of  the  glorj'  awaiting  us  at  the  coming 
revelation."  "  The  destined  glory  "  is  hidden  under 
a  fleshly  veil  (see  10,  PhiL  821,  Col.  Z^i.  ;  also  1  Jn.  82). 
— 19.  22.  With  this  mystery  "  all  creation  is  pregnant, 
in  strained  expectancy  awaiting  the  revelation  of  the 
sons  of  God,  sighing  and  groaning  in  travail- pains." — 
23.  Though  "  sons  of  God,"  having  "  the  Spirit  as  a 
first-fruit "  of  our  estate,  we  "  await  a "  further 
"  adoption,"  viz.  "  the  redemption  of  our  body " 
(c/.  2  Cor.  I22,  Eph.  I14,  430).— 20f.  "From  no  will 
of  its  own,  th5  creation  has  been  blighted  and  baulked — 
with  hope,  however,  that  it  will  be  delivered  from  its 
bondage  to  decay,"  to  share  "  the  hberty  "  and  shine 
in  '■  the  glory  of  God's  children."  Tliis  apocalypse 
brings  the  world  of  Nature,  as  612-21  brought  the 
world  of  History,  into  the  scope  of  Christ's  redemption. 
— 24f.  "  We  are  far  from  seeing  "  this  "emancipation  " 
(r/.  Heb.  28) ;  but  "  hope  "  forecasts  "  the  not-seen  " 
and  sustains  endurance. — 26f.  Meanwhile  "our  weak- 
ness "  is  helped  through  "  prayer  "  prompted  by  "  the  " 
indwelling  "  Spirit." — "  In  hk'e  fa.shion  moreover  "  :  for 
"  the  Spirit's  speechless  sighings  "  are  in  concert  with 
the  sighings  of  our  hearts  and  of  creation  around  us 
(2  2f.).  Paul  and  his  readers  discern  a  Mind  beneath 
their  own  consciousness  (cf.  16),  prompting  inexpres- 
sible heavenward  longings.  God  intorprets  "  the 
Spirit's  pleadings  on  the  saints'  behalf,  "  for  He  is 
their  source.  Tnie  prayer  is  tho  mystic  utterance, 
Divinelv  prompted,  of  the-  soul  of  man  and  nature. 

VIII."  28-39.  The  Christian  Assurance.— 28.  One 
thing  "  we  do  know,  that  all  goes  well  for  those  that 
love    God  ' — including    their    worst    sufferings    (18 ; 


c/.  53-5). — 29f.  This  assurance  rests  on  God's  manifest 
purpose  toward  them — a  "  purpose  "  disclosed  in  five 
successive  steps  :  "  foreknowledge,  pre-ordination,  call, 
justification,  glorification."  The  foreknowledge  covers 
everything  about  the  persons  concerned  ;  God  never 
acts  by  guess  (cj.  83,  II29).  The  predestination  aimed 
at  "  the  conforming  "  of  the  chosen  "to  the  image 
of  God's  Son,  so  that  the  Fu^tbom  may  be  surrounded 
with  many  brothers  "  ;  God  designed  that  all  those 
marked  out  for  salvation  should  share  His  Son's  hke- 
ness  and  bo  of  His  family.  With  this  object  "  He 
called  them"'  into  His  Son's  fellowship  (1  Cor.  I9) ; 
on  their  obeying  that  call,  "  He  cleared  them  of  past 
sin,  and  shed  His  glorj'  on  them."  "  Glorified  "  is 
past  in  tense  (future  in  18) :  despite  humiliation,  it  is 
glorious  to  bo  sons  of  God  (see  14-17  ;  cj.  2  Cor.  3i8, 
Jn.  1722,  etc.):  the  father's  kiss  was  justification  for 
the  Prodigal  Son,  tho  robe  and  ring  wore  glorification. 
— 31-34.  The  believer's  justification,  the  corner-stone 
of  his  security,  supports  the  challenge  of  these  verses. 
All  goes  to  show  that  "  God  is  for  us  " — it  matters  no- 
thing "  who  is  against  us  "  ;  cj.  Ps.  1186.  That  God  ia 
jor  us  He  showed  by  the  sacrifice  of  "  His  own  Son  " — 
having  given  Him,  "  He  can  withhold  nothing  !  "  {cj. 
I  Cor,  821).  "  ^^'llO  is  going  to  impeach  God's  elect  7 
when  God  justifies,  will  anyone  dare  to  condemn  ?  " — If 
any  should,  there  stands  "  Christ  Jesus  to  speak  for 
us.  He  that  died — but,  more  than  that,  was  raised  from 
the  dead  and  is  now  at  God's  right  hand." — 35-37. 
From  his  present  security  the  Christian  looks  on 
to  the  eternal  future :  the  Love  that  bled  for  him 
on  the  Cross,  and  pleads  for  him  on  the  throne, 
is  his  in  deathless  union  (35,  39;  cj.  55,8;  also 
Gal.  220,  Jn.  1028f.). — "  Affliction,  distress,"  etc,  re- 
sembling the  cruel  martyrdom  of  OT  saints,  tend  to 
"  separate "  Christians  now  (cj.  18)  "  from  Christ's 
love,"  suggesting  doubts  of  His  sympathy  or  power  to 
aid.  "  Nay,  but  in  all  these  things  we  gain  a  sur- 
passing victory,"  etc  ;  God's  assured  love  silences  the 
contradictions  of  hfe. — 381.  Paul  defies  all  conceivable 
separators:  "death"  and  "hfe,"  "things  pre- 
sent "  and  "  future,"  "  height  "  and  "  depth,"  repre- 
sent the  opposites  of  condition,  time,  and  space. 
"  Angels  "  are  supernatural  potencies,  "  principalities  " 
the  highest  angels,  "  powers  "  being  elsewhere  coupled 
with  these  (Eph.  I21,  Col.  I16*) — so  here  in  AV  ;  the 
exacter  order  of  RV  associates  "  powers  "  with  time 
and  place  ;  rj.  1  Cor.  28,  Eph.  612. — The  passage  has 
the  lilt  of  Hebrew  poetry ;  it  was  penned  in  a  rapture, 
like  11 33-36. 

IX.  1-5.  Sorrow  over  the  Reprobation  of  the  Jews. 
Pauls  rapture  passes  into  anguish  at  the  exclusion  of 
his  kinsmen  from  this  blessedness.  So  the  second 
theme  of  the  epistle  comes  into  view  ;  see  Introd.  §  5. 

If.  The  apostle  was  denounced  as  a  renegade  (Ac.  21 
28,  etc.) ;  hence  his  solemn  protest  (cj.  I9,  2  Cor.  I23, 
1  Th.  25). — 3.  His  deeph'- wounded  love  prompts  the 
"  wish  " — almost  a  prayer — "  that  I  were  myself 
anathema,"  that  I  were  "  cut  off  from  Christ  for  the 
sake  of  my  brothers,  my  natural,  kinsfolk." — The 
Greek  anathema  (cj.  I  Cor.  I23,  Gal.  l8)  renders  the 
Hebrew  t«rm  ior  piU-under-the-ban,  as  with  Achan  and 
his  plunder  (Jos.  7;  cj.  Jos.  617!,  Lev.  2728f.). — 4f. 
This  recital  shows  how  far  Paul  is  from  disparaging 
his  people's  distinctions  (cj.  2i,  82,  158),  and  how 
tragic  is  their  reprobation.  "  Israelites  " — tho  title 
of  religious  nobihty  (Gen.  3228,  Ps.  78i,  Jn.  I47,  etc.). 
"The  (national)  adoption"  (see  815*):  "Israel  is 
My  son.  My  firstborn  "  (Ex.  422,  etc.).  "  The  glory  " — 
tho  Shekinah  of  Ex.  16 10,  etc,  which  attended  the 
desert  march  and  rested  on  the  sacred  Ark.     "  The 


I 


ROMANS,  X.  6-10 


825 


Covenants  " — with  Abraham,  Moses,  David  ;  finally, 
that  of  Jer.  31 3 1-37.  "  Of  whom,"  not  whose  as  in 
former  clauses — a  case  of  origin,  not  possession — "  is 
the  Christ,"  etc.  :  the  consummate  honour  of  the 
Israelite  race. — 56  is  sometimes  punctuated  as  a  de- 
tached doxology  :  "  God,  who  is  over  all,  bo  blessed 
for  ever !  "  A  rendering  grammatical  indeed,  but 
forced  and  improbable.  "  Who  is  over  all,  God  blessed 
for  ever,"  supplies  the  antithesis  to  "  after  the  tiesh  "  ; 
cf.  Isf.,  Gal.  44.  Christ  is  not  called  "  God  over  aU  "  : 
"  over  all  "  affirms  His  Lordship  (1  Cor.  86,  Phil.  2 
9-11,  etc.);  "God,"  His  oneness  of  being  with  the 
Father  (Col.  2g,  Tit.  2i3  ;  Jn.  IO30-38). 

After  all  this,  Israel's  reprobation  looks  like  God's 
defeat.  But  "  God's  word  has  not  failed  "  ;  for  God 
is  acting,  as  always,  in  the  sovereignty  of  His  elective 
grace  (6-29),  while  Israel  rejects  His  way  of  righteous- 
ness (930-IO21) ;   in  the  end  Israel  wiU  be  saved  (11). 

IX.  6-18.  God's  Free  Election.— 6-9.  We  must  dis- 
tinguish :  "  to  be  of  Israel,  is  not  to  bo  Israel."  Mere 
physical  heredity  counts  for  nothing :  "  Isaac  "  was 
the  proper  "  seed  "  of  Abraham,  designated  as  "  the 
child  of  promise"  (Gen.  2Ii2,  etc.).  Here  Isaac's  case 
illustrates  the  sovereignty  of  God ;  in  4i8-2i,  the 
efficacy  of  faith. — 10-13.  The  case  of  Esau  and  Jacob 
is  equally  significant.  Twin  offspring  of  the  same 
parents,  the  unborn  babes  had  done  nothing  to  achieve 
merit  or  display  worth,  when  God  said,  "  The  elder 
shall  serve  the  younger,"  an  election  governing  the 
history  of  the  descendant  peoples  (Mai.  l2f.*). — 14.  No 
Jew  would  deem  "  God  unjust  "  in  such  preferences  ; 
the  question  of  14  answers  itself.  The  application  to 
contemporary  Judaism  is  patent. — 15f.  The  election 
of  Jacob  recalls  words  used  to  Moses  :  "I  will  show 
mercy  to  whomsoever  I  wiU  show  mercy,"  etc. — not 
that  God  is  arbitrary  in  His  compassions,  but  He  ia 
untrammeled  ;  even  Moses  may  not  prescribe  to  Him. 
Hence  the  inference :  "  it  is  not  of  him  that  wills,  nor 
of  him  that  runs  "  (as  Moses  was  doing  then,  Paul 
now,  for  Israel's  salvation),  "  but  of  God,"  etc.  (c/.  1  Cor. 
361).  Dictation,  like  prerogative,  is  out  of  court. — 
17f.  This  holds  in  respect  of  "  hardening  "  too.  Wit- 
ness the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus :  God  "  raised  "  this 
evil-hearted  man  to  greatness,  "  on  purpose  to  demon- 
strate His  power  "  as  the  Judge  of  the  earth.  As  the 
story  shows,  the  monarch's  defiant  temper  was  the 
nemesis  of  unbelief ;  cf.  124,28.  In  every  decision 
God  judges  for  Himself,  despite  human  pleas  of 
privilege  and  pride  of  power :  "  Whom  He  wUl  He 
compassionates,  whom  He  will  He  hardens." 

IX.  19-29.  The  Divine  Sovereignty  In  Judgment. — 
19f.  The  hard  saying  just  enunciated  provokes  the 
question,  "  Why  does  Ho  blame,"  if  the  hardening  is 
His  doing  and  "  none  may  resist  His  will  "  ?  Paul 
forgoes  the  obvious  retort,  that  God's  "  hardening  " 
is  a  judgment  on  hardness  of  heart  (cf.  25,  etc),  that 
Pharaoh  (and  Israel  now)  did  resist  God  (cf.  Ao.  751, 
etc.)  ;  he  assails  the  spirit  of  contradiction  :  "  Nay, 
surely,  O  man,  who  art  thou  who  repliest  against 
God — the  thing  formed  saying  to  its  fa.shioner.  Why 
didst  thou  make  me  so  ?  "  (see  Is.  459).  Such  ques- 
tions cast  on  God  the  responsibility  for  our  mis- 
carriages :  whoever  is  to  blame.  He  is  not. — The 
"  forming  "  of  20  is  the  shaping,  not  the  creation,  of  the 
instrument. — 21.  "  The  potter  has  a  right  over  the 
olay,  to  make  a  vessel  for  honourable  or  ignoble  use, 
from  any  part  of  the  lump  "  he  chooses.  He  has  liia 
reasons,  but  those  reasons  are  for  himself.  "  What 
right,"  says  the  Jew,  "  has  God  to  oast  away  sons  of 
Abraham  ?  "  The  right,  answers  Paul,  of  the  potter, 
from  which  there  is  no  appeal. — 22  recalls  17 :  "  Sup- 


posing God,  resolved  to  make  an  example  of  His 
punitive  wrath,  has  borne  long "  with  evil-doers, 
rendering  their  doom  in  the  end  more  terrible,  who  will 
gainsay  Him — in  Pharaoh's  case,  or  (to  read  between 
the  lines)  in  Israel's  ? — 23f.  "  And  "  supposing  Ho  did 
this  "  of  purpose  to  make  known  His  glorious  wealth  of 
mercy  ...  in  us,"  for  example,  "  whom  He  has  called 
from  amongst  both  Jews  and  Gentiles  ?  "  The  sugges- 
tion is  that  God's  punitive  judgments  have  mercy, 
somewhere,  somehow,  for  their  aim  (ll3off.).  The 
"  vessels  of  anger  "  were  chosen  suitably,  as  well  as 
sovereignly  :  God's  displeasure  found,  not  made,  them 
"  fitted  for  destruction."  The  antithetic  clause,  "  which 
He  prepared  beforehand  for  glory  "  (cf.  830,  Eph.  2io), 
associates  God  with  all  that  leads  to  the  happier 
choice,  without  denying  man's  co-operation  (cf.  Phil, 
2i2f.). — Throughout  Paul  asserts  the  challenged 
right  of  God  to  deal  judicially  with  Israel ;  he  is  not 
denying  man's  freedom  in  order  to  safeguard  God's 
sovereignty,  but  maintaining  God's  freedom  against 
Jewish  presumption. — The  sayings  drawn  from  Hosea 
and  Isaiah  in  25-29  reveal  the  disregard  of  previous 
status  with  which  God  "  calls "  into  favour  "  the 
once  rejected  "  and  selects  "  a  remnant "  while  reject- 
ing the  mass.  Is.  1022f.  and  I9  remind  Israel  how 
summary  God's  ancient  judgments  had  been — yet 
"  leaving  a  seed  "  to  revive  out  of  the  waste. 

IX.  30-X.  4.  Paul  has  discussed  the  Jewish  situation 
as  from  God's  side ;  he  proceeds  to  point  out,  from 
man's  side,  the  Cause  of  Israel's  Stumbling.  This 
ohs.  3-5  have  prepared  us  to  understand. 

30-32a.  The  paradox  is  that  "  Gentiles,  who  were  out 
of  the  way  of  righteousness,  have  obtained  it ;  while 
Israel,  intent  upon  a  law  of  righteousness,  missed  the 
mark,  because  it  rejected  the  way  of  faith  (which 
Gentiles  took),  preferring  that  of  works."  In  other 
words  (IO3),  Israel  wanted  "  to  set  up  its  own  righteous- 
ness "  (cf.  PhiL  36,9)  and  "  did  not  recognise  "  nor  "  sub- 
mit to  God's  righteousness." — 326,  33.  "  They  stumbled 
at  the  "  old  "  stumbling-block  "  marked  in  Is.  814 
and  28 16 — the  demand  for  "  trust  "  in  God  as  the 
basis  of  salvation. — X.  If,  So  Paul's  "  good-will  and 
prayers "  (cf.  9i6),  and  Israel's  unquestioned  "  zeal 
for  God,"  are  unavailing.  Their  zeal  "lacks  know- 
ledge " — though  the  Jew  prides  himself  on  this  (2i8f.) ! 
— 3.  This  ignorance  is  bound  up  with  self-conceit  and 
insubordination  (cf.  24;  also  Jn.  819,55,  etc.). — On  "  the 
righteousness  of  God,"  see  I17*,  822,26*. — 4.  The 
Jews  deem  the  Mosaic  system  eternal ;  they  fail  to  dis- 
cern "  the  end  of  the  law  (cf.  2  Cor.  813-16,  Heb.  7i8f., 
etc.)  in  Christ,"  who,  revealing  God's  righteousness, 
imparts  "righteousness  to  every  beUever." — end: 
i.e.  tem\inus  and  goal;  see  GaL  219,  824,  Mt.  5i7, 
Lk.  I616. 

X.  5-15.  The  New  Way  of  Righteousness.^5.  The 
legal  plan  was  "  Do,  and  thou  shalt  live  "  (I^v.  I85). — 
6-10.  But  there  is  a  deeper  secret :  behind  the  deed 
the  heart,  voiced  by  the  mouth  ;  and  "  with  the  heart 
man  believer,  with  the  mouth  confcssas  "  (10).  To  "  be- 
hove unto  righteousness  "  is  to  behove  so  as  to  gain 
righteousness  (44f.).  In  the  oracle  of  Dt.  30i2t,  "  the 
righteousness  that  comes  of  faith  "  spoke  from  the 
inmost  of  man  (6,  8).  "  The  heaven  "  it  pointed  to 
is  that  "  from  which  Christ  came  down "  ;  "  the 
abyss,"  the  region  of  "  the  dead  whence  He  was 
brought  up  "  (7).  "  The  word  "  then  so  "  nigh  "  has 
become  "  the  word  of  faith  which  we  procbim," 
running  to  tliis  effect :  "  If  thou  confeasest  with  thy 
mouth  that  Josus  is  Lord  (cf.  1  Cor.  86,  I23,  etc.),  anci 
belicvest  in  thy  heart  that  God  raised  Him  from  the 
dead,  thou  wiltbe  saved  "  (8f. ).    The  mouth-confession. 


826 


ROMANS,  X.  6-10 


regularly  made  in  baptiBm,  declared  and  sealed  the 
heart-faith  (63*).  Hia  resurrection  established 
Christ's  Lordship  (U.Ac.  236,  etc.). — Paul  quotes  Dt. 
as  disclosing  heart-religion  beneath  the  legal  economy, 
in  language  appropriate  to  Christian  faith. — 11-13. 
Once  more  it  appears,  as  the  prophets  teach  us,  that 
"  there  is  no  distinction  of  Jew  and  Greek  " — in  point 
of  salvation  as  of  transgression  (see  822,  etc.)  ;  "  that 
the  same  Lord  is  Lord  of  all  (c/.  Sagf.),  since  He  is 
rich  in  bounty  to  all  that  call  upon  Him  " — the  all 
is  borne  out  by  Joel's  oracle,  which  Peter  cited  at 
Pentecost  inviting  all  the  world  "  to  call  on  the  name 
of  the  Lord  '  (Ac.  221). — 141.  Such  "  invocation  "  pre- 
sumes "  faith  "  ;  faith,  "  hearing  '' ;  hearing,  "  preach- 
ing "  ;  and  preaching,  "  a  "  Divine  "  commission." 
Through  the  apostolato  Christ  hnked  the  nations  to 
Himself  (Ac.  Is,  etc.).  How  welcome  the  bearers  of 
such  a  message  !  (15b). 

X.  16-21.  The  Rejectors  of  God's  Message.— 16-18. 
"  Hearing  the  glad  tidings  "  is  the  opportunity  of 
salvation  :  "  can  it  be  that  they  did  not  hear  ? 
Nay,  surely,  the  sound  has  reached  every  land." 
Not  hearing,  but  obedience  was  to  seek. — 19-21.  "  Or  " 
should  we  put  it  that  "  Israel  did  not  know  "  ? — the 
double  "  I  say  "  (i8f.)  marks  the  repetition  of  the  same 
question  in  another  form  :  "to  know  "  is  "to  hear  " 
understandingly  (see  2  ;  cf.  Mt.  13i4f.).  /sraeZ  should 
have  known  (cf.  Lk.  2444,  Jn,  liof.,  etc.).  Yet  Law 
and  Prophets  both  foretold  that  despised,  senseless 
heathen  would  win  God's  favour,  to  Israel's  provoca- 
tion ;  "  Lsaiah  daringly  speaks  of  "  God  as  "  found  by 
men  who  had  not  sought  Him,"  after  "  stretching  out 
His  hands  all  day  to  a  disobedient,  contradictious 
people  "  ;  cf.  Ac.  751, 1346f.,  etc  The  words  borrowed 
from  Is.  65,  like  those  drawn  from  Hosea  in  925!, 
referred  to  apostate  Israelites ;  in  principle,  they 
apply  equally  to  Gentiles. 

XI.  1-12.  The  Elect  Remnant. — Paul  comes  to  the 
third  part  of  his  proof  that  "  God's-  word  "  to  Israel 
"  has  not  fallen  through,"  despite  the  national  re- 
jection of  Jesus  Christ. 

1,  2a.  That  "  God  has  not  cast  away  His  people " 
{cf.  1  S.  1222,  Ps.  9414,  etc.),  the  "  IsraeUte  "  Paul  is 
a  living  proof — God's  people,  that  is,  "whom  He 
foreknew"  (cf.  829*,  1  P.  I2).  —  26-4.  One  re- 
members how  "  Elijah  "  mourned  over  "  prophets 
slain  and  altars  overthrown  "  and  cried,  "  I  alone  am 
left,"  though  "  7000  "  Israelites  "  bent  no  knee  to 
Baal  !  " — bt.  "  Even  so  to-day  there  is  a  remnant " 
in  whom  Israel  hves  on  (cf.  929,  etc) — those  chosen  in 
God's  "  grace,  on  no  ground  of  works  "  and  merit. 
"  Grace  is  grace  no  longer  "  when  "  works  "  make  their 
claim  (cf.  i^f. ). — 7.  Thus  finally  the  matter  stands  : 
"  Israel  has  missed  the  righteousness  it  sought  "  (93if., 
I02f.);  only  "the  election  obtained  it,  and  the  rest 
were  hardened." — This  "  hardening  "  is  not  that  of 
9i8 — impcrviouKness  to  fear  of  judgment ;  but  that  of 
2  Cor.  3i4,  Eph.  4i8,  Mk.  822-30,  the  imperviousnesa 
to  conviction  described  in  the  OT  sayings  quoted  m 
8-10.  "  The  spirit  of  deep  slumber,  eyes  unseeing 
and  ears  unhearing,  "  mark  a  people  sunk  in  spiritual 
lethargy  :  this  condition  "  Cod  gave  them  "  (cf.  118,24, 
etc)— -a  penal  consequence  of  habitual  sin  ;  and  it  is 
"  chronic  "  (cf.  2  Cor.  815.  1  Th.  215.  Ac.  75if.,  Mt.  23 
31-36). — The  imprecation  cited  from  Ps.  69  (cf.  Jn.  19 
28f.,  Ac.  I20,  quoting  the  same  context)  implies 
treachery,  as  weH  as  stupidity,  in  anti-Christian  Jews. — 
llf.  Sad  as  it  is,  Israel's  error  is  "  a  stumble,"  not  a  final 
"  fall."  "  a  trespass  "  overruled  for  "  salvation  to  the 
Gentiles,"  whose  gain  will  in  turn  "stir  Israel's 
jealousy  "   (cf.   IO19).     "  Now  if  their  trespass   is  a 


world-enrichment,  how  much  more  their  replenish- 
ment !  "  The  calamity  which  distresses  lovers  of 
Israel,  God  turns  into  blassing  for  mankind  ;  and  in 
the  world's  blessedness  Israel  is  bound  to  participate. 

XI.  13-24.  The  Ingrafting  of  the  Gentiles.— From  9i 
onwards,  Paul  has  written  as  a  Jew  to  Jews  ;  here 
he  turns  to  the  other  half  of  the  Church  (see  Introd.  §  3). 
13,  "  But  to  you  Gentiles  I  say."  Paul's  labour  in  their 
evangehsation  has  an  ulterior  object ;  he  would  fain 
"  somehow  stir  to  jealousy  his  own  flesh  and  blood," 
etc  (cf.  IO19;  also  1  Cor.  920-22),  "I  glorify  my 
ministry,"  make  it  renowned  (cf.  I515-21,  1  Cor.  15 
10,  etc.). — 15  states  more  definitely  the  expectation 
raised  in  12  :  "if  their  casting  away  meant  a  world- 
wide reconcihation  "  to  God  (see  2  Cor.  519),  "  what 
will  their  reception  be  but  life  from  the  dead  !  "  cf.  the 
climax  of  5io. — "  Reception  "  (as  in  I4i,3,  157,  etc.). 
is  the  taking  to  one's  home  and  heart. — "  Dfe  from 
the  dead  "  means  nothing  short  of  the  final  resur- 
rection :  Paul  asks  (he  does  not  assert)  whether  Israel's 
salvation,  completing  the  salvation  of  the  world,  will 
not  conclude  the  mission  of  the  Gospel  and  usher  in 
the  Lord's  return,  which  ends  the  reign  of  death 
(521  ;  cf.  1  Cor.  I523-26,  1  Th.  413-17)  ;  the  spiritual 
resurrection  is  presupposed  in  "  reconciliation  "  (cf.  64- 
11).  Sayings  of  Jesus  like  Mt.  2839  prompted  Paul's 
hope. — 16.  The  "  holy  "  beginning  of  Israel's  history 
(4.  94f.)  prognosticates  the  ending  :  "  the  "  completed 
"  kneading "  wiU  match  "  the  first^fruit "  of  the 
dough  (the  handful  taken  for  the  ritual  offering,  Nu.  15 
17—21) ;  "  the  branches  "  belong  to  "  the  root" — 
171.  The  metaphor  just  used  suggests  a  warning  to 
Gentile  Christians,  some  of  whom  were  repeating  the 
Jewish  mistake  in  imagining  themselves  God's  favour- 
ites. "  Certain  of  the  "  native  "  branches  have  been 
broken  out  "  of  the  old  tree  ;  "  and  thou,  a  wild-oUve 
shp,  Mast  grafted  in,"  etc — "  You  boast  over  "  this  T 
remember,  "  The  root  carries  you,  not  you  the  root  !  " 
You  owe  everjrthing  to  the  primitive  people  of  God. — 
19f.  "  Faith  secures  you  a  standing  "  in  the  good  tree  ; 
"  unbeUef  caused  their  breaking  off :  they  were  not 
broken  off  for  the  purpose  of  grafting  you  in  !  Be 
humble,  and  fearful  "  of  a  Uke  fate. — 21.  "  God  will 
not  spare  you  either,"  if  you  relapse. — 22-24.  The 
Gentiles  who  now  experience  "  His  kindness,"  may 
forfeit  it ;  the  Jews,  now  tasting  "  God's  severity, 
unless  they  persist  in  unbelief,  will  be  re-engrafted. 
God  is  able  "  to  do  this  ;  and  their  restoration  is  "  more 
natural  "  than  your  implantation.  The  "  nature  " 
intended  is  the  common  strain  of  tree  and  branches  ; 
cf.  16. — Paul  was  no  expert  in  arboriculture;  he  states 
the  moral  probabihties  of  the  case  under  the  figure 
adopted,  without  too  great  concern  about  botanical 
accuracy.  [See  Ramsay,  Pauline  and  Other  Studies, 
pp.  219-250 ;  also  Deissmann,  St.  Paul,  ch.  ii.,  where 
it  is  shown  that  the  world  of  the  apostle  was  that  of 
the  oUve  tree. — A.  S.  P.  and  A.  J.  G] 

XI.  25-36.  The  Mystery  of  Israel's  Future.— 25,  26a. 
It  may  save  Gentile  believers  from  a  dangerous  "  self- 
conceit  "  (cf.  12 16)  to  learn  "  the  secret  that  the 
hardening "  (see  7)  which  "  has  partially  befallen 
Israel  "  (the  remnant  is  exempt ;  5,  7),  will  last  only 
"  until  the  full  complement  of  the  nations  enters  " 
into  God's  kingdom  ;  "  then  all  Israel  will  be  saved." 
A  myatery  is  a  secret  tnith  concerning  God's  kingdom 
made  known  by  express  revelation  ;  cf.  I625,  Eph.  I9*, 
83ff.,  Mt.  I811.  etc— 266,  27,  The  event  is  described 
in  words  blended  from  two  passages  of  Isaiah,  signify- 
ing chiefly  two  things  :  Israel's  Saviour  comes  of  Israel 
(^h  95) ;  and  His  salvation  lies  in  the  removal  of 
Israel's  sin  (cf.  Ajf.,  Mt.  L21,  Heb,  IO15-18).— 281.  The 


ROMANS,  Xm.  If. 


827 


masa  of  the  Jewe  are,  in  God's  eyes,  at  once  "  enemies  " 
and  "  beloved  "  :  enemies,  since  they  oppose  the  giving 
of  "the  gospel "  to  Gentiles  (1  Th.  214-16,  etc); 
beloved  for  their  fathers'  sake,"  in  whom  God 
"  chose "  the  nation.  That  election  stands  good  ; 
acting  in  sure  foresight  (c/.  829*),  "  God  never  regrets 
His  grace-gifts,"  etc. — 30-32  marks  out  the  line  of 
vindication.  "  You  "  and  "  they  "  have  both  "  proved 
disobedient  t-o  God  "  (for  the  former,  see  1 20-2  3  ;  for 
the  latter,  IO21,  etc.).  He  has  used  each  set  of  rebels 
to  overcome  the  others  :  "  just  as  you  were  aforetime 
disobedient,  and  now  by  reason  of  their  disobedience 
have  become  objects  of  mercy  "  (c/.  12,15),  "  so  they 
now  have  fallen  into  disobedience  by  reason  of  the 
mercy  shown  to  you,  that  finally  mercy  may  be  shown 
to  them  too."  Universal  disobedience  ends  in  uni- 
versal mercy  !  "  Shut  up  unto  disobedience  "  (c/. 
Gal.  822)  moans  the  precluding  of  every  other  issue  ; 
"  all  "  (not  "  every  man  ")  signifies  Jews  and  Gentiles 
aa  a  whole :  Paul  is  desQing  with  broad  historical 
issues. — The  difiiculty  of  I24,  620,  9i8  recurs,  viz. 
that  Gtod  should  take  measures  to  aggravate  sin.  But 
downright,  unmistakable  disobedience  clears  the 
moral  atmosphere  ;  brought  to  a  crisis,  the  fever  is 
curable. — 33.  The  ajwstle's  sorrow  (9i)  is  turned  to 
rapture  as  he  contemplates  the  iinfolding  of  God's 
world-plan :  "0  the  depth  of  the  riches  and  the 
wisdom  and  the  knowledge  of  God!"  (mg.).  His 
voealih  is  the  infinitude  of  His  resources  \  His  wisdom 
Ues  in  the  skill  of  His  methods  ;  His  knmvkdge,  in  the 
mastery  of  all  the  facts  and  conditions  !  The  beholder 
is  lost  in  these  depths  and  mazes  !  (c/.  838f.).  The 
sayings  of  34f.  (drawn  from  Icaiah,  Job,  and  Jeremiah) 
impressively  reflect  upon  the  mysterj-  of  God's  deahngs 
with  human  life,  in  which  He  needs  no  creaturely  counsel 
or  aid. — 36.  AMke  transcendent  and  immanent,  God  is 
"  the  source  "  (see  1  Cor.  86),  "  the  operative  Agent" 
(1  Cor.  126),  "  the  final  issue  "  of  the  being  of  mankind. 

Xn.  IL  Practical  Holiness. — On  his  doctrine  Paul 
grounds  a  moral  homily. — 1.  "  Therefore  "  covers  the 
entire  previous  teaching.  "  The  compassions  of  God  " 
fink  thas  paragraph  to  the  last :  the  tenderness  of  the 
Divine  mercy  prompts  to  consecration,  "  Present 
your  bodies  "  recalls  6i2f.*  ;  the  demand  for  physical 
consecration  arose  from  the  prevalence  of  bodily  sin 
(c/.  66,19,  etc.).  The  body  is  mado  "  a  Uving  sacrifice  " 
in  the  activities  of  daily  duty.  "  Rational  service  " 
(worship) — contrasted  with  the  outward  and  mechani- 
cal (c/.  I9,  PhiL  83) — implies  inteUigent  practical 
devotion,  the  roUgion  which  makes  work  worship. — 
2.  The  "  sacrifice  "  is  defined  by  its  opposite  :  "No 
longer  comply  with  the  fashions  of  this  age  (of.  I18- 
32,  etc.) ;  but  let  there  be  a  transformation  in  you, 
effected  by  the  renovation  of  your  mind." — "  Fashion  " 
is  guise  or  habit  of  life  ;  "  form,"  the  intrinsic  mode 
of  being  (c/.  PhiL  26f.*). — "  The  mind  "  to  be  renewed 
is  the  reason  (as  in  I28,  725) — mind  in  its  essential 
powers.  Such  renovation  qualifies  one  "  to  discrimi- 
nate what  God  wills  "  (cf.  Eph.  5i7) :  His  will  is 
identified  with  "  the  good  and  acceptable  and  perfect  " 
{mg.),  with  that  which  approves  itself  to  a  true  con- 
science ;   cf.  PhiL  48,  etc 

On  the  above  basis,  first  social  (3-21),  then  civil 
(13i-7)  duties  are  enjoined,  all  being  summed  up  under 
the  law  of  love  (138-io)  and  enforced  by  the  urgency 
of  the  situation  (I311-14). 

XII.  3-21.  In  the  Christian  Temper,  modesty  is  the 
first  desideratum. — 3.  "  I  tell  everyone  that  is  among 
you  not  to  be  high-minded  above  a  right  mind,  but 
to  be  of  a  mind  to  be  sober-minded  "  (Sp.).  This  is 
the  "  mind  "  aa  temper,  disposition  (so  in  85-7).  not 


aa  intellect  (2).  A  modest  temper  comes  from  appreci- 
ating other  men's  gifts.  "Measure  of  faith,"  aa  the 
sequel  shows,  n»eans  faith  in  the  variety  of  ita  appor- 
tioned manifestations, — 4f.  For  Christians  form  "  in 
Christ  a  single  body  with  many  members,  of  widely 
diverse  functions  "  (pp.  646,  812) ;  1  Cor.  I212-31* 
expounds  this  passage. — 6a.  These  functions  are  so 
many  "  grace-gifts  "  (charisms,  the  word  of  In,  5i5, 
etc.,  cf.  Charismata  in  ERE),  "  differing  according 
to  the  grace  that  was  given  us " — including  the 
writer  (3). — 66-8.  The  chief  charisms  {cf.  1  Cor.  12 
4-1 1 )  are  prophecy,  ministry,  etc. — an  unsystematic 
enumeration,  indicating  no  formal  organisation.  "  The 
proportion  of  faith  "  in  "  prophesying  "  relates  not  to 
symmetry  of  doctrine,  but  to  heart-faith  as  regulating 
utterance  {cf.  lOio)— conviction  oontroUing  inspira- 
tion. "  Ministry,"  which  in  contrast  with  "  prophecy," 
etc.,  signifies  service  in  deed  {cf.  184,  2  Cor.  84,  Ac.  12 
25),  and  "teaching,  exhortation,"  demand  concentration 
on  the  business  in  hand.  "  The  distributor,"  the  man 
with  a  surplus  for  the  needy  {cf.  Eph.  428,  1  Tim.  617), 
must  think  only  of  the  recipient's  benefit  (contrast 
Mt.  62).  "  He  who  takes  the  lead  "  ("  that  ruleth  ") 
imports  here  leadership  in  beneficence  {cf.  Tit.  38, 
14).  "  Cheerfulness  "  in  "  the  dispenser  of  mercy  " 
doubles  the  kindness  {cf.  2  Cor.  9;). — 9.  The  last-named 
offices  spring  from  "  love,"  which  is  to  be  "  without 
simulation "  {cf.  2  Cor.  66),  as  cherished  by  men 
"  loathing  evil,"  etc. — 10-12.  Love's  fine  flower  ia 
"  love  to  (Christian)  brethren,"  marked  by  "  tender 
(family)  affection  "  and  the  wish  of  each  to  see  "  the 
other  honoured  rather  than  himself  "  ;  cf.  PhiL  23, 
Mt.  2O25-28. — "  In  your  diligence  "  (as  in  8)  "  not 
faltering" — be  rather  "boiling  in  spirit,  since  you 
serve  the  Lord  "  {cf.  CoL  822-24).  "  In  your  hope 
rejoicing,  in  your  affliction  enduring  " — an  echo  of 
63-5  ;  "  in  prayer  stedfastly  persevering  "  (cf.  CoL  42, 
Eph.  618,  Ac.  I14) — the  soul's  resort  in  trouble. — 
13  resumes  the  topic  of  8  :  "  imparting  to  the  needs 
of  the  saints  {cf.  I525),  making  an  occupation  of  hospi- 
taUty  "  {cf.  Heb.  I82,  1  P.  49,  8  Jn.  5)— a  grace  much 
in  requisition  at  Rome. — 14:  almost  in  the  words  of 
Jesus  (Lk.  627!)  ;  the  "  sympathy  "  of  15  requires  a 
selflessness  sometimes  wanting  in  the  consciously 
forgiving. — 16.  "  Harmonious  in  your  relations  to- 
ward one  another  "  (ICC) — the  Greek  phrase  of  I55, 
PhiL  22,  42.  Harmony  of  mind  precludes  "  minding 
high  things"  {cf.  3,10,  II21) ;  pride  and  ambition  destroy 
fraternity,  which  "  consents  with  {mg.  ;  same  verb  in 
GaL  2i3,  2  P.  817)  the  lowly,"  i.e.  falls  in  with  their 
ways. — The  above  faults  centre  in  "  self-conceit," 
censured  oace  more  {cf.  3),  in  words  drawn  from  Pr.  87. 
— 17-21.  A  group  of  rules  bearing  on  Retahation, 
provoked  in  Christians  bj'  frequent  wrongs  ;  cf.  14, 
1  Th.  5i5,  etc  "Taking  forethought  for  what  ia 
honourable "  comea  from  Pr.  84  (LXX),  advising 
prudent  avoidance  of  offence,  in  accordance  with  the 
next  injunction :  "  If  possible,  so  far  as  fies  in  you, 
keeping  peace  with  all "  ;  give  no  cause  of  quarrel  on 
your  side. — "  Yield  place  to  the  anger  "  of  God  ;  if 
"  avenging  "  must  be,  leave  it  to  Him,  for  Scriptur* 
declares  this  "  His  prerogative."  Follow  the  advice 
of  Pr.  252 if.  and  "  heap  coals  of  fire  on  the  enemy," 
by  kindling  in  him  shame  and  self-reproach.  In  short, 
"  conquer  evil  by  good  "  (21). 

XIII.  1-7.  Order  and  Loyalty.— On  the  turbulence 
of  Roman  Jews,  see  Introd.  §  8. — II.  "  Let  every  soul 
bo  subordinate  to  superior  authorities,"  a  general 
maxim,  with  two  reasons  given  :  that  "  authority  ia 
of  Divine  institution"  {cf.  Jn.  19ii,  Ps,  826,  etc), 
and  that  "  the  existing  authorities  "  (of  the  Empire) 


828 


ROMANS.  XIII.  If. 


"  are  ordained  by  God,  so  that  he  who  is  insubordinate 
teaista  the  ordinance  of  God  and  rosisters  will  incur 
judgment."  There  is  a  play  on  the  idea  of  order. — In 
later  and  worse  times  Paul  maintained  the  same  attitude 
toward  civil  government;  see  1  Tim.  2 iff.,  Tit.  3i, 
also  1  P.  213-17  ((•/.  pp.  774f.).— 3f.  "  The  state-rulers  " 
are  "  ministers  of  God's  avenging  anger  "  (c/.  I219,  I18). 
— 5.  The  Christian,  "  moreover,  is  subject  ...  for 
conscience"  sake."— -6f.  "  On  the  same  account  taxes, 
direct  or  indirect,  must  be  paid  "  (c/.  Mt.  222i),  and 
along  with  them  "  fear  and  honour  wherever  due." 
The  state-servants  "  are  sacred-ministers  (same  word 
as  in  15 16,27)  of  God  "  for  the  maintenance  of  civil 
society.  Paul's  urgency  points  to  symptoms  of 
Anarchism,  as  well  as  Antinomianism  (c/,  61). 

XIII.  8-10.  The  All-comprising  Law. — 8.  Taxes  are 
debts,  and  the  Christian  must  "  owe  nothing  to  any- 
body " — except  the  infinite  "  debt  of  love  !  "  "  Whoso 
loves  his  neighbour,  has  fulfilled  law  "  (mg.),  meeting 
the  supreme  and  comprehensive  obligation  ;  see  Mt.  22 
39f. — 9t.  proves  this  in  detail :  "  every  command  is 
summed  up  in  "  the  well-known  law  of  Josus.  "  Love 
is  law's  fulfilment  "  :  the  stress  hes  on  fulfilment  ; 
nothing  is  so  dutiful  as  love. 

XIU.  11-14.  WatchingfortheDay.— 11, 12a.  "And 
this  (do)  " — the  punctual  paj'ment  of  love's  debts — as 
men  "  aware  of  the  crisis.  ...  It  is  the  hour  of  waking : 
the  night  has  far  advanced,"  etc.  Between  these 
sentences  intervenes  116:  "now  is  our  salvation 
nearer  than  when  we  believed."  The  older  Roman 
Christians  (see  e.g.  I67),  like  Paul,  had  long  watched 
for  Christ's  great  day  (1  Cor.  Is,  I  Th.  52,  etc.). 
"  Salvation "  (cf.  5io),  beginning  with  justification, 
extends  to  the  redemption  of  the  body  (see  824,  823  ; 
cf.  Eph.  17,14,  etc.). — 126-14  sounds  the  roveill6. 
"  The  works  of  darkness  "  are  the  night-raiment  to 
be  exchanged  for  "  the  weapons  of  light  "  (cf.  Eph.  Sa- 
il)— the  armour  for  the  day's  battle  (see  1  Th.  58, 
Eph.  6i3ff.)  The  thought  of  a  final  struggle  attending 
the  Messiah's  advent  pervaded  contemporary  Apoca- 
lyptic :  see  Dan.  11,  Enoch  90 16,  etc.  ;  cf.  2  Th.  25-12, 
Rev.  I613-16.  The  warrior  must  have  no  part  in  the 
foulness  and  quarrelsomeness  of  night-revellers  (13  ; 
cf.  Rev.  1914).  "  Putting  on  "  his  Captain's  character 
{cf.  829,  Gal.  327),  he  "  forgoes  all  planning  for 
sensual  gratification." 

XIV.  1-12.  A  Lesson  in  Toleration.— A  special  homily 
for  Rome  (14-15i3;  follows  the  comprehensive  exhor- 
tation of  chs.  12f.  Some  ascetic  circle  in  the  Roman 
Church  (p.  G50).  led  perhaps  by  Jews  of  Essenio  tenets 
(see  Lightfoot's  Colossians,  on  the  Essenes),  practised 
vegetarianism  ;  others  made  much  of  sacred  days. 
On  such  matters  Christians  should  not  judge  or  quarrel 
with  each  other. 

1-4.  "  The  man  who  eats  herbs  only,"  has  a  feeble 
apprehension  of  the  Gospel,  imagining  his  salvation 
affected  by  his  diet ;  see  17  ;  cf.  Mk.  714-23  Still  he 
has  faith  and  "  must  be  received  "  as  a  brother,  "  for 
God  has  received  him  ;  but  not  received  so  as  to  raise 
questions  of  doubtful  debate."  The  atmosphere  of 
controversy  is  injurious  to  the  Christian  society.  The 
man  free  from  soniples  "  despises  "  the  stickler,  who 
retorts  by  "  judging "  the  hbertarian.  Both  <are 
"  servants  of  "  God's  "  household,"  who  "  stand  or 
fall  to  their  own  Master — yes,  and  will  stand,"  though 
they  try  to  pull  each  other  down,  for  "  mighty  is 
the  Lord,  the  upholder." — 5.  So  in  regard  to  sabbath 
and  festa  obsorvaneo :  conscientious  conviction  is 
the  essential  thing  (p.  047). — 6.  "  He  who  minds 
the  day  "  {cf.  85-7,  I2i6,  for  the  verb),  "  minds  It " 
with  a  view  "  to  "  serve  "  the  Lord  "  ;   "  and  he  who 


eats  flesh,  eats  it  to  the  Lord,  for  he  gives  God  thanks  " 
{cf.  1  Tim.  44f.),  while  the  vegetarian  does  the  same 
over  his  spare  diet — they  are  agreed  in  the  vital  point 
(see  1  Cor.  lOsof.). — 7-11  lifts  the  reader  into  the  realm 
of  "  Christ's  lordship,  won  by  His  death  and  resurrec- 
tion," which  covers  "  life  and  death  ahke  "  ;  in  both 
estates,  the  fact  that  "  we  are  the  Lord's  "  determines 
everything.  Now,  "  to  judge  "  or  "to  despise  your 
brother,"  with  whom  you  "  must  stand  side  by  side 
at  God's  tribunal  " — a  certainty  expressed  in  solemn 
words  of  Scripture  (11) — is  an  encroachment  on 
Christ's  sovereignty.  Paul  puts  the  "  dead  "  before 
the  "  hving  "  (9),  the  former  being  nearer  to  Christ 
(see  2  Cor.  58,  Phil.  I23,  1  Th.  414-16).— 12.  Instead 
of  meddling  with  other  men's  responsibilities,  let  each 
see  to  himself  in  view  of  the  final  account. 

XIV.  13-23.  Considerateness  instead  of  Censorious- 
ness. — 13.  "  Let  us  stop  judging  one  another  (cf.  Mt.  7 
1-5) ;  but  come  rather  to  this  judgment,  not  to  lay 
a  stumbling-block  in  a  brother's  way,"  etc. — 14.  For 
himself,  Paul  stands  firmly  on  the  side  of  hberty  :  "  I 
know,  and  am  persuaded  in  the  Lord  Jesus  " — sls  one 
obedient  to  Christ's  authority  and  convinced  by  His 
teaching  (see  Mk.  714-23  ;  cf.  Ac.  IO9-16) — "  that 
religious  distinctions  in  food  have  no  intrinsic  ground." 
— 15t.  enforces  the  appeal  of  1 3  :  the  selfish  indulgence 
of  the  man  without  food-scruples  may  not  only  "  pain  " 
his  stricter  "  brother,"  by  overbearing  his  conscience 
(see  23)  it  may  "  destroy  him  for  whom  Christ  died  " 
and  thus  "  destroy  the  work  of  God  "  (20).  The  Cross 
tests  everything  in  Christianity  {cf.  1  Cor.  8iof.). — The 
Hbcrtv  you  claim  is  good  (see  1  Cor.  89,  IO29)  :  be  it 
80  ;  '^  then  lot  not  your  good  be  blasphemed  "  (cf.  224, 
38)— -bringing  the  reproach  on  rehgion  occasioned  by 
self-enjoyment  to  the  damage  of  others  {cf.  1  Cor.  10 
23-30). — 17.  The  fundamenta,!  motive  for  abstinence 
lies  in  the  nature  of  "  the  kingdom  of  God,"  whose 
citizenship  consists  in  "  righteousness,  etc.,  not  in 
eating  and  drinking  !  "  Righteousness  has  been  ex- 
pounded in  chs.  l-G  ;  Christian  peace  and  joy  were  set 
forth  in  5i-i  i,  828-39.  "  Peace  "  looks  man-ward  here 
(19) ;  "  joy  "  contrasts  with  the  "  grief  "  deprecated  in 
15. — 18  concludes  the  case  for  avoiding  offence  toward 
the  weak  :  "  For  he  that  in  this  "  self-restraint  "  serves 
Christ  (cf.  Gal.  62,  Jn.  15i2,  etc.)  is  well-pleasing  to 
God,  and  approved  in  the  eyes  of  men  "  ;  see  1  Cor.  10 
32ff.  for  the  latter  consideration,  indicated  negatively 
in  16. — 19  (mg.).  "  Accordingly  then  " — for  all  these 
reasons — "  we  pursue  the  things  of  peace,"  etc  ;  cf. 
1  Cor.  IO23-26. — 20f.  reiterates  the  main  appeal : 
"  Don't  for  the  sake  of  food  be  destroj'ing  the  work 
of  God,"  wrought  in  saving  individuals  (15)  and  in 
building  the  Church  (1  Cor.  89-17).  "  All  things  are 
pure,"  etc.  :  the  ethical  taint  hes  not  in  the  tabooed 
food,  but  in  the  mind  of  the  partaker ;  any  food  ia 
"  bad  to  the  man  who  eats  with  a  hurt  conscience." 
"  Eating  flesh  "  and  "  drinking  wine  "  were  classed 
together  by  the  rigorists  of  the  time.  These  considera- 
tions apply  to  "  anything  over  which  one's  brother 
stumbles," — 22f.  Finally.  Paul  cliallenges  the  hbertarian 
and  the  ascetic  in  turn  :  "  You  have  faith  " — faith 
permitting  you  to  eat  whatever  suits  you  (2) — "  keep  it 
as  your  own  in  the  sight  of  God,"  without  thrusting  it 
injuriously  upon  others  (cf.  1  Cor.  I428) ;  "  he  is  blessed  " 
who  has  no  misgivings  about  the  hberty  he  takes,  nor 
the  charity  with  which  he  oxoroises  it.  "  But  the  man 
of  divided  (wavering)  judgment  "  (cf.  Jas.  le),  "  if  ho 
eats,  is  condemned,  because  he  does  it  not  out  of 
faith  " — not  assured  of  his  right  to  do  so.  As  "  faith 
is  reckoned  for  righteousness  "  (44),  so  "  whatever  ia 
not  of  faith  is  sin  "  (236). 


ROMANS.  XVI.  If. 


829 


XV.  1-6.  Hannony  through  Self-renouncement.— II. 

'*  Strength  carries  with  it  the  duty  of  bearing  others' 
weaknesses,  not  of  pleasing  oneself  "  (c/.  1  Cor.  IO33). 
"  The  strong  "  are  men  of  robust  faith,  in  contrast 
with  "  the  weak  "  of  14i.  The  Christian  is  to  "  please 
his  neighbour  "  not  by  humouring  his  failings,  but  by 
■'  aiming  at  his  good,  with  a  view  to  building  liim  up  " 
in  faith  and  character  (c/.  14i9). — 3.  So  "  the  Christ  " 
bore  Himself,  according  to  Ps.  69  (quoted  above  in  II9  ; 
c/.  Mt  2727ff.,  etc.).  The  Psalmist  in  suffering  reproach 
for  God  imaged  our  Lord's  self-negation.— -4  reflects, 
in  view  of  the  above  reference,  on  the  value  of  Scripture, 
which  trains  us  to  "  patience  "  and  "  hope."  Like  the 
story  of  Abraham's  faith  (423),  that  of  the  Psalmist's 
grief  "  was  written  for  our  instruction." — 51.  "  May 
the  God  who  thus  gives  endurance  and  encouragement, 
grant  to  you  a  harmonious  mind  (an  echo  of  12i6) 
according  with  that  of  Christ  Jesus  "  (c/.  3,  Phil.  22-5). 
Your  harmony  will  yield  "  a  concert  of  praise  to  God, 
uttered  as  if  with  one  mouth." 

XV.  7-13.  The  Gentiles  Heirs  of  Israel's  Hope.— The 
differences  discussed  ran  up  into  the  great  cleavage 
between  Jew  and  Gentile,  on  which  Paul  has  a  final 
word  to  say. 

7.  "  Wherefore  " — in  order  to  glorify  God  together 
— "  receive  one  another,  as  the  Christ  has  received 
you  (c/.  14i,3  ;  also  Lk.  152,  Jn.  637)  unto  the  glory 
of  God  " — a  glory  to  be  reahsed  in  the  united  wor- 
ship of  mankind  (8-12). — 8f.  With  this  aim  "  Christ 
has  become,"  in  the  first  place,  "  minister  of  circum- 
cision " — not  "  minister  to  the  Circumcision  "  (omit 
"  the  "),  but  Servant  of  the  covenant  bearing  this  seal 
(4ii  ;  cf.  Gal.  44!):  the  parallel  is  Mt.  617,  rather 
than  1524.  "  The  truth  of  God,"  which  Christ  thus 
asserted,  lay  in  "  the  promises  made  to  the  fathers  " 
concerning  mankind  (4ii-i8,  Ac.  824!),  expressing  the 
grand  purpose  "  that  the  nations  should  glorify  God 
for  mercy  "  shown  to  them. — That  the  Israelite  fathers 
cherished  this  large  anticipation,  is  proved  by  the 
chain  of  citations  drawn  from  Scripture  in  9&-12. 
The  catena  of  3 10-18  attested  the  universality  of  sin  ; 
this,  the  universaUty  of  redemption. — 13.  The  closing 
citation  gives  the  key-note  to  the  Benediction  ;  "  Now 
the  God  of  the  {i.e.  Israel's)  hope  fill  you  with  all  joy 
and  peace  in  beheving  (c/.  14i7,  15if.,  etc.),  by  the 
Holy  Spirit's  power."  Such  faith  will  "make  you  over- 
flow with  hope  " — for  yourselves  (52-5),  for  the  race 
(II30-32),  for  the  universe  (818-25). 

XV.  14-21.  The  Present  Juncture  hi  Paul's  Ministry. 
— Paul  resumes  the  thread  dropped  at  I15. — 14-16.  He 
does  not  think  the  Roman  Christians  in  need  of  correc- 
tion ;  he  "  has  written,  however,"  and  "  in  part  "  of 
the  epistle  (in  612-21,  and  much  of  12,  14)  "  somewhat 
boldly,  by  way  of  further  reminder  "  of  famihar  truths 
{cf.  617) — a  hberty  warranted  by  "  the  special  grace  " 
he  had  received  {cf.  I2-6,  I23).  That  grace  had  consti- 
tuted him  "  a  sacred-minister  {cf.  136)  of  Christ  Jesus 
for  the  nations,  sacrificially  ministering  the  gospel  of 
God,  to  the  end  that  the  offering  up  of  the  nations,"  etc. 
{cf.  Is.  66i9f.).  By  anticipation  Paul  presents,  hko  a 
priest  at  the  altar,  the  sanctified  nations  to  God  ;  all 
his  labours  tend  toward  this  world-offering. — 17-19. 
The  earnest  of  the  consummation  is  already  realised  ; 
so  that  the  apostle  "  has  his  glorying  therein  " — a  boast 
not  overstepping  the  limits  nor  exaggerating  the  suc- 
cesses of  his  ministry  {cf.  2  Cor.  IO13-16,  12iif.). 
— "  In  a  circle  "  (EV,  "  round  about  ") :  Paul's  labours 
extended  on  both  sides  of  the  lino  of  march  defined 
{cf.  Mk.  334,  66).  In  Jerusalem  Paul  had  preached 
long  ago  (see  Ac.  926-29) ;  to  Hlj^a  ho  had  probably 
made  an  excursion  during  his  reoent  sojourn  in  Mace- 


donia.— 20f .  Over  this  immense  area  Paul  "  has  ful- 
filled "  the  Lord's  command — as  stated,  cgr.,  in  Lk.  24 
24-27 — his  "  ambition  being  to  tell  the  good  news  where 
Christ  has  not  been  named ;  he  would  not  build  on  a 
foundation  laid  by  another,"  but  had  pressed  ever 
forward  into  unevangehsed  lands,  making  good  the 
prophecy  of  Is.  52i5,  which  depicted  the  "  astonish- 
ment "  of  "  nations  "  at  the  tidings  brought  con- 
cerning Jehovah's  Servant. 

XV.  22-29.  The  Prospect  of  Comhig  to  Rome.— 
22-24.  This  long  task  "  repeatedly  detained "  the 
writer ;  "  but  now  "  that  he  has  evangeUsed  the 
Eastern  Provinces,  he  may  reaUse  "  the  yearning " 
toward  Rome  he  had  cherished  "  for  a  good  many 
years  " — "  as,  "  he  adds,  "  I  may  be  taking  my  way  to 
Spain."  Being  a  pioneer  missionary,  Paul  cannot 
make  Rome,  where  Christ  has  long  been  named,  his 
objective  :  "  I  hope  to  visit  you  as  I  travel  through,  and 
by  you  to  be  sent  forward,"  etc.  Calling  by  the  -nay, 
he  will  not  see  all  he  desires  of  his  Roman  friends  ;  the 
taste  of  their  company  wiU  help  him  forward  {cf.  lii- 
13).  Events  turned  out  far  otherwise  (see  Ac.  25-28, 
Eph.  620,  Col.  4i  I,  Phil.  1  i5ff. ).  [Whether  he  ever  saw 
Spain  is  uncertain  (p.  772). — A.  J-  G.]. — 25-28.  A  second 
But  now  introduces  the  voyage  Paul  "  is  on  the  point  of 
making."  "  The  poverty  of  the  saints  in  Jerusalem  " 
has  touched  the  Christians  of  "  Macedonia  and  Achaia  " 
{cf.  1  Cor.  I61-4,  2  Cor.  89,  Ac.  24i7),  who  have  made 
their  contribution  "  in  goodwill,  owing  communion 
in  the  things  of  the  flesh  "  {cf.  1  Cor.  9ii,  Gal.  66)  to 
Israel,  "  in  whose  spiritual  things  they  have  partici- 
pated "  (10-12  ;  cf.  lliTf.,  Jn.  422,  etc.).  This  help  is 
a  "  sacred-ministry  "  (liturgy :  same  word  in  16  and 
136  ;  also  in  Phil,  225,30),  and  a  welcome  "  fruit  "  of 
Gentile  faith  {cf.  Phil.  4i7f.). — "Accomplish"  (or 
"  consummate  "  ;  cf.  2  Cor.  7i,  Heb.  96,  etc.)  and 
"  seal  "  (4ii,  2  Cor.  l2if.)  are  terms  implying  a  religious 
dedication. — This  done,  Paul  "will  set  off"  (286: 
"  go  on,"  RV,  is  inexact),  leaving  his  old  beat,  "  by  way 
of  Rome,  for  Spain." — 29.  "  But  I  know  that  Christ's 
full  benediction  will  attend  my  coming." — "  Of  the 
gospel  "  (AV)  is  an  ancient  gloss. 

XV.  30-33.  The  Danger  Threatentag  at  Jerusalem. 
— Whether  or  not  Paul  had  already  heard  of  the 
plot  referred  to  in  Ac.  20  3,  he  foresaw  peril  to  his 
life  "  from  the  disobedient  {cf.  28,  ll3of.)  in  Judaja  " — 
forebodings  sadly  verified  (see  Ac.  20). 

30f.  He  therefore  "  implores  the  intense  prayers  of 
his  brothers,  as  men  loyal  to  Christ  and  having  His 
loving  Spirit  "  {cf.  Phil.  2i,  Gal.  522).  They  must  pray 
for  his  safety,  and  that  his  "  service  may  be  favourably 
received  "  at  Jerusalem. — 32.  After  that,  he  will  "  joy- 
fully, if  God  so  wiU,  find  refreshment  in  their  society." 
The  latter  prayer  was  quite  fulfilled  (Ac.  21) ;  the 
former  so  far  answered  that  Paul  escaped  with  his  life 
from  Jenisalem.  and  ultimately  reached  Rome. — 33. 
"  The  God  of  peace  be  with  you  all  "  :  with  variations, 
Paul's  habitual  invocation,  often  marking  the  close  of 
his  letters  {cf.  2  Cor.  13ii.  Gal.  616;  also  1  P.  514); 
see  Introd.  §  4. — The  (well-attested)  "Amen"' 
strengthens  the  presumption  of  finaJity  at  this 
point. 

XVI.  It.  Commendation  of  the  Letter-bearer.— 
"  The  church  in  Kenchreae "  (the  eastern  haven  of 
Corinth).  Paul  had  established  churches  "  in  the  whole 
of  Achaia  "  (2  Cor.  li). — "  Deacon(ess)  "  :  hardly  yet 
an  officiul  title. — The  Romans  must  "  give  "  this  sister 
"  a  reception  '"  {cf.  Phil.  229  ;  Lk.  152,  same  word) 
such  as  Christians  should  have  from  Christians.  She 
has  difficult  business  in  Rome,  for  the  readers  are  asked 
to  "  stand  by  her  in  whatever  matter  she  may  have 


830 


ROMANS,  XVI.  If. 


need  of  them."  "  Succourer  (lit.  stander-by)  of  many, 
and  of  myself " :  the  Greek  word  oft«n  signifies 
"  patroness." — Phcsbo  wa.s  perhaps  one  of  the  "  not 
many  powerfid,"  otc,  alluded  to  in  1  Cor.  I26. 

XVI.  3-16.  Personal  Greetings.— Beside  the  two 
household  groups  of  lof.,  the  catalogue  contains  twenty- 
six  names,  eight  being  those  of  women.  Many  of  the 
names  appearing  were  commonly  borne  by  slaves.  In 
language,  seven  arc  Latin,  one  is  Hebrew,  the  remainder 
Greek  :  Rome  at  this  date  swarmed  with  Greeks,  and 
the  Roman  Church  remained  of  Greek  speech  till  the 
third  century.  The  distribution  seems  to  indicate 
different  centres  of  meeting  in  this  immense  city. 
14  and  15  (all  Gentile  names)  furnish  distinct  groups: 
the  collocation  suggests  that  the  names  of  5?)-i3  count 
amongst  "  the  church  in  the  house  of  Prisoa  and 
Aquila  "  (5a).  If  so,  there  were  three  house-churches 
(see  ZK). — Most  of  the  names  enumerated  are  other- 
wise foreign  to  the  NT.  Some  figure  on  the  walls  of 
the  catacombs,  where  the  early  Roman  Church  laid  its 
dead  ;  and  quite  a  number  on  sepulchral  inscriptions 
of  the  period  on  the  Appian  Way,  commemorating 
valued  servants  of  the  Emperor's  household. 

3-5a.  "  Prisca  and  Aquila  "  (both  Latin  names), 
originally  of  Rome,  we  laiow  aa  Paul's  close  friends 
in  Corinth,  who  accompanied  him  to  Ephesus  (Ac. 
181-3,18,26).  They  are  now  settled  again  in  Rome ;  at 
the  date  indicated  by  2  Tim.  419,  they  reappear  in 
Ephesus.  Aquila  s  trade  of  tent-making  admitted  of  a 
roving  life,  and  Ids  movements  may  partly  have  been 
made  in  the  inteiests  of  Paul's  mission.  Aquila  was  a 
Jew  ;  his  wife's  name  (Priscilln  its  diminutive)  suggests 
her  connexion  with  some  noble  Roman  family.  She  is 
commemorated  in  Roman  Christian  tradition.  In  all 
the  NT  references  Prisca  accompanies  her  husband, 
preceding  him  in  four  out  of  the  six — an  irregularity 
due  to  her  social  rank,  or  uncommon  influence,  or 
both.  This  notable  pair  had  recently  (Paul's  "  thanks- 
giving "  impUes  this)  "  laid  down  their  own  neck  for 
him,'  probably  during  the  Ephesian  riot  (Ac.  192 3-41)  ; 
this  disturbance  may  have  compelled  their  departure 
from  Ephesus. — 56.  "  Epsenotus,  the  first-fruit  of 
Asia  "  (the  Roman  Province  so  named,  with  Ephesus 
for  centre;  c/.  1  Cor.  I615) — probably  the  leader  of 
the  circle  of  Ac.  19 1-7  ;  hence  hnkod  with  Prisca  and 
Aquila. — 6.  "  Mary  "  :  the  reading  "  Mariara  "  of  sdmo 
good  MSS  would  make  her  certainly  a  Hebrew  Christian. 
— Read  "you"  (RV).  not  "us"'  (AV). — 7.  "  Andro- 
nicus  and  Junias  "  (RV  ;  the  feminine  Junta,  of  AV, 
clashes  with  the  description)  :  formerly  of  the  Pales- 
tinian Church,  having  been  "  of  note  in  the  Apostolic 
circle "  and  "  earUer  Christians  than  Paul.  '  The 
term  rendered  "  fellow-captives "  suggests  military 
imprisonment — used  of  Aristarchus  in  Col.  4 10  and 
Epaphras  in  Phm.  23,  who  appear  to  have  been  Paul's 
companions  under  military  custody  (Ac.  28i6)  in  Rome. 
This  accords  with  GifiEord's  conjecture  as  to  the 
Salutations,  referred  to  in  Introd.  §  4  ;  Paul  had, 
however,  been  "  in  prisons  more  abundantly  "  (2  Cor.  1 1 
23). — 8-lOa.  Names  legible  on  tombs  of  the  Appian 
Way. — 106, 11.  "  Aristobulus  "  :  probably  the  deceased 
brother  of  Herod  Agrippa  I,  long  resident  in  Rome, 
whose  establishment,  though  retaining  the  old  name, 
had  been  annexed  to  the  Emperor's  ;  Paul's  "  fellow- 
countryman,  Herodion  "  was,  we  may  conjecture,  of 
this  set.  "  Narcissus  "  (116),  the  powerful  favourite  of 
the  Emperor  Claudius,  who  fell  at  Nero's  accession  ;  his 
"  household  "  wa«  also  appropriated  by  the  Emperor. 
"  Those  of  Caesar's  household  "  who  send  greetings 
in  PhiL  422*,  may  be  identified  with  these  two  groups  ; 
Bee   note    on    "Caesar's    Household"    in    Lightfoot's 


Philippmns. — 12.  "  Tryphaena  and  Tryphosa  "  look 
like  sisters  ;  "  Persis  "  is  a  feminine  name.  The  four 
distinguished  as  "  toiling  in  '  the  service  of  '  the  Lord  " 
(c/.  6)  are  women. — 13.  "  Rufus  "  recalls  Mk.  152i 
(that  Gospel  was  connected  with  Home) ;  Rufus' 
mother  had  at  some  time  mothered  the  infirm  apostle. — 
16.  The  "  holy  kiss  "  at  church-gatherings  expressed 
the  pecuUar  affectionateness  of  early  Christianity  (c/. 
the  close  of  1  and  2  Cor.,  1  Th.,  1  P.  614) — a  custom 
still  observed  at  the  Eucharist  by  the  Greek  Church. 
"All  the  churches  of  Christ"  —  those  with  which 
Paul  was  in  correspondence — wish  to  greet  the  Church 
of  the  metropolis  ;  of.  4  ("  the  churches  of  the  Gen- 
tiles "),  also  1  Cor.  I433,  2  Cor.  818. 

XVI.  17-20.  A  Postscript  of  Admonition.— 17.  Sup- 
posing the  paragraph  in  its  right  place  (see  Introd.  §  4), 
it  would  seem  that  Paul,  in  glancing  over  his  letter  and 
thinking  of  the  troubles  of  other  churches  (16),  feels 
that  he  haa  not  written  strongly  enough  about  "  those 
that  are  causing  divisions  "  and  appends  a  warning 
postscript,  somewhat  in  the  fashion  of  GaL  611-16. — 
18,  19a.  "  Such  as  these  are  bondmen  to  their  own 
belly,"  ia  paralleled  in  PhiL  3i8f.  ;  the  phrase  "  the 
Lord  Christ  "  Paul  uses  elsewhere  only  in  CoL  824  ; 
"  deceiving  through  kind  and  flattering  speech  "  looks 
uncommonly  like  the  language  of  CoL  24.  But  the 
allusions  of  17,  19a,  to  "  the  doctrine  which  you  learnt  " 
and  to  "  your  obedience,"  etc.,  and  the  apostle's  "  joy 
over  you,"  are  in  the  vein  of  617,  I8-12,  I532.  We  need 
not  doubt  that  the  admonition  was  meant  for  the 
Roman  Church,  whether  at  first  conveyed  in  this 
epistle  or  a  later. — 196  echoes  the  words  of  Jesus  in 
Mt.  IO16,  where  (and  in  PhiL  215)  the  same  rare  Greek 
word  appears  for  "  innocent  "  (or  "  simple,"  RVm) ; 
cf.  129.— 20.  "The  God  of  peace  "—so  in  I533  (cf. 
2  Cot.  13ii,  PhiL  49,  Heb.  132o) — is  invoked  against 
"  divisions  and  offences  "  ;  that  "  He  shall  bruise 
Satan  under  your  feet,"  was  the  primeval  promise 
(Gen.  315). — The  Benediction — in  Paul's  usual  style 
(cf.  1  Cor.  I623) — supplies  a  second  conclusion  to  the 
epistle,  after  I533  ;  see  Introd.  §  4. 

XVI.  21-23.  Greeting  from  Paul's  Friends  in  Corintli. 
— 21.  "  Timothy  "  was  by  Paul's  side  during  this 
period  (see  Ac.  1922,  2O4,  2  Cor.  li.  Of  the  Jewish 
"  Lucius,  Jason,  Sosipatros,"  the  first  may  or  may  not 
have  been  Paul's  old  Antiochene  colleague  of  Ac.  13i  ; 
Lucius  was  a  familiar  Latin  name — certainly  not 
identical  with  Luke  (Lucas  =  Lucanus).  The  second 
(often  a  Greek  alias  for  Jesus)  was,  not  improbably, 
Jason  of  Thessalonioa  (Ac.  I75-9) ;  the  third,  almost 
certainly,  the  "  Sopater  of  Beroea  "  found  by  Paul's 
side  about  this  time  (Ac.  2O4). — 221.  "  Tertius  the 
scribe  "  makes  his  bow  ;  "  Quartus  "  one  suspects  to 
have  been  Tertius'  "  brother  " — third  and  fourth  of  one 
family.  "  Gaius,  my  host,"  whose  hospitality  em- 
braced "  all  his  follow-beUevers  "  in  Corinth,  was  surely 
the  conspicuous  Gaius  of  1  Cor.  1 14,  to  be  distinguished 
from  NT  Gaiuses  resident  elsewhere.  "  Erastus  ( Be- 
loved, a  fairly  common  Greek  name),  the  city-treasurer  " 
— a  leading  civic  functionary  of  Corinth — was  hardly 
the  Erastus  who  "  waited  on  "  Paul  (Ac.  1922) ;  which 
was  meant  in  2  Tim.  420  is  uncertain.  There  were 
several  people  of  wealth  and  rank  connected  with  the 
Corinthian  Church  (1  Cor.  I26) ;  cf.  "Phoebe,"  if.*— 
24  (a  third  Benediction)  is  omitted  in  RV,  on  decisive 
textual  evidence. 

XVI.  25-27.  The  Closing  Doxoiogy.— As  to  the  place 
of  this  passage,  see  Introd.  5  4.  At  first  sight,  it  looks 
like  a  paragraph  strayed  frfim  Ephesians,  Colossians, 
or  the  Pastorals  (see  the  Revised  parallel  references) ; 
close  examination  shows  it  relevant  enough  to  this 


ROMANS,  XVI.  27 


831 


epistlo. — 25!.  Paul  renders  praise  "  to  him  that  is 
able  "  (cf.  Eph.  820)  "  to  establish  you  "— hia  own 
earnest  longing  (lii  ;  cf.  I44) — "according  to  my 
gospel  (as  in  2i6  ;  cf.  2  Tim.  28)  and  the  proclama- 
tion of  Jesus  Christ"  (in  the  stylo  of  1  Cor.  1 2 1-2 4, 
1514).  "  For  obedience  of  faith  made  known  unto  all 
the  nations  "  carries  us  back  to  15,13-15,  while  the 
expression  "  through  prophetic  scriptures "  almost 
repeats  that  of  I2,  having  no  other  parallel  in  Paul ; 
the  epistle  teems  with  references  to  the  OT  prophets. — 
"  The  mystery  held  in  silence  in  times  eternal 
(2  Tim.  Igf.,  Tit.  l2f.),  but  now  made  manifest,"  is 
God's  purpose  to  impart  to  the  Gentiles  the  Jlossianic 
salvation  (cf.  15,16,  IO12,  I57-13) — the  secret  of  the 
Cross  (see  1  Cor.  26-9) ;  Eph.  £14-22,  84-6,  unfolds 
the  further,  consequent  mystery  of  their  incorporation  in 
the  universal  Church  (p.  812).  The  parallel  expressions, 
"  according  to  my  gospel  and  the  preaching,"  etc.,  and 
"  according  to  the  revelation,"  etc.,  point  to  the  human 
and  Divine  activities  co-operating  to  "  cstabhsh"  Roman 
behevers  :  "we  preach  Christ  " — God  "  reveals  the 
mystery  "  of  Hia  eternal  grace  (cf.  Mt.  I617,  Eph.  liTff.). 


"  Manifested  now  (the  Greek  order)  and  through 
prophetic  scriptures "  (remove  the  comma  of  EV) ; 
the  mystery  revealed  in  the  Gospel  was  foreshadowed 
by  the  old  Economy  (cf.  821).  "  The  mandate  of  the 
eternal  God  "  (cf.  1  Tim.  li.  Tit.  I3)  directed  aUke  the 
present  unveiHng  and  the  earher  hidden  preparations 
for  the  bringing  about  of  "  faith-obedience  "  ;  for  this 
end  God's  great  secret  "  has  been  made  known  unto 
all  the  nations." — 27.  "  To  whom  "  is  probably  an 
early  textual  blunder,  due  to  Gal.  I5  and  2  Tim.  4i8, 
or  introduced  through  Uturgical  usage.  With  the 
deletion  (mg.)  of  the  relative  pronoun  (a  single  Greek 
letter),  which  throws  grammatical  confusion  into  this 
noble  passage,  the  Doxology  concludes  by  resuming 
and  completing  its  overture :  "  To  the  only,  the  wise 
God  (cf.  1  Tim.  I17,  6i5f.)  tlirough  Jesus  Christ  be 
glory  for  ever  !  "  Only  and  wise  are  distinct  attributes  : 
He  is  the  one  God  (829!),  whose  sovereign  counsel 
wisely  disposes  the  successive  epochs  of  revelation 
and  dispenses  its  manifold  gifts  ;  see  11 3  3-36. 

The  epistle  ends  in  the  sublime  and  stately  fashion 
of  its  beginning. 


I.  CORINTHIANS 


By  the  editor 


Corinth,  which  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Roman 
consul  Mummius  in  146  B.C.,  was  refounded  as  a 
Roman  colony  a  hundred  years  later  by  Julius  Caesar. 
Its  situation  on  the  isthmus  which  connected  the 
Greek  mainland  with  the  Pcloponnese  gave  it  such 
advantages  that  it  quickly  recovered  its  prosperity, 
and  became  in  political  and  commercial  importance 
the  foremost  city  of  Greece.  Lying  on  the  direct 
route  between  East  and  West,  with  the  eastern  port, 
Cenclireae,  and  a  western  port,  Lechscum,  much  traffic 
passed  through  it,  smaller  vessels  being  actually  dragged 
across  the  isthmus  from  port  to  port.  Its  population 
was  very  mixed,  Romans,  Greeks,  and  representatives 
of  many  other  races,  including  numerous  Jews,  com- 
posing it.  The  city  was  proverbial  for  its  wealth  and 
luxury,  and  a  byword  for  its  profligacy.  It  owed  its 
knowledge  of  the  gospel  to  Paul,  who  founded  the 
church  there.  His  work  was  very  successful,  and  he 
left  behind  him  a  flourishing  community.  But  the 
heathen  antecedents  of  the  majority  and  the  vicious 
environment  in  which  it  hved,  affected  very  gravely 
the  spiritual  and  moral  development  of  the  church. 
Party  spirit ;  a  preference  for  showy  gifts  rather  than 
solid  commonplace  moraUty  ;  an  intellectuahsm  which 
was  aUke  shallow  and  conceited,  priding  itself  on  its 
"advanced"  character  and  spurious  hberahsm  ;  an 
astonishing  complacency  towards  the  vilest  sexual 
depravity — were  all  too  prevalent. 

The  letter  was  occasioned  partly  by  a  series  of 
questions  put  to  Paul  in  a  letter  from  the  church, 
partly  by  information  as  to  abuses  which  he  had  re- 
ceived from  private  sources.  The  church  was  spHt 
into  factions  ;  there  was  an  exceptionally  bad  case 
of  incest  ;  Christians  were  suing  each  other  in  heathen 
law-courts  ;  the  church  asked  his  opinion  on  marriage 
problems,  on  meats  offered  to  idols,  on  the  veiling  of 
women,  on  the  Lord's  Supper,  on  spiritual  gifts,  on 
the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  on  the  collection  for  the 
poor  Christians  at  Jerusalem.  These  conditions  and 
problems  will  come  before  us  in  detail  in  our  study  of 
the  epistle. 

The  genuineness  of  the  epistle  is  attested  by  its 
very  early  quotation  in  Clement  of  Rome,  probably 
about  A.D.  95,  and  by  the  fact  that  the  church  in 
Corinth  must  have  known  whether  it  had  received  the 
letter  or  not.  It  could  not  have  passed  into  general 
acceptance  if  the  church,  which  had  a  continuous 
history,  had  been  in  a  position  to  say  such  a  letter  is 
not  in  our  archives,  nor  have  we  ever  heard  of  it 
before.  It  is  also  sufficiently  attested  by  its  own 
internal  evidence.  It  was  not  the  first  letter  sent  to 
the  church  by  Paul  (see  Fk)),  but  this  earlier  letter  no 
longer  survives  except  possibly  in  a  fragment  (2  Cor.  6 
i4-7i).  Our  epistle  was  written  from  Ephesus  ;  the 
precise  chronology  is  uncertain,  perhaps  it  was  in  the 
spring  of  a.d.  55. 

Literature. — Commentaries:  (n)  Evans  (Sp.),  Parry 


(CB),  Farrar  (PC),  Beet,  Drummond  (IH),  Goudge 
(West.C),  Massio  (Cent.B),  Mackintosh  (WNT). 
(6)  Edwards,  Ellicott,  Findlay  (EGT),  Lightfoot  ( Notes 
on  Epistles  of  St.  Paul),  Robertson  and  Plummer  (ICC), 
Parry  (CGT).  (c)  *Godet,  Schmiedel  (HC),  Heinrici,  J. 
Weiss  (Mey.).  Bachmann  (ZK),  Bousset  (SNT),  Lietz- 
mann  (HNT).  (d)  F.  W.  Robertson  {Expository 
Lectures),  Dods  (Ex.B).  Other  Literature:  Articles  in 
Dictionaries,  Discussions  in  Histories  of  the  ApostoUc 
Age,  Lives  of  Paul,  Introductions  to  New  Testament  or 
the  Pauline  Epistles.  Dobschiitz,  Christian  Life  in  the 
Primitive  Church ;  Pfleiderer,  Primitive  Christianity, 
vol.  i. 

I.-IV.    The  Parties  in  the  Corinthian  Church. 

L  1-9.  The  epistle  is  sent  in  the  joint  names  of 
Paul  and  Sosthcncs,  who  may  have  b^n  the  ruler  of 
the  synagogue  mentioned  in  Ac.  18 17,  but  the  name  was 
common.  He  seems  to  have  had  no  share  in  the  com- 
position of  the  letter.  The  salutation  sets  before  the 
readers  the  holiness  of  their  vocation  and  the  brother- 
hood of  the  saints,  both  of  which  their  conduct  repudi- 
ated. In  the  thanksgiving  which  follows,  the  omission 
of  quahties  which  ought  to  characterise  a  church  is 
as  significant  as  the  inclusion  of  those  mentioned. 
They  were  stronger  in  gifts  than  in  graces,  and  even 
the  gifts  had  their  weak  side,  the  church  had  in 
Brace's  phrase,  "  run  to  tongue,"  and  plumed  itself 
on  its  "  knowledge."  Yet  Paul  recognises  that  the 
Christian  hope  bums  in  them,  and  is  confident  that 
by  Christ's  help  they  will  stand  without  impeachment 
(the  term  refers  to  status,  not  character)  at  the  Judg- 
ment. This  certainty  that  Christ  will  so  estabUsh 
them  rests  on  the  faithfulness  of  God,  who  in  the  call 
pledged  Himself  to  the  salvation  of  those  who  ac- 
cepted it, 

I.  10-17.  The  Party  Spirit  in  the  Church. — Appa- 
rently Paul  had  only  just  heard  of  the  parties,  they 
were,  therefore,  a  new  development  and  not  of  long 
standing.  He  deals  with  them  first,  not  as  the  gravest 
abuse,  but  because  they  were  uppermost  in  his  mind. 
The  passage  raises  problems  of  great  difficulty  which 
cannot  be  solved  with  any  certainty.  In  Greek  cities 
party  spirit  often  ran  high  alike  in  pohtics  and  in 
sport..  Probably  this  lay  at  the  root  of  the  parties 
in  the  church,  rather  than  any  doctrinal  difference  ; 
though  a  line  of  cleavage  which  was  primarily  personal 
might  naturally  bring  with  it  an  accentuation  of 
doctrinal  divergence  which  would  have  its  effect  in 
the  grouping  of  the  parties.  The  party  of  Paul  held 
loyally  by  the  founder  of  the  community.  The  party 
of  Apollos  (Ac.  I824-28)  had  been  captivated  by  the 
eloquence  and  perhaps  the  philosophic  gift  of  the 
brilliant  Alexandrian.  Since  both  had  worked  in 
Corinth  it  has  l)een  argued  that  Peter  also  must  have 
visited  that  city.  In  face  of  Paul's  silence  this  is  improb- 
able. If  his  adherents  had  come  into  personal  contact 
with  him  it  would  presumably  have  been  in  Palestine  or 


832 


I.  CORINTHIANS,   I.   18-11.   5 


833 


on  one  of  his  mission  journeys.  They  would  pit  him 
against  Paul  and  Apollos  as  senior  to  both,  the  vene- 
rated leader  of  the  apostoUc  band,  the  foremost  repre- 
sentative of  the  mother  church.  They  would  insist 
on  his  claims  as  far  outweighing  those  of  Paul,  who 
had  never  known  Jesus  and  had  been  a  bitter  perse- 
cutor of  the  church. 

The  most  difficult  problem  is  that  created  by  the 
reference  to  the  Christ  party.  The  Tiibingon  criticism 
took  its  rise  in  1831  with  F.  C.  Baurs  famous  article 
on  "  The  Christ  Party  in  Corinth."  He  virtually  re- 
duced the  four  parties  to  two,  the  Judaising  called  by 
the  names  of  Peter  and  Christ,  the  anti-Judaising 
calling  themselves  after  Paul  or  Apollos.  Such  a  re- 
duction contradicts  the  plain  meaning  of  the  text. 
Moreover,  Baurs  general  scheme  of  early  Church  His- 
tory has  been  universally  abandoned.  The  proof  that 
the  Christ  party  was  to  be  identified  with  Paul's 
Judaistic  opponents  rested  mainly  on  2  Cor.  IO7 ;  but 
this  is  too  general  to  justify  the  inference,  and  Paula 
opponents  in  2  Cor.  made  higher  claims  than  are  im- 
plied in  our  passage.  If  a  Judaistic  faction  had 
already  been  at  work  in  the  church,  Paul  must  have 
fought  it ;  his  experience  of  the  havoc  such  a  faction 
would  work  was  too  bitter  for  him  to  neglect  it.  Yet 
we  get  no  polemic  against  the  Peter  or  Christ  party 
on  the  score  of  any  legaUst  propaganda.  It  has  been 
held  by  some  scholars  (Schenkel,  Godet,  W.  F.  Slater, 
and  Liitgert)  that  the  Christ  party  made  a  distinction 
between  Christ  and  Jesus  similar  to  that  made  by 
Cerinthus  (p.  916).  Christ  was  the  heavenly  being 
who  descended  upon  the  man  Jesus  but  left  Him  before 
His  crucifixion.  Tliis  view  gains  some  support  from 
the  question,  "  Is  Christ  divided  ?  "  and  the  cry 
"  Jesus  Anathema,"  which  may  have  been  uttered  in 
the  Christian  assemblies  but  which  Paul  says  can  be 
uttered  by  no  one  who  speaks  in  the  Spirit  (I23*). 
There  is  no  need  to  find  this  sense  in  either  phrase. 
Such  a  tendency  Paul  would  have  attacked  explicitly, 
for  it  cut  at  the  root  of  his  teaching.  Whatever  the 
Christ  party  was,  its  significance  lay  in  the  fact  that 
it  was  an  expression  of  party  spirit :  had  it  involved 
repudiation  of  the  Crucified,  Paul  must  have  regarded 
it  as  displaying  a  much  darker  and  more  dangerous 
temper.  None  of  the  parties  seems  consciously  to 
have  renounced  the  Gospel.  The  view  that  there  was 
no  Christ  party  at  all  has  been  held  in  various  forms. 
The  only  form  which  deserves  attention  is  that  which 
regards  the  words,  "  but  I  of  Christ  "  as  a  gloss,  written 
on  the  margin  by  some  reader  who  wished  to  aflirni 
the  true  Christian  attitude.  The  difficulties,  however, 
do  not  warrant  recourse  to  so  drastic  a  measure  as  tho 
deletion  of  the  words.  Possibly  the  party  consisted 
of  those  who  had  known  Jesus  during  His  earthly  hfe, 
though  we  should  perhaps  have  expected,  "  I  of  Jesus  " 
rather  than  "  I  of  Christ."  Possibly  their  watchword 
expressed  their  dislike  of  the  position  accorded  to 
human  leaders,  and  disowned  every  leader  but  Christ. 
Since,  however,  this  intrinsically  sound  attitude  appa- 
rently falls  under  the  same  blame  as  the  rest,  they 
must  liave  asserted  their  freedom  from  partisanship 
in  a  partisan  way. 

Paul  appeals  to  them  by  the»  sacred  name  of  their 
common  Ixjrd  to  cultivate  unity  and  heal  their  divisions, 
that  they  may  be  harmonious  in  temper  and  opinion. 
Ho  says  this  because  he  has  learnt  from  Chloes  people 
that  they  are  wrangling  with  each  other,  all  boasting 
that  they  belong  to  this  leader  or  that.  Paul,  Apollos, 
Cephas,  Christ.  Is  Chri.st,  who  should  be  all.  made 
one  part  out  of  four  ?  Can  Paul  be  treated  as  if  ho 
were  the  crucified  Redeemer,  into  whose  allegiance 


they  had  been  baptized  ?  Factious  enthusiasm  might 
have  betrayed  them  into  so  profane  an  estimate  of 
him  who  had  baptized  them.  Well  may  he  thank 
God  that  ho  has  given  them  so  Uttle  occasion  !  Crispus 
and  Gaius  were  the  only  cases.  Oh  yes,  he  corrects 
himself,  he  baptized  the  household  of  Stephanas  also, 
but  he  cannot  recall  any  other's.  For  it  was  not  his 
mission  to  baptize  (Apollos  as  a  former  disciple  of 
John  the  Baptist  may  have  laid  stress  on  its  adminis- 
tration by  the  teacher),  that  could  be  left  to  a  sub- 
ordinate for  it  needed  no  gift ;  Paul's  apostolic  function 
found  its  fit  and  congenial  expression  in  preaching 
the  Gospel.  Brilhant  preaching,  however,  probably 
called  forth  the  special  admiration  felt  for  Apollos. 
Paul  accordingly  explains  that  the  effective  power  of 
the  Gospel  'does  not  lie  in  its  eloquence  or  its  philo- 
sophical presentation.  These  tend  to  empty  it  of  .its 
meaning  since  they  distract  attention  from  the  central 
fact,  the  Cross  of  Christ.  Indeed  the  Cross  is  just  the 
contradiction  of  the  world's  wisdom. 

11.  Paul  had  not  learnt  of  the  factions  from  tho 
deputation  sent  by  the  Church  (16i7f.)  but  from 
another  source.  Chloe  was  presumably  a  business 
woman  (not  necessarily  Ixerself  a  Christian),  probably 
settled  in  Ephesus,  who  had  sent  slaves  to  Corinth  ; 
these  were  Christians,  and  on  their  return  brought 
back  the  unpleasant  news.  If  they  had  belonged  to 
Corinth,  Paul  would  hardly  have  exposed  them  to 
reprisals  by  this  disclosure. — 13.  Is  Christ  divided? 
a  question  not  an  exclamation  (fng.),  but  the  verb  does 
not  here  mean  "  dismembered,"  torn  asunder  by  the 
factions,  each  securing  a  part.,  but  made  a  part  instead 
of  the  whole,  degraded  to  the  level  of  Paul,  Apollos, 
and  Cephas. — The  last  clause  implies  that  baptism 
was  into  the  name  of  Jesus,  the  earhest  form. — 16.  The 
oversight  in  14,  corrected  in  16,  negatives  any  idea  of 
mechanical  inspiration.  It  would  be  profane  to  sup- 
pose that  the  Holy  Spirit  could  inadvertently  make 
a  misstatement  in  one  sentence  and  correct  it  in  the 
next.  Stephanas  was  with  Paul  (I617)  and  may  have 
noticed  the  omission  as  Paul  dictated.  Had  Paul  been 
writing,  he  would  have  made  the  necessary  insertion 
in  14. 

I.  18-11.  5.  The  Cross,  Folly  to  the  World,  is  the 
Power  and  Wisdom  of  God. — Paul  now  explains  and 
justifies  176,  which  to  Greek  readers  must  have  sounded 
strange,  almost  a  defiant  paradox.  The  story  of  the 
Cross  is  folly  to  those  who  are  in  the  way  of  ruin,  but 
it  attests  itseK  in  our  experience  to  us,  who  are  in  the 
way  of  salvation,  as  the  power  of  God.  And  this  is 
in  harmony  with  Scripture.  For  Gods  wise  purpose 
ordained  that  the  world's  wisdom  should  be  unable 
to  know  Him.  There  is  an  effective  contrast  between 
Divine  and  human  wisdom.  The  world  seeks  through 
its  wisdom  to  know  God,  but  Gods  wisdom  check- 
mates the  worlds  wisdom  and  thwarts  its  aspirations, 
eince  He  has  plaimed  that  man  shall  know  Him  through 
the  Gospel,  which  seems  arrant  folly  to  human  wisdom. 
It  is  here  precisely  as  with  the  quest  for  righteousness. 
God  shut  up  all  unto  disobedience  that  through  the 
Cross  He  might  have  mercy  on  all  (Rom.  11 32).  He 
shut  up  all  to  ignorance  that  through  the  Cross  He 
might  illuminate  all.  "  The  intellectual  was  as  signal 
as  the  moral  defeat."  "  Gods  .sovereign  grace  re-scucs 
man's  bankrupt  wisdom "  (Findlay).  For  it  is  a 
characteristic  of  Jews  to  seek  after  signs,  of  Greeks  to 
seek  after  wisdom.  Our  preaching  of  Christ  crucified, 
Paul  says,  is  to  Jews  a  stumbling-block  for  t  lie  Law  pro- 
nounces a  curse  on  hira  who  is  hanged  (Dt.  21 23),  and 
thus  the  mode  of  death  negatives  for  tho  Jew  tho  claim 
of  Jesus  to  Messiahship,  while  to  Greeks  it  is  just  mad. 

27 


834 


I.    CORINTHIANS,   I.    18-11.    5 


But  we  know  them  to  be  wrong,  we  who  are  called  of 
God;  for  our  experience  proves  that  this  message 
embodies  both  the  power  and  the  wisdom  of  God. 
Folly  and  weaknrss,  yes  ;  but  that  folly  of  God  which 
is  wiser,  that  weakness  of  His  which  is  stronger  than 
men.  Among  the  called  are  his  readers,  who  form  an 
excellent  illustration,  an  illustration  all  the  more 
welcome  to  Paul  that  it  serves  to  abate  their  unwhole- 
some conceit.  They  number  very  few  wise  according 
to  the  world's  estimate,  or  people  with  civic  standing, 
or  high  birth.  The  folly  of  the  Gospel  is  clear  from 
this  that  God  proclaimed  it  to  fools,  people  of  no 
account,  belonging  to  the  lower  ordere,  such  as  most 
of  themselves.  He  deUberately  chose  the  foohsh,  the 
weak,  the  base,  the  contemptible,  the  things  that 
count  for  nothing,  to  bring  to  nought  the  world's 
substantial  reahties,  so  that  no  flesh  should  boast 
before  Him.  But  from  Him  they  derive  their  being 
in  Christ,  who  became  in  His  Incarnation  Divine 
Wisdom  for  us,  manifesting  itself  as  righteousness, 
aanctification,  and  redemption,  so  that  He  alone  de- 
serves the  glory.  And  when  he  came  to  Corinth  Paul 
acted  on  the  same  principle.  It  was  with  no  eloquence 
or  philosophy  that  he  urifolded  the  mystery  of  redemp- 
tion. He  had  decided  not  to  know  anything  beyond 
Jesus  Christ,  and  Him  as  crucified.  And  correspond- 
ing to  the  folly  of  the  matter  was  the  weakness  of  the 
manner,  ineffective,  timid,  anxious,  without  persuasive 
power  or  philosophical  presentation.  Yet  his  preach- 
ing was  endowed  with  convincing  force,  because  God 
imparted  His  Divine  Spirit  and  energy  to  it,  with  the 
intent  that  their  faith  should  repose  not  on  human 
wisdom  but  on  the  power  of  God. 

I.  19.  The  quotation  is  from  Is.  29i4,  where  the 
politicians  who  are  planning  an  Egyptian  alliance  are 
denounced  ;  "  reject  "  is  substituted  for  "  conceal  " 
under  the  influence  of  Ps.  32io.— -20.  From  Is.  33i8 
and  perhaps  19i2. — ^23.  Probably  no  doctrine  of  a 
suffering  Messiah  had  been  developed  in  Judaism  so 
early  as  Paul's  day ;  the  doctrine  of  a  crucified  Messiah 
could  not  possibly  have  been.  That  such  a  doctrine 
was  formulated,  and  such  a  fact  as  the  crucifixion 
asserted,  is  a  decisive  proof  of  the  historical  existence 
and  crucifixion  of  Jesus  (p.  814.). — 30.  Read  mr]. — II.  1. 
mystery:  i.e.  Gods  eternal  counsel  of  redemption, 
long  concealed  but  now  revealed.  Many  prefer  mg. 
"  testimony,"  which  is  better  attested,  especially  as 
"  mystery  "  may  have  been  suggested  by  7.  It  is, 
however,  neither  clear  nor  very  satisfactory  in  sense, 
and  may  have  been  suggested  by  16. 

II.  6-16.  Yet  there  Is  a  Christian  Wisdom  Revealed 
by  Gods  Spirit. — Yet  there  is  a  true  wisdom  of  which 
the  Christian  teachers  speak  to  those  who  are  mature  ; 
not  a  wisdom  of  this  world  or  of  the  angels  who  are 
its  rulers  and  are  coming  to  nought,  but  God's  wisdom 
in  a  mystery  now  disclosed,  a  liidden  wisdom  pre- 
destined before  time  to  secure  our  perfection  ;  not 
known  to  the  world-rulers,  who  othenvise  would  not 
have  crucified  the  Lord  of  Glory.  By  "  rulers  of  the 
world "  Paul  means  angels,  the  principaUties  and 
powers,  the  "  elements  of  the  world ''  (Gal.  43,9, 
Col.  2s).  The  identification  with  the  Roman  governor 
and  the  Jewish  liigh  priest,  still  held  by  some  scholars, 
does  not  suit  the  words  "  who  are  coming  to  nought," 
nor  the  present  tense  "  knoweth,"  nor  the  immediate 
context.  Paul  is  speaking  hero  of  a  wisdom  which 
he  proclaims  only  to  the  fully  initiated,  a  hidden 
wisdom  preordained  before  time.  How  should  Pilate 
and  Caiaphas  bo  acquainted  with  this  ?  Angels  have 
superhuman  knowledge,  therefore  their  ignorance 
cannot  be  taken  for  granted  ;   it  is  natural  that  Paul 


should  explicitly  affirm  it,  and  it  is  imphed  in  Eph.  3 10, 
1  P.  I12.  It  is  a  mistake  to  think  of  these  angels  as 
evil,  nor  are  they  necessarily  hostile,  they  act  in 
ignorance  r&ther  than  from  mahce.  The  old  order, 
especially  the  Law  (Ac.  7,  Gal.  3,  Heb.  2,  and  Col. 
generally),  was  under  their  control  ;  and  the  death 
which  Christ  bore  as  the  Law's  penalty  was  naturally 
inflicted  by  the  angels  who  gave  and  administered 
the  Law.  An  angel  has  no  meaning  apart  from  his 
function ;  the  angels  of  the  Law  cannot  transcend  the 
legal  point  of  view.  The  wisdom  of  which  Paul  is 
speaking  is  that  set  forth  in  9,  the  secrets  of  the 
future,  especially  the  glory  foreordained  for  Christians. 
Had  these  angels  known  it,  they  would  not  have 
crucified  the  Lord  of  that  glory.  Paul  can  hardly 
mean  the  mystery  of  redemption,  for  he  is  spealving 
of  teaching  reserved  for  those  who  are  sufficiently  de- 
veloped to  receive  it.  Our  knowledge  of  it  has  been 
communicated  tiuoiigh  the  Holy  Spirit  ( 10).  Paul  may 
have  specially  in  mind  the  ecstatic  conditions  in  which 
he  was  borne  away  into  the  third  heaven  (2  Cor.  122- -t). 
"While  he  heard  there  unutterable  things,  he  would 
also  probably  suppose  liimself  to  have  gained  an  in- 
sight into  heavenly  mysteries  such  as  could  be  revealed 
to  those  ripe  enough  to  receive  it.  Ezekiel  describes 
his  trance  condition  by  saying  that  he  was  in  the 
.<»pirit  (Ezek.  37i),  and  similarly  John  in  Rev.  lio,  42. 
It  is  true  that  the  revelations  given  by  the  prophets  in 
the  Christian  assemblies  were  considered  to  come  from 
the  Spirit.  Yet  Paul  can  hardlj'  be  thinking  of  these, 
for  they  were  uttered  indiscriminately  in  the  congre- 
gation ;  whereas  Paul  is  speaking  of  a  wisdom  com- 
municated only  to  initiates.  Even  if  the  phraseology 
is  borrowed  from  the  mysteries,  we  must  not  suppose 
that  there  was  an  esoteric  Christianity  disclosed  only 
to  those  v/lio  were  actually  initiated  into  Christian 
mysteries.  Paul  means  that  he  fits  his  teaching  to  the 
capacity  of  his  hearers.  If  they  quarrel  with  the 
Rimplicity  of  his  preaching,  it  is  simple  because  they 
cannot  assimilate  anythmg  more  advanced.  'V\"hen 
they  become  more  mature,  he  can  impart  a  more 
advanced  doctrine.  Thus  Paul  humiUates  the  conceit 
of  the  church,  which  prided  itself  on  its  knowledge. 
He  proceeds  (106)  to  explain  how  it  is  that  the  Spirit 
can  reveal.  He  thoroughly  explores  all  things,  fathoms 
even  the  depths  of  God's  being  and  purpose.  And  He 
alone  can  reveal  the  mind  of  God,  since  He  alone  can 
know  it.  Just  as  the  spirit  of  each  man  is  alone  able 
to  know  the  thoughts  and  emotions  within  him,  eo 
only  the  Spirit  of  God  can  know  Gods  innermost 
experiences.  It  is  this  all-searching  Spirit,  Paul  con- 
tinues, that  we  have  received.  True,  the  fact  of 
inspiration  does  not  determine  its  quahty  ;  an  evil 
spiiit  might  invade  the  personality,  the  spiritual  gifts 
include  the  discrimination  of  spirit's,  and  possibly  such 
utterances  as  "Jesus  Anathema!"  might  bo  heard 
in  the  Christian  assembhes  (123*).  But  such  an  evil 
spirit  is  not  the  source  of  our  knowledge  as  to  the 
glories  prepared  by  God  for  us.  And  this  Spirit-given 
knowledge  is  not  merely  possessed,  it  is  uttered  in 
Spirit-given  words,  the  speaker  combining  spiritual 
truth  with  spiritual  expression.  But  spiritual  things 
can  be  imparted  only  to  those  who  are  fit  to  receive 
them.  Man,  as  he  is  bv  nature,  cannot  accept  them  ; 
he  loolvs  on  thoin  as  folly,  nor  has  he  the  capacity  to 
apprehend  them  because  they  resjjond  only  to  spiritual 
tests  which  ho  fs  unable  to  apply.  But  the  spiritual 
man  tests  everytliing,  for  the  spiritual  is  the  highest 
realm  and  commands  those  beneath  ;  whereas  the 
natural  man  has  no  competence  to  estimate  the 
spiritual,  ho  hvcs  on  a  lower  plane.     No  one,  Scripture 


I.   COEINTHIANS,   III.  18-23 


835 


aays  (Is.  4O13)'  has  apprehended  the  mind  of  the 
Lord,  so  as  to  instruct  Him.  And  since  by  union 
with  Him  we  have  His  mind,  we  are  equally  beyond 
human  judgment. 

9.  The  source  of  the  quotation  ia  very  uncertain. 
If  from  the  OT  (as  the  formula  of  citation  suggests), 
it  is  from  Is.  644  combined  with  65 17.  The  points  of 
contact  are  so  slight  that  no  confidence  can  be  felt 
in  this  derivation.  If  the  source  is  not  the  OT,  Paul 
has  quoted  another  work  under  a  misapprehension. 
Origen  attributes  it  to  the  Secrets  of  Ehjah  the 
Prophet,  but  the  relation  is  more  probably  to  be 
reversed. — 13.  The  last  clause  is  difficult.  RV  gives 
no  relevant  sense.  "  Interpreting  spiritual  things  to 
spiritual  men '"  (mg.)  is  philologically  questionable. 
The  most  probable  view  is  that  adopted  above. 
Bousset  thinks  the  reference  is  to  speaking  with 
tongues,  the  heavenly  truth  being  uttered  in  the 
heavenly  language.  But  speech  in  a  tongue  was  un- 
intelligible apart  from  an  interpreter,  whereas  Paul 
implies  that  the  language  will  be  understood  and  the 
truth  accepted  by  any  who  are  spiritual,  few  of  whom 
might  have  the  gift  of  interpretation.  Besides,  the 
words  would  be  intclUgible  even  to  the  natural  man, 
the  reason  why  he  does  not  welcome  them  is  not  their 
uninteUigibiUty  but  their  foolishness. — 14.  natural 
(psuchikos)  ;  we  have  no  strict  equivalent  in  EngUsh  ; 
"  natural  "  perhaps  gives  the  right  suggestion  as  well 
as  anything. 

III.  1-17.  Renewed  Condemnation  of  Party  Spirit- 
Paul  has  now  reached  a  point  where  he  can  effect  an 
easy  return  to  the  di%asions  at  Corinth.  He  has  been 
speaking  of  the  spiritual  man  who  is  capable  of  receiv- 
ing spiritual  things  as  the  "natural  man  "  is  not.  But 
such  teaching  he  has  not  been  able  to  give  the  Cor- 
inthians. For  they  are  not  spiritual,  as  is  demon- 
strated by  their  party  spirit.  Here  again  he  humbles 
the  church  in  the  very  matter  of  which  it  was  most 
proud.  Its  spirituality  was  its  pecuhar  boast.  It 
was  richly  endowed  with  spiritual  gifts,  and  the  ex- 
cesses into  which  it  had  plunged  were  complacently 
paraded  as  evidence  of  enlightenment  and  illustration 
of  the  truth  that  where  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there 
is  Uberty. 

1-9.  When  Paul  was  with  them  he  had  to  treat 
them  not  as  spiritual  but  as  fleshen,  to  feed  them  Uke 
infants  on  milk,  for  meat  they  were  not  able  to  bear 
(Heb.  5i2).  And  not  even  yet  are  they  able,  for  where 
jealousy  and  wrangling  exist  are  they  not  carnal, 
living  and  acting  on  a  purely  human  plane  ?  They 
are  mere  men,  as  if  no  higher  power  had  hfted  them  to 
the  superhuman  level,  since  they  boast  of  this  human 
teacher  and  that.  Paul  and  Apollos  are  just  mere 
servants,  the  channels  througli  which  their  faith  was 
evoked.  All  they  did  was  achieved  through  the  gift 
of  God.  Paul  planted,  Apollos  watered  the  seed, 
God's  blessing  alone  made  their  work  fruitful.  They 
are  nothing,  God  is  all.  Both  toil  for  a  common 
cause,  each  .shall  receive  a  reward  proportioned  to  his 
labour.  They  are  Gods  partners  in  work,  the  Cor- 
inthians are  God  s  tillage.  God  s  erection. 

1.  carnal:  two  cognate  adjectives  {mrkinos  hero, 
sarkiko^  in  3)  are  translated  by  the  same  word.  The 
former  means  simply  "  consisting  of  flesh  '"  and  may 
or  may  not  be  used  in  an  ethical  sense,  whereas  the 
latter  has  usually  an  etliical  meaning.  Yet  the  former 
might  be  even  more  ethically  severe  than  the  latter, 
for,  if  used  with  the  ethical  sense  of  "  flesh  "  attaching 
to  it,  it  might  mean  composed  entirely  of  flesh,  carnal 
through  and  through.  So  probably  in  Rom.  714. 
Here  the  leading  idea  \s  that  suggested  by  what  follows. 


a  baby  at  the  breast  is  just  a  lump  of  animated  flesh, 
in  which  the  mind  has  scarcely  begun  to  dawn.  Still 
the  contrast  with  spiritual  and  the  presence  in  the 
context  of  "  carnal"  imparts  an  ethical  tinge  to  the 
word. — 4.  Observe  that  only  two  parties  are  men- 
tioned and  the  others  ignored.  Possibly  the  latter  con- 
stituted an  insignificant  section,  possibly  Paul  selects 
himself  and  Apollos  because  he  is  going  to  speak  of 
their  work  at  Corinth.  This  would  make  it  still  more 
unlikely  that  Peter  had  visited  Corinth. — 9.  God's 
fellow-workers:  probably  "sharers  with  God  in  His 
work "  ;  but  possibly  "  colleagues  who  belong  to 
God." 

10-15.  The  tone  changes.  It  becomes  cautionary, 
almost  threatening.  It  is,  therefore,  unlikely  that 
"another"  (10)  is  Apollos,  towards  whom  in  5-9 
Paul's  language  has  been  cordial.  It  may  be  the 
leader  of  the  ApoUoa  section,  perhaps  the  leader  of  the 
Cephas  party.  But  "  each  man "  suggests  that 
"  another  "  is  equivalent  to  "  others,"  Paul  claims 
that  at  Corinth  ho  had  laid  a  foundation  like  an  expert 
master-builder,  but  all  his  skill  in  founding  churches 
was  due  to  God's  grace.  Others  were  building  on  it, 
for  no  other  foundation  than  his,  i.e.  Jesus  Christ, 
was  possible.  But  on  the  same  foundation  structures 
of  very  different  materials  may  be  built,  costly  and 
durable,  or  cheap  and  flimsy.  The  quality  of  each 
man's  work  will  be  tested  by  the  Day  of  the  Lord, 
for  that  is  a  fiery  manifestation.  If  the  work  survives 
the  test  by  fire,  the  bunder  will  be  rewarded ;  if  it 
perish,  he  will  lose  his  material  and  labour.  Yet,  since 
his  error  is  one  of  judgment  rather  than  intention  he 
shall  himself  be  saved,  though  he  must  pass  to  safety 
through  the  scorching  flames.  We  may  compare  the 
Persian  belief  that  at  the  judgment  everyone  must 
pass  with  his  work  through  the  stream  of  molten  metal, 
which  to  the  righteous  seems  Uke  warm  milk,  to  the 
wicked  as  what  it  actually  is.  There  is  no  reference 
to  purgatory  in  15. 

16f.  The  metaphor  of  the  building  suggests  that  of 
the  sanctuary.  But  the  subject  of  i6f.  differs  from 
that  of  the  preceding  section.  There  Paul  dealt  with 
injudicious  builders,  here  with  wreckers  of  the  sanctu- 
ary. In  the  one  case  the  man  will  be  saved,  though 
scarred  and  suffering  loss,  in  the  other  he  will  be 
destroyed  by  God.  As  God  dwelt  in  the  Holy  of 
Holies,  so  the  Christian  community  is  now  the  shrine 
which  He  inhabits.  His  holiness  is  therefore  com- 
municated to  it,  to  desecrate  it  by  faction  violates  the 
holiness  of  God  wlrich  will  react  fatally  against  the 
offender. 

m.  18-23.  It  is  a  False  Wisdom  that  Pits  one 
Leader  against  Another:  All  are  Yours. — Paul  warns 
against  the  self-deception  which  causes  a  man  to  over- 
rate his  ov.'n  judgment.  Better  renounce  his  worldly 
wisdom,  which  God  counts  foohshness  that  he  may 
become  really  wise.  As  Scripture  says,  God  grips 
fast  the  wise  in  their  cleverness  (Job  613),  and  He 
knows  the  emptiness  of  their  thoughts  (Ps.  94ii, 
Paul  substitutes  "  the  wise  '"  for  "  men  ").  So  let 
none  boast  that  he  takes  any  man  for  his  leader, 
pluming  himself  on  liis  discernment.  Indeed  it  is  to 
rate  one's  own  dignity  too  low.  For  all  things  belong 
to  the  Christian.  Cliristians  do  not  belong  to  one 
leader,  but  all  leaders  belong  to  them.  The  world, 
too,  is  theirs,  this  physical  universe  with  all  its  throng 
of  sentient  beings,  life  and  death,  the  present,  the 
future.  But  they  are  Christ's,  and  possess  all  things 
through  His  possession  of  them  ;  and  He  too  belongs 
to  God  and  we  are  His.  The  Stoics  had  similar  say- 
ings— "All  things  belong  to  the  wise"  (Zono),  "All 


836 


I.    CORINTHIANS,  III.   18-23 


things  are  mine  '"  (Seneca).  Some  of  the  more  philo- 
sophical type  at  Corinth  may  have  made  this  a  kind 
of  watch vv'ord.  Paul  endorses  it,  but  redeems  it  by 
the  reminder  that  while  all  things  belong  to  the 
Christian,  he  is  not  the  lord  of  the  universe  but  him- 
self belongs  in  his  turn  to  Christ.  It  is  characteristic 
of  Paul  to  soar  away  from  these  petty  squabbles  to 
those  ultimate  principles  where  his  mind  was  most 
at  home.  That  he  does  not  mention  Christ  along 
with  the  three  human  teachers  is  no  argument  for  the 
non-existence  of  a  Christ- party.  He  does  not  place 
Christ  on  a  level  with  them.  He  would  not  say  to 
his  readera  that  Christ  belonged  to  them,  the  great 
thing  they  needed  to  remember  was  that  they  belonged 
to  Christ.     Christ  is  mentioned — in  His  right  pUco. 

19b.  This  and  the  quotation  in  Rom.  11 35,  the  only 
quotations  from  Job  in  NT,  differ  considerably  from 
the  LXX  ;  Paul  probably  had  Job  not  in  the  LXX 
but  another  version. 

IV.  1-13.  Paul  will  Accept  no  Judgment  but  Christ's. 
The  Fortunate  Lot  of  the  Corinthians  Contrasted  with 
the  Miserable  Condition  of  the  Apostles. — This  section 
is  concerned  with  the  attitude  of  the  Corinthians  to 
Paul.  Some  were  critical,  there  may  have  been  a 
suggestion  to  put  him  on  his  trial  before  the  church. 
He  first  states  the  criterion  that  ought  to  be  applied 
in  judging  liim  and  his  colleagues.  They  are  mere 
subordinates  (a  different  Gr.  word  from  that  in  85), 
entrusted  with  a  stewardship.  The  main  qualifica- 
tion for  such  a  position  is  not  brilliant  gift  but  in- 
corruptible fidelity.  However,  what  judgment  they 
or  any  men  pass  upon  him  is  a  matter  of  indifference  ; 
he  does  not,  though  he  knows  himself  so  much  more 
intimately  than  they  can,  venture  to  pass  judgment 
even  on  himself.  True,  his  conscience  is  clear,  yet 
God  alone  is  competent  to  pronounce  him  righteous. 
So  they  should  not  anticipate  the  Divine  verdict  by 
any  premature  judgment.  He  has  used  himself  and 
Apollos  (since  they  were  friends,  not  rivals)  as  illus- 
trations, to  avoid  introducing  other  names.  (He  does 
not  mean  that  there  were  no  parties  of  Paul  and 
Apollos,  the  real  parties  being  disguised  under  their 
names.)  He  has  done  this  for  their  sakes  that  by  this 
example  he  may  teach  them  not  to  go  beyond  what 
is  written  (?)  and  boast  in  one  leader  against  another. 
What  exceptional  qualification  for  such  judgment  does 
any  of  them  possess  ?  and  whatever  they  have  it  is 
God's  gift,  and  so  no  warrant  for  conceit.  With  bitter 
irony  he  punctures  their  self-esteem.  They  have 
already  attained ;  how  different  from  their  sleek  com- 
placency is  the  actual  lot  of  their  teachers  !  If  apostles 
are  in  such  evil  case  is  it  likely  that  the  fancied  attain- 
ments of  such  novices  are  real  ?  They  are  already 
filled  to  repletion,  rolUng  in  wealth,  reigning  in  the 
Kingdom,  without  Pauls  company  to  be  sure  !  Would 
that  their  lordship  over  the  world  were  a  reality;  he 
to  whom  they  owe  the  Gospel,  would  not  be  left  out, 
as  he  ia  It  would  seem  that  he  and  the  other  apostles 
also  have  been  shown  by  God  to  bring  up  the  rear, 
gladiators  who  m<ist  fight  on  till  they  are  killed,  while 
the  whole  world,  both  (mg.)  angels  and  men,  throngs 
the  amphitheatre  to  watch  the  thrilHng  spectacle  in 
the  arena.  What  a  contrast !  for  Christ's  sake  they 
are  counted  mad,  they  are  weak  and  dishonoured  ; 
the  Corinthians  are  shrewd,  that  is  what  union  with 
Christ  does  for  them,  strong,  of  high  repute.  Priva- 
tion in  food  and  raiment,  ill-treatment  by  the  mob, 
homelessness,  exhausting  manual  toil,  such  is  the  lot 
of  the  apostles.  They  meet  insult  with  blessing, 
persecution  with  patient  endurance,  slander  with 
friendly  reply.     They  are  like  men  offered  as  Iniman 


sacrifices,  wretched  people  who  were  chosen  as  sin- 
offerings,  since  the  sacrificial  death  must  be  volun- 
tarily accepted,  inasmuch  as  they,  whether  on  account 
of  physical  deformity,  or  poverty  or  sonow,  or  as 
criminals,  preferred  death  to  life. 

6b.  Very  difficult.  Gr.  is  elliptical  and  the  mean- 
ing obscure.  Apparently  the  point  is,  "  that  you 
might  learn  not  to  transgress  the  injunction  of  Scrip- 
ture.'" The  text  is  probably  corrupt. — 7a.  Possibly 
the  point  is,  "  you  owe  your  boasted  faculty  of  dis- 
crimination to  the  teachers  whom  you  despise.'" — 
9.  apostles :  primarily  himself,  but  the  plural  is  not 
e(|uivalcnt  to  the  singular.  He  may  mean  "  those 
who  evangehsed  them  " — himself,  Silas,  and  Timothy, 
— 13.  intreat:  the  precise  meaning  is  uncertain. — 
flith,  offscouring:  used  technically  for  the  sacrificial 
victims  described  above. 

IV.  14-21.  Fatherly  Admonition,  Entreaty,  and 
Warning. — The  tone  of  mingled  severity,  irony,  and 
pathos  disappears  ;  yet  the  affection  is  combined  with 
sternness,  and  he  warns  them  not  to  presume  on  his 
mildness.  He  has  no  desire  to  shame  them,  but  only 
to  give  tJiem  his  paternal  admonition.  For  he  is  their 
only  begetter  in  Christ,  though  tutors  in  Christ  they 
may  have  by  the  myriad.  Let  them  take  after  him 
as  good  children  should ;  he  is  sending  Timothy, 
another  of  his  dear  children,  but  a  loyal  one,  who  will 
revive  by  his  conduct  their  fading  memories  of  their 
father's  real  character  and  behaviour.  Some  have 
been  inflated  by  the  news  that  Timothy  is  coming,  as 
if  Paul  would  not  face  the  church  himself.  But  he 
means  to  come,  and  try  the  issue  with  the  boasters, 
not  in  word  but  in  power,  for  power  not  utterance  is 
the  note  of  the  Kingdom.  It  is  for  the  church  to 
decide  whether  he  comes  to  chastise  or  in  gentleness. 

15.  tutors:  we  have  no  word  to  represent  the  Gr. 
which  is  the  original  of  our  "  pedagogue.'"  But  the 
•paidagogos  was  not  a  teacher,  he  was  a  slave  en- 
trusted with  the  supervision  of  the  cMlds  conduct. 
The  office  was  temporary  (till  the  child  was  sixteen), 
menial,  and,  of  course,  unpopular  with  its  victims. 
Paul  uses  it  to  illustrate  the  temporary,  servile,  irk- 
some, and  discipUnary  character  of  the  Law  in 
Gal.  324f. — 17.  Timothy  had  apparently  already 
started  for  Corinth,  but  was  taking  the  land  route 
through  Macedonia,  while  the  letter  would  be  sent 
across  the  sea  and  arrive  before  him. 

V.  The  Case  of  Incest. — Paul  now  passes  from  the 
parties  to  a  case  of  immorahty  exceptionally  hideous 
and,  so  far  as  his  knowledge  goes,  unprecedented  even 
among  the  heathen.  It  is  everywhere  reported  (he 
probably  means,  though  the  wording  is  loose,  that 
the  scandal  has  spread  far  beyond  Corinth)  that  a 
member  of  the  church  has  taken  his  fathers  wife  as 
his  wife  (or  concubine).  The  father  was  probably 
dead  :  to  have  taken  her  while  he  was  still  aUve 
would  have  so  gravely  aggravated  the  offence  that 
Paul  could  scarcely  have  failed  to  mention  it  explicitly. 
We  cannot  urge  that  Paul  speaks  of  him  in  2  Cor.  7i2 
as  still  ahve,  for  the  language  here  and  in  2  Cor.  25-11* 
does  not  suit  the  case  of  incest.  Here  Paul  is  concerned 
with  the  offence  not  simply  in  itself  but  with  the 
scandal  of  its  toleration  by  the  church  and  its  self- 
complacency  with  regard  to  it.  Nor  does  2  Cor.  I12 
agree  with  Pauls  sohcitude  in  1  Cor.  55  for  the 
offenders  ultimate  .salvation.  Nor  in  a  case  so  grave 
could  he  have  accepted  the  modification  of  his  sen- 
tence suggested  in  2  Cor.  25  and  permitted  him  to  be 
reinstated.  And  obviously  he  could  not  have  treated 
the  church"s  attitude  to  a  sin  so  monstrous  as  a  mere 
test  of  loyalty  (2  Cor.  29),     Moreover,  the  wronged 


I.   CORINTHIANS,  VI.  12-20 


837 


party  of  2  Cor.  felt  the  offence  aa  a  wrong  (7i2) ;  had 
the  case  been  one  of  immorality,  he  could  have  taken 
summary  proceedings  against  a  son  who  ventured  on 
BO  open  a  deiiance  of  his  father's  authority  and  rights. 
Presumably,  then,  the  father  was  dead.  No  sentence 
is  passed  on  the  woman ;  probably  she  was  a  heathen. 
In  spite  of  this  rude  shock  their  inflated  self-esteem  is 
not  abated,  whereas  they  ought  to  have  been  in  deep 
distress,  wliich  should  have  led  them  to  expel  the 
offender.  His  own  attitude  is  diametrically  opposed 
to  theirs.  His  decision  is  already  taken,  lie  did  not 
need  to  be  on  the  spot  to  form  his  judgment  of  conduct 
so  flagrant.  The  matter  must  be  dealt  with  in  solemn 
assembly.  The  church  is  to  be  gathered  together, 
not  left  to  its  own  laxity  in  the  handling  of  the  offence. 
Convoked  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  it  will  be  armed  with 
His  authority.  The  apostle  wiU  himself  be  present, 
though  not  physically.  Then  the  church  must  for- 
maUy  deliver  to  Satan  a  man  guilty  of  conduct  so 
heinous,  in  order  that  the  sinful  principle  may  be 
extirpated,  and  his  spirit  saved  at  the  Second  Coming. 
The  passage  is  difficult.  For  the  importance  of  the 
name  of  Jesus  as  imparting  efficacy  to  the  act,  see 
Gen.  3224-30*.  Paul  will  be  present  in  spirit.  Bodily 
absence  will  not  mean  real  absence  (Col.  25).  He  wiU  be 
actuaUy  present  at  the  meeting.  We  must  not  weaken 
his  words  to  mean  what  we  mean,  when  we  say,  "  I 
cannot  be  there,  but  I  shall  be  with  you  in  spirit." 
Nor  can  we  put  it  in  a  modern  way,  as  if  there  was 
any  thought  of  telepathy.  We  are  moving  here  among 
ideas  which  have  grown  strange  to  us.  The  sentence 
is  probably  one  of  excommunication,  not  of  death 
(p.  649). 

Their  boasting,  Paul  proceeds,  is  unseemly.  For, 
though  one  member  alone  is  guilty,  his  corruption 
contaminates  them  all,  as  the  bit  of  leaven  permeates 
aU  the  dough.  Let  them  purge  out  this  active  centre 
of  infection.  The  Jews  before  the  Passover  searched 
their  houses  very  rigorously  to  remove  every  particle 
of  leaven  from  it.  And  it  is  fitting  that  Christians 
should  do  the  same,  that  they  may  be  actually  what 
they  are  ideally,  without  leaven  of  sin,  for  they  have 
a  Passover,  the  Paschal  victim  being  Christ.  Then 
a  different  turn  is  given  to  the  figure,  the  church, 
represented  in  7  as  a  lump  of  dough,  in  8  is  thought 
of  as  keeping  the  feast  not  with  the  leaven  of  wicked- 
ness but  the  unleavened  bread  of  sincerity.  Some- 
what abruptly  Paul  recalls  the  injunctions  of  a  former 
letter  (perhaps  partially  preserved  in  2  Cor.  614-71), 
forbidding  association  with  those  guilty  of  impurity. 
Apparently  the  church  had  misunderstood  him,  a 
little  wilfully  perhaps,  to  forbid  intercourse  with  all 
such  people,  and  declared  his  demand  to  be  imprac- 
ticable. Paul  assents  ;  they  would  have  to  leave  the 
world  altogether  if  they  were  to  avoid  contact  with 
them  entirely.  He  explains  (ii  read  mg.)  that,  of 
course,  he  meant  members  of  the  church,  adding  those 
guilty  of  several  other  vices  as  men  to  be  boycotted. 
They  ought  not  to  have  misunderstood  him,  he  implies, 
since  obviously  he  had  no  quahfication  for  judging  non- 
Christians  ;  their  own  practice  is  to  judge  Christians 
and  leave  outsiders  to  the  judgment  of  God.  That  is 
their  practice,  but  in  this  case  it  has  fallen  into  abey- 
ance ;  let  them  do  their  duty  and  excommunicate 
the  offender  (Dt.  llyb). 

7b.  This  designation  of  Christ  as  the  Paschal  I^mb 
corroborates  the  Johannine  date  for  the  crucifixion 
(p.  743),  the  death  occurring  when  the  lambs  were 
being  killed  for  the  Passover. — 11.  Idolater:  appa- 
rently some  tried  to  combine  Christianity  with  their 
old  religion. 


VI.  1-11.  The  Scandal  of  Christians  Suing  each 
other  before  Heathen  Tribunals.— Paul  has  prepared 
for  liis  next  rebuke  by  his  reference  to  the  function  of 
the  church  to  judge  its  own  members.  But  alas. 
Christians  are  to  be  found  who  will  go  so  far  as  shame- 
lessly to  carry  their  disputes  with  each  other  before 
a  tribunal  of  the  unrighteous  (what  a  paradox  to  appeal 
for  justice  to  the  unjust  !)  instead  of  submitting  them 
to  their  fellow-Christians.  They  cannot  be  so  ill- 
instructed  as  to  be  unaware  that  Christians  are  to 
judge  the  world  ;  if  so.  they  cannot  be  unfit  to  settle 
such  trumpery  squabbles.  Yes,  if  even  tl.e  angels, 
the  world's  loftiest  order,  are  to  stand  at  their  bar, 
how  much  more  are  they  competent  to  judge  matters 
of  everyday  need  !  When  they  have  such  cases,  they 
actually  set  heathens  to  decide  them,  who  as  such 
are  of  no  account  in  the  estimation  of  the  church. 
The  statement  of  the  fact  should  shame  them.  Is 
their  case  so  desperate  that  there  is  not  one  among 
them  wise  enough  to  arbitrate  ?  so  that  Christian  sues 
Christian,  and  that  before  heathens !  Indeed,  they 
are  to  blame  not  merely  for  having  recourse  to  heathen 
judges,  but  for  going  to  law  with  each  other  at  all. 
Better  far  to  be  wronged  and  defrauded.  But  they 
practise  these  things  rather  than  suffer  them,  and 
that  on  their  brothers.  Then  they  are  unrighteous, 
and  as  such  disqualified  for  inheriting  the  Kingdom  of 
God.  Let  them  beware  of  deluding  themselves  with 
vain  hopes;  the  unchaste,  idolaters,  thieves,  the 
grasping,  the  drunkards,  the  revilers,  the  extortioners 
(c/.  5ii)  will  not  inherit  the  Kingdom.  Such  some  of 
them  had  been,  but  they  had  had  themselves  baptized, 
had  been  made  holy,  been  declared  righteous  in  virtue 
of  Christ's  name  and  the  efficacious  working  of  God's 
Spirit. 

1.  any  of  you;  the  singular  does  not  imply  that 
Paul  knows  only  of  one  case.  7f.  shows  there  are  more. 
— 2.  The  formula,  "  know  ye  not,"  has  occurred  before 
(3i6,  06),  but  in  this  chapter  it  occurs  no  fewer  than 
six  times  (2,  3,  9,  15,  16,  19).  With  all  their  boasted 
knowledge,  are  they  ignorant  of  such  truths  as  these  7 
(Jn.  3io)  ;  one  could  not  have  credited  such  ignorance 
Ijut  for  their  conduct.  That  the  saints  will  judge  the 
earth  is  an  article  of  Jemsh  belief  (Dan.  722,  Wisd.  38, 
Ecclus.  415)  ;  in  Mt.  1928  the  apostles  are  to  judge  the 
twelve  tribes  ;  Rev.  2O4  supplies  a  close  paraUel  to 
om*  passage. — 3.  Angels  are  included  in  "  the  world  " 
(49) ;  the  reference  is  not  exclusively  or  perhaps 
even  primarily  to  evil  angels.  There  are  several 
passages  in  the  NT  which  negative  the  popular  doctrine 
of  angehc  sinlessness,  and  in  this  the  writers  agree 
with  the  contemporary  Jewish  beUef. — 4.  Difficult. 
We  may  take  the  sentence  as  interrogative  with  RV 
and  understand  "those  who  are  of  no  account  in  tho 
church  "  as  heathen  ;  do  you  set  heathen,  whom  as 
such  you  hold  in  no  esteem,  to  judge  ?  Or  we  may 
take  it  as  a  statement  of  what  actually  happens, 
explaining  "those  of  no  account"  either  as  heathen 
judges  (so  above)  or  the  most  insignificant  members 
of  the  church.  Or  wo  may  take  it  as  imperative  (so 
mg.),  the  language  being  sarcastic,  the  least  weighty 
of  your  members  can  deal  with  such  trifles  as  these. — 
11.  Here  again  Paul  humblo,s  the  conceit  of  the  church 
by  recalling  the  moral  degradation  from  which  some 
of  its  members  had  been  rescued. 

VI.  12-20.  Impurity  Is  no  True  Expression  of 
Christian  Freedom,  but  Incompatible  with  the  Believer's 
Union  with  Christ. — Tiic  special  case  of  incest  and  the 
warnings  against  impurity  in  the  last  section  (g{.) 
have  prcparo<l  the  way  for  this  expUoit  and  reasoned 
denunciation.     Impurity  was  defended  on  the  prin- 


838 


I.   CORINTHIANS,  VI.    12-20 


ciple  that  all  things  woro  lawful,  possibly  a  maxim 
in  which  Paul  had  expressed  his  own  doctrine  of 
Christian  freedom.  If  bo,  here,  as  elsewhere,  illegitimate 
inferences  were  drawn  from  his  antinomianism,  here 
to  defend  licence,  elsewhere  to  discredit  his  doctrine 
of  freedom  by  exhibiting  its  moral  dangers.  More 
probably  the  maxim  was  coined  by  those  who  defended 
licentiousness  ;  Paul  opposes  to  it  the  counter-maxim, 
"All  things  are  not  expedient,"  i.e.  there  are  things 
wliich  involve  moral  and  spiritual  loss.  "  All  are 
lawful,'  he  repeats,  retorting  :  *'  Yes,  but  if  they  are 
at  my  disposal,  they  shall  not  dispose  of  me  ;  no  habit 
shall  make  mo  its  slave  ;  slavery  is  what  your  boasted 
'freedom  '  really  means.'"  Next  he  quotes  an  analogy 
by  which  impurity  was  defended,  the  organs  involvci! 
are,  in  fact,  fulfilling  their  natural  function,  just  as 
properly  as  the  belly  in  receiving  food.  He  replies 
that  the  belly  is  but  a  temporary  organ  fitted  to  this 
sphere  of  existence  not  to  the  Kingdom  of  God  (loso)  ; 
it  will  disapi^ar  as  completely  as  the  meats  it  con- 
sumes and  (Ugests  (Col.  22 if.).  The  retort  might  be 
made  that  the  sexual  organs  belonged  similarly  jusi 
to  this  lower  order  (Mk.  I225),  their  gratification  there- 
fore was  as  legitimate  as  the  gratification  of  the 
appetite  for  food.  Paul  does  not  state  this,  nor  as  yet 
explicitly  meet  it.  He  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  body  ; 
the  relationship  of  the  body  to  the  Lord  is  as  com- 
pletely reciprocal  as  that  of  meats  for  the  belly.  But 
in  the  one  case  the  end  is  destruction,  in  the  other 
permanence.  The  perishable  has  no  such  moral  signi- 
ficance as  the  abiding  ;  the  immortality  of  the  Lord 
(Rom.  69)  involves  the  imraortahty  of  the  body. 
The  body,  therefore,  as  belonging  to  Christ  and  destined 
for  immortaUty,  must  be  used  in  harmony  with  its 
lofty  destiny  ;  "impurity  and  Christ  are  utterly  incom- 
patible, the  body  cannot  be  dedicated  to  both.  Speak- 
ing more  concretely  he  now  refers  (15-17)  to  the  partner 
of  the  sin  rather  than  to  the  sin  itself.  The  primal 
law  of  marriage  (Gen.  224)  afiinns  that  husband  and 
wife  are  "  one  flesh."  And  this  is  true  of  illicit  unions, 
the  man  and  his  paramour  become  in  the  act  one  flesh, 
his  members  become  hers.  But  in  the  case  of  Christians 
their  bodies  are  the  Lord's  members  ;  what  impious 
desecration  to  make  them  members  of  a  harlot !  He 
who  is  joined  to  the  Lord  in  mystical  union  (in  this 
context  and  in  this  sentence  the  union  must  obviously 
be  mystical  not  merely  ethical),  coalesces  into  a  single 
spirit  with  Him.  Paul  now  touches  the  principle 
which  justified  him  in  speaking  of  the  body  rather 
than  the  specific  organs  in  reply  to  the  analogy  from 
the  belly.  Fornication  involves  the  body  itself  in  a 
sense  in  which  no  other  sin  does,  not  even  if  it  be  c\ 
physical  sin  like  gluttony  or  drunkenness.  It  is 
sacrilege  against  the  temple  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and 
implies  a  claim  to  dispose  of  himself  which  no  Christian 
can  make.  He  does  not  belong  to  himself,  he  has 
been  bought  with  a  price.  We  have  Pagan  inscrip- 
tions from  Delphi  in  which  the  manumission  of  a  slave 
is  represented  as  his  purchase  by  the  god  with  a  view 
to  his  freedom  (GaL  5i).  The  price  here  is  no  doubt 
the  death  of  Christ  (1  P.  Ii8f.),  but  the  metaphor  of 
ransom  must  not  be  pressed,  else  the  question  arises, 
as  in  patristic  theology,  "To  whom  was  the  ransom 
paid  ?  "  It  is  most  unlikely  that  Paul  thought  of  the 
answer,  for  many  centuries  so  popular,  that  since 
the  devil  was  man's  master  the  price  must  have  been 
paid  to  him.  The  stress  lies  on  the  fact  that  they 
have  been  set  free  from  the  old  bondage.  But  Christian 
freedom  is  bondage  to  Christ,  whose  slave  Paul  de- 
lights to  call  himself. 
VII.  Problems  as  to  Marriage.  Celibacy,  and  Divorce. 


— At  this  point  Paul  takes  up  a  letter  sent  by  the 
Corinthian  church  inviting  his  judgment  on  various 
questions,  apparently  indicating  their  own  views  with 
some  self-satisfactioiL  The  reply  probably  follows  the 
order  of  the  letter,  not  only  as  to  the  subjects  in 
general,  but  the  different  branches  of  them.  This 
explains  the  somewhat  haphazard  development  of  the 
subject  in  this  chapter.  (On  the  questions  discussed, 
see  p.  650.)  The  view  put  forward  in  the  letter  was 
that  ceUbacy  should  be  practised  in  the  church.  Such 
a  view  was  not  uimatural  in  a  city  so  foul  as  Corinth. 

1  -7.  Paul  begins  by  asserting  his  own  personal  prefer- 
ence for  absolute  continence.  But  he  recognises  that  this 
is  a  counsel  of  perfection.  Accordinglj'  he  recommends 
marriage  so  that  unchastity  may  be  prevented,  and 
marriage,  of  course,  in  the  form  of  monogamy  (2). 
And  this  must  be  a  real  marriage,  in  which  the  physical 
obhgations  of  each  to  the  other  are  duly  observed, 
for  in  this  matter  both  belong  not  to  themselves  but 
to  CEich  other.  So  neither  may  withhold  from  the 
other  the  marriage  due  unless  by  mutual  agreement 
if  they  feel  that  they  will  thus  be  more  unc&stracted 
for  prayer  (c/.  Testament  of  Naphtali,  88,  "  And  a 
season  to  abstain  therefrom  for  his  prayer");  but 
such  periods  of  abstinence  should  not  be  prolonged 
or  Satan  will  tempt  them  to  seek  satisfaction  else- 
where. He  says  this,  however,  by  way  of  concession, 
not  injunction.  It  is  unfortunately  not  clear  to  what 
"  this  "  refers.  The  term  "  concession  "  suggests  that 
it  is  concession  to  weakness,  and  this  is  supported 
by  7.  The  point  might  then  be,  I  should  prefer  that 
your  abstinence  should  be  permanent  not  temporary. 
This  is  very  improbable  ;  Paul  regarded  the  danger 
of  incontinence  as  too  serious  to  run  the  risk  such 
advice  would  imply.  Besides,  the  language  had  been 
that  of  definite  injunction.  It  is  more  probable  that 
he  is  referring  to  his  general  advice  on  the  subject. 
On  the  whole,  however,  it  seems  best  to  take  it  as 
referring  to  the  abstinence  ;  the  concession  is  to  the 
view  urged  in  the  church  letter.  He  does  not,  in  the 
interests  of  the  reUgious  Ufe,  ordain  that  such  seasons 
should  be  observed,  but  he  is  willing  to  make  the 
exception  to  the  rule,  provided  it  can  be  done  with- 
out moral  risk.  He  would,  of  course,  prefer,  he  con- 
tinues, that  all  men  had  his  own  gift  of  continence. 
But  there  is  diversity  of  gifts,  and  that  by  God's  ap- 
pointment, so  that  regulations  must  be  governed  not 
by  personal  preferences  but  by  the  hard  facts  of  the 
situation. 

8-24.  He  now  passes  on  to  special  classes.  First, 
those  who  are  unmarried  or  have  lost  their  partners. 
It  would  be  best  for  them  to  follow  Pauls  example 
and  remain  as  they  are.  But  if  they  have  not  the  gift 
of  continence,  it  would  be  better  to  marry  than  to  be 
inflamed  with  illicit  desire.  The  married  must  abide 
in  the  married  state,  as  Jesus  Himself  commanda  If 
the  wife  should  leave  her  husband,  she  must  refrain 
from  contracting  a  new  union,  or,  if  she  feels  she  must 
have  a  man  to  live  with,  she  must  make  it  up  with 
her  husband  Similarly,  the  husband  must  not  desert 
the  wife.  So  much  for  the  case  where  both  are  Chris- 
tians. But  for  the  cases  where  one  is  a  heathen,  no 
command  of  Jesus  can  be  quoted.  If  the  heathen  is 
willing  to  continue  the  relationship,  the  Christian  is 
not  to  dissolve  it.  It  was  natural  for  a  Christian  to 
feel  that  the  continuance  of  the  relation  involved  de- 
filement and  made  the  memher  of  Christ  unclean. 
Paul  replies  that  the  relation  works  in  the  opposite 
waj'.  The  unbeliever  does  not  defile  the  Christian, 
the  Christian  consecrates  the  unbeliever.  Were  this 
not  the  case,  were  heathen  uncloanness  more  potent 


I.   CORINTHIANS,   VII.    25-40 


839 


than  Christian  holiness,  the  offspring  of  the  marriage 
must  be  unclean,  springing  from  parents  both  unclean, 
one  intrinsically,  the  other  by  contamination.  But 
the  children,  so  Paul  asserts  without  argument,  are 
holy,  and  this  involves  the  holiness  of  the  parents. 
The  conception  of  "  holiness "  here  is  not  ethical, 
ultimately  it  is  primitive  (p.  196).  The  unbehever, 
apart  from  anj'  co-operation  on  his  part  and  simply 
in  virtue  of  the  marriage  with  a  believer,  is  sanctifiea, 
even  if  he  remains  an  unbeliever  ;  he  is  not  placed  by 
it  in  a  state  of  salvation,  this  remains  very  problemati- 
cal (i6).  To  primitive  thought  hohness  and  unclean- 
ness  are  ahke  infectious.  The  circle  of  ideas  is  strange 
to  us,  and  should  not  be  modernised.  The  unbeliever 
may,  however,  abandon  the  Christian.  In  that  case, 
the  latter  is  to  hold  the  tie  no  longer  binding  nor 
seek  to  maintain  a  relationship  in  which  peace  cannot 
be  preserved,  all  the  more  that  the  sacrifice  may  not 
lead  to  the  other's  salvation.  The  general  rule  which 
Paul  lays  down  in  all  his  churches  apphes  here,  let 
each  continue  in  his  Divinely-appointed  position.  If 
he  has  become  a  Christian  while  circumcised,  let  him 
not  seek  to  obhterate  the  marks  and  adopt  the  Gentile 
mode  of  Life ;  if  uncircumcised  let  him  not  accept  the 
obhgations  of  circumcision.  For  circumcision  and  un- 
circumcision  have  no  intrinsic  worth,  what  matters 
is  to  keep  God's  commandments.  The  rule  "  stay 
where  you  are "  applies  to  the  slave,  he  must  not 
trouble  about  his  position  ;  though  if  he  can  become 
free  he  should  use  the  opportunity  of  freedom  (p.  6.50). 
He  should  not  make  a  trouble  of  his  slavery,  for  the 
slave  who  becomes  a  Christian  is  thereby  made  Chrisfs 
slave.  All  alike  have  been  bought  with  a  price,  as 
the  purchase  of  God  let  them  not  make  men  their 
masters.  It  is  quite  unceitain  to  what  Paul  is  allud- 
ing in  236;  after  2in  it  sounds  strange.  Presumably 
the  meaning  is  that  the  Christian  should,  as  one  who 
calls  Christ  his  master,  refuse  to  become  enslaved  to 
merely  human  standards.  The  Jew  who  had  the 
operation  for  effacing  the  marks  of  circumcision  (i8a), 
that  he  might  escape  Gentile  mockery,  the  Gentile 
who  submitted  to  circumcision  (186)  to  conciliate 
Jewish  prejudice,  are  equally  in  his  mind  with  the 
slave  whom  he  has  just  been  addressing.  Bondage  to 
Christ  emancipates  a  man  from  bondage  to  human 
opinion  ;  servile  conformity  is  unworthj'  of  the  inde- 
pendence He  confers. 

8.  widows:  perhaps  we  should  read  "widowers" 
(so  H.  Bois),  since  "  unmarried  "  seems  to  be  strictly 
masculine,  and  not  to  include  women,  and  Paul  has 
&  special  section  on  "  virgins  "  in  25-40. — 10a.  Cf. 
Mt.  532,  199,  Mk.  IO9,  Lk.  I618.— 15.  is  not  under 
bondage:  is  not  bound  by  Chrisfs  regulation  to 
oppose  the  separation.  Paul  need  not  mean  that 
the  deserted  Christian  is  free  to  marry  again,  desertion 
annulling  the  marriage.  Still  he  may  mean  this. — 
16.  Some  think  Paul  means  that  the  Christian  should 
stay  with  the  heathen  in  hope  of  securing  the  latter"s 
salvation  ;  in  this  case,  we  should  render  "  thou  shalt 
not  save."  But  this  should  have  followed  13  ;  in  its 
present  position  it  means  that  the  Christian  should 
not  in  the  very  problematic  hope  of  winning  the 
heathen  for  Christ,  persist  in  maintaining  a  situation 
leading  not  to  peace,  the  Christian's  vocation,  but  to 
mutual  exasperation. — 19.  Cf.  Gal.  56,  615,  Col.  3ii. 

25-40.  Paul  now  passes  to  the  case  of  virains,  on 
which  the  church  had  invited  his  judgment.  The 
section  is  one  of  peculiar  difficulty.  It  is  generally 
thought  that  Paul  is  dealing  with  the  relations  of  a 
father  (or  guardian)  to  the  marriage  of  his  daughter 
(or  ward).     The  decision  whether  the  maiden  should 


be  maiTied.  and  if  so  to  whom,  rested  with  the  father. 
In  that  case  his  general  principle  holds  good  that 
in  view  of  the  impending  distress  it  is  bettor  for  no 
new  ties  to  be  created.  But  if  any  father  (or  guardian) 
thinks  tliat  he  is  acting  in  an  unseemly  way  towards 
his  daughter  (or  ward),  she  being  of  an  age  to  marry 
and  her  nature  imperiously  demanding  it,  he  is  at 
hberty  to  carry  out  liis  desire,  he  does  not  sin  in  doing 
so,  let  the  maiden  and  her  suitor  marry.  But  if  there 
be  no  such  compulsion  in  the  case,  and  he  has  made 
up  his  mind  not  to  give  her  in  maiTiage,  his  deci-sion 
is  to  be  commended.  He  docs  well  if  he  gives  her  in 
marriage,  but  better  if  he  does  not.  But  this  inter- 
pretation is  exposed  to  serious  objections,  (a)  Paul 
is  dealing  with  the  case  of  virgins ;  but  he  begins  by 
saying  what  is  good  for  a  man  (26-280),  and  reverts 
to  this  in  32f.  (h)  It  is  curious  that  he  should  twice 
assert  that  the  marriage  is  not  sinful  (28,  36)  :  since 
marriage  was  not  regarded  as  sinful  in  itself,  the  case 
in  question  seems  to  have  had  exceptional  features 
which  made  the  view  that  sin  was  involved  plausible. 
But  on  the  usual  interpretation  the  marriage  was  quite 
normal,  (c)  If  Paul  had  in  mind  the  relationship  of 
a  father  to  his  daughter,  it  is  strange  that  he  does  not 
speak  of  father  and  daughter.  This  difficulty  is  miti- 
gated but  not  removed  by  the  reply  that  his  language 
is  indefinite  because  he  wishes  to  include  the  relation- 
ship of  guardian  and  ward.  Since  the  father  was  the 
usual  guardian,  it  would  have  been  proper  to  speak 
simply  of  that  relationship,  leaving  the  other  case  to 
be  understood,  (d)  The  phrase  "  act  unseemly," 
while  possible,  is  not  a  natural  one  to  use  of  the  father's 
conduct,  (e)  If  Paul  has  been  speaking  of  father  and 
daughter,  "  let  them  marry  "  is  harsh,  since  the  ante- 
cedent has  to  be  suppUed.  (/)  "  Daughter "  is  not 
expressed  in  the  Gr.,  which  is  hterally  "  his  virgin  "' 
in  36,  "  his  own  virgin  "  in  37  and  38.  The  former  is 
a  remarkable,  the  latter  an  amazing,  expression  for 
"his  unmarried  daughter."  These  difficulties  dis- 
appear if  Paul  is  deahng  with  a  spiritual  mairiajie  in 
which  a  man  and  woman  united  in  taking  a  vow  of 
continence.  This  practice  is  known  as  far  back  as 
the  second  century,  and  at  a  later  period  gave  rise 
to  serious  scandal,  since  the  man  and  woman  often 
lived  in  the  same  house.  Paul  favoui-s  the  fulfilment 
of  the  vow,  but  advises  marriage  in  case  the  man's 
weakness  in  self-control  is  likely  to  precipitate  moral 
disaster.  This  gives  a  coherent  interpretation  of  the 
passage.  It  is  exposed  to  two  difficulties.  One  is 
that  it  requires  the  rendering  "  marry "  instead  of 
"give  in  marriage  "  in  38.  Achelis  accepts  the  usual 
rendering,  but  supposes  Paul  to  ad^^se  that  the  man 
in  the  condition  described  in  36  should  determine  the 
situation  by  giving  the  ^■^rgin  in  marriage  to  someone 
el.se.  This  is  wholly  unnatural ;  the  obvious  and  proper 
advice  would  be  that  the  man  and  his  virgin  should 
marry,  which  is  indeed  suggested  by  36.  If  the  usual 
rendering  is  necessary,  wo  must  either  set  aside  alto- 
gether the  reference  to  a  spiritual  marriage,  or  suppose 
that  38  is  a  later  insertion,  for  which  we  have  no 
warrant.  But  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  rendering 
"  marry  "  is  loiritiraatc.  The  other  objection  is  of  a 
more  general  character.  We  have  no  evidence  that 
the  custom  originated  so  early,  and,  if  it  had,  would 
Paul  have  sanctioned  a  relationship  so  fraught  with 
possibilities  of  moral  peril  ?  Our  ignorance  .as  to  the 
origin  of  many  things  should  make  us  chary  of  pressing 
the  former  point.  As  to  the  latter,  we  must  beware 
of  viewing  the  institution  through  the  scandals  which 
later  discredited  it.  With  Pauls  strong  preference 
for  celibacy,  pledges  to  observe  it  might  seem  praise- 


840 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  VII.  25-40. 


worthy,  and  that  a  man  and  woman  should  combine 
for  mutual  encouragement  in  such  a  pledge  would  seem 
perhaps  not  unfitting.  The  moral  peril  would  be  met 
by  the  possibiUty  of  marriage  in  case  the  strain  on 
continence  became  too  severe.  And  wo  must  not 
underrate  the  elemental  force  of  primitive  enthusiasm, 
or  too  hastily  apply  to  the  church  of  the  first  century 
our  own  standards  of  what  is  fitting. 

Paul  has  no  word  of  Jesus  to  settle  the  matter, 
but  gives  his  opinion  as  one  endowed  through 
Christ's  mercy  with  a  judgment  worthy  of  trust.  The 
impending  trouble,  "  tlie  woes  of  the  Messiah  "  which 
are  to  usher  in  the  new  era,  makes  any  change  of  state 
undesirable.  Let  the  married  and  the  single  remain 
as  they  are.  It  is  accordingly  best  that  the  intention 
to  continue  in  the  relationship  in  question  should  be 
carried  out.  Still,  if  the  man  marries,  he  has  not 
sinned,  nor  yet  the  virgin.  They  will  suffer  in  the 
troubles  that  are  coming,  and  he  would  guard  them 
from  this.  The  interval  that  will  elapse  before  the 
Second  Coming  is  cut  short.,  so  that  all  human  ties 
and  relationships  should  bo  held  with  indifference — 
marriage,  mourning,  merriment,  purcliase  ;  the  world 
must  be  used,  but  not  to  the  full,  for  it  is  a  fleeting 
show.  In  such  a  situation  they  should  be  free  from 
distractions.  In  the  unmarried  state  interest  can  be 
concentrated  on  the  Lords  affairs,  but  the  married 
man  is  preoccupied  with  secular  matters  and  considera- 
tion for  his  wife  and  is  distracted.  The  unmarried 
woman  and  the  virgin  are  preoccupied  with  the  things 
of  the  Lord,  to  maintain  body  and  s])irit  holy  alike  ; 
the  wife  is  preoccupied  with  secular  affairs  and  the 
pleasing  of  her  husband.  Paul  says  this  for  their 
advantage,  not  to  put  constraint  {mg.)  upon  them,  but 
to  secure  what  is  seemly,  and  undistracted  concentra- 
tion on  service  for  the  Lord.  However,  if  in  any 
instance  the  man  feels  that  he  may  bo  guilty  of  an 
offence  against  the  virgin's  chastity,  if  he  is  troubled 
with  excess  of  virility  and  his  nature  demands  marriage, 
he  may  carry  out  the  desire  without  sin,  let  them  get 
married  (36).  But  if  he  is  firm  in  purpose  and  driven 
by  no  such  necessity,  and  is  gifted  with  self-control 
and  resolved  to  keep  his  virgin  partner  intact,  he  will 
do  well  (37).  If  he  marries  her  he  will  do  well,  if  he 
refrains  from  marriage  he  will  do  better  still  (38). 
Finally,  a  word  as  to  widows.  A  woman  cannot 
marry  a  second  husband  till  her  present  husband  is 
dead  ;  then  she  may  marry  any  man  she  lilies,  pro- 
vided that  ho  is  a  Christian.  His  judgment,  however, 
as  one  who  possesses  the  Spirit  (as  much  as  those  who 
lay  claim  to  it)  is  that  she  would  do  better  to  remain 
as  she  is. 

33f.  The  text  is  very  uncertain.  Probably  we 
should  accept  the  second  ing.  ;  "  divided  "  means  dis- 
tracted between  the  two  claims.  The  unmarried  woman 
is  distinguished  from  the  virgin,  the  latter  meaning 
one  dedicated  to  the  celibate  life. 

VIII.-XL  1.  Meats  Oflered  to  Idols.— This  also  seems 
to  have  been  ono  of  the  inquiries  addressed  to  Paul, 
with  the  views  of  the  church  expoimded  to  him  in  a 
self-complacent  spirit.  For  a  discussion  of  the  whole 
question,  see  i)p.  (loltf. 

VIII.  Let  Those  who  Have  Knowledge  Control  Its 
Exercise  by  Love,  lest  they  Ruin  their  Brother  for 
whom  Christ  Died. —  I'aul  begins  with  a  quotation 
from  the  church  letter.  Thoy  claim  that  all  have 
knowledge.  Yes.  hut  knowledge  makes  men  con- 
ceited, love  develops  and  consolidates  them.  They 
who  fancy  that  they  know  have  no  right  knowledge  ; 
he  who  loves  God  is  known  by  God.  a  better  knowledge 
than  any  of  his  own.     However,  all  are  aware  that  no 


idol  has  any  real  exi.stence  and  that  there  is  only  one 
God.  For,  allowing  that  there  are  so-called  gods,  as  in 
truth  there  are  many  gods  and  lords  (i.e.  the  demons), 
yet  Christians  recognise  one  God,  the  Father,  source 
of  all  things  and  their  own  goal,  and  one  Lord,  Jesua 
Christ,  the  efficient  agent  in  creation  and  in  their  own 
redemption.  Yet  those  who  are  without  such  know- 
ledge, when  they  eat  the  idol  sacrifice,  are  dominated 
by  the  old  point  of  view,  and  their  conscience,  readily 
troubled  by  morbid  sci-uples,  is  stained.  Food  will 
not  inHuence  God  s  decision  at  the  Judgment.  But 
freedom  from  such  scruples  may  lead  to  disregard  of 
the  weak,  who,  when  ho  sees  the  "  intellectual  "  com- 
placently reclining  at  the  temple  banquet,  will  become 
progressive  enougn  to*  eat,  against  his  own  conscience, 
the  idol  food.  Impatient  lack  of  consideration  ruins 
tho  weak  brother  and  is  a  sin  against  Christ.  Paul 
would  never  touch  Hesh  again  rather  than  gratify 
himself  at  such  ruinous  cost  to  others, 

2.  So  Socrates  recognised  that  he  was  wiser  than 
others,  in  that  while  all  alike  knew  nothing,  he  alone 
was  aware  of  his  ignorance. — 3.  Note  the  unexpected 
turn  of  thought.  He  does  not  say.  By  love  we  know 
God  ;  God's  knowledge  of  us  is  so  much  greater  a 
certainty,  so  much  firmer  a  ground  of  consolation  and 
assurance.  —  Qb.  Here  essentially  the  Christology  of 
Colossians  is  imphed. 

IX.  This  chapter  is  not  a  digression,  and  is  not 
primarily  concerned  with  a  vindication  of  Paul's 
apostohc  status  and  rights.  He  enforces  his  plea  that 
the  enUghtened  should  not  ride  roughshod  over  scruples 
they  despised,  by  liis  own  refusal  to  insist  on  his 
apostohc  rights.  He  too  was  free,  was  an  apostle, 
had  received  his  commission  from  the  risen  Lord,  his 
apostleship  to  the  Corinthians  was  indubitably^  attested 
by  liis  work  among  them.  He  (?  and  his  colleagues) 
may  accept  maintenance,  travel  with  a  Christian  wife 
like  other  apostles  and  the  Lord's  brethren.  Must 
he  and  Barnabas  alone  be  compelled  to  work  for  their 
living  ?  That  would  bo  against  human  precedent, 
against  the  Law  also,  for  by  its  prohibition  of  muzzling 
the  ox  as  ho  treads  out  the  corn  on  the  tliieshing-floor, 
God  meant  that  tho  preachers  of  the  Gospel  should  be 
supported  in  return  for  their  work.  If  the  Corinthians 
profited  by  tho  apostohc  sowing,  it  is  no  extravagant 
claim  that  the  apostles  shall  reap  some  material 
advantage  from  them.  They  have  a  prior  right.  But 
they  make  no  use  of  it,  that  their  alleged  self-seeking 
may  not  hinder  the  progress  of  tho  Gospel.  Temple 
attendants  get  their  living  from  the  Temple,  altar 
attendants  their  share  from  the  sacrifices.  The  Lord 
laid  it  down  (Mt.  lOio,  Lk.  IO7)  that  preachers  should 
be  maintained  by  their  preaching.  But  Paul  has 
waived  the  principle,  and  does  not  mention  it  to 
insinuate  a  claim  for  support,  he  would  rather  die 
than  make  void  his  proud  boast  of  independence.  He 
does  not  boast  of  his  preaching ;  that  is  not  a  vocation 
ho  has  chosen,  but  one  imposed  on  liim  by  tho  will 
of  God.  If  he  had  voluntarily  adopted  the  calUng  he 
would  have  had  a  right  to  reward.  But  since  God 
has  forced  it  on  him,  ho  has  a  stewardship,  and  as 
God's  slave  has  no  right  to  payment.  The  pay  which 
he  claims  is  to  renounce  his  title  to  support.  Free 
from  all  control,  ho  had  yet  become  the  slave  of  all  to 
win  tho  more.  To  Jews  he  became  as  a  Jew,  to  those 
under  tho  Law  ho  became  as  they  were,  although  he 
was  free,  to  those  without  law  as  they  were  also, 
though  under  law  to  Christ,  to  tho  weak  similarly  : 
yes,  everything  to  everybody,  to  gain  converts  by 
every  method.  He  does  all  for  the  Gospels  sake  that 
ho  may  bo  a  joint  partaker  with  his  converts  in  its 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  XI.  2-16 


84] 


blessings.  What  efEort  is  needed  to  achieve  that 
result !  In  the  races  all  the  competitors  run,  but  only 
one  wins  the  prize.  Let  them  run  so  as  to  win,  exer- 
cising, hke  the  athletes,  self-control  at  every  point, 
and  for  no  corruptible  crown  like  theirs.  He  himself 
runs  the  unswerving  race  ;  he  boxes,  landing  every 
blow  on  the  antagonist ;  he  beats  his  body  black  and 
blue  (Lk.  I85  mg.*)  and  leads  it  about  as  his  slave, 
lest,  having  preached  to  others,  he  should  miss  the 
prize  himself. 

6.  As  we  should  infer  also  from  Col.  4io,  2  Tim.  4ii, 
Paul  and  Barnabas  were  not  permanently  estranged 
by  their  quarrel  about  Mark  (Ac.  I536-39). — 9f.  Paul 
seems  to  moan  that  the  allegorical  interpretation  was 
that  originally  and  exclusively  intended. 

X.  1-13.  From  this  exposition  of  his  own  willing- 
ness to  waive  his  rights  for  the  sake  of  others,  closing 
with  the  solemn  warning  that  the  goal  might  be  missed 
after  all,  Paul  returns  to  his  main  theme,  the  meats 
offered  to  idols.  He  does  not  handle  it  directly  in 
1-13  but  it  is  clearly  in  his  mind.  He  begins  by  re- 
calUng  the  case  of  the  Hebrews  in  the  wilderness  (Heb. 
37-413),  pointing  the  warning  he  di-aws  from  it  by  the 
reminder  that  their  o\vn  fathers  (for  the  readers, 
though  Gentile,  belong  to  the  true  Israel,  Gal.  616) 
possessed  in  a  sense  the  saci'aments  of  baptism  and  the 
Eucharist  ;  and  yet  the  majority  were  destroyed,  how 
grave  a  warning  !  They  were  all  (five  times  in  1-4) 
under  the  cloud  (Ps.  IO539,  cf.  Ex.  132i)  and  passed 
through  the  Red  Sea,  and  thus  baptized  themselves 
for  Moses  in  the  water  of  cloud  and  sea.  They  ate  the 
same  food  and  drank  the  same  drink,  both  manna  and 
the  water  from  the  rock  being  endowed  with  a  spiritual 
quality.  For  the  rock  which  followed  them  was  a 
spiritual,  not  merely  a  material  rock  ;  it  was  the  pre- 
oxistent  Christ,  with  whom  they  were  thus  brought 
into  a  communion  similar  to  that  enjoyed  by  Chris- 
tians in  the  Eucharist.  Paul  is  here  giving  us  a  piece 
of  rabbinism.  We  have  a  double  narrative  of  the 
smiting  of  the  rock  (Ex.  17,  Nu.  2O2-13).  The  localities 
being  different  and  the  identity  of  the  rock  being 
assumed,  the  legend  of  the  water- bearing  rock  that 
followed  them  easily  originated.  It  was  confirmed 
by  combining  with  this  the  Song  of  the  Well  (Nu.  21 
16-18)  and  explaining  that  the  well  was  bidden  spring 
from  the  wilderness  to  Mattanah.  Such  a  rock  bo- 
longed  to  the  supernatural  order,  and  from  the  thought 
that  it  was  animated  by  an  angel,  Paul  easily  advanced 
to  the  identification  with  Christ.  Yet  God  was 
angered  with  most  of  them  so  that  all,  except  Joshua 
and  Caleb,  strewed  the  sands  of  the  desert.  Let  them 
profit  by  the  example  and  not  lust  after  the  flesh  of 
sacrifice  as  the  Hebrews  did  after  the  flesh-pots  of 
Egypt  (Nu.  11)  ;  or  be  idolaters,  as  they  went  on 
from  feasting  to  idolatrous  dancing  and  revelry 
(Ex.  326)  ;  or  guilty  of  impurity  (so  constantly  asso- 
ciated with  idolatry)  which  led  to  the  death  of  23,000 
(Nu.  25i-<j,  actually  24,000)  ;  or  presume  on  God's 
forbearance  as  those  who  were  destroyed  by  serpents 
(Nu.  2I4-6)  ;  or  murmur  as  those  smitten  by  the 
angelic  destroyer  (Nu.  I641-50).  The  record  is  for 
their  benefit  who  live  where  tliis  age  and  the  age  to 
come  meet  (the  terminal  point  of  one  is  immediately 
followed  by  the  initial  point  of  the  other,  hence  the 
plural  'ends  ').  Let  them  beware  of  over-confidence 
in  their  stability.  So  far  only  human  temptations 
have  befallen  them  such  as  man  can  bear ;  how 
terrible  the  prospect  were  they  to  bo  plied  with  sui)er- 
human  temptations  ;  but  (Jod  will  protect  them  from 
this,  giving  with  the  temptation  the  issue,  that  they 
may  hold  out. 


X.  14-22.  Paul  now  deals  directly  with  the  problem 
of  idol  sacrifice.  Ho  appeals  to  the  analogy  of  the 
Supper.  The  Eucharistic  cup  brings  the  worshipper  into 
fellowship  with  Christ's  blood,  the  loaf  into  fellowship 
with  His  body.  Participating  in  tlie  one  loaf  the  many 
worshippers  become  one.  So  the  eating  of  the  Israelite 
sacrifices  effects  communion  with  the  altar  (so  Philo, 
not  OT).  Let  these  analogies  be  applied.  Neither 
the  sacrifice  nor  the  idol  are  real.  But  the  sacrifices 
are  offered  to  the  demons  not  to  God  (Dt.  32i7),  and 
thus  bring  the  participants  into  fellowship  with 
demons.  This  involves  an  intolerable  incompatibiUty  ; 
they  cannot  combine  the  Lord's  cup  and  table  with 
those  of  the  demons.  What  madness  to  rouse  the 
Lord's  jealousy  by  giving  Him  such  a  rival  (Dt.  322i)  ! 
are  "  the  strong  "  stronger  than  He  ? 

X.  23-XI.  1.  From  the  meal  in  the  idol's  temple 
Paul  passes  to  the  question  as  it  arose  in  daily  life.  He 
repeats  that  while  all  might  be  lawful  all  was  not 
expedient  (612)  or  tended  to  edify.  Each  must  study 
his  brother's  interest  rather  than  his  own.  What 
was  exposed  for  sale  in  the  meat  market  might  be 
freely  bought  without  question  as  to  its  antecedents, 
for  it  belonged  to  God.  If  they  accepted  a  heathen's 
invitation  (Paul  does  not  encourage  them  to  do  so), 
they  should  similarly  eat  without  question.  But  if 
anyone  volunteers  the  information  that  certain  food 
has  been  offered  in  sacrifice,  they  should  abstain. 
Perhaps  the  weak  brother  is  the  informer,  though  he 
would  not  be  likely  to  accept  the  invitation  or  be  in 
a  position  to  make  this  definite  statement.  It  may 
quite  well  be  a  heathen,  possibly  the  host  who  would 
best  know  the  origin  of  the  meat.  If  so,  he  saves  his 
Christian  guest  from  violating  his  principles.  He 
assumes  that  he  will  have  a  conscientious  objection 
to  such  food.  The  Chiistian  may  really  have  no  such 
sci-uples,  and  could,  therefore,  take  the  meat  freely. 
But  the  heathen  would  inevitably  regard  him  as  untrue 
to  his  convictions  and  pla3Tng  fast  and  loose  with 
reUgion.  And  this  will  prejudice  him  against  Chris- 
tianity, but  it  may  also  blunt  his  own  conscience  to 
see  conscience  thus  apparently  flouted.  Another's 
conscience  must  not  be  made  the  measure  of  one's  own, 
nor  can  one  be  censured  for  eating  food  over  which 
thanks  has  been  pronounced.  All  must  be  done  to 
God's  glory  without  placing  a  hindrance  before  the 
Jews,  heathen,  or  Christians,  just  as  Paul  seeks  the 
profit  of  others  for  their  salvation,  so  they  should  make 
him  their  pattern,  as  he  makes  Chi-ist  his  own. 

XL  2-16.  Women  must  be  Veiled  in  the  Christian 
Assemblies. — It  is  not  clear  whether  this  subject  was 
discussed  in  the  church  letter. 

Paul  begins,  in  a  way  that  surprises  us  aft«r  his 
grave  censures,  with  praise  for  their  steadfast  adher- 
ence to  his  teaching  and  traditions.  But  he  must 
inform  them  that  the  head  of  everj'  man  (as  distin- 
guished from  woman)  is  Clirist,  the  head  of  the  woman 
is  man,  the  head  of  Christ,  God.  Woman,  Man, 
Christ,  God,  form  an  ascending  chmax  in  which  the 
second  stands  to  the  first,  as  the  third  to  the  second, 
and  the  fourth  to  the  third.  The  precise  meaning  is 
not  clear.  Headsliip  suggests  lordship,  but  Christ  is 
lord  of  woman  as  well  as  man.  Perhaps  the  thought 
is  rather  that  of  archetype  and  origin.  Christ  is  the 
image  of  God  and  derives  His  being  from  Him,  so 
man  is  related  to  Christ,  and  woman  to  man.  In  each 
case  there  is.  of  course,  a  differentiating  element. 
Man  ha«  a  primary,  woman  a  secondary,  relation  to 
Christ,  man  a  secondary,  woman  a  tertiary,  relation 
to  God.  We  are  reminded  of  Milton's  similar  deprecia- 
tion, "  He  for  God  only,  she  for  God  in  him."     4f.  con- 

27a 


842 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  XI.  2-16 


nects  rather  badlj'  with  3  since  we  naturally  interpret 
'■  dishonoureth  liis  (her)  head'"  to  mean  dishonours 
Christ  (or  the  man).  But  what  follows  forhids  this. 
The  meaning  must  be  that  the  man  who  veils  his  head 
for  prayer  or  prophepj-insr,  dishonours  it,  and  the 
woman  who  unveiJs  it  dishonours  hers.  The  man 
dishonours  it  by  suggesting  that  he  is  under  authority, 
whereas  he  is  supreme  of  created  beings.  The  woman, 
because  to  disi)ense  with  a  veil  is  no  better  than  to 
cut  olT  the  hair  altogether.  The  latter  was  the  punish- 
ment of  an  adulteress  ;  the  absence  of  tho  veil  would 
euL'gest  that  the  woman  was  of  easy  virtue.  Man's 
high  dignity  as  the  image  and  glory  of  God  forbids 
his  wearing  it,  woman  s  subordinate  position  as  the 
glory  of  man  requires  her  to  do  so.  Tho  use  of  "  glory  " 
is  strange.  It  can  hardly  bear  its  ordinary  sense  in  a 
context  emphasizing  woman's  inferiority.  Some  such 
sense  as  "  reflection  "  seems  to  be  required.  Man  is 
original,  woman  derivative,  she  was  created  for  him, 
not  he  for  her.  The  next  verse  (10)  is  very  difficult. 
Usually  it  is  taken  to  mean  that  on  account  of  her 
inferior  position  the  woman  should  wear  a  veil  on  her 
head  as  the  sign  of  the  mans  authority  over  her,  on 
account  of  the  angels.  But  "  to  have  authority " 
must  mean  to  possess  authority  not  to  wear  a  token 
of  subjection.  Ramsay  (Cities  of  St.  Paul,  pp.  202- 
205;  Ltike  the  Physicinn,  p.  17.5)  points  out  that 
in  the  East  the  veil  isolates  a  woman  from  the  crowd 
and  secures  her  from  interference  and  even  observation. 
It  is  her  authority,  without  it  she  is  defenceless.  This 
give«  the  right  sense  to  "authority,"  it  is  a  woman's 
own  authority,  but  it  is  not  so  clear  how  it  links  into 
the  general  argument  and  in  particular  how  it  is 
related  to  the  last  clause.  This  clause  has  been  re- 
garded as  an  interpolation  by  Baur  and  others.  The 
sentence  seems  complete  without  it,  and  "for  this 
cause  "  suggests  that  the  reason  is  fully  contained  in 
what  has  gone  before,  whereas  "  because  of  the  angels  " 
seems  to  give  a  new  reason  which  receives  no  develop- 
ment. The  clause  is  nevertheless  probably  genuine. 
It  does  not  mean,  "  lest  the  angels  who  are  at  the 
worship  should  be  shocked,'"  The  general  meaning  is 
that  the  unveiled  woman  is  in  danger  from  the  angels 
as  the  daughters  of  men  from  the  sons  of  the  Elohim 
(Gen.  6i-4*).  That  story  played  a  large  part  in  Jewish 
speculations  ;  what  the  modem  mind  might  regard 
as  fanciful,  was  for  Paul  a  grave  moral  peril.  Just 
as  participation  in  the  idol  sacrifice  may  involve  ruinous 
fellowship  with  demons,  so  the  unveiling  of  women 
implied  danger  from  and  to  the  angels.i  The  signifi- 
cance of  the  veil  is  not  merely  that  concealment  would 
prevent  angehc  lust  from  being  aroused.  As  DibcUus 
points  out,  it  is  a  widespread  belief  that  the  veil  has 
magical  power.  Its  function  is  therefore  to  ward  off 
dangers.  The  danger  is  specially  present  when  the 
woman  prays  or  prophesies  (cj.  TertuUian,  On  the 
Veiling  of  Virgins,  ch.  vii.).  Apparenth'  in  the 
ecstatic  condition,  pressing  into  the  spiritual  realm, 
she  is  more  exposed  to  the  advances  of  the  angels 
than  in  her  normal  condition.  Hence  she  needs  a 
means  of  protection.  She  needs  it  and  man  does  not, 
just  because  she  is  inferior,  further  removed  than  he 
from  the  heavenly  state;   he  is  free  to  enter  God's 

"  Ramsay  has  recently  (Teaching  of  Paul.  p.  214 1  recognised 
that  i'aul  regards  women  as  :n  danger  from  the  aD(?eL<5,  "but 
throujTh  obedience  to  the  social  conventions  they  gained  authority 
and  immunity  from  the  power  of  demons  or  angels.  The  veil  was 
their  strength  and  protection."  But  are  we  to  aasimie  that  the 
veil  would  liave  the  same  significance  for  the  angels  as  for  human 
beings?  And  what  on  this  interpretation  is  the  point  of  the 
emphasis  on  the  necessity  of  the  veil  when  the  woman  is  praying 
or  prophesying? 


presence  with  head  uncovered,  she  can  safely  do  it 
only  with  a  veil  Dr.  Grieve  suggosts  "  taUsman  "  as  an 
equivalent  to  "authority."  We  must  not  set  views 
aside  because  they  are  quite  foreign  to  our  world  of 
thought,  or  because  we  are  unwilling  to  attribute  them 
to  Paul,  nor  must  we  carry  back  to  his  time  our  jjopular 
angelology.  Paul  now  guards  what  ho  has  been  sa^'ing. 
Man  and  woman  are  indispensable  to  each  other,  and 
if  the  woman  was  originally  formed  from  the  man,  the 
man  comes  into  the  world  through  her,  and  both 
really,  hke  all  other  things,  have  their  source  in  God. 
He  resumes  with  an  appeal  to  their  own  sense  of  the 
fitness  of  things,  which  must  show  the  unseemlincsB 
of  a  woman's  praying  to  God  unveiled-  And  nature 
teaches  that  woman  needs  a  covering  by  giving  long 
hair  to  a  woman,  but  short  hair  to  a  man.  He  closes 
the  discussion  with  the  curt  remark  (cf.  I438)  that  if 
anyone  intends  to  be  disputatious  about  it,  he  is  in 
opposition  to  the  custom  of  Paul  and  his  colleagues 
and  the  other  churches.  The  principle  is  that  local 
idiosyncrasies  should  be  controlled  by  general  Church 
custom. 

XL  17-34.  The  Desecration  of  the  Lord's  Supper — 
Paul  feels  that  in  one  respect  he  must  restrict  his 
praise.  Their  meetings  damage  rather  than  profit 
them.  He  cannot  help  behoving  part,  of  what  he 
hears  about  their  divisions.  To  be  sure  they  must 
have  their  factions,  or  their  best  men  would  get  no 
chance  of  displaying  their  qualities !  'When  they 
meet  they  have  supper,  it  is  true,  but  it  is  out  of  the 
question  to  eat  the  Lord's  Supper.  Possibly  the 
poorer  members  could  not  come  early  being  detained 
by  their  work.  The  wealthier  members  could  there- 
fore eat  and  drink  all  they  had  brought,  so  that  the 
poor,  who  could  bring  little,  and  that  perhaps  coarse 
food,  had  insufficient  for  a  meal  and  had  to  eat  this 
under  the  critical  stare  of  the  well-to-do.  So  that 
some  were  hungiy,  and  naturally  discontented  and 
envious,  while  others  became  intoxicated.  "What  a 
religious  atmosphere  for  the  most  sacred  rite,  the 
remembrance  of  their  Master's  selfless  sacrifice !  The 
communal  element  which  made  it  a  church  feast  had 
disappeared  and  given  place  to  a  number  of  cliques. 
The  members  shared  their  food  with  their  own  coterie, 
not  with  the  church  at  large,  and  thus  accentuated 
their  mutual  exclusiveness.  What  a  love-feast !  As 
if  they  had  no  housss  where  they  could  sate  themselves 
in  privacy  !  that  they  must  put  this  affront  on  Gods 
congregation,  and,  coarsely  indifferent  to  the  feelings 
of  the  sensitive,  expose  the  poverty  of  those  who  have 
nothing  !  They  cannot  plead  ignorance  as  to  the  true 
nature  of  the  rite,  for  Patd  had  told  it  them,  as  it  had 
come  down  to  him  from  the  Lord  Himself  through 
eyewitnesses  of  the  scene.  But  he  will  tell  them 
acain.  The  account  which  follows  (23-25)  is  very 
important  as  our  earhcst  record,  and  should  be  com- 
pared with  that  in  Mt.,  Mk.  The  comparison  with 
Lk.  is  rendered  more  difficult  by  the  uncertainty  of  tho 
text.  The  reference  to  the  betrayal  is  a  very  early 
piece  of  evidence  corroborating  the  gosjwl  account, 
and  its  incidental  character  suggests  that  Paul  had 
related  the  Passion  story  in  considerable  detail  Tho 
Lord  Jesus  took  bread,  gave  thanks,  and  broke  the 
bread  saj'ing,  "  This  is  my  body,  which  is  for  j-ou  : 
this  do  in  remembrance  of  me."  When  supper  was 
over  He  took  the  cup  similarlj',  saying,  "  This  cup  is 
the  new  covenant  in  my  blood  :  this  do,  as  oft  as  j-o 
drink  it,  in  remembrance  of  mc."  This  means.  Paul 
comments,  that  whenever  the  command  of  repetition 
is  fulfilled,  they  set  forth,  as  in  a  sacred  drama,  tho 
Lord's  death  till  He  returns.     Whoever,  then,   does 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  XIII. 


843 


either  of  the  acts  in  an  unworthy  manner  or  temper,  is 
guilty  of  a  profane  indignity  to  the  Lord's  body  and 
blood.  Lot  no  one  presume  to  participate  save  after 
self-examination.  For,  unless  he  recognises  that  it  is 
Christ's  body  which  is  involved,  and  not  the  mere  bread 
and  wine,  ho  partakes  to  his  own  condemnation.  That 
is  why  sickness  is  so  prevalent  araonn;  them  and  not 
a  few  deaths  have  occurred.  Self-examination  would 
prevent  such  judgments.  Yet  let  them  not  miss  their 
merciful  intention  ;  it  is  the  Lord's  chastening  of  His 
people  that  they  may  not  share  in  His  condemnation 
of  the  world-  So  at  the  meeting  for  the  common  meal, 
lot  them  wait  for  each  other,  and  if  necessary  take  the 
edge  off  their  hunger  before  they  come,  so  that  they 
may  no  longer,  by  then-  disorderly  and  selfish  conduct, 
draw  down  the  Divine  judgment.  The  regulation  of 
other  matters  can  stand  over  till  Paul  arrives. 

19.  The  language  may  be  ironical,  or  may  mean 
that  these  factions  are  necessary  to  sift  the  good  from 
the  bad. — 23.  betrayed:  "  dehveredup  "  (».e.  to  death, 
Rom.  425)  is  a  possible  rendering,  but  this  does  not 
suit  "  in  the  night  '"  so  well. — 24.  this  do:  the  words 
do  not  mean  "  offer  this  sacrifice." — 29.  discern  not 
the  body:  possibly  "the  body"  may  mean  the 
Chiurch,  "  the  Lord's  body  "  (see  Exp.,  Aug.  1915). — 
30.  sleep :  the  use  of  the  Christian  term  for  death  in  a 
context  which  speaks  of  death  as  a  judgment  is  very 
striking. 

XIL  Diversities  of  Gifts  but  the  Same  Spirit The 

question  of  spiritual  gifts  had  apparently  been  raised 
in  the  church  letter.  The  tendency  at  Corinth  was  to 
estimate  gifts  by  their  showy  rather  than  their  soUd 
character.  Paul  reverses  the  scale  of  values,  and 
argues  that  the  true  criterion  is  edification  rather  than 
display.  He  is  also  concerned  to  plead  for  differentia- 
tion of  function  as  necessary  for  the  body's  health,  and 
to  protect  from  disparagement  the  lowliest  member, 
the  most  commonplace  function,  as,  equally  with  the 
iughest,  indispensable  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole. 
But  in  his  crowning  utterance  he  urges  that  all  gifts 
are  worthless  apart  from  love. 

1-3.  He  begins  by  distinguishing  true  gifts  of  the 
Spirit  from  their  counterfeit.  UnhappUy  2  is  far  from 
clear,  and  the  text  is  perliaps  corrupt.  Paul  may 
appeal  to  their  experience  of  ecstasy  in  their  heathen 
condition.  You  will  remember  how  completely  you 
were  under  control  of  the  demon,  you  were  a  mere 
voice  through  which  he  spoke.  So  it  is  witli  him  who 
speaks  in  the  Spirit.  He  has  no  voUtion,  and  we  can 
thus  argue  from  the  utterance  to  the  character  of  the 
control  If  it  is  "  Jesus  Anathema,"  the  Holy  Spirit 
cannot  be  the  source  of  inspiration,  if  "  Jesus  Lord  "' 
then  He  must  be.  Therefore  the  speaker  does  not 
deceive ;  he  has  no  choice,  but  is  at  the  mercy  of  his 
control  Two  difficulties  might  be  raised.  The 
ecstasy  might  be  simulated,  or,  if  not,  the  demon 
control  might  use  the  true  Christian  formula.  If 
these  objections  are  not  fatal  (and  Paul  would  perhaps 
have  refused  to  admit  their  vaUdity)  the  sense  is  excel- 
lent. Otherwise  the  point  may  be  that  since  their 
pagan  experience  gives  them  no  guidance  (2),  he  lays 
down  a  principle  (3)  for  them.  The  question  could 
be  raised  only  about  those  who  professed  to  be  Chris- 
tians ;  pagans  or  Jews,  who  would  naturally  say 
"Jesus  is  Anathema,"  were  obviously  not  speaking  in 
the  Holy  Spirit,  but  if  a  member  of  the  church  said 
it,  was  he  ?  That  a  Christian  should  pronounce  a 
curse  on  Jesus  would  seem  untliinkable.  But  cer- 
tainly it  was  necessar}'  (iuit«  early  to  test  the  spirits 
(I429.  1  Jn.  4i*).  The  point  is  not  discussed  how  far 
one  could  argue  from  the  character  of  the  control,  as 


disclosed  in  the  utterance,  to  the  genuineness  of  the 
man's  Christianity  ;  could  a  sincere  Christian  be  sub- 
ject to  invasion  by  an  evil  spirit  ?  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  the  confession  "  Jesus  is  Lord  "  is  to  be  traced  to 
the  Holy  Spirit  with  certainty  only  when  spoken  in 
ecstasy.  In  his  normal  condition  a  man  might  .say  it 
insincerely. 

4-11.  Having  given  a  criterion  for  detecting  the 
spurious,  Paul  proceeds  to  discuss  the  gifts.  There 
are  diversities  in  the  manifestation  but  none  in  the 
source.  The  same  Spirit  is  manifested  in  manifold 
gifts,  the  same  Lord  in  manifold  ministrations,  the 
same  God  in  manifold  activities.  Unity  in  the  source 
is  accompanied  with  rich  diversity  in  the  effects.  The 
gift  is  imparted  to  each ;  none  is  passed  by,  but  it  is 
given  not  for  self-gratification  but  for  the  benefit  of 
the  church.  It  is  to  one  and  the  same  Spirit  that  are 
due  the  word  of  wisdom,  the  word  of  knowledge,  faith, 
gifts  of  healing,  power  to  work  miracles,  prophecy, 
discrimination  of  spirits,  tongues,  interpretation  of 
tongues.  All  are  operations  of  the  same  Spirit,  who 
imparts  to  each  of  His  own  unshackled  will.  The 
collocation  of  Spirit,  Lord,  God  should  be  observed  ; 
c/.  2  Cor.  1314.  8-10  should  be  compared  with  28, 
Rom.  126-8*,  Eph.  4ii. 

12-31.  Paul  now  elaborates  an  illustration  from  the 
body  and  its  members.  Here  we  have  organic  unity 
with  diversity  of  function  and  interdependence  of  the 
whole  and  its  parts,  interdependence  also  of  the  parts 
themselves.  All  are  essential  to  the  welfare  of  every 
other  part  and  of  the  whole  ;  none,  however  important 
or  beautiful,  can  affect  to  despise  the  humbler  or  un- 
seemher ;  all  sympathetically  respond  to  the  pain  or 
honour  of  the  other.  The  illustration  does  not  call 
for  detailed  exposition.  In  12  Christ  is  not  regarded 
as  the  head  of  the  body,  but  as  the  body*  itself  of  which 
Christians  form  part.  The  Spirit  in  whom  all  received 
baptism  is  not  many  but  one,  so  its  effect  is  to  consti- 
tute them  all  one  body,  thus  cancelling  distinctions 
of  race  and  social  condition  even  in  their  extreme 
forms  (Gal.  828,  Col  3ii).  And  this  Spirit  not  simply 
enfolds  them,  it  saturates  and  penetrates  them.  In  the 
apphcation  the  readers  are  called  ''  body  of  Christ,"  i.e. 
such  is  their  intrinsic  quality  ;  they  are  individually 
members,  each  in  his  sphere.  God  has  appointed 
various  members  in  the  Church  to  exercise  various  func- 
tions (8-10,  Rom.  126-8*,  Eph.  4ii,  cf.  pp.  r>45f.),  those 
of  apostleship,  prophecy,  teaching,  working  of  miracles, 
heahng,  helping,  direction,  and,  as  last  of  the  hst, 
speaking  with  tongues  ;  the  gift  of  interpreting  tongues 
is  added  in  30.  None  of  these  functions  is  exercised 
by  all,  they  are  distributed  among  the  members. 
They  should  desire  tlie  higher  gifts.  What  he  means 
is  explained  in  14.  But  before  he  pursues  the  theme, 
he  points  them  to  love  as  something  better  than  all  the 
gifts,  in  a  panegyric  which  is  the  pearl  of  his  writings. 
He  had  studied  to  some  purpose  the  character  and 
career  of  Jesus. 

XIIL  All  Gifts  and  Sacrifices  are  Worthless  without 
Love,  which  is  Supreme  and  Incomparable. — The 
chapter  falls  into  three  divisions  :  (a)  superlative  gifts 
and  costliest  surrenders  are  valueless  in  the  absence 
of  love  (1-3)  ;  (6)  description  of  love's  manifold  excel- 
lences (4-7);  (c)  love  is  imperishable  (8-13).  It  is  linked 
to  ciis.  12  and  14  by  the  mention  in  if.,  8f.,  of  tongues 
and  prophecy.  But  knowledge  and  faith,  the  surrender 
of  property  and  of  life,  are  also  selected  as  examples 
of  things  most  highly  esteemed.  The  angels,  it  was 
assumed,  use<l  language  in  their  intercourse  with  each 
other  ;  but  although  there  had  been  no  parallel  among 
them  to  the  catastrophe  of  Babel,  it  was  thought  that 


844 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  XIII. 


various  orders  of  angols  had  their  own  dialects.  Thus 
The  Te-iiamcnt  of  Job  represents  Job's  three  daughters 
as  each  praising  God  in  the  dialect  of  a  particular 
angeUc  order.  If  VavX  can  speak  in  ali  heavenly  and 
earthly  tongues  but  is  devoid  of  love,  he  is  like  a  noisy 
gong  or  clanging  cyraljal,  mere  sound  not  music, 
monotonous,  inarticulate,  conveying  no  intelligible 
thought  and  expressing  no  feeling.  The  faith  that 
removes  mountains  is  a  reminiscence  of  Christ's  teach- 
ing. In  3  '■  bestow  "  means  to  give  away  in  morsels. 
There  is  much  uncertainty  as  to  the  reading  in  the 
next  clause.  RVm,  "  that  I  may  glory,"  is  very 
strongly  attested,  and  accepted  by  "WH  and  Hamack. 
It  is  Hatter,  and  the  phrase  "  give  my  body  "  is  too 
vague  and  indefinite  by  itself ;  we  should  be  told  to 
what  the  body  is  to  be  surrendered.  It  is  questionable 
whether  it  gives  a  good  sense.  What  is  required  is 
an  act  intrinsically  excellent  made  morally  void  by 
lack  of  love.  If  the  object  of  the  surrender  is  that  he 
may  boast,  the  love  of  glory  empties  the  act  of  much 
if  not  all  of  its  moral  excellence.  The  objection  is  miti- 
gated if  "  glory  "  is  the  legitimate  glorying  at  the  bar 
of  God.  But  RV  seems  intrinsically  preferable.  The 
burning  is  probably  not  martyrdom,  but,  as  the 
phrase  suggests,  self-immolation.  Shortly  before,  an 
Indian  who  accompanied  the  embassy  sent  by  Poms 
to  Augustus  burnt  liimself  alive  at  Athens,  and  Paul 
may  have  seen  his  tomb.  An  earlier  famous  example 
was  that  of  an  Indian  gyninosophist  who  burnt  himself 
alive  in  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great.  The  descrip- 
tion of  love  (4-7)  needs  Uttle  comment.  Love  is 
patient  under  prolonged  provocation,  benevolent,  free 
from  envy  and  jealousy,  is  not  given  to  display,  is  not 
conceited,  exhibits  no  impropriety  in  behaviour,  is 
not  self-seeking,  is  not  enraged  and  embittered,  does 
not  vindictively  treasure  up  its  wrongs,  is  not  gratified 
by  the  triumph  of  injustice  but  by  that  of  truth,  keeps 
its  own  counsel  (c/.  mg.,  "  covereth  "),  believes  and 
hopes  the  best,  patiently  endures  all  trials.  Finally 
(8-13)  Paul  affirms  the  impcrishableness  of  love. 
Love  is  never  superseded,  but  prophecies,  tongues, 
and  knowledge  are  only  partial,  and  will  be  superfluoua 
when  perfection  is  attained.  They  belong  to  the  stage 
of  childhood,  to  be  left  behind  at  maturity.  All  our 
apprehension  of  spiritual  reahties  is  at  present  indirect 
and  indistinct,  such  as  is  gained  from  the  reflection 
in  a  metal  mirror  ;  then  it  will  be  direct,  immediate, 
clear,  vision  face  to  face  (Nu.  128).  Then  partial 
knowledge  and  partial  prophecy  will  give  place  to  know- 
ledge of  God  like  Gods  knowledge  of  us.  So  faith, 
hope,  love  last  on  into  the  world  to  come,  but  love  is 
the  greatest  of  the  triad. 

XIV.  Prophecy  and  Speaking  with  Tongues,  their 
Relative  Value  and  their  Place  in  the  Church  Gathering. 
— Paul  now  comes  to  the  direct  comparison  between 
the  two  types  of  ecstatic  speech  on  which  his  judgment 
differed  from  that  prevalent  at  Corinth.  Both  pro- 
phecy and  speaking  with  tongues  were  genuine  expres- 
sions of  the  Spirit's  inspiration  ;  Paul  himself  spoke 
with  tongues  more  than  all  (18),  and  conceded  a  certain 
place  to  them  in  the  assembly  (27,39),  but  esteemed 
prophecy  as  one  of  the  ureater  gifts  to  bo  earnestly 
desired.  Prophecy  was  inspired  preaching  (pp.  r)47f.) ; 
on  "  speaking  with  tongues,"  see  p.  ()48. 

1-20.  Love  is  to  be  pursued  beyond  all  things,  but 
spiritual  gifts  are  to  be  eagerly  desired,  above  all, 
prophecy.  He  who  exercises  the  gift  of  tongues  holds 
communion  with  God,  and  is  unintelligible  to  his 
fellows,  since  he  is  speaking  mysteries  in  the  Spirit- 
inspired  ecstasy.  The  prophet,  on  the  other  hand, 
builds  up,  strengthens,  and  consoles  men.     One  edifies 


the  speaker,  not  indeed  by  the  communication  of 
fresh  knowledge,  for  normally  he  cannot  himself  under- 
stand what  he  says  (i3f.,  19)  but  by  the  experience  of 
inspiration  and  the  fellowship  of  his  spirit  with  God 
(2,28),  though  the  understanding  is  dormant.  The 
prophet  edifies  the  church,  since  he  speaks  what  all 
can  undei'stand.  Hence,  while  Paul  could  wish  that 
all  had  the  gift  of  tongues,  he  would  prefer  that  they 
should  prophesy  (Nu.  11 29);  it  is  the  greater  of  the 
two  gifts,  unless  to  that  of  tongues  the  gift  of  inter- 
pretation be  added,  so  that  the  church  may  get 
benefit.  Suppose  he  came  to  them  speaking  with 
tongues,  what  good  would  he  do  them  unless  he  ad- 
dressed them  in  intelligible  language,  imparting  revela- 
tion, knowledge,  prophesying  or  teaching  ?  Even 
inanimate  musical  instruments,  whether  wind  or 
stringed,  must  not  keep  on  one  note  or  no  one  will 
recognise  any  tune  ;  while,  if  the  clarion  gives  out  an 
indistinct  sound,  none  will  realise  that  he  is  sum- 
moned to  the  battle.  Similarly  unless  their  tongues 
— here  (9)  in  the  literal  sense — utter  intelligible  speech, 
how  will  what  is  said  be  known  ?  It  will  be  futile 
talking  to  the  wind.  There  are  so  many  languages 
in  the  world,  and  not  one  without  significance,  and 
those  who  are  unacquainted  with  each  others  language 
will,  when  they  meet,  be  mutually  unintelUgible 
foreigners.  Zealous  as  they  are  for  spirits,  they  must 
let  their  zeal  take  the  direction  of  abounding  in  such 
gifts  as  will  benefit  the  church.  He  who  has  the  gift 
of  tongues  should  pray  for  that  of  interpretation. 
When  he  prays  in  a  tongue  his  spirit  prays,  the  under- 
standing is  barren,  it  can  produce  no  fruit  for  others. 
Whether  he  prays  or  sings,  understanding  as  well  as 
spirit  shall  participate.  Otherwise,  when  one  gives 
thanks  in  the  spirit,  how  will  any  non-member  who  is 
present  be  able  to  utter  the  "  Amen  "  at  the  close, 
since  he  will  not  know  whether  he  can  endorse  what  has 
been  said  ?  True,  such  a  thanksgiving  is  quite  good 
in  itself,  but  the  other  gains  no  profit.  Paul  is  grateful 
to  God  that  he  has  the  gift  of  tongues  in  a  fuller  measure 
than  all  of  them  and  so  speaks  of  it  with  inside  know- 
ledge ;  yet  when  in  church  he  would  sooner  speak 
five  words  intelligible  to  himself  and  helpful  to  others 
than  ten  thousand  in  a  tongue. 

6.  It  is  not  clear  whether  Paul  means  that  the  visit 
is  unprofitable  if  he  speaks  with  tongues  alone  and 
does  not  proceed  to  exercise  some  mtelligible  gift  in 
addition,  or  if  he  fails  to  interpret  the  tongue  speech, 
which,  if  interpreted,  would  prove  to  be  also  one  of 
the  gifts  named. — 16.  Possibly  "  the  unlearned  ''  (Gr. 
idiotes)  is  the  unbaptized.  Some  think  a  special  place 
was  reserved  for  the  catechumens  in  the  meeting-room. 
But  it  is  questionable  whether  matters  had  reached 
this  development.  The  same  term  is  used  in  2  3f., 
where  he  is  classed  with  the  unbelieving  as  likely  to 
pronounce  an  unfavourable  judgment  on  tongues. 
RVm  is  hardly  satisfactory,  for  the  judgment  of  23  is 
that  of  an  outsider,  hardly  of  a  Christian  :  presumably 
all  members  of  the  Church  recognised  Divine  inspira- 
tion behind  the  gifts,  whether  themselves  gifted  or 
not.  Yet  the  id  idles  is  so  far  in  sympathy  that  he  rnay 
be  expected  to  add  "  Amen  "  at  the  end  of  a  Christian 
prayer  that  he  understands  ;  he  is  more  of  a  neutral 
with  some  leaning  to  Christianity,  which  may  be  stimu- 
lated or  cheeked  by  what  ho  hears  in  the  church  ;  the 
unbeliever  is  definitely  hostile  and  prejudiaed.  Paul 
singles  out  the  former  hero,  though  the  majority  of  the 
church  would  share  his  incapacity  to  understand, 
since  the  Christian  would  take  it  for  granted  that  the 
prayer  was  truly  inspired,  because  he  recognised  the 
goniiineness  of  the  phenomenon  and  believed  it  to  be 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  XV. 


845 


adequately  safeguarded  by  the   available    tests  (29, 
12io). 

20-25.  Such  over-valuing  of  tongues  reveals  an  in- 
fantile intelligence  (a  sharp  thrust  for  a  church  so 
rich  in  intellectuals)  ;  only  in  maUce  is  it  proper  to  be 
babes.  Scripture  armounccs  that  the  Lord  will  speak 
by  men  of  strange  tongues  to  this  people  and  yet  they 
will  not  hear.  Tongues  then  are  a  sign  to  unbelievers, 
not  to  believers ;  prophecy  is  for  beUevers.  not  un- 
beUevers.  So  if  the  church  is  assembled  and  all  speak 
with  tongues,  and  non-members  or  unbelievers  come  in, 
they  will  think  the  whole  assembly  has  gone  mad.  But 
if  a  man  belonging  to  one  of  these  classes  comes  in 
and  all  prophesj',  he  is  convicted  and  judged  bj'  all,  the 
things  he  supposes  to  be  known  only  to  himself  are 
dragged  into  the  hght,  and  thus  he  is  brought  to  worship 
God  and  recognise  His  presence.  The  point  of  22a  is 
not  that  tongues  are  a  sign  conducing  to  the  salvation 
of  unbelievers,  and  that  the  Corinthians  defeat  God's 
purpose  by  all  speaking  with  tongues  at  once  so  that 
the  sign  misses  its  mark.  We  cannot  indeed  press  the 
fact  that  the  prophecy  was  one  of  judgment  (Is.  28iif.*) 
since  Paul's  use  of  the  OT  was  not  controlled  by  its 
original  sense.  But  the  last  clause  proves  that  the 
sign  was  not  intended  favourably.  And  the  interpreta- 
tion, "  all  speak  with  tongues  at  once  "  is  unjustifiable. 
For  24  obviously  does  not  mean  that  all  prophesy  at 
once,  since  this  would  have  been  not  much  less  of  a 
Babel  than  the  other,  and  not  calculated  to  have  the 
effect  described  m  24f.  In  both  cases  they  speak 
successively  not  simultaneously.  Tongues  will  estab- 
lish unbeUevers  in  their  unbeUef.  As  they  hear  speaker 
after  speaker  pour  out  uninteUigible  harangues,  they 
will  draw  the  inference  that  the  members  are  all  mad 
and  that  Christianity  is  an  insane  delusion. 

26-40.  Paul  now  lays  down  the  rules.  At  present 
at  their  assembhes  all  are  eager  to  speak  in  one  way  or 
another.  But  the  edification  of  the  Church  is  to  bo 
the  governing  principle.  Two  may  speak  in  tongues, 
three  at  most  and  in  succession  ;  an  interpretation 
must  be  given ;  if  no  one  of  them  has  this  gift,  the 
gift  of  tongues  must  be  restricted  to  inward  utterance, 
It  must  not  be  vocally  exercised.  Two  or  three 
prophets  may  speak,  while  the  others  practise  the  gift 
of  discernment  on  his  utterance.  The  communication 
of  a  revelation  to  another  is  a  token  that  the  speaker 
must  close  his  address.  There  is  no  hardship  in  the 
restriction  of  numbers  or  the  abrupt  close  of  an 
address ;  there  will  be  future  opportunities.  Nor  is 
such  silence  impos.sible,  for  each  prophet  has  his  gift 
in  his  own  control.  This  is  clear  from  the  very  nature 
of  God  ;  He  is  a  God  of  peace  and  order,  and  can  be 
the  source  of  no  inspiration  which  issues  in  confusion. 
The  injunction  to  women  (34!)  cannot  be  satisfactorily 
reconciled  with  115,13,  where 'Paul  recognises  that  a 
woman  may  legitimately  pray  or  prophesy  in  the 
assembly  provided  she  wears  a  veil.  Its  position 
in  the  MSS  varies,  and  it  is  probably  a  later  addi- 
tion made  on  the  margin  and  inserted  by  copyists 
at  different  points  in  the  text.  It  was  probably 
modelled  on  1  Tim.  2iif.  In  36  Paul  sarcastically 
asks  the  Corinthians,  who  assert  their  independence 
in  so  many  questionable  ways,  whether  their  Church 
was  the  starting-point  of  the  Gospel,  or  they  the  only 
people  evangelised.  Whoever  supposes  himself  to 
nave  the  fiiit  of  prophecy  or  any  other,  should  make 
good  his  claim  to  spiritual  insight  by  recognising  that 
Paul's  regulations  express  Christ's  will  and  are 
prompted  by  Him.  If  ne  is  ignorant  there  is  nothing 
more  to  be  said.  The  whole  discussion  is  finally 
summed  up  in  3gf. 


XV.  The  Resurrection  of  the  Dead This  discussion 

seems  not  to  have  been  elicited  by  the  church  letter, 
but  by  information  which  had  reached  Paul  through 
another  source.  Some  were  denying  the  doctrine  of 
the  resurrection  (12).  On  what  grounds  they  denied 
it  and  what  view  they  held  of  life  after  death  is  not 
said.  Probably  they  held  that  current  in  Greek 
philosophy,  that  death  was  a  release  from  the  prison- 
house  of  the  body,  that  the  spirits  of  the  good  passed 
into  a  state  of  bliss  while  their  bodies  went  to  corrup- 
tion. Paul  insists  that  this  doctrine  cuts  away  the 
very  basis  on  which  tlieir  faith  and  salvation  rest. 
But  his  own  doctrine  is  far  removed  from  the  crass 
belief  that  the  body  would  be  simply  reanimated.  It 
would  be  entu-ely  transformed.  Neither  the  principle 
of  continuity  between  old  and  new,  nor  the  nature 
of  the  resurrection  body  are  clearly  explained  (c/. 
2  Cor.  51-4),  but  on  the  latter  point  especially  much 
is  said  to  define  Pauls  view,  and  it  was  one  against 
which  the  difficulties  urged  at  Corinth  would  be  less 
acutely  felt. 

Although  the  resurrection  of  Christ  was  apparently 
not  denied,  Paul  restates  the  evidence  for  it.  He  felt 
that  the  admission  made  the  position  that  there  was 
no  resurrection  of  the  dead  (12)  illogicaL  He  is  not 
content,  however,  with  registering  the  admission  and 
drawing  the  inference.  For  logic  could  be  satisfied 
by  denying  both,  as  well  as  by  admitting  both,  and  the 
doubters  might  advance  to  the  one  as  well  as  retreat 
to  the  other.  It  was  therefore  advisable  to  anticipate 
such  a  possibihty  by  a  summary  of  the  evidence  for 
the  resurrection  of  Jesus.  It  is  very  fortunate  that 
Paul  gave  this,  for  we  thus  have  what  is  probably 
our  earUest  documentary  statement,  of  unimpeachable 
authenticity  and  carrying  back  the  behef  to  within  a 
week  of  the  crucifixion.  The  view  that  it  is  an  inter- 
polation is  refuted  by  its  manifest  independence  of  the 
Gospel  narratives  ;  at  any  possible  date  for  such  an 
interpolation  it  would  have  been  made  in  a  harmonistic 
interest. 

It  is  very  important  to  remember  that  Paul  is 
summarising  information  previously  given  in  detail. 
It  is  not  clear  that  he  meant  to  give  a  complete  account 
of  the  appearances.  The  omission  of  the  women 
might  be  due  to  ignorance,  and  tliis,  considering  his 
opportunities  for  knowledge,  would  raise  a  serious 
question  as  to  their  historical  character.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  might  be  due  simply  to  his  wish  to  avoid 
evidence  that  would  carry  less  weight,  and  this  would 
harmonise  very  well  with  his  general  attitude  to  women. 
It  is  intrinsically  improbable,  whatever  view  be  taken 
of  the  appearances,  that  there  were  no  appearances 
to  women.  Paul's  reference  to  "  the  third  day  "  is 
entitled  to  the  greatest  weight  from  those  who  insist 
that  his  is  our  only  credible  account.  It  is,  however, 
often  regarded  as  an  inference  from  prophecy.  This 
is  favovu'ed  by  the  reference  to  the  Scriptures,  and  by 
the  fact  that  Hos.  62  might  naturally  suggest  this.  It 
is  a  serious  objection  to  this  view  that  Hos.  62  is  never 
referred  to  in  this  connexion  cither  m  the  NT  or  in 
Justin's  Dialogue  with  Trvpho.  It  could  hardly  have 
failed  to  bo  quoted  if  the  early  Church  had  fixed  the 
date  of  the  resurrection  by  it.  Moreover  the  actual 
terms  of  the  pa-ssago  do  not  very  well  suit  the  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ  ("raise  us  up.").  We  have  no  right  to 
deny  that  "  the  third  day  "  was  part  of  the  tradition 
Paul  had  received,  and  if  so  it  was  probably  an  original 
element  in  the  tradition.  In  that  case  the  appearances 
must  have  taken  place  first  in  Jerusalem,  not  in 
Galileo.  We  may  probably  infer  from  this  that  the 
story  of  the  empty  grave  is  historical,  since  the  apostles 


846 


I.  COEINTHIANS,  XV 


can  hardly  have  left  this  point  without  investigation 
if  they  were  in  Jerusalem  at  the  time.  It  is  true  that 
Paul  does  not  exphcitly  refer  to  the  empty  grave. 
But  apparently  he  impUes  it.  Otherwise  he  would 
not  have  emphasized  the  fact  of  burial,  and  perhaps 
he  would  have  drawn  no  distinction  between  the  resur- 
rection and  the  appearances.  And.  since  the  ver^' 
point  at  issue  was  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  he 
cannot  have  supposed  that  Christ's  body  went  to 
corruption  in  the  grave.  It  is  also  important  to 
observe  how  large  an  element  of  agreement  Paul 
asserts  between  himself  and  the  apostles.  It  is  not 
simply  with  reference  to  matters  of  fact,  the  death, 
the  burial,  the  rcsuriection,  but  the  interpretation  of 
the  death  as  on  account  of  sins,  not  the  bare  facts 
but  what  made  the  facts  a  Gospel. 

1-11.  Paul  reminds  them  of  the  Gospel  preached 
by  him,  accepted  by  them,  the  foundation  on  which 
they  stand,  tlirough  wliich  they  are  achieving  salva- 
tion, and  the  expression  he  gave  it,  if  they  are  holding 
it  fast,  as  they  will  be  unless  they  received  it  with 
headlong  haste.  The  Gospel  consists  of  cei-tain  facts 
and  their  interpretation,  received  from  others,  handed 
on  by  him  to  them :  Christ's  death  on  account  of 
sins  as  set  forth  in  Scripture,  the  burial  (exphcitly 
mentioned,  not  merely  to  guarantee  the  fact  of  death, 
but  to  indicate  that  the  next  clause  speaks  of  what 
happened  to  the  bodj'^),  the  resurrection  on  the  third 
day  also  in  harmony  with  prophecy,  the  appearances 
mentioned  as  a  fact  distinct  from  the  resurrection. 
These  were  made  to  Cephas  (Lk.  2434)  ;  to  the  twelve 
(strictly  eleven,  but  the  term  is  here  technical)  ;  to 
more  than  500,  presumably  in  Galilee,  where  the 
number  is  not  surprising  ;  to  James,  probably  the 
Lords  brother  (Gal.  I19,  2g,  Ac.  I217,  I513,  21i8)— a 
legendary  account  of  this  is  given  in  The  Gospel 
according  to  the  Hebrews  ;  then  to  all  the  apostles, 
a  larger  body  it  would  seem  than  the  eleven  but 
including  them  ;  finally  (therefore  all  later  appearances 
belong  to  a  different  categorj'),  to  Paul  himself,  the 
untimely  bom,  "  the  abortion,"  as  his  Corinthian 
critics  apparently  called  him  (RV  blunts  the  point 
by  omitting  the  definite  article).  If  Paul  coined  the 
description,  the  point  may  be  the  abruptness  of  such 
a  birtb  and  the  immaturity  of  the  infant.  If,  as  is 
more  probable,  his  enemies  so  described  him,  they 
would  mean  that  he  was  quite  as  unfit  to  be  a  fully 
recognised  apostle  as  an  abortion  is  fit  to  be  regarded 
as  a  human  being,  the  abusive  term  gaining  an  addi- 
tional sting  from  the  insignificance  of  his  personal 
appearance  (2  Cor.  lOio).  Not  wholly  unjustly,  Pa&l 
comments,  do  they  say  this  of  him,  for  he  is  the  least 
of  the  band  and  not  worthy,  as  a  former  peraecutor, 
of  membership  in  it.  Yet  by  God's  grace  he  is  what  he 
is,  and  how  effectively  that  grace  has  wrought  !  He 
has  laboured  more  abundantly  than  any  one  of  them 
(he  may  mean  than  all  of  them  put  together,  and  would 
this  really  have  been  an  exaggeration?) ;  the  credit  is 
all  due  to  God,  so  ho  need  not  slirinlc  from  saying  this. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  he  and  the  apostles  preached  this 
Gospel  and  the  Corinthians  accepted  it  as  true. 

3b.  Probably  Paul  has  specially  in  mind  le.  52i3- 
53i2,  though  it  is  astonishing  that  the  fourth  Servant 
poem  fills  next  to  no  place  in  liis  writings.  It  was 
early  given  a  Christian  interpretation  (Ac.  832-35,  and 
the  still  earlier  identification  of  Jesus  with  the  Servant 
of  Yahwch,  Ac.  813,26,  427,30). 

12-19.  How,  in  face  of  this  preaching,  can  any 
Cliristian  say  there  is  no  resurrection  7  If  a  resur- 
rection of  the  dead  is  out  of  the  question  this  involves 
a  denial  that  Christ  has  been  raised.     This  fact,  how- 


ever, stands  fast  for  both  parties.  They  have  been 
convinced  bv  the  liistorical  evidence,  and  on  that 
conviction  tKeir  Chiistianitj'  rests.  This  exception 
disproves  their  universal  negative.  If  Christ  has  not 
risen,  the  apostoUc  preaching,  the  readers'  faith,  are 
ahke  a  delusion.  Worse  still,  they  are  found  out  as 
having  told  falsehoods  al)out  God  (Paul's  only  alter- 
natives are  truthfulness  and  conscious  deception,  he 
knows  nothing  of  hallucinations)  in  saying  that  He 
had  raised  Christ,  which  He  could  not  have  done  if 
there  is  no  resurrection.  What  terrible  consequences 
follow  !  their  faith  empty,  their  sins  unforgiven,  those 
who  have  died  as  Christians  perished  !  If  in  this  hfe 
they  had  only  hope  (mg.)  in  Christ  and  nothing  more, 
they  were  more  pitiable  than  any.  He  does  not  mean 
that  they  would  be  objects  of  pity  as  having  surrendered 
the  sohd  substance  of  worldly  advantage  to  grasp  the 
shadow  of  future  blessedness.  It  was  pitiable  that 
their  life  should  be  based  on  a  fundamental  delusion. 
Moreover,  the  guarantee  for  justification  and  power 
for  a  holy  life  disappeared  with  the  resurrection  of 
Christ. 

20-28.  But  why  discuss  this  further  ?  Christ  has 
been  raised,  the  firstfruits  of  the  rest  of  the  dead,  thus, 
as  one  with  them,  pledging  their  resurrection.  If  man 
brought  death,  resurrection  must  equally  come  through 
man.  The  whole  race  died  in  Adam,  the  whole  race 
will  be  raised  from  the  dead  in  Christ.  This  universal 
resurrection  will  not  be  accomplished  all  at  once  but 
in  stages  according  to  the  different  classes  concerned. 
In  the  first  stage  there  is  Christ  Himself  as  firstfruits  : 
in  the  second,  at  His  return.  Christians  ;  in  the  third 
stage,  the  rest  of  mankind,  when  He  delivers  up  His 
kingdom  to  the  Father  after  He  has  aboUshed  all 
hostile  powers,  for  His  reign  must  continue  till  this 
has  been  achieved.  The  last  of  them  is  death.  This 
is  foretold  in  Scripture  (Ps.  86),  which  says  that  God 
has  put  all  in  subjection  to  Him.  (The  Psalmist  says 
to  "  man,"  which  Paul  mterprets  as  equivalent  to  the 
Son  of  Man;  "son  of  man"  is  used  in  the  Ps.  in 
the  sense  of  "  man.")  Obviously  God.  who  puts  all 
things  under  Christ's  feet,  is  not  included  in  the  things 
made  subject  to  Him.  When  this  is  accomplished, 
the  Son  will  subject  Himself  to  God,  that  He  may  bo 
all  in  all,  that  is  the  indwelhng  power  animating  and 
controlling  the  whole  universe. 

22.  There  is  no  reference  here  to  what  is  known  as 
"  universal  restoration."  But  there  is  to  universal 
resurrection.  The  "  all "  is  as  unUmited  m  one  place 
as  the  other.  The  acts  of  Adam  and  Christ  are  racial 
acts,  done  in  their  capacity  as  natural  and  spiritual 
heads  of  the  race,  and  affecting  the  whole  race.  Christ 
undoes,  and  more  than  undoes,  what  Adam  has  done, 
physical  death  is  cancelled  by  physical  resurrection. 
This  would  not  have  been  the  case  if  universal  death 
had  been  met  only  by  Umitcd  reeurrrection.  "  In 
Christ  "  has  here  no  specific  reference  to  those  who  are 
united  to  Christ  by  faith.  This  relation  depends  on 
the  choice  of  the  individual,  but  death  and  resurrection 
are  quite  independent  of  personal  vohtion.  The 
general  structure  of  the  Pauline  theology  would  compel 
us  to  postulate  his  behef  in  universal  resurrection  ; 
hero  he  explicitly  asserts  it. — 24.  Usually  the  first 
clause  is  translated  as  in  RV,  and  "  the  end  "  is  the 
usual  sense.  It  seems,  for  various  reasons,  better  to 
accept  Lietzmann's  view  that  it  means  hero  *'  the 
final  portion,"  "  the  remainder,"  i.e.  the  non-Christian 
portion  of  mankind.  There  is  thus  a  double  resurrec- 
tion of  the  dead,  the  former  of  Christians,  at  the 
Parousia,  the  latter  of  non-Christians,  presumably  at 
the  end  of  Christ's  reign. 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  XVI. 


847 


29-34.  Very  abruptly  Paul  descends  from  this  soar- 
ing flight,  one  of  his  niost  daring  pieces  of  speculation, 
to  very  practical  arguments.  What  is  the  object  of 
baptism  for  the  dead  ?  Apparently  some  received 
vicarious  baptism,  hoping  that  by  being  baptized  in 
theii-  place  they  would  benefit  friends  who  had  died 
unbaptized.  If  there  is  no  resurrection,  they  cannot 
be  profited.  Why  do  Paul  and  his  colleagues  run 
such  daily  risks  of  death  ?  for  this,  he  assures  them 
by  his  Christian  pride  in  them,  is  no  exaggeration. 
If  he  had  really,  as  men  wished,  fought  with  wild 
beasts  at  Ephesus,  what  would  that  extreme  risk  have 
profited  him  ?  The  consequence  of  denying  the  resur- 
rection is  to  practise  the  maxim,  "  Let  us  eat  and 
drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die"  (Is.  22 13).  Let  them 
not  give  ear  to  such  maxims.  The  saying  (quoted 
from  Menander.  the  Athenian  dramatist,  342-291  B.C.) 
is  true,  "  Bad  company  corrupts  good  morals."  Let 
them  awake  in  a  right  spirit  and  not  sin  ;  a  shameful 
ignorance  of  God  is  only  too  prevalent  among  them. 

29.  Many  interpretations  have  been  offered.  The 
most  probable  remains  that  given  above.  A  view 
which  deserves  mention  is  that  Paul  is  referring  to 
those  who  are  baptized  for  the  sake  of  Christian  friends 
who  had  died.  In  order  to  satisfy  the  hope  for  reunion 
some  who  had  been  non-Christians  submitted  to 
baptism. — 32.  That  Paul  actually  fought  with  wild 
beasts  is  highly  improbable  ;  it  was  illegal  to  expose 
Roman  citizens  to  this  ;  the  Asiarchs  (Ac.  193 1)  were 
friendl}^  to  Paul  ;  and  no  reference  is  made  in  2  Cor.  1 1 
to  such  a  trial,  from  which  indeed  we  should  hardly 
expect  that  he  would  have  emerged  ahve.  A  figurative 
interpretation  is  also  very  improbable.  The  best  view 
seems  to  be  that  of  J.  Weiss,  that  it  is  hypothetical. 
He  supposes  that  in  a  popular  movement  against  Paul 
(probably  the  riot  instigated  by  Demetrius,  Ac.  192 3-41) 
he  really  was  in  the  peril  mentioned.  This,  he  recog- 
nises, is  exposed  to  the  difficulty  that  Paul  left  Ephesus 
immediately  after  (Ac.  20 1),  but  our  verse,  he  argues, 
can  hardly  have  been  written  in  Ephesus,  since  Paul 
looks  back  on  his  experience  there  as  past.  But  168 
was  written  in  Ephesus.  Accordingly,  unless  we  are 
to  suppose  that  15  and  168  belong  to  different  epistles, 
it  is  better  to  iirfer  that  it  was  some  earlier  unre- 
corded peril. — 32b.  Paul  is  not  necessarily  stating 
his  own  inference,  but  that  ^^'hich  will  be  commonly 
drawn. 

35-49.  Paul  now  meets  the  objection,  "  How  are 
the  dead  raised  ?  in  what  kind  of  a  body  do  they  come 
back  from  the  tomb  ?  "  Only  a  fool  (in  the  Heljww 
rather  than  the  Greek  sense),  ho  tartly  says,  would 
ask  such  an  unbelieving  question.  The  objector's 
own  experience  ("  thou  thyself "  is  very  emphatic) 
shows  mm  that  the  seed  must  die  when  sown  or  it 
will  not  be  quickened.  It  is  not  identical  with  the 
body  that  is  to  be,  it  is  a  naked  grain  of  wheat  or 
whatever  it  may  be,  and  God  gives  it  a  body  corre- 
sponding to  the  particular  species.  It  is  not  clear  how 
far  Paul  would  have  pressed  the  metaphor  to  imply 
an  organic  connexion  between  the  old  and  the  new. 
The  old  body  perishes  and  God  provides  a  new  one, 
and  the  new  is  very  unhke  the  old.  The  universe 
shows  the  same  principle  of  variety,  the  Hesh  of  men, 
beasts,  birds,  and  fish  ;  heavenly  and  earthly  bodies  ; 
sun,  moon,  and  stars.  So  the  resourcefulness  of  God 
ia  seen  in  the  resurrection,  where  the  new  body  differs 
so  astonishingly  from  the  old.  The  dead  body  is 
placed  in  the  ground  hke  the  seed,  and  as  the  seed  dies 
(36)  the  body  docomposca  ;  it  is  sown  in  corruption, 
it  rises  incorni[)liblc.  Dishonoured  and  powerless,  it 
is  raised  in  glory  and  strength  ;   sown  a  natural  body, 


it  comes  forth  a  spiritual  body.  The  natural  body  is 
one  fitted  to  be  the  organ  of  the  personaUty  in  its 
natural  earthly  condition  ;  the  spiritual  body  is  such 
a  body  as  corresponds  to  mans  future  condition  as 
spirit.  That  both  types  of  body  exist  Paul  proves  by 
Scriptui-e  (Gen.  2y).  Only  45a  is  actually  a  quotation, 
but  Paul  possibly  means  to  represent  456  as  also  from 
Scripture ;  much  greater  freedom  is  taken  in  the 
Targums.  If  so,  he  may  argue,  like  Philo,  from  the 
double  accoimt  of  man's  creation  (Gen.  I26f.,  £7)  to 
two  distinct  creations,  and  in  46  be  opposing  the 
view  that  the  spiritual  preceded  the  natural  in  his- 
torical manifestation.  The  first  man  is  of  earthly 
origin  and  made  of  dust,  the  second  man  is  from 
heaven.  Many  scholars  find  here  the  doctrine  of  a 
pre-existent  Heavenly  Man,  with  slender  justification. 
Each  class  follows  its  prototype.  We  successively 
belong  to  both  ;  in  this  hfe  we  bear  the  image  of  the 
earthy,  in  the  resurrection  life  we  shall  bear  that  of 
the  heavenly. 

50-58.  A  new  question  is  now  introduced,  What 
will  happen  to  those  who  are  aUve  when  Christ  returns  ? 
(c/.  1  Th.  413-17).  The  principle  that  flesh  and  blood 
cannot  inherit  the  kingdom  of  God  finds  with  them 
as  with  the  dead  its  illustration.  They  will  not  all 
die,  but  all  alike  will  be  transformed  instantaneously 
when  the  last  trump  (1  Th.  4i6,  Mt.  2431,  Rev.  II15) 
sounds.  The  dead  will  be  raised  incorruptible,  those 
stiU  living  (Paul  thinks  of  himself  and  most  of  the 
readers  as  among  the  number)  will  be  transformed. 
It  Ues  in  the  very  nature  of  things  that  the  corruptible 
and  mortal  should  put  on  over  them  as  a  garment 
incorruption  and  immortality,  that  they  may  bo  trans- 
muted or  absorbed  by  them  (2  Cor.  54).  Then  the 
prophecy  of  Is.  258  will  be  fulfilled.  Triumphantly 
Paiu  quotes  Hos.  I314;  death  has  lost  its  victory  and 
its  sting.  Its  sting  is  sin,  sins  power  is  the  Law.  But 
thank  God  for  the  Christians  victory  through  Christ ! 
The  long  theological  argument,  in  noble  rhetoric,  fitly 
closes  with  a  practical  exhortation. 

56.  Some  regard  this  verse  as  an  interpolation, 
breaking  with  a  prosaic  bit  of  theology  the  lyrical 
movement  of  the  passage.  But  though  it  may  be  a 
gloss  intended  to  explain  what  death's  sting  is,  yet  it 
is  so  terse  and  original,  and  at  the  same  time  so  charac- 
teristic of  Paul's  central  doctrine,  that  the  phrases  are 
not  likely  to  have  been  coined  by  anyone  else,  nor  is 
their  presence  in  this  context  at  all  sui-prising.  Death 
received  its  power  through  sin,  but  sin  itself  would 
have  been  powerless  apart  from  the  Law.  This  had 
lent  sin  its  power  and  provided  its  opportunity.  For 
the  Law  stimulated  into  active  rebellion  the  sin  that, 
till  it  came,  lay  sleeping  in  the  flesh  (Rom.  Tj-ii). 
The  Christian  died  with  Christ  to  the  Law  ;  hence  sin 
lost  that  which  conferred  on  it  its  strength,  while  \nth 
the  paralysis  of  sin,  death  lost  its  power  to  sting. 
And  the  powerlessness  of  death  came  to  hght  especially 
in  its  reversal  in  the  resurrection. 

XVI.  Various  Business  and  Personal  Matters.  Salu- 
tation.— First  (i-|)  he  gives  instructions  as  to  the  col- 
lection for  the  poor  Christians  at  Jerusalem  (2  Cor.  8f.*, 
Rom.  1525-28,  Ac.  2417,  p.  771).  The  Church  had 
apparently  consulted  him  on  the  matter.  We  have  no 
information  as  to  the  injunctions  jiivcn  to  the  Galatian 
churches.  Every  Sunday  something  should  be  laid 
by  at  home  for  the  purpose.  Tliis  is  the  first  indica- 
tion we  Iiave  of  any  special  importance  being  attached 
to  Sunday.  The  term  "the  Lord's  day"  (Rev.  lio) 
had  not  appanntly  as  yet  come  into  use.  Tlie  term 
"  Day  of  the  Sun,"  wliich  is  used  by  Justin  Martyr 
in  his  Apology,  is  naturally  avoided  on  account  of  its 


848 


I.  CORINTHIANS,  XVI 


heathen  associations.  The  practice  of  systematio 
weekly  giving  vould  do  awaj'  with  the  necessity  of 
collections  when  Paul  came,  and  tlie  amount  would 
be  larger.  Nothing  more  would  then  be  necessary 
than  for  each  to  bring  what  he  had  saved.  Paul 
may  have  wished  to  avoid  any  suspicion  created  by 
personal  participation  in  the  c<;llection,  or  perlmps 
any  appearance  of  pressure,  or  perliaps  to  devote  the 
whole  time  to  spiritual  work.  When  he  arrives  he 
will  send  with  the  money  to  Jerusalem  those  whom 
the  Corinthians  approve  by  letters  of  commendation 
as  their  delegates.  If  the  Chuich  rises  to  the  occasion 
and  collects  an  offering  worth}-  of  it,  he  will  himself 
go  to  Jerusalem  and  take  the  deputation  with  liim. 
This  leads  to  a  statement  as  to  his  plans  (5-9).  As- 
suming that  s-?  and  8f.  belong  to  the  same  letter, 
Paul  is  Avriting  from  Ephesus.  lie  cannot  leave 
Ephesus  immediatcl}'  because  a  great  opportunity  has 
opened  before  him  which  he  can  turn  to  effective 
account.  When  he  leaves  he  will  come  to  Corinth 
by  the  land  route  through  Macedonia,  not  taking  the 
short  sca-routo  across  the  iEgean.  It  will  accordingly 
be  some  time  before  he  reaches  Corinth,  for  he  has  work 
to  do  on  the  way.  But  he  does  not  wish  to  pay  them 
a  tljang  visit  under  the  present  circumstances,  so  be 
will  compensate  by  a  longer  stay  for  the  delay  in 
reaching  them.  Perhaps  ho  will  winter  with  them 
and  then  receive  a  send-off  from  the  Church. 

Next  (lof.)  he  gives  inslnictions  with  reference  to 
Timothy,  of  whose  mission  he  had  spoken  in  4i7*.  He 
seems  to  have  been  of  a  timid  disposition,  and  in  view 
of  this  and  the  factious  character  of  the  Church,  Paul 
makes  a  special  appeal  for  a  good  reception  when  he 
arrives,  good  treatment  while  ho  is  with  them,  and  a 
peaceable  send-off  when  he  returns  to  Paul,  who  was 
longing  to  have  him  back. 

The  Corinthians  had  apparenth'  asked  that  ApoUos 
might  come.  In  spite  of  Pauls  earnest  entreaties  he 
had  refused  to  come  at  the  present  juncture  ;  he 
probably  preferred  to  remain  away  since  a  part}-  in 
Corinth  was  setting  him  up  as  Paul' s  rival.  He  hopes 
to  come  later  when  he  has  a  good  opportunity — perhaps 
an  intentionally  vague  phrase  (12). 

A  scries  of  concise  warnings  follows  in  i3f.  against 
special  failings  in  the  Chtirch.  The  exhortation  to 
watchfulness  may  be  directed  against  lethargy  or,  more 
probably,  against  self-confidence  ;  that  to  firmness 
in  the  faith  against  speculation  radically  incompatible 
with  the  Gospel ;  that  to  manUness  and  strength 
against   their   childish  wranglings   and   moral   weak- 


ness ;  wliile  that  to  love  reiterates  the  call  to  that 
spirit  in  presence  of  which  all  their  evils  will  vanish  of 
themselves. 

Stephanas  ( 15 )  is  mentioned  in  1 16.  There  had  been 
other  converts  in  the  province  of  Achaia,  namely  those 
at  Athens,  but  Paul  may  regard  these  as  not  sufficiently 
an  omen  of  an  abundant  harvest  to  speak  of  them  as 
firstfruits.  They  were  individual  casea  Here  wo 
have  a  whole  household,  and  a  household  giving  itself 
up  to  the  work.  The  self-renouncing  labours  of  sucli 
workers  sliould  be  honoured  by  submission  to  their 
direct  ion.  There  seems  to  have  been  no  settled  church 
organisation  in  Corinth  at  this  time.  Nothing  is 
known  of  Fortunatus  and  Achaicus.  They  and 
Stephanas  had,  by  their  coming,  compensated  Paul 
for  the  absence  of  his  Corinthian  converts.  The  Cor- 
inthians themselves  will  share  the  refreshment  of  spirit 
which  the  arrival  of  these  members  of  it  has  produced, 
though  in  what  way  is  not  said.  Perhaps  the  Church 
found  happiness  in  the  thought  that  their  representa- 
tives had  cheered  Paul 

Salutations  follow  in  19-24.  Asia  is  the  Roman 
province  of  Proconsular  Asia  embracing  the  western 
coast  lands  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  adjacent  islands. 
Ephesus  was  its  capital.  Aquila  and  Prisca  are 
mentioned  also  in  Rom.  I63*,  2  Tim.  419,  Ac.  182,18,26. 
The  form  I'riscilla  is  used  only  in  Ac.  In  four  of  the 
instance-s  where  they  are  mentioned  in  the  Nl'  the 
wife's  name  is  placed  first.  They  had  a  house-church 
at  Ephesus  and  also  at  Rome  if  Rom.  16  was  really 
addressed  to  Rome  {cf.  p.  818). 

Up  to  this  point,  Paul  had  dictated  the  letter.  He 
adds  the  closing  words  in  his  own  handwriting,  thus 
authenticating  it.  He  pronounces  an  anathema  on 
anj'one  who,  while  professing  to  be  a  Christian,  has 
not  a  personal  affection  for  Christ ;  thus  the  curse 
said  in  12^  to  be  invoked  on  Jesus  is  here  retorted  on 
those  who  do  not  love  Him.  Maran  atha  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  preceding  words.  It  is  an  Aramaic 
expression  found  also  in  the  Didwhe  and  the  Apostolic 
('on-stitution-s.  It  is  disputed  how  it  should  be  divided. 
Maran  atha  means  '  our  Lord  is  come.'"  The  reference 
to  the  coining  of  the  Lord  as  already  past  is  not,  how- 
ever, very  probable,  since  the  thought  of  the  early 
Church  was  concentrated  on  His  Second  Coming. 
Accordincrly,  many  scholars  have  tried  to  make  the 
tense  a  prophetic  perfect,  "  our  Lord  cometh  "  ;  this 
is  grammatically  questionable.  We  should  probably 
read  Marana  tha  "  our  Lord,  come!  "  as  in  Rev.  222o 
(see  EBi,  HDB). 


11.  CORINTHIANS 


By  Professor  C.  ANDERSON  SCOTT 


This  epistle  was  written  by  Paul  when  he  had  reached 
Macedonia  after  the  termination  of  hia  long  stay  at 
Ephesus  (Ac.  20i).  It  probably  followed  what  we 
know  as  1  Cor.  after  an  interval  of  nearly  twelve 
months.  Nothing  is  so  important  for  the  under- 
standing of  the  epistle  as  to  reconstruct  as  far  as  pos- 
sible the  history  of  Paul's  relation  with  the  church  at 
Corinth  during  that  interval.  One  thing  is  certain, 
viz.  that  the  relation  of  natural  confidence  and  affection 
reflected  in  1  Cor.  had  been  seriously  disturbed. 
Probably  the  high  standard  in  sexual  relations  de- 
manded by  the  apostle,  and  the  authoritative  way  in 
which  he  enforced  it,  had  been  resented  by  the  Co- 
rinthian community.  The  irritation  thus  caused  had 
been  fanned  into  a  flame  by  interested  opponents.  To 
deal  with  this  situation  Paul  made  a  hasty  visit  to  Co- 
rinth (not  recorded  in  Ac.  but  referred  to  in  2  Cor.  2i). 
Either  then  or  subsequently,  matters  became  much 
worse.  The  apostle,  either  in  person  or  in  his  absence, 
was  made  the  object  of  an  outrageous  attack  (25). 
His  authority  as  an  apostle  was  denied ;  he  was 
charged  with  self-seeking,  with  arrogance  ;  he  was 
sneered  at  as  incapable  and  a  weak  blunderer.  And 
the  congregation  as  a  whole  failed  to  resent  the  attack 
on  him  who  was  its  foimder.  Stung  by  theii'  want  of 
loyalty  and  their  ingratitude,  Paul  wrote  a  letter  of 
indignant  remonstrance,  demanding  that  the  ring- 
leader should  be  repudiated,  and  threatening  to  take 
the  severest  measures  if  he  had  to  come  himself.  This 
letter,  written  "  with  many  tears  '"  (24),  has  not  sur- 
vived (at  least  not  in  separate  or  original  form).  It 
was  either  carried  by  Titus  or  immediately  followed 
by  him.  Its  effect,  backed  by  the  influence  of  Titus, 
was  even  beyond  Paul's  hopes,  while  it  created  his 
fears.  The  church  as  a  whole  (though  there  may  have 
been  a  minority  which  remained  obstinate),  returned 
to  its  allegiance,  inflicted  punishment  on  the  ringleader 
(26),  and  sought  earnestly  to  be  reconciled  to  Paul. 
The  news  of  tliis  unlooked-for  success  had  reached  Paul 
through  the  lips  of  Titus,  who  came  to  meet  him  in 
Macedonia,  and  this  epistle  is  the  outcome  of  the 
exulting  joy  and  thanlcfulness. 

Dealing,  as  it  does,  mainly  with  this  restored  relation- 
ship, the  grounds  on  whioh"  it  ha/l  been  attacked,  and 
the  ways  in  which  it  had  been  at  the  first  established 
and  could  now  be  further  promoted,  the  epistle  is  the 
most  personal  of  all  Paul's  letters.  It  reveals  his  very 
heart.  The  difficulties  which  it  presents  are  largely 
the  result  of  the  contradictorj'  character  of  the  charges 
and  criticisms  which  had  been  levelled  at  him  b}'  his 
opponents.  He  was  charged  with  being  dictatorial 
and  feeble,  proud  and  insignificant,  with  claiming  the 
authority  of  an  apostle  while  he  had  not  the  courage 
to  take  an  apostle's  remuneration.  In  rebutting  any 
charge  of  the  one  kind,  it  was  inevitable  that  Paul 
should  seem  to  give  colour  to  some  charge  of  the 
opposite  kind.     And  to  his  consciousness  of  this  fact, 


showing  itself  again  and  again,  is  due  the  frequent 
necessity  to  controvert  in  advance  the  dishonest  use 
which  might  bo  made  even  of  his  defence. 

There  is  a  good  deal  to  be  said  in  favour  of  the 
attempt  which  has  been  made  to  simplify  the  exegesis 
of  this  epistle  by  recognising  certain  sections  of  it 
(614-71,  ]0i-13io)  as  belonging  to  other  (?  earlier) 
epistles  (see  the  exjwsition  of  these  passages  and 
footnote  on  p.  856). 

Literature. — Cmnmentaries  :  (a)  Waite  (Sp.),  Farrar 
(PC),  Massie  (Cent.B),  Drummond  (IH),  Mackintosh 
(^\^'T),  M'Fadyen ;  {h)  Eilicott,  Plummer  (CGT  and 
ICC),  Bernard  (EGT),  Menzies,  Ramsav  in  Exp.  (sixth 
series),  i.-iii. ;  (c)  Schmiedel  (HC),  Bousset  (SNT), 
Lietzmann  (HNT),  Heinrici  (Mey.),  Bachmann  (ZK) ; 
(rf)  Denney  (Ex.B).  Other  Literature :  as  for  1  Cor., 
also  Goudve,  The  Mind  of  St.  Paul;  Kennedy,  The 
Secowl  aiid  Third  Epistles  of  St.  Paid  to  the  Corinthian.'i; 
Kendall,  The  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Corinthians. 

I.  1-11.  Salutation  and  Introduction. — If.  Timothy, 
whose  approaching  visit  to  Corinth  had  been  announced 
in  1  Cor.  4i7,  I611,  is  now  again  in  Paul's  company, 
and  joins  with  him  in  salutation  to  all  "  God's  people 
in  Greece  ''  (cf.  92). 

3-11.  Thanksgiving  for  Divine  comfort,  leading  (8) 
to  a  fuller  account  of  his  sufferings.  Paul  does  not 
hesitate  to  speak  of  the  Father  as  the  God  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  (see  Eph.  I3,  1  P.  I3),  to  whom  as 
Son  our  Lord  was  subordinate  (1  Cor.  1526tf.*).  Like 
every  other  benefit,  Paul  receives  God's  comfort  as  a 
trust,  enabling  him  to  minister  comfort  to  others.  He 
is  so  truly  one  with  Christ  that  his  sufferings  are  really 
an  extension  of  the  sufferings  of  Christ  (see  Col.  I24)  ; 
and  he  is  so  truly  one  with  his  converts  that  the 
comfort  he  receives  flows  out  in  comfort  for  them  ;  so 
that,  whichever  form  his  experience  takes,  it  confirms 
his  assurance  regarding  them  ;  his  sufferings  and  his 
consolation  in  Christ  alike  issue  in  consolation  (and 
salvation)  for  the  Corintliians. 

For  they  must  know  that  he  had  passed  through  a 
period  of  terrible  disaster  and  suffering  in  the  province 
of  Asia.  Either  the  riot  at  Ephesus  (Ac.  I923)  had 
involved  Paul  and  his  companions  in  greater  danger 
and  suffering  than  we  should  gather  from  Acts,  or  he 
had  undergone  some  other  persecution  of  which  we 
have  no  record  (II24-27).  Ho  had  looked  death  in 
the  face.  His  courage  had  all  but  given  way.  But 
he  had  learnt  once  more  God's  power  to  deliver, 
and  knows  that  He  will  yet  dchver  (Ps.  9io).  It  ia 
their  part  so  to  co-operate  with  him  in  prayer  that  the 
prayer  of  many  may  turn  to  the  thanksgiving  of  many 
in  view  of  yet  further  bestowal  of  Divine  mercy. 

I.  12-11.'  17.  Paul  Seeks  to  Remove  Misunderstand- 
ings between  Himself  and  the  Corinthians.— 12-14.  He 
has  no  hesitation  in  thus  asking  for  their  prayers, 
for  he  is  conscience-clear  in  all  his  relations  with 
the  Corinthians.     This  is  a   proud  claim  he  makes. 


850 


II.  CORINTHIANS,  I.  12-14 


And  ho  has  been  accused  of  overweening  self-apprecia- 
tion. But  his  claim  rests  on  the  witness  of  a  good 
conscience.  It  was  not  by  human  diplomacy  that  he 
had  been  actuated  in  his  conduct,  but  by  utter  straight- 
forwardness in  dependence  on  God's  i^race.  This  was 
true  in  general,  but  if  possible  more  evident  in  his 
relations  with  Corinth.  What  they  found  in  his 
letters  was  what  he  really  meant.  And  if  they  had 
failed  wholly  to  understand  these,  he  hoped  that 
further  consideration  would  make  them  clear.  For 
when  misuntlerstanding  was  finalh'  cleared  awaj'  at 
the  coming  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  would  perceive  what 
he  knew  already,  that  they  had  reason  to  rejoice  before 
God  for  the  apostle,  as  he  had  to  rejoice  for  them. 

I.'  15-22.  But  had  he  not  laid  himself  open  to  a  charge 
of  fickleness  ?  Had  he  not  led  them  to  expect  that 
he  would  ere  this  have  j)aid  them  another  visit,  re- 
turning through  Corinth  from  Macedonia,  and  taking 
from  Corinth  his  final  departure  to  Judaea  when  he 
went  to  convey  the  monev  collected  for  the  poor 
Christians  at  Jerusalem,  tt  was  not  true  that  in 
abandoning  that  plan  he  had  showed  himself  one 
whose  word  was  not  to  be  trusted.  It  was  true  that 
while  the  confidence  he  has  just  referred  to  was  un- 
shaken, he  had  made  and  announced  this  plan.  And 
he  had  not  laid  his  plans,  as  men  too  often  do,  so  that 
their  "  Yea  "  is  lightly  turned  to  "  Naj'."'  God  is  to 
be  relied  on,  and  the  message  delivered  by  His 
messengers  has  always  been  direct  and  unambiguous. 
For  there  was  no  ambiguity  about  Christ,  who  had 
been  the  subject  of  the  apostle's  preaching.  On  the 
contrary-,  all  the  promises  of  God  had  received  con- 
firmation in  Him.  Whenever  the  Corinthians  say 
"  Amen  '"  ('"  So  it  is  ")  to  any  or  all  of  these  promises, 
they  set  their  seal  to  the  genuineness  of  the  message, 
and  so  to  the  sincerity  of  the  messenger.  And  they 
must  remember  that  both  parties,  the  apostle  and  the 
church,  are  absolutely  made  over  to  Christ,  and  that 
by  Grod  Himself.  For  it  is  God  who  has  anointed 
them  for  service,  and  sealed  them  in  baptism  and 
given  them  in  the  Spirit  the  j^ledge  of  final  and  com- 
plete salvation.  Between  parties  which  were  con- 
nected in  a  relationship  like  that  there  could  be  no 
question  of  bad  faith. 

I.  23-11.  4.  Paul  now  states  the  real  and  sufficient 
reason  for  liis  apparent  vacillation.  He  had  already 
paid  a  visit  to  Corintli  {cf.  1.32)  which  had  been  full  of 
pain  to  himself  as  well  as  to  others.  It  had  become 
only  too  probable  that  another  visit  wovdd  lead  to 
even  sadder  experiences.  In  fact,  it  was  "  to  spare  " 
them  that  he  had  not  fulfilled  his  promise.  Not  that 
it  was  true,  as  some  said,  that  he  wished  to  "  dictate  " 
to  them  in  matters  of  faith.  Far  from  that,  the  object 
of  himself  and  his  fellow-workers  was  simply  to  co- 
operate with  the  church  in  cultivating  their  joy.  In 
respect  of  their  faith  they  were  fidly  established. 

Was  it  hkoly  that  the  apostle  would  come  a  second 
time  to  cause%pain,  when  the  very  people  he  would 
pain  would  be  the  i)eople  on  whom  he  depended  for 
joy  t  Instead  of  coming  he  had  sent  a  letter  (the 
"  lost  epistle  "),  m  which  he  probably  explained  why 
he  was  not  coming,  as  well  as  dealt  faithfully  with 
their  want  of  loyalty  to  himself.  By  that  letter  he 
had  hoped  to  bring  them  into  such  a  frame  of  mind 
that  he  might  exchange  sorrow  for  joy,  and  once  more 
that  joy  would  not  be  for  him.'^elf  alone,  but  shared  by 
them  and  him.  That  letter  had  been  written  in  what 
was  little  less  than  an  agony  of  pain  and  anxiety — a 
description  which  cannot  be  appUed  to  our  "  First 
Epistle  " — and  j'et  its  purpose  was  not  to  give  pain 
but  to  prove  the  reahty  of  Paul'-s  afliection. 


II.  5-11.  Someone  m  the  congregation  at  Corinth  who 
had  done  wrong  is  now  to  bo  forgiven.  There  are  still 
some  scholars  who  think  that  the  person  here  referred 
to  is  the  same  as  the  wrong-doer  of  1  Cor.-  01-5,  the 
man  who  had  taken  his  father's  widow  (?)  to  wfe. 
But  Paul  had  solemnly  adjured  the  Corinthian  church 
to  •'  deliver  .such  a  one  to  Satan  "  (1  Cor.  55*,  p.  640), 
evidently  expecting  that  his  death  would  follow.  And 
whether  or  not  the  church  had  carried  out  his  command, 
it  is  hardly  credible  that  he  would  refer  to  the  same  case 
as  ho  does  here,  saying  that  the  punishment  has  been 
sufticient,  pleading  for  the  offender's  being  pardoned, 
emphasizing  the  fact  that  he,  the  apostle,  has  already 
forgiven  him.  Everything  points,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  a  ditierent  offender  and  a  different  kind  of  offence. 
In  this  case  it  was  Paul  himself  who  had  suffered 
injury,  probably  in  the  form  of  an  outrageous  slander 
or  insult.  This  may  have  taken  place  on  the  occasion 
of  his  second  visit,  or  it  may  have  occurred  in  his 
absence,  possibly  in  the  presence  of  Timothy :  but 
what  made  it  peculiarly  galling  was  that  the  congre- 
gation had,  at  first  at  least,  failed  to  resent  the  attack 
on  Paul.  It  had  sympathised  rather  with  the  offender. 
Now,  however,  in  consequence  of  Pauls  written 
remonstrance  and  Titus'  visit,  they  had  been  brought 
to  a  better  mind.  They,  or  at  least  the  majority  of 
them,  had  passed  severe  censure  on  the  offender, 
Probably  they  had  excluded  him  from  their  fellowship. 
Paul  now  pleads  for  him.  It  is  true  the  injury  he  did 
affected  not  only  the  apostle,  but  "  in  some  degree  " 
the  congregation  also.  But  Paul  does  not  wish  to 
"  press  "  that.  He  urges  them  to  forgive  the  offender, 
even  by  an  official  act  to  reinstate  him  in  their  fellow- 
ship, cancelling  the  excommunication  (8).  The  purpose 
of  his  previous  letter  had  been,  in  part  at  least,  to  test 
their  loj'alty  to  himself.  And  so  far  as  he  had  suffered 
personal  insult — if  indeed  that  were  worth  thinking  of — 
he  was  only  too  willing  that  his  forgiveness  should 
accompany  theii-s.  A  continuance  of  the  unhappy 
situation  would  only  expose  God's  work  at  Corinth  to 
further  attacks  of  the  Evil  One  acting  through  Judaizing 
mischief-makers. 

II.  12-17.  This  will  complete  the  joyful  reconciliation 
already  accompUshed.  Paul  had  found  himself  at 
Troas,  restless  and  imeasy  till  he  heard  the  result  of 
his  letter  to  Corinth.  Even  the  great  opportunity  for 
preaching  which  he  had  found  there  could  neither 
satisfy  nor  detain  him.  He  had  crossed  to  Europe 
and  was  already  in  Macedonia  when  at  last  Titus 
arrived,  bringing  better  news  than  he  had  dared  to 
hope  (see  further,  73).  At  the  recollection  of  that 
moment  of  unspeakable  rehef  he  breaks  out  into  a 
rhapsody  of  thanksgiving.  God  is  advancing  like  a 
mighty  conqueror  in  his  "  Triumph."  The  apostles  of 
Christ  are  swept  along  in  the  triumphal  procession. 
And  the  incense  belonging  to  such  a  procession  is  not 
wanting.  It  is  found  in  that  "  knowledge  of  God  " 
which  rises  from  every  place  as  a  result  of  their  labour. 
Then,  by  a  changed  application  of  the  same  figure,  ho 
represents  God"s  messengors  as  bringing  before  God  a 
sweet  fragrance  of  Christ  whether  their  message  falls 
on  heeding  or  on  unheeding  cai-s.  For,  he  remembers, 
the  message  of  the  Gosp(>l  has  judgment-power.  To 
the  one  class  God's  messengers  are  a  fatal  odour, 
confirming'the  death  which  is  their  portion  ;  to  those 
who  are  being  saved  they  come  as  a  fragrance  which 
has  Ufc  for  its  source  and  life  for  its  result.  The  offer 
of  grace,  when  despised,  turns  to  a  curse.  The  con- 
tomplation  of  so  terrible  a  responsibility  brings  to  hia 
lips  the  question  :  "  ^Vho  is  fit  for  such  a  task  T  " 
The  answer  has  already  been  sniggested  in  14,  and  is 


II.  CORINTHIANS,  IV.  7-18 


851 


confirmed  in  85.  "  We  are  " — not  because  of  any 
innate  fitness,  but  because  God  "  leadeth  us  in  triumph 
in  Christ."  That  this  is  the  answer  is  plain  from  what 
follows,  in  which  Paul  contrasts  the  conduct  of  himsolf 
and  his  fellow-missionaries  with  that  of  the  mischief- 
makers  who  make  merchandise  of  the  Divine  message, 
adulterating  it  to  please  their  hearers.  Their  utterance 
by  contrast  is  as  crystal  in  its  sincerity  ;  for  it  has  God 
for  its  source,  God  for  its  witness,  and  Christ  as  the 
medium  through  which  it  reaches  men. 

III.  1-VI.  10.  The  Splendour  of  the  Apostolic 
Ministry  in  Spite  of  its  Outward  Lowliness. 

III.  1-6.  One  of  the  charges  laid  against  Paul  had 
probably  been  that  of  overweening  self-esteem,  leading 
to  a  claim  to  greater  authority  than  rightfully  belonged 
to  him.  One  of  the  means  used  by  liis  enemies  had  been 
"  letters  of  introduction  "  from  high  authorities,  possibly 
apostles  in  Jerusalem.  Was  he  not  now  displaying 
only  too  clearly  the  reasonableness  of  such  a  charge  ? 
Did  he  really  need  to  justifj'  himself,  as  by  such  letters 
others  had  done  ?  Far  from  it.  The  church  at 
Corinth  was  his  sufficient  testimonial  Its  religious 
experience,  recorded  in  the  hearts  of  the  converts 
there,  was  in  fact  Christ's  own  letter  of  commendation 
for  Paul,  the  only  one  he  required.  His  confidence, 
great  as  it  is,  is  justified,  for  it  lays  hold  on  God  through 
Christ  as  a  channel  And  even  liis  confidence  does 
not  imply  a  claim  to  draw  any  conclusion,  to  form 
any  judgment,  on  his  own  responsibiUty.  His  quah- 
fications  come  wholly  from  God.  It  is  He  who  has 
qualified  him  to  be  a  minister  of  a  new  covenant. 
And  the  supreme  distinction  of  this  new  covenant  is 
that,  being  based  not  on  written  legislation  but  on  the 
Spirit,  it  avoids  the  deadlj'  coasequences  of  the  old 
covenant  (Rom.  7ii),  and  substitutes  for  them  the  life 
which  the  Spirit  alone  can  create  (Gal.  821). 

III.  7-16.  This  opens  the  way  for  a  compaiison  be- 
tween the  ministry  under  the  one  covenant  and  the 
ministry  under  the  other.  The  former,  even  though  its 
issue  was  historically  failure,  condemnation,  and  death, 
and  while  its  inferiority  was  shown  by  its  being  engraved 
on  tables  of  stone  (though  it  was  destined  to  pass 
away),  was  nevertheless  promulgated  in  circumstances 
of  dazzling  splendour — though  even  that  was  a 
splendour  that  was  fading.  How  much  greater  must 
be  the  splendour  belonging  to  the  new  covenant,  and 
to  its  ministry,  which  has  the  Spirit  in  place  of  a 
written  law,  creates  righteousness  where  the  other 
wrought  condemnation,  and  moreover  is  destined  to 
abide.  Even  the  real  glory  which  attached  to  the 
former  covenant  is  cancelled,  at  least  to  this  extent, 
by  the  surpassing  glory  of  the  new  one.  For  the  glory 
of  the  new  covenant  neither  passes  away  nor  is  it 
obscured  by  any  veil,  as  the  old  one  was.  Its  ministers 
have  no  need  to  put  a  veil  over  their  message  as  Moses 
did  over  his  face  when  he  promulgated  his  Law  (Ex.  34 
33),  in  order,  as  Paul  hero  suggests,  to  hide  the  fading 
of  the  glory.  [This,  of  course,  was  not  the  actual 
intention  as  represented  in  the  OT. — A.  S.  P]  In 
one  phrase,  "  their  minds  were  hardened,"  he  sums  up 
the  fatal  consequences,  as  he  conceives  them,  of  the 
covenant  which  had  these  disabilities.  And  a  symbol 
of  its  inadequacy  was  still  to  Ije  seen  in  any  synagogue. 
For  there  the  rolls  of  the  Law  were  punctiliously 
wrapped  in  a  "  veil  "  ;  and  a  like  veil  was  over  the 
heart  of  Israel,  still  unrcmoved  Ijecause  it  could  be 
done  away  "  in  Christ  '  alone. 

The  plirase,  '"  the  old  covenant  "  or  "  testament," 
referring  to  the  Mosaic  I^aw,  occurs  here  for  the  first 
time,  and  is  a  significant  testimony  to  PaiiTs  conscious- 
ness that  the  new  wine  of  the  Ciospel  demanded  new 


bottles.  The  words  in  16  are  a  free  paraphrase  of 
Ex.  3434,  applied  by  Paul  to  Israel  [When  Moses 
went  in  to  Yahweh  ho  removed  the  veil.  Accordingly, 
if  one  now  turns  to  the  Lord  (i.e.  Christ),  the  veil  is 
removed  from  the  heart. — A.  S.  P.] 

III.  17f.  In  17  he  explains  the  deep  retisons  why 
"  turning  to  the  Lord  "  is  followed  by  the  removal  of 
the  veil,  and  in  so  doing  gives  utterance  to  a  statement 
of  the  greatest  importance  for  his  Christologj',  "'  the 
Lord  is  the  Spirit."  For  here,  as  elsewhere  with  few 
exceptions,  "  the  Lord  "  is  Christ.  It  is  the  heavenly 
Christ  whom  he  recognises  as  the  Spirit.  Their  influence 
is  the  same.  He  who  turns  to  the  One  turns  to  the 
Other.  And  where  the  Spirit  is  there  is  liberty  (from 
the  Law).  The  hindering  veil  is  removed.  And  so, 
because  Christians  are  men  who  have  turned  to  Christ, 
there  is  no  such  veil  upon  their  hearts  or  upon  their 
revelation  of  God.  They  reflect  the  glory  of  the  Lord 
Christ  undimmed.  Nay,  more,  in  reflecting  it  they 
undergo  a  continuous  change  within  themselves.  The 
image  they  reflect  forms  itseK  in  them,  and  they  advance 
from  one  stage  of  glory  to  another,  as  might  be  looked 
for  from  the  working  of  the  Lord  the  Spirit.  In  the 
case  of  Moses,  the  glory  diminished  and  faded  ;  in 
the  case  of  Christians  it  increases  and  brightens.  And 
where  the  OT  spoke  of  the  gloiy  of  Yahweh,  Paul 
speaks  of  the  glory  of  Christ. 

IV.  1-6.  In  this  paragraph  the  apostle  recurs  to  the 
thought  of  3i2,  2i6,  I12  ;  a  ministry  of  such  surpassing 
splendour  demanded  in  himself  and  his  comrades  un- 
flinching courage,  and  a  life  that  commended  itself 
by  uprightness  and  straightforwardness  to  the  judg- 
ment of  other  men.  There  were  those  who  were  still 
blind  to  the  truth.  They  were  •'  blinded  by  the  god 
of  this  world,"  i.e.  by  Satan.  This  striking  phrase 
calls  attention  to  the  practical  dualism  of  Paul's  view 
of  the  world.  It  had  fallen  under  the  dominion,  into 
the  grasp  (IJn.  619)  of  the  Evil  One.  The  present  age 
(or  world)  was  wholly  evil,  ilen  were  waging  a  real 
struggle  with  spiritual  forces  of  evil  (Eph.  612),  with 
"  angels,  potentates,  and  powers  "  (Rom.  838),  who 
formed  a  veritable  kingdom  of  darkness  under  the 
sovereignty  of  "  the  prince  of  the  power  of  the  air  " 
(Eph.  22).  It  was  part  of  Christ's  great  redeeming 
work  that  He  had  fought  and  worsted  this  whole  host 
of  evil  forces  (Col.  2i5*) ;  and  the  issue  of  the  great 
process  of  salvation  is  to  be  the  complete  and  final 
subjugation  of  this  temporary  kingdom  of  evil  ( 1  Cor.  15 
24).  Through  this  blindness  men  are  deprived  of  that 
illumination  which  comes  from  the  glorious  gospel  of 
Christ,  which  finds  its  parallel  in  the  miracle  of  creation 
itself.  For  the  coming  of  this  light  to  the  soul  is  like 
nothing  else  than  the  birth  of  light  in  the  world  ;  and 
it  is  reflected  from  the  face  of  Christ  (Heb.  1 3). 

IV.  7-18.  It  is  true  that  the  splendid  character  of  this 
ministry  is  for  tiie  present  obscured  by  the  earthly  and 
physical  conditions  under  which  it  is  discharged.  Paul 
is  conscious  that  this  disability  is  specially  marked  in 
his  case.  His  opponents  had  probably  good  reason  for 
saying  "  his  bodily  presence  is  weak  "  (lOio.  1  Cor.  158*). 
2  Cor.  lOf.  refers  frequently  to  "  infirmities,"  and 
specially  to  the  "thorn  in  the  flesh"  (12;*)  which 
was  a  sore  trial  to  him.  But  Paul  sees  in  it  the  working 
of  God's  will,  that  there  might  be  no  doubt  as  to  the 
tine  source  of  tb.e  power  he  exercised  ;  it  came  not 
from  Paul  but  from  God.  And  this  Divine  po\ycr 
works  not  only  through  him  but  within  him,  sustaining 
under  experiences  that  would  otherwise  crush.  Naj', 
there  is  a  still  deeper  interpretation  of  his  suffering. 
Like  all  his  experience  since  he  became  a  Christian,  it 
is  counectod  with  his  union  with  Christ.     And  if  the 


852 


II.  CORINTHIANS,  IV.  7-18 


death  of  Christ,  Ilia  pangs  and  hclplos-sness,  are  re- 
enacted,  it  is  only  in  order  that  the  glorious  risen  life 
of  Jesus  also  may  bo  manifested  in  the  apostle.  But 
again — not  for  his  benefit  (l6).  He  accepts  cheerfully 
what  is  phj'sically  a  hvinsj;  death  for  him,  because  its 
issue  is  spiritual  life  for  those  to  whom  he  ministers. 

But  the  contrast  between  the  real  glory  of  the 
apostolic  ministry  and  the  outward  wealmess  of  the 
minister  is,  after  all,  only  temporar}'.  The  very 
confidence  with  which  he  speaks  is  a  proof  of  his 
faith — here  he  recalls  a  liko  thought  of  the  Psalmist 
(Ps.  II610) — and  with  faith  goes  the  Spirit,  at  once 
the  firstfruits  and  the  guarantee  of  full  salvation.  In 
the  power  of  this  Spirit  he  sees  what  is  going  on  con- 
currently with  the  wearing  out  and  breaking  up  of  the 
physical  frame,  viz.  the  daily  growth  of  an  inner 
personality,  one  which  is  spiritual  and  eternal.  In 
view  of  tliis  the  affliction  of  the  present  is  seen  to  bo 
temporary  and  felt  to  be  light,  at  least  by  those  who 
fix  their  gaze  on  tlie  unseen.  At  15  the  thought 
crosses  his  mind  that  he  may  seem  to  be  losing  himself 
in  contemplation  of  his  own  experience  and  hopes  ; 
and  very  characteristicallj''  he  interpolates  the  re- 
minder of  what  is  his  profound  conviction — that  all 
tins,  even  his  most  individual  experience,  is  for  their 
sakes  in  the  first  place,  and  ultimately  for  the  greater 
glory  of  God. 

V.  1-10.  Paul  proceeds  to  expand  the  thought  of 
4i6,  modifying  the  idea  of  an  inner  personality  into 
that  of  a  house  or  home  for  the  soul  prepared  by  God 
in  heaven.  The  earthly  frame  in  which  we  dwell  here 
has  its  counterpart  in  a  spiritual  frame,  the  resurrec- 
tion-body, which  awaits  us  in  heaven  (c/.  1  Cor.  I538*, 
"God  giveth  it  a  body").  In  if.  he  speaks  of  this 
as  a  house  which  in  contrast  to  the  physical  body  is 
"  eternal "  ;  in  the  following  verses  under  the  figure 
of  a  robe.  There  has  been  much  discussion  as  to  the 
precise  point  at  which  Paul  conceives  of  this  enrobing 
with  the  spiritual  body  as  taking  place ;  whether 
immediately  after  death  or  only  after  the  resurrection 
and  judgment ;  also  as  to  whether  he  conceives  of  the 
new  spiritual  body  as  taking  the  place  of  the  old 
physical  bodj',  or  as  teing  super-indued  over  the 
physical  body  when  it  has  been  raised  from  the  dead. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  affirm,  after  comparing  this 
passage  with  I  Cor.  15,  that  Paul  was  entirely  con- 
sistent in  his  answer  to  these  questions — if  we  admit 
that  they  had  presented  themselves  to  his  mind.  The 
probabihty  is  that  they  had  not,  and  that  what  looks 
like  mconsistency  is  really  due  to  the  fact  that  he  had 
not  carried  out  any  analysis  of  the  stages  of  post 
mortem  experience.  A  spirit  or  soul  without  a  "  body," 
that  is,  a  form,  was  for  him  inconceivable.  And  the 
conviction  on  which  ho  enlarges,  in  which  he  finds 
comfort  here,  is  that  there  is  prepared  by  Grod  for 
every  believer,  and  waiting  for  him  in  heaven,  a  form 
or  frame,  a  house  or  home,  which  is  the  spiritual 
Counterpart  of  the  physical  form,  but  eternal ;  and 
t\)is  precludes  the  probability  that  even  for  a  moment 
any  believer  should  be  "  naked,"  i.e.  a  disembodied 
spirit,  after  life  and  consciousness  have  been  restored 
through  resurrection.  What  is  hero  laid  down  does 
not  preclude  that  interval  of  "  sleep "  which  Paul 
predicates  elsewhere  (see  S.  D.  F.  Salmond,  Christiun 
Doctriitf  of  Inunorlality^,  p.  450ff.). 

The  yearning,  therefore,  of  those  who  are  still  dwell- 
ing in  the  tent  of  a  physical  body  is  not  a  yearning  for 
escapfi,  heavy  though  the  burden  is,  but  for  that  which 
follows  escape.  And  of  that  the  Christian  has  a 
double  pledge.  It  is  God  who  has  been  at  work, 
bringing  men  to  this  disposition  of  "  earnest  expecta- 


tion," and  He  will  not  deceive  them  ;  and  moreover 
He  has  given  them  in  the  Holy  Spirit  a  pledge  of  this 
as  well  as  of  all  else  that  is  involved  in  "  salvation." 

So  much  of  this,  however,  lies  still  in  the  future, 
that  the  governing  condition  of  our  moral  life  is  not 
the  faculty  of  sight  but  that  of  faith,  by  which  we  per- 
ceive, lay  hold  of,  the  unseen  (c/.  4i8,  Heb.  111). 
And  this  faith  inspires  us  with  liigh  courage  even  in 
the  face  of  possible  death,  for  death,  we  know,  puta 
an  end  to  that  absence  from  the  Lord  which  is  involved 
in  being  still  in  the  earthly  tabernacle.  If  death 
comes,  JPaul  will  accept  it  {cf.  Phil.  I23).  Meanwhile, 
whichever  way  he  looks  on  his  present  condition, 
whether  as  being  at  home  in  the  body  or  as  absent 
from  the  Lord,  he  has  but  one  ambition,  to  be  well 
pleasing  to  Him.  For  (so  far  was  Paul  from  the 
antinomianism  with  which  he  was  charged)  even  the 
now  standing  of  believers  as  "  justified  by  faith  "  and 
the  gift  of  the  Spirit  do  not  relieve  Christians  of  the 
responsibility  for  their  actions,  wliich  will  be  exposed 
for  judgment  before  the  judgment-seat  of  Christ. 

V.  11-19.  The  emphasis  is  on  the  opening  words  of 
1 1.  Among  the  clouds  of  misrepresentation  to  which  he 
was  exposed  was  the  sneering  assertion  that  in  some 
unworthy  sense  he  "  persuades  "  or  "  gets  round  " 
men  (c/.  Gal.  lio).  If  it  can  be  said  of  him  with  any 
truth  at  all,  this,  which  he  has  just  stated,  is  the 
reason.  In  any  case  both  his  motives  and  his  methods 
are  plain  to  God — and  (ho  will  never  let  go  the  hope) 
plain  also  to  the  inward  judgment  of  the  Corinthians. 
This  does  not  mean  that  he  is  justifying  another  charge 
made  against  him,  the  charge  of  "  commending  him- 
self." He  is  really  inviting  them  to  be  proud  of  him, 
as  thej'  will  be  if  they  do  him  justice.  So  will  they  be 
able  to  face  his  opijonents,  who  found  their  claim  on 
outward  things  such  as  eloquence  (10 10),  or  on  letters 
of  commendation  (.3i),  or  their  Jewish  blood  (II22),  or 
on  their  personal  acquaintance  with  Jesus,  rather  than 
upon  inward  motive  or  disposition.  In  the  case  of 
Paul,  all  experience,  all  action  even,  has  lost  any 
merely  personal  reference.  His  periods  of  ecstasy  are 
for  the  glory  of  God  ;  his  times  of  sober  consciousness 
are  for  the  benefit  of  others.  For  he  is  governed  by 
Christ's  love  and  by  the  fonn  in  which  it  had  been 
manifested,  Christ  had  died  for  all.  It  followed  that 
"  all  "  died  with  Him — died  to  the  old  life.  Christ 
had  risen  again  ;  it  follows  that  those  who  live  (with 
the  new  hfe)  in  Him,  live  not  to  themselves  but  to 
Him.  And  so  real  is  this  new  life,  so  completely  is  it 
out  off  from  the  old  one,  that  all  relationships  on  the 
plane  of  human  hfe  are  transcended.  Even  a  claim 
to  have  known  the  historical  Jesus  (such  as  was  prob- 
ably made  by  some  of  Paul's  opponents)  was  irrelevant. 
Christ's  true  followers  knew  Him  in  another  and  a 
higher  way,  not  according  to  the  llcsh  but  according 
to  the  Spirit,  It  is  not  possible  to  decide  whether  Paul 
waives  the  fact  or  only  the  supposition  that  ho  had 
known  Jesus  in  the  flesh.  But  since  he  was  probably 
in  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the  Crucifixion,  the  possi- 
bility of  his  having  at  least  seen  Him  cannot  be  ex- 
cluded. In  fact,  those  who  "  live  "  because  they  are 
in  Christ,  are  actually  new  beings.  And  all  this  comea 
from  God.  It  is  He  who  has  reconciled  men  to  Himself, 
Ho  who  has  appointed  Paul  to  a  ministry  of  reconcilia- 
tion. For  all  his  magnifying  of  the  glorj'  and  sacrifice 
of  Christ,  Paul  never  loses  sight  of  God  as  the  primal 
Author  and  Source  of  salvation  (I  Cor,  823),  And 
this  is  the  burden  of  his  message,  that  God  in  Christ 
has  brought  humanity  into  a  relation  of  peace  with 
Himself,  In  doing  tliis  God  must  have  cancelled  the 
record  of  human  offences  against  Himself  (Rom.  823), 


I 


II.  CORINTHIANS,  VIII.  1-15 


853 


and  to  give  effect  to  it  He  had  committed  to  the 
apostles  and  teachers  the  message  of  reconciliation. 

[16.  "  to  know  Christ  after  the  flesh  "  may  mean 
"  to  hold  the  old  Jewish  Messianic  ideas." — A.  J.  G.] 

V.  20-VI.  10.  Paul  proceeds  to  expound  and  apply 
the  relationship  between  himself  and  his  converts  based 
upon  this  ministry.  He  acts  in  Christ's  stead  when  he 
beseeches  men  to  allow  themselves  to  be  reconciled  to 
God.  And  what  Paul  did  for  Christ,  God  did  through 
Christ.  Once  more  he  points  to  the  supreme  illustra- 
tion and  proof  of  God's  will  to  reconcile  men.  He  had 
treated  Christ,  the  "  Son  of  His  love,"  though  He  had 
no  experimental  knowledge  of  sin,  as  though  He  had 
sinned  and  deserved  the  punishment  of  death.  And  He 
had  done  this  for  man's  sake,  in  order  that  he  might 
participate  in  the  Divine  righteousness.  The  strange 
expression  "  made  him  to  bo  sin  "  is  probably  due  to 
Paul's  shrinking  from  saying  "  made  him  a  sinner," 
which  would  also  have  been  open  to  misconception  ; 
for  the  same  reason,  in  Gal.  813  he  says,  "  Christ  was 
made  a  curse,"  when  "  cursed  "  would  have  been  in 
accordance  with  the  citation  from  Deuteronomy  which 
follows. 

It  is  the  grace,  *he  undeserved  mercy,  of  God  that 
is  offered  in  this  message  of  reconciliation,  and  while 
Christ's  ambassadors,  as  fellow-workers  with  God  and 
Christ,  entreat  the  world  to  accejjt  that  grace,  they 
entreat  those  who  have  already  accepted  it  (''  you  ") 
to  ensure  that  their  acceptance  be  fruitful.  (In  a 
parenthesis  he  illustrates  by  a  quotation  from  Is.  49 
the  blessed  character  of  the  moment.)  Accordingly 
the  apostles  so  shape  their  conduct  that  they  may 
aj>prove  themselves  to  men  as  nothing  less  than  the 
agents  and  emissaries  of  God.  The  quality  of  endur- 
ance is  exhibited  in  severe  experiences  arranged  in 
three  triplets,  vnth  which  we  should  compare  the  list 
m  11 23-28  ;  then  follows  the  enumeration  of  many 
other  qualities  of  the  ministry.  It  is  further  distin- 
guished by  a  message  which  springs  from  truthfulness, 
and  by  the  use  of  "  weapons  of  righteousness  "  alike 
for  offence  and  defence.  In  the  antitheses  that  follow 
(8f.)  the  injurious  representations  are  to  be  understood 
as  the  opmion  of  Paul's  opponents.  It  is  they  who 
regard  him  as  "  obscure,"  as  "  moribund,"  as  "  chas- 
tised "  by  God.  Li  10  both  members  of  each  antithesis 
probably  represent  the  genuine  experience  of  the 
apostle. 

VI.  ll-Vn.  16.  The  Restored  Relationship  between 
Paul  and  the  Corinthians  must  be  Sealed  by  Proof  of 
their  Loyalty. 

VI.  11-13.  The  openness  of  his  speech  is  an  indi- 
cation of  the  largeness  of  his  heart  towards  them. 
It  is  not  true  that  they  are  "  shut  up  in  a  comer " 
by  him  ;  any  constraint  that  they  feel  is  really  due  to 
the  narrowness  of  their  own  affection.  He  therefore 
appeals  to  them  to  meet  and  reward  his  overflowing 
confidence  and  affection  by  a  corresponding  widening 
of  their  hearts  towards  him. 

VI.  14^ VII.  1.  These  verses  appear  plainly  out  of 
place.  They  break  what  is  otherwise  a  close  connexion 
between  613  and  I2  •  they  introduce  a  new  and  very 
different  subject,  and  they  have  a  very  different  tone 
from  what  precedes  and  follows.  They  are  best  re- 
garded as  a  scrap  from  another  letter  written  by  Paul 
to  Corinth,  possibly  a  fragment  of  the  letter  rc-ferrcd 
to  in  1  Cor.  69,  which  has  accidentally  crept  into  the 
sheets  on  which  our  letter  was  preserved.  They 
contain  an  urgent,  even  passionate,  demaiul  for  com- 
plete separation  from  the  heathen,  especially  in  their 
idolatrous  piactices.  In  a  series  of  sharp  questions 
Paul  flashes  scorn  on   every  attempt  to  sei^e   two 


masters,  Christ  and  "  Belial,"  that  is  the  devil  (or, 
possibly,  /Vntichrist,  Pr.  612*).  The  last  of  these  ques- 
tions reminds  him  that  Christians  are  meant  to  be  God's 
temple  ;  and  he  exposes  the  source  and  the  significance 
of  that  conception  by  means  of  a  series  of  quotations 
from  OT,  the  first  being  freely  reproduced  from 
Ezck.  3727,  the  rest  combined  from  Is.  52ii,  Ex.  2O34, 
and  2  K.  714.  The  description  of  God  as  "  the 
Almighty  "  occurs  in  NT  only  here  and  in  Rev.  Men 
who  rest  in  these  promises  seek  to  purify  themselves 
(c/.  1  Jn.  83)  in  "  flesh  and  spirit  " — these  words  being 
used  in  the  simple  imtechnical  sense,  as  in  1  Cor.  734 
("  body  and  spirit  "). 

VII  2-4.  With  2  Paul  returns  to  the  thought  of  613. 
"  Make  wide  your  hearts.  .  .  .  Make  room  in  them  for 
us."  The  sentences  which  follow  are  full  of  changing 
emotion,  as  he  indignantly  repudiates  charges  that 
have  been  made  against  him,  stays  the  possible  retort 
that  he  is  condemning  the  Corinthians,  asserts  once 
more  the  undj-ing  fellowship  between  him  and  them, 
and  concludes  on  a  triumphant  note  of  confidence 
and  joy. 

VII.  5-16.  Agonising  Anxiety  has  been  CanceUed  by 
Abundant  Joy. — The  cause  of  his  anxiety  had  been  in 
part  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  church  at  Corinth, 
but  even  more  the  measures  he  had  taken  to  deal  with 
it,  followed  by  torturing  doubt  as  to  how  these  would 
be  received  by  the  Corinthians.  Someone  had  behaved 
outrageously.  Someone  had  been  outraged.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  Paul  who  had  suffered, 
though  whether  he  was  personally  present  or  what  was 
the  nature  of  the  outrage  we  cannot  teU,  What  made 
it  serious  was  that  the  Corintliians  had  not  repudiated 
the  insult  to  their  friend.  Stung  by  their  fickleness, 
and  moved  by  fear  lest  they  should  fall  away  altogether 
from  himself  and  the  gospel,  Paul  had  written  a  letter 
so  severe  that  ffom  the  moment  he  despatched  it, 
probably  by  the  hand  of  Titus,  he  was  torn  with 
anxiety  lest  it  should  have  the  very  opposite  effect  to 
what  he  desired.  When  he  had  met  Titus  in  Mace- 
donia, it  was  to  hear  news  so  unexpectedly  good  that 
he  was  lost  in  thankfulness  and  joy.  They  had  re- 
pented. They  had  "  inflicted  punishment "  (26)  on 
the  offender.  They  had  shown  by  their  treatment  of 
Titus  both  the  genuineness  of  their  repentance  and 
their  loyal  affection  for  the  apostle.  AH  this  Paul 
rehearses  with  almost  breathless  thankfulness,  and 
explains  (12)  that  the  deepest  consequences  (and  so, 
intention)  had  been  their  disco\ery  '"  in  the  sight  of 
God  "  of  the  reaUtv  of  their  attachment  to  Paul. 

Vni.,  IX.  The  Collection  for  Poor  Christians  at 
Jerusalem. — Paul  attached  the  highest  importance  to 
this  collection,  to  which  he  seems  to  have  invited  all 
the  Gentile  churches  to  contribute.  He  valued  it  not 
mcrel}-  for  the  relief  it  would  bring  to  the  deep  poverty 
of  the  Christians  at  Jerusalem,  but  also  as  a  means 
of  eliciting  generosity  in  the  churches  to  which  he 
ap{K?aled,  and  as  a  symbol  of  that  binding  unity  in 
which  all  "  the  churches  of  God  in  Christ  "  were  held 
together.  He  thinks  of  the  liberality  thus  evoked  as 
a  "  grace,"  a  gift  of  God  to  man,  and  a  gift  of  man  to 
God,  and  also  as  a  "  fellowship,"  a  common  participa- 
tion in  conmion  service  which  was  a  precious  symbol 
of  participation  in  common  fife. 

VIII.  1-15.  Of  this  liberality,  significant  of  so  much, 
the  churches  of  Macedonia,  such  as  Thessalonica, 
Philippi,  Beroea,  hail  already  given  an  example  all  the 
more  remarkable  because  of  their  notorious  poverty, 
and  also  of  the  persecution  they  were  enduring.  And, 
best  of  all,  this  offering  was  really  a  self-offering,  and 
had  been  made  not,  as  well  mighl  have  happened,  to 


854 


II.  CORINTHIANS,  VIII.  1-15 


tho  apostle,  but  firat  to  Christ  and  tlicn  to  Paul  and 
the  cause  for  which  he  pleaded. 

Paul  had  already  laid  this  subject  of  the  collection 
before  the  Corinthians  (1  Cor.  IGiff.),  and  possibly 
Titus  had  taken  the  opportunity  of  a  prcviouH  visit  to 
Bet  it  on  foot,  and  now  Paul,  encouraged  by  what  has 
happened  in  Macedonia,  has  instructed  him  to  bring 
it  to  a  successful  issue  in  Corinth.  The  readiners  of 
the  Macedonians  is  to  be  used  as  a  test  of  the  loj'alty 
of  the  Corinthians.  And  they  have  a  still  higher 
example  before  their  eyes.  W\\at  else  did  they  sec  in 
Jesus  Christ  Himself  but  a  liberality  which  knew  no 
limits  ?  In  view  of  this  Paul  contouts  himself  with  a 
suggestion,  leaving  it  to  tho  prompting  of  their  own 
conscience  to  give  effect  to  that  resolve  which  already 
a  year  ago  had  been  present  behind  the  first  steps  of 
action.  In  12  he  lays  down  tho  same  principle  as 
that  which  underlies  our  Lord's  appreciation  of  the 
liberality  of  the  widow  who  "  cast  in  all  that  she  had  " 
(Mk.  1242-44).  ,.      , 

[9.  Tho  reference  is  not  to  the  fact  that  Jesus  lived 
a  life  of  poverty  on  earth.  The  contrast  is  between 
His  pre-incamate  life  in  heaven  and  the  state  of 
humiliation  on  which  Ho  entered  at  tho  Incarnation. 
This  is  strongly  suggested  by  the  parallel  in  Phil.  26-8  ; 
and  the  poverty  which  was  His  earthly  lot  could 
hardly  bo  said  to  be  the  cause  that  many  became 
rich.— A.  S.  P.] 

Vin.  16-24.  Paul  commends  the  three  messengers 
who  are  going  to  Corinth  on  the  business  of  the  collec- 
tion. One  of  these  was  Titus,  and  he  looked  on  the 
matter  in  the  same  way  as  Paul.  There  were  two 
others,  whoso  names  he  probably  wrote,  though  for 
some  unknown  reason  they  were  afterwards  erased.  Tho 
first  of  these,  who  may  possibly  have  been  Luke,  was 
already  favourably  known  to  ail  the  churches  through 
his  work  for  Chnst,  and  had  been  chosen  "  by  the 
churches  "  to  assist  Paul  in  the  responsible  work  of 
collecting  and  conveying  the  money — an  arrangement 
which  Paul  cordially  approves,  inasmuch  as  it  shut  off 
the  possibility  of  suspicion  or  scandal  against  himself 
in  the  handling  of  the  contributions.  The  second, 
whose  name  has  also  been  omitted  (early  commen- 
tators guessed  A  polios)  had  been  selected  by  the  apostle 
himself,  partly  on  the  ground  of  his  firm  belief  in  the 
liberahty  of  the  Corinthians.  The  construction  of  23 
is  confused,  but  the  meaning  is  plain.  For  Titus  and 
for  his  tv.'o  companions  Paul  asks  such  a  reception  as 
will  both  prove  the  Corinthians'  affection  for  himself 
and  justify  his  pride  in  them — for  Titus,  on  the  ground 
that  he  is  Pauls  companion  and  fellow-worker,  for  the 
other  two  on  the  ground  that  they  are  his  brethren, 
envoys  of  the  churches,  and  reflect  the  glory  of  Christ 
(cf.  1  Cor.  11 7). 

19.  "  To  shew  our  readiness  "  is  best  taken  with 
"  appointed  by  the  churches  "  in  the  sense  of  "  accord- 
ing to  our  inclination  "  or  "  to  the  increase  of  readi- 
ness," Paul's  readiness  to  have  someone  appointed 
bemg  increased  by  the  particular  appointments  which 
were  made. 

DC.  1-5.  On  tho  general  subject,  the  obligation  to 

J)rovido  assistance  for  God's  people,  there  is  no  need 
or  Paul  to  writo  to  the  Corinthians.  They  have 
already  acknowledged  that  obligation,  and  Paul  has 
proudly  annoimced  their  willingness  to  the  Macedonians, 
a  willingness  which  included  the  churches  of  C.reeee 
to  which  Corinth  stood  as  centre.  What  he  is  now 
concerned  about,  and  taking  steps  to  secure,  is  the 
fulfilment  of  their  promises  nnd  a  fulfilment  in  the 
spirit  of  iKMmtifulness  and  not  of  grudging  calculation. 
IX.  6-15.  This  concern  brings  him,  however,  to  a  re- 


newed consideration  of  the  grace  of  liberality,  and  of 
the  blessings  attached  to  it.  He  touches  in  succession 
on  tho  proper  temper  of  such  liberality  (6f.),  viz. 
generous  self-determination  to  sacrifice,  such  as  meets 
with  the  Divine  approval  (quotation  from  Pr.  228, 
IjXX),  the  source  both  of  the  impulse  and  of  tho 
means  for  such  liberality  (Sff.),  and  the  ultimate  is-sue 
of  it  in  widespread  thanksgiving  to  God  (12-15).  God 
it  is  who  is  able  to  make  every  kind  of  grace,  including 
thLs  of  liberality,  to  abound  ;  and  it  is  He  also  who 
provides  the  means  for  their  display  of  liberality, 
making  this  indeed  its  consequence  and  reward,  so 
that  their  "  righteousness,'  i.e.  beneficence  (r,f.  Mt.  61) 
need  know  no  end.  Paul's  thought  here  runs  closely 
parallel  to  the  teaching  of  Jesus  on  almsgiving, 
liiberality  is  the  expression  not  only  of  love  to  the 
brethren,  but  of  confidence  in  tho  liberahty  of  God,  a 
confidence  which  shall  not  be  disappointed.  This  is 
tho  true  ministry  of  "  Divine  service"  (cf.  Jas.  I27), 
issuing  not  only  in  the  rehef  of  God's  people  but  in 
exulting  recognition  of  the  power  of  the  gospel  as  an 
inspiration  to  sacrifice  and  service.  That  it  is  hardly 
possible  to  exaggerate  the  significance  which  Paul 
attached  to  the  collection,  and  the  "f;race  "  of  liberality 
of  which  it  was  the  symbol,  appears  from  the  closing 
verse.  The  "unspeakable  gift"  is  either  that  grace 
of  broth^y  love  and  unity  among  communities  so 
diverse  from  one  another  of  which  the  collection  is 
the  expression,  or  it  is  the  gift  of  Jesus  Christ  as  leading 
to,  and  interpreting  itself  in,  that  unity,  generosity, 
and  gratitude. 

X.  l-Xm.  10.  At  this  pomt(lOi)  Paul  turns  sharply 
upon  ceitain  opponents  and  proceeds  to  defend  him?eff 
with  energy  against  their  attack  and  insinuations,  to 
enlarge  on  his  claim  to  obedience  and  affection,  and 
then  adds  to  stern  remonstrance  threats  of  what  ho 
will  do  at  his  coming  if  he  does  not  find  the  situation 
changed. 

The  change  of  tone  and  attitude  which  here  takes 
place  is  both  obvious  and  startling.  Up  to  this  point, 
the  letter  has  been  the  expression  of  ahmost  exuberant 
relief,  thankfulness,  and  confidence  ;  due  to  the  fact 
that,  contrary  to  what  he  feared,  Paul  and  the  church 
at  Corinth  had  been  reconciled.  From  this  point 
onward  we  have  the  expression  of  anxiety,  alarm,  anger. 
All  that  in  the  first  part  of  the  letter  seems  to  have  been 
accomplished,  here  waits  for  accomplishment.  The 
people  whom  Paul  here  addresses  are  not  yet  reconciled 
to  him.  They  are  definitely  hostile,  and  they  are  not 
an  isolated  group.  They  are  linked  at  heart  by 
sympathy  with  the  congregation  as  a  whole. 

The  explanation  which  has  commonly  been  given  is 
that  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  letter  Paul  has  been 
dealing  with  the  section  {?  majority)  of  the  congrega- 
tion winch  had  partly  remained  loyal  to  him,  partly 
returned  to  their  loyalty,  and  that  he  now  turns  to  deal 
with  the  other  section,  an  obstinate  and  embittered 
minority.  But  in  that  case  there  would  surely  be  at  the 
beginning  of  this  section  some  indication  that  ho  was 
addressing  a  new  class  of  jwople,  and  the  earUer  part  of 
tho  letter  must  liaA'O  betrayed  some  consciousness  of 
the  presence  of  this  unreconciled  section  of  the  people. 
The  difficulty  of  accounting  for  this  change,  sudden, 
-  unexplained,  and  maintained  almo.st  to  the  close  of 
the  epistle,  is  the  ground  of  the  opinion  now  widely 
hold,  that  10i-13io  l)elr)ngs  not  to  this  but  to  some 
other  letter  .sent  by  Paul  to  Corinth.  It  has  further 
been  conjectured  that  we  have  here  part  of  tho  inter- 
mediate, or  "  painful  '"  letter.  And  though  that  cannot 
be  proved,  the  contents  of  these  chapters  certainly 
agree  very  closely  with  what  we  can  gather  as  to  tho 


11.  CORINTHIANS,  XI.  16-33 


856 


character  of  that  letter,  and  would  go  far  to  explain 
the  tense  anxiety  with  which  Pa'jl  Waited  to  hear  how 
it  had  been  received  (24,13,  76). 

X.  1-8.  A  Warning  to  Those  who  Misunderstand  and 
Misrepresent  Paul. — The  abruptness  and  onipiiasis  of 
the  opening  words,  as  well  as  thoir  want  of  connexion 
with  what  precedes,  are  best  explained  on  the  hypothesis 
that  wo  have  here  a  portion  of  another  letter.  The 
description  of  himself  that  follows,  humble  when  he  ia 
at  C!orinth,  overbearing  when  he  is  at  a  safe  distance, 
is  probably  one  of  the  several  echoes  (or  quotations) 
in  this  chapter  from  the  language  used  of  Paul  by  his 
critics  at  Corinth.  They  have  sneered  at  him  as  a 
very  human  person  ("'  walking  according  to  the  tlesh  "). 
He  prays  that  he  may  not  have  to  prove  on  their 
persons  [cf.  1  Cor.  63-5)  that  both  his  courage  and  his 
power  are  from  God.  It  is  his  business  to  destroy 
sophistries,  the  strongholds  of  disobedience,  and  to 
bring  every  operation  of  the  mind  into  subjection  to 
Christ.  And  this  he  is  prepared  to  do,  taking  ven- 
geance on  every  form  of  disobedience  so  soon  as  the 
congregation  as  a  whole  has  completely  manifested 
its  submission. — [The  military  vocabulary  of  this 
section  is  well  brought  out  in  Moffatt's  translation. — 
A.  J.  G.] 

X.  7-18.  Paul's  Claim  Is  Absolute,  yet  Omited  in  its 
Scope ;  for  it  Arises  from  and  is  Governed  by  his  De- 
pendence upon  God. — This  paragraph  is  full  of  allusion 
to  the  assertions,  claims,  and  criticisms  of  liis  oppo- 
nents. The};-  claim  superiority  to  Paul  on  the  ground 
of  some  special  relation  to  Christ,  possibly  that  they 
had  Ijeen  actually  His  disciples  [cf.  1  Cor.  I12*).  They 
asserted  that  Paul  used  his  authority  to  humiliate  the 
church  (8),  that  he  browbeat  them  in  his  letters, 
whereas  his  personal  appearance  was  feeble  (yf.),  that 
he  claimed  what  we  should  call  a  jurisdiction  practically 
unlimited.  On  each  point  Paul  replies  vigorously, 
indignantly.  Let  them  look  facts  in  the  face  (7).  He 
belongs  to  Christ  as  really  as  any  other  man  {cf. 
1  Cor.  I12).  If  he  does  make  a  "  proud  claim"  to 
authority,  he  will  be  able  to  show  the  ground  for  it. 
His  confidence  rests  on  very  different  grounds  from 
theirs.  He  refuses  to  compare  or  rank  himself  with 
those  who  are  their  own  trumpeters.  Neither  is  it 
true  (13)  that  he  claims  authority  "'  without  measure," 
boundless  and  unlimited.  The  province  of  his  autho- 
rity is  both  apjwinted  and  delimited  by  God,  and 
toyond  doubt  it  includes  the  Corinthian  church.  For 
to  the  Corinthians,  whatever  others  might  insinuate, 
he  had  introduced  the  gospel  of  Christ.  Beyond  this 
Divinely  assigned  province  he  makes  no  "  proud 
claim  "  to  authority,  where  other  men  have  pioneered. 
What  he  does  hope  is  that  through  their  increasing 
faith,  his  claim  may  be  justified,  first  within  the 
province  already  occupied,  and  then  in  "  the  regions 
beyond,"  but  always  provided  that  it  did  not  invade 
another's  "  province,"  or  craftily  appropriate  the 
results  of  other  men's  labours. 

Attentive  examination  of  this  passage,  bearing  in 
mind  that  by  "  glorying  "  or  (AV)  '"  boasting  "  Paul 
means  making  a  (proud)  claim,  will  provide  striking 
evidence  of  liis  fine  feeling  and  scrupulousness  in 
respect  of  other  mens  work.  With  a  terse  summarj'  of 
two  verses  in  Jeremiah  (923f.)  ho  exposes  the  founda- 
tion of  his  own  claim  and  confidence.  It  is  to  the 
Lord  that  he  stands,  from  Him  alone  he  derives  his 
authority  (cf.  Rom.  14i2,  I  Cor.  43-5). 

XL  1-15.  A  Tender  Appeal  to  the  Church  as  a  Whole. 
— This  appeal  may  sound  like  foolish  sentiment.  Let 
them  bear  with  him.  Indeed  he  is  sure  that  they  do. 
What  has  happened  under  Pauls  guidance  and  inspira- 


tion is  nothing  less  than  the  betrothal  of  the  Corinthian 
church  as  a  pure  virgin  to  Christ,  a  now  Eve  for  the 
new  Adam.  But  as  there  was  a  serpent  in  the  first 
Eden,  so  now  the  tempter  is  at  work.  They  have 
been  only  too  complaisant  in  hearkening  to  liis  voice, 
to  those  who  have  preached  ''  another  Jesus,"  laying 
all  the  emphasis  on  His  earthly  life  and  His  observance 
of  the  Law.  If  these  "  Judaizing  "  teachers  claimed 
for  their  doctrine  the  support  of  those  who  called 
themselves  or  were  called  "  the  superior  apostles," 
such  a  claim  was  absurd.  There  was  no  superiority. 
Paul  might  be  unequal  to  some  of  them  in  eloquence, 
but  not  in  that  knowledge  of  Divine  truth,  which  he 
communicated  in  every  particular  whenever  he  had 
the  opportunity.  Was  it  possible,  however,  that  he 
had  made  a  mistake  in  taking  no  reward  for  his  work  7 
His  service  to  the  Corinthians  had  been  gratuitous  ; 
the  generous  support  of  other  churches,  especially  in 
Macedonia,  had  made  that  possible.  But  had  it  led 
the  Christians  at  Corinth  to  think  hghtly  of  himself 
and  his  work  ?  Still,  even  that  shall  not  change  his 
policy.  Not  because  he  had  not  for  the  CJorinthians 
that  love  which  takes  as  gladly  as  it  gives  [cf.  I213) ; 
but  in  order  that  he  might  not  give  those  who  demanded 
support  from  the  church  (cf.  1  Cor.  9i2)  any  excuse 
to  plead  his  example,  but  might  rather  compel  them 
to  adopt  his  policy.  So  will  they  be  exposed  in  their 
real  character  as  "  false  apostles,"  masquerading,  even 
as  Satan  himself  does,  as  agents  of  righteousness. 

XI;  16-33.  Comparison  between  Paul  and  his  Oppo- 
nents {cf.  6).— Under  the  pressure  of  intense  feehng  he 
^iil  break  through  his  inchnation  and  self-imposed  re- 
solve of  silence,  to  let  his  character  and  hLs  sufferings  in 
the  cause  of  Christ  speak  for  themselves.  But  in  doing 
so,  he  makes  it  clear  that  he  waives  all  authority  of 
one  who  speaks  "in  the  Lord."  Spcakkig  simply  as 
a  frail  man,  he  pleads  that  he  may  receive  at  least 
such  a  hearing  as  the  Corinthians  have  given  to  the 
other  men  who  have  tyrannised  over  them,  exploited 
them,  even  buffeted  them.  If  such  high-handed  arro- 
gance as  they  have  practised  be  what  they  mean  by 
"  strength,"  then  he  admits  (ironically  adding  "  to 
my  disgrace  ")  that  he  had  been  weak.  The  passage 
which  follows  (II22-I210)  is  not  only  inspired  by 
strong  personal  feeling,  it  is  full  of  details  regarding 
Pauls  personal  experience  of  which  we  have  no  record 
elsewhere.  After  asserting  his  equality  ^vith  his  oppo- 
nents on  the  point  to  which  they  attached  most  im- 
lK>rtanoe,  he  claims  superiority  to  them  in  respect  of 
the  real  criteria  of  a  minister  of  Christ,  viz.  the  suffer- 
ings undergone  in  His  service  (cf.  Gal.  G17).  The  reiter- 
ated allusion  to  his  "  foohshness,"  to  speaking  "as  one 
beside  himself,"  all  point  to  the  consciousness  that  he  is 
departing  from  that  steady  reserve  on  the  subject  of  his 
own  service  which  was  for  him  the  way  of  common-sense. 
Now  that  the  barrier  is  broken  down,  the  record  of 
personal  exix?rienccs  pours  forth  like  a  flood.  From 
those  which  are  external  and  physical  he  passes  (28)  to 
those  which  are  internal  and  mental.  Through  all 
these  trials  and  sufferings  he  has  carried  a  heart  which 
feels  the  needs  not  only  of  the  churches  but  of  the 
individual  Christian  overvwhere.  And  if  he  has 
sympatliised  with  the  weak  in  one  sense,  it  is  not 
because  he  himself  has  been  strong  in  another  sense. 
On  the  contrary,  he  has  all  the  time  been  the  victim 
of  physical  weakness  which  has  indefinitely  increased 
the  difficulty  of  his  work.  Nevertheless,  it  is  precisely 
in  tliis  weakness  that  he  finds  his  deepest  reason  for 
proud  rejoicing.  For  in  that  weakness  the  power  of 
Christ  has  been  i^rfcctly  displayod  (cf.  1%)). 

An  illustration  of  tiiiia  faot  oooura  to  him,  ^Hissibly 


856 


II.  CORINTHIANS,  XI.  16-33 


because  the  story  of  his  escape  from  Damascus  (Ac.  923- 
25*)  had  been  turned  to  his  disadvantat^e.  \\Tien  he 
had  felt  utterly  lielplcss  against  the  determination  of 
the  governor  to  have  him  arrested  (pp.  055.  70Sf.),  the 
Divine  strength  had  been  manifested  in  his  escape. 

XII.  1-10.  A  Special  Revelation  and  Us  Sequel.— By 
an  account  of  a  great  spiritual  experience  which  ho 
had  enjoyed,  Paul  explains  the  reason  why  he  has 
been  called  on  to  sufiFcr,  and  the  Divine  interpretation 
of  the  suffering,  in  the  light  of  which  he  can  ever 
rejoice  in  this  weakness  and  in  all  similar  experiences. 
An  expression  of  his  proud  confidence  is  wrung  from 
him,  however  he  may  doubt  its  expediency.  He  recalls 
memorable  experiences  of  "  visions  and  revelations  of 
the  Lord,"  and  one  in  particular,  fourteen  years  before, 
when,  under  conditions  that  ho  could  not  explain;  he 
found  himself  in  "  the  third  heaven,"  in  "  Paradise." 
Here  he  employs  language  drawn  from  late  Jewish 
speculation,  imagining  a  series  of  "  heavens  "  one  above 
another,  and  means  the  highest  heaven.  A  man  who 
has  had  such  experiences  has  a  right  to  a  proud  self- 
confidcnce,  and  may  express  it  without  incurring  a 
charge  of  folly.  But  still  Paul  shrinks  from  doing  so, 
lest  men  should  be  overawed  by  the  excessive  glory 
of  such  privileges.  His  desire  still,  as  always,  is  to  be 
judged  by  what  he  says  and  what  he  does.  In  this 
shrinking  from  putting  forward  the  marvellous  as  a 
ground  on  which  to  claim  allegiance  of  others,  we  may 
find  a  striking  parallel  to  an  important  element  in 
the  Synoptic  portrait  of  Jesus. 

7.  The  first  clause  should  be  connected  with  what 
precedes,  and  the  whole  may  be  paraphrased  thus  : 
"  That  no  one  ma3'  be  led  even  by  the  vast  number  of 
revelations  I  have  enjoyed  to  appraise  my  work 
otherwise  than  by  what  he  has  seen  me  do  and  heard 
me  say."  The  "  thona  in  the  flesh  "  was  plainly  some 
kind  of  torturing  pain  (?  epilepsy,  malaria)  by  whicii 
the  apostle  was  frequently  attacked  (p.  769).  Ptobably 
it  produced  temporary  or  permanent  disfigurement  of 
some  kind,  and  so  made  him  less  acceptable  as  a 
preacher  of  the  gospel,  and  gave  his  opponents  an 
excuse  for  belittling  his  authority.  Not  once,  but 
thrice,  he  had  prayed  to  Christ  for  its  removal.  The 
answer  had  been  heard  in  the  assurance  that  Divine 
grace  is  directly  proportioned  to  human  need  ;  the 
great  weakness  of  the  apostle  is  balanced  by  the 
manifestation  of  God's  power  on  his  behalf,  so  that 
we  reach  the  paradox  of  Christian  experience — "  When 
I  am  weak,  then  am  I  strong." 

XII:  11-21.  Retrospect  of  the  Boasting.— This  para- 
graph  is  marked  by  rapid  oscillation  of  feeling.  Now 
that  he  has  made  and  proved  his  claim,  the  same  doubt 
seizes  him  as  when  he  began  (lli,  11 16).  Has  he  not 
been  foolish  ?  It  was  the  duty  of  the  Corinthians  to 
testify  to  his  legitimate  authority.  And  they  had 
quite  sufficient  ground  for  doing  so  in  what  they  had 
seen  (12  ;  c/.  6),  "  the  signs  of  an  apostle  "  (c/.  Ac.  222*), 
wrought  by  Paul.  Corinth  had  enjoyed  all  the  privileges 
conferred  by  him  on  any  church — except  the  privilege  of 
supporting  him  (cf.  I]?).  Once  more,  he  can  make  no 
alteration  in  that  poUcy.  He  will  act  in  the  same  way 
on  his  approachinc  third  visit  aa  he  has  done  on  the 
previous  ones.  He  will  set  no  limits  to  his  self- 
sacrifice  on  their  behalf.     Once  more  (c/.   Il6),  is  it 


reasonable  that  he  should  roceire  loss  affection  from 
those  to  whom  ho  shows  affection  even  in  excess  7  In 
i6ff.  ho  waives  this  criticism  as  disposed  of,  and  deals 
with  a  subtler  insinuation,  viz.  that  in  accordance  with 
nis  native  deceitfulness  of  character  he  has  indeed 
abstained  from  drawing  reward  from  the  Corinthians, 
but  has  done  it  nevertheless  indirectly  through  his 
agents.  But  where  was  the  evidence  7  Had  not 
Titus  and  the  unnamed  brother  *  shown  the  same 
spirit  as  their  master  7 

Once  more  the  old  anxiety  seizes  him,  lest  in  thus 
defending  himself  he  should  seem  to  be  submitting 
himself  to  the  Corinthians  and  to  their  judgment.  So 
far  from  that,  his  fear  is  that  when  he  comes  he  may 
find  such  a  situation,  such  evidence  of  moral  unfaith- 
fulness, that  he  will  be  himself  humiliated  before  God 
through  the  failure  of  his  work  and  compelled  in  God's 
name  to  exercise  severe  discipline  on  the  backsliders. 

Xin.  1-10.  Warnings  in  View  of  a  Visit.— This 
closing  chapter  starts  from  a  vivid  realisation  of  that 
which  is  only  too  likely  to  be  the  situation  when  he 
arrives  for  the  third  time.  With  increased  emphasis, 
and  added  detail,  he  reiterates  his  solemn  warning, 
and  with  biting  irony  turns  against  his  adversaries 
one  of  the  sarcastic  demands  they  level  at  him.  They 
ask  for  proof  that  Christ  speaks  in  him.  They  shall 
have  it  (cf.  Is.  289ff.).  Christ  will  show  Himself  not 
weak  among  them,  as  they  have  reckoned  His  apostle, 
but  powerful  for  judgment.  His  experience,  "  dying 
to  reign,"'  will  repeat  itself  in  Paul,  who  has  already 
put  this  interpretation  on  Ids  own  weakness,  that  in  it 
he  fills  up  "  that  which  is  lacking  of  the  sufferings  of 
Christ."  Let  them  examine  themselves  whether  they 
are  truly  Christians  ;  let  them  get  back  the  primal 
Christian  experience,  and  ascertain  whether  Christ  is 
really  in  them.  The  word  translated  "  reprobate  " 
means  "  such  as  have  failed  to  pass  the  test  "  ;  and  6 
implies  that  the  Corinthians  may  find  that  they  have 
not  so  failed,  by  discovering  that  Paul  has  met  and 
stood  every  kind  of  test.  Yet  he  prays  that  they 
may  not  have  that  fact  brought  home  to  them  in  an 
unwelcome  way  through  any  breach  of  loyalty  either 
to  Christ  or  to  Paul ;  that  on  the  contrary  they  may 
display  a  noble  loyalty.  If  that  be  so,  he  is  willing 
to  let  the  proof  of  his  own  authority;  and  so  of  his 
own  worthiness,  remain  in  abeyance.  He  knows  that 
he  has  the  right  and  the  power  to  exercise  discipline 
of  the  extren)est  kind,  but  he  will  sacrifice  everything, 
even  the  knowledge  that  it  is  so,  if  only  he  can  persuade 
the  Corinthians  to  give  him  no  occasion  to  apply  it. 

XIII.  11-14.  The  closing  verses  betray  no  tre.oo  of 
the  passionate  anxiety,  the  mingled  self-abasement 
and  self-assertion,  which  have  marked  the  preceding 
chapters.  Their  precepts  appear  to  bo  addressed  to 
a  people  among  whom  calm  has  been  established,  and 
so  to  belong  more  naturally  to  chs.  1-9,  the  last  of 
Paul's  letters  to  the  Corinthians.* 

'  [For  the  theory  that  Luke  and  Titus  were  actual  brothers  see 
ET,  182fij,335,380    against  it,  Exp.,  M.-iy  i:"!?.— A.  J.  G.] 

[2  23  seems  to  presuppose  13io.  I23  looks  b.ick  to  13a,  29  and  "13 
rellect  106.  Similarly  3i  is  explained  by  II 18  and  12ii,  and  I23.  -» 
show  how  and  why  lie  hul  decided  ugainst  the  visit  rroniiscd  in 
1214.  13a  (1220  and  13io  leave  room  for  reasonable  delay).  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  only  (air  to  say  that  Hem.ird  in  KGT  Rives 
a  list  ot  p.^ssages  in  chs.  10-13  which  he  thinks  presuppcee  chs.  1-8. 
—A.  J.  G.] 


I 


GALATIANS 


By  Professor  ROBERT  MACKINTOSH 


Place. — ^The  opistle  addresses  a  group  of  churches, 
founded  in  common  by  Paul,  and  now  exposed  to  a 
common  danger.  Some  scholars  place  them  in  North 
Galatia,  some  in  South.  Both  regions  cannot  bo  in- 
cluded ;  if  Paul  founded  churches  in  both  they  had 
different  histories  ;  his  visit  to  the  North,  if  it  ever 
took  place,  was  later  than  his  work  in  the  South  (Ac,  166 
contrasted  with  chs.  13f. ).  Strong  arguments,  and  some 
that  are  not  strong,  are  adduced  for  each  conclusion 
(pp.  794,  770).  The  problem  is  not  --ery  important  for 
the  teaching  of  the  epistle.  Yet  we  may  conclude, 
with  feelings  of  interest,  that  the  known  churches  of  S. 
Galatia  are  addressed.  For  (a)  it  is  unthinkable  that 
Acts  I823  should  say  nothing  about  churches  of  which 
Luke  has  told  so  fully  in  Ac.  13  (and  14),  while  con- 
centrating on  the  obscure  region  further  north.  (6)  In 
harmony  with  this  view  of  Ac.  18  we  adopt  Ramsay's 
interpretation  of  Ac.  166a,  "  the  Phrygian  portion  of 
the  new  territory  included  in  the  Roman  province  of 
Galatia."  (In  Ac.  I823  it  will  make  for  clearness  if  we 
may  regard  "  and  Phrygia  "  as  a  gloss.  Ac.  166  will 
then  assert  that  Paul  went  on  from  Derbe  and  Lystra 
to  Phrygian  neo-Galatia,  and  Ac.  I823  more  briefly 
that  he  traversed  "  consecutively "  all  neo-Galatia 
[Lycaonian  and  Phrygian].)  (c)  Paul's  own  usage  is  to 
think  in  Roman  provinces — "  Macedonia,"  "  Achaia," 
etc.  Also  he  speaks  of  "  the  churches  of  Asia " 
(1  Cor.  I619),  "  of  Macedonia  "  (2  Cor.  81),  "  of  Judjea  " 
(Gal.  I22,  1  Th.  214).  How  could  he,  without  explana- 
tion, address  a  (northern)  district  within  the  province 
by  the  name  of  the  whole  province  ?  If  the  only 
Galatian  churches  were  those  of  the  S.,  there  is  no 
difficulty.  [J.  0.  F.  Murray  thinks  the  address  should 
be  confined  to  Iconium,  Derbe,  and  Lystra.  The 
illness  which  led  to  his  visit  occurred  after  he  was 
expelled  from  Antioch  ;  but  for  this  he  might  have 
struck  westward. — A.  S.  P.] 

Time. — ^This  question  too  is  unimportant  for  the 
teaching  of  the  book.  From  his  conversion  onwards 
(see  I16)  Paul  might  have  written  the  doctrinal  part 
of  Galatians.  Yet  S.  Galatianists  may  quite  well  agree 
with  N.  Galatianists  on  the  point  of  time  ;  and  that 
Boems  best.  For  (a)  we  must  identify  the  visit  to 
Jerusalem  of  Gal.  2i  with  that  of  Ac.  15  (see  not«s). 
The  epistle  is  therefore  brought  down  at  least  to  the 
Second  Miasionary  Journey.  (For  another  view,  see 
pp.  654,  770.)  (b)  It  must  bo  later  than  the  circum- 
cision of  Timothy  (Ac.  I63).  One  may  be  sure  Paul 
circumcised  no  doubtful  cases  after  ho  had  had  to 
writo  this  letter;  and  23  and  5ii  both  imply  the 
circumcising  of  Timothy — a  valuable  guarantee  of  ita 
historicity,  (c)  Probably  the  whole  Galatian  storm 
is  later — hardly,  decidedly  earlier  ? — than  the  writing 
of  1  Cor.  (r/.  16s)  from  Ephosus.  (rf)  Rom.,  on  the 
other  hand,  must  be  later  than  Gal.,  but  not  much 
later.  It  goes  over  the  same  ground  more  calmly. 
And  Rom.  is  written  (I525)  when  Paul  is  on  tiptoe  for 


his  journey  to  Jerusalem.  Lake's  theory  (p.  818),  that 
an  early  letter  (contemporary  with  his  early  date  for 
Gal.)  was  re-edited  for  Rome,  is  ingenious  but  uncon- 
vincing, (r)  Lake's  scholarship,  however,  dehvers  us 
from  an  assumed  objection  to  our  date,  based  on  413. 
To  proteron  ought  to  mean  "  on  the  former  of  just  two 
visits."  (Now  we  suppose  three  visits,  Ac.  13  (and  14), 
16iff.,  I823.)  But  in  the  Koine  (lato  popular  Gr.) 
"  it  is  more  common  in  the  [vaguer]  sense  "  of  "  origin- 
ally .  .  .  and  in  the  NT  this  is  almost  indisputably 
its  meaning  "  uniformly.     Say  a.d.  55. 

Genuineness. — External  evidence  is  sufficient,  and 
internal  evidence  overwhelming.  It  is  a  sorry  paradox 
to  treat  GaL  as  a  late  forgery  (see  p.  814). 

Occasion. — Judaizing  preachers  had  enjoyed  a  rapid 
success.  Many  Galatian  converts  were  contemplating 
circumcision  and  the  adoption  of  much  at  least  (52)  of 
the  Jewish  Law ;  cf.  Ac.  15i.  Paul  had  also  been 
disparaged  as  a  mere  underUng.  We  may  compare 
2  Cor.  10-13  ;  but  his  Cormthian  slanderers  attacked  hia 
character  more  directly. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  [a)  Adeney  (Cent.B), 
Williams  (CB),  Huxtable  (PC),  Howson  (Sp.),  Bacon, 
Stevens,  Mackenzie  (WNT),  Dnimmond,  Emmet ;  (6) 
LIghtfoot,  Ramsay,  WiUiams  (CGT),  Rendall  (EGT) ; 
(c)  Schmiedel  (HC),  Sieffert  (Mey.),  Zahn  (ZK),  Bousset 
(SNT),  Lietzmann  (HNT)  ;  {d)  Luther's  Commentary, 
Findlay  (Ex.B),  J.  M.  Gibbon,  Girdlostone  (Dev. 
Commentary).  Other  Literature  :  see  on  1  Cor.  Also 
Moffatt  (INT  and  elsewhere)  for  N.  Galatian  views  ; 
Ramsay,  jxissim,  for  S. ;  Lake,  The  Earlier  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul ;  C.  H.  Watkins,  St.  PauVa  Fight  for  Galatia; 
E.  H.  Askwith,  The  Epistle  to  the  Galatiam  ;  Round, 
The  Date  of  St.  Paid's  Epistle  to  the  Galatiam  ;  W.  M. 
Macgrcgor,  Christian  Freedom  ;  J.  0.  F.  Murray,  A 
Fragment  of  Spiritual  Autobiography. 

I.,  n  (roughly).  Paul  Vindicates  his  Independence. 

I.  1-5.  Paul's  ajKistleship,  denied  by  his  enemies,  > 
is  duo  neither  to  human  initiative  nor  human  mediation, 
but  directly  to  God  and  Christ,  the  latter  lx;ing  viewed 
— in  accordance  with  the  fimdamental  doctrine  of 
Christianity — as  the  risen  One.  Greetings  are  sent  i 
not  from  any  church  but  from  a  group  of  friends  ; 
possibly  Paul  wrote  while  on  a  journey.  The  supreme 
greeting  proceeds  from  God  and  Christ,  but  the  latter 
is  now  viewed  as  the  cnicified  One  ;  behind  externals, 
Paul  feels  that  the  Atonement  itself  is  challenged  by 
Judaizing.  These  introductory  verses  state  the  doc- 
trine of  atonement  in  vague  outline  ;  2^0,  3 13,  44,  624, 
614  do  something  towards  defining  it  further. 

I.  6-10.  Most  of  Pauls  letters  open  with  thanks  to 
God  for  the  Christianity  of  the  readers.  Nothing  of 
that  kind  is  passililo  here  !  Quickly — not  "  soon  " 
after  their  conversion  ;  that  were  no  wonder  ;  but 
with  indecent  haato  and  levity,  such  as  one  laments 
in  George  Eliot's  abandonment  of  faith — they  are 
turning  away  from  God  who  called  them  towards  a 


857 


858 


OALATIANS,  I.  6-10 


different  gospel  which  is  no  gospel  at  all.  (Some  doubt 
whether  this  paraphrase  is  grammatically  warranted, 
but  reach  a  similar  sense — "  unto  a  different  gospel 
which  is  nothing  else  than  that  some  would  trouble 
you,"  etc.)  What  he  had  said  (on  his  second  and 
tliird  visits,  probably;  Ac.  16,  18)  he  now  repeats; 
neither  Paul  nor  '"  an  angel  "  should  bo  listened  to  if 
liis  words  subvert  the  old  teaching.  It  had  carried 
its  credentials  with  it.  They  must  adhere  to  it  not 
because  it  was  Paul's,  but  because  it  was  God's  and 
tht'v  knew  it  as  such.  If  his  enemies  say  that  he  is  a 
"  jx-rsua-sive  fellow  "  and  "  pleases  men,"  he  protests 
that  God  and  Christ  are  the  lodestars  governing  his 
beliaviour.  (In  a  different  sense  ho  tells  us  elsewhere 
how  Christlike  it  is  to  please  othere  ;  Rom.  loaf,, 
1  Cor.  IO33.)  "Persuade"  God  Ls  hardly  what  ho 
means  ;  he  allows  the  word  to  stand  because  of  the 
charge  against  him  that  he  "  persuades  "  men. 

I.  11-17  begins  a  historical  narrative  proving  Paul's 
independence  of  any  human  authority  in  his  apostolic 
work.  He  learned  by  a  revelation  from  heaven,  not 
in  any  sense  from  "  Hesh  and  blood  "  ;  c/.  Mt.  I617. 
I  All  natural  human  tendencies  inclined  him  towards 
different  beliefs.  He  was  bom  and  grew  up  in 
"  Judaism  "  and  was  the  best  Jew  of  them  all.  But 
the  God  who  predestinates  had  other  thoughts  for  him. 
From  his  very  birth  onwards  —  the  words  partially 
echo  Jer.  I5,  Is.  49i — a  Divine  plan  was^sliaping 
his  life  to  undreamed-of  issues^  At  la.st  God  spoke  to 
him  m  thal^poNverlul  "  call  "  which  dead  souls  hear, 
and  "  revealed  His  Son  "  within  him — 2  Cor.  4<5  is 
the  best  commentary  on  these  words — in  a  blaze  of 
heavenly  glory.  And  he  learned  at  once — this  must 
be  the  meaning — that  he,  the  .Tew  save^^  by  ^hat 
crucified  MessiajL-giteflt-hp- ^m4  -beea-poraenn tirig,  was 
to  preachjbhe  message  of  mercy  among  Gentiles  furthest 
away  from"T?od  and~goodiiess.  -  jfid  he  uh  ;i  prelinitnary 
consult  Church  authority  ?  Far  from  it !  Either  ho 
consulted  God  in  solitude,  or  (according  to  another  view 
of  17)  without  delay,  and  without  human  authorisation, 
he  began  preaching  Christ  to  the  Gentile  population 
of  "  Arabia,"  i.e.  the  Nabatean  Kingdom  (p.  33).  We 
note  that  Acts  knows  nothing  of  this.  The  two  visits 
to  Damascus  implied  by  "  returned  "  (Gal.  I17)  most 
probably  appear  as  one  (Ac.  919-25)  ;  our  first  proof 
of  the  strange  but  certain  fact,  that  Luke  had  access 
to  no  collection  of  Pauls  letters  when  \vriting  Acts. 

I.  18-24.  Not  till  he  had  l>ecn  three  years  a  Christian 
and  a  Christian  preacher  did  he  come  in  contact  with 
the  earlier  apostles  ;  and  then  but  slightly.  He  visited 
"  Cephas  "  at  Jerusalem,  spending  a  fortnight  with 
him  {rf.  1  Cor.  I53-7  ?)  ;  and  he  also  met  James,  the 
brother  of  Clirist  (the  Gr.  may  moan  either  "  this 
one  oth<>r  apostle  "  or  "  this  important  non-apostolic 
I>ersonage "  ;  no  real  difference  to  the  argument). 
Evid^tly  stories  had  been  put  about  that  Paul  had 
been  mstrucled  by  tllC^mostonc  "ccHlfigeT  Tterets  no 
trttth-in  Ihom  !  After  the  one^ brief  and  limited  con- 
tact, ho  pursued  his  own  career  in  his  native  province 
of  Cilicia  and  at  Antioch  (compare  Ac.  930,  lla^ff.), 
favourably  hoaixl  of  in  Judsean  churches,  but  not  known 
(23).  The  narrative  of  Acts  again  fails  to  tally  at  points 
with  Paul's  first-hand  evidence.  We  may  well  accept 
the  statement  that  Barnabas  did  much  for  Paul  at 
Jerusalem  and  at  Antioch  ;  but  one  doubts  whether 
Paul's  preaching  at  Jerusalem  (Ac.  929,  22x8)  can  be 
historical.  It  is  far-fetched  to  hold,  with  some,  that 
the  church  at  Jeru/^alem  may  have  known  him  but 
not  provincial  churches  in  "  Judsea  "  !  More  likely 
"  Judsea"  includes  Galilee  (Lk.  444  mg.*)  than  excludes 
the  capital.     Provincial  Jewish  churches  have  no  inde- 


pendent importance  in  Paul's  argument.  (Yet  possibly 
1  Th.  215,  "  drave  out  us,"  implies  some  preaching  to 
Jews  at  home  ;   unless  it  is  Silas  who  is  here  speaking.) 

II.  1-10.  A  crucial  negotiation  on  equal  terms  with 
tho  Jerusalem  leaders,  '"  fourteen  "  years  later — pos- 
sibly reckoned  from  Paul's  conversion  ;  more  naturally 
from  his  first  interview  with  Peter.  (The  point  is  im- 
portant for  chronology  and  history  (p.  6.54),  but  not  for 
the  study  of  Paul's  teaching. )  The  occasion  is  stated  as 
twofold  :  a  Divine  admonition,  and  a  fear  of  "  running 
in  vain."  Verbally,  the  last  words  might  mean  that 
Paul  needed  reassurance  as  to  the  legitimacy  of  his 
teaching.  But  Gal.  li  forbids  that  sense,  absolutely  ! 
What  he  feared  was  that  his  future  success  might  be 
imperilled,  or  even  his  -past  gain.%  Tho  whole  situation 
corresponds  to  Ac.  15i,  and  forbids  attempts  (p.  770)  to 
identify  Gal.  2 iff.  with  Ac.  II30*  (I225)  or  with  a  still 
earlier  and  otherwise  unknown  visit.  Ac.  II30  ia 
either  a  different  tradition  about  the  visit  of  Ac.  15, 
or  else  is  a  blunder.  It  will  not  hold  water  to  argue 
that  persecution  had  driven  apostles  from  Jerusalem, 
and  that  he  only  saw  "presbyters"  (Ac.  II30)  :  he 
is  asserting  his  independence  of  all  human  authority. 
The  scene  is  Antioch.  The  career  of  Paul  is  at  stake. 
He  is  naturally  reluctant  to  seem  to  subordinate  himself 
to  Jerusalem  ;  but  God  encourages  him  to  go.  And  for 
the  work's  sake  ho  is  willing  to  risk  anything  ;  so  ho 
falls  in  with  tho  Antioch  church's  proposal  (Ac.  152), 
taking  along  with  himself  and  Barnabas,  as  a  test 
case,  the  uncircumcised  Christian  Titus  (whom  Acts 
nowhere  names).  Things  cannot  have  developed  alto- 
gether smoothly.  Paul's  excitement  rises  high.  Hia 
words  are  scarcely  intelligible.  Some  have  understood 
(see  4  mg.  ;  there  is  also  some  Latin  evidence  for  a 
reading  in  5  which  omits  the  negative)  that  Titus  was 
circumcised  at  Jerusalem.  That  is  incredible.  Unlike 
the  half-Jewish  Timothy,  Titus  was  "  a  Greek." 
Still,  we  gather  that  something  untoward  befell  him. 
Possibly  he  was  excluded  from  communion  in  the 
Jerusalem  church.  Possibly  the  leaders  told  Paul 
that,  if  he  pressed  Titus's  claim,  they  could  not  answer 
for  the  results  in  the  existing  state  of  feeling.  Such 
minor  successes  the  "  treacherous "  emissaries, 
"  treacherously  '"  introduced  (at  Antioch),  could  secure, 
but  nothing  substantial  or  compromising.  [J.  0. 
F.  Murray  makes  the  interesting  suggestion  that 
the  "false  brethren''  were  not  Jewish  Christians. 
They  wore  Jews  at  Jenisalem,  who  acted  as  informers 
for  the  authorities,  and  under  pretence  of  conversion 
to  Chiistianity,  gauied  admission  to  the  Church  in 
order  to  report  any  tendency  to  disregard  "  the 
customs."  Tho  leaders  of  the  Church,  aware  of  the 
danger,  pressed  Paul  to  let  Titus  bo  circumcised, 
dreading  a  fresh  outbreak  of  persecution  if  an  un- 
circumcised man  were  admitted  to  communion. — 
A.  S.P.] 

Paul's  negotiations  took  place  "  privately,  with  the 
loaders."  Grammatically,  his  language  leaves  room 
for  larger  assemblies  at  other  moments.  Such  must 
indeed  have  been  held.  But  probably  his  point  is  that 
the  Jerusalem  church  as  a  church  certainly  did  not 
lay  down  the  law  for  him.  The  story  may  already 
have  been  current,  as  Luke  has  incorporated  it  in  Acts ; 
and  evidently  it  was  false.  Paul  dealt  with  tho  Three. 
James  (r/.  I19)  is  first  named;  if  not,  as  tradition; 
calls  him.  bishop,  yet  ho  had  become  the  local  leader. 
But — Paul  adds,  in  one  of  his  most  revolutionary] 
Rontonces — even  if  "  once  "  (mg.)i\xci  Three  had  been  in] 
personal  association  with  Jesus,  no  importance  attached] 
to  any  outward  position.  The  negotiations  ended  inj 
recognition  that  God  had  called  the  Three  to  one  t 


GALATIANS,  III.  15-21 


Paul  to  another  ;  in  peaceful  separation  ;  the  sole 
bond  of  union  to  be  a  Gentile  collection  on  behaH  of 
the  poor  Christian  Jews  of  Jerusalem  (Ac.  24i7, 
Rom.  1525ff.,  1  Cor.  16itf.,  2  Cor.  8f.).  It  is  not  easy 
to  make  room  in  Paul's  narrative  (note  especially  6) 
for  the  "  decree  "  of  Ac.  1628f  .*  (pp.  709f.)  on  any  view 
of  its  meaning.  Was  this  decree  a  later  manifesto 
from  Jerusalem  (Ac.  21 25),  misdated  in  Ac.  15  ? 

II.  11-21.  Excitement  and  consequent  confusion  rise 
higher  still.  In  one  sense,  these  verses  record  a  climax  ; 
Paul  is  not  merely  Peter's  equal — ho  had  exposed  him 
once  when  Peter  was  "  plainly  in  the  wrong."  There 
ia  no  ground  for  doubting  that  the  order  of  time  ia 
followed.  After  the  Jerusalem  compact,  Peter  finds 
himself  at  Antioch  (on  a  missionary  tour  ?  cf.  1  Cor. 
95).  If  Titus  had  been  an  outsider  at  Jerusalem,  the 
tables  are  now  turned,  and  Peter  is  the  outsider. 
Following  the  dictates  of  his  generous  and  impulsive 
heart,  he  comes  inside.  (One  could  not  share  com- 
munion in  an  apostoUc  church  without  joining  in  a 
solid  meal.)  But  a  deputation  from  James  arrived, 
and  found  such  conduct  questionable.  This  was  not 
a  separation  of  spheres !  Peter  went  round  again, 
carried  oS  with  him  all  Jewish  Christians  except  Paul, 
"  even  Barnabas,"  and  consequently  put  severe  moral 
pressure  on  the  Gentiles  to  conform  to  Judaism.  Paul 
appealed  to  Peter's  own  principles.  Jewish  Christians, 
whatever  their  temptation  to  despise  Gentile  "  sinners," 
had  come  to  Christ  for  salvation  as  sinners  themselves 
(not  unlike  the  speech  of  Peter,  Ac.  I57-11), 

16.  save  through  faith  :  Greek  idiom,  with  its  laxer 
logic,  does  not  imply  that  works  do  something  towards 
saving  ;  the  Revisers  might  have  remembered  English 
idiom  !     Follow  mg. 

At  some  indefinite  point  Paul's  language  glides  from 
recapitulating  what  he  had  said  to  Peter  into  arguing 
with  possible  critics  in  Galatia.  Ho  quotes  (with 
modifications  in  language,  repeated  again  Rom.  820) 
Ps.  1432.  An  objector  may  say.  "  Then  Christ  en- 
courages sin."  Full-blown,  the  objection  stands  (Rom. 
61)  :  "It  doesn't  matter  how  we  live  henceforth'  ! 
The  thought  is  here  in  the  bud.  Already  Paul  re- 
pudiates it  with  horror.  No  !  if  he  were  to  go  back 
to  the  Law  he  would  be  stamping  himself  as  a  sinner 
in  the  worse  degree.  (Law  always  condemns  ;  and 
apart  from  law  there  is  no  full  guilt ;  Rom.  013.)  The 
Law  had  done  its  right  work  with  him  in  driving  him 
to  despair  (cf.  Rom.  7).  He  had  mystically  shared 
Christ's  crucifixion  and  Christ's  risen  life  ;  he  had 
recognised  Christ's  unspeakable  love.  How  could  ho 
set  aside  such  grace  ?  You  do  that,  if  you  seek  to 
be  saved  by  law  !  Wore  such  salvation  possible, 
Christ's  death  was  "  gratuitous." 

How  did  things  end  at  Antioch  ?  If  communion 
had  been  renewed,  would  not  Paul  say  so  ?  Probably 
Peter  slipped  away  dejectedly.  And,  when  Paul  left 
once  more  on  missionary  work,  he  had  lost  for  life  the 
company  of  Barnabas  (Ac.  1537ff.  ;  these  verses 
doubtless  state  part  of  the  truth  as  to  the  cause  of  the 
quarrel).  Yet  Paul,  in  after  j^ears,  speaks  well  of 
Bamabaa  (1  Cor.  96)  and  of  Mark  (Col.  4io,  Phm.  24, 
2  Tim.  4ii).  We  can  see,  too,  that  he  believes  Peter's 
principles  were  on  his  side.  Perhaps  the  strongest 
evidence  that  he  felt  victorious  is  his  circumcising 
Timothy.  That  is  the  behaviour  of  one  who  could 
afford  to  be  generous.  It  must  have  been  an  unwel- 
come surprise  to  hear  of  Judaizers  in  Galatia,  and — in 
spite  of  Lake.  pp.  21  off.  ! — at  Corinth. 

III.  1-V.  12.  Doctrinal  Section.  Paul  Sots  the 
Choice  before  them—Christ  or  the  Law— and  Argues 
lor  Its  Urgency. 


859 


III.  1-14.  It  waa  a  strange  folly  which  could  lead  them 
to  forget  the  picture,  so  plainly  shown  them,  of  the 
suffering  Saviour.  (1)  Their  own  experience  had  been 
of  "  the  Spirit,"  as  (a)  the  source  of  ecstatic  prayer  (46), 
in  which  the  sacred  scrap  of  Aramaic  speech  (Mk.  I436) 
once  used  by  Jesus  was  employed  throughout  the  early 
Christian  world  (cf.  Rom.  815) ;  (b)  the  source  of 
miracles  (5),  wrought  by  God  Himself;  (c)  the  source 
of  the  new  moral  life  (5i6ff.).  (2)  The  OT  itself  (6) 
preaches  faith  (Gen.  1.56)  and  (8)  dwells  on  its  blessings 
(Gen.  123*,  I818 ;  though  the  original  meaning  in 
Gen.  was  probably  lower — Israel  would  prosper  till 
good  wishes  m  other  lands  came  to  run  "  May  you  be 
as  happy  as  a  Jew  "  ;  also  (11)  Hab.  24  (cf.  Rom.  I17, 
Heb.  IO38).  Here  again  the  original  meaning  is 
different^-"  by  his  fidelity").  (3)  The  OT  Law  de- 
scribed itself  (10)  as  a  very  different  system  ;  Dt.  2726 
(Paul  takes  these  words  more  rigorously  than  the  OT 
did),  and  again  (12)  Lev.  I85.  The  two  different 
systems  of  religion  came  together  in  the  Cross,  when 
Jesus,  dying  a  cursed  death  (Dt.  2I23),  released  Jewish 
believers  from  the  curse  which  the  Law  announced, 
that  Gentile  believers  might  have  a  share  in  Abraham's 
blessing  (cf.  8),  and  that  "  we  " — Jewish  and  Gentile- 
Christian  alike — might  receive  what  God  promised 
so  long  ago,  now  fulfilled  in  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 
(The  Atonement,  as  Paul  here  conceives  it,  had  oeen 
offered  on  behalf  of  Jewish  believers.  There  is  no 
such  limitation  at  2  Cor.  621.) 

III.  15-21.  The  "  promise  "  having  once  been  given, 
no  subsequent  enactment  like  the  Law  can  interfere  with 
it.  (Similarly  Heb.  emphasizes  tiie  priority  in  time  of 
Melchizedek  to  Aaron.)  Even  in  human  affairs,  a 
"  scrap  of  paper  "  which  records  an  agreement  is  not 
torn  up  without  tragic  and  memorable  consequences, 
(It  has  been  thought  that  a  will  is  speciallj^  referred  to, 
and  in  the  Gr.  rather  than  the  Rom.  form  ;  perhaps 
confirming  the  view  that  the  epistle  went  to  S.  Galatia.) 
Elsewhere  (424)  there  are  two  covenants  and  (2  Cor. 
314)  one  is  "  old "  {cf.  Jer.  3I31,  and  oft^^n  in 
Hebrews).  Here,  ilie  Covenant — OT  "  promise  "  or  NT 
fulfilmont — contrasts  with  the  alien  institution  of  Law. 
(2)  The  very  language  of  Gen.  I23  (I818)  points  to 
Christ ;  "  seed  "  in  the  singular,  not "  seeds  "  (plural) ; 
a  rabbi-like  subtlety — the  Heb.  language  never  speaks 
of  "seeds.'"  For  the  figure  430  cf.  (Gen.  15i3) 
Ex.  1240  (LXX,  however,  reads  215).  (3)  If  the  Law 
was  the  way  of  life,  the  promise  falls  to  the  ground  ; 
which  is  unthinkable.  The  true  purpose  of  the  Law  is 
to  increase  human  guilt  \(a)  by  provoking  more  sins, 
Rom.  77ff.,  (b)  by  completing  the  conditions  of  accounfc- 
ableness].  For  a  Jewish  mind  this  is  the  hardest  of  all 
Paul's  hard  sayings  ;  it  occurs  also  Rom.  52o,  1  Cor. 
1556.  (4)  In  a  sense,  the  Law  boars  the  mark  of  inferior 
agencies.     According  to  later  Jewish  theology  it  came 

firimarily  from  angels  rather  than  from  God  (Dt.  332 
Heb.  text,  not  LXX],  Ac.  753,  Heb.  22) ;  hence  the 
need  of  a  human  mediator  (Jloses)  to  act  for  the  crowd 
of  angels  as  single  representative  of  their  joint  en- 
deavour ;  God,  being  one.  would  have  no  similar  need 
of  an  intermediarv'.  (This  is  Ritschl's  explanation. 
Heb.  and  I  Tim.  from  a  different  point  of  view  call 
Jesus  "  mediator  "  of  the  new  covenant  between  Grod 
and  man.)  [Ritschrs  view,  which  had  been  put 
forward  by  others,  is  ver\'  attractive,  .since  it  is  that 
naturally  'suggested  by  the  words  and  it  may  be 
correct.  It  is  open  to  the  objection  that  Moses  is 
not  regarded  in  the  OT  as  mediator  between  the 
angels  and  Israel.  But  this  is  perhaps  not  insuperable 
(cf.  Ac.  738).  Light  foot  takes  the  first  clause  to  mesM. 
that  the  very  idea,  of  mediation  impUea  two  partiej 


860 


OALATIANS,  III   15-21 


for  whom  the  mediator  acts.  The  Law  is  a  contract 
between  two  parties,  valid  only  while  both  fulfil  its 
terms.  It  is  accordingly  contingent,  not  absolute. 
The  second  clause  asserts  that  God,  the  giver  of  the 
pronii-so,  is  one  ;  there  are  not  two  parties,  it  depends 
on  God  alone.  He  is  all,  tlie  recipients  nothing.  The 
promise  is  therefore  absolute  and  unconditional. 
This  gives  a  fairly  good  sense,  but  Paul  would  probably 
have  e.xpres.sed  it  more  clearly  and  in  a  different  way. 
The  passage  is  e.Ktremely  difficult.  B.  Jowett  sajs 
it  has  received  430  intei-pretations  (Meyer  says  "  above 
250  '").  No  confidence  can  be  felt  in  any  interpreta- 
tion. Liicke  regarded  the  verso  as  a  gloss,  and  this 
view  has  been  revived  by  Bacon  and  Emmet. — 
A.  S.  P.]  (5)  Yet  the  Law,  though  temporary  and 
imperfect,  is  part  of  God's  plan.  It  is  in  no  antagonism 
to  the  promise.  The  suggestion  shocks  Paul ;  his 
words  have  given  it  no  warrant !  If  one  held  that  law 
saved,  one  trould  be  undennining  the  promise.  No  ;  law 
drive*  to  despair — a  second  strange  harmony  between 
the  rival  religious  systems. 

III.  23-29.  Inferior,  temporary,  co-operating — such  is 
the  distinctive  nature  of  the  Law.  It  had  held  Israel 
prisoner,  till  Christ  should  come.  Or  it  resembled  the 
slave  who  led  a  child  to  (Christ's)  school  (1  Cor.  4x5*). 
Now  that  Christ  has  appeared  there  is  no  room  for  a 
law-regime.  Sonship,  faith,  a  new  humanity  "  put  on  " 
like  a  garment  at  baptism  (27  ;  cf.  Rom.  13i4,  and  in 
a  modified  application,  1  Cor.  155  sf.),  these  are  the 
privileges  of  Christians.  Why  be  circumcised?  Why 
Judaize  ?  The  new  humanity  is  international — no 
room  now  for  Jewish  superiority  !  And,  while  there  is 
a  blessing  in  being  Abraham's  seed,  the  true  descent 
is  spiritual,  and  Christ  gives  the  blessing  according  to 
the  promise.  Law  give  it  ?  Never ! — Evangelical 
Protestants  must  not  ignore  Pauls  sacramental 
doctrine  ;  still,  they  are  entitled  to  urge  that  the  key- 
note of  all  remains  "  faith."  The  apostle  believes  and 
teaches  nothing  which  could  make  faith  less  than  all- 
important.  (1  Cor.  8£f.  is  peculiarly  instructive  as  to 
his  attitude  towards  quasi-magical  sacramental  doc- 
trines.    The  idol  taint  is  not  physical.) 

27.  put  on. — It  is  tempting  to  conjecture  that  the 
phra.se  is  borrowed  from  the  mystery  religions  ;  but 
authorities  have  failed  to  find  confirmatory  evidence, 

IV.  1-7.  An  "  heir  "  may  be  either  one  who  w  enter- 
ing on  his  inheritance  or  one  who  is  hereafter  to 
enter  on  it.  In  a  sense,  the  Christian  inheritance  is 
always  future  ;  heaven  hes  ahead.  And  the  NT,  with 
its  strong  esciiatological  background,  felt  the  claims  of 
the  future  more  oven  than  we  do.  Yet  preceding 
verses  speak  of  full  sonship  in  Christ  as  largely  implying 
entrance  on  the  inheritance.  The  Spirit  is  earnest  or 
first-fruits  (Rom.  823,  2  Cor.  53,  Eph.  I14).  Dealing 
with  Israel  under  the  I-aw,  Paul  explains  tiiat,  while 
an  heir,  Israel  had  been  a  minor,  and  therefore  tempo- 
rarily no  better  than  a  slave.  Slave  to  whom  ?  To 
the  angels  or  spirits  of  the  elements  ( 7ng.  ;  Peake, 
EGT,  on  Col.  28,  after  Spitta).  From  this  bondage 
Israel  was  redeemed  by  the  mission  of  the  Son  of  God 
"  bom  of  a  woman,"  i.e.  [not  necessarily  virgin-born 
but]  incarnate  as  human  (cf.  Job  14i),  and  coming 
under  the  Law  in  order  to  abolish  it  and  so  intro- 
duce the  epoch  of  freedom  and  sonship  (r/.  supra  on 
31—14). 

IV.  8-11.  The  state  of  the  Galatians,  while  heathen, 
■was  similar  but  worse.  They  had  not  been  heirs  in  a 
state  of  temporary-slavery,  but  frankly  slaves  to  the  mere 
element-spirits,  those  undivino  gods  they  worshipped. 
If  they  now  Judaize,  they  return  to  the  same  slavery. 
To  make  the  imperfect  OT  Law  an  ultimate  religious 


authority  is  to  prefer  nature-worship  to  Christ. 
Subordinate  spirits,  however  over-ruled  by  God» 
instituted  the  ha.w.  Here  Paul  comes  nearer  his  great 
Gnostic  follower  Marcion  than  anj-whero  oloe  ;  but, 
while  Marcion  hated  the  OT,  Paul  rejects  only  the 
Law,  and  rejects  it  only  if  it  becomes  a  rival  to  the 
Gospel.  His  thought  is  delicately  balanced  on  a  knife- 
edgo.  In  Rom.,  emphasis  on  the  ceremonial  (not 
part  but  aspect  of  the)  Law  disappears  ;  it  is  viewed 
on  its  moral  side  as  "  the  law  of  God."  In  a  later 
epistle.  Col.,  the  ceremonial  again  predominates. 

9.  rather  to  be  known  of  God  :  note  the  feeling  of 
mystery,  and  cf.  1  Cor.  BifT. — 11.  I  am  afraid  :  he  doea 
not  despair  of  winning  back  his  readers. 

IV.  \2r-2f).  An  affectionate  paragraph,  reminding  the 
Galatians  how  he  had  conformed  in  every  legitimate 
way  (cf.  1  Cor.  9i(,ff.)  to  their  customs,  and  begging 
them  not  to  desert  his  faith.  In  the  past,  he  and  they 
had  been  good  friends.  His  humiliating  illness  (epilepsy 
according  to  Lightfoot,  malaria  according  to  Ramsay, 
see  p.  769.  This  attack  is  recorded  nowhere  else.  His 
illness  may  be  the  stake  in  flesh  of  2  Cor.  I27*),  which 
either  drove  him  at  the  first  into  their  country  or  at 
the  least  prolonged  his  (original)  visit,  had  not  proved 
offensive  to  them  :  they  saw  in  him  an  angel  (cf.  Is), 
nay  (observe  the  climax,  cf.  Mk.  I332),  Christ.  Then 
they  had  thought  themselves  very  happy  to  know  PauL 
If  possible,  they  would  have  given  him  their  own  eyes 
(either  because  he  had  defective  sight,  cf.  611,  or  as 
the  most  precious  thing  they  had,  cf.  Mt.  529).  Now 
his  frankness  has  angered  them.  Other  teachers  are, 
no  doubt,  more  flattering — from  sinister  motives  ;  if 
Judaizers  carry  their  point,  they  will  become  an 
aristocracy  and  Gentile  Christians  their  humble  clients. 
The  bond  between  evangelist  and  convert  ought  to  hold 
even  in  absence.  But  it  is  a  hard  thing  to  win  souls. 
It  costs  travail  pangs.  And  the  pains  of  spiritual 
labour  may  repeat  themselves  !  What  new  thing  can 
he  say  to  them  in  this  emergency  ? 

IV.  21-V.  1.  The  new  thing  he  tries  is  an  allegorising 
spiritualising  application  of  an  OT  story.  Slave-bom 
Ishmael  mocked  (Gen.  21 10*)  free-bom  Isaac,  and  the 
son  of  the  slave  was  righteously  cast  out.  God  means 
us  to  learn  from  this  !  Once  more  it  is  claimed  that 
the  OT  supports  Paul.  A  second  quasi-allegory  is  in- 
tertwined with  the  first.  According  to  later  Jewish 
theology,  the  real  Jerusalem,  like  all  other  sacred  things, 
existed  originally  in  heaven.  And  according  to  Paul 
the  material  or  earthly  Jerusalem,  which  rejects  Jesus 
and  clings  to  Law.  is  in  hopeless  bondage.  Is.  54i  must 
refer  to  the  heavenly  Jerusalem,  partially  manifested 
in  the  NT  Church.  Once  more  then,  choose — between 
Christ  and  Law  ;  Ishmael  and  Isaac  ;  the  tme  Jerusalem 
and  the  sham.  Nay,  they  have  chosen.  Let  them 
stand  by  their  good  choice!  Let  them  not  frustrate 
Christ's  design  (5i  yng.). 

[25.  The  meaning  is  apparently  that  the  word 
"  Hagar  '  is  in  Arabia  used  for  Mt.  Sinai.  That  this 
is  philologically  uncertain  is  no  proof  that  Paul  did 
not  mean  this.  It  gives  an  excellent  sense,  for  it 
justifies  the  equation  of  Hagar  with  the  Sinaitic 
covenant.  Paul  may  say  "  in  Arabia  "  rather  than 
in  the  Arabian  language,  because  he  is  referring  to  a 
local  usage.  If  vig.  gives  the  correct  text,  it  is  probably 
a  gloss.  An  interesting  suggestion  has  been  made  to 
the  effect  that  the  verb  rendered  "  answereth  to" 
means  "  has  the  same  numerical  value  as."  The  Gr. 
words  rendered  "  Hagar  Sinai  "  =  1365.  "  the  Jerusalem 
that  now  is  "  =  1364.  But  the  Alpha  in  the  former 
equation  has  to  mean  both  1  and  1000,  there  is 
difference  between  the  totals,  and  there  is  no  indicatioi 


i 


GALATIANS,  VI.   18 


861 


of  this  sens©  in  the  passage.  The  verb  means  "is  in 
the  same  category  with." — A.  S.  P.] 

V.  2-12.  Final  emphatic  statement  of  the  dilemma, 
Christ  or  circumcision.  Paul,  speaking  with  all  autho- 
rity— in  spite  of  false  inferences  drawn  from  his 
circumcising  Timothy  (ii)  and  in  spite  of  probable 
evasions  on  the  part  of  the  Judaizcrs — testifies  that 
those  circumcised  on  religious  grounds  must  keep  the 
whole  Law.  More  important  still,  in  accepting  such 
a  rite  as  necessary  to  salvation,  one  renounces  Christ  ; 
to  whom  all  Christians  taught  by  the  Spirit  look  in 
faith  for  the  sentence  of  justification  at  the  great  day 
of  judgment.  Not  that,  as  an  external  inherited  rite, 
circumcision  is  a  matter  of  anj'  consequence.  Neither 
it  nor  uncircumcision  (cf.  615,  1  Cor.  7i9^.  Faith  is 
all,  and  faith  works  through  love.  ("  Working"  (6)  is 
theologically,  and  by  analogy  of  Paul's  language  else- 
where, preferable  to  mg.  "  wrought.")  They  had 
known  this  and  acted  accordingly.  Who — the  word 
(as  at  3i)  is  singular — had  arrested  their  progress  ?  A 
"persuasive"  influence  on  the  wrong  side  {cf.  lio), 
assuredly  not  from  God.  Is  the  small  knot  of  errorists 
really  to  leaven  the  whole  community  ?  (Best  taken 
as  a  question;  so,  but  differently,  1  Cor.  56.)  Paul 
at  least  is  confident  of  a  better  issue,  tlirough  Christ's 
grace  ;  the  leader — we  have  no  light  at  all  on  his 
identity — will  have  a  terrible  punishment  Divinely 
appointed  him.  Do  any  pretend  that  Timothy's 
circumciser  is  himself,  when  it  suits  his  book,  a  preacher 
of  circumcision  ?  Facts  prove  the  opposite ;  he  is 
persecuted.  Christian  doctrine  proves  the  opposite  ; 
all  tnie  Christians  preach  the  Cross — an  insuperable 
stumbling-block  (cf.  1  Cor.  I23)  to  the  unregenerato 
Jewish  mind.  Pity  that  these  fanatics  for  a  surgical 
operation  would  not  carry  it  further  and  castrate 
themselves  (mg.)  like  some  of  the  heathen  of  Asia 
Minor. 

V.  13-VI.  10.  Practical  appendix  to  the  epistle  ;  in 
the  form  of  "  guarding  "  the  doctrine  of  free  grace 
against  antinomian  abuse. 

V.  13-15.  First  safeguard.  They  are  free  indeed, 
and  as  Christians  are  done  with  Law ;  but  love  will  save 
them  from  indulging  lower  impulses.  Love  (as  Jesus 
taught,  Mk.  1231  and  parallels)  includes  everything 
(more  fully  Rom.  ISgf.).  Paul  fears  cruel  partisanships 
in  Galatia— love  will  prove  a  remedy. 

V.  16-24.  Second  safeguard — the  Spirit ;  a  source 
not  only  of  trust  in  God,  but  of  moral  activity.  Spirit 
and  "  flesh,"  the  renewed  nature  and  the  lower  nature 
of  man,  are  flatly  antagonistic  ;  we  "  cannot  "  but  be 
thwarted  on  one  side  or  other.  (In  strict  classical 
grammar,  i7d  means  "  in  order  that,"  etc.,  and  ought 
to  refer  to  a  Divine  appointment.  If  that  be  the 
meaning  here,  it  is  best  to  regard  "  for  these  .  .  . 
other  "  as  a  parenthesis,  and  to  take  the  Divine  purpose 
to  be  "  We  must  not  obey  our  Imver  promptings."'  But 
it  is  not  certain  that  Paul's  grammar  is  strictly  classi- 
cal.) If  we  are  true  to  the  promptings  of  the  renewed 
nature.  Law  has  no  charge  to  bring  against  us. 

19.  the  works  of  the  flesh  include  much  besides 
sensuality.  From  the  very  first  (21)  Paul  must  have 
warned  inquirers  and  converts  against  bad  lives.  Per 
contra  (22)  the  Irult  (not,  as  often  misquotefl,  "  fruits  ") 
of  the  Spirit  grows  out  of  a  renewed  heart,  and  includes 
"  love  .  .  .  fidelity  .  .  .  .self-control." — gainst  such  : 
Paul  knows  of  a  law  which  says  "  Do  this  and  hve  '" 
(3i2) ;    but  he  usually  thinks  of  the  Law  as  saying. 


"  Thou  shalt  not  "  (Rom.  77),  and  as  a  gigantic  enemy. 
The  true  Christian  has  no  such  enemy" to  fear.  He 
has  broken  once  for  ail  with  reigning  sin. 

V.  25f.  Though  RV  marks  a  new  paragraph,  and 
different  language  is  employed,  these  verses  scarcely 
add  anything  to  the  thought.  They  name  no  fresh 
safeguard,  but  recapitulate  16-24  with  strengthened 
emphasis  (recalling  15)  on  the  danger  of  quarrels. 

VI.  1-5.  Third  safeguard.  If  things  become  bad 
and  a  Christian  falls  into  open  fault,  loving  Christian 
friends  (acting  as  individuals  rather  than  as  a  church  ? 
But,  on  any  view,  the  verse  is  an  important  contribution 
towards  a  theory  of  church  discipline)  may  restore 
him  again.  The  only  thing  which  could  hinder  tliis 
would  bo  self-righteous  pride,  which  thwarts  all  good. 
By  thus  bearing  each  other's  burdens,  we  fulfil  Christ's 
true  "  law  " — if  we  are  humble.  If,  however,  we 
thuik  ourselves  too  good  to  sympathise  with  our 
stumbling  brothers,  we  are  deluded.  Let  us  look  closer 
into  our  own  hearts  and  lives  !  It  is  quite  true  that, 
in  the  end,  every  one  is  to  answer  for  himself  to  God 
(cf.  Rom.  I4i2)  and  to  bear  his  own  "  load  "  (mg. ;  a 
different  word  from  that  rendered  "  burdens  "  in  2  ; 
not  that  anything  is  to  be  made  of  this  except  that 
Paul  varies  the  word  when  he  varies  the  idea).  We 
may  now  help  to  make  our  neighbours  better.  But  at 
the  end  God  will  judge  us  all  one  by  one,  each  just  as 
he  is.     May  we  throw  back  our  thoughts  to  5 10  ? 

VI.  6.  Paul  thmks  he  has  done  with  his  moral  safe- 
guards, and  turns  to  one  special  duty — that  of  paying 
Christian  teachers.  But  presently  he  feels  that  some- 
thing more  must  be  said. 

VI.  7-10.  Last  safeguard  :  the  natural  law  of  God's 
universe  stands.  Those  who  propose  to  make  the 
gospel  of  grace  an  excuse  for  laxity  thinit  they  can 
laugh  in  their  sleeves  at  the  Creator,  but  "  You've  gut 
to  git  up  airly  Ef  you  want  to  take  in  God."  No 
sowing  without  reaping,  and  no  reaping  without  sow- 
ing— one  kind  or  the  other  ;  to  tlesh  or  to  spirit. 
Patience  only  is  needed  m  continuing  to  "  sow  to  the 
spirit  "  and  to  "  do  well."  10  returns  in  a  broader 
way  to  the  theme  of  6.  We  must  do  good  to  others, 
especially  to  follow  Christians.  But  this  Unking  of 
verses  7-10  with  6  does  not  disprove  our  view,  that  the 
statement  of  the  final  terrible  safeguard  is  an  after- 
thought. 

VI.  11-16.  Autograph  postscript.  "  Large  "  letters 
need  not  be  literally  meant  in  late  Greek  ;  but  what  else 
can  the  word  mean  here  ?  "  How  large  a  letter  "  (AV) 
is  not  a  legitimate  translation.  Probably  the  reason 
is  bad  sight  (cf.  4i5),  possibly  desire  for  emphasis  ;  aa 
we  print  in  italics  or  capitals.  A  very  unfavourable 
estimate  of  the  moral  character  of  the  Judaizers  is 
added.  They  are  not  really  in  earnest  in  their  cam- 
paign. They  are  far  from  being  strict  Jews  personally, 
but  they  pride  themselves  on  making  proselytes.  The 
true  Christian  glories  in  no  flattering  successes — only 
in  that  cross  of  Christ  which  brings  our  old  life  to  a 
close  and  separates  us  for  ever  from  the  world.  Those 
thus  crucified  witli  Christ  and  new-created  in  His 
resun-ection  are  God's  true  Israel  (cf.  Pa.  73 1)  whether 
they  be  Jew  or  GJentile. 

VI.  17.  Final  personal  message.  T^et  no  one  dare 
henceforth  to  trouble  Christ's  slave,  branded  (by  per- 
secutions ;  cf.  2  Cor.  Il23ff.)  as  his  master's  property. 

VI.  18.  A  brief  benediction  to  those  whom  he  still 
calls  '■  brethren." 


EPHESIANS,  COLOSSIANS,  AND  PHILEMON 


By  the  Rev.  A.  E.  J.  RAWLINSON 


The  Recipients. — The  three  epistles  form  a  closely- 
related  group.  If  Pauline,  they  may  be  ascribed  to 
the  period  of  the  Roman  imprisonment  (Ac.  2830, 
cj.  Eph.  3i,  4i,  Col.  4io,i8,  Phm.  1,23).  The  earlier 
impiTsonmcnt  at  Gwarea  (Ac.  24ff.)  has  been  suggested, 
but  is  less  probable.  [A  few  scholars,  including 
Deissmann,  have  suggested  an  imprisonment  during 
Paul's  long  residence  at  Ephesus,  but  this  is  improb- 
able.— A.  S.  P.]  A  messenger,  Epaphras — apparently 
a  leading  teacher,  perhaps  even  the  founder  of  the  Colos- 
sian  church  (Col.  Iji.,  412) — has  arrived  in  Rome  bring- 
ing despatches  from  Colossse  and  possiblj^  also  from 
Hierapolis  (Col.  4i3),  Laodicea  (Col.  4i3,i5f.),  and 
other  churches  in  the  valley  of  the  Lj^cus,  a  district 
of  Phrygia.  Paul  himself  seems  not  to  have  taught  in 
this  region,  though  he  had  friends  in  Colossae  (Col.  47£f.), 
whom  he  yet  hopes  to  \'isit  (Phm.  22).  The  gospel 
had  probably  been  spread  by  Pauline  missionaries 
from  Ephesus,  whose  converts  would  be  mainly 
Gentiles  :  Jews  were  fairly  numerous  in  the  district, 
but  their  Judaism  is  said  to  have  been  compromising 
and  half-hearted :  the  population  as  a  whole  was 
Phrygian,  mth  Greek  admixture.  The  church  at 
Colossse  was  menaced  by  false  teaching  of  a  syncretistio 
type  (Col.  28-20) — apparently  a  semi-Christian  theo- 
sophy  which  included  elements  of  orientalised  Judaism. 
It  was  the  kind  of  religious  amalgam  which  such  an 
environment  might  be  expected  to  produce.  Light- 
foot's  assumption  of  a  connexion  with  Essene  Judaism 
is  unnecessary  and  improbable. 

"  Epheslans." — On  receipt  of  Epaphras'  news  Paul 
Bent  Tychicus  with  a  batch  of  letters  in  reply — one 
to  Coloasa>,  warning  against  any  teaching  which  im- 
perilled either  the  liberty  of  the  gospel  or  the  supreme 
lordship  of  Christ ;  a  note  to  Philemon,  an  individual 
Christian  at  Coloss;o,  owner  of  a  runaway  slave  whom 
Paul  sends  back  to  his  master ;  probably  also  letters 
to  other  churches,  including  one  (no  longer  extant) 
to  laodicea  (Col.  4i6).  Ephesians,  if  genuine,  is  best 
regarded  as  an  answer  to  one  of  the  letters  brought 
by  Epaphras  from  a  church  whose  identity  cannot  now 
be  recovered.  The  alternative  view,  that  it  is  an 
encyclical  addressed  to  the  churches  of  Asia,  though 
widely  accepted,  appears  less  probable.  It  cannot 
have  been  written  in  the  first  instance  to  Ephesus, 
because  Paul  was  well  known  to  the  Ephesian  church 
(Ac.  19;  cf.  20i7ff.),  and  we  should  expect  a  letter 
from  him  to  Ephesus  to  contain  personal  messagee 
and  greetings  ;  whereas  it  is  implied  in  Eph.  I15,  82, 
42 if.  that  the  writer  is  not  })er8onally  known  to  his 
readers.  There  is,  moreover,  strong  MS  and  patristic 
evidence  for  the  omis.sion  of  "  in  Ephesus "  from 
Eph.  li,  and  we  learn  from  Tertullian  that  Marcion 
in  his  collection  of  Pauline  epistles  (c.  A.  d.  IGO)  described 
the  epistle  as  written  "  to  the  Laodiceans  " — a  guess, 
no  doubt,  based  upon  Col.  4i6,  but  one  which  proves 
that  Marcion  did  not  read  the  words  "  in  Ephesus  " 


in  his  text.  Presumably  its  original  destination  was 
lost  as  it  circulated  in  the  Church  at  large ;  and  it 
became  known  in  the  West  through  copies  emanating 
from  Ephesus,  the  great  Chiistian  centre  in  Asia  Minor. 
Those  who  liold  to  the  "  encyclical  "  hyjKithesis  com- 
monly assume  that  a  blank  was  left  in  the  text,  to  be 
filled  in  \\\i\\  the  appropriate  local  name  as  the  letter 
was  read  aloud  in  the  churches. 

Authenticity. — The  authenticity  of  all  three  epistles 
has  been  questioned.  They  diverge  widely  in  style 
and  vocabulary  from  Paul's  earlier  writings,  and  in 
doctrine,  as  regards  both  Christology  and  the  concep- 
tion of  the  Church,  they  are  thought  to  mark  an 
advance  upon  Paidine  ideas  :  moreover,  the  eschato- 
logical  outlook  characteristic  of  early  Paulinism  is 
here  so  transmuted  as  almost  to  have  disappeared. 
The  objection  that  Col.  is  an  attack  upon  second- 
century  Gnosticism  may  safely  be  disregarded  ;  for 
the  heresy  combated  in  Col.  28-2o  does  not  tally  with 
the  developed  Gnostic  systems,  and  Gnostic  tendencies 
must  have  been  operative  in  the  less  authoritative 
centres  of  Christian  teachuig  much  earlier  than  was 
formerly  supposed.  The  other  difficulties  are  real  but 
not  conclusive  :  linguistic  and  stylistic  argumente  are 
precarious,  and  the  developments  in  doctrine  are  not 
such  as  forbid  our  attributing  them  to  the  mature 
mind  of  Paul.  It  is,  moreover,  difficult  to  regard  Phm. 
as  an  invention  :  and  its  authenticity  would  seem  to 
carry  with  it  that  of  Col.,  which  in  turn  mav  authenti- 
cate Eph.  The  phenomena  of  mutual  dependence 
exhibited  by  the  two  latter  epistles  arc  better  explained 
by  the  supposition  that  they  were  written  in  close 
connexion  with  each  other  by  the  same  person,  than 
by  the  theory  that  one  of  them  is  genuine,  and  the 
other  an  imitation  by  a  later  writer.  The  hypothesis 
of  Holtzmann — that  an  original  Pauline  nucleus  lies 
behind  Col.  and  served  as  a  model  to  the  writer  of 
Eph.,  who  subsequently  expanded  the  origuial  Col. 
to  form  Col.  as  we  know  it — is  too  complicated  to  be 
probable.  At  present  there  seems  to  be  a  tendency 
to  regard  Col.  and  Phm.  as  genuine,  but  to  treat  Eph. 
OS  "  a  catholicised  version  of  Col.,"  a  "  set  of  varia- 
tions played  by  a  master  hand  upon  one  or  two 
themes  suggested  by  Col."  (Moffatt).  The  question 
may  fairly  be  regarded  as  still  an  open  one,  and  the 
Pauline  authorship  oven  of  Eph.  is  by  no  means  put 
out  of  court.     Cf.  ().  Slf). 

Literature. — Coimnentarirs  :  I.  On  Ephesians,  Colcs- 
sians,  and  Philemon  :  (a)  Beet,  Moule  (CB),  Cone  (IH), 
Martin  (Cent.B);  (b)  Ellicott;  (c)  P.  Ewald  (ZIC), 
Haupt  (Mev.),  Oltramare,  von  Soden  (HK),  B.  Weiss, 
Lueken  (SNT).  iL  Dibelius  (HNT).  II.  On  Ephesians 
and  Colossians :  (h)  T.  K.  Abbott  (ICC).  IH.  On 
Colossians  and  Philemon :  (h)  LIghtfoot,  Williamfl 
(CGT);  {d)  Maclaren  (Ex.B).  IV.  On  Ephesians: 
(b)  Macpheraon,  Salmond  (EGT),  Robinson,  Westoott 
Liehtfoot  (Notts  on  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  on  I1-X4) 


i 


EPHESIANS,  I.  15-23 


863 


J.  0.  R  Murray  (CGT) ;  (c)  Klopper ;  {d)  Dale  ( Lectures), 
Findlay  (Ex.B),  Gore,  Lidgett,  Ood  in  Christ  Jesus. 
V.  On  Colossians  :  (a)  Findlay  (PC) ;  (6)  Peake  (EGT)  ; 
(c)  Klopper;  (d)  Moule,  Colossian  Studies.  VI.  On 
Philemon :  (b)  Oesterley  (EGT),  Vincent  (ICG).  Other 
Literature :  Articles  in  Dictionaries,  Discussions  in 
Histories  of  the  Apostolic  Age,  Lives  of  Paul,  Introduc- 
tions to  the  NT  or  to  the  Pauline  Epp. ;  Hort,  Prolego- 
mena to  the  Epp.  to  the  Rom.  and  Eph.  ;  Thackeray, 
Relation  of  S.  Paul  to  Contemporary  Jewish  2'hoaght  ; 
Holtzmann,  Kritik  der  Epheser-  und  Kolosserbriefe ; 
W.  L.  Walker,  Christ  the  Creative  Ideal. 

EPHESIANS 

I.  If.  Opening  Salutation. — ^The  author  (Paul  ?) 
writes  to  the  consecrated  and  loyal  people  of  God  who 
are  "  in  Christ  "  at  some  unknown  place  (see  Introd.) 
in  Asia  Minor. 

I.  3-14.  A  Paragraph  of  Praise. — God,  who  is  also 
the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  is  thanked  for  the 
blessings — embracing  every  form  of  spiritual  riches — 
bestowed  through  theii-  mystical  relationship  to  Christ 
in  the  heavenly  sphere  upon  the  writer  and  upon  his 
readers.  The  fact  of  their  Chiistianity  is  evidence  of 
their  vocation  to  be  holy  and  blameless  before  Him  in 
love — a  vocation  which  runs  back  into  the  eternal 
counsels  (4) :  God  has  predetermined  them  to  be  His 
own  adopted  sons  through  Christ,  the  motive  being 
simply  "  the  good  pleasure  of  His  will  "  (5),  and  the 
purpose  in  view  the  glorious  manifestation  of  His 
kindness  and  the  eternal  praise  thereof  (6).  This 
kindness  is  bestowed  upon  them  "  in  the  Beloved," 
whose  blood  is  the  source  of  their  forgiveness  and  of 
their  emancipation  from  slavery  to  sin  (7).  The  riches 
of  God's  free  favour  is  further  exhibited  in  the  wealth 
of  wisdom  and  knowledge  which  He  has  lavished  upon 
them  by  letting  them  into  the  secret  of  His  will  (9), 
the  whole  process  being  part  of  the  eternal  purpose 
which  He  planned  in  Christ,  working  out  when  the 
fuUness  of  appointed  times  arrived,  viz.  the  summing 
up  in  Him  of  all  things  both  on  the  earth  and  in  the 
heavens  (gf.).  It  is  in  Him  that  they,  i.e.  those  who 
were  foreordained  according  to  the  purpose  of  God, 
who  worketh  all  things  according  to  the  purpose  of 
His  will  (11),  have  been  chosen  to  be  the  Divine  in- 
heritance ;  to  the  end  that  the  writer,  and  those  for 
whom  he  writes  (i.e.  those  whose  hope  in  Christ  was 
of  old  standing),  might  redound  to  the  praise  of  the 
Divine  glory  equally  with  those  (('.e.  new  converts) 
to  whom  he  writes  ;  for  these  latter  also,  having  heard 
the  word  of  the  truth,  the  glad  tidings  of  their  salva- 
tion, put  their  trust  in  Him  and  were  sealed  with  that 
Holy  Spirit  of  promise  who  was  Himself  the  earnest- 
money  of  a  full  inheritance  hereafter,  when  the  de- 
liverance of  God's  purchased  possession  should  be 
complete  (12-14). 

3.  In  the  heavenly  places:  (en  tois  epouraniois), 
also  I20,  26,  3 10,  612,  but  nowhere  else  in  NT.  The 
phrase  suggests  the  late  Jewish  doctrine  of  seven 
heavens  rising  one  above  the  other  (cf.  2  Cor.  122), 
but  the  local  sense  should  not  here  be  pressed  ;  it 
means  "  the  heavenly  sphere,"  "  the  unseen  universe  " 
of  spiritual  realities. — 4.  even  as  he  chose  us :  the  re- 
current references  in  4!!.  to  Divine  choice  and  fore- 
ordination  suggest  but  do  not  necessitate  a  Calviiiistio 
interpretation.  Calvinism,  as  a  formal  doctrine,  is 
foreign  to  the  NT,  though  here,  as  elsewhere,  reUection 
upon  the  wonder  of  Christian  vocation  is  expressed 
in  terms  which — when  treated  as  formal  theology — 
readily  gave  ri^je  to  Calvinism. — 6.  In  the  Beloved: 


it  seems  probable  that  "  the  Beloved  "  had  come  to 
be  a  recognised  title  of  the  Messiah  (see  J.  A.  Robinson, 
p.  229). — 7.  redemption  through  his  blood :  the  phrase 
is  explained  by  the  sacrificial  system  of  Judaism. 
"The  blood  is  the  life"  (Lev.  17ii),  and  represents 
the  dedication  of  all  life  to  God.  Man,  unworthy 
qua  sinful  to  offer  his  life  to  God,  offers  vicariously  an 
unblemished  animal  life  with  which  his  own  life  is 
by  sprinkling  identified.  The  death  of  Christ,  taken 
in  connexion  with  His  saying  in  Mk.  IO45,  and  His 
claim  to  inaugurate  a  New  Covenant  (Mk.  I424), 
suggested  the  application  of  this  circle  of  ideas  to  Him 
and  to  His  work.  It  was  the  earliest  Christian  theology 
of  Atonement.  Stripped  of  metaphor  it  means  that 
Christ's  life  of  flawless  obedience  perfected  in  death  is 
the  means  whereby  all  who  come  to  share  in  it  are 
made  one  with  the  Life  of  God. — 9.  the  mystery  of  his 
will :  a  keynote  of  the  whole  epistle.  The  "  mystery  " 
is  the  Divane  world-plan,  purposed  before  all  ages, 
now  at  length  disclosed  in  the  Christian  revelation. 
The  word  is  to  be  taken  not  in  its  modem  sense  (=a 
hidden  or  unintelligible  secret)  but  as  signifying  a  re- 
vealed secret,  a  mystery  disclosed.  (An  aUusion  by 
way  of  contrast  to  contemporary  Mystery  Religions 
is  possible,  though  Robinson,  pp.  2.34ff.,  strongly  denies 
this.) — 10.  Read  "for  working  out  in  the  fulness  of 
the  times."  The  genitive  is  temporal,  and  the  word 
oikonomia,  originally  signifying  the  management  of  a 
household,  had  come  to  be  used  of  any  orderly  ad- 
ministration :  here  the  working  out  of  the  Di%-ine 
world-plan. — to  sum  up:  the  word  amkephalaiousthai 
seems  to  be  derived  from  kephalaion  (=a  sum)  rather 
than  from  kephale  ( =a  head).  "  Li  the  Divine  counsels 
Christ  is  the  sum  of  all  things  "  (Robinson).  In  the 
Eagle  Vision  of  Ezra  (2  Esd.  I225)  the  three  heads 
of  the  Eagle  (probably  the  FIa%-ian  Emperors  Vespasian, 
Titus,  and  Domitian)  are  said  to  "  recapitulate  "  or 
"  sum  up  "  all  the  impieties  of  the  Eagle  (i.e.  Rome, 
the  hostile  world-power).  Probably  there  was  a  re- 
ceived tradition  in  apocalyptic  writings  that  at  the 
end  of  the  world-history  all  the  e^-il  which  is  now 
diffused  and  isolated,  as  well  as  all  the  good,  should  be 
summed  up  in  Antichrist  and  Christ  respectively. — 
11-13.  in  whom  also  we  ...  in  whom  ye  also :  the  con- 
trast seems  to  be  between  Christians  of  old  standing 
and  neophytes,  rather  than  between  Jewish  and  Gentile 
believers. — 13.  The  reference  to  "  sealing  "  may  pos- 
sibly suggest  an  eschatological  sacrament ;  cf.  ReV.  72f. 
Chase  {Confirmation  in  the  Apostolic  Age,  pp.  olff.) 
thinks  there  may  be  a  reference  to  an  early  form  of 
"  confirmation,"  possibly  by  anointing  ;  this  is  doubt- 
ful. The  "  Holy  Spirit  of  promise  "  means  probably 
"  the  Holy  Spirit  who  is  Himself  a  promise  '  rather 
than  "  the  promised  Holy  Spirit  "  ;  the  gift  of  the  Spirit 
being  regarded  as  an  arrhabdn  or  pledge  (an  instalment 
paid  as  proof  of  the  bona  fides  of  a  bargain)  which  is  a 
guarantee  of  completeness  of  blessing  hereafter. 

I.  15-23.  A  Paragraph  of  Prayer. — The  writer,  who 
ha-s  been  informed  (by  letter  ?)  of  the  Christian  faith 
and  love  of  his  correspondents,  reciprocates  their 
thanksgiving  and  prayers  (i.sf.)  ;  he  beseeches  God, 
the  glorious  Father  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  bestow 
on  tiiem  the  Spirit,  giver  of  wisdom,  revealer  in  the 
knowle«.lge  of  God  (17)  ;  that  the  eyes  of  their  hearts 
may  bo  opened,  so  that  they  niay  luiow  the  hope  im- 
plied in  Gods  calling,  the  wealth  of  glorj'  involved  in 
Gods  inheritance  in  His  people,  and  the  over\vhelining 
greatness  of  His  power  towards  beUevers.  a-s  displayed 
in  the  working  of  His  strong  might  wrought  in  Christ 
(18-20):  whom  God  raised  from  the  dead  and  made 
asseeaoT  of  His  own  throne  in  the  heavenly  sphere, 


864 


EPHESIANS,  I.   15-23 


Bupreme  over  every  rule,  authority,  power,  aud  lord- 
Bbip,  and  over  every  existent  or  nanieable  being, 
whether  in  the  present  or  in  the  future  age  (2of.) :  all 
things  God  subjected  beneath  the  feet  of  Christ,  and 
gave  Him  as  Bupreniu  Head  to  the  Church  which  is 
His  embodiment,  the  fiillihnent  of  Him  who  in  all 
things  universally  is  being  fulfilled  (22f.). 

15f.  I  also,  having  heard  .  .  .  cease  not:  the  fonu 
of  expression  is  such  as  would  be  used  in  replying  to  a 
letter :  though  this  may  be  explained  as  a  literary 
device. — and  which:  follow  mg. — 16.  making  .  .  . 
prayers:  cf.  1  Th.  1 2,  Rom.  1 9,  Phm.  4.  The  evidence 
of  papyri  found  in  Egypt  shows  that  some  such  phrase 
in  beginning  a  letter  was  a  recognised  usage  of  the 
time. — 17.  Beware  of  taking  "  spirit "  in  the  modem 
weakened  sense  as  an  attitude  of  mind  :  the  text 
means  a  teaching  Spirit,  not  (as  wo  might  say)  a 
"  teachable  spirit "  or  a  wise  dis^wsition.  "  Revela- 
tion "  or  "  apocalypse  "  is  the  correlative  of  "  mystery  " ; 
the  Divine  secret  needs  a  Divine  unveiling;  c/.  83. — 
21.  rule  .  .  .  dominion:  c/.  Col.  I16.  These  were  all 
terms  for  celestial  hierarchies  and  different  angelic 
orders  derived  from  the  language  of  Jewish  apocalypse. 
Cf.  Enoch  61,  "  And  He  will  call  on  all  the  host  of 
the  heavens  and  all  the  holy  ones  above,  and  the  host 
of  God,  the  Cherubim,  Seraphim,  and  Ophanim  " 
{i.e.  wheels;  c/.  Ezek.  I15),  "and  all  the  angels  of 
principalities,  and  the  Elect  One  "  (i.e.  the  Messiah) 
"  and  the  other  powers  on  the  earth  and  over  the  water 
on  that  day.  " — every  name  that  is  named :  a  Hebraism. 
In  Heb.  idiom  "  being  called  anything  implies  being 
that  thing."  CJ.  Is.  96  and  Enoch  483,  where  we  read 
(of  the  Son  of  Man),  "  Before  the  sun  and  the  signs 
were  created  ...  his  name  was  named  before  tho 
Lord  of  Spirits  "  (i.e.  he  existed  before  the  creation  of 
the  sun  and  stars).  So  here  the  meaning  will  be 
"  every  being  that  exists." — this  world  .  .  .  that  which 
Is  to  come:  the  familiar  eschatological  antithesis. 
For  "world'  read  "age"  (mg.). — 22f.  the  Church 
which  is  his  body:  cJ.  1  Cor.  1212,27.  The  phrase 
emphasizes  :  (a)  tho  organic  imity  of  all  Christians 
in  Christ ;  (h)  the  thought  of  the  Church  as  the  organ 
whereby  the  life  of  the  risen  Christ  now  operates,  the 
present  embodiment  of  Christ  on  earth. — the  fulness 
....  filleth :  read,  "  the  fulfilment  of  him  that  is 
being  fulfilled."  The  word  translated  "  that  filleth  ' 
(fleroumenou)  is  really  a  passive  participle  :  and  tho 
thought  is  apparently  that  Christ,  as  manifested  in  the 
Church,  await^s  HuJ  fulfilment  in  the  completion  of 
the  Divine  puq)oso. 

II.  1-10.  Christians  are  Raised  and  Exalted  in  the 
Risen  and  Exalted  Christ  by  God's  Free  Grace  and 
Gift. — The  recipients  of  the  letter,  like  other  people, 
had  been  (spiritually)  dead  by  reason  of  the  sins  and 
trespasses  in  which  thoy  formerly  "  walked  "  in  accord- 
ance with  the  course  of  the  existing  world-order,  aa 
subjects  of  tho  ruler  who  has  power  over  tho  air  and 
over  the  spirit  operating  in  disobedient  hearts  (it); 
the  writer  in  like  manner,  and  those  for  whom  he 
speaks,  had  all  lived  fonnerly  in  the  lusts  of  their 
flesh,  following  the  impulses  of  the  flesh  and  of  the 
mind,  and  were  in  themselves  as  much  tho  objects  of 
Divine  wrath  as  other  people  (3)  ;  the  wealth,  however, 
of  the  Divine  mercy  and  the  greatness  of  the  Divine 
love  had  brought  them  to  life  with  the  bringing  to  life 
of  Christ,  dead  though  they  were  in  sins  ("  and  your 
salvation  is  of  God's  free  grace ''),  had  rawed  thera 
with  His  resurrection,  and  had  seated  them  with  His 
session  in  the  heavenly  sphere  in  Him  (4-6),  a  mani- 
festation to  all  future  ages  of  the  extraoixlinary  wealth 
of   His   kindness    and    goodness    towards    them    (7). 


Salvation,  it  must  be  repeated,  is  wholly  the  outcome 
of  God's  free  kindness  ;  though  requirmg  the  responto 
of  human  faith  it  is  not  of  human  iidtiation  ;  the  gift 
is  from  God  ;  luiman  merit  does  not  enter  into  it ; 
and  therefore  human  boasting  is  excluded  (8f.). 
Christians  are  the  handiwork  of  God,  products  of  a 
creative  act  in  Christ  Jesus ;  "  good  works "  are 
indeed  involved,  but  it  is  as  the  purposed  end  of  this 
creative  act,  the  prepared  course  marked  out  for 
Christians  to  walk  in  ( 10). 

2.  The  ruler  of  the  evil  poweip  that  dwell  in  the  air 
is  ruler  also  of  the  spirit  that  energizes  in  the  wicked. 
It  was  the  common  belief  of  late  Judaism  that  the  p'X 
was  full  of  evil  spirits  ;  and  Christisuis  living  in  tho 
corrupt  cities  of  Asia  Minor  (Rev.  2f.)  were  exposal  U>  a 
veritable  "  atmosphere  of  evil,"  which  such  language 
aptly  penjonifies. — 3.  by  nature:  i.e.  in  ourselves,  in 
our  natural  condition,  apart  from  the  Divine  grace. — 
children  of  wrath:  objects  of  the  Divine  displeasure. 
The  phrase  is  a  Hebraism — cf.  Zech.  414,  "  sons  of 
oil"  (  =  "  anointed  personages  "),  and  Eph.  22,  "  sons 
of  disobedience  "  (  =  "  disobedient  persons  ") — and  has 
no  direct  bearing  upon  the  dogma  of  "  origuial  sin." — 
5f.  The  processes  of  death,  resurrection,  and  ascension, 
tlirough  which  Christ  passed,  are  in  the  Christian 
mystically  reproduced  as  a  death  to  sin,  a  resurrection 
to  new  life,  and  a  participation  in  the  heavenly  life 
of  Christ.— 8-10.  The  summing  up  of  former  contro- 
vereies  about  "  faith  "  and  "  works."  "  The  Divine 
purpose  is  riot  achieved  apart  from  the  '  good  works  ' 
of  men  :  only  it  does  not  begin  from  them,  but  leads 
to  them  "  (Robinson), 

II.  11-22.  The  Gentile  Is  now  One  with  the  Jew  in 
God's  New  Man,  and  an  Integral  Part  of  God's  Temple. — 
Those  who,  like  the  readers,  were  once  Gentiles,  are 
especially  bound  to  remember  the  condition  from  which 
thoy  were  rescued  (11) :  at  that  time  without  Messiah, 
they  were  aliens  in  relation  to  the  commonwealth  of 
God's  people,  foreigners  in  relation  to  the  covenants 
of  promise,  lacking  in  that  hope  of  the  future  which  the 
Jew  had  always  possessed,  and  living  in  ignorance  of 
God  ;  such  had  been  their  condition  in  the  world  (12) ; 
but  now  that  they  are  in  Christ  Jesus,  the  far-off 
peoples  are  become  nigh  in  Messiah's  blood  (13)  ;  it 
ii  Jlessiah  who  is  the  peace  both  of  Jew  and  of  Gentile, 
He  who  made  tlie  two  things  one  and  broke  tlown  the 
enmity — the  dividing  barrier  that  separated  them — in 
His  own  flesh  by  annulling  the  Law  with  its  injunctions 
and  decrees  (i4f.):  so  that  He  made  peace  (a)  by  a^ 
creative  blending  of  the  two  (Jew  and  Gentile)  in 
Himself  into  a  single  New  Man  ;  (6)  by  a  reconciliation 
of  both,  in  the  one  body  thus  formed,  to  God  through 
the  Cross  whereby  He  slew  "  the  enmity  "  (16).  His 
coming  was  thus  a  preaching  of  peace  both  to  Gentiles 
wlio  were  "  far  off  "  and  to  Jews  who  were  "  nigh  " 
( 17)  :  for  the  access  of  both  in  one  Spirit  to  the  Father 
is  through  Him  (18).  Christian  Gentiles  have  there- 
fore ceased  to  be  foreigners,  alien  residents  in  tho 
Divine  city  ;  they  are  sharers  in  the  citizenship  oi 
God's  chosen  people,  members  of  the  Divine  household, 
stones  built  in  on  tho  apostolic  and  prophetic  founda- 
tion in  that  building  whoso  comer-stone  is  Christ 
Jesus  (lof.) ;  it  is  in  Him  that  all  building  work  upon 
that  edifice,  as  it  is  progressively  accompUshed,  is  so 
morticed  together  as  to  grow  into  a  holy  shrine  in  the 
Lord  (21) ;  it  is  in  Him  that  tho  readers  also  are  built 
to  form  (part  of)  God's  dwelling-place  in  the  Spirit  (22). 

11.  Gentiles  in  the  flesh:  physically  Gentiles. — 
called :  i.e.  in  current  Jewish  terminology  ;  for  those 
who  hold  (with  the  writer)  that  circumcision  and  un- 
circuracision  are  matters  of  the  heart  (Rom.  228l)» 


EPHESIANS,  III.  19 


865 


having  nothing  to  do  with  the  physical  rite,  "  un- 
circumciaion  "  is  no  more  necessarily  the  badge  of  the 
Gentile  than  "  circumcision  '  of  the  Jew. — 12.  A 
cx)mma  should  be  inserted  before  "  in  the  world," 
which  stands  in  emphatic  contrast  to  what  follows. — 
13.  Cf.  Is.  5719. — 14.  Christ  is  the  author  of  peace 
between  Jew  and  (J  entile,  for  in  reconciling  them  both 
to  God  He  has  reconciled  them  to  one  another  and 
thus  "  made  the  two  things  one  tiling."— the  middle 
wall  of  partition :  in  Herod's  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  a 
barrier  marked  tho  point  beyond  which  a  Gentile  might 
not  penetrate  under  pciialty  of  death  (Rev.  II2  *). — 15. 
in  his  flesh :  i.e.  by  His  physical  death. — the  enmity : 
this  expression  is  in  apposition  with  "  middle  wall  of 
partition,"  and  should  bo  connected  with  tho  words 
'■  and  brake  down,"  the  phrase  "  law  of  commandments 
in  orduiances  "  (i.e.  the  Law,  which  consisted  of  in- 
junctions in  the  form  of  decrees)  alone  being  governed 
by  the  participle  "  having  abolished." — that  he  might 
create:  the  Uteral  translation  is  "create  in  Himself 
the  two  unto  one  New  Man." — 16.  In  one  body :  i.e.  the 
Church  ;  the  mj'stical,  not  the  physical,  body  of  Christ 
is  meant. — 17.  Is.  STig  combmed  with  Is.  52;  (LXX). 
The  reference  is  either  to  Christ's  preacliing  in  His 
earthly  ministry  or  to  the  gospel  as  proclaimed  by  the 
risen  and  exalted  Lord.  But  the  two  need  not  here 
be  distinguished  ;  the  mission  of  the  Saviour  as  a 
whole  constituted  a  proclamation  of  peace. — 20.  Pro- 
bably "  the  foimdation  consisting  of  the  apostles  and 
prophets  "  rather  than  the  foundation  laid  by  them. 
The  "  prophets  "  are  those  of  the  Christian  Church, 
not  those  of  OT.  The  metaphor  of  the  "  corner-stone  " 
is  from  Is.  28i6;  cf.  Ps.  118^2.— 21.  each  several  build- 
ing: read,  "all  building-work  that  is  done."  The 
idea  of  a  plurality  of  buildings  does  not  suit  tlie  con- 
text either  in  thought  or  in  language.  The  Temple 
at  Jerusalem  included  a  variety  of  bmldings,  but  the 
word  here  translated  "  temple  '"  properly  means 
"  shrine  "  and  refers  to  the  Holy  of  Holies. — 22.  The 
ancient  shrine  was  not  a  "  place  of  worship  "  but  a 
dwelling-place  of  the  Deity.  Christians  are  to  be 
"built  into"  a  spiritual  whole,  in  which  the  Divine 
Presence  is  to  be  enshrined  here  upon  earth. 

m.  1-13.  A  Digression.  Paul  the  Prisoner  and  his 
Relation  to  the  "  Mystery."— A  knowledge  of  Paul's 
story  may  be  presumed  among  those  who  read  tliis 
letter :  they  will  have  heard  how  he  was  entrusted 
with  the  mission  of  proclaiming  to  the  Gentiles  God's 
dispensation  of  grace  towards  them  (if.) ;  it  was  by 
revelation,  as  aforesaid  [cf.  I17),  that  the  glorious 
secret  of  God  was  made  known  to  him — how  fully 
they  can  judge  for  themselves  by  reading  the  passage 
(I3-23)  in  which  he  has  already  summed  it  up  (3!). 
This  secret,  hidden  from  former  generations,  was  now 
revealed  in  the  Spirit  to  the  apostles  and  prophets  of 
Christ  (5) ;  it  included  the  admission  of  the  Gcntilea 
to  joint-heirship,  joint-membership  of  the  Body,  joint- 
participation  in  the  promise  through  the  Good  News 
in  Christ  Jesus  (6).  Paul,  less  tiian  the  least  of  all 
saints,  had  been  made  a  minister  of  that  gospel  through 
the  wondrous  working  of  the  Divine  grace  and  power, 
and  entmsted  with  the  task  of  proclaiming  among 
the  Gentiles  the  inexplorable  wealth  contained  in  Christ 
(7f.).  It  was  his  task  to  enlighten  all  men  by  exliibiting 
the  working  out  of  that  secret  Divine  purpose  which, 
from  before  the  Ijegiiming  of  time,  had  been  hidficn 
in  God  the  creator  of  all  things  (8f.).  The  very 
powers  and  principalities  in  heaven  had  been  kept  in 
the  dark,  and  were  (nily  now  through  the  Church  to 
learn  how  many-sided  God's  wisdom  had  been  (10). 
The  whole  formed  part  of  God's  eternal  purpose  in 


Christ  Jesus  tho  Church's  Lord,  who  was  the  source 
of  that  bold  and  fearless  access  to  the  Father  which 
believers  enjoyed  through  their  confidence  in  Hun  (iif.). 
No  need  to  lose  heart  when  they  heard  of  Paul's  sufEer- 
ings  as  a  prisoner  ( i )  on  theii-  behalf  1  Such  sufferings 
were  rather  a  ground  of  glory  (13). 

2.  Translate,  "  for  surely  ye  have  heard  "  or  (if 
there  has  been  a  letter  to  which  this  is  a  reply)  "  since, 
as  ye  say,  ye  havo  heard."  The  term  "  dispensation  " 
(oikonomia)  refera,  as  in  lio,  to  tho  Divine  "  economy  " 
of  grace,  not  to  the  writer's  stewardship  of  it. — 
3.  by  revelation :  only  so  can  the  "  secret  of  God  "  be 
made  known  {cf.  I17).— as  I  wrote  afore:  accordmg 
to  some  in  another  PauUne  epistle— perhaps  Col. 
Some  even  see  in  it  "  the  self-betrayal  of  an  imitator." 
So  agam  "  when  ye  read  "  has  been  taken  to  mean 
'"when  ye  read  the  Scriptures"  (cf.  1  Tim.  413), 
I.e.  either  the  Pauline  lettera  (supposed,  on  this  hypo- 
thesis, to  have  aiready  become  canonical ;  in  which 
case  a  late  date  is  required  for  Eph.)  or  the  OT  (so 
Hort).  All  tlieso  views  are  needless ;  the  passage 
means  simply,  "  Read  what  I  have  written  above  and 
judge  for  yourselves  as  to  my  insight  into  the  hidden 
things  of  God."  The  mystery  is  the  whole  world-plan 
of  God  revealed  in  Christ ;  it  includes  the  unity  of 
Jew  and  Gentile  but  is  not  to  be  limited  to  that. — 5. 
Pre-Christian  revelation  is  not  denied,  but  it  is  as 
nothing  in  comparison  with  the  disclosures  now  made 
in  Christ. — holy  apostles:  the  epithet  describes  the 
status  of  consecration  to  a  particular  work,  rather 
than  the  possession  of  pecuharly  "  saintly "  char- 
acter :  but  the  word  may  be  a  reverential  gloss  in- 
serted by  a  scribe  (perhaps  from  the  parallel  Col.  I26). — 
10.  Jewish  thought  did  not  regard  the  angeUc  hier- 
archies as  being  either  omniscient  or  sinless  (cf.  1  Cor, 
26-8*,  63).  The  word  translated  manifold  properly 
means  "  very  varied,"  as  of  a  many-coloured  em- 
broidery.—11.  eternal  purpose:  lit.  "purpose  of  the 
ages,"  a  Hebraism  (cf.  "  Rock  of  Ages,"  i.e.  everlasting 
Rock). 

m.  14-21.  The  Writer's  Prayer  for  his  Readers.— 
Kneeling,  in  a  very  ecstasy  of  prayer,  before  the  Father 
who  is  the  source  and  prototype  of  all  fatherly  relation- 
ship whether  on  earth  or  ua  heaven,  the  writer  prays 
that,  in  a  degree  commensurate  with  the  wealth  of  the 
Divine  gloiy,  his  readers  may  be  granted  power  and 
strength  through  the  Spirit  unto  inner  spiritual  growth  ; 
that  the  indwelling  of  Christ  in  their  hearts  may  through 
faith  be  realised  ;  that  Christian  love  may  come  to  be 
the  very  root  and  foundation  of  their  being ;  and 
that  so  they  may  be  given  strength  to  share  with  all 
God's  holy  people  the  compreliension  of  the  length 
and  breadth  and  height  and  depth  (of  God's  glorious 
purpose)  and  the  knowledge  of  that  love  of  Christ 
which  is  beyond  all  knowledge,  and  bo  made  spiritually 
full  unto  tlie  measure  of  the  fulness  of  God  Himself 
(14-19).  God  can  do  that  and  more  :  His  power — 
the  power  of  that  Divine  energy  of  His  which  is  at 
work  in  us — far  exceeds  all  capacity  of  human  prayer 
or  imagination,  tilory  to  Him  in  the  Church  and'  ui 
Christ  Jesus  for  ever  !  ( 20). 

14.  The  writer  prostrates  himself ;  the  ancients 
ordinarily  praj^  standing. — 15.  every  family:  i.e. 
angelic  or  human.  The  Greek  involves  a  word-play 
(pafer-^lria)  which  suggests  the  translation  "  father- 
hood." To  the  writer  human  fatherhood  is  a  metaphor 
from  Divine,  not  vice  versa. — 16.  the  Inward  man :  tho 
spiritual  as  opposed  to  the  phvsical  side  of  man's 
nature  (cf.  2  Cor.  4i6).— 19.  All  ""fubiess, "  i.e.  all  tnie 
reality,  dwells  in  God  :  unto  the  complete  attainment 
of  reality  and  truth  the  workhig  out  of  the  Divine 

28 


866 


EPHESIANS,  III.  19 


puqxwe  in  Christ  and  Christians  ia  to  lead.  '"  In 
Christ "'  and  "  through  the  Church  "  the  restoration 
of  a  disordered  universe  to  its  true  order  is  to  be 
achieved.  The  word  "  fulness  "  (pleroina)  became 
hxt^r  on  a  catchword  of  Gnosticism,  and  the  prominence 
U>th  of  the  word  and  the  idea  in  Eph.  and  CoL  may 
point  to  its  having  already  played  a  part  in  the 
theosophic  speculations  attacked  in  the  latter  epistle. 

IV.  1-6.  God  s  CalUng  Involves  a  Unity  of  Life.— The 
writer,  ajjpenling  to  his  imprisonment,  beseeclies  liis 
readers  to  "  walk "'  in  a  fa.shion  worthy  of  their 
calliJig,  i.e,  in  huniihty,  gentleness,  and  forbearance, 
putting  up  with  one  another  in  love.  They  must  be 
careful  to  observe  steadfastly  the  oneness  of  the  Spirit 
(who  is  at  work  in  them,  and  who  holds  them  to- 
gether) in  a  common  bond  of  peace.  The  Spirit  is 
one  even  as  the  "  Body  "  is  one,  even  as  their  calUng 
involves  one  common  hope,  even  as  there  is  one  Lord, 
one  loyalty,  one  baptism,  and  one  Gk)d,  the  supreme 
and  ever-present  Father. 

3.  Literally,  to  "  watch,"  to  "  keep  your  eyes  on,"' 
the  oneness  of  the  Spirit. — *.  The  writer  does  not  here, 
as  in  1  Cor.  10 17,  base  the  doctrine  of  the  one  Body  on 
the  "  one  Bread  "  of  tlie  Eucharist,  but  no  special 
significance  can  be  attached  to  the  omission.— 6.  In 
all :  60  rightly  RV.  Some  MSS  read  "  in  you  all,"  but 
"  you  '"  is  a  gloss. 

IV.  7-16.  The  Doctrine  of  "  Gifts  "  in  Relation  to 
Unity. — Every  Christian  has  his  "  gift  "  of  grace  : 
and  the  grace  given  to  each  is  proportioned  to  the 
measure  of  Christ's  giving  (7).  That  is  what  Scripture 
means  when  it  saj-s,  "  He  went  up  on  high  and  took 
captive  a  captivity  and  gave  gifts  to  men  "  (8).  "  He 
went  up  ■' — surely  that  means  that  He  came  down 
also  to  these  lower  regions,  our  earth.  He  that  came 
down  is  the  very  same  Person  who  went  up,  high  above 
all  the  heavens,'  to  fill  all  things  (gl.);  and  it  is  He  who 
has  given  "  gifts  "  to  His  Church — apostles,  prophets, 
evangelists,  shepherds,  teachers — for  the  fitting  of 
God's  people  for  the  work  of  service,  for  the  upbuilding 
of  Ctirist's  Body  (iif.).  We  are  to  arrive  at  last — all 
of  ufl  together — at  that  oneness  of  loyalty  and  know- 
ledge of  God's  Son  which  shall  constitute  us  a  full- 
grown  man  who  has  attained  the  measure  of  the 
stature  of  Chiist's  own  fulness  (13).  So  at  last  shall 
we  cease  to  be  a  pack  of  children  tossed  like  sailors 
at  sea  and  carried  hither  and  thither  by  everj-  wind 
of  teaching  that  cuiming  and  craft  and  error's  wiles  can 
bring  to  bear  on  us  (14) ;  in  truth  and  in  love  we  shall 
grow  up  in  all  things  unto  Him  who  is  the  Head — 
Christ  (15).  From  Him  it  is  that  the  whole  Body, 
through  every  joint  of  its  equipment,  is  compacted 
and  knit  together  by  the  due  and  effectual  working  of 
each  several  part,  and  so  achieves  its  own  increase, 
to  its  own  upbuilding,  in  love  {16). 

8.  Read,  "  it  saith,"  the  Scripture  being  personified 
as  in  GaL  38.  The  quotation  is  from  Ps.  6818,  which, 
however,  has  "  Thou  hast  received  gifts  from  men." 
Perhaps  a  Targum  (i.e.  a  vernacular  paraphrase  for 
synagogue  use)  is  here  followed. — 9.  K\  rightly  omits 
"  first,'  which  looks  Uke  a  gloss  in  the  interest  of  the 
view  that  the  "  descent  "  referred  to  is  either  the 
incarnation  or  the  descent  into  helL  The  only  tolerable 
interpretation  in  relation  to  the  context  is  that  which 
regards  the  "  descent ''  as  suh'equent  to  the  "  ascent," 
I.e.  the  ascended  and  triumphant  Lord  comes  down 
from  heaven  to  bestow  upon  His  Church  the  "  gifts  " 
of  apostolate,  prophecy,  etc.  (11). — 10.  all  the  heavens; 
I.e.  the  seven  heavens  of  Jewish  belief  (I3*.  cf.  Hch. 
414). — 12.  Delete  the  comma  after  "saints." — 13.  a 
lull-grown  man :  cf.  GaL  828,  and  contrast  the  plural 


"children"  (14). — 15.  Read  mg. — 16.  "Every  joint 
of  its  supply  (or  equipment)  " ;  cf.  mg.  The  phrase 
echoes  the  technical  language  of  Greek  medical  writers. 

IV.  17-24.  The  Old  Man  and  the  New.— These  who 
are  now  members  of  the  true  Israel  are  no  longer  to 
walk  as  Gentiles,  i.e.  in  the  vanity  f>f  mind,  the  dark- 
ness, the  alienation  from  the  Divine  life  w  hich  springs 
from  ignorance  and  obtusenees  of  heart.,  and  issues  in 
insensate  abandonment  to  lascivious,  impure,  and 
greedy  waj-s.  Not  such  is  the  lesson  of  Christ ! 
Those  who  have  heard  His  voice  and  in  Him  been 
taught  the  truth — truth  as  it  exists  in  Jesus — must 
renovmce  "  the  old  man  "  of  their  former  behaviour, 
the  perishing  man  who  is  governed  by  deceitful  lusts  ; 
they  must  be  renewed  in  the  spirit  of  their  imder- 
standing  ;  they  must  clothe  themselves  in  "  the  new 
man,"  the  man  after  the  Divine  pattern,  God's  new 
creation  in  righteousness  and  holiness  of  truth. 

21.  Truth  as  displayed  in  Jesus  in  His  life  upon 
earth.  The  name  "  Jesus  "  without  the  title  "  Christ  " 
occurs  here  onlv  in  the  epistle.  [Cf.  Erp.,  Feb.  1912. 
—A.  J.  G.] 

IV.  25-V.  2.  Precepts  of  the  New  Life.— Away  then 
with  lying,  resentment,  stealing,  foul  talk,  bad  temper, 
lust.  Remember  the  common  membership  (25).  Give 
the  devil  no  scope  (27).  Do  not  grieve  the  Spirit  (30). 
Be  kind,  tender-heartied,  forgiving — remembering  the 
Divine  forgiveness  ( 32 ).  Be  iuiitators  of  your  heavenly 
Father  and  walk  in  love,  remembering  the  love  of 
Christ  and  His  oblation  of  Himself  for  us. 

25.  Cf.  Zech.  816.— 26.  Cf.  Ps.  44  (LXX),  Dt.  24i3, 
15. — 29.  corrupt:  literally  "rotten,"  "decaying." — 
for  edifying  .  .  .  may  be :  i.e.  with  a  view  to  building 
up,  as  the  matter  may  require. — 30.  Cf.  I13,  Rev.  Izf. 
— V.  2.  Christ  is  here  compared  not  with  a  sin  offering 
but  with  a  burnt  offering  ascending  to  heaven  in 
savourv  smoke  (cf.  Phil.  4i8). 

V.  3^21.  The  Way  of  Ught  and  the  Way  of  Dark- 
ness.— ^There  are  other  sins  which  among  God's  people, 
should  be  Uterally  unmentionable — fornication,  un- 
cleanness,  coveting,  filthiness,  foolish  speech,  improper 
jesting.  (The  true  seemliness  of  speech  is  thanksgiving.) 
No  one  who  practises  any  of  the  above  can  inherit 
the  Kingdom.  Let  no  sophistries  deceive  you  ;  (iod's 
wrath  befalls  the  disobedient — dissociate  youreelvee 
from  such  things.  You  have  passed  from  darkness  to 
light  and  must  walk  accordingly.  Goodness,  right- 
eousness, truth — these  are  the  fruits  of  Light.  You 
must  test  things,  and  discover  what  is  well-pleasing 
to  the  Lord.  Nay,  you  must  not  only  avoid  partici- 
pation in  the  imfruitfiU  deeds  of  darkness  ;  j-ou  must 
show  them  up — for  tilings  are  bcm^  done  in  secret 
which  it  is  shameful  even  to  mention.  Things  are 
always  made  manifest  when  they  are  shown  up  by  the 
light :  for  whatever  is  made  manifest  ipso  facto  be- 
comes luminous.  That  is  the  meaning  of  "  Sleeper, 
awake  1  Arise  from  the  dead,  and  Christ  shall  shim 
upon  thee  !  "  Take  carefid  heed,  then,  how  you  walk — 
wisely,  and  not  unwisely.  These  are  evil  daj's — buy 
up  every  opportunity.  Don't  be  foolish.  Understand 
what  the  Lord's  will  is.  And  "don't  be  dnmken 
with  wine  " — that  is  prodigahty  ;  if  j-ou  are  full  let 
it  be  in  the  Spirit ;  if  you  sing  to  one  another,  let  your 
nuisio  and  hymns  and  songs  be  spiritual,  the  expres- 
sion of  the  song  and  melody  going  up  to  the  Lord  in 
j'Our  hearts,  with  continual  thanksgivings  under  aJl 
circumstances  in  the  name  of  Christ  to  God  the 
Father.  Let  there  be  mutual  subordination  in  the 
feax  of  Christ. 

4.  which  are  not  befitting:  read,  "in  relation  to 
unseemly  thing's  "  :    the  words  limit  the  prohibition 


I 


EPHESIANS.  VI.  14-17 


867 


of  jesting. — giving  o!  thanks:  the  word  {eiicharislia) 
i-i  connected  with  chari^  (=grace),  and  in  antithesis 
to  the  preceding  clause  may  here  suggest  a  double 
meaning. — 5.  Covetousness  is  really  a  worship  of  false 
gods  and  is  tantamount  to  a  return  to  heathenism. — 
7.  Read  "  partakei-s  in  them,"  referring  back  to  "'  these 
things"  in  6. — 9-  light:  the  AV  reading,  "Spirit," 
appears  in  some  ilSS  through  tiie  scribes  reminiscence 
of  Gal.  522. — 10.  proving:  read  "testing." — 12.  re- 
prove: here  and  in  13  read  "  expose  them." — 136.  The 
thought  seems  to  be  that  darkness  itself  is  transformed 
into  light  by  the  process  of  being  made  manifest. — 14. 
Read,  "  Wlierefore  it  saith  "  ;  cf.  48.  The  quotation 
is  apparently  a  fragment  of  an  early  hymn. — 16.  Read 
mg.—i8.  Cf.  Pr.  2831  (LXX).— 19.  Of.  Col.  3i6.  The 
songs  of  Christians  aie  to  bo  spiritual  songs,  not 
vinous  catches.  The  reference  may  be  to  singing  at 
the  Agapce  or  Love-feasts  of  the  Church  {cf.  Jude  12). 

V.  22.-VI.  9.  Subordination  In  the  Fear  of  Christ.— 
The  principle  is  illustrated  by  the  relation  (a)  of 
wives  to  husbands,  {b)  of  children  to  parents,  (c)  of 
slaves  to  masters.  The  vi'riter  does  not  attack  existing 
social  institutions — slavery,  the  fatria  pottstas,  the  de- 
pendent position  of  women.  He  accepts  the  relation- 
ships as  they  exist  in  the  world  he  knows,  and  seeks  to 
interpret  them  in  the  light  of  the  gospel  (p.  649).  If 
he  enforces  upon  wives,  children,  and  slaves,  the  duty 
of  subordination,  he  insist-s  also  upon  the  correspond- 
ing obligations  of  conjugal  love  and  protection,  parental 
nurture  and  admonition,  kind  treatment  and  forbear- 
ance towards  slaves.  All  these  relationships  are  now 
relationships  "  in  the  Lord."  That  of  husband  and 
wife  in  particular  is  grounded  in  Christ's  relation  to 
His  Church. 

V.  22-23.  This  principle  of  subordination  (21)  in- 
volves in  the  case  of  wives  subordination  to  their  own 
husbands.  The  husband  is  to  the  wife  as  Christ  is 
to  the  Church — head  and  saviour  of  the  body.  As  the 
Church  obeys,  so  should  the  wife ;  but  the  husband's 
love,  in  turn,  must  be  as  the  self-devotion  of  Christ,  who 
to  hallow  the  Church,  gave  Himself  for  her,  purified 
her  with  washing  of  water  and  pronunciation  of  formula, 
and  Himself  presented  her  to  Himself  (as  Bridegroom) , 
glorious  and  free  from  all  disfigurement  or  wrinkle 
to  be  His  holy  and  unblemished  (Bride).  Husbands 
then  should  love  their  v/ives  as  their  own  bodies ;  in 
loving  their  wives  they  arc  loving  a  part  of  themselves, 
and  a  man  does  not  hate  his  own  flesh  but  nourishes 
it  and  keeps  it  warm.  That  is  what  Chiist  does  to 
the  Church  ;  we  are  limbs  of  His  Bodv  (one  with  His 
bones  and  fiesh).  That  in  what  I  (Paul)  take  to  be  the 
meaning  of  Gen.  224.  The  truth  of  revelation  in  the 
passage  is  an  unportant  one,  and  for  my  own  part  I 
interpret  it  with  reference  to  Christ  and  to  the  Church  ; 
but  in  any  case,  whatever  your  several  views  of  it, 
each  of  you  is  to  love  his  own  wife  as  himself,  and  the 
wife  to  fear  her  husband. 

26.  Marriage  in  the  Greek  world  was  preceded  by  3 
"nuptial  bath,"  and  the  ritual  doubtless  included 
also  the  repetition  of  a  solemn  "  formula."  The 
writer  here  intends  his  readers  to  think  of  the  analogous 
ceremonial  of  Christian  Baptism.  Throughout  this 
passage  there  is  perhajw  an  implicit  reference  to  the 
"  sacred  marriage  "  of  certain  of  the  Greek  "  Mys- 
teries," in  which  the  deity  was  wedded  on  behalf  of 
the  community  of  worshippers  by  a  maiden  priestess, 
or  in  which  the  nuptials  of  god  and  goddess  were 
ceremonially  represented   by  a  human  priesteea  and 

Eriest.     A  Hebrew  antecedent  of  the  main  idea  is  to 
e  found  in  the  conception  of  Israel  as  the  betrothed 
of  Yahweh  (Hos.  219). — 30.  There  in  good  MS  autho- 


rity for  the  addition  of  the  words,  "  of  ids  flesh  and 
of  his  bones,"  though  the  sense  is  easier  without 
them. — 32.  this  mystery:  the  hidden  truth  of  wliioh 
these  words  are  a  spiritual  revelation. 

VI.  1-4%  Children  must  obey  theii-  parents  as  a 
matter  of  Christian  duty — "  Honour  thy  father  and 
thy  mother,  etc.,"  is  both  a  dickite  of  righteousnesa 
and  an  injunction  of  primary  importance  ;  and  more- 
over it  carries  with  it  a  promiie.  Fathera  are  to  re- 
frain from  exasperating  their  children,  and  to  bring 
them  up  in  the  discipline  and  admonition  of  the  Lord. 

[4.  the  first  commandment  with  promise :  the  writer 
is  thinking  of  other  commandments  (not  in  the  Deca- 
logue) to  wluch  promises  arc  attached. — A.  J.  G.} 

'VI.  5-9.  Slaves  must  render  obedience  to  their 
earthly  masters  as  unto  Christ,  in  a  spirit  of  fear  and 
reverence,  and  with  undivided  allegiance  ;  not  trying 
merely  to  do  such  work  as  may  pass  muster  before 
the  eye  of  a  human  taskmaster  (cf.  Exp.,  July  1915), 
but  doing  heartily  the  will  of  God  as  the  slaves  of 
Christ ;  with  cheerfidness  fulfilling  the  slave's  task, 
as  to  the  Lord  and  not  unto  men  ;  knowing  that  the 
slave,  like  the  free  man,  shall  receive  the  reward  of 
his  work  at  the  Lord's  hands.  Mastera  are  to  exhibit 
a  corresponding  temper  towards  their  slaves,  avoiding 
threats  ;  knowing  that  the  common  Master  is  in  heaven, 
and  that  His  judgment  is  independent  of  human  dis- 
parities of  status, 

VI.  10-20.  The  Spiritual  Warrior  and  the  Armour 
ol  God. — For  the  rest,  the  Christian  must  be  strong 
in  the  Lord,  equipped  with  God's  armour,  in  face  of 
the  devil's  wiles.  He  wrestles,  not  against  mere 
human  foes,  but  against  the  daemonic  powers  and 
principalities  who  are  the  nilers  of  this  dark  and 
wicked  world  ;  against  the  evil  spiritual  agencies  in 
the  heavenly  sphere.  Against  such,  if  he  is  to  stand 
in  the  day  of  evil,  his  armour  must  indeed  be  the 
armour  of  God — his  giidle  tnith,  his  breastplate  righte- 
ousness, Ms  sandals  the  preparedness  begotten  of  the 
peace  the  gospel  brings  ;  in  all  circumstances  he  must 
take  tnist  in  God  as  shield — so  shall  he  be  able  to 
quench  all  the  Evil  One's  flaming  darts  ;  he  mast 
take  the  helmet  which  consists  of  salvation,  and  the 
Spirit's  sword,  i.e.  the  utterance  of  God  ;  with  con- 
stancy, moreover,  of  ceaseless  prayer  and  intercession 
in  the  Spirit  at  every  moment,  keeping  vigil  thereunto 
with  perseverance.  Let  him  pray  for  all  God's  people  ; 
and  in  partioidar,  let  him  pray  for  the  writer,  that  ho 
may  have  utterance — free  speech  and  fearless — ^to 
make  known  the  revealed  secret  of  that  gospel,  on 
whose  behalf  he  is  an  aml)assador — in  chains  ! 

11.  whole  armour:  an  unfortunate  attempt  to 
render  literally  the  Gr.  paiwplia  ("  panoply  ").  Nob 
the  completeness  of  the  armour  but  its  Divine  character 
is  the  writer's  point.— 12.  Cf.  22,  1  Cor.  26*.  2  Cor,  44, 
Col.  215.  The  idea  that  the  "  powers  "  occupying 
the  "heavens"  are  in  some  cases  evU  finds  several 
parallels  in  Jewish  apocalyptic  literature ;  cf.  also 
Rev.  127,  1  Cor.  63.  [In  his  Early  Zoroa.sirianism, 
pp.  302f.,  J.  H.  Moulton  says.  "  A  conflict  in  the  upper 
air  between  the  iK)wcrs  of  hght  and  darkness  13  r. 
thoroughly  Iranian  notion.  It  may  even  have  con- 
tributed to  popular  beliefs  outside  Iran,  for  when  Paul 
uses  it  (Eph.  612)  as  an  idea  famfliar  to  the  people  of 
the  Lycus  valley,  it  will  probably  bo  as  a  native  folk- 
lore which  ho  could  apply,  without  doing  harm,  when 
the  infinite  tran-scendonco  of  Christ  was  held  fast. 
There  is  a  further  parallel  in  Rev.  I29  supposed  to  be 
adapted  from  Jewish  apocalyptic.  Both  passages  may 
bo  fairly  adde<l  to  the  tale  of  possible  Iranian  contacts 
with  Judaism.'" — A.  S.  P.] — 14-17.  Tiiis  is  based  on  the 


868 


EPHESIANS,  VI.  14-17 


descriptions  of  the  Divine  Warrior  in  OT  (c/.  Is.  59 17, 
11 4,  Wisd.  5i7ff.),  rather  than  on  the  armour  of  the 
Roman  legionary. — 15.  preparation  {hetoimusia) :  the 
word  possibly  denotes  "  footgear,"  but  more  probably 
■  preparedness  " — cither  the  readiness  of  the  mosseagor 
who  conveys  the  '"  good  news  of  peace,"  or  tlie  pre- 
paredness which  results  from  being  at  peace  with  God. — 
16.  Li  ancient  warfare  arrows  were  sometimes  tipped 
with  inflammable  material  and  set  on  fire  before  being 
discharged. — 17.  word  of  God:  either  the  gospel  as 
preached,  or  OT  Scriptures. 

VI.  21-24.  Closing  Words.— The  bearer,  Tychicus, 
will  give  full  information  as  to  the  writer's  present 
condition.  Peace  to  the  brethren  and  grace  be  with 
all  who  in  incorruptibilitj-  love  the  Lord  Jesus. 

21.  The  emphasis  of  the  wording  in  the  original 
suggests  that  the  writer  is  answering  inquiries  con- 
tained in  a  letter  in  which  his  correspondents  had  given 
similar  information  about  themselves. 

COLOSSIANS 

!.  If.  Salutation. — Paul,  Christ's  apostle  by  the  will  of 
God,  writes  with  Timothy  to  the  consecrated  i)eople 
and  loyal  brethren  in  Christ  who  are  at  Colossa>. 

I.  3-8.  A  Paragraph  of  Thanksgiving.— He  always 
gives  God  thanks  when  he  prays  for  them,  for  he  has 
heard  (from  Epaphras)  of  their  loyalty  in  Christ  and 
the  love  which  they  exhibit  towards  all  God's  people  : 
a  love  ba-sed  upon  that  hope  of  a  heavenly  destiny 
which  was  included  in  the  word  of  the  truth — the 
Good  News — a-s  originally  preached  to  them.  They 
must  remember  that  the  Gospel  which  is  in  their  midst 
is  also  in  all  the  world  ;  that  it  is  bearing  fruit  and 
increasing,  exactly  as  it  did  at  Colossae  ever  since 
they  first  heard  it,  and  came  to  know  God's  grace  as 
it  truly  is.  Epaphras  their  teacher  is  a  beloved  sharer 
in  Paul's  own  slaverj'  to  Christ,  a  loyal  ministrant  of 
Christ  to  them  on  Pauls  behalf.  It  is  he  who  has 
notified  Paul  of  their  love  in  the  Spirit. 

&-8.  By  emphasizing  the  universal  character  of  the 
original  gospel  Paul  hints  at  the  falsehood  of  the  new 
teaching  which  ha-s  become  prevalent  at  Colossaj.  It 
is  a  merely  local  fad.  They  should  have  listened  to 
Epaphras,  whose  doctrine  Paul  approves,  and  who 
seems  to  have  been  their  original  evangelist. 

I.  9-14.  A  Paragraph  of  Prayer.— Paul  reciprocates 
their  prayers  for  liim.  He  constantly  offers  petition 
on  their  behalf  since  first  he  heard  of  them.  He 
desires  for  them  (a)  ftilness  of  knowledge  to  discern 
the  Divine  will,  that  so  they  may  walk  worthily  of 
Christ  and  please  Him,  and  by  means  of  the  knowledge 
of  God  may  bear  fniit  and  increase  (cf.  6)  in  every  good 
activity  ;  "and  (b)  strength  proportioned  to  the  power 
of  the  Divine  glory,  that  so  they  may  endure  and  bo 
patient,  and  that  with  joy,  giving  thanks  meanwhile 
to  the  Father,  who  has  qualified  them  for  a  share  in 
the  inheritance  of  His  holy  people  in  (the  reabn  of) 
Light :  for  God  lia.s  rescued  both  Paul  and  his  readers 
from  the  tyranny  of  Darkness,  and  transplanted  them 
into  the  Kingdom  of  His  dear  Son,  who  is  the  source 
of  their  emancipation  from  slavery  and  of  the  for- 
giveness of  their  sins. 

13.  Son  of  his  love :  "  the  Son  who  is  the  object 
of  Hifl  love,"  t'.e.  His  beloved  Son.  For  another  view 
Bee  Lightfoot. 

I.  15-20.  A  Paragraph  of  Christology  (In  tacit 
Opposition  to  the  False  Teaching  at  Colossae).—  Christ 
is  the  derivative  and  visible  manifestation  of  God  who 
is  unseen.  He  is  the  heir-in-chief  of  tlic  created 
universe,  for  in  Fi"i  is  the  principle  of  the  creation 


of  all  things — things  in  the  heavena  afi  well  sm  things 
on  the  earth,  things  seen  and  thuigs  unseen  also,  the 
angelic  oi-ders  not  excluded.  He  is  in  fact  the  source 
and  goal  of  every  created  thing,  Himself  supremo 
over  them  alL  It  is  in  Him  that  all  things  have  their 
basis  of  existence.  So  likewiso  in  respect  of  the 
Church  He  stands  in  the  relation  of  head  to  body, 
being,  as  He  is,  the  Beginning,  the  firstborn  from 
among  the  dead.  His  supremacy,  therefore,  is  uni- 
vei-sal :  it  wafl  the  Divine  pleasure  in  Him  to  cause 
the  entire  Fulness  to  dwell,  and  through  Him — having 
made  peace  by  the  blood  shed  on  the  cross — to  re- 
concile completely  all  things  to  Himself :  so  that  He 
is  the  source  of  reconciliation  not  only  for  the  things 
on  the  earth  but  for  the  things  in  the  heavens  as  well. 

15.  image  of  the  invisible  God :  cf.  2  Cor.  44.— first- 
born of  aU  creation :  Paul  is  not  necessarily  ranking 
Christ  among  created  things  :  the  thought  is  rather 
of  the  privileges  of  a  firstborn  son  as  heir  and  ruler, 
under  his  father,  of  a  household  :  such,  Paul  would 
say,  is  Christ's  relation,  under  God,  to  the  created 
universe. — 16.  in  him  .  .  .  through  him  and  unto 
him:  in  Christ  is  the  clue  to  the  creation — through 
His  agency  it  came  into  being.  He  is  the  goal  to  which 
it  tends  (cf.  Eph.  lio).  This  doctrine  of  the  cosmical 
significance  of  the  Christ  is  peculiar  to  late  Paulinism, 
and  seems  to  have  been  develoj)ed  in  conscious  opposi- 
tion to  S3'ncreti6tic  tendencies  such  as  were  exhibited 
in  the  Colossian  "  heresy.''  Probably  there  was  grow- 
ing up,  side  by  side  with  the  worship  of  God  in  Christ, 
a  cultus  of  angelic  powers  {cf.  2i8),  and  a  tendency  to 
ascribe  to  them  a  mediatorial  role  in  the  creation  and 
redemption  of  the  world,  which  to  Paul's  mind  im- 
perilled that  supreme  loixiship  of  Christ  which  was 
his  profoundest  religious  conviction.  For  the  refer- 
ence to  celestial  hierarchies  cf.  Eph.  I21. — 17.  before 
all  things:  an  assertion  of  pre-existenoe.  But  the 
words  may  be  taken  rather  as  an  assertion  of  supre- 
macy, and  translated  "  over  all  things.  " — 18.  firstborn 
from  the  dead:  cf.  1  Cor.  152 3.— 19.  It  was  the  good 
pleasure :  the  subject  of  the  verb  is  suppressed  in  the 
Gr.,  but  RV  is  probably  right  in  supplying  a  reference 
to  God  the  Father. — all  the  fulness :  perhaps  already 
a  current  catchword  (Eph.  819*) ;  here  either,  as  in  29, 
the  plenitude  of  Deity,  or,  as  others  suggest,  "  the 
whole  treasure  of  Divine  grace." — 20.  Angels  were 
not  in  late  Judaism  regarded  as  necessarily  sinless 
beings  (1  Cor.  6*),  but  the  Book  of  Enoch  represents 
them  as  interceding  on  behalf  of  men  (En.  152),  and 
it  seems  to  have  been  taught  at  Colossae  that  they 
shared  in  Christ's  work  of  reconciliation.  For  Paul 
they  are  not  the  authors,  but  the  subjects,  of  recon- 
ciliation with  God.     [Cf.  Exp.,  May  and  June  1918.] 

I.  21-23.  Application  of  the  Foregoing  to  the  Colos- 
Sians. — Of  this  reconciliation  the  Colossians  too  are 
beneficiaries.  At  one  time  estranged  from  God,  their 
works  had  been  evil  and  thoir  spiritual  attitude  hostile  ; 
as  things  now  are,  Christ  reconciled  them,  by  a  recon- 
ciliation wrought  out  ui  a  body  of  flesh  and  blood  and 
at  the  cost  of  death,  with  a  view  to  their  presentation 
before  God  flawless,  blameless,  hoh'.  Everything  de- 
pends, however,  on  their  continuance  in  true  Christian 
loyalty,  like  a  Ijuilding  firmly  based  and  stable  ;  they 
must  not  be  continually  allowing  themselves  to  be 
detached  from  the  hope  involved  in  the  gospel  as  they 
heard  it ;  it  is  the  saine  gospel  which  is  proclaimed 
in  the  presence  of  every  creature  imder  heaven,  the 
same  which  is  ministered  by  Paul  himseli 

22.  holy  .  .  .  unreproveable :  cf.  Eph.  627;  semi- 
technical  language  such  as  would  be  applied  to  an  un- 
blemished sacrificial  victim  {cf.  Rom.  12i). — 23.  l6-8*. 


OOLOSSIANS,  II.  14 


869 


I.  24-11.  3.  Paul's  own  Relation  to  them  and  to 
the  Gospel. — At  this  very  time,  iu  the  midst  of  his 
sufferings,  Paul  is  rejoicing  for  their  sakes,  and  in  return 
for  their  loyaltj'  he  fULs  up  the  cup  of  whatever  tribula- 
tion he  must  still  endure  in  his  o\«i  person  as  Christ's 
servant  on  behalf  of  His  body,  i.e.  the  Church,  whose 
servant  he  was  constituted  in  virtue  of  the  Divine 
stewardship  which  was  given  him  toward  the  Gentile 
world.  This  is  the  duty  of  fulfilling  God's  word — 
that  secret  purjxise  long  hidden  from  ages  and  genera- 
tions, but  now  disclosed  to  His  holy  people,  to  whom 
God  desired  to  make  knowm  how  rich  was  the  glory 
of  this  purpose  amongst  the  Gentiles  ;  to  wit,  Christ 
in  them,  the  hope  of  glory.  Christ  is  the  subject  of 
the  preaching  at  least  of  Paul  and  of  his  associates  : 
and  their  admonitions  and  teachings,  moreover,  are 
addressed  to  all  men  equally ;  there  is  no  reserve  of 
wisdom  held  back  for  a  favoured  few  ;  their  object  is 
the  presentation  of  all  men  equally  as  complete  initiates 
in  Christ.  To  that  end  Paul  labours  even  to  weariness, 
striving,  like  an  athlete  in  the  arena,  up  to  the  full 
measure  of  the  mightily-working  energy  of  Christ  that 
is  in  him.  He  is  anxious  that  they  should  realise 
how  great  is  the  stress  which  he  is  undergoing  on  behalf 
of  Colossians  and  Laodiceans  and  others  not  personally 
known  to  him.  May  they  be  comforted,  knit  together 
in  love,  unto  all  wealth  of  fulness  of  understanding 
and  knowledge  of  the  Divine  "  mystery,"  viz.  Christ, 
in  whom  are  all  God's  treasures  of  wisdom  and  know- 
ledge hidden. 

24.  fill  up  on  my  part :  the  word  means  "  fill  up  in 
return." — afflictions  ol  Christ:  probably  "  affictions 
which  befall  me  as  a  follower  of  Christ  "  (c/.  2  Cor.  I5, 
4io,  Phil.  3io).  Perhaps,  however,  Paul  regards 
Christ's  own  personal  sufferings  as  incomplete,  and 
holds  that  the  tale  of  them  is  made  up  through  the 
sufferings  of  himself  and  others  in  the  Body  mystical — 
26.  Cf.  Eph.  39.-276.  The  indwelling  Christ  is  both 
a  present  glory  and  a  pledge  of  glory  to  come.  The 
sense  of  "  in  you  "  should  not  be  watered  down  to 
"  amongst  you  "  or  "  in  your  midst." — 28.  we  pro- 
claim: "we"  is  emphatic.  A  contrast  is  suggested 
between  the  teaching  of  the  Pauline  mission  and  that 
of  the  new  Colossian  pundits.  The  thrice-repeated 
"  every  man  "  has  the  same  implication,  and  so  also 
the  phrase  "  all  wisdom."  The-  word  "  perfect "  is 
such  as  would  be  used  of  complete  initiation  in  a  pagan 
"  Mystery."  Here  this  suggestion  is  oombmed  with 
that  of  ethical  "  perfection  "'  and  spiritual  maturity. — 
n.  2.  Read  mg.  There  is  probably  a  controversial 
reference  in  what  follows.  The  Divine  secret  or 
"  mystery  "  and  the  treasures  of  "  hidden  "  knowledge 
are  to  be  found  in  Christ,  and  not  in  Gnostic  specu- 
lations. 

II.  4-23.  An  Urgent  Warning  against  a  Degrading 
Theosophy. — Let  them  not  be  led  away  by  false 
reasonings,  however  persuasive.  They  must  think  of 
Paul,  despite  his  bodily  absence,  as  being  with  them 
in  spirit  (1  Cor.  53f.'*),  as  a  sharer  of  their  joy,  and  a 
spectator  of  the  ordered  line  and  steadfast  "front  of 
their  loyalty  to  Christ.  As,  then,  they  received  the 
Messiah,  Jesus  the  Lord,  bo  let  them  walk  in  Him, 
true  to  the  instruction  they  received,  rooted  and  built 
up  in  Him,  strong  in  loyalty,  overflowing  in  thanks- 
giving. Let  them,  even  so,  be  on  their  guard  against 
the  very  real  danger  that  some  person  may  make  a 
prey  of  them  by  means  of  a  philosophy  which  is  mere 
empty  deceit,  ba.sed  not  upon  Christ,  but  on  human 
tradition  and  the  doctrine  of  elemental  spirits.  The 
truth  is  that  tlic  entire  "  fulness  "  of  the  Godhead 
resides  concretely  embodied  in   Christ.     To   Him  as 


head  every  "  rule  "  and  "  authority  "  is  subordinate, 
and  it  is  in  Him  that  they  were  circumcised — with  a 
circumcision  not  wrought  by  hands — when  they  stripped 
off  the  body  of  fleshliness  hi  the  circumcision-rite  of 
Christ,  namely,  their  burial  with  Him  in  baptism  ; 
just  as  in  Him  and  with  Him  they  were  also  raided, 
through  faith  ux  God's  worlung  who  raised  Him  from 
the  dead.  Them  also,  (spiritually)  dead  by  reason  of 
their  trespasses  and  the  "  uncii-cumcision  "  of  their 
fleshly  state,  God  brought  to  Life  with  the  bringing  to 
life  of  Christ,  when  He  forgave  us  all  our  trespasses", 
cancelling  the  score  agauist  us  arising  from  the  decrees 
(of  the  broken  Law).  God  has  taken  away  the  score 
from  between  us  and  Him,  and  nailed  it  to  Christ's 
CVoss.  The  "  rulers  "  and  "  authorities  "  He  thereby 
stripped  (of  their  usurped  dominion),  openly  stigmat- 
ising them  and  leading  them  vanquished  in  the  triumph- 
traui  of  Christ. 

The  Colossians  must  not,  therefore,  allow  themselves 
to  be  criticised  on  the  basis  of  religious  rules  about 
food  and  drink,  festivals  and  Sabbaths — such  things 
only  had  a  value  as  foreshadowings  of  Christ ;  His  is 
the  substance  to  which  they  pointed.  No  one  must  bo 
allowed  to  pronounce  a  condemnation  against  them, 
wishing  ...  on  the  score  of  humility  or  a  cultus  of 
the  angels,  "  taking  his  stand  upon  "  what  he  has 
"  beheld  "  (in  some  mystic  initiation  ?),  being  in  fact 
puffed  up  without  justification  by  a  mind  dominated 
by  his  own  fleshh'  nature,  and  so  failing  to  hold  fast 
the  Head,  in  dependence  on  whom  the  body  as  a  whole, 
supplied  and  united  through  joints  and  hgaments, 
grows  with  the  growth  that  is  of  God. 

The  death  they  died  with  Christ  set  them  free  from 
subjection  to  elemental  spirits.  Why,  then,  as  if  living 
still  in  the  order  of  this  present  world,  are  they  sub- 
jected to  prohibitions — based  on  mere  human  teachings 
and  commandments — as  to  what  they  may  handle, 
touch,  or  taste,  of  things  that  perish  in  their  very  use 
(and  therefore  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  the  ceise,  be  of 
permanent  spiritual  significance)  ?  Religious  usages 
of  this  kind  carry  with  them,  no  doubt,  a  reputation 
for  wisdom,  on  the  score  of  self-imposed  devotions, 
humility,  and  bodily  asceticism  .  .  .  not  in  any  honour 
.  .  .  with  a  view  to  the  mdulgence  of  the  flesh. 

5.  order  and  steadfastness  are  apparently  mihtary 
metaphors. — 8.  The  word  translated  "'  rudiments  ' 
{stoicheia)  means  (a)  letters  of  the  alphabet,  (b)  the 
physical  "  elements,''  (c)  the  "  elements  "  of  know- 
ledge. Here  and  in  Gal.  43*  it  is  often  taken  as  = 
"a  mere  ABC  of  religious  knowledge."  More  prob- 
ably Paul  is  attacking  in  both  passages  a  belief  in 
elemental  spirits  of  the  Cosmos.  Heathen  mjiihology 
regarded  the  stars  as  animated  by  astral  spirits,  and 
late  Jewish  belief  knew  of  "  Holy  Ones  above  "  and 
angelic  "  Powers  "  ruling  "  on  the  earth  "  and  "  over 
the  water."— 9.  all  the  fulness:  the  completeness  of 
the  Divine  Being — resides  for  Paul  in  Christ  bodily, 
i.e.  in  concrete  actuality,  and  the  cultus  of  angelic 
powers  is  thereby  excluded  :  He  is  in  fact  the  "  Head  " 
of  all  such.  [The  Divine  fulness  is  not  spht  up  and 
distributed  among  a  number  of  angels,  but  exists 
indivisibly  in  Christ  as  an  organic  whole. — A.  S.  P.] — 
llf.  in  whom  ...  in  baptism:  cf.  Eph.  2ii.  The 
Christian  form  of  circumcision  in  for  Paul  an  ethical 
and  spiritual  renewal — a  '"  putting  off  of  the  body  of 
the  flesh,  "  i.e.  the  abandonment  of  the  fleshly  Ufe — 
which  w  mediated,  not  by  a  Uteral  surgical  mutilation, 
but  by  baptism,  its  Christian  analogue  {cf.  Rom.  63I). 
— 13.  C'/.  Eph.  21.5. — 14.  the  bond:  the  word  means 
a  written  document ;  commonly  it  is  here  taken  to 
mean  the  Jewish  Law  {cf.  Eph.  215).      But  it  seems 


870 


COLOSSIANS,  II.  14 


rather  to  denote  the  wiitten  record  of  our  transgres- 
sions, an  indictment  based  upon  the  "  ordinances  "  of 
the  broken  Law  of  God,  which  "  told  heavily  against 
us  "  until  cancelled  in  virtue  of  the  Cross.  The  com- 
mercial metaphor  (cancelling  of  a  debt)  aa  applied  to 
the  Atonement  thus  seems  to  go  back  to  Paul  (cf. 
Mt.  ISasff.). — out  of  the  way:  render  "out  of  the 
midst." — 15.  put  off  from  himself:  translate,  "  He 
stripped  "  or  "  despoiled."  The  subject  of  the  verbs 
throughout  the  passage  is  God,  not  Christ ;  and  the 
"  principalities  and  powers "  are  identical  with  the 
"  nidinients  of  the  world  "  in  8.  They  have  no  rightful 
title  to  human  worship,  and  the  "  decisive  battle  '"  of 
Calvary  meant  the  end  of  their  dominion  (cf.  1  Cor.  10 
2of.).  The  writings  of  the  Apologists  (e.g.  Justin 
Martyr)  make  it  plain  that  the  evident  power  of  Chris- 
tianity to  dehver  men  from  servitude  to  "  demons  " 
was  one  main  source  of  the  strength  of  its  appeal  in 
early  times.  Cf.  Edghill,  The  Revelation  of  the  Son 
of  God,  pp.  70fE.— in  it:  translate  "in  him." — 17.  A 
shadow  is  cast  by  a  body  and  therefore  implies  that 
there  is  a  body;  '"  but  the  body  belongs  to  Christ." — 
the  things  to  come:  i.e.  the  new  Messianic  regime, 
which  was  future  fiom  the  point  of  view  of  Judaism, 
but  is  now  present ;  the  significance  of  "  foreshadow- 
ings,"  e.g.  the  religious  usages  of  Jewish  and  pagan 
asceticism,  is,  therefore,  at  an  end. — 18.  rob  you  of 
your  prize :  the  verb  means  to  decide  against  a  compe- 
titor in  the  games,  and  should  here  be  translated 
"give  judgment  against  you." — voluntary  humility: 
the  Greek  is  really  untranslatable,  and  it  is  best  to 
aaaume  that  there  is  a  lacuna  in  the  text,  and  that 
some  word  or  words  with  the  general  meaning  "  to 
gain  a  reputation  for  spirituality  "  have  dropped  out 
after  the  word  "wishing." — dwelling  in  .  .  .  seen: 
see  the  paraphrase.  There  may  be  a  reference  to  the 
secret  spectacle  of  some  sacred  drama  revealed  to 
initiates  in  a  qua.si-pagan  "  ilystery."  The  word 
translated  "  taking  his  stand  upon  '  (ing.)  has  been 
shown  to  be  a  technical  word  for  '"  entering  upon  " 
the  higher  initiation  in  the  Mysteries  at  Klaros  in 
Phrygia.  (See  W.  M.  Ramsay,  Tlie  Teaching  of  S. 
Paul, -p-p.  288S.)  But  the  text  may  be  corrupt;  various 
emendations  have  been  proposed. — 19.  Cf.  Eph.  22 1. — 
23.  but  are  not  .  .  .  flesh :  it  is  very  doubtful  whether 
tills  meaning  can  really  be  got  out  of  the  Greek,  and 
it  appears  more  reasonable  to  assume  a  corruption  of 
tlie  text.  The  general  sense  is  perhaps  a  warning  that 
ill-judged  asceticiini  may  lead  to  over-indulgence  by 
way  of  reaction.  For  Paul  himself  as  an  ascetic,  see 
1  Cor.  927. 

m.  1-17.  What  it  Means  to  be  Risen  with  Christ.— 
Those  who  are  risen  with  Christ  must  aspire  to  the 
things  above,  in  the  region  of  Christ's  heavenly  session 
at  God's  right  hand.  Their  minds  must  bo  set,  not 
on  terrestrial  things,  but  on  things  high  and  heavenly. 
So  far  as  their  old  life  was  concemetl  they  died  (i.e.  in 
baptism) ;  their  life  now  is  a  hidden  life  in  God.  That 
is  what  it  means  to  bo  united  with  Christ  (3).  It  is 
Christ  who  is  our  life.  Hidden  though  He  be.  He  shall 
be  manifested  at  His  coming :  and  His  manifestation 
will  involve  our  manifestation  also  with  Him  in  glory 
(4).  Put  to  death  then  ti}e  members  on  the  earth — 
foriucation,  uncleamiess,  passion,  ovil  lust,  covetoua- 
ness.  These  things  incur  God's  wrath.  The  Colossians 
had  formerly  practised  them  ;  but  they  must  now,  like 
other  Christians,  put  them  all  away ;  and  with  them 
anger,  wrath,  malignity,  slander,  abusive  speech,  and 
lying. 

The  old  man  \vith  his  deeds  must  be  put  off  and  the 
new  man  put  on — ^the  man  who  is  being  renewed  unto 


knowledge  after  the  image  of  his  Creator.  In  the 
sphere  of  the  new  manhood  petty  strife  is  unthinkable. 
The  most  radical  difference^  are  cancelled  ;  distinc- 
tions of  race,  rank,  status,  ci\'ilisation,  or  rehgfous 
privilege  cease  to  have  any  relevance  ;  there  is  only 
Christ  everywhere  and  in  all  the  relations  of  Life  (11). 
As  men  chosen  of  God,  members  of  His  holy  people 
and  objects  of  His  love,  the  Colossians  must  put  on  a 
heart  of  compassion,  a  kindly  disposition,  a  temper  of 
humility,  gentleness,  and  long-suffering :  there  must 
be  mutual  forbearance  and,  in  cases  of  grievance, 
mutual  forgiveness — ^they  must  forgive  even  as  they 
have  been  freely  forgiven.  Above  all,  they  must  put 
on  love,  the  bond  which  binds  men  together  in  Christian 
perfection,  and  let  Christ's  peace  rule  in  their  hearts, 
for  to  that  end  were  they  called,  so  as  to  be  in  one 
body.     They  must  become  thankful 

Christ's  word  should  dwell  in  them  richly,  so  that  in 
outbursts  of  psalm  and  hymn  and  spiritual  song  they 
jnay  teach  and  admonish  one  another,  singing  thankful 
songs  of  praise  in  their  heaits  to  God.  Everj^thing 
that  they  undertake,  whether  in  word  or  deed,  is  to 
be  in  Christ's  name  ;  it  is  to  be  the  expression  of  their 
thankfulness  to  God  the  Father  through  Him. 

3.  Cf.  PhiL  I21,  Gal.  220. — 5.  your  members  .  .  . 
earth :  the  members  which  are  "'  of  the  earth,  earthy  "  ; 
the  phrase  is  in  loose  apposition  with  the  list  of  sins 
which  follows. — which  is  idolatry:  Eph.  55*,  and  cf. 
with  the  whole  passage  Eph.  53-5. — 9.  the  old  man: 
the  old  non-Cliristian  self;  cf.  Eph.  422,  Rom.  66. — 
10.  after ...  him:  cf.  Gen.  1 26-28.— 11.  Cf.  GaL  828, 
Eph.  413. — 16.  the  word  of  Christ:  either  "the 
gospel " — which  Chri'^t  is  regarded  as  proclaiming — 
or  the  voice  of  Christ  speaking  to  them  m  their  hearts. — 
166.   Cf.  Eph.  519. 

lU.  18-IV.  1.  Certain  Duties  Interpreted  in  Relation 
to  Christ.  Cf.  Eph.  022-69*. — CoL  omits  the  simile  of 
Christ  and  the  Church.  A  reason  is  given  why  fathers 
should  not  harass  their  children  (21).  Slaves  who 
labour  worthilv  shall  have  an  inheritance  ui  heaven  (24). 

rv.  2-6.  A  Request  for  Prayer:  the  Need  of  Wisdom. 
— The  Colossians  must  persevere  in  prayer  and  be 
vigilant  therein  with  thanksgiving  ;  at  the  same  time 
pi-a3ang  for  Paul  and  His  companions  that  God  may 
open  for  them  a  "  door "  of  opportunity  for  the 
preacliing  of  the  word  and  the  proclamation  of  the 
"  mystery  "  of  Christ — ^the  mysterj'  for  the  sake  of 
which  Paul  is  in  prison — that  he  may  make  manifest 
its  hitiierto  hidden  truth  by  preaching  of  the  right  kind. 
In  relation  to  non-Christians,  they  are  to  walk  wisely, 
buying  up  opportunities  as  they  arise  ;  their  speech 
should  be  always  courteous,  and  seasoned  with  the 
salt  of  a  shrewdness  wliich  will  know  how  to  accommo- 
date itself  to  indi\iduals  severallv. 

3.  a  door:  cf.  1  Cor.  I60,  2  Cor.  2i2.— 4.  The 
preaching  of  the  gospel  is  the  manifestation  of  a 
"mystery." — 5.  redeeming  the  time:   Eph.  616*. 

IV.  7-18.  Commendations  and  Salutations. — 7. 
Tychicus :  cf.  Ac  2O4.  Eph.  G21,  Tit.  .3i2,  2  Tim.  4i2.— 
9.  Onesimus:  there  i^  a  touch  of  gentle  humour  in 
this  reference  to  the  returning  runaway,  both  in  what 
it  says,  and  in  what  it  omits. — 10.  Aristarchus:  cf. 
Ac.  i929-,  2O4,  272,  Phm.  24.— Mark :  the  Jolm  Mark 
of  Ac.  (135,13,  1536-40),  and  the  author  of  the  second 
gospel  A  reconciliation  must  have  taken  place  be- 
tween him  and  Paul  (cf.  2  Tim.  4ii).— 11.  Jesus: 
otherwise  unknown. — who  are  of  the  circumclslon : 
Aristarchus,  Mark,  and  Jesus  Justus  are  the  only 
Jewish  Christians  who  have  worked  with  Paul  in  Rome. 
— 12.  Epaphras:  cf.  I7. — 14.  Luke:  the  author  of 
the  thii^  gospel  and  Ac — Demas:   for  his  subsequcrt 


PHILEMON  23 


871 


defection  see  2  Tim.  4io. — 15.  Nymphas:  owner 
apparently  of  a  house  where  the  Christiana  met  at 
Laodicea.  The  name  may  be  cither  masculine  or 
feminine ;  some  MSS  read,  "  the  church  that  is  in 
her  house." — 17.  Archippus:  cj.  Phm.  2;  notliinr; 
else  is  known  of  him.  He  seems  to  have  been  charged 
with  some  special  mmisterial  work  at  Colossje. — 13. 
Paul  adds  his  signature  (c/.  2  Th.  817,  1  Cor.  I621),  the 
rest  of  the  letter  being  written  by  a  scribe. 

PHILEMON 

1-7.  Introductory. — Paul  writes  from  prison,  sending 
greetuigs  from  himself  and  Timothy  to  Philemon — a 
dear  friend  with  whom  he  had  worked  probably  during 
his  stay  in  Ephesus — Apphia  (presumably  Philemon's 
wife),  and  Archippus  (Col.  417,  possibly  his  son)  hia 
Bpititual  comrade-iu-arms,  together  with  the  brethren 
of  their  household.  He  is  constantly  hearing  of  the 
love  and  loyalty  displayed  by  Philemon  both  towards 
the  Lord  Jesus  and  towards  all  the  saints  (5)  :  the 
hearts  of  God's  people  have  been  greatly  cheered  by 
his  kindness,  and  the  thought  of  one  who  in  so  true 
a  sense  is  a  "  brother  "  has  been  a  great  joy  and 
oomfort  to  Paul  (7),  so  that  it  is  with  great  thankful- 
ness to  God  that  he  makes  mention  of  Philemon  in 
his  prayers  (4),  praying  that  the  readhiess  to  share 
with  others  which  his  faith  has  prompted  may  prove 
(increasingly)  effectual,  as  he  comes  to  fuller  knowledge 
of  all  the  good  that  there  is  among  the  Colossians,  unto 
(a  deeper  experience  of)  Christ. 

2.  our  sister:  i.e.  in  the  faith  (c/.  mg.). 

8-21.  The  Request  on  Behalf  of  Oneslmus. — Paul 
might  confidently  presume  to  issue  commands  to 
Philemon — Paul  an  ambassador,  and  at  the  time  of 
writing  actually  a  prisoner,  of  Christ  Jesus — but  for 
love's  sake  he  prefers  to  make  entreaty.  He  entreats 
Philemon,  therefore,  on  behalf  of  one  who  has  become 
his  son,  the  child  of  his  imprisonment,  Onesimus — an 
unprofitable  servant,  it  i3  to  be  feared,  to  Philemon  in 
the  past,  but  now  the  reverse  of  unprofitable  to  him, 
yes,  and  to  Paul  too.  Paul  sends  him  back — this 
dear  fellow  whom  he  has  come  to  love  as  his  own  heart — ■ 
though  sorely  tempted  to  keep  him  to  render  service 
on  Philemon's  behalf  to  one  who  is  a  prisoner  for  the 
gospel's  sake.  He  has  been  reluctant,  however,  to 
take  any  steps  without  Philemon'a  consent;    he  did 


not  wish  a  benefit  of  this  kind  to  wear  the  appearance 
of  compulsion  ;  it  must  be  a  matter  of  free-will.  More- 
over, it  may  have  been  God's  plan  to  allow  Onesimus 
to  be  separated  temporarily  from  Philemon,  that  tho 
latter  might  receive  him  back  in  an  eternal  relation- 
ship, no  longer  as  a  mere  slave  but  as  more  than  a 
slave,  as  a  beloved  brother  (he  is  that  most  of  all  to 
Paul :  and  yet  how  much  more  must  he  bo  so  to 
Philemon  !)  both  in  tho  outward  relations  of  life  and 
also  in  the  Lord.     Cf.  p.  G4!). 

Philemon,  then,  ii  he  regards  himself  and  Paul  as 
having  anythmg  m  common,  must  please  receive 
Onesimus  as  he  would  Paul  himself.  If  the  former 
has  wronged  PhUemon  or  owes  him  money,  let  that 
be  put  down  to  Paul's  account ;  this  is  an  autograph 
letter,  and  Paul  personally  and  solemnly  guarantees 
repayment — though  Philemon  owes  Paul  as  much  and 
more,  his  very  existence,  indeed,  as  a  Christian ;  of 
that  Paul  prefers  not  to  remind  him.  Well,  then,  as 
a  brother  in  Christ  let  him  grant  Paul's  request ;  it 
is  asked  as  a  personal  favour  in  the  Lord.  He  writes 
in  the  confidence  that  Philemon  will  obey,  well  knowing 
that  he  will  do  all,  and  more  than  all,  that  he  asks. 

9.  The  word  presbutes  ("  aged  ")  is  here  probably 
only  an  alternative  spelUng  of  presbeute-i  ("  ambas- 
sador"); cf..  Eph.  620. — 11.  improfitable  .  .  .  pro- 
fitable :  there  is  a  play  upon  the  meaning  of  the  name 
Onesimus  (  =  "  serviceable  " ). — 18.  Onesimus,  before 
running  away,  had  evidently  robbed  Philemon  ;  Paul 
undertakes  repajmaent,  though  he  may  not  expect 
Philemon  to  exact  it. — 21.  even  beyond  what  I  say: 
Paul  hints  at  Onesimus'  manumission,  though  he  does 
not  venture  to  suggest  it  m  so  many  words. 

22-25.  Closing  Words. — Meanwhile  let  Philemon  get 
a  room  ready  for  Paul  also  ;  for  he  has  good  hope  that 
their  prayers  wdl  be  answered  by  his  release.  Epaphras, 
who  is  sharing  his  imprisonment,  sends  greeting  ;  and 
so  do  others  who  are  working  with  him  in  Rome.  The 
grace  of  Christ  be  with  those  at  Colossae. 

22.  It  was  a  journey  of  some  weeks  from  Rome  to 
Colossoe,  and  Paul's  words  are  not  meant  to  be  taken 
too  literally,  but  he  is  evidently  optimistic  as  to  the 
result  of  his  approaching  trial,  and  means  to  pay  a 
visit  to  Colossae  when  he  can. — 23.  Epaphras:  cf. 
Col.  I7,  4 1 2.  The  Colossian  leader  was  apparently 
remaining  in  Rome  for  the  present  as  a  voluntaiy 
companion  of  Paul's  imprisonment. 


PHILIPPIANS 


By    Dr.  W.  F.  A  DENE  Y 


The  Phlllpplans.— The  city  of  Philippi  was  situated 
on  a  steep  hill  rising  above  a  plain  at  the  extreme  E.  of 
Macedonia,  where  it  joins  Thrace,  and  about  8  miles 
N.  of  the  sea  coast.  Originally  the  district  was  known 
sm  Krcnides,  t.e.  the  fountains,  on  account  of  the 
springs  of  water  abounding  there ;  but  in  the  days  of 
Phihp  of  ^raccdon,  having  received  this  powerful 
monarch's  aid  against  Thracian  raiders  from  over  the 
border,  it  took  his  name,  in  a  plural  form,  which  im- 
plies that  there  were  then  several  villages  which  after- 
wards coalesced  in  the  flourishing  city.  The  place 
rose  into  importance  on  account  of  its  gold  mines. 
We  have  in  Ac.  I611-40  a  graphic  account  of  the 
introduction  of  the  Christian  gospel  to  this  city  by 
Paul  in  response  to  his  vision  of  the  man  of  Macedonia 
at  Troas.  The  Philippian  Christians  became  his  best 
friends,  and  their  church  his  favourite  church.  None 
of  the  troubles  that  appeared  in  Galatia  and  Corinth 
disturbed  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  this  happy 
community. 

The  Genuineness  of  the  Letter.— This  is  now  almost 
universally  allowed.  iScarcely  any  doubt  it  but  those 
few  extreme  critics  who  do  not  admit  any  of  the 
Pauhne  literature  to  bo  genuine  (p.  81.5).  Not  only  the 
more  conservative  scholars,  but  advanced  critics  such  as 
Hilgenfeld  and  Pfleidcrcr,  accept  it  as  an  original  letter 
written  by  Paul.  It  was  known  and  cited  authori- 
tatively early  in  the  second  century  ;  it  is  stamped 
with  its  author's  personahty  ;  and  no  sufficient  motive 
can  be  assigned  for  the  fabrication  of  it,  as  it  does 
not  exhibit  any  strong  polemical  tendency.  We  may 
be  quite  sure  that  we  have  here  a  true  writing  (perhaps 
originally  two  short  letters;  cf.  81-3*)  of  Paul.  The 
epistle  stands  next  to  Gal.,  Rom.,  and  1  and  2  Cor. 
in  certitude  of  authenticity. 

Occasion  of  Writing.— It  is  evident  that  it  was 
written  from  prison.  This  might  be  either  at  Caesarea 
or  at  Rome.  In  I13  Paul  mentions  the  "  pra?torium  " 
and  in  Ac.  2.335  we  are  told  that  he  was  confined  in 
Herod's  "  prjotorium  "  at  Cjesarea.  This,  therefore, 
would  well  suit  that  city.  But  he  may  be  referring  to 
the  praetorian  guard  who  had  charge  of  him  at  Rome. 
His  reference  to  "  T'resar's  household  "  (422)  is  much 
more  appropriate  to  Rome  than  to  the  Palestinian 
city  ;  so  is  his  description  of  the  progress  made  by 
the  gospel  (li2fT.).  He  would  find  more  opportunity 
for  missionary  work  when  living  in  his  own  hireti 
house  at  Rome,  than  would  be  the  case  during  his 
close  incarceration  at  C.-esarea.  The  locality  helps  to 
fix  the  date  of  the  epistle.  It  belongs  to"  the  third 
group  (Col.  and  Phm.,  Eph.,  Phil.).  There  is  some 
question  a.s  to  its  place  in  the  group.  The  resemblance 
of  some  of  its  idea-s  and  phrases  to  Rom.  has  led  to  the 
suggestion  that  it  came  comparatively  near  to  that 
epistle.  But  even  if  it  were  the  first  in  its  group  it 
would  bo  four  ye^rs  later  than  Rom.  The  absence  of 
the  phiiosophioal  ideas  which  appear  in  Col.  is  another 

872 


reason  assigned  for  an  earlier  date.  But  this  may  be 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  simple  artisans  and  tradesmen 
at  Phihppi  were  not  troubled  with  the  speculations 
that  were  current  in  the  Lycus  valley  where  Colossse 
was  situated.  On  the  other  hand  there  are  signs  in 
Phil,  that  it  was  written  when  the  apostle's  term  of 
imprisonment  was  drawing  to  a  close.  He  contem- 
plates the  possibiUty  of  a  fatal  issue  to  his  trial  (I20), 
although  he  anticipates  acquittal  (25).  The  whole 
epistle  is  pervaded  with  the  glow  of  the  martyr  spirit 
as  its  writer  approaches  the  crisis  of  his  trial.  Taking 
this  to  be  the  probable  situation,  Phil,  is  the  last 
letter  written  by  Paul  to  a  church,  if  not  tlie  last  of 
all  his  letters.  Tiiis  will  give  us  a.d.  63  according  to 
the  older  chronology,  but  some  three  or  four  years 
earlier  in  the  scheme  of  dates  now  more  generally 
accepted.  The  immediate  occasion  for  the  letter  arose 
from  the  fact  that  Epaphroditus  had  come  from 
Phihppi  with  some  money  which  had  been  collected 
there  for  the  assistance  of  the  apostle. 

Literature. — Commentaries:  (n)  Gwynn  (Sp.),  Jones 
(Wcst.C.t,  Moule  (CBI.  J5cct,  Drummond  (IH),  Martin 
(Cent.B),  Strahan  (WNT) ;  (6)  Lichtfoot,  Moule  (GGT), 
Vincent  (ICC),  Kennedy  (EGTjflc)  B.  Weiss.  Lipsiua 
(HC).  Klopper.  Haupt  (Mev.).  P.  Ewald  (ZK),  Lueken 
(SNT),  DibeHus  (HNT);  (d)  Rainy  (Ex.Bi. 

I.  If.  Salutation. — Associating  his  a.ssistant  Timothy 
with  him  as  fellow-slave  in  the  service  of  Christ  Jesus, 
Paul  addresses  his  letter  to  all  the  members  of  the 
church  at  Philippi  imder  the  name  of  "  saints,"  which 
means  people  consecrated  to  God,  not  necessarily 
persons  of  exceptional  hohness,  and  is  therefore  applied 
in  NT  to  all  Christians.  The  apostle  associates  with 
the  church  members,  for  special  mention,  their  bishops 
and  deacons,  two  orders  of  the  ministry  and  a  plurality 
in  each  order,  if  we  are  to  tjike  the  words  officially, 
and  in  that  -jise  as  the  earliest  NT  reference  Uy  the 
titles.  But  perhaps  wo  should  translate  these  words 
more  generally — as  "  those  who  have  oversight  "  and 
'■  those  who  serve"  (rf.  p.  (>4(5). 

I.  3-11.  Thanksgiving  and  Intercession.  —  Paul 
usually  begins  his  letters  with  congratulations  and 
thanksgivings,  even  when  ho  has  to  follow  with  com- 
plaints and  rebukes.  In  writing  to  Philippi  he  has  no 
fault  to  find  with  the  church,  so  that  his  opening 
sentences  are  especially  glad.  At  once  he  sounds  a 
dominant  not<;,  the  note  of  joy.  which  recurs  again 
and  again  throughout  the  epistle.  He  is  especially 
thanldul  for  the  fellowsliip  of  his  readers,  their  affec- 
tionate aasociation  for  the  spread  of  the  gospel ;  and 
he  is  alwaj's  praying  that  this  may  continue,  as  it 
has  been  from  the  first — a  period  of  ten  years.  This  is 
a  matter  of  confident  prayer  because  he  is  sure  that 
He  who  bocan  the  good  work  in  them,  that  is,  God, 
will  go  on  perfecting  it  until  "  the  day  of  .Jesus  Christ  " 
— the  day  of  the  return  or  manifestation  of  ClirLst,  the 
Parousia.     This   was  eagerly  expected  by  the  early 


PHILIPPIANS,  II.  19-30 


873 


Christians.  The  expectation  la  most  keen  in  the  first 
written  of  Paul's  epistles.  As  it  was  not  quickly 
realised  it  passed  more  into  the  background  in  course 
of  time.  But  it  was  never  abandoned.  We  meet  with  it 
five  times  in  this  last  letter  written  to  one  of  the  apostle's 
churches.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  he  no  longer 
expects  to  bo  alive  at  the  time,  as  was  the  case  when 
he  wrote  1  Th.  ;$i5  and  perhaps  1  Cor.  I551  {rf.  p.  847). 
He  proceeds  to  justify  his  confident  prayer  on  the 
ground  of  his  affectionate  connexion  with  the  Philip- 
pians.  Referring  to  his  bonds  as  a  prisoner,  he  thinks 
of  their  sympathy  with  him  both  in  his  defence  of  the 
gospel  before  his  accusers  and  in  his  confirmation  of 
it  in  the  persons  of  the  Roman  converts,  all  due  on 
both  sides  to  the  merciful  helpfuhiess  of  God.  He 
prays,  too,  that  the  love  which  the  Philippians  show 
so  warmly  may  be  combined  with  knowledge,  and 
especially  that  they  ma}'  have  a  gift  of  discernment  so 
that  they  may  "  approve  the  things  that  are  excellent," 
or  rather,  "  prove  the  things  that  differ  "  (mg.).  This 
Boems  preferable,  because  knowledge  and  a  faculty 
of  discernment  are  sought.  It  should  be  taken  with 
regard  to  conduct,  the  higher  Christian  casuistry, 
ethical  discrimination,  not  doctrinal,  because  it  is  to 
lead  to  sincerity  and  freedom  from  offence  in  "  the 
day  of  Christ  " — here  mentioned  a  second  time. 

I.  12-18.  The  Apostle's  Present  Condition. — Turmng 
from  these  thoughts  about  liis  correspondents  Paul 
informs  them  of  his  own  condition.  His  very  imprison- 
ment has  helped  his  missionary  work  instead  of  hinder- 
ing it,  as  might  have  been  expected,  because  it  has 
given  him  an  opportunity  of  spreading  the  gospel 
among  the  soldiers  of  the  praetorian  guard  who  have 
charge  of  him.  These  constituted  the  imperial  guard, 
a  body  of  10,000  men.  "  The  rest  "  would  be  others 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact  and  who  also  were 
being  evangelised.  It  would  seem  that  some  of  the 
Judaizers,  who  objected  to  his  free  gospel,  were  pro- 
voked by  jealousy  to  a  greater  missionary  activity. 
Even  that  dehghted  him,  so  keen  was  he  for  the  one 
end  of  making  Christ  known. 

I.  19-26.  His  Prospects. — The  successful  preachuig 
of  the  gospel  will  turn  to  his  own  salvation.  Other- 
wise he  would  be  put  to  shame.  His  desire  is  that  in  his 
person,  whether  by  fife  or  by  death,  Christ  may  be 
glorified.  For  him  life  means  Christ  and  death  will 
be  gain.  22  may  be  variously  rendered.  RV,  re- 
peating "  if "  before  the  second  clause,  leaves  some 
confusion,  for  Paul  would  not  be  in  doubt  after  his 
fate  was  settled.  Therefore  mg.  seems  preferable — 
"  If  to  live  in  the  flesh  be  my  lot,  this  is  the  fruit  of 
my  work."  His  perplexity  arises  from  the  fact  that, 
while  he  would  choose  death  for  himself  as  the  issue 
of  his  approaching  trial,  his  escape  wnukl  be  preferable 
for  the  Philippians,  and  this  he  confidently  expects. 

I.  27-30.  Encouragements.— The  Phihppians  also 
are  endurinj;  pcrscoution.  Whether  he  is  able  to 
come  to  them  again  or  can  only  hear  of  them,  Paul 
trusts  that  they  will  five  worthily  and  be  united  in 
their  faitliful  efforts,  in  nothing  terrified  by  their 
opponents. 

II.  1-4.  Unity  and  Humility. — An  exhortation  baaed 
on  the  help  that  Christ  gives,  ^he  word  rendered 
"  consolation  "  meaning  help  of  various  kinds,  esjx>- 
cially  in  the  form  of  encouragement.  This  comes  from 
Christ  and  so  does  compa.ssion.  The  source  of  them 
is  His  love.  That  should  lead  to  unity  of  mind,  the 
absence  of  factiousness- — always  a  danger  in  a  Greek 
community  (1  Cor.  lio-i/*)  —  and  the  unselfish 
humility  that  gives  a  preference  to  the  honour  and 
interest  of  other  people. 


II.  5-11.  The  Kenosis   and  the  Exaltation.— The 

word  Kenosis  has  become  a  technical  term  in  Christian 
theology  for  the  self-emptying  of  Christ.  Its  origin 
in  that  relation  is  derived  from  the  present  important 
passage,  where  we  read  that  He  "emptied  (Gr.  ekendse7i) 
himself  "  (7).  The  previous  verses  leading  up  to  this 
passage  indicate  its  spirit ;  the  example  of  Christ  is  to 
be  cited  in  order  to  enforce  the  duty  of  humihty  and 
the  opposite  to  self-assertion.  Paul  would  have  his 
friends  cultivate  the  same  mental  disposition  that  was 
in  Christ.  In  illustrating  this  he  first  speaks  of  our 
Lord's  original  condition  previous  to  His  life  on  earth 
as  being  "  in  the  form  of  God."  The  word  rendered 
"  form  "  indicates  essential  characteristics,  therefore 
real  Divinity.  Nevertheless  He  had  no  ambition,  for 
Ho  did  not  grasp  at  eijuality  with  God,  for  the  original 
word  (RV  "  prize  ")  means  literally  "  booty,"  such  as 
a  robber  might  seize.  On  the  contrary.  He  emptied 
Himself  of  what  He  already  possessed,  came  down  to 
the  essential  characteristics  of  servitude — the  same 
word  for  "  form  "  being  used  again.  This  seems  to 
mean  that  certain  Divine  qualities  were  abandoned 
and  certain  human  hmitations  accepted  when  Christ 
was  seen  in  the  likeness  of  a  man.  This  last  expression 
does  not  mean  that  He  was  not  a  real  man,  that  He 
only  assumed  a  human  appearance  (a  view  known  in 
theology  as  docetic  (p.  9 Hi),  for  merely  apparent,  not 
real  humanity).  Although  the  words  would  bear  that 
signification,  the  context,  as  well  as  Paul's  plain 
teaching  about  Christ  coming  in  the  flesh  (e.g.  Rom.  I3  ; 
cf.  "  boni  of  a  woman,"  GaL  44),  forbid  it ;  for  Paul 
has  just  said  that  He  took  on  Him  the  essential  form, 
i.e.  the  real  characteristics  of  a  servant.  Jloreover, 
the  apostle  goes  on  to  speak  of  Christ's  death  as  an 
actual  fact.  This  he  takes  as  a  further  stage  of  self- 
limitation,  especially  since  it  was  the  shameful  death 
of  crucifixion.  Christ  submitted  to  it  in  obedience  to 
the  will  of  God.  Therem  lay  its  value  in  God's  sight. 
Then,  in  return  for  this  self-emptying,  culminating  in 
the  obedience  that  went  as  far  as  submission  to  cruci- 
fixion, God  honoured  Christ  by  giving  Him  the  highest 
of  names,  viz.  the  name  "  Lord,"  in  order  that  He  might 
receive  the  homage  of  the  whole  universe. 

The  above  line  of  interpretation  differs  from  some 
other  interpretations  :  viz.  (a)  Luther's  view  that  the 
whole  passage  refers  to  the  life  of  Christ  after  the  In- 
carnation. Against  this,  note  that  the  passage  moves 
in  the  historical  order  of  events.  (6)  The  idea  that 
the  equahty  with  God  was  a  previous  possession  im- 
plied by  the  "  form  '"  of  God.  This  gives  a  non-natural 
idea  to  the  word  rendered  "  prize,"  which  means  some- 
thing to  be  seized,  and  not  at  present  in  hand,  (c)  The 
denial  that  the  "  form  "  of  God  was  given  up.  This 
makes  the  Incarnation,  a.s  assuming  the  "  form  "  of 
mail,  an  addition  to  the  previous  state,  not  a  self- 
emptying,  and  therefore  runs  counter  to  the  drift  of 
the  pa-ssage. 

II.  12-18.  Work  and  Sacrifice.— In  view  of  this 
wonderful  example  Paul  exhorts  his  readers  to  be 
even  more  diligent  in  iiis  absence  than  they  had  lieon 
when  he  was  present  with  them,  if  tliis  is  all  done 
without  any  complaining  or  quarrelling — such  as 
Greek  factiousness  might  produce — they  would  shine 
Efl  lights  in  tiie  dark  pagan  world.  Then,  even  if  Paul 
were  martyrwl,  his  death  would  bo  an  offering  to  God 
added  to  the  sacrifice  and  service  their  faith  was 
producing. 

n.  19  30.  Timothy  and  Epaphroditus.- Paul  proposes 
to  send  Timothy  in  advance  of  his  own  expected  visit, 
that  he  may  obtain  encouraging  news  about  them. 
There  is  no  one  else  to  send,  the  others  being  too  selfish 

28a 


874 


PHILIPPIANS,  n.  19-30 


to  undertake  the  errand.  Paul  has  already  sent  back 
the  Pliilippian  mesaenger  Epaphroditus,  who  wa-s  dis- 
tressed at  hearing  how  concenied  his  friends  at  Pliihppi 
were  at  his  ilhicds.  It  had  been  a  serious  illness, 
nearly  ending  in  death.  But  God  had  mercifully 
restored  him,  that  this  additional  sorrow  might  not 
come  on  Paul  and  his  friends. 

III.  1-3.  A  Warning. — Paul  saj's  "  Finally "  al- 
though ho  is  only  hali-waN'  tlirough  his  epistle  ;  he 
uses  the  word  again  at  48,  though  even  then  he  adds 
fresh  paragraplis.  Some  have  tried  to  lind  a  meaning 
not  so  suggestive  of  a  conclusion,  but  the  exhortation 
"  rejoice  "  that  follows  is  a  form  of  the  Greek  valedic- 
tion. So  plainly  the  apostle  was  about  to  end  when 
new  ideas  crowded  into  his  mind  and  he  proceeded  to 
deal  with  them.  It  is  not  clear  what  he  means  by 
"  the  same  things."  Ho  may  be  referring  to  some 
previous  letter,  since  lost — Polycarp  speaks  of  Epistles 
to  the  Philippians — or  perhaps  only  to  his  encourage- 
ments of  rejoicing.  His  after-thought  takes  another 
turn.  Suddenly  he  thinks  of  an  attack  on  the  faith 
of  his  beloved  friends  made  by  the  Jews,  whom  he 
designates  with  the  horrible  title,  "  dogs  " — the  very 
name  they  gave  to  Gentiles.  Paul  wiU  not  reckon 
them  as  within  the  pale  of  the  true  Israel.  The 
Christians  constitute  his  Israel  because  their  claim  is 
not  external — mere  bodily  circumcision — but  epiritual 
worship  and  glorying  in  Jesus  Christ.  The  Jews  claim 
to  be  God's  people  ;  but  they  are  not,  because  they 
have  neither  His  Spirit  nor  Christ.  The  "  dogs  "  are 
not  in  the  Phihppian  church  ;  nor  can  they  be  the 
Judaizing  Christians  who  gave  trouble  in  Galatia  ;  they 
are  simply  Jews  antagonistic  to  Cliristianity. 

III.  4^-9.  Privilege  and  Renunciation.— The  contrast 
between  Jew  and  Christian  leads  Paul  to  refer  to 
himself  in  a  striking  autobiographical  passage,  wliich, 
though  brief,  may  be  compared  for  spirit  and  tone  to 
Augustine's  Confessiorui.  Ho  begins  with  his  origin 
and  early  experienoe.  A  Jew  punctually  circumcised, 
of  the  royal  tribe  of  Benjamin,  a  rigorous  Pharisee  and 
persecutor  of  the  Church,  he  had  better  claims  for 
boasting  on  these  lines  than  the  wretched  denizens  of 
the  ghetto  at  Phihppi.  Yet  lie  treated  all  these  claims 
with  contempt  in  exchange  for  the  knowledge  of  Christ, 
content  to  be  excommunicated  from  Judaism  in  order 
to  gain  Christ  and  the  God-given  righteousness  ob- 
tainwl  thri'ugh  faith,  all  instead  of  his  own  righteous- 
neas  got  through  the  Law. 

III.  10-16.  Aim  and  Aspiration. — In  exchange  for 
the  proud  Jewish  privileges  that  ho  ha-s  renounced, 
Paul  has  a  new  pursuit.  His  aim  is  to  know  Christ 
and  the  power  that  comes  from  His  resurrection,  the 
energy  of  the  glorified,  risen  Christ — not  the  power 
which  raised  Him  from  the  dead — together  with  a 
sympathetic  union  with  Christ  m  suffering  by  his  own 
endurance  of  suffering  like  Christ's,  so  that  he  may 
hope  aLso  for  a  resurrection — a  privilege  only  for 
Christ's  people.  Writing  towards  the  end  of  his 
career,  he  seems  himself  still  imperfect  and  ho  presses 
forward  tf)  a  better  future.  Comparing  himself  to  a 
runner  in  the  games,  he  fixes  his  gaze  on  tlie  goal,  where 
he  sees  the  prize,  to  win  which  he  had  been  called  to 
aspire.  Though  actually  imperfect,  in  another  sense 
Paul  claims  for  himself  and  for  his  readers  that  they 
are  perfect.  Hero  he  uses  the  word  as  it  is  emphiycd 
in  the  Greek  mysteries  to  designate  the  initiated — as 
we  might  say,  fully  fledged  members.  All  such  should 
five  in  accordance  witli  the  same  high  aspirations. 

III.  17-21.  A  Contrast.— The  I'hilippians  arc  to 
follow  I'aul's  example  in  this  matter.  It  is  needed 
because  many  live  very  differently.     They  are  a  great 


grief  to  him  ;  indulging  in  gross  living  and  even  glorying 
in  that  for  which  they  should  be  aahamed,  their  minds 
are  set  on  earthly  things.  Paul  and  the  Philippians 
claim  a  citizenship  in  heaven,  corresponding  to  the 
claim  of  citizenship  in  Rome,  which  the  people  in 
Pliihppi  may  put  forward,  seeing  that  it  is  a  Roman 
colony.  He  and  they  are  looking  for  Christ  to  oome 
from  heavon  (a  fourtii  and  most  distinct  allusion  to 
the  Parousia),  when  He  will  transform  their  very  bodies 
(ht.  "  the  body  that  belongs  to  our  low  estate  ")  into 
the  likeness  of  His  glorified  body. 

IV.  1.  Steadfastness. — Paul  introduces  his  exhorta- 
tion to  steadfastness  with  the  word  "  wherefore,"  so  aa 
to  base  it  on  what  he  has  just  said  about  the  coming 
of  Christ  and  its  expected  effe<Jfc8,  and  he  enriches  it 
with  an  affectionate  reference  to  the  relation  of  the 
Philippians  to  himself.  In  a  peculiar  way  it  is  they, 
of  all  his  converts,  who  give  liim  joy,  and  whom  he 
regards  as  like  a  festive  garland  or  a  victor's  wreath, 
since  they  especiallj'  illustrate  in  their  lives  and  char- 
acters the  success  of  his  ministry. 

IV.  21.  Unity  and  Helpfulness. — In  particular  the 
apostle  lias  exliortations  for  three  people.  Two  women, 
Euodia  and  Syntyche,  seem  to  be  not  quite  friendly 
towards  each  other  ;  he  exhorts  them  to  oome  to- 
gether, by  realising  that  they  are  both  in  Christ. 
Possibly  the  Greek  word  rendered  "  yoke-fellow  "  (3) 
is  a  proper  name,  Syzygus,  although  no  such  name  haa 
been  found  in  Greek  hterature  or  inscriptions.  If  so, 
in  addressing  him  as  "  true  Syzygus  "  Paul's  meaning 
is  that  the  person  is  rightly  named,  for  he  is  a  genuine 
yoke-fellow.  There  is  an  inscription  in  which  a 
gladiator  is  described  as  the  yoke-fellow  of  another 
gladiator  who  has  killed  liim.  If  the  word  is  not  a 
proper  name  wo  do  not  know  who  is  referred  to. 
Various  persons  have  been  suggested,  viz.  Paul's  wife  (!), 
the  husband  of  one  of  the  two  women  previously 
mentioned,  Epaphroditus,  and  the  bishop  of  the 
church — if  the  latter,  to  be  compared  with  Arcliippus 
at  Colossse  (Col.  4i7  ;  Phm.  2).  Tho  true  yoke-fellow 
is  to  help  the  women.  They  had  laboured  with  Paul 
at  Phihppi  along  with  Clement  (who  is  not  to  be  identi- 
fied with  the  author  of  a  letter  from  Rome  written 
c.  A.D.  95  ;  the  name  was  not  uncommon),  and  others 
whose  names  are  in  tho  book  of  hfe.  Tho  expression 
'■  the  book  of  hfo  "  occurs  often  in  Rev.  but  nowhere 
else  in  NT  except  in  this  passage  (cf.  Lk.  IO20).  It  is 
based  on  the  idea  of  a  roll  of  citizens,  and  it  means 
God's  roll  of  those  who  have  the  gift  of  life.  There 
is  nothing  to  suggest  a  reference  to  departed  saints. 

IV.  4^7.  Joy  and  Peace. — Once  again  Paul  sounds 
his  dominant  note  of  joy.  For  the  fifth  and  last  time 
he  refers  to  the  return  of  Christ  (cf.  l6,io,  2 16,  820). 
He  deprecates  anxiety  and  commends  his  readers  to 
prayer,  a  consequence  of  which  will  bo  that  a  peace 
given  by  God  will  guard  their  hearts  and  thoughts  in 
Christ,  secure  from  the  invasion  of  anxiety.  [The 
peace  passes  all  human  contrivance  of  ingenuity,  not 
"all  understanding."^ — A.  J.  G-J 

IV.  8f.  Subjects  ol  Thouglit. — A  second  time  Paid 
prepares  to  close,  again  usmg  tho  word  "  Finally." 
His  message  now  is  to  commend  worthy  topics  of 
thought.  Departing  from  tho  usual  Bibhcal  vocabu- 
lary, he  selects  words  more  often  found  in  tho  classioa 
to  designate  pagan  excellences.  This  must  be  of  sot 
purpose,  and  it  means  that  the  readers  are  to  practise 
the  habit  of  recognising  and  considering  all  the  good 
they  see  in  tho  world  outside  the  church. 

IV.  10-18.  Thanlts  for  tlie  Gifts.— Tho  Philippians 
had  sent  assistance  to  Paul  several  times.  They  had 
begun  when  he  was  at  Thossalonica,  sending  there 


PHILIPPIANS,  IV.  19-23 


875 


twios.  Now  Epaphroditns  has  been  bringing  a  more 
recent  contribution,  Paul  delights  in  this  because  it 
is  a  fruit  of  Christian  grace  in  the  good  people  who 
send  it.  He  regards  it  as  a  fragrant  sacrifice  to  God. 
As  for  himself,  ho  has  no  anxiety  about  such  matters 
because  he  has  learnt  how  to  have  abundance  and  how 
to  suffer  want.  Ho  is  indopeudont  in  regard  to  both 
extremes,  being  able  to  endure  everything  that  happens 
through  the  one  who  strengthens  him,  meaning  either 
God  or  Christ  ("  Christ  "  is  not  in  the  boat  MSS). 

IV.  19-23.  Conclusion. — Paul's  wants  have  been 
supplied,  now  ho  is  assured  that  the  wants  of  his 
friends  will  also  be  provided  for  ;   the  ground  of  this 


hope  is  that  God  has  given  glorious  riolien  in  Christ. 
So  the  apostle  utters  a  doxology  to  the  Father.  The 
letter  being  written  to  the  whole  church,  he  salutes 
every  member  of  it — designated  as  "  every  saint"  (li*). 
His  companions  join  in  his  greetings,  especially  the 
Christians  in  "  Caesar's  household."  These  would,  for 
the  most  part,  belong  to  the  vast  body  of  slaves  and 
freedmen,  but  perhaps  include  some  officers  of  rank, 
at  the  imperial  palace.  The  final  benediction,  in 
accordance  with  Paul's  usage,  gracefully  employs  the 
Greek  term  of  valediction,  but  v/ith  a  deepened  Chris- 
tian meaning,  so  as  to  breathe  a  prayer  for  God's 
grace  on  the  readers. 


I.  AND  11.  THESSALONIANS 


By  Professor  H.  T.  ANDREWS 


The  City  of  Thessalonica  (the  modern  Salonika)  was 
pituated  at  the  end  of  the  Therraaic  Gulf  on  the  famous 
Via  Egnatia,  the  liighway  which  connected  Italy  and 
the  East.  I  was  the  most  populous  city  in  Macedonia, 
and  therefore,  both  by  reason  of  ita  size  and  its  position, 
specially  suitable  as  a  base  of  operations  when  Paul 
commenced  his  task  of  evangelizing  Greece  (Ac.  I7i*). 
We  know  little  about  the  intellectual  or  religious  con- 
dition of  the  town.  It  was  within  sight  of  Olympus, 
and  Cicero  tells  us  that  when  he  visited  the  district 
where  Homer  and  the  Greek  poets  had  seen  the  home 
of  the  gods,  he  saw  only  snow  and  ice.  From  what  wo 
know  of  the  general  condition  of  religion  at  the  time, 
we  may  be  sure  that  Cicero's  opinion  waa  very  largt^ly 
shared  by  the  natives  of  Thessalonica.  There  is  one 
interesting  fact  known  to  us,  which  throws  some  light 
upon  certain  statements  in  the  epistle,  i.e.  the  existence 
of  a  religious  sect  in  Thessalonica  known  as  the  Chabiri, 
which  was  patronised  by  the  Roman  Empire,  and  which 
seems  to  have  regarded  immorality  as  an  important 
element  in  the  cultus. 

Paul's  Work  at  Thessalonica.~Paul  came  to  Thessa^ 
lonica  after  his  ill-treatment  at  Philippi  (1  Th.  22).  A 
brief  account  of  his  visit  is  given  in  Ac.  ITr-g.*  He 
preached  on  three  successive  Sabbaths  in  the  Jewish 
synagogues,  and  then  apparently  (though  Ac.  is  silent 
on  this  point)  began  to  work  among  the  Gentiles.  His 
converis  were  made  up  of  three  classes  :  (a)  some 
Jews,  (6)  a  great  multitude  of  devout  Greeks,  (c)  not 
a  few  of  the  chief  women  of  the  city.  The  epistles 
give  us  the  impression  that  the  Greek  element  predomi- 
nated (ly).  Paul's  work  was  interrupted  by  an  attack 
by  the  Jews  (Ac.  I75)  on  political  rather  than  religious 
grounds.  The  politarchs,  jealous  for  the  reputation 
of  the  city,  compelled  Jason  to  give  a  surety  that  the 
disturbance  should  not  bo  rejjeated.  This  made  it 
necessary  for  Paul  to  leave  the  town  (p.  795). 

Paul's  Subsequent  rvlovements. — Paul  went  first  of 
all  to  Beroea,  then  to  Athens,  and  finally  to  Corinth. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  his  heart  was  set  on 
returning  to  Thessalonica  (1  Th.  217-20).  He  knew 
that  his  converts  were  being  subjected  to  a  severe 
persecution,  and  was  afraid  lest  they  would  give  way 
under  the  fiery  trial.  At  la.st  the  suspense  became 
too  torriblo  to  bear  (1  Th.  3i),  and  Paul  despatched 
Timothy  from  Athens  to  Thcs.salonica  to  comfort  the 
Christians  and  bring  back  word  with  regard  to  their 
condition. 

The  Occasion  for  the  First  Epistle.— Timothy  returned 
and  met  Paul  at  Corinth  with  varied  information. 
(1)  In  spite  of  the  persecution,  the  Christians  at 
Thessalonica  were  standing  firm.  (2)  Some  of  them, 
however,  had  died  in  the  interval,  and  the  problem 
had  been  raised,  "  Would  their  death  rob  them  of  the 
glor}'  of  the  promised  Parousia  ?  "  (3)  The  opponents 
of  the  Church  were  doing  their  best  to  malign  and 
blacken    the    character   of    Paul.     (4)    There    was    a 


tendency  on  the  part  of  some  Christians,  in  view  of  the 
Parousia,  to  neglect  the  ordinary  duties  of  Ufe. 

It  was  as  the  result  of  thia  message  brought  by 
Timothy  that  the  first  epistle  was  written,  and  the 
four  points  of  information  contained  in  the  message 
give  us  the  key  for  understanding  it.  The  substance 
of  the  letter  ranges  round  the  four  points  :  (1)  Paul 
congratulates  the  Thessalonians  on  their  steadfast- 
ness in  the  face  of  persecutions  ;  (2)  assures  them 
that  death  will  not  rob  their  friends  of  a  share  in  the 
Parousia  ;  (3)  replies  to  the  charges  which  had  been 
brought  against  his  own  person  and  work  ;  (4)  exhorts 
the  Thessalonians  to  "  increase  and  abound,"  and  "  to 
study  to  be  quiet." 

Genuineness  of  the  First  Epistle. — The  external  evi- 
dence is  quite  satisfactory.  The  letter  was  recognised 
by  Marcion  and  the  Muratorian  Oanon,  quoted  by  name 
by  Irenajus,  and  used  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  and 
Tertullian.  There  is  no  e^^dence  that  there  was  the 
slightest  hesitation  in  ancient  times  about  accepting 
it  as  a  genuine  Pauhne  work.  Modem  scholars  who 
have  questioned  the  Pauhne  authorship  have  done  so 
on  internal  grounds,  chief!}'  because  it  lacks  some  of 
the  doctrinal  marks  of  the  later  epistles.  The  absence 
of  these  characteristic  marks  may  be  explained  partly 
by  the  circumstances  which  called  for  a  letter  of  prac- 
tical exhortation  and  not  for  theological  discussion, 
partly  by  the  fact  that  the  epistle  was  written  before 
the  theological  controversy  had  become  acute.  It 
would  be  much  more  difficult  to  explain  the  absence 
of  these  elements  on  the  supposition  that  the  epistle 
is  a  later  forgery.  It  bears  on  its  face  traces  of  its 
early  origin.  No  later  writer  would  have  credited 
Paul  with  the  belief  that  the  Parousia  would  happen 
in  his  own  lifetime.  The  problem  with  regard  to  the 
relation  of  the  dead  to  the  Parousia  could  have  arisen 
only  at  the  very  earliest  stage.  The  organisation  of 
the  Church  is  in  the  most  rudimentary  condition. 
And,  finally,  there  is  no  motive  in  the  contents  of  the 
epistle  which  can  explain  its  invention  by  a  later 
writer. 

The  Occasion  of  the  Second  Epistle.— The  second 
epistle  seems  to  have  boon  written  soon  after  the  first, 
though  the  intei-val  between  tlie  two  cannot  be  definitely 
fixed.  Its  object  was  to  correct  the  misapprehension 
about  the  Parousia,  which  is  alluded  to  in  the  first 
epistle,  and  which  seems  to  have  produced  disastrous 
effects  upon  some  sections  of  the  Church.  The  real 
motive  for  the  letter  is  the  apf)calyptio  section  in  ch.  2. 
Paul  is  anxious  to  allay  the  disorder  which  the  belief 
in  the  near  approach  of  the  Parousia  had  caused,  and 
to  show  that  it  cannot  take  place  till  certain  preliminary 
events  had  happened. 

The  Apocalyptic  Section. — 2  Th.  2  belongs  to  the 
region  of  Apooaly}itic  (see  art.  on  Apocalyptic  Litera- 
tuie,  p.  431 ).  and  reminds  us  of  the  Book  of  Revelation. 
It  is  the  most  striking  illustration  of  Apocalyptic  in  the 


I.  THESSALONIANS,  II.  13-20 


877 


writings  of  Paul,  though  apocalyptic  elements  are  to 
be  found  elsewnere  in  his  epistles,  notably  in  1  Th.  4 
and  1  Cor.  15.  Its  subject  is  the  events  that  must 
precede  the  Parousia.  Antichrist,  or  the  Man  of  Sin 
as  Paul  calls  him,  must  first  appear,  but  this  appear- 
ance is  impossible  at  present,  because  of  "  the  power 
that  restrains."  The  time  will  come,  however,  when 
that  power  will  be  removed  and  the  Man  of  Sin  will 
manifest  himself.  After  this,  Christ  will  reappear  and 
slay  Antichrist  "  with  the  breath  of  his  mouth." 
lleasons  are  given  in  the  notes  for  supposing  that  "  the 
restraining  power  "  is  to  be  identified  with  the  Roman 
Empire  and  that  the  Man  of  Sin  is  likely  to  arise  from 
the  Jewish  people. 

The  Genuineness  of  the  Second  Epistle.— The  external 
evidence  is,  if  anything,  a  little  stronger  than  in  the 
case  of  1  Th.,  since  in  addition  to  the  attestation  in 
support  of  the  first  letter,  the  second  appears  to  have 
been  cited  by  Polycarp  and  Justin  Martyr.  The 
reasons  which  have  led  some  modern  scholars  to  reject 
it  are  derived  from  its  contents.  It  is  argued,  for 
instance,  that  its  conception  of  the  Parousia  differs 
from  the  statements  of  1  Th.,  and  that  it  postpones 
what  I  Th.  regarded  as  imminent.  This,  however,  is 
not  really  the  case.  1  Th.  does  not  state  that  the 
Parousia  is  to  happen  immediately.  It  lays  the  stress 
on  its  "  suddenness,"  and  there  is  nothing  in  2  Th. 
which  denies  the  "  suddenness  "  of  the  Parousia.  Be- 
sides, if  there  were  a  discrepancy,  it  would  not  be  fatal 
to  the  Paulino  authorship.  Paul  was  always  quick  to 
grasp  a  situation,  and  it  would  not  be  beyond  the 
bounds  of  possibility  that  the  disorders  which  arose  in 
Thessalonica  might  have  led  him  to  modify  his  teaching 
in  some  degree.  Again  it  is  argued  that  the  presence 
of  the  apocalyptic  section  stamps  the  epistle  as  un- 
Pauline.  As  we  have  seen,  however,  other  epistles 
contain  at  any  rate  germs  of  Apocalyptic,  and  it  is  by 
no  means  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  apocalyptic 
side  of  Paul's  theology  should  have  come  to  full  ex- 
pression in  this  passage.  Another  reason  which  has 
led  some  scholars  to  reject  2  Th.  is  the  dissimilarity  of 
the  tone  of  the  two  epistles.  The  first  is  warmer  and 
more  sympathetic  than  the  second,  and  it  is  obviously 
written  to  a  Gentile  community,  while  the  second 
seems  to  be  addressed  to  Jewish  readers.  To  meet 
these  diflSculties,  Harnack  has  recently  propounded  a 
theory  that  the  two  epistles  were  written  for  different 
sections  of  the  Church,  the  first  for  the  Gentile  element, 
and  the  second  for  the  Jewish  Christians.  There  is  an 
interesting  reading  preserved  in  some  MSS.  in  2  Th.  2i3, 
"  God  chose  you  as  a  firstfi-uit."  Thia  expression  does 
not  seem  applicable  to  the  Church  as  a  whole,  because 
there  is  no  reasonable  sense  of  the  term  in  which  it 
can  be  described  as  a  "firstfruit ;  "  but  it  is  very  applic- 
able to  the  Jewish  section  of  the  Church,  because  the 
first  converts  at  Thessalonica  were  certainly  Jews, 
There  are  two  serious  objections  to  the  hypothesis  : 
(a)  2  Th.,  like  its  predecessor,  is  addressed  to  "  the 
Church  of  the  Thessalonians,"  and  there  is  nothing 
to  indicate  that  the  phrase  was  intended  to  cover  only 
a  section  of  the  Oliurch,  (b)  We  have  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  Church  at  Tlus.salonica  was  divided 
into  two  well-defined  communities,  each  with  its  own 
particular  problems  and  needing  special  apostolic 
advice.  Nor  have  we  any  other  precedent  for  sup- 
posing that  Paul  wa.s  in  the  habit  of  writing  to  a 
particular  group  of  Christians  within  a  Church  and  not 
to  the  Church  as  a  whole. 

Another  interesting  theory  which  has  been  revived 
in  recent  times  is  that  of  Grotius,  who  argued  that 
tradition  has  inverted  the  true  order  of  the  epistles, 


and  that  the  second  epistle  ought  to  be  regarded  as 
the  first,  and  vice  versa. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Jowctt,  Mackintosh 
(WNT),  Adeney  (Cent.B),  Findlay  (CB),  Drummond 
(IH),  Plummcr ;  (6)  Milligan,  Moflatt  (EGT),  Findlay 
(CGT),  Frame  (ICC),  Lightfoot,  Notes  on  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul ;  (c)  Bornemann  (Moy.,  1894),  Schmiedel  (HG), 
Wohlenberg  (ZK),  von  Dobschutz  (Mey.,  1909) ;  (d) 
Denney  (Ex.B).  Other  Literature  .■  As  on  I  Cor.  Also 
studies  by  Askwith,  von  Soden  (1  Th.),  Spitta  (2  Th.), 
Harnack,  (2  Th,),  Das  Problem  des  Ziveiten  Thessaloni- 
cherhricfs  (Sitzungsberichte  der  konig.  Preuss.  Akad.  d. 
Wissenschaften  zu  Berlin),  Lake,  The  Earlier  Epistles 
of  St.  Paid. 

I.  THESSALONIANS 

I.  1-10.  Thanksgiving  for  the  Past.— As  in  all  his 

epistles  except  Gal.,  Paul  commences  with  a  paragraph 
of  congratulation,  singling  out  for  special  praise  "  the 
work  of  faith,  the  labour  of  love,  and  the  patience  of 
hope  "  exhibited  by  the  Thessalonians,  and  describing 
them  as  a  "  model  Church." 

1.  Silvanus:  the  Silas  of  Acts.  He  and  Tunothy 
were  the  constant  companions  of  Paul  during  the 
second  missionary  journey. — 3.  work  of  faith,  etc. : 
note  tho  combination  of  the  three  great  Paulino  words — 
faith,  hope,  and  love  (cf.  1  Cor.  13i3).  This  sentence 
is  a  kind  of  hall-mark  setting  tho  stamp  of  genuineness 
upon  the  epistle.  Note  also  the  combination  of  works 
and  faith  in  the  phrase  "'  work  of  faith  "  (cf.  Gal.  56). — 
labour  of  love:  toil  of  love. — patience  of  hope:  the 
endurance  or  the  constancy  of  hope  ;  the  hope  that 
never  fails  or  flags. — 6.  havhig  rece  ved  ...  in 
affliction :  a  reference  to  the  pei-secution  organised  by 
"  certain  vile  fellows  of  the  rabble  "  (Ac.  I75-9*), — 
7.  an  ensample:  a  model.  The  phrase  "model 
Church  "  ia  applied  only  to  Thessalonica, — 8.  sounded 
forth :  reverberated.  No  details  have  been  preserved 
with  regard  to  this  missionary  activity. — 9.  from 
idols  :  this  phrase  indicates  that  the  Church  was  mairdy 
composed  of  Gentiles  who  had  been  converted  from 
paganism. — 10.  The  two  principal  items  of  their  faith 
are  :  (a)  to  serve  a  living  and  true  God,  (b)  to  wait  for 
the  Parousia  of  Christ, — the  wrath  to  come:  the  im- 
pending judgment  which  is  to  fall  on  the  world  at  the 
Parousia. 

II.  1-12.  Paul's  Defence  of  his  Missionary  Work.— 
Paul  had  been  charged  by  his  opponents  with  being  a 
wandering  sophist  making  money  out  of  his  followers. 
Ho  rebuts  the  charge  and  incidentally  gives  us  a 
picture  of  the  ideal  missionary, 

2.  at  Philippi:  the  reference  is  to  tho  scourging 
and  imprisonment  described  in  Ac.  I622-40. — 3.  "  Our 
preaching  was  not  the  result  of  mental  delusion,  nor  of 
an  impure  character,  nor  was  it  with  intent  to  deceive." 
Each  phrase  refers  to  a  charge  which  had  been  brought 
against  Paul. — 4.  pleasing  men :  Paul's  object  was 
not  that  of  the  professional  sophist,  to  captivate  his 
audience  with  a  display  of  rhetoric. — 7.  gentle:  the 
addition  of  a  single  letter  to  the  Greek  word  meaning 
"gentle"  makes  it  mean  "babes"  (of.  mg.).  If 
"  gentle  "  is  right  (and  tho  context  seems  to  support 
it)  the  verso  gives  us  a  beautiful  picture  of  Paul  as 
the  gentle  apostle  caring  for  his  converts  "  as  a  nursing 
mother  chcrishcth  her  children." — 9.  working  day  and 
night:  Paul  replies  to  the  charge  of  covetousness  by 
stating  that  he  earned  his  livelihood  (cf.  Ac.  I83*, 
1  Cor.  4 1 2,  Eph.  4^8.  p.  7G8).— 11.  father:  a  variation 
of  the  metaplior  ust>d  in  7,  where  Paul  describes  him- 
self OS  a  nursing  mother, 

n.  13-20.  Paul  and  the  Thessalonian  Church.— The 


878 


I.  THESSALONIANS,  II.   13-20 


next  two  paragraphs  describe  (a)  the  eflfect  of  Paul's 
preaching  at  Thessalonica,  (6)  his  anxiety  with  regard 
to  the  fato  of  the  Church  under  stress  of  persecution. 

14.  Judaea:  i.e.  Palestine.  We  have  no  details  re- 
garding tlie  persecution  of  the  Palestinian  Churches 
apart  from  the  account  of  the  recurring  attacks  made 
upon  the  Church  at  Jerusalem. — 16.  the  wrath  Is  come 
upon  them :  this  seems  to  have  been  a  stock  phrase, 
and  was  probably  borrowed  by  Paul  from  "  The  Testa- 
ments of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs  "  (Levi  6i  i ).  We  need 
not  assume,  as  some  scholars  do,  a  reference  to  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem.  — 17.  endeavoured,  etc.  : 
Paul's  heart  was  evidently  set  upon  returning  to 
Thessalonica.  which  he  meant  to  make  the  base  of  his 
missionary  campaign  in  Greece. — 18.  Satan  hindered 
us :  the  particular  kind  of  obstacle  is  uncertain.  It 
may  have  been  ('i)  illness  or  (h)  the  continued  opposition 
of  the  civic  authorities,  but  whatever  it  was  Paul  has 
no  hesitation  in  ascribing  it  to  Satan. 

III.  1-13.  The  Mission  of  Timothy  to  Thessalonica.— 
Paul's  distress  and  anxiety  with  regard  to  the  fate  of 
the  Church  led  him  to  send  Timothy  upon  a  mission 
of  inquiry.  He  describes  the  effect  produced  upon 
him  by  Timothy's  reassuring  report. 

2.  sent  Timothy:  in  Ac.  17i4f.*  and  I85,  Silas  and 
Timothy  left  Paul  at  Beroea  on  the  sea-coast  and  did 
not  rejoin  him  till  after  his  arrival  at  Corinth.  It  is 
possible,  however,  that  Timothy  followed  him  to 
Athens  and  was  subsequently  despatched  to  Thessa- 
lonica.— to  establish :  the  object  of  Timothy's  mission 
was  :  (a)  to  consolidate  the  Church,  (b)  to  comfort  the 
Christians  in  the  face  of  persecution. — 3.  we  were 
appointed:  i.e.  to  tribulation  (cf.  Ac.  I422). — 5.  the 
tempter:  Satan. — 7.  in  all  our  distress  refers  to  the 
diflSculties  and  disappointments  connected  with  the 
European  mission  {cf.  1  Cor.  23). — 8.  now  we  live:  the 
reassuring  tidings  brought  new  life  to  Paul.  We  learn 
from  Ac.  18  and  1  Cor.  £3  that  he  had  arrived  at 
Corinth  in  a  very  depressed  condition,  but  the  return 
of  Timothy  restored  his  flagging  courage  and  made 
him  throw  himself  into  his  work  with  new  zest. — 11-13. 
Paul's  praj'er  for  the  Thessalonians  contains  three 
petitions  :  (a)  that  the  apostle  may  be  enabled  to 
return,  (i)  that  the  Thessalonians  themselves  may  bo 
"  established  in  holiness,"  (c)  that  the  Church  may 
increase  and  abound. — 11.  Note  the  linking  of  the 
'■  Lord  Jesus  '"  with  God  in  this  vei-se  (pp.  807f.). — 12. 
increase  and  abound:  Thessalonica  is  described  as  a 
■■  model  Church  "  in  I7,  yet  there  are  further  possi- 
bilities before  it,  and  Paul  gives  it,  as  a  motto  for  the 
future,  the  injunction  "  increase  and  abound  "  ;  cf. 
also  4i  and  4io.— 13.  with  all  his  saints:  at  the 
Parousia  Christ  is  to  be  accompanied  by  all  His  saints, 
i.e.  those  who  have  fallen  asleep  in  Christ  (cf.  4 14). 

IV.  1-12.  Practical  Exhortations  to  Purity  of  Life 
and  Brotherly  Love. — Tlie  Church  at  Thessalonica  has 
begim  well  and  is  encouraged  to  go  fonvard. 

1.  abound:  3i2*. — 3.  abstain,  etc.:  the  inculca- 
tion of  such  an  elementary  principle  of  conduct  seems 
strange,  but  we  need  to  remember  that  certain  heathen 
cults  regarded  immorality  as  part  of  the  ritual  of 
worship,  and  rehgion  and  immorality  were  to  them 
almost  convertible  terras.  This  consecration  of  vice 
in  paganism  made  it  absolutely  necessary  for  Paul  to 
insist  upon  moral  purity. — 4.  his  own  vessel :  either 
(a)  his  own  wife,  or  (6)  his  own  body.  In  view  of  the 
fact  that  m  1  P.  87  the  term  '"  weaker  vessel "  is 
definitely  applied  to  the  wife  and  that  there  is  no 
example  of  its  apphcation  to  the  body,  most  commen- 
tators adopt  the  former  interpretation.  The  verse 
enjoins  fidelitj'  to  the  marriage  vow. — 6.  no  man  tres- 


pass :  the  words  might  be  translated  &a  in  AV,  "  that 
no  man  go  beyond  and  defraud  his  brother  in  any 
matter,"  but  the  context  shows  that  RV  is  to  bio 
preferred.  AV  intrudes  a  new  hno  of  thought,  ».e.  fair 
dealing  in  business,  which  is  irrelevant  to  the  context. — 
9.  love  of  the  brethren:  the  affection  of  Christians 
for  each  other.  The  term  "  brother  "  in  NT  is  used  to 
describe  the  relationship  between  Christians  (Harnack, 
Mis.iion  and  Expansion  of  Christianilp,  i.  40.5f.). — 
11.  study  to  be  quiet:  the  word  "study"  in  the 
original  means,  "  to  be  ambitious."  It  is  used  also  in 
Rom.  1520,  2  Cor.  59,  "  Make  it  your  ambition  to 
pursue  your  ordinary  avocations  with  a  quiet  mind." 

IV.  13-18.  The  Condition  of  the  Dead.— This  para^ 
graph  is  written  to  allay  a  misgiving  which  had  arisen 
among  the  Thessalonian  Christians  that  certain  of  their 
friends  who  had  died  would  be  deprived  of  their  share 
in  the  glory  of  the  promised  Parousia.  Paul  dispels 
the  doubt  by  asserting  that  the  dead  would  be  raised 
lit  the  Parousia,  and  so  would  be  at  no  disadvantage 
compared  with  the  livmg.     ('/.  1  Cor.  1.5*. 

13.  no  hope  :  the  hopelessness  ot  the  ancient  world 
in  the  presence  of  death  is  indicated  by  the  character- 
istic inscription  on  the  graves  in  pagan  cemeteries, 
"Farewell." — asleep  In  Jesus:  the  original  reads, 
"  through  Jesus,"  and  we  must  either  translate  "  those 
who  have  been  put  to  sleep  by  Jesus,"  or  connect  the 
phrase  with  the  following  clause  :  "  Those  who  have 
been  put  to  sleep  will  God  through  Jesus  bring  with 
him." — 15.  by  the  word  of  the  Lord:  either  (a)  some 
statement  made  by  Jesus  which  was  familiar  to  Paul 
but  has  now  been  lost ;  or  (b)  some  inward  and  spiritual 
teaching,  which  Paul  claims  to  have  received  from  the 
Risen  Christ. — we  that  are  alive:  Paul  obviously  at 
the  time  expected  to  live  to  see  the  Parousia.  This 
expectation  gradual!}^  diminished  (cf.  Phil.  I23). — in 
no  wise  precede :  will  have  no  precedence  or  advantage 
over. — 17.  with  a  shout :  i.e.  of  command.  The  word 
is  often  used  of  the  order  issued  by  a  boatswain  to  his 
crow. — archangel:  the  word  occurs  in  NT  again  only 
m  Jude  9. — trump :  trumpet  (cf.  Mt.  2431,  I  Cor.  I552). 
The  object  of  the  shout  and  the  trumpet  is  to  raise 
the  dead. 

The  conception  of  the  resurrection  in  this  passage  is 
coloured  throughout  by  Paul's  beUef  in  the  nearness  of 
the  Parousia.  Death  is  followed  by  a  sleep  till  the 
return  of  Christ.  Paul  aft«rwards  outgrew  this  posi- 
tion, for  in  2  Cor.  58  he  says  that  "  to  be  absent  from 
the  bod}'  is  to  be  present  with  the  Lord."  We  must 
remember,  therefore,  that  this  passage  contains  Paul's 
earlier  and  cruder  view,  and  must  not  regard  it  as  the 
final  statement  of  his  position. 

V.  1-11.  Pauls  Warning  to  the  Christians  to  be 
Prepared  for  the  Parousia. 

2.  as  a  thief  in  the  night:  cf.  the  words  of  Jesua 
(Mt.  2443).  Throughout  this  paragraph  the  sudden- 
neas  of  the  Parousia  is  emphasized. — 5.  sons  of  light: 
a  HoVirnism,  meaning  tiioso  wh<i  have  been  enlightened. 
8.  breastplate:  cf.  with  tiiis  passage  the  fuller  descriii- 
tion  of  the  Christian's  armour  in  Eph.  G13-20. — 10. 
wake  or  sleep :  i.e.  whothor  we  are  alive  or  dead  when 
the  Parousia  takes  place. 

V.  12-22.  Sundry  Counsels  and  Exhortations. — 12. 
Christians  are  urged  to  respect  their  leaders.  No 
officers  and  ministers  arc  mentioned  in  this  epistle,  but 
tliis  verse  implies  that  the  Church  had  leaders.  The 
ministry  at  Thessalonica  was  a  ministry  of  service. 
Those  who  laboured  most  were  naturally  regarded  as 
being  over  the  Church.  They  are  entitled  to  esteem 
and  love,  not  by  reason  of  any  official  position  but 
"  for  their  work's  sake." — 14.  admonish  the  disorderly : 


II.  THESSALONIANS,  II.  6 


879 


an  insistence  upon  the  maintenance  of  discipline.  Tlie 
disorderly  are  probably  those  who  had  abandoned  their 
regular  business  under  the  excitement  of  the  expected 
Parousia.— 17.  Rejoice  always  .  .  .  give  thanks.  These 
injunctions  receive  illumination  when  read  in  the  hght 
of  the  condition  of  tlie  Thcssaloniau  Church.  Tlicre 
was  persecution — they  had  lost  their  leader — death 
had  been  active  in  their  ranks — yet  they  are  told  to 
rejoice  and  give  thanks. — 19.  Quench  not :  the  apostle 
is  referring  to  those  manifestations  of  the  Siiirit  which 
were  seen  in  preaching,  speaking  with  tongues,  healings, 
etc.  in  the  early  Church  (1  Cor.  128-ii*).— 20.  prove 
all  things :  i.e.  discriminate  between  the  true  and  the 
false.  One  of  the  difficulties  of  the  early  Church  was 
to  find  some  criterion  to  distinguish  tlie  genuine  and 
spurious  expressions  of  the  spiritual  life  (1  Cor.  12$*, 
1  Jn.  4i-6,  Rev.  2^  ;   c/.  Didache,  xi.ff.). 

V.  23-28.  Conclusion.— 23.  The  closing  benediction 
commending  the  Tliessalonian  Christians  to  God. — 
spirit  and  soul  and  body :  if  we  press  the  phrase,  human 
nature  is  threefold,  consisting  of :  (a)  a  body,  the 
physical  organism  ;  (b)  soul,  the  principle  of  life,  the 
moral  and  intellectual  side  of  man  ;  (c)  spirit,  the  organ 
of  communion  with  God.  But  whether  this  tripartite 
theory  represents  Paul's  pennanent  view  is  open  to 
doubt,  as  elsewhere  he  speaks  in  terms  of  duahty  as 
"  fleah  and  spirit." — 26.  be  read  to  all :  a  phrase  which 
shows  that  Paul  intended  his  epistles  not  merelj'  for 
the  leaders  of  the  Cliurch,  but  for  the  whole  community, 
including  the  humblest  and  poorest. 

II.  THESSALONIANS 

I.  1-12.  Introductorj'.  Thanksgiving  for  the  past 
and  prayer  for  the  future.  Paul  thanks  God  for  the 
growing  love  of  the  Thessalonian  Christians  and  their 
loyalty  under  persecution,  and  prays  that  they  may  be 
counted  worthy  of  their  high  calling  at  the  day  of  the 
Lord,  when  they  will  receive  "  rest "  and  their  opponents 
"  eternal  destruction." 

3.  For  the  emphasis  on  faith  and  love,  see  1  Th.  I3*. 
—4.  persecutions:  cf.  1  Th.  214-16. — 5.  which  .  .  . 
judgement  of  God  :  this  phrase  is  obviously  parentheti- 
cal. Some  scholars  would  omit  it  altogether  on  the 
ground  that  it  breaks  the  flow  of  the  sentence,  but  we 
have  no  MS  warrant  for  this.  The  antecedent  to 
"  which  "  has  to  be  obtained  from  the  previous  sen- 
tence, and  is  probably  found  in  the  words  "  patience 
and  faith."  "  Your  heroic  faith  under  persecution 
.  .  .  affords  a  proof  of  what  awaits  you  in  the  day  of 
God's  final  judgment  "  (Milligan).— 7.  at  the  revela- 
tion :  at  the  reappearance  or  Parousia  of  the  Lord 
from  heaven. — 8.  in  flaming  Are:  it  is  better  to 
connect  these  words  with  previous  clause  (RV)  than 
with  the  following  (AV).  For  the  appearance  of  Christ 
in  a  flame  of  fire  cf.  the  appearance  of  God  in  OT 
(Ex.  32,  L32I,  19i8,  24i7;  Ps.  I812  ;  Is.  6615).— 
9.  eternai  destruction :  the  word  translated  "  eternal  " 
means  "  age-long,"  and  need  not  denote  "  everlasting  " 
unless  the  context  requires  it.  In  this  verse  the  context 
probably  does  require  it. 

II.  1-12.  The  Misconception  of  the  Parousia.— This 
section  forms  the  heart  of  the  epistle.  The  pre\nous 
chapter  is  merely  an  introduction,  and  the  following 
chapter  merely  a  conclusion,  to  this  paragraph.  The 
Thes-salonians  seem  to  have  misinterpreted  Paul's 
teaching  about  the  Parotisia,  with  disastrous  effect. 
The  belief  that  Christ  was  immediately  to  reappear 
thoroughly  disorganised  their  lives.  In  this  paragraph 
Paul  tries  to  remove  the  misconception,  and  definite!}' 
affirms  that  the  Parousia  cannot  take  place  till  certain 


conditions  liave  been  fulfilled.  First  of  all  must  come 
the  apostasy  and  the  revelation  of  the  Man  of  Sin. 
At  present,  however,  there  is  a  restraining  power  at 
work  which  makes  this  revelation  impossible.  When 
the  restraining  power  is  removed,  the  lawless  one  will 
appear,  and  will  be  followed  by  Christ,  who  will  slay 
him  with  the  breath  of  flis  mouth. 

The  meaning  of  tiiis  section  has  been  keenly  and 
voluminously  debated.  The  two  points  which  have 
to  be  decided  before  the  passage  can  be  rightly  inter- 
preted are  :  (a)  Who  is  the  "  Man  of  Sin  "  ?  (6)  What 
is  the  "  power  that  restrains  "  ?  Probably  the  most 
satisfactory  answer  to  these  questions  is :  (a)  the 
"  Man  of  Sin  "  represents  Antichrist,  who  is  expected 
by  Paul  to  arise  out  of  the  Jewish  nation.  Hitherto, 
it  must  be  remembered,  opposition  to  Christianity  had 
come  almost  entirely  from  the  Jews,  and  it  was  quite 
natural  for  Paul  to  think  that  the  intense  hatred  of 
Judaism  would  embody  itself  in  tlie  person  of  some 
Jewish  antagonist.  Just  as  the  spirit  of  love  had 
become  incarnate  in  Jesus  Christ,  so  the  spirit  of  hate 
would  embod}-  itself  in  Antichrist.  This  view  seems, 
on  the  whole,  more  satisfactory'  than  the  theory  that 
the  "  Man  of  Sin  "  will  emanate  from  the  pagan  world, 
though  the  phrase  "  he  sitteth  in  the  Temple  of  God, 
setting  himself  forth  as  God  ''  would  be  very  applicable 
to  Caligula's  attempt  to  profane  the  Temple,  and  the 
later  cult  of  Caesar  worship  which  deified  the  Roman 
Emperor,  (b)  "  The  power  that  restrains  "  on  this 
theory  is  the  Roman  Empire,  which  had  always  hitherto 
protected  Christianity  against  lawless  attacks  from  the 
Jews.     Cf.  pp.  616,  631,  774f. 

In  plain  English  the  passage  seems  to  mean  :  The 
Parousia  will  not  come  without  signs  and  warnings. 
Antichrist  must  appear  first,  and  Antichrist  will 
embody  the  Jewish  hostility  to  the  Christian  faith. 
At  present  the  Roman  Empire  is  holding  this  hostilitj- 
in  check.  The  time  will  come,  however,  when  this 
restraint  will  be  withdrawn.  Then  Antichrist  will  Ije 
let  loose  and  Christ  will  reappear  to  challenge  and 
destroy  him. 

[It  is  in  favour  of  the  view  that  the  mj'stery  of  law- 
lessness, and  self-deification  of  the  man  of  sin,'  refers  to 
the  temper  manifested  in  Caligula,  that  it  is  difficult, 
with  all  Pauls  reason  for  exasperation  with  the  Jews 
and  lurid  anticipations  of  their  impendmg  fate  (I  Th. 
214-16),  to  believe  that  he  would  expect  such  an  out- 
break of  lawlessness  and  deification  of  a  man  to  spring 
from  a  people  so  passionately  monotheistic  and  devoted 
to  the  Law.  It  is  accordingly  at  least  plausible  to  in- 
terpret the  passage  in  the  following  way  : — The  mysterj' 
of  lawlessness  has  already  manifested  itself  in  Caligula. 
At  present  it  is  held  in  check  by  Claudius,  the  reigning 
emperor  of  Rome.  When  he  is  "  taken  out  of  the 
way."  his  .successor  will  be  the  man  of  sin.  carrying  to 
a  climax  the  impious  tendencies  already  revealed  by 
Caligula.  The  guarded  character  of  the  language  is 
much  easier  to  understand  if  Paul  identified  the  man 
of  sin  with  the  next  Roman  emperor.  There  vrea^  no 
such  need  for  cautious  language  if  the  Empire  playwl 
a  good  part  throughout. — ASP.] 

2.  by  epistle  as  from  us :  forged  letters,  purporting 
to  come  from  Paul,  were  apparently  circulated  by  his 
opponents.  The  view  that  1  Th.  is  meant  does  not  seem 
likely. — 3.  the  man  of  Sin  :  Antichrist. — 4.  The  "  Man 
of  Sin  "  will,  by  his  own  deliberate  action,  usurp  the 
dignity  ond  prerogatives  of  God. — 6.  that  which  re- 
straineth:  the  Roman  Empire  (see  above).  The  term 
"■  mystery  "  is  used  in  NT  not  in  it«  modern  sense, 
i.f.  something  that  is  imint^Uigible.  but  to  signify  "  a 
secret  which  has  been  or  is  to  be  revealed  "  (Eph.  io*). 


880 


II.  THESSALONIANS,  II.  6 


Paul's  statement  that  the  "  mystery  of  lawlessness 
doth  already  work  "  puts  out  of  court  all  theories 
which  try  to  find  Antichrist  in  some  later  historical 
figure,  €.g.  Napoleon.— 8.  slay  .  .  .  breath  of  his 
mouth:  cf.  Is.  11 4.  P-^.  336.-9.  power  .  .  .  signs, 
etc.  :  the  three  words  used  hero  are  the  NT  words  for 
"miracles." — 11.  God  sendeth  them:  cf.  Rom.  I24,  26, 
28.  We  should  state  this  differently  in  modern  phrase- 
ology. We  should  say  '  God  has  ordained  that  those 
who  disobey  Him  and  wilfully  blind  their  eyes  to  the 
light  shall  fall  into  error.  These  people  disobeyed  Him 
and  therefore  fell  under  the  scope  of  the  law."  Paul 
putvs  the  matter  more  shortly-,  and  makes  Grod  the 
direct  agent  in  the  individual  case. 

II.  13-17.  Further  Thanksgiving  and  Prayer.— In 
contrast  to  the  men  mentioned  in  10-12,  Paul  thanks 
God  for  the  Christians  whom  God  chose  for  salvation. 
The  paragraph  concludes  with  a  brief  doxolog}'. 

15.  traditions:  here  refers  to  the  actual  teaching 
given  by  the  apostle,  whether  oral  or  written. 

III.  Final  Counsels  and  Exhortations. — The  apostle 
(a)  asks  for  the  prayers  of  the  Thcssalonian  Christians 
on  his  own  behalf  (1-5) ;  (b)  warns  them  against  dis- 
orderly conduct  (6-15);  (c)  concludes  with  a  bene- 
diction (16-18). 

1-5.  The  request  for  prayer  contains  two  points  : 

(a)  that  the  word  of  the  Lord  may  make  rapid  progress  ; 

(b)  that  the  apostle  and  his  followers  may  be  delivered 


from  their  opponents.  The  character  of  the  opposition 
is  not  specified,  but  we  may  surmLse  that  it  emanated 
mainly  from  the  Judaizing  party. — 3.  from  the  evil 
one:  the  Greek  word  may  be  either  masculine  (RV, 
as  in  the  Lord's  Prayer)  or  neuter  (A"V). 

6-15.  The  Rebuke  to  the  Disorderly  —Under  the 
influence  of  the  Parousia  Hope  some  Thessalonian 
Christians  abandoned  their  ordinary  occupations  and 
claimed  the  right  to  be  supported  by  the  Church. 
Paul  points  to  his  own  conduct  at  Thessalonica,  and 
warns  the  Church  to  withdraw  it^j  support  from  those 
who  will  not  work. — 9.  In  labour  and  travail:  see 
1  Th.  2g. — 11.  work  not  at  all,  etc. :  there  is  a  play 
on  the  words  in  the  original  Greek  which  it  is  difiicult 
to  reproduce  in  English.  "  Doing  no  business  but 
being  busybodies  "  is  probably  the  nearest  equivalent. 
— 13.  in  well-doing:  this  is  generally  interpreted  of 
acts  of  charity  or  Christian  service,  but  there  Ls  no  hint 
that  such  a  limitation  is  intended.  The  phrase  indi- 
cates every  form  of  honourable  action,  in  the  ordinary 
secular  callings  of  life  aa  well  as  in  the  service  of  the 
Church. 

16-18.  Benediction  and  Farewell.— 17.  The  saluta- 
tion: the  circulation  of  forged  epistles  (cf.  22)  made  it 
necessary  for  Paul  to  add  at  the  end  of  his  letters  a 
signature  in  his  own  handwriting  il  Cor.  I621,  Gal. 
611).  The  main  body  of  the  epistle  was  generally 
dictiated  to  an  amanuensis. 


THE  PASTORAL  EPISTLES 


By  Professor  H.  BISSEKER 


1.  Among  the  Pauline  letters,  the  apostolic  authorship 
of  the  Pastoral  Epistles  is  still  the  most  keenly  con- 
tested. The  view  of  earlier  critics — that  those  docu- 
ments are  solely  the  work  of  a  later  imitator  of  the 
apostle — must  be  frankly  abandoned.  A  post-Pauline 
date  is  certainly  not  required  by  the  errors  assailed, 
for  even  if,  as  is  unlikely  (1  Tim.  I3-11*),  Gnostic 
tendencies  are  impHed,  these  arose  earlier,  not  later, 
than  Paul's  hfetime.  Just  as  little  is  such  a  date 
involved  in  the  ecclesiastical  situation  disclosed,  since 
that,  as  we  shall  see,  necessitates  the  directly  opposite 
conclusion.  Moreover,  the  letters  contain  statements 
highly  improbable  in  an  admiring  imitator  (e.g.  1  Tim.  1 
156,  2  Tim.  I15),  and  embody  a  series  of  personal  and 
historical  allusions  which  are  transparently  authentic, 
being  partly  independent  of  any  existing  source  of 
information  and  partly  out  of  harmony  with  extant 
references  to  the  persons  and  the  places  named  (1  Tim.  1 
3,  2  Tim.  410-15,20,  Tit.  I5,  etc.).  So  cogent  are  the 
last  considerations  that,  even  among  Uberal  critics, 
many  of  the  sections  concerned  are  now  acknowledged 
to  be  Pauline,  the  remainder  of  the  letters  being 
assigned  to  a  later  writer  who  embedded  these  genuine 
fragments  in  his  own  compositions. 

2.  It  is  between  tliis  and  the  traditional  view  that 
wo  have  to  choose.  And  the  choice  is  difficult. 
Against  the  apostohc  origin  of  the  entire  letters  it  is 
urged  that  (I)  much  of  their  teaching,  both  in  content 
and  in  method,  is  un-Pauhne  ;  (2)  the  vocabulary  and 
style  are  unhke  those  of  the  apostle  ;  (3)  the  epistles 
cannot  be  fitted  into  Paul's  life  as  portrayed  in  Acts, 
and  we  lack  proof  of  his  release  from  his  first  Roman 
impmonment ;  and  (4)  the  letters  themselves  reveal 
broken  sequences  and  self-contradictions  (e.g.  contrast 
2  Tim.  4i  la  and  42 1 ).  Careful  examination  shows  that 
in  the  case  of  (3)  and  (4),  much  of  (1),  and  the  first  part, 
of  (2)  the  evidence  is  inconclusive.  But  the  difficulty  re- 
specting the  un-Pauhne  use  of  particles  and  connecting 
hnks  is  serious  :  it  is  just  in  such  subtle  points  thR.t  a 
writer  unconsciously  reveals  himself.  A  further  diffi- 
culty must  be  allowed  in  Tit.  33  :  such  a  description 
seems  scarcely  applicable  to  Paul.  The  main  strength 
of  the  critical  theory,  however,  lies  not  in  any  single 
difficulty,  b>it  in  the  cumulative  effect  of  a  long  .series. 
Were  the  problem  only  that  of  language  or  stylo  or 
teaching  or  historical  situation  or  apparent  contra- 
dictions in  the  text,  it  might  more  easily  yield  to 
opposing  considerations.  It  is  the  fact  that,  on 
the  traditional  theory,  so  ma7iy  indevendent  points 
have  to  be  "  explained  "  that  provokes  doubt  and 
hesitation. 

3.  On  the  other  hand,  the  critical  view  it«olf  ia  not 
without  its  pc-rplexities.  (1)  The  external  evidence  for 
the  epistles  is  strong  ;  (2)  the  schemes  of  partition 
suggested  are  over-intricate  and  unconvinoina  ;  (3)  there 
is  no  satisfactory  theory  of  a  "  tendency  "  which  would 


account  for  the  letters,  that  usually  advanced  being 
manifestly  inadequate.  A  greater  difficulty  remains. 
The  continued  identity  of  "  bishop  "  and  "  presbyter," 
the  fact  that  the  pecuhar  position  of  Timothy  and 
Titus  would  be  highly  improbable  at  any  later  period 
(points  appearing  outside  the  "  Pauline  fragments  "), 
and,  possibly,  the  ground  of  Paul's  impriKonment 
(2  Tim.  29*),  require  an  apostolic  date  for  these  docu- 
ments. But  if  they  were  issued  by  another  writer  before 
or  shortly  after  Paul's  death,  how  could  they  so  easily 
have  gained  currency  as  the  apostle's  own  composi- 
tion ?  Finally,  it  is  only  just  to  point  out  that  the 
chief  individual  difficulty  in  the  traditional  view  is 
largely  neutralised  if  we  suppose  (as  the  literary  customs 
of  the  age  unquestionably  allow)  that  many  of  the 
stylistic  traits  of  the  letters  are  due  to  Paul's 
amanuensis. 

4.  There  are  thus  strong  arguments  and  serious 
difficulties  on  both  sides,  and  the  final  solution  of  the 
problem  is  not  yet.  More  hght  is  required,  and  mean- 
while the  verdict  must  remain  an  open  one.  The 
Pauline  authorship  is  assuredly  not  disproved  :  on  the 
contrary,  the  evidence  is  more  favourable  to  it  to-day 
than  for  many  years  past,  and  it  Ls  rea.sonably  certain 
that  particular  sections  of  the  epistles  come  from  the 
apostles  o%vn  hand.  At  the  same  time,  the  Pauline 
authorship  of  the  letters  as  a  whole  has  not  been 
positively  established — a  statement  which  governs  all 
allusions  to  "  Paul  "  as  their  writer,  tliroughout  the 
present  commentary. 

5.  The  traditional  authorship  is  usually  held  to 
necessitate  Paul's  release  from  his  first  Roman  im- 
prisonment (contrast  Bartlet,  Exp.  VIII,  v.  28).  On 
this  assumption,  his  subsequent  movements  maj'  be 
conjectured  as  follows  :  ( 1 )  a  visit  to  Macedonia  anil 
Asia  (Phil.  224,  Phm.  22)  ;  (2)  evangelisation  of  Spain 
(Rom.  1524,  1  Clem.  §  5) ;  (3)  a  mission  in  Crete 
(Tit.  I5)  ;  (4)  a  journey  up  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
(1  Tim.  I3,  2  Tim.  413,20)  towards  Macedonia  and 
Achaia  (2  Tim.  42o),  with  a  view  to  wintering  in 
Nicopohs  (Tit.  3i2).  During  this  last  journey  1  Tim. 
and  Tit.  may  well  have  been  written  about  a.d.  66 
from  Macedonia.  Shortly  afterwards  the  apostle  was 
rearrested  and  taken  back  to  Rome,  whence  he 
despatched  2  Tim.  The  critical  theory  dates  the 
letters  between  a.d.  90  and  1 1."),  and  in  the  order  2  Tim., 
Tit.,  1  Tim.     See  also  pp.  772.  81.-)f. 

6.  Literature. — Comnvntarie.^ :  (a)  Humphreys  (CB), 
Horton  ^Ccnt.B),  Straohan  (WNT)  Brown  (We.st.C); 
(b)  Ellicott,  Alff.nl.  Bernard  (COT).  Liddon,  White 
(EOT);  (c)  Von  Soden  (HC).  B.  Weiss  (Mey.).  Kohler 
(SNT),  M.  Dibolius  (HXT).  Wohl.nhorg  (ZKl;  (d) 
Plummer(ExB).  Other  Literature:  Articles  in  Diction- 
aries. Di.scus.sions  in  Histories  of  .Apoj^tolio  Age, 
Introductions  to  NT  and  to  Pauline  Epistles;  Hort, 
Christian  EecJcsia  and  Judai-itic  Christianity. 


881 


882 


I.  TIMOTHY 


TIMOTHY 


Grave  perils  bosot  tlic  churches  in  Asia.  False 
toaohers  thrciiton  to  subvert  tlio  Christian  faith  and 
corrupt  Christian  conduct.  Confronted  by  this  delicate 
situation,  Timothy,  Paul's  delegate,  seems  to  have 
revealed  a  certain  lack  of  decision  and  a  tendency  to 
heed  mere  theoretical  discussion  concerning  truth. 
Paul  sends  him  solemn  and  fatherly  counsoL  Tiio 
antidote  to  error  consists  partly  in  the  true  positive 
doctrine  and  partly  in  strong  organisation,  capable  of 
safeguarding  it.  The  letter  contains  detailed  guidance 
on  these  points,  accompanied  by  instruction  and  en- 
couragement regarding  Timothy's  own  conduct  in  the 
crisis. 

I.  Introductory. 

(rt)  I.  If.  Salutation. — Paul  greets  Timothy,  his  true 
son  in  the  faitli.  The  character  of  his  communication 
leads  him  to  write,  even  to  a  personal  friend,  in  his 
official  capacity  as  an  apostle  by  Divine  commandment. 

1.  God  our  Saviour. — This  title  is  not  applied  to  God 
by  Paul  outside  the  Pastorals.  It  is,  however,  familiar 
in  OT,  and  appears  also  in  I^k.  I47  and  Judo  25. — 
Christ  Jesus  our  hope:  c/.  CoL  I27.  This  union  of 
Christ  Jesus  with  God  as  the  source  of  Paul's  apostle- 
ship,  Ukc  their  association  in  2  under  the  vinculum  of 
a  single  preposition,  carries  important  theological'  im- 
phcations. — 2.  mercy:  added  to  Pauls  usual  salutar 
tion  only  here  and  2  Tim.  I2,  r/.  2  Jn.  3. 

(b)  I.  3-20.  Reminder  of  Pauls  Verbal  Charge. 

S-11.  The  False  Teaching,  and  a  Digression  on  the 
Law. — Some  years  before,  Paul  had  foretold  that  error 
would  as.sail  the  Church  in  Asia  (Ac.  202of.).  His  fear 
had  now  been  realised.  On  his  recent  visit  to  Mace- 
donia (Intro.  §  5)  Ixe  had  already  given  Timothy  instruc- 
tion concerning  it,  and  this  he  here  renews.  The 
authority  of  the  errorists  to  teach  is  not  disputed. 
Perhaps  all  Christian  men  could  engage  in  teaching ; 
Zahn,  INT,  ii.  96 :  it  is  the  content  of  their  doctrine 
that  is  challenged.  This  seems  to  have  taken  the 
form  of  a  speuulative  Judaism — its  exponents  posed  as 
"  teachers  of  the  law  " — deahng  with  legendary  matter 
(e.^.  the  Haggadah)  aUen  to  the  Gospel's  purpose. 
Such  doctrine  is  (a)  evil  in  Undencij,  leading  to  "  vain 
talking  "  and  aimless  discussions  (including,  perhaps, 
"  the  trivial  casuistry  which  constituttxl  no  small  part 
of  the  Halacha  " — Hort)  (c/.  Tit.  lio);  (fc)  irrelemnt, 
missing  the  ti-ue  end  of  the  Christian  teaching — not 
useless  controversy,  but  love  (5) — and  so  constituting  a 
"  different  doctrine  "  (3)  ;  (c)  ignorant,  its  propounders 
understanding  neither  their  own  assertions  nor  their 
subject-matter  (7).  This  disparaging  reference  to  self- 
styled  "  teachers  of  the  law,"  however — hero  follows  a 
brief  digression  (8-1 1) — does  not  imply  condemnation 
of  the  Law  itself.  It  is  only  its  misuse  that  Paul 
deprecates.  The  Law  is  goocl  if  a  teacher  builds  on 
knowledge  of  its  true  design,  the  restraining  of  wrong- 
doors.  Such  a  view  of  the  Law,  indeed,  is  that  which 
harmonises  with  Paul's  own  Gospel  of  God's  glory. 

5.  conscience  and  faith:  viewed  thnnighout  the 
Pastorals  as  closely  inter-related. — 6.  swerved :  per- 
haps "  failed  "  or  "  forgotten  '  (Exp,  VII,  vi.  373). — 
8.  good:  the  Gr.  word  signifies  beauty  as  well  as 
goodness  (c/.  Ilom.  7i6).— 9.  law:  cither  the  Mosaic 
Ij&yv  or  "  law  "  in  general,  probably  the  former  if  the 
accompanying  list  of  sins  follows,  as  some  hold,  the 
order  of  the  Decalogue.  For  supplementary  view,  soo 
Rom.  620.  Moifalt  (INT,  p.  410)  needlessly  sees  in  this 
paragraph  proof  of  the  writer's  sub-Pauline  environ- 
ment.— murderers:  more  proba)>ly  "  smitors  "  (wri.). — 
10.  sound:    contrast  2  Tim.  217."    This  apt  metaphor 


(c/.  iiig.),  not  found  in  Paul  ont«ide  the  Pastorals,  was 
common  in  ancient  Gr.,  and  must  have  Ixsen  familin.r 
to  him. — doctrine:  the  conception,  found  in  tho 
Pastorals,  of  a  sj'stem  of  behef  to  bo  accepted  and 
guarded,  has  erroneously  been  declared  un-Pauline. 
Not  only  was  it  an  inevitable  development  in  the 
Clnn'ch's  thought,  but  it  is  revealed  in  Paul's  earliest 
epistles  (1  Th.  4i,  2  Th.  2i.s,  1  Cor.  1.52f.,  etc.). 

ia-17.  Further  Digression  on  God's  Mercy.— The 
connexion  is  not  obvious.  P.  Ewald  has  suggested 
that  12-17  ha.s  been  displaced  and  should  properly 
follow  1 2.  It  is,  however,  in  keeping  with  Paul's  stylo 
that  the  mention  of  the  Gospel  entrusted  to  him  should 
lead  to  such  an  outburst  of  thanksgiving.  He,  the 
persecutor,  forgiven  because  ignorant  (c/,  Lk.  2334,  a.nd 
the  close  parallel  in  Te-ttument  of  Judah  I93),  was 
counted  trustworthy  for  God's  service.  To  forgiveness 
was  added  salvation.  For,  accompanying  Christ's 
grace  to  him,  faith  had  supplanted  his  "  unbelief," 
and  love  liis  former  cruelty.  In  this  mercy  bestowed 
on  himself  he  sees  a  special  fitness.  Since  he,  Paul, 
is  chief  of  sinners  (who  but  Paul  could  have  written 
this  ?)  it  forms  the  supreme  example  of  God's  long- 
suffering  with  sinners  generally. 

13.  injurious :  i.e.  one  who  commits  violent  outrage. 
— 15.  faithful  is  the  saying :  a  formula,  pecuhar  to  the 
Pastorals,  used  to  affirm  that  an  assertion  is  reliable. 
It  sometimes  introduces,  and  sometimes  follows,  the 
declaration  (either  in  an  aphorism  or  in  a  formal 
statement  of  doctrine)  of  what  is  apparently  an  accepted 
belief.  The  saying  here  is  plainly  a  familiar  maxim, 
which  imphes  Christ's  pre-existence,  confesses  His  In- 
carnation, but  lays  chief  stress  upon  the  work  of 
salvation, — worthy,  etc, :  cf.  Enoch,  94 1, — chief:  as  a 
man  draws  nearer  to  the  light  he  gains  a  clearer  vision 
of  his  own  shadow. — 17.  King  eternal :  rather,  "  King 
of  the  ages,"  i.e.  of  the  great  periods  into  which  Jewish 
thought  divided  time.  There  is  no  allusion  to  tho 
Gnostic  "  .-eons." — only  God :  some  authorities  wrongly 
insert  "  wise  "  from  Rom.  IG27. 

18-20.  The  Charge  Renewed. — Paul  now  returns  to 
the  charge  committed  to  Timothy  (I3-5)  from  which 
he  has  been  twice  diverted.  That  charge,  once  given 
orally,  has  failed  to  achieve  its  end.  He  now  recommits 
it  to  him  in  writing,  reminding  him  of  its  consonance 
with  the  Divine  promptings  which  pointed  him  out 
{mg.)  for  the  ministry,  Paul's  purpose  is  that  Timothy 
may  fulfil  his  trust,  rich  in  those  possessions  dehberate 
rejection  of  which  results  in  shipwreck  in  the  faith. 
Of  this  Hymonaeus  and  Alexander  are  examples,  whom 
Paul  excommunicated,  in  the  hope  of  their  recovery, 

18.  This  charge :  the  general  "  charge  "  of  tho  letter 
(to  deal  with  tho  situation  in  Asia),  explained  in  detail 
in  2iff,  This  is  clear  from  "  therefore  "  in  2i. — 
prophecies :  these  also  accompanied  Timothy's  ordina- 
tion (4i4). — which:  i.e.  good  conscience. — the  faith: 
lio*.— 20.  Hymenaeus:  for  his  error  c/.  2  Tim,  217I — 
Alexander:  a  common  name.  There  is  no  proof  of 
identity  with  any  of  the  Alexanders  of  Ac,  I933, 
Mk,  1521,  2  Tim.  4i.t, — delivered,  ete, :  probably  ox- 
oommunication,  with  infliction  of  bodily  disease ; 
cf.  I  Cor,  55*.  p.  ()49.  A  remedial,  not  a  vindictive, 
act :  Deissmann  {Light  from  Ancient  East.  p.  203)  con- 
nects it  with  the  ancient  custom  of  execration. 

II.  I-III.  16.  The  Charge  Respecting  Church  Regula- 
tions. 

(a)  II.  1-15.  PubUc  Worship.  1-7.  Public  Prayer.— 
Paul  requires,  as  of  fii-st  importance,  the  offering  of 
public  prayer  in  a  catholic  spirit.  Since  the  Christian's 
i-ejoetion  of  state-religion  might  appear  treasonable,  he 
especially  names  kings  and  high  officials  (cf.  Ilom,  13iff.). 


I.  TIMOTHY,  IV.  3 


883 


Such  prayer  for  all  men  is  weU-ploasing  to  God.  For 
His  will  is  all  men's  salvation  and  enlightenment,  as  is 
shown  by  (a)  God's  own  Unity  (if  there  is  only  one 
God,  all  men  are  equally  His  care)  ;  (b)  the  oneness  of 
the  Mediator  (He,  as  Man,  represented  all  mankind)  ; 
and  (c)  the  universal  purpose  of  Christ's  sacrifice — a 
truth  to  bo  attested  in  its  proper  season,  Paul  himself 
being  constituted  a  witness. 

I.  Intercessions:  rather,  "petitions." — 2.  gravity; 
"  honesty  "  (AV)  bears  its  old  sense  of  ■  propriety." — 
41.  To  interpret  these  vei-ses  as  anti-Gnostic  entirely 
destroys  the  sequence  of  thought.— 6.  a  ransom:  The 
Gr.  word  contains  the  preposition  (found  also  in  Mt. 
2O28)  denoting  "instead  of."— 7.  Cf.  2  Tim.  lii. 
I  speak,  etc. :  insists  on  Paul's  apostoho  authority, 
which  the  false  teachers  probably  denied. 

II.  8-15.  The  Behaviour  of  Women.— Rxblic  praj'er, 
characterised  by  the  right  spirit,  must  be  offered  only 
by  men.  Women's  part  is  to  dross  modestly,  finding 
their  chief  adornment  in  good  works.  They  may 
neither  teach  m  pubhc  nor  rule.  Their's  is  the  in- 
ferior position  (a)  because  woman  was  created  later 
than  man  ;  (b)  because,  while  his  first  sin  was  de- 
hberate,  hers  was  due  to  the  ease  with  which  she  was 
deceived — a  proof  of  her  unfitness  to  guide  others. 
Nevertheless,  exhibiting  the  Christian  virtues  in  her 
natural  sphere  and  functions,  woman  shall  thereby 
work  out  her  salvation.     Cf.  p.  650. 

8.  lifting,  etc. :  this  attitude,  pagan  as  well  as  Jewish 
and  Christian,  denoted  expectation  of  blessing. — 9.  Cf. 
1  P.  Ssff. — shamefastness :  the  modesty  of  womanly 
reserve. — 11.  Cf.  1  Cor.  14s4f. — 12.  to  teach:  i.e. 
publicly;  cf.  Tit.  23.— 13.  Cf.  1  Cor.  Il8f.— 13f.  Such 
arguments  belong  to  Paul's  day  rather  than  our  own 
{cf.  Deissmarm,  PauZ.  pp.l03ff.)'. — 15.  the  childbearing: 
cf.  Gen.  3i6,  and  (for  man's  case)  S17.  The  interpreta- 
tion "  through  the  Childbearing,"  i.e.  the  Messiah's 
birth,  is  less  suited  to  the  areumcnt. 

(6)  III.  1-13.  Church  Officials.  1-7.  The  Bishops.— 
Not  only  pul)lic  worship,  but  also  the  appointment  of 
officials,  must  be  regulated.  He  who  exercises  over- 
sight— a  good  work,  as  is  generally  admitted — must 
possess  moral  qualifications  which  place  him  beyond 
reproach.  He  must  be  (a)  of  disciplined  fife  :  e.g.  he 
must  not  marry  a  second  time,  or  indulge  m  the  drunken 
riots  prevalent  around  him  (cf.  1  Cor.  5ii,  11 21);  (b) 
hospitable,  since  Christians,  especially  teachers,  fre- 
quently travelled  from  church  to  church  :  (c)  successful 
in  giving  instruction — a  function  usually  assigned  at 
tlus  period  to  particular  "  teachers  "  ;  (d)  untcmpted 
by  money,  thus  reproving  a  dangerous  error  [cf.  65)  ; 
(e)  a  proved  niler  ;  (/)  not  too  recent  a  convert,  lest  he 
suffer  condemnation  for  pride,  as  did  the  devil ;  and, 
finally,  (g)  of  honourable  reputation  among  his  heathen 
neighbours.  (The  writer  is  not  enumerating  the  bishop's 
funclt(/n.^,  but  insisting  that  the  man  elected  shall  bo 
of  the  right  7iioral  qualily.)     Cf.  p.  64<). 

1.  Faithful,  etc.:  I15  *. — bishop:  not  in  the  sense 
of  a  "  monarchical,"  much  less  in  that  of  a  modem 
"  diocesan,"  bishop.  The  translation  "  bishop,"  in- 
deed, is  misleading.  In  NT  the  word  indicates  one 
who  exercises  oversight,  and  the  alternative  title 
"  older  "  (possibly  a  different  function  within  the  eamo 
ofilce,  cf.  Tit.  I5-7)  is  applied  to  the  same  person. — 
2.  Cf.  Tit.  loff.  —  husband,  vU\  :  sometimes  wrongly 
intcrpret*»<l  as  alluding  to  polygamy  or  adultery,  or 
as  forhiddini;  celibacy. 

8-13.  Deacons  and  Deaconesses. — Certain  moral 
qualities,  likewise,  are  required  in  deacons.  Thoy 
must  be  serious,  sinoore  in  speech,  freo  from  love  of 
wii;o  and  (since   tliey  aduiinistor  cliiirch  funds)  from 


love  of  money,  holding  with  a  pure  conscience  the 
truth  revealed  in  the  faith.  They,  too,  must  be  ap- 
pointed only  when,  tested  by  their  general  conduct 
in  the  community,  thoy  are  found  without  accusation. 
(Deacojiesses  must  satisfy  similar  reouirements.)  The 
domestic  conditions  demanded  for  bishops  apply  to 
deacons  also.  These  varied  qualifications  are  needful 
because  fidelity  in  their  ofiico  wins  them,  among  their 
fellows,  both  a  position  of  honour  and  boldness  in 
their  faith. 

9.  mystery:  i.e.  truth  which  man  could  not  find 
for  himself,  but  which,  once  hidden,  is  now  made' 
known  through  revelation. — 10.  blameless:  i.e.  free 
fi'om  actual  charge  ;  "  without  reproach  "  (2)  denotes 
freedom  from  any  rightful  gmiiid  for  accusation. — 
II.  women:  i.e.  deaconesses  (cf.  Phcebe,  Rom.  I61), 
not  "their  \vives  "  (A"V).  11  breaks  the  connexion 
between  10  and  12  so  abruptly  that  it  either  may 
have  been  displaced  or  may  represent  a  marginal 
gloss  (Kohler). — 12.  husbands,  etc. :  2*. — 13.  stand- 
ing: less  probable  interpretations  than  that  adopted 
above  aro  "  a  step  in  ecclesiastical  promotion  "  and 
"  status  before  God." 

(c)  III.  14-16.  The  Aim  of  the  Instructions.— The 
purpose  of  such  directions,  written  lest  Paul's  visit  be 
delayed,  is  to  teach  men  projier  behaviour  in  God's  house- 
hold (cf.  Heb.  36),  the  Church,  by  which  the  truth  is 
upheld  and  jirotected  against  error.  And  how  great  is 
that  revealed  truth  with  which  our  religion  is  entrusted ! 
It  is  nothing  less  than  Christ  Himself  (Jn.  146,  CoL 
I27),  who  was  manifested  in  the  Incarnation  and  vindi- 
cated by  His  Resurrection  (Rom.  1 4),  who  was  made 
known  to  angels  and  men ;  and  whoso  work  received 
its  consummation  both  on  earth  and  in  the  heavens. 

15.  men :  better  than  the  Western  reading  "  thou  " 
(AV). — 16.  mystery:  cf.  9*. — He  who:  the  famous 
reading  "  God "  (AV)  is  unquestionably  mistaken. 
These  rhythmical  sentences  aro  probably  part  of  an 
early  Christian  hymn  (or  creed) ;  cf.  I  Cor.  I042,  2  Tim. 
2 1 2.  Ramsay,  however,  views  them  as  examples  of 
Paul's  "  lyrical  expression  ...  in  moments  of  emo- 
tional and  mystic  enthusiasm  "  (Exp.  VIII,  iii.  359). — 
manifested:  pre-existence  is  impUcd. — angels:  by 
the  Licarnation  their  knowledge  of  the  Son's  Person 
was  intensified  (cf.  1  P.  I12). 

IV.  1-VI.  2a.  The  Charge  respecting  Timothys  own 
Behaviour  within  the  Church. 

(«)  IV.  1-16.  Timothy  s  Attitude  to  Error.  1-5.  The 
False  Asceticism. — Despite  the  greatness  of  the  revela- 
tion, however,  even  within  the  Church  error  will  arise. 
Prophets,  inspired  by  'the  Spirit,  foretell  an  apostasy 
which  will  Ijo  brought  about  by  men  inspired  by  evil 
spirits  (cf.  1  Jn.  4 iff.)  and  bearing  on  their  conscience 
the  mark  of  their  master,  Satan  (contrast  GaL  617). 
Already  there  flourished  outside  the  Church — e.g. 
among  the  Essenos  (p.  624)  and  the  Therapeutae,  a 
false  asceticism  by  wliich  marriage  and  certain  foods 
were  regarded  as  impure.  Such  conceptions  would — 
and,  indeed,  in  respect  to  food  (Col.  2i6),  had  begun 
to — invade  the  Church  itself,  despite  the  fact  that 
everything  created  by  CJod  is  good  (cf.  Mk.  7i5,  Ac 
IO15),  if  it  bo  consecrated  by  the  scriptural  grace 
pronounced  over  it  by  every  Chri.«tian  (cf.  1  Cor.  IO30, 
Rom.  146). 

2.  branded :  other  mtcrpretations  are :  (a)  with 
conscience  made  non-sensitive  (AV),  (b)  with  the  penal 
branding  of  criminals. — 3.  and  commanding,  etc.  : 
Hoil  suspect.s  corruption  of  the  text,  and  conjectures 
either  "  or  to  touch  "  or  "  and  to  take."  Neither 
form  of  asceticism  in  thus  verso  requires  a  iatedato  for 
the  epiRtJo. 


884 


I.  TIMOTHY.  IV.  10-16 


10-16.  The  Treatment  Needed.— Timothy  must  moot 
the  errors  by  («)  personal  example  (6-io)  and  (6)  diligent 
teaching  (11-16). 

In  combating  error  ho  must  continually  draw  liis 
strength  from  the  doctrinal  statements  hitherto 
followed  by  him.  The  silly  myths  that  are  current 
(I3-11*)  he  must  reject.  The  fully-developed  asccti- 
oiflm  of  3  lies  in  the  future,  but  in  these  fables  its 
principles  are  already  contained.  Let  him  further 
counteract  the  evnl  by  himself  exliibiting  the  true 
self-discipline — that  which  aims  at  producing  piety. 
For — a  reliable  truth — while  mere  bodily  self-disciphno 
has  only  a  Umited  use,  piety  assures  the  liighcst  life 
both  now  and  hereafter.  It  is  to  secure  tliis  that 
Christ's  preachers  wage  their  contest  (the  metaphor 
here  and  in  7  's  the  same — that  of  the  athletic  en- 
counters), their  hope  set  on  God,  the  universal  Saviour, 
and  theirs  especially  who  by  faith  appropriate  His 
salvation.  To  example  let  Timothy  add  appeal  and 
instruction  (11-16),  and  this  with  confidence.  He  was 
comparatively  young  for  his  post,  probably  less  than 
forty.  But  no  one  must  be  allowed  to  despise  his 
"  youth  "  (a  term  apphcablo  up  to  the  age  of  thirty- 
five,  and  therefore  in  thih  context  no  mark  of  a  forger). 
Rather,  he  must  use  not  only  liis  private  example 
(in  conduct  and  in  character),  but  also  his  public 
ministry  (the  reading  of  Scripture  in  church  and  his 
sermons,  whether  of  appeal  or  of  instruction),  to  stem 
this  evil  Years  ago,  when  he  was  first  set  apart  as 
a  Christian  missionary,  he  was  equipped  by  the  Holy 
Spirit  with  special  grace  for  his  task.  That  gift, 
mediated  through  prophecy  and  accompanied  by 
ordination  by  the  local  elders,  he  must  never  neglect. 
Diligent  attention  to  his  example  and  teaching  will 
issue  in  his  own  and  his  hearers'  salvation. 

13.  reading:  i.e.  of  the  OT  and  probably  of  apos- 
tolic lettere  (see  1  Th.  627,  Col.  4i6).— 14.  the  gift, 
etc.  :  c/.  2  Tim.  l6.  The  ordination  was  doubtless 
at  Lystra,  on  Timothy's  being  separated  for  mis- 
sionary service  (Kort,  Christian  Ecclcsia,  pp.  ISlfif.). 
Apparently  both  Paul's  and  the  local  eldei-s'  hands 
were  laid  on  Timothy,  the  former  mediating  (2  Tim. 
l6),  the  latter  accompanying  (14)  the  giJEt.  Here, 
where  Timothy's  authority  in  the  Church  is  concerned, 
the  elders  only  are  mentioned  ;  there,  where  Timothy's 
personal  relationship  with  Paul  is  more  prominent, 
only  one  aixjstle.  It  is  important  to  observe  that 
"  the  question  is  not  one  of  the  transference  of  an 
office  ...  it  is  the  exercise  of  teaching  "  (Weiss). 

(6)  V.  1-VI.  211.  Timothy's  Attitude  to  Particular 
Classes  of  Church  Members. 

V.  If.  Oil  and  Young. — Older  members  must  bo 
treated  with  revt-rence,  younger  as  equals  in  tho 
Christian  family. 

1.  elder:  rather,  "an  older  man."  For  a  second- 
century  parallel  see  Deissmann.  Light  from  the  Ancient 
East,  p.  .313. 

y.  3-16.  widows. — The  space  devoted  to  "  widows  " 
indicates  tho  existence  of  a  special  difficulty  in  Asia. 
Paul  gives  Timothy  definite  instructions.  (a)  De- 
serving widows  really  left  alone  should  be  maintained 
from  Church  funds  (3).  (6)  The  funds,  however,  must 
not  be  burdened  by  widows  with  descendants  or 
friends  capable  of  assisting.  Descendants  must  make 
it  their  first  charge  to  fulfil  the  family  obhgation 
involved.  Othorwlne  they  disown  the  Christian  way 
of  life,  and  acknowledge  a  standard  lower  than  that 
of  unbelievers  (4,  8,  16).  (c)  The  mark  of  a  true 
widow  is  that,  avoiding  dissipation,  which  is  spiritual 
death  {cf.  Rev.  3i),  she  has  forsaken  domestic  ties 
{cf.  1  Cor.  733!)  for  the  wholehearted  service  of  God 


(sf.  ;  contrast  iif.).  (d)  None  should  be  placed  on 
tho  official  roll  who  is  not  (i)  sixty  years  old,  (ii)  of 
proved  self-restraint,  (iii)  of  established  reputation  for 
good  works  (gf.).  (e)  Young  widows  should  not  bo 
included,  because  (i)  they  may  wish  to  remarry,  and 
so  violate  their  troth  to  Christ ;  (ii)  in  their  visiting  they 
may  become  busybodies.  Since,  then,  they  cannot 
control  their  natural  instincts,  let  them  marry  agam 
and  attend  to  household  cares  (so  1  Cor.  let.).  Actual 
exjx^rience  shows  this  to  be  wise  (11-15). 

3-16  forms  a  single  paragraph.  It  is  usual  to  refer 
3-8  to  tho  maintenance  of  widows,  and  9-16  to  the 
selection  of  an  "  order  "  within  the  Church's  official 
ministry.  Though  the  maintained  widows  doubtless 
rendered  some  service,  this  sub-division  is  improbable, 
because  (a)  the  subject  of  maintenance  is  still  prominent 
in  16,  (b)  the  same  word  "  widow  "  would  not  bear 
two  different  meanings  within  a  few  verses,  (c)  a 
minimum  age-limit  of  sixty  is  more  natural  in  charity 
than  in  serWcc. 

3.  honour:  as  context  proves,  embraces  the  idea 
of  "maintain." — 4.  grandchildren:  the  old  meaning 
of  "  nephews  "  (AV). — 7.  these  things :  the  points 
made  in  3-6.  The  "  but  "  of  8  shows  tho  descendants 
to  be  included  in  those  to  be  "  without  reproach." — 
9.  wife,  etc.,  82*  {mutatis  mutandis). — 10.  children: 
whether  her  own  or  adopted.  Care  of  orphans  ranked 
among  the  good  works  encouraged  by  Judaism  (Eder- 
sheim,  Jewish  Social  Life,  p.  138). — 14.  adversary: 
i.e.  human  opponents, 

V.  17-25. 'Elders.— In  3i*  Paul  discusses  qualifica. 
lions  for  eldership,  here  he  gives  Timothy  rules  for  its 
supervision,  (a)  On  the  principle  of  Scripture  (Dt, 
254,  cf.  1  Cor.  99)  and  of  a  well-known  proverb,  suc- 
cessful presidents  {cf.  1  Th.  5i2)  should  receive  special 
maintenance,  particularly  if  to  the  strict  functions  of 
eldership  they  add  that  of  teaching  ( 1 7f.).  (6)  Against 
an  elder  only  legally-attested  charges  (Dt.  19i5)  may 
be  recognised  (19).  (c)  Elders  convicted  of  sinful 
practices  should  be  reprimanded  pubholy,  as  a  de- 
terrent to  others.  Li  all  this  Timothy  must  exercise 
absolute  impartiality  (2of.).  {d)  He  may  guard  against 
scandal  by  making  full  inquiry  before  ordaining  an 
elder,  thus  avoiding  a  share  in  responsibility  for  de- 
faiilters'  sins,  from  which  he  must  ever  keep  himself 
unspotted  (22).  Tliis  will  prevent  (i)  hasty  acceptance 
of  candidates  (since,  wliile  some  men's  sins  are  so 
notorious  as  to  proclaim  the  necessity  of  judgment, 
others'  sins  are  discovered  only  long  afterwards,  24); 
(ii)  hasty  rejection  (since  not  all  good  works,  also,  are 
immediately  evident,  25). 

17.  honour:  3''.— 18.  scripture:  refers  only  to  the 
first  of  the  sayings  that  follow.  Since  Christ's  words 
(Lk.  IO7)  would  not  at  this  date  be  cited  as  "  scripture," 
the  second  saying  wa-s  probably  a  proverb  familiar 
to  both  Lord  and  aix)stlc. — 20.  them,  etc.  :  m  this 
context  "  tlioMO  ehkrs  who." — 21.  elect:  i.e.  unfallen. 
— 22.  For  the  view  that  tiiis  verse  concerns  tho  restora- 
tion of  penitents  see  EGT. — 23,  which  deprecates 
Timothy's  abstinence  from  wine,  undertaken  perhaps 
in  protest  against  a  prevalent  danger  (83,  8),  breaks 
tho  connexion  between  22  and  24,  and  is  either  an 
awkward  parenthesis  to  safeguard  "  keep  thyself 
pure,  "  or  an  interpolation,  possibly  displaced  irom 
43  (Holtzmann). 

VI.  l-2a.  Slaves. — Christianity  freed  slaves  by 
evolution  rather  than  revolution.  A  grave  social 
peril  would  have  arisen  in  the  first  century  had  slaves 
misinterpreted  their  liberty  in  Christ  (pp.  64nf.). 
Timothy  must  guard  against  this  {cf.  Col.  322,  Eph. 
65,  1  P.  2i8).    The  Gospel's  honour  demands  loyalty 


II.  TIMOTHY,  11.  1-13 


885 


even  to  heathen  mastera  (Tit.  29f.).  If  those  who 
would  benefit  by  the  slaves'  fuller  service  are  fellow- 
believers,  they  should  be  served  the  inore  loyally. 

VI.  26-21.' Final  Words. 

(fl)  VI.  2'j-lO.  The  Errorlsts,  and  a  Fundamental 
Error. — Such,  tlien,  is  Paul's  charge.  Those  who  teach 
otherwise  are  conceited  and  ignorant,  morbidly  busying 
themselves  with  wordy  controversy.  From  these, 
among  other  evils,  ono  crucial  error  proceeds — tho 
theory  that  rehgion  is  a  means  of  worldly  profit  (c/. 
Tit.  III).  Now  even  in  this  life  religion  is  of  great 
profit — i.e.  profit  in  terms  of  true  happiness — if 
accompanied  by  entire  independence  of  one's  circum- 
Btances  (the  moaning  of  "  contentment,"  cf.  Phil.  4ii). 
For  we  can  take  out  of  the  world  no  more  material 
goods  than  we  brought  into  it  (Lk.  122o),  but,  with 
food  and  clothing,  should  be  satisfied.  Rich  is  the 
man  whose  godliness  has  taught  him  this.  But  those 
who  set  their  desire  on  material  wealth  are  in  groat 
periL  As  well-known  examples  prove,  ail  evila  may 
spring  from  love  of  money. 

2b.  these  things:  i.e.  the  whole  charge  of  the 
letter.  This  sentence  (contrast  RV)  belongs  to  the 
present  paragraph. — 3.  sound:  lio*. — 4.  question- 
ings:   I3-11*. — 10.  a  root,  etc. :   better  as  AV. 

(6)  VI.  11-16.  Timothy's  Call  to  Fidelity.— In  con- 
trast with  this  quest  for  worldly  profit  (5,  gi.)  Timothy 
must  pursue  the  Christian  virtues.  Let  him,  in  life's 
arena  (for  the  metaphor  cf.  2  Tim.  47,  1  Cor.  924, 
Phil.  3i2),  continuously  wage  faith's  fair  contest,  and 
BO  obtain  the  victor's  garland,  eternal  life  (Jas.  I12, 
Rev.  2 10).  It  was  to  win  this  prize  that  he  was  sum- 
moned in  his  baptism,  at  which,  entering  upon  the 
contest,  he  made  the  good  confession  before  many 
fellow-Christians.  Now,  in  the  midst  of  the  struggle, 
he  is  charged  to  loyalty  by  "  a  more  tremendous 
Presence,"  "  by  an  assurance  that  he  is  in  the  hands 
of  One  whose  protective  power  is  universal,  and  by 
the  example  of  One  who,  as  Man,  put  that  protective 
power  to  a  successful  test  "  (EGT).  The  charge  closes 
with  a  noble  doxology  (cf.  I17). 

13.  witnessed,  etc. ;  cf.  Rev.  I5. — 14.  command- 
ment :  the  gospel  as  a  rule  of  hfe. — 15.  King,  etc, ; 
cf.  Rev.  17i4,  Dt.  IO17.— 16.  who  only,  et3. :  i.e. 
"  as  His  essential  property  "  [cf,  Jn.  626). — dwelling, 
etc. :  Ex.  33i7£f.,  Enoch  142  if. — whom,  etc. :  cf. 
Jn.  I18,  1  Jn.  4 1 2, 

(c)  VI.  17-19.  The  True  Conception  of  Riches.— 
Though  God  gives  good  thing's  for  our  enjoyment, 
wealth  is  too  uncertain  a  foundation  on  which  to  rest 
our  hope.  By  good  works  rich  men  should  lay  up  a 
foundation  for  the  future  (Mt.  620,  Lk,  I69),  secure 
on  wliich  they  may  gain  that  life  which  is  more  than 
mere  existence  (Lk.   12 15,  21). 

(d)  VI.  20f,  Final  Charge, — A  forceful  reiteration  of 
the  epistle's  main  message,  Timothy  must  (a)  guard 
the  evangelical  doctrine  \rf.  2  Tim.  I12,  14),  the  true 
antidote  to  error ;  (6)  reject  the  unholy  vain-talking 
(l6.  2  Tim.  2i6)  and  "endless  contrasts  of  decisions, 
founded  on  endless  distinctions  "  (Hurt),  on  which  tho 
errorists,  falsely  claiming  to  possess  the  truo  know- 
ledge, prided  themselves  (I3-11*). 

26.  oppositions:  there  is  no  allusion  to  Marcion's 
Book  of  '■  Oppositions  "  ;  see  Hort,  Judaistic  Chns- 
iianity,  pp.  138£f. 

II.  TIMOTHY 

From  his  second  Roman  imprisonment  (Tntroduo- 
tion,  §  6)  Paul  writes  once  more  to  strengthen  Timothy's 
courage   amid   the   difficulties   still   surrounding   bin 


(apparently)  in  Asia.  In  particular,  he  offei"s  guidance 
as  to  errors,  present  and  future,  and  regarding  hia 
proper  attitude  towards  men  of  vicious  life.  In  his 
own  pathetic  loneliness  he  summons  Timothy  to  join 
him  at  Rome,  and  to  bring  Mark  with  him, 

1.  1-5.  Introductory — Salutation  (If,)  and  Thanks- 
giving (3-5). — For  the  official  form  of  salutation  cf. 
1  Tim,  lit* 

Moved  by  affectionate  remembrance,  Paul,  thanks 
God  for  some  recont  reminder  of  Timothy's  faith,  a 
faith  witnessed  earUer  in  his  mother  and  grandmother, 

2.  mercy:  I  Tim.  I2*.— 3.  The  ground  of  thanks- 
giving is  5  (contrast  AV  and  RV),  and  the  true  render- 
ing :  "  I  thank  God  .  .  .  since  my  remembrance  .  .  . 
is  unceasing  .  .  .  that  I  have  been  reminded." — 
4.  tears  at  their  last  separation. — faith:  not  Jewish 
(Zahn),  but  as  the  sequence  of  thought  demands. 
Christian, — Eunice:   Ac.  16r. 

I.  6-II.  13.  Appeal  to  Timothy  for  Courage  In  Face 
of  Difficulties. 

(a)  I.  6-11.  Direct  Appeal,  based  on  Timothys 
Ordination  Gift.— The  false  teachers  have  created  a 
situation  demanding  courageous  treatment.  Timothy 
has  not  failed  (the  Greek  tense  in  8  implies  "  do  not 
begin  to  be  ashamed  "),  but  he  plainly  needs  enhearten- 
ing.  Paid  appeals  for  strong  action  on  three  grounds. 
Ihe  first  is  the  character  implied  in  Timothi/s  ordination 
gift.  The  spirit  of  power,  love,  and  self-discipline 
therein  convej'od  should  suffice  (a)  to  save  him  from 
becoming  ashamed  of  his  testimony,  and  (6)  to  enable 
him  to  take  his  share  in  suffering  hardships  for  tho 
gospel's  sake,  with  a  strength  of  which  God's  power 
is  the  measure.  This  power,  guaranteed  to  Timothy 
in  his  ordination,  ia  no  less  than  that  which  wrought 
for  our  salvation  and  high  caUing.  It  depends,  more- 
over, not  upon  our  own  deeds  but  upon  God's  eternal 
purpose,  and  its  magnitudo  is  witnessed  in  the  Incar- 
nation and  the  Resurrection. 

6.  the  gift,  etc.:  1  Tim.  414*. — ^9.  who  saved: 
1  Tim.  li*. — not  .  .  .  works:  a  characteristically 
PauUne  passage  {cf.  Tit.  85), — 10.  abolished:  rather, 
"  brought  to  naught." 

(6)  I.  12-14.  An  Appeal  to  Paxil's  own  Example. — 
The  second  ground  of  Paul's  appeal  is  his  own  example. 
He  too,  being  an  apostle,  suffers  hardship.  But  he  is 
not  ashamed  (cf.  8),  For  the  safeguarding  of  the  truth 
committed  to  him  he  relies  on  God's  power,  Timothy 
must  do  the  same.  He  has  in  Paul's  own  words  a 
pattern  of  sound  teaching.  Let  him  guard  his  trust, 
relyuig,  like  Paul,  not  on  hia  own  strength,  but  on  the 
indwelling  spirit, 

12.  that  which,  etc, :  rather  as  mg. — i',c.  the  true 
doctrine  (1  Tim.  lio*),  tho  antidote  to  error. — 13. 
sound:  1  Tim,  lio*. 

(c)  I.  15-18.  A  Personal  Appeal. — The  apostle's 
earlier  disappointments  form  the  third  ground  of  appeaL 
All  his  Asian  friends — perhaps  by  withholding  help 
in  his  captivity — had  proved  disloyaL  Timothy  must 
not  add  further  sorrow  by  failing  him  now.  A  paren- 
thesis (16-1S)  recognises  one  honourable  exception  in 
Asia,  Onesiphorus,  according  to  tradition  Paul's  host 
at  Iconium,  had  visited  his  Roman  prison  and  repeated 
well-known  earlier  kindnesses.  For  his  household  now, 
and  for  Onesiphorus  (who  was  perhaps  dead)  at  the 
last,  Paul  craves  God's  morcy. 

15.  Phygelus.  Hermogencs:  of  these  men  nothing 
certain  is  recortled, 

(d)  II.  1-13.  The  Appeal  Renewed, — ^Thns  enriched 
in  his  orflination.  challenged  by  Paul's  example,  and 
warned  by  tho  Asian  defection,  Timothy,  for  all  his 
work,  must  find  oontinual  Gtrongth  in  his  Divine  equip- 


886 


II    TIMOTHY,  II.  1-13 


ment.  He  must  (a)  oonservo  tho  truth  by  dopo-^ifiii^ 
it  v.ith  trustworthy  teachers  (2),  and  (b)  face  tho  hard- 
8hip.s  involved  in  tiis  present  administration  (3).  In 
everj'  sphere  succc3a  demands  endurance  and  self- 
discipline.  This  is  true  in  /secular  affairs  :  the  suc- 
ooasful  soldier  is  restricted  from  pleasures,  the  suc- 
cessful athlete  restricted  by  rulers,  the  successful  farmer 
restricted  in  his  ease  (4-6).  The  principle  is  equally 
vahd  in  religious  service.  Let  Timothy  consider  the 
supreme  example,  Jesus  Christ :  even  for  Him,  the 
promised  Messiah,  the  gateway  into  life  w.is  death. 
Let  lum  also  consider  Paul,  Christ's  apostle  :  even 
now  he  lies  bound  as  a  malefactor — a  ready  sufferer, 
since  tho  fetters  which  bind  him  cannot  bind  the 
message.  In  facing  hardship,  therefore,  Timothy  hfis 
no  unique  experience.  In  every  sphere  achievement  is 
.  conditioned  by  self-sacrifico  (7-10).  Yet,  as  reliable 
words  declare,  the  sacrifice  will  not  remain  unrecom- 
pensed.  Death  to  self  in  baptism  will  yield  us  a  share 
in  Christ's  resurrection-life,  and  present  endurance  a 
place  in  His  heavenly  kingdom.  Nevertheless,  there 
is  need  for  care.  For,  should  we  deny  Him,  Ho  will 
deny  us,  although  want  of  faith,  apart  from  actual 
denial,  can  never  cancel  His  own  faithfulness  (11-13). 

2.  among:  better, '•  through."  Paul's  teaching  had 
reached  Timothy  both  directly  and  indirectly. — 5. 
crowned :  with  the  victor's  garland. — 6.  laboiireth  is 
the  emphatic  word. — 8.  CJ.  Rom.  I3.— 9.  bonds:  an 
indignity  for  a  Roman  citizen. — malefactor:  possibly 
a  mark  of  early  date.  By  Domitian's  day  the  charge 
against  Christians  was  that  of  practising  an  illegal 
religion  (Ramsay).— 11.  faithful,  etc.  :  1  Tim.  I15  *. 
The  "saying"  (11-130)  may  form  part  of  an  early 
Christian'^hymn  (I  Tim.  3i6*').     With  its  four  clauses 

cJ.  Rom.  68,  Rom.  817,  Mt.  IO33,  Rom.  83  respectively. 
II.  14-26.  Charge  to  Timothy  concerning  Present 

Error. 

The  false  teaching  considered  in  this  epistle  is  partly 

present  and  partly  future.     Paul's  first  charge  relates 

to  the  former  type.     For  its  general  character  cf.  1  Tim. 

I3-11*.     Such  jxirticukir  doctrines  as  that  of  18  wei-e 

possibly  confined  to  individual  teachers.     The  charge 

expounds : 

(a)  II.  14-18.  Timothy's  Immediate  Duty. — Merc 
debates  are  diverting  and  evil.  Timothy  must  so 
handle  the  situation  as  to  win  God's  approval.  Tiiis 
involves  (a)  framing  his  own  positive  teaching  after 
the  right  pattern,  and  (6)  definite  hostility  to  the 
errorists'  discussions  (cf.  1  Tim.  620).  This  is  essential 
because  the  errorists  will  become  increasingly  dan- 
gerous, as  HymeniBus  (now  probably  excommunicated, 
1  Tim.  I20)  and  Philetus  prove,  with  their  theory 
(per^'crting  the  truth  of  Rom.  63tf.)  that  the  only 
rcsuiToction  is  tho  spiritual  rising  experienced  in 
baptism. 

15.  handling,  etc.  :  the  image  is  that  of  a  man 
cutting  his  doctrine  to  the  pattern  of  tho  gospel.- - 

17.  Hymenaeus  and  Philetus :    otherwise   unknown.-  - 

18.  See  above.     Another  eaily  theory  was  that  men 
rise  again  only  in  their  children. 

(b)  II.  19-21.  The  Right  Spirit  for  Timothy's  Task. 
Nevertheless  the  situation  docs  not  call  for  panic. 
Timothy's  spirit  must  bo  one  of  quiet  confidence  in 
God,  since  tho  Church  rests  on  a  firm  foundation  laid 
by  God  Himself  and  scaled  {cf.  Rev.  21 14)  by  His 
knowledge  (Nu.  I65)  and  moral  requirements.  The 
most  firmly-founded  building,  however,  contains  both 
worthy  and  unworthy  vessels.  The  latter  (»>.  the 
orrorists)  Timothy  must  remove  from  the  (^'hurch,  if 
he  himself  would  remain  fit  for  God's  employment. 

(c)  II.  22-26.  The  Influence  of  Personal  Example.— 


Meanwhile  much  depends  on  Timothy's  own  behaviour 
{cf.  1  Tim.  4i2).  (a)  His  personal  example  must  \ye 
irreproachable  (22  ;  ''  youthful ''  lusts,  1  Tim.  4i  1-16*) ; 
(/;)  ho  must  avoid  controversy  with  the  errorista,  a 
Christian  teacher's  aim  being  not  strife  but  gentle 
persua3ion,  based  on  instruction.  Tlirough  these 
means  opponents,  captured  by  Satan,  may  return 
from  his  snare  to  a  sober  mind,  to  do  the  will  of  God 
(EV  rendei-s  26  unnaturallv). 

III.  1-IV.  8.  Charge  to  Timothy  concerning  Future 
Error. 

(rt)  III.  1-9.  Future  Error  and  Its  Present  Germs.— 
Timothy  must  consider  futnie  as  well  as  present 
dangers.  As  the  Second  Advent  (never  behoved  by 
the  aiK)stles  to  bo  far  distant)  approaches,  tho  Church 
will  be  threatened  by  men  of  outrageous  hfe.  These 
also  Timothy  must  avoid.  The  germs  of  the  evil,  indeed, 
are  already  present  (6),  and  the  statement  of  its  de- 
veloped results  (2-5)  will  help  him  to  detect  its  first 
beginning.  For  to  this  type  belong  such  teachers  as 
privately  mislead  sinful  women  who,  with  fickle  curio- 
sity, merely  play  at  seeking  instruction.  Their  fore- 
runners were  tho  magicians  who  opposed  Moses  (Ex. 
7 1 1  ff. ).  But  their  further  progress  shall  be  arrested,  like 
theirs,  by  open  exposure  of  their  folly. 

2.  cf.  "Rom.  l29ff.— money:  1  Tim.  610,  Tit.  In.— 
5.  Tit.  I16. — 8.  Jannes,  Jambres :  Origen  believed  that 
Paul  obtained  these  names  from  an  apocryphal  book 
{lamnes  et  Mambrei<  liber)  no  longer  extant.  Alteraa- 
t:ively,  their  source  may  have  been  unwritten  tradition 
(see  Bernard  in  CGT). 

(6)  lU.  10-17.  Timothys  Safeguards.— Grave  as 
these  dangers  are,  however,  Timothy  has  a  double 
safeguard,  (a)  His  present  difficult  task  does  not  take 
him  by  surprise.  'When,  at  Lystra  (Ac.  I63),  ho 
accepted  the  missionary  commission,  he  understood 
clearly,  through  his  intimate  knowledge  of  Paul's 
experience,  all  that  it  involved — both  the  type  of 
teaching,  conduct,  and  character  required,  and  the 
meyitable  hardship  entailed.  (He  knew,  too,  God's 
power  of  deliverance.)  This  suffering  for  Christ  is  an 
essential  condition  of  discipleship  (Mt.  I624,  Ac.  1422), 
and  therefore  Timothy  must  himself  have  anticipated 
it  (10-12).  (6)  He  has  the  further  safeguard  of  Divine 
instruction.  ^Vhile  evil  mon  grow  worse,  Timothy  will 
gain  strength  from  loyalty  to  past  convictions.  And 
these  convictions  rest  on  firm  foundations :  {a)  tho 
authoritative  character  of  his  Christian  teachers,  and  (b) 
his  lifelong  knowledge  of  tho  OT,  able,  through  faith 
in  Christ,  to  bestow  all  wisdom  necessaiy  to  salvation. 
For  ever}'  inspired  passage  is  of  service  to  yield  hira 
instruction,  reproof,  correction,  and  discipline.  Forti- 
fied by  such  experiences  he  will  prove  suflBcient  for 
every  task  imposed  by  his  office  (13-17). 

11.  These  specific  sufferings  are  named  as  being 
fresh  in  Timothy's  mind  when  he  undertook  missionary 
responsibilities. — 13.  impostors:  literally  "  wizards,"  a 
reminiscence  of  8  rather  than  a  proof  that  tho  errorists 
practised  magic. — 14.  whom:  plural  {mg.).  Some 
authorities  read  tho  singular,  implying  Paul  alone. — 
15.  babe :  according  to  Jewish  custom  (Edersheim, 
Jewish  Social  Life',  p.  117).— the  sacred  writings: 
best  aiithorities  omit  "  the."  AV  is  inexact  here. — 
unto  salvation:  the  only  inspiration  Scripture  itself 
claims  is  spiritual  ((./.  16). — 16.  In  each  change  RV 
is  preferable  to  AV.  The  woixls  assume  inspiration  : 
their  aim  is  to  indicate  its  uses. 

(r)  IV.  1-8.  Timothy's  Duty  In  the  Crisis.— Threat- 
ened with  such  opposition  (81-9)  and  strengthened  by 
such  safeguards  (3io-i7),  Timothy  must  persistently 
teach  the  positive  trulh.     He  should  be  ready  to  reprova 


TITUS,  II.  1-10 


887 


error  and  proclaim  the  gospel,  whether  the  occasion 
seem  propitious  or  not  (2).  For  Church  members  as 
well  as  false  teachers  will  cause  trouble.  Anxious  for 
novelty  and  "  piling  up  "  congenial  instructoi'a,  they 
will  turn  to  the  famihar  mjrths  of  the  errorists  (1  Tim. 
I3-11*).  Timothy,  on  the  contrary,  must  act  with 
moderation,  accept  the  suffering  involved,  preach  the 
positive  gospel  ar.d  accomplish  all  the  functions  (not  as 
AV)  of  his  ministry.  All  this  Paul  urges  more  c.-iniestly 
because  he  himself  can  no  longer  act.  The  final 
sacrifice  has  begun  (6a) :  his  death  is  near.  He  has 
waged  the  good  contest  (1  Tim,  611-16*)  to  the  end, 
and  the  victor's  garland — the  reward  for  righteousness — ■ 
awaits  him.  For  the  truth  committed  to  him  has  been 
kept  inviolate. 

1.  and  by:  not  as  AV,— 5.  evangelist:  in  NT. 
(elsewhere  only  Ac.  2 Is,  Eph.  4ii)  denotes  a,  function. 
The  separate  order  of  "  evangehsts  "  is  much  later, — 
6.  being  offered:  contrast  Phil.  I25.  This  altered 
outlook  marks  a  later  situation.  AV  mistranslates. 
For  the  metaphor  of  a  drink-offering  cf.  PhiL  2i7. 

ly.  9-22.  Personal  Requests  and  Personal  News. 

Timothy's  summons  to  Rome  seems  inconsistent 
with  the  discharge  of  the  duties  just  enforced.  If  the 
letter  is  a  unity,  its  main  instractions  may  concern  his 
conduct  after,  as  well  as  before,  his  visit  to  Rome  and 
Paul's  death  (Ramsay).  For  the  significance  of  the 
historical  allusions  that  follow,  see  Introduction,  at  end 
of  §  I.  Others  bemg  absent  on  different  missions,  only 
Luke,  of  Paul's  immediate  circle,  is  now  with  him 
(21  names  merely  local  acquaintances).  Let  Timothy 
i)ring  Mark,  reconciled  to  Paul  since  Ac.  I538  (Col.  4io), 
and  able,  in  Tychicus'  absence,  to  render  needed  per- 
sonal service  (contrast  AV) ;  and  also  Paul's  travelling- 
cloak,  with  cci-tain  papyrus  and  vellum  documents, 
left,  perliaps  at  his  sudden  arrest,  in  Troas.  The 
identity  of  Alexander  (1  Tim.  I20*)  and  the  nature  and 
occasion  of  his  opposition  are  alilie  unknown.  At  the 
first  hearing  of  Paul's  case,  the  prima  actio — the  allusion 
is  not  to  his  first  Roman  trial — no  fellow-Christian 
appeared  in  the  court  to  support  him.  Luke  and 
Tychicus  were  probably  prevented,  not  being  Roman 
citizens  (Ramsay),  but  all  local  Christians  failed  him. 
Howbeit  Christ  supported  him  :  hence,  through  his 
self-defence,  since  he  who  addresses  Rome  addresses 
the  world,  the  gospel  proclamation  reached  its  con- 
summation (not  as  AV).  On  this  occasion,  then,  he 
secured  a  remand,  though  he  only  narrowly  escaped 
death  (176) ;  and,  while  ho  cannot  expect  to  gain 
the  final  verdict  (6fl.)»  of  eternal  deliverance  ho  is 
assured.  The  circumstances  underlying  20  are  mi- 
known.     21  mentions  prominent  Roman  Christians. 

10.  Demas :  would  a  forger  invent  the  contrast  with 
Phm.  24,  CoL  4i4  ? — Galatia:  might  mean  either 
Asiatic  Galatia  or  GauL — 11.  ministry:  for  a  different 
intorpretatioa  cf.  Zahn,  INT,  ii.  430. — 12.  Tychicus: 
Ac.  2O4,  Col.  47,  Eph.  621.— 13.  Troas:  clearly  later 
than  Ac.  206. — 14.  will  render :  AV  is  based  on  a  mis- 
taken text. — 18.  took  my  part:  as  above,  not  "  as  my 
advocate."  Paul's  language  indicates  not  indifference 
on  the  part  of  strange  pleaders,  but  the  desertion  of 
friend'^. — 21.  Irenanis  (c,  11)0)  says  Linus  became  the 
first  Bishop  of  Rome  after  the  apostle's  death. 

TITUS 

The  purpose  of  this  letter  is  parallel  to  that  of 
1  Timothy.  Both  in  their  organisation  and  in  the  hfo 
of  their  members  the  churches  in  Crete,  founded  perhaps 
by  converts  gained  on  the  Day  of  Pentecost  (Ac  2ii), 
are  in  urgent  need  of  correction,     Paul  has  recently 


left  Titus  on  the  island  (Introduction,  §  5),  to  establish 
them  upon  a  firmer  foundation  and  thus  to  safeguard 
them  against  the  false  teachers  by  whom  they  are 
assailed.  He  now  writes  to  offer  his  delegate  encourage- 
ment in  his  task,  and  directions  concerning  doctrine 
and  Church  order  Ho  also  summons  Titus  to  join 
him  for  the  winter  in  Nicopolis. 

I.  1-4.  Salutation. — Paul  sends  to  Titus,  his  true 
son  in  their  common  faith,  his  customary  Christian 
greeting.  Writing  in  liis  ofTicial  capacity  (I  Tim. 
lif.*),  he  appropriately  emphasizes  the  design  of  his 
office — a  design  based  on  the  hope  of  life  eternal.  This 
is  to  foster  in  those  who  have  responded  to  God's  call 
faith  and  knowledge  of  the  truth  that  is  directed  to 
godly  fiving.  Eternal  life  was  promised  by  God  before 
eternal  ages,  but  the  actual  manifestation  of  His  Word 
in  its  seasonable  time  was  granted  in  the  message  with 
which  he,  Paul,  was  entrusted  according  to  God's  own 
command. 

1.  a  servant  (lit.  "  slave ")  of  God :  a  imique 
phrase  in  Paul,  but  cf.  Jas.  li. — 3.  God  our  Saviour: 
1  Tim.  li*. 

I.  5-9.  The  Appointment  of  Elders. — Paul  renews  in 
writing  instructions  delivered  orally  to  Titus  during 
his  recent  visit  to  Crete.  As  in  Asia  (1  Tim.  3 iff.), 
the  safeguard  agauist  error  is  a  wisely  constituted 
ministry,  faithful  in  conserving  the  true  doctrine. 
For  the  elders'  quahfications  cf.  1  Tim.  3i-7*.  The 
lists  are  essentially  identical,  the  chief  difference  being 
the  addition  here  of  "  just,  holy,"  etc.,  and  the  omission 
of  "  not  a  novice." 

6.  blameless :  1  Tim.  Sio"". — hxisband,  etc. :  1  Tim, 
82*. — children,  etc.  :  the  reason  is  given  in  1  Tim. 
34f.— 7.  bishop:  1  Tim.  3i*.  Moffatt  regards  7-9 
as  a  gloss,  breaking  the  connexion  between  6  and  10. 
The  sequence  of  9  and  10,  however  is  excellent. 
Equally  needless  is  Clemen's  and  Hesse's  view  that 
7-1 1  are  interpolated. — 9.  the  teaching:  i.e.  apostofic 
doctrines. — sound  doctrine:  1  Tim.  lio*.— gainsayers: 
i.e.  the  false  teachers. 

I.  10-16.  Titus'  Attitude  to  False  Teachers.— 
Loyalty  to  sound  doctrmo  is  needful  for  silencing  many 
deceitful  teachers — not  outside  the  Church  (Hort),  but 
self-constituted  instructors  within  its  borders,  who 
reject  its  disci pHno  ("  unruly  "  =  insubordinate).  These 
men,  exemplifying  Epimenidcs'  judgment  (600  B.C.) 
of  the  Cretan  character,  teach  error  for  monetary 
profit  {cf.  I  Tim.  65).  Chiefly,  and  therefore  not 
wholly,  of  Jewish  origin  (10),  they  base  their  empty 
talking  on  Jewish  legends  (1  Tim.'13-ii*)  and  mere 
human  traditions  which  foster  asceticism.  Their 
asceticism  is  manifestly  false,  smce  pure  men  can 
make  a  pure  use  of  cverj'thing  (1  Tim.  4i-5*),  while 
those  who  are  impure  and  unbelieving  can  use  nothing 
purely,  their  whole  muid  being  contaminated  and 
their  conduct  denj'ing  their  profession  (14-16).  All 
such  errorists  Titus  must  summarily  refute. 

II.  lucre:  Cretans  were  notorious  lovei-s of  money. — ■ 
12.  With  this  quotation  cf.  those  from  Aratus  (Ac. 
1728)  and  Menander  (1  Cor.  1033).  The  \iow  that 
Paul  enjoj'ed  a  hberal  education  is  probably  true,  but 
cannot  be  inferred  solely  from  these  citations, — liars : 
"  to  speak  fiko  a  Cretan "  was  synonymous  with 
"  Iving,"  For  the  allusion  and  its  significance  feo 
Rendel  Hams  in  p:xp.,  Oct.  1906,  April  1907,  Oct. 
1912,  Jan.  1915.-15,  Rather  "for  the  pure"  (</. 
Rom.  142o). — 16.  profess:  better,  "confess."  Far 
too  niUd  a  term  for  the  m  cond-c<'utury  (.'nostio ! 

n.  1-15.  Teaching  on  Christian  Behaviour, 
(a)  II.  1-10.  Duty  of  Different  Classes. — In  contrast 
with  the  errorists'  irrelevances.  Titus  must  continually 


388 


TITUS,  II.   1-10 


inculcate  right  conduct.  This  is  defined  for  (a)  old 
men,  (6)  old  women,  (c)  j'oung  women,  (d)  younger 
mon,  (e)  slaves.  Tlxe  strongest  argument  for  truth  is 
the  moral  life  it  produces,  even  in  a  slave  ( lo  ;  contrast 
5  and  li6).     This  fact  Titus  himself  must  remember 

(7f.). 

3.  reverent:  bettor,  "  reverend  "  (c/.  1  Tim.  2io). — 
teachers:  i.e.  in  private  (see  1  Tim.  2i2). — 4.  love 
husbands,  children :  inscriptions  show  these  words 
to  have  been  "current  in  this  very  combination" 
(Dfissmann,  Bible  i^tiulies,  p.  255). — 5.  workers 
at  home :  the  true  reading  may  be  "  keepers  at  home  " 
(r/.  1  Tim.  5i3f.).— subjection  :  Col.  3i8,  Eph.  522.— 
that,  etc.  :  Is.  525  (rf.  Horn.  224,  1  Tim.  61).— 7.  doc- 
trine: rather,  "teaching";  so  perhaps  elsewhere  in 
tliose  epistles. — 8.  he  that,  etc. :  the  false  teacher  or 
the  heathen,  not  Satan  (Clirysostom). — 9.  1.  Tim. 
6if.* — gainsaying:  includes,  but  transcends,  "an- 
swering again  "  (AV). 

(b)  II.  11-15.  Its  Doctrinal  Basis.— The  transformed 
lives  thus  required  from  different  groups  are  rendered 
possible  by  God's  own  grace,  revealed  in  the  Incar- 
nation. This,  for  all  men  (1  Tim.  24),  is  a  mviiuj 
grace,  bringing  (a)  etliioal  discipline  (12),  (6)  the  in- 
spiration of  the  Second  Advent  hope  (13),  and  (c)  the 
Atonement  on  which  so  great  redemption  rests  (14). 
All  this  (1-14)  Titus  must  impress  authoritatively. 
The  association  of  the  largest  motive  Avith  the  conduct 
inculcated  is  in  the  true  Pauhne  manner  (c/.  2  Cor.  89, 
Phil.  2i-ii). 

12.  denying :  rather,  "  having  once  for  all  denied  " 
(in  baptism). — 13.  of  the  glory:  not  as  AV. — God  and 
Saviour :  the  rendering  is  uncertain,  but  the  context 
probably  shows  RV  (not  AV)  to  be  correct.  In  that 
case  Christ  is  definitely  called  our  God(c/'.  Rom.  95). — 
14.  redeem,  etc.  :  Ps.  1308,  Mk.  IO45,— a  people,  etc. : 
Ex.  195,  I  P.  29. 

III.  1-7.  Further  Instruction  on  Christian  Conduct. 

(a)  III.  If.  Behaviour  to  those  Outside. — In  his 
relation  with  unb(!lievor8  the  Christian  must  show 
(i)  towards  those  in  authority,  obedience  (1  Tim. 
2i-7*)  ;  (ii)  towards  his  neighbours  generally',  right- 
living  and  forbearance  ;  (iii)  towards  all  alike,  meek- 
ness. 

(b)  III.  3-8(i.  Its  Doctrinal  Basis.— Any  other  spirit 


than  that  of  meekness  is  ruled  out  (i)  by  the  character 
of  the  believer's  own  pre-Christian  life  (Rom.  l28ff., 
c/.  1  Tim.  Ii2ff.),  (ii)  by  the  fact  that  liis  own  salvation 
was  of  God's  grace  (see  on  211-15).  A  difficulty  fol- 
lows. We  have  (i)  a  characteristically  Pauline  state- 
ment of  evangelical  doctrine  (men  are  "  justified  " 
not  by  "  works,"  but  by  "  grace  ")  ;  (ii)  an  allusion 
to  baptism  which,  to  many,  appears  un-Pauhne.  If 
56  implies  that  the  rite  of  itself  effects  the  cleansing 
from  sin,  it  is  certainly  different  from  Paul's  usual 
doctrine  of  baptism — that  of  the  behever's  mystical 
union  with  Clirist's  death.  The  teacliing,  however,  is 
not  that  the  regeneration  is  through  the  physical 
washing — a  view  which  would  require  the  sentence 
to  be  rewritten — but  that  God  uses  baptism  as  the 
act  with  which  He  associates  cleansing  from  sin. 
This  sacramental  doctrine  is  apostohc  (Ac.  23.8,  22 16, 
Gal.  827.  Eph.  526,  1  P.  821),  and  must  not  be  con- 
fused with  the  very  different  theory  that  the  act 
itself  possesses  a  quasi-magical  power.  The  latter 
view  would  place  baptism  among  those  very  "  works  " 
by  which,  the  context  affirms,  we  are  not  saved. 

3.  c/.  Introduction,  §  2. — 8a.  The  "  saving  "  covers 
4-6;    1  Tim.  I15*. 

III.  86-11.  Final  Charge  to  Titus. 

(a)  Maintain  good  works — a  characteristic  demand 
in  the  Pastorals  ;  (6)  avoid  useless  controversy  (c/. 
I  Tim.  I3-11*)  ;   (c)  shun  the  factious. 

Bb.  these  tilings:  the  preceding  counsels. — 10. 
heretical :  rather,  "  factious,"  one  whose  presence  has 
a  divisive  influence. — refuse:  not  "excommunicate," 
but  "  avoid." 

III.  12-15.  Closing  Messages. 

Paul  will  send  Artt-mas  or  Tychicus  to  fill  Titus'  post 
when  he  leaves  for  Nicopolis  (doubtless  the  Nicopolis 
in  Epirus).  For  Tychicus  see  2  Tim.  4i2*,  wnich 
implies  that  he  was  not  actually  chosen  for  Crete. 
Of  Artenias  we  know  nothing.  Zenas  and  ApoUos 
may  well  have  carried  thLs  letter  to  Titus.  Zenas, 
lilce  Artemas,  is  unknown  :  he  would  probably  be  a 
"  lawyer  "  in  the  Jeivish  sense.  ApoUos  appears  in 
Ac.  I824,  19i  ;  1  Cor.  I12.  For  the  significance  of  the 
historical  allusions  see  Introduction,  at  end  of  §  1. 

14.  necessary  uses:  e.g.  such  hospitality  as  Ztimis 
and  ApoUos  required. 


HEBREWS 


By  Professor  E.  F.  SCOTT 


This  epistle  is  provided  with  no  formal  opening,  from 
which  we  might  learn  the  name  of  the  writer  and  of 
the  church  addressed.  Towards  the  end  of  the  second 
century  an  opinion  grew  up,  and  at  last  became  pre- 
valent, that  it  was  an  anonymous  epistle  of  Paul ; 
but  this  opinion  had  probably  its  origin  in  the  natural 
desire  to  ensure  an  undisputed  place  in  the  NT  canon 
for  a  writing  intrinsically  so  valuable.  The  more 
critical  minds  of  antiquity  already  recognised  that  the 
style  was  altogether  different  from  that  of  Paul ;  and 
the  difference  in  theological  teaching  is  even  more 
decisive  against  the  Pauline  authorship.  A  tradition 
at  least  as  early  as  TertuUian  {c.  200)  ascribes  the 
epistle  to  Barnabas  ;  Luther  suggested  that  it  may 
have  been  written  by  Apollos  ;  modern  scholars  have 
tried  to  connect  it  with  Luke,  or  Silvanus,  or  Priscilla 
and  Aquila.  But  it  has  to  be  admitted  that  all 
attempts  to  fix  the  authorship  are  based  on  conjecture. 
From  the  epistle  itself  we  can  gather  that  its  writer 
was  an  accomplished  teacher,  holding  some  place  of 
authority  in  the  Church  which  he  addresses,  and  a 
friend  of  Paul's  companion,  Timothy.  His  name  has 
been  irrecoverably  lost. 

The  destination  of  the  epistle  is  almost  as  doubtful 
as  its  authorship.  Some  have  assumed  that  it  was 
written  to  Jerusalem,  in  view  of  the  many  allusions 
to  Jewish  worship  and  ritual ;  others  suppose  that 
the  philasophical  cast  of  the  argument  points  rather 
to  Alexandria.  From  several  indications  it  is  much 
more  likely  that  it  was  written  to  Rome ;  and  this 
conclusion  is  partly  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  it  was 
known  at  Rome  before  the  end  of  the  first  century. 
But  the  readers  whom  it  contemplates  appear  to  have 
formed  a  homogeneous  group,  which  can  hardly  have 
included  the  whole  Roman  Church.  Perhaps  they 
constituted  one  of  the  many  congregations  into  which 
that  great  Church  was  divided. 

The  date  of  the  epistle  can  be  determined  within 
certain  broad  limits.  The  writer  speaks  of  his  readers 
as  belonging,  like  himself,  to  the  second  generation  of 
Christians  (23).  and  refers  more  than  once  to  a  con- 
siderable time  that  has  elapsed  since  their  conver- 
sion (012,  IO32,  137).  Thus  it  seems  impossible  to 
assume  a  date  earlier  than  the  second  lialf  of  the  first 
century.  On  the  other  hand,  the  epistle  is  quoted  by 
Clement  of  Rome  in  a.v>.  95,  and  must  have  been  in 
existence  for  at  least  some  years  before  that  date. 
It  may  have  been  written  at  any  time  between  a.d.  65 
and  85. 

The  Uterarif  character  of  the  work  forms  a  peculiar 
difhculty.  That  it  was  sent  as  a  lett<»r  is  evident  from 
the  concluding  verses  ;  b>it  in  itfl  whole  stylo  and 
stnicture  it  suggests  a  spoken  discourse  rather  than 
an  epistle.  Indeed,  in  several  places  the  author 
appears  to  indicate,  in  so  many  words,  that  he  is 
speaking  (25,  95,  11 32).  Some  modem  scholars  are 
of  opinion  that  the  last  chapt<^r,  or  at  any  rate  the 


last  four  vei-ses,  were  added  by  a  later  editor  to  give 
an  epistolaiy  colour  to  the  origmal  discourse.  More 
probably  the  author  himself  revised  a  spoken  address 
and  sent  it  as  a  letter,  or  purposely  wrote  his  letter 
in  the  manner  he  would  have  employed  in  public  speech 
(c/.  Exp.,  Dec.  191G).  As  a  literary  composition  it  is 
the  most  elaborate  work  in  the  NT.  It  is  written 
according  to  an  ordered  plan,  in  balanced  and  resonant 
sentences  of  remarkable  precision,  and  rises  at  times  to 
wonderful  heights  of  eloquence. 

The  general  ■purpose  of  the  epistle  is  manifest  on 
every  page.  Its  readers  are  in  danger  of  falling  away 
from  their  early  faith,  partly  under  stress  of  persecu- 
tion, partly  through  an  indifference  due  to  mere  lapse 
of  time.  The  writer  wishes  to  inspire  them  with  new 
courage  and  perseverance,  and  to  this  end  he  sets 
Cliristianity  before  them  as  the  final  religion,  of  which 
all  else  has  been  mere  symbol  and  anticipation.  But 
it  has  been  commonly  maintained  that  this  larger 
purpose  is  combined  with  a  more  definite  one.  The 
finality  of  the  gospel  is  established  by  means  of  a 
detailed  contrast  with  the  Jewish  ordinances ;  and 
from  this  it  has  been  inferred  that  the  readers  were 
Jews,  who  in  the  reaction  from  CTiristianity  were 
drifting  back  into  Judaism.  This  view  of  the  under- 
lying motive  of  the  epistle  seems  to  be  implied  in  the 
title  attached  to  it  from  a  very  early  time :  "  to  the 
Hebrews."  Among  modern  scholars,  however,  the 
opinion  is  gaining  ground  that  this  explanation  of  the 
Jewish  colouring  of  the  epistle  is  unnecessary.  To 
Christians  of  the  fii-st  century  the  OT  was  the  one 
acknowledged  Bible,  no  less  than  to  the  Jews,  and 
formed  the  natural  basis  of  any  attempt  to  present 
Christianity  as  the  religion  of  the  New  Covenant. 

[It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  ac- 
ceptance of  the  OT  by  Jewish  and  Gentile  Christians 
rested  on  quite  different  grounds.  The  former  ac- 
cepted it  because  they  were  Jews,  the  latter  because 
they  had  become  Christians.  The  whole  method  of 
proof  implies  that  the  authority  of  the  OT  is  unques- 
tioned by  the  readers.  Since  they  were  tempted  to 
abandon  Christianity,  this  proof  would  not  have 
carried  weight,  unless  the  authority  to  which  appeal 
was  made  was  admitted  independently  of  their 
Christianity.  It  is  accordingly  very  difiicult  to  sup- 
pose that  the  readers  had  Ijeen  converted  from 
Paganism  to  Christianity,  for  then  the  Divine  origin 
of  the  OT  would  luvo  stood  on  just  the  same  ground 
as  other  Christian  doctrines,  it  could  have  given  them 
no  independent  support,  and  would  have  been  aban- 
doned with  them.  It  is  possible  that  the  readers  had 
Ix-cn  proselytes  I)cfore  their  conversion,  but  it  is  much 
more  natural  to  regard  them  as  Jews. — A.  vS.  P  ] 

The  line  of  argument  which  the  writer  follows  is 
probably  to  he  exjiiained  fmm  his  own  training  and 
habits  of  thought,  much  more  than  fn->m  the  nationality 
of   his   readers.     He   is   strongly   influenced    by   the 


890 


HEBREWS 


Alexandrian  philosophy,  from  which  ho  takes  over 
not  only  his  allegorical  method  of  expo\inding  Scrip- 
ture but  his  cardinal  conception  of  an  ideal  heavenly 
world,  of  which  the  visible  world  is  only  the  copy  or 
•  reflection.  Christianity  is  the  absolute  religion  be- 
cause it  is  concerne<i  with  that  higher  world  of  ultimato 
realities.  It  brings  us  to  our  true  rest  by  affording 
us  access  to  God's  immediate  presence.  The  teaching 
of  the  epistle  thus  centres  on  the  conception  of  Clirist 
as  the  High  Priest,  who  has  accomplished  in  very  deed 
what  the  ancient  ordinances  could  only  suggest  in 
symbol.  By  offering  the  perfect  sacrifice  Ho  has  won 
entrance  info  the  heavenly  sanctuary,  and  has  secured 
for  us  a  real  and  enduring  fellowship  with  God.  The 
argument  is  worked  out  by  means  of  ideas  and  imagery 
borrowed  from  ancient  ritual ;  but  it  is  not  difficult 
to  apprehend  the  essential  thought  which  gives  per- 
manent religious  value  to  this  epistle. 

Literature. — Commentarie-t :  {a)  A.  B.  Davidson, 
Farrar  (CB),  Peake  (Cent.B.),  Goodspeed,  Wickliam 
(West.C):  (b)  Westcott,  Vaughan,  Nalrne  (CGT), 
Rcndall,  Dods  (EGT) ;  (c)  Bleek,  *DclitZ8Ch,  B.  Weiss 
(Mey.),  Von  Soden  (HO),  Riggenbach  (ZK),  Hollmann 
(SNT),  Windisch  (HNT);  (d)  Edwards  (Ex.B),  Dale. 
The  Jewifih  Temple  and  the  Christian  Church.  Peake, 
Heroes  and  Martyrs  of  Faith.  Other  literature  :  Articles 
in  Dictionaries,  "works  on  NTI,  and  NTT  ;  Riehm,  Der 
Lehrhegrij)  rfet  Tlrhrderbriefes ;  Bruce,  The  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrem:  G.  Milligan,  The  Theology  of  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebreivs;  Nairne,  T^e  Epistle  of  Priesthood; 
Men^goz,  La  Theologie  de  V Epitre  anx  Hehreux ;  H.  L. 
MacNeill,  The  Christology  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
Hamack  in  ZNTW.  190().  pp.  15-41. 

I.  1-4.  Introduction. — In  a  majestic  opening  sen- 
tence the  writer  declares  the  theme  which  he  proposes 
to  develop  in  the  chapters  that  follow.  Christianity 
is  the  final  and  all-sufficient  religion,  for  Christ  is 
no  other  than  the  Son,  who  accomplished  once  and  for 
ever  the  saving  purpose  of  God.  To  His  people  of  old 
God  had  spoken  by  human  messengers,  who  could  only 
disclose  fragments  of  His  will,  as  it  came  to  them  by 
word  or  vision  or  symbol.  To  His  later  people,  whose 
lot  is  cast  in  the  transition  period  between  the  old  age 
and  the  new.  He  has  spoken  by  one  who  is  His  Son. 
The  supreme  dignity  of  the  Son  is  set  forth  under  two 
aspects :  (a)  He  is  not  part  of  creation,  but  the  very 
goal  and  principle  of  creation.  From  all  eternity  God 
had  decreed  that  He  should  be  "  heir  of  all  things," 
and  had  made  the  worlds — the  whole  universe  of  space 
and  time — through  Him.  (b)  He  is  Himself  of  Di^^ne 
nature,  for  in  Him  the  being  of  God  is  manifested  as 
the  Him  is  in  its  radiance,  or  the  seal  in  the  impression 
taken  from  it.  He  is  God's  assessor  in  the  government 
of  the  world.  For  a  time  He  sojourned  on  earth  to 
effect  His  redeeming  puiTiOse.  but  now  He  has  returned 
to  His  sovereign  place  in  heaven.  So  the  name  which 
rightly  belongs  to  Him  is  that  of  Son.  and  from  this  it 
is  evident  that  He  .'^tands  infinitely  high  above  the 
angels. 

Unlike  tho  Fourth  Evangelist  (pp.  745f.),  the  writer 
does  not  expressly  use  the  terra  "  Logos  "  (the  Word), 
but  it  is  clear  from  his  language  that  he  conceives  of 
Christ  under  this  category.  Alexandrian  philosophy 
had  given  currency  to  the  idea  of  a  second  Divine 
principle — God  active  as  distinguished  from  God  trans- 
cendent. From  an  early  time  Christianity  hatl  seized 
on  this  conception  as  alone  adequate  to  the  significance 
of  Christ,  but  with  the  essential  change  that  tho 
abstract  Logos  of  philosophy  was  now  identified  with 
a  living  Person.  In  the  remaining  part  of  the  epistle 
the  conception  of  Christ  as  Ix)go8  gives  place  to  others. 


especially  to  that  of  tho  ideal  High  Priest ;  yet  the 
argument  as  a  whole  has  to  be  understood  in  the  light 
of  these  opening  verses.  Jesus  is  qualified  to  be  our 
mediator  with  God  because  He  shares  in  the  being  of 
God,  while  partaking  also  in  our  human  nature  and 
experiences. 

I.  5-II.  18.  The  Son  Is  Superior  to  tho  Angels.— 
For  this  theme  the  way  ha-s  been  prepared  in  the 
clo.sing  words  of  I4.  The  section  may  possibly  be 
directed  against  angel- worship,  wliich  in  some  churches, 
as  wo  know  from  Colossians,  was  encroaching  on  the 
faith  in  Christ.  More  probably  the  writer's  aim  ia 
simply  to  enforce  the  supremacy  of  Christ  as  compared 
with  even  the  highest  of  created  beings.  In  5-18  he 
collects  a  number  of  Scripture  texts  which  illustrate 
tho  relative  worth  of  Christ  and  the  angels.  These 
texts  are  interpreted  by  the  allegorical  method — i.e. 
they  are  taken  not  in  their  historical  meaning,  but  as 
symbolic  utterances  which  have  to  be  spirituallj-  dis- 
cerned. Two  quotations  (5),  the  former  taken  from 
Ps.  27,  the  latter  from  2  S.  7i4,  which  declare  Christ  to 
be  the  Son  are  followed  by  another,  apparently  taken 
from  the  LXX  version  of  the  Song  of  Moses  {cf.  Ps. 
977),  in  which  the  angels  are  commanded  to  worship 
Him.  This  command  (6)  is  referred  to  some  moment 
in  eternity  when  God  first  revealed  His  Son  to  the 
assembled  hosts  of  heaven.  In  the  quotations  given 
in  7-12,  taken  from  Pss.  IO44,  45of.,  IO225-27,  llOi, 
a  special  aspect  of  the  contrast  with  the  angels  is  em- 
phasized— viz.  that  the  angels  are  subject  to  change, 
while  tho  Son  remams  tho  same  for  ever.  This  idea 
is  obtained  by  supposing  Ps.  1044  to  mean  "  at  will 
Thou  changest  the  forms  of  the  angels,  making  them 
now  winds,  now  flames."  Against  this  text,  wliich 
tolls  how  the  angels  assume  the  shapes  of  variable 
elements,  are  set  others  which  describe  the  Son  as 
always  supreme  and  steadfast.  The  final  quotation 
(13)  has  been  used  already  in  3,  and  is  taken  from 
the  pa.ssage  (Ps.  IIO1-4)  which  determines  the  whole 
thought  of  the  epistle.  Christ  as  the  Son  is  throned 
at  God's  right  hand,  wliile  the  angels,  as  their  name 
implies,  are  only  .servants,  inferior  in  some  sense  to 
God's  earthly  saints,  to  whose  welfare  they  minister. 

II.  1-4.  For  the  first  time  the  writer  discloses  tho 
practical  aim  which  gives  force  and  meaning  to  his 
theological  argument.  Christian  men  ought  to  realise 
the  grandeur  of  their  calling,  and  to  hold  fast  to  tho 
message  which  was  not  delivered  by  angels  like  the 
Jewish  Law  (r/.  Ac.  753,  Gal.  .3iy).  but  by  the  Son 
Himself.  A  suggestive  image  is  spoiled  by  the  insertion 
of  "  from  them  "  in  i.  By  forgetting  the  directions 
given  them  the  readers  may  drift  away  from  their 
tnie  coui-se,  and  by  so  doing  will  expose  themselves 
to  dreadful  danger.  For  if  the  Law.  as  the  history-  of 
Israel  shows  us,  avenged  itself  on  those  who  disobeyed 
it,  there  will  bo  even  worse  j)unishment  for  Christian 
men  if  they  are  faithless  to  that  me-sage  of  which  the 
Law  was  only  a  shadow.  It  is  true  that  the  writer  and 
those  whom  he  addresses  had  heard  this  message  only 
from  the  apostles,  but  those  human  teaehci-s  had 
received  it  from  tho  Lord  Himself,  and  their  words  had 
been  Divinely  attested  b}'  varied  acts  of  miracle, 
wrought  m  the  power  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 

V  II»  5-18.  Resuming  his  argument,  the  writer  deals 
with  the  objection  that  Christ  cannot  be  ranked  above 
the  angels  in  view  of  His  earthly  humiliation.  This 
objection  is  answered  by  conclusions  drawn  from  Ps. 
84-6*.  Christ  was  inileed  made  lower  than  tho  angela 
but  for  the  purpose  that  Ho  should  ri.so  to  the  sovereig 
place.  Onlj'  by  His  suffering  and  death  could  He 
fitted  for  His  supreme  work  as  High  Prieet  and  Savioi 


HEBREWS,  IV.  If. 


891 


The  angels  had  no  authority  over  that  higher  world 
of  which  the  writer  is  to  speak  in  this  epistle.  Scrip- 
ture points  rather  to  a  "  son  of  man  "  who  will  control 
all  things ;  and  by  "  all  things  "  is  meant  the  future 
heavenly  world  as  well  as  the  present  (sf.).  But  in 
this  very  assertion  of  the  dignity  of  Christ  (for  Ho  is 
the  "  man  "  whom  the  Ps.  foretells)  reference  is  made 
to  a  temporary  humiliation.  The  words  "  for  a  little 
while  lower  than  the  angels  "  {nig.)  are  explained  when 
we  turn  to  the  gospel  history.  For  a  little  time  Jesus 
was  subjected  to  our  human  lot,  but  His  suffering  of 
death  was  only  the  prelude  to  His  exaltation.  It  was 
c-\idonce  of  the  grace  of  God,  who  by  this  means  made 
salvation  possible  for  all  men. — 9.  This  verse  is  diffi- 
cult, owing  to  the  condensation  within  a  single  sentence 
of  several  ideas  :  (o)  Christ's  earthly  life  and  sufferings 
were  necessary  to  His  exaltation  ;  (b)  this  exaltation 
was  due  to  His  adding  the  attribute  of  Saviour  to  His 
other  attributes  ;  (c)  His  death,  therefore,  was  at  once 
a  crowning  honour  bestowed  on  Himself  and  a  proof 
of  God's  goodness  to  all  men. 

That  Jesus  had  to  suffer  and  die  was  fully  in  keeping 
with  the  wisdom  of  God  ;  for  if  He  was  to  lead  the  way 
to  salvation  for  the  suffering  race  of  mankind,  Ho 
needed  Himself  to  suffer,  and  thus  to  be  fitted  perfectly 
for  His  task  (lo).  A  parenthesis  follows  (11-13),  in 
which  it  is  shown  by  Scripture  (Ps.  2222,  Is.  Siyt.) 
that  in  spite  of  their  low  estate  men  are  the  brethren 
of  Christ,  sons  of  the  same  Father.  But  God's  human 
children  are  subject  to  limitations  of  flesh  and  blood, 
and  in  order  to  save  them  Christ  had  to  make  Himself 
one  with  them  (14).  He  died  their  death  that  He  might 
overcome  the  devil,  who  has  power  to  inflict  death  on 
men  as  the  penalty  of  their  sins ;  and  thus  He  saved 
men  not  from  death  only,  but  from  that  overhanging 
dread  of  it  which  took  all  joy  and  freedom  out  of  their 
lives  (15).  If  Jesus  had  set  Himself  to  be  Redeemer  of 
angels  ("  take  hold  of,"  i.e.  in  order  to  rescue),  it  would 
not  have  been  necessarv  for  Him  so  to  himiiliate  Him- 
self. But  since  His  work  was  on  behalf  of  His  earthly 
brethren,  the  way  He  chose  was  the  only  possible  one, 
and  we  are  not  to  marvel  at  it.  He  had  to  submit 
Himself  to  the  mortal  lot  of  men  that  so  He  might  repre- 
sent them  before  God  with  a  full  sense  of  their  needs 
and  infirmities.  Tried  Himself  bj'  a  life  of  suffering.  He 
is  able  to  succour  those  who  are  tried  likewise  (i6ff.). 

These  verses  prepare  the  way  for  the  subject  which 
is  to  occupy  the  central  portion  of  the  epistle.  It  is 
by  acting  as  our  High  Priest  that  Christ  achieves  our 
salvation  ;  and  His  earthly  life  was  meant  to  fit  Him 
for  this  His  characteristic  work. 

III.  1-IV.  13.  As  Christ  is  higher  than  the  angels, 
so  He  is  greater  than  Moses,  through  whom  the  first 
covenant  was  established.  The  comparison  with 
Moses,  however,  occupies  only  a  few  verses,  and  merges 
m  a  warmng  to  avoid  the  fate  of  those  Israelites  whom 
Moses  led. 

III.  1-6.  The  superiority  of  Christ  to  Moses  is  illus- 
trated in  two  ways :  (a)  Moses  belonged  to  the  house 
as  part  of  it  {i.e.  was  himself  one  of  the  members  of 
the  chosen  community) ;  Christ  was  the  builder  of 
the  house,  {b)  Moses  was  a  servant  in  the  house 
(Nu.  127),  while  Christ  was  over  it  as  the  Son.  Tho 
readers  are  again  reminded  (i)  of  the  obligations  resting 
on  them.  They  share  in  a  calling  which  identifies  them 
with  a  heavenly  world  ;  for  Christ  their  represcntativo 
was  an  apostle,  a  messenger  of  God,  iji  a  far  higher  scnso 
than  Moses.  It  is  true  that  Moses  also  was  faithful 
to  the  tiisk  entrusted  to  him,  but  ho  was  liimsolf 
numbered  with  the  community  which  ho  led.  Ho 
was  part  of  the  house,  while  Chriiit  waa  its  builder. 


inasmuch  as  God.  the  ultimate  builder  of  all  things, 
had  accomplished  His  creative  work  through  Christ  (4). 
Moses,  moreover,  had  been  only  a  servant  in  the  house, 
although  a  faithful  servant  (Nu.  I27),  and  the  message 
which  he  brought  was  at  best  a  foreshadowing  of  the 
greater  message  that  was  reserved  for  the  future  (sf.). 
The  faithfulness  of  Christ  was  that  of  the  Son  to  whom 
the  house  belonged,  and  who  had  therefore  a  far  higher 
responsibility.  "  And  we  are  that  house,"  that  com- 
munity of  which  Christ  is  Lord,  if  only  we  can  remain 
loyal  to  our  splendid  hope  until  it  roaches  fulfilment. 

III.  7-IV.  13.  With  tins  warning  the  comparison 
between  Christ  and  Moses  changes  into  an  exhortation, 
based  on  Ps.  907-1  r.  This  psalm  is  concerned  with 
the  "  house  "  or  community  of  which  Moses  was  the 
head,  and  its  lessons  are  applicKl  to  the  "  house  "  of 
the  new  covenant.  The  ancient  peoi)le  of  God  missed 
their  destiny  because  of  unbelief,  and  Christians  must 
be  on  their  guard  against  a  like  danger.  After  making 
his  quotation  the  writer  proceeds  to  explain  it  by  his 
customary  method  of  allegory.  Fii'st  of  all  (12-19) 
he  points  to  the  solemn  warning  which  is  impressed 
on  us  by  the  apostasy  of  ancient  Israel.  Tho  danger 
of  unbelief  is  always  present,  and  Christians  must 
never  wearj'  of  kindling  one  anotlier  to  greater  faith  ; 
for  unbelief  is  an  insidious  sin,  and  gro\\s  upon  us 
before  wo  know  (i2f.).  Tho  psalm  speaks  of  an 
opportunity  which  is  offered  to  us  "  to-day."  and  to 
the  writer  of  the  epistle  this  word  has  a  special  signifi- 
cance. It  is  meant  to  be  prophetic  of  that  interval 
of  time  which  is  still  left  before  Christ  returns  in  glory. 
The  readers  are  exhorted  to  make  good  use  of  this 
intei-val,  which  is  quickly  passing.  If  they  can  pre- 
serve for  this  little  time  the  faith  vdth.  which  they 
entered  on  the  Christian  life,  they  will  bo  assured  of 
their  place  among  Christ's  people  (i4f.).  The  psalm 
suggests  the  further  reflection  (16-19)  that  none  can 
presume  to  reckon  themselves  quite  secure  from  the 
danger  ci  falling  awaj^  from  God.  Those  who  rebelled 
in  the  wilderness  were  no  other  than  the  chosen  people, 
who  had  experienced  tho  great  deliverance.  They  all 
fell  into  sin,  and  were  doometl  to  wander  in  the  wilder- 
ness  for  forty  years,  until  their  whole  generation 
perished.  God  had  purposed  that  they  should  enter 
into  His  rest,  but  in  the  end  His  purpose  was  frustrated. 
And  it  was  they  themselves  who  forfeited  the  promised 
rest  by  their  disobedience. 

It  has  been  conjectured  from  the  insistence  on 
"  forty  years  "  (0,  16)  that  the  writer  connected  this 
period  in  a  special  manner  with  his  thought  of  "  to-day." 
The  interval  that  would  elapse  between  Christ's  death 
and  His  second  coming  was  to  correspond  with  that 
period  of  forty  years  which  Israel  had  spent  in  tho 
mldemess.  There  would  thus  be  a  peculiar  urgency 
in  his  waniing.  since  the  interval  of  forty  years  must 
have  been  nearing  its  close  before  the  earliest  date  that 
can  be  assigned  to  the  epistle.  But  tho  conjecture, 
though  a  possible,  is  not  a  ver\'  probable  one.  If 
tho  writer  had  wishcfl  to  impress  on  his  readers  that 
they  could  reckon  the  time  of  Christ's  coming  by  the 
OT  analogy,  he  would  have  taken  some  means  to  make 
his  thought  more  definite. 

IV.  1-13  continues  tho  exposition  of  Ps.  95.  Tlie 
writer  has  already  dealt  with  tho  waniing  contained 
Iheroin  ;  now  ho  shows  that  this  vcr\-  warning  implies 
a  promise.  In  declaring  that  His  rest  is  withheld 
from  those  who  had  piDved  unworthy  of  it,  God  would 
have  us  know  that  it  is  still  in  store.  Tho  fulfilment 
of  that  promise  which  had  been  offered  in  vain  to 
ancient  Israel  is  reserved  for  the  peojjle  of  Christ. 

II.  Transition  from  waniing  to  promise.     The  worn- 


HEBREWS,  IV.   If. 


ing  of  the  psalm  is  one  that  directly  concerns  oursolvcs, 
for,  since  the  Israelites  under  Moses  were  forbidden 
to  enter  into  the  promised  rest,  it  is  still  waiting,  and 
we  Christians  may  possess  it,  if  we  do  not  fail  as  they 
did.  Tlu'  me-ssage  which  came  to  them  has  conic  also 
to  us.  Thiy  heard  it,  but  missed  the  blessing  which 
it  proclaimed,  for  they  were  lacking  in  the  faith  which 
alone  could  assimilate  it. 

1.  should  seem  is  better  translated  "  should  bo 
found."  —2.  they  were  not  united:  with  this  translation 
the  meaning  is  that  the  great  mass  of  the  people  did 
not  share  the  faith  of  such  believing  souls  as  Joshua 
and  Caleb.  Another  and  simpler  rendering  is  prefer- 
able :  "it  was  not  blended  with  faith  in  those  who 
heard  " — i.e.  the  words  of  the  message  did  not  meet 
with  that  responsive  faith  wliich  alone  could  make 
them  effectual. 

3-10.  In  contrast  with  unbelieving  Israel  we  have 
accepted  the  message,  and  are  therefore  the  true  heirs 
of  the  promised  rest.  For  when  God  spoke  in  the 
psalm  of  a  rest  which  He  had  i)repared  and  which 
Israel  had  forfeited.  He  did  not  merely  signify  the  rest 
in  the  promised  land.  He  spoke  of  a  rest  w  hich  had 
existed  ever  since  the  creation  of  the  world  (3).  The 
words  of  the  psalm  have  to  be  taken  ui  conjunction 
with  those  other  words  in  Gen.  which  tell  how  God 
rested  after  His  works  were  finished.  This  rest  of 
His  has  continued  ever  since,  and  He  desires  that  His 
people  should  share  it  with   Him  (4f.).     His  original 

4)urpose  was,  as  we  may  gather  from  the  psalm,  that 
srael  should  inherit  His  rest.  It  was  waiting  for 
them,  and  they  had  the  opportunity  to  enter  into  it, 
but  they  missed  it  through  their  disobedience.  He 
therefore  issued  a  second  call  many  centuries  after- 
wards, for  the  psalm  which  proclaims  it  dates  from  a 
time  long  subsequent  to  the  days  of  the  wilderness. 
The  rest  is  again  offered  in  the  psalm  as  something 
which  is  still  open,  waiting  for  men  "  to-day  "  if  they 
will  listen  to  God's  voice  (6f.).  It  is  plain  that  this 
rest,  offered  a  second  time,  when  Israel  was  in  full 
posse-'jsion  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  cannot  have  been 
the  mere  earthly  settlement  which  was  secured  under 
Joshua.  It  is  a  rest  not  yet  attained  and  still  open 
to  God's  people,  the  eternal  8abbath-rest  of  God  (8f.). 
Indeed  there  is  no  other  sense  in  which  we  can  pro))erly 
speak  of  entering  into  rest.  A  perfect  rest  implies 
that  a  man  has  completed  his  earthly  labours,  and 
shares  with  God  in  the  rest  of  eternity  ( 10).  "  Sabbath- 
rest  "  (9)  sums  up  in  one  expressive  word  the  idea 
which  is  developed  in  10.  God's  work  of  creation  was 
crowned  and  completed  by  the  Sabbath  on  which  He 
entered,  and  which  will  endure  for  eternity.  He  has 
purposed  that  our  lives,  too,  should  bo  consummated 
by  fellowship  with  Him  in  His  Sabbath-rest.  Against 
the  idea  here  presented  may  be  placed  that  of  Jn.  5i7  : 
"  My  Father  wcrketh  hitherto,  and  I  work." 

In  a  closing  passage  (iiff.)  the  writer  again  dwells 
on  the  dang*  that  his  readers,  like  Israel,  may  lase 
the  future  rest.  God's  word  has  promised  it,  but  that 
same  word  is  sharjj  to  detect  even  the  first  hidden 
motions  towards  disobedience.  It  is  like  a  sword  tliat 
can  pierce  into  the  secret  recesses  of  the  heart  and 
separate  thoughts  and  desires  that  seem  inextricably 
bound  together.  There  can  bo  no  deceiving  of  God," 
in  whoso  sight  our  inmost  purposes  are  laid  bare. 

12.  the  word  of  God :  God  is  represented  in  the  OT 
as  acting  through  His  word  [cf.  Gen.  I.3,  etc.  Is. 
65x1 ).  Thus  the  word  of  God  is  here  conceived  as  a 
livmg  and  almost  personal  f)owor. — SOUl  and  spirit,  etc.  : 
».e.  the  ultimate  springs  nf  life,  where  all  issues  seem 
to  be  confused  together. — 13.  laid  open:    in  Greek 


a  peculiarlj'  vivid  word,  which  suggests  the  throwing 
back  of  the  head  of  the  victim,  so  aa  to  expose  the 
neck  to  the  sacrificial  knife. 

IV.  14-16.  A  shoit  passage  which  sums  up  the  pre- 
vious argument,  and  prepares  the  way  for  the  ensuing 
(Uscussion  of  the  high-priestly  work  of  Christ.  The 
readers  are  exhorted  to  be  steadfast  in  the  faith  they 
have  professed,  knowing  that  they  have  a  High  Priest 
who  ascended  through  the  lower  heavens  into  the  very 
presence  of  God.  And  though  He  is  so  exalted  He  is 
in  full  sympathy  with  men,  for  He  has  endured  our 
life  of  temptation,  while  remaining  sinless.  He  is 
near  to  God  and  at  the  same  time  our  brother  man  ; 
.so  we  can  confidently  make  our  approach  to  God 
through  Him,  and  seek  His  forgiveness  and  His  grace 
to  help  our  needs. — 14.  through  the  heavens:  ac- 
cording to  Jewish  conceptions  there  were  seven  heavens, 
the  highest  of  which  was  the  dwelling-place  of  God 
Himself  (cf.  "  the  third  heaven,"  2  Cor.  I22). 

V.  1-10.  The  \vriter  now  approaches  his  main  argu- 
ment, that  Christ  is  our  all-sufficient  High  Priest. 
But  before  considering  in  detail  the  nature  of  Christ's 
priestly  ministry,  he  shows  that  He  possesses  in  a 
supreme  degree  the  two  fundamental  attributes  of  a 
High  Priest.  Since  the  duty  of  a  High  Priest  is  to  act 
as  mediator  between  God  and  man,  he  must,  in  the 
first  place,  be  Divinely  appointed  (i),  not  arrogating 
the  office  to  himself,  but  selected  by  God  as  His  repre- 
sentative. In  the  second  place,  he  must  be  taken  from 
among  men,  and  so  be  capable  of  a  fellow-feeling  with 
erring  human  nature  (2).  This  second  qualification 
is  recognised  in  the  Levitical  law  which  requires  him 
to  offer  sacrifice  for  himself  as  well  as  for  the  people 
(3).  The  first  one— that  he  should  be  appointed  by 
God — finds  expression  in  the  law  that  ho  must  be 
descended  from  the  chosen  stock  of  Aaron  (4).  It  has 
been  shown  already  that  Christ,  who  shared  our  human 
weakness,  possesses  the  one  attribute  of  a  High  Priest ; 
He  also  partakes  of  the  other.  For  He  was  declared 
by  God  Himself  to  be  His  Son,  so  that  all  presumption 
on  His  own  part  is  out  of  the  question  ;  and  though 
not  of  the  stock  of  Aaron,  He  belonged  to  a  higher 
order  of  priesthood,  the  true  significance  of  which  is 
presently  to  be  set  forth  (sf.,  the  quotations  are  taken 
from  Ps.  27,  IIO4).  How  little  His  priesthood  had  to 
do  with  any  arrogant  claim  of  His  own  is  evi- 
dent from  His  earthly  life,  and  especially  from  His 
agony  in  Gethscmane.  In  the  light  of  that  episode 
we  can  see  how  He  was  inspired  solely  by  a  spirit  of 
absolute  obedieuce.  He  prayed  to  Goa,  who  was 
able  to  deliver  Him  from  death,  and  His  prayer  was 
heard  ;  yet  He  submitted  His  will  to  God's  will. 
Although  Son  of  God,  He  endured  the  appointed 
suffering,  and  so  disciplined  Himself  to  full  obedience, 
with  the  result  that  He  became  a  perfect  High  Priest, 
the  mediator  of  a  perfect  salvation.  His  calling  was 
wholly  of  God,  who  made  Him  a  unique  High  Priest, 
of  the  order  of  Melchizedek  (7-10). 

7.  heard  for  his  godly  fear:  another  interpretation 
is  possible,  "  He  was  heard  so  as  to  bo  delivered  from 
His  fear  " — i.e..  God  so  far  granted  His  prayer  as  to 
free  Him  from  the  fear  of  death,  though  not  from 
death  itself.  But  the  translation  of  the  RV  is  more 
in  keeping  with  the  thought  of  the  passage.  Ho  was 
heard  because  He  put  the  will  of  God  before  His  own. 
It  seems  to  be  suggested  that  an  escape  from  death 
was  offered  Him  in  answer  to  His  prayer,  but  that  Ho 
refused  it  and  chose  the  way  of  obedience. 

With  the  words  "  a  priest  after  the  order  of  Mel- 
cliizedek  "  the  writer  at  last  reaches  his  main  theme; 
but  he  pauses  before  commencing  it  in  order  to  make 


HEBREWS,  VII.  4-10 


893 


room  for  a  solemn  admonition  (5i  1-620).  He  asks 
himself  whether  his  readers  will  be  able  to  understand 
the  high  spiritual  doctrine  which  he  proposes  to  impart 
to  them.  In  spite  of  the  long  peiiod  that  has  elapsed 
since  their  conversion  they  are  still  backward,  in  need 
of  instruction  in  the  mere  elements  of  religious  truth 
(12).  Those  who  are  still  children  in  regard  to  tilings 
Divine  can  make  nothing  of  the  profounder  Christian 
teaching.  It  makes  its  appeal  to  those  whose  higher 
perceptions  have  been  fully  awakened  by  diligent 
use  (14J. 

VI.  1-20.  Though  not  without  misgiving  the  writer 
has  resolved  to  advance  to  "  perfection  " — i.e.  to  the 
exposition  of  Christian  truth  in  its  higher  develop- 
ment, and  to  take  for  granted  the  knowledge  of  the 
bare  elements.  But  he  thinks  it  well  at  the  outset 
to  remind  his  readers  of  those  elements,  apart  from 
which  there  can  be  no  progress  in  religion.  The  sub- 
jects which  he  regards  as  primarj'  are  arranged  in 
three  pairs  :  {a)  Repentance  and  faith  ;  men  must 
learn  the  meaning  of  these  before  they  can  even  enter 
on  the  Chrislian  life,  [b)  Baptisms  and  the  laying 
on  of  hands  ;  for  by  these  rites  the  new  spiritual  gifts 
are  imparted.  The  plural  "  baptisms  "  may  refer  to 
the  double  consecration  by  water  and  the  Spirit,  or 
it  may  suggest  that  Christians  have  to  learn  the 
difference  between  their  own  rite  and  heathen  or 
Jewish  "  baptisms."  {c)  Resurrection  and  judgment: 
the  two  great  facts  which  gave  meaning  to  the  Chris- 
tian hope.  The  writer  proposes,  with  the  help  of 
GJod's  grace,  to  advance  beyond  these  preliminary 
truths  (3) ;  if  his  readers  have  forgotten  them,  all 
his  labour  is  thrown  away.  Conversion  is  an  experi- 
ence that  cannot  be  repeated.  Those  who  have  once 
experienced  the  Divine  gift  of  forgiveness,  who  have 
been  renewed  by  the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  who 
have  realised  the  value  of  God's  promise  and  shared 
in  the  higher  activities  of  the  Christian  life,  cannot 
be  restored  if  they  fall  away.  They  have  rejected 
Clirist  just  as  truly  as  the  men  who  cnicified  Him, 
and  have  shamed  Him  before  the  world  by  their 
apostasy.  It  is  with  men  as  it  is  with  waste  land  that 
has  been  reclaimed.  The  land  that  proves  fruitful 
will  become  ever  richer,  while  that  which  yields  noth- 
ing but  weeds,  in  spite  of  all  the  labour  spent  upon 
it,  has  to  be  given  back  again  to  the  waste. 

5.  powers  of  the  age  to  come:  the  reference  is  to 
those  "  spiritual  gifts  "  (c/.  1  Cor.  12ff.)  which  were 
supposed  to  mark  the  Christians  as  the  people  of  the 
new  age.  The  whole  passage  is  of  great  importance 
as  the  classical  expression  of  a  belief  widely  prevalent 
in  the  early  Church.  It  was  assumed  that  in  the  act 
of  baptism  the  convert  was  absolved  from  all  bygone 
sins,  and  entered  definitely  on  a  new  life.  The  great 
change  could  not  be  experienced  a  second  time,  and 
the  lapse  into  any  grave  sin  after  baptism  admitted 
of  no  repentance,  and  was  followed  by  exclusion  from 
the  Christian  fellowship.  This  dcx;trino  was  the 
subject  of  a  long  controversy  in  the  early  Church,  and 
the  Catholic  system  of  confession  and  penitence  grew 
out  of  the  attempt  to  mitigate  it. 

9-12.  The  writer  is  afraid  that  in  pointing  out  the 
danger  of  apostasy  he  may  have  spoken  too  harshly. 
He  assurer  Ids  readers  that,  by  their  past  fidelity  and 
their  kindness  to  brethren  in  need,  they  have  proved 
the  genuineness  of  their  religion.  Only  they  must 
persevere  as  they  began,  holding  fast  to  their  hope 
until  it  reaches  fulfilment.  It  was  by  this  constancy, 
maintained  all  their  life  long,  that  6od'8  servants  in 
the  past  won  the  reward  that  He  had  promised. 

lS-20.  The  mention  of  God's  promise  suggests  the 


thought  that  it  is  absolutely  sure,  so  that  we  may 
hold  to  it  without  misgiving.  When  God  made  His 
promise  to  Abraham  He  sealed  it  by  an  oath.  Just 
as  in  human  affairs  men  are  bound  to  a  decision  when 
they  have  passed  their  oath,  and  so  called  on  some 
higher  power  to  witness  ( 1 6),  so  God  swore  by  Himself, 
since  He  was  Himself  the  supreme  power.  His  gracious 
will  was  thus  confirmed  by  the  twofold  bond  of  His 
oath  and  His  promise  (lyf.).  The  hope  He  holds  out 
to  us  is  our  only  refuge,  and  it  is  a  refuge  which  cannot 
possibly  fail  us.  It  is  like  an  anchor  to  which  the  soul 
can  trust  itself  without  reserve  amidst  all  perils  and 
changes  ;  for  it  is  fastened  to  "  that  which  is  within 
the  veil  " — i.e.  it  connects  our  earthly  life  with  the 
world  of  eternal  realities  (19).  And  as  the  High  Priest 
passed  through  the  veil  of  the  Tabernacle  to  represent 
the  people  before  God  in  the  holy  of  holies,  so  Jesus 
has  entered  on  our  behalf  into  that  heavenly  world. 
He  is  the  true  and  eternal  High  Priest,  for  He  belonged 
to  no  transient  Levitical  order,  but  to  the  higher  order 
of  Melchizedek. 

19.  anchor  of  the  soul:  in  ancient  literature  the 
anchor  is  frequently  employed  as  the  emblem  of  hope. 
Our  author  adopts  the  current  image,  and  applies  it 
to  the  Christian  hope  of  salvation. 

By  a  skilful  turn  of  thought  the  writer  has  come 
back  from  his  long  digression  to  his  main  subject — 
the  unique  character  of  the  priesthood  of  Jesus.  The 
argument  itself  proceeds  along  the  lines  of  an  alle- 
gorical exegesis,  and  to  our  minds  appears  artificial, 
and  at  some  points  hardly  intelligible.  But  the  mode 
of  presentation  does  not  affect  the  essential  truth  and 
grandeur  of  the  thought.  The  writer  feels  that  the 
one  aim  of  all  religion  is  to  give  men  access  to  God, 
and  that  Christianity  is  the  highest  religion  because 
it  alone  has  adequately  achieved  this  aim.  Christ  is 
the  true  High  Priest,  throiigli  whom  we  can  draw  near 
to  God,  and  His  priesthood  is  different  in  kind  from 
that  of  mere  ritual  religions.  It  has  nothing  to  do 
with  descent  from  a  given  stock  or  performance  of 
certain  functions,  but  is  inherent  in  His  own  person- 
ality. And  as  He  is  a  jjriest  of  a  new  and  higher 
order,  so  He  exercises  a  ministry  which  effects  in  very 
truth  what  the  ancient  fonns  of  worship  could  only 
suggest  in  symbol. 

VII.  1-28.  The  Melchizedek  Priesthood  of  Christ.— 
It  is  shown  that  Scripture  itself  makes  reference  to  a 
type  of  priesthood  which  is  quite  distinct  from  the 
Levitical.  The  nature  of  this  priesthood  is  set  forth 
(i-ro)  in  terms  of  the  description  given  in  Gen,  14 
of  the  priest  Melchizedek.  That  some  peculiar  signifi- 
cance attached  to  him  may  be  inferred  from  his  name, 
and  the  name  of  his  city.  Still  more  suggestive  is 
the  fact  that  nothing  is  snid  as  to  his  parentage,  or 
his  descent,  or  his  birth  and  death.  He  was  not  one 
of  a  family  of  priests,  but  stands  solitary,  a  priest 
in  his  own  right,  who  never  assumed  and  never  lost 
liis  office.  In  all  his  attributes  he  comes  before  us  as 
an  earthly  type  of  the  Son  of  God  (1-3). 

3.  without  father,  etc.  :  nothing  more  is  meant  than 
that  his  father,  etc..  are  not  mentioned.  It  was  a 
rule  of  allegorical  exegesis  that  inferences  might  be 
drawn  not  only  from  what  the  Scripture  said,  but  from 
what  it  omitted. 

4-10.  His  priesthood  was  unique  in  dignity.  Even 
the  ordinary  priests  have  a  place  given  them  by 
Mosaic  law  above  their  brethren,  and  in  token  of  this 
they  are  authorised  to  exact  tithes.  But  Mclchizeflok 
took  rank  above  Abraham  himself,  receiving  tithes 
from  him  and  blessing  him.  a«  the  greater  blesses  the 
less.     Moreover,  the  honour  which  he  claimed  as  hiB 


894 


HEBREWS,  VII.  4-10 


right  was  not  one  that  would  presently  pass  from  him. 
a.s  in  the  case  of  a  mortal  priest ;  for  liis  priesthood, 
according  to  the  implicit  tislimony  of  Scripture,  waa 
not  broken  short  by  death.  So  much  higher  was  ho 
than  the  Lovitical  priests  that  this  whole  line  of  priests 
may  be  said  to  have  bowotl  down  before  him  in  the 
person  of  Abraham  its  ancestor. 

11-25.  Transition  is  now  made  to  Christ,  whom 
Melchizedek  was  meant  to  prefigure.  The  exposition, 
therefore,  departs  from  Gen.  14  and  attaches  itself 
to  I's.  110,  in  wiiich  the  correspondence  between 
Melohizedek  and  Christ  is  plainly  intimated.  First  it 
is  shown  (11-14)  that  the  Levitioal  priesthood  was  at 
best  provisional.  If  it  had  achieved  "  perfection  " — 
i.e.  if  it  had  fully  realised  the  purpwe  of  priesthood — 
tiie  psalm  would  not  have  spoken  of  "  another  priest." 
Those  words  imply  the  abrogation,  not  merely  of  the 
Levitioal  priesthood,  but  of  the  whole  legal  system 
which  is  inseparably  bound  up  with  it.  How  com- 
pletely the  priesthood  is  changed  is  made  evident  by 
its  being  vested  henceforth  in  another  tribe ;  for 
Christ,  who  was  the  priest  foretold  in  the  psalm,  came 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  although  the  Law  had  oixlained 
that  the  tribe  of  Levi  alone  should  exercise  the  priests 
hood. 

11.  under  it,  etc. :  rather,  "  in  comiexion  with  it." 
The  meaning  is  that  the  high  priesthood  is  like  the 
keystone  of  the  whole  structure  of  the  Mosaic  Law ; 
all  the  other  regulations  fell  away  of  their  own  accord 
v»hen  the  priesthowl  passed  over  to  Christ.  In  tliis 
incidental  way  the  ^v^iter  disposas  of  the  great  problem 
of  the  Law  which  had  so  perplexed  the  earlier  Church. 

15-17.  But  the  change  of  priesthood  goes  much 
further  than  the  transference  of  the  office  to  another 
tribe.  The  psalm  speaks  of  "  a  priest  for  ever."  It 
contemplates  one  who  holds  his  priesthood  not  by 
the  accidental  operation  of  a  law  which  attaches  the 
dignity  to  a  particular  descent,  but  by  the  intrinsic 
right  of  a  life  that  never  ends. 

16.  carnal  commandment:  i.e.  a  nde  which  takes 
account  only  of  outward  and  physical  qualifications. — 
power  of  aii  endless  life:  an  immortal  energy  resides 
in  him  as  a  Divine  being,  and  in  virtue  of  this  he  con- 
tinues for  ever  to  exercise  his  priesthood. 

18f.  The  appointment  of  the  Melchizedek  priest, 
then,  involved  a  change  in  the  whole  iiistitution  of 
priesthood  ;  and  this  change  has  at  once  its  negative 
and  its  positive  sides.  On  the  one  hand,  it  meant  the 
abolition  of  the  old  legal  relation  between  God  and  man 
as  altogether  inadequate  ;  for  the  Law,  by  its  very 
nature,  was  provisional.  On  the  other  hand,  it  re- 
placed the  legal  relation  by  another,  grounded  in  a 
living  hope,  which  made  possible  a  tnie  communion 
with  God.  The  contrast  before  tho  writer's  mind  is 
that  of  a  religion  of  external  ordinances  and  an  inward, 
spiritual  religion,  which  alone  can  ensure  true  fellow- 
ship with  God. 

20-25.  The  superiority  of  the  Melchizedek  priest  is 
apparent  from  two  further  facta,  (a)  Unlike  tho 
Ijcvitical  priests  he  is  appointed  with  an  oath.  In 
this  manner  God  affirmed  tho  lasting  validity  of  his 
priesthood  ;  and  the  covenant  for  which  it  stands  is 
one.  therefore,  that  cannot  be  broken,  (b)  The  Levi- 
lical  priests,  being  only  mortal  men,  held  office  for  a 
brief  time  and  then  gave  place  to  others.  But  he 
who  is  "  a  priest  for  ever  "  is  not  merely  one  in  a  long 
succession.  Tho  priesthood  which  ho  exercises  is 
vested  eternally  in  bin  own  person,  and  for  this  reason 
he  is  able  to  secure  for  his  people  a  complete  salvation. 
Amidst  all  changes  they  can  look  to  the  same  priest 
as  their  unfailing  refuge. 


26  28.  Other  points  of  contrast  are  indicated  in  a 
closing  summary,  which  makes  it  abundantly  clear  that 
tho  priesthood  of  Christ  is  far  superior  to  that  of  the 
old  covenant.  Tho  Ijovitical  priests  were  rc(iuired  to 
bo  free  from  all  outward  blemish  ;  Jesus  was  alto- 
gether pure  within.  He  was  marked  ofi  from  sinful 
men,  not  by  dross  and  ceremonial  circumstance,  but 
by  ascending  out  of  this  world  of  sin  to  a  throne  above 
the  heavens.  He  did  not  need  to  maintain  a  routine 
of  daily  sacrifices,  interceding  for  Himself  as  well  as 
for  the  people  ;  for  the  one  great  sacrifice,  in  which 
Ho  was  both  priest  and  victim,  availed  for  ever.  In 
one  word,  the  Law  could  only  appoint  weak  men  to 
the  priestly  office  ;  while  the  solemn  oath  of  God, 
recorded  in  that  psalm  which  was  later  than  the  Law 
and  therefore  superseded  it,  ordaine<i  His  o\\-n  Son 
to  be  the  ideal  and  ever-living  Priest. 

27.  dally :  strictly  speaking  the  sacrifice  of  the  High 
I'riest  was  offered  once  a  year,  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment, but  the  idea  of  this  sacrifice  is  blended  here 
with  that  of  tho  sacrifice  which  was  offered  daily  on 
his  behalf  by  the  ordinary  priests  (c/.  Lev.  64-16). 

Vin.  1-X.  18.  The  greatness  of  the  High  Priest  has 
now  been  sufficiently  proved,  and  the  writer  proceeds 
to  demonstrate  the  greatness  of  His  miniMry.  This 
section  constitutes  the  heart  of  the  epistle,  as  we  are 
expressly  told  in  the  opening  verse.  The  point  to 
which  the  whole  discourse  has  been  leading  up  (81) 
is  this,  that  Jesus,  having  taken  His  place  at  God's 
right  hand,  exercises  His  ministry  in  the  heavenly 
sanctuary.  He  acts  as  High  Priest  in  that  eternal 
tabernacle  of  which  the  earthly  one  was  only  the  shadow 
and  symbol  (2). 

3-6.  That  Jesus  fulfils  His  ministry  in  the  heavenly 
sanctuary  is  a  necessary  inference  from  the  fact  of 
His  priesthood.  The  one  task  of  a  High  Priest  is  to 
offer  sacrifice  in  a  sanctuary,  and  Jesus,  in  virtue  of 
His  priesthood,  was  called  to  that  office.  Wiat  His 
sacrifice  was  will  be  considered  later,  but  meanwhile 
it  is  enough  to  note  that  (he  presentation  of  an  offering 
was  His  appointed  work  (3).  Tho  scene  of  His  min- 
istry, however,  cannot  Ije  anywhere  in  this  lower  world. 
Since  He  was  not  of  Levitioal  descent  He  was  debarred 
from  offering  any  gift  in  the  earthly  sanctuary,  which 
is  described,  in  tho  verj-  passage  of  Scripture  (Ex.  25.iol 
that  commands  the  building  of  it,  as  only  a  copy, 
modelled  on  the  reality  which  exists  in  heaven.  It 
follows  that  His  exclusion  from  an  earthly  ministry  was 
no  token  of  inferiority.  We  must  infer,  rather,  that 
He  was  called  to  a  priesthood  far  excelling  that  of  the 
Levitioal  priests,  just  as  the  covenant  for  which  it  standi; 
is  far  higher  than  the  old  covenant,  and  carries  with 
it  far  nobler  promises  (4ff.). 

6.  enacted  upon :  i.e.  these  promises  formed  tho 
basis  of  the  covenant,  and  detennined  its  character. 

7-13.  The  promises  associated  with  the  old  covenant 
f.ro  described  in  the  classical  passage  of  Jeremiah 
(.Jer.  3I31-34).  which  is  now  quoted  at  length.  But 
attention  is  first  called  to  the  fact  that  another  cove- 
nant was  found  to  be  necessarj'.  "  A  place  was  sought 
for  it  " — i.e.  God  so  modifie<i  His  design  as  to  bring 
it  in — because  the  original  covenant  had  proved  do- 
ftotive.  In  three  points,  as  the  (flotation  from  Jer. 
shows,  the  new  covenant  was  grander  and  more  satis- 
fj-ing  than  that  which  it  displaced,  {a)  It  ensured 
that  man's  obedience  to  God  should  he  a  matter  of 
inward  choice,  not  niert>ly  of  a  law  imposed  from  with- 
out. By  their  spontaneous  obedience  to  God,  men 
were  to  be  recognise*!  as  indeed  His  children,  (b) 
Their  knowledge  of  God  was  to  be  lmme<liato  and 
personal,  no  longer  dopondent  on  what  they  had  learned 


HEBREWS,  IX.  23-28 


895 


from  otiiera.  (c)  They  were  to  receive  the  assurance 
that  all  their  sins  were  forgiven.  The  covenant  that 
carries  with  it  these  great  promises  is  described  in 
the  prophetic  passage  aa  a  neto  one  (13).  This  implies 
that  even  in  Jeremiah's  day  the  first  covenant  could 
be  regarded  as  old.  It  may  bo  assumed,  therefore, 
that  in  the  interval  whicli  had  elapbcd  since  then  it 
had  faded  altogether  into  a  thing  of  the  past. 

IX.  1-14.  The  two  ministries  are  now  contrasted, 
in  order  to  show  that  the  OT  institutions  were  im- 
perfect, and  pointed  beyond  themselves  to  that  real 
access  to  Cr,d  which  we  have  obtained  through  Christ. 

1-5.  The  first  covenant  was  associated  with  a  system 
of  worship  ordained  by  God  Himself,  although  its 
sanctuary  was  "  of  this  world  " — i.e.  composed  of 
visible  and  material  elements.  A  Tabernacle  was  sot 
up  which  consistefl  of  two  parts,  divided  by  a  curtain. 
In  the  fore-tent,  or  holy  place,  were  the  candlestick 
and  table  of  shcwbread  (as  described  in  Ex.  2623-39)  ; 
and  then,  behind  an  inner  curtain,  was  the  holy  of 
holies,  containing  a  golden  censer  and  the  Ark  of  the 
covenant,  which  was  surmounted  by  the  mercy-seat  and 
overshadowed  by  figures  of  cherubim.  It  is  hinted 
by  the  writer  that  ^hese  objects  had  all  a  symbolic 
significance  on  which  he  could  enlarge  ;  but  his  present 
concern  is  with  the  arrangements  of  the  Tabernacle 
generally. 

4.  That  the  Ark  contained  the  tables  of  the  Law, 
and  was  covered  by  mercy-seat  and  cherubim,  is  stated 
in  Ex.  25i6tf.  In  his  enumeration  of  the  other  objects 
preserved  in  the  Ark  the  writer  relies  on  Jewish  tradition. 
The  word  given  as  "  censer  "  ought  probably  to  be 
translated  "  altar  of  incense."  in  which  case  an  object 
is  assigned  to  the  holy  of  holies  which  really  belonged 
to  the  holy  place. 

6-10.  Of  the  two  divisions  of  the  Tabernacle  only 
the  first  was  used  for  the  regular  service.  The  High 
Priest  alone  was  permitted  to  enter  the  holy  of  holies, 
and  that  only  once  a  year,  on  the  Day  of  Atonement. 
when  he  bore  into  the  presence  of  God  the  sacrificial 
blood,  which  covered  his  own  sins  as  well  as  the  sins 
of  the  people  (of.).  The  Scripture  which  lays  down 
these  rules  was  inspired  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  was 
meant  to  teach,  in  symbolic  fashion,  that  a  way  was 
not  yet  opened  into  the  immediate  presence  of  God  : 
this  is  implied  in  the  very  existence  of  a  fore-tent, 
curtained  off  from  the  holy  of  holies  (8).  Indeed  the 
whole  worship  of  the  Tabernacle  had  a  symbolic  refer- 
ence to  the  period  which  began  with  the  appearance 
of  Christ.  It  provided  for  tho  offering  of  sacrifices 
which  could  not  effect  an  inward  purity  in  the  wor- 
shippers, sacrifices  which  stood  on  the  same  level  with 
the  regulations  about  food  and  washing.  They  aimed 
only  at  an  external  cleansing,  and  were  imposed  pro- 
visionallj%  until  a  higher  order  should  be  established. 

9f.  wliich  is  a  parable,  etc.  :  this  very  complicated 
and  difficult  sentence  can  bo  explained  in  a  variety 
of  ways,  according  to  the  view  that  is  taken  of  its 
grammatical  construction.  Tho  general  meaning,  . 
however,  is  sufficiently  clear.  The  sacrifices  offered 
in  the  Tabernacle,  and  subsequently  in  tho  Temple, 
were  only  meant  to  bring  the  worshippers  into  a  con- 
dition of  ceremonial  purity.  By  means  of  them  men 
were  invested,  so  to  speak,  with  a  conventional  gar- 
ment, tho  want  of  which  would  debar  them  from  ap- 
proaching the  Divine  King.  Another  kind  of  sacrifice 
was  required  before  they  could  obtain  that  inward 
cleansing  which  would  tit  them  not  merely  for  approach- 
ing God,  but  for  holding  true  fellowship  with  Him. 

11-14.  Wiat  the  old  sacrifices  could  not  effect  has 
been  secured  through  the  sacrifice  of  Clmst.     Appear- 


ing as  the  High  Priest  of  tho  new  and  tetter  covenant 
which  had  been  promised,  He  passed  through  the 
heavenly  tabernacle,  made  by  God  Himself,  and 
entered  into  its  inner  sanctuary.  The  blood  which 
gave  Him  the  right  of  entrance  was  not  that  of 
slaughtered  beasts,  but  His  own  blood.  He  entered 
not  for  a  brief  hour  that  He  might  consecrate  the 
people  for  a  single  year,  but  once  for  all,  to  redeem 
them  for  ever  (12).  According  to  Levitical  law  (cf. 
Lev.  I(ji4ff.,  Nu.  192,i7f-)  those  who  had  defiled 
themselves  by  contact  with  a  dead  body  were  made 
ceremonially  pure  by  being  sprinkled  with  the  blood 
of  certain  animals.  If  the  blood  of  animals  had  this 
power,  what  of  the  blood  of  Christ,  the  spotless  victim, 
whose  sacrifice  was  His  own  free  act  and  was  offered 
by  Himself  as  High  Priest  ?  This  blood  has  jxjwer  to 
cleanse  not  from  tho  imaginary  stain  communicated 
by  a  dead  body,  but  from  the  real  and  deadly  stain 
of  sin,  so  that  we  can  render  a  living  service  to  tho 
living  God. 

14.  through  the,  or  rather,  through  an  eternal 
spirit:  this  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  phrases  of 
the  epistle,  and  has  been  variously  explained.  Most 
probably  it  is  meant  to  emphasize  the  idea  that  Christ 
is  at  once  priest  and  victim.  In  the  case  of  the  OT 
sacrifices  the  victim  died,  and  the  priest  then  offered 
its  blood  before  God  in  the  sanctuary.  But  in  the  case 
of  Christ's  sacrifice,  although  the  Victim  died  He  yet 
survived  death,  in  virtue  of  the  "  eternal  spirit " 
which  constituted  His  nature.  Thus  He  was  able  to 
enter  tho  heavenly  sanctuary  to  present  the  offering 
to  God. 

IX.  15-21.  It  is  shown,  in  a  brief  digression,  that  the 
death  of  Christ  was  necessary  in  order  that  the  new 
covenant  should  come  into  force.  An  "  eternal  in- 
heritance " — i.e.  an  enduring  fellowship  with  God — 
was  promised  long  ago  to  God's  people  ;  and  they 
could  not  obtain  it  under  the  first  covenant,  which 
afforded  no  real  deliverance  from  sin.  Before  it  could 
be  obtained  a  death  had  to  take  place,  so  that  all  the 
sins  of  the  past  might  be  removed  and  men  might 
start  afresh  under  a  new  covenant  (15).  Why  a  death 
was  necessarj'  is  explained  by  the  analogy  of  a  will  or 
testament.  The  Greek  word  duith^ke  can  mean 
either  a  "  covenant  "  or  a  "  will,"  and  the  writer 
avails  lumself  of  this  double  meaning  in  order  to  bring 
out  a  particular  aspect  of  tho  death  of  Christ.  For 
a  will  to  come  into  effect,  the  person  who  made  it  must 
die.  This  was  recognised  even  in  the  case  of  the  first 
covenant  or  "  will,"  which  was  ratified  by  the  blood 
of  a  slain  victim,  in  the  solemn  manner  described  in 
various  OT  texts  (Lev.  44;  Num.  196.  i7f.;  Ex. 
12x2).  Everything  connected  with  that  first  cove- 
nant, the  Tabernacle  and  all  its  furniture,  was  like- 
wise sprinkled  with  blood.  It  may  be  regardetl.  in- 
deed, as  a  fixed  principle  of  the  Law  that  every  act 
which  has  for  its  aim  the  forgiveness  of  sins  must  be 
accompanied  with  tho  shedding  of  blood. 

IX.  23-28.  The  surpa-ssing  worth  of  Christ's  sacrifice, 
as  compared  with  those  of  the  first  covenant,  is  again 
enforced.  To  cleanse  the  Talwmacle,  which  waa  tho 
earthly  type  of  the  sanctuary  in  heaven,  tho  sprinkling 
of  blood  was  neces-sary  ;  but  tho  heavenly  sanctuary 
itself  had  to  bo  cleansod  with  blood  more  precious. 
It  is  conceived  aa  incurring  a  certain  delilomcnt 
through  contact  with  tho  sins  that  are  absolved  in  it. 
A  cleansing  is  then-fore  neces.sarj',  as  in  the  case  of 
the  earthly  sunctuary.  Christ  has  entoretl  into  tho 
sanctuarj' in  heaven;  His  ministry  was  enacted  in  no 
merely  symbolic  temple,  but  in  the  temple  above, 
whore  God  dwells  in  very  deed  (24)-     Not  only  bo. 


896 


HEBREWS,  IX.  23-28 


but  His  one  entrance  into  that  temple  Bufficod  for 
ever.  The  eartlily  High  Priest  must  enter  every  year 
into  the  holj-  of  holies  with  sacrificial  blood,  obtained 
from  a  slain  animal.  If  Christ  were  thus  required  to 
repeat  His  offering.  His  death  would  not  have  been  a 
solitary  event,  but  one  that  had  often  to  be  re-enacted, 
so  as  to  atone  for  the  sin  of  each  successive  age.  As 
it  is.  He  died  but  once  ;  when  the  world's  history  was 
on  the  i)oint  of  closing  He  appeared  on  earth,  and  by 
the  offering  of  Himself  made  full  atonement  for  all 
the  accumulated  sins  of  mankind  (^sf.).  This  finality 
of  Christ's  death  is  illustrated  (27f.)  by  what  happen.s 
in  the  case  of  every  human  being.  A  man  dies  but 
once,  and  then  awaits  the  judgment  on  his  deeds. 
So  by  the  death  of  Christ  His  redeeming  work  was 
definitely  brought  to  an  end.  His  next  appearance 
on  earth  will  have  no  reference  to  the  work  of  atone- 
ment, but  will  have  for  its  sole  purpose  the  reception 
into  eternal  life  of  tliose  whom  He  has  redeemed. 

X.  1-18.  In  this  closing  part  of  the  theological 
discussion  the  writer  dwells  further  on  the  finality 
of  Christ's  one  sacrifice,  and  shows  how  it  has  brought 
to  an  end  the  annually  repeated  offerings  under  the 
old  covenant. 

1-4.  The  OT  sacrifices  cannot  effect  their  purpose 
of  removing  sins.  By  its  nature  the  Law  could  only 
reflect  the  higher  realities,  and  did  not  present  them  in 
their  actual  substance  ;  thus  the  priests  who  carry 
out  the  behests  of  the  Law  do  not.  by  means  of  the 
annual  sacrifices,  bring  the  worshipping  people  into  a 
real  and  enduring  fellowship  with  God.  "  Continu- 
ally "  (i)  is  better  taken  with  "  make  perfect."  The 
writer  wishes  to  show  that  the  annual  offering  of  the 
sacrifice  implies  its  merely  temporary  value.  A  lasting 
relation  to  God  cannot  be  effected  by  a  sacrifice  that 
needs  to  be  constantly  repeated.  If  the  worshippers 
were  conscious  that  their  sins  had  been  removed  by 
the  Levitical  sacrifice,  what  need  would  there  be  for 
its  repetition  (2)  ?  But,  instead  of  giving  this  sense 
of  deliverance  from  sin,  it  only  serves  to  remind  the 
people  that  they  have  sinned  during  the  year  past 
as  they  did  before  (3).  Indeed  the  point  does  not 
require  to  be  argued :  any  man  can  feel  for  himself 
that  the  blood  of  mere  animals  cannot  take  away 
sin  {4). 

5-10.  Proof  is  adduced  from  Scripture  that  Christ's 
sacrifice  alone  is  adequate  to  fulfil  God's  will,  and  has 
put  an  end  to  the  old  ineffectual  sacrifices  of  the  Law. 
A  psalm  (406-8*)  is  quoted  which  was  regarded  by  the 
Cliurch  as  Messianic,  and  in  which  Christ  Himself  was 
suppased  to  be  sj)eaking.  As  usual  the  writer  quotes 
from  the  LXX,  which  reads  "  a  body  thou  didst  pre- 
pare for  me  "  instead  of  "  mine  ears  thou  hast  opened," 
as  in  the  Hebrew.  In  this  passage,  therefore,  Christ 
appears  as  declaring,  before  His  entrance  into  the 
world,  that  the  surrender  of  His  body,  not  ritual 
sacrifice,  was  required  by  God  as  the  condition  of  for- 
giveness. He  was  to  come  in  accordance  with  pro- 
lihecy  ("  in  the  roll  of  the  book  it  is  written  of  mo  ') 
to  give  fulfilment  to  that  will  of  God.  Thus  the 
passage  may  be  held  to  teach  (a)  what  God  does  not 
desire,  viz.  the  sacrifices  demanded  by  the  Law  ; 
(b)  what  He  docs  desire.  Christ  has  "  taken  away  the 
first  " — i.e.  He  has  abolished  the  sacrifices  to  which 
God  attaches  no  value — in  order  to  give  effect  to  the 
genuine  will  of  God  (sf.).  This  will  He  accomplished 
by  the  offering  of  His  body ;  and  we  have  been 
"  sanctified  " — i.e.  have  been  brought  into  the  true 
condition  for  making  our  approach  to  God — by  that 
offering  which  He  made  once  for  all. 

11-14.  With  these  words  the  thought  returns  to  the 


subject  of  the  finality  of  Christ's  sacrifice ;  and  this  is 
illustrated  by  a  striking  contrast.  The  priests  of  the 
Law  perform  their  ministry  standing,  for  they  remain 
in  the  sanctuary  only  for  the  moment ;  and  in  tliis 
posture  they  orfer  the  same  stated  sacrifices  year  by 
year,  with  no  enduring  result  (11).  Christ,  when  He 
had  offered  His  one  supreme  sacrifice,  sat  down  at 
God's  right  hand.  His  work  was  all  completed,  and 
henceforth  He  is  able  to  rest  until  in  due  time  comes 
the  great  consummation  (i2ff.). 

15-18.  After  his  manner  the  writer  concludes  his 
argument  for  the  finality  of  the  sacrifice  by  an  appeal 
to  God's  words  in  Scripture.  In  the  passage  concerning 
the  new  covenant  (quoted  in  88-12)  the  chief  promise 
was  that  when  God  had  brought  men  into  the  new 
relation  to  Himself  all  sins  would  be  forgiven.  But 
the  very  object  of  sacrifice  was  to  make  possible  the 
forgi^•eness  of  sins.  If,  then,  all  sins  are  now  forgiven 
by  the  establishment  of  the  new  covenant,  there  is 
no  place  left  for  a  second  sacrifice. 

The  theological  discussion  of  the  high  priesthood 
of  Christ  has  now  come  to  an  end.  In  order  to  under- 
stand the  argmnent  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  in  the 
ritual  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  the  sacrifice  and  the 
entrance  into  the  sanctuary  were  two  inseparable 
parts  of  one  act.  After  offering  sacrifice  in  expiation 
of  the  sins  of  the  people,  the  High  Priest  bore  the  blood 
into  the  holy  of  holies  to  present  it  before  God.  The 
sacrifice  itself  was,  in  a  sense,  only  the  necessary  pre- 
liminarj'  to  this  priestly  intercession.  So  in  Hebrews 
the  death  of  Christ  is  inseparably  connected  with  His 
entrance  into  the  heavenly  sanctuary.  He  made  the 
sacrifice  of  Himself  on  behalf  of  His  people  that  He 
might  enter  into  God"s  presence  with  His  offering,  and 
so  bring  them  into  the  true  relation  to  God.  Inasmuch 
as  He  abides  in  the  heavenly  sanctuary  this  relation 
is  one  that  can  never  henceforth  be  broken.  It  ia 
difficult  to  say  how  far  the  writer  conceives  of  the 
sanctuary  as  an  actual  place.  The  probability  ia 
that,  in  accordance  with  Jewish  ideas,  he  believed  in 
the  existence  of  a  temple  or  tabernacle  in  heaven, 
the  eternal  counterpart  of  God's  house  on  earth. 
But  in  any  case  his  thought  can  easily  be  detached 
from  the  framework  of  ancient  ritual  conceptions  in 
which  it  is  set.  He  seeks  to  impress  upon  us  that 
Christ  has  entered  into  an  everlasting  fellowship  with 
God.  and  that  we  also  may  enjoy  that  fellowship 
through  Him. 

Ha\ing  completed  his  theological  argument  the 
writer  proceeds  to  enforce  the  practical  consequences 
which  flow  from  it,  and  which  have  been  in  his  mind 
throughout.  In  the  ensuing  section  (IO19-I229)  ho 
exhorts  his  readers  to  avail  themselves  of  that  access 
to  God  which  Christ  has  wrought  for  them,  and  to 
resist  all  temptations  to  fall  away. 

X.  19-25.  The  exhortation  opens  with  a  few  verses  of 
general  a])peal,  which  sum  up  the  results  of  the  fore- 
going discussion.  A  free  access  to  God's  presence  has 
been  given  us  through  the  offering  of  Christ,  who  has 
inaugurated  a  way  hitherto  unknown,  and  depending 
not  on  mechanical  ordinances  but  on  His  own  living 
person.  He  inaugurated  this  way  by  breaking  through 
the  limitations  of  His  earthly  life  as  through  a  curtaiiu 
A  new  turn  is  here  given  to  the  analogy  of  the  High 
Priest  passing  into  the  holy  of  holies.  Tlie  earthly 
existence  of  Jesus  is  conceived  as  a  curtain,  which 
divided  Him  for  a  time  from  the  perfect  fellowship 
with  God,  and  which  was  parted  by  His  death.  As  we 
have  a  new  way,  so  we  have  also  a  new  and  great-er 
High  Priest  to  represent  us  as  the  community  of  God 


HEBREWS,  XI.  4-7 


897 


^2r).  Let  us  therefore  have  clone  with  all  doubt  and 
raifgiving,  and  make  our  approach  to  God  with  that 
inward  purity  of  whicli  our  baptism  has  been  the 
symbol  (22).  Let  us  hold  fast  to  that  hope  which  wo 
have  publicly  confessed  ;  for  since  God  will  maintain 
His  promise  we  can  maintain  our  faith  (23).  In  order 
that  we  may  stand  more  firmly  let  us  watch  one  an- 
other with  a  view  to  mutual  encouragement  in  love 
and  Christian  activity  ;  and  for  this  purpose  let  us 
value  those  stated  meetings  of  the  Churcli  which  many 
are  so  apt  to  neglect.  All  opportunities  of  confirming 
one  another  in  our  faith  ought  to  be  cherished,  for 
there  are  clear  signs  that  tlxe  day  is  near  when  Christ 
will  return  to  judgment  (24f.). 

X.  2&-31.  The  mention  of  the  judgment  suggests  the 
dreadful  consequences  of  falling  away  from  faith.  It 
is  assumed,  as  in  64!!.,  that  no  second  repentance  is 
possible.  If  men  persist  in  sinning  after  they  have 
once  accepted  the  Cliristian  message,  they  cannot 
again  expect  forgiveness  through  Christ's  sacrifice  (26). 
They  have  nothing  to  look  for  now  but  that  condemna- 
tion which  the  Scripture  so  often  threatens  when  it 
speaks  of  the  wrath  of  God  that  burns  like  fire  (c/. 
Ps.  795;  Is.  26ii;  Zeph.  I18,  38;  Ez.  365).  The 
punishment  of  apostasy  from  the  Mosaic  Law,  when 
duly  proved  by  two  or  three  witnesses,  was  death 
(c/.  Dt.  176).  Must  we  not  believe  that  something 
worse  than  death  is  in  store  for  those  who  show  open 
contempt  for  the  Son  of  God,  who  regard  the  blood 
which  He  shed  to  seal  the  new  covenant  and  give  us 
access  to  God  as  nothing  more  than  ordinary  blood, 
who  wantonly  insult  the  Spirit  from  wliom  proceed 
all  higher  gifts  ?  Apostasy  from  the  great  Christian 
privileges  enumerated  in  64f.  is  held  to  be  equivalent 
to  declaring  them  worthless  and  mocking  at  them. 
God  never  tlireatens  in  vain,  and  He  has  stated  that 
He  will  inflict  punishment  on  evildoers,  and  will  sift 
out  His  true  servants  from  the  false  (30).  We  have  to 
give  account  of  ourselves  to  a  living  God,  one  who 
knows  everything,  and  who  can  executo  His  will  to 
the  uttermost  (31). 

29.  an  unholy  thing:  lit.  "  a  common  thing," 
without  any  sacred  significance  (.see  Ex.  122  2*). 

X.  32-34.  As  in  ch.  6,  the  writer  turns  from  solemn 
warning  to  encouragement,  based  on  the  past  record 
of  his  readers.  He  reminds  them  of  the  valour  they 
had  shown  in  the  days  immediately  succeeding  their 
conversion  (32,  "  after  ye  were  enlightened  ").  Like 
strong  wrestlers  they  had  stood  up  to  persecution, 
content  to  be  themselves  the  object  of  popular  contempt 
and  hatred,  while  they  bravelj'  assisted  their  fellow- 
Hufierers  (33).  They  had  relieved  their  brethren  who 
were  thrown  into  prison,  and  liad  borne  the  confisca- 
tion of  their  wealth  with  joy,  in  the  a-ssurance  that 
they  had  v.ealth  of  another  kind  which  made  them 
richer  than  those  who  robbed  them  (34).  In  our  igno- 
rance of  the  community  to  which  the  epLstlo  is  ad- 
dressed, the  nature  and  occasion  of  tliis  persecution 
cannot  bo  determined.  It  is  noteworthy  that  there 
is  no  allusion  to  actual  martyrdom  ;  and  this  has 
Ijeen  held  by  many  to  exclude  llome,  which  had 
suffered  the  terrible  persecution  under  Nero  in  a.d.  GI. 
But  it  is  possible  that  the  epistle  is  written  to  a  new 
generation  of  Iloman  Christiana  which  had  grown  up 
in  the  interval. 

X.  35-39.  With  the  past  in  mind  they  are  to  maintain 
their  former  constancy,  knowing  that  it  will  not  be  in 
vain.  Their  great  need,  a"*  the  whole  epistle  is  meant 
to  teach  them,  is  the  power  of  endurance,  enabling 
them  to  wait  on  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  promiao 
given  them  by  God  (ssf-)-     And  the  time  of  waiting 


will  not  be  long.  The  day  foretold  in  Scripture 
(Hab.  23f.)  is  close  at  hand,  when  the  Coming  One 
will  appear,  and  those  who  have  been  faithful  will 
enter  into  life,  while  those  who  have  fallen  back  will 
be  condemned.  Our  part  as  Christians  is  to  be  men 
of  faith,  and  so  to  win  for  ourselves  the  coming  sal- 
vation. 

37.  he  that  cometh:  in  this  OT  phrase  the  writer 
sees  a  reference  to  the  Messianic  title  "  he  that  should 
come  "  (c/.  M(.  11 3). 

XL  1-40.  The  exhortation  to  faith  is  interrupted 
by  this  great  chapter,  in  whioh  the  power  of  faith  is 
illustrated  from  the  history  of  ancient  Israel.  It  is 
assumed  throughout  the  epistle  that  the  old  community 
and  the  new  are  bound  up  with  one  another.  The 
promises  which  had  been  given  to  Israel,  and  which 
had  inspired  its  national  life  ever  since  the  beginning, 
are  at  last  reaching  their  fulfilment  in  Christianity. 
In  this  chapter,  therefore,  the  writer  does  not  merely 
aim  at  encouraging  his  readers  by  the  example  of 
noble  lives  in  the  past ;  he  wishes  them  to  feel  that 
the  OT  heroes  were  tlie  vanguard  of  their  own  army, 
and  that  the  battle  must  be  won,  as  it  has  been  fought 
hitherto,  by  means  of  faith. 

If.  The  chapter  opens  with  a  definition  of  faith  as 
the  "  assurance  "  whereby  we  lay  hold  of  things  still 
in  the  future,  and  the  "  proxnng  " — i.e.  the  inward 
certauity  which  is  stronger  than  any  outward  proof — 
of  things  which  lie  beyond  the  (ividence  of  the  senses. 
Thus  faith  enables  us  on  the  one  hand  to  beheve  in 
a  salvation  j'et  to  come ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  to 
apprehend  a  higher  world,  of  which  this  visible  world 
of  change  is  only  the  shadow.  For  Paul  the  object  of 
faith  is  the  Cross  of  Christ,  with  its  supreme  revelation 
of  the  gracious  will  of  God.  The  writer  to  the  Hebrews 
conceives  of  faith  in  a  more  comprehensive  manner  as 
the  power  by  which  we  hold  fast  to  the  unseen,  in 
spite  of  the  illusions  and  temptations  of  this  passing 
world.  The  "  elders  " — i.e.  the  men  of  the  old  cove- 
nant— could  therefore  exercise  faith  no  less  than  the 
believers  in  Christ,  and  as  a  reward  tor  their  constancy 
in  faith  had  their  names  enrolled  with  honour  in  the 
word  of  God  (2). 

3.  Before  proceeding  to  review  those  names  in  order, 
the  writer  touches  on  the  record  with  which  the  Bible 
opens.  God  created  all  things  by  His  word,  so  that 
the  visible  world  is  only  the  expression  of  the  Divine 
energy  and  purpose  that  brought  it  into  being.  Re- 
ligion is  grounded  in  the  knowledge  tiiat  the  idtimate 
reality  is  spiritual,  and  this  knowletlge  is  made  jx)ssiblo 
to  us"  by  faith. — not  made  out  of  things  which  do  ap- 
pear: this  does  not  mean  "  the  world  w;is  made  out 
of  nothing,"  but  rather  "  the  visible  was  the  outcome 
of  the  unisible"  (Gen.  li*). 

4-7.  Examples  of  faith  from  the  primitive  history, 
as  given  in  the  eaily  chapters  of  Genesis. — Abel,  on 
account  of  his  faith,  was  not  only  accepted  by  God 
in  his  lifetime  (CJen.  44-8).  but  even  after  his  death 
his  blood  made  its  appeal  t<)  God  for  venu'eance  on 
his  munlerer  (Gen.  4 10*).  Enoch  pas.sed  into  the  other 
world  without  suffering  death,  and  is  commemorated 
in  Scripture  as  the  man  who  "  walked  with  God  "  (5). 
Indeed  there  cnn  be  no  religion  ajmrt  from  faith,  for 
religion  niiwt  begin  with  a  twofold  act  of  faith — that 
God  is  a  living  reality,  and  that  Ke  is  a  righteous  God, 
who  acknowledges  those  who  serve  Him  (6).  Noah, 
when  wame<l  of  a  calamity  still  in  the  future,  took 
hood  to  the  warning.  By  this  faith  of  his  ho  threw  the 
unlielief  of  the  world  into  darker  shadow,  and  80 
condemned  it,  and  won  for  him.si>if  the  name  of 
"  righteous."    As  the  first  man  in  Scripture  to  whom 

29 


898 


HEBREWS,  XI.  4-7 


this  name  is  applied  (Gen.  69),  he  founded  tlie  long 
succession  of  Ciod's  servants. 

7.  moved  with  godly  fear:  rather,  "  being  appre- 
hensive," while  the  others  paid  no  attention  to  the 
warning. 

8-22.  Passing  now  from  the  men  of  the  primeval 
world,  the  writer  comes  to  the  patriarchs,  and  espe- 
ciallv  to  Abraham,  who  stands  out  in  the  OT  as  the 
chief  example  of  faith.  Abraham  showed  his  faith 
by  his  obedience  to  God's  call,  and  by  his  refusal  to 
make  a  permanent  settlement  in  the  land  of  Canaan, 
even  though  it  had  been  promL'^ed  to  him.  His  heart 
was  set  on  God's  ultimate  promise  of  an  eternal  rest 
in  the  heavenly  city  (10).  His  wife  Sarah  shared  his 
faith  and  became  a  mother  in  her  old  age,  so  that 
Abraham,  when  his  life  seemed  as  good  as  ended, 
became  the  progenitor  of  a  great  people.  And  as  the 
patriarchs  lived  in  faith,  so  they  ched  (13).  They  only 
saw  the  promises  from  afar,  as  the  traveller  sees  the 
distant  city  which  is  his  goal  ;  and  in  their  djdng  words 
they  confessed  that  they  were  strangers  on  the  earth 
(c/.  Gen.  234,  2437,  284,  279).  Such  confessions  im- 
plied that  the}'  were  longing  for  their  own  country ; 
and  if  it  was  merely  their  native  country  on  earth 
that  was  in  their  minds,  they  could  have  returned  to 
it  whenever  they  pleased.  As  it  was,  the  home  they 
desired  was  in  heaven,  and  in  recognition  of  this  faith 
God  called  them  by  His  name,  as  the  destined  people 
of  His  heavenly  city  (16).  The  c^o\^^ling  instance  of 
Abraham's  faith  was  liis  offering  up  of  Isaac.  Al- 
though he  was  confident  in  the  truth  of  God's  promise, 
he  was  ready  at  God's  command  to  saciifice  the  son 
through  whom  alone  the  promise  could  have  fulfil- 
ment (lyf.).  He  believed  that  God  would  effect  His 
purpose  even  though  it  should  be  necessary  to  bring 
Isaac  back  from  the  dead ;  and  the  restoration  of 
Isaac  was  indeed  a  type  of  the  resurrection  (19). 
That  faith  is  able  to  triumph  over  death  is  shoMTi  more 
clearly  still  by  the  examples  of  Isaac,  Jacob,  Joseph. 
Each  of  them,  when  on  the  point  of  dying,  looked 
fonvard  without  misgiving  to  a  fulfilment  of  God's 
promise  in  the  future.  To  themselves  it  had  been 
denied,  but  they  believed  that  it  would  be  realised 
through  thwc  who  would  come  after  them. 

19.  in  a  parable:  this  does  not  merely  mean  that 
Isaac  was  so  nearly  slain  that  he  did,  in  a  manner, 
come  back  from  the  dead.  Wo  have  rather  to  translate 
"  by  way  of  a  parable."  The  wonderfid  escaiie  of 
Isaac  was  a  kind  of  parable,  illustrating  the  fact  of  the 
resurrection. 

23-31.  The  survey  now  passes  from  the  age  of  the 
patriarchs  to  that  of  Moses  and  the  Judges.  It  was 
the  faith  of  his  parents  that  saved  Moses  in  his  infancy  ; 
and  his  life,  when  he  grew  to  manhood,  had  faith  as 
its  one  motive.  He  turned  from  the  pleasures  of  this 
world  and  shared  in  the  hardships  of  his  countrymen, 
belie\ing  that  they  were  the  people  of  God,  and  that 
through  their  apparent  weakness  Gotl  was  working 
towards  that  end  which  has  now  been  realised  in 
Christ.  He  forgot  mere  present  advantage  in  the 
thought  of  the  great  ultimate  rewanl  (24!!.).  His 
flight  from  Kgypt,  in  defiance  of  the  king's  will,  was 
the  result  of  faith  in  the  invisible  King  ;  and  a  like 
faith  found  expression  in  his  keeping  of  the  Pa-ssover, 
and  his  leading  of  the  people  through  tlie  Red  Sea. 

26.  the  reproach  of  Christ :  something  more  is  meant 
than  that  Moses,  in  his  day.  submitted  to  the  world's 
scorn  as  Jesus  was  to  do  aften\ards.  It  is  indicat<>d 
that  Moses  consciously  looked  forward  to  the  coming 
of  Christ.  The  Christian  cause  had  its  preliminary 
phase  in  the  Ufe  of  Israel,  and  the  heroes  of  the  past 


were  already  under  Christ's  banner. — 27.  not  fearing 
the  wrath  of  the  king:  this  is  not  strictly  correct,  for 
it  was  fear  of  the  king's  wrath  that  impelled  Moses  to 
flee  to  Midian.  "J'he  reference  may  \)e  to  the  later 
story  of  the  Exodus,  but  is  due  more  probably  to  a 
confusion  in  the  writer's  mind  between  the  later  events 
and  the  earlier. 

32-38.  The  rest  of  the  history  would  take  too  long 
to  survey  in  detail,  and  the  writer  contents  himself 
with  suggesting  it  by  a  few  striking  allusions.  He 
mentions  certain  outstanding  names,  then  refers  in 
general  terms  to  the  many  famous  deeds  that  had  been 
wrought  by  faith  {e.ff.  the  achievements  of  brave  and 
just  kings,  of  Daniel  and  his  comrades,  of  prophets 
and  patriots).  Faith  had  manifestod  itself  not  only 
in  great  deeds,  but  in  sufferings  nobly  borne  (35ff). 
In  this  account  of  memorable  sulforings  use  is  made  not 
only  of  the  OT  history  but  of  legends  that  had  gro^m 
out  of  it — e.g.  that  Isaiah  had  been  sawn  asunder 
(p.  430),  that  other  prophets  had  been  murdered  or 
persecuted.  In  35  there  seems  to  te  a  reference  to  a 
cherished  incident  of  JcAnsh  history  which  was  later 
than  the  OT  period — viz.  the  mart^Tdora  of  Eleazar 
and  the  .^even  brothers  in  the  Maccabean  war.  With  a 
declaration  of  faith  in  the  resurrection  on  their  lips 
these  brave  men  had  suffered  the  extremity  of  torture 
(c/.  2  Mac.  79ff.,  4  Mac.  84-14). 

37.  were  tempted:  this  mild  generality  is  clearly 
out  of  place  in  the  dreadful  tale  of  martyrdom.  The 
Greek  word  closely  resembles  another  which  means 
"  they  were  burned,"  and  this  may  well  have  been  the 
original  reading. 

39f.  In  two  closing  verses  the  lesson  of  all  this 
heroic  past  is  summarised.  By  their  faith  the  great 
men  of  Israel  had  received  praise  from  God  in  His 
holy  word  ;  yet  they  did  not  obtain  that  promise,  the 
liope  of  which  had  inspired  them.  The  reason  was 
that  through  the  long  past  God  had  been  leading  up 
to  the  future,  planning  a  fulfilment  in  this  closing  age 
in  which  our  own  lot  has  been  cast.  In  our  time  the 
whole  bygone  history  was  to  be  rounded  off  and  con- 
summated, so  that  only  through  us  could  the  faithful 
of  the  past  attain  their  goal.  The  thought  has  to  be 
understood  in  the  light  of  the  writer's  conception  that 
the  history  of  God's  i)eople  in  all  ages  fonns  a  single 
whole.  "Some  better  thing  " — i.e.  the  final  realisa- 
tion— was  destined  for  the  Christian  period,  and  until 
this  had  come  the  brave  endeavour  of  the  past  fell 
short  of  its  aim. 

XII.  1-29.  The  oxhortation  begun  at  IO19  is  taken 
up  again  with  all  the  weight  that  has  been  added  to 
it  by  the  recollections  of  the  past.  In  the  knowledge 
that  so  great  a  multitude  have  witnessed  to  the  truth 
of  God's  promises.  Christians  are  eneouragetl  (if.)  to 
make  for  their  goal,  throwing  aside  all  M-orldly  interests 
and  sinful  desires,  as  nmners  in  a  race  divest  them- 
selves of  encumliering  garments.  Above  all  the  other 
inspiring  examples  they  are  to  keep  l)efore  them  that 
of  Jesus,  who  points  the  way  for  faith  in  its  earthly 
struL'glo,  and  by  w'nom  in  the  end  it  will  be  crowned 
with  fulfilment.  Looking  forward  to  a  joy  that  waa 
still  in  the  future.  He  had  found  strength  to  endure 
the  Cross,  with  all  the  shame  that  attached  to  it,  and 
so  rose  to  His  place  at  God's  right  hand. 

1.  witnesses :  i.e.  men  who  bore  witness  to  God  by 
faith.  The  idea  of  "  spectators  "  is  not  contained  in 
the  Greek  word. — easily  beset  us:  lit.  "  easily  entang- 
ling." an  imago  from  trailing  garments. — 2.  of  OUT 
faith:  should  simply  be  "  of  faith." — author  is  better 
translated  "  leader."  The  servants  of  God  in  all 
Ages  are  regarded  as  a  single  host  of  which  JesuB  ia 


HEBREWS    XIII.  1-6 


899 


the  captain.  He  is  also  the  perfecter  of  faith,  since  the 
promises  -nill  at  hist  be  fulfilled  through  J-Iiin. — for 
the  Joy:  the  words  might  also  bear  the  meaning 
"  instead  of  the  joy  that  was  offered  Him  He  endured 
the  cross."  In  this  case  the  thought  would  be  similar 
to  that  of  Paul  in  Phil.  26- lo :  Jesus  exchanged  the 
jojrs  of  heaven  for  a  life  of  earthly  suffering,  and  so 
attained  to  a  yet  higher  exaltation.  But  the  meaning 
given  above  is  more  in  accord  with  the  ideas  enforced 
in  this  section  of  the  epistle  (c/.  II26). 

3-13.  With  the  example  of  Christ  before  them  the 
readers  are  to  show  more  constancy  under  their  own 
Bufferings.  They  are  to  think  of  Him  whoso  life  was 
so  thwarted  by  wicked  men,  and  thus  nerve  themselves 
to  strength  and  patience  (3).  What  is  their  struggle 
compared  to  that  of  Jesus  ?  They  have  not  yet  been 
called  on  to  venture  their  lives  in  the  battle  for 
righteousness,  and  under  such  sufferings  as  have  been 
laid  on  them  they  have  given  way,  forgetting  that 
affliction  is  a  chastisement  which  God  impases  on  His 
children  with  a  loving  purpose.  Thus  considered,  it 
is  a  proof  to  us  that  we  are  really  God's  children,  and 
if  we  are  spared  it,  we  may  well  doubt  whether  He 
aclmowledges  us  (4-8).  We  did  not  rebel  against  our 
earthly  fathers  when  they  disciplined  us  ;  can  we  not 
believe  that  through  the  discipline  we  receive  from  our 
heavenly  Father  we  shall  rise  to  a  truer  life  (9)  ?  Our 
earthly  fathers  could  train  us  only  for  the  short  period 
of  youth,  and  sometimes  their  judgment  was  mistaken. 
God,  on  the  other  hand,  unfailingly  seeks  our  highest 
welfare,  and  disciplines  us  all  our  life  long  that  we  may 
grow  into  moral  likeness  to  Himself  (10).  Suffering 
while  it  lasts  is  no  doubt  hard  to  bear,  but  the  painful 
process  has  its  outcome  in  that  righteousness  which 
alone  brings  peace.  Let  us  march  on.  therefore,  with 
new  energy,  and  let  those  who  are  strong  try  so  to 
direct  their  steps  chat  the  weaker  may  not  be  led  astray 
and  exhausted,  but  may  bo  cheered  on  to  a  more 
vigorous  advance. 

3.  against  themselves :  implies  that  in  rejecting  Christ 
they  had  defeated  their  own  welfare  ;  but  the  marginal 
reading,  "  against  Himself,"  is  simpler  and  better. — 
13.  for  your  feet:  better,  "with  your  feet."  Ad- 
dressing the  more  capable  and  intelligent,  the  writer 
bids  them  think  of  themselves  as  pioneers,  making  a 
path  for  their  halting  comrades. 

14^-17.  As  the  community  is  to  bear  up  bravely 
under  persecution,  so  it  is  to  watch  carefully  over  the 
purity  of  its  own  life.  There  must  be  no  strife  or 
dissension  ;  above  all,  there  must  be  moral  consecra- 
tion, for  without  this  it  is  impossible  to  hold  fellowship 
with  Christ  (14).  The  church  must  therefore  keep 
anxious  guard  over  its  members,  and  make  sure  that 
each  one  of  them  lives  up  to  his  Christian  profession. 
Even  a  single  unworthy  member  may  be  like  a  poisonous 
weed,  taijiting  the  whole  atmosphere  round  about  (15). 
The  Church  must  be  specially  watchful  against  men  who 
indulge  in  sensual  sins,  or  who  live  hoIcIv  for  worldly 
and  material  interests,  careless,  like  Esau,  of  that 
higher  destiny  to  which  God  has  called  them.  Esau's 
later  repentance  did  not  avail  him,  and  when  he  would 
fain  have  received  the  blessing  he  found  that  it  was 
gone  from  him  for  ever.  (Note  that  it  was  not  the 
"  place  of  repentance,"  but  the  "  blessing."  which 
Esau  sought  "  diligently  with  tears  "  and  failed  lo 
secure. — A.  J.  G.]  It  may  be,  however,  that  the  writer 
is  also  reverting  to  the  idea  of  64ff.  P'or  those  who 
have  fallen  into  grave  sin  after  their  conversion  there 
can  bo  no  repentance,  and  they  must  bo  excluded  from 
the  Christian  conmiunity. 

18-29.  The  theme  of  the  epistle  has  been  the  con- 


trast of  tho  old  and  the  new  covenants,  and  this  con- 
trast is  now  summed  up  in  a  splendid  closing  passage. 
The  first  covenant  was  established  on  a  "  mount  that 
might  be  touched  " — an  earthly,  material  mountain  [E. 
C.  Sehvyn,  in  JThS,  xii.  134,  suggests  pephepsalmeno, 
"  calcined." — A.  J.  G.] — which  was  encircled  with 
terrible  manifestations  of  fire  and  darkness  and  storm. 
The  voice  in  which  the  Law  was  proclaimed  struck 
tenor  into  the  people,  and  even  Moses  was  so  filled 
with  awe  at  the  nearness  of  the  unapproachable  God 
that  he  trembled  (18-21).  But  in  receiving  the  new 
covenant  we  have  the  vision  before  us  of  the  heavenly 
Zion,  the  holy  city  above,  of  which  Jerusalem  with 
its  Temple  is  notliing  but  the  symbol.  Drawing  near 
to  this  holy  city  we  are  brought  into  fellowship  with 
its  inhabitants,  who  are  myriad  hosts  of  angels,  and 
the  whole  company  of  the  saints  of  former  ages  whose 
names  were  in  the  book  of  life.  We  enter  into  fellow- 
ship with  God  the  universal  Judge,  and  with  hlis  chosen 
servants,  now  released  from  their  earthly  bondage  and 
fitted  for  their  true  life  in  His  presence.  More  than 
all,  in  receiving  the  new  covenant  wc  are  brought  into 
fellowship  with  Jesus,  who  confirmed  the  covenant 
with  His  blood,  which  does  not  call  to  God  for  ven- 
geance, like  that  of  Abel,  but  for  love  and  mercy. 

22.  Zion :  the  hill  on  which  the  Temple  stood  gave 
its  name  to  the  holy  city.  Christian  tliouglit  took  over, 
at  least  in  a  figurative  sense,  the  Jewish  belief  that  the 
earthly  Jerusalem  had  its  ideal  counterpart  in  heaven 
(c/.  Gal.  426,  Rev.  2I2).— 28.  the  first-bom:  this  may 
possibly  mean  the  angels,  regarded  as  the  elder  brothers 
of  men.  But  the  following  words,  "  who  are  written 
in  heaven,"  seem  rather  to  point  to  those  heroes  of 
the  past  who  are  commemorat(^d  in  ch.  IL  They 
cannot  be  finally  admitted  into  God's  fellowship 
"  without  us  "  (II40),  but  their  names  are  written 
already  in  the  roll  of  the  citizens  of  heaven. 

25-29.  The  grandeur  of  the  new  covenant,  as  com- 
pared with  the  old,  entails  far  higher  obligations  on 
those  who  belong  to  it.  In  the  ancient  time  God 
spoke  to  men  from  the  earthly  mountain  ;  now  He 
speaks  from  His  true  dwelling-place  in  heaven  (25). 
A  day  has  been  foretold  (Hag.  2^)  when  He  will  shake 
the  whole  universe  as  He  shook  the  earth  on  the  day 
of  .Sinai ;  and  the  words  of  the  prophecy,  "  yet  once 
more,"  imply  that  this  will  be  the  final  shaking.  For 
the  last  time,  on  this  day  of  Christ's  appearance  which 
is  now  at  hand,  God  will  shake  and  test  His  world, 
so  that  all  peiishable  things  will  fall  to  pieces,  and 
only  what  is  true  and  eternal  will  remain  (j6f.).  We 
are  the  heirs  of  that  eternal  order  which  will  survive 
the  shaldng.  and  this  thought  should  inspire  us  with 
a  solemn  sense  of  responsibility.  Let  us  stvk  God's 
help,  so  that  wo  may  serve  Him  a-s  He  desires  ;  for 
He  is  tho  absolutely  Holy  One,  withering  as  with  fire 
all  who  are  disobedient  to  His  will. 

Xin.  Before  bringing  his  epistle  to  a  close  the  writer 
gives  some  practical  admonitions,  and  tflkes  occasion, 
in  the  course  of  them,  to  state  once  again  his  concep- 
tion of  Jesus  as  the  one  all-sufficient  High  Priest. 

1-6.  Emphasis  is  first  laid  on  the  duty  of  brotherly 
love — i.e.  kindness  towanls  fellow-Christians — which 
was  all-imiwrtant  in  a  struggling  community  like  the 
early  Church.  Three  aspects  of  this  duty  are  particu- 
larly mentioned — hospitality  to  travellers,  caro  of 
prisoners,  helpfulness  towards  those  who  are  perse- 
cuted. Tlie  readers  are  to  bear  in  mind  that  they  also 
are  "  in  the  bo<ly  " — i.e.  sojourners  in  this  world  and 
liable  lo  it«  lro»il>le«.  They  arc  warned  against  two 
forms  of  vice  to  which  tho  he^ithen  society  of  the  day 
was  especially  prone — laxity  in  the  marrilyje  relation, 


900 


HEBREWS,  XIII.  1-6 


and  covetousness.  Christians  may  well  resist  this 
latter  temptation,  for  they  have  God's  own  promise 
that  He  will  remember  His  people  and  provide  for 
them.  A  promise  like  this  ought  to  free  them  from 
all  anxieties,  and  not  merely  from  the  fear  of 
poverty  (sf.). 

7-19.  Admonitions  concerning  Cliurch  discipline. 
The  brethren  are  to  cherish  the  memory  of  their  former 
leaders,  who  instructed  them  in  the  truth  of  God  and 
exemplified  it  in  their  life  and  death.  Jcdus  Christ,  in 
whom  those  departed  leaders  found  their  strength,  is 
the  same  still,  and  will  be  the  same  for  ever  (7f.).  The 
mention  of  those  revered  teachers  who  have  passed 
away  suggests  a  warning  against  forget  fulness  of  the 
iloctrinea  they  had  taught.  Some  peculiar  form  of  eiTor 
V  as  threatening  the  Church  ;  the  nature  of  it  cannot  be 
precisely  determined,  but  it  seems  to  have  laid  stress  on 
certain  rules  of  eating  and  drinking.  like  the  heresy  at 
Colossap  (c/.  Col.  216-23).  The  writer  declares  that  ex- 
ternal devices  of  this  kind  have  never  helped  those  who 
trusted  in  them,  and  all  strength  must  come  from  the 
grace  of  God  (9).  That  Christianity  is  not  concerned 
with  matters  of  food  is  clear  from  this,  that  it  depends 
on  a  sacrifice  of  which  the  priests  were  expressh'  for- 
bidden to  eat.  For  the  ride  is  laid  down  (Lev.  I627) 
that  the  flesh  of  those  animals  which  were  offered  on 
the  Day  of  Atonement  must  not  be  divided  among  the 
priests,  like  that  of  other  sacrificial  victims,  but  must 
be  carried  outside  the  camp  and  burned  (lof.).  Jesus, 
as  the  p^e^^ous  argument  has  shown,  was  the  ideal 
counterpart  of  the  victim  of  the  Day  of  Atonement, 
and  the  analogy  is  further  borne  out  by  this,  that  He 
was  taken  outside  the  city  to  die  (12).  The  service 
He  requires,  therefore,  does  not  consist  in  any  kind  of 
ritual  meal.  It  consists  rather  in  suffering  the  world's 
scorn  and  rejection  along  with  Him.  He  is  to  be  found 
"  outside  the  camp,"  and  we  must  be  willing  to  be 
thrust  out  in  order  to  join  Him.  We  belong  to  the 
heavenly  city,  and  can  expect  nothing  else  than  to 
be  treated  as  strangers  by  the  world. 

7.  the  issue  of  their  life :  i.e.  their  death — which  was 
in  full  accoi-dance  with  their  life. 

10-13  are  exceedingly  difficult,  and  have  been  inter- 
preted in  a  variety  of  ways.  Some  have  explained 
them  with  reference  to  the  Lord's  Supper ;  others 
have  taken  them  as  a  warning  against  all  participation 
in  the  rites  of  Judaism.  Perhaps  the  simplest  ex- 
planation is  that  given  above.  The  writer  wishes  to 
bring  out  the  thought  that  ritual  practices  have  nothing 


to  do  with  Christianity,  which  has  for  its  true  service  the 
imitation  of  Christ.  In  enforcing  tiiis  truth  he  takes 
occasion  to  recall  his  conception  of  Christ  as  the  final 
sacrifice,  although  he  now  dwells  on  a  new  aspect  of  it. 

Resuming  his  practical  admonitions,  he  exhorts  liis 
readers  to  be  earnest  in  praise  to  God,  offering  tliis 
personal  devotion  as  their  daily  sacrifice.  And  along 
with  this  sacrifice  of  praise  they  are  to  render  Hira 
that  of  active  well-doing  and  beneficence  (isf.).  They 
are  to  pay  due  reverence  to  the  pastors  set  over  them, 
who  have  made  themselves  responsible  for  their  spiritual 
welfare.  If  all  the  members  co-operate,  the  practical 
work  will  be  done  joyfully,  and  only  when  it  is  so  done 
can  it  jield  true  results  (17).  In  this  connexion  the 
writer,  who  is  himself  one  of  their  pastors,  makes 
request  to  his  readers  for  their  prayers  ;  they  are  to 
pray  especially  that  he  may  soon  be  restored  to  thera 
after  his  enforced  absence  (i8f.). 

20f.  A  doxology  which  was  probably  intended  to 
close  the  epistle.  In  this  doxology  we  have  the  one 
reference  in  this  epistle  to  Christ's  resurrection  ;  and 
it  is  closely  connected  with  that  idea  of  the  heaverdy 
High  Priest  wliich  overshadows  all  others  in  the  writer's 
mind.  The  readers  are  commended  to  the  care  of 
God,  who  has  so  amply  proved  His  love  to  them  by 
raising  Jesus  from  the  dead  as  their  High  Priest,  who 
offers  in  God's  presence  the  blood  that  has  sealed  the 
covenant. 

20.  with  the  blood:  the  idea  seems  to  be  thafc 
which  has  already  been  set  forth  at  length  in  the 
epistle.  Jesus  ascended,  bearing  with  Him  into  the 
heavenly  sanctuary  the  blood  of  His  sacrifice. 

22-25.  A  pastscript.  The  readers  are  asked  to  give 
patient  attention  to  the  foregoing  epistle,  which  is 
described  as  a  "  word  of  exhortation,"  thus  clearly 
indicating  its  practical  aim.  Their  patience  is  all  the 
more  necessarj'  as  the  argument  is  "  in  few  words  " — 
i.e.  highly  condensed,  and  difficult  at  times  to  follow. 
They  are  informed  of  Timothy's  release  from  prison, 
and  of  the  writer's  intention  to  visit  them  in  his 
company.  Greetings  are  sent  from  the  Italian  Chris- 
tians. This  is  the  only  definite  clue  which  is  afforded 
us  of  the  destination  of  the  epistle,  and  unfortunately 
it  can  lead  in  two  directions.  The  writer  may  bo 
sojourning  with  an  Italian  church,  whose  members 
offer  their  gicetings  to  brethren  elsewhere  ;  or  ho  may 
be  addressing  an  Italian  church,  whose  exiled  members 
join  with  him  in  his  salutations  {cf.  Exi>..  Jan.  1917).  A 
second  and  briefer  doxology  Ijrings  the  epistle  to  a  close. 


THE    CATHOLIC    EPISTLES 


By  Principal  A.  J.  GRIEVE 


The  exact  significance  of  the  epithet  "  catholic '"  or 
"general,"'  as  apphecl  to  the  seven  writings  which 
bear  the  names  oi  Jas.,  1  and  2  P.,  1,  2,  and  3  Jn., 
and  Jude,  has  been  a  matter  of  considerable  debate. 
It  has  been  surmised  that  they  are  so  entitled  because 
they  are  the  work  of  tho  apostles  generally  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  compuct  body  of  Pauhne  letters; 
or  because  they  contain  cathohc  in  the  sense  of  orthodox 
teaching,  or  general  rather  than  particular  instruction; 
or  again  because  they  were  generally  accepted  in 
contrast  to  other  writings  which  bore  apostohc  names 
but  failed  to  make  good  their  claim.  A  more  hkely 
reason  than  any  of  these  is  that  they  were  addressed 
to  Christians  in  general  or  to  groups  of  churches 
instead  of  to  individual  communities  like  Corinth 
and  Rome,  to  which  Paul  usually  wrote.  We  say 
"usually/'  because  Galatiana  was  written  to  a  group 
of  churches,  and  there  is  reason  to  think  that  Ephesians 
was  meant  as  a  circular  letter.  Cf.  also  Col.  4x6. 
Of  the  seven  "catholic"  epistles,  two  (2  and  3  Jn.) 
hardly  satisfy  our  test,  for  they  were  written  to  a 
particular,  though  unnamed,  church  and  to  an  in- 
dividual respectively.  Their  inclusion  in  the  group 
is  thus  a  mere  matter  of  conveiuence  ;  they  would 
naturally  come  to  be  associated  with  1  Jn.  Jas.  is 
addressed  to  "the  twelve  tribes  of  the  Dispersion," 
1  P.  to  Christians  in  Asia  Minor,  2  P.  and  Jude  broadly 
to  the  writer's  fellow-bclievere  ;  1  Jn.  has  no  address, 
and  is  more  Uke  a  homily  than  a  letter. 

The  earUest  record  of  the  name  appears  to  be  about 
A.V).  197,  in  the  anti-Montanist  writer  Apollonius  (see 
Eusebius,  Hist.  EccL,  v.  18),  who  declares  that  the 
heretic  Themiso  wrote  a  "  cathohc  "  epistle  in  imita- 
tion of  that  of  the  apostle  (?  John).  Clement  of 
Alexandria  (c.  200)  refers  to  the  letter  of  Ac.  I523-29 
and  to  Jude  as  "cathohc."  Origen  (c.  230)  appUcs 
the  epithet  to  the  epistle  of  Barnabas,  as  to  1  Jn., 
1  P.,  and  Jude.  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  (c.  260) 
uses  it  of  1  Jn.  in  opposition  to  2  and  3  Jn.  Such 
usage,  and  that  of  Eusebius  of  Casarea  (c.  310),  who 
uses  the  adjective  of  the  whole  seven  ( Hist.  EccL,  ii. 
23),  is  Bufhcient  to  disprove  the  opinion  that  "  catholic  " 
means  "  recognised  by  the  whole  church."  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  most  of  the  seven  were  hotly  contested, 
and  only  gradually  secured  thoir  place  in  tho  NT 
canon.  1  Jn.,  which  was  tho  first  to  Ije  so  styled, 
evidently  won  the  epithet  because  of  tho  cncychcal 
nature  of  its  appeal — it  was  an  exhortation  to  tho 
church  at  large  rather  than  to  a  narrow  circle,  a  single 
church,  or  even  a  group  of  churches,  like  tho  Pauline 
letters  and  1  P..  to  say  nothing  of  individual  jwrsona — 
and  because  its  contents  were  oihcial  in  a  sense  in  which 
even  Paul's  epistles  wore  not.  Most  akin  in  this  respect 
were  Judo  and  2  P.,  and  perhaps  Jas.,  if  tho  twelve 
tribes  can  be  taken  as  repi-esenting  tho  new  Israel  of 
Christendom.  The  recipients  of  1  P..  too.  included 
woll-nigh  half  tho  Christian  world.     2  and  3  Jn.  secured 


their  footing  because  of  their  name.  The  httlo  canon 
of  Pauline  letters  was  usually  designated  "the  Apostle,"' 
and  it  would  only  be  a  question  of  time  for  tho  group  of 
non-Pauline  epistles  to  be  entitled  "cathohc."  When 
the^name  of  the  group  became  known  in  the  Western 
Church,  it  was  misinterpreted  and  taken  in  a  dogmatic 
sense  as  equivalent  to  "canonic,"  i.e.  apostohc  or 
genuine.  As  "the  canonic  epistles"  they  became 
known  in  the  West,  and  the  original  idea  of  contrast 
with  the  Pauline  letters  disappeared.  JuniUus  Afri- 
canus  (c.  5u0)  understands  "  canonic'  as  "contain- 
ing the  rule  of  faith." 

So  late  as  Juniuus'  day,  1  Jn.  and  1  P.  stood  apart 
for  him,  though  ho  says  that  very  many  add  the  other 
five.  This  majority  opinion  was  due  to  Jerome  and 
Augustine.  Chrysostom's  St/twpsis  names  only  three 
(1  Jn.,  1  P.,  Jas.),  thus  following  Lucian  and  the  school 
of  Antioch.  which  also  influenced  tho  Peshitta  or 
"'Vulgate"  Syriac.  Eusebius  puts  1  Jn.  and  1  P. 
in  the  class  of  universally  accepted  books,  wliile  Jas., 
Jude,  2  P.,  2  and  3  Jn.,  are  a  second  class,  "  disputed," 
but  making  their  way  towards  the  first  class  ( Hist. 
EccL.  iii.  25).  Cj-prian  of  Carlhage  ('/.  2.')9)  received 
only  1  Jn.  and  1  P.  The  Muratorian  Fragment  (if 
we  admit  Zahns  very  tempting  emendation^)  shows 
that  at  Rome,  c.  180,  these  two  books  were  received. 
2  P.  was  not  generally  accepted  for  reading  in  church, 
while  Jude  and  2  and  3  Jn.  formed  a  httle  group 
scarcely  regarded  as  apostohc  (for  they  aro  linked 
with  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon),  yet  "accepted  in  the 
Catholic  Church."     Jae.  is  not  mentioned. 

The  influence' of  Augustine  has  been  mentioned.  In 
De  Fide  et  Operibus  (xiv.  21)  he  points  out  that  Paul 
pressed  his  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  so  far  aa 
to  be  in  peril  of  being  misunderstood.  Paul  lays  tho 
foundations,  the  Catholic  Epistles  raise  the  super- 
structure ;  he  is  careful  for  the  genuineness  of  the  root. 
they  for  the  good  fruit ;  he  feels  himself  a  minister  of 
the  Gospel,  they  speak  in  the  name  of  the  (nascent 
Cathohc)  Church. 

It  may  be  granted  that  there  are  certain  pointfi 
of  relationship  between  the  seven  epistles,  despite 
their  varied  authorsliip.  They  lack  in  general  the 
prsonal  note,  and  seek  to  meet  more  widespread  need 
by  general  counsel.  Jiihcher  ranks  them  as  a  class 
in  which  tho  epistle  is  merely  a  literarv  form  whereby 
tho  imknown  writer  holds  inten-oursc  with  an  unknown 
pubhc.  The  transition  from  tho  Pauline  letters  to 
the  Cathohc  Epistles  is  by  way  of  Ephesians.  !Iebrew«. 
and  t  ho  Pastorals  {rf.  p.  6("»3 ).  None  of  t  hcra  is  lengthy 
none  starts  a  far-reaching  train  of  thought,  or  con- 
trib\itcs  much  to  pure  theologj'.  They  aro  con 
cemed  mainly  with  practical  advice  and  edifying  ex- 
hortation. Thoir  modest  dimensions  gave  them  an 
advantage  over  such  longer  works  as  tho  Epistles  of 


901 


Qwatkin,  Seledions  from  Earlg  Chritlian  ir riurs,  p.  87. 


902 


THE  CATHOLIC  EPISTLES 


Clement  and  Barnabas  and  the  Shepherd  of  Hormas. 
in  circulation,  and  therefore  in  recognition ;  apart 
from  the  fact  that  these  works,  favourites  in  the  Early 
Church,  bore  no  apostolic  names. 

The  critical  questions,  often  very  perplexing,  con- 
nected with  the  separate  epistles  are  discussed  in 
the  commentaries  that  follow.  We  may  note  here 
that,  apart  from  the  titles  (which  are  late),  1  Jn.  is 
anonymous,  2  and  3  Jn.  simply  purport  to  be  irom 
"the  elder,"  1  and  2  P,  definitely  say  they  are  by 
Peter  the  apostle  ;  "  James  ''  and  "  Judas,  the  brother 
of  James"  are  the  slender  descriptions  given  by  the 
authors  of  the  other  two  epistles.  John,  James,  and 
Judas  (or  Judo)  were  all  very  common  names,  and 
give  us  no  clue  to  the  identity  of  the  authors.  As  to 
date,  1  Jn.  and  I  P.  were  in  circulation  early  in  the 
second  century,  and  were  attributed  to  the  two  apostles 
before  its  close.  Jude  and  2  Jn.  were  circulated  and 
attributed  by  about  IGO.  Jas.  was  also  in  circulation 
then,  but  no  attribution  of  authorship  was  made  for 
another  half  century.  Clear  traces  of  3  Jn.  and  2  P. 
appear  a  httle  before  200.  Perhaps  the  earhest  and 
the  least  uncertain  as  to  authorship  is  1  P.,  the  latest 
2  P.  The  seven  epistles  cover  the  sub-apostolic  age 
from,  say,  4.D.  'CA  to  150,  and  aro  a  valuable  rellcction 
of  the  life  and  thought  of  the  church  during  that 
period.  In  1  P.  (nearest  to  Paul  in  time  and  in  thoughl,*^ 
and  to  many  minds  one  of  the  choicest  books  of  NT) 
we  see  something  of  the  peril  that  assailed  a  church 
from  without;  in  1,  2,  and  3  Jn.  we  are  shown  the 
danger  from  within  in  matters  of  doctrine  and  prob- 
lems of  organisation.  Jude  is  the  effort  of  a  teacher 
who  is  similarly  alarmed  by  the  growth  of  an  anti- 
nomian  gnosticism  and  the  sins  of  unbelief,  pride,  and 
sensuahty.  2  P.  is  an  elaboration  of  Judo,  and  also 
reflects  the  disappointment  felt  at  the  delay   of  the 

>  This  commonly  received  opinion  is  questioned  by  H,  A.  A.. 
Kennedy  in  ET  27264  fMarch  1916), 


Second  Advent.  Jas.  is  in  a  class  by  itself,  and 
resolutely  defies  any  agreed  solution  of  its  date  and 
authorship.     It  sets  forth  Christianity  as  the  new  law. 

The  epistles,  though  modern  Bcholarship  cannot  un- 
hesitatingly accept  their  apostolic  authorship,  at  least 
represent  what  the  Early  Church  regarded  as  apostolic 
teacliing,  and  subseciuent  generations  have  conlinned 
their  practical  value.  Some  may  feel  that  because 
there  is  no  certainty  about  their  apostolic  authorship 
they  should  not  bo  included  in  the  NT ;  but  the  Early 
Church  was  often  guided  by  the  intrinsic  merits  of  a 
book,  and  accepted  it  as. apostolic  because  of  its  worth. 
We  have  to  remember,  too,  that  the  .ancient  conception 
of  authoiship  was  widely  different  from  our  own — a 
book  would  be  called  Johns  because  its  teaching 
agreed  with  that  of  John.  A  v/riter  might  go  so  far 
as  to  assume  the  name  of  a  great  teacher  in  order 
to  gain  a  reading  for  his  book ;  and  if  he  succeeded 
in  presenting  what  might  fairly  be  regarded  as  the 
views  of  the  man  whose  name  he  assumed,  no  one  felt 
aggrieved.  The  practice  was  especially  common  in 
apocalyptic  literature.  We  do  not  argue  in  this  way 
now ;  and  similar  Literary  devices  when  they  are  prac- 
tised are  tolerated  only  because  we  know  that  they 
are  devices,  and  generally  know  also  the  name  of  the 
real  author. 

The  order  in  which  we  have  the  seven  epistles  has 
come  to  us  from  the  fourth  century,  but  there  were 
many  earher  variations.  The  position  of  the  group 
in  early  MSS.  and  versions  is  also  far  from  fixed. 
Most  Gr.  MSS.  arrange  thus :  Gospels,  Acts,  Cath. 
Epp.,  Paul,  Bev.  The  Syrian  order  is  Gospels,  Paul, 
Acts,  Cath.  Epp.,  Rev.  In  Egypt:  Gospels,  Paul, 
Cath.  Epp.,  Acts,  Rev.  In  the  Muratorian  Canon, 
representing  the  early  West,  we  have  apparently 
Gospels,  Acts,  Paul,  Cath.  Epp,,  Rev.,  which  is  the 
order  followed  in  the  Vulgate  and  in  the  English 
versions. 


JAMES 


By  Professor  JAMES  HOPE  MOULTON 


This  short  epistle  belongs  to  a  type  of  literature 
which  we  call  "  open  letters."  It  is  not  private  and 
unstudied  correspondence,  like  Paul's  letters,  nor  again 
a  treatise  destined  for  permanence.  Its  literary 
affinities  are  decidedly  with  the  OT  :  it  is  prophecy 
speaking  its  last  word,  in  the  old  manner,  but  with 
many  characteristics  of  the  Wisdom  Books.  Tlio 
date,  authorship,  and  purpose  are  alike  much  disputed  ; 
and  in  so  brief  an  account  it  is  only  possible  to  present 
the  interpretation  favoured  by  the  writer  of  the 
commentary,  warning  the  reader  that  it  is  an  individual 
view,  which  only  pretends  to  bo  a  consistent  hypo- 
thesis, offering  some  explanation  of  admitted  problems. 
The  book  has  been  variously  regarded  as  the  earliest 
and  one  of  the  latest  written  of  the  NT  Canon.  Its 
author,  if  one  of  the  "  Jacobs  "  of  the  NT,  was  almost 
certainly  "the  Lord's  brother"  of  Gal.  I19,  who  is 
best  regarded  as  a  son  of  Joseph  and  Mary,  eldest  of 
the  group  of  Mary's  younger  children  named  in  Mk.  63. 
He  was  the  leader  of  the  early  Jerusalem  Church,  aa 
appears  from  his  position  in  Ac.  15.  Two  most 
formidable  difficulties  stand  in  our  way.  ( I )  How  could 
so  conspicuous  a  Christian  write  a  letter  to  fellow- 
believers  and  only  name  Jesus  twice,  even  seeking  in 
Job  the  supreme  example  of  "endurance"  (5ii), 
instead  of  recalling  Him  "  who  endured  a  cross, 
despising  shame  "  (Heb.  I22)  ?  (2)  How  did  an 
authentic  work  of  James  remain  among  disputed 
books  till  the  latest  stage  of  the  development  of  the 
Canon  ?  To  these  difficulties  the  present  writer  ven- 
tured a  new  solution  in  Exp.  for  Julj'  1907,  to  which 
he  holds  in  spite  of  objections  raised  by  Peake  (INT) 
and  Moffatt  (INT),  because  alternative  answers  seem 
wholly  insufficient.  The  epistle  is  addressed  to  un- 
converted Jars,  by  the  one  f^hristian  leader  for  whom 
the  Jews  had  a  profound  regard,  as  we  know  from 
Josephas  and  Hegesippus.  He  would  not  name  Je;;us 
(li*,  2i*),  since  the  name  would  immediately  turn 
them  from  reading.  But  he  brings  in  a  multitude  of 
His  sayings,  hoping  that  their  intrinsic  beauty  and 
power  would  win  their  waj',  and  prepare  for  better 
thoughts  of  the  Speaker  when  His  authorship  became 
known.  His  main  purpose  is  to  shame  them  out  of  a 
blind  unbelief  based  on  "party  Hpirit "  (814,  16). 
But  the  success  of  the  sippeal  was  ruined  by  the 
martyrdom  of  James  as  a  Christian,  and  the  fanatical 
hatred  which  consequently  replaced  veneration  for  a 
man  pre-eminently  holy  according  to  the  standards 
of  the  Ijaw.  Accordingly  the  little  book  was  rejected 
by  Jews  as  the  work  of  a  Christian  martyr,  and  ignored 
by  Christians  generally  l)ecau8e  it  had  so  little  dis- 
tinctively Christian  teaching.  Prized  in  a  narrow 
circle,  it  came  to  its  own  at  last  through  its  association 
with  the  great  name  of  James.  The  theory  will  bo 
tested  best  by  assuming  it  a.s  a  working  ba-sis  for 
interpretation.  It  will  be  seen  that  if  it  is  tenable 
the  epistle  become?  one  of  the  earliest  NT  writings — 


the  earlier  the  better,  in  view  of  the  rapid  widening  of 
the  gulf  between  Judaism  and  Christianity.  In  that 
case  it  is  prior  to  1  P.,  which  has  several  points  of 
contact  with  its  language,  and  to  Rom.,  which  ia 
cither  independent  or  written  partly  to  correct  some 
dangerous  and  mistaken  inferences  from  its  teaching. 

Literature. — Commentaries  :  (a)  Plumptre  (CB), 
Bassett,  Knowling  (West.C),  Bennett  (Cent.B)  ;  (b) 
J.  B.  Mayor  (which  supersedes  all  others),  Hort  (a 
posthumous  fragment),  Carr  (CGT),  Oosterley  (EGT), 
Ropes  (ICO);  (c)  von  Soden  (HC),  Beyschlag  (Mej\), 
Hollmann  (SNT),  Windisch  (HNT),  B.  Weiss  ;  (d)  R.  W. 
Dale,  C.  Brown  (Dev.  Comm.),  Plummer  (Ex.B).  Other 
Literature:  Parry,  A  Discussion  of  the  General  Epistle 
of  James  ;  Mayor  in  HDB  on  "  Brethren  of  the  Ijord," 
and  Lightfoot  in  Dissertations;  Spitta  in  Gesch.  u. 
Litt.  des  Urchristentums  ;  J.  V.  Bartlet  and  A.  0. 
M'Giffert,  each  in  The  Apostolic  Age ;  Hort  in 
Judaistic  Christiayiity ;  Relevant  articles  in  Intro- 
ductions to  NT  and  Dictionaries.  The  RV  with  fuller 
references  is  assumed  throughout. 

I.  1.  The  greeting  is  in  one  of  the  ordinary  forms 
with  which  public  or  private  letters  open  (c/.  Ac.  1623). 
Like  his  brother  Judas  (Jude  i),  James  calls  himself 
"  servant  of  .  .  .  Jesus  Christ  "  :  he  would  no  longer 
claim  a  brother's  relation,  except  what  all  shared 
(Mk.  Sa.";).  On  our  theory  we  might  easily  conjecture 
that  Jam.es  wrote  simply  "  servant  of  God,"  the 
additional  words  being  a  very  early  adaptation  to 
overtly  Christian  use.  "  The  Twelve  Tribes  settled  in 
foreign  lands  "  retain  their  ideal  completeness  (Ac.  £67, 
Mt.  1928,  Rev.  74fE.,  21 12),  though  but  few  (if.  Lk.  236) 
could  trace  their  descent  to  the  "  Lost  Ten."  God 
was  "  able  of  the  stones  to  raise  up  children "  to 
Israel. 

I.  2-8.  The  paragraph,  like  its  successors,  has  no 
special  link  with  its  context :  it  is  the  writer's  habit 
to  throw  out  a  series  of  aphoristic  comments  on  topics, 
with  a.s  much  connexion  as  there  is  between  the 
essays  of  Bacon  or  successive  cantos  of  Tennyson's 
In  Memoriam.  It  is  the  manner  of  "  Wisdom " 
literature  (cf.  especially  Ecclus.).  The  paradox  with 
which  the  epistle  opens  is  an  expansion  of  the  Beati- 
tudes (Lk.  620-23).  The  tense  of  the  verb,  "  when 
you  have  fallen,"  gives  the  key.  James  has  not  for- 
gotten the  lord's  Prayer  ;  but  when  a  devout  man 
has  been  "  brought  into  trial,  '  ho  recognises  it  as 
God's  will,  and  therefore  to  be  received  with  joy.  He 
who  has  inflicted  the  "  trial  "  will  "  deUver  from  the 
evil  "  which  alone  makes  it  distrossmg.  "  A  man 
untried  is  rejected,"  was  a  saying  attributed  to  Christ. 
The  word  "  rejected  "  is  the  negative  of  the  adjective 
hero  wrongly  translated  "  proof  ^'  :  read  (as  in  1  P.  I7) 
"  the  approved  (genuine)  part  " — "  whnt  is  sterling  in 
your  belief."  '•  Faith, '  as  elsewhere  in  Jas.,  means 
religious  Iwlicf  or  creed.  Truth  which  ha-s  been  "  in- 
wardly digested"  and  not  swallowed  whole,  can  pro- 


904 


JAMES,  I.  2-8 


duco  spiritual  robustness.  "  Endurance  "  is  a  great 
note  of  Jna.  (cf.  on).  "  Let  it  work  thoroughly,  and 
you  will  be  thorough  and  complete,  with  nothing 
wanting."  By  a  characteristic  feature  of  style,  the 
word  "  wanting  "  suggests  the  next  thought.  "  Wis- 
dom," practical  knowledge  that  informs  conduct,  is 
to  bo  had  for  the  asking  from  the  "  only  Wise."  God 
gives  to  '■  all  "  (Mt.  045)  "bountifully" — Gr.  nearly 
as  in  Rom.  128 — without  reproaches  for  their  failure 
to  attain.  Cf.  especially  1  K.  89-12.  Note  the  echo 
of  Mt.  I7.  The  condition  of  6  is  also  from  Christ's 
teaching  (Mk.  II23,  etc.).  "  He  who  hesitateg  is  lost  " 
when  he  prav's.  For  the  simile,  cf.  Is.  5720,  Eph.  414. 
The  "  two-selfed  "  mau — a  trimmer  or  wobbler,  or 
even  one  living  a  double  life,  a  Dr.  Jekyll  alternating 
with  Mr.  Hyde — cannot  expect  to  win  the  answer  that 
only  Faiths  virile  grasp  can  seize.  The  man  "  has 
no  firm  footing,  whatever  path  he  treads." 

I.  9-11.  The  paradox  of  a  '"  bragging  "  that  comes 
of  humility  and  faith  is  common  to  James  and  Paul : 
it  starts  from  Jer.  923f.  Tlie  '"  brotherhood  "  which 
levels  all  differences  into  a  glorious  "  hberty,  fraternity, 
and  equality "  is  the  community  of  God's  faithful 
people.  The  rich  man,  as  such,  has  only  the  common 
iot  to  expect :  he  needs  to  be  lifted  down,  as  the  beggar 
is  lifted  up,  to  the  place  of  eternal  safetj'.  James 
vividly  expands  the  famous  simile  of  Is.  406  from  the 
conditions  of  Palestine  :  the  easterly  sirocco  at  sunrise 
(Mi.  46)  blasted  vegetation  {cf.  Ps.  103i6).  The 
'■  goings  "  are  trade  journeys  {cf.  413) — ^he  is  cut  off 
while  still  *'  on  the  move." 

I.  12-18.  The  Beatitude  on  Endurance  (c/.  5ii  and 
note).  "  Trial  "  is  still  neutral :  it  is  affliction  which 
tests  and  develops  loyalty.  But  since  human  nature 
has  a  bia-s  towards  evil,  a  '  trial  "  exerted  upon  mans 
evil  "  desire  "  (14)  becomes  a  "'  temptation."  As  in 
Rom.  54,  "  endurance  "  produces  "  approvedness," 
which  brings  the  reward.  The  word  "  crown "  (as 
papyri  show),  can  mean  a  royal  diadem  as  well  as  a 
wreath  of  victory  :  the  latter  is  better  here.  Peter's 
"  unfading  crown  of  glory  "  is  the  same  idea,  and 
both  (as  in  Rev.  2io)  go  back  probably  to  an  im- 
recorded  saying  of  Jesus  {cf.  2  Tim.  48,  also  Dt.  3O20). 
The  denial  that  God  "  tempts  "  is  based  on  the  self- 
evidenced  fact  that  there  is  nothing  in  Him  to  supply 
the  seed  of  eviL  This  comes  from  our  "  desire  "  when 
still  unbent  by  submission  to  God's  will.  In  itself 
'■  desire  "  is  neutral ;  Jesus  Himself  had  it  (Lk.  22i5). 
The  allegory  of  Sin  as  mother  of  Death  is  magnificently 
worked  out  by  Milton,  P.L.  ii.  In  contrast  to  this 
error,  James  declares  that  "  Every  gift  that  is  good, 
every  bounty  that  ia  flawless  "  dropix^th  from  heaven 
upon  the  place  beneath  '  " — so  we  may  render  to 
suggest  the  effect  of  a  metrical  quotation  probably 
recognisable  in  the  original  For  "  the  Father  of  the 
(heavenly)  hghts,"  cf.  Job  38-.  Unlike  the  moving 
sun,  the  earth  and  moon  with  hght  and  shadow  succeed- 
ing. He  kno^s  "  no  mutability,  nor  overshadowing  of 
change."  We  are  His  offspring  by  the  act  of  His  will 
through  Truth's  own  fiat :  not  "literally  the  "  first- 
fruits  "  of  His  creation,  Man  becomes  such  in  dignity 
by  the  fact  that  God  is  his  Father,  and  not  only  his 
Creator. 

I.  19-27.  "  Be  sure  of  it  "  {cf.  mg.),  he  goes  on,  and 
turns  to  ask  what  conduct  right  views  of  God  should 
produce.  HumiUty  and  self-control,  firstly,  thou 
furity,  gentleness,  and  teachableness,  with  unsparing 
honesty  that  turns  everj*  creed  into  a  code  of  action. 
"  Quick  to  hear  "  not  onlj'  God's  warning,  but  both 
sides  of  a  human  quarrel,  "  slow  to  speak  '"  angry 
words    the  peril  of  which  James  expounds  in  ch.  3, 


such  conduct  wUl  be  free  from  that  "  human  wrath 
which  can  never  help  forward  God's  ideal  of  Right." 
"  Filthiness  "  or  "  b.iseness  " — the  word  was  often  used 
of  counterfeit  coin  (but  cf.  also  Rev.  22ii) — is  coupled 
with  a  "■  rank  growth  of  malice,'  lit.  ''  overflow  "  : 
there  is  an  allusion  to  the  Lord's  reminder  that  speech 
is  "  the  overflow  of  the  heart."  "  The  implanted 
word  '  {cf.  Mt.  1321)  can  "  save  "  tho  whole  "  self  "  : 
it  is  the  phrase  which  in  ordinary  parlance  means  "  to 
save  lives." — The  teaching  on  Hearers  and  Doers  comes 
from  the  hps  of  Jesus  (Mt.  7246.) :  cf.  also  Rom.  213. 
The  "  natural  face,'"  the  features  of  "  l>irth,''  contrasted 
implicit^  with  the  unchanging  and  eternal  Ideal,  may 
bo  ■■  studied  "  (the  word  of  Lk.  I224 — it  does  not  imply 
a  mere  glance)  in  the  more  or  less  polished  metal  minor 
(1  Cor.  13i2),  but  memory  refuses  to  preserve  the 
picture  after  the  man  goes  away.  To  print  the  image 
of  the  Ideal  on  our  souls  we  must  "  look  right  down 
into"  it  (Lk.  24i2,  Jn.  205,ii,  1  P.  I12)  and  "stay 
by  "  it,  so  as  to  transform  the  momentary  hearing  into 
permanent  working.  The  Law  that  is  Liberty  (2i2) 
is  called  "  perfect  "  or  "  mature  "  because  it  works 
by  the  complete  coincidence  of  man's  will  with  God's — • 
"  Our  wills  are  ours,  to  make  them  Thine.'  Rom.  82 
might  be  an  intended  comment.  The  passionate  love 
of  the  pious  Jew  for  the  Law  {cf.  Pss.  19;,  II997) 
colours  this  estimate  of  its  ideaL  A  final  foil  is  pro- 
vided by  the  self-deceived  "  worshipper,'"  punctilious 
in  external  religion,  but  cruel,  fotd,  or  frivolous  of 
tongue  {cf.  82,9;  Mt.  1236!.).  Such  "worship"  is 
"  futile,  "  for  it  never  reaches  the  Throne.  For  God 
is  Father,  and  Ho  only  receives  the  worehip  of  love 
towards  His  needy  children,  and  of  purity  from  tho 
world's  selfishness  (see  1  Jn.  42o).  "  Visit '"  is  a  strong 
word  {cf.  Lk.  l6S,  etc.).  The  depreciation  of  external 
religion  as  an  end  is  very  striking  from  the  lips  of  one 
so  noted  for  his  love  of  it  as  a  means  of  grace. 

II.  1-13.  This  paragraph  on  Servility  suits  exhorta- 
tion of  Jews  incomparably  better  than  that  of  Chris- 
tians, among  whom  "  not  many  rich  "  were  found  for 
generations.  The  scene  of  2  is  the  "  synagogue,"  best 
taken  in  its  Uteral  sense  ;  and  acts  of  oppression  to- 
wards "  the  congregation  of  God's  poor  "  are  familiar 
to  readers  of  the  OT.  "  Give  up,"  he  pleads,  "  tning 
to  combine  with  acts  of  servility  the  belief  in  the  lx)rd 
of  Glory."  On  the  theory  sketched  in  the  introduction, 
the  name  "  Jesus  Clirist  "  was  added  in  the  margin 
by  an  early  reader :  as  the  various  efforts  of  trans- 
lators and  commentators  show,  the  words  made  the 
sentence  almost  impossible  Gr.  when  taken  into  tho 
text.  The  worshipper  "  in  shabby  clothes " — the 
adjective  corresponds  to  the  noun  rendered  "  baseness  " 
in  I21 — is  contrasted  with  the  "  gold-ringed  man  in 
brilliant  clothes  '  (sliining  wliite,  it  would  seem) :  for 
him  there  is  no  room  except  on  the  floor.  He  who 
can  thus  judge  men  by  externals  comes  under  the  con- 
demnation of  l6,  for  "  doubt  "  there  and  "  divided  " 
here  are  the  same  word.  Piety  cannot  recognise  the 
guinea  stamp — only  tho  image  and  superscription  of 
God  :  they  are  "  judges  of  corrupt  decisions  "  if  on 
such  lines  they  distinguish  man  and  man. — 5  comes 
directly  from  the  first  Beatitude,  though  Jewish  readers 
might  think  of  OT  parallels  like  those  in  Ps  .  724, 12 
and  74i9,2i.  Mere  paujx;rs  in  the  world's  eyes,  these 
are  "  heirs  according  to  promise  "  of  their  Father's 
Kingdom.  "  Chose  '  is  the  word  that  gives  the  adjec- 
tive rendered  "  elect  "  ;  cf.  Eph.  I4,  Rom.  833,  etc. 
Tlio  "  promise,"  in  tho  thought  of  James,  was  made  in 
Lk.  2229f.  :  his  Jewish  readers  might  think  of  Dt.  79, 
3O20,  etc.  He  goc-s  on  to  show  that  they  have  little 
reason  indeed  for  favouring  tho  rich  as  such  :  they  were 


JAMES,  III.  13-18 


905 


so  quick  to  drag  poor  men  into  court,  for  debt  espe- 
cially (cf.  Mt.  I830,  Lk.  1258!.).  Those  rich  men  need 
not  be  Christians,  or  even  Jews  :  the  point  Ls  that  the 
pious  suffered  especially  from  the  rich  (cf.  01-6),  which 
makes  servility  to  the  rich  as  such  specially  foolish. 
If  the  poor  beiiovei-s  here  are  Jews,  "  the  glorious  name 
named  upon  you  "  will  come  from  Am.  9i2 — the  text 
quoted  by  James  in  Ac.  15i7 — and  Dt.  28io,  etc. — In  8 
we  are  reminded  again  how  petty  are  little  caste  dis- 
tinctions in  the  presence  of  a  King.  The  Roman 
Emperor  was  called  ""  King "  in  Gr.  (cf.  Ac.  177), 
which  makes  "  Imperial  "  the  best  rendering  of  the 
adjective  here.  The  Second  Commandment  (Lev.  19 
18),  "  like  unto  "  the  First  (Mt.  2239),  was  detached 
even  by  the  Jews  ;  cf.  Lk.  IO27  for  the  place  which 
Jesus  gave  it :  His  work  was  to  transform  the  con- 
ception of  "  neighbour."'  The  illustration  of  the 
solidarity  of  the  L^w  seems  to  us  almost  an  anticlimax 
— surely  murder  is  worse  even  than  adultery  !  But  42 
may  show  that  human  Ufe  was  cheap  in  the  (Jewish  ?) 
comamunity  addressed  ;  and  it  would  be  very  charac- 
teristic of  Jews  to  lay  great  stress  on  their  superiority 
to  the  Gentile  world  in  the  matter  of  purity.  A 
Christian  student  of  Mt.  522  would  say  that  the  germ 
of  murder  was  even  more  easily  planted  than  that  of 
adultery.  The  "  Law  of  Liberty,"  so  far  from  in- 
volving antinomian  license,  pronounces  judgement 
without  mercy  on  those  who  show  no  mercy — it  is  the 
principle  of  jNIt.  I835.  For  the  merciful  man  there  is 
no  condemnation  (Mt.  07). 

n.  14-26.  The  surface  contradiction  between  James 
and  Paul,  which  made  Luther  call  this  "  an  epistle  of 
straw,"  and  the  Tiibingen  critics  hail  it  as  a  Judaist's 
attack  upon  Pauhnism,  troubles  no  one  now,  simply 
because  "  faith  "  is  seen  to  be  used  in  entirely  different 
senses.  It  is  creed  here,  personal  tru^t  there.  James, 
who  is  most  probably  prior  in  time,  teaches  that 
"  orthodoxy  ' — defined  in  true  Jewish  fashion  as 
acceptance  of  the  Shema  (19,  Dt.  64) — can  never  save 
until  it  has  its  logical  outcome  in  conduct.  Paul  makes 
"  trust  "  vital,  just  because  nothing  else  can  produce 
conduct  after  the  mind  of  God. — 14  belongs  naturally 
to  the  doctrine  of  Saying  and  Doing.  To  repeat  a 
creed  and  not  Uve  up  to  it  is  as  grotesquely  futile  as 
to  feed  the  starving  with  unctuous  good  wishes.  The 
creed,  if  it  does  not  carry  actions  which  flow  logically 
from  its  presuppositions,  is  simply  dead — like  mediaeval 
controversies  about  subjects  no  longer  alive  to-day. 
Read  i8f.  with  RV  text.  The  speaker  is  confronted  by 
a  superior  person,  proud  of  his  orthodoxy  :  he  may 
reply  that  real  orthodoxy,  a  right  relation  to  God,  is 
only  proved  by  conduct.  "  He  cant  be  wrong  whose 
Ufe  is  in  the  right."  The  orthodox  person  pronounces 
his  SJKma  with  aggressive  conviction  ;  but  if  ho  goes 
no  further,  he  has  nothing  better  than  the  demons, 
whose  orthodox>'  only  brings  them  terror  {cf.  Mk.  I24, 
57).  "  You  empty  head  !  "  cries  James,  "  can't  you 
see  that  belief  without  conduct  is  simply  idle  ?  " 
The  great  example  of  Ijelief,  Abraham,  who  was  so 
"  orthodox  "  that  he  believed  an  imiwssibility  because 
God  promised  it,  was  really  "  declared  righteous  "  for 
what  he  did:  the  reality 'of  that  belief  was  at  once 
tested  and  deepened  by 'action  resulting  from  belief. 
Gen.  152.8  showed  even  Abraham  deficiont  in  belief : 
the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  (Hcb.  11 19)  made  it  perfect. 
His  title  "  Friend  of  God  "  (see  refs.)  is  specially  con- 
nected with  God's  taking  him  into  confidence  about 
His  purpose  :  cf.  Gen.  I817  with  Jn.  15i5.  The  proof 
is  finally  clinched  by  an  opfwaito  example,  alwo  used 
in  Heb.  II31*  \rf.  Mt.  Is*):  a  degraded  and  heathen 
woman  had  such  a  practical  behef  in  the  supremacy 


of  Israels  God  that  she  helped  the  scouts  of  Joshua 
even  against  her  own  people.  So  we  come  to  the 
summing  up  :  "  as  a  body  that  does  not  breathe  is 
dead,  so  is  belief  which  does  not  act." 

III.  1-12.  "  Do  not  crowd  into  the  ranks  of  the 
teachers,  my  brothers.  You  know  that  wo  teachers 
shall  be  judged  more  severely  than  other  men  ;  and 
there  are  many  things  in  which  all  of  us  stumble." 
Tliis  leads  to  the  discussion  of  the  snare  of  speech,  into 
which  those  who  talk  much  are  peculiarly  Uable  to  fall. 
The  words  rendered  "  now  if  "  (3)  should  be  taken  as 
one  word  meaning  "  see,"  and  the  conjunction  "  for  " 
inserted.  "  Now  with  horses,  for  example,  it  is  in 
their  mouths,  look  you,  that  we  put  the  bit  when  we 
want  them  to  obey  us."  In  4  the  v>ord  "impulse" 
may  be  the  "  pressure  "  of  the  steersman's  hand  on 
the  tiller.  To  the  small  bridle  and  the  small  rudder 
the  tongue  is  compared  as  an  insignificant  part  of 
man's  equipment,  but  one  that  can  "  boast  of  great 
power."  "  See  what  a  spark  it  takes  to  kind'o  what 
a  mass  of  wood  !  And  the  tongue  is  fire  :  the  world 
of  wrong  is  represented  among  our  members  by  the 
tongue,  which  defiles  the  whole  body,  kindle.,  the  wheel 
of  life,  and  is  itself  kindled  from  Gehenna."  In  many 
primitive  rituals  a  wooden  wheel  is  rapidly  rotated  on 
a  wooden  axle  to  produce  fire.  The  image  here  is 
that  of  a  flame  spreading  from  the  centre  down  all 
the  radiating  spokes.  It  is  the  wheel — we  should  pro- 
bably say  "  sphere  " — "  of  birth  "  (mg.),  like  "  the  faee 
of  birth  "  in  I23,  the  whole  round  of  changing  earthly 
circumstance.  "  To  tame  the  tongue  k  beyond  the 
power  of  man  " — the  word  is  emphatic  :  "  it  is  a 
restless  plague,  it  is  charged  with  deadly  poison."  We 
use  it  for  pious  ejaculations  (without  which  correct 
Jews  would  not  name  God)  and  for  curses  on  God's 
image  around  us.  But  just  as  bitter  water,  like  that 
of  the  Dead  Sea,  would  spoil  the  sweetness  of  any  water 
in  wliich  it  mingled,  so  the  curses  embitter  all  blessing  : 
to  curse  God  would  be  more  honest,  and  quite  as 
acceptable  to  Him  !  For  the  first  figure  we  should  not 
have  expected  two  different  good  fruits  (contrast 
Mt.  7 16).     James  is,  however,  using  a  common  proverb. 

in.  1^18.  "  Who  is  enlightened  among  you,  and 
a  man  of  knowledge  ?  Let  him  exhibit  the  fruits  of 
it  by  a  noble  life,  with  the  humiUty  that  true  enlighten- 
ment brings."  We  must  be  careful  to  remember  that 
"  meekness  "  in  popular  use  has  lost  its  nobiUty  :  the 
Gr.  word  describes  a  strong  man's  self-discipline  and  a 
wise  man's  humility.  One  who  is  strong,  and  knows 
it,  is  not  jealous  of  rivals,  or  frenzied  with  partisanship 
for  a  cause  that  God  will  prosper.  Such  a  spirit  means 
onlj'  scorning  truth  and  heaping  up  lies.  "  Sensual," 
"  natural,  '  and  "'  animal  "  are  all  imperfect  representar 
tions  of  the  adjective  psychic  from  p«i/che,  "  soul"  or 
"life."  As  contra.stod  with  "spirit,"  it  means  the 
immaterial  parts  of  man  as  untouched  by  the  Divine  : 
the  climactic  adjective  following  shows  that  what  does 
not  touch  God  is  touched  by  hell.  Note  in  16  the 
stress  on  unproductiveness  as  the  characteristic  of  sin. 
"  Confusion  "  or  "  restlessness  "  (cf.  8)  and  "  worthless 
deeds  "  follow  ;  jealous  partisans  can  never  get  any 
good  thing  done,  and  are  condemned  for  this  more  than 
the  mischief  they  actually  achieve.  The  characterisa- 
tion of  "  hcaveidy  enlightenment  "  has  close  affinities 
with  the  Beatitudes  ;  we  may  fit  Mt.  08.9,5,7  respec- 
tively to  "  piire,  peace-loving-,  gentle  .  .  .  full  of  com- 
passi(m."  For  "gentle  "  (Matthew  Arnold's  "sweet 
reasonableness  ")  conijiare  especially  2  Cor.  lOi,  also 
Phil.  45.  It  and  the  next  adjective  describe  that 
freedom  from  pride  and  obstinacy  which  produces 
perfect  openmindedness.      "  Without   variance  "    has 

29  a 


906 


JAMES,  III.  13-18 


the  word  of  l6  and  24  ;  we  may  render  it  "  impartial  " 
here.  "  A  harvest  of  right  is  being  sown  in  the  field 
of  peace  for  those  who  work  for  peace  "  ;  c/.  Ps.  97n, 
Gal.  67f.,  Heb.  12ii. 

IV.  1-10.  The  cUmax  of  the  last  paragraph  leads  to 
a  diagnosis  of  tlio  disease  that  poisoned  quarrelsome 
Jewish  communities.  Faction  fights  wore  the  logical 
outcome  of  unbridled  psissions ;  they  "  campaign 
against  man's  self  ''  (1  P.  2ii),  and  weaken  his  power 
01  control. — 2  is  best  rendered,  "  You  covet,  and  miss 
what  you  want — then  you  murder.  Aye,  you  are 
envious  and  cannot  get  your  desire — then  you  fight 
and  wage  war."  It  is  hard  to  see  how  faction  that 
would  not  stick  at  bloodshed  could  be  found  in  a 
primitive  Christian  community ;  among  Jews  it  is 
easily  illustrated.  These  "  adulterous  souls  '"  (4)  have 
broken  the  marriage  vow  that  unites  God  and  His 
people  ;  men  cannot  "  serve  God  and  mammon,"  or 
give  "  friendship  "  at  once  to  God  and  the  world — they 
are  powers  at  war,  and  neutrality  cannot  exist. — 5  is 
best  taken  thus  :  "  Or  do  you  suppose  that  Scripture 
means  nothing  when  it  tells  us  He  is  yearning  jealously 
over  the  spirit  He  made  to  dwell  within  us  ?  "  The 
reference  is  perhaps  to  the  general  t«nour  of  revelation, 
rather  than  to  a  single  passage:  there  is  no  OT  text 
verbally  near  to  this.  Nor  is  God's  "  yearning  "  a 
vague  sentiment,  it  shows  itself  in  His  "  offering  more 
grace  " — the  declaration  is  proved  by  Pr.  834.  Note 
how  Peter  takes  up  Jamess  words,  as  often  (1  P. 
55,9).  For  the  Christian  the  assurance  is  guaranteed 
by  the  resistance  of  Jesus  to  the  devil.  Sinners  are 
to  put  away  sin  from  hand  and  heart  (cf.  Is.  list), 
and  by  penitence  seek  pardon.  For  an  Oriental, 
fa-sting  and  lamentation  were  the  spontaneous  and 
natural  expression  of  deep  sorrow.  Our  Lord  permits 
but  never  prescribes  it,  only  insisting  that  it  must  be 
absolutely  sincere  and  not  for  show  (Mt.  6i6ff.). 

IV.  lit.  A  return  to  the  topic  of  I26,  2i2,  3i-i2. 
Backbiting  was  a  conspicuous  habit  among  these  Jews, 
who  applied  to  one  another  some  of  the  censoriousness 
they  freely  dealt  out  to  the  Gentiles.  "  Judge,'  here 
a-s  elsewhere,  means  "  condemn  "' — there  is  no  opening 
for  a  judge's  impartialitj'.  James  tells  them  that  such 
conduct  abrogates  the  "  royal  law  '"  of  28,  and  makes 
them  usurp  the  function  of  the  One  Lawgiver.  The 
thought,  of  course,  was  suggested  to  him  by  Mt.  7 if. 

IV.  13-17.  This  and  the  next  paragraph  denounce 
the  vices  of  the  rich,  in  the  spirit  of  Amos  and  Isaiah  ; 
that  they  are  Jews,  and  not  Christians,  seems  obvious, 
if  this  epistle  is  to  be  got  into  the  first  centuries  of 
Christian  history,  when  the  rich  had  small  power  to 
oppress  the  poor.  First  comes  a  warning  suggested 
presumably  by  the  Lord's  parable  of  the  Ricli  Fool. 
They  make  plans  for  a  year,  and  know  not  what  will 
happen  the  very  next  day  ;  human  life  is  transitory 
as  a  puff  of  steam.  They  were  proud  of  big  plans 
which  fate  might  turn  to  folly.  And  such  "  idle 
words  "  (Mt.  1236)  wore  not  meaningless  frivolities  ; 
there  was  "  evil  "  in  them — it  is  a  strong  word,  that 
which  closee  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Finally,  since  these 
I)cople  knew  how  to  do  good — did  they  not  boast  of 
their  Law  ? — and  would  not  do  it,  they  were  guilty  oi 
sin.  For  the  NT  with  one  consent — here  following  the 
spirit  of  the  prophets — makes  sin  mainly  the  failuie 
to  do  right,  and  not  merely  the  doing  of  wrong. 

V.  1-6.  From  the  merely  carelt«8  rich  James  turns 
to  the  actively  oppressive,  the  fellows  of  those  whom 
he  lashes  in  26f.  For  him,  of  course,  the  prophetic 
"  Day  of  the  Lord '"  was  more  assured  and  more 
definite  than  to  the  Jews  he  addressed  ;  he  had  in 
thought   the   apocalypse   of   ^Ik.    13,   which   waa   to 


receive  a  first  fulfilment  in  the  fall  of  Jerusalem. 
Even  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  would  feel  many  reflex 
effects  of  that  catastrophe. — 2  recalls  Mt.  Giy,  There 
was  a  kind  of  fuliginous  vapour  arising  from  the  Dead 
Sea  wliich  "  rusted  '  even  gold,  and  this  may  have 
suggested  the  figure.  "  For  a  testimony  unto  you  " 
is  the  figure  of  Mk.  611.  The  dust  of  the  city  there  is 
to  be  "witness  "  that  the  apostles  have  brought  it 
their  message  ;  the  "  rust  "  of  selfishly  hoarded  gold 
is  similarly  "  witness "  at  the  Judgement  of  the 
misuse  of  the  stewardship  of  wealth-  "  This  night  is 
thy  life  required  of  thee,"  is  the  message  to  these  rich 
worldlings.  "  The  hire  (IJc.  I220)  .  .  .  kept  back  by 
you  crieth  out  " — it  is  another  mute  witness,  like  the 
rust ;  cf.  the  stones  in  Lk.  I940,  Hab.  2ii,  On  the  OT 
title  Ydhiveh  Sebadth,  see  1  S.  Is*-  "You  fattened 
yourselves  in  a  day  of  slaughter,"  like  sheep  grazing 
greedily  an  hour  before  the  butcher  comes.  So  follows 
the  climax  of  the  indictment.  It  may  well  be  based 
on  the  magnificent  passage  in  Wisd.  2,  especially  20. 
That  for  James  "  the  righteous  one  "  was  pre-eminently 
Jesus  (Ac.  314)  does  not  affect  the  wholly  general 
reference  of  the  term.  It  was  indeed  a  special  title 
of  James  himself,  and  occurs  m  Hegesippus's  story  of 
his  martyrdom.  "  He  doth  not  resist  you,"  echoes 
Is.  537  ;  cf.  especially  Mt.  2335- 

V.  7-11.  "  Patience  "  in  7,  8,  10  is  different  from 
"  endurance  "  in  11,  Heb.  12if.  ;  it  is  the  opposite  of 
"  shoit-temperedness  "  or  "  impatience."  The  farmer 
does  his  work  and  then  can  only  wait  for  a  harvest 
which  he  can  do  nothing  to  hurry.  The  "  Coming  of 
the  Lord  "  is  a  phrase  appropriating  to  Yahweh — and 
in  Christian  language  to  Christ — a  term  almost  techni- 
cal for  rmjal  visits.  (With  our  new  knowledge  of  the 
"  profane  "  use  of  the  word,  mg.  becomes  misleading.) 
The  "  former  rain  '"  follows  the  sowing,  the  "  latter  " 
comes  just  before  the  com  ripens.  This  epistle  belongs 
to  tlie  period  when  all  Christians  stiU  believed  in  the 
imminence  of  the  Advent  (contrast  2  P.  34,  written 
perhaps  two  generations  later)  ;  and  even  among  Jews, 
as  the  apocalyptic  literature  shows,  such  a  belief  could 
readily  find  acceptance.  "  The  Lord  "  is  a  title  which 
Christian  writer  and  Jewish  reader  would  understand 
differently.  The  latter  woidd  equally  fail  to  trace  the 
source  of  9  (Mt.  7i),  and  the  personality  of  the  expected 
Judge  (Mt.  253 iff.)  who  is  "  at  the  door  "  (Mk.  I329). 
The  examples  chosen  to  encourage  faitliful  men  aro 
almost  enough  alone  to  show  that  James  writes  to 
Jews  ;  the  higher  example  of  Hob.  122f.  is  in  his  heart, 
but  must  not  yet  be  set  down  with  the  pen-  When  tho 
Sauls  to  whom  he  writes  have  become  Pauls,  they  will 
understand. — ii  suggests  a  Beatitude,  "  Blessed  are 
they  that  have  endured  to  the  end,  for  they  shall  be 
saved  "  (Mk.  13x3).  Job's  "  endurance  "  lies  in  the  per- 
sistence of  his  trust  in  God  {cf.  Job  I3i5) ;  for  "  the  end," 
cf.  Job42i2 — it  proved  that  "  God  worketh  all  things 
for  good  with  them  that  love  God  "  (Rom.  828,  cf.  mg.). 

V.  12.  A  disconnected  maxim,  warning  Jews  against 
a  very  prevalent  sin,  and  again  directly  tjuoting  tho 
unnamed  Master  (Mt.  0342.  ;  cf.  23x6-22).  The 
Quaker-like  self-control  which  makes  "  Yes  "  or  "  No  " 
carry  more  weight  than  a  whole  string  of  oaths,  is  a 
virtue  not  inappropriately  commended  after  that  ot 
"  patience."  "  Before  all  tilings  "  is  not  a  relative 
phrase  ;  a  warning  to  guard  the  sacrodnoss  of  God's 
Name,  and  avoid  the  "  condemnation  "  of  the  Third 
Commandment,  is  declared  to  be  among  the  first 
things.  Probably  mg.  is  right,  ais  the  words  are  so 
close  to  Mt.  037.  Our  Lord's  own  habit  of  doubling  a 
word  for  emphasis  is  well  exemplified  in  His  charac- 
teristic "  Amen,  Amen  "  in  Jn.  [e.g.  132o). 


JAMES,  V.  19f. 


907 


V.  13-18.  The  key  to  this  hard  passage  seems  to  he 
in  the  climax,  the  example  of  Elijah,  who  in  1  K.  17i, 
184i£E.,  is  not  said  to  have  prayed  for  drought  or  for 
rain.  His  "  prayer  "  is  in  the  phrase  "  before  whom  I 
stand  " — a  life  in  the  Pr&sence,  bringuig  with  it  an 
instinctive  knowledge  of  God's  will ;  c/.  Am.  87. 
The  "  elders,"  therefore,  of  a  faithful  "  congregation  " 
may  expect  a  Divine  impulse  prompting  them  to  ask 
for  physical  recovery  when  God  wills  it ;  we  may  also 
believe  that  such  united  prayer  is  a  real  instrument 
in  God's  hands,  just  as  much  aa  the  application  of 
remedies  like  oil  (c/.  Is.  l6,  Lk.  IO34).  "  The  prayer 
of  faith,"  of  an  instinctive  and  imquestioning  "  con- 
viction," becomes  a  curative  agency  by  the  mysterious 
power  that  links  mind  and  body,  the  power  which 
Jesus  used  in  His  miracles  of  healing.  Forgiveness 
and  physical  healing  are  joined  here  as  in  the  story  of 
Mk.  2i-i2.  The  assurance  that  the  faithful  com- 
munity may  expect  such  guidance  was  learned  by 
James  from  the  Lord  Himself  (Mt.  ISigf.).  A  primary 
condition  of  this  mutual  help  was  frankness  and  free 
confession  of  faults  ''  one  to  another "  (not  to  one 
superior  individual),  that  prayer  might  be  definite  and 
intelligent.  "  A  good  man's  inspired  (lit.  '  inwrought ') 
supplication  has  mighty  power."  Prayer,  then,  is  not 
our  asking  God  for  something  we  think  we  need,  but 
the  establishment  of  unhindered  contact  of  the  human 
will  and  the   Divine — the  completion  of  an  electric 


circuit,  as  it  were  which  can  exert  Immense  power. 
And  the  best  of  it  all  is  that  such  a  cosmic  force 
is  not  reserved  for  "  supermen,"  as  we  might  think 
Elijah  to  be.  Stress  is  laid  on  his  having  been  "  a 
man  of  the  same  nature  as  ourselves  " — the  power 
is  for  us  all,  if  we  will  '*  only  believe "  (Ilk.  536). 
That  the  drought  of  1  K.  17f.  lasted  three  and  a 
half  yeai-s  was  an  inference  from  I81,  found  also  in 
Lk.  42  5. 

V.  19f .  These  concluding  words  return  to  the  thought 
of  16.  How  great  a  thing  it  is  to  bring  back  to  the 
truth  one  who  has  strayed  from  it !  "  Understand 
[see  mg.}  that  ho  who  has  brought  a  sinner  back  when 
he  has  lost  his  way  will  save  a  life  out  of  death,  and 
'cover  a  multitude  of  sins'  (Pr.  10 12)."  It  is  true 
to  James's  whole  view  of  beUef  and  conduct ;  to  lose 
the  truth — "  what  is  genuine  in  belief  "  (see  on  1 3) 
— endangers  the  ethical  power  of  that  truth.  Truth, 
if  held  with  heart  as  well  as  head,  is  an  anchor  to  keep 
the  ship  from  drifting  down  the  rapids  into  the  abyss 
of  wrong-doing  (c/.  Heb.  2i).  Many  have  strangely 
thought  the  teacher's  own  "  life "  intended.  Jesus 
teaches  us  that  we  can  only  "  save  our  lives  "  by 
"  losing  "  them  ;  it  is  only  when  self-forgetfulness  ia 
complete  that  self-preservation  is  assured.  It  Ls  very 
unlike  James  and  the  NT  to  assert  that  successful 
preaching  can  atone  for  the  preacher's  sins  ;  contrast 
1  Cor.  927. 


I.  PETER 


By  the  Rev.  G.  CURRIE  MARTIN 


In  this  short  epistle  we  have  a  ven-  interesting  and 
original  contribution  to  early  Christian  literature. 
The  NT  writings  of  this  character  are  so  much  over- 
shadowed by  the  great  genius  of  Paul  that  we  are  apt 
to  neglect  the  shorter  but  very  important  works  which 
pnjceed  fiom  other  hands.  The  treatment  of  the 
Gospel  message  in  these  pages  brings  before  us  a  type 
of  tcacliing  that  stands  halfway  between  the  more  free 
teaching  of  the  great  Apostle  to  the  Gentiles,  and  the 
more  strictly  Jewish  attitude  of  Jas.  and  Rev.  It 
has  strong  resemblances  to  Pauline  thought,  but  its 
dependence  upon  the  epistles  of  Paul  is  not  clearly 
proved,  and  the  simpler  and  more  practical  presenta- 
tion of  the  work  of  Christ  and  its  significance  are  of 
great  importance  in  forming  a  true  picture  of  the 
apostolic  age. 

The  purpose  of  the  book  is  clearly  to  encourage 
communities  in  the  stress  of  trial.  They  are  exposed 
to  peculiar  difficulties  and  temptations,  probably  to 
persecution  for  the  faith  thej'  profess,  and  the  writer 
seeks  to  remind  them  of  the  meaning  of  Christ's  sacri- 
fice, and  the  power  that  fellowsliip  in  His  sufferings 
confers  upon  them  (-liff.,  i2ff. ).  We  are  reminded 
throughout  of  Peter's  speeches  in  Acts,  with  their 
constant  quotations  from  the  prophets,  and  the  use 
of  the  same  passages  in  proof.  The  writer  centres  his 
message  upon  the  hope  of  the  Gospel,  an  extremely 
appropriate  thought  for  days  of  trial.  It  is  clear  that 
the  forces  which  opposed  them  were  those  of  a  great 
nation — a  power  that  relied  upon  physical  force.  Over 
against  this  the  writer  places  the  inherited  greatness  of 
the  new  race  created  in  Christ  (29f.) ;  and  yet  he  bids 
his  readers  not  to  despise  or  abuse  the  authorities 
under  whom  they  hve,  and  even  if  they  are  unfairly 
treated,  still  he  exhorts  them  to  suffer  patiently 
(2I3-I7,  4i5f.). 

Ail  this  suggests  to  us  the  days  in  which  the  Roman 
power  persecuted  the  Christians,  and  designated  them 
a  "  third  race,"  neither  civilised  nor  barbarian,  but 
something  so  unutterably  mean,  as  to  be  scarcely 
human.  Does  this  then  point  to  some  special  perse- 
cution that  can  be  identified  in  history  ?  To  this 
question  various  answers  have  been  given  by  scholars, 
some  pointing  to  the  persecution  under  Nero,  others 
to  that  under  Domitian,  and  others  again  to  the  days 
of  Trajan.  In  this  way,  the  epistle  has  been  variously 
dated  from  the  sixth  decade  of  the  first  centurj-  to  the 
early  decades  of  the  second  century.  One  strong  argu- 
ment for  the  latter  date  is  that  there  is  no  clear  proof 
that  persecution  '  for  the  name  of  Christ  "  (4i4)  took 
place  earlier  than  the  reign  of  Trajan. 

The  question  of  date  is,  of  course,  closelj'  knit  with 
that  of  authorship.  If  it  was  not  written  before  the 
second  century,  then  clearly  Peter  was  not  its  author, 
and  this  seems  true,  in  spite  of  Ramsay's  argument 
to  the  contrary,  if  it  is  later  than  the  daj-s  of  Nero. 

Doubt  has  been  thrown  on  the  Petrine  authorship 


from  another  consideration,  viz.  the  supposed  depend- 
ence upon  Pauline  teacliing  in  this  epistle.  But  the 
common  subjects  dealt  witli,  and  the  manner  of  treat- 
ment familiar  to  us  from  Acts,  dit-pose  of  that  difficulty. 
As  already  noted,  there  is  an  originality  in  the  writer's 
method,  and  his  difference  from  his  great  contemporary 
is  quite  as  distinct  as  his  indebtedness.  The  manner, 
not  the  matter,  should  be  our  guide  in  such  con- 
siderations. 

Were  Peter  not  the  author  we  have  only  probabihtics 
upon  which  to  go,  and  the  best  suggestions  made  have 
been  Barnabas  and  Silvanus,  the  latter  seeming  to 
have  the  better  claim.  There  was  a  considerable 
Petrine  literature  in  the  early  Church,  some  of  which 
is,  without  doubt,  not  genuine,  but  is  not  this  a  strong 
reason  for  supposing  that  in  1  P.,  at  all  events,  we  have 
a  real  example  of  the  apostle's  teaching  ? 

It  has  strong,  early  testimony  in  its  favour,  especially 
2  P.,  Polycarp,  and  the  Didache.  It  is  not  included 
in  the  JIuratorian  Canon,  but  is  accepted  by  Irenaaus, 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Origen,  and 
Eusebius.  For  dates  of  these  writers,  see  article  on 
The  Canon  oj  the  XT  (p.  595). 

Its  place  of  origin  is  almost  certainly  Rome  (Sis), 
and  the  recipients  seem  to  have  been  Christian  com- 
munities in  the  places  named  in  the  opening  vei-se. 
The  technical  tenn  "  Dispersion  "  is  detached  from 
its  Jewish  and  invested  ^rith  a  Christian  significance  ; 
for  later  verses  of  the  epistle  make  it  clear  that  those 
addressed  are  converts  from  paganism. 

Literature. —  Cotnmenlaries  :  (a)  Cook  (Sp.),  Plumptre 
(CB).  Bennett  (Cent.B),  Sadler,  Cone  (IH),  Mitcliell 
(WNT);  (h)  Hort  (li-2i7  only).  Bigg  (ICC),  John- 
stone, Blakiston  (CGT),  MasteVman  (with  excellent 
English  paraphrase) ;  (c)  Usteri,  von  Soden  (HC), 
Knopf  (Mey.),  Gunkel  (SNT),Windisch  (HNT),  Monnier, 
Godot ;  {d)  Lumby  (Ex.B),  Lelghton  (full  of  sugges- 
tion), J.  H.  Jowett,  cj.  on  2  P.  Olhrr  Literature  :  Articles 
in  Dictionaries,  especially  those  of  Cha.se  in  HDB,  and 
that  of  Schmiedel  on  Christian,  Name  of,  in  EBi ;  Lives 
of  Peter  ;  Introductions  to  NT  and  to  both  Epistles  ; 
McGifTert,  HiM.  of  Christianity  in  the  Ap.  Age  ; 
Harnack;  Z)je  Chrondcxjic  ;  Ramsay,  Church  in  Romnn 
Empire',  Wemle,  Beginnings  of  Christianity;  O.  D. 
Foster,  The  Literary  Relations  of  1  Peter  (with  a 
marked  text  showing  these  clearly)  ;  R,  Perdelwitz,  Die 
M yMerien-religion  und  das  Problem  drs  1  PrtrnshriffcK. 
On  the  "Spirits  in  Prison  "  see  articles  in  Dictionaries 
under  that  title  and  on  Hades  (Descent  into)  (especially 
Loofs  in  ERE  iv.  GMff.),  and  Eschatology ;  and  further. 
Charles,  Eschalolocjy ;  Salmond,  Christian  Doctrine 
of  Immortality  ;  and  8tevens,  Theology  of  the  NT. 

I.  If.  The  p^o^'inces  named  cover  the  whole  of 
Asia  Minor,  since  Pamphylia  is  probably  reckoned  in 
Galatia,  Cilicia  aa  belonging  to  Syria,  and  Lycia  may 
not  have  possessed  Christian  communities.  The  order 
from   NW.   to  SE.   may  represent  the  route  of  the 


I.  PETER.  II.  13-17 


909 


bearers  of  the  letter.  The  verses  contain  tlie  cau.se, 
method,  and  purpose  of  their  choice  by  God,  which  in- 
volves a  covenant  of  fellowship.  The  salutation  is 
similar  to  that  in  Rom.  and  Gal.  but  the  phrase  be 
multiplied  is  found  only  in  2  P.  and  Jude,  and  is 
probably  derived  from  Dan.  4i  and  625.  Does  this 
hint  at  the  apocalyptic  strain  in  these  epistles  ? 

I.  3-12.  The  section  contains  a  deep  and  rich 
thanksgiving  to  God  for  the  certainty  of  an  eternal 
fellowship  with  Christ.  This  no  sufferings  can  mar, 
nor  death  itself  break.  He  is  the  unseen  Friend,  and 
since  they  know  Him  by  the  power  of  faith,  they  have 
a  richer  inheritance  than  the  prophets,  and  in  their 
joy  is  a  note  that  is  wanting  even  in  the  song  of 
angels, 

7.  revelation:  lit.  apocalypse.  Thus  was  every 
manifestation  of  Christ  regarded.  He  is  always  present, 
sometimes  more  clearly  seen. — 11.  Spirit  of  Christ  is 
regarded  as  the  inspirational  power  of  the  prophets. 
As  by  Paul  (2  Cor.  3 18)  the  Lord  and  the  Spirit  are 
identified. — 12.  minister:  Rendel  Harris,  by  a  slight 
alteration  of  the  original  word,  secures  a  very  much 
clearer  meaning,  viz.  "  to  them  it  was  revealed  that 
they  got  this  intelligence  not  for  themselves  but  for 
you  "  (Moffatt's  NT).  The  ordinary  reading  leads  us 
to  think  of  the  prophets  as  servants  of  God  for  our 
sakes,  doing  tasks  whose  full  import  they  could  not 
understand  (cf.  2  Esd.  13i6-2o).  For  the  angels'  share 
in  this  joyful  mystery,  see  Eph.  3 10*.  The  Jewish 
apocalyptic  books  {e.g.  Enoch)  had  much  to  say  of 
the  angels'  concern  in  human  affairs,  and  these  may  be 
the  sources  of  the  ideas  in  the  NT. 

I.  13-21.  Here  the  practical  aim  of  the  epistle  be- 
comes at  the  earliest  possible  moment  clearly  manifest. 
The  writer  finds  in  the  central  reality  of  the  Christian 
faith — the  example,  sacrifice,  and  resurrection  of  Jesus 
Christ — the  truest  source  of  good  conduct.  He  re- 
minds them  that  all  this  has  taken  place  that  they 
may  be  sharers  in  the  character  of  God.  Hope  in  God 
can  have  no  other  logical  issue  than  conformity  to 
His  will. 

13.  girding  up :  a  metaphor  derived  from  a  necessity 
of  Eastern  costume,  and  perhaps  with  special  reference 
to  the  Passover.  It  is  found  also  on  the  lips  of  Jesus 
(Lk.  1235).— 14.  in  the  time  of  your  ignorance:  one 
of  the  proofs  that  the  communities  were  originally 
Gentile. — 15.  Read  mg.,  "  Like  the  Holy  One  which 
called  you,"  a  reminiscence  of  Isaiah's  distinctive  name 
for  God. — 17.  May  not  this  refer  to  the  Lord's  Prayer 
and  be  an  evidence  of  its  early  use  in  worship  ?  Speak- 
ing of  this  verse  and  those  which  follow,  Bigg  writes  : 
"  This  full  passage  affords  an  admirable  illustration  of 
what  we  may  call  '  Petrinism,'  the  mingled  severity 
and  tenderness  of  the  Christian  disciplinarian."  It  is 
noteworthy,  as  Gunkel  points  out,  that  no  attempt  is 
made  to  reconcile  or  explain  Fatherhood  and  Judge- 
ship— they  are  simply  postulated  as  equally  real.  The 
necessity  of  holiness  is  here  grounded  on  three  con- 
siderations :  (1)  the  character  of  God,  (2)  the  reaUty 
of  judgment,  and  (3)  the  costliness  of  redemption. — 

19.  precious  blood :  this  goes  back  not  only  to  the 
sacrifices  of  the  OT  and  such  pa.s.sages  as  Is.  53,  but 
much  more  strikingly  to  the  scone  at  Calvary ;  love's 
constraint  is,  a,s  with  Paul,  the  supreme  argument. — 

20.  loreknown  :  this  implies  Christ's  pre-cxistmce,  in 
which  this  writer  agrees  with  other  NT  thinkers,  a 
doctrine  derived  from  later  Jewish  speculation,  e.g.  the 
Book  of  Enoch  {pasjiim).— 21.  faith  and  hope:  as  by 
all  the  NT  writers  this  is  grounded  on  the  fact  of 
Christ's  rcsunection,  and  it  is  Gods  action  in  that 
event  which  is  here,  aa  by  Paul,  emphaiiizcd,  since  the 


gist  of  the  whole  argument  rests  on  God's  consistency 
of  character,  and  our  reliance  thereupon. 

I.  22-11.  10.  The  Christians,  who  were  formerly 
pagans,  are  created  a  new  race  in  Christ  Jesus,  and 
consecrated  as  a  special  priesthood  of  service  to  the 
whole  world.  Their  hfe  must  be  in  accordance  with 
this  profession.  They  are  to  manifest  to  one  another 
brotherly  love,  "  that  noblest  jewel  in  the  diadem  of 
early  Christianity  "  (Gunkel),  and  as  children  naturally 
seek  milk  for  nourishment,  so  their  desire  is  to  be  for 
spiritual  refreshment  in  the  purity  of  faith.  By  a 
changed  figure  they  are  to  become  living  stones  in  a 
living  temple  founded  on  a  living  Lord,  who  of  old 
time  was  termed  by  the  prophets  the  Comer  Stone. 
To  them  He  is  a  precious  possession,  but  to  those  who 
refuse  Him,  He  is  like  a  stone  in  the  path  to  trip  over, 
as  a  rock  in  the  way,  over  which  one  may  fall. 

22.  love  of  the  brethren:  not  brotherly  love,  but 
brother- love.  Not  "  love  men  as  though  they  were 
your  brothers,"  but  '"  love  men  because  they  are  your 
brothers."  As  Maurice  finely  said,  "  There  can  be  no 
brotherhood  without  a  common  father  "  (Masterman), 
— 23.  word  of  God  Is  here  transitional  between  the 
written  word,  and  the  personal  Word  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel.  It  is  better  to  take  "liveth  and  abideth  "  as 
referring  to  "word"  than  to  "God"  (ing.). — II.  2. 
spiritual  milk :  a  curious  phrase,  but  meaning  "  nourish- 
ment that  belongs  to  the  spiritual  nature," — 6.  Two 
of  the  OT  passages  here  quoted  are  found  in  combina- 
tion in  Rom.  9,  and  in  the  same  chapter  is  the  reference 
to  Hos.  made  below  (10).  From  this  and  similar 
instances  it  has  been  suggested  that  selections  of 
Messianic  passages  were  already  in  use  by  Christian 
teachers  (p.  700;. — 7.  the  preciousness :  the  phrase  may 
be  understood  in  various  ways,  but  probably  "'  for  you 
is  the  honour  "  is  most  likely  in  contrast  with  "  shame  " 
mentioned  in  6  and  referred  to  throughout.  On  the 
other  hand,  "  precious  "  may  refer  back  to  the  quota- 
tion in  the  sense  of  the  inherent  unique  quality  of 
Christ. — 9.  royal :  because  belonging  to  a  king,"  not 
as  consisting  of  kings. 

II.  llf.  Three  reasons  are  here  given  for  a  life  of 
purity  and  moderation  :  (1)  that  it  is  in  agreement 
with  j^ilgrim  life  (a  figure  frequent  in  OT  and  familiar 
to  us  from  Bunyan's  Pilgrim's  Progress),  (2)  that  it 
may  not  give  offence  to  the  Gentiles,  (3)  that  it  may 
win  the  latter,  by  the  force  of  example,  to  the  same 
life.  We  know  what  wicked  and  groundless  accusa- 
tions were  made  against  the  Christians,  and  how,  as 
Hamack  shows  in  the  Mission  and  Expansion  of 
Christianity,  it  was  by  the  conduct  of  the  Christians 
that  the  truest  headway  was  made  in  the  spread  of  the 
faith, 

II.  12.  day  of  visitation:  a  phrase  derived  from 
OT  (Is,  IO3),  but  its  meaning  is  not  quite  clear  in  this 
passage.  It  may  mean  (1)  the  final  judgment  day, 
which  fills  so  large  a  place  in  the  mind  of  NT  writers, 
(2)  the  day  of  trial  before  the  magistrates,  or  (3)  tho 
day  when  the  Gentiles  themselves  are  convinced  of  the 
truth  of  the  faith.     The  Inst  seems  most  likely, 

II.  13-17.  As  Jesus  had  given  them  an  example  so 
were  they  to  Uve  in  all  dutiful  obedience  to  human 
authority — from  the  enipcri)r  to  his  representatives, 
since  they  constituted  the  bulwarks  of  the  State,  Their 
service  was  not  mainly  to  the  commonwealth  of  men, 
but  to  the  C;ity  of  God,  Of  this  they  were  free  men, 
but  for  that  rea-son  they  must  act  so  as  to  commend  it — 
their  Emperor  had  as  His  servants  men  whose  freedom 
spelled  ol)edience.  It  is  interesting  to  compare  and 
contrast  the  view  here  taken  of  civil  authority  with  that 
of  Paul  in  Rom.  13  ( pp.  7741.).    The  State  is  a  "  human 


910 


I.  PETER,  II.  13-17 


institution  "  to  this  writer,  while  to  Paul  it  is  a  Divine 
one,  and  the  magistrate  himself  a  '"  minister  of  God." 
"  St.  Peter,  throughout  the  epistle,  maintains  that  God 
is  King,  but  rules  through  Law.  His  frame  of  mind  is 
constitutional ;  St.  Paul,  the  Roman  citizen,  is  im- 
perialist both  in  politics  and  in  theology  "  (Bigg). 
15.  put  to  silence  is  really  '  muzzle." 

II.  18-25.  This  is  one  of  the  noblest  passages  in  the 
NT  on  the  real  meaning  of  service.  It  raised  the 
position  of  slave  at  one  moment  to  the  highest  honour. 
A  man  could  take  all  degradation  out  of  it,  for  he 
might  put  into  his  slavery  the  whole  spirit  of  Jesus. 
With  exquisite  reminiscences  of  prophetic  language 
and  touches  of  personal  experience  the  writer  sketches 
Christ's  life  and  death  of  ministry,  which  wrought 
righteousness  and  heahng.  So  might  their  lives,  thus 
ordered,  bring  a  new  reign  of  purity,  sweetness,  and 
well-ordered  power  in  the  world  (and  they  did  !).  All 
this  they  know,  for  the  wanderers — slaves  of  sin — have 
returned  to  One  who  is  Shepherd  and  Guardian.  The 
Master  transforms  all  service.  Catching  His  spirit 
they  can  become  gentle  even  to  the  harshest  task- 
master, and  rejoice  in  such  an  opportunity.     Cf.  p.  649. 

19.  for  conscience  toward  is  more  accurately 
rendered,  "  from  a  sense  of  God,"  i.e.  because  one  is 
conscious  of  God's  nature  and  requirements. — 21-23. 
An  interesting  illustration  of  these  verses  is  found  among 
the  recently  discovered  Ode.'<  of  Solomon,  Ode  31,  lines 
8ff.,  "  But  1  endured  and  held  my  peace  and  was  silent, 
as  if  not  moved  by  them.  But  I  stood  unshaken  like 
a  firm  rock  which  is  beaten  by  the  waves  and  endures. 
And  I  bore  their  bitterness  for  humility's  sake  ;  in 
order  that  I  might  redeem  my  people  !  " — 24.  upon 
the  tree:  the  word  rendered  '"tree"  (lit.  "wood") 
is  used  twice  in  Peter's  speeches  in  Ac.  (630,  IO39)  in 
the  same  sense  as  here.  The  sacrificial  ideas  of  priest 
and  victim  are  here  combined  in  one  Pei-son  1  Heb.  9i4). 
The  victim  was  always  regarded  as  holy  though  he  bore 
the  sin.  The  recollection  of  this  fact  is  essential  to 
a  right  understanding  of  the  theory  of  sacrifice. — died 
unto  sins:  this  analogy,  so  frequently  used  by  Paul, 
is  found  here  also. — Stripes :  really  "  weaLs,"  a  word 
that  would  touch  slaves. — 25.  Bishiop:  here  probably- 
used  in  the  most  general  sense  as  "  overseer."  It  is 
noteworthy,  considering  its  later  ecclesiastical  usage, 
that  Christ  Himself  should  be  termed  Bishop,  from 
whom,  as  we  may  say,  "  Every  bishopric  on  earth  is 
named." 

III.  1-7.  This  counsel  to  wives  and  husbands  is  full 
of  a  fine  courtesy,  and  true  chivalry,  and  shows  how 
the  new  leaven  is  at  work  in  the  thought  of  the  Church. 
It  is  not  only  a  contrast  to  paganism,  but  has  the 
essence  of  a  real  advance  upon  Judaism,  even  though 
the  example  of  Sarah  is  cited;  and  the  claim  of  obedient 
Christian  wives  to  be  her  spiritual  children  is  almost 
as  highly  thought  of,  as  the  place  of  all  Christians  as 
children  of  Abraham  is  by  Paul.  Faithful,  wise,  and 
loving  wives  are  regarded  as  the  best  missionaries, 
who  may  win,  without  a  word,  those  who  despise  tho 
Word.     Deeds  are  more  eloqiient  than  speech. 

The  i)eculiar  vanities  of  pagan  society  are  depre- 
cated, and  a  full  idea  of  Christian  womanhood  set  up. 
Men  are  granted  their  rights  in  a  fuller  way  than  modern 
thought  would  recognise  them,  but  they  are  reminded 
that  these  rights  moan  i^sponsibilities,  and  the  claim 
upon  them  for  consideration  and  protection  of  tho 
physically  weaker.  "  In  Christ "  there  is  neither  male 
nor  female,  and  so  this  fellowship  must  i>e  true  in 
spirit,  if  it  is  to  make  for  godhness. 

6.  put  in  fear:  this  probably  denotes  anxieties  and 
worries  of  all   Idnds — the   writer  urges  a  calm   and 


trustful  attitude  as  tho  ideal — 7.  your  prayers :  either 
those  of  the  husband  alone,  which  would  be  hindered 
(Jas.  54)  by  the  injured  wife's  complaints  to  God,  or 
the  prayers  of  both  in  fellowship,  which  cannot  be 
offered  truly,  if  there  is  lack  of  harmony  in  spirit. — 
hindered :  some  MSS.  read  a  stronger  word,  which 
differs  only  by  one  letter  and  means   '  cut  off." 

III.  8-17.  This  short  and  simple  section  deals  with 
the  wider  relations  of  the  Christian  disciple  to  his 
fellow-disciples  and  to  the  world.  It  is  an  expansion 
of  Christ's  teaching  in  the  Golden  Rule.  It  is  clearly 
shown  that  to  suffer  for  righteousness  is  only  to  tread 
in  the  steps  of  the  great  Forenmner,  and  that  such  a 
life  is  reasonable,  and  its  principles  once  grasped  can 
be  easily  justified  to  others.  The  "  hope  "  of  the 
Christians  was  the  chief  point  likely  to  be  imder  dis- 
cussion, since  this  was  at  once  the  most  attractive 
feature  of  their  faith,  and  the  one  most  difficult  of 
belief.  This  epistle  is  full,  as  we  have  seen,  of  the 
idea  of  hope,  and  hence  the  writer  lays  stress  upon  it, 
when  urging  the  nature  of  their  apologia  or  vindication 
of  their  manner  of  life,  and  its  nihng  thought.  Christ 
is  to  dominate  their  hearts,  for  Ho  constitutes  their 
Hope  in  the  most  perfect  presentation  of  its  power. 

10.  he  that  would  love  life:  this  does  not  quite 
represent  the  Gr.  of  the  OT,  which  is,  "  He  that 
desireth  life,  and  loveth  many  days."  It  may  have 
been  changed,  because  the  original  Gr.  is  awkward, 
or  to  give  an  even  finer  meaning  to  the  passage,  viz.  that 
the  making  of  hfe  lovely  lies  in  the  will  of  the  individual. 
He  can  triumph  over  all  difficulties  and  injustice,  and 
make  all  life  worthy  of  being  loved.  As  Tennyson 
phrases  it : 

"  Let  my  day  be  brief. 

So  Thou  wilt  strike  Thy  glory  through  the  day." 

14.  tear  not  their  fear:  "Have  no  fear  of  their 
threats." 

III.  18-22.  Christ  Himself  suffered  injustice  at  tho 
hands  of  men,  but  see  how  splendid  the  result !  All 
salvation— everywhere  in  the  universe — is  the  result  of 
His  suffering  and  sacrifice,  and  these  have  raised  Him 
in  triumph  above  all  orders  of  creatures.  Through  our 
faith— outwardlj-  expressed  in  baptism — we  are  made 
partakers  in  the  power  of  His  resurrection  (Phil.  3io),  so 
our  suffering  counts  for  Uttle.  While  this  seems  to  be 
the  general  idea  of  the  section  there  is  one  very  difficult 
passage  in  it — a  passage  that  has  been  termed  "  the 
darkest  in  the  NT  " — the  worcLs  which  deal  with  the 
preaching  to  the  spirits  in  piison.  A  brilliant  emenda- 
tion by  Rendel  Harris  (accepted  in  Moffatt's  NT) 
seems  the  real  solution  of  the  problem.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  V.  19  the  Gr.  reads  enokai,  and  Harris  thinks 
that  the  word  enoch  followed  this,  and  had  been  slipped 
by  the  scribe.  We  should  therefore  read,  "  It  was 
in  the  spirit  that  Enoch  also  went  and  preached,"  etc. 
The  n^ference  would  then  be  to  tho  story  in  tho  Book 
of  Enoch  (chs.  6ff. )  of  lus  intercession  on  behalf  of  the 
fallen  angels,  as  tho  result  of  whose  sins  tho  flood 
came  upon  the  earth-  This  makes  the  illustration  of 
Noah  quite  intelligible,  and  also,  allowing  for  the 
extravagances  of  allegori',  the  supposed  resemblance 
between  the  pa.ssiiig  through  the  flood  on  the  part  of 
those  in  the  ark  and  baptism. 

If  we  deoUne  to  accept  the  emendation,  then  this 
passage  has  to  bear  either  the  burden  of  a  special 
revelation  as  to  an  activity  of  Christ  on  which  the 
rest  of  the  NT  is  silent,  or  we  must  suppose  that  the 
writer  invented  a  myth  for  which  he  had  no  reasonable 
basis.  Each  of  these  suppositions  is  very  difficult, 
and  it  seems  scarcely  worth  while  to  spend  time  over 


I.  PETER.  V.  8 


911 


all  the  speculations  to  which  the  passage  has  given 
rise,  aa  these  may  be  read  in  the  hterature  cited  in  the 
bibliography  (p.  908).  The  idea  of  Christ's  preaching 
in  Hades  laid  hold  of  the  imagination  of  the  early 
Church,  and  has  held  sway  ever  since.  In  early 
English  poetry  the  "  Harrowing  of  Hell  '"  was  a  familiar 
subject,  and  it  appears  in  Christian  art.  Nuieteenth- 
century  controversies  about  Eternal  Hope  again 
brouglit  it  into  prominence,  as  maj^  be  seen  in  such  a 
work  aa  Plumptre's  Spirits  in  Prison.  There  is  in 
the  mind  of  the  present  writer  no  doubt  that  Rendel 
Harris's  solution  is  the  correct  one,  and  this  is 
strengthened  by  frequent  references  in  the  epistle  to 
the  Book  of  Enoch. 

[The  very  ingenious  emendation,  in  which  Rendel 
Harris  had,  in  fact,  been  anticipated,  is  most  attractive, 
but  it  is  difficult  to  harmonise  with  J6,  which  cannot 
well  be  separated  from  this  passage.  There  the 
preaching  is  of  glad  tidings,  whereas  Enoch  preached 
condemnation.  Moreover,  as  Rendel  Harris  himself 
confesses  (Side-lights  on  NT  Research,  p.  209).  the  text 
as  he  restores  it  is  lacking  in  continuity,  and  further 
correction  would  be  necessary  to  fit  it  into  its  context. 
The  sudden  transition  from  the  experiences  of  Christ  to 
the  preaching  of  Enoch  is  harsh  in  the  extreme,  and  it 
is  aCnost  incredible  that  the  references  to  Christ  should 
have  been  abruptly  closed  without  the  completion  we 
naturally  expect.  If  the  present  text  is  accepted,  the 
meaning  is  probably,  not  that  Jesus  preached  to  the 
angels  who  mated  with  women  (Gen.  61-4),  but  that 
in  the  interval  between  His  death  and  resurrection 
(note  the  sequence  of  clauses  and  the  words  "  went 
and  preached  '")  He  went  to  Hades  and  there  preached 
to  the  imprisoned  spirits  of  the  antediluvians  of  Noah's 
time.— A.  S.  P.] 

21.  interrogation:  the  word  is  difficult,  and  has 
been  given  many  meanings  (c/.  vig.).  Perhaps  we 
cannot  get  beyond  the  general  sense  that  what  is  of 
real  effect  is  the  inward  turning  of  the  contrite  and 
genuine  heart  to  God  in  the  rite  of  baptism. — 22. 
angels,  etc.  :  in  Enoch  61 10  we  read,  "  He  will  call 
on  all  the  host  of  the  heavens  .  .  .  and  all  the  angels 
of  power,  and  all  the  angels  of  principaUties."  Pro- 
bably we  should  here  read,  "  angels  of  authorities  and 
powers,"  as  the  departments  of  angelic  domination. 

IV.  1-6.  Our  voluntary  suffering  in  the  way  of 
righteousness  denotes  our  fellowship  with  Christ,  and 
our  breaking  with  sin.  Let  there  be  therefore  no 
return,  on  the  part  of  converts,  to  the  evil  Hfe  of 
paganism,  even  when  urged  to  it  by  old  comrades. 
They  too  must  face  the  Divine  judgment,  which 
is  the  same  for  all,  and  rules  throughout  the  uni- 
verse, so  that  none,  ahve  or  dead,  can  escape  this 
standard,  or  find  any  way  of  salvation  save  through 
obedience. 

1.  mind:  better,  "thought"  (mg.). — 6.  This  verse 
lias  been  termed  the  hardest  to  explain  in  the  NT.  In 
the  light  of  our  explanation  of  819  it  need  not  be  so, 
for  this  is  a  natural  sequence  to  that  passage.  These 
to  whom  Enoch  preached  also  served  their  term  of 
punishment.  Justice  was  meted  out  to  them  in  a  way 
to  which  no  human  system  of  law  could  take  exception, 
and  yet  God  might  have  mercy  up<jn  them  and  upon 
all  who  turned  to  Him  in  true  rejx'ntancc.  The  reality 
of  judgment  is  as  necessary  for  men  to  recognise,  as 
the  reality  of  mercy. 

[Possibly  the  moaning  is  :  Christ  preached  to  the 
dead  that  the  sinful  principle  (the  flesh)  might  be 
destroyed,  and  that  they  might  be  spiritually  quickened. 
The  order  ol  the  words  favours  this  ;  and  since  it  is 
a  Pauline  common-place  that  the  believer,  while  still 


in  the  body,  is  no  longer  in  the  flesh,  the  converse 
that  the  sinner  is  still  in  the  flesh  when  he  is  no  longer 
ui  the  body  is  not  intrinsically  more  paradoxical,  but 
strange  because  unfamiliar. — A.  S.  P.  j 

IV.  7-11.  The  conception  that  the  consummation  of 
all  things  is  at  hand  fills  the  thought  of  the  section 
with  urgency.  All  work  is  to  be  done  in  that  spirit  of 
earnest,  prayerful  readiness  that  all  life  may  prove  a 
practical  thanksgivmg  to  God  aa  it  reflects  the  life  of 
Jesus  Christ. 

8.  love  covereth  a  multitude  of  sins  (r/.  1  Cor.  ISsf., 
Jas.  520*).  "  The  love  of  Christ  covers  sms  (Lk.  747) ; 
and  love  of  the  brethren,  flowing  as  it  does  from  the 
love  of  Christ,  may  be  regarded  as  a  kind  of  secondary 
atonement.  Brother  becomes  a  Christ  to  brother,  and 
in  so  far  as  he  renews  the  great  Sacrifice,  becomes  a 
partaker  in  its  effects  and  a  channel  through  which 
the  effects  are  made  operative  for  others  "  (Bigg). — 
9.  hospitality:  this  new  conception  waa  one  of  the 
greatest  contributions  of  the  Christian  Church  to  the 
society  of  the  time.  This  and  all  the  gifts  subsequently 
named  are  to  be  used  with  the  clear  recollection  that 
they  are  God's  gifts.  As  Gunkel  says,  "  the  peculiar 
'  gifts  "  of  the  early  Church  are  no  longer  ours,  but  the 
ideal  of  a  community  in  which  each  serves  his  neigh- 
bour, and  in  which  each  regards  his  position  as  a  call 
of  God — this  remains  ^dth  us." 

rV.  12-19.  The  section  repeats  ideas  that  have 
already  appeared  (218-24,  313-17),  only  they  are 
emphasized  by  the  imminence  (17)  of  severe  trial. 

15.  a  meddler:  the  original  word  seems  to  be  a 
coinage  of  the  writer,  and  ita  exact  significance  is 
difficult  to  define.  It  may  be  used  politically  £is  "  a 
revolutionary  "  or  as  "  a  stirrer  up  of  strife  "  in  the 
home  or  society  of  the  Christians.  Again,  it  may  be 
used  of  conformity  to  pagan  practice,  but  this  is  im- 
likely  in  the  context. — 16.  There  may  here  be  still  the 
echo  of  the  nickname,  though  it  became  accepted 
gladly  by  the  Christians  themselves  as  their  title. 
Perhaps  this  passage  had  some  part  in  that  process 
(c/.  art.  "Christian"  in  HDB). — 19.  Creator:  this 
title  is  found  only  here  in  the  NT,  and  is  specially 
significant  as  pointing  to  God  as  the  source  of  all,  and 
His  will  as  behind  all  chance  and  change. 

V.  1-7.  The  writer,  himself  a  presbyter,  gives  wise 
and  loving  counsel  to  Ms  fellow-presbyters  and  to  their 
flocks.  Sincerity,  humility,  and  love  are  to  mark  all 
their  intercourse,  and  continual  subjection  to  the  will 
<Jf  God.  If  the  author  is  the  apostle  Peter  we  cannot 
fail  to  trace  the  extreme  appropriateness  of  his  language 
in  light  of  the  interview  recorded  in  Jn.  21.  He  does 
not  lay  stress  on  his  apostleship,  but  this  may  be  an 
evidence  of  the  very  humility  to  which  he  exhorts 
them.  The  phrase  "  a  witness  of  the  sufferings  of 
Christ  "  certainly  denotes  a  disciple  who  knewHim 
in  the  daj's  of  His  flesh  ;  and  "  a  partaker  of  the 
glory  "  may  have  reference  to  promises  made  to  the 
Twelve  (c/.  Mt.  1928).  The  full  force  of  the  exhorta- 
tion "  gird  with  humihty  "  seems  again  reminiscent 
of  the  scene  in  Jn.  13,  and  may  indicate  the  sense  in 
which  the  exhortation  of  Jesus  there  given  was  under- 
stood. The  passage  culminates  in  the  statement 
because  He  careth  for  you.  "  In  these  few  words,"  says 
Ma;iterman,  "  is  the  central  tnith  that  Christ  was 
manifested  to  reveal." 

V.  8-11.  Further  counsels  to  watchfulness,  and  to 
sympathy,  closing  with  a  renewed  promise  of  God's 
reward,  and  a  short  doxologj'. 

8.  seeking  whom  :  the  rendering  "  seeking  someone 
to  devour,"  founded  on  a  bettor  reading,  is  preferable. 
It  is  more  in  accord  with  the  figure  and  less  suggestive 


912 


I.  PETER,  V.  8 


of  tbo  adversary's  success. — 9.  knowing,  etc. :  the 
Gr.  woixls  are  not  easy  to  render  (c/.  mg.),  but  the 
translation  given  by  Moffatt  is  much  to  be  preferred, 
"  and  learn  to  pay  the  same  tax  of  suffering  as  the 
rest  of  your  brotherhood  throughout  the  world."  The 
words  constitute  a  call  to  active  participation  in  the 
trials  of  the  community  (2  Tim.  2$  nuj.). — In  the  world 
may  point  to  a  general  persecution. — 11.  to  hlra  be 
may  bo  "  to  hira  is,"  i.e.  an  assertion  of  a  fact  rather 
than  an  ascription. 

V.  12-14.  Mention  of  the  scribe  or  amanuensis  and 
closinjj;  salutations.  These  words  may  (as  sometimes 
with  Paul)  have  been  in  the  authors  own  hand.  He 
probably  calls  the  letter  brief  in  view  of  what  he  had 
it  in  his  heart  to  say.  Silvanus  can  supplement  the 
written  message,  and  they  may  trust  him  as  one  who 
knows  and  can  express  all  that  is  in  the  writer's  mind. 
Silvanus  is  generally  identified  with  the  person  of  the 
3amc  name  in  Pauls  letters  (1  and  2  Th.  li,  2  Cor.  lig) 
and  the  Silas  of  Acts.  It  is  thought  by  some  that  he 
was  more  than  a  mere  amanuensis  of  this  letter,  and 
waa  given  much  freedom  in  its  composition,  and  by 


many  who  deny  the  Potrine  authorship  his  name  is 
chosen  as  the  most  likely  substitute. 

The  greeting  from  ""  her  of  Babylon  "  may  refer  to 
an  individual  or  to  a  church.  It  may  be  Peters  wife 
who  sends  the  greeting,  a  theory  confirmed  by  the 
consideration  that  the  other  greetings  are  from  indi- 
viduals. Most  agree  that  it  refers  to  the  church — but 
where  ?  The  usual  answer  is  "  In  Rome,"  since 
apocalyptic  writers  use  the  name  so  frequently  for 
that  city.  "  Mark "  is  almost  unquestionably  the 
early  companion  of  Paul  and  Barnabas  of  whom  we 
read  in  Acts.  That  book  places  him  in  clo.se  relation 
with  Peter,  and  so  docs  later  tradition  when  it  asserts 
that  the  Gospel  written  by  him  preserved  the  form  of 
Peter's  version  of  hi.s  Master's  ministry.  "  Son  "  ia 
no  doubt  a  title  of  affection,  similar  to  that  used  by 
Paul  of  Timothy,  Titus,  and  Onesimus,  and  may  denote 
a  special  spiritual  relationsliip.  The  "  ki.ss  of  love  " 
was  a  practice  of  the  early  Church,  modified  at  a 
later  time,  but  still  retained  in  some  Eastern  churches. 
The  form  of  the  final  benediction  is  more  Jewish  than 
we  find  in  Paul's  letters. 


11.  PETER 


By  the  Rev.  R.  BROOK 


The  epistle  can  best  be  described  as  "  a  homily 
thrown  into  epistolary  guise."  The  author  writes  as 
"  Simon  Peter,  a  servant  and  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ." 
He  refers  to  his  call  {I3),  his  presence  at  the  Trans- 
figuration (I17),  his  impending  death  foretold  by  Jesus 
(I14),  to  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  which  embodied  his 
teaching  (I15),  and  to  his  First  Epistle  (3i).  But, 
apart  from  these  references,  the  personal  note  is 
entirely  absent.  Nothing  is  said  as  to  the  place  or 
circumstances  of  composition  ;  there  are  no  greetings 
and  no  trace  of  any  personal  relations  between  the 
author  and  his  readers.  He  addresses  himself,  not  to 
any  particular  church,  but  to  Christendom  in  general. 
His  purpose  is  to  exhort  the  faithful  to  godliness,  to 
warn  them  against  false  teachers  who  practised  liber- 
tinism, and  to  rehabilitate  the  belief  in  the  Second 
Advent.  He  bases  his  "  homily  "  upon  the  Epistle  of 
Jude  and  borrows  freely  from  it.  (For  a  justification 
of  this,  see  Introduction  to  Jude.) 

The  Pctrine  authorship  has  been  questioned  on 
various  grounds.  (1)  Weakness  of  external  evidence. 
There  is  no  certain  or  even  probable  evidence  of  the 
use  of  2  P.  by  any  first-  or  second-century  writer 
(unless  we  suppose  that  Jude  was  based  on  2  P. 
instead  of  vice  versa,  but  see  below  under  6).  In  this 
respect  its  position  is  wholly  different  from  that  of 
the  Pauline  Epistles  and  1  P.  The  first  clear  reference 
to  it  is  in  Origen,  though  he  regarded  it  with  suspicion. 
In  the  fourth  century  doubts  were  felt  about  it  by 
Eusebius  and  Jerome,  and  it  was  rejected  by  the 
vSyrian  Church.  It  was  probably  known  to  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  though  connected  by  him  rather  with  the 
Apocalypse  of  Peter  than  with  1  P.  (c/.  Chase  in  HDB). 
Attempts  have  been  made  to  explain  the  weakness  of 
the  evidence  :  (a)  that  the  epistle  would  have  httle 
interest  for  Gentile  readers  because  it  was  addressed 
to  Jewish  Christians  (so  Zahn)  ;  but  there  is  nothing 
to  suggest  that  the  readers  were  Jewish  Christians  ; 
on  the  contrary,  "  the  problem  of  the  Law  does  not 
exist  for  the  author  or  the  readers  "  ;  or  (6)  that  it 
never  had  a  wide  circulation — a  fact  evidenced  by  the 
bad  state  of  the  text  (so  Bigg) — owing  to  its  brevity 
and  the  limited  interest  of  its  subject-matter.  But 
this  would  not  explain  the  silence  and  suspicion  of 
early  writers  about  a  document  beUeved  to  be  of 
apostolic  authorship.  (2)  Relation  to  I  P.  The  style, 
language  and  tone  of  the  two  epistles  are  so  widely 
different  that,  making  all  allowance  for  difference  of 
subject-matter  and  of  circumstances  of  composition, 
identity  of  authorship  seems  impossible.  (2  P.  was 
rejected  on  this  ground  as  early  as  the  time  of  Jerome. ) 
Such  verbal  agreements  as  exist  are  best  explained  as 
due  to  a  definite  imitation  of  1  P.  by  some  later  writer. 
Moreover,  the  whole  outlook  and  teaching  of  the  two 
epistles  is  different;  e.g.  in  I  P.  the  Parousia  is  regarded 
as  imminent ;  in  2  P.  its  further  delay  is  contemplated 
and  explained.  Some  commentators  who  accept  2  P. 
are,  accordingly,  compelled  to  abandon  the  direct 
authorship  of  I  P.  (.3)  The  reference  to  the 
Pauline  Epistles  in  Sisf.  seems  to  imply  the  existenoe 


of  a  NT  Canon,  and  therefore  to  necessitate  a  date 
for  2  P.  which  is  incompatible  with  its  authenticity. 

(4)  The  epistle  is  completely  silent  as  to  the  Resurrec- 
tion and  the  Ascension,  and  hardly  contains  an  allusion 
to  the  sayings  of  our  Lord — here,  too,  presenting  a 
striking  contrast  to  1  P.  This  raises  a  presumption 
against  its  genuineness,  which  is  strengthened  by  the 
f^ct  that  the  only  references  to  the  Gospel  history 
which  it  does  contain  are  such  as  would  serve  to 
identify  the  author  with  Peter.  They  seem  to  be 
introduced  solely  for  this  purpose  and  after  the  manner 
of  the  apocryphal  writings,  and  lend  support  to  the 
statement  that  the  author  "  shows  a  too  manifest 
anxiety  to  have  his    work  attributed  to  St  Peter." 

(5)  The  "  false  teaching  "  attacked  is  said  to  be  a  form 
of  second-century  Gnosticism.  The  false  teachers  are 
certainly  charged  not  only  with  immorality — as  would 
appear  to  be  the  case  in  Jude — but  also  with  doctrinal 
errors,  yet  the  indictment  is  so  general  that  this 
argument  must  be  regarded  as  inconclusive.  It  would 
support,   though  it   does   not   demand,   a   late  date. 

(6)  Its  connexion,  both  in  thought  and  language,  with 
the  Apocalypse  of  Peter — an  apocryphal  work  of  the 
second  century — is  so  close  that  it  requires  explanation. 
The  possibilities  seem  to  be  that  both  are  the  work  of 
the  same  writer  (Sandaj')  or  of  the  same  school  (Chase), 
or  that  2  P.  borrowed  from  the  Apocalypse. 

These  arguments  vary  in  force.  Some  of  them, 
taken  separately,  do  not  carry  much  weight,  but  in 
combination  they  seem  conclusive.  The  majority  of 
scholars  therefore  regard  the  epistle  as  a  pseudonym- 
ous work  of  the  second  century.  The  exact  date  and 
place  of  composition  can  only  be  conjectured.  Since 
some  regarded  it  as  Petrine  at  the  end  of  the  second 
century  it  cannot  have  been  written  much  later  than 
about  A.D.  170.  Its  resemblance  to  the  Apocalypse  of 
Peter  and  its  traditional  connexion  with  it,  give  pro- 
babiUty  to  the  view  that  it  was  written  about  the  same 
time  and  in  the  same  neighbourhood — about  a.d.  1.50 
and  in  Egypt.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that 
those  who  say  that  on  this  view  the  epistle  is  "  neither 
more  nor  less  than  a  forgery  "  are  guiltj'  of  an  ana- 
chronism :  wo  must  not  judge  an  ancient  writer  by 
modern  literary  standards.     Of.  pp.  432.  002. 

Accepting  the  epistle  as  genuine.  Zahn  supposes  that 
it  was  directed  against  the  libertinism  prevalent  in  the 
Gentile  churches,  notubly  at  Corinth,  and  was  written 
at  Antioch,  before  Peter  went  to  Rome,  and  therefore 
before  1  P.,  and  was  addressed  to  Jewish  Christians 
in  Palestine.  Bigg's  view  is  similar,  though  less 
definite  as  to  the  place  and  date  of  composition.  He 
thinks  that  it  was  probably  addressed  to  the  Asiatic 
churches  to  warn  them  against  false  teachers  from 
Corinth  who  wero  beginning  to  make  their  way  into 
Asia  Minor. 

Literature. — CommeiUaries :  [a)  Lumby  (Sp.), 
Plummcr  (Ellicott's).  Bennett  (Cent.B).  Pluinptre  (CB), 
Mitchell  (WNT);  (6)  J.  B.  Mayor.  Bigg  (ICC).  R.  H. 
Strachan  (EGT),  James  (CGT);  (c)  Windisch  rHNT),von 
Soden  (HC),  Burger  (KHS),  Hollmann  (SNT),  Knopf 


913 


914 


II.  PETER 


(Mey.).  Spitta,  de  Zwaan  ;  (t?)  Lumby  (Ex.B),  J.  H. 
Jowett,  The  Epistlc'^  of  iit.  Peter.  Other  Literature: 
Articles  in  Dictionaries  and  Encyclopsedias  (especially 
Chase  in  HDli),  Discussions  in  Histories  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Age,  Introductions  to  NT  ;  Jones,  NT  in  Twentieth 
Century.  343£f.,  350-357  ;  Robson,  Studies  in  the  Second 
Epistle  of  St.  Peter. 

I.  1-11.  The  author  writes  to  those  who  possess  a 
faith  not  less  lionourable  ("  precious  ")  than  that  of 
the  apostles  thcmseh-es,  since  they,  too,  possess  all 
things  pertaining  to  life  and  godliness.  But  efifort  on 
their  part  is  necessary  if  they  would  make  their  calling 
surer  The  lack  of  such  effort  involves  stumbling  and 
implies  forgetfulness  of  their  baptismal  cleansing — 
possibly,  forgetfulness  that  the  special  cleansing  of 
baptism  cannot  be  repeated  (Bigg).  The  Gospel  is  not 
a  cloke  for  libertinism. 

3.  him  that  called  us :  i.e.  Christ :  the  reference  is 
to  the  call  of  the  apostolate.  In  this  section  "  we  " 
and  "  us  '  refer  to  the  apostles,  "  you  "  to  those  who 
have  received  the  apostolic  message. 

I.  12-15.  So  long  as  ho  lives,  it  is  his  duty  as  an 
apostle  to  impress  these  truths  upon  them,  especially 
since  he  anticipates  a  sudden  death.  (14.  swiftly: 
render  "  suddenly  " — the  reference  is  to  the  prediction 
in  Jn.  21  that  Peter  should  die  a  violent  death.)  But 
he  will  make  provision  for  them,  so  that  after  his 
death  they  may  be  reminded  of  these  truths.  The 
reference  Ls  probably  to  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  which  is 
traditionally  connected  with  Peter.  Some,  however, 
suppose  that  the  reference  is  to  the  Apocalypse  of  Peter, 
either  as  implying  its  existence  or  suggesting  its  com- 
position. Spitta.  who  maintains  the  priority  of  2  P., 
suggests  that  Judc  was  written  to  fulfil  this  promise. 

I.  16-21.  In  support  of  his  tcacliing,  he  appeals  to  a 
twofold  witness  :  (1)  His  apostolic  relation  to  Jesus. 
In  speaking  of  the  power  of  Jesus,  as  manifested  in 
His  earthly  ministry,  he  was  not  following  cimningly- 
devised  fables,  as  the  false  teachers  asserted  (treating  the 
Gospel  records,  perhaps,  as  allegory  and  not  history), 
but  was  speaking  of  that  which  he  had  seen  and  heard 
— for  he  had  been  present  at  the  Transfiguration  and 
had  heard  the  voice  from  heaven.  (2)  OT  prophecy — 
an  even  more  sure  witness,  which  provides  them  with 
a  lamp  in  the  darkness  of  this  world  until  the  Second 
Coming  of  Jesus.  But  they  must  remember  that  if 
they  are  to  interpret  prophecy  aright,  they  need  a 
guide.  Prophecy  did  not  come  by  the  wiU  of  man 
but  from  God,  and  therefore  it  cannot  be  interpreted 
by  man's  unaided  power. 

16.  and  coming  of  our  Lord:  His  coming  in  the 
flesh  ;  but  the  reference  may  bo  to  the  Parousia. — 
19.  Render,  "  even  more  sure  is  the  word  of  prophecy 
which  we  have  ' ' ;  the  meaning  is  not,  as  in  R V,  that 
the  Transfiguration  proves  the  truth  of  OT  prophecy, 
but  that  in  the  OT  there  is  a  second  witness  to  the 
author's  teaching  against  libertinism.  For  thi.i  jnir- 
poae  the  voice  of  Heb.  prophecy,  with  its  stem  insist- 
ence on  righteousness,  is  more  certain  than  the  voice 
of  the  Transfiguration. 

II.  1-9.  As  there  were  false  prophets  in  Israel,  so 
there  will  arise  false  teachers  among  the  faithfuL 
(Writing  from  the  assumed  standpoint  of  the  apostolic 
age,  he  projects  their  coming  into  the  future  ;  in  2io 
they  are  regarded  as  already  active;  cf.  3;?,  17.)  By 
their  vicious  lives  they  will  deny  the  Master  who 
bought  them.  Many  will  follow  them,  thus  causing 
the  Gentiles  to  blaspheme  the  Church.  But  their 
punishment  is  certain.  God's  judgment  on  sin,  pro- 
nounced long  ago,  has  always  been  and  still  is  fulfilling 
itself  ;  witness  the  judgment  on  the  angels  that  sinned. 


on  the  world  in  the  days  of  the  Flood,  and  on  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah.  But,  as  God  saved  Noah  and  Lot, 
so  He  will  always  save  the  godly,  while  keeping  the 
unrighteous  under  piuiishment — as  the  fallen  angels 
are  kept  in  pits  of  darkness  until  the  final  judgment 
day.     (Cf.  Enoch  IO12,  543.) 

The  whole  passage  should  Ijc  compared  with  Jude  4-7. 
For  the  reference  to  Israel  in  the  wilderness,  which 
Jude  places  first,  2  P.  substitutes  the  Flood,  placing 
it,  to  secure  chronological  sequence,  after  the  fallen 
angels.  He  also  adds,  in  order  to  soften  the  severity 
of  Jude,  the  two  cases  of  mercy — Noah,  who  in  accord- 
ance with  later  Jewish  tradition  {cf.  Josephus,  Ant.  I. 
iii  1)  is  described  as  a  "  preacher  of  righteousness," 
and  Lot ;  for  "  just  Lot,"  cf.  Wisd.  106. 

4.  The  sin  of  the  fallen  angels  is  not  specified,  but 
was  traditionally  connected  with  Gen.  61-4*.  Jude's 
account  of  the  sin  of  the  angels  is  fuller,  and  shows 
dependence  on  Enoch  (see  on  Jude  6).  Here,  as  else- 
where (see  on  2ii,i7),  2  P.  shows  more  reserve  than 
Jude  in  the  use  of  the  Apocryjoha. 

II.  10-17.  The  sins  of  the  false  teachers  are  now  de- 
scribed— licentiousness  (10),  audacious  blasphemy  (10- 
12),  open  profligacy  (13),  and  covctousness  like  that 
of  Balaam  (13).  They  are  as  worthless  as  springs 
without  water,  and  their  end  is  blackness  of  darkness. 
The  whole  section  is  based  on  Jude  8-15.*  2  P.  softens 
the  severity  of  Judes  language  and  rearranges  the 
order.  He  expands  the  reference  to  Balaam  and  omits 
Cain  and  Korah.  In  1 1  he  omits  the  explicit  reference 
to  Michael,  and  also,  at  the  end  of  17,  the  passage  from 
Enoch  quoted  in  Jude  14!  (see  on  24,  reserve  in  use  of 
Apocrypha). 

10.  dominion:  render,  "the  Lordship,"  i.e.  Christ 
or  God  (see  on  Jude  8). — dignities :  render,  "  the 
glorious  ones  "  (cf.  tng.),  i.e^  the  heavenly  beings,  or 
the  unseen  powers  :  it  is  difficult  to  see  in  what  sense 
the  false  teachers  reviled  the  unseen  powers,  but  the 
word  can  scarcely  be  taken  to  mean  the  rulers  of  the 
Church. — 11.  Paraphrase,  "  They  do  not  hesitate  to 
revile  the  unseen  powers,  while  even  angels,  who  are 
far  greater  than  these  false  teachers,  do  not  dare  to 
bring  against  these  powers  an  irreverent  accusation, 
in  the  prcvsence  of  the  Ix)rd."  The  argument  can  be 
understood  only  in  the  light  of  Jude's  reference  to  the 
story  of  Michael  (Judo  0*).  where  the  forbearance  of 
Michael  is  contrasted  with  the  audacity  of  the  false 
teachers.  The  dispute  between  Michael  and  the  devil 
did  not  take  place  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord,  and  the 
insertion  of  the  words,  winch  are  not  foimd  in  Judc,  is 
difficult. — 12.  matters  .  .  .  ignorant:  they  know  no- 
thing of  the  Lordship  or  the  glorious  ones  ;  they  only 
know  tho  things  of  the  Heshly  life. — 13.  suffering 
wrong  as  the  hire  of  wrong-doing!  The  text  is  almost 
certainly  corrupt,  and  present;;  two  difficulties.  (1)  Tho 
writer  could  scarcely  speak  of  the  false  teachers  suffer- 
ing wrong  at  the  hands  of  God.  (2)  The  phrase  trans- 
lated "hire  of  wrong-doing"  occurs  again  in  15, 
where  it  moans  "  unrighteous  gain."  Here  the  context 
requires  a  different  meaning — "  penalty  of  wrong- 
doing "  :  but  it  is  difficult  to  give  the  same  phrase 
two  such  different  meanings  in  the  same  passage. 
"  Receiving  tho  reward  of  unrighteousness  "  (cf.  AV) 
looks  like  a  conjectural  emendation,  but  while  removing 
the  first  difficulty,  it  leaves  the  second. — their  love- 
feasts:  render  '"  their  deceiA-ings  "  (v\g.) ;  npatais  (de- 
ccivings)  is  the  reading  of  all  MSS.  except  B  (p.  601 ) ; 
agajxiia  (love-feasts),  the  reading  of  B.  followed  by 
RV.  was  probably  suggested  by  tho  parallel  passage  in 
Jude  12.  where  "lovo- feasts"  is  undoubtedly  the  correct 
reading:  Jade,  however,  has  "  your  love-feasts  "  not,  as 


II.  PETER,  III.  16 


RV  here,  "  their  love-feasts." — While  they  feast  with 
you:  render,  "  while  they  share  in  the  feast  (probably 
the  Agape — so  Bigg)  with  you."'  Paraphrase,  "  Spots 
and  blemishes  in  your  midst,  revelling  in  their  deceits, 
while  continuing  to  share  your  Agape  "  ;  despite  their 
openly  evil  lives,  they  do  not  separate  themselves  from 
the  Christian  fellowship. 

II.  18-22.  Uttering  vain  words  they  snare  in  the  lusts 
of  the  flesh  those  who  were  just  escaping  (or,  had 
actually  escaped)  from  heathen  vices,  promising  them 
liberty,  while  all  the  time  they  are  themselves  the 
sla\es  of  sin.  Having  once  been  rescued  from  the 
defilements  of  the  world,  they  have  again  become 
enslaved,  and  their  last  state  is  worse  than  their  first ; 
better  to  remain  a  heathen  than  become  an  apostate. 

22.  The  first  proverb  is  found  in  Pr.  26ii  ;  the 
second  is,  apparently,  not  derived  from  a  Heb.  source, 
and  its  interpretation  is  difficult.  "  The  sense  is,  not 
that  the  creature  has  washed  itseK  clean  in  water  (so 
apparently  RV),  still  less  that  it  has  been  washed 
clean  (as  AV),  and  then  returns  to  the  mud,  but  that, 
having  once  bathed  in  filth,  it  never  ceases  to  delight 
in  it  "  (Bigg).  [The  objection  to  this  view  is  that  the 
illustration  requires  a  change  from  filth  to  cleanliness, 
followed  by  a  reversion  to  the  old  condition,  so  that 
the  last  state  is  worse  than  the  first.  The  dog  gets  rid 
of  his  unwholesome  food,  but  then  hankers  after  it  and 
returns  to  it ;  the  sow  gets  rid  of  its  dirt  by  washing 
itself  and  then  rolls  in  the  mud  and  becomes  as  filthy 
as  ever.  Wendland  suggests  that  the  proverb  goes 
back  to  a  saying  of  Heraelitus,  which  he  gives  in  this 
form :  "  Swine  wash  themselves  more  gladly  in  mire 
than  in  clear  and  clean  water."  (Bmnet  reads  differ- 
ently :  "  Swine  wash  in  the  mire,  and  barnyard  fowls  in 
dust.")  But  it  is  much  more  hkely  that  it  comes  from 
Ahikar;  the  passage  is  rendered  thus  by  Rendel 
Harris :  "  My  son,  thou  hast  behaved  like  the  swine 
which  went  to  the  bath  with  people  of  quality,  and 
when  he  came  out.  saw  a  stinking  drain,  and  went  and 
rolled  himself  in  it."'  (Smend"s  translation  is  some- 
what different,  but  agrees  in  suKstance). — A.  S.  P.] 

III.  If.  In  this,  as  in  his  former  letter,  he  is  only 
reminchng  them  of  the  OT  prophecies  and  of  the 
teaching  of  the  apo.stles — the  twofold  witness  to  which 
he  had  appealed  in  ch.  1. 

1.  the  second  epistle:  the  author  again  claims 
identity  with  Peter,  and  refers  to  1  P.  ;  what  he  here 
Bays  is,  however,  an  inaccurate  description  of  1  P., 
and  if  the  genuineness  of  2  P.  is  maintained,  it  is 
better  to  suppose  that  the  reference  is  not  to  1  P. 
but  to  some  other  epistle  of  Peter's  which  has  not  been 
preserved. — unto  you:  this  has  been  taken  to  imply 
that  2  P.  was  addressed  to  some  particular  church  or 
churches,  to  which  Peter  had  previously  sent  an 
epistle  ;  it  is  better  to  regard  it  (like  the  references  in 
li2)  as  part  of  the  "  literary  drapery ''  of  the  letter ; 
c/.  also  3 1 5. — 2.  your  apostles:  in  the  parallel  passage 
in  Jude  (17)  the  author  implies  that  he  was  not  himself 
an  ajwstle  ;  some  commentators  see  here  a  similar 
disclaimer,  but  this  interpretation  is  not  necessary  ; 
the  meaning  is,  those  apostles  who  were  your  teachers. 
— 3.  On  the  relation  of  this  verso  to  Judo,  see  on 
Jude  18. 

III.  3-7.  A  further  characteristic  of  the  false  teachers 
was  the  denial  of  the  Second  Advent  (their  coming  is 
again  spoken  of  as  in  the  future  ;  cj.  2i  and  3i7). 
Their  scepticism  is  based,  partly,  on  the  non-fulfilment 
of  the  primitive  hope  of  the  imme<liacy  of  the  Parousia, 
and  partlj'  on  a  Ix^lief  in  the  rigid  immutability  of  the 
world  process.  The  first  generation  of  Christians  ( "  the 
fathers  "—which  can  hardly  be  taken  to  mean  "  the  OT 


916 


there  is  here  an  indication  of  the  late  date 
of  the  epistle)  has  already  passed  away  and  all  things 
remain  as  they  had  been  from  the  beginning.  But 
their  reasoning  is  false.  They  wilfully  forget  that  by 
the  word  of  God  the  heavens  were  made  and  the  earth 
from  water  and  by  means  of  water,  and  that  by  the 
same  means  they  were  afterwards  destroyed.  So  by 
the  word  of  God  the  heavens  that  now  are  and  the 
earth  will  be  destroyed  by  fire.  There  is  no  parallel 
in  Jude  to  the  teaching  of  2  P.  with  reference  to  the 
Parousia  ;  this  is  the  author's  main  addition  to  Jude, 
and  probably  represents  his  main  purpose  in  writing. 

6.  the  world  that  then  was:  the  universe,  the  first 
heavens  and  earth.  The  tradition  that  the  heavens 
as  well  as  the  earth  were  destroyed  at  the  Flood  is 
found  in  Enoch  (883-5).  and  is  a  development  of  the 
earher  tradition  of  Gen. — 7.  stored  up  for  fire: 
treasured  up  for  destruction  by  fire.  The  beb'ef  that 
the  universe  would  be  destroyed  by  fire  (c/.  loff.)  was 
widely  prevalent  in  the  second  century  (c/.  Origen, 
Contra  Celsum,  iv.  11,  79). 

III.  8-13.  Moreover  the  Lord  is  not  really  slow  to 
fulfil  His  promise  ;  He  "  does  not  reckon  time  as  men 
reckon."  His  seeming  slowness  is  not  the  manifesta- 
tion of  His  impotence,  but  of  His  long-suffering  love 
(c/.  15).  His  purpose  is  that  time  for  repentance 
should  be  given  to  all ;  when  the  end  copies  it  will  be 
sudden,  and  there  will  be  no  time  for  repentance  then. 
The  fact  that  all  material  things  will  pass  away  consti- 
tutes a  call  to  holy  living  (we  can  see  here,  per  contra, 
the  connexion  between  the  libertinism  of  the  false 
teachers  and  their  disbelief  in  the  Parousia),  especially 
since  we  look  for  new  heavens  and  a  new  earth,  wherein 
righteousness  dwelleth  (c/.  Is.  6017,  Enoch  91 16). 

12.  earnestly  desiring  the  coming :  render,  "  hasten- 
ing {mg.)  the  coming,"  i.e.  by  repentance  ;  for  the 
belief  that  men's  repentance  was  the  essential  condition 
of  the  Parousia  cf.  Ac.  Sigf.,  "  Repent,  therefore  .  .  . 
that  he  may  send  the  Christ." 

ni.  14-18.  The  epistle  closes,  as  it  had  opened,  with 
an  exhortation  to  godliness.  The  Gospel  is  not  a  cloke 
for  licentiousness  but  a  call  to  righteousness.  This, 
the  author  adds,  was  the  burden  of  Pauls  teaching  in 
all  his  letters,  though  his  words  had  been  misunderstood 
by  the  ignorant  and  distorted  by  the  wicked  into  a 
justification  of  moral  laxity.  (That  this  was  the  case, 
even  in  Paul's  lifetime,  can  be  seen,  e.g.  in  Rom.  38,  61, 
also  in  1  Cor.  passim  ;  cf.  Jas.  2^-13*.)  He  bids  his 
readers  beware  lest  they  are  led  astray  by  these  per- 
versions of  the  apostolic  teaching,  and  exhorts  them  to 
grow  in  grace  and  knowledge  of  the  Lord. 

15.  unto  you:  unless  we  suppose  that  2  P.  waa 
addressed  to  some  particular  church,  it  is  not  necessary 
to  see  here  a  reference  to  any  one  particular  epistle  of 
Pauls  addressed  to  that  church  ;  the  appeal  is  to 
the  general  teaching  of  Paul.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to 
limit  "these  things  '  (16)  to  thewordswhich  immediately 
precede — the  doctrine  that  the  delay  of  the  Parousia  is 
due  to  the  long-suffering  of  God,  or  even  that  disbelief 
in  the  Parousia  is  connected  with  moral  laxity.  The 
author  is  only  concerned  to  say  that  Pauls  condemna- 
tion of  libertinism  is  not  less  emphatic  than  his  own. — 
16.  the  other  scriptures:  lit.  "writings,"  but  almost 
certainly  the  word  is  used  in  the  technical  sense. 
Scriptures.  It  is  difficult  to  i-esist  the  conclusion  that 
in  speaking  of  the  Paulino  Epistles  and  "  the  other 
Scriptures,"  the  author  implies  the  existence  of  a  XT 
Canon  (at  any  rate  none  of  the  attempts  to  explain 
the  passage  differently  is  satisfactory)  and  if  this  con- 
clusion is  accepted,  the  Petrine  authorship  of  the 
epistle  must  be  abandoned. 


I.  JOHN 


Bt  Professor  A.  L.  HUMPHRIES 


This  epistle  contains  no  intimation  as  to  either  its 
author  or  its  readers.  It  has  been  regarded  by  some 
as  addressed  to  Christians  in  general,  for  which  reason 
the  epithet  "  Catholic  "'  has  been  applied  to  it.  That 
it  is  a  real  letter,  and  not,  as  some  have  thought, 
merely  a  doctrinal  treatise  or  homily,  is  suggested  by 
the  recurring  phrases,  "  I  write  unto  you,"  "  I  have 
writt<.>n  unto  you."  Moreover,  its  tone  and  contents 
afford  evidence  that  the  author  had  some  acquaint- 
ance with  those  to  whom  he  writes,  and  held  in  relation 
to  them  a  position  of  authority  and  responsibility. 
There  is  no  hint  that  the  letter  was  a  response  to  some 
appeal  for  guidance.  The  author  seems  to  have 
written  of  his  own  accord,  and  as  one  who  felt  that  his 
position  gave  him  the  riglit  to  do  so.  Such  an  attitude 
would  agree  with  all  that  tradition  reports  concerning 
the  Apostle  John  during  his  alleged  residence  at 
Ephcsus.  After  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  John  is  said  to 
have  left  Palestine,  and  to  have  made  his  home  hence- 
forth at  Ephesus,  the  chief  city  of  the  Roman  province 
of  Asia.  There,  in  virtue  of  his  saintly  character 
not  less  than  of  liis  apostolic  office,  he  obtained  a  com- 
manding influence  not  only  in  Ephesus  itself,  but  over 
all  the  churches  of  proconsular  Asia.  This  fact  is 
reflected  in  the  Book  of  the  Revelation  being  sent  in 
John's  name  to  "  the  seven  churches  which  are  in 
Asia."  It  seems  likely  that  this  epistle  also  was 
intended  for  more  than  one  church.  It  was  probably 
designed  for  all  the  churches  which  came  within  John's 
sphere  of  influence,  and  this  may  explain  why,  though 
no  church  in  particular  seems  to  be  addressed,  tlie 
writer  is  sf)  well  acquainted  with  his  readers,  and  can 
write  to  them  in  terms  of  both  affection  and  authority. 

Early  Christian  writers,  e.g.  Irenreus,  Tertullian, 
Origen,  mention  John  as  the  author,  and  it  is  only  in 
modem  times  that  this  view  has  been  challenged,  the 
grounds  of  scepticism  being  in  the  main  those  which 
have  been  urged  against  the  Johannine  authorship 
of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  For  it  is  generally  conceded 
that  this  epistle  and  that  gospel  are  so  akin  that  they 
must  have  come  from  the  same  Christian  circle  and, 
most  credibly,  from  the  same  writer.  Their  resem- 
blances to  each  other  in  vocabulary  and  stylo  (p.  592)  ; 
in  resort  to  antithesis,  e.g.  light  and  darkness,  life  and 
death  ;  in  mode  of  argumentation,  the  author  being  fond 
of  repeating  in  parallel  expressions  his  point  of  view, 
sustain  the  theory  of  a  common  authorship.  Differ- 
ences there  arc,  but  only  such  as  are  easily  accounted 
for  by  some  interval  of  time  between  the  two  writings 
and  by  a  difference  in  their  theme  and  aim  :  they  are 
insufficient  to  demand  a  difference  of  author.  Hence 
we  ma>  regard  this  epistle  as  identical  in  its  authorship 
with  the  Fourth  Gospel.  Any  considerations  whicfi 
permit  the  view  that  the  apostle  John  was  the  author 
of  the  gospel,  justify  us  in  assigning  llus  epistle  also 
to  him. 

The  main  object  of  1  Jn.  was  to  safeguard  its  readers 


against  the  insidious  influence  of  certain  false  teachers. 
The  heresy  they  taught  has  been  generally  regarded 
as  some  form  of  Gnosticism,  so  called  because  its 
adherents  set  great  store  by  gnosis  or  knowledge.  In 
the  decay  of  belief,  characteristic  of  the  time.  Gnosti- 
cism was  an  attempt  to  blend  Eastern  mysticism  with 
Gr£©co-Roman  culture.  The  main  stream  of  the 
movement,  in  addition  to  the  exaggerated  value  it 
attached  to  intellectualism,  regarded  spirit  and  matter 
as  hostile  to  each  other,  sin  being  declared  to  reside 
solely  in  the  flesh.  It  was  not  until  the  second  century 
that  Christianity  encountered  the  full  force  of  thu 
dangerous  amalgam  of  ideas,  but  even  in  the  first 
century,  as  we  may  leani  fiora  Jude  and  from  what 
is  told  us  concerning  the  churches  of  Asia  in  Rev.  2f., 
movements  which  drew  their  characteristics  from 
Gnosticism  were  affecting  the  Christian  Church.  One 
type  of  false  C'hristology,  known  as  Docetism,  reduced 
the  Incarnation  to  the  mere  appearance  of  a  union  of 
God  with  man.  Another  type  taught  that  the  Divine 
Christ  united  Himself  with  the  human  Jesus  at  the 
Baptism  and  departed  from  Him  prior  to  His  Cruci- 
fixion. This  Christological  heresy  in  both  its  forms 
appears  to  be  assailed  in  1  Jn.  The  words  "  I  know 
him  "  (1  Jn.  24)  seem  a  quotation  of  one  of  its  watch- 
words. Doctrinally  it  annulled  the  unity  of  Christ's 
person.  In  practical  matters  its  behef  that  salvation 
was  constituted  solely  by  the  knowledge  of  Divine 
mysteries  led  to  an  estimate  of  right  conduct  as  im- 
impoilant.  The  same  antinomian  conclusion  was 
reached  by  way  of  its  doctrine  of  the  flesh,  for  whilst 
the  hostility  assumed  to  exist  between  it  and  the 
spirit  drove  some  of  the  worthier  adherents  of  this 
heresy  to  asceticism,  it  led  others  to  regard  the  flesh 
as  so  remot'!  from  the  spirit  that  its  passions  could  bo 
freely  gratified  without  sin.  Clearly  with  such  a 
heresy  the  Christian  faith  could  hold  no  tnioe,  and  it 
is  not  surprising  that  John,  ha\nng  this  seductive  peril 
in  view,  attacks  it  without  quarter.  Cerinthus,  a 
Gnostic  with  whom,  according  to  tradition,  John  held 
a  controversy,  is  reported  by  Irenosus  to  have  held 
that  the  sDon  Christ  descended  on  Jesus  at  the 
Baptism,  deserting  Him  before  the  Crucifixion  to  fly 
back  to  His  Pleroma.  1  Jn.  is  difficult  of  analysis, 
but  broadly  its  argumc^nt  is  an  apjieal  to  the  perfection 
and  finaUty  of  that  revelation  of  God  which  came  by 
way  of  the  historical  Jesus,  and  an  assertion  of  the 
worth  and  finality  of  the  Christian  experience  which 
that  historical  revelation  had  demanded  and  created. 
In  other  words,  Christianity  is  the  true  gnasis  rooted 
in  history  and,  by  its  ethical  fruits,  verifying  itself  in 
human  experience.  If  the  foregoing  view  be  correct, 
we  maj'  regard  I  Jn.  as  writt<>n  by  the  apostle  John 
about  A.D.  90. 

Literature.— ComwicH/«rie«  ;  ia)  Bennett  (Cent.B), 
I'lummer  (CB),  Ramsay  (WNT).  Forljos  (IH) ;  (h) 
WestCOtt,  Plummer  (CGT),  D.  Smith  (EGT),  Brooke 


I 


I.  JOHN,  II.  8 


917 


(IOC) ;  (c)  *Haupt,  Rothe  (these  on  1  Jn.  only),  *  Huther 
(Mey.),  B.  Weiss  (Mev.),  Luthardt,  Holtzmann-Bauer 
(HO),  Baumgarten  (SNT),  Windisch  (HNT) ;  (d) 
Alexander  (Ex.B),  Findlay,  Fellowship  in  the  Life 
Eternal  ;  Law,  The  Tests  of  Life  (1  Jn.  only).  Other 
Literature  :  Stevens,  Johannine  Theology ;  Pfleiderer, 
Primitive  Christianity,  Cone,  The  Gospel  and  its  Earliest 
Interpretation  ;  Gilbert,  2'he  First  Interpreters  of  Jesus  ; 
Schmiedel,  The  Johannine  Writings  ;  Articles  in  Dio- 
tionaries  and  books  on  NTT  and  INT. 

I.  1-4.  The  Authors  Purpose. — The  writer  is  con- 
cerned with  "  the  Word  of  hfe."  "  Life,"  which  "  from 
the  beginning "  had  been  contained  in  the  Word, 
found  at  length  in  Jesus  a  manifestation  to  which  John 
and  others  could  bear  witness  ( p.  745 ).  He  writes,  there- 
fore, so  that  his  readers  may  share  both  his  convictions 
and  liis  experience,  and  m  so  doing  may  reflect  his 
joy.  The  repeated  "  wo,"  though  possibly  simply  a 
plural  of  majesty,  may  be  a  true  plural  (especially 
since  "  I  "  is  used  in  2i,7),  John  claiming  to  speak  in 
the  name  of  the  whole  circle  of  apostoUc  witnesses. 
Even  so,  however,  the  natural  interpretation  of 
"  heard,"'  "  seen,"  "  beheld,"  "  handled,"  is  that  the 
winter  himself  had  kno^\7i  Jesus  m  the  flesh. 

1.  from  the  beginning  (c/.  Gen.  li,  Jn.  li):  the 
phrase  suggests  the  eternal  existence  of  the  Word  whose 
manifestation  in  the  historic  Jesus  was  but  a  phase  in 
a  timeless  life. — the  Word  of  life:  in  view  of  the 
Prologue  in  Jn.  1  (c/.  especially  "  In  him  was  life  "), 
this  phrase  is  best  taken  as  meaning  "  the  life-giving 
Word  "  or  "  Logos,"  and  not  (as  Findlay  and  others) 
"  the  revelation  concerning  Life."  "  Life  "  (often  with 
the  epithet  "  eternal  ")  is  one  of  the  key- words  of  this 
epistle.  It  is  a  symbol  of  the  highest  good,  hfe  which 
is  "  life  indeed,"  and  which,  regarded  as  being  in 
Christ,  is  meant  to  be  ours  through  His  historic  mani- 
festation (see  49,  on). — 2.  eternal  life  in  the  Johannine 
writings  denotes  quahty  of  life  rather  than  enduring 
life,  though  the  latter  idea  is  not  absent,  life  which  ia 
spiritual  being  above  the  power  of  time  to  hmit  or 
destroy  (r/.  JThS,  Oct.  1916).— 3.  feUowship  with  us: 
John's  aim  is  that  his  readers  should  share  not  simply 
his  convictions,  but  liis  experience  of  communion  with 
God  in  and  through  Christ. 

I.  5-II.  2.  Fellowship  with  God  Requires  a  Right 
View  of  Sin. 

5—10.  Spiritual  fellowsliip  depends  on  moral  affinity. 
Hence  since  Jesus  has  declared  the  holy  perfection  of 
God,  we  cannot  truthfully  claim  fellowship  with  Him, 
and  at  the  same  time  be  habitually  committing  sin. 
Only  as  we  Christians  constantly  aim  to  be  hke  God 
have  we  fellowship  with  Him  and  with  one  another, 
our  sinfulness  being  cleansed  by  the  blood  of  Christ. 
To  deny  that  we  are  smful  or  that  we  have  committed 
sin  proves  self-deception,  ignorance  of  moral  facts,  and 
of  God's  message  to  us  in  the  Gospel.  Our  duty  is  to 
confess  our  sins  to  God  and  thereby  secure  from  Him 
forgiveness  and  cleansing.  Thus  does  John  deal  with 
the  view  which  regarded  sin  as  immaterial  or  unreal. 

5.  God  is  light:  this  is  one  of  John's  great  defini- 
tions of  God  (4i6).  Light,  as  hero  contrasted  with 
darkness,  means  not  intellectual  illumination  (for  which 
f/.  Jn.  812)  but  ethical  fKrfection.  It  describes  the 
absolute  purity  and  hohness  of  God,  as  He  has  been 
revealed  by  Christ  (p.  745). — 6.  walk :  a  familiar  Scrip- 
tural figure  to  describe  a  regular  course  of  life. — do 
not  the  truth:  i.e.  do  not  live  in  harmony  with  its 
demands.  Thn  life  aa  well  as  the  statement  of  the 
lips  is  false. — 7.  we  have  fellowship  one  with  another : 
i.e.  possibly,  "  with  God,"  but  probably  "  with  brother 
Christiaas,"   fellowsliip  with  God   being  implied  and 


the  truth  declared  that  the  nearer  we  are  to  God,  the 
closer  is  our  fellowsliip  with  each  other. — cleanseth 
from  all  sin :  the  ritual  cleansing  required  by  the  Law 
as  a  condition  of  approach  to  God  has  its  paraUel  in 
the  cleansing  of  the  heart  effected  by  the  blood  of 
Christ  as  the  preface  and  accompaniment  of  fellowship 
with  God. — 8.  the  truth  is  not  in  us :  i.e.  we  are  bUnd 
to  our  real  condition. — 10.  we  have  not  sinned:  i.e. 
since  conversion.  In  any  case  this  phrase  points  to 
acts  of  sin,  whilst  that  in  8  regards  sin  as  a  condition 
or  state.  God  is  made  a  liar  because  His  entire  scheme 
of  redemption  assumes  the  universahty  of  sin,  and  the 
same  view  is  set  forth  in  His  Word. 

II.  If.  Instead  of  regarding  sin  as  non-existent  or 
unimportant,  men  should  avoid  committing  it ;  though 
if  they  sin,  they  may  secure  forgiveness  because  of  the 
sacrifice  and  intercession  of  Christ. 

I.  an  advocate:  otherwise  "  Comforter  "  or  "  Para- 
clete." The  word  is  apphcd  in  Jn.  14  to  the  Holy 
Spirit.  It  denotes  primarily  "  one  who  is  called  to  tho 
aid  of  another  "  in  a  court  of  law,  "  the  counsel  for 
the  defence."  Hence  here  it  describes  Christ  in  His 
intercession  for  sinners  before  God.  His  righteousness 
quahfies  Him  for  this  work. — 2.  propitiation :  that  by 
which  God's  favour  is  secured  for  sinners.  The  pro- 
pitiation is  Jesus  Himself,  since  His  own  humanity, 
perfected  through  suffering,  is  the  sacrifice  which  He 
as  Priest  brings  to  God.  His  offering  has  world-wide 
efficacy. 

II.  3-11.  Obedience  the  Proof  of  Fellowship.— Here 
John  repeats  in  a  positive  way  the  teaching  of  the  pre- 
vious section.  Conduct  cannot  be,  as  the  false  teachers 
claimed,  a  matter  of  indifference,  for  true  knowledge 
of  God  implies  moral  affinity  to  Him,  i.e.  obedience  to 
His  commandments  and  an  attempt  to  imitate  Christ. 
"  I  know  Him  "  was  the  watchword  of  the  false  teachers, 
their  reference  being  to  an  esoteric  and  barren  intel- 
lectualism.  But  John  uses  '"  know "  in  its  large 
Bibhcal  sense  as  denoting  the  intimacy  of  moral 
fellowship  and  affection  between  man  and  God.  Hence 
by  its  very  nature  knowledge  involved  for  man  an 
effort  to  obey  God's  will  and  to  imitate  His  spirit, 
reUgion  which  came  short  of  tliis  being  unreal  and  false. 

3.  Better,  "  hereby  we  come  to  know  that,'"  etc. 
Comparison  with  6  shows  that  to  "  know  God  "  and 
to  "be  in  Him  "  are  parallel  expressions,  both  de- 
noting vital  fellowship,  and  that  to  teed  Christ's  com- 
mandments and  to  walk  "  even  aa  he  walked  "  are 
two  ways  of  stating  the  same  thing,  Christ's  life  being 
an  embodiment  of  His  precepts.--^,  been  perfected: 
become  mature,  reached  perfect  expression. — the  love 
of  God :  i.e.  our  love  to  Grod  ;  the  teaching  is  (in 
harmony  with  Jn.  1413,21,23)  that  the  proof  of  love 
is  obedience. 

7-11.  The  mention  of  Christ's  commandments  leads 
John  .to  recall  specially  Christ's  new  commandment  of 
love  (Jn.  1334).  In  a  sense  it  was  no  longer  new  since 
it  had  been  the  property  of  the  Church  "  from  the 
beginning."  Yet  it  was  new:  in  Christ,  because  Ho 
had  made  its  standard  to  be  that  of  His  own  love  ;  in 
His  disciples,  as  they  gradually  reahsed  their  duty 
in  the  growing  light  of  tho  Gospel  A  man  who 
claimed  special  illumination  and  yet  was  without  love 
for  his  brother  was  living  in  spiritual  darkness. 

7.  from  the  beginning :  either  of  the  Church,  the 
reference  then  being  to  Jn.  I334  ;  or,  preferably,  of 
their  own  rohgious  life  when  they  "  heard  "  it  in  the 
teaching  given  to  them. — 8.  which. .  .you:  thisdifficult 
expression  refers  to  the  newness  of  the  commandment. 
In  a  sense  the  commandment  was  not  new  even  when 
Christ  uttered  it,  for  love  to  neighbours  had  been  en- 


91: 


I.  JOHN,  II.  8 


joined  in  the  OT  (Lev.  19i8).  Yet  Jeeus  in  act  and 
word  gave  that  love  a  new  depth  and  range,  and  His 
followers,  in  the  fresh  demands  which  the  command- 
ment made  and  their  growing  realisation  of  its  meaning, 
also  found  it  new. — 9a.  A  reference,  like  4*,  to  the 
special  illumination  claimed  by  the  false  teachers. — 
brother  here  and  in  1  Jn.  generally  probably  means  no 
more  than  "  fellow-Ohrlstian.''  John  says  nothing  of 
the  duty  of  Cliristians  to  love  non-Christians. 

II.  12^14  shghtly  breaks  the  argument.  It  is  prompted 
by  .John's  desire  to  remove  anj'  impression  which  the 
earnestness  of  his  previous  words  may  have  created, 
that  he  had  misgivings  as  to  the  spiritual  condition  of 
his  readers.  He  speaks  approvingly  of  their  knowledge 
both  of  Christ  ("  him  which  is  from  the  beginning  ")  and 
of  the  Father,  and  of  their  victories  over  temptation. 
Ho  writes  not  because  they  are  faulty,  but  to  save 
them  from  being  injured.  The  phrase  "  Uttle  chil- 
dren "  (Jn.  1333)  is  a  term  of  endearment  applied  here 
to  Christians  in  general  (Mt.  186*),  whilst  "  fathers  " 
and  "  young  men  "  will  represent  two  stages,  the  sage 
and  mature,  the  active  and  strenuous. — 13.  I  have 
written,  by  a  grammatical  usage  peculiar  to  Gr.,  pro- 
bably means  no  more  than  "  I  write  "  in  12. 

U.  15-17.  Christians  are  called  to  love  God  and  their 
brethren,  but  they  must  not  love  the  world,  i.e.  the 
circle  of  interests  divorced  from  God  and  in  opposition 
to  His  wilL  Its  gratifications,  such  as  sensual  excesses, 
unlawful  desires  awakened  by  means  of  the  eyes,  self- 
assertive  and  atheistical  display,  belong  to  a  doomed 
and  dying  order.  World  is  the  key-word  to  this 
section.  Unhke  2  (c/.  also  414),  where  it  describes  the 
sum  total  of  humanity,  it  means  here  the  un-Christian 
and  anti-Christian  forces  and  interests  of  the  time, 
society  viewed  as  apart  from  God  and  controlled 
merely  by  selfishness.  Hence  in  John's  terminology  it 
is  the  antithesis  of  the  Church  which  it  hates  (Sis), 
the  home  of  Antichrist  and  false  prophets  (-iiff.),  and 
the  domain  of  Satan  (019).  The  sharp  contrast  in  the 
first  century  between  the  Christian  brotherhood  and 
society  outside  it  gave  special  point  to  this  conception. 
17a.  John  beUeved  that  the  existing  order  of  things 
was  on  the  point  of  being  brought  to  an  end  (18).  On 
this  ground,  love  of  it  was  foolish,  even  as,  because  of 
its  moral  quahty,  love  of  it  was  incompatible  with  a 
true  love  for  God  {cf.  Jas.  44). 

11,  18-28.  The  Antichrists  and  their  Teaching.— Hero 
John  deals  with  the  false  teachers,  who  embody  the 
spirit  of  Antichrist  and  betoken  by  their  appearance 
the  speedy  end  of  the  world  and  the  return  of  Christ. 
These  teachers  had  left  the  Church  because  in  spirit 
they  had  never  really  belonged  to  it.  Christians  had, 
through  the  Hol'v  Spirit,  power  to  detect  their  false- 
hoods, notal)ly  those  concerning  the  person  of  Christ. 
Hence  John  urges  his  readers  to  abide  in  what  they 
liad  been  taught,  their  spiritual  anointing  giving  him 
confidence  that  they  will  do  so,  and  that  they  wiU 
stand  unashamed  before  Christ  at  His  coming. 

18.  ye  heard :  the  reference  is  to  the  Christian 
teaching  thoy  had  received.  Jewish  writings  spoke  of 
the  Mewsiaii's  coming  being  preceded  by  an  outbreak  of 
fierce  hostility  to  God,  Hom*tim^"Bonceutrated  in  some 
outstanding  figure.  The  idea  passed  into  Christian 
teaching  concerning  the  return  of  Christ  (2  Th.  23  *, 
1  Tim.  4i).  False  Christs  were  also  expected  (Mt.  245, 
24),  and  thus  the  term  "  Anticlirist  "  was  applied  to  the 
malignant  being  (or  those  enibodving  his  ideas  and 
spirit)  who  opposed  the  Church  in  the  "  last  hour."  i.e. 
the  period  immediately  preceding  Christ's  return. — 
20a.  He  refers  to  the  Holy  Spirit  which  had  been  given 
them.  "  the  Holy  One  "  who  gave   it   being   G<xl,  or 


perhaps  Cliriflt. — 22.  See  Introduction.  We  know 
God  as  Father  through  knowing  Christ  as  Son.  The 
Sonsliip  constitutes  and  interprets  the  Fatherhood. 
Those,  therefore,  who  destroyed  Christ's  sonship  by 
denying  that  there  had  been  a  real  Incarnation  of  God 
in  Him,  or  held  that  Christ  was  a  Divine  aeon  which 
had  been  only  for  a  time  united  with  the  man  Jesus, 
the  two  thus  being  distinct,  surrendered  thereby  the 
Christian  doctrine  of  God. — 24.  which  .  .  .  beginning : 
cf.  7.  The  beUef  that  Jesus  was  Divine  had  been 
taught  in  the  Church  from  its  foundation,  or  at  least 
to  these  behevers  at  thc'r  conversion. — 25.  life  eternal : 
I2*.  Eternal  hfe,  as  John  conceives  it,  is  dependent 
upon  fellowship  with  the  Father  and  the  Son  (Jn.  173*). 
— 27.  The  Holy  Spirit  granted  to  the  i-eaders  will  by 
His  inward  illumination  save  them  from  being  beguiled 
by  the  false  teachers.  The  range  and  truth  of  His 
teaching  is  emphasized. — ye  abide:  the  indicative 
is  better  than  the  imperative  (tug.).  Because  John's 
readers  were  abeady  abiding  in  Christ,  he  could  exhort 
them  (28)  to  continue  doing  so. — 28.  if  he  shall  be 
manifested :  the  conditional  form  of  statement  impUes 
no  doubt  as  to  Christ's  actual  return.  Only  the  time 
was  uncertain. 

n.  29-V.  12.  The  Characteristics  of  God's  ChUdren. 

II.  29-III.  3.  Because  CJ<jd,  made  known  to  us  in 
Christ,  is  righteous,  those  who  claim  to  be  His  children 
must  be  like  Him,  with  a  goodness  which  the  world 
does  not  understand  and  which  at  Christs  manifesta- 
tion will  be  perfected. 

29.  (read  7ng.)  connects  most  naturally  with  the 
argument  that  follows.  "  He  "  in  "  he  is  righteous  " 
ought,  in  view  of  28,  to  refer  to  Christ,  whilst  "  begotten 
of  him,"  according  to  general  NT  usage,  should  mean 
"  begotten  of  God."  The  somewhat  loose  use  of  the 
pronoun  is  an  illustration  of  the  ease  with  which 
John's  thought  passed  from  God  to  Christ  and  vice 
versa,  the  identity  between  them  being  regarded  as  so 
complete. — III.  1.  knew  him  not:  an  echo  of  Jn.  I725.* 
—26.  We  shall  be  changed  by  beholding  {cf.  2  Cor.  3i8) ; 
seeing  Christ  we  shall  pass  into  His  likeness.  Christ 
is  the  type  after  which  all  God's  children  are  to  be 
fashioned. 

in.  4-12.  To  commit  sin  is  a  breach  of  God's  law, 
a  frustration  of  God's  work  of  redemption,  and  the 
manifestation  of  a  principle  which  betrays  kinship  with 
the  devil.  A  man  begotten  of  God  will  bo  in  moral 
affinity  with  God,  for  which  reason  righteousness  and 
brotherly  love  will  characterise  him. 

4.  sin  is  lawlessness:  i.e.  not  the  absence  of  law, 
but  opposition  to  it.  Law  does  not  cease  to  exist  for 
the  Christian,  and  all  opposition  to  it.  so  far  from  being 
morally  unimportant,  is  rebeUion. — 5.  he  was  mani- 
fested: i.r.  at  His  Incarnation.  Righteous  Himself, 
the  work  of  Christ  is  to  make  us  righteous  too  {rf.  8). — 
6.  sinneth  not:  i.e.  habitually,  this  sense  being  con- 
veyed by  the  Gr.  tense.  Occasional  acts  of  sin  are  not 
excluded,  as  we  may  infer  from  2if. — 8.  from  the  be- 
ginning :  as  in  1 1,  the  remotest  period  of  time  of  wliich 
we  have  any  conception. — 9.  Paul  speaks  of  our  being 
"  risen  with  Christ,"  and,  therefore,  of  our  duty  to 
reproduce  Christ's  mo:'al  perfection.  John  prefers  to 
speak  of  conversion  as  a  new  birth,  the  entrance  into 
us  of  a  new  vital  nrinciple  whose  product  must  be  in 
accord  with  its  essential  nature. — 10.  he  .  .  .  brother : 
a  return  to  the  teacliing  of  29f. — 12.  as  Cain  was  of 
the  evil  one:  John  has  been  teaching  that  eaeh  man 
has  a  moral  ancestry  as  well  as  a  physical  one.  We  are 
not  told  either  liere  or  elsewhere  the  condition  which 
made  Cains  works  evil  and  Abels  righteous. 

m.  13-24.  The  hatred  of  the  world  is  to  be  expected. 


I.  JOHN.  V.  4 


919 


but  within  the  Christian  brotherhood  there  must  be 
love,  manifesting  itself  in  deeds  of  self-sacrifice  in 
imitation  of  Christ's  love.  If  we  possess  this  spirit 
we  shall  be  able  to  silence  inward  misgivings  a,s  to  our 
standing  before  God,  because  we  obey  Him  in  that  we 
believe  in  Christ  and  love  one  another.  Such  obedience 
ensures  His  indwelling,  attested  by  the  gift  of  His  Spirit. 

14.  The  teaching  is  the  same  as  in  2gi.,  except  that 
the  metaphor  has  been  changed,  and  the  soul's  lack  of 
correspondence  with  its  spiritual  environment  is  de- 
scribed as  death. — 15a.  An  echo  of  Mt.  52  if. — 16.  In 
Christ  and  His  Cross  love  at  length  found  a  perfect 
manifestation,  and  human  conduct  in  consequence  was 
given  a  new  standard. — 196,  20.  A  true  parallelism 
would  be  obtained  and  difficulties  in  the  original  re- 
lieved if,  in  harmony  with  several  minor  MSS.,  "  be- 
cause "  was  omitted  in  206.  The  rendering  would 
then  be  :  "  We  shall  reassure  our  heart  before  Him, 
because,  if  our  heart  condemn  us,  God  is  greater  than 
our  heart."  In  any  case  the  teaching  is  that  God 
knows  us  and  all  the  conditions  of  our  life  better 
than  we  ourselves  do.  Hence  there  will  be  occasions 
when  God  will  not  endorse  the  condemnation  we  pass 
upon  ourselves.  "  Heart  "  is  here  almost  equivalent 
to  "  conscience." — 23.  name  is  in  this  and  kindred 
phrases  almost  equivalent  to  "  revealed  nature,"  so 
that  to  "  believe  in  the  name  of  Christ  "  is  to  commit 
ourselves  to  Christ  as  He  stands  expressed  in  the  Gospel. 
— 24.  hereby :  i.e.  by  the  inward  activity  of  His  Spirit ; 
the  word  refers  to  the  close  of  the  verse.  The  Holy 
Spirit  has  been  given  by  Christ  to  His  Church,  and  has 
been  bestowed  on  each  individual  believer. 

IV.  1-6.  A  digression.  The  reference  to  the  Spirit 
(824)  reminds  John  that  some  who  claimed  to  possess 
the  Spirit  of  God,  e.g.  the  false  prophets,  did  so  un- 
justifiably. Hence  his  readers  must  have  a  token 
whereby  they  may  discriminate  between  true  prophets 
and  false.  That  token  was  the  nature  of  their  testi- 
mony concerning  Christ.  Thus  the  Spirit  of  truth  or 
of  Christ  could  be  distinguished  from  that  of  error  or 
Antichrist. 

1.  prove  the  spirits :  the  primitive  Church,  as  we 
learn  from  1  Cor.  12-14*,  was  rich  in  activities  and 
experiences  attributed  to  the  operation  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  At  the  same  time  evil  spirits  were  believed  to 
exist  and  to  take  possession  of  human  beings,  producing 
phenomena  outwardly  akin  to  those  due  to  the  Spirit 
of  God.  Hence  some  mode  of  distinguishing  the  two 
operations  was  needed  (for  which  reason  "  discemings 
of  spirits  "  is  mentioned  in  1  Cor.  12io  as  one  of  the 
charisms).  In  the  case  of  men  claiming  the  inspired 
and  exalted  type  of  utterance  known  as  '"  prophesying  ' 
the  test  suggested  here  is  the  orthodoxy  of  their 
message  as  regards  the  person  of  Christ  (in  1  Cor.  I23 
it  is  the  confession  of  the  lordship  of  Jesus).  A  prophet 
to  be  genuine,  says  John,  must  proclaim  the  reality 
of  the  Incarnation,  the  true  union  in  Jesus  of  the 
human  and  the  Divine. — gone  out ;  i.e.  from  the  Church 
into  the  world  (2i9). — 2.  confesseth  .  .  .  flesh:  other 
possible  translations  are  "  confesseth  Jesus  as  Christ 
come  in  the  flesh,"  and  "  confesseth  Jesus  C-hrist  as 
come  in  the  flesh."  In  any  case  the  double  name 
suggests  the  two  sides  of  our  Lord's  nature,  both  being 
contained  in  His  historic  Person.  The  Incarnation 
was,  therefore,  real,  and  not,  as  the  Docetists  taught, 
merely  apparent. — 3.  confesseth  not  Jesus :  i.e.  in  the 
sense  just  named.  A  different,  but  well  attested,  read- 
ing gives  us  "  Every  spirit  which  amiulleth  Jesus,"  i.e. 
breaks  up,  as  Cerinthus  (c/.  Introd.)  did,  the  unity  of  His 
Divine-human  Person. — heard :  i.e.  in  apostolic  teach- 
ing (c/.  2i8).— In  the  world  already:    it  kad  found  a 


home  outside  the  Church  in  the  non-Christian  section 
of  society.  For  "  world  "  in  this  sense,  see  215". — 
4.  he  that  Is  in  you:  i.e.  the  Spirit  of  God,  who,  as  the 
Spirit  of  truth,  is  greater  than  the  spirit  of  error  which 
is  in  the  world.  Hence  false  teaching,  to  which  the 
world  listens  with  sympathy,  is  rejected  by  the 
Church. — 6.  We:  John  himself,  possibly  also  the 
circle  of  apostohc  witnesses  of  whom  he  regards  himself 
as  a  type  (li). 

IV.  7-21.  John  returns  to  the  theme  of  3i4ff.,  bo- 
cause  if  the  Church  is  the  home  of  truth,  still  more  is 
it  the  home  of  love.  The  evidence  for  our  Divine 
sonship  is  that  the  love  manifested  by  God  in  sending 
His  Son  for  our  redemption — a  fact  to  which  the 
Church  bears  witness — issues  in  love  on  our  part  to 
Grod  and  to  our  brethren  ;  love,  when  mature,  casts 
out  fear.  Moreover  the  proof  that  we  love  the  unseen 
God  is  that  we  love  our  brother,  as  Christ  com- 
manded us. 

7.  love  Is  of  God :  i.e.  is  so  peculiarly  His  product, 
answering  to  the  deepest  thing  in  His  nature,  that  the 
lack  of  love  proves  that  we  have  no  real  knowledge 
of  God  or  kinship  to  Him. — 9.  that  we  might  Hve 
through  Him:  cf.  814,  on,  Jn.  3x6.— 12.  Though  we 
have  no  direct  proof  of  God's  existence  and  indwelling, 
we  can  know  of  His  presence  within  us  by  the  brotherly 
love  which  it  creates  (cf.  16,  824,  Gal.' 022).  This  is 
the  inward,  as  Jesus  was  the  outward  (Jn.  I18), 
manifestation  of  the  invisible  God. — his  love :  probably 
"  the  love  which  He  seeks  to  create  within  us."  That 
love  attains  fuU  development. — 14-16.  With  love  to 
the  brethren  John  links  belief  in  the  rcahty  of  the 
Incarnation  as  evidence  of  God's  indwelling  in  the 
soul. — 16a.  in  us :  i.e.  towards  us  (cf.  9).  "  We  "  in 
14,  16  refers  primarily  to  the  apostle  and  his  circle  of 
witnesses.  They  are  convinced  of  the  reahty  of  God's 
love,  because  they  are  convinced  of  the  reality  of  the 
Incarnation. — 17.  Herein :  i.e.  b}-  the  mutual  indwell- 
ing of  God  and  the  behever. — made  perfect:  reaches 
perfect  expression. — that  .  .  .  judgement:  judgment 
was  always  associated  ^\ith  the  return  of  Christ  (5lt.  25 
31).  Hence  the  thought  here  is  parallel  to  that  in  228.- 
— 17o.  Christ  is  with  the  Father,  whilst  we  are  "  in 
this  v.orld."  With  that  difference  love  makes  Him 
and  us  akin. — 18.  fear  hath  punishment :  the  idea  that 
fear  itself  is  a  form  of  punishment  may  be  present,  but 
the  context  ("'  day  of  judgement  ")  requires  the  inter- 
pretation that  fear  imphes  a  consciousness  of  short- 
coming and  a  consequent  exxKJctation  of  punishment. 
Where  love  is  perfected,  no  such  expectation  can  exist. 
— 20.  hateth  his  brother:  love  to  God  and  hatred  of 
our  fellow-Christians  cannot  coexist.  The  latter  dis- 
proves the  former. — 21.  tilis  commandment:   cf.  823. 

V.  1-5.  The  marks  of  true  children  of  God  are  a 
correct  view  of  Christ's  person,  love  to  God  and  one 
another,  obedience  to  God's  commandment,  and  faith, 
this  being  the  victorious  principle  by  which  "  the 
world  "  is  overcome  in  its  efforts  to  tempt  us  not  to 
obey  God. 

lo.  See  42*.  The  full  belief  in  Jesus  as  a  Divine- 
human  being  is  meant,  as  also  in  5. — 2.  when  we  lOVe 
God :  the  argument  seems  the  opposite  of  420,  but  the 
problem  is  being  approached  from  a  new  point  of  view, 
and  John  is  arguing  that  love  of  the  parent  involves 
also  love  of  those  who,  like  ourselves,  have  been  be- 
gotten of  Him. — S(t.  Love  and  obedience  are  bound  up 
with  each  other.— 4.  the  world  :  i.e.  the  anti-Christian 
environment  (2i5*,43)  whose  evil  influences  tend  to 
make  obedience  difficult,  yet  not  impossible  to  those 
who,  being  "  begotten  of  God,"  receive  a  plentiful  supply 
of  His  grace. — hath  overcome :  the  change  of  lense  may 


920 


I.  JOHN,  V.  4 


arise  from  tho  N-ictorj-,  though  in  procwis  of  beinj;  won, 
being  rt^garded  as  aasui-ed  (EGT).  If  a  victory  already 
j)ast  be  meant,  the  refennce  m:iy  be  to  the  triumph 
over  the  false  teachers  (44),  or  to  the  victorious  stand 
•B-hich  the  Church  from  its  foundation  had,  in  virtue  of 
its  faith,  made  against  tho  world. 

V.  6-12.  Reference  to  the  faith  held  by  the  Church 
concerning  Christ  leads  John  to  specify  in  symbolic 
terms  wliat  that  faith  was  and  the  witness  by  which  it 
was  sustained.  The  truth  belongs  to  the  sphere  of 
revelation  and  so  has  its  source  in  God,  but  it  is  con- 
firmed by  the  spiritual  experience  which  it  creates  in 
the  beUever. 

6.  by  water  and  blood:  i.e.  by  the  water  of  His 
baptism  and  the  blood  of  His  death.  The  reference  is 
to  two  events  in  Christ's  niinistrj%  one  at  its  opening 
and  the  other  at  its  consummation.  The  claim  of 
John  (in  opposition  to  the  false  teachers)  is  that  Jesus 
Christ,  i.e.  the  full  Divine-human  personahty  of  our 
Lord,  was  as  present  and  active  in  the  suffering  of  the 
Cro.ss  as  in  the  baptism  at  the  Jordan. — 7.  the  Spirit  that 
beareth  witness  :  the  reference  must  be  to  the  influence 
foreshadowed  in  Jn.  1026,  which  the  Holy  Spirit  had 
exerted  in  the  Church  in  producing  an  adequate  view 
of  Jesus. — 8.  three  who  bear  witness :  the  idea  is  sug- 
gested bv  a  requirement  of  the  Jewish  Law  (Dt.  176). — 
the  Spirit,  and  the  water,  and  the  blood :  these  terms 
must  obviously  recall  the  meaning  in  which  they  have 
just  been  used',  so  that  the  interpretation  which  makes 
"  water  "  and  "  blood  "  refer  to  two  Christian  sacra- 
ments is  far-fetched.  John  means  that  Christs  bap- 
tism as  representing  His  anointing  to  the  office  of 
Messiah,  and  the  Cross  as  the  completion  of  the  work 
of  redemption,  point  to  that  high  doctrine  of  Chrisfs 
person  which  is  confirmed  by  the  teaching  of  the  Spirit 
in  the  Church.  The  words  in  heaven  ...  In  earth 
found  in  the  AV  are  no  part  of  the  original  text,  but 
are  an  unauthorised  though  early  interpolation, — 96. 
Divine  revelation  in  its  broad  content  is  concerned  with 
Christ,  and  justifies  the  view  that  He  is  the  Son  of  God. 
— 10.  in  him:  i.e.  in  the  experience  which  the  evan- 
gelical faith  creates.  The  Son  is  the  fountain  of 
•  eternal  life  "  (I2*),  so  that  to  have  Him  is  to  possess 
jt^  the  spiritual  experience  of  which  He  is  the 
sdurce. 

V.  lS-21.  Conclusion. — A  reminder  of  the  writers 


purpose,  an  assertion  of  the  value  and  also  the  limita- 
tions of  intercessory  prayer,  and  a  summary  of  tho 
teaching  of  the  epistle. 

13.  that  .  .  .  life:  John  wishes  his  readers  to  have 
no  misgiving  as  to  the  reality  of  their  rehgious  experi- 
ence, though  the  appended  clause  ('  even  .  .  .  God  ") 
indicates  that  the  security  is  bound  up  with  a  right 
view  of  Jesus. — 14f.  UTien  our  praj'era  for  ourselves 
or  for  others  are  in  accord  with  God's  will,  He  hears 
and  will  answer  them. — 16.  a  sin  not  unto  death  .  .  . 
a  sin  unto  death:  this  distinction  has  given  rise  to 
much  discussion.  "  Death  "  symbolises  the  hopeless 
ruin  of  the  moral  personahty.  '"  Unto  death  "  de- 
notes, not  that  the  gravest  sin  actually  and  at  once 
produces  "  death,"  but  that  it  looks  in  that  direction, 
has  that  tendency.  In  the  light  of  the  teaching  of  this 
epistle  the  "  sin  unto  death  "  will  mean  such  a  view 
of  Christ  as  saps  the  foimdation  of  faith  and  obedience. 
It  is  such  heresj'  as  poisons  conduct.  John  evidently 
thought  his  heretical  opponents  guilty  of  this  mortal 
sin — hence  his  reassertion  of  the  contention  that  sin 
attached  to  every  act  of  unrighteousness.  For  the 
view  that  certain  forms  of  apostasy  are  fatal  to  the 
soul,  cf.  Heb.  G4-6,  10261 

18-21.  In  both  experience  and  faith  the  Christian 
has  distinct  characteristics.  In  view  of  his  new  birth 
he  cannot  be  guilty  of  habitual  sin,  but  is  preserved 
from  it  by  the  power  of  God.  Moreover  he  sees  in 
Christ  a  real  Incarnation  of  God  in  man,  and  through 
that  view  attains  to  a  right  conception  of  Grod  and  the 
possession  of  "eternal  hfe." — 19.  in  the  evil  one: 
i.e.  in  his  embrace.  Unhke  the  Church  wliich,  because 
of  its  inner  life,  is  secure  from  being  harmed  by  the 
evil  one,  the  sinful  world  is  wholly  in  his  power. — 
20.  This  i3  the  true  God:  "  true  "  here  means  "  real," 
"  genuine  "  ;  the  revelation  of  God  in  Christ,  as  the 
Church  interpreted  it,  being  thus  distinguished  from 
the  false  view  of  God  taught  by  John's  opponents. 
With  the  true  doctrine  was  bound  up  a  valid  experience 
(cf.  Jn.  173). — 21.  Avoidance  of  the  pagan  worship 
prevalent  in  Asia  Minor  may  here  be  enjoined  (Zahn). 
But  a  serious  danger  of  that  kind  would  surely  have 
elicited  more  than  this  incidental  warning.  "  Idols," 
therefore,  more  probably  symbolises  any  form  of  un- 
reaUty  or  falsehood  which  threatens  to  draw  tho  soul 
away  from  Christ. 


II.  JOHN 


By  Professor  A.  L.  HUMPHRIES 


To  whom  written?  —  Who  was  "the  elect  lady" 
addressed  ?  By  translating  either  "  the  lady  Eclecte," 
or  "  the  elect  Kyria  "  some  scholars  have  assigned  to  her 
a  name,  but  with  little  plausibility,  for  nowhere  else  is 
Eclecte  found  £us  a  proper  name,  and  the  order  of  the  Gr. 
would  have  beendifferent  had  the  word  rendered  "  lady  " 
(fcuria)  been  a  name  instead  of  a  common  noun.  On  the 
face  of  it,  therefore,  2  Jn.  appears  to  have  been  written 
to  some  unnamed  lady  of  distinction  (i),  a  first  century 
Countess  of  Huntingdon,  whose  home  was  a  centre 
of  worship  for  the  Christians  of  her  neighbourhood. 
But  closer  examination  points  to  a  different  conclusion. 
Though  the  letter  begins  with  "  thy  "  and  "  thee,"  it 
passes  in  6,  8,  lo,  12  to  "  ye,"  "  yourselves,"  "  your." 
This  artless  transition  to  the  plural  suggests  that  "  the 
lady  and  her  children  "  are  a  Christian  community 
which,  under  that  semi-poetic  form  of  address  (c/.  1  P.  5 
13  and  the  description  of  the  Church  as  the  Lamb's 
"  bride  "  Rev.  2I9),  the  writer  warns  of  its  danger 
from  certain  false  teachers.  At  the  same  time  he 
sends  greetings  from  the  church  ("  the  children  of  thine 
elect  sister")  to  which  he  himseK  belonged.  If  the 
letter  was  written  from  Ephesus,  it  has  been  conjectured 
that  it  was  sent  to  Pergamum.  The  peril  to  which  it 
refers  was  akin  to  that  dealt  with  in  1  Jn.,  a  denial 
of  the  full  reahty  of  the  Incarnation. 

The  writer,  who  here  and  in  3  Jn.  simply  styles  him- 
self "  the  elder,"  writes  as  one  in  authority  over  those 
whom  he  addresses.  The  style  and  ideas  of  2  Jn.  are 
stiikingly  akin  to  those  of  1  Jn.,  though  the  conjecture 
that  it  accompanied  1  Jn.  as  a  sort  of  covering  letter  is 
less  probable  than  the  view  that  2  Jn.  and  3  Jn.  are 
closely  related  to  each  other.  Some  church — either 
Pergamum  or  one  of  the  other  Asian  churches — having 
received  1  Jn.,  received  also  on  some  later  occasion 
from  the  same  writer  the  short  Second  Epistle,  whilst 
Gains,  a  leading  Christian  in  the  community,  was  the 
recipient  of  3  Jn.  2  Jn.  and  3  Jn.  are  absent  from 
some  early  copies  of  the  NT,  e.g.  the  Syriac  Version. 
They  were  probably  saved  from  the  oblivion  which 
befell  similar  letters  written  by  the  same  writer  as 
part  of  his  personal  correspondence  to  other  Asian 
churches,  by  the  fact  that  they  became  in  time  attached 
to  the  copy  of  1  Jn.  which  belonged  to  the  church 
receiving  them.  In  that  way  they  ultimately  passed 
into  the  NT.  The  writer's  description  of  himself  as 
"  the  elder "  or  "  presbj-tor  "  has  caused  many  to 
identify  him  with  "  John  the  Presbyter,"  who,  on  the 
strength  of  a  pa.ssnge  in  Eusebius,  is  regarded  by  many 
scholars  as  distinct  from  the  apostle  John.  But  this 
conclusion,  while  plausible,  is  not  inevitable,  for  "  elder  " 
is  the  designation  of  an  apostle  in  1  P.  01,  and  may 
thus  here  rea.sonably  represent  a  self-description  which 
the  apostle  John  used  when  writing  to  his  friends  and 
children  in  Christ. 


Literature. — See  under  1  Jn. 

1-3.  The  Salutation.— The  writer  greets  "  the  elect 
lady  and  her  children  "  (sec  Introduction)  on  the  ground 
of  their  fellowship  with  him  in  the  truth,  i.e.  the  faith 
held  by  the  Church  as  opposed  to  that  taught  by  the 
false  teachers.  Such  "  truth  "  became  a  bond  between 
the  various  members  of  the  Church. 

3.  from  God  the  Father  ...  the  Son  of  the  Father.— 
By  this  form  of  statement  the  doctrines  of  the  false 
teachers  are  challenged  in  anticipation. — in  truth  and 
love :  i.e.  truth  of  belief  and  lovingness  of  disposition — 
the  two  marks  of  a  vahd  Christianity  as  laid  down 
in  1  Jn. 

4-11.  Exhortation  and  Warning. — The  command- 
ment of  love  given  by  Christ  to  His  Church  "  from  the 
beginning "  must  be  faithfully  observ^cd.  Loyalty 
to  Christ  meant  that  His  followers  must  beware  of 
the  false  teachers,  the  embodiment  of  Antichrist, 
who  denied  the  reahty  of  His  Incarnation.  Ground 
already  won  for  the  faith  might  be  lost.  Those 
who,  under  the  lure  of  "  advanced  "  thought,  sought 
to  beguile  others  from  Christ's  teaching,  were  not 
Christians,  and  must  receive  neither  countenance  nor 
hospitahty, 

4.  In  some  way,  possibly  through  a  visit  from  some 
traveUing  evangelists  belonging  to  the  church  ad- 
dressed, John  had  ascertained  the  fidehty  to  the  truth 
which  many  of  its  members  exhibited. — 5f .  1  Jn.  2;!  *, 
53*. — 7.  gone  forth:  i.e.  from  the  Church  (1  Jn.  4i*). 
— world:  1  Jn.  215*. — confess  .  .  .  flesh:  the  double 
name,  Jesus  Christ,  is  significant.  It  expresses  the 
two  sides  of  our  Lord's  personahty.  The  heresy  assailed 
distinguished  Jesus  from  Christ,  and  dissolved  the 
unity  of  Christ's  Person.  See  1  Jn.  222,  42f.,  where, 
too,  those  who  taught  the  heretical  doctrine  are  styled 
"  antichrists." — 8.  Past  gains,  secured  by  the  faithful 
ministry  of  the  writer  and  others  hke  him,  were  im- 
perilled.— 9.  The  idea  (as  in  1  Jn.  222-24)  is  that  a 
true  doctrine  of  Jesus  as  the  Son  is  necessary  to  our 
conception  of  God  as  Father. — goeth  onward  :  probably 
one  of  tho  catchwords  of  the  false  teachers  is  here 
alluded  to,  their  claim  being  that  their  teaching  repre- 
sented "  advanced  doctrine  "  into  which  all  ought  to 
move  who  made  any  pretence  to  be  "  progressive  " 
thinkers.  That  "  progress,"  however,  is  delusive  which 
cuts  itself  loose  from  the  historic  facts  of  the  Christian 
faith. — 10.  Jolm  himself  is  said  to  have  fled  when  on 
one  occasion  he  foimd  himself  under  the  same  roof  as 
the  false  teacher  Cerinthus.  Here,  in  the  interests  of 
truth,  ho  forbids  hospitality  to  be  ofiFered  to  the  false 
teachers  when  they  came. 

12f.  Conclusion. — The  writer  refrains  from  further 
messages  because  ho  hopes  shortly  to  visit  the  church 
and  see  its  members. — 13.  Tho  members  of  the  writer's 
own  church  send  greeting  (see  Introduction). 


921 


III.  JOHN 


By  Professor  A.  L.  HUMPHRIES 


"  The  elder  "  who  writes  this  short  private  letter  must 
be  identified  with  the  author  of  2  Jn.,  this  conclusion 
being  sustained  by  the  marked  resemblances  in  phrasing 
which  they  exhibit  (c/.  2  Jn.  1,4,12  with  3  Jn.  1,31,13). 
Those  resemblances  have  led  some  scholars  to  conclude 
that  the  two  epistles  were  written  about  the  same  time, 
and  that  in  3  Jn.  9,  which  Westcott  translates,  "  I  have 
written  a  few  words  to  the  church,"  2  Jn.  is  referred  to. 
An  interesting  situation  would  then  be  disclosed.  The 
"  elder  "  is  uncertain  how  his  message  will  be  received. 
The  community  has  a  loyal  section,  "  the  friends  "  of 
14,  but  Diotrephes  leads  a  party  of  opposition  to  John 
and  his  adherents.  Diotrephes  was  ambitious  (g),  and 
for  his  owni  ends  was  seeking  to  subvert  the  "  elder's  " 
authority  over  the  churches  in  his  sphere  of  influence. 
Harnack  thinks  3  Jn.  belongs  to  a  time  when  local 
churches,  previously  submissive  to  some  central  autho- 
rity like  that  constituted  bj'  apostles  and  outstand- 
ing leaders,  wore  beginning  to  assert  their  independence. 
Diotrephes  in  his  own  church  was  the  loader  of  the 
party  of  revolt.  Not  only  did  he  speak  disrespectfully 
of  John,  but  he  refused  hospitality  to  any  friends  of 
"  the  elder  "  who,  in  the  course  of  an  evangelistic  tour, 
visited  the  church.  He  also  forbade  any  member  of 
the  church  to  entertain  such  visitors,  and  expelled 
any  who  disobeyed  this  prohibition,  as  Gaius  appears 
to  have  done  (5).  Travelling  evangelists — sometimes 
called  "  prophets  " — seem  to  have  been  a  familiar 
feature  in  the  primitive  Church,  as  we  learn  from  an 
interesting  document  written  c.  a.d.  100,  called  Tlie 
Teaching  (  Di'lri*-he)  of  the  Twelve  Apostles.  There,  since 
it  was  customary  for  these  evangelists  to  receive  hospi- 
tality from  any  church  which  they  visited,  definite 
regulations  arc  laid  down  as  to  the  treatment  they 
were  to  receive.  They  were  not  to  be  given  hospitality 
for  more  than  two  days,  nor  were  they,  when  they  loft 
a  particular  church,  to  receive  anything  beyond 
sufficient  food  to  sustain  them  till  they  reached  their 
next  destination.  Any  evangelist  who  asked  for  money, 
or  sought  more  than  those  regulations  accorded  to 
him,  is  denounced  as  "  a  false  prophet,"  "  a  Christ- 
trafficker,"  i.e.  a  man  who  uses  reUgion  as  a  cloke  for 
prsonal  gain.  A  group  of  travoUing  evangelists  were, 
in  this  instance,  going  forth  with  John's  approval, 
Demetrius  (12)  probably  being  their  leader  and  the 
bearer  of  this  epistle,  the  purpose  of  which  was  to 
commend  them  to  Ciaius  so  that  he  might  entertain 
them  in  the  event  of  the  local  church  being  persuaded 
by  Diotrephes  to  refuse  them  an  official  welcome.  This 
httlo  letter  sheds  an  interesting  light  upon  the  inner 
conditions  of  an  early  Christian  church. 

Literature. — See  under  1  Jn.  Add  Rendol  Harris, 
Exp.,  1901,  p.  194ff.  ;  Harnack,  Texte  wid  Untersiich- 
ungrn,  vol.  xv.  ;    Bartlet,  JThS,  vol.  vi. 

1.  Salutation. — Gains  (or  Cnius)  was  a  common 
Roman  name,  being  applied  elsewhere  in  the  NT  to 


men  belonging  to  Macedonia  (Ac.  I929),  Derbe  (Ac.  2O4) 
and  Corinth  (i  Cor.  I14).  The  Gaius  of  3  Jn.  maj'  have 
been  distinct  from  all  these,  though  early  tradition 
says  that  Gaius  of  Corinth  acted  as  John's  scribe,  and 
that  the  apostle  appointed  a  Gaius  as  Bishop  of  Pcr- 
gamum. 

2-8.  Commendation  of  Gaius. — John  expresses  his 
dehght  at  the  witness  borne  to  the  moral  integrity  of 
Gaius  by  some  who  had  visited  the  apostle.  He  prajrs 
that  Gaius  may  have  prosperity  and  health  commen- 
surate with  liis  spiritual  wellbeing.  Gaius  is  also  com- 
mended for  the  hospitahty  which  he  is  known  to  give 
to  evangelists  who  travelled  in  the  interests  of  the 
Gospel.  To  entertain  such  men  and  set  them  on  their 
wayin  a  worthyfashion  was  gracious  service  to  the  truth. 

3.  brethren :  possibly  the  visitors  who  reported  to 
"  the  elder  '"  the  facts  named  in  2  Jn.  4. — 5.  brethren 
and  strangers:  these  would  be  Christians  compelled, 
for  some  reason,  to  travel,  and  especially  itinerant 
evangelists,  who  went  forth  from  some  Christian  com- 
munity to  visit  other  churches  and  to  break  up  new 
ground  (see  Introduction).  Such  Christians  usually 
received  hospitahty  from  brother  Christians,  the  public 
inns,  because  of  their  low  moral  tone,  being  undesirable 
halting-places  for  Christian  travellers  and  evangelists 
(p.  615). — 6.  the  church:  i.e.  that  to  which  the  writer 
belonged. — 7.  the  Name:  i.e.  that  of  Christ  (c/.  Ac. 
54of.).  They  went  forth  out  of  love  for  Christ  and 
zeal  for  the  Gospel.  For  that  reason,  and  to  avoid 
contact  with  idolatrj-,  they  were  unwilhng  to  accept  the 
hospitality  sometimes  offered  them  in  heathen  homos. 

9-11.  Diotrephes  and  his  Evil  Doings.— This  leading 
official  in  the  church  of  which  Gaius  was  a  member  is 
denounced  because  of  his  ambition,  and  his  inhospitable 
treatment  of  "  the  elder  "  and  his  friends. 

9a.  See  Introduction.  Diotrephes:  his  name 
("  nourished  of  Zeus  ")  suggests  heathen  birth.  Ho 
appears  to  have  been  the  leading  official  of  his  church  ; 
beyond  this  nothing  is  known  of  him. — 10.  casteth  .  .  . 
church:  i.e.  expelled  them  from  membership.  Tliia 
suggests  that  Diotrephes  was  a  presiding  elder,  and 
therefore  one  who,  by  virtue  of.  his  office,  ought  him- 
self to  have  ent<Ttained  John's  missionaries. 

12.  Commendation  of  Demetrius. — Ho  was  probably 
the  bearer  of  this  letter  and  one  of  the  evangelists. 
The  name  was  so  common  that  any  identification  with 
the  Demetrius  of  Ac.  1924  is  improbable. 

13-14.  Conclusion. — The  writer  adds  no  more  bo- 
oauso  ho  hopes  soon  to  visit  Gaius.  He  sends  greetings 
from  liimself  and  others. — 14.  the  friends:  tliis  is 
almost  a  technical  expression  denoting  an  inner  circle 
in  the  churches  to  which  the  writer  and  Gaius  belonged. 
Those  constituting  each  group  wore  drawn  together 
by  moral  affinities  and  love  of  the  truth.  Here  "  the 
friends  "  at  Epliesus  .send  a  greeting  to  Gaius  and  "  the 
friends  "  in  hia  church. 


922 


JUDE 


By  the  Rev.  R.  BROOK 


The  author  of  this  writing  describes  himself  as 
"  Judas,  a  servant  of  Jesus  Christ  and  brother  of 
James."  He  plainly  implies  (17)  that  he  was  not  an 
apostle,  and  ho  must  be  distinguished  from  Judas,  the 
son  of  James  (Lk.  616,  Ac.  I13,  where  AV  wrongly  has 
"  brother  of  James,"  c/.  Jn.  142  2,  "  Judas,  not  Iscariot"). 
K  the  epistle  is  genuine,  he  must  be  identified  with  the 
Judas  mentioned,  together  with  James,  in  Mk.  63 
(f/.  Mt.  1355),  as  one  of  the  "brethren  of  the  Lord." 
He  is  not  mentioned  by  name  elsewhere  in  the  NT, 
and  the  only  reference  to  him  in  ecclesiastical  history 
is  in  the  story,  told  by  Hegesippus,  of  the  arrest,  in 
the  reign  of  Domitian,  of  the  grandsons  of  Jude,  "  said 
to  hare  been  the  Lord's  brother  after  the  flesh " 
(Eusebius,  Eccl.  Hist.,  iii.  19/.).  We  may,  however, 
conclude  that  as  one  of  the  "  brethren  of  the  Lord  " 
he  joined  himself  to  the  apostoUc  band  before  the  Day 
of  Pentecost  (Ac.  I14)  and  soon  came  to  occupy  a 
prominent  place  in  the  Church  (c/.  1  Cor.  95). 

Authenticity. — 1.  External  Evidence.  The  epistle 
was  accepted  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  who  wrote  a 
commentary  on  it ;  by  Origen,  with  some  reserve  ;  and 
by  Tertullian,  who,  however,  identified  the  author  with 
the  apostle  Judas.  It  is  included  in  the  Muratorian 
Canon  (c/.  p.  .595)  and  in  the  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Car- 
thage (a.d.  397).  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  classed  by 
Eusebius  among  the  "  disputed  books,"  and  later  writers 
generally  show  some  hesitation  in  accepting  it.  This, 
however,  was  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  from  the 
third  century  onwards  the  Assumption  of  Moses  and 
the  Book  of  Enoch,  from  which  Jude  freely  borrows, 
were  regarded  with  suspicion.  In  the  time  of  Tertullian 
Jude's  direct  reference  to  Enoch  (9)  was  regarded  as 
canonising  Enoch  ;  but  in  the  time  of  Jerome,  as  he 
expressly  says,  it  led  many  to  reject  Jude.  We  may 
conclude  that  the  wide  circulation  and  general  accept- 
ance of  the  epistle  at  the  end  of  the  second  century, 
despite  its  brevity,  its  lack  of  positive  teaching,  and  its 
admittedly  non-apostolic  authorship,  is  strong  e%ndence 
of  its  authenticity.  2.  Internal  evidence.  It  has  been 
maintained  that  the  epistle  dates  from  the  second 
century,  and  therefore  cannot  be  the  work  of  Jude, 
on  the  following  grounds :  (o)  That  the  author  looks 
back  on  the  apostolic  age  as  "  distant  and  authorita- 
tive "  (3,  4,  17).  But  an  examination  of  the  passages 
in  question  (see  below)  shows  that  this  interpretation 
of  them  is  not  necessary,  {b)  That  the  false  brethren 
denounced  were  "  second-century  Gnostics  "  (4,  8,  19). 
But  BO  little  is  said  of  their  teaching  that  there  are 
not  sufficient  data  to  substantiate  this  view  ;  further, 
1  Cor.  shows  us  that  wo  need  not  look  beyond  the 
apostolic  age  for  the  existence  within  the  Church  of 
such  evil-livers  as  are  hero  denounced,  (c)  That  the 
author  makes  use  ot  Enoch  and  tho  Assumption  of  Moses 
— "  two  lat©  Apocryphal  books.  '  At  one  time  great 
stress  was  laid  on  this  fact,  but  as  it  is  now  generally 
held  that  both  were  written  before  or  during  the  life- 


time of  Jesus,  this  argument  breaks  down.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  asserted  that  whatever  force  there  is  in 
these  arguments,  it  is  not  sufficient  to  outweigh  the 
strong  external  evidence.  On  the  other  hand,  that 
the  author  lays  no  claim  to  be  regarded  as  an  apostle, 
his  humility  in  describing  himself  as  "  brother  of 
James  "  rather  than  as  "  brother  of  the  Lord,"  and 
that,  after  the  salutation,  he  makes  no  attempt  to 
develop  his  identity  with  Jude  (contrast  2  P.), 
render  the  view  that  the  epistle  is  pseudonymous 
improbable. 

Date  and  Destination. — (1)  If  the  epistle  is  genuine, 
it  can  hardly  have  been  written  later  than  a.d.  80. 
(Hegesippus's  account  of  the  grandsoas  of  Jude  impliea 
that  their  arrest  took  place  early  in  the  reign  of 
Domitian  and  that  Jude  was  already  dead.)  On  the 
other  hand,  it  must  have  been  written  aft«r  Romans 
(24f.)  and  the  Pastorals  (18),  i.e.  after  a.d.  63.  (2)  The 
vices  of  the  false  brethren  are  similar  to  those  which 
we  see  from  1  Cor.  to  have  existed  in  the  Gentile 
churches,  and  we  may  conclude  that  the  readers  were 
Gentiles — a  conclusion  strengthened  by  the  reference 
in  3  to  "  our  common  salvation  "■ — "  he  writes  as  a 
Hebrew  Christian  to  GentUe  Christians "  (Chase). 
Though  the  salutation  is  general,  it  would  seem  that 
the  epistle  was  addressed  to  some  particular  church,  or 
churches,  in  which  the  author  had  some  special 
interest  and  about  which  he  had  just  received  dis- 
quieting news  (3f.).  (3)  We  can  gather  nothing  from 
the  epistle  as  to  the  place  of  its  composition.  Chase 
suggests  that  it  was  written  at  Jerusalem  about  the 
same  time  as  the  Pastoral  Epistles  and  addressed  to 
the  Church  at  Antioch  in  Syria.  This  is  a  plausible 
conjecture,  but  not  more  can  be  said.  If  the  epistle 
belongs  to  the  second  century,  we  really  know  nothing 
either  as  to  its  author  or  its  destination :  of  the 
various  views  suggested,  that  of  Hamack  (see  Sanday, 
Inspiration,  pp.  379-382)  is  the  most  probable. 

Relation  to  2  Peter. — A  comparison  of  the  two 
epistles  makes  it  plain  that  there  is  some  literary 
connexion  between  them  (cf.  especially  Jude  4-16  and 
2  P.  2i-i8  ;  Jude  lyi.  and  2  P.  32f.).  The  question 
arises,  which  of  the  two  borrowed  from  the  other. 
Apart  from  the  general  grounds  on  which  a  late  date 
is  assigned  to  2  P.  (see  p.  913),  an  independent  com- 
parison of  the  parallel  passages  shows  the  priority  of 
Judo.  This  is  the  conclusion  of  most  modem  scholars 
(though  Zahn,  Bigg,  and  others  maintain  the  priority 
of  2  P.).  "The  impression  which  they  leave  on  my 
mind  is  that  in  J.  we  have  the  first  thought,  in  P.  the 
second  thought ;  that  wo  can  generally  see  a  reason 
why  P.  should  have  altered  J.,  but  very  rarely  a  reason 
why  what  we  read  in  P.  should  have  l>een  altered  to 
what  we  find  in  J."  (Mayor).  "  Tho  various  lines  of 
argument  convcr<;o  and,  so  far  as  demonstration  is 
possible  in  literary  questions,  demonstrate  the  priority 
of  Jude  "  (Chase). 


924 


JUDE 


The  purpose  of  the  epistio  is  purely  practical ;  it 
contains  little  teaching  and  is  not  particularly 
edifying. 

Literature. —  CommenUiriea :  (o)  Lumby  (Sp.). 
Plunimer,  Bennett  (CVnt.B),  Pluraptre  (CB),  Mitchell 
(\\NT);  (b)  J.  B.  Mayor,  Bigg  (ICC),  J.  B.  Mavor 
(E(!T),  James  (COT) ;  (c)  Winclisch  (HNT),  von  Soden 
(HC),  Burgor  (KHS),  IloUmann  (SNT),  Knopf  (Mey.), 
Spitta,  de  Zwaan  ;  ((/)  Pluminer  (Ex.B),  Salmond  (PC). 
Other  Literature  :  Articles  in  Dictionaries  and  Encyclo- 

Esedias  (especially  Chase  in  HUB),  Discussions  in 
[istories  of  the  Apostolic  Age,  Introductions  to  NT ; 
JThS,  vi.  391ff.  569fE. ;  Jones,  The  NT  in  the  Twen- 
tieth Century,  343-50. 

1-4.  The  author  had  intended  to  write  them  a  pastoral 
letter,  but  circumstances  have  made  it  necessarj'  for 
him  to  write  in  a  different  strain  and  to  exhort  them 
to  contend  earnestly  for  the  faitli.  These  circumstances 
were  the  presence  in  their  midst  of  false  brethren — 
whose  doom  was  appointed  long  ago — men  denying 
Jesus  Christ,  their  Master  and  Lord,  by  their  vicious 
lives. 

3.  the  faith  .  .  .  unto  the  saints  :  this  reference  to 
the  faith  as  "  a  fixed  and  final  deposit  "  is  said  to 
prove  the  late  date  of  the  epistle  :  but  the  same  con- 
ception of  '■  the  faith  '  is  found  in  the  Pastoral 
Epistles;  cf.  also  GaL  I23,  Rom.  lOs,  Eph.  45. — the 
ssdnts,  i.e.  Christians  ;  the  phrase  does  not  suEcgest  that 
the  writer  regards  those  to  whom  the  faitli  was  de- 
livered as  belonging  to  an  earlier  generation  than  those 
to  whom  ho  writes. — 4.  of  old  set  .  .  .  condemnation : 
render,  "  who  were  long  ago  set  forth  in  writing  to 
this  doom."  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  '"  the 
writing  "  is  some  early  Christian  document  (possibly 
2  P.)  and  to  see  here  proof  of  the  late  date  of  Jude  (or 
of  the  priority  of  2  P.).  The  writing  is  the  OT  with 
its  denunciation  of  evil-Uvers.  Jude  has  not  yet 
said  what  the  doom  is ;  it  is  described  in  the  next 
section. 

5-7.  Three  examples  are  given  as  revealing  the  doom 
of  such  evil-livers :  the  faithless  Israehtes  in  the 
wilderness,  who  were  destroyed ;  the  fallen  angels, 
who  are  kept  in  bonds  under  darkness  until  the 
Judgment  Day  ;  and  the  Cities  of  the  Plam,  which 
suffered  the  punishment  of  eternal  fire. 

6.  The  sin  of  the  angcLs  was  twofold  :  (a)  "  they 
kept  not  their  own  principahty,"  the  sphere  allotted 
to  them  by  God  (Dt.  328,  Enoch  I813  21 3) — the  sin  of 
pride  or  disobedience  ;  (6)  "  they  left  their  proper  habi- 
tation," they  came  down  to  earth  (Gen.  61-4*  ;  Enoch, 
'txtssim) — the  sin  of  lust ;  the  fall  of  the  angels  through 
lust  is  one  of  the  main  subjects  in  Enoch.  The 
tradition  as  to  their  punishment  is  derived  from 
Enoch  (c/.  104,12,  543).  (For  the  use  of  Enoch  by 
Jude,  see  the  parallels  quoted  by  Chase.)  The  whole 
passage  should  bo  compared  with  2  P.  21-9,  which  is 
based  on  it. 

8-16.  The  false  bretliren  sin  in  like  manner.  In 
their  "  dreainings,"  i.e.  vain  conceits  ("  yielding  to 
their  own  waj-\vard  fancies,"  Cha.se),  they  are  licentious 
and  rebellious.  They  despise  the  Lordship  ( 8* )  and  rail 
at  the  glorious  ones  (cf.  mg.).  Unlike  Michael,  who  in 
his  controversy  with  the  devil  did  not  al>use  him,  they 
do  not  fear  to  utter  abuse  upon  things  whicli  are 
beyond  their  knowlcnlge  (i.e.  the  Ixjrdship  and  the 
glorious  ones) ;  and  in  the  carnal  things  which,  like 
mere  animals,  they  do  understand,  they  are  destroyed. 
They  are  compared  to  Cain,  to  Balaam,  and  to  KoVah. 
They  are  as  dangerous  as  hidden  rocks,  selfish  as 
shepherds  who  only  fet^d  themselves,  useless  as  floating, 
waterless  clouds  or  barren  trees,  disobedient  as  wander- 


ing stars  (which  "  keep  not  their  own  principality  " — 
their  sin  is  like  that  of  the  fallen  angeLs  and  they  are 
doomed  to  the  same  fate — see  on  6).  It  was  to  these 
also  that  Enoch  spoke  when  he  foretold  the  linal 
judgment.  They  are  discontented,  licentious,  boastful, 
unprincipled  self-seekers.  The  whole  passage  should 
be  compared  with  2  P.  210-17. 

8.  dominion:  render,  the  Lordship,  i.e.  Christ  or 
God :  c/.  Didudie  4i  ("  whencesoevcr  the  Lordship 
speaketh,  there  is  the  Lord  "). — dignities:  render,  the 
glorious  ones,  i.e.  the  heavenly  beings  (2  P.  2io*). — 
9.  The  story  of  Michael  is  taken  from  the  Assumption 
of  Moses.  The  devil  claimed  the  body  of  iloses  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  a  murderer  (Ex.  2ii).  This 
was  blasphemy  which  Michael  would  not  tolerate,  yet 
he  forbore  to  charge  the  devil  with  blasphemy,  and 
merely  said  :  "  The  Lord  rebuke  thee."  The  story  is 
not  found  in  that  fragment  of  the  Assumption  which 
has  been  preserved,  but  its  presence  in  the  original 
work  is  well  attested  (cf.  Clement  of  Alexandria'3 
Commentary  on  Judo  ;  also  Origen,  rfe  Princ.  Ill,  ii.  1). 
— 11.  in  the  way  of  Cain:  the  false  brethren  were  not 
murderers,  and  there  is  an  element  of  exaggeration  in 
the  comparison,  which  probably  accounts  for  2  P. '3 
omission  of  it ;  but  cf.  Wisd.  IO3,  where  Cain  is  re- 
garded as  a  tj'picaily  unrighteous  man.  Jude  empha- 
sizes mainly  the  unclcanness  ("  the  error  ")  of  Balaam 
(Nu.  25,  the  sin  of  Baal-Peor  ;  cf.  Rev.  214) ;  in  2  P. 
the  emphasis  is  rather  on  his  covetousness.  Korah 
despised  the  authority  of  Moses  (Nu.  16),  as  tho 
false  brethren  despised  the  rulers  of  the  church.— 
12.  love-feasts:  2  P.  213*.  Taken  in  cormexion  with 
■  shepherds  that  feed  themselves,"  and  the  charge  of 
making  "  separations "  (19),  we  may  suppose  tlie 
reference  is  to  such  disorders  as  are  mentioned  in 
connexion    with    the    "  Lord's    Supper "    at    Corinth 

1  Cor.  lli8-22^. — 14.  Enoch,  the  seventh  from  Adam 
(cf.  Gen.  5) :  the  quotation  is  based  on  two  pa.ssages 
in  the  introduction  to  the  Book  of  Enoch  (I9  and  54). 

17f.  But  remember  the  words  of  the  apostles, how  they 
warned  you  that  in  the  last  times  such  men  would  be 
found.  This  passage  plainly  implies  that  the  writer  was 
not  himself  an  apostle:  some  critics  maintain  that  it  also 
implies  that  the  epistle  dates  from  the  sub-apostolic 
age.  But  the  past  to  which  the  writer  refers  was  the 
time  when  those  whom  he  is  addressing  had  received 
oral  instruction  from  the  apostles — or  some  of  them  ; 
that  period  of  personal  intercourse  was  now  past, 
not  necessarily  because  the  apostles  were  dead,  but 
Ijecause  they  were  no  longer  living  in  that  neigh- 
bourhood. If  we  suppose  that  the  epistle  wag 
addressed  to  Antioch,  the  language  is  quite  consistent 
with  the  situation  in  a.d.  63-ti4,  when  Peter  and 
Paul  were  in  Rome  and  the  other  apostles  had  left 
Palestine. 

18.  The  same  prophecy,  expanded  so  as  to  include 
an  anticipation  of  the  denial  of  the  Parousia,  is  given 
in  2  P.  33,  though  2  P.  gives  it  as  his  own  prophecy. 
It  has  been  urged  that  Jude  is  hero  quoting  2  P.  and 
giving  apostolic  authority  to  it.  But  the  prophecy 
itself  was  plainlv  a  constJant  element  in  the  apostolic 
teaching  (rf.  1  Tim.  4i,  2  Tim.  3i-5,  Ac.  2O29),  and 
Jude"s  reference  to  it  in  no  way  implies  dependence  on 

2  P.  The  probability  is  that  the  writer  of  2  P.,  finding 
the  prophecy  attributed  by  Jude  to  the  apostles,  quotes 
it  as  his  own,  in  order  still  further  to  establish  his 
identity  with  Peter. 

19-23.  Those  false  brethren  make  divisions  among 
you,  but  do  you  build  up  yourselves  by  means  of  your 
most  holy  faith.  Aa  regards  them,  show  mercy  to- 
wards those  who  are  in  doubt ;  save  others,  snatching 


JUDE  926 

them  from  the  fire  which  13  consuming  them ;  show  may  be  conflate ;  "  some  save,  plucking  them  from 
meicy  to  others,  yet  fear  lest  you  be  contaminated  by  the  fire  ;  some,  who  dispute,  pity  in  fear  "  (so  Bigg) ; 
them.  see  WH,  vol  ii.  p.  lOGff.  The  two  versos  may  be 
19.  separations:  cf.  the  warning  against  those  who  compared  with  Didache,  ii.  7.  "  It  is  conceivable  that 
cause  divisions  in  Rom.  I617  ;  the  divisions  were  parts  of  the  Didache  are  ultimately  the  work  of  the 
probably  social  (cf.  16,  "  resppct  of  persons  "),  such  aa  author  of  this  epistle  "  (Chase). — ^24!.  The  epistle  con- 
are  referred  to  in  1  Cor.  11  and  Jas.  2i. — 22f.  on  some  eludes  with  a  doxology,  which  both  in  form  and 
have  mercy  who  are  in  doubt :  or  possibly,  "  some  language  should  be  compared  with  the  doxology  in 
confute  when  they  dispute."  The  text  of  both  verses  Rom.  I625-27.  Note  the  advanced  Christology — 
is  most  uncertain.  Possibly  the  original  text  only  Glory  to  C4od  through  Jesus  Christ  from  all  eternity 
contained  two  clauses  and  the  text  adopted  in  RV  to  all  eternity.     Amen. 


REVELATION 


By  Professor  H.  T.  ANDREWS 


Character  of  the  Book.— The  Book  of  Revelation  ib 
unique  as  far  as  the  NT  is  concerned,  and  has  few 
points  of  afiRnity  with  other  NT  writings,  but  it  is  by 
no  means  unique  in  Jewish  or  Jewish-Christian  litera- 
ture. It  is  the  blossom  and  fruit  of  the  gieat  apoca- 
lyptic movement  which  grew  up  in  the  century  before 
and  the  century  after  Christ.  No  one  can  hope  to 
understand  tlie  book  till  he  has  made  himself  famihar 
with  this  movement,  and  the  student  is  recommended 
to  approach  the  study  of  it  by  reading  carefully  the 
article  on  Apocalyptic  Literature  (pp.  431-435).  What 
Daniel  is  to  the  OT  and  Enoch  and  4  Ezr.  are  to  later 
Jewish  literature,  the  Book  of  Revelation  is  to  the  NT. 
Until  the  significance  of  the  apocalyptic  movement  is 
properly  appreciated.  Revelation  will  remain  a  sphinx 
riddle  to  the  modern  reader,  and  the  value  of  iis 
message  will  be  completely  missed. 

The  Interpretation  of  the  Book.— Many  methods  of 
interpretation  have  been  suggested,  (a)  One  school  of 
mtcrpretcrs  (generally  known  as  the  Futurists)  main- 
tains that  the  prophecies  of  the  book  still  refer  to  the 
future,  and  we  must  wait  for  the  end  of  the  world 
before  they  will  be  reaUsed.  Such  a  theory,  however, 
cannot  be  maintamed  in  face  of  the  writer's  own 
exphcit  statement  that  his  utterances  must  shortly 
come  to  pass  (li).  He  did  not  place  the  fulfilment  of 
his  prophecies  in  the  dim  and  distant  future  :  he  looked 
for  their  realisation  m  his  own  day.  (h)  Another  view 
regards  the  book  as  a  diagram  of  liistory  from  the 
writer's  own  time  to  the  end  of  tlie  world.  Part  of 
it,  therefore,  has  been  fulfilled  ;  part  is  now  in  course 
of  fulfilment  ;  part  still  belongs  to  the  future.  This 
is  known  as  the  historical  method  of  interpretation. 
This  theory  is  open  to  the  same  objections  as  the 
Futurist,  and  it  has  the  additional  difficulty  to  meet 
that  though  history  has  now  gone  on  for  nearly  2000 
years,  it  is  impossible  to  find  the  faintest  trace  of  its 
outline  in  the  Book  of  Revelation,  (c)  The  true  theory 
is  known  aa  the  Preterist,  and  maintains  that  the 
writer  had  solely  the  needs  of  his  own  age  in  view 
when  he  wrote  the  book.  The  drama  belongs  entirely 
to  the  past.  The  vision  of  the  author  never  extended 
beyond  the  first  century.  The  Apocalypse  was  an 
attempt  to  solve  the  problems  which  faced  the  Early 
Church.  Like  all  other  apocalyptio  writers,  the  author 
of  Revelation  could  see  no  escaix)  from  the  difficulties 
of  the  hour,  except  by  a  Divine  intervention  which 
would  mean  the  end  of  the  age. 

The  Situation  In  which  the  Book  was  Written.— The 
l)ook  was  written  to  meet  an  extremely  grave  situation. 
Persecution  had  broken  out  on  all  sides.  The  writer 
himwlf  had  U-on  exiled  to  Patmos.  Though  the  name 
of  only  one  martyr  (Antipas)  is  given  (2i3).  there  is 
every  indication  "that  martyrdoms  were  of  frequent 
occurrence.  At  the  ojjening  of  the  fifth  seal,  for 
instance,  the  writer  sees  "  underneath  the  altar  the 
souls  of  them  that  ha<.l  been  slain  for  the  word  of  God 


and  for  the  testimony  which  they  held  "  (69).  A 
systematic  attempt  was  being  made  to  establish  Caesar- 
worship  on  an  extensive  scale.  An  edict  was  issued 
that  "  as  many  as  should  not  worship  the  image  of 
the  beast  should  be  killed  "  (13i5)-  The  devotees  of 
the  cult  of  Cccsar  wore  a  special  mark  "  on  their  right 
hand  or  upon  their  forehead."  and  all  who  had  not 
received  the  "  mark  of  the  beast,"  as  it  was  called,  were 
boycotted  m  the  markets  and  ostracLscd  in  social  life. 
This  clash  between  Christianity  and  Caesar-worship 
entailed  untold  sufferings  upon  the  followers  of  Chnst. 
To  profess  the  Christian  faith  meant  the  risk  of 
martyrdom  and  the  certamty  of  petty  persecution  in 
the  ordinary  avocations  of  life.  The  strain  had  become 
well-nigh  mtolcrable,  and  a  wholesale  sacrifice  of  life 
seemed  mevitable  if  Christianity  was  to  maintain  its 
integrity.  It  was  no  wonder  that  large  numbers  of 
Christians  grew  weak  in  the  faith  and  compromised 
their  religion. 

The  Message  of  the  Book.— It  was  to  meet  this 
situation  that  the  Book  of  Revelation  was  written. 
The  writer  had  inlierited  from  the  past  three  great 
ideas,  (a)  Like  all  Christians  of  the  time  he  behoved 
m  the  near  return  of  Christ,  (b)  Like  all  apocalj^ptio 
writers  he  held  that  before  the  end  God  would  intervene 
in  human  history  to  vindicate  truth  and  righteousness 
and  save  His  jieople  from  their  foes,  (c)  This  inter- 
vention would  mean  a  day  of  judgment  for  the  world, 
the  destruction  of  Antichrist,  and  the  establishment  of 
a  kingdom  of  saints.  In  the  Book  of  Revelation  the 
three  great  ideas  are  applied  to  the  crisis  which  con- 
fronted the  Church  in  the  first  century.  The  prosix^ct 
seemed  so  hopeless  that  no  human  way  of  escape 
appeared  possible.  Faith,  therefore,  demanded  that 
God  should  act,  and  m  the  fii-st  century  Divine  action 
could  only  follow  the  Unes  wliich  had  been  laid  down 
in  apocalyptic  literature.  The  Book  of  Revelation  is 
right  in  assnmmg  that  God  must  come  to  the  lescue  of 
His  people;  it  is  wrong  only  when  it  attempts  to 
describe  the  mode  in  which  the  deliverance  must  arrive. 
Its  lurid  pictures  of  the  outpouring  of  God's  wrath 
were  not  realised,  but  its  promise  of  Divine  succour 
and  help  for  the  stricken  Church  was  abundantly 
fulfilled. 

The  Unity  of  the  Book.— There  has  been  much  discus- 
sion in  recent  vears  as  I0  whether  the  book  is  the  work 
of  an  original  prophet,  or  whether  it  embodies  a  Jewish 
ApocahT)S0  or  at  any  rate  some  old  Jewish  apocaiyptio 
material.  One  of  the  most  advanced  theories  is  that 
of  Vischer,  who  mamtains  that  the  bulk  of  the  book  is 
a  Jewish  work  to  which  the  author  ha,s  added  a  Christian 
introduction  (1-3)  and  appendix  (22)  and  some  inter- 
polations in  the  general  body  of  the  work.  This  ^^ew 
is  at  first  sight  \otv  attractive.  Hamack  says,  for 
instance,  that  when  he  first  read  it,  "  there  fell,  as  it 
were,  scales  from  my  eyes."  It  has  not,  however, 
won  general  support,  because  most  writers  feel  that 
9'J« 


REVELATION 


927 


the  Christian  elements  are  inextricably  woven  into  the 
fabric  of  the  book,  and  cannot  be  as  easily  separated 
as  Vischer  imagines.  The  very  simplicity  of  the  theory 
seems  to  be  fatal  to  it.  More  comphcated  theories  like 
those  of  Weyland,  Spitta,  and  Schmidt  assume  the 
existence  of  two  or  even  three  Jewish  sources  which 
have  been  incorporated  in  the  present  work.  It  ia 
impossible  to  describe  these  hypotheses  in  detail  here, 
but  a  full  account  may  be  found  in  Moffatts  INT, 
pp.  489-^91.  The  view  which  finds  most  acceptance 
among  modem  scholars  is  that  the  book  on  the  whole 
is  a  unity,  but  that  the  author  freely  used  not  so  much 
a  Jewish  Apocalypse  but  apocalyptic  material  taken 
from  many  sources.  There  is  a  difference  of  opinion 
as  to  the  amount  of  this  material  which  has  been 
embodied  in  the  book,  but  most  scholars  are  agreed 
that  it  includes  II1-13  and  12.  Many  critics  think 
that  there  are  interpolations  in  7,  8,  13,  18,  and  19 
(see  Molfatt,  pp.  493-496). 

The  Drama  of  the  Book. — One  of  the  great  problems 
is  to  decide  whether  there  is  any  real  movement  in  the 
plot  of  the  book,  or  whether  the  different  scenes  simply 
recapitulate  the  same  position.  Is  the  book  a  drama 
in  which  there  is  a  steady  progress  towards  the  climax, 
or  does  it  resemble  a  "  miracle  play  '"  in  which  the 
different  scenes  are  loosely  thrown  together  without 
any  unity  of  development  ?  Do  the  "  seven  trumpets  " 
and  "  the  seven  bowls  "  represent  an  advance  on  "  the 
seven  seals  "  or  are  they  simply  a  repetition  ?  Much 
may  be  said  in  favour  of  both  views.  As  the  book 
stands,  there  is  certainly  much  repetition,  but  at  the 
same  time  there  is  a  movement  of  the  drama.  The 
appearance  of  Antichrist  in  the  second  half  of  the 
book  marks  a  real  advance  upon  the  jwsition  reached 
in  the  first  half.  Much  of  the  repetition  may  be  due 
to  the  writers  desire  to  keep  the  number  "  seven  " 
throughout.  There  are  indications,  for  instance,  that 
there  were  only  four  seals  in  the  source  which  the 
writer  used,  and  according  to  J.  Weiss  and  Charles 
there  were  originally  only  three  tnimpets. 

The  Contents  of  the  Book  may  be  tabulated  as 
follows : 

L  Prelude  (1-3). 

(a)  The  Introductory  Vision. 

(b)  The  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches. 
IL  Act  I.  The  Seven  Seals  (4r-6). 

(a)  Scene  1.  The  Vision  of  Heaven  (4k). 

(h)  Scene  2.  The  Plagues  of  the  Seven  Seals  (6). 

III.  First   Interlude    (7) :     The   Sealmg   of   the   Re- 

deemed on  Earth  and  in  Heaven. 

IV.  Act  II.  The  Seven  Trumpets  (8f.). 
V.  Second  Interlude  ( lOf . )  in  two  parts. 

(o)  The  Vision  of  the  Strong  Angel  and  tho 
Little  Book  (10). 

(b)  The  Vision  of  the  two  Witnesses  (II1-14). 
VL  ActIII(12f.). 

(a)  Scene  1.  The  Appearance  of  the  Dragon  and 

the  War  in  Heaven  (12). 
(6)  Scene  2.  The  Appearance  of  the  Two  Beasts 
and  the  War  on  Earth  (13). 
VIL  Third  Interiude  (14).     The  Vision  of  the  Re- 
deemed in  Heaven  and  the  Doomed  ou 
Earth. 
VIII.  Act  IV.  The  Plague  of  the  Bowls  (15t). 
(a)  Scene  1.  Vision  of  Heaven  (15). 
(6)  Scene  2.  The  Plague  of  tho  Bowls  (16). 
IX.  Act  V.  The  Vision  of  Doom  (17-20). 

(a)  Scene  I.  The  Overthrow  of  the  Beast  (17) 
followed  by  a  Dirge  over  tho  Fallen  City 
(18). 


(b)  Scene  2.  The  Triumph  of  Heaven  (19). 

(c)  Scene  3.  The  Overthrow  of  Satan  and  the 

Fmal  Judgment  (20). 
X.  Act  VI.  The  New  Heaven  and  the  New  Earth 
(21-225). 
XL  Epilogue  (226-2 1). 

The  Author  of  the  Book. — ^The  only  facts  we  gather 
from  the  book  itself  are  that  its  author's  name  was 
John — that  he  was  a  '"  brother  and  partaker  "  with 
the  people  to  whom  he  was  writing  '*  in  the  tribulation 
and  kingdom  " — and  that  he  had  been  exiled  to 
Patmos  "  for  the  word  of  God  and  the  testimony  of 
Jesus."  There  is  nothing  in  these  statements  to 
identify  this  John  with  the  Apostle,  but  early  Christian 
tradition  assumed  the  identification.  Justin  Martyr 
(about  A.D.  150)  says  definitely  with  reference  to  the 
book,  "  A  certain  man  whose  name  was  John,  one  of 
the  apostles  of  Christ,  prophesied  in  a  revelation  which 
came  to  him."  TertuUian  and  Clement  of  Alexandria 
are  equally  emphatic  in  their  statements.  This  opinion 
was  not  definitely  challenged  till  the  third  century, 
when  Gains  of  Rome  (I'lO)  and  Dionysius  of  Alexandna 
(a.d.  240)  denied,  on  the  grounds  of  style  and  subject- 
matter,  that  the  Fourth  Gospel  and  the  Book  of  Revela- 
tion could  be  the  work  of  the  same  writer.  Eusebius  of 
Csesarea  too  (a.d.  325)  expresses  some  hesitation  about 
admitting  the  Apocalypse  into  the  NT  Canon,  and  this 
hesitation  would  have  been  impossible,  if  he  had  been 
sure  that  the  book  was  written  by  an  apostle.  There 
are  strong  grounds  to-day  for  questioning  the  apostolic 
authorship,  (a)  The  early  tradition  in  its  favour  is  by 
no  means  conclusive.  We  have  almost  as  good  grounds 
for  assigning  to  Peter  an  apocalj^se  which  we  £aow  he 
did  not  write.  (6)  Modem  criticism  corroborates  the 
opinion  of  Dionysius,  that  it  is  incredible  that  the  Book 
of  Revelation  and  the  Fourth  Gospel  came  from  the 
same  pen.  The  style,  the  contents,  and  the  theological 
outlook  of  the  two  books  are  diametrically  opposed  to 
each  other.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  if  the  two 
books  were  written  by  the  same  hand,  the  personahty 
of  the  author  must  have  completely  changed  in  the 
interval,  (c)  There  is  nothing  m  the  book  itself  which 
constitutes  a  claim  to  apostoMc  authorship.  John 
was  a  common  name,  and  no  two  Johns  ought  to  bo 
identified  without  a  tangible  reason.  Failing  John 
the  Apostle,  an  attempt  has  been  made  by  some 
scholars  to  identify  the  writer  of  the  Revelation  with 
John  the  Presbyter,  who  is  described  by  Papias  as  a 
disciple  of  the  Lord.  The  points  in  favour  of  the 
theory  are  :  («)  John  the  Presbj-ter  belonged  to  the 
inner  group  of  teachers  in  the  sub-apostolic  age. 
{b)  He  hved  in  Asia  Minor,  (c)  He  probably  shared  the 
millenarian  views  of  Papias.  But  the  theory  is  mere 
guesswork  after  all,  and  there  are  no  groupds  which 
enable  us  to  lift  it  out  of  tho  region  of  hj?pothesis. 
Another  view,  which  was  first  suggested  as  a  possibility 
(though  he  did  not  accept  it )  by  Dionysius  of  Alexandria, 
connects  the  Revelation  with  the  name  of  John  3Iark, 
the  reputed  author  of  the  second  gospeL  Here  again, 
however,  the  evidence  is  far  too  sliglit  and  scanty  to 
amount  to  anything  like  proof.  One  serious  objection 
is  that  we  have  no  data  for  connecting  John  Mark 
with  Asia  Minor.  In  the  light  of  our  present  knowledge, 
therefore,  all  that  can  be  said  is  that  we  have  no  means 
of  identifying  with  certiiinty  the  John  to  whom  the 
authorship  of  the  Apocalypse  is  imputed.  He  must 
remain  "  an  unknown  prophet,"  but  that  does  not  in 
the  least  detract  from  the  value  of  liis  book. 

The  Date  of  the  Book.— Ancient  tradition  is  fairly 
unanimous   in   assigning   the    book   to    the    reign   of 


928 


REVELATION 


Dortiitian  (a.d.  81-96).  IreniBus  (a.d.  180),  for 
instance,  says  that  the  vision  of  the  Apocalypse  "  was 
seen  not  a  long  time  ago,  but  almost  in  our  own 
generation,  at  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Domitian." 
Attempts  have  l>een  made  by  many  modem  scholars, 
however,  to  prove  an  earher  date  for  the  book.  Some 
have  attempted  to  place  it  as  earlj'  as  the  reign  of 
Noro.  The  main  argument  upon  which  they  rely  is 
the  statement  in  lli,  which  appears  to  imply  that  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem  was  still  intact,  and  which,  in 
that  case,  must  refer  to  a  period  anterior  to  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  A.D.  70  ( 1 1 1*).  In  addition 
to  this,  those  scholars  who  maintain  the  Johanninc 
authorship  of  both  the  Fourth  Gospel  and  the  Book  of 
Revelation  find  it  necessary,  on  account  of  the  differ- 
ences in  style  and  outlook,  to  posit  a  longer  interval 
between  the  two  books  than  a  Domitianic  date  would 
allow.  Others  argue  for  a  date  in  the  reign  of  Vespasian 
(about  77).  The  mainstay  of  this  theory  is  the  allusion 
to  the  seven  kings  in  17io*,  whore  the  reigning  emperor 
is  probably  to  be  identified  with  Vespasian,  and  the 
fact  that  the  frequent  allusions  to  the  legend  of  a 
"  returning  Nero  "  imply  that  his  death  had  already 
occurred.  It  does  not  seem  easy,  however,  to  maintain 
either  of  these  theories  in  view  of  the  following  facts : 
(a)  The  widespread  cult  of  Caesar-worship,  which  is 
writ  large  over  the  pages  of  the  Book  of  Revelation, 
belongs  to  the  age  of  Domitian  rather  than  to  an  earlier 
period.  As  Moffatt  says,  "  No  worship  of  the  Emperor 
which  is  adequate  to  the  data  of  the  Apocalypse  was 
enforced  till  Domitian's  reign."  (6)  There  is  no  trace 
before  Domitian  of  such  a  persecution  in  Asia  Minor 
as  is  described  in  the  Apocalypse.  Nero's  persecution 
was  Limited  in  the  main  to  Rome,  and  there  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  another  serious  outbreak  till  we 
reach  Domitian's  reign,  (c)  The  allusion  to  the 
"  eighth  emperor  "  in  17i  i*  carries  us  beyond  Vespasian 
and  seems  to  identify  "  Nero  redivivus  "  with  Domitian. 
In  view  of  these  facts,  it  seems  best  to  maintain  the 
traditional  date,  first  suggested  by  Irenoeus,  for  the 
book  in  its  finished  form,  i.e.  some  date  between 
A.D.  80  and  96.  The  indications  which  seem  to  point 
to  an  earlier  date  arc  probably  to  be  explained  by  the 
fact  that  the  author  has  incorporated  earlier  material, 
and  in  some  cases  has  omitted  to  bring  it  up  to  date. 

The  Canoniclty  of  the  Book. — "  No  book  in  the  NT," 
says  Swetc,  '"  with  so  good  a  record,  was  so  long  in 
gaining  general  acceptance."  Dionysius  of  Alexandria 
in  his  critique  of  it  says,  "  Before  our  time  some  have 
rejected  and  attempted  to  refute  the  book  as  a  whole, 
criticising  every  chapter  and  pronouncing  it  unin- 
telligible and  nonsensical."  He  then  proceeds  to  state 
the  theory,  which  was  held  in  many  quarters,  that  it 
was  the  work  of  C!erinthus.  He  tolls  us,  however,  that 
he  is  not  able  to  accept  this  view  himself,  since,  though 
ho  feels  its  contents  "  pass  his  comprehension,"  he  is 
not  willing  on  that  account  to  reject  it  altogether. 
Gaius  of  Rome,  too,  who  wrote  some  thirty  years  earlier 
than  Dionysius  (202-219),  also  denied  that  the  book 
was  of  apostohc  origin,  and  ascribed  it  to  Cerinthus. 
Eusebius,  as  we  have  seen,  also  displays  some  doubt 
about  the  book,  and  tells  us  that  in  his  day  some 
people  ranked  it  among  "  the  spurious  writings,"  while 
Oyril  of  Alexandria  (c.  430)  not  only  omits  it  from  his 
list  of  canonical  writings,  but  seems  definitely  to  exclude 
it  from  private  and  public  use.  Yet,  in  spit«  of  these 
adverse  opinions,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Apocalypse 
received  very  warm  supj)ort  from  quite  early  days. 
There  seems  to  be  evidence  that  it  was  known  to  and 
used  by  Papias  (c.  135).  It  is  apparently  quoted  in  the 
Hhcp/icrd  of  Hennas  (c.  140).     Justin  Martyr  mentions 


it  by  name  and  ascribes  it  to  the  Apostle  John.  Melito 
of  Sardis  seems  to  have  wiitten  a  book  about  it.  The 
Muratorian  Canon  (c.  a.d.  170)  recognises  it  and  acknow- 
ledges the  Johanninc  authorship.  The  letter  of  the 
Churches  in  Gaul  (a.d.  177.  Eusebius,  Eccl.  Hist..  V.  1) 
quotes  it  as  Scripture.  Later  writers  like  Irenasus, 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Origen  and  Cyprian, 
accept  it  without  question.  The  evidence  is,  there- 
fore, overwhelming  that  by  far  the  greatest  and  most 
irifluential  section  of  the  Christian  Church  in  the  early 
centuries  ranked  the  Apocalypse  as  Scripture. 

Literature. — Cummentaries  :  (a)  C.  A;  Scott  (Cent.B), 
A.  Ramsay  (WXT).  Randell  (PC),  Lee  (Sp.),  W. 
IVlilUgan.  Simcox  (CB),  Dean  ;  (b)  Swete,  Moffatt  (EGT), 
Hort  (chs.  1-3  onlv),  Simcox  (CGT),  Charles  (ICC); 
(c)  Calmes,  *Bleek,  Bousset*  (Mey.),  J.  Weiss  (SNT), 
Holtzmann- Bauer  (HC)  ;  (d)  W.  Milligan  (Ex.B), 
C.  A.  Scott,  7'he  Book  of  the  Revelation  ;  C.  Brown, 
Heavenly  Visions ;  W.  MilMgan,  Lectures  on  the 
Apocalypse ;  Hill,  Apocalyptic  Problems ;  Goud^ie, 
The  Apocalypse  and  the  Present  Age  (CQR,  Oct. 
1916).  Other  Literature :  Articles  in  Dictionaries, 
Histories  of  the  ApostoUc  Age,  Introductions  to  NT, 
Burkitt,  Jewish  and  Christian  Apocalypses ;  Charles. 
Studies  in  the  Apocalypse ;  Pfleiderer,  Primitive 
Christianity,  vol.  iii.  ;  ^^^  M.  Ramsay,  The  Letters  to 
the  Seven  Churches  ;  Porter,  The  Messages  of  the  Apoca- 
lyptic Writers  ;  Gunkel,  Schopfung  und  Chaos  ;  Work- 
man, Persecution  in  the  Early  Church  ;  Peake,  The 
Person  of  Christ  in  the  Revelation  of  John  in  Mans- 
field College  Essays ;  C.  H.  Turner,  Studies  in  Early 
Church  History,  ISOff. ;  Studies  by  Vischer,  J.  Weiss, 
"Wellhausen,  etc. 

1.  The  Superscription. — 1-3.  An  introductory  para- 
graph describing  the  purpose  and  contents  of  the  book. 

1.  Revelation,  i.e.  unveiUng  of  the  future. — God  gave 
him :  the  Son  receives  the  revelation  from  the  Father 
(c/.  Jn.  7i6). — shortly  come  to  pass:  the  writer  ex- 
pected a  speedy  fulfilment  of  the  prophecies  (cf.  22()). — 
angel:  the  source  of  the  prophecies  in  this  book  is 
God,  who  speaks  through  Christ,  who  speaks  through 
the  angel  to  His  servant  John  [cf.  4-9). — 2.  testimony 
of  Jesus  :  i.e.  that  to  which  Jesus  bore  testimony. — 3. 
he  that  readeth  :  not  the  ordinary  reader  of  the  book, 
but  the  man  whose  duty  it  was  to  read  it  aloud  in 
public  to  the  church.  [On  the  office  of  the  Reader, 
.see  Hamack,  Sources  of  the  Apostolic  Canons.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  the  office  had  been  developed  by 
this  time.— A.  S.  P-l 

4-8.  The  greeting  is  addressed  to  the  seven  churches 
of  Asia  for  whom  the  book  was  written. 

4.  seven  churches,  i.e.  Ephesus,  SmjTna,  Pergamum, 
Thyatira,  Sardis,  Philadelphia,  Laodicea. — Asia:  not 
in  the  modem  sense  but  the  Roman  province,  which 
extentled  along  the  westem  coast-lme  of  what  is  now 
known  as  Asia  Minor. — which  was,  etc.  :  this  phrase 
describes  the  eternity  of  God.  He  is  Lonl  of  the  past, 
the  prcsent,  and  the  future. — the  seven  spirits:  a 
startling  expression.  We  expect  a  reference  to  "  the 
Holy  Spirit"  as  in  the  boneiliction  hi  2  Cor.  13t4. 
Many  scholars  think  the  writer  uses  this  phrase  to 
describe  the  Holy  Spirit  in  His  plenitude  and  perfec- 
tion, and  with  the  mtontion  of  signifying  that  each  of 
the  seven  churches  has  its  special  inipjirtation.  But 
it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Book  of  Revelation  has 
reached  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Spirit  as  wo  under- 
stand it,  and  the  phrase  may  refer  to  "  the  seven 
angels  of  the  presence  "  (rf.  4s).  [If  the  seven  sjiirits 
are  not  to  be  identified  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  it  is 
unjustifiable    to    say,  with    Bousset,  that    Christ    is 


REVELATION,  II.  9 


929 


placed  in  the  same  rank  as  a  similar  heavenly  being. 
This  is  inconsistent  with  the  place  elsewhere  given  to 
Him  in  the  book.  That  Ho  is  mentioned  last  is  due 
to  the  aiithor's  intention  to  speak  more  fully  of  Him, 
and  ho  thus  avoids  the  awkwardness  of  interpolating 
the  description  of  Him  into  the  middle  of  his  trinitarian 
formula.  2  Cor.  13i4  shows  that  nothing  can  bo 
inferred  from  order  as  to  rank. — A.  S.  P.] — 5.  faithful 
witness:  cf.  Jn.  I837,  "I  am  come  into  the  world 
that  I  may  bear  witness,"  but  the  word  may  moan 
"  martyr,"  and  there  may  be  an  allusion  to  the  death 
of  Christ.— firstborn  of  the  dead :  cf.  1  Cor.  152o*, 
Col.  I18. — Unto  him:  the  first  of  many  doxologics 
{cf.  48,  09). — loosed  us  :  AV  "  washed  us."  The 
presence  or  absence  of  a  single  letter  in  a  Greek  word 
accounts  for  the  diiference  in  the  two  versions.  [Hebrew 
ritual  of  purification  includes  washing  with  water,  and 
sprinkling  with  blood.  It  knows  nothing  of  washing 
in  blood,  so  that  the  AV  reading  is  on  that  ground 
highly  improbable.  In  7 14  render  "  through  the 
blood  of  the  Lamb " ;  the  words  are  not  closely 
connected  with  "washed." — A.  S.  P.] — 6,  kingdom  .  .  . 
priests:  the  ideal  represented  by  this  phrase  is  the 
union  of  the  royal  and  the  priestly  prerogatives  in  ouo 
set  of  persons.  The  king  and  the  priest  represent 
the  two  highest  offices,  and  here  these  are  combuied 
in  the  position  promised  to  tlie  Christian  {cf.  Ex.  19<3, 
1  P.  29).— 7.  with  the  clouds:  cf.  Dan.  713.— which 
pierced  him:  the  phrase,  as  in  Jn.  I937,  is  borrowed 
from  Zech.  12to.  We  have  here  a  point  of  contact 
between  Rev.  and  the  Fourth  Gospel. — 8.  Alpha  and 
Omega :  the  first  and  last  letters  in  the  Greek  alphabet, 
and  so  used  to  represent  the  beginning  and  the  end. 
Here  applied  to  God,  but  in  In  (AV)  and  22i3  to 
Christ. 

9-20.  The  Prologue  gives  an  account  of  the  .vision  of 
the  Son  of  Man,  and  the  manner  in  which  the  messages 
to  the  seven  churches  came  to  the  seer. — 9.  John  your 
brother:  the  term  "  brother"  in  the  NT  is  used  to 
signify  "  fellow-Christian,"  the  members  of  the  same 
Christian  community  {cf.  the  phrase  "  our  brother 
Paul,""  2  P.  3i5  ;  see  Hamack,  Mission  and  Exfansion 
of  Christianity^,  i.  405f.). — tribulation  refers  to  the 
persecutions.  The  order  of  the  words  is  significant, 
kingdom  coming  after  tribulation  and  before  patience, 
and  reminds  us  of  the  words,  "  Through  much  tribula- 
tion we  must  enter  the  kingdom "  (Ac.  1422). — 
patience :  i.e.  patient  endurance.  We  must  not  only 
enter  the  kingdom  through  the  gate  of  tribulation, 
but  we  must  maintain  our  place  in  the  kingdom  by 
"patient  endurance." — Patmos  :  a  small  island  ol! 
the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  about  15  miles  from  Ephesus. 
The  wild  scenery  of  Patmos  and  the  neighbouring  vol- 
canic islands  doubtless  suggested  some  of  the  imagery 
in  the  book. — for  the  word  .  .  .  and  testimony :  the 
obvious  meaning  is  that  John  had  been  exiled  to 
Patmos  for  preaching  the  Gospel. — 10.  In  the  spirit: 
I.e.  in  a  prophetic  trance. — on  the  Lord's  day :  i.e.  the 
day  consecrated  to  the  Lord,  the  first  day  of  the  week, 
the  day  of  the  Resurrection  {cf.  Ac.  2()7,  1  Cor.  I(i2). — 
as  a  trumpet:  c/.  Ezek.  .'k2.— 12.  seven  golden  candle- 
sticks :  or  lampstands  ;  the  imagery-  is  suggested  by  Ex. 
2531,  Zech.  42.— 13.  like  a  son  of  man  :  Dan.  713*.  but 
the  phrase  is  misapplied  here.-— 14.  his  head,  etc. :  from 
the  description  of  the  "  Ancient  of  Days  "  in  Dan.  7q. 
— 15.  his  eyes  ...  his  feet :  from  the  description  of  the 
angel  in  Dan.  106.— many  waters:  cf.  Ezek.  I24.  432, 
Rev.  142. — 16.  a  two-edged  sword:  cf.  2i2,i6,  I915. 
Compare  also  Heb.  4i2.  The  whole  description  is 
thus  made  up  of  classical  phrases  mostly  borrowed 


from  the  OT. — 17.  the  first,  etc.  :  the  same  phrase  is 
apphed  to  God  in  Is  and  216. — death  and  Hawles :  the 
two  words  stand  for  the  same  thing.  Hades  is  the 
abode  of  the  dead.  For  the  combination,  cf.  68,  2O13  ; 
"  to  have  the  ke3's  "  (37*)  means  to  possess  authority 
over.- — 20.  mystery:  "the  inner  meaning  of  a  sym- 
bolical vision"  (2  Th.  2i7*). — angels  of  the  seven 
churches:  The  meaning  of  this  expression  has  been 
much  disputed.  It  has  often  been  interpreted  as  refer- 
ring to  the  •  presbyters  "  or  "  bishops  "  of  the  churches. 
But  this  explanation  is  contrary  to  the  invariable  usage 
of  the  word  in  the  book.  The  word  occurs  some  sixty 
times,  and  always  in  the  sense  "  of  a  superhuman  being 
employed  in  the  service  of  God  or  Satan."  The  phrase 
can,  therefore,  only  mean  "  the  guardian  angels  of  the 
churches."  The  angels  are  represented  as  personifjong 
the  spirit  and  genius  of  the  different  churches,  as  in 
Dan.  different  angels  personify  the  characteristics  of 
different  nations.  [For  connexion  with  the  idea  of 
the  Fravashi,  see  note  on  Mt.  18 10. — A.  S.  P.| 

II.  l-III.  22.  The  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches.— 
These  letters  are  addressed  to  individual  churches,  but 
their  messages  are  intended  for  the  Church  as  a  whole. 
In  every  letter  there  occurs  the  phrase,  "  He  that  hath 
an  ear  let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the 
churches." 

II.  1-7.  The  Letter  to  the  Church  at  Ephesus. — 
1.  Ephesus  was  the  capital  of  the  Roman  province  of 
Asia  (I4*).  The  worship  of  Artemis,  for  wliich  it 
was  notorious,  is  leferred  to  m  Ac.  19,  wliich  also  gives 
an  account  of  Paul's  three  years'  work  in  the  city. 
PaAil's  speech  to  the  elders  of  Ephesus  (Ac.  2O1S-35) 
throws  no  httle  light  on  the  character  of  the  church. 
The  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  is  probably  a  circular 
letter,  bub  there  can  be  Uttle  doubt  that  Ephesus  was 
one  of  its  recipients.  Tradition  connects  the  Apostle 
John  with  Ephesus,  and  probablj'  the  Fourth  Gospel 
and  the  Johannine  Epistles  reflect  the  influence  of 
his  teaching. — ho  that  holdeth:  this  description  of 
Christ  is  borrowed  from  l6.  It  should  be  noted  that 
each  epistle  contains  a  different  description,  taken 
mostly  from  the  same  source. — 2.  I  know  thy  works : 
this  phrase  occurs  in  five  of  the  seven  letters.  The 
Ephesians  are  praised  (a)  for  their  labour  and  patient 
endurance,  {b)  for  their  power  of  discrimination,  which 
enabled  them  to  reject  false  prophets  and  apostles 
(1  Th.  520*). — 4.  The  charge  against  the  church  is  that 
their  love  has  grown  lukewarm.  Whether  the  writer 
is  specifically  referring  to  love  to  God  or  love  to  the 
church  is  uncertain.  Probably  both  ideas  are  in- 
cluded.—5.  remove  thy  candlestick :  i.e.  take  away  that 
which  makes  you  a  true  church. — 6.  the  works  of  the 
Nicolaitans:  cf.  15.  We  have  no  definite  information 
with  regard  to  the  founder  or  the  views  of  this  particular 
sect.  The  most  probable  theory  is  that  tlicy  were 
antinomians,  and  pushed  their  conception  of  Christian 
liberty  to  extremes.  Their  motto  seems  to  have  been, 
"  Only  believe,  and  then  you  can  do  what  you  like." — 
7.  To' him  that  overcometh:  this  phrase  occui^  in  each 
letter.  It  is  significant  that  while  the  writer  has  many 
descriptions  of  Christ,  he  has  onh'  one  name  for  the 
Christian,  "  the  overcomcr." — tree  of  life:    see  222*. 

II.  8-11.  The  Letter  to  the  Church  at  Smyrna. — 
Smyrna  was  situated  about  35  miles  N.  of  Ephesus,  and 
from  a  oommcrcial  point  of  ^•^ew  was  its  most  serious 
rival  in  Asia.  Wc  have  no  information  about  the  church 
at  Smyrna  before  this  letter,  and  do  not  know  when  or 
by  whom  it  was  founded.  It  was  later  the  home  of 
Polycarp,  and  the  scene  of  his  martyrdom. — 8.  the  first, 
etc.  :  borrowed  from  the  description  of  Christ  in  liS. — 
9.  thy  tribulation  :  i.e.  persecution,  apparently  from  the 

30 


930 


REVELATION,  II.  9 


Jews. — poverty  :  probably  explained  by  the  fact  that 
the  ma.««  of  Christians  were  drawn  from  the  poorer 
classes,  though  possibly  they  may  also  have  eustainod 
losses  in  the  persecutions.  —  blasphemy:  i.e.  the 
calumnies  or  revilinora  of  tlie  Jews,  who,  r..«  we  know 
from  Ignatius  ( Ep.  wi  Smyrn.  5),  were  specially  bitter 
against  Christianity  at  Smyrna. — they  are  not:  the 
true  Jew  would  have  recognised  that  Christianity  was 
the  cnhnination  of  the  teaching  of  the  prophets.  These 
men  can,  therefore,  only  be  described,  as  in  89,  as  a 
synagogue  of  Satan. — 10.  Persecution  is  ar.oribed  to 
the  agency  of  Satan.— ten  days:  not  to  be  taken 
literalTv  ;  the  pbra.-^j  dunutes  a  brief  period. — crown 
(f/.  Jas.  I12*,  2  Tim.  4s.  I  P.  64).— 11.  second  death: 
the  final  death  of  the  wicked  after  the  resurrection 
(c/.  206,  21 8). 

n.  12-17.  The  Letter  to  the  Church  at  Pergamura.— 
12.  Pergamum  was  a  town  of  great  importance  about 
.50  miles  NE.  of  Smyrna.  It  was  one  of  the  most  re- 
nowned centres  of  paganism  in  Asia,  and  possessed 
many  temples,  among  them  one  dedicated  to  the 
worship  of  Augustas.  In  such  a  stronghold  of 
paganism  as  the  letter  indicates,  Christianity  was 
confronted  with  exceptional  opposition. — two-edged 
sword:  for  this  description  of  Christ  see  I16. — 13. 
where  the  throne  of  Satan  is :  the  specillc  reference  in 
this  phrase  seems  not  to  be  to  the  prevalence  of 
immorality  or  the  strength  of  paganism  at  Pergamum, 
but  rather  to  the  fact  that  Pergamum  was  the  chief 
centre  of  Empcror-wor.hip  in  the  province.  "  It  was," 
a8  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay  says, '"  the  worship  of  the  Emperor 
that  was  recognised,  when  the  Apocalypse  was  written, 
as  the  special  foe  of  Christianity."  ( Zahn  and  J.  Weiss 
think  the  reference  is  to  the  worship  of  Asclepius  the 
healer.  Christians  would  regard  this  cult  as  a  cari- 
cature of  their  own  reUgion.  Hort  says,  "  Doubtless 
those  are  right  who  refer  this  to  the  serpent-worship 
attached  to  Asclepius." — A.  S.  P.] — Antipas  :  nothing 
is  known  about  this  man,  except  the  fact  that  he  was 
one  of  the  earliest  Christian  martjTB. — 14.  Balaam: 
c/.  Nu.  31 16,  2.5iff.  Balaam  advised  Balak  to  attempt 
to  seduce  the  children  of  Israel  from  the  worship  of 
Yahweh  by  tempting  them  to  hcentiousness. — to  eat 
things  sacrificed:  cf.  the  discussion  in  1  Cor.  81-9, 
IO14-33,  where  Paul  lays  down  the  principle  that  while 
Buch  eating  is  a  matter  of  indifference  to  an  enlightened 
man,  yet  for  the  sake  of  example  it  is  better  to 
abstain  { p.  6-30).  In  a  stronghold  of  paganism  Uke  Per- 
gamum it  would  be  necessary  for  Christians  to  take  a 
firm  stand  in  thLs  matter  (r/.  22o). — 15.  Nicolaitans :  26*. 
— 17.  the  hidden  manna:  Aaron  was  commanded 
(Ex.  I633)  to  lay  up  a  gold  pot  of  manna  before  the 
Lord.  According  to  later  Jewish  tradition  mentioned 
in  2  Mao.  2i-8,  this  was  placed  in  the  Ark  when  it 
was  hidden  away  by  Jeremiah  till  the  Messiah  should 
appear,  at  which  time,  according  to  the  Apocalypse 
of  Baruch,  the  treasury  of  manna  would  again  descend 
from  on  high  {rf.  11 19*). — a  white  stone:  this  phrase 
has  never  been  explained,  and  it  is  still  impo.ssible  to  be 
certain  about  the  alhision.     It  has  been  interpreted  of 

(a)  the  white  pebble  used  by  jurors  to  signify  acquittal ; 

(b)  a  tablet  of  admission  to  banquets  or  entertainments ; 

(c)  the  Urim  and  Thummim  (pp.  lOCf.)  which  were 
inscribed  with  the  Divine  name  ;  d)  the  precious  stones 
which  arc  said  in  Jewish  tiadition  to  have  fallen 
with  the  manna.  But  whatever  be  the  origin  of  the 
metaphor,  the  meaning  seems  obvious.  The  white 
stone  inscribed  with  the  new  name  (i.e.  the  name  of 
Christ)  is  a  kind  of  charm  or  amulet  which  will  secure 
entrance  for  the  Christian  into  the  new  kingdom 
which    is    to   be  established.       The  white  stone    is 


thus  the  symbol  of   citizenship  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven. 

II.  18-29.  The  Letter  to  the  Church  at  Thyatira.— 

Thyatira,  which  was  about  4  miles  SE.  of  Pergamum, 
waa  relatively  much  less  iiui»ortant  than  the  cities 
already  meutioned.  It  was  a  commercial  centre,  and 
seeme  to  have  been  chietly  famous  for  the  dyeing  trade 
(cf.  Ac.  16i4f.). — 18.  the  Son  of  God:  while  the  rest 
of  the  vense  is  borrowed  from  the  description  of  Christ 
in  I13,  this  phra.se  is  an  addition. — 19.  last  works,  etc.  : 
oontrafat  24!.,  where  the  reverse  is  said  of  Ephcsus. — 
20.  Jezebel:  probably  some  Jewish-Christian  woman 
of  great  influence  and  power,  who  had  been  leading 
the  church  at  Thyatira  astray,  by  advocating  the 
principles  of  the  Nicolaitans.  Another,  but  less  likely, 
suggestion  is  that  the  name  Jezebel  stands  for  a  heathen 
priestess  or  Sibj-l  who  exercised  great  influence  at 
Thyatira.  and  led  an  attack  upon  Christianity. — Idols: 
2i4*. — 22.  a  bed:  i.e.  a  bed  of  pain  or  tribulation. — 
those  that  commit  adultery:  probably  used  meta- 
phorically, hence  her  follov.ers  and  adherents. — 23.  her 
children :  i.e.  her  converts. — 24.  the  deep  things ;  the 
Jezebel  party  had  probably  undertaken  to  lead  the 
church  into  "  the  deep  things  of  God  "  (1  Cor.  2io*) 
and  had  interpreted  tiiis  phrase  to  mean,  "  All  things 
are  lawful."  The  writer  takes  up  theu-  phrase  and 
changes  it  into  "  the  deep  things  of  Satan." — no  Other 
burden  :  a  reference  to  the  ApostoUc  Decree  in  Ac.  15jS. 
— 26.  authority:  the  imagery  ia  suggested  by  Ps.  28.  ^ 
Christians  arc  to  share  in  the  glory  of  the  Messianic  1 
reign.— 27.  Cf.  again  Ps.  28f.— 28.  the  morning  star : 
in  22i6  Christ  is  described  as  "'  the  morning  star," 
and  many  commentators  take  this  verse  as  a  promise 
of  the  Parousia.  But  though  the  metaphor  is  the 
same,  its  application  may  be  different,  and  the  word.s 
need  only  indicate  in  tliis  passage  •  the  freshness  and 
beauty  of  the  glory  with  which  the  redeemed  are  to 
be  clothed." 

III.  1-6.  The  Letter  to  the  Church  at  Sardls. — Sardis 
was  a  little  more  than  30  miles  SE.  of  Thyatira  : 
formerlj'  a  city  of  great  importance,  at  this  time  it 
had  become  a  town  of  the  second  rank.  It  had  been 
destroyed  by  an  earthquake  in  a.d.  17,  and  though 
rebuilt  it  had  not  recovered  its  former  glorj-. 

1.  seven  spirits  of  God :  U*. — name  that  thou  llvest : 
this  is  the  severest  condemnation  passed  upon  any  of 
the  churches. — 2.  the  things  that  remain :  the  church 
is  not  entirely  lost  to  hope  ;  there  is  still  the  possibility 
of  revival — foimd  no  works :  in  the  ca.se  of  the  other 
churches  there  is  always  something  to  praise,  but 
Sardis  has  no  record  of  achievements  to  Ciill  forth 
admiration. — 3.  how  thou  hast  received:  the  church 
is  urged  to  remember  its  past  history  and  the  mercies 
vouchsafed  to  it. — 4.  few  names:  there  are  even  in 
Sardis  a  few  persons  {cf.  Ili3  Gr.)  who  have  not  sullied 
the  purity  of  their  Christian  life. — 5.  white  garments : 
white  is  the  emblem  of  purity  {cf.  7i3f.). — book  of  life  : 
originally  this  title  was  applied  to  the  roll  or  regiwtor 
of  the  citizens  of  Jerusalem.  Subsequently  it  was 
used  to  denote  the  roll  of  God's  people  (Ex.  3232, 
Ps.  (iO^S,  Rev.  138,  17s,  20i2,  15'. — confess  his  name: 
cf.  the  saying  of  Jesus,  Mt.  IO32*. 

III.  7-18.  The  Letter  to  the  Church  at  PhUadelphla. 
— Philadelphia  was  about  30  miles  SE.  of  Sardis.  Like 
Sardis  it  was  subject  to  frequent  earthquakes,  and 
consequently  never  attained  any  great  size.  The. 
condition  of'the  church  seems  to  hare  been  satisfactory j 
the  difficulties  arose  from  Jewish  rather  than  paga 
opponents. 

7.  that  hath  the  key  of  David :  of  Is.  2222,  where 
key  of  the  house  of  David  is  given  to  Eliakim 


toryjl 
>aga^ 

1 


REVELATION,  V.  1 


931 


the  deposition  of  Shebna.  The  key  was  the  symbol  of 
oftice,  especially  of  the  Treasurer's  or  Chancellor's 
ofliee.  It  is  Christ  who  here  carries  "  the  key  "  which 
indicates  His  authority  over  the  House  of  Gk)d, — 
8.  door  opened:  probably  the  door  of  opportunity 
{cf.  1  Cor.  I69,  2  Cor.  2i2).  Possibly  there  is  an 
allusion  to  the  geographical  position  of  PldJadelphia, 
whicli  was  situated  in  the  centre  of  Asia,  and  so  had 
abundant  opportunities  of  evangelizing  the  neighbour- 
ing districfcy. — 9.  synagogue  of  Satan:  as  at  Smyrna 
{cf.  29),  the  opposition  comes  from  tlio  Jews. — 10.  the 
word  of  my  patience:  tlio  tcacliing  which  emphasized 
and  held  up  as  an  example  tlie  endurance  of  Cliiist. — 
the  hour  of  trial :  the  hour  of  testing,  i.e.  the  peraecu- 
tion. — 12.  a  pillar  in  the  temple:  the  man  who  re- 
mains steadfast  in  the  hour  of  testing  will  become  a 
"  pillar "  {cf.  Gal.  29,  of  "  James  and  Cephas  and 
John  "),  i.e.  one  of  the  chief  supports  of  the  Church 
of  God. — name  of  my  God:  three  names  are  written 
on  the  ■■  pillar  man,"  (a)  the  name  of  God  {cf.  Nu,  627), 
to  indicate  that  his  hfe  was  consecrated  to  the  service 
of  God  ;  {b)  the  name  of  the  Now  Jerusalem,  to  indicate 
that  he  was  a  citizen  thereof ;  (c)  the  new  name  of 
Christ  {cf.  Rev,  19 12),  to  indicate  that  he  was  to  share 
in  His  victory.  For  the  description  of  the  New  Jeru- 
salem cf.  21 2.     See  also  Gal.  426*. 

III.  14-22.  The  Letter  to  the  Church  at  Laodicea.— - 
Laodicea  was  40  miles  SE.  of  Piiiladelphia  and  near 
Colossse.  It  was  famous  for  its  wealth,  and  when  it 
was  overthrown  by  an  earthquake  in  a.d.  60,  it  dis- 
dained to  receive  a  subsidy  from  Rome,  preferring  to 
restore  the  damage  out  of  its  own  resources.  It  wasj 
according  to  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay,  one  of  the  great  bank- 
ing and  financial  centres  of  the  time. 

14.  the  Amen  :  cf.  Is.  65i6  (RVm.),  "  the  god  of  the 
Amen,"  here  applied  to  Chiist  because  "  His  character 
and  nature  are  m  themselves  a  guarantee  for  the  truth 
of  His  testimony  "  (Swete). — faithful  and  true  witness: 
cf.  I5'.— the  beginning  of  the  creation:  cf.  Col.  I15, 
'■  firstborn  of  all  creation."  The  phrase  does  not  signify 
that  Christ  was  the  first  to  be  created,  but  rather  that 
Ho  was  the  principle  and  source  of  the  creation. — 15. 
neither  cold  nor  hot :  Laodicea  was  free  from  the  vices 
which  corrupted  Ephesus,  Pergamum,  Thyatira,  and 
Sardis,  but  it  had  its  own  sin,  tlie  spirit  of  indifference. 
— 16.  "  A  draught  of  tepid  water  provokes  nausea,  and 
a  tepid  Christianity  is  nauseous  to  Christ.  .  .  .  There 
is  probably  an  allusion  to  the  hot  sprmgs  of  Hierapolis, 
which  in  their  way  over  the  plateau  become  lukewarm, 
and  in  that  condition  discharge  themselves  over  the 
cliff  right  opposite  to  Laodicea  "  (Swete). — 17.  I  am 
rich:  an  allusion  to  the  wealth  of  Laodicea  and  ite 
self-reliant,  self-satisfied  spirit. — 18.  The  true  wealth 
can  only  be  obtained  from  Christ,  who  alone  possesses 
the  "  unsearchable  riches." — white  garments:  in  con- 
trast to  the  garments  made  of  the  glossy  black  wool 
of  the  sheep  for  which  Laodicea  was  renowned. — eye- 
salve  :  Laodicea  was  famous  for  a  particular  omtment. 
— 19.  be  zealous :  what  the  church  at  Laodicea  needed 
was  enthusiasm,  hence  this  injunction. — 20.  Stand  at 
the  door:  the  metaphor  was  probably  suggested  by 
Ca.  52.  Swete  thinks  the  words  have  an  escliatologii;al 
reference,  and  indicate  the  near  approacli  of  the 
Parousia  {cf.  Mt.  2435,  Jas.  .'ig),  but  the  phrase,  "  if 
any  man  hear  ray  voice,"  seems  to  indicate  that  the 
more  common  and  popular  interpretation  of  the  verse 
ifl  correct. — 21.  sit  with  me  on  my  throne :  cf.  IJi.  2230. 

IV.  The  Vision  of  Heaven. — In  this  chapter  the  real 
Apocalypse  commences.  A  door  is  o]x?nod  in  heaven 
and  the  seer  sees  the  throne  of  God,  flashing  Uke  jewel:^, 
and  HTirronndod  by  a  rainbow.    Twenty-four  eldere  sit 


on  thrones,  and  with  four  "  living  beasts  "  offer  con- 
tinual praise  and  worship  to  God.  Much  of  the 
imagery  is  traditional,  and  derived  from  similar  descrip- 
tions of  heaven  and  the  Divine  majesty  in  OT ;  cf. 
Is.  61-4,  Ezek.  I24-28,  Dan.  Igi. 

1.  the  first  voice:  that  mentioned  in  lio. — 2.  a 
throne:  cf.  Ezek.  126,28,  lOi.— 3.  was  like  a  jasper 
stone  and  a  sardius :  note  the  absence  of  any  anthropo- 
morphism. The  Divine  presence  is  desciibcd  as  a 
radiance  of  jewels.  "  TJic  seer's  eye  is  arrested  by  the 
flashing  of  gem-like  colours,  but  he  sees  no  form  " 
(Swete). — jasper:  cf.  Rev.  21  n,  "a  stone  most 
precious  .  .  .  clear  as  crystal."  As  this  description 
does  not  apply  to  the  modern  jasper,  many  scholars 
think  that  the  reference  hero  is  to  the  opal. — sardius : 
probably  our  cornehan,  a  deep  red  stone. — rainbow: 
from  Ezek.  I27.  Some  think  that  a  green  stone  like 
the  emerald  is  inappropriate,  and  suggest  that  the 
Greek  word  used  here  may  refer  to  the  rock-crystal — 
[But  green  is  appropriate  because  of  its  restfulness  to 
the  eye,  mitigating  the  dazzling  brightness.  Bleek 
aptly  recalls  Pliny's  statement  that  when  the  eyes  are 
blinded  by  any  other  sight,  the  emerald  restores  them. 
— A.  S.  P.J— 4.  four  and  twenty  elders :  some  scholars 
think  that  the  number  is  made  up  of  the  twelve 
Patriarchs  and  the  twelve  Apostles,  who  in  their 
union  signified  the  Church  of  the  OT  and  the  Church 
of  the  NT.  Others  regard  them  as  representiog 
the  twenty-four  courses  of  priests.  The  probabiUty, 
however,  is  that  they  are  angels  of  the  highest  rank. 
The  evidence  of  Is.  2423  and  of  Jewish  apocalyptic 
Uterature  proves  that  the  term  "  elder  '  was  often 
apphed  to  angels  {cf.  Scott,  Cent.B,  p.  163). — 6.  a 
glassy  sea :  the  conception  of  a  celestial  sea  in  heaven 
is  found  in  Jewish  Uterature,  e.g.  in  the  Book  of  the 
Secrets  of  Enoch  and  the  Testament  of  the  Twelve 
Patriarchs.  "  The  seer,  still  looking  through  the 
window,  sees  between  himself  and  the  throne  a  vast 
surface,  wliich  flashes  back  the  Ught  that  falls  upon 
it,  like  the  ^gean  when  in  summer  day  he  looked 
down  upon  it  from  the  heights  of  Patmos."  The 
whole  of  this  paragraph  may  bo  regarded  as  a  pictorial 
expansion  of  the  conception  of  God  "dwelling  in 
Ught  unapproachable"  in  1  Tim  616.— four  living 
creatures:  rf.  Ezek.  I5,  where  the  hving  creatures 
are  identified  with  the  cherubim.  See  also  the  account 
of  tho  seraphim  in  Is.  6. — full  of  eyes :  cf.  Ezek. 
10x2. — 7.  In  Ezek.  each  of  the  cherubim  has  four 
faces  (Hon,  ox,  man,  eagle),  in  Rev.  the  "  hving 
creatures"  have  only  one  face  each. — 8.  six  wings: 
.  .  .  Holy,  holy,  holy:  a  reminiscence  of  Is.  62f. — 
which  was,  etc.  :  cf.  Is, — 9.  The  initiative  of  worship 
comes  from  the  cherubim  ;  it  is  at  their  instance  that 
the  other  powers  join  in  and  take  up  the  strain  of 
praise. — 11.  See  next  note. 

V.  The  Vision  of  Heaven  {conlinued). — Ch.  4  gives  us 
the  vision  of  the  majesty  and  glory  of  God,  eh.  5  the 
vision  of  the  "  Lamb  standing  as  though  it  had  been 
slain."  The  theme  of  4  is  the  creative  {»wor  of  God  : 
the  theme  of  5  the  redemptive  power  of  Clirist. 

1.  a  book :  i.e.  the  book  of  destiny,  containing  the 
secrets  of  tlie  future,  probably  in  the  form  of  a  papyrus 
roll,  sealed  with  seven  seals  for  tho  sake  of  security. 
The  imagery  is  taken  from  Ezek.  29.  [Tho  view  that 
the  book  is  tho  book  of  destiny  is  probably  correct. 
Huschke,  followed  by  Zahn,  J.  Weiss,  and  Clemen, 
takes  it  to  be  a  will.  Seven  witnos-scs  would  attest  a 
will,  each  affixing  his  seal.  Before  the  will  could  bo 
executed  tho  seals  had  to  be  broken  ;  hence  failure 
to  break  the  seals  of  the  book  would  mean  that  the 


932 


REVELATION.  V.   1 


Church  could  not  rocoivo  Ihc  heavenly  inlieiitance 
Gunkcl  thinks  the  book  is  a  book  of  magic. — A.  S.  P.] 
— 2.  The  angel's  challenge  to  heaven  and  earth.  "  Who 
is  worthy  {i.e.  morally  fit)  to  open  the  book  ?  ""  a 
challenge  which  met  with  no  response. — 5.  The 
phrases  used  in  this  voi-so  show  the  writer's  familiarity 
with  the  details  of  Messianic  prophecy.  "  Lion 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah  "  is  from  Gen.  499,  "  Judah 
is  a  hons  whelp,"  etc.,  words  which  were  inter- 
preted in  a  Messianic  sense  by  Jewish  commentators. 
— Root  of  Jesse:  cf.  Is.  lli,  "a  shoot  out  of  the 
stock  of  Jesse.'' — 6.  Note  the  change  from  the  Hon 
to  the  lamb.  "He  looked  to  see  a  hon  and  beheld 
a  lamb.  He  looked  to  see  power  and  force  .  .  .  and 
he  saw  love  and  gentleness  "  (Stevens  NTT,  p.  542). 
The  term  "  Lamb  "  (though  a  different  Greek  word  is 
used)  is  applied  to  Christ  in  Jn.  129,36,  Ac.  832  (quoted 
from  Is.),  1  P.  I19.  Probably  the  metaphor  was  sug- 
gested by  the  words  of  Is.  537,  "  <'*  lamb  that  is  led  to 
the  slaughter." — having  seven  horns :  "  hom  "  is  used 
both  in  OT  and  NT  as  the  sjrmbol  of  strength  and 
power,  and  the  phrase  describes  the  all-conquering 
might  of  CTirist. — seven  eyes ;  the  eye  is  the  symbol  of 
insight  and  illumination,  and  the  phrase  denotes  the 
fullness  of  the  Divine  vision  possessed  by  Christ. — sent 
forth:  Christ's  vision  is  not  restricted  to  heaven  but 
extends  also  over  all  the  earth. — 8.  The  same  kind  of 
adoration  which  in  ch.  4  was  bestowed  upon  God  is  now 
extended  to  the  Son. — golden  bowls  full  of  incense :  the 
incense  sjmibolises  the  prayers  of  the  .saints  (cf.  Ps.  141 
2). — 9.  a  new  song:  i.e.  the  song  of  redemption,  new 
in  contrast  to  the  old  song  of  ch.  4. — didst  purchase  . . . 
with  thy  blood :  for  this  conception  of  the  significance  of 
Christ's  death,  cf.  1  Cor.  620*,  723,  Ac.  2O2S.  Rev.  143f. 
— 10.  "  By  a  supreme  act  of  self-sacrifice  He  has  pur- 
chased men  of  all  races  and  nationalities  for  the  service 
of  God,  founded  a  vast  spiritual  empire,  and  converted 
human  life  into  a  priestly  service  and  a  royal  dignity  " 
(Swete).  For  the  idea  cf.  l6,  206.  Many  MSS.  read, 
"  they  are  reigning,"  i.e.  the  reign  of  the  saints  has 
already  commenced. — 11.  ten  thousand  times:  cf. 
Dan.  'Tio. — 12.  The  doxology  of  the  angels  to  the 
Lamb.  Note  the  "  sevenfold  honour  "  as  in  7i2. — 
13.  The  doxology  of  the  universe  of  created  tilings. — 
to  him  that  sitteth  .  .  .  and  to  the  Lamb:  observe 
that  in  this  final  doxology  God  and  the  Lamb  are 
joined  together.  The  same  praise  is  accorded  to  the 
Redeemer  as  to  the  Creator  {cf.  p.  642). — 14.  the  four 
living  creatures :   46*. — the  elders:   44*. 

VI.  The  Opening  of  the  Seals. — ^Vhen  the  seals  of 
the  book  are  ojKned  by  the  Lamb,  a  number  of  woes 
are  let  loose  upun  the  world.  The  first  four  are  de- 
scribed under  the  figure  of  horses  of  different  colour, 
the  first  white,  the  second  blood-red,  the  third  black, 
the  fourth  pale  or  livid.  The  best  interpretation  re- 
gards these  woes  as  (1)  triumphant  militarism,  (2) 
slaughter,  (3)  famine,  (4)  death.  The  other  two  woes 
are  described  without  this  metaphor — martyrdom  and 
earthquake.     The  seventh  seal  is  not  opened  till  ch.  8. 

1.  one  of  the  seven  seals :  belonging  to  the  book  of 
destiny  (cf.  5i). — living  creatures:  46*. — come:  to 
whom  was  the  order  addressed  ?  Three  answers  are 
I)088ible  :  (a)  to  the  seer,  (b)  to  Christ,  (c)  to  the  rider 
who  appears  in  answer  to  the  summons.  The  repeti- 
tion of  the  command  before  the  breaking  of  each  of 
the  four  seals  favours  the  last  explanation. — 2.  a  white 
horse :  the  metaphor  of  the  differently-coloured  horses 
is  suggested  by  Zcch.  61-8.  There  has  been  much 
debate  as  to  the  interpretation  of  "  the  white  horse." 
Some  scholars,  on  the  strength  of  the  reference  to  "  the 
crown,"  and  the  phrase  "  conquering  and  to  conquer," 


think  that  it  can  only  refer  to  Christ.  This  interpreta- 
tion is  supported  by  19ii,  wl»ere  one  whose  name  is 
called  the  \\'ord  of  God  is  represented  as  riding  on  a 
white  horse.  Others  think  that  it  refers  not  to  Christ 
Himself  but  to  His  victorious  Kingdom  or  Church. 
But  the.se  views  separate  the  "  white  horse  "  from  the 
other  three,  and  there  is  no  indication  that  the  writer 
intended  to  draw  such  a  contrast.  The  "  white  horse  " 
is  one  of  four.  The  other  three  clearly  indicate  woes 
that  scourge  humanity,  and  we  are  bound,  therefore, 
to  find  a  parallel  meaning  for  the  remaining  one.  '"  A 
vision  of  the  victorious  Christ  would  be  inappropriate 
at  the  opening  of  a  scries  which  symbolizes  bloodshed, 
famine,  and  pestilence."  We  must,  therefore,  regard 
the  "  wliite  hor.se  "  as  portrajing  "  conquest  "  (Scott) 
or  "  triumphant  mihtarism  "  (Swete). — 4.  a  red  horse : 
this  symbolizes  "  bloodshed  "  or  "  slaughter."  The 
red  horse  naturally  follows  the  white.  Conquest 
"  wears  another  aspect  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  the 
battle-field"  (Swete). — 5.  a  black  horse:  i.e.  famine, 
the  natural  result  of  war  and  bloodshed. — a  balance : 
i.e.  scales.  It  is  a  sign  of  scarcity  when  food  is  sold 
by  weight  (cf.  Lev.  2626,  Ezek.  4i6). — 6.  a  measure 
of  wheat  for  a  penny :  a  penny,  i.e.  a  denarius  (see  p. 
117),  was  the  sum  generally  earned  by  a  labourer  for 
a  day's  work  ;  a  measure  of  wheat  was  the  amount 
required  by  a  man  for  his  daily  need.  The  phrase 
(«)  may  be  used  to  indicate  the  approach  of  a  time  of 
famine  when  a  man's  utmost  earnings  would  only 
suffice  to  purchase  the  bare  necessities  of  life  ;  or  (/>)  it 
may  be  a  proclamation  of  the  cherubim  forbidding 
famine  prices.  The  previous  context  supports  the  first 
interpretation:  the  following  phra,se,  "the  oil  and  the 
wine  hurt  thou  not,"  ^  the  second. — 8.  a  pale  horse :  in 
natural  sequence  of  the  other  three,  stands  for  pesti- 
lence or  death. — fourth  part :  an  indication  of  the  wide 
extent  of  the  devastation. — 9.  Here  the  metaphor  of  the 
horses  stops,  and  the  next  two  scenes  are  described 
without  the  pictorial  element. — underneath  the  altar: 
according  to  Jewish  tradition  the  souls  of  the  righteous 
were  regarded  as  "  buried  under  the  altar." — word  of 
God  and  for  the  testimony :  if  these  two  phrases  are  to 
be  distinguished,  the  former  would  indicate  their 
devotion  to  the  true  God  in  the  face  of  polytheism,  the 
second  their  witness  to  Jesus  Christ. — 10.  The  martvrs' 
cry  to  God  for  vengeance  has  led  some  commentators 
to  regard  them  as  Jews  and  not  Christians.  Contrast 
the  prayer  of  Stephen  (Ac.  Teo).  We  must  not,  how- 
ever, assume  that  all  martyrs  were  able  to  face  death 
in  the  spirit  of  Jesus  and  Stephen,  and  this  verse  is 
quite  in  keeping  with  the  general  tone  of  the  book. — 
white  robe :  cf.  34. — 12.  the  sixth  seal :  i.e.  earthcjuake 
and  other  cosmical  disturbances.  These  celestial 
phenomena  which  precede  "  the  day  of  the  Lord  "  are 
found  in  all  apocal\-ptic  literature  (cf.  Jl.  231,  Is.  344). — 
15.  Every  condition  of  life  is  summarized  under  these 
phrases.  All  ranks  and  classes  of  society  are  to  be 
affected  by  the  great  disaster. — 16.  Hos.  108. 

VII.  This  chapter  seems  to  be  an  interlude  in  the 
movement  of  the  drama.  It  is  not  easy  to  see  how  it 
fits  on  to  the  previous  nairative.  Some  scholars  have 
regarded  it  as  an  interpolation.  Others  have  imagined 
that  tiio  writer  of  the  Ajwcalypse  had  no  sense  of 
unity,  and  threw  the  various  visions  together  in  a 
iiaphazard  fashion  without  any  principle  of  arrange- 
ment.    The  true  explanation,  however,  seems  to  be 

['  This  expression  mny  have  reference  to  the  edict  issued  by 
Domitian  lii  A.D.  0:!,  restricting  the  cultivation  of  the  vine  in  the 
provinces  of  the  empire.  It  led  to  an  Eigitation  in  Asia,  and  was 
revolsed  in  93.  The  prophet  is  describing  a  situation  in  which 
necessities  were  at  famine  prices,  while  luiuries  were  abundant.— 
A.  J.  U.] 


I 


REVELATION.  VIII.  4 


933 


aa  follows  :  Six  seals  have  already  been  broken.  The 
seventh  seal  will  bring  the  final  doom.  Before  "  the 
day  of  the  Lord ' '  breaks,  the  seal  of  God  is  placed 
upon  Christians  to  protect  them  against  the  doom 
which  is  to  fall  upon  the  rest  of  the  world.  At  the 
end  of  ch.  G  a  picture  is  drawn  of  the  panic  and  terror 
which  fell  upon  all  ranks  of  society  as  the  great  day 
approached.  The  question  would  naturally  arise,  How 
would  Christians  fare  at  the  crisis  ?  and  tliis  chapter 
gives  them  an  assurance  of  safety. 

The  chapter  contains  two  visions :  (a)  the  seahng  of 
the  servants  of  God  {i-8),  (b)  the  bliss  of  an  innumer- 
able multitude.  Do  these  two  visions  refer  to  the 
same  or  to  different  people  ?  The  usual  answer  to  this 
question  is  that  the  firat  vision  relates  to  Jewish 
Christians  who  belong  to  "  the  tribes  of  the  children 
of  Israel,'"  the  second  to  the  great  mass  of  Christians 
belonging  to  the  Gentile  world.  But  many  modem 
scholars  hold  that  this  distinction  cannot  be  main- 
tained. In  spite  of  the  mention  of  the  twelve  tribes 
they  think  that  the  first  vision  includes  all  Christians 
who  were  alive  at  the  time.  Upon  this  theory  the 
first  vision  describes  "  the  sealing  "  which  protects 
them  from  all  the  horrors  that  are  to  follow  from  the 
"  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal  "  ;  the  second  vision 
portrays  the  final  bliss  of  the  redeemed  in  heaven  after 
"  the  tribulation  "  is  over  (see  Charles,  Studies  in  tlie 
ApocaJyp.se,  pp.  133fi.). 

VII.  1-8.  The  Sealing  of  the  Hundred  and  Forty 
Four  Thousand. — 1.  Four  angels  are  here  represented 
as  holding  the  winds,  which  arc  to  bring  disaster  upon 
the  world,  in  leash,  until  the  seal  of  protection  has 
been  placed  upon  the  Christians. — 2.  The  object  of 
the  seaUng  may  be  to  protect  against  (a)  physical 
danger^,  or  (b)  apostasy,  or  (c)  demoniac  activitj'. 
Probably  all  are  included,  for  all  may  be  connected 
with  the  breaking  of  the  last  seal.  Cf.  Ezek.  94-6*, 
where  "  the  mark  on  the  foreheads  "  protected  from 
death.— 4.  144,000,  i.e.  12,000  out  of  each  tribe.  The 
number  is  evidently  symbolical,  being  "  based  on  the 
square  of  twelve,"  and  so  denoting  completeness. 
WTiether  the  number  represents  Jewish  Christians  or 
"  the  spiritual  Israel,"  i.e.  the  totahty  of  Christians 
alive  at  the  time,  is  uncertain. — 5-8.  The  list  of  tribes 
presents  some  diflBculties.  (a)  The  order  differs  from 
other  arrangements  (G.  B.  Gray,  Exp.,  1902,  pp.  225f., 
thinks  this  is  due  to  the  disarrangement  of  the  verses ; 
7  and  8  originally  stood  before  the  last  clauses  of  5 ) ;  (b) 
Dan  is  omitted,  probably  because  of  the  traditional  belief 
that  Antichrist  would  sprmg  from  liis  tribe  :  (c)  Judah 
is  placed  first  because  of  the  ])e!icf  that  the  Messiah 
would  arise  from  his  tribe ;  (d)  .Manat;.;eh  is  given 
in  place  of  Dan,  though  it  is  included  in  Joseph. 
[This  is  a  strong  reason  for  the  view  that  Manasseh 
was  not  in  the  original  hst  at  all ;  moreover  Manasseh 
is  not  in  his  proper  place,  coming  far  too  high  in  the 
list.  In  other  Lsts  Naphtali  is  combined  with  Dan, 
both  being  sons  of  Bilhah.  It  is  accordingly  very 
probable  that  this  was  the  case  here,  and  that  Manasseh 
is  due  to  a  scribes  blunder,  Dan  being  misread  as 
Man,  and  this  being  regarded  as  an  abbreviation  for 
Manasseh. — A.  S.  P.] 

VII.  9-17.  The  Vision  of  the  Redeemed  In  Heaven.— 
A  great  multitude  is  contrasted  with  the  144,W0,  which 
is  a  difficult}'  for  the  theory  that  the  two  visions  refer 
to  the  same  body  of  Clhristians. — arrayed  in  white  robes : 
cf.  35,  611.  Charles  thinks  that  these  white  robes 
represent  the  spiritual  bodies  which  the  martyrs  receive 
Iwforo  the  final  judgment. — 11.  throne,  elders,  living 
creatures:  44.6*.  The  picture  of  heaven  remains  the 
same  in  all  these  chapters. — 12.  Cf.  the  a-jvenfold  dox- 


ology  in  012. — 14.  out  ot  the  great  tribulation:  notice 
the  emphatic  article.  The  reference  is  not  to  tribula- 
tion in  general  but  "  the  tribulation,"  that  which  is  con- 
nected with  the  day  of  the  Lord. — 15.  shall  serve  him : 
in  the  ministry  of  worship. — spread  his  tabernacle: 
i.e.  the  protection  of  God's  overshadowing  presence. 
— 17.  unto  fountains:  "unto  hfe's  water-springs" 
(Scott). 

VIU.  The  arrangement  of  ch.  8  has  recently  been 
subjected  to  critical  examination  by  Charles  {Studies 
in  the  Apocalypse,  ch.  8),  who  arrives  at  the  con- 
clusion that  7-12  contains  a  separate  Apocalypse,  the 
insertion  of  which  at  this  point  causes  inexplicable 
difficulties.  He  thinks  the  chapter  was  originally  com- 
posed of  the  following  elements  :  i,  3-5,  2  (changing 
the  word  "seven"  to  "three"),  6  (with  the  same 
change),  13.  This  would  also  entail  a  change  in  the 
enumeration  of  the  trumpets  in  ch.  9.  The  theory  has 
one  very  important  merit.  It  explains  "  the  silence 
in  heaven "  by  connecting  i  with  3-5.  The  real 
problem  is.  What  is  the  cormexion  between  "  the 
seventh  seal  "  and  "  the  trumpets  "  and  later  on  "  the 
bowls "  ?  Does  the  "  seventh  seal "  let  loose  the 
woes  of  the  trumpets  and  the  bowls  ?  Or  do  the 
trumpets  and  the  bowls  recapitulate  and  go  over  again 
the  ground  already  covered  by  the  seals  ?  We  expect 
the  brealdng  of  the  seventh  seal  to  be  followed  by  a 
climax,  but  instead  of  a  climax  we  get  a  pause.  Do 
the  trumpets  and  the  bowls  cany  us  forward  towards 
the  climax,  or  are  they  different  ways  of  approaching 
the  same  end  ? 

1.  silence  in  heaven:  the  explanation  of  tliis 
"  silence  "  has  always  puzzled  commentators.  The 
usual  interpretation  is  in  the  words  of  C.  A.  Scott 
(Cent.B,  p.  198) :  "  It  suggests  the  wistful  or  alarmed 
uncertainty  with  which  the  end  of  the  silence  was 
awaited.  The  silence  big  with  fate  conveys  as  nothing 
else  could  the  sense  of  trembling  suspense."  Charles's 
theory,  that  2  is  out  of  place  and  the  "  silence  in 
heaven"  is  explained  in  3-5,  gives  what  seems  to  be 
the  true  interpretation.  "  The  praises  and  thanks- 
givings of  all  the  mighty  hierarchies  of  heaven  are 
hushed  in  order  that  the  prayers  of  the  suffering  saints 
on  earth  maj^  be  heard  before  the  throne  of  God  "  {op. 
cit.,  p.  153). — half  an  hour:  this  phrase  is  not  to  be 
taken  literallj^ ;  as  Swcte  says,  "  Half  an  hour  is  a 
long  interval  in  a  drama."- — 2.  And  I  saw  .  .  . 
trumpets :  these  words  ob\'iously  come  too  early,  and 
arc  really  connected  with  6. — 3.  another  angel :  'sorae- 
tiiues  identified  with  Michael  the  guardian  and  inter- 
cessor of  Israel. — over  the  altar :  the  picture  which  is 
drawn  of  heaven  in  chs.  4f.  contains  no  altar,  though 
"  the  bowls  full  of  incense  "  in  08  may  possibly  imply  an 
altar  of  incense.  In  83  most  scholars  tliink  there  is  a 
reference  to  two  altars,  {a)  the  altar  over  wliich  the 
angel  stood,  i.e.  the  altar  of  burnt  offering  which  stood 
before  the  holy  place,  (6)  "  the  golden  altar,'"  i.e.  the 
altar  of  incense  (Ex.  30ff.*),  the  theory  being  that  there 
was  a  "  pattern  in  the  heavens  "  of  the  complete  earthly 
Temple  {cf.  Heb.  85).  Swete  and  Charles,  however, 
maint.ain  that  the  Apocalypse  only  mentions  one  altar — 
the  altar  of  incense.  Jewish  Christian  writers  before 
A.D.  200  never  allude  to  a  second  altar  in  heaven,  and 
their  language  definitely  excludes  the  possibility  of 
the  existence  df  more  than  ono  {op.  cit.,  pp.  161-179). 
—  a  golden  censer:  cf.  Lev.  16i2f. — add  it  unto  the 
prayers:  apparently  the  prayers  of  the  saints  in  this 
metaphor,  are  the  live  coals  upon  which  the  incense  is 
sprinkled.  In  58,  however,  there  is  a  variation  of  the 
metaphor,  and  the  "  prayers  "  are  represented  as  the 
incense. — 4.  lit.  "  the  smoke  of  the  incense  went  up 


934 


REVELATION.  VIII.  4 


to  help  (lit.  *  for  ')  the  prayers  of  the  saints." — 5.  The 
prayers  are  answered;  the  angel  uses  the  censer  to 
cast  the  fire  from  the  altar  upon  the  earth  as  a  sjTnboI 
of  disaster  (c/.  Ezek.  IO2). 

Vni,  &-13.  The  First  Four  Trumpets.— The  firet  four 
trumpets,  hke  the  first  four  seals,  form  a  connected 
group,  and  differ  in  character  from  the  last  three. 
They  affect  chiefly  the  natural  world,  which  they 
overwhelm  with  disaster.  Many  of  the  features  are 
borrowed  from  tlie  plau'ues  of  E<rypt.  [The  description 
seems  to  Ije  based  also  on  volcanic  phenomena,  as 
often  in  OT  prophecy.  The  whole  district  was  subject 
to  volcanic  disturbances,  and  in  particular  the  island 
of  Santorin  (about  80  miles  S.W.  of  Patmos)  may  have 
suggested  several  features.  See  J.  T.  Bent's  article, 
"What  St.  John  saw  in  Patmos"  (Nineteenth  Century, 
1888).  On  this  iisland  there  is  a  work  by  F.  Fouqu6, 
Santorin  et  ses  eruptions. — A.  S.  P.] 

7.  The  first  trumpet  (c/.  Ex.  924),  "  fire  flashing 
continually  amid  the  hail."  The  phrase  "  mingled 
with  blood  "  is  added.  "  Blood-red  rain  is  not  un- 
known in  nature  "  ;  storms  of  this  character  have 
occurred  in  the  S.  of  Europe,  and  the  usual  explanation 
given  is  that  tlie  air  was  full  of  particles  of  red  sand 
from  the  Sahara. — 8.  The  second  trumpet. — a  great 
mountain :  this  phrase  is  introduced  by  way  of  illus- 
tration, and  we  need  not  imagine  that  the  writer 
pictures  an  actual  mountain  cast  into  the  sea.  Ho 
indicates  rather  a  huge  blazing  mass  like  a  mountain 
in  size. — 9.  sea  became  blood :  cf.  Ex.  717-21,  Rev.  I63. 
— 10.  The  tliird  trumpet.  A  great  meteor  falls  from 
heaven  and  destroys  the  fresh-water  supply.  [J.  H. 
Moulton,  Early  Zoroastrianism,  p.  320,  compares  "  the 
falling  of  the  great  star  Gocihar  upon  the  earth," 
mentioned  in  the  Bundahish. — A.S.  P.] — called  Worm- 
wood :  Ut.  absinthe.  In  OT  the  term  is  always  used 
metaphorically  to  denote  the  bitterness  of  injustice  or 
the  fruits  of  idolatry  or  Di\-ine  chaslisement  (Pr.  54*). 
— 12.  The  fourth  trumpet.  This  causes  the  partial 
eclipse  of  the  heavenly  bodies  (cf.  Ex.  IO21-23).  None 
of  these  plagues  are  final,  and  it  seems  to  be  suggested 
that  there  is  still  time  for  repentance. — 13.  On  the 
ordinary  interpretation  this  verse  is  intended  to  be  a 
last  warning  to  the  world  before  the  other  trumpets 
are  blown.  Charles  thinks,  however,  that  originally 
the  four  trumpets  were  not  found  in  the  text,  and  that 
this  verse  simply  introduces  the  three  trumpets  (c/.  9). — 
an  eagle:  so  the  best  MSS.  TR  reads,  "an  angel," 
and  so  AV. — 15.  See  Introd.  to  ch.  20. 

IX.  On  the  ordinary  theory  ch.  9  continues  the 
account  of  the  trumpets  commenced  in  8.  But  if  we 
follow  Charles  in  excising  87-12,  there  were  originally 
not  .seven  but  three  tnnnpcts,  an  account  of  two  of 
which  forms  the  themo  of  eh.  9. 

1-12.  The  Fifth  Trumpet  or  the  First  Woe.— The 

seer  sees  a  star  fallen  on  the  earth.  The  star  .seems  to 
represent  a  person,  possibly  Satan  (cf.  Lk.  10 r8). — 
abyss :  the  word  properly  means  "  bottomless,"  and 
is  used  in  OT  of  the  abode  of  the  dead,  e.g.  Ps.  7l20. 
The  abyss  is  ai)proached  by  a  "  shaft '"  or  "  well," 
here  translated  "  pit,"  which  is  closed  and  kept  under 
lock  and  key. — 3.  out  of  the  smoke  came  .  .  .  locusts : 
cf.  Ex.  IO13  and  Driver's  quotation  of  the  observations 
of  a  modern  traveller  :  "  we  observed  large  dark  clouds 
resembhng  smoke  moving  to  and  fro  .  .  .  One  morning 
these  clouds  came  down  and  proved  to  bo  locusts."' 
(CB,  Joel,  p.  90). — power  was  given  to  them :  the.se 
locusts  were  specially  endowed  with  the  ecorpion-like 
power  of  tormenting  men. — 4.  not  hurt  the  grass:  this 
conflicts  with  87,  whore,  as  the  result  of  the  first 
trumpet,   "  all  green  grass  was   burnt  up." — soai  ol 


God :  Tsff*.— 5.  five  months :  this  is  supposed  to  repre- 
sent the  ordinary  duration  of  a  plague  of  locusts.  The 
object  of  the  plague  is  not  to  kill,  but  to  torture  and 
torment. — 7.  Uke  unto  horses:  this  description  ia 
taken  from  Jl.  24. — crowns".  .  .  men's  faces:  these 
two  features  seem  to  be  peculiar  to  the  loousta  of  the 
abyss  ;  there  is  nothing  about  the  ordinary  locust  to 
account  for  this  description. — 11.  They  have  ...  as 
king :  In  Pr.  3O27  it  is  stated  that  locusts  have  no  king, 
but  these  locusts  belong  to  the  abyss. — Abaddon :  the 
word  only  occurs  in  what  is  known  as  the  Wisdom 
Literature  (Job  266,  2822,  Ps.  881 1,  Pr.  15ii*,  etc.), 
where  it  means  "  ruin  "  or  "  destruction,"  either  on 
earth  or  in  Sheol.  Here  "  Destruction  "  is  personified. 
— ApoUyon  is  the  Greek  equivalent  for  Abaddon. 

13-21.  The  Sixth  Trumpet  or  the  Second  Woe.— The 
loosing  of  the  four  angels  of  death,  and  the  slaughter 
of  a  third  part  of  the  human  race. 

13.  the  horns :  the  comers. — the  golden  altar :  cf.  83. 
— 14.  Loose  the  four  angels:  these  angels  are  kept 
bound  in  the  river  Euphrates  (cf.  IG12)  waiting  for  the 
day  of  vengeance.  There  is  a  striking  parallel  in  a  Syriac 
Apocalypse  of  Ezra,  "  Let  these  four  kings  be  loosed 
which  are  bound  near  the  great  river  Euphrates  which 
shall  destroy  a  third  part  of  mankind."  Many  com- 
mentators see  in  this  reference  an  expectation  that  the 
armies  of  Parthia  were  soon  to  be  loosed  on  the  Roman 
Empire.— 16.  The  figure  200,000,000  is  probably  de- 
rived from  Ps.  6817,  "  The  chariots  of  God  are  twenty 
thousand,  even  thousands  upon  thousands." — 17, 
hyacinth  is  sometimes  used  as  (a)  the  name  of  a  precious 
stone  (2I20),  (h)  of  a  dye,  i.e.  blue.  The  breastplates 
appeared  as  flame-coloured,  smoky  blue,  and  yellow 
like  sulphur. — [19.  their  tails:  The  Parthians  twisted 
their  horses'  tails  to  a  point.  There  may  be  a  further 
reference  to  their  skill  in  shooting  backwards. — 
A.  J.  G.] — 20.  the  rest  of  mankind,  i.e.  the  two-thirds 
who  were  not  killed. — worship  devils  :  both  in  OT  and 
NT  the  woisliip  of  the  pagan  world  is  said  to  be  given 
to  demons  (cf.  Dt.  32 17^  Ps.  IO637,  1  Cor.  IO20).— 
21.  The  four  sins  mentioned  in  this  verse  are  the  char- 
acteristic vices  of  the  pagan  world.  For  the  connexion 
between  idolatry  and  immoraUty  cf.  Rom.  I21-27. — 
[sorceries  :  the  Gr.  word  means  magic  spells  inciting 
to  illicit  lusts. — A.  J.  G.J 

X.  The  second  interlude  in  the  movement  of  the 
drama.  The  sixth  trumpet,  like  the  sixth  seal,  ia 
followed  by  a  pause.  Once  again  the  climax  is  postr- 
poned.  10  and  llT-13  are  parenthetical,  and  the 
visions  which  they  record  are  episodes  in  the  main 
story. 

1-11.  The  Vision  of  the  Strong  Angel  and  the  Little 
Book. — 1.  The  strong  angel. — Wo  have  no  means  of 
identifying  this  angel.  To  suppo.se  that  he  repre.sents 
Christ  is  contrary  to  all  analogy  and  precedent. — 
coming  down  out  of  heaven :  the  scene  of  the  previous 
visioas  is  laid  in  heaven,  whither  the  seer  had  been 
transported.  Here  he  seems  to  be  standing  upon  the 
earth  and  watching  the  descent  of  the  angel. — 2.  a 
little  book :  the  Gr.  word  is  an  emphatic  diminutive, 
"  a  very  small  roll  (or  scroll."  This  book  is  8uppo.scd 
to  contain  a  fragment  of  Divuie  revelation  (cf.  the  book 
mentioned  in  Ezek.  29). — 4.  the  seven  thunders:  sug- 
gests that  anotiier  cycle  01  visions,  like  the  cycles  of 
the  seaLj  and  trumpets  and  bowls,  occurred  to  the 
wxitor's  mind,  but  he  dismisses  the  temptation  to  use 
them. — seal  up:  the  metaphor  "  seaUng  "  is  generally 
used  to  denote  the  ending  of  a  document  which  has 
been  written.  Here  it  is  applied  to  an  unwritten 
utterance. — 6.  time  ...  no  longer:  (a)  time  now 
ceases,  because  eternity  has  begun,  or  (6)  there  shall  no 


I 


REVELATION.  XII. 


935 


longer  be  any  interval  or  respite  before  the  commence- 
ment of  doom.  The  latter  is  preferable  because  it  helps 
us  to  see  the  coimoxion  of  this  chapter  with  the  rest 
of  the  book  {c.g.Qioi.).  It  announces  that  the  pause  is 
at  an  end  and  the  hour  of  Divine  intervention  at  hand. 
That  this  Ls  the  tme  interpretation  is  clear  from  the 
allusion  to  the  seventh  trumpet  in  7. — then  is  finished 
the  mystery  of  God  (2  Th,  27*) :  the  revelation  which 
God  made  to  the  prophets  is  now  consummated. — 
9.  Take  it,  and  eat  it  up:  cf.  Ezek.  3i.  A  bold  meta- 
phor indicating  that  the  message  of  God  was  to  be 
incorporated  by  the  seer  into  his  system  ;  cf.  the 
Player  Book  phrase,  "  read,  mark,  lea.rn,  and  inwardly 
digest." — bitter:  in  Ezek.  the  only  effect  of  eating  the 
roll  was  to  induce  the  sense  of  sweetness.  Here  there 
is  a  twofold  result,  a  sweet  taste  in  the  mouth,  and 
internal  pain.  "  Every  revelation  of  God's  purposes, 
even  though  it  be  but  a  fragment,  is  '  bitter  sweet,' 
disclosing  judgment  as  well  as  mercy  "  (Swete). — 11 
indicates  a  fresh  development  in  the  movement  of  the 
drama,  which  is  to  involve  many  nations  and  kings. 

XI.  1-13.  The  Interlude  continued.  The  Second 
Episode. — The  first  two  verses  are  introductory,  and 
iepresent  the  survey  or  measuring  of  the  holy  city  by 
the  seer.  Then  comes  the  prophecy  concerning  the 
two  witnesses,  followed  by  the  first  appearance  in  the 
book  of  "  the  beast  "  or  Antichrist  (7). 

1.  a  reed:  a  measuring  rod  (Ezek.  40ff.,  Zech.  2i), 
Ezekiel's  reed  (4O5)  was  nine  feet  long. — measure  the 
temple :  the  allusion  is  not  to  the  heavenly  sanctuary 
but  to  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  The  object  of  the 
measuring  was  to  provide  for  its  preservation  in  the 
day  of  crisis.  The  reference,  therefore,  is  not  so 
much  to  the  material  Temple  as  to  that  which  the 
Temple  represented,  viz.  the  spiritual  Israel ;  cf.  the 
seahng  of  the  141,000  in  73*. — the  altar:  the  altar  of 
burnt  offering. — 2.  the  court :  the  court  of  the  Gentiles, 
separated  from  the  Temple  proper  by  "  the  middle 
wall  of  partition  "  on  which  were  itLscribed  the  words, 
"  No  man  of  another  nation  to  enter  within  the  fence 
and  enclosure  round  the  Temple.  And  whoever  is 
caught  will  have  himself  to  blame  that  his  death 
ensues." — forty  and  two  months :  the  1260  days  of  the 
next  verse,  i.e.  the  3^  years  of  Dan.  725,  I27.  Tliis 
period  represents  the  actual  duration  of  the  persecution 
under  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (from  the  spring  of  108  B.C. 
to  the  autumn  of  165  B.C.),  when  the  Temple  was  pro- 
faned, the  sacrifices  interrupted,  and  a  pagan  altar 
erected.  This  historical  event  invested  the  period  of 
3^  years  with  a  special  significance  for  Apocalyptic, 
and  henceforth  it  became  the  typical  figure  for  the 
length  of  the  persecution  under  Antichrist.  [This  may 
have  seemed  the  more  reasonable  that  it  is  the  half 
of  the  number  of  perfection. — A.  S.  P.] — 3.  The  two 
witnesses :  it  is  impossible  to  discover  what  the  writer 
intended  his  readers  to  understand  by  these  "  two 
witnesses."  The  use  of  OT  phrases  has  led  many 
scholars  to  identify  them  with  two  OT  heroes  from  the 
following  list :  Abel,  Enoch,  Moses,  Elijah,  Elisha, 
Jeremiah.  Others  maintain  that  the  phrase  is  sym- 
bolical, and  that  the  witnesses  represent  "  the  Church 
in  her  function  of  witness- bearing  "  (Swete).  A  third 
school  regards  them  as  referring  to  two  prophets  or 
leaders  who  were  to  appear  as  champions  of  the  faith 
before  the  end  came.  [0.  H.  Tumor  {Studie'>  in  Early 
Ch.  Hist.,  p.  214)  suggests  Peter  and  Paul,  "  the  two 
most  illustrious  victims  of  the  Beast  (Nero),  the 
martyrs  whose  bodies  lay  in  the  great  city." — A.  J.  G.l 
We  have  not  sufficient  data  to  solve  the  enigma,  but 
the  context  seems  to  point  to  Moaos  and  Ehjah.  For 
the  period  of  their  ministry,  1260  days,  cf.  2*. — 4.  the 


two  olive  trees :  an  allusion  to  Zech.  4,  where  the  two 
"  sons  of  oil,"  Zerubbabel  and  .Joshua,  representing 
the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  power,  supply  the  needs  of 
"  the  candlestick,"  i.e.  the  theocratic  state. — 5.  flro 
proceedeth:  as  in  the  case  of  Ehjah  (2  K.  1 10). — 
6.  power  to  shut  heaven:  so  Elijah  (1  K.  I7i). — power 
over  the  waters :  so  Moses  (Ex.  719). — smite  the  earth : 
so  Moses,  a  reference  to  the  plagues  of  Egypt. — 7.  the 
beast:  the  first  reference  to  the  figure  of  Antichrist, 
which  plays  such  an  important  role  in  the  later  part 
of  the  book  (cf.  178).  With  the  description  cf.  the 
four  beasts  of  Dan.  75. — 8.  Sodom :  the  term  Sodom  is 
applied  to  Jerusalem  in  Is.  lio  in  token  of  its  wicked- 
ness.— Egypt:  also  a  term  of  reproach,  though  not 
appUed  to  Jerusalem  elsewhere. — where  also  their  Lord 
was  crucified:  the  "great  city"  thus  seems  to  be 
Jenisalem,  though  some  scholars  think  that  the  context 
points  to  Rome,  and  the  phrase,  "  the  great  city  "  is 
applied  to  Babylon,  i.e.  Rome,  in  I619,  17i8,  ISroff. — 

9.  three  days  and  a  half:  "day"  here  means  year, 
and  the  reference  is  to  the  2h  years  of   Dan.  (2*). — • 

10.  This  verse  describes  the  general  exultation  at  the 
death  of  the  two  prophets  or  '"  witnesses,"  who  had 
tormented  men's  consciences. — 11.  the  seer  "  sees  the 
Church  of  the  martyrs  recovering  herself  from  an  age 
of  persecution  as  Ezekiel  (37 10)  bad  seen  new  life 
infused  into  a  dead  Israel  "  (Swete). — 12.  The  final 
triumph  of  "  the  witnesses  "  and  their  ascension  to 
heaven  in  full  view  of  their  enemies. — 13.  "  The 
witnesses  "  are  vindicated  by  a  great  natural  catas- 
trophe in  the  form  of  an  earthquake  which  destroys  a 
tenth  of  the  city  and  7000  people.  The  reserve  of  the 
writer  is  still  maintained.  The  disaster  is  only  partial ; 
the  final  doom  is  still  postjx)ned. 

XI.  14-19.  The  Seventh  Trumpet  and  the  Third  Woo. 
— The  story  which  was  broken  off  at  92 1  is  now  re- 
sumed. The  seventh  tiaimpet  heralds  the  approach  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Chjist.— 15.  great  voice:  in  contrast 
to  the  silence  which  followed  the  breaking  of  the 
"seventh  seal"  (81). — our  Lord:  God  the  Father. — 
his  Christ:  God's  Anointed  One. — 16.  elders:  44*.— 
17.  Cf.  with  this  doxology  those  in  4it,  5x2,  7x2. — 
19.  the  temple  of  God:  i.e.  the  heavenly  temple 
(cf.  7x5,  155ff.).  The  judgment  was  followed  by  the 
manifestation  of  the  glory  of  God  in  the  opening  of  His 
Temple.— the  ark  of  his  covenant:  according  to  the 
tradition  preserved  in  2  Mac.  2i-8,  the  Ark  had  been 
hidden  away  by  Jeremiah  in  a  "  cavernous  chamber  " 
until  "  God  should  gather  His  people  together  again." 
That  time  had  now  come,  though  not  in  the  sense 
predicted  by  Jeremiah,  and  the  xVrk  stood  revealed  in 
the  open  Temple  of  heaven,  the  symbol  of  God's  faith- 
fulness in  keeping  His  covenant  (cf.  2x7*).  The  rest 
of  the  drama  of  the  book  is  worked  out  in  full  view  of 
the  open  Temple. 

XU.  The  Vision  of  the  Woman,  the  Child,  and  the 
Dragon. — This  chapter  has  always  presented  difficulties 
to  the  student  of  Revelation.  Two  questions  present 
themselves  :  (u)  What  is  the  connexion  of  this  chapter 
with  the  previous  part  of  the  book  ?  (b)  What  inter- 
pretation did  the  writer  intend  his  readei-s  to  put  upon 
the  vision  ?  The  first  question  has  been  answered  in 
many  ways.  Some  scholars  regard  this  passage  as  a 
fresh  interlude,  and  think  that  it  is  unconnected  with 
the  main  movement  of  the  drama.  It  is  often  ex- 
plained as  a  fragment  of  a  Jewish  Apocalypse  which 
the  writer  determined  to  utilise,  though  he  failed 
altogether  to  weave  it  into  the  thread  of  the  argument. 
The  most  probable  explanation  is  as  follows.  The 
theme  of  the  second  part  of  the  Apocalypse  is  the 
struggle  against  Anticlmet,  and  this  chapter  forms  the 


936 


REVELATION,  XII, 


introduction.  Antichriat  is  first  introduced  almost 
incidentally  in  II7  and  the  allusion  in  that  passage  is 
here  developed  and  carried  a  stage  further  on.  The 
second  question  is  equally  difficult  to  answer.  There 
are  three  characters  in  tliis  scene — the  woman,  the 
child,  the  dragon.  There  is  no  difficulty  about  the 
identification  of  the  dragon.  It  undoubtedly  repre- 
sents Antichrist,  but  the  other  two  characters  are  not 
so  easy  to  explain.  The  child  is  generally  understood 
to  represent  the  Messiah,  but  the  details'  of  the  story 
do  not  correspond  with  the  facts  of  the  life  of  Jesus. 
Jesus  was  not  "  caught  up  unto  God  "  immediately 
after  biith,  and  the  description  in  5  of  "  a  man  cliild 
who  is  to  rule  all  the  nations  with  a  rod  of  iron  '"  does 
not  seem  an  appropriate  description  of  His  mission. 
It  is  difficult,  therefore,  to  supiJose  that  this  chapter 
was  written  with  full  knowledge  of  the  life  of  the 
actual  Messiah.  It  is,  however,  when  we  come  to  ask 
what  is  meant  by  the  woman  that  the  problem  be- 
comes acute.  We  may  dismiss  at  once  the  theoiy  that 
identifies  her  with  the  Virgin  Mary.  There  is  not  a 
single  detail  of  the  narrative  which  suits  such  an 
hypothesis.  Nor  can  we  suppose  that  the  woman  was 
intended  to  denote  the  Christian  Church  if  the  child  is 
to  be  regarded  as  the  Messiah.  It  was  not  the  Christian 
Church  that  produced  the  IMessiah  :  it  was  the  Messiah 
who  created  the  Christian  Church.  The  only  reason- 
able explanation  is  that  the  woman  personifies  the 
people  of  Israel.  The  best  interpretation  of  the  chapter 
is,  therefore,  that  we  have  here  a  pre-Christian 
Apocalypse  rei)rescnting  Israel  in  travail  with  the 
Messiah  and  that  this  Apocalypse  has  been  inserted 
by  the  author  of  the  book  without  any  attempt  to 
reconcile  it  with  the  facts  of  the  hfe  of  the  actual 
Messiah.  Gunkel  thinks  that  the  basis  of  the  story 
was  a  Babylonian  myth.  [No  story  of  the  birth  of 
Marduk  has  been  discovered  ;  Gunkel  postulates  the 
existence  of  a  myth  of  his  birth  on  the  fines  of  the 
myih  of  the  birth  of  Apollo.  Dieterich  derived  our 
passage  from  the  Greek  myth  of  the  birth  of  ApoUo  ; 
Bousset  has  called  attention  to  the  Egyptian  myth  of 
the  birth  of  Horus.  The  parallels  with  our  passage 
are  too  close  to  be  accidental.  Probably  there  was  a 
widespread  myth,  of  which  the  Greek  and  Egyptian 
forms  are  variants,  describing  how  the  god  of  light  was 
successfully  bom  in  spite  of  the  attempt  of  the  dragon 
of  daikness  and  chaos  to  prevent  his  birth.  See 
Peake,  The  Person  of  Christ  in  the  Revelation  of  John, 
in  Mansfield  College  Es.saij.'<. — A.  S.  P.] 

1.  a  woman :  the  people  of  Israel  in  the  early  part 
of  the  chapter,  and  later  on  probably  the  Christian 
community. — th8  sun :  the  imagery  used  here  is  prob- 
ably suggested  by  a  passage  in  the  Testaments  of 
the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  "  Judah  was  bright  as  the  moon 
and  under  his  feet  were  twelve  rays  "  (Test.  Naph.  5). 
— twelve  stars:  probably  an  allusion  to  the  twe've 
tril>cs. — 2.  child:  the  "Messiah. — 3.  dragon:  Anti- 
christ ;  in  9  he  is  identified  with  "  the  old  serjient  who 
is  called  the  Devil  and  Satan.'" — seven  heads  and  ten 
boms:  the  frequent  occurrence  of  similar  terms  in 
the  Book  of  Daniel  makes  it  clear  that  the  writer 
uses  them  to  cover  a  reference  to  kings  or  kingdoms. 
What  the  original  writer  of  this  little  Apocalypse  in- 
tended by  these  words  cannot  be  discovered,  but  our 
author  obviously  meant  them  to  refer  to  Roman 
Emperors. — 4.  draweth  the  third  part:  for  the  meta- 
phor cf.  Dan.  Sio. — 5.  child  w.-'.s  caught  up  unto  God : 
this  cannot  refer  to  any  event  in  the  life  of  Christ, 
unless  it  bo  to  the  Ascension,  but  must  be  an  imagin.uy 
picture  of  the  Messiah's  experience  dra^vn  by  a  pre- 
Christian  writer. — 6,  A  prediction  of  Israel's  fate  after 


the  Messiah's  departure. — 1260  days :  (II2*)  suggeat«d 
by  the  3^  years  of  Dan.— 7.  The  war  in  heaven  de- 
scribed in  the  following  verses  has  its  analogy  in  the 
wars  of  the  Olympian  gods  de.scribed  by  Homer  and 
Virgil  {cf.  P:ph.  612*).— Michael :  the  guardian  angel  of 
Israel  (cf.  Dan.  ]0i^,2i,  12i). — 8.  This  verse  seems 
to  imply  that  the  final  fall  of  Satan  from  heaven 
(cf.  Lk.  IO18)  did  not  take  place  till  this  conflict,  but 
perhaps  the  words  should  not  be  unduly  pressed. — 
10.  The  victory  of  Michael  is  followed  by  a  pman  of 
triumph. — 11.  The  victory  in  heaven  is  followed  by  a 
victory  of  the  martyrs  upon  earth. — 12.  a  short  time: 
afterwards  defined  as  .3i  years  (14). — 14.  two  wings  of 
the  great  eagle:  we  must  not  attempt  to  turn  poetry 
into  prose  and  find  some  definite  fact  beneath  this 
phrase.  All  that  it  denotes  is  that  in  some  mysterious 
way  the  woman  was  enabled  to  escape. — a  time,  times, 
etc. :  i.e.  3.1  years  (Dan.  725*,  Rev.  II2*).— 15.  cast  out 
.  .  .  V/ater:  the  tangible  facts  covered  by  this  i)hraso 
cannot  be  deciphered.  Some  have  interjireted  it  of 
the  Roman  amiies  [at  the  siege  f)f  Jenisalcm,  00-70]  ; 
others  of  the  persecutors ;  others  of  the  influx  of 
heretical  opinions.  If  these  words  were  in  the  early 
Apocalypse,  they  are  probably  meant  to  be  indefinite. — 
16.  the  earth  opened :  here  again  it  is  useless  to  look 
for  an  answering  fact  [e.g.  the  escape  of  the  Jenisalera 
Christians  to  Pella,  or  the  death  of  a  persecuting 
emperor. — A.  J.  G.].  The  phrase  simply  means  that 
help  would  come  from  unexpected  quarters.  [There 
are  streams  in  Asia  Minor,  e.g.  the  Lycus  and  the 
Oiirysorrhous,  which  flow  for  a  distance  underground. — 
A.  J.  G.]— 17.  the  rest  of  her  seed:  the  followers  of 
the  Messiah,  especially  those  outside  Palestine,  e.g.  in 
Asia  Minor. — [and  he  stood :  possibly  we  should  read, 
"  and  I  stood  "  (AV),  and  connect  with  next  chapter. — 
A.  J.  G.] 

XIII.  This  chapter  records  the  appearance  of  two 
bea-sts  :  (a)  the  one  rising  from  the  sea  (i-io),  (b)  the 
other  springing  from  the  earth  (11-18).  The  first  beast 
is  conquered  by  the  dragon,  the  second  beast  derives 
its  authority  from  the  first.  The  chapter  throughout 
is  reminiscent  of  Dan.  7.  The  first  beast  is  generally 
identified  with  the  Roman  Empire  and  the  second 
with  the  spirit  of  paganism  which  inculcated  the  cult 
of  CiBsar-worship.  The  portrait  of  the  first  beast  in 
the  concluding  verses  seems  to  individuali.se  in  the 
person  of  Nero  ;  at  any  rate  this  appears  to  be  the  most 
plausible  interpretation  of  the  number  666.  The  poin. 
of  the  chapter  seems  to  be  this.  The  dragon,  beateu 
in  the  heavenly  war  by  Michael  and  his  angels,  turns 
liis  attention  to  earth,  and  endeavours  to  exterminatt 
the  Christian  faith  by  inspiring  the  Roman  Empire 
to  persecute, 

1.  a  beast  coming  up  out  of  the  sea:  cf  the  vision  o- 
tho  four  great  beasts  that  come  up  out  of  the  sea  in 
Dan.  73.  As  the  beasts  in  Daniel  represent  empires 
we  may  suppose  that  this  beast  also  stands  for  a- 
empire. — ten  horns:  the  horns  represent  emperors, 
either  beginning  with  Julius  CiBsar  and  ending  with 
Titus  or  beginning  with  Augustus  and  ending  with 
Vespasian,  or  if  we  omit  some  or  all  of  the  three 
usurpers  (Galba,  Otho,  Vitcllius)  we  may  end  with 
Domitian,  Nerva,  or  even  Trajan.  [Perhaps  the  "  seven 
heads "  are  emperors  (Augustus  to  Titus),  and  the 
"ten  horns"  provincial  governors  or  dependent  kings. 
cf.  17i2*,  p.  03!).— A.  J.  G.]— names  of  blasphemy: 
possibly  the  name  "Augustus,"  which  moans  "worthy 
of  worship,"  or  the  title  "God,"  which,  as  we  know 
from  the  inscriptions,  many  of  these  kings  assumed. — 
2.  leopard  . .  .  bear .  .  .  lion  :  in  Dan.  74-6,  the  hon, 
the   bear,  and   the  leopard  are  distinct.    Here  the 


REVELATION.  XIV.  4 


937 


qualities  of  all  three  animals  are  ascribed  to  a  single 
beast. — the  dragon  :  the  power  of  the  beast  was  derived 
from  Satan. — 3.  one  of  the  heads  .  .  .  smitten :  note 
the  point  of  contact  between  this  description  of  the 
beast  and  the  description  of  the  Lamb  "  as  it  had  been 
slain  "  (56).  This  phrase  must  be  interpreted  in  the 
hght  of  178,  and  doubtless  refers  to  the  legend  of  Nero 
redivivus  (178*). — 5.  Cf.  the  description  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  in  Dan.  78-2o. — forty  and  two  months  :  the 
length  of  the  persecution  of  Antiochus,  3.!  years  {cf. 
Il2f.*,  9,11,  126).— 6.  If,  with  the  best  iLSS.'we  omit 
'■  oven  "  the  words  "  them  that  dwell  in  the  heaven  " 
define  and  explain  the  term  "  tabernacle  of  God." — 8. 
shall  worship  him :  i.e.  the  beast,  a  reference  to 
Emperor-worship,  which  was  su  prevalent  at  this  time 
(p.  175). — book  of  life:  85*. — from  the  foundation  of 
the  world  :  the  connexion  of  this  clause  is  uncertain. 
Most  people  attach  it  to  "  the  Lamb  slain,"  and  make 
it  indicate  the  eternal  character  of  the  sacrifice  of 
Christ.  The  parallel  passage  in  17s,  '"  written  in  the 
book  of  life  from  the  foundation  of  the  world,"  strongly 
suggests  that  a  similar  connexion  of  the  words  ought 
to  be  understood  here. — 10.  CJ.  Jer.  ISa,  Mt.  2652. 
The  text  and  meaning  of  this  verse  are  uncertain. 
The  AV  renders  "  He  that  leadeth  into  captivity  shall 
go  into  captivity  :  He  that  killeth  with  the  sword 
must  be  killed  with  the  sword."  The  faith  of  the 
C'hristian  Church  is  sustained  by  the  belief  that  acts 
of  persecution  -vNill  recoil  upon  the  heads  of  the  per- 
secutors, and  vengeance  w'ill  be  meted  out  to  them 
by  God.  The  RV.  following  a  more  rehable  text, 
modifies  the  first  clause,  "  If  any  man  is  for  captivity 
into  captivity  he  goes,"  but  keeps  the  second  clause 
practically  unaltered.  There  is  an  ambiguity  about 
this  second  clause.  It  may  have  the  meaning  of  the 
AV,  but  it  may  also  mean  "  If  any  man  shall  kill  with 
the  sword,  with  the  sword  must  he  [i.e.  the  murdered 
man)  be  killed.  '  The  former  rendering  is  much  more 
natural,  but  it  completely  spoils  the  parallehsm  between 
the  two  clauses  and  brackets  together  two  incom- 
mensurate ideas.  It  is  essential  that  the  parallehsm 
of  the  clauses  should  be  maintained  even  at  the  cost, 
as  Hort  suggests,  of  emending  the  text.  The  passage 
is  probably  based  on  Jer.  152,  "Such  as  are  for  death 
to  death  and  such  as  are  for  the  sword  to  the  sword." 
The  words  seem  to  inculcate  the  Christian  duty  of 
acquiescing  in  the  will  of  God  even  though  persecution 
and  martyrdom  were  involved.  It  was  by  accepting 
the  suffering  which  might  come  upon  him  that  the 
Christian  exemplified  hjs  loyalty  and  faith.  Failing 
this  interpretation  of  the  passage,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  fall  back  upon  the  weaker  text  of  the  AV.  The 
R  V  cannot  be  right  unless  the  second  clause  is  explained 
as  above. 

11-18.  The  Second  Beast.— This  represents  the  spirit 
of  paganism,  and  more  particularly  the  priestly  system 
which  was  organised  to  enforce  Cajsar-worship. — 
llf.  The  second  beast  Ls  regarded  as  inferior  to,  and 
deriving  its  authority  from,  the  first. — 12.  to  worship: 
an  allusion  to  Emperor-worship. — deathstroke :  r/.  3  ; 
an  allusion  to  Xero  redii-iinix  (178*). — 13.  great  signs: 
an  allusion  to  the  displays  of  magic  by  tlic  priests  for 
the  purpfjse  of  deceiving  the  fxjople.— 14.  an  image  of 
the  beast:  a  statue  of  the  oinperoi  whicii  was  used  in 
CiBsar-worship. — 15.  to  give  breath  unto  it :  an  allusion 
to  the  preteiuled  miracles  wrouglit  l>v  the  priests,  fike 
the  later  miracles  of  the  Middle  Ages,  by  which  a  stone 
image  was  made  to  move  and  act  like  a  living  being. — 
16.  a  mark  upon  their  right  hands:  hke  the  stamp 
embossed  on  othcial  documents  bearing  the  name  of 


the  emperor  and  the  year  of  his  reign.  [In  later  per- 
secutions, at  least,  certificates  wore  given  to  tho-se  who 
sacrificed  or  otherwise  fulfilled  the  regulations  of 
pagan  worship. — A.  J.  G.]  As  to  w^hether  the  devotees 
of  Emperor-worship  wore  actually  branded  on  the 
hand  or  the  forehead  wo  have  no  information  beyond 
this  passage,  and  possibly  here  the  language  may 
be  apocalj^tic  {cf.  the  seal  on  the  foreheads  of  the 
saints  in  73).  But  it  seems  certain  that  there  was 
some  sign  or  mark  which  served  to  distinguish  pagan 
worshippers  from  Christians. — 17.  Christians,  since 
they  lacked  this  mark,  are  -said  to  have  been  boycotted 
in  the  markets  and  were  neither  allowed  to  buy  nor 
sell.— the  name  of  the  beast:  i.e.  the  name  of  the 
emperor. — 18.  Here  Is  wisdom :  these  words  are  a 
challenge  to  the  readers  of  the  Apocalypse.  If  any 
man  regards  himself  as  wise,  let  him  try  to  read  the 
riddle  of  the  number  of  the  beast. — it  is  the  number 
of  a  man :  we  are  to  look  among  the  ranks  of  men, 
and  not  of  angels  or  supernatural  beings,  for  the  answer 
to  the  riddle. — Six  hundred  and  sixty  and  six:  the 
riddle  is,  "  Find  the  man,  the  letters  of  whose  name, 
when  regarded  as  numerals,  sum  up  to  the  total  666." 
There  have  been  many  guesses,  but  very  few  of  them 
have  any  claim  upon  our  attention.  We  may  dismiss 
all  those  theories  which  find  the  "  number  of  the  beast  " 
in  some  later  personage  as  Muhammad,  Luther,  or 
Napoleon.  The  beast  Uved  in  the  age  when  the  book 
was  written.  The  best  solution  is  that  he  was  Nero. 
The  words  Neron  Caesar  or  Nero  Ctesar  when  written 
in  Hebrew  characters  make  up  the  numbers  666  and 
616  respectively,  and  as  both  readhigs,  viz.  666  and  616, 
are  found  in  vogue  in  early  times,  and  the  solution 
does  for  both,  we  may  regard  it  as  tolerably  certain 
that  this  is  the  key  which  fits  the  lock.  [There  may 
be  an  implied  contrast  between  666  and  777,  the 
triple  repetition  of  the  perfect  number.  In  Orac. 
SibyU.  I328,  the  number  888  represents  Christ  (Swete) — 
A.  J.  G.]  [At  a  date  earlier  than  this  passage  in  the 
SibyUine  Oracles,  Marcus  the  Valentinian  pointed  out 
that  the  name  Jesus  made  up  888  in  Greek  letters. 
Possibly  the  number  666  was  an  ancient  sjTnbol  of 
the  beast.  The  writer  has  observed  that  it  also  fits  a 
man  (not  perfectly  well,  for  Neron  Caesar  in  Hebrew 
character  would  more  naturally  sum  up  to  676,  but 
written  "  defectively  "  it  gives  666) ;  the  ancient  beast 
of  apocalyptic  tradition  is  thus  incarnate  in  a  man. 
Hence  the  ending  of  the  passage,  "  Let  him  count  the 
number  of  the  beast,  for  it  is  the  number  of  a  man," 
i.e.  not  simply  the  number  of  the  beast,  but  at  the 
same  time  the  number  of  a  man.  The  beast  is  incar- 
nate in  Nero. — A.  S.  P.] 

XIV.  Third  Interlude.— Three  Visions :  (a)  the  Lamb 
on  Mt.  Zion  (i-s),  (6)  the  three  angels  (6-13),  (c)  the 
harvest  and  vintage  of  the  world  (14-20). — 1-5.  After 
the  horror  and  tragedy  of  the  last  two  chapters,  we 
have  another  pau.se  in  the  movement  of  the  drama, 
a  new  vision  of  heaven  and  the  bUss  of  the  redeemed. 

1.  the  Lamb:  this  chapter  recalls  the  vision  in  ch.  5 
{cf.  .56). — mount  Zlon:  Zion  is  the  Christian  Acropolis, 
but  whether  the  reference  heie  is  to  the  eartlily  or 
heavenly  Zion  cannot  be  detcnuined.  For  the  144^000, 
cf.  74,  where  poasihjy  the  number  covers  only  Jewish 
Christians.  Here  there  is  no  suggestion  of  any  such 
limitation,  for  in  3  they  are  described  as  "  tliey  that 
hafl  been  piircha.sed  out  of  the  earth." — name  ...  on 
their  foreheads  •  cf.  "^l.  and  contrast  the  mark  on  the 
foivlieads  of  the  worshippers  of  the  beast  (1.3i6). — 
2.  many  waters:  cf.  I15. — 3.  a  new  song:  <-/.  59. — 
four  .  .  .  elders:  44.6*. — 4.  they  are  virgins:  tho 
term  virgm  is  m  the  masculine,  and  should  Ix;  lran»- 

30a 


938 


REVELATION.  XIV.   4 


lated  "  celibates."  Whether  it  is  to  be  taken  literally 
here  is  disputed.  As  Swute  says,  "  No  condemnatiou 
of  maniage,  no  exclusion  of  the  married  from  the 
highest  blessings  of  the  Christian  life,  finds  a  place  in 
the  NT,"  And  if  we  were  to  press  the  meaning  of  the 
word  "  virgin  '"  or  "'  celibate  "  here,  this  passage  is  an 
exception  to  the  general  teaching  of  the  NT.  More- 
over, the  imagery  used  in  chs.  2 If.  throws  a  halo  of 
sanctity  over  marriage.  The  probability  is  therefore 
that  the  words  here  describe  not  celibates  but  men 
who  had  kept  the  mariiage-bond  inviolate. 

XIV.  6-12.  The  Vision  of  the  Three  Angels.— 6.  an  eter- 
nal gospel :  it  is  doubtful  whether  l'OsjjcI  is  here  used  in 
its  technical  sense.  It  probably  means  a  proclamation 
of  good  news.  The  proclamation  here  is  one  wliich 
urges  men  to  fear  and  worship  God  in  view  of  the 
coming  judgment  (cf.  Mk.  I15). — 8.  Babylon:  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  Babylon  here  means  Rome. 
There  are  traces  in  other  apocalyptic  literature  of  the 
same  usage  of  the  word. — fornication :  probably  in  a 
mctaphoiical  sense  to  denote  idolatry. — 9.  worshippetb 
the  beast :  a  reference  to  Emperor-worship.  The  beast 
is  probably  Nero,  as  in  ch.  13. — mark  in  his  forehead : 
cf.  13i6. — 10.  The  description  of  the  punishment  of 
the  pagan  world  is  based  upon  the  imagery  of  Ps.  758, 
Is.  3O33,  5l22f. — 13.  '■  a  now  beatitude  which  needed 
a  voice  from  heaven  to  proclaim  it  "  (Swete).  [Yea, 
salth  the  Spirit — the  resjxjnse  of  the  inspired  seer. — that 
they  may  rest:  in  that  they  rest.  Their  labours  are 
over,  but  not  their  works,  "  for  their  works  follow  with 
them."— A.  J,  G.] 

XIV;  14-20.  The  Harvest  and  the  Vintage  of  the 
World. — The  scene  culminates  in  a  vision  of  the 
Parousia,  and  an  ingathering  of  the  spiritual  harvest. 

14.  The  coming  of  the  Son  of  Man  on  the  clouds, 
which  was  first  suggested  by  a  misinterpretation  of 
Dan.  7 1 3,  is  one  of  the  most  familiar  ideas  in  Christian 
eschatology  (cf.  Mk.  1462,  Mt.  2430). — like  unto  a  son 
of  man:  Dan.  7i3*.  The  phrase  originally  denoted 
the  advent  of  a  new  kingdom  with  human  qualities 
and  characteristics  in  contrast  to  earlier  empires,  which 
could  only  be  described  under  the  figure  of  beasts. 
Later  on,  however,  especially  in  the  Book  of  Enoch, 
the  tenn  "  Sou  of  Man  "  was  used  to  denote  the 
Messiah,  and  this  later  usage  of  the  phrase  led  to  a 
misinterpretation  of  the  passage  in  Daniel. — 15.  send 
forth  thy  sickle:  for  the  metaphor,  cf.  the  parable  of 
the  han'est  in  Mk.  429.  Many  scholars  think  that  the 
harvest  represents  the  ingathering  of  the  saints,  the 
vintage  the  ingathering  of  the  wicked  for  their  doom. — 

19.  winepress:   the  metaphor  comes  from  Is.  63i-6. — 

20.  without  the  city:  winepresses  were  generally 
erected  outside  the  walls  of  a  city,  but  the  phrase  no 
doubt  suggests  the  further  meaning  that  capital  punish- 
ment was  inflicted  on  criminals  "  without  the  city  " 
(c/.  Heb.  13i2). 

XV.,  XVI.  The  Seven  Bowls.— This  new  cycle  of 
catastrophes  is  parallel  to  the  seals  and  the  trumpets. 
Cli.  15  is  introdu'^tory,  and  simply  sets  the  stage  for 
tliis  new  movoincnt  in  the  ilraiiia. 

XV.  1-8.  The  Preparation  for  the  Vision  of  the 
Bowls. — 1.  which  are  the  last :  an  indication  that  we 
are  nearing  the  end  of  the  tragedy. — 2.  Before  the 
plagues  are  poured  out  from  tlie  bowls  we  have  a  new 
vision  of  heaven  and  the  triumphs  of  the  redeemed. — 
glassy  sea:  cf.  46.— mingled  with  Are:  tliis  addition 
to  the  description  of  the  heavenly  sea  is  difficult  to 
explain.  "  The  crystal  light  of  tho  sea  of  glass  is 
rc-ddened  as  by  fire,"  and  "  The  red  glow  on  the  sea 
spoke  of  the  fir©  through  which  the  martyrs  passed, 
and  yet  more  of  the  wrath  about  to  fall  upon  the  world 


which  had  condemned  them  "  (Swete).  This  seems  to 
bo  the  only  iwssible  explanatioiu  The  lurid  hght  of 
tho  coming  judgment  was  reilected  in  the  sea  of  glass. 
[There  maj',  however,  be  no  symbolism  intended. 
The  writer  may  use  features  in  his  description  sug- 
gested by  physical  phenomena,  in  this  case  by  the 
sunset  on  a  still  sea  or  lake.  Details  in  these  descrip- 
tions are  perhaps  not  to  bo  pressed  any  more  than 
details  in  parables. — A.  S.  P.] — victorious  from  the 
beast :  i.e.  those  who  had  refused  to  worship  the 
Emperor  and  suffered  martyrdom  in  consequence. — 
the  number  of  his  name:  i.e.  666  (cf.  13i8).— 3, 
the  song  of  Moses :  the  song  of  triumph  after  the 
passage  of  tho  Red  Sea  which  is  given  in  Ex.  15. — 
the  song  of  the  Lamb  :  the  new  song  of  the  redeemed. 
The  character  of  this  song  is  rather  surprising.  We 
should  have  expected  a  reference  to  the  martyrs 
and  certainly  an  allusion  to  the  Lamb.  Swete 
suggests  that  "  In  the  presence  of  God  the  martyrs 
forget  themselves,  and  their  thoughts  are  absorbed  by 
the  new  wonders  that  surroimd  them  .  .  .  they  begin 
to  see  the  great  issue  of  the  world-drama,  and  we  hear 
the  doxology  with  which  they  greet  their  first  unclouded 
vision  of  God." — 5.  the  tabernacle  of  the  testimony: 
11 19*.  Both  in  Hebrews  and  the  Apocah[jse  the 
Tabernacle,  rather  than  the  later  Temple,  is  the  symbol 
of  the  Divine  presence. — 6.  the  seven  angels  •  .  . 
plagues :  see  ch.  16. — arrayed  with  precious  stones :  there 
is  an  interesting  variation  in  the  Gr.  text  here  which 
accounts  for  the  difference  between  AV  and  RV.  The 
difference  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  Gr.  words 
for  "  linen  "  (li7W7i)  and  "  precious  stone  "  (lithon)  are 
spelt  exactly  ahke  with  the  exception  of  a  single  letter, 
and  might  be  easily  interchanged.  Authorities  differ 
in  their  preference  for  one  or  other  of  two  readings. 
Those  who,  with  RV,  adopt "  precious  stones  "  interpret 
the  phrase  by  a  reference  to  Ezek.  2813.  [The  RV  is 
intrinsically  so  improbable  that  one  v/ould  hesitate  to 
accept  it  even  if  it  stood  in  the  autograph,  were 
that  accessible.  No  one  who  has  had  much  experience 
in  the  extent  of  error  that  arises  in  copying  or  in  writing 
from  dictation  will  easily  believe  that  any  weight  of 
MS  testimony  could  justijEy  the  acceptance  of  a  readmg 
so  incredible.  Ezek.  2813  speaks  of  a  number  of 
stones,  not  of  one,  and  Toy  renders  "adornment" 
rather  than  "covering." — A.  S.  P.] — 7.  livhig  creatures : 
see  46*. — golden  bowls :  see  68 — 8.  temple  . .  .  smoke  : 
based  on  Is.  64. 

XVI.  The  Vision  of  the  Bowls  and  the  Plagues.— 
The  seven  bowls  correspond  to  the  seven  seals  and  the 
seven  trumpets,  but  there  is  this  difference :  "  the 
beast  "  or  Antichrist  has  now  made  liis  appearance  in 
the  drama,  and  the  w  rath  of  God  is  poured  out  upon  him 
and  his  worshippers. — 2.  The  first  bowl.  Tlie  wrath 
of  God  is  poured  out  on  the  worshippers  of  the  beast, 
i.e.  Antichrist,  i.e.  Nero. — mark  of  the  beast:  13i6*. 
— worshipped  his  image:  i.e.  the  image  or  statue  of 
the  emperor  (cf.  13 Mf.).- — 3.  The  second  bowl,  like 
the  second  trumjx-t  (Ss),  destroys  the  "  li\ing  creatures 
in  the  sea."  Cf.  also  tho  first  of  the  Egj'ptian  plagues 
(Ex.  717-21).— -4.  The  third  bowl,  following  the  prc- 
cedent  of  the  tliird  trum{x>t  (810),  destroys  the  rivers 
and  springs. — 5.  angel  of  the  waters :  in  'later  Jewish 
thought  every  part  of  nature  was  under  the  control  of 
some  angel.  The  Book  of  Enoch  (662)  speaks  of  "  the 
angels  which  were  over  the  powers  of  the  waters." 
Here  the  angel  recognises  the  righteousness  of  the 
Divine  action. — 6.  The  explanation  of  the  form  which 
the  Divine  retribution  assumed. — 7.  the  altar  saying: 
"  a  response  comes  to  the  angel  of  the  waters  from  tiid 


I 


REVELATION,  XVIII.  4 


939 


altar  in  heaven  "  (Swete). — 8.  The  fourth  bowl,  like 
the  fourth  trumpet  (812),  affects  the  sun,  but  whereas 
the  trumpet  diminishes  its  power,  the  bowl  intensifies 
its  heat.— 10.  The  fifth  bowl.  The  first  four  bowls 
produce  general  effects,  but  now  the  wrath  of  God 
smites  the  boast  (Nero  or  Domitian)  on  his  throne. — 
12.  The  sixth  bowl  lets  loose  forces  in  the  Far  East, 
at  or  near  the  river  Euphrates  (9i4*),  to  attack  and 
destroy  the  Roman  Empire. — Euphrates  .  .  .  dried  up  : 
the  object  of  this  is  to  make  it  easy  for  the  nations 
of  the  Far  East  to  swoop  down  on  the  Roman  Empire. 
—13.  dragon  .  .  .  beast .  .  .  prophet:  123*,  13i,ii*; 
''  the  prophet  "  here  is  the  beast  that  comes  up  out 
of  the  earth  in  13ii.— unclean  spjrits  .  .  .  frogs: 
metaphor  for  evil  influences  and  impure  impulses. 
[In  Persian  mythology  frogs  are  regarded  as  agents 
of  Satan.— A.  J.  G.]— 14.  unto  the  kings  :  to  marshal 
the  forces  of  unrighteousness  to  resist  the  doom  of 
God. — 15.  Here  the  story  of  doom  is  interrupted 
for  the  moment,  and  a  word  of  comfort  and  exhorta- 
tion is  vouchsafed  to  the  Christians. — 16.  The  prophet 
resumes,  and  pictures  the  mustering  of  the  forces 
on  the  final  battle-field  at  Har-Magedon  (the  more 
correct  way  of  spelling  the  familiar  Armageddon). 
The  name  Har-Magedon  means  "  the  mountains  of 
Megiddo,"  We  should  naturally  have  looked  for  a 
word  signifying  the  plam  of  Esdraelon  on  which 
Megiddo  was  situated,  since  that  place  was  the  scene 
of  many  battles  in  which  the  armies  of  Israel  were 
concerned,  and  merited  the  description  of  G.  A.  Smith, 
"  the  classic  battleground  of  Scripture."  There  were 
mountains  near  at  hand,  however,  and  the  writer  may 
have  been  influenced  by  Ezek.  388,2 1,  392,4,  where  the 
forces  of  Gog  meet  their  overthrow  "  upon  the  moun- 
tains of  Israel"  (c/.  Is.  1425). — 17.  The  seventh  bowl. 
The  scene  of  destruction  this  time  is  "  the  air."  A 
mighty  earthquake  and  a  storm  of  hail  follow,  which 
involve  the  whole  world,  and  specially  Rome,  in  ruin. 
— lightnings  .  .  .  thunders :  so  also  after  the  seventh 
trumpet  (Iliy). — a  great  earthquake:  earthquakes 
followed  the  opening  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  seals 
(6i2,  85)  and  the  seventh  trumpet  (11 19),  but  this 
earthquake  is  described  as  the  greatest  of  all. — 19.  the 
great  city :  here  undoubtedly  Rome  (lis*). — Babylon : 
Rome  (r/.  148,  1  P.  013*).— 21.  great  hail:  c/.  the 
seventh  trumpet  (11 19). — a  talent  was  a  round  weight 
ranging  from  108  to  130  lbs.— blasphemed  God:  the 
leagues  only  hardened  the  hearts  of  the  opponents  of 
Christianity  {cf.  92 1). 

XVII.  The  Vision  of  the  Harlot  and  the  Beast.— In 
14i8  and  16 19  brief  statements  have  been  made  con- 
cerning the  overthrow  of  Babylon,  the  name  which  is 
used  in  Revelation  to  denote  the  Roman  Empire.  In 
ch.  17  the  whole  drama  of  the  destruction  is  unfolded  in 
the  form  of  a  vision.  A  scarlet  woman  appears  riding 
on  a  beast  with  seven  heads  and  ten  horns  (cf.  13 1*). 
The  woman  is  described  as  "  drunk  with  the  blood  of  the 
saints  and  the  martyrs."  Tiie  beast  and  the  woman 
war  against  tlie  Lamb  of  God  and  are  overthrown. 
The  explanation  of  the  vision  is  apparent  from  the 
statements  made  by  the  seer  himself.  The  woman 
represents  Rome,  "  the  city  of  the  seven  hilLs."  The 
beast  is  the  Empire  personified  in  the  Emperor  Nero. 
The  "  seven  heads  "  are  seven  kings,  and  the  "  ten 
horns "  ten  provincial  rulers  or  .satraps.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  lurid  picture  of  the  Roman  Empire 
drawn  in  the  chai)tcr,  but  the  Neronian  persecution 
justifies  and  more  tliaii  justifies  all  that  is  written  here. 

1.  harlot  .  .  .  waters:  the  description  of  Babylon 
in  Jer.  51 1 3,  "  thou  that  dwelle.st  upon  many  waters,"  is 
hero  tmnsf erred  to  Homo.     [Ultimately  it  goes  back 


probably  stiU  farther.  The  "  many  waters  "  refer  to 
the  watery  chaos,  the  chaos  monster,  so  that  the 
beast  on  which  the  woman  sits  is  really  identical  with 
the  many  waters  on  which  she  is  said  to  sit  in  this 
verse.— A.  S.  P.]- 2.  kings  .  .  .  fornication  :  the 
imagery  is  that  of  OT  (cf.  Is.  23i7).  The  sin  of  which 
these  kings  were  guilty  "  consisted  in  purchasing  the 
favour  of  Rome  by  accepting  her  suzerainty  and 
with  it  her  vices  and  idolatries  "  (Swete). — 3.  into  a 
wilderness:  cf.  Is.  31. — scarlet-coloured  beast:  the 
beast,  as  in  13i-io,  is  the  poUtieal  power  of  Rome 
personified  in  Nero.  The  term  "  scarlet  "  indicates 
the  pomp  and  splendour  of  the  Empire. — full  of  names 
of  blasphemy :  i.e.  the  imperial  titles  which  claimed 
Divine  honours  for  the  Emperor. — seven  .  .  .  horns : 
123*. — 5.  Mystery  :  the  term  here  means  "  symbol," 
and  the  whole  phrase  signifies,  "  This  woman  is  the 
symbol  of  Babylon  the  Great." — 6.  drunk  with  the 
blood  :  a  reference  to  the  Neronian  persecution.  [If 
a  Jewish  source  has  been  employed  here,  the  original 
reference  may  have  been  to  the  appalling  bloodshed  in 
the  war  with  Rome  and  the  sufierings  which  followed  the 
suppression  of  the  rebelHon.  See  p.  774. — A.  S.  P.] — 
7.  the  mystery  of  the  woman :  i.e.  what  the  woman  sym- 
bohses. — 8.  was  and  is  not :  like  "the  wounded  head  " 
ia  133.  this  phrase  evidently  refers  to  the  legend  of  Nero 
redivivus.  A  widespread  nimour  was  current  through 
the  Empire  that  Nero  was  not  actually  dead  but  in 
hiding  and  would  soon  return.  Cf.  Tacitus  ( Hi»t.  ii.  8), 
"  About  the  same  time  Greece  and  Asia  were  greatly 
alarmed  by  a  false  report  that  Nero  was  about  to 
reappear  ...  so  that  many  pretended  that  he  was 
alive  and  even  believed  it."  For  other  references  to 
this  belief,  cf.  Oent.B,  pp.  56ff.— out  of  the  abyss:  this 
phrase  implies  that  Nero  had  actually  died,  though  in 
133  he  seems  to  have  recovered  from  his  "  wounded 
head."  These  contradictory  statements  represent  two 
different  forms  of  the  legend.— name  .  .  .  book  of 
life,  etc.:  138*.— 9.  seven  mountains:  Rome  waa 
described  as  "  the  city  of  the  seven  hills." — 10.  seven 
kings :  this  is  a  second  interpretation  of  the  '"  heads." 
The  mo!3t  probable  explanation  is :  ''  The  five  are 
fallen,"  i.e.  Augustus,  Tiberius,  Caligula,  Claudius,  and 
Nero  are  dead  ;  "  the  one  is,"  i.e.  Vespasian  is  stiU 
reigning,  "  the  other  is  not  yet  come,"  i.e.  Titus  ia  still 
to  ascend  the  throne  as  seventh  emperor  (but  cf.  p.  928). 
— 11.  an  eighth  and  is  of  the  seven :  i.e.  Nero,  who  wa« 
the  fifth  emperor  in  the  foregoing  list,  and  on  his  return 
would  be  the  eighth.— 12.  ten  horns:  probably  ten 
Parthian  satraps  who  were  about  to  assist  Nero  to 
recover  his  kingdom  and  would  be  rewarded  for  their 
loyalty  by  receiving  kingdom.?. — for  one  hour:  the 
rule  of  Nero  rcUviviu}  would  be  of  the  shortest  possible 
duration. — 14.  The  victory  of  Christ  over  tiie  empire 
of  Antichrist.— 16.  the  ten  horns:  12*.— shall  hate 
the  harlot:  the  belief  was  that  Nero  would  return  in 
fury  to  v.'reak  vengeance  on  Rome. — 17.  God  uses  the 
plans  and  devices  of  His  enemies  to  fulfil  His  own  pur- 
poses.— 18.  the  great  city:  this  verse  proves  that 
"  Babylon  "  in  this  cha])t«r  must  mean  Rome,  for 
the  phrase  "  which  reignoth  over  the  kings  of  the 
earth  "  could  onlv  apply  to  Rome. 

XVIII.  The  Dirge  over  the  Fallen  City.— This  chapter 
contains  a  very  fine  llin^nody  over  Roine  after  her  fall. 
It  describes  hor  desolation  and  ruin  and  the  paraly&is 
of  her  trade  and  comnirrce. 

1.  another  angel:  we  have  no  means  of  identifj-ine 
this  angel  of  doom. — 2.  habitation  .  .  .  bird:  cf. 
Is.  132 if.,  34i4,  where  the  mined  cities  of  Babylon 
and  Edom  become  the  haunt,s  of  unclean  spirits. — 
3.  kings  of  the  earth:    172*.— 4.  come  forth:    "the 


940 


REVELATION,  XVIII.  4 


cry  '  come  forth '  rings  through  Hebrew  history 
(e.g.  Gen.  12i,  19i2,  Nu.  I626,  Is.  52ii).  ...  In  this 
context  the  snuve  qui  peui  is  to  be  regarded  partly  as 
a  feature  borrowed  from  the  OT  model,  partly  afl  a 
warning  to  Christians  at  Rome  to  shun  entanglement 
in  the  sin  and  punishment  of  Babylon  ''  (Swete). — 
6.  double  unto  her:  this  phrase  is  explained  by  Jer.  Ki 

18  {cf.  Is.  JO2).— 9.  all  the  kings  of  the  earth:  172*. 
The  vas.-ial  kings  are  the  first  to  take  up  the  strain  of 
woe,  because  Rome  was  the  prop  upon  which  they 
leaned,  and  when  it  fell,  they  lost  their  main  support. — 
11.  the  merchants :  Rome  was  the  market  of  the  world 
in  the  first  century  of  our  era,  and  the  merchants 
bemoan  the  loss  of  their  trade.  The  list  of  the  im- 
ports given  in  11-14  is  an  indication  of  the  wealth 
and  luxury  of  the  time. — 12.  thyine  wood:  i.e.  all 
kinds  of  scented  wood.  Citrus  or  thyine  wood  was 
much  prized  for  its  veining,  and  was  largely  used  in 
the  manufacture  of  dining  tables. — 13.  cinnamon : 
probably  not  the  spice  now  called  by  that  name  but 
an  unguent  or  cosmetic  used  as  a  jx>rfume. — ^chariots :  a 
fashionable  kind  of  equipage  much  used  in  Rome  by 
the  wealthy  classes. — souls  of  men :  the  Gr.  phrase 
does  not  refer  to  what  we  mean  when  we  use  the  term 
"  soul."  It  denotes  simply  "  the  natural  life."' 
"  Lives  of  men  "  would  bo  the  more  exact  rendering. 
The  writer  is  alluding  to  "  the  traffic  in  human  life," 
whether  in  the  form  of  slavery  or  immorality,  or  the 
brutal  sports  of  the  amphitheatre. — 14.  And  the 
fruits:  lit.  "and  the  ripe  fruit  of  the  desire  of  thy 
soul  is  gone  from  thee  "  (Swete)  and  all  thy  rich  and 
sumptuous  things  have  perished.  "  Just  when  the 
fruit  of  the  labour  of  many  generations  seemed  ready 
to  fall  into  the  mouth  it  had  vanished  like  a  dream  " 
(Swete). — 17.  The  dirge  of  the  shipmasters  and 
mariners  follows  that  of  the  merchants. — 17-19.  There 
arc  many  reminiscences  in  this  passage  of  the  lament 
over  the  fall  of  Tvre  in  Ezek.  27. 

XVIII.  20-24.  The  Rejoicing  in  Heaven  over  the  Fall 
of  Rome. — 20.  Judged  your  judgement:  vindicated  the 
cause  of  the  Christian  Church  against  Rome.  21.  took 
up  a  stone :  a  symbolical  action  to  represent  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  city  (cf.  Jer.  Sle^f.).  "  As  this  stone 
is  flung  into  the  deep,  so  shall  Babylon  vanish  "  (Swete). 
— 22.  The  sound  of  raeniment  and  revelry  is  stilled  : 
no  sounds  will  in  the  future  come  from  its  industrial 
life,  or  domestic  labour.  The  stillness  of  death  will  be 
over  everything.  For  the  imagery  cf.  Ezck.  26i3, 
Jer.  25io. — 24.  all  that  have  been  slain :  the  language 
of  this  passage  is  hyperlwlical.  Rome  could  not  be 
held  responsible  for  all  the  martyrdoms  that  had 
occurred  in  the  history  of  Israel.  The  seer,  however, 
is  referring  principally  to  the  martyrdoms  of  his  own 
day,  anfl  as  Rome  was  mistress  of  the  world  and  re- 
sponsible for  its  fjood  gnvernment,  "  the  loss  of  tho 
lives  sacrificed  throughout  the  Empire  lay  at  her  door  " 
(r.f.  Mt.  2335). 

XIX.  The  Hallelujah  of  Victory  In  Heaven  and  the 
Marriage  of  the  Lamb. — We  have  here  another  illus- 
tration of  the  contrasts  in  the  Book  of  Revelation. 
Ch.  18  gives  us  a  dark  and  gloomy  picture  of  Rome, 

19  paints  the  scene  of  triumph  in  heaven. 

XIX.  1-10.  The  Marriage  of  the  Lamb.— 1.  Halle- 
lujah: tliis  term  is  found  in  NT  only  in  this  chapter.  It 
means  "  Praise  ye  the  Lord."  It  occurs  in  several 
psalms,  but  is  always  translated  in  the  versions.  The 
term  itself  is  first  found  in  the  Apocrypha  ;  cf.  Tob.  1.3i8, 
"  All  her  streets  shall  say  '  Hallolujah  '  !  " — 2.  the 
great  harlot:  Rome  (cf.  17ifF.*).— 3.  her  smoke:  i.e. 
the  smoke  from  the  niins  <if  tlie  city. — 4.  elders  .  .  . 
creatures :    44,6*.— 7.  marriage  ol  the  Lamb :    the 


first  suggestion  of  a  new  theme,  worked  out  in  more 
detail  in  ch .  20.  "  It  is  the  manner  of  the  writer  to  th  row 
out  hints  of  the  next  great  scene  some  time  beff)ro  he 
begins  to  enter  upon  it ""  (Swete).  The  metaphor  of 
marriage  is  often  found  in  OT  to  denote  the  ideal 
relationship  between  God  and  His  people  {cf.  Hos.  219, 
Is.  54i-8,  Ps.  45),  and  it  is  taken  over  in  NT  in  the 
teaching  of  Jesus  (Mt.  25 1)  and  by  Paul  (e.^.Eph.623ff.). 
— his  wife:  i.e.  the  New  Jerusalem,  the  Church  of 
Christ  (cf.  21 2). — 8.  righteous  acts:  we  must  compare 
with  this  the  statement  in  7i4,  "  They  washed  their 
robes  and  made  them  white  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb." 
— 10.  see  thou  do  it  not:  this  prohibition,  which  is 
repeated  in  228f.,  seems  to  be  introduced  as  a  protest 
against  the  tendency  to  the  worship  of  angels  which 
undoubtedly  existed  in  Asia  Minor,  as  we  know  from 
the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians. — hold  the  testimony  of 
Jesus:  the  meaning  of  this  phrase  is  not  quite  clear. 
It  may  mean  either  "  the  testimony  to  Jesus,"  i.e.  the 
common  faith  in  Jesus,  or  the  witness  of  Jesus  Himself 
in  their  hearts. — the  spirit  of  prophecy:  one  of  the 
difficulties  in  the  early  Church  was  to  find  some 
criterion  to  judge  between  true  and  false  prophets 
(1  Jn.  4i-3*).  Here  the  "testimony  of  Jesus"  is 
made  the  standard.  The  phrase  means  that  the  true 
prophet  is  to  be  recognised  by  the  testimony  of  Jesus, 
i.e.  either  by  his  faithfulness  to  the  common  faith  of 
the  Church  in  Jesus  (cf.  I  Cor.  I23*),  or,  less  probably, 
by  the  fact  that  he  has  the  witness  of  Jesus  in  his 
heart. 

XIX.  11-21.  The  Vision  of  the  Triumphant  Christ.— 
This  paragraph  really  forms  an  introduction  to  the  clos- 
ing section  of  the  book,  where  at  last,  after  many  pauses 
and  delays,  we  reach  the  real  denouement.  The  last 
act  of  the  drama  falls  into  five  scenes,  of  which  this  is 
the  first.  In  this  scene  Christ  is  portrayed  as  a  warrior 
riding  on  a  white  horse  to  the  final  conflict  with  Anti- 
christ. 

11.  a  white  horse:  the  same  imagery  is  used  in  62, 
but  "  the  white  horse  "  there  does  not  represent  Clirist 
but  the  spirit  of  miUtarism. — Faithful  and  True :  cf.  1 5, 
87,14. — 12.  flame  of  fire:  cf.  I14. — name  which  no 
man  knoweth:  cf.  217,  .812.  This  phrase  seems  to 
imply  that  the  names  usually  bestowed  upon  Christ 
do  not  exhaust  the  significance  of  His  person.  "  Only 
the  Son  of  God  can  understand  the  mystery  of  His 
own  Being  "  (Swete)  ;  cf.  Mt.  11 27,  "  no  one  knoweth 
tho  Son,  save  the  Father." — 13.  sprinkled  with  blood : 
The  readings  vary.  Probably  RV  is  right,  but "  dipped 
in  blood  "  (AV)  has  very  strong  MSS  support. — The 
Word  of  God :  this  phrase  is  probably  used  here  with 
the  same  meaning  as  in  the  Prologue  to  the  I'ourth 
Gospel.  "Tho  Word"  or  Logos  is  emploj'ed  in  a 
technical  sense  (Jn.  li*). — 15.  sharp  sword:  cf.  I16.— 
rod  of  Iron:  cf.  227,  1 25.— winepress:  cf.  U19. — 
16.  garment  .  .  .  thigh:  these  phrases  do  not  refer 
to  two  different  inscriptions,  but  mean  "  on  the  cloak 
and  on  that  most  exposed  part  of  it  which  covers  the 
tliigh  "  (Swete). — King  of  Kings:  the  same  title  is 
bestowed  on  the  Lamb  in  17i4. — 17.  ('/.  Ezek.  39i7-20, 
where  the  birds  of  prey  are  summoned  to  feast  on  the 
bodies  of  the  slain.— 19.  I  saw  the  beast:  the  last 
reference  to  the  beast  (the  Roman  power  personified 
in  Nero)  was  in  17i6ff.,  where  he  was  forming  a  con- 
federation of  ten  kings  for  the  destruction  of  Babylon. — 
20.  the  false  prophet:  cf.  10 13.  In  13iif.  he  is  de- 
scribed as  the  beast  that  cometh  from  the  land. — the 
signs:  a  reference  to  the  miracles  wrought  by  '"  the 
fals«  prophet"  (i3i3).— the  mark  of  the  beast:  13i6*. 
— the  lake  of  fire:  this  phrase  occurs  in  20io,i4f.,  2l8. 
Tho  expression  is  parallel  to  "  the  Gehenna  of  fire  "  of 


REVELATION,  XXI. -XXII.  5 


941 


the  Gospels  (Mt.  522,  Mk.  943).  Though  burning  by 
fire  is  the  usual  doom  for  the  wicked  (c/.  Dan,  7 11, 
Mt.  1342),  the  phrase  "  lake  of  fire  "  is  peculiar  to 
Revelation. 

XX.  This  chapter  contains  three  scenes  :  {a)  the 
binding  of  Satan  and  the  millennial  reign  of  Christ  (i-6) ; 

(b)  the  release  of  Satan  and  the  final  oontlict  (7-10) ; 

(c)  the  general  resurrection  and  the  last  judgment 
(11-15).  [J.  H.  Moulton,  Early  Zoroastrianism,  p. 
326,  compares  from  the  Bundahish  "  the  final  unchain- 
ing of  Aii  Dahaka,  the  Old  Serpent,  which  prepares 
for  his  final  destruction,  and  the  detail  that  he  swallows 
the  third  part  of  men  and  beasts  :  cf.  Rev.  202,7-io, 
87-12,  915."— A.  S.  P.] 

The  first  scene  raises  the  problem  as  to  the  meaning 
of  the  millennium.  Christ  is  described  as  reigning 
with  the  martyrs  for  a  thousand  years.  The  inter- 
pretation of  this  statement  has  caused  endless  contro- 
versy. We  must  approach  the  question  by  discussing 
the  relation  of  the  statements  in  the  Apocalypse  to 
current  Jewish  thought.  The  view,  which  was  origin- 
ally held,  and  which  is  strongly  advocated  in  Daniel, 
maintained  that  the  Kingdom  of  God  which  was  to  be 
established  on  earth  would  be  everlasting  {cf.  Dan.  244, 
727).  Gradually,  however,  this  gave  way  to  the  belief 
that  the  Messianic  kingdom  would  be  of  limited  dura- 
tion. Various  periods  are  allotted  to  the  kingdom  by 
different  writers.  The  first  reference  to  1000  years  is 
found  in  the  Slavonic  Book  of  Enoch,  which  dates 
from  A.D.  1-50.  The  idea  of  a  millennium  arose  from 
a  combination  of  Gen.  23  and  Ps.  9O4.  Six  millennia 
of  toil  were  to  be  succeeded  by  a  millennium  of  rest. 
In  other  writers,  however,  we  find  other  estimates  of 
the  length  of  the  Messianic  reign.  4  Ezra,  for  instance, 
puts  it  at  400  years.  It  is  obvious,  therefore,  that 
Rev.  simply  incorporates  an  idea  which  was  current 
at  the  time,  and  belonged  to  the  ordinary  panorama 
of  apocalyptic  belief.  The  reign  of  Christ  and  the 
martyrs  is  simply  an  attempt  to  Christianise  the 
eschatological  tradition  in  vogue  at  the  time.  Since 
the  age  of  Augustine,  however,  an  effort  has  been  made 
to  allegorise  the  statements  of  Rev.  and  apply  them 
to  the  history  of  the  Church.  The  binding  of  Satan 
refers  to  the  binding  of  the  strong  man  by  the  stronger 
foretold  by  Christ.  The  thousand  years  is  not  to  be 
construed  Uterally,  but  represents  the  whole  history  of 
the  Church  from  the  Incarnation  to  the  final  conflict. 
The  reign  of  the  saints  is  a  prophecy  of  the  domination 
of  the  world  by  the  Church.  The  first  resurrection  is 
metaphorical,  and  simply  refers  to  the  spiritual  resur- 
rection of  the  believer  in  Christ.  But  exegesis  of  this 
kind  is  dishonest  trilling.  It  ignores  the  fact  that  the 
reign  descriljed  in  this  chapter  is  not  a  reign  of  the 
saints,  but  a  reign  of  the  martyrs,  all  others  being 
definitely  excluded,  and  even  the  martjTs  are  so  clearly 
described  as  to  leave  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  refer- 
ence is  to  tlic  mart;<,'TS  of  the  writer's  own  day.  Besides, 
to  put  such  an  interpretation  on  the  phrase  "  first 
resurrection  '  is  simply  plaving  with  terms.  If  we 
explain  away  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  words,  then, 
as  Alford  says,  "  There  is  an  end  of  all  significance  in 
language,  and  Scripture  is  wiped  out  as  a  definite 
testimony  to  anylhing."  The  only  course  open  to  the 
honest  student  of  the  book  to-day  is  to  regard  the  idea 
of  a  millcrmium  as  an  alien  conception  which  was 
foisted  upon  Christianity  by  the  Jewish  Apocalyptic 
of  the  first  century.  There  is  no  support  to  be  found 
for  it  in  the  teaching  of  Jesus,  or  in  the  rest  of  NT. 

1-6.  The  Establishment  of  the  Millennium. — 1.  key 
of  the  abyss:  9i*.— chain  :  «>.  manacle  or  handcuff.— 
2.  dragon:    123*. — 4.    thrones:    the  imagery  is  sug- 


gested by  Dan.  Ig. — they  sat:  the  subject  of  the 
sentence  is  omitted,  and  we  do  not  know  who  are  here 
denominated  as  judges;  probably,  however,  the  saints 
and  martyrs  refeiTcd  to  in  the  subsequent  verses  {cf. 
1  Cor.  62). — the  beast:  i.e.  the  Emperor. — mark: 
13i6*. — they  lived  and  reigned:  there  is  no  uefinite 
statement  in  the  passage  as  to  whether  "  the  reign  '' 
was  in  heaven  or  on  earth. — 5.  The  rest  of  the  dead: 
only  the  martyrs  were  raised  from  the  dead  ;  other 
Christians  were  apparently  still  in  the  sleep  of  death. 
This  conception  contradicts  the  teaching  of  Paul,  who 
definitely  states  that  "  to  be  absent  from  the  body  "  is  to 
be  "  at  home  with  the  Lord  "  (2  Cor.  08).— first  resurrec- 
tion: these  words  must  be  taken  hteraliy  and  not 
spiritualised.  According  to  Rev.  the  fiist  resurrection 
was  confined  to  the  martyrs. — second  death:   cf.  14. 

7-10.  The  Release  of  Satan  and  the  Final  Conflict. — 
8.  Gog  and  Magog:  the  names  are  taken  from  Ezek. 
38f.,  where  Gog  is  the  name  of  a  prince  and  Magog  the 
name  of  his  country.  The  reference  is  to  an  attack 
by  hostile  nations,  but  we  have  no  means  of  further 
identification. — 9.  the  beloved  city  :  Jerusalem. — 10. 
the  final  overthrow  of  Satan  is  here  described. — beast 
and  false  prophet :   13ii*,  I613*. 

11-15.  The  General  Resurrection. — 11.  great  white 
throne:  in  contrast  to  the  thrones  of  4.  "In  the 
final  judgment  there  Ls  but  one  throne,  since  there  is 
but  one  judge"  (Swete);  "white"  symbolises  the 
purity  of  the  judgment. — fled  away:  cf.  I620. — 12.  the 
dead :  i.e.  the  rest  of  the  dead  who  did  not  share  in 
the  first  resurrection. — books  .  .  .  book :  the  ];ooks 
contained  the  record  of  the  acts  and  deeds  of  men, 
the  book  of  hfe  contained  the  names  of  the  redeemed. — 
13.  Hades:  the  abode  of  the  dead,  not  the  place  of 
their  punishment. — 14.  death  and  Hades  are  here  per- 
sonified and  regarded  as  two  demonic  powers. — the 
second  death:  the  wicked  after  the  resurrection  are 
condemned  to  a  second,  an  eternal  death,  in  the  lake 
of  fire  {cf.  2l8). 

XXI.-XXII.  5.  The  Vision  of  the  New  Jerusalem.— 
The  doctrine  of  the  new  heaven  and  the  new  earth 
goes  back  to  Is.  65 17,  and  is  derived  from  the  behef 
that  the  present  world  was  so  corrupt  that  it  could  not 
possibly  be  the  seat  of  the  Messianic  kingdom,  at  any 
rate  ui  its  present  condition.  The  idea  was  developed 
in  the  apocalyptic  literature,  especially  in  Etliiopio 
Enoch,  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  and  4  Ezra.  Some 
expositors  hold  that  the  New  Jerusalem  was  established 
with  the  foundation  of  the  Christian  rehgion,  and  that 
the  history  of  the  Church  is  the  history  of  the  buiklmg 
of  the  city.  But  such  an  interpretation  is  mere 
allegorising.  The  writer  of  Rev.  indicates  in  the 
clearest  possible  way  that  the  "  holy  city  "  will  not 
be  established  upon  earth  till  after  the  final  judgment, 
and  the  description  of  the  manner  of  its  appearance 
does  not  correspond  at  all  to  anything  in  the  history 
of  Christianity.  It  is  only  by  abandoning  the  plain 
meaning  of  the  text  that  we  can  construe  tliis  descrip- 
tion of  the  New  Jerusalem  in  terras  of  the  lustory  of 
the  Church.  The  writer  of  Rev.  regarded  it  at  any 
rate  not  as  something  which  was  to  be  slowly  evolved 
in  the  process  of  the  centuries,  but  as  the  final  denoue- 
ment of  history  and  the  last  intervention  of  God. 

An  interesting  attempt  to  rearrange  chs.  20-22  has 
recently  been  made  by  Charles  (ET.  xxvi.  pp.  54f.. 
119f.)  on  the  ground  of  the  difficulty  in  harmonising 
certain  statements  in  21  with  the  situation  described 
in  20.  In  2O13-15.  for  instance,  the  final  judgment 
has  already  taken  place,  and  condemned  sinners  have 
been  plunged  into  the  lake  of  firo  :  yet  in  2l8  the 
wicked   arc   still   described  as   dwelling  outside   the 


942 


REVELATION,  XXI.-XXII.  5 


Holy  City,  and  thoie  is  still  a  possibility  of  moral 
recovery ;  c/.  222,  "  the  leaves  of  the  tree  wore  for  the 
heahng  of  the  nations."  In  ordor  to  avoid  this  apparent 
contradiction,  Charles  suggests  that  the  writer  intended 
to  arrange  his  material  in  the  following  order  :  20 1-3, 
2I9-222.  2214.15,17.  2O4-15,  2I1-S,  226,7.16,13.12, 
228-10,20.  According  to  this  scheme  the  account  of 
the  millennial  reign  of  Christ  is  very  much  expanded, 
and  contains  a  vision  of  the  New  Jerusalem  which 
comes  down  from  heaven  to  be  the  abode  of  Christ 
and  the  glorified  martyrs  during  1000  yeara.  The 
rearrangement,  however,  is  so  intricate  that  Charles 
has  to  assume  that  the  author  of  the  book  died  after 
reaching  2O3,  and  that  the  material  which  ho  left  for 
the  completion  of  the  book  was  put  together  by  a 
"  faithful  but  unintclUgent  disciple."  Beet  in  his  reply 
to  Charles  (ET,  xxvi.  p.  217)  argues  that  no  such  re- 
arrangement is  necessary,  since  (he  lake  of  fire  need 
not  have  caused  extinction  of  life  in  the  case  of  the 
wicked  any  more  than  in  the  case  of  "  the  beast  and 
the  false  prophet,"  who  are  described  in  20io  as 
"  being  tormented  for  ever  and  ever."  Other  scholars, 
e.g.  Vcilter,  J.  Weiss,  Spitta,  and  Bousset,  prefer  to 
assume  that  the  materials  for  these  chapters  were 
derived  from  two,  three,  or  even  four  different  sources 
which  the  author  of  Rev.  has  not  attempted  to 
harmonise. 

The  vision  of  the  New  Jerusalem  may  be  divided 
into  the  following  sections  :  («)  the  distant  view  of  the 
new  city  (1-8),  [h)  the  measuring  of  the  city  (9-17), 
(c)  the  cliaracter  of  the  city  (18-27),  (d)  the  river  and 
tree  of  life  (22i-s). 

i-8.  («)  The  Distant  View  of  the  City.— 1.  c/.Is.65i7. 
— sea  is  no  more:  "To  the  apostolic  age  the  ocean 
spoko  of  separation  and  isolation.  .  .  .  For  this  element 
of  unrest,  this  fruitful  cause  of  destruction  and  death, 
this  divider  of  nations  and  churches,  there  could  be 
no  place  in  a  world  of  social  intercourse,  deathless  life, 
and  unbroken  peace "  (Swet<^).  [Ultimately  this 
probably  goes  back  to  the  conception  of  the  sea  as 
God's  turbulent  enemy,  which  often  finds  expression 
in  the  OT  and  is  based  on  the  Babylonian  myth  of 
the  contjuest  of  the  chaos  monster  which  preceded  the 
creation  of  the  world.  The  last  things  ai-e  to  be  like 
the  first,  the  creation  of  riQVf  heavens  and  new  earth 
will  be  preceded  by  an  even  more  splendid  triumph,  in 
which  God's  ancient  enemy  will  be  utterly  destroj'cd. 
— A.  S.  P.] — 2.  new  Jerusalem:  see  introductory 
remarks  to  this  chapter. — a  bride:  c/.  197;  also,  for 
the  imagery  Is.  61 10,  625. — 3.  the  tabernacle :  i.e.  the 
abode  of  God;  c/.  Jn.  Ii4  mq.,  '"The  Word  .  .  . 
tabemaclod  among  us." — 4.  death:  hero  personified 
as  in  20 1 3. — the  flrst  things:  the  former  world. — 6. 
the  Alpha  and  the  Omega:  Is*.— 7.  He  that  over- 
cometh :  this  phrase  occurs  in  each  of  the  lettt^rs  to  the 
seven  churches.  All  the  great  promist^s  of  Rev.  are 
made  to  "  him  that  ovcrconioth." — the  fearful :  the 
cowards  who  failed  in  the  contest  with  paganism. — 
the  abominable:  those  who  took  part  in  tlie  abomina- 
tions connected  with  the  worship  of  the  beast, — 
sorcerers;  dealers  in  magic — second  death :  2O14*. 

9-17.  (h)  The  Measuring  of  the  City.— 9.  seven 
bowls :  cf.  ch.  IG.— 10.  to  a  mountain  :  as  in  Ezck.  4O2. 
— 11.  jasper  stone  clear  as  crystal:  possibly  the  stone 
indicated  is  a  diamond  or  opal  (43*).— 12.  twelve 
gates:  cf.  the  description  in  E/.ek.  483irf. — 14.  twelve 
apostles :  cf.  Eph.  220,  "  built  on  the  foundation  of  tho 
apostles  "  ;  but  it  is  not  stated  here  that  the  apostles 
constituted  the  foundations,  but  that  tho  names  of 
the   apostles   were   insoribed    on   tho   foundations. — 


15.  Cf.  Ezck.  4O3  and  Rev.  II2,  where,  however,  the 

city  is  destined  to  destruction,  the  Temple  and  altar 
being  measured  for  preservation. — 16.  The  city  is  not 
merely  a  square,  but  a  perfect  cube,  length,  breadth, 
and  height  being  equal. — 12,000  furlongs:  ht.  stadia, 
i.e.  nearly  1500  English  miles.  This  figure  might  be 
intelligible  when  applied  to  tho  length  and  breadth, 
but  when  applied  to  height  it  becomes  inconceivable. 
"  Such  dimensions  defy  imagination  and  are  per- 
missible ordy  in  the  language  of  sj-m holism  "  (Swctc). — 
17.  144  cubits:  about' 216  feet.  If  this  figure  refers 
to  the  height  of  the  wall,  it  seems  out  of  all  proportion 
to  the  height  of  the  city,  which  was  over  7,0OO,O0O  feet 
high.  The  wall  and  the  city,  therefore,  do  not  corre- 
spond, and  this  is  another  indication  that  the  figures 
are  not  to  be  taken  literally. 

18-27.  (c)  The  Character  of  the  City.— 19f.  This  Ust 
of  stones  should  be  compared  with  the  stones  of  the 
high  priest's  breastplate  (Ex.  28i7ff.  39ioff.)  and  tho 
description  of  Tyre  (Ezek.  28i3fl.).  There  is  con- 
siderable difficulty  in  identifying  these  stones,  but 
probably,  as  C.  A.  Scott  (Cent.B)  says,  the  sapphire  is 
our  lapis  lazuU,  the  chalcedony  is  our  onyx,  the 
emerald  our  emerald,  the  sardonyx  our  onyx,  the 
sardius  our  cornelian,  the  chrysolite  is  a  golden-yellow 
stone  probably  amber  or  topaz,  the  bciyl  is  our  beryl, 
the  topaz  our  chiysolite  but  of  a  paler  yellow,  tho 
jacinth  is  our  sappliire,  the  aiiiethyst  our  amethyst 
(see  also  Precious  Stones  in  HDB). — 22.  no  temple : 
"  The  city  possesses  no  sanctuary,  for  it  is  itself  a 
Holy  of  Holies.  .  .  .  The  Eternal  Presence  renders  the 
New  Jerusalem  one  vast  temple  "  (Swete). — 23.  This 
description  is  suggested  by  Is.  60 19.  In  fact  the  whole 
of  23-26  is  practicallv  borrowed  from  Is,  60. 

XXU.  1-5.  (J)  The  River  and  the  Tree  of  Life.— 
1.  a  river :  the  introduction  of  the  river  into  the  scene 
is  suggested  by  tho  description  of  the  Garden  of  Eden 
in  Gen.  2io.— ^out  of  the  throne:  cf.  Ezekiels  vision 
of  the  healing  stream  which  issues  out  of  the  Temple 
(Ezek.  471-12). — 2.  the  tree  of  life:  the  smgular  form 
is  used ;  the  context  shows  that  there  must  have  been 
more  than  one  tree.  There  are  trees  on  "  this  side  " 
and  on  "  that  side  "  of  tJie  river.  The  description  of 
tho  fruits  is  suggested  by  Ezek.  476-12, — 3.  no  curse 
any  more :  the  probable  meaning  is,  "  No  accursi^d 
person  or  tiling  shall  enter  the  city."— service:  "  To 
the  final  revelation  of  God  there  corresponds  a  per- 
fected service"  (Swete). — on  their  foreheads:  cf.  "3*, 
and  contrast  the  mark  on  the  ligiit  hands  or  foreheads 
of  the  worshippers  of  the  beast  (13i6). 

XXII.  6-21.  The  Epilogue.-  The  Epilogue  consists 
of  the  last  words,  warnings,  and  exhortations  of  tho 
angel  and  the  seer. — 6.  these  words:  the  contents  of 
the  book. — shortly  come  to  pass :  the  author  thought 
his  proplu^cios  would  l)e  speedily  fulfilled. — 7.  I  come 
quickly:  "'I"  means  Christ.  The  voice  of  Christ  is 
heard  behind  the  voice  of  the  angel. — 8.  I,  John  :  cf.  I9. 
— I  fell  down:  as  in  lOio. — 10.  seal  not:  contrast  the 
instructions  to  the  seer  in  IO4. — 13.  Alpha  and  Omega : 
I13*. — ^14.  wash  their  robes:  the  AV,  following  a 
different  Greek  text,  translates  "  that  do  his  com- 
mandments," Tho  Greek  phrases  vary  but  little,  and 
a  change  of  two  or  three  letters  explains  the  difference. 
For  the  idea  involved  in  RV,  cf.  714. — tree  of  life :  cf.  2. 
— 15.  dogs :  the  word  was  used  as  a  term  of  contempt. 
It  signified  '"  impure  or  lascivious  pei-sons,"  and  was 
also  apphed  by  Jews  to  Pagans  (cf.  Phil.  '.Vz,  Mt.  76). 

16.  root  .  .  .  David:  cf.  55.— morning  star:  the 
phrase  is  used  in  22S,  but  in  a  different  sense.  Tho 
imagery  seems  to  have  been  suggested  by  Nu.  24i7. 

17.  The  answer  of  tho  Church  to  the  words  of  Jesus 


REVELATION,  XXII.  20 


943 


in  i6. — the  bride:  i.e.  the  Church. — Come:  addressed 
to  Jesus,  beseeching  Him  to  return,  as  in  20. — he  that 
heareth :  i.e.  the  book  read  in  church  or  possibly  the 
voice  of  the  Spirit. — he  that  is  athlrst:  here  tlio 
parallelism  of  the  clauses  ceases.  Instead  of  "  let  hiin 
say,  Como  "  we  have  "  Let  him  come."  The  reference 
is  to  the  inquirer  and  seeker  after  truth,  who  cannot 
yet  join  in  the  Church's  prayer  for  the  return  of 
Christ. — 18.  If  any  man  shall  add :  cf.  the  warnings  of 
Dt.  42,  1232.  We  loarn  from  the  epistle  of  Aristeas 
(§311)  that  it  was  customary  to  conclude  with  such  an 


imprecation.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  translation 
of  the  LXX  "  the  whole  company  .  ,  .  bade  them 
pronounce  a  curse  in  accordance  with  their  custom 
upon  anyone  who  should  make  any  alteration  either 
by  adding  or  changing  or  omitting  anything." — 19. 
from  the  tree  of  life :  cf.  2*.  This  is  the  reading  of  the 
best  MSS.  The  inferior  reading,  followed  by  tiie  AV, 
renders  "  book  of  life."— -20.  The  Apocalypse  ends  with 
the  final  assurance  of  the  Lord,  "  Yea,  I  come  quickly," 
and  the  responsive  prayer  of  the  Church,  "  Amen  : 
come,  Lord  Jesus." 


GENERAL    BIBLIOGRAPHIES 


By  the   editor 


On  the  nature  of  Scripture  see  the  bibliography  on 
pp.  IG  f 

A.  The  Hebrew  Bible.^The  most  serviceable  edi- 
tion is  Kittel's  Bihlia  Hebraica,  but  there  are  valuable 
modern  editions  by  Baer  and  Delitzsch,  and  by  Gins- 
burg.  P.  Haupt,  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  OT  in 
Hebrew  (a  critical  edition,  with  much  conjectural 
emendation  ;  the  sources  are  distinguished  by  colours). 
Unpointed  texts  by  Boothroyd,  and  Foster.  For  the 
philological  literature  see  p.  36. 

B.  The  OT  in  Greek.— Swete,  The  OT  in  Greek 
according  to  the  Septuagint  (the  most  serviceable)  ; 
Brooke  and  McLean,  The  OT  in  Greek  (the  larger 
Cambridge  edition).  Other  editions  by  Tischendorf ,  and 
Lagarde  (unfinished).  On  the  grammar:  Thackeray, 
Oramrrbar  of  ike  OT  in  Greek;  Helbing,  Granmiatik 
der  LXX  ;  Conybeare  and  Stock,  Sdections  from  the 
Septuagint  (includes  some  grammar). 

0.  The  NT  in  Qreek. — Among  editions  of  the  Re- 
ceived Text  {i.e.  practically  the  text  which  lies  behind 
AV),  Scrivener,  Novum  Teslamc-ntum  Textus  Stephanici 
A.D.  1550*,  corrected  by  Nestle,  is  the  most  useful, 
as  it  contains  an  exhaustive  prfjsentation  of  the  varia- 
tions from  it  in  Beza,  Elzevir,  Lachmann,  Tischendorf, 
Tregclles,  WH,  and  the  text  implied  in  RV.  Of  the 
last-named,  Souter's  edition  with  a  new  Apparatus 
Criticus  is  the  best.  Of  editions  with  extensive 
critical  apparatus  those  by  Tischendorf  8,  Trcgelles, 
and  Von  Soden  are  the  most  important ;  on  a  smaller 
scale,  Baljon.  Other  editions  are  by  Wcstcott  and 
Hort  (epoch-making,  it  contains  an  account  of  the 
principles  on  which  the  text  has  been  constructed) ; 
B.  Weiss  ;  Von  Soden  (manual  edition)  ;  Weymouth, 
The  Resultant  Greek  Tesiaiiient  ;  Nestle  (resultant 
text  edited  for  Wiirtemburg  Bible  Society,  more 
u.seful  for  students  than  the  convenient  edition  pre- 
pared for  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society). 

D.  Translations  of  the  Bible.— of  tiie  Vulgate  {i.e. 

Jerome's  translation  of  the  Bible  into  Latin,  a  new 
critical  edition  is  in  preparation  by  a  commission 
appointed  by  the  Pope.  For  the  NT,  Wordsworth 
and  White,  Noixim  Testamenlum  Latine  (manual 
edition),  is  the  best ;  their  large  critical  edition  is  in 
progress. — Of  English  Translations  it  is  unnecessary 
to  mention  those  down  to  the  AV.  In  the  present 
work  the  Reviser!  Version  is  presupposed,  including, 
of  course,  the  Pvevisers'  marginal  notes  and  renderings. 
Other  modem  translations  are :  Revised  English 
Bible  (by  Gotch,  Davies,  Jacob,  and  S.  G.  Green)  and 
the  1911  Tercentenary  Commemoration  Bible  ;  Rother- 
ham.  The  Emphasised  Bible ;  The  Westminster 
Version  of  tlie  Sacred  Scriptures  (Roman  Catholic 
Version,  based  not  on  the  Vulgate  but  on  the  original, 
in  progress). — Translations  of  tlie  OT :  Kent,  The 
Students'  OT.— Translations  of  tfie  NT  :  The  TweiUicth 
Century  NT ;  The  Corrected  English  NT ;  Weymouth, 


946 


The  New  Testament  in  Modern  Speech;  Moffatt, 
The  Historical  NT  and  The  NT :  A  New  Trans- 
lation.— Portions  of  the  Bible  translated  into  English : 
P.  Haupt,  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  OT  (translation  of 
Heb.  edition  mentioned  above.  Lev.,  Jos.,  Jg.,  Ps., 
Is.,  Ezek.,  published  before  the  work  was  suspended)  ; 
Addis,  The  Documents  of  the  Hexateuch  ;  Chejme,  The 
Book  of  Psalms  (Parchment  Library)  ;  Driver,  The 
Paralle  Psalter,  The  Book  of  the  Prophet  Jeremiah  ; 
J.  E.  M'Fadyen,  37ie  Psalms  in  Modern  Speech,  The 
Wisdom  Books  in  Modern  Speech,  Isaiah  in  Modern 
Speech,  Jeremiah  in  Modern  Speech.  The  Oxford 
Chicrch  Biblical  Commentary  includes  a  complete  transla- 
tion ;  and  a  translation  of  the  poetical  portions  of 
OT  is  given  m  ICC,  and  some  commentaries  on  indi- 
vidual books  contain  translations  :  Way,  Tlie  Letters 
of  St.  Paul;  Rutherford,  Th.  and  Cor.,  Rom.  Of 
translations  into  German  :  Kautzsch,  Die  hcilige  Schrift 
des  AT^;  Reuss,  Das  AT  ;  Duhm,  Das  Buch  Hiob 
Die  Psalmen,  Das  Buch  Jeremia,  Die  Zwolf  Propheten 
(Eng.  tr.,  The  Twelve  Prophets,  by  Duff);  Weizsacker, 
Das  Neiie  Testament.  Translations  of  OT  are  supplied 
in  HK  and  SAT,  of  NT  in  SNT  and  HNT.  Of  trans- 
lations  into  French  :  Reuss,  La  Bible  ;  Renan,  Le  livre 
de  Job  traduit  de  Vhebreu  ;  Lasserre,  Les  Saintes  J^van- 
gilcs. 

E.  Ooncordances. — For  the  Heb.  Bible:  Mandel- 
kem,  Veteris  Testamenti  Concordantioi  (the  standard 
work)  ;  The  Englishman's  Heb.  Concordance. — For 
the  LXX :  Hatch  and  Redpath,  A  Concordance  to 
the  Septuagint  and  the  other  Greek  Versions  of  the  OT. 
— For  the  NT  :  Moulton  and  Geden,  A  Concordance 
to  the  Greek  Testament"^;  Bruder,  Concordantice  omnium 
vocurn  Novi  Testamenti  OrcBci  *. — For  the  AV  :  Young, 
Analytical  Concordance  to  the  Bible  ;  Strong,  Exha^istive 
Concordance  of  the  Bible. 

F.  Dictionaries  of  the  Bible. — Smith,  A  Diction- 
ary of  the  Bible  (vol.  i.  in  revised  edition) ;  Hastings,^ 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible  (5  vols.),  also  .4  Dictionary  of 
the  Bible  (in  1  vol.,  not  an  abridgment  of  the  pre- 
ceding, but  an  mdcpcndent  work),  Dictionary  of  Christ 
and  the  Gospels,  Dictionary  of  the  Ajx/slolic  Church, 
Enci/clop(vdia  of  Religion  and  Ethics  (this  includes 
important  Biblical  articles) ;  Cheyne  and  J.  S.  Black, 
Encyclopcedia  Biblica ;  Jacobus,  .4  Standard  Bible 
Dictionary  ;  Piercy,  Murray's  Uliistrated  Bible  Dic- 
tionary ;  Orr,  The  International  Standard  Bible  Eney- 
clopo'dia.  Also  articles  in  The  Encycloprrdia  Britan- 
nica "  ,■  Chambers's  Encyclopcedia  ;  and  the  Jewish 
Encyclopedia  ;  Herzog-Hauck,  Realencyclopcidit  fiir 
protestanischc  Theologie  and  Kirche,  of  which  The  New 
Schaff-Hcrzog  Encyclopedia  is  an  adaptation  and 
abridgment. 

G.  Introductions  to  the  Bible.— To  the  whole 

Bible  :  Bennett  and  Adcney.     .4  Biblical  Introduction. 
To  the  OT  :    Driver,   Introduction  to  tlie  Literature 


946 


GENERAL   BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 


of  the  or  ® ;  Comill,  Introduction  to  the  Canonical 
Books  of  the  OT  ;  McFadyen,  Inlroduclion  to  the  OT  ; 
Gray,  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  OT ;  briefer 
works  by  Wright,  Box,  and  Wliitehouse ;  Kuenen, 
Historisch-kritische  Eitilcitung  in  die  Biichcr  de-s  Alten 
Ta^tamentfl ;  Konig,  Eirdeitung  in  das  AT ;  Bau- 
dissin,  Eitdeitung  in  die  Biicker  des  AT.  The  de- 
velopment is  sketched  in  Kautzwh,  An  Outline  of  the 
History  of  thf  Literature  of  the  OT  ;  H.  T.  Fowler, 
A  History  of  the  Literature  of  Ancient  Israel ;  ReuBS, 
Die  Geschiclite  dcr  hciligcn  Sckriften  des  AT  - ;  Budde. 
Geichichtc  dcr  althehriiischen  Litteratur-  ;  H.  Creelman, 
Introduction  to  the  OT,  chronologically  arranged.  See 
also  VV.  R.  Smith,  The  OT  in  the  Jewish  Church' ; 
Cheyne,  The  Founders  of  OT  Criticism  ;  Orr,  The 
Problem  of  the  OT. 

To  the  NT  :  Moffatt,  An  Inlroduclion  to  the  Litera- 
ture of  the  NT  ^  ;  B.  Weiss,  A  Manual  of  Introduc- 
tion to  the  NT  ;  Salmon,  A  Historical  Introduction 
to  the  Study  of  the  Books  of  the  NT  ;  Julicher,  Ein- 
Icitung  in  das  NT^,^  (If^ng-  tr.,  An  Introduction 
to  the  NT,  from  4th  ed.);  Zahn,  Introduction  to  the 
NT ;  Hilgenfeld,  Historisch-kridsche  Einleitung  in 
das  NT  ;  H.  J.  Holtzmann,  Lehrbuch  dcr  historisch- 
k-ritischen  Eirdeitung  in  das  NT  ^ :  briefer  works  by 
Bacon,  Pullan,  Peake,  Allen  and  Grcnstcd,  Dods, 
M'nymont,  and  G.  C.  Martin.  See  further  Lightfoot, 
Biblical  Essays ;  Harnack,  Die  Chronologic  der 
aUchristlichen  Litteratur  (vol.  i.);  G.  Milligan,  The 
NT  Documents  ;  M.  Jones,  The  NT  in  the  Twentieth 
Century  ;  Reuss,  History  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures  of 
the  NT ;  Von  Soden,  History  of  Early  Christian 
Literature  ;  Gardner,  Historic  View  of  NT  ;  McLach- 
lan,  NT  and  Modern  Knowledge ;  M'Clymont,  NT 
Criticism,  its  History  and  Results;  Jacquier,  History 
of  Books  of  NT— I.  St.  Paul  and  his  Epistles. 

H.  Biblical  Theology.— /'or  the  OT :  Schultz,  OT 
Theology  ;  A.  B.  Davidson,  The  Theology  of  the  OT ; 
H.  W.  Robinson,  The  Religious  Ideas  of  the  OT ; 
Duff,  OT  Theology,  Hints  on  OT  Theology,  The 
Theologtf  and  Ethics  of  the  Hebrews  ;  H.  T.  Fowler, 
The  Origin  and  Growth  of  th£  Hebrew  Religion  ;  briefer 
works  by  Bennett,  and  Bumey.  See  further  the 
bibliography  appended  to  the  article  on  "  The  Re- 
ligion of  Israel  "  (p.  97).  Other  works  :  Baentsch, 
AUorientalisches  und  israelitisches  Monotheismus  ;  Gun- 
kel,  Schopfung  und  Chaos  ;  Gre.ssmann,  Der  Ursprung 
der  israelitisch-jiidischen  Eschatologie  ;  Schwally,  Das 
Leben  nach  dem  Tode  ;  Chtwles,  A  Critical  History  of 
the  Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life  ;  Salmond,  The  Christian 
Doctrine  of  Immortality. 

For  the  NT  :  B.  Weiss.  Biblical  Theology  of  the 
NT :  Reuss,  History  of  Christian  Theology  in  thr 
Apostolic  Age  ;  Beyschlag,  NT  Theology ;  Stevcn-s, 
Theology  of  the  NT  ;  Bovon,  Theologie  du  Nouveau 
Testament ;  H.  J.  Holtzmann,  Nevtestamcntlische 
Theologie  ^ ;  Feine,  Theologie  des  NT  ^  ;  Schlatter, 
Theologie  des  NT ;  Weincl,  Biblische  Theologie  dcs 
ST  :  brief  works  by  Adenoy,  Gould,  Warman,  and 
Slicldon.  Other  works  :  Titius,  Die  neutcstamentlichc 
Lfhre  von  dcr  Scligkeit  ;  Hcitmiiller,  Im  Namen  Jcsu  ; 
Ciunkel.  Zum  religionsgeschichtlichen  Verstdndniss  des 
NT ;    Clemen,    Primitive    Christianity   and   its   Non- 


Jewish  Sources ;  Shailer  Mathews,  The  Messianic 
Hope  in  the  NT ;  Bacon,  .lesus  the  Son  of  God  : 
J.  F.  M'Fadyen,  Jesus  and  Life  ;  J.  Weiss,  Christ ; 
Lambert,  The  Sacraments  in  the  NT  ;  Scott,  The 
Apologetic  of  the  NT  ;  Winstanley,  .S';>trt<  in  the  NT  ; 
Du  Bose,  TJui  Sotcriology  of  the  NT  ;  Denney,  The 
Christian  Doctrine  of  ReconrUiaiion ;  Lake,  2Vte 
Stewardship  of  Faith  ;  J.  E.  Carpenter,  Phaser  of 
Early  CJiriMianity. 

L  Commentaries. — On  the  individual  books  the 
relevant  bibUographies  must  be  consulted-  The  fol- 
lowing should  be  mentioned  here  : 

On  the  whole  Bible  :  The  International  Critical 
Commentary ;  The  Speaker's  Commentary ;  Tfie 
Pulpit  Commentary ;  The  Cambridge  Bible  ;  The 
Century  Bible  ;  The  Westminster  Commentary ;  Tlte 
Oxford  Church  Biblical  Commentary  ;  Dummelow,  A 
Commentary  on  the  Holy  Bible,  by  various  writers. 

On  the  OT  :  Kurzgefastes  exegetisches  Handbuch  zum 
AT ;  Hand-kommentar  zum  AT ;  Kurzer  Hand- 
commentar  zum  AT  ;  Die  Schriften  des  AT  ;  Ehrhch, 
Randglossen  zum  hebrdischen  Bibel. 

On  the  Minor  Prophets  :  (a)  Horton  (Hosea  to  Micah) 
and  Driver  {Nahuin  to  Malachi)  in  Cent.  B. ;  (6)  Pusey; 
(c)  Hitzig  (KEH),  *Orelli,  Wellhausen',  Nowack^, 
(HK),  Marti  (KHC),  Hoonacker,  Duhm  ;  (d)  G.  A. 
Smith  (Ex.B.).  Other  hterature :  F.  W.  Farrar, 
The  Minor  Prophets  (Men  of  the  Bible) ;  Duhm,  Die 
Zwblf  Propheten  iibtrsetzt  (E.  tr.  by  Duff). 

On  the  NT  :  Bengel,  Gnomon  NT  ;  Wetstein,  NT 
GrcBcum ;  Alford,  Greek  Testament ;  The  Cambridge 
Greek  Testament ;  The  Westminster  NT ;  Meyer, 
Kritisch-exegetisches  Kommentar  iiber  das  NT  (the 
Eng.  tr.  is  made  from  Meyer's  own  work  and  that  of 
his  helpers  ;  the  German  work  in  its  later  editions 
is  entirely  new) ;  Handcommentar  zum  NT ;  Die 
Schriften  des  NT  ;  Handbuch  zum  NT  ;  Zahn,  Kom- 
mentar zttm  NT. 

J.  Miscellaneous. — The  Cambridge  Biblical  Essays  ; 
London  Theological  Studies ;  Foakes-Jackson,  The 
Parting  of  the  Roads ;  Mansfield  College  Essays  ; 
Kuenen,  Gesammelte  Abhandlungen  zur  Biblischen 
Wisicnschaft ;  Stade,  Ausgcttxihlte  Akademische  Reden 
und  Abhandlungen ;  Gunkel,  Reden  und  Aufsiitze  ; 
Wrede,  Vortrage  und  Studien  ;  Theologische  Abhand- 
lungen Carl  i^n  Weizsacker  gcwidmet ;  Theologische 
Abhandlungen  :  Festgahe  fiir  H.  J.  HoUzmann ;  Ezra 
Abbot,  Critical  Essays;  Biblical  and  Semitic  Studies 
(Yale  Bicentennial  Publications)  ;  Wernle,  Einfiihrung 
in  das  theologische  Sludium  ^  ;  .4  Companion  to  Biblical 
Studies  (edited  by  W.  E.  Barnes) ;  Peake,  A  Guide 
to  Biblical  Study;  Hamilton,  The  People  of  God, 
Discovery  and  Revelation  ;  W.  J.  Moulton,  The  Witness 
of  Israel ;  Thomson,  The  Land  and  the  Book  ;  Hand- 
cock,  The  Archceology  of  the  Holy  Land  ;  R.  A.  S. 
.Macalister,  Gczer,  Bible  Side-Lights  from  the  Mound  of 
Gezer  ;  Baikie,  Lands  and  Peoples  of  the  Bible  ;  Gla 
brook.  The  End  of  the  Law  ;  Frazer,  Folk-Lore  in  the 
OT  ;  J.  H.  Bernard,  Studia  Sacra  ;  L.  W.  King, 
Legends  of  Babylon  and  Egypt  in  Relation  to  Hebrew 
Tradition  ;  J. '  Rendel  Harris,  Side-Lights  on  NT 
Research  ;  Edmundson,  The  Church  in  Rome  in  the 
First  Century. 


INDEX 


A,  see  Codex  Alexandrinus. 

K,  see  Codex  Sinaiticiis. 

a  text,  599. 

a  posteriori  method,  2f. 

a  priori  method,  2f. 

Aahmes,  54. 

Aaron.  123f ,  168, 170, 173-176, 181-183, 
188f ,  191-193,  200-202,  209,  213-215, 
219,  221-223,  228,  243,  275,  289,  295, 
301,  316,  382,  389,  391,  394,  624,  719, 
859,  892 ;  descendants  of,  215,  250, 
254,  382,  586;  sons  of,  106,  124, 
201f,  215,  222,  254. 

Aaron's  rod,  173-175,  221,  223. 

Aaronic  priesthood,  126f,  236. 

Ab,  105,  117,  323,  329,  418, 

Abaddon,  369,  404,  934. 

Abana,  33. 

Abarim,  33,  48.5,  517. 

Abar-Naharah,  61. 

Abba,  664,  668,  711,  824,  859. 

Abdashirta,  55. 

Abdi-Khiba,  55,  148. 

Abdon,  66. 

Abed-nego,  525. 

Abel,  98,  134,  141,  720,  897,  899,  918, 
935. 

Abel-beth-maacah,  291,  416. 

Abel-cheramim,  266. 

Abel-mizraim,  134,  167. 

Abel-Shittim,  229. 

Abgar  of  Edessa,  704. 

Abiathar,  45,  67,  275,  283,  289-291, 
294-296, 474,  476,  482,  519  ;  (mistake 
for  Ahimelech),  684,  712. 

Abib,  103,  105,  117f,  127,  177, 179. 

Abibaal,  287,  297. 

Abiel,  280. 

Abiezer,  227,  263f. 

Abiezrites,  263. 

Abigail,  mother  of  Amasa,  290 ;  wife 
of  Xabal,  284,  290. 

Abihu,  168,  188,  191,  201. 

Abijah,  king  of  Judali,  70,  76,  120, 
301,  319;  son  of  Jeroboam  I.,  801. 

Abijam,  301,  see  Abijah,  king  of 
Judah. 

Abila,  33,  787. 

Abilene,  727. 

Abimelech,  contemporary  of  Abra- 
ham, 133,  153f,  390;  contemixjrarv 
of  Isaac,  156,  390;  (mistake  for 
Achish),  378;  son  of  Gideon,  66, 
244,  261,  264f,  318;  8<.n  of  Joshua, 
300. 

Abiram,  gee  Dathan  and  Abiram. 

Abishag,  294f. 

Abishai,  284f,  291f. 

Abishalom,  301. 

Abner,  44,  67,  280-282,  285-287,  295, 
.300,  367. 

Alx)mination,  76,  131,  165,  478,  507, 
519,  942;  of  desolation,  523,  631- 
533,  696,  739. 

Abortion,  the,  846. 


Abraham,  18,  20f,  34,  83f,  98,  108, 
119,  124-127,  133f,  146-156,  256, 
300,  456,  466,  471,  613,  586,  701f, 
728,  747,  753f,  780,  784f,  806,  821, 
898,  910  ;  a  prophet,  121f,  127,  153 ; 
and  Abimelech,  153f,  390;  and 
Amraphel,  119  ;  and  Christ,  753f ; 
and  Hagar,  loOf,  153f ;  and  Isaac, 
108,  151-15.5,  821,  825, 898, 905  ;  and 
Ishmael,  151, 153f,  156;  and  Keturah, 
63,  155f ;  and  Lot,  134,  146f,  149, 
153,  233;  and  Melchizedek,  149, 
893f;  and  Nimrod,  702;  and 
Pharaoh,  147,  153,  390 ;  and  Sarah, 
147, 149-155,  725,  898  ;  and  Yahweh, 

21,  124f,  127,  130,  146f,  149-154, 
351 ;  blessing  of,  146,  859 ;  call  of, 
119,  146,  462,  784,  898;  children 
(descendants)  of,  127,  515,  702,  753, 
821,  825,  860,  910 ;  circumcision  of, 
83,  151,  251,  784,  821;  covenants 
with,  11,  21,  127, 144, 150f,  234,  640, 
784,  821,  825 ;  date  of,  119,  297  ; 
death  of,  155f ;  defeats  four  kings 
and  rescues  Lot,  147-149 ;  faith  of, 
146,  149f,  640,  806,  821,  829,  898, 
905  ;  falsehood  of,  147, 153 ;  father  of 
believers,  821;  friend  of  God,  258, 
320,  905  ;  historicity  of,  119  ;  hospi- 
tality of,  21,  152 ;  intercession  for 
Sodom,  1.52 ;  justification  of,  150, 
640,  821,  905  ;  migration  to  Canaan, 
146 ;  promises  made  to,  126f,  146f, 
149-1.51,  380,  784,  806,  821,  893,  898, 
905  ;  purchases  cave  of  Machpelah, 

22,  154f. 
Abraham's  bosom,  736. 
Al>ram,  63,  146,  sec  Abraham. 
Abrech,  163. 

Absalom,  20,  67,  101,  244,  273,  289- 

291,  294f,  301,  367,  452. 
Absolution,  715. 
Abstinence,   101,   105,  219,  228,  525, 

622,  650,  884. 
Abvdos,  405. 
Abyss,   the,  135-137,  143f,  166,  234, 

349,  404,  731,  825,  934,  939,  941. 
Acacia,  546. 

wood,  123,  189-191. 

Accents,  40,  42,  372. 

"Accept  the  person,"  586,    see  Re- 

sjject  of  persons. 
Acceptable  year  of  the  Lord,  the,  665, 

728,  743. 
Accho,  Acco,  Akka,  Akko,  Acre,  28f, 

259  560. 
Aceldama  (field  of  blood),  723,  778. 
Achaia,  613,  771,  797,  829,  848,  857, 

881. 
Achaicus,  848. 
Achan,  64,  83,  108,  199,  251f,  280,  303, 

48M,  510,  7.54,  824. 
Achillas,  21. 
Achish,  66,  283,  285. 
Acbmetha,  328. 

947 


Achor,  valley  of,  252,  472,  537. 

Achsah,  258. 

Achzib,  560. 

Acquittal,  101,  438. 

Acra,  104,  see  Citadel. 

Acres,  440. 

Acropolis,  796. 

Acrostic,  391,  397f,  409f,  496-500, 
564. 

poem,  psalm,  375,  377f,  391f,  396, 

496-500. 

Actium,  battle  of,  609,  656. 

Acts,  heretical,  596. 

of  Paul,  596 ;  of  Paul  and  Thecla, 

768,  792 ;  of  Peter,  777 ;  of  Pilate, 
653,  741 ;  of  Solomon,  294. 

Acts  of  the  Aix)stles,  16,  25,  247,  595, 
605,  652,  681,  742,  776-804;  a  de- 
fence of  Christianity,  681,  774  ;  and 
Josephus,  724,  777,  783,  790;  and 
the  Pauline  Epistles,  16,  639,  724, 
734,  766,  769-771,  776f,  787,  791, 
799,  802,  857-859;  and  the  travel 
document,  605,  776,  803;  attitude 
to  the  Roman  authorities,  605,  741, 
771f,  774,  795,  797,  800-802,  804; 
author,  16,  742,  776f,  798 ;  by  author 
of  third  Gospel,  16,  605,  742,  776 ; 
canonicity,  776 ;  conception  of 
Christianity,  777;  contents,  16, 
776  ;  date,  658,  681,  742,  772,  777, 
804 ;  evidence  as  to  organisation, 
645-647,  778,  783,  785f,  789,  791, 
793,  798f;  "Gospel  of  the  Holy 
Ghost, "  766 ;  historical  character 
of,  605,  776f ;  language  of,  592,  742, 
776f ;  legendary  element  in,  776 ; 
literary  characteristics  of,  25,  602, 
605,  742  ;  possibly  left  unfinished, 
772  ;  prominence  of  women,  792 ; 
representation  of  Paul,  16,  25,  605, 
776f;  sources,  605,  742,  766,  776; 
speeches  in,  16,  25,  605,  776,  794, 
779-785,  788f,  791-793,  796,  798- 
802 ;  stress  on  the  Resurrection, 
777,  779,  782,  796,  801f :  text,  599f, 
777 ;  theory  of  two  editions,  777 ; 
title,  60.5,  776;  unity  of,  776f ;  vise 
of  Old  Testament  in,  778-781,  784- 
786,  791f,  804;  "We  jmssages  "  in, 
724,  742,  776f,  790,  794,  803  ;  wTitten 
by  Luke,  16,  (505,  724,  742,  777,  798. 

XV.  and  Gal.  ii.,  relation  be- 
tween, 16,  770,  789f,  8.58f. 

Acts  of  Uzziah,  the,  316. 

Actus  Petri  cum  Simone,  780. 

Adad,  299,  see  Hadad. 

Adad-nirari  III.,  58;  IV.,  58. 

Adam  (m.%n),  5,  75,  125,  127,  141,  151. 
284,  314f,  361,  623,  728,  822f,  846, 
85.5,  924  ;  and  Christ,  822,  846f ;  fall 
of,  434 ;  first  wife  of,  459 ;  sin  of, 
883. 

of  his  own  soul,  433f. 

(l)lace),  539. 


948 

Adar,  104f,  117,  323,  328,  3;58f,  652, 
720  ;  II.,  117. 

Adar-ineiek,  ."152. 

Adasal),  104,  337,  ()07. 

Adder,  383,  38'.),  480. 

Adniah,  531»,  .541. 

Administration,  645-(>47. 

"Admonitions  of  an  Egyptian  Sage," 
429. 

Adonai,  172,  217,  497f. 

Adonibczek,  258. 

Adunijab,  20,  67,  113,  2y4f,  318,  330, 
452,  519. 

Adoniram,  1G9,  297. 

Adonis,  448,  507,  032;  plantings  of, 
448;  wailing  for,  632;  (river),  216. 

Adonizedek,  258. 

Adoption,  808,  811,  824,  863,  see  Son- 
ship. 

Adorara,  296f. 

Adria,  80ci. 

Adriatic,  795,  803. 

Adriel,  282. 

Adullam,  31,  66,  114,  277,  283,  287, 
292,  395,  560. 

Adulteress,  406,  469,  765,  842. 

Adultery,  112.  156,  184,  208,  289,  361, 
399f,  469,  512,  537,  539,  629,  664, 
693,  705,  765,  883,  905,  930,  see 
Fornication ;  (figurative),  259,  510, 
906. 

Advei-sity,  257,  351,  355f,  362,  370, 
391,  405,  415,  482. 

^gean,  the,  848,  931. 

^neas,  788. 

^neid,  431. 

yEnon,  749. 

^olic,  591. 

JEoixH,  746,  882,  916,  918. 

iEschylus,  21. 

.Etiological  stories,  134, 139,  145,  165, 
i68,  223. 

Affection,  827,  sec  Love. 

Africa,  219,  299,  337,  446,  613,  615, 
789,  803. 

African  Latin,  599. 

After  growth,  408. 

Agabus,  789f,  799. 

Agag,  66,  83,  226,  280,  304,  337. 

Agamemnon,  21. 

Agape,  sec  Lovefeast. 

Agate,  191. 

Age  (world),  the  present,  805,  807, 
841,  aol,  864,  890,  897. 

(world)  to  come,  805,  807,  841, 

8()4,  890,  897  ;  iwwer  of,  893. 

Aged,  the,  415,  579,  621. 

Ager  Romanus,  804. 

Ages,  869,  882. 

Agricola,  657  ;  life  of,  604. 

Agricultural  implements.  438,  450, 
546;  religion,  81,  85,  87,  96,  101- 
10.3,  210,  477,  489,  629-f)31. 

Agriculture,  agricultural  life,  28,  30- 
32,  50,  52,  66,  84f,  87,  '.>6,  98,  lOlf, 
lllf,  117f,  127,  156,  102f,  109,  177, 
184,  187f,  19.3,  206,  210f,  250,  307, 
387,  399,  402.  408,  414,  430,  4:<S, 
457,  477,  488f,  491,  494,  521,  574,  I 
629f.  ' 

Agur,  397f,  409. 

Ahah,  21.  .SO,  69  71,  73f,  87f,  119f,  244, 
302-.S08,  31  If,  448,  549;  alliance 
with  the  Zidonians,  73,  302  ;  and 
Assyria,  09, 119,  244,  246;  and  Ben- 
hadad  II.,  09,  .303f,  .300;  and 
Elijah,  73,  87f,  96f,   302-304;  .and 


INDEX 

Jehoshaphat,  69-71,  76,  304f,  420; 
an.l  .fezelHjl,  73,  302,  304  307  ;  and 
Micaiah,  09,  304  ;  and  Naboth,  87, 
109,  304,  3(jl,  520,  562 ;  and  Syria, 
69,  111,  303f,  320;  death  of,  69, 
245,  304f  ;  family  of,  30 ;  idolatry 
of,  73,  96f,  .3(»2-:^04;  overthrow  of 
his  dynasty,  69f,  304,  307f,  420, 
489,  536;  palace  of,  30;  prophets 
of,  69,  265,  281,  304  ;  sons  of,  69f, 
74,  306-308,  536. 

Ahasuerus,  see  Xerxes,  39  ;  father  of 
Darius  the  Mede,  528. 

Aha va  (river),  78,  329. 

Ahaz,  59,  70f,  74,  70,  120,  .308-311, 
321,  436,  438,  441-443,  447,  512,  536, 
538,  559. 

Ahaziah,  king  of  Israel,  68-70,  76, 120, 
302,  304-30(),  320 ;  king  of  Judah, 
30,  68-70,  74,  76,  120,  307f,  320. 

Ahijah,  contemiwrarv  of  Zerubbabel. 
327  ;  priest  of  Saul,  279,  283 ;  the 
Shilonite,  20,  ()7,  113,  300f. 

Ahikam,  72f,  480,  490f. 

Ahikar,  915. 

Ahimaaz,  290f. 

Ahimelech  (priest),  283,  289;  the 
Hittite,  284. 

Ahinoain,  284. 

Al)ithophel,  290,  292,  295,  382. 

Ahitut),  283,  289. 

Aholiab,  298. 

Ahriman,  01,  404. 

Ai,  31,  64,  245,  249,  252,  270,  444 ;  (in 
Ammon),  493. 

Aiath,  444. 

Aijalon,  31,  110,  253,  250,  207,  279. 

Ain  Karim,  726. 

Air,  the,  804,  939;  full  of  evil  spirits, 
804. 

Ajalon,  see  Aijalon. 

Akaba,  111;  Gulf  of,  32,  64,  71,  148f, 
170,  180f,  219f,  229,  232f,  299,  438, 
548. 

Akhenaten,  54,  see  Amenhetep  IV. 

Akiba,  sec  Aqiba. 

Akka,  see  Accho. 

Akkad,  51,  148. 

Akko,  112,  see  Accho. 

Akrabbim,  229,  235  ;  ascent  of,  259. 

Aku,  .525. 

Alabaster  lx)x  of  ointment,  697. 

Alamoth,  310,  380. 

Alarum,  570. 

Alashiya,  5.5. 

Albinus,  (JIO,  656. 

Alcala,  .597. 

Alcetas  Halicus,  690. 

Alcimus,  370,  :i82,  ;«5,  607. 

Alcohol,  202. 

Alcuin,  6. 

Aleppo,  449. 

Alexander,  associate  of  Caiaphas, 
7S1 ;  (coupled  with  Hynienaeus), 
049,  882  ;  (Jew  of  Ephesus),  798,  882 ; 
(kinsman  of  Aimas),  781 ;  (son  of 
Herod  the  Great),  0o9,  656  ;  (.son  of 
Simon  of  Cyretie),  698,  882;  the 
copiiersmith,  887. 

the  (ireat,    10,  62,   79,   81,    32.^ 

.3.37-3.39,  371,  446f,  524,  526,  528f, 
531,  506,  5i)l,  630,  608,  694,  844; 
and  the  Jews,  79,  120;  captures 
Gaza,  79,  446  ;  captures  Tyre,  79  ; 
conquers  Persia,  48,  62,  79,  227, 
3t)8,  447,  453,  529 ;  death  of,  62, 
440,    524.    529,    531 ;  extent  of  his  1 


conquests,  62,  637 ;  founds  Alex- 
andria, 02  ;  places  .Jews  in  Alex- 
andria, 79,  007;  son  of,  531;  suc- 
cessors of,  02,  79,  371,  380,  524,  526, 
528f,  607,  614  ;  work  of,  607. 

Alexander  Balas,  414,  416,  608, 

Jannaeus,  120,  374,  384,  388,  391, 

608,  704. 

Polyhistor,  142. 

Alexandra,  C^ueen,  608. 

Alexandria,  62,  121,  372,  595f,  600f, 
615,  658,  743f,  773,  803f,  889 ;  com- 
merce of,  112,  607  ;  foundation  of, 
62;  Jews  in,  6,  79,  94,  112,  607, 
055,  657 ;  Old  Testament  translated 
into  Greek  at,  40,  007 ;  schools  of, 
007. 

Alexandrian  Canon  of  Old  Testa- 
ment, 39,  007. 

culture,    003,    607 ;    philosophy, 

890 ;  text,  (iOO. 

Alexandrians,  783. 

Alkali,  438,  477,  587. 

All  flesh,  384,  .394,  473,  546,  619. 

Allegorical  interpretation,  5f,  18, 
380,  402,  414,  418,  421,  625,  628, 
067,  841,  890f,  893,  941. 

Allegory,  0,  25,  64,  254,  418,  510, 
514,  534,  536,  575-577,  583f,  634, 
686,  695,  719,  734,  736,  743,  750, 
910,  914. 

Alliance,  56,  296f,  304,  320,  487,  447- 
450,  456,  512,  539,  542,  548. 

Alliteration,  453,  498. 

Alloy,  438,  479,  587. 

'Almah,  442. 

Almond,  almond  tree.  111,  417,  477. 

Alms,  almsgiving,  406,  623,  705f,  721, 
725,  733,  730,  738,  780,  788,  854. 

Alogi,  595,  743f. 

Alpes  Maritimae,  613. 

Alpha  and  Omega,  929,  942. 

Alphabet,  3Gf,  375,  391f,  396,  498,  869, 
929  ;  origin  of,  54. 

Alphabetic  writing,  2.57. 

Aljjhaeus,  father  of  James,  709; 
father  of  Levi,  709. 

Alps,  615. 

Altar,  74,  82,  87,  98,  103,  105,  124f, 
128f,  131,  144,  140,  156,  161,  168, 
177,  182f,  186,  188f,  191-193,  197- 
201,  20(5,  210,  215-217,  225,  230f, 
238,  245,  247,  262,  254f,  259,  263, 
265,  207,  274,  276f,  279f,  285,  293, 
295f,  300f,  303,  309,  318,  820f,  320, 
369,  374,  377,  379,  382,  441,  449f, 
454,  477,  483,  498,  506f,  518-520, 
523f,  530-532,  539f,  542,  545,  549f, 
653,  572,  584,  586,  607,  620,  630- 
633,  725,  763,  826,  829,  840,  926, 
932-935,  942;  conmumion  with, 
841 ;  earthen,  130,  186,  189,  191  ; 
horns  of,  199,  295,  483,  519,  540; 
stone,  ISO,  189,  191;  wooden,  191, 
518;  of  Ahaz,  74,  309;  of  burnt 
offering,  77,  104f,  192,  194,  197,  201, 
206,  215,  221,  323,  326,  4.37,  532, 
545,  572,  610,  933,  935 ;  of  incense, 
100,  192-194,  199,  201,  215,  476,  895, 
933 ;  of  witness,  2.54f ;  the  bronze, 
74, 191f,  318  ;  to  the  unknown  God, 
796. 

Altar  fire,  104,  200. 

hearth,  456,  519. 

Altars  on  roofs,  311f ;  plurality  of,  87, 

128,  2.52. 
Altruism,  411. 


Alvan,  34. 

Ani  ha'aretz,  327,  G24,  753. 

Amalek,  Amalekites,  G3,  66,  149,  182, 

219,  22Gf,  241,   25S,  260,  280,  285f, 

337,  387. 
Ainalthu.s,  230. 
Amanuensis,  830,  880,  922. 
Amariah,  76. 
Amasa,  290f,  295. 
Ania-sis,  492. 
Amazian,  king  of  Judali,  68,  70f,  70, 

120,  209,  308f,  321 ;  priest  of  Bethel, 

547,  553. 
Ambassadors,  289,  403,  447,  449,  456, 

458,  867,  871. 
Amber,  504,  942. 
Ambition,  827,  873,  922. 
Ambush,  252,  30<?,  568. 
Amen,  216,  824,  844,  850,  906. 
Amen  (Egyptian  deity),  55,  57. 
Amen,  the,  931. 
Amenhetep    I.,    54;    11. ,    54;    IIL, 

54f,  248;  IV.,  54f,  148,  248. 
Amenophis  I.,  scr  Amenhetep. 
Amethyst,  191,  942. 
Amil-Marduk,  77. 
Amittai,  309. 
Ammah,  287. 
Ammon,  57,  67,  72f,  76,  100,  111,  130, 

153,  103,  225,  233,  260,  266,  278. 
280,  290,  431,  449,  491,  493,  512f, 
533,  548,  569f,  582. 

Ammonites,  63,  65,  72,  76,  147,  149, 
233,  240,  256,  271,  278,  289,  299, 
316,  320,  445,  482,  548f. 

Amnon,  67,  273,  289. 

Amon  (god),  105,  492 ;  (king  of  Judah), 
74,  76,  120,  311f,  322,  569. 

Amorites,  26,  51,  53,  55,  63f,  128, 149f, 

154,  172,  220,  224,  232-234,  254-256, 
259,  206,  329,  448,  510,  549. 

Amos,  3,  31,  4of,  68,  88f,  107,  109, 
112,  127f,  130,  231,  247,  250,  280, 
331,  338,  367,  424-427,  436,  439f, 
475,  501,  544,  547-553,  560,  5(59,  587, 
784,  906;  and  Amaziah,  45,  424,  547, 
553;  at  Bethel,  112;  earliest  of 
literary  prophets,  424,  427,  547 ;  his 
reason  for  writing,  45,  424,  547 ; 
visions  of,  477,  547,  552f. 

Book  of,  408,  541,  547-554,  555 ; 

closing  verses  post-e.xilic,  424f,  554  ; 
date  of,  547 ;  later  insertions  in, 
547-552,  554  ;  rearrangement  of,  547. 

Amos  (mistake  for  Amon),  701. 

Amphipolis,  795. 

Amphitheatre,  836,  940. 

Amram,  174. 

Amraphel,  51,  119,  148. 

Amulets,  161,  220,  405,  .509,  719,  9.m 

Amun,  temple  of,  301. 

Ainurru,  51,  53. 

Anachronism,  526. 

Anak,  Anakim,  219,  233,  258,  493. 

Anak,  sons  of,  219f,  2.58. 

Anam-melek,  .5.52. 

Ananias  (High  Priest),  800. 

and  Sapphira,  648,  767,  782,  788. 

of  Damascus.  768,  787,  800,  802. 

Ananus  (Higli  Priest),  610. 

Anarchism,  S28. 

Anarchy,  68,  4.38,  534,  537,  539,  610. 

Anastasis,  796. 

Anath,  261. 

Anathema,  824,  848. 

Anathoth,  31,  73,  295,  444,  474-476 
479,  481f,  488. 


INDEX 

Anaxagoras,  6. 

Ancestor,  82,  108,  237. 

worship,  83,  101,  291,  471,  716. 

Anchor,  803,  893,  907;  emblem  of 
hope,  893. 

Ancient  of  days,  528f,  929. 

Ancients,  the  Wisdom  of  the,  353. 

Andrew,  709,  729,  751,  757,  764. 

Andronicus,  643,  646,  830. 

Angel  interpreter,  575-577 ;  mar- 
riages, 133,  139,  142,  146,  160,  220, 
434,  842,  911;  of  the  abyss,  404; 
of  the  waters,  938 ;  of  trial,  576 ;  of 
Yahweh,  72,  150f,  154,  171,  180, 
188,  259,  26.3,  267,  311,  378,  401, 
576f,  587,  701  ;  princes,  453,  531, 
716 ;  reapers,  54(). 

Angelology,  46f,  61,  317,  361f,  842. 

Angels,  5,  133,  137f,  152f,  156f,  159, 
188,  225,  274,  293,  317,  347,  350,  358, 
361-363,  370,  375,  .390,  414,  471,  507f, 
526f,  531,  533,  546,  576f,  620,  622, 
662,  695f,  716,  719f,  722,  725f,  730f, 
733,  746,  750,  764,  768,  778,  782, 
786,  800,  824,  834,  836f,  841-844, 
851,  858-860,  864f,  868,  883,  890f, 
899,  901,  909,  911,  928f,  931-934, 
936-939,  942 ;  affinity  with  the  Fra- 
vashis,  716,  929 ;  and  Christ  (Jesus), 
662,  682,  696,  701-703,  719,  726,  731, 
733,  748,  834,  864,  868,  883,  890f, 
911,  928f,  934;  and  Enoch,  910f ; 
and  man,  375,  899,  909;  and  Na- 
ture, 938;  and  women,  133,  142, 
220,  434,  650,  842,  911 ;  battles  of, 
359;  called  "the  strong,"  386; 
changed  into  wind  and  flame,  890 ; 
coming  to  nought,  834 ;  constitute 
the  heavenly  court,  137,  347,  370; 
counterpart,  716,  790  ;  crucified 
Christ,  834;  destroying,  220,  361, 
501f,  .507f,  546,  841 ;  evil,  5,  386,  721, 
812,  837,  851 ;  fallen,  433,  910,  914, 
924;  fallible,  350;  give  the  Law, 
784,  834,  8.59f,  890;  guardian,  531, 
533,  716,  929,  933,  936  ;  ignorance  of, 
834,  865 ;  instruments  of  Divine 
government,  46f,  .527 ;  intercessory, 
350,  361,  868 ;  intermediaries  l>e- 
tween  God  and  man,  46f,  126,  414, 
434,  746  ;  languages  of,  648,  843f ; 
lust  of,  142 ;  manna,  food  of,  386 ; 
misrule  of,  142 ;  not  sinless,  350, 
3.56,  379,  837,  865,  868 ;  of  children, 
716;  of  death,  395,  733,  934;  of 
justice,  370 ;  of  mercy,  361,  370 ;  of 
the  Churches,  646,  716,  929 ;  of  the 
nations,  4.53,  531,  716;  of  the  pre- 
sence, 716,  928;  orders  of,  46,  434, 
824,  844,  864,  868,  911,  931  ;  origi- 
nally gods,  95,  ;$75  ;  possess  sujier- 
liuman  knowledge,  S:i4  ;  rebel,  359  ; 
reconciled  to  God,  868  ;  regarded  as 
mediators,  868  ;  rulers  of  tne  world, 

.  8.34;  servants  of  the  saints,  890; 
song  of,  909 ;  to  be  judged  by 
Christians,  837;  winged,  157,  530; 
worship  of,  868f,  890,  940. 

Anger,   83,   134,    157,    159,    163,   170,  | 
264,   356,   404f,   408f,   415,   499,  539,  ' 
548,   5.58,   6(54,    684,    089,   705,   78i5, 
870.  898,  904,  nee  God.  Anger  of. 

Animal  food,  jiermission  of,  144. 

Animal  ofTering,  98-100,  103,  1.54,  206, 
217,  222,  237.  266,  3*5,  .542,  586,  620, 
8(i3,  S95f,  900. 

Animals,   45,    135,    137-139,    142-144, 


949 

150f,  158f,  165f,  176,  187f,  197,  199, 
202f,  206,  209,  212,  222,  225f,  236, 
238,  241,  296,  343,  355,  362,  381, 
385,  403,  420,  457f,  527,  586,  621, 
712,  734,  748,  895,  924 ;  creation  of, 
135,  137f,  140  ;  distribution  of,  143  ; 
intelligence  of,  140,  355,  362 ;  sacred, 
215  ;  speech  used  by,  140,  225  ;  wor- 
ship of,  502,  .507. 

Animism,  110,  263,  276. 

Anise,  12,  720. 

Ankle  chains,  228,  439  ;  rings,  439. 

Anna,  727. 

Annalists,  110. 

Annas  '(High  Priest),  010,  653,  657, 
727,  762,  781. 

Annius,  Rufus,  656. 

Ano,  see  Anoth. 

Anointed,  499,  568 ;  of  Yahweh,  284, 
325,  371,  373,  377,  388. 

Anointed  one,  530-532. 

Anointing,  6(jf,  69,  82,  124,  157,  161, 
191f,  193,  195,  201f,  215,  217,  276- 
278,  280f,  286,  295,  297,  303f,  307f, 
464,  531,  540,  577,  688,  697,  706,  721, 
730,  755,  757,  850,  803f ,  918 ;  of  the 
dead,  697,  702,  722. 

Anoth,  300f. 

Anshan,  61,  77. 

Ant,  400. 

Antediluvians,  119, 141,  911. 

Antelope,  151,  158,  467. 

Anthony,  St.,  693. 

Anthropology,  4.51. 

Anthropomorphism,  19,  24,  99,  127, 
134f,  1.38,  144,  152,  198,  241,  276, 
369,  379,  383,  618,  628,  630,  931. 

Antichrist,  372,  4.33,  612,  701,  711,  774, 
853,  863,  877,  879f,  918f,  921,  926f, 
933,  935f,  938f ;  of  the  tribe  of  Dan, 
933. 

Antichrists,  918. 

Antigone,  414. 

Antigonus,  brother  of  Aristobulus, 
608  ;  king  of  the  Jews,  120,  609. 

Anti-Lebanon,  28,  32,  727. 

Antimony,  307,  479. 

Antinomianism,  822,  828,  838,  852, 
861,  902,  905,  916,  929. 

Antioch  (Pisidia),  614f,  769f,  791-793, 
857  ;  (Syria),  62,  112,  532,  581f,  596, 
600f,  629,  647,  654,  724,  744,  767-770, 
783,  789-791,  793f,  797,  802,  858f, 
913,  923f. 

Antiochian  text,  .599. 

Antiochus  I.  (Soter),  .524,  528;  IL 
(Theos),  80,  524,  528,  531;  IIL 
(the  (Jreat),  62,  80,  120,  414.  416, 
523f,  .528,  532;  IV.  (Epiphanes),  10, 
62.  SOf,  94,  104,  108,  120,  131,  337- 
339,  368,  377,  379f,  38.5-.S87,  406,  414, 
433,  496f,  .522-533,  581,  607,  60;»,  778, 
790,  937 ;  his  i^ersecution  of  the  .Tews, 
62,  94,  367f,  380,  386,  433,  522-524, 
527-532,  580f,  605,  607,  935,  937; 
VI L,  740. 

Antiochus  Eupator,  607. 

Sidetes,  608. 

Anti|ja8,  see  Herod  Antipas. 

(martyr),  926,  930. 

Antipater  (father  of  Herod  the 
Great),  008,  6.56 ;  (grandfather  of 
Herod  the  Great),  656 ;  (son  of 
Hcr<j<l  the  Great),  60i). 

Antipatris,  28.  801. 

Anti phonal  singing,  327,  440. 


950 

Antonia  (fortress),  698,  734,  702,  790, 
80<). 

Antoninus  Pius,  656,  658. 

Antuuius  (Mark  Antony),  608f,  612, 

Anvil,  461. 

Anxiety,  659,  604,  696,  707,  733,  874f, 
910. 

Ai>ei>,  111. 

Aphaca,  218. 

Apharsiicliites,  328. 

Aphek,  276,  304,  309. 

Apliorisui,  45,  341f,  344,  350,  397f,  402, 
404-40!),  1(03. 

Aphrajites,  601. 

Aplirah,  560. 

Aphrodisiacs,  158. 

Aphrodite,  6,  218,  299. 

Apion,  39. 

Apis,  492. 

Apocalypac,  48, 424, 431,  453f,  605,  696, 
732,  864  ;  the,  sec  Revelation,  Book 
ot ;  of  Baruch,  433f,  773,  930,  941 ; 
of  Ezra,  934 ;  of  Peter,  434,  596,  927. 

Apocalyptic,  5,  46-48,  82,  92,  338-340, 
411,  431-435,  438,  442,  447,  453f, 
498-500,  503,  525f,  528,  544,  546,  561, 
581f,  660,  694,  69(),  703,  708,  721,  737, 
809,  828,  876-880,  909,  926,  935,  941 ; 
auci  Christianit},  435,  661 ;  and 
proi)hecy,  10,  46,  48,  431 ;  and  tiie 
Old  Testament  Canon,  434 ;  catas- 
trophic exjDectation  of,  431f  ;  charac- 
teristics of,  46-48,  432f,  661,  696; 
contribution  to  theology,  434 ; 
dualism  of,  434 ;  eschatology  of, 
404,  431f,  434,  453,  582;  history 
disguised  as  prediction,  48 ;  in 
New  Testament,  605f ;  meaning 
of  the  term,  431  ;  origin  of,  4.32  ; 
pessimism  of,  431f  ;  place  in  Jewish 
thought,  434 ;  problem  of,  40,  431  f ; 
pseudonymity  of,  48,  431f ;  rise  of, 
46,  432 ;  style  of,  432 ;  symbolism 
of,  432f,  453  ;  value  of,  4.35. 

Ajxwalyptic  discourse,  077 ;  literature, 
10,  14,  25,  35,  37,  48,  431-4.35,  582, 
005,  018,  630f,  660f,  704,  706,  710, 
713,  743,  807,  863,  867,  876,  902,  906, 
909,  912,  926,  931f,  935,  938,  941; 
translations  of,  434  ;  symlwls,  595  ; 
tradition,  433,  637,  86.3,  937,  941. 

Apocrypha,  10,  14,  20.  35,  .39,  2  .4,  .527, 
5:«,  607,  018,  636,  753,  914 ;  canon- 
icity  of,  39-43. 

Apocryphal  Acts,  725,  790;  Gospels, 
595. 

Apollo,  627f,  9,36  ;  birth  of,  936. 

AjK)ll()nia,  795. 

A}X)llonius  of  Rhodes,  .591 ;  of  Tyana, 
005,  087,  764  ;  (Syrian  general),  607  ; 
writer  against  Alontanisui,  901. 

Aijollos,  771,  797,  832f,  835f,  848,  854, 
888f. 

Ai.r,llyon,  404,  934. 

A|K)logctics,  647,  081,  807,  817. 

Apologists,  the,  870. 

Apostasy,  21,  47.  74,  70,  113,  119, 
259f,  277,  312,  321,  376,  379,  391, 
502,  .504,  510,  530f.  5.33,  549,  554, 
560,  mo,  031,  775,  879,  883,  891,  893, 
897,  920,  9.33. 

Apostates,  93,  379.  454,  464,  472f,  531f, 
607,  693,  716,  915. 

Ajwstles,  the,  9,  13,  36,  592,  .'i95f,  604, 
640, 64.3,  645f,  655, 661f,  664-670,  081- 
694,  697,  704,  709f,  713-717,  719-722, 
728f,  731-733,  736,  740-742,  747-752, 


INDEX 

754f ,  757-770, 772f ,  776-783, 785f,  788f , 
791, 794, 800, 808f,  826,  830f,  840, 845f , 
849,  853,  858,  864f,  890,  901,  900, 
9i4f,  921f,  924,  927,  942  ;  and  Jesus, 
2,  045,  062,  004-070,  081-094,  097, 
699,  709f,  717,  721,  729,  733,  750-752, 
755,  7i58-762,  764,  808;    and  Paul, 

646,  692f,  769f,  786f,  858,  see  Paul ; 
and  the  Twelve,  (^43,  646,  778f  ; 
authority  exercised  by,  645, 647, 049, 
707f,  785,  922  ;  fixed  nuniber,  777f ; 
functions  of,  incomnnuncalile,  645 ; 
ijualifications  for  office,  778  ;  signs 
of,  780,  850 ;  use  of  the  term  in 
New  Testament,  643,  646,  778; 
witnesses  of  the  resurrection,  645, 

647,  778-780,  782,  788;  false,  817; 
Jewish,  768. 

Apostles'  Creed,  669. 

AiX)st]esliip,  647. 

Apostolic  age,  594f,  766-775,  923  ;  dele- 
gates, 646 ;  doctrine,  595. 

Apostolic  Constitutions,  848. 

Apothecaries,  111,  331. 

Appeal  to  Caesar,  70S,  772,  801-804. 

Api>etite,  417,  488,  494. 

Apphia,  871. 

Appian  road,  804,  830. 

Appii  Forum,  804. 

Apple,  apple  tree,  420. 

Apple  of  the  eye,  243, 

Apples  of  gold,  23. 

A  pries,  king  of  Egypt,  120. 

Aqiba,  39,  41,  411,  418,  621,  625. 

Aqueduct,  734. 

Aquila  (friend  of  Paul),  771,  796f,  799, 
818,  830,  848,  889;  (translator  of 
Old  Testament),  41,  411,  491. 

Aquila's  Version  of  Old  Testament, 
658. 

Aquinas,  634. 

Ar,  224f.  233,  448. 

Arabah,  the,  .32,  213,  232f,  252,  284, 
309,  552,  555. 

Arabia,  36,  50  53,  55,  58f,  63,  67,  70, 
98,  100,  110,  140,  220,  239,  299,  318, 
320,  330,  385,  410,  446,  451,  513,  546, 
687,  735,  768,  787,  858,  860. 

{i.e.    Nabataean    territory),    3.3, 

858. 

Arabian  desert,  63,  513,  515. 

Arabic,  34. 

historians,  122. 

Arabs,  27,  50,  57,  76,  82,  100,  109, 151, 
161,  169,  198,  208,  215,  218,  220,  239, 
241,  282,  28f),  302,  320,  387,  445,  480f, 
494,  514,  517,  555,  778. 

Arad,  223,  258. 

Aram,  see  Syria. 

Aranuean  migration,  .5.5,  57,  63. 

Aramajans,  34,  53,  .55,  .57f,  63,  68-70, 
72,  74,  76,  260,  4!)4,  548f,  554. 

Aramaic,  8,  34-36,  41,  48,  124,  129, 
311,  327-329,  .3:53,  481,  522,  .525,  592f, 
604,  700,  71  If,  715,  725,  754,  783, 
786,  793f,  80<>,  848,  859  ;  mistaken 
or  alteniative  renderings  of,  707f, 
715,  727f,  7.32  ;  inscriptions,  3(),  .553, 
579 ;  papyri,  3(i,  2.32,  sec  Elephantine 
papyri ;  sources  of  Gospcils,  8,  592f, 
681,' 72.5. 

Aramaisnw,  271,  347,  376,  395,  398, 
411,  418,  549. 

Aram-naharaini,  63,  15.5,  225,  200. 

Ar.arat,  143f,  495. 

Aratus,  79t;,  8.^7. 

Araunah,  293,  297.  317. 


I  Arliela,  62. 

Arch  of  Titus,  190,  210. 
;  Archaiology,  9,  83,  134,  143,  428 ;  and 
j      criticism,  134,  148. 
I  Archaism,  591f. 
j  Archangel,  878. 

I  Archelaus,  son  of  Herod,   609,   656, 
j      659,  738. 

I  Archer,  archery,  154,  166,  270,  282, 
j      286,  350,  451,  194. 
j  Archetype,  841. 
'  Archippus,  871,  874. 
I  Architecture,  53,  115,  502,  517,  524. 

Archives,  78. 

Archon,  415. 

^^ena,  869,  ii85. 

Areopjigus,  21,  614,  792,  796. 

Ares,  6. 

Aretas,  contemporary  of  Aristobulus 
II.,  608;  contemporary  of  Paul, 
609,  &54f,  728, 735, 768, 787 ;  daughter 
of,  654,  735  ;  ethnarch  of,  655,  769. 

Argument  from  silence,  594. 

Ariel,  456,  458. 

Aries,  6.54. 

Arioch,  148,  525. 

Aristarchus,  798,  803,  830,  870;  of 
Alexandria,  607, 

Aristeas,  Ei)istle  of,  943. 

Ai-istides,  AiX)logy  of,  658. 

Aristion,  699,  744. 

Aristobulus  I.,  120,  368,  377,  608;  II., 
120,  225,  496f,  499,  608. 

Aristobulus,  brother  of  Agriijpa  I., 
830;  brotherof  Mariamne,  609;  eon 
of  Herod  the  Great,  609f,  656. 

Aristocracy,  113,  416,  008. 

Ariston  the  Presbyter,  699. 

Aristotle,  11,  411,  591,  604,  630,  634. 

Ark  (of  bulrushes),  143,  168,  170,  214, 
276;  (of  Noah).  125,  143f,  276,  910; 
(of  the  Covenant),  31,  73,  80,  104- 
100,  123,  126,  143,  181,  183,  188-191, 
194,  214f,  217f,  220f,  226,  228,  230, 
245,  250f,  255,  270,  273f,  276f,  279, 
283,  288-290,  295f,  298,  316,  318,  384, 
387,  394,  475,  478,  480,  497,  824,  895, 
930,  935. 

Arm,  115,  417,  685,  719. 

Armageddon,  939. 

Armenia,  53,  144,  495,  513,  550,  656. 

Armenian  catena,  798,  802. 

Armenian  VS.  596. 

Armenians,  7.50. 

Armlet,  .2.^6. 

Armour.  76,  111,  281,  311,  396,  451, 
515,  867f ;  the  Chri.stian,  828,  867, 
878.    • 

Arniour-l>earer,  66,  265,  279,  281. 

Armoury.  297,  421. 

Annv,  74,  70,  78,  113,  180,  279,  422, 
517,  .532,  .544f,  551,  .580. 

Arnold,  Matthew,  20,  905. 

Anion,  32f,  224,  229,  283f,  260,  266, 
448f,  493,  513,  .549. 

Arnuanta,  56. 

Aroer    (in    Amnion,    in    Judah,    in 
Moab),  224,  229.  206,  449,  493. 
'  Arpad,  444,  494,  534,  552. 

Arrian,  .548. 
I  Arrogance,  94,  439,  448,  457,  482,  587, 
!      704,  849. 

Arrow.  76,  100,  106.  226,  308,  31 
.389, 479. 495.  512,  .507f,808;  poison^ 
.351;   (metaphorical).  145,  106,  35! 
356,  378.  389,  393,  465,  481,  580. 

Arrowsnake,  450. 


Arsenal,  111,  451. 

Arsham,  79. 

Art,  56f,  619,  628,  789. 

Artaxerxes  I.  (Longimanus),  39,  61, 

78f,  24.5,  323,  32.5,  327-330,  332,  .524, 

529 ;  decree  of,  328f ;  II.  (Mnemon), 

61,  78,  414;   III.  (Ochus),  61,  79, 

414,  449. 
Artemas,  888, 
Artemis,  798,  929. 
Artisans,  72. 
Arts,  108. 
Arubboth,  296. 
Arumah,  2G5. 
Arvad,  .53,  513. 
Aryans,  58. 
Asa,  21,  68-71,  73,  76,  120,  301,  319f, 

491. 
Asahel,  2&5,  287,  292f. 
Asaph,  316f,  366-368. 
Asaph  (mistake  for  Asa),  701. 
Ascension,  see  Jesus,  ascension  of. 
Ascension  of  Isaiah,  433f,  658. 
Ascent  of  Ziz,  320. 
iVsceticism,  99,  307, 417,  642,  G44,  649f, 

661,  711,  717,  725,  727,  732,  735,  773, 

828,  869f,  S83f,  887,  916. 
Asclepius,  203,  223,  627,  930. 
Asenatli,  163. 
Ashdod,  28,  59,  71,  276,  335,  448,  450, 

486,  .548,  550,  559,  570,  579f. 
'Ashem-Bethel,  553. 
Asher,  166 ;  tribe  of,  29,  65,  214,  243, 

248f,  257,  259,  262,  296,  298,  315, 

521. 
Asherah,  73,  100,  128,  130,  301,  303, 

477,    507;    prophets    of    the,   303; 

(goddess),  235. 
Asherira,  76,  235,  301,  310,  449,  454, 

484,  562. 
Ashes,  200,  222,  463,  507,  539,   557, 

587,  706. 
'Ashima,  553. 
Ashir,  50. 
Ashkelon  (Ascalon),  28,  60,  70f,  277, 

548,  570,  579f,  608. 
Ashmedai,  754. 
Ashtaroth,  235,  277,  286,  315. 
A.shtart,  sec  Ashtoreth. 
Ashtoreth,  99f,  259,  299,  301,  480. 
Ashtoreth-kamaim,  149. 
Ashur-bani-pal,  58-60,  72,  120,  310f, 

328  529  .565. 
Ashur-nat'sir-pal  III.,  58,  60,  69. 
Ashur-resh-ishi,  .57. 
Asia,  54,  63,  301f,  583,  613,  615,  744, 

7.56,  770,  794,   797,  830,  848f,  857, 

877,  881f,  884f,  916.  928-932,  939. 
Asia  Minor,  50,  52,  55-62,  98,  306, 529, 

532,  534,  .5.55,  .595f,  605,  607,  615, 

629f,  653,   6.56,  744,   ^73,  775,  778, 

789,  791,  794,  798f,  803,  861f,  864, 

901,  908,  913,  920,  927-929,  936,  940. 
Asiarchs,  7.50,798,847. 
Asidieans,  sec  Ha^idim. 
Asmoneans,  sec  Hasmonea-ns. 
Asphalt,  see  Bitumen. 
Asps,  243. 
Ass,  66.  76,  1.59,  166,  187,  208,  225, 

23.5,  258,  26.%  277f,  281,  290,  301, 

306,  .347f,  416,  437,  457f,  477,  580, 

661,  735. 
Assarion,  117. 
Assassin,  ass.assination,  69,  73, 79,  265, 

401,  515,  539,  572,  578,  581,  610,  740, 

800. 
Assassins,  the,  800. 


INDEX 

Assayer,  479. 

Assembly,  124,  562,  841. 

Asshur  (city),  .52f,  57,  201,  227. 

Asshurim,  227. 

Assonance,  439,  539,  560. 

Assos,  798f. 

Assouan,  514. 

papyri,    79,     see    Elephantine 

papyri. 

Assumption  of  Moses,  433,  657,  923f. 

Assurance,  639,  824,  840,  895,  897, 909. 

Assyria  (Assyrians),  26,  30,  45,  47,  50, 
52f,  55,  57-60,  63,  68-72,  74-76,  79, 
81,  86,  90,  98,  113f,  127,  130f,  139, 
227,  239,  244,  246,  306,  309-311,  313, 
327,  368,  371,  380,  436f,  440-442, 
444f,  448-452,  455-459,  467,  492,  494f, 
510,  515,  527,  534,  538-542,  544,  550f, 
556f,  559,  561,  565f,  569f,  579 ;  and 
Babylonia,  53,  57-60,  72,  310f,  445f, 
450, 474,  501 ;  and  Egypt,  59f ,  70-72, 
310,  416,  442,  448-450,  474;  and 
Israel,  58f,  68-70,  90,  99,  309f,  436, 
441,  4.55,  477,  505,  510,  512,  534, 
538-542,  552 ;  and  Judah,  59,  71f, 
130,  135,  247,  309-311,  313,  427,  436f, 
440-442,  444,  450,  455-458,  474,  477, 
500,  512 ;  and  Palestine,  45,  57-59, 
559 ;  and  Syria,  .57-59,  441 ;  and  the 
Chaldeans,  .58-60;  and  the  Elam- 
ites,  .59  ;  and  the  Hittites,  59 ;  and 
the  Medes,  58-60,  72,  474 ;  and  the 
nations,  444 ;  and  the  Philistines, 
447 :  character  of  its  people,  53, 436, 
444,  564;  downfall  of,  46,  60,  72, 
120,  447,  449,  474,  .500f,  570;  its 
debt  to  Babylonia,  53  ;  methods  of 
government,  60 ;  name  used  for 
successors  of  Assyria,  328,  387,  445, 
4.50,  454f,  500,  561,  .579f ;  physical 
characteristics  of,  53  ;  races  in,  53  ; 
religion  of,  53,  474,  551,  569. 

Assyrian  language,  34,  301 ;  chron- 
ology, 119;  inscriptions,  302,  309f, 
552,  567,  579,  5S7. 

Astarte,  101, 259, 286, 302, 376, 480, 507. 

Astral  mythology,  134  ;  spirits,  869 ; 
worship,  74,  130,  474,  480,  569. 

Astrology,  astrologers,  77,  137,  170, 
378,  474,  481,  525,  606,  617,  632, 634, 
701. 

Astronomy,  5,  663. 

Astruc,  122,  124. 

Astyages,  61,  77. 

Asvlum,  113,  186,  230,  238f,  254,  295, 
332. 

Ataroth,  229. 

Aten,  54f. 

Athaliah,  70,  74-76,  120,  302,  307f, 
320f. 

Athanasius,  596,  60]. 

Atharim,  223. 

Athei.sni,  368,  373,  375. 

Athena,  628,  630. 

Athens,  417,  591,  614,  617,  630,  633, 
635,  769,  771,  776f,  784,  796f,  844, 
848,  876,  878  ;  schocjls  of,  607. 

Athletes,  616,  841,  809,  886. 

Atomic  theory,  atoms,  635. 

Atomism,  503. 

Atonement,  11, 104,  192,  197,  204-206, 
223,  228,  441,  527.  620,  640,  786,  810, 
823,  8.57,  a59,  863,  870,  888,  8%; 
Dav  of,  see  Day  of  Atonement. 

Atrocities,  2.58,  303,  307,  446,  548f, 
565. 

Atroth  Shaphan,  229. 


951 

Attalia,  791,  793. 

Attains,  532. 

Attic,  .591,  593. 

Atticism,  592. 

Attis,  632f. 

Aucassin  et  Nicolette,  22. 

Augustan  band,  613  ;  cohort,  803. 

Augustine,   185,   205,   596,  701,   874, 

901,  941. 

Augustus,  30,  609,  612,  614,  616,  631, 
652f,  656,  702,  726f,  791,  795,  802, 
844,  930,  936,  939. 

Aulis,  154. 

Auranitis,  33. 

Aureus,  117. 

Australia,  204. 

Australian  natives,  240. 

Authority,  7-9, 112,  594,  695,  7-51,  780, 
827, 849, 855f,  860f,  929f ;  of  .lesus,  8, 
663,  695, 751,  827  ;  of  Scripture,  5,  7  ; 
of  the  Church,  7 ;  seat  of,  7f  ;  on  the 
head,  842  ;  (angelic  order),  864,  869. 

Authorship,  ancient  conceptions  of, 

902,  913. 
Autobiography,  441f. 
Autograph,  598f. 

Autimm,  118,  177,  205,  219,  438,  448, 

480,  628,  797. 

crocus,  459. 

Avarice,  414,  566,  666,  720. 

Aven,  .548. 

Avenger  of  blood,  113,  124,  186,  272, 

356. 
Avvim,  233. 
Awl,  126. 

Axe,  axehead,  306,  416,  444,  485. 
Axle,  905. 
Aylwin,  145. 
Azariah,    see    Abed-nego    (friend    of 

Daniel),  and  Uzziah  ;  son  of  Oded, 

76,  320;    son  of  Zadok,  296;    the 

priest,  76. 
Azazel,  205 ;   goat  for,  see  Goat  for 

Azazel. 
Azazimeh  Arabs,  182. 
Azekah,  489. 
Azel,  583. 
Azi  Dahaka,  941. 
Aziru,  55. 
Azizus,  801. 
Azotus,  786,  see  Ashdod. 

B  (^IS),  see  Codex  Vaticanus. 

/3  text,  600. 

Baal,  Baalim,  73f,  87,  95,  128,  207, 
216,  229,  235,  259,  263,  268,  277,  302, 
477-480,  484,  494,  535-537,  539-541, 
560,  583. 

Baal,  altar  of,  263 ;  and  Yahweh,  73f, 
87,  128,  216,  477,  535;  changed  to 
Bosheth,  229,  259,  280,  480,  .537, 
540  ;  name,  87,  207,  477,  5.37  ;  title 
of  Yahweh,  73,  2-59,  263,  280.  287, 
302,  429,  477,  537  ;  worship,  73f,  8.5, 
87f,  477-479,  482,  489,  535,  537,  542. 

Berith,  105,  264f,  300. 

(Baalah)  Judah.  288  ;  of  Doliche, 

630 ;  of  Hermon,  227,  259 ;  of  I.,eb- 
anon,  227  ;  of  Peor.  227,  540,  924, 

of  Tvre  (Melkart),  73f,  87,  299, 

51.S,  826;  and  Elijah,  30,  87,  89, 
128,  130,  263,  .302.  429,  826;  and 
Yahweh,  87,  130,  302f,  307,  429; 
j.riests  of,  73f.  89,  308  ;  prophets  of, 
73f,  302f  ;  temple  of,  74,  308  ;  wor- 
ship of,  73f,  87,  284,  302-304,  307f, 
319,  426,  4S9. 


952 

Baalbec,  548,  582. 

Baal-hazor,  289. 

Baalis,  73. 

Baal-meon,  229. 

B£uili)eiiiziin,  287. 

B;ial-taii.ar,  259,  270. 

Baiil-zebiib,  304. 

Baasha,  5,S,  (xS-71,  7(>,  120,  3Ulf,  320. 

Bab  el  Mandeb,  388. 

Babbler,  79<i. 

Babel,  14G,  380,  843,  845  ;  tower  of, 
88,  133f,  139,  145f. 

Babylon,  Babylonia,  Babylonians, 
3«f,  42,  46f,  50-63,  71-73,  75,  77-79, 
81f,  8(j,  90f,  lOOf,  106,  116,  124,  130, 
133,  135f,  139,  142,  146,  148,  151, 
106,  221,  225,  239,  299,  313,  323-326, 
328f,  332,  335,  352,  368,  371,  380-382, 
388,  428f,  431,  445f,  451,  454,  458- 
4(K),  4Si~t,  467,  474f,  477-480,  482, 
484-492,  494-496,  498,  501-516, 
522-528,  530,  544,  555,  557,  561, 
575-579,  717,  784. 

and  Alexander  the  Great,  446 ; 

and  Assyria,  53,  57-60,  72,  310f, 
445f,  450,  474,  501 ;  and  Egypt,  52, 
55,  60f,  98,  134,  313,  431,  474f,  486, 
490-492,  498,  501,  514f,  523f ;  and 
Israel,  51,  98,  118,  429 ;  and  Judah, 
60f,  72f,  77,  310f,  313,  323,  386,  394, 
431,  445,  451,  474f,  477-479,  486-491, 
495f,  501f,  506-513,  516,  524,  555; 
and  Palestine,  51f,  57,  248,  486 ;  and 
Persia,  61,  446,  523,  527f;  and 
Syria,  51f,  60,  313 ;  and  the  Chal- 
deans, 58-60,  71f,  446,  485,  524  ;  and 
the  Hittites,  52f,  55;  and  the 
Kassites,  52 ;  and  the  nations,  486 ; 
canal  system  of,  50,  329,  394,  406, 
446,  495  ;  chronology  of,  119  ;  down- 
fall of,  61,  445f,  522f ;  fertility  of, 
50f,  53  ;  influence  on  Israel,  51,  177, 
225;  king  of,  445-447,  491,  557; 
physical  characteristics  of,  50  ;  pro- 
phecy of  its  overthrow,  445-447, 
450f,  460f,  463-465,  467,  486,  494f ; 
races  in,  51. 

Babylon  (city),  olf,  57,  59-61,  71.  73, 
76f,  242,  310f,  313,  445f,  460,  463- 
465,  467,  486,  489,  494f,  522-528, 
711 ;  captured  by  Cyrus,  61,  77,  446, 
450f,  460,  522f.  528;  destroyed  by 
Sennacherib,  58 ;  designation  of 
Rome,  773-775,  912,  93.5,  938-940. 

Babylonian  and  Hebrew  religion,  51, 
95.  I 

Babylonian  art,  504  ;  cosmology,  .359  ; 
Creation  story,  51,  133-137,  326; 
Delude  story,  51,  99,  133f,  142-145 ; 
Empire,  .526,  528f;  gods,  95,  105; 
hymns,  51,  373;  influence,  57;  in- 
scriptions, .524,  .527  ;  language,  31, 
.53,  55  ;  law,  84,  233  ;  literature,  22  ; 
liturgies,  632 ;  monuments,  100, 
225,  325,  428,  4S8 ;  myths,  51,  130, 
136,  401  ;  psalms.  51 ;  religion,  51, 
428f,  448,  464,  480f,  484,  506,  510f, 
524-527,  629;  ritual,  198,  210; 
school  of  Massoretes,  42;  script, 
36,  51,  .55f ;  Tahnud,  36. 

Baca,  valley  of,  3.S8. 

Bacch ides,  607. 

Backsliding,  478.  .542. 

Bacon,  Essays  c.f,  903. 

liag,  240,  542,  (;88. 

P.agoas,  governor  of  Judsea,  79,  199 ; 
Persian  general,  79. 


INDEX 

Bagpipe,  5J6. 

Bahurim,  290. 

Bakers,  99,  111,  490,  539. 

Baking,  200,  520,  539. 

Balaam,  20,  213.  224-228,  276,  341, 
562,  701,  914,  924,  930;  oracles  of, 
45,  225-227  ;  story  of,  22. 

Balak,  171,  213,  224-226,  255,  276, 
93<J. 

Balances,  344,  405,  461,  542,  932. 

Baldness,  237,  305,  439,  448,  452,  493. 

Ball,  452. 

Ballads,  18,  224. 

Balm,  111,  4S0. 

Balsam  tree,  2.59,  .388,  422,  480. 

Bama,  see  High  Places. 

Bamoth,  224, 

Bamoth-baal,  224f. 

Ban  (^erem),  64,  66,  99,  114, 187,  202, 
212,  223,  227,  233,  251f,  258,  270. 
280,  283,  304,  329,  458,  463,  561,  824. 

Bandage,  514. 

Bandit,  266,  283f. 

Bani,  327. 

Banias,  28,  229,  260,  269,  see  Panias. 

Banking,  112,  931. 

Banner,  420,  422. 

Banquet,  446,  455,  491,  708,  735f,  930, 
see  Feast. 

Bantus,  the,  209. 

Baptism,  160,  180,  193,  203,  482,  608, 
632,  638f,  647,  661,  663,  082,  702, 
747,  749,  768,  770f,  779f,  786f,  789, 
795,  822,  826,  833,  837,  841,  843, 
847,  850,  860,  866f,  869f,  885f,  893, 
897,  914,  920 ;  administered  bj- 
disciples  of  Jesus,  749 ;  and  faith, 
639,  812,  822,  826,  860,  910f;  and 
the  gift  of  the  Spirit,  638f,  771, 
779,  789 ;  Christian,  638f,  749,  778, 
789,  893 ;  for  Moses,  841 ;  f(jr  the 
dead,  847  ;  has  no  magical  efficacy, 
812,  888  ;  heathen,  893 ;  into  the 
name  of  Jesus,  642,  723,  779,  812, 
833 ;  into  threefold  name,  642,  723  ; 
Jewish,  893 ;  of  fire,  662,  682,  702 ; 
of  infants,  639  ;  of  Jesus,  see  Jesus, 
baptism  of ;  of  suffering,  694,  717 ; 
of  the  Spirit,  682,  702,  747,  749, 
777f,  893 ;  of  water,  639,  682,  778, 
893;  religious  value  of,  638f,  779, 
812,  869f,  893;  rite  of  entrance 
into  Church,  638f,  812  ;  significance 
of  John's,  661,  682,  747,  749  ;  sin 
after,  893,  899,  914 ;  symbolism  of, 
812,  822,  897. 

Baptismal  formula,  639,  779,  867. 

Bar,  243,  464,  517,  548,  557. 

Barabbas,  698,  722,  741,  762. 

Barachel,  361. 

Barak,  9,  65,  114,  173,  253,  261f,  267, 
269,  278. 

Barbarians,  630,  804. 

Bar-c(jcliba,  22(5,  625,  6.58,  751,  760. 

Barefoot,  161,  171,  560,  73.5. 

Barley,  28,  103,  176,  272,  520,  .537, 
652f ;  bread,  264  ;  harvest,  105,  118, 
177,  188,  271. 

Bam,  545,  574,  660. 

Barnaba.s,  640,  731,  789-794,  858f  ;  an 
ajwstle,  043,  646  ;  and  Cyprus,  782, 
789,  791  ;  and  Mark,  79l',  794,  840f. 
912;  and  Paul,  647,  768-770,  776, 
782,  787,  789-794,  84(if,  8.58f ;  and  the 
Church  of  Antioch,  7<>8-770,  776, 
789-791,  793f,  85Sf ;  and  the  CInirch 
of    Jerusalem.    647,    767-770,    787, 


789f,  793,  8.58f ;  gives  his  property, 
767,  782;  Hebrews  attributed  to, 
59.5,  K89;  meaning  of  nanm,  782; 
missionary  activity,  769,  776,  791- 
7!t4;  suggested  author  of  I.  Peter, 
908. 

Barnabas,  Epistle  of,  594-596, 658,  70<J, 
901f. 

Barracks,  800. 

Barren  fig-tree,  663,  694,  718,  734, 

liarsom,  .507. 

Bartholomew,  748. 

Bartimseus,  694,  717,  737, 

Baruch,  46,  72f,  432,  474-476,  486, 
488-492,  495  ;  Book  of,  343, 

Baruk,  28. 

BarziUai,  291,  295. 

Basalt,  548. 

Bases,  297f,  310. 

Bashan,  33,  64,  128,  148f,  224,  23!, 
.384,  438,  550,  564  ;  Mt.,  33. 

Basilides,  136,  594,  658, 

Ba«ilidians,  6.52. 

Basilisk,  447,  480. 

Basin,  177f,  192,  383. 

Basket,  74,  174,  191f,  241,  307,  477, 
485,  690,  787  :  of  summer  fruit,  553. 

Baskets  of  silver,  23, 

Basque,  615.' 

Bastinado,  241. 

Bath,  bathing,  104,  170, 175,  191,  200, 
217,  867,  915. 

Bath  (liquid  measure),  115f,  440, 

Bath-uinirah,  448. 

Bath-rabbim,  423. 

Bathsheba,  67,  273,  289,  294f,  318,  701. 

Battering-ram,  505. 

Battle,  84,  100,  102,  443,  45of,  546, 
844,  939  ;  shout,  493. 

Bazaars,  303. 

Bdellium,  140,  218. 

Beam,  443,  567,  716,  730. 

Bear,  305,  470,  498,  628,  542,  9,36. 

lieard,  394,  448,  505. 

Beast,  125, 185, 360,  .381,  385,  390,  413, 
440,  515,  517,  526f,  557,  569,  734, 
941 ;  of  prey,  141,  365,  468. 

Beast,  the,  935-942 ;  and  the  dragon, 
936f,  939;  and  the  false  prophet, 
939-942;  and  the  second  beast,  936f ; 
heads  of,  774,  937,939  ;  horns  of,  774, 
936,  939  ;  identification  of,  936f,  939- 
941 ;  image  of,  !)37f  ;  mark  of.  937f, 
940-942  ;  name  of,  9.37  ;  number  of, 
414,  612,  936-938;  throne  of,  939; 
worship  of,  937f. 

the  second,  775,  936f,  940. 

Beasts  of  the  south,  456. 

Beasts,  the  four,  see  Four  beasts. 

Beating,  490,  767,  783.  785,  795. 

Beatitudes,  704,  729,  737,  903-9a5. 

Beautiful  gate  of  the  Temple,  780, 

Beauty,  420-423  ;  and  bands,  581. 

Bed,  300,  469,  539,  (;59f,  684,  720,  788, 
930. 

Bedezor,  302. 

Bedouin,  27,  98,  108,  lllf,  141,  151f, 
156,  169, 176-178,  182,  190,  260,  2(i2f, 
269,  348,  470. 

Bee,  279,  400,  442. 

I'.eelzebub,  Beelzebul,  304,  666,  678, 
686,  710,  712.  732. 

Beer  (place),  224. 

Beer-elim,  224,  448. 

Be'eri,  .534. 

Beer-laliai-roi,  100,  134,  150f. 

Becroth,  287. 


Beersheba,  27,  30,   32,  63,   75f,  100, 

123, 125, 128, 13of,  14(1,  154, 15G,  164, 

277,  303,  309,  478,  551,  553,  584. 
Beggar,  688,  694,  904. 
Begging,  685. 

Begotten  of  God,  649,  7465,  918f. 
Beheading,  163,  088. 
Behemoth  and  Leviathan,  description 

of,  ^42,  347,  349,  364t. 
Beirilt,  28. 
Beka,  194. 
Bekaiin,  259. 
Bel,  142f,  464,  494,  525,  527,  532,  557 ; 

and  the  dragon,  566. 
Belbani,  53. 
Belial,  237,  270,  285,  400,  564f,  853 ; 

daughter  of,  275  ;  sons  of,  270,  275, 

284,  400. 
Belief,  916. 
Believers,  845,  920. 
Bellows,  408,  479. 

Beloved  as  Messianic  title,  702,  863. 
Beloved,  the,  434. 

disciple,  744,  758,  762-765,  790. 

Belshazzar,  61,  77,  446,  .522,  527-529. 

Belteshazzar,  525,  527,  see  Daniel. 

Beltis,  444. 

Belus  (river),  28,  216. 

Ben  Asher,  42. 

Ben  Naphthali,  42. 

Benaiah,  67,  268,  292,  2!J4f,  318. 

Ben-.ammi,  134,  153. 

Benediction,  195,  317,  742,  829f,  875, 

879f,  912,  928. 
Benedictus,  726f. 
Benefactor,  740. 
Bene-jaakan,  229. 
Bengel,  597. 
Benhadad  I.,  29,  69,  299,  301,  303f ; 

II.,   69,   306f;   III.,   69,  306,   309, 

548. 
Benjamin  (land),  30. 
son   of  Jacob,   133f,   161,   163f, 

166,  488;  tribe  of,  64-66,  102,  110, 

134.   214,   243,   249,   2.53,   2.58,  2()0, 

262,  296,  300,  315-317,  384,  474,  479, 

517,  521,  538,  541,  874. 
Benjamites,  85,  114,  2()3,  270. 
Tienoni,  161. 
Ben-Sira,   38,  343-.S45,   411,   579,   see 

Ecclesiasticus. 
Ben-Tabeel,  71,  441. 
Bfutley,  Richard,  .597. 
Boon,  229. 
Bera,  149. 

Beracah,  Valley  of,  76. 
Bered,  151. 

Berenice,  wife  of  Antiochus  II.,  531  f. 
B'-n-shith,  121,  133. 
Bemice,  6.56,  802. 
Benea,  771,  795f,  798,  830,  853,  876, 

Berossus,  137,  142,  246. 

Berothai,  288. 

Bernria,  410. 

Beryl,  140,  191,  360,  .531,  942. 

Bervtus  (Aleppo),  802 

Betah,  288. 

Betli  Ashbea,  111. 

Bethabara,  601,  747. 

Bethany,    31,     694,     7.32,     739,    742, 

755,  757,  778 ;  beyond  Jordan,  747, 

755. 
Beth-arbel,  .541. 

Beth-aven,  279,  538,  540,  551,  75G 
Bethbara,  204. 
Beth-eden,  .548. 


INDEX 

Bethel,  30f,  03,  67,  73,  99.  103,  112, 
125,  128,  130,  133f,  146-148,  156- 
159,  161,  166,  249,  251-253,  258f, 
261,  266,  270,  277,  279,  300f,  305, 
308,  312,  493,  538-541,  547,  550f, 
553,  573. 

Bethel  Sharezer,  578. 

Bether,  420. 

Bethesda,  750. 

Beth-ezel,  560,  583. 

Beth-haccerem,  479. 

Beth-haggan,  307. 

Beth-horon,  31,  64,  104,  249,  252f, 
279,  289,  299,  330,  607,  610. 

Bethlehem,  31,  101,  161,  271f,  281- 
283,  394,  488,  491,  547,  560f,  609, 
652,  701f,  726f,  753;  in  Zebulun, 
267,  702. 

Beth-millo,  265. 

Beth-nimrah,  229. 

Bethphage,  694. 

Beth-rehob,  see  Rehob. 

Bethsaida,  29,  32,  688-690,  713,  73], 
751,  757,  785;  mistake  for  Beth- 
zatha,  750. 

Beth-shan,  Beth-shean,  29f,  110,  254, 
257,  259,  286,  315,  737,  749. 

Bethshemesh,  31,  57,  184,  259,  267. 
276,  296. 

Bethsur,  31. 

Bethsura,  416. 

Bethuel,  155. 

Bethulah,  442. 

Beth-zachariah,  607. 

Bethzatha,  750. 

Betft-zur,  607. 

Betrayal,  see  Jesus,  betrayal  of 

Betrothal,  114,  537,  544,  855. 

Betrothed,  114,  544. 

Between  the  two  evenings,  177,  210. 

Beza,  .597. 

Bezaanim,  261. 

Bezalel,  193f,  236. 

Bezek,  2.58,  278. 

Bezetha,  750. 

Bible,  1-16,  97,  915 ;  a  picture  of  life, 
6 ;  alleged  inerrancy  of,  8,  10,  12, 
596  ;  an  oriental  book,  636  ;  and  as- 
trology, 5  ;  and  English  literature, 
18 ;  and  nature,  2,  12f,  24,  369,  375, 
377  ;  and  other  sacred  literature,  9  ; 
and  .science,  2,  5,  12,  136;  and 
slavery,  5, 145  ;  and  the  Church,  7f, 
594;  and  witchcraft,  5,  187;  as 
literature,  1,  18-25;  aiithority  of, 
5,  7-9,  319,  596;  centrality  of"God 
in,  2 ;  historical  sense  of,  6.36 ;  in- 
fluence of,  1,  16  ;  inspiration  of,  see 
Inspiration  of  the  Bible;  inter- 
pretation, 2,  4-6,  .596f,  636  ;  its  debt 
to  non-Hebrew  sources,  9  ;  its  doc- 
trine of  man  and  sin,  2 ;  its  repre- 
sentation of  Christ,  2  ;  magical  use 
of,  5 ;  misuse  of,  4-6,  145,  .596 ; 
mod(>rn  study  of,  2f,  596f ;  modern 
view  of,  2f,  7,  9,  16,  596f ;  mystical 
meaning  of,  6  ;  original  manuscrii)ts 
not  extant,  4,  40,  .598  ;  records  God's 
self-manifestjvtion  to  man  and  man's 
quest  for  God,  1  ;  result  of  ))ro- 
longed  editorial  processes,  9  ;  struc- 
ture of,  2;  superstitions  use  of,  5; 
text  of,  4-6,  40-43,  .598  60]  ;  trans- 
lation of,  6,  40f  ;  uniqueness  of,  16  ; 
unity  of,  1 ;  universality  of,  1 ; 
value  of,  If,  6f,  9,  247.  597  ;  variety 
of,  1,  3. 


953 

Biblical  criticism,  2f,  6-9,  12,  14,  16, 

134,  148,  42(J,  594,  5W;f. 
Biblical  history,  prophetical  character 

of,  244. 
Bidkar,  307. 
Bier,  469. 

Bigamy,  158,  207,  239f,  274. 
Bildad,  352-354,  357,  359. 
Bile,  480. 
I  Bilhah,   63,   134,   161,  214,  241,  933 ; 
i      tribes,  249. 
I  Bilingualism,  592. 
Bill  of  divorcement,  108,  113,  466. 
Binding  and  loosing,  666,  71.5. 
Binding  of  Satan,  941. 
Binding  the  feet,  719. 
Biography,  19-22,  604. 
Bird-catcher,  479. 
Bird-seller,  748. 
Birds,  32,  125,  136-138,  140,  143f,  150, 

103,  171, 185,  197f,  203-205,  296,  343, 

360,  369,  375,   381,  387f,  408,  417, 

4.37,  442,   444,   449,   457,   459,   4(54, 

479f,   485,   515,  517,  527,  540,  550, 

660,  707,  733f,  847,  940. 
Birth,  139,  144,  202,  349,  413,  41.5,  484, 

542,  893,  905. 
Birth  story,   15,   605,  659,   686,   701, 

725-727,  936. 
Birthday,  539. 
Birthright,  109,  134,  150f,  161,   165, 

239f. 
Bishop  of  Rome,  887. 
Bishops,  596,  643,  646,  774,  783,  793, 

7S)8f,  85S,  872,   874,  881,   883,   887, 

910,  929. 
Bit,  378,  905. 
Bit-adini,  548. 
Bithron,  287. 

Bithynia,  616,  653,  658,  724,  794. 
Bitter,    bitterness,    1,  271,  280,  3n5, 

399f,  415,  459,  478,  480,  499,  504f, 

553,  566,  786,  934f. 
Bitter  herbs,    133.   177;   lakes,    180; 

water,  181,  905. 
Bittern,  447,  458. 

Bitumen,  26, 3.3, 143, 146, 149, 152, 170. 
Black  basalt,  33,  234f. 
Black  Obelisk,  69,  246. 
Black  Sea,  .393,  513,  517. 
Blacknes.s,  545. 
Blacksmith,  401. 
BL-usphemv,  185,  210,  304,  311,  347f, 

386,  443,  486,  514,  516,  569,  666,  684, 

696,  698,  7]  2,  740,  751f,  7.54f,  763, 

785,   802,   820,   914,    924,    9.30,   939; 

.against  the  Holy  Spirit,  686,  712, 

733. 
Blasting,  360. 
Blastus,  790. 
Bless  as  eui)hemism   for  curse,  347, 

581. 
Blessedness,  701. 
Blessing,  80,   106,   1.38,  149,  155-157, 

160,    165,   201,    212,    224-226,   234, 

24]  f,  2.58,  269,  275,  298,  370,  478, 

578f,   587,   624,  620,   742.   836,   8S3. 

899:    of  .Jacob,   44;    165f,  249;    of 

Moses,    10(5,    165,    182,   242f,   249; 

the  priestly,  217. 
Blessings,   241f.   8.59,   892f,   905;   and 

curses,  224,  241f,  300. 
Blight.  .545. 
Blind,  blindne-ss,  69.  165,  20S,  287,  456, 

459,  462f,  469,  .582,  629,  666.  m\  694, 

709.  730,  754,  780f,  791,  a51,  931. 
Blinding,  506,  508. 


954 

Block,  the,  356. 

Blood,  50,  70,  144,  162,  175,  177f,  187- 
189,  192,  196-208,  222,  237,  239,  243, 
304f,  432,  448,  456,  458,  468,  471f, 
513,  517,  546,  565,  567,  570,  573, 
631-633,  793,  .S'.)5-897.  920,  929,  934, 
939f;  belongs  exclusively  to  God, 
144,  198,  206  ;  covenants  formed  by, 
144,  188,  895,  897  :  crying  from  the 
ground,  142,  162,  206,  208,  265,  357, 
361,  513,  573,  897,  899;  drinking 
of,  103,  144,  206,  580:  eating  with 
the,  103,  144,  177,  187f,  198,  206, 
237,  279,  573,  .580,  769f,  793 ;  inno- 
cent, 557  ;  not  drunk  bj'  ( iod,  381 ; 
of  the  kin,  50,  207;  ottering,  99, 
110 ;  presentation  of,  197,  392,  8iK> ; 
sacrificial,  98,  144,  192,  197-202, 
204-206,  237,  334,  437,  4.58,  472,  480, 
483,  510,  517,  580,  584,  620,  895; 
sanctity  of,  144,  177,  197f ;  seat  of 
vital  principle,  144,  177,  197f,  200. 
222,  2;i7,  863 ;  sprinkling,  smearing 
of,  102,  104,  177,  188,  192,  197,  199, 
204,  206,  222,  312,  334,  519,  895f, 
929,  940. 

brotherhood,    188  ;    dedication, 

83 ;  feud,  50,  287,  409 ;  guiltiness, 
295,  382;  of  Christ,  see  Christ, 
blood  of  ;  of  the  Covenant,  178,  188, 
721, 896,  897,  899 ;  of  the  Lamb,  929, 
940 ;  revenge,  50,  67,  113,  141,  186, 
239 ;  soul,  144. 

Bloodshed,  75,  141,  144,  162,  237,  284, 
317,  439,  453f,  516,  538,  546,  567, 
609f,  624,  906,  932. 

Blns.TOm,  420,  440,  506. 

Blue,  190f,  934. 

Blue  Nile,  449. 

Boadicea,  657. 

Boasting,  444,  821,  837, 844,  85.5f ,  864, 
924. 

Boat,'  28,  170,  .520,  674,  685-687,  713, 
729,  751,  764,  803. 

Boatswain,  878. 

Boaz,  22,  48,  260,  271f. 

Bochim,  259. 

Body,  163,  350,  356,  379,  422,  489,  529, 
649,  670,  706f,  734,  756,  806,  822-824, 
827f ,  838,  840,  843-845, 852f,  867-870, 
874,  878f,  896,  905,  911  ;  a  temple 
of  the  Holy  (ihost,  8:^8 ;  and  soul, 
356,  417;  and  the  members,  the, 
827,  843 ;  of  Christ,  see  Church. 

Bodyguard,  114, 162,  283,  285,  289-292, 
294,  320,  330,  393,  421. 

Boghaz-keui,  51,  53,  5.5f. 

Boiling,  188,  198,  2.'?S,  477,  512,  520 ; 
of  sacrifice,  102,  177,  192,  198,  238. 

Boils,  203 ;  i)lague  of,  13,  174,  176, 

Bolt,  557. 

Bond,  the,  400,  869f ;  of  iniquity,  786. 

Bondage,  150,  169,  329,  470. 

Bonds,  .'".64,  886,  921. 

Bonos,  91,  mi  140,  167,  179,  286,  292, 
302,  .306,  309,  375,  378,  390,  395,  459, 
mi,  517,  549,  .552,  867. 

Book,  357,  399,  417,  4.56,  504;  of 
destiny,  931 ;  of  Elxai,  ()58  ;  of  Life, 
38.5,  395,  439,  .533,  732.  874,  899,  930, 
937,  9;V.l,  941 ,  943 ;  of  m.-^ic,  931  ; 
of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of 
Israel,  24(') ;  of  the  Covenant,  44f, 
90,  102,  108,  110,  112,  148,  184,  186- 
188, 194,  399,  511 ;  of  the  Dead,  369  ; 
of  the  Kings  of  Israel,  315;  of  the 
Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  315  ;  of 


INDEX 

the  Law,  128f  ;  of  the  Wars  of  Yah- 

weh,  4.5,  213,  224,  2.56;  of  Yahweli, 

458;  sealed  with  seven  seals,  931  f; 

the  litth-,  934  ;  the  Sacred,  in  Juda- 
ism, 620f,  623. 
Boomerang,  550, 
Boot,  443. 

Bi>oth,  103f,  188,  319,  326,  359,  437. 
BiKjty,  see  Spoil;  division  of,  228. 
Borders  of  garments,  220. 
Itoring  of  the  ear,  128. 
Boshcth,  299;   substituted  for  Baal, 

42,  207,  259,  280,  287,  302,  480. 
Bosom,  405,  461,  466, 
B<jttlis,  154,  284,  537,  851;  of  heaven, 

3.59,  364. 
Boundary,  404  ;  stones,  239. 
Bow,  114,  16(5,  360,  386,  396,  462,  473, 

494,  567,  580. 
Bowls,   175,  197,  204,  .552,  577,   584, 

927,  932f. 
Bow-string,  360, 
Box,  788. 
Boxing,  841. 
I'.oys,  151,  169f,  282. 
Bozez,  279, 
Bozrah    (Zech.    xi,    1-3),    580;    (in 

Edom),  383,  458,  471,  494,  548 ;  (in 

Moab),  493,  560. 
Bracelets,  155,  228,  308. 
Brahmins,  3. 
Bramble,  265,  439. 
Branch,  see  Shoot. 
Branches,  104,  446f,  507,  511,  526,  564, 

718,  759,  826. 
Branding,  179,  439,  861,  883,  937. 
Brass,  141, 189,  200,  235,  298,  310,  327, 

470,  526,  688, 
Brazen  oxen,  105,  310 ;  sea,  105,  310 ; 

serpent,  74,  189,  223,  310,  441. 
Breach  of  trust,  187,  787. 
Bread,  84,  138,  149,  188,  192,  197,  210, 

220,  264,  267,  271,  281,  30(J,  369,  416, 

490,  507,  536,  539f,  550f,  553,  555, 

659,  (i89,   697,    703,  706f,  714,  736, 

750 ;  and  wine,  149,  668,  721,  843 ; 

of  heaven,  369  ;  of  mourners,  540  ; 

the  Eucharistic,  641,  721,  739,  812, 

841,  843,  866. 
lireakers  of  death,  37(>. 
Breaking  of  bread,  641,  647,  668,  688, 

697,  742,  780,  798,  842 ;  of  the  legs, 

7(k}. 
Breast,   198,   200-202,   222,   420,  565. 

709. 
Breastplate,  101,  191,  867,  878,  934. 
Breath,  139,  .362f,  412f,  417,  423,  457. 

470,  507,  51 6f. 
Brethren  of  the  Lord,  840,  see  Jesus, 

brothers  of. 
Bribe,  338,  361,  381,  405,  415,  440,  581, 

772. 
Bribery,  61, 113, 184, 187,  277,  438,  549, 

551,  610, 
Brick,  146, 169, 173,  443,  472,  505,  526, 

565. 
Brickmaking,  173, 
Brick-mould,  .565. 
Brickwork.  491. 
Bridal  i.avilion,  545. 
Bride,   108,  155,   1.58,  178,  267f,  380, 

419  423,  468,  471,  477,  54.5,  718,  721. 

749,  942f  ;  price,  108.  1.55,  1.58f. 
Bridegroom,    15.5,   158,   178,  268,  309. 

.380,  419-423,  471,  545,  .576,  6,32,  668, 

721,  749;  friend  of  the,  2f)8,  749, 
Bridesmaid,  tl9f.  720f. 


Bridle,  365,  378,  905, 

Brier,  38:^,  442,  444,  454,  468,  504, 

Brigands,  414,  609f. 

Brimstone,  152,  458,  934. 

Britain,  612-014,  6.57. 

British  Empire,  612. 

Isles,  297. 

Bronze,  105,  189,  191,  483,  525f,  528, 
577. 

age,  252. 

Brootling,  135f, 

Brook,  235,  302,  3.51,  369,  391,  405f, 
545,  560;  of  Egypt,  1.50,  229;  of 
the  willows,  448,  .552, 

Broom  (plant),  393. 

Broth,  200,  263,  472. 

Brother,  109,  141,  419,  42.3, 

Brotherhood,  904,  909  ;  of  Christians, 
649,  832  :  of  man,  649,  909. 

Brotherly  love,  394,  623,  639,  649,  767, 
827,  a54,  878,  899,  909,  911,  918f. 

Brothers  of  Jesus,  sec  Jesus,  brothers 
of. 

Browning,  20,  354. 

Brushwood,  471. 

Brutus,  684, 

Bubastis,  514. 

Bucket,  169,  461, 

Buddha,  702,  727. 

Buddhism,  411. 

Buddhist,  3. 

Btiilder,  building,  23,  75,  78, 146,  169, 
459,  509,  575,  612,  734,  835. 

Buildings,  67,  99,  146,  446,  455,  868, 
886. 

Bui,  105, 117,  297. 

Bull,  238,  376,  492f,  628,  632f;  the 
golden  at  Bethel,  67,  73,  70,  128, 
liOOf,  541 ;  the  golden  at  Dan,  67,  73, 
7()  300  541. 

BuU'ock,  104,  191f,  199,  201,  205f,  275, 
370,  494,  520. 

BuU's  blood,  205,  216. 

Bulls  (images),  300,  539-542,  553. 

Bunch,  i.e.  hump,  456. 

Bimdahish,  941. 

Bunvan,  64,  344,  364,  546,  575,  579, 
909. 

Burden,  173,  352,  417,  444,  452,  464, 
571,  719,  750,  862,  861,  930;  i.e. 
oracle,  307,  446,  485, 

Burial,  110,  1.55f,  101,  165-167,  284, 
286f,  291,  304,  313,  315,  415,  446f, 
480,  483-485,  489f,  515,  517,  699,  708, 
722,  741,  763,  785,  788,  846 ;  lack  of, 
414,  446f,  483,  485,  490,  .515,  .553; 
ground,  416. 

Burning,  192, 199f,  206,  222,  268,  287, 
.320,  437f,  444,  457,  510,  517.  526, 
.5-45,  900,  934,  941 ;  alive,  208,  514, 
609,  844,  898;  bush.  64,  171.  173, 
243,  784  ;  of  spices,  489,  5.52  :  of  the 
dead,  110,  286,  .315,  .549,  552;  the 
fat,  20(5,  275. 

I^iirns,  737. 

Burnt  offering.  11,  79,  99,  101-104, 
144,  176,  182,  188,  192,  197.  199-201, 
203  2<)6,  222,  237,  243,  280,  29<;,  .305, 
316,  326,  329,  .347,  437,  480,  484,  518, 
520,  528,  530.  533,  8C>6, 

"  Bury  mv  father,"  708. 

Bushel,  li5,  70-4. 

Busybddies,  880,  884,  911. 

Butcher,  162,  .581  906. 

r.ntler,  16.3. 

Butter,  262. 

Buxtorf,  .37. 


Buyer,  113,  406,  506. 
Buz,  361. 
Byblus,  579. 
By-ends,  349. 
Byron,  267. 

C,  see  Codex  Ephraemi. 

Cab  companies,  615. 

Cabul,  29,  298. 

Caisar,  see  Roman  Emperor. 

Ctesar's  household,  830,  872,  875. 

Caesarea,  28,  009,  055,  691,  724f,  767, 

772,  786,  788f,  799,  801f,  862,  872. 
Philippi,  32,  609,  667,  688,  691, 

703,  714f ,  752,  802. 
Caesarians,  789. 
Cage,  437,  479,  748. 
Caiaphas,  653f,  657,  668f,  698,  721f, 

727,  740,  756,  762f,  781,  834. 
Cain,  98,  134,  141,  227,  315,  753,  897, 

914,  918,  924;  mark  on,  141;  and 

Abel,  141,  897,  918. 
Cainite  genealogy,  141. 
Cainites,  142. 
Cairn,  159. 
Cairngorm,  191. 
Caius,  see  Caligula ;  (Gaius)  of  Rome, 

744,  773,  927f. 
Cakes,  98,  190,  198,  210,  264,  480,  492, 

539,  550f ;  for  the  queen  of  heaven, 

99,  480,  492. 
Calamities  viewed  as  judgments,  13, 

21,  576,  623,  629,  734. 
Calamity  (disaster),  48,  91,  99,  202, 

211,   258f,   260,   277,  321,  345,  351, 

356-3.58,  374,  377,  383,  414,  417,  427, 

436,  442f,  447,  451,  457, 463-465, 472, 

479,  4S3,  492-494,  541,  M5,  550-5.52, 

555,  563,  576,  578,  696,  734,  739,  773, 

775,  933f. 
Calamus,  479,  see  Cane. 
Caldron,  477f,  508,  512. 
Caleb,  219f,  229,  233,  249,  253f,  258, 

264,  284,  841,  892. 
Calebites,  65,  193,  248. 
Calendar,  102f,  118, 465, 652f ;  Hebrew, 

105,  117f,  127, 177, 187,  210,  326, 572, 

652,  798;  Julian,   reform  of,  652; 

Mohammedan,  118  ;  Roman,  652. 
Calf,  152,  201,  209,  222,  2.S8,  401,  445, 

454,  492,  ,5.52,  562,  587. 
Caliban  upon  Setehos,  354. 
Caligula,  (K>9f,  612,  630,  056f,  802,  879, 

939  ;  orders  his  statue  to  be  set  up 

in  the  Temple,  609. 
Calling,  818,  824,  832,  834,  863,  879, 

885,  891,  914. 
Calneh,  552. 
Calno,  444,  552. 

Calvary,  741,  748,  758,  870.  909. 
Calves,  the,  see  Bulls. 
Calvin,  185,  379,  634. 
Calvinism,  863. 
Cambridge,  .591,  GOl. 
Cambyses,  61,  77,  79,  232,  323,  449, 

523,  531. 
Camel  in  the  needle's  eye,  693. 
Camels,  27,  30,  155,  159,  176,  202.  326, 

347f,  381,  470,  477,  494,  693,  720. 
Camisards,  648. 
Camp,  69,   106,  123f,  127,  129,   159f, 

192,    198,   201,    206,  210,   214f,  218, 

222,   228,   252,   264,   279,   282,   284, 

286,  306,  900. 
Cana,  29,  748. 
Canaan      (i.e.      Israel),      542;     (i.e. 

Pboeuicia),  452. 


INDEX 

Canaan  (land),  13,  26,  32,  34,  44, 63,  96, 
98,  102f,  105,  123f,  1.33f,  146f,  149f, 
153f,  165, 107. 172, 182, 187, 189, 213f, 
216,  218,  223,  231,  234f,  237,  248, 
257-259,  2()1,  271,  307,  390,  392,  394, 
445,  477,  502,  504-507,  510f,  516,  583, 
704,  785,  892,  898;  civilisation 
of,  57.  477;  conquest  of,  45,  64f, 
84f,  110,  114.  181,  213.  228.  244f. 
248f ,  255-257,  259,  269.  448 ;  settle- 
ment in.  44,  64f,  81,  84f,  96,  98,  102, 
108f,  114,  121,  127,  165.  174.  180. 
218, 227, 239,  242,  248f,  255f.  287,  458. 

(person),  145 ;  curse  on,   5,   44, 

133,  145. 

Canaanite  language,  34. 

Canaanites.  53.  55,  63,  65,  67,  83,  98, 
100,  103,  110.  114,  130f.  135,  139, 
143,  145-147,  149,  155,  157,  161f, 
169,  172, 185,  188,  207,  214-216,  220, 
232f,  235,  239f,  24Sf,  253-259,  261, 
299f,  302,  329,  380,  38()f,  506,  549, 
624;  (i.e.  merchants).  111,  581,  584. 

Canals,  52,  86,  169,  175,  329,  394, 
406,  446,  450,  495,  503,  529,  505. 

Candace,  299.  786. 

Candelabra,  753. 

Candlestick,  210,  577,  929,  935 ;  see 
Lampstand,  the  golden,  190f,  194, 
210,  217,  895. 

Cane,  463,  see  Calamus. 

Canis  major,  .551. 

Cankerworm,  495.  544. 

Canneh,  513. 

Cannibal,  cannibalism,  306,  444,  498f, 
506. 

Canon  of  New  Testament,  3,  59-1-.597, 
602,  772,  776,  865,  889,  901,  903, 913, 
915,  927;  and  Marcion,  594,  776; 
Evidence  of  Barnabas,  594 ;  of 
Basilides,  594  ;  of  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, 595 ;  of  Clement  of  Rome, 
594 ;  of  II.  Clement,  594  ;  of  Did- 
ache,  594 ;  of  Dionysius  of  Alex- 
andria, 596  ;  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea, 
596  ;  of  Ignatius,  594  ;  of  Irenaeus, 
595 ;  of  Justin  Martyr,  594f ;  of 
Muratorian  Fragment,  .595 ;  of 
Origen.  .595f ;  of  Papias.  .594 ;  of 
Polycarp.  594  ;  of  Tatian,  595  ;  of 
Tertullian,  595  ;  of  Versions  of  New 
Testament,  595. 

of  Old  Testament,  3.  18,  37-40, 

45,  48,  10(3,  121,  234,  314,  .319,  324, 
368,  380,  434,  522,  607,  657;  con- 
troversies concerning,  38f  ;  deter- 
mination of  its  limits,  38f,  411 ; 
threefold  division  of,  37-39,  411. 
418.  522  ;  twenty -four  books  in,  37. 

of  the  Prophets,  425,  579 ;    are 

there  Maccabean  elements  in  ?  425, 
453,  4.58,  579-583. 

Canonic  Epistles,  !)01. 

Canonicity,  conception  of,  37-40. 
594  ;  Jewish  criteria  of,  39f ;  true 
criteria  of,  40. 

Canojty,  491. 

Canticles,  see  Song  of  Songs. 

Cap,  .507. 

Caper-berry,  417- 

Capernaum,  29,  32,  665,  682f,  685, 
689,  69.3,  703f.  708f,  711,  714,  728, 
731,  748,  751. 

Caphtor.  .50,  145,  233,  267,  493,  554. 

Capital  (financial),  112. 

Capital  punishment,  2.37,  240,  698, 
765,  938,  tee  Death  penalty. 


955 

Cappadocia,  36,  111.  30«,  507,  517, 
613,  653. 

Captain,  76,  106,  287,  303,  307,  557, 
739;  of  the  host,  296;  of  the 
Temple,  782. 

Captive,  95,  173,  239,  326,  450f,  462, 
464,  407,  550,  566,  608. 

Captivity,  10,  212,  298.  439f,  463,  483, 
551,  554,  560,  565,  937. 

Caravan  route,  llOf,  548. 

Caravans,  56,  65,  98,  112,  162,  166, 
180f,  263,  351,  451,  659. 

Caravanserai,  481. 

Carbuncle,  468. 

Carcase,  150,  186f,  199,  553. 

Carchemish,  54,  57,  60,  72,  146,  219, 
313,  444,  474,  482,  486, 492,  501,  523f. 

Care,  see  Anxiety. 

Cargo,  803f. 

Cana,  Carians,  Carites,  56,  62,  114, 
308.  492. 

Carlstadt,  121. 

Carlyle,  1.  19.  21,  364. 

Carmel,  Mt.,  28-30,  73,  88,  267,  280, 
302,  305f,.  459,  472,  548,  554,  563f, 
608. 

Carmel,  south  of  Hebron,  280,  284. 

Carob-pods,  438,  735. 

Carpenter,  75,  320,  461,  660,  688,  713. 

Carpet,  410,  697. 

Carriages,  015. 

Carrion  birds.  144,  1.50,  203. 

Carrying  the  Cross,  698,  763. 

Cart,  440,  456,  549. 

Carthage,  200,  256,  595. 

Carthaginians,  220. 

Caryatides,  396. 

Cases  of  conscience,  63-1,  637,  6.50f, 
828f,  838-841. 

Casiphia,  329. 

Caspian,  .59,  393. 

Cassia.  365. 

Cassiodorus,  372. 

Cassius,  608. 

Caste,  82,  450. 

Castle,  76,  330.  332,  550. 

Castor  and  Pollux,  759,  804. 

Casuistry,  634,  636,  641,  666,  720,  873, 
882. 

Cat,  414. 

Catacombs,  830. 

Catalepsy,  503,  .505. 

Cataract  (disease),  791. 

Cataracts,  379. 

Catechetical  instruction,  604  ;  litera- 
ture, 602. 

Catechumens,  590,  646,  844. 

Cateri)illar,  544. 

Catholic,  meaning  of  the  tenn,  901, 
916. 

Epistles,  772,  901f ;  acceptance  in 

the  Church,  901  f ;  authorship,  902; 
characteristics  of,  901  f  ;  criticism  of, 
902 ;  order  of,  902  ;  right  to  inclu- 
sion in  New  Testament,  !X)2  ;  value 
of,  902. 

Cattle,  111,  141,  159,  16.3,  16.5,  176f, 
185,  197f,  212,  215,  222,  224,  234, 
2.37f,  276f,  279f,  286,  320,  348,  369, 
372,  40K,  439,  442,  457,  459,  464,  471f, 
481,  545,  .5.58,  567. 

Caucju<*iis.  57,  .59. 

Cauda  (Clauda),  803. 

Catil,  108,  .542. 

f'.ivalrv,  114,  451,  4.57,  .565,  613,  800. 

Cave.  31,  64,  263,  284,  438,  480,  554f, 
560,  565,  732 ;  dwellers,  263. 


956 

Cedar,  28,  70,  226,  265,  309,  343,  365, 
378,  387,  390,  438,  444,  510,  514f, 
527,  543,  580. 

Cedar-wood,  106,  109,  189,  204,  222, 
288,  297,  443. 

Celibacy  (celibate),  209,  30-5,  622,  050, 
717,  838-840,  883,  938. 

Celts,  23<J. 

Cemeteries,  878. 

Cenaculuiii,  790. 

Ceiichres,  797,  829.  832. 

Censer,  104,  192,  20.5,  215,  221,  895, 
933f.  » 

Censoriousness,  707,  828,  906. 

Census,  48,  192,  213-215,  217,  227f, 
293,  316f,  368,  629,  726f ;  see 
Quirinius. 

Central  sanctuary,  90,  %,  100,  102, 
124,  187,  19G,  206,  231  f,  236f,  239, 
241,  252,  254-2.50,  277,  282,  294,  29(5, 
298,  300,  312,  370,  372,  573. 

Centralisation  of  cultus,  45,  75,  89f, 
100,  103,  106,  124,  128-131,  144,  155, 
189,  206,  210,  230-232,  236-239,  298, 
312,  346,  388,  449f,  474,  480,  573, 
727. 

Centurion,  613,  615,  660,  699,  708, 
722,  730,  741,  788,  800,  803f. 

Centurion's  servant,  690,  708,  730. 

Cephas  (Kephas),  sec  Peter. 

Cerastes,  166. 

Cerealia,  268. 

Ceremonial,  see  Ritual. 

Cerintlnis,  6.58,  833,  yi6, 919,  921  928. 

Cestius  (xallus,  299,  607,  610. 

Cestrus,  791. 

Chabiri  (at  Thessalonica),  876. 

Chaff,  378,  449,  4.56f,  462,  469,  478, 
526,  542,  554,  508,  570,  638,  662. 

Chains,  421,  461,  790,  795,  SOOf,  867, 
94L 

Chalcedony,  942. 

Chalcis,  656. 

Chaldean  Emi^ire,  OOf,  72. 

Chaldean.s,  Chaldees,  47,  50,  .58-61, 
71-73,  75,  146,  242,  346,  348,  445f, 
4.52,  485,  489,  524,  .526,  528,  566f, 
576,  579  ;  {i.t.  magicians),  446,  524- 
526. 

Chambers  of  death,  401 ;  of  imageiv, 
507  ;  of  the.south,  3.54. 

Chance,  272. 

Chancellor,  328. 

Chant,  440,  .507. 

Chaos,  135-138,  349,  .353,  3.59,  363. 
375,  3S9,  401,  45.S.  460,  478,  936,  939, 

Chaos  demon  (ch:ios  monster),  130, 
359,  364,  456,  9.^9,  <»42. 

Charcoal,  221,  393,  408. 

Chariot  (in  E/.ekiel),  .504f,  507 f ;  of 
fire,  261,  303,  305,  529. 

Chariots,  30,  54,  (Wf,  lOOf,  114,  180, 
2.39,  262,  286,  21»4,  296,  303,  30:5f, 
308,  380,  420,  422,  440,  451  f,  473, 
.51.3,  .541,  .545,  .560,  .565,  .5«i7f,  577f, 
60)0,  7S6,  934,  940;  of  iron,  258, 
260f,  304. 

Charismata,  see  Spiritual  gifts. 

Charismatic  ministry,  643,  645-648. 

Charitv  (in  iudfrnit-nt).  665.  707,  730, 
734,  828  ;  (i.hilantliroi)ic),  188,  623f, 
fM51.  728,  732,  734,  738,  880. 

Charlema^ie,  6. 

Charms,  5,  83,  188,  2a5,  797,  9.30. 

Chasidim,  see  Hasidim. 

Chastisement,  362,  437,  450,  462f,  487, 
545,  843.  899,  934. 


INDEX 

Chastity,  398^00,  419,  421,  423,  621, 
632,  840,  878  :  test  of,  216,  240,  419. 

Chebar,  77,  503,  508. 

Chedorlaomer,  122,  134,  148 ;  his  ex- 
pedition, historicity  of,  148. 

Cheek,  705. 

Cheerfulne.ss,  404,  827,  867. 

Cheese,  290. 

Chemarini,  569. 

Chemosh,  70,  130,  224,  227,  266,  271, 
299,  305,  493. 

Chenaniah,  316. 

Chepherah,  31. 

Cherethites,  .56,  114,  28.5,  289,  291, 
29(i,  308,  513,  570. 

Cherith,  302. 

Cherubim,  123,  133,  140,  1.57,  189f, 
276,  297,  300,  311,  318,  376,  389, 
441,  449,  514,  518,  531,  864,  895,  932. 

Chessalon,  31. 

Chests,  74,  320f. 

Chickens,  576. 

Chief,  50, 162,  199,  202,  261,  264,  458. 

good,  411,   415  ;   musician,   373  ; 

priests.  696-698,  721,  739-741,  756. 

of  the  synagogue,  106. 

Child,  children,  82,  158,  185,  234,  305, 
393f,  406,  479,  496,  498-500,  513, 
.5;58,  560,  563,  578,  587,  659,  692f, 
714-717,  737f,  749,  778,^^839,  844, 
866f,  870,  909. 

Child,  the  (Rev.  xii.),  935f. 

Child  sacrifice,  74,  83,  9.5,  99,  187,  239, 
299,  .309,  480,  484,  510f,  513,  516,  562. 

Childbirth,  99,  140,  202f. 

Childlessness,  150,  208,  48.5. 

Children  of  God,  619,  745,  750,  753. 
756,  899,  918f ;  of  light,  736 ;  of  the 
bridechamber,  576 ;  of  the  East, 
513 ;  of  the  Kingdom,  711 ;  of  this 
world,  736  ;  of  wrath,  864. 

C'hilmad,  513. 

Chimham,  291,  491. 

Chimney,  393. 

China,  83,  226. 

Chinese  classics,  6. 

Chinnereth,  Sea  of,  229,  see  Galilee, 
Sea  of. 

Chios,  798. 

Chip,  .540. 

Chi.slew,  104f.  117,  323,  329f,  339, 
.530,  755. 

Chiun,  5.51,  784. 

Chloe,  8.33. 

Choir,  76,  384,  394. 

Chorazin,  29,  32,  711,  7a5. 

Choresh,  283f. 

Chorus,  420-422. 

Chosen  people,  2,  19,  121,  149,  636f, 
891 ;  vessel,  769,  787. 

Choser,  565. 

Chrestus,  818. 

Christ,  16,  84,  95,  104,  171,  314,  418, 
429f,  487,  531,  .587,  637-644,  646-651, 
602-664,  666f,  669f,  682f,  693,  (i95, 
697,  707f,  711,  714,  716-722,  724, 
727,  736,  743,  745-747,  749f,  752f, 
75f)-761,  763-766,  777,  779-789,  792, 
802,80^-813,  815,  818-875,  877-879, 
8S2-aS4,  aH6-888,  8'.)0-S»00,  903f,  90<). 
•108-911,  914-932,  934f,  937.  ;>39, 
941-943,  see  .Tcsus,  Logos,  Son  of 
God,  Son  of  ^Man  ;  abolishes  death, 
846,  8&5;  all  .and  in  all,  870;  all 
things  made  subject  to  Him,  846, 
891 ;  all  things  summed  up  in,  813, 
863;  an  ajxistle,  891;  an  atoning 


sacrifice,  810;  and  Adam,  822, 
846f ;  and  angeLs,  see  Angels;  and 
Antichrist,  701,  853,  863,  877,  879, 
919,  921,  939;  and  the  Church, 
418,  421,  (J38-644,  718,  752,  812, 
835,  843,  864-870,  921,  940,  943  ;  and 
the  Law,  792,  806f,  810f,  814,  819f, 

823,  825,  833f,  &51,  &59-861,  864f, 
869f,  874,  890,  894,  8%;  and  the 
Spirit,  see  Holy  Spirit;  and  the 
spirits  in  prison,  910f  ;  as  Judge  of 
men,  670,  721,  785,  789,  796;  as 
iKjrd,  604,  639,  641f,  779,  789,  807f, 
825f,  828,  843;  as  mediator,  639, 
859 ;  belongs  to  God,  835 ;  blood  of, 
642,  647,  668,  721,  739,  752,  799, 
809,  812f,  820,  822,  863f,  868,  895, 
897,  899f,  909,  917,  920,  929,  932, 
940;  blood  of  (Eucharistic),  647, 
668,  721,  739,  752,  809,  812,  841- 
843;    body  of,    647,  668,  739,  752, 

812,  841-843,  846,  865,  868f,  874, 
sec  Church,  body  of  Christ ;  brother 
of  man,  891f;  burial  ^vith,  822, 
869;  consimumation  of  prophecy, 
430 ;  cosmic  functions  of,  812f,  868, 
890 ;  creator  of  the  universe,  746, 

813,  840.  868,  890f ;  cross  of,  see 
Cross,  the;  death  of,  530,  642f, 
799,  809-811,  821f,  842,  846,  852f, 
856,   859,  863-865,    868,   886,    890- 

893,  895f ,  910f ,  929,  932 ;  death  of, 
an  act  of  oljedience,  668,  813,  873, 
892;  delivers  up  His  kingdom  to 
the  Father,  846  ;  distinguished  from 
Jesus,  14 , 833, 916, 918f,  921 ;  di  vini ty 
of,  693,  808,  813,  825,  873,  888,  890, 

894,  918f;  dying  with,  650,  822f, 
847,  852,  861,  864,  869 ;  eflFects  re- 
conciliation ^vith  God,  808,  811, 
813,  815,  822,  852f,  868 ;  endless  life 
of,  894;  exaltation  of,  808,  810, 
812f ,  864f ,  873,  891,  894,  899 ;  face 
of,  851 ;  firstborn  from  the  dead, 
670,  868,  929  ;  firstborn  of  creation, 
813,  868,  931;  flesh  of,  752,  812, 
864f ,  868,  873,  919 ;  fulness  dwells 
in,  868f;  fulne.ss  of,  866;  goal  of 
creation,  813,  868,  890;  headship 
of,  638f,  641,  812,  822,  841,  843, 
846,  864,  866-869;  heavenly  minis- 
try of,  892-896;  heir  of  all  things, 
868,  890;  human  destiny  attained 
through,  812;  humanity  of,  873, 
890-892,  919;  humiliation  of,  813, 
a54,  873,  S90f;  identification  with, 
810-812;  identified  with  the  Spirit. 
745,  808,  SlOf,  851 ;  image  of  God, 
813,  841,  868;  in  Hade.s,  866,  911; 
in  the  form  of  God,  873 ;  incarna- 
tion of,  746f,  811,  823,  834,  8.54, 
860,  866,  873,  882f,  885,  888,  916, 
918-921,  941;  institutes  a  new 
Covonant,  863  ;  intercession  of,  894, 
917;  Kenosis  of,  813,  873;  Ligiit, 
642,  745f,  753,  851;  Logos,  642, 
745-747,  756,  758,  761,  8t»0,  917,  940, 
942 ;  Lord,  727,  729,  736,  764,  779, 
787,  789,  807f,  813,  825f,  828,  830, 
8:W,  S40-843,  848,  851,  8()5, 
873,  878,  891,  904,  914,  924 ;  love  ofj 
642,  6!t3,  758,  760f,    809-811,    82 

824,  852,  859,  865f,  873,  917,  91f; 
made  a  curse,  641,  807,  833,  8.5; 
85!) ;  made  ix>rfect  through  sufft 
ing,  891f  ;  made  sin,  853  ;  mediate 
640,  883,   890,    892;    members 


INDEX 


957 


812;  mystery  of,  870;  name  of, 
742,  745,  759f ,  813,  919,  922,  930f ; 
obedience  of,  822,  8(33,  892;  our 
life,  G41f ;  Parousia  of,  sec  Jesus, 
Second  Coming  of ;  jx'ace  of,  870  ; 
pre-existence  of,  711,  743,  754,  7<;o 
762,  813,  841,  854,  8ti8,  873,  882f, 
890,  896,  909,  917 ;  priest  after  the 
order  of  Mdchizedek,  892-894; 
priesthood  (High-priesthood)  of, 
890-896,  899f,  910,  917 ;  Redeemer, 
Saviour,  2,  14,  16,  641  f,  809,  811f, 
820,  824,  834,  840,  860,  863,  890f, 
895f ,  914,  919f,  931f ;  reign  of,  846, 

856,  890f,  941f ;  rejection  of,  211,  see 
Jesus,  rejection  of,  by  the  Jews  ; 
representative  character  of,  883, 
891;  resurrection  witli,  811,  822, 
864,  869f,  918;  risen  life  of,  807, 
822,  840,  852,  859,  874,  886 ;  sacri- 
fice of,  668,  694,  697,  752,  755,  757, 
761,  809-811,  820f,  823,  863,  866f, 
883,  890, 894-897,  900,  908,  910f,  917, 
937 ;  Second  Adam,  728,  811 ;  self- 
identification  with  sinners,  810; 
session  at  God's  right  hand,  785, 
824,  863,  870,  890,  894,  896,  898; 
sinlessness  of,  377,  810,  853,  892. 
894f ;  Spirit  of,  766,  909,  919  ;  suffer- 
ings of,  824,  849.  852,  856,  869,  874, 
890f,  899,  908,  910f ,  917 ;  supremacy 
of,  864,  868,  890f,  910 ;  sympathy  of, 
891f ;  the  Ixxiy,  641,  843  ;  the  bride- 
groom, 867 ;  the  corner-stone,  781 
864,  909 ;  the  eternal,  14 ;  the  first 
fruits,  846  ;  the  living,  806-810,  812  ; 
the  only  foundation,  835;  the  pas- 
chal victim,  837;  the  risen,  15, 
766,   792,   802,    807,    809-812,    823, 

857,  864f,  874,  878 ;  the  substance 
of  which  the  Law  is  the  shadow, 
869 ;  the  water-bearing  rock,  841 ; 
the  Wisdom  of  God,  834;  throne 
of,  894,  931;  unchangeable,  890, 
900 ;  union  with,  640,  752,  759,  810- 
812,  822f.  835f,  846,  849,  851,  864, 
870,  874,  888 ;  word  of,  870 ;  Word 
of  God,  932;  work  of,  863,  868, 
890-892,  896f,  see  Christ,  death  of. 

Christ  (the  ffion),  916. 

Christ  myth  theory,  15,  663,  685,  814. 

party,  833,  836. 

Christian  (in  Pilf/rim's  Progress),  357. 

Christian,  name  given  at  Antioch, 
768,  789,  802. 

Christian  era,  6.52;  ethics,  632,  640- 
642,  647,  812;  liberty,  misuse  of, 
650,  828,  838,  840f. 

Christianity,  14,  62,  82,  84,  132,  558, 
.591,  602f,  606.  616,  618,  624-626, 
630,  632-635,  645,  721,  725,  767-772, 
797,  83-1,  8.37,  841,  844-846;  a  his- 
torical religion,  14 ;  and  ethical 
problems,  649  -651 ;  and  Jesus,  14 ; 
and  Judaism,  618,  624  626,  636f, 
666,  711,  766-775,  807,  811,  814, 
817,  903;  and  marriage,  6.50,  832, 
833f,  838-840,  867,  878,  899,  910, 
938;  and  pagan  religion,  617,  627, 
631-633,  635,  644,  729 ;  and  slavery, 
649f,  839,  867,  870,  884f,  888 ;  and 
the  Law,  638-641,  667,  769-772,  774, 
793,  7'M,  806,  811,  817-823,  8.57,  8.59, 
894;  and  the  Old  Testanif-nt,  82, 
806,820;  and  the  Roman  aiithorities, 
616,  741,771f  :  and  the  Rom.in  Em- 
pire, 2,  612,  616,  631,  CA'.K  771,  774f, 


827f,  879,  882,  886,  908-910;  and 
women,  633,  650,  883;  as  the  new 
law,  902;  extension  to  Gentiles, 
639f,  766-770,  772,  786-789,  791-794, 
806f ,  817,  825-827,  864  ;  illegal,  616, 
774f,  795,  908,  911 ;  in  Rome,  616, 
772-775,  804,  817-819,  828-830;  in- 
sejjarable  from  history,  14;  jxjiiti- 
cally  dangei-ous,  775 ;  religion  of 
the  New  Covenant,  636,  863,  889; 
religion  s^ib  specie  Christi,  636 ; 
revolutionary  pi-inciples  of,  649; 
spread  of,  2,  766-773,  785f,  789,  791- 
797 ;  the  absolute  (final)  religion, 
889f,  893,  896. 

Christians,  610,  627,  630,  633,  636, 
638-643,  645f,  649-651,  669,  688f, 
696,  710,  713,  715,  720,  746f,  767- 
771,  773-775,  778f,  781,  789,  795, 
798f,  802,  804,  807-811,  828f,  835- 
841,  843f,  846f,  860f,  864f,  889,  897, 
939;  a  third  race,  908;  and  Jews. 
610,  710,  713f,  720,  722,  779,  783, 
798f ,  802,  818,  874  ;  and  the  heathen, 
650f,  733f,  837  ;  apparent  atheism 
of,  775  ;  belong  to  Christ,  828,  835f, 
838;  body  of  Christ,  812,  843; 
called  Nazarenes,  702,  779,  801 ; 
charges  against,  775,  798,  909  ;  out- 
lawry of,  616 ;  priesthood  of,  642f, 
929;  secret  meetings  of,  616,  775, 
798  ;  to  judge  angels,  837  ;  to  judge 
the  world,  837. 

Christmas  Day,  632,  727. 

Christological  controversy,  604. 

Christology,  642,  644,  670,  683,  744, 
840,  851,  862,  868,  916,  919f,  925, 

Chronicler,  the,  48f,  75-78,  111,  115, 

121,  318,  324f,  333f,  366,  368,  573 ; 
exaggeration  of  numbers  by,  49, 314, 
317f,  325f,  329  ;  interests  of,  48f. 

Chroniclers,  20. 

Chronicles,  20,  81. 

Book  of,  3,  13,  20f,  35,  48f,  106, 

122,  244-246,  250,  314-322,  323-325 ; 
admission  into  Canon,  324  ;  aim  of, 
48f ,  245,  314  ;  and  earlier  historical 
records,  314  ;  and  the  Law,  48,  314, 
318;  characteristics  of,  48f,  314; 
date  of,  48,  121,  315;  divisions  of, 
314  ;  genealogies  in,  5,  13,  48,  314  ; 
handling  of  earlier  narrative,  9,  48f, 
75-77,  314;  historical  value  of, 
13,  49,  314,  319f;  interpretation 
of  the  history,  13,  21,  48f,  245,  250, 
314  ;  language,  35,  314f ;  Midrash 
rather  than  strict  histors',  75;  place 
in  the  Canon,  49,  244,  314,  .324; 
relation  to  Samuel  and  Kings,  9, 
48f ,  122,  245,  314,  319,  673 ;  sources, 
48,  246,  314f,  319-321 ;  style  of,  3, 
35 ;  title,  314. 

Chronicles  of  David,  the,  315  ;  of  the 
Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  246. 

Chronology,  119,  213,  297,  310,  323, 
523f,  530,  694, 767-769, 771,  797, 837 ; 
of  New  Testament,  652-658  ;  of  Old 
Testament,  119f,  244f,  652. 

Chrysalis,  417. 

Chrysolite,  191,  .531,  942. 

Chrysorrhous,  936. 

Chrvsostom,  596,  .599,  705,  718,  888, 
901 

Church,  the,  7f,  15,  .520,  .593f,  6.^8- 
643.  645-649,  664,  684,  693.  709, 
719-715,  719,  722f,  729,  745,  76«'f. 
776,  782.   784-787,   789f,   812,   831. 


843,  864-870,  SS3f,  893,  914,  918- 
920,  929,  932,  93.5-937,  941,  943; 
admission  of  Gentiles,  639f,  769f, 
789,  793f ,  831 ;  and  the  Bible,  7f , 
594 ;  and  the  Jewish  authorities, 
766-768,  771-773;  and  the  Roman 
Empire,  616,  631,  649,  774f;  au- 
thority of,  7f ;  body  of  Christ,  638, 

641,  643,  752,  812,  843,  864-866, 
869  ;  bride  of  Christ,  867,  921,  943  ; 
built  on  a  rock,  714f ;  doctrine  of, 
638,  862;  its  birthplace  Jerusalem, 
not  Galilee,  766  ;  not  infalliVjle,  7f ; 
origin  of,  2,  7,  638 ;  temple  of 
Christ  (God),  835 ;  the  true  Israel, 

642,  841,  861,  866,  874,  933. 
Church  meetings,  643,  645,  647f,  789, 

834,  837,  841-845,897. 

Church  of  Colossae,  771, 862, 868-871 ; 
of  Corinth,  455,  602,  648-651,  771, 
777,  797,  817,  832-851,  853-856,  901, 
913  ;  of  Ephesus,  771,  773,  797-799, 
862,  928f ;  of  Jerusalem,  81,  645- 
647,  766-771,  773f,  776, .  780-783, 
78of,  789f,  793f,  797,  799,  853,  878, 
903  ;  of  Philippi,  602,  853,  872-875; 
of  Thessalonica,  602,  853,  876-880. 

of  Rome.  650,  700,  773f,  817,  889, 

897,  901;  asceticism  in.  6.o0,  828; 
connexion  with  Paul,  700,  773,  804, 
817-819 ;  connexion  with  Peter, 
700,  773;  Greek  the  language  of, 
830;  not  founded  by  Peter,  818; 
origin  of,  773,  81 7f ;  persecutions 
of,  774f,  897 ;  racial  composition  of, 
817 ;  relation  to  the  Government, 
774,  818,  827f. 

Churches,  autonomy  of,  647  ;  inter- 
relations of,  646f. 

of  Asia,  862,  913,  916,  see  Seven 

churches. 

Chuza,  730. 

Cicero,  24,  628,  630,  876. 

Cieled  (panelled)  house,  109,  57-?. 

Cilicia.  58f,  111.  632,  655,  726,  768, 
.770,  787,  858,  908. 

Cilician  gates,  770. 

Cimmerians,  517. 

Cinnamon,  940. 

Circle,  577. 

Circumcision,  83,  90,  99f,  103,  134, 
151  f,  161,  168,  173,  179,  203,  208f, 
236,  249,  251,  268,  326,  339.  481, 
515,  623,  607-609,  624-626,  639,  646, 
650,  726f,  752,  767,  769f,  820f,  829, 
839,  &57-861,  864f,  869,  874;  an- 
tiquity of,  83,  99f,  151,  203,  251 ; 
controversv  concerning,  767,  769f, 
793f;  covenant  of,  100,  151,  829; 
diffusion  of,  83,  99f,  1.51,  251; 
original  significance  of,  83,  99,  134, 
151 ;  rite  initiatory  to  marriage,  100, 
173 ;  specially  characteristic  of  the 
Jews,  151,  .523,  607  :  token  of  the 
covenant,  151  ;  of  the  heart,  236, 
242,  481,  820,  864f,  869. 

the,  821,  829,  870. 

Cistern.  73,  76,  400,  417,  479,  483, 
490f. 

Citadel,  529,  680,  582,  607f. 

Cities,  origin  of,  134,  141 ;  personified 
as  women,  437 ;  of  refuere,  29,  33, 
113.  134,  126,  229f,  235:  239.  2.54, 
300  ;  of  the  plain,  33,  148,  437,  494, 
.541,924. 

Citizenship,  62,  930f  ;  in  heaven,  874 

Citron,  608. 


958 


INDEX 


Citnis,  940. 

City,  23,  32,  51,76,84-86,  88, 112.  141. 
14.5-147.  223f,  256f,  2(iO,  2G«;.  270, 
298,  31!i,  325,  421,  45.S,  464,  477f, 
480,  517.  547,  5.50,  562,  567.  629f, 
633,  900, 938-940, !)42  ;  of  cuniusion, 
463  ;  of  David,  607  ;  of  destniction. 
460 ;  of  God,  864,  'JiW  ;  of  righteous- 
ness, 4.50 ;  of  the  sun,  450. 

dweller,  419. 

Civil  govenunent,  828 ;  war,  44,  67f , 
267,  280,  302,  441,  444,  44!»f,  (i08, 
610,  612,  614  ;  year.  105,  652. 

Civilisation,  51f,  57,  63,  65f,  85,  98, 
112,  119,  125.  141,  143,  151,  185, 
2.56f,  297,  3()7,  428,  477,  489,  607, 
630-632  ;  J's  pessimistic  estimate  of, 
139. 

Clairvoyance,  428,  647. 

Clan,  63f,  66,  82.  85f,  88,  !K5,  103, 
108f,  111.  171.  214,  22<),  248,  2.56, 
258,  200.  2(i(;,  2(W,  325  ;  feast,  83. 

Claiipinp:  the  hands,  226. 

Clarion.  844. 

Class  hatred,  t;7f. 

Classical  Greek,  .591,  593 ;  literature, 
591. 

Claudius  (Emi)eror),  610,  612,  6.54- 
6.57,  768,  789,  796,  802,  818,  830, 
939. 

Claudius  Lysias,  800-802,  804. 

Clay,  51,  139f,  1».9,  379,  432,  464,  471, 
484,  525f,  565,  825  ;  tablet,  1:^4,  128, 
328 

Clean,  cleanness.  82.  122.  125,  142, 
144, 161, 197,  202f,  208  215,  237  283 
356,  .520,  .525,  021,  665f,  720;  and 
unclean,  143f,  202,  208,  237,  520 
650  ;  and  unclean  animals,  143f ,  179, 
222.  788. 

Cleanliness,  240,  720,  732. 

Cleansing  (purification),  639,  914,  917. 

Cleanthes,  415,  796. 

Clement  of  Alexandria,  172.  411,  593, 
595,  601,  6.52f.  701,  708,  716,  731, 
744,  901,  908.  913,  923f,  927f. 

of  Philippi,  874. 

of  Rome,  594f ,  6.58,  773,  832,  874, 

889  ;  First  Epi.'jtle  of,  595,  646,  6.58, 
700,  766,  772f,  781,  815,  874,  902; 
Second  Epistle  of,  6.58. 

Clementine  literature,  653,  78-5. 

Cle(jpatra,  609. 

daughter  of  Antiochua  III.,  532. 

Cleopatra's  Needle,  491. 

Client  of  the  deity,  371,  375f. 

Cloak,  4.50,  560,  887,  914,  940. 

Clod.  405. 

Clothes,  clothing,  111,  140,  166,  183, 
186,  204,  235,  241,  276,  282,  4.S9,  6.59, 
661,  691,  698,  707,  763,  885,  904,  see 
Garments  ;  change  of,  161,  200,  347  ; 
foreign  .567  ;  holy,  161,  200  ;  origin 
of,  139f;  rcligiouK  signi6c.ance  of. 
569;  rending  of,  75,  110,  276,  .300; 
8[)ecial,  157,  161 ;  unclean,  161 ; 
washing  of,  161,  166,  183,  200,  203- 
205,  316,  842. 

Clouds,  145.  176.  1.80,  183,  195,  201. 
219.  246.  292.  362  .364,  .390,  4i>8,  417, 
4.39,  449.  4.53,  457.  463,  470,  478. 
504,  515.  .529.  568,  570,  691,  703,  778. 
841,  924.  92;),  934,  938. 

Club,  563,  (>98,  773. 

Cnidu.s  .S0.3. 

Co.al,  104,  408,  464,  476,  933. 

Coals  of  fire,  827. 


Coast,  28,  W),  172.  872,  877. 

Coast  lands  (far  lands),  389,  445,  461f , 
465,  470,  486,  488,  .")32. 

Coat,  421. 

C(x,k,  100.  409,  097,  740. 

(Jo<.k  crow,  697f,  721  f. 

Co'lex  Alexaiidriuus,(i01 ;  Amiatinus, 
601 ;  Bezae,  598-601,  747,  777,  780, 
783,  786,  788-790,  793,  795,  797-799; 
Bobiensis,  601;  Ephrasmi,  601; 
Eloriacensis,  601 ;  Monaceusis,  601  ; 
Palatinus,  601 ;  Sinaiticus,  <J00f ; 
Vaticanus,  600f  ;  Vercellensis,  601, 
747  ;  Veronensis,  601,  747. 

Coele-Svria,  28,  79,  260,  548. 

(Joffer,  276. 

Coffin,  034.  097. 

Cohort,  499,  013,  761,  800. 

Coin  in  fishs  mouth,  6(J3,  715. 

Coinage,  n6f,  609,  014,  616. 

Coins,  .36,  116, 1.55,  3(K),  570,  655,  735. 

Cold,  111,  .363,  410,  565,  583. 

Collection  for  the  Christians  at  Jeru- 
salem, 647,  655,  771,  777,  790,  798f , 
801,  817,  829,  832,  843f,  847f,  850, 
859. 

Colonisation,  60. 

Colony,  01,  77,  94,  007;  (Cclonia;) 
Roman,  452,  014f,  792f,  795,  832, 
874. 

ColossjE,  6:50,  771,  862,  868f,  871f,  874, 
900,  931. 

Colosseum,  657. 

Colossians,  Epistle  to,  602f,  772,  862, 
865f,  868-871, 872,  890,  940 ;  authen- 
ticity of,  815,  862 ;  Christology  of, 
815,  840,  862,  868  ;  date  of,  6.57, 772, 
862;  false  teaching  attacked  in, 
650,  815,  802,  866,  8(i8-870,  890,  900, 
940 ;  place  of  writing,  772,  8<;2  ;  re- 
lation to  Ephesians,  815,  862;  style 
of,  815,  802 ;  theology  of,  815,  862, 
872  ;  vocabulary  of,  815,  862. 

Colour,  369,  931. 

Colt,  694,  717. 

Comet,  481. 

Comfort,  91,  849.  869,  876,  878,  939. 

Comforter,  as  title  of  the  Messiah, 
704. 

Commagene,  032. 

Commandment,  the  greatest,  601. 
6W,  095f.  719,  732,  738. 

Commandments,  79,  693,  867,  869,  iee 
Decalogue. 

Commentarj',  see  Midrash,  319;  on 
the  Books  of  the  Kings,  the,  315, 
321. 

Commerce,  3<i,  5.1,  88,  110-112,  403, 
513f,  608,  628,  6.59,  9.39. 

Commercialism,  109,  513f,  659. 

Common,  the  (contrasted  with  the 
holy),  202,  512,  .570,  689,  897. 

Comiiion  Greek.  591-593. 

Communion,  097,  sec  Fellowship; 
feast,  051 ;  with  Christ,  647,  651 ; 
with  demons,  (>51  ;  with  God,  see 
Fellowship  with  G(.k1. 
Community,  93,  210,  212,  50?,  .544f, 
629. 

of  goods,  767,  780,  782. 

C<imi)arative  method,  426. 
Comparative  religion,  9,  82,  420,  428, 

4;«).  628. 
Comiwssion,  170,  460,  .542,  .5-18,  558, 

621f.  70-t,  708.  870.  873.  905. 
Comi>ensation,  .581,  705. 
Competition,  414. 


Compilation,  methods  of,  122. 
Conipluteubian  Polyglott,  42,  .597. 
Coiiiplutum,  597. 
Coiuradcbhip,  414. 
Conceit,  651,  «34-837,  840,  844,  8.50f. 
Concei>ti(jn  of  the  world,  Jewish,  .3(>.S. 
Ojncubinage,  270. 

Concubine,  63,  07,  154,  161f,  180,  240f, 
249,  270,  287,  361,  412,  422,  528,  60.s, 

.SoO. 

Condemnation,  811,  823f,  851,  897. 

(.-"onduct,  93,  13o,  873,  880,  904f,  916f. 

Conduit  of  the  Up|«r  Pool,  310. 

Cfjney,  203,  390,  409,  788. 

Confession,  78,  93,  199,  212,  277,  .3.33, 
302,  4f»9,  538,  542,  544,  .563,  639, 
825,  8a5,  893,  897,  919 ;  of  Cluist, 
638f,  919,  930;  of  faith,  786;  of 
sin,  see  Sin. 

Conlinnation,  193,  632,  863. 

Confucius,  18.5. 

Confusion,  137,  458,  845;  of  speech, 
125,  134,  145f ,  843. 

Congregation  of  Israel,  177. 

Congregation,  the,  124,  199,  201,  221f, 
269f,  297,  487,  497,  907. 

Coniah,  see  Jeh'jiacl-.in. 

Conjectural  emendation,  43,  763. 

Conjunction  of  planets,  701. 

Conquest,  see  Canaan,  conquest  of. 

Conscience,  7,  12,  139,  174,  406,  416, 
5.53,  569,  640-642,  647,  651  ,'"089,  09.5, 
729,  800,  808,  819,  827f,  836,  84<-if, 
849f,  854,  882f,  910,  919,  935. 

Consciousness,  150,  8.52. 

Consecrate  war,  warriors,  99,  239, 
445. 

Consecration,  105,  191,  193,  201,  204f, 
215,  267,  301,  394,  441,  642,  8;}8, 865, 
868. 

Conservatism  of  ritual,  173. 

Considerateness,  651,  828,  840. 

Consolation,  782,  840,  873;  of  Israel, 
95,  337,  340,  660,  727. 

Conspiracy,  87,  295,  307-309,  321,  442, 
486,  539.  553. 

Constellations,  353,  363,  446,  454. 

Consul.  256. 

Contempt  of  Court,  406. 

Continence,  632,  838-840. 

Contracts,  36. 

Contribution,  189,  see  Heave  offering. 

Controversy,  722,  743f,  749-7-55,  779, 
802,  804,"806f,  814,  828,  882,  8S.5f, 
888. 

Conversion,  convert,  380,  50G,  730, 
767.  769.  771.  786-788,  793  79(!f, 
823f.  840,  848f,  853,  858,  8(».  8(;2, 
873,  876,  883,  887,  889.  893,  897,  911, 
917f ,  930. 

Cook,  162. 

Coj)onius,  656. 

Copixr,  117,  189,  23;5,  360,  577,  614. 

Copyist,  125,  see  Scribe. 

Cor,  115. 

Coral,  360,  .380,  407. 

Corban,  1!»7,  689,  714. 

Cord,  .3(J0,  440,  see  Rope. 

Coriander,  181. 

Corinth,  62,  .594,  002,  614,  640,  648, 
6.50.  655f.  771-773.  794,  796-798,  802, 
817,  819,  829f,  .*^.32-v'<36, 838,  843,  845, 
848-8.50,  854f,  8.59,  S72,  .'<70, 878,  91.3, 
922,  924  ;  Church  in,  see  Church 
Corinth. 

Corinthians,  First  Epistle  to,  594, 
832-848,    849f,    857,    923;    autb 


ticity,  815,  832 ;  date,  657, 771, 832  ; 
mentioned  in  I.  Clement,  51)4,  815, 
832 ;  occasion  of,  832. 

Corinthians,  Second  Epistle  to,  849- 
850 ;  autiienticity,  815 ;  character- 
istics, 849  ;  date,  057,  771,  849  ;  his- 
torical background,  849  ;  unity  of, 
837,  849,  854-856. 

Cormorant,  203. 

Corn,  13,  30,  102,  105,  111,  127,  163- 
105,  210,  220,  222,  23;j,  240f,  268, 
297,  311,  335,  370,  403f,  448f,  452, 
456,  544-54<J,  554,  610,  631,  743,  790, 
840,  906  ;  ship,  803 ;  spirit,  207,  268. 

Cornfield,  99. 

Cornelian,  191,  931,  9-12. 

Cornelius,  639,  647,  725,  730,  767f, 
770,  776,  788f. 

Corner-clipt,  481,  494. 

Comer-stone,  864f. 

Comers,  220,  483,  493f ;  of  the  altar, 
540,  580 ;  of  the  field,  207. 

Cornet,  539. 

Coronation,  265,  308,  539 ;  oath,  415. 

Coronella  Austriaca,  804. 

Corixjrate  personality,  358,  see  Soli- 
darity. 

Corpse,  ia5,  144,  202f,  216f,  228,  446, 
449,  454,  458,  473,  480,  491,  517,  553, 
565,  574,  782,  940. 

Corruption,  412,  538f,  550,  .559,  562, 
693,  704,  737,  837,  845-847. 

Corybantic  phenomena,  647. 

Cosmopolitanism,  637- 

Cotton,  208,  450. 

Couch,  290,  550,  552,  697. 

Council  of  Carthage,  596,  923 ;  of  ten, 
415  ;  of  Trent,  39. 

of  Jerusalem,  602,  654-656,  769f , 

773,  776,  793f ,  818 ;  decrees  of,  646f, 
651,  769f ,  793f,  799,  859,  930  ;  letter 
sent  by,  647,  793f. 

Councils,  .596,  802. 

Counterfeit  coin,  904. 

Countess  of  Huntingdon,  921. 

Couplet,  406-408. 

Couplings,  317. 

Course  of  Abijah,  725. 

Courses  of  priests,  107,  317  ;  of  priests 
and  Levates,   76,  368;  of  singers, 

Court,  67,  104f,  109,  129,  482,  788  ; 
Chronicles,  45, 86;  History  of  David, 
9,  45,  273,  294  ;  ladies,  420,  422  ;  of 
Justice,  112, 357,  361,  438,  462f ,  468f , 
500,  52i),  546,  551,  571,  705,  716  ;  of 
the  Gentiles,  694-696,  935  ;  of  the 
Guard,  73,  475,  488,  490;  of  the 
Tabernacle,  222 ;  of  the  Temple,  see 
Temjjle  courts ;  of  the  women, 
696,  753. 

Courtesy,  623,  870. 

Courtier,  416,  499f,  520. 

Courtyard,  698,  740. 

Covenant,  11,  37f,  73,  76,  94,  99f,  125- 
127,  129,  143  145,  150f,  1.54,  1.56, 
1.59, 174, 178, 188f,  19-1, 198,201, 21lf, 
227,  231,  234f,  242,  255,  2r6,  2S2, 
287,  292,  308,  312,  334,  3<58f,  380f, 
388,  390,  4(52,  468,  470,  474,  481, 
488f,  510,  51 6f,  .530  532,  540f,  548, 
.586,  636f,  784,  819,  821,  825,  829, 
864,  894f,  909,  9.3.5;  at  Horeb,  11, 
184,  234f;  at  Sinai,  64,  KW,  488, 
510 ;  between  David  and  .Jonathan, 
282 ;  between  Yahweh  and  Israel, 
11,  21,.  37f,  84,  91,  171,  174,  188f, 


INDEX 

212,  231,  234,  334,  3aSf,  371,  380, 
468,  481,  488,  510,  532,  554,  586, 
636f,  781,  805  ;  in  tlie  land  of  Moab, 
11,  234 ;  New,  .see  New  Covenant ; 
of  peace,  51(jf ;  of  the  dead,  110; 
ratified  by  sacrifice,  99,  188,  312, 
381;  with  Abraham,  11,  21,  125, 
144,  m\{,  234,  640,  784,  825;  with 
David,  388,  825;  with  death,  455; 
with   Levi,  11,  586 ;  with   Moses, 

640,  825 ;  with  Noah,  11,  22,  143f, 
453. 

Cover  the  lips,  561. 

Coverlet,  410. 

Coveting,  184,  705,  823,  806. 

Covetous,  covetousness,  361,  649,  707, 
733,  867,  870,  877,  900,  906,  914. 

Cow,  209,  238,  276. 

Cowherd,  165. 

Cozbi,  227. 

Crassus,  608. 

Create,  meaning  of  word,  136. 

Creation,  12,  24,  121,  125,  133-138, 
141,  181,  184,  195,  297,  346f,  353, 
360,  363,  365,  368f,  377,  389f,  39?, 
399,  401,  464,  466,  478,  642,  746,  781, 
784,  812f,  824,  851,  864,  868,  883, 
890,  892,  904,  915,  931,  942  ;  doctrine 
of,  135  ;  double  narrative  of,  9,  125, 
133,  135f ,  138 ;  eight  works  of,  135f  ; 
narrative  of  J,  125,  135f,  138-140 ; 
narrative  of  P,  24,  125,  135-138, 
141,  .346;  out  of  nothing,  136,  368, 
897  ;  six  days  of,  12,  135-138. 

— —  passages  in  Amos,  135,  542,  551. 

stories,  9,  12,  51,  57,  133,  135 

346;  Babylonian  origin  of,  9,  57, 
135,  137f. 

Creator,  13,  456,  551,  911,  see  God. 

Creditor,  238,  351,  4.59,  483,  696,  733. 

Creed,  3,  93,  627,  903-905. 

Creeping  things,  125,  137,  144,  389, 
567. 

Crescent  100. 

Cretan  script,  56, 

Cretans,  52,  114,  514,  778,  887. 

Crete,  50,  54,  ,56,  145,  257,  267,  493, 
554,  613,  772,  803,  881,  887f. 

Crew,  557,  803f,  878. 

Crime,  criminal,  95, 239,  632,  722,  838. 

Crimea,  60. 

Criminal  neglect,  186f. 

Crimson,  437. 

Crispus,  797,  833. 

Criticism  and  archaeology,  134,  148. 

Crocodile,  174,  364f,  514f. 

river,  28,  .30. 

Crocus,  420. 

Crcjesus,  61,  77,  4(K). 

Crops,  187,  222,  405,  409,  .541. 

Cross,  the,  2,  11,  16.  154,  639-641, 
661,  667-669,  691  f,  698,  731,  763, 
777,  808-813,  815,  820,  822,  824,  828, 
831,  8.33,  859,  861,  868-870,  897-899, 
903,  919 ;  sign  of  the,  .507. 

Crown,  286,  289,  ,308,  .399,  404,  421, 
452,  4.55,  471,  482,  .500,  .578,  (Kttf, 
841,  904,  930,  9.32.  934,  sec  Diadem  ; 
of  glory,  904  ;  of  thorns,  698. 

Omcible,  .587. 

Crucified  Messiah.  .594,  807-813,  834. 

Crucifixion,  223,  608-610,  698,  741. 
757,  762,  811 ;  an  accursed  death, 

641,  814,  833,  859. 

the,  see  Jmus,  crucifixion  of;  date 

of,  652-6,57,  837. 
Cruelty,  89,  165,  280,  375,  465f,  496f, 


959 

502,  506f,  510-512,  529,  548f,  556, 
564-567,  607,  609f,  629,  698,  722, 
820. 

Crusaders,  27. 

Cry  of  desertion,  698f. 

Crystal,  .504,  931,  942. 

Cub,  565,  see  Whelp, 

Cub  (Ezek.  xxx.  5),  514. 

Cubit,  115,  143,  260,  281,  297f,  518i, 
526,  707,  942;  of  Ezekiel,  115; 
natural,  115;  Persian,  115;  royal, 
115. 

Cucumber,  481. 

Culture,  647,  619. 

Culture  heroes,  141,  145. 

Cultus,  45,  127,  397,  399,  535,  537- 
541,  544,  876,  see  Worship. 

Cumanus,  610,  655f. 

Cumin,  720. 

Cuneiform  inscriptions,  53,  137, 145f 
148,  310,  373,  524  ;  script,  36,  61,  53 
5.5f,  124,  128f ,  246,  328. 

Cup,  164,  386,  486,  493-495,  512,  555 
558,  565,  567,  582,  720, 732  ;  Euchar 
istic,    641,    694,    739,    841f;    meta- 
phorical, 668,  869 ;  of  blessing  697 
of  salvation,  392. 

Cupbearer.  78,  330, 

Cup-hole,  263. 

Curds,  441f. 

Cure  at  a  distance,  690,  708. 

Cure  of  souls,  503,  505. 

Curious  arts,  797. 

Curse,  5, 141,  144f,  157,  161,  165, 184, 
199,  208,  216,  224-226,  232, 234, 241f, 
262,  269,  285,  290,  295,  302,  359, 
370,  372,  391,  395,  405,  408,  463,  472, 
484,  486,  493,  495,  499,  .562,  567, 
577-579,  .581,  586f,  623,  629,  660, 
711,  800,  843,  850,  859,  905,  942f ;  of 
the  Law,  641, 810,  833, 859. 

Cursing,  347-349,  391,  689,  740  ;  God, 
210,  304,  348,  443,  see  Blasphemy ; 
of  parents,  208  ;  the  king,  304,  443. 

Curtain,  190,  199,  261,  317,  420,  494, 
895. 

Cush  (Ethiopia),  140,  145,  219;  in 
Arabia,  219,  445,  464. 

Cushan,  219,  260,  568. 

Cuslian-Rishathaim,  260. 

Cushion,  109,  674,  687. 

Cushite,  Cushites,  219,  291,  319f,  664. 

Cuspius  Fadus,  610,  6.56,  783. 

Custom(s),  50,  82-84,  87,  110,  134, 
275,  488.  725,  762,  783,  795,  799,  802, 
842,858. 

— -  i.e.  dues.  111,  113,  613-615,  684, 
706. 

Cut  a  covenant,  312. 

Cntheans,  310. 

Cutting  the  victim  in  two,  99,  150, 
312,  489. 

Cuttings  in  the  flesh,  110,  237,  491, 
493,  539,  ri61. 

Cvaxares,  60f,  72,  565. 

CVlicle,  209,  632f. 

Cycle  of  existence,  411f. 

Cyniljals,  316,  327,  S44.     - 

Cynics,  cynicism,  634,  812. 

Cypher,  495. 

Cypress,  143,  420. 

Cypri,-vn,  .596,  601,  786,  901,  928. 

Cyprians,  517,  5<)6. 

CVprus,  55,  62,  99,  298.  452.  477,  513, 
.5.32,  608,  613,  6.55,  6.58,  768f,  782, 789, 
791,  793,  799,  803. 

Cyrene,  62,  613,  658,  724,  789. 


960 

("yrenians,  783.  I 

( 'yril  Lukar,  601. 

Cyril  of  Alexandria,  928.  ! 

of  Jenisalem,  5'.**},  72G.  I 

Cyrus,  47,  131,  77f,  170,  301,  323,  325,  , 
327f,  393,  44(),  450,  4(»-4G2,  464,  487,  ' 
494f,  522f,  525-529,  531,  572f,  748,  I 
cylinder  of,  77,  572  ;  decree  of,  77f, 
245,  314f,  319,  322,  325,  328 ;  re-  | 
turn  from  exile  under,  see  Return 
from  exile. 

D  (MS),  sec  Codex  Bezae. 

D  (Pentateuchal  Document),  126-131, 
set  Deuteronomic  Code,  Deuteron- 
omy ;  iTosiah,  Law-book  of ;  and 
E, 126 ;  and  J,  126 ;  and  P, 126. 

5  text,  599. 

D;igon,  178.  268,  276,  286,  315. 

Da^on-takala,  269. 

Daily  bread,  706 ;  sacrifice,  see  Sacri- 
lice. 

Dainties,  407. 

Dalinanutha,  690,  714. 

Dahnatia,  613f. 

Dam,  169. 

Damage,  186. 

Damaris,  796. 

Dama.scus,  26f ,  29,  33,  55,  58f ,  63,  68- 
71,  74,  111,  149,  243,  298f,  301,  306f, 
309,  330,  356, 442,  444, 44yf ,  492,  494, 
513,  520,  534,  548  650,  552,  655,  659, 
669,  682,  G90,  727,  767f,  784,  786f, 
802,  856,  858;  plain  of,  33;  cloth, 
.550 ;  gate,  570. 

Damp,  482. 

Uamuzi,  631. 

Dan  (place),  27,  32, 67,  73, 149, 219,  243, 
269,  291,  293,  300f,  478,  541,  .553; 
camp  of,  31,  269. 

priesthood  of,  171,  269. 

son  of  Jacob,  166. 

tribe  of,  65,  85,  161,   214f,  243, 

249,   259,  262,  267,  269,  2%f,  318, 
521  933. 

Danc^,  103,  181,  266,  270,  282,  288, 
388,  392,  396,  422. 

Dancing.  66.  100,  103,  278,  422,  52«, 
711.  841. 

Daniel,  296,  432, 509,  .')22-.531,  533. 566. 
786,  788,  898 ;  and  Belshazzar,  527f ;  ! 
and   Darius,   .528 ;    and   Nebuchad-  ' 
nezzar,  524-.527  ;  confession  of,  530  ;  | 
in  the  den  of  lions,  528 ;  interpreter  | 
of  dreams,  525-.527 ;  loyalty  to  the  ; 
Law,  .524f ;  not  mentioned  in  Ecclesi- 
asticns,  522 ;   three  friends  of,  523, 
525f,  898  ;  visions  of,  528-.533. 

Book  of,  38,  46-48,  94,  106,  362, 

■S66,  .396,  4.31-4.34,  453,  .509,  522-5.33, 
582,  605,  661,  716,  720,  926,  936,  938, 
941 ;  an  apocalypse,  46-48,  424,  431- 
434,  605  ;  and  the  problem  of  suffer- 
ing, 47;  author,  3S.  432;  authorshii), 
522f;  date,  48,  10*3,  .522f,  637;  de- 
scription of  hapi)y  future,  433;  his- 
t<3rical  background,  .523;   historical, 
inaccuracies  in,  .522-.524,  527f ;  lan- 
guage of,  35f ,  48,  522  ;  i»lace  in  Old 
Testament  Canon,  38,  522  ;  purixwe  , 
of,  433,  523,  605 ;  survey  of  histon'  I 
in,  48,  523 ;  visions  in,  432,  523, 525*-  j 
533. 

Danites,  65,  2.54,  259,  267,  269. 

Dan-jaan,  29.3. 

Dante,  267,  431,434. 

Danube,  613. 


INDEX 

Daphne,  see  Tahpanhe.s. 

Daric,  IK;,  315. 

Darius  I.  (Hystaspis),  61,  77f,  116, 
245,  315,  323,  .327f,  337,  523,  528f, 
531,  572,  .574f ,  748  ;  decree  of,  328  ; 
III.,  61f,  79;  the  Mede,  522,  527f, 
530f  ;  the  Persian,  325. 

Darkness,  135f ,  150,  177,  298,  349,  358- 
360,  363,  375,  388,  395,  406,  462,  466, 
470,  551,  553,  561,  564,  577,  583,  628, 
707, 732,  740,  745f,  758,  798, 851, 866- 
868,  899,  914,  916f ,  924,  936 ;  at  the 
Crucifixion,  698;  plague  of,  123, 174, 
176  ;  jx)wer8  of,  83. 

Darts,  867. 

Darwin,  3, 19. 

Date  of  the  Crucifixion,  652-657, 837  ; 
of  the  Last  Supi>er,  653. 

Dates,  423,  694. 

Dathan  and  Abiram,  13,  123,  201,  213, 
220f,  227,  382,  391. 

Daughter  of  Abraham,  734. 

Daughter-in-law,  733. 

Daughters,  108-110,  158,  209,  227,  422, 
437,  519,  733,  839  ;  inheritance  of, 
227f,230 ;  of  Jerusalem,.738  ;  of  men, 
142,  434,  842. 

Da\ad,  21,  31,  44f,  57,  65-67,  69f,  73, 
75,  81,  86,  96,  lOOf,  106, 111-114, 120, 
122,  127, 162, 165f,  174, 180,  182, 184, 
215,  217,  220,  224,  226-228,  244-247, 
258f ,  264, 266-268, 273f ,  277-300, 307- 
309,  314-318,  327,  354,  366-368,  372, 
376,  381-383,  385,  387f,  391-396,  403, 
412,  427,  438f,  468,  485,  487,  510, 
516f,  537,  560f,  577,  641,  668,  684, 
696, 701,  726,  728,  738,  779,  784f ,  792 ; 
a  prophet,  779  ;  ancestry  of,  48,  281, 
283 ;  and  Abigail,  284 ;  and  Absalom, 
67,  289-291,  295,  367,  396;  and 
Achish,  66, 283, 285  ;  and  Bathsheba, 
67,  289,  294,  381,  400;  and  Goliath, 
20,  31,  66,  281f ,  292,  366,  396 ;  and 
Jerusalem,  31,  67,  86,  170,  224,  25S, 
282,  287f,  290,  315f ;  and  Joab,  67, 
287, 289-295 ;  and  Jonathan,  66, 282f, 
286;  and  Michal,101,  282,  284,287f  ; 
and  Nabal,284;  and  Nathan,  20,  67, 
86,  288f.  294,  316,  426  ;  and  Samuel, 
66,  280f,  .307  ;  and  Saul,  20f,  31,  44, 

66,  244,  280-286 ;  and  Solomon,  67, 
75,  289,  294f ,  318 ;  .and  the  Philis- 
tines, 66f,  111,  267, 281-283,  285-288, 
292,  316,  4.55;  and  the  Psalter,  9,  44, 
86,  341,  366-368,  376,  381,  397,  411, 
418,  696,  779;  and  the  religion  of 
Israel,  73,  86,  287f ;  and  Uriah,  67, 
289,  368,  381f;  army  of,  114,  289, 

291,  308,  318;  as  musician,  44,  ()6, 
2.S1,  367,  552  ;  as  ix>et,  44,  286f,  366- 
368  ;  becomes  king  of  Israel,  57,  67, 
86, 112f ,  287  ;  becomes  king  of  Judali , 
6(if ,  286,  315  ;  career  of,  66f,  86,  245, 
281-295,  315-318,  468 ;  census  of,  13, 
-fS,  220,  293,  31C.f.  .368  :  character  of, 

67.  86,  264,  286,  •2'.iO,  374,  .376  ;  cove- 
nant with,  388,  825  ;  death  of,  294f, 
779:  elegy  on  Abner,  44,  287,  367  ; 
elegy  on  Saul  and  Jonathan,  18,  44, 
286,"341,  367,  4.39;  empire  of.  111, 
127,  188.  3«7f,  5S0 ;  family  troubles 
of,  67,  86,  289-291,  368 ;  "heroes  of, 

292,  315;  house  of,  113,  170,  300,427, 
429,  441f,  .582,  696,  702,  726,  753, 
779:  in  the  Book  of  Chronicles,  48, 
.75,  122,  24."),  2.'>0.  .3(>8.  .376.  .378;  la«t 
words  of,  292,  367,  376  ;  meaning  of 


his  name,  281 ;  ofiieers  of,  113,  2>«f, 
292f,  296,  318  ;  outlaw  life  of,  31,  (.6, 
86,  245,  2f>6,  283-286,  315  ;  iwlvgamy 
of,  67,  284,  287,  289  ;  predicts  resur- 
rection of  Jesus,  779 ;  preparation 
for  budding  of  Temple,  75, 317f ,  368, 
394;  religion  of,  86,  100,  IWJ,  122, 
245,  282,  285,  288-290,  292f,  316, 
367  ;  story  of,  20f,  66,  86, 122,  24.5f, 
273f,  314 ;  throne  of.  337,  339,  394, 
500,  779  ;  tomb  of,  779  ;  victories  of, 
45,  66f,  69,  111,  227,  241,  285-291, 
316,  3S3,  549. 

David,  sons  of,  106, 113,  215,  289,  292, 
296,  316,  318,  394. 

David's  court,  history  of,  9,  45,  273, 
289—292  294 

Davidic  dynaky,  48,  288,  372,  388, 
394,  427,  441,  502;  monarch,  mon- 
archy, 49,  127,  427,  443,  487,  iX>l ; 
P.salms,  44,  341,  366-368,  381,  696. 

Dawn,  105, 160,  270,  349,  363,  365, 380, 
383,  422,  470,  545,  551,  577,  798  ;  eve- 
lids  of,  349,  383;  goddess  of  the, 349, 
446  ;  wings  of  the,  383,  395. 

Dawn  myth,  349. 

Day,  117,  136f,   149,  159f,   349,  369, 

377,  384,  395,  551,  583;  (i.e.  year), 
505,  530f,  935;  of  Atonement,  11, 
104-107,  127,  131,  196f,  199,  201, 
205f,  210,  326,  623,  6.52,  737,  7.56, 
803,  894-896,  900  ;  of  Judgment,  373, 

378,  436,  705,  708,  721,  779,  796,  819, 
861,  909,  914,  924, 926,  sec  Judgment, 
the,  Last  Judgment ;  of  Pentecost, 
638,  647f,  745,  766,  778,  817, 
826,  887 ;  of  the  Lord,  13,  46,  647, 
649,  718,  779,  828,  835,  879,  906, 
932f ;  of  Yahweh,  46,  72,  398f,  427, 
431f,  438,  440,  445.  481,  486f,  509, 
.544-546,  551,  5.55,  .561,  563,  .569-571, 
583,  587. 

Daybreak,  disappearance  of  spirits  at, 
160. 

Daysman,  354. 

Daysjiring,  726. 

Deaconess,  829,  883. 

Deacons,  643,  645f,  690,  783,  872,  883. 

Dead,  18,  110,  149,  240f,  374,  391,  398, 
402,  404,  406,  432,  446,  4.54,  470,  472, 
480,  483,  507,  551-.553,  632,  715,  825, 
828,  868,  876,  878,  929,  934,  94L 

Dead  body,  see  Corpse. 

Dead  Sea,  26f,  31f,  64,  70,  134,  147- 
149,  153,  160,  170,  172,  213,  223f, 
226,  229,  232f,  260f,  271,  284,  .3()9, 
387,  448,  458,  485,  493f,  517,  52. tf, 
.545,  548f,  553,  555.  583,  010,  702, 
905f. 

Deaf,  deafness,  208,  417,  456,  459,  462, 
726. 

Deaf  mute,  690. 

Death,  8,  82,  131,  140f,  150f,  162,  IH, 
173,  193,  202.  212,  221  f,  243,  267, 
280,  344f,  348f,  3.52,  35.5-357,  360f, 
.36!)-371,  377f,  381f,  40.3,  409,  413, 
41.5-417,  455,  459,  481,  483f,  .509,  542, 
5i>5,  567,  577,  649,  6f^,  687,  694,  70i), 
745,  752,  759,  779,  788,  807,  810,  812, 
822-824,  826,  8.^5-837,  843,  84r)-.S47, 
849-S.53,  864,  873,  876,  878,  887,  891, 
895,  897f,  900,  907,  909,  916,  919f, 
929,  932f,  937,  940-942 ;  abolition  of, 
345,  453,  846;  destroys  man's  rela  " 
tioTi  with  God.  .352,  370,  377,  39' 
4.59 :  i.e.  jwstilence,  483f,  9.32 : 
poison,  306;   of  Christ,  a  rana 


paid  to  the  devil,  888,  see  Christ, 
death  of,  Jesus,  death  of ;  of  Egyp- 
tian firstborn,  173f ,  170-178 ;  origin 
of,  138f ,  846  ;  penalty,  106,  108,  110, 
112,  12'J,  139,  144,  164,  171,  188,  193, 
199,  208,  210,  279,  347,  607,  649,  760, 
762, 767,  773f,  800,  802,  837,  853, 897, 
see  Capital  Punishment ;  i^enalty  of 
sin,  197f ,  351,  400,  436,  810,  822,  843, 
853,  891,  897;  premature,  as  punish- 
ment, 351,  357f ;  sentence,  614,  649  ; 
sting  of,  369,  847 ;  terrors  of,  358 ; 
the  end  of  all,  356,  413,  416;  the 
reaper,  481 ;  to  sin,  643,  811,  822f, 
864,  910;  with  Christ,  650,  S22f,  847, 
852,  861,  864,  869. 

Debir,  253,  258,  260,  297. 

Deborah,  nurse  of  Rebekah,  161,  261. 

prophetess,  100, 108, 112, 161,  173, 

257,  261f,  269,  384 ;  song  of,  9,  18, 
44,  65,  85,  165,  249,  253f,  256f,  261f, 
265,  341,  384. 

Debt,  102,  112,  211,  238,  305,  400,  466, 
469,  549,  567,  705f,  870f,  905. 

Debtor,  110,  459,  483,  733,  736. 

Decalogue,  11,  21,  44,  64,  99,  101,  108, 
130, 135, 183-185,  lS9f,  194,  208,  231, 
234f ,  276,  337,  361,  395, 488,  765, 867, 
882 

Deca^lis,  30,  33,  687f,  690,  704,  773. 

Deceased  wife's  sister,  207. 

Deceit,  157,  479,  481,  542,  782. 

Deception,  147,  153,  157f,  163,  252, 
282f,  846. 

December  25th,  Western  date  for  birth 
of  Christ,  652. 

Decimal  system,  115. 

Decomposition,  painfulness  of,  356. 

Decree,  78,  528,  530,  726,  859. 

Dedan,  Dedanites,  156,  451,  493,  513. 

Dedication,  83,  151 ;  of  the  walls,  79, 
334. 

Deed 'of  sale,  113,  488f. 

Deep,  the,  135, 137,  243,  349,  352,  359f , 
363,  378. 

Deep  things  of  God,  834,  930;  of 
Satan,  930. 

Defeat,  212,  298. 

Defile  the  hands,  39,  202,  223,  324. 

Defilement,  130f,  183,  196,  204,  207, 
209f,  216f,  241,  484,  517,  525f,  556, 
584,  664,  660,  689f,  720,  732,  749, 
793f,  799f,  see  Uncleanness. 

Delicacy,  623. 

Delilah,  79,  268. 

Deliver  to  Satan,  648f,  837,  850. 

Dehverance.  260,  266,  277,  377,  379, 
382.  391,  395,  438,  442,  445,  454,  457, 
459,  46S-465,  467f,  470f,  480.  557, 
559,  562f. 

Delphi,  655,  797,  838  ;  oracle  at,  428. 

Delta,  the,  .52,  54,  56f,  164,  170,  450. 

Deluge,  13, 125, 141-146,  297,  3.58,  468, 
717,  720,  910,  914f;  historicity  of, 
133  143 

s'tories,     22,     51,    133,    141-144  ; 

Babylonian  origin  of,  9,  51 ,  67,  133, 
142-145  ;  composite  character  of,  9, 
122, 133, 142-144;  non-Biblical,  142f. 

Deraas,  S70f,  887. 

Demeter,  632. 

Demetrius  (3  Jn.  12),  922;  (Hellenistic 
writer),  5.30. 

Demetrius  I.  (Soter),  528,  532,  607f ; 
II.,  608;  III.,  608. 

Demetrius  the  silversmith,  798,  847, 
922. 


INDEX 

Demigods,  133, 142,  446. 

Demoniacal  possession,  663,  708,  715, 
728,  734,  754f,  795,  797. 

Demoniacs,  682f,  687,  692,  694,  708f, 
730f,  743. 

Demonology,  317. 

Demons,  devils,  83,  88,  94f,  104,  136, 
160,  203f,  206,  209,  243, 304,  387, 391, 
446,  542,  31f,  651,  663,  666f,  683, 
085-687,  690,  693,  708f,  728,  731,734, 
736,  754,  840-843,  867,  870,  905,  933f, 
see  Evil  spirits;  fellowship  \vith,  651, 
841. 

Demosthenes,  24,  591,  603. 

Demotic  script,  52. 

Den,  160,  263,  303,  485,  565 ;  of  Uons, 
94,  .528 ;  of  thieves,  480,  .539. 

Denarius,  llOf,  695,  717,  932. 

Depravity  of  the  Gentile  world,  619, 
819 

Derbe,  769,  792-794,  798,  857,  922. 

Dervishes,  107,  278. 

Descent  into  hell,  866,  911. 

Desert,  27f,  31f,  34f,  50,  63,  65,  78,  82, 
85f,  89,  92,  95f,  104,  141,  148,  150f, 
179,  214,  218,  226,  256,  303,  386,  391, 

448,  450f ,  456,  462,  472,  520,  527,  545, 
550,  665,  682,  085,  688,  see  Wilder- 
ness. 

Desertion,  73,  475,  485,  488,  490. 

Desire  of  women,  the,  532. 

Despot,  despotism,  see  Tyrant,  tyranny. 

Destinv,  633 ;  (god),  472. 

DestroVer,  the,  361,  841. 

Destruction,  54.5,  934,  942;  of  the 
world  by  fire,  717,  915. 

Determinism,  404. 

Deutero-Isaiah,  see  Second  Isaiah. 

Deuteronomic  Code,  37,  74f,  79,  99, 
103,  112,  124,  129,  131,  211,  312,  518; 
editor,  240,  250;  Reformation,  see 
Josiah's  Reformation  ;  (Deuterono- 
mistic)  point  of  view,  45f,  75,  250, 
252, 254, 257, 259f,  277,  294,  296,  298- 
301,  309-312;  school,  75,  188,  2.53- 
255,  273,  288;  style,  46, 126,  129, 176, 
231f,  241. 

Deuteronomist,  75, 168, 178f,  250,  253- 
255,  257,  259,  277,  299,  307-309,  374. 

Deuteronomy,  Book  of,  11,  45,  47,  74f , 
87,  89f,  102,  106,  108,  121,  123f,  126, 
128-131,  179,  184f,  196,  206,  211. 
228-230,  231-243,  245,  251,  273,  303, 
310-312,  .396,  436,  474,  480,  501,  504, 
506,  511,  587,  661,  693 ;  aim  of,  45, 
89f,  128,  131 ;  and  Ezekiel,  11,  47, 
129  ;  and  idoLitry,  74f ,  128f ,  131 , 
237,  311f,  474,  480;    and  JE,  126, 

128,  130,  23U,  236  ;  and  Jeremiah, 
11,  46,  75,  90,  128f,  131,  231f,  236, 
474, 480-182  ;  and  Josiah's  Reforma- 
tion, 45f,  89f,  128f,  231,  312,  474, 
501 ;  and  P,  47,  126,  129f ,  132,  233, 
236,  341  ;  and  the  Ai-amaic  papyri, 
232  ;  and  the  centralisation  of  wor- 
ship, 45,  75,  89f,  102,  106, 128f,  131, 
187,  190,  230,  232,  236f,  230,  254,  312, 

449,  474,  .506;  and  the  earlier  legis- 
lation, 45,  90,  126,  128f,  184,  232 ; 
and  tiie  Law  of  Holiness,  130,  196; 
and  tho  priesthuod,  106,  124,  12t)f, 

129,  215,  2.32,  230,  238f,  312  ;  author- 
ship. 74.  89f.  231,  312;  comiwsitf 
character  of,  45,  231f ,  235,  242f ; 
contents.  11, 231 ;  date,  74,  89,  128f , 
231f,  236f;  discovery  of,  45f,  74f, 
128,  312;   humanitarianism  of,  90, 


961 

135,  235,  238-241,  280 ;  influence  of, 
45f ,  90,  129,  661 ;  its  debt  to  the 
prophets,  45,  90,  131,  341,  430; 
name,  231 ;  origin  of,  128 ;  place  in 
the  Canon,  37,  45,  231;  relation  to 
Josiah's  Law  Book,  45,  75,  128, 
231f ;  teaching  of,  45,  90,  108,  128f, 
131,  185,  231f,  234  ;  the  original,  45, 
232. 

Devil,  see  Satan. 

Devils,  see  Demons. 

Devoted  things,  222. 

Devoting  (i.e.  to  destruction),  see  Ban. 

Devotion,  93. 

Dew,  29,  31,  263,  303,  394,  421,  454, 
542  501f 

Diadem,  191,  289,  360,  389,  577,  904, 
see  Crown. 

Dial,  311. 

Dialects,  591,  615. 

Dialogues,  20,  25,  419f,  604. 

Diamond,  942. 

Diaries,  14,  78. 

Diaspora,  see  Dispersion. 

Diatessaron,  122,  595,  600,  715. 

Diatheke,  895. 

Dibon,  224,  229f,  448,  493. 

Dibon-gad,  229. 

Dictation,  42,  598,  880,  938. 

Dictator,  614. 

Didache  300,  399,  561,  594,  596,  602, 
640-643,  046,  658,  707,  732,  766,  781, 
783,  786f,  791,  848,  908,  922,  924f. 

Didactic  character  of  Hebrew  his- 
tory, 21 ;  literature,  19. 

Dido,  302. 

Didymus,  759. 

Dies  Irae,  570. 

Dietary  rules,  021f  731,  788. 

Digging,  224,  439. 

Digging  through  walls,  178,  583. 

Dimon,  448. 

Dinah,  134,  158,  160f. 

Dinner,  23,  164,  404. 

Diocesan  episcopacy,  646. 

Diocletian  persecution,  596. 

Diogenes,  63^.  ;  Lsertius,  604. 

Dion,  33. 

Dionysius  Exiguus,  652. 

Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  592,  597f, 
901,  928  ;  the  Areopagite,  796. 

Dionysus,  216,  627,  648. 

Dioscuri,  804,  see  Heavenly  twins,  the. 

Diotrephes,  922. 

Dirge,  18,  446,  48(M82,  485,  490,  493, 
513-515,  551,  560,  711,  939f,  see 
Elegy,  Lamentation. 

Disaster,  see  Calamity. 

Discerning  of  spirits,  sec  ProWng  of 
spirits. 

Disciples  of  Je.sus,  9,  13,  604.  662, 
604-670,  682-686.  690-692,  694,  697, 
704,  710,  713,  715f,  722,  728f,  731- 
733,  730,  739-742,  747-752,  754f, 
757-765,  808.  910. 

Discipleship.  685.  091,  708.  710,  735. 
880 ;  aspirants  to,  708,  731. 

Discipline.  93,  96f,  111.  160,  .535.  540f, 
5.56.  027,  (547-649,  836,  856,  861,  879, 
880f,  899f,  905. 

Di.scretion,  344,  403. 

Disease,  76,  99,  160,  197,  202,  276. 
348,  390,  444,  448,  500,  649,  663, 
687.  709,  882. 

Disguise,  157.  285,  301,  312. 

Dish,  190,  732,  736. 

DishoD,  34. 

31 


Dishonesty,  208,  512,  559,  562,  73G, 
757. 

Disobedience,  66,  108,  139f,  177,  197f, 
2U6,  212,  231f,  2r.5,  27S,  2S0.  2!)8,  345, 
.';S7,  456,  481f,  4S;i,  4'Jl,  (i22,  708,  749, 
754f,  785,  792,  805,  822,  827,  833, 
855,  864,  866,  880,  890-892,  899, 
924. 

Disobedient  prophet,  the,  67,  225, 
247,  oOl,  312. 

DisjXinsation,  865. 

Dispersion,  62,  92,  94,  100,  106,  212, 
380,  388,  391,  393,  443,  445,  454, 
4.58,  463,  466,  468,  471,  473,  512, 
544,  546,  560,  562f,  571,  578-580, 
586,  608,  025f,  660,  752,  767f,  770, 
786,  792,  796,  800,  805,  808,  812, 
901,  906,  908. 

Display,  666. 

Disruption  of  the  Kingdom,  49,  67. 
75,  81,  86,  166,  243,  245f,  298-300, 
426f,  442,  517. 

Dithyramb,  512. 

Dittographv,  42,  565,  670. 

Dius,  246,  297. 

Divan,  109,  550. 

Dives,  660,  725.  729,  736,  756. 

Divination,  lOOf,  159,  164,  185,  187, 
198,  226,  310,  404,  417,  428f,  512, 
561,  .580,  634,  795. 

Divine  animals,  628. 

names,  124f,  276  ;  their  place  in 

Pentateuchal  analysis,  122-126, 174. 

right  of  kind's,  630. 

Diviners,  236,  239,  276,  464,  495,  525, 
561. 

Division  of  Canaan  among  the  tribes, 
249,  253f;  of  labour.  111. 

Divorce,  108,  113,  240,  271,  329,  466, 
478,  531,  586f,  621,  666,  674,  693, 
705,  716f,  735f,  838. 

Docetae,  Docetism,  Docetists,  644, 663, 
756,  763,  873,  916,  919. 

Doeg,  283. 

Dogma,  35,  92;  in  pagan  religion, 
627f,  631. 

Dogs,  130,  142,  240,  264,  287,  304, 
307,  410,  633f,  690,  714,  915 ;  (figur- 
ative), 707,  942;  (i.e.  Jews),  874; 
Jewish  term  for  Gentiles,  874,  942. 

Domitian,  6.30f,  655-657,  715,  764, 
775,  804,  863,  886,  908,  923,  928,  932, 
936,  939. 

Domitilla,  775. 

Door,  128,  177f,  186,  217,  222,  276,  421, 
519,  734,  754,  795,  931 ;  (i.e.  oppor- 
tunity), 870,  931. 

Doorkeepers,  109,  315,  326,  329f,  368, 
489. 

Doorpost,  102,  109,  128,  178,  186,  386. 

Dor,  28,  257,  296,  416. 

Dorcas,  788. 

Doric,  591. 

Dositheua,  340. 

Dotiian,  30,  69,  162,  306. 

Double  portion,  239,  274,  305. 

tradition,  672. 

Doublet,  405. 

Doubt,  764. 

Dough,  826,  837. 

Dove,  13(),  142,  144,  197,  203f,  365, 
382,  420-422,  459,  470,  493,  .556,  565, 
682,  »ee  Pigeon ;  a  name  for  Israel, 
556. 

Dovecotes,  470. 

Doves  dung,  306. 

Dowry,  281f,  299,  423,  560. 


INDEX 

Doxology,   366,   379,    385,    391,    396, 

551,  5.54,  818,   825,  aSOf,   875,   880, 

88.5,  900,   911,  925,  929,  932f,  935, 

938. 
Drachm,  drachma,  116f,  735. 
Draco,  454. 
Drag-net,  566. 
Dragon,  243,  .'^30,  349,  352f,  386,  390, 

401,    454,   466,    495,    935-937,    939, 

941;    the,   and    the   woman,   935f ; 

of  tiie  lower  ocean,  557. 
Dragon's  well,  330. 
Drama,  1,  20,  24,  342,  418f,  421f,  870. 
I  )rawing  of  arrows,  100,  512. 
Dream-oracles,  157,  472. 
Dreams,  153,  157,  159,  162f,  189,  219, 

226,    237,   260,  263f,  296,   352,  385, 

414,    420-422,    429,   431,    456,    485, 

525f,  576,  606,  701,  770. 
Dress,  305,   439,   569,   883,   894,  909, 

see  Clothes,  Garments. 
Dressing-room,  519. 
Drink,  drinking,  166,   181,    190,  467, 

505,  536,  562,  720,  828,  841,  900. 
Drink  offerings,   103,   217,  376,  4.56, 

480,  887. 
Drinking  feast,  158,   337f;    troughs, 

159. 

the  blood,  144,  370, 752. 

Dromedaries,  296. 

Dross,  375,  438,  512. 

Drouglit,  13,  27,  50,  77,  242,  302,  483, 

545,  553,  585,  587,  629,  706,  907. 
Drowning,  557. 
Drugged  wine,  698. 
Druidism,  616. 
Drunkard,   407f,   440,  450,  455,    627, 

649,  837. 
Drunkenness,  68f,  103,  1.53,  216,  275, 

284,  337,  386,  407,  455,  469,  182,  486, 

493,  539,  550,   566f,  779,  838,  842, 

866,  883. 
Dnisilla,  656,  801f. 
Druzes,  33. 
Dry  land,   137,   556,  574;    rot,  203; 

season.  111. 
Dryden,  602. 
Dual  number,  593. 
Dualism,  11,  4.34,  464,  632,  644,  851. 
Dues,  79,   615,    see  Customs,   Taxes, 

Tribute. 
Dugong,  215. 
Dulcimer,  526. 
Dumah,  451. 

Dumb,  dumbness,  459,  709,  726. 
Dung  gate,  330. 
Dungeon,  490,  580. 
Duoviri,  614,  795. 
Dura  (river),  526  ;  Plain  of,  526. 
Dust,  125,  133,  139f,  175f,  206,  349f, 

421,   449,  456,   458,    461f,   467,   472, 

549,  566,  570,  800,  847,  906,  915. 
Dwarf  juniper  tree,  484. 
Dwelling,  the,  123f,  126,  129, 131, 181, 

189f,  191,  194,  sec  Tabernacle. 
Dves,  dyeing,  54,  189,  243,  420,  930, 

934. 
Dying  and  rising  god,  628,  GSlf. 

Youth,  the,  632. 

Dysentery,  235. 
Dysmae,  741. 

E  (Pentateuchal  Document),  45,  48, 
126-128,  13t),  133,  1  liM68, 175,  213, 
303,  336  ;  and  1),  126  ;  and  J,  126f ; 
characteristics  of,  48,  127 ;  combined 
with  J,  126,  128 ;  date  of,  46,  127 ; 


expansion  of,  127f ;  legislation  of, 
45,  127,  130;  written  in  Northern 
Kingdom,  45,  127. 

E  or  (E),  document  in  historical  books, 
246,  256,  273f. 

e  text,  600. 

Ka,  130,  142,  326  ;  Book  of,  130. 

Eagle,  203,  354,  364,  375,  390,  409, 

I      445,  462,  478,  499,  504,  510,  528, 

539,  555,  566f,  863,  931,  934,  936. 

vision  of  Ezra,  863. 

Ear.  128,  178,  186,  192,  236,  355,  379, 
389,  407f,  471,  553,  698,  701,  896. 

Earnest,  i.e.  instalment  as  pledge, 
638,  850,  852,  860,  863. 

Earrings,  100,  161,  193,  407,  707. 

Ears  of  corn,  306,  455. 

Earth,  5,  24,  135f,  139,  186,  191,  285, 
353,  409,  446,  461,  464,  467f,  478, 
554,  628,  705f,  727,  863-866,  868- 
870,  904,  915,  932,  934,  936;  god, 
goddess,  494,  629 ;  maiden,  630 ; 
mother,  628,  630  ;  sanctuary  of,  2 16. 

Earthenware,  200,  203-205,  456,  486, 
488,  see  Pottery. 

Earthquake,  13,  27,  143,  152f,  183, 
220f,  262,  279,  303,  330,  337,  353, 
389,  391,  438,  453,  456,  517,  545. 
547,  553,  560,  564,  567,  583,  629, 
653,  722,  795, 819, 930-932, 935, 939. 

Earthworks,  479. 

East,  129,  578 ;  wind,  180,  454,  484, 
510f,  514,  54 If,  558. 

Easter,  179,  745,  764,  778,  821. 

Eating,  103,  105,  138-140,  144,  152, 
156f,  164,  177,  181f,  188,  197-202, 
206,  210f,  218-220,  222,  237f,  241, 
263,  272,  274f,  279f,  302,  306,  312, 
381,  408,  412,  437f,  440,  442,  464, 
472f,  483,  504f,  525,  544,  689,  697, 
739f,  742,  752,  762,  788f,  828,  840- 
843,  859,  900,  see  Feast,  Food, 
Sacrifice. 

the  book,  504f ,  935 ;  the  flesh,  752. 

Ebal,  30,  140,  241,  252,  265,  749. 

Ebed-melech,  73,  475,  490f. 

Eben-ezer,  276f. 

Eher,  34,  227. 

Ebionite  Gosi^el,  658,  702. 

Ebionites,  774. 

Ebony,  421. 

Ecbatana,  328. 

Ecclesia,  700,  714. 

Ecclesiastes,  Book  of,  18,  24,  35,  47. 
92.  94,  341-345,  366,  397,  411-417. 
418  ;  aim  of,  345  ;  and  Greek  phi- 
losophy, 94,  3 12  ;  and  Solomon,  18, 
34 If,  41 7,  -432,  522  ;  and  the  problem 
of  .suffering,  47  ;  and  women,  415  ; 
author  of,  94,  342,  411f ;  author- 
ship, 342,  411f  ;  canonicity  of,  18f, 
38f,  343f,  411f ;  characteristics  of, 
94,  342,  344,  411;  creed  of,  411; 
cynicism  of,  345  ;  date  of,  342,  411; 
heterodoxy  of,  342  ;  interpolations 
in,  412-417  ;  linguistic  character  of, 
34 If,  411;  name  of,  411;  name 
Yahweh  not  used  in,  366,  411;  not 
pantheistic,  411;  not  written  in 
metre,  41 1 ;  jiessimismof,  47, 94,  342, 
345,  397,  411f;  philosophy  of  life, 
343-345,  411-413;  rejects  doctrine  J 
of  immortality,  94,  411  ;  scepticism] 
of,  21,  92,  94,  342  ;  unity  of,  342, 
412;  value  of,  412. 

Ecclesiastical  year,  652. 

Eccleaiasticus  (Ben-Sira,  Sirach),  24,^ 


614, 


707. 


34f,  39,  112,  343-345,  401,  411,  522, 
603,711;  author  of,  38;  Hebrew  frag- 
ments of,  35;  prologue  to,  37f;  trans- 
lator of,  37. 

Eclecte,  921. 

Eclecticism,  634. 

Eclipse,  349,  353,  481,  ;>i5,  553,  563, 
698,  741,  934. 

Ecstasy,  92',  107,  150,  278,  420,  429f, 
440,  503f,  507,  633,  647,  685,  703,  761, 
779,  834,  842-844,  852,  859,  865. 

Ecthyma,  348. 

Eden,  125,  133f,  138f,  147,  466,  513, 
741,  855,  942. 

Eder,  161. 

Edessa,  36,  596,  704. 

Edification,  244,  841,  843-8-45. 

Edom,  47,  58,  67,  70f,  76,  100,  111, 
134,  148f,  154-157,  162,  171,  182, 
213,  223,  226f,  229,  233,  260,  262, 
266,  280,  288,  299,  303-305,  307,  309, 
347,  383,  387,  394,  397,  410,  445,  448, 
450f,  458,  471,  493f,  499f,  510,  513, 
515f,  533,  546,  548f,  554f,  567,  580, 
582,  585,  939, 

Edomites,  63,  70,  76,  78,  147,  155,  240, 
259,  346,  349,  387,  458,  499,  5-55,  572, 
581. 

Edrei,  224,  232,  581. 

Education,  86,  91,  109,  170 
661,  721. 

Edward  II.,  416. 

Effigies  of  the  dead,  358. 

Egg,  136,  364,  444,  459,  469, 

Eglah,  287. 

Eglaim,  448. 

Eglath-shelishiyah,  448. 

Eglon,  65,  260. 

Egoism,  558. 

Egypt,  28-30,  36,  52-64,  67,  70-74,  79, 
82,  90,  98,  100,  105f,  110-114,  119, 
123,  126f,  130,  147f,  153,  162-16-5, 
167,  169-178,  181,  193,  203,  207, 218, 
229,  234-236,  241,  248f,  251, 254,  276, 
285,  296, 299,  310-313, 318f ,  324,  337, 
340,  353,  381,  385-388,  390,  394,  406, 
428,  442,  448-450,  452,  454f,  456f, 
460,  463f,  467,  475,  477,  485f,  490- 
492,  498,  500-502, 507, 510f ,  513-515, 
523f ,  526,  529,  531-533, 535, 539-542, 
546,  548,  550,  553,  560,  562,  565, 569, 
579f,  591,  599,  605,  607f,  613,  615f, 
630,  632,  652,  659,  702,  730,  773,  778, 
784f ,  841, 864, 898, 913 ;  and  Assj'ria, 
59f,  70-72,  310,  442,  448-450,  474; 
ana  Babylonia,  see  Babylonia ;  and 
Greece,  62,  79 ;  and  Israel,  see 
Exodus,  the ;  Israel ;  and  .Judah,  see 
Judah  ;  and  neighbouring  peoples, 
71 ;  and  Palestine,  52,  54-57,  59-62, 
79,  116,  248,  524  ;  and  Persia,  62, 
79;  and  Syria,  54-56,  59-<51,  116, 
431, 523f,  531-533 ;  and  the  Hittites, 
53,  55f ,  169 ;  and  the  Libyans,  56  ; 
and  the  Peoples  of  the  Sea,  56 ; 
called  Ham,  387,  390;  chronology 
of,  .52,  119;  dyn:i.stie3  of,  52,  r>3, 
169;  extent  of,  .52;  gods  of,  51f, 
1(53,  449,  492,  510,  630,  632,  808; 
history  of,  52,  5-1-57,  59-62,  248  ; 
kings  of,  119f,  124;  land  system 
of,  134,  105  ;  name  of,  52  ;  physical 
characteristics  of,  .52,  139,  147,  160, 
236,  406,  450,  452,  730  ;  races  in,  52  ; 
religion  of,  52,  54f,  57,  130.  l(>-4, 
369,  428,  .507,  630;  wisdom  ot,  170, 
296.  353.  397.  492. 


INDEX 

Egypt,  i.e.  Jerusalem,  935. 

son  of  Ham,  387,  390. 

Egyptian  alliance,  113,  449,  452,  455- 
457,  834;  bondage,  63,  126,  150, 
169f,  173f,  468 ;  intluenee  on  Israel, 
82,  84,  105,  135,  362  ;  Jew,  leader  of 
the  assassins,  800  ;  monuments,  26, 
257,  482,  587  ;  scripts,  52 ;  versions, 
595,  601. 

Egyptians,  80,  59,  99,  115,  147,  151, 
163-167,  169f,  175,  177f,  180,  218, 
239-241,  251,  255,  266,  296,  306  444, 
457,  463,  474,  490,  566. 

Ehud,  65,  260f. 

Ekron,  28,  71,'276f,  282,  304,  548,  560, 
580. 

El,  399. 

El  Elyon,  149. 

El  roi,  150. 

El  Siiaddai,  124f,  151,  161,  164,  174, 
see  Shaddai. 

Elah,  king  of  Israel,  68,  302. 

Elah,  Vale  of,  31. 

Elam,  Elamites,  59-61,  77,  148,  443, 
450f,  494,  512,  515,  529. 

Elasah,  487. 

Elath,  67,  71,  111,  149,  299,  309,  438. 

El-berith,  265. 

Elder,  the,  902,  921f. 

Elder  brother,  the,  718,  735,  811. 

Elder  John,  see  John  the  Presbyter. 

Elders  (Hebrew),  65f,  72,  74,  90,  112, 
124,  172,  177, 182, 188f,  199, 201, 221, 
259,  266,  269,  272,  277, 287,  291,  304, 
313,  318,  331,  350,  415,  439,  453,  497, 
501,  509,  511,  544,  559,  660,  718,  730, 
740,  781,  783,  801. 

i.e.  Old  Testament  saints,  897 ; 

in  savage  tribes,  632 ;  of  the  Church, 
645-<>47,  789f,  793f,  798f,  883f,  887, 
907,  921 ;  the  four  and  twenty,  931 , 
933,  935,  937;  the  seventy,  124, 
168,  188f,  213,  218f. 

Elealeh,  229,  448. 

Eleasa,  608. 

Eleazar  (martyr),  898;  rebel  leader, 
610;  son  of  Aaron,  191,  220-222, 
227f,  230, 255, 295 ;  son  of  Abinadab, 
277  ;  son  of  Dodo,  292. 

Elect  lady,  921. 

One,  the  {i.e.  Messiah),  864. 

Election,  92,  146,  620,  636,  638,  713, 
719,  721,  806,  825-827,  863,  870,  880, 
904,  909  ;  of  Israel,  see  Israel. 

Electrum,  504. 

Elegy,  18,  286f,  446,  448,  493,  see 
Dirge,  Lamentation. 

Elemental  spirits,  370,  647,  650,  860, 
869f. 

Elementary  truths,  893. 

Elements,  869  ;  of  the  world,  834.  see 
P^lemental  spirits. 

Elephantiasis,  235,  348. 

Elephantine,  79 ;  Jewish  Temple  at, 
79,  106,  2.32,  486. 

papyri,  79,  118,  311,  330, 486, 553; 

relation  to  Deuteronomy,  79,  232. 

Eloutheropolis,  32,  559,  56i. 

Elhajian,  281,  292. 

Eli,  66,  209,  245,  257,  274-276,  283, 
289,  294f,  3<X),  474,  480. 

Eliab,  281. 

Eliadah,  287. 

Eliakim,  see  .Tehoiakim. 

(liouse  steward),  452,  930. 

Elia.s  Levita,  37. 

Eliaahib,  79,  331,335. 


963 

Eliezer  (Abraham's  servant),  148-150. 

the  prophet,  76. 

Elihu,  9,  342,  347,  361-363,  399; 
speeclies  of,  342,  347,  361-333. 

Elijah,  21,  30,  45,  69,  73f,  76,  86-88, 
107,  128  130.  193,  246f,  275.  277, 
294,  300,  302-307,  320,  424,  426,  539, 
587,  661,  682,  691f,  699,  703,  TLO, 
715,  731,  826,  907, 935  ;  a  mysterious 
figure,  302f  ;  a  prophet  of  the  desert, 
86  ;  and  Ahab,  73,  87f,  96f,  302-304; 
and  Ahaziah,  69,  304  ;  and  Elisha, 
32,  74,  303,  305,  731 ;  and  Jehoram, 
76,  307,  320 ;  and  Jezebel,  74,  303, 
688 ;  and  John  the  Baptist,  661, 
668, 682, 692,  710,  715  ;  and  Obadiah, 
302f;  and  the  drought,  302f,  907, 
935 ;  and  the  prophets  of  Baal,  30, 
74,  97.  302f ;  ascension  of,  247,  302f, 
305,  381 ;  at  Horeb,  74,  303  ;  at  the 
Transfiguration,  691,  715,  731 ;  calls 
down  fire  from  heaven,  247,  304, 
731,  935;  character  of,  86-89,  97, 
302,  426,  907 ;  demands  exclusive 
worship  of  Yahweh,  87,  303;  de- 
nounces murder  of  Naboth,  87, 304 ; 
denounces  worship  of  Tyrian  Baal, 
73f,  87,  128,  130,  263,  294,  302f,  426 ; 
despondency  of,  74,  218,  771,  826 ; 
fed  by  ravens,  247,  302 ;  forerunner 
of  the  Messiah,  302,  667,  692,  715, 
753;  mantle  of,  180,  303,  305; 
multiplies  the  widow's  cruse,  247, 
302;  outruns  Ahab's  chariot,  303; 
prays  for  rain,  303,  907  ;  raises  the 
widow's  son,  247,  302,  798  ;  sacrifice 
on  Carmel,  73f ,  247, 303 ;  servant  of, 
303. 

Elim,  181. 

Elimelech,  271. 

Eliphaz,  150,  346,  348-354,  356,  a58f, 
361  399 

Elisal'jeth,'  725-727;  and  the  Mag- 
nificat, 726. 

Elisha,  21,  45,  69f,  74,  107,  113, 128, 
130,  216,  277,  294,  .302-309,  424,  426, 
539,  731,  935 ;  and  Elijah,  32,  74, 
.303,  305,  731 ;  and  Hazael,  69,  303. 
305,  307;  and  Jehoram,  69f,  305- 
307  ;  and  Jehu,  69,  74,  303,  :307,  426 ; 
and  Joash,  308f ;  and  Naaman.  69, 
306 ;  and  the  dynasty  of  Omri,  69, 
113, 426 ;  and  the  famine  in  Samaria, 
69,  306 ;  and  the  Shunammite,  305- 
307  ;  at  Dothan,  69,  306  ;  death  of. 
308 ;  miracles  of,  305f ;  raises  the 
son  of  the  Shunammite,  302. 

Elishah,  513. 

Elisheba,  725. 

Elkanah,  274. 

Elkosh,  564. 

Elnathan,  486. 

Eloah,  349,  355. 

Elohim  (proper  name  for  God),  95, 
122,  124-128,  138,  1-51,  161,  375.  398, 
411 ;  as  criterion  for  Pentateuchal 
analysis,  122,  121-126  ;  preferred  to 
Yahweh  by  stime  later  writers,  366 ; 
substituted  for  Yahweh  in  Elo- 
histic  Psalms,  3<i6,  375,  379f. 

Elohim  (i.e.  spirit^  of  the  dead),  83, 
443. 

the,  139f,  142, 178,  238.  375. 

Elon,  6*5,  267. 

El.iquonce,  KU,  833f,  8.V2,  85.5. 

El-Paran.  149. 

El-roi,  15a 


964 

Eltekeh,  59,  71,  310. 

Elul,  105,  117,  323,  327,  332. 

Elymais,  532,  G07. 

Elzevir,  597. 

Emancipation  of  slaves,  G49f,  839, 8G8. 

Embalming,  1G2,  IGCf,  170. 

Embryo,  354. 

Emerald,  031,  942. 

Emerson,  13. 

Emesa,  801. 

Eniim,  149,  233, 

Emmaus,  G07,  741. 

Emotion,  10,  2-i,  399,  409,  416,  478, 
482,  488,  512,  558,  628,  630-633,  635, 
639,  685,  853,  883. 

Emperor  worship,  605,  616,  630f,  775, 
798,  608,  879,  926,  928,  930,  936- 
938. 

Emptiness,  458,  565. 

Empty  tomb,  the,  669f,  699,  722,  741, 
03,  766,  8-15f. 

Enctenia,  377,  see  Feast  of  Dedica- 
tion. 

Enclianter,  349,  525. 

Encyclical  letter,  862. 

End  of  the  world,  530,  918. 

Endor,  3U,  66,  285  ;  witch  of,  66,  285. 

Endurance,  853,  868,  877,  886,  897, 
903f ,  906,  910,  929. 

Eneglaim,  520. 

Enemies,  361,  374,  382-385,  388,  391, 
■A)-3,  395f,  560,  562-565,  567,  706, 
827. 

Engines  (military),  76. 

England,  175,  591. 

En-gannim,  307. 

En-gedi,  149,  284,  320,  420,  520. 

£n-hakkore,  100,  208. 

En-harod,  10(),  263. 

Enjoyment,  411-416. 

Enmeduranki,  141. 

En-misphat,  149. 

Enoch,  141,  381,  660,  897,  910f,  924 
935. 

Book  of,  35,  46,  411,    432-435, 

527,  529,  637,  661,  670,  747,  752,807, 
864, 868, 909-911, 914f ,  923f ,  926, 938, 
941;  angel ology  of,  868,  905-911, 
914,  024,  938 ;  date,  433 ;  composite 
character  of,  433;  influence  on 
Jesus,  661,  670;  inflvience  on  Jude, 
914,  923f;  Messiah  in,  433,  435, 
670,  747,  752,  807,  938;  original 
language  of,  35,  434;  problems  in, 
433;  pseudonymous,  432;  Son  of 
Man  in,  433f,  637,  66i,  670,  938; 
the  Similitudes,  433;  versions  of, 
434. 

Enosh,  138. 

En-Riramon,  584. 

En-rogel,  290,  294,  330,  583. 

Ennign,  215. 

Enthusiasm,  639,  641,  643,  647,  649, 
751,  802,  808,  812,  840,  883,  931. 

Envy,  162,  600,  844,  906. 

EpsenetuH,  8.30. 

Epaphra-*,  830,  862,  868,  870f. 

Eimphroditiis,  646,  872-875. 

Ephah  (Bedouin  tribe),  470. 

(measure),  115f,  199,  201,  210,  216, 

220,  228,  272,  284,  440,  562. 

EphesiaTis,  Epistle  to  the,  772,  862- 
868,  872,  901 ;  authenticity  of,  iUi, 
815,  862;  called  by  Marcion  Episth? 
to  the  Laodic<'ans,  862;  date,  657, 
772,  862,  865;  doctrine  of  the 
Church,  815,  862,  864-867 ;  doctrine 


INDEX 

of  redemption,  815,  863f ;  not  sent 
to  Ephe.sus,  862;  origin  of,  603, 
862;  place  of  origin,  772,  862;  iws- 
sibly  an  encyclical  letter,  862,  901, 
920  ;  readers,  862  ;  relation  to  Colos- 
.sians,  815,  862 ;  stylo  of,  815,  662. 

Ejihesus,  596,  6'M,  655,  657,  744,  746, 
770f,  773,  775f,  794,  797-709,  818, 
830,  832f,  847-849,  857,  862,  871, 
916,  921f,  928-931. 

Epiiod,  lUOf,  191,  264,  269,  275,  279f. 
283,  288,  317,  537. 

Ephphatha,  690. 

Epiirasm  Syrus,  601,  802. 

Ephraim  (city),  756;  forest  of,  see 
Eorest  of  Ephraim ;  gate  of,  331 ; 
hill  country  of,  76 ;  Mount,  30,  261, 
267,  296. 

son  of  Joseph,  109,  134,  165. 

(tribe),  65,  67,  76,  127,  161,  214, 

229,  253f,  257-259,  261,  263f,  315, 
383,  386f,  438,  441-443,  445,  448f, 
455,  474,  478,  480,  517,  521,  536, 
538-543,  555,  580. 

Ephraimites,  65,  264,  267- 

Ephrath,  161,  271- 

Ephrathah,  394,  561,  702. 

Epic,  absence  from  the  Bible,  22. 

Epictetus,  656,  683,  694. 

Epicureanism,  411-413,  634f. 

Epicureans,  607,  635,  796. 

Epicurus,  603f ,  634f . 

Epigram,  341,  397. 

Epilepsy,  715,  769,  856,  860. 

Epimanes  (nickname  for  Antiochus 
Epiphanes),  386,  527. 

Epimenides,  887. 

Epiphanea,  see  Hamath. 

Epiphauius,  172,  653,  779. 

Epirus,  772,  888. 

Episcopate,  646,  773. 

Episcopi,  799,  sec  Bishop. 

Epistle  of  Jeremiah,  603. 

Epistle  of  straw,  905. 

Epistle  to  Diognetus,  658. 

Epistles,  7,  602f. 

Eponymous  ancestors,  63. 

Equality,  649f,  901;  with  God,  873. 

Equinox,  652f. 

Equity,  623. 

Er,  162. 

Erasmus,  597. 

Erastus  (city  treasurer),  830;  (Acts 
xix.  22),  798,  830;  (2  Tim.  iv.  20), 
798,  830. 

Eratosthenes,  607. 

Eri-aku,  148. 

Esarhaddon,  58-60,  72,  77,  120,  310f, 
327f  441  449. 

Esau,  63, 13-1, 146, 156f,  159f ,  162,  274, 
555,  585,  899;  and  Isaac,  134,  156f ; 
and  Jacob,  21,  (i3,  134,  156f,  159f. 
541,  585,  825;  character  of,  156, 
899;  name  of,  156;  reconciled  to 
Jacob,  134,  160;  repentance  of, 
899 ;  roV)bcHl  of  the  blessing,  134, 
157,  899  ;  sells  his  birthright,  13-4, 
156;  wives  of,  133,  157,  162. 

Eschatological  school,  670. 

Eschatology,  89,  91,  94,  96,  166,  406f, 
409,  411,  427-429,  431f,  447,  462, 
487,  561,  564,  695,  719.  805,  800, 
8r.2f ;  in  the  earlv  Church,  642,  717, 
780,  8()!»,  860,  015,  038-943;  in  the 
.Tohannine  writings,  751f,  759f,  809, 
918;  of  Jesus,  (KJl,  665,  668,  670, 
695f,    717,  719-721,    733,    737-740, 


759f,  809,  811;  of  Paul,  807,  809, 
811f,  844-847,  852,  862f,  876-880; 
of  the  Apocalyptista,  404, 431f,  434f, 
582,  661,  670,  696,  713,  807- 

Esdraelon,  Plain  of,  28-30,  259,  261, 
285,  294,  296,  298,  730,  939. 

Esdras,  Fii-st  Book  of,  see  Ezra,  the 
Greek. 

Eshcol  (person),  148 ;  (place),  123, 148, 
219,  233. 

Eshtaol,  259,  261,  269. 

Essenes,  Essenism,  411,  624,  650,  705, 
828,  862,  883. 

Esther,  22,  336-340,  418. 

Book  of,  22,  49,  244, 336-340,  406, 

688 ;  absence  of  reference  to  God 
in  Hebrew,  336,  340;  attitude  to 
heathen,  22,  49,  95,  337,  339f,  517 ; 
canonicity  of,  38f,  411;  date,  49, 
336,  339f;  hi.storicity  of,  49;  lit- 
erary character  of,  20,  22 ;  relation 
of  Hebrew  and  Greek  recensions, 
49,  336-340. 

Etam,  31,  268. 

Eternal  destruction,  879;  6re,  924; 
gosi>el,  938 ;  hope,  911 ;  life,  371, 
497,  500,  533,  638,  641,  693,  717,  732, 
745,  750,  761,  792,  819,  822f,  885, 
887,  896,  911,  917f,  920. 

Spirit,  the,  895. 

Eternity,  413,  528f,  892,  925,  934. 

Ethan,  180,  316,  366-368. 

Kthanim,  99,  102f,  105f,  117. 

Ethbaal,  73,  302. 

Ethical  character  of  Old  Testament 
religion,  11,  84,  87-90,  93-97,  130- 
132,  196f,  280,  344f,  361,  369f,  427- 
430 ;  monotheism,  51,  89,  97. 

Ethics,  11,  93,  190f,  341,  632,  634,  646, 
649-651  ;  of  the  Rabbis,  623 ; 
Pauline,  812. 

Ethiopia,  70f,  311,  385,  445,  449f,  463, 
565,  569-571. 

Ethiopian  eunuch,  767,  786,  788,  799. 

Ethiopians,  F,2,  79,  99,  402,  533,  554. 

Ethiopic,  34;  version,  601. 

Ethnarch,  609,  655,  769,  787,  856. 

Etiquette,  93. 

Etruscans,  381. 

Etymologies,  84,  141,  146,  156,  158, 
i61,  170,  263,  268,  275,  281. 

Eucharist,  see  Lord's  Su]iper. 

Eucharistic  prayer,  641,  643. 

Eudsemoni-sni,  370. 

Eulseus,  529. 

Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamum,  532. 

Eunice,  885. 

Eunuchs,  162,  240, 468,  490f,  717. 

Euodia,  874. 

Euphemism,  346f. 

Euphrates,  34,  50,  53-55,  57f,  60f,  63, 
71,  78.  127,  130,  143,  150.  155,  159, 
188,  225,  227,  2;J3,  236,  2(i0,  288,  20(), 
312f,  330,  387f,  304,  442,  444-446, 
454,  482.  402,  405,  513,  526,  531,  548, 
554,  5(a,  613,  934,  939. 

Euraquilo.  803. 

Euripides,  222,  603. 

Euroclydon,  803. 

Euroi>e,  61,  100,  219,  770,  850. 

Kurvmedon,  61. 

Kusebius  of  Cajsarea,  170,  527,  596, 
601,  653,  Cv5.'Sf.  (i91,  700,  749,  765, 
773,  785,  001,  J>08.  013,  921,  923, 927f. 

EutvchuR,  302,  771,  708. 

Evangelists,  595,  64li,  866,  887,  921f. 

Evasion,  105,  414,  586,  689. 


Eve,  134,  141,  153,  284,  855,  883. 

Eve  of  the  Sabbath,  117,  698,  741. 

Evening, 27,  U7, 136,140,384,393,706. 

Evening  oblation,  329. 

Everlasting,'  Father,  443;  life,  see 
Eternal  life. 

Eviction,  440,  559f. 

Evidence,  suppression  of,  199. 

Evil,  713,  740,  746,  851,  863,  903f; 
eye,  106,238,690;  inclination,  U22f; 
origin  of,  281,  434,  806;  .spirits,  5, 
85,  205,  240,  265,  281 ,  285,  39 1, 662f, 
682,  686,  7 15,  726,  728,  73 1 ,  785, 834, 
864,  867,  883,  919,  see  Demons. 

Evil-merodach,  72,  77,  294,  313,  523. 

Evolution,  633  ;  theory  of,  5. 

Ewe,  158,  238,  461. 

Excavation,  28,  30,  110,  116,  252,  260, 
298,  302,  334,  480,  488. 

Exchange,  116. 

Excommunication,  5,  113,  151,  177, 
193,  197,  199,468,649,716,754,760, 
837,  850,  874,  882,  886,  899. 

Execution,  see  Capital  punishment, 
Death  penalty. 

Exile,  161,2 12, 439f,  454, 460, 463, 479, 
48 1-483, 485, 487, 492f ,  50.S,5 1 1,5 14, 
516,  535-538,  540f,  546,  548f,  551, 
553f,  556,  565,  573,  927,  929,  937. 

the,  10,  35,  46f,  61.  72f,  75,  77f, 

81,90-92,96-100, 104, 107,  112, 120, 
135,  177,  196,  202,  205f,  212,  2.34, 
242, 245, 271,311, 368, 388, 394, 408, 
460f,  467-469,  474,  489,  501-503, 
505f,  516,  544,  557.  560f.  575,  701 ; 
conditions  in,  77,  90f,  112,  220,  325, 
394;  duration  of,  297,  486.  505; 
effects  of,  46,  77,  81,  90f.  96-100. 
177;  literature  produced  during,  38, 
46f,  77,  91,  131,  135,  196,  242,  273, 
294,  394,  445,  450,  460,  50 If ;  return  j 
from,  sec  Return  from  exile;  sig- 
nificance of,  46f,  75,  90f. 

Exiles,  46f,  72f,  77f,  1 12, 124, 131, 212. 
324-326,  368,  394,  453,  460-468, 
470f,  473,  475.  480,  483,  485.  487f, 
494f,  498,  501,  505,  508f,  511.  515. 
554,  572,  576. 

Exodus,  Book  of,  90,  121,  168-196; 
analysis  of,  168  ;  characteristics  of, 
168 ;  divisions  of,  169 ;  legendary 
elements  in,  168. 

Exodus  from  Egypt,  lOf.  63f,  102, 108. 
119.  121.  126.  149.  165,  168,  176- 
179,  212-215,  244f,  247,  259,  390, 
392,  394,  429.  444f,  463,  466f,  471, 
481.  485,  488,  537,  541f,  563,  791 ; 
date  of,  10,  63,  119,  121,  244f,  297, 
route  of,  64,  179f. 

Exogamy,  207. 

Exorcism,  662f,  68 1-683, 685-687. 690, 
692f,  707,  712,  728, 731,734,785,795. 

Exorcist  who  used  the  name  of  Jesus, 
692f,  716,  731. 

Experience,  7f,  40,  42.  90,  93,  95,  341. 
397, 399. 402, 4 1 1 ,  429, 643, 667, 749. 
772.  805-838,  810-812,  823,  833f. 
843.  851-853,  856,  910;  argument 
from,  15 ;  and  history,  15. 

Ex|)iatiou,  104. 

Jlxploration,  748f. 

Exposure  of  infantw,  784. 

Expurgation,  627,  632. 

External  soul,  716. 

Extortion,  extortioner,  409,  415,  649, 
666.  720.  732.  837- 

Extradition,  56.  65,  72,  486. 


INDEX 

I  Eye,  166,  186,  278,  389,  417,  420-423. 
471,  479.  504,  705f.  717,  860.  931f. 

Eyelids,  349,  369.  479. 

Eye-paint,  365,  479. 

Eye-salve,  931. 

Eye-witne.ss,  725,  744,  764f,  798,  842. 

Ezekiel,  11.  35,  46f.  73,  77,  91.  96. 
100, 108, 129,  131, 144,  172, 183,  196, 
202,  205.  209.  21  If,  215.  297,  310. 
313.  367f,  386,  397f,  432.  440,  475, 
485, 489, 496. 500,  501-521, 522, 544, 
573,  583,  703,  786,  S3 1,  935.  942; 
and  A{X)calyptic.  46,  503,  544  ;  and 
Babylon,  498,  501-504,  508.  510f; 
and  Deuteronomy,  47,  129,  518; 
and  Egypt,  498.  513-515  ;  and  Gog, 
517f;  and  .Jeremiah,  46,  73,  91; 
and  Nebuchadnezzar,  501f.5 10-5 15  ; 
and  P,  47.  129,  131,  135,  341,  518  ; 
and  the  heathen,  46,  96,  129,  502  ; 
and  the  Law  of  Holiness,  46,  129- 
131,  196,  209,  211  ;  and  theLevites, 
47,  .129,  131,  209.  518f;  and  the 
nations,  129.  513-515  ;  and  the 
people,  91,  501-505,  515f ;  and  the 
priesthood,  47.  129,  131,  202,  209, 
215,  241,  512,  518-520;  and  the 
problem  of  suffering,  47.  510f,  515  ; 
and  the  prophets.  508f,  512;  and 
the  Temple.  129,  131.  367,501,506- 
508.  518-521  ;  and  Tyre,  297,  299, 
397,  501,  5l3f ;  and  Zedekiah,  501, 
508,  510-512;  as  pa.stor,  91,  503, 
505,  515  ;  as  poet,  91,  501,  513,  515  ; 
as  priest,  73,  91,  131,  501-503,  518  ; 
as  prophet,  46,  91,  131.  501-505, 
508,  513-515;  as  theologian,  46, 
502 f ;  call  of,  503-505  ;  career  of. 
501-503  ;  conception  of  religion,  91, 
502f;  death  of  his  wife,  503,  513; 
doctrine  of  God,  46,  129.  131.  220, 
502-504,  506.  51  If,  515  ;  doctrine  of 
judgment,  46,  91,  211,  501f,  504 f ; 
doctrine  of  personal  responsibility, 
91,  501,  503,  505,  509-512,  515; 
doctrine  of  regeneration,  91,  13 1, 
516  ;  doctrine  of  restoration,  46,  91, 
96,  129,  212,  502,  505,  515-517; 
doctrine  of  sin,  500,  502f,  506-513  ; 
doctrine  of  the  community,  47,  91, 
129,  131,  503;  eschatology  of,  91, 
96, 502f ;  home  at  Tel-abib,  77, 505  ; 
importanceof,46f,  91,501,503,517; 
indictment  of  Israel,  46,  131.  183. 
368,  501f.  504-513;  individualism 
of.  91.  484.  503.  505.  510f,  515  ;  in- 
fluence of,  46f,  91,  129,  503,  519; 
mental  characteristics  of,  91,  501  ; 
programme  for  restored  community, 
47,  77,  91,  96,  129,  131,  501-503, 
517-521  ;  psychical  characteristics 
of,  91,  503.  505,  507f,  512,  518,  834  ; 
ritualism  of,  475,  501-503,  506f, 
573;  silence  of,  502f,  505,  513f; 
supernatural  guide  of,  518,  520; 
symbolical  actions  of,  25,  503,  505f  ; 
teaching  of,  46,  73,  91,  129,  131, 
144,501^503  ;  temple  of,  sec  Temple 
of  PIzekiel ;  the  father  of  Judaism, 
91,  503  ;  visions  of,  25.  77,  131,  132, 
501.503-508.518,942. 

B(X)k    of,    220,    245,    501-521; 

aixx»lyptic  elements  in,  46f,  503  ; 
tanonicity  of,  38  ;  historical  back- 
ground, 50 1  f ;  oracles  against  foreign 
nations,  613-515;  symbolism  in, 
503-506,  508,  5l6f,  583.  I 


965 

Ezion-geber,  64,  70f,  229.  299,  304. 
320. 

Ezra,  21,36f,48,  78,  92,  103,  107.  119, 
121,  124,  129,  131, 199,245,271,320, 
323f ,  328  -330. 333  -335,530,573,582, 
585,  661.  863  ;  and  Arta.xerxes,  61, 
328f;  and  Nehemiah.  78,  103,  129, 
131,  245,  320,  324,  585;  and  the 
Canon,  37 ;  and  the  marriages  with 
foreign  women,  48,  78,  92,  271.  299, 
323,  329f ,  585  ;  and  the  reading:  of 
the  Law,  48.  78, 129,  210.  323f,  333  ; 
confession  of,  78,  329  ;  date  of,  78, 
120.  324,  328.  530 ;  genealogy  of, 
328f  ;  historicity  of,  78  ;  Law-book 
of,  37.  48,  121.  124,  333  ;  legend  of, 
37  ;  memoirs  of,  49,  78,  324.  334 ; 
mission  of,  48,  61.  530  ;  reformation 
of,  48,  78.92, 103, 107,  129,  131,245, 
323,  333, 461, 585  ;  return  from  exile 
led  by,  78,  245,  329,  445. 

Book  of,  20,  368,  525,  see  Ezra- 

Neheiniah. 

the  Greek,  324-327,  329.  333. 

Ezra-Nehemiah,  Book  of,  5,  35,  48f, 
77-79,  244f,  323-335 ;  Aramaic 
sections  in,  36.  77,  327-329  ;  author- 
ship and  date,  48.  325  ;  chronology 
of,  77,  119,  323,  327-330.  334f ; 
historicity  of,  77f,  324 ;  place  in 
Canon,  49.  324  ;  sources,  49,  77f, 
324 ;  title,  323  ;  treatment  of  mate- 
rial, 324. 

Fable,  44,  265,  309,  397. 

Face,  171.  309,  408,  439f,  453,  467, 
477,  504,  706,  783,  844,  851,  904. 

of  God,  158,  193,  348,  440,  499  ; 

seeing  the,  160,  193,  219,  263,  371, 
375,  440,  716. 

Faction,  89,  906. 

Fair  Havens,  803. 

Fairs,  112. 

Faith,  16,  84f,  89-92,  94,  96.  150,  156, 
170,  172,  174,  180,  338,  346,  370f, 
388,  429,  432,  435,  441f,  455,  497, 
500,  502,  566,  638-644,  664f,  667, 
683,  686-G88,  690,  693,  695f.  704, 
70&f,  711,  713,  715,  718f,  730,  732, 
736,  748-755,  761,  764,  780,  791f, 
806, 808, 8 10-8 12, 8 18-823,825-829, 
831,  834f,  843-845,  850,  852,  855, 
859-861,  863f,  867,  869,  871,  873f, 
877,879,882,885-887,891-893,897- 
899,  904f,  914,  919f,  926,  937;  and 
works,  640,  819,  864,  877 ;  the,  96, 
882-884,  892,  903,  909,  924. 

"Faithful  is  the  saying,"  882. 

Faithfulness,  fidelity,  257,  445,  479, 
567.  812,  836,  859^  861. 

Faith-healing,  663,  781. 

Falling  star,  934. 

Fallow  land.  102.  187f,  2l0f,  403. 

False  apostles,  646,855,929 ;  brethren 
793,  858,  923f;  Christs,  696,  745* 
751,918;  god.s,  11,21,  74,!X)f,  184f, 
255,  294,  299,  311,  376,  391,  394 
444.  449,  453f,  462-465.  469,  477, 
480f,  483f,  492.  502,  506f,  510-512, 
532f,  542,  549,  563,  565,  583,  627- 
635, 750. 785. 867;«ce  Idols,  Heathen 
deities ;  prophet,  the,  932-942  • 
prophets,  11,  73,  90,  221,  237,  239, 
265.  .301,  485,  487,  490,  50sf,  513, 
560,  570,  696.  751.  914.  918f,  922, 
929,  940;  swearing,  538,  540,  see 
Peijury;    teachers,   teaching,  398, 


966 

64{)f,  666,  707,  7f)f),  815,  862,  868, 
881-888.  900,  913-918,  920f ;  wit 
ne8H,  lh4,  740,  748,  783,  see  l^TJurv- 

Falsehood,  134,  147,  153,  200,  208, 
301,  382,  455,  470,  481,  516,  541, 
565,  741,  846,  905,  920. 

Familiar  spirit,  285,  302,  see  Necro- 
msincer.  Soothsayer,  Wizards. 

Family,  82f,  85f,  88,  98, 108-1 1 1,  1 13f, 
170f,  1.^5,  214,  221,  227,  229,  233, 
239,  277,  282,  284,  414,  419,  639, 
710,  865. 

Famine,  10,  13,  67,  69f,  73,  77,  110, 
147,  156,  ]64f,  167,  178,  212,  252, 
271,  292f,  298,  306f,  332,  440,  443, 
447,  483,  500,  505f,  509,  536,  550, 
553,  562,  609f,  654f,  689,  789f,  829, 
932  ;  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  654, 
789f  ;  visit,  654f,  769f,  789f . 

Fan,  638. 

Farmer,  lllf,  271,  408,  417,  660,  886, 
906. 

Farthing,  117- 

Fa-sces,  795. 

Fast,  72,  82,  102,  104,  205,  333,  469, 
490,544f,557,575,578f ;  of  Esther, 
104. 

Fasting,  79,  206,  277,  286,  326,  333, 
437,  469,  576,  578,  582,  66  If,  666, 
682-684,  692,  706,  709,  715,  729, 
737,  787,  791,  793,  800,  906. 

Fat,  95,  141,  177,  188,  197f,  200f,  206, 
222,  275,  280,  437,  458,  468,  479f . 

see  Vat. 

Fat  tail,  198,  278. 

Fatalism,  411. 

Father,  85,  108,  111,  207,  228,  393, 
511,  586,  839,  868.  877 ;  in  heaven, 
695  ;  of  lights,  904. 

Fatherhood,  865. 

of  God,  see  God,  Fatherhood  of  ; 

in  Judaism.  618f ;  in  teaching  of 
Jesus,  see  Jesus,  teaching  of. 

Father-in-law,  100. 

Fath<rs  and  children,  91,  108,  393, 
650,  870,  899. 

Fathom,  115. 

Failing,  440. 

Fault  (geological),  26. 

Faust,  459. 

Fear,  83,  110.  150,  157,  159,  161,  178, 
186,  225,  204,  285,  354f,  441f.  441, 
450,  458,  484, 487,  635, 664,  t)87, 7 10, 
726, 729, 733, 826, 898, 9 10, 9 1 9, 925  ; 
of  God  (Yahweh),  93,  234,  262,  344, 
346f,  349-352,  360f,  373f,  393f,  397, 
399,407,412,415,417,445,471,481, 
570,  587,  710,  741,  938 ;  of  Isaac, 
the,  159. 

Feast,  day,  647  ;  of  Acra,  104 ;  of 
Booths,  see  Feast  of  Tabernacles ; 
of  Dedication,  104f,  607,  652,  754f ; 
of  Harvest,  see  Feast  of  Weeks ;  of 
Ingathering,  see  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles ;  of  Nicanor,  104f  ;  of  Pente- 
cost, 317,  750  ;  of  Purim.  104f,  3:-!f), 
339f,  418,  750  :  of  Tal)ernacles,  77f, 
102-105,118,127,129,188,205,210, 
238, 2  12, 274,. 300, 303, 312, 31 7,  320, 
333,387.411,418,457,471,520,537, 
542,  581,  008,  7-50,  752-755;  of 
Trumpets,  lOJf,  127,  210,  320,  380, 
387,389,  750;  of  Unleavened  Bread, 
83,102,  118,  127,210,238,317,697, 
see  Mazzoth;  of  Weeks,  l()2f,  105, 
127,  210,  238,  326;  of  Wood-carry- 
ing, 104. 


INDEX 

Feasting,  festivity,  104,  416,  451,  660, 
841. 

Feasts,  82,  101,  104,  111,  127,  130f, 
154,  150,  177,  179,  182f,  188,  193f, 
190,  210,  225,  238,  205,  274f,  277f. 
280,  282,  284,  289,  291f,  300f,  326, 
330,  336-338,  348f,  367,  380,  393, 
402,  453,  456,  468,  518f,  527,  529, 
537,  540,  542,  564,  572f,  584,  607, 
009,684,719,729,733,735,771,828, 
sec  Festivals. 

Feather,  560. 

Felix,  610,  655-657,  772,  800f. 

Fellowship,  643,  647,  909f,  917; 
(communion)  with  God  (Christ),  40, 
46.  93,  95f,  98,  124,  171,  184f,  187, 
192,  352.  350f,  370-372,  374-377, 
385f,  399,  411,  417,  459,  475,  487f, 
585,  610-042,  665,  703,  746f,  807f, 
811,844,879,890,892-897,899:911, 
917f. 

Fence,  384,  416. 

Ftriae  Latinae,  220. 

Fermentation,  1 1 1, 177,  198,  267, 554. 

Ferrar  group,  GOl. 

Fertility,  24,  27-33,  52f,  87,  100,  139, 
147, 157, 160, 188, 212, 2 16, 226, 384, 
436,  439,  452,  456,  458f,  466,  468, 
477,  479,  502,  516,  530f,  545f,  564, 
574,  580,  587,  622,  627f,  629f,  795f, 
893  ;  rites  of,  627. 

Festivals,  87, 89, 92f,  95, 101-103, 108f, 
112,  118, 137, 188,200,205,210,228, 
231,243,265,314,433,439,448,480, 
516,520,537,539f,551, 571, 621,706, 
712,  790,  798,  869,  see  Feasts. 

Festus,  610,  655-657,  772,  801f. 

Fever,  242,  567,  683,  728. 

Field,  111,  130,  141, 157, 187,458,471, 
517,  545,  550f,  567,  627,  629f,  720, 
734,  778,  906  ;  of  blood,  722  ;  of  the 
wood,  394;  sacrifice,  206;  spirits, 
208. 

Fiery  furnace,  94,  526;  stones,  514; 
serpent,  213, 223.  235.  310, 441, 447. 

Fifius  Geminus,  653f. 

Fig,  72,  123,  335,  420,  455,  485,  694  ; 
the  first  ripe,  485,  563,  565  ;  cakes, 
530  ;  leaves,  140  ;  mulberry,  553, 
738  ;  tree,  139,  205,  458,  537,  544, 
550f,  686,  694,  718,  736. 

Fightim^'  with  wild  beasts,  847. 

Fill  the  hand,  191f,  201,215,269,301, 
318. 

Finance,  612. 

Fines,  H2f.  212,  400,  405f,  549. 

Finger  of  God,  193,  369,  712,  732. 

Finger-breadths,  115. 

Fingers,  115,  432,  527,  689. 

Fir,  288,  468,  543. 

Fire,  6.  72f,  99,  103,  123,  127,  152, 
176,  178,  180,  191,  197,  201f,  221, 
228,  263,  205,  269,  287,  303f,  317, 
319,300,377,389,391,409,432,444, 
403f,  460,  471,  473,  477,  479,  490, 
493,502,501,506-509,511-513,517, 
520,  52!t,  545,  5  I8f,  553,  564f,  567, 
582, 587, 693,  702, 717, 721, 733, 710, 
835,  879,  897,  899,  905,  915,  925,  934, 
938,  940f ;  from  heaven,  303£,  319, 
93  I ;  of  God,  348. 

Firebrand,  436,  441. 

Fireplace,  477,  480. 

Fire-stick,  251. 

I'ire-walk,  514. 

Firewood,  454,  517. 

Firkin,  116. 


Firmament,  135,  137f,  359,  363,  401, 
501. 

First  day  of  the  week,  647,  798,  929  ; 
man,  the,  356,  847;  ripe  truitt<,  222; 
Kheaf,  105. 

Firstborn,  98f,  102,  109,  141,  157,  165, 
170, 173, 179, 187,209,215,222,238- 
240,  251,  .300,  302,  305,  488,  511, 
727,  868,  899  ;  of  creation,  813,  868, 
931;  of  death,  357;  of  the  dead, 
670,  868,  929. 

First-fruits,  79,  96,  98f,  101-103,  111, 
187f,  198,  208,  210,  238,  241,  306, 
334, 399, 477, 505, 520, 653, 626, 848, 
852,  860,  877,  904. 

Firstlings,  79,  99,  178f,  187,  208,  212, 
215,  222,  237. 

Fish,  32,  137,  144,  175,  180,  185,203, 
2 1 8, 335, 343;  466, 520, 556f ,  566,707, 
715,  732,  742,  764,  847;  the  (in  the 
Book  of  Jonah),  556f. 

Fishermen,  450,  483,  520,  709. 

Fish -gate,  331,  570. 

Fish-hook,  550. 

Fi.shiug,  32,  112. 

Fishing-god,  629. 

Fist,  689. 

Fitches,  456. 

Flag,  420. 

i.e.  Nile  grass,  352. 

Flag-staff,  456. 

Flail,  111. 

Flame,  180,  390,  439f,  507,  890,  905. 

Flamen  Dialis,  202,  217. 

Flamens,  209. 

Flask,  484. 

Flattery,  408,  695. 

Flavian  dynasty,  612,  774,  863. 

Flavius  Clemens,  775. 

Flax,  176,  536. 

Flea,  285. 

Fleece,  203. 

Fleet,  458. 

Flesh,  140,  356,  390,  508,  512,  517, 
570,  835,  838,  847,  853,  864,  867f ; 
(nature  of  man),  142,  457,  806  ;  and 
blood,  622,  811,  847,  858,  891;  as 
food,  144,  186,  192,  218f,  386,  464, 
480,  517,  525,  650,  828,  840f  ;  doc- 
trine of,  in  Old  Testament,  457.  800  ; 
of  sacrifice,  105,  192,  198,  200,  202, 
222.  238,  480,  540,  584,  580,  900 ; 
the,  457,  622,  639f,  649,  738,  745, 
747,  806,  811f,  823f,  835,  855,  801, 
809,  879,  911,  915;  torn  of  beasts, 
130,  187,  206. 

Fleshix)ts,  784,  841. 

Flies,  416,  442, 449 ;  plague  of,  13,  123, 
174f. 

Flint,  26f,  440,  466 ;  knives,  100,  173. 
251. 

Flock,  24.  30,  32,  98f,  102,  111,  113, 
128,  147,  156,  158f,  161,  170f.  179, 
188,  214,  218,  228,  202,  284,  361, 
420,  448,  459,  468,  470f.  479,  485, 
487,  494,  502,  516,  536,  538,  560- 
563,  570,  581,  G88,  709,  726,  755. 

Flood,  the,  see  Deluge. 

Floods.  13,  23,  28,  50,  52,  139,  379, 
389,  45  )f,  457,  464,  492,  527,  564, 
507,  570,  629. 

Florentine  i^apyri,  762. 

Florus,  703. 

Flour,  152,  220. 

Flowers,  139,  422f,  434,448,631,  689, 
707. 

Flute  players,  709. 


Flying  roll,  408,  577. 

Fodder,  358,  369. 

Fold,  111,  493,  5G0,  570. 

Folklore,  127,  134,  140,  233,  2G8,  337, 

685,  690,  867. 
Folk-songs,  18. 
Folk-story,  260,  397. 
Folly,  23,  93,  161,  270,  344,  349,  401- 
404, 407f,  4 13. 415, 487, 834, 866,906. 
Food,  69,  99f,  137-140,  144,  157,  175, 
181,   190,  202f,  206,  208.  236f,  263, 
332, 403, 45 1,457, 463, 505, 520, 545f, 
553,  650,  659,  G6I,  682,  687, 703,  707, 
714,  720, 733, 750,  788,  803,  836,  838, 
84 If,  869, 895,  900, 932  ;  of  God,  99, 
197f,  519,  885  ;  regulations,  83,  138, 
144,  237,  621,  629,  fi28. 
Fools,  23, 93, 270, 350, 398f,  401f,  40  If, 
407f,413-416, 457,459, 484, 551,  705, 
847. 
Foot,  76,  115,  422,  526,  899,  936. 
Foot-gear,  868. 

Footstool,  318,  389,  705  ;  of  God,  705. 
Foot-washing,  the,  758. 
Forbearance,  623,  866f,  870,  888. 
Forbidden  degrees,206-208;  fruit,  138- 

140,  142. 
Forced  labour,  67,  86,  113,  169,  178, 

277,  281,  296-300. 
Ford,  32,  160,  493. 
Forehead,  179,  719,  735,  937. 
Foreigners,  1 10, 237, 240, 280, 320, 62 1. 
Foreknowledge,  721,  824. 
Foreordi  nation,  395,  824,  834,  863,  see 

Predestination. 
Forerunner,  587. 

Forest,  27f,  65,  291, 420,  444, 456,  461, 
463, 470, 485, 492,  542, 567, 580, 587, 
702  ;  of  Ephraim,  290. 
Forgiveness,  163,  369,  409,  497,  499, 
537, 649,  661,  665,  669,  686,  695,  700, 
716,  730,  732,  736,  827,  850,  866,  870; 
of  sins,  8,  11,  96,  199,  352,  355, 369f, 
378, 388, 390f ,  394, 454, 463, 488, 5 10, 
516,  537f,  542,  548,  558.  620,  642f, 
662f,  666, 668f, 682-686, 697.706, 709, 
716,  727, 730. 732, 735,  742,  779f,  782, 
786,  789,  792,  808,  811,  820,  822,  803, 
866, 868-870, 882, 893, 895-897, 906f, 
917. 
Fork,  483. 
Form  of  Grod,  873. 

Formalism,  89,  92,  427,  456,  498,  622. 
Formality,  12,  550f. 
Former  measure,  the,  115. 
Fornication,  619,  651,  705,  716,  770, 
793,  838,  860,   870,  see  Adultery; 
(figurative),  938f. 
Fort,  fortress,  31,  65-67,  76,  110,  169, 
192, 257, 259,  287. 42 1 ,  438,  448f ,  453, 
455,  458,  497f,  505,  514,  532f,  541, 
548,  506. 
Fortification,  51, 67, 75f,  287, 491, 573, 

575f. 
Fortunatus,  848. 
Fortune  (god),  472. 
Fortune-teller,  509,  582  ;  telling,  795. 
Forty  and  two  months,  433.  935,  937. 
Forty  days,  142-144, 189,2.36, 556f, 082, 
702f,  742,  777  ;  stripe-s  save  one,  103, 
241  ;  years,  300,  505,  784,  891  ;  years 
in  the  wilderness,  220,  235,  551,  703, 
781,  791,  891. 
Foundation,  455.  560,  568,  8.35,  861f, 
886,912;  sacrifice,  251f,  302;  stone, 
573. 
Foundations  of  the  earth,  562. 


INDEX 

Fountain,  28,  82,  150f,  337,  477,  553, 

5^2,  872,  933  ;  gate,  330  ;  of  life,  405. 

F<mntain3  of  the  great  deep,  137,  142, 

303. 
Four  beasts,  vision  of,  iu  Daniel,  432, 

523,  528f,  935. 
Four  hundred  and  ninety  years,  530. 
Four  living  creatures,  504,  931-933, 

935f,  938. 
Fom-  winds,  578,  933. 
Fourth  Book  of  Ezra,  37f,  433f,  657, 

752,  800f,  920,  941. 
Fourth  Gospel,  see  John,  Gospel  of. 
Fowls,  915. 

Fox,  268,  500,  509,  734. 
Fox,  George,  478,  638. 
Francis  of  Assisi,  693,  709,  725. 
Frankincense,  190,  199,  216,  479,  484, 

698,  702. 
Fratricide,  157. 
Fraud,  110,  541,  569,  717. 
Fravashis,  701,  716,  929. 
Free  cities,  614,  795. 
Free  will,  406,  623,  633,  635. 
Freedman,  613,  632,  724f,  875. 
Freedom,  19,  94,  150,  164,  186,  256, 
354, 470, 503, 566, 607f,  649, 695,  704. 
753f,810f,825,838-840,860f,891,909, 
Freeman,  867. 
Freer  MS.,  598. 
Freethinker,  440. 
Free-will  offering,  102,  200,  209,  320, 

325f,  520. 
Friars,  709. 
Friend,  friendship,  222,  405,  414, 417; 

{i.e.  lover),  420. 
Fringes,  208. 
Frithstool,  239. 

Frogs,  939  ;  plague  of,  13,  174f. 
Frontier,  163,  165. 
Frost,  159,  363,  583. 
Fruit,  29,  111,  137-140,  210, 372,  420f, 
423,  439,  454,  45 7f,  509,  525f,  543f, 
546,  562,  508,  631,  730,  733,  750,  727, 
759,  905,  942 ;  of  the  lips,  542 ;  of  the 
Spirit,  640.  861  ;  trees,  28,  741. 
Fruitfulness,  see  Fertility. 
Fuel,  517,  707. 
Fugitive,  110,  149,  240,  493,  513,  555, 

560. 
Full  moon,  101, 177,387, 401, 653f,  698. 
Fuller,  294,  773. 

Fulness,  747,  865f,  868 ;  of  the  God- 
head, 868f  ;  of  the  time,  12, 591,  863. 
Functions  (in  the  Church),  643,  645f. 
Funeral,  208,  413,  481,  493,  659,  711, 
see  Burial ;    ceremonies,   110,    157  ; 
feast,  241. 
Furlong,  1 15,  942. 
Furlough,  415. 
Furnace,  183,  23^1,  375,  377,  438,  481, 

512. 
Future,  the,  835,  897. 

7  text,  600. 

Gaal,  205. 

Gaash,  259. 

GablKitha,  763. 

(labinius.  608. 

Gabriel.  529,  652,  725f,  750. 

Gad  (deity),  229,  472  ;  (pmiihct),  283, 
315,318;  son  of  .lacob,  106;  tribe  of, 
64,  114,  214.  218,224,22S-230,  234, 
245,  249,  255.  315,  493,  521. 

Gadara,  32f.  087. 

Gadfly,  417.  492. 

Gaiufl  of  Corinth,  830,  833,  922 ;   of 


967 

Derbe,  798.  922  ;  of  Macedonia,  922 ; 
recipient  of  III.  .John,  92 If. 
Galatia,  002,  055,  770f,  794,  859,  872, 
874,  887,  908  ;  conilict  in,  770,  777  ; 
kingdom  of,  770  ;  Roman  province 
of,  013,  770,  792f,  857. 
Galatians,  782. 

Epistle  to  the,  247,  640,  769-771, 

81 1,  857-861,  877,  901;  and  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  654.  769f,  780f,858f; 
authenticity  of,  815,  857;  date  of, 
654,  G')7,  770f,  817,  857;  occasion, 
817,  857;  readers,  709f,  857;  rela- 
tion to  Romans,  817f,  857. 
Galba,  612,  656,  936. 
Galen,  725. 

Galilean  Aramaic,  36,  592.  600,  722. 
Galileans,  009,618, 660 f.  668,  694,  US, 

722,  734,  757,  768,  778. 
Galilee,  27-31,  33,  257,  259,  298,  302, 
384, 608-610, 637,  656, 659f ,  002, 665, 
667,  68 If,  688,  690,  700,  703f,  709, 
711,  719,  728f,  737,  741,  713f,  748- 
750,  752f,  756f,  763f,  792,  810  ;  of  the 
Gentiles,  592  ;  Sea  (Lake)  of,  29,  32, 
232f,  261,  301,  520,  687f,  704,  707, 
729,  731,  751,  764. 
Gall,  480,  722  ;  of  bitterness,  786. 
Gallia  Comata,  613. 

Xartonensis,  613. 

CJallim,  284. 

Gallio,  612,  614,  655,  771,  796f. 

Gallows,  22,  see  Stake. 

Gamala,  32. 

(^xamaliel,  707f,  782f,  800. 

Games,  the,  523,  610,  870,  874,  884; 

children's,  659. 
Gammadim,  513. 
Ganges,  the,  140. 
Gaoler,  795. 

Garden,  23,  125,  138f,  353,  42 If,  438, 

450,  469.  478, 481, 498. 543,  550, 553, 

502f,  565,  583,  741,  761,  763  :  beds. 

089 ;  of  God,  82,  133,  139,  147,  514. 

Gardener,  764. 

Gareb,  488. 

(iarland,  455,  792,  874,  885-887. 
Garments,  23,  157,  161,  178,  200,  203, 
220, 307. 361, 377, 443, 466f,470f,491. 
500, 549,  570,  587,  706,  717,  729,  788, 
797,   860,    895,   898,   940,   942,  see 
Clothes. 
Garrison,  76,  279,  580,  613,  800. 
Gashmu,  see  Geshem. 
Gate,  the,  155.  272,  300,  393,  455,  486, 
560 ;  the  middle,  49 1 ;  the  new,  486 ; 
of  Ephraim,  104;  of  potsherds,  484. 
Gatekeepers,  317,  332,  334. 
Gateywsts,  208. 

Gates,  30, 1 12,  131,  153,243,251.258, 

268. 29 1 ,  330-333, 335, 464, 483f,  495, 

508. 5 17f.  548, 5(>5, 693, 707, 788, 790; 

of  Benjamin,  581 ;  of  death,  715. 

Gateway.  518.  565,  788,  790. 

(Jath,  28.  66,  69.  276f.  281-283,  285, 

288.  290,  295,  316,  373,  552,  560. 
Gath-hepher,  309. 
Gaul,  595,  009,  614,  744,  887. 
Gaulanitis,  33. 
GaCimata,  77. 
Ga7m,  28.  57,  70f,  79,  2C7f,  277,  4-17, 

492,  532,  548,  579f,  786. 
Gelia,  31.  30,  75.  270.  279.  1  H.  584. 
Gelial,  207.  387.  392.  513,  579. 
Gedaliah.  son  of  Ahikam.  73,  3I3,474f, 
486, 49 1 .  572f,  578  ;  son  of  Shaphan, 
513,  515. 


968 

Gederah,  111. 

Gediir,  31. 

Geha/.i,  21,  30G. 

Gehenna,  312,  IGG,  473,  480,  661,  693, 
7U5,  736,  905,010,  .src  Hell. 

Gemariah,  son  of  llilkiah,  187;  son  of 
Sliaphan,  487,  490. 

GeniH,  189,  191,  sa  Jewels. 

Genealoffical  evidence,  599. 

Genealogies,  20.  48,  75,  108,  125,  142f, 
145f,  148,  162,  207,  244,  272,  314f, 
573,  701,  728. 

Generations,  124,  136,  150,  869. 

Genesis,  Book  of,  10,  121,  125f,  133- 
167,  693,  796  ;  etiological  stories  in, 
134,  139,  145,  165;  and  Babylonian 
myths,51, 133-135, 137, 139- 146;  and 
science,  12,  136  ;  clironolog>'  of,  133, 
14 If,  144,  146,  I57f,  162,  164;  com- 
position of,  133 ;  discrepancies  in, 
133f;  documentary  analysis,  133; 
historical  value  of,  133f;  incredi- 
bilities in,  133  ;  literary  quality  of, 
134,  139  ;  myth  and  legend  in,  133  ; 
reli;,'ious  and  moral  value  of,  134- 
136 ;  title,  133. 

Genius,  430,  631. 

Gennesaret,  29, 32,229,662,689f,  713f, 
729  ;  Lake  of,  see  ( Jalilee,  Sea  of. 

Gentile  Christians,  247,  645,  681,  789, 
794,799,817,859-861,803.877,889, 
933 ;  mission,  605,  645, 766-770, 772, 
780,  789,  79 If,  800,  817. 

Gentiles,  48f,  371,  376,  432,  556,  558, 
573,580,585f,609f,623-625,638-641, 
649,  651,  659f,  689f,  695,  701,  707. 
712,  714f,  718,  725,  728,  734f,  738, 
757,759,767-770,781, 787-789,  791f, 
800,  806f,  815,  817-821,  825-827, 
829,  831,  841,  858,  862,  864-866, 
869, 874, 909, 913f,  923,  see  Heathen, 
the;  Nations,  the. 

Gentleness,  866, 670, 877,904f,910,932. 

Genus  and  species,  137. 

Genuzim,  39. 

Geography,  139. 

Geology,  5. 

George  Eliot,  435,  857. 

Ger.  1 10,  179,  287f,  376,  see  Stranger. 

(iera,  260. 

Gerah,  116,  212. 

Gerar,  147,  153,  156. 

G.-rasa,  33,  687,  708. 

Gerastart,  376. 

Gergesa,  32,  687. 

(iergesenes,  601. 

Gerhekal,  376. 

(Jeri/.im,  30,  79,  146,  236,  252,  265, 
300,  386,  60h,  749. 

Ci'rshom  (son  of  Moses),  171. 

Gorahonites,  215,  218. 

(leruth-Chiniham,  491. 

Geshem,  78,  331. 

(lesliur,  289. 

rJessius  Flc)rus,  610,  656. 

(Jestus,  741. 

(Jethsemane,  668f,  697f,  706,  721,  740, 
76 If,  892. 

Gezer,  28,  31,  36,  57, 99,  1 10,  179, 208, 
229,  248,  251-253,  259,  288,  295, 
298f,  302. 

Ghost,  83,  96,  480. 

Giah,  287. 

(Jiants,  233,  258,  292,  359,  549,551. 

Gil.bethon,  68. 

Gibeah,  31,  270,  278f,  282-284,  444, 
540f;  outrage  of,  269f. 


INDEX 

Gibeon,  23.  31. 64,  246,  253,  286,  291f, 

295f,  31 7f,  487,  491. 
Gibeonites,  64,  67,1 10,  249,  252f,  292. 
Gideon.  20,  30,  65f.  85,  100.  113,  166, 

172,  256f.  259,  262-265,  267,  271, 

289,  300.  443f. 

Gifts,  83,  104f,  134,  147,  149,  155, 
159f.  164.  198.  258,  284,  286,  288, 

290.  306,  325f,  380,  409,  463,  540f, 
see  Spiritual  gifts. 

Gihon,  31.  140.  294.  330,  754. 

Gilboa,  29f,  66,  263f,  273,  285f,  305, 
308,  439. 

Gilchrist,  303. 

Gilead.33, 64 .66. 1 5 1 ,  159,227-229,234, 
254, 262,264,266f  ,279,296,302, 383f, 
481,  485.  538f,  542,  548f,  555. 

Gileadites,  65. 

Gilgal,  66, 236, 249,251,259-261, 277- 
280,  298,  305,  540-542,  551,  562. 

Gilgamesh,  epic  of,  99,  142,  416. 

Giloh,  290. 

Gimirrai,  59f. 

Girdle,  104,  140,  439,  445,  452,  482, 
765,  799,  867. 

Girgashites,  150. 

Girl,  420,  510;  with  spirit  of  divina- 
tion at  Philippi,  795. 

Gitta,  785. 

Gittaim.  287. 

Gittith,  373. 

Gladiatorial  show,  613. 

(iladiators,  836,  874. 

Glass,  109,  112. 

Glassy  sea,  931,  938. 

(Cleaning,  22,  207,  264,  272,  448, 555. 

(xlorification,  824. 

Glory,  195.  345.  371.  386,  388,  567, 
631,  747,  760f,  807,  811,  824,  834, 
844,  847,  851,  858,  863,  869f,  see 
God,  glory  of;  i.e.  soul,  377. 

Glosses,  48. 

Glossolalia,  see  Tongues,  speaking 
with. 

Glutton,  gluttony,  407,  468,  622,  838. 

Gnat,  174f,  466. 

Gnosis,  916. 

Gnosticism,  1 1 .  595,  650, 658, 786, 815, 
862,  866,  869,881-883,888,902,913, 
016,  923. 

Gnostics.  746,  763,  860. 

(ioah,  488. 

Goat,  30f,  33.  98.  104,  159,  162,  188, 
197-199,  205f,  210,  212,  238,  243, 
266,  303,  364.  421.  446,  529;  for 
Azazel.  104.  204-206. 

Goat's  hair,  189f,  215. 

Gob,  292. 

Gobryas,  528. 

Gocihar.  i)34. 

God,  8,  107,  585;  all  in  all,  8)3,  846; 
and  history,  2,  21,  90f,  93-95,  121, 
43 If.  4.^5,  160-464,  485,  487.  525. 
535,  558;  anrl  Israel,  see  Yahweh 
and  Israel ;  and  man,  see  Man  ;  and 
Nature.  2,  12f,  24.  85,  87,  91,  93. 
95, 346. 350. 363f,  369,  375,  384. 387, 
391,411.460,470,488.664,793,819, 
824  ;  .and  the  (ientiles  (the  heathen, 
the  nations),  48.  02f,  96,  371,  374, 
3!>2f,  396,  432,  438.  458,  460-468, 
470f,  473,  475f,  481,  483,  486-488, 
502,  513,  516f,  546,  556-558.  561- 
563,  565,  5(i!»,  576,  579,  586.  6I9f, 
621f,  639,  7i»7,  7S8f,  806,  819-821, 
825-827,  831,  80 If,  809;  and  the 
Logos,  745-747 ;  anger  of,  67,  130, 


171.  173.  202,  212,  259f,  279,  293, 
309. 3.53-356. 358, 363, 374,388, 432, 
440f,  443-445,  451,  467f,  170f,  473, 
479,  481,  494,  497f,  506,  512,  530, 
532,  538,  542,  552f,  556f,  563-565, 
569,  576,  668,  819-822,  825,  827f, 
841,  866,  870,  897.  926,  938f ;  arm 
of,  461,  466f;  as  arbitrator,  354, 
438,  561;  as  shepherd,  460,  467, 
516,  561;  attributes  of,  34a,  369, 
382,396.398,460,618;  call  of,  719. 
806,  858,  866,  898;  care  for  His 
creatures,  340,  372,  390,  395,  498, 
558,  577;  compassion  of,  48,  259, 
390,  446,  460,  408,  471,  544,  558, 
618.  623,  825,  827;  concern  for  His 
honour,  502,  506,511.516,564,618; 
council  of,  137,  146,  304,  347,  356, 
370,  441,  485;  Creator  of  the  uni- 
verse. 12f,  125,  149,  334,  377f,  386, 
390, 394, 396, 456.460-462, 464, 466, 
479,  481,  486,  551,  554,  556.  558, 
618f,  796,  865,  870,  891,  897i  904, 
911,  93 If;  cruelty  of,  360f;  dis- 
tinctions within,  344,  745f ;  dwell- 
ing-place of,  64.  75,  86,  122,  131, 
262,  298,  303,  368-370,  375.  377f, 
390,  394,  470,  472,  504,  518,  538, 
546,  548,  577,  618,  620.  705,  835, 
864f,  892,  895,  899,  9 12 ;  enemies 
of,  93,  105,  473,  564.  618,  623f ; 
eternity  of,  354f,  389f,  461,  529, 
566,  806,  928 ;  evolutionary  idea  of, 
19;  exaltation  of,  358,  369,  380, 
389,  394,  429f,  438,  458,  461,  469, 
472;  existence  of.  397,  897,  919; 
eyes  of,  352,  362,  369.  395,  406. 554, 
566,  577  ;  faithfulness  of.  296,  242, 
372,  377,  388,  396,  459f,  472,  806, 
832,  935;  Father  of  Christ,  711, 
745,  808,  863;  Father  of  Israel, 
471,  478,  541,  618;  fatherhood  of, 
8,  12,  265,  390,  618f,  637,  64 If,  649, 
664  f,  700f,  745,  747,  806,  808,  810, 
821,  865f,  899,  904,  909,  918,  921 ; 
fear  of,  sec  Fear  of  God ;  fellow- 
ship with  man,  s«e  Fellowship  with 
God;  forbearance  of,  144,  819f, 
841 ;  foreknowledge  of,  460,  462- 
464,  779,  824,  826f ;  forgiveness  of, 
199,  .''Oe,  352,  378,  388,  394,  458, 
488,  494,  499,  545,  618,  623,  640, 
732,  808,  821,  866,  869.  892f,  917; 
fulness  of,  865  ;  gentleness  of,  377, 
460f;  glory  of,  89,  129,  195.  201, 
220,  371,  376f,  384,  388.  396,  414, 
440,  465,  504f,  507f,  514,  567.  618f, 
622,  625,  638,  643,  706,  743,  7.55, 
784f,  811.  820f,  829.  841,  851,  863, 
805,  868,  882,  931,  935  ;  goal  of  all 
things.  813,  827.  840;  goodness  of, 
21,  24,  369.  39 If.  396.  471,  499,  564, 
570.  623,  717,  735.  864,  891  ;  gov- 
ernment of  the  world  by,  1 9,  2 1 ,  9 1- 
95.  315f.  353,  358-3f)6,  364,  309f, 
372,  378,  397,  400,  404,  409,  460, 
558,  597,  618.  890  ;  grace  of,  2,  8, 
10.91.403f,  471.510f.516,535,545, 
558,  639f,  727,  736,  752,  806,  808, 
811.  821-823.  825f,  831.  833,  846, 
850, 853, 856, 863-865,  868, 875, 888, 
891-893,  900,  919  ;  head  of  Christ, 
81 1  ;  Hebrew  conception  of,  84, 
429f ;  holiness  of,  10,  12,  96,  130f. 
171,  181.  196f,  202,  214,  277.  389, 
427,  429,  436,  440,  501,  514,  516- 
518.  541,  566,  586,  618,   664,  706, 


761,  811,  835,  899,  909,  917;  im- 
manence of,  2-1,  315,  827  ;  immuta- 
bility of,  587,  904;  incapable  of 
pain,  635 ;  incomparableness  of, 
463 ;  indiscriminate  government  of, 
353;  invisibility  of,  151,  195,  353, 
392,  717,  813,  868,  898,  919;  Jew- 
ish conception  of,  618-625,  637; 
judge  of  angels,  358,  391,  914,  924 ; 
judge  of  men,  19,  127,  130,  152, 
352f,  355,  428,  433,  482,  529,  585, 
629,  820,  825.  861,  899,  909  ;  justice 
of,  87,  93f,  242,  390;  king,  226, 
396,  480,  571,  882,  895,  910 ;  king- 
dom of,  sec  Kingdom  of  God; 
knowledge  of,  see  Knowledge  of 
God  ;  light,  470,  904,  917  ;  localisa- 
tion of,  141,  171,  556 ;  long-sufifer- 
ing  of,  93,  387,  460,  483,  560,  737, 
792,  882,  915;  love,  loving-kind- 
ness of,  1,  23,  48,  95,  108,  129,  131, 
234,  242,  340,  352,  356f,  369f,  374, 
378,  384,  399,  425,  427,  433,  470, 
475,  477,  488,  498f,  502f,  510,  535, 
537,  541,  558,  563,  570,  585f,  618, 
623,  634,  641f,  664,  670,  735,  745, 
761,  806-812,  821f,  824,  864,  870,  915, 
919 ;  majesty  of,  94,  195,  277,  354, 
371,  375,  427,  436,  440,  460f,  473, 
504,  567,  931 :  material  representa- 
tion of,  sinful,  185,  193,  300f,  391, 
539,  618 ;  mercy  of,  23,  85,  93,  361, 
388,  390f,  394,  429,  456f,  470,  557f. 
618,  6-40,  664,  780,  812,  825,  827, 
833,  849,  853,  864,  882,  885,  899, 
911,  935 ;  name  of,  see  Name  of 
God;  oath  of,  234,  243,  394,  485, 
506,  893f;  omnipotence  of,  281, 
338,  350,  352f,  355,  359,  361,  363, 
365,  386,  390,  394,  396,  404,  460f, 
466,  471,  504,  553,  618,  897  ;  omni- 
presence of,  82,  171,  369,  394f,  485, 
504,  618,  620  ;  omniscience  of,  350, 
353f,  361,  369,  394f,  404,  485,  504 ; 
perfection  of,  2,  132,  281,  429,  665, 
707,  819,  917  ;  personality  of,  344, 
395,  429,  618  ;  power  of,  85,  91,  100, 
362f,  382,  384,  390-392,  396,  428f, 
460f,  479,  481,  502,  511,  516f,  525, 
535,  557,  638,  695,  80(5,  819,  825, 
833f,  849,  851,  856,  863,  865,  885, 
920 ;  praise  of,  see  Praise  of  God  ; 
presence  of,  104-106,  125,  131,  189, 
518f,  521,  556,  865,  938  ;  present  in 
Sheol,  369,  395 ;  promises  of,  see 
Promises  of  God ;  Providence  of,  2, 
10,  84,  219,  224,  346,  389,  395,  411, 
413,  633f,  664 ;  purity  of,  214,  529, 
917  ;  purpose  (plan)  of,  2,  26,  81,  68, 
96,  127,  131,  136,  155,  247,  430,  435, 
447,  461,  483,  511f,  514,  558,  567, 

636,  686,  702,  705,  749,  761,  779, 
781,  806,  863-866,  869,  871,  885, 
890-a92,  897,  915,  939  ;  remoteness 
of,  414;  repentance  of,  113,  28(), 
545;  rest  of,  135,  138,  384,  394. 
891f;  righteousness  of,  11,  45,  47, 
94f,  344,  352,  a>4f,  358,  362,  36^1, 
3G9f,  372,  3m,  395f,  403,  429,  437, 
468,  50(5,  558,  566,  570,  587,  618, 
643,  811,  81!>-821,  825,  a53,  897,  918, 
938;  right  liand  of,  180,  376,  462, 
740,  779,  782,  824,  870,  890,  894, 
896,  898 ;  silence  of,  56«) ;  source  of 
all  things,  827,  MO ;  sovereignty  of, 
2,  174,  353f,  3(52,  38-t,  571,  618,  625, 

637,  703,  718,  825 ;  spirituality  of. 


INDEX 

89,  95,  372,  618,  745,  750,  806 ;  the 
refuge  of  His  people,  375,  380,  389, 
564;  the  Saviour,  882,  884,  887, 
897  ;  the  supreme  good,  376  ;  throne 
of,  189,  276,  345,  359,  376,  380,  389, 

433,  440,  469,  483,  494,  50ii,  529, 
705,  863,  904,  931,  933,  942 ;  tran- 
scendence of,  46,  95,  345,  398,  429, 

434,  475,  503,  525,  746  ;  union  with, 
761,  863;  unity  of ,  82,  87-90,  128, 
334,  344,  368,  583,  618,  (525,  821, 
831,  840,  866,  882f ;  unrighteous- 
ness of,  355,  362,  501 ;  unsearch- 
able, 363,  395,  416,  433  ;  vengeance 
of,  30,  208,  394,  438,  458f ,  470f,  492, 
494f,  498,  506,  513,  546,  553,  5(>4, 
618,  737 ;  vision  of  (seeing),  4,  7, 
150f,  157,  16-4,  171,  188,  193,  267, 
355,  365,  371,  376,  379,  388,  436, 
440,  503-505,  508,  529,  553,  567,  704, 
931  ;  warrior,  84,  99,  105,  114,  180, 
256, 44o,  457, 462, 470f ,  867 ;  watcher 
of  men,  352,  354,  356;  will  of,  7, 
llf,  99,  106-108,  136,  211,  247,  261, 
267,  370,  378f,  428,  431f,  435,  505, 
557,  562,  585,  623f,  634,  636-638, 
640,  643,  664,  666-668,  702,  706f, 
727,  745,  752,  756,  783.  788,  792, 
805-810,  827,  853,  863,  866-868, 
873,  883,  886,  890,  892f,  896f,  899, 
903f,  907,  909,  911,  917f,  920,  937  ; 
wisdom  of,  91,  111,  345,  354f,  414, 
464,  525,  812,  827,  831,  833f,  865, 
891,  904;  word  of,  see  Word  of 
God  ;  zeal  of,  443,  506. 

God  of  heaven,  78,  325,  525,  556 ;  of 
Hosts,  554  ;  of  Light,  375,  936  ;  of 
this  world,  649,  851 ;  only  begotten, 
747. 

Goddess,  6,  392,  446,  867. 

God-fearers,  625,  767,  769f,  788,  791, 
795f. 

Godliness,  885,  887,  914. 

Godly,  the,  395,  432. 

Gods,  6,  11,  65,  82f,  85,  88,  93-95  133, 
135,  142f,  1.52,  160,  184,  190,  196, 
210,  224,  234,  265,  287,  328,  428, 
472,  483,  527,  539,  627,  630,  633-635, 
755,  775,  838,  867,  876;  ancient 
ideas  of,  82f ;  and  kings,  628;  of 
border,  160 ;  of  rivers,  160. 

Goel,  271f,  365,  462. 

Goethe,  271,  361,  418. 

Gog,  337,  517f,  939,  941. 

Goiim,  148. 

Golan,  ?)?,. 

Gold,  101,  111,  116,  123,  130,  155,  178, 
189-194,  238,  293,  299,  317,  360,  393, 
407,  420,  422,  432.  458,  461,  470, 
499,  504,  506,  525-528,  531,  567, 
570,  577-579,  702,  709,  795,  906; 
mme,  318, 872  ;  jilate  (high-priestly), 
191 ;  ring,  365,  904. 

Golden  age,  1,38,  411,  .5a5  ;  bells,  191 ; 
calf,  18.3,  193,  301,  784f ;  calves 
(bulls)  (of  Jeroboam),  67,  73,  128, 
193,  300f ;  candlestick.-,  .ire  Candle- 
stick, the  golden;  hook.s,  191;  image 
(Nebuch.'vdnezz.ar's),52(i;  nieati,  the, 
411,  414f ;  rule,  707,  729,  793f,  910  ; 
tiara,  191. 

Gold.'^miths,  111,-161. 

(Golgotha,  298,  6(59. 

Goliath,  20,  31,  66,  281,  292.  366, 
396  ;  sword  of,  100,  282f. 

Gomer  (Ezek.  xxxviii.  6),  517. 

wife  of  Hosea,  534,  536f. 


969 

I  Gomorrah,  13,  130, 147,  152f,  243,  357, 

437,  'U6,  48-4,  5-41,  550f,  570,  914. 
I  Gong,  844. 

Good,  the,  822;  and  evil,  139,  632- 
635  ;  knowledge  of,  139. 

Good  Shepherd,  754,  759,  765,  910; 
works,  527,  819,  864,  884f,  888. 

Goodness,  622f,  633f,  665,  704,  812, 
866  ;  Stoic  conception  of,  633f . 

Gopher,  143. 

Gorge,  28,  470. 

(iorgias,  387. 

Goshen,  63f,  123,  164f,  169,  171,  175f, 
178. 

Gospel,  the,  2,  14,  132,  637f,  682,  691, 
713,  728,  736f,  742,  767,  779,  786, 
792,  828,  833,  846,  848,  850f,  854f, 
858,  861f,  865,  867f,  870,  872f,  882, 
885,  887,  908,  914f,  917,  922. 

Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  595, 
657,  661,  685,  693,  765,  846. 

Gospel  Canon,  595  ;  harmony,  595. 

Gospel  of  the  Egyptians,  (358. 

Gospel  of  Peter,  741,  763f,  790. 

Gospels,  the,  7,  122, 587, 594f,  598, 602, 
604f,  681f  ;  and  oral  tradition,  15, 
604 ;  as  sources  of  information 
about  Jesus,  1-4-16,  659,  914  ;  criti- 
cism of,  14-16 ;  fragmentary  char- 
acter of,  659 ;  influence  of  Old 
Testament  prophecy  on,  372,  698, 
702,  717,  721f ,  741,  763  ;  origin  of,  14, 
604  ;  trustworthiness  of,  14-16  ;  un- 
iqueness of,  as  literary  compositions, 
604 ;  written  ,-iources  of,  14,  604. 

Gospels,  heretical,  596. 

Gotama,  122. 

Gourd,  558. 

Government,  112,  416,  516. 

Governments,  643,  6-16. 

(Governor,  78f,  124,  328-330,  332,  444, 
491,  502,  513,  516,  526,  528,  572, 
578f,  585f ,  609f,  634,  698,  936. 

Grace,  389,  535,  639-642,  717,  727, 
736,  752,  808,  818f,  821-823,  826, 
829,  850,  859,  861,  864,  867f,  875, 
884,  888,  900,  915. 

Grace  before  meat,  883. 

Graeco-Roman  culture,  644,  916;  re- 
ligion, 627-(>35  ;  world,  435,  768, 819. 

(xrafting,  826. 

Grain,  111,  390,  454,  456,  478,  491, 
638,  641  ;  (weight),  116,  194. 

Grape  gatherer,  479 ;  juice.  111  ; 
treader,  grains  treading.  111,  471, 
562. 

(Trapes,  105,  111,  123.  188,  219,  240, 
335,  423,  439,  448,  453,  472,  540,  546. 

Grass,  31,  137,  358,  372,  393,  459,  463, 
473,  552,  561,  934. 

Grasshoppers,  417. 

Grave,  75,  110,  154f,  165,  167,  321, 
349,  356,  413,  417,  446f,  452,  467, 
486,  515f,  519,  5(55.  720,  756,  846, 
878,  see  Tomb  ;  clothes.  756,  763. 

(i  raven  image,  8-1,  185,  260,  269,  461. 

Graven  in  the  rock,  357. 

Gravitation,  635. 

Gre.at  deep,  ,5i"53 ;  king,  the,  310; 
mother,  the,  ()32f ;  sea,  528;  syna- 
gogue, the.  37. 

Greatne.x.>.-,  vm,  694,  717,  739f. 

Greece,  (llf,  79,  98,  101,  110,  186,  203, 
227,  45 1,  513, 530-5.32,  .591,  627,  (529f, 
632f,  771,  798f,  832,  854,  876,  878. 
939  ;  and  Persia,  61f,  531. 

Greed,  89,  93,  18-4,  512,  721. 


3ia 


970 

Greek  art,  796;  Church,  185,  830; 
cities,  32,  270,  607,  832;  civilisa- 
tion, doiuiimnce  of,  607 ;  culture, 
cu.stoms,  374,  385,  415,  433,  819; 
Enii)ire,  411,  526,  528f,  531,  579; 
Ezra,  see  Ezra,  the  Greek  ;  ^aiues, 
609 ;  influence  on  Christianity, 
745;  inHcrii>tiun3,  386;  latipiage, 
62,  450,  591-593,  t-Ol,  (K)7,  615,  025, 
725,  778.  783,  792,  800,  801,  830; 
law,  186,  824 ;  lectionaries,  601  ; 
literature,  6,  18,  20,  22,  24,  02,  265, 
591,  ()02f,  005,  007,  628,  796,  871, 
870  period,  41,  117f,  121,  125,  315, 
325,  3-Uf ,  40(i,  409,  524,  579 ;  phi- 
losophy, 8,  11,  20,  24,  02,  94,  342f, 
394,  397,  401,  411,  001,  625,  a33- 
6:15,  745f,  781,  789,  80:5,  812,  845, 
889f  ;  reli^ou,  11,  105,  203,  216,  299, 
428,  607,  016,  (527-030,  032,  876, 
936;  spirit,  the  10,  19;  words  in 
Daniel,  522. 

Greeks,  18-20,  24,  27,  62,  94f,  230, 
oU,  546,  565f,  579f,  752,  757,  789, 
807,  830,  832f,  870;  and  Jews,  02, 
79,  94,  98,  100,  108,  311,  371,  397, 
401,  411,  580,  (.07,  ()25,  C>30f,  740,  805. 

Green,  931;  and  the  dry,  741;  bed, 
420 ;  grass,  (553,  689  ;  jasper,  191. 

Gregory,  C.  R.,  597. 

Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  596. 

Gregory  (Pope),  601. 

Greyhound,  '409. 

Griesbach,  597. 

Griffins,  140,  441. 

Griffon-vulture,  .500. 

Grinding,  218,  210,  060. 

Grotiu.s,  877. 

Ground,  139. 

(iroves,  472f. 

Guadalquivir,  438. 

Guard,  565,  790,  804. 

(Juardian,  109,  839. 

Guard-room,  518. 

Gudea,  189. 

Gudgodah,  229. 

Guerilla  warfare,  572,  607f. 

Guest,  110,  152f,  178,  209,  278,  305. 

Guilt,  101,  139,  152f,  199,  205.  208, 
284,  374,  382,  393,  437,  405,  470, 515, 
538,  540,  550,  557,  577,  582,  750, 
754,  859 ;  offering,  11,  99,  197-201, 
204,  208-210,  217,  222,  237, 276, 520 ; 
and  sin  offering,  198-200. 

Guilty,  the,  440,  509. 

Gums,  140,  162,  479. 

Guti,  148. 

Gvges,  60. 

Gymnasium.  62,  523. 

Gymnosojihist,  844. 

H  (Pentateuchal  document),  see  Law 
of  Holiness. 

llabakkuk,  47,  72,  114,  566f. 
—  Book  of,  88,  500-51)8  ;  composite 
character  of,  47,  424.  5()0  ;  contents 
of,  51)0  ;  date  of,  47,  500 ;  eschato- 
logical  psalm  in,  47,506-508  ;  prob- 
lem of,  47,  5G0f. 

^abiri,  ure  Kliabiri. 

Hacaliah,  330. 

Had.-ul,  the  Kdoniite,  07,  299. 

Hadad-ezer,  298f. 

Hadas.sah,  337,  sec  Esther. 

Hades,  370,  712,  714f,  73G,  742,  910, 
929,  941,  see  Sheol ;  floods  of,  715  ; 
gates  of,  375,  714f . 


INDEX 

Hadrach,  579. 

Hadrian,  244,  653,  656,  658. 

Hadriau'.s  rescript,  058. 

Hteuiatite,  116. 

Hagar,  0,  03,  100,  150f,  153f,  860. 

Hagarenes,  Hagaritea,  151,  387. 

Haggadah,  784,  882. 

Haggai,  47,  77f,  90,  112,  327f,  367. 
572-575,  577  ;  and  the  rebuilding  of 
the  Temple,  572-574. 

Book  of,  77,  92,  323f,  572-574, 575, 

578 ;  contents  of.  573 ;  historical 
background  of,  572f ;  relation  to 
sermons  of  Haggai,  572;  religious 
ideas  of,  573  ;  text  of,  572. 

Haggi,  572. 

Haggith,  294,  572. 

Hagiographa,  36-38,  314,  411,  418, 
522  ;  canonisation  of,  38. 

Haifa,  28. 

Hail,  3(i3,  386,  396,  457,  934,  939; 
plague  of,  13,  123,  174,  170. 

Hailstones,  509. 

Hair,  105.  201,  208,  211,  21(;f,  237, 
207f,  274,  289,  291,  305,  409,  417, 
120f,  423,  480,  494,  500,  519,  730, 
799,  842;  offering,  99,  110,  208, 
217,  267,  797,  799. 

Hairy  garment,  305,  583. 

Hajj,  103. 

Halacha,  882. 

Halah,  555. 

Half-nomads,  see  Semi-nomads. 

Half-proselytes,  624f. 

Half -shekel,  the,  110,  192,  194,  334, 
016,  094,  715. 

Hall  of  judgment,  297. 

Hallel,  697. 

Hallelujah,  307,  392,  390,  940. 

Hallucination,  840. 

Halys,  53,  CO. 

Ham  (i.e.  Egypt),  387,  390f ;  (place), 
149  ;  son  of  Noah,  115,  387,  390. 

Haman,  22,  104,  330-339,  403. 

Hamasa,  381. 

Hamath,  35,  63,  71,  219,  229,  260, 
288  309,  313  330,  428,  444f,  491, 
53^1,  552,  554,  579;  entering  in  of, 
123,  260,  316. 

Hammeah,  tower  of,  331. 

Hammer,  261,  339,  565,  607. 

Hammurabi,  44,  51,  53,  112,  119,  148  : 
Code  of,  9,  44.  51, 112,  130,  148,  180, 
210,  234,  238,  240f ;  date  of,  119,  130. 

Hamon,  517. 

Hamor,  101,  265. 

Hananol,  488,  584  :  tower  of,  331. 

Han.ani,  76,  301,  315,  330. 

Hananiah,  opponent  of  .Teremi.ah,  72, 
475,  487  ;  son  of  Heman,  317,  sec 
Shadrach. 

Hand,  115.  149,  192,  361,  420,  463, 
cm,  705,  937  ;  of  Yahweh  (God), 
30;3,  442,  483,  .503,  518,  557. 

ILandbre.adth,  115. 

Hand-washing  at  the  Communion, 
192. 

Handwriting  on  the  wall,  527. 

H.anes,  456. 

Hannah,  00,  105,  27  if ;  song  of,  180, 
274-270,  726. 

Hannibal,  015. 

Hanukkah,  IW,  339. 

Haium,  289. 

Happiness,  139,  63^1,  885. 

Ha))py  endings,  48;  future,  prophe- 
cies" of ,  437,  439,  455f. 


Haran  (Harran),  (place),  34,  146,  158, 
513,  554,  567,  784;  son  of  Terah, 
Ik). 

HarU)ur,  28,  612,  786,  8a3,  813. 

Harlxjurs  of  Palestine,  28. 

Harden  the  heart,  174. 

Hardening,  825f ;  of  Pharaoh,  174. 

Hardness  of  heart,  475,  825. 

Haro,  788. 

Harem,  147,  153,  287,  297,  299,  415, 
418,  122,  468,  490. 

Harhares,  Mt.,  259. 

Harim,  325. 

Hariot,  the,  i.e.  Rome,  939f. 

Har-magedon,  202,  313,  939. 

Harmon,  550. 

Harmony,  827,  829. 

Harod,  30;  spring  of,  263,  see  En 
Harod. 

Harosheth  of  the  Gentiles,  29,  65, 
201. 

Harp,  44,  316f,  379,  394,  448,  520, 
551f. 

Harrowing,  541. 

"  Harrowing  of  Hell,"  911. 

Hart,  379. 

Harvest,  13,  28,  lOlf,  111,  118,  157f, 
177,  205,  207,  210,  272,  311,  350,  359, 
370,  374,  384,  388.  408,  417,  440,  443, 
418f,  452,  479f,  540f,  550,  554,  562, 
580,  584,  653,  605,  067,  687,  70'J, 
750,  848,  906,  937f ;  festival,  188, 
520;  home,  102,  210,  393,  443; 
songs,  18. 

Hasid,  374,  378f,  381. 

Hasidim,  94,  374,  378f,  381f,  387,  396, 
■  398,  '102,  406,  412,  415,  580f,  607. 

Hasmoneans,  107,  117,  340,  500,  608. 

Hatching,  459. 

Hatred,  23,  95,  97,  124,  621,  623f,  70(s 
70t)f,  7(3,  771.  774,  793,  879,  897, 
903,  919. 

Hauran,  33,  224. 

Havilah,  139,  280. 

Havvoth-jair,  23-4,  266. 

Hawk,  364. 

Hav,  408. 

Hazael,  58,  69,  303-300,  548. 

Hazar-enan,  229. 

Hazazon-tamar,  149. 

Hazeroth,  219. 

Hazor,  29,  65,  245,  253,  261,  298,  494. 

Head,  140,  505,  529,  560,  568,  705f, 
842,  868,  892,  907  ;  shaking  of,  380  ; 
of  days,  433  ;  of  the  comer,  577. 

Head-dress,  420. 

Healers,  616. 

Healing,  223,  469,  520,  809,  812,  8-13, 
879,  910 ;  at  a  distance,  708,  750 ; 
gift  of,  80-1 ;  by  suggestion,  663. 

Hearers  and  doers,  904. 

Heart,  the,  91,  131,  175,  318,  309,  376, 
399,  410f,  419,  421,  475,  488,  508, 
542,  54-1,  .509,  040.  (UU,  689,  709,  719, 
7.'tO,  825f,  851,  853,  801,  804,  800, 
870,  892,  9(U,  9CK)f,  910f,  917,  919  ; 
of  fle.sh,  91,  see  New  heart;  of 
stone,  91. 

Heat,  111,  159,  439,  449,  455,  406.  479, 

,545f,  ,558,  583,  939. 
Heath,  184,  -193. 

Heathen,  the,  92,  151,  234,  368,  374f, 
379,  392-391,  390,  4.5-1.  464,  481, 
489,  5<)2f,  55(5-5.58,  .500-503.  582-584, 
595,  715,  734,  830-838,  8-11,  853,  888, 
915  ;  and  Israel,  sec  Israel ;  and  the 
Messiah,  374;   conversion  of,  372, 


445f,  478,  55G-558,  576,  58^1,  699, 
806,  808,  820;  excellence  among, 
557  ;  iudgment  of,  96,  556,  558,  562, 
584 ;  readiness  to  turn  to  God,  505, 
557f. 

Heathen  cults,  812, 878  ;  customs,  237  ; 
deities,  90,  101,  130,  14i),  202,  208, 
218,  234,  237,  243.  310,  383,  392,  462- 
464,  477,  480,  483f,  502,  507, 510, 512, 
557,  560,  627,  840,  see  False  gods. 
Idols ;  priest,  688 ;  religions,  481, 812. 

Heathenism,  110,  183,  205,  237,  392, 
477,  481,  535,  537,  539,  562,  573, 
586,  867,  see  Paganism. 

Heave  offering,  200f,  210,  220,  222, 
237,  587. 

Heave  thigh,  192. 

Heaven,  5,  137,  139,  146,  149,  188, 
190,  369-371,  374f,  395,  409,  431f, 
434,  446,  458f,  461,  464,  526,  537f, 
560,  5G2,  582,  618,  705f,  720,  727, 
733,  736,  738,  741f,  745,  748f,  788, 
798,  807,  825,  847,  852,  854,  858,  860, 
863-865,  867f,  870,  874,  879,  890, 
895,  898f,  931-935,  937f.  940-942; 
and  earth,  125,  136,  138,  535,  537, 
574,  705. 

Heavenly  altar,  938f  ;  bsings  (powers), 
139,  461,  471. 

bodies,    95,    135-137,    185,    377, 

390, 446,  478,  546,  847, 934,  see  Moon, 
Stars,  Sun  ;  creation  of,  137,  390 ; 
worship  of,  74,  95,  129,  137,  185, 
311,  361,  569. 

citj',  898-900;  council  (assembly, 

court),  137,  146,  304,  347,  356,  370, 
441,  485 ;  host,  583 ;  Jerusalem, 
the,  860,  899,  937 ;  man,  847 ; 
ocean  (sea),  135,  137.  143.  377,  384, 
390,  401,  453f,  931, 938  ;  places,  863  ; 
tabernacle,  894f ;  twins,  759,  804; 
world,  890f,  893. 

Heavens,  the,  368,  390,  396.  445f,  461, 
464,  406-468,  471,  554,  867,  894,  915. 

Heber  (Kenite),  201f. 

Hebraism,  234,  238, 243,  636, 864f ,  878. 

Hebrew  historical  literature,  20,  45, 
48f,  122,  244-247;  and  prophecy, 
244,  247  ;  Dcuteronomic  revision  of, 
45f,  48,  75  ;  didactic  character  of, 
21,  2-44;  methods  of,  20f,  244; 
miraculous  element  in,  24Gf ;  i)rlestly 
revision  of,  48  ;  purixjses  of,  21  24-4. 

language,    ai-36,    48,    124,    129, 

314f.  335,  450,  522,  579,  592f,  700, 
780 ;  Canaanite  origin  of,  34 ;  charac- 
teristics of,  35,  593  ;  history  of,  35  ; 
place  among  Semitic  languages,  34  ; 
supplanted  by  Aramaic,  35. 

literature,    see   Old    Testament ; 

MSS.  of  01(1  Testament,  40  ;  jwetry, 
sec  Poetry,  Hebrew;  religion,  origin 
of,  84 ;  .spirit,  19  ;  syntax,  35  ;  the 
name.  :34 ;  wisdom,  93,  341f,  343- 
345 ;  writing,  30. 

Hebrews,  18-21,  26,  34,  55,  58,  82, 
119,  145,  147,  149,  103,  276,  555, 
841,.s''e Israel;  i.e.  Aramaic-sixjakitig 
Jews,  78:3. 

Epistle  to  the,  6,  16,  25,  96,  591- 

596,  003f,  Oil,  772,  817,  889-900, 
901,  938;  Alexandrianism  of,  003, 
889f  ;  allegorical  method  of,  0,  890  ; 
and  Clement  of  Rf.ine.  594.  88!) ; 
and  Origen.  595  ;  and  the  IJook  of 
Wisdom,  3^43 ;  and  the  two  worlds, 
6,  890;   author  of,  5.02f,  &40,  889, 


INDEX 

900 ;  authorship,  595,  003,  815,  889  ; 
canonicity  of,  595f,  889  ;  date,  003, 

657,  773,  775,  889,  891,  897  ;  Day  of  i 
Atonement  in,  104,  894-890,  900 ; 
destination,  775,  889,  897,  900 ; 
literary  cliaracteristics  of,  595,  603,  \ 
724,  889;  i)ersecution  in,  775,  889, 
897 ;  purpose  of,  889 ;  readers  of,  , 
603,  889,  893,  897,  899f.  1 

Hebron,  30f.  63,  123,  127,  146f,  154f,  i 
160,  219,  223,  233,   249,  253f,  258f, 
208,  273,  280,  283f,  280,  290,  290, 
315,  484. 

Hedge,  ;i48,  350,  439. 

Hed^e  about  the  Law,  637. 

Heel,  140,  150,  379,  541. 

Hegesippus,  055,  058,  773,  906,  923. 

He-goats  (i.e.  field  demons),  206. 

Heifer  492  540. 

Heir,  heiress,  109,  149f,  230,  718,  821, 
824,  800,  805,  868,  890,  904. 

Heirs  of  God,  824. 

Hekal,  297. 

Helbon,  513. 

Heldai,  578. 

Helem,  578. 

Heli,  son  of  Matthat,  701. 

Heliodorus,  528,  532. 

Heliopolis,  156,  163,  450,  491,  514,  548. 

Hell,  5,  432,  434,  905,  see  Gehenna, 
Hades,  Sheol. 

HeU-broth,  472. 

Hellen,  728. 

Hellenisers,  582,  585. 

Hellenism,  94,  98,  106,  108,  581,  614, 
636f,  747,  805  ;  and  Hebraism,  18. 

Hellenistic  age.  591.  697,  808 ;  Chris- 
tians, 639,  767,  783,  785,  789  ;  Greek, 
591,  593  ;  Jews,  6,  385,  582,  603,  625, 
040,  707f,  783f ,  787,  800 ;  Judaism, 
625;  party,  382;  religion,  644; 
terminology,  644 ;  thought,  345, 805, 
812f,  817. 

Hellespont,  795. 

Helmet,  867. 

Helps,  043. 

Heman,  31Gf ,  368. 

Hemlock,  480. 

Hen,  contemporary  of  Zechariah,  578, 

Henadad,  327. 

Henna-flower,  420,  423. 

HephfEstus,  0. 

Hepher,  290. 

Heptarchy.  591. 

Heracleon,  053. 

Heracleopolis  Magna,  456. 

Heraclitus,  411,  740,  915. 

Herald,  325,  &40. 

Herbs,  herbage,  23,  29,  137,  IW,  177, 
422,  552,  720,  828. 

Herculaneum,  057. 

Hercules,  221,  267f,  290,  630. 

Herd,  32,  98,  111,  147,  156,  179,  218, 
284,  4.59,  538. 

Herder.  418. 

Heredity,  179,  823,  825. 

Hcrem,  see  Ban. 

Heres,  Mt.,  2;>9. 

Heresiarchs,  595. 

Heresy,  .398.  (HO,  m&,  799,  815,  916, 
921,  930.  see  False  teaching. 

Heretical  gospels.  596  ;  teachers,  59-4, 
see  False  teachers. 

Heretics.  5,  595,  0^19,  814. 

Hernias.  700. 

Hermas,  Shepherd  of,  411,  594-590, 

658,  902,  928. 


971 

Hermes,  740,  700,  792. 

Hermetic  literature,  760. 

Hermogenes,  885. 

Hermon,  26-29,  32f ,  219,  227, 234, 258f , 
260,  377,  379,  394,  491,  513,  548,  691, 
727. 

Herod  Agrippa  I.,  368,  609f,  654^656, 
768,  790,  801f,  830 ;  II.,  010,  650f, 
772,  802f. 

Herod  Autipjis,  009f,  654,  656f,  667, 
682,  088,  690,  692f,  702f,  711,  713f, 
722,  725,  727f,  730f,  7;i4f,  741,  755, 
762,  768,  781,  791. 

Herod  Philip,  first  husband  of  Hero- 
dia.s,  009,  054,  650,  088,  727. 

Herod,  king  of  Chalcis,  050. 

Herod  the  Great,  30, 110, 411, 416, 433, 
608-610,  614,  fi52f,  656f,  702,  704, 
716,  725-727,  748,  786,  865  ;  sons  of, 
650,  738. 

Herod  the  tetrarch,  33,  609f,  C50f. 

Herodians,  009,  060,  095,  789. 

Herodias,  609,  054,  656,  688,  693,  713, 
735. 

Herodion,  830. 

Herodotus,  20,  99,  208,  218,  297,  311, 
337f,  413,  415,  450,  527f,  531,  564, 
567,  591,  593. 

Herods,  the,  117,  297,  499,  734; 
genealogical  table  of,  056. 

Heroes,  heroi.sm,  18,  20,  85,  142,  627f, 
665.  098,  897. 

Heroes,  the,  see  Judges,  the. 

Heshbon,  224,  229f,  266,  208,  423,  448, 
493. 

Hesychius,  41,  GOO. 

Heth,  155. 

Hewer  of  wood  and  drawer  of  water. 
252. 

Hexapla  of  Origen,  41. 

Hexateuch,  9,  121,  see  Pentateuch. 

Hezekiah,  21.  68,  71f,  74,  76,  79, 
109,  211,  227,  238,  246,  294,  296, 
301,  310-312,  321,  342,  436f,  486, 
536,  559,  509 ;  and  Assyria,  59,  71f, 
310f ;  and  Isaiah,  71f,  74,  310f ;  and 
Merodach-baladan,  71,  310f;  and 
Sennacherib,  71f,  70,  310f,  321,  437, 
458 ;  and  the  Philistines,  71  ;  and 
the  Rabshakeh.  71f.  310f ;  char- 
acter of,  310 ;  Chronicler's  account 
of,  76,  122.  321 ;  destroys  the  brazen 
serpent,  74  310 ;  reformation  of,  74, 
76,  89,  190,  232,  296,  310f ;  sickness 
of,  310,  459  ;  song  of,  459  ;  the  men 
of,  342.  397.  407. 

Hezion,  299,  301. 

Hiddekel,  1.39,  531. 

Hide,  200,  220,  222. 

Hiel,  99,  251,  302. 

Hieraix)lis,  mi,  700,  862,  931. 

Hierarchy,  85,  91 ;  lieavenly,  86-1,  868. 

Hieratic  script,  52. 

Hieroglyi>liics,  hieroglyphic  script, 
51  f,  50,  246. 

Hieron,  297. 

Hifa,  28. 

Higgaion,  373. 

High  Places.  45,  47,  73,  75f.  m,  90.  98, 
lOOf,  128f,  130,  189,  191-193,  204. 
212,  229,  231,  233.  23Gf.  2i>4.  275,  277, 
294.  296,  300f,  310-312,  317f,  320f, 
469,  472,  493,  506,  510f,  519,  538, 
540,  572. 

High  Priest.  94,  104,  lOOf,  124,  131, 
163,  191-193,  196,  198-200,  2n5f, 
209,   222,  230,  241,  256,  264,  275f, 


306,  312,  325,  331,  335,  370,  374,  377, 
3fe2f,  385, 388, 391, 523, 531f ,  573, 570, 
579,  581-58-1,  (j()7-<ilO,  G20,  tJ53,  008, 
710,  750,  702,  778,  780-782,  784, 
780f,  797,  8(X)-802,  890,  892-890,  912. 

H it'll  Priest's  servant,  721. 

High  Priesthood,  338,  310,  523,  531, 
575,  577,  OU^f,  75«),  891. 

Highway,  -lUl,  1.50. 

Highwaymen,  015. 

Hilkiah  father  of  Jeremiah,  476; 
priest  of  Jerusalem,  45,  75,  128, 
209,  232,  312,  470,  573. 

Hill  country,  232,  218,  261,  270,  484. 

Hillel,  38,  U,  411,  024,  710,  753. 

Hills,  the,  24,  27-30,  65f,  100,  157, 
208,  270,  287,  302,  300,  439,  450, 
458,  401  f,  468,  484,  500,  518,  538, 
548,  554,  563,  570,  013,  059,  872. 

Hin,  115,  220,  228. 

Hiud,  3i)4,  309.  379. 

Hindus,  163,  200,  209. 

Hinges,  317. 

Hinnom,  valley  of,  309,  312,  330,  473, 
477,  480,  484,  488,  506,  583f. 

Hip,  470. 

Hippt)lytus,  103,  595,  652f. 

Hipix)ix)tamu8,  364. 

Hippos,  32f. 

Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  67,  70,  287, 
290298,  319,  548;  metal-worker, 
297. 

Hire,  hireling,  hired  servant,  110, 
208f,  351,  418,  7ai,  900. 

Historians,  51,  75,  073f. 

Historical  books  of  Old  Testament, 

9,  244-247 ;  elements  in  the  Bible, 

10,  13-16,  20-22,  244-247,  OOlf; 
method,  418,  426. 

History,  16,  19-21,  48,  82,  89-91,  93- 
95,  121,  127,  129f,  133,  108,  25^1f, 
314,  431-433,  435,  460-40-4,  185,  487, 
525f,  535,  558,  820,  824,  920;  and 
experience  alike  essential,  15f ; 
of  Gad  the  seer,  315,  318  ;  of  Israel, 
63-80 ;  of  Jehu,  son  of  Ilanani,  315, 
518  ;  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  315  ; 
of  religion,  427 ;  of  Samuel  the 
seer,  315,  318;  of  Shemaiah  the 
prophet  and  of  Iddo  the  seer,  315  ; 
of  the  seers,  315  ;  science  of,  10. 

Hitopadesa,  409. 

Hittites,  20,  51-57,  99,  145,  150,  155, 
157,  109, 172,  183, 193,  219,  255,  259f, 
299,  300,  444,  510  :  civilisation  of,  53, 
193  ;  debt  to  Bal)yl(mia,  53  ;  down- 
fall of,  56f  ;  original  home  of,  53 ; 
physical  characteristica  of,  53. 

Hivites,  172,200,  448. 

Hobab,  183,  188,  213,  218,  258. 

Hobah,  148f. 

Hobljes,  121. 

Hodaviah,  327. 

Hoe,  111. 

HolinesH,  130f,  187,  192,  190f,  200, 
2(j2f,  200-208,  212,  214,  221,  223, 
240,  277,  380,  412,  429,  477,  570.  574, 
018,  022,  024,  040,  ()84,  827,  ^32, 
8.39,  8J6,  8<W,  872,  878,  <»f)3,  909; 
and  cleanness,  197,  202  ;  and  ritual, 
187,  190f,  207f ;  and  talxx>,  190,  200, 
202,  477,  574  ;  and  uncleanness,  131, 
202f,  223,  574,  839;  ceremonial, 
1.30f  ;  conception  of,  101,  KiOf,  IfMi, 
202,  207,  429,  571,  is>,'^  ;  daiigerous, 
200,  429,  097  ;  derivative,  202,  574  ; 
ethical,  130f,  187,  190f,  207f,  -429, 


INDEX 

I  6-10 ;  grades  of,  202,  574 ;  infectiou.s 
character  of,  192,  190,  200,  202f, 
472,  519,  57 1,  a39  ;  non-ethical,  130, 
190,  477,  839  ;  of  altar,  192,  209  ;  of 
Israel,  i:J0,  197,  20«,  518,  624;  of 
Ha<;riHce,  200,  202;  of  the  land  of 
Israel,  197,  517f  ;  Yahweh  the  fount 
of,  190,  202,  574. 

Holine.ss  Code,  see  Law  of  Holiness. 

of  God,  see  God,  holiness  of. 

Holy,  the,  .'i20,  707  ;  and  the  com- 
mon, the,  512,  570,  689,  897 ; 
Aix)stles,  the,  815  ;  City,  317,  518, 
521, 722  ;  Convocation,  103-105, 127  ; 
days,  131,  553,  828  ;  garments,  191, 
389,  519  ;  ground,  171,  785 ;  Land, 
20-33,  46,  517,  520,  536,  names  of, 
20  ;  of  Holies,  104,  IfXJ,  180, 190,  190, 
205,  215,  270,  297,  308,  '440,  518f,  008, 
835,  805,  893,  895f ;  one,  i.e.  angel, 
52Gf,  583,  804;  one  of  God,  085; 
persons,  131,  192,  196,  206,  240,  376, 
697  ;  place,  the,  106,  192,  206,  215, 
217,  297,  338,  518f.  895,  933  ;  places, 
100,  127,  196f,  200;  seasons,  101- 
105,  131,210;  seed,  the,  441. 

Spirit,  the,  3f,  7,  9, 40,  136f,  191, 

369,  381  f,  390, 471, 475,  595,  037-O45, 
r>47f,  082,  701-703,  707,  713,  725- 
728,  745f,  749,  753,  700,  765-707, 
709,  771,  777-779,  781f,  784-789, 
791,  793f,  797,  808,  812,  819,  823f, 
829,  833-835,  837,  840,  843f,  850- 
852,  859-861,  863-805,  867f,  874, 
883f,  897,  917-920,  928f,  943,  see 
Spirit  of  God,  Spirit  of  Yahweh  ; 
and  baptism,  039,  728,  779,  787,  789, 
843 ;  and  Christ  (Jesus),  639,  682, 
701-703,  720,  728,  745,  747,  749,  753, 
760,  709,  779,  788,  f08f,  851,  909; 
and  inspiration,  .3f,  C45,  647,  732, 
749,  709,  781,  785,  833f,  844,  883; 
and  spiritual  gifts,  038f,  0-13,  045, 
W8,  779,  789,  808f,  812;  and  the 
Church,  7,  812,  ai3 ;  and  the 
Divine  Wisdom,  808  ;  at  Penteco.st, 
215,  038,  706  ;  gift  of,  638-6-40,  749, 
753,  771,  779,  789,  793,  808,  821,  834, 
852,  863,  897,  918f ;  grieving  the, 
866  ;  in  the  Messianic  age,  638-610, 
749,  806f ;  in  the  Pauline  Theology, 
see  Paul,  doctrines  of ;  in  the 
Primitive  Church,  7,  808 ;  in  the 
teaching  of  Jesus,  see  Jesus,  teach- 
ing of;  indwelling  of,  188,  823f, 
843,  918f  ;  Jewish  doctrine  of  808  ; 
law  of,  823 ;  principle  of  the 
Christian  life,  639f,  745,  808,  812, 
823,  a')lf,  859,  801,  8(i5 ;  searches 
the  depths  of  God,  834 ;  source  of 
power,  808,  8f>5,  890;  source  of 
revelation,  a3-l,  803,  8(5,  895  ;  unity 
of,  8-43,  i^V\ ;  witness  of,  703,  824,  920. 

Spirit,  meaning  of  phrase  with- 
out the  article,  0.38f,  {\\2. 

things,  131,  192,  190f,  221,  707  ; 

water,  210,  223  ;  way,  459. 

Home,  the,  109. 

Home-sickness,  179,  408. 

Homer  (measure),  115,  212,  219,  440, 
520,  537. 

Homer  (poet),  6,  21f,  101,  180,  208, 
22.'-.,  297,  39(5,  428,  431,  565,  591,  593, 
028,  0.34,  870,  9.3(i. 

Homicide,  li:^,  18(i,  229f,  477;  acci- 
dental, see  Manslaughter  ;  wilful, 
see  Murder. 


Homily,  003. 

Homceoimthic  magic,  276. 

Homoioteleuton,  42. 

Hoiuonadenses,  72«). 

Honesty,  89,  208,  049,  661. 

H(jnev,  20,  32,  111,  171,  181,  198,  279, 
KJ8,  121,  441f,  742. 

Hoof,  4-JO,  501. 

Hook,  550. 

Hojie,  2,  91,  96,  356,  371,  378,  739, 
800,  821,  824,  827,  829,  8:32,  814,  852, 
803f,  800,  808,  877f,  887,  891,  893, 
897,  908-910. 

Hojihni  and  Phinehas,  274f. 

Hophra,  (il,  73,  475,  490,  492. 

Hor,  Mt.,  223f,  230;  near  Lebanon, 
229 

Horeb,  Mt.,  11,  64,  86,  124,  128,  168, 
171, 173,  182-186, 189£,  223,  232-230, 
.303,  587. 

Horemheb,  55. 

Hor-haggidad,  229. 

Horites,  149,  233. 

Hormah,  220,  223,  230,  258. 

Horn,  275,  376,  396,  493,  498,  514, 528f , 
552,  501,  570,  932  ;  i.e.  trumpet,  478, 
545,  549f ;  of  salvation,  370. 

Hornet,  188,  235,  255. 

Horns  of  the  altar,  186,  191f,  295,  392, 
483,  934. 

Horonaim,  448. 

Horse,  the  black,  932  ;  the  pale,  932 ; 
the  red,  932  ;  the  white,  932. 

Horse  gate,  331,  488  ;  shoe,  252,  440. 

Horseflesh,  2o2. 

Horsemen,  286,  305,  330, 451,  492,  566, 
577. 

Horses,  100,  111,  113,  166,  180,  202, 
222,  238f,  202f,  290,  303,  307,  3(i4, 
378,  410,  420,  438  4-10,  450  471,  479. 
492,  513,  542,  545,  550-552,  505,  570, 
578,  580,  582,  584,  031,  600,  905,  932, 
934,  940 ;  and  chariots  of  fire,  306 ; 
of  the  sun,  312. 

Hort,  597. 

Horus,  761,  936. 

Hosanna,  641,  694,  718,  738. 

Hosea,  19,  45,  68,  70,  74,  87-89,  107f, 
127f,  130,  231,  247,  251,  259,  209, 
280,  307,  374,  420f,  474f,  477,  5^4- 
543,  5G0 ;  career  of,  534,  536f ;  char- 
acter of,  88f,  108 ;  conception  of 
God,  11,  89,  108,  185,  425,  427,  475, 
5a5  ;  marriage  of,  108,  534-537  ;  per- 
sonality of  535  ;  teivching  of,  21,  74, 
87,  89,  108,  130,  259,  427,  477,  535. 

Book  of,  45,  53-1-543,  825f  ;  char- 
acter of,  535 ;  Judaean  revision  of, 
534f;  origin  of,  535;  te.\t  of,  634f. 
538f,  5-nf ;  unity  of,  425,  634,  542. 

Hoshea,  59,  sec  .Toshua. 

king  of   Israel,  59,  68,  70f,  240, 

305,  310,  455. 

Hospitality,  110,  152,  1(>4,  270,  305, 
407,  4.51,  491,  Ml,  «i-J9,  735,  738,  773, 
799,  827,  883,  888,  899,  911,  921f. 

Host  of  God,  8(')-l;  of  Heaven,  138, 
311,  458,  480,  530.  509,  864,  890, 911; 
of  the  height,  453f. 

Hostage,  103. 

Hot  .sjmngs,  931. 

Hours,  117,  689,  748,  750f,  760,  763, 
798,  939 ;  of  prayer,  528,  779,  788, 
931. 

House,  23,  108f,  111,  114, 128,  177. 184, 
202-204,  212,  307,  443,  472,  059,  852; 
of  bondage,  169,  562;  of  Pharaoh's 


daughter,  297 ;  of  the  forest  of 
Lebanon,  297 ;  of  wine,  420. 

House-church,  790,  830,  848,  871. 

Household  deities,  101,  159,  178,  238, 
282 

Household  of  faith,  G42 ;  of  God,  864. 

Householder,  ()59f,  720. 

House-steward,  452, 

House-top,  240,  278,  451,  788. 

Housewife,  570 ;  the  good,  108,  410. 

Hozai,  322. 

Hugo  de  S.  Caro,  597. 

Hugo,  Victor,  22. 

Huldah,  75,  312. 

Huleh,  Lake,  29,  32,  148,  261,  298, 
608,  620. 

Human  life,  sanctity  of,  141,  185. 

nature,  412f,  892,  see  Man  ;  pos- 
sibilities inherent  in,  371 ;  sinful- 
ness of,  378. 

sacrifice,  70,  83,  85,  95,  99,  154, 

252,  2GGf,  302,  305,  472,  480,  488, 
540,  616,  632,  836 ;  commutation  of, 
627,  632;  replaced  by  animal,  99, 
154 ;  to  safeguard  buildings,  99. 

Humanity,  361,  5-58,  564. 

Humble,  the,  275,  456,  472,  571. 

Humiliation,  544f,  587,  see  Christ. 

Humility,  263,  358,  377,  562,  623, 
665,  735,  758,  861,  866,  869f,  873, 
904f,  910f. 

Hundred  and  forty-four  thousand,  the, 
9.33,  9a5,  937. 

Hunger,  hungry,  156,  468f,  488,  490, 
499,  520,  545,  550,  688f,  703,  706,  729, 
750, 803,  &42f ;  for  righteousness,  737. 

Huns,  263. 

Hunter,  145,  156,  365,  483,  562, 

Hunting,  101,  157. 

Hunting  god,  629. 

Hunting  souls,  509. 

Hur,  168,  182,  189. 

Huram-abi,  sre  Hiram,  met.al  worker. 

Husband,  108,  228,  267,  271,  468,  471, 
477,  488,  492,  544,  587,  716,  733,  750, 
867,  910;  and  wife,  105,  108,  492, 
53-1,  .5.36f,  587,  650, 838,  8 10, 867, 910. 

Husbandman,  111,  115,  222,  321,  455f, 
551,  695. 

Husbandry,  varied  methods  of,  455f. 

Hushai,  290. 

Husks,  735,  see  Carob-pods. 

Hut,  439,  453 

Huzzab,  565. 

Hyacinth,  934 

Hytena,  158. 

Hybrids,  208. 

Hydra,  454. 

Hygiene,  196,  202-205. 

Hyksos,  52,  54,  m,  249,  25-1,  429,  450. 

Hymenjeus,  649,  882,  886. 

Hymn  of  the  Soul,  713. 

Hymns,  37,  51,  131,  366,  525,  602,  Gil, 
725,  806f,  870,  883. 

Hypnotism,  174. 

Hy|K)crites,  hypocrisy,  4-11,  456,  541, 
550,  622,  G6G,  706f,  720,  733,  820. 

Hyrax,  409. 

Hyrcania,  79. 

Hyrcanus (brother  of  Aristobulua  IL), 
608f ;  II.,  225. 

Hyssop,  204,  222f,  343,  382,  763. 

"  I  am  Yahweh,"  130,  196,  207,  506f, 

513. 
Ibleam,  30,  2-59,  309. 
Ibn  Ezra,  121. 


INDEX 

Ibzan,  66,  267. 

Ice,  351,  363,  396,  876. 

Ichabod,  276. 

Iconium,  769,  792-794,  857,  885. 

Iddo,  315,  319. 

Ideal,  the,  904. 

Ideal  king,  371-373,  385,  390,  396,  404, 
406. 

Identification  with  sacrificial  victim, 
863. 

Idle  words,  712,  906. 

Idol  feasts,  650f,  770,  840;  maker, 
481 ;  sacrifice,  793,  &40-&42. 

Idolaters,  idolatry,  10,  31,  65-67,  73- 
77,  83f,  91,  127f,  130f,  184-186,  193, 
207f,  227,  229,  231,  235,  237,  242, 
299,  301,  307f,  310-312,  321,  342,  361, 
368,  371,  380,  392,  394, 397f ,  427, 436, 
438,  454,  462-464,  469,  477,  480f, 
483f,  491f,  501f,  506-509,  511f,  516- 
519,  538,  541f,  560,  562,  567,  572f, 
582f,  609,  619,  623f,  649,  651,  770, 
775,  784,  792,  796,  819,  837,  841,  853, 
870,  922,  934,  938f. 

Idols,  images,  73f,  76f,  83-85,  93-95, 
130f,  184f,  193,  207,  211f,  231,  236, 
242,  255,  311,  361,  367,  376,  379,  392, 
394,  444,  448-450,  457,  460-464,  469, 
472,  481,  484,  495,  506,  512, 542f,  557, 
560,  562,  580,  650f,  770,  784,  793f, 
796,  798,  820,  840f,  877,  930,  see 
False  gods.  Heathen  deities ;  pollu- 
tion of,  793f . 

Idumasa,  499,  585,  608. 

Idumseans,  499,  608,  610. 

Idvll,  271f. 

Ignatius,  594, 646, 658, 700, 744, 773,930. 

Ignorance,  197-199,  220,  413,  760,  780, 
796,  825,  845,  866,  882,  909. 

Iliad,  the,  22,  161,  431. 

Illumination,  851. 

Illyria,  829. 

Ilu-shuma,  53. 

Image,  67,  139,  190,  264,  796,  937,  see 
Idols ;  of  God,  137,  144,  813,  841f, 
868 ;  of  jealousy,  507  ;  of  Yahweh, 
185,  391 ;  vision  of,  in  Daniel,  432, 
525f,  .528. 

Images,  graven,  84,  184f,  161 ;  molten, 
207,  461,  463  ;  wooden,  ia5,  461,  -463. 

Imagination,  501,  520 

Tmbros,  795. 

Imitation  of  Christ,  910,  917. 

Inimanuel,  263,  436,  441f. 

Immer,  325. 

Immorality,  73,  185,  427,  485,  501f, 
.506,  510-512,  538f ,  876,  868,  913, 930, 
934  940. 

Immortality,  133,  138-1-10,  344f,  ^52, 
3(!8,  370f,  378f,  412,  427,  434,  (Ul, 
660,  824,  847;  doctrine  of,  61,  96, 
344f,  434;  in  Atxxjalyptic  literature, 
43-1;  in  the  Psalms,  368,  370f  ;  not 
physical  or  metaphysical  but  re- 
ligious, 371  ;  of  Clirist,  838 ;  of  the 
body,  838 ;  of  the  nation,  381 ;  of 
the  righteous,  381 ;  of  the  seri>ent, 
138f ;  of  the  soul,  345,  625 ;  of  the 
wicked,  381  ;  personal,  88,  94,  94), 
371,  378,  381,  385,  399  ;  sprincrs  from 
ex|jerionce  of  fellowship  with  God, 
96,  371  ;  usually  limited  to  faithful 
souls,  371. 

Immortals,  the,  142,  457. 

Impaling,  83,  lti3,  2-10,  338f. 

Imperial  estates,  614 ;  priesthood,  775, 
937 ;  year,  652. 


973 

Imperialism,  659. 

Impiety,  34Uf,  350,  353,  356,  362,  368, 

386,  514,  551. 
Imixirts  and  exports.  111. 
Imprecation,  1;30. 
Imprisonment,  113,  490,  705,  785,  795, 

799,  815,  866,  877. 

Epistles,  812,  862-875. 

Impurity,  618-620,  624,  650,  689,  793, 

819,  837f,  841.  887,  899. 
Imputation,  821f. 
Incantations,  106,  631,  682,  785. 
Incarnation,  the,  2,  188,  210,  345,  354, 

412,  442,  746f,  811,  823,  834,  854,  860, 

866,  873,  882f,  885,  888, 916,  918-921, 

941. 
Incense,  76,  79,  100,  104,  192-194,  201, 

210,  215,  221,  384,  395,  421,  441,  463, 

472,  477,  479,  586,  630f,  850,  932f. 
Incest,   153,    208,    240,  629,   649,  832, 

836f. 
Incestuous   person  at   Corinth,  648f, 

850. 
Incorruption,  345,  847. 
Incubation,  157. 
India,  62,  122,  204,  211,  226,  299,  337, 

446,  479,  591,  007,  613,  616,  733. 
India  House  inscription,  524. 
Indians,  North  American,  230. 
Indians  who  burnt  themselves  alive, 

844. 
Indifference,  585,  931. 
Individual,    93,    113,    544 ;    responsi- 
bility, 11,  91,  108,  239,  488,  501,  503, 

505,  .509-512,  515,  805. 
Individualism,  11,  90,   108,  170,  345, 

358,  40t>f ,  438,  475,  484,  488,  503, 505, 

510f,  515,  619. 
Indus,  the,  58,  140. 
Industrialism,  112. 
Industry,  400,  416. 
Infallibility,  7f. 

Infancy  narratives,  675,  701f ,  725-727, 
Infant    99f,  473,  835,  846;   baptism, 

639. 
Infantry,  114. 
Inferno,  434. 

Ingathering,  480,  493,  562, 
Inheritance,  109f,  227,  240,  365,  413, 

704,  821,  824,  860,  863,  868,  870,895, 

932 ;   by  daughters,  227f,  230,  254, 

478, 
Inhospitalitv,  152,  270,  361. 
Initiates,  632,  834,  869f,  874. 
Initiation,   83,    151,   631f,    705,   869f; 

ceremony,  202,  205. 
Injuries,  186. 
Injustice,  485,  501f,  507,  509f ,  513, 520, 

550,  559-561,  738,  844,  910. 
Inkhorn,  507. 
Inn,  127,  615,  726.  922. 
Iimer  light,  7f,  7f)6  ;  shrine,  191. 
Inn-keei)er,  732. 
Innocence,    innocent,   139,   l(i3f,    355, 

377,  410,  .509,  558,  560,  581,  823. 
In.-^cription   on   graves,   878 ;   on    the 

Cross,  698,  700,  7(3. 
Inscriptions,  3;^-.'^6,  53,  71f,  75,  115f, 

148,  165,  ir)8, 179,  225,  248f,  309-311, 

428,  491.  527,  534,  .550,  572,  579,  591. 

593,   615,   632,  r*5,   796f,  804,  838, 

874,    8^8,    see    Cuneiform    inscrip- 
tions. 
Insects,  137,  203,  720. 
Insigrnia  of  myalty,  577. 
Insincerity,  509,  514,  586. 
Inspiration,  3-5,  16,  37-10,  136,  183, 


974 

191, 193,  221,  2(il-2a3,  277,  SOSf.SOl, 
mS,  429-431,  450,  504,  594,  (;38,  (MO, 
(U.5,  732,  ~m,  7G9,  779,  7b3,  795, 
8(J8,  83-t,  844 ;  and  canonicity,  38f ; 
claimwl  for  ethnic  Scriptures,  3; 
of  a{X)caly{)tic,  431 ;  of  Jesus,  68(), 
728  ;  of  prophets,  38,  107,  237,  261f, 
277,  30-1,  343,  428-430,  4S4,  504.  525, 
559,  726,  844, 883 ;  of  the  Aixx:rypha, 
39  ;  psychology  of,  4,  237,  429f,  484, 
501,  8.34,  W3. 

Inspiration  of  the  Bible,  3-7,  38-40, 
247,  C189,  880,  895 ;  and  revelation,  4  ; 
tlieories  of,  3-<J,  556,  833 ;  verbal,  3f, 
10,  41,  430. 

Institutions,  503,  535,  537,  see  Re- 
ligious institutions,  Social  institu- 
tions. 

Intercalary  month,  105,  117f,  652; 
year,  652. 

Intercession,  152f,  280,  M),  3&5,  428, 
482f,  490,  544f  553,  824,  867,  872, 
894,  896,  910,  917,  920. 

Intercommunion  of  churches,  646f. 

Interest,  112,  187,  211,  240,  332,  376, 
438,  483,  567,  060. 

Interim  ethic,  (X3,  767. 

Intermarriage  with  aliens,  66f ,  78f ,  85, 
92,  157,  101,  200,  210.  227,  260,  2f)8 
271,  299,  323f,  328-330,  334f,  585f. 

Intermediate  state,  811. 

Internal  evidence  of  documents,  599  ; 
of  groups,  599 ;  of  readings,  599,  601. 

Interpreter,  163,  835. 

Interregna,  interpolation  of,  unjusti- 
fied, 119. 

Interrogation,  911. 

Intolerance,  92,  .557f. 

Intoxicants,  216. 

Intoxication,  see  Drunkenness. 

Intrigue,  456. 

Intrinsic  probability,  598f. 

Inundation,  52,  175. 

Inwardness,  488,  503,  6G4f. 

Ionia,  513. 

lonians,  59,  473,  492,  544 

Ionic  Greek,  591,  593. 

Iphigenia,  154. 

Ira,  215,  292. 

Iran,  50,  58,  61f,  867. 

Irenaeus,  586,  594f,  601,  610,  652f,  656, 
&58,  700,  705,  724,  726,  744,  747, 
750,  786,  793,  876,  887,  908,  916, 
928. 

Iron,  6,  57,  72,  111,  141,  189,  234f, 
2.52,  257f,  261,  317,  360,  432,  470, 
477,  481,  483f,  487,  513,  525f,  528, 
548,  553,  576  ;  age,  252  ;  gate,  790. 

Irony,  202,  2(54,  508-510,  515,  5(35, 
58(J,  (VAi,  684,  720,  735,  740,  754, 
756,  820,  836,  843,  855f. 

Irreverence,  :J-10-349,  3-52. 

Irrigation,  50,  139,  1(30,  175,  226,  236, 
329,  400,  440,  450,  730. 

Irvingites,  (>48. 

Isaac,  11,  20,  aS,  109,  124-127,  134, 
14(;f,  151-1.57,  ia5,  780,  784,  898  ;  a 
semi-nomad,  1.50 ;  and  Abraham, 
108,  151-1.55,  821,  825,  898,  {(05  ;  an<l 
Esau,  134,  1.5<;f;  and  Ishmael,  (3. 
15 1,  800  ;  and  .Jacob,  lai,  1.50,  225  ; 
and  Kel)ekah,  147,  15.5-157;  and 
the  I'hilistinos,  150 ;  birth  of,  1.53, 
274,  821,  898;  falsehiKKl  of,  1.5.3, 
150 ;  name  of,  120 ;  practises  agri- 
culture, 1.56 ;  sacrifice  of,  154,  267, 
821,  808,  905. 


INDEX 

T-saiah,  21,  45,  47,  71f,  74,  88f.  91,  107, 
111-113,  124,  128,  131,  196,  255,  280, 
301,  310f,  313,  315,  321,  42(if,  433f, 
436-445,  447-453,  4.S5-458,  460,  475f, 
509,  522,  54-4,  559f,  509,  686,  713f, 
747,  826 ;  and  Ahaz,  71,  436,  441f  ; 
and  Assyria,  71f,  113, 130,  247,  310f, 
427,  436,  441f,  444,  447-451,  455, 
457;  and  Kgypt,  113,  310,  449f, 
45.5-457;  and  Hezekiah,  71f,  74, 
311;  and  Manasseh,  436;  and 
Sennacherib,  72,  311,  436;  and  the 
deliverance  of  .Jerusalem,  89,  130, 
427  ;  and  the  people,  424,  430,  440- 
443,  451,  455-457  ;  and  the  Syro- 
Ephraimitish  invasion,  71, 430, 441f ; 
as  poet,  25,  437  ;  autobiograi)hy  of, 
441f;  call  of,  436,  440f,  476,  501, 
7.58  ;  career  of,  89,  430  ;  denuncia- 
tion of  women,  439,  457f ,  5.50 ; 
disciples  of,  74,  424,  436,  442f,  703  ; 
doctrine  of  the  fiiture,  89,  430,  455, 
457f  ;  doctrine  of  the  Messiah,  430, 
44.3—145,  457 ;  doctrine  of  the 
remnant,  89,  427,  436,  441 ;  doctrine 
of  Yahweh,  89,  43(V438,  475,  909; 
failure  of  his  preaching,  45,  71,  42-J, 
436, 441-443,  080  ;  foreign  policy  of, 
71,  113,  310f,  4.3(),  441f,  -147,  449f, 
452,  45.5-457  ;  influence  of,  89,  455, 
509  ;  legend  of  his  martyrdom,  430, 
898 ;  reason  for  writing,  45,  424 ; 
social  ixjlicy  of,  88f,  430,  906 ;  sons 
of,  430,  441-443 ;  style  of,  25,  437 ; 
teaching  of,  74,  88f,  231,  280,  4.30, 
4.30,  438;  vision  of,  337,  376,  436, 
438,  140f,  476,  501,  703;  wife  of, 
305,436. 

Book  of,  47,  82,  244f,  294,  311, 

321,  436-473,  541,  661,  682,  786,  825, 
827  ;  hyix)thesis  of  Maccabean  ele- 
ments in,  425  ;  non-Isaianic  sections 
in,  47,  82,  424,  436,  400f. 

I-XXXIX,  436-459;  non-Isai- 
anic sections  in,  47,  436. 

XXIV-XXVII,   48,   436,   453- 

455 ;  apocalyptic  features  of,  48, 
436,  4)3-455 ;  characteristics  of, 
453 ;  composite  character  of,  48, 
453  ;  date  of,  48,  453. 

XL-LV,   47,   91,   460-468,   494, 

see  further  Second  Isaiah  ;  author- 
ship, 47,  91,  460 ;  date,  47,  91,  460  ; 
place  of  origin,  91,  460;  teaching 
of,  91f,  460  ;  unity  of,  47,  91. 

LVI-LXVI,  47,  381,  460f,  468- 

473  ;  conditions  reflected  in,  460f ; 
plurality  of  authors,  47,  461 ; 
probable  date,  47,  '160f . 

Iscariot,  685. 

Ishbaal  (Ishbosheth),  -12,  07,  113, 
229,  2.59,  280,  280f,  2!)5,  300,  318, 
537  ;  the  Hachmonite,  292. 

Ishmael,  murderer  of  (ledaliah,  73, 
313,  491 ;  son  of  Abraham,  (3,  100. 
12(s  134,  116,  150f,  1.53f,  150,  2(MJ, 
800. 

Ishmjielites,  03,  128,  ].50,  162,  280, 
.387,  494. 

Ishtar,  233,  259,  299,  337,  480,  491f, 
507,  031f. 

Ishvi,  280. 

Isis,  57,  027,  701 ;  and  Osiris,  032. 

Islam,  2.39. 

Island,  514,  517,  791.  8a3. 

Islands  of  the  Sea,  445,  929. 

Isles,  the,  see  Coast  lands. 


Isolation,  413. 

Lsrael  (i.e.  Jacob),  315,  471 ;  origin  of 
the  name,  133,  lOOf. 

Lsrael  (nation),  56f,  63,  111,  125,  134f, 
145,  1.57,  108,  224-229,  249,  385, 
387,  393,  397,  431f,  4(30,  402,  477f, 
541,  543,  549,  .585f,  703,  824-827, 
851,  859f,  897,  903,  93(i,  see  Hel)rews  ; 
for  Israel,  i.e.  >iorthem  Kingdom, 
see  below ;  a  church,  487 ;  a  holy 
people,  129f,  183,  197,  208,  518,  624  : 
a  modem  i>eople,  82 ;  a  poetical 
people,  18  ;  a  Semitic  people,  82 ;  a 
virgin,  488 ;  and  Assyria,  9.9,  510 ; 
and  BaVjylonia,  see  Babylon,  51,  98, 
118,  429,  431  ;  and  Edom,  a3,  134, 
223,  227,  229,  2fJ0,  288,  383,  548,  555, 
585f ;  and  Egypt,  50,  03f,  67,  111, 
240,  2.56,  295f,  299,  431,  .539-542; 
and  kindred  peoples,  63  ;  and  Moab, 
57,  63,  224-227,  260f,  288,  383,  448, 

513,  549 ;  and  Syria,  1*1,  240,  288f, 
303,  436,  548  ;  and  the  heathen  (the 
nations),  47f,  92f,  108,  121,  124,  225, 
259f,  324,  367,  372,  377,  384,  393, 
396,  433,  445f,  454,  400,  402-468, 
470,  473,  487,  502f,  510f,  544-.546, 
5.>1,  550-558,  .560-563,  509,  573,  576, 
579f,  582,  585f,  623-025;  and  the 
Kenites,  84,  170;  and  the  Philis- 
tines, 31,  44,  57,  251,  250f,  201,  207- 
209,  276-288,  513 ;  apostasy  of,  131, 
38ef,  390f,  477f,  481,  502,"  506-513, 
539-542,  891 ;  Babylonian  influence 
on,  51,  98,  225;  bride  of  the  Mes- 
siah,  380;  bride  (wife)  of  Yahweh. 
74,  185,  477,488,  535,  537,  712,  807  ; 
Canaanite  influence  on,  51,  98 ; 
characteristics  of,  18-20,  80 ;  con- 
quest of  Canaan,  50f,  64,  218-253  ; 
creation  of  the  nation,  44,  64 ; 
described  as  a  dove,  556 ;  disrup- 
tion of,  58,  67,  70,  75,  81,  166,  245, 
299f ;  election  of,  80,  91f,  129,  131, 
394,  428,  430,  511,  517,  535,  5-19, 
586,  719  ;  firstlxjm  of  Yahweh,  130, 
173,  389,  488  ;  had  no  philosophy, 
19 ;  history  of,  63-80 ;  in  Egypt, 
63,  119,  123,  120,  128,  134,  150,  U35, 
108-170,  173-178,  213f,  215,  251, 
38ef,  4e7f,  511,  541,  784;  in  the 
period  of  the  Judges,  65f,  250-270, 
273-278  ;  in  the  wilderness,  32,  0-i, 
127f,  181-183,  213f,  218-220,  223f, 
233,  251,  250,  387,  389,  511,  542, 
703,  841,  891f,  914,  924;  influence 
of  environment  on,  26,  50,  98 ; 
mentioned  in  Merenptah  inscrip- 
tion, 5(),  248;  mother  of  the 
Messiah,  930 ;  nations  contempo- 
rary with,  5<>-02  ;  nomad  life  of,  see 
Nomad  life  of  early  Hebrews ;  organ 
of  Divine  revelation,  lOf  ;  origin  of, 
03 ;  origin  of  name,  KiOf ;  racial 
pride  of,  19f  ;  racial  psychology  of, 
19;  rejection  of,  825f ;  religion  of, 
81-97,  see  Religion  of  Israel ;  re- 
ligious genius  of,  10,  133,  139; 
religious  institutions  of,  98-107 ; 
restoration  of,  388,  415f,  454,  475f, 
483,    485,    187-489,    502,    505,    511, 

514,  510f,  .5.59,  .561-5ft3,  571 ;  rise  of 
the  monarchy,  6(3,  277f ;  Servant  of 
Yahweh,  47,  4(30;  settlement  in 
Canaan,  sa  Canaan  ;  social  institu- 
tions of,  1(»8-114;  son  of  God,  372, 
374, 381,  488, 541,  703, 824;  spiritual 


INDEX 


975 


couscioiisness  of,  18 ;  suffering  of, 
92,  390,  393;  the  ideal,  370;  the 
new,  901 ;  under  l);ivid,  G7,  287- 
295  ;  under  Saul,  GO,  278-280  ;  under 
Solomon,  07,  295-300. 

Israel,  Le.  the  Northern  Kingdom  (or 
tribes),  45,  48f,  58,  81,  113,  100, 
2^43,  245,  28(if,  291,  294,  387,  422, 
448,  458,  475,  477f,  485,  487-489, 
505,  517,  531-543,  547-554,  559 f ; 
and  Assyria,  58f,  08-70,  90,  99,  302, 
304,  309f,  430,  440-442,  448,  455, 
477,  505,  510,  512,  534,  538-542, 
552;  and  Egypt,  58f,  70f,  74,  301, 
310,  539-542;  and  Judah,  08-71, 
80,  111,  102,  280f,  291,  320f, 
387,  441,  445,  485,  487,  502,  517, 
538  ;  and  Moab,  e9f,  240,  305,  448, 
549;  and  Syria,  55,  58,  OSf,  100, 
243,  299.  301,  303-309,  441-443,  448, 
534,  548;  captivity  of,  70,  90, 
310,  383,  505  ;  downfall  of,  31,  45, 
70f,  81,  127,  232,  230f,  245,  310,  474, 
505,  509,  512,  534,  559f ;  kings  of, 
68,  120;  political  unrest  in,  08, 
534,  537-539  ;  religious  history  of, 
73f ,  294,  310,  380,  541 ;  social  dis- 
order in,  08,  538. 

and  Judah,  reunion  of,  387,  445, 

485,  517. 

the  true,  49,  042,  841,  801,  806, 

874,  933. 

Israelites,  the,  34,  242,  554,  787. 

Is-sachar,  son  of  Jacob,  158,  106 ; 
tribe  of,  05,  112,  214,  218,  249, 
261f,  200,  290,  315,  521. 

Issues,  294f. 

Issus,  02  ;  battle  of,  4ri7. 

Isthmus  of  Corinth,  832. 

"  It  is  his  angel,"  710,  790. 

Italian  band,  013,  788. 

Italy,  387,  513,  005,  012f,  615f,  633, 
803f  ;  Christians  of,  900. 

Ithamar,  194,  222,  295. 

Ithran,  34. 

Ittai,  290. 

Ituraea,  056. 

Ivory,  109,  111,  380,  122,  550,  552; 
palaces,  380. 

lye-abarim,  lyim,  224,  229. 

lyyar,  103-105,  117,  323,  327. 

J  (Pentateuchal  document),  45,  48, 
125-128,  130,  133,  168,  175,  213  336, 
340;  and  D,  126;  and  E,  12Gf ; 
characteristics  of,  127,  242 ;  com- 
bined with  E,  126,  128,  108 ;  date 
of,  45,  127,  213  ;  expansion  of,  127  ; 
historical  value  of,  127  ;  legislation 
of,  45,  127  ;  written  in  Judah,  45. 

J  or  (J),  document  in  historical  books, 
246,  257,  273f. 

JE,  128,  i:»,  133,  108,  213;  and  D, 
128,  130  :  and  P,  KiS  ;  date  of  com- 
pilation, 128,  213 ;  historical  value 
of,  213  ;  legislation  of,  130. 

Jaazaniah,  507. 

Jabal,  141,  145. 

Jablxik,  32f,  100,  224,  228f,  231,  204, 
493,  5-19. 

Jaloesh-Gilead,  06,  114,  270,  278,  28G. 

Jabin,  65,  24.5,  253. 

Jabneh,  src  Januiia. 

Jachin  and  Boaz,  105,  2!>7f. 

Jacintli,  912. 

Jackals,  208,  .301,  380,  384,  459,  481. 

Jacob,  i.e.  Israel,  220,  456,  5-11,  552. 


Jacob,  i.e.  Judah,  555,  564. 

Jacob  ben  Hayyini,  Rabbinical 
Bible  of,  42. 

JacoV),  [louse  of,  587. 

Jacob  (son  of  Isaac),  11,  20,  03,  124- 
127,  133f,  14(),  156-107,  109f,  185, 
230,  241,  249,  207,  274,  512,  541f, 
585,  748,  750,  780,  784 ;  and  angels, 
133,  150f,  1.59  ;  and  Benjamin,  iGl, 
104;  and  Esau,  21,  03,  134,  150f, 
159f,  541,  585,  825  ;  and  Isaac,  150f , 
225 ;  and  Joseph,  102-107 ;  and 
Laban,  134,  157-159  ;  and  Leah,  03, 
158 ;  and  Pharaoh,  105 ;  and 
Rachel,  03,  157-159,  IG-lf,  170 ;  and 
Rebekah,  150f,  274  ;  and  Shechem, 
lOOf ;  at  Betiiel,  125,  133,  157f,  101, 
300,  541 ;  at  Peniel,  100 ;  blessing 
of,  20,  105f,  243,  249  ;  birth  of,  03, 
150,  274 ;  buys  the  birthright,  134, 
150  ;  character  of,  150,  185,  585,  748; 
cheats  Esau  of  his  blessing,  134, 
157  ;  children  of,  03,  133f,  158,  lOOf, 
103-107,  214,  230,  241,  243,  433; 
concubines  of,  03,  158,  162,  241, 
249  ;  death  and  burial  of,  160f,  784  ; 
election  of,  140,  825 ;  faith  of,  898  ; 
in  Egypt,  120,  134,  104-106,  230, 
748;  in  Paddan-aram,  134,  158f, 
102  ;  marriage  of,  133,  157f ;  name 
changed  to  Israel,  lOOf,  249 ;  name 
of,  134,  150 ;  promises  to,  126,  157  ; 
revelation  to,  124f,  151,  157,  161, 
541 ;  vow  of,  157,  266  ;  wives  of,  63, 
127,  130,  133,  158-160,  241,  274, 
512;  wrestling  of,  133,  156,  100, 
541. 

son  of  Matthan,  701. 

Jacob-el,  157,  248f. 

Jacob's  well,  30,  100,  749f . 

Jaddua  the  High  Priest,  245,  325. 

Jael,  05,  85,  257,  201f. 

Jaffa,  28,  170,  see  Joppa. 

Jahaz  (Jahzah),  221,  448. 

Jahaziel,  70,  317,  320. 

Jair,  06,  229,  234,  265f,  292. 

Jairus,  687,  709,  788;  daughter  of, 
687,  709f,  730f,  788. 

James  at  the  Council  of  Jerusalem, 
identity  of,  790,  793. 

James,  author  of  Epistle,  8,  592. 

Epistle  of,  16,  592,  594-596,  603, 

773,  901f,  903-907,  908  ;  acceptance 
in  the  Church, 595f,  901, 903;  author- 
ship, 595,  773,  903;  date,  902 f ; 
lack  of  distinctive  Christian  teach- 
ing, 903  ;  language  of,  592  ;  literary 
affinities,  343,  603,  903;  quotes 
many  sayings  of  Jesus,  903 ;  readers, 
603,  901,  903  ;  relation  to  I.  Peter, 
903  ;  relation  to  Romans,  903. 

son  of  Alphieus,  709,  759. 

son   of   Zel>edee,  655,  685,  694, 

717,  729,  739,  744,  748,  778,  790, 
793;  martyrdom  of,  055,  768,  773, 
793. 

the    Lord's    brother,    592,    595, 

605,  (155,  7()9,  773,  790,  793,  8-10, 
858f,  903,  923,  931  ;  account  of  in 
Hegesippus,  773 ;  accoimt  of  in  Jose- 
phus,  773  ;  and  Paul,  055,  7C)!),  787, 
799,  &58f,  901f ;  and  thf  Church  of 
Jerusjilem,  655,  773,  790,  858,  OCK^ ; 
aacetic  life  of,  773  ;  at  the  Council 
of  Jerusalem,  700  ;  called  the  Just, 
773;  esteemed  by  non-Christian 
Jews,  773  ;  leader  of  Jewish  Chris- 


tianity,  773 ;   martyrdom   of,   610, 

655,   657,   773,   903,   900;   possibly 

Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  G40  ;  possibly 

included  among  apostles,  G40,  709, 

858. 
Jamnia,  28,  321,  057. 
Janniia,  Synod  of,  38f,  411,  057. 
Jannes  and  Jambres,  174,  880. 
January  Oth,  Eastern  date  for  birth 

of  Christ,  652. 
Japheth,  133f,  145 ;  blessing  on,  44, 

145. 
Jar,  482,  493,  634,  748. 
Jareb,  538,  540. 
Jared,  141. 
Jaunuk,  229. 
Jashar,  Book  of,  9,  18,  45,  226,  246, 

253,  257,  286,  298. 
Jason  (High  Priest),  523,  581,  607 ; 

(Rom.  xvi.  21),  830 ;  of  Thessalonica, 

795,  830,  876. 
Jasper,  931,  942. 
Javan,  473,  513. 
Javelin,  252,  483,  580,  763. 
Jawbone,  151 ;  of  ass,  268. 
Jaws,  541. 
Jazer,  224,  448. 
Jealousy,  44,  G6,  85,  216,  238,  282,  337, 

423,  575f ,  586,  609,  835,  844,  873, 905. 
Jean  le  Clerc,  121f. 
Jebel  Haroun,  223  ;  Madurah,  223. 
Jebus,  220,  270,  580. 
Jebusites,  31,  07,  150,  172,  219f,  224, 

253,  270,  282,  287. 
Jecouiah,  see  Jehoiachin. 
Jedaiah,  578. 
Jedoniaii,  79. 
Jeduthvm,  310f. 
Jehoahaz,  sec  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah. 

king  of  Israel,  09,  300,  308,  548. 

(Sliallum),  king  of  Judah,  72,  79, 

295,  313,  322,  474,  485f,  501,  511. 
Jehoash  (Joash),  king  of  Israel,  e9f, 

300,  308. 
Jehohanan, 329. 
Jehoiachin,  72,  75,  242,  245,  294,  297, 

313,  322    474,   482,  48r,,  490,  495f, 

501,  50:3,  510f,  573f,  577,  701. 
Jehoiada,  74,  70,  308,  312,  320f,  573. 
Jehoiakim,  40f,  60,  72,  113,  313,  322, 

325,  414,  474,  470,  479,  481-484,  490, 

501,  524,  701. 
Jehonadab,  74,  307,  489. 
Jehoram,  king  of  Israel,  30,  69-71, 

74,  302,  305-307. 
king  of  Judah,  70f,  74,  76,  307, 

320. 
Jehoshaphat,  67-71,  73,  76,  lllf,  299, 

302,  304f,  320,  M6. 
Jehosheba,  74,  308. 
Jehovah,  122,  140,  172,  217,  sec  Yah- 

weh. 
Jehozadak,  325.  327,  573. 
Jehu,  king  of  Israel,  21,  30,  58,  69f, 

73f,  89,  100,  166,  216,  302-300,  420, 

489,  530,  &48. 

the  prophet,  70,  302,  315,  320. 

Jehucal,  490. 

Jeliudi,  72. 

Jekyll  and  Hyde,  904. 

.Teniima.  .3li5. 

Jenin,  2$)f. 

Jephthah,  20f,  65,  S5,  105,  130,  256, 

202,  2(Vl,  2r,<if,  271,  5-LO. 
Jei)l)thah's  daucrhter,  20,  05,  83,  85, 

108,  25C,i,  20<;f ;  vow,  65,  83,  266f, 

414. 


976 

Jerahmeelites,  65,  285. 

Jeieniiali,  3,  11,  21,  31,  45-47,  72-75, 
fK)f,  !W,  lUb,  110,  124,  128f,  172,  211, 
231, 203,  295,  310-313, 3-41, 307f,  379, 
3tS5f,  424,  427,  43l!,  4-14,  474-^192, 
494f,  498,  501,  508,  511,  522-524, 
530f,  534,  555,  5^38,  5iiO,  504,  500, 
509, 572f,  575-578,  714,  722,  753, 894f . 
930,  935  ;  and  l'>a})vlon,  40,  72f,  90, 
474f,  477-479,  482,  480f,  489-491, 
494f,  498,  50H,  53(J,  olG  ;  and  Barucli, 
40,  72f,  474-470,  489-492;  and 
Deuteronomy,  11,  40,  75,  90,  128f, 
131,  231  f,  230,  474,  480^82;  and 
Egypt,  73,  90,  475,  491-493;  and 
Ezi'kiel,  46,  73,  91,  518;  and 
Hananiah,  72,  475,  487  ;  and  Je- 
lioahaz,  72,  485 ;  and  Jehoiachin, 
72,  182,  485,  573,  577;  and  Je- 
hoiakim,  40,  72,  313,  474,  485 ;  and 
Josiah,  312,  474,  485 ;  and  Judah, 
72f,  90,  427,  474-487,  489f;  and 
Nebuzaradan,  73,  313,  491;  and 
Pashhur,  72,  325,  484 ;  and  ritual, 
379,  475,  479f,  482  ;  and  Sheni:iiah, 
72f,  487  ;  and  the  Book  of  Lamenta- 
tions, 47,  342,  490 ;  and  the  con- 
temporary prophets,  72,  90,  479, 
483,  485f  ;  and  the  Deuteronomic 
reformation,  40,  75,  90,  474,  478, 
481f  ;  and  the  Exile,  427,  481-483  ; 
and  the  exiles,  72f,  112,  475,  485, 
487,  494,  498  ;  and  the  priests,  479, 
485f ;  and  the  princes,  72f,  313,  475, 
486,  488,  490 ;  and  the  problem  of 
sufiFering,  47,  482;  and  the  Rech- 
abites,  307,  489;  and  the  Scy- 
thians, 40,  474,  477-479,  506,  509, 
576 ;  and  the  Temple,  90,  427,  474f , 
479f,  4M-486,  559;  and  Zedekiah, 
72f,  313,  475,  485-490;  autobio- 
graphy of,  90,  475  ;  call  of,  172,  474- 
477,  5<>1 ;  career  of,  40,  72f,  90,  474f  ; 
carried  into  Egypt,  73,  75,  79,  90, 
313,  475,  491f ;  denounces  idolatry, 
99,  129,  308,  477f,  480f,  483f,  491f, 
573,  78-1 ;  destruction  and  rewriting 
of  the  roll,  40,  72,  474,  470,  489f ; 
doctrine  of  the  New  Covenant,  90, 
131,  427,  475,  488,  894f ;  foreign 
policy  of,  72f,  474f,  477,  480;  in- 
dividualism of,  90,  108,  475,  488  ; 
influence  of,  46,  90,  341,  475; 
legends  concerning,  475f ;  per- 
secution of,  72f,  75,  313,  325,  385, 
474f,  482-484.  480,  488,  490,  559; 
predicts  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
72,  211,  427  475,  477-480,  482f,  485f, 
489f,  495,  599;  preparation  for  his 
ministry,  474,  476 ;  religion  of,  40, 
90,  475,  478,  483;  significance  of, 
46,  90,  475f ;  sufferings  of,  72f,  90, 
427,  474f,  478,  .180,  483 f ;  teaching 
of,  90,  108,  436,  47  If,  488 ;  visions 
of,  474,  470-478,  490,  5(M. 

Book  of,  46,  90,  214f,  294,  313, 

474-495,  827,  855;  biograjjliical 
narratives  jtrobably  by  Baruch,  46, 
424,  476,  486,  489,  492;  gradual 
growth  of  the  book,  46,  72,  474,  470  ; 
non-Jereinianic  elements  in,  4^0,  90, 
424,  470;  prunhfcies  on  foreign 
nations,  470,  ISO,  492—195;  relation 
of  MT  to  LXX,  43,  424,  476,  579 ; 
text  of,  43,  424,  470,  579. 

Jericho,  32,  64f,  223,  227,  245,  249- 
253,  257,  259f,  280,  302,  305,  472, 


INDEX 

609,  717,  732,  737,  750 ;  walls  of,  64, 
250f,  260. 

Jeroboam  I.,  21,  67,  70f,  73,  76,  172, 
210,  210f,  294,  29!>-302,  422;  and 
Abijah,  king  of  Judah,  70,  70  ;  and 
Ahijah,  67,  300f  ;  and  Judah,  07,  70, 
73,  70,  294,  300  ;  and  Shemaiali,  3()0, 
319;  and  Shishak,  71,  »X) ;  and 
Solomon,  07,  299f ;  and  the  jjrophet 
from  Judah,  07,  70,  247,  301  ; 
arrangements  for  cultus,  07,  73,  70, 
210,  294,  30(J;  becomes  king  of 
Northern  tribes,  07,  300;  builds 
Shechem,  300;  death  of  his  child, 
67,  301  ;  flees  to  Egypt,  07,  300 ; 
leads  revolt  against  Rehoboam,  07, 
300;  migrates  to  Fennel,  300;  over- 
seer of  forced  labour,  07  ;  .sets  up 
Golden  Bull  at  Bethel,  67,  73, 
300f ;  sin  of,  67,  294,  3(X)f,  310,  312  ; 
story  in  Chronicles,  70 ;  story  in 
the  LXX,  299f;  wife  of,  300f ; 
withering  of  his  hand,  247,  301, 
685. 

II.,  58,  68f,  74,  112,  243f,  308f, 

4-18,  534,  536,  538f,  547,  553,  556. 

Jerome,  39,  41,  101,  314,  316,  383, 
411,  585,  596,  601,  091,  701,  705, 
718,  749,  704,  773,  790,  901,  913, 
923. 

Jerubaal,  Jerubbesheth,  see  Gideon. 

Jeruel,  IM,  320. 

Jerusalem,  5,  20,  31,  55,67,  70-79,  86, 
89-94,  96,  100,  103-107,  lllf,  116, 
130f,  147-150, 154f,  172, 189,  202-204, 
200,  220,  224,  230-239,  245,  251, 
253,  257-259,  201,  270,  282,  287f, 
293f,  300,  309,  311f,  315-317,  323, 
325,  342,  367,  371,  385-388,  41  If, 
422,  427,  437-441,  444,  417f,  453- 
458,  4iX),  472f,  479-491,  498,  501f, 
507-510,  512,  518,  521,  523f,  530- 
533,  544,  548f,  559-501,  509f,  572f, 
576-586,  592,  596,  607-010,  616,  625, 
646f,  6.54-657,  062,  667f,  670,  681, 
685,  693f,  697f,  700,  705,  727,  729, 
731f,  738-744,  748,  752-757,  763f, 
706-769,  771-774,  776-778,  783, 
780f,  789,  792f,  797-801,  804,  817, 
829,  845-848,  850-853,  858-860, 
805,  889,  899,  930,  935,  941  ;  and  the 
Jebusit&s,  31,  07,  150,  172,  220,  224, 
270,  282,  287 ;  antiquity  of  the 
name,  149,  270 ;  capture  by  Baby- 
lonians, 37,  61,  72f,  131  ;  capture 
by  David,  31,  67,  224,  2.58,  287, 
3i5f,  412,  438  ;  capture  by  Pompey, 
3-12,  490f,  608;  Church  of,  see 
Church  of  .Jerusalem ;  delivered 
from  Sennacherib,  72,  89,  311,  427, 
437,  444,  480;  destruction  of,  by 
Babvlonians,  37,  47f,  01,  73,  79,  90f, 
93f,"ia5,  131,  134,  194,  211,  2.33,  24-5, 
307,  313,  322,  342,  :380f,  391,  418, 
427,  458,  4(iO,  474-470,  490f,  494f, 
501f,  .504-510,  512-515,  ,348,  559-501, 
570,  578,  (V59,  0(i2,  720 ;  destruction 
of,  by  Rom.ins,  244,  2U\  321,  433, 
530,  im,  610,  012,  018,  ().5.5-657,  681, 
696,  718,  720,  724,  737-739,  773f, 
783,  878,  906,  910,  928;  gates  of, 
79,  470,  497,  521  ;  in  the  Tel  el- 
Amarna  period,  ll8f;  inviolability 
of,  89,  45-1,  180,  5f)2.  .50!) ;  military 
value  of,  31,  07,  2s7  ;  jjliysical  ex- 
altation of,  438,  501,  ,58^4";  priest- 
liood  of,  73-79,  9-4,  lOOf,  131,  1-48, 


202,  238f,  312,  482,  518-521,  572f; 
religious  imi)ortance  of,  73,  287, 
438  ;  restoration  of,  .382,  4t^4,  510, 
530f ;  sieges  of,  71,  496,  501  ;  siege 
of,  by  Babylonians,  60f,  73,  104, 
312,  3-12,  475,  485,  488-491,  496, 
501f,  505,  508,  510,  512,  514,  516, 
57s ;  siege  of,  by  Titus,  300,  544, 
610,  739,  773,  936;  true  home  of 
all  Jews,  370,  388,  393;  walls  of, 
see  Walls  of  Jerusalem ;  water 
supply  of,  31. 

Jeshanah,  277. 

Jeshimon,  31,  224,  284. 

Jeshua,  see  Joshua  the  High  Priest. 

Jeshurun,  226,  243. 

Jesse,  66,  281,  44-4,  701,  932  ;  sons  of, 
281,  392. 

Jesting,  866. 

Jesus,  7,  10,  13,  29,  31,  100.  154,  188, 
235,  336,  338-340,  475,  482,  496, 
498-500,  505,  576,  592,  604f,  624f, 
637f,  659-670, 682-723,  725-765,  777- 
790,  792,  795-797,  802,  804,  800-812, 
814,  818,  833f,  838,  840,  842f,  845f, 
852,  856,  858f,  866,  869,  878,  890- 
894,  896,  899f,  903-907,  909-911, 
914,  916-921,  928,  940,  see  Christ; 
agony  of,  608f,  097,  721,  740,  892 ; 
and  aspirants  to  di.scipleship,  708, 
731 ;  and  Caiaphas,  053,  608f,  721f, 
740,  756,  7G2f,  834;  and  children, 
659,  692f,  715-717,  737  ;  and  Ciirist, 
14,  16,  642,  833,  916,  918f,  921 ;  and 
Christianity,  14;  and  current  be- 
liefs, 8,  603,  687,  690,  703f ;  and 
Herod  Antipas,  654,  667,  088,  090, 
692f,  711,  713f,  722,  731,  734f,  741 ; 
and  Herod  the  Great,  652,  702 ; 
and  His  brothers,  686,  688.  701, 
713,  752  ;  and  His  family,  659-001, 
685f,  688,  710,  713,  730,  748,  790; 
and  His  mother,  660,  086,  701,  726f, 
732,  748,  763 ;  and  John  the  Bap- 
tist, see  John  the  Baptist ;  and 
Judaism,  637f,  814 ;  and  Judas, 
609,  e97f,  721,  739f,  752,  757f,  7Glf ; 
and  Lazarus  of  Bethany,  755-757 ; 
and  Martha  and  Mary,  732,  755- 
757 ;  and  Nicodemus,  748f,  753 ; 
and  Paul,  sec  Paul ;  and  Peter, 
32,  007,  674,  082,  0!)1,  695,  097-l»9, 
703,  713-715,  717,  721f,  728f,  731, 
740f,  748,  752,  -(!2,  704f,  778,  840, 
913f;  and  Pilate,  053,  009,  098f, 
722,  7-40f,  702f ,  780-782  ;  and  Primi- 
tive Christianity,  594,  O04f,  638, 
0«)7,  70(i ;  and  prophecy,  605,  668, 
082,  700-702,  748,  757f,  761,  763; 
and  the  angels,  602,  682,  696,  701- 
703,  731,  733,  748  ;  and  the  aiwca- 
lyptic  literature,  001  ;  and  the 
demons,  0()2f,  0t)0f,  t)82f,  685-087, 
093,  708,  715,  728,  731,  73-4;  and 
the  devil,  ()CAj,  6«)8,  082,  6a5,  702f, 
710,  712,  728,  731,  734,  759,  7(!3, 
906  ;  and  the  disciples,  14,  592,  604, 
645,  662,  06-1H170,  681  f,  (585-0.90, 
0.92,  097-<"..09,  70f>f,  714-717,  721, 
728f,  739-742,  747-752,  754f,  757- 
705,  780,  808  ;  and  the  dying  roblxT, 
009,  741  ;  .and  the  Gentiles,  6.59,  715, 
757  ;  and  the  Greeks,  752,  757  ;  and 
the  Herodians,  0.95 ;  and  the  Holy 
Si)irit,  (.82,  080,  701-703,  712,  726, 
728,  747,  749,  753,  769,  779,  788; 
and  the  Last  Supper,  608,  097,  721, 


739,  743,  758,  809,  8-12;  and  the 
Law,  C38,  ()03,  GU5-OG7,  083,  G89, 
G91,  093,  700,  Tai-TOO,  70»f,  715, 
719f,  734f,  705,  811,  855,  800 ;  and 
the  Old  Testament,  038,  001,  603, 
OOOf,  090,  704-700,  7-12;  and  the 
payment  of  the  Temple  tribute,  715 ; 
and  the  payment  of  tribute  to 
CfBsar,  0G8,  095,  719,  738 ;  and  the 
Pharisees,  12,  GGl,  005-008,  G83- 
085,  G89f,  093,  095,  705,  714,  719f, 

729,  732-738,  749,  753f,  75G,  783; 
and  the  poor  widow,  090,  738 ;  and 
the  rich  young  ruler,  093,  717,  737  ; 
and  the  Sabbath,  005f,  083-G85, 
712,  729,  734f,  750,  752,  754;  and 
the  Sadducees,  GGl,  0C)8f,  095,  714, 
719,  756,  814 ;  and  the  Samaritans, 
667,  731,  737,  749;  and  the  San- 
hedrin,  698,  722,  740;  and  the 
sinners,  622,  600,  G83f,  701,  709, 
716,  730,  735  ;  and  the  Temple,  694- 
690,  715,  720,  727,  784,  sec  Temple 
(the  Second),  cleansing  of  ;  and  the 
traditions  of  the  elders,  666,  689, 
714,  731  ;  and  the  woman  of 
Samaria,  30,  749f  ;  and  the  woman 
taken  in  adultery,  600,  705 ;  and 
the  Zealots,  062,  667,  685;  and 
women,  669,  699,  725,  730,  734,  741, 
763;  and  Zacchaus,  609,  738; 
anointing  of,   066,    668,    697,   721, 

730,  739,  743,  755,  757 ;  anticipa- 
tions of,  in  Old  Testament,  11,  13, 
475,  661 ;  appearance  on  the  way 
to  Emmaua,  741f;  appearance  to 
Paul,  669,  708,  780,  799,  802,  807, 
846 ;  appearances  in  Galilee,  670, 
692,  699,  722,  728,  763-765,  845f; 
apiJearances  in  Jerusalem,  670,  742, 
763f ,  8 15  ;  api5earances  of,  after  Re- 
surrection, 15,669f,  722f,  741f,  845f ; 
arrest  of,  669, 697f ,  721f ,  740,  761f ;  as 
carpentt-r,  660,  688 ;  as  prophet, 
2,  659,  666,  682,  718,  741,  750 ;  as 
Redeemer,  8, 14, 16,  809 ;  as  Saviour, 
14,  750,  890f ;  as  Servant  of  Yah- 
weh  (God),  13,  4(J0,  041,  670,  712, 
728,  780f,  786,  789,  8'i6 ;  as  son  of 
David,  694,  696,  701,  709,  714,  719, 
738,  747  ;  as  Son  of  God,  2,  8,  661, 
681,  685,  691,  702f,  708,  711,  714, 

740,  755,  789,  799f,  806-810,  813, 
846,  868,  890-894,  897,  918f,  930, 
940,  see  Son  of  God ;  as  Son  of 
Man,  2,  638,  608,  670,  G91f,  (596, 
708-710,  712,  714,  721,  7-10,  748, 
754,  757,  768,  785,  840,  891,  see  Son 
of  Man ;  Ascension  of,  713,  724, 
742,  760-7i>8,  781,  8G4,  891,  913, 
936  ;  at  Bethany,  668,  694,  732,  742, 
755-757  ;  at  Ctesarea  Philippi,  667, 
688,  691,  700,  703,  71  If ;  at  Caper- 
naum, 665,  682f,  7a4,  709,  714,  728, 
748,  751f;  at  Gethsemane,  668f, 
697,  721,  740,  761f ;  at  Nazareth, 
482,  654,  059-061,  674,  082,  (i87f, 
702.  713,  728 ;  authority  of,  8f,  682, 
695,  718,  738,  7-18  ;  baptism  of,  652- 
654,  657,  661f,  081f,  091,  700,  702f, 
725,  727f,  747,  763,  792,  910,  920; 
betrayal  of,  117,  007-<J69,  ()92,  697f, 
721,  739f,  785,  812f ;  birth  of,  15, 
412,  530,  652,  654,  657,  659,  670, 
700f,  725f;  brothers  of,  660.  680, 
688,  700f,  763,  778,  840,  923  ;  burial 
of,  668,  699,  722,  741,  763,  809,  812, 


INDEX 

822,  846 ;  call  of  disciples,  662,  682, 
700,  704,  709,  728f ;  chronology  of 
His  life,  052-054,  G56f,  694,  702, 
727f,  734 ;  circumcision  of,  727  ; 
claims  to  be  King  of  the  Jews,  698  ; 
claims  to  forgive  sins,  662f,  666, 
683f,  709  ;  compassion  of,  622,  G61, 
688,  708,  713f,  730;  committed 
nothing  to  writing,  601 ;  consum- 
mation of  revelation,  8,  10, 12,  637  ; 
continues  the  ministry  of  John, 
662,  667 ;  control  of  Nature  by, 
603 ;  coronation  f)f,  375,  891 ;  created 
no  organisation,  045 ;  criticisms 
made  by  His  opponents,  see  below  ; 
crucifixion  of,  5,  530,  053-657,  666, 
609,  081,  691,  694f,  698,  713,  722, 
727,  741,  7-13,  748,  763,  766f,  774, 
781,  788,  800,  808,  810,  814,  833f, 
837,  8-45,  852,  857,  859,  873,  893,  910, 
935  ;  date  of  His  death,  G53f,  656f, 
097,  739,  743 ;  Davidic  descent  of, 
792,  807,  818 ;  death  of,  2,  15,  004, 
047,  049,  052,  054,  661,  007-069, 
681,  684,  098f,  710,  722,  741,  752, 
755-757,  7GO-703,  771,  779-782,  785, 
807-810,  821,  828,  838,  840,  911,  920; 
dependence  on  God,  062,  703 ; 
Divine  Wisdom  incarnate  in,  711f ; 
early  life  of,  2,  037,  659f,  701f,  726f  ; 
education  of,  001 ;  elect  of  God, 
747;  emotions  of,  081,  683f,  688, 
690,  692,  708f,  756;  endurance  of, 
898f,  903,  931 ;  enthusiasm  evoked 
by,  665,  667 ;  eschatological  dis- 
course, 696,  720,  738f ;  ethic  of,  2, 
663-605,  729f  ;  example  of,  810,  813, 
841,  873,  885f,  898-900,  909 ;  filial 
consciousness  of,  638,  659,  602, 
670,  702, 711,  727 ;  Galilean  ministry, 
602,  065-GG7,  681-091,  700,  703f, 
708-714,  724,  727-731,  743,  748,  750- 
752,  788  ;  genealogies  of,  700f,  728  ; 
healing  ministry  of,  2,  062-664,  683, 
685,  689,  700,  704,  708,  710,  712,  714, 
722,  728f,  734,  see  below,  Miracles 
of  healing;  His  attitude  to  His 
death,  668,  694,  697-699,  739f,  755, 
757,  1GO-7G3 ;  His  charges  against 
the  Pharisees,  see  below ;  His  pas- 
sion for  humanity,  604 ;  His  use  of 
miraculous  power,  662-004,  089, 
703 ;  historical  existence  of,  14f, 
3-10,  814,  834  ;  homelessness  of,  708  ; 
identified  with  Jeremiah,  475  ;  in 
the  Upper  Room,  G53,  668,  697,  721, 
739f,  758-7()l ;  innocence  of,  609, 
698,  722,  741,  762f,  774 ;  journey  to 
Jerusalem,  693f,  736;  Jud:ean 
ministry  of,  602,  068,  081,  694-090, 
717-721,  728,  737f,  743,  748-758, 
788  ;  kingdom  of,  702,  77-4f  ;  Lamb 
of  God,  747f ;  Lament  over  Jeru- 
salem, 068,  691,  720,  734  ;  language 
of,  30,  594,  604;  length  of  the 
ministry,  ft53,  661,  6()7f,  734,  743; 
life  and  teaching  of,  659-671 ;  light 
of  the  world,  753f ;  limitations  of 
His  knowledge,  8,  663,  696 ;  M.^s- 
siahship  of,  637H)-40,  (Ml,  602,  666, 
682f,  7(X)-703,  714,  731,  740f,  743- 
74.5,  747-753,  755,  757,  7(i0-702,  771, 
774,  779,  781,  787,  811,  833,  920; 
Messianic  claim  of,  ()25,  664,  6()7f, 
670,  083,  091,  t)94f,  098,  743,  750, 
752,  762,  806f,  833 ;  Messianic  con- 
sciouaneas  of,  662,   670,   702,  727  ; 


977 

ministry  of,  2,  26,  29,  652,  659, 
661-608,  681,  691,  778,  788,  792,  914, 
920 ;  miracles  of,  see  below  ;  mis- 
sion of  the  seventy,  665,  077f,  709, 
711,  731 ;  mockery  of,  698,  722, 
7-lOf,  762;  name  of,  IGO,  700,  766, 
770,  779-783,  786-788,  797,  837; 
name  used  in  exorcism  and  healing, 
100,  692f,  707,  780f,  786,  788,  797 ; 
neutrality  towards,  impossible,  712 ; 
new  ethical  demand  of,  60:^-665 ; 
not  an  ascetic,  602 ;  not  guided  by 
eschatological  programme,  061 ; 
niimerical  value  of  name,  937  ; 
l^arables  of,  see  below  ;  passion  of, 
372,  607,  674,  700,  721f,  724,  743, 
703,  809;  patience  of,  910,  931; 
perfection  of,  093,  729 ;  Peter's 
confession  of  His  Messiahship,  607, 
691;  Peter's  denial  of,  698,  722, 
762 ;  poverty  of,  059f ,  854 ;  prayers 
of,  499,  088f,  083,  089,  091,  725, 
728f,  731,  741,  750f,  701,  892; 
preaching  of,  662-665,  682f,  865; 
predicts  fall  of  Jerusalem,  010,  068, 
090,  720,  738 ;  predicts  His  death, 
667f,  684,  691f,  694..  715,  717,  731, 
734,  737,  757;  predicts  His  resur- 
rection, 607-009,  092 ;  presentation 
in  the  Temple,  179,  702,  727 ;  ques- 
tion of  His  infallibility,  8,  663; 
record  of  His  life  and  teaching,  8, 
14-16,  572,  592,  594,  604f,  047,  052, 
659,  672-678,  681,  700;  refuses  a 
sign,  662,  007,  683,  690,  712,  714; 
refuses  political  Messiahship,  662; 
rejection  by  the  Jews,  668,  674, 
687f,  713,  728,  785,  826;  residence 
in  Egypt,  652,  654,  702;  resurrec- 
tion of,  2,  15,  210,  604f,  639,  641, 
645,  647,  649f,  653,  681,  692,  695, 
699f,  713,  715,  722,  724,  741-743, 
700,  768,  771,  774,  777-782,  788,  792, 
796,  800,  802,  807-809,  818,  822, 
824-826,  828,  &45f,  852,  861,  863f, 
874,  883,  885,  900,  911,  913,  929; 
sayings,  discourses  of,  8,  14-16,  25, 
004,  667,  700,  903f ,  909, 913  ;  scourg- 
ing of,  698,  741,  762 ;  second  com- 
ing of,  038,  041,  645,  (>47,  649f,  6()8, 
718,  720f,  723,  737,  740,  767,  774, 
778,  807,  811f,  815,  826,  837,  840, 
842,  847f,  850,  870,  872-880,  SS6, 
SS8,  891,  897,  899,  902,  90G,  913- 
915,  918,  926,  942f ;  sermon  on  the 
level  place,  677,  729 ;  Sermon  on 
the  Mount,  667,  674,  077,  7O4-706, 
714,  728 ;  seven  words  from  the 
cross,  669;  sinlessness  of,  661,  702, 
810,  818;  sisters  of,  660;  sujier- 
natural  knowledge  of,  684,  748,  750; 
synagog\ie  ministry  of,  665,  682 ; 
teaching  of,  see  below  ;  temptation 
of.  31,  661f,  674,  678.  081f,  088-690, 
700,  702f,  71.^,  728  ;  training  of  the 
Twelve,  2,  607,  691f,  808 ;  trans- 
figuration of,  29.  32,  667,  691f,  697, 
702,  715,  731,  914;  trial  of,  669, 
698,  722,  740f,  748,  762f  ;  triumphal 
entry,  661,  668,  694,  697,  717f,  738, 
743,  757  ;  trustworthiness  of  Gospel 
narnvtives  concerning,  8,  14-16, 
659,  603,  069f .  699  ;  under  the  curse 
of  th(<  Law,  814.  859 ;  universalism 
of,  1)67  ;  urgency  of  His  message, 
665,  667 ;  virgin  birth  of,  15,  659, 
670,  686,  701,  726f,  860;  vision  at 


978 

baptism,  601  f,  682,  702,  728 ;  visit 
of  the  Magi,  700-702 ;  visit  of  the 
shepherds,  702,  72Gf;  visits  Jeru- 
salem when  twelve  years  old,  GoS), 
727  ;  visits  Jerusalem  during  min- 
istry, 607,  700,  743,  748,  752 ;  washes 
the  disciples'  feet,  758. 

Jesus,  criticisms  made  by  His  oppo- 
nents, OGG,  G98  ;  a  Samaritan,  754  ; 
a  sinner,  006,   754 ;    abrogation  of 
the  Law,  GOO  ;  association  with  sin-  : 
ners,    060,    083f,    735 ;    blasphemy, 
666,  684,  698,  751,  75^1f,  7G3  ;  claims 
to  forgive  sins,  GOO,  683  ;  disregard 
of    the    traditions,    660;    Galilean 
origin   negatives    Messianic  claim,  | 
606,  753  ;  m  league  with  Beelzebub,  ■ 
G66,  685f,  712,  754  ;  lack  of  Rabbinic  ; 
training,   666;    lowly   origin,    752; 
madness,   753 ;    neglect   of  fasting, 
683f  ;  neglect  of  washings,  689,  714, 
731f ;  not  of  Davidic  descent,  hence 
not  Messiah,  701,  753  ;  possessed  by 
a  demon,  666,  755  ;  Sabbath  break- 
ing, 606,  684,  754 ;  self-glorification, 
751. 

charges  of,  against  the  Pharisees, 

12,  (m,  719f;  avarice,  666,  720; 
blind  leaders,  666,  720,  754;  casu- 
istry, 6tk),  720;  display,  666,  705; 
extortion,  660,  720 ;  hypocrisy,  606, 
705,  720,  733 ;  lack  of  humility,  6m  ; 
lack  of  proportion,  12,  666,  720, 
732;  love  of  honours,  666;  self- 
righteoiisness,  666,  737 ;  self-satis- 
faction, 666. 

miracles  of,   662-664,   743,   766; 

demonstrate  nearness  of  the  king- 
dom, 664 ;  discredited  by  Pharisees, 
666 ;  evidence  for,  663 ;  evidential 
value  of,  664;  historicity  of,  663; 
not  all  equally  well  attested,  663. 

casting  out  of  demons,  662f,  682f, 

685,  728,  734;  blind  and  dumb 
demoniac,  712 ;  demoniac  boy,  692, 
715,  731 ;  dumb  demoniac,  709 ; 
Gerasene(  Gadarene )  demoniacs,  663 , 
687,  708,  730 ;  in  the  synagogue  of 
Capernaum,  682,  708,  728;  Syro- 
phcenician's  daughter,  690,  714,  731. 

miracles    of    healing,    6G2-6(>4, 

6.08,  707,  907;  blind  Bartimaeus, 
694,  717,  737  ;  blind  man  of  Beth- 
saida,  (i90f,  714;  centurion's  ser- 
vant, 708,  730  ;  deaf  mute,  6!X),  714  ; 
High  Priest's  servant,  722,  740; 
leper,  683,  708,  729,  787  ;  man  at 
the  pool  of  Bethzatha,  7.50 ;  man 
born  blind,  75-1 ;  man  witli  droi>sy, 
734  ;  man  with  the  withered  hand, 
663,  68-lf,  712.  729,  734 ;  paralytic, 
G(>:i,  683,  708f,  728,  788;  Simon's 
wife's  mother,  683,  708,  728,  780; 
son  of  the  king's  officer,  743,  750; 
ten  lejKirs,  736 ;  two  blind  men, 
709 ;  woman  with  issue  of  blood, 
687,  089,  709,  730;  woman  with 
spirit  of  infirmity,  73-1. 

nature   miracle.s,    663 ;   coin    in 

fi-sh's  mo\ith,  6«)3,  715  ;  draught  of 
fishes,  728f ;  feeding  of  the  five 
thousand,  (K)3,  088f,  713,  731,  751  ; 
feeding  of  the  four  thousand,  6(i3, 
690,  714,  731  ;  stilling  of  the  tem- 
pest, (ka,  687,  708,  7:?0 ;  turning  of 
water  into  wine,  748 ;  walking  on 
the  sea,  663,   689,   713,   731,   751 ; 


INDEX 

withering  of  the  fig-tree,  663,  686, 
694f,  718. 

Jesus,  raising  of  the  dead :  Jairus' 
daughter,  663,  087,  692,  709f,  730f, 
757,  788 ;  Lazarus,  003,  GG8,  730, 
755-757  ;  widow  of  Nain's  son,  30G, 
710,  730,  757. 

parables  of,  25,  604,  660,  666f, 

685-087;  Dives  and  Lazarus,  736; 
the  barren  fig-tree,  094,  734;  the 
children  in  the  market-place,  413 ; 
the  friend  at  midnight,  059,  732; 
the  good  Samaritan,  (i07,  706,  732 ; 
the  good  shejiherd,  754,  759 ;  the 
labourers  in  the  vineyard,  674,  717  ; 
the  leaven,  177,  678,  713,  734f ;  the 
lost  piece  of  silver,  570,  660,  735; 
the  lost  sheep,  676,  716,  735 ;  the 
marriage  feast,  402,  735 ;  the  mar- 
riage of  the  king's  son,  402,  674, 
718;  the  mustard  seed,  678,  687, 
713,  734f ;  the  net,  713;  the  jjeari 
of  great  price,  713 ;  the  Pharisee 
and  the  publican,  737  ;  the  pounds, 
718,  737 ;  the  prodigal  son,  666, 
717f,  735,  811 ;  the  rich  fool,  G(iO, 
733,  906 ;  the  seed  growing  secretly, 
667,  687,  713,  938 ;  the  sower,  686, 
713,  730 ;  the  talents,  660,  721,  730 ; 
the  tares,  667,  713 ;  the  ten  virgins, 
720f ,  733f ;  the  treasure  hid  in  the 
field,  713;  the  two  debtors,  730; 
the  two  sons,  074,  718 ;  the  un- 
grateful servant,  716 ;  the  unjust 
judge,  737;  the  tin  just  steward, 
735 ;  the  vine,  759f ;  the  wedding' 
garment,  718f  ;  the  wicked  husband- 
men, 455,  668,  674,  691,  695,  718,  738. 

teaching  of,  2,  13,  15,  594,  601f, 

700,  707f,  767,  828,  940. 

Characteristics :      accepted      as 

final,  594  ;  authoritative  char- 
acter of,  682 ;  danger  in  system- 
atising,  664;  given  in  Aramaic, 
8,  592,  60-1;  implies  the  passing 
of  Judaism,  767 ;  limitations  of,  8, 
639 ;  not  an  interim  ethic,  GOil ; 
parabolic  method  of,  667,  685f; 
social  background  of,  660. 

Topics :  adultery,  6G4,  693,  705, 

716;  almsgiving,  70«),  733,  730, 
85-1 ;  angelic  counterparts,  716 ; 
angels,  695f,  719,  731,  733;  anger, 
664,  705;  anxietv,  659,  (364,  69(), 
707,  733 ;  bai)tism,  723,  749 ; 
blessedness,  701,  729 ;  ceremonial, 
665f ;    charity    in    judgment,    G(>'\ 

707,  730,  734;  Church,  the,  714- 
716;  circumcision,  752;  Davidic 
descent  of  Mes.xiah,  696,  719 ;  de- 
filement, 604,  (kiO,  Cmf,  714,  732; 
demons,  demoniacal  possession, 
662f,   686f,   731  ;    discipleship,    691, 

708,  710,  735;  divorce,  587,  6G(!. 
674,  693,  705,  716f,  736;  duty  to 
parents,  689,  714 ;  eating  His  flesh 
and  drinking  His  blood,  7.52; 
Elijah,  a->S,  (■>92,  715;  eschatolog>-, 
see  Eschatologv ;  exorcism,  0(i2, 
680,  092,  712,  731  ;  faith,  t)63H;G5, 
680f,  a05,  715,  718,  730,  73G,  748, 
751-755,  761,  7ai,  814  ;  fasting,  662, 
aw,,  683f,  6.92,  706,  709,  729; 
Fatherhood  of  God,  (>37,  OHf,  706f, 
810;  forgiveness,  661,  0()5,  W<0, 
08<),  G95,  70(5,  716,  730,  732,  736; 
forgiveness  of  sins,  8.  662f,  666,  068f, 


C83f ,  686,  697,  706,  709,  716,  730,  732, 
735, 7 1:2 ;  Gehenna,  661, 693, 705,  730 ; 
God,  8,  ti44f,  732,  etc.  ;  God  His 
own  Father,  059,  604,  711,  7-15 ; 
Golden  Rule,  707,  729,  910 ;  great- 
est commandment,  661,  664,  t;95f, 
719,  732;  His  death,  667f,  091f, 
G95f,  715,  717,  733,  752,  759-761  ; 
His  own  person,  067,  691,  695,  711, 
714,    750-755;    His   own    Sonship, 

604,  711,  715;  Holy  Spirit,  the, 
686,  712,  732f,  740,  759f,  809 ;  hu- 
mility, 665,  735  ;  inwardness,  664f  ; 
judging,  01)5,  707,  730,  734;  judg- 
ment, 008,  707,  712,  715,  720f,  733, 
736,  749,  751,  754,  758,  760;  King- 
dom of  God,  2,  638,  659f,  662-007, 
682,  686f,  692-697,  703-713,  715, 
718f,  721,  729-741,  743,  745,  748- 
750,  810 ;  Last  Judgment,  661,  670, 
693,  721,  734f,  751 ;  Law,  the,  638f, 
665-667,  683f,  689,  700,  704-700, 
708f,  711,  719f,  734,  751,  765 ;  love, 

605,  696,  729f,  732,  734,  759-761 ; 
love  of  enemies,  7(W,  729f ;  love  of 
one's  neighbour,  665,  695f,  705f, 
717,  732;  love  to  God,  6G1,  695f, 
707,  751 ;  marriage,  G93,  71Gf,  838, 
840;  mercy,  600,  6G5,  704,  716; 
nature,  604;  new  birth,  749;  New 
Covenant,  0G8,  697,  739;  non-re- 
sistance, 40t),  705,  722,  729  ;  oaths, 
235,  705,  720;  Paraclete,  7-45,  758- 
760 ;  patience,  6(i7,  739 ;  peace 
making,  704 ;  perfection,  605,  693, 
707f,  717 ;  persecution,  686,  093, 
696,  704,  710,  714,  729,  739,  'CO; 
prayer,  664f,  692,  706f,  716,  718, 
732,  737,  759-7G1 ;  Providence,  664 ; 
purity,  6<)-lf,  7C>4 ;  reconciliation, 
605,  705 ;  repentance,  662-065,  6<i8, 
082,  71G,  721,  729,  733-7^5,  742; 
resurrection  life,  the,  695,  719,  738  ; 
retaliation,  705 ;  rewards  and 
punishments,  605,  693f,  730 ;  riches, 
660,  604,  606,  686,  693f,  696,  706f, 
717,  729,  733,  736f ;  righteousness, 
604,  702,  704,  706,  709f,  729,  760, 
814  ;  Sabbath  observance,  6<i5f ,  (^84, 
712,  719,  729,  750,  752;  second 
coming,  668,  691,  (»6,  710,  718, 
720f,  733f,  737,  740,  160,  705; 
second  commandment,  6d4,  695f ; 
sin,  8,  668,  690,  706,  716,  734,  760 ; 
sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost,  r>86, 
712;  sincerity,  664,  705;  Sun  of 
Man,  601,  0158,  070,  683f,  086,  G91f, 
696,  7a'<-710,  712-714,  721,  729,  733, 
737,  740,  748f,  754,  757  ;  suffering 
and  sin,  13,  134,  734,  754  ;  taking  up 
the  cross,  691 ;  true  greatness,  0()8, 
692,  694,  717,  739f ;  two  ways,  the, 
707  ;  vows,  C69,  714  ;  watchfulness, 
696,  733,  ~39  ;  worship,  664f,  750. 

"  Jesus  anathema,"  833f,  843,  8'48. 

Jesus  Baral)bas,  722. 

Jesus  (High  Priest),  see  Jason. 

Jesus  Justus,  870. 

Jesus  of  History  and  the  Christ  of 

Faith,  14,  (542,  916. 
Jesus,  3on  of  Sirach,  see  Ben-Sira. 
Jether,  290. 
Jethro,  04,  168,  170,  172f,  182f,  218 

233  258 
JeAveiry,  jewels,  101,   123,  155,   1774 

289,  421,  439,  931. 
Jewish     Christiana,    Jewish     Chria 


INDEX 


979 


tianity,  247,  592,  G02,  639f,  773f, 
789,  793,  805f,  817,  823,  859,  8(53, 
870,  877,  889,  913,  933,  see  Church 
of  Jerasalem. 

Jewish  liturgy,  318,  333f. 

religion   in  the  time  of  Christ, 

618-626,  636f.  660  ;  a  legal  religion, 
620,  636f,  6(.»;  a  living  and  de- 
veloping religion,  618  ;  apocalyptic 
elements  in,  618,  637,  660;  asso- 
ciated with  ix)litics,  619,  625; 
casuistry  of,  636f ;  Christian  con- 
troversy with,  780 ;  defects  of,  618- 
624 ;  emotional  intensity  of,  619  ; 
exclusiveness  of,  619,  621,  624,  627  ; 
fanaticism  in,  619 ;  ideals  and 
achievements  of,  618-625  ;  in  what 
sense  a  priestly  religion,  620 ;  in- 
consistency of,  618,  620;  intel- 
lectual element  in,  620;  its  ideals 
the  same  for  all,  624 ;  its  mono- 
theism national  and  political,  619- 
621;  lax  adherents  of,  621f,  660; 
leading  ideas,  637  ;  monotheism  its 
fundamental  doctrine,  618 ;  party 
tendencies  in,  610f,  624,  637  ;  rela- 
tion to  non- Jewish  culture,  636f  ;  \ 
sources  of  our  knowledge,  618 ; 
transitional  character  of,  620 ;  | 
without  sacraments  or  mysteries,  i 
620.  I 

Jews,  6,  34,  38f,  49,  77-«0,  93,  96f, 
98,  100,  106,  183f,  310,  325-340,  368- 
372,  374-382,  387-391,  393-396,  414, 
416,  450,  453f,  459,  464,  472f,  496f,  ] 
522-525,  528-532,  544,  546,  578-583,  i 
587,   607-610,    615f,    618-627,    650, 
660,   696,   698,  701f,    7a5-713,    715, 1 
717-720,  722,  725,  730-738,  741,  746,  I 
74S,  750,  761-763,  765,  767-774,  778-  ! 
785,    787-802,    804f,    814,    817-821,  ' 
824-829,   832f,   837,  843,  862,  864f, 
874,    876,    903-906,    930-932;    and 
Christianity,  595,  610,  624-626,  682, 
686,  701f,  7K)f,  717f,  720,  722f,  728f, 
736,  767-769,  771-773,  779-783,  790, 
792-802,  804,  807,  814,  817,  833,  843, 
874,  876,  879,  903,  930f ;  and  Gen- 
tiles, 49,  93,  95f,  337,  371,  376,  390, 
608-610,    619,    623-<525,    637,    640, 
660,  689,   707,  728,  733f,   737,  766, 
812,    819-821,    825-827,    829,   864f, 
894,  906,  942;  and  Greece,  62,  79, 
94,  98,  108,  411,  579f,  607,  625,  637 ; 
and     military    service,    616 ;     and 
Persia,  61,  77-79,  81,  92,  98,  327f, 
339,   353,   368,   411,   572-576,    719; 
and  Rome,  607-610,  612,  615f,  631, 
765,  774,  &M ;  and  Samaritans,  77- 
79,  310,  323f,  327,  331f,  386,  575f, 
608,  732,   750;   and   Syria,  62,  94, 
387,  450,   580-582,   607 f ;    and   the 
heathen,  96,  393f ,  454,  619-621,  624  ; 
exjielled   from    Rome,    656f ,    818 ;  j 
fanaticism  of,  616 ;  in  Alexandria,  I 
62,  79,  94,  112,  607 ;  in  Babylon,  31, 
47,  67,  72f,  75,  77-79,  90,  106,  387,  I 
394,  485,  495,  572,  576f  ;  in  Egypt,  • 
73,  75,  79,  94,  98,  KXJ,  311,  324,  387,  \ 
450,  475,  485f,   491f,  533,  572,  702, 
808;    in    the    Disjjersion,    80,   94, 
100,   106,    112,    3()8,  372,   388,   391, 
445,  454,  46f),   468,  473,    546,    561- 
563,  576,  578f,  586,  608f,  616,  618, 
625f ,  770,  906  ;  money  lenders,  616  ; 
monotheism  of,  608,  616,  618-621, 
623-625,  627,  637,  879  ;  nationalism 


of,  616,  619-621,  624 ;  rejection  of, 
728,  731,  824;  religious  parties 
among,  94f ,  624,  637  ;  religious  per- 
secution of,  62,  97,  367f,  371,  379, 
386,  433,  522-524,  529-532,  580f, 
607f ;  return  from  exile,  37,  61,  77f, 
92,  323-326,  329,  393,  445,  585 ; 
toleration   of    their    religion,    607- 

609,  616  ;  under  Herod,  608f  ;  under 
the  Hasmoneans,  107,  608 ;  under 
the  Maccabees,  94,  607f  ;  under  the 
procurators,  609f  ;  under  the  Pto- 
lemies, 94 ;  unpopularity  of,  607f, 
616,  627,  775,  795 ;  war  with  Rome, 

610,  616,  656f,  6C0,  773,  939. 
"Jews,  the,"  in  the  Fourth  Gospel, 

747-750,  752-756,  761-763. 

Jezebel,  73f,  112,  302-304,  307,  414. 

Jezebel  (of  Thyatira),  651,  930. 

Jezer,  227. 

Jezreel  (in  Judah),  284  ;  (in  N.  Israel), 
29f,  70,  74,  112,  294,  303-305,  307, 
422,  536  ;  Plain  of.  65,  70,  72  ;  Vale 
of,  29, 259,  263  ;  name  of  new  Israel, 
537  ;  son  of  Hosea,  536f. 

Jinn,  208. 

Joab,  67,  114,  285,  287,  289-296. 

Joan  of  Arc,  171. 

Joanna,  725,  730. 

Joash,  king  of  Israel,  see  Jehoash. 

king  of  Judah,  69,  74,  76,  295, 

308f,  320. 

Job,  47,  93, 108,  271,  346-365,  385, 392, 
399,  411,  479,  509,  702,  740,  903,  906; 
and  Elihu,  342,  361-363,  399 ;  and 
God,  47,  93,  34(5-365,  479  ;  and  his 
three  friends,  342,  347, 349-361,  365, 
399;  and  his  \vife,  348-350;  and 
posterity,  357 ;  and  the  Satan,  346- 
349;  children  of,  347f,  352,  357,  365; 
daughters  of,  347f,  648,  843;  disease 
of,  203,  348,  361;  expects  vindica- 
tion after  death,  357,  385  ;  his  oath 
of  clearing,  360 ;  his  vision  of  God, 
3.55,  357,  365,  385 ;  impatience  of, 
350f;  innocence  of,  47,  351,  353, 
355f ,  358,  360f,  364  ;  lamentation  of, 
349 ;  patience  of,  346,  348f,  903,  906; 
problem  of,  271,  346,  349,  351,  357, 
363,  365  ;  restoration  of,  365 ;  sins 
of  his  childhood,  3-55 ;  speeches  of, 
90,  349,  351-361,  364f ;  sufferings  of, 

346,  348-3.52,  354-358,  360-363; 
testing,  346-349  ;  to  be  avenged  by 
God,  357;  tortured  by  God,  351f, 
354,  356  ;  wealth  of,  347. 

Book  of,  9,  13,  18-21,  24f,  47,  92, 

94,  96,  299,  304,  341-345,  346-365, 
395,  397-399,  411f,  419,  459,  509, 827, 
836;  and  Greek  thought,  94;  at- 
tacks current  doctrine  of  sin  and 
retribution,  21,  92,  94,  345f,  402, 
405,  754 ;  author  of,  47,  94,  345f, 
411  ;  behemoth  and  leviathan,  342, 

347,  364f ;  date,  342,  346,  509 ;  dis- 
locations in,  3-42,  3.39-301,  365 ; 
dramatic  element  in,  20;  epilogue 
of,  342,  346,  349,  365 ;  interpolations 
in,  9,  3-12,  .347,  355,  358f,  361,  364 ; 
literary  characteristics  of,  13,  18, 
20;  jxiem  on  wi.sdom,  342,  347,359f, 
401 ;  problem  of  suffering  in,  47,  93, 
345,  411,  754  ;  prologue  of,  342,  316- 
349  ;  prose  storj-,  312,  34<jf,  3^19, 35.3, 
.365  ;  puri)ose  of,  47,  94  ;  si)eeche8  of 
Elihu,  9,  342,  347,  .36)1-36.1;  speeches 
of  Yahweh,  342,  361, 363-365 ;  struc- 


I      ture  of,  342,  346f ;  teaching  of,  94, 

96,  345-347. 
!  Job's  friends,  20,  342,  346-361,  365. 

Job's  wife,  342,  ^48-350. 

Jochebed,  170,  174. 

Joel    (prophet),    275,    544-546,   826; 
probably  a  priest,  544. 

Book  of,  48,   176,  544-546,  555, 

779 ;  apocalyptic  elements  in,  48, 
432,  544-546 ;  date,  424,  544 ;  debt 
to  earlier  literature,  544;  descrip- 
tion of  locusts,  176,  544-M6  ;  occa- 
sion of,  544 ;  style,  544 ;  theology 
of,  544 ;  unity,  48,  424,  544. 

Jogbehah,  229. 

Johanan,  contemporary  of  Jeremiah, 
73,  79,  491. 

Johanan  (High  Priest),  79. 

Johannine  School,  595,  604,  744,  747. 

John,  associate  of  Caiaphas,  781. 

author  of  Apocalypse,  595,  834, 

927,  929,  942. 

kinsman  of  Annas,  781. 

of  Asia,  595f,  604,  773,  790. 

of  Gischala,  610. 

John  Hyrcanus,  386,  608. 

Mark,  790f,  794,  927,  see  Mark. 

son  of  Zebedee,  8,  646,  655,  685, 

692,  717,  721,  729,  739,  743f,  7-48, 
763-766,  772,  780,  782,  786,  790,  793, 
902,  921,  927,  931 ;  aUeged  martyr- 
dom of,  694,  744,  764,  790;  and 
Cerinthus,  916,  921 ;  and  John  of 
Asia,  741,  916  ;  and  the  Johannine 
Epi.stles,  902,  916,  921,  929;  con- 
nexion with  Asia,  646,  744,  772,  916, 
929  ;  probably  to  be  identified  with 
the  beloved  disciple,  744,  763,  765 ; 
relation  to  Apocalypse,  744,  916, 
927 ;  relation  to  Fourth  GosiJel,  743f, 
764f,  916,  929. 

the   Baptist,   31,  305,  587,  609, 

637f,  661f,  664f,  667,  676,  678,  681f, 
695,  700,  702,  710-713,  718,  720,  724- 
728,  731,  736,  743,  746-749,  751,  755, 
771,  777f,  781,  792,  833  ;  and  Elijah, 
3a5,  661,  668,  682,  692,  715;  and 
Herod  Antipas,  609,  667,  GSS,  693, 
703,  713;  and  Herodias,  600,  688, 
713 ;  and  Jesus,  413,  661-6<13,  682, 
692,  695,  702,  710f,  728,  730,  743, 
746-749,  751,  755,  760,  777  ;  and  the 
Essenes,  624 ;  and  the  people,  702, 
710,  730,  751 ;  and  the  Pharisees, 
702,  728,  730,  747 ;  and  the  Saddu- 
cees,  702,  728,  747 ;  ascetic  life  of, 
661,  682,  710f,  725  ;  baptises  Jesus, 
661f,  682,  702,  728,  747;  baptism 
administered  bv,  661,  663,  665,  682, 
702,  728,  747,  749,  755,  788f,  797  ; 
birth  of,  726  ;  disciples  of,  662,  684, 

709,  711,  713,  729f,  746-719.  771 ; 
executed,  25,  609.  654,  667.  <>«,  713, 
728  ;  forerunner,  638,  663,  682.  725f, 
746f,  749 ;  Gabriel  predicts  his 
birth,  725;  impri.soned,  6«i2,  667, 
682,  703,  728,  749;  in  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  6»i2,  711,  746.  749,  792;  in- 
fluence with  the  i)eople,  661.  682, 
710,.  751 ;  Josephus'  account  of,  661, 
688 ;  name  of,  726 ;  performs  no 
miracles,  '6«)1.  Gl&i,  755 ;  prophetic 
ministry  of,  (552,  661f,  (582,  6,%,  702, 

710,  728 ;  source  of  his  authority, 
605. 

the  Presbyter,  596,  604,  657,  744, 

921,  927. 


980 

John,  Epistles  of,  16,  592,  603f,  744, 

765,  901  f,  91(H)22. 
1st  Epistle  of,  595f,  G03-6a5, 744f, 

758,  901f,  910-920,  921;  and  II. 
John,  921 ;  authorship,  Hi5,  902, 
91Ci,  929 ;  canonicity,  595f,  901  ; 
date,  058,  910 ;  false  teachers  at- 
tacked in,  910 ;  object,  910 ;  recip- 
ients, 901,  910 ;  relation  to  Fourth 
Gospel,  005,  758,  910. 

2nd     Epistle     of,     595f,     603f, 

901f,  921f ;  and  I.  John,  921 ;  and 
III.  John,  921f;  authorship,  705, 
902,  921,  929  ;  canonicity,  595f,  901 ; 
date,  058  ;  object,  921 ;  to  whom 
written,  901,  921. 

3rd     Epistle     of,     595f,     C03f, 

901f,  921f;  and  II.  John,  921f ; 
authorship,  705,  902,  922,  929  ;  can- 
onicity, 595f,  901 ;  date,  658,  922  ; 
object,  922;  recipients,  901,  922; 
situation,  922. 

GosimjI  of,  122,  592f,  595,  604f, 

646,  713-705,  890,  927;  allegorical 
explanation  of,  750,  757,  703 ;  and 
Asia  Minor,  005,  744 ;  and  Gnosti- 
cism, 740,  703 ;  and  the  Samaritans, 
749f ;  appendix,  703-705  ;  attitude 
to  John  the  Baptist,  062,  711,  746- 
749,  751,  792;  authorship  of,  743f, 
765,  910,  929 ;  chronology  of,  e52f, 
748,  750f ,  757,  702  ;  date,  058,  744  ; 
date  of  crucifixion  in,  053,  743;  dia- 
logues in,  OOif ;  duration  of  the 
ministry,  053,  743  ;  Greek  influence 
on,  25,  OOlf ,  715f ;  historical  diffi- 
culties in,  743f,  747,  751,  750 ;  his- 
torical value  of,  743f,  748-751,  754, 

759,  762,  704  ;  in  the  early  Church, 
743f;  miracles  in,  743,  748,  750f, 
754-757  ;  not  written  by  author  of 
Rev.,  927 ;  place  of  comixjsition, 
005,  744  ;  presupposes  Synoptic  tra- 
dition, 6a5,  743,  762;  prologue  to, 
74.5-747,  917,  940;  relation  to  I.  Jn., 
605,  758,  916;  relation  to  Paul,  809; 
relation  to  Synoptic  Gospels,  604f, 
711,  743-745,  747-752,  755-757,  702f ; 
Sabbath  observance,  750,  752,  754  ; 
scene  of  ministry,  728,  743 ;  style 
of,    592;    symbolism   in,   697,   743, 

748,  750,  75'3f ,  758f ,  7frtf ;  teaching 
of  Jesus  in,  25,  743 ;  the  spiritual 
GosiJel,  743  ;  transpositions  in,  748, 
751f,  754,  758,  702. 

Gospel  of,*its  theologv,  744-740 ; 

Christology,  743-747,  752-756,  758f, 
764 ;  death  of  Christ,  748,  752,  755- 
757,  759,  761;  eschatology,  759f, 
765,  809 ;  faith,  748,  755,  759,  761, 
764;  God,  744-747,  761;  judgment, 

749,  751,  754,  757f,  760;  kingdom  of 
God,  748-750;  life,  71.5-757,  750- 
752,  755,  759  ;  light,  745f ;  love,  745, 
759;  love  of  (iod,  745,  7r.0;  Mes- 
siahshi))  of  Jesus,  743-745,  747-755  ; 
regeneration,  746,  749,  751  ;  revela- 
tion, 741-747,  758;  sacraments,  J49, 
751f,  754,  758,  7('>5 ;  salvation,  747- 

750,  752,  75.5f,  758  ;  sin,  745f,  IIS, 
750,  753f,  760;  Son  of  Man,  748f, 
75-1;  sonship,  746f ;  spirituality  of 
God,  745,  750;  the  Son,  743-745, 
747,  749,  751-753,  755,  759,  761;  tiie 
Spirit  (Paraclete),  74.5-747,  749,  753, 
758-7<.i0,  809;  the  Word  (Logos), 
745-747,  756.  758,  701,  890 ;  truth, 


INDEX 

745,  759f,  762;  union  with  Christ, 
745,  759,  761. 

Joint,  860,  809. 

Jokneam,  30. 

Joktheel,  309. 

Jonadab,  friend  of  Amnon,  289 ;  son 
of  Rechab,  sec  Jehonadab. 

J(inah,  '18,  309,  484,  505,  712,  753; 
sign  of,  712,  714,  732. 

Book  of,  20,  22,  48,  92,  309,  544, 

556-558;  date,  48,  550;  historicity 
of,  550 ;  literary  qualities  of,  48, 
558  ;  object,  48,  92,  550,  558  ;  para- 
ImdHc  character  of,  48,  550f ;  unity 
of,  550. 

Jonathan,  grandson  of  Moses,  149, 
209, 300  ;  High  Priest  in  30  a.d.,  610, 
653  ;  son  of  Abiathar,  290,  295;  son 
of  Saul,  18,  00,  279,  282f,  280,  292, 
341 ;  the  Maccabee,  391,  580,  008 ; 
the  Scribe,  490. 

Joppa,  28,  77,  110,  229,  209,  297f, 
472,  548,  008,  707,  787-789. 

Jordan,  2ef,  29-34,  53,  03-65,  98,  124, 
147-149,  160,  107,  213,  220,  224f, 
228f,  231-230,  239,  241,  248-251, 
253-257,  259-264,  206f,  269, 279, 284, 
290f,  296,  300,  302,  305,  308,  365, 
384,  493,  520f,  549,  552,  583,  608, 
602,  082,  091,  693,  703f,  737,  920; 
jungle  of,  482,  494,  581 ;  plain  of, 
29,  147,  331 ;  valley  of,  26-30,  32f, 
122, 147, 172,  220,  259,  297,  302,  305, 
482,  581. 

Joseph  (i.e.  Northern  Kingdom), 551f, 
555. 

Joseph,  husband  of  Mary,  659,  686, 
701f,  726-728,  903. 

of  Arimathea,  699,  722,  741,  763, 

789. 

son  of  Jacob,  22,  30,  63,  127f, 

134,  158,  102-107,  169,  23(i,  258,  274, 
300,  488,  522,  784,  898 ;  and  Benja- 
min, 163f ;  and  his  brothers,  22, 
128,  162-165,  167,  785;  and  his  mas- 
ter's wife,  103 ;  and  Jacob,  162-107 ; 
and  Judah,  102,  101,  258 ;  and 
Pharaoh,  103-lOti,  414;  and  Reu- 
ben, 102f ;  buys  the  property  of  the 
Egyptians  and  reduces  them  to 
serfdom,  134,  105  ;  birth  of,  158 ; 
Iwnes  of,  167;  coat  of,  102,  289; 
cup  of,  164 ;  death  of,  107,  898 ; 
dreams  of,  102  ;  faith  of,  898  ;  grave 
of,  100,  300  ;  in  Egypt,  134, 102-167, 
784;  interprets  PJiaraoh's  dreams, 
163;  interprets  the  officers'  dreams, 
163  ;  kidnapjjed  by  Midianites,  128, 
102;  made  Viceroy  of  Egypt,  ftS, 
103,  781 ;  sold  into  slavery, "63,  163, 
784  ;  sold  to  Ishmaelites,  128,  162  ; 
song  of,  Ift5  ;  steward  of,  164  ;  story 
of,  22,  63,  126f,  131,  162. 

tribe  of,  05f,  101,  166,  243,  245, 

249,  253f,  257,  299,  517,  521,  933; 
tribes,  301. 

Joseph  Barsabbas,  731. 

Joseph-el,  248f. 

Josephus,  28f,  34,  37-39,  79,  112,  115- 
117,  121,  1.53,  169f,  178,  185,  235, 
241,  240,  279f.  25)0-299,  301f,  30tt- 
308,  310,  .330,  .3.39,  491,  495,  499, 511, 
525,  530,  547,  581-58.3,  610,  624,  (^2, 
654f,  ()57,  001,  (i09,  (i85,  088,  69i), 
702,  717,  727,  734,  739,  741,  750, 
703f,  773,  777,  783f,  790,  800, 803, 903. 

Joses,  sec  Barnabas. 


Joshua,  son  of  Nun,  20,  44,  64f,  8(5, 
100,  124,  128,  108,  182,  193,  2iyf, 
228-230,  233,  242-245,  247-255,  258f, 
299f,  302f,  383,  390,  007,  841,  892, 
905  ;  and  Achan,  04,  252,  303,  754 ; 
and  Ai,  04,  245, 252, 270;  and  Caleb, 
219f,  233,  841,  892  ;  and  Jericho,  01, 
245,  251  f,  302 ;  and  Moses,  124,  193, 
219  ;  and  the  altar  of  witness,  254f ; 
and  the  cities  of  refuge,  230,  253 ; 
and  the  Gibeonites,  64,  252  ;  charge 
to  Israel,  245,  249,  255 ;  command 
to  sun  and  moon,  44,  253 ;  conquest 
of  Canaan,  e4f,  244f,  248,  253,  784, 
892 ;  crosses  the  Jordan,  &4,  250f ; 
custodian  of  tent  of  meeting,  106, 
124,  193;  death  of,  110,  229,  245, 
255  ;  defeats  Jabin,  05,  245,  253 ; 
division  of  the  land,  (15,  229,  245, 
253f ;  Ephraimite,  100 ;  espial  of 
Canaan,  219f,  233;  institutes  cir- 
cumcision, 251 ;  name  of,  219 ; 
priestly  functions  of,  100 ;  successor 
of  Moses,  0-4,  228,  242,  245 ;  victory 
over  Amalek,  182. 

Book     of,    04,    121,     120,     129, 

232,  244f,  248-255,  257;  its  his- 
torical value,  04,  248f,  255. 

the  High   Priest,  77f,  323,  325, 

327,  334,  531,  573,  575-579,  935. 

Josiah,  45f,  72,  74-77,  90,  128f,  231f, 
241,  247,  294-296,  300f,  308,  311-313, 
322,  333,  427,  474,  476f,  481,  485, 
501,  506f,  566,  569,  572f,  701 ;  abol- 
ishes idolatry,  128,  231,  312,  507; 
and  Hilkiah,  75,  128,  312;  and  Hul- 
dah,  75,  312;  and  Jeremiah,  312, 
485;  and  Pharaoh-Necho,  30,  60, 
72,  77,  312f,  477;  and  Shaphan, 
75,  128,  507;  and  the  disobedient 
prophet,  247,  301,  312;  and  the 
Temple,  75,  77,  128,  131,  311f ;  de- 
feat and  tleath  at  Megiddo,  30,  00, 
72,  75,  90,  312f,  427,  474,  477,  481, 
485,  501 ;  destrovs  the  altar  of 
Bethel,  247,  301,  312 ;  his  reforma- 
tion, 45,  67,  73-75,  77,  89f,  92,  lOOf, 
103,  106,  128f,  189,  212,  231,  237, 
301,  308,  311-313,  322,  427,  4W,  443, 
474,  478,  -480-482,  492,  501,  500f,510, 
519,  569,  573 ;  lamentation  for  his 
death,  77;  law-book  of,  45f,  75,  89f, 
128,  231f,  312,  322,  333 ;  makes  a 
covenant  with  Yahweh,  308,  312; 
Passover  of,  77,  102,  129,  312,  322 ; 
suppresses  the  high  places,  45,  75, 
90,  128,  231,  296,  312,  474,  500. 

son  of  Zephaniah,  578. 

Jot,  704. 

Jotapata,  29,  610. 

Jotham,  king  of  Judah,  71,  74,  76, 
309,  321,  436,  536,  559;  son  of 
Gideon,  265  ;  fable  of,  44,  265,  397. 

Joy,  8,  131,  370,  376,  382,  412-414, 
443,  51-4,  0.39,  725,  731f,  760f,  808, 
812,  821,  828f,  8-19f,  853,  8()8f,  871f, 
874,  891,  898f,  903,  909,  917  ;  of  the 
commandments,  tlie,  022,  625. 

Jubal,  141,  145. 

Jubile,  102,  109,  196,  205,  211f,  764. 

Jubilees,  Book  of,  35,  433f. 

Judaea,  28,  ;^>-33,  (Hi,  77,  79,  89,  94,  271, 
555,  559,  m),  013f,  010,  ()37,  653, 
65()f,  690,  098,  701f ,  716, 725-729,  734, 
738,  744,  749,  709,  778,  785.  787,  789f, 
800,  850,  857,  878  ;  wilderness  of, 
31,  702. 


Judseans,  73,  474,  555;  attitude  to 
Galileans,  660. 

.Tudah  (after  downfall  of  the  mon- 
archy), 54-1,  555,  572f,  575-577, 579f, 
582-585. 

Judah  (country),  63-66,  702. 

(kingdom),  15,  49,  58-61,  69,  81, 

94,  100,  lllf,  127,  215,  294,  300f, 
308-313,  319-322,  367, 436-438,  417f , 
455,  474-190,  501,  503,  505f,  510, 
534,  538f,  541,  547-550,  553,  560, 
564,  569f,  575  ;  and  Assyria,  59,  71f, 
130,  135,  247,  309-311,  313,  427, 
136f ,  440-442, 444, 450f,  455-458,  474, 
477,  500,  512 ;  and  Babylonia,  60f, 
72f,  77,  310f,  313,  323,  386,  394,  431, 
445,  451,  474f,  477-479,  486-491, 
495f,  501f,  506-513,  516,  524,  555 ; 
and  Edom,  71,  76,  307,  309,  '448, 
510,  513,  546,  555 ;  and  Egypt,  30, 
58-61,  70-73,  79,  112,  310-313,  449f, 
455-457,  474f,  477,  500-502,  514, 
546;  and  Israel,  49-58,  68-71,  86, 
111,  162,  286f,  291,  301,  305-309, 
320f,  387,  436f,  441,  445,  485,  487, 
502,  517,  538 ;  and  Syria,  58,  301, 
308f ,  320f ,  436f ,  441 ;  and  the  nations, 
449,  476f,  481 ;  and  the  Philistines, 
447  ;  daughter  of  Yahweh,  478. 

son  of  Jacob,  127,  133f,  158,  162- 

166,  936;  takes  the  name  Israel, 
387. 

tribe  of,  48,  64-67,  96,  102,  110, 

114,  123,  174,  214f,  218-220,  223, 
226f,  230,  243,  245,  248f,  253f,  257- 
259,  278,  280,  285-287,  291,  296,  300, 
315,  384,  386f,  392,  445,  497,  499, 
517,  521,  932f. 

Judaisers,  650,  817,  833,  850,  855,  857, 
8.59-861,  873f,  880,  905. 

Judaism,  38,  48,  61f,  78,  81,  83,  91f, 
94-96,  98,  108,  131,  157,  368-372, 
401,  431-435,  503,  556-558,  579,  607- 
609,  616,  618-626,  636f,  661,  694,  701, 
736,  755,  757,  834,  858,  862,  864,  870, 
884,  889,  900,  910 ;  a  legal  religion, 
62O-022,  666,  805f;  a  licensed  re- 
ligion, 616,  775 ;  and  Christianity, 
6,  618,  625f,  636-640,  666,  684,  711, 
747,  773,  814,  817,  903;  and  Zo- 
roastrianism,  867 ;  Christian  con- 
troversy with,  776  ;  debt  to  Persia, 
61,98  ;  exclusiveness  of,  48f ,  79, 92f, 

95,  98,  556-558,  619,  621,  624,  627  ; 
Greek  influence  on,  62,  94,  98,  108, 
371,  397,  401,  411,  607,  625,  036f, 
805 ;  missionary  character  of,  93, 
371f,  556-568,  608,  ()24f ;  mono- 
theism of,  92,  95,  368f,  556f,  608, 
616,  618-621,  624f,  627  ;  nationalism 
of,  92,  95,  371f,  556-558,  616,  619- 
621,  624f  ;  of  Palestine,  618,  625  ;  of 
the  Disixirsion,  92,  94,  372, 572,  607, 
018,  625f  ;  ixjst-exilic,  61,  78,  92-95, 
556-558 ;  religion  sub  specie  leqim, 
636;  rise  of,  10,  48,  81,  91f,  131, 
503  ;  ritual  subordinated  to  ethical, 
92,  370,  372  ;  theology  of,  37,  93-96, 
368-372,  401,  434f,  618-fi25,  060 ; 
theory  of  Scripture  in,  39f. 

Judas,  brother  of  Jesus,  923. 

Iscariot,  647,  069,  697f,  702,  709, 

721f,  739f,  752,  757-759,  761-763, 
778  ;  and  the  priests,  697,  721,  778  ; 
avarice  of,  721,  757  ;  betrays  Jesus, 
609,  097f,  721,  739f,  752,  758,  761f  ; 
censures   the   anointing  of   Jesus, 


INDEX 

721,  757;  death  of,  669,  704,  722, 
778;  dishonesty  of,  757;  in  the 
Upper  Room,  '697,  721,  739,  758; 
possessed  by  Satan,  739,  758;  the 
son  of  perdition,  761. 

Judas  Maccabseus,  31,  49,  104,  299, 
339f,  377,  380,  384-387,  475,  607f • 

not  Iscariot,  759,  923. 

of   Damascus,    787 ;   of   Galilee, 

657,  777,  783 ;  son  of  James,  685, 
709,  729,  923  ;  the  prophet,  794. 

Thomas,  759. 

Jude,  591,  903,  923  ;  grandsons  of, 
923. 

Epistle   of,    16,   591,   595f,    603, 

901f,  913-915,  923-925  ;  authorship, 
902,  923 ;  canonicity,  595f,  901 ; 
date,  902,  923;  external  evidence, 
595,  923  ;  false  teachers  attacked  in, 
902,  913,  916,  923f;  internal  evi- 
dence, 923  ;  place  of  composition, 
923;  readers  003,  901f,  923f ;  re- 
lation to  II.  Peter,  603,  902,  913- 
915,  923f ;  use  of  the  Apocrypha 
in,  914,  923f. 

Judges,  10,  76,  106,  112f,  168,  172, 
187,  233,  238,  242,  275, 317,  353,  383, 
395,  438,  444,  549,  561f,  740,  781, 
904,  906. 

the,  10,   44f,   65f,   85,  98,   112f, 

119,  127,  165,  256f,  259-262,  265, 
267,  270f ,  274,  277,  300,  304,  320,  341, 
387,  426,  791,  898  ;  conditions  in  the 
tigie  of,  85,  112,  127,  256f,  259, 
270. 

Book  of,   21,  45f,  65f,  85,  119, 

232,  244-246,  250-270,  274,  386; 
Deuteronomic  revision,  46, 129,  246, 
257,  259,  277;  sources,  246,  257; 
theory  of  the  history,  85,  119,  245, 
257,  259f,  386;  title,  250f ;  value, 
257 

Judging,  707,  828,  836f. 

Judgment,  23,  45,  88-91,  96,  152,  345, 
373,  390,  404,  412,  427, 436, 439,  441, 
446,  453-458,  476f,  481,  494,  501, 
509,  517,  541,  546,  553,  555f,  560, 
564,  569f,  580,  585,  587,  661,  668, 
682,  694,  702,  705,  707,  712,  715, 
720f,  733,  736,  745,  749,  751,  754, 
758,  760,  773,  801,  807,  843,  845,  893, 
911.  914,  935 ;  i.e.  condemnation, 
538,  905f ;  i.e.  court  of  judgment, 
529  ;  i.e.  Divine  deliverance,  438  ; 
i.e.  justice,  485. 

the,  94,  398,  417,  510f ,  528f,  532f, 

570,  720f,  730,  733-735,  737f,  751, 
754,  758,  809,  819f,  832,  835,  810, 
877,  896f,  906,  938,  see  Day  of  Judg- 
ment, Last  Jiidgment. 

of  the  world,  398,  453f,  555,  585, 

720,  757,  819  ;  seat  of  Christ,  852. 

Judgments,  the  (section  of  the  Law), 
12Bf,  18-4,  186f,  189. 

Judith,  Book  of,  20,  95. 

Julian  Calendar,  652,  654. 

Julius  Africanus,  6.52f. 

Julius  Caisar,  608,  612,  615,  630,  656, 
684,  721,  832,  936;  deification  of, 
030. 

Junia,s,  613,  646,  830. 

.luuiliuH  Africanus,  901. 

Juniper  tree,  303,  484. 

.Tupiter,  628r-(>30 ;  before  the  city, 
792  ;  Capitolinus,  532.  616. 

(planet),  225,  652,  701. 

Jurisprudence,  148. 


981 

Justice,  88f,  97,  208,  238,  350.  444, 
458,  479f,  485,  547,  551,  562,  566, 
587,  623,  629,  812,  911 ;  administra- 
tion of,  50,  112f,  128,  187,  233,  387. 

Justification,  150,  466,  640,  737,  792, 
808,  811,  819-824,  828,  837,  846,  852, 
861,  888,  901. 

Justin  Martyr,  122,  411,  586f,  594f, 
601,  658,  701f,  706,  724,  740,  744, 
747,  752,  785,  845,  847,  870,  877, 
927f. 

Juvenal,  657. 

Ka,  160. 

Kab,  115,  306. 

Kaddish,  706. 

Kadesh  (Kadesh-barnea),  32,  64,  84, 
96,  123,  149,  151,  168f,  179,  182f, 
219,  223,  229,  233,  261,  309,  567. 

Kadesh,  on  the  Orontes,  54,  56. 

Kadesh-Naphthali,  28f,  261,  298. 

Kadmiel,  327. 

Kadmonites,  150. 

Kaldu,  485. 

Kanatha,  33. 

Kapitolias,  33. 

Karians,  548. 

Karkar,  58f,  69,  119,  264. 

Karnaim,  552. 

Karnak,  56,  301,  565. 

Kasdim,  566. 

Kassites,  52-54,  57- 

Keats,  272. 

Kedar,  156,  393,  419,  451,  462,  470, 
477,  494,  513. 

Kedesh-barnea,  see  Kadesh. 

Kedesh-Naphthali  see  Kadesh-Naph- 
thali. 

Keilah,  31,  283. 

Kemarim,  312. 

Kenites,  11,  63-65,  84,  109,  141,  150, 
170,  219,  227,  248,  258,  280,  285,  489. 

Kenizzites,  65,  150,  260. 

Kenosis,  813,  873. 

Kepler,  652,  701. 

Keren-happuch,  365. 

Keriyyoth,  549. 

Kernel  and  husk,  638. 

Kethib,  42. 

Kethubim,  see  Hagiographa. 

Keturah,  63,  155. 

Kewan,  551. 

Key  of  David,  930 ;  of  the  kingdom, 
715. 

Keys,  113,  260,  452,  929,  931,  941; 
gift  of,  715. 

Keziah,  365. 

Khabiri,  34,  55f,  248. 

Khabor,  155. 

Kham,  390. 

Khanmiurabi,  see  Hammurabi. 

Khatti,  53. 

Khattusil,  56. 

Khuzistan,  494. 

Kibroth-hattaavah,  219. 

Kid,  103,  157,  177,  188,  198,  209,  238, 
420    440. 

Kidnapping,  128,  162,  186. 

Kidney  fat,  198,  243. 

Kidneys,  198,  482,  sec  Reins. 

Kidron  (Kedron),  31,  290,  294f.  2<)7, 
312,  3r.0,  508,  583,  697,  761. 

Kikia,  53. 

Kikuyu,  179. 

Killing  the  god,  631 ;  the  king  631f. 

Kinahki,  26. 

Kindness,  110,  379,  399,  562,  721,  728, 


735,  812,  8GGf,  870f;  to  enemies, 
4as,  827. 

Kine,  31,  550,  sec  Cow. 

King,  10,  tilf,  G4,  75,  85,  87,  90,  93, 
101,  lOOf,  118,  122,  115,  148f,  151, 
1G2,  1G(),  171f,  193,  199,  201f,  207, 
209,  220,  2:m,  24of,  253,  250,  258, 
2(30f,  275,  27  7f,  280,  283,  289,  294, 
300,  30;5,  302,  3G8,  370,  373f,  377, 
380,  383-385,  388,  390f,  394,  403-407, 
409,  412-410,  421,  429,  44tJ-448,  450, 
452f,  4j7f,  400,  4t)-l-46(!,  470f,  477f, 
482,  4^o,  490,  498f,  510f,  514-517, 
519f,  528f,  535,  537-5-42,  549,  552, 
557,  5tWf,  505f,  573-575,  579f,  008, 
028f,  032,  Ol»,  701,  732,  787,  789, 
898,  905,  929,  934,  930,  939f ;  i.e. 
bridegroom,  418-421  ;  of  kings,  940  ; 
of  terrors,  357  ;  with  the  crown  of 
thorns,  the,  098 ;  worship,  007. 

King  Archons,  200. 

Kingdom,  459,  936;  of  Christ, 
808,  880,  935  ;  of  God,  2,  13,  89,  94- 
90,  371,  373,  385,  402,  412,  427,  431f, 
435,  (»!,  025,  037-039,  641,  043,  659- 
667,  682f,  080f,  692-697,  700,  702- 
713,  715,  717-719,  721,  725,  729-741, 
743,  745,  748-750,  752,  767,  774,  777, 
786,  80-1,  810,  812,  821,  826,  828, 
830-838,  904,  927,  930,  932,  941 ;  of 
Heaven,  sec  Kingdom  of  God ;  of 
the  saints,  433,  037f,  926,  941. 

King's  friend,  29ti ;  garden,  584, 
754;  pool,  330;  servant,  113;  son, 
718 ;  vale,  king's  dale,  149,  291  ; 
week,  342,  418-420 ;  winepress,  584. 

Kings,  Books  of,  3,  9,  13,  20f,  45f,  75, 
122,  129,  244-247,  294-313,  315, 
318f,  373  ;  contents,  294 ;  date,  294  ; 
obj«!ct,  294  ;  sources,  294  ;  stand- 
point, 294,  298-300,  310. 

Kings,  divine  right  of,  630;  divinity 
of,  629-031. 

Kingship,  205,  278,  280f. 

Kingu,  3(!4. 

Kinship,  50,  108. 

Kinsman,  109,  216,  271. 

Kir,  309,  448,  451,  548,  554  ;  of  Moab, 
33. 

Kir-haresheth,  Kir-heres,  70, 305,  448. 

Kiriathaim,  149,  229. 

Kiriath-arba,  03,  258. 

Kiriath-huzoth,  225. 

Kiriath-jearim,  31,  209,  27Gf,  288, 316, 
394,  486. 

Kiriath-sannah,  258. 

Kirjath-sepher,  3-1,  249,  258. 

Kish,  277,  280. 

Kishon,  28f,  110,  261f,  303. 

Kislev,  see  Chislew. 

Kiss,  158,  421,  698,  740 ;  of  homage, 
301 ;  of  love,  912  ;  the  holy,  830. 

Kissing  the  calves,  301,  542. 

Kitchen,  .'■>20. 

Kition,  227,  477. 

Kitron,  259. 

Kittim,  227,  452,  477,  513,  532,  566. 

Klaros,  870. 

Kneading-trough,  175,  178,  241. 

Knees,  taking  uijon  the,  349. 

Knife,  173,  892. 

Knights  (eijuites),  013. 

Knossos,  5(). 

Knots,  IOC,,  527. 

•'  Know  Christ  after  the  flesh,"  852f. 

Knowledge,  93,  133,  138f,  412,  641, 
651,  760,  825,  832,  840,   8-13f,  855, 


INDEX 

863,  m%  868-871,  901f,  916;  of  | 
Christ,  874 ;  of  God,  8,  48,  107,  : 
398f,  427,  431f,  4-15,  45-t,  181,  483,  i 
488,  500,  535,  538,  550,  5.58,  004,  097,  , 
759,  701f.  819,  827.  833.  840,  84-1.  847,  I 
850,  803,  808,  873,  892,  894,  917-919.  i 

Koclrantes,  117. 

Kohuth.  170,  174 

Kohathitfi.-i,  215,  217f. 

Korah  (opiwuent  of  Moses),  123.  201. 
220f,  227f,  230,  91 1,  924. 

Dathan,  and  Abiram,  12.5,  382, 

391. 

sons  of,  227,  366-308. 

Koran,  3,  188,  353,  587. 

Krenides,  872. 

Kudurlagamar,  M8. 

Kudurmabug,  1-18. 

Kullani,  552. 

Kurdistan,  36,  53. 

Kurnub,  1-19. 

Kyria,  921. 

Laban,  130,  134,  155, 157-159. 

Labour,  393,  642,  929. 

Labourer,  79,  174,  087,  733,  932. 

Lachish,  28,  71f,  310,  489,  500. 

Lachmann,  597. 

Lactantius,  053. 

Lad  with  the  barley  loaves,  751. 

Ladder  of  Tyre,  28. 

Ladder,  to  heaven,  133,  157. 

Lfenas,  C.  Popilius,  532. 

Laish,  149,  219,  243,  269. 

I^ke,  27,  33,  495,  938 ;  of  fire,  941  f ; 
of  Tiberias,  see  Galilee,  Sea  of. 

Lake  Urmia,  58. 

Van,  58. 

Lamb,  101,  103,  154,  166,  179,  198f, 
201,  203f,  209f,  238,  326,  440,  448, 
401,  475,  482,  520,  552,  727,  748,  705, 
799,  932  ;  (of  God),  the,  631,  747, 
775,  929,  931f,  937f,  940;  the 
Paschal,  see  Paschal  Lamb. 

Lame,  the,  287,  459,  780. 

Lamech,  son  of  Methuselah,  141,  145. 

son  of  Methushael,  141 ;  song  of, 

9,  44,  141. 

Lamentation,  110,  287,  387,  418,  545, 
553,  5(!0,  906,  see  Dirge,  Elegy. 

Lamentation  rhythm,  438,  416,  493, 
551. 

Lamentations,  Book  of,  47,  3-12,  49(V 
500;  alphabetic  arrangement  of, 
490-500;  .and  .Tereniiah,  47,  342, 
496;  authorship  of,  47,  342,  490; 
date  of,  47,  .'il2,  490. 

Lamp,  105,  1!K),  192,  210,  320,  360, 
377,  394,  403,  406,  417,  486,  509f, 
577,  ('>59,  730,  914 ;  the  holy,  210. 

Lami)ade])horia,  320. 

Lampstand,  190,  194,  217,  300,  577, 
929,  see  Candlestick. 

Lance,  5-16,  703. 

Lancets,  303. 

Land,  Ki-j,  137,  .390, 440 ;  flowing  with 
milk  and  lionev,  20,  171,  23i) ;  laws, 
109,  211;  of  tluniri,  302;  tenure, 
88,  i:}-l,  105;  grabbing,  88,  358, 
4-10,  .538. 

Landlord,  736. 

landmark,  -1(17,  416. 

Landslip,  250,  .538. 

Language,  of  the  New  Testament, 
591-593. 

Languages,  143,  145,  648,  84-4 ;  origin 
of  their  diversity,  13-1;    of  the  Old 


Testament,  ^-36;  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  015. 

Laodice,  531. 

Laodiceji,  771,  862,  869,  871,  928,  931. 

Laotse,  370f. 

Lapis  lazuli,  191,  360,  942. 

Larnaka,  2!)8. 

Larsa,  148. 

Last  .Judgment,  5,  4^5,  567,  560,  62-4, 
637,  cm,  670,  093,  721,  879,  933, 
941,  see  Day  of  Judgment,  Judg- 
ment, the. 

Last  Supper,  632,  653,  668,  674,  688, 
097,  721,  724,  739,  758,  762,  809, 
842,  sec  Lord's  Sup[)er. 

Last  trump,  847. 

Latin,  18f,  015 ;  literature,  002f ; 
version,  595,  599. 

Latter  days,  the,  166,  438. 

Lattice,  109,  4(X),  420f,  470. 

Laughter,  151-153,  374,  404. 

Laurel,  222f. 

Lava,  33. 

Laver,  192,  194,  197,  215,  298. 

Law,  50,  910f,  913. 

the,    10-12,   21,   37-40,   48,   78f, 

90-97,  107f,  112,  121,  131,  109,  184, 
245,  314,  310,  318,  320,  329,  341, 
343f,  308f,  374,  376-380,  383,  385, 
392f,  397,  399,  418,  432,  434,  437, 
469,  522,  524f,  529,  538,  540,  5-49, 
566,  580,  583f,  586,  607,  019-020, 
636-641,  649,  660f,  665-607,  t)83f, 
089,  691,  699f,  704-700,  708f,  711f, 
715f,  718-720,  734f,  751,  H:,5,  70<)- 
771,  774,  78-lf,  791-793,  797,  799, 
805-808,  810f,  817,  819-823,  825, 
833f,  830,  840,  851,  859-801,  864f, 
809f,  874,  882,  890,  892-897,  899, 
903f,  900, 917, 920 ;  a  shadow  of  the 
Gospel,  890 ;  and  death,  822  ;  and 
grace,  039f,  821,  823  ;  and  Jesus,  see 
Jesus  ;  and  Moses,  see  Moses ;  and 
Paul,  95,  639-641,  769-772,  792f, 
799,  800-802,  804-808,  810f,  811, 
817,  819-823,  836,  847,  857,  859-801, 
864f,  809f,  874,  882;  and  primitive 
Christianity,  638-6-41,  067,  769-772, 
774,  793,  799,  806,  811,  817-823,  867, 
859,  894;  and  promise,  805f,  821, 
859f ;  and  sin,  039f,  806f,  820-823, 
847,  859  ;  and  Stephen,  039f,  78-4f  ; 
and  the  .angels,  784,  834,  8.59f,  8iiO, 
892 ;  and  the  Covenant,  859  ;  and 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  (v40f, 
890,  894-897;  and  the  flesh,  806, 
823, 847  ;  and  the  Gentiles,  640, 647, 
767,  769f,  772,  793,  817;  and  the 
historical  records,  314 ;  and  the 
Pharisees,  see  Ph.arisees ;  and  the 
prophets,  40,  106,  131,  329,  370, 
,594,  001,  691,  704,  826  ;  canonisation 
of,  37f ;  ceremonial  injunctions  in, 
021f,  665,  8li0  ;   codification  of,  37, 

•  -40,  92 ;  created  before  the  world, 
401;  curse  of,  611,  810,  Ki3,  a59 ; 
dittiouUies  of  observance,  372,  (>21f, 
6.39f,  800  ;  disciplinary  ch.ai-acter  of, 
80(;,  a30;  effects  of,  02(^023,  iW, 
800  :  ethics  of,  021  f,  040,  t;05  ;  fulfil- 
ment of.  Oil,  (!91,  704f,  729;  given 
to  contpier  the  evil  inclination,  (i22f  J 
giving  of,  (J4,  109,  183,  784f,  899j 
iuiiRTfections  of,  021-(i23,  792, 
811,  819,  KW,  859f  ;  in  Judaism, 
625,  805 ;  incapable  of  giving  right 
eotisness,  649,  792, 811,  859  ;  inspir"" 


tion  of,  39 ;  intrinsic  excellence  of, 
806  ;  its  observance  an  end  in  itself, 
621f ;  link  between  God  and  Israel, 
620,  640;  oral  explanation  of,  t)20 ; 
perpetuity  of,  705  ;  reading  of,  by 
Ezra,  see  Ezra  ;  ritual  elements  in, 
llf,  437,  525,  620f,  G26,  li37,  6-41, 
655,  800f,  860;  solidarity  of,  861, 
905  ;  spirituality  of,  82;^ ;  study  of, 
96,  107,  373,  620,  624;  teniix)rary 
and  preparatory  character  of,  806, 
836,  894 ;  the  gift  of  God,  369,  389, 
620f,  785;  the  hedge  of,  108,  637, 
666;  theory  of  its  perfection,  621, 
623 ;  theory  that  it  was  an  intoler- 
able burden,  621 ;  transfigures  and 
sanctifies  natural  instincts,  622; 
translation  into  Greek,  94. 

Law  in  the  heart,  819. 

of  Holiness,  46,  48,  77,  129-131, 

174,  184,  196,  206-212,  399  ;  and  the 
Priestly  Code,  48,  130,  196,  209; 
date  of,  77,  196 ;  leading  charac- 
teristics of,  130,  190,  207  ;  relation 
to  Deuteronomy,  196 ;  relation  to 
Ezekiel,  129f,  196,  209,  211f ;  re- 
vision of,  196 ;  structure  of,  130f, 
196. 

of  liberty,  904f  ;  of  Nature,  607. 

Law  courts,  361,  438,  614,  705,  716, 
730,  801,  832,  837,  905. 

Lawgivers,  10,  83,  618f,  906. 

]  -awless  one,  the,  879. 

Lawsuit,  705,  729. 

Lawyers,  636,  666,  719,  730,  888. 

Laying  on  of  hands,  104,  192,  197, 
199,  206,  210,  &43,  767,  771,  783. 
786f,  791,  804,  881,  893. 

Layman,  620f. 

Lazarus  of  Bethany,  668,  730.  736, 
755-757  ;  the  beggar,  725,  729,  756. 

Lead,  479,  553. 

Leaf,  438,  454,  458,  471,  526,  718. 

Leah,  63,  65,  158f ,  214,  249,  274. 

Learning,  624. 

Lease,  109,  212. 

Leather  girdle,  682 ;  worker,  111. 

Leaven,  102f,  177,  188,  198,  200,  210, 
660,  713f,  733f,  737,  837,  910. 

Leavened  bread,  188,  550f. 

Lebanon,  26-28,  32,  53,  69,  77,  172, 
219,  233,  236,  250,  260,  265,  297, 
309,  327,  343,  378,  390,  421,  438, 
444,  461,  470,  484f,  515,  527,  543, 
548, 561, 577, 580 ;  symbol  of  Assyria, 
444. 

Lebanons,  the,  110. 

Lebbaeus,  709,  729. 

Lechaeum,  832. 

Lectistemia,  210,  472. 

Lectures,  lecturers,  616f. 

Leeks,  218. 

Lees,  111,  569f. 

Lefthandedness,  260,  270. 

Leg,  220,  417,  550. 

Legal  descent,  701 ;  fiction,  130,  254. 

Legalism,  81,  103,  112,  344,  373,  415, 
620-622,  638,  640,  660,  806-808,  811, 
817,  833. 

Legatus,  613,  726f. 

Legend,  If,  5,  10,  19-21, 127,  130,  133, 
142,  152,  154,  168,  224,  2.>3,  475f, 
556,  627f,  632,  618,  6;i9,  669,  687, 
702,  713,  741,  772f,  784f,  841,  882, 
887,  898,  939  ;  and  myth,  see  Myth 
and  Legend. 

Legions,  610,  613,  630,  633,  801 


INDEX 

Legislation,  19,  21,  44f,  46,  84,  90, 
103,  110,  121,  123,  126f. 

Lehi,  44,  268,  292. 

Lehi-roi,  151. 

Leja,  33. 

Lekton,  798. 

Lemuel,  397,  409. 

Lentils,  156. 

Leontopolis,  106,  449f ;  temple  at, 
see  Temple  at  Leontopolis. 

Leopard,  479,  528f,  936. 

Lepers,  69,  192,  203f,  306,  382,  388, 
392,  467,  499,  683,  708,  736. 

Lei)idus,  612. 

Lepraria,  203. 

L(>prosy,  21,  76,  99,  173,  203,  209,  2K), 
306,  309,  321,  348,  439,  467,  683,  729, 
787. 

Lepton,  117. 

Lesbos,  798. 

Letter,  72,  76,  78,  323,  327f,  487,  602, 
832,  837f,  840f,  843,  845,  853-855, 
861,  804,  901,  903,  921,  929  ;  and 
spirit, 636,  638-640,  705,  718,  729,  823. 

Letters  of  the  alphabet,  496-499,  861, 
869. 

of  authorisation,  786f ;  of  com- 
mendation, 647,  848,  851f;  to  the 
Churches  in  Gaul,  928 ;  to  the 
Seven  Churches,  927-931,  942. 

Lettuce,  103. 

Leucoderina,  203. 

Levant,  111,  803. 

Levi  (son  of  Jacob),  150,  158,  161, 
165,  174,  586,  735 ;  tribe  of,  47,  64f, 
106,  124,  126,  161,  170,  173f,  214f, 
221,  229,  232,  243,  248,  250,  258, 
289,  315,  520,  894,  see  Levites. 

(tax    gatherer),    684f,   729,    738, 

764,  see  Matthew. 

house  of,  582. 

Leviathan,  347,  349,  359,  36  4f,  386, 
390,  454. 

Levirate  marriage,  109,  163,  196,  207, 
227,  241,  271,  695,  701. 

Levite,  priest  of  Micah,  see  Jonathan, 
grandson  of  Moses. 

Levites,  11,  20,  47,  49,  75,  77-79, 
106,  114,  121,  124,  126-129,  131, 
165,  168,  173,  179,  183,  193f,  197, 
209,  211,  214f,  217f,  221f,  228f, 
231f,  236-239,  241,  250,  254,  269f, 
275f,  292,  296,  298,  300,  308,  314- 
317,  319f,  325-330,  332f,  368,  394, 
519-521,  575,  586,  620f,  624,  732, 
747,  786,  see  Levi,  tribe  of,  Priests 
and  Levites. 

Levitical  cities,  124,  222,  229,  25-4, 
315  ;  dues,  222  ;  law,  650. 

priesthood,    124,  236,   250,    300, 

473,  518,  893f  ;  abrogation  of,  893f  ; 
inferior  to  Melchizedek  priesthood, 
898f. 

Leviticus,  Book  of,  121,  196-212; 
leading  ideas  and  institutions  of, 
196f  ;  structure  of,  196. 

Levy,  see  Forced  lalx)ur. 

Lex  talionis,  112,  186,  210,  239,  7ft5. 

Liar,  156f,  392,  406,  464,  753,  820, 
887,  917. 

Libation,  lOt,  161,  190,  265,  456. 

Liberality,  369,  403,  623,  853f. 

Lilx^rtines,  783. 

Liberty,  87,  616,  649f,  828,  851,  904, 
915,  929. 

Libnah,  71. 

Libraries,  417,  617. 


983 

Libyan  Ammon,  630. 

Libyans,  5^5,  783. 

Lice,  plague  of,  13,  174f. 

Licentiousness,  914f,  924,  930. 

Life,  150,  222,  399,  413,  416f,  509, 
707,  745f,  751  f,  754f,  759,  824,  835f, 
850-852,  905-907,  910,  914,  916f, 
942 ;  after  death,  331,  352,  356,  370f, 
374,  376,  379,  388,  395,  399,  403,  407, 
413,  433f,  439,  622-624,  629,  694,  701, 
8^15,  873f,  879 ;  and  death,  640,  824, 
835,  850,  852,  873 ;  brevity  of,  378, 
390,  417 ;  God's  plan  of,  411,  413 ; 
resident  in  the  blood,  144,  188,  206. 

Lifting  the  hand,  149,  174,  243,  391, 
396. 

Light,  136f,  195,  349,  359,  362f,  369, 
395,  403,  417,  423,  429,  454,  462, 
470,  482,  545,  570,  577,  583,  642, 
732,  745f,  749,  786f,  795,  851,  866- 
868,  904,  916f;  and  darkness,  136, 
dm,  386,  395,  551,  583,  632,  706f, 
732,  746,  828,  867,  916f ;  at  the 
baptism,  702 ;  of  the  eyes,  404,  513 ; 
of  the  world,  704,  753. 

Lightning,  145,  172,  176,  183,  218, 
261,  348,  350,  360,  362f,  386,  396, 
423,  441,  457,  482,  504,  565,  568, 
720,  939  ;  God's  arrows,  145,  568. 

Lights,  798. 

Lign  aloes,  226. 

Likeness  of  God,  137  ;  of  sinful  flesh, 
823. 

Lilfth,  459. 

Lily,  422,  542,  707;  of  the  valley, 
420. 

Lime,  549. 

Limestone,  26f,  439. 

Limitations  of  Helbrew  genius,  20. 

Line,  455,  463,  576;  and  plummet, 
311,  455,  458f. 

Linen,  101,  104,  111,  190f,  200,  208, 
215,  326,  450,  482,  507,  519,  938. 

Lintel,  177,  217. 

Linus,  887. 

Lion,  lioness,  32,  158,  166,  243,  268, 
292,  301,  310,  3.50,  364,  369,  377f, 
416,  440,  445,  457f,  478f,  486,  494, 
498,  504,  511,  515,  517,  528,  542, 
544,  546,  548,  550,  562,  565,  581, 
931f,  936. 

Lion  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  932. 

Lions  (images),  300. 

Lips,  236,  361,  417,  423,  440f,  476, 
504,  507,  567,  571. 

Litany  (river),  27f. 

Literary  tvpes  in  Old  Testament,  19  ; 
value  of  the  Bible,  18. 

Literature,  18-25,  44,  57,  62,  602-606. 

Litigation,  405,  409,  705,  837. 

Little  Book,  the,  934. 

Hemion,  29,  264. 

^  Horn,  the,  522,  528-530. 

Liturgy,  104,  130,  317,  330,  507,  781, 
829. 

Liver,  198,  512  ;  inspection  of,  512. 

Living,  the,  459,  828. 

Living  water,  484,  583,  7-50. 

Livy,  225,  488. 

Lo-arami,  536f. 

Loans,  112,  178,  187,  211,  238.  240, 
483. 

Loaves,  210,  30<j,  674.  841. 

Local  Council,  112.  705,  778,  790; 
deity.  82,  84,  87,  160 ;  government, 
112,  612 ;  ministry.  643 ;  sanctu- 
aries, sec  High  Place.-* ;  su{)pression 


J 


1)84 

of,  45,  47,  74f,  90.  98,  103,  128f,  131, 
231,  236f,  239,  310-312,  «ec  Josiah, 
reformation  of. 
Locusts,  13,  174,  176,  2G3,  391,  109, 
458,  495,  544f,  550-553,  563,  587, 
934. 
Tiodebar,  552. 
Log,  115,  204. 
Logia,  593,  G72,  700. 
Logos,  the,  6,  101,  612,  745-747,  756, 
758,   761,  813,  890,  909,  917,  940, 
9  12,  sec  Christ,  Son  of  <Jod  ;   and 
Wisdom,    401,    746;    cosinic    func- 
tions of,  401,  745f,  812f ;  C.d,  7  16f ; 
identified   with    Christ,   642,    715- 
747,  8!K);  indreek  i)hilosoi)hy,  101, 
74r)f,   813,   890;    in  Philo,   6,   401, 
7ir)f;   in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  745- 
747,  890,  909.  940,  942  ;  in  the  Old 
Testament,   745f;    incarnation    of, 
745-747,  756,  758;  i)ersonitication 
of,  745-747  ;   pre-incarnate  life  of, 
747,  761,  917;   revelation  of  God, 
642,  745-747. 
Loins,  493,  565. 
London,  591. 

I'apyri,  761. 

Long  life,  376,  399,  405,  414f. 
Longsutfering,  812,  870,  see  God. 
Loom,  268,  423.  459. 
Loosing  the  shoe,  113,  241,  272,  414. 
Lord  as  title  of  Emperors,  789,  705, 
802  ;  of  glorv,  834,  904  ;  of  heaven, 
428;    of    Ho'sts,    105,  370,  906,  see 
Yahweh  of  Hosts  ;  of  Spirits,  864. 
Lord's  Day,  the,  5,  647,  847,  929. 
Lord's  Prayer,  the,  641,  647,  665,  695, 
706f,  732,  880,  903,  906,  909. 

Supper,  586,  647,  651,  668,  707, 

739,  75 If,  758,  765,  790,  798,  809, 
812,  830,  832,  841-843,  866,  see  Last 
Supper;  and  faith,  812,  860;  and 
the  New  Covenant,  668,  697,  721, 
739,  809,  842  ;  celebrated  in  memory 
of  .Jesus,  647 ;  communion  with 
body  and  blood  of  Chri.st,  812,  841  ; 
communion  with  the  living  Lord, 
647,  651  ;  connected  with  lovefeast, 
647 ;  desecration  of,  at  Corinth, 
842;  in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  75 If; 
incompatible  with  idol  feast,  651, 
84 1  ;  institution  of,  668,  739,  790, 
812,  842;  no  magical  efficacy  in, 
812,  860;  rer^eated  till  the  Second 
Coming,  647,  842  ;  representation 
of  Christ's  death,  647.  812,  842  ; 
symbolism  of,  617,  812  ;  worshippers 
realise  unity  in,  617,  841. 
Lordship   {angelic   order),  864 ;    (i.e. 

Christ  or  God),  924. 
Lo-ruhamah,  536f. 
Lf.t,  63,  134,  146f,  149,  151-153.  162, 

233,  737,  914  ;  children  of,  387. 
Lot's  daughters,  152f,  163,  233  ;  wife, 

152f,  737. 

Lots,  66,  lOOf,  104,  106,  191,  205,  227, 
229. 245, 249,  253f,  258, 275, 278-280, 
338,  35 1 ,  405,  429, 512,  .')57, 698, 778. 

Love,  19,  23,  89,  108,  131,  158,  163, 

234,  236,  402,  419-423,  487,  499, 
5.35, 53!),  612-61),  65 1 ,  665, 696,  708, 
721,  729f,  732,  734,  715,  758-761, 
807f,  810-812,  827f,  840,  843f,  848, 
855, 861, 8C.3, 865-871, 873,  877,  879, 
882,  885,  897,  8!)9,  904,  909,  911, 
917,  919,  921,  929,  932  ;  to  Christ, 
730,  759,  848,  868,  911,  922;    of 


INDEX 

enemies,  361,  499,  707,  729f ;  of  {i.e. 
to  God),  128f,  131,  185,  262,  374, 
396,  539.  62 if,  625,  664.  695f,  703, 
707,  751,  824,  840,  906,  917-919, 
929  ;  of  man,  633,  665  ;  of  neigh- 
bour, 131,  539,  621,  665,  695f,  705, 
717.  732,  917f. 

Love  lyrics,  18,  418f,  421. 

Lovefeast  (Agape),  647,  758,  842,  867, 
914f,  934. 

lA)ver,  420,  583. 

Lovers,  i.e.  false  gods,  478. 

Lovingkindness,  468,  621,  623,  743. 

Lower  Zab,  57. 

Lowland,  the,  233,  258,  sec Shephelah. 

liowlands,  65. 

Loyalty,  50,  54f,  85,  87,  128,  130,  188. 
278,  284,  286,  389,  419,  421,  5.35, 
537,  539,  631,  640,  649,  686,  699, 
703,  740,  774f,  827-829,  836,  849f, 
853f,  856,  866,  868f,  871,  879,  884- 
886,  904,  921,  937- 

Lub,  514. 

Lubim,  565. 

Lucania,  724. 

Lucian,  299,  684. 

of  Antioch,  41,  596,  901. 

Lucilius,  603. 

Lucius  (Rom.  xvi.  21),  830. 

of  Cyrene,  724,  789,  791. 

Luck,  83,  252  ;  (object),  159. 

Lud,  5l3f. 

Ludim,  145. 

Luhith,  ascent  of,  448. 

Luke,  8,  591-593,  599,  604f,  646f,  651, 
724,  742,  767,  769-772,  776f,  795, 

798,  830,  854,  856,  858,  870,  887, 
889  ;  a  Gentile,  592,  724  ;  a  physi- 
cian, 724f,  728,  769f,  776f,  787  ;  and 
Theophilus,  725,  776 ;  author  of 
Acts,  16,  724,  742, 776f,  870 ;  author 
of  Third  Gospel,  16,  724,  742, 
776,  870 ;  companion  of  Paul,  16, 
724,  742,  769-771,  887;  connected 
with  Antioch,  724 ;  death  in  Bi- 
thynia,  724  ;  identification  with  the 
man  of  Macedonia,  770,  795  ;  in- 
terests of,  605,  678 ;  suggestion  that 
he  was  brother  of  Titus,  724,  856  ; 
traditions  concerning,  724  ;  use  of 
his  sources,  3,  122,  592,  742. 

Gospel  of,   14f,  592f,  604f,  646, 

652,  672-678,  700,   724-742.   77Gf, 

799,  814  ;  acquaintance  with  Herod's 
court,  725  ;  authorship,  16,  724,  742  ; 
characteristics,  605,  725  ;  contents, 
724 ;  date,  14,  658,  724,  742,  777  ; 
dependence  on  Mark,  14,  122,  672- 
675,  724,  776f  ;  dependence  on  (i, 
14,  122,  672,  675-678,  724,  776  ;  in- 
f.ancy  narratives,  721-728  ;  Irenseus' 
statement  as  to  origin,  724  ;  may 
embody  narrative  by  .Toanna,  725  ; 
method  of  reproducing  Mark,  60 If, 
674;  mutilated  by  Marcion,  814; 
order  of  incidents  and  discourses, 
673f,  676f ;  passion  story  in,  (573, 
724,  739-741  ;  jHJrtrait  of  Jesus, 
725;  pref.ace  to,  :i,  601,  72 If;  re- 
surrection narratives  in,  72  if,  741f ; 
sections  found  also  in  Mattiiew, 
675f  ;  sections  peculiar  to,  680  ;  some 
jieculiar  sections  in,  po.ssibly  de- 
rived from  Q,  677,  724  ;  sources, 
672-678,  72  If,  776  ;  statement  in 
Rluratorian  Canon  as  to  origin,  724  ; 
style  of,  592,  605,  724f ;  sympathy 


with    women,    725,    732 ;    text  of, 

599;    universalism   of,    725,    727f ; 

written  by  a  physician,  724  f ;  written 

by  author  of  Acts,  16,  724,  776. 
Lunar  calendar,  653. 
Lunation,  117. 

Lust,  664,  866,  870, 886,  915, 924,  934. 
Lustrations,  219,  223f,  812. 
Luther,  121,  185,  873,  889,  905,  937. 
Luxor,  565. 
Luxury,  18,  30,  54,  61,  67f,  72,  84f, 

88,  109,  2r,i>,  409,  439,  494, 547,  550, 

,552,  711.  796,  832,  940. 
Luz,  see  Bethel ;  in  Northern  Syria, 

259. 
Lycanthropj',  527. 
Lvcaonia,  613,  792-794,  857. 
Lycia,  613,  908. 
Lycus,  the,  936. 

valley  of,  862,  867,  872. 

Lydda,  28,  332,  767,  787f.  801. 
Lydia  (country),  60f,  77,  795. 

convert  of  Paul,  795. 

Lve,  354,  477,  587. 

Lying,  185,  648,  866,  870,  887. 

spirit,  281. 

Lyre,  430. 

Lyric  i)oetry,  19,  25. 
Lysias  (Syrian  general),  31,  607. 
Lystra,  614f,  769,  780,  792-794,  857, 
884,  886. 

Maacah,  daughter  of  Absalom,  290; 
mother  of  Abijah,  301,  319. 

Maachah,  289  ;  (place),  491. 

Maccabean  dynasty,  608f ;  High 
Priests,  608;  period,  49,  94f,  319, 
366f,  371,  374,  376,  379f,  383-386, 
388,  396,  407,  425,  453,  499,  522- 
524,  526f,  529,  579,  585;  rulers, 
341,  370,  384f,  388;  struggle,  10, 
62,  81,  94,  383,  396,  4.33,  522.  524, 
530,  580,  582f,  607f,  637,  898. 

Maccabees,  48,  94,  229,  299,  337-339, 
374,  377,  391,  499,  582,  637,  755. 

Books  of,  343,  522,  582,  603,  605. 

Macedonia,  51,  60,  62,  530,  591,  613f, 
633,  655,  77 If,  794f,  798f,  829,  836, 
818-850,  853-855,  857,  872,  876, 
88 If,  922. 

Macedonians,  337,  339. 

Machir,  167,229,254,262. 

Machpelah,  cave  of,  154f,  160,  165; 
167,  784. 

Madagascar,  446. 

Madeba,  33. 

Madmen,  493. 

Madness,  216,  281,  283,  487,  526-528, 
629  ;  attributed  to  inspiration,  216, 
283. 

Magadan,  714. 

M.agdala,  29,  32,  699,  714,  730. 

M.agi,  the,  337,  464,  491, 507,  700-702. 

Magic,  51,  82,  84,  88f,  106,  170,  172, 
174,  185,  187f,  204f,  208,  214,  228, 
240,  285,  296,  369,  371,  405,  408, 
429,  455,  482,  524f,  616,  627,  690, 
702,  707,  709.  775,  785f,  797,  886, 
934,  942;  and  religion.  174,  187; 
sympathetic,  221-223, 252, 303,308, 
629. 

bands,  509. 

Magical  lK)oks,  797 ;  texts,  648  ;  trees, 
133,  1.39. 

Magici.ans,  106,  163,  168,  174-176 
463,  525f,  617,  629,  886. 

Magistrates,  792,  795f,  909f. 


I 


INDEX 


985 


Magnesia,  battle  of,  62. 

Magnificat,  726f. 

Magog,  517,  941. 

Magophonia,  337. 

Mahalath,  373. 

Mahanaim,  G7,  133f,  159,  28fi,  290f, 
422  ;  dance  of,  422. 

Mahaneh-dan,  267,  269,  see  Dan, 
Camp  of. 

Mahazioth,  317. 

Maher-shalal-hash-baz,  436,  442. 

Maiden,  418,  565. 

Makmal,  28. 

Maktesh,  268,  570. 

Malachi,  373,  573,  585-587,  710,  725  ; 
and  Deuteronomy,  129,  587 ;  and 
divorce,  108,  5SGf ;  and  Edom,  585 ; 
and  Ezra-Nehemiah,  585;  and 
marriages  with  foreign  women, 
586 ;  and  the  Gentiles,  585 ;  and 
the  Priestly  Code,  585,  587;  and 
tithes,  585,  587  ;  message  of,  585. 

Book  of,  47,  78,  92,  585-587,  661 ; 

anonymity  of,  585  ;  background  of, 
78,  585;  date,  47,  585;  style,  92, 
585. 

Malachite,  191,  360,  468. 

Malaria,  613,  769,  856,  860. 

Malatia,  58. 

Malcam,  569. 

Malchus,  722,  740,  762. 

Male  children,  destruction  of,  169f. 

Malefactors,  the  two,  725,  741. 

Malice,  19,  705,  904. 

Malta,  25,  614,  803f. 

Mammon,  664,  707,  733,  736,  906. 

Mamre  (person),  148  ;  (place),  147f. 

Man,  135,  350,  360,  504,  931;  and 
animals,  140,  144,  413;  and  God, 
2,  7,  12,  94,  346,  369-372,  375,  4r>4 ; 
and  Nature,  3, 12f,  24,  351, 364,  369, 
375,  537,  819,  824 ;  and  the  angels, 
375;  and  woman,  140,  415f,  419, 
693,  841f,  883;  brief  life  of,  356, 
389f  ;  creation  of,  119, 121, 125f,  133, 
135,  137-140,  143,  693,  840;  forma- 
tion of,  354,  395 ;  frailty  of,  350,  390, 
461 ;  futility  of  his  life,  412  ;  glory 
of  God,  842;  God's  vicegerent,  375  ; 
greatness  of,  375,  381 ;  his  longing 
for  God,  369 ;  image  of  God,  137, 
642,  842,  905;  insignificance  of, 
352,  375;  lord  of  creation,  2,  352, 
375,  842  ;  lord  of  the  woi-ld  to  come, 
375  ;  made  of  dust,  350,  847  ;  mor- 
tality of,  381  ;  offspring  of  God, 
796 ;  origin  of,  796 ;  responsibility 
of,  397,  '102;  sinfulness  of,  2,  144, 
350f,  356,  359,  389  ;  sorrowful  lot 
of,  351f,  356;  spirit  of,  362;  the 
first,  137-141  ;  worth  of,  &42. 

blind    from    birth,    13,    754 ;    of 

Macedonia,  770,  795,  872;  of  sin, 
877,  879f ;  of  the  Lord's  fellowship, 
583 ;  with  the  pitcher,  721 ;  working 
on  the  Sabbath,  729. 

Mana,  629,  631. 

Manaen,  791. 

Manahath,  34. 

Manasseh  (king),  45,  72,  74,  76, 
129,   131,  232,     "       ' 
321f,  427,  43( 
559,  562,  569. 

son-in-law  of  Sanballat,  79. 

son  of  .Tosf.ph.  134,  165. 

(tril)e),    a5,    76,    161,   214.   228f. 

249,  2.5.3f,  2;j7f,  262f,  266,  383,  521, 


269,  309,  31  If, 
443,  477,  483,  510, 


933;  half-tribe  of,  64f,  228f,  234, 
253-255,  315. 

Manassites,  65. 

Mandaic  dialect,  36. 

Mandrakes,  158,  423. 

Mane,  364. 

Manger,  545. 

Mankind,  unity  of,  796. 

Manna,  181,  218,  235,  386,  751f,  841, 
930;  pot  of,  930;  the  heavenly, 
751f ;  the  hidden,  930. 

Mannai,  59. 

Manoah,  160,  267f ;  wife  of,  267. 

Manor-house,  660. 

Mansion,  420,  440. 

Manslaughter,  230. 

Manslayer,  124,  254. 

Mantle;  178,  303,  348,  438,  526;  of 
Elijah,  see  Elijah,  mantle  of. 

Mantlet,  565. 

Manumission  of  slaves,  128,  178,  186, 
211,  238,  489,  838,  871. 

Manuscripts,  40,  42,  598-600;  of 
Greek  Testament,  598-601. 

Maon,  wilderness  of,  284. 

Maonites,  266. 

Maoris,  240. 

Mara,  271. 

Marah,  168,  181. 

Maranatha,  641,  848. 

Marathon,  61. 

Marcellus,  656. 

Marchesvan,  105,  L17. 

Marcion,  594,  658,  706,  776,  814,  860, 
862,  876,  885 ;  Canon  of,  658,  776, 
814,  8(32. 

Marcus  Ambivius,  656. 

Antonius,  630. 

Aurelius,  628,  656,  658. 

the  Valentinian,  937. 

Marduk,  137,  320,  337,  339,  401,  429, 
494,  524 ;  birth  of,  936. 

Mareshah,  32,  76,  560. 

Mariamne,  609. 

Mariners,  949,  see  SaUor. 

Maritime  plain,  26-28,  30,  220,  233, 
256f,  268,  472. 

Mark,  8,  592,  604f,  681,  698,  769f, 
791f,  841,  885,  887,  927;  and  Bar- 
nabas, 791,  794,  840f,  912;  and  Paul, 
14,  681,  769f.  790f,  794,  841,  859,  870, 
885,  887,  912;  and  Peter,  14,  592, 
681,  790,  912;  and  the  Book  of 
Revelation,  927  ;  author  of  Second 
Gospel,  681,  870,  927. 

— -  Gospel  of,  14f,  122,  593,  600,  646, 
652,  672-678,  681-699,  700,  744,  912, 
914 ;  a  source  of  Matthew  and 
Luke,  14,  122,  605,  672-675,  681, 
724  ;  alleged  Jewish  Apocalypse  in, 
696;  alleged  Pauline  tendency  in, 
681,  686,  690-()94 ;  alternative  end- 
ings of,  699 ;  and  Peter,  681,  912, 
914 ;  and  the  miraculous,  681 ;  and 
the  Twelve,  681 ;  apjK'ndix  to,  15, 
699 ;  Aramaic  background,  592f , 
681;  authonship,  14,  681,  912,927; 
date,  14,  657,  681,  724  ;  editions  of, 
14,  672,  674f;  eschatological  dis- 
coiirse  in,  696,  906 ;  exhibits  de- 
velopment in  the  ministry  of 
Jesus,  681 ;  its  order  preserved  by 
Matthew  and  Luke,  673  ;  lost  end- 
ing of,  669,  6.09  ;  Papias'  stj'-tement 
a.s  to  origin,  592,  594,  681  ;  Petrine 
material  m,  681  ;  relation  to  Q,  672, 
678 ;  reproduction  of,  by  Luke,  674f , 


681 ;  reproduction  of,  by  Matthew, 
604,  673-675,  681,  700 ;  table  of  par- 
allels in  Matthew  and  Luke,  679. 

Mark  of  the  beast,  926,  938,  940 ;  on 
the  forehead,  507,  933,  937f,  941f ; 
on  the  hand,  937,  942. 

Market  694f,  926,  937. 

Market  place,  270,  659,  689. 

Marriage,  77,  100,  108-110,  114,  15.5- 
1.58,  161,  170f,  173f,  185,  187,  207, 
209,  239f,  258,  268,  271f,  282,  284, 
418f,  439,  519,  534,  536,  54.5,  586f, 
622,  650,  693,  716f,  748,  823,  832, 
838-840,  867,  878,  883, 938,  see  Bride, 
Bridegroom,  Husband,  Wedding, 
Wife  ;  by  capture,  85,  270 ;  by  pur- 
chase, 108,  155,  272,  282;  institu- 
tion of,  108,  140;  of  first  cousins, 
158,  207;  of  heiresses,  109;  of 
widow,  109,  284,  650,  840;  origin 
of,  140  ;  sanctity  of,  185,  938  ;  sym- 
bolism of,  6,  108,  418,  535f,  867; 
with  a  half  sister,  153;  with  aunt, 
174 ;  with  deceased  brother's  wife, 
719 ;  with  deceased  wife's  sister, 
207 ;  with  sister,  287 ;  with  slave, 
108, 110 ;  with  stepmother,  207,  M) ; 
with  foreign  women,  see  Intermar- 
riage with  aliens. 

(metaphorical),    510,    535f,    823, 

867,  906,  940. 

ceremony,    108,    155,   419,   721 ; 

day,  544;  feast,  festivities,  1.58, 
418,  422,  718,  733,  739,  748;  gift, 
155,  187 ;  price,  see  Bride  price ; 
song  18,  342,  380,  420-423 ;  of  the 
Lamb,  940. 

Mars  (god),  630 ;  (planet),  225,  701. 

Marseilles  tariff  (table),  99,  200,  212, 
401. 

Marsh,  32f,  446,  520. 

Marshal's  staff,  383. 

Martha,  725,  732,  755-757. 

Martial,  657. 

Martyrdom  of  Perpetua  and  Felicitas, 
595. 

Martyrs,  martyrdom,  5,  45,  74,  92, 
96,  131,  267,  365,  432,  454,  523,  5.32f, 
607,  616,  632,  691,  694,  710,  720,  722, 
731,  738f,  1G5,  767f,  772-775,  783, 
785,  793,  824,  844,  897f,  903,  926, 
929f,  932,  935-941. 

MaruUus,  656. 

Mary  (Rom.  xiv.  6),  830. 

mother  of  James  and  Joses,  701, 

722. 

mother  of  Jesus,  162,  418,  660, 

686,  701f,  724,  726f,  748,  763,  778, 
790,  903,  936  ;  and  Gabriel,  726 ;  and 
Jesus,  660,  686,  701,  726f,  732,  748, 
763  ;  and  the  IVLagnificat,  726f  ;  be- 
trothed to  Joseph,  701,  726;  home 
of,  702  ;  i)eri)etual  virginity  of,  701, 
727,  903 ;  visits  Elisabeth,  726f. 

mother  of  John  Mark,  767,  790  ; 

house  of,  767,  790. 

of  Bethany,  668,  721,  725,  732, 

755-757. 

Magdalene,  699,  722,  730,  763- 

7(>5. 

ISLas'a,  410. 

Masada,  6l0. 

Maschil,  373,  38L 

>[ashal,  3-14. 

Ma.son,  75,  326,  68.5. 

Ma-ssa,  410. 

Massacre,  74,  87,  2ft5,  275,  283,  285, 


986 

292,  307,  337-330,  382,  523f,  SSOf, 
G07,  Goyf,  t);33,  731 ;  of  the  Innocoiit.s 
at  BothlelRun,  tJO!),  052,  702. 

Massah,  108,  181  f,  235,  2-13,  381). 

Massebah,  see  Pillar  (sacred). 

Massoni,  35f,  40,  42. 

Massoretes,  '.iTA,  -10,  42. 

Massoretic  text,  125;  and  tho  versions, 
comparative  value  of,  43. 

Mas.s6th,  see  Foast  of  Unleavened 
Bread,  Mazzoth. 

Ma.st,  407,  458,  803f. 

Master,  oil,  58(),  GGO,  807,  910;  of 
the  bedchamlwr,  790;  of  the 
tribute,  292. 

Masters  and  slaves,  128,  G-19,  807, 
885. 

Mastic,  480. 

Mater  dolorosa,  032. 

Materialism,  807. 

Matgen,  .'302. 

Matriarchate,  207. 

Matrites,  278. 

Mattan,  308. 

Mattanah,  224,  8-il. 

Mattaniah,  see  Zedekiah,  king  of 
Judah. 

Mattathias,  523,  C07f. 

Matter,  644,  91G ;  evil  of,  80G. 

Matthew,  8,  (115,  684f,  700 ;  and  the 
Logia,  592f ,  7(X) ;  call  of,  084,  709  ; 
identiBcation  wth  Levi,  085,  709. 

Gospel  of,   14f,   122,  592,    OOlf, 

&4G,  652,  072-078,  700-723 ;  aim  of, 
605,  700;  authorship,  TOO;  char- 
acteristics of,  700;  contents,  700; 
date,  14,  057,  700;  dependence  on 
Mark,  14,  004,  672-675,  700;  de- 
pendence on  O,  14.  672,  (i75-C78, 
700;  IrensBus^  statement  as  to 
origin,  700  ;  method  of  reproducing 
Mark,  674  ;  not  a  translation,  700  ; 
not  the  work  of  Matthew,  700; 
order  of  incidents  and  discourses, 
673f,  676f ;  Papias'  statement  as  to 
origin,  .592-594,  700  ;  sections  found 
also  in  Luke,  675f  ;  sections  peculiar 
to,  679  ;  some  ])eculiar  sections  in, 
possibly  derived  from  Q,  077f ; 
sources,  G72-t)78,  700;  univt-rsalisiu 
of,  678  ;  use  of  Book  of  Testimonies, 
700 ;  use  of  Old  Testament  JOOf ,  817. 

Matthias,  731. 

Mattock,  111. 

Maturity,  844,  869. 

Mauretania,  613. 

Mazzanjth,  303. 

Mazzebah,  sen  Pillar  (sacred). 

Mazzoth,  lf>8,  17<>-179,  188,  tee  Feast 
of  Unleavened  Bread. 

Meadow,  167,  587. 

saffron,  -120. 

Meal,  152,  198,  204,  300,  520,  660, 
734. 

offering,   98,   103,   197-201,  201, 

222,  237,  317,  484,  586  ;  accompanied 
by  frankincense,  479,  48-4  :  kinds  of, 
198;  material  of,  198;  ritual  of, 
198,  200;  sanctity  of,  202;  the 
dailv,  200. 
Measure,  VA,  738,  827,  855,  800. 
Measures  of  cajacitv,  115f.  281,  306, 

520,  562,  932 ;  of  length,  115. 
Measuring,  505,  518,  576,  935,  942. 
Meat,  see  Flesh  as  food ;  not  to  be 

eaten  with  milk,  621. 
market,  650f,  841. 


INDEX 

Meats  offered  to  idols,  650f,  770,  832, 

8  R)f,  930. 
Mecca,  173,  393,  551,  553. 
Medeba,  224,  305. 

Medes,  58-(;i,  72,  77,  4-15f,  474,  495, 
520-528,  5t}5;  and  A8s5Tia,  58-00, 
72,  474,  505  ;  and  Babylonia,  60,  72, 
77,  'l-15f,  474,  495  ;  and  the  ( Jimirrai, 
59;  and  the  Persians,  01,  77,  'l-KJ, 
527  ;  and  the  Scythians,  00 ;  empire 
of,   in    Daniel,   526,   528f ;    migra- 
tions of,  58 ;  organisation,  58,  00 ; 
race,  58. 
Media,  60-62,  450f,  494. 
Mediation,  619,  040. 
Mefliator,   365,   619,   632,   640,   859f, 

8(>8,  883,  890,  892. 
Medical    language,   866 ;    in    Lucan 

writings,  724,  777. 
Medicine,  170,  405,  492,  663,  720. 

man,  583. 

Medinah,  325,  496f. 
Meditation,  93,  374 
Mediterranean,  20f,  53,  56f,  60,  63, 
■  100,  110,  227,  229,  236,  250,299,372, 
387,  438,  445,   486,   488,   492,   513, 
520f,  528,  533,  545,  583,  591,  615f, 
773,  803. 
Medium,  285. 
Meek,  the,  94,  96,  131,  377,  396,  704, 

737- 
Meekness,  812,  888,  905. 
Megara,  02. 
Megasthenes,  246,  527. 
Megiddo,  29f,  54,  60,  72,  75,  99,  110, 
259,  202,  298,  304,  307,  3r2f,   384, 
427,  474,  477,  485,  492,  501,  939. 
Megilloth,  37,  271,  '111,  418. 
Meir  Rabbi,  410. 
xMelancholia,  60,  85. 
Melancholy,  85. 

Melchizedek,  6, 9, 34, 147-149,391,859, 
892-894;  allegorical  interpretation 
of,  0,  893  ;  and  Abraham,  149,  893f  ; 
historicity   of,    1 18 ;    name  of,   34, 
149,  893 ;  priest  after  the  order  of, 
892-894. 
Melech,  divine  title,  283. 
Meliorism,  411. 
Melita,  sec  Malta. 
Melite,  014. 

Melito  of  Sardis,  39,  653,  775,  928. 
Melkart,  299,  513,  see  Baal  of  Tyre. 
Melzar,  the,  525. 

Members  (of  the  body),  812,  823,  MS, 
905 ;  of  the  Church,  812,  843 ;  i.e. 
vices,  870. 
Memnon,  010. 

Memorial,  198,  469  ;  before  God,  788. 
Memory,  904. 
Memphis,  see  Noph. 
Memra,  398,  401,  746. 
Men,  the  brethren  of  Christ,  891. 
^lenahem,  08,  70,  309,  512,  534,  538. 
Menander  (jwet),  847,  887;  of  Ephe- 

sus,  246,  297. 
Mene,  527. 
M.Mielaus    (High    Priest),    338,   523, 

581,  583f,  007. 
Meneptah,  see  Merenptah  II. 
Menes,  450. 

Mephiboahetli,  see  Meribaal. 
Morab,  282,  2!12. 
Merarites,  215,  218. 
Mercenaries,  114,  289f,  30«<,  386,  415, 

492,  513,  5ix>. 
Merchandise,  116. 


Merchants,   51,  452,   570,   581,  616, 

730,  940. 

Mercury  (planet),  225. 

Mercy,  23,  95,  370f,  388,  390,  45Gf, 
481,  060,  005,  704,  713,  833, 882,  885, 
899,  905,  911,  924f,  935. 

Mercy  seat,  104,  190f,  205,  895. 

Merenptah  II.,  50,  63,  119,  246,  248. 

Men,  170. 

Meribaal,  42,  229,  287,  289-291. 

Meribah,  168,  181f  223,  243,  389. 

Merit,  811,  826,  804;  of  the  fathers, 
623. 

Memeptah,  see  Merenptah  II. 

Menxlach-Baladan,  59,  71,  310f,  446. 

Merom,  waters  of,  see  Waters  of 
Merom. 

Men)z,  262. 

Merriment,  544. 

Mesha,  233,  246,  305,  448,  547.  540  ; 
inscription  of,  see  Moabite  stone. 

Me.shach,  525. 

Meshech,  57,  393,  473,  513,  515. 

Me8opt)tamia,  28-30,  34,  30,  56-58, 
60,  62f,  110,  135,  155,  2(iO,  428.  459, 
402,  492,  513,  548,  554,  784f. 

Me.ssenger,  403,  566,  808;  of  God, 
587  ;  of  the  Covenant,  587. 

Messiah,  Messianic  king,  89,  94,  96, 
113,  100,  220,  239,  275f,  3C^,  371- 
374,  389,  396,  429,  433-436,  439, 
413-445,  '157,  485,  512,  529f,  561, 
594,  609,  624f,  637-641,  Cm,  670, 
682,  696,  098,  701-703,  715,  720,  731, 
743,  747,  751-753,  757,  767f,  778, 
782,  805,  807,  828,  864,  930,  936 ; 
second  David,  90.  444;  and  the 
heathen,  96,  372,  374;  as  judge, 
445,  670,  682,  720,  749,  751. 
mediator,  90;  ;is  the  branch,  485, 
702  ;  birth  of,  220, 500f ,  624,  666,  701, 
883 ;  bridegroom  of  Israel,  380 
Christian,  374,  637-&41,  670,  082f 
090,  098,  701-703,  714f,  720,  731 
743, 747, 751-753,  757,  760-702. 707f 
comes  from  heaven.  90,  434,  62 
703,  720,  731,  753.  757,  707.  77 
807  ;  conqueror,  96,  372,  434,  436 
443  ;  coronation,  374  ;  crucified,  59'' 
800-808,  814,  833f ;  Davidic  sonshij 
of,  372,  501.  624,  666,  090,  701,  738, 
753,  807;  death  of,  foretold,  741 
equipjjed  with  the  Spirit  of  God 
1-15  ;  exi>ected  by  Samaritans,  750 
heavenly  origin  of,  90,  434,  624 
703,  807:  ideal  king,  96,  371-37? 
385,  3iX),  390  ;  innnortality  of,  385 
Jewish  doctrine  of,  371f,  5.56,  624f 
in  the  Book  of  Enoch,  433-435,  67C 
747  ;  king  spoken  of  as,  92,  100,  27ff 
295,  3(K'i ;  names  of,  443  :  not  use 
in  teclmical  sense  in  Old  Testament 
371;  of  unknown  origin,  (k)O;  orgai 
of  revelation,  445  ;  pre-existence  c 
385,  624,  747  ;  reign  of,  94,  372,  38 
435f,  443,  638  ;  Son  of  God,  372-374 
751;  son  of  Joaei)h,  372;  Son  < 
Man,  ■133f,  529,  ()<>1,  (570,  t»:3  ;  sudde 
api)earance  of,  752f,  757  ;  suffering 
sec  Suffering  Messiah ;  superhtimaa 
90,  372,  807  ;  wisdom  of,  443,  445 
woes  of,  096. 
Messianic  age,  25,  351,  371f,  378, 
387f.  390,  438f,  -457,  516,  519,  537 
5.51, 501,  02  If.  0;38,  708,  711,  726,  780 
SOSf,  811,  870;  banquet,  708, 
735,  739 ;  claimants,  22(J,  (525,  751 


754;  doctrine,  96,  166,  275,  344, 
371f,  385,  443-445,  5U1,  GiiO,  749, 
774,  779,  807,  853;  hope,  94,  275, 
288,  3G8,  371f,  375,  387,  389,  396, 
402,  411,  429,  535,  500,  577,  624f,  636, 
6-10,  703,  726f,  749,  IM,  774f,  805, 
807,  809  ;  kingdom,  407,  525f,  528f, 
555,  638,  640,  739,  748,  759,  769, 
800,  941 ;  proof  texts,  collection  of, 
682,  700,  703,  909;  prophecy,  d(>, 
140,  166,  275,  351,  436,  478,  742, 
932 ;  prophecies,  date  of,  89,  166, 
275,  436,  443  ;  prophet,  637  ;  psabns, 
371-374,  896;  salvation,  556,  637; 
secret,  683,  697  ;  spirit,  638-641. 

Messina,  615. 

Metal,  111,  173,  185,  189,  194,  212, 
463f,  585. 

worker,  metal  working,  54,  98, 

13  i,  463  ;  origin  of,  141. 

Metamorphosis,  628. 

Metaphor,  simile,  93,  353,  437- 

Metaphysics,  429,  808,  810. 

Metatron,  398,  401. 

Meteor,  446,  934. 

Metheg-ammah,  67,  288. 

Methodius,  747. 

Methuselah,  141,  414. 

Metre,  Hebrew,  372f,  398,  411,  424, 
498,  547,  579. 

:Metroon,  633. 

INleuuim,  326. 

Mezuzah,  235. 

Micah  (Ephraimite),  106,  269,  301. 

(prophet),  32,  45,  107,  109,  438, 

475, 486, 559-562 ;  backgroimd  of  his 
prophecies,  559 ;  contemporary  of 
Isaiah,  424,  559;  date  of,  559; 
house  of,  559  ;  predicts  destruction 
of  Jerusalem,  72,  438,  486,  559, 
561 ;  teaching  of,  280,  426,  559f . 

Book     of,    559-563 ;    composite 

character  of,  424,  559. 

Micaiah,  son  of  Imlah,  69,  107,  281, 
304,  561. 

Mice,  276,  706. 

Michael,  531,  914,  924,  933,  936 ;  his 
controversy  with  Satan,  924,  936. 

Michal,  85,  101,  282,  284,  287f,  292. 

Michmash,  31,  66,  279,  444;  valley 
of,  31. 

Michtam,  367,  373,  382. 

Midas,  684. 

Middle  wall  of  partition,  8&5,  935. 

Midian,  64,  156,  168,  170,  182,  225, 
443f,  470,  784f,  898. 

Midianites,  27,  30,  63,  65,  128,  162, 
166,  213,  218f,  227f,  256,  258,  263- 
266,  387. 

Midrash,  35f,  75,  78,  254,  259,  314- 
316,  319-321,  579,  604,  702 ;  of  the 
prophet  Iddo,  315,  319. 

Migdol,  79,  492,  514. 

:\Iigdol-Shechem,  265. 

Migration,  50 ;  of  birds,  364,  420,  480. 

Migron,  279,  444. 

Milcom,  266,  289,  299,  493,  549. 

Mildew,  203,  550. 

Mile,  115,  615. 

Miletus,  771f.  798f. 

Militarism,  633,  932,  9-10. 

Military  service,  113f,  545,  615f. 

Milk,  26,  32,  152,  166,  171,  188,  198, 
220,  235,  .3^17,  422,  442,  S-S^l,  835,  909. 

skin,  261. 

spiritual,  835,  909. 

Milk  (deity),  569,  see  Molech. 


INDEX 

MiU,  177,  361,  465,  660. 

Mill,  John,  597. 

J.  S.,  19. 

Millenarianism,  932,  940. 

Millennium,  941f. 

Millo  (at  Jei-usalem),  287,  298;  (at 
Shechem),  265,  287. 

Mill-stone,  218,  240f,  265,  439,  486. 

Milton,  136,  434,.  Ml,  904. 

Mime,  698. 

Mina,  116f,  520,  527. 

Minseans,  326. 

Mind,  318,  408,  719,  734,  810,  827,  835, 
864,  869,  see  Reason. 

Mine,  mining,  360,  577,  795. 

Minerva,  628. 

Mingled  people,  486,  492,  495. 

Ministers,  421,  518,  545,  855. 

Ministry,  Christian,  643, 645-648,  851- 
853,  866,  871f,  878,  881-884,  887; 
charismatic,  6-13,  645-648 ;  of  ad- 
ministration, 643,  645f  ;  of  teaching, 
643, 645f  ;  support  of,  840 ;  types  of, 
643,645. 

Hebrew,  124, 127, 129-131,  851,  see 

further,  Levites,  Priest,  Priesthood. 

Minnith,  266,  513. 

Minor  prophets,  37,  579,  587. 

Minstrel,  439. 

Mint,  12,  720. 

Minuscules,  601. 

Miracles,  175,  178,  219,  223f,  235,  246f, 
301f,  305f,  320,  432,  441-443,  460, 
462,  465f,  471,  561,  661-664,  681-685, 
688-690,  692,  694,  698f,  703,  708-715, 
717,  722,  728-731,  734-737,  743,  748, 
750f ,  754-757, 762, 780-782,  785f,  788, 
791f,  795,  797,  804,  859,  880,  890,  see 
Signs ;  classification  of,  246 ;  eviden- 
tial value  of,  664;  grades  of  credi- 
bility, 663;  of  Elijah,  see  Elijah, 
miracles  of ;  of  Elisha,  see  Elisha, 
miracles  of ;  of  Jesus,  see  Jesus, 
miracles  of  ;  of  Moses,  173-175, 182, 
223,  471 ;  of  the  apostles,  780,  782, 
788,  791f,  795,  797,  804;  of  the 
prophets,  301,  664;  of  the  Rabbis, 
664 ;  spurious,  937,  940. 

Miraculous,  the,  in  Hebrew  history, 
246f. 

Mirage,  459,  466. 

Mire  (mud),  174,  353,  365,  915. 

Miriam,  168,  170,  174,  181,  213,  219, 
223f,  266  ;  song  of,  9,  180. 

Mirrors,  194,  363,  811,  844,  904. 

Miser,  414. 

Misgah,  493. 

Mishael,  525,  see  Meshach. 

son  of  XJzziel,  202. 

Mishnah,  35,  39,  101,  212,  315,  411, 
418,  615,  689,  778. 

Mishneh,  570. 

Mishor,  33. 

Mission  of  the  Seventy,  677f,  709,  711, 
731 ;  of  the  Twelve,  677f,  709,  731. 

Mi.ssionary,  643,  910. 

Missionary  elements  in  Judaism,  93, 
556-558,  624f. 

Mist,  139,  363,  791. 

Mitanni,  53-55,  57. 

Mites,  117,  ()96. 

Jlithraism,  435,  617,  632f ;  a  military 
religion,  (.32 :  and  Christianity,  632f ; 
ethics  of,  tvi'Jf  ;  exclusion  of  women, 
633  ;  monuments  of,  (i32f  ;  religious 
equality  of  its  adherents,  632 ;  rites 
of,  632L 


987 

Mithras,  325,  628,  632,  701 ;  Dec  25th 
his  birthday,  632 ;  Sunday  his  holy 
day,  632. 

Mithredath,  325,  327. 

Mithridates,  608. 

Mitre,  576,  584. 

Mitylene,  798. 

Mixed  epic,  22, 24 ;  marriages,  92, 210, 
650,  see  Intermarriage  with  aliens  ; 
multitude,  178f ,  218  ;  multitude  (in 
the  time  of  Nehemiah),  334. 

Mixture  (textual),  599. 

Mixtures,  208,  386,  505. 

Mizar,  379. 

Mizmor,  366. 

Mizpah  (Gen.  xxxi.  49),  134,  159. 

home  of  Jephthah,  266,  538. 

(Jos.  xi.  3),  253. 

(near  Jerusalem),  66,  73,   277f, 

313,  491. 

Mizijeh,  283. 

Mizraim,  145. 

Mnason,  799. 

Moab,  Moabites,  11,  33f,  63-65,  67, 
69-72,  76,  99f,  102.  lllf,  134,  148f, 
153,  163,  177,  184,  224-227, 233f,  240, 
245f,  260f,  266,  271,  280,  283,  288, 
299, 305f ,  320, 383,  387, 431, 445, 447f , 
450,  454,  482,  493,  513,  533,  547- 
549,  569f. 

Land  of,  121 ;  mountains  of,  271 ; 

plains  of,  124,  213. 

and  Ammon,  57,  63,  1-53. 

Moabite  stone,  34-36,  69-,  99,  224,  233, 
246,  281,  299,  305f,  448,  549. 

Moat,  531. 

-Alob,  836. 

Mockery,  78,  762. 

^Moderate  drinking,  622. 

Moderation,  411,  909. 

Modem  Greek,  591,  593. 

IModesty,  827,  883. 

Modin,  607. 

Mo'edh,  496-498. 

Moesia,  613. 

Mohammed,  27,  109,  188,  937. 

Mohammedan  conquest,  607. 

Mohammedanism,  Mohammedans,  82, 
95,  107,  171,  173,  296. 

Mohelim,  203. 

Mole  built  at  Tyre,  514. 

Molech,  Moloch,  74,  207f,  299,  312, 
457,  469,  480,  4SA,  488,  .569,  693,  78-1. 

Molten  image,  269,  461;  metal,  stream 
of,  835  ;  sea,  192,  297f. 

Monarchical  Episcopate,  646. 

Monarchy,  44,  66,  85,  98,  106, 110, 118, 
127,  130f,  165,  172,  238f,  245,  249, 
264f,  273-275,  277f,  296,  325,  406, 
-126,  428,  443f,  455,  502,  508,  510f, 
516,  519,  535,  541,  577f ;  benefits  of, 
66,  113,  127,  274,  277 ;  disadvantages 
of,  66,  86,  113,  274,  277  :  double  ac- 
count of  origin,  G6,  122,  274,  277f ; 
downfall  of,  61,  73,  98,  129,  131,444, 
511  ;  hereditary,  113,  294 ;  hostility 
to,  m,  86,  113,  238,  264,  274,  277, 
535  ;  rise  of  Hebrew,  57,  66,  81,  85, 
245,  277f,  541. 

Monasteries,  20. 

Money.  77,  79,  113,  lluf,  163-165,  187, 
102;  308, 320f ,  329, 351 ,  3«!5, 380, 415f . 
467,  510,  52<),  523,  688,  7(»9,  736,  786, 
19b,  85-J,  871f,  877,  883,  S85f,  922, 
sec  Riclies,  Wealth  ;  changers,  6Ji5, 
748;  lenders,  616;  love  of,  883, 
I     885, 887. 


988 

Monogamy,  108,  419,  83ft. 

Moiiolatry,  64,  67,  85,  87f,  128-130, 
183-185.  231,  250,  266. 

Monotheism,  1!),  61,  54,  64,  67,  77,  82, 
89f.  95,  12^,  130,  134-136,  23 If,  235, 
250,  266, 348,  353, 367-369,  375,  392, 
419,  429,  477.  484,  527.  535,  556f, 
563, 586, 608,  6 1 6.  6 1 8-620, 623-625, 
627,  630.  634,  695,  879. 

Monster,  353.  458,  466,  515. 

Montani.sm,  595,  658. 

Monte  Nuovo,  IbO. 

Month,  117f,  572. 

Monument,  468. 

Monuments,  the,  51, 53,  169, 173,  632f. 

Moon,  23,  44,  74,  101,  117,  225,  372, 
4 1 7,  422, 432,  4 15.  453,  457,  470,  480, 
567f,  627.  635,  847,  904,  936;  god, 
525  ;  worship,  146. 

Moral  distinctions,  139;  government 
of  the  world,  343,  353, 360, 364. 370, 
378,  397.  399-401,  404f. 

Morality,  llf,  89,  196f,  200,  207,  209, 
36 1, 428, 437, 458,  480, 684,  888;  and 
religion,  llf,  185,  194,  502. 

Mordecai,  22,  104,  336-340,  403. 

Moreh,  146,  236,  263f. 

Moresheth-Gath,  486,  559f. 

Moriah,  154,  318. 

Moniing,  117,  135-139,  158,  292,  332, 
359,376,  380,  393,  443,  451,  551,  706, 
779  ;  prayer,  779 ;  star,  138,  363,  446, 
930,  942  ;  watch,  278. 

Morris,  William,  22. 

Mortar,  169,  204,  491 ;  and  pestle,  218. 

Mortgage,  332,  400. 

Mosaic  Law,  9f,  21,  144, 245, 312,  751, 
793,  851 ;  period,  83-85,  123,  127, 
148. 

Moserah,  223,  229,  236. 

Moseroth,  see  Moserah. 

Moses,  6,  9f,  13f,  2 If,  37,  44,  47,  63f, 
66,  83f,  86,  90, 95,  97f,  105,  107, 121- 
130,  143,  150f,  165,  168-176,  178 
180-184,  188f,  191,  193-195,  20If, 
213-223, 227-236, 239,241-243, 245, 
249f,  252-254,256,269, 275,  300,  303, 
3 10.3  I2,366f,  382,  384,  389, 39 1,  432, 
471, 483,  497, 512,587, 637, 660,  691, 
693,703,714, 716, 731,  735f,  742,  747. 
75 If. 754,759,780,783-785,  793, 799f, 
802,  825,  841,  851,  89 If,  898f,  924, 
935;  and  Aaron,  170,  173f,  182, 189, 
191,  193.  201f,  213,  219,  221,  223  ; 
and  Babylonia,  84  ;  and  Egypt,  84, 
168- ISO;  and  .Tethro,64,  170f,  182f, 
218,233  ;  and  Joshua,  124,219,  228, 
231,  234,  245;  and  Pharaoh,  170, 
172-176,  178,  180.  784,  89H  ;  and 
Pharaoh's  daughter,  64,  170;  and 
the  ancrels,  784f,  857  ;  ajid  the  Ark, 
123,  189f;  and  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant,  44,  186-189 ;  and  the 
brazen  serjient,  74,  310;  and  the 
Decalogue,  44,  123.  184f;  and  the 
Kenites,  63f,  84,  1 7i)f ;  and  the  Law, 
9,  44,  64,  84,  90.  121.  130,  168,  213, 
312.411,418,530.637,693,751,784, 
851,  859,  899;  and  the  magicians, 
174-176,  886;  apiwints  assistant 
judges,  112.  182,  218,  233  ;  as  inter- 
cessor, 193,  221,  236,  483  ;  as  judge, 
64,  182;  as  pmphet,  84.  107.213, 
382,  542,  75!».  7M  ;  at  Sinai.  64,  123, 
183-186,  18Sf,  193f,  784,898  ;  at  the 
burning  bush,  64,  171-173,  784;  at 
the  inn,    127,   173;    at  the  Trans- 


INDEX 

figuration,  691,  731;  birth  of,  64, 
170  ;  caU  of,  2 If,  64,  170f,  174,  784  ; 
character  of,  168,  172,  182,  213f; 
contention  for  his  body,  924  ;  cove- 
nant with,  825  ;  creates  religion  of 
Lsrael,  10,  44,  64,  84,  121,  2l3f; 
creates  the  Israelite  nation,  10,  44, 
84,  213;  crosses  the  Red  Sea,  64, 
179-181,  471,  898;  death  of,  128, 
231,  243,  245  ;  early  life  of,  63f,  170, 
784 ;  excluded  from  Canaan,  223, 
233f ;  faith  of,  898;  flight  to  Midian, 
64,  168,  170f,.  78  If,  89S  ;  hesitates  to 
accept  mission,  172-174;  in  what 
sense  founder  of  Israelite  law,  44, 
64,  84,  168,  213  ;  inflicts  the  i)lagues, 
174-177,  935  ;  institutes  covenant, 
64,  84,  188f,  891  ;  institutes  Pass- 
over, 177-179,  898;  leads  Israel  from 
Egypt,  63f,  179f,  214.  542  ;  learning 
of,  170,  784  ;  meekness  of,  213,  219  ; 
name  of,  170  ;  not  author  of  Penta- 
teuch, 10,  44,  84,  121-124,  213,  231, 
242f,  312;  opposition  to,  218-221, 
924 ;  preserved  in  ark  of  papyrus,  64, 
168,  170,  471,  898  ;  recognises  Yah- 
weh  as  Israel's  sole  deity,  64  ;  re- 
jected by  Hebrews,  170,  174,  784f ; 
returns  to  Egypt,  173,  784  ;  rod  of, 
168,  172f,  175f,  180,  182,  252,  444; 
slays  the  Egyptian,  170,  784;  song 
at  Red  Sea,  44,  180f,  938  ;  song  of, 
47, 231,  242f,  890  ;  speeches  of,  19f ; 
threatened  with  death  by  Yahweh, 
127,  173 ;  war  with  Amalek,  182  ; 
wife  of,  63f,  168,  170f,  219  ;  work  of, 
44,  84f,  213  ;  grandson  of,  269,  300, 
318 ;  parents  of,  their  faith,  170,  898. 
Mosque,  155,  388. 
Most  High  God,  429,  687- 
Mote,  707,  716,  730. 
Moth,  350,  359,  378,  466. 
Mother,  109,  139,  206f.  262,  394,  422f, 
466, 469,  473,  483,  498f,  877  ;  earth, 
630  ;  of  sorrows,  632f ;  the,  and  the 
youth,  631. 
Mother-in-law,  202,  836,  850. 
Mound,  487.  489,  493,  526,  566. 
Mount  of  Anointing,  299  ;  of  Corrup- 
tion, 299  :  of  Offence,  312 ;  of  Olives, 
1 15,290, 297, 299, 3 12,  508,  583f,  694, 
697,  778,  800;  of  Transfiguration,  29, 
32,  667,  691,  697  ;  of  User,  248. 
Mountain  gods,  303. 
Mountain  of  God,  171,  384;  of  the 

house,  486. 
Mountains,  24,  26-31,  50,  143f,  147- 
149,  152,  159,  183,220,228,233,243, 
250,  258, 262,  353, 356,  359,  365,  369, 
375,  380f,  386,  389.  401.  420f,  438f, 
445f,  449,  457f,  466-468,  471,  478f, 
482,  484,  499,  506, 511,515,517, 525, 
533. 545. 550,  555. 56 1-565.  567,  576, 
583,  607f,  628,  641,691,  703f,  714, 
722,  735f,  899,  934,  939,  942;  as 
pillars  (of  heaven),  353,  359,  380  ; 
of  bra.ss,  577 ;  Palestinian  .system 
of,  26-31,258,  506;  removal  of.  695, 
844  ;  roots  of,  353,  359,  380,  401,  557, 
562  ;  sacred,  243. 
Mourner,  110,  166,  204,  217f,  417,  450, 
453,  469f,  480f,  540,  545  ;  unclean- 
ness  of,  166. 
Mourning,  79,  110,  155,  157,  202,  209, 
237,  23;),  276,  319,  376.  4 15,  43!t,  448, 
451,457,470,472,479f,483f,491,493. 
497,  506, 5 13, 5 15, 544, 55 1, 553, 560f, 


565,582, 711,782,  788, 840 ;  customs, 
237,  239,  319,  513;   for  dead  god, 
628,  631  ;  mother,  the,  632. 
Mouth,  421,  476,  825,  905:  covering 
the.  204. 

Mowings,  113,  552. 

Muhrakah,  303. 

Mulberry,  736. 

Mules.  111.  189, 208, 285, 291, 294, 378, 
416,545. 

Munmiius,  832. 

Mummy,  167,  450. 

Municipia,  614. 

Muratorian  Canon,  595,  724,  744, 772, 
776,  876,  901f,  908,  923,  928. 

Murder,  68,  73,  113,  141,  166,  188,223, 
230,  238,  287,  337,  381f,  409,  491, 
516,  539,  578,  581-583,  608f,  612, 
629,651,664,  705,  720,  752,771,905f. 

Murderer,  141,  924. 

Murrain,  plague  of,  13,  174,  176. 

Mursil,  56. 

Mushki,  57,  59. 

Music,  66,  70,  76,  106,  130,  134,  157, 
245,  278,  281,  305,  373,  381,  396, 
844,  866;  origin  of,  141. 

Musical  instruments,  106,  367,  373, 
528,  844. 

Musicians,  316,  448,  616. 

Musri  (North  Arabia),  151,  296,  299. 

Must,  554. 

Mustard  seed,  713,  734. 

Mutallu,  56. 

Mutilation  (ritual),  83,  209,  240,  632. 

Mutilations,  209,  240,  286,  609. 

INluzrites  (of  Cappadocia),  306. 

Muzzle,  378. 

Myra.  799,  803. 

Myrrh,  111,  420,  698,  702,  722. 

Myrtle  rods,  507  ;  tree,  104,  222,  468, 
576. 

Mysia,  794. 

Mysteries,  the,  632,  834,  869f ;  the 
Greek,  385,  867,  874. 

Mystery,  141,504,627,  635,  711,  713, 
826f,  831,  834,  844,  863-865,  867, 
869f,  879,  883,  909,  916.929;  (i.e. 
symliol),  939  ;  of  God,  935 ;  of 
lawlessness,    879f;    the    Christian, 

religions,  631-633,  746,  805,  860, 

863. 
Mystic,  349,  660. 
Mystical  sense  of  Scripture,  6 ;  union, 

838. 
Mysticism,  7,  16,  418,  631f,  916. 
Mystic  rites,  472f . 
Myth,    If,  5,  9f,  133,  138,  255,  349, 

356,  390.  551.  628.  669,  682.  685, 

884,  887,  910,  942  ;  and  legend,  133. 
Mythology,  77,  133,135-137.  142,  170, 

220,  368f,  386,  398,  514.  567.  627f. 

939 ;    and   religion,    627f ;   Greek, 

627. 

Naamah,  301. 

jNaaman.  21,  69,  189,  203,  285,306, 
I      728,  737. 
Nabal,  280,  284.  306. 
Nabatiean  dialect,  36. 
Nabatajans,    33,   156,  448,  555,   585, 

858. 
Nablus.   30,  33,  267,  269,   749,   tee 

Shechem. 
Nalx.i-ola-ssar,  60,  72,  313,  446. 
Nalxith,  30,  87,  109,  112,  304,  306f, 
361,  440,  520,  562. 


Nabu,  464,  see  Nebo. 

Nabu-na'id,  Gl,  77,  522f,  527f. 

Naclab,  king  of  Israel,  68,  301. 

and  Abihu,  168,  188,  191,  201. 

Nahaliel,  224. 

Nahalol,  259. 

Naluiraim,  155. 

Naliash,  king  of  Ammon,  66,  278. 

Nabor,  154f. 

Nabum,  25,  46,  60,  72,  564f,  753. 

Book  of,  88,  564f;  attitude  to 

Nineveh,  46,  60,  72,  556,  564f; 
composite  character  of,  564;  date, 
46,  5i>l ;  style  of,  25,  564. 

Nail,  329,  417,  452,  869. 

Nain,  30,  306,  730 ;  widow  of,  see 
Widow  of  Nain. 

Naiotb,  280,  282. 

Nakedness,  141,  161. 

Name,  158,  160,  172,  185,  263,  414, 
419,  442f,  472,  525,  565,  704,  726, 
919 ;  a  part  of  the  personality,  160, 
419 ;  above  every  name,  the,  813 ; 
change  of,  151,  160f,  219,  313,  471f, 
525,  748 ;  expressive  of  nature,  140, 
172,  704;  good,  415;  hidden,  160; 
on  the  forehead,  937,  942 ;  taboo  on 
use  of,  202 ;  the  ineffable,  160 ;  used 
as  a  spell,  160,  185 ;  wonder  work- 
ing power  of,  160,  813. 

of  Christ,  see  Christ,  name  of ; 

of  God,  105,  168,  172,  174,  185,  267, 
374,  405,  509,  511,  510f,  552,  706f, 
931 ;  of  Jesus,  160,  701,  see  Jesus ; 
of  Yahweh,  160,  172,  174,  185,  210, 
454,  457,  489. 

the,  210,  217,  382,  405,  457,  687, 

710. 

Names  of  blasphemy,  936,  939. 

Naomi,  48,  271f. 

Naos,  297. 

Naphthali,  son  of  Jacob,  158,  166; 
tribe  of,  29,  65,  114,  161,  214,  249, 
257,  259,  261f,  296f,  309,  315,  318, 
521,  704,  933. 

Napoleon,  694,  880,  937. 

Narcissus  (flower),  459. 

Narcissus  (person),  830. 

Nard,  oil  of,  697. 

Narrative,  19-21. 

Nathan,  20,  67,  86,  107,  288f,  294, 
315f,  318,  389,  426f,  439 ;  house  of, 
582 ;  son  of  David,  701,  728. 

Nathanael,  660,  748. 

Nathan's  parable,  289. 

National  literature,  18f ;  monotheism, 
619-621  ;  songs,  18. 

Nationalism,  11,  92,  95,  384,  39G,  475, 
517,  555,  619f. 

Nations,  the,  80,  92f,  96,  112f,  131, 
374,  379,  392,  432,  438,  446-447, 
457f,  460-4(53,  465-4(»,  470f,  473, 
475-477,  481,  183,  48fi-488,  490,  492, 
513,  516,  544-546,  549,  554f,  560- 
562,  564-567,  569,  571,  575f,  579f, 
582,  584,  619,  625,  721,  826,  829,  831, 
935f,  941f,  see  GentUes,  Heathen, 
the. 

Natural  and  supernatural,  82. 

Natiiral  body,  847 ;  man,  834f ;  re- 
ligion, 83,  411. 

Nature,  2f,  12f,  24,  85,  87,  90f,  93, 
95,  133,  3)(J,  350f.  363f,  369,  375, 
384,  394,  411  f,  122f.  458,  4<»,  479, 
488,  537f,  5(il,  6^3,  663f,  689,  cm, 
G98,  793,  812,  819.  824,  938 ;  treat- 
ment of,  12f,  24,  369. 


INDEX 

Nature  miracles,  246f,  663,  see  Jesus, 
miracles  of ;  psalms,  369,  375,  377  ; 
religion,  540,  629-632;  worship,  30, 
84,  427,  632,  860. 

Navigation,  54,  803. 

Navy,  111,  532. 

Nazara,  779. 

Nazarenes,  702,  774. 

Nazareth,  29,  267,  309,  482,  497,  659- 
661,  674,  682,  687f,  702f,  713,  726- 
728,  730,  7-48. 

Nazirite  vow,  105,  216f,  267,  771,  799. 

Nazirites,  103,  105,  211,  216f,  222, 
267f,  274,  308,  549. 

Nazoreans,  779,  802. 

Neapolis,  30,  795. 

Nebaioth,  156,  470. 

Nebo,  228f ;  (god),  229,  525,  see  Nabu. 

Nebuchadrezzar  (Nebuchadnezzar), 
36,  60f,  72f,  77f,  131,  245f,  313,  342, 
446,  474,  482,  489,  491f,  494-496, 
498,  501f,  510-516,  522-528,  555, 
573;  and  Arabs,  494;  and  Daniel, 
524-527 ;  and  Egypt,  60f,  72f,  313, 
474,  491f,  501,  510,  514f,  523;  and 
Judah,  60f,  72f,  131,  246,  313,  342, 
474,  482,  4S9,  495f,  498,  501f,  510, 
512,  555 ;  and  Tyre,  61,  452,  513f ; 
dreams  of,  523,  52.5-528  ;  fiery  fur- 
nace of,  526 ;  golden  image  of,  526 ; 
madness  of,  526-528 ;  reign  of,  60f , 
72f ,  313,  523. 

Nebuzaradan,  73,  313,  490f. 

Necho,  see  Pharaoh  Necho. 

Neck,  421,  444,  497,  540f,  560,  892. 

Necromancer,  necromancy,  106,  239, 
285,  '143,  456. 

Nedarim,  414. 

NedebsBus,  800. 

Needle's  eye,  693. 

Negeb,  the,  28,  31f,  34,  63-66,  146- 
150,  153,  182,  219,  233,  258,  261, 
285f,  393,  451,  456,  482,  484,  555, 
578,  580. 

Neginoth,  373. 

Negro,  145,  490. 

Nehemiah,  21,  35,  78f,  92,  103,  110, 
119f,  129,  131,  192,  199,  244f,  320, 
323-325,  328,  330-335,  461,  585 ;  and 
Artaxerxes,  61,  78f,  330;  and  Ezra, 
78;  and  his  opponents,  78f,  330- 
333 ;  and  marriages  with  foreign 
women,  79,  299,  328,  334f;  auto- 
biography of,  49,  78,  324f,  331,  334  ; 
governor  of  Judah,  78f,  323f,  330- 
332,  334f;  rebuilds  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  78f,  330-332;  reforms 
social  and  religious  abuses,  48,  79, 
103,  110,  245,  320,  332,  334f. 

Book  of,  20,  368,  525,  see  Ezra- 

Nehemiah. 

contemix)rary  of  Zerubbabel,  325. 

Nehiloth,  373. 

Nehushta,  482,  485. 

Nehushtan,  74,  310. 

Neighbour,  208,  621,  732,  905. 

Neith,  163. 

Neolithic  period,  52,  263. 

Neophvtea,  863. 

Nephilim,  142,  220. 

Nephisim,  326. 

Ner,  280. 

Nerab,  35. 

Nergal-sharezer,  see  Neriglissar. 

Nf-n,  701. 

Neriglissar,  77,  523. 

Nero,  610,  612,  618, 630f,  655-657,  681, 


701,  772,  774f,  802,  830,  897,  928, 
936-940;  expectation  of  his  return, 
774;  identification  with  the  beast, 
612,  774. 

Nero  redivivus,  937,  939 ;  legend  of, 
928. 

Neronian  persecution,  see  Persecution 
under  Nero. 

Nerva,  656,  6.58,  936. 

Nest,  387,  444,  485,  555,  567. 

Nestorians,  596. 

Net,  398,  467,  515,  520,  538,  555,  566- 
568,  713,  764. 

Netaim,  111. 

Nethinim,  77,  326,  329. 

Netophah,  491. 

Netophathites,  334. 

Nettle,  468,  570. 

Neutral  text,  600. 

New  man,  866,  870;  Babylonian 
Empire,  61,  446 ;  birth,  746,  749,  811, 
918,  920,  see  Regeneration ;  bottles, 
851 ;  cloth  on  old  garment,  638,  659, 
684,  709,  729;  commandment,  917f; 
covenant,  14,  90,  131,  189,  427,  4()8, 
475,  537,  636,  639f,  668,   697,  739, 

809,  825,  842,  851,  859,  891,  894-897, 
899f ;  creature,  807,  810,  852;  flesh, 
469,481,489;  heart,  131,  381,  503, 
511,  516;  heaven  and  new  earth, 
13,  432,  473,  915,  941f;  heavens, 
473,  915;  Hebrew,  35;  Jerusalem, 
431,  468,  470,  931,  940-942 ;  life,  16, 

810,  812,  859,  866,  870;  moon,  101, 
lOlf,  117,  282,  306,  326,  387,  437, 
469,  473,  520,  573,  647,  652f ;  name, 
472,  930 ;  song,  92,  389,  932. 

New  Testament,  14;  and  the  Old, 
636;  criticism  of,  14-16;  Greek 
influence  on,  25 ;  literary  aspects 
of,  25 ;  q\iotations  from  Old  Testa- 
ment, 4  ;  survival  of  a  larger  litera- 
ture, 602;  canon,  sec  Canon  of  New 
Testament;  grammar,  592,  598; 
literature,  development  of ,  602-606; 
vocabulary,  592. 

New  wine,  ill,  684,  729,  851. 

New  year,  lOlf,  118,  205,  210f;  the 
Babylonian,  118,  387;  the  old 
Hebrew,  118,  387. 

New  Year's  Day,  123,  144,  177,  205, 
380,  387,  389,  518. 

Next-of-kin,  109,  488;  marriage  of, 
158. 

Nicanor,  1(U,  337-339,  392,  607. 

Nicanor's  gate,  780. 

Niceta  of  Remesiana,  726. 

Nicodemus,  748f,  753. 

Nicolas,  783. 

Nicolaitans,  930f. 

Nicopolis,  657,  881,  887f. 

Nietzsche,  176. 

Night,  27,  111,  135-137, 149, 153,  158f, 
332,  349.  369,  377,  417,  451,  482.  491, 
551,  583,  758. 

demon,  459;  monster, 459;  watch- 
man, 359. 

Nightmare,  456. 

Nile,  the,  52,  124,  130,  140,  143,  147, 
150,  169f,  173-176,  236,  354,  356, 
3(15,  419f,.'152,  471,  492,  514f,  553, 
5()5,  730. 

Nimrah,  229. 

Nimrini,  448. 

Nimrod,  145,  561,  702. 

Nina,  189. 

Nineveh,   36,  46,    GO,    72,   428,    474, 


990 

484,  556-558.  564f.  570,  712;  de- 
Btruction  foretold,  550-558,  56 If; 
fall  of,  311,  313,474.  56if ;  size  of, 
557 ;  s[>;irfd,  567f- 

Ninovites,  557. 

Nippur,  77,  494. 

Nirab,  553. 

Nisan,  101-103,  105,  117f,  177,  210, 
316,  323.  329f,  387,  652f,  697. 

Nitre,  23,  4U8. 

Nizir,  Mount,  142. 

No.  see  Tliebfs. 

Noadiah,  332. 

Noah,  122,125,  134.  141-145, 151,246. 
408,  500,  737,  897,  910f,  914;  a 
culture  hero,  145  ;  and  his  family 
saved  in  the  ark,  125,  143f,  914; 
blesst-s  Sheni  and  .Japheth,  133,  145 ; 
covenant  with,  11,22,  143-145,453; 
cur.'ses.CanafUi,  5,  133,  145  ;  descend- 
ants of,  125,  143,  145f ;  drunkenness 
of,  145 ;  faith  of,  897  ;  his  name, 
134,  141,  145 ;  introduces  vine 
culture.  141,  145  ;  makes  wine,  141, 
145 ;  preacher  of  righteousness, 
914  ;  righteousness  of,  125,  143,  145, 
609,  897  ;  sacrifice  of,  144 ;  sons  of, 
142f,  145. 

No-amon,  72,  564f. 

Nob.  100,  229,  275,  283, 294,  444, 474. 

Nobah,  229. 

Nobles,  79,  188,  3G2,  405,  458,  499, 
506,  5(55,  581,  608,  620,  624. 

Nohah,  270. 

Noked,  305,  547,  553. 

Nomad  life  of  early  Hebrews,  32,  34, 
63,  80,  83,  96,  98.  103,  105,  108,  184, 
188,  213,  220,  256,  261,  2GG,  477- 

Nomadic  religion,  81,  86, 96,  216,  307, 
489. 

Nomads,  31f,  34,  50,  63,  141,  146,  198, 
219,  260,  263f,  280,  399,  410,  440, 
446,  451,  462,  470,  478,  482,  489, 
494,  513,  547. 

Non-canonical,  Christian  books,  773. 

Non-resistance,  406,  705,  722,  729-    . 

Noon,  noon-day,  noontide,  117,  393, 
420.  459,  553,  570,  763.  788,  800. 

Noph,  52,  79,  450.  477,  492,  514. 

Nophah,  224. 

Noricum,  613. 

North,  the,  359,  363,  446f,  474,  477- 
480,482,  492,  515,  517,  546,  576, 
578. 

North  Africa,  778. 

Galatian  theory,  769f,  857. 

wind,  408. 

Northern  kingdom,  t<ce  Israel ;  largely 
ignored  in  Chronicles,  75. 

Northerner,  the,  546. 

Noee,  423,  507. 

Nose-ring,  155,  403. 

Nosri,  779. 

Nona,  760. 

Novatian,  601. 

Novice,  632.  883,  887. 

Nowairi,  250. 

Nubia,  54. 

Nuceria,  613. 

Numa,  630. 

Numl>er8,  Book  of,  121,  213-230 ; 
contents,  213;  date,  213;  histor- 
icity, 213;  scene  of  the  history, 
213;  structure,  213;  title,  213; 
value  of,  213f. 
Niimidia,  613. 
Nunc  Dimiltis,  727. 


INDEX 

Nuptial  bath,  807 ;  chamber,  268,  369, 

545. 
Nuts,  111,  525. 
Nymphas,  871. 

Oak,  100,  224, 236,  265, 291,  438, 538, 
58(». 

Oar,  803. 

Oasis,  27,  33,  50,  82,  18 If,  469. 

Oath,  79,  112,  149,  154-150,  167,174. 
179,  l><6f,  199,  216,  233-235,  242f, 
284,  306,  329,  334,  348,  351,  359, 
370,  391,  394,  390,  409,  416,  479, 
485,  5)0,  553,  698,  705,  720,  722, 
762,  893f,  906  ;  of  clearing,  361 ;  of 
Yahweh,  187. 

Obadiah  (prophet),  555. 

Book  of,  48,  493,  555  ;  comi^osite 

character  of,  555  ;  date,  555  ;  occa- 
sion, 555  ;  place  in  Canon,  555  ; 
relation  to  Book  of  Jeremiah,  493f, 
555. 

steward  of  Ahab,  73,  302f. 

Obed,  272. 

Obed-edom,  276,  288,  316,  321. 

Obedience,  7,  93,  95f,  128,  131,  139, 
154,  186,  188,  21  If,  231,  234-236, 
238,241,278,280,345,365,372,387, 
399,  414,  417,  472,  475,  479f.  483, 
489,  503,  511,  557,  576,  622,  642f, 
649,  093,  703,  708,  754,  759f  765, 
792,  805f,  811,  820.  822f,  826,  831, 
867,  871,  888,  892,  894,  898,  909- 
911,  917,  919f. 

Obelisk,  see  Pillar  (sacred). 

Oblation,  526. 

Obol,  116. 

Obotii,  224. 

Obstinacy,  763,  905. 

Occult  arts,  312,  443,  450. 

Occultism,  617. 

Ocean,  27,  137,  380,  395,  401,  409, 
449,  460,  628 ;  the  heavenly,  137, 

303,  377,  401. 

Octavian,  Octavius,  see  Augustus. 

Ode  on  the  king  of  B.abylon,  445-447. 

Oded,  76. 

Odes  of  Solomon,  766,  910. 

Odysseus  and  the  Sirens,  6. 

(Ecurnenius.  783. 

Offerings,  76,  127,  130,  141,  329,468. 
479,  491,520,  571f,  586,  620;  to  the 
dead,  101,  208. 

Officers,  163,  607.  612,  753;  in  the 
church,  643,  645f,  884,  887- 

Officials  (.State),  414,  010,  882. 

Og,  64,  128.  224,  232,  234. 

Oholah,  512. 

Oholiab,  193f. 

Oiiolibah,  512. 

Oil,  82,  98,  111,  115,  124,  157,  161, 
166,  189,  191-194,  198-200,  204, 
216-218,  220,  222,  235,  265.  280, 
295,  297,  302,  305,  359,  309,  389, 

304,  408,  437,  408,  520,530,  541, 
54  1,  562,  577,  659,  088,  804,  S)07. 

Ointment,  331,  4l5f,  419,  652,  697, 
711,  031. 

Old  age,  351,  395,  415,  417,  578;  cove- 
nant, 488,  036,  039,  851,  859,  891, 
801-807,  890  ;  gate,  the,  ;i'n  ;  Latin 
version,  41,001,  747  ;  man,  the,  800, 
870 ;  men,  544,  888  ;  Syriac  version, 
41,  601. 

Old  Testament,  9-14,  18-25,  44-43 
97,  809,  845f,  865,  868,  897f ;  a 
collection  of  tooks,  18;  a  national 


literature,  18f;  a  prophetic  book, 
13f  ;  absence  of  drama,  20  ;  absence 
of  e]iic,  22  ;  absence  of  philosophy, 
20,  429  ;  and  contemporary  docu- 
ments, 428  ;  and  .Jesus,  see  .Jesus  ; 
and  Nature,  12,  24,  309  ;  and  New 
Testament,  95  ;  and  Paul,  see  Paul ; 
and  the  ancient  East,  428  ;  aix>lo- 
getic  for,  81  ;  authority  of,  805, 
889;  biography  in,  21f ;  Canon  of, 
37-40  ;  character  of,  as  historical 
narrative,  10,  20-22,  247,  255;  com- 
j>osito  structure  of,  9 ;  culminates 
m  Christ,  10,  13f ;  development 
of,  Ilf;  discrepancies  in,  9f ;  di- 
versity of,  19,  244  ;  editorial  work 
ill,  3,  9;  ethical  character  of,  Ilf; 
historical  value  of,  10 ;  in  the 
Christian  Church,  594  ;  interpreta- 
tion of,  805 ;  interpretation  of 
Hebrew  history  in,  13,  244,  247  ; 
languages  of,  34-36 ;  large  pro- 
portion of,  narrative,  20 ;  literary 
types  in,  9,  19-25 ;  not  to  be 
isolated  from  other  sacred  litera- 
ture, 9  ;  proof  of  Christianity  from, 
805,  809;  proplietic  and  prieatly 
narratives  in,  21  ;  reading  of,  96; 
religious  interest  controlled  com- 
pilation of,  18  ;  religious  interest  of 
Its  writers,  lOf,  244,  246f ;  religious 
value,  of  10-14,  886  ;  scepticism  in, 
21  ;  speeches  in,  20;  survival  of  a 
larger  literature,  9,  18,  44,  246,  426  ; 
translated  into  Greek,  62,  97  ;  text 
of,  36,  40-43  ;  triple  division  of,  37  ; 
unity  of,  13,  18f ;  versions  of,  36, 
40f,  43. 

Oleander,  32. 

Olive,  28f,  144,  188,  218,  222f,  243, 
265,  290,  382,  393,  448f,  453,  482, 
543,  550f,  562,  826  ;  berries,  448f, 
454  ;  branches,  104,  820  ;  garden, 
545  ;  trees,  the  two,  577,  936. 

Olive-yard,  102. 

Olivet,  718,  778. 

01>Tnpus,  876  ;  gods  of,  936. 

Omar  Khayyam,  412,  415. 

Omen,  ,':20,  305,  420,  464,  544. 

Omer,  103,  105;  (measure),  115,  18L 

Omnipotence,  281,  762,  see  further, 
God,  omnipotence  of. 

Onmiinesence,  305,  see  further,  God, 
omnipresence  of. 

Omniscience,    395,    see    God,   on 
science  of. 

Omri,  30,  68-70,  100,  244,  246,  3( 
305,  307.  422,  549  ;  dyna.sty  of,  69f, 
307,  502. 

On  (person),  220;  (place),  see  Heli- 
opolis. 

Onan,  102f. 

Onesimus,  649f,  862,  870f. 

Onesiphonis,  885. 

Onias  II.,  338,497;  III.,  523f,  531, 
581-583  ;  IV.,  106,  450,  581. 

contemporary  of  Hyrcanus  II., 

225. 

Onions,  218. 

Oulv  begotten,  741,  747. 

Ouo,  332. 

Onyx,  101,  140,  191,  360,  942. 

Opal,  031,  942. 

Oph.anim,  864. 

Ophel,  297,  300,  458. 

Ophir,  lllf,  145,  299,  304,  446,  481, 
531. 


Ophrah,  263-265,  279. 

Ophthalmia,  235,  769,  860f . 

Opis,  61. 

Opportunism,  612,  610. 

Oppression,  67f,  72,  87,  93,  97,  113, 
119,  184,  200,  206,  259f,  277,  342, 
346,  375,  398,  413f,  429,  436,  439, 
466f,  409f,  509,  512,  520,  538,  546f, 
550f,  560,  566f,  706,  904,  906. 

Oppressor,  88f,  94,  257,  261-263,  351, 
362,  380,  389,  393f,  413f,  423,  437, 
439, 443-447,  450,  454,  456,  458,  466f , 
501,  516,  544,  546,  5CiOf,  503f,  566f, 
572,  570,  624,  820. 

Optimism  397,  411f,  432,  485,  509, 
625. 

Oracle,  24,  85,  101,  114,  146,  156,  182, 
193,  225-227,  236,  239,  257f,  260, 
269,  278f,  283,  285,  292,  304f,  320, 
383f,  391,  410,  424,  428,  456,  464, 
485,  491,  495,  512,  538,  561,  566f, 
592,  773  ;  in  Baal  temple,  308 ;  the, 
see  Holy  of  Holies. 

Oracles  of  God,  820. 

Oral  tradition,  86,  142,  168,  282,  314, 
579,  594,  mif,  675,  724f,  756. 

Orator,  oratory,  19,  801. 

Orchard,  33,  99. 

Ordeals,  112,  187,  216,  400,  632. 

Order,  136f,  845. 

Ordinances,  865,  870. 

Ordination,  643,  884f. 

Oreb,  171 ;  rock  of,  302. 

Orestes,  21. 

Organisation,  61,  77,  90,  92,  94,  107, 
329,  334,  503,  517f . 

of  the  Church,  604,  645-e47,  766, 

773,  778,  783,  872,  876,  881-884, 
887,  902  ;  development  not  deliber- 
ately planned,  645 ;  difficulties  of 
the  problems  concerned,  645  ;  fluid 
character  of,  645,  827,  848 ;  in  the 
Pastoral  Epistles,  816,  881-884, 
887 ;  Jewish  and  Gentile  influence 
upon,  645,  706;  not  created  by 
Jesus,  645:  provisional  character 
of,  645. 

Orgiastic  religion,  616,  789. 

Oriental  sore,  348. 

Orientalism,  916. 

Orientals,  19f,  24. 

Origen,  0,  37,  41,  231,  297,  373,  411, 
595f,  599-601,  653,  687,  692,  701, 
705,  717f,  747,  835,  886,  901,  908, 
913,  915f,  923f,  928. 

Origin  of  evil,  346. 

Original  sin,  139,  144,  382,  433f,  864. 

Orion,  353,  398,  446,  551 ;  bands  of, 
363. 

Ormuzd  and  Ahriman,  632. 

Ornament,  193,  407,  466. 

Oman,  see  Araunah. 

Orontes,  28,  54,  01,  72,  200,  309,  330, 
444,  500,  552. 

Orpah,  271. 

Orphan,  102,  128,  187,  236,  241,  272, 
351,  428,  438,  494,  621,  884. 

Orthodoxy,  342,  344f,  355,  370,  373, 
397,  402,  412f,  416,  432,  556,  596, 
640,  060,  6<i3,  901,  905,  919. 

Osiris,  57,  130,  414. 

Osnappar,  310,  328,  see  Ashur-bani- 
pal. 

Ostanes,  79. 

O.stia,  633. 

Ostracism  (social),  926. 

Ostrich,  364,  459,  499. 


INDEX 

Othello,  266. 

Other-worldliness,  435. 

Othniel,  6G,  249,  257f,  260. 

Otho,  612,  656,  936. 

Outcasts,  2,  206,  348,  356,  358-360, 
454,  586,  632,  619,  669,  706,  717, 
721,  735,  738. 

Outer  darkness,  659,  708,  719. 

Outlaw,  outlawry,  06, 113,  315. 

Oven,  175,  378,  539. 

Overseers,  67,  643,  910. 

Ovid,  628. 

Owl,  458,  570. 

Ox. 23,  98f,  180,  201, 206,  217, 235, 238, 
241,  274,  293, 317,  347,  393,  401  437, 
457f,  472,  479,  5a4,  508,  540f,  552, 
.558,  571,  735,  840,  931 ;  goad,  261. 

Oxen,  the  twelve,  105,  297,  310. 

Oxford,  591. 

P,  sec  Priestly  Code. 

Pacific  Islands,  629. 

Paddan-aram,  134,  161f. 

Padi,  71. 

Pagan  religion,  627-635,  701,-876. 

Paganism,  75,  877f,  889,  908,  910f, 
920,  930,  934,  936-938,  9-12,  see 
Heathenism. 

Paidagogos,  836,  860. 

Pain,  82,  139,  354,  377,  408,  414,  467, 
483,  033f,  930. 

Painful  letter  to  Corinth,  &49f,  853- 
850. 

Painting,  505  ;  the  eyes,  307, 479,  512. 

Palace,  30,  07,  73f,  114,  109,  311,  318, 
338,  390,  439,  458,  485,  487,  490,  493, 
519,  521,  529,  540,  548f,  553,  009, 
698,  763  ;  the  heavenly,  368,  471. 

Palanquin,  421. 

Palate,  355,  423. 

Palestine,  20-34,  42,  45,  50-53,  55-62, 
79,  81f,  80,  98,  110,  110,  134-130, 
140,  148,  151,  243f,  257,  406,  414, 
432f,  440,443-445,  -447,  450,  459,  479, 
489,  523f,  529f,  532f,  535,  540,  559f, 
570,  572,  592,  601,  605,  608-610,  615, 
700,  702,  710,  742,  744,  749,  759,  785, 
800,  832,  904,  916,  924,  936. 

Palimpsest,  601. 

Palisade,  495. 

Pallas  (brother  of  Felix),  610,  655. 

Pallas  Athene,  21,  628. 

Palm,  100,  112,  260f,  284,  422f,  518; 
branches,  103f,  356,  443,  718,  767. 

Palm  of  the  hand,  466,  527,  690. 

Palmervvorm,  544 

Palmists,  582. 

Palmyra,  299. 

Pamphylia,  613,  791,  908. 

Pan  (god),  32. 

Panias,  28,  32,  609. 

Pannag,  513. 

Pannonia,  013. 

Panthei.sm,  11. 

Paphos,  230,  791. 

Papias,  592-595,  653,  658,  699f,  700, 
744,  765,  790,  927-929. 

Papyri,  .36, 429, 591-593,  694, 697f,  705- 
707,  730,  736-739,  761f,  784,  797, 
864  904. 

Pai.vrus,  32,  170,  353,  700,  887,  931 ; 
boats  354,  449. 

Parable  of  the  thankless  vineyard, 
439. 

Parables,  133.  254,  289f,  309,  3-11.  397, 
455,  476,  484,  510,  512,  536f,  556, 
507,  674,  677,  686,  707,   713,   736, 


991 

743,  754,  898,  938;  in  prophetic 
literature,  25  ;  of  Jesus,  see  Jesus, 
parables  of  ;  purpose  of,  667,  686. 

Paraclete,  745,  758-760,  917. 

Paradise,  88,  138f,  370,  381,  433f,  478, 
514,  736,  738f ,  741,  753,  850 ;  flower, 
420. 

Paradise  Lost,  18. 

Parah,  482. 

Parallelism,  23f,  372,  398,  424,  498, 
700f,  937. 

Paralytic,  683,  708f,  729,  788. 

Paran,  154,  182,  219,  284 ;  wilderness 
of,  123,  213,  218,  284 

Parapet,  109,  240. 

Paraphrase,  125. 

Parasitic  soul,  dangers  of  invasion  by, 
144. 

Parbar,  317. 

Parchment,  719. 

Pardon,  454,  906,  see  Foi^veness. 

Parents,  186,  503,  021,  707,  714,  839, 
867;  and  children,  108f,  111,  121, 
240,  807  ;  duty  to,  089,  714  ;  respect 
for,  93,  184f,  235, 240. 

Parilia,  222. 

Paring  the  nails,  239. 

Paris,  001. 

Parousia,  049,  710,  713,  715,  720f,  733f, 
737-739,  760,  705,  809, 872-874,  876- 
880,  913,  924,  930f,  938,  see  Second 
Coming. 

Parsis,  507. 

Parthia,  454,  608,  701,  934. 

Parthians,  608f,  934. 

Particularism,  91. 

Partnership,  112. 

Partridge,  268,  483. 

Party  spirit,  93,  832f,  835,  903,  905. 

Parvaim,  318. 

Paschal  full-moon,  652,  698;  lamb, 
100,  102f,  105,  177,  179,  653,  697, 
739,  747,  757,  837. 

Pashhur  (ancestor  of  returned  exiles), 
325  ;  son  of  Immer,  72,  325,  484f, 
487  ;  son  of  Malchiah,  485. 

Pass,  30f,  565. 

Passing  between  the  pieces,  150,  489  ; 
through  the  fire,  207,  310. 

Passion,  19,  870,  906. 

Passion,  the,  724,  756,  763. 

Passion  narratives,  669,  673-675,  694, 
097-699,  721f,  739-741,  758-763,  842. 

Passions,  416,  916. 

Passover,  21,  30,  76f,  83,  100-103,  108, 
117f,  127,  129,  168,  176-179,  200f, 
217f,  238,  251,  312,  317,  321-323, 
326,  328,  390,  392,  418,  457,  520, 
542.  584,  010,  653,  608,  694,  096-698, 
715,  720,  727,  734,  739-741,  743,  748, 
751,  756-758,  762, 837,  898,  900  ;  the 
second,  103,  105,  217. 

cup,  739. 

Pa.ssports,  615. 

Pastor,  503,  505,  643,  866,  900. 

Pastoral  Epistles,  595,  603,  772,  805, 
881-888,  901,  923f  ;  authenticity  of, 
603,  772,  805,  815f,  881 ;  authorship 
of,  603, 805, 881 ;  bearing  on  question 
of  second  imprisonment,  772,  881 ; 
date,  658, .  881 ;  external  evidence 
for,  815,  881  ;  false  teaching  at- 
tacked in,  815,  881 ;  moralistic  t<jne 
in,  815 ;  movements  of  Paul  im- 
plied in,  772,  881 ;  Pauline  material 
m,  772,  805,  816.  881;  personal 
details  in,  815,  881 ;   stress  on  or- 


992 

ganisation,  815  ;  teaching  of,  881 ; 
unity  of,  772,  881,  887  ;  vocabulary 
and  style  of,  815,  881. 

riist<.ral  life,  88,  111,  134,  1&4,  488 ; 
IKoj.le,  2(X). 

Pastorals  of  Theocritus,  591. 

Pasturage,  pasture,  31,  33,  50,  124, 
147,  165,  170,  214,  225,  228f,  200, 
408,  448,  457,  481,  W6,  548,  553,  503, 
570,  029,  735. 

Patara,  799. 

Path  of  life,  370. 

Pathros,  79,  445,  492,  514. 

Patience,  378,  404,  049,  667,  739,  829, 
844,  801,  808,  877,  879,  899f,  900, 
92i»,  931. 

Patmos,  920f,  931,  934. 

Patria  potestas,  867- 

Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  685. 

Patriarchal  history,  119,  133;  narra- 
tives, 122  ;  period,  127,  428. 

Patriarchs,  10,  20,  30-32,  03,  111,  124f, 
127f,  133,  140,  150,  171f,  174,  300, 
329,  390,  429,  432,  503,  701,  722,  738, 
784,  898,  931 ;  historicity  of,  133f  ; 
national  interpretation  of,  63,  134  ; 
theories  concerning,  133f . 

Patriot,  77,  504,  898. 

Patriotism,  85,  244,  486,  556,  660. 

Patristic  quotations,  598f. 

Patroclos,  21. 

Pausanias,  210,  796. 

Paul,  8,  15f,  83,  139,  174,  177,  185, 
220,  242,  309,  475,  499,  533,  586, 
591-593,  595,  002,  604f,  638-651, 
653,  661,  009f,  im,  691H394,  705, 
714f,  717,  719,  739,  745,  747,  749, 
766-777,  783-804,  814-849,  850-863, 
865,  867-889,  901f,  906,  908-910, 
912,  918,  935,  940;  a  Pharisee  of 
Pharisaic  parentage,  768,  802,  874 ; 
and  Agrippa,  772,  802f ;  and  Ana- 
nias, 768, 787, 800,  802  ;  and  Apollos, 
771,  797,  832f,  835f,  848,  854,  888 ; 
and  Aquila  and  Priscilla,  771,  790f, 
817,  830,  848 ;  and  asceticism,  642, 
644,  049f,  828,  809,  883f,  887 ;  and 
Barnabas,  647,  708-770,  776,  782, 
787,  789-794,  840f ,  858f ;  and  Clau- 
dius  Lysias,  800-802,  804;  and 
Eutychns,  302,  771,  798 ;  and  Felix, 
655,  772,  801;  and  Festus,  772, 
801f;  and  Gallio,  771,  797;  and 
Gamaliel,   768,    800;    and    James, 

769,  771,  787,  790,  793,  799,  854, 
858f,  904f;  and  Jesus,  15f,  669, 
747,  768,  786,  792,  806-810,  833, 
840,  842,  844-840,  852,  854,  878; 
and  Luke,  16,  724,  742,  709-771, 
776f,  795,  854.  870,  887  ;  and  Mark, 
14,  681,  769f,  790f,  794,  841,  859, 
870,  885,  887,  912;  and  marriage, 
650,  705,  832,  838-840,  867,  878, 
883  ;  and  meat  offered  to  idols,  651, 

770,  832,  840-842;  and  One.simue, 
&19f,  802,  870f,  912;  and  Peter, 
091,  741,  769f,  773,  787f,  793,  832f, 
858f,  924;  and  Philemon,  649f, 
862,  871 ;  and  Sergius  Paulus,  768, 
791 ;  and  Silas,  770,  794-797,  830, 
877f,  912  ;  and  Simon  Magus,  785  ; 
and  .slavery,  0^19f,  839,  867,  870, 
88-tf,  888 ;  and  siiiritual  gifts,  643, 
047f,  832,  834f,  843-845,  866,  879; 
and  Stephen,  039f,  707f,  783,  785, 
806 ;  and  the  apostles,  640,  646, 
681,  686,  692f,  769f,  786f,  800,  815, 


INDEX 

846,  851,  858;  and  the  Church  of 
Antioch   in   Syria,  647,  769f,  789- 

791,  793f,  797,  858f ;  and  the  Church 
of  Colossjfi,  002,  802,  »08-871  ;  and 
the  Church  of  Corinth,  002,  771, 
797f,  832-848,  849-851,  853-850; 
and  the  Church  of  Ephesus,  002, 
797-799 ;  and  the  Church  of  Jeru- 
salem, 047,  785,  787,  789f,  793f,  797, 
799,  853,  858;  and  the  Church  of 
Philippi,  (i02,  795,  872-875;  and 
the  Church  of  Rome,  002f,  774,  804, 
817-819,  828-831,  887 ;  and  the 
Church  of  Thessalonica,  002,  771, 
795,  870-880 ;  and  the  Churches  of 
Galatia,  002,  709-771,  792-794,  857  ; 
and  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,  040f, 
051,  709f,  793f,  817,  858f ;  and  the 
Cross,  641,  777,  802-812,  822,  828, 
831,  833f,  859,  801,  873;  and  the 
Gentile  problem,  040,  040f,  709f, 
772,  791-794,  858f,  80-1,  809 ;  and 
the  incestuous  person,  048f,  832, 
830f,  850;  and  the  Jewish  Chris- 
tians, 040,  709-772,  793,  799,  80ef, 
811,  817,  823,  857,  801,  873,  880; 
and  the  Jews,  768f,  771f,  777,  783, 
787,  791-802,  804,  807,  811,  819-821, 
840,  874,  879;  and  the  Law,  G39f, 
647,  769-772,  792f,  799f,  802,  804- 
807,  814,  817,  823,  882;  and  the 
legalist  controversy,  040,  646,  806f, 
811,  817,  857;  and  the  Messianic 
hope,  040,  805,  807,  828,  831 ;  and 
the  ministry,  643,  645-648  ;  and  the 
mission  to  the  Gentiles,  005,  708- 

770,  772,   777,  787f,   791-797,   800, 

802,  804,  806-808,  817,  819,  829, 
858f,  805,  870f ;  and  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, 6,  791,  805f,  808f,  818-822, 
825-829,   831,   833-830,   840f,    845- 

847,  851,  859f ,  880 ;  and  the  Resur- 
rection of  Jesus,  041,  053,  741,  768, 
777,  792,  790,  800,  802,  804,  807, 
821f,  824-820,  828,  840,  845f,  852, 
863f,  874,  883,  909  ;  and  the  Roman 
authorities,  649,  709,  771f,  774,  791, 
795,  797,  800-804,  812,  827f,  877, 
879,  882,  909f ;  and  the  Sanhedrin, 
800-802;  and  the  Three,  770,  790, 
858f ;  and  Timothy,  770,  794,  790- 
798,  815,  830,  830,  848-850,  a57-859, 
861,  808,  871-873,  876-878,  881-887, 
912  ;  and  Titus,  640,  794,  849f ,  853f, 
858,  881,  887f,  912;  and  women, 
650,  795f,  832,  839-842,  845,  b07, 
876,  883f,  886,  888  ;  apostleship  of, 
646,  817f,  829,  840,  849,  856-858, 
868,  882f ,  885f ;  arrest  of,  602,  790, 
799f,  804;  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia, 
769f,    791f,   857;    at    Athens,    769, 

771,  776f,  796,  870,  878;  at 
Beroea,  771,  795f,  876,  878;  at 
Caesarea,  055,   777,   797,   799,  801- 

803,  863,  872  ;  at  Corinth,  055,  771f, 
776,  794,  796-798,  817,  830,  832,  835, 
848-850,  876,  878;  at  Damascus, 
655,  690,  768,  787,  802,  856,  858 ;  at 
Derbe,  792f,  857 ;  at  Ephesus,  639, 
655,  771f,  776,  797-799,  830,  832, 
847-8-19,  862f,  870,  929  ;  at  Iconium, 

792,  8a5  ;  at  Lystra,  792f,  857,  880  ; 
at  Philippi,  771,  770,  795,  872,  870f ; 
at  Tarsus,  708f,  787,  789,  791,  805; 
at  Thessalonica,  771,  795,  874,  876- 
878 ;  at  Troas,  770-772, 794f ,  798, 850, 
872,  887  ;  attacks  on  his  character. 


849-857, 876f ;  authority  of,  &47, 649, 

830,  855f,  883;  autobiography  of, 
823,  858,  874 ;  baptism  of,  708,  787  ; 
charges  against,  783,  795,  797,  800- 
802,  804;  chronology  of  his  life, 
652,  054-657,  772,  787,  789f,  793f, 
797,  832,  858,  872;  churches  of, 
002f,  643,  040f,  770f,  792-799,  829 ; 
collection  for  the  saints,  647,  771, 
777,  798f,  801,  817,  829,  832,  &47f, 
850,  853f,  859 ;  conversion  of,  638, 
052,  G54-{557,  767-769,  776,  780f, 
800,  802,  805-811,  817,  857f ;  death 
of,  652,  655-657,  724,  772-774,  804, 
828,  887 ;  doctrines  of,  see  below ; 
education  of,  639f,  661,  768,  800, 
805,  887;  ethics  of,  640,  642-644, 
049-051,  715,  717,  812,  818,  827- 
829 ;  Epistles  of,  see  Pauline 
Epistles ;  exegesis  of,  6,  1&4,  558, 
805,  820,  840,  859,  860,  806f ;  exor- 
cism at  Philippi,  795 ;  exjierience 
of,  369,  639-Ul,  768,  800-809,  817, 
823,  858 ;  gift  of  psychological 
analysis,  &40 ;  gosi>el  of,  807,  819, 

831,  865;  Greek  influence  on,  044, 
708,  805,  -812,  8(iO ;  heals  cripple  at 
Lystra,  780,  792;  heals  father  of 
Publius,  804;  ill-health  of,  769, 
855-857,  800,  878;  imj>erialism  of, 
772,  910;  importance  of,  16,  766, 
772  ;  imprisonment  at  Caesarea,  655, 
724,  742,  772,  800-803,  862,  872; 
at  Rome,  055,  815,  818,  830,  862, 
865,  870-873,  881,  885;  in  Arabia, 
33,  768,  787,  858;  in  Cyprus,  655, 
769,  791 ;  in  Galatia,  655,  769-771, 
792-794,  857;  in  Macedonia,  655, 
771f,  795f,  798,  829,  848-850,  853, 
881f;  in  Malta,  803f;  in  Rome, 
616,  655,  700,  724,  742,  772f,   777, 

804,  818,  829f,  863,  870-872,  881,  887, 
924  ;  in  Syria  and  Cilicia,  769,  787, 
794,  858;  independence  of,  646,  840, 
857f ;  Jewish  influence  on,  768,  805, 
807,  812f ;  language  of,  592f,  800; 
life  and  work,  16,  768-772,  812  ;  lost 
letters  of,  002,  832,  837,  849f,  853f,  , 
802,  874 ;  martyrdom  of,  772f,  804, 
872f,  935;  ministry  of,  819,  851- 
853,  855,  805,  808,  872-874,  877f ; 
missionary  call  of,  768,  787,  800, 
802,  806-808,  858,  865;  missionary 
journeys  of,  16,  614,  742,  7(59-771, 
782,  791-799,  829,  877;  Nazirite 
vow  of,  771,  799,  801 ;  originality 
of,  809 ;  persecutes  the  Christians, 
768,  785-787,  802,  806,  833,  846, 
858,  874,  882 ;  persecution  of,  777, 
792f,  795,  799f,  829,  836,  847,  849, 
861,  873,  870f,  886;  personal  ap- 
pearance of,  768,  792,  840,  851,  855f  ; 
plots  against,  7(58,  771f,  787,  798, 
800f,  804,  829;  preaching  of,  591, 
708f,  771,  777,  787,  791f,  795-797, 
802,  800,  829,  833f,  840,  850,  858, 

805,  809f,  873,  877f;  pre-Christian 
theology  of.  8(V)-807  ;  relatives  of, 
708,  772,  800,  806  ;  Roman  citizen- 
ship of,  768,  771f,  791,  795,  8a>-802, 
847,  880,  910 ;  Roman  name  of, 
768,  791 ;  Saul  his  Hebrew  name, 
780;  second  imprisonment,  655, 
772,  815,  881,  885;  shipwreck  of, 
614,  772,  803f ;  slave  of  Christ  (or 
God),  868f,  872,  887;  speeches  in 
Acts,  25,  769,  771f,  791f,  794,  see 


below  ;  spurious  Epistles  attributed 
to,  595,  603,  815,  879f ;  sufferings 
of,  849,  851,  855f,  8(55,  869,  874; 
supports  himself  by  maiuial  labour, 
795-797,  840,  877  ;  taken  for  a  god, 
792,  804;  tent-maker,  7G8,  796; 
theology  of,  see  Pauline  theology ; 
theology  revolutionised  by  con- 
version, 805-808 ;  trials  of,  771f, 
795,  797,  800-801,  871f,  887;  uni- 
versalism  of,  372,  806f ;  visions  of, 
768,  771,  787,  792,  795,  800,  856, 
872 ;  visits  to  Jerusalem,  654-65G, 
768-772,  787,  789f,  793f,  797-801, 
817,  829,  848,  857f ;  visit  to  Spain, 
772,  799,  817,  829,  881 ;  voyage  of, 
616,  655,  772,  803f. 
Paul,  doctrines  of :  Abraham  and 
Moses,  640,  806,  821 ;  Adam  and 
Christ,  822,  846f ;  adoption,  808, 
811,  824;  angels,  220,  047f,  650, 
824,  834,  836f,  841-844,  851.  858- 
860,  864f,  868-870,  878,  883 ;  anger 
of  God,  819-822,  825,  827f,  866,  870 ; 
atonement,  809-811,  820-824,  838, 
846,  853,  857,  859,  863,  868,  870, 
888;  baptism,  639,  812,  822,  826, 
833,  837,  841,  843,  847,  850,  860, 
866f,  869f,  885f,  888;  Christ,  15f, 
&40-644,  787,  806-813,  815,  818-831, 
834-843,  846,  849,  851-856,  858, 
862-870,  873,  878,  882f,  886,  888, 
910;  Christian  conduct,  812,  827- 
829,  861,  866f,  870,  873f,  878-880, 
883-888;  Church,  041,  643,  812, 
815,  828,  831,  843,  860,  862,  864- 
869,  88G;  circumcision,  770,  788, 
793f,  799,  820f,  829,  839,  858,  860f, 
864f,  869,  874 ;  conscience,  642,  651, 
819,  827f,  840f,  882f;  cosmic  func- 
tions of  Christ,  812f,  868 ;  death  as 
penalty  of  sin,  810,  822,  843,  850; 
death  of  Christ,  807-813,  820-824, 
828,  834,  838,  840,  846,  851f,  859, 
863-8^5,  868,  873,  886,  888  ;  deliv- 
erance from  sin,  639,  649,  807, 
811f,  861 ;  demons,  83,  651,  812, 
840-843,  867,  870;  election,  806, 
824-827,  834,  863,  880;  escha- 
tology,  650,  807,  809,  811f,  819, 
823f,  826,  828,  834,  840,  846f,  860, 
862,  8r>-t,  877-880;  faith,  640-642, 
792,  810-812,  819-823,  825-829,  831, 
834f,  M4-846,  850,  852,  859-861, 
863f,  874,  877,  882,  884-887,  901, 
905;  flesh,  a39f,  649,  806,  811f, 
823f,  847,  861,  864,  869,  879;  for- 
givenesa  of  sins,  792,  808,  811,  820, 
822,  846,  863,  868f,  882;  freedom, 
649,  807,  810f,  825,  828,  838f,  860, 
862  ;  God,  792f,  796,  806,  808,  810- 
813,  819-828,  831-8^5,  840f,  845f, 
849,  852,  858,  863-865,  868f,  873, 
880,  882-885  ;  grace,  639f ,  806,  808f , 
811,    818-823,    825-827,    829,    831, 

833,  846,  850,  853,  859,  861,  864f, 
875,  882,  884,  888  ;  holiness  (sancti- 
fication),   ftlO,    822-824,    827,    832, 

834,  837-8:39,  846,  868,  878;  holi- 
ness of  God,  811,  835 ;  Holy  Spirit, 
639f,  642-645,  648,  745,  808-812, 
821,  823f,  829.  834f,  837f,  840,  843f, 
850-8;52.  ^59-861,  863-868,  874,  879, 
8M,  910;  judgment,  796,  801,  800, 
819f,  825,  832,  837,  840,  843,  852, 
861,  879;  justification,  640,  792, 
808,   811,   819-824,   828,    837,    846, 


INDEX 

852,  861,  888,  901 ;  letter  and  spirit, 
639;  Lord's  Supi)er,  647,  651,  809, 
812,  830,  832,  rv41-843,  865;    love, 

643,  651,  808,  811f,  827f,  840,  843f, 

848,  8()1,  863,  865-870,  873,  877-879, 
882,  885,  909 ;  mind,  the,  8ia  823, 
827,  804 ;  new  relation  to  God, 
80t)-808,  810-812,  852;  Parousia, 
649f,  809,  811,  826,  835,  837,  840, 
842,  846-848,  850,  870,  872-874,  876- 
880,  886,  888 ;  pre-existence  of 
Christ,  813,  841,  868,  873,  882f ; 
promise,  the,  806,  821,  859f,  864; 
redemption,  16,  641,  694,  811f,  815, 
820,  826,  829,  838,  840,  851,  868, 
888 ;  regeneration,  807,  810-812, 
866,  888;  resurrection,  670,  796, 
800,  807,  809,  824,  826,  832,  845-847, 
852,  878,  886,  918;  righteousness, 
811,  819-826,  828,  833f,  851,  855, 
866f,  874;  righteousness  of  God, 
811,  818-821,  825,  853  ;  sacraments, 

644,  812,  841,  860,  863,  888  ;  Satan, 
649,  830,  838,  850f,  853,  855,  864, 
866f,  878,  880,  883,  886,  888;  sin, 
639f,  806,  810f,  819-824,  826-829, 
847,  859,  864,  866,  888 ;  sinlessness 
of  Christ,  810f,  853;  sonship  of 
Christians,  806-808,  810-812,  824, 
860,  863  ;  the  Law,  95,  639-641,  792, 

806,  810f,  814,  819-823,  825,  833f, 
836,  840,  847,  851,  859-861.  864f, 
869,  874,  882;  union  with  Christ, 
640-642,  810-812,  822,  836-838,  846, 

849,  851,  859,  870.  874,  888  ;  works, 
640,  819-821,  825f,  859,  864,  877, 
885,  888. 

Paul,  speeches  of :  at  Antioch  in 
Pisidia,  769,  791f ;  at  Athens,  769, 
784,  792f,  796;  at  Lystra,  769,  792f; 
at  Miletus,  798f ;  before  Agrippa, 
802 ;  before  Felix,  bOl  ;  to  the 
elders  of  Ephesus,  689,  771,  798, 
929  ;  to  the  Jews,  800. 

Acts  of,  596. 

Pauline  Epistles,  16,  25,  247,  594- 
596,  598,  602-605,  618,  644-647,  768, 
770-772,    780,    791f,    794-796,    798, 

807,  814-816,  818,  865,  872,  901, 
903,  908,  910, 912f,  913,  915  ;  and  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  16,  639,  724, 
734,  766,  769-771,  776f,  787,  791,  799, 
S02,  857-859;  as  literature,  603; 
authenticated  by  autograph  signa- 
ture, 861,  880,  912  ;  authenticity  of, 
814-816,  832,  857,  862,  872,  876f, 
881;  collection  of,  594f,  598,  872, 
901;  dictated,  592,  602,  848,  871, 
880f;  Greek  influence  on,  25,  644; 
interchange  of  first  person  sing^ilar 
and  plural  in,  816 ;  Marcion's 
collection  of,  594,  814,  862;  origin 
of,  602f;  style  and  language  of, 
592f,  862. 

theology,  724,  772,  80&-813,  868, 

905,  908 ;  a  mission  theology,  807 ; 
a  product  of  e.xperience,  772,  800- 
809,  817;  .apocalyptic  elements  in, 
876-880;  fundamental  conceptions 
of,  011-813;  presupixjsitions  of, 
805-807 ;  relation  to  early  Christian 
thought,  809f ;  relation  to  life  and 
teaching  of  .Tesus,  810-812 ;  revolu- 
tionary character  of,  610. 

Pavement,  518. 

Pax  Romana,  630f. 

Peace,  8,  18,  44f,  54,  56f,  m,  69,  84f, 


993 

96,  103,  114,  166, 260,  277,  317,  371, 
388,  412,  436,  4;38,  443,  445,  454, 458, 
469f,  561,  571,  577,  583,  630f,  668, 
726f,  759,  812,  827-829,  839,  845, 
864-868,  870,  874, 905f,  942 ;  of  God, 
103 ;  with  God,  643,  808,  811,  821f, 
852,  868 ;  maker,  704. 

Peace  offering,  79,  98,  101,  176,  188, 
192,  197f,  200f,  207,  209,  217,  222, 
237,  278,  296,  385,  401,  437,  480,  484. 

Peacocks,  111. 

Pearis,  707,  713. 

Peasant,  peasantry,  419,  423,  572; 
proprietor,  559 ;  religion,  427. 

Peg,  509. 

Pekah,  68-71,  76,  246,  309,  441f,  534. 

Pekahiah,  68,  70,  309,  534. 

Pekhah,  326,  329. 

Pekod, 512. 

Peleponneae,  832. 

Pelethites,  56,  114,  289,  296,  308. 

Pelican,  390,  458. 

Pella,  33.  610,  655,  773,  936. 

Pelusium,  514,  532. 

Pen,  484,  sec  Stylus. 

Pencil,  463. 

Pendant,  100. 

Pene-Rimmon,  444. 

Peniel,  134,  156,  160. 

Peninnah,  274. 

Penitence,  92f,  96,  191,  362,  47T,  488, 
494,  506,  510,  538,  633,  649,  704, 
884,  893,  906. 

Penitent  robber,  669,  725,  741. 

Penny,  117,  689,  717,  932. 

Pentateuch,  11,  37f,  40f,  48,  51,  82, 
84,  105,  107,  121-132,  168,  184,  213, 
231,  245f,  312,  314,  319,  340,  366f, 
374,  399,  480,  497,  519,  620-622,  695, 
750,  806 ;  an  epitome  of  the  history 
of  Israel's  religion,  130 ;  and  Ezra's 
Law-book,  37,  48 ;  attributed  to 
Moses,  121,  312;  canonisation  of, 
37f,  107,  319,  522;  characteristics 
of  constituent  documeuts,  124-131 ; 
chronological  order  of  documents, 
127,  518;  composite  character  of, 
9,  37,  82,  122-130,  1S4,  231,  246, 
340;  date,  37,  48,  126-129,  480, 
519 ;  discrepancies  in,  123-126,  133, 
231 ;  gi-ounds  of  analysis,  123-127  ; 
history  of  criticism,  121f,  126 ;  in- 
troduction to,  121-132  ;  literary 
analysis  of,  13,  82,  122-130,  246; 
methods  of  composition,  122;  not 
written  by  Moses,  H,  84,  121,  123, 
168,  231 ;  possible  Mosaic  elements 
in,  -44,  1()8  ;  Samaritan,  fee  Samari- 
tan Pentateuch  ;  text  of,  4<)f,  125  ; 
title,  122, 231 ;  translated  into  Greek, 
40f.  62,  79. 

Pentecost,  commemoration  of  law- 
giving, 648;  Day  of,  see  Day  of 
Pentecost;  Feast  of,  105,211,  418, 
584,  648,  798,  see  Feast  of  Weeks. 

Penthouse,  565. 

Penuel,  264,  300. 

People  of  God,  46f,  85,  94,  126f,  212, 
433,  436,  4:39,  442,  454,  462-4(i6,  4(58, 
472,  488f.  500,  506,  515,  518,  529, 
5.35-537,  555,  561,  5(>3f,  56t),  576, 
578,  6.38,  612,  733,  819,  8(53-871, 
874,  890-892,  895,  898,  900,  904,  926, 
930,  935,  9-40 ;  of  tlie  land,  92,  326f, 
sec  'Am  ha'aretz. 

Peoples  of  the  Sea,  56. 

Peer,  226-228. 

32 


994 

Peraa,  33,  600f,  GS-Sf,  088,  G93,  734, 
749,  755. 

Peres,  527f . 

Perc/.,  133f,  162. 

Percz-uzzah,  288. 

Perfect,  ijerfection,  390,  393,  665,  693, 
707f,  717,  745,  811f,  84-1,  809f,  874, 
893f. 

Perfume  boxes,  439. 

Perfumers,  277,  331,  337,  41G. 

PerfiniKs,  111,  193,  419-422,  439,  4G9, 
479,  520,  940. 

Perga,  791,  793. 

Pergamum,  532,  607,  775,  796,  921f, 
928,  930f. 

Pericles,  417. 

Peric&pe  Adulters,  753,  765. 

Peridot,  360. 

Perils  at  sea,  391. 

Periodic  enrolments,  727. 

Peripatetics,  034. 

Perizzites,  147,  150,  172,  258. 

Perjury,  18-lf,  208,  216,  409,  577,  629. 

Persecution,  72-75, 97,  307f,  370f,  380, 
386,  391,  398,  427,  430,  433,  436, 466, 
504,  520,  528,  530,  532,  540,  553,  581, 
604,  (-Wf,  612,  616,  024,  (»6,  693, 
696,  701,  710,  714,  721f,  729,  735, 
739,  760,  767f,  774f,  792,  795,  799, 
830,  853,  858,  861,  873,  876-879,  889, 
897-899,  908,  912, 926,  928-931,  935- 
937;  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  see 
Antiochus  Epiphanes ;  by  Manas- 
seh,  45,  74,  89,  232,  312,  436;  for 
the  Name,  610,  774,  908;  of  Chris- 
tians, 610,  631,  767f,  774f,  781-783, 
785-787,  790,  80ii,  908,  928;  of 
Jeremiah,  see  Jeremiah  ;  under 
Ahab,  73f;  under  Domitian,  631, 
655f,  775,  908,  928;  under  Nero, 
102,  612,  610,  631,  655-057,  772,  774, 
897,  908,  928,  939 ;  under  Trajan, 
010,  775,  908. 

Persephone,  349. 

Perseus,  170. 

Persia,  Persian  Empire,  Persians,  50, 
60-62,  77-79,  244, 310,  323,  325,  327f , 
330, 336-339,  387,  4^15,  447, 453f,  464, 
494,  513,  522,  526-529,  531,  533, 565, 
573-577,  579, 586 ;  and  Greece.  61f, 
79, 227 ;  and  Media,  60f ,  77 ;  and  the 
Jews,  see  Jews  ;  downfall  of,  48,  Olf, 
79, 227,  368,  453,  573f,  576 ;  influence 
on  Judaism,  9.  61,  98,  317,  362.  404, 
464;  organisation  of,  61 ;  see  Baby- 
lonia, >jgypt. 

Persian  Gulf,  50,  53,  58,  111,  I26f, 
143,  146,  348,  494,  513,  529 ;  monu- 
ments, 587;  period,  44,  315,  324, 
3-41f,  397,  400,  453,  523f,  526,  555, 
561,  585;  words,  317,  411;  words 
in  Daniel,  522,  526. 

Persis  (place),  62. 

(woman),  830. 

PersiuB,  657. 

Personality,  344f,  429. 

Personification,  344f,  745f. 

Peshitta,  41,  596,  601,  901. 

Pessimism,  47,  94,  96,  342,  354,  411- 
413,  415,  432. 

Pestilence,  plague,  10,  13,  67,  72,  76, 
178,  212,  220f,  227,  243,  276,  293, 
298,  311,  353,  386,  389,  483f,  506, 
500,  516,  S42,  550,  5.52,  567,  610, 
629,  905,  932,  934,  938f. 

Peter,  16,  586,  592,  602f,  605,  frlO,  655, 
667,   681-683,   685,  690f,  693,  695, 


INDEX 


14,  716-718,  721f,  728f, 
739-741,  748,  752,  758f,  762-770, 
772-774,  776-782,  786-795, 826,  832f, 
835,  858f,  902,  906,  908,  911-915, 
924,  931,  935;  and  Ananias,  767, 
782;  and  Cornelius,  767,  770,  776, 
788f ;  and  Dorcas,  788;  and  Mark, 
592,  681,  790,  912;  and  Paul,  091, 
741,  769f,  773,  787f,  793,  832f,  858f, 
924;  and  Silas,  794,  912;  and 
Simon  Magus,  785f,  791 ;  and  the 
beloved  disciple,  758,  762-705  ;  and 
the  Church  of  Corinth,  773,  832f, 
835,  913 ;  and  the  Gentile  Mission, 
728 ;  and  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  681, 
691,  912-914;  and  the  High  Priest's 
servant,  698,  721,  740,  762 ;  and  the 
Temple  tribute,  715;  angel  of,  716, 
790;  appearance  of  Jesus  to,  699, 
741,  764f,  778,  846;  ajMSstleship, 
709,  911 ;  at  Antiooh,  790,  794,  859 ; 
at  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,  773, 
793;  at  the  transfiguration,  691, 
913f;  call  of,  674,  682.  913;  chief 
steward  in  the  Kingdom,  715;  con- 
fesses Jesus  to  be  the  Messiah,  32, 
667,  691f,  703,  714f,  731,  752 ;  con- 
nexion with  Rome,  700,  773,  790, 
818,  913,  924;  denies  Jesus,  698, 
713,  722,  740,  762;  double  Jewish 
name  of,  709;  Galilean  dialect  of, 
592,  722;  gift  of  the  kevs,  715; 
healing  ministry  of,  780,  782,  788, 
797  ;  heals  ^neas,  788 ;  heals  lame 
man,  780f;  imprisonment  of,  768, 
790 ;  in  Samaria,  786,  791 ;  know- 
ledge of  Greek,  592 ;  martyrdom  of, 
655f,  705,  773f ,  913 ;  not  author  of 
2  Peter,  902,  913;  party  of,  832f, 
835;  preaching  of,  647,  058,  081, 
777, 780 ;  prediction  of  violent  death, 
765,  913f ;  primacy  of,  715 ;  promi- 
nence in  primitive  Church,  766,  770, 
778,  859  ;  receives  name  Peter,  714, 
748 ;  release  from  prison,  790,  795 ; 
repentance  of,  713;  restoration  of, 
713;  speeches  of,  16.  778-782,  788f, 
791,  793,  80G,  908,  910;  vision  of, 
103,  767,  788f;  walking  on  the 
water,  713 ;  wife  of,  912. 

Peter,  Acts  of,  777- 

Apocalypse  of,    434,    595f,    658, 

913f,  927. 

First  Epistle  of,  16,  592,  594-596, 

641,  773f,  901f,  908-912;  author- 
ship, 16,  773,  902,  908,  911,  913; 
circumstances,  908 ;  date,  657,  789, 
902,  908;  external  evidence,  594- 
596,  908;  language  of,  592;  origin 
of,  603,  908 ;  persecution  in,  IK>1, 
774,  908;  place  of  writing,  773,  908; 
purpose,  908f ;  recipients,  901,  908f ; 
relation  to  Pauline  Epistles,  902, 
908 ;  relation  to  2  Peter,  603,  908, 
913,  915;  theology  of,  QA\. 

Gospel  of,  595,  658,  741,  763f. 

Second  Epistle  of,  16.  592-596, 

901f,  908,  913-915;  and  the  Second 
Coming,  902,  913,  915  ;  authorship, 
594,  902,  912f,  915,  924;  ainonicity 
of,  595f,  901 ;  connexion  with  Ajw- 
calypae  of  Peter,  913;  date,  592- 
594,  t>03,  658,  90«i.  913 ;  dejiendence 
on  Epistle  of  Jude,  902,  913-915, 
923f;  external  evidence,  595f,  902, 
913;  false  teaching  attacked  in, 
913;  language  of,  592;  nationality 


of  readers,  913 ;  place  of  origin,  913; 
iweudonymous,  603,  913 ;  purjxise 
of,  913 ;  recipients,  901  ;  reference 
to  Pauline  Epistles,  594,  913,  915 ; 
relation  to  1  Peter,  603,  908,  913. 
915 ;  silence  on  Resurrection  and 
Ascension,  913;  style,  592f,  913; 
use  of  Apocrypha,  914. 

Peter's  wife's  mother,  683,  708,  728, 
780. 

Pethor,  225. 

Pethuel   54^4. 

Petra,  33,  181,  223,  259,  266,  309,  555, 
608. 

Petrine  literature,  908. 

Petrograd,  601. 

Petroleum,  33,  149. 

Petronius  Arbiter,  657. 

Petronius,  governor  of  Judisa,  609. 

Phaedra,  163. 

Phaedymia,  337. 

Phalti,  28-4. 

Phantom,  385. 

Pharaoh,  119,  420,  450,  456,  514f. 

contemporary  of  Abraham,  133, 

147, 153,  390. 

contemporary  of  Joseph,  63, 163- 

166,  414. 

father-in-law    of    Solomon,    67, 

295,  299  ;  daughter  of,  295,  299. 

of  the  Exodus,  13,  (53,  119,  120, 

172-176,  178,  180,  394,  825. 

of  the  oppression,  10,  63, 119,  169f, 

702,  784  ;  daughter  of,  64,  170. 

of   the   Tell  el-Amama  tablets, 

34. 

patron  of  Hadad,  299. 

Hophra,  73,  475,  490,  492. 

Necho,   30,   60,  72,    75,   77,   79, 

312,  474,  477,  485,  492. 

Pharisaism.  535,  636f,  660,  666,  696, 
720,  733. 

Pharisees,  12,  94,  409,  415,  OOSH^O, 
620,  624,  637,  665-668,  677,  683f, 
689,  693,  695f,  702,  704-706,  709, 
712,  714,  719f,  728-730,  732-738, 
747,  749,  752-754,  756,  768,  773, 
783,  793,  800-802,  805,  820,  874; 
ar.d  ceremonial  defilement,  689f, 
709,  714,  732;  and  divorce,  693, 
716;  and  fasting,  683f ;  and  Jesus, 
see  Jesus;  and  John  the  Baptist, 
695,  702,  730,  747  ;  and  sinners,  624, 
666,  683f,  709,  735,  737,  820;  and 
the  Canon  of  Old  Testament,  38f ; 
and  the  Hasmoneans,  340,  608 ; 
and  the  Herods,  609f;  and  the 
Baw,  024,  636f ,  606.  689,  805 ;  and 
the  people,  608f,  624;  and  the 
Psalter,  341,  367.  389,  395 ;  and  the 
Sadducees,  411.  608,  624,  800;  and 
tribute  to  Cfcsar,  095,  719;  and 
vows.  1)89,  714 ;  casuistry  of,  637. 
600,  720;  demand  a  sign,  090,  703, 
712,  714 ;  derivation  of  name,  333, 
684;  exegesis  of,  805;  faults  of, 
6(56,  705f,  719f,  733;  leaven  of,  690; 
714,  733;  love  of  learning,  62-4; 
religious  experience  of,  620,  805 ; 
righteousness  of,  12.  402,  415,  624, 
1)66,  706,  718f,  805;  theology  of, 
409.  624,  637,  'om,  802,  811 ;  types  j 
of,  622,  r)37. 

Pharpar,  33. 

Pharsalia,  battle  of,  608. 

Pharwardigan,  339. 

Phibion,  762. 


Philadelphia  (Asia),  928, 930f  ;  (Pales- 
tine), 33. 

Philanthropy,  642,  721. 

Philemon,  (J49f,  8G2,  871. 

Epistle  to,  595,  em-GOi,  649,  772, 

862,  871f ;  authenticity  of,  815,  8G2  ; 
date  of,  657,  772,  862;  occasion, 
862,  871 ;  place  of  writing,  772,  862. 

Philetus,  886. 

Philip,  first  husband  of  Herodias, 
609,  688. 

of  Macedonia,  62,  872. 

of  Macedonia  (contemporary  of 

Antiochus  III.),  532. 

one  of  the  seven,  605,  767,  770, 

783,  785f,  788f;  and  the  eunuch, 
767,  770,  788,  799;  and  the  Third 
Gospel,  799;  appointed  one  of  the 
seven,  767, 783 ;  at  Csesarea,  876, 799 ; 
at  Samaria,  767,  785f ;  daughters  of, 
799. 

the  apostle,  708f,  748,  751,  757, 

759,  783,  799. 

the  tetrarch,  33,  609f,  657,  727. 

Philippi,  594,  608,  614,  646,  771,  776, 
795,  797,  800,  813,  872,  874 ;  battle 
of,  608. 

Philippian  gaoler,  the,  795. 

Philippians,  Epistle  to  the,  594,  772, 
872-875;  authenticity,  815,  872; 
date,  657,  772,  872 ;  occasion,  872 ; 
place  of  writing,  772,  872. 

Philippus  of  Side,  790. 

Philistia,  26,  28,  56-58,  71,  llOf,  233, 
30-4,  441,  445,  448,  450,  484,  492f, 
513,  548,  569f,  580,  582f ,  659. 

Philistines,  26f,  31,  44,  56f,  65-67,  71, 
76,  100,  114,  145,  151,  153,  156,  179, 
233,  244f,  256-258,  260f,  266-269, 
276-289,  292,  296,  299,  304f,  387, 
447f,  492f,  548,  554,  560,  570,  579- 
581 ;  and  Assyria,  71,  447f ;  and  the 
Hebrews,  31,  44,  66f,  71,  76,  85,  114, 
156,  244f,  256-258,  261,  267-269,  274, 
276-288,  292,  302,  316,  387,  443, 
445,  447,  455,  480,  513,  546,  580; 
culture  of,  56f,  257,  296;  did  not 
practise  circumcision,  100, 151,  251 ; 
five  lords  of,  260,  268;  fortunate 
geographical  ix)sition  of,  56,  267 ; 
origin  of,  26f,  56,  145,  179,  233,  257, 
267,  493,  513,  554,  570. 

Philo,  6,  37-39,  84, 121,  169f,  185,  343, 
371,  390,  401,  411,  657,  698,  701,  717, 
745f,  752,  759f,  784,  841,  847. 

Philosophers,  1,  6,  12,  405,  628,  635, 
771,  836 ;  expelled  from  Rome,  615, 
657. 

Philosophy,  2,  11,  20f,  24,  62,  85,  93f, 
342-3-15,  397f,  402,  -129,  524,  617- 
619,  625,  627, 631,  633-635,  745f,  781, 
789,  805,  812,  832-834, 869,  872,  889 ; 
of  history,  21,  259,  344. 

Philostratus,  GOlf,  687,  699,  796. 

Phinehas,  son  of  Eleazar,  227  ;  son  of 
Eli,  see  Hophni  and  Phinehas. 

Phlegon,  (J53. 

Phoebe,  829f,  883. 

Phoenicia,  28,  54-56,  58f,  llOf,  166, 
259,  299,  381,  385,  426,  438,  452,  460, 
493,  579,  711,  729. 

Phcenician  Baal,  97,  see  Baal  of  Tyre  ; 
cosmogony,  135 ;  inscriptions,  34, 
36,  99f,  117. 

Phoenicians,  27,  53-55,  63,  99,  105, 
111,  139,  145,  230,  256,  258,  260, 
269,   297-299,  493,   546,   548,  560; 


INDEX 

and  the  Hebrews,  67,  73,  105,  111, 
135,  139,  191,  256, 287, 296-299, 548  ; 
commerce  of,  54f,  63,  111,  256,  297, 
546;  culture  of ,  53f,  297  ;  industries 
of,  54,  105,  111,  191,  297  ;  language 
of,  34, 53, 208, 376 ;  original  home  of, 
27,  53 ;   race,  53 ;   religion,  87,  99, 
230,  239f,  375f,  429,  569. 
Phaniix  (person),  161 ;  (harbour),  803. 
Phoenix,  the,  360. 
Phraortes,  60. 
Phrygia,  555,  632,  792,  794,  857,  862, 

870. 
Phrygian  and  Galatian  land,  the,  794, 

857., 
Phrynichns,  687. 
Phusis,  633. 
Phygelus,  885. 
Phylacteries,  235,  719. 
Physicians,  76,  101,  110, 411,  683,  687, 

724,  804. 
Physics,  5,  635. 
Physiology,  354. 
Piankhi,  59. 
Pi-beseth,  514. 

Pictographic  writing,  51-53,  56. 
Picts  and  Scots,  658. 
Pictures,  628. 

Piety,  pious,  19,  355,   360,  373,  378, 
385,  410f,  413,  466,  469,  472f,  884, 
9(>4f. 
Pig,  see  Swine. 

Pigeon,  150,  197,  199,  203,  see  Dove. 
Pi-hahiroth,  229. 

Pilate,  609,  653f,  656f,  660,  669,  698f, 
722,  727,  734,  740f,  745,  762f,  780- 
782,  834. 
Pilate's  wife,  722. 

Pilgrim,  93,  369,  381,  387f,  392-394, 
459,  491,  493,   496,   539,  616,   659, 
694,  717,  734,  742,  757,  771. 
Pilgrimage,  87,  103, 173, 179,  188,  210, 

303,  388,  551,  553,  561. 
Pilgrim's  Progress,  349,  575,  909. 
Pillar,  191,  269,  297,  308,  396,  402, 
449f,  481,  518, 553  ;  in  Egypt,  449f  ; 
of  cloud,  124,  168,  180,  188,  218, 
389f ;  of  fire,  168,  171,  753 ;  of  salt, 
152f. 

(figurative),  438,  450,  477,  931. 

(sacred),  98f,  105,  125,  128,  131, 

157,    159,    161,  172,    188,  212,  235, 
251,  265,  291,  297f,  301,  310,  312, 
392,  449f,  477,  491,  513,  537,  562. 
Pillar  apostles  (the  Three),  770,  859. 
Pillars   of   heaven,  359 ;    of  society, 

438,  450 ;  of  the  earth,  353,  380. 
Pillow,  157,  282,  509. 
Pilot,  407. 
Pindar,  591. 
Pinnacle,  468;   of  the  Temple,  703, 

773. 
Pipe,  577. 
Pil>es,  493,  514. 
Piracy,  pirates,  615,  629,  801. 
Pirke  Aboth,  343. 
Pisces  (sign  of  the  Zodiac),  701. 
Piagah,  224,  226,  213. 
Pishon,  140. 
Pisidia,  613,  791,  794. 
Pistacia  Terebinthus,  697. 
Pit,  162,  291,  3a5,  389,  409,  446,  453, 
483,  491, 511,  538,  633,  934;  the,  see 
Sheol. 
Pitch,  170,  458. 
Pitcher,  264,  284,  417. 
Pithom,  168f,  173,  178. 


995 

Pits  of  darkness,  914. 
Place  {i.e.  sanctuarj'),  146. 
Plague,  see  Pestilence. 

boils,  276. 

Plagues  of  Egypt,  13,  63,  123, 173-178, 

234,  276,  386,  934f,  938. 
Plains,  27-30,  32,  65,  110,  234,  258f, 
261,  263,  276, 304,  445,  466,  548,  584, 
872. 
Planets,  5,  225,  701. 
Plants,  45,  138f,  353,  422,  440,  566. 
Plaster,  492. 
Platfea,  61. 
Plate,  349. 

Platform,  98,  308,  333,  504. 
Plating  with  metal,  461,  481. 
Plato,  6,  185,  591,  593,  630,  633f. 
Platonic  Schools,  6,  806. 
Platter,  732. 
Play  on  words,  388,  415,  419,  439,  453, 

477,  493,  553,  560,  865. 
Players,  616. 
Playing,  578,  711. 
Pleasure,  411-417,  633-635,  886. 
Pledges,  187,  200,  240,  400,  549,  567, 

863. 
Pleiades,  551. 

Pleroma,  866,  916,  see  Fulness. 
Pliny  (the  elder),  615,  617,  633,  6-57, 

931 ;  (the  younger),  616,  658,  775. 
Plot,  67,  79,  482,  484,  540,  562,  685, 

771f,  800f,  829. 
Plough,  111,  393,  660. 
Ploughing,  101,  208,  211,  238,  347,  393, 

439,  455,  541,  552,  736. 
Ploughman,  393,  455,  554. 
Plucking  the  ears  of  corn,  653,  684,  712. 
Plummet,  311,  455,  459,  553,  .577. 
Plunder,  157,  166,  562,  565. 
Plutarch,  657,  763. 
Pluto,  349. 
Poet,  1,  10,  35,  51,  418,  579,  634,  796, 

876. 
Poetical    form    of    earliest    Hebrew 

literature,  44 ;  literature,  48,  341f . 
Poetry,  35,  44f,  572;   Hebrew,  1,  9, 

18f,  22-24,  93f,  133,  372f,  501,  -547 ; 

characteristics  of,  24  ;  treatment  of 

Nature  in,  24. 
Poison,  242,  306,  399f,  552. 905. 
Poland,  387. 

Pole,  sacred,  100,  301,  see  Asherah. 
Politarchs,  795,  876. 
Politician,  440,  455,  457,  508. 
Politics,  84,  86,  89. 
Poll  tax,  79. 

Pollution,  see  Defilement. 
Polyandry,  241. 
Polybius,  266. 
Polvcarp,    594f,   657f,    744,   874,    877, 

908,  929  ;  Epistle  of,  658. 
Polycrates  (of  Ephesus),  744. 
Polydsemonism,  348. 
Polygamy,  67,  108,  237,  274,  299,  621, 

883. 
Polytheism,   51,   82,    134f,    137,    152, 

527,  619,  932  ;  of  Israel's  ancestors, 

130. 
Pomegranates,  100,  123,  191. 
Pompeii,  613,  657,  783. 
Pompeius,  see  Pompey. 
Pompev,  342,  368,  496f,  608,  632,  704. 
Pool,  32,  286,  388,  423,  459,  565,  750 : 

of  Si  loam,  104 ;  the  lower,  451 ;  the 

old,  451f. 
Poor,  the,  2,  67f,  79,  88f,  94,  104,  112, 

131,  199,  206,  208,  211,  238,  271.  332, 


99G 

340, 35 1, 362, 369, 372, 375, 377-379, 
393. 395, 406-108,  436, 439, 444. 447, 
456, 549-553, 559, 568,57 1 ,  580,62 1  f , 
629.  637.  649.  659.  693.  696f,  704, 
710f,  717,  729,  732,  735f,  796,  842, 
904-906  ;  in  spirit,  660,  704,  737- 

Pope  (poet),  24. 

Pope,  the,  8. 

Poplar,  100,  394,  472. 

Poppiea,  656. 

Popularity,  4l3f. 

Poich.  297,  698,  755,  780,  782. 

Porcupine,  447- 

Porphyry,  522,  682. 

Porpoise,  porjxjise  skins,  189f. 

Port,  29,  299,  791,  793,  796. 

Portents  of  the  end,  696,  739. 

Porters,  325f,  332. 

Portico,  106,  269. 

Porus,i844. 

Poseidon,  6. 

Poseidonios,  633. 

Posterity,  150,  390. 

Posts,  61,  337,  339,  354. 

Pot,  306,  383,  415,  508,  512,  584  ;  of 
manna,  181. 

Potash,  354. 

Pothinus,  595. 

Potinhar,  162f. 

Potaherd,  365,  484- 

Potter,  111,  139,  176,  464,  482,  484, 
581,  825. 

Potter's  field,  722,  778 ;  wheel,  484. 

Pottery,  36,  98.  484,  see  Earthenware. 

Pouch,  101,  191,  see  Breastplate. 

Pound,  116f,  738. 

Poverty,  31,  199,  203f,  212,  377,  393, 
402f,  447,  531,  536,  688,  696,  736, 
836,  842,  853. 

Power,  638,  786,  885,  907. 

(angelic  order),  see  Principalities 

and  powers. 

Powers  of  the  age  to  come,  893. 

PrKifect,  613. 

Praetorian  guard,  804,  872f. 

Prsetorium,  698,  762,  872  ;  of  Herod, 
801,  872. 

Prsetors,  614,  795. 

Prairie,  587. 

Praise  of  God,  96,  106,  180,  316f,  329, 
333,  370,  384f,  418,  440f,  459,  462f, 
470, 586, 643, 780, 789, 808, 829,  900. 

Praise  of  Wisdom,  the,  341,  397-402. 

Prayer,  51,  72,  76,  78,  93,  96,  100,  106, 
131,  159f,  172,  174,  187,  193,  206, 
240.  272.  274,  280,  311,  316-319, 
330,  333f,  348,  357,  370,  377f,  381f, 
393,  414f,  418,  437,  448,  454,  463, 
469,  472,  498-500,  505,  507f,  524, 
528,  530f,  557f,  567,  586,  620,  623, 
631,  641,  643,  64 7f,  650.  664 f,  669, 
683,  692,695f,  706f,  7I5f,  718,  721, 
729,  732, 737, 740, 759-76 1 ,  763, 773, 
778,  781, 783, 788.  791,  793,804, 819. 
824f,  827,  829,  83.S,  842,  844f,  849, 
859,  863f,  865,  867f,  870-875,  878- 
880,  882f,  892,  900,  907,  910,  920, 
932-934. 

Preaching,  634, 704, 783, 812, 826,833f, 
840,  850,  870,  873,  879,  907,  929 ; 
in  Hades,  910f. 

Preaching  of  Peter,  595,  658. 

Precious  stones.  111,  189,  191,  360, 
468,  930,  934,  938,  942. 

Predestination,  40 1,  400, 476, 484, 824, 
8.58,  863,  see  Foreotdination. 

Prediction,  48,  89,  460,  462-465,  470, 


INDEX 

501,509,515,523,557,577,587,606, 

647,  684,  694.  701,  721,   725f,  731, 

734, 739-742,  757,  759, 762, 780,  793, 

799,  802,  914,  936. 
Predictive    prophecy,   see   Prophecy, 

predictive  element  in. 
Pre-existence   of  Christ,    see  Christ, 

Pre -existence  of ;  of  the  Messiah, 

743  ;  of  the  .soul,  754. 
Prefect,  526. 
I'renatal  sin,  754. 
Preparation    for    the    Passover,    103, 

105,  653  ;  for  the  Sabbath,  1 17,  699, 
741. 

Pre-prophetic  religion,  81. 
Pre.sbyter8,  646,  653,   798,  858,  881, 

911,  929. 
Presence  of  God  (of  Yahweh),  104- 

106,  125,  131,  189,  193,  276,  518f, 
521,  556,  865,  938. 

Present,  see  Gift. 

Present,  the,  835. 

Press,  545f,  562,  see  Winepress. 

Presumption,  703,  790. 

Prey,  166,  546,  548,  550,  562,  565f. 

Pride,  227,  358,  362,  409,  438-440, 
493f,  506,  514,  526f,  538,  552,  564f, 
567,  610.  629,  827,  861,  883,  902, 
905,  924. 

Priene,  798. 

Priest  soothsayer,  100,  106. 

Priest,  the  anointed,  192.  199. 

Priestess,  216,  876,930. 

Priesthood,  47,  85,  107,  126,  129f, 
148,  165,  191-193,  195,  215,  221, 
232,  237,  254,  275,  289,  294f,  300, 
346,  535,  538,  572,  577,  586f,  725, 
773,  892-894,  909. 

Priest-king,  113,  148f. 

Priestly  blessing,  149,  201,  217,  370, 
374,  394. 

Priestly  Code,  37, 47f,  78, 103, 109, 112, 
116, 118, 125-127, 129-131, 133, 135, 
168,  175,  213,  245f,  289,  293,  295, 
312,  336,  341,  473,  480,  518f.  585, 
587 ;  and  Deuteronomy,  47,  129, 
341;andEzekiel,47.  129,  341,  518f ; 
and  Ezra's  Reformation,  37,  48,  78, 
129  ;  and  the  Law  of  Holiness,  48, 
130,  196 ;  characteristics  of,  48, 
125f,  135,  138,  143,  145,  151,  154; 
composite  character  of,  48,  129 ; 
date  of,  48,  126f,  129,  213,  480; 
ecclesiastical  interests  of,  131,  213  ; 
fundamental  ideas  of,  131,  168 ;  i 
historical  value  of,  168,  213  ;  intro- 
duction of,  48,  129  ;  origin  of,  48,  ' 
129  ;  style  of,  35,  48  ;  value  of.  213. 

Priests,  20,  57,  67,  73-78,  82,  84-86,  , 
88,  94,  99-101,  103-109,  112f,  121, 
124,  127,  131,  149,  168,  170,  173, 
179. 182-184.188f,  191-193, 195-206, 
209f,  212,  215-217,  222,  229,  232, 
238f,  241,  245,  251.  269.  274f.  277- 
279.  283.  288f,  292.  296,  308,  310, 
312,314-317.319-321.325-327,329f,  , 
332,  33  1,  343f,  368,  389f,  392,  395, 
397,  399,  405,  414,  427,  455,  467, 
469f,  474,  479,  482,  485f,  496-499, 
501,  503,  512,  518-521.  534f,  538- 
510,  544f,  547,  553,  559,  501,  570, 
572,  574f,  578,  583-587,  607-609, 
620f,  624,  683,  694,  708.  718,  725, 
732,  747,  752,  754,  701,  781,  783, 
788,  829,  893,  896,  900,  910.  929; 
Aaronic,  106,  124,  126,  129,  191, 
193,  215,  275,  289,  292,  316,  586; 


and  Levites,  47,  75f,  79,  106,  124, 
127,  129,  131,  209,  215,  217,  221f, 
250,  288,  308,  314,  316f,  3l9f,  326, 
473,  519,  586;  and  prophets,  85, 
202,  427,  479;  consecration  of,  124. 
191-193,  190,  201,  204f,  209,  215, 
277,  318  ;  dress  of,  lOOf,  104,  191, 
194,  200f,  205f,  217.  326,  368,  519, 
545;  dues  of,  99,  105,  124,  179,  197f, 
200-202,  209f,  210,  222,  228,  237f, 
274,  300,  488,  520,  620-622  ;  duties 
of,  75,  85,  100,  105-107,  109,  129, 
173,  192,  197-206,  209,  278f,  343, 
392,  405,  520,  570,  712  ;  estates  of, 
124,  229,  520f ;  holiness  of,  192,  200, 
202,  209,  518;  legal  and  ritual 
decisions  of,  121, 203f,  212, 238, 399, 
455,  497,  520,  538,  572,  574,  578  ; 
Levitical,  106,  124,  129,  215,  232, 
238,  250,  269,  289,  292,  319,  326f, 
518f,  586  ;  maintenance  of,  99,  127  ; 
massacre  of,  283,  382,  474,  498 ; 
mourning  of,  202,  209 ;  non-Lev- 
itical,  67,  76. 106.  108,  193,  215,  209, 
289, 292, 296, 3 16;  of  High  Places,  75, 
129,  239,  275,  312,  519;  restrictions 
for,  202,  209,  519;  unholiness  of, 
209;  Zadokite,  129,  191,  202,  209, 
215,  482,  518f,  572,  575. 

Priests,  heathen,  51,  57,  73f,  163,  165, 
171,  191,239,308,312,450.507,509, 
630-632,  635,  792,  867,  937. 

Primaeval  man,  356,  see  First  Man, 
the. 

Primitive  religion,  82f,  389,  628-632. 

Prince,  72,  76,  78,  113,  147,201,214, 
221,  228,  252,  285,  289,  362,  387, 
392,  405,  409,  416,  420.  422,  438f, 
446,  450,  456f,  459,  463,  467,  496, 
498f,  502,  512,  519f,  524,  528,  534, 
537,  539f,  542,  559,  566,  569,  571, 
660,  738 ;  of  the  power  of  the  air, 
851  ;  of  the  sanctuary,  317  ;  of  this 
world,  759;  the  (i.e.  the  Messiah), 
530  ;  the  (in  Ezekiel),  96,  502,  519- 
521. 

Princes,  i.e.  angels,  453,  531,  716; 
of  the  congregation,  123f  ;  the,  475, 
486,  488,  490f. 

Princess,  170,  296,  491,  499,  628. 

Principalities  and  powers,  453,  824, 
834,  851,  864f,  867,  870,  911. 

Principality,  924. 

Printing,  6,  42  ;  invention  of,  596. 

PrisciUa,  796f,  818,  830,  848,  889. 

Prison,  72,  76f,  163,  310. 391, 395,  459, 
462,  776,  782,  790,  795,  815,  830, 
871,  897,  900. 

Prisoner,  110,  163,  356,  488,512,519, 
613,  698,  721f,  795,  800,  802,  804, 
899. 

Private  letter,  603,  901,  92 If. 

Prize,  841,  874,  885. 

Problem  of  evil,  395  ;  of  suffering. 
45.  47.  93,  344f,  349f,  358,  413,  623. 

Procession,  104f,  288,  334,  377,  392, 
457,  464,  408,  481,  850. 

Proconsuls,  613,  630,  655,  769,  791, 
790f,  801. 

Procurators,  117,  609f,  613f,  653,  055- 
057.  741,  774,  786.  801. 

Prodigal  son.  438.  592f,  735,  824. 

Profanation,  129,  519,  523,  527. 

Promise,  96,  151,  179,  441,  489,  502 
781,  784,  788,  821,  864,  867,  891 
894  f,  897-899. 

Promised  Land,  892. 


I 


Promises  of  God,  126,  129,  144,  146f, 
149f,  156f,  310,  309,  375,  380,  388, 
390,  468,  472,  5M,  563,  567,  602,  781, 
805-807,  821,  850,  859f,  893,  897f, 
900,  905,  915. 

Proof  texts,  4. 

Property,  112f,  185f,  227,  23a  405, 
413.  (>46-{>48,  705,  767. 

Prophecy,  Christian,  595,  64o-<348, 
789,  809,  812,  827,  842-&45,  866,  884, 
919,  928,  940. 

Hebrew,  1,  11,  19,  24f,  38,  4&-48, 

82,  85-92,  96.  100,  108,  130f,  426- 
430,  508f,  523,  547,  561,  691,  726, 
763f,  896,  908f,  914f,  934;  a 
spiritual  interpretation  of  history, 
11,  25  ;  a  vision  of  disaster  and  de- 
liverance, 427^129  ;  achieves  its  own 
fulfilment,  308 ;  and  apocalyptic, 
10,  46,  48,  431 ;  and  divination,  239, 
428f,  561 ;  and  eschatology,  89,  91f, 
96,  427-429  ;  and  history,  11 ;  and 
idolatry,  130f  ;  and  patriotism,  85  ; 
and  politics,  25,  45  ;  and  revelation, 
426-430 ;  and  ritual,  11,  45;  89,  92, 

95,  107,  131 ;  and  the  monarchy, 
426 ;  cessation  of,  38 ;  change 
efifected  in,  by  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  91,  424 ;  committed  to 
writing,  45,  424,  489f,  547,  572  ; 
conditional  character  of,  557  ;  con- 
summation in  Christ,  430 ;  con- 
tagious character  of,  282 ;  declara- 
tion of  God's  will,  11,  19,  24,  107  ; 
editorial  expansions  of,  48,  424f ; 
ethical  character  of,  II,  19,  45,  88f, 
99,  427f ;  fulfilment  of,  11,  429,  432, 
702,  737,  758,  763,  779;  in  the 
Northern  kingdom,  45,  426f ;  in  the 
Southern  kingdom,  45f,  427 ;  in- 
novating character  of,  427  ;  inspira- 
tion of,  19,  427,  429f,  909;  inter- 
pretation of,  427,  914 ;  non-fulfil- 
ment of,  11,  514 ;  of  judgment,  45, 

96,  424,  427,  569-571  ;  of  restoration, 
46,  89,  96,  424  ;  of  the  happy  future, 
424,  431;  oral,  45,  424;  poetical 
elements  in,  25, 424, 579  ;  predictive 
elements  in,  11,  19,  45,  89,  247,  427, 
456,  523,  557  ;  prevision  of  judg- 
ment based  on  ethical  convictions, 
45,  89,  428 ;  psychology  of,  428, 
430,  451,  475f,  478,  483-485,  487; 
rise  of,  107,  127,  426 ;  social  teach- 
ing of,  45,  88f,  108  ;  source  of,  550  ; 
truth  of,  430. 

Prophesying,  650,  842. 

Prophet,  the,' 751,  753,  784. 

the  old,  301. 

Prophet's  staff,  306. 

Prophetess,  75,  112,  181,  261,  291, 
305,  312,  332. 

Prophetic  consciousness,  430,  451, 
475f,  484f,  487f,  647. 

ecstasy,  24.  66,  70,  85,  107,  157, 

219,  277f,  429f,  442,  462,  478,  483, 
.503-.505,  507,  516,  518, 546, 583,  805 ; 
induced  by  food,  157 ;  induced  by 
music,  6(j,  70,  157,  278,  305. 

guilds,  69,  74,  107,  109. 

literature,   10,   4.5-48,  42  If ,  579  ; 

anonymous,  48,  424 ;  authenticity 
of,  426 ;  canonisation  of,  38 ;  com- 
posite character  of,  9,  48,  424 ; 
corruption  of  text,  426;  literary 
characteristics  of,  24f;  post-exilic 
revision  of,  48,  424,  655,  559 ;  pro- 


INDEX 

duced  in  ecstasy,  24 ;    spirituality 
of,  25 ;    theory  of  Maccabean  ele- 
ments in,  424,  458. 
Prophetic  movement,  83,  88f,  97, 107f. 

order,  107,  427,  576 ;  origin  of, 

426. 

party,  45,  97,  312. 

Prophetic  perfect,  35,  443. 
Prophetism,  81. 
Prophets,  Canaanite,  107. 

Christian,  005,  6-13,  645-648,  710, 

789,  791,  794,  799,  8^4,  845,  864- 
866,  883,  919,  922,  926f,  935,  940. 
- —  (of  Israel),  lOf,  13,  19,  24,  31,  38, 
40,  45-48,  51,  66,  71-73,  75f,  83-93, 
95-97,  99,  101,  106f,  109-114,  121, 
127,  135,  153,  166, 183,  192,  196,  221, 
237-239,  245,  247,  257,  263,  275, 
277f,  282,  288,  296f,  300,  302,  304- 
307,  317,  320f,  329,  332,  341,  343- 
345,  361,  370,  380,  386,  388f,  410, 
418,  424-432,  436f,  440,  443,  455f, 
462-464,  474,  478-480,  483,  485f, 
489,  497,  499,  501-503,  505,  508f, 
517,  523,  535,  538,  542,  546-550,  557, 
559,  561,  572f,  576,  578,  582f,  607, 
618f,  624,  637,  639,  060f,  683,  686, 
704,  710f,  718,  720,  722,  728,  731- 
733,  742,  752f,  759,  761,  780-782, 
784f,  791,  801-805,  826,  831,  896, 
898,  906,  930,  935 ;  and  Christ,  11, 
13f,  429f,  442,  460,  605,  661,  8i704, 
736,  780f,  785,  789,  802,  846,  896; 
and  history,  11,  46,  96,  247,  427; 
and  kings,  69,  71-76,  332,  426,  535, 
608;  and  music,  66,  70,  157,  278, 
305,  317 ;  and  priests,  85,  202,  427, 
479  ;  and  prophets  of  neighbouring 
nations,  428 ;  and  sacrifice,  95f,  99, 
379,  414,  437,  479f,  550,  562,  573, 
714 ;  and  seers,  107,  277,  428 ;  and 
the  cultus,  45,  74f,  89,  107-  475,  480, 
518-.520,  544,  550f;  and  the  Law, 
45,  K)6,  131,  329,  370,  594,  661,  691, 
704,  826;  as  watchmen,  451,  563, 
567  ;  call  of,  476 ;  Canon  of,  38,  579  ; 
conservatism  of,  88 ;  courtier,  69 ; 
degeneracy  of,  455,  463,  479,  485; 
disciples  of,  74,  424,  436,  442f,  490, 
572f ;  doctrine  of  a  Messiah,  89,  96, 
166,  380,  443,  445,  485,  561,  577, 
688,  736,  780f;  doctrine  of  God, 
11,  19,  45,  87-92,  95,  K)7,  427,  429f, 
440,  475,  502-504,  535,  556-558; 
dress  of,  305,  450,  583,  682 ;  eschat- 
ology of,  89,  96,  166,  427-429,  582 ; 
false,  11,  485,  see  False  prophets; 
in  the  time  of  Saul,  66,  85,  107, 
277f,  426,  428 ;  individualism  of,  11, 
475,  488,  501,  503,  510f,  515;  in- 
dividuality of,  426,  430;  inspira- 
tion of,  19,  237,  239,  343,  378,  429f, 
431,  504,  559,  686;  literary  char- 
acter of,  18,  24f,  437,  501,  535,  547  ; 
message  of,  11,  19,  24.  45,  88-92, 
431,  460,  474-476,  501-503,  535; 
monotheism  of,  19,  89,  97,  429,  477, 
556,  618 ;  nationalism  of,  11,  555  ; 
optimism  of,  432;  jiastoral  functions 
of,  503,  505 ;  patriotism  of,  25,  85, 
277;  persecution  of,  72f,  427,  436, 
720,  785;  jx-rsonalitv  of,  430;  pes- 
simism of,  432,  483,  487;  predict 
Christ,  668,  802 ;  professional.  277, 
305,  -427,  553,  582 ;  psychical  char- 
acteristics of,  277f,  428-430,  476- 
478,  483,  487,    546;    record    their 


997 

me.ssage  in  writing,  45,  424,  431, 
489f,  547,  572 ;  .schools  of  the,  see 
Prophetic  gruilds ;  social  teaching 
of  11,  45,  88f,  97,  113,  187,  208, 
361,  389,  431,  559-561;  statesmen, 
25,  45,  71-73,  89,  113, 426,  436,  474f , 
486f ,  489-491 ;  symbolic  actions  of, 
72,  300,  4.50,  482,  4M,  491,  495,  504- 
506,  508 ;  teaching  of,  99,  121,  259, 
399,  424f,  436,  440f,  475,  502f,  535, 
572,  930 ;  imiversalism  of,  89,  91f , 
475,  624;  vehicles  of  Divine  rev- 
elation, 239,  247,  343,  399,  426,  431, 
550,  935. 

Prophets  of  theTyrian  Baal(Melkart), 
30,  74,  302f. 

the,  i.e.  second  division  in  Old 

Testament,  37f,  121,  522. 

former,  37f,  121 ;   latter,  37,  42, 

121. 

Propitiation,  708,  810,  820f,  917. 

Pro-Samaritans,  461,  469,  471. 

Prose  and  verse,  22f . 

Proselytes,  210,  218,  220,  233,  446,  468, 
616,  621,  624f,  641,  701,  764,  770,  778, 
783,  792,  817f,  861,  889;  of  lions, 
310. 

Prosperity,  88,  96,  153,  225,  235,  259, 
321,  351,  374,  377f,  394,  408,  415,  436, 
403f,  467-470,  473,  478-480,  488f, 
491f,  510f,  514,  516f,  540,  545f,  554, 
560f,  573,  575,  582,  622f,  6(30,  704; 
of  the  righteous,  257,  345,  351,  353, 
369f,  376,  384,  389,  399,  401,  413,  428, 
437  ;  of  the  wicked,  47,  345,  355- 
359,  385,  389,  482,  587. 

Prostitution,  242,  538,  541,  &19,  560, 
770. 

Protectorates,  614. 

Proud,  the,  275,  393,  395,  571. 

Provender,  457- 

Proverbs,  45,  93,  224,  341f,  348,  353, 
355, 381,  397f,  405,  408,  412,  416,  455, 
510,  707,  884. 

Book  of,  19,  24f,  93,  ^41-345,  397- 

410,  543  ;  aim  of,  93  ;  analysis  of,  9. 
93,  341f,  397  ;  authorship  of,  341f, 
397 ;  conditions  presupposed  in,  341f, 
397f ;  contents  of,  93;  date  of,  93, 
341f,  397f ;  general  character,  93, 
342,  344,  397;  language  of,  398; 
literary  characteristics  of,  24,  344, 
398;  possible  Greek  influence  on, 
341f,  397,  407  ;  relation  to  Solomon, 
9,  45,  341f,  397,  407. 

Providence,  96,  219,  224,  343,  346, 348, 
357f,  360,  363,  365,  389,  394f,  417, 
433  634f  664. 

Province,  61,  71,  77,  328,  330,  412,  712. 

Proving  the  spirits,  645,  834,  843,  845, 
919. 

Prudence,  407f,  710. 

Pruning,  420,  758f. 

Psalm,  316,  362,  36ti,  559,  562,  870 ;  in 
Book  of  Jonah,  556f ;  in  Habakkuk, 
566-568  ;  in  Xahum,  564. 

the  twenty-second,  377 ;  influence 

on  GosiJel  narrative,  372,  698,  722, 
763 ;  not  Messianic,  372 ;  quoted  by 
Jesus,  372,  698f. 

Psalmists,  51. 
Psalmody,  106,  316. 
Psalms,  Babylonian,  51. 

Psalms,  Book  of,  9,  44,  93f,  316,  341, 
366-396,  307f,  402;  a  prayer  book 
of  humanity,  93  ;  and  David,  9,  44, 
341,   411,   418,   432,   779;    and    the 

32  a 


998 

Pentateuch,  36Gf ;  and  the  prophets, 
93,  341 ;  and  the  Psalms  of  soloiuoii, 
3t>8 ;  Aramaifims  in,  3tJ7,  370,  3[>'> ; 
arrangement  of,   3tj0;    attitude   to 
Gentiles,    369,    371f ;    attitude    to 
sacrifice,  370,  374,  37^,  3blf ;  collec- 
tions in,  44,  307f ;  date  of,  44,  341, 
368;   division  into  tive  books,  360; 
doctrine  of  God  in,  y3f,  367-370, 376, 
389f,  394-396;  doctrine  of   immor- 
tality in,  94,  369-371,  376,  378f,  381, 
385f,  392,  395 ;  doctrine  of  man  in, 
369-371,   375,   395;    doxologies    in, 
366,  379,  385,  396 ;  ethics  in,  369f ; 
imprecations  in,  93,  370,  377,  391 ; 
its  place  in  worship,  93,  106;  Mes- 
sianic doctrine  in,  £^4,  372f  ;  musical 
terms  in,  367,  373  ;  nationalism  of, 
93f,  371f ;   i>ermauent  value  of,  93, 
368  ;  precipitate  of  exix>rience,  93  ; 
problem  of  suffering  in,  47,  93,  369  ; 
resurrection  in,  94  ;  theology  of,  -14, 
93f,  308-373 ;  title  of,  366 ;  transla- 
tion into  Greek,  366;  universalism 
of,  371f,  378,  380. 
Psabns,  Christian,  002;  in  Christian 
worship,  6-17  ;  in  the  sense  of  Hagio- 
grapha,   742;  of  Solomon,  35,  368, 
391,  411,  434f. 
Psalms,  93f,  131,  180,  340f,  397,  522, 
660f,  805 ;  acrostic,  375,  377f,  391f, 
396 ;  and  Nature,  13,  369,  375,  377, 
384,  389f ;  and  the  Law,  40,  131,  ^41, 
377,  392f ;  collective  theory  of,  308  ; 
composite,   306,  374,  377-379,  382- 
384,  387,  391,  393 ;  dates  of,  44,  93, 
341 ;  Davidic,  44,  341,  366-368,  381, 
696 ;  Elohistic,  360f,  375,  379,  391  ; 
eschatological,  94,  371 ;  for  the  chief 
musician,  373;  imitative  character 
of,  341 ;   in  what  sense  secondary 
literature,  93,  341 ;  language  of,  341 ; 
literary  character  of,  18 ;  liturgical 
alterations  in,  308  ;  Maccabean,  3-11, 
366,   368,   374,   370f,  379f,  383-386, 
390-392,   390,   579;    Messianic,   94, 
371-37 1,  380,  385,  387,  392  ;  number 
of,    366;    numeration    of,    36*};    of 
Asaph,   21,   3()6f;   of  Ascent,  367, 
393f ;  of  sons  of  Korah,  366f ;  orphan, 
360,  379 ;  iJenitential,  93,  378,  381f  ; 
pilgrim,  307,  381,   387,   393f ;   pre- 
exilic,  341,  308;  post-exilic,  44,  93, 
341,  367f ;  relation  to  prophecy,  40, 
93 ;  religious  experience  reflected  in, 
46,  93,  131,  341,  372  ;  religious  value 
of,  93,  368;  royal,  341,  367f;  titles 
of,  341,  366f,  373. 
Psalter,  see  Psalms,  Book  of. 
Psaltery,  316,  366,  526. 
Psammetichus,  60,  79. 
Ptieudepigrapha,  603,  618. 
Pseudo-Aristeas,  79. 
Pseudo-Methodius,  711. 
Pseudonymity,  432,  603,  606. 
Pseudonymous  literature,  603,  661. 
Psychic  powers,  128,  430. 
Psycholog}-,  2a-).  309,  34.5,  3.53f,  421, 
428,  130,  4.51,  476,  478,  482,  488,  630; 
of  prophecy,  128,  4.30. 
Ptolemais  (Accho),  28f,  560,  682,  790. 
Ptolemies,  the,  02,  79f,  94,  116,  496, 

500,  526,  531,  014. 
Ptolemy  (geographer),  170. 
Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra,  340. 
Ptolemy  I.  (Soter),  02,  79,  524,  531 ; 
II.  (Philadelphus),  40,  62,  79,  524, 


INDEX 

531;  III.  (Kuergeteii),  62,  79,  524,  | 
532,  740;  IV.  (Phil.. pater),  02,  79f, 
414,  416,  524,  532;  V.  (Epiphanes), 
80,  414,  410,  524, 532 ;  and  Cleopatra, 
daughter  of  Antiochus,  532 ;  VI. 
(Philonietor),  524,  532f;  VII.  (Euer- 
getes  II.),  524,  528,  740. 
Ptolemy  Eiokairos,  388;  Lathyrus, 
608 ;  Physcon,  532 ;  son-iu-law  of 
Simon  Maccabseus,  608. 
Puah,  206. 

Public  buildings,  614 ;  works,  612. 
Publicans,  see  Tax-collectors. 
Publius,  804. 
Puhru,  339. 
Pukudu,  494. 
Pul,  see  Tiglath-Pileser. 
Pul  (Is.  Ixvi.  19),  473,  see  Put. 
Pulasati,    Purusati,   26,  56,  267,    see 

Philistines. 
Pulpit,  129,  333. 
Pulse,  525. 

Puniiilmients,  46,  75-77,  80,  113f,  150, 
153,  231,  245,  247,  252,  263,  275,  315, 
320,  346, 355,  369,  393,  398,  427f,  432- 
434,  437,  440,  454,  456,  461f,  467, 
472f,  479-483,  487,  494,  505f,  511, 
530,  538-541,  544,  546,  548-552,  554, 
559f,  562,  576,  584,  587, 618,  629, 693, 
765,  802,  820,  850,  853,  897,  914,  919, 
940. 
Pur,  338. 

Pure  in  heart,  188,  664,  704. 
Purgatory,  431,  835. 
Purification,  161,  177,  204,  206,  222, 
228,  250,  283,  3a5,  316,  334,  337,  354, 
382,  430,  439,  441,  479,  513f,  517,  582, 
584, 587,  622.  633,  W2,  093,  727,  747- 
749,  895,  929. 
Pxirim,  see  Feast  of  Purim. 
Puritans,  14. 

Purity,  188,  6(>if,  082,  704,  745,  887, 
895,  897,  899,  904,  909f,  930 ;   cere- 
monial,  130,    240,    518,    582,    618, 
621,  624,  704,  895 ;  sexual,  see  Chas- 
tity. 
Purple,  54,  189-191. 
Put,  173,  513f,  565,  571. 
Puteoli,  615,  804. 

Putting  the  branch  to  the  nose,  507- 
Pygmalion,  302. 

P\Taraids,  52,  146,  169,  349,  616. 
Pyr<-,  457. 
Pvreni-es,  615. 
Pyrrlius,  798. 
Pythagoras,  6,  729. 
Pythagoreans,  603. 
Python,  459. 
Python  (spirit  of  divination),  795. 

Q,  i.e.  non-Marcan  source  used  bv 
Mt.  and  Lk.,  14,  592,  672,  075-678, 
700;  an  early  Palestinian  document, 
678;  and  the  Logia  of  Mt.,072,  700; 
contents  of,  675-078 ;  date  of,  14 ; 
impossibility  of  recon.struction,  677 ; 
mainly  composed  of  sayings  of  .Tesus, 
14,  672,  700 ;  order  of  soctions  l^est 
preaervefi  in  Lk.,  077  ;  relation  to 
Sik.,  672,  078;  reproduction  of,  by 
Mk.,  076-678,  (J86;  reproduction 
by  Mt.,  14,  592,  670-678,  700 ;  re- 
production by  Lk.,  14,  592,  700, 
724. 

Qahal,  714. 

Qarqar,  see  Karkar  ;  battle  of,  304. 

Qarqara  inicription,  246,  308f. 


Cirri,  42. 

QidduBh,  653. 

Qiua  rhythm.  Me  Lamentation  rhvthm. 

yoheleth,  411-413,  415-417,  see  kccle- 
siastes. 

Quadratus,  Apology  of,  658. 

t^uaiU,  181,  213,  218f. 

Quakers,  177,  638,  705. 

C^rry,  260,  326,  466,  582. 

C^uanynian,  416. 

Quartodeciman  controversy,  653. 

Quartus,  830. 

Quartzite,  116. 

C^iatemiun,  790. 

Quatrain,  23,  406-408. 

Qnattuorviri,  614. 

Que,  58. 

Queen,  466,  565,  801 ;  i.e.  bride,  419 ; 
of  heaven,  99,  311,  480,  491f;  of 
Sheba,  2it9,  319. 

Queen-mother,  72f,  295,  301, 482,  527. 

Quenching  the  spirit,  645,  879. 

Quiet  in  the  land,  the,  378,  637. 

C^uietism,  406. 

Quince,  quince  tree,  420. 

(^^ini-Sextine  Couacil,  596. 

Quinquennium  Neronis,  612. 

Quintilian,  657. 

QuiriniuB,  702,  726f;  census  under, 
612,  654,  657,  726f,  783. 

C^iirinus,  630. 

Quiver,  393,  465,  567f. 

Quotations  from  Old  Testament,  40f  ; 
from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New 
Testament,  4,  351,  372,  374f,  379, 
452,  455,  532,  542,  587,  601,  682,  689, 
693-690,  698f,  700-703,  705f,  706f, 
712,  714,  717,  722,  725f,  728,  748,  753, 
755,  757f,  760f,  763,  778-781,  784, 
786,  792f,  804-806,  809,  817,  819-821, 
823,  825-827,  829, 833-836,  840f,  W5- 
847,  851,  853-855,  859f,  866f,  889- 
900,  904-910,  916,  929,  931. 

Ra,  16.3. 

Raamah,  513. 

Kaamses  (Rameses),  168f,  178,  345. 

Rabba,  448. 

Rabbah  (capital  of  Ammon),  149, 224, 

266,  289,  493,  512,  549. 
Rabbinic  literature,  618 ;  schools,  805 ; 

theology,  3,  401,  754;  exegesis,  6, 

805,  859  ;  tradition,  805,  808. 
Rabbinism,  91,  705,  841. 
Rabbis,  121,  109f,  405,  500,  620f,  624f, 

a37.    690,    a08,   701,   705-707,    710- 

712,  715f,  719,  721,  729,  732. 
Rabbula,  596,  601. 
Rab-niag,  491. 
Rabsaris,  the,  310. 
Rabshakeh,  71,  310f,  441. 
Raca,  705. 
Races,  841,  898. 
Rachel,  63,  65,   130,   156,   158f,   161, 

l(V4f.  214,  274,  488;   sepulchre  of, 

lt)I,  105,  278,  488. 

tribes,  161.  166.  248f. 

Racial  characteristics  of  the  Hebrews, 

19 ;  pride  of  the  Hebrews,  19. 
Racing,  841. 
RjBtia,  613. 
Rafts,  297. 
Rags,  490. 
Raguel,  see  Reuel. 
Rahab  (chaos  monster).  353,  359,  388f, 

400.    456f,    406;    helpers    of,    363; 

(Egypt),  388,  456f,  406. 


Rahab  of  Jericho,  250,  701,  905. 

Raid,  raiders,  20G,  411,  555. 

Raiment,  157,  733,  836,  see  Clothes, 
Garments. 

Rain,  13,  27,  29.  31,  78,  118,  125,  137, 
139,  142,  144,  147, 166,  172,  236,  242, 
292,  298,  302f,  329,  360,  362f,  372, 
384,  390,  393,  405,  408,  417,  439,  463, 
468,  516,  545,  550-552,  561  f,  580,  584, 
706,  730,  907,  934 ;  former.  111,  236, 
388,  405,  457,  473,  479,  546,  906; 
latter,  111,  236,  405,  478f,  552,  906. 

charm,  292,  303. 

Rainbow,  134,  145,  504,  931. 

Rainy  season,  27f,  111,  329,  420. 

Raisin  cakes,  99,  420,  448,  537. 

Raising  from  the  dead,  247,  302,  305f, 
309,  687,  709,  730,  755-757,  788. 

Raisins,  420. 

Ram,  24,  52,  95,  104,  154,  159,  189- 
192,  200f,  211,  217,  238,  243,  280, 
529,  560,  562,  799. 

Ram  and  the  he-goat,  vision  of  the, 
432,  529. 

Ram's  horn,  183,  211,  316,  327 ;  skin, 
215. 

Ramah,  31,  66,  70,  261,  274f,  277,  282, 
284,  444,  488,  491. 

Ramathaim  Zophim,  274. 

Ramath-lehi,  268. 

Rameses  II.,  56,  63,  105, 119,  169-171, 
245,  248   450;  III.,  56f. 

Ramman-Nirari  III.,  69. 

Ramoth  Ammon,  33. 

Ramoth-Gilead,  69-71,  76,  304,  307. 

Rampart,  .565,  738. 

Ransom,  351,  361f,  463,  467,  471,  542, 
661,  668,  694,  820,  838,  883. 

Rape  of  the  Sabine  women,  270. 

Raphael  (painter),  692. 

Raphia,  59,  62,  71,  310,  449. 

Ra.shi,  172. 

Ravens,  142,  144,  302,  364,  458,  570, 
733. 

Raw  flesh,  103,  177. 

Razor,  71,  505. 

Reader,  the,  928. 

Reading,  170,  456, 490, 497  ;  and  writ- 
ing, 617. 

Reaper,  272,  449,  554,  750. 

Reaping,  272,  311,  413,  448f,  458,  539- 
541,  684,  712,  750,  840,  861. 

Reason,  823,  827,  see  Mind. 

Rebekah,  21,  147,  153,  155-157,  274. 

Rebellion,  rebels,  54,  56,  59f,  62,  67, 
70f,  73,  79,  148,  265,  280,  354,  391, 
405,  415,  472,  511,  523,  532f,  540, 
783. 

Rebuke,  415,  423,  551,  576,  884,  886f, 
924. 

Rechab,  307. 

Rechabites,  74,  108f ,  216,  307, 477, 489. 

Reconciliation,  160,  665,  705,854;  of 
Jew  and  Gentile,  815,  864f;  with 
God,  192,  811,  813,  815,  822,  826, 
852f,  865,  868. 

Recorder,  113,  288,  296. 

Records,  113. 

Red  coral,  360;  garnet,  191;  heifer 
cow),  204,  222f ;  jasper,  191. 

Red  Sea,  50,  64.  71,  111,  149,  170, 179f, 
220,  232f,  -M),  2'.y.),  307,  309,  38  J, 
388,  391,  44-4f.  4<-..3,  UiG,  471,  841, 
898;  crossing  of,  64, 169, 180 ;  tongue 
of,  445. 

Redaction  of  early  prophecy  in  post- 
exiUc  period,  48. 


INDEX 

Redactor,  128. 

Redeemed,  the,  933,  937f,  941. 

Redeemer,  272,  407,  462,  470f. 

Redemption,  8,  16,  91,  96,  128,  171, 
174,  211f,  222,  272,  430,  433,  517, 
537,  633,  641f,  789,  809,  811f,  820, 
824,  828,  834,  840,  860,  863,  895, 
909f ,  917-920,  932  ;  of  Israel,  94,  96, 
128,  433,  463,  571, 860 ;  of  the  body, 
824,  828;  of  the  world,  430,  571; 
universality  of,  827,  829,  891,  896, 
932. 

at  the  Jubile,  211 ;  from  slavery, 

186,  211 ;  money,  215,  222,  537 ;  of 
firstborn,  215,  222,  511,  727  ;  of 
land,  212,  272,  488;  of  persons  or 
things  devoted,  105,  212 ;  right  of, 
211,  488. 

Reed  (measure  of  length),  115. 

Reed  grass,  542. 

Reeds,  115, 170, 180,  459,  502,  712,  935. 

Refectory,  519. 

Refining,  407. 

Reformation,  the,  37,  311. 

Reformers,  196,  211,  416. 

Refrain,  373,  379f,  387,  440. 

Refuge,  380,  383,  389,  453,  455,  493f , 
see  Cities  of  refuge. 

Regeneration,  542,  639,  888,  see  New 
birth ;  and  baptism,  639,  749,  812, 
888 ;  the,  717. 

Regent,  74,  416. 

Regicide,  337f. 

Rehob,  219,  269. 

Rehoboam,  67,  70f,  75f,  79,  113,  296, 
300f,  314,  319. 

Rehoboth,  156. 

Rehoboth-Ir,  565. 

Rehum,  328. 

Reins,  376,  395,  399,  482. 

Rejoicing,  874,  879. 

Release,  698,  762. 

Relief,  administration  of,  647. 

Religion,  3,  7,  llf,  37,  68,  84,  93,  95, 
107,  130,  134,  174,  344,  346,  350-352, 
356,  353,  362,  372f,  393f,  426,  456, 
461,  466,  468,  471,  474f,  478-480, 
488,  501-503,  517f ,  524,  550,  557-560, 
562,  585-587,  614,  627-029,  631-633, 
635,  637-639,  GGG,  684,  784f,  811, 
859,  885,  893f,  897,  917,  922;  aim 
of,  893;  ancient,  82f,  627-635; 
and  authority,  7 ;  and  magic,  174 ; 
and  morality,  llf,  107,  185,  194, 
370,  372,  428,  488,  502f,  512,  550, 
560,  562,  564,  917 ;  and  mythology, 
627f;  and  philanthropy,  642,  904; 
and  philosophy,  633;  and  ritual, 
372,  461,  480,  501-503,  517f,  550, 
562,  637,  666,  784f,  894,  904;  and 
theology,  3.  627 ;  definition  of,  627 ; 
false,  437,  456,  469,  472,  477,  479f, 
502,  535,  537-542,  547,  549-551,  558, 
562,  666,  811,  917,  922 ;  illegal,  795, 
797;  inwardness  of  true,  488,  503, 
894,  904 ;  nature  of,  3,  7,  37f,  84,  88, 
107, 174, 346.  a50,  372,  393f,  475, 478, 
488,  503,  562,  56-4,  897,  904 ;  social 
character  of,  11,  88,  98 ;  value  of, 
3,885. 

Religion  of  Israel,  10-14,  73-75,  81-97, 
129-131,  134,  146,  213f,  :300f,  34.3- 
345,  368-372,  426-435,  556;  a  pre- 
paration for  Christianity,  81 ;  and 
Baal  worship,  85,  87  ;  and  Babylon, 
82,98,  l(*)i;  and  Christianity,  95; 
and    DeuttTonomy,    4.'>,    7tf,    ROf, 


999 

100, 102f ,  106,  128f ;  and  Egypt,  82 ; 
and  Elijah,  73f,  86-88 ;  and  Ezekiel, 
46f,  91,  96,  129,  131,  502f;  and 
Greek  influence,  94,  98,  397f,  411 ; 
and  .Jeremiah,  46,  90,  475f;  and 
other  religions,  11,  82,  95,  98,  428 ; 
and  Semitic  religion,  82,  98-101 ; 
and  the  Babylonian  e.xile,  1,  46, 
81,  90f ;  and  the  Canaanites,  86f, 
98-100 ;  and  the  disruption  of 
Israel,  67,  73,  86 ;  and  the  Priestly 
Code,  48,  78,  103,  129,  131 ;  and  the 
prophets,  45-48,  74, 85-93,  107, 130f, 
427, 436, 535 ;  and  the  Second  Isaiah, 
47,  91f,  460,  556;  and  war,  84,  99, 
114,  256 ;  created  by  Moses,  44,  64, 
84 ;  David's  contribution  to,  86, 
287 ;  development  of,  10-12,  81,  95- 
98 ;  divergent  tendencies  in,  427 ; 
Divine  guidance  of,  81  ;  ethical 
character  of,  llf,  64 ;  exclusiveness 
of,  48,  81f,  92,  556-558;  historical 
setting  of,  81f;  in  its  primitive 
period,  82-85,  98-103 ;  in  the  Mac- 
cabean  period,  94f;  in  the  period 
of  the  Judges,  65f,  85 ;  in  the  post- 
exilic  period,  47f ,  78f ,  92-95 ;  nation- 
alism of,  92f ,  96 ;  periods  in,  81 ; 
sources  of  our  information,  81f ;  sur- 
vivals in,  81,  98-103;  universalism 
of,  92f,  556-558. 

Religious  associations,  808  ;  back- 
ground of  New  Testament,  636-644. 

institutions    of    Israel,    98-107, 

121,  126,  213,  620;  growth  of,  98; 
influence  of  environment,  98. 

Remaliah,  441. 

Remarriage,  284,  650,  839f,  883f. 

Remission  of  sins,  721,  see  Forgive- 
ness of  sins. 

Remnant,  427f,  436,  439,  441, 443-445, 
447f,  453,  455,  478f,  486,  491,  493, 
506-509,  554,  561, 570f,  573, 585, 820, 
825f. 

Remorse,  139. 

Remphan,  784. 

Renaissance,  121. 

Rending  of  garments,  110,  286,  306, 
348,  511. 

Repentance,  11,  76,  89,  200,  211f,  245, 
260,  266,  277,  321f,  352,  354,  362, 
369,  427,  436,  478,  486,  490. 497,  506, 
511,  539,  542,  545,  557,  578,  582, 
623,  625,  639,  661-665,  667f,  682, 
6&4,  691,  702,  709,  716,  721,  727-730, 
733-735,  742,  767,  779f,  782,  786,  811, 
853,  893,  911,  915. 

Rephaim,  101,  149f,  233,  359,  398,  402, 
446;  valley  of,  31,  287,  449. 

Rephidim,  168,  182f. 

Reproach  of  Christ,  898. 

Research,  617. 

Resentment,  665,  866. 

Reservation,  the  sacred,  521. 

Reserve,  869. 

Resident  alien,  sec  Stranger. 

Resignation,  90,  345,  348,  365,  370, 
377,  892. 

Resin,  100,  481,  697. 

Respect  of  persons,  208,  355,  362,  438, 
586,  788,  867,  904,  925. 

R.-si)onsibility.  108.  503,  719,  721,  850. 

Rest,  479,  711,  879.  9-41;  of  God, 
135,  138,  3^4,  394,  891f. 

Restitution,  110,  186f,  197,  200,  216, 
400,738. 

Restoration,  211f,  388,  429,  446,  475f, 


1000 

483,  485,  487-489,  492,  494,  500,  502, 
505,  511,  515,  534-53G,  554,  557,  558- 
561,  569,  579,  582,  581. 
Resurrection,  96,  275,  411,  432-4^4, 
453f,  51Gf,  533,  622,  624,  t»l,  637, 
695,  719,  721f,  735,  738.  751,  753, 
781,  800-802,  804,  807,  826,  874,  893, 
898;  bodily,  331,  433f,  719;  dis- 
belief in,  411,  62-1,  695,  719;  first, 
846,  941 ;  of  Christ,  sec  Jesiis,  re- 
surrection of ;  of  Israel,  91, 96, 516f, 
533 ;  of  Tammuz,  631 ;  of  the  dead, 
96,  433f,  453f,  637,  738,  751,  800,  832, 
845-847,  852,  878,  930,  941 ;  of  the 
righteous,  432-434,  454,  533,  637, 
695,  735,  738,  874 ;  of  the  wicked, 

432,  434,  454,  533;  rise  of  the 
doctrine,  96,  275,  432,  434,  453f, 
533,  719;  second,  846;  spiritual, 
434,  719,  751,  826,  886,  941 ;  to  new 
life,  811,  864,  870;  universal,  434, 
533,  721,  846. 

body,  845,  847,  852;    life,  the, 

695,  719,  738  ;  narratives,  15,  675. 

Retaliation,  705,  827,  see  Lex  talionis. 

Retribution,  49,  94,  103,  258,  341,  346, 
355,  362,  373,  398,  400,  402f,  411, 

433,  458,  477,  481,  483,  503,  510-512, 
555f,  622f.  649,  805,  938. 

Return  from  exile,  10,  47,  61,  75,  77f, 
92,  108,  119f,  199,  234,  242,  245, 
323-326,  329,  342,  388,  391,  393,  424, 
445,  460,  463,  465, 485-489,  Ml,  546, 
556,  572,  578,  585,  717. 

Returned  exiles,  list  of,  325f,  333f. 

Returning  Nero,  legend  of,  see  Nero 
Redivi\'us. 

Reuben,  son  of  Jacob,  134,  158,  161- 
165  ;  tribe  of,  64f ,  123,  158, 161,  165, 
214,  218,  220f,  228-230, 234.  245,  248, 
255,  262,  315,  521. 

Reuel,  171,  218. 

Reunion  of  Israel  and  Judah,  445, 
487,  516f,  554f. 

Revelation,  4-10,  12,  16,  39f,  80,  83, 
89,  91,  94f,  97,  126.  129,  133,  157, 
171f,  187,  225f,  267,  274,  352,  354, 
358,  360,  363,  427-432,  440f,  449, 
451,  475,  485,  491,  517,  535,  567, 
570,  586,  633,  636f,  639,  641  f,  646, 
648,  660,  744-747,  758f,  785,  793, 
800,  805-807,  800,  811f,  819f,  824, 
831,  834,  844f,  851,  856,  858,  863- 
865,  867,  883,  897,  906,  916,  920, 
928. 

Revelation,  Book  of,  16,  25,  100,  414, 
431,  433-435,  ■592f,  595f,  602,  605f, 
612, 631,  635,  641,  646f,  744.  772-775, 
876,  906,  926-f)-J3  ;  aim  of,  433,  605, 
926 ;  an  apocalypse,  16,  25,  431,  433, 
605,  926;  and  the  Aixjstle  John, 
744,  916 ;  and  the  Fourth  Gospel, 
592,  7y,  927-529 ;  attitude  to  Roman 
Empire,  605,  631,  774f,  928,  930, 
936-940;  aiithor.  592,  595f.  605f, 
631,  635,  744,  927f  ;  canonicity,  595f, 
927f  ;  contfnts,  927  ;  date,  605,  655, 
658,  774f,  f»27f,  932 ;  drama,  927  ; 
hymns  in,  (>47  ;  interpretation,  926  ; 
Jewish  element  in,  774,  926f ;  lan- 
guage of,  592f ;  literary  character  of, 
605f;  nies-sage  of.  605f,  775,  926; 
originality  of,  433f  ;  persecution  in, 
604,  74-4f,  926,  928-931  ;  place  of 
origin,  7-4'4,  927  ;  situation,  605,  774f , 
926.  932;  sources.  433f,  606,  926- 
928,  935f ;   symbolism  in,  433,  4.^'>, 


INDEX 

605,  932f,  938-W2:  unity  of,  926- 
928,  935f,  942  ;  value  of,  16. 

Reveller,  revelrv,  revelling,  68,  416, 
440,  451,  453,  455,  841,  940. 

Revenues,  royal,  113. 

Reverence,  168,  171,  346,  504. 

Revival  of  learning,  596. 

Revivalist  movemeuUs,  648. 

Revolt,  94, 574-576, 660,  nee  Rebellion. 

of  Northern  tribes,  67,  300,  see 

Disruption  of  the  kingdom. 

Revolution,  revolutionary,  54,  74,  407, 
426,  53-1,  783. 

Reward,  150,  ^46,  3-53,  357,  621,  693, 
706,  717,  721,  730,  735,  835,  867,  887, 
911. 

Rewards  and  punishments,  11,  343, 
346,  352,  358,  397,  622f,  665,  693f, 
704,  730. 

Rezin,  see  Rezon,  contemporary  of 
Ahaz. 

Rezon,  contemporary  of  Ahaz,  70f, 
70,  309,  441-443,  534,  548  ;  contem- 
porary of  Solomon,  67,  69,  299. 

Rhegium,  804. 

Rhine,  613. 

Rhoda,  790. 

Rhodes,  607. 

Rhyme,  23,  453. 

Rhythm,  424. 

Rib,  133,  140,  529. 

Riblah,  61,  72f,  313,  506,  508. 

Rice,  175. 

Rich,  riches,  67f,  79,  109,  238,  340, 
362,  367,  377,  407,  443,  516,  538, 
549f,  552f,  660,  664,  666,  686,  693f, 
696,  706f,  717,  725,  729,  733,  736- 
738,  796,  842,  904-906,  see  Money, 
Wealth, 

Rich  fool,  660,  733. 

young  ruler,  685,  693,  717,  737, 

749. 

Riddle,  44,  268,  397f,  510,  527,  567. 

Rider,  576,  582. 

Right  hand,  364,  394  ;  see  God. 

Right  of  life  and  death,  108. 

Righteous,  the,  23,  45,  47,  152,  358, 
3(12,  371,  373-376,  379,  381,  389,  397, 
402f,  406,  416,  434,  454,  512,  567, 
587,  637,  701,  709f,  822,  932. 

Righteousness,  11,  13,  19,  46,  89,  94, 
99,  121,  130,  150,  344,  350,  352-354, 
362,  371,  374,  388f,  392,  398,  401f, 
405f,  412,  427f,  433,  438,  443,  445, 
454f,  457f,  462,  464f,  471,  527,  537, 
541,  540f,  551f,  571,  585,  587,  621, 
625,  637,  640,  643,  660,  664,  685,  702, 
704,  706,  710,  718,  729,  760,  788, 
811,  814,  819,  821-825,  828.  833f, 
851,  853-855,  866, 874,  887, 899,  926. 

of  God,  see  G^od. 

Rimmon  (god),  306. 

(place),  sec  En  Rimmon ;   Rock 

of,  270. 

Rim-Sin,  148. 

Ring,  190,  550,  735,  824. 

RingAvorm,  203. 

Ritual,  11,  19,  46,  77,  82-85,  87-90,  92, 
95-07.  ia3f,  lOfjf,  130f,  150,  168,  173, 
191,  197f,  214,  216,  232,  iM5,  274, 
368,  374,  461,  4(;8f,  475,  482,  501- 
5a3,  .507.  51 7f,  .544,  .551  f,  5(.2,  573. 
5a5,  627f,  t).32,  636f,  639,  6U,  720, 
783,  889f,  Wr>,  904;  and  ethics, 
196f,  372,  461,  .503,  621f,  624f,  734f  ; 
laws,  48  ;  religion,  370. 

Kiv.als.  207,  2.39f,  274. 


River,  32,  50,  100,  139,  170,  216,  373, 
380,  449f,  458,  463,  520,  531,  533, 
553,  564f ,  568, 628, 938  ;  (sjoiibolical), 
370,  380, 583 ;  of  Egypt,  553  ;  of  God. 
384  ;  of  Life,  520,  942  ;  of  Yahweh, 
458  ;  the,  i.e.  the  Nile,  .3.56  ;  gods, 
160;  turned  to  blood,  174f,  6;J1. 

Rizpah,  287.  292,  295. 

Roads,  28-30,  32,  (il,  98,  110,  306,  565, 
612f,  615,  659,  718,  791f,  797. 

Roast,  roasting.  103,  238,  464. 

Roasting  of  sacrifice,  177. 

Robl)er.s  roblxrv,  178,  187,  375,  398, 
416,  478,  480,  583,  610,  705,  729,  791, 
873  ;  crucified  with  Jesus,  725,  741. 

Robbing  of  temples,  798. 

Robe,  101,  131,  205,284,  438,  452,  557, 
790,  852,  940. 
I  Robigalia,  222. 
I  Robinson  Crusoe,  218. 

Rock,  26f,  29-31,  82,  111,  166,  : 
223f,  2:33,  263,  357,  377,  379,  ! 
438,  452,  457,  477,  484,  513,  5.52, 
555,  566,  568,  707,  803,  841,  9«)f, 
924  ;  (i.e.  deity),  242f,  545 ;  (title  of 
Yahweh),  242,  275,  442,  454,  463; 
of  ages,  865 ;  on  which  the  Church 
is  founded,  714 ;  the  water-bearing, 
841. 

Rock-badger,  409. 

Rock-crystal,  191,  931. 

Rod,  100,  106,  111,  174,  221,  263,  377, 
443f,  447, 449, 456,  506 ;  of  iron,  936, 
940. 

Roe,  400. 

Rogelim,  290. 

Roll,  46,  72,  328,  379,  476,  489f,  492, 
504,  674,  700,  851,  896,  931,  934. 

Roman  authorities,  616,  769,  771, 
774,  791,  800,  804,  827f,  909f ;  citi- 
zens, citizenship,  609,  613-616,  630, 
724,  768,  771f,  791,  795,  800,  802. 
847,  874,  886f ;   civil  wars,  609,  616. 

Emperors,  117, 612-614, 616,  630f, 

669,  698,  726f,  763,  795,  879,  905, 
909,  936-9.39,  941;  deification  of, 
630f,  789,  795,  879,  939,  see  Emperor 
worship ;  list  of,  656 ;  powers  and 
constitutional  position  of,  612. 

Empire,   62,   612-617,   739,  772, 

774f,  778,  827,  876f,  879,  908f,  934, 
936,  939;  administration  of,  612- 
614 ;  and  Christianity,  2,  612,  616, 
&31,  649,  741,  771,  774f,  827f,  879, 
882,  886,  f»08-910;  and  the  Jews, 
6O0f,  612-616,  625,  774 ;  constitution 
of,  612f;  destruction  of,  foretold, 
434  ;  history  of,  612 ;  life  in,  616f ; 
local  government  of,  613f ;  oppor- 
tunism of.  612f,  616;  provincial 
system  of,  613;  religion  of,  616f; 
tolerance  of,  609,  612,  616. 

games,  600;   garrison,  610,  800; 

historians,  20;  law,  8,  186,  772, 
801f;  protectorates,  614;  provinces, 
29,  62,  609f,  612-616,  630f,  704,  726f , 
818,  829f,  848,  908;  religion,  016, 
630f;  republic,  62,  523,  528,  607f, 
612-615 ;  .symlx)!,  658. 

Romans,  27,  62,  190,  222,  340,  372, 
496,  499,  532,  544,  607,  609f,  734, 
756,  781,  832. 

Romans,  Epistle  to  the,  25,  602f,  771, 
774,  80t,  811,  817-831 ;  and  the  gov. 
emment,  774,  827f ;  and  the  legalist 
contn)VPrsy,  817;  authenticity  of, 
815;     date,    657,    771,    817f,  "857; 


editions  of,  818, 857 ;  historical  back- 
ground of,  811,  817f ;  object  of,  602, 
817 ;  plan  of,  818 ;  readers  of,  (303, 
804,  817 ;  relation  to  Galatians, 
817f ,  857  ;  theology  of,  CA3i ;  unity 
of,  818;  xvi.  3-16,  destination  of, 
602,  818,  830,  848. 

Rome,  (city),  202,  372,  393,  525,  591, 
595,  601,  608f,  612-610,  62y-(')31, 
646,  653,  655-658,  669,  681,  738,  744, 
771-775,  778,  785,  790f,  798,  800, 
803f,  817-819,  827-830,  848,  862, 
871f,  881,  887,  889,  897,  908,  912, 
924,  928,  931,  935,  939f ;  as  goddess, 
630f;  burning  of,  616,  650f,  774; 
Christianity  in,  602,  773f,  804,  817- 
819;  Church  of,  see  Church  of 
Rome;  destruction  of,  624,  939f; 
drunk  ^vith  the  blood  of  the  saints, 
774 ;  fall  of,  predicted,  939f ;  fortune 
of,  630;  Jews  in,  372,  608. 

Rome  (in  political  sense),  227,  431, 
434,  610,  612-616,  633,  607,  719,  774f, 
863,  see  Roman  Empire,  Rx)raan 
republic. 

Romulus,  170,  221,  630. 

Roof,  the,  104,  109,  240,  269,  393,  484, 
684,  788  ;  chamber,  200. 

Root,  353,  a57,  403,  440,  445,  447,  467, 
510,  543,  549,  826,  885;  of  David, 
942  ;  of  Jesse,  13,  932. 

Rope,  360,  3(>lf,  439,  458,  490,  693,  sec 
Cord  ;  and  bucket,  749. 

Rose,  459 ;  of  Sharon,  420. 

Rosh,  473. 

Royal  law,  906. 

Rubellius  Geminus,  653. 

Rubies,  360,  468. 

Rudder,  905. 

Rudiments,  8e9f ,  see  Elemental  spirits. 

Rufus,  698,  830. 

Rug,  261. 

Ruhaibeh,  156. 

Ruins,  29,  380,  573  ;  haunted  by  wild 
or  uncanny  creatures,  380,  446,  481, 
570. 

Rule,  rulers  (angelic  order),  864,  869 ; 
of  faith,  901. 

Ruler  of  the  feast,  748 ;  of  the  syna- 
gogue, 106,  087,  709. 

Rulers,  88, 101,  187,  199,  224,  328,  331, 
387,  389,  415,  437f,  457-459,  4t>4, 
468f,  481,  485f,  494,  497,  516,  529, 
538,  548,  552,  559-561,  569f,  581, 
741,  828,  868,  939 ;  of  Judaea  in  the 
first  century  A.D.,  656;  of  the  world, 
834,  867. 

Runner,  ?^1,  874,  898,  see  Posts. 

Rushes,  353.  413,  4o9. 

Russia,  203. 

Rust,  512f,  706,  906. 

Ruth,  22,  48,  260,  271f,  283,  701. 

Book  of,  20,  22,  48,  92,  207.  245, 

271f,  418 ;  date  of,  48,  271  ;  liberal 
temper  of,  4S;  271 :  literary  qualities 
of,   22,    271 ;    iwsition    in    Hebrew 
Bibh-.  271. 
Rutherford,  Samuel,  499. 

Saba,  sec  Sheba. 

Sabaans,  34,  150,  171,  299,  ^48,  464, 
479,  546. 

Sabako,  310. 

Sabbath,  5,  21,  74,  90,  101-106,  117, 
135,  138,  177,  181,  IWf,  188,  ]93f, 
206,  210, 212,  235,  254,  3f)(!,  326,  33-lf, 
395,  437,  469,  473,  484,  498,  511,  520, 


INDEX 

553,  607,  615,  620-622,  632,  666.  682- 
684,  708,  712,  720,  722,  734f.  741,  763, 
791f,  828,  869,  876,  892 ;  and  the  full 
moon,  101 ;  and  the  new  moon,  101, 
300,  437,  409,  473,  520,  i>47  ;  and  the 
Law,  lOlf,  135,  181,  IWf,  188,  193, 
210,  235,  395,  020f,  734;  and  the 
prophets,  101,  437,  469 ;  Babylonian, 
101,  185  ;  day  of  rest,  lOlf,  110,  135, 
184f,  188,  193,  206,  210, 395, 469,  620; 
healing  on,  683f,  708,  712,  734,  750. 
754 ;  in  the  Christian  Church,  647, 
720,  729,  869 ;  Jesus  and  the,  665f, 
683-685,  712,  729,  734f,  750,  752,  754; 
observance  of,  79,  92,  lOlf,  106, 184f , 
193,  334f,  386,  468,  484,  520,  523, 607, 
620f,  024,  647,  605,  68^4,  712,  719f, 
729,  750,  752;  origin  of,  21,  101,  135, 
138,  181,  185;  Paul's  attitude  to- 
wards, 647,  791,  828,  809  ;  Rabbini- 
cal regulations  on,  620f,  712;  restric- 
tions connected  with,  101, 184f,  193f ; 
sanctity  of,  138,  185,  193,  210,  469, 
520,  763;  the  monthly,  101;  the 
weekly,  101,  185,  188. 
Sabbath  breaker,  the,  102,  254  ;  break- 
ing, 79,  94,  102,  184,  193,  210,  220, 
335,  484,  511f,  754 ;  day's  journey, 
101  115,  720 ;  lights,  741;  rest  of  God, 
135,  138,  892. 
Sabbath  (Rabbinical  tract),  752. 
Sabbatical  year,  79,   lOlf,   210f,   237, 

0.52. 
SacEBa,  698. 
Sack,  104. 
Sackbut,  526. 
Sackcloth,  110,  304,  439,  450,  506 ;  and 

ashes,  338,  587. 
Sacraments,  020,  644,  780,   812,  821, 

841,  863,  920. 
Sacred  dues,  130 ;  literature,  3 ;  mar- 
riage, 867  ;  meals,  812  ;  name,  185  ; 
pole,  100,  see  Ashera ;  springs,  100, 
216,  428;  stones,  98,  205,  276,  298, 
428  ;  tent,  180 ;  trees,  100,  125,  130, 
146,  222,  230,  203,  428. 
Sacrifice,  66,  73,  76, 78,  83,  85,  89,  91f, 
95f,  98-101,  103-105,  108,  113,  127- 
131,  140-144,  154,  159, 172f,  176, 179, 
182f,  186-188,  191-193, 190-210,  212, 
215,  220,  222f,  225f,  231-233,  236f, 
241,  255,  259,  263,  270,  274-282,  288, 
293f,  298f,  312,  326f,  3*4,  344,  346- 
a48,  365,  370-372,  374,  377,  379,  381f, 
384f,  388,  390,  392,  405f,  414,  437, 
450f,  458,  461,  463,  470,  472,  477, 
479f,  483,  489,  492,  516f,  519f,  523, 
529-531,  535,  537-542,  544f,  550f, 
557,  562,  566f,  569,  572-574,  586, 
608f,  619-621,  629,  651,  665,  705,  734, 
748,  755,  760,  784,  788,  792f,  840f, 
843,  875,  890,  892,  895f,  900,  909, 
935  ;  a  living,  827  ;  and  morality, 
99,  381,  437,  562  705;  and  obedi- 
ence, 95f,  370,  379,  414,  479f ;  and 
sin,  96,  99,  192,  197-200,  341,  406, 
896 ;  animal,  sec  Animal  offering ; 
as  communion  feast,  83,  95,  98,  188, 
192,  198,  ()51  ;  as  food  for  the  deity, 
98f,  197f,  220,  370,  381 ;  as  gift,  a5, 
98, 198, 237 ;  at  in.-mguration  of  war, 
99,  114,  239,  279,  145,  479 ;  atone- 
ment made  by,  99,  197,  199,  201, 
2fe-200,  228,  347,  562,  620,  024  ;  at- 
titude of  prophets  to,  95f,  99,  379, 
414,  437,  479f,  550,  502,  573,  714; 
buildings  safeguarded  by,  99 ;  chief 


1001 

elements  in,  98, 197;  Christian,  &42; 
conceptions  of,  95f ,  197  ;  consumed 
by  fire,  99,  192,  198-200,  200,  237, 
203,  274,  502,  900 ;  cooking  of,  192, 
198,  200,  520,  584 ;  depreciation  of, 
379,  381f,  437,  479f,  005  ;  eating  of, 
95,  98f,  101,  159,  179,  182f,  192,  198, 
200-202,  209,  237,  241, 274f,  277-280, 
511,  540;  ethical  significance  of,  llf, 
96 ;  family,  101,  108,  122,  274,  282 ; 
for  the  dead,  320;  God's  indiffer- 
ence to,  379,  437,  479f,  540,  665; 
heathen,  198,  299,  379,  386,  483, 523, 
629,  651,  793,  &40f ;  holiness  of  vic- 
tim, 197f,  200,  202;  human,  see 
Human  sacrifice ;  in  ratification  of 
covenants,  64,  99, 188,  312,  895,  900; 
laying  out  of,  197, 374  ;  laymen  and, 
186,  188, 192,  197-200,  207,  209,  215, 
586 ;  motives  of,  95f,  98f,  197f  ;  not 
available  for  wilful  sin,  197-199; 
of  broken  spirit,  91,  370,  382;  of 
children,  see  Child  sacrifice;  of  cock 
or  hen,  1(X) ;  of  dog,  222,  472;  of 
firstborn,  98f,  179,  187,  215 ;  of  for- 
bidden  animals,  472  ;  of  praise,  370, 

384,  900 ;  of  swine,  472,  523  ;  of  the 
wall,  96;  offered  to  Yahweh  by 
Gentiles,  371,  586;  piacular,  104; 
priesthood  and,  127,  129,  131,  197- 
202,  205f,  209,  212,  215,  222,  274,  312, 
346,  519f,  572,  620,  892,  895f,  900; 
propitiatory,  07,  83,  99,  809;  re- 
stricted to  central  sanctuary,  96, 
100,  128,  131,  231f,  236,  255,  282, 
294,  346,  370,  372,  450,  573,  619f ;  re- 
stricted to  domestic  and  clean  vic- 
tims, 197, 212 ;  ritual  of,  197-200, 200, 
274f,  374,  437,  480  ;  silence  at,  569  ; 
smoke  of,  188,  193,  243,  384,  866; 
suspension  of,  382,  523,  529-531, 
5'i4f,  572,  755,  935  ;  the  daily,  200f, 
326,  544,  620,  894,  900 ;  the  evening, 
326,  395,  748,  780;  the  morning,  104, 
326,  374,  748;  theory  of,  95f,  197, 
910 ;  to  demons,  651,  841 ;  to  the 
dead,  101,  222,  241  ;  types  of,  98- 
100,  180,  191f,  197-201,  222,  237; 
vicarious,  92,  197f ;  women  and, 
200,  203  ;  wood  for,  334,  374. 

Sacrificial  system,  llf,  77,  95f,  98-100, 
197-201,  323,  326,  714,  773,  809,  863; 
victim,  99,  105,  131,  140,  144,  150, 
154,  176,  197-200,  209f,  215,  331, 374, 

385,  392,  458, 461,  519f,  620,  651, 694, 
698,  761,  836,  868,  892,  895,  900, 910. 

Sacrilege,  Iftl,  497,  523,  527,  532  629, 
792,  820. 

Sadducees,  94,  383,  389-391,  400,  411, 
499f,  608f,  619f,  624,  637,  668f,  684, 
695,  714,  719,  728,  747,  756,  781f; 
and  Jesus,  sec  Jesus  and  the  Saddu- 
cees ;  and  the  Hasmoneans,  340, 
008 ;  and  the  Messianic  hope,  94 ; 
and  the  Pentateuch,  695 ;  and  the 
Psalter,  341, 389-391 ;  and  the  resur- 
rection, 9-1,  024,  mo,  719,  781,  800; 
disbelief  in  angels,  (iOS ;  jwlitical 
ixjwer  of,  94.  008,  020, 024, 637, 781f ; 
religious  attitude  of,  94,  624,  637, 
719. 

Saft>d,  28. 

Saga,  18,  168. 

Sages,  450. 

Sagur,  492. 

Sahara,  012.  934. 

Sahidic  Version,  509. 


1002 

SaU,  458,  470,  803f. 

Sailor,  28,  513,  557,  8G6,  see  Crew. 

St.  Paul's  Bay,  803£. 

Saints,  92,  95f,  131, 389,  392,  39(i,  528f, 
788,  818f,  824,  827,  832,  837,  8G5, 
871f,  875,  878,  899,  924,  932-934, 
938;  kingdom  of  the,  528f ;  {i.e. 
Christians  at  Jerusalem),  787,  829. 

Sakkuth,  551. 

Sakkuth-melech,  552. 

Sakrah,  297. 

Salamis  (Greece),  61. 

(port  of  Cyprus),  791. 

Salem,  149,  386,  893. 

Salim,  749. 

Sallustius,  628. 

Sahna,  420. 

Salmon,  Mt.,  384. 

Salmone,  803. 

Salmonetta,  80i. 

Salome,  daughter  of  Herodias,  654, 
656,  688  ;  sister  of  Herod  the  Great, 
609;  wife  of  Zebedee,  699,  717,  722, 
763. 

Salonika,  795. 

Salt,  27,  32,  198,  222,  265,  305f,  457, 
520,  570,  704,  713,  729  ;  covenant  of, 
222 ;  eating  the,  328 ;  of  the  earth, 
704,  735. 

Salutation,  306,  709. 

Salvation,  16,  92.  96,  445,  564,  567, 649, 
701,  713,  727,  739,  746,  750,  755,  758, 
802,  806,  809-811,  817-822,  25f,  828, 
831-833,  835f,  839,  841,  845f,  850- 
852,  863f,  867f,  873,  880,  882-886, 
888,  89],  893f,  897,  910f,  916. 

Samaria,  28-30,  33,  72,  77,  79, 130, 182, 
300-302,  311f,  330,  441f,  450,  474, 
534,  539f,  542,  550,  552f,  559,  573, 
576,  584,  608,  653,  693,  737,  749f,  767, 
776,  785f,  789 ;  faU  of,  21,  89,  119, 
246,  300,  309f,  505,  512,  534,  5-59. 

(city),  30,  36,  59,  68-70,  74,  86, 

103,  300,  302-3Oi,  306-308,  422,  439, 
454f,  505,  512,  550,  559f,  785f,  789 ; 
siege  of,  by  the  Assyrians,  59,  70, 
310,  534. 

Samaritan  language,  36 ;  Pentateuch, 
38,  40-42,  125 ;  temple,  30,  79,  300, 
386,608. 

Samaritans,  30,  38,  40,  70,  77-79,  92, 
177,  245,  310,  323,  327f,  331,  377, 
386f,  461,  575f,  578,  609,  639,  719, 
725,  732,  737,  750,  754,  785f,  789; 
and  the  Jews,  see  .Jews  and  Samari- 
tans ;  and  the  Pentateuch,  38,  40, 
750,  785  ;  existing  community,  30 ; 
Messianic  doctrine  of,  750,  785  ; 
origin  of,  70,  77,  310,  327f ;  Pa-ssover 
of,  30,  177  ;  religion  of,  70,  89,  310, 
327,  331,  386f,  576,  719,  750. 

Samos,  798. 

Saniothrace,  795. 

Samson.  20f,  31,  44,  66,  85,  216,  257, 
2(itV269,  277,  286,  303,  397. 

Samsu-ditana,  52. 

Samuel,  20f,  45,  66,  83,  85f,  100,  107, 
112,  122, 127,153,  245f,  252,267,273- 
282,  28-tf,  300,  315,  389,  392,  426, 
428,  483,  727,  780,  791 ;  a  priest,  K\ 
100 ;  a  prophet,  60,  85,  107,  245,  277, 
426,  428  ;  a  seer,  (W,  277,  428  ;  and 
Agag,  8.3,  280;  and  David,  m,  28<), 
282,  :{07  ;  and  Eli,  ft.,  27  J,  276 ;  and 
Saul,  m,  245,  277-280,  282,  285, 307 ; 
and  the  monarchy,  66,  86,  245,  264, 
277f,  281,  426 ;  and  the  prophets,  66, 


INDEX 

107,  277f,  780;  and  the  witch  of 
Endor,  66,  83,  85,  285;  birth  and 
childhood  of,  60,  10(J,  245,  273-275  ; 
call  of,  276  ;  dedication  of,  66,  274  ; 
judge,  66,  112,  277f ;  name  of,  275  ; 
not  a  Levite,  275. 

Samuel,  sons  of,  277. 

Samuel,  Books  of,  9, 13,  20,  46,  65,  75, 
122,  244-246,  273-293,  294,  314,  318, 
673;  and  Chronicles,  9,  13,  122, 
673 ;  appendix  to,  292f ;  composi- 
tion, 9,  273f;  contents  of,  245; 
Deuteronomic  editor,  2^J6,  273-278, 
288 ;  growth  of,  46,  273 ;  sources, 
122,  2-l(i,  273f ;  te^hing  of,  245,274; 
title,  273. 

Sanballat,  78f,  330-332. 

Sanctification,  476,  640,  761,  822-824, 
834,  839,  896;  ritual,  76,  184,  277, 
281,  316,  347  ;  of  the  Name,  625. 

Sanctuary,  45,  63,  85,  87, 98f ,  105, 108, 
112,  124,  127-130,  144,  146f,  149, 
155-157,  1(M,  171,  173,  179,  187,  189, 
192,  225,  230,  239,  259,  267,  209,  274, 
278,  280,  291.  300,  317,  369,415,463, 
530,  553,  573,  835,  8.94-896;  the 
heavenly,  396,  890,  894,  896,  900. 

knocker,  239. 

Sand,  28,  112,  176,  305,  459,  489,  499, 
546,  560,  934. 

SandaLs,  171,  177,  272,  422,  519,  688, 
709,  867. 

Sandstone,  26,  28. 

Sanhedrin,  29,  117,  616,  657,  698,  722, 
734,  740f,  753,  756,  767f,  772f,  782f, 
786,  790,  800-802. 

Sannin,  28. 

Santorin,  934. 

Sapphire,  360,  422,  468,  504,  942. 

Sappho,  591. 

Sarah,  vnle  of  Abraham,  133,  140f, 
150-150,  158,  274,  725,  898,  910. 

wife  of  Tobias,  1G3. 

Sarai,  151. 

Sarcophagus,  234. 

Sardinia,  381,613. 

Sardis,  77,  775,  928,  930f. 

Sardius,  931,  9^12. 

Sardonyx,  191,  942. 

Sarduns  III.,  59. 

Sareisa,  300. 

Sarepta,  see  Zarephath. 

Sargon  II.,  58f,  70f,  310,  444,  447- 
450,  456,  5.3-1,  552,  559. 

Sargon  of  Accad,  170. 

Sash,  191,  477. 

Satan,  5,  48, 61. 140,  293,  317, 34C,  434, 
623,  649,  t>;8,  (i85f,  702f,  710,  712, 
726,  728,  731,  73-1,  739f,  753f,  758- 
700,  703,  782,  830,  837f,  8.50f,  853, 
855,  867,  878,  880,  883,  886,  888, 
891,  906,  912,  914,  918,  920,  924, 
929f,  936f,  939,  941;  fall  from 
heaven,  731, 936 ;  god  of  this  world, 
649,  851 ;  iKisHe-sscs  the  power  of 
death,  649,  850,  891 ;  throne  of, 
930,  934. 

the,  3-16-349,  353,  57G. 

Satire,  19,  24,  567. 

Satrap,  satrapy,  61f,  79,  329,  414, 
52t),  528,  939. 

Saturn  (god),  551,  784 ;  (planet),  225, 
652. 

.Satyrs,  76.  312,  446,  458f. 

Saul,  18,  30,  44f ,  66f,  75, 85f.  100, 113f, 
119,  122,  144,  226f,  245f,  2tk-.f,  270- 
273,  275,  277-289,  292,  285f,  303f, 


307f,  315f,  318,  337,  791f;  and 
David,  18,  20f,  31,  44,  66,  244, 
281-286  ;  and  Jonathan,  44.  66,  279, 
282,  286 ;  and  Samuel,  (M,  245,  277- 
280,  282,  285,  307  ;  and  the  Ama- 
lekites,  66,  182,  226f,  241,  280,  304  ; 
and  the  Ammonites,  66,  278,  280; 
and  the  Gibeonites,  252,  292 ;  and 
the  Philistines,  30,  66,  244f,  278- 

282,  2S4-286  ;  and  the  prophets,  85, 
277f ;  and  the  witch  of  Endor,  30, 
66,  85,  285;  David's  elegy  on,  18, 
44,  286,  341,  367  ;  death  of,  30,  66, 
75,  245,  265,  286,  300;  delivers 
Jabesh  Gilead,  06,  86,  114,  278; 
descendants  of,  108,  113,  287,  289, 
292;  first  king  of  Israel,  66,  245, 
277f ;  impaling  of  his  seven  sons, 
83,  292,  295 ;  length  of  reign,  279, 
791f ;  massacres  the  priests  of  Nob, 

283,  382,  474 ;  rejection  of,  66,  122, 
245,  279f ;  sons  of,  30,  66f,  113,  286, 
292,  295;   troubled  by  evil  spirit, 

85,  265,  281 ;  uncle  of,  278,  296. 
Saul,  see  Paul. 

Savages,  151,  160,  217. 

Saviour  of  the  world,  750l 

Saw,  289. 

Saxons,  202,  217. 

Saying  and  doing,  707,  905. 

Scales,  see  Balances. 

Scales  (on  eyes),  787. 

Scapegoat,    205f,  641 ;   see  Goat   for 

Azazel. 
Scarecrow,  481. 
Scarlet,  189f,  410,  437,  565  ;  anemone, 

420;    thread,    222;    woman,    631, 

939 ;  wool,  204. 
Scaurus,  608. 
Scent,  697. 
Scepticism,   11,  94,   342,  344f,  405f, 

409,  566,  569,  585,  587,  616. 
Sceptre,  511,  514,  548,  552. 
Sceva,  797. 
Schism,  300,  413. 
Scholasticism,  92,  97. 
Schools,  109f ,  617,  660 ;  of  philoeophy, 

617,  789,  796 ;  of  the  prophets,  107, 

109,  see  Prophetic  guilds. 
Science,  2f,  8,  12,  136,  789. 
Scimitar,  567. 

Scij.io,  Lucius  Cornelius,  532. 
Scoffers.  402,  440. 
Scorn,  scornful,  23,  226. 
Scomers,  3ti2,  373,  399,  455. 
Scorpion,  235,  702,  707,  934. 
Scourge,  455,  538. 
Scourging,  098,  741,  762,  800,  877. 
Scril>e,  46,  78,  SG,  113,  138.  269f,  273, 

279,  288,  292,  2fM!,  359f,  373,  379, 

391  f,  402,   410,  419,  480,  498,  665, 

577,  582,  585,  598-600,  674,  715,  801, 

871,  912. 
Scribes,  the,  34-40,  42,  92,  97,  lOT, 

131,    189,   329,    337-341,   379,   402, 

608,  620,  624,  637,  661,  682,   684- 

086,  688f,  692,  696,  701,  704-700, 
708,  712-715,  718-720,  727,  732f, 
738,  740,  773,  783. 

Scripture,  121,  089,  750f,  755,  758, 
see  Bible  ;  read  in  worship,  100, 106, 
497,  6-17.  791,  884. 

Scroll,  458,  494f. 

Sculpture,  53. 

Scythians,  46,  60,  337,  474,  477-479, 
517,  566f,  569,  576. 

ScythopoIU,  30,  33,  704. 


Sea,  the,  27f,  34,  110,  137,  140,  17G, 
180,  272,  298f,  352,  359f,  362f,  377, 
390f,  412,  ^138,  452,  454,  462,  460, 
469,  479,  494f,  498,  501,  514,  528f, 
533,  552,    5M,    556f,   562-5G4,    574, 
687,  708,  764,   798f,  803,  93(3,  93.S, 
942  ;  as  Ciod's  enemy,  3;52,  359,  466, 
942 ;  {i.e.  the  Nile),  356,  365,  449f, 
471,  565;  of   Galilee,   see   Galilee, 
Sea  of ;  voyage,  615. 
Sea-coast,  381. 
Sea-country,  49-i. 
Seah,  115,  212,  284. 
Seal,  36,  334,  361,  423,  450,  638,  821, 

829,  890,  926f,  931-934,  942. 
Sealing,  113,  850,  863,  886,  927,  933- 

935,  942. 
Sealskin,  215. 

Sea-monster,  137,  352,  390,  405. 
Sea-serpent,  554. 
Sea-shore,  570,  685. 
Seasons,    24,    144,   390;    sacred,   see 

Sacred  seasons. 
Seaweed,  557. 
Seba,  385. 
Second  causes,  352. 

Coming,  638,  649f,  668,  691,  718, 

720f,  723,  737,  740,  774,  778, 807,  811f, 
815,  826,  837,  840,  842,  847f,  850,  870, 
872-874,  876-880,  886,  888,  891,  897, 
899, 902,  906,  913-915,  918, 926, 942f , 
see  Parousia. 

death,  930,  941f. 

Second  Isaiah,  47f ,  77, 91f ,  95f  ,113, 346, 
388,  424,  460f,  487f,  502,  526,  556, 
558,  561,  819;   and  Cyrus,  47,  77, 
388, 460-462, 464f  ;  and  idolatry,  91, 
460-464,   481  ;  and  the  mission   to 
the  heathen,  48,  367,  438,  460,  462, 
465,  566 ;  doctrine  of  election,  91f, 
462-466;   doctrine   of   redemption, 
47,  91f,  463-465,  467;  doctrine  of 
the  Servant,  47,  91f,  96,  460,  462, 
465-468 ;      doctrine    of      vicarious 
suffering,  2,  460,  467f ;  eschatology 
of,  92,  113,  373 ;  nationalism  of,  91, 
464;    predicts   return   from   exile, 
47,  77,  388,  460-468  ;  residence  of, 
460;   theology   of,   91f,   460;    uni 
versalism  of,  92,  427,  460,  465,  475. 
Secfmd  man,  the,  847  ;  marriage,  840, 
883f:    priest,  489;    repentance  im- 
possible, 893,  897,  899  ;  sight,  503, 
507f,  512. 
Secret  society,  385,  632. 
Secretary,  72,  75,  328,  452,  489f. 
Secrets  of  Elijah  the  Prophet,  835. 
Secrets  of  Enoch,  Book  of  the,  433f, 
657, 931, 941 ;  date,  433  ;  description 
of  the  seven  heavens,  433. 
Secundus,  798. 
Sedition,  13,  762,  800f. 
Seduction,  187,  208. 
Seed,  137f,  156,  165,  188  203,  393, 440, 
456,  470,  546,  574,  580,  580,  t»3,  746, 
757,  784,  847,  a59 ;  of  the  woman, 
13,  140 ;  the,  821. 
Seedtime,  13,  5.54. 
Seer,  31,  m,  S.5,  107,  225f,  274,  277, 

315,  .322,  428-430,  456,  .553. 
Seir,    156,    160,    102,    1K2,   227,   2G2 ; 

Mount,  76,  2.33,  516,  555. 
Seirah,  201. 

Sela,  71,  250,  309,  4-18,  462. 
Selah,  373,  380. 
Selahammanlckoth,  284. 
Seleucia,  5.32,  791,  793. 


INDEX 

Seleucidan  era,  118. 

Seleucids,  62,  80,  116,  3-10,  500,  526, 

531,  614. 
Sekuicus  I.,  62,  524,  528,  531. 

II.  (Callinicus),  524,  528,  532. 

III.  (Ceraunos),  524,  528,  532. 

IV.  (Philopator),   62,   524,   528, 

5.72,  .5»1. 
Solf-complacency,  369,  376,  396. 
Self-confidence,  848. 
Self-control,   self-discipline,   93,   622, 

812,  840f,  861,  884f,  904-906. 
Self-deception,  8.35,  861,  904,  917. 
Self-denial,  706,  829. 
Self-examination,  843. 
Self-indulgence,  93,  ()51. 
Self-restraint,  373,  398,  828. 
Self-righteousness,  409,  640,  666,  861. 
Self-sacrifice,  415,  419,  642,  668,  808, 

886,  919. 
Selfishness,  361,  904,  918. 
Seller,  113,  500. 
Semi-nomad,  63,  147,  156. 
Semi-proselytes,  624-626. 
Semiramis,  170. 

Semites,  Semitic  peoples,  34,  36,  50f, 
53,  58,  82f,  98f,  lOOf,  lOGf,  117,  224, 
236,  248f,  203,  207  ;  migrations  from 
Arabia,  51,  53,  03. 
Semitic     historians,     verbal     repro- 
duction  of    sources,   673 ;    idioms, 
592;  languages,  characteristics  of, 
34f,  592f ;  religion,  82f,  98-100,  265, 
429. 
Semitisms  in  New  Testament,  592f. 
Senate,  612f. 

Seneca,  11,  003,  657,  797,  836. 
Seneh,  279. 
Senir,  234,  513. 

Sennacherib,    58f,    71f,   76,    309-311, 
380f ,  449, 456, 480, 559, 565 ;  invasion 
of,  310f,  321,  436f,  444,  447f,  451f, 
455. 
Senses,  the,  355. 
Sensuality,  899,  902,  918. 
Sentiua  Saturninus,  727. 
Sepharad,  555. 
Sepphoris,  29. 
Septimius  Vegetus,  762. 
Septuagint,  4,  36,  39-43,  97,  121,  450, 
476,   592,  724,  784,  808,  836,  896: 
legend  as  to  its  origin,  40f,  79. 
Sepulchre,  see  Grave,  Tomb. 
Seraiah,  brother  of  Baruch,  495,  573  ; 

father  of  .Tehozadak,  325,  573. 
Seraphim,  157,  440f,  864,  931. 
Serapis,  630. 
Seren,  2r.O,  268. 
Serfs,  serfdom,  165,  211. 
Sergius  Paulus,  655,  768,  791. 
Sermon,  19,  24,  881 ;  on  the  Mount 
15,  001,  074,  077,  704-708,  714,  716, 
728,  7.34  ;  on  the  plain,  677,  729f. 
Seron,  299,  607. 
Serpens,  454. 

Serpent,   13,  138-140,  166,  174f,  223, 
225,  243,  330,  3.56,  398,  416, 441,  447, 
454.  46.9,  472,   492,  710,  841,  855; 
(i.e.    Satan),    930;    charming,    174, 
410,   480;   worship,   223,  930;   the 
old,  941 ;  the  swift,  359. 
Serpentine,  360. 
Serpent's  stone,  330. 
Servant,   580,   719,  735;   hired,   110, 
208  448 

of  Yahweh,  11,  13,  40f,  91-93, 

96,  365,  460,  462,  465-408,  475,  641, 


1003 

670,  708,  712,  786,  809f,  829,  846; 

identification  with  the  Messiah,  712. 

Servant  passages,  11,  47,  91,  96,  460, 

402,  405-408,  470,  498f,  840. 
Service,  620,  665,  608,  800,  880,  910. 
Servility,  904f. 
Setebos,  354. 
Seth,  134,  141,  174. 
Sethite  genealogy,  141. 
Sethites,  142. 
Seti  I.,  55f,  248. 
Settler,  621. 

Seven,  154,  225,  268,  347,  719,  927 ; 
sacredness  of,  101, 225,  268;  the,  645, 
017, 767, 776,  783,  785,  799 ;  angels  of 
thepresence,928;brothers(martyTs), 
738,  898;  churches,  916,  928-931; 
eyes,  577,  932 ;  golden  candlesticks, 
929 ;  heads,  936,  939 ;  heavens,  433- 
435,  863,  800,  892 ;  hills,  939  ;  seals, 
927,  931-935,  938 ;  spirits,  the,  928, 
930 ;  thunders,  93-1 ;  trumi>ets,  927, 
933-935,  938f ;  years,  158,  489,  530. 
Seveneh,  514. 

Seventh  month,  102,  205,   210,   228, 
320,  333,  520;  year,  101,  187f,  210f, 
237,  334. 
Seventy   disciples,  665,  724;  mission 
of,  731. 

nations,  the,  665 ;    weeks,   530 ; 

years,  325,  453,  486f,  523,  530,  572. 
Several  house,  3(X). 
Sex,  origin  of,  139. 

Sexes,    change    of     dress    by,    240; 
creation  of,  125,  138;  relation  be- 
tween the,  I39f,  621,  650. 
Sextarius,  115. 
Sexual  abstinence,  99,  316. 
Shaalbim,  259. 
Shaalim,  277. 
Shabaka,  59,  70,  310. 
Shaddai,  271,  351, 545,  see  El  Shaddai. 
Shade,  462. 
Shades,  the,  149,  269,  359,  395,  402, 

446,  454,  480. 
Shadow,  543,  797,  870,  904. 
Shadrach,  525. 
Shaft,  360. 

Shakespeare,  20,  693. 
Shaking  of  the  house,  638,  781. 
Shalisha,  277. 
Shallum,  king  of  Israel,  &«,  70,  309 ; 

king  of  Judah,  see  Jehoahaz. 
Shalman,  see  Shalmaneaer,  successor 

of  Tiglath-Pileser  IV. 
Shalmaneser  I.,  57 ;  II.,  225,  246,  307  ; 
III.,  58,  09;  succe.«sor  of  Tiglath- 
Pileser  rV.,  58f,  70,  310,  447,  452, 
455,  534,  541. 
Shame,  399,  404,  423 ;  origin  of,  139f. 
Shamash,  130,  186,  373,  587. 
Shamgar,  6(3,  261f. 
Shammah,  2<)2. 
Shammai,  38,  411,  093,  716. 
Shamshi-Adad  VII.,  58. 
Shamshi-ramman,  69. 
Shapattu,  101. 

Shaphan,  72,  75,  128,  490,  507. 
Shapir,  5()0. 
Shark  gods,  628. 
Sharon,  30,  459,  472 ;    Plain  of,   28, 

:»},  788.- 
Shanihen,  249,  254. 
Shaveh,  149. 

Shaving,  71,  204,  217,  268,  442,  481, 
50»>,  560;  of  the  head,  110,  239,  348, 
452. 


1004 

Shealtiel  (Salathiel),  327,  573,  701. 
Slicar-jashub,  43tj,  441,  5G1. 
Sheath,  529. 
Sheaves,  272,  359,  549. 
Sheba  (countr>').  111,  15G,  299,   348, 
351,  3«5,  4(J3,  470,  479,   513,    54(3; 
Queen  of,  299. 
Sheba,  son  of  Bichri,  G7, 273,  291,  295, 
300. 

Shebat,  105,  117. 

Shebna,  311,  452,  931. 

Shecaniah,  329. 

Shechem  (place),  30,  G3,  m,  103,  122, 
14Cf,  U!0-162,  1(35,  23Gf,  244f,  248, 
258,  2G3,  2G5,  287,  300,  383f,  539, 
749,  784f. 

Shechem,  son  of  Hamor,  134,  IGOf . 

Shechemites,  161,  244,  2C5. 

Sheep,  30f,  33,  98,  101,  141,  158f,  18G, 
197f,  212,  224f,  237f,  2GG,  274,  278f, 
^7f,  4(30f,  467,  489,  493,  511, 51G,  5-17, 
550,  553,  580f,  714,  721,  735,  755, 
765,  906,  931. 

Sheep-folds,  262. 

Sheep-gate,  331,  750. 

Sheep- pool,  750. 

Sheep-shearing,  101,  159,  238,  284, 
289,  465,  552. 

Shekel,  79,  105,  llGf,  155,  162,  186, 
192,  200,  212,  215,  277,  281,  290,  293, 
317,  334,  4-12,  520,  527,  537,  748; 
the  Babylonian,  116;  the  gold,  116; 
the  Phccnician,  116;  the  sacred, 
116. 

Shekinah,  199,  205,  469,  497,  624, 
716,  723,  726,  824. 

Shelah,  331,  see  Shiloah ;  Pool  of,  754. 

son  of  Judah,  162f . 

Shelt'inaiah,  79. 

Shell  fish,  243. 

Shem,  50,  134,  145 ;  blessing  on,  44, 
133,  145  ;  descendants  of,  146. 

Shema,  the,  2X5,  695,  791,  905. 

Shemaiah,  contemporary  of  Jeremiah, 
73, 487  ;  contemporary  of  Nehemiah, 
79,  332 ;  contemporary  of  Jeroboam, 
76,  300f,  315,  319. 

Shemer,  302. 

Shemini,  373. 

Sheminith,  316. 

Sheniir,  266. 

Shemoneh-'Esreh,  317,  706. 

Shen,  277. 

Sheol,  88,  96,  150,  156,  221,  243,  275, 
331,  349,  352,  a54,  356f,  359,  3f>3, 
368-370,  374,  37G,  381f,  388,  395, 
398,  401f,  4(M,  409,  411,  413,  416f, 
440,  445f,  4.55,  459,  4G9f,  480,  513, 
515,  5.57,  .567,  715,  934,  see  Hades ; 
gate-s  of,  375,  714f. 

Shephelah,  31,  258f,  484,  555,  559f, 
578. 

Shepherd  life,  159;  lover,  419,  422; 
maiden,  418;  of  Israel,  560;  the 
great,  516. 

Shepherds.  Ill,  123,  127,  156,  158, 
165,  172f,  177,  220,  256,  263,  342, 
348,  417,  420,  446,  457,  460f,  HU, 
4G6f,  471,  478f,  481f,  484-486,  491, 
494,  502,  511.  516,  547f,  553,  563, 
565,  570,  581,  726,  735,  924;  the, 
25.  702.  726  ;  the  three,  581. 

Sheshbazzar,  77,  325,  328,  573. 

ShpHhonq,  see  Shishak. 

Shfw»>read,  KXl,  190,  210,  222,  283, 
472.  519;  table  of,  106,  190,  215, 
297,  519,  895. 


INDEX 

Shibah,  156. 

Shiblwleth,  267. 

Shield.   114,  308,  451,  495,  515,  5G5, 

609,  867. 
Shields  of  gold,  301. 
Shiggaion,  373,  567- 
Shiggionoth,  567. 
Shihor,  316,  452. 
Shiloah,  71,  331,  442,  753 ;  waters  of, 

442. 
Shiloh,  66,  103,  105,  166,   254,  269f, 
274f,  277, 283, 300,  387,  394,  480,  486. 
Shimei,  249,  260,  290f,  295;  (ruler  of 

Benjamin),  296. 
Shimshai,  328. 
Shinar,  146,  4-15,  524,  577. 
Ship  masters,  803,  940 ;  owner,  803. 
Shipbuilding,  54. 
Ship.s,  28,  70,  142,  166,  262,  304,  320, 

381,   409,   438,   446,  452,  458,   470, 

501,  513f,  532,   557,   615,  M6,  771, 
798,  603f,  907. 
Shipwreck,  414,  514,  772,  803. 
Shishak,  58,  71,  76,  79,  246,  300f,  319. 
Shittim,  227,  250,  538,  546,  562. 
Shobal,  34. 
Shobi,  290. 
Shocoh,  31. 

Shoe,  symbol  of  jxyssession,  272. 
Shoes,  113,  383,  735;  removal  of,  161, 

171,  241,  383,  414. 
Shomron,  754. 
Shoot,  i.e.  Messianic  king,  485,  489, 

577f. 
Shophet,  256. 
Shoulders,  198,  217,  421,  443-445,  452, 

571,  683. 
Shrub,  154. 
Shual,  279. 

Shubbiluliuma,  53,  55f. 
Shulammite,  421-423. 
Shunammite,  the,  294,  305-307;   son 

of,  302,  305. 
Shunem,  29,  285,  294,  305,  422,  730. 
Shur,  151,  181,  280. 
Shushan,  see  Susa. 
Shuttle,  352. 
Shylock,  19. 
Sibmah,  229,  448. 
Sibyl,  930. 

Sibylline  oracles,  522,  658,  937- 
Sicarii,  610,  800. 
Siccuth,  551. 
Sicilian  Vespers,  267. 
Sicily,  513,  013,  615. 
Sickle,  102,  938. 
Sickness,  76,   93,  147,  377,  391,    44-1, 

458f,  467,  ^43,  874. 
Sicyon,  62. 
Siddim,  Vale  of,  148. 
Sidiq,  149. 
Sidon,  see  Zidon. 
Siege,  29,  54,  212,  381,  451f,  45.5f,  479, 

485,  488-4f)0,   494,  496.   505f,   508f, 

512-514,    528.    536,    .544,  552,    565f, 

570,  578,  582,  608. 
Sieve,  457,  554. 
Sign  from  heaven,  662;  of  the  cross, 

.5f)7 ;  of  the  Son  of  Man,  720, 
Signal,  218,  251f,  327,  332,  .1-19. 
Signet,  485,  577. 
Signs,    137,  2-l(;f,  311,   441-^3,    506. 

m),  703.  712.  714,  728,  733,  737,  743, 

748,    751,   757,    770,  779,    782,   784, 

792,    833,   879f,   !M0,  sec   Miracles; 

(i.e.  stars),  SCA  ;  of  heaven,  481 ;  of 

the  times,  714,  733. 


Signy,  153. 

Silion,  44,  6-1,  128,  149,  172,  213,  224, 

228,  232-234,  266,  493. 
Silas,  643,  646,  770,  794-797,  83G,  858, 

877f,  889,  t>08,  912. 
Silence,  413,  503-505,  567,   569,   933, 

935 ;  in  heaven,  933. 
Siloam,  36,  294,  311 ;  aqueduct,  lOf), 

115 ;     inscription,    109,    115,    311  ; 

Pool  of,  104,  100,  330,  452,  743,  754. 
Silvanus  (god),  030. 

see  Silas. 

Silver,   85,    111,    115f,    123,  130,  153, 

155,   178,    189,    191,    212,    238,    276, 

293.   306,   317,   360,   375,  407,  420, 

438,  458,  470,  479,    501,    506,  525- 

528,  567,  570,   578,  587,   735,   790; 

cord,   417;    pieces,    721,    735,    797; 

shrines,  798  ;  trumpets,  218. 
Silversmiths,  798. 

Simeon,  Aramaic  name  of  Peter,  793. 
contemiK)rary  of  Jesus,  722,  727 ; 

utters  the  Nunc  Dimittis,  727. 
son  of  Jacob,  158,  161,  163-165 ; 

tribe  of,  04f,  158,  161,  174,  214,  218, 

220,  223,  230,  243,  248,  258,  315, 517, 

521. 
Simon,  see  Peter. 
Simon  bar  Giora,  610. 

Maccabaeus,  104,  113,  117,  391, 

580,608. 

Magus,  785f;   and   Gnosticism, 

785f ;  and  Peter,  785f ;  and  Philip, 
786 ;  and  the  Samaritans,  786 ; 
caricature  of  Paul,  785 ;  historical 
existence  of,  786  ;  in  the  Clementine 
writings,  785 ;  Justin  Martyr's 
account  of,  785. 

of  Gyrene,  698,    741,   763;    the 

Benjamite,  581 ;  the  Cananaean, 
685;  the  leper,  697,  730,  757;  the 
Pharisee,  730 ;  the  tanner,  788. 

Simony,  786.  \ 

Simple,  398,  401. 

Sin,  i.e.  Pehisium,  514. 

Sin,  1,  8,  93f,  96,  99,  104,  131,  139, 
196-199,  204-206,  208.  212,  231,  236, 
241,  243,  245,  289,  293,  345,  350- 
352,  354,  356f,  361,  368,  381f,  401, 
406f,  414,  433f,  437f,  440f,  403,  467, 
469,  475,  479,  483.  488f,  494,  496f, 
500,  502,  506-517,  527,  544,  548-550. 
557,  559,  561-563,  569f,  577,  618- 
620,  622f,  625,  629,  634.  637,  639- 
G41,  6-19,  689,  706,  711,  716.  748, 
7(!0,  8(H>-812,  81!)-«1?9,  837,  846f, 
853,  8()1,  8(33,  me,,  870,  888,  m\, 
894-897,  809,  905-907,  910f,  914, 
91(3f.  920.  940;  a  state,  205,  917: 
against  the  Holy  Ghost,  686,  712 ; 
and  calamity,  292f,  623,  734;  and 
death,  351,  451,  820,  822f,  8-17,  90i; 
and  ix-nitence,  93,  266,  362,  623, 
625,  9()6;  and  sacrifice,  see  Sacrifice! 
and  .xin ;  and  suffering,  93,  266, 
346,  350f,  354,  3«39f,  379,  391,  413, 
4(37,  544,  622f,  709,  754;  and  the) 
Law,  sec  Law,  the;  confession  of,] 
104,  1,59,  199,  212,  361f,  378,  388,  J 
483,  5-12,  907,  917;  death  to,  seeX 
Death  to  sin;  forgiveness  of,  see  J 
Forgiveness  of  sins;  law  of,  823; 
lawlessness,  918 ;  meaning  of, 
ritual  law,  99,  197-199;  mother  o^ 
death,  90-1;  non  ethical,  99; 
ignomnce,  197-199,  220,  780; 
Israel,  45,  131,  213,  245,  437,  548f,| 


620;  oripriu  of,  125,  139,  350,  433f, 
806;  prenatal,  754;  prophetic 
teaching  on,  99,  437f,  479,  906; 
punishment  of,  45,  75,  93f,  199, 
208,  245,  351,  354,  357,  369,  427, 
433,  440f,  445,  451,  467,  472,  483, 
496,  sai,  5-14,  550,  577,  623,  819f, 
826,  853,  914,  940;  racial,  822; 
salvation  from,  7,  16;  secret,  369; 
sense  of,  92f ,  640,  6ti8 ;  slavery  to, 
753f,  823,  863,  910, 915 :  universality 
of,  143f,  150,  623,  820,  822,  829; 
unto  death,  920;  wages  of,  823; 
wilful,  197-199,  350. 

Sin  offering,  11,  99,  104,  192,  197- 
206,  222f,  228,  237,  520,  538,  748, 
756,  809f,  836,  866,  910. 

Sinai,  Mt.,  26f,  64,  123f,  168f,  171, 
173,  177f,  180-183,  188,  190,  194, 
201,  214,  218,  229,  231f,  243,  303, 
384,  488,  510f,  566f,  587,  601,  764, 
784f,  860,  899;  wilderness  of,  213, 
218f,  258,  387,  784. 

Sinaitic  covenant,  64,  488,  860; 
peninsula,  63f,  170f,  214,  219,  233, 
260;  Syriac,  600f,  701,  713. 

Sincerity,  6<>4,  837,  850f,  873,  906,  911. 

Sinew  of  the  thigh  socket,  134,  160. 

Sinfiotli,  153. 

Singers,  316,  325,  329f,  332,  377,  392, 
417,  481,  518. 

Singing,  76,  100,  106,  278,  844,  866f. 

Singing  women,  316,  553. 

Single  and  plural,  interchange  of, 
816. 

Sinim,  466. 

Sinnabris,  32. 

Sinner  punished  in  his  children,  358. 

Sinners,  5,  23,  199,  369,  503,  621-623, 
639,  666,  683f,  701,  709,  716,  730, 
735,  754,  820,  859,  882,  907,  911. 

Sippar,  77,  141 ;  tariff  of,  200. 

Sirach,  see  Ecclesiasticus. 

Sirah,  287. 

Sirion,  234f,  377. 

Sirius,  551. 

Sirocco,  27,  176,  363,  454,  4G6,  478, 
484  904. 

Sisera,  29,  65,  253,  261  f,  270;  mother 
of,  262. 

Sister,  i.e.  bride,  421. 

Sittakenians,  548. 

Sivan,  102f,  105.  117. 

Six  days'  work,  135-138. 

Six  hundred  and  sixty-six,  936f. 

Sixty-two  weeks,  .531. 

Skin,  140,  186,  192,  .348  3.57 ;  disease, 
202-204  ;  of  the  teeth,  357. 

Skins,  157,  189f,  200,  204,  393. 

Skirt,  272,  284. 

Skull,  417. 

Skv,  13.5,  137,  166,  3.53,  396,  458,  478. 

Slander,  187,  208,  285,  393,  395,  405, 
481,  484,  836,  850,  854,  857,  870, 
9(X>. 

Slaughter,  144,  206,  562,  906,  932, 
934. 

Slave  dealers,  380,  517,  546;  trade, 
.5-18. 

Slavery,  5,  73,  79,  82,  108,  110,  128, 
145,  lC>t,  18(),  332,  466,  489,  500, 
537,  546,  642,  frl9f,  753f,  823, 
830,  833,  836,  838f,  860,  867,  910, 
940. 

Slaves,  44,  51,  65,  73,  101-104,  108, 
110,  128,  145,  149.  1.55f,  162-1&4, 
170,   178f,  185f,  196,  209,  211,  235, 


INDEX 

238,  240f,  277f,  284,  289,  305,  326, 
338,  351,  361,  380,  383,  405,  409,  489, 
537,  548, 581,  610,  613,  632,  638,  649f, 
660,  682,  707,  735f,  738,  753,  758, 
760,  800,  811,  838-840,  860,  862, 
867,  870,  875,  884f ,  888,  910. 

Sleep,  136,  157,  159,  261,  284,  287,  3.52, 
354,  374,  386f,  393,  406,  414,  416f, 
459,  544,  557,  709,  790 ;  {i.e.  death), 
565,  843,  878,  941 ;  after  death,  852, 
878,  941. 

Sling.  66,  114,  281f,  284,  408. 

Slinger,  270. 

Sluggard,  402f,  408. 

Smell  the  odour  of  satisfaction,  144. 

Smerdis,  77. 

Smith,  111,  468,  576. 

Smoke,  153,  180,  378,  393,  421,  432, 
440f,  546,  866,  933f,  938,  940. 

Smyrna,  775,  928-931. 

Snake,  459,  702,  804,  see  Serpent; 
gods,  628. 

Snare,  442,  538. 

Snares  of  death,  376. 

Snow,  27f,  32,  50,  -52,  351,  363,  384, 
408,  437,  468,  484,  876. 

Snuff-dishes,  190. 

So,  king  of  Egypt,  see  Shabaka. 

Soap,  477,  587. 

Social  conditions,  85-88,  559f;  insti- 
tutions of  Israel,  108-114 ;  life,  108, 
111,  344,  562;  morality,  11,  89, 
108,  196,  200 ;  problems,  88.  649. 

Socoh  on  the  Philistine  boi'der,  296 ; 
south  of  Hebron,  296. 

Socrates,  25,  409,  417,  604,  729,  781, 
796,  840. 

Soda,  408. 

Soden,  von,  597. 

Sodom,  13,  130,  147,  149, 151-153, 243, 
270,  357,  437f,  446,  484,  499,  509f, 
541,  5.50f,  570,  737,  914 ;  (i.e.  Jeru- 
salem), 935. 

Sojourner,  110,  124,  171, 179,  218,233, 
236-238,  241f,  see  Stranger. 

Solar  disc,  54,  587  ;  year,  118,  652. 

Soldiers,  51,  55,  72,  86,  114,  266,  351f, 
514,  616,  722,  728,  741,  761f,  788, 
873,  886. 

Solemn  assembly,  129,  497,  544, 

Solidarity,  92,  108,  239,  292,  436,  440, 
487f,  509f,  041,  822. 

Solomon,  20f,  25,  44f,  48,  57,  67,  69- 
71,  75,  81,  86,  105.  108f,  111.  113, 
127f,  135,  165f,  169,  180,  184,  191, 
24of,  252f,  255,  294-300.  302.  304, 
308-310,  312,  314,  317-319,  326,  328, 
330,  333,  341f,  366f,  372,  380,  397, 
411f,  418-423,  510,  519,  609,  712, 
728,  784;  administration  of,  67. 
296;  alliance  with  Hiram,  67,  287, 
296-298, 302, 319, 548;  and  Abiathar, 
275,  295,  519;  and  Adonijah,  67, 
294f,  318,  519  ;  and  Bathsheba,  289, 
294f,  318;  and  David,  67.  75,  289, 
294f,  317f;  and  Ecclesiastes.  18, 
MU,  411f,  417, 432, 522 ;  and  Hadad, 
67,  299f;  and  Hebrew  Wi.sdom, 
341,  397,  411 :  and  Jeroboam,  67, 
2SWf;  and  Joab,  2!15;  and  Kezon, 
67,  69,  299;  and  Shiniei,  295;  and 
the  Book  of  Proverbs,  9,  45.  341f. 
397,  407  ;  and  the  Canaanites,  67, 
2.52,  259.  299;  and  the  Queen  of 
Sheba,  299,  319;  and  the  Song  of 
Songs,  18,  341f,  418-423,  432;  cor- 
onation of,  294f;  death  of,  21,  67, 


1005 

86,  111,  119,  319;  empire  of,  127, 
188,  296;  idolatry  of,  299,  312; 
judgment  of,  296 ;  legends  con- 
cerning, 296;  marries  Pharaoh's 
daughter,  67,  295f,  299;  palace  of , 
67,  297f ,  300 ;  polygamy  of,  67,  299 ; 
prayer  of,  20f,  298,  691 ;  proverbs 
of,  45,  296,  341;  son  of  God,  372; 
songs  of,  45,  296;  temple  of,  see 
Temple,  Solomon's ;  trading  ex- 
peditions of,  67,  70,  111,  297,  29S ; 
tyrannical  rule  of,  67,  113,  169,  252, 
298;  wealth  of,  67,  HI,  113,  299, 
318f;  wife  of,  67,  295-297,  319; 
wisdom  of,  296,  341,  343. 

Solomon's  porch,  755,  780,  782. 

Solomonic  literature,  45,  341f,  411. 

Solon,  413. 

Son,  109-111,  128,  262,  414,  442,  511, 
586,  733,  735 ;  the,  and  the  angels, 
696.  890f. 

Son  of  (Hebrew  idiom),  577. 

Son  of  David,  372,  434,  694,  696,  709, 
714,  718f,  738. 

of  God,   2,  8,  10,  95,   137,  178, 

188,  372-374,  642,  685,  691,  702f, 
708,  714,  722,  726,  728,  740,  743, 
745,  755,  761,  787,  806-812,  813,  824, 
853,  860,  930,  see  Jesus,  Logos. 

of  His  love,  868. 

of  Joseph,  372. 

of  Man,  2,  G37f,  661,  668,  670, 

683f,  686,  691f,  696,  708-710,  712, 
714,  721,  729,  733,  737,  740,  748f, 
754,  757,  768,  785,  846,  891, 929,  938 ; 
and  the  angels,  733, 748, 891 ;  coming 
of,  665,  696,  710,  737,  740,  757; 
equivalent  to  "  Man,"  375,  503f, 
529,  684,  708f,  846;  in  apocalyptic 
literature,  375,  637 ;  in  Daniel,  96, 
520,  529,  661,  929,  938 ;  in  Enoch, 
433f,  637,  661,  670,  864,  929,  938 ;  in 
Hebrews,  375,  891;  in  the  eighth 
Psalm,  375, 846. 891 ;  in  Revelation, 
929,  938 ;  in  the  Gospels,  529,  661, 
691,  729;  in  the  New  Testament, 
375 ;  Jesus  as,  see  Jesus ;  Judge  of 
men,  433,  670,  691,  721,  785;  Mes- 
sianic significance  of  title,  434,  670, 
683f,  691,  712,  729,  738;  pre-exist- 
ence  of,  8(>4;  resurrection  of,  692; 
self-designation  of  Jesus,  670,  691, 
754;  suffering  of,  668,  670,  691f, 
891;  whether  distinguished  from 
Jesus,  no,  733. 

of  perdition,  761. 

Soncino  edition  of  Old  Testament, 
42. 

Song,  23,  45,  81,  86,  93,  102,  127,  282, 
366,  388,  396,  445,  553,  866f ,  870 ;  of 
Deborah,  see  Debtirah ;  of  Hezekiah, 
4.59  ;  of  Moses,  47,  242f ;  of  Moses 
at  the  Red  Sea.  44,  180f,  938;  of 
Solomon,  see  Song  of  Songs. 

of  Songs,  5,  18,  108,  294,  341-343, 

418-423  ;  a  collection  of  love  lyrics, 
18,  108,  342.  418f ;  age  and  author- 
ship of,  341f,  418;  and  Solomon, 
18.  341f.  418-423,  432;  canonicity 
of,  18,  38f,  411,  418;  interpretation 
of,  18,  342,  418f;  linguistic  char- 
acteristics of,  418;  not  a  di-ama, 
342,  419;  not  an  allegory,  418; 
place  in  Old  Testament,  418;  place 
of  origin,  418 ;  secular  character  of, 
418 ;  Yaliweh  not  named  in,  418. 

of  the  Lamb,  938 ;  of  the  sword. 


1006 

512;  of  the  three  children,  526;  of 
the  well,  44,  841. 

Songs  in  the  night,  3G2 ;  of  Zion,  391. 

Son-in-lrtw,  KtO,  152.  (308. 

Sons  of  flame,  350 ;  of  God  {i.e.  angels), 
138.  112,  301,  347.  3(13,  377,  389,  730, 
842;  of  God  (goo<l  men),  705,  730, 
8f)3,  891 ;  of  tiie  bridi-chaniber,  70y  ; 
of  the  prophets,  304;  of  thunder, 
685. 

Sonslnp,  620,  W2,  747,  807,  810-812, 
824,  800,  919,  see  Adoption. 

Sooth.s!iyers,  soothsaying,  11,  lOOf, 
106,  ■129f,  4CA,  Sa-j,  562,  798. 

Sopater,  796,  798.  830. 

Sophists,  110,  3-13,  405,  4-10,  877. 

Sophocles,  20,  414. 

Sorcerer,  sorceress,  106,  525,  791,  942, 
see  Magician,  Witch,  Wizard. 

Sorcery,  187,  438,  443,  562,  934. 

Sore,  408. 

Sorek,  valley  of,  31,  267f. 

Sorrow,  305,  113f,  453,  906. 

Sosipatros,  830. 

Sosthenes,  friend  of  Paul,  731, 797, 832. 

ruler  of  synagogue,  797,  832. 

Soul,  137,  237,  240,  269,  356,  377f,  417, 
529,  710,  739,  851f,  879,  892,  904f; 
boxes,  439  ;  capture,  509. 

Sound  doctrine,  882,  885,  887. 

Sour  grapes,  47,  91,  501 ;  milk,  262. 

South,  the,  see  Negeb. 

South  Galatian  theory,  769f,  857,  859. 

Sower  713,  730,  750. 

Sowing,  111,  211,  236,  311,  413,  455, 
457,  537,  539-541,  562,  580,  840,  861, 
90t) ;  with  salt,  265. 

Spain,  385,  438,  513,  607,  613f,  772, 
799,  817,  829,  881. 

Span,  115,  281. 

Sparks,  350,  438,  905. 

Sparrow,  387. 

Sparta,  565. 

Spear,  114,  282-284,  308,  332, 565,  568. 

Speckled  bird,  482. 

Speech,  133,  225,  402-405,  407f,  .413, 
415.  904f,  910. 

Speeches,  21f ;  composition  of,  by 
historians,  20f. 

Speed  of  travel,  615. 

Spell,  160,  527,  562. 

Spelt,  176. 

Spices,  100,  111,  189,  420,  422,  434, 
440,  489,  5.52,  940. 

Spider,  353,  359,  469. 

Spies,  163,  250,  412,  738.  905;  the, 
32, 123.  213,  219f ;  narrative  of,  123, 
126.  213,  219f. 

Spikenard,  697,  751. 

Spinal  column.  417. 

Spinoza,  121 ,  340. 

Spirit  (apparition),  350;  of  Christ, 
6:39,  7ti7;  <.f  God,  13.5f,  260,  343- 
345,  3(19,  .3!M^  414,  427,  429.  462f, 
470f.  517f,  516,  561,  574,  578,  58(i, 
037,  012,  710,  712,  733.  745f,  747, 
823,  see  Holy  Si)irit,  the,  Spirit  of 
Yahweh ;  of  infirmity,  734  ;  of 
Jesus,  15f,  769;  of  prophecv,  the, 
940;  of  truth.  919;  of  Yahweh, 
66,  76,  85,  92,  18-1,  2l8f,  260,  262f, 
267,  277f,  281,  28."),  303,  317,  445, 
462.  471,  s^'e  Holy  Spirit,  Spirit  of 
Gwl ;  regarded  as  finer  form  of 
matt«'r,  350. 

Spirits,  82f,  95f,  101,  160,  216,  296, 
570,  844;  i.e.  evil  spirits,  708;   in 


INDEX 

prison,  910f ;  of  the  dead,  110,  208, 
216,  221f,  443,  687,  756. 

Spiritual  bcxlv,  670,719,812,  8-17,  852, 
933. 

gifts,  6W,  (>45H>19,  827, 832,  834f , 

813-815,  8(R>,  893,  919;  criteria  of 
value,  645,  6l7f,  8-13-845;  regula- 
tions for  exercise,  (.145,  648,  813-845. 

Israel.  935 ;  man,  834f ;  marriage, 

650,839. 

Spirituality,  835,  870. 

"Spirituals,"  the,  638. 

Spittle,  690. 

Spoil,  66,  85,  114,  228,  233f,  254,  264, 
286,  288,  339,  442f,  458,  461,  464, 
494,  514,  517,  532,  873;  division  of, 
286. 

Spoiling  of  the  Egyptians,  178. 

Spring  (of  water).  27,  29-32. 149,  181f, 
214,  216,  222.  258,  268,  330,  353,  388, 
421,  438,  442,  459,  469,  477,  546,  583, 
750,  872,  938. 

(season),  18,  27,  50,  52,  118,  127, 

135,  177,  205,  210f,  219,  2ti2,  289, 
419f,  422£,  480,  520,  572,  628f,  689, 
797,  817. 

god,  628 ;  death  and  resurrec- 
tion of,  628 ;  wailing  for,  628. 

Springs,  sacred,  see  Sacred  springs. 

Sprinkling,  197,  l!)9f,  204,  206,  217, 
222,  519,  863,  895. 

Square,  531. 

Square  character,  36. 

Stable,  726. 

Stadia,  115. 

Staff,  263,  377,  403,  581,  688. 

Stairs,  331,  333. 

Stake,  388,  see  Gallows. 

Stall,  587. 

Standard,  124,  445,  471,  478,  494,  499. 

Standing  army,  124,  289,  291. 

Star  in  the  East,  652,  701f. 

Star-god,  552. 

Star-wor.ship,129,  see  Heavenly  bodies, 
worship  of. 

Stars,  5.  74.  137f,  150,  226,  228,  252, 
2(^.2,  274,  332,  349, 353,  363,  417,  445, 
454,  458,  461,  464,  480,  489,  530,  551, 
577,  628,  634,  701,  803,  847,  864,  869, 
934,  936;  personality  of,  137f,  363, 
461,  934. 

State,  the,  684,  812,  909 f ;  religion, 
443,  616,  630f,  775,  926,  928,  930, 
936-938. 

Statesmen,  25, 110.  508,  a35. 

Statues,  (.128,  9.37. 

Stealing,  see  Thief. 

Steel,  553. 

Steersman,  905. 

Step-chains,  439,  see  Ankle  chains. 

Stephanas,  (M6,  833,  M8. 

Stephanus,  597- 

Stei)hen.  170,  (105,  (538-O10,  669,  739, 
767f,  770, 783-785,  787,  789,  806, 932 ; 
a  Hellenist,  639,  767,  783;  and 
Paul,  639f,  767f,  783.  7^5,  806;  and 
the  Law,  (Wi,  806 ;  and  the  Temple, 
639,  783-785 ;  a^)i)ointed  one  of  the 
seven,  783  ;  burial  of,  785 ;  couce])- 
tion  of  Christi.anitv,  639f,  767.  770; 
martyrdom  of,  669,  767,  783.  785, 
793,  932 ;  prayer  of,  669,  768,  9.32 ; 
speech  of,  169,  7(^.8,  780,  783-785, 
791,800;  trial  of,  783-785. 

Steppe,  32,  50,  258,  381,  5^15. 

Stei>s,  518,  790,  800;  to  the  altar, 
186,  519. 


Stem  (of  boat).  674. 

Steward,  113,  164,  302f,  713,  720,  730, 

733,  735. 
Stewardship,  836,  840,  869,  906. 
Sticks,  102,  174,  254,  417,  517,  804. 
Still  small  voice,  30:}. 
Stint,'  of  death,  369,  847. 
SttH^ks,  the,  72f,  113,  325,  356, 474,  484. 
Stoicism,  3-15,  41  If,  415, 633f,  789,  793, 

805,  812. 
Stoics,  the,  6,  607,  636,  746,  796,  835. 
Stone  age,  251. 
Stone    at   the    tomb  of  Jesus,   699, 

741,  763 ;  circle,  251 ;  of  Israel,  166, 

442. 
.Stonehenge,  616. 
Stones,  51,  66,  76,  82,  109,  111,  116, 

157-159,  182,  185f,  189, 191.204,  212, 

241,  250f,  255,  276,  279-284,  290," 
294,  297,  326f,  351,  353,  356,  40if, 
408,  413,  439,  441,  443,  446,  45-4f, 
471,  484,  491,  495,  5]8f,  525,  539, 
542,  548,  567,  574,  577,  582,  703,  707, 
755f,  903,  906,  909,  940;  Sacred,  see 
Sacred  stones. 

Stoning,  76,  102,  129,  208,  210,  220, 

237,  240,  475,  510,  762,  773,  785, 

792f,  800. 
Store,  150,  255. 
Store  cities.  111. 
Store-house,  545. 
Stork,  364,  480. 
Storm,  70,  82,  84,  87,  303,  363,  377, 

389    391,  396,  417,  438f,  449,  453, 

501,  545,   548,  557,  564f,  715,   718, 

730f  899. 
Storm-cloud,  190,  215,  219,  473,  568. 
Stormy  season,  615f. 
Story,  l«>-22,  81,  86, 127. 
Strabo,  297,  507. 
Straight  Street,  787. 
Strange  gods,  127,  130,  796 ;  woman, 

398-400,  406. 
Stranger,  85f,  102-104,  124,  128,  150. 

179. 187,  206,  208,  210f,  217.  220, 233, 

242,  270,  272,  286-289,  298,  376,  378, 
480,  521, 544,  557, 722,  see  Sojourner. 

Strategi,  795. 

Stratopedarch,  801. 

Straw,  173,  454,  707  ;  for  bricks,  173. 

Streams,  28,  337,  369,  408f,  412,  422, 

419,  458f,  463,  465f,  470,  473,  483f, 

520,  546,  552. 
Street,  69,  111,  531,  565,  578,  059,  706, 

718,  801. 
Strife,  395,  469,  873,  904. 
Strike  hands,  112,  407. 
Stringed   instrumenta,  316,  366,  373, 

.')2(i,  567. 
Stroke,  284. 

Strong,  the,  650,  828f,  840f. 
Strong  drink,  453. 
Stronghold,  564. 

Strophe,  180,  373,  375,  387,  392,  440. 
Stubble,  410,  545,  564. 
Students,  616. 
Study,  91,  417,  620,  624. 
Stumbling.  705.  825f. 
Stumbling-block,  705,  716,  736,  825 

828,  833. 
Stump,  356,  441,  444,  526. 
Stylus,  51,  357. 
Sub-apostolic   age,    766;    literature, 

7()(i. 
Subject,  412. 
Subliminal    consciousness,  150,   430, 


Substitution,  154,  197f,  467f,  632,  see 

Vicarious  suffering,  etc. 
Subtilty,  398. 

Succoth,  134,  IGO,  178,  264,  297,  383. 
Suetonius,  658,  818. 
Suez,  180 ;  Canal,  181 ;  Gulf  of,  445, 

580. 
Suffering,  361f,  365,  370,  374,  555,  634, 
694,  760f,  763,  787,  874,  898f,  908- 
912,  937  ;  disciplinary  character  of, 
345,  350f,  353,  356,  358,  361f,  370, 
374,  399,  623,  899  ;  due  to  sin,  263, 
266,  271,  391,  544,  709;  for  the 
name,  974 ;  of  the  righteous,  47, 
345f,  357,  368,  824,  874,  886f,  898, 
910,  937  ;  of  the  world,  358 ;  prob- 
lem of,  see  Problem  of  suffering; 
retributive  character  of,  346,  350, 
354,  369f,  374,  379,  544. 

Messiah,  372,  667f ,  780,  792,  802, 

809,  834;    no  doctrine  of,   in  Old 
Testament,  372. 
Suffet,  256. 

Suicide,  286,  290,  413,  753,  795. 
Sukkiim,  319. 
Sulla,  790. 
Sulphur,  934,  see  Brimstone  ;  springs, 

27. 
Sulpicius  Severus,  610. 
Sumer,  51,  148. 
Sumerian  language,  51,  525. 
Sumerians,  51,  193. 
Summer,  27,  29f,  117,  187,  351,  543, 

739,  753  ;  fruit,  102,  477,  553. 
Summum  bonum,  see  Chief  good. 
Sumu-Abu,  53. 

Sun,  23,  30,  44,  54,  74,  117,  135, 150, 
152,  154, 166,  259,  267,  292,  298,  333, 
353,  369,  383,  404,  412,  417, 419, 422, 
445f,  453, 457, 459, 463,  466, 470,  480, 
506f,  545, 553, 558, 565, 567f,  587, 627- 
629,  632,  635,  654,  698,  706,  741,  783, 
790,  795,  803,  M7,  864,  890,  904,  936, 
939 ;  chariot  of,  412,  028 ;   images, 
319,  449,  454,  506 ;  pillars,  319,  449, 
506;   worship,  235,   267,   311,   502, 
506f,  548. 
Sun  and  moon  standing  still,  253. 
Sun  of  righteousness,  726. 
Sunday,  4,  764,  847,  see  Lord's  Day. 
Sun-god,  141,  162,  186,  587. 
Sunrise,  117,  616,  904. 
Sunset,  105,  117,  149f,  177,  185,  272, 
528,  653,  683,  708,  722,  741,  750,  938. 
Sunstroke,  389. 

Supernatural,  the,  82,  see  Miracles. 
Superstition,  5,  7,  83,  96,  99f,  170, 190, 
295,  338,  369,  371,  406,  408,  443,  440, 
459,  473, 498,  509,  512,  557,  569,  573, 
578, 584,  620f ,  627,  629,  631,  663,  763, 
769,  771. 
Supper,  &42. 

Suppression  of  the  local  sanctuaries, 
74f,  90,  98,  103,  128f,  131,  231,  230f, 
239,  310-312. 
Surety,  187,  400,  405,  409,  459,  876. 
Survivals,  83,  196,  213,  627. 
Susa,  59,  78,  130,  330,  337-339,  529. 
Susanna,  296. 
Susiana,  330. 
Suttee,  616. 

Swallow,  142,  144,  387,  459,  480. 
Swan,  628. 

Swanning  things,  1.37,  169,  473,  567. 
Sweet  savo)ir,  111,  197. 
Sweetness,  504,  935. 
Swift  (bird),  480. 


INDEX 

Swiftness,  549. 

Swimming,  454,  764. 

Swine,  202f,  438,  472,  523,  707f,  730, 
735,  788,  915 ;  herd  of,  687  ;  (figura- 
tive), 707. 

Swine's  flesh,  607. 

Swineherd,  165. 

Sword,  23,  100, 141,  212,  264,  269,  275, 
282,  286,  351,  376,  437,  462,  473, 
475f,  483,  486,  492,  495,  499,  502, 
505f,  508,  511f,  514f,  539,  541,  548, 
553f,  580,  595,  632,  698,  710,  892, 
929f,  937,  940;  dance,  422;  of  the 
Spirit,  476,  867 ;  of  Yahweh,  458, 
493,  502  ;  the  fiery,  133,  140. 

Sycamine  tree,  718,  736. 

Sychar,  30,  749. 

Sycomore,  443,  553. 

Syene,  232,  466. 

SyllEeus,  609. 

Symbol,  symbolic  actions,  symbolism, 
25,  82-84,  88,  96,  98,  100,  108,  111, 
150,  171,  180, 188f,  192-195, 205, 210, 
228,  252,  264,  272,  308,  418-420, 422, 
432f,449f,  482, 484, 486f,489,491,495, 
503-506,  508,  512f,  516f,  521,  536, 
545,  552,  581,  630,  632,  637-639, 660, 
690,  697,  699, 728-730,  739,  743,753f, 
758,  779,  809,  853f,  889f,  893-895, 
899,  931-933,  935,  937f,  940-942. 

Symmachus,  41. 

Sympathetic  magic,  see  Magic. 

Sympathy,  168,  351f,  827,  861,  892, 
911 ;  of  the  universe,  634. 

Synagogue,  35,  97,  100,  106,  131,  210, 
329,  372,  386,  411,  414,  482,  497, 579, 
608,  616,  620,  649,  660,  665,  682, 
6&4f,  687,  714,  716,  724,  728,  737, 
768,  786-788,  792,  795-797,  801f ,  805, 
851,  866,  876,  904 ;  of  Satan,  930f ; 
of  the  Libertines,  773,  783;  wor- 
ship, 106,  131,  6^,  728,  791. 

Synchronisms,  70,  119,  654. 

Syncretism,  474,  481,  535,  616,  862, 
868,  916. 

Synod  of  Carthage,  596. 

Svnoptic  Gospels,  8,  122,  402,  405, 
"579,  587,  595,  604f,  618,  672-680; 
and  the  Fourth  Gospel,  743  ;  as  his- 
torical sources,  14f,  605,  659,  663, 
669f ;  close  resemblance  of  wording, 
G72 ;  criticism  of,  14f,  122,  579 ;  dia- 
gram to  illustrate  independence  and 
overlapping,  680;  discrepancies  in, 
8,  15;  doublets  in,  405;  literary 
characteristics  of,  25,  604f ;  Marcan 
matter  in  Mt.  and  Lk.,  604,  672- 
675,  679,  700;  Marcan  order  pre- 
served in,  673 ;  non-Marcan  source 
used  in,  672,  674-678;  sources  of, 
604f ;  table  of  parallel  sections,  679. 

problem,  14,  122,  672-680,  700; 

Mt.  and  Lk.  depend  on  Mk.,  122, 
672-675,  700;  nature  of  the  prob- 
lem, 672;  oral  tradition  theory,  672; 
rel.^titm  of  Mk.  .and  Q,  678;  rela- 
tion of  Mt.  and  Lk.  to  Q,  ()75-678, 
700;  theories  of  documentary  de- 
])en(l('nce,  672;  two-document  the- 
ory, 122,  672-678. 
Syntyche,  874. 
Syracuse,  804. 

Syria,  26f,  30,  35f,  50f,  54-62,  67f,  72, 
78f,  llOf,  116, 134, 14«,  1.59,246, 256f, 
259f,  298f,  303,  305f,  308f,  313,  .320, 
330,  337,  347,  380,  387,  414,  419,  431, 
436,  441-445,  448-460,  454,  477,  500, 


1007 

513,  523f,  526,  529,  531f,  534,  548, 
652f,  580,  607-610,  613,  629f,  641, 
704, 726f,  769f ,  776, 787, 789, 794, 797, 
803,  908 ;  Greek  kings  of,  374. 

Syriac.  36;  Version,  595f,  599,  601; 
Church,  913. 

Syrian  text,  599. 

Syrians,  30,  36,  53,  63,  99,  166,  230, 
240,  288f,  296,  301,  303f,  309,  321, 
340,  482,  515,  544,  548,  554. 

Syro-Ephraimitish  coalition,  70f,  76, 
309,  321,  436-438,  441-443. 

Syrophoenician  woman,  689f,  708,  714, 
731,  750. 

Syrtis,  803. 

Systematic  giving,  848. 

Syzygus,  874. 

Taanach,  30,  51,  65, 100,  110,  259, 262, 

302. 
Tabae,  533. 
Tabal,  58. 
Tabeel,  441. 
Taberah,  218. 

Tabernacle,  5,  104,  123f,  180f,  183, 
189-195, 199, 201f,  212, 214-219, 221f, 
255,  276,  294-298,  388,  475,  784f, 
893-896,  938 ;  construction  of,  194, 
201,  784 ;  contents  of,  189-194,  215, 
217f,  221,  295,  895;  erection  of,  194f, 
214,  217 ;  heavenly  pattern  of,  189, 
784f,  894-896,  933;  materials  for, 
189,  194 ;  not  historical,  189 ;  struc- 
ture of,  190f ,  297,  895f ;  symbolism 
of,  5,  189,  893,  895,  938;  i.e.  the 
body,  852. 

of  God,  937 ;  of  the  Testimony, 

938. 

Tabernacles,  691. 

Tabitha,  788. 

Table,  518,  841,  940;  of  Christ,  651; 
of  demons,  651 ;  of  nations,  the, 
145;  of  shewbread,  191,  519;  the 
Lord's,  841. 

Tables  of  stone,  123,  183,  189f,  193, 
234,  236,  276,  488,  851 ;  of  the  Law, 
895. 

Tablet,  442,  456,  567. 

Tablets  of  destiny,  326. 

Taboo  (Tabu),  83,  99,  134,  160,  183, 
188,  196,  198-200,  202-209,  223,  233, 
240,  279,  445,  472,  477,  629,  097,  828; 
and  uncleanness,  202-205. 

Taboos  on  warriors,  99,  240,  445. 

Tabor,  Mount,  29f,  261,  538,  691. 

Tabret,  see  Timbrel. 

Tabrimmon,  299,  301. 

Tacitus,  CM,  610,  657f,  690,  939. 

Tadmor,  2!)9. 

Tahpanhes,  73,  79,  230,  477,  491f. 

Tahtim-hodshi,  293. 

Tail,  365,  408,  934. 

Take  the  fle.sh  in  the  teeth,  355. 

Take  the  life  in  the  hand,  355,  303. 

Tale  of  the  two  brothers,  the,  163. 

Talebearing,  400,  see  Slander. 

Talent,  116f,  6(50,  738,  939. 

Talfiath,  421. 

Talisman,  276,  289f,  642. 

Tallith,  240. 

Talmud,  36f,  41f,  254,  392,  622,  624, 
702,  716f,  732. 

Tamar,  daughter-in-law  of  Judah, 
102f ;  daughter  of  David,  67,  289  ; 
nn  woman's  name,  423. 

(in  .Tudah),  299. 

Tamarisk,  100,  181,  218,  286. 


1008 

Tambourine,  see  Timbrel. 

Taunnuz,   448,   502,   507,    532,   G31f; 

(iM..iitli),  104f,  117. 
Taiiis,  see  Zoan. 
Tapestry,  410. 
Tares,  713. 
Targum  of  Jonathan,  30 ;  of  Onkelos, 

36,224. 
Targums,  41,  307,  392,  398,  401,  585, 

712,  74(5,  847,  WO. 
Tarichete,  32. 
Tariff,  111,  200. 
Tarshish,  145,  299,  381,  385,  438,  452, 

470,  481,  513,  550-558;  shiiis  of,  112, 

29f),  381,  438,  452. 
Tarsus,  30,  299,  007,  724,  7G8f,  787, 

789,  791,  794,  802,  805. 
Tartan,  the,  71,  310,  450. 
Tartar,  393. 
Tartarus,  731. 

Tartessus,  299,  381,  438,  481. 
Taskmaster,  170,  173f,  298. 
Tas-sels,  220,  240,  709,  719. 
Tatian,  122,  595,   053,  G58,  see   Dia- 

te-ssaron. 
TattcMj  marks,  tatooing,  179,  208,  463, 

583. 
Tattenai,  77. 

Taunt  song,  311,  4JG,  405,  567. 
Taurobolium,  633. 
Taurus,  Mount,  26,  015,  726,  791. 
Tavern  song.s,  415. 
Tax-collector,  458,  615,  660,  084,  706, 

709,  711,  730,  735-737. 
Taxes,  taxation,  01,  67,  79,  86,  113, 

212,  277,  281,  318,  408,  496,  513, 520, 

580f,  600,  613-015,  704,  715f,   828, 

sec  Customs,  Dues,  Tribute. 
Taylor  Cvliuder,  240. 
Teacliers;  lOT),  021,  024,  643,  646,  729, 

733,  791,  801,  860,  883,  900,  905. 
Teaching,  91,  443,  047,  783,  827,  844, 

870,  882,  880,  888,  893. 
Teachina  of  the   Twelve  Apostles,  see 

Didache. 
Tears,  382,  453,  498,  544,  098,  730, 799, 

849,  885f,  899,  see  Weeping. 
Tebeth,  105,  117,  323,  330. 
Teeth,  47,  91,  166,  186,  417,  421,  423, 

499,  541. 
Tegea,  230. 
Tehom,  135,  298. 
Teima,  410. 
Tei.sf)e8,  494. 
Tekel,  5?7. 
Tekoa,  31,  289,  331,  479,  547f,  553  ; 

widow  of,  289,  296. 
Tel-abib,  77,  505. 
Telam,  2a5. 
Telepathy,  837. 
Tell,  2.53. 
Tell  el-Amama,  26,  34,  30,  54,  148; 

tablets,  .3^1,  36,  51-55,  110,  124,  135, 

149,   172,    186,   235,  248,  259,   268, 

270f,  296,  299. 
Tema,  36,  1.56,  351,  451. 
Teman,  182,  494,  513,  548,  555,  567. 
Temperanc,  624,  801. 
Temr-st,    3K3,    389,   455f,    481,    549; 

stilling  of  the,  663,  687,  708,  730f. 
Temple,  102,  ISl,  212,  217,  241,  276, 

288,  297,  ail,   307,   370-374,   376f, 

382-3^5,  390,  392-a'»7,  411,  138,441, 

450,  457-400,  161,  IdO,  472,  175,  -182- 

484,  488,  497,  504,  510,  553,557,  561, 

683f,  618,  620,  ^37,   a39,   08.0,   095, 

703,  767.  785,   799,  WO,  865,   879, 


INDEX 

895,  899,  909,  931,  938;  centre  of 
unity  for  Jews,  370,  378f ;  dwelling- 
place  of  God,  75,  370,  374f,  436, 
518f,  561,  507,  618,  835;  gates  of, 
479,  519f,  782;  inviolability  of,  75, 
90,  474,  479f,  486,  502,  507 ;  sanctity 
of,  389,  58-1;  veil  of,  741. 
Temple  (Herod's),  297,  009,  653,  865, 
sec  Temple,  the  second. 

(Solomon's),  45,  47,  49,  67,  73-77, 

89-91,  KJS,  105f,  114f,  128f,  131, 189f, 
192,  231,  243-240,  252,  254f,  277, 
288,  293-298.  300f.  308-314,  310-321, 
367f,  388,  437,  440f,  474f,  479f,  485f, 
490f,  501f,  501,  506-508,  559-501, 
703,  784;  building  of,  07,  73,  105, 
115,  128,  244-246,  252,  293,  297,  314, 
318,  368 ;  centralisation  of  worship 
at,  see  Centralisation  of  cultus ; 
cleansed  by  Hezekiah,  76,  310f; 
cleansed  by  Josiah,  128,  131,  311f, 
474 ;  date  of,  297 ;  dedication  of,  20, 
45,  135,  245f,  293,  298,  319,  427; 
desecration  of,  74,  76,  129,  131,  480, 
502,  506f ;  destruction  of,  47,  73,  97, 
131,  232,  245,  310,  312f,  319,  308, 
386f,  467,  474,  480,  485,  494,  501, 
508,  559-561,  572,  578;  dimensions 
of,  106, 297 ;  its  building  a  mistake, 
288,  784;  organisation  of  its  wor- 
ship, 75,  106,  317,  368;  plan  of, 
105f,  297,  318;  plundered  by  Shi- 
shak,  71,  301 ;  preparation  for 
building,  296f,  317f,  394;  purifica- 
tion of,  76,  104,  301 ;  repaired  by 
Joash,  74f,  308,  320f ;  repaired  by 
Josiah,  75,  77,  128;  rivalry  at 
Bethel,  67,  73,  300,  312;  site  of, 
293,  297f,  317,  491. 

(the  second),  75,  92-94,  103f,  106, 

112,  129,  174,  189-191,  264,  270,  319, 
323,  331,  368,  400,  408,  470-473,  497, 
523,  531f,  544-540,  575,  010,  020f, 
662,  668,  694f,  698,  702f,  715,  720, 
725,  738,  742,  752,  755,  762,  778, 
780-783,  785,  788,  790,  799-801,  805, 
928,  935,  942 ;  and  the  Samaritans, 
77,  245,  327f,  387 ;  building  of,  10, 
77f,  92,  180,  245,  333-328,  541,  572- 
577,  585,  748;  burning  of,  472; 
captain  of,  781f ;  captured  by  Pom- 
pey,  497,  008;  Christian  meetings 
in,  647,  778,  780 ;  cleansing  of,  002, 
008,  094,  718,  738,  743,  748,  757, 
781;  completion  of,  323,  32f),  573; 
dedication  of,  78,  329,  377,  755; 
desecration  of,  by  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes,  104,  339,  377,  379f,  380f, 
4.33,  523f,  527,  529f,  532,  007,  0(>8, 
755, 935;  destruction  of,  by  Romans, 
97,  100,  010,  010,  018-()26,  023,  715, 
720,  928 ;  laying  of  foundation- 
stone,  77,  323,  320f,  573f ;  plundered 
by  Crassus,  008;  profanation  of, 
335,  471  f,  094-090,  748,  800,  879; 
purification  by  Judas  Maccabseus, 
339,  377,  380f,  523f,  007,  755;  re- 
built by  Herod,  009,  748;  turned 
into  Temple  of  Zeus,  007. 

chambers,  79,  33-lf.  518 ;  courts, 

72,  74,  79,  104f,  131,  191  f,  194, 
311,  319f,  382,  385,  388,  408,  489, 
501f,  518-520,  7:^4,  701;  dues, 
revenue,  tax,  tribute,  79,  192,  308, 
320,  320,  334,  015f,  094,  715,  748; 
furniture,  105f,  192,  297f,  300,  310, 
314,  318f.  518;  hill,  458,  518f,  583; 


hymns,  songs,  106,  373,  459,  539; 
inscription,  800,  935;  liturgy,  318; 
music,  49, 100,  314,  310,  307f ;  musi- 
cians, 310f,  308;  officials,  72,  316, 
321,  414,  48-1,  487,  519;  jwrch,  100, 
297f ,  312,  518,  545 ;  records,  45,  244, 
240,  :«8f,  312,  32-1,  331 ;  servants, 
252,  326,  8^10 ;  service,  78,  368,  385 ; 
singers,  49,  310f,  325f,  367f,  518; 
threshold,  440f,  507,  519f ;  treasure, 
308-311,  321 ;  treasury,  523,  587, 
734 ;  vessels,  77,  2!J7f,  310,  321,  325, 
407,  48ef,  524,  527,  540;  worship, 
92-94, 97, 103, 131, 189, 192,  314,  329, 
368,  385f,  394,  471-473,  475,  585, 
620,  773,  799,  895. 

Temple  at  Elephantine,  79,  106, 
486;  at  Leontoixjlis,  106,  449f, 
581 ;  heathen,  53,  74,  105,  189,  218  ; 
266,  269,  491,  493,  565,  609,  051, 
792f,  798,  840f,  930;  of  Bel,  532. 

of  Ezekiel,  129,    131,    189,  3f)7, 

502f,  517-521,  942;  dweUing-place 
of  Yahweh,  129 ;  measurements  of, 
519. 

of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  at  Antioch, 

532;  of  Melkart,  308,  513;  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  838;  of  Zenibbabel, 
see  Temple,  the  second ;  rival,  10(), 
472;  the  heavenly,  375,  377,  397, 
895f,  935 ;  Zoroastrian,  507. 

Temple  Bar,  339. 

Temples  of  Babvlon,  524. 

Temples,  the,  421. 

Temptation,  317,  049,  693,  700,  714, 
8-11,  892,  898,  900,  904,  908,  918f. 

Tempter,  855. 

Tempting  God,  182,  235, 441,  703,  793. 

Ten  commandments,  ten  words,  183- 
185,  see  Decalogue. 

horns,  the,  528f,  936,  939. 

Tenant,  735f. 

Tenderness,  866. 

Tenedos,  794f. 

Tennyson,  24,  267,  345,  420,  903,  910. 

Tenses,  35,  593. 

Tent,  10!t,  127,  145,  150,  152,  155,  108, 
177,  184,  217,  220,  250,  201f,  264,  276, 
282,  288,  307,  320,  350,  368,  393, 420, 
458,  401f,  408, 489, 494, 512,  508,  796, 
852. 

of  meeting,  123f,  210,  275,  318 ; 

in  E,  105,  123f ,  128,  168,  188f ,  193 ; 
in  P,  101,  123,  see  Tabernacle; 
sanctuary,  295. 

Tent-cord,"350,  408. 

Tent-hnugings,  4158,  494. 

Tent-maker,  tent-making,768, 796,  am 

Tent-pin,  201f,  329,  408. 

Terah,  148 ;  sons  of,  140. 

Teraphim,  lOOf,  159,  186,  269,  280, 
282,  367,  537,  580. 

Terebinth,  100,  146f,  161,  166,  220, 
230,  203,  377,  438,  470,  538. 

Terminus,  239. 

Terraces,  31. 

Terror,  l(il,  457f,  517,  933,  sec  Fear. 

Tertius,  830. 

TertuUian,  411,  504f,  601,  635,  652f, 
727,  747.  773f,  786, 802, 87a  889, 908, 
910,  92;},  927f. 

Tertullus,  801. 

Terum.ih,  587.  set  Heave  offering. 

Testament.  895;  of  Job,  844;  of 
Judah,  882;  of  Naphtali,  838;  of 
the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  35,  433f. 
522,  601,  878,  931,  936. 


Testimonia,  see  Testimonies,  Book  of. 

Testimonies,  Book  of,  682,  700,  703, 
712,  909. 

Testimony,  123,  308,  386,  443,  926 ;  of 
Jesus,  927f,  940. 

Tetrarch,  G09,  684,  G88,  702,  741. 

Tetrarchy,  3:^,  OOfJf. 

Text  of  New  Testament,  596,  598- 
601 ;  of  Old  Testament,  40-43,  92, 
125. 

Texts  as  charms,  5. 

Textual  corruption,  causes  of,  42f, 
375,  598 ;  criticism  and  inspiration, 
4;  criticism  of  New  Testament, 
598-601;  criticism  of  Old  Testa- 
ment, 40-43,  125 ;  criticism,  prin- 
ciples of,  43,  125,  508f. 

Textus  Recejjtus,  597. 

Tliaddaeus,  685,  709,  729. 

Thank  offerings,  209,  280,  484,  550f . 

Thankfulness,  131,  870f. 

Thanksgiving,  93,  129,  200,  310-318, 
329,  370,  372,  377,  379,  381f,  390- 
392,  445,  459,  471,  557,  756,  832,  844, 
849f,  854,  863,  866,  868-870,  872, 
877,  879f,  882,  885,  909,  911. 

"That  which  restraineth,"  774,  877, 
879. 

Thaw,  351. 

The  Admonitions  of  an  Ikiyptian  Sage, 
429. 

Theatre,  798. 

Thebais,  79. 

Thebes  (in  Egypt),  72,  492,  514,  565. 

Thebez,  30,  265. 

Theft,  see  Thief. 

Theism,  619. 

Themiso,  901. 

Theocracy,  129,  264,  935. 

Theocritus,  591. 

Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  372,  596. 

Theodoret,  172. 

Theodotion,  41. 

Theoi,  the,  629. 

Theology,  2,  11,  85,  89,  94,  341,  358, 
634,  901f. 

Theophany,  147,  161,  234,  243,  263, 
303,  367,  376,  381,  386,  471,  541, 
759,  784. 

Theophilus  (contemjwrary  of  Luke), 
725;  (High  Priest),  653. 

Theophrastus,  407. 

Therapeutae,  883. 

Theraiopvla,  62,  565. 

Thessalonians,  649,  876-880. 

First    Epistle  to  the,   605,   771, 

876-879 ;  authenticity  of,  815,  876 ; 
contents  of,  876 ;  date,  657,  876 ; 
occasion  of,  876;  relation  to  II. 
Thess.,  876f. 

Second  Epistle  to  the,  605,  771, 

876f,  879f;  afxjcalyptic  section  in, 
815,  876f,  879f;  authenticity  of, 
815,  877  ;  date,  G57,  876  ;  later  than 
the  first,  876f;  object  of,  876;  re- 
lation to  I.  Thess.,  815,  876f ; 
theory  that  it  was  B]>ecially  ad- 
dressed to  the  Jewish  Christians, 
877. 

Thessalonica,  771,  795-798,  874,  876- 
878;  situatif.n  of,  876. 

Theudas,  610,  0.57,  777,  783. 

Thief,  theft,  85,  110,  1.59.  164,  1.84, 
186f,  200,  208,  269,  400,  4.38,  493, 
539,  577,  (J;»9,  720,  837,  8<16,  871,  878. 

Thigh,  156,  200-202,  217,  222,  422, 
940. 


INDEX 

Things  strangled,  770,  793. 

Third  day,  the,  845f;   heaven,  741, 

834,  856,  892. 
Thirst,  23,  153,  456,  545, 550,  750,  753, 

763. 
Thirsty,  350,  468,  488. 
Thirty  pieces  of  silver,  581,  721. 
Thistle,  70,  309,  383,  458. 
Thomas  (apostle),  685,  759,  764. 
Thomas  Becket,  306. 
Thongs,  800. 
Thorn  bush,  442,  468. 
Thorn  in  tlie  flesh,  769,  851,  856,  860. 
Thorns,  140,  259,  264f,  383,  408,  415, 

420,  439,  442,  454,  458,  504,  563f, 

698. 
Thoth,  170. 

Thothmes  I.,  54;  III.,  30,  54f,  248f. 
Thought,  93,  395,  421,  482. 
Thousand    {i.e.   clan    division),   214, 

284,  582. 
Thousand  years,  see  Millennium. 
Thrace,  61f,  415,  613,  872. 
Three  and  a  half  days,  935. 
Three  and  a  half  years,  433,  528-531, 

533,  935f . 
Three  hundred  pence,  721. 
Three  shepherds,  581. 
Three  Taverns,  804. 
Threefold     baptismal     name,     642 ; 

order  of  ministry,  646. 
Threshing,    111,   188,   241,   272,   406, 

449,  456,  495,  541 ;  floor,  102,  128, 

187,    293,   317,  419,  462,  483,  495, 

526,   561,   840;    instruments,   548; 

sledge,  111,  365,  462. 
Threshold,    178,   186,  270,  440f,  507, 

519f ;     leaping     over,     178,    569f ; 

deities,  238,  570 ;  sacrifice,  178. 
Thrift,  400. 
Throne,  I89f,  278,  307,  394,  419,  440, 

446,    452,  467,  477,  491,  497,   504, 

529,  557,  720,  894,  931,  941 ;  of  (iod, 

see  God,  throne  of ;  of  Satan,  930. 
Thrum,  459. 
Thucydides,  592. 
Thumb,  258. 
Thunder,  thimderstorm,  64,  66,  176, 

183,   262,  277f,  362-364,  377,  429, 

457,  5't5f,  548,  570,  939. 
Thunder  cloud,  441,  449,  457. 
Thunderbolts,  629. 
Thyatira,  795,  930f. 
Thyine  wood,  940. 
Tiamat,  135,  137,  353,  359,  364,  401 ; 

brood  of,  a59. 
Tiber,  the,  608,  785. 
Tiberias,  29,  32,  42,  609,  751 ;  School 

of,  42. 
TiV^rius,  609,  612,  615,  652-654,  656f, 

661,  802,  939. 
Tiberius  Alexander,  656. 
Tibni,  68,  246,  302. 
Tidal,  148. 

Tiglath-Pileser  I.,  57,  60. 
Tiglath-Pileser      (contemporary      of 

Ahaz),  29,  58-60,  70f,  74,  300f,  410, 

436,  444,  447,  512,  524,  548. 
Tigris,  the,  52f,  bS-m,  (&,  122,  1.39, 

143,   155,   260,  394,   494,  529,  531, 

554. 
Tiller  of  the  soil,  544,  see  Agriculture. 
Timber,  27,  29,  77,  111,  297.  573. 
Timbrel,  181,  266,  488,  514. 
Time,  915,  917 ;  (t.*-.  a  year),  .527-529, 

533,  936 ;  divisions  of,  117. 
Times  of  the  Gentiles,  739. 


1009 

Timnath,  31,  268. 

Timnath-serah,    Timnath-heres,    245, 

251,  259. 
Timothy,  475,  643,  646,  770,  794,  796- 
798,  815, 830,  836, 848-850,  857-859  ; 
861,   868,    871-873,    876-878,    881- 
887,  889,  900,  912. 
Timothy    I.    and    II.,    see  Pastoral 

Epistles. 
Timsah,  Lake,  179f. 
Tin,  189;  mines,  297. 
Tiqqune-Sopherim,  42f. 
Tirhakah,  59,  72,  311. 
Tiridates,  701. 
Tirshatha,  326,  333. 
Tirzah,  30,  68,  227,  302,  422. 
Tischendorf,  597. 
Tishbe  (in  GaUlee),  302. 
Tishbe  (in  Gilead),  302. 
Tishri,  99,  102-105,  117f,  323,  326,  387, 

652. 
Tithe  system,  Roman,  615. 
Tithes,   12,  76,  79,  96,  99,  113,    147- 
149,    157,    196,    212,  222,  229,  237, 
241,  281,  334f,  372,  470,  550f,  585, 
587,  621,  737,  893. 
Title  on  the  Cross,  76-3,  765. 
Titles  of  Prophecies,  447f,  450f,  456, 
459 ;  of  Psalms,  see  Psalms,  titles  of. 
Tittle,  704. 

Titus,  companion  of  Paul,  616,  649, 
724,  793f,  &49f,  853f,  ^&,  858f,  881, 
912;  Epistle  to,  793,  see  Pastoral 
Epistles. 

Emperor    of    Home,    100,    244, 

610,  612,  656f,  802,  863,  936,  939. 
Titus  Justus,  797. 
Tob,  266,  289. 
Tobiah,  78f,  3.30-332,  335. 
Tobias,  sons  of,  581f. 
Tobijah,  578. 

Tobit,  309 ;  Book  of,  20,  362. 
Toe,  258. 
Togarmah,  513. 
Toil,  139f,  941. 
Tola,  66,  265f. 
Toledhoth,  125f. 
'  Tolerance,  612,  627,  631,  692. 
;  Toleration,  616,  775,  828. 
I  Tolstoi,  22. 
Tomb,    161,   358,   446,  472,  687,  699, 

720,  722,  741,  785,  830,  see  Grave. 
Tombs,  whitewashing  of,  720. 
Tongs,  190. 

Tongue,  375,  393,  395,  84-1,  901f. 
I  Tongues,  interpretation  (interpreter) 
of,  645,  6-17f,  779,  835,  843-845 ;  of 
angels,  648;  of  flame,  778;  speak- 
ing \vith,  455,  638f,  &4o-648,  778£, 
I      786,   789,  797,   809,    812,   832,   835, 
'      843-845,  879. 
!  Topaz,  360,  422,  531.  942. 
■  Topheth.  .309,  312.  457.  480.  484. 
i  Torah,   121,  231f,  399-401,  409,  437, 
497,  578,  587,  620f,  624,  636,  63^ 
'      641,  713. 

Torch,  150,  2&4,  421,  471,  565. 
I  Tom  of  beasts,  159,  187,  550. 
I  Torrential  rain,  137,  142f,  .363,  457. 
Torture,  5.  131,  632,  716,  774,  898. 
j  Total  alistinence,  622. 
1  Totem,  totemism.  83,   158,   171,  208, 
I      220,  222.  .507,  628. 
Tourists,  616. 
Tow,  438. 
1  Tower,  76.  86,  lai.  1.39.  146.  161,  439, 
I      458;  of  the  fum.^ces,  3;?1. 


1010 

Town,  32,  G5f,  69,  71,  75f,  98,  111 
229,  259,  334,  560,  5G7,  613f,  see 
City. 

Town  clerk,  798. 

Trachonitis,  33,  609. 

Trade,  62,  67,  71,  110-112,  246,297, 
299,  307,  372,  453,  513,  548,  570, 
6U7f,  768,  798,  939f ;  routes,  55f,  58, 
ti3,  IlOf. 

Trader,  tradesman,  103,  108,  263,  446, 

517,  872. 
Trades,  82,  111, 

Tradition,  29,  33f,  36f,  40-42,  45,  6^1, 
66f,  69,  82,  85,  89,  94f,  109,  121, 
126,  128,  169f,  173,  175,  179,  181- 
183,  196,  218,  248,  255,  266,  343,  352, 
356,  397,  399,  426f,  524,  541,  595, 
603f,  627,  (>49,  661,  663,  669f,  674f, 
677f,  681f,  684-687,  701,  724f,  740f, 
747f,  750,  753,  755-757,  764f,  772f, 
776f,  792,  808,  810,  830,  &45,  858, 
869,  877,  885f,  895,  912, 914,  916,  922, 
924,  927,  930-932,  935 ;  of  the  elders, 
689,  705,  714,  731,  887. 

Traditions,  9,  65,  83f,  87,  95,  97f,  101, 
109,  121,  127,  130,  135,  170,  178, 
213,  233,  248,  250f,  253,  257,  259, 
296,  301,  a47,  488,  527,  594,  596,  606, 
663,  672,  675,  689,  700,  702,  724,  729f, 
742-7-M,  753,  778,  790,  809,  858,  880, 
915. 

Tragedian,  634. 

Training,  406,  see  Education. 

Trajan,  616,  656,  658,  744,  775,  936. 

Trance,  trance  sleep,  140,  150,  226, 
28-1,    307,   406,  430,  456,  503,   507, 

518,  788,  834. 
Transcription,  errors  of,  42,  598. 
Transcriptional  probability,  598f. 
Transfiguration,  see  Jesus. 
Transgression,  23,  142,  470,  805,  821f, 

826,  870,  see  Sin,  Trespass. 

Translation,  593,  see  Versions. 

Translator,  40f,  125,  1.30. 

Transmuted  e.schatology,  760. 

Trap,  385,  442,  550,  695. 

Travel,  103,  414,  628f,  796f. 

Travel  dociiment,  776f,  794,  798,  803. 

Traveller,  3-58,  459,  482,  899. 

Travelling  in  the  Roman  Empire, 
615f. 

Treachery,  382,  3ai,  395f,  403,  407f, 
458,  501,  510,  512f,  539,  567,  608,  610, 
669,  697f,  721,  739,  758f,  761f,  826. 

Treason,  295,  304,  484,  487. 

Treasure,  73,  76,  78,  105,  140,  311,  456, 
464,  713;  in  heaven,  733. 

Treasurer,  327,  786. 

Treasury,  317,  581,  696,  722,  753. 

Treaty,  55f,  M,  67,  296,  304,  396,  608. 

Tree,  31f,  65,  67,  82,  137,  139-141, 
144,  181f,  208,  222,  226,  291,  3-13, 
356,  369,  373,  380,  417,  441,  44-4, 
440,  461-463,  467f,  470,  479f,  484, 
515,  520,  .520f,  538,  577,  631,  a33, 
66-1,  691,  718,  730,  739,  924,  9t2; 
i.e.  the  Cross,  910;  of  death,  1.39; 
of  knowledge,  138-140,  146;  of 
life,  138-140,  146,  403,  929,  942f; 
sacred,  see  Sacred  tree;  worship, 
438,  .538. 

Tregelles,  597. 

Trenches,  70,  .303,  see  Pit. 

Trespass,  99,  199,  4ft5,  822,  869,  see 
Sin.  Tr.ansp-es^ion ;  offering,  see 
Guilt  offering. 

Trial,  706,  903,  931. 


INDEX 

Triangidar  number,  764. 

Tribal  marks,  83 ;  organisation,  50. 

Tribe,  .50,  82f,  85,  87f,  92,  95, 110,  112, 

165,  233,  239,  248,  257,  562,  629f, 

631f,  894. 
Tribes,  the,  20,  84-86,  94,  124,  214. 
of  Israel,  30,  64-66,  103,  108-110, 

114,  165f,   168f,   172,    185,  227f,  239, 

249,  256,  258f,  262,  269,  458,  933; 

names  of,  158 ;  origrin  of,  63f,  158. 
the  ten,  89,  300,  372,  442,  903,  see 

Israel  (i.e.  the  Northern  Kingdom). 
the   twelve,    101,  123,   191,  214, 

221,  265,  427,  520f,  6&5,   685,  709, 

837,  901,  903,  933,  936. 
Tribulation,  696,  720,   761,  821,  824, 

827,  927,  929f,  933. 
Tribunal,  108,  113,  763. 
Tribunals,  heathen,  837. 
Tribune,  800f. 
Tribute,   54f,   57-60,    65,   69-72,    74, 

103,    116f,  260,  296,  309-311,   368, 

436,  448,  458,  512,  534,  538,    552, 

580,  586,  608,  614 ;  to  Caesar,  695, 

719,  738,  741. 
Trigon,  526. 
Trikka,  627- 

Trinity,  5,  414,  764,  929. 
Triplets,  23. 
Trito-I.saiah,     47,     468,     see     Isaiah 

LVI-LXVT. 

Triumph,  850f. 

Triumphal  entry,  661,  668,  697,  717, 
738,  757 ;  procession,  808,  850,  869. 

Triumvir,  612. 

Troas,  614,  770-772,  794f,  798,  850, 
887. 

Troglodytes,  319. 

Trogyllium,  798. 

Troop,  451. 

Trophimus,  798,  800. 

Trophy,  100,  280,  421. 

Troy,  "302. 

Trumpet  (eschatological),  720,  847, 
878. 

Trumpeter,  33lf. 

Trumpets,  76,  lOlf,  183,  211,  251, 
263f,  295,  307,  316,  327,  337,  364, 
380,  389,  453f,  570,  706,  927,  929, 
933-935. 

Trust  in  God,  131,  370f,  374,  377f, 
3a3f,  392,  395f,  399,  413,  436,  438, 
445,  456,  401,  466,  483,  563f,  568, 
571,  eat,  703,  710,  733,  759,  779, 
861,  863,  867,  905f. 

Truth,  121,  370f,  388,  401,  4(>4,  470, 
634,  745,  749,  753f,  759f,  762, 
855,  860f,  8a3,  888,  893,  9a5.  917, 
921,  926 ;  i.e.  faithfulness,  377-379 ; 
the,  a55,  868,  870,  886f,  907,  921. 

Truthfulness,  285,  621,  720,  846,  853. 

Tryphajna,  a30. 

Trypho  (Syrian  pretender),  608. 

Tryphosa,  a30. 

Tubal,  513,  515. 

Tuhal-cain,  141,  145. 

Tiibingen  School,  815. 

Tudkhula,  148. 

Pukulti-Ninib  I.,  57. 

Tinnours,  276. 

Tune,  84  1. 

Tunic,  289,  421,  565. 

Tunnel,  31,  109. 

Turban,  104,  191,  .360,  557. 

Turks,  27,  33,  .393. 

Turn  the  captivity,  242,  375,  393, 
546,  554. 


Turtle  doves,  150,  197,  199,  217,  420, 
480. 

Tutor,  830. 

Twelve,  the,  2,  592,  643,  646,  655,  665, 
685f,  688,  61Kj-6y3,  697,  699f,  709f, 
715,  720f,  729,  731,  733,  740,  752, 
766,  768f,  778,  783,  785,  799,  809, 
846;  Apostles,  9-12;  tribes,  see 
Tribes,  the  twelve. 

Twelve  Gates,  the,  942. 

Twelve  hundred  and  sixty  days,  433, 
935. 

Twilight,  136,  286,  349,  451,  482. 

Twins,  156,  585,  629,  685,  759, 804, 825. 

Two-document  hypothesis,  672-678. 

Two  great  commandments,  661. 

Two  ways,  the,  399,  640,  707. 

Two  witnesses,  the,  927,  935. 

Tyana,  216. 

Tychicus,  798,  862,  868,  870,  887f. 

Tyndale,  121. 

Tyijology,  743. 

Tyrannus,  797- 

Tyrant,  tyranny,  67,  86f,  178,  414f, 
445-447,  450,  466,  468,  495,  533, 
568,  608,  7-40. 

Tyre,  27f,  53f,  59-61,  67,  69f,  72,  79, 
87,  111,  11 6f,  218,  230,  287,  297,  299, 
327,  335,  380,  387,  397,  452f,  492f, 
501,  513f,  520,  548,  555,  579f,  688, 
690,  711,  786,  790,  799,  940,  942. 

Tyrian  records,  246. 

Tyropoean  valley,  31,  297,  330,  570, 
583,  754. 

Ulai  (Eulaeus),  529,  715. 

Umpire,  354,  438,  561. 

Unbaptised,  707,  844. 

Unbelief,  111,  223,  441f,  503,  505, 
729,  736,  752,  755,  758,  825f,  839, 
845,  882,  891,  897,  902f. 

Unbeliever,  624,  838f,  844 f,  884,  887f. 

Uncanny  creatures,  446,  458. 

Uncanonical  Gospels,  604. 

Unchastity,  240,  549. 

Uncial  MSS.,  601. 

Uncircumcised,  the,  467,  515,  519, 
639. 

Uncircumcision  (figurative),  174,  481, 
820,  864f,  869. 

Uncircumcision  (literal),  100,  161, 
173,  820f,  839,  861,  864f. 

Uncle,  109,  278,  280,  791. 

Unclean,  uncleanness,  82,  99,  103f, 
122,  125,  131,  142,  159,  161,  184, 
196f,  199-205,  208f,  212.  214,  216f, 
222f,  237,  282,  332,  356,  436.  440, 
471,  490,  505,  518-520,  582,  584. 
621f,  689,  720,  727,  767,  a38f ;  and 
holiness,  202f,  223, 574 ;  and  hygiene, 
82,  202-2a5;  and  taboo,  99,  199, 
202-205,  574;  infectious  character 
of,  82,  199,  202f,  241,  574,  689,  a?9; 
moral,  436,  440,  689,  866,  870,  924 ; 
of  childbirth,  99,  202f,  727 ;  of  dead 
body,  82.  202f,  209,  222,  574;  of 
foreign  lands.  255,  505,  540;  of 
issues,  2a4f,  216;  of  leprosy,  203f, 
216;  through  contact  with  dead, 
202f,  209,  210f,  222f,  382,  519,  720, 
895  ;  through  contact  with  mourner, 
241. 

Unction,  191-193,  see  Anointing. 

ITnderworld,  see  Sheol. 

Unguent,  215,  470,  940. 

Union  with  Christ,  tee  Christ;  with 
God,  3ai,  761,  863. 


Unity,  413,  &41,  761,  812,  864,  866, 

870,  873f. 
Univci-Bal  restoration,  846. 
Universalism,  89f,  95,  335,  371f,  378, 

380,  384,   392,   438,  445,   453,   475, 

544,  624f,  727f,  779. 
Universe,  441,  847,  8G8;    coDception 

of,  2 ;  dwelling-place  of  God,  472. 
University,  G17,  768f. 
Unknown  God,  the,  79a 
Unlearned,  the,  84'lf. 
Unleavened  bread  (cakes),  102f,  105, 

177-179,  188,  191,  312,  739.  798,  837. 
Unreality,  G64. 

Unrighteousness,  702,  819f,  920,  939. 
Unseen,  the,  852,  897. 
Untruthfulness,  481,  705. 
Upharsin,  527f. 
Uphaz,  481,  531. 
Upper  room,  109,  617,  668,  697,  758- 

761,  778. 
Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  63,  125,  146. 
Urartu,  58f. 

Uriah,  Urijah  (prophet),  72,  313,  486. 
Uriah  the  Hittite,  67,  289,  292f,  368, 

382,  701. 
Urijah  (priest),  309. 
Urim  and  Thummim,  lOOf,  106,  191, 

201,  228,  233,  243,  279f,  283,  326, 

429,  930. 
Ur-Marcus,  672,  674f. 
Uru,  63,  146. 
Uru-salim,  149,  270. 
User,  Mount  of,  248f. 
Ushpia,  53. 
Usurpers,  58,  68-70,  74f,  301f,  307- 

310,  540,  542,  548. 
Usury,  see  Interest. 
Utnapistim,  142. 
Utopia,  435. 
Uz,  347,  361. 
Uzal,  513. 

Uzzah,  181,  217,  245,  276,  288. 
Uzziah,  21,  58,  71,  74,  76,  309,  315, 

321,  436,  448,   536,   538,   547,   583, 

701,  703. 

Vaheb  in  Suphah,  224. 

Valentinians,  789. 

Valerius  Gratiis,  658. 

Valley,  27-30,  210,  224,  226,  259, 
267,  279,  303,  455,  493,  506,  517, 
613,  615,  629 ;  gate,  330f ;  of  Aven, 
548;  of  Baca,  388;  of  balsam 
shrubs,  388;  of  craftsmen.  111;  of 
decision,  546;  of  dry  lx)nes,  501f, 
516f ;  of  humiliation,  357 ;  of  Jeho- 
shaphat,  546;  of  Kidron,  583;  of 
salt,  71,  288,  309,  321;  of  the 
mountains,  583 ;  of  vision,  451. 

Vampire,  687. 

Vanity,  362,  378,  412-414,  416,  477, 
866. 

Vai>our,  390,  906. 

Variants  in  text,  125. 

Vashti,  330f. 

Vat,  111,  439,  546. 

Vault  of  heaven,  101,  554. 

Ve-adar,  105.  652. 

Vedas,  the,  3. 

Vegetable  offering,  98,  198,  450. 

Vegetarian,  vegetarianism,  138,  144, 
^,  635,  650,  828. 

Vegetation,  135,  139,  439,  545,  581, 
©8,  904;  creation  of,  137;  death 
of,  448,  450,  628,  631 ;  doity  (spirit), 
207,  507,  631. 


INDEX 

Veil,  155,  158,  401,  421,  453,  509, 
650,  842,  845,  851,  896;  as  talisman, 
842;  of  the  Tabernacle,  190-192, 
201,  205,  215,  893,  895f;  of  the 
Temple,  319,  699, 741 ;  the,  between 
the  two  worlds,  893. 

Veiling  of  women,  832,  841f,  845. 

Vellum,  601,  887. 

Vengeance,  23,  141,  157,  161,  217, 
219,  263,  268-270,  283,  349,  383, 
385,  394,  396,  459,  470,  481,  484,  495, 
497,  513,  532,  536,  546,  558,  562- 
5i>l,  567,  570,  578,  580,  737,  800, 
932,  934,  937. 

Venison,  156f. 

Ventriloquism,  285,  795. 

Venture  of  faith,  357. 

Venus,  337 ;  (planet),  225,  480,  701. 

Verbal  inspiration,  3f. 

Veronica,  709. 

Versions,  40-43,  125,  572,  598f. 

Vespasian,  610,  612,  656,  690,  720, 
774,  863,  928,  936,  939. 

Vessel,  i.e.  wife,  878. 

Vessels,  111,  113,  131,  200,  205,  467, 
539,  570 ;  golden,  104 ;  of  dishonour, 
825,  886;  of  election,  787;  of 
honour,  825,  886;  of  wrath,  787, 
825. 

Vesta-fire,  200. 

Vested  interests,  769,  771. 

Vestments,  101,  191f,  194,  206,  308, 
326,  372,  391,  394. 

Vesuvius,  180. 

Via  Egnatia,  795,  876. 

Vicarious  punishment,  47;  reward, 
47;  sacrifice,  92,  694,  863;  suffer- 
ing, 406,  460,  467f,  810. 

Vice,  796,  819,  915,  939. 

Victory,  186,  212,  256,  260-264,  266f, 
277-280,  282,  286f,  375,  392,  395f, 
436,  462  464,  466,  470f,  494,  549, 
710,  872,  904. 

VUlage,  29,  32,  65f,  72,  258,  334,  560, 
646,  872 ;  community,  188,  494,  576. 

Vine,  29,  HI,  145,  166,  216f,  265, 
387,  420,  439,  442,  448,  454,  458, 
479,  493,  509-511,  537,  544,  564, 
&41,  758f ;  culture  of,  85,  111,  134, 
145,  489,  560;  discovery  of,  141, 
145;  products  of,  216,  509;  taboo 
on,  85,  216,  477 ;  i.e.  Israel,  243,  387, 
454,  477,  509-511;  i.e.  the  Church, 

m. 

Vine-dresser,  324,  759. 

Vinegar,  23,  272,  372,  408,  699. 

Vine-rows,  479. 

Vineyard,  27,  30,   102,  202,  219,  270, 

329,  348,  359,  419,  423,  439f,  442, 

448,  454,  47  If,  479,  544-546,  550f, 

555,  562,  717f. 
Vintage,  102,  157,  210.  264f,  274,  300, 

326,    439f,    448,    457,    47  If,    937f; 

festival,  457,  537;  shout,  448,  486, 

493 ;  songs,  18,  373,  472. 
Viol,  446. 

Violence,  165,  395,  507,  541. 
Violet,  189,  191. 
Viper,  469,  702,  804. 
Virgil,  431,  936. 
Virgin,  2.31,    267,  419.  422,  442,  465, 

496-498,  t)32,  a55,  937f ;  birth,  433, 

670,  701,  747,  860. 
Virgin  Mary,  418,  480,  936,  sec  Mary. 

mother  of  .Tesus. 
Virgin's  fountain,  109,  442,  754. 
Virginity,  240,  419,  632. 


1011 

Virgins,  650,  839f,  937,  see  Celibacy. 

Virtue,  633f ;  self-regarding,  665. 

Virtuous  woman,  the,  397,  403,  409f. 

Visible,' the,  868. 

Vision,  7,  47,  77,  82,  133,  150,  156, 
16-1,  171,  186,  219,  246f,  263,  337, 
349f,  361,  363,  409,  429f,  436,  440, 
451,  456,  476-478,  485,  490,  501, 
503-506,  508f,  525,  527,  529-531, 
533,  546f,  551-553,  561,  567,  606, 
660,  662,  670,  682,  690f,  701f,  728. 
768,  770f,  785,  787-790,  844,  872, 
929,  931,  933,  938-942. 

Vision  hyijothesis,  670. 

Vision  of  Isaiah  the  Prophet,  315. 

Vitellius  (Emperor),  609,  612,  653f, 
656,  936. 

Vocabulary,  592f. 

Voice  from  heaven,  914 

Volcanic  country,  458. 

Volcano,  volcanic  phenomena,  13,  27, 
32f,  64,  84,  152,  180,  389,  560,  929, 
934. 

Volksbuch,  346,  349,  365. 

Vow  of  continence,  839f. 

Vowel  points,  35,  40,  12,  196. 

Vows,  98,  105,  200, '207,  209,  212,  217, 
228,  233,  237,  266,  274,  401,  406, 414, 
416,  450,  482,  492,  542,  557,  564, 
586,  689,  705,  714,  771,  797. 

Voyages,  615f,  803f,  829. 

Vulgate,  39,  41,  355,  591,  601,  902. 

Vulture,  203,  390,  478,  493f,  528,  560, 
737. 

Wady,  236,  406,  506;  el-Arish,  150, 
454 ;  es-Suwenit,  4-14 ;  Kerak,  493 ; 
of  acacias,  546;  of  the  Arabah, 
552 ;  Tumilat,  169. 

Wages,  158f,  352,  402,  689,  728,  823. 

Wagons,  111,  164,  217,  380. 

Wailing,551,553, 632,  see  Lamentation. 

Waist-cloth,  101,  482. 

Wall,  70,  73,  174,  204,  250f,  329,  377, 
384,  416,  439,  456,  469,  477,  495, 
508f,  517-519,  524,  545,  550,  553,  565, 
576,  942 ;  of  Manasseh,  570. 

Wall-painting,  100. 

Wallet,  688. 

Walls  of  .Jerusalem,  31,  73,  78f,  92, 
323f,  327-332,  334f,  382,  437,  451, 
460,  470,  544,  563,  584,  608,  610. 

Walton,  597. 

Wanderer,  391. 

Wandering  stars,  924. 

War,  10,  18,  20,  4-i,  50,  53f,  66,  69, 
84-86,  95,  99,  103,  111,  114,  166, 
169,  218,  228,  238-240,  250,  256, 
260,  266,  288,  293,  346,  380,  413, 
415,  438f,  443,  445,  451,  479,  484, 
489,  495,  502,  506,  512,  516,  524, 
538,  541,  546,  548-551,  562,  580, 
607-610.  629f,  660,  696,  739.  906. 
932;  in  heaven,  the,  384,  936;  of 
the  members,  369 ;  songs,  18. 

Ward,  839. 

Warp,  268. 

Warrior,  99,  127,  228,  271,  281,  391, 
393,  409,  445f,  455.  458.  479,  494, 
515,  515f,  549,  568.  570,  828. 

Wars  of  the  Lord,  Book  of  the,  18, 
213,  224. 

Wasf,  419,  421f. 

Washing,  washings,  82,  200f,  204-206, 
228,  277.  281.  298.  347.  624,  689, 
706,  732,  867,  888.  895.  915,  929; 
of  feet,  383,  758;  of  garments,  161, 


1012 

166,  183,  203-205,  316,  940,  942;  of 
hands,  689f,  7M,  722,  731. 

Watcli-dogs,  468. 

Watcher,  467,  527 ;  of  men,  352,  354. 

Wiitches  of  the  night,  117. 

Watchfulue.S8,  696,  733,  739,  807,  848, 
867,  911. 

Watchman,  23,  137,  289,  421,  437, 
451,  479,  487,  505,  515,  570,  586; 
(i.e.  prophet),  451,  479,  505,  563, 
567. 

Watch-tower,  437,  439,  451,  561,  567. 

Water,  6,  23,  29,  31,  50,  53,  70,  lOt, 
135,  137,  143f.  147,  154-156,  170, 
203-205,  216,  222-224,  235,  258,  277, 
284,  289,  305,  351,  356,  360,  368, 
408f,  417,  441,  445,  457f,  462f,  466, 
468,  471,  477,  479,  482f,  491,  505, 
516,  520,  536,  540,  550,  552-554, 
565,  584,  587,  631,  749,  753,  812, 
864,  867,  869,  914f,  920,  929,  934, 
936;  and  blood,  763,  920;  from 
the  rock,  182,  223,  753,  841;  holy, 
216;  of  bitterness,  216;  of  jealousy, 
216,  400;  of  separation,  223,  228; 
turned  to  blood,  174f;  turned  to 
wine,  748. 

Water-course,  406,  506,  546. 

Water-flood,  363. 

Water-gate,  104,  129,  329. 

Water-offerings,  99. 

Water-snakes,  707. 

Water-wheel,  236,  417- 

Watering,  155,  158. 

Waters,  135,  166,  175,929,935;  above 
the  firmament,  see  Heavenly  ocean  ; 
of  Merom,  32,  65,  249,  253;  of 
Shiloah,  754;  under  the  earth,  137, 
185,  234,  353,  377,  380,  394,  401. 

Waterskins,  154,  361. 

Wave  brea-st,  192,  201 ;  offering,  103, 
222;  sheaf,  210. 

Waving,  103,  192,  201f,  204. 

Waw  consecutive,  35. 

Wax,  361,  513. 

Way,  the,  786,  798,  SOOf. 

of  the  sea,  29,  443. 

Weak,  the,  650,  828f,  840f,  855. 

Weaker  brethren,  717. 

Weakness,  834. 

Wealth,  50,  54-56,  61,  67,  72f,  77,  88, 
2f)9.  318,  361,  393,  402f,  412-414, 
438,  562,  725,  832,  8^5,  897,  931, 
938,  940,  see  Money,  Rich. 

Weaning,  154,  170.  275,  394. 

Woapons,  57,  65,  76,  78,  141,  230,  264, 
282,  364,  421,  438,  442,  468,  507,  517, 
546,  549,  567. 

Weary  and  heavy  laden,  the,  711. 

Weather,  27-31,  714,  733,  804. 

Weaver,  weaving,  98,  352,  450,  459. 

\Veb,  268,  ^53,  456,  459,  469. 

W^edding,  82,  108,  158,  268,  342,  418- 
421,  659,  711,  721,  748,  scr  Marriage; 
dance,  422;  garment,  718f;  guest, 
419,  700,  718,  735;  procession,  108, 
421,  721. 

Weeds,  27,  893,  899. 

Week,  117,  158,  420,  699,  798,  848. 

Weeks  of  years,  530f. 

W.eping,  151,  158,  164,  170,  333,  356, 
-458,  491,  496,  708,  741,  786,  see 
Tears. 

Weights,  36,  115f,  405,  527;  and 
measures,  11.5f,  208,  211,  520. 

Wells,  21,  32,  100,  125,  127,  130,  151, 
154-156,  158,  222,  224,  256,  258,  290, 


INDEX 

294,   330,  350,  400,  417,  -428,   445, 
748,  750. 
We-passages,  605,  724,  776f,  794,  798, 

Wergild,  186. 

Wesley,  Charles,  160,  414;  John,  592. 

West  winds,  616. 

Westcott,  597. 

Western  Church,  901. 

\%estern  text,  599. 

Whale,  390. 

Wheat,  28.  33,  50,  111,  176,  287, 
297,  302,  317,  423,  520, 553,  662,  713, 
804,  847,  932;  liarvest,  102,  105, 
158,  188,  278,  293. 

Wheel  of  life,  413,  905. 

Wheels,  111,  180,  236,  262,  298,  417, 
456,  484,  513,  529,  545,  565,  905 ; 
(in  the  chariot  vision),  432,  501f, 
86-4,  see  Ophanim. 

Whelp,  166,  243,  511,  542,  565. 

Whip,  67,  565,  see  Scourge,  scourging. 

Whirlwind,  348,  440,  450,  539,  549, 
564,  580. 

Whistling  (hiss),  440,  442,  580. 

White  garments,  930-933 ;  Nile,  449 ; 
stone,  930. 

Whitewash,  509. 

Whitewashed  tombs,  720. 

Wick,  462,  712. 

Wicked,  the,  23,  45,  47,  93,  152, 
275.  346,  350,  352-359,  362f, 
373-375.  378.  381-383,  397f,  402- 
404,  406,  -408,  411,  415,  428,  -432- 
434,  438,  445,  454,  467,  469,  479, 
487,  51  If,  566f,  583,  587,  629,  729, 
737,  835,  864,  899,  914,  930,  938, 
94  If. 

Wickedness,  24,  142f,  356,  413,  415, 
444,  541,  564,  577,  837. 

Widow,  102,  105,  109,  128,  187, 
207,  209,  236,  238.  241,  271f, 
284,     296f.     305,     387,     407,     428, 

438,  -494,  560,  621,  650,  696,  727f, 
737,  783,  788,  839f,  884 ;  of  Nain, 
730;  of  Nain's  son,  710;  of  Zare- 
phath,  302,  728;  son  of,  302;  the 
poor,  117,  696,  738,  854. 

Widower,  839. 

Widowhood,  468. 

Widows'  houses,  696. 

Widows,  Order  of,  884. 

Wife.  82,  108f,  128,  150,  235f,  240,  417, 
■468,  519,  586f,  716,  733,  836,  838, 
840,  867,  878,  910;  the  first,  239,  -MJS. 

Wild  ass,  151,  354,  36-4,  369,  483,  493, 
539;  beasts,  32,  111,  159,  162,  187, 
212,  310.  327,  351,  3.55f,  363,  384, 

439,  442,  445f,  449,  458f,  461,  -172, 
482,  509.  516,  527,  581,  629,  682, 
699,  847 ;  cats,  459 ;  creatures,  463 ; 
endive,  ia3 ;  goat,  3W,  369 ;  grapes, 
439 ;  ox,  226,  2-43,  364. 

Wilderness,  87,  124,  127,  171,  176, 
180,  183,  206,  210,  214,  233,  236, 
2.50f,  276,  283f.  290,  320,  331,  382, 
386f,  4.39,  151,  1.58f,  461,  463,  478, 
-481,  487,  506,  511,  514,  536f,  540- 
542,  545,  549,  662,  682,  703,  735,  753, 
784f,  841,  939,  .irr  Desert ;  of  Judsea, 
31,  702f ;  of  the  sea,  450;  wander- 
ing, 6,  64,  ia5,  112,  165,  213,  218, 
220,  229,  231,  247,  259,  326,  382, 
38-t.  386,  390,  -126.  477,  480,  542, 
551,  750,  791,  824,  891f. 

Will  (i.e.   testament),  707,  859,  895, 


Will,  the,  369,  399,  416,  639f,  689, 
810,  901,  910. 

Willow.  103.  -148,  463. 

Wind,  27, 29,  64,  llo,  114, 219, 272,  303, 
360,  363f,  39(J,  412,  415,  449,  456, 
462,  466,  469,  471,  517,  539,  541, 
545,  566,  615f,  687,  689,  708,  749, 
778,  803f,  866,  890,  933 ;  instrument, 
373,  526. 

Window,  109,  250,  262,  282,  417,  420, 
470,  542,  545,  570,  659. 

Windows  of  heaven,  137,  1'42-144, 
363,  453. 

Wine,  105,  111,  134,  141,  145,  149, 
166,  190,  210,  216,  220,  222,  235, 
256,  265,  267,  307,  335,  337,  359, 
369f,  383,  386f,  407,  418-420,  438, 
440,  453,  455,  489,  519,  524,  537, 
543-545,  549,  55 If,  554,  562,  580, 
638,  650,  684,  697,  729,  739,  748, 
799,  812,  828,  8-43,  866,  883f;  jar, 
482 ;  on  the  lees.  111,  453,  493. 

Wine-bibbers,  544. 

Winepress,  102,  111,  128,  187,  335, 
373,  439,  486,  584,  938,  940. 

Wine-seller,  420. 

Wine-skin,  393,  638,  684,  see  Bottles. 

Wine-trough,  111,  471. 

Wing,  136,  364,  440,  442,  462,  493, 
5(>4f,  507,  528f,  540,  545,  587,  931, 
936;  of  abominations,  531. 

Winged  bulls,  376;  creatures,  137, 
14-4. 

Wings  of  the  morning,  395. 

Winnowing,  398,  406,  478,  483,  495, 
638. 

Winter,  27,  29,  69,  117,  135.  210,  262, 
417,  420,  453,  480,  490,  543,  797, 
817,  887  ;  house,  490. 

Wisdom,  93,  133,  140,  296,  343,  350, 
359-361,  397-402,  404,  406-408,  412f, 
415,  417,  456,  514,  631,  644,  833- 
835,  843,  863,  869f,  904. 

Book  of,  343-345,  411,  595,  901. 

Hebrew,  93,  343-345,  397 ;  and 

Nature,  343;  attitude  to  traditional 
beliefs.  344 ;  characteristics  of,  343- 
345 ;  cosmopolitan  character  of, 
344.  397 ;  ethical  spirit  of,  93,  344  ; 
leading  ideas  of,  343-345,  397; 
meaning  of,  3-13 ;  speculative,  397 ; 
subjects  handled  by,  93,  343-345, 
397;  synonyms  for,  344;  typts  of, 
297. 

literature,  20,  24f,  48,  ^41-345. 

397,  404,  411,  522,  746,  808,  812, 
903,  93^4. 

of   God,  the   (Lk.    xi.   49),  733, 

see  God ;  of  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach, 
see  Ecclesiasticus ;  of  Solomon, 
see  Wisdom,  Book  of;  of  the 
Ancients,  352-354;  ixjem  on,  in 
Job,  342,  347,  a59f. 

the  Divine,  3-41,  3-13,  356,  711, 

716,  808,  812;  agent  in  creation, 
•101,812;  personification  of,  344f,  812. 

Wise,  the,  19f,  121.  343f,  356,  362, 
397,  399,  -4l>5-407,  412,  415f;  the 
Humanists  of  Israel,  19f. 

man,  93,  109.  411,  413;  men,  85, 

1 10,  524-526,  733 ;  woman,  86,  291, 
416. 

Witch,  5,  85,  187,  285,  291 ;  of  Endor, 
()6,  106,  285. 

Witchcraft,  5,  85,  187,  209,  280. 

Withered  hand,  247,  663,  685,  734. 

Witness,  i.e.  testimony,  722,  745-747, 


74&-751,  753,  780,  90t3,  919,  932 ;  of  ' 
the  Spirit,  703,  824,  920. 
Witnesses,   112f,    117,   159,  187,  230, 
237,  272,  357,  -142,  445,  463f,   716, 

760,  893,  897f,  f>06,  911,  917,  920, 
929,  931 ;  the  tv,o,  935. 

Wizard,  5,  2uS,  886,  sec  Magician, 
Sorcerer.  I 

Woes,  713f,  729,  932-935;  of  the! 
Messiah,  650,  696,  840. 

Wolf,  158,  479,  566,  570. 

Woman,  creation  of,  133,  138,  140, 
693,  883;  child  and  dragon,  935f; 
clothed  with  the  sun,  936 ;  of 
Samaria,  the,  30,  749f;  taken  in 
adultery,  666,  765;  that  was  a 
sinner,  699,  730;  with  the  issue  of 
blood,  687,  689,  709,  731. 

Womanhood,  910. 

Women,  105,  151,  262,  265,  271,  275, 
287.  344,  403,  408-410,  415,  419- 
423,  439,  457,  492f,  500,  532,  -550, 
565,  617,  621,  643,  650,  699,  701, 
714,  722,  730,  734,  741,  750,  778, 
792,  795f,  830,  838-842,  845,  867, 
876,  883,  886,  888 ;  and  Mithraism, 
633 ;  and  the  angels,  142,  650,  842 ; 
behaviour  of,  439,  -550,  617,  883, 
888,  910 ;  emancipation  of,  650 ;  in- 
ferior position  of,  650,  845,  867, 
883,  910 ;  of  priestly  families,  200 ; 
seclusion  of,  275,  393;  veiling  of, 
650,  832,  841f  ;  vows  made  by,  105, 
of  Jerusalem,  the,  741;  the,  763, 
778. 

Wonders,  246, 443,  see  Miracles,  Signs. 

Wood,  72,  185,  190f,  317,  375,  409, 
457,  461,  463,  470,  487,  517,  567, 
707,  905  ;  for  burning  sacrifice,  104, 
1.54,  334. 

Woodcutter,  416. 

Woodland,  458. 

Wool,  101,  112,  204,  208,  437,  529, 
536,  547,  931 ;  and  cotton,  208. 

Word,  395;  power  of  the  spoken, 
225,  242,  479 ;  the,  see  Logos ;  of 
God,  91,  136,  138,  344f,  392,  414, 
443,  461,  464,  476,  516f,  .553,  570, 
583,  703,  706,  752,  867-869,  880, 
887,  892,  897f,  909,  915,  926f,  932, 
940;  of  Life,  917;  of  Yahweh,  the, 
401. 

Words  of  the  Lord  {i.e.  of  -Tesusl, 
594 ;  of  Yahweh,  the  (title  of  code), 
184,  187. 

Wordsworth,  24,  369. 

Work,  136,  138,  880. 

Works,  (MO,  821,  826,  859,  888,  929f ; 
of  the  riesh,  861. 

Worid,  the,  413,  461,  d49,  746,  759- 

761,  8a5-837,  &10.  843,  865,  &67f, 
890,  898-900, 914f,  918-920;  to  come, 
the,  375,  624,  844,  see  Age  to  come ; 
rulers,  see  Rulers  of  the  world. 

Worid-egg,  135f. 

Worms,  352,  446,  462,  473,  558. 

Wormwood,  242,  399,  481,  499,  552, 
9S4 

Worship,  63,  66f,  70,  73-76,  82,  Mf, 
87,  89,  93,  98,  100,  106,  108,  122, 
126,  128f,  131,  141,  lW-187,  189, 
197,  231f,  237,  275,  2K»,  312,  314, 
316,  319,  327,  329,  414,  477,  480, 
502f,  511,  518-520,  526,  S.'K),  .580, 
58-1,  594f,  630,  639,  642f,  6«>lf,  750, 
764,  827,  868,  882,  893,  895,  904, 
931,  933,  938. 


INDEX 

Worshi  Pliers,  83,  105,  896.  I 

Wounds,  163,  437,  4-13,  469,  480f,  4S4, 

492,  498,  583. 
Wrath,  458,  661,  sec  Anger  ;  to  come, 

&77f. 
Wreaths,  792,  904,  sec  Garland. 
Wrestle,  wrestling,  158,  160,  867,  897. 
Wrist,  689. 
Writing,   14,  44f,  170,  264,  481,  489f, 

505,    547,    593 ;    antiquity    of,    44 ; 

materials,  490. 
Writings,  the,  see  Hagiographa. 
"  Written  in  heaven,"  732. 
Written  tradition,  579. 

Xenophon,  527,  529,  592. 

Xerxes  I.  (Ahasuerus),  22,  39,  61,  323, 

327,  336-339,  449,  523,  529,  531. 
Xestes,  115. 
Ximenes,  597. 

Yachin  and  Boaz,  see  Jachin  and  Boaz. 

Yadaim,  38. 

Yah,  181. 

Yahu,  79. 

Yahweh,  63,  66,  83f,  87f,  92f,  95f, 
122.  124-126,  138,  140,  217,  266,  351, 
355,  366f,  397,  535,  etc.,  see  God ;  a 
God  of  grace,  11,  sec  God,  grace  of ;  a 
jealous  God,  87f,  139,  145,  185,  187, 
227,  564,  570,  619,  627,  841 ;  Adonai. 
substituted  for,  172,  217,  497f ;  and 
elemental  phencjmena,  13,  84,  87, 
145,  171,  176,  180,  183,  190,  221, 
262f,  277,  302f,  305,  352f,  359f,  362- 
364,  370,  375,  380,  384,  389f,  411. 
44.5f,  449,  453f,  4o7f,  466,  474,  478, 
481,  545f,  548,  553f,  564,  567f,  570 ; 
and  Israel,  2,  9,  11,  19,  38,  44,  93, 
108,  126,  224f,  256,  418,  483,  535, 
544, 58.5,  619-621,  819,  etc,  see  Israel ; 
and  other  gods,  11,  21,  74,  &7f,  95, 
128,  130,  l&4f,  234,  310f,  376,  391, 
394,  449,  462-465,  469,  481,  502, 
506f,  510f,  563,  565,  583,  617;  and 
the  Baal  of  Tyre,  see  Baal  of  Tyre  ; 
and  the  Baalim,  sec  Baal;  and  the 
heathen,  sic  God  and  the  Gentiles  ; 
and  the  Kenites,  11,  64,  489;  as 
shepherd,  377,  460f,  488,  516;  bride 
(wife)  of,  91,  108,  468,  471,  477,  535- 
537 ;  bridegroom  (husband)  of  Israel, 
(Zion),  108,  178,  468,  471,  477f,  488, 
536f ;  chariot  of,  176,  219.  305f,  473, 
504f ,  507f ,  529,  568 ;  fear  of,  see  Fear 
of  God  ;  fount  of  holiness,  196,  202, 
574;  glory  of,  see  God,  glory  of; 
holiness  of,  see  God,  holiness  of; 
in  Elohistic  P.«alms,  379 ;  liiuitatiim 
of  His  knowledge,  130,  152 ;  mean- 
ing of  the  name,  84,  172,  314f; 
name  of,  125,  128f,  184,  186,  210, 
454,  457,  502,  509f:  name  used  as 
criterion  of  Pentateuchal  analysis, 
122,  124-126;  physician,  181,  541; 
reason  for  use  of  this  name,  95; 
revelation  of  name,  121f,  172,  174, 
219;  Rock  (stone)  of  Israel,  166, 
275,  412,  454,  463;  secret  of,  377; 
sole  worship  of,  64,  67,  85,  87f.  128- 
130,  ia3-l85,  231;  spirit  of,  see 
Spirit  of  Yahweh;  spoken  of  as 
Baal,  see  Baal ;  the  onlv  God,  67, 
128,  1.30,  231f,  23.5,  2.50,' 464,  619; 
vocalisation  of  name,  122,  172; 
wldemess  deity,  85f,  9(),  256,  262, 

I      303,  477,  489. 


1013 

Yahweh  Elohim,  95,  125,  138. 
Yahweh  of  Hosts,  Yaliweh  Sebaoth, 

274,  463,  567. 
Yahweh-Shalom,  263. 
Yarmuk,  32f. 
Ya-u,  172. 
Year,   102,   117f,   137,   141f,   177,   188, 

2a5,   210,  456,  529,  572,   629,  652; 

civil,  104,  652 ;  ecclesiastical,  104f ; 

Ivmi-solar,  117,  652;  of  Jubile,  see 

Jubile;   of  Release,  lOlf,  112,  211, 

237f,  242,  334,  520. 
Yeb,  79. 
Yehavmilk,  392. 
Yellow,  934 ;  jasper,  191. 
Yeruel,  154,  see  .Jeruel. 
Yetzer-ha-Ra,  623,s<v  Evil  inclination. 
Yoke,  72,  223,  235,  263,  347,  444, 486f, 

497,   514,   541,  560,  561,  571,    660, 

71  If;   of  the  commandments,  712; 

of  the  kingdom,  712;  of  the  Law, 

712,  773;  (land  measure),  4-10. 
Yoke-fellow,  874. 
Yom  Teru'ah,  326. 
Young  man  with  the  linen  cloth,  693, 

740. 
Young  men,  188,  272,  782,  888. 
Younger  sons,  109. 
Youthfuluess,  884. 
Youths,  100,  417. 
Ysiraal,  56. 

Zacchasus,  615,  669,  725,  736,  738. 
Zachariah,    son    of    Barachiah,    720; 

son  of  Baruch,  720 ;  son  of  Jehoiada, 

720,  sec  Zechariah. 
Zacharias,  father  of  John  the  Baptist, 

652,  725f. 
Zadok  (priest),  67,  209,  275,  289-291, 

294-296,  519;  sons  of,  129,  202,  209, 

215,  227,  482,  518f,  572,  575. 
Zadokite  priests,  see  Zadok,  sons  of. 
I  Zagros,  58f. 
Zair,  307. 
Zakkur,  35. 
Zalmon,  265. 
Zam2ummim,  149,  233. 
Zaphenath-paneah,  163. 
Zarephath,  28,  302,  305,  555. 
Zarethan,  297. 

Zeal,  19,  4-13,  506,  800;  825,  844,  931. 
Zealots,  609f,  620,  657,  660,  662,  667, 

685,  695,  711,  783. 
Zebadiah,  76. 
Zebedee,  701,  763-765;  sons  of,  685, 

691,    694,   699,    704,   717,   763-765, 

790. 
Zoboim,  279,  541. 
Zebul,  265. 
Z^bulun,  son  of  Jacob,  158,  166 ;  tribe 

of,  65,  112,  214,  218,  249,  257,  259, 

261f,  .521. 
Zechariah,  king  of  Israel,  68,  70,  309, 

536,  539 ;  seer,  76 ;  son  of  .Jehoiada, 

76,  308,  720. 
the  prophet,  47,  77f,  96,  112,  327f, 

367,    572,  574-579,    581,   720,    757; 

allegories  of,  47,  575-578;   and  his 

countrjmien,  575f ;  and  .Joshua,  575- 

578;    and    the    rebuilding    of    the 

Temple,  575-577 ;  and  Zerubbabel, 

575-578;    jwlitical  policy  of,  575f; 

teaching  of,  47,  575f. 
Book   of,   323f,   575-5S4,    661; 

apocalyptic  features  in,  47;  com- 
I  ixwite  character  uf,  47,  424,  575, 
I      579-583. 


1014 

Zechariah,  i-vin,  77,  575-579;  date 
of,  575 ;  text  of,  51(x-576. 

Zechariah,  ix-xiv,  48,  57&-5&4  ;  ajxK,'- 
alyptic  features  in,  48;  composite 
character  of,  579,  582;  date  of, 
425,  579 ;  historical  background  of, 
579. 

Zedekiah,  king  of  Judah,  G8,  72f,  211, 
297,  313,  322,  474-476,  485-490,  495- 
497, 501 ,  506, 508,  5 10-5 12 ;  opponent 
of  Micaiah,  576. 

Zeeb,  171. 

Zeluphehad,  228,  254. 

Zelzah,  278. 

Zenas,  888. 

Zenith,  459. 

Zenjirli,  35. 

Zeno.  411,  633f,  835. 

Zephuniali,  father  of  Josiah,  578; 
(priest),  73,  487. 

(prophet),  19,  46,  72,  569 ;  debt  to 

Amos  and  Isaiah,  569;  genealogj- 
of,  569 ;  prophet  of  doom,  569f. 

Book  of,  88, 569-571 ;  apocalyi^tic 

elements  in,  46,  432;  composite 
character  of,  569f;  date  of,  569; 
occasion,  569. 


INDEX 

Zepheth,  258. 

Zerah,  son  of  Judah,  162 ;  the  Cuehite, 

319;  the  Ethiopian,  76,  301. 
Zered,  224,  233. 
Zerka,  the,  32f,  160. 
Zerubbabel,  77f,  191,  315,  317, 323-325, 

327.  329,   333f,  572-579,    701,    748, 

935. 
Zeruiah,  284f,  291. 
Zeus.    131,   337f,   415.    007.    627-630. 

768.  792.  796;  and  Yahweh,  607, 627. 
Ziba,  290f. 
Zibeon,  34. 
Zidon,  28,  53,  59,  61,  69f,  73,  145.  253, 

259,   297,   299,  302,   311,  327,  452, 

492f,  513-515,  532, 555, 579, 688,  690, 

711,  790. 
Zidonians,  260,  269,  297,  209. 
Zikkurat,  146. 
Ziklag,  66,  273,  285,  315. 
Zikron  Teru'ah,  326. 
Zilpah,  03,  158,  214,  241,  249;    tribe, 

249. 
Zimri,  contemixirarj-  of  Moses,  227. 

king  of  Israel,  68,  302,  307. 

Zin,  223 ;  wilderness  of,  219. 
Zinc,  189. 


Zion.  30,  67,  73,  77,  91,  130,  181,  287. 

297f.  317.  367,  371,  374,  380f,  384. 

386,  388.  390,  392,  394,  396,  437-139. 

447,  453,   455f,  458f,  461f,  466-468, 

470-473,  480,  487f,  496-469,  506,511. 

516,  533,  515f,  548, 552, 555,  560-562, 

575f,  580,  583,  899,  937  ;    gates  of, 

375. 
Ziph,  w-ildemess  of,  283f. 
Ziphites,  284. 
Zippor,  171. 

Zipporah,  64,  171,  219,  251. 
Ziv,  105,  117. 
Ziz,  the  ascent  of,  320. 
Zoan,  57,  147,  219,  386,  450,  450,  514. 
Zoar,  134,  147,  1.52f,  448,  493. 
Zobah,  280,  288,  299. 
Zodiac,  signs  nf,  133,  685. 
Zoheleth,  294. 
Zophar,  354f,  357-360. 
Zophim,  226. 
Zorah,  31,  267-269. 
2Soriyah,  702. 
Zoroaster,  3,  702. 
Zoroastrianism,  11,  435,  507,  867. 
Zuph,  277. 
Zuzini,  149,  233. 


PRINTEO    IN    GREAT    IJRITAIN    HY    THO.MAS    .NELSON     AND    SONS,    LTD. 


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