v -v TIT c
A
A COMMENTARY
ON THE
BOOK OF DANIEL
BY
JEPHET IBN ALI THE KARAITE
EDITED AND TRANSLATED
BY
D. S. MARGOLIOUTH, M. A.
LAUDIAN PROFESSOR OF ARABIC IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
xfottr
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1889
[ All rights reserved^
HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, E.G.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE v -x
LIST OF MSS. OF THE COMMENTARY ON DANIEL xi-xiii
ENGLISH TRANSLATION 1-87
GLOSSARY 89-96
ARABIC TEXT i-ior
APPENDIX 166
ERRATA
a3 [II. 3.]
PREFACE,
THE life of Abu 'All Jephet * has been narrated by the authorities
cited by M. BARGES in the Preface to his edition of the Commentary on
the Canticles 2 , at greatest length by J. FtJRST in his Geschichte des
Karaerthums 3 , whose account is to be supplemented from the notice of
Jephet in A. NEUBAUER's Aus der Petersburger Bibliothek*, The
Commentary on Daniel was one of the latest of his writings 5 ; and that
it cannot have been written before 990 A. D. has been shewn by PlNSKER 6
from the statement in the Appendix 7 that ' the date 3300 after the
Exodus is passed years ago ; ' now 2448 A. M. (the date of the Exodus)
+ 2300 gives 4748 A. M. = 988 A. D., to which at least two years must
be added to justify the expression in the text. On the other hand, the
Commentator speaks of the Mohammadan religion as c about 400 years
old 8 ,' a statement which gives us perhaps as terminus ad quem the
year 1010 A. D.
1 His names and titles are given in full on the Arabic-Hebrew title-page.
2 Paris, 1884, pp. i, ii. 3 Vol. ii. 124-130. * Pp. 15-18.
5 The phrase on p. i TA . 2 does not necessarily imply, as FURST thinks, that he
had already commented on all the books of the *] // jn .
6 p"i>, ttnBW, p. 88.
7 P. IOP. 3. FURST'S suggestion that we should read ^ju, u bjJl JJL* is not
likely to find acceptance.
8 P. irv. 4. The prophecy that the end is to come in the year 400 A. H. is not
Jephet's, but a false inference of the scribe from this passage. R. Saadia Gaon's
date was 350 A. H. (Bodleian MS. Opp. Add. fol. 64, p. 75 b ).
vi PREFACE.
The other historical allusions do not contradict this result. Jephet
knows of the taking of Antioch, Tarsus, and 'Ainzarbah by the Greeks l ;
these events happened in 359, 354, and 351 respectively. The pillaging
of the Ka'bah by the Carmathians under Abu Tahir in 317 (929) is made
much of 2 , although the Black Stone was restored in 338, and the Temple
itself repaired, of which Jephet, who has some strange opinions about the
nature of the Ka'bah, does not seem to have heard ; however, their pro-
hibition of the Pilgrimage, in which he finds the fulfilment of the ' taking
away of the continual,' lasted as late as 403 (ioi2) 3 ; and although their
power was on the decline after Abu Tahir's death, they continued long
to make themselves felt in Syria and Egypt. In 360 they take Da-
mascus, Ramleh, and Jaffa 4 ; in 375 (985) they capture Cufa 5 ; the
prophecy therefore that 'they will certainly take Baghdad 6 ' was quite
likely to be realised, and indeed had already been partly realised in 330 7 .
We cannot therefore wonder at the important place assigned them by
Jephet in the history of the Arabian empire. Further, the reference to
'the non-Abbasid lord of Islam, established at Baghdad 8 ,' points to a date
after 334 (945), when the title of Sultan was conferred on the Buyid
conqueror 9 .
1 P. irr. 16.
2 P. irv. Just as the Carmathians are called here by Jephet D^p, so in
2 Kings -|{2>pnn is rendered by k^SJ. For the derivation of *[-* see DE GOEJE,
Memoire sur Us Carmathes, p. iii of Appendix.
3 DE GOEJE, 1. c. p. 85; Chron. Mecc. ed. WUSTENFELD, ii. 249.
4 Ibnu '1 Athir viii. 485.
5 Ibnu '1 Athir ix. 29. In this year, however, *^Mi^olJ Jh.
6 P. \r*. 21.
7 Abu '1 Mahasin ii. 297; DE GOEJE, p. 50. In 375 they have a ' representative'
(t-*jli) in Baghdad (Ibnu '1 Athir, 1. c. p. 30).
8 P. i rt* ut supra.
1 WEIL, Geschichte der Khaltfen, ii. 696. The statement that 'they were
originally unbelievers' will agree with the account of their origin given ibid..
ii. 652 ; but their identification with the 'king of the north' is stranger and given
hesitatingly.
PREFACE. vii
The matter of the Commentary with the exception of the violent
polemics against the Christians 1 , Rabbanites, and Muslims 2 is probably
for the most part traditional, derived from the c Doctors of the Captivity 3 ,'
some of whose names are specified in the Appendix. The Commentary
of R. Saadia Gaon (El-Fayyumi), the object of Jephet's most bitter pole-
mics, has been discovered by Dr. NEUBAUER, in a fragmentary MS. of
the Bodleian 4 . This MS. is unfortunately deficient in those parts of the
book where Jephet's attacks are most violent 5 ; in general the agree-
1 See especially the notes on xi. 14 (p. 1 11. 14-16). Some further information
on the Christian religion is to be found in the note on Obadiah i : }Ht M
OJ JJL^J ^jJUb ^ytSlj ^-iUll i_>, JLC Uu JUl _>}>
(!) v l^ iJL-/. j^SI v\ J ^y^ 1 ^U^ ^ jJlil J* Npip nn-i
L* AjLc 9 Ij-fc. .^, s^' i-JLc, <OoLl)l ji JjlsS I oJlk-} S-l-ll Ajt-V
U
d
2 The number of ' Spottnamen ' employed is quite considerable : i?1DS for _
Jl!?p for u l ; j, man for ixl; rmn S^N is a frequent designation of the Prophet.
The MSS. vary between IB* and y\W.
3 Some of these, perhaps, he imperfectly understood. The Commentator who
derived navnnD (p. il. 13) from the Chaldee may have spoken of the latter as the
language of the Pharisees = Rabbanites ; Jephet's L*^UJ1 would naturally mean
Persian. His compiler in the "ityyn ISO renders D^n }1U^.
4 Opp. Add. fol. 64. NEUBAUER'S Catalogue, no. 2486.
5 Yet see note on x. 3 (MS. p. i34 b ): p Itsai ^n^3N N^ mion On!? Jjjj
. ^ -ac"' J5l *-^--Lc p^s-J jjM-J C^Jlil ^ J-o^-^J u ! LJ
<dLii e*.^\ mviJI oolTjJj) ^xaJI ij]^ J*l ^^ JiUJ i
S Jjb J LajJ M J^J slJAjxj UJLj L^liJU.J ^ Jjl
U^j M J-J Wi-i^-i ^iT'w! IjuJLg *L~i}l!. Jephet's observation that the Temple
was then standing is answered by anticipation. ' The marvellous inventions '
(p. i or. 2) of El-Fayyumi concerning the 'end' are probably the calculations
viii PREFACE.
merit 1 of the Gaon's 2 opinions with those of the Karaite are more striking
than their divergence.
The opinion of Jephet's powers as a commentator held by M. BARGES
(who has done more than any one to make them accessible) is perhaps
too high. His knowledge of both Hebrew 3 and Chaldee * is inaccurate,
although he speaks contemptuously of those ' who do not know our
language.' The grammatical observations, which have won praise from
NEUBAUER 5 and others, fail almost entirely in this book 6 . His ac-
quaintance with contemporary events 7 , by the light of which he occa-
sionally interprets prophecy, is as hazy as his knowledge of earlier history
on p. 75 sqq. of the Bodleian Commentary; in which it is shewn that there are
four possible explanations of the ' time, times and a half/ which all alike produce
the result 350 A. H. for the time of the end.
1 E. g. on the division of the four kingdoms see especially the note on ii. 33
(MS. p. 15*): 5>na H 'mpp ju u *];b a^fc gju. i^J^. ^3 \ y,\ ju
{Sj^\ lJull [D11KJ] L^LiJ *J I^Ju. Some 'marvellous inventions' follow,
by which the 'end' is fixed for 3 50 A. H. Compare with Jephet's explanation of
Daniel's exemption from bowing down to the statue the following passage (p. 26 b ) :
01 Jjiii . . . ^ i ->J*"* tojl cJ>l JA JW>k 0J: JJL> 01
2 Perhaps the Arabic Commentary may in a few cases be supplemented from
the spurious work printed in Buxtorf's Bible under the Gaon's name ; e. g. the
opinion refuted on p. s. 8, 9 is held by this author. See MATHEWS, Saadiah's Comm.
on Ezra, p. xvi.
3 See especially ix. 25 DTIJM p3. So in Is. liii. 5 irTQn is rendered s^U^,
in Ps. xxii. 25 nuy by i->.U.l, etc.
* See especially ver. 12.
Am der Peter slur ger JBibliothek, p. 15.
6 Some of these are decidedly striking; see BARGES' Cant. p. xvii; ibid. p. vo;
Comm. on Exodus (MS. 2467), p. i26 a : .Jwa-o 0.* 3j.L ^n> TP3 11 73* 1 01 JLC!
7 E. g. the history of the Carmathians, v. supra.
PREFACE. ix
is shallow l . On the other hand, the present Commentary is not written
currente calamo, for the theory which it expresses may be traced even in
points of detail in his earlier writings. Thus the argument of p. n. 18 is
anticipated in the Commentary on Exodus 2 ; that of p. iro. i sqq. in the
Commentary on Leviticus 3 ; while the curious combination of the pro-
phecies of Isaiah, Joel, and Daniel worked out especially in the notes on
the twelfth chapter is to be found already stated in the Commentaries on
the first two Prophets, and in part in that on the Canticles.
In the appended Translation brevity especially has been studied, and
with the same end the Arabic version of the Hebrew text as well as the
table of contents has been left untranslated. Where, however, Jephet's
interpretation differs seriously from the Revised Version, account is taken
of the difference either in the lemmata or in notes. These differences are
of course never worth a moment's consideration ; the idea of elucidating
the Hebrew vocabulary from his native Arabic was not familiar to
Jephet 4 .
With the list of curious words occurring in this volume contained in
the Glossary, the Editor has incorporated some occurring in the printed
works of the same author, as well as in works of his existing in MS. in
Oxford, London, and Paris. Of course this collection does not aim at
completeness, but in some respects perhaps it may be found of interest.
Most of these words are not explained in the Lexicons of FREYTAG and
DOZY, although their existence will be found to be sufficiently certified ;
the source of several is Syriac or Persian, while a few are Hebrew words
in an Arabic dress. That Jephet should think it proper to attack in this
rustic dialect the classical writings of R. Saadia Gaon agrees with the
1 So he makes Alexander come from Alexandria. In the Comm. on Kings he
mentions Kalilah wa-Dimnah.
2 MS. 2467, p. 167^. 8 MS. 2472, pp. 8o b , 8i a .
4 I have noted the following cases : Lev. xiii. 25, where nnnQ is connected with
i^s* as against the derivation from nin2; JVI^, i Kings vii. 29, l!jli' L^J^; Prov.
iii. 13, where \>W is rendered ^ij.
[II. 3-]
x PREFACE.
contempt which he frequently expresses for the learning of the Gentiles.
Many of the words recur in the Lexicon of the Karaite David b. Abraham 1 .
Matter has been drawn from the following printed books : BARGES'
Specimen ('Spec.'), containing the Preface to the Commentary on the
Psalms, with version and explanation of Pss. i and ii ; BARGES' edition of
the complete version of the Psalms, and his edition of the Commentary
on the Canticles ; HOFFMANN'S edition of the Commentary on Ps. xxii ;
AUERBACH'S of that on Prov. xxx ; NEUBAUER'S of that on Isaiah liii 2 .
A MS. of the complete Commentary on Isaiah was kindly lent to the
Editor by Canon DRIVER. He has further excerpted the fragmentary
Commentary on the Minor Prophets in the Bodleian Library ; that on
the Proverbs in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris ; and a portion of
the rich Schapira Collection in the British Museum, quoted by their
number in the Oriental Catalogue 3 .
My best thanks are due to the Delegates of the Press for undertaking
this work, which I wish I could have accomplished in a more satisfactory
manner; to Dr. NEUBAUER, for multifarious help and kindness; and
to Mr. J. C. PEMBREY, to whose care and skill any degree of accuracy
which may have been attained is to be ascribed.
1 MS. Bodl. 1451.
2 In The Jewish Interpreters on Isaiah liii by NEUBAUER and DRIVER.
3 To the literature on Jephet must now be added Dr. HOERNING'S accurate and
valuable account of the British Museum Karaite MSS., which appeared too late
for the Editor to use.
LIST OF MSS. OF THE COMMENTARY ON DANIEL.
M = Or. 2557 of British Museum.
M 2 = Or. 2556 of British Museum.
Both these fragments are in the Arabic character, containing the Hebrew text (also in
Arabic characters) with vowel-points and accents. The portions of the text which are
found in these fragments are marked by the letters M and M 2 on the margin.
B = Opp. Add. 4. 1 66 of Bodleian Library. (See NEUBAUER, Catalogue,
no. 2494.)
P = 2nd Firkovich Collection, 420 of Imperial Library, St. Petersburg.
X = Firkovich Collection, 580 of Imperial Library, St. Petersburg.
All these are in the Hebrew character and (except P) complete. Where M and M 2
fail, the printed text follows X, unless the contrary is stated in the note.
D = 2nd Firkovich Collection, 314.
Fragments covering about half the work ; some of the leaves have been misplaced by
the binder.
K = 2nd Firkovich Collection, 315.
Commences with Hebrew of i. 6. Wants a whole sheet (ten leaves) from vii. I to
vii. 25. Also defective from p. iro. 15 to p. in. 8. Terminates at Comm. on xii. II.
Q = 2nd Firkovich Collection, 313. Large fragments.
Kit. = Last part of e^l J-*XxJI uli$ , containing Commentary on chap. xii. (ending
at p. lei. 17).
C = Or. 2520 of British Museum, containing six short fragments.
All these are in the Hebrew character.
The MSS. in the Hebrew character (Heb.) were all copied from one archetype, as
is shewn e. g. by their common omission of the translation of chap. viii. vers. 23 and 25,
preserved in M ; the occasion of that omission is obvious. That archetype was in the
Arabic character, as is shewn by the nature of the mistakes; see p. i, n. I. It con-
tained moreover the Hebrew text written in Arabic characters, for from the nature of
the transliteration many of the constant errors of the Karaitic punctuation can be ex-
plained : e. g. Qames and Segol are both regularly represented by the Elif of lengthen-
ing, and Pathah is occasionally represented by the same ; now it is in the confusion of
these three signs that the Hebrew texts in these MSS. err most 1 . To the same source
may be attributed such orthographies as D^D3 for DHBO. That archetype cannot
1 BARGES, in his edition of the Canticles, reproduces the Karaitic pointing. See*his observa-
tions, p. xv. The MS. copied by him is now no longer ' unicum,' since the introduction of the
Schapira Collection into the British Museum.
xii LIST OF MSS.
have been either of the MSS. of which M and M 2 are fragments, but it may have been
not earlier than these MSS., which date probably from the eleventh century, whereas it
is not probable that any of Heb. are earlier than the fourteenth (C K ?), while some
(B X ?) probably belong to the sixteenth. The text offered by D P Q X is practically
the same ; while all have many errors in common, they supplement each other in single
cases. B and K exhibit a rather different recension, in some cases agreeing with M
against the others ; both however are interpolated, B notably so, e. g. in the translation
of ix. 25, where Jephet rendered DTiyn pIVQl uyUjiH ^s 4 ^, connecting P1V3 with p2,
but the editor of B rightly corrected (j-^oJj , making the comment disagree with the
text. See too the note on p. <n. The scribe who copied B can have known very little
Arabic (see note on p. v ), and this MS. is so defaced by omissions, occasioned ordina-
rily by homoeoteleuton, repetitions, and other errors that the Editor found it impossible
to publish the text from it. By the kindness of the Imperial Russian Government and
the English Foreign Office the six St. Petersburg MSS. were placed in the Bodleian
for a period of four months ; during which the Editor had time to collate K and X
twice, and the rest once with the exception of Q, which he occasionally consulted. The
British Museum fragments, when identified, helped him to correct a number of difficult
passages, but many remain with which he has been unable to grapple successfully.
The various readings are quoted fully in the first few pages, afterwards only when the
text of M, M 2 , and X is deserted, or when they seemed to the Editor to possess some
interest.
In the matter of orthography the MSS. exhibit no regularity (e.g. "W and NE are
sometimes to be found in the same line). The Editor has endeavoured in transliterating
to introduce the ordinary orthography, but where the text existed in Arabic characters
he has rarely departed from the MSS.
In the treatment of the vulgar forms 1 the editors have taken different lines : NEU-
BAUER prints the vulgar forms without alteration ; BARGfcs prints the correct forms in
1 A peculiar form is the 3rd person plur. perf. masc. in .j, p. | f . 9, n. 2 ; compare Ex. xix. 8
jjj.LaJ, Ex. xxiii. 28 ^jljJb J (J5-AJ ,-vJJJl. LAGARDE, Materialien zur Kritik u. siv.
des Pentateuchs, i. v, notices forms like y^> - AV"-vl Ps. xxxi. I for I^>JLA> " 1 V|r r*^ (^ or
IjJIjj) MS. 2473 (Numbers), p. i6 b , unless it be a mistake of the copyist, is curious. J^sl (for
J-^) occurs in MS. 2475, p. 25"; comp. . ^ *-\ for ^.:-_jL*j MS. 2478, p. I2 b . Forms like
(for lyb) are common: MS. 2478, p. i2 b L a ^.,p.' i8 b l^jjjj. Prov. ix. 15 (Mipb)
is strangely faulty. Prov. xiii. 18 sL-U s-JO x^-Jlia^j (for (_.i=jji) is probably a copyist's
error.
Letters regularly interchanged are ^jf> and li; both were pronounced as j, which, as in jJ>i>
is sometimes written for them, ^a and .^0 are occasionally confused; JJa^aJl c.*-*-! Prov.
xiii. ii (^ for (_p) is unusual. The 1 of forms of *L&. is often omitted ; 13 is commonly written
for UVA., ru for ei> J! L&. Comm. on Ex. xvi. 20.
LIST OF MSS. xiii
the text, placing the vulgar forms in the notes 1 ; AUERBACH prints the vulgar forms in
the text, followed by the correct forms in brackets. The first of these seems clearly the
right method, since these vulgar forms never create any difficulty, and it is no part of
the editor's duty to correct the author's language. On the advice of friends, however,
the present Editor has in the earlier sheets given in foot-notes what he believes to be the
correct substitutes for the more glaring errors in the text 2 .
This Commentary is excerpted (in Hebrew) in the "lB>yn ">SD, a specimen of which
is given by PINSKER, 1. c. p. 88. Jephet is frequently quoted by Ibn Ezra, but, as else-
where, the quotations do not correspond with the Arabic originals. On the pther hand, an
opinion attributed to D^pVlV ''MPI ' Sadducean Doctors,' i. e. Karaites, on chap, xi, will
be found stated in full in the accompanying text : Ht HTVBP D'pTO 03TO mDW V*
txhya&n rvby wrw (Mekka) rwo ton anpon "a now
Not, however, consistently; e.g. he allows the Comm. on Canticles to commence nobwJ ,j\
for
2 The following signs have been employed in the text :
{ ) denote insertions by the Editor.
[ ] denote interpolations.
( ) denote alternative renderings.
References to the Old Testament are given on the margin ; the quotations have been abridged as
much as possible.
ENGLISH TRANSLATION.
COMMENTARY ON DANIEL.
The book of Daniel. This book has been attributed to Daniel in particular
because it contains an account of his history and prophecy. It comprises eleven
chapters.
* * * * * * # . *
If we add up the years occupied by this book, they make up a total of sixty-seven :
[for seventy years were occupied by the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Merodach, and
Belshazzar ; all of which come within our narrative, except the first seven years of
Nebuchadnezzar, as we shall see below ;] this leaves sixty-three years, to which are to
be added the one year of Darius and the three years of Cyrus ; making a total of
sixty-seven years.
I.
I. It is to be observed that the reign of Jehoiakim was divided into three parts :
a. four years during which he was subject to the king of Egypt ; b. three years during
which he was subject to the king of Babylon (2 Kings xxiv. i) ; [c. three years during
which he was independent.] During these three years the king of Babylon was
occupied with his Eastern expedition ; after he had rested a little, he attacked him (in
the tenth year of his reign), besieged him with his army, took his city, took him
prisoner, and carried away many captives with part of the vessels of the house of God
(see here).
In the third year : not ' in the tenth year/ for the following reason. Jehoiakim
had originally been subject to the king of Egypt ; then he became subject to the king of
Babylon. Thus seven years passed ; and since after this he rebelled against the king of
Babylon, and became an independent king, who paid homage to no other, the writer
can say in the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king ofjudah, dating from the time
at which he became independent. The proof of our theory of the division of Jehoiakim's
reign into three parts is the statement in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 4, that the king of Egypt
took Jehoahaz, brother of Jehoiakim, and sent him to Egypt, and made Jehoiakim
king in his stead. Now we know that he remained subject to the king of Egypt four
years, and that the king of Babylon came to the throne in the fourth year of Jehoiakim ;
see Jer. xxv. I, where it is stated that the first year of Nebuchadnezzar was the fourth
of Jehoiakim. In that year the king of Babylon fought with the army of the king of
Egypt, which was encamped on the banks of the Euphrates (see Jer. 1. c.), when Syria
fell into his hands (2 Kings xxiv. 7), and Jehoiakim became subject to the king of
Babylon in the fifth year of his reign.
Came unto Jerusalem and besieged it : he was not satisfied with sending an
army against him, but led the army himself. Had Jehoiakim come out to him, he
b [II. 3.]
2 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [I. a.
would not have besieged the city ; only the former would not submit, and locked the
gates, and stood a siege, thinking that the king of Babylon would grow tired and
desist. The king, however, maintained the siege until he took the city.
2. Either he stormed the city, as some think, or the people may have opened the
gates. The latter is the more likely, as no battle is mentioned. Jehoiakim, we are
told, died outside Jerusalem. Either the king of Babylon tormented him till he died,
or he was killed [in some other way] ; or he may have killed himself.
And he carried them into the land of Shinar : i. e. rather more than three
thousand men whom the king of Babylon carried away captive ; they are mentioned in
Jer. lii. 28. He brought the vessels into the treasure-house of his god. : observe
that we are not told the number of the vessels, nor their material (gold, silver, or brass) ;
doubtless they were different vessels from those taken away with Jehoiakim (2 Chron.
xxxvi. 10) ; they were not used by him, but put all together in a safe place ; had he
attempted to use them, God would not have permitted it, even as He did not permit
Belshazzar, but shewed serious signs [of His disapproval].
3, 4. He ordered the chief of his ministers, under whose care the captive Israelites
were, to choose from the whole multitude youths of this description without fixing
a number ; he was to look out for all who were possessed of these characteristics, and
to take them, however few or many of them there might be.
Of the children of Israel : i. e. of those who were not of the royal stock, or of the
children of the nobles, but of the common people. He did not regard the fact of such
a person being of the common people, when found to possess these qualities ; to shew
that talented persons are not affected by the lowness of their station.
And he ordered him to take the best looking of them; it would not be seemly that a
person with uncomely visage should stand in his court ; such persons must have
handsome features, and be comely and fair.
Of understanding in all wisdom : not wisdom in the Thora concerning
'unclean' and 'clean,' or sacrifices, as the king would not desire that. He rather
desired persons of intelligence in all subjects into which intellect can enter, and
studies connected therewith.
And knowing knowledge : most probably knowledge, like Solomon's, in the
different departments of philosophy. The children of Israel were never destitute
of its elements, but always taught them to their children. Even in the times of
their idolatry and wickedness, the votaries of wisdom and knowledge never failed
among them.
And understanding teaching : knowing the way to instruct others in their
knowledge ; not every scholar makes a good teacher.
So he chose all those in whom were all these virtues and desirable qualities. Since
this was done at the time described, it was unlikely that there would be [many] lads
among them possessing these qualities.
And such as had ability : i. e. force of patience to stand before the king, and
to abstain from expectorating, spitting, etc.
I. 9,] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 3
And he ordered them to be taught the writing and language : that they might
write it and talk it ; naturally they would not know either.
Had not Ashpenaz himself possessed many of these gifts and understood them,
the king would not have given him this order.
The king's object in taking these youths, so described, was twofold : (l) to gratify
his fancy for men of knowledge ; for it is the custom of high-minded kings to have
scholars trained in their courts ; (2) to be able to boast before the nations that in his
court are the greatest men in the world.
5. It was not the king's purpose to corrupt their religion, as he endeavoured to do
in the story of the image which he set up ; he rather desired that they should
have suitable diet, which would make them grow, and give them a healthy appear-
ance. So he made their rations like his own food and drink ; the best food and
the choicest drink.
He also designed that he should train them three years, that they might come
before the king fair in form and appearance, and acquainted with the writing and
language and all that was desired of them.
6. These four are mentioned on account of their abstaining from the king's food,
and the rest of their achievements. Among them were some of the seed-royal, whom
the Scripture does not mention. Had these four been of it, he would have said, ' there
were among them of the seed-royal,' mentioning their rank. This disproves the view
that Is. xxxix. 2 refers to these.
7. He surnamed them with Chaldean names ; possibly names of honour, since
Belteshazzar is the name of Nebuchadnezzar's God (inf. iv. 5) ; the rest may be
so too.
8. He bound himself not to eat the king's food or drink his drink, whatever the
consequences might be ; staking his life, just as he staked it in his prayer, and as
Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah staked theirs when they would not bow down to the
image. It is quite impossible that he would have staked it for a matter of no
consequence as some irreligious persons have said, whom we have answered in our
commentary on the commandment.
He would not defile himself: not, ' he would not eat ;' meaning that he would
not eat a meat originally pure, but defiled by [coming in contact with] uncleanness.
And he made no difference between the meat (consisting of animals slaughtered by
Gentiles) and the drink. Possibly the former was not from an animal naturally
forbidden, nor the wine naturally forbidden ; but only because it was prepared by
Gentiles, though free from all taint of uncleanness. This was because he regarded the
grape-juice as the original state [i.e. he regarded the wine as a transformation of
grape-juice], and refused to touch that with which uncleanness was mingled*
The chief of the eunuchs is Ashpenaz. He said, ' My lord, give me not, I pray
thee, food and drink which will not profit me.' But the other gave him an answer
which took from him all hope that his request would be granted him.
9. Favour and compassion comprise two periods ; the first, sc. favo ur, had been
b 2
4 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [I. i .
shewn in the previous time, and consisted in various acts of kindness shewn to Daniel
which he does not describe at length ; the second, compassion, took place at that
particular time, consisting in his doing him no harm or violence, nor informing the
king, but excusing himself as follows.
10. He tells him that he only refuses out of fear for his life, whenever the
king should send for them, wishing to observe their condition ; and if he saw the
faces of the others and saw their faces different, when on enquiring he found out
about the change in their food, the blame would fall on Ashpenaz, while they would
not be reprehended.
According to your joy : because the wise are habitually joyous and merry,
because knowledge wastes the body and destroys it.
DrDTl? like 31PI in Ezek. xviii. 7.
11. As the chief eunuch would not grant his request, and he had bound himself
to stake his life upon it, he tried the expedient of speaking to the man through whose
hands this nourishment passed, in case he might do this for them, and try them, as we
shall explain presently.
12. Try us ten days. A short time, of which account is scarcely taken ordi-
narily; in order to facilitate the matter, and render its accomplishment less
arduous.
13, 14. He accepted their proposal and afterwards examined them, and found them
fatter and fairer than the others who had been eating the king's food and drinking his
wine. This must have been done by the Creator, who set in the grain something
to supply the place of meat, and similarly in the water. Those who did not do as
Daniel and his friends must either have argued that they were excused and that it was
impossible for them to resist the Sultan, or they did so because they did not care
about lawful and unlawful. And God sent leanness into their bodies, so that they did
not fatten. This proves that God cares for His saints who are willing to suffer death
for His law's sake.
At the end of ten days, when he found that they were increased in fairness
and fatness, he continued this for a period of three years.
1 6. He profited by the provisions and took them for himself, without telling
Ashpenaz, but doing it in secret.
32riD includes bread and dainties. The word may be divided into two : D3
' bread,' and 32 ' dainties,' i. e. bread and meat. Pulse is the substitute for it.
They took wheat for bread, and some other grain to cook, such as lentils, rice,
pease, and beans, and they drank water. Of course they took grain that was not
defiled ; and water out of the river in clean vessels, as they wished.
17. They had already the wisdom described above ; which God Almighty increased
during these days with additional wisdom, in all book-learning and philosophy known
by the sages and Chaldees. Daniel surpassed them by the possession of certain
divine gifts, such as the interpretation of all visions. The Chaldees did not
understand dreams. This was not confined to Daniel, since Hananiah and the rest
II. i.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 5
were distinguished, only Daniel was the most eminent. This was all the Creator's
purpose (he gave them), compare inf. ii. 21 and Prov. xx. 6.
1 8. At the end of the three years, during which the king had ordained that they
should be nourished and instructed in the ' writing and language,' the Chief of the
Eunuchs brought them before him, and the king began to examine them in the
different departments of science, and found none among the Jewish youths like them
(all of them refers to the Jews). This was owing to what was mentioned before
God's bestowing on them clear intelligences. Next he tells us that they were ten
times better than the king's sages. Either this is a [figure of speech or else a] real
number, and we are to infer that the king called all his sages before him in their presence,
and bade them ask one another questions, while he heard what passed between them on
each particular head ; and doubtless he himself was a sage and understood the discourse,
and comprehended what passed and how they surpassed all his sages ten times in breadth
of knowledge : and perhaps there were among his sages men who had been studying
science all their lives till they had grown old, who yet had n,ot reached the stage
of these four. All this was in order that God might exalt His servants who were sunk
to the lowest depth, and because they had clung to His religion and had not indulged
themselves with eating unlawful food, but had eaten grain instead. And among the
philosophers there must have arisen mutterings against certain meats, 'Woe to him
that eats defiled food and the preparation of the Gentiles, defiling his soul and
removing it from holiness, and withdrawing it from God Almighty ; who finds ways
of explaining away the commandments, and eats forbidden foods, and drinks the
Gentile drinks, with creeping things and abominations among them.' And there is no
difference between wine and any other drink, all of them being mashqiym. And no
person during the Captivity can possibly eat the preparation of any one whom he
knows to be unfaithful in his observances in the matter of preparation of meats,
so that his food is of the unclean and impure. Such cases are referred to in Lev.
xx. 25 and Ps. xxxiv. 10.
21. Was: i.e. was in the Sultan's kingdom till the first year of Cyrus, the time
when the Israelites were set free to go to the Holy Land to build the Temple ; when he
was set free from the duties of government and retired into religious life. He had by
then grown old. As for his companions, he tells us nothing about them after the story
of the image.
II.
I. Just as we said of the 'third year of the reign of Jehoiakim ' that the phrase did
not refer to his reign literally, so this again does not refer to Nebuchadnezzar's reign,
as Daniel is the person who interpreted the dream. Plainly it must refer to something
else. Some have supposed it to be the second year of 'Jehoiakim 's captivity, which is
unlikely, because Daniel had no office till after three years ; see i. 5, which shews
that he licensed them after three years. Others have referred it to the fall of
Jerusalem, imagining that he did not consider himself king till he had subdued Israel ;
6 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [ii. 2 .
which is not improbable. To my mind what is most probable is that it means [the
second year] after he had become king of the entire world (inf. ii. 38). Now it is well
known that he took Jerusalem before he took Tyre : and Tyre before he took Egypt.
It is most probable that he took Egypt in the thirtieth year of his reign. This is
shewn by Ezek. xxix. ii, ' neither shall it be inhabited forty years,' etc. (cp. 13). Now
it was God's decree concerning the whole of the captives that they should remain in
their present condition the whole seventy years, made up by Nebuchadnezzar, his son,
and his son's son (Jer. xxv. ii) ; none of them returning to his country till after the
completion of these seventy years. Now Egypt was the last of his conquests, as no
other king stood before him save Pharaoh ; so that the words in the second year will refer
to the thirty-second year of his reign, thirteen years after the destruction of the Temple.
In that year Ezekiel saw the form of the Temple (xl. i) ; for Nebuchadnezzar took
the Holy City and burnt the Temple in the seventeenth year of his reign ; and if
Nebuchadnezzar saw the dream in the thirty-second year of his reign, there must have
passed since the destruction of the Temple thirteen years, and the appearance of the
dream will have taken place in the fourteenth year [after its destruction].
Dreamed dreams. There was only one. Our view of this phrase is that he says
dreams because the dream contains five subjects ; i. e. it embraces the account of four
kingdoms and of the empire of Israel. The same expression is used of Joseph's dream
(Gen. xxxvii. 7), before he saw the second dream, and that again is because the first
dream contained three subjects.
His spirit was troubled, because he awoke and forgot the dream, and tried
to remember what he had seen, but could not remember at all. Then he slept again ;
his sleep was upon him.
Note that there is a difference between the dream of Pharaoh and that of
Nebuchadnezzar, in two respects : I. Pharaoh saw his dream at the end of the night
(Gen. xli. 8), whereas Nebuchadnezzar saw his in the middle of the night (his sleep
was upon him) ; 2. Pharaoh remembered his dream, whereas Nebuchadnezzar
forgot his. The reason of this was that Pharaoh's dream was realized after a short
time, whereas Nebuchadnezzar's is not yet fully realized. Consequently, as the
former's dream was realized after a short interval, God Almighty did not suffer him to
forget it ; but as Nebuchadnezzar's was not to be realized till after a long period, God
caused him to forget it, so that when the dream was told him, that might be evidence
of the correctness of its interpretation.
2. These Chaldeans had a certain wisdom which they professed. There was left
no order professing to reveal secrets, which he did not summon, demanding that they
should tell him the dream which he had forgotten.
3. He desired them to tell him the dream (see ver. 2).
4. Possibly he spoke to them first in some other language than the Aramaic,
but afterwards addressed them in Aramaic, as they addressed him. Then they said :
Tell thou the dream that we may tell the interpretation thereof. They did not say,
' We cannot tell thee the dream.'
II. Jo.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 7
5. He said, 'First I asked you for the dream; but, as you are not satisfied with
that, I ask you now for the dream and the interpretation thereof. And if ye
will not shew me the dream and the interpretation thereof, ye shall be hewed in
pieces, i.e. your flesh shall be cut up, and your houses become confiscate to the
Sultan.
6. ' But, if you shew me the dream and the interpretation thereof, I will give you
raiment and dinars, and handsome presents, and high honours shall be bestowed upon
you ; but only after you have told me the dream and its interpretation.'
When they heard his promise and his threat, and could find no deliverer, they
repeated their speech a second time like the first, as follows.
7. 'We stand by our first answer; we undertake to interpret it.' Again they
would not say ' We cannot tell thee the dream.' When he saw them . . . , he first
demanded of them the dream without promising them or threatening them ; . . . after-
wards, he demanded of them the dream and the interpretation thereof, and made them
a promise. When they repeated their answer about the interpretation, instead of
saying ' We are unable,' he said to them something different.
8. 9. Ye are buying the time : i. e. you are making the time pass, and imagine
that I will refrain from asking you, and that you will leave me troubled in thought, with
my spirit distressed, while you care not. This is because you see that the dream has
fled from me and that I cannot remember it.
There is but one law for you : i. e. one judgment ; I will make no difference
between you ; let no one imagine that I will spare you or any one of you. Others
interpret : Ye are all agreed on one thing, i. e. to say, ' Tell us the dream, and we will
interpret it,' and not to tell me the dream.
Lying and corrupt words : i. e. if ye do not tell me the dream, then ye will not
tell me its interpretation either. Ye only say ' We will interpret the dream ' to shift
till the time is changed, i. e. till that with which ye are threatened is removed from
you. Tell me the dream : and when ye have told it I shall know thereby that ye will
tell the interpretation thereof.
The word DDJBITn is from the root }OT, the letter 1 being servile. He means,
' You have made this time different to that wherein you used to tell us that you
understood secrets.' Nebuchadnezzar must have heard them say that they understood
things of this sort ; otherwise he would not have demanded it of them, nor would
he have killed them except because before this time they had professed this ; but now,
when his demand had fallen upon them, and they saw no way to meet it, they said
time after time, ' Tell the dream that we may interpret it,' instead of saying ' We are
not equal to this ; ' and simply maintained that he knew the dream and was
demanding of them what he remembered, or that he had seen no dream at all, and
was demanding of them what he had not seen. This is why he said lying and
corrupt words. And when they heard this last word they were forced to declare
they had lied when they professed that they could reveal secrets.
10. Note that none of them ventured to address the king save the Chaldees,
8 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [II. n.
who were the nearest to the king of them all, and spoke for the rest. They said,
' O king, we will tell thee the truth. Do not think that any man can reveal this secret,
we or any beside us, neither busy thy heart with any such fancy, nor ask of us an
impossibility, nor imagine of us that we understand any such thing, or that we are
trying to protract the time while thy spirit is tormented. So spare us in justice. Has
any of the kings that preceded thee ever demanded of his sages this thing which thou
demandest of us ? '
11. Appended explanation. And there is none other : it is clear to me that they
aimed at Daniel and his fellows as professing such knowledge ; then they relegate
[the king] to the angels. Hence, in ver. 10, there is no man on the dry land
(with reference to the Jewish sages) ; here, none but the angels know this. ' So
be just to us and demand not of us an impossibility.'
12. When he saw that they dealt plainly with him and gave him no hope, he was
wroth, and ordered the slaughter of all of them that were present in Babylon, and that
others who were dispersed outside Babylon should be brought before him, after
the slaughter of these, that he might hear what they had to say. The words, and
they sought Daniel and his comrades, point to the fact that they had not been
present with them during the colloquy which passed between the Chaldees and the
king ; and this was because they had never professed that they understood mysteries
as these had professed ; only the wise men of Babylon must have said, "' We and others
are partners in taking the king's supplies ; why should we be killed and not they ? Let
them be killed too.' And when the news reached Daniel, he hastened and came
before the king's executioner so that he learned the matter from him, and went before
the king and asked of him a respite, and promised him what he had asked of the
wise men.
14, 15. pK comes from TN like pK JW (Ezra v. 16) ; fiBJJ comes from ry.
naxnno (it is said) is from the language of the Pharisees, in which the insolent is
called Kfiivn. He tells us that Daniel referred the counsel and the guidance to
Arioch, after he had asked him to explain the matter clearly ; and he took his advice
and his bidding about the question, whether he should enter unto the king and
ask him for a respite, or should not enter unto him for fear of the Sultan's wrath and
lest he might not give him time, but order him to be slain. And Arioch, knowing
that the king would give him time and would not deal hastily with him, counselled
him to enter unto him. Perhaps he asked permission for him, so that he might
enter in and ask him for the respite, and the king answered him favourably. The
executioner had been executing the wise men of Babel one after another ; and perhaps
had begun with the most honourable.
16. An interpretation : plainly not without the dream; for the person who did
not know the dream could not possibly interpret it. He could only interpret when he
knew both dream and interpretation. Daniel must have promised the king what he
had demanded of the wise men, both dream and interpretation ; and he did so because
it was plain to him, and he was convinced and assured that Almighty God had made
II. 20.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 9
him forget the dream in order that He might prove the wise men of Babylon liars in
their professions, and reveal the matter to Daniel, that he might magnify his people
who serve the True God, Who alone sheweth dreams and revealeth secrets.
17. I.e. he told them the cause of the massacre and what he had promised
the king.
18. I.e. the four stood crying to God and begging mercy of Him, in that He
would reveal this secret, that they might not be killed with the rest ; for they knew
that they would not be left while the others were killed, especially after Daniel's
promise to the king.
19. As there was no use in the revelation of the mystery to all four of them, one of
them sufficing, He revealed it to Daniel, who was the principal of them, especially
as the king had not demanded that all the wise men of Babylon should shew him the
dream, but if one told him, he would excuse the rest ; do you not see that Daniel said
to the executioner, ' Destroy not the wise men of Babylon ' ? Next he tells us that
when Almighty God had revealed it unto him, he blessed God for that. Evidently
He shewed Daniel the dream which the king had seen, i. e. the figure of the image,
and the cutting of the stone out of the mountain, and the breaking of the image and
the wind carrying away its dust, and how the stone became a mighty mountain.
20 sqq. Observe that he tells us that they asked of Almighty God that He would
reveal the mystery to them, that they might not be slain like the rest of the wise men
of Babylon ; and he tells us that Daniel thanked Almighty God for having revealed
the mystery to him, but does not record any thanksgiving by him for their deliverance
from death ; because the Glory of God was to his mind more important than the
deliverance of their souls ; and further, if the mystery were revealed, they were beyond
doubt delivered. Then he thanked Almighty God according to what the subject
of the dream suggested ; for wisdom and might are His : as He had furnished him
with wisdom which no one else had mastered (cp. v. 23 a). Now he ascribed wisdom
to Him in one of two senses : either he meant, ' He is the wise and mighty;' or he
meant, ' He giveth wisdom and might to whom He will ' (compare for wisdom Prov.
ii. 6, and for power Deut. viii. 18, Is. xl. 29). He changeth the seasons and
times: seasons: i.e. seasons of the year, 'cold, heat, summer, and winter;' times:
i. e. night and day. No one can do this save the Creator. He removeth. kings and
setteth up kings, inasmuch as He is possessor of the whole world, He setteth up whom
He will and removeth whom He will. Removeth is put before setteth up, because
kings had been in the world from the beginning, ever since the reign of Nimrod, after
the flood (cp. Eccl. i. 2). He giveth wisdom unto the wise : with the same meaning
as above ; wisdom being intellect and discrimination, whereby mankind surpass the
brutes and each other. We also learn that the wise men and sages of the world are
so not of themselves, but only because God has given them their wisdom' and their
knowledge. He revealeth the deep : alluding to the unseen world which he
compares to an object lying in the deep, so that it cannot be reached ; or to something
hidden and concealed, so that it is unknown, with the same idea as Is. xli. 10; or
c [II. 3.}
10 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [II. 24.
possibly he means, ' He revealeth what is in man's heart, which none understand save
the Creator of the heart and reins, which are concealed from every one, but known to
Him' (Jer. xvii. 10). He knoweth what is in the darkness: which is also hid-
den from mankind, inasmuch as the organ of sight cannot see in the dark : whereas
the Creator of darkness and light knows what is in the one as He knows what is in the
other (Ps. cxxxix. 12) ; the purpose being that He, knowing hidden things, knew what the
king had seen, and had revealed it to Daniel. After mentioning these five classes, all
corresponding with the matter and circumstances of the dream (wisdom and strength
with the amount of both which He had bestowed on Daniel, changing of seasons with
the vicissitudes undergone by Israel and other nations, shewn by the removing of a
kingdom and the establishment of a kingdom contained in the dream ; and so with
the revealing of secrets, etc.), he said O thou God of my fathers : referring to the
fathers and forefathers whom God had chosen and exalted, Who had dealt so with
Daniel because he was of their offspring. He praised God for the wisdom and might
which He had vouchsafed him, which had brought him to his high station before
Nebuchadnezzar saw the dream ; now it was a period of twenty-two years from the
time that he had obtained this rank in the king's palace to the present. And hast
now made known unto me what we desired of Thee : referring to the revelation
of the king's secret fcp. b). He first described how God had dealt with him from the time
of his standing before the king till the present crisis ; then he described how He had
dealt with him in the present business ; and in this matter he associates his companions
with himself, in contrast to the previous time, in the words, what we desired of Thee :
i. e. I and my companions ; similarly Thou hast made known unto us. He
associates his companions with himself, to shew that, although the revelation was
made to him and not to them, nevertheless it belonged to all of them, since all of
them were sought for execution, and all had prayed and humbled themselves (ver. 18).
After praising Almighty God for this, he went to Arioch without delay, because he had
already pledged his word, and a fixed time had been appointed him by the king.
Possibly he had asked of him a day and no more ; and while they four stood praying,
it came to pass that he fell asleep and saw the dream, and woke rejoicing, and told his
companions, and they too blessed the Almighty Creator. Possibly he rose in the
night, at once, and went to the king to delight him with the news, and to calm the
people's horror and anguish ; as doubtless the country was dismayed at the massacre
of the wise men, and at the thought that the land would be left without wise men ;
which is one of the worse misfortunes that can befall a country.
24. He went to Arioch at once, for two reasons: (i) that he might stay the
massacre ; (2) that he might introduce him before the king.
25. The words, I have found a man, when the king must have known of Daniel
certainly, are plainly a refutation of the words of the wise men : the speaker points
out that by the children of the captivity, who were of inferior rank and low esteem
among the wise men, behold, this secret shall be made known.
26. He had already promised the king that he would tell him the interpretation at
II. 3 i.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. u
the time appointed. But the king had no confidence in this. Therefore he said,
'Canst thoit do this?' i.e. 'tell me the dream and the interpretation thereof; let us
see what thou wilt say.' He employs in this place the name which the chief eunuch
surnamed him, because it was an honourable one.
27 sqq. By the declaration that neither the wise men of Babylon nor any one else
could do what the king had demanded of them, he does not mean to excuse them ;
his only object therein is to give the lie to all the sages of the Gentiles who professed
to know mysteries. He will state after this that he too had not learned this secret of
himself, but the Creator had revealed it to him. Then he told him that God Almighty
revealed secrets to whom He would, because it was He who shewed men dreams ;
adding that God had made manifest to him (Daniel) the fancies which had entered
into Nebuchadnezzar's mind concerning the future.
28. Thy dream and the visions of thy head : i. e. thou hast indeed demanded
of us what thou hast seen : and, lo, I will shew thee what thou didst see, and thou
shalt recognize that I have not added nor taken away from it.
29. He mentions, first, a matter not appertaining to the dream, nor to what the
king had forgotten : ' before thou didst sleep or see the dream thou wast thinking of
what should happen hereafter to thy kingdom, which has reached the summit of its
exaltation ; and who should receive the kingdom after thee. And since this was
already in thy mind, and thou didst desire to know it, the Revealer of secrets shewed
thee what should come to pass hereafter, that thou mightest know it, and mightest know
that the kingdom is to belong to that dynasty which shall outlast all the dynasties.'
30. ' I have not learned this secret by wisdom found in me, and peculiar to me
above the rest of [mankind], as scholars excel one another in different sciences.' The
other side [i. e. the power by which he had learned it] he does not explain further than
by saying, ' God has revealed this to me that thou mayst know what is to happen, and
that on which thou wast pondering and which thou didst desire to understand.' Now
the purpose of God in shewing him the dream was, first, that he might know the truth
of Israel's assertion that the kingdom is to be given to them and no other nation, and
that the kingdom of Nebuchadnezzar shall cease and be transferred to another and an
inferior, to increase his confusion ; and to shew him also that the assertion of Israel is
true that God Almighty reveals to them secrets which none beside them understand ;
and that the secret of which his wise men stated, that none but the angels could
understand it, had been shewn by Almighty God to Daniel ; and that Almighty God
had delivered Daniel and his fellows from death, and that they had delivered the
other wise men of Babylon (ver. 24). Doubtless, while he. was interpreting the dream,
a crowd was present listening to his voice. And at the words As for thee, O king>
thy thoughts came into thy mind upon thy bed, the king said, ' It was so.' That too
was a mystery revealed to him by God.
31. He attributes to the image four qualities:
(i) Greatness : i. e. length, breadth, and height; referring to the length of their
duration, and the greatness of their power.
c 2
12 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [11.32.
(2) Order 1 : referring to the good order of their empire(s), and the organization
of their kingdom(s).
(3) Comeliness : because each one of them had armies.
(4) Fearfulness and awfulness : because each dynasty was fearful and terrible,
especially to Israel.
32-35. He tells the king his dream as he had seen it ; and the king bore witness
to his accuracy. Then he said, ' And now we will interpret it to thee : ' for none of his
wise men could interpret it any more than they could interpret his second dream.
37-43. He notices in the interpretation one of the features of the image which
he had not noticed in the dream ; in the dream he says his feet part of iron and
part of clay, but in the interpretation, the feet and toes, for a reason which we shall
explain.
A kingdom powerful and strong : powerful, referring to the number of his
armies ; strong, to his vigour ; hard, referring to the amount of his wealth and
supplies, and the obedience of mankind.
And wheresoever men dwell : meaning that all mankind were beneath his
sway, so much so that even the beasts and birds were beneath his sovereignty,
meaning that he could do with them what he pleased when he assailed them. Some
say there is an allusion to his being with them during the seven years in which he
* abode with them.' This is unlikely, as the words are a description of his present
condition, and do not refer to anything in the future. Compare Jer. xxvii. 6,
referring to the terror which he inspired in the heart of all beasts and birds. Another
fancied it referred to the inhabitants of wildernesses and remote islands. Daniel
continues : ' And because thou hast reached this station, and art the first and most
splendid of the four kingdoms, thou art the fine golden head.' This is the interpretation
of the head ; ' and he that shall arise after thee is inferior to theej* JPN is derived from
NyiK ' earth,' and is used metaphorically ; meaning, even as the ground is below man's
feet. Of this second kingdom he says another because its religion and laws were
different from those of the Chaldees : he does not explain this, just as he does not
dwell on the description of the third kingdom, contenting himself with saying that it is
inferior to the silver. That shall rule over the whole earth: to distinguish
between the second and the third kingdoms; the second kingdom owned three
quarters of the world, but the third four quarters ; we shall give the reader all these
explanations in full in the commentary on Daniel's dream. Then he described the
fourth kingdom, which he compares to iron, not meaning that it was inferior to
the brass, but on account of its hardness (strong as iron), and because this kingdom
should pulverize armies as iron pulverizes gold, silver, and brass. It breaketh in
pieces and subdueth all : i. e. it crushed the kingdoms of its time, as we shall
explain on ver. 35. This is the kingdom of Rome, before the kingdom of Arabia arose.
1 The words an pT are rendered in the translation 'composite.'
II. 43-3 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 13
He makes the head the first kingdom, and the breast and arms the second kingdom,
and the belly and thighs the third kingdom : and he makes the upper parts of the legs
the fourth kingdom before the kingdom of Arabia. Now he does not say of the fourth
kingdom ' another,' as he said of the second and third, because the Greeks are the
founders of the kingdom of Rome, as we shall shew in chap. viii. And whereas
thou sawest the feet and toes : feet refers to the instep of the foot ; then he
mentions the toes, and tells us that the feet and toes of this image were like the feet
and toes of a man, two feet and ten toes ; probably, however, the statue resembled a
human being also in its erect posture, its back, hips, legs, as well as feet and toes.
He unites the feet and toes in the sentence because they were all of the same
material, iron and clay (cp. ver. 33). The iron represents the Romans, and the clay the
Arabs ; and this is because the Romans reigned a hundred years before the Arabs ;
then the Arabs began to reign, but the kingdom of the Romans remained, as is
witnessed in our own day. He compares the kingdom of the Arabs to clay, because
they have neither power nor force like those of the Romans. A divided kingdom. :
i. e. from the time of the reign of the Arabs, inasmuch as the kingdom was first to the
Romans only, then the Arabs reigned with them. And part of iron : to shew that
this iron which is mixed with the clay is not other than the former iron, but the same.
The interpretation is that the kingdom of the Romans shall remain simultaneously
with the kingdom of the Arabs, and that the Arabs shall be partners with them
therein ; hence, and part of clay shall be therein. Mixed with miry clay : not a
mixture in which the ingredients mingle, as gold mixes with silver ; as this is not
possible between such substances as iron and clay ; but a mixture like that of wheat
and barley, or similar substances ; part, therefore, of the instep of the foot is iron and
part clay. This is possible because of the length of the instep. The same is the case
with the toes. In the description of the toes, part of iron and part of clay, probably
this iron does not belong to the Romans, but is to be interpreted of the Arabs only.
In the interpretation of this he says so the kingdom shall be partly strong and
partly broken. Either he means that its beginnings were powerful (as we shall
explain in the proper place in this book), and its end feeble; in which case
the toes where they joined the instep must have been iron, and the ends clay. Or
he may be referring to the kingdom of certain of the children of 'the Master'
(Muhammad), who were powerful, and others who were to follow them and be weak
like clay.
And whereas thou sawest the iron mixed with miry clay does not refer
to the mixture of the toes, since he does not use the word mixture of them, but says
only part of them were iron and part clay. This can only refer to the
mixture of the feet, of which he had said forasmuch as thou sawest, etc. This is
the mixture of the Romans and the Arabs ; he tells us that just as they are associated
in empire (a divided kingdom), so they shall be mixed in the matter of marrying
and begetting children, neither party disapproving of this, as Israel does ; for this
reason, too, he said they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men. For
14 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [II. 44 .
the Moslem does not refuse to take a wife of the Christian religion, nor the Christian
to take a wife of the religion of Islam.
But they shall not cleave to one another : since they disagree with one
another on the fundamental doctrines, the one confessing One God, and believing
that 'Isa (Jesus), the son of Maryam (Mary), was a mortal; whereas the others
believe that He is the Creator of the heavens and earth, as is well known concerning
the Christian religion. Similarly do they differ about the Qiblah and many other
subjects too long to explain. This is why he says they shall not cleave one to
another ; which is explained in the words even as iron, etc., i. e. as iron does not
mingle with clay.
So far for the description of the statue. Now for the interpretation of it. It
means four kingdoms which are to arise in the world. The first is the kingdom which
laid waste Jerusalem and took the people captive from their homes. After it came
the kingdom of the Persians, which ordered the House to be built, and permitted the
people to go thither, and gave the money and charges and offerings out of its treasures.
The third is the kingdom of the Greeks, which neither took the people captive nor
laid waste their dwellings : however, harm was done the nation by them, as the Jews
have handed down in their books and records, though the books of the Prophets do
not expressly state it. As for the foitrth empire, it has carried Israel into captivity, as
the first did, and gone further than it in enmity and injury ; and as for the Arabs,
they have not indeed acted like the others in exiling them and destroying them, but
they have injured the nation in the way of contempt and scorn and humiliation, etc., of
which we shall mention some specimens in the commentary on the dream of Daniel and
his prophecy. He represents all these empires as attached to each other, because
there was not a follower of the truth among them, though their systems differed : and
he makes them all one piece.
After giving the interpretation of the image he gives that of the stone which was
cut from the mountain and brake the image.
44, 45. He compared the four kingdoms to a wrought image, but the kingdom of
Israel to a stone cut out of a mountain, because their kingdom is eternal: either
it means the nation, or the Messiah, who is of them, or of the seed of David. He said
in the dream that it brake the feet of the image, i. e. that they shall crush Edom (i. e.
Rome) and Ishmael. Then he says then were broken in pieces together,
inasmuch as the religion of each kingdom and some, too, of the people shall remain
till the Messiah's kingdom. He tells us that it shall break and destroy the remnants
of the three previous kingdoms, them and their religions ; it shall break in pieces
and consume all these kingdoms. He points out the difference between these
four kingdoms and that of the Messiah. Of every one of these four kingdoms the
dominion ceases, and is given to another : but this kingdom shall not pass away, nor
be given to another. And he did not say of the image that God Almighty had set it
up, as he says of the kingdom of the Messiah the God of heaven shall set up a
kingdom, because they are weak and few in number, and it is God who will raise
III.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 15
them from the dust, and bring down the others from the height, since it was He who
brought them down from the height (Lam. ii. 12) and raised the empire of the others
(ibid. ii. 14) ; and He will do the same in the time to come, raising the estate of Israel
and afflicting the empires (cp. Ps. cxiii. 5). And God Almighty shewed this dream to
Nebuchadnezzar, because he was the first of the kings and the greatest of them ;
to shew to him and every king who should arise, the superiority of Israel, and what
should come to pass in the latter days, and that every dynasty should be destroyed
when her empire began, and that none should think itself a lasting dynasty ; and that
it will be well for them not to afflict Israel, because they are suffering discipline, that
is all ; and if they do otherwise, God will be wroth with them and punish them. And
thereby too He teaches His people to be patient, knowing the transitoriness of these
empires and the durability of their own, and that all nations shall bow before them.
And therein is their great consolation.
And the dream is certain and the interpretation thereof sure : i.e. this
dream came not from fancy, or occupation of spirit, as men sometimes see in dreams
what they have been doing or pondering, and when they see it, there is no interpreta-
tion to be realized in the future ; no, this is a dream which God purposed to shew him.
And the interpretation thereof sure : i. e. this interpretation of mine is
accurate, and there is no explanation other than what we have given.
46. Believing that there was in Daniel a portion of the divine power, like what the
Christians hold of the Messiah, he put him in the place of God, and fell on his face
before him and bowed down to him, and commanded that sacrifices should be brought
to him, as they are brought to a god ; he does not say that he brought them to him :
most probably Daniel prohibited him from doing so.
47. Of a truth : he acknowledges that God is the God of gods, and that it was
thereby that Daniel could know this mystery. Then he called him Rabbi 1 , i.e. made
of himself his pupil and his slave. Then he bestowed on him many splendid gifts, as
he had promised the Chaldees, ver. 6 ; adding a distinction which he had not expressly
mentioned to them, viz. making him sultan of the province of Babylon and chief of all
the wise men of Babylon.
49. When he had attained high station it was impossible for him that his fellows
should be left with none. As for himself, he was established in the king's gate, not
as porter, but rather to inspect men's business in the same way as Joseph did : so that
the king had the title and Daniel gave the commands and prohibitions. The writer
tells us of the rank of his associates by way of introduction to the sequel.
III.
The matter narrated belongs to the history of Nebuchadnezzar, but Hananiah,
Mishael, and Azaria enter into it. It is told us on account of the great edification
to be got from it.
1 Translation of ver. 48 : ' Then the king called Daniel my lord, and my master,' etc.
1 6 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [III.
The first thing necessary to explain is, What moved Nebuchadnezzar to make this
image ? Our answer is, that when he became master of the world he made it, and the
herald proclaimed that whosoever should not come forward and bow down should be
cast into the fiery furnace. By doing this they would shew their allegiance to him ;
before they were under his sovereignty he could not have done it. He had already
another deity whom he served (ver. 14). His will was accomplished as soon as it was
seen that all mankind except the Jews mentioned in the Scripture bowed down to
it. He records its height and its sizej the latter containing its length and breadth.
He set it up in the plain of Dura because it could contain a great crowd of men
standing. He made its height sixty cubits, that they might see it from a distance and
bow down to it from every quarter. He did not set it up before collecting the people :
rather, he made it first, then sent and brought the people from all the cities of the
world, and when they were come to Babylon set it up and ordered them to bow down
to it. He brought the nobles, not the common people, which would have been
impossible; .the world would have been desolated and the place could not have
contained them either. Those who came must have left substitutes to keep their
places till they returned. He tells us that when they were summoned they came and
did not disobey ; which fact, by itself, shewed their allegiance to him. And when they
were gathered in Babylon, he made a banquet in honour of the image ; and the people
gathered and bowed down, and after that went to eat and drink ; they did not eat
before they had bowed. Probably he had slaughtered victims and made them ready
for them. Then, after they had gathered together, he set up musicians with their
instruments, and when they were standing in front of the image, he bade the heralds
go about among the people and say : ' Ye tribes of men, take heed, and fail not to bow
down to the image ; whensoever ye hear the sound of the musical instruments, let
every one fall on his face bowing to the image, and whosoever shall not bow down,
that moment shall he be cast into the fiery furnace.' This shews that he must have
built a great furnace in order that if any man disobeyed he might be thrown into the
fire. Most probably he had sent some persons before him to go about among the
people who had come from the countries, to see whether any one disobeyed or not.
Then the writer informs us that all who were present bowed down after they had
heard the sound of the musical instruments, except the three mentioned above. We
are left with one of two alternatives. Either he desired the people to abandon their
religions and serve a god other than their own ; or he desired their allegiance only.
As it is not probable that he desired them to give up their gods, since the religions
remained intact, each nation serving its god, we must suppose that he desired of them
allegiance and nothing more. What we must remember about all the Jews who were
in Babylon is that the king did not require this of the common people, but only of the
dignitaries and nobles : not of the others. Had not Hananiah, Mishael, and Azaria
been dignitaries as was mentioned before he would not have made them appear in
the throng, nor have required them to bow down. As for the case of Daniel, he was
not required to bow down to the image because his station was too high, as he
III. i8.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 17
occupied the place of a god with the king (ii. 46). Those who accused them were
minions of the king, whom he had ordered to take note of the people.
12. They serve not thy god : i. e. the god whom he served before he set up the
image.
We learn that when he was told that they bowed not down to the image, he was
filled with wrath and his colour changed. Either this was because * * *
or because opposition had come from them; [and he feared] that, when this was
known to others, his authority would be weakened ; and had it not been for that, he
would not have thought it a grave matter. The latter is more probable to my mind.
He did not know what to do, and perhaps did not finish the dedication of the image.
He ordered them to be brought before him and began to upbraid them ; perhaps,
he thought, they would make an excuse of some kind, so that their joy need not be
troubled [i. e. so that they need not be punished].
15. Now are ye ready? i.e. 'did ye just now hear the proclamation, or has the
herald not yet come forward with it ?' Perhaps he said this in order that they might
make some excuse, that the people might know that they did not slight him ; though
the time for bowing had already passed ; for he only desired the people to bow down
at the time when they heard the sound of the musical instruments. But the answer
they returned was not an excuse ; on the contrary, they spoke plainly to him, so that
it became necessary, in his view, for him to do what he did.
16. "We do not need : i. e. ' it is not necessary for us to make any excuse, as
perhaps thou wouldst suggest ; and as for thy saying " What god is he," thou art to
know that our God is able to deliver us from the fiery furnace wherewith thou
threatenest us in many ways, and if thou command us to be slain by some other means,
He is able to deliver us from that too.'
1 8. And if not : this does not mean 'if He is not able,' which would be in
contradiction to their assertion, ver. 17. It means, 'if He should not deliver us ; for
He will not leave us in thy hand out of inability. Nor do we serve Him in order that
He may deliver us from punishment in this world, but only that we may be delivered
from punishment in the next world, and receive our eternal reward ; so thou mayest
know that what was told thee of us is true ; we have not served thy god, nor thy
image, nor shall we serve them in time to come either.' And this they said in the
presence of the crowds that had bowed down to the image.
From this verse we learn that it is unlawful to bow down to an image, even though
a man does not believe in its sanctity. The foundation of this is in the law (Ex. xx. 5).
We also learn that there is another world of rewards. For, if there were no other
world after this, in what did they trust, that they did not bow down to the image ? And
for what did they hope, that they gave their bodies to be burnt ? Or why didJDaniel let
himself be thrown into the lions' den ? The words if not shew that in their opinion it
was possible that God might let His servants be tormented and slain by the hand of
unbelievers, to reward them for it in the next world. They knew all this, and yet did
not commit the crime.
a [ii. 3 .]
i8 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [111.22.
He ordered them to throw in seven times as much wood as was ordinarily
thrown in, to terrify them, that they might repent and humble themselves ; but they
did not care for his words or think about them. Then we are told that he commanded
them to be bound in their clothes ; and the king's order was obeyed.
, their vests.
, their belts.
, either their turbans, or their bonnets, as they were dressed like
governors.
They were thrown with engines, because the furnace was high, and raised above
the level of the ground, and they were thrown over the top of it. They were not
introduced by the door of the furnace, because the king wished to make the scene as
terrible as possible, and in order that the crowds of bystanders might look on at a
distance, on some high ground. Possibly he flung in each one separately, one after
the other ; he threw in, let us suppose, Hananiah first, that the two might take fright ;
but they did not care ; so he threw in the second, and the last did not care.
22. The writer now tells us how those who threw them in were slain by the heat of
the sparks of fire. This was because the fuel flew up when they fell in ; a fierce flame
came out of it ; and when the heat caught them, they perished. Nebuchadnezzar was
standing on the high place when they flung them out of the engine, looking on the
furnace ; there can have been no smoke ascending, which would have hidden the
furnace from view ; and he beheld them, and lo, they were going to and fro in the
flame. And he was terrified and amazed thereby (ver. 24), and spoke to his courtiers
as recorded. Either these were present with him, but did not see what he saw,
through God hiding it from them (as happened to Daniel when he saw the angel
whom no one else saw, as we shall explain infra), so that they saw neither the angel
nor the three. Or it may be that his courtiers saw the three, but did not see the
angel.
24. Were not three men P He tells them that he sees something they do not.
Perhaps he asked first for information from them, to know whether they saw it or not ;
and then he said 'Did not we throw in three men and no more?' And they said
' Aye.' Then he said, ' Lo, I see four persons, only the fourth is like the angels.' The
other three were, of course, Shadrach, etc. Then, when he saw them going to and
fro in the furnace, not going out of the furnace, he said in himself, 'These men
will not go out, however long they stay ; it is as if they were in a garden, taking
their pleasure.' So he approached the door of the furnace to ask them to go out
from the furnace, since there was no way out save by the door ; apparently they
wished to shew that the person who should take them out must be himself, and that
they would not go out save by his command. So he approached the furnace and said
to them, ' Come out, come ; ' the angel must have been with them till they left the
furnace, because so long as he was with them no mischief from the fire could come to
them. When they went out, they were not naked, but covered with their clothes ; in
III. 24.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 19
their tunics only, out of all their clothes, since only these are mentioned. And the
Creator and Worker of miracles caused these tunics to remain, to cover them, and
that all might see the marvel that some of their clothes should be burnt, while others
remained unburnt. We are told above that the fire did not attack any part of their
bodies, so that even in the nails of the feet and the hands, in which no great harm
would be done, they were not injured by it. Their hair was not singed : as hair
naturally is by a little fire, when it comes near it. N"or had the smell of fire passed
on them : it could not be smelt in their bodies or in their tunics ; this is not astonishing,
as a work of the Almighty Creator ; He put a screen between the fire and them, by one
of those mercies of which He is capable, but not between the fire and their garments ;
blessed be He, Worker of miracles impossible to His creatures (cp. Ps. cxxxvi. 4).
This overthrows the doctrine of those who would do away with miracles, and reject
this narrative. Now God Almighty displayed this mighty miracle in the time of
Nebuchadnezzar, as He displayed His miracles in Egypt, annulling thereby the systems
of the Magicians till they confessed and said, 'This is the finger of God' (Ex. vii. 15).
And so, when Nebuchadnezzar and the rest of his princes had witnessed this, they
believed in the work of the Creator, and thereafter he blessed the Creator, saying :
Blessed is their God, etc. An hour before his language to them had been : And
who is the God who shall save you from my hand ?
Who sent His angel : he had witnessed the angel going with them ; God
Almighty had sent the angel to make him certain that this was His work, and none
other's.
And saved His servants : observing that they were saved through relying on
Him, not caring for his threats, and changing the king's word.
But gave up their bodies : i. e. they gave over their bodies to the fire, and all
that they might serve no other god.
And a decree is set forth by me : he ordered that a stop should be put to the
societies of religious speculation, wherein the doctrines of the Unitarians were reprobated.
That whoever speaketh error against their God shall be hewn, i. e. his body
cut in pieces, and his property be confiscate to the sultan.
For there is no other god : he decides that among all the gods there is none
able to deliver his servants from afflictions and punishments like Him.
After this he tells us what the king did with them afterwards. He promoted, i. e.
he increased their rank and dignity.
People may ask about the previous assertion of Nebuchadnezzar at the time in
which Daniel interpreted his dream to him, ' Of a truth your God, etc.,' and they may
say, ' Does not this language shew that he believed in God Almighty and His miracles ?
How then can he have dealt so with them or said, " And who is the God whp shall save
you from my hand?'" The answer is that it was not more extraordinary than that
our ancestors should have witnessed God's wonders and His talking with them on
Mount Sinai, and after a few days should have served the calf, explaining away in
some manner what they had witnessed. How much more natural that such should be
20 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [III. 31.
the conduct of Nebuchadnezzar the idolater! At the time, probably, he believed;
afterwards he apostatised by the aid of some of these false explanations. Doubtless
God punished him for his apostasy, and for admitting doubts into his mind.
(Fourth Chapter.)
31. These are the letters written by king Nebuchadnezzar to all the people of the
world, after the completion of the seven years which passed over him when he was
among the wild beasts. When his reason had returned to him and he was once more
king, he wrote the letters, in which he narrates the story ; beginning with Signs and
wonders and ending with and those that walk in pride.
32. Signs and wonders : alluding to what had happened to him during the seven
years, which we shall recount in its place. It was pleasing before me : meaning
that he felt bound to tell them to the world, and not to refrain from publishing and
proclaiming them, and thanking God for them.
33. His signs : i. e. both the wonderful works recorded above, and those which
God is constantly performing. Shewing that he believed in them, and did not reject
them as the philosophers do.
His kingdom is an everlasting kingdom : meaning (l) that it endures infinitely;
(2) that He does what He thinks fit in His world, and that His dominion is over all
while the times and periods change (cp. Ps. cxlv. 13).
IV.
1. He tells us that he saw the dream at the time when he was at peace, and
no necessity for expeditions occurred : the world being completely at his feet, without
enemies or rivals ; his affairs and business being all in due order.
Green in my palace refers to his bodily health and personal appearance when
his affairs were settled, as opposed to the condition in which he was during the
periods when he was engaged in wars.
2. He tells us that he saw a dream which made an impression on him, and which
he did not forget as he had forgotten the first dream : and when he woke, lo, he was
in terror. Or, the first part may be a description of his condition during the time in
which he was seeing the dream and hearing the voice of the angels, Cut down the
oak ; and the words and thoughts on my bed troubled me, an account of his
condition after waking, meaning that he was pondering on what he had seen, and
troubled and amazed, not knowing the interpretation.
3. 4. He did not, we see, send for Daniel to appear before him, and ask him
to interpret the dream, notwithstanding that Daniel was present in Babylon. He
sent first to the wise men of Babylon for the following reason : when he demanded of
them the first dream, they said repeatedly, ' Tell us the dream and we undertake to
interpret it.' So when he saw this dream, knowing that the interpretation of it was
difficult, he determined to tell it to the different orders of the wise men of Babylon, in
order that, when they were found unable to interpret it, their inferiority might be
clearly proved to themselves and to mankind in general ; and that he might afterwards
IV. 20.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 21
send for Daniel, who would tell him the dream before them, and explain it step by
step ; so that his superiority would come out as clearly as that of Joseph, when
the wise men of Egypt were unable to interpret the dream of Pharaoh, and they
all acknowledged his wisdom (Gen. xli. 38).
5, 6. He had called him Belteshazzar, the name of his god, because of the
spirit of the holy gods which was to be found in him ; the name was a distinction.
According to the name of my god : some have supposed that in spite of all the
events which had happened to him, he continued to worship idols, owing to some
delusion or other, or else for political purposes ; as, if he proclaimed to the world that
he adopted the religion of the Jews, their laws would be incumbent on him, and
he would fall. He was therefore unwilling to withdraw himself from his god, so that
he magnified the God of heaven, but did not give up his own religion. Or it may
refer to that which he had been accustomed to serve before he believed in God
Almighty.
Whom I know, from what had occurred in the first dream, when the secret had
been revealed to him.
7 sqq. After being told the dream, and how ' none but thee of the wise men of
Babylon can interpret it, but thou canst because of the divine wisdom that is in thee,
so tell the interpretation thereof,' Daniel pondered and did not commence inter-
preting till the king spoke to him. This was not bewilderment on Daniel's part
concerning the interpretation, owing to the matter being concealed from him ; he was
rather pondering how to approach the king, it being improper to approach him directly
with the interpretation, owing to its content, viz., misfortunes to happen to the king ;
he also saw that it would not be well when the king asked him for the interpretation
that he should fail to give it. He thought it therefore the safest course to ponder till
the king spoke and asked him. The severe effort of thinking had made his colour
change ; when the king saw him thus he said, Let not the dream or its inter-
pretation trouble thee, thinking that he would require to ponder deeply over it.
Daniel answered that he had not held back the interpretation because it had troubled
him, but only on the king's behalf; otherwise he might have hastened to interpret it
at once.
19. The dream be to them that hate thee : an expression of civility and courtesy,
it being improper to commence otherwise. It has been thought that Daniel may have
meant the enemies of God Almighty, and those that hate Him, Nebuchadnezzar being
one of them. Then he proceeded to divide the dream into three parts, and to inter-
pret each part separately.
20. ' The greatness, might and height of the tree that thou sawest, with food
therein for all animals, and dwelling for them beneath it and in it,' represents the
height of the kingdom and its extension to the end of the world. One thing is left
unexplained, sc. v. 21 : Whose leaves were fair and the fruit thereof much ; the
first refers to the beauty of his armies and his children, and the second to the quantity
of goods that he had collected from the countries. In it was meat for all, refers
22 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [IV. 20.
to his stores. The beasts of the field had shadow tinder it : i. e. the nomads.
The fowls symbolize all those who had come to him from all countries, and attached
themselves to his dominion and housed themselves under his protection. And all
flesh was fed of it most probably refers to the profit enjoyed by mankind after his
dominion had been established. Then he expounds the second part, the voice of the
angels which he had heard (ver. 14). Observe that of these two angels one was in the
height, the one that said Hew down the tree, who is called a watcher, and was
higher in rank than the holy one, who asked the ' watcher ' to let the roots of the tree
remain in their place (ver. 15). The sentence is by the decree of the watchers,
refers to Hew down the tree, etc. ; the demand is by the word of the holy one,
to the demand that the stump of his roots should be left. The names are used first
in the singular (ver. 13), afterwards in the plural (ver. 17) ; this shews that they were
a multitude ; and that a number of "watchers commanded, and a number of holy ones
asked on behalf of the tree : God shewed him this that he might know that both matters
were by command of the Almighty Creator; both Nebuchadnezzar's personal calamity,
and the preservation of the kingdom for him till he returned from the wilderness.
Hew down the oak means removing him from mankind : cut off its branches
refers to the cutting off of his armies. Even with a band of iron and brass
refers to his being among the animals during that period, like a man bound, unable to
move hither or thither, and remaining with the wild beasts. In the tender grass of
the field means that he would live in a place which produced grass for him to feed
upon, and that he would be a graminivorous not a carnivorous animal.
With the dew of heaven refers to his being day and night under heaven, having
no shelter to take refuge in from the dew.
Let his heart be changed refers to the cessation of his reason, and his becoming
deprived of the power of discrimination which he had.
Three things, it is to be observed, are literal : (i) grass like an ox, etc. ; (2) let it
be wet with the dew of heaven ; (3) let his heart be changed ; the rest are all
symbolical.
And let seven times pass over him : some persons have thought these ' times '
mean ' seasons,' making a total of less than two years ; others, that they were ' years,'
which is more probable; the period apparently was extended, and the Creator
humiliated him. Then the angel states that all this had come upon him that he might
know that the kingdom is God's, and that He gives it to whom He will, though he be
the lowest of the people (ver. 17). This shews that his heart was swollen, and that he
had clothed himself in pride : and that God had humbled him in consequence, that he
might realize that God Almighty is Monarch in His world, and does therein what He
will, as is explained in the following chapter. Then he proceeds to the third portion,
and whereas they commanded, whereas thou heardest it said ' leave the stump of
the roots of the tree,' the meaning thereof is that the kingdom remaineth for thee, and
shall not be taken away from thee. Then after he had interpreted the dream he pro-
ceeded to give him counsel, which he had only to follow to avert the threat.
IV. 3 2.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 23
24. This points to his having tyrannized over the people (cp. Ezek. vii. 1 1 ; Jer.
xxi.35) ; he may have made heavy demands from them or enacted cruel laws. The words
by shewing mercy to the poor refer to hard-heartedness on his part towards the
weak : by whom some have thought that the weak Israelite nation is intended, since
apparently he was more furious against them than any others. Now these are two
great offences committed by unbelievers for which God punishes in this world ; thus
he destroyed the generation of the Flood on their account (Gen. vi. 13), and so too Sodom
and Gomorrah, and so too the people of Nineveh till they repented (Jonah iii. 8).
So there shall be a lengthening of thy tranquillity : i.e. God will divert it from
thee for a time, as he diverted the disaster in the time of Hezekiah. God would bring
it upon him owing to his oppression and tyranny : but if he mended his ways, God
would divert it from him: it will be according to the sentence of the watchers,
if thou remainest in all thy sins.
25. This verse is not part of Daniel's address to the king, but an observation of the
writer, informing us that Nebuchadnezzar did not accept Daniel's counsel, and
therefore that which the dream symbolized overtook him.
26. 27. This saying only was not the cause of what happened to him, but his
continuance in his guilt and transgression. God gave him a year's grace from the
time that he saw the dream : but as he did not repent, and this saying was added
thereunto, God delayed his punishment no longer. It happened that he had gone up
to the roof of the palace and looked down over the city, and observed the beauty of
its buildings, till he said Is not this great Babylon ? which shews that he had
rebuilt it after his own fancy to make it his capital ; and all his stores were therein,
whence the words for the might of my power, etc.
28, 29. The voice which he heard was from heaven ; possibly no one heard it save
he ; or possibly others did hear it, the voice being loud that mankind in general might
know this.
30. Doubtless as soon as he heard this voice which descended from the heavens
reach him, his reason stopped, and he fell down from his palace-roof, and went blindly
forward, and was guided by the Creator into the wilderness ; he was not stopped,
especially as his story was known, and Daniel had told them about it, so that they did
not attend to him.
Till his hair was grown points to the length of his sojourn, which was seven
years.
31, 32. At the end of the seven times his reason returned to him, and he found
himself among the wild beasts in the wilderness, and perceived the state of his body,
the mass of his hair and the length of his nails, and realized that there had come upon
him all that had been told him. After that he raised his eyes to heaven and spoke as
above.
His kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, inasmuch as the kingdom of men
and their dominion ceases and terminates.
And all the inhabitants of the earth. : the great and the little alike are counted
24 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [IV. 33.
as nothing ; since they come to an end and die : and in this sense the verse will refer
to ordinary people, and their general condition. The prophets and saints however are
the pillars of the world. If Nebuchadnezzar refers to death and the termination of
man's career, then it is a general sentiment ; but if it refers to rank and power, then
the prophets and saints are not included.
And He doeth according to His will in the army of heaven : i.e. either
the angels ; or the stars, which eclipse, blacken, and fall.
And among the inhabitants of the earth : here too he may refer to mankind,
whom God slayeth and maketh alive, enricheth and maketh poor or it may include
all the animals.
And none : including the host of heaven and the inhabitants of the earth.
Can strike upon His hand : i. e. upon God's hand ; or perhaps on his own hand,
to warn Him off. The first is more probable. None among the host of heaven and
the inhabitants of the earth can stay Him from His will, or express displeasure at His
work, saying to Him, 'What is the work that Thou hast done? It is not fair' (cp.
Eccles. viii. 4). He notices this because it corresponds with his own case ; since he
had been unable to impede God's dealings with himself, or be displeased thereat, for
He had been just in His work ; Daniel had warned him, but he had not taken his
advice ; and so earned all that happened to him.
33. He said above (ver. 31) mine understanding returned unto me in order to
annex to it and I blessed the Most High ; here he repeats it to tell us how he
returned and was established in his sovereignty and his glory. Daniel had said
to him thy kingdom shall be sure unto thee, assuring him that he would certainly
return to his throne.
My counsellors and my lords sought unto me : Daniel had reckoned up
the times, and when they were full, he commanded the army and the nobles to go out
after him, and to disperse in different regions to seek him, till they found him seeking
the inhabited world, and took him and brought him back.
And excellent greatness : he was not humiliated in their eyes when the
disaster had fallen upon him, but on the contrary, they gave him increased might and
majesty. This was because he dealt justly with the people, and gave up oppression,
wrong, and tyranny. Fear of him was in consequence put into the hearts of men, and
he increased in power and glory. The Scripture does not tell us how the world fared
during these seven times without a king to govern. Some say Daniel governed
the kingdom ; others that the king's son Evil sat on the throne till the return of
the father.
37. Just as if he had been reading out to them this section from the beginning till
this place, in copies transmitted to them, he finishes with the words ' I bless and exalt
the blessed Creator for all His works.'
This is the end of the history of Nebuchadnezzar. Then he proceeds to tell us the
history of Belshazzar, his grandson ; the history of his son Evil Merodach is omitted,
because no act was done by him like those done by his father and his son Belshazzar.
V. 7-] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 25
Of Evil Merodach we only hear of the kindness that he shewed to Jehoiakin.
Probably he was the best of them.
V.
1. Belshazzar reigned three years at the least ; and he made this feast quite at the
end of the time (ver. 3, inf.). The book does not explain the reason for which the
feast was made. Possibly he had counted the seventy years which God had
appointed them ; and when he saw that the seventy years were completed, and the
kingdom remained unchanged, he made the feast out of joy thereat, thinking that all
that had been said had fallen to the ground : and this was why he ventured to take
the vessels of the house of God which Nebuchadnezzar his father had put away, and
abstained from employing ; when Belshazzar saw the seventy years completed and the
kingdom remaining, he said, ' These vessels are mine and there is no return : ' so he
began to praise his gods, in whom he now believed, wherein he was too hasty ; and,
indeed, this was one of the causes of his ruin. He did not invite any besides the
nobles, their attendants and followers ; who, he tells us, were a thousand souls.
And drank wine before the thousand : they were in his hall, and he drank in
their presence.
2. While he tasted the wine : some make this mean that his intoxication excited
him to this, whereas, had he been sober he would not have done so, but would have
refrained from bringing them out and drinking out of them ; others, that while the wine
was pleasant to him, he wished to drink out of the vessels of the house of God, these
being vessels fit to drink out of, such as ' cups ' and ' bowls,' etc.
Vessels of gold and silver in ver. 2 ; in ver. 3 the silver is omitted : either for
brevity ; there being no doubt, if the gold were brought, that the silver would be
brought too ; or he may have ordered them to be brought, and afterwards preferred
the gold exclusively. Then they praised the god[s] of the images ; and did not praise
the blessed Creator, despising Him in their hearts, and thinking that they were
masters of the vessels of the house of God ; and just then came the term which God
had fixed.
5. The fingers of a hand : this shews that he saw a hand appear, but did not
see the arm, or the person ; so, too, Ezekiel (viii. 3) saw a hand only ; and likewise
Daniel on a later occasion (x. 7).
On the plaister of the wall of the palace : referring to the white plaister ;
the writing was black, so that it shewed : and the king saw it alone of those who were
in the hall, just as Nebuchadnezzar only saw Hananiah, Mishael, Azariah, and the
angel.
6- When he saw this miracle, fear and tremor came upon him, and owing to the
greatness of his terror the vertebrae of his spine were loosened, and his knees struck
against each other.
7. He immediately summoned these to tell him the writing and its interpretation ;
promising the person who should read it, and shew him the interpretation, that he
e [II. 3.}
26 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [V. 8.
would clothe him in royal garments, and put a gold chain about his neck, while a
herald cried before him that he was lord over a third part of the kingdom. This
is like what Pharaoh did to Joseph, only he entrusted his affairs to Joseph without
making him a partner in the kingdom, whereas Belshazzar meant that of all the taxes
that came to him Daniel should have a third part, and a third in every benefit
which the king enjoyed. His grandfather Nebuchadnezzar had made no such offer to
the person who should tell him his dream and its interpretation, but had merely
offered presents, rewards, and dignities, inferior to the sovereignty. This was because
this matter made more impression on Belshazzar than the other had made, and
because of the fright, fear, and impatience that had seized him.
8. The writing was not unlike any existing writing ; on the contrary, it was an
existing character, whether Hebrew or some other. The answer (to the problem) is
that the letters were not arranged in order, but inverted, the letters of tMD being
arranged D3N : and similarly all the letters of the four words were transposed.
Hence they did not understand them : and, when they read them, they got no
intelligible word, much less its interpretation. And his heart was nigh breaking
thereat, so that when Daniel, after the others had failed, read it and interpreted it, he
was able to address him as he did in presence of the throng, and explain to him his
sin and the wickedness of his conduct, as described at the outset of the chapter.
9. He had hoped that his wise men would understand it, and tell him its
interpretation : so when they did not understand it, his horror increased and his
colour changed. It is not improbable that he saw the hand while the others did not
see it, and that on account of this they were astonished and confounded when he said,
' Ye peoples, lo, I see a great hand which has written this, and lo, terror confounds me !'
ia This queen was his grandmother, wife of Nebuchadnezzar, and was acquainted
with these matters from their beginning.
By reason of the affairs of the king : this refers to the terror and fright that
had seized the king, and the change of the expression of his face, and the bewilder-
ment of his nobles, and [the fears] that had fallen on them on the king's account,
whence their joy had been changed into this plight. Her heart pained her on his
account, since he was her son's son, now that this trouble had fallen upon him,
and she feared that he might die of the fright which had beset his heart ; at any rate
that he would not rest till there came the person who had power to read to him
the writing and understand its interpretation.
IT. She informs him that there is present in the city Daniel, who will read the
writing, and interpret it to him ; that he might cease from [the terror] that had fallen
upon him. Then she began to recount to him some details of Daniel's wisdom, and
how he was above all his father's wise men, having been the most eminent of them,
that he might be convinced in his mind that Daniel would understand that, and
a more difficult thing too. The most probable account of this matter is that Daniel
had never come before him, and had never known him at all, having been absent from
Babylon during this year (see on viii. i) ; after which he returned, very probably
V. i8.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 27
for this very purpose, providentially. Next she described Daniel to him that he
might know him and his skill.
In verse II she ascribed to him four characteristics: (i) spirit of the gods;
(2) light ; (3) understanding ; (4) wisdom. In the next verse she repeats some
of them in the same words, and others with a change of expression. Probably an
excellent spirit means the same as spirit of the holy gods ; knowledge is the
explanation of wisdom like the wisdom of the gods ; interpreting of dreams the
specification of light ; this word WJIJ may either mean ' that which is correct '
according to the Hebrew, or ' light ' according to the Aramaic (cp. ii. 22) ; meaning
that he can shew up hidden things, which are as it were in dark places, so that they
can be seen and understood.
An excellent spirit : referring to his inspiration, the like of which was not to be
found among the wise men of Babylon.
Knowledge : the philosophical sciences, as in i. 4.
Understanding : reasoning power.
Interpreting of dreams : referring to difficult dreams, as happened to him when
he explained the tree (chap. iv).
Shewing of dark sentences : this is not illustrated in the book ; ' dark sentences '
are, in the language of the philosophers, striking sayings constructed in language made
up of hints, like Samson's riddle.
12. Dissolving of knots : a form of expression which is thought to be simple,
but which the wise man can analyse into its parts. She added that his grandfather
had set him above all his wise men because these qualities were united in him ; and
that he also called him by the name of his god on that account.
13. The queen had not told him that Daniel was of the Jews. Possibly he asked
those present about him, and they told him so. This remark of Belshazzar was not
meant contemptuously at such a time : he must have said it to him because the Jews
were famous for prophecy and the divine sciences.
1 6. He said in the first verse (14) ' that a spirit of the gods and light and prudence ; ' in
the second (this verse) he adds ' solutions ' also, according to what the queen had stated.
17. He would not accept any of the things he mentioned for several reasons.
First, because he did not want his favours, which were not proportionate, but dictated
by ignorance and insolence. Secondly, because they were honours which would be
annulled at once. Thirdly, that it might not be said that he had interpreted it
for the sake of what he was going to get. He said, * I will not take from thee, so,
if thou wilt give, give some one else, whom thou mayest choose. I will read the
writing and tell thee the interpretation thereof: that only is thy desire and thy
request.'
18-22. He prefixes this introduction to shew him that he was not greater than
his grandfather, who had reached in sovereignty and power and terror and majesty
a height which his grandson had not reached : yet, when he grew proud, and put
on the garb of tyranny, the Creator humbled him to a degree beyond which there
e 2
28 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [V. 22.
was no further degradation ; and that God raises the humble, and humbles the
proud, and slays mighty kings, and does whatever else He will, none being able to
oppose Him, or thwart His will.
22. Though thou knewest all this: shewing that Belshazzar knew all that
had happened to his grandfather, so that he should have taken warning thereby.
He then tells him that his seizure of the vessels of God's house was presumption
towards Him and contempt of Him in his soul. Then Daniel looked towards the
hall and the people therein, and saw the vessels of the house of God, and how
they had been used for drinking; and told him how they had been praising their
gods, and had not praised God Almighty as was His due, but had praised instead
the idols which can do nothing, being mere images and semblances. Then after
shewing him the inferiority of his gods, and his folly and audacity, he said to him,
* On account of this the author of this writing was sent.'
24-27. He tells him that on account of his action, as described, the angel had
been sent and had written these four words. He then combined the fifteen letters
into words, saying number twice ; the first referring to the number of seventy
years which God had appointed for Nebuchadnezzar, his son, and his son's son
(Jer. xxvii. 7), the second to the reign of Belshazzar. He had numbered to them
three kings and seventy years ; when these were completed, they had nothing more
left. Tekel he interprets thou art weighed; implying that one who is wanting
cannot be taken, but only one who is full weight ; i. e. whose intelligence, wisdom,
piety, etc. are so ; now in his father and grandfather there had been a certain
number of laudable characteristics, but in him there were none, all his qualities
being wanting. Pharsin he interprets fragments, comparing him to a thing that
is broken, wherein nothing serviceable is left ; referring to the destruction of all
his supporters in the kingdom, and his own murder. This is why Pharsin is in
the plural ; signifying his own destruction, i. e. death, and afterwards the destruction
after him of all the supporters of the Chaldean rule. Then he informed him that
that rule would be transferred to the Medes and Persians.
29. The king's promise had necessarily to be fulfilled, and Daniel could not
resist, though he knew that this sovereignty was transitory.
30. Darius knew that a word spoken by Daniel would be fulfilled, and that the
kingdom was destined for the Medes and Persians. It may be that Daniel had
told him that he and no other would be king, whence he was encouraged to kill
Belshazzar. Or he may have been killed by some of his servants, since the
Scripture does not record who the murderer was.
31. Received the kingdom: i.e. received it from the Chaldees ; cp. inf. ix. I.
We are not told how he was established in the sovereignty, nor how he became
seated in Babylon on the royal throne ; but the writer tells us that Darius was
born in the year in which Nebuchadnezzar took captive Jehoiakin king of Judah,
to shew that in the very year in which he did so much in Jerusalem, and won so
great a victory, God raised up one against him, who should take his kingdom
VI. 9 .] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. zg
from him. For this reason we are given the number of his years at the time of
his receiving the kingdom from the Chaldees. Since there was no purpose in
telling us the age of any other of the kings of the Gentiles or of the Israelites [?] at
the time of their coming to the throne, it is nowhere else given.
VI.
1-3. Darius was certain that the kingdom was established in his hands, and
that he had not to march out to fight opponents. He appointed therefore these
hundred and twenty governors, to each of whom belonged a particular province,
wherein he left a viceroy, while he himself remained with the king in the capital.
And he appointed three presidents, to whose word and command they were to refer ;
and he appointed the hundred and twenty that they might govern the kingdom, and
the king might not have to be fatigued with all the business. This is the same
sort of plan as Pharaoh adopted, when he appointed Joseph to govern the kingdom,
giving himself up to amusement, and retaining merely the title,
3. With JVB'y cp. Jonah i. 6 and Ps. cxlvi. 4. He set the three over the hundred and
twenty, and Daniel, who was one of the three, over both the governors and the presi-
dents, so that none of them could do anything save by his consent or command. He
did this, because an excellent spirit was in him. He was never found incompetent,
nor his orders and counsels false. So the king was, observe, planning to remove
the others, and establish Daniel by himself ; i. e. it was not practicable for him to
establish Daniel at once ; such a matter, he knew, required gentle strategy. So
he went to the chief nobles of the empire, and did not remove them from their
high station till his sovereignty was established. When it was established he began
to plot and to plan to remove them little by little ; and when they perceived this
they began to plot to remove him from the kingdom altogether.
4. The presidents and governors agreed together by reason of the envy of him
which had penetrated their hearts. The king, they said, has only exalted him
above us owing to the excellence of his counsel; so we must plan some device to
convince the king of some error or shortcoming on his part, that he may remove
him from the sovereignty altogether. They sought, he says, for an error, but could
not find one.
Error or mischief: 'error' means oppression of the subjects. 'Mischief,'
wrong done in reference to the king, or wasting the revenue.
5. Despairing of finding a means of attack on the side of the king, they thought
they would attain their will in respect of him in the matter of the worship of his
LORD. Their object and intention therein was not to endeavour to shew that he
neglected any of his religious duties, but of another sort.
7-9. Have consulted together : indicating that they had assembled and con-
sulted about a measure which could establish the king in his sovereignty, so that
the people would obey him ; and that it was necessary that this should be done,
and if the king failed to do it, his kingdom would become insecure. They bound
30 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [VI. ji.
themselves to this, in order that Daniel might not be able to serve God, which
was their real object, which object the king did not know : which was part of
their treachery against him ; for had the king known, he would not have agreed
to their counsel nor accepted it, nor set his signature. Then they said to him,
'Set thy signature that it may be read to the people in the streets and in the
assemblies, that none of them may oppose it.' They included in their phrase that
every man the followers of every religion, not confining the law to religions other
than their own ; a stroke of policy, to make it apply to Daniel. They appointed
it for the space of thirty days, to make it last long; that being with them the
utmost space for which they could remain without worship of their deity. Had
that not been allowed by their religion, he would not have enacted it. They also
forbade people to make any request of each other, as they had forbidden them to
make any of God ; but their object was only the latter. This they did that none
besides themselves might know their object. Then they excepted the king for two
reasons. First, because it was absolutely necessary; since otherwise the nation
would have perished from mutual outrages and difficulties that would arise.
Secondly, they exalted the king above all gods to magnify his estate. All this was
to shew him that by this statute his kingdom would be confirmed and set in order.
When the king saw that they were agreed about it, it was clear to him that, unless
he did that on which they were agreed, his power would be shaken. So he did
it. He did not take Daniel's opinion beforehand, because they had told him that
it was a part of the administration wherein Daniel had absolutely no concern.
11. Daniel may have known what was in their minds, and their purpose, i.e.
that he and no other was their mark ; and he knew too what the king had done.
But he did not tell the king, committing the business to the Creator of all. He
mentions the windows, because they looked in at him through them, and surprised
him, and behold he was praying.
Towards Jerusalem : this does not mean that the windows were opened
towards Jerusalem, but rather that he stood facing Jerusalem, the Qiblah.
As he did aforetime : shewing that it was not a thing which he commenced
then ; it implies that he had habitually done so, and that it is an obligatory duty
which cannot be neglected. The three times probably mean evening, morning,
and midday. From the words he kneeled upon his knees we learn that that is
one condition of prayer (cp. Ps. xcv. 6).
12. Doubtless he had perceived that they had come to see him; he did not,
however, interrupt his prayer, but continued till the end, so that when they came
down upon him he was still praying. These men were the governors and presidents.
13 (12). His answer, the thing is true, means 'it is so,' and none may transgress
it ; whoever transgresses shall be cast into the den of lions. When they heard
this saying of the king, and had reminded him of his decree, they proceeded.
14 (13). Of the children of the captivity : contemptuous, indicating that he was
of the vilest of the people : ' yet thou hast raised him above them all, and he has
VI. 2o.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 31
opposed thy edict, and loosed that wherewith thou hast bound the nation.' And
they desired the king after this speech to order that he be thrown into the den of
lions.
15. When he heard them say that the violator of the decree was Daniel, he
perceived that they had laid the plot against him : so he began to make excuses
for Daniel ; such as that he did not count as one of the multitude to whom the
prohibition applied : ' since he is the ruler of the kingdom, and the persons intended
were others.' This and similar things he kept saying to them till sunset, opposing
their proposition and excusing Daniel. Some have supposed that he said to them,
' Daniel cannot have known what was written ; had he heard of it, he would not
have disobeyed our decree.' But when the sun set, Daniel rose and prayed, so that
the king had no longer any excuse for him.
1 6. In other words : ' If Daniel be not cast into the lions' den, the rule of the
Medes and Persians will have been broken ; now if it can be broken in Daniel's
case, it can be broken in other cases ; and this is a principle which will extend
itself; and ruin will be the result.' Their meaning was, that if the king altered
their laws they would revolt from him, seeing that it was quite impossible that one
who altered their laws should be king over them.
17. Darius' language is very different from that of Nebuchadnezzar (sup. iii. 15).
Darius believed in God's power to deliver in some miraculous manner, whereas
Nebuchadnezzar believed in no such power. Those who threw the victims in that
case into the furnace were killed by the sparks of fire, because they were close by
it. Those who threw Daniel into the den of lions did not suffer in the same
way, the lions being far away from them. Darius said to Daniel at the moment
of his being thrown in, 'Doubtless the God whom thou servest continually will
save thee from the lions, since He is able to do this ; and those who have plotted
against thee will not see their will accomplished upon thee.'
18. Probably the den had a door, whereby the lions were introduced; and also
a mouth, by which their food was thrown to them to eat, when there was no man
thrown. And it was these people's duty when any man had merited death to
throw him to the lions to eat. It was Nebuchadnezzar's way to kill by fire, and
of the rest to kill by the sword.
That there might be no change of purpose : he means lest, when they saw
that the lions did not harm him, they might themselves throw stones upon him
and kill him ; since they now dealt openly with him. And the king did this because
he knew that God Almighty would deliver him ; otherwise he would not have
sealed the stone which was at the top of the pit.
19. 0113 is the Chaldee for the Heb. B>K vV. His heart was on fire> he means,
concerning Daniel, so that he refused music and pleasure. And through his spirit
being occupied with him, he thought much concerning him, and his sleep fled, so
that he got no rest till dawn.
20 sqq. He arose at dawn, his spirit being occupied with him ; then he called
32 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [VI. 34.
to him that he might let his voice be heard, and delight his heart with [an assurance
of] his safety.
My God hath sent His angel : to be taken literally. God Almighty sent His
angel to deliver him, as He sent His angel to Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah.
Although the lions were hungry, He allowed them no means of harming him.
For as much as before Him innocency : referring to his righteous conduct in
matters between himself and God generally, and also to what was said above, ver. 4.
And also before thee, O king, I have done no hurt : indicating that he had
done nothing whereby he had earned this treatment.
24. They let down ropes, as was done in the case of Jeremiah.
25. These men were the hundred and twenty-two who had plotted against him ;
and every one who had displayed any hatred towards Daniel they included with them :
also their sons and wives; because it was the rule by the Persian law to include
the women and children with the men; or perhaps their wives and their grown-
up sons had displayed some joy at Daniel's misfortune and hatred towards him,
and so had earned their fate in the king's mind. Probably they threw them
down in parties according to the number of the lions, each lion getting one ; and
when they saw that he had devoured him, they produced another till they had
devoured them all. Then Daniel returned to the administration of the kingdom
by himself, as the king had originally intended (ver. 3). Doubtless the king's written
statute must have held good till the end of the thirty days, except [for] Daniel
and those who, like him, were worshippers of God Almighty.
26 sqq. Darius acted as Nebuchadnezzar had done, when he returned from the
wilderness to his throne, in circulating letters, recounting what had happened to
him. He felt bound to magnify the blessed Creator and publish His miracles ; and
to command mankind to fear Him ; He being the eternal God, Whose kingdom and
prevailing sovereignty never cease ; and the Saviour and Deliverer of whom He will.
Doing signs and wonders in heaven and earth : signs in the heavenly hosts,
such as eclipses, etc. ; and in earth, such as took place in the history of Daniel
and his companions. Darius himself had witnessed this, and knew it. Then he
informed them how Daniel had been cast into the lions' den, and had not been
hurt ; doubtless people already knew what had been done by the hundred and twenty
men till they were thrown to the lions and removed from office and others appointed
in their stead.
29. He was in power and office. (Cp. i. ad fin.}
So far the history of what happened to Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, and Darius.
The history of Cyrus and the Persian kings who succeeded him is told in the
book of Ezra.
VII.
i. He was already acquainted with the facts about the four kingdoms contained
in Nebuchadnezzar's dream, as explained by him ; after this, however, he received
VII. 4 .] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 33
fuller accounts of the same ; part of which is contained in the now following dream,
parts in chaps, viii, ix, x ; in all five chapters. Now the dream which Nebuchadnezzar
saw, and this dream which Daniel saw mention all four kingdoms. The Vision,
on the contrary, does not mention the first, but only three. The fourth chapter
(chap, ix) contains a summary history of the Second Temple, and also a notice of
what Rome, the fourth kingdom, did to Jerusalem. The fifth chapter describes
the fortunes of the kings of Greece, Rome, and Arabia, etc., as we shall explain
by God's help. These four chapters, composed by the blessed Daniel, may be thus
divided : the first consists of what he saw in the dream; the second of what he saw in
the vision; the third and fourth of what he saw when awake; indicating the high
stage he had reached in prophecy. God Almighty revealed this to Daniel of all
mankind, owing to his anguish at our sufferings, and the interest he felt in what
was going to happen to us, and his desire to know how long the time would be ;
for which reason he is called the tnan of desires.
Then he wrote the dream : because he desired that it should have a place
in the collection of documents written by th~ blessed prophets.
And told the sum of the matters : meaning either that he wrote down
the important points of the dream ; or else referring to the heading words in the
chapter, Daniel answered and said, as they are written ; and meaning that the
events took place just as they are recorded in this book ; that it might not be
supposed that only part was written, the dream being epitomized ; since the
prophets do sometimes write part [of a history] and omit part ; as in the Books
of Kings.
2, 3. He saw four winds stirring the great sea, i.e. the ocean. And after it
had been stirred, there rose from it these four animals. Apparently he must have
fancied in the dream that he was standing on the sea-shore till the animals rose.
Then he begins to describe them one by one.
4-8. We must explain why these kingdoms are compared to animals, so that
sometimes they are compared to horses (Zech. vi. i), which are domestic animals ;
and similarly infra the king of Persia is compared to a ram, and the king of
Greece to a goat. In my opinion he (Zechariah) compared the four kingdoms to
horses, because they are used in war ; since, therefore, each of these kingdoms was at
war with some other, he compared them to horses. Nebuchadnezzar he compares
at one time to an eagle, at another to a lion ; to an eagle as being the strongest
bird of prey, and to a lion as being the strongest beast of prey ; similarly none of
the four kingdoms was more powerful or braver than he. For a similar reason he
compared him (chap, ii) to gold, which is more valuable than silver. The eagle
again suggests the idea of flight and elevation ; both of which apply to Nebuchad-
nezzar (Jer. iv. 13 and Is. v. 27). The lion too has extraordinary strength, and
never turns his back (Prov. xxx. 30). In this verse he is compared to the two
together. The eagle's wings are his mighty armies.
I was gazing : i. e. at the animal that I saw with this terrible form, till I beheld,
f [II. 3-]
34 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [VII. 5.
and lo, its wings were plucked off, so that it could not fly ; typifying that his
journeyings and invasions were interrupted.
It was lifted up from the earth typifies what befell him during the seven
years (iv. 30).
And it was made to stand on two feet as a man, and a man's heart
was given unto it : a description of his condition when his reason returned to
him, and he confessed the Unity of God, and renounced tyranny and transgression,
and returned to his kingdom, and was increased in dignity above what he had
possessed before (iv. ad fin.}. He describes Nebuchadnezzar only, not noticing the
estate of his children, because they had no estate worth noticing, i. e. they achieved
no acts of heroism or conquests ; but only retained the estate left them by
Nebuchadnezzar.
Next, he describes the second animal, as like to a bear : referring to its stupidity ;
because they were believers in dualism and idolaters.
And it was raised up on one side : some take this literally, as meaning that
as soon as it rose, it was in part overthrown ; referring to its dealings with Israel,
i. e. those of Darius with Daniel, of Cyrus, Darius the Persian, and Artaxerxes with
Israel, and of Ahasuerus after the history of Haman.
And three ribs were in its mouth : i. e. they governed three quarters of the
globe (cp. viii. 4).
And they said thus unto it, Arise, devour much flesh : the words of
Haman (Esth. iii. 9). He does not say that it ate, because this purpose was not
accomplished upon Israel, but was turned against their enemies. He describes, as
we observed before, the conduct of the kings of Persia, but of none of the Chaldean
kings save Nebuchadnezzar. Then he speaks of the third animal, which he com-
pares to a leopard ; the leopard being smaller than the bear ; similarly in the last
chapter he compares the kings of Persia to a ram, but those of Greece to a goat,
which is smaller than a ram. Besides, the leopard haunts the doors of cities
(Jer. v. 6) ; the leopard is the kings of Greece collectively.
Four wings of a fowl : these are his (Cerasphorus') four disciples : see on
xi. 4.
And dominion was given to it : the well-known story of Alexander.
7. (After this.) Now he speaks of the fourth animal, which he does not
compare, like the rest, to a known animal ; because it had not any single religion
or doctrine, nor did Daniel recognise in it any animal form to which he could
liken it ; he can only tell of the horror, terror, and fear which it inspired. This
is a description of the kingdom of Rome ; cp. on ii. 40.
And it had great iron teeth : i. e. TITUS THE SINNER, and the others like
him, who invaded cities and shed blood ; as a wild beast tears with its teeth and
tusks. The metaphor is followed up in it devoured (i.e. massacred), and brake
in pieces (i.e. oppressed).
It was diverse : referring to the variety of its customs, and the great harm it did.
VII. is.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 35
And it had ten horns : i. e. ten thrones ; see below on ver. 24.
8. I considered the horns : owing to their size. He was gazing intently on
their size.
He looked, and lo, after this, this little horn had risen up amid the ten horns ;
and when the little horn had come between them, three horns were thrown down
before it, and there were left seven, with this little horn among them. Then he
perceived that this little horn had eyes like a man's eyes : and a mouth which
spoke proud words. He does not tell us what the words were ; see below on ver. 25.
9, 10. These thrones [which were cast down] are the kings mentioned above.
The Ancient of days is an angel whose task it shall be to judge the nations on
the day of Judgment (cp. Ps. 1. 3). A throne of fire, he tells us, was set up for
him, and the wheels of his throne were flaming fire ; the bodies of the supernal
angels are of fire, and their thrones are of fire likewise. Then he shewed him a river
of fire issuing out from before the angel, wherewith he punished transgressors.
Thousand thousands ministered unto him : because he was the greatest of
the angels, like the great Sultan, before whom stand a multitude of ministers. Then
he tells us why he sat upon the throne with these ministers standing before him : the
judgment was set and the books were opened : i. e. the judgment of the world
for their denial of Him (Deut. xxxii. 37). The books were opened : for some of
their sins were of long standing, and their works were noted (ibid. 32). The
expression refers to the ordinary custom of noting down a fact which may be of
use after some time, that one may not forget it. He is using the language of the
world. Compare for the same, in reference to the deeds of the wicked, Is. Ixv. 6 ;
and in reference to the conduct of the godly, Mai. iii. 1 6 and Ps. Ixix. 29. Reference
is elsewhere made to God's judgment of the Gentiles for the wrong they have done
Israel (Joel iii. 2). He thought it appropriate to mention the day of Judgment after
the termination of the four kingdoms, to shew that at the close of their sovereignty
they must expect judgment, punishment, and condemnation, and that their works
are taken count of against them.
1 1. He returns to the history of the fourth animal : the cause of the destruction
of this great creature, he tells us, was the proud language used by the horn ; and
though God Almighty gave it a long respite, yet every respite must end, and the
time will at last have come.
(i) The beast was slain, and (ii) his body destroyed, and (iii) he was given
to the burning of fire. Was slain refers to the slaughter of their kings and the
destruction of their armies. And his body was destroyed most probably refers
to the abolition of their worship and religions ; so that there will not be left to
them a Church or place of Direction (QiblaK) : or it may mean the extinction of
Esau from this world. And was given refers to punishment in the next world,
i. e. Gehenna, which means 'the place of condemnation.'
12. After narrating the destruction of the last animal, he records the cessation
of the three kingdoms previously mentioned. This corresponds to ii. 34, 5, ubi vide.
f 2
36 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [VII. 13.
Yet their lives were prolonged : i. e. their religion and remnants of them-
selves exist in spite of the dominance of other persons and other systems.
Until a season and a time : i. e. till the conclusion of the fourth kingdom ;
by a time is meant the dominion of Israel. So the remnants of the dominions
and their cults will only pass away at the appearance of the blessed Messiah.
13. The Messiah is likened to a man in contrast to the four kingdoms, which
were likened to beasts. For two reasons. One is, because he is wise and knows
his Lord. A second, because he is lord of all.
With the clouds of heaven : because God Almighty [shall] send him, and
men shall witness him as they witness the clouds. Then we are told how he
came to the angel who sat judging the people, and how the angel let him come
before him and close to him, and then how God gave the kingdom to him.
14. Three words are used of him : dominion, glory, kingdom : the first means
the subjection of enemies and rebels ; the second, their coming to bow down to
him at every feast of Tabernacles, with splendid presents ; the third, his sitting
on the royal throne, and receiving the tribute, and writing mandates and signing
with his name and seal. And then he adds that his sovereignty will never end
as that of the other kingdoms ended, nor his rule perish as theirs perished.
15. This describes his condition when he woke, and felt as Nebuchadnezzar
and others had felt when they did not know how to interpret their dreams. A marvel
that Daniel the ' interpreter of dreams ' should not understand this ! So he slept
again, and saw angels, and asked them concerning its interpretation. Or it may
be supposed that it seemed to him in the dream as if his spirit was troubled, and
as if he was confused by what he saw, and went to the angel who stood in front of
the great angel that sat upon the throne, to ask him of the interpretation of the dream.
In the midst of the sheath : i. e. of the heart, which is like the sheath to a
sword (cp. i Chron. xxi. 27).
1 6. He told me probably refers to what he said on the subject of the four
kingdoms ; the interpretation of the speeches to the end of ver. 8 (cp. ver. 25).
Or the first may refer to ver. 17, and the second to ver. 19.
17. 1 8. A general statement, without special explanation of the four animals;
corresponding to the method of both Joseph and Daniel in the interpretation of
dreams ; which is to give a general idea, resolving the knotty and difficult point.
The four animals are interpreted as four kingdoms, and the sea as the earth : the
four winds are not explained. They must be motions from God, whereat the four
empires arose.
Shall receive the kingdom explains ver. 13. Daniel had no need to ask about
the first three animals, but only about the fourth.
19-22. He asked him concerning four things : (i) the signification of the fourth
animal, its strength, its teeth, nails and devouring ; (ii) the nature of the ten horns ;
(iii) the nature of the little horn and its eyes, and how it outgrew the ten horns ;
(iv) the conduct of this horn in its wars, that he saw, with the saints, and its pre-
VII. as-3 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 37
vailing against them. Of none of these things had he any satisfactory understanding.
In Daniel's question to the angel there are certain things additional to what was
mentioned in the vision four : (i) nails of brass ; (ii) a compounded horn ;
(iii) whose look was more stout than his fellows ; (iv) made war with the
saints. And there are four verses about which he did not ask (9, 10, n, 12), because
he already understood their meaning. When he had asked about these riddles, the
angel answered.
23, 24. Observe that he says of the fourth diversified ; all four were already
said to be diverse the one from the other, in their forms, as individually described ;
and this fourth is made different from the others in respect of certain characteristics
recorded in ver. 7.
Shall devour the whole earth : i. e. after devastating Jerusalem and taking
the people captive, they increased their dominion above all mankind. And in the
ten horns are ten kings : i. e. ten thrones, belonging to Rome, on each of which
a governor sat.
And another shall arise after them : i. e. some years after the appearance
of the ten horns. It rose up, he tells us, between the ten horns ; i. e. in the midst
of their dominion ; and took out of their territory three thrones ; according to some,
ALEXANDRIA, JERUSALEM, and Acco.
And he shall be diverse from the former : in his own opinion ; for he
ascended into heaven and seated himself on His right hand, and did other things
that we cannot repeat, but which are well known to all, and which we need not
explain ; of him it was said, ' they have set their mouth in heaven ' (Ps. Ixxiii. 9) ;
and this is the explanation of a mouth speaking great things. Then he explains
the meaning of and made war with the saints and prevailed against them,
sc. he shall wear out the saints of the Most High : referring to the lowering
of their rank, their humiliation and degradation in all departments in matters spiritual
and temporal, beyond what preceded ; their having to wear the yellow badge, and
being unable to speak when reviled, or to walk on [a Moslem's] right, or to present
themselves to buy goods however dear the price they offer for them, etc. etc. Then
the angel added a fact about which he had not asked : and he shall hope to
change : notice that he says and he shall hope ; he does not say that he shall
change these for them, only that he shall hope to do so, which hope shall not be
accomplished, because God Almighty shall give him power to humble and oppress
them in worldly matters, but shall not give him power to annul their religion.
25. Times and the law : i. e. the holy-days, sabbaths, and feasts ; he says to
change, not 'to abolish,' because he will not altogether abolish them, but only
hope to change them, obliging them to do work which is unlawful for them on the
sabbaths and feast-days. The law may be the Qiblah, and certain forms of religious
observances (compare Esth. iii. 8, where the king's ' laws ' refer to the order to kneel
down and make obeisance before Haman) : or the days of Purim and similar
Israelitic institutions ; it is not fully explained. The prophecy and he shall wear
38 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [VII. 26.
out the saints of the Most High is now in course of fulfilment upon Israel ; of
the other, and he shall hope, probably part was fulfilled at his (Muhammad's)
first appearance, but the greater part will be fulfilled in the 'time of tribulation,'
as, by God's help, we shall explain in the last chapter.
And they shall be given into his hand until a time, times and half a
time : until may either mean till he have completed a time, times and half a time,
that being the length of his reign, from beginning to end ; or it may mean that the
tribulation mentioned in ver. 25 b shall proceed from him over Israel for that period.
Observe that he says a time, i. e. one time ; and times in the plural, which need not
refer exclusively to two, but to three or any larger number. Similarly in half a time,
the word is like the Hebrew 'Wl, which does not signify 'a half exactly, but a portion
of the thing called py, etc. ; as in Is. xliv. 16, where 'half thereof (he burns in the
fire) ' [is shewn] by what follows [to mean not exactly a half]. So inf. xii. 7 : ' a season,
seasons and a half,' which is the same period as this, not another. We shall on that
passage, God willing, explain it, recording the opinions of the learned, and stating what
we ourselves esteem most probable.
26. The judgment shall sit refers probably to ver. 10 c, and tells us that at
the end of a time, times, etc., no sovereignty shall remain with any save God's
angel, who shall judge the nations for their doings ; v. supra.
And they shall take away his dominion : i. e. of the kingdom whose treat-
ment of Israel has been mentioned in ver. 25.
They shall take away : i.e. either Israel shall take away, according to the original
idea given in ii. 34 ; or the Carmathians, i. e. the 'Arms' (xi. 31), shall take away, as
we shall explain in the last chapter.
Unto the end : shewing that it will not, like Israel, have a return.
27. Of the kingdoms : even if there be other kingdoms in the world besides
Rome and Arabia. All of them shall obey the kingdom of God, i. e. of His people,
and of His Messiah. Their kingdom, too, shall not pass away : cp. Is. ix. 6 ;
Ps. Ixxii. 17. The prophets dilate on this in numerous places.
The saints of the Most High (plur.) in this chapter : either the saints are
Israel, and the Most High the Creator (cp. nX7V NfvK, iii. 26, etc.) ; and Israel being
Holy to the LORD, they can be called [by a double plural] saints of the Most High: or
the Most High may be Israel, since God has made them supreme ; cp. Deut. xxvi. 19.
28. Hitherto is the end : i. e. this was the last word spoken to me. After
this I began to ponder on what I had seen.
And I kept the word in my heart : i. e. the interpretation, that he might ask
more about it. He wrote down the dream at once (sup. ver. i), but not the interpreta-
tion. This is what happened to him in the first year of Belshazzar. Now he tells us
what happened in the third year.
VIII.
I. The reason why he wrote the Dream in Aramaic, but the Vision in Hebrew
has been supposed to be that he saw the dream when in Babylon, and the vision
VIII. 7-] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 39
in Shushan the Capital. He was not with the king ; see chap, v, which shews that
Daniel was absent from Babylon and at Shushan Habbirah. He does not tell us
the reason of his absence ; it has been suggested that when he saw the dream
he left the city till the seventy years of Babylon should have been accomplished,
and returned on Darius' account. He must have seen the vision at the beginning
or in the middle of the year.
After that which appeared unto me at the first : i. e. after the dream. As
this, however, is shewn already by , the words indicate that after this there were
no more 'dreams' or 'visions' concerning the kingdoms.
2. He saw things like those he might see when asleep, but was awake, and in
actual presence of certain objects which he could see, although they were not
really to be seen. He says : ' I saw this vision when I was in Shushan Habbirah,
and I saw myself in the vision standing on the river Ulai ;' just as Ezekiel when
in Babylon saw himself in Jerusalem.
721N = river; cp. ?2V, Jer. xvii. 5. In the last chapter he is on the river
Tigris.
3-14. We must give the chapter first its literal interpretation, to be followed by
the interpretation of the angel, and then combine the two together, as we did with
the Dream. He saw then in the Vision, as it were, a mighty ram standing on
the bank of the river, on which there rose first one horn, then another afterwards ;
and the second horn was greater than the first. Then he beheld, as it were, wild
beasts that fell on it from three quarters, the river being to its east, and lo,
it butted every animal that confronted it ; and met none, but it did with it what it
chose. Probably he saw the animals at first powerful and ferocious, and afterwards
found that they had all perished; and that none stood up before him, and he
remained alone, when this he-goat approached him from the western quarter with
speed, not approaching the ground, moving, as it were, in mid-air. Others suppose
that none of the beasts approached the ground for fear of this he-goat. And he
perceived that it had a horn of a mighty aspect between its eyes ; and that it made
for the ram ; and when it saw that the ram neither feared it nor moved from its
place, then the he-goat came upon it speedily, when it was standing by itself on the
bank of the river, and came close unto it, to see whether it would run away, or
butt with its horns. And lo, the ram was left quite alone. Then we are told that
the he-goat was moved with choler against it, which means that he grew angry
when he saw how the wild beasts and other animals had fled from before him
and hidden themselves, but the ram remained in its place and did not flee, and
so he made for the ram and slew it. Apparently the he-goat harmed no other of the
beasts, because they did not stand before him ; but when he saw the rajn stand,
he fought with him, and butted his horns with his great horn ; and there was not
in the ram force enough to meet him, so he threw him on the ground and trampled
on him. Then he perceived that the passers-by beheld what the he-goat had done,
but did not rescue it ; neither had it in itself force to rescue itself, nor could it
40 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [VIII. 8.
find any one to rescue it : so he slew it. Then he tells us what happened to the
he-goat : he magnified himself exceedingly and rose up : and after he had
magnified himself, he perceived that the great horn was broken without any beast
or man breaking it : just as he had broken the horn of the ram. Then he saw
how, after it was broken, there rose up four horns in its stead : which four were
not attached the one to the other, but in separate quarters ; one being on the left,
another on the right, another between the eye-brows over the top of the nose, and
another at the top of the forehead, to the four winds of heaven. Then he saw
how there issued one horn from the midst of one of the four, i. e. the one that
proceeded from his right temple : out of one of them came forth a horn.
From a little one : i.e. the one of the four horns whence it issued was the
least of the four, and he beheld as if this horn that had issued was magnified and
increased above the height of the four horns, and he beheld it inclining in the
direction now of the south, now of the west, now of the land of Israel. Then it
seemed to him as though it had risen to the host of heaven, and thrown some of
them down. The host of heaven very likely refers to the signs of the Zodiac ;
and some of the stars to some of the seven planets, Saturn, etc. Then it seemed
to him as though it trampled the stars on the ground ; and then as though the
horn went unto the Captain of the host and the mightiest of it ; but he does not
say that the horn did anything with the Captain of the host more than that it
magnified itself.
And the continual was taken away from him : as though the Captain of
the host had a place in the earth which he frequented ; and he was now excluded
therefrom, and the pillar thereof cast on the ground and destroyed. And it seemed
to him as though part of the host that had not been trampled down by the horn
were seized, together with the place which he had used to frequent, by the horn ;
and he calls the horn sin, because he saw in the vision how the horn had with-
drawn from the place and exalted itself. And it seemed to him as though it came
to certain persons who spoke the truth, and threw them on the ground and thrust
them through : and that it stood firm, and none came to break it. And when he
had seen these things, he saw two angels standing opposite him, and heard one
ask the other How long ? This he did not ask to find out himself, but only that
Daniel might hear ; as we learn from his saying afterwards, And he said unto
me, not 'unto him;' as though the angel knew that he desired to understand this,
just as he had desired to understand the meaning of the dream ; only he had
been able to accost those angels (vii. 16), but had not courage to ask these angels.
So the one asked the other of that about which Daniel needed to ask. Now he
did not ask concerning the whole Vision, but selected such future events as Israel
needed to know ; i. e. the end of the four kingdoms.
Then I heard a holy one speaking : i. e. the one who asks How long ?
To Palmoni who spoke : Palmoni is the answerer : the name of the asker is
not given, like the names of many of the angels.
VIII. 22.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 41
The asker says : How long ? i. e. how long shall this person last who shall do
the things mentioned in the verse, which are three ? (i) giving ; (ii) the sanctuary ;
(iii) the host. The answer in ver. 14 shall be explained below.
15-18. He saw three angels, and heard their talk ; and he heard the voice of
one whom he did not see. He mentions the names of two, sc. Palmoni and
Gabriel, but omits to mention those of the other two. This shews that Daniel
did not hear from the first two more than the question, owing to their great
awfulness. Gabriel, however, was near in form to a man, so that he could associate
with him. And he tells us that Gabriel did not begin of his own accord, but only
when he heard another commanding him to tell Daniel ; after which he came to
Daniel and told him. This indicates that the angels all knew ; but it is possible
that the angel whose voice he heard was more terrible than the two preceding
(the asker and the answerer). When Gabriel approached him, he swooned from
fear of them, and then fell fainting on his face.
Understand, O son of man : for the Vision belongeth to the time of the
end : i. e. thou needest to know this, because there is told in it what will be at the
end of the Captivity.
18. And he set me upright: i.e. encouraged me and raised me up.
19. He now proceeds to summarize the contents of the dream.
20. This is said generally, and we must further interpret, as we have done in
other cases. He said in the Vision that the one horn was less than the other, i. e.
the horn which came up first ; which symbolizes the fact that Media was less in
military power [and everything else] ; their sole king being Darius the Mede, who
reigned one year ; whereas from Persia five kings arose, who reigned fifty-five
years. And by the words I saw the ram butting (ver. 4) is meant that he had
armies which marched to the three quarters. This took place in the time of Cyrus,
as is explained in Is. xlv. i. With 4b compare ibid. 2.
21. We must again return to the contents of the dream which Gabriel did not
explain. There came from the west : supposed to be Alexander, who came from
Alexandria. And none touched the ground : i. e. none confronted him from the
time that he left Alexandria till he came to Babylon. He explains that the
notable horn between his eyes is Alexander, the first king ; and he goes on to
describe what the he-goat did ; he smote the ram and broke his two horns :
i.e. he fought the two armies, sc. the force of Persia and Media; and he cast
him down to the ground: referring to his conquering their territory, city by
city, and slaying those of them who withstood him : probably he killed Artaxerxes
the Persian, and when the news got into the provinces, none of them opposed
Alexander any more. t
And there was none that could deliver: i.e. none fought for them any more.
22. 23. He said 'above (ver. 8), and when he was strong, the great horn was
broken: i.e. when Alexander had accomplished his purpose he became tyrannical,
and thereafter was broken : i. e. died. Four notable he interprets four kingdoms :
g [II. 3-3
42 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [VIII. 23.
i. e. four disciples who came after him, each of whom took possession of a quarter of
the globe without any war breaking out among them at the beginning of their history.
Shall stand up out of the nation : shewing that these four are all Greeks.
Not with his strength : neither individually nor collectively shall they have the
strength of the first king. Supra, ver. 9, he said, and out of one of them : this
is interpreted here, and in the latter time of their kingdom : the full inter-
pretation is not given till the great last chapter ; only the one of them is the
king of the south, because the king of Arabia sprang up between them, as was
shewn in the Dream (vii. 8). To this matter we shall come back, when we shall
explain what the four kingdoms are. Ibid., ver. 9, from a little : indicating that
the king of the south, at the time, was the least of the four disciples mentioned
above. And it waxed exceeding great towards the south, etc. : i. e. none of
the four got so far in any direction of the world as this horn did. Towards the
south: i.e. according to some, Amsdr; to others, Italy; to others, Hijaz. Towards
the east : i.e. eastern countries and Khorasan generally. .And towards the
pleasant land.
Here he adds, a king of fierce countenance, and understanding dark
sentences : referring to his boasting against God, and lying concerning Him.
Understanding dark sentences : referring to his stealing from the books of the
Jews, and contradicting their assertions, and professing to be a prophet and to have
received communications from Gabriel.
24 b interprets 10 b. Mighty ones : i. e. imperial personages, Romans, and
others with whom he fought and whose towns he took. The people of the
saints : Israel. He does not say all the mighty ones and all the saints, because
he was not monarch of the entire world.
And it cast down truth to the ground, of ver. 12, is explained and he shall
corrupt wonderfully : meaning that he railed against the law of God and the
words of his Prophets, and took out of them what he pleased, of which he made
up a book called Qoran, and declared the rest invalid.
Ver. 1 1 b is not explained here being perspicuous ; the fact will be mentioned in
the great last chapter.
Ver. 1 1 a. The prince of the host is interpreted here the prince of princes :
this prince of princes may be the king of Rome : as he took three thrones of theirs,
as was mentioned in chap. vii. Others think it refers to their viceroys in Babylon,
in which case this will be the doing of the CONSPIRATOR who shall arise against
them (inf. xi. 31) : we shall leave the explanation for the 4th chapter, and elucidate
it there.
It did its pleasure and prospered, of ver. 12, is explained in ver. 24. The
subject recurs in the long chapter, v. ad. xi. 3, where we shall explain the terms
the continual and the place of his sanctuary, sin, etc.
We are told here besides that he shall be broken without a hand : signifying
that his power shall wane little by little, till he perish and pass away.
VIII. 27.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 43
25. Having explained the chapter briefly, we shall now return and mention certain
things which will not recur. In the first two chapters (i. e. ii and vii) he speaks of
four kingdoms, and the reign of the Messiah: in this chapter he mentions neither this,
nor that of the Chaldees, but only the three monarchies, which are the three beasts.
To the description of the kingdom of Persia three details are added : (a) it is a
divided kingdom, between Persia and Media : (b) no beasts can stand before
it : v. ad loc.j (c) it will be slain by the he-goat, etc. These three things are to
be connected with three things mentioned in chap, vii : (a) it was raised up on
one side ; (b) three ribs were in its mouth ; (c) thus they said unto it,
Arise, and eat much flesh. There he describes how the three quarters got into
its hands, and how people said to it, Arise, etc. By combining the two chapters
we obtain a full account of the history of the Persian kingdom. Now let us mark
what is said of the king of Greece. There he mentioned his expeditions (ver. 6 :
it had on the back of it four wings of a fowl) and its having four heads,
corresponding to ver. 8 b here, there came up four notable horns : only here we
get additional light in the words (ver. 5) and the goat had a notable horn ;
since there he did not divide the kingdom so as to make part of it [the reign of]
the first king, and part [that of] the four disciples.
The words when the transgressors are come to the full shew, that they
will transgress, whether it be in matters of religion or in political matters : probably
in the former.
He further adds to our knowledge of the little horn by calling him king
(ver. 23). Ver. 24 is an addition to vii. 25. As there was no further explanation
required of what had been said of the day of Judgment and the reign of the Messiah
he leaves them out.
26. The evening and the morning : i. e. what thou heardest Palmoni say is to
be taken literally, and is no allegory like the Ram and the Goat, which are allegorical,
and have to be interpreted, not meaning a Ram etc. in reality. No, these evenings
and mornings are real evenings and mornings : you are not to suppose that the
evening signifies a declining kingdom, and the morning a rising kingdom.
Two thousand three hundred : the sum made up by evenings and mornings
aggregated : making 1150 whole days ; notice that he does not say ' 2300 evenings
and 2300 mornings,' as elsewhere ' forty days and forty nights.'
But shut thou up the vision : i. e. there is no doubt about it. Some think
it means seal this chapter, with its present contents. For it shall be for many
days : i. e. this is a thing which shall come to pass after many long years.
27. Having heard in this vision that 'Truth would be cast to the ground,' etc.,
he was vexed and distressed. Days : i. e. a year ; till the death of Belshazzar.
Then I rose up and did the king's business : i. e. the office given
him in the time of Darius ; it was not his own choice. The king forced it
on him.
And I was deserted : i.e. he kept aloof from society, cp. Ezek. iii. 15.
g 2
44 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [IX. i.
But there was none to make it understood : i. e. God Almighty did not
reveal to him any of the things in his mind till the first year of Darius. Two years
must have passed between the Dream and the Vision; the former being in the
first year of Belshazzar, the latter in the third year. Then passed the third year
of Belshazzar. So the narrative recorded in the next chapter must have been at
the end of the year.
IX.
1. Probably after he had been cast into the den of lions. Darius' father's name
is mentioned, because he was a noteworthy person ; though not the Ahasuerus of
Mordecai and Esther ; the latter being a Persian and the present one of the Medes.
Which was made king : to shew that the same person is meant as in chap.
v. tilt.
2. Owing to the length of the sentence in the first year is repeated.
Of his reign : interpretation of in the first year of Darius.
I considered in the books : i. e. the books of Jeremiah. Jeremiah mentions it
in a number of places (e. g. xxv. n, xxix. 10).
For the accomplishing of the desolations of Jerusalem : it had only been
waste from the nineteenth year of king Nebuchadnezzar : and at this period had been
waste fifty-two years : he can therefore only have meant seventy years of the rule of
Babylon : the words for the accomplishing must therefore mean after the seventy years
of Babylon had been completed.
3. When Daniel perceived that the reign of Babylon was already over, and that of
Darius had begun, and Jeremiah's prophecy (xxix. 10) was not fulfilled, he was
compelled to pray and ask God concerning that.
To seek prayer : i.e. to seek with prayer: by way of variation from with fasting,
etc. He tells us that he prayed fasting with sackcloth on his body, wallowing in ashes
and prostrating himself upon them.
4. Observe here prayer and confession in contrast with prayer and supplications
ofver. 3. The prayer contains four subjects : (a) Glorification of God; ver. 4 b. (^Enu-
meration of sins and offences : vers. 5-11 a. (c) Enumeration of Israel's sufferings in
consequence of their sins : vefs. n b-14. (d) Petition that God would return from his
wrath in respect of the city and the nation : and that he would forgive their sins. The
-word, prayer is made to include all four subjects (ver. 21), or three only, but differently,
in ver. 2 referring to the three first, in ver. 4 excluding the confession of sin, and including
the remaining three. He prefaces the prayer with a record of the work of God, as is
the custom with those who ask God for anything they desire : cp. Deut. iii. 24.
In this preface three qualities are mentioned : (a) great : i. e. the Doer of sur-
prising things, which none save He can do ; (b) dreadful: meaning that He is feared
when He takes vengeance upon His enemies, so that they tremble then ; (c) which
keepeth covenant and mercy: signifying that He had fulfilled the covenant, i.e. the
IX. 8.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 45
promises He had made to the patriarchs ; and the mercy, i.e. the promises given on
Mount Sinai, and the covenant of the plains of Moab ; called mercy because it was
an extension of the former. The great and terrible will then refer to the miracles
wrought by Him in Egypt, the Wilderness, and in the Land itself, whereby He fulfilled
all His promises to the patriarchs.
5. We have Binned : Ps. cvi. 36, etc. ; with reference to the seven nations.
And have dealt perversely : with reference to abominations, unlawful mar-
riages, etc.
And have done wickedly : with reference to injuries, such as theft, oppres-
sion, etc.
And have rebelled : with reference to the slaying, beating, and imprisoning of
the prophets.
And turned aside from thy precepts : i. e. rules concerning sabbath, feast-
days, etc.
And judgments : referring to iniquitous verdicts.
6. We have not received their address to us : ' Return from your evil ways ! ' And
to all the people of the land (after our fathers) : either our fathers are the elders
and the persons of authority, and the people of the land the subjects ; or the latter
may be the Gentiles.
In ver. 5 he mentioned their neglect of God's commandments in each particular ;
here he observes that they would not receive his admonitions or reprehensions.
7. O Lord, righteousness belongeth unto Thee : i. e. Thy cause against us is
clear, if Thou hast not dealt kindly with us ; and ours is the shame, seeing that we
have neglected Thy worship and served what has no right to service (cf. Jer. ii. 26).
They were ashamed before the nations of the world, when they witnessed the foulness
of their deeds (Jer. vi. 15).
To the men of Judah and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem : in this verse
the whole nation is spoken of collectively : so he mentions first the kingdom of
Judah (the more honourable), and then the kingdom of Israel : according to the
custom of the Bible in several books, which is to name Judah before Israel : perhaps,
however, it is put first here because the shame of Judah is greater than that of
Israel (Ezek. xvi. 51).
That are near and that are far off : i. e. from the land (cp. Deut. xiii. 7). Or,
those carried away captive a short time ago, and those carried away captive a long
time ago, sc. the ten tribes.
Because of their trespass which they have trespassed against Thee : ' they
have transgressed Thy covenants,' because they swore to God and made a covenant
with Him, and then broke it (Jer. v. II, xi. 10). %
8. To us belongeth confusion of face is repeated. The first perhaps refers to
the multitude, the second to the court ; compare the rest of the verse. Our fathers
will then refer to the Judges and Elders (Ezek. viii. n). Or it may be repeated merely
in order to contrast their doings with those of God.
46 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [IX. 9.
9. Confusion, he says, is upon us, for two reasons : (i) owing to the magnitude of
our sins and breach of the covenant ; (2) because, in spite of the heinousness of
our doings, God has spared us and had mercy on us, and forgiven us (cp. Ezek.
xvi. 61, 62).
Mercies and forgivenesses : mercies meaning that He spared them in the time
of His wrath (2 Kings xiii. 23); and forgivenesses at the time of their contrition (Neh.
ix. 17). These were their relations with Him while they were in the Land ; and as for
the whole time of the Captivity, His mercies still rested upon them (Ps. cvi. 46;
Lam. iii. 22).
Though we have rebelled against Him : i.e. in spite of all our offences, yet His
mercy is upon us.
10. In ver. 6 he said neither have we hearkened, which he repeats here to finish
the sentence; i.e. after saying O Lord, to us belongeth confusion efface, and after
that to the Lord our God belong mercies and forgivenesses, he goes on to say
although we have rebelled against Him (meaning, as stated, that they had broken
His covenant), and annexes to this the further statement neither have we hearkened
to the voice of the Lord our God ; meaning ' the prophets came to us bidding us
return to Thy law, but we did not receive their counsel, so that the sin became double ;
since first, we violated the covenant, and secondly, we disobeyed Thy prophets, this is
the reason of the repetition.
By the hand of His servants the prophets : including all prophets sent us by
God, those whose prophecies are recorded in writing, and all others ; shewing that the
prophets urged us to walk in the laws of God.
In His laws (plur.), as being a number of special laws ; compare the phrase 'This
is the law for the burnt-offering and meat-offering ' of the sacrifices, etc.
11. All Israel: not all individual members of the nation, since there were among
them prophets and saints ; but all the tribes of Israel, since no one tribe was free
from sin, such as idolatry, etc. As for the history of the Calf, we know indeed that
the tribe of Levi, without exception, refused to worship the Calf (Ex. xxxii. 26, where
Who ? means Who of all the tribes of Israel does not worship the Calf, but the Lord
only ? and then joined themselves unto him the whole tribe of Levi), whence they
earned their high dignity (ibid. 29). Otherwise there was not one of the tribes that did
not worship idols, and commit deadly sins ; for it was done by their chiefs [and also
by the common people] (Ezek. xxii. 26 ; Jer. ii. 8, 26). Hence he says all Israel have
transgressed Thy laws, meaning they have neglected their contents, and 'thrown
them behind their backs ' (Neh. ix. 26 ; meaning ' have transgressed Thy word by
Thy prophets ') ; repeated to make it clear that it was because they neglected the law
and did not receive His word by His prophets that the curse recorded in His Book
fell on them. The curse is that of Deut. xxvii. 15 ; the oath the Chapter of the
Covenant. All of it, he says, has lighted on Israel.
12. And He hath confirmed His words : i. e. the evils recorded as threatened
by the prophets.
IX. i?.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 47
Against our judges that judged us: the kings and judges who were unrighteous,
and ruined the nation ; whence destruction alighted on all.
For under the whole heaven hath not been done, etc. : i. e. their eating the
flesh of parents and children, etc.
13. All that the prophets told, he says, is written in the law of Moses, the servant
of God ; God hath covenanted with our forefathers on these terms ; so He did them
no wrong, but on the contrary spared them, though their sins would have deserved
something far heavier (cp. Ezra ix. 13). In spite, however, of their being visited 'by
the affliction, owing to the magnitude of their sins, they had not returned to God and
besought Him to turn from His wrath (Ezek. xxii. 30).
And have discernment in Thy truth : i. e. consider the covenant that Thou
hadst made with us, so that we might have abstained from such transgressions,
thinking of the covenants and agreements whereby we were bound.
14. Therefore hath the Lord watched over the evil : i. e. since they did not
repent, He did not forgive or excuse them.
For the Lord our God is righteous in all His works : i. e. He was just in all
that He brought upon them, though He did not do in any other nation of the world
the like of what He had done in Jerusalem.
And we have not obeyed His voice : i. e. the exiles. In spite of every disaster
that lighted on us, and our falling into captivity, nevertheless they did not receive
God's admonition, or turn from their transgressions.
15. So far for the enumeration of their sins and the recounting of the disasters and
tribulations that had fallen on the nation. At the end of this he says : 'And now,
O Lord, Who broughtest Thy people out of Egypt by ten plagues, and hast manifested
their might and their superiority above the nations of the world, Thou hast no nation
save them, and we have repaid Thee by evil.'
16. Lord, according to all Thy mercies: i.e. deal with us according to Thy
ancient custom, whereby Thou usedst to turn from Thy wrath and have mercy upon
us ; the seventy years are accomplished, and the land has received her due for our
neglect of sabbatical years and jubilees.
Let Thine anger and Thy fury be turned away : referring to the restoration of
Israel thither, that the land might be inhabited.
Thine anger : the desolation of the Holy City ; Thy wrath : the burning of the
Temple.
Connect for our sins with Jerusalem, and for the sins of our fathers with Thy
people. Both became a reproach ; Jerusalem, as being burnt and lying desolate ;
Israel, through the disasters that had fallen on them, the Captivity, and their expulsion
from their City. The City and the Nation are mentioned, because he desired of
Almighty God that the City should be inhabited, and that Israel might return thither
out of Captivity.
17. The prayer of Thy servant: referring to the three portions enumerated
above, ad ver. 4 ; and his supplications, ver. 16 to end.
48 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [IX. 18.
And cause Thy face to shine : of which the building of the city and its habitation
will be the result.
For the Lord's sake : for Thy Name's sake, which is upon it, since Thou hast
called it My House. In the previous verse he spoke of the City and Nation, here of
the Temple. He speaks of the City and Nation together, but of the Temple separately,
because the City was inhabited by Israel, but the Temple was more important than
the City.
18. He returns to the City, mentioning the holy cities, which were round about
Jerusalem. ' O Lord,' he says, ' hear my petition, and see what has overtaken Thy
holy cities, which have become waste and burnt with fire. Repeople them with their
inhabitants.'
Not for our own righteousness : indicating that others were praying besides
Daniel. ' It is not by our merits or good deeds that we supplicate Thee ; for we have
transgressed, and multiplied our sins. No, our confidence is in Thy great mercy ; do
Thou have mercy on us and our cities.'
19. This ends the prayer. Hear : i. e. hear our complaint concerning our condi-
tion and what has befallen us, and forgive our sins. Hearken : i. e. listen to our
supplication ; and do sc. something for Thy people, Thy city, and Thy temple.
For Thine own sake: i.e. because Thy Name is called upon Thy city (cp. Jer.
xxv. 29) ; and Thy Name, too, is ' God of Israel.' So do for the sake of Thy Name,
and magnify not our sins and transgressions.
20. Speaking: ver. 4. Praying: referring to the lamentations. Confessing: the
seventeen phrases commencing with ver. 5 and ending with 16 a.
My sin and the sin of my people: hitherto he associated himself with the
nation ; here he mentions his sin separately. According to some, until Daniel grew up
he had been trained in his parents' training, and only when he could think for himself
had thrown it off. According to others, he says my sin, because no son of Adam is
free from sin, which some commit intentionally and others unintentionally (hence
Eccles. vii. 20). Others still suppose he says this because it was impossible for him to
express displeasure at evil-doers, owing to the wicked having the upper hand.
21. Speaking in prayer includes the whole prayer from ver. 4 to the end.
"Whom I had seen in the vision at the beginning : viii. 16, where another
angel sent him to Daniel, and Daniel had become familiar with him. Gabriel is one of
the special angels who stand before the Glory, having six wings wherewith they fly
(Is. vi. 2).
"Wearily : i. e. quickly.
Touched me about the time of the evening oblation : at eventide ; some say
before the regular prayer, others after it. Most probably the latter view is right, viz. he
first offered up the regular prayer, and followed it with the foregoing petition.
The evening oblation : i. e. the evening burnt-offering ; the word nnJD means
simply ' offering ' (Gen. iv. 4 ; Ps. cxli. 2).
22. And he instructed me and talked with me : v. infra.
IX. 2 4 -] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 49
I am now come forth : from before the Glory ; and have been sent to
instruct thee in what thou needest to know, and thou shall instruct Israel.
23. At the beginning : 'from the moment when thou didst begin to say "O LORD "
(ver. 1 6), the answer came, and I have come to instruct thee in what I have been com-
manded to instruct thee.' Observe that he does not say ' at the beginning of thy
prayer;' apparently, while Daniel was recounting their sins, and what had befallen
Israel, lo, He was listening : but when he began to say, ' LORD, according to all Thy
righteousness,' the answer came, and Gabriel came to him. This is the treatment of
those who are perfect with their Creator : ' before they cry He answers ' (Is. Ixii. 24).
To those who are not perfect in His eyes He delays the answer ten days ; as was the
case with Johanan the son of Kareah (Jer. xlii. 8, where the answer was not de-
layed on Jeremiah's account, but only on account of the people).
For thou art a man of desires : ' since thou desirest to know the fate of the
Temple and of the Nation.'
Consider the matter, and understand the vision : i. e. all the previous words
that he had heard from the angels in the Dream and the Vision. Some of these he
explains in this chapter ; v. infra. The words may be taken either as infinitives or as
imperatives without difference to the meaning.
24. He tells him what is going to happen during the four kingdoms. Of these
seventy weeks, seven passed in the kingdom of the Chaldees (47 years) ; 57 years the
Persians reigned, 180 the Greeks, 206 the Romans ; these are the special periods of
the seventy weeks. These include the reigns of all four beasts ; only the angel does not
describe at length what happened to any of them save the history of the Second
Temple during the time of Rome. These seventy weeks are weeks of sabbatical years,
making 490 years ; below they are divided into periods.
Are decreed upon thy people : decreed by God, like the 400 years decreed to
Abraham, or the 70 years decreed to Babylon.
Upon thy people and upon thy holy place : in so far as there befell the people
during this period different sorts of fortune, some commendable and others to be
deprecated ; six things are mentioned in this verse, three commendable, to finish
transgression, to make an end of sins, to make reconciliation for iniquity ; and
three are mentioned of a different aspect, to bring in everlasting righteousness,
and to seal up vision and prophecy, and to anoint the most holy : of these six
some are to take place at the beginning of the series, others at the end of 300 years.
To bring everlasting righteousness and to anoint the most holy refers to the
first beginning of the building of the Temple ; to seal up vision and prophecy took
place during the reign of the Greeks; to finish transgression etc. was done in the
middle of the 70 years of Babylon. ,
Transgression refers to the ' worship of other gods' and similar 'abominations;'
sins, to the misplacing of the sabbaths and the other feasts ; iniquity includes the
other sins committed by the people amongst themselves, i. e. offences against life and
property or possessions. Others interpret differently; referring to make reconcilia-
h [II. 3.]
5o COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [IX. 25.
tion for iniquity to offerings : meaning that while they were in Babylon to the con-
clusion of the Babylonian empire God obtained from them satisfaction for the debt
they had incurred by their sins : referring to 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21.
Similarly, to bring in everlasting righteousness is supposed by some to refer
to the High Priests, and to anoint the most holy to the sanctuaries and the priests.
Others again make everlasting righteousness the offerings, and the most holy the
High Priest, referring to 2 Chron. xxxiii. 13. Either way it must plainly take place at the
building of the Temple. There remains to seal up vision and prophecy : this must
mean the cutting off of vision and prophets from Israel. Vision refers to prophecies
relating to future time, such as those of Haggai or Zechariah of the future ; and the
prophet (i. e. prophecy) is what is told relating to the present. According to some
authorities the Holy Spirit was cut off from the time of Solomon ; the Singers remain-
ing, who recited the Psalms (see 2 Chron. xxix. 20). Or again he may mean by to seal
up vision and prophecy that the Books of the Prophets were sealed and collected,
twenty-four books, and fixed by Massorahs, and other institutions necessary for this
purpose. He puts to seal vision and prophecy between to bring everlasting
righteousness and to anoint the most holy because prophecy went on between the
offering of the oblations and the anointing of the most holy.
25. Prom the going forth of the commandment : supposed to refer to Jer. xxix.
10, or to its going forth from God ; to return : i. e. the captives with the sacred vessels ;
unto the anointed one, the Khalif : i.e. the High Priest, who is anointed with the
' oil of anointing,' and is the prince of the Lord's house. Others make the anointed the
High Priest, and the prince Zerubbabel son of Shealtiel. He tells him then that from
the time of the destruction of the Holy Place and the captivity of the nation to the
building of the Second Temple, is seven weeks, i.e. forty-nine years. Now the people
did not cease dwelling in the city till the twenty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar ; they are
called (Ezek. xxxiii. 24) ' inhabitants of waste places,' and were taken captive by Nebu-
zaradan (Jer. lii. 30). Now if twenty-three years be taken away from the sum total of the
seventy years of Babylon, there remain forty-seven years plus one year for Darius and one
year for Cyrus. This makes a total of forty-nine years ; to which the seven weeks refer.
And threescore and two weeks it shall be built again : this is the duration
of the Second Temple till the coming of TITUS THE SINNER, king of Rome; 434 years.
During this period, he tells him, Jerusalem will again be inhabited.
Market-place : i. e. the fora of the judges.
Decision : i. e. the performance of legal sentences of death, etc.
The dough of the times 1 : referring, it is said, to the offering of the High Priest
(Lev. vi. 13). Of the times : inasmuch as half was offered in the morning, and
half in the evening.
The offering of the High Priest is mentioned separately, because so long as it was
offered the altar continued in service.
26. And after the threescore and two weeks : at the close of these sixty-two
1 Mistranslation for ' even in troublous times.'
X. i.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 51
weeks this Anointed, spoken of in ver. 25, shall be cut off; referring to the cessation of
priests from the altar.
And shall have none : i. e. no son or successor in his place ; or, the whole time
of the Captivity they shall have no royalty.
The city and the sanctuary : Jerusalem and the Temple of the Lord.
ShaU destroy : shall devastate and burn (Ps. cxxxvii. 7).
The people of the prince that shall come : the army of Rome with Titus.
And his end shall be with a flood : i. e. such as are left of Israel after the
massacre shall be swept away, i. e. carried away captive. This is the description of
what befell the sanctuary, Jerusalem, and the nation.
Until the end of war: i.e. till the end of wars, sc. the wars of Gog, Jerusalem
and the cities of Judah shall lie waste ; as has been witnessed up to our day.
27. One week is left out of the seventy ; he describes their condition therein. The
enemy, he says, made a covenant with them for seven years, that he would not
carry them away captive or harm them ; when half the week had passed he betrayed
them, and broke the covenant. Some suppose that what induced him to do this was
that he saw that the people withdrew from the city in detachments, seeing that they
must certainly otherwise be taken captive or fall before the enemy ; and they said,
' Let us withdraw of our own accord : it is better.' Some say that the Israelites slew
certain Gentiles that were in the city, who were Roman nobles ; when they had done
this the Romans broke faith with them, took the city, burnt the Temple, and put a stop
to the offerings (he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease). The
histories further tell us that he set up in God's house an idol, and offered up swine on
God's altar,
The wing of abominations : the army of the Romans, who are called 'abomina-
tions ; ' they are the devastators of the sanctuary (one that maketh desolate).
Even unto the consummation and the determination : i. e. till God work a
consummation and a determination by causing the nations to cease, and especially
Edom. The first referring to the city [of Rome] ; the second to the kingdom.
Shall be poured out upon the wasted : i. e. the wrath of God upon this city,
which shall be waste till Israel come and inhabit it. God shewed this to Daniel
because he desired to know what would become of the people and the Holy Place in
the time of the three kingdoms ; for he knew that the Holy Place must one day be
inhabited, and the captives must return ; but they might have continued in the condi-
tion in which they were during the time of the Persian and of the Greek empires.
God shewed him that the city must again be wasted, and the people taken captive,
that he might know it, and Israel might know it. Thereat his heart was pained, and
he sickened. ,
X.
i. In the third year of Cyrus, he tells us, an angel appeared to him, who told him
all that God would reveal to him. This is the fourth section. The same thing
h 2
5 a COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [X. 2.
happened twice in the reign of Belshazzar, and once in the reign of Darius. This is
the fourth time. Apparently till the first year of the reign of Cyrus he was engaged
in the Sultan's business ; see on chap. i. ult. ; and then withdrew from it, having got
leave, especially after the proclamation (Ezra i. 3). Then again he had become old,
and his heart was affected by what he had been told of the future capture of the city
and the return of the nation into captivity, as was explained before. Then he began
to lament and fast, in order to ask God of that which was in his mind ; he sought help
for his petition in lamentation as before, chap. ix.
A thing was revealed : i.e. a matter which was difficult, and of which the inter-
pretation was concealed from him, became clear after being obscure.
And the thing was true : i. e. literally true, not like the Dream or the Vision,
see on ix. 26. Notice that this word true occurs four times, with the same meaning ;
ix. 26 is the first, the present passage the second ; x. 21 and xi. 2.
Whose name was called Belteshazzar : not ' whose name was B.' Some think
the name still remained upon him, and that he did not discard it. Others infer that
he was called by that name till the fall of the Chaldean empire, and that the appellation
ceased with that ; which is probable.
And a great host : i. e. the prophecy of a great host, whether Edom or Ishmael
(see on xi. 3).
And he understood the thing, etc. : i. e. the explanation of the communication
made to him in the last chapter ; and that of the Vision which he had seen, i. e. chap,
viii. See on the following verses.
2, 3. In those days : in the third year of Cyrus ; the same days in which
he lamented. The phrase three weeks of days indicates the difference between
these weeks and the seventy weeks ; which were of years.
I was mourning : he mentions certain things which he practised during those
weeks ; [in reference to] i. food ; ii. drink ; iii. scent. Of food he mentions bread and
meat ; of drink wine ; and the bread he specifies as pleasant, since doubtless he must
have eaten some bread ; he explains that he did not eat fine wheaten bread, especially.
But of meat and wine he says it came not into my mouth, since he neither ate the one
nor drank the other at all. Probably he ate bread made of barley or coarse wheat
with a relish of vegetables and grain ; and perhaps fruit. Next he speaks of oil and
scent) neither did I anoint myself at all. We know, too, that he must certainly
have changed his costume and put on rough clothing and have shunned all amuse-
ment. All this is after the ordinary fashion of mourners. It remains to speak of the
fasting. Some say that he fasted [in order to gain knowledge], as the angel says,
infra ver. 10: supposing that fasting is one form of mourning, which is not improbable;
so that he bound himself to continue mourning till God should reveal to him what He
would of the affairs of the nation ; similarly to the mourning which David enforced on
himself till God revealed to him His will ; Ps. cxxxii. 3. The saints of God could do
this, knowing that God would answer their request favourably ; the people of
the Captivity cannot venture so far, but can only stand up and ask God concerning
X.6.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 53
such things as persons like them can ask. We must explain the nature of the meat
which Daniel abstained from eating. Let us state that it refers to meat which was
lawful to eat, since he only abstained during these days from the four things to which
in previous times he had been accustomed, and to which he returned after the revela-
tion of what God pleased to reveal to him. As to food which had always been
unlawful for him to eat, that cannot be included in the terms of the verse ; nor can
the word meat refer to the flesh of forbidden beasts, birds, and fishes. Nor again to
the flesh of oxen and sheep, which is only made lawful after the performance of the
conditions contained in the laws, as we have explained in the Commentary on the Pen-
tateuch and the Book of Commandments which we have compiled. If any one ignorant
of Hebrew ask, 'What flesh is that ?' we answer, the meat of fowls, land animals, and
fishes. If he ask again, ' How can you shew that "itJQ in Hebrew means " fish " ?' We
answer, "1EO is a name for both fowl and fish, nor is there any distinction between fish
and other animals. However, we can prove it by a text : Num. xi. 21, ' Thou hast said,
I will give them flesh;' 22, 'Shall flocks and herds be slain for them ? or shall all the
fish of the sea be gathered together for them ? ' This shews that ' fish ' are ' flesh '
("IKO), no less than oxen and sheep. Then fowl are called so in the same chapter ;
ver. 33, 'While the flesh (i. e. the quails) was yet between their teeth.' Similarly fowls
are coupled with beasts in Lev. xvii. 13, 14 ; and the same is indicated in the history
of Noah. It is clear then that "IEO is a name for every animal beyond question.
Then those who allow meat during the Captivity cannot adduce this verse as evidence,
especially as the altar of God was being employed, and sacrifices continually offered
on it ; for it had now been built a whole year.
4. This verse indicates that it was after the conclusion of the three weeks. So we
learn that he began to lament on the third of the month. He tells us that he was
walking on the bank of the Tigris, when this angel appeared to him. Observe that in
the Vision he was not in reality on the bank of the river Ulai ; he only saw this in a
Vision, whereas this was seen by him waking, when he was standing in reality on the
river's bank. He does not say at what point on the bank he was Mosul, Babylon,
or elsewhere. The source of the Tigris is above Mosul, and it flows into the Marshes.
5. Uphaz is the name of a place (Jer. x. 9).
6. This angel is not Gabriel, as some have thought, since he was already familiar
with Gabriel ; nor was his form so mighty and terrible ; on the contrary, when he saw
him at the end of his prayer he was not affected in this way at all, as we shall explain.
Nor does he describe any of the angels whom he mentions as he describes this angel,
owing to his fear and terror of him. We shall state what is necessary on this subject
on ver. 13.
Then he describes the colour of his body : from his neck to his knees it resembled
the colour of the blue stone ; and his face, he says, was like the flashing lightning ; and
its colour red like the lightning. And his eyes, he said, were like torches of fire which
sparkle to a distance. And his arms and legs, he tells us, were like the colour of
burnished brass, i. e. yellow. And his voice was heard at a distance like the noise of
54 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [X. 7.
an army. All these things would frighten the spectator. And his garments were
those of authority, girt up after the fashion of the warrior whose garments are tied in
the middle. He had come to him from battle : v. infra.
7. Observe that he did not see the angel on the bank, but only in the air, above the
river, raised above its surface, cp. xii. 6 ; and he tells us that he saw him in this
terrible, frightening form.
For the men that were with us : indicating that there were people with him,
and that he saw, but no one else. Now the words I alone saw the Vision already
tell us that he alone saw it : what then is the purpose of the clause For the men that
were with me . . . ? Answer : to indicate that these people, although they did not
see, yetfe/t something, and that there fell on them a quaking ; which possibly fell on
them from the sound of his voice, so that they heard the sound, but did not see th e
figure. They saw not the Vision ; not, ' they did not hear.' On the contrary, when
they did hear his voice, there fell on them a trembling, and they fled scared. Probably
these were people who had gone out with him for some purpose not mentioned by
the Scripture. Similarly when our forefathers heard the voice of God there fell
on them fear and trembling, and they fled afar off (Ex. xx. 18).
8. In the previous verse he said, ' And I Daniel alone saw the Vision ;' in
the present, So I was left alone; and there was none with me to keep me
company.
There remained no strength in me : to stand.
And I retained no strength : to move.
My comeliness was turned in me into corruption : i. e his face became
yellow, as happens to people at the time of death.
9. I was in a deep sleep : he had swooned for a little.
10. A hand : i.e. the angel's hand, whose hand he saw, but not the angel
moving it, so that he rose up from being on his face, and was on all fours ; not having
strength to sit down or to stand.
11. He commanded him to do two things : first, to attend to what he should say
to him, telling him that God had sent him ; secondly, to stand on his feet, that
he might hear his voice. And he tells us that he did stand, yet not firmly, but
was trembling.
12. Fear not: fear not that thy station in God's eyes may have been lowered,
seeing that formerly in thy prayer the answer came to thee whilst thou wast praying,
and this time three weeks are passed and no answer to thee. No. On the first day
that thou didst commence to lament, thy words were heard, only I had an occupation
that prevented me from coming to thee.
Thy words were heard indicates that he was also asking God to instruct him in
that wherein he desired to be instructed ; and he adds that he is now come to tell
him what God thought meet to tell him.
13-15. What prevented him from coming on the first day, he says, was his fighting
with the Prince of Persia. The idea is that he fought with him till Cyrus died : when
X. 2i.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 55
Cyrus died he left him and came to Daniel. We shall supplement this so far
as is necessary at xi. I. As soon, he adds, as I had finished fighting with the Prince
of Persia I came to tell thee what shall happen to thy people at the latter time ;
i..e. the time of the end of the four kingdoms.
For the Vision is yet for many days : i. e. the vision which thou sawest
before relates to the latter time, i. e. to the end of the four kingdoms.
When the angel had proceeded thus far, his terror overpowered him, and he had
no strength to stand, but fell on his face.
And I was dumb : there was no strength left in him to speak to him concerning
his utterance ; he became dumb and could not talk at all.
1 6, 17. He saw an angel, resembling a man, talking with him ; perhaps the
angel's hand approached his mouth ; cp. Is. vi. 6 ; Jer. i. 9. When the angel had
approached him, his mouth was opened and he spoke.
Unto him that stood before me : the great angel who had addressed him.
He said this by way of excuse : ' had it not been for the fright that came over me, and
my strength failing, I had stood up as thou badest me.'
My sorrows are turned upon me : cp. I Sam. iii. 19.
For how can, etc. ? i. e. I have no power to stand up to speak with such as my
lord. My rank is not so high.
Straightway : since I met with thee, no strength nor motion has been left in me.
Perhaps breath here means reason j so Job xxvi. 4 ; xxxii. 8.
1 8. When the hand touched him he spoke ; but there was no strength in him to
stand : so the angel repeated what he had done, and approached him ; and there-
upon he found strength to stand. The great angel was above the waters of the river :
Daniel at first saw his hand, but nothing more. Afterwards he saw himself; and the
angel talked with him familiarly, and now touched his lips, and now approached him;
possibly took his hand and drew him up : strengthened him.
19. Fear not : spoken by the great angel ; meaning 'fear not for thyself ; rise up
at once, and be comforted, and strengthen thy heart ; and hear what I shall tell thee.'
And when he had heard his voice, his heart was strengthened, he having doubtless
beforehand stood upon his feet.
20. Knowest thou? referring to his previous words (ver. 12). ' I have told thee
already,' he says, ' why I am come ; and I must immediately return to fight with the
Prince of Persia concerning the four kings which are left to Persia.' This is explained
in what follows.
And when I go forth : i. e. I shall go forth from fighting with the Prince
of Persia, and afterwards the Prince of Greece shall come. He does not tell what
shall come after Greece. ,
21. That which is inscribed in the writing of truth: i.e. that which he
had heard in the Dream which he wrote down (vii. i). ' This,' he says, ' which
is inscribed in the writing of truth has an inner meaning, which I will evolve for thee
without further allegory.'
56 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI..T
There is none that strengthened himself with me : there is none that
helpeth me to destroy these kingdoms save Michael only.
Your prince : indicating that Michael is Prince of Israel, and that the angel
conversing with him was demolishing the kingdoms with Michael.
Against these : either, the kings of Persia, who have just been mentioned ; or,
the four kingdoms. These two angels were helping each other to put an end to
all these kingdoms. The great angel does not state that he is prince of any one
of the dominions. Perhaps Michael fought with the enemies of Israel only ; and
this one with the ruler of every nation, whom he deposed, when the period of its sway
was over.
XI.
I. Just as he had helped Michael to slay Cyrus, so he had helped him to slay
Darius, or had killed him.
Here we must pause a moment and briefly state some necessary ideas on the
subject of angels. We are not justified in setting aside the literal meaning of the
Word of God or of His prophets, save where that literal meaning is hindered or
precluded as being contradicted by the reason or by a clear text. In such a case it is
understood that the first text requires an explanation reconciling it with the reason or
with the other text ; the words having been used in some metaphorical or improper
sense, as we have observed in a number of places in the Law and the Blessed
Prophets. Ideas repudiated by the reason, are such as ' God descended,' ' God
ascended,' etc. ; precluded by the reason, because, if we take the verse literally,
it follows from it that God must be a material substance, capable of inhabiting places
and being in one place more than in another, moving and resting, all qualities of created
and finite beings, and He must possess these attributes. Such texts must therefore be
capable of being explained away, and the term indirectly interpreted may be either
the noun or the verb. The first is done in cases like ' and God descended,' ' and God
ascended,' where we affirm the action of the person of whom ' ascending ' and
' descending ' are attributes ; only the person intended is the Angel of God, or the
Glory <7/"God or the Apostle of God, with the ellipse of a word. The second is done
in cases like ' God was glad,' or ' God was sorry,' or ' God was jealous ; ' all of which
are accidents not to be predicated of the Immortal Creator. This phrase must
contain a sense to be evolved in whatever way the words will allow. The lan-
guage has employed in such cases metaphors and inaccurate expressions,
because the application of the reason can point them out. Where one text is
precluded by another, the one which admits of two or more interpretations must
be explained away. Now no clear text of Scripture denies the possibility of
God's having created angels ; nor does the reason reject it. Nor can their exist-
ence be rejected, whether we hold that they are accidents, or whether we hold that
they are created and destroyed. For we find in the Scriptures many places in which
angels are mentioned, and in two different ways. Sometimes they appear sensibly
XI. i.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 57
and are witnessed by persons waking, like any other visible object ; sometimes in
dreams, and there too like other objects : instances of the first case occurred to
Jacob, Moses, Balaam, Joshua, Gideon, Manoah, David, Nebuchadnezzar, Daniel ;
of the second to Abimelech (as some think), Jacob, and Balaam. Their voices too
have been heard without their being seen, as by Hagar, Abraham, Samuel, David.
These all occur in our Chronicles, and there is no ground for rejecting these texts. It
is known that nothing but body can be perceived by the sense of the eye : and that an
accident cannot exist by itself. An angel therefore must be a body. Now a body
cannot bring itself into existence, but must have a Creator to create it ; and it is a thing
which admits of persistence. An angel therefore being created must be capable of
persistence ; and what is there to necessitate his annihilation ? If any one hold that
an angel is only created for the moment, for the sake of a message or something
similar, and that, when that is finished, there is no reason why he should endure,
what, we ask, indicates that he is created at the moment, or created merely for the
message or purpose which renders him for the moment necessary ? If you say: 'Then
what has the angel to do besides delivering messages and similar tasks ? ' We
answer : To praise and glorify his Creator. Is not the prophet too chosen to deliver a
message ? but nevertheless he is not created merely to speak. We find, too, in our
accounts that angels do endure. Thus the Glory abode with the children of Israel
nine hundred years; and Daniel says of Gabriel, and the man Gabriel, whom I had
seen in the Vision at the beginning, and there had elapsed between the two occasions
a year. Nor can we suppose the second Gabriel was merely like the first, who had
been created a year before and then destroyed ; for that would not entitle the
second to be [called] the same as the first. Again, there are the words of this angel
who is speaking to Daniel, who says : ' I have been some time in war, and am going
to fight those who remain :' see also xii. I. These verses point to their persistence :
and after this discussion there may be a stop put to the assertions of those who main-
tain that they are created for a moment and annihilated. As for their orders,
doubtless some are higher than others ; see our Commentary on Ezekiel, chap, i, and
Ps. cvi. I. Observe, too, that in this chapter he says of one like the similitude of a
man, and tells us that he came near him, and was not afraid, whereas he was terrified
and alarmed by the great angel; such things are common in our books ; and
their powers are limited according as the Creator has given them. Observe that
when Jacob wrestled with the angel, the angel was at the time unable to get rid of
him (Gen. xxxii. 26). Though their forms be terrible, yet God has given the children
of men power to behold them, save the great and mighty Glory which the blessed
Apostle asked God to shew him, when He said ' thou canst not,' etc. (Ex. xxxiii. 20).
This is a concise account of this matter ; we should gladly elucidate what we have
said on this subject in other places ; it would not, however, be proper to introduce
that subject in this place.
I stood up to confirm : the province is Michael's, wherein this angel
helped him.
i [II. 3;]
58 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI. 2.
2. After Cyrus came four kings : sc. Ahasuerus (Mordecai's patron), Artaxerxes the
Less, Darius the Persian ; these are the three.
And the fourth : i. e. Artaxerxes, patron of Ezra and Nehemiah.
Shall be far richer : he already told us that Cyrus got the treasures of the kings,
and was exceedingly rich (Is. xlv. 3) ; and the same wealth is asserted of Artaxerxes
in Esth. i. 4. In this verse he tells us that Artaxerxes was richer than all the Persian
kings, and that he abode in his kingdom longer than the others, seeing that he reigned
thirty-three years. Then he tells him that when he reaches the height of his wealth,
his kingdom will terminate, and all will accrue to the king of Javan : he shall stir up
all. This was not told in the Dream, nor in the Vision, but only here.
3. And there shall stand up : i. e. shall be established on the throne.
A mighty king : the one called in the dream ' a notable horn between his eyes :'
i. e. Alexander ; called mighty because he took great cities ; his history is well
known.
That shall rule : the Persians ruled three quarters, see on chap. viii. 4 etc., but
Alexander all four (ii. 39).
And shall do according to his will : cp. ver. 19, of Nebuchadnezzar.
4. His kingdom shall be broken : the government was disturbed on Alexander's
death. And shall be divided : with reference to the dispute between his generals,
and the compromise by which each of the princes was to take one quarter of
the globe ; the reason of this being his having left no son (and not for his
posterity).
Neither like unto his government : in spite of these four holding the four
quarters of the globe, they had no royal control or might like Alexander's.
For his kingdom shall be broken: the kingdom of the Greeks, to which
belonged the four quarters of the globe, shall be shattered, dynasty after dynasty
springing up on the death of these four, until 1 80 years were completed, according
to the historical records.
And to others besides these : meaning that there arose after these a dynasty
which discarded the traditions of its predecessors. These have been already men-
tioned in the words ' when sin is completed.' They were sinners, i. e. apostates, in
respect of the traditions, [and usurpers] in respect of the government.
5. Observe that the kingdom was divided between four, each one taking a quarter,
like those who were mentioned above. This is seen from the expressions king of the
north, king of the south (which we shall clearly explain lower down) ; although of
the four none are mentioned save the king of the north and the king of the south.
Probably therefore the kings of the west and of the east remained quietly in their
respective quarters, not seeking to acquire any other, and there was no war between
them ; whence the Scripture does not mention them ; whereas it mentions the kings
of the soiith and of the north, because they were engaged in eventful wars. Or
possibly the kings of the west and east were in dependence respectively on the other
two kings.
XI. 7-] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 59
And of his princes : said to be one of the princes of the king who preceded
him ; the king of the south who preceded him being a Greek, and this one of the
(latter's) princes. Otherwise, one of the princes of the king of the north, who
rebelled and strengthened himself against the king of the north, which is likely,
and is confirmed by the following verse.
He shall be strong above him: the king of the south above the king of
the north.
A great dominion : his realm shall be greater and wider than that of any other
sovereign ; he being, in fact, the king of Rome (who is the king of the south), and this
the first king who arose over them.
6. At the end of years : he does not say how many ; certain years during which
there was an understanding between the two ; till the king of the north rebelled
against the king of the south, on account of which the king of the south sent armies
to the king of the north. It is like what happened to Sodom with Kedorlaomer,
when they obeyed him for twelve years, then rebelled, and were assailed by him.
Shall join themselves together : for battle ; cp. Gen. xiv. 3.
And the daughter of the king of the south : i. e. the whole of his host ;
compare the phrases ' Daughter of Egypt,' ' Daughter of Tyre,' etc.
To make an agreement : i. e. to desire him to deal peacefully with him again
and continue in his previous allegiance ; like what Sennacherib, king of Asshur,
demanded of Hezekiah. Possibly he desired him to confess the former's faith, the
king of the north being an idolater ; to which the king of the north would not agree,
but came out to fight the army of the king of the south ; when the army of the king
of the south could not stand before the king of the north (but she shall not retain
the strength of her arm).
The arm is the armies of the king of the south, which shall flee before the king
of the north, and afterwards capitulate (but she shall be given up, etc.).
She shall be given up refers to the army.
They that brought her to the captains of the host.
He that begat her to the general of the army appointed by the king of the
south to lead the army, who went with it ; the king himself not going with it,
on account of one of two possible circumstances ; either he despised the king
of the north, and was assured in his mind that his army would rout the king of the
north ; or, perhaps, he was afraid lest, if he departed out of his realm, his affairs
might become disturbed ; whence he did not stir from his place.
And he that strengthened her in the times : referring to certain persons who
were amongst his army by way of giving aid, but not actually belonging to his army,
since he merely desired their assistance for money to be paid them ; when they were
required they went with his army, and afterwards returned to their place. Hence the
phrase.
7, 8. The king of the south had no power to face the king of the north, but
died defeated. After his death there arose there another king in his stead.
i 2
60 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XT. 9.
Out of a shoot of her roots : not his son therefore, yet one of the royal seed,
and related to him ; a man of valour who took the command of the army and
went with it, fearing lest there might overtake his army what overtook the former.
And he shall come unto the army : i. e. the army which had capitulated to
the king of the north ; and when they see him arrived, they shall return to him, and
thereupon he shall strengthen himself and shall come to the fortified cities of the king
of the north, especially the capital city.
And shall deal with them : i. e. do battle with them, and prevail against them,
and kill certain of them, i. e. of the soldiers.
Next he tells us how he shall take their idols, out of spite against them ; it is like
what the king of Asshur did with the calves of Israel (Hos. x. 6).
With their princes : the king's lords and lieutenants.
The king did not fall into his hands, either, as some think, because he fled,
or because he sent messengers, and agreed to give him what the previous king
desired, as we explained in ver. 6 b. This is most probable to my mind. Now the
king of the south did not accept these terms from the king of the north till after
he had taken their idols with the whole of their treasures, that there might be no
power left them, and the king of the north might be left very weak, and thereupon be
compelled to absolute obedience to the king of the south.
9. The king of the north shall come under the sway of the king of the south, and
after that the king of the south shall return to his land.
And he shall continue some years : i. e. after the death of the king of the
north (cp. Gen. xxi. 21) ; signifying that he shall remain alive. The first king of the
south then will die while the king of the north is alive ; then that king of the north
will die during the lifetime of the second king of the south ; dying humbled and
paying submission to the king of the south.
10-12. We know that the first king of the south began by being mighty, and was
afterwards stricken : and that the king of the north was weak at first, and then pre-
vailed against the king of the south, and afterwards is to be oppressed once more
beneath the hand of the king of the south, and to die in that condition, his first state
being weak, and his last state weak. Now he tells us that after his death his sons shall
arise and take possession of the kingdom ; he does not tell us their number ; however
they are governors, each having an army under him, one of them being chief in power
with the others beneath him. And they said : ' Let us do as the second king of the
south did, and let us take vengeance from him for our father ; ' and they all agreed
thereto.
And they shall contend : he does not say for what : I imagine that they sent
him messengers demanding that he should yield up the cities which he took from their
father, or restore some of the tribute which he imposed upon him ; to this he did not
consent : whereupon they collected an army and began to occupy city after city of the
dominions of the king of the south, the king of the south not moving from his place
for fear of them.
XI. I4-] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 6 1
First he says and his sons shall contend, to signify that they sent messengers to
the king of the south ; afterwards and he shall come on and overflow, referring
to the one of them who was most illustrious.
And he shall return and contend : i. e. first he took certain cities of the king
of the south, which came into his power ; but he did not venture to come to the
capital of the king of the south ; yet when he saw that the king of the south did not
stir from his place, he did venture, and assailed him in his capital ; even to his
fortress.
Thereupon the king of the south was compelled to come out against him.
And shall fight with him, even with the king of the north : probably
he directed his energies first against the armies, then against the king himself;
when the latter saw himself assailed he set up in his face a mighty army, to repel
the king of the south or, if possible, to defeat him. Thereupon the king of the
south becomes master of the mighty army gathered by the king of the north,
and his heart is lifted up, and the king of the north flees by himself and returns to
his city.
And he shall cast down tens of thousands : i. e. he took captive as many as he
wished of the army of the king of the north, and slew a multitude of the soldiers and
of others.
And there shall not prevail : i. e. no one shall be able to stand before him ; all
shall flee before him. During a long period he shall be like this ; I am inclined to
think the KING of the SOUTH is meant, who burnt the Temple and carried our people
captive ; from which time the Romans have been strong and their empire has pre-
vailed, and has become a ' mighty terrible monster.' You must know that these wars
covered many years, about two hundred ; the pronouns therefore refer not to individuals,
but to the empire.
13. Probably this king of the north is not the same as the one who fled. He is
to gather armies more numerous than the former, which were taken by the king
of the south.
And at the end of the times, years (instead of ' at the end of years ')
refers to the prophecy of the seventy weeks. Or, it may mean after the end of years
during which there was an agreement between them, made after the rout, and they
obeyed the king of the south because of his power ; after the end of this period the
king of the north shall collect these armies and assail the king of the south, v, infra.
14. In ver. 13 he said at the end of the times, years : now he goes back and tells
us how in those times the power of the king of the south shall be great, and he shall
collect mighty armies, whereas the king of the north shall be low.
The children of the breakers of thy people refers, it is said, to the followers of
JESUS, said by the Christians to be the Messiah ; those followers who made the
Gospel : their names are well known :
i. Matthew the publican,
ii. Mark the fisherman.
62 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI. 15.
iii. Luke the physician, disciple of Paulus Abu-Shaoul.
iv. John, kinsman of Jesus, entrusted by him with certain powers.
These are called children of the breakers of thy people because they made a breach
in the religion ; and doubtless multitudes of Israelites became Christians with them.
Shall lift themselves up : in that they got a great and mighty station, and
a mighty name.
To establish : i. e. their purpose was to establish the vision in Jesus' favour, as
is known from their profession in their gospels and records.
But they shall fall : if this refers to the followers of Jesus, it will mean { they
shall leave the religion of Israel;' if to the nation, then it means that Israel after this
shall fall, being punished for the murder of God. How many Israelites will have
been slain from that time till God deliver His people ! That then will be the meaning
of they shall fall : signifying that the ruin of Israel was by them and through them.
First we were ruined by our kings and false prophets, who were the cause of the
cessation of our empire and of our captivity ; then these Christians have been the
cause of our ruin and destruction during the Captivity ; and some went astray at the
beginning of the empire of the Little Horn, and also ruined us.
15. After the digression in which he introduces the history of Jesus and his
followers, and what is to come upon us through them, he goes back and finishes what
becomes of the king of the north after he has collected the armies. The words
so the king of the north shall come are to be connected with and he shall
come on in ver. 13 b. The king of the north is to come to the land of Rome
and besiege the capital city and take it (and take a well-fenced city) ; i. e.
Constantinople,
And the arms of the south : i. e. ' the many who shall stand up ' (ver. 14), great
armies collected by the king of the south to help him.
His chosen people : hosts wherein he placed especial confidence. These, too,
cannot stand before the king of the north, who slays multitudes of the hosts of the
king of the south, while many more desert to him and help him ; v, infra.
1 6. He that cometh unto him : the deserters from the king of the south ;
mighty men of valour, who will do the will of the king of the north, and open gates
for him. He will make them governors in the territory of Rome, whereafter none of
the countries of the king of the south shall stand before him. At that time the
Romans will have spread over the land of Israel, and be in possession of it, especially
of the holy city, having great hosts in it ; and the king of the north shall assail them
with his armies, and shall remain in the land of Israel a long time, and shall slay a
multitude of Romans (and shall destroy with his hand).
17. The king of the north shall attack the fortresses of the king of the south with
his armed men.
And upright ones with him : (according to some) certain Israelitish Scribes
etc. who shall be with him, and inform him of what is written concerning his
invasion, whose words he shall believe and do thereafter.
XI. 2o.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 63
The daughter of the women : the holy city, it is said ; signifying that he is to
ravage certain places consecrated to the Roman worship, and their royal palace;
maybe God will give him power over the king of the south, and let him deal thus
with him, in return for what the king of the south did in the Second Temple, and
with Israel ; so that this will be some consolation to His people.
Then he tells us that the king of the north will not stay in Syria, nor shall the
country remain under his authority ; he shall turn away thence to another place, and
the Romans shall be established there as before.
1 8. He shall invade the islands belonging to the king of the south : referring perhaps
to the 'frontier-land,' sc. Tarsus, Cyprus, etc., which he shall conquer, slaying and
plundering, not intending to remain in the territory of the south, but only to take
reprisals for what the king of the south did to him. The king of the south had put to
shame the king of the north by what he had done to him when he had assailed him
in his fortress : so when the king of the north does all this to the king of the south,
the reproach offered by the latter will be taken away. A captain, sc. the king of the
north, shall cause the reproach offered by him to cease.
Yea, moreover, he shall cause his reproach to turn upon him : i. e. not only
does he cause the reproach offered by him to cease, but in his turn he brings reproach
upon the king of the south. The king of the south, who burnt the holy city, had
not assailed the king of the north ; only after he had been assailed by the latter did
he do as described to the latter's army. This king, on the other hand, invades his capital,
kills his soldiers, takes many cities, and massacres their inhabitants ; thus doing more
than the king of the south had done to him. Hence he says yea, moreover, etc.
The above has been an account of the relations between the king of the north and
the king of the south, including three events :
i. and ii. The armies of the king of the south assail the king of the north,
iii. The king of the north assails the king of the south.
The first and second of these campaigns were won by the king of the south against
the king of the north ; in the third the reverse took place. The king of the south
conquered twice, the king of the north once. These three events took place during
a long period, more than three hundred years, as we have explained above. The
seat of the king of the north was in the province of Baghdad. This is the last war
between the two kings.
19. After doing all this he shall return to Baghdad, his royal seat : and after-
wards shall stumble in the place of his throne ; maybe some of his servants shall
slay him, and the matter be concealed and not known about (and shall not be
found).
20. In his place: i.e. the second shall sit in the place of the first; had^he not
stated this, it might have been in another place. There shall sit then in his place
another without vigour or victory or war. Two facts are told us about him :
i. Causing the exactor to pass,
ii. Glory of the kingdom.
64 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI. a i.
With regard to the first, some scholars have asserted that he abolished the taxes,
and that during his time there was no trouble, vexation or affliction imposed by him on
the people. Other scholars assert that it is of him that it is recorded that he obliged
the people to lock their doors at midday, and to occupy themselves with eating and
drinking ; the weak among them having supplies from the royal table ; so that the
time passed in eating, drinking, amusement, enjoyment, and the wearing of new
and fine apparel. Whence the words the glory of the kingdom. He tells us
however that his time will not be long (within few days) ; he shall perish without
encounter or war. Those who know this history tell us that the Arabs seized the
place while the people were engaged in eating and drinking. They seized the king and
slew him. He was last of the Magus who reigned in Baghdad ; from whom it was
taken by the Arab kings, who still hold it.
21. A contemptible person : every king of these dynasties hitherto had
possessed some spirit and generosity save this one, who had no sort of it. His story is
well known, so we need not dilate on it.
He shall come with security: i.e. he shall enter city after city without war or
siege, which his predecessors had used.
And shall obtain the kingdom by flatteries : i.e. his professed ' visions,' and
the rest of what was described in chap, vii, ' the mouth that speaketh great things,' etc. ;
and in chap, x, ' understanding dark sayings.'
22. And the arms of a flood : great armies of the king of the north, and the
armies of Rome also. They shall flee before him and be dispersed.
And with the prince of the covenant : said to be the ruler of Rome, compare
jx. 26 ; called of the covenant because he had made a covenant with Israel, ibid, 27.
Others make it refer to the kings of Israel, beneath whom the sons of David were
afflicted.
23. And after the league : said to refer to a follower of the ' Man of Wind '
(Muhammad), Omar one of the ' ten.' He is to deal deceitfully with Israel, and others ;
their story is well known. He shall come up and become strong with a few
helpers.
24. With security in verse 21 referred to the 'Man of Wind;' here it refers
to Omar.
The fattest places of the province : the great cities wherein dwell the rich.
He shall do, etc. : in the way of conquest and massacre. His predecessors, he
says, reached no such eminence as he.
He shall scatter among them prey, etc. : he himself was satisfied with meagre
food, coarse raiment, and humble equipage. Whenever he took a city and plundered
it, he relinquished the whole of the plunder to the soldiery, and took none of it for
himself.
Prey may refer to men, whom he used to take captive ; or to precious objects and
instruments.
Spoil: garments.
XI. 2?.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 65
Substance : beasts of burden, cattle and sheep.
Against the strongholds : certain fortresses in the province of 'Iraq, which
belonged to the king of the north, which he took by plots and strategy.
Even for a time : till the end of \\\s progress s when the time of his retrogression
comes, his position will be reversed.
25. And he shall stir up his power : this means that the king of the south had
made no preparations, while he had with him only the handful of men who were with him
at the beginning of his career (with a few men, ver. 23) ; but it came to pass that fresh
people became Moslems continually, so that his army grew great.
This battle was fought between Omar ibn El-Khattab and the Romans in Syria.
Omar, the historians say, entered Jerusalem, and the king of Rome made ready to
fight with him, and they arrayed battle in the plain of 'Amwas, near Jerusalem. Omar
is said to have had a mighty army, and for this reason the king of the south met
him also with a mighty army, but the Roman army was greater than the Moslem, as is
implied by the additional words in the text.
And he shall not stand : sc. the army of the king of the south. Indeed it took
to flight as soon as they joined battle.
For he shall forecast : his army shall. When they saw the Moslem general
approach they abandoned the king of the south ; even his chosen youths who were
fed from his table destroyed him : for they were not true to him in the war.
Thereupon the Moslems became masters of the Romans, and slew a vast number
of them (many shall fall down slain) ; and the Moslems took the land of Israel
from the Romans, and hold it to this day.
27. He said above they set not upon him (ver. 21) ; and indeed so long as he had
not taken the holy city from the Romans he does not call him their king. Now they
have taken it, he calls him so.
Both these kings : i. e. of Arabia and Rome.
Their hearts shall be to do mischief: i.e. they shall do some harm to
Israel, each of them, in some fashion ; as it is well known that the Moslems and
Christians do.
Against one table : to be referred, it is said, to Israel ; called one table because
Edom and Ishmael eat each other's food. Compare ii. 43 with comm. There he
spoke of their mixing in marriage ; no less do they mix in the matter of food ; Isaiah
speaks of both, chap. Ixvi. 17, where they that sanctify themselves are the uncircumeised,
who profess sanctity and speak of Saint So-and-so, and how the time of sanctification
is come, and have offerings, and profess that they have holy priests, and baptismal
water, and consequently do not wash off pollution. As for the Moslems they do not
hold that view, but do wash after pollution, and consequently are called by the prophet
them that purify themselves. Consequently the uncircumcised use the word sanctity,
and the others the word purity. To the gardens refers to the fact that both profess
that the 'Garden' (i. e. Paradise) is for them, as is stated in their books and commonly
declared by them. Behind one in the midst refers to the fact that they all agree that the
k [II. 3.]
66 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI. 28.
Law is superseded, and that another system has been delivered since, that system being
a religion not to be superseded by another. So when Islam started, they said of the
Law just what the Christians had said ; further asserting that the Book of their
founder had superseded the religion of the Christians with another. Then he informs
us that the professors of sanctity eat swine's flesh, while the professors of purity eat
abominations and the mouse. For although Islam forbids swine's flesh, still otherwise
they do not abstain from eating the food of the uncircumcised, so that they may be
said to eat at one table, whereas Israel form one table, since they eat neither swine's
flesh nor abominations nor the mouse. From this point of view therefore the words
at one table refer to Israel. If we can make at one table signify two things, one will
be that they sit at one table, the other that they lie against God and His people.
It shall not prosper: i.e. Israel; their affairs shall not prosper, and they shall
be afflicted and abandoned.
The end remaineth unto the time: i.e. until the end of the four kingdoms
be accomplished ; when Edom and Ishmael shall fail and turn back, and Israel
prosper. The verse covers the long period from the rise of Islam to the end of the
Captivity.
28. The speaker returns to complete what preceded. (In the preceding verse the
ruin and death which were to fall on the king of the south were mentioned.) He informs
us how the ruler of Islam will return to the place where his station was; this is said
to have been Damascus, whither therefore he returned, with great riches plundered
from the army of the king of the south.
And his heart shall be to hurt Israel ; cp. ver. 27 a. The person alluded to is
said to have been a bitter enemy of Israel (Omar ibn El-Khattab).
And he shall do his pleasure in Israel by decrees which he proclaimed against
them. These are the Jews established in the holy city. After this he shall return to
his own city.
This was the battle which resulted unfavourably to the king of Rome at the
holy city.
29. With this verse ends the account of what happened at the rise of the power of
Ishmael. From this verse commences the notice of what is to happen at the close
of their power. In the previous verse he said the end remaineth unto the
time, signifying that when that time appointed came, and he arrived at the end
of his career, he should return, and come into the south, i.e. enter into the
Roman territory. This began some years ago in the western direction, when the king
of the west, who is now the king of Egypt, sent armies into the Roman territory.
But it shall not be as the former refers to what happened at the rise of his
dynasty : (i) his overthrowing three thrones (chap. vii. 5); (2) supra 25.
Or as the latter refers to what shall be explained on ver. 40. The first battles
were all advantageous to Ishmael and against the king of the south. The last shall
be all advantageous to the king of the south and against Ishmael. This intermediate
battle shall be unlike either, and of an intermediate kind.
XI. si.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 67
30. There shall enter into it inhabitants of the desert and Cyprians refers
perhaps to their entering into his religion ; or possibly under his rule.
And shall be broken : to be construed, not with him, but with the people and
countries; every one of them shall be overthrown before him.
And shall have indignation against the holy covenant : the king referred to
began by assailing Israel with injuries ; then he left them ; at the end he shall return
to them. This is an event in the future. It has not yet come to pass.
He shall even return and have regard unto them that forsake refers to
certain Israelites who abandoned the religion of Israel and entered into his religion,
to whom he will shew favour. Evidently he will require them to abandon their religion :
some will remain true to the religion of Israel, against whom he will be indignant.
Others will abandon it, and enter his religion, to whom he will shew favour. We
shall explain this at the end of the chapter.
31. He tells us first that he will fight with the king of the south (ver. 29) ; then
the condition of Israel during his time ; then he goes back to tell us what he will do
with his people.
Arms : certain hosts which shall penetrate into their holy place, and do the
following things :
i. They shall profane the sanctuary, even the fortress: i.e. the place men-
tioned in chap. viii. 1 1.
The term there used was ' cast down ; ' here, profane. The first signifies that he
shall lay it waste, and raze it to the ground ; the second, that their dead bodies shall
be thrown into it, so that it shall become like a dung-pit or dirt -heap.
ii. They shall remove the continual: i.e. they shall put a stop to the Hagg
(pilgrimage) ; men shall not go on pilgrimages thither thereafter, nor pray as was their
wont, nor celebrate the tenth day according to their custom ; it is called contimial
because the institution was perpetual ; they never relaxed the Hagg. Compare viii. 1 1,
except that here is added
iii. And they shall make the abomination desolate : most probably referring
to the images in that house (cp. 2 Kings xi. 8, and Deut. xxix. 17). These images
were very ancient ; he had not been able to remove them originally, so he removed
them now. Reference is made to the same subject in Ps. Ixxiii. 20. Observe that in
the ' Vision ' he mentioned several things collectively which here he separates. If the
words they shall make the abomination desolate refer to the image itself, it must
mean that it will be left fallen, after having been erect and protected ; but if we refer
them to its place, then the meaning will be that place will be left desolate, waste,
unapproached ; and this is alluded to by the prophet Isaiah in his prayer (xxv. 2),
where the palace is the house, said to belong to strangers because there are in it
these images, never to be built for ever because it is waste, and never to be rebuilt ;
if, thirdly, we refer it to its worshippers, it will mean that they will grieve at the ruin
that has overtaken their sanctuary, even as Israel has grieved ever since ruin overtook
them, and their sanctuary was laid waste.
k 2
68 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI. 32.
32. A further explanation of the words he shall have regard unto them that
forsake, etc.
He shall deceive them by soft, flattering words ; i.e. some shall go out from our
people for certain worldly reasons, and shall take verses of the Scripture spoken con-
cerning the Messiah which they shall divert to the temporal ruler, and shall interpret
of him, explaining away the words sabbath and feast, ruining themselves and departing
from religion. They are said to do wickedly against the covenant because they
do wrong, and shake off the yoke of the law and the covenants of Israel.
But the people that know his God shall be strong refers to certain Israelites
who shall understand the system of the temporal lord, and that he has a secret which
many Israelites did not understand, and so perished. But some scholars shall
investigate his religion, and see that it is false, and cling to the law, and act according
to it, and not depart from the religion of Israel as others departed. The fulfilment of
this began in the West many years ago, when many Israelites gave up their religion
and adopted his ; as is well known. Those who do not give up the faith are called
the people that know his God.
33. The wise are the same as the last.
Shall instruct many: i.e. they shall cause many Israelites to understand his
system, and strengthen their hands in the religion of God, and shall not abandon the
faith. Now when he sees that they do not enter into his religion, his wrath will
become fierce against them, as was Nebuchadnezzar's against Hananiah, Mishael, and
Azariah, so that he threw them into a fiery furnace. So will this prince deal with
Israel; some he will kill with the sword, others by fire; some he will afflict by
captivity or by plundering their slaves and property.
Days : the period of a year perhaps. Note the order :
1. He shall have indignation;
2. Arms shall stand;
3. Such as do wickedly against the covenant.
This shews that a tribulation shall come upon Israel before the devastation of the
house : which the present verse explains.
They shall fall : the persons who follow the wise. The wise being spoken of in
the following verse.
34. After saying that they should fall, he tells us that when they shall fall they
shall be holpen ; not specifying how. Some have thought that God Almighty will
raise up for them a Saviour like Esther the Queen. Others suppose they will be
helped by God's destroying the official commissioned with their hurt.
But many shall join themselves unto them refers perhaps to the deserters ;
this particular word being used of those who enter a religion ; cp. Is. Ivi. 6. In spite
then of God's helping those who fall ' by the sword and the flame,' many will adopt
this man's religion, owing to the flattery which he will employ with them. With these
flatteries compare supra 21. This prince then, too, 'ha.* flatteries whereby he draws
men into his faith.
XI. 3 6.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 69
35. He tells us first what will happen to the followers of the teachers, how they
shall fall, but how God will help them and deal mercifully with them ; then what he
will do with the wise themselves. They too, he says, will fall.
The terms to refine and to purify etc. are used of the teachers, but not of
their followers, because the followers merely follow their predecessors, and when they
see the teachers fall, their hands will be weakened. If the falling of the teachers be
by sword and flame, they will say ' if God has delivered over our teachers, what can
we expect ? ' Their hands will therefore be weakened, for they will say ' if our religion
were true, God would not have delivered up our teachers, even as He did not deliver up
Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah.' If however they shall fall refer to their leaving the
faith, like supra 14, of the disciples of Jesus, this will be worse than their death, for
they will say ' had our religion been true, our teachers would not have departed from
it, but would have remained in it, even as Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah abode.'
Therein shall be the test : since he that will stand, shall stand, and not be affected by
what happens to the teachers ; whereas he whose faith is not good will depart from the
religion. Hence he says to refine and purify, which words we shall explain
on xii. 10. Then he states that this will happen to them and to the teachers when
some time still remains before the end.
36-39. Shall do according to his will : possibly he refers to the empire generally,
from the establishment of the state of Ishmael to the end of their history, in his
account of the ten things beginning with shall do and ending with divide for a
price. Or he may refer to the chief of these ' arms ' who shall waste the sanctuary,
and stop the Hagg. Both views are possible. Now we have already heard what he
will do with Edom, Israel, and the sanctuary ; so he now goes back to tell us the
general principles of his conduct.
(1) He shall do according to his will : compare what we said about the
' ram ' and the ' he-goat ; ' it means that his commands are carried out, that he does
what he pleases, that no one opposes his will, or makes head against him, owing to
the might of his state ; and that he attains what he desires.
(2) And he shall exalt himself and magnify himself above every god :
observe that in this chapter six gods are mentioned :
a. He shall magnify himself above every GOD.
b. Shall speak marvellous things against the GOD OF GODS.
c. Neither shall he regard the GOD of his fathers.
d. Nor regard any GOD.
e. He shall honour the GOD of fortresses.
f. A GOD whom his fathers knew not.
None of these except b refers to the Creator (cp. Deut. x. 17). The rest refer to
deities other than Him. Of three of these it is said that he will not regard them, but
magnify himself against them ; but two of them will be honoured by him (e and /).
We are not told whether he will or will not serve the Creator, but merely that he shall
speak marvellous things, cp. vii. 25. Why does he say of the god of fortresses that he
70 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI. 37.
will honour him, not serve him, and of all besides the Creator and e and f that he will
not regard them ? Most probably it means that he will profess to serve the Almighty
Creator, but will say of him what is impossible. If it refer to the kingdom (i.e. the
Caliphate) since its rise, the fact is shewn in their language and the popular belief;
but if it refer to this last, then it is again a statement about the system which he will
promulgate. Of the other deities he says he shall magnify- himself above all ;
which does not mean that he shall magnify himself against the idols themselves, but
against their worshippers ; for he will revile their creeds.
Neither shall he regard the god of his fathers refers to the creeds of his
fathers who served idols, if Pasul (Muhammad) be meant ; if the last be signified, it will
mean that he will annul their present system, and in consequence ravage the house.
Nor the desire of women : Jerusalem, which the peoples and nations used to
glorify. He arranged that it should no longer be the Qiblah, turning his back to it,
and his face to the place whither they went on pilgrimage. If it refer to the last
king, it will refer to the house whither the pilgrims went, which he will destroy.
Very likely, however, the words the desire of women refer to a male image kept in
their Qiblah ; hence the words come between the god of his fathers and any god,
indicating that it refers to a special idol.
Regard signifies turn to; observe this, because the word occurs three times in this
passage (once in ver. 30, twice in this verse), and the meaning in all three is the same.
The god of fortresses : either the name of a particular idol, Aldt or El-Uzza as
some have thought both are familiar or some other ; or the word Mauzzim may
refer to a particular people of that name, mentioned again in ver. 39. They then will
have a god and a religion which he will think fit to reverence and not to overthrow.
This god he will honour merely ; the other he will honour with gold and
silver, etc.
And with pleasant things : i.e. handsome vessels (Ezra viii. 27).
And he shall deal with etc. may mean one of two things : (i) he shall war
with them because they will not obey him ; and those that submit to him and adopt
his tenets will receive from him honour and gifts and promotion (whosoever acknow-
ledgeth him, etc.) ; or (2) the last clause explains how he shall deal with them, viz.
whosoever acknowledgeth he will increase with glory. Apparently, then, these
Mauzzim have two creeds or two idols ; one of which he shall uphold (ver. 38 a), but
not the other (with a strange god). There will be a variety then in their creeds ;
and this king will approve of one idol to be worshipped, but not the other. We are told
of three things that he will do with those who agree to his tenets :
a. He will increase their glory : referring to the wealth and office that he
will bring them.
b. He shall cause them to rule over many.
c. He will give them lands; he shall divide land for a price, i.e. lands of
high value ; or it may mean that he will make this serve for a price, the price for
discarding their faith and adopting his. And it is this which will ruin them 'that
XI. 4 o.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 71
forsake the holy covenant ; ' when they see that all who adopt his faith are elevated to
these stations, whereas those who will not assent to his tenets are slain or burnt.
They will therefore abandon their religion ; and thereby great multitudes of our people
have been ruinjed, from the foundation of this empire till now ; many, too, in the West
have apostatised. As for Israel, when God shewed His wonders in Egypt and Sinai,
the people (' the mixed multitude ') believed in their religion for fear of the sword, but
not in hope of promotion ; and what God has enjoined on us in our Law is that if
any one become a proselyte we are to feed him with our food as we feed the orphans
or widows (Deut. xxiv. 19), but by no means to confer upon him eminent rank.
And he shall prosper (ver. 36) shews that he will succeed in all his doings,
until the wrath of God against his people be ended ; and after the reign of this dynasty
there shall be no other ; it is the last of the dynasties which shall oppress Israel.
40. And at the time of the end : this expression includes two things : (i) the
end oi the success of this dynasty; (2) the end oi the indignation against Israel.
In the end then the tables will be turned ; at the first appearance of the ' Little
Horn ' it warred with the king of the south and took from him three thrones, as we
explained at vii. 24, viz. Syria and the capitals, and then took from the king of the north
'Iraq and Khorasan ; and went on conquering and taking city after city (cp. ver. 24)
up to the Caspian Gates. But when his success shall have come to an end, these two
kings of the north and of the south shall turn against him (here a and b). Some
portion of the operations of the king of the south has been realised in our time :
I refer to certain battles wherein he has taken from the Moslems Anttoch, Tarsus,
'Ayn Zarbah and that region ; but more events are still to come. The king of the
north however has not as yet done anything. He says of the king of the south that
he shall push at him, because he is near him, and shall come from near Syria ; of the
king of the north that he shall whirl against him, because he shall come from near
the Caspian Gates.
We promised that when we came to this verse we would explain the import of the
phrases ' king of the north,' ' king of the south.' Many scholars suppose the king
of the north to refer to the king of Arabia, because the latter took from the kjng of
the north Baghdad, which had been the royal city of the Magus. We shall shew
how this difficulty can be solved.
You must know that the four kingdoms mentioned in the dreams of Nebuchad-
nezzar and Daniel are divided as follows. The first is a world-empire; now the rulers
of the whole world are not named after any particular quarter, but after their chief
city, e.g. 'king of Babylon;' not 'king of the east, west,' etc.; no such phrase can
be found used of the king of the Chaldees, nor of the kings of the Medes and Persians,
nor of Alexander, the first king of the Greeks. Only after his death, when his king-
dom was divided among his four scholars (xi. 4), does he begin to speak of a ' king of
the north ' or ' of the south.' Now if the empire of Islam were in any one of the
quarters north or south he might very well use of it the terms ' king of the north '
or ' of the south.' As however that empire has seized countries in all four quarters,
72 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XI. 40.
it cannot be named after any one of them. This principle is obviously correct. The
king of Islam then can be neither. Hence he says the king of the south shall push
at him, sc. at the king mentioned in ver. 36. If the king of the south pushes at him,
he cannot be the king of the south. Similarly he says with reference.to him that the
king of the north shall whirl against him, i.e. come against him like a whirlwind ;
it is clear then that the king of Islam cannot be king of the north.
With chariots and with horsemen and with many ships: he does not
specify which of the two shall come with them ; probably the king of the north will
come to him with chariots and horsemen, while the king of the south does so on the
sea with ships j cp. Num. xxiv. 24.
Observe he shall come, not they; which would have referred to both kings together,
so that we should have supposed the two would assist each other against him. Now
we should not know which will come from the words of Daniel ; but this has been
explained by another prophet, Joel son of Pethuel. He has written three chapters
(commencing respectively at i. 2, ii. I, and iii. 9) ; the first of which refers to Nebu-
chadnezzar, the second to the king of the north mentioned here (ii. 20 / will remove
far off from you the northern; we shall presently explain how this shall be), the
third to Gog.
The Islamitic prince established at Baghdad not the Abbaside is from the
north ; now they were originally unbelievers, but will be associated with the Abbaside
Caliph ; and the chief of these arms will certainly take that city, sc. Baghdad, and
they will be repulsed before him, and perhaps he will kill some of them ; after which
they shall rise up against those before whom they were repulsed, and make for Babylon,
as the prophets foretold. See Isaiah xiii. I, Jeremiah Ii. They say of them they
shall not regard silver or gold, inasmuch as they will only desire to take vengeance for
their sufferings at the hands of those who took their city, and shall gather together
and come against them. They are referred to here in the words and the king of
the north shall sweep against him; and the words he shall enter into the countries,
and shall overflow and pass through indicate that he shall enter the realm of the
king who took Baghdad from the hands of the Abbasides, and shall conquer the land
of Babylon with the sword ; at his arrival a number of Israelites shall go out, directing
their steps to the land of Israel ; cp. Jer. 1. 5. Then the king of the north shall
direct his steps towards the territory of this king, and shall go out from Babylon to
Syria, conquering every city he passes with the sword, it not being his primary inten-
tion to have a royal throne established for him, but only to destroy the cities that are
under the sway of the lord of Islam. He will kill all whom he meets (he shall stretch
forth his hand also upon the countries) ; and he is to come to the land of Israel
(he shall enter also into the glorious land).
Shall be overthrown: i.e. most of the cities and villages in the land of Israel,
and all the sea-coast.
But these shall be delivered out of his hand: Edom, i.e. Djebel-eshshara,
Moab, and a portion of the children of Ammon. We are not told the reason of
XII. i.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 73
this ; he cannot pass them over through weakness, since these countries are not more
powerful than Babylon and Egypt ; rather he does not trouble himself about them,
seeing that they have no state nor royalty nor wealth ; he will not therefore regard
them ; many Israelites however will pass over thither (cp. Is. xvi. 4) ; and some
have thought that they will pass over thither before this king ; the Scripture more-
over (Joel /. .) shews that Israel will be in Zion at the time. Next he will pass over
into the land of Egypt, that too being Islamitic territory ; and this is the only
country which is said to be plundered, owing to the treasures and riches which it
contains (ver. 43).
The Libyans and Ethiopians shall be at his steps : he will be followed at
the time by certain Ethiopians and Libyans ; or, perhaps, on his sojourn in Egypt he
shall destroy the Ethiopians and Libyans, who are in Egyptian territory.
44. But tidings shall trouble him : when he comes to the western frontier of
the province of Egypt, there shall reach him tidings from the east and the north, sc. of
the entrance of Israel from the wilderness into Palestine, as we shall explain at length
afterwards ; and when they enter it from the wilderness they will conquer it with the
sword, and their enemies shall be repulsed before them. When this reaches the king
of the north, who will at the time be at the extremity of Egypt, he will return to Syria
to destroy and utterly make away with many, i.e. Israel, who entered in large
numbers. But when the news of his return reaches Israel, they will gather together
on Mount Zion, and do what Joel says (chap. ii. i and foil.). This they will do at the
time when he plants the tents of his palace ; it is thought that he will pitch his
tents at 'Amwas ; now between that place and Jerusalem are four parasangs ; or else
that he will encamp in the wilderness of Tekoa, which also is a vast plain. And
when he spreads out his tents there, intending to come to them the next morning in
Jerusalem, God will send His angel Michael, who shall destroy his entire army ; they
shall all die, and remain cast about and putrefying on the face of the plain till they
decompose and stink (v. Joel /. c.). Thence we know that this section deals with the
king of the north, and relates what will happen to Israel at his coming.
XII.
I. And at that time refers to xi. 40 ; and signifies the times specified in vii. 25.
Shall stand (instead of ' shall come ' or some similar word) shews that the standing
shall last three years and a half; and he shall stand for two purposes : (i) to put an
end to the monarchies (v. x. 21) ; (2) to deliver Israel from certain calamities that are
to befall them. Before Michael was called ' your prince ; ' here the great prince,
shewing that he is a mighty angel.
And there shall be a time of trouble, such as never was since shews that
there can have been nothing like it since the confusion of tongues ; not that there has
been nothing of the same kind; since there never have been wanting famine, sword,
plague, sickness, poverty, and the other things found in the world, nor religious per-
74 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XII. i.
secution either (we have seen Nebuchadnezzar require Hananiah etc. to worship the
image he had made) ; it can only refer to a state like that which Oded the prophet
described to king Asa, when ' there was no peace to him that went out,' etc. (2 Chr.
xv. 8 ; cp. Zech. viii. 10). The chief source of these afflictions is that the ' Arms' will
seek to take the kingdom of the Abbasides, coming from Babylon, as the learned tell
us ; and also that they will prevent the pilgrims from praying in Mecca, where they
used to pray, and will destroy the remembrance of the Man of Wind ; then the
sword will come between them, and the 'Arms' will prevail against them, and will
make mighty havoc among them ; some of them will flee into the ' forest in Arabia '
(Is. xxi. 13), hungry and thirsty ; ' for they fled away from the swords.' The reason of
their turning into that region is that they know it is impossible for them to return to
their own cities because the Conspirator has already taken possession of them ; they
will take counsel therefore to flee to their kinsmen, who assent to their opinions, and
to stay with them ; these will come to meet them with food and water, that their souls
may live. From that time civil war shall commence in Ishmael. The Conspirators
however shall not get the empire, because their chief will require men to abandon their
religion, a religion about four hundred years old, and indeed without any miracle, save
the sword; the sword therefore shall fall among them, and at that time the sultan's
courts shall cease, there shall be no longer a royal throne, nor business on the roads,
nor police and guardians in the cities, no shops open, no merchants travelling, no rain
falling from the sky, no husbandman or vine-dresser, no man with any possible means
of subsistence. Then shall be the great famine and the great plague, with the sword ;
and then shall be accomplished the ' destruction and that decreed ; ' only a few men
will be left, the cities shall be wasted and the roads desolate, the nation occupied with
each other; then shall Israel flee out from among them to the 'wilderness of the
nations.' To this condition do the words of the text allude. The king of the north
shall come to Babylon, and the Israelites come out from Babylon into their own land
before the great confusion. At that time there shall be an arousing in the land of
Israel (?) before they depart (cp. Jer. li. 55).
Thy people shall escape : since the destruction will alight upon the Gentiles, as
was said before ; but from the addition every one that shall be found written
in the book we see that not every Jew shall escape, but those that are written, and
those only; not the wicked among Israel who did not 'repent at that time' (2 Chr.
ii. 16 and Deut. iv. 30) ; those who repent shall survive ; but those who do not repent
shall perish by the sword by the hand of the enemy, or by the plague of God
(Amos ix. 10).
Observe that Is. Ixv. 10 uses the same phrase (written) of the works of the wicked,
that is used of those of the righteous by Malachi iii. 16. Plainly the phrase here
cannot refer to both good and bad, but must be interpreted as above. This is ex-
plained by Isaiah iv. 3, 'Every one that is written unto life in Jerusalem;' shewing
that only those of them shall escape who are written unto life; adding afterwards,
when God shall have washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion, indicating that
XII. 2.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 75
the persons written unto life are those that are washed clean of filth and blood. [Of
the others], those that are among the Gentiles shall fall by the sword ; those that do
not perish by their hand, but go out with the people to the ' wilderness of the peoples,'
shall be slain by God Almighty (Ezek. xx. 38). I cannot possibly give a full account
of what will happen at that time, since that would require a book for itself; I have
suggested in every book of the three portions of Scripture that I have explained as
much as each passage allowed.
2. At that time many of the dead shall rise. Many, as in Est. viii. 17; not all the
dead shall rise, but only some; we have explained this on Ezek. xxxvii. at length, and
have said a little about it on Job xiv. 12; here let us add a little more. Let us observe,
first, that he promises the deliverance of the nation (ver. i) ; and then the resurrec-
tion of the dead ; indicating that the living and the dead both shall see the salvation.
Now just as he divided the living into two portions, one to survive and one to perish,
so he divides those that are to rise from the dead into two portions, one to everlasting
life, and the other to contempt. Ezekiel has shewn that those who are to rise are
people of the Captivity (xxxvii. u), ' Behold, they say, Our bones are dried up, and our
hope is lost,' which is not the condition of those who died under the monarchy.
Similarly, Isaiah says (xxvi. 19), ' Thy dead shall live, awake and sing, ye that dwell
in the dust,' which is to be compared with the phrase here, them that sleep in dust
of the ground ; only there the prophet confined himself to the mention of the saints
of the nation, whereas here he speaks of both classes together.
Shame and everlasting contempt : see Isaiah ad fin. : ' They shall look on the
carcases of the men who sinned against the LORD ; ' a description of those who died
during the Captivity, having offended God by capital transgressions.
To shame and eternal contempt : shame, because they used to cast reproaches
on the best of the nation, who sighed, and were troubled and vexed at what had
befallen the nation and the house of God (cp. Ps. Ixix. throughout), and would eat
and drink and let their time pass in amusement and enjoyment, which God has
forbidden us (Hos. ix. i) ; nor was it sufficient for them that they did not do what
God enjoined, but they must abhor those who obeyed Him, and reproach them
for practising the Law, mourning and fasting ; hence, at the end of the Psalm quoted
(ver. 22), he curses them (' Let their table before them become a snare,' etc.). Now
when the Mount of Olives splits, and a vast gorge is formed between the halves, this
gorge will become the place of punishment of these wicked ones ; and whenever there
is a sabbath-day or a new moon, Israel will go out on the first day of the week or on
the second day of the month to these prisoners, and see what has befallen them ; cp.
Is. Ixv. 15. These evil-doers used to reproach the saints wrongfully; they shall
reproach the evil-doers justly.
Contempt : when they hear their bitter cry, because of the pain of the fire and
the bite of the serpents, for their worm shall never die; and eternal, because there is
no end to it. Wherever the word eternal occurs there is no proof, intellectual or tradi-
tional, that there is an end ; on the contrary, reason makes it necessary that the
1 2
76 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XII. 3.
punishment of the wicked shall be everlasting, without term. We must now observe
that whenever the text has an intelligible expression with a possible literal meaning, it
is not allowable to explain it away by abandoning that literal sense ; it is necessary
therefore that the words those that sleep in the dust of the earth must be taken
literally, and must not be referred to the people of the Captivity, who, during that
captivity, might be compared to the dead ; especially as there is nothing in this
chapter but what is to be taken literally. We are familiar with the fact that when
there was the Vision, which Daniel saw, Gabriel interpreted it to him because it had
an allegorical meaning ; but when he came to the words ' two thousand three
hundred,' etc., he said ' the vision is true,' meaning what we have there stated ;
similarly, at the beginning of this section, he said, ' I will tell thee the truth ; ' conse-
quently the whole of this section is to be taken literally, so that this verse must
be taken literally; nor is this refuted either by reason or tradition, as we have
shewn. It stands besides in our records that God raised to life the child of
the Shunammite, and likewise the dead man who touched the bones of Elisha ; since,
therefore, such a thing has happened and is no impossibility, that resurrection of the
dead of Israel, which God has promised, shall be accomplished too. And since he
says these to shame and eternal contempt, the state of the rewarded and of the
punished alike shall be everlasting. God will raise the dead of the Captivity at the
time of the Deliverance ; the dead of the monarchy, on the other hand, when all the
dead rise, to be rewarded or punished, which shall be at the creation of the new
heavens and the new earth. Doubtless some great change will take place in this
heaven and earth (see Is. xl. 26). Job refers to the same (xiv. 12) : 'Till there be no
more heaven they shall not wake.' It is well known among all mankind that the
resurrection of the dead will take place when this takes place in the heaven and the
earth (Job /. c.) ; the resurrection of the dead of Israel, however, shall take place
before that. This is a mere fragment that we have given here ; it was impossible for
us to pass the passage without saying something about it.
3. He divides the living and the dead each into two companies, as we saw above.
After that he says the wise, separating them from the multitude, to shew that their
rank is higher than that of the rest of the nation. This all refers to those who will rise
from the grave. The brightness of their faces, he says, will be like the colour of the
firmament marvellously bright, like the face of Moses. It is a light wherewith God
will cover them, to shew their nobility, while at the same time they take pleasure in it.
They that turn the many to righteousness : those that turned mankind from
error to religion. The many : so of the priests (Mai. ii. 6), 'And turned away many
from iniquity.' They directed men to religion by teaching them the Commandments
of Jehovah ; and at the same time turned them from transgression by busying them-
selves with the Law of Jehovah, and praying God to direct them to the knowledge of
His statutes. They are those whose way is perfect : their prayer is recorded and their
words expressed in the twenty-two eight-lined stanzas ; they are those who say to him
that seeks instruction, Ho, every one that thirsteth, come ye to the waters. In Isaiah lii.
XII. 4 .] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 77
we are told that by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justify many j in that
chapter the groaning of the wise, and his griefs, and his great knowledge and piety
are recorded. These then are referred to in the words the wise shall shine as the
brightness of the firmament, etc.
Like the stars conveys two ideas : (i) light ; (2) perpetuity and eternity; it shall
not be cut off for ever. This shall God do with them after he has shewn them the
salvation of Israel, and the rebuilding of Jerusalem. They shall abide a while till
they have seen the sight thereof, and then God will remove them to the place of
reward. Maybe they will be with the angels above (cp. Zech. iii. 7), in return for
their teaching Israel the Law, and turning them from their sins, and lamenting during
the Captivity, and forcing themselves to grieve. Others than they engaged Israel in
the study of traditions, and took their goods, and fattened their bodies with food
and drink, and died merry, not doing their duty, but causing men to sin ; teaching
them what would make God angry with them : unquestionably therefore their punish-
ment will be far severer than that of their followers.
4. Hitherto the angel has been explaining what is to happen from the time at
which he is speaking till the end of the world, as he said at the beginning of
his discourse, I have come to tell thee what shall be till the end of time.
And thou Daniel close these words : i. e. leave them as they are. Do not ask
for more to be revealed than has been told thee.
And seal the book : ' seal this book of thine at what has been told thee, and
expect no more.' Nothing else could be revealed to him about the matter. Therefore
he said this, shewing him that there was nothing left to be told him.
To the time of the end : shewing that it should not be revealed to any one till
the end of the Captivity ; any one who professes to know the end of the Captivity is
a deceiver.
Many shall run to and fro : i. e. the wise and the seekers of knowledge. This
running to and fro may be of two kinds : (i) They shall run over the countries in
search of knowledge, because scholars will be found in every region ; the seekers of
knowledge, therefore, will go to and fro to learn from them ; this is expressed by
Amos (viii. 12). This shall be at the beginning of their career; when they seek
so ardently, God will make revelations to them. (2) They shall run to and fro in
God's Word like those who seek treasures, and thereafter knowledge shall increase ;
knowledge of two things : (a) the commandments j (b) the end. God will not reveal
the end until they know the commandments. They are the men that fear the LORD,
who are in possession of His secrets, which cannot be had save by study and search
and inquiry into the Word of God : compare the prayers teach me, O LORD, the way
of Thy statutes; open my eyes. These and similar expressions shew the vanity of the
profession of the traditionalists like El-FayyUmt, who have destroyed Israel by their
writings ; who maintain that the Commandments of God cannot be known by study,
because it leads to contradictions ; so that we must follow the tradition of the suc-
cessors of the prophets, viz. the authors of the Mishnah and Talmud, all whose
7 8 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XII. 5.
sayings are from God. So he has led men astray by his lying books, and vouches for
the veracity of any one who lies against God. He shall be punished therefore more
severely than they, and God shall take vengeance for his people from him and them
that are like him.
5 . After Daniel had heard all that was said to him, without any other angel being
with the one who had been addressing him, when the angel had finished his speech,
he saw two other angels, one with him in the region where he was standing, and the
other on the other side.
Other two : this may indicate one of three things :
(1) That he knew that they were not the same angels whom he had seen in the
'Vision' (viii. 13), when one asked the other concerning that of which Daniel was
thinking, and that other answered him ; as one of the angels here, too, asks the other
how long etc., we might have thought they were the same ; the word other is there-
fore inserted to shew that this is not so.
(2) The word other may be intended to shew us that the author does not refer to
the two angels already mentioned jn this chapter (xi. 16, 18), but to two others ;
in which case he will at this time have seen five angels ; two mentioned above
and three here.
(3) The word other may be intended to prevent our thinking them the great
angel with another ; by its insertion we know that there were three angels.
6. And he said to the man : i.e. one of the angels (not the plur., in which case
we might have thought that both had asked him). Which of the two we do not
know ; nor does he tell him the reason of his seeing the one who neither
asked nor answered. Most likely the one who asked was standing on the other
side ; while the one who stood with him was intended to allay his fears, or to
bring Daniel to hear the question and the answer. Hitherto we did not know that
the great angel was standing ; here he explains that he was standing in the air
above the water, and not on the ground. He was not one of the angels who
habitually descend from heaven to earth, having been sent by God for Daniel's
sake only.
How long shall it be to the end of these wonders? The wonders are
these tribulations, which shall come to pass at the last time. How long? what
shall be their duration ?
He answered just as Palmoni answered the first questioner (viii. 13). It was
not the questioner's object to find out himself: for the angels know the mystery
which is closed up ; he only asks that Daniel may hear the answer. If any one
ask why he did not give this reply without a question, we answer that possibly
the angel would not have given it unless questioned, seeing that the matter is
one of the great mysteries.
7. Notice, too, that he does not answer without an oath. The angel, he says,
swore an oath, to shew that there can be no alteration ; for it is a period of
great length. This oath was not for DanieVs sake, but for Israel's, the Israel
XII. 7-] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 79
that shall be in the time of tribulation. The force of this oath is marked by two
things : (l) He raised both hands : now an oath with both hands raised is the most
forcible kind ; cp. Gen. xiv. 2, and ' I have raised my hand,' said by the Creator
in a number of places. (2) He swears by the name of God ; the most powerful oath,
there is none more powerful (cp. Jer. xxiv. 26).
By him that liveth for ever : the Blessed Creator lives eternally. The
Hebrew word Tl means (i) living, e.g. Gen. vi. 19; (2) as a substantive, life,
e. g. by the life of Pharaoh, ibid. xlii. 16. Here it must be interpreted as (i).
He swore that it shall be for a time, times, and a half; exactly the same as the
period mentioned in vii. 25.
Here we will collect the passages wherein the times connected with the end are
mentioned. They are eight in all.
(1) Is. xvi. 14. Within three years, as the years of an hireling, and the glory of
Moab shall be brought into contempt.
(2) Is. xxi. 1 6. Within a year, according to the years of an hireling, and all the
glory of Kedar shall fall.
(3) Dan. vii. 25. And they shall be given into his hand until a time, and times,
and half a time.
(4) Dan. viii. 14. Unto two thousand and three hundred evenings and
mornings.
(5) Dan. xi. 33. They shall fall by the sword and by flame, by captivity and by
spoil, many days.
(6) The present passage.
(7) Infra u.
(8) Infra 12.
Of (i) (three years) we know both the beginning and the end. It begins when
'Moab comes to his sanctuary to pray, and is not able' (ver. 12), i.e. when the pilgrims
desire, to pray according to their wont, but are prevented by the Arms, as we have
explained above ; it ends when 'the glory of Moab is brought into contempt' (ver. 14),
i. e. when they become feeble and few in number, ' small and of no account ' (ibid.},
'with no ruler' at their head (ibid.).
(2) Commences when 'those that would pray' flee into the forest in Arabia
(Is. xxi. 13 ; v. supra), and ends when ' all the glory of Kedar shall fall ; ' when
no 'glory' shall be left to Kedar, and their mighty men shall be few. This is
one of the above three years ; when one of those years is passed their glory shall fall ;
at the end of the three it shall be brought into contempt ; i. e. no glory shall be left
them at all.
(3) Means, as we have said, either that the time which he shall fake about
his work in Ishmael and Israel is a ' time, times, and half a time; ' or that Israel shall
be in the hands of this Conspirator till that period be left till the end ; most probably,
in my opinion, this person, who is said to be about to put a stop to the pilgrimage and
8o COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XII. 7.
to destroy the house, and to overthrow the religion of Israel, will continue to do so
till that period commences, when he will cease and perish, 'be broken without hand;'
so that it does not refer to the duration of his power. Rather, when his reign is
over, that period will commence ; and when that period commences, the tribulations
will commence (v. siipra) ; and when it ends, they will end. This may be seen from
the expression here, it shall be for a time, times, and a half; and when they
have made an end of breaking in pieces the power of the holy people,
all these things shall be finished. It is clear, therefore, that the tribulations will
begin when the times begin, and end when they end.
(4) The two thousand and three hundred have already been shewn to be 1350
days ; the author says they end when holiness shall be justified; their beginning is not
told us. Most probably the tribulations shall remain upon Israel from the time of the
king who shall destroy Mecca and throw the religion of Israel down to the ground for
two thousand and three hundred mornings and evenings : for one year out of this
they shall fall by the sword, etc. ; but at the end of the period holiness shall be
justified, which is the opposite of truth being cast on the ground. This may mean
either that Elias will appear, or that Israel shall enter their land from 'the wilderness
of the Gentiles.' Probably, part of the 2300 falls in the time of the Arms, and part in
the ' time and times ; ' since in them Israel shall depart into ' the wilderness of the
Gentiles ' (v. supra). It is clear, therefore, (l) that they shall fall by the sword before
the times j (2) that part of the 2300 falls in the time of the Arms and part into the
general sum of the times. Now we have shewn above that pj? means a single time,
and that fJlJJ refers to periods more than one, not necessarily two. Most probably
this period is the same as that mentioned in ver. II, ubi vide.
Breaking in pieces the power of the holy people refers to the tribulations
which fell on Israel during these years. Observe that there is a time when tribulation
shall be on Israel only, and a time when tribulation shall be on the whole world. See
Jer. xxx. 5, where we have heard a voice refers to the news which shall reach Israel,
cp. Is. xxiv. 16 ; and fear and not peace refers to tribulations which shall be common
to the whole world ; cp. Is. /. c. 17, Jer. I.e. 6, 'Wherefore do I see every man with
hands upon his loins,' followed by (ver. 7), ' it is even the time of Jacob's trouble.'
Which last may indicate one of two things : either what will happen to Israel in the
time of the Arms, mentioned above, which will be a time of trouble, or what will
happen to them after they have entered their land from the 'wilderness of the Gentiles ; '
in which case it will refer to three events :
(a) What will come upon them from the ' northern,' see on xi. 44.
() The tribulation mentioned in Ps. Ixxxiii, which refers to the ' tents of the
Edomites and Ishmaelites.'
(c) Gog, the last tribulation that shall befall them.
The order of tribulations then will be (l) in the time of the Arms ; (2) from the
northern king; (3) from the 'tents of Edom;' (4) Gog. During all these years the
purification shall go on ; cp. Zech. xiii. 9,
XII. 9-1 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 8 1
8. Daniel says, 'I heard the voice of the angel saying "for a time, times," ' etc., but
I did not understand. He did not understand three things :
(a) He did not understand the length of a 1JMD (v. on vii. 14): IVIO, fly, py
all three mean the same : a J"IJJ may be the twinkling of an eye, an hour, or anything
more, e.g. years. The words for a time therefore conveyed no indication of a
definite period.
(b) He did not know when these times commenced.
(c) The word times conveyed no notion of the number of times.
And I said, O my lord : as much as to say ' I do not understand what thou
sayest : if thou canst tell me, what will be the end of these things ?' The angel
answered two things, (a) his question -what shall be the end ? (b} his saying / did not
understand (though the angel did not hear this last).
9. Are shut up : cp. viii. 26, ' shut up the vision ; ' only that was said to
Daniel, and would not prove that no one else understood them ; whereas the
words ' for they are shut up and sealed ' indicate that they are hidden from the
children of men.
Till the time of the end : till then they are closed ; thereafter they shall be
revealed.
He adds that at that time many shall purify themselves; indicating that
the end shall not come till after the purification of the nation from the trans-
gressors.
Here we must pause a moment. Let us observe that there are certain texts
which contain signs, the occurrence of which is to indicate the expected deliverance.
These signs are of two classes ; one consisting of the action of the nation, the other
of the action of God. The first consists in our returning to God, the second in many
things which we shall recount. As for our returning to God, it is mentioned in the
following passages : Deut. iv. 30, xxx, Hos. xiv. 2, Jer. iii. 14. Only they will not
return to God till after great afflictions, as has been said before in this chapter, ver. I.
Cp. Is. lix. 20. Some of the Jews have been misled by Is. lix. 16, ' And he saw that
there was no man,' fancying that Israel perhaps would not repent, and the deliverance
come to them without repentance. This is an error; could the deliverance come
without repentance, God would not have delayed it all this period. We can only say
that the people of the Captivity at the end of this last dynasty are divided into two
classes : a good class, who will seek knowledge and strive thereafter, and will multiply
fasting and lamentation, and put on sackcloth, and grovel in ashes, humiliating them-
selves, and asking God to deliver His people ; and a class sunk in transgression,
submerged in the commission of capital offences, at the same time abhorring the
pious sect, and accusing them and looking upon them as hypocrites, excommunicating
them and driving them away, because they will not assent to their doctrine, nor adopt
their faith. As for the first sect, they are those whose conduct is described in
Is. Iviii. 2, 'yet they seek me daily and delight to know my ways,' where the
author complains of wrong being committed in dealings and judgments betweea
[II. 3-]
82 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XII. 9.
them and their poor, which they do not redress, and that they do not care sufficiently
for the weak ; see the chapter throughout. But to the great section, the mass of
the nation, he says, ' Behold the LORD'S hand is not shortened that it cannot
save ; but your iniquities have separated between you and your God ; for your
hands are defiled with blood,' down to 'yea, truth is lacking' (ver. 15). It is to
this verse that the words ' He saw that there was no man ' refer. The words
' therefore his arm brought salvation unto him ' are a prophecy of tribulations which
shall befall these evil-doers till certain of them repent, and the rest perish ; that
the former words refer to the whole nation is in the highest degree improbable.
To the first sect he says, ' Hear the word of the LORD, ye that tremble at His word;'
where he tells them that their brethren hate them and revile them, saying at the same
time, ' God is pleased with us, and for our sake the redemption will come ; ' in which
they are deceived. This, then, is a partial account of what has been told us
about their return to God, after which the redemption will come. A partial account,
too, has been given on ver. 4. Let us now explain what will be the course of
Israel's conversion to God, what will be done by their chiefs and what by the
mass of them.
The chiefs will turn to the Law at the time when they have come into the most
miserable state of poverty and straitened circumstances, and their enemies among
the nation and the great sect are most numerous.
They and their followers are the people whose way is perfect. The great sect will
wane, those who follow the sayings of their predecessors ; one after another will
confess, till the two thousand three hundred begin. At the time of the demolition of
the thrones of the dynasties, when the people are merged in the tribulations, the
doctrines of the chiefs of the Jews shall be exploded, as well as their authority ; and
the enemy, the temporal lord, shall seek them out. At that time it shall become clear
to the multitude, who accept their authority, that the truth is with the sect, and that by
it the redemption shall come. They will return to the Law and abandon the tradition
of those who cling to the books of their ancestors ; and then God shall no longer
delay the redemption. This we have fully and satisfactorily explained in the Com-
mentary on Canticles ; it would be too long to repeat it here. This is what we are
told about our action : what is told us of God's action may also be divided into two
parts. One refers to our condition prior to the redemption at our repentance ; this
is recounted in Deut. xxxii, where it is said that ' the LORD shall judge His people,'
and that God shall take vengeance for His people upon their enemies, and restore
them to forgiveness when they are at the height of their trouble, and none of them has
any power : 'when He seeththat their power is gone,' which refers (l) to the weakness
of poverty ; (2) to the fact that there are no royal ministers among them, as there were
when they had judges, governors, etc., who attended to their affairs, so that they
became poor after having been rich in respect of rulers, and rich in merchants, and
resigned their possessions : v. Zech. viii. 10. This is the meaning of their power is
gone; to which is added, 'and there is none shut up or left at large:' i.e. none
XII. io.] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 83
of them has power to bind or loose any more. The second refers to the condition
of the Gentiles: ibid. 35, 'Vengeance is mine, and recompense;' indicating that
so long as the affairs of the Gentiles are well regulated, we shall remain in our
distress, and in the continuation of our Captivity; but when they begin to be
reversed, their distress shall come, and they shall perish quickly, 'for the day of
their calamity is at hand.'
There are three signs of salvation : when they appear, the wise shall feel confident
of redemption. Hence he says they are sealed and closed till the time of the
end : when the end approaches it shall be revealed. God in His mercy has seen fit
to hide it from them ; because, if they had known how long the Captivity was to last,
multitudes of the people would have perished [apostatised]. He left them therefore in
hope, expecting the deliverance : one after another will be converted, and God's anger
will cease. And when the time comes, these signs will appear, and they shall know that
the time is come at last ; they will cling to their faith and not abandon it, save a few,
as we said above.
io. Many shall purify themselves : the people are divided into three classes,
excluding a fourth, as I shall now explain. He said above (xi. 35) to refine them
and to purify ; that is here repeated, to shew that it is to be at the time of the end.
Purify literally means winnow' we sift, e.g. grain from chaff, stones, earth; cf. Jer. iv.
II ; or as the money-changer separates the good Dirham from the bad, or clears the
good from the bad mixed up with them. The meaning is : there are among the
people some who are good and repentant, who are the wheat ; and also wicked ones
who eat unlawful food, and change sabbaths and festivals, commit abominations, and
do not repent. God therefore will distinguish between them by destroying the bad,
some of whom will perish by the sword, others by pestilence ; v. supra, and compare
Ezek. xx. 38, Amos ix. io. As yet we have two classes, the perfectly righteous, and
the completely wicked. Now he says and shall whiten themselves, with reference
to a class who are intermediate in religion, who keep the commandments, but not
perfectly, being like a garment which has got marks of foulness, which requires that
those stains be got rid of. So it must be washed ; cp. Is. Ixiv. 5. When the tribula-
tions come near, they will discard the sins that are about them ; cp. Jer. ii. 22. These
are a stage below those of whom it is said they shall purify themselves, the latter
being perfectly righteous, whereas these are intermediate. These are descriptions of
the people who will come out of the great sect.
And be refined : a description of the great sect themselves, who are compared
to silver or gold mixed with dross, i.e. the doctrines which they have inherited
from their fathers, so that they assent to what their chiefs tell them, and confess it.
They therefore shall undergo tribulations ; God will refine them, so that they shall
discard these doctrines and return to the Law of Jehovah. This describes their
state shortly before the appearance of Elijah, as we have explained elsewhere
(i.e. in the Psalms).
But the wicked shall do wickedly : i. e. those that do wickedly against
m 2
84 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XII. u.
the covenant (xi. 32). They are the portion to whom I alluded on the words 'they shall
purify themselves.' He means they shall transgress more and more ; and not under-
stand, i. e. pay no regard to that which is written in the Book of God, in which case
they might have turned to God, or might never have abandoned His religion; they
are the people who allegorise the text, as we said before.
But they that be wise shall understand : they shall turn to the Book of God
and understand its contents, and know that what God said in His Book has come to
pass. Understanding that, they will make Israel understand it, who will then cling to
the Law and throw off the sins that are upon them ; they shall be strong and do exploits
(xi. 32).
II. The angel now explains to him what he did not understand in ver. 7 (u.
supra) ; shewing him that a time and times refers to twelve hundred and ninety
days ; that a time is restricted to a year, and times to two years and no more ; and
that a half is something less than a year ; further that this sum of four years all but a
fraction commences from the time that the continual shall be removed. The continual
has now been mentioned three times, of which the first is
viii. II. 'It took away from him the continual, and the place of his sanctuary was
cast down.'
There he did not state who does this ; later on he says that it is to be done by
certain rulers, arms from him that shall stand up (xi. 31), where he adds that 'they
shall profane the sanctuary and make the abomination desolate.' Which last he
repeats here, to shew Daniel, and us too, that the times commence from the time of
the removal of the continual j and that at the end of the twelve hundred and ninety
days the tribulations shall be ended. This he explained to Daniel, and taught him what
he did not know. Now we must give the reason why he says a time, times, and
a half, with the word time once in the singular and once in the plural, instead of
saying three times. We will answer this question as best we can. These times being
years, as we have said, begin with the time of the removal of the continual;
Isaiah's three years, as we said, are identical with the time and times j at the end of
one year of these three, Isaiah tells us, 'the glory of Kedar will cease, and his warriors
be few ; ' that year is therefore the time, which is distinguished here as the first year
of the three, wherein 'the whole glory of Kedar shall perish ;' the other two years (or
times] will be of one tenor, viz. in them ' the glory of Moab ' will be finally ' brought to
contempt.' Isaiah does not speak of the half-year, because it is in the time after the
fall of Ishmael : probably 'half is an approximation merely, being really more than
half, and lasting from the time of the conquest of Babylon by the king of the north
till Israel enter Palestine from the ' wilderness of the peoples,' after which the king of
the north shall perish. Next, it is clear that as the years of a hireling refers to lunar
years ; this will make the three years thirty-six months, or a thousand and sixty-five
days, which will leave out of the twelve hundred and ninety days two hundred and
twenty-five, which make half a time, as we have said, the word ^H in the Hebrew
language being sometimes used for an exact half, sometimes for slightly more or less, as
XII. 1 3 .] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 85
we shewed from Isaiah. Here it is rather more ; and during this half-time there will
be an excitement in the world caused by the king of the north, starting from the time
when Ishmael is destroyed and left without a chief. He will go out from Babylon till
he perishes in the land of Israel, as we have explained at xi. 44.
12. These days are not the same as those mentioned above, nor are we told when
they are to commence, nor when they end. They do not come within the days of the
kingdoms. The person who waits must already have got into the time, times, etc. ;
he will then count them, knowing that they are a short period, which will [soon] end,
when he will be freed from the tribulations, and then he shall come to these thirteen
hundred and thirty-five days. These persons are the good, whose way is perfect, and
their followers. This has been noticed by Moses in Psalm xc. At the end of that
psalm he says 'with long life will I satisfy him;' some people will doubtless die during
the time and times j hence he says blessed is he that waiteth and reaches, since
not every one that waits will reach. Most probably they begin from the destruction
of the king of the north, when Israel will begin to prosper and their power to increase.
In them will be the second gathering of Israel, prophesied by Jeremiah (xxxv. 9). In
those days the Messiah will appear and Israel shall be secure.
At the end of those days Gog shall come, and God shall deal vengeance upon
him ; that will be on the last day of the thirteen hundred and thirty-five. After Gog
shall be the reign of the Messiah over the people of the whole world. The thirteen
hundred and thirty-five are separated from the latter, because in them there will be
some troubles, though they will be after the consummation of the monarchies, and
most of what we expect will come to pass in them.
13. He said above (ver. 9) go Daniel, without saying whither. Here he explains
this : go, i.e. pass away, thou and Israel in thy sorrow to thy grave, as the rest have
passed away till the time of the end.
And thou shalt rest : sc. in thy grave ; cp. Is. Ivii. 2. We do not know where
that grave was; most probably in Babylon, as he did not go up to the Second
Temple, as seems clear ; since, in the third year of king Cyrus, he was in Babylon ;
whereas the people had gone up in Cyrus' first year.
Thou shalt stand : i. e. rise from the grave.
In thy lot : either (i) the place of the reward which he had earned ; or (2) the
land of Israel, wherein he had a lot; so that he is to live a long time at the time of the
redemption, and rejoice in the sanctuary of the Almighty, and the reunion of the nation.
After this God shall take him alive to the place of reward among the angels. I prefer
the second view.
Then he tells him when he shall rise to be rewarded ; at the end of the days :
i.e. most probably at the end of the thirteen hundred and thirty-five days God shall
raise him up and bring him to his lot; and at that time, too, shall be that resurrection
of their dead which God has promised : ' Behold, I will open your graves, and cause
you to come up out of your graves, O my people ' (Ezek. xxxvii. 12) ; and then, too, He
will shew them what He has promised (cp. Ps. cvi. 4).
86 COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. [XII. 13.
Let us ask God Almighty to bring this near in our days and yours ; not to deny us
or you abundant knowledge of His Book, revelation of His secrets, and attachment to
His faith ; to sanctify His sanctuary, and shew us its restoration ; for the sake of His
great name, and His abundant mercies. Amen.
We have explained this chapter in accordance with what we have heard from the
teachers of the Captivity, or read in their books, so far as those theories seemed
probable. God will forgive and pardon any slips or errors, in His goodness and
gentleness. We shall now follow this with a statement of the views of others about
these times and the end, that any one who cares to know them may do so. The
scholars who preceded Joseph ibn Bakhtawl explained the 2300, 1290, and 1335
as years j the Rabbanites, too, spoke of the end, and fancied that from the third year
of Cyrus to the end would be 1335 years ; the term is passed some years since, so that
their opinion has been disproved, and that of their followers ; similarly El-Fayyumi
explained it years, and has been proved false ; he had however some marvellous
inventions with reference to the time and times. He was answered by Salmon ben
Jerucham ; whom we need not in our turn answer, since his term is past and the end
not arrived. Certain of the Karaites, too, made the 2300 years date from the exodus
from Egypt ; that term too is past years ago, and their prophecy not come true.
Salmon ben Jerucham, in his Commentary on Ps. Ixxiv. 9, denied that it was possible
to ascertain the endj but on Ps. cii. 14 he offered a date which is passed and falsified.
He agreed with many others in interpreting the 2300 and 1290 as days, but differed
about the interpretation of the time of the removal of the continual, which, he
thought, meant the destruction of the Second Temple. Benjamin Nahawendl agreed
with him in the latter point, but differed from him about the days being days
and not years. Benjamin took a separate view in believing that they were years.
Salmon ben Jerucham referred the 1290 to the three and a half spoken of in
chap. x. 27 (' for the half of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation
to cease').
Each of the commentators has taken a different line, and all have gone wrong in
making the days years. Benjamin Nahawendl, indeed, made the 2300 date from the
destruction of Shiloh, and from the time of the removal of the continual from the
destruction of the Second Temple; this leaves still some 400 years ; but this is a
delusion.
All these theories are confuted by two facts :
(1) Their inventors profess to know the end, whereas the Scripture says that the
matter is closed and sealed; any one therefore who professes to know it before the time
of the end is professing what cannot be true.
(2) They make the days years. Now we know that where he speaks of weeks of
years he expressly distinguishes them from weeks of days ; consequently none of the
three sums mentioned (2300, 1290, 1335) can be years. All must be days. The one
commentator who made them days supposed the three periods to follow one upon the
XII. 1 3 .] COMMENTARY ON DANIEL. 87
other ; i.e. he made the 2300 the first time, the 1290 the second, the 1335 the third.
He fancied there was no statement of the number of days of the half-time; he sug-
gested that it might be half the first time. Assuredly this is more probable than the
views of the others.
We have now given the views that seem to us clear or probable. Let us now ask
God to pardon any slips or errors ; for what we have given is not any positive opinion,
but merely a probability. The Almighty himself has said that the words are shut up
and sealed till the time of the end. At that time it shall be revealed at the hand of
the wise; the wise shall understand. God Almighty, in His mercy and loving-
kindness, bring near their realisation. Amen.
GLOSSARY.
now for IcLJl Is. xlviii. 7; spelt muJ MS. 2474, p. 46*.
cVAJU"i (Pers.) tin MS. 2472, p. I7 a Ijj ;> x*Aj ^JLC! &nn ^3
(ii) for jjj. Is. lix. 4 (T^in) .xJlj.
<?</ ,57* MS. 2468, p. io6 a JJUJI Jjlj *4ill quod si dixerit aliquis.
MS. 2467, p. 84* jl$b ^! ^U jJ-J j^Dl ^c-^j. MS. 2468, p. 5 a
Z>. ib "
(^| MS. 2473, p. 85 b ( -f^ (j\ AJL.^ Jjl (the classical language would here
have used no particle). Ibid. 64 a JJ^JJ ^jl /*-">- ^ i^*' ^ omm - on ^ s - "^ 4 (5-* J^
fff^o jJ^b ^;U Ps. Ixi. 2 ^y-* * /-^>. u^ J-^ <y*> where ^1 may be kept
(omitted by BARGES). MS. 2468, p. i88 a .
JLi) Lat. antes (?). For ^n i Kings vi. 31.
^J*l (ii) and (v) JjlJ /o equivocate MS. 2500 (Comm. on Kings, p. i()i b ) *^^j^ ,^
J^aJl ljjj> ^j Jj^j sJj-JikJ t^JJI Jj*- Jl (Jl. Used often in this book and elsewhere of
< explaining away ' texts of scripture, miracles, etc. ; see pp. i . 1 5, 1 p. 15, 1 r r. 2, I PA. 6.
Compare ey^bjlj p. Fr. ii, 13.
(jjso\ (_)*\ nudius tertius (DB'PK') Ex. xxi. 36.
J<jJ fem. of Jjl FLEISCHER, KL Schr. i. 336; Comm. on Prov. (Paris), p. 4 a ^X
C j.*.;'!fl.fllH. Here, p. in, n. i.
.' (Syr. k~() Dan. iii. 15 ^xl>ol etc. Used apparently only in translations.
MS. 2468, p. 199^ gUaJi u -j^sr u bL> ^^ , , , rwmon.
Comm. on Amos ii. 12 uyls^^LJl J-AJ t a^l eyj-
Xi i Kings xxi. 10 for ^y^l 'Jl c; ^J r i-JI ^^JUyJ!. Compare
macia (VULLERS s. v.).
i^ics^ (iii) aoiU-o trying his fortune MS. 2500, p. 159**.
[II. 3.]
90 GLOSSARY.
^>&> Ex. xxxiv. 19 for IBS ^a.. .Ju.
Jl>. l^j (Jl yfrnw Ps. xli. 6 (BARGES).
Ja^>. Ly.l Num. xiii. 20 (np DN Nin nJBPn) liLJb J k^l JA
Oj*L^> MS. 2467, p. 44 b reckoned among articles of food .U ^| .-
(Persian) 0/y MS. 2478, p. 22 a ^ itflJLl ^^^
juO architrave (eTrio-rvXtoi/) MS. 2500, p. 42^ cy^Lk^JI ^* e. isL1.
L> practice Ex. xxxv. 25 (ifta a!? n3n) u f.W.H isjU..
is the immediate actor ; as opposed to j*$\, while cyljJyJI are actions
accomplishing themselves when once started, e. g. if a man shoots an arrow and dies
before it hits the mark. MS. 2467, p. i86 a .
JL> (vi) to trample down Is. v. 5 for ~\])5\> ^*LiiJ. Comm. ibid. j.Ly Jjjl lil
"j^W^j (V^' V*-J Ex. xxii. 4 Jt-H> for 1JO*.
/i9 j^a^ef Comm. on Is. xxix. 7 dJLJ,l sjuk fjt^xJ 1 Juo.
AJjJ Lft.1*" 1 '.
! explanation of p{J> p Is. v. i
> (v) jJLzll for Dpi Is. x. 1 8.
3 (v) Spec. p. 22. 15 i5li^dl ^x^ (BARGES: Arbor firmd).
(ii) for pp13 Hos. x. i ^j--.
x3 (Pers. ii) for D^tTlp Ex. xxvi. 15 (an3n).
Uj j^/// Comm. on Prov. xiv. i etc.
to be possible MS. 2472, p. i6 b J ^ L. L^JL* J^b a 1 _JLc t-^-j
; MS. 2500, p. I57 a IjkSjjdb jjl ^^Li) *5 uU here, p. irv. 26 etc. (Classical.)
KkS for }ON3 Is. xlix. 7, here, p. ir. 17 dual ^LxJLJ Comm. on Is. viii. r, plur.
lj>. 15 3\ 'il y a,' /^r^ w here, p. rl. 19.
2^>J!i dualists here, p. vr. 12.
Cj. (for c_> *U.), impf. i^woc^, infin. SJ\A.\. With additional i_> e.g. Is. xli. 2
&_>. u^-s-^ ^^JtLiJl . Cant. p. ro b . 5.
GLOSSARY. 91
a* MS. 2500, p. 44& ^ i^ HJ.J u^J 3 . u-U* *,Ls^ *XfJ ^ J
^. o*~J\ JM>, p. 44 a .
J w " fo <"* cw ^ thenceforth Comm. on Is. Ixiii. 8 ^ liy ,jLoj
onso.
(Heb. nta) MS. 2467, p. 73 b ^Ju: a l |. MS. 2474,
A? r^ (Heb. fj) Comm. on Is. Iviii. 6 (4-^j u-LJI Jii? cr c.
. captivity (Heb. fivS). Plur. v*-Jl^>. Comm. on Is. Ivi. 10. Rel. adj.
here, p. ITA. 12.
(v) to become a proselyte, "13, Cant. p. lib ult. *L>.}>1 ^jL^ ^ U^Isr*.
rel. adj. from ^ MS. 2467, p. 2O2 b .
, (v) /o marry (for -.j) David b. Abr. s. v. TIN.
for fyo? Is. v. 19. Compare here p. ro. 15.
^^-. jr^* a responsible person MS. 2467, p. 6 a etc.
an incantation MS. 2475, p. 2 3 b i^-p. iutAJLj u ^.
- (jJ/>- plur. e^l^a. for D^anjJ' Is. vi. 2.
^1 L/^9 in the sense of (_^iLj scarcely here, p. v. 10; compare
Spec. p. 15. ii i-^lj (jj&-> (j\ <^a.^bj A \ y,.-^ AJK^- 1^5b J. nedum ut sit
necessaria (BARGES : ubi potissimum firmis erat opus).
k^Ja.a. the lowest depth (^^^1), here, p. i r. 8.
^U. MS. 2472, p. 148^ u bL*j j! iijjdl ^
(viii) Comm. on Is. Ixv. 8 ^L>JI Jsl*! lil j J^ B'^nn NVD 1 "
*U>.j. f^- sr u^ ^ ere P- I I I. 21.
jUsw. jL>! for HTIIN in Translation of Numbers (MS. 2473).
<_JL^. (iv) to declare impossible Comm. on Is. ii. p. 2ii b ^i\ ^ j^ J^ U
JLJI ^Ju* ^ji*^.
plur. jjjj> for niDTO Is. vi. 4, and passim.
(vi) erupit aqua Comm. on Is. xxx. 25.
n 2
9* GLOSSARY.
jj a spot on a garment MS. 2468, p. 5 b v_^5 ^ Jj jji. JJL L.
f r "H^ ^ s - I**"- 8 etc.; for pT Is. vi. I.
^ ^ Comm. on Ex. xxvii. 8 ^X> U_> ^Ua-** J J^c eiJ^ J-*^
MS. 2468, p. 144*.
(Pers.) a nurse, plur. cybb Comm. on Is. Ix. 16.
*cXo ambiguous MS. 2500, p. i55 b *^x .,^X> ^n^D j.U.li.
Comm. on Is. xxxi. 23 JJA (jK-*J^ ,y -*! PO-
(iii) for "nt? Hos. v. 14 etc.
tJLlt> for Pj^l Ps. cxix. 28.
O/>/(f for 13PI. Ex. xxvi. 3 *JiiJx (n*12h).
for D^Nl Is. v. 2.
a course of bricks, etc. (8<fyios) MS. 2500, p. 35*
Hos. ix. 8 vJjJw*. Prov. xv. 3 JJ1
read AJ.XJX*. Regularly in Psalms for Heb. HBV.
i) and onwards MS. 2472, p. i4 a u-
. JIU ,^1, capital, dual ^.^JUI ,Jj MS. 2468, p. 23 b .
uijS J . . Lo L^J whether or. MS. 2467, p. 56**.
C^ plur. ei>5i for Heb. IB passim. BARG&S on Ps. 1. 9 ; the meaning was
noticed by EICHHORN, Einkitung ins A. T. i. 519.
liquid passim; MS. 2472, p. 26* j1 U~ 1^3Nn N^ DlJ!
for niQ l| tM Is. iii. 19. (VULLERS : & ;,.? ^ 'vox dubia.')
jj plur. (j-O. Cant. i. 17; see BARGES ad 1.
(ii) viduam fecit Comm. on Is. x. 3. (v) JJ^^j status viduae Comm. on
Is. Ixi. 10.
.J, to wish with ^1 MS. 2468, p. i88 a sJLol ^1 A L J
i:\J, (Pers. o^) Comm. on Num. xxii. 30 W*H;_) (-'U-t^ j
tki, c socket (1} MS. 2468, p. 114* (of the 'rings' of the ark)
GLOSSARY. 93
SX>) a tap (for water) Comm. on I Kings vii. 29 lil .~J\ (jZ^\ ,=* HVvJI
<jlij Lfc*i *U\ -^i. ey^.>. MS. 2500, p. 5<A
Comm. on Is. xix. 3 _Jle oJLf^j 21X Tvyi D^N.
wCA 2" Kings iv. 27 l^J <^>jS-j U^& for ili> m fl&?a3. (v) Here, p. MV. 23.
Cj for Sjyf here, p. \. 13. (v) Frequently for dyt.
*K /<? dhra; water MS. 2500, p. 49 a d^Jl ^ AJu LJ *U\ _u /*JjJ-
Comm. on Is. xxix. 21 jSiHj AJjjjJI jj^-^ *4Jl <^** ^j-* p *JkU
(ii) /o overhang for mD Ex. xxvi. 12 bis.
JCuu. jyi II the poor Comm. on Prov. xiii. 23 etc.
(^. JLsXou contumely for }17p Prov. ii. 34. (iv) j v_is- 1 ' he insulted him MS.
2500, p.i 57b.
JUw. j_>Jt- for "IS1K> Ps. xlvii. 5 etc.
C^LJuJUv (Syr.) for JTDSnn Prov. ii. 1 4 etc.
OUtuu Comm. on Prov. xii. 5 ^-wXJ! *y*f>\ J-*-^ <^JJI i_aJLj,l ^S2\ ; ibid.
p. 64 a ^15 ujJJL-J.
(^ivL^JLw for J1I3N Prov. vii. 13.
.AAJO (ii) (from ^Uq^l) to make straight Is. xl. 3; ^jL^ for nj}>iD I Kings vi. 35.
for p^Pin Prov. ii. 16.
(for I^X>M.^) directly here, p. n. 14.
ju^. d-^-i. a false religion Spec. p. 17. n i^i *J l^\j|j. (BARGES: statuam
in honorem eius
for i?nK>, JyLi-* Ps. i. 3, xcii. 13 (BARGES); J^IA surculi Ps. cxxviii. 3.
Jl) for aniJO 2 Kings vi. 1 8 etc., David b. Abr. s. v.
i whether Ex. xl. 22 (MS. 2468, p. 204**) ^i J {WIN Li,, MS. 2472, p. 74^
u Lii, here, p. oo. 14; Spec. p. 18. 8.
>X*3 here, p. cc. 8, dJilM ^ J jjlS jt_u> ^J sX\Ul u u ^ (^lj.
c w*o Ps. xxxii. 4 (^^-0 u-JLSJl conversus est humor meus BARGES, ibid. p. 59, n. 3.
(jjjJb (ii) to despise Comm. on Ps. xxii. 5 (HOFFMANN).
dL for Vjpnn i Kings xviii. 45 ; (ii) for Wlp Is. 1. 3. Often spelt *i& or
s^ BARGES on Ps. xxxv. 14.
94 GLOSSARY.
&>|vAC Num. xiii. 23 ^yLbJl L^j ooli ^^Jl ijLoJl. MS. 2474, p. 62 b .
Kc section MS. 2472, p. 25 b ^i* j^a-> nsntai ni>2J *> ^.
. -. process whereby any food is changed from its natural state, and
the result of that process ; see Appendix; MS. 2472, p. iO4 b <^>^\ x\f"\ /"^ t^
^ -.^LxJl*. Here, p. ir. 14 etc.
(v) jjlxj an excuse MS. 2475, p. 5 a .
JLc a /arg'tf number here passim; in Spec. p. 15. 8 the correction .fce is
unnecessary.
with ^jlc /<? intend here, p. co. 8 ; to suppose MS. 2468, p. 185* ( Jie
nrun Jb" 31 l.
for liy Num. xxii. 30 *]TiyD for dx^c ^^-o, passim in Isaiah. Sometimes
written jLc, whence EICHHORN wrongly supposed it to be a transliteration of the
Heb. T\y.
Ju\ the Pharisees here, p. H. 13, = the Rabbanites, D^ll, as the Sefer
ha-'osher interprets ; the Karaites are similarly called ' Sadducees.'
*tjj extent. See here, pp. rr. 5, rv. 17.
tfOwf (for aLoj^j? yet derived by Jephet himself from jJu L) for
Ex. xxv. i etc.
perquisite Comm. on Is. xxxii. 6 . ^Ilj ^^ ^ U.j JJ
? ibid.
IJ15 to grin Comm. on Ps. xxii. 8 (HOFFMANN).
^\9 (Pers.) cacare Comm. on Ex. x. 21 JlX- ^ jJii Jo.lj Jj ,jl
for niNiriD in 2 Kings x. 27; s'i^li for HNW Is. xxviii. 8 ; cp. FLEISCHER, KL Schr.
i. 169.
XJ for ^DB Is. xli. 6, in Comm. : ,U5JI _)U-<JI
jlj fut. -^AJ (Weiterbildung of ^J?) /o /a^ refuge here, p. Fe. 14.
.J (ii) for Heb. 1K>pnn 2 Kings ix. 14 etc. Hence it appears that the
mentioned passim here are the Carmathians.
c>xa. ^ jwo5 Jjua. /o take note of here, p. PA. 21 ; Comm. on Prov. vii. 10
(P- 34 b )-
GLOSSARY. 95
JtbJ Prov. iv. 15 ^ will jtiaJil />fl,M away from. Perhaps however we should
read *U1; Spec. p. 18. 1 8 sJLol ^ *IU JtkS he allows no compromise. (BARGES :
' h. e. interpretatione non egent verba.')
(y\JL9 (for ^jLJ) passim, Prov. xvi. 8 etc.
9 a he-goat (caper?) fitfyn "VJflP Lev. ix. 3; here, pp. AI. 18, *r. 7, etc.
to surprise here, p. irr. 16. Comm. on Prov. iii. 24 .j^c ^_e Pr*-*
~~5o (read s-~5o) j ibid. i^L^jCJl (l *j . .f. &NnS5 1HDD.
ST (ii) /(? <5<? wjf^ here, p. tr. 4 etc.; Ps. Ixxii. 4; cf.
/ (vii) to gather together MS. 2468, p. 8p b ^l^JI - 1 -
(v) see here, p. 1 1. 7.
~&A*<f common form in MSS. (e.g. 2468, p. 197^ bis) for i**5; perhaps by
false analogy from LJuS.
V&Sty (for ^i ^1 ?) Ps. cxix. 119; 'ex comment, videtur hac voce innui scon'as'
BARGES.
prep, for Heb. ?VN Prov. vii. 8, here, p. r<). 2.
A; with suffixes ^^i-J for c:*.J Ex. xxiii. 7, &^J Lev. xi. 39, here, p. ri*. 15.
jU/yC* (or rather i-^L) for mTlE plur. c-oLiLo Cant. p. vr b ad fin.
for D"^3 Num. xxiv. 8.
!vo. Here, p. tor. 10 sJLol ^jU ^j^L-a ^ took a separate view; see also
p. in*. 20.
for IVJyft Ps. cxxix. 3 (probably corrupt).
see here, p. oF. 9.
j> for n?23 Ps. Ixxix. 2.
*3 queri BARGES Ps. Iv. 2, 17; Is. liii. 8.
JcscO (ii) complanare for ^3Q Is. xl. 3 ; Ps. Ixxx. 9.
z& (iii) with ^ /o answer for Is. xli. 2 1 l^
here, p. IA. 2.
i deficient (adj.), here, p. 11. ii.
^J suspiritus BARGES on Ps. xxxviii. 9.
96 GLOSSARY.
(_*L> to give light for "VNfl Ex. xxv. 37 ; Comm. on Ex. xl. 38 (MS. 2468, p. 2o6 a )
J-JJb jt^jj B>NJ1.
i
A for I before hemza; Ex. xvii. 7 u^ol*, MS. 2500, p. 191*; here, p. r*. 3.
Baidawi on Sura iii. 59.
KMJ& to strike Comm. on Prov. xviii. 6 i_^aJl. ^*-t-J! ; <-*U^l f r HID/HO Prov.
xviii. 6, 8.
JUj and onwards MS. 2468, p. io4 b JU^ jo
w MS. 2475, P- r 3 b \***\ P^3 J^AJ U 15 AJ. Comm. on Prov. p.
*A ^ lil ^jlTjli, here, pp. iv. 4, i r. 9. EICHHORN I.e.
Ex. xxvi. 19 for
here, p. ro. 15 i*^*. j^iyLJ for nj73B> in; see NOLDEKE, ,Syr. Gram. p. 166.
+*. (ii) for =>.1 (ii) MS. 2467, p. I29 a bis.
(ii) t-*J;^J obliquity MS. 2500, p. 42^.
(v) see jjik).
U* (ii) for u-J-H (ii) here, p. AA. I.
here, p. ii. 2. Comm. on Prov. xiii. 5 Lj Jjf*^ X-
ERRATA.
Page i A, line 5 eU^J c.X*^*j : read eU^ ^1*3'
P. ro, II CXjJb : read c**j.
P. PA, 10 Ja^jLj : read JO^JLJ.
P. r., 2 k-aJb: readloib.
P. tA, 19, 20 <Jlc>^c: readme (Jle).
P. v ., 14 j^jo : read
P. A), 2 * *^/^j : rea(i
P. AV, 2 yilN to be read twice as in MS.
P. A A, 9 I juo : read ljuj>.
P. 1., 5 J.J: read J^5
Ibid. 20 u_ i^c : read <
P. ir, i J-jJ^ : read
Ibid. 20 J'Uj.j : read
P. IA n.
P. MI,I
P. i i r, 23
P. i FP, 15 .^j AjL A .. =>j : to be corrected as in translation.
P. i Ft, i. The second ^r^ is a copyist's error of .Li, ill.
For the ' Index/ to which reference is made in the notes, substitute ' Glossary.'
APPENDIX.
Page f, line 13. The missing words are supplied in the translation. Twenty-two
years are given to Evil-Merodach by Jephet in the passage cited from his Comm.
on Jeremiah on p. or, n. 4 ; compare too the calculations on p. ir, 1. 16.
P. i, 1. i. The passage referred to is in Cod. Brit. Mus. Or. 2468, fol. 169 and
following :
Jl3j jnvfo6 iron Jls u^bj+all Jl
Jb jJI J^T ^ jtf ^ J5j HIT may naiy yb mr mayJ I
ijL, jj sjl ^^ *-JL> A^r- ^j ovbvb rm yj iu5CJ D^HD nar
dLJi (^"Jj j**/*^* v;^ r^H* J^J -
i b iwn D^ JL5 U^j*lj aJp-. ^n^ p^ ^on aana
a l ^-^j totwJl o^s 5 p^Jlj nn!?JI Jjt^ vnsyo pai ^on annsn
i ul v^J^ vsbU ^ il ^...*^ U pa j! i^* ^ p*JI .^sri J Jl
Jl jUI UjkUj Ujai UL.J U^ L^JI mr mayj ->-Al ^-JJj -^*.JJ'
vnt^D p^oi ^on a^nDD JU US'
^ . . y*
bn nntj I^N npiyo ^31 o^ntiO
i3 y3O Jl JLs
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nno s^j "iiDN n^aJl ^^^ u
15 ey^JJ j-JLi ^f^j "^J/- ^^ U^ JW'-> c;- 6 Jj^ ^ ^^ "^ ^ []/* (j*>)
Jy ^ j i^i) ^K-I nx Dn3^m rateJl Jy
j\ \;>lc
oj jjuu ^ ^lij to uu
O
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tr ,i^*Ai
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>* u~J U t^*. tf jJ! 051 JJ^llj Ikil ^ j^ 1 J-J OJy U C 5I
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1 iro B ; jna x. 2 jon codd. 3 iias B. 4 Om. B.
jy n? }K ynvn H^NI nax^ IJNDN B.
101
a .13
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*** * ' * '
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n^non nw U * 5LJ dJUIl Cl ^J 3!
^s cy^j j^j inyatPN n^o 11 TIN j^al^>.\ ^ jUj sj^y, ^ sL^, Ujvy 16
u ^ il jra^i nanon ntw Jls dDJla j.13511 AA Jl ^-Lo ^ DnyioJI *GJ ^
JUSl islJj >xlc ^ft^i* PSVH I^O dJi^) JJU l^Jjl (J I ^ v/LJ yj 11 H3HD JS"
pap
1 Numbers the same in all (B D P X Kit.) ; to be corrected from Comm. on Isaiah i
174 b; rt*T>.j -jJ L_ftJl
ir
I .
u j\ ^b u> i** J . i> ^ wa win JlSj uL^* ij JL^J ^i ^ n-arv
JJI 3 <jJJ^ 1
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JU UT^Ull ^ xjb U c
r
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noin oJ^ ^ D^y
iiisfj] [SJL-] c ^
J
nyo UJjl^ Ids L Jic ^ . ; ... tnyioJl xa> e*jo Ut jl ^AJ ^i Lo
*ju A.IM 1 UjJ!c lul Ldsj bLoio ^ .,^^5 Le ^ UlS
3P3 HJP myai JysJ^Us. ij -np -naa Jij; U-J
l lft ^ J^l ii-Jl Jl u. ^-^ njnDi ^a Jy
bU ")*r Tiaa /a nba
25
iiaa
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si** DTK av anp 'a Jy^ ^ ^ ipd^ *A,b>l '
KP ny ny Dnann &wrn o^no *a Jls dJXU uls/Jb
t__oJal!l xj S.JUI
Jlc I^i5j 5
9 Ulj j JLJI ki- J JoO
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U JLc AJO^I ' ^jis* pUJl ajdj JLC ^Ul ^jj mnn 11 JLs *j u. Jyill
a^:> Ui JJLJIj A a p;:;H sJU ^UaJU IVOn 11 Jj5 Lois
^,0 u l jjj, diJj ^ j^ilj *jt^> kixi* ,jO t^jJI
ikJJ
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3 man* Jls elJjii s y ^cn b wi
uniw JU pj DniDa o^yen ^ r ^j JLjCJI
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p^j-laJI eUj ^ ^l ^l^s^ 9 *-s=^j _yjl 8*J I 9
s nnvJI 00.^5
l^ il man* 3
U ^j ,^-Jjl
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Jls j * o^nn
1 Perh. boK. 2 naDN X. 3 ]D P; |D B KX.
' r J-**
rmyj nowi vim JU> J Jl din tanaa
yaao p
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5 AJ &UI
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nmm
Jjill
U
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26
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nyin
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j nnxJl
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3 jJj JLJI
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j XI
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1 Om. P X.
P ; p cett.
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n ., *j
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6- JLjJI JLc J ? A T ms ll*j nai nnai nna sJy ykj QI^ pxi nna JUj
vsin i>y n* 133 i?a ^n^n jnio J^i^ AJO ^jJl j^-UJI ^ dJi
L. Jl ^-.AJ u yo u l Ul ^y jo.1 eUi ^j 3py^ n nnv njn
u \ Ulj n^na ms ^ i^aai D'ynrJl uUj ^ J-jj^ Jus ^^ U* s/3 *lsJ
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w. JyJl *
< ( _ 5 9>
&
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16 j.s. cj. L_c/y^ . o- j <* o***juu
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py ^ Lj^i, U^^jUjJl ^ ^ nyiJl Juo J j| ^A Ujua.! *U^,1 d)^L> JL*j
ny ^^j. Jjj J^-lj kUil iS^jJI jjk ^jixx, nyj py^ nyiD a l dDij py 3^ai
20 dUj Jxj J Tyio? Jl5 L jo*j c ^ (J^) csUj
nyidJl Ju> JJI ^JLc e_ iSj J jl L^^lj JjJ^s* >-
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no Ji^- ^ *j.U
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Jl c ^JLjil VJ/ * c^? *
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Lfcri.1 9. Tip 1133 n?3 A:..^ L^JLx. JJ
py 3^21 paijn py
AJ La .J l^^lc .^-Jb L* iijL ^1 IU Al (
Jl i^pJl I!* >x-) J^j]^. y^' u. ^y ^^ a l Uj py a^ei panjn py
py 3^ai piyi py
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^A^J 5JL JVjj JJLCJ jUJ eJJj ^^ Jy si* LS U eLJj Jjo u--Jj
^4 ;.;,> LPJ.UJ J^cj r/*^' ^ c^" ^*^ ^Slil nnsJl uyj^.l p^nyjl ^JOL:!
oy T ^aj n^aai wn DnyiD nyib a Li^i J dDi Juo nnxJI
iiLo ^r^i-j p^j _aJl Lpl JyJl ..jJu JJ niXD Btfl DN UU pjlyjl cl^s 15
*^1 Jl J-jj^-o 6 ^^ ^/Jbj ni3D
nraai 3B>a nani>ai nina
^ni 1-s yt, t^rp pnv^i J^Jj ^np pnv:i niN cn^Bn n^a^xJI !*
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Ji J-o^ u^t^ U** u^ 1 py ^ Q i P^w py
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py ai?ai pjnyi py iU* ^ L^^^.j ttjmrJI u^j ^ UJ 5o L
Jjo 3)j J^lj ^ j^\ ^ J^ pJiy U 1 J j*lj oJj py u l II. jyiii lij ^ 25
US^ Tnn IDVI nyoi J^s o^j <u1> ^ c^ii ^jJlj i]j ^^ ( ^\
ny n^ rsJ n^aai Jy^ * nsnon ntw dJi j^o Sli s-ju dU >
1 np X. 2 N^ P; Dh cett. 3 }3* codd. 4 pnp Din P.
8 1<3D DDK. 6 Perh.
n ju*j ni^an pp TIC ny Jl~j s^-jJ }) JLjb ^y^d *5 JJI JLX
no ny Jy^ * ^Upl yJ ^ <j^" ^Ji nnxJi !A Jl !+>
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^ JjJLJI ljuj> ^J J (jljuo iJ^I JjL*. JLi ^jLs i_>)^il JW^^ -S- A*~ ^i j
u 1 3 *
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13 .13 'or * 'njn ^o^n ny3B>3 a:n J^w &J>1 <^~ 311 UJLX, J^cl
i 5 Jy-Tj^ 1 ,1 >n iiill ^ J^j 3) ^ fc*-! U^LJ t^UI ul ohy *rn >K -~JJJ
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v .in 'ma , w - L_ "
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jj 3L.1 ^ l , a ; o u-J pv ^si pjnyi py Jy -^j 11 ^m onjno
<i i 11 nm nnyi 2c
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nrani >3!^a mrtai anni
25 i
1U3
1 "]^n codd. 2 Ins. P; om. cett. 3 Perh. Jjij jl i^5 3H. 4 Ins. D;
om. cett.
cJU.il
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U
Jpi firnJI ^
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codd.
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2 pan BKP;
5 JJD codd.
s Perh. U.
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j pavn -jte ^X^JLJ 20
pwa
iv
sUU Jxb x^Jb pavJI dUu a l
Perh.
->.
15
(5JJI
20 u.
ir
IJl
CSIUI }1QVJI CSIJU l
dUL? ^ ijl ^j ( ** r i 0*3^ Q'nyn
ai Jj5j * psvJl dJu Jjjj ^,LS S
JjjLi bj
d^Ml Jl w ^li.1
^; ^ aJ\ JaJb
i 17^321 JUi olJj
I^L, ^31 elLJi
3 idJl ^-/J u l
upCu\ M;U
>> A ' * > ^/- t^
Ii! ! *Lsiil i
* juo Lo
C5 lc t/yii'jt o^A
jj-UJI ^ JU
ij naaJI dJL. JU.
s L.
1 FTP px ; |in> K ; pT BD. 2 n?n D K. s D?ID B K ; p-ia PX.
4 nyn } B. 5 KM Q(?) ; Noai BPKX. 6 D^WXH KX. 7 Perh. ix-.
v*'C> Jx
I |A
If
JJ1
dl.
Jj(l tfjpl 333 Jl dLLo j.,1 yjb. jj
3 3J3J\ elL ^jU <j?pj *J
*j
\) Jj J-:! o^j f \pt\ LJO
(SlL
JJb Jj nan 1 "
dllil
JU. ^
dJi
u L*
b-o\ U
J..3I
J e
o J
j-,^i Jj
l dJj
ten JU J
33JH D U 1 t^ ULs 333H iiiXo Jl ^
nryo ny man 11 ! ut^i JU dUlLs XL. AJLJXO Jl
^D cy Jls J icy nnbi ^^ * &J1 -^/
15
*]?D JL. .XJ dJj .J^JotJ 333J1 dLLJ yjj B.k j
^ro ^^^ aajn i?n ^JjJ^j pasn ^ ijl c*JJl
..JLJU ny
yAJi ^ JU
iJbjlj iijLo JJ1J *J UJO ^^ ^lir 1 -?. J5JI Jj
jL* 1 ^ \y*~^ \j * >" ,y *^/* <
* dJAI
Jr* 2 ^
x.
Line 3. l|^S. 4. LLot^j. 10.
18. IJ-aJ. 21. UU. 25.
n. IjJbetc. 1 7 . ^X*c etc.
lii ()> 333H J ^^ J
rpentP 1MO *Jj3 (jjj * 133 sJjiS u&t ^y 2 ell* [dJjLi] U
5 pavn n Jl
li-Jl ;*. I Jj gj
o *
inx DJ
Ui .ll\l tSl
33 JH IDJ iclkJI Jjl* Jl JU^j elJi J^
15
JU. ^J JL& i> ^^ ^jU.j^jL- *-. ^b^o^ jj>l a l juxj ill ttLJjuj pavn
3.M3'iow IK DV DN 1 Jy J-i-. paxJI ttJLLo o^-. J^o ^ ^^Lo j^j njr Q3B>
c^^j J ^> pasJI diloj ^j+> Jpl 333 Jl elL. &jl5^ ^ ^^LO ij
20 * OJjn I^DJ LfrU> u JJ3 cyj^sJ liJI 333J1 dJU iU* |1BVJI elUL*
>*
Xi^csv^o ^^ <^J!s\X^ ( jb^4 ^ysv^* (
x/o
jhl codd. 2 Ins. DP only. s Perh. c ^c. 4 Perh. *bl.
Line 6. j^l . 8. LJJ. 14. U.-ot-. 19. ll. 20.
M
pavn
^.^JL^ l^LJ ^ ^^ju, j^i Jj
1^0 J-^l elli jl.l ^ aaan n^-> pasn
J AJL-^JLC ^JLjl Shells! ^jl^.JJ^lS Jt* jjX-J
nan n^N b Jy JJL. u^J ^a&U-.-^ u. j^j nann*
dJj jju^L^J iw na dnvD nn Jju^L^ ^^. j>
U \S U ^ pj^ J.L.J ^^ ^.,1 SJL-O _jLkj j>. .x^j on^D
-^ ^^ *^^ C^*i5 J^Wf^* ^^-o ^^^ <^U-o ^0 <r sr j *' ^.Jlls La
10 )U.x, w^i L. Jl pssn 1^0 u.*^-^ JLJ u LJji)l x.*j psvn 1^0 ^
psvn -jta pljj yUJ aaan ii>D^5C-jJ ^ JL* aaan $& J~A u^L^.
^ ynrJl yl Juilj ynrn na nvyn
MM from
oil U
(-*
JU> ^> ^
/X~- C ^ U^y^
*JJ>*
10
15
OJ! U j5o jl jiavn I^D
npmoi J * Jl5Co
* DTIJD npnnci JU csUiu
> v
25
DKX. 2 JND1 codd. 3 pi? DP; |^ cett. * Om. PX.
I I J^aj eyl^a. ^ 4*. Jolj J$JJ.b ^1 jjlC ixJUil Jjil Jlb-Ai i^.Lio ik>L*it. ^j-J
P<5
* .xj
5 AJt^l *-a Jjo lJu Juo j U LJjJl uyl^j. xl J
J
t.
U s-il
.
y^an onna
el) jjj i.^* p a ; . > ^s^ JL
15 VJ^D. jWb.1 t^ 1 Li*^. ^ jiavn -ftp, aan li'OySij v U50l
U
nn DO Jyj fpavn o JLC (jj aaan i a j. Jo/.
1 rVS codd. * pyDni B; cf. p. 11, 11.4. 3 Perh. add^Ji.
|X }D B; om. }D cett.; perh. ^y B 'VVI P; Vfifl C; ''jy 1 cett.
P 2
"*
run
Jl3 l*i U-*-H ^'
nt^y nx irnKim Jls
Jl L* -*_,J (j
y \
n^atsn nao
,^-ft .U
CiUi
firnJI
pp JWlJl
1133
* elUl
l y 8 li/i L
no 11 raao
ns
csLUi
'wi *nnai a.r
J 11
.j
15
pa noaa pylw n^m
j JU US^JUJI oU* *j
o Mdes.
inia^o nawi
1 Om. M. 2 Ins. C only. 3
M. 4 Om. (apparently) M. 5 n33N C K PQX.
7 Ins. C only. 8 Om. M. 9 C only ; ULJ1 cett.
1133 l Heb.
nr
01 i^J ill oJli. X^x*- . .....::J1 sJ 1 bis
lib 2 UUi.l
*
| 3 J
*j i
j
i JU
JJ def -
ivi inc. ^_
4 .
.ap "?nn
ii iU-o CJAJ JL JL i_^5 &3l ijjjti DTK nN"1)03 .XsJjJI ^J J^Jb J-a-aJI ljuk .J
^^
L* u-~~a. SJjJuS* Lfc, Jjj ^W*^ ic* **A* IXftj ^--JJl CiJiLVl ,j-e J-AJ^J P/^i
^ JOI ^ d^dl^ d^i\ ^U UJ * Uy.l vy^ ^1 ^ 3)1 UJ jJUJ
.a 1 ? 'tra ^- -A! ^ c ^Ci JJ JLJ1 uU iiJU U ;> ^ ^.jlS^ ^jlj 'MI K^I JU
15 j^> y,! *J JJI ^ "c
.A 'i *
: ^ U ^IAJ U
'wi pinch ncy JJAJ * a l5Cil \jj> ^ JyJI II* J^ ^-^J J 7 ^53
* dJi wUj diUI lx
Li>j ^yb 1 jyb (vyl>U:>
1 Om. M. 2 r liL. M. s H3D 13 p3 pB> HO pB> H3N C ; using this
4 LjLa-i. M.
we may rewrite the whole passage thus: ^jl*. u a-a=~ <
t..'.-jOt-> j-fc (J^J 01 (_fa^*^ ^ CiUi (jt Jl^ t>^>_)
5 sJi^Jl M. 6 ^Jl M. 7 . . . 5l> ^ 0- J-jJl 11*
(S . . dJ j M ; }N3^s Nin IB hp^N Kin ^oru jon^ D^ Heb. (^om Q ; Sn^ B K ;
tafP P X ; ta"IJ C). 8 M corruptly : s^U) Jlc Jyb d^l lij-ft ieLJlj ; for
itLJlj Heb. have 0^U-
Line 13. lib.!.
[ii. 3-] r
lr
dJi
j u l Lois 1
L
* dJi ^ Jj cLjill iiJLJl eA.U."^l dJi
^- i i
* dJ-i J^C ^]) 7 Uj ^ . ft a^Jl J.^-c^' ^yjJl JjLlJ 6 ^1
;G J
v>
i L-y-J
JJljUj sJJI ^JLc jj-lj JJI -yj JjUJI
dU ijj5o ,jl c-^sr*-
L. UU * J^
Jj,;>Jb ^J^jl! ^^J^ 3 J**Jl e*^Li UiU 11 5
XXI L^*J .SjiJ x^o\yj *3
.jL XaLiJi LJ a
Lo UU *
>Lxi
di
. ^.b > XsJ ^. * , ... 3
,1-dl
(j\j jLc irU-ol ,Ldl ^^
>.-%^) Ui
dJi
i- .-%^) (-/: (J J- LT* l*- x- a ; J.
iSui >{JjJ j>.j 31s lj^Li.1 ^ Ijji ^U lilj JW^^ dJjSj Jjl) *^
lJ .jJb ^1 (^^^jJl jjl. - ^ )-*-& i-a-Jl i-^Ls.- 5 - djJJ 3) 3l [^-i' 20
sJ ^.^Xj ^1 "-r^j J^> &.^a.i | i^Jjusri il *-~4fj * *
*UJI s^JLc ^sr^ l^Ls* dJdl yjl^^li *ULJ1 s^Ji*
i ^ u li
M
l^ Uil wl
JUi ..jU *
1 Om. X.
codd. 'sbx codd.
8 Perh. ^j. 9 ff
Heb.
codd. 3 pB> B K ; pNI C D P Q X.
C). 6 Om. C D P Q X ; hwiV B. 7
X. 10 v Lk* M. u Om. M. 1
l M.
B D K.
j M ;
111
b> ^
^ p>
Jb,bs*
-
3K1 sJi * Xo
15
Mdef.
J-JbirS- u \ s^J i-^l-J JjjJI
j, a " [3 > oJj 15 lil iJ^ Jj t-
kii
J.U1
^ s -" i< /* "* I
AJ JJI
JLc (slJi 7 J.W-...1 JJ
\jyd\ ^ \j+ iifi
.X.:*J Jl*Jl |J O bjlj sill Jot-aj JJl^J^S 3 ^ JjS
Heb. 2 ^ M.
codd. 7 -]H } D K X ;
K P x ; text K.
M B.
B C P Q.
b. Le'vJ
M. 6 Ix^bo M.
8 pj B C ;
L. NjJ ^JO S-JI ; 1 licMl J-rt- JLC. JjJLlI lift JUj > s_Jbl3r4 ^ ' v
ttaru JUj * "pcy !?y nojn t^^ U^UJLs
nn>v n^y ttani ^ n^ni
*
-J 5
*j J d^jlj IJL. L5 ij nnyo
JixJl J JJ^J PIDB'J LJ u^l oJUki j^5 U^ JJLc jj^j Jj u. 2 ^U jl n .12
' A
J CU>yi ^ (UiJ JLc giJ 51 U*-oj yJI diUl jJfc N^n M J JJLaJI
^j3 -5o fL+~, LJLj dJ JjSl L.
>. O^yO,, IjU g>
JyJl ^ J *!& U
- ieLJlj oJLa. ^giJt* c?^ dLxjp: Jj J JUj
1 Jy M. a JjJb M. 3 Ins. B only. *
M B (D^1 for h); text D K P X. 5 Om. M. 6 nHH^N B K X ; yjLi
M C P. 7 For ^Lli, (apparently) M. 8 Om. M.
>o t^^uhfi* <>. ^y^- (t
I . J-oj Ij^Jfc* t*O t!>>vu^ tV^-U / Pi<_V=- (-Ml* LJUU'J^ AX* tMwO, ir
i . > -^ J
^o^ , i'.^\i .*
DIS ncJ fcs^l**^* p^j JJi ^
fctftj US J JUj * 'lai nns nj^3 'JNI ju-Aj ,/ iV*^^ ^ <y *-Jl ^-U^ L
u L. ^ eki ^jJI }1tnJl HA o \ ( _ 5 ^o 'U1 my '3 Jyj *
lju* Jl
I JlS J
15 * iLal JX.XJ Jj u-^sP' Jj JjJ ^ pliu L JL* J-JsUri 6 ip J JH-J J j|
i?
i*l JJ oJi*
ii ^.f i^^xxucOi. L-c
lv
Slf J^*
i - 11 Ail u. dill j J>^*j 'til
1 njy C M X. 2 s^l^ 8 M ; nrODJOD P. s Om. M. 4 ^a^DiDl Heb.
6 Om. M. ' ^ll Mj .TJDOD B; nnaOlOO ^y C K P X. 7 c^s^ M.
M. 9 N-D bis P.
* jaa*. <*2>*3
Jj )U*AJ (jU (jJLs^ p 1U-J ^.^0 Jj
l olLuxl! J, b. <JU>lo b.
o*J-* C-AIoasJ! )<
U. K-aa jJk -o jta- jfcX. ^L.) IO
e^U JT, > ... >
ir
su A -,
* i^xiarL (_ x x\ J uO e>^> 15
jjl sill JJLC eUU. ocw^aj jj> u ^5Cj a l (.jLi 1 y ^^ NTn i?N J^s
JLs:! Jj X-O.L-1 ill) AJtjjJI SJJi ^ dJ ^g-La JLSJ (JL-OJ CUJlj l_jUall d*U-
JJ 6 j^AjJb uyljuXJ.l p^J JJI ^ U U V 1^AI
ftj jjl ij JLJ1 J-o Lojl ulSsJl Jic Jjo nnn iyB>j Jyj isUll J^l ^
o L 20
all. 9 H> SJ1B31 B. s s5 IX*. C M (ljui and []jo lost);
^D ^ T^N Kin K; ^O^N T^N 8Hn X. 4 Om. CM. 6 Ora. MCDKX;
ins. B. jji M. 7 Om. M.
^e *. . > *J Jjti j^C * > ... > lUj-
jui iip^o ijjljui. vLJ KUJj U^LJ jj^j HA JS pen ip3 Jls
\-S ^U ^ s'U*. 3 w^l dUij k-^Jl (ii)^Ju
*
i
Uilj kiJI JLC d^il >> (J Jl jJLcl
o^ iyoo iw J-AJ1 y^l ^ JU U
^Jojj A jjfc^JajLj ^y isjt* u l^Jl Jic dJi JJJ 'w D^JNm JU j * le^J
^. l^ju ^Ij
N? Jl5 J^ ^,^-aJl !v^^ ^J l ^iJ- a -'^ |> '** M> * s-i?-* J>* J^^ c^
> ]^Jt^-i LX *4-^5Jj 7 lyOB' N^ JJb
)o J ^^r^J -- l^*-/* ry *^-* u
.3 mot? NTI Jls Ui Juo ^1 ^-5^4-5 > ^-j s'J^, (4-^ CJut^j U1 uy
1 6 * lyiri oyn
OU> j p*iaj <> <^&>* (^cvsw* c>AXp> >
< iJl* Q)>uA7w \^o j^juJt< .J! ("5^ oJ-l*J>\ ,-3*.*
Lil OyJL> JlS J Xl >31 ^N^n 'JN WKni jJJi^Il J^-UJI ^ JUi jJ
u.
nini
gs
1 ow. in M. 2 nn^o moBnD c K x. s 5 UJ . . . M (ilj ?). 4 ^^^^1 M ;
^N Heb. 5 ^ om. M. 6 NO^N C M X. 7 DH^h K ; ^ M ;
cett. 8 Om. M. 9 Jj M (in the previous line, where the scribe had
commenced by mistake, jjij); Ipl Heb. 10 i_3^U Jy^ M only. n ,U^1 M.
O 2
iul l:->. U j *-oLJ i-lkJI ^AJ JuO O sJl
*-o
ljufc aJVloJ lLa.jJ1 ki lSjLu l^iwl _J!CjJl VJbJI
djus.ll ^ ^ (J mnJ! ^ ul
"i ^jU IdAj
,UI
cui JjU
!.ji=fc.4
* T31ND ann
a.. i
C.
>*^o (Jj\^> s^o^Tcy*^)*
J ^ L*J J^/^a- ISliil H* u~J U^ r*^ 3 " U^ l -T*^ i M
^LJl I_AA*> ]J JJ Jj j^JajJl JJl^ll^lajdl ljufc / JaJU ^.^j Jj u 16
P^O Jj dJi ^XU^*. L^S sJiJ- (_^jj| ljuj, ^o
s-Jl
1 Perh. jjlxj. 2 Ins. D only.
r ^N ^N B. * n^i PX; nyDii DK. 6 TsiN an? B.
om. C K P X (ins. M). 7 ^ om. M. 8 u l M. 9 ^HD C ; ^ cett.
10 M.
>Oc> Jt
I . J-aJ Jj^l U-oU 2 sJl ^jJ JLLJ pj-aJI ^ JjJLJl ^JL) X5j rv63KJl eAl^-^. 1 cr *
kjll A~JI .x^l pj-JI u l JUi '-m n^N pawn ovn p *a e)3Uil
iJ s-Ul _J.^5o ^1 Jl (jjs--^ IJuk JUt pjJo ,jl
JJ1 J 3 vJLti yl jjl (_5^
Iju* OJI
6 ^JL-oj uj-j^ 7 J^- ^^ LS^ b
AJU (/jJI 1B>2J1 HA j^lo u l LJ 9 c- * -' Li - 68 ^^ ^ U JJI
jj^i idil J jL>. L jjl sj> j-~z~
-lji)| ^ J ^jjLJ L ^ l^latftJ ^O A-*Jj *^* ^ * u* ^ >UJL*
jo
U LU J JJI SJ.A5 L J t_LiXil 1 Joo dDi
u >
U3l 10 t5Jj\ ^ij yJI ^ Jl Uj\ 31, i^sA 1 eJU-311, j>JJlj ^UJl J- Jl
} ^9 ell 3 LL^i. L*5 ijij-iJl I fl ; t ^ T ^Jl U.^iJI -L^j'l j> :c
ljufc J.A Ui iiUI ^-J^jo 31 y^. JJU JlS u Lj * sLiJl
,5 J.JJ L^iJ ^ itrn tsU-Jl u l U ^\ cr . 11 JU a li dUJj iT
eU-JI ^.^.j ^ ^^uJj "nB'a C5 ij dU-^l, yjUJl 12 ul J
UJ j nni? jns IM m nnxi ^ J>-iP^ J
1C3 eU-Jl u l Jut dJi JjJ dU-Jl ^i ^
.K '-roa dJj DITJB> pa wniy itrnn J^L^n^n (j^i-JI JJ-, jl c^ 3H
.vSjn JJJ p ,J A^JJ Kin WB33 1OT 1^3 !3 B>S3 3 jJ^i^^^JI *,.
^.,3)1 UL** 31 1^3 s^-,1 14 y)^* Ji u ! eU ^ jJii isJJi JLc
L* J.JAI ,J^. JJ sj3> j^lc JUJb ^j-ol^aJlj Jl*-c sJJI ^.J^ cyj
B. 2 nox C ; perh. nKV. s Om. K X. 4 syan
DKPX. 6 p-XpO^K p^nD^K ins. after iJlU B K. 8 Qn^3D NOD B K.
BK. 8 Perh. p^li... 9 Ins. C only. l Om. C X.
11 Ins. D only. 12 n^3 NOD 1 }KVni>K b B. 13 *^j. K P X.
14 Om. PX.
[II. 3.] O
now Jls J
JU
'3
Jls
elJi
"ann nx m J *
ptnJI
.
Ao
JU;
\.f
aj J
npam myn ntooi
nnjn
J\
il JLP dUi
rm>jn .?. ; .
..
u l 10
j^^> JUT Jl
il ^ fo N3 N^ Jl nt^nJI
"pDl
srf J B Lajl iwlj j.,^-
J J^b
* iLl
i J > i^SUll ^ Lji J5b
1 B:
D K X. 3
K)
! VI B.
Line 5. .!
6. JAJ.
i>x D. 5 xb c K x.
14. A etc.
.r
Vt> w
j JJI
5u l Jl j
diill
15
.MT j:
21 j J
U u
.xLJI
*4->
* . . y. s^
^o
u UaLJl
li
* U
nruoi nnr
nb njn JU ^ >
j jJLJI ^ rta ^ib iJiU.j
jJLJI I!* L ^ nn
.*
icy
oaa ns
er*
*U.I *Aj
'3 ^ JJ1
by inn
elLJi
L.
(L nVN) B. 2 ju ins. Cj om. cett. 3 UJ JLo B (for
cett. 4 13K3 C. B 'D Ibi CD. s |N C ; DJN cett. Perh. u l^ 7 bjntjm B ;
nnbp N^N P^yni N^N nN^I (' nabp D ; N^X om. C) C D K P X. B is very different
in this paragraph ; e. g. the third and fourth citations are in inverted order.
Line 4. LJ>>,
jL. ^j 'MI DW tfyatin JU J * nyas? D'yap Jls dJi ^ i
/M,^ *J kL *j,1 ..jyJl diLo yenn 1 DID^D *U ^ Jl ^
aim J^3j * iijLXI si* L5 9 2 L^U^ ^ ^iiLi^j
J^ * ^ij Jjjill ^ pl5d.!M jUi! w j^ pnn
* 'ui wni pnK pip nr U-j JU ^1 i?na jna nruo-Jl M^*^* jl J-J o*nyn
* 'iai nn^no J^i^ ,_s^JL> U^-^j slJoJb UAAJ u l ex-^ ^ Q^y JUj 6
nnsi J^ * LJU JU* .IXU L..^ 1.4* ^\ c*^. ^.^ i^L. jna nroo
C4~\Jo (.y
J Ui *J ,^0 ij PNI Jyj o HI ^ jroJl Jljj JAJ i>jj rttWD ny
10
DID^D x.* +j. Jl^j 3 wan TM Dyi J na IIDNT ny ny
J^J J^iJI Jaq J-oj^-o cr ^ 4 ^j U.
\ J\ u j^j non^D p nyi JU J * i^illj *j^l^j^ y-jJ^b. J* L. *-
U
jW 20
ill "j.^^- ^ r - 9 JLC
(JJJ1 u l u-LJI ^ixJ JSJj J^jJl J
1 3-\n K PX; om. B. 2 B only; om. cett. 3 J^ . . J\ ^> om. KX.
* Npa 1 * K p x. 6 mi codd. 6 ann B. 7 ^NI K x. y ' 8 t^nino^
KPX. a nnxi yiaoK ^y B. 10 ^ ND^D B. Om. KX.
12 jy c.
3 j
15
nnt^on
JU
.3: DT
2O
'p 'p
*
p
D^BHp BHp
* JJI
Jl u.
1 nmnn .
ilLJ U-^JiJl liU iJajJ
j.ljJ A->-oJ4
pm
**J*
ND jn"jr B. 8 ^S HJK B.
V B. 6 yDpn K P X. 7 NVpJ
K. 10 n^JJK 313 B ; ^aai
follows is corrupt in codd.: NONS
nearly the same (Wp^N NIKS P);
12 Om. K X.
Line 18.
3 Sic. 4 Supplied from B. B ^
K P X. 8 nKBTfl B. PPPD X,
K P X. u The passage which
Dn s D1 ")VNJnai DHN^NS X; KP
and AJL * *^ om ' B>
Jl eiU
^ *,...?J J sJl ^ u
j .(^LLJI "^*-!S-^ )
Sufe L "^*-- =^ - N L 1 -a- wi
Lo 9 IflljaS jJ. &.+* ,. t ....T..M,lq AJ.Lo /0,l l]Ji A
Lo Jju dLJI ^ >Lk5 sjl AJ^J "joy >y nnm J^j xo 5
-UJ1 IJL
6uo ^3* py isa^i nxon Dnnh
Jj 1 ! cr a jA Lo iLJl *JLA cr j D^np t^ip n^D^i N^a: 1 ! prn mnnh
Ulj jjljb dLLo ,yj4J N'-aai prn onnh L.^ c*^Jl *Uj JU. Jj 1 ! cr o
ij Jj.WJ 15^^ 2 r/S^t-***^^ b. M *J ^ (jljj
nxan nnnh Ul^ ninymJl ^ ^jU Uj tannx Dn^M nnny w.
, A <""* } .
5>* py
f4* *^\ ^J^
^Jl u. ^ .-. * ; ju\ ^ JLs D^D^iy pix tfan^ Jy^ * n^ninaB' nx psn nnvn a .1
) 4 ^IjJiil Ji 3 (sj^^j) D^BHP anp npin Jy y,^ o^na u^na 20
ULC dLlj ..^o jL> ^^^J ^j-JyLJI (J^j D^np ^p itfnpn/
Lo - > , J ^j ptnJlj J^JL.-j ..wo .j-o *Ls_o^lj ptnJl JaS jk. ptn
.5lj Lo JA N^jJlj 5 niT'nyJI ^ ,^>-^Loj U/=^j t^^^ ^->-^-S JL^J j
Ujl *ULJI , AXJ JJLO Bnpn nn UU * vx5 J 25
1 ,jLoj supplied from B. 2 ( jd\ supplied from B. 3 D^p ,JI supplied from
B; om. cett. 4 HDN^N) codd. 6 nnp^ N33n* ^^N lilB N^J^N NDM B.
Line 18. ULa-o. 25. \j&>.y
r -l '
I0
ao
15
<JUi!c3 l>
U dLsc}i eLJl
niiaJl
^^ .
iju
nny
n n^nna J^j J jl Jicl
LJU sJ> >, ... lijfc u
>, ...j
n^nra Jy
,*! U* ri^V
. c_>jj JJI ^J JJ
l Ji.1 x
D">E5
P
^"
US
nns
L. Jl^~tJ pam ^ana a^ J 12511
J ,yAi U . , >. prnJl
i U U ^XA* _jl ^1 panj pa l^l U U joo L.
s-
l
jJ\
US'
-*>
JUIj 2
A/o
L>
/*-!'
1 13N B ; -OND K P X. * N3S1 B. 3 NBn7K (sic) P X.
numbers in B: Chaldees 51, Persians 67, Greeks 180, Romans 192.
Line u. LaJj ; cp. WEIGHT, Ar. Gr. ii. 1368.
N 2
Different
mine} J *
JVs
* 5LJl ^ Jl n^Bnm ^ ^ uTiil^Jl x^?. n^ani -ono
sUX ^JLJ ii- ^ $j cfjJl jnnJl J-^j Jl _^-&j nijnnn ptna
^.jlS^ s^JI JLXJ iwl ujj!^ ^snaa no^i Nip" 1 *)
yaw Jy^ 14 * "A^-J" ^^ ejy^a Jy^ fiaw ttntni JU
Jls jl J^jj pa pnv p trim a Jls dJs
unp nn ^y Jy^ * ^,511 j^ JpLxJ ^Lkil JL*^5CL 8
* ^ill u"^ J-i-T I0
bi
any nmoj nsnsi dJi ^>^e1 *j o^All 5L ^ u l ^311 j^ I9<
j.liu t5JJIj inniB ^NI ^an ^NI J^jls^^^b^ U,.. A ..... a j nnao U ^ any nhy
* any rtay Jl w _^-jsj any nnao ^aa nx^D Jy eUj^J jn-a^nDi MNX nniaao a
1 Om. KX. 2 KPXj text B. s HDD3 T1BN N3nm B. * Om. B K.
6 NfUy (codd.) Nh om. P. 6 JNDJN f^ D^ IN B. 7 V1D3 B (and nvpa).
8 ntwy^K ^y naa^ only B. 9 nNono B. 10 anabs B. " 'Om. BX,
12 i^-o U^om. x. 13 moa B. M 'ipa x.
Line 6. sjJI..
o v**w p*/*** *
. Jy J^^*A wwnn ton
t v -U | I jj sJU^Jj K^Uc t.^. w A\^\ T3D
* UJ1 *J^J
15
U J nn^o JU J
I
*J
Jb o U y^Uj ^*1 r y u l JU ja J^l 114 irmpnx y a Jls
W eLJl
du-jJj eUiJX.j tsU^I LS i*^, ^ yi,j HB'jn JU ^ UcJUj Jl
03 .TO 'OT H^y DB> N1p3 n^K Ty3 H3H ^3 cuii U^ duUJXo Jlc ^X. csU-1
5lj el . ...1 J^il J^cU ^^ M^M JL5.J
|Ax/0 b
1 Perh. JU 3l 2 yiV3 codd. 3 W3n BKX; text P. * B:
ai r i:i nw >3 p"o3 lot
N^ wyo ^Dya n* oy i'
Line 4.
[II. 3.] N
.
jJLJl ,5ij * ^ fe>v 1 >
LLJ J^i *5b JS ^ JUij ^.^JLsr 1 *' Jl
ja^>
ND P.
Line 2.
*
*-<>l (JL
ju*
JJiJ\ eLJlU JUi Ij^t 2 ^yjo ^niplX ^3 ""I 11 Jj5
^-0 l^lWc ^jjk (^,^1 oJ^*.l jJj AJL*, ^j^jt^-JI o > JLAS I- ,-^v.
*^*j (^px l^Jl J-wjj^ j, (^JtJ nnoni nax M 2^" Jyj * d^TJIj 15
s^j>. j^ *jnon iJ^Sj y-xftJI iiJXo ^^1 iJLJwxXl L-J]^* jJi IDX JUj
nsnnb ntaw nnM w^ona *a ^ WIUM nuiyai wKt3n3
<\e>
-pnta ^ nmn TDJ& Jyb j\^\ U-Hj jj-U ^* ^iil ^Ujj ^v najnn
w . 'in A* AJ i^JJl 2N1D nniy nnai yD in nna Jl ^^AJ nyn^m Jy>j <
J~oi jj* njnae'm Jy^ 'w B*Nn n^K J-** Jl -> ^-AJ n!?Nn Jy ^l^
5
J U5"
* j^ll niy^Jl ^ 'W^ 11 M Ij^y ^* J 1 -> > ^ i -i i" 1 ^! nx
'^jJI ^lOj i*yiil Jl J
3 nnn nnc^y: N^J n^N J * jXlb b^LJl oJL dJIU
JLs J * dJi
15 -^j * *- u?
^.^- c*3o *i
"2 2f. \jj
j J ,yjq incNa ^B^ J^3j * *j5il ^^ ">ia ITM BN one
li biAl 9-*- {-9 -ilfr IjLlAsl L
JoU ^ Lyylc.l^U^ 1 XLJ!
* 5J*. (J<AJ
Jpl Lo
LX j nynn ^y *v np^i JU
B.
JUi [wyop K?i 8-JI i^pLslj] '121 ttomn wnK 'Y juo JUj 'en ntsa
** 1 ur^ wye> N71 *-J1 v_iLs\j J^*J1
_J (ttjj^xj Ij.jwe I}}) i_i?.3^o-,o u-*JJJl .LaJ J~>-AJ JLJ
J 5
I* W-p^l u^ 1 -f/ j [d^^jn vnay n-a IJTIN *v ip
vniiina lS * j JJl -
nonan nitn nsr Jjlll ^ JUj nruo> nij mm nxr c
njnxn yji i>a^ minn nxr m^vn nnin nxr ^L-ls^ 1 | ^ Jl5j n^n t^aj Mdef.
: arn
4. oiu*
* jJ
-^i J Jl JwJJ^.0 UL^J ^1 J Jw-<xflJl ^^53 c j^ r *JL$ ^.-J^Ls^ 15
JJLs JJB**' ilj [^y] L*Ls c-j^ijJI ^ dDi_^Cj u^J^^ "
j JL^ 5 ^N n^ *B JjJLTj^ 1 Xoq J
dUDj ^ ^3 b s-Jl l^JUjU !o& sJUl Jj j* Xoq J
j ^.^ UU-5II ^ j^l ^ jjj naia ovn taa^y nnh Jy.^ 19
i^n^i *min men iTJna JjiS^ 4^1^j> ^ jS~ Jj ^LXll 13 .22 'pirr
nay n^ i JU dJlb tarp^aai onyna onnty orfaSD nn Jyj ^ ,TN ncK tn.n.3'ov
ns la^^i Jy^^^I-. L_fl.u> UyJIj L^ U JLC i^u. L5 i*j ^nnin nx la.to'nnj
i Ad > eJuL-.il Jo
(sic) M; wnW Heb. 2 Ora. Heb. 8 The bracketed ^words om.
Heb. 4 Om. Heb.; perh. y-La.Nl. 5 V7 T^ Jjis add. B. fi rhb
ins. P.
Line 3. Lajt^duo.
s-
D'anpn J^Sj * 711 wan ^vro pcpi JU
N: .ra 'pirv * 1B Q'pimn IN T^K D'anpfl JUi US^L^* ^.x^xJIj ^511 ^-o c ^o r iH &J
^ tf JJ1 w ^ j|
JlS
> <i n <| i3
*. ^ JyL.
Jl &->^^j
J\J Ui
^J CT*
man JU U^Llcj^Uc^ l-.^^ UJic ^.l
\5^JI &LJWJ nirrboni o^omn JUj 'lai nt^3i nam jyo^ JUj
^ dJij 3 nin^om Jls^ 'wi onix *v jn^i JU;
^ JU *4 w*,*
13 .3 rO'N
21 * l:...lc ijU* ^ ^jrf^J ^Jl*^ LLS U~a.e Hi l 13
i L-c* i.
U wl dLli JjJiJl J^-J UU 'iai iiyB> NJI lsj L ^ JU
1 ny3 }y Heb.; but M is obi. from the first \jLx> to
*e onjy TiNJn 11 PUN yjr Heb.
sO L^
>*o* (^sO c*> -A-O^*
o 1
. Uj 'wi cpyn n vrotpn K> Jjj Jl ^
* 1 a ... >U. loj LsM -.5^1 i_^ ^ nnjnnJl ^^JM ^ elk myi Jjjj +
Uj n^inj HK'JJ nwinJIj naaaJ^ ptnyJIj i>naJl ^ JJaJl ^^i
Jls pJ * ( > & ... .. -vj jU^-'j ^.Ui^ 1 ^ J^s ^y** ^ j^
* l^jU U ^-Ij^ c-Jl ^^JljL, ^ T-nivtoo 1101
u >* i
SUx>4^ 10
psn oy ^ !?NI Jy^ * D^jnn oa^nio uw inw LJ ^y ULs U L5 ^o
jS^j j^*jJl Jl J.^~> l^nUNI sJjJJ a l UAj^.^ ^jj J-*^srJ UVVQKI J>5 J^o
.! i)
AA> V^. Jl L-^- tJ* S
^5*
s 5 jj i\ LJLc s^Ui i^: dJ ^yLao nprcn ^ ^ Jy 19
ijjj* ^1 dJjj 'i ma riB'na Jls U5^ dUi J^~ 51 U LJJ^CJ db^Lc U^j w .a
JU ^ wy najnn ^ i^nin JU US^^Uil ^ ijj^li, U J^LC JLJl ^1 TO .1
Om. Heb. 2 10X> Heb. s ^jjl M. 4 ^ M. 5
M x ; JD n>na B etc.
s-o^li .- Jis 'nrn r6ana ->
-SJ .iUpli s~>j .r~~ *
l> z
s
5 !iiJ jj-UJI liu* ^J /ij c^unni n^an dJoAl Jpl
dLJl -^* J Ubt^r^.! (J"^" 4 ^^^ tj^ (^"^J ii^-ttJI *Xa> ^1 JLC! * 'nil
blkilj vjjjJI JoXao ^iUJL jjUJ! *Ujj 'v NJ
^i J^.1 ^ J-^-j J 1 ^ <^- ^ ^J^" o3U)^ 'ui inni Jl
- ^ ^ *5 aJi iL^x. (>]/) lj WN^K *v nnjn J\ 'wi
[L^] 6 ^,-s 5 jj ni?an iloilj * vjjlll ^,1^ ^ i^^l
U ^p.L-.-.v' \4JL5Ci ku iiij ^.*V jJj n^snn imo 'JN' 1151
n^snxi Jy^ irn^N v nnjn J\ 3L>Is=U iikJl j JL^SJ n^an
n^unw -U 7 1 iiiill &^ io j Ub. 1
15
Sri ^NH c o
il^Jilj nonm nnnn ni^ <^JU3i* dJi x^c IJAJO^ Jljucl ^ j^iijl U!
20 U^ nonJlj nnaJl llAj 10 apsn pron omas nna UJb^ sju-o 9 U> Uj jl
J iCli > jJVl jl ex^> -. non UUL-j asi many nnai VD in
*bJ 1
1 ^Lo M. 2 p^NO/X Heb. 3 M sbLs. corr. s-ajLs ; Heb. il
4 DNDpN Heb. 5 <j~jl M. 6 Om. M ; NiTB ynnan some Heb. 7 J^-Jl M.
8 Obi. in M. 9 KyNat6 naoi X; bbM ^.^.^J M. 10 ^j M. " ^ M.
12 i_j^J M ( ut videtur).
M 2
O
ntno
^j j-
Jj\j Jl j>
nx ni?sn cian nijn
j
c
Li nnx
dJi
s* nipax
nmnb
JlS I* *oj
dlLo jji
s 9 ; OJl
1 Obi. in M. ' 131 Heb.
* Lo-e ^1 sj JJ^ ^j J liLi. M.
6 'ipS Heb. 7 Perh. acid. j
. . . J SJL^
8 Ora. M.
U SJl
i. U3l J
JU
* w.
ns6
2s-
J *'
.ro
5*1"V 15
> o/o,
1 JUjli i 3j!c Lo JJLC
^^l Jl 8 ^b*\ x
M. 5 (jlSj M.
9 Ora. or obi. in M.
Line 3. &.,o1,
Jf \
*
* y cja*. (^vj c_^c> -.x2 *
U JLC jjj, '121 npa any ny J^ij ^Ks> e*j^ tflll w jo^ myn Jy
5>*K JA u-Jj 3 Jjjlj ^axJlj ^KU UJ^ Jjjlj" J ^-^J npai my
ljj npnJl JjjLjj i j^ajj iJj^ iJbjlj 3">yJI u l J^loj HI IP......OJJ ^y nny ^ l
10
'NT any 7 Vi D"QK Jjj J jl ^ y\ L.^> ^ . ... . ^ iA.,
i eU 51 3 ^^^j pmn Dino Jy^ * nb^ D^yaiNi 01* D'yanx JU; US^npa
^^ 3 Jyj * dJ slJ/1 L. jLft J^xiJl lju* *ii.l w
15 *
> ^s^^j j^cl JyJl ^ --JU. L.J nn nox -jni pmJl II* ^ *^, Li
jtan nas^o nx n^yxi oipxi Jy^ _^Lii> Jjj u l J\ L^,
f. ^;sr A- J -2- ^Jl fl^- O
J ..XftJ L.
I 7 ^^ J ^.;...H ju* ^ ^jl J^H. pao pNi JU ^ naina D^OBTD 'wi
prnJl Ldl ^^o a o [jl ^.J wo (jijl^ljJ L?J^I i- 1 J^ * J (j* U-
J^- u ,LJ.I ^1
1 nnan jy py Heb. 2 Obi. in M. 3 isn n n^na add. K P x.
4 Om. M. 8 H-'D i?NDn N^ Heb. 6 Om. M. 7 Otn. M. ^Joj is partly obi.
8 Om. B. 9 (^Xa.1 AJL- M and most Heb.; rUD^K B.
Line 19.
[II. 3.] M
U
"it? bjn s^lsj Han N3*n np njn prnJI
^ U ^s
^ sJl^a.1
LJ -J Lo
nojr UDO win 1X J
nn^xni nn^yi pmJl ^
new ^ ^ .:. ; ...^ ^r^JCl
y^sJI IX* ^ i^pD }i30j
T
.
^ Uol
A U
ll Jl
LS tX1 11*3
J ^^
>
j -Ji
l elLo
plflJ US
.Jl 1-jLaJLJ
y^y ni'ni
nvn
7 ^A. J.i v*llll 7 ,5i
eJUu wl lAcv^-i 15
Lo
x.
nn
*
Ui *Ui\
U3
As-** .t.
"1^3 *!)
3N
pi e*
J J-5 Jj
5 dim j^-jb jj
-431 JLC dUj Jjj
^ nnn pp ^
onn3 JUi * Ju
->]jj '
dlii!
5 M. 2 is^ju M ; mDa3 Heb. 3 s
or yjjjJI M. 5 See Index. 6 ^jUJ M.
1I] M. 9 Only one of these words in M. 1
Line i. s^Jl. 14. Ui,. 22.
M ; ni3T3D1 Heb.
7 liiiJt M (bis).
$\ M.
j-j L.
elJL* u i) aaan ^
JyJl II* J\ U
^jlT aaan dJu ^\
aaan ^N "
*
15
nanoyni n$>nan. ppn maw IDI prnJI
JJi jj^j ^\j^s^l u J
|) Jj A
JUi
'iai nnxn JDI pmJl
nnxJI AA x^ DHD nnxn joi
n^in ^antw ^LIl
JjJ m^so prnJI ^ Jljj * i^^l c
* Ai pis
act
* -JLc
3* f
UU * 'w n^nt^ni -Is '121 nnx ^ani prnJl ^ JLs
^ni prnJI ^ JlSj * y-l>. ^UJI
* JJI j
I dJuj j il nwip oy iai
Heb. 2 V21N bis codd. 3 *j,\ M.
5 jo,5l\ M. 6 Perh. -j^il (Heb. omit this sentence).
Heb. 8 Arab, of ver. 25 om. Heb. 9 JJuo M in text;
Heb.
in raarg.
A1
rnao NH nx WNn J^j * ii- CJ >... >>j A....V I^ djJu ^-t- u^ ' M
U5 (J>^ U L*^ ^ dJi ^iSj ^l^a. liiS ^1 cyljo j\*~s. J cuJlv ^1 JA
JlS dLJjJj iliJl ^UJj 73fii> ^JN Jy ^ 'Ul in^D^ T ION H3 J-aJ ^ e)j > H .no 'rw
nwru mnh J * ijm 'i nvn 6
n
3 JU5 * Jbr** pi> ,Jj pTnJl &:^!> U
wu pw dy 5 * *^Ai5ll ^ ^y tfiJl 6 yjil wl J-JJ 'i anyen 10
Jj > Jj.b J| ^y u \ Jl AJ^JJ^l ^ ^ jJLo 8 Jua.1 S^Lsri J jl A
&l*j L, ^y ^A U^j ^ju^^l JAJ Jpl eUXl JI wy pa nirn pp
/ x-oJl t-^U. sjl JA^ vjnp | nB> nx nai^i 'MI 71
^loli ( ^<> IjJb ijJb ^j L ^ nsnw inD t| ^ 1|< i J^j
i u jAU J^Jl U jo^ 'Dian NnwnrnN J^J w! 15
>ili C-^sssJ) ex*' ^Uwo ^,1 l^Xsxi
2C
rr
20
^uyl
1 ^U. M. 2 Om. M. 3 W Heb. 4 Om. M. 5 oolM; |a Heb.
6 J! M. 7 Ulj M. 8 ID Heb. 9 J-Sj M ; ^ Heb. 10 ^Ui J
j4i-o JL*! M; inN DHJy a-lNH 11 D!? Heb. n Arab, of ver. 23 om. in Heb.;
partly supplied inf. p. AV, 6, by worse MSS.: tpr\ff\ W^M 'Ip ^D ^p 1 " DHa^O 13N *B1
1 M.
Line 4. ^*U. 12.
II
21
viju
n
4^^J
,J
A*-, II Jj -Ju ^ i'Nnnj C5JCUJ J lul < i^j * s-JI
CtU3 J>j JLoU Jl *U. ts)J3
wj-o *-^-
JLJ. pmn yp ny *a ms p pn yj *
clJbU -So L. sl >> ^ eUi AJ
n
JbL* jirnJl ^ sT U l^w^Sj il
M
*
JUi * ^ ^ Lixi U-JLdl J^ 7 ^*i \ t/^Jj 6 iU* JyJI I!* JU
X ; np^N cett. 2 nyD codd. 3 DJTK X. * Om. M.
M > but not consistently. 6 ( J<^^. codd. 7 Ji M; ^N Heb.
Line 7. sIT. 9. 1^3. 14. bu-^.
*Jl lUi t-JiJ
oJUo
(j\j ^
* kii
u l 5l
D"iin MODI JU J s
^ 1 ub ^
^ ;- cxL-j ,jjji]\ L^ujjj
u
.^ dJj jjjo JLoU ^, ... .1
b eLUl jic
Jls
Uis * U^-150 10
no TV
U
35i prnJl ^**.
yaiN yp
,0 nanen
ins.
codd.
9 ND codd.
JJu Jj npn my ly
1 US eLJj
Jl
U.
j Tonn prnn ^no iy JJLJI ^ nnp nnx
^ ^ JJLJI ^^ ^ vW* 1 j^
J! jo^j prnn ^n ny JoLJI JUj * a5^Xll ^
bJlj nn Uju! *Uil s.iJa A ^ jj-UJI ^ ^yJiii 20
dJj LJ npa any ny
b!
10
B. 3 |a codd.
. 7 JNSpNI X.
Line 22.
Perh.
AO JU*>
u^j 0" 1 U\) *->\ * c *J <Jj5N
j ^jLixj ^ ,x.|j JS Jtij blj s^yi. ^ ^jlT^jJ! ^ s-*a.ljJ *JLJ ^ u.
cylil^JJ sla, ^ sJbJj jo^j Lo Lp. J--ej 2 511 ii]>*- ,Jib 51 sJlj (_Pja.)Jl ^ s-Jl
$Aj>j .^Jj &JAJ ^j-A-J. C*--iJ Jj CXflJLj Jj i^>lilj^JJ Jj ^jl (^K XaJj iar.^x. ^U
5 [t^];] JU (^5)1 ^ jJJJ Jj A-C^-wJ t-^-iil i^*.L> ^ 8-J1
J li 3
lil.
^j ^O Jl jjfcj ^5^ ">O")DnD ^ill ^U sJl i s^e- *j Jj^i 1
J JlX i_AS
iib J jl
. -f
Jl *^Lj i*)\Ju U ijill
15 J^i Jj s-^ftj [>].*jLsr^ ijS J Jj ^ 8-J c j$J JlJ Sj-JLsri J^ ^Jlll lxJ G L*
X** "*
U U v jj!c J * sJLliJ s-oi^ Jua.1
.^ '
V>g Lo
O ,j (j; ,J
lj J5 ,jl i^lp Jj (^Jkiib .x.l^Jl
30 ninn
sJ^lj k-j ^ sXa-lj ^ ^4^ u^ <4 j* 5 *
yj pp N^ DHD HHSH JOT J^i jjj>j
U 9
>4^ *-s^J ^1
25 *U-J1
1 JNl codd. 2 7OJH X. 3 JN3 codd. 4 Perh. e.ji j+s. . 5 fX3 codd.
6 rby& B D. 7 \T inNli'N codd. 8 Perhaps supply ^Lj.U j^)
codd. ; and so passim.
L 2
-UuJi
Si*
(
v*
i >l^J *5
^**
J* 3
. V (Jv-, U
^*
us
1 |N3 codd. 2 }N3 codd.
Line 7. ^Lu. 14. Ij^lj etc. 21. LL-5 etc.
<3*
4 I.
I0
ir
ir
, prnJl 20
A i
*
JLC jo Jpl
dJj joo ^.^o J wl <J^> j-J ntnan nn Jls Uj
* tslJUil si* ,-uw jirn IN
5 <Jiy&J\ eM^-^ 4.5* VMj LJ^Iai (^5* U|^ ^4^ ^5* C^A*
>Ii
m^an }nB> ^ o. -. Ul^ pmJI Iju* oJ, JLJh J\JL iSJ
wlTjjb ^ ^.j Jls^. ^i U^jy^ J^ ^slj Jl prnJl
J JLC u lS X ^3i! J^iJ\ J.j WW H^ bv ^JTl JJU ^
ma nna J^u >hx ^jJl u^ u l U ^y -j ^M bi
*-^
15 * j* ^_, tfc>c=> ==v^-
k>
codd. 2 Om. X. 3 H33 WN1 ins. B.
Line n. U !S. 16. UJ\J. 19. LJb.
* <_y^ic> Jw
JT ,j>=sC> i
w n JU;
ul dLL J.A (^jJl AJ sJUl dJLo X-JaJ 5
>. '
v . "jnn
Jiclj * ^!r l>xc iy ^^^ ^ c, J *W^^fl
^JuJl lift ^ J_yb U JLC
j^ili UU nsi?y
UJ1 U 5) J-JJ^-l JLC Jyu pav u^o U 1 j^ 10
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1 Perh.jU.
Line 10. iLJL*. 18. JaJ.
vl
AJ\ nni pot
*^
*bl ,
n.jnc c> ^^1 U Jl iq 1 ^-^ DBny D3*N on 'm nw ^U Jy JJL. ^UL
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AJ * *UJ1 JLP dJj LJ
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py a^si pjnyi py J j^j ^ Jl w .>),! j\ J.-.-^- py ai?Qi pnjn py ny nT3
10 (J^ t^s^ iu jjyj Ci j5o ^1 Lolj 5JLo ^j.l jjl dllUj Lo Jj 1 ! (jj. sXL. iijLo ^j
panjn py x mi p:r n^t^n^ nao^ ^1 U^ ^Isj ^1 mxJI j
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py a^ai Jls
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*
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aJ! dJu ^s. fisiJLo j*5i ^^ u~J panyi py djl^j J^
dill iJUl ^\ j+~i naoi Jyj *
u i j * JyJl p
u l Ul
J\ _jl 'w tsxbih nnoi ^1 ^ Jyll J^^il Jic J^Jl^-o Jl M ^^to
25 u 1 t^-J N21D iy &Jyj y5l J-^flJl ^ dJi j-^ltJ
Ui djta^ l^J
1 Ins. Q only. 2 See Index.
-*AV>
k-^J
Ux>
j pn^
JU
us>
.lj Jj s
j^l U, 1 A Nynx bD bxm Jyj "wi npnei
ij) ^LJl^jL, Jic 5s.WA.Jl
nnN nip 11 pnxi yj > ^.
^ Ajtw so v_ scj C ^JL. AJO
si* u l pjj JUj ^y S-lU
}0 N3{jn N1H1 s^i-JI
. Loj
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* Ul
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J
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15
20
an PQX; t3pD> cett. 2 im P; fi-01 cett. 3 Perh. ^ * jy
P ; HT ^ most. 5 NO codd. 6 Ins. P Q ; om. cett. 7 PQX:l,LiL w l
i U
j U. sj^ [na] c^sr?. L.J
. As above B K. 8 Perh.
Line i.
5.
0*3=0! vi
ju.
10 ^..,..u5U uj,Ls? U^ U-*j c ^i)l JU.
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mas lAcs^-i *W^1 ^^ ^j ^-^
A ps^np oy 3ip Niny <^-?V^ nmnn p an
nu n nna ^^JU 'icna n ny n*in nrn
15 3ufc ^c JL, LJL4 UUj JL* t-iSj jji 8 jii twivn nuBn ^ P ! psa
JUi UJL* M U JJIUI
rr
*
1 pnfi codd. 2 NHDNpSn codd. 3 pnoN codd.
P j 137102 cett. " 1p ins. P ; om. cett.
Line 4. Lkli. u. Uy etc.
sJlS pl
dill jj
jlj sTj U-*
JJ
s naia
j * ^LUl
nru i?
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unaian wivn
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Line 5. LJL*!J.. 19. ^
pTD nywi Jy^ * ijc^ ^ eUi lis^-i U anna ipi pixa
I r Ji^ jj jjj jfl f ijfl J .> ^.LtJ /***. ^j- 5 /*-
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U s-il < M * *-*^ ^"-*^- ^*-^ tj-UJl jJjJJk
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(^5 ou* (*
JilkLx,
Jlxcb &jLk> ^j JB^JI UU wtai np-'i Jt3^ kUJI ij!lj
13^01 Uj A.,.....!,: H bJj^Jlj 4 niDD 3H J^^ J ^j^
o -jU.j !t. .b enlxvJ^Jl
dJLj.1
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IB^tD jJfcj cXJ Jlc <-i5j U JLJb
1 nn codd. 2 HN add. C, om. cett. 3 pni C. 4 Prob.
5 D^l codd.
Line 5. Uib. 6. U^U*. 7. cr -wJJcI.
K 2
U Jb -o^l iSu-* JAJ mTia paoi aw na'i JU
dlj irvns paoi iJjjj * u von nrc ioni>K
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JU JJL.J ijs^ nnina nan ^^.^1 Jl*il ^y Jy sli-.j JUl
JU jjj * on naoD ino 11 JUj IDB> 'n^n^i v <I N^^ jiiar IBD 3n3
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Jyj ^A/L^ u_al5j *4^ J-^ M ^ n^Bp iJjl* N^N mp^ H3\T1 JU
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ljuij
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P only ; tfta cett. 2 ^T C. s Np3^>K3 J&1B1 C.
Line 4. bJi. 5. LJjJo. i
pnn p
u ljJLJl
JjJl
JLs j^ n?ax
ni> itpy pjnpi
jj
+ a .". j . ^*-
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3 .3 ">nn v_s7*j ^3Nn VJD^ K>N KHH" 1
^ _
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j^ cr* LS^T *^ ?y^ *
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codd. 2 M codd.
or m:n codd.
Line 10. ^l^^JtJ, /U^, L^, JXi. 12. \^o\J.
D-IDJT 1 corr. P in marg. j DIHS 11 cett.
21.
[II. 3.]
K
vr
* in ^3 pxi spy ps y*! o-^j vnmiD 'naiosi r&y D^aya nan *
^>3 3BD 31B* tfh ftJ^tt j+
a31 JU. m*O J^iT" Jjl
/
JL4-> y cxo L ^ c^
JcAJ J
^" sl!\ jJl^J Jic fcJl ^ U JJLC JU. i_i-j I!A NfcWN
tnw nni < Jy5> dJi J-sS ^l^UU ^ ^l^lj *L Jl
'S JU. ^ ^^j J 5l isjiljl JU. ^b Jj
i_i. pj * ]ai j^\zJs>. ^ bk>J;j ^
ul J-j in no^i sJyj * JU^j. ijjjJ p^5 ^51 1+1+ A. dUjj c^
>L* l^Lti c ^o ^3 L ^Aj i*^-^ cJpl eyJot-e L^ L
^,^..s^!j j^UJl (jijl^bj (J"jy *^** ^j JW^b /*- c
v\ ^ noiai pyby n^ni ^^ * ^jUU il5 j^o yS^^i*! (sUiSj 15
raao ^n nx w*o joo L. ^ J_yb elJ j -^ jjj LjjJi ^i 4r
on ^y DN ^^UU Jy JA N^D ->t?3 ^iss oip n|j pnos pi Jyj B
l Jj J-o^ * elii u j wl ^-* ^ oJ^f
Jl djla JLAJ L. u. A^JJJ * *
i J * Jj-oJ! u. ..liJ U5" j^.j
i .n 'or
liy n ya-m pea nh Jyj * i^U^-JI eJjL. jT^ ^J! a l ^klj onny i?
j>5!l j^aJI ^ eJJi ^^ju- US^^^^iJI up 1 jjtci UJU.5HJ x^l ju*
rb 3H 11 jo^cn JjSj * o^otwi nirrn y3iN^> pnni inis^D "au'n noysi
3 nn nnN3 * ^ W^l 26
codd.
10 v
15
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dJUtl oJH.
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bj-Jl
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codd. 2 Perh.
Lines i, 7. ^li. 13.
3 Perh.^^iJb only.
14. LsC. 21. Lib.
v*-ou
i* UU *
jimJl Uj dJU-o ^
Ll
* JL
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Jj 1 ! u. ^1 jul J-Jj
lj dJU-o likJI !i^j ^Sj Jj
y-JLiXl Ou...> ll oJLxJ Lo
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sXft) * JtJ dull
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US'" iwn nay vb^JI ^ Jls
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codd. 2 }N? PQ; p? cett. 8 nyn or H3M codd.
Line 5. \*s*. 9. LJ^JLO. 12. Ij^JU. 15. Ij
u.
10
* JU
^i, U
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pnoni pnx nnyi
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eJJi
codd. 2 Ins. P only
P.
Line 1 1. iL
3VJ1
codd.
JU *j
Lissuw
* fW J w. JJ\ laJ UT2Ui js
A e
p i?a Jy ^ ^lw IX Ujjj ^ IJ1 y^ KJUJ
JJA> J j\ c?,^J may Ni> rtoi N^^
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cLx-JI ^ ^j>.!j Ji Jj^J 1 p
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rv
Line 2.
codd.
8.
codd.
10.
8 }ND^ B.
16. Uji'. 19.
10
Jf Jj * JJL* cL-JI oJU..il vb J Jlil 1 JJ* u l ^
Ul - li L-Jl J ki J \i!
5 elLJi J elJj *i -arf Oil
15
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is^ c
c
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Uj JLJb Jic &J^f ^1/^.1 L$ i J o Btt >V DMin WO
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1 W OH D^l all; perh. LuJ ^ Jj. 2 Perh. add. ^^S^. s iTlDB* codd.
B.
Line 2. IjlSb. 3. sj^J*. 4. i^>. 5. J^s*. 7.
16. .fi. 18.
jLJl>
L JJ2J
rU
L-JI
LJLi
iJbH J <sUX>
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(Jl JL-ob -yiaj il jjlS
jU. JLJb ^ cslJi JJa-j u l jU. ^
<JLJb
c
lJUi Jiff
JU J\
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15
jnr..J
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only.
j annx cett. 2 ir c. s Om. c
C. 7 Ins. C only. 8
Om. c. % IM. c D
K D (in ras.); pniK cett.
c.
Line I. LaJlir* etc.
14.
*
Jii
ir
elill ^ Jyill Ixa 1^x^.j LJj e
dJ
\y\ 3 8L*ujb
^ Jl esJJjj. c^ixjj sjjU^-' Nnijj 'jn p
u.Ul Ju: uJ^ L. j*^ o^-^ U
15
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1 a^O PQD (corr.); 3^Q X; 3^3 K; a^J^Q B D. 2 Om. C. 3 -jnnj
C. 4 Perh. U15CL. B HN3yO B K.
Line 16. U-Jic.
[II- 3-] I
c 5b lyLo [51] &\ ^XLc ^U U iiU ^ 1 J--J
J ' *
jy eUil y.. ^illj tisUs ^ 1> y^Jii ^ U ^ /JU " Jl^-j jj^jo JLC j^-i 5
Ul k dill J
^JLc Ijiflol JJ Lo JJLAJ J \ jJJl J^t dJi Jlc l^iajl jJ
(5]; J-^J Jj
UT
1 1 10
J5J\ jJli J\ ^.511 ^ dLUU ^j dLUl J^ U Jlfi UUb 15
Ti3 JUj JLo ^ lilj SJ ^ 8.JL&
i, *!!=. i-SJl tf'j'^ 4 Uil 3 D^IT TJ3
j
any LJJ| ^yb uyUjl
: wry V vsb n^nnj njnaji mnnw in Jy dD jij yLJI i .
Prob. add. eUll. a Prbb. ^31. 3 ^5)^ . . . U3lj om. BDK.
P.
Line 12. Jwa-.. 13. !!lcU. 22. LJlk etc.
ir
10
J-aJ IjJlS (SUU A^a. ^ U^l? S-JlC IjJtaH! ^1 l^Jl [\ !ij|
15 eUJJ elLUl k^ -J ^jSo U ^ ly^j 1 jj"->-l ^1 -JIc
^-Jo el)i dliil Jji^J J cjlj J-%-*J u
ti Jill i'jjJi -! j^ 3 - <s *4- a
o / i J dJj dJiXI i 3/i ^ -Ju: * a v L > AJJ ^ ljuij ^9 *4-^i elUl
c^\ J 1^115 ~>\ J
20
JS
sill J^kJ J^L* ..^j ^liU jLo dJ
1
nxani codd.
Lines I, 7. ^j^JJU. 7. dUdl, jji*. 10. L^J. 12.
22. LejJ.
y^. JJ
JUw
J\ dill ^lisJ 5l
.*^-^ ,jl ^ Jj"! ^ J 4 jj sJlS jj.j
Jl V ^-^ J 1 S l ^ ? -
LJU di-UI &J
*
ajl '^l *-
ii ^
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,jy idil JJLS. * vnuinB'y nnx u? Dvtn nc'jjn' 1 IN Jju n 11 ^ a .
15
20
JJ^ l^JJs ^Jl iytJ iLdl eUXl ^ Jbjjj Uy~aJJj JJ) dtUI JJL* loj
s :>Uj nn^nt^i u-Ul JJ* j^ n!?j?JU nn^nB'i n!?y JLsj
* JU1
1 Prob. aLJ^l.
Line i. Ij^jJo. 4. U^L* etc. 5. U.^. 14. iLJj etc.
21 (2nd). 3Uj.
J-flj lid a 1 JlCj JJLftJli* JLoli ^.^C.^ jj S-U-o .X3 U JjlAj ^ ^ JL) y
dtUl !
9 f^
* JS) .0 Jjl3 jj
-J J
ellil ^-.JL* Jjb ^ jotsl i_A-5j ctUi\ J (-a-^^ij jjj meo
* * * * *iJ li jl
djl (j-o ^ D^U-M djJu ^ s^*J j;^! J IXj c j^*j\ju~5Ch ^ eHiXl
15 * dJj LJ
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*
20 tj.Usr: , ^ij*. fSt^ IC )1 ^.ULST? o^^ 1 * "J^. l5s'-'~~ alU.^ nj^ J^ 1
J .Uar? ,-jl.xiJ! ,.H> jli
1 Supply a \ ju jujjb iJ ir j oij. 2 }0 DQX; }D |N BPj prob. Lo.
Line 4. ^jS etc. 7. ^j^-j ^bjLJl. 17. ]jJj5o. 20. ^-*-. 21. IjJi).
22.
JJI
^ inn 16
S_^3 -
J-JU5
JlS S
J~i
rv
NJJD
Ij 'wi in mjn
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ijo ^U
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Jj ^JLJi j-*j] u. ;ta^J ^ 8--J ._^-o ils
JLC pDIB JlS Uilj [^iScJl Wb pDID JlS dJj
jlS ^ J5 Joq
-
1 Om. B. 2 B adds QK^K Tiyi *]li? r6n ; perh. add. dJu. *
UljB
Line 2. ^1. n. i__flJI, Lip., LJU:. 12.^1. 14
22.
15
j.
15 e
20 J^aj s*
* JL
rl
f*
&jJLsri Jt*! j JJb J.
rr
,j
Jjj HVT HJT
I/ine i. bjLk etc. 7. LC. n. jlj. 16. (jj^.- etc.
H 2
Jill lift Jju ^ JLolx> (j^Ui-^J (^-olAJb) ^ JjiJI 1X y-uJj * dUX
11* &J JUi i*A}
l*
! j^ ^Xc^jJLS v^M-^t/1
4
10 5
i pps ^yUJ^ ^s ^j unen n\-m pnN nn H Jjiii jj-UJl ^ ju 10
> dXlil C^J'J La *
J L*Jta.l *W--^ 8^ U-e U-i. ISJU J^JJJ J
l JUj ^JLD ^JUIj oo>U J^ 2 (^ Jl ^y^j s-*^"/ di^. ^j -l^i-,1 15
+ ++ buijj -io
-'^ dJ
* ^ -fc * /* 20
B K ; nonpni D. 2 n B. s nn pi B D K ; om.
PQX; prob. s^JLST
Line I. LaUjLL-1. 2. ^ft.?.<. 5. l^JLJ ^ji^joiJ.1. 9. LlLJ. 13. kcl.
14. LJ^.
J-aJ * iU-o Jo^l j-* Lo (J-Cj IJufc Jle i ft-ib JW>b o^ **"**> is*
i.jo lS b>
l elUi ^ v-^j Jjb jl A*, dlJj
J JLob od-9j L^Jl j * j JL!1
nonn^ HD^H unae nvu n^N mn
5
noan ^ s, A ynjo pt^np nN nn *+.\ 2 * Ni s n^ nn
^ pep
10
LX mw nn dyj L^JLc ^Jts^j^tb?* u UiiaJI ^
Jl ^JixJl ^^41 yiJioJl Uj * Job *Ljd. cr *
dl Jl ^^j pc&n i^a * tl^is-,^! JLc ^ un^aen L.IJ * noan ban
, 5 (j.^ pep NI^DI JTHK n^HNl Ulj ^^sr^^^^-^Jj ^ J (^a. U JJLo iLocJI
^UJI ^O (]Ui xl sJl-Xi -aJU dLJi
,,
pep topei Ulj m*n Dsi? tu m*n ^c ^ A ...t. Jy ^..^
^1 s-^-Cfij * t.r* 30 . c^* 8 ^ J>:> - J^ 1 ^-?. r*"^Hj >ijk \) (j**^-^ ^^-8
J*>b sL^Luj iJlj V_L0*^)I iXa 5-*-9 C * '' f*-l VL>.*A. o -o 4.jl_^X J5
20 i^ou.l icLJI (Slii- Le sisAi (J)
* eLJi5 JoLi. J^J
r
25 ttj^^U (jr\-^ *-^ Jb -il ^jX*-*-* -ij4-^^ ^ JW^b u^ *&il J _^^3j J
codd. 2 ayo P x ; text B.
Line 3. LJLc. 16. Lo,^.:^>.
[II. 3.] H
OU
*.j iW>^ ^T^JJ ^t/ 5 ^ *sy}\
Jlil I!
\ cJU>)t>jjfc jovj eyjo
iu J Uli s^^-fiji SjiptJj ttlJi ^^ Ci)^ SjU ^1 J-*^J ,jO
^j Ul^ }1 s^ej xJl (^J ,jl$ &Jl AJUO
eu^O ^1 Lt.-Sflg Jo (j^l Ujjfc .,^3 b JjJj J\ ^^j
1 s-JLc ^*^j *^LJ1 UA j> J^J jJ
ij Sail ljui s-Jiff i) 1 sS uj t^J^J 1 i) sjl s-JlS i
s e-j aaB 2o^ ks o* & ~ 15
wVD
* s^ Lo (j-ffi) Jj^J J yl.AJj kil IJA J J^BJ Jtob lijjJ,l ^ sX^c ^1 Ujjjs
J5 JjJ jwlj JLob L*Xa. ^ J u-Laj oli.1 o
N HI ND NTiT N B ; perhaps ^ Jib ji*> ^XftJ 5>. 2 DHp?N P X ;
text B. 3 n3n or n3n codd.
Line 3. !jj>.
(
9 J3
jo ^ fcii. Uj ^MJJ ^y eUi ^ Jifrl t->LJI
yjl^ Uo.
15 u lUilj -jp. Jl ^*
"IIll *5 l ll -J )! wo
J .
J wi* i (Jl Jl* 2 iu\ JLC J-^ Ijukj esliXl ^ d^i. ilx* Jj
^ J^aj Jj viJLllI -J iJ ^U .RJLo -*J dUUU ^li ^ <jlj lUU J
blluJI 3 sJ ^^^ 1*31. lJUfc JU Le JjL* 1 y^-Jjj *LJ.I iJ JLd ^
eUi ^ Jifrl t->LJI iJuk (jl 8-JLaJ 4 dJdl^-Ji ^ v
*) nj
codd. 2 Perhaps spurious. 3 N^OV^N X. 4 Apparently something
is lost. 5 Or *li ? Cp. Index. 6 l^pD X ; text B etc. 7 Prob. cy
8 DH UDa" 1 B X ; prob. Uj:.l?p>. 9 Perh. ilSj.
Line 2. Ldj. 5. ^^Loj. 7- l^/-- 12.
14. Ujjy-* twice. Lpl^. 15. LojJaJU, l^a.. 16. b^jii*. 21.
22. Isr^ etc.
\4-J u^-iJ ^ JLaJ
J NBD!J1
JL^>
sUI
^ J JJ
l U
Xj JiJJl
dJi JJJt3 3 5 sill
a nyaa T mm Jw IX J^ JLJb
^_
S-J-o
8Juk JufcLi,
1 a&O WN (or N3N) codd. 2
most MSS. ins. H^ (not B D).
perh. ItfJ^ (cp. VULLERS, s. v.)
(BDKPQX). 8 J^2 JN3Q B;
codd.
Line 5. Ulis***''. 10.
P; 2m
* yiXN codd.
B D.
D.
n.
16. a
D.
3 After
codd. ;
7 i?n3 N3J13 ^ all
B D K. 10
19.
or
JJLaJI ^Jlc j^-JL-. CUij dlL ^-eLftJb u l Jlc
,-> (jK Li. l^!X;.i) Jj L^jLe jJ .-oU JJ>^*J jl li J! JLJ!
^ ^
j^l o AJia.. *j (j^j (^ cy^l JJi Jl3 .J
10 Jj * s-jJaJi vb.-gl J.l C*il5 ^j CslJj ^ J^^U Lp. sJi
ij *A*
11 A s-Jb*
15 &>jW344
!
iL>! scjJl !A ^c I*.\
Jt5
dJi LC JuJl ^ M j jl M J-5 men oytai
1 l^K DNytD all (B D K P X). 2 Prob.^^ 3 *8O codd.
* sJJUjj c^JLjj om. D P X ; ins. B. 5 W3 D X ; text B etc. 6 H^p D ;
'pa cett.
Line i. U\jJ etc. 6, 9. jb. y.t^- 1 ^ 16.^!. 21. LL>.
li
.>U\ j nra ntfafoi u. j*^ ain^ ^y ""jnaw .iJ U ^ Jls
Jl 5
nil ^j * _jj
8J
D K ; QmiN B ; AJL* ^^
US sUfJ R >\ 9 ^-o ttUi P- See Appendix.
Line 7. l^yar!. 9. IJc. 15.
Jl yJU*. Jjjl isjJj 01 ^ Jl9 5 dJdl ^JJ 0D JLob ^ ^ JUs <^3\j eJl
S Ja.
.^aftL) >->* < J^ J^*^ (** * ^-> ^-o ^-^* i^r u -* j J-tj * sstj
Lo J
li
B. 2 raDDi pine>D K x ; PQDDI ^K> D. 3 ^sDn^ coda.
J
J-J L s^JLc (j
15 uyjj-jJtl Jl j^ r ^j &j
^ Jl J J^Ji Jl [U->1] ^.
JO
20J jJb
>*
. JU.
1 UU
^Jil JI B u ^ . A > lul
iJ U.
rr
IS
nay
JUi ^1
Jill J S^J ^J^j J (^jJI sbjw s-.^ j!il eHJi^j nt?yn TO ll? IDN^ D1
^AJ Jj JLob s-s^ JJj uJuij ^ Jjlx: sJ^I 8-Jlc _^-iJ ul jJJ
L*
1 BJ X ; text B etc. 2 nT y X ; text B etc. 3 HT'BKBK P. 4 NHNI P.
5 jj ,J\ om. DX; ins. B etc. 6 Om. DP. 7 NTin or NTin codd.
Line 4. ^^^x*. 10. ^iiJLo. n. LaJLo etc. 12.
14. ul) i.LJIj.
G 2
jjO Jj J> JjJ Lo i^*-u* ^U laJii
Jl3 JvfiJ! IJufe dJi (JLC < Lflj| L_X^> .J LJlJ *
3^U y^fiJl J Ja.... jjl >dL)
JyJl ljm> Jjj nan i?33
JU dJlU U-J s^JLc J^ u l^j ddiljU J uj^ H^- Us U*bj.
* mn
^4-vs
Art* (jMj (<yv (^yJf.O^ t
i JWtXuou*
JVj *J ijLfl^. *U*J\ ^ JjLJl Jjill IXft ^.-. US
L->U>j W^Ij Jj A^-Jl ^^ <jJ\-^ lXAj 8-fa-J ^^ iJLj JIx,
rrw n ny J 5 # u. lii^. 4 JU dJi ^^1 JLJb ^
Jj jj ran
10
Li* o\ : " is 3 - jJi T> ... > J 3l
* (SlJi y-LJI JLjfcJ Jfl-Cl jJij y-Ul SJt^u uJl j^-srjj 15
D P X ; text B. 2 pni^ Q X ; text B etc. s So all (B D P Q X) :
so too MS. 2467, p. 132 a (ad Ex. xix. 4). 4 JPpyrV D Q X P (corr. in raarg.);
text B. 5 Prob. Jj U.
Line 3. U_JLo. 9. c ^JL>'ij. n. ^j^Us, LJL. 16. L^Lej. 20.
rr ~>U -i, jJS sj *lj U
M HI
dJ Jib. eLUI ^1 ^A -j j^il j** jjs. J-.1 11 JLw
joo j * ne
* AC * 1 ^* r|C
^
j pan ns!> op oonn ^j Jyy^LJl Jt ^^ U 15 J1 JLc Jjo I
by
u. Juaj .. fljoo ^ -JLS
w > pi
DDR psn HN^D ^3 Jj-a- L^U.1 ^ ^llDn "in ell* I U5 LJjJI ^b ^ l^JLfi 3
"IC'N DDPin }D1 tJ*JLS jjOj^j jjl J-.J U I < ') J^AI (sJuJJ) \>}*^) ("J^** *^J^J DiT'JDD
n jt n2^ .
15 ljufc. oJ* .J! (*iLJI) (sJo* JJ1 /jx> LS*^ "jflvtsv WIN mnn jn J^5j * Dn l| SD2
mm ** J^ ^ U1 w* e)Jj J*AJ J
*
J ^aL^J^. a \ >_jj!c UJJ JAI Jj 5 >* ^^ dlUi) JbJb JjJ (J^UJI lju
^
codd. 2 on^ PQ; dn DKX. 3 }K B ; om. cett.
P x.
Line 4. jib.. 10. Uj-u,. 12. ,jljjj>j etc. 13. U a *-^>
14. \y\5. 1
[II. 3.]
b J ^ ^ JJJj *
.>}>jlj s/L~c cr ~ a . -va^ n-ay
na t6a^ proi ^. ..... BIJ * ^bJuM ^ .-*. ^jJl JUI
yu. ^jJl ^jb^UJl Jjjljj joiUl xna nvn ^ton mnnn Jyj &-sy JA
i?a prn 11 FMDI Jy^ * JCL e*^ |^IXl-,lj JCLo ^ 1^1. n .j jJb J^^ vJI 5
l_)LJl^5i O * iXLo^fl^yjl (jl JoO \^j*S^\ ^A ^^LJl JtAZil L 8^9
jo.yi cr ^ill ^IA u\ JLC!J > ^na Nip i5o!LJl ^!!>15 ^ * ... L,
L.U B^npJl ^ ixJ ^1 ^ ^y o :...U j^ W^K na JoUN ^ JLJI ^
* Noana pTy mraa Jy5"jL5L. ^y^sA 5 ' (Jj/* i/rf u^ "^ J^^-J 1 >*
&jl JA xnW pt^np INOI Jy^ ^maay mpi NJ^N nia Jy ^A jn^y nnraa Jy 10
yti pt^npi pTy dJj joo JUij t^npi ny 551 Jls^ * Tntnt? npy d
na lj^.1 jn^yJl (^.^ icUi*. y,^ JLc eJLJi JjJ
UH-** c ^ r ^ | i i ui jb^ ^^ y ^j ->>. ^
nia t _ 5 ^-j * JU-M ^.^ ij-xj ^1 ^1 J diii.1 ^j s^jj ^ sJis^ u
*Jj5j * &JL* ^SL^c clkajl jji \*naay mpi J^Sj > ^LJI ^.^o ^ jj>! ^ NJ^N 15
U j>] sJj^jJk K>nai ^PB n nioxai Jyj * joo ^ ^ .t. ; ... wvnv npy ona
- .^Lo jjfc Jj (^sJ ^ v_^AJLi 2 jJJj ^) j^Lt u L-JlS^ sjLJI
i^b ji jj tra H
ij JJ sJj^jjfc N-W ^031 Jy^ e^Ajl ,jijJl ^ 20
^ N^JN | naai? Jyj *
JLc ^ *L^.! iilS 1^1 JLc^ J U 15 ^j _
pma
^ dJj iJUj*. (j^JCJ J^aJ AJJ-J l^jl jut 5 ^^AJ \mi?y pa^n 11 pany n
U
^*JU- < .s-.^ ^J ^S Sj ^.j^^j^ 25
1 Om. P. 2 31.T B; 3TJV 3"W X. s yStfiWK B. 4 Prob. -U-J1.
Line 20. l,Up. il-J.
AA^* t
15
OJI
'* *
jlj.-JJ JJJ *l
A^. A-o*
il<u.)eUJI ,/Jb ^15] U
l sJl ^
tA^.
ri
*
LJ
5-Jic ^
LJ
JLJ
lib
U ctlJj i
*
JU>
j J
* O
y^-. j
UJb \
ib
..LuJl * AJ J^l *J
U\ *
P X; text B. 2 '^K }X D P X ; text B K. 3 H3D codd.
Line 3. IJj_u. 6. l : * g. 9. Cf. FLEISCHER, Kl. ScJir. i. 294.
10. Uu-^*. n.
ft
fcAA.
2CU->
o
B K P.
Line 6.
pl B -
13. e
Ir
*
10
15
|A
yfc o
D P X; text B.
14.
nn -*j U
-
u n..n flJ! SJU* A., ijl ..jS JU
^ ..
njJT
rvrn
* ^* .su>
fcAA.
15
l
1 Prob.
8 Prob. JL.J.
Line io.
^ JJb u
JLJ\ J i_iA5ol ^j
' ^
*
>v>>
4A^
sJJi)
n
* S
< r
^?o >| ^p npnjr B K. 8 rw codA 4 mnx codd
18.
mi
b!
r 5
Ll! 1 JL&.(3 c>X^
^15 JJj pliil y^-- aj ^ JL-Jj S^a^j JW 5 ^ jjl ^* Jt -^. J JI JLcl
r ldb ^U, U wl j-^ j*. 3I_J1 Jjb -U5C* Jl e^j J.I) ^ i 10
cj pUi.1 Ijufc ^ LJU 4^-JU LJLfrj ^Uil Jj tfj^W 6 JLX>
lil I* "UJ, U^^il L jb U5l 7
U L>
jjl) US vl,.^. 8 ^.^^^9 L->b. L_)b 8,-lfiJj ^Jf^S*. pLdl J
JXJ1 9 Ij^j (j^j pLu jn~Ju ^ j^+ *UX Ijj^ to JJLC 15
* nra
30
all except C. 2 yD> GDP. 8 ^y^ B ^ ^K D.
codd. 6 psnyo B. 6 fiyan D. 7 ^n ^y codd. 8 j^jj . ..
the codd. vary, as also between JN3, JK3, pa\ 9 After l^Sj add. n^JO P.
10 ODfca codd. U ^x5t obliterated in K Q; om. B.
Line i. LLL, SJLJ. 7- uj^j--^AU etc. 9. L*>1.. 14. bb bb.
i-J-i
,jO oJj ^ .,Uil IJ
^
l5 L.
rr
JU 8 ^ L. Jl. *J dJI JUi! ^ e
^^ ^~
10 sALc ^ jsj^ L J^U i^bJIj ijl^J .Jl ^ eyb. 10 Jl L>AJo.\ lO-*^- 1 <slJ^
r .TOP 'nn ni^^D ininta ^ ...... VI
coda. 2 KPTOI* B c. 3 xnna c PQX ; nnj B.
* Om. C P Q X; ins. B K. 6 13^N1 C P Q X ; text B K. 6 n^> C.
7 Tin^K B K. 8 Qxn D X ; text B etc. 9 Om. C D P X ; ins. B etc.
10 ' * cett. n ^ND C ; ^KD B ; ^ND K X etc. 12 nnWNO P Q X ;
B K. Probably we should transpose, reading i_j!ls^ ^x* U5
o U
jikj^ki
Line 10. uW~, t3b. . 13. L*JL*j, LwLc.. 14. \JjLa. 18.
F 2
bp. yj
JS lj 133 ^ayi IB THP n pnnfo
*
wl ^* pn n^N n xb n JU ^
ob jjjJ^j ^..^-tJ^ (j-* "-^-^ u*^*- 5
j^ ..liJ l^c j^UJI J j jjj * ^J^Uj 2 ^-^ (ji jlj sJl jJbj H7Vn JUi i*Ui
H DK'p p Lzll ^3 3 JLob J ^Ij L?jJI o
J\ ^ dLlj i_>l^ * ''T 1 jo pajarts" *n nN Nin pi JUj dL3i
*j *J 1]1 ^oLs^ 8 ija bbl uyJuiLi. 7 O> k-^s^b 10
JJ b>
*J
U
jO b> JLaJl -fJ> --o I ii b> J iiJUJl JLoJiJl C.*l >S
o ^.;j;.3. 15
e>liUU
;JI Jta.. L A.I .9 (jittj-dJl A- ^Ji.
* man pa^no HI Ul wnom N^nx J 1 ! sJLaJI
add. c. 2 onaxi codd. 3 *a codd. (B c K p Q x). 4
added in most MSS. after JjJu (not C). 5 D^N C j D^ most MSS. 6 DH3, H^T C P.
7 nnnx> B. 8 n^N ^XVSN awy B c Q ; 'N ^NyaN 'N a^ay x ; om. ^NyaK P.
9 Prob. ^U. 10 ^anxi C P. n Prob.
cett. 13 njn c.
10
LJl
.n mo
J
U
J ^ Jl
> J Jl ^-j
.J j nnyi
sJUil eUi
^jL:> . .*. II ^Li ,j
^- 1-iJ J ^LJ sr (_jj: o
Jju>. yj, jj^l Z? j^UJI t^LJ! JLxsl
! j.^ ^.UJ Jousri
b ntSna nis^aj ntnyi>
li* g JJI^.4^U 10 * dJj uj^
D^D^nJl cuklx. e)Jl> J
^ n
J
US
-
c. 2 Dfimno^ CPX ; text B.
4 Om. C B KPPB B; ,TB CQX; >D P.
X ; rVSOK C ; fin'-XI B P. 8 23y C Q.
c ; nsa* most MSS. 12 Dnmn^ B ; ormn* |i
20. l]jLi
Line 9. l.iLxj. 12. L^vs
3 on^n most MSS.
codd. 7 ITINIK Q;
P Q. 10 INHDNQ B.
P Q x ; cn-nnn* c.
23.
[H.3-]
Jj
^ (j fl SXJ
JU ^Ul ^l 2 ^^M ^U--b ^ * JCJ1
jj pyjjll ^ Jl
jl] uJ^Jl j^-A^ eUi JuiLi-J^ A .n5.i
U, jljjj *
kj u l 10
J,j
|ju ^ JjJJ *jU1 ^ ^U. ^JL 11 ^lil
> jjj ^^-iU. j- yi5^ u ^j y\ uu JL.JJJ sJU u jUj dpi mn
o Ai isJiLJJ paj JJLC JLJljJ (a. U^ .ftic v^*" ; JLJI 15
ys! '121 p">3a Kn JLo cJiUtl l j/ kij
JUs 3) r \ ^b ^ JA ( Jb e J r4 jL NJI ^
b bl U JUi
^y 20
ll U yiSl ^1 -^ JU^RJ ^ JLS
C ; llDia cett. 2 pnK C. * \VC', y cett. 4 The MSS. in
this chapter have W for 1D1 passim. 8 Qmp^n codd. (B C K P Q X), scr. ^AyLJI.
6 yinn^ Q; nnn^ B C KX; tiymb P. 7 After^a.311, OnJD ins. by some MSS.
8 NDH C K QX; ion P; HNOn B. 9 *& codd. 10 1W B K. n pnND C.
codd. " tt^ c.
Line 5. JU. 7. ^bJI. 8. JU. 9. yLflll, 3>lrf. n.
12. l^ju. 13. u iU. U L. 18.
J dJj
jn jya 'syj
JU vLJj j jjj^Jl
5 cuSj cyU JwSj &J ^
U
J sJuJj ^l L
5b U jjuo
l jjJI .:,.., icLJI j* j
J^jJI Ij
j^ Jli
J -*ij u l ,I
u \ JixJ
Nin pi
8J
U
15
i
u ,-j
L_>Ue ^ ^al.-c sXoO UJ\j
xou 8 J JU. He e)LJ
Jbo ^i 7
Lft 9
cnayn
y\ LC
j*i 5) wl
oni? ninn^n N^ Jy ykj
$ c ^o J Ul SJ
c
JyJI Ij
*J
JLJb
1 P after ^^> ins. N1HN. 2 Hin3 C.
6 ary c. 6 awn c. 7 paB codd. 8
10 H3D D^ DH3D most MSS. ; DHJD d^ DH3D C.
13 DH^Ip J1 B (om. jl JLC Jjj) cett.
Line 3. V^Joco. 5. l^lijo. 8. l^lc.
20. iJ*^ etc. 22. LjJjo etc.
C. 4 D^> C ; N5 most MSS.
c. 9 h c ; abi cett.
n DTK C. 12 njlpw C.
10.
p4*N J-^
*j** ft*
u !
Ul
Jj>b J! \j*+sj*.\ Uli J
j ^jj^ijj ^jjlib <*lJi X
..131 l^Jt^La.\ Lo JJLC J
y-LJl
L. U
csJJi ijUi
j ^JK*
.JbJJI _>
Jli. JA
JU-*
J ( _ 5 i 3 .
kaj
Jj Pi
^> Jj
li bo^
UU
dLUl
I*
u
5
J5 ^1 ^j
Jjii tjl u-*J>-^ 15
jJ dLUI a \
J j)j iU
&JU ^i
* pmrrcn nmoi 20
codd. 2 P. s D P; N cett. 4 Qnnv^ P X (ex corr.);
text B. 6 yp> PX; Dttafo B K; SJN^^ P Q X; NCNI K PX; N13JK1 B Q;
something apparently is lost.
Line
10.
ine 1. 1^**^. 2. Jj. 5. ^jliXl. 6. l^iiiJ. 7. Ij^-loi. 8. JJb,
19. ^J. 20. yjiiJI. 23. l^p..
JUv
JXJ
10
JiX.
15
J ^^U* b eJJi lbJ \il *
1 Verse 30 om. B. 2
text B etc. 5 Prob.
Line 2. ^.Ul. 3.
19. i, IjJL*-^, s^Jb. 21.
y
e>Ji ^ Jj^i j^-aJl I!*
xs*^ J-i. ^ cr < u 1 >
B K; Nn31HD P X. 8 Om. P. * nhi X;
6. LkU. 18. IXU, y
22 -
oLuA)
^ s! o
^i ^b^ L^
O3XW
ri
i jyuxf (j\*.jj] t*jo^)*j <>A^AA, n
lv*v
rf
10
rt>
many MSS. 2 DnnSDDI codd. 8 nnpHD codd. * parDB B P Xj
D K. 5 Om. B D K. 6 Om. B K ; add in marg. D. 7 n^NT P X ; text B etc.
Line 2. l^j. 3. 3Li. 4. ^jJI. 16, 17. ^^^,1* etc. 18. .UK
r
16
15
ro *
o L*
u
I*
AJ
|v
i A
1 Om. PXj text B. 2 }N3 B. 3 N^J codd. * -]W>N X; om. P; text B.
Line 2. *x*J. 5. ^..Xs^j ^J^-XAJ. 8, 12. U-J. 10. sjJolp. 12. L^
14. \*f*. 15. See Index, s.vv. *.\j,
E 2
>
1 P only; om. cett. 2 21VD P. 3 P only; cett
Line I. j. 5. C ^ji3jlj. 7. ili
i)
10
* A ^yJ
^tXAJ Jl
lr
ir
20
4 P only; cett. om.
i r
* JL *^ C5*
(a '^* 'y (^AX^J^SUO i
o^^^ (J^ sJi.*)U (Jj3\ JjbL olx^JL
rW O6^^ *^l^ ^.AoUX=EU -.1*
*-AO e/
1 After li.\ B X add -T. 2 Sicj cp. ^^oo. 8 jm K Q; yjni cett.
* HJ?pD *iyi ""D B K ; nnil all. B Verse 3 om. Q X ; supplied in the marg. of P ; it
had been omitted (except the last clause) in the archetype of Hebr.j the corrector of
P translated it afresh with fiBNpM 'D^N 'a n^N. 6 Dip codd. 7 jl^Np K P Q ;
P^Kp cett.
Line 3. ^ redundant. 5. LcKi. 9. ^j-j- r 5-
[II. 3 .] E
pno ^
u lkJL
rr
*
$ L
lift y,! ^ao iTIB'B fB'riDI JjSj sbl i^.l JLo JJI
* LsAs L w*i
/JL^ 3 JU>W
JUU ^ Jl J^LCI U
Jlil AS^j 1,
JU JLob jjl ^J c^i-J J uJJj jl
* (-W-? *UXc. 15
JLJ! u ! jjlsr
13u JUs Jl
J 20
^-^
1 }^B> codd. 2 np codd. 8 ?K P. 4 Nil B. 5 Prob. ^Li.
Line 13. U-57 19. ll*--, liUaL. 20. I ^. 22. J redundant. 23.
n
JLw
I0 -ai csO. a Uj Jl
. mna ipn pnto JU
"^ W ^X*
U^ ^ .,L> ^ J-W y-^J I&ull IAJ U^i ,J1 dliXI
15 ji -4 K^OB' r6x o*p J^-Al e)Ju
PP
J*^.
JJI
UJ
Jj (
x 3
JjjJI SJ
P Q X ; text B. 2 ysi3 codd. 3 31 codd. 4 Dip 1 * codd
6 6 B.
^ etc> I - *- 1 '
Line i.i5Ju- etc. 5. ibL>. n.
JL
> *
Ujlj ejon ruei N^PB ru Jls Uslj myo kib l^-de Jiuj J it *j.L>5>\ l * r
NJPB s|Drn anyo N^PB nnn n bap ba 1+-J J^iXl c^y Wbil
j\j nrba 13^D Jji^ dlUl ^ J^xAl ^1 US^ jl v-^xi i^xJl
US eUi ^-iJ ^ | >^'ft u*-^J 'MP!? 1 ^Ty" V^. ^ t^ljr- 5
u^^-^^ u^ 1 NK>:JN ^ nD P 1 " 1 ^ panyno IAJ! Jls eUJJLs
* J.5L.5II ^i JLC i..^ ^Lsri u \ (^LxJl 8^50 ^ ilij^^ajJI ^ JLC i*.^
1 ju^. run oy nan ppan
H jhlUw J\ I0
* nn oy nn ppan pnb bi Jls dJJls 14*^ JjJu. i^s^
^s, Jl * ^Lsr^' *.. .XJjJJ kkirJ 51 US^ ^j^j ni>PB H3 NH
CJO J> ^Jl .c& V^J 1 !)* WjiJ^ (q9 (>^ tsJJL^-o AJO,\ ^ft X^w^JJ. * *-i-aJ!
C*^*J\ ^^LO uy^-ol ^jftj vj-^iJI (SlLo ^(^sti* 6 U|L>^ ^ !i^^l "^^-'j u-XaJl
elU jV v.*JUJU \4JL ^ ^^^jLJIj SiAjJlj Jill oJl>lj -JI ^,,^1 c*iii>lj 15
\4JU Xjftl ji. jJ jjjjCJjbi ooj ^ *JH5II jLs 5 J iliU^Jl
^J J *L-o^ll ^2$ ooo ^tj U,Lj>.lj U-^^J u* ->j4-J' <^^
ells Jic ^^ Jj^l cuUc U^J^-,1 euUI 9 JJLJ jU^I
Jill ^ yj\ JJ UjX) y^ilj ^jjUl ^-c U^C J^ U^ JjlAJ jJLi L^xJl Ulj
,l-i-* ,58 liJLa U^l iSjjuM L- (Slli _<Jt. "^jjjJI
Jufc J5 Jjt^-j
1 nwfcO codd. 2 *^AJ yyJilsjLjj om. X; text B P Q. 3 W Bj ^b.^. ^
om. B ; text P Q. * NDD P Q X ; text B. E nnN^D B X j text P Q.
6 Nnto B. 7 mi B. 8 rnjonn codd. 9 nba codd. 10 KDD B x ;
text P. " p^Nl }Nin^N1 P only; JH^NI cett.; prob. V]ybM, i.e. 'Li^^lj. 12 Om.
P X ; ins. B.
Line I. tikle. 3. L>4^J. 16. JJST', Lftjbj.
51 11*
dill ^ JJL> ^ * i^*Jl dUu J~s >y 1 dilll ,^-Jl JJl
) U"^^ r ^l dUL. J-l #\
j Knyaxwi tf^n winn m JU j nxva ma pp ruea
j^-JI 11* Jl^ u\ ^^ ^>.U3M*^i ^ J*^JI k^ Jl Lp.
5 ^ s-^JLj *JL-J1 jjl K-^AJ Jj Ai.\-
ij u^Jl -A jj |.jiP' ^ j^julj * >na pruoi cjon pnao
Ui *^AJ> +)\ dJU i-.*! slL J t^-^ *-jUj -j/>Jl J-t
11* yl c-J K^PB n Nnnw joi Jy^ < *^ 1.^1 dLJu
_^ ^-^) j *
JU dJlij dJdl ^ c^rJl &5LiJt B Uj|j * T > / *J1 csl^o AJ> ^-wLo
.
iu5CJ 1 ..! jojJJ 11* ^ .^> rjon jin^oi $>ns
n^an mnn rooi na^pn Ninn sniabo nvp } eUi^--oj 7 ^ JUi
<sUi ^Ai U Jlfi u-J^ 8 U tf'U r ! Jjl W
.
Jl j J^S ^j^o a l U^ ^^Is* ^ U^lj JoJo. < cr > J*
H P ; om. cett. 2 SnKnW fi^NnK codd. s lOVNN codd. * >n
B P (K X?). 6 ni31N^ codd. D^>t33N B. 7 ">an codd. 8 a^V P Q X ;
d^ B K. 9 mn ^ nhpa njnno ^D B K x ; text P. 10 m codd.
11 BtHD VO P.
Line 2. ^Joljiji. 9. A -^ 19. ^^-J. 21. LL*. 22.
.t.Vt..U Napn L.JJ ^^c ^ won Ul xspni won Nni^i Jjjj * sU.*-. 5
a ^ ^yt pn H ^31 JUlj J yaUl icll-j ^JoJIj Jill g^5lj K-ip'l Llj
iul iJt^J "'V?\... CUs 3 -JaJl S^Jl l 2 a. Shells C*^* ^ ff . >f?
LLj U
<nru m^n n^n nx aai i inw
^ oA9>. JJ U ^-o^jij ^c JLoU Jul*. JLftj t
s-JU lJui 5 >xl^ vufcJJl u-JP^ ^*-^ 4 fA-!? sUU- i*^5ll Jjl o
cr . J^JL- jjk yiN yl jJLc! ^D yiN J^eUjA j^ dUL.
obJI d5CJull !* ^ JUj * yLJSII eus 5 ^3)1 u l 6 ^^ ^Ui-l 15
i_-*-ik> jjj dJi ^jto Jj (j^lilju-JJI c; JL, y ^i a ; ; ..^ i_ibj=*
KJPK bn B^BTI n Jls> * dJAJI ^ UJA 1 L^l
dLL. cJbJI JUV u^U* eJb* dLL. Ul dllil ^,5) eJlill dULJ.1 c ^j^ yjliM dULil
i^JL-j 9 JUJ1 i^L^j.
20
10
jo
US sjUj ^ yiS <^jJl ellUll j^ jl jjfcj N^a ^m pino JU *
dULil il^^ilj ^^kJlj JUJ1 diUI ^^illlj ^JwJlj Jpl dlill
codd. 2 P only; cett. om. 3 ^DNI or TKDW codd. * DJN B.
8 K only; 1H1 cett. 6 Prob. ^15^ 7 ft^NH^ codd. 8 nJN^J codd.
codd. 10 p"m codd.
Line 14. l5Ji-..
U J>
ro
*
5 ^ aU lw liyfcj JU dJl*. x^AJ jjfcj eUil >i U ^ p lill J
-Jb- Jl y^-> jJ uiJLs* 31 v^AJ Jl u^io 3)
1 6.
D 2
1 After x>xU K B add TII^X |D TO. 2 ty 3 p J n ^ 3B cett -
Line 7. ~3i \JJ l3^Ju> (cp. FLEISCHER, Kl. Schr. i. 173). 1 1. ^.^^' etc -
I - . \ <\ nr*. I L \ ~ J I I > \ _
L JbtxJ 2
slUI
L. i
ijj JLJb
8
ail
LiJ\ ljufcj jjli (^jj Jlj
u
Lo J
-/
o U JJLC .
pi
IS *J
LAJLA.I
ail
JM uel.
JjJ JJLCj
l &J-ij 10
Jj
rr
rr
jj M 2 ; corr. from Heb. 2 s^JLc JbuJ om. M 2 ; suppl. from Heb.
M 2 (perh. 4*-^)- Dm3^ 1H D^ D^jn^N (DiTVJ JH Q,^ P) Heb. * See
note 15 on preceding page. 5 Prob. U5x ; cp. inf. vii. 19. 6 DrumiD X j text B etc.
Line u. ^> etc. 17. U^i
19.
20.
r J^J OJI
JU;
Jj .sjl J ^1 JLxJj ^xui ..Ldl d^-jhl lij^j oo^ LJ 51 >_JUaJ J
5 ^o 6 ij ^ c>i cycV3t*o 6 j i > o rl
U ,5Cjc
c^* >*
^1 Jb JJ (^jJl csJLxJLa ^ e*3^Jl 1 jufc JuU (j^J L ,y ey^ *
tLJi JLatJ ^1 uy^lj vJ& -5* dL)j JK L^i eJjoq ddil Ju=>b
* jua. ^ enya- e^o o*
15
L- ^ l^j o,^:^! ^ uyJukj i^5^. J!-J1 IXft jLel J ^yl
1 J^j J M 2 ; corr. from Heb. 2 All but ^ obliterated in M 2 ; Heb.
3 Heb. mn jo fo'D NO nfltjT^ DN3^N Kin ntfVK B nxiN yn n^
J13 11 NO D^yn^ ENJOIN N1H HNIINQ D^Ny^N "S Dlpn 'n^'N hn^H. 4 DifiPerently
worded in Heb. 6 Om. Heb. 6 nyX add. Heb. 7 {^N Heb. 8 Om. Heb.
9 p^D ni'N '^N ^Q^y 1p Heb. 10 Instead of this paragraph (suppl. from Heb.)
M 2 has : ^ _<^! Jy ^ jj^o ^AJ ^ dLj ^L ^1 jui^l JUj jJlJJ ^,1 il^l
* 3L.; ^ oJi ^1 kU jL.l Ujj VI UJL. ^ O^LJ. "D^Heb. l2 ^ M 2 .
13 }3N^5 P; N^N cett. Heb. u ni'N Heb. 15 From ^1 to ^Ji (p. ri, 1. 3) is
differently worded in Heb. 16 Suppl. from P.
[IL. D
*U.Xil ,y ; e k (jjJI 1 a-JLU
jdJl
e)Jl> ^^^o cdliXl ,^0 Jj Jft.511 JJL^ ^*-JbJL> y^ iu\ csUJJ ^^ jJ 5
&Jyi5 U ^JoJLj ^-y-JLjj Jjdl ^j+si* (j\ j-aj dJi ,jLe
i] JJU>. j| v**. D^onon IP w. sll
M
J 8 J|-J1 i_s-i5 7 JLC Uj?; JJb U 6 ~4J\ ,%-a^j Jib '. ^ jj 15
JLJJ <-^*-xJ! JL* ^i\ *U5C. ^ ^li ^ J5 ^JLC (jjikll Xaj LJ!J ,4] ^lc
sUI 1 t_ sff J iU-i5 >tj (^Jlil Ujlj iu~JJ cr * JUI Juo J jul Xsq Lo ^y
nn B K. 2 T]D^n X. 3 PjnyD Heb. 4 p^D Heb. 5 Om. Heb.
Heb. 7 1^^K tana^KB VD Heb. 8 F r seqq. in Heb. : HDNpN T-V D^
JD nh ^N by naK *xn p b3 anan ih s a nivp }to NDJNI tjnb niy
lh ^y 5jp> D^ N^N m im xnn nya hpoi DON^N NKOPI snanaT ^^N ainibx
~il spy dn n^a xb DNJO^N *a nb ejB>a pbabN NDJNI noaa nna JD. 9 Heb.
yn n^N.
Line i. ^JJl, ^iJi- 3- ool JA (cp. Index s.v. A; FLEISCHER, Kl. Sclir.
1.147). g. LJLi*. 15-jJi
rr _
r J-aJ JU * oJjJI HA ^1 eUXl JOP iJjJL &J
rr -Jj K3 i) n ta 1*1 ju; u^tajaiijL, 1 L-a...!^ u Jl j ,*AJ IJD twya n 'jnjmn
U ^ JlU jub Jl eUXl r \jJ ^_aJj 3 JJL* *. J*i L. ^i U
Lo ^ Lli!l SJUi S*li9 Jt-6
lj J^iJJ l^JJ* J5CJ! ejl 5 ^-H> ^ f^Ui dJi uU
M def . J\ ^ dLJi JLC g aJ! L- u \ A*>. * | JyJI UJj NyiDi? pomi JU
CA5j ,J1 6 islUI dill iw
j **
diXl ^\ ^5j ^ ^-J ^13 jJLsJj
^ ft L'j ^ ^ii^ 9 LjkJ^.\ ^^s-s-iJ dJi^ a^J,! ^1 ^o^ C*SjJJ
\JJ Jl a
J^iJ Sj jl jjfc ilLs* 31 JLoIja ^_j,U eUllj -aj nnae'n
1 DK3O JD Heb. 2 sJlSj M. 3 HSpl npl Heb. 4 Om. M.
Om. M. 6 npli> P. 7 NEDS B D. 8 anniK D P Q. 9 'W codd.
10 ^^w B K P.
Line i. ^j_^xjjl. g. l,Xa.lj LJ>. 10. l.,^w. 15. Xo.
V 5 JUxj
rr
+f. dJi JLC jJJb u^Jj jU^JIj J~JJ\ tnon Jyb 1 ^Ij *pim TP 1 Dm n P
o^ ^ dl4 JiT JUJi dJLo Ji) puta Dpnoi pate tnyno Jls J * *3
JLJ1 ^j 3 djJLU Jjb" 2 sjl e*^>. ^ pate npnoi JLc tnyno
2iT JlS o * N3 ini l^n in Jy s-^J I!A
+\ ^> (jj*jJ->. M cf JJ^ ^-jw.xJlj JJbJl jjij Jyill u ..Iju .L (JU: po^n^ Nnoan 5
u ! c^J O l^j
j JJ1
nnn n^jno Tao :.^ H A 13 w JLJ
u.
*Al ^ ^ LOJ\ ^y,-....,* JAJ nai^nn no jnv
^ J.3U2J1 ^ ^A 15 L uJ^J
dLJi ^ s-^ij *jpB 7tyn^ N!? ^n oa JLJI s-JiP ^1 Jls U5^ y
A ...... .il !A ^5i u l Joq J * JLpljJ OJ^ dLill ^kj U 18 JL* 17 bUil
.Ldl
^
JLs J^ill >-& ^ eL)l^ dJLo LoUlj dJLo 25 Dy r Ldl II* c ^" U dJi
JJI
^ U ^JLC >u JL11 -j
1 P only ; cett. om. 2 Heb. Diy *lp ; perh. ^Loj. s ^ M P ; cett. JO.
4 teo Heb. 6 ^O^N Heb. 6 jj^ M P; cett. THO^N; M adds JLc ( J.
7 fipiB 11 Heb. 8 j-ya ^y fya B. 9 nxn Heb. 10 tbxy ^N Heb. ; n^>y ^s x.
11 L^Uj M. 12 J^j M. 13 ^ M. " ^yDa Heb. l5 ^^ M.
16 Om. M. " d!?Ny Heb. 18 N02 Heb. 19 vjyD add. Heb. 20 . ^j M ;
1H1 cett. 21 jjij codd. 22 npli> Heb. * JU: M P j fori cett.
24 dJJ^ M. 25 Prob. dJUo. 26 Om. M. 27 im Heb.
Line 5. .JLJ. 19. ^jj
ri
I5 n jis
uo J
uu^l .*A4Jt)|
*
^
->
tnwn JlSj 17 na jnwn sJ^Jl ^ Jl5 5 n^n
b
rr
*J
xnnnai noan
Jls s * rw
B K X ; d^To M. 2 ii^tH M. 3 y M. 4 Om. X. 5 ^b.l M.
M. 7 Om. M. 8 ^nn H^ P. 9 Om. (apparently) M. 10
. n ID^N n^ 3 Heb - 12 <|V ^ n Heb - 13 Heb - J^ J ^ D or
(B pJNVO) ; M ^ILL*-. M Om. B. 15 SJJ M. 16 GJ M. 17 Om. M.
18 Om. X. 19 Om. P M.
Line I. j^CJ, l5jU-.
10.
<-_ SJb r
' "*
_
i ^1 .:.g .J u^--cj &.... 6J ^5 c/*-5j xJ
Liu UU 3 Job *L5C> L_>JxXJ .
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i A 10
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< g^..Xj> l A-^aJI 1UJ> -JLkj JJI \ J i*^ 4 -^ *^^J
* dlljLJ JLJb dJi u U-i *~
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Jjb *LjC> jXJ 7 dLUI ^.JUaJ Jj UJU' ^ j4-l- j-a, (^jJ! JbJljJ
l3 JbJb ^1 (^ y\ | JJWl ^ Ufi *4JU Jolj ^Js.1 ^J Jj bJ,l M
ic jw JJI JL> dJi J j JJI
Ci >-
D K, omitting the rest. 2 HNDJ K. 3 Prob. U^. 4
P X; text B K. 5 Om. B. 6 Om. B. 7 p 1HN1 ^ P X ; text B K.
Line 5. ,=; rS- 8 --^- 22.
J
Jit
eLLU
UL, Jl *U.
Jl
.v .n vcm nsvnno nvy ^ JJ>^ nay
Jl ^-o J^Jlj (\J\ S, JLJb ,jl 4-3
Jl Ji-Jo ^1 (J s^lj wlp Ai-lj
* jya iyi pix JDI Jju TN ^ 5jj>L, pit?
^U JUb il^UJl ixJ ^
Jlill u_fi-JLi ^ sJL*. U
Jl Ji-Jo ^
dJi Jl eUXl u.U
-Jl JJ>^ ,^>. J
JjU 6 Jjl Jjb. *
codd. 2 Ttno TKD D. 3 fiD K. 4 ^N1 "lONNl 3N1N B.
5 Om. D X P (suppl. in marg.) ; ins. B. 6 ^K *B codd. 7 D^ D K X ; text B P.
Line 2. Lo^. 3. ^^.u^.^. 4. y^Jb. 8, 9. ^.JJl. 14- Cp. Index
S.V. (.U^>.x>. 1. \J>*. l8. ilU V
C 2
5U l
li
dill ^J
31 ^Jl II*
He
JXJI ^
JicyJb
C.JU, 8 dL
JLob IjJ^S ^Jl J
N^ JJNI j^-Ull ^
dJi
Lf* j^-
U
K. 2 n^N i>Npa K. mn codd.
G dnxMn II^ND K. 7 H^N codd.
B K. 10 Prob. add. U^.
Line 3. U*! 3 . 6.^1)1. 9. ^jjl. n.
I A
J ,jl
J50\
r J
eUll i. j
as il
^ 5
JLC
VPN N pHW yiS JyJI
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. LJLkJ
15
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* fjyr Dinn on
O *4i1 U.
p x
17.
5 -JjLcLj
Jlcl
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! Jj c^JLk-o ^JLc
l j- s i-lj ,-^si Ijl ^Jy4 Jj 8
J ^j^o j\ s/1 <t6)
Ill* nrvntn nma n^oi
I5
!<>*
JL\M :>> *** *
TI mn s
u \
.-LX ..^^g.> l
.Ldl ,
pr
iJli*
u
L JLJLC e*3^)l HA ^ dlJi
L^ ..Ldl JS iiJLo joo s^ j^JLs
jj 9 pUXI ^-iyjo JJ lul J!
Jls dJ JJj * c^> j 10 U>
-Jl (sJLJi
jr
1 Prob. JCjU. 2 D^D K X ; text B P. 3 HH3 K X ; text B P
4 Om. K X ; text B P. 5 }3 N^ codd. After u B P add fVOynn
sjnn pr ni^ p codd.
& IN NI- tb xon n
11 niOK BPX; text K.
B P X ; text K.
Line 4. Cp. Index s.v.
14. U\JL*,^J. 17. u
[IT. 3.]
Prob.
..
7 ^N pap only K. 8 NI codd.
K ; main P x. 10 N-V N^ x.
BPX; text K. " D^
13
7. Jo^. 8. UJLi*. 13. C ^AJLJ,
17. Cp. FLEISCHER, JP/. ASfe7tr. i. 148.
C
ju jj *!>. j (_* '^--j *
s^*A3j .ljJ,L) .Jj ^i
JlS US^Jpl Ji* i-otJ
uxi
JU dLJj
v Mdef -
10
* I5
1 Perk j^ 2 Om. Heb. 3 Om. B P. 4 pub M; B P I
l JN nyn DD!J anx nn-iDani &NJD^X Jianyn DHJD ; K x omit the whole par. (as
codd.; the
om. B P j
far as pUib). 6 yN^>K Heb. 6 Np K X; text B P.
passage is mutilated. 8 dmjJT 1 K, 9 liDQn N^2 codd.
something like . 4 >^ ^U has fallen out. xl 11DVH B P.
Line I . \f*- \j.. 2. l^-jL*aJ. 3. Ixi*. 5. Ltl-c*. 6.
9. AJ-CXJ. 10. Vj. 12.
17.
7.
10
JLJi i-*^.* J^ (% KL" is
<>j
J-d!
15
Qn 10 il^iil i*J ^i iiL 9 Jls ul ^
r UX\ ool Js IS yis ^ 12 ^U* U^ilj^^ 11 i*b dJi
10 * i
t/T
s^so. (^
UU elJl> u^- j ili 18 Ub JU, NJI JIS
most Heb., misunderstanding L*X. a Om. Heb. 3 ^->^o ,Acj M
and some Heb. * DHNVTl Heb. 6 U l5^ M. 6 Om. Heb. 7 l^JsL*. M.
8 ^-~>) M. 9 -VJ3 Heb. 10 Om. Heb. u nBinyO Heb. 12 Om. Heb.
13 Ijjjij J3 om. Heb. I4 ^Np1 Heb. " NirN Heb. " TW Heb.
"^^^LiJlj M. M Om. Heb. " After j^-JJj Heb. ins. pQiyn. 20 VDpn JNyDp
Heb. (cp. A. E. ad h. 1. niJPDp n^op IWn 1DN HB^). 21 DaDH^ P ; DDDH K X ;
B.
i Line 3. LJL. 6. yy-Jlju-l. 7-^5. 12. |^U*j, t ji*srJ.
14. jj^J/^J j, ^)-x-a-J; UJaJ. 15. ~l^-d.
j iron mix
U ^^
JU 6 j\ M Jyu cfUU 5 y^ 31 >x*lj U* JAJ nw^n JlSj [XL. ^J s
j
jl ^*j 8 ^yU^
vnio^n b ^ UL-^J .5 t^^ 1 1 ^ 110 ^ ^ 8lju j
nop rum ^Wlj mt^n *]ina D*B D WTON rum
ji e^sr 5 . xo. e**J^j jl uj^ aa^niDi^x nanion mm
/* ^' r*^^ ^ HH^r
JlS U$ J-JJl^T 15
* 8-oLu
XJ iJJl 19 8-!^-^J J t_>yS ^ &-*\JU lj Lo /-^-i. dlij * lU-i J
JU dJI jLwJl Aii^I) 8J-0 JotJ 3>1 1^.J Lo IS-oL-o ^15 U
J-Jj dJ j ^^15 ^L
r
20
1 Om. Heb. 2 For ^AiJI ^3 Heb. have n3 ma. s nK Heb.
4 ynnN^s Heb. 6 TI^ND B p. 6 JU* M. 7 ^^i. M. 8 ^^ M.
9 Om. Heb. 10 eJ^-^J ^L-o ^J M. ^n Heb. 12 Om. Heb. ]S a^DB Heb.
14 Ipa Heb. (passim). 15 ^ M. 16 ^^N J2Din ^ K j ^^N nyi im P X ; JJ jAj M;
W 1^1 im B. l7 ^\ M. I8 ]xbx ^N K. 19 bj dJI om. M. -
codd. 21 ^^Jil M. 22 U-^j M. 23 131 Heb.; j^j (?) M.
Lines i, 3. C? .*::.:>1. i, 4. s^^i-P vJuU. 6, 9. ^lau*. 16. y .:.). 18.
IT
*jl Ujl XaU 1 yjltf J^jJl J-s u.XftJl *>
r I i-l9 * jLaJl A.^3 jj-J* *J$jiJ JLJ S^-S Lal * -Lii
U
JLu 5CiX 2 Jjl jJfc (j-J ^1 j^^^i eUX tiAJ AJL-, ^ ULJ
Joo ill LJ; d J-^sri ^ JUib ^j^
Jl .? Jl5j (j^- eJLJ j^> f^V wl J^ ells jjj itan ^ nojp
10 \!A u-J) J-o^r-i dJu, ,jl Joo $ eJLLo 8 J v_^M^i jj KJlS^ ^JJJl LJ]^ Jl
pi^ n ^ni JjiJ U^-L) UjjJl ^Jic elU (jl j^q J\ JL>
nb .1 jy^> ~iiu \ J-S y-IiXl OwJ> -ii
M J^ JJ^j *^* 10 o* c^ 3 ^ 9 ^l
na ^ JUj niB> bWN a^n s'i iLJl ^U J^s^ Jy dJi
16 . ( . ......v- ,%
nx n^NH o*n myi J jJ
LaJI J>.| -a- -li AJL
M nwnains niDbb DTIP
K x ; text B P. 2 HD^O codd. 3 mbzb hub codd. 4 iw B.
K. 6 DHNTN? K x ; GHNTJ B P ; perh. ^jUI. 7 mmo K x ; text B P.
8 i?thK K. 9 pHN^ni nnD Heb. 10 N31^D 'ip!? na^D Heb. u M after a
lacuna (from the word ItJ'N) proceeds: ^
Jjb diLo ^Uj J j^ ^jJuJl ^ .:J
Jl jj^yJ^a-a dll-o _ ( ^P.
10, \5Ju. II. I>X-JO. 16.
. t^ ft : '* i **- < 2 ^' ^^ *-^^ a^onon nty -4* Jj.^1 iiillj Tail
Lsl |^JU p^jl iijfi ^j
dUdl ^1 ^^sr*. dlij 4 iA^si-b ^j^ J ^ ^-^ -jl*-l -t* tsUIl *UXl.
Lo .>...> jjfej l<> jflJtJ>. ^ ^ ,y.)
L (^ U_ftiJj ^
^ AsJI
*^yb iJjJL* Alo jjj ^U, ^jl jjl ^c Jjl> _JLC ^Lo ^ soU5L.
j ^ j5b r ^.u)i ijilL
-JLi "
5j JJ\ ^ LaJaqlj ilijJJiJl ^^o 12 l^iw^lj 15
jj^Jj o^onJlj o^ptyJl U.*j
13 ^ ^ J5b yl Chilli ^ J^M ;^ ^
Jts lj
5LJ1 -JLc
(J ri so
jjli jl J^l
x ; cett. oman. 2 w K. 8 Om. B. * rmi B p. 8 iap^ B p.
8 1^11 (omitting ^3) B P. 7 I^TJI I^T B P. 8 Sic. 9 np^ B. . 10 Om. B P.
11 ^IJ&lfl ^li'Sa B P. 12 }y B P X ; text K. " fi^D 11 B. 14 nONJ?0 ""B codd.
18 Rrbnv ""si B p.
Line 3. J*\jtt\ t \y^> . 4- |>*^^Jj. ^. J-^->- 7- UA*. 8. LLO,
9. UjjXa.. IO. jjjj^ij. 12. ^JJl. 14.
^y j^> an ns u .?>lC J^-JLJ i*A53\ sjufcj ^y j-
. J5o
dull
^ 14 nm
il JLob ejlS
a ne
|v
noan jn> >v
^r
1 Om. B. 2 D?.^l B. 8 K X; fUN3B B P. * Om. B P X ; ins. K.
B P X; text K. 6 HD^ B = HQ^3 (P). 7 DHS K P X; DHD B.
B. 9 taniDi codd. 10 noann codd. u Nmanjn B P. 12 pJiHDa^
B P X ; text K. NMK^K K X ; text B P. M }N B P. 15 D^D3 B P.
B P. " nnNnvNi B P. " n^N B P. ' 9 D^a B P.
B p.
Line I (ist). lolj 1^. 2. ^X^b, l)^**j. 3-
8. y^Iilju^ilj, 13. ^Jl.
B 2
lju esLli Jjdb ^^ jjo Jlc
*U1
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LT
i' sill
Jj j
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U
lr
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10 10
J 8j)... t ,7,!l Lo
jJ jl
U
U yLJb
15
^ ... ll
in 20
codd. a Perh. j^. 8 n codd. *
6 IK^> KX; text B P. fl QnOKyO^K K. 7
text K.
eodd., scr. ^jl**.
B; nKl5^N3 PX;
Line 5.
*
j 31 ^ U A*> ju us
J *jj ^^1 C ^J 5 d'UJI J
5 U J^b a l
JU1 U (sL> b JU jl * jbAAl ^ D^onon n^ iJu^ *
JJ-C
noni?
.\ i^
Jj dtUJ (aJJi^Saj Jj jj
J^jt*j .^JIXc ^r^iJ ^ c^. U v-j^cj dJi ^ ^SvJ lili
U 3) D3^3 JlS * ujJlxJ 31
am
^
1 Prob. ^. * rPK B.
Line 2. U.3U. 3. c; 5o. II. i^j. 13. i^JJl for ^U (cp. HABICHT,
Epistolae, p. 53, n. 92*). 22. 4-y?.
[II. 3-] B
H-.13I cAJI ^\ i^S ^ 'J^j U 4 ^..* ^L-J csliil
IliJI Jlj^b ^yi ^.^--^j j^
*~* ^j-lj *ljJ ^ M J def.
iiJJIj kJJ lC Jj JJI XJl -L^a. (Slldl 6
JU ^ Jy ^jjo 9 liAj ^^.^^^Sjoj na^on jnro oni w Jls ^jl^j^J naii^nn
* tyjA Jl BJ^^LJ <Jl>
> V 1 '4 JiMAiuyO (Jkuiuv* ~j&j> AAS\
-*\ j-ft ^al^.lzl) ,jil AJJia. *U-J L^LtJ. lIjljuHJ *L-ub .4; JD 3l 10 v_i*J!ff
* Lul libJl 16
(j *<
j,UI> ^ J5b i) &j! -^ij jJ! ju
l.->. L JJL* ^AJLJ ^iiLi* iJb Le ~}>1 20
J (2l)i 8-A* u--J Uj
B p x. 2 onn^na Heb. 3 ivp i?d?K Heb. 4 an^y add. Heb.
5 ^i)^ add. Heb. 6 2N3 Heb. 7 Heb. rftNID ,}N3 ND3N1
onNia *a bNiny^ta nniNi!?N jonni DnjsnaN Ninnn fN [nv^iobx nnan ND add. B p]
TOKJH3 {0 DHNia b?3. 8 Prob. j^. 9 VST B. 10 H3N K only; cett. om.
Line 4. j-3'. 5- MJ>Jo.
f jfj-Aj si* y^ neari
M ~~ ^1 Ujlj
-*^ s-u* *-Aij a ,j\ -Ju j}l * ft : ... -*1 JL
im D^WOI JS * "i Ju jy kJ>U
,jJ 5\ c^l^
KCB
AJ> dUi
J5
def. _i
it
.j^ jj*j JUil
^o
-*
ij tii
!^ J^il [uUj] ^
^Jl 8 ^^1*3 JHD
vl ^ J5 10 ^l
ir
IJufc jLJLil y
* sU3
r*
) J 14
^ 1 U* l
!A ^5
1 6
1 u \ M 2 ; }NDn
Heb.
x ;
B M 2 ; nnm Heb. n Heb. 7
P ^ D^ l^s D^yrM etc.
11 ^.-.-^ M 2 ; von?^ DX ;
'no^N B P ; 'errata ^N^ mm
cp. DOZY, s.v. 13 NtDNI codd. " M 9
M 2 . s M 2 iJL corrected
B (!). 4 mw i>
Heb. 8 Heb. H
nJN fjiya Heb. w Om. M 2 .
3Upl JJk M 2 ; W^s mn
mn x D. 12 Prob.
J
U31 (?)
18 The Heb. have instead fe S|^33
^a^n ;a JN ^a (DIP B P) noip
mn.
p
H3N
p ne
Line 6. Ji*. n. Cp. WRIGHT, ^Lr. Gr. ii. 242. 12. 1^5o. 13.
16. lj; but cp. FLEISCHER, Kl. Schr. i. 81.
L.U
>\ ^ y^lI ^j Jjb elL, ^^..1 _al3j -35ll cJb* Jl w. 2 ^
D>T),T vntr n3t?>a iSNiiaiaa n^n n^N nyn nr Jj na .aa '
5
3 ay eUi
ll Jj dLJi ^ ^,UL ^.^ J US^ [Jj] OJI jjL^lj jJ dJi J*J y | iu^ M 2 def.
dLJj -. ; *. ;,
15
M a def.
i^ | - - *
iWlcl
1 >3p Heb. 2 Om. M 2 . s Om. Heb. 4 NH3 DT37V Heb.
Heb. 6 i,U5U M 2 . ' JL.il! ^^ SS^lkJI ^ M 2 ; hd>t* | Heb. The
rendering in Heb. is different: :onuw 1630^ }NDm yy fi,TB D^ p^ JNlD^j
(D DHD^ynS') DHD^ D.TD mp pl^MI nsny^N. 9 Corrupt in Heb. HiN f)iy
*?xr\w \o nT nnn |N3 *iS noia ij?N nx jo B ? not? na D. p ro b. J^"
11 Prob. U?l.
Line i.
15. el 16. L>
]^ iUis pb" UJli y^i- dJ^JI Ju* ^ Jj^i
JJ>.1 jJLJi JLS
3|JI u
.Loj Jjb csJUL* ^J
pnirp ^D o^iiT
LIS U
roea JU
* * u-J e)Ju
.^ J JyUL* Jjb
.,- i'^iLJI I:J\ J
\t~ ^- LT
nn^yn
LcU
.v> .2 n"n Ul J ; > Uj vnx nx D^IVO D 71 JLs U5
1 1 ijL-JI ^ < eHJU ) Jo.U fisLL. u lj
.nD'ov elLJL. Jj! a \ ^1*J 'MI Tmn JLS
Jjb elUu ^iU* SjL-Jl dUj .Jj
n-ic ^b^ elJi ^i US sl^l
.13 .a bbo icU, cu* 1 " ^b^j JWAS* '131 Ppmn h JlS
16
elUL* tcU>
elUL.
cs)Uu
c** LJl J-a*
Ji- 5 ^ Jjb (SlL. J J
lj wanting ; the codd. giving instead p3D a>N NIHI.
3 Prob. x> Uj. * D^y mvb codd. 5 naiT } "DDya codd. 6
Heb. 8 NDJN Heb. ^ M 2 .
Line 3. b3. 5. redundant. 6, 8. lLo. 8.
14. U-Ji-o. 17. (ft-xXj. 1 8. |^J. 21. ~$j *U>j.
codd.
9. b>l, !Slj.
k>Ui Jjt Ul
SJL>! ^V
JU5 JJI
U U
L.J J
Jil ^ u-,UJ\ dUL ^ JUU (^5. U
* cL
Jl Ji* oUU-o vJiJ
* .-LiJb diLo ^
J c /j eUil 2 JLJ JJ1 y U M
) L. (Jic J sJj^S * * 8 jJLt jU.
T * "' > j " * f*- (jwO i ft )l IjJ
ljLUS ^J
-"Dian trvaJ ^ . ; .., <jiJuj ^on ennnJ
15
JlS
JimJl ^S5
} dJj JoJj
: i> -~ ' (c^i r>: > . '-""-^
*>>*< A--*
; ,..] ii-j* SJL-, i^
e)L)j 15
1 pK D only ; cett. om.
4 finW codd. 6 X has
8 MD 3 i>22 nta nyo nnn B p.
codd.
3 Prob. add. ^>\ (d,Lp JJI).
8 ta B. 7 Prob. add.
Line 2.
Schr. i. 265).
u. Tl. 13, 15.
14. (.ap.> (cp. FLEISCHER, Kl.
-AwJ ~.~i *
u
^l JL*
J-^>1~ l-^^a- *AJ
5 .Ja 7 L.
> L*
. a " N-J>J
JLJb
*
v. > -Lsi t^jJ^ ^ ^ eJUJI <Juoi3\
. ;,;.-fc ^/-^ j^-* jju Lj J
csJJi Joo A.L..LU
15 j^LJl 8-JL* JbJb S^-li ^^a. S-JuC l^AAJ
1 Introduction in B P X only. B P commence with Heb. and Arab, of ver. i, then
proceed ^>31 ^N N1H 2D1 In X the Heb. and Arab, of ver. I follow the words
(sic) i?saiN. 2 Obliterated in Xj n-'H } B P. 3 nnU31 mail .TIM33N X.
xna^N nm B p. 5 Prob. ^j. 6 cyta ^3N D x j nsyDi ba^K B p
(ex corr.). 7 n^ I^X Dnon" 1 BD; ^O^N HDIT X; r D^N TOT (partly
obliterated) P. 8 ^NnD3^N codd.
Line 14. L>. 18. Cp. WRIGHT, Ar. Gr. ii. 265.
[H. 3 .] A 2
nyon Snari Voraon 'n
So p*aa p
I AAV
THE
PALESTINIAN VERSION
OF THE
HOLY SCRIPTURES
_ mote $v
RECENTLY ACQUIRED BY
THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY
EDITED
WITH INTRODUCTION AND ANNOTATIONS
BY
G. H. GWILLIAM, B.D.
FELLOW OF HERTFORD COLLEGE
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1893
HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, E.G.
Qtw ?)orft
MACMILLAN & CO., 112 FOURTH AVENUE
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION : PAGES
Description of the fragments, i, 2. The handwriting,
3. The probable date, 4. The dialect, 5. Plan of
this edition, 6. The relation of the version to the original
in the O. T. fragment, 7(1); in the N. T. fragments, 7 (2) v-xiii
2 TIMOTHY I. 11-18 IN THE PESHITTO, THE HARCLEAN, AND THE
PALESTINIAN ......... xiv
LlST OF ALL THE KNOWN REMAINS OF THE PALESTINIAN VERSION XVI
THE GREEK READINGS IN THE NEW TESTAMENT FRAGMENTS . xx
LIST OF PALESTINIAN AND OTHER WORDS AND FORMS . . xxiv
NOTES ON THE SYRIAC TEXT OF THE FRAGMENTS . . . xxvii
ADDITIONAL NOTES xl
THE SYRIAC TEXT OF THE BODLEIAN FRAGMENTS WITH AN
ENGLISH TRANSLATION 1-23
a a [II. 5.]
PLATE I, Numbers IV. 46, 47; 49 V. 2.
PLATE II, i Thessalonians IV. 10-15.
PLATE III, 2 Timothy I. 10-17.
INTRODUCTION
i. Early in the year 1891, five parchment leaves were sent to the
Bodleian Library from Egypt, where they had been procured by the
late Rev. Greville J. Chester 1 . The leaves are palimpsests, four being
rewritten on both sides, the fifth on one side only. The upper
writing is in an ancient cursive Hebrew hand, and is assigned by
Dr. Neubauer to the beginning of the twelfth century of our era.
It consists of certain portions of the Mishnah, and as these will be
described in the Appendix to Dr. Neubauer's Catalogue of Hebrew
MSS. in the Bodleian Library, a further account of them is un-
necessary here. Three of the portions are shown in our collotypes.
The Hebrew of these fragments is, relatively, of little value, but
the mode of its transmission is interesting ; for, as I am informed by
Dr. Neubauer, whose name is sufficient guarantee for the truth of the
statement, it is very rare indeed to find portions of the Mishnah
copied upon the writings of Christian scribes. On the other hand,
the original contents of these palimpsests are interesting and valuable,
both to the theologian and the grammarian. The leaf, which is half
palimpsest, contains some verses from the Book of Numbers, and these
certainly appear to belong to the version known as the Palestinian
Syriac Old Testament, of which some fragments are preserved in the
British Museum, and in the Imperial Library, St. Petersburg. The
four New Testament leaves contain several verses from Colossians,
i ThessalonianS) 2 Timothy, and Titus, written in the same dialect 2 as
1 MS. Syr. c. 4 Bibl. Bodl. Readers, who are unable to consult the originals, will find
in our collotypes not only reproductions of parts of the text, but very good representations
of the present appearance of the fragments.
2 Called the Christian (at Syrian) Palestinian; see 7 rait e de Grammaire Syriaque (Duval),
Introduction, pp. vii, viii. x.
vi INTRODUCTION.
the fragments just named, and the Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum
in the Vatican Library. They confirm the inference from the recently-
discovered Sinaitic leaf 1 , that the Pauline Epistles were also included
in the Palestinian Version.
2. The collotypes, which we have prefixed, show the present sizes
of the pages. The four New Testament leaves are 12 x 8^ inches.
The small leaf has lost about five lines of the Syriac writing. It must
have been originally about seven inches square ; it is now 5f x 7.
The handwriting of the four leaves is a very fine specimen of that
particular script, and the acquisition of these fragments is a distinct
gain to the palaeographer. They will occupy a place of their own
amongst the treasures of the Bodleian Library ; for, as we shall presently
show, there is good reason for regarding these four leaves as some of
the oldest extant specimens of the particular hand which they exhibit.
The writing is certainly one of the most beautiful examples of the
style with which we are acquainted, and bears evident indications of
great antiquity, whatever may be the actual date of the Syjriac MS.
from which the leaves were at some time abstracted.
It will be seen that the four leaves are inscribed in double columns.
Each column contains 22 lines. The letters are seldom cramped, and
occasionally a word is a good deal extended to fill up the line 2 .
It is clear that these leaves, which are connected in subject, formed
parts of one codex. The odd leaf belonged to another manuscript.
It also has two columns, and, in its present state, shows 15 lines ;
perhaps originally there were five more 3 . The writing is smaller, and,
in my opinion, later 4 ; but it is well executed. This leaf was turned
upside down by the Jewish scribe, so that the first line of his work
is at the bottom of the page. The other leaves were turned half round,
and some of the pages were written across from the top line of the
Syriac, some from the bottom line. The photograph shows the palimp-
sest side of the odd leaf. This leaf is the most legible of the five, even
1 See pp. xvi, xvii. It contains a few verses of Galatians.
2 Examples in the collotypes are: crowded lines, Plate II, col. i, 11. 2, 6; extended words,
col. 2, 1. 14, Plate III, col. 2, 11. 12, 13.
3 How many lines there were, it is impossible to say, until we know whether the lacunae
represent as much as the Hebrew contains, or whether there were longer, or shorter, readings.
4 But see p. 10, second paragraph.
INTRODUCTION. vii
on its palimpsest side. In the other four, while the upper hand has
well retained its original blackness, the first hand, in some places, has
almost faded away, in others has changed to a yellowish brown 1 .
The photograph, on the whole, has served to bring into greater clearness
the under writing ; but the loss of colour deprives the reader of an
advantage, which the manuscript itself affords, for distinguishing between
the hands where they cross. There are no indications of a second
Syriac hand, unless the gloss on fol. 4 r has been added later ; but
I do not think that its hand can be unhesitatingly ascribed to another
era. The letters are smaller; but so also are the characters of the
Titles, Subscriptions, and Rubrics see pp. 10 and 14.
3. The distinctive characteristics of the Palestinian script 2 occur
in the fragments, and are shown in our collotypes. Ph and P
are represented by two letters, ^ and its inversion -2. The latter
is especially used for the Greek TT, as in the proper name oocucufi,
Paulus ; but it also occurs for the Syriac ^ Kushaiatutn in such a form as
QQ.-S.'ga, Collotype III, col. i, 1. 12. That form however is derived (Thes.
Syr. 3114) from Treurai, although it is conjugated like a Syriac verb. On
the same plate (1. 14) we have 3OTn&, although the first letter must
be ^. On fol. i ra, 1. 19, I was at first inclined to read QoAoAico*,
and arn still doubtful, for the letters are very faint and obscure.
'le/JOTroAts would require -2, but a dialectic softening into ph after r is
conceivable. We may compare fol. 4vb, 1. 13, where TVKOS is expressed
by ooOAo^. Again on Plate I, col. 2, 1. 12, will be found in& .vmrc'a,
where the second word ought to begin with = &, and there is a stop
between the p and the r. It may be thought that ^ and & have some-
times been confused through carelessness; but, as far as can be judged
from these small portions, our MSS. were carefully transcribed, con-
trasting in this respect very favourably with Adler's Evangeliarium ;
so that perhaps the most reasonable supposition is, that the special
character & was only employed in cases where, as in QftSLsa, it was
desirable to emphasize the hard sound of the p, or, as in oooJLiAr*'
S), to indicate the doubling of the letter, or, as in oofcuo.., to
1 Cf. Dr. Wright's remarks about Cod. Add. B. M. 14,450, fol. 14, in Catalogue of the
Syriac MSS. in the British Museum, Part III, p. xxxii. note, and the page, Plate XVIII.
2 Duval, op. tit. 11.
viii INTRODUCTION.
show that the Greek name was spelt with n and not <J> l . The
in the proper name, Plate III, col. 2, 1. 12, is not a special character:
the appendage belongs to the Hebrew 2 .
D is always written l, without the point, but R is i. Other letters
are occasionally provided with diacritical points, as ^ns", Plate II, col. 2,
1. 12, and the final letter of rdJLCXJsa, Plate I, col. 2, 1. 3. Probably
a pr. m. points were much used to distinguish the forms, and (")
seems to have been regularly written upon the plurals ; but in the
present state of the pages these points are not always legible. There
are only a few instances of the single stop (.), but an example of its
use will be found on Plate III, col. i, 1. 4. On the other hand the
double (:) is legible in several places, and appears to be of frequent
occurrence ; at 2 Tim. i. 18, it is used as a final stop. : and : are
used on fol. i v a, 11. 9, 10, as ornaments to the lines. The former is found
at Titus ii. 3 and 8 as a subordinate stop. In the facsimile in Miniscalchi
Erizzo the figures : and : , in red, are frequent as stops : in one place
there are four points, : .
4. It is impossible to assign an exact date to these fragments, and
difficult even to say to what century they belong. At present there
are not materials available for dating Palestinian MSS., such as those
which abound in the case of the works of the Edessene and Nestorian
scribes 3 . We have however some indications of the history of the
Palestinian hand. Our starting-point is Adler's Vatican Evangeliarium,
which is dated 1030 A.D. 4 Of undoubtedly later date are such debased
hands as that of Add. 14,664, fol. 34 a, and possibly that of fol. 26 b 5 .
And it is equally clear that the old writing on fol. 14 of Add. 14,450 is
1 Dr. Land {Anecdota Syriafa, vol. iv. p. 214) writes of the London and St. Petersburg Pales-
tinian fragments : ' Ex eo quod 3 literam omnes Palestini invertunt, qua Graecornm ir exprimant,
apparet, earn aspiratam fuisse praeter voces a Graecis sumptas et (in Psalmis certe Londinen-
sibtis) eas in quibus 3 olim producebatur sen duplicator ; ' and gives as examples such Syriac
forms as u3(, ^*S(, , S.a^ with inverted S.
2 See the note on the place. 3 See Studio. Biblica, III, p. 50, n. 2.
4 It was written in Antioch 'in the year 1341 of Alexander the Greek;' see colophon
quoted in Versiones Syriacae (Adler), p. 139, and Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum (Miniscalchi
Erizzo), p. 576. Dr. Wright, op. cit. p. xxxii. note , accepted the date, and I do not know that
there is any reason for questioning the statement of the colophon.
5 See Plates XIX, XX, in Wright's Catalogue ; also the interesting series of seven facsimiles
annexed to Professor Land's Anecdota Syriaca, vol. iv.
INTRODUCTION. ix
older than that of Adler's MS. Of this leaf Dr. Wright said, ' I can
only hazard a conjecture that it belongs to the eighth or ninth century 1 .'
These indications, though slight, are consistent, and point to a distinct
decadence in the script from the eighth century, attendant, no doubt,
on the decadence of the sect to which the dialect and the characters
belonged. Now if our facsimiles be compared with fol. 14 of Add. 14,450,
the oldest specimen in the British Museum, it will be recognised that our
four leaves are at least not inferior to it in beauty of execution, as well as
in freedom from what Wright calls the almost hideous exaggeration and
distortion of every peculiarity, with which the latest hands abound.
The writing is bold and firm, and not inelegant, and certainly seems to
belong to the best period of the style 2 . It will not, I think, be
unreasonable to suppose that it is at least as old as the palimpsest
leaf of Add. 14,450, and I am somewhat disposed to believe that
it is a little older. In any case, it can hardly be assigned to a later
date than the eighth century. The single leaf, which is written in
the smaller characters of another hand, is also very ancient ; but
I am inclined to think that it belonged to a MS. which was written
a little later than that to which the four leaves belonged.
After I had arrived independently at these conclusions, I received
an interesting confirmation of my opinion. Copies of the three collo-
types were submitted to the Rev. George Margoliouth 3 , whose position
1 Op. cit. Part III, p. xxxii. Fol. 26 b, I adduce with hesitation, because Wright was
disposed to ' assign it to the tenth or eleventh century.' The reader should compare Plate XIX
with the facsimile in Miniscalchi Erizzo. Mr. G. Margoliouth has called my attention to an
ambiguity in Wright's statements about fol. 14 of Add. 14,450. Op. cit. I, p. 55, he remarks
that the fol. is ' perhaps of not much later date than the rest of the volume.' Shortly before
he had said that the writing of the MS. ' is a fine regular Estrangela of the seventh century.'
If with these statements his opinion on p. xxxii of Catalogue Part III be compared, it will be
seen that he exhibits an uncertainty about the date. But Mr. Margoliouth adds, ' It certainly
appears to me that the underlying text of fol. 14 is not later than the seventh century (at any
rate not much later), especially considering that the text written over it cannot, I think, be
placed very late either.'
a Land, by a comparison of individual letters, especially the <^and **, arranged the extant
Palestinian documents in a series, of which the St. Petersburg Gospel Fragments are among the
oldest, and the London Hymns among the youngest. Comparing this series with the dates
which Wright gave to the London MSS. he finds an independent confirmation of his judgment.
Op, cit. pp. 213, 232.
3 C.C.C., Camb., Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar, and now Senior Assistant in the Oriental
Department of Printed Books and MSS., British Museum.
b [II. 5-]
x INTRODUCTION.
affords peculiar facilities for forming a judgment on the date and
character of an Oriental document. After a careful inspection, he
wrote to me as follows :
'There certainly is a considerable likeness between the Palestinian
text of fol. 14 in Add. 14,450 and the Syriac of your MS. I am myself
inclined to think that the former is somewhat older, as the writing
is a little more flowing, but much difference there is not between the
two, and it appears to me that both may belong to the seventh century.
You would, I suppose, look upon the smaller page as showing a smaller
hand of about the same age, and this is also the impression which it
at present makes upon me.'
The remark that the odd leaf may be written in ' a smaller hand of
about the same age,' is important. A difference of hand in these and
other ancient documents, may indicate rather a different scribe, or
a different locality, than a different date. It may also be well to
point out, that the absence of vowel -marks from our fragments is
not, in such writings, an indication of antiquity. A reference to Plates
XIX and XX in the B. M. Catalogue, Part III, will show that much
younger Palestinian MSS. were written without vowels ; but the Vatican
Evangeliarium^ according to the facsimile in Miniscalchi Erizzo, has
more diacritical points than can now be distinguished in our fragments.
In a subsequent communication, Mr. Margoliouth informed me that
Professor Land, of Leyden, had seen the collotypes, and thought the
hand of the four leaves might be a little older than that of fol. 14 of Add.
14,450. I trust that the courteous and learned Professor will pardon my
quoting as an opinion, what at present is the result of a first impression ;
still, his words, as far as they go, are an interesting and independent
confirmation, by an authority on the subject, of the view we expressed
above. To sum up then, we may, with considerable confidence, conclude
that the four pieces are in a seventh or eighth century hand, while the
fifth fragment was written somewhat, but not much, later.
5. With greater certainty can we determine the dialect of these
fragments, and the version, or versions, to which they belong. The
leaves are written in the characters which appear to be peculiar to
what has been named Palestinian Syriac, and the features of that
dialect are distinctly marked. is used, like the Hebrew **, in the
formation of the future tense. Chaldaic forms, Hebrew words, and
INTRODUCTION. xi
many words and forms which can only be paralleled from Adler's
Evangeliarium and the related documents, abound in the short compass
of the few verses which our fragments contain. From all these facts
it is clear that the fragments are portions of translations into the
Palestinian Syriac ; but, as they stand at present alone, and we have no
other MSS. of translations of the same parts with which to compare
them, it is impossible yet to decide whether these, and the other extant
remains, all belong to one version, or whether there were several versions
of larger or smaller parts of the Bible, by different hands. It is however
significant that in the Gospels, where comparison of documents is possible,
it is evident that the extant remains are all parts of different copies of
the same text 1 . But this might be expected in the case of Evangeliaria.
6. The reader will judge for himself from the collotypes that, in the
preparation of this edition of the fragments, the work of deciphering
has not been easy. But by patient labour in bright sunlight the
difficulties have been overcome, and I am confident of the correctness
of the transcripts as a whole, although a few words and letters are perhaps
not quite certain. We have printed the Syriac in columns, each of which
agrees in all respects with the corresponding column in the MS., except
that the exigencies of type-setting do not always allow that regularity in
length of line, which the handwriting exhibits. The text is given exactly
as it stands in the MSS., so that
(i) Letters or words which are illegible, and have been restored,
are added in brackets.
(a) The plural marks, and stops, are only given where they can be read
in the original. Those which are supplied are expressed by small circles.
(3) But the point on \ has been added where illegible, as it was
evidently the rule of the scribe to use it, and the absence of it may be
attributed to the state of the MS. at that particular place.
(4) Smaller type has been used where a Title, Colophon, or Gloss was
written smaller in the MS.
The translation is as literal, and as much in the exact order of the
Syriac text, as the English idiom will allow. Words which are not in
the Syriac are put in italic type in the English. The representation of
1 In Land, op. cit. IV (Evangeliaria Londinensia et Petropolitana), it will be seen how defects
of words, and even letters, can in the London (pp. 114-119) and in the St. Petersburg (pp. 144,
145) be supplied from the Roman copy.
b 2
xii INTRODUCTION.
Semitic names in English is always difficult: in these fragments the
difficulty is increased by the ambiguity of the originals, through the
absence of vowels. Particulars will be found in the Notes ; but in
general it is to be remarked that long o may be long , or vice versa, as
o stands for both. The short vowels are inserted by analogy, but in
many cases the <#, /, or ", which has been adopted, may be changed for
one of the other two. The consonants J^, *, a are represented
by /, c, k. The reader is reminded that c never has in Syriac the
sound of a sibilant.
7. In the Notes on the Syriac text, we have touched on various
questions which arise in connection with the character of the trans-
lations contained in the present fragments.
(1) In regard to the Old Testament, we have indicated some points
of resemblance and of difference between our text and the Peshitto.
The reader who compares the two, line by line, will discover that the
divergences are so numerous, that they forbid the supposition that
ours is a revision of the Peshitto. The resemblance to the LXX. is
certainly striking l ; but the influence of the Hebrew is so apparent,
that it is impossible that the version could have assumed its present
form without some reference to the Hebrew original.
(2) In connection with our New Testament fragments, three inter-
esting questions arise : (a) How are they related to the remains of the
Palestine Version? (/3) Is the translation dependent on the Peshitto,
and its Harclean revision? (y) To what type of Greek text do these
fragments bear witness?
(a) The number of Palestinian forms, and of words common to our
text and Adler's MS., demonstrate that the fragments now edited, and
those which were known before, are all parts of one vernacular version,
although, as we said on the preceding page, there is no evidence to
show whether the separate books were translated at one time, or at
intervals, and whether, or not, any revisions took place.
(/3) To afford materials for an answer to the second question, we have
set out in parallel columns a passage in the three forms of the Peshitto,
the Harclean, and our MS. No one who pursues the comparison
1 ' Psalmos e versione Graeca LXX. Interpretum translates esse, jam e numeris quibus inscripti
sunt didiceram ; ' Land, op. cit. IV, p. 190. See also our note on p. xxix.
INTRODUCTION. xiii
throughout the fragments can doubt that they show abundant signs
of being an independent translation from the Greek. The divergences
from the Peshitto are not like those of the Harclean, which are due
to the attempt to force the older Syriac into a resemblance to the Greek.
The differences between the text of our fragments and the Peshitto,
or the Harclean, are altogether such as would be found in a version
made at a different epoch, amid other surroundings, by other hands.
(y) On the assumption that our fragments are parts of the version
of which Adler's MS. represents the Gospels, it may be supposed that
a similar type of Greek text underlies them all. It has usually been
held that the 'Jerusalem Syriac' bears witness, for the most part, to
the readings of the oldest uncials and those cursives which agree with
them 1 ; but it is not true that it lends a constant support to what has
been called the Pre-Syrian, or Neutral, type of text. An inspection of
the Delectus Lectionum which Professor Sanday has set out, with much
clearness, in his excellent Appendix 2 , will show that the Versio Hierosoly-
mitana> as often as not, sides with the Peshitto against the reading of the
codex Vaticanus. A complete solution of the problem must be left to the
student who will institute an exhaustive examination. of the occasion of
every word and phrase in the N. T. Palestinian Syriac. Our Notes
suggest the answer, which may ultimately be given. It will be seen from
them that while some of the readings of recent editors, and of cod. B,
in the Pauline Epistles, are supported, others are not. Our translation,
which occupies an independent position as a Syriac Version, bears also
an independent witness to a class of Greek documents, which exhibited a
form of text, in part eclectic, in part distinguished by peculiar readings.
The friends who are named in these pages, and others, have helped
me by many suggestions, which I have gladly adopted, but without
thereby holding them responsible for any of the critical opinions expressed
in the course of the work.
1 Adler's words are : ' Ostenditnus, earn [sc. Vers. Hierl\ antiquissimis auctoritatibus
suffragari, perantiquos codices, Vaticanum et Cantabrigiensem plerumque sequi, Patribus quoque,
Origeni, Chrysostomo, aliis, non raro adstipulari.' Verss. Syrr. p. 201 ; cf. Scrivener's Intro-
duction, Ed. 3, p. 330.
To much the same effect Miniscalchi Erizzo, op. cit. II, p. xlviii. So Land : ' Quod
jam in Psalmis observavimus, versionem Palaestinam cum nullo Graeco libro hodie superstite
omnino conspirare, idem et in Evangeliis apparet.' Op. cit. IV, p. 199.
3 Nov. Test. c. Tribus Appendicibus (Lloyd et Sanday), 1889.
A COMPARISON OF THE VERSIONS OF 2 TIMOTHY I. 11-18
IN THE PESHITTO, THE HARCLEAN, AND THE
BODLEIAN PALESTINIAN FRAGMENTS.
PALESTINIAN.
O0 .* O so
JoL CJLSO
O-.
^ . \<M
g w
.
-IS- JOD.Jk,
II
HARCLEAN.
v
^ s.
JLJ?
^ Jl
oot
^ < i.^ft-V? odi
.pnn N./^ ^-^ . ft h*O(O^_*(
>){o
JLjQ .. U_*>
'. ^X *0(' \
.Loo JJ
o ot
PESHITTO.
00 . yO__ * ^^
Do 5
.^ I vi. ot
.OO)
CU*
15
.oot
J .fr\ e\ n>\ Q).^^
V**
1 ^ v> -.
1 In margine MSti
COMPARISON OF THE THREE VERSIONS. xv
We have selected this passage for comparison in the three versions,
because it is one where the Palestinian text can be exhibited with
certainty. The reader can judge for himself from the photograph, which
includes 11. 1-21. Every word is legible, though some of the points are
doubtful, or have been altogether effaced. The Harclean is printed from
White*, the Peshitto from the usual text, without regard to variants, for
they would not affect the general relation of the Peshitto to the Harclean
and the Palestinian. The passage represents somewhat more than
one-sixteenth of the text in our fragments, and suffices to show the
fundamental difference between the Palestinian and the Old Syriac 2
and its Harclean revision. The difference is not merely that of dialect
changes of forms and words to adapt the text to the vernacular of a
district it is much wider. The Harclean, though often divergent from
the Peshitto, is evidently based upon it. The Palestinian differs from
both, sentence by sentence. Such agreement as exists appears to be
accidental, and due to the identity of the underlying Greek in those
places. Even this short passage contains three various readings :
1. 2, tQv&v omitted, which Har. and Pesh. have ; 1.17,' and another
Hermogenes;' 1. 24, 'with Him' for 'with our 3 [Pesh.] 'with the*
[Hard.] ' Lord/ It can hardly be doubted that the Palestinian, whether
older or younger than the Peshitto, is independent of it, at least in
the Pauline Epistles, and represents a different form of Greek text.
1 N. T. Vers. Syr. Philoxeniana [Heracleensis] c. Interp. et Annott. Josephi White.
2 The reader is aware that Dr. Hort and others have applied this name to the Curetonian.
That the Curetonian preceded the Peshitto is only an opinion. In Studio. Biblica III I have
shown that the latter bears no traces of being a revision of the former. If the Syriac Tetraevan-
gelium is really based on an older translation, yet without doubt it was brought into its present
form at a very remote period ; and the same is true of the other parts of the Peshitto N. T., the
Apostolos, the Praxis, and the Three Catholic Epistles. In the present state of our information
about the history of the Peshitto, the assertion often made that ' it was revised in the fourth
century,' is possibly incorrect, and certainly premature.
While these pages are passing through the press, the discovery is announced of another
' Curetonian MS.,' said to contain an almost complete text. We are curious to know if this fresh
witness can give further evidence about the relation of the Curetonian to the Peshitto*
THE REMAINS OF THE PALESTINIAN VERSION
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.
The largest and most important portion of these remains is that
which has been longest known to scholars, the Evangelistarium in the
Vatican Library, which was described by Adler in his Versiones Syriacae,
published in the year 1789. Smaller portions have been found amongst
the Nitrian MSS., which were acquired by the British Museum between
the years 1838 and 1864. Other fragments have been brought from the
East by Tischendorf, and are now in the Imperial Library, St. Peters-
burg. Another small fragment was discovered in 1889 by Mr. J.
Rendel Harris, amongst the MSS. in the library of the Convent of
St. Catharine, on Mount Sinai. To these we can now add the five frag-
ments which are described in this Anecdoton. In all, the extant portions
of the Palestinian Version are as follows :
NUMBERS iv. 46, 47 ; 49 v. 2 ; 3, 4 ; 6-8.
[Bodleian Library, Oxford perhaps eighth cent.]
DEUTERONOMY vi. 4-16 ; vii. 25, 26 ; xiii. 6-17.
[Imperial Library, St. Petersburg seventh or eighth cent.]
PSALMS xliii. 12-27 (Heb. xliv. 11-26); xliv (Heb. xlv) ; xlv (Heb.
xlvi); xlvi (Heb. xlvii) ; xlviii. 15 (Heb. xlix. i4)-end ; xlix (Heb. 1).
1-9 ; Iv. 7 (Heb. Ivi. 8)-end ; Ivi. 1-7 (Heb. Ivii. 1-8) ; Ixxvii (Heb.
Ixxviii). 52-65; Ixxxi (Heb. Ixxxii) ; Ixxxii (Heb. Ixxxiii). i-io;
Ixxxix (Heb. xc) ; xc (Heb. xci). 1-12.
[British Museum, Add. 14,664, foil. 22-29 tenth or eleventh cent]
PROVERBS ix. i-i j.
ISAIAH xi. 6-10 ; xiv. 28-32 ; xv. 1-5 ; xl. 1-8 ; 9-12.
JOB xxi. 1-9.
[Imperial Library, St. Petersburg seventh or eighth cent.]
REMAINS OF PALESTINIAN VERSION. xvii
THE FOUR GOSPELS. The whole, or a part, of nearly every chapter
of each of the Evangelists is represented ; there being in all about
two-thirds of the text of the Gospels. Indexes of chapters and verses
are given in Land, pp. 178, 179, 194-197, and in Miniscalchi Erizzo,
pp. 51-89.
[The British Museum (Add. 14,450, fol. 14 ? seventh cent; 14,664,
foil. 17, 20, 21 tenth or eleventh cent.), The Vatican A.D. 1030,
The Imperial Library, St. Petersburg ? seventh cent.]
ACTS xiv. 6-13, in a hand of uncertain, but not very early, date.
[The Imperial Library, St. Petersburg.]
THE PAULINE EPISTLES.
GALATIANS. Eleven verses, or part of verses, viz. ii. 3-5, 12-14 ; iii.
17, 1 8, 24-28.
[Mount Sinai perhaps eighth cent]
COLOSSIANS iv. 1 2-1 8.
1 THESSALONIANS i. 1-3 ; iv. 3-15.
2 TIMOTHY i. 10 ii. 7.
TITUS i. ii ii. 8.
[Bodleian Library seventh or eighth cent.]
The London and St. Petersburg texts, which are all fragmentary,
have been published by Professor Land in Anecdota Syriaca, torn, iv,
1875. From this volume the references given above are taken.
The Vatican Evangelistarium was edited in sumptuous style by Count
F. Miniscalchi Erizzo, in the work entitled Evangeliarium Hierosolymi-
tanum, 1861-1864.
The Sinaitic leaf has been printed by Mr. J. Rendel Harris in Biblical
Fragments from Mount Sinai, 1890.
The reader may also consult :
Adler's Versiones Syrtacae.
Davidson on the Syriac Versions in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Litera-
ture, 3rd ed., 1866.
Duval, Traite'de Grammaire Syriaque, 11. cc. (p. v sup.) and n.
Kautzsch, Grammatik des Bibltsch-Aramaischen, 5. 9.
c II..
xviii REMAINS OF PALESTINIAN VERSION
Tischendorf s Notitia ed. cod. Bibl. Sinaitici, 1860, p. 49, and Anecdota Sacra
et Prof ana, 1861, p. xi and p. 13.
Wright's Article, Syriac Literature, Encyclopaedia Britannica xxii, pp. 825,
826.
Zahn's Forschungen, i Theil, 1881, pp. 329-350.
The late Dr. P. A. de Lagarde made a fresh collation of the Vatican
Evangelistarium, with the intention of bringing out a new edition,
which has been recently published in a posthumous work entitled Biblio-
thecae Syriacae a Paulo de Lagarde collector. Pages 258-402 contain the
Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum. The text is set out in the order of
the Gospels, instead of that of the Church Lessons, and notes are
appended on the readings of the MS. and its correctors, and the edition
of Miniscalchi Erizzo.
The portions included in the above list, though none are complete
books, and some contain but a few verses, yet, when taken together, are
evidence for the existence of a large part of the Holy Scriptures in the
Palestinian Version. They do not, of course, amount to a proof that the
whole Bible was translated into this dialect, nor do they suffice to
determine what was the Canon of such a translation, if it ever was made.
The Gospel portions belong to Service Books, and so do the O. T.
portions, and the fragment from Acts, in the judgment of Dr. Land 1 .
Our own fragment from Numbers bears no indication of its origin. But
it is to be remembered that Lesson Books do not belong to the earliest
periods of transcription. MSS. were marked for the Lessons long before
separate copies were made for use in the Church. It is probable that
the Syro-Palestinian dialect was the vernacular of some of the earliest
Christian bodies, and analogy leads to the almost certain conclusion
that these early converts possessed copies of the Scriptures in their
vernacular for some time before they arranged those Scriptures in
separate books for use in the Church services. Our oldest fragments
appear to date from the eighth century at least 2 . To that era belongs
1 He considers that all the London and St. Petersburg fragments are parts of Service Books,
with one exception, the fol. 55 of the St. Petersburg volume; and of this he writes thus: 'fol.
55 non rescriptum. Videtur e Diatessaro nescio quo petitum esse/ op. cit. p. 188. ' Attamen de
hujus libri ratione e fragmentis nostris judicare non licet,' p. 205.
a Mr. Rendel Harris says of his leaf, 'Perhaps we shall not be far wrong in referring it to the
eighth century,' op. cit. p. xiv.
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. xix
the commencement of the composition of Church Lesson Books 1 . There
is no proof that the Syro-Palestinian Lectionaries are translations from
Greek Lectionaries ; and it may be regarded as certain that they were
preceded by complete copies of the Gospels, the Acts, and the Pauline
Epistles, and of part, if not of the whole of the Old Testament. The
Bodleian N. T. fragments appear to have belonged to such a complete
copy, and perhaps the Sinaitic leaf also. The colophon appended to
Colossians (see p. 10) indicates a transcript of something more than a
Set of Lessons ; and this is not contradicted by the Rubric inserted in
the text of i Thessalonians iv, for Rubrics were often interpolated by
Syriac scribes into copies of the complete text 2 .
1 ' None [of the books of Ecclesiastical Lessons] are believed to be older than the eighth or
possibly the ninth century.' Westcott and ffort, Introduction, p. 76.
2 Examples are: Add. Mus. Brit. 14,470, a Peshitto Tetraevangelium of the fifth or sixth
cent.; the Tetraevangelium Add. 14,455, sixth cent.; the Nestorian Tetraevangelium Add. 17,114,
sixth or seventh cent.; the Apostolos Add. 17,122. Many MSS., if not most, have some Lessons,
perhaps those which were most important, indicated in the text, although only a few copies are
rubricated throughout.
c a
THE TYPE OF GREEK TEXT SUPPORTED BY THE
SYRIAC OF THE FOUR FRAGMENTS OF
THE PAULINE EPISTLES.
[Mr. E. N. Bennett, Fellow of Hertford College, has very kindly assisted me in comparing
the readings of the Palestinian fragments of the Pauline Epistles with the Greek text. The
following section has been written by him as a convenient summary of the results of our obser-
vations. It will be seen that Mr. Bennett's remarks tend to confirm the opinions which we have
already expressed 1 on the character of the translation, and on the type of Greek text from which
it was made.]
As the four fragments before us cover less than sixty verses, it is impossible to
draw from them any very decided inferences as to the nature of the Greek text
underlying the Palestinian version of the Pauline Epistles. But the following
collation, which, I fear, must necessarily be imperfect, seems to fully confirm the
view already taken by Westcott and Hort and others, that the Palestinian contains
a text entirely different from the other Syriac versions. Even in the few verses
before us the variety of reading is surprising and Land's verdict holds good
' Versionem Palaestinam cum nullo Graeco libro hodie superstite omnino conspirare.'
The Greek text used by the translator must have been a curious intermixture of
Western and other types. The Syriac favours N against B twice, and B against N
three times. The combination xB is followed five times and in four cases deserted.
The text harmonizes with the Peshitto in opposition to the Harclean some seven
times, though the reverse is less common; it sometimes sides with both these
versions against the Greek MSS., and sometimes opposes them. Tischendorf's
view, that the Palestinian text resembles most closely that of B and D, is scarcely
corroborated by the present fragments, which agree with the combination three
times, and diverge from it twice, though, as remarked above, our data in the
present instance are too scanty to supply any definite conclusion on this point.
1 See Introduction, 7 (2) ; also pp. xiv, xv.
THE TYPE OF GREEK TEXT. xxi
In general the version is correct 1 , and in only two places has the translator
seriously missed the sense of his original, viz. in i Thess. iv. 10-11 and Titus ii. 7.
In the first of these passages the author of the version has evidently been puzzled
by the phrase <iAort/xf la-dai rjo-vxdfciv. He has translated the Greek as if there were
a KCU between the two verbs, has transposed the order of rtepicratdfiv and <i\<m-
fitiadai and taken the latter to mean ' render honour,' or perhaps ' increase,' for the
Syriac is doubtful. In the second passage afydoplav is translated as if it were an
adjective agreeing with MaoxaXt'a, but it is difficult to see why jtoivi.oo? has
been made to correspond to crf/xi/di-qra.
Amongst minor mistakes are Qfbv flbevai turned by 'to see God' in Titus i. 16,
and in ii. 7 of the same Epistle mpi ndvra rendered as if it were irepi irdvrw. In
Col. iv. 15 the Syriac has kept the masculine form Nv/n^a?, while it follows B
and Hard, text in reading avrfjs (the second hand of B accentuates Nu^av).
The omission of 6 dycm^Tos in Col. iv. 14, and the reading TTJV ev AaoStxe/a (ver. 16),
are almost unique ; there is no other authority, as far as I know, for the absence
of oA>7 in i Thess. iv. 10.
At the end of the Epistle to the Colossians we find the common form of the
subscription eypa^ OTTO 'PmfjLrjs 8ia TV^IKOV KOI Qmjvipov preceded by a clause
found in D and a few other MSS.
The question of the Greek text which underlies so ancient a version as the
one before us is full of interest, and we may hope that its fuller solution will be
facilitated before long, by the acquisition of fresh materials. I have been informed
by Mr. J. Rendel Harris, that a considerable number of Palestinian fragments
exist on Mount Sinai, and the examination of these would doubtless throw fresh
light on the subject.
The following notes are based mainly on the text of Tregelles, but the
references to the Peshitto and the Harclean have been verified in Leusden and
in White.
COLOSSIANS IV. 12-18.
iv. 12. 'Irjo-ov with NABC [against D Pesh. Hard.]
. with Pesh. Hard, text [against N A B C D Hard, marg.]
1 Cp. Land, Anecd. Syr. iv. 197, versionem Palaestinam ab hominibus baud indoctis ad varies
Graecos libros emendatam et immutato sermonis nsui accommodatam esse.
xxii THE TYPE OF GREEK TEXT
13. TToi/oK (ut vid., see note below 1 ) with xABC [against Pesh. and Hard.
(fjJXoi') D (KOBW)].
14. omits 6 dyairrjTos with 17.
15. avrrjs with B Hard, text [against XAC (avrStv) D Pesh. Hard. marg.
1 6. TTJV fv AaoStma with FG (?) g earn quae in laodo t ae cia est.
omits (ut vid.) /cm before fyieir with D, but seems to insert icai before
1 8. omits dfa'jv with N ABC [against D Pesh. Hard.]
i THESSALONIANS I. 1-3, IV. 3-15.
i. I . adds (after flprivrf) OTTO 6cov irarpos f]fia>v KO.I Kvpiov 'irja-ov Xpicrrov with N A C.
Hard, text c. aster, [against B Pesh. Hard.]
omits xai (before first irarpf) [against Hard.]
2. adds IftStv (after pvdav) with C D Pesh. Hard, [against N A B].
3. ToC cpyou TT}S TTi'orcwy vfj.S>v with D Pesh. Hard, [against NAB
rrjs TTI'OT.]
iv. 3. rrjs (before iropvfias) ut vid., see note below 2 .
4. fv TtfJifj KOI ayuicr^ut (ut vid.)
7. v/iS? with Pesh.
8. omits Kai (before SoWa) with A B Pesh. [against X D Hard.]
{i/uas with N B D Pesh. Hard. marg. [against A Hard. text].
9. txfTf with N A Pesh. [against B D Hard.]
10. omits 0X77.
1 The text has A.CUOO, which I take to be a Palest, noun of the form Dlpn (win
see notes on i Thess. iv. 5 and 2 Tim. ii. 3. Buxtorf (col. 845) cites a form ttnrva dolor, and
this (or euro) is the meaning of the Neo-Syr. \JL~ (Stoddard in Thes. Syr. 1393). The root
occurs several times in Hier. in the sense of suffer, endure e. g. for iraQovaa. Mark v. 26, iraOtw
Luke xxiv. 26, [ao)s] wdo-x" Mat. xvii. 15. No doubt *A,OMJC connotes many forms of mental
affection, like the word jut**, which Pesh. has in i Thess. iv. 5, although at Col. iv. 13 it uses
MJ^. As Palest, has ACUOO in both places, I am inclined to think they read ir6vos at Col. iv.
13, and took it in the sense of the TT&OOS of i Thess. iv. 5. It is, I suppose, conceivable that they
even had iraOos in the text of Colossians. G. H. G.
2 Each of the three (Pesh., Hard., Palest.} has the definite form )l_; but then (see Duval,
Gram. Syr. 299) this form in Syriac does not always indicate what would be in Greek or
English, a noun with the definite article. Still we find that at 2 Tim. i. n, where the nouns are
clearly indefinite, the definite forms are not used, but >OiO, w^fv, &^sa. G. H. G.
SUPPORTED BY THE SYR I AC. xxiii
ii. omits iStais (ut vid.) with B D [against N A].
omits Kal (before iifj.lv) [against Hard.]
13. dtKofifv with N ABD [against Pesh. Hard.]
KKoiti,T)pfva>v (ut vid.) with D [against K A B Pesh. Hard.]
14. KOI 6 6f6s (ut vid.) with Pesh. [against B Hard.]
2 TIMOTHY I. to//. 7.
i. 1 1 . omits *6vS>v with N A [against C D Pesh. Hard.]
1 6. 6 Kvpios eXfos with Pesh. Hard.
1 8. adds fj.oi (after SirjKovrjvfv) with Pesh. Hard,
ii. 3. <rvyKaK07rd0T)<rov (ut vid.) with N A C D Hard. marg. [against Pesh. Hard.
text].
7. o (before Xe'yo>) with NAC Pesh. [against D Hard.]
TITUS 7. n 77. 8.
ii. 3. JepoTrpfTret with C Pesh. Hard, [against NAD Hard, marg.]
P.TI oii/o) with D Pesh. Hard, [against sAC].
5. oiKovpyovs (ut vid.) with N A C D [against Hard, marg.]
omits (after &oC) KOI j 8i8a<rKa\ia [against C Hard.] *
E. N. B.
LIST OF PALESTINIAN AND OTHER WORDS
AND FORMS.
The Syr o- Palestinian dialect contains : (a) Many Chaldee words and forms,
some Hebrew words, and a few adapted from Arabic and Greek, (ft) Grammatical
forms, nearly all of which are also Chaldaic. (y) Roots used in a sense not
common in ordinary Syriac. (8) Some terms, and forms of words, which appear
to be exclusively Palestinian.
Most of the Palestinian words in the following list are included in the lists
in Land and Miniscalchi Erizzo. Their lists, in conjunction with ours, will supply
an interesting specimen of the Palestinian vocabulary.
I
i Thess. i. i.
?/ Num. iv. 49. See also note
on Tit. i. 12.
Tit. ii. i, 7.
1 Thess. iv. 8.
Col. iv. 1 8.
Col. iv. 15, 2 Tim. i. 12.
Col. iv. 15, etc.
I Num. iv. 46.
/ 2 Tim. ii. 7.
/ i Thess. i. 2, etc. ; and see
note on i. 2.
I i Thess. iv. 6.
? 2 Tim. i. 1 6.
2 Tim. ii. 6.
2 Tim. ii. 5.
Num. iv. 49.
2 Tim. i. ii.
2 Tim. i. 14.
2 Tim. i. 10.
v ?o
Joo
.00*
Rubric, p. 14, 1. 20.
Num. v. 7, 8.
1 Thess. iv. 14, etc.
Tit. ii. 7.
?
2 Tim. ii. 2.
Tit. ii. 7.
1 Thess. i. 2.
2 Tim. ii. i, 4.
at
Col. iv. 1 6.
i Thess. iv. 10.
Tit. ii. 8.
for o|o, i Thess. iv.
Tit. ii. 4, 5-
1 Thess. iv. 5.
2 Tim. i. 12.
Num. iv. 49.
Num. iv. 49, v. 4.
Tit. i. 14.
LIST OF WORDS AND FORMS.
XXV
OM
i Thess. iv. 3.
i Thess. iv. 9, a Tim. i. 13.
1 Thess. i. 3.
2 Tim. i. 15, ii. 2.
2 Tim. ii. 3.
Tit. i. 12.
2 Tim. ii. i .
Col. iv. 17.
Num. v. 7.
Col. iv. 1 8, i Thess. i. i.
i Thess. iv. 12.
Tit. i. 13.
Tit. ii. 7; ^?^x Col. iv.
12, 13; ^pOt. i Thess.
iv. 9.
Tit. ii. 7.
Tit. ii. 4.
'mfui., Num. v. 2, etc.
Tit. ii. 4.
Num. v. 8; cf. i Thess.
iv. 4 n.
Tit. ii. 2.
Tit. ii. 4.
1 Thess. iv. 6.
2 Tim. i. 12.
2 Tim. ii. 2.
Num. v. 3.
Col. iv. 12, etc.; see note,
p. xxx.
2 Tim. ii. 4.
Num. iv. 49, etc., and see
Col. iv. 1 8 n.
2 Tim. i. 1 8.
Num. v. 4, Tit. i. 13.
Num. iv. 47, etc.
i Thess. iv. 12.
i Thess. iv. 5, n.
Tit. ii. 3.
i Thess. i. i.
1 Thess. iv. 6, 13, Tit. i. n.
2 Tim. i. 12.
i Thess. i. 3.
i Thess. iv. 14, 2 Tim. ii. 2.
Tit. i. 14.
Col. iv. 13, i Thess. iv. 5 n.,
and p. xxii. n. i.
Tit. i. 1 6.
i Thess. iv. 5.
i Thess. iv. 13.
1 Thess. iv. 10.
2 Tim. i. 13.
Tit. ii. 3.
Tit. i. 15.
2 Tim. i. 12.
2 Tim. ii. 2.
Col. iv. 13. ,
i Thess. iv. 13.
Tit. ii. 3.
Tit. i. 14.
Tit. i. 15.
[II. 5-]
XXVI
LIST OF WORDS AND FORMS.
Tit. ii. 3.
1 Thess. i. 2.
*
2 Tim. ii. 6.
Num. v. 3.
Tit. ii. 3.
Tit. ii. 5.
Num. v. 6, 7.
2 Tim. ii. 4.
Col. iv. 12, and see i Thess.
i. 2 n.
Num. iv. 49.
Num. iv. 47; cf. i Thess. {.3.
Col. iv. 13.
Num. iv. 47.
2 Tim. i. 14.
Ux i Thess. iv. 6, 8.
inversum (a) 2 Tim. i. 12 n.
k**,9 2 Tim. ii. 6.
Num. iv. 47.
Tit. i. 1 6.
2 Tim. i. 12, 14.
Col. iv. 12.
i Thess. iv. 12.
o
1 Thess. iv. 4.
Tit. i. 14.
2 Tim. ii. 6.
Tit. i. 12 marg.
Rubric, p. 14, 1. 20.
Col. iv. 1 6.
Rubric, p. 14, 1. 19.
Tit. i. 13.
2 Tim. i. 1 6.
Num. iv. 46.
i Thess. iv. 10.
Num. v. 2, 4.
Col. iv. 1 8, etc.
Col. iv. 12, etc.
Tit. i. 12 marg.
Jis-t**. i Thess. iv. 13.
^Q>V i Thess. iv. 6.
Col. iv. 17.
i Thess. iv. 7.
i
2 Tim. ii. 7.
i Thess. iv. 5.
Tit. i. ii.
Rubric, p. 14, 1. 19.
1 Thess. iv. 3.
2 Tim. i. 10, Tit. ii. 7 n.
NOTES
ON THE VERSES CONTAINED IN THE FRAGMENTS.
ABBREVIATIONS.
Buxt. = Job. Buxtorfii Lex. Chald. Talmud, et Rabbin.
Cast. Edm. Castelli Lexicon Syriacum ed. J. D. Michaelis.
Hier. = The Words and Forms of the Evangelistarium Hierosolymitanum.
Lagarde = Bibliothecae Syriacae a P. de Lagarde collectae, 1892.
Levy = Chaldaisches Worterbuch iiber die Targumim, von J. Levy.
Palest. = The Dialect of the Remains of the Palestinian Version.
Sanday = Nov. Test. Grace, cum Append ici bus, curante Gul. Sanday, 1889.
Schaaf = Car. Schaafii Lex. Syr. Concordantiale.
Thes. Syr. = Thesaurus Syriacus (R. Payne Smith), Fascc. i-ix, &].
WH = The New Testament in the Original Greek (Westcott & Hort), 1881.
NUMBERS.
iv. 46. MosM, Aharon, the Livije 1 , Semitic forms, as in the Peshitto (but there
= L'vijS), although, as will be seen below, the Greek text has been usually
followed, while yet the Hebrew has not been neglected. In the N. T. fragments
we have kfloom-^l^o-oCy, instead of the Pesh. Jeshua.
] If the noun, and not the adjective, it is a Palest, plural emph., like
1. 12. *, and its derivatives are always written without the * in old MSS.
The scriptio plena of the next word is a mark of antiquity, at least it would be in
a Pesh. manuscript ; but it occurs in printed editions,
of Israil] The Rom. reading, Alex, has vlS>v 'lo-pa^X.
numbered] No doubt some part of U.NS preceded ; LXX. eVfovctyaTo, as ver. 49
where we have oi.x>Uo and they were numbered.
Final \, in our text is sometimes thus furnished with a point, the use
of which appears to be somewhat arbitrary. Here it may be a stop, subordinate
to the (:) which follows; but cf. l*,oj*>, and note on ver. 49.
1. 5. ol is the word o^Xos; perhaps there was a reading Iv r. fyXotr. LXX.
now Kara fi^ous KOI with Pesh. and Heb.
d 2
xxviii NOTES ON THE VERSES
\. 6. yoc_] The (:), which is not distinct in the collotype, seems to be thus
placed for want of room.
47. twenty-five years] So LXX, but Heb. and Pesh. thirty.
unto the works . . .1 Like 77736? TO (pyov ra>v tpyav <a\ TO epya ra aipoptva, rather
than the Hebrew.
Chald. and Palest, form of participle.
Palest., see Thes. Syr. 2779 wit ^ Pc-^st. suffix, ver. 49, 1. 3.
Apparently a Palestinian form ; cf. Neo-Syr. |,i\fl. U-^-oS is used
in Pesh. (Num. iii. 26, 31) of the holy vessels and instruments. Perhaps fpya was
taken here in the same sense.
49. _fc with suffix, for _^ with suffix; frequent in Hier., and in these fragments.
?^ for t*l, as yp:**?^ Mat. iv. 6 Hier. in Thes. Syr. 1549.
:'U,_] Elaya is rare in these fragments, if it occurs at all ; we take the point
on \ as diacritical (as 1. n ; 1. i, p. 4, is defaced) and read (:) between the two
words. Again like LXX. eVi T>V tpyuv avr5>v xai ri &v aipov<nv avroi, ical fTrta-KtTTrjaav.
yOJLi/] Thus clearly in the MS., with the rare archaic ^(Duval, 180) and
w dropped cf. jlcuj, fol. 2 r a, 1. 3. So in next word __oo, though ^.o also
occurs in Hier., cf. Thes. Syr. 1003.
The blank line at the end of the verse, which corresponds to the & (Parasha=
Sectio), seems to indicate that the scribe was acquainted with the division of the
Hebrew, although the translation so often follows the LXX. The injury to the
leaf extends over the next a between ver. 4 and ver. 5. There seems hardly room
for another blank line.
v. 2. ^jm-/] And so p. 6, 1. 14; cf. p. 4, 1. 3. Such differences in spelling
are common, even in carefully written Syriac MSS.
ypj^L*] - for j in the future, Pales/, and Chald. ^^ in Syriac usually
(Bernstein Lexicon) in Chaldee sometimes (Levy s. v.) means 'to burn.' Here as
Chald. "W ejicere, and Rab.~\y& emittere Buxt. 2327.
3. j^>] The iraptfjipoXri of the Rom. text; Alex, (rvvayaryr).
oUs Chaldee for Syriac a* ; also in Hier., see Thes. Syr. 2542.
your camps] yaa_ ; so Pesh. ; Heb. and LXX. their.
4. a (also ^.o Thes. Syr. 1681) Hier.
and sent them\ retaining avrovs, which Alex, omits.
6. The line is partly illegible, which increases the difficulty of the construction.
There can be little doubt about the last word, and the form is frequent in Hier.
As regards the first, the LXX. having 6Wts &v TTOHJO-J?, and the Heb. 1tJ>y>, we restore
., since some part of that verb must almost certainly have governed the ao-.^cia
Thus we obtain a sentence which is at least as intelligible as the LXX. text.
IN THE FRAGMENTS. xiix
any offence] The irav&v of Rom. text, ^oa as Col. iv. 7, q. v.
of the sons of men] Following apparently the rS>v av6pumva>v of LXX, rather
than the Heb.
Our text omits ' against the Lord,' as does the LXX, but the translation seems
to follow i>yo ^yo^ rather than irapi&av vapid?) ; for though the latter may represent
the Hebrew (see Schkusner s. v.), it would hardly suggest the Syriac.
otfcs^ is difficult. In its position it ought to be objective ; but that, the sense
forbids. When used for ilk, it usually precedes ; see examples in Thes. Syr.
1642, and cf. a-J9? ^sa ofcw below. Probably the order is an imitation of the
Heb. and LXX, but the meaning is rather avri/ than eWw;. Pesh. is wot U^.j
that soul.
7. let him] As LXX; Heb. pi. (iTinni), but continues in the singular. The
text also supports the Rom. eVoujo-e ; Alex, has ^aprtv.
Jj^J Hier. in the sense of ' pay.'
which is upon him] Pesh. ' let his sin return upon his head ; ' both misunder-
stood the 1BWO of the Heb. LXX. TO <e(f)d\aiov t omitting the preposition.
\^ m Hier. form. The phrase means i + \ ; LXX. TO ri7rf/rTov.
8. JOM Hier. ; cf. i Thess. iv. 3 n.
CXA? ^] The LXX. 6 dyxwrtvav, according to the Rom. text; Alex, omits 6;
the Syriac certainly favours the article. Pesh. agrees with our text, and both may
be renderings of the Heb. ^W in its secondary sense, or they may be taken from
the Greek.
In the eleven verses comprised in these two fragments we have seven indications
of the influence of the Greek iv. 47 (two), ver. 49, v. 6 (two), ver. 7 and ver. 8;
two of the Hebrew iv. 49, v. 6 ; one of the Peshitto v. 3, and apparently one
independent reading in iv. 46. It is also to be observed that in the five places
where the Roman text of the LXX. differs from the Alexandrine, our Syriac
always sides with the Vatican copy. These results are significant, and may be
held to justify the assertion 1 that the translation was made from the Greek, and
that too of the Vatican type, but that the translator had also some knowledge of
the form of the Hebrew text.
COLOSSIANS.
iv. 12. The preceding word was, of course, "^J^, as 1. 20 inf. In this phrase
the form"^**, (cf. ver. 1 8) seems to have been generally used by the scribe ; in a
1 See p. xii, and note on Nam. iv. 49.
xxx NOTES ON THE VERSES
few places we have inserted where the MS. is illegible; ver. 14 (the reading
is certain) is an exception. We have also the form \m**, Tit. i. 12 marg.
o*as/] s. for the TT. In the last syllable the translator seems to have
read oy ; but doubtless in his days Greek was badly pronounced.
1. 4. Jesus] tttom*, a transliteration of 'Iijo-oCr, which even if followed, as here,
by the Semitic Meshicha, is apparently always used in these fragments for the
Jeshua of the Peshitto. It occurs frequently, but not always, in Hier., cf. Thes,
Syr. s.v.
The translator had the longer reading. So Xptorov 'tyo-ov in W H.
\. 5. ^aa] Cf. Num. iv. 4 et pass. Hier., but common in old Pesh. MSS.
^* in the sense of time is Hier.
ftoo] A is clearly to be restored; so in the translation of St. Clement (Thes.
Syr. 1861) we have .nfeo&o for dyuvia-u^tda.
behalf] A, with f > ^ and similar constructions, in Hier.
is certainly to be read, and, no doubt, represents n-eTrAT/pw/iieVot. The
of W H, in the sense of ' fully assured,' is rendered by **,* to
know, or otherwise paraphrased, in Pesh. and Hard.; cf. Luke i. i, Rom. iv. 21.
)jcuz>. (with o) Chald. and in Hier.
13. .fn v>, i^, wc^Ow, Hier. forms. For the o_ cf. Num. iv. 49, 1. 3.
1. 15. See note on 2 Tim. ii. 3. ^.0*00 is apparently Hier. for ]uu intense
feeling amounting to pain ; here anxiety, but i Thess. iv. 5 in a bad sense passion.
Perhaps our text represents the reading of WH, and in the very order, iroXvv irovov.
Jehirapolis] Pesh. ^m^oSc^/; Hard. ^aa^aSoJoM?, as \OLCD oM='lf<W, Mat.
i. 5. *L[eoQ9t+='ltpo<r6\vp,a is quoted in Thes. Syr. 1570. The p is very faint,
but I now incline to read Z, which the TT would require. Cf. Introd. p. vii.
15, 1. 4. U|LSLOJ?O is very indistinct in the MS., but the reading (with =$
and *)>= as in last syllable) is hardly doubtful; yet the name (see below) is taken
for a woman's.
^o/ Hier. It is not scriptio plena, like^ao ver. 12, but is to be pronounced
JBO/; see Thes. Syr. 80.
Church] Here )LX, but cf. note on i Thess. i. i.
od^a^?] Not O!KQV auTWK (cf. Sanday 1 59) but (as W H c. cod. B) the reading
is almost certainly dk = aur/jy. In Hier. (see Lagarde's edition passim] the
usual distinction between o and ot seems to be observed.
16. wotojjj] Pesh. ojoJLo, the proper Syriac form. The masculine suffix *o,
if not an error, must be Palestinian. Cf. Tit. ii. 4 n., yOoM = ^*oM-
in Ladikija] It appears to be certainly *X=>, as though they read rf}v Iv Aao8.
Here and in some other places we add the stop which the sense requires.
IN THE FRAGMENTS. xxxi
17. ill] The & here is faint, but hardly doubtful. It is clear in the last word
of 1. 22.
Hier., and frequent in the Targums, see Buxt. 779.
This form of the word appears to be Palestinian.
11. 21, 22 seem more emphatic than the extant original, as though 177 xpi 77} tfifj
TOV TlavXov.
18. jI] For the various uses of k- in Hier. see Thes. Syr. 1642. It serves
to rehearse, or emphasize, the noun, both in the nominative and accusative, and
cannot always be represented in English. Sometimes it is equivalent to ipse t
sometimes to a definite article, so that not unfrequently (like oo, ***o) it is intended
as a translation of o, 17, TO. It may represent what we express by an underline,
'remember my lands'
Palest, pi. form, cf. Luc. viii. 29 Hier.
As Heb. ion, and in sense of x"P 4 *j it seems to be rare (cf. Thes. Syr.
1329), but is preferred in Hier., and substituted for Pesh. and Hard. )la->,> j ;
it occurs in the similar phrase i Thess. i. i inf. See also i Thess. iv. 12.
Amen omitted : a slight indication of the antiquity of the version and its MS.
Kolosaije*, or Kulusaije", for there are no indications of vowels see Introd. p. xii.
The termination (and in Thesalon.} by analogy of Syriac would be aije see Thes.
Syr. 3522.
The marks ( : : ) are given in those places where they are legible in the MS.
Perhaps originally each line of the colophon was thus enclosed.
Onisimos] So we restore with Hard, and vv. II. in Tisch. p. 749.
i THESSALONIANS.
Of] The MS. certainly appears to read 9 (of), and not ik (to) which the sense
requires. Unless it is a mistake, we may render ' Epistle which t's Thessalonians.'
Thesalonikaiji! (as above Kolosaije*) with single s, for the Syrians did not usually
double a letter, except in Hard., where the Greek is imitated. The vowel after
the n is doubtful; w being omitted here and below. We write m with Pesh.
JJLaUo-^roi; so )ual>ab>|ma>l in Hard.
i. i. congregation] ) - - * Hier. in form, and the term is specially (though
not exclusively) applied to the Synagogue. Pesh. and Hard, have here the
Christian term ji-x Church. The use of the former term seems to be connected
with the Judseo-Christian origin of these fragments.
1. 8. >co/ Hier. suffix, as Mat. vi. 9, etc.
xxxii NOTES ON THE VERSES
Our text recognises the OTTO eeoC, K. T. X., which the Editors omit with cod. B,
see Sanday 160.
2. ?okW in the sense of gratias agere appears to be Hier., see Thes. Syr.
1553-
^/ Chald. ; also in Hier. (Thes. Syr. s. v.), but there commonly owV, ef.
Rabb. UK. Our form is clearly marked with ribbui 1 in several places e. g.
Plate II, col. 2, 1. 13.
V^] The MS. certainly has the (), which, if not a mistake, must be a kind of
stop. X in sense of time is Hier.
So] MS. apparently ^>_, and we take the tense as pres.perf., 'we have made.'
On the idiomatic 53, see Col. iv. 18 sup.
so? Hier.', but there spelt yojj^.?. The text recognises the ipS>v, which
WH reject.
prayers] We add ribbui, which the sense seems to require, though illegible in
the MS. On the use of the plural sign, see note, p. xl.
3. **3aa] If this is to be referred, as in our translation, to Ethp., the i is
absorbed, Hier. more, cf. Thes. Syr. 898 ; but it may be Aph., and then, perhaps,
in the sense of commemorate.
]acLX, a point of connection between this fragment and Num. iv. 47.
cul] Thes. Syr. 1171 gives Hier. Jk-a- for Syr. jiacu*; cf. above tOia*? Hier.
for our yOis?, also (2 Tim. i. 18 n.) ***> and Zi. The Palest, spelling is arbitrary.
iv. 3. cwi, with o in penultimate, a Palest, form; seeDuva,\,Gram.Syr. p. 90, n. 3.
1. 3. Jj] is not quite distinct: in Hier. we have Jicu>l as here in Pesh.
4. We restore (1. 4) o and (1. 6) ) as the lacunae require. Both the longer
JOOM and the shorter )OM occur in Hier.
,*,] Palest., the Heb. BHp, the Syriac forms being +.s+s> and U.?OA, see
Schaaf 496.
5. >JVCL*>^O and f?ouXL-.i] Apparently Palest.; )lci ..: (passio) is quoted in
7%<?j. ^yr. 1393 from Mar Ephr. ; see also 2 Tim. ii. 3 n. and p. xxii. n. i ; ]^oaL
and )i?cc^*.l occur in Hier., the root is not Syr.
y>o] Hier. and Chald.
]Li!tt in sense of Gentiles often in Hier. ; cf. Talm. fD a heretic, Levy s.v.
6. 1. 1 6. The restoration is almost certain, the translator connecting vv. 6
and 8 by the use of the same word, although the Greek is here irKtovfKTeiv, but
there
1 To object to this term, because introduced from the Hebrew, seems pedantic. It is retained
by the learned author of the Traite de Grammaire Syriaquc.
IN THE FRAGMENTS. xxxiii
1. 1 8, word i. The last syllable is not distinct, but doubtless we must read
the Hier. prep.^^a^ (Thes. Syr. 451) as in ver. 13, where (see collotype) the
form is certain.
^X . . . ow. (fKBiKos . . . irept) from ttAj, with the meaning which the Hebrew
root has in Is. i. 24, where Pesh. ^o )u/ ^^3)^9 ; cf. Gen. xxvii. 42 ap. Gesenium,
Thes. 874. jij+j Hier. appears to be used as Chald. DriJ consolari, see Thes. Syr. 2338.
He, Our Lord] So literally, and certainly suggesting the 6 before Kvpios, which
W H omit. The pronoun may even be used, Hard, more, as a rendering of 6.
I. 22. The first word is doubtful. If we could read ^x>\,? (y*> perficere)
the two verbs might be a free rendering of the Trpodirap. we have finished all we
have to say. The word however seems to be from ^N*-, Palest, for j3, to express
7Tp6. See further note on p. xl.
^ **W] Hier. for ?o*W-
7. iX] YP& a Heb., but not apparently a Syr. root. This particular form is
not in Buxtorf, and is probably Palest.
8. joo] The reading is certain, but is probably a mistake for o(o ilk (Thes.
Syr. 960), and so we have rendered it.
.o/ Hier.; the Greek ovv.
\JLJ] Not as ver. 1 1, but injure, afflict, perhaps contemn, like njy II in Heb., and
cf. )uoi V ascetic. In Hier., . o i.v gentle Mat. xi. 29, but xv. 24 answered, as ftiy I.
cf. Col. iv. 12; here and ver. 1 3 conjunctim.
See i. i, where it is written Jl^o**.
(and ver. 10)] Hier. pi. emph., see Thes. Syr. in.
The restoration can hardly be doubtful ; cf. Pesh. .oj^cui^o.
II. 20, 21 are very obscure, especially the latter. The reading seems to be
, and not the -*^. .*. of Pesh.
10. ^o] Hier., as JkOo=)bioi, Thes. Syr. 960. . <aX Hier, ; the Greek /zaXXoi/.
^Jio^A.] The reading appears to be certain (see the collotype). The translator
separated $iAor/i<-to-0ai from ^o-vxaC 1 ""? inverted nepis. and $tA., and rendered the
latter by the Peal of u*a*,. The usual meaning of u.-\j>, (in the Pael laudare) is
not unsuitable : Peal (though there does not seem to be an instance in Pesh. or the
Hexaplar) may here be used in the similar sense (Palest, perhaps) of giving honour.
We have also the Rabb. rOB> incrementum (Buxt. 2309, Levy ii. 447) and the verb
in the text may be connected with this as though <pi\. were a synonym fdr mpis.
in either case a poor translation. See also p. xli.
12. k-jwjcu.] In the sense of the Heb. TDM; cf. Chald. WllTOn Levy i. 272.
)lfc*aa* for KexapiTo>p.ei>T] occurs in Hard, and Hier. (Luc. i. 28), cf. )*m* p. n, 1. 5 ;
but in Hier. the root appears to have elsewhere the other sense of irridere.
e [II. 5-]
xxxiv NOTES ON THE VERSES
Hier.; for other spelling, see Thes. Syr. 1738.
y*i. is rather Chald. and Rabb. than Syr. Castell (Lex. Syr. p. 769) only
quotes Acts iv. 34 and Jloo^j. Prov. xxiv. 34.
THE RUBRIC. Zo] ' Jo-j_o reliquorum Syrorum/ Land, Anecd. Syr. iv. p. 204.
1] See John iv. 54 Hier. ' Valde vicina i-ol>/ Miniscalchi Erizzo.
In the second line, the form appears to be rtliooL^. ' Inc linationes in Liturgia
Missae sunt commemorationes pro vivis et defunctis secretae, ita dictae quia a
sacerdote inclinato proferrentur/ Assemani in Thes. Syr. col. 664.
S3] Other forms are yojlais, Castell, Bernstein; Rabb. }li>Bp, Buxtorf 2091.
13. ^VSv>] With ribbui, on such forms superfluous, but no diacritical point.
It must be taken as the passive, and a Palestinian contraction for ^.-^v^y
We have the Hier. r>-> \feoo for VdX/ia, John xxi. 12. The verb in Pa. means
to comfort and encourage, see Thes. Syr. 1878, Levy i. 400; but as -a\ is some-
times used for intellect, perhaps we might render ^i^wsc JJ without knowledge,
representing the ayvotiv.
1. 6. ypL (see collotype) has here clearly ribbui; see further note on p. xl.
P and Hi] See collotype. In ZZ* the second syllable is obscure ; we read
]&-.**., the Talmudic p>B> (Buxtorf '2384). The word is marked with ribbui, a
fern. (i.e. neut.) pi., 'the residue,' as though the translator had TO. \ourd. In Hier.
Mat. xxvii. 49 Lagarde reads l&^t** (ot Xowroi), but the MS. by a later hand has
the ribbui.
In 1. 7 {*A*;e Palest, is certainly to be read, as Mat. xxvi. 22 ; see note, p. xli.
2 TIMOTHY.
i. 10. Ail Palest., cf. Tit. ii. 7. It must have been preceded by JJ? for a
privative, the translator mistaking d<j>0ap<riav, or reading aQQaprov. See further
note on p. xli.
Jioeflo, 1. 7 ^>cimv>, 1. 9 Jj^-^ all Hier. forms.
u. ^*aoAol/ and 1. 1 1 k-uax*o] Palest., * as a mater lectionis, like the I in
2 Tim. ii. 7.
, 1. 12] One of the best examples in the fragments (see collotype) of the
shape of the inverted Pe. Line 14 gives a clear instance of a for (i) unaspirated p,
11. i, 4 of a for (ii) aspirated p, col. 2, 1. 12, of 9 for (iii) the Greek Phi. Although
the a in >m*v> is equivalent to a (i), yet it stands for TT rather than a, as the
verb m*a/ (Bar-Heb. ap. Thes. Syr. 3114) is borrowed from the aorist of irtida.
Cf. Duval, Gram. Syr. n, par. 3.
Hier. It is clear (see collotype) that here no point was used to distinguish
IN THE FRAGMENTS. xxxv
the/ar/. from the/r<?/. ; so apparently on p. 17, 11. 19, 21, 22, W, l<*a, and Ji/ ;
but in none of these cases is the meaning ambiguous.
I_>OA (and ver. 14) Pales/, in the form and with the meaning of Chald.
WHpB, Heb. |^i?3.
13. J-^j] #/'<?r. pi.; J^A*.] cf. i Thess. iv. 19.
14. h,ofiv] Palest, form, for the usual passive sense is unsuitable. Jicuaxx
incola occurs in Hier. Luke xxiv. 1 8.
\]a^>] Apparently Palest. In Hier. we have yQ^ as in Pesh. ; see This.
Syr. s. v. o^.
15. At the end of 1. 10 is a clear instance of the single stop which (Introd. p. viii)
is of rare occurrence in our MSS. Another is perhaps found at the end of
1. 4, P- 16.
1. 12. The MS. has hCoo.N*..^. i. *, the figure between <s and * showing two
shades of colour, as though a continuation of the .3 had been crossed by the upper
writing. This distinction is almost lost in the photograph, and the figure appears in
exaggerated blackness. I considered at first that there was an appendage to the &,
or a modification of the **, intended to indicate the sound of * in connection with
the vowel which the translator read after it. We might compare the modifications
of TT and of Greek vowels, mentioned by Duval, 25 b. But, in spite of the two
colours, and the elongation of the last stroke, I am willing to concur in the
suggestion of Mr. G. Margoliouth, that this stroke is part of a n at the end of the
crossing line, the last word of which would then make with the first of the line
following, the phrase mi?13 nNDID. The word "B is rather cramped for want
of space, but the final stroke of the last letter is extended. The phrase "a "B
occurs in the middle of the line above. The form ., y^^o would stand for
Phigilos, but the first vowel may perhaps represent the v in <J>uy. Land (op. cit.
p. 214) quotes dn.iv>> > as occurring several times for Qvo-is in the Fragmenta
Theologica Petropolitana. The Greek vowels were either confused by our trans-
lator (cf. Col. iv. 12) or represented inconsistently. In the next two names, he
uses the same vowel letter () for 17. On X or XX, cf. note on i Thess. i. i.
unu^cusojo*] The o seems to represent 'Epfwyfvrjs, rather than 'Epp. On the
forms of Phigelus and Hermogenes in the MSS., cf. Tisch. in loc.
)jcu*] This form of the adjective is frequent in Hier., see Thes. Syr. 128.
1 6. ^oo^ >] With w in the first syllable, Palest.
*^o] With rtbbui, and apparently always. Cf. Tit. ii. 2, 1. 13 and note.
to/] We read 9 ; the point is faintly legible in the word written across. The
form will be the Aph. of >^9 Ithpa. "npriN refigeravit se, Buxtorf 2153.
17. Jcooi] As in the subscription to Colossians. The form is usually
e a
xxxvi NOTES ON THE VERSES
or tocoot) ('Pw/iTj), see Schaafs. v., and Bernstein's Lexicon, p. 471. Ours corre-
sponds rather to Roma, and is perhaps a Latinism.
1 8 (also 1 6). yk-.] The Heb. form. Hier. (Thes. Syr. s.v.) has for the verb^fco,
but .fco gives a noun, which Lagarde at Mark xv. 45 writes Jo6^j*>, but at Mat.
vii. 11, in the plural, ^Jokoo.
1. 5. We had ^,.vi ,.>' p. 17, 1. 16; here the MS. appears to have JTj
scriptio defectiva.
1. ii. **] A clear instance (for here there is no upper writing) that the
participle was not usually distinguished by a point; see note on 1. 13, ver. 12.
:] This stop is here, and apparently in some other places, final, and not
subordinate.
ii. i. H] Cf. i Thess. iv. n. Here )>fn,.; cf. Joojj above. Scrip. pi. is
perhaps in place of dagesh forte, for Buxtorf (798) gives XTiDH, but that word
apparently always follows the other meaning reproach. ^, see p. 19, 1. 10.
2. f*^ in the sense of trader e is specially, though not exclusively, Hier., and
is the Heb. 1D.
.-*vo)^>] In Hier. we have the common form Jo3S. Stoddard (in Thes. Syr.
235) gives the modern form ^<jt, which is like the Palest, form as read here
and i Thess. iv. 14.
aoo] The Hier. JLo? or u^jo, cf. Thes. Syr. 840, Miniscalchi Erizzo s.v.
It represents the reading IKOVOI rather than BwaroL .cvft\I Pales/, form.
3. A.CU*] The root in Hier., as in ordinary Syriac, means pati; cf. .jto-noa
(Col. iv. 13) a Palest, form, as it seems, for )>_. passio. ^X *- (Thes. Syr.
1389) usually means to be compassionate, a meaning hardly suitable here. The
three words are, no doubt, an attempt to render (rvyKaKOTrdOjjvov, and show that the
translator had that reading before him.
4. 1. 8. In the sense of involve oneself, Ethpe. and Ethpa. are both used
according to Thes. Syr. 1824-1825; the Pe. occurs in Hier.
1. 9. ]l ? ,..~.\, Mat. xxiii. 5 Hier. \. 10. v? ^?] Cf. Chald. |^ ille.
1. 12. jaa**] Palest, in form; Pesh. &j.
5. I/] Palest., representing the d6\t~iv. Chald. plB (Buxt. 921) does not quite
give the meaning; oi^ is doubtful, Thes. Syr. 1527, but adj. Jos^ occurs with the
meanings of nobilis and strenuus.
6. )on->/] Hier. and Chald., Thes. Syr. 381, Levy i. 68.
%3a] oportet, as Mat. xxv. 27, John iv. 24, Hier. In both places Lagarde
also edits^,aj ; emendation therefore (see Thes. Syr. 2416) seems unnecessary.
**)OCLO] John i. 27 Lagarde edits Jj*xb. 'A Dip, ad Hier. dialecti consuetu-
dinem/ Miniscalchi Erizzo s. v.
IN THE FRAGMENTS. xxxvii
//. emph. of the Hier. and Chald. NT'S.
7. ioi in Syriac is stupere, Cast. 955; here the word has the meaning of the
Heb. lin and represents the vo'ei.
lliW] For the form compare fc^-*^l/ 2 Tim. i. n. There is no stop
legible after this word ; we supply one, otherwise the ^ would depend on what
precedes, as though the reading were Xe'yw o-ot ; but what the text was a pr. m. is
uncertain.
TITUS.
i. n, 1. i. a^, with pron. suf., occurs in Hier., see Thes. Syr. 882; it here
represents the x"/""* an d the preceding ^aa () seems superfluous, but we have
^i^. ^so John iii. 3 Hier. cf. the compounds in Duval 296 ; in line n aST is
followed by a particle. ^ might be the Greek /*/, \tt\v, as so often in Hard, but
there is nothing in the original to countenance this.
12. Jia^-i] Apparently Palest.; other forms, and the verbal root, occur in
Syr. and Chald.
THE GLOSS. Although in smaller characters, this is written in a good
and ancient hand, and is not necessarily later than the text. It ascribes the
words to Epimenides alone, whereas in Hard, we read c*o-oo>:^*.2>{> Joc~o
jui*oo uai4vi l >\\la??o *)u*.^...jj5 )ooo_.o, a divination of Epimenides the
Cretan diviner, and of Callimachus the Cyrenian.
With mat. led., like ^v^ etc. ; see 2 Tim. ii. i n.
Palest., cf. the Chald. D?PP; the Syrians spell with ., as in the
Harclean gloss.
1. 6. >/] If the reading be certain, it is a mistake for ^33. _^^oos semper
is frequent in Hier., cf. Thes. Syr. 2800.
Jcu*] A Palest, plural form, the (), which we have supplied, being illegible;
or it is the singular, used as a collective.
13. io] The Chald. B^p, so (ver. 14) OA = KDtPIp; cf. Heb. DtPp, parallel
with DDK Prov. xxii. 21. In Syr. the t3 is changed to I, and the usual form
is jks-fc-o-o.
y*o a^,] See note on ver. 1 1 and Num. v. 3.
i^] The restoration can hardly be doubtful. The adverb occurs at i Cor.
xv. 52 Pesh. as a translation of fv drd/i&). Perhaps the translator intended some-
thing similar here reprove in a moment, eagerly; either mistaking the aTroro'^wf, or
having another reading.
14. Z5T] The reading appears certain; the form must be part. pass, (but in
a middle sense) of Pael or Aphel. In the latter, and in Peal, the word often occurs
xxxviii NOTES ON THE VERSES
as injicere. Bernstein (Lexicon, p. 486) cites from Assemani ^**o> part. Peil
'de fluminibus quae se injiciunt.' It is a strong rendering of Trpoaexovrfs. Pesh.
has Ethpe. yCLaoifco JJo, 'et ne adjiciant se,' but var. lect. yCLttffco, 'attendant;'
see Schaaf Lex. pp. n8, 551.
1. 22. Pesh. has the curious reading ^imf, who hate the truth. In our text
the last part of the word Sej is illegible, but the third letter is almost certainly o,
and not ro, which the Pesh. reading requires ; therefore we restore ^afio^.
Aph. often has the meaning avertere, Thes. Syr. 1038 ; our form may be a pass., or
intrans. participle, representing the amoaTp<$op.tv<i>v. In Hier. (Mat. xvii. 17, Luke
ix. 41) we have ^dot^o for Sitarpapnivr) in the former place Lagarde points i*5otaa.
15. okooc (11. 4, 9) a pass, part., cf. Num. v. 3.
1. 5. Here apparently with in the second syllable, cf. 2 Tim. ii. i.
1. 8. This seems to be Palest, for Chald. and Syr. ^9. There being only
one letter between ^ and o, we read ^{_ao, a contracted form ; cf. ^jsoo^so for
^a_ooo 2 Tim. ii. 2, Jicul (ut vid.) i Thess. iv. 3, 9} Num. iv. 49, and ^for i*^.
1 6. In the first word of 1. 12, ao, **, ^ are distinct, and there is room in the
lacuna for too ; we therefore read ^*.v>*x>, which in Hier. is usually Peal, but
Aphel occurs in John i. 36. The translator misunderstood ffttvat, or had in his
copy I8e1v or Idea-dai. Col. iv. 17 -m^n/- stands for Xrf.
1. 19. ^5 in this sense Palest, and Chald., cf. Luke xvi. 15 Hier.
1. 21. ^o/ Hier. The word is followed by a small lacuna, with a trace of an
initial -. We therefore read jctt/Xi* as Pesh.
ii. 2. SM] The reading seems certain. / is mat. lect.; with ? (e.g. i. 13) the
shorter form occurs. Cf./em. |oot in Hier., Thes. Syr. 986.
3. in like manner] Literally so and thus; the formula is Hier., and ^o in the
sense of so, is specially, though not exclusively, Hier.
I. 9. The adjective, in the sing., and with j, clearly agrees with raiment. They
read Itponpeirft.
II. 11,15. fr ft Y\ a^j] In each case with, as it seems, a Palest.fem.pl. termi-
nation. For inserted I, cf. ylooM (srd/>/. m.) 1. i sup., \Jo^ (ist/>/. j/i) p. 17,
1. 6, w{oo (zn&pl.fem. imperat!) ii. 2 n. ; also ^vi>'UtL> 1. 16 inf., \. in Aph.fut.
1. 12. An obscure line, (i) U is required as the first word, (ii) the first and last
two letters of the second word are legible, and we restore .Q.NV> in agreement
with the reading, p. 23, 1. 2 the Shaphel as in Pesh. Eshtaphal forms occur in
Hier.
1. 13. The second word, in the present state of the MS., appears to terminate
in a y, but probably is not to be so read, for ;ju* is in the sing. The adjective
o has ribbui, as fol. i r a, 1. 1 5, etc., and perhaps was so pointed, by a fancy
IN THE FRAGMENTS. xxxix
of the Palest, scribes, to distinguish it from the adverb u^o valde. The latter
does not occur in our fragments.
4. U>] Aph. Palest, form; in Pesh., etc., Pa. is used in this sense.
)l)uS^, with \ inserted, Palest., cf. note on 1. n, and the Chald. pi. Wl^tD,
Levy i. 303. We add ribbui, which is legible in I S j ver. 6.
I. 19, et inf., ypo masc . suf. for /em., apparently Palest. Cf. Col. iv. 16 and note.
II. 20, 21, and (4 v b) 1. 3, the restorations are obvious. ^OM as in Hier.
1. 22. An instance of the : , which is so frequently found (see Lagarde) in the
Vatican Evangelistarium. The same stop occurs below, 4 v b, 1. 22.
5, 1. i. The first three letters of the first word are clear, and the meaning
must be such as we have expressed, although there is no exact parallel in the
references in Thes. Syr. or Buxtorf. The phrase represents oiKovpyovs rather than
OlKOVpOVS.
1. 4. ii] There is apparently a dot above the > (cf. note on ^ i Thess. i. 2)
although the letter is, of course, d. Perhaps the dot indicates Ethpa., see Thes.
Syr. 659, the verb only occurring in this and in the Pa.; but probably it is a
mistake.
1. 9. The first letter is distinct. Pesh. has u^>a Jliaot.
7- ^fr*^ Hier. ; cf. Col. iv. 12 n. de, propfer (Thes. Syr. s. v.) as if ndvrav;
see p. xxi.
>] The Greek 8e, and common in Hier. We have had before the ordinary
form ~?, e.g. cap. ii. i.
I^J The Heb. D"ii : in this sense very common in Hier., very rare in other
Syriac ; see Thes. Syr. s. v.
1. 13. 5Jj] The Greek TWOS. In other Syriac (Thes. Syr. s. v.) the form is
The third letter is somewhat obscure, but is almost certainly , although
;r requires &.
JJA^O/] As ver. i.
1. 15. <3i JJj Cf. 2 Tim. i. 10, p. 16; here to represent dcpdoptav, as there
(apparently) for dtydapo-iav, but the preceding line has perished. The verb (\S>9 or
asi) perhaps had in Palest, a neuter meaning, spoiled, destroyed. Cf. u3* laxare,
also the Heb. r\ST\, in the phrase D1TI ""I Jud. xix. 9.
1. 19. A lacuna of about two letters, but not enough for the termination Ji.
The restoration is supported by Pesh. o^ r"^^ +JJ Uo, and this verb* occurs in
Hier., but not the form Juxx=>.
1. 20. y?o as well as ^.?o is quoted from Hier.', the Chald. pin.
1. 22. We restore in agreement with the lotsu of Pesh.
ADDITIONAL NOTES.
The sign of the plural.
In the note on i Thess. i. 2 (p. xxxii) we remarked that the plural form ^l
seems regularly to have been written with ribbui in our fragments. Clear examples
may be seen on Plate II, col. 2, 1. 1, and especially 1. 13. The same plate shows
the plural form ypoL with (") in col. i, 1. 18, and col. 2, 1. 6, but the points are not
legible in col. i, 1. 13, or col. 2, 1. 3. Again, such distinctly plural forms as ^Jji9
and .--*"" ct^ may be seen in the middle of the plate with the ("), while other
examples abound in the fragments. We may conclude that it was the custom to
make a free, and often superfluous, use of these points; which is the more
remarkable because, as we have seen (e. g. 2 Tim. i. 18, p. xxxvi), the diacritical
point, which is frequently desirable to distinguish the participle from the preterite,
was usually neglected by the scribe.
If we compare Plate XVIII of the Brit. Mus. Cat. of Syr. MSS. with the
transcript in Lagarde (p. 311) of the same passage (Mat. xxvi. 56-64) we see
this custom with respect to the plurals prevailing both in the older leaf and in the
eleventh-century Roman MS. On the other hand the later Brit. Mus. texts do
not exhibit such a free use of the ribbui, according to the facsimiles on Plates XIX
and XX ; the former being from a MS. which Wright assigned to the tenth or
eleventh century, the latter from a codex at least a century younger.
.i^S.^. i Thess. iv. 6.
This word will strike the reader as the most curious in our text ; but when we
have acquired a wider knowledge of the Palestinian dialect than the remains, which
are now available, afford, it may be found that many words, borrowed from the
Arabic and elsewhere, were in common use for the most ordinary expressions.
To confirm my own conclusion about the reading, I asked Professor D. S.
Margoliouth to make an independent examination of the place, which he very
kindly did, and has written to me as follows :
' I have strained a good deal over the Syriac word, and think ^J_aJ^*.? the right reading of
it. I presume the natural Syriac for irpofiirafttv would be *J39( iaaO ; now it certainly is the
case that in Arabic the verb i_qLjj means something very like oj> ; the Arabic lexicons give
.jjj as its equivalent. "Payment in advance" in Arabic is LtJL*, xjjJl. The verb in the second
form (Pa"el) means "to send before," praemittere. If therefore the reading of the radical letters
be right, it is difficult to avoid the conjecture that this is a dialectic variety for
ADDITIONAL NOTES. xli
Dr. Payne Smith, taking the same view, writes :
'The Arabic >_-pl..* is to anticipate in time, prevent. Bat it seems strange that the trans-
lator should have gone out of his way when so common a phrase as *J4J( ^139 * was at his
hand. Modern Syriac, which often goes to the Arabic, gives us no help, as &X*. is to dislocate
a joint, evidently a sense taken from .a\^. to draw out (a sword), but also a joint.'
According to Miniscalchi Erizzo, &^* only occurs in Hier, once (John xviii. 10)
and is used in the sense of extrahere.
..ji-i (Plate II, col. i, /. 6) i Thess. iv. 10.
Although the reading of the text of our MS. can hardly be anything but the
pres. part., it is possible that the original reading was ^*.-i,. The omission of a
w, in a word of this form, is an error from which even the most careful scribe is
not always exempt. The Syiiac would then exactly represent Ti/m<r0m, either
because the translator had that word in his Greek, or because he misunderstood
<f>i\orip.fi<T0ai ; and "-^ would not be unsuitable to the context that ye be held
in abundant honour (through your integrity) being peaceable and laborious.
^^_\a (Plate II, col. 2, /. 7) i Thess. iv. 13.
The form is not distinct, the second syllable being suggestive of <*x, and
^a^aa occurs in Pesh., although here it has a different phrase, ^oa^ J-.^>.
But there can be no doubt that we must read the Hier. form, which we have
adopted, the Heb. p1. Several examples are cited in Thes. Syr. s. v.
>L (Plate III, col. i,l. i) 2 Tim. i. 10.
According to Dr. Land this form is a noun in Theologica Petropolitana, fr. 50.
It occurs in the phrase ,ai Jl? ^*^o, and in the vocabulary in Anecd. Syr. iv. he
writes { inquisitio (?).' But if we allow a possible error in the gender, it may be
a verb (3rd fem. fut.) as it is in our text.
MS. fol. 3 r.
On the top of the page (see Plate III) is an obscure word, probably the heading
MS. fol 4 v.
On the top of this page we find, in an early hand, the following form :
X
X rrffoir^ X
i. e. ' Epistle/ This is a confirmation of the view we have taken (see p. xix) that
our fragments belonged to a complete copy of St. Paul's Epistles, and not to
a Service Book.
TITUS 77.5-8.
MS. 4 v b
dering the affairs of ^*<
their houses, good, in
subjection to their
husbands, that the
word of God may
not be blasphemed. ^Acn JMQ .6
And of those who
are young men in cicn
like manner be be-
seeching that they
n
ver. 7
be prudent. On ac-
count of everything
moreover, present thy-
self a type of good
works, in doctrine
which may not be
corrupted, which is in
. ___ 3 ver. 8
faith in the sure word
which is not despised;
in order that he
who riseth in op- ^ OP 3 ^ -^T^-A 20
position [ may be
ashamed ] when
TITUS II. 2-5.
let them be gentle,
wise, firm in faith,
in love, in patience.
The aged women in
like manner let them
be in raiment which
becometh godliness.
Not calumniators, not
devoted to much
wine. But let them
be good teachers, that
they make the young
women prudent, that
they be loving to
their husbands, that
they be loving to
their children, prudent,
holy, and may be or-
ai TITUS 7. 1577. 2.
_ MS. 4 r b
the truth. Everything r<lACV^, r^lAJLCUD ver. 15
are hateful, and not *""
is pure to the pure;
but to those who are t *! f * \Cfl
defiled and do not
believe there is no-
thing whatever pure,
but also their mind is
defiled and their con-
science ; and they are
10
professing that they ^Ucm ^ICISQO ver. 16
are seeing God, and
in their works they
are denying Him, and
obedient, and to every
good work reprobate. %
But do thou speak ^ &tr^
that which becometh [r%lf<lA'
the sound doctrine. [r^L^XAjL]
Their aged men %^CQAfv Y i Y P ver. a
TITUS /. 11-14.
on account of polluted
gain. Saith one, he
a prophet of them,
'
w ' that the sons of
2 <T>
2- 2.
5* ' K'rita <zr in all their
j
2 | time liars, evil beasts,
-
W 3"
*? & idle bellies. This
i? 3
3 witness is true, there-
>p
fore sharply be re-
proving them, that
they may be firm
in the faith, and
may not be throw-
ing themselves away
unto words of the
Jews, and unto com-
mandments of the
sons of men, who
turn away from
i 9 a TIMOTHY II. 2-7.
MS. 3 v b
may teach others.
Bear up against evil, * ^ JC-OU ver. 3
as the good warrior Vf\aCT3
of Jesus the Christ. V
No man who warreth,
... . . ver. 4
warreth and involveth %
JJL_JL
himself in the business
of the world : that he \_
CT3 OlT-A-^ x ^
may please him who
enrolled him; and if
a man strive he is not ^rsG :iCV2tX.a ver. 5
crowned except law-
fully he do strive.
The husbandman who
laboureth, it behoves
that he first of the - %
>f<I_!>3.JD CT3.\
fruits should be eat-
20
ing. Consider that \^rt r?m-*
which I myself f^lAr^l f^LW lOOl ver, 7
have said; to thee V^
C 2
a TIMOTHY I. 17 //. a. 18
MS.
to Roma, he sought
me diligently and
found me. May the
Lord grant him that fCtW CQ.\ ^^\a ver. 18
he may find mercy
with Him in that
day; and every way
that he ministered to
me at Ephesus thou
knowest well. Thou *r* U!<a^ xo
. u r , ^r% oir% :^.T ". i
therefore, my son, be
strong in the grace,
**
that which is in our
Lord Jesus the Christ;
rs. u, \ T rw 15
and those things which % \
O\S?^QJLl ^X\CT3O ver. a
thou hast heard from
me, by the hand of
many witnesses, these
deliver to faithful men, ^ ,^ J ,,,_^ ^ 20
those who shall be XlCli*! r-^ 1
% \
fit; that they also
a TIMOTHY /. 14-17.
MS. 3 r b
the Christ. The good
deposit keep in the F^ *^^j f^-lOTDak ver.i 4
Holy Spirit, this One
who dwelleth in the
midst of us. Thou V"
ver. 15
knowest this, that
there have turned
themselves from me
all those who are in .r^juujr^n 10
Asia; of whom one
is Phlgllos and the
other HermOgenls.
May the Lord grant
mercies to the house . ^^ *^O\* ver. it
JLAl 16
of Onlsephoros, for
many times he re-
freshed my Spirit,
and of my chain he >UXJLJLAJ^JW 20
>
was not ashamed ;
but when he came
[n. 5.] c
2 TIMOTHY I. 10-13. 16
MS. 3 r a
be abolished, in the
ver. 12
gospel; that for which OVi^^xJDoOir^l ver. n
I am appointed a lO^J^ cra-A
herald and an apos- .ftA^QO >niX.Q
tie, and a teacher. fVtCT3
For the sake of this
cause, I also endure
these things, but I am
not ashamed; for I
know in whom I have *"*^ ' ""* " **
believed, and I am
persuaded that He
A *\ i 0031
is able to keep my
deposit to that day.
orw^a^ui cicra^ 15
Let there be with
ver. 13
thee the pattern
of the sound words,
those which thou
hast heard from me ^-...- . -^J-^TU 20
in faith and in love
which is in Jesus
15 i THESSALONIANS IV. 13-15.
MS. 2 v b
We do not wish, t-*^>c* f^ OFLiA ver.i 3
brethren, that ye
should not be [?] tak-
ing heart on account of
those who sleep, that
ye be not sorrowing x
like all that which
also the rest are, those
Ul 1^1 t__A_^lT3 10
who have not hope; :il afio ^\on-\
for if we believe that ^i 1 *73CQ^Q "i^ ^T^ver.i 4
Jesus died and rose,
so also will God
15
% % %
those who have fallen
asleep in Jesus him-
ir u vi IT- r%OUjkJ^9 Gen
self bring with Him.
For this we say to
20
^ . \ ^!^
you in the word of
the Lord, that we
i THESSALONIANS IV. u, 13.
to all the brethren
who are in Makedo-
nia. But we beseech
of you, brethren, that
ye be the more increas-
ing [? giving honour]
and abounding, and
that ye be quiet and
occupied in your occu-
pations, and that ye be
labouring with your
hands, according to all
which we commanded
you; that ye be walk-
ing piously towards
those who are without,
and that of man ye be
not at all in need.
Lesson the second ;
Kephalion of Inclination.
333333333
> V
20
333333333
i THESSALONIANS IV. 7-10.
MS. a rb
to you and testified.
For God did not call IWP 1^!%-* ver. 7
you unto filthiness,
, p ^ x
but unto holiness. JL \~^<* V -^
c>rc<jlCvXTpA f^ Xr> ">
That one therefore, -^ ^Gr^ l<bcr> ver.s
whosoever oppresseth,
of man he is not an 1^ \ S Can
P^orAt<^
oppressor, but of God, ^
CI9OWdi
who hath put his Holy
10
Spirit within you. \ \ v ^ ^ rt v ,
_*^ \- ^CVlACx^^l ver. 9
Concerning, however,
love of the brethren,
ye do not need that I <
should write to you.
For ye yourselves
are taught of God
that ye should love ^.c^ov* ^^ajjcn^i 20
one another. For be- ^Vnn . ^^ *v \ *~
hold ye are doing it caX
i THESSALONIANS IV. 3-6. 12
MS. ara
of God, your sancti- ^Cl^LlCtD rCGQJkfV'l iv. 3
fication, that ye keep
aloof from fornication,
and that every man *^.IA r^fcl [CTlJ^lG ver. 4
should know, of you, *^CL_2k-l_^Q ^Jif^ ACV-k 5
to be keeping his
own vessel, in honour
and in holiness; not
in passion of desire, 3E-CX. JJL !tQ^ r<-A ver. 5
according to all that !<ScLJ5Q_^jOfn 10
which the Gentiles
do, those who know
not God; that no
man be transgressing f^lAl of^cnAr^Ljk ver. 6
and [oppressing] his %-if^ r^CY2_* 15
brother in the matter,
because that He, our
Lord, shall take ven-
geance on account .\v. ^jj.5Q CICI3
of all these things, ^orAoA ,n,\j 20
according to all that
which we before said
ii i THESSALONIANS I. 1-3.
to the congregation
of the Thesalonikaije
in God the Father,
and in our Lord Jesus
the Christ. Grace
be with you and
peace, from God,
our Father, and from
our Lord Jesus the
Christ. We give
thanks to God, at
every time, for the
sake of you all ; and
we have made the
memorials of you,
in our prayers; with-
out ceasing remem-
bering the work of
your faith, and the
labour of [your] love
B2
MS.ivb
\
^^^M \ '
^^^T V
00CUQQU 10
ver. 2
15
ver. 3
CT3T^3O.^,\ CV3&U
r^&iCtrgXd
20
Epistle of the Thesalo-
nikaijd, The First.
COLOSSIANS IV. 18. i THESSALONIANS I. i. 10
MS.iv
Remember ye them,
even my bonds.
May grace be with
you.
Ended is the Epistle
which i5 to the Kolosaije.
Now it was written from
Roma, and was sent
with Ticikos, and with
[Onjisimos. can *i > m i [-*or* > ] >i ^.o n
1. 1
Paulos and Silvanos
'5
* &
and TimOtheos c
9 COLO SSI ANS IV. 15-18.
MS. irb
lute the brethren, - ngn^n\ *T*I
those who are in
Ladikija, and Num-
phas, and also the
Church which is in
her house. And
when there shall be rCHjaaiOl "C^O ver. 16
read before you this
epistle, cause that
also in the Church rtfin^a F&lGr<*t 10
of Ladikija it be
read : also do ye
read this one which
is in Ladikija. And f<jJ3ATaSl f^lCI3 14
say also to Archipos, SiOr^ O-v^Or^O ver. 17
Look to the minis-
try, this which thou
didst receive in the
Lord, that thou fulfil
it. The salutation Af^ \ Y : CT3uVa ver. 18
by my hand, of >%r^L3 fwS^l i iT a 21
me Paulos myself.
[II. 5.] B
COLOSSIANS IV. 12-15. 8
% MS. i r ft
There saluteth you *J^~
Epaphros, he who OCI3
f^^\e^ ^BM ^^
is of you, a servant
of Jesus the Christ, CtoCL-fla_*l
he who at every time
OCT3
striveth on your be-
half in prayer, that
ye may stand perfect
and complete in all +^M .-^w i u i * ~^r m, 10
the will of God. For
I bear witness con-
cerning him that he * ^
hath great anxiety "^
J^CijJL^O ^^.^^ GT2.\ i -
on behalf of you, and
for those who are in
Ladlklja and in Ji-
heropolls. There
saluteth you Lucas, ^^ ^. , , -- , ^ ^^ -, . t
the physician; and r^LuCbf^ Cn.ncOi
Demas. Sa- Cwif^JL : QQj^QlO ver. 15
NUMBERS V. 6-8.
MS.vb
. ver. 5
[shall do] any offence [f^OV\] *V4V Actl^ [l*^ v] ve r. 6
of the sons of men,
and who a transgres-
sion shall transgress,
and the soul shall it-
self sin ; let him recount * .CnftU*
the offence which he
did, and let him pay
the sin which is upon
him, and let him add
unto it one of five,
and let him pay to \
him against whom he ~
i .- , r%CVXft fV \ H*l ^J^ ver. 8
sinned. If, however,
10
the man have not him
oA
who is near to him, so
that he may pay the sin, t^A\ *\ if *^\ \>1 15
NUMBERS V. 3, 4. 6
MS. va
. ver. 3
_*
the camp, and let
them not defile your
camps, those in which r^Lir^i *\
I am. And thus did the
sons of Israll ; and sent
them away out from
the camp; according
"^-"v *~y w _r^? 10
^_. ji _ _.
to that which the Lord
commanded Moshe, so
did the sons of Israll. e JjuTJQauAr% >i?.*i
NUMBERS IV. 49 V. 2.
MS.rb
. ver. 48
* * * * * * * * ver. 49
%
them, by the hand of
Moshe; man by man
for his works, and for
those things which \ \
they bear. And they
: .inmi
were numbered ac-
cording to that which
the Lord commanded
Moshe.
And the Lord spake fCtSQ *XX3QUCa P .v
with Moshe and was f^-JLCU^Q '* 3 -^- ll
saying : Command the 1*P^ :%^3r<ta ver. a
sons of Israil, and let
them send away out
NUMBERS IV. 46, 47. 4
MS.ra
. ver.46
[Moshe and Aharon] [,
and the 'Princes <* > ^ Vo
ver. 47
of twenty and five
in the Tabernacle fvLJLj^ZJMJd 15
of Israll [numbered]
the Livije in their _i^ v* \ V
fS* fcCl. i.,,1 \
multitudes according
to the house of their
(
fathers, from a son
years and upwards,
unto a son of fifty
V ^*l w *^ X
years ; every one who I * ^O-JJ
entereth unto the
works of the services ;
and the services
which were borne
I0
CONTENTS
OF
THE FIVE FRAGMENTS
I
PAGES
Numbers IV. 46, 47; IV. 49 V. 2; V. 3, 4; V. 6-8 . . . 4-7
II.
Colossians IV. 12-18; i Thessalonians I. 1-3 .... 8-u
III.
1 Thessalonians IV. 3-15 ........ 12-15
IV.
2 Timothy I. 10 II. 7 . . . , 16-19
V.
Titus I. ii II. 8 20-23
[MS. Syr. c. 4 Bibl. Bodl.]
[II. 50 A 2
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